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Presented  to  the 

LIBRARY  of  the 

UNIVERSITY  OF  TORONTO 

by 

MOFFATT  ST.  ANDREW  WOODSIDE 

1970 


CORNELII    TACITI 

ANNALIUM    AB  EXCESSU  DIVI  AUGUSTI  LIBRI 

THE 

ANNALS    OF    TACITUS 

EDITED 

WITH    INTRODUCTION    AND    NOTES 

BY 

HENRY  FURNEAUX 
VOL.    II.       BOOKS    XI— XVI 


SECOND  EDITION,  REVISED  BY 
H.  F.  PELHAM  AND  C.  D.  FISHER 

WITH  A  MAP 


OXFORD 

AT   THE   CLARENDON    PRESS 

M  CM  VII 


HENRY  FROWDE,  M.A., 

PUBLISHER  TO  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  OXFORD 

LONDON,   EDINBURGH 

NEW   YORK   AND    TORONTO 


T3Fs 


PREFACE 

At  the  issue  of  this  new  edition  of  Books  XI-XVI 
of  the  Annals  \t  is  right  to  state  shortly  what  has  been 
done.  Furneauxs  edition  of  the  Annals  is  historical 
and  critical,  and  the  revision  has  been  twofold.  The 
late  Professor  Pelham  undertook,  and  immediately  before 
his  death  completed,  the  historical  revision ;  the  writer 
of  this  preface  undertook  the  critical  revision.  The 
historical  revision,  which  involved  the  examination  of 
all  the  history  contained  in  the  introductions  and  notes 
to  the  text,  was  by  far  the  heavier  task.  Some  passages 
in  the  commentary  have  been  omitted,  other  passages 
corrected.  There  have  also  been  considerable  addi- 
tions. The  important  additions  have  been  bracketed 
and  initialed.  The  general  result  is  that  the  bulk  of 
the  notes  is  diminished. 

With  regard  to  the  critical  side,  the  text  has  been 
made  to  conform  to  that  of  the  Oxford  Classical 
Texts,  and  the  notes  on  the  text  have  been  readjusted 
accordingly.  As  on  the  historical  side,  there  have  been 
some  omissions  and  some  additions,  and  the  additions, 
when  of  any  importance,  have  been  bracketed  and 
initialed. 

The  purpose  of  both  revisers  was  to  preserve  the 
broad  characteristics  of  Furneaux  s  work ;  where  altera- 
tions or  suggestions  have  been  made  it  has  been  on 
the  strength  of  new  information. 

C.  D.  F. 

March  1907. 


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INTRODUCTION 


Ihapter  I.  On  the  Text  of  these  Books,  and  the  second  Medicean  manuscript. 
Chapter  II.  Summary  of  the  principal  events  between  the  end  of  the  Sixth  and 

beginning  of  the  Eleventh  Book. 
[Chapter  III.  On  the  view  given  by  Tacitus  of  the  character  and  government  of 

Gains,  Claudius,  and  Nero. 
Chapter  IV.  The  Roman  relations  with  Parthia  and  Armenia  from  the  time  of 

Augustus  to  the  death  of  Nero. 
Chapter  V.  The  conquest  of  Britain  under  Claudius  and  Nero. 


CHAPTER  I 


ON  THE  TEXT  OF  THESE  BOOKS   AND  THE  SECOND 
MEDICEAN  MANUSCRIPT.! 

That  which  is  now  known  as  the  second  Medicean  MS.  of  Tacitus  is 
a  manuscript  in  Lombard  characters,  generally  assigned  to  the  latter  half 
of  the  eleventh  century,  and  thought  by  Ritter  to  have  been  one  of  the 
many  transcripts  of  works  of  ancient  authors  made  at  that  date  in  the 
great  monastery  of  Monte  Casino. 

The  latter  part  of  the  MS.  consists  of  the  works  of  Apuleius,  and  contains 
the  following  subscription,  *  Ego  Sallustius  legi  et  emendavi  Romae  felix 
Olybrio  et  Probino  cons.  .  .  .  Rursus  Constantinopoli  recognovi  Caesario 
et  Attico  conss.'  These  dates  are  respectively  a.d.  395  and  397,  and  are 
taken  to  be  those  of  the  transcription  and  revision  of  the  archetypal  MS. ; 
but  whether  the  same  archetype  or  another  of  the  same  date  contained 
the  Tacitus,  as  well  as  the  Apuleius  here  copied,  is  in  no  way  evident. 

Nothing  appears  to  be  known  of  the  history  of  this  MS.  until  the  time 
of  Poggio  Bracciolini,  who  received  it  at  Rome  in  1427  from  Nicola 

!  The  matter  of  this  chapter  is  chiefly  second  edition  of  Orelli,  and  from  that  of 
derived  from  the  Preface  of  Baiter  to  the       Ritter  to  his  edition  of  1864. 


[2]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  I 

Nicoli  of  Florence,  one  of  the  agents  employed  by  him  for  collecting 
manuscripts.  In  acknowledging  its  receipt,  Bracciolini  writes  as  follows 
(Oct.  2i),  'Misisti  mihi  librum  Senecae,  et  Cornelium  Tacitum,  quod  est 
mihi  gratum  :  at  is  est  litteris  longobardis  et  maiori  ex  parte  caducis,  quod 
si  scissem,  liberassem  te  eo  labore.  Legi  olim  quemdam  apud  uos 
manens  litteris  antiquis  ;  nescio  Coluciine  esset  an  alterius.  Ilium  cupio 
habere  uel  alium  qui  legi  possit :  nam  difficile  erit  reperire  scriptorem, 
qui  hunc  codicem  recte  legat ;  ideo  cura  ut  alium  habeam,  si  fieri  potest/ 
On  further  examination,  he  appears  to  have  determined  not  to  keep  it, 
and  writes  again  to  Nicoli  (June  5,  1428):  *Dedi  Bartholomaeo  de 
Bardis  decadem  Livii  et  Cornelium  Tacitum,  ut  illos  ad  te  mittat :  in  tuo 
Cornelio  deficiunt  plures  chartae  uariis  in  locis/  The  manuscript  thus 
returned  to  Nicoli  was  bequeathed  by  him  to  the  Convent  of  St.  Mark  ; 
as  appears  by  an  inscription  upon  it,  *  Conventus  S.  Marci  de  Florentia 
Ordinis  Praedicatorum  de  hereditate  Nicolai  Nicoli  Florentini  viri 
doctissimi.'  From  thence  it  was  transferred  to  the  Laurentian  Library, 
where  it  is  at  present  preserved.  The  manuscript  is  written  on  parch- 
ment, and  the  portion  containing  Tacitus  must  have  consisted  when 
complete  of  105  leaves  (now  reduced  to  103  by  the  loss  of  two  leaves 
containing  respectively  Hist.  i.  69-75,  and  H.  i.  86-2.  2),  and  contains 
all  that  we  have  of  these  later  Books  of  the  Annals  and  the  whole  extant 
part  of  the  Histories,  all  numbered  consecutively  as  Books  XVI-XXI. 
At  the  end  of  the  several  Books  is  a  subscription,  '  Cornelii  Taciti  Liber 
,  .  .  explicit,  incipit .  .  *  The  abrupt  conclusion  of  the  i6th  Book  of  the 
Annals  has  however  no  such  subscription,  and  the  first  sentence  of  the 
.Histories  is  written  in  red  letters  of  larger  size,  so  as  in  some  sort  to 
mark  a  new  commencement.  Also  there  is  no  subscription  at  the  end  of 
Book  XXI  (Hist.  5),  which  leaves  off  in  the  middle  of  a  column,  so  as  to 
show  that  there  was  no  more  in  the  exemplar. 

It  will  be  seen  above,  that,  even  in  the  time  of  Bracciolini,  the  hand- 
writing, besides  being  in  the  difficult  Lombard  character,  had  in  many 
places  become  faded  and  indistinct  by  time.^  Since  that  date,  a  later 
hand  has  endeavoured  X6  reproduce  the  text  of  these  passages  in  the 
interlinear  spaces;  and,  through  errors  committed  in  this  attempt,  many 
false  readings  have  subsequently  passed  current  as  the  true  Medicean 
.  text. 

Many  other  manuscripts  *  of  this  portion  of  the  works  of  Tacitus  exist, 

^  A  facsimile  of  part  of  15.  44,  exe-  racter  used,  but  not  of  its  faded  and  in- 

cuted  by  Professor  Vitelli,  of  Florence,  distinct  condition. 

is  given  by  Dr.  C.   F.  Arnold  and   M.  '  Some  twenty  or  more  now  existing 

Hochart,  in  their  treatises  on  this  chapter.  are  enumerated  in  the  Prefaces  of  Walther 

This  would  give  a  specimen  of  tlie  cha-  and  Ruperti. 


CHAP.  I] 


TEXT  OF  THE  MEDICEAN  MS. 


[3] 


but  none  of  them  can  claim  any  earlier  date  than  the  middle  of  the  isih 
century.  Many  are  known  not  to  have  been  direct  transcripts  of  the 
Medicean,  and  very  few  are  even  supposed  to  be  such.  The  best  known 
of  them  are  classed  by  Walther  and  Ruperti  in  two  main  groups.  The 
one  consists  of  five^  expressly  slated  to  have  been  transcribed  from  a 
'Codex  Genuensis'  now  lost,  and  a  sixth ^  the  text  of  which  closely 
1  resembles  theirs.  Another  group  of  six ',  called  by  Walther  (with  less 
propriety)  the  Roman  group,  shows  traces  of  a  common  exemplar, 
distinct  from  the  *  Genuensis '.  To  these  a  third  group  should  be  added 
comprising  two  Florentine  manuscripts  in  the  Laurentian  Library  ^ 
which  appear  to  approach  most  nearly  to  the  Medicean  text.  The 
affinities  of  the  others  °  have  not  been  traced. 

Respecting  the  source  of  the  '  Genuensis '  and  other  parents  of  these 
MSS.  nothing  can  now  be  known.  It  should  however  be  noted  that  the 
loss  of  the  two  leaves  in  the  First  and  Second  Books  of  the  Histories  ^  had 
certainly  taken  place  before  1542,"^  and  may  have  been  one  of  the  mutila- 
tions complained  of  by  Bracciolini  in  1428*;  but  the  lost  matter  is 
preserved  in  all  the  inferior  manuscripts*.  This  would  show  that  the 
IMedicean,  if  it  is  their  ultimate  source,  had  been  already  transcribed 
before  this  mutilation  happened  to  it ;  and  it  is  also  evident  from  the 
correspondence  that  some  other  copy  of  Tacitus  had  been  seen  by 
Bracciolini  ^^.  An  alternative  theory,  that  these  MSS.  were  not  derived 
from  the  Medicean,  but  from  some  other  old  MS.  coordinate  with  it  and 


*  Two  in  the  Vatican  Library  (1958 
and  2965).  and  three  in  England,  erro- 
neously called  *tres  Oxonienses'.  Two 
of  these  are  indeed  in  Oxford,  one  in  the 
Bodleian  Library,  the  other  in  that  of 
Jesus  College  ;  but  the  third  (*  Harleia- 
nus ')  is  with  the  other  Harleian  MSS.  in 
the  British  Museum. 

'  '  Guelferbytanus '  (also  called  *  Gudi- 
anus')  in  the  Library  of  the  Duke  of 
Brunswick  at  Wolfenbiittel.  This  manu- 
script, generally  called  '  G ',  is  very  often 
cited  by  editors. 

^  Two  in  the  Vatican  (1863  and  1864), 
two  in  Paris  (*  Regius  Parisiensis '  and 
•Corbinelli'),  the  '  Farnesianus'  (now  in 
the  Library  at  Naples),  and  the  'Rudolphi 
Agricolae*  (used  by  Lipsius  and  other 
editors),  cited  frequently  as  '  Agr.' 

*  An  account  of  these  and  a  third  in 
the  same  Library  is  given  by  Baiter.  The 
two  cited  as  '  a '  and  '  b '  are  so  far  con- 
sidered the  best  of  all  the  inferior  manu- 
scripts, that  the  most  recent  editors  base 


the  text  upon  them  in  the  two  places  of 


the  Histories  where  the  Medicean  text  is 
now  lost. 

'  Among  these  is  that  called '  Budensis', 
once  belonging  to  Matthias  Corvinus, 
King  of  Hungary,  collated  by  Rhenanus 
and  afterwards  by  Oberlin.  Its  text  is 
said  to  be  intermediate  between  the  two 
first  families  above  noted. 

"  See  above,  p.  [2]. 

'  This  appears  from  the  collation  of 
Victorius,  noted  below  (p.  [4]). 

®  See  above,  p.  [2].  It  has  been  thought 
possible  that  he  only  refers  to  the  abrupt 
beginning  of  Book  11,  and  to  the  abrupt 
endings  of  Book  16,  and  Hist.  Book  5  :  but 
these  would  hardly  justify  the  expression 
*  deficiunt  plures  chartae  uariis  in  locis ' ; 
which  indeed  is  in  any  case  exaggerated, 
as  must  also  have  been  the  *  litteris  .  .  . 
maiori  ex  parte  caducis  'of  the  earlier  letter. 

'  It  is  however  to  be  noted  that  they 
mostly  fail  to  note  the  end  of  the  First 
and  beginning  of  the  Second  Book  of  the 
Histories. 

"  See  above,  p.  [a]. 


b2 


[4]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  I 

proceeding  from  the  same  archetypal  MS.,  has  been  adopted  by  some 
editors,  notably  by  Walther,  who  has  carefully  given  in  his  notes,  as  of 
value,  all  such  of  their  various  readings  as  were  known  to  him.  Recent 
editors,  however,  have  generally  held  that  all  the  other  MSS.  are  ultimately 
derived  from  the  Medicean,  and  that  their  readings  are  only  worth  quot- 
ing, either  as  successful  emendations  of  its  errors,  or  as  perhaps  preserving 
its  text  in  places  where  it  has  now  become  illegible. 

This  portion  of  the  works  of  Tacitus  became  thus  known  to  the  Italian 
scholars  eighty  years  earlier  than  the  first  six  Books  of  the  Annals  ^ ;  but 
in  other  respects  the  history  of  its  text  has  been  less  fortunate.  The 
first  Medicean,  besides  being  in  itself  a  better  manuscript  than  the  second, 
was  the  sole  source  of  the  Books  contained  in  it,  and  had  therefore 
necessarily  to  be  used  in  printing  them;  but  in  the  case  of  the  other 
Books,  other  more  accessible  and  far  more  legible  manuscripts  were 
exclusively  followed,  whether  for  subsequent  transcripts  or  early  printed 
editions,  and  the  Medicean  was  wholly  or  comparatively  neglected. 

The  '  editio  princeps '  of  Vindelin  de  Spira,  ascertained  to  have  been 
published  at  Venice  in  1470,  is  said  to  have  been  printed  from  a  MS. 
now  lost,  but  then  existing  in  the  Library  of  St.  Mark  at  Venice,  which 
appears  to  have  belonged  to  that  styled  by  Walther  the  '  Roman '  group 
of  MSS.  The  next  edition,  that  of  Franciscus  Puteolanus  of  Parma, 
believed  to  have  been  published  at  Milan  in  1475,  is  based  on  some 
manuscript  of  the  '  Genuensis '  family.'^  That  of  Beroaldus,  the  *  editio 
princeps'  of  the  whole  of  the  Annals  (Rome,  15 14),  though  perforce 
following  the  first  Medicean  for  the  first  six  Books,  was  content  to  take 
the  rest  from  Puteolanus. 

The  earliest  known  collation  of  the  second  Medicean  MS.  is  that  of 
Petrus  Victorius  (Piero  Vettori),  a  learned  Florentine  of  the  i6th  century, 
who  annotated  the  results  of  his  study  of  it  on  a  copy  of  the  edition  of 
Beroaldus,  preserved  in  the  Library  at  Munich,  adding  this  inscription  at 
the  end  of  the  Histories:  'Recognovi  cum  vetusto  exemplari  Uteris 
Langobardis  scripto,  ne  ea  quidem  in  conlatione  omittens  quae  corrupta 
aliquo  pacto  videbantur,  ne  locus  coniecturae  emendaturo  deesset.  Est 
autem  codex  e  Divi  Marci  Bibliotheca.  Florentiae  MDXLIL  Idibus  Ian. 
P.  Victorius.'  It  does  not  however  appear  that  this  collation  was  used 
by,  or  known  to,  any  earlier  editor  than  Walther  ^  The  collations 
known  to  scholars  were  those  of  Curtius  Pichena  (given  in  his  edition  of 

*  See  Introd.  to  vol.  i,  p.  5.  page  or  other  record  of  the  date  or  place 

^  For  these  and  other  particulars  see  of  publication.     The    name  of  Spira  is 

the   Prefaces   of    Ruperti   and   Walther.  given  in  some  verses  at  the  end ;  that  of 

Neither  the  edition  of  de  Spira  nor  that  Puteolanus  in  a  Dedication  or  Preface, 

of  Puteolanus  themselves  contain  a  title-  '  Walther,  Praef.  xxxvii. 


CHAP.  II]       SUMMARY  OF  PRINCIPAL  EVENTS  [5] 

1607),  of  lac.  Gronovius  (in  his  edition  of  1720),  and  of  Franc,  del  Furia 
(in  Bekker's  edition  of  1831).  All  these  collators  appear  to  have  not 
unfrequently  erred  in  assuming  the  readings  given  by  the  later  hand  of 
the  interlineator  to  be  a  fruitful  copy  of  the  original;  but  the  later 
collations  of  Baiter  (given  in  Orelli's  edition)  and  of  Ritter  (in  his  edition 
of  1864)  leave  probably  little  or  nothing  further  to  be  ascertained  as  to 
the  true  readings  of  the  Medicean  text  of  these  Books. 


CHAPTER   II 


SUMMARY  OF  THE  PRINCIPAL  EVENTS  BETWEEN  THE  END 
OF  BOOK  VI  AND   BEGINNING  OF  BOOK  XI. 

Note. — In  this  chapter,  especially  in  the  portion  belonging  to  the  principate  of 
Claudius,  frequent  obligations  have  to  be  acknowledged  to  Dr.  H.  Lehmann's 
'Claudius  und  seine  Zeit ',  Leipzig,  1877. 

Principate  of  Gains. 
A.  u.  c.  790;  A.  D.  37  ;  March  16. 

After  sending  the  will  of  Tiberius  to  the  Senate  by  Macro,^  Gains 
himself  escorted  the  remains  to  Rome  and  was  received  with  universal 
acclamation,^  and  invested  with  the  titles  belonging  to  the  principate.^ 
His  earliest  act  was  to  go  in  person  to  the  islands  of  Pandateria  and 
Pontia,  where  his  mother  and  eldest  brother  had  been  buried,  to  collect 
their  remains  and  transport  them  with  all  funeral  honours  to  the  Mauso- 
leum of  Augustus.* 

On  the  ist  of  July  he  assumed  the  consulship  with  his  uncle  Claudius 
(who  had  never  hitherto  filled  any  senatorial  magistracy),  but  resigned 
it  in  two  months  to  the  suffecti  who  had  been  previously  designated.^ 
He  introduced  young  Tiberius  Gemellus  to  public  life,  made  him  *  princeps 
iuventutis  '  and  adopted  him ;  dignified  his  grandmother  Antonia  with  the 
title  of  Augusta,  and  associated  the  names  of  his  sisters  with  his  own  in  | 
the  *  sacramentum  *  ^ ;  paid  (with  additions)  all  the  legacies  under  the  will 
of  Tiberius,  as  well  as  those  of  Livia  Augusta  (hitherto  unpaid),^  and  the 

*  On  the  provisions  of  this  will  and  the  ^  Dio,  59.  3,  2.     See  Introd.  i.  vi.  p.  68. 

extent  to  which  they  were  cancelled,  see  ^  Suet.  15.        *  Dio,  59.  6,  5  ;  7,  9. 

note  on  6. 50, 9.  ^  Suet.  15.  '  See  on  5.  1,  6. 

^  Suet.  13. 


[6]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  II 

*  congiarium '  which  had  been  promised  on  his  own  entry  into  public  life.^ 
In  this  and  other  ways  the  accumulations  of  Tiberius,  amounting  to  2700 
million  HS,'^  disappeared  in  less  than  a  year.     Profession  was  made   of 

'  abolishing  trials  for  '  maiestas '  and  of  destroying  the  records  of  all  previous 
delations,  especially  those  against  his  mother  and  brothers.  Exiles  were 
restored  and  prisoners  released,'  and  the  proscribed  writings  of  Labienus, 
Cremutius  Cordus,  and  Cassius  Severus  were  allowed  free  circulation.* 

Personal  friends  received  more  substantial  marks  of  favour.  Herodes 
Agrippa,  who  had  been  in  bonds  and  in  danger  of  life  under  Tiberius, 
received  an  important  portion  of  Palestine,  with  the  regal  title  ^ ;  young 
Rhoemetalces  received  the  kingdom  of  Thrace ;  his  brother  Cotys,  that 
of  lesser  Armenia  ^ ;  Sohaemus,  that  of  Ituraea ' ;  Commagene,  then  part 
of  the  province  of  Syria,  was  restored  to  Antiochus,  a  prince  descended 

[  from  its  ancient  kings.^ 

In  the  eighth  month  of  his  rule,®  an  illness,  generally  ascribed  to 
intemperance,  appears  to  have  permanently  aggravated  a  previous  ten- 
dency ^°  to  intermittent  insanity,  and  to  have  caused  the  vices  of  his 
character  to  burst  through  restraint.  The  first  indication  of  this  was 
seen  in  the  dispatch  of  an  order  to  compel  the  suicide  of  young 
Tiberius,"  whom  he  charged  with  praying  for  his  death.^^  Another 
distinguished  victim  was  the  Emperor's  father-in-law,  M.  Silanus,  one  of 
the  foremost  men  in  Rome,  of  whose  repute  he  is  stated  to  have  been 
jealous." 


A.  u.c.  791  ;  A.D.  38.     M.  Aquilius,  C.  f.,  Julianus,  p.  Nonius, 

M.  F.,  ASPRENAS  ^*f  COSS. 

Several  popular  acts  are  still  recorded,  the  restoration  (in  form  at  least) 
of  the  popular  Comitia,^^  the  remission  of  the  '  ducentesima  V^hberality  to 
sufferers  after  a  fire,  infusion  of  new  provincial  blood  into  the  equestrian 

^  Dio,  59.  2,  2.  «  See  note  on  2.  67,  4. 

^  Suet.  37.     Dio  (59.  2,  6)  quotes  two  '  See  1 2.  23,  2,  and  note. 

different  estimates,  and  makes  the  money  *  See  note  on  2.  56,  5. 

last    somewhat     longer.      It    would    be  '  This  date  is  given  by  Philo  (Leg.  2). 

equivalent  to  about  ;^2 2,000,000.  *"  Suet,  states  (c.  50)  that  he  had  been 

3  Among  the  latter  Dio  (59.  6,  2)  notes  subject  to  epilepsy  as  a  boy. 

Pomponius  (see   note   on  5.   8,  4)  :    we  "  Philo,  Leg.  5 ;  see  6. 46, 5,  and  note, 

know  also  that  Cn.  Domitius  and  Vibius  "  Dio,  59.  8,  i. 

Marsus  (6.  48,  i)  were  under  accusation,  "  See  note  on  6.  20,  i.    On  the  dual 

if  not  in  custody.  government  then  introduced  into  Africa, 

*  Suet.  16.    See  4.  21,  5  ;  35,  5.  see  below,  p.  [18]. 

^  The  history  of  Agrippa  is  given  at  ^*  The  names  are  given  in  full  in  the 

length  by  Josephus  (Ant.  18.  6).     This  *  Argumentum'  to  Dio,  Book  59. 

and  the  other  appointments  perhaps  be-  ^^  See  note  on  i.  15,  i. 

long  more  properly  to  the  following  year.  *^  See  note  on  2.  42,  6. 


CHAP.  II]       SUMMARY  OF  PRINCIPAL  EVENTS  [7] 

order.^  Other  prominent  persons  however  perished,  as  Macro,  to  whom 
he  had  owed  so  much,  and  Macro's  wife,  Ennia,  to  whom  he  had 
formerly  promised  marriage.^  The  scandal  of  his  open  incest  with 
Drusilla  was  yet  further  increased  by  his  demanding  her  deification  and 
other  extravagant  honours  at  her  death.' 

By  this  time  the  treasury  had  been  emptied  by  lavish  expenditure  of 
all  kinds,  especially  by  unparalleled  magnificence  in  public  entertainments. 
Gaius  was  thus  driven  to  replenish  his  funds  by  confiscation ;  and 
numbers  are  stated  to  have  been  selected  for  condemnation,  really  on 
the  ground  of  their  wealth,  ostensibly  on  such  charges  as  that  of  having 
aided  Seianus  against  Agrippina  and  her  house,  on  the  testimony  of  the 
records  which  he  had  pretended  to  burn.* 

Already  Gaius  began  to  desire  divine  honours  for  himself.  The  known 
antipathy  of  the  Jews  to  this  cultus  was  made  the  occasion  for  a  ferocious 
persecution  of  them  by  the  Greeks  of  Alexandria,  abetted  by  Avidius 
Flaccus,  the  praefect  of  Egypt.**  A  visit  paid  by  Agrippa  to  the  city,  on 
his  way  from  Rome  to  take  possession  of  his  principality,  furnished  a 
pretext  for  a  still  further  outbreak.^  His  influence  with  Gaius  appears  to 
have  assisted  in  procuring  the  removal  of  Flaccus,  whereby  the  Jews  of 
Egypt  obtained  some  temporary  respite.'' 

A.u.c.  792,  A.  D.  39.     C.  Caesar  II,  L.  Apronius,  L.  f.,  Caesianus', 

Coss. 

Gaius  resigned  the  consulship  in  thirty  days  to  Sanquinius  Maximus ; 
his  colleague  held  it  for  six  months.^  The  suffecti  for  the  rest  of  the 
year  were  Cn.  Domitius  Corbulo  and  Cn.  Domitius  Afer.^° 

Herodes  Antipas,  who  had  gone  to  Rome  to  sue  for  an  increase  of 
dominion,  was  exiled  to  Lugdunum,  and  accompanied  thither  by  his  wife, 
Herodias."  Mithridates,  who  had  become  king  of  Armenia  by  the  aid 
of  Tiberius,^'^  was  summoned  to  Rome  and  detained  in  custody.^' 

To  this  year  belongs  the  narrative  of  the  most  celebrated  of  the 
extravagances  of  Gaius,  the  construction  of  a  bridge,  formed  chiefly  of 
the  ships  that  should  have  brought  corn  to  Italy,  across  the  gulf  from 
Puteoli  to  Baiae;  apparently  for  the  mere  purpose  of  crossing  and 
recrossing  it  in  a  triumphal  pageant.'*     Other  schemes  of  a  more  practical 

^  Dio,  59.  9,  5.  8  See  note  on  3.  ai,  6. 

2  See  on  6.  45,  5.  »  Dio,  59.  13,  2. 

.  '  See  Introd.  i.  ix.  p.  145.  ^"  Dio,  59.  15,  5  ;   20,  i.     The  former 

*  Dio,  59.  10,  7.  is  the  famous  general,  the  latter  the  great 
'  Philo  in  Flacc.  4,  foil. ;  Leg.  11,  foil.  orator. 

•  Philo  in  Flacc.  5.  ^^  Jos.  Ant.  18.  7. 

'  Id.  12,  foil.     Flaccus  was  exiled  to  "  See  6.  32,  5,  &c. 

Andros,  and  there   subsequently   put  to  "  See  on  11.8,  i. 

death  by  order  of  Gaius.  "  Dio,  59.  17. 


[8]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP,  ii 

character  may  possibly  belong  to  the  same  date,  such  as  the  commence- 
ment of  an  aqueduct/  and  of  harbours  of  refuge  for  the  cornships  on 
either  side  of  the  Sicilian  strait,'^  and  a  project  of  cutting  through  the 
isthmus  of  Corinth.'  Numerous  devices  are  also  recorded  for  extorting 
funds  to  replenish  the  treasury.  Among  those  put  to  death  are  mentioned 
Calvisius  Sabinus  and  his  wife  Cornelia,  Titius  Rufus,  and  a  praetor 
Junius  Priscus.*  To  this  period  belong  also  the  accusation  and  peril  of 
Domidus  Afer,  and  the  narrow  escape  of  Seneca.^ 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  he  set  off  suddenly  to  Gaul,  ordering 
large  levies  to  meet  him  there.^  No  warlike  operation,  save  a  sham 
incursion  across  the  Rhine,  is  recorded;  but  the  expedidon  was  the 
means  of  suppressing  an  apparently  formidable  conspiracy'  originated 
by  Lentulus  Gaetulicus,  legatus  of  Upper  Germany,^  who  appears  to 
have  been  disarmed  and  put  to  death  without  a  struggle.^  In  connexion 
wiih  this  plot,  Lepidus,  the  former  husband  of  Drusilla,  was  put  to  death, 
Agrippina  and  Julia  were  banished  to  the  island  of  Pontia,^®  and  others 
shared  a  similar  fate.  As  a  further  expedient  to  raise  money,  the 
treasured  heirlooms  of  the  imperial  house  were  sent  for  to  Lugdunum 
and  sold  at  an  auction  at  which  he  was  present  and  stimulated  the 
bidding."  He  appears  also  at  this  time  to  have  married  his  last  wife 
Caesonia.^'^ 

A.  u.  c.  793,  A.  D.  40.    Gaius  Caesar  III,  Sole  Consul.^* 

He  entered  on  the  consulship  at  Lugdunum,  but  resigned  it  to  two 
suffecti  on  Jan.  13.  Ptolemaeus,  king  of  Mauretania,  was  summoned 
by  him  to  his  presence  and  put  to  death.^^  The  army  is  said  to  have 
been  led  to  the  coast  as  for  a  descent  on  Britain,  and  bidden  to  gather 
shells  as  spoils  of  the  ocean,  and  to  have  redred  after  building  a  light- 
house on  the  spot,^^  taking  with  them  a  British  prince,  Adminius  son  of 
Cunobelinus,  who  had  joined  them  voluntarily." 

Gaius  returned  to  Rome  on  his  birthday  (Aug.  31),  with  special  indi- 

1  See  on  11.  13,  2.  i»  Dio,  59.  21,  5. 

2  Jos.  Ant.  19.  2,  5.  "  Since  the  death  of  Drosilla,  he  had 
^  Suet.  21.                                                       already   married   and   divorced   Cornelia 

*  Dio,  59.  18,  4,  5.  Orestilla  (wife  of  C.  Piso)  and  Lollia 
**  Dio,  59.  19,  Paulina  (on  whom  see  12.  i,  3). 

•  Suet.  43,  foil. ;  Dio,  59.  21,  foil.  "  This  is  explained  by  his  ignorance  of 
'  Dio,  59.  22,  5.  the  death  at  Rome  of  his  colleague  desig- 
^  For  a  further   account,   see    below,  nate  (Suet.  17). 

p.  [17].         .  ,.   ,  '*  Dio,  59.  25,  I  :  cp.  4.  23,  I. 

"  A  date  is  supplied  by  the  record  of  "  Suet.  46  ;  Dio,  59.  25,  2  ;   the  expe- 

an  offering  for  the  detection  of  this  con-  dition  is  alluded  to,  as  a  mere  project,  in 

spiracy  on  Oct.  27  (see  below,  p.  [18]).  Agr.  13.  4. 

^»  Dio,  59.  22,  6-9.  "  Suet.  Cal.  44. 


CHAP.  II]       SUMMARY  OF  PRINCIPAL  EVENTS  [9] 

cations  of  hostility  to  the  senate  and  nobles.^  Among  those  put  to 
death  were  Vitellinus  Cassius  and  his  father  Capito  "^ ;  while  Scribonius 
Proculus  was  assassinated  to  please  him  by  the  senate  during  its  sitting.' 

He  is  now  stated  to  have  assumed  the  attributes,  dress,  and  insignia 
of  various  gods  and  even  goddesses,*  and  to  have  exacted  the  divine 
honours  paid  to  each,  also  to  have  brought  to  Rome  and  adapted  to  his 
own  likeness  famous  statues  of  gods  from  Greece  and  elsewhere,  and  to 
have  meditated  setting  his  t^^y  up  in  various  famous  temples.*^ 

A  deputation  from  the  Jews  of  Alexandria,  headed  by  Philo,  was  sent 
to  plead  on  behalf  of  the  religious  scruples  of  the  Jews,^  but  considered 
themselves  fortunate  in  escaping  with  their  lives.'' 

Petronius,  the  legatus  of  Syria,  was  commanded  to  set  up  a  statue  of 
the  emperor  within  the  Holy  of  Holies  in  the  Jewish  temple.  The 
earnest  remonstrances  of  the  Jews  to  Petronius,  backed  up  by  his  own 
intercession  and  that  of  Agrippa,  procured  a  temporary  remission  of  the 
sentence,  but  a  final  and  peremptory  decree  is  said  to  have  been  sent 
afterwards,  and  the  crisis  to  have  been  averted  only  by  the  emperor's 
death.« 

At  Rome  men  saved  themselves  only  by  abject  flattery,  in  which 
L.  Vitellius  (who  had  earned  a  reputation  in  Syria  by  having  extorted 
homage  and  hostages  from  Artabanus)  was  conspicuous.^ 

A.  u.c.  794,  A.  D.  41.    C.  Caesar  IV,  Cn.  Sentius  Saturninus,  Coss. 

A  conspiracy  was  formed  by  Cassius  Chaerea  and  Cornelius  Sabinus, 
tribunes  of  the  praetorian  guard,  in  which  the  emperor's  chief  freedman 
Callistus  and  others  took  part.  Gains  was  assassinated  during  the 
Palatine  Games,  Jan.  24.*° 

Principate  of  Claudius, 

The  senate  met  hastily  to  discuss  the  situation,  and  debated  on  the 
restoration  of  the  Republic,  but  separated  without  coming  to  a  decision.^^ 
Outside,  all  was  in  confusion  ;  the  German  guards  had  taken  vengeance, 
and  had  slain  persons  of  distinction  unconnected  with  the  conspiracy  ^^ ; 

^  Suet.  49.  Josephtis  connects  it  with  the  outbreak 

^  Die,  59.  25,  6.  of  the  previous  year  (Ant.  18.  8,  i). 

'  Id.  59.  26,  2.  '  Philo,  Leg.  44-46. 

*  Philo,  Leg.  11-15;  Dio,  59.  26,  « Philo,  Leg.  29-42;  Jos.  Ant.  18.  8, 
5,  foil.  2,  foil. 

»  Dio,  59.  28,  2,  foil.  »  Dio,  59.  27,  4:  op.  6.  32,  6. 

•  That  this  was  after  his  return  from  ^"  The  whole  plot  is  related  at  great 
Gaul,  appears  from  its  coincidence  with       length  in  Jos.  Ant.  19.  i. 

the  order  to  Petronius  (Philo,  Leg.  26),  "  See  the  long  account  of  these  events 

and  the  mention  of  their  having  sacri-       in  Jos.  Ant.  19.  2-4. 
ficed  for  his  German  campaign  (Id.  45).  "  Jos.  Ant.  19.  i,  17. 


[lo]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  II 

the  populace  were  clamouring  for  the  names  of  the  assassins,  but  were 
somewhat  cowed  by  the  boldness  of  Valerius  Asiaticus.^  Meanwhile, 
some  of  the  praetorians  had  found  Claudius  hidden  in  the  palace,  had 
saluted  him  as  imperator,  and  carried  him  to  the  camp,  where  on 
the  next  day,  after  promising  them  a  donative  of  15,000  HS  each,- he 
had  accepted  their  sacramentum ;  and  the  senate,  after  some  negotiadon 
in  which  Herodes  Agrippa  had  taken  a  prominent  part,  found  itself  left 
with  only  insignificant  military  authority,  and  had  no  resource  but  to 
ratify  this  choice.^ 

His  first  act  on  entering  the  senate,  after  thirty  days'  interval  *,  was  to 
order  the  execution  of  Chaerea  and  of  Lupus  (who,  by  order  of  the 
former,  had  put  to  death  Caesonia  and  her  child):  Sabinus,  though 
exempted  from  this  sentence,  committed  suicide".  All  others  were 
embraced  under  the  terms  of  a  general  amnesty  ® ;  but  the  assassination 
of  Gaius  left  lasting  effects  in  the  jealous  precautions  taken  to  search  all 
visitors  to  the  princeps  for  hidden  arms.'^ 

On  the  twentieth  day  of  his  rule  (Feb.  1 3),  his  wife,  Valeria  Messalina, 
gave  birth  to  a  son,  afterwards  known  as  Britannicus.* 

The  first  care  of  the  new  rule  was  to  remedy  the  general  disorganiza- 
tion resulting  from  the  late  tyranny,  to  re-establish  the  constitution  on 
principles  professedly  agreeing  with  those  of  Augustus,  and  to  deal  with 
conditions  of  disturbance  and  anarchy  in  various  provinces  and  vassal 
kingdoms.^ 

Victories  were  gained  in  this  year  over  the  Mauri  and  Maurusii  in 
Libya,  and  over  the  Chatti  in  Germany,  from  whom  the  last  of  the  three 
eagles  lost  with  Varus  was  recovered.^*' 

The  baneful  influence  of  Messalina  begins  already  to  exert  itself. 
Julia,  daughter  of  Germanicus,  who  (with  her  sister  Agrippina)  had  been 
recalled  from  exile  by  Claudius  at  the  beginning  of  his  rule,  excited  her 

*  See  note  on  11.  i,  2.  ^  For  the  date  of  his  birth,  see  note  on 
^  Suet.  (CI.  10)  notes  this  as  the  first       12.  25,  3.     Suet,  states  that  he  was  at  first 

example  of  that   evil  practice  ('  primus  called  '  Germanicus '. 

Caesarum  fidem   militis    etiam  praemio  '  The    measures   taken  are    fully  de- 

pigneratus ').  scribed  below  (pp.  [24]  foil.). 

^  Of  the  imperial  titles,  it  is  noted  that  ^^  In  Dio,  60.  8,  7,  the  victory  over  the 

he  did  not  accept  that  of  *  pater  patriae  '  Maurusii  is  ascribed  to  Galba,  that  over 

(Dio,  60.  3,  2).     It  yfz.%  assumed  at  the  the  Chatti  to  Gabinius  :    but  Galba  was 

beginning    of    the    following    year    (see  at  this  time  legatus  of  Upper  Germany, 

Lehmann,  p.  197).    He  followed  Tiberius  and  probably  gained  this  victory  over  the 

and  Gaius  in  not  using  the  '  praenomen  im-  Chatti ;  Gabinius  (who  was  his  successor) 

peratoris '.   See  Mommsen,  Staatsr.  ii.  796.  is  recorded  to  have  gained  successes  over 

*  Dio,  1. 1.  the  Chauci  and  to  have  taken  a  cognomen 
^  Dio,.6o.  3,  4;  Jos.  Ant.  19.  4,  5.  from  them  (Suet.  CI.  24).     For  the  re- 

*  Suet.  CI.  II ;  Dio,  1.  1.  covery  of  the  other  eagles,  see  i.  60,  4 ; 
'  See  note  on  11.  22,  i.  2.  25,  2. 


CHAP.  II]       SUMMARY  OF  PRINCIPAL  EVENTS  [ii] 

jealousy  by  her  beauty,  independence,  and  intimacy  with  Claudius,  and 
was  attacked  on  a  charge  of  adultery  with  Seneca,  who  was  banished  to 
Corsica,  Julia  being  deported  to  Pandateria,  where  she  was  soon  after- 
wards put  to  death.^ 

A.  u.  c.  795,  A.  D.  42.    Claudius  Caesar  IP,  C.  Caecina 
Largus  ^  Coss. 

The  Mauri  were  further  defeated  by  Suetonius  Paulinus,  and  Maure- 
tania  was  finally  reduced  and  organized  in  two  provinces  by  his  successor, 
Cn.  Hosidius  Geta.* 

Appius  Junius  Silanus,  who  had  been  sent  for  as  a  friend  from  his 
province  in  Spain,  had  given  offence  to  Messalina  (to  whose  mother, 
Domitia  Lepida,  he  was  married),  and  was  put  to  death  at  her  instigation 
and  that  of  Narcissus,  who  worked  on  the  fears  of  Claudius  by  a  tale  of 
a  dream.'  This  murder  is  represented  as  the  principal  cause  ^  of  a 
formidable  conspiracy  set  on  foot  by  Annius  Vinicianus,'^  and  supported 
by  many  nobles,^  especially  by  Furius  Camillus  Scribonianus,  who  as 
legatus  of  Delmatia  had  command  of  two  legions  close  to  the  frontier  ot 
Italy.  Camillus  endeavoured  to  terrify  Claudius  into  abdication  by  an 
insulting  letter,^  and  professed  an  intention  to  restore  the  Republic,^**  but 
himself  aspired  to  the  imperial  dignity.  The  conspiracy  collapsed  in  five 
days  ^^  by  the  return  of  the  soldiers  to  their  allegiance  ^^ ;  Camillus  was 
killed,^'  and  Vinicianus  committed  suicide.^*  A  bloody  retribution 
followed;  a  number  of  the  nobles  being  brought  to  trial  before  the 
senate  in  the  presence  of  Claudius;  when  many  senators  and  knights 
were  tortured,  and  Messalina  and  the  freedmen  are  said  to  have  turned 
the  occasion  to  account  by  getting  those  condemned  who  had  offended 

^  Dio,  60.  8,  5.     On  her  exile  under  M.  Viniciiis,  who  was  husband  of  the 

Gaius,  see  above,  p.  [8].     That  the  place  Julia  mentioned  above  as  put  to  death, 
of  her  second  exile  and  death  was  Panda-  "  One  of  them  was  Q.  Pomponius  (see 

teria  appears  from  14.  63,  2.  13.  43,  3,  and  note). 

^  Claudius  laid  down   the  consulship  '  Suet.  CI.  35. 

March  i,  and  was  succeeded  by  Cornelius  ^^  Dio,  60.  15,  3. 

Lupus  (Lehmann,  p.  196).  ^^  Suet.  CI.  13.     So  Tacitus  says  (H.  r. 

^  On  this  person,  see  1 1.  33,  3,  and  note.  89,  2) :  '  Scriboniani  contra  Claudium  in- 

*  Dio,  60. 9.     Lehmann  (p.  256)  places  cepta  simul  audita  et  coercita.' 

the   constitution    of   the   province    three  ^^  The  two  legions  (VII  and  XI)  were 

years  later.     Its  Era  is   reckoned  from  rewarded  with  the  title  'Claudia  fidelis 

the  death  of  its  last  king  in  793,  A.D.  40  pia '  (Dio,  60.  15,  4). 

(Marquardt,  Staatsv.  i.  p.  324).  "  Dio  states  (1.  1.)  that  he  killed  him- 

5  Dio,  60.  14,  3:   cp.  II.  29,  I,  and  self,  but  Tacitus  (H.  2.  75,  3)  gives  the 

note.     For    the    pedigree    of    the   Junii  name  of  a  soldier  who  was  rewarded  for 

Silani,  see  Introd.  i.  ix.  139.  killing  him.     See  also  Plin.  Ep,  3.  16,  9. 

•  Dio,  1.  1.  His  successor  in  Delmatia  was  the  father 
'  On  this  person,  see  6.  9,  5,  and  note.  of  the  Emperor  Otho  (Suet.  0th.  i).  ■ 

He  appears  to  have  been  a  nephew  of         "  Dio,  60.  15,  5. 


[I2]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  II 

them,^  and  screening  those  who  bribed  them.     The  most  memorable 
death  was  that  of  Caecina  Paetus  and  Arria  his  wife.'* 

A.  u.  c.  796,  A.  D.  43.    Claudius  Caesar  III ',  L.  Vitellius  II,  Coss. 

The  great  event  of  this  year  was  the  invasion  of  Britain  by  the  Roman 
army  under  A.  Plautius  Silvanus,  who  was  afterwards  joined  for  sixteen 
days  by  Claudius  himself.^  It  was  probably  also  in  this  year  that  the 
dissensions  between  Gotarzes  and  Vardanes  enabled  Mithridates,  formerly 
king  of  Armenia,  to  recover  that  country  with  the  aid  of  some  Roman 
troops.*  In  this  year  also  ®  Messalina  is  stated  to  have  caused  the  death 
of  Justus  Catonius,'^  the  praef.  praetorio  (who  had  intended  to  give  infor- 
mation of  her  immorality),  and  Julia,  the  daughter  of  Drusus  and  wife  of 
Rubellius  Blandus.^ 

A.  u.  c.  797,  A.D.  44.     C.  Passienus  Crispus  II  *,  T.  Statilius 
Taurus  *°,  Coss. 

Early  in  this  year  Claudius  returned  from  Britain,  having  been  altogether 
six  months  absent  from  Rome,  and  celebrated  his  triumph,  which  gover- 
nors of  provinces  and  even  exiles  were  allowed  to  return  and  witness.^^ 
He  also  held  games  in  honour  of  his  victory."  His  infant  son  took  the 
name  of  Britannicus,  and  many  others  received  honours  and  decorations." 
In  the  same  year  ^*  Macedonia  and  Achaia  were  given  back  to  the  senate  " ; 
the  quaestorial  districts  in  Italy  were  abolished,^^  and  quaestors  instead  of 
praetors  placed  over  the  aerarium.^'^  M.  lulius  Cottius  received  his  father's 
dominion  (the  Cottian  Alps)  with  the  title  of  king,  and  Rhodes  was 
deprived  of  its  freedom  for  outrage  on  Roman  citizens.^^  To  this  year 
also  belongs  the  death  of  King  Herodes  Agrippa,  the  partition  of  his 
dominions,  and  the  appointment  again  of  a  procurator  of  Judaea.^^ 

^  It  is    possible    that    the    consulars,  *  Dio,  60.  18,  4. 

Lusius  Saturninus  and  Cornelius  Lupus,  '^  For  a  former  notice  of  him,  cp.  i. 

whose  deaths  are  ascribed  to  the  bidding  29,  2,  and  note. 

of  Messalina  and  agency  of  Suillius  (13.  *  See  13.  32,  5  (and  note),  and  the  men- 

43»    3~5)    ™^y  ^3,ve    been    among  this  tion   of  her   accusation  by  Suillius  (13. 

number,  as  also  some  of  the  '  equitum  43,  3). 

.  .  .  agmina '  there  alluded  to.     There  is  ^  On  this  person,  see  6.  20,  2,  and  note, 

however  another  recorded  conspiracy  four  ^°  See  12.  59,  i,  and  note, 

years  later  (see  below,  p.  [13]).  ^^  Suet.  CI.  17. 

2  Dio,  60.  15,  6-16,  5.     The  stoiy  of  "  Dio,  60.  23,.  4;  Suet.  CI.  21. 

Paetus  and  Arria  is  fully  told  in  Plin.  Ep.  ^'  Dio,  60.  23,  2  :    see  ajso  Lehmann, 

3.  16  :  cp.  Mart.  i.  14.  p.  237. 

^  Claudius  was  really  'suffectus'  (Suet.  ^'  Dio,  60.  24. 

CI.  14),  but  the  name  of  his  predecessor  *'  See  i.  76,  4,  and  note, 

is  lost  (Lehm.  p.  211).  "  See  4.  27,  2,  and  note. 

*  For  a  full  account  of  this,  see  below,  ^^  See  13.  29,  2,  and  note, 
eh.  V.  "  Dio,  60.  24,  4. 

*  See  II.  8,  1-9,  3.  ^^  See  12.  23,  2,  and  note. 


I 


CHAP.  II]       SUMMARY  OF  PRINCIPAL  EVENTS  [13] 

A.  u.  c.  798,  A.  D.  45.    M.  ViNicius  II  \  T.  Statilius  Taurus 

CORVINUS',  Coss. 

Galba  became  in  this  year  proconsul  of  Africa  and  achieved  consider- 
able success  there.'  Claudius  is  stated  to  have  anticipated  and  explained 
an  eclipse  falling  on  his  birthday.*  Probably  in  this  year  took  place  the 
rebellion  of  Mithridates,  king  of  Bosporus,  who  was  defeated  and  driven 
from  his  kingdom  in  the  following  year  by  A.  Didius  Gallus,  legatus  of 
Moesia." 


A.  u.  c.  799,  A.  D.  46.    p.  Valerius  Asiaticus  II',  M.  Silanus'',  Coss. 


M.  Vinicius,  the  consul  of  the  preceding  year,  was  poisoned  at  the 
instigation  of  Messalina,  who  feared  that  he  would  take  revenge  upon  her 
for  the  murder  of  his  wife  Julia.* 

Another  conspiracy  was  formed  in  this  year  by  Asinius  Gallus,  but 
proved  to  be  insignificant,  whence  he  escaped  with  the  penalty  of  exile.^ 
Statilius  Corvinus  appears  to  have  been  joined  with  him,  and  the  plot  is 
said  to  have  extended  to  the  emperor's  freedmen  and  slaves.^" 

A.  u.c.  800,  A.  D.  47.     Claudius  Caesar  IV,  L.  Vitellius  III,  Coss. 

Early  in  the  year  Claudius  and  Vitellius  laid  down  the  consulship,  and 
assumed  the  office  of  censor,  which  had  been  for  some  seventy  years  in 
abeyance." 

In  this  year  A.  Plautius  Silvanus  returned  from  Britain  ^^  and  received 
the  rare  distinction  of  an  ovation  ^^  His  successor  was  P.  Ostorius 
Scapula  ".     Galba  returned  to  Rome  in  the  same  year  from  Africa.^^ 

It  is  stated  that  information  was  given  of  another  plot,  but  that  no 

^  On  this  person,  see  6. 15,  i,  and  note.  *  Dio,  60.  27,  4. 

'-'  See  note  on  12.  59,  i.  '  Dio,  60.  27,  5. 

'  Suet.  Galb.  7.  ^<»  Suet.   CI.   13.      Lehmann    suggests 

*  Dio,  60.  26,  I.  (p.    261)     that     this     plot    may     have 

'  See  12.  15,  I,  and  note.  occasioned     the     deaths     of     Cornelius 

"  See  II.  I,  I,  and  note.     Dio  states  Lupus    and   Lusius   Satuminus   (see    13. 

(60.  27,  i)  that  he  resigned  the  consul-  43,    3)    and     of    Asinius    Celer,    Pedo 

ship  voluntarily.  Pompeius,   and   Rufus   the   praef.    prae- 

'  This  person  is  given  in  Dio  as  the  torio   (see   Sen.  Lud.   13,   5).      But  we 

consul  of  the  year,  and  is  the  *  abnepos  have  no  means   of  determining  between 

Augusti'  bom  in  the  last  year  of  that  this   and   the    previous    conspiracy   (see 

emperor   (see  Introd.   i.   ix.    139).      An  above,  p.  [12]). 

Aquillius  is  given  in  some  inscriptions  as  ^^  See  11.  13,  i,  and  note. 

consul     with    Asiaticus,    and    Lehmann  "  Dio,  60.  30,  2. 

(p.     260)    thinks    that    he    must     have  "  See  13.  32,  3,  and  note. 

preceded    Silanus,    who    was    probably  "  See  12.  31,  i,  and  note. 

suffectus  early  in  the  year.  "  Suet.  Galb.  8. 


[i4]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP,  ill 

proceedings  were  taken  against  any  of  the  persons  implicated,  except 
Valerius  Asiaticus.^ 


CHAPTER   III 

ON    THE   VIEW   GIVEN    By   TACITUS    OF   THE    CHARACTER 
AND  GOVERNMENT  OF  GAIUS,  CLAUDIUS,  AND  NERO. 

I.    Gains, 

SUMMARY   OF   CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Account  of  his  early  life  and  training [14] 

Incidental  allusions  to  events  under  his  rule [16] 

The  few  scattered  allusions  in  the  extant  works  of  Tacitus  to  the  rule 
of  Gaius  and  events  which  occurred  under  it  receive  some  light  from 
what  is  said  in  the  first  six  Books  of  his  earlier  life  and  the  circumstances 
which  tended  to  form  his  character  up  to  the  time  when  he  assumed  the 
government. 

We  hear  of  him  as,  at  two  years  old,  the  unconscious  sharer  in  the 
perils  of  the  German  mutiny,  carried  off  in  his  mother's  arms  ^  to  find  a 
safer  refuge  among  the  Treveri  than  in  the  heart  of  the  Roman  legions.^ 
We  are  also  given  to  understand  that  the  sight  of  the  *  fosterchild  of  the 
legions  V  wearing  the  tiny  sandal  modelled  on  that  of  the  common  soldier 
of  the  ranks,°  contributed  most  of  all  to  the  revulsion  of  feeling  that 
turned  the  arms  of  the  mutineers,  in  rude  camp  justice,  against  each 
other."  The  incident  had  not  escaped  the  watchful  eyes  of  Tiberius,  or 
of  Seianus,  who  nursed  the  seeds  of  suspicion  in  his  master's  mind,  as  to 
the  motives  of  a  mother  who  could  allow  a  Caesar  to  bear  such  a  nick- 
name as  '  Caligula  'i'  one  which,  we  may  believe,  long  stood  him  in  good 
stead  in  the  mind  of  the  soldiers. 

^  Such  is  the  statement  of  Dio  (60.  also  the  marriage  of  Antonia  to  Faustus 

29,  4),  which,  if  true,  must  refer  to  the  Sulla  (Suet.  CI.  27). 

charge  made  against  him  of  intending  to  ^  i.  40,  4.                             '  i.  41,  2. 

fly  to  the  German  armies  (11.  i,  2).     At  *  '  Legionum  alumnus'  (i.  44,  i).     An 

some  time  before  the   beginning  of  the  erroneous  subsequent  belief,  founded  on 

extant  part  of  the  Eleventh  Book  of  the  the  title  (*  castrorum  filius ')  assumed  by 

Annals  must  also  have   taken  place  the  him   (Suet.  Cal.   22),  that   he   was  also 

putting  to  death  of  M.  Licinius  Crassus  bom  in  the  camp,  is  shared  by  Tacitus 

Frugi,  his  wife  Scribonia,  their  son  Cn.  (see  i.  41,  3,  and  note). 

Pompeius  Magnus  (the  husband  of  Anto-  *  '•  4i>  3« 

nia,  daughter  ofClaudius), and  other  mem-  *  i.  44,  2  ;  cp.  Suet.  Cal.  9. 

bers  of  that  family  (Sen.  Lud.  11.  2,  5) ;  '  1.69,  5. 


CHAP,  in]  RULE  OF  CAIUS  [15] 

The  boy,  with  his  brothers  and  sisters,  shared  the  triumph  of  his 
father  ^  was  one  of  the  two  with  him  at  his  death  in  Syria,  and  followed 
the  mournful  procession  of  his  mother  with  the  remains.'  After  this, 
Tacitus  makes  no  mention  of  him  for  several  years,  during  which  time 
we  are  told  by  Suetonius  that  he  was  under  the  tutelage  first  of  his 
mother,  then  of  his  great-grandmother  Augusta,'  and,  after  the  death  of 
the  latter,  under  that  of  his  grandmother  Antonia. 

The  far-reaching  aims  of  Seianus  are  stated  to  have  included  a  plan 
for  his  assassination  at  the  same  time  with  that  of  Tiberius.* 

He  assumed  the  toga  virilis  at  a  later  age  than  his  brothers  and  with- 
out the  distinctions  granted  to  them*^;  and  then  or  soon  afterwards 
received  in  marriage  Junia  Claudilla,  daughter  of  M.  Silanus,  and  accom- 
panied Tiberius  to  Capreae,*  where  most  of  his  next  four  years  were 
spent,  years  which  must  have  done  much  to  form  his  character.  We  are 
to  think  of  him  as  at  once  schooling  his  violent  and  impulsive  temper  ^ 
to  live  under  the  suspicious  glance  of  those  penetrating  eyes,  as  *  veiling 
the  ferocity  of  his  spirit  under  a  mask  of  submission  V  and  *  learning 
every  artifice  of  falsehood  in  the  intimacy  of  his  grandfather'.^  The 
successive  stages  in  the  fate  of  his  mother  and  brother  failed  to  elicit  a 
word  from  his  lips  and  appeared  to  make  no  impression  on  his  mind : 
his  one  aim  from  day  to  day  was  to  study  the  mood  of  Tiberius  and 
adapt  every  word  and  look  to  it ;  so  that  the  witticism  spread  that  '  never 
was  there  man  who  would  be  a  better  slave  or  a  viler  master  '.^°  Tiberius, 
who  himself  had  under  Augustus  passed  through  a  similar  period  of 
disguise  and  repression,  while  to  outward  appearance  satisfied  with  his 
submissiveness,  was  not  likely  to  be  really  deceived  by  it.  He  gave 
J  him  no  higher  magistracy  than  the  quaestorship  ^^  (carrying  with  it 
ll^kadmission  to  the  lowest  rank  of  senators),  and  no  other  mark  of  honour 
^^Hbut  the  pontificate  ^^,  and  not  seldom  let  fall  expressions  which  showed 

I 


2.  41,  4.  *  Suet,  states  (Cal.  lo)  that  this  did 

'  3'  i>  5  ;  cp«  2.  70,  2,  and  note.  not  take   place   till   his  nineteenth  year 


'  The  statement  of  Suetonius  (Cal.  lo)  (784,  A.D.  31).     The  fifteenth  year  was 

that   he   passed   into  her  household   on  the  usual  time. 
Agrippina's   banishment,    is   inconsistent  *  6.  20,  i  (where  see  note), 

with  the  narrative  of  Tacitus,  who  places  '  In  6.  45,  5  he  is  called  *  commotus 

the  latter  event  after  the  death  of  Augusta  ingenio';    in  11.  3,  2  Asiaticus  is  repre- 

(5-  3>  2):  but  Agrippina  was  already  in  sented  as  contrasting  the  'impetus  Gai' 

disgrace  (see  4. 54,  3,  and  note),  and  may  with  the  *  calliditas  Tiberii '. 
have  been  deprived  of  the  custody  of  the  *  *  Immanem  animum  subdola  modestia 

boy ;  who  seems  certainly  to  have  stood  tegens '  (6.  20,  i ). 

in  some  close  relation  to  Augusta,  as  he  *  *  Simulationnm     falsa     in    sinu    avi 

was  selected,  in  preference  to  either  of  his  perdidicerat '  (6.  45,  5). 
elder  brothers,   to   pronounce   the  '  lau-  ^^  See  the  whole  passage,  6.  20,  i,  3. 

datio'  at  her  funeral  (5.  i,  6).  ^^  Dio,  58.  23,  i. 

*  6.  3,4.  ^»  Dio,  58.  8,1. 


[i6]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP,  ill 

that  he  had  read  his  character  rightly :  *  He  would  have  Sulla's  vices  with- 
out his  virtues/  *  '  He  would  be  a  serpent  to  the  Roman  people,  a 
Phaethon  to  the  world.'  ^ 

The  old  man  would  gladly  have  so  ordered  the  succession '  as  to  set 
aside  the  adoptive  grandson  for  the  grandson  by  blood ;  but  the  knowledge 
that  Tiberius  Gemellus  was  too  young,  and  that  in  any  case  the  tide  of 
popular  favour  would  run  high  for  the  son  of  Germanicus,  led  him  to  leave 
the  future  to  take  its  own  course,  though  he  could  see  from  the  scowl 
with  which  the  elder  looked  on  the  younger  what  that  course  would  be.* 

Gaius  again  had  shrewdness  enough  to  see  that,  whether  Tiberius 
intended  to  attempt  to  provide  for  the  succession  or  not,  the  real  masters  of 
the  situation  were  the  praetorians,  and  that  their  praefect  would  be  his  best 
ally.  Nor  was  Macro  in  his  turn  slow  to  '  worship  the  rising  instead  of  the 
setting  sun  \  and  even  to  sacrifice  his  wife's  honour  to  cement  the  alliance.^ 

All  could  see  the  direction  in  which  affairs  were  tending;  and  the 
eminent  senator,  L.  Arruntius,  is  represented  as  choosing  immediate 
suicide,  rather  than  await  a  more  rigorous  slavery,  under  the  rule  of  an 
ignorant  youth  *  brought  up  under  the  vilest  influences,  with  Macro  to 
guide  him  '.^ 

The  end  came  in  due  course,  not  without  dark  stories  of  the  personal 
share  of  Macro  and  Gaius  in  its  acceleration  '^ ;  and  from  this  point  the 
guidance  of  Tacitus  is  lost  to  us. 

We  are  led  however  to  believe,  from  what  has  been  already  noted, 
that  Tacitus  would  have  regarded  his  subsequent  conduct,  as  he  has  that 
of  Tiberius,  as  that  of  a  natural  tendency  revealing  itself,  though  by  less 
gradual  stages,  on  the  mere  removal  of  enforced  disguise.  We  should 
suppose  him  to  have  entirely  disbelieved  that  the  popular  acts  and  pro- 
fessions of  the  young  prince  at  the  beginning  of  rule  showed  any  sincere 
intention  to  govern  justly  and  moderately,  or  that  the  succeeding  insanity, 
whatever  its  nature  and  degree,^  which  by  most  accounts  was  as  much 
the  effect  as  the  cause  of  reckless  profligacy,  had  any  other  effect  on  his 
moral  character  than  so  far  as  it  led  him  more  completely  to  drop  the 

'6.46,7.  ^  6.  ^Zy  Z'^  A^l  ^^ 

^  *  ExitiosuoomniumqueGaiumvivere,  ^  6.  48,4.     That  Tacitus  fully  accepts 

et  se  natricem  (serpen tis  id  genus)  P.  R.,  this   view,   is  evident    from    the    words 

Phaethontemorbitenarumeducare'  (Suet.  added  :  *  documento  sequentia  erunt  bene 

Cal.  11).  Arruntium  nnorte  usum.' 

2  On  the  indirect  power  of  the  princeps  '  6.  50,  8  (where  see  note), 

to  do  this,  see  Introd.  i.  vi.  p.  82.  *  Tacitus  denotes  his  insanity  by  the 

*  6.  46,  I,  foil.     The  story  told  by  Jo-  expressions  *  turbidus  animi'  (H.  4.  48, 

sephus  (Ant.  18.  6,  9)  of  a  designation  of  2),  'Gai  turbata  mens'  (13.  3,  6).     The 

Gaius  assuccessor  is  generally  disbelieved.  expression,  'commotus  ingenio,'  applied 

In  the  will  of  Tiberius  the  two  youths  to   him    at   an   earlier  date   (see  above, 

had  an  equal  position  (Suet.  Tib.  76).  p.  [15]),  has  a  different  meaning. 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  GAIUS  [17] 

mask,  cast  away  the  last  restraints  of  common  decency  and  prudence, 
and  follow  the  bent  of  a  nature  long  since  thoroughly  vitiated.^ 

When  however  we  consider  that,  out  of  the  four  Books  and  a  half 
given  to  the  events  of  the  ten  years  succeeding  the  death  of  Tiberius  (a 
larger  amount  than  is  ever  elsewhere  allotted  to  a  similar  space  within  the 
period  of  the  Annals),  probably  two  Books  were  occupied  with  those  of 
this  principate  of  hardly  four  years'  duration,  we  may  feel  sure  that  so 
weighty  a  historian  found  in  it  material  of  more  historical  importance 
than  such  as  survives  to  us  in  Suetonius  or  Dio.^ 

It  is  also  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  his  purpose  professed  at  the 
beginning  of  his  work,  of  holding  a  balance  between  the  extravagances 
of  adulation  and  abuse,^  and  his  belief  that  he  has  succeeded  in  doing 
so,  applies  to  Gaius  as  well  as  to  the  other  princes  contained  in  it,  and 
makes  it  probable  that  in  his  case,  as  we  have  already  seen  in  that  of 
Tiberius,  some  of  the  scandals  and  outrages  which  other  historians  have 
raked  together  would  have  been  discredited,  and  many  incredible  ex- 
aggerations reduced  to  their  just  dimensions. 

One  general  trait  of  considerable  interest  has  been  preserved  to  us  in 
the  incidental  mention  that  the  disordered  intellect  of  Gaius  was  never- 
theless consistent  with  considerable  oratorical  vigour"*;  a  statement 
which  may  well  be  illustrated  by  the  epigrammatic  point  of  some  of  his 
personalities,^  and  the  shrewd,  however  merciless,  logic  pervading  his 
repartees  and  other  reported  utterances. 

Some  of  the  principal  remaining  allusions  to  his  acts  show  that  Tacitus 
followed  the  general  account  of  the  absurd  fiasco  of  the  German  expedi- 

J'.on,^  and  considered  that  its  failure,  combined  with  the  characteristic 
aprice  of  Gaius  himself,  caused  the  abandonment  of  what  he  believed  to 
ave  been  a  seriously  entertained  project  of  invading  Britain^  It  is 
isappointing  that  we  have  here  no  suggestion  of  a  rational  explanation 
if  these  events  which  seems  not  impossible.  Lentulus  Gaetulicus, 
igatus  of  Upper    Germany,  already  formidable  under   Tiberius,   and 

^  The  stories  of  his  youthful  profligacy,  '  mere  disputations '  (*  commissiones ')  and 

though  not  expressly  confirmed  by  Taci-  *  sand  without  lime '  (*  arenam  sine  calce ') 

tus,  receive  some  support  from  6.  9,  2.  in  Id.  53. 

*  See  the  remarks  of  Dean  Merivale,  at  *  '  Ingentes  C.  Caesaris  minae  in  ludi- 
the  beginning  of  ch.  48  of  his  History.  brium  versae'   (G.   37,  5).     The  attack 

'  1.1,5.  seems  to  have  been  directed  on  the  Can- 

*  '  Etiam  Gai  Caesaris  turbata  mens  ninefates,  whose  chief  '  multa  hostilia 
vim  dicendi  non  corrupit'  (13.  3,  6) :  cp.  ausus  Gaianarum  expeditionum  ludibrium 
Suet.  Cal.  53.  inpune  spreverat'  (H.  4.  15,  3). 

*  e.  g.  his  description  of  M.  Silanus  as  '  '  Agitasse  Gaium  Caesarem  de  in- 
a  *  golden  sheep '(*  pecudem  auream'),  in  tranda  Britannia  satis  constat,  ni  velox 
13.  I,  i;  of  Augusta  as  'Ulysses  in  ingenio,  mobilis  paenitentiae,  et  ingentes 
petticoats '  (*  Ulixen  stolatum ')  in  Suet.  adversum  Germaniam  conatus  frustra 
"^al.  23,  and  of  the  writings  of  Seneca  as  fuissent '  (Agr.  13,  4). 


[i8]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP,  ill 

influential  with  the  army  of  Lower  Germany,  as  well  as  master  of  his 
own/  was  apparently  organizing  a  conspiracy,  connived  at  by  perhaps 
both  the  surviving  sisters  of  the  Emperor,  and  supported  by  Lepidus,  his 
brother-in-law  and  kinsman.^  It  is  possible  to  suppose  that  this  treason 
on  foot  was  already  known,  and  that  the  projected  German  and  British 
expeditions  were  no  more  than  the  alleged  object  for  collecting  in  Gaul 
such  an  army  as  would  suffice  to  cow  the  German  legions,  and  suppress 
the  danger  without  bloodshed ' ;  and  that  in  all  the  rest  we  have  only 
some  clumsy  attempts  to  sustain  the  pretext.* 

We  have  also  a  criticism  by  Tacitus  on  the  blundering  manner  in 
which  Gains,  suspicious  of  the  eminence  of  M.  Silanus,  corrected  the 
anomaly,  previously  deemed  harmless,  by  which,  in  Africa  alone  among 
all  the  senatorial  provinces,  the  proconsul  had  command  of  a  legion  and 
of  the  auxiliaries  attached  to  it.'  His  introduction  of  a  dual  govern- 
ment, by  placing  the  legion  with  its  auxiliaries  under  a  '  legatus  Augusti ', 
styled  '  legate  of  the  army  which  is  in  Africa ',  whose  authority  clashed 
with  that  of  the  proconsul,  was  fruitful,  as  might  have  been  expected,  in 
jealousy  and  discord^;  but  the  change  so  far  commended  itself  to  his 
successors  that  the  old  anomaly  was  never  restored,  [though  as  happened  in 
the  case  of  the  legates  of  the  two  German  armies  the  '  legate  of  the  army  in 
Africa '  became  at  a  later  period  *  legate  of  the  province  of  Numidia  'J — P.] 

A  single  sentence  relating  to  the  command  of  Gains  that  his  statue 
should  be  set  up  in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem, maybe  quoted  as  so  far  showing 
a  difference  from  Josephus  as  apparently  to  represent  an  outbreak  to  have 
actually  commenced.®  [In  this  act  of  Gains  we  should  proba^Dly  see  not 
merely  caprice,  but  the  pursuance  of  a  policy  in  which  he  was  encouraged 
by  semi-oriental  princelings,  such  as  Herod,  that  namely  of  posing  as  a 
monarch  of  the  Hellenistic  type  and  therefore  as  god  as  well  as  king. — P.] 

'  See  6.  30,  3,  foil.,  where  the  formid-  Gaul  as  the  pretext,  and  a  desire  to  extort 

able  position  of  Gaetulicus  is  shown,  and  money  from  the  wealthy  there  as  the  real 

his  menacing  letter  to  Tiberius  given  as  motive.     H.   Willrich    (Beitrage   z.  alt. 

generally  believed.  Geschichte,  1903)  insists  on  the  reality  of 

^  See  Dio,  59.  22,  5,  6.     Tacitus  ap-  the  danger  in  Upper  Germany, 

parently  believed  in  both  the  treason  of  ^  See  Introd.  i.  ch.  vii.  p.  98. 

Lepidus  and  the  ambitious  aims  of  Agrip-  •  'Legio  in  Africa  auxiliaque  tutandis 

pina:  cp.  14.  2,4(*quae  puellaribus  annis  imperii  finibus,  sub  D.  August©  Tiberio- 

stuprum   cum   Lepido   spe  dominationis  « que    principibus,     proconsuli     parebant. 

admiserat').     Both  sisters  were  exiled.  Mox  C.  Caesar,  turbidus   animi   ac  M. 

^  That  the  conspiracy  was  dealt  with  Silanum    obtinentem   Africam    metuens, 

soon  after  the  entry  of  Gains  into  Gaul  is  ablatam   j>roconsuli   legionem    misso   in 

shown  by  the  date  of  the  offering  of  the  eam  rem  legato  tradidit.     Aequatus  inter 

Arval  Brothers  at  Rome  (Oct.  27,  792,  A.D.  duos    beneficiorum    numerus,   at    mixtis 

39),    *  ob  detecta  nefaria  con[silia]   Cn.  utriusque    mandatis     discordia    quaesita 

Lentuli  Gae[tulici]'  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  i.  2029).  auctaque  pravo  certamine'  (H.  4.  48,  i). 

*  See  Merivale,  ch.  48,  p.  439.     Dio  '  See  Marquardt,  Staatsv.  i.  pp.  308- 

(59.  21,  2)  gives  a  less  probable  account,  310. 

representing  some  imaginary  rising    jn  *  •  Dein  iussi  a  C.  Caesare  effigiem  eius 


CHAP.  Ill]  LIFE  OF  CLAUDIUS  [19] 

Within  these  narrow  limits  is  confined  all  the  help  that  we  can  obtain 
from  Tacitus  towards  judging  Gaius  either  in  youth  or  manhood ;  nor 
have  we  any  reason  to  suppose  that  this  history,  if  it  had  come  down 
complete  to  us,  would  have  tended  to  reverse,  however  it  might  in  degree 
have  modified,  the  judgement  which  has  gibbeted  this  tyrant  among  the 
monsters  of  mankind. 


II.  Claudius, 

SUMMARY  OP  CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

His  life  and  habits  previously  to  his  principate [19] 

Authorities  for  the  first  six  years  of  his  rule [23] 

His  general  policy  at  home  and  abroad  at  his  accession [24] 

Influence  of  his  own  personal  qualities  on  his  government        ....  [34] 

Ascendancy  of  Messalina  and  Agrippina         . [40] 

General  review        . [45] 

Note. — In  this  section  many  obligations  have  to  be  acknowledged  to  Dr.  H. 
Lehmann's  work,  referred  to  above  (p.  [5]). 

The  remaining  fragment  of  our  historian's  narrative  of  the  principate 
of  Claudius,  though  comprising  probably  more  than  one  third  of  the 
whole,  fails  us  in  the  most  important  part  of  his  rule,  as  well  as  in  the 
period  immediately  preceding  it.  It  is  also  unfortunate  that  Tacitus  has 
not  thought  fit  to  give  at  the  close  of  his  life  any  general  summary  of  his 
^character,  as  is  done  in  the  Annals  for  Tiberius,^  and  in  the  Histories 
)r  Galba,*  and  also  (more  briefly)  for  Otho'  and  Vitellius.'* 

What  is  left  to  us  cannot  be  justly  estimated  without  reviewing  at  some 
length  such  account  as  we  have  of  the  fifty-five  previous  years  of  his 
private  and  public  life. 

On  his  early  history  Suetonius  ^  is  our  sole  authority.  It  is  from  him 
that  we  get  the  picture  of  the  boy  born  barely  a  year  before  hi  s  father's 
death,  harassed  in  childhood  by  such  a  succession  of  illnesses  as  perma- 
nently to  affect  mind  and  body,  regarded  with  contempt  by  his  relations, 
with  aversion  even  by  his  mother,^  kept  in  retirement  while  his  popular 

in  templo  locare  arma  potius  sumpsere;  '  Id.  2.  50,  i. 

quem  motum  Caesaris  mors  diremit '  (H.  *  Id.  3.  86,  1-3.  '  CI.  2-4. 

5.9,4).  Cp.Jos.Ant.  18. 8,9;  B.I.  2.10,  5.  «  'Portentum  eum  hominis  dictitabat. 

The  only  extant  reference  to  this  matter  nee  absolutum  a  natura  sed  tantum  inchoa- 

in  the  Annals  (12.  54,  2)  is  mutilated.  turn,  ac  si  quem  socordiae  argueret,  stul- 

^  6.  51.  '  H.  I.  49,  3-8.  tiorem  aiebat  filio  suo  Claudio.'     Id.  3. 

C  % 


[2o]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  Ill 

and  gifted  brother  was  pushed  forward  rapidly  in  public  life,  and  known 
by  only  one  redeeming  trait,  his  early  passion  for  study.  Augustus 
indeed,  though  by  no  means  allowing  him  to  make  an  exhibition  of 
himself  in  public,  showed  some  regard  for  him  in  private  life,  and  had 
the  insight  to  see  that  when  he  could  command  his  faculties,  he  was  by 
no  means  the  fool  he  seemed  * :  yet  even  he,  though  thus  showing  more 
consideration  than  other  and  nearer  relatives,  was  so  far  dissatisfied  with 
him  as  to  allow  him  no  other  distinction  than  an  augurship,  and  to  give 
him  only  a  low  position  and  trifling  legacy  in  his  will  ^ ;  while  from  the 
stern  and  ungenial  Tiberius  he  had  less  indulgence  to  expect.  He  was 
now  earnestly  desirous  of  filling  the  magistracies  of  state,  but  was  put  off 
with  the  'ornamenta  consularia';  a  further  request  was  met  with  the 
contemptuous  gift  of  a  few  gold  pieces  to  spend  at  the  Saturnalia  ^ ;  and 
he  retired  into  shadow  during  the  rest  of  this  prince's  rule,  with  no 
further  distinction  than  that  of  a  place  among  the  *  sodales  Augustales '.  * 
Though  now  the  head  of  the  Claudian  house,^  second  only  in  dignity  to 
the  Julian,  he  had  no  position  in  the  senate,^  and  merely  ranked  as  a 
knight.'^  A  trivial  incident  showing  the  tendency  of  all  men  to  take  no 
account  of  him  ^  gives  Tacitus  an  opportunity  for  the  bitter  comment, 
*  the  more  I  think  on  ancient  or  recent  examples,  the  more  is  the  mockery 
pervading  human  affairs  in  all  matters  made  evident  to  me.  By  repu- 
tation, by  promise,  by  the  respect  of  men,  any  one  seemed  rather  destined 
to  imperial  dignity  than  he  whom  fortune  was  reserving  in  secret  as  the 
future  prince.' 

Thus  to  the  twenty-four  years  of  childhood  and  youth  under  Augustus 
are  to  be  added  twenty-two  more,  passed  in  complete  retirement  under 
Tiberius,  in  which,  despised  by  those  of  his  own  rank,  and  bashful  in  good 
society,  he  took  refuge  in  low  habits  and  lowcompany.^  These  surroundings 

^  The  letters  of  Augustus  to   Livia,  of  his  elder  brother  Germanicus  by  Ti- 

preserved  in  Suet.  CI.  4,  give  by  far  the  berius. 

best  evidence  as    to    the    condition    of  ^  Suet,  mentions  (6)  a  resolution  of  the 

Claudius    in   early   life.      Distinction   is  senate    to    give    him  a    complimentary 

drawn  in  them  between  his  demeanour  quasi-position  in  that  body,  which   Ti- 

and  his  actual  intelligence.     In  one  he  berius   cancelled   on   the   ground   of  his 

says  *  misellus  oltvx^^,  nam  iv  rois  artov-  imbecility. 

SaioLS,  ubi  non  aberravit  eius  animus,  satis  ^  He  was  twice  selected  by  that  order 

apparet  fj  rrjs  ipvxv^  avrov  evyevfia.^     He  as   their   spokesman    in    deputations    to 

will  often  ask  him  to  dinner  *  ne  solus  Tiberius  (Suet.  5). 

cenet  cum  suo  Sulpicio  et  Athenodoro'  *  3.  18,  5. 

(literary  friends).      In  another  letter  he  '  Suet,  describes  him  (CI.  5)  as  acquir- 

wonders  how  one  who  talked  so  inarticu-  ing  a  propensity  to  drinking  and  gamb- 

lately  could  declaim  so  well.  ling    *  ex    contubernio    sordidissimorum 

*  Suet.  4.  hominum.'      Julius    Paelignus    is    men- 
^  Suet.  5.  tioned  as  one  of  his   boon   companions 

*  I.  54,  2.  *  cum  privatus  olim  conversatione  scur- 

*  This  he  had  become  on  the  adoption  rarum  iners  otium  oblectaret'  (12.  49,  i). 


CHAP.  Ill]  LIFE  OF  CLAUDIUS  [21] 

intensified  his  natural  vices  and  eccentricities,  and  permanently  formed 
his  character.  Disgusting  manners,  gluttony,  drink,  lust,  gambling,^ 
became  the  propensities  of  such  a  life,  redeemed  to  some  extent  by  the 
literary  pursuits  ^  which  alone  kept  him  up  to  any  higher  level.  Indica- 
tions are  not  indeed  altogether  wanting  that  his  nearness  to  the  ruling 
house  still  made  him  a  person  of  some  consideration.  He  was  married 
successively  to  two  women  of  high  family,  Plautia  Urgulanilla  and  Aelia 
Paetina ' ;  it  was  a  valuable  stepping-stone  to  Seianus  to  affiance  a 
daughter  to  his  young  son  Drusus  * ;  even  Tiberius  in  his  last  moments 
considered  him  among  possible  heirs,  were  it  not  for  the  weakness  of  his 
mind,°  and  left  him  a  better  position  in  his  will  than  he  had  held  in  that 
of  Augustus.^ 

On  the  accession  of  Gaius,  he  emerges  from  a  position  of  obscurity 
and  neglect,  and  of  personal  safety  assured  thereby,  into  one  of  greater 
outward  dignity,  combined  with  greater  real  degradation,  and  no  slight 
actual  peril.  From  a  mere  knight  he  becomes  senator  and  consul,'  to 
be  taken  to  task  in  his  magistracy  and  all  but  deposed  from  it,^  and  to 
be  treated  with  studied  contempt  in  the  senate-house  ^ ;  he  is  promoted 
to  a  priesthood,  to  find  himself  ruined  by  the  expenses  of  assuming  it*** ; 
he  is  sent  by  the  senate  as  spokesman  of  its  deputation  to  Gaius  in  Gaul, 
to  find  the  distinction  go  near  to  cost  his  life,  and  (according  to  some 
accounts)  to  be  glad  to  escape  with  a  ducking  in  the  river " ;  he  is  not 
only  the  constant  victim  of  the  flouts  and  blows  of  Gaius  himself,^^  but 
also  the  butt  for  all  the  rude  horseplay  and  practical  jests  of  courtiers  and 
buffoons  at  the  imperial  feasts.^' 

Tacitus  would  probably  have  shown  us  not  only  what  was  thus  patent 

*  See  Suet.  CI.  33,  and  other  places.  always  asked  last   of  all  the  consulars, 
^  *  Bonarum   artium  cupiens  erat '   (6.      i.  e.  not  only  not  above,  but  even  some- 

46,  2).     On  his  literary  works,  see  13,  3,  what  below,  his  actual  rank. 
1  and  note.  ^"  The  expenses  are  put  at  the  extra- 

^  The  former  is  described  in  Suet.  CI.  ordinary     sum     of    eight     million     HS 

26  as  *  triumphali '  (see  note  on  4.  22,  3),  (Suet.  1.  1.).     The   priesthood  was  that 

the  latter  as  *  consulari   patre.'     On  the  to  Gaius  himself  as  Jupiter  Latiaris,  for 

pedigree  of  the  former,  see  2.  34,  3 ;  4.  which   other    rich    men    were    similarly 

22.  3  (and  notes);  Lehmann,  p.  88.  victimized    (Dio,   59.    28,    5).     He   was 

*  3«  29,  3.  also  a  *  sodalis   Titius '   (Insc.  Henzen, 
'  *  Imminuta  mens  eius  obstitit '   (6.  5399)' 

46,  a).  11  Gaius  considered  himself  treated  as 

®  Suet.  CI.  6.  a  boy  by  having  his  uncle  thus  sent  to 

'  He  was  consul  with  Gaius  in  July  him    (Suet.   1.   1.).     The   latter   incident 

790,  A.  D.  37,  and  held  office  two  months.  is  related  with  doubt  ('  ut  non  defuerint 

He    also    sometimes    presided    for    his  qui  traderent,'  etc.). 

nephew  at  games  and  received  applause  ^"^  Seneca   (Lud.   15,   2)    makes  Gaius 

(Suet.  CI.  7).  claim   him  as  a  slave  in  Hades :  '  pro- 

'  Suet.  9.  ducit  testes,  qui   ilium  viderant   ab  illo 

*  Suet,  states  (1.  1.)  that  after  his  re-  flagris,  ferulis,  colaphis  vapulantem.' 
turn    from    Gaul,    his    '  sententia '    was  ^^  Suet.  8. 


[22]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  Ill 

to  all,  but  also  what  may  have  lain  beneath  the  surface ;  whether  not 
only  this  tame  submission  to  every  kind  of  insult,  but  even  some  studied 
exaggeration  of  his  natural  weakness  and  eccentricity,  may  not  have 
been  assumed  for  self-protection,^  as  according  to  the  old  tale  was  the 
demeanour  of  Brutus  under  Tarquinius,  or  as  had  been  the  servility  of 
Gaius  himself  under  Tiberius.'^  It  can,  indeed,  be  hardly  doubted  that 
his  position  had  another  side  to  it,  at  a  time  when  all  thinking  men  could 
foresee  that  the  existing  tyranny  must  needs  be  shortlived ;  that  its  out- 
come would  not  be  (as  some  fondly  dreamt)  a  return  to  the  old  Republic, 
but  the  succession  of  some  other  princeps  ;  that  while  direct  or  collateral 
descendants  of  Augustus  lived,  their  names  would  weigh  powerfully  in 
the  scale  against  any  others ;  and  that  within  that  circle  Claudius,  with 
all  his  drawbacks,  was  most  prominent.^ 

It  was  not  without  political  foresight  that  the  freedman  Callistus  chose 
to  pay  court  to  Claudius  rather  than  destroy  him  ^ ;  that  his  old  friend 
Herodes  Agrippa  still  kept  up  his  intimacy  ^ ;  that  the  senate  as  a  body 
paid  him  what  was  evidently  intended  as  a  compliment  by  choosing  him 
on  the  deputation  above  referred  to.^  Nor  can  we  suppose  him  to  have 
been  himself  so  obtuse  as  not  to  keep  an  eye  on  his  own  prospects 
throughout  his  apparent  effacement ;  nor  was  it  without  a  political  motive 
that  he  contracted  during  this  period  a  far  higher  matrimonial  alliance 
than  any  of  his  previous  ones,  by  taking  to  wife  Valeria  Messalina,  w^ho 
was  a  direct  descendant,  through  both  her  parents,  from  Octavia,'  and 
might  have  added  to  the  chance  of  any  of  his  possible  rivals  by  a  similar 
connexion. 

It  is  also  easy  to  see  that  in  his  actual  elevation  to  the  principate 
deeper  causes  were  working  than  a  mere  soldier's  freak,  however  true 
may  be  the  account  which  has  come  down  to  us  of  the  circumstances 
of  the  moment  when  a  sudden  and  terrible  catastrophe  brought  him 

^  His   own  subsequent   assertion  that  thing.     '  This  too  is  a  Germanicus,'  is 

such  was  the  case  was  disbelieved  at  the  the     expression     ascribed     by    Josephus 

time  (Suet.  38),  but  is,  to  some  extent,  (Ant.  19.  3,  i)  to  the  soldier  who  found 

not   improbable,  though   the    history  of  him   hiding.     The    names    of  other   de- 

his  childhood  sufficiently  shows  that  his  scendants  of  Augustus   or  Octavia   then 

condition   was   mostly  congenital.     The  living  will   be    seen   from  the  pedigrees 

supposed  allusion  to  his  self-effacement  in  Introd.  i.  ix.  pp.  139,  140. 

in  coins  inscribed  *  Constantia  August! '  *  Jos.  Ant.  19.  i,  10. 

(Eckh.  vi.  336 ;  Cohen,  i.  251,  4)  is  some-  °  He  had  been  brought  up  with  him 

what  fanciful.  in  early  youth  (Jos.  Ant.  18.  6,  4),  and 

^  See  above,  p.  [15].  had    evidently   still    the    position    of  a 

^  Claudius,  though  not  adopted   into  trusted   friend  when   he   acted   as  nego- 

the  family  of  the  Caesars,  was   on   his  tiator  between  him  and  the  senate  alter 

mother's    side    a    direct    descendant    of  the  death  of  Gaius  (Id.  19.  4). 

Octavia,    and    his    brotherhood    to    the  ®  See  above,  p.  [21]. 

popular  Germanicus  counted  for  some-  '''  See  the  pedigrees,  Introd.  i.  ix.  p.  140. 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  CLAUDIUS  [23] 

unawares  in  full  view  of  the  end  for  which  he  and  his  adherents  may  have 
been  none  the  less  deliberately  laying  their  plans. 

Our  most  serious  loss  is  that  of  the  record  and  judgement  of  Tacitus 
respecting  the  first  and  best  years  of  this  principate,  one  which  we  can 
the  better  realize  by  reflecting  how  much  less  we  should  have  known 
of  the  rule  of  Tiberius,  if  the  first  three  Books  of  the  Annals  had  not 
come  down  to  us.  As  regards  mere  material,  it  is  no  doubt  true 
that  our  other  authorities  here  do  more  to  fill  the  gap.  Josephus,  by 
large  portions  of  his  narrative,  and  especially  by  the  original  texts 
of  edicts  of  the  emperor  and  of  Petronius,  his  legatus  in  Syria, 
preserved  in  it,  has  given  us  valuable  information  on  many  subjects, 
especially  on  the  policy  adopted  towards  the  Jewish  race  ^ :  a  few  facts 

f  historical  interest  may  be  found  among  those  noted  by  the  elder 
Pliny;  to  his  nephew  we  owe  the  touching  history  of  Paetus  and  Arria^ ; 
and  the  reader  may  derive  entertainment,  if  not  instruction,  from  Seneca, 

hose  disregard,  not  only  for  truth,  but  even  for  his  own  consistency, 
allows  us  to  find,  in  what  he  says  of  Claudius,  an  equally  extreme 
instance  of  each  of  the  kinds  of  falsification,  in  which  Tacitus  tells  us 
that  the  histories  of  the  whole  period  covered  by  his  Annals  abounded.^ 
In  the  *  Consolatio '  addressed  from  his  place  of  exile  to  Polybius,^  the 
resources  of  language  can  hardly  find  terms  for  the  gentleness  and 
clemency  ^  of  the  prince  under  whom  it  was  the  freedman's  happy 
lot  to  live,  and  under  whom  even  exiles  rested  in  peace.^  Fortune 
is  prayed  to  preserve  one  granted  to  the  relief  of  a  worn-out  age,  and 
herself  bidden  to  learn  from  him  to  be  merciful.'^  He  is  himself 
imagined  as  drawing  on  the  unrivalled  stores  of  his  eloquence  and 
learning  to  address  topics  of  consolation  to  his  minister^;  whom  the 
writer  bids  to  seek  his  own  solace  in  the  sunshine  of  that  presence,^ 

Pf  that  deity  within  whose  influence  no  sorrow  can  reach  him.^*^  It  is 
ard  indeed  to  believe  that  we  are  reading  from  the  same  author  whose 
en  has  described  a  monster  of  cruelty  to  us  in  the  '  Ludus  \  Some 
llowance  must  be  made  for  the  diff"erence  in  date  of  the  two  pictures  " ; 

'<'■         *  It  is  also  to  Josephus  that  we  owe  falsae,   postquam    occiderant    recentibus 

the  only  account  given  with  full  detail  odiis  compositae  sunt '  (i.  i,  5). 

of  the  death  of  Gains  and  elevation  of  *  It   is   written   ostensibly   to  him  on 

Claudius  (Ant.  19.  1-4).     For  the  edicts  the   loss   of  a   brother,   but   the   person 

above  referred  to,  see  below,  p.  [29].  really  addressed  is  Claudius. 

2  Ep.   3.    16;    see   also  Mart.    i.    14.  '  See  6,  5  ;  13,  3  ;  4 ;  17,  3,  etc. 

acitus,  who  alludes  to  the  story  in  16.  ^13,  4. 

34,  3,  no  doubt  gave  it  full  prominence  '  16,  6. 

in  its  place,  and  it  is  probably  from  him  *  14,  1-16,  3. 

that  the  abridged  version  in  l)io,  60.  16,  »  12,  3. 

6  was  derived.  ^o  8,  i. 

'  *  Res    florentibus    ipsis    ob    metum  "  Even  at  the  date  of  the  earlier  trea- 


[24]  INTRODUCTION  [chap.  Ill 

for  the  rest,  the  servile  flattery  and  scathing  satire  must  be  left  to 
counterbalance  and  discredit  each  other. 

Our  only  continuous  and  consecutive  narrative,  that  of  Dio,  shrinks 
into  the  epitome  of  Xiphilinus  at  a  point  a  little  before  that  at  which 
we  recover  the  guidance  of  Tacitus,  and  is,  unfortunately,  somewhat 
meagre  as  a  whole  in  proportion  to  the  general  scale  of  the  history^; 
but  on  many  important  points,  especially  on  the  conquest  of  Britain, 
is  our  sole  detailed  authority. 

From  these  sources,  aided  by  the  miscellaneous  *  farrago '  of  Suetonius, 
our  record  of  the  first  six  years  of  the  prince's  rule  has  to  be  gathered,' 
so  far  as  it  is  needful  for  the  present  purpose  to  trace  its  outlines. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  Claudius  and  his  advisers,  while  thus 
taking  the  reins  at  a  moment's  notice,  succeeded  to  no  such  well- 
ordered  empire  as  had  been  transmitted  by  Augustus  to  Tiberius  and  by 
him  to  Gains,  but  to  one  full  of  confusion  and  misgovernment.  The 
bloody  deed  of  Jan.  24  had  revived  the  memory  of  the  Ides  of  March 
of  B.  c.  44,  and  had  shaken  the  foundations  of  Caesarism ;  the  threads 
of  continuity  had  been  snapped,  the  State  had  been  two  days  without 
a  princeps,  and  the  restoration  of  the  Republic  had  been  debated  as 
an  open  question.^  The  executions  and  extortions  of  the  late  tyranny 
had  thoroughly  alienated  the  rich,  while  the  populace,  though  probably 
fortunate  enough  to  be  ignorant  of  their  peril,  and  deploring  the  loss 
of  what  must  have  seemed  a  golden  age  of  amusements,*  were  in 
imminent  danger  of  all  the  horrors  of  famine.'  Abroad,  Gains  had 
unsettled  everything  and  setded  nothing ;  had  pillaged  Gaul,^  stirred  up 
the  long  slumbering  hostility  of  the  German  tribes,  driven  Palestine  into 
open  rebellion,  flouted  the  deputation  sent  to  plead  for  the  persecuted  Jews 
of  Alexandria,  had  created  or  deposed  vassal  princes  at  the  humour  of 
his  caprice,  and,  by  the  murder  or  detention  of  their  legitimate  rulers, 

tise,  the  hands  of  this  *  mitissimus  prin-  ^  Such   further   evidence    as    can    be 

ceps '    were    already    stained    with    the  gathered  from  coins  and  inscriptions  has 

blood   of  Silanus   (see    on    11.    29,    i),  been    carefully    collected    by    Lehmann 

and   with    all   the  severities   consequent  (App.  pp.  1-66). 

on   the   detection   of  the   conspiracy   of  ^  See  Jos.  Ant.  19.  1-3. 

Camillus    Scribonianus.      Each    treatise  *  The  popular  indignation  at  the  death 

was  written  only  for  the  purpose  of  the  of  Gains  is  described  in  Jos.  1.  1. ;  19. 

moment,    the     former     to    procure    the  i,  20,  etc. 

writer's  return  from  exile,   the  latter  to  ^  Seneca  (de  Brev.  Vit.    18,   5),  who 

amuse  Nero  and  his  friends  at  the  Sa-  traces   the   cause   to   the  withdrawal   of 

turnalia  immediately  following  his  acces-  cornships   to   make    the    useless    bridge 

sion.  across  the  bay  of  Baiae,  states  (probably 

^  To   the   narrative    of  these   thirteen  with  exaggeration)  that  only  corn  enough 

years   one  Book   is  allotted.     An   equal  for  seven  or  eight  days  was  left  in  Rome, 

space  is  given  to  the  short  rule  of  Gains,  Dio  (59.  1 7,  2)  represents  the  famine  as 

while  with  that   of    Nero   three   whole  already  felt. 

Books  are  occupied.  *  See  Dio,  59.  21,  2;  22,  3,  etc. 


I 


CHAP.  Ill]  RVLE  OF  CLAUDIUS  [25] 

had  left  Mauretania  a  prey  to  war,  Commagene  to  anarch)',  and  had 
abandoned  th^great  kingdom  of  Armenia  to  the  control  of  Parthia.^ 

The  difficulties  of  this  situation  were  dealt  with  by  the  new  govern- 
ment in  a  spirit  of  deliberation  and  forethought  hardly  to  be  expected 
of  persons  taken  unawares.  The  most  urgent  danger,  that  of  famine, 
appears  to  have  been  averted  for  the  present  by  energetic  temporary 
measures  ;  ^  [a  serious  attempt  was  made  to  construct  a  commodious 
harbour  at  Ostia,  in  which  the  cornships  could  ride  more  safely  than  in 
the  open  roadstead,  while  in  connexion  with  the  new  harbour,  a  new  outlet 
for  the  water  of  the  Tiber  was  made,  in  order  to  lessen  the  damage  to 
Rome  from  floods.^ — P.]  Another  necessary  of  life  was  to  be  provided  in 
abundance  by  taking  up  vigorously  and  carrying  out  to  its  accomplish- 
ment the  aqueduct  begun  by  Gains.*  [Claudius  also  endeavoured  to 
develop  the  resources  of  the  valleys  of  the  central  Apennines.  The 
extensive  lagoon  known  as  the  Fucine  Lake  was  drained,^  and  the  district 
with  others  opened  to  communication  by  the  continuation  of  the  Via 
Valeria  to  the  Adriatic  coast,  and  the  construction  of  a  road  (Via  Claudia 
Nova)  connecting  the  Via  Valeria  with  the  Via  Salaria,  the  line  of  this  new 
road  being  roughly  that  of  the  modern  railway  from  Rieti  to  Solmona. — P.] 

Another  question  pressing  for  immediate  decision  was  that  of  those 
compromised  in  the  recent  conspiracy.  Tyrannicide  could  not  be 
tolerated,  and  therefore  the  actual  assassins  had  to  die ;  but  of  the  rest, 
even  those  who  had  been  talked  of  as  aspirants  to  the  principate,  or  who 
had  advocated  the  restoration  of  the  Republic,  were  included  in  a  com- 
prehensive amnesty,  and  even  allowed  to  win  further  distinctions;  a 
similar  pardon  being  also  extended  to  those  who  had  heaped  insults 
on  Claudius  at  his  nephew's  bidding.^ 

^  On  all  these  points,  see  further  ex-  Claudian   harbour  are  still  visible   near 

planation  below  (pp.  [29],  foil.).  Porto.     C.  I.  L.   14.  85  '  fossis  duetts  a 

'  Those  mentioned  in  Suet.  18  appear  Tiberi  operis  portus  caussa  emissisque  in 

to  belong  to  a  later  date ;  but  some  of  mare,  urbem  inundationis  periculo  leva- 

the  coins  referred  to  by  Lehmann  (p.  135)  vit.' — P.] 

bearing  the  words  'Ceres  Augusta',  the  *  This  work    was    probably  not   im- 

•modius',  etc.,  appear  to  belong  to  this  first  mediately  taken  up.     It  is  mentioned  by 

year  and  to  refer  to  measures  then  taken.  Tacitus  as  if  completed  in  800,  A.  D.  47, 

'  See  Suet.  20.     Dio   (60.   11)   places  but  the  inscription  (see  note  on  11.  13,  2) 

the  beginning  of  this  work  in  his  second  gives  a  later  date. 

year  (also  one  of  dearth).     In   spite   of  *  The  statement  of  Suet.  (CI.  20),  that 

all   that    was    done,   Rome    was    again  the  work  took  eleven  years,  would  show 

threatened  with  imminent  famine  in  804,  it  to  have  been  begun  in  the  first  year 

A.D.  51  (12.  43,  2);  and  Puteoli  seems  of  Claudius:  see  12,  56,  i,  and  note, 

still  to  have  remained  the  great  landing-  •  Dio,  60.  3,  4-7.     Valerius  Asiaticus, 

place  of  the  Alexandrian  fleet  (Sen.  Ep.  who  had  glorified  the  assassmation  (Jos. 

77,  i).     That  the  work  was  unfinished  Ant.  1 9.1,  20),  and  appears  to  have  aspired 

at  his  death  would  appear  from  medals  to  the  principate  (Id.  4,  3),  was  allowed 

in   which   Nero   credits   himself  with   it  afterwards  to  take  part  in  the  expedition 

('Port.    Ost.   Augusti ') :    see   Eckh.   vi.  to  Britain  and  to  hold  a  second  consul- 

276;  Cohen,  i.  280,  33.     [Traces  of  the  ship  (see  11.  1,1;  3,  i). 


[26]  •        INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  Ill 

The  emperor  had  also  to  define  the  rule  to  which  he  had  succeeded ;  and 
in  this  it  is  hardly  too  much  to  say  that  the  lines  of  the  imperial  constitution 
had  to  be  retraced.  The  memory  of  the  late  tyranny  was  effaced,  the  ex- 
travagant titles  adopted  by  Gains  were  abolished,  his  '  acta '  rescinded,  his 
exiles,  especially  his  two  sisters  Agrippina  and  Julia,  recalled,  many  of  his 
extortions  and  confiscations  restored  to  the  sufferers  or  their  heirs,  his 
statues  were  silently  removed,  his  debased  coinage  was  called  in.^ 

In  name  and  form,  the  Augustan  idea  of  a  citizen  prince  was  to  be 
restored.  The  most  sacred  oath  of  Claudius  was  '  per  Augustum  ^  * ;  and, 
to  associate  himself  with  a  divine  ancestry,  he  procured  for  his  grand- 
mother Livia  a  tardy  deification,  with  special  honours  to  keep  up  her 
name.'  Further  respect  was  shown  to  the  memory  of  his  still  popular 
brother  Germanicus,  his  father  Drusus,  his  mother  Antonia ;  and  even 
her  father  M.  Antonius  was  honourably  mentioned.*  By  thus  promi- 
nently bringing  into  notice  his  relationships  to  the  previous  ruling  house, 
and  by  himself  assuming  the  cognomen  '  Caesar ',  he  would  endeavour 
to  sustain  the  fiction  of  a  continuity  of  succession  ;  though  his  name  was 
still  significant  of  a  change ;  the  house  of  the  Julii  Caesares,  to  which 
Augustus  and  his  successors  had  nominally  and  by  adoption  yet  belonged, 
having  been  left  without  any  male  representative  at  the  death  of  Gains, 
while  no  such  family  as  the  '  Claudii  Caesares '  had  ever  existed,  and  the 
name  would  seem  to  an  antiquarian  genealogist  a  strange  misnomer. 
From  this  time,  therefore,  it  was  distinctly  to  be  understood  that  '  Caesar ' 
had  passed  from  a  family  name  to  an  imperial  title. 

The  Claudian  name  was  sufficiently  near  to  the  Julian  to  prevent 
the  few  remaining  great  houses  from  feeling  degraded  by  its  exaltation, 
and  some  of  the  most  prominent  were  conciliated  by  politic  alliances. 
The  mfant  Octavia,  whose  name  recalled  the  sister  of  Augustus  (her 
ancestress  in  a  threefold  line),  was  promised  in  marriage  to  L.  Junius 
Silanus,  the  great-great-grandson  of  Augustus^,  while  Antonia,  the 
emperor's  daughter  by  Paetina,  was  betrothed  to  Cn.  Pompeius  Magnus  ^, 
a  representative  not  only  of  that  famous  name,  but  also  of  the  Calpurnii 
Pisones,  the  Licinii  Crassi,  and  Scribonia. 

Besides  thus  winning  the  support  of  great  families,  he  conciliates  the 

^  For  these  and  other  similar  measures,  styled  *  Cn.  Pomp,,  Crassi  f.,   Men(enia 

see  Dio,  60.  4,  6,  &c.;  Suet.  CI.  II.  tribu),    Magnus,    Pontif.,    Quaestor    Ti. 

^  Suet.  CI.  II.             '  Dio,  60.  5,  2.  Claudi   Caesaris   Aug.   Germanic!  soceri 

*  Dio,  60.  5,  I ;  Suet.  CI.  11.  sui.'     His  father  was  the  consul  of  780, 

*  For  the  descent  of  Octavia  and  of  A.  D.  27  (see  4.  62,  i,  and  note),  his 
Silanus,  see  Introd.  i.  ix.  pp.  139,  141.  mother  a  Scribonia,  daughter  of  Pompeia 

^  He  is  named  in  Suet.  CI.  27;  Dio,  (see  note  on  2.  72,  2).     Claudius  after- 

60.  5,  7  ;  in  Sen.  Lud.  11,  5,  he  is  called  wards  put  Pompeius  to  death  and  married 

'  Crassi   filius '.     On  his   tomb,   recently  Antonia   to  a  representative   of  another 

discovered  near  the  Porta  Salara,  he  is  great  family,  Faustus  Sulla  (Suet.  1.  1.). 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  CLAUDIUS  [27] 

senate  as  a  whole  by  the  deference  paid  to  its  authority.*  It  was  to  be 
consulted  on  all  matters  of  state,'^  as  in  former  times ;  even  the  restoration 
of  exiles  was  submitted  to  its  approval,'  and  the  allowance  of  a  small 
guard  of  honour  to  the  emperor  within  its  precincts  was  asked  as  a 
favour  * :  and  not  only  at  the  outset,  but  throughout  his  rule,  he  shows 
himself  desirous  to  keep  up  the  dignity  of  that  body,  by  purging  it 
of  unworthy  members,^  and  by  infusing  into  it  new  and  healthier  blood ' 
from  the  ranks  below,*^  and  even  from  provincial  sources.'  A  similar 
recruiting,  later  in  the  course  of  his  rule,  of  the  ranks  of  the  patriciate,' 
would  make  it  easier  to  fill  the  few  priestly  offices  still  confined  to  that 
body.*"  Other  acts,  extending  to  all  ranks  alike,  were  probably  in  effect 
an  especial  boon  to  the  upper  classes.  The  law  of  *  maiestas  \  by  which 
Tiberius  had  decimated  the  senatorial  and  equestrian  aristocracy,  was 
allowed  to  sink  into  oblivion,"  and  the  princeps  solemnly  swore  that  no 
Roman  citizen  should  be  put  to  torture.**  It  was  no  doubt  by  these  and 
other  similar  measures  that  Claudius  won  a  permanent  place  among 
constitutional  '  principes  V^  and  earned  the  title  of  '  libertatis  vindex  V^ 
while  he  compensated  the  lower  orders  for  the  curtailment  of  the  great 
shows  and  largesses  of  Gains  *^  by  the  gradual  abolition  of  his  imposts,*^ 
and  by  this  and  other  means  gained  no  slight  popularity.*^ 

Important  regulations  were  also  made  in  the  administration  of  the 
finances  of  the  empire,  which  must  have  become  altogether  disorganized. 

In  respect  of  the  '  aerarium  publicum ',  it  was  perhaps  a  mere  stroke 
of  antiquarianism  to  transfer  the  charge  from  praetors  to  quaestors ;  nor 
was  the  change  beneficial,  except  so  far  as  it  substituted  selection  for 
the  haphazard  of  the  lot,  and  allowed  time  to  gain  experience  by  pro- 
longing the  tenure  of  office.*^ 

Far   more    permanent    and    more    important    changes    were    intro- 

*  Among  lesser  compliments  may  be  **  Dio,  60.  15,  6.  This  had  never  been, 
noted  the  assignment  of  reserved  seats  strictly  speaking,  legal,  but  had  been  often 
in  the  circus  (Suet.  CI.  21  ;  Dio,  60.  7, 4).       practised  by  Tiberius  and  Gains. 

He   also   promoted   the   activity   of  the  ^^  In  the  *  lex  de  imperio  Vespasiani  *, 

body  by  enforcing  attendance  more  strictly  the  only  precedents  cited  for  the  powers 

(Dio,  60.  II,  8).  to  be  conferred  on  that  prince  are  those  of 

"^  Jos.  B.  I,  2.  II,  2.         '  Suet.  CI.  12.  Augustus,  Tiberius,  and  Claudius. 

*  Suet.  1.  1.  Such  a  guard  had  been  "  This  title  seems  only  found  on  an 
asked  for  by  Tiberius,  but  as  a  pretence,  inscription  of  Cyzicus  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  i.  p. 
after  he  had  ceased  to  attend  the  senate  841),  but  is  in  agreement  with  the  words 
(6.15,5).  *  Libertas  Augusta ',  and  with  the  *  pileus ' 

*  11-25,5;  12.52,4;  Dio,  60.  11,8;  foundoncoins(Eckh.vi.  229,  246;  Cohen, 
39-  I-  i.  254,  47,  48. 

«  The  remarks  of  Tacitus  (3.  55,  4)  ^*  See   Suet.   Cal.    18;    Jos.   Ant.  19. 

may  refer  to  this  as  well  as  to  a  later  date.  i ,  1 1 . 
'  Dio,  60.  29,  I.     8  See  below,  p.  [34].  ^^  dj^^  go^  ^^  i,  17  Suet.  CI.  la. 

*  ii-_25,  3.                  1'^  See  4.  16,  2.  ^8  Sge  j^.  29,  2  (and  notes),  where  the 
"  Dio,  64.  4,6.  For  its  revival,  twenty-  further  change  made   by  Mero  is  men- 
one  years  later,  see  14.  48,  2.  tioned. 


[28]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  HI 

duced  in  respect  of  the  vast  revenues  under  the  direct  control  of  the 
princeps.* 

On  the  division  of  the  empire  made  by  Augustus,  the  income  of  the 
Caesarian  provinces  had  been  as  matter  of  course  received  by  him,  no 
doubt  w\ih.  some  such  understanding  as  existed  with  regard  to  the 
'manubiae'  of  a  general,  that  it  should  be  expended  on  the  public 
service,  and  possibly  subject  to  a  formal  liability  to  render  account,  had 
any  of  his  fictions  of  surrendering  his  imperium  become  a  reality.  As  a 
fact,  some  statement  of  accounts  was  made  from  time  to  time  by  Augustus 
and  his  immediate  successors,^  nor  can  it  be  doubted  that  he  and  they 
observed  a  careful  distinction  between  their  *  patrimonium  '  and  the  income 
received  in  virtue  of  their  office,'  though  both  alike  were  designated  as 
*  res  suae,'  *  res  familiaris,'  &c.,*  and  though  there  is  no  sufficient  trace 
of  any  central  department  of  imperial  finance ,**  which,  so  far  as  it  was 
centralized  at  all,  must  have  been  administered  by  the  princeps  personally. 

It  is  apparently  from  the  time  of  Claudius  ^  that  we  begin  to  find  used 
in  contrast  to  *  aerarium '  the  term  *  fiscus ',  or  '  fiscus  Caesaris  ' ;  and, 
as  the  choice  of  this  name  would  seem  to  have  been  determined  by 
its  use  under  the  Republic  to  denote  the  public  store  kept  in  the 
treasury  or  sent  from  it  to  a  magistrate,^  and  under  the  early  Empire 
as  a  name  for  the  exchequer  of  this  or  that  separate  province  or 
department,^  it  had  attached  to  it,  notwithstanding  its  distinction  from 
the  aerarium,  the  associations  of  a  public  fund  of  some  sort. 

Of  greater  significance  is  the  increased  importance  assumed  by  the 

^  On  this  whole  subject,  see  Hirsch-  6.  2,  i  ;  17,  i),  but  is  thought  to  be  using 

feld,  Die  kaiserlichen  Verwaltungs-Beam-  the  language  of  his  own  times,  and  to 

ten   (Berlin,    1905),  pp.   1-47:  Momms,  speak  more  correctly  when  he  says  simply 

Staatsr.  ii.  998,  foil.     The  various  points  *  sibimet  seposuit '  (6.  19,  i).     No  trace 

in  dispute  between  these  eminent  writers  of  this  meaning  of  *  fiscus '  is  found  in 

cannot  here  be  discussed.  the  *  Monumentum  Ancyranum',  or  in  any 

^  Suet,  says  of  Gains  (Cal.  16),  *ra-  writer  before  Seneca,  who  says  (de  Ben. 
tiones  imperii,  ab  Augusto  proponi  soli-  60.  7,  3),  'Caesar  omnia  habet, fiscus eius 
tas  set  a  Tiberio  intermissas,  publicavit.'  privata  tantum  et  sua.* 
Tiberius  had  probably  not  dropped  the  '  Thus  Cicero  (Verr.  3.  85,  197)  op- 
practice  until  his  retirement  to  Capreae.  poses  it  to  the  private  *  cista '  of  the 
It  does  not  seem  to  be  traceable  later  magistrate  himself:  *  HS  quos  mihi  se- 
(Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  1025).  natus   decrevit  et  ex  aerario   dedit,  ego 

^  This  is  clearly  shown  in  the  account  habebo  et  in  cistam  transferam  de  fisco.' 

given  by  Suet.  (Aug.  loi)  of  the  will  of  Suet.  (Aug.  loi)  speaks  similarly  of  the 

Augustus,    and    of    the    statement   with  sum  stored  up  (' confiscata ')  by  Augustus 

which  he  accompanied  it :  see  note  on  i.  to  pay  his  legacies. 
8,  3.  *  Thus  we  find  in  inscriptions  of  the 

*  See  4.  6,  5  ;  12.  60,  6,  etc.,  and  the  early     empire     the     expressions    'fiscus 

expression  of  Augustus  (Mon.  Anc.  3.  34),  Asiaticus,'    *  Gallicus,'   '  ludaicus,'    *  fru- 

'  quater  pecunia  mea  iuvi  aerarium.'  mentarius,'   etc.     These    several    *  fisci ' 

^  The  *  fisci '  of  separate  provinces  are  are   distinctly   mentioned  in  Suet.  Aug. 

noticed  below  (note  8).  101    ('  quantum    pecuniae    in   aerario  et 

®  Tacitus  uses  this  contrast  in  speaking  fiscis  et  vectigaliorum  residuis '). 
of  affairs  under  Tiberius  (2.  47,  3  ;  48,  i  ; 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  CLAUDIUS  [29] 

department  of  '  accounts '  ('  a  rationibus ')  and  by  the  freedman  ^  in  charge 
of  it.  Under  Claudius  the  '  libertus  a  rationibus  '  is  clearly  a  high  finan- 
cial authority.  It  is  not  clear  that  he  actually  received  any  moneys  or 
made  any  payments;  he  was  rather  an  accountant-general  with  a  staff  of 
clerks,'  through  whose  books  all  Caesar's  receipts  and  payments  passed, 
including  any  dealings,  e.  g.  by  way  of  loan,  with  the  public  treasury  of  the 
Roman  people.  That  such  a  department  should  be  merely  a  private  depart- 
ment of  Caesar's  household,  and  its  head  a  half-servile  domestic,  was  an 
undoubted  anomaly  which  Claudius  tried  to  lessen  in  two  ways.  It  was 
apparently  he  who  made  the  rule  that  no  private  citizen  might  have  a  freed- 
man bearing  the  title  *  a  rationibus ',  and  he  certainly  granted  the  insignia 
of  a  public  magistracy  (the  praetorship)  to  the  holder  of  the  office,  Pallas. 

Two  other  measures  of  Claudius  suggest  the  same  policy.  One  is  the 
grant  of  magisterial  jurisdiction  to  his  procurators  in  fiscal  cases ' ;  the 
other  the  substitution  of  imperial  procurators  for  quaestors,  in  the  super- 
intendence of  the  cornships  at  Ostia,  and  in  the  management  of  the  domain 
lands  both  in  Cisalpine  Gaul  and  in  S.  Italy. 

In  foreign  affairs  the  most  pressing  question  was  that  of  the  Jewish 
race,  both  in  their  own  land  and  elsewhere.  In  Judaea,  jealous  at  all 
times  of  even  the  ordinary  incidents  of  Roman  sovereignty,*  the  de- 
sperate struggle  provoked  by  the  command  of  Gains  to  erect  his  statue 
in  the  temple  had  indeed  collapsed  together  with  its  cause'';  but 
the  recollection  of  the  intended  outrage  survived,  recalling  dangerous 
memories  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  and  the  Maccabees,  and  ready  on  any 
pretext  to  burst  into  a  flame.^  By  withdrawing  the  insignia  of  Roman  rule 
from  the  country,  and  placing  Agrippa  over  the  whole  dominion  which 
his  grandfather  had  held  under  Augustus,'^  the  double  end  was  gained  of 
rewarding  a  valuable  ally,  and  of  securing  the  temporary  tranquillity  of 
the  country,  under  the  rule  of  one  who,  though  personally  dissolute  and 
worthless,  had  the  popularity  ^  which  a  native  prince  alone  could  win. 

The  Jews  of  the  '  Diaspora '  were  dealt  with  by  two  edicts  in  similar 
terms,  the  one  relating  to  those  of  Alexandria,  the  other  to  those  of  the 
empire  generally ' ;   in  both  of  which  the  exceptional  privileges  allowed 

*  Pallas  (see  11.  29,  i,  and  note)  had  and  after  its  suppression  the  lawfulness  of 
probably  no  real  predecessor,  though  tribute  continued  to  be  a  burning  question 
earlier  traces  of  the  term  *a  rationibus'       (Matt.  22.  16,  etc.). 

are   found:     see   Friedl.    i.     152,    foil.;  '  H.  5.  9,  4. 

Hirschfeld,i32,  286;  and  C.I.L.  vi.  8409.  «  On  this  state  of  Jewish  feeling,  see 

'  *  Adiutores  a  rationibus'  and  other  Momms.  Hist.  v.  519-525  (E.  T.  ii.  195- 

subordinate   titles  are    found    from   this  aoi). 

date  (Hirschf.  33,  foil.).  f  Jos.  Ant.  19.  5,  i.     The  district  of 

'  See  Ann.   15.  35;    Suet.  Claud.  24  Chalcis  in  Syria  was  also  erected  into  a 

and  Ann.  12.  60.  kingdom  for  his  brother. 

*  The  census  had  given  rise  to  the  in-  ^  Jos.  Ant.  19.  7,  3,  etc. 
surrectionof  Judas  of  Galilee  (Acts  5.  37),  »  Id.  19.  5,  2,  3. 

/ 


[so]  INTRODUCTION     .  [CHAP,  in 

by  previous  emperors  to  the  Jews  are  fully  guaranteed,^  and  insults  to 
themselves  and  their  religion,  such  as  a  subsequent  edict  of  Petronius, 
legate  of  Syria,^  shows  to  have  been  even  afterwards  prevalent,  were 
forbidden.  The  warning  added  in  one  of  these  edicts  to  the  Jews  them- 
selves shows  that  they  also  had  similarly  transgressed,  and  throws  light 
on  another  act  of  opposite  spirit,  whereby  the  Jews  in  Rome  itself  (their 
only  considerable  settlement  in  the  west ')  were  punished  for  some  act  of 
turbulence  by  expulsion,"*  or  at  least  by  inhibition  from  exercise  of  their 
worship.''  This  edict  of  intolerance  would  however  seem  to  have  been 
(as  in  a  former  case  under  Tiberius^)  only  temporarily  or  partially 
carried  out.'' 

In  Armenia,  the  position  held  under  Tiberius  was  reestablished  by 
releasing  ^  and  sending  back  Mithridates,  the  king  originally  chosen  by 
him,^  who  was  enabled  by  the  temporary  weakness  of  Parthia  to  recover 
and  maintain  his  authority .^^ 

The  appointment  of  another  Mithridates  to  the  kingdom  of  Bosporus 
was  less  successful.^^ 

In  Commagene,  the  wiser  arrangement  of  Tiberius,  who  had  consti- 
tuted it  as  a  province, ^^  was  not  reestablished,  but  Antiochus,  whom  Gains 
had  made  king  of  the  country  but  afterwards  deposed  and  detained  at 
Rome,  was  sent  back."  The  other  vassal  kings  whom  it  had  pleased 
Gaius  to  set  up,  such  as  Cotys  of  Lesser  Armenia,"  Sohaemus  of  Ituraea,^^ 
were  left  in  possession.  In  another  corner  of  Asia,  the  small  free  state 
of  Lycia  paid  the  penalty  of  its  turbulence  and  anarchy  in  the  loss  of  its 
independence,^^  a  change  which  resulted  in  its  complete  Hellenization." 
The  Rhodians  soon  afterwards  suffered  a  similar  penalty,  but  only 
temporarily.^* 

In   Mauretania,   a  restoration   of  the   former  state  was  impossible. 

^  These  included  not  only  the  toleration  *  See  2.  85,  5,  and  note, 

of  their  religion,    but   also   considerable  '  Their  subsequent  presence  in  Rome  is 

self-government  (Momms.  v.  491,  E.  T.  shown  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  (e.g. 

ii.  165,  etc.),  and  freedom  from  military  16.  3),  and  in  Acts  28.  17. 

service  (Id.  510,  723,  E.  T.  ii.  186,  200).  ^  See  11.  8,  i,  and  note. 

2  Jos.  Ant.  19.  6,  3.  ®  6.  32,  5. 

^  Momms.  499;  E.  T.  ii.  173.  "  u.  8,  2.     For  his  subsequent  fate, 

*  Acts    18.    2  ;    Suet.   CI.    25,    whose  see  below,  ch.  iv. 

words  ('inpulsore  Chresto  tumultuantes')  *^  The  reasons  of  his  appointment  are 

have  given  rise  to  much  discussion.     The  unknown.     For  the  sequel,  see  12. 15-21. 

case    of    Aquila    shows    that    Christian  ^^  2.  42,  7 ;  56,  5. 

Jews  shared  the  fate  of  their  brethren.  ^^  Dio,  60.  8,   i:  see  12.  55,  3,  and 

^  This  version  (Dio,  60.  6,  6)  may  be  note, 

reconciled  with  the  former  by  supposing  **  See  ii.  9,  3,  and  note, 

either    (with   Mommsen)   that    the    one  "  See  12.  23,  2,  and  note, 

sentence  was  tantamount  in  effect  to  the  '®  See  note  on  13.  33,  4. 

other,  or  that  it  preceded  and  led  to  the  "  See  Mommsen,  v.  307 ;  E.  T.  i.  333. 

other.  "  See  note  on  12.  58,  2. 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  CLAUDIUS  [31] 

Ptolemaeus  had  been  summoned  to  Rome,  and  afterwards  executed  by 
Gaius,*  and  had  apparently  left  no  heirs.  His  freedman  Aedemon  had 
raised  the  standard  of  national  independence,  and  had  led  into  the  fast- 
nesses of  Mount  Atlas  the  wild  tribesmen,^  many  of  whose  fathers  had 
troubled  the  Romans  already  under  Tacfarinas.'  Roman  forces  appear 
to  have  been  already  sent  against  them  by  Gains  * ;  but  it  was  not  till 
the  second  year  of  Claudius  that  their  subjugation  was  accomplished  by 
the  able  generals  Suetonius  Paulinus  and  Hosidius  Geta";  after  which 
the  country  was  divided  into  two  provinces  under  procurators,**  with 
considerable  military  force,^  and  the  process  of  civilization  and  Romani- 
zation  begun  under  Augustus  received  a  further  impulse.^ 

It  is,  however,  rather  in  the  history  of  the  European  than  of  the 
Asiatic  or  African  provinces  that  the  government  of  this  prince  constitutes 
an  era.     In  a.  d.  46  the  important  kingdom  of  Thrace  was  annexed.' 

■  The  circumstances  which  led  to  the  change  are  unknown  to  us ;  but  we 
have  sufficient  evidence  in  past  history  that  the  kings  set  up  by  Rome 
were  here,  as  elsewhere,  unable  to  command  the  obedience  of  their 
subjects,^"  and  were  only  kept  on  their  thrones  by  frequent  interference  of 
their  protectors  " ;  and  that  the  direct  government  of  part  of  the  country, 
under  the  form  of  wardship,  had  shared  the  usual  fate  of  half  measures  ^* ; 
while  the  great  value  of  the  country  as  a  recruiting  ground  was  only  to  be 
turned  to  account  at  the  cost  of  insurrection.^'  From  23-38  a.d.  Thrace 
had  been  virtually  governed  by  a  resident  Roman  officer.  In  the  latter 
year  Gains  placed  on  the  throne  his  friend  and  comrade  Rhoemetalces, 
a  son  of  the  former  king  Cotys.  Rhoemetalces  seems  to  have  died 
in  46  A.D.  without  heirs,  his  kingdom  lapsed  to  Rome,  and  was  at 
once  *  reduced  into  the  form  of  a  province '.  The  annexation  appears  not 
to  have  been  accomplished  without  bloodshed,^*  but  to  have  been 
thoroughly  successful.  The  administration  was  entrusted  to  a  procurator,^' 
who  however  was  subject  to  the  higher  authority  of  the  legate  of  Moesia 
(as  e.  g.  the  procurator  of  Judaea  to  that  of  the  legate  of  Syria),  and 

■  a  garrison  of  two  thousand  troops  *^ ;  and  '  hardly  any  province  furnished 
^  Dio,  59.  25,  I.  '  Dio,  60.  9,  I :  see  above,  p.  [11]. 

*  'Romana     arma     primura     Claudio  ^  H.  i.  11,  3.  ^  H.  2.  58,  2. 
principe  in  Mauretania  bellavere,  Ptolo-           ^  See  Momms.  v.  648 ;  E.  T.  ii.  333. 
maeum    regem   ulciscente   liberto   Aede-           ^  Jerome,   Chron. :   see  2.  64,  3,  and 
mone,  refugientibusque  barbaris  ventum      note. 

constat    ad    montem    Atlantem'    (Plin.  ^°  *Ne  regibus  qnidem  parere  nisi  ex 

N.  H.  5.  I,  I,  II).  3  ^    23,  T.  libidine  soliti '  (4.  46,  a). 

*  It  is  stated  in  Dio,  60.  8, 6,  that  Clau-  ^^  3.  38,  4,  etc. 
dius  accepted  the  title  of  imperator  for          "  2.  67,  4 ;  3.  38,  4. 
successes  gained  here  before  he  was  prin-  "  4.  46,  2. 

ceps.     This  fact  may  have  misled  Pliny  '*  See  12.  63,  3,  and  note, 

(see  note  above)  into  the  belief  that  the  "  H.  i.  11,  3. 

r ' 


[32] 


INTRODUCTION 


[CHAP.  Ill 


so  numerous  men  for  all  parts  of  the  war  forces,  especially  the  cavalry  and 
the  fleet,  as  this  old  home  of  gladiators  and  mercenary  soldiers '.  With 
the  annexation  of  Thrace  may  be  connected  the  transference  of  Macedonia 
and  Achaia  to  the  care  of  proconsuls.  The  legate  of  Moesia  under 
whose  charge  they  had  been  since  a.  d.'i5  had  now  sufficient  work  to  do, 
and  now  that  both  Thrace  and  Moesia  were  Roman,  Macedonia  and 
Achaia  might  be  safely  left  to  rank  among  the  '  unarmed  provinces '} 

In  Gaul  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  such  seeds  of  disorder  as 
had  survived  the  suppression  of  the  rising  under  Tiberius  ^  may  have  been 
quickened  into  further  vitality  by  the  baleful  presence  of  Gains  and  his 
army  in  792,  a.d.  39,  and  the  following  year.  This  may  serve  to 
explain  the  measure  whereby  a  former  decree  of  Tiberius  for  the  ex- 
tirpation of  Druidism  was  to  be  repeated  and  energetically  carried  out.^ 
The  object  was  to  get  rid  of  a  primitive  ritual  marked  by  barbarous  rites, 
and  the  use  of  the  black  art,  and  to  bring  imder  Roman  influence  those 
of  the  nobility  hitherto  educated  in  the  schools  of  the  priests.*  Otherwise 
these  great  provinces  were  to  be  dealt  with  by  concession  of  privileges,^ 
and  by  the  patronage  which  it  was  natural  that  an  emperor  born  in  Gaul 
should  lavish  on  them. 

In  Germany  the  long  quiet  following  on  the  recall  of  Germanicus  and 
downfall  of  Maroboduus  (interrupted  only  by  the  unsubdued  revolt  of 
the  Frisians  in  781,  a.  d.  28  ^)  had  been  rudely  broken  by  the  invasion  of 
Gains'^;  and  we  find  the  peace  of  the  frontier  threatened.  The  once 
formidable  Cherusci  *  seem  already  to  have  begun  to  sink  into  insigni- 
ficance ^ ;  and  are  only  heard  of  some  years  later  as  stooping^  to  accept 
a  Romanized  prince,  son  of  the  renegade  Flavus,  as  their  chief  ^° ;  but 
their  place  as  the  most  formidable  enemy  of  Rome,  beyond  the  Rhine,  is 
now  taken  by  the  Chatti,  whose  raids  down  the  main  valley"  brought 
upon  themselves  an  invasion,  in  which  the  last  of  the  three  eagles  lost  with 
Varus  was  incidentally  recovered  ^^ ;  while  the  Chauci,"  notwithstanding 


^  Momms.  v.  193 ;  E.  T.  i.  212  ;  Ann. 
I.  76. 

'  3.  40-46. 

^  See  note  on  14.  30,  i.  The  passages 
there  cited  may  be  reconciled  by  suppos- 
ing the  earlier  measure  to  hive  been  in- 
effectual. 

*  See  Momms.  v.  102 ;  E.  T.  i.  p.  112. 

5  See  below,  p.  [33]. 

«  4.  72-74. 

'  See  above,  p.  [17]. 

'  I.  56,  7,  and  note. 

^  Their  decay  in  the  time  of  Tacitus  is 
described  in  G.  36.    Their  feud  with  the 


Chatti  is  alluded  to  in  12.  28,  2. 

^^  On  Italicus  and  his  vicissitudes,  see 
II.  16-17. 

1^  See  I.  55,  I,  and  note. 

^^  Dio,  60.  8,  7.  A  subsequent  preda- 
tory raid  is  described  as  punished  by  P. 
Pomponius,  and  as  resulting  in  the  restora- 
tion of  some  captive  survivors  of  the 
army  of  Varus  (12.  27,  3;  28,  2). 

^'  On  this  tribe,  once,  in  part  at  least, 
subject  to  Rome,  see  i.  38,  i,  and  note. 
They  must  be  supposed  to  have  recovered 
their  independence  when  the  Romans 
withdrew. 


I 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  CLAUDIUS  [33] 

a  chastisement  at  the  beginning  of  this  period  from  Q.  Gabinius  Secundus  *, 
were  still  emboldened  six  years  later  to  pillage  the  Gallic  coast  with  small 
piratical  ships.'  This  raid  was  energetically  repulsed  by  Corbulo,  who 
had  also  reduced  the  Frisii  to  submission,  and  was  preparing  a  bold 
forward  movement  which  would  have  carried  him  even  beyond  the  Weser,' 
when  he  was  peremptorily  ordered  to  withdraw  behind  the  Rhine,  and 
to  evacuate  even  what  he  had  already  won. 

[This  withdrawal  of  the  garrisons  to  the  Roman  bank  was  in  strict  accor- 
dance with  the  policy  of  Augustus,*  and  was,  as  far  as  Lower  Germany  is 
concerned,  permanent.  Roman  suzerainty  was  indeed  still  recognized  by 
some  of  the  tribes  nearest  the  Rhine,^  and  a  strip  of  territory  on  the  right 
bank  was  kept  clear  of  Germans  and  reserved  for  the  use  of  the  Roman 
troops ' ;  but  that  the  order  of  Claudius  was  carried  out  is  proved  by  the 
absence  of  any  later  traces  of  military  occupation  beyond  the  Lower  Rhine  ^ 
such  as  are  found  along  the  valley  of  the  Main  opposite  Mainz. — P.] 

With  Claudius'  principal  military  achievement,  the  invasion  of  Britain, 
e  deal  in  a  separate  chapter.* 

[Among  the  taunts  levelled  at  Claudius  by  Seneca'  none  is  more  bitter 

an  that  which  charges  him  with  indiscriminate  liberality  in  granting 
Roman  citizenship.  It  is  however  noticeable  that  this  particular  charge 
is  not  brought  forward  as  we  should  have  expected  in  Nero's  opening 
speech,  nor  is  it  mentioned  by  Suetonius,  and  the  positive  evidence  in 
support  of  it  is,  to  say  the  least,  slight. 

That  Claudius  was  in  favour  of  a  policy  of  liberal  comprehension  is 
proved  by  his  famous  speech.^^    It  is  also  certain  that  he  gave  an  impulse 

Roman  colonization,  and  added  substantially  to  the  number  of  Roman 

unicipia '  in  the  provinces. 

Among  his  colonies  the  most  famous  were  Colonia  Agrippinensis " 
(Cologne)  and  Camulodunum  ^^  (Colchester).  To  these  may  be  added 
Savaria^^  in  Pannonia,  Apri^*  in  Thrace,  Aequum"  in  Dalmatia,  and 
Caesarea  and  Oppidum  Novum  in  Mauretania.^®     In  Noricum  the  elder 

^  He  received  the  surname  'Chaucius  '  ^  In  the  *  Lndus'  (3,  3)  Clotho  is  made 

Suet.  CI.  24).  to  say  that  she  wished  to  spare  his  life, 

'  '  II.  8,  I,  foil.  'dum  hos  paucnlos  qui  supersunt   civi- 

•  By  attacking  the  *  Chauci  maiores ' :  tate  donaret.    Constituerat   enim   omnes 
II.  19,  3,  and  note.  Graecos,  Gallos,  Hispanos,  Britannos  to- 

•  Tacitus  ascribes  it  to  jealousy  (11.  gatos  videre':  but  she  will  let  him 
19,  7)'  perish,    '  quoniam    placet    aliquos   pere- 

'  The   Frisians   (probably  the  *  Frisii       grinos  in  semen  relinqui.' 

minores')  :  see  Momms.  v.  115  ;  E.  T.  i.  ^'^  See  *  Oratio  Claudii',  Dessau,  212. 

126.  •13.54,2.  "12.27,1.  "12.32,5. 

'  Momms.   (1.  1.).     The  fort  recently  "  PI.  N.  H.  3.  27,  24, 146. 

excavated  at  Haltern  on  the  Lippe  was  "  See  Marquardt,  Staatsv.  i.  159. 

apparently  abandoned  at  this  period.  "  Id.  146. 

See  below,  ch.  v.  '«  Id.  328,  329. 


pro 

i 


(Su 


[34]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  Ill 

Pliny  mentions  five  'municipia',  all  of  which,  he  says,  owed  their  status  to 
Claudius. — P.]  The  names  assumed  by  towns,  as  Claudiopolis  ^  (Bithynia 
and  Cappadocia),  Neo-Claudiopolis  "^  (Galatia),  Claudia  Paphos '  (Cyprus), 
seem  to  point  to  a  gift  of  some  favours  or  privileges  which  we  cannot 
identify,  as  may  also  be  the  case  with  some  of  the  many  statues,  medals,  &c., 
belonging  to  this  time,  found  in  various  places  throughout  the  Roman  world.* 

On  the  other  hand,  we  have  no  evidence  of  any  grants  of  citizenship  by 
Claudius,  either  to  communities  or  individuals  on  the  scale  implied  in 
Seneca's  satire,  or  even  on  that  adopted  by  the  rival  Caesars  of  the  *  Year 
of  the  Four  Emperors.*  It  is  consequently  probable  that  Seneca's 
diatribes  are  really  directed  against  a  single  action  of  Claudius,  which  was 
at  once  a  striking  proof  of  his  liberal  views,  and  excited  the  liveliest  criticism 
and  even  alarm  in  Roman  senatorial  society,  his  concession  of  senatorial 
dignity  to  some  of  the  chiefs  of  New  Gaul  ^  Claudius'  action  was  not  only 
in  accordance  with  the  wise  policy  of  comprehension,  which,  as  he  argues, 
had  made  Rome  what  she  was ;  it  was  even  more  closely  in  agreement 
with  the  policy  which  Julius,  Augustus  and  Tiberius  had  consistently 
pursued  towards  the  chiefs  of  New  Gaul.  The  main  principles  of  that 
policy  were  that  these  chiefs  should  be  trusted  to  the  utmost  extent  com- 
patible with  prudence  and  allied  as  closely  as  possible  to  the  house  of 
the  Caesars.  They  were  Roman  citizens  and  Roman  knights,  and  now 
they  asked  for  that  *  right  of  the  broad  stripe '  which  would  open  to  them 
seats  in  the  Roman  senate,  and  Roman  magistracies.  Their  request  was 
granted,  but  in  the  senate  and  in  Roman  society,  this  peaceful  invasion  of 
Rome  by  the  Gauls,  at  the  bidding  of  an  emperor  born  in  Gaul,  was  as 
unpopular  as  that  of  England  by  the  Scots  under  James  I. 

This  sketch  of  the  general  policy  at  home  and  abroad,  as  initiated  at 
the  outset,  and  in  many  points  consistently  maintained  throughout,®  will 
sufficiently  support  the  credit  for  statesmanship  which  must  be  awarded 
to  Claudius  personally  or  shared  by  him  with  advisers  ^  whom  he  had  at 
least  the  good  sense  to  follow ;  and  will  show  how  great  deduction  must 
be  made  from  the  representations  of  Roman  satirists.     Yet  the  satire  is 

*  Marquardt,  198,  215.  belong  to  the  later  period,  covered  by 
^  Id.  201.                          '  Id.  234.  the  extant  Books  of  the  Annals. 

*  Many  such  are  cited  in  the  sketch  '  Among  persons  of  the  position  of 
given  by  Lehmann,  pp.  157-195.  It  senators  and  statesmen,  his  most  trusted 
should  be  noted  in  the  above  list  that  adviser  must  have  been  L.  Vitellius,  a 
v^^here  wq  have  only  the  name  to  go  by,  man  of  base  character  but  of  undoubted 
the  foundation  might  equally  have  been  ability  (see  6.  28,  i ;  32,  5,  &c.).  Galba 
due  to  Nero  ;  but  in  most  of  the  cases  was  also  among  his  most  intimate  friends 
mentioned  there  are  distinct  grounds  for  (Suet.  Galb.  7)  ;  but  it  is  impossible  to 
assigning  it  to  Claudius.  distinguish  their  sphere   of  advice  from 

^  Ann.  II.  25,  and  notes.  that  of  his    three    great    freedmen  (see 

^  It  will  be  seen  from  the   references      below,  pp.  [38,  39]). 
that  several  of  the    matters  mentioned 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  CLAUDIUS  [35] 

not  without  foundation  in  so  far  as  the  scheme  of  government  was  even 

at   the  outset  impracticable  or  inconsistently  carried  out,  and   passed 

into  a  system  showing  manifold  special  vices  of  its  own  as  time  went  on. 

In  the  first  place,  it  must  have  been  plain  to  all  who  had  insight,  that 

the  professed  return  to  the  Augustan  idea  of  a  dual  government  shared 

between  the  princeps  and  the  senate  was  not  really  a  bona  fide  restoration 

of  what  even  at  its  best  had  been  in  many  important  points  no  more 

than  a  fiction.'     The  senate,  shattered  by  a  reign  of  terror  of  almost 

ten  years'  continuous  duration,^  had  neither  the  prestige  nor  the  moral 

dignity  to  resume  its  lost  position;    nor  have  we  any  record  of  such 

discussion  of  public  questions  as  is  found  in  the  best  years  of  Tiberius,^ 

or  even  such  as  the  policy  of  the  early  Neronian  government  ^  and  the 

independence  of  individual  senators  (as  Thrasea ')  combined  to  realize 

for  a  short  time  afterwards.     It  was  therefore  no  less  perhaps  from  the 

necessity  of  the  case  than  from  the  deliberate  intention  to  encroach,  that 

the  political  importance  of  the  emperor's  own  functionaries  is  now  so 

gready  augmented,  and  that  from  this  period  is  mainly  to  be  dated  a 

ew  departure  in  the  system  of  government,  by  which  more  and  more  of 

e  work  of  the  state  is  taken  out  of  the  hands  of  the  senate  and  its 

magistrates,  and  knights,  or  freedmen,  as  ministers  of  the  emperor  and 

responsible  to  him  alone,  are  found    presiding   over  new  departments 

of  state  at  home,^  or  with  increased  power  and  independence  throughout 

the  empire."^    Again,  the  circumstances  under  which  Claudius  had  attained 

his  power  had  stamped  a  character  upon  it  and  formed  a  precedent. 

^  See  Introd.  i.  vi.  pp.  79-81.  torum  alvei  Tiberis ',*  procurator  ad  ripas 

Since  the  fall  of  Seianus  there  had  Tiberis',  and  'procurator  aquarum'  (Id. 

n  no  respite,  except  the  short  reaction  pp.  153,  163)  ;  and  the  increased  super- 

t  the  first  accession  of  Gaius.  session  of  other  tribunals  by  that  of  the 

'  See  4.  6,  2,  and  note.  princeps  brings  in  a  'procurator  a  cogni- 

*  See  13.  4,  3,  and  note.  tionibus'  (Id.  p.  208). 

*  See  13.  49,  I,  &c.  '  Besides  the  judicial  powers  given  to 

*  These  changes  are  fully  set  forth  in  *  procuratores  rei  familiaris'  (12.  60),  it 
Hirschfeld's  work  (see  especially  the  sum-  is  noticed  that  the  procurators  governing 
mary  in  p.  281  foil.).  The  great  depart-  provinces  become  more  numerous  and 
ment  *  a  rationibus '  has  been  already  less  dependent.  Hirschfeld  thinks  the 
noticed  (see  above,  p.  [29]) :  from  this  procuratorship  of  Judaea  (which  was 
time  dates  also  the  great  importance  of  subordinate  to  the  legatus  of  Syria)  the 
those  *ab  epistulis'  and  *a  libellis',  the  only  province  thus  definitely  organized 
former  as  that  through  which  passed  all  under  Augustus  (p.  288) ;  and  it  is  certain 
dispatches  to  or  from  generals  and  at  any  rate  that  the  provinces  under 
governors,  the  latter  as  the  channel  of  knights,  even  if  not  (as  he  thinks)  mere 
all  petitions,  A  procurator  and  staff  military '  praefecturae '  without  civil  juris- 
replaces  the 'quaestor  Ostiensis' (Hirschf.  diction,  were,  at  first,  few  and  unim- 
P-^39)>  and  probably  the  other  quaestors  portant  (see  Introd.  i.  vii.  p.  99) :  under 
with  '  provinciae  Italicae'  (see  4.  27,  2,  Claudius  even  the  newly  acquired  and 
and  note) ;  other  such  officers  relieve  the  extensive  provinces  of  Thracia  and  the 
quaestors  of  'stratura  viarum'  (Hirschf.  two  Mauretaniae  were  held  by  governors 
p.  152);  functions  hitherto  belonging  of  this  rank,  and  even  a  freedman  (Felix) 
to  senators  pass  to  a  '  praefectus  cura-  is  procurator  of  Judaea. 

d2 


tt 


[36] 


INTRODUCTION 


[CHAP.  Ill 


Himself  the  most  unmilitary  of  emperors,  he  owed  his  imperium  to  the 
soldiers'  oath,  in  which  the  senate  had  afterwards  acquiesced ;  and  this 
subordination  of  the  senatorial  decree  to  the  military  '  praerogativa  \  pur- 
chased by  a  lavish  donative,  is  seen  again  at  the  accession  of  his  suc- 
cessor,^ and  acquires  a  still  more  terrible  prominence  in  later  history. 
If  again,  as  is  probable,  the  military  garrison  of  Rome  was  at  this  time 
substantially  increased,'^  the  change  must  have  been  forced  on  the 
observation  of  all. 

Nor  were  the  character  and  surroundings  of  Claudius  favourable  to  a 
permanent  realization  of  any  good  ideal  of  government,  whether  personal 
or  constitutional,  supposing  him  to  have  honestly  contemplated  it. 
Even  the  best  side  of  his  secluded  life,  his  historical  study,  while  it  was 
in  no  respect  a  sufficient  substitute  for  the  great  military  achievements 
and  important  civil  duties  which  had  formed  the  training  of  Tiberius, 
had  the  positive  fault  of  infecting  his  administration  with  the  pedantry 
of  a  bookworm,  and  the  vanity  natural  to  one  extolled  by  his  courtiers 
as  a  miracle  of  learning  and  wisdom,'  and  thus  laid  him  fatally  open  to 
the  assaults  of  pasquinade  and  satire.  'The  Roman  aristocrats,  who 
cordially  disliked  the  idea  of  admitting  the  natives  of  '  Gallia  comata ' 
within  their  ranks,  would  gladly  seize  on  the  abundant  ground  of  ridicule 
afforded  by  the  rambling  erudition  with  which  the  proposer  obscured 
rather  than  illustrated  the  practical  reasons  for  the  change.*  The  anti- 
quarianism  that  could  not  be  satisfied  with  the  actual  exercise  of 
censorial  powers,  but  must  needs  revive  the  censorship  itself,^  could  only 
bring  out  into  stronger  light  the  incongruities  and  inequalities  of  his 
action  in  the  office ;  ^  while,  in  smaller  matters,  those  who  had  their  jest 

and  xviii  (H.  i.  80,  i,  and  Med.  text  of. 
H.  I.  64,  6)  were  urban.  Of  these,  how- 
ever, the  former  is  generally  taken  to 
have  been  a  'cohors  vigilum'  (see  Suet. 
CI.  25) ;  and  in  the  latter  place  the  text 
has  generally  been  altered. 

^  The  prevailing  tone  of  flattery  may 
be  judged  from  Seneca's  '  Consolatio  ad 
Polybium'  (see  above,  p.  [23]). 

*  See  the  fragments  of  the  speech 
(Appendix  to  Book  11).  A  similarly  dis- 
proportionate pedantic  retrospect  pre- 
faces his  real  reason  for  granting  im- 
munity to  the  island  of  Cos  (13.  61). 
The  edict  on  the  citizenship  of  the 
Anaunians,  dated  March  15,  a.d.  46 
(discovered  in  1869),  is  noted  by  Momm- 
sen  (Hermes,  iv.  99-131)  as  showing  a 
similar  pedantry  in  the  strange  grotesque- 
ness  of  its  style. 

*  See  note  on  11.  13,  i . 

*  See  Suet.  CI.  16,  where  account  is 


^  'Sententiam  militum  secuta  patrum 
consulta'  (12.  69,  3). 

^  That  the  praetorian  cohorts,  which 
were  nine  in  number  under  Tiberius  (4. 
5.  5)>  were  not  less  than  twelve  in  the 
time  of  Nero,  is  shown  by  the  inscription 
to  Gavius  Silvanus,  cited  on  15.  50,  3. 
As  the  increase  is  not  noted  in  any  extant 
part  of  the  Annals,  it  is  suggested  by 
Mommsen  (Hermes,  xvi.  643-647)  that 
it  was  made  by  Claudius  on  his  accession, 
in  recognition  of  their  services,  and  may 
have  been  mentioned  in  its  place  by 
Tacitus.  He  thinks  it  also  probable  that 
the  urban  cohorts,  though  they  had  not 
rendered  similar  service,  became  at  the 
same  time,  perhaps,  six.  Their  numbers 
are  reckoned  on  continuously  from  those 
of  the  praetorians,  and  we  find  a  Six- 
teenth urban  cohort  in  an  inscription  of 
819,  A.D.  66  (Wilm.  161 7),  and  it  is 
suggested  that  the  cohorts  named  as  xvii 


CHAP.  Ill]  RVLE  OF  CLAUDIUS  [37] 

at  the  shortlived  addition  of  letters  to  the  alphabet,^  the  affectation  of 
archaic  spelling,'  the  attempt  to  rescue  from  deserved  decay  the  obsolete 
lore  of  the  aruspices,''  might  also  have  the  satisfaction  of  pointing  out 
that  their  august  professor  did  not  after  all  know  the  ancient  meaning  of 
the  term  '  libertinus '/  and  had  forgotten  his  own  researches  on  the 
computation  of  an  Etruscan  '  saeculum '." 

Again,  much   as  we  may  set   down  to  a  conscientious  intention  to 

discharge  a   public  duty,  and  to  a  desire  of  emulating  Augustus,"  we 

must  ascribe  also  in  no  small    degree   to  vanity  and    self-conceit  that 

assion  for  the  personal  exercise  of  judicial  functions  which  all  authorities 

ttest,'  and  which,  notwithstanding  the  record  that  many  of  his  decisions 

pvere  shrewd   and   original,'    and   that  some  of  the   principles  of  law 

embodied  in  his  judgements  or  legislative  enactments  are  quoted  with 

approval   long   afterwards    by  juristic  writers,^  could   not  have  worked 

enerally  for  the  public  benefit.     Even  in  ordinary  cases  such  encroach- 

ent  by  the  princeps  in  Rome  and  by  his  procurators  elsewhere  ^°  on 

the  ordinary  tribunals  was  an  injudicious  weakening  of  their  authority ; 

I  or  could  all  the  assiduity  of  Claudius  prevent  accumulation  of  arrears 
nd  harassing  delays,  shortened  (if  we  are  to  believe  our  authors)  by  very 
Qmmary  modes  of  expedition ;  ^^  while,  in  cases  involving  graver  charges, 
a  prince  who  centred  in  himself  all  functions  of  law  and  magistracy '  ^' 
ras  but  calling  into  existence  and  enriching  a  crowd  of  accusers  to  whom 
condemnations  and  collusive  acquittals  alike  were  profitable.^^  They 
felt  they  had  only  to  study  the  humours  of  a  single  person,  devoid  of 


I 


ven  of  his  censorial  acts,  of  his  fifty  3,  1  ;  Cod.  Just.  5.  30,  3. 

"icts  in  one  day,  and  of  the  grotesque-  "  On  this  extension  of  their  jurisdiction 

ss  of  some  of  them.  towards  the  end  of  his  rule,  perhaps  a 

II.  13,  3;  14,  5.     None  of  them  ap-  consequence   of  the   organization  of  the 

ar    subsequently,    except   in   very   few  '  fiscus '  (p.  [28]),  but  prompted  no  doubt 

inscriptions  of  the  time  of  Nero.  by  his  freedmen  in  the  interest  of  their 

"  The  form'ai'  is  used  for  '  ae ',  as  in  order,  see  12.  60,  and  notes.     It  must 

sc.  Or.  650,  714,  &c.  have  involved  the  evil  of  making  the  same 

'11.  15,  I.  person  prosecutor  and  judge. 

*  Suet.  CI.  24.  The  distinction  there  "  The  statement  of  Suet.  (1.  1.),  *  ab- 
drawn  does  not  appear  certain  (see  note  sentibus  secundum  praesentes  facillime 
on  II.  24,  7).  dabat,'  may  perhaps  be  the  sober  truth 

'  On  the  modes  of  computation,  see  under  the  satire  of  Seneca  (Lud.  12.  3, 

note  on  11.  11,  2.     Suet,  states  (CI.  21)  37;  14.  2),  that  he  decided  after  hearing 

that  Claudius,  in  his  historical  writings,  one  side  or  often   neither;  which   itself 

had  investigated  and  approved  the  calcu-  even  is  probable  in  an  irresponsible  judge, 

lation  of  Augustus,  which  he  set  aside  in  surrounded  by   courtiers  applauding   his 

his  own  celebration.  acumen  and  dispatch. 

*  Suet.  Aug.  33.  13  <  Cuncta     legum     et    magistratuum 
'  Sen.  Lun.  7.  4;  Suet.  CI.  14;  Dio,  60.  munia   in  se  trahens  princeps  materiam 

4>  3*  praedandi  patefecerat '  (11.  5,  i). 

"  Suet.  CI.  15.  "  On   their  venality,   and   the  attack 

*  See  Gaius,  i.  151,  171 ;  Ulp.  11.  8;  made  upon  them  in  the  senate,  see  11. 
ig-  4-  4>  3;  40-  15,  4,  I ;  Just.  Inst.  3.  5-7. 


[38]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  Ill 

mental  equilibrium,*  deciding  without  publicity  and  without  appeal,  and 
subject  to  opportunities  of  domestic  pressure  beyond  anything  which 
could  be  applied  to  even  the  most  subservient  senate.'^  The  result  is 
a  general  sense  of  scandalous  injustice,  which  it  is  one  of  the  most 
popular  acts  of  his  successor  to  remove.' 

Nor  was  it  only  as  an  inspired  judge  or  legislator,  but  also  among  the 
conquerors  of  the  world,  that  his  own  vanity  or  the  language  of  flatterers 
led  him  to  aspire  to  fill  a  niche  in  history.  That  the  British  expedition 
should  be  commemorated  in  magniloquent  words  and  stately  memorials, 
and  by  claiming  the  right,  so  rarely  exercised,  to  extend  the  '  pomerium  V 
and  that  he  should  consider  that  his  own  campaign  of  sixteen  days^ 
entitled  him  to  the  honour  of  a  full  triumph,  was  perhaps  to  be  expected : 
it  is  more  characteristic  of  the  man,  that  in  the  space  of  some  twelve 
years  he  should  have  twenty-seven  times  ^  received  the  title  of  *  imperator  '  ^ 
for  victories,  many  of  which  seem  to  defy  all  attempt  at  identification,^ 
and  should  have  kept  up  the  fiction  of  incessant  military  glories  by  the 
prodigality  with  which  he  showered  triumphal  distinctions  on  his  sub- 
ordinates.^ Other  qualities  resulting  equally  from  his  antecedents  were 
still  more  mischievous. 

It  was  a  standing  anomaly  of  the  constitution  that  many  offices  which 
in  a  modern  state  would  be  important  departments  of  the  civil  service 
were  regarded  as  no  more  than  posts  in  the  chief  citizen's  household, 
unworthy  of  the  dignity  of  any  person  above  the  rank  of  a  freedman.^° 
The  consequent  exaltation  of  the  importance  of  persons  of  no  recognized 
political  status,  checked  at  first  by  the  aristocratic  sympathies  of  Augustus 
and  Tiberius,"  and  hardly  gaining  time  for  full  growth  under  Gaius,^-' 

^  *  In  cognoscendo  ac  decernendo  mira  *  Lehmann    endeavours    diligently    to 

varietate  animi  fuit'  (Suet.  1.  1.).  trace  the  occasions,  but  hardly  succeeds 

^  See  the  account  (11.  1-3)  of  the  trial  in  convincing, 

of  Asiaticus  'intra   cubiculum',  and   of  ®  See  11.   20,  5,  and  note;  Suet.  CI. 

the  influence  exercised  in  it  by  Messalina  24. 

and  Vitellius.  ^^  The  chief  instance  is  that  of  the  three 

^  See  the  disclaimer  of  Nero  (13.  4,  2).  great   departments   (see   above,  p.  [35]) 

*  See  12.   23,  4,  and  notes;  where  it  entrusted  to  Pallas,  Narcissus,  and  Cal- 

is  shown  that  this  line  of  limitation  had  listus    (on    whom    see    11.    29,    i,   and 

lost  all  real  importance.  note). 

^  Dio,  60.  23,  foil.  ^^  Cp.  4.  6,  7  ('modesta  servitia,  intra 

'  See  the  inscription  at  the  Porta  Mag-  paucos  libertos  domus '),  and  note.    Even 

giore  (Or.  54\  &c.  under   Tiberius   a  freedman   became,   at 

'  On  this  title  see  2.  18,  2,  and  note.  least  for  a  time,  praefect  of  Egypt  (Dio, 

Augustus,    for   the   achievements   gained  58. 19,  6);  and  instances  occur,  both  under 

by  himself  or  his  generals  during  more  him  and  under  Augustus,  of  vast  wealth 

than     fifty    eventful    years,    received    it  gained  by  freedmen  of  the  imperial  house- 

twent}-one    times    (i.   9,    2).     Tiberius,  hold:  see  Friedl.  i.  76,  77. 

who  had  already  earned  the  title  under  ^*  Callistus  had  already  attained  under 

Augustus  (i.   3,   i),  counts  it  but  eight  him  a  position  of  immense  influence  (Jos. 

times  at  his  death  (Insc.  Or.  691).  Ant.  19.  i,  lo). 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  CLAUDIUS  [39] 

finds  its  complete  development  under  a  prince  who  had  been  taught 
by  fifty  years  of  seclusion  to  hold  little  intercourse  with  statesmen  and 
to  be  swayed  by  domestic  counsels.  Hence  the  intrigues  of  the  palace 
play  a  part  unknown  before  in  the  history  of  the  government,  and  impor- 
tant events  turn  on  the  schemes  of  freedmen ;  ^  who,  themselves  excluded 
from  the  highest  privileges  of  citizenship,  had  not  the  responsibility  of 
public  men  and  were  not  often  likely  to  have  patriotic  aims,  and  who  form 
a  league  under  the  baleful  leadership  of  Messalina,  for  the  gratification 
of  her  caprice  and  lust  and  for  her  and  their  own  enrichment.  Those 
who  desired  magistracies  or  other  dignities  had  to  beset  the  doors  of 
these  influential  persons  ^  and  to  win  their  support  by  bribes  ; '  a  system 
of  universal  corruption,  outstripping  all  previous  experience,  sets  in,  and 
the  '  avarice  of  the  Claudian  times  '  *  becomes  a  by-word.  Many  of  the 
wise  schemes  which  have  been  mentioned  to  this  emperor's  credit 
become  tainted  with  the  prevailing  venality ;  the  extension  of  civic 
rivileges  degenerates  into  a  sordid  traffic ;  °  great  public  works  furnish 
opportunities  for  the  peculations  of  the  directing  freedman.^  Agrippa 
wins  by  bribery  a  boon  destined  to  cost  streams  of  blood  a  generation 
later,  the  indulgence  of  his  regal  ambition  to  fortify  Jerusalem.'^  After 
his  death,  whatever  good  had  been  done  in  Judaea  by  a  conciliatory 
policy  is  undone  by  the  misgovernment  of  Cumanus  and  Felix  ;  ®  the 
latter  of  whom  especially  was  enabled  by  the  overwhelming  influence 

^  That  the  influence  of  his  three  prin-  tunnel  in  12.  57,  4.     The  accusing  au- 

cipal  freedmen  (see  above,  p.  [38])  was  in  thority  (that  of  Agrippina)  is  the  worst  ; 

no  way  restricted   to   their   department,  possible;  but   the   vast  wealth   amassed  i 

is  evident  from  iheir  action  in  respect  of  by   Narcissus    makes    any    such   charge 

his  last  marriage  (see  12.  i,  2),  and  from  probable   in   itself.      The   fact   that   the 

many  other  places.     Other  names  of  note  great    Claudian    aqueduct    had    already 

belonging  to  this  rank  are  those  of  Poly-  fallen  out  of  repair  in  815,  A.D.  62  (see 

bins,  Felix,  Harpocras,  and  Posides  (Suet.  the  insc.  of  Vespasian,  Or.  55),  suggests  \ 

CI.  28).     See  also  Friedl.  i.  78.  a  similar  story. 

^  Seneca  states  (Ep.  47,  9)  that  he  had  '  '  Per   avaritiam   Clandianomm    tem- 

seen  the  former  master  of  Callistus  wait-  porum    empto    iure    muniendi    struxere 

ing  at  his  doors  in  vain.  muros    in    pace    tamquam    ad    bellum  * 

'•  VLe(T(Ta\iva  di  t€  dirfXevOtpoi  .  .  .  tcLs  (H.  5.  12,   3).     The   two   statements  of 

OTpardas  Kal  ras  kiriTpondas  koI  to?  1776-  Josephus,    that   Agrippa   was    forbidden 

/iovlas  Kal  rdWa  irdvTa  d(pei5ws  ivcoXovv  to  go  on  with   his   work   by   Claudius, 

Koi  (KavqXivov  (Dio,  60.  17,  8) :  see  also  on    the    information   of    the    legatus   of 

Suet.  CI.   29;  and  the  flaitery  of  Pallas  Syria  (Ant.  19.  7,  2),  and  that  the  walls 

by  the  senate  related  in  12.  53,  2.  were  left  unfinished  by  his  death  (B.  I. 

*  H.  5.  12,  5:  cp.   the  contrast  sug-  2.  11,  6)  are  perhaps  reconcilable  with 
gested  by  Nero  in  13.  4,  2.  each  other  and  with  Tacitus.    That  much 

I      •  Claudius  Lysias  says  (Acts  22.  28)  had  been  previously  done  for  the  rest ora- 

[  iroXXoS   K«pa\aiov   r^v   iroKiTfiav   ravrrjv  lion  of  what  had  been  destroyed  by  Pom- 

tKTrfadnrjv,  and   Dio   states   (60.    17,   6)  peius  (H.  5.  9,  i),  is  evident  from  the 

that   Messalina  and  the  freedmen  regu-  liistory  of  the  siege. 

larly  sold  the  '  civitas',  at  first  for  large  ^  See    12.    54.     Both  these   governors 

i  sums,  afterwards  for  a  mere  trifle.  are  represented  as  making  profit  out  of 

•  See    what    is    said  of   the  Fucinus  the  brigandage  which  they  permitted. 


[4o]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  HI 

of  his  brother  Pallas  to  persist  for  years  in  '  exercising  the  right  of  a 
king  with  the  nature  of  a  slave ' ;  ^  nor  is  it  to  be  wondered  at  that 
from  the  death  of  Agrippa  the  originating  causes  of  the  Jewish  rebellion 
are  to  be  traced.^  In  another  part  of  the  East,  a  Roman  officer  is 
bought  to  connive  at  the  atrocities  of  Radamistus,  and  bribes  his  own 
soldiers  to  do  the  same;^  and  the  governor,  apparently  one  of  the 
freedman  class,  is  similarly  induced  to  support  that  prince's  seizure  of 
Armenia,*  with  the  result  of  throwing  the  whole  country  again  into  the 
power  of  Parthia.**  M.  Silanus,  a  man  of  the  highest  rank,  is  stated  to 
have  made  a  sordid  traffic  of  his  proconsulate  of  Asia,^  in  808,  a.d.  54. 
.  But  in  the  case  of  Claudius,  as  in  that  of  Tiberius,  far  the  gravest  evils 
rose  from  timidity  armed  with  an  absolute  powerJ  Messalina  and 
Narcissus  had  learnt  even  at  the  outset,  in  the  case  of  Appius  Silanus, 
the  ease  with  which,  by  playing  upon  his  fears,  he  could  be  got  to  take 
the  life  of  any  eminent  citizen.^  Nor  was  it  long  before  graver  causes 
of  fear  took  hold  of  him.  An  organized  conspiracy,  such  as  Tiberius, 
and  afterwards  Nero,  had  to  face  at  a  late  period  of  their  rule,  befell 
him  in  his  second  year,^  and  launched  him  at  once  on  a  course  of 
sanguinary  terrorism  in  which  constitutional  privileges  were  cast  aside ;  ^® 
and  the  ease  with  which  one  man  of  mark  after  another  was  struck  down 
taught  him  the  despot's  well-known  lesson,  how  far  he  could  safely 
venture.  Those  known  by  name  to  us  "  were  probably  only  the  most 
prominent  among  many  victims.  At  another  time  a  noble  household 
was  wrecked  at  a  blow,  by  the  execution  of  his  own  son-in-law  Pom- 
peius  Magnus,  together  with  his  father  Crassus,  his  mother  Scribonia, 
and  others.^'^ 

Messalina,  the  prime  mover  in  most  of  these  cruelties,"  is  described 
by  Tacitus   (to   judge  from  the   fragment   remaining  to  us)   in  much 

^  H.  5.  9,  5.  was  already  menaced  with  accusation  by 

_  ^  See  Mommsen,  Hist.  v.  527;  E.  T.  Suillius   (13.  43,  3).     Several   other  at- 

ii.  203.  tempts  against  Claudius  are  recorded,  but 

^  See    12.   45,    5;  46,   5.     Dio   states  some,  at  least,  were  probably  stories  made 

(61.  6,  6)  that  this  officer  was  replaced  up  to  work  on  him. 

by  an  equally  corrupt  successor,  who  had  ^°  His  solemn  promise  to  subject  no 

been  '  praef.  vigilum '.  citizen  to  torture  was  set  aside  (Dio,  60. 

*  12.49,  2.  15,6). 

5  12.  50-51.     See  below,  ch.  iv.  ^^  See  above,  1.  1. 

^  See  note  on  13.  i,  i.  12  j^gj^  Ijxd.  11,  2.    Those  of  the  family 

■^  His  general  timidity  is  described  in  whose  names  are  given  as  Tristionia  and 

Suet.  35,  36,  Assarion  cannot  be  identified. 

**  For    the     story,    see    note    on    11.  ^^  See  13.  43,  5,  &c.     It  is  to  be  noted 

29,  I.  that  Nero,  who  had  no  motive  to  spare 

*  This  conspiracy  (on  which  see  above,  Claudius,  is  there  made  to  state,  on  the 
p.  [11])  is  said  to  have  arisen  from  the  authority  of  that  prince's  private  docu- 
distrust  inspired  by  the  murder  of  Silanus.  ments,  that  he  had  never  forced  any  one 
One  of  the  conspirators,  Q.  Pomponius,  to  undertake  an  accusation. 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  CLAUDIUS  [41] 

the  same  terms  as  by  others ;  as  one  whose  unbridled  profligacy  made 
L  pastime  of  the  interests  of  the  state,^  whose  influence  was  used  solely 
to  exalt  her  favourites  or  to  destroy  those  who  disdained  her  advances, 
or  in  any  way  crossed  her  path.  Of  the  'many  murders  perpetrated 
at  her  bidding',*  we  may  take  as  a  sample  the  case  with  which  the 
J'lleventh  Book  opens,  in  which,  to  appease  the  mere  jealousy  of  wanton- 
ness and  the  further  promptings  of  cupidity,  four  lives  at  once  are 
sacrificed.^  It  is  her  will  to  destroy  a  rival  in  the  affections  of  a 
pantomimist,  and  yet  to  spare  her  favourite  himself;  and  the  coveted 
possessions  of  the  senator  on  whom  the  charge  is  shifted  make  him 
all  the  more  a  welcome  victim.  Men  of  the  highest  rank  are  ready 
in  a  moment  to  effect  her  purpose ;  a  consular  accuser  rakes  together 
all  the  antecedents  of  the  accused  to  secure  a  conviction,  and  when  even 
the  intimidation  exercised  by  her  own  presence*  was  insufficient  to 
coerce  her  husband's  judgement,  when  the  graver  charges  are  on  the 
point  of  ignominiously  breaking  down,  and  the  defence  had  even  extorted 
some  touch  of  womanly  feeling  from  herself,^  the  most  influential  senator 
of  the  day  steps  in  to  gratify  her  still  relentless  purpose  by  ensuring 
the  fate  of  the  accused  through  a  ready  stratagem,^  while  she  herself, 
by  mere  force  of  threats,  terrifies  Poppaea  into  suicide :  "^  two  eminent 
knights  are  attacked  by  the  well-worn  artifice  of  a  dream  story,  and 
condemned  by  a  subservient  senate  to  complete  her  vengeance ;  ^  and 
the  dotard,  who  had  even  forgotten  that  any  charge  against  Poppaea 
existed,^  has  instilled  into  him  a  vindictive  hatred  of  the  memory "  of 
the  man  whom,  if  left  to  himself,  he  would  have  acquitted,  and  is 
persuaded  to  heap  rewards  on  those  who  had  taken  even  an  insignificant 
share  in  the  transaction." 

To  such  a  narrative  the  only  fitting  climax  is  supplied  by  that  of 
her  last  catastrophe;  in  relating  which  Tacitus  pauses  for  a  moment 
to  bespeak  the  readers'  credence  by  an  earnest  protestation  that  he 
has  added  nothing  to  the  record  of  his  authorities.^'^  The  story  as  it 
stands  is  indeed  of  so  astounding  a  character  that  it  has  been  thought 
that  in  some  of  its  most  important  particulars  we  have  an  audacious 

*  12.  7,  5.  to  her,  and  on  the  other  hand  saved  those 

'  II.   28,    2,     Among  those  specified  who  bribed  her  (Id.  25,  5 ;   16,2). 

are  those  of  Appius  Silanus  (see  above,  '  See  11.  1-4,  and  notes. 

p.  [40]),  Julia,  the  daughter  of  German-  *  11.  2,  i. 

icus  (Dio,  60.  8,   5),   her   husband,  M.  '11.  2,  3. 

Vinicius  (Id.   27,  4),  Julia,  daughter  of  *  11.  3,  i. 

Drusus  (Id.  18,  4),  Justus  Catonius,  the  '  11.  3,  5. 

praefect  of  the  praetorians  (Id.   18,   3),  "  11.  4,  i,  foil. 

Polybius    (Id.   31,   2).     Dio   also   states  »  11.  2,  5. 

that  she  made  the  conspiracy  of  Camillus  '°  See  '  Or.  Claudii ',  ii.  14,  and  note, 

pretext  for  destroying  those  obnoxious  "  11.  4,  5.                    "  ii.  37,  i,  2. 


[42]  INTRODUCTION  [chap,  hi 

falsehood,  resting  probably  on  the  memoirs  of  Agrippina/  and  that  the 
true  version  is  that  given  by  Suetonius  alone,  and  by  him  mentioned 
only  to  be  dismissed,  that  Claudius,  in  fear  of  an  alleged  omen,  por- 
tending danger  to  the  husband  of  Messalina,  endeavoured  to  avert  it 
by  becoming  a  consenting  party  to  her  marriage  with  Silius.^  It  would 
remain  to  be  supposed  that  Narcissus  was  still  able  to  compass  her 
destruction  and  that  of  her  partisans  by  turning  the  emperor's  fear  into 
another  channel,  and  representing  the  political  dangers  ^  of  the  alliance 
which,  acting  no  doubt  under  the  advice  of  his  freedmen,  and  probably 
of  Narcissus  himself,  he  had  but  just  sanctioned.  Whether  this  suppo- 
sition, added  to  the  difficulty  of  explaining  how,  in  a  matter  of  such 
notoriety,  so  important  a  circumstance  as  the  previous  cognizance  of 
Claudius  could  have  been  effectually  concealed  from  the  contemporary 
and  eminent  authorities  whom  Tacitus  has  followed,  is  not  even  more 
incredible  than  the  story  handed  down  to  us,  is  an  open  question.  In 
either  case  we  have  the  same  fine-woven  tissue  of  intrigue ;  the  plot 
on  foot  can  only  be  betrayed  by  a  counterplot;  should  she  also  so 
much  as  gain  a  hearing,  all  is  lost,  and  the  intended  victim  would 
join  the  chief  offender  in  taking  vengeance  on  those  who  sought  to 
save  him. 

Messalina  has  neither  found  nor  deserved  to  find  apologists ;  but  there 
may  be  reason  to  believe  that  the  memoirs  of  her  rival  have  furnished 
exaggerations  of  her  enormities.  It  is  difficult  to  believe  that  so  much 
wickedness  can  have  been  crowded  into  a  married  Hfe  which  seems  to 
have  begun  at  about  the  age  of  fifteen,  and  ended  at  about  that^of  twenty- 
three.*  Juvenal's  terrible  description  of  her  worst  orgies,*^  though  not 
uncorroborated  by  other  writers,^  is  yet  neither  supported  by  the  hostile 
Seneca,'^  nor  by  what  is  extant  of  Tacitus.     To  some  such  extent  alone 

^  On  these,  see  Introd.  i.  p.  ii.  *  See  Merivale,  1.  1.     Her  age  is  in- 

^  '  Nam  illud  omnem  lid  em  excesserit,  ferred  from  that  of  her  mother,  whose 

quod  nuptiis,  quas  Messalina  cum  adul-  years  are  said  not  to  have  differed  much 

tero  Silio  fecerat,  tabellas  dotis  et  ipse  from  those  of  Agrippina  (12.  64,  5).     As 

consignaverit,  inductus  quasi  de  industria  the  latter  was  bom  in  768,  A.D.  15  (see 

simularentur,  ad  avertendum  transferen-  Introd.  i.  pp.  139,  145),  we  should  hardly 

dumque   periculum   quod  imminere   ipsi  suppose   Domitia   Lepida  to   have   been 

per  quaedam  ostenta   portenderetur '   (c.  born  earlier  than  A.D.  9  or  10,  or  to  have 

29).     Suet,  implies  that  some  fiction  only  become  a  mother  earlier  than  about  A.D. 

of  a   marriage    was    consented  to;    but  25. 

Merivale,  who  accepts  this  version   (ch.  '  Juv.  6.  115-132. 

50),  considers   that   he   must   also   have  '  Plin.  N.  H.  10.  63,  83,  172;  Dio,  60. 

legally  divorced  her.  18,1.    Some  modern  authorities  have  sup- 

^  The   view    taken    by    Tacitus,    that  posed  her  stricken  with  a  form  of  insanity 

Silius  contemplated  some  appeal  to  force,  known  apparently  to  physicians  as  nym- 

derives  support  from  the  presence  of  the  phomania. 

*praefectus  vigilum'  and  the  procurator  '  Seneca  had  owed  his  banishment  to 

of  the  school  of  gladiators  (11.   35,   7)  her  and  his  recall  to  Agrippina,  yet  he 

among  his  accomplices.  speaks  of  her  fate  (Lud.  11,  5)  without 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  CLAUDIUS  [43] 

have  we  the  means  of  criticizing  the  unanimous  testimony  which  has 
covered  her  name  with  infamy. 

The  guilty  wife  is  no  sooner  in  her  grave  than  her  successor  comes  to 
the  front,  and  supplies  a  dominant  influence  for  the  remainder  of  this  rule. 
By  her  lineage,  higher  than  that  of  even  Messalina  or  Claudius,*  she 
would  bring  as  her  dower  an  accession  of  strength  even  to  a  prince ;  and 
few  women  had  learnt  so  much  from  the  schooling  of  vicissitudes.  In 
her  thirteenth  year  she  had  been  passively  given  in  marriage '  to  one 
whose  character  was  said  to  be  as  detestable  ^  as  his  rank  was  exalted ; 
at  her  widowhood,  in  her  twenty-fifth  year,  she  is  found  'prostituting 
herself  to  Lepidus  in  the  hope  of  empire  ','*  sent  into  exile,  stripped  of 
property,  separated  from  her  two-years'  old  son.  Restored  to  position 
at  her  uncle's  accession,''  and  further  enriched  by  a  subsequent  marriage 
and  widowhood,^  she  begins  a  new  career  of  ambition,  binding  the 
wealthiest  freedman  to  her  interest  by  unscrupulous  profligacy,^  and 
winning  for  her  son  a  prominence  which  had  nearly  cost  their  lives.^ 

In  causing  the  fall  of  her  rival  she  may  probably  have  taken  no  part ;  * 
but  in  the  intrigue  of  which  the  palace  again  becomes  the  focus  she 
throws  her  own  blandishments  into  the  scale ; '"  and,  if  we  are  to  believe 
our  authorities,  the  incestuous  marriage  was  won  by  previous  incest." 

Nor  was  she  to  be  satisfied  with  the  position  of  an  emperor's  wife ; 
she  would  be  all,  and  more  than  all,  that  Livia  had  been  to  Augustus, 
and  govern  the  Roman  world  under  the  shadow  of  a  feeble  husband  or  a 
stripling  son.  In  the  words  of  Tacitus,^'^  *  all  power  centred  in  a  woman  ; 
but  the  reins  of  bondage  were  now  drawn  with  a  firm  and  masculine 
hand  :  there  was  all  outward  show  of  decorum,  and  often  dignity,  and 
such  immorality  alone  as  served  her  interests ' ;  and  the  domestic  history 
of  the  remaining  years  is  little  more  than  a  record  of  the  stages  by  which 

saying  a  word  of  her  crimes.     Merivale  .  '  Dio,  60.  4,  i. 

notes    that,    though    she    had    procured  '  After  endeavouring  to  secure  Galba 

Seneca's   banishment,  she  had  evidently  (Suet.  Galb.  5),  she  had  married  Crispns 

not  laid  hands  upon  his  wealth.  Passienus  (Id.  Ner.  6),  on  whom  see  6.  20, 

^  See  her  pedigree,  Introd.  i.  ix.  pp.  2,  and  note;  Lehmann,  p.  231,  foil.     He 

139,  145  ;  see  also  12.  42,  3.  may  have  died  during  his  second  consul- 

^  4-  75.  I-  ship  in   797,   a.d.   44,  as  a   'suffectus' 

'  Tacitus  gives  no  judgement  on  his  is  found  in  his  place   as  early  as   May 

character.     Velleius  calls  him  (2.  10,  2)  4  of  that  year  (see  Lehm.  239;   Schill. 

•  nobilissimae  simplicitatis  iuvenem';  but  65,  3). 

Suet.,  who  describes  him  (Ner.  5)  as  *  omni  ''  12.65,4;  ^A-  2>  4' 

parte  vitae   detestabilem ',  alleges   some  *  ii.  12,  i. 

facts  in  support.     His  statement  is  how-  '  This  would  seem  to  follow  from  the 

ever  questioned  by  Schiller  (p.  61,  5).  fact  that  her  enemy  Narcissus,  not  her 

*  The  account  given  by  Dio  (59.  22,  partisan  Pallas,  was  the  mover  in  it  (ii. 

6-8)  is  thus  supported  by  Tacitus  (14.  2,  29,  2). 

4).    It  is  added  by  Dio  and  Suet.  (Cal.  24)  "  12.  3,  i. 

that  she  and  Julia  were  habitually  treated  "  12.  5,  i. 

with  outrage  by  Gains  and  his  crew.  "  13.  *;,  6. 


[44] 


INTRODUCTION 


[CHAP,  in 


she  advanced  her  own  position  and  that  of  her  son.^  She  amasses 
wealth  first  and  foremost ;  ^  for  in  that  age  every  man  had  his  price : 
the  recall  and  advancement  of  Seneca  ^  gives  her  the  popular  position  of 
a  protectress  of  culture,^  and  the  most  brilliant  writer  and  most  versatile 
politician  of  the  day  as  her  ally.  Above  all,  she  takes  care  to  secure  a 
far  stronger  interest,  by  obtaining  the  command  of  the  praetorians  for 
her  nominee.^  The  outward  marks  of  ascendancy  come  in  due  course. 
She  is  the  first  emperor's  wife  to  receive  the  title  of  *  Augusta '  ^  the  first 
whose  name  is  joined  with  his  on  the  coinage,'  the  first  woman  after 
whom  a  colony  is  named :  ^  at  the  pageant  of  Caractacus  ^  and  the  open- 
ing of  the  tunnel  of  Lake  Fucinus,^"  she  sits  as  the  emperor's  equal  at 
his  side.  In  the  case  of  Vitellius,"  she  showed  her  power  to  protect  her 
partisans,  in  those  of  Lollia  Paulina,^'^  and  of  Calpurnia,^^  her  power  to 
destroy  real  or  possible  rivals ;  and,  while  pushing  the  popularity  of  her 
son,^*  and  reserving  what  duties  were  odious  for  her  husband,^'  she 
appeared  willing  to  let  the  realization  of  her  final  aims  wait  on  the  course 
of  nature.  But  new  dangers  gathered  round  her  path.  Besides  a  power- 
ful hostile  party  in  the  senate,^"  Narcissus,  a  deadly  enemy,  neither  to  be 
reconciled  nor  supplanted,  was  at  the  emperor's  side,  and  was  organizing 
a  fresh  intrigue  ^^  with  the  same  steady  purpose  which  had  struck  down 
MessaHna  in  the  plenitude  of  her  power.  He  had  personally  nothing 
to  hope  from  Britannicus,  whom  he  had  probably  joined  with  others  in 
supplanting ;  ^*  but  he  was  menaced  by  still  more  imminent  danger  from 
Agrippina  and  her  son :  while  Claudius  lived  he  was  safe,  and  it  was 
only  on  the  latter  side  that  the  life  of  Claudius  was  threatened.'^'  Hence 
he  bent  all  his  energy  to  undo  the  past,  to  restore  the  emperor's 
affection  for  his  son  by  blood,  and  to  destroy  the  intruders.  Agrippina's 
first  attempt  to  attack  him  through  the  failure  of  the  Fucinus  tunnel  ^"  had 
evidently  failed,  and  his  prompt  counterchange  "  had  probably  lodged 


^  The   stages   of  Nero's   advancement 
are  given  below  in  their  place  (p.  [51]). 
^  12.  7,  7.  2  12.  8,  3. 

*  '  Laetum  in  publicum  rata  ob  claritu- 
dinem  studiorum  eius'  (12.  8,  3). 

**  12.  42,  1-2. 

*  12.  26,  I.  Livia  did  not  receive  this 
title  till  the  death  of  Augustus  (i.  8,  2); 
Messalina  v^as  never  formally  allowed  it 
(Dio,  60.  12,  5),  though  it  is  given  to  her 
in  some  provincial  coins. 

'  See  Eckh.  vi.  257  ;  Lehmann,  B.  iv. 
595  ;  Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  831. 


12.  27,  I. 


12.  37.  5- 


"  12.   56,   5.     Another    distinction    is 
mentioned  in  12.  42,  3. 


"  1 2.  42,  4-5. 

"  12.  22,  I,  foil. 

*^  12.  22,  3. 

"   12.  58,  I.  1'  12.  59,  I. 

^*  This  is  shown  not  only  by  the  attempt 
to  overthrow  Vitellius,  but  still  more  by 
the  actual  condemnation  of  her  instrument 
Tarquitius  Priscus  (12.  59,  4). 

*^  12.  65,  2,  foil. 

^*  The  first  steps  of  this  are  represented 
as  taken  *  arte  eorum  quis  ob  accusatam 
Messalinam  ultio  ex  filio  timebatur'  (12. 
9.  2). 

'^  See  the  difficult  passage  12.  65,  2,  3. 

'"12.57,4. 

*^  12.  57,  5.     The  change  of  mind  in 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  CLAUDIUS  [45] 

more  deeply;  and  she,  though  victorious  in  their  great  trial  of  strength  in 
the  case  of  Domitia  Lepida,^  and  successful  also  in  procuring  the 
execution  of  a  favourable  will,^  could  not  but  be  aware  of  the  growing 
reaction  in  favour  of  Britannicus,'  and  of  the  ominous  hints  *  betokening 
a  change  in  the  emperor's  mind,  which  might  break  out  at  any  moment 
to  her  destruction.  Her  resolution  was  soon  taken,'  nor  had  she  long  to 
wait  for  her  opportunity :  Narcissus  had  so  little  measured  the  daring 
of  the  woman  whom  he  had  now  defied  to  the  death,  as  to  be  induced  to 
leave  his  post  for  a  health  resort ;  ®  and  his  few  days  of  absence  sufficed 
to  seal  the  fate  of  his  patron  ^  and  his  own.' 

Unfortunately  for  the  reputation  of  Claudius,  the  *  laudatio ',  in  which 
Seneca  had  extolled  his  forethought  and  wisdom  in  terms  too  fulsome 
for  the  senate's  gravity,^  has  perished,  while  the  *  Ludus ',  in  which  the 
same  ready  pen  was  describing  a  perfectly  opposite  character  almost 
before  the  ink  of  the  former  composition  was  dry,^°  survives,  and  has 
influenced  all  later  narratives.  It  cannot,  therefore,  be  matter  of  wonder 
that  modern  criticism  has  raised  the  question  whether  we  have  not,  in 
the  accounts  of  this  prince,  a  conflict  of  satire  with  sober  history ,^^  and 
whether  the  undoubted  evidence  of  painstaking  and  successful  govern- 
ment ^'  must  not  discredit  a  host  of  anecdotes  of  incapacity  and  folly. 
Too  much  may  have  been  made  of  his  grotesque  physique  and  manners, 
his  total  want  of  self-possession,  uncontrollable  bursts  of  laughter,  totter- 
ing gait,  trembling  head,  drivelling  lips,  and  other  such  abnormities,^' 
fatal  defects  from  a  Greek  or  Roman  standpoint,  but  not  inconsistent 
with  ability  and  shrewdness.**     Nor  would  Tacitus,  who  has  certainly 

Claudius,  producing  such  remarks  as  are  ^  13.  i,  4. 

noted  in  12.64,  4,  seems  to  date  from  this  ®  13.  3,  2.    Its  tone  may  have  resem- 

time.  bled  that  of  the  *  Consolatio  ad  Polybium ' 

*  12.  64,  4,  foil.  That  Narcissus  was  (see  above,  p.  [23]).  The  deification  which 
straining  all  influence  against  Agrippina  followed  seems  hardly  to  have  been  taken 
is  shown  from  12.  65,  2  ;  and  Lepida  was  seriously  (see  note  on  13.  2,  6). 

the  grandmother  of  Britannicus.     Agrip-  "  It  was  produced  at  the  Saturnalia, 

pina  had  however  also  another  object  in  little  more  than  a  month  afterwards, 

view,  to  secure  her  own  undivided  ascen-  *^  See  Merivale,  Hist.  ch.  49,  50, 

dancy  over  Nero  (12.  64,  6).  "  See  above,  pp.  [24-34]. 

'  On  this  disputed  point,  see  12.  69,  5,  "  See  Sen.  Lud.  5,  2,  &c. ;  Suet.  CI. 

and  note.  30  ;  Juv.  6,  622.     That  his  countenance 

*  See  12.  65,  5.  was  handsome  when  in  repose  is  admitted 

*  Claudius  was  reported  to  have  said  by  Suet,  and  fully  borne  out  by  his  extant 
o  rp^jaas  Kat  lafferai,  and  to  be  intending  effigies. 

to    give    Britannicus    at    once   the   toga  ^*  The  parallel  which  has  been  drawn 

virilis,  *  ut   tandem    populus    R.    verum  between  Claudius  and  James  I  of  England 

Caesarem  habeat '  (Suet.  CI.  44).  (Macaulay,  Essay  on  Lord  Nugent's  me- 

*  12.64,4.  morials  of  Hampden)  is  certainly  close 

*  12.  66,  I.  as  regards  many  of  his  peculiarities.     In 
'  On  the  discrepancies  of  detail  in  the      the  following  description  :  '  his  big  head, 

story  of  the  death  of  Claudius,  see  notes  his  slobbering  tongue,  his  quilted  clothes, 
on  c  66-67.  his  rickety  legs,  his  goggle  eyes,  stood 


[46] 


INTRODUCTION 


[CHAP.  Ill 


done  him  more  than  justice  as  an  orator,  both  by  exemplification  and 
estimate,^  have  called  him  imbecile  on  the  strength  of  such  failings 
as  he  hardly  cares  to  notice,  such  as  his  pedantry  and  vanity,'^  or  even 
the  absurd  inequality  and  absence  of  all  dignity  and  proportion  in  his 
edicts  and  other  public  utterances.^  The  justification  of  such  a  term 
is  rather  to  be  found  in  his  unconsciousness  of  patent  facts  going  on 
around  him,  his  apathy,  weakness  of  will  and  purpose,  readiness  to  be 
swayed  by  those  who  had  the  last  word  with  him,  qualities  by  no  means 
resting  on  the  sole  evidence  of  satire. 

That  his  nature  was  to  some  extent  always  such,  Tacitus  undoubtedly, 
and  perhaps  erroneously,  believed;*  but  on  the  other  hand,  much  of 
the  contrast  between  the  good  and  evil  reports  of  him  is  explained  by 
difference  of  time,  and  by  circumstances  which  probably  did  not  escape 
an  acute  historian.  It  is  in  the  outset  of  his  rule  that  nearly  all  his 
wisest  acts  are  reckoned,*  when  his  own  energies  were  at  their  best,  and 
when  all  about  him,  from  senators  to  freedmen,  must  have  seen  that 
their  interest  lay  in  producing  a  good  impression  to  contrast  strongly 
with  the  preceding  tyranny.  It  is  after  six  years  of  wearying  routine  and 
unrestrained  sensual  indulgence  that  we  find  him  in  the  premature 
senility  and  decay  which  Tacitus  represents,  and  which  he  may  have 
traced,  as  in  the  case  of  Tiberius,  step  by  step ;  leading  to  a  stage  in 
which  the  speech  on  the  Gallic  question  is  almost  a  solitary  flash  of 
energy,  and  such  senseless  extravagances  as  the  preparation  of  a  great 
fleet  for  a  sham  fight  on  lake  Fucinus  are  hardly  to  be  distinguished  from 
the  wild  excesses  of  Gains ;  ^  while  the  general  state  of  relaxed  tension, 
in  which  Rome  is  again  brought  as  near  to  famine  as  it  had  been  under 
the  misgovernment  preceding  his  rule,'^  important  imperial  interests  are 
allowed   to   be   endangered   by  a   Felix  ^   or  a   Paelignus,^   and   weak 


out  in  as  grotesque  a  contrast  with  all 
that  men  recalled  of  Henry  VIII  or 
Elizabeth,  as  his  gabble  and  rhodomon- 
tade,  his  want  of  personal  dignity,  his 
vulgar  buffoonery,  his  coarseness,  his 
pedantry,  his  contemptible  cowardice' 
(Green,  Short  Hist.  p.  464),  we  might 
almost  read  Claudius  for  James,  and 
Augustus  or  Tiberius  for  Henry  or 
Elizabeth. 

^  The  version  of  his  speech  given  in  11. 
24,  must  be  pronounced,  in  comparison 
with  the  fragments  of  the  actual  oration, 
to  be  the  very  reverse  of  a  caricature; 
and  the  estimate  of  his  oratory  in  13.  3,  6 
('nee  in  Claudio,  quotiens  meditata  dis- 
sereret,  elegantiam  requireres')  is  rather 
above  than  below  his  merits. 


^  See  above,  p.  [36]. 

^  Here  again,  such  traits  as  are  noted 
in  Suet.  CI.  14,  15,  40,  &c.,  find  a  coun- 
terpart in  the  publications  of  James  I  '  on 
subjects  which  ranged  from  Predestination 
to  tobacco '  (Green,  1.  1.) ;  for  which 
Henri  Quatre  called  him  '  the  wisest  fool 
in  Christendom '. 

*  See  the  expressions  noted  above, 
p.  [20]. 

'  See  above,  p.  [25],  foil. 

'  See  12.  56,  I,  foil.  We  must  sup- 
pose the  whole  of  this  great  fleet  to  have 
been  either  built  on  the  spot  and  left 
there  afterwards  to  decay,  or  conveyed  to 
and  from  the  place  with  enormous  labour. 


12.  43,  3. 
12.  49,  I,  foil. 


»  12.  54,  I,  foil. 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  CLAUDIUS  [47] 

governors  are  not  seldom  sent  even  to  the  most  important  provinces, 
as  Didius  to  Britain,*  Quadratus  to  Syria;''  and  no  less  his  own 
astonishing  ignorance  of,  or  indifference  to,  the  immorality  of  his  wife,' 
and  the  scandalous  traffic  ^  of  which  the  colossal  fortunes  amassed  by 
his  freedmen  was  patent  evidence,  must  be  held  to  go  far  to  bear 
out  the  charge  against  him.  It  is  probably  also  in  the  later  period 
that  the  alleged  judicial  scandals,^  so  far  as  they  are  well  founded, 
must  be  placed ;  and  if  the  account  of  the  trial  of  Asiaticus  is  to  be 
believed,  any  other  such  cases  are  probable.  The  story  of  his  abject 
prostration  during  the  crisis  of  Messalina  and  Silius  must  have  been 
known  to  many '  and  cannot  well  be  a  fabrication ;  and  the  description 
of  his  state  of  mind  during  the  intrigues  of  his  subsequent  marriage,'^ 
though  resting,  no  doubt,  on  private  sources  only,  derives  credit  from 
what  was  plainly  matter  of  public  record,  his  speech  to  the  praetorians 
emphatically  renouncing  all  idea  of  matrimony,^  the  immediate  sequence 
of  a  decree  to  enable  him  to  marry  Agrippina,^  and  the  extraordinary 
reasons  announced  by  him  for  his  selection.^** 

After  this  marriage,  under  the  influence  of  a  more  imperious  will,  he 
is  still  further  effaced,  and  appears  to  originate  nothing.  He  does  his 
wife's  bidding  in  all  that  tends  to  advance  herself  and  her  son,  and 
in  destroying  the  last  safeguards  that  surround  Britannicus."  He  moves 
a  law,  and  expressly  assigns  the  credit  of  it  to  Pallas ; "  he  proposes  a 
gift  of  indemnity,  expressly  as  a  boon  to  his  physician  Xenophon.^^ 
Otherwise,  his  chief  function  is  to  condemn  and  punish,"  which  appears 
to  have  been  no  uncongenial  task  to  him.  For  it  is  his  cruelty,  far 
more  than  any  other  quality,  that  has  left  an  indelible  stain  upon  his 
character,"  and  requires  as  its  most  lenient  explanation  the  supposition 
of  such  callous  apathy  as  is  the  natural  outcome  of  imbecility.  The 
number  of  his  victims  is  made  to  reach  a  formidable  total  of  all  ranks 
and  classes ; "  and  we  have  hideous  tales  of  the  levity  with  which  he 

^12.  40,  7.  •  The  usual  train  of  the  emperor  must 

^12.  48,  I,  foil.;  54,  6.      The  boast  have  been  present  with  him:  see  11, 31,1,  &c. 

made  at   the  close  of  his   life,  that   no  ''  *  Ipse  hue  modo,  modo  illuc,  ut  quem- 

foreign  disaster  had  befallen  the  empire  que  suadentium  audierat,  promptus' (12. 

under  him  (13.  3,  i),  is  less  due  to  himself  1,  4). 

or  his  officers  than  to  such  external  causes  ^  Suet.  CI.  26. 

as  the  weakness  of  Parthia  (11.    8.  2).  '  12.  1-7;  Suet.  1.  1. 

See  above,  p.  [40].  "  Suet.  CI.  39,              "12.41,8. 

^  This  must  be  at  least  generally  true,  "  12.  53,  2.                    "  12.  61,  2. 

whatever  view  is  taken  (see  above,  p.  [42])  "  12.  59,  i,  &c. 

of  the  marriage  with  Silius.  ^*  The  whole  real  force  of  the  *  Ludus  * 

*  See  above,  p.  [39].  turns  on  this  point :  see  also  Suet.  CI.  34, 

'  See  above,  p.  [37].  Lollia  is  expressly  and  the  expression  •  omnem  Claudii  saevi- 

said  (12.  22,  2)  to  have  been  condemned  tiam'  in  13.  43,  3. 

tmheard.  i«  In  Sen.  Lud.  14,  1,  the  text  is  dis- 


[48]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP,  ill 

ordered  executions  ^  and  forgot  that  he  had  ordered  them,'^  and  of  his 
keen  delight  in  witnessing  the  butchery  of  the  executioner  and  torturer.' 
Many  of  these  traits  of  utter  insensibility  must  have  been  shown,  not 
only  in  the  privacy  of  the  palace,  but  before  the  eyes  of  Rome ;  and 
if  these  are  not  to  be  set  aside  as  fabrications,  we  have  no  reason 
to  doubt  the  statement,  that  at  the  death,  however  deserved,  of  one 
who  had  been  for  some  ten  years  his  wife  he  '  showed  no  sign  of  hate, 
joy,  resentment,  sorrow,  nor  in  short  of  any  human  feeling,'  *  and  that 
he  'had  neither  Mkes  nor  dislikes,  except  such  as  were  instilled  and 
dictated.' » 


III.   Nero, 

SUMMABY   OF   CONTENTS. 


PAGE 


Early  life  down  to  tke  death  of  Claudius [49] 

First  period  of  rule  (*  quinquennium  Neronis ') [53] 

Murder  of  Agrippina  and  Octavia  and  ascendancy  of  Poppaea  .  .  .  [61] 
Nero's  increasing  passion  for  exhibiting  his  singing  and  other  accomplishments. 

Effect  of  this  and  other  scandals  on  public  opinion [66] 

Effect  produced  by  his  earlier  acts  of  bloodshed  and  by  the  circumstances  of 

the  great  fire [69] 

Causes  and  results  of  the  Pisonian  conspiracy [73] 

Subsequent  reign  of  terror :  probable  reasons  for  the  attack  on  Thrasea  and 

Soranus [78] 

puted,    but,  as  read    by    Haase,    gives  illustrate  it.    It  should  also  be  observed 

'occisos    senatores    xxx,   equites    R.   cc.  that  in  such  a  list,  just  and  unjust  con- 

ceteros  ccxxi,  oaa  \paim96s  re  kovis  n.'  demnations  are  massed  together. 

Suet.   (CI.   29),   who   appears   to  follow  ^  Seneca  speaks  (Lud.  6,  2)  of  a  familiar 

Seneca,  gives  the  number  of  senators  as  wave  of  his  hand  by  which  he  gave  the 

thirty-five,  the  knights  at  more  than  three  sign  for  executions. 

hundred,  but  omits  mention  of  the  others.  *  Suet.  CI.  39  ;  Dio,  60.  14,  2.     The 

A  sufficient  number  of  names  of  senators  *  multi '  of  Suet,  is  probably  one  of  his 

put  to  death,  forced  to  suicide,  or  other-  usual  exaggerations,  perhaps  taken  from 

wise  made  away  with,  can  be  made  out  Seneca,  who  (Lud.  14,  5)  makes  Claudius 

fromvarioussources(seeabove,pp.[ii-i4],  meet  his  victims  in  the  lower  world,  and 

&c.),torenderitprobablethat,ifwehadthe  ask  'quo  modo  hue  venistis?* 

complete  record  of  Tacitus  before  us,  such  ^  Suet.  CI.  34.     If  there  is  any  truth  in 

a  number  as  that  given  by  Seneca  or  Suet.  the  statement  of  Seneca  (de  Clem.  i.  23, 

could  be  made  up  :  we  have  small  means  i),  that  more  parricides  were  condemned 

of  identifying  the  knights  (see  1 1.4,1 ;  35,  under  him  in  five  years  than  in  all  the 

6  ;  36,  4,  and  above  1.  1.)  ;   but  Tacitus  generations  before,  we  should  suspect  that 

speaks  (13.  43,   3)  of  'equitum  Roma-  some  at  least  were  condemned   unjustly 

norum  agmina  damnata ' :  as  to  the  third  to  give  him  opportunities  of  witnessing 

item,  we  are  altogether  in  the  dark,  unless  the  punishment, 

the  stories  alluded  to  in  Suet.  34  and  the  *  11.  38,  3. 

vast  number  of  *  sontes'  in  la.  56,  5  may  '  12.  3,  3. 


CHAP.  Ill]  YOUTH  OF  NERO  [49] 

PACK 

Period  of  the  last  two  years  of  Nero*s  role,  and  incidental  allusions  to  it  by 

Tacitus [85] 

The  general  administration  during  the  later  years  of  Nero       ....  [89] 

Concluding  remarks [93J 

Note. — Throughout  this  section,  especial  and  constant  obligations  must  be  acknow- 
ledged to  H.  Schiller's  *  Geschichte  des  Romischen  Kaiserreichs  unter  der  Regierung 
desNero';  Berlin,  1872. 

Our  history  of  this  prince  in  Tacitus  is  on  the  whole  as  complete 
as  that  of  Tiberius  :  in  both  some  notice  is  given  of  the  previous 
life,  and  a  full  history  is  preserved  of  the  greater  part  of  the  rule;  in 
both  an  important  portion  is  lost  to  us  which  is  ill  made  up  by  what 
can  be  gleaned  from  other  sources.  In  the  case  of  Nero,  the  fact  that 
the  lost  portion  includes  the  end  involves  also  the  loss  of  any  general 
judgement  which  the  historian  may  have  thought  fit  to  give  by  way 
of  summary. 

We  have  the  notice  of  his  mother's  marriage  to  Gnaeus  Domitius,  who 

united  a  descent  on  his  mother's  side  from  Octavia  to  the  high  lineage 

of  his  paternal  family,^  and  who  afterwards  narrowly  escaped  peril  of  his 

life  by  the  opportune  death  of  Tiberius.'^     His  son,  originally  named 

Lucius  Domitius,  was  born  at  Antium  on  Dec.  15,  790,  a.d.  37,'  and 

he  himself  died  of  a  dropsy  at  Pyrgi  about  two  years  later.*     His  death 

was  almost  immediately  followed,  or  perhaps  preceded,  by  the  exile  of 

Agrippina ' ;    and  the  child,  thus  left  practically  an  orphan,  fell  under 

the  charge  of  his  aunt  Domitia  Lepida,  but  returned  after  litde  more 

i^ihan  a  year  to  that  of  his  mother  on  her  restoration  by  Claudius.^     It 

^K  idle  to  speculate  on  the   supposed  effects  of  his   aunt's  neglect   or 

^Bidulgence  at  this  early  age ' ;  but  his  subsequent  intimacy  with  her,  kept 

^Hp  till  she  fell  a  victim  to  the  jealousy  of  Agrippina  thirteen  years  later,^ 

^Hiay  not  have  been   without   a   share  in  determining  his  propensities. 

^^esides  receiving  back  from  Claudius  his   paternal  inheritance,  which 

Gaius  had  seized,^  the  boy  was  further  enriched  by  that  of  his  step- 


I 


*  4.  75.  making  the  death  of  Domitius  precede  it, 
'  6.  47,  2  ;  48,  I.  the  words  *  trimulus  patrem  amisit'  can 
'  Suet.  Ner.  6.  only  at  the  utmost  mean  that  the  child 

*  Suet.  Ner.  5.     On  his  character,  see  had  then  completed  his  second  year, 
above,  p.  [43I,  note.  Suet,  makes  him  re-  ®  Suet.  1. 1. 

mark  cynically  at  the  birth  of  his  son,  '  Suet,  gravely  stales  that  she  placed 

*  nihil  ex  se  et  Agiippina  nisi  detestabile  him   ♦  sub    duobus   paedagogis,  saltatore 

et  malo  publico  nasci  potuisse.'  atque  tonsore'.     It  is  possible  that  her 

*  The  date  of  this  event  is  fixed  by  indulgence  in  after  life  (12.  64,6)  may 
that  of  the  detection  of  the  conspiracy  of  have  partly  consisted  in  bringing  him 
Gaetulicus  (see  above,  p.  [18]),  and  must  into  intimacy  with  such  persons. 

have  been  about  the  end  of  792,  a.d.  39  ;  '  See  above,  p.  [45]. 

so  that,  if  Suet.  (Ner.   6)    is    right    in  »  Suet.  1.  1. 


[5o]  INTRODUCTION  [chap,  hi 

father  Crispus  Passienus,^  and  would  seem  to  have  been  under  the 
*  tutela '  of  Asconius  Labeo,^  and  to  have  at  this  time  received  instruc- 
tion from  two  persons,  one  of  whom,  named  Burrus,  must  have  known 
Greek,^  while  the  other  was  the  ingenious  but  utterly  profligate  and 
unscrupulous  Anicetus.*  The  perils  to  which  his  own  exalted  rank, 
no  less  than  his  instrumentality,  however  passive,  in  his  mother's 
schemes,  exposed  him,  were  skilfully  turned  to  account  by  surrounding 
his  boyhood  with  a  halo  of  legend,  and  describing  the  assassins  sent 
by  Messalina  as  scared  away  by  tutelary  serpents.*^  The  sympathy 
enlisted  by  this  and  other  such  devices,  manifesting  itself  in  an  unmis- 
takable preponderance  of  applause  in  favour  of  the  grandson  of 
Germanicus  on  his  first  public  appearance  with  his  younger  rival 
Britannicus  in  the  '  ludus  Troiae '  at  the  secular  games,^  would  naturally 
have  increased  his  danger,  had  not  Messalina  been  turned  from  her 
schemes  of  vengeance  by  the  keener  passion  "^  which  in  the  next  year 
impelled  her  to  her  death. 

A  new  chapter  in  the  youth's  life  opens  in  802,  a.d.  49,  with  the 
exaltation  of  his  mother  ;  who,  though  all  her  schemes  centred  in  his 
advancement,  disciplined  him  with  the  full  force  of  her  imperious 
nature,^  and,  seeing  that  at  this  stage  of  his  life  the  prestige  of  an 
education  which  none  could  hope  to  rival  would  be  above  all  things 
helpful  to  him,  lost  no  time  in  placing  him  under  the  instruction  of 
the  greatest  literary  genius  of  the  age  ^ ;  who,  being  besides  indebted 


^  This  was  perhaps  as  early  as  797,  probably  three  or  four  years  before  the 

A.  D.  44  (see  above,  p.  [43],  note).  Christian  era,  he   had   been   brought  in 

2  13.  10,  I.  childhood  to  Rome,  where  his  father  the 

^  This  Burrus  is  mentioned  in  Jos.  Ant.  rhetorician  had  reached  equestrian  rank. 

20.  8,  9,  as  rtaiha-yoj^bs  rod  'S€pa}vos,Ta^iv  The  son  [was  promoted  to  senatorial  dig- 

r^v  rwv  'EWrjviKuiv  hmaroKwv  -nemonv-  nity,]  had  attained  the  quaestorship  (ad 

fiivos  ('ab    epistulis    Graecis');    which  Helv.   19.  2),  and  was  a  leading    sena- 

latter  office  we  should  suppose  him  from  torial   pleader    by   the   time    of    Gaius, 

the  words  to  have  been  still  holding  at  who  had  marked  him  for  death  in  a  fit  of 

the  time  spoken  of  (A.D.  60  or  61).    [He  jealousy,  but  hearing  that  he  was  likely 

is  of  course  entirely  distinct  from  Sextus  soon  to  die  naturally,  dismissed  him  from 

Afranius  Burrus,  praetorian  prefect  under  consideration  (Dio,  59.  19,  7)  with  some 

Nero,  whose  career  is  now  known  from  contemptuous   remarks  on  his  composi- 

the  Vaison  inscription.    See  Ann.  12.  42  tions  and  style  (see  above,  p.  [17],  5).     In 

and  note. — P.]  the  first  year  of  Claudius,  Messalina  pro- 

*  See  14.  3,  5,  and  note.  cured   his   relegation    to   Corsica,   on   a 

'  See  II.  II,  6,  and  note.  charge  of  adultery  with  Julia,  daughter 

«ii.   II,   5;    12,   I.     The  two  boys  of  Germanicus  (Dio,  60.  8,  4),  which,  as 

were  then  nine  and  six  years  old.  coming  from  such  a  source,  is  generally 

^  IT.  12,  2.  disbelieved.     The  only  assumption  of  his 

^  See  the  contrast  drawn  in  12.  64,  4,  giiilt  in  Tacitus  is  placed  in  the  mouth  of 

between  her  treatment  of  him  and  that  of  his  enemy  and  accuser  Suillius  (13.  42, 

his  aunt.  3)>  and  his  banishment  is  alluded  to  as 

^  The  antecedents  of  Seneca  can  here  'iniuria'  (12.  8,  3)  ;  but  Dio,  who  is  per- 

be  only  briefly  noted.     Bom  at  Corduba  sistently  hostile   to  him  elsewhere,  not 


CHAP.  Ill]  YOVTH  OF  NERO  [51] 

to  her  for  his  restoration  from  an  eight  years*  banishment,  and  for  his 
advancement  to  the  praetorship/  might  be  relied  upon  to  understand 
that  he  was  summoned  for  a  double  purpose,  and  was  also  to  lend 
all  the  resources  of  his  versatile  intellect  to  the  furtherance  of  her 
schemes.' 

As  to  the  actual  course  of  instruction,  we  are  told"  that  the  boy 
touched  all  subjects  desultorily,  that  his  mother  dissuaded  him  from 
philosophy  as  unsuitable  to  his  position,*  that  his  teacher,  seeking  to 
enlist  his  admiration  for  his  own  style,  discouraged  the  study  of  the 
great  orators  of  antiquity,^  that  not  only  during  the  most  youthful 
period  of  his  rule,  but  for  some  years  afterwards,  his  more  formal 
utterances  were  all  composed  for  him  * ;  and  the  pursuits  in  which  his 
energy  found  scope  '  were  assuredly  not  inspired  by  Seneca,  who  may 
probably  have  understood  that  the  ulterior  purposes  indicated  above 
were  the  most  real  end  to  be  served  by  his  presence. 

It  remains  only  to  note  the  stages  of  his  advancement.  Those  who 
had  overthrown  Messalina  thought  it  their  interest  to  supplant  Britan- 
nicus^;  and  anything  could  be  got  out  of  Claudius  in  his  present  mood  ^ : 
so  immediately  after  Agrippina's  marriage  an  address  from  the  senate 
procures  the  betrothal  of  Octavia  to  the  stepson  ^" ;  a  tale  magnified  by 
Vitellius  having  previously  sufficed  to  set  aside  the  already  affianced 
L.  Silanus":'a  year  later  (803,  a.d.  50),  Pallas  persuades  his  patron 
with  equal  facility  that  the  adoption  of  the  already  designated  son-in-law 
is  recommended  by  precedent  and  policy  ^^ ;  and  L.  Domitius  at  twelve 

only  (61.    10,   i)   takes  this  charge  as  Agr.  4,  4. 

proved,  but  also  accuses  him  of  similar  ^  Suet.  1. 1. 

misconduct    with   Agrippina ;    any   inti-  *  The   censure   *  primum    ex    iis,    qui 

macy  with  whom  was  probably  supposed  rerum  potiti  essent,  Neronem  alienae  fa- 

bjr  Roman  scandal  to  take  this  form.     Of  cundiae  eguisse'  (13.  3,  3),  is  palliated 

"      extant  writings,  the  *  Consolatio  ad  by  his  youth ;  but  the  same  was  still  the 

arciam  '  has  been  thought  to  date  be-  case  five  years  afterwards  (14.  11,  4),  and 

'ore   his    exile ;   the    *  Consolationes    ad  perhaps  still  later.     On  the  other  hand, 

Helviam '    and    *  ad    Polybium ',   which  Nero   is   made  to   speak   of  himself  as 

(besides  some  epigrams)  were   certainly  owing  to  his  teacher  the  acquisition  of  a 

written   during  it,  show  how  readily  he  power  of  impromptu  reply  (14,  55,  i). 

could   adapt    himself    to    the    mood   of  '  See   13.   3,    7.      An   exception   may 

Stoicism  or  flattery.     If  Dio  (1.  1.)  is  to  seem  due  in  respect  of  his  turn  for  versify- 

be  believed,  he  even  wrote  at  this  time  a  ing ;    but   Seneca  was  believed  to  have 

panegyric  on  Messalina  and  the  freedmen,  followed  rather  than  guided  his  bent  in 

which  he  afterwards  suppressed.  this  direction  (14.  52,  3). 

^  12.  8,  3.  '  *  Arte  eorum  quis  ob  accusatam  Mes- 

^  'Ut  Domitii   pueritia   tali   magistro  salinam    ultio    ex   filio   timebatur'    (12. 

adolesceret  et  consiliis  eiusdem  ad  spem  9,  2). 

dominationis  uterentur'  (12.  8,  3).  *  *  Nihil  arduum  videbatur  in   animo 

'  Suet.  Ner.  52.  principis,'  &c.  (13.  3,  3). 

♦  That   this   study,   beyond    a   certain  "  12.  9,  i. 

point,   was    not    thought    desirable    for  "  12.4,1. 

Romans  of  rank,  is  to  be  gathered  from  "  la.  25,  i. 

e  2 


Tori 


[52]  INTRODUCTION  [chap,  ill 

years  old  passes  over  the  head  of  Britannicus  as  Nero  Claudius  Caesar. 
In  the  following  year  *  he  is  pushed  on  before  the  usual  time  to  assume 
the  toga  virilis,  and  steps  at  once  into  the  position  of  a  recognized 
successor  as  '  princeps  iuventutis ',  is  designated  to  receive  the  consulship 
in  his  twentieth  year,  and  at  once  to  hold  *  proconsulare  imperium  ' 
everywhere  except  within  the  walls  of  Rome,  and  to  become  member 
of  all  the  great  priestly  colleges.^  The  auspicious  event  is  com- 
memorated by  largess  to  soldiers  and  people,  and  the  heir  is  paraded 
at  the  votive  games  in  the  state  dress  of  a  magistrate.  Two  years  later 
(806,  A.D.  53)  the  betrothal  of  four  years'  standing  is  crowned  by 
marriage;  and  the  prestige  of  his  culture  is  sustained  by  a  series  of 
orations,  composed  no  doubt  by  the  instructor,  but  gracefully 
delivered  by  the  pupil,  in  a  vein  of  popular  generosity,  to  obtain 
privileges  or  subventions  for  various  communities.'  We  may  suppose 
also  that  during  this  period  it  was  not  forgotten  in  his  interest, 
that  he  had  independent  claims,  irrespective  of  his  adoption  by 
Claudius,  to  be  treated  as  the  direct  and  true  representative  of  the 
Julian  Caesars.'* 

The  succession  could  hardly  seem  to  be  in  doubt  %•  and  the  posi- 
tion of  Nero  had  to  all  appearance  more  to  gain  than  to  lose  by 
time ;  but  Britannicus,  however  studiously  effaced,  paraded  in  a  childish 

*  praetexta '  to  point  the  contrast  to  his  rival's  robe,^  and  given  in 
charge,  on  the  pretext  of  a  rash  jest,  to  guardians  chosen  by  his 
stepmother'  and  altogether  faithless,^  had  yet  his  partisans;  and  the 
threatened  counter-plot  of  Narcissus,^  in  an  indirect  issue  of  which, 
the  trial  of  Domitia  Lepida,  Nero  gave  the  first  proof  of  his  callous 
heartlessness    by   appearing  as   a   witness   to   compass   the   death    of 

^  12.41, 1, and  notes.  The  two  honours  scriptions  (e.g.  C.  I.  L.  3.  6125,  ir.  1331) 

first  mentioned  had  been  granted  by  Au-  in  which  he  is  styled  '  Divi  Claudi  filius, 

gustus  to  his  adopted  sons  at  almost  as  Germanici  Caesaris  nepos,  Tiberi  Caesaris 

early  an  age  (see  i.  3,  2,  and  note)  ;  but  Aug.    pronepos,    Divi     Aug.   abnepos '. 

to  give  any  kind  of  '  proconsulare  impe-  That  much  was  then  thought  of  that  de- 

rium' (on  which  seelntrod.  i.  vi.  pp.  [69],  scent,  is  noted  by  Schiller  (77,  3)  from 

[82])  to  one  so  young  was  altogether  un-  12.  2,  3  ;  13.  i,  a. 

precedented.     Agrippina,  in  claiming  to  ^  The  statement  that  he  was  formally 

have    procured    these    decrees,    specifies  proclaimed  successor  rests  only  on  Zon. 

them  among  '  cetera  apiscendo  imperio'  11.  11.      That   he   was   probably  desig- 

(13.  21,  6).  nated  as  heir  by  the  will  of  Claudius  is 

*  See  note   on   12.  41,   2.     Suet,  also  shown  on  12.  69,  5. 

notes  (Ner.  7)  that  he  filled  the  office  of  ^  '  Ludicro  circensium  .  .  .  Britannicus 

*  praef.  urb.  sacro  Latinarum',  and  that  in  praetexta,  Nero  triumphal!  vestetravecti 
important  cases,  contrary  to  rule  (see  4.  sunt :  spectaret  populus  hunc  decore  impe- 
36,  I,  and  note),  and  to  the  command  of  ratorio, ilium puerilihabitu,ac  perindefor- 
Claudius,  were  brought  before  him.  tunam  utriusque  praesumeret '  (i  2.41, 4). 

«  12.58.  '  12.41,5-8. 

*  That  he  afterwards  rested  his  title  on  ^  i^.i^^  5. 
this  descent  would  appear  from  many  in-          ^  See  above,  p.  [44]. 


1 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE   OF  NERO  [53] 

one  who  had  loaded  his  life  with  indulgences/  brought  about  the  cata- 
strophe of  Oct.  12,  807,  A.D.  54.  The  praetorians,  schooled  for  more 
than  three  years  by  their  praefect,^  and  already  tampered  with,'  were 
not   slow   to   earn    their    donative  * ;   the   legions    had   been   probably 

cured  by  similar  means " ;  and  before  the  same  day  closed,  a  single 
sitting  of  the  senate  had  confirmed  the  youth,  who  still  wanted  two 
months  of  completing  his  seventeenth  year,  in  all  the  imperial  powers 
and  privileges.® 

In  his  sketch  of  the  rule  of  Nero,  Tacitus  has  plainly  intended  each 
Book  to  constitute  a  period ;  and  of  these,  that  included  in  the  Thirteenth 
Book,  comprising  the  fragment  of  807,  a.d.  54,  and  the  four  complete 
years  following  it,  has  won  celebrity  as  the  '  quinquennium  Neronis '.'' 
At  its  outset,  the  central  figure  is  that  of  the  empress  mother,  who 
had  seemed  to  have  gained  the  aim  of  all  her  crimes,  and  to  have 
only  to  step  into  the  position  won  and  take  up  the  reins  of  power. 
With  even  a  small  share  of  the  tact  and  skill  with  which  Livia  had 
adapted   herself  'to  the  finesse  of  her  husband  and  pretences  of  her 

Km  ',^  and  had  enjoyed  a  lifetime  of  no  less  substantial  than  informal 
)wer,'  she  might  have  succeeded  in  the  comparatively  easy  task  of 
oulding  her  young  son  to  her  will ;  and  to  any  less  imperious  nature, 
e  outward  show  of  dignity  granted  her  would  have  been  ample.  '  The 
ist  of  mothers '  ^°  was  the  first  watchword  given  by  Nero  to  the  prae- 
torians ;  the  honours  awarded  to  Livia  at  the  death  of  Augustus  were 
again  repeated,"  and  additions  made  to  them.  Her  image  appears  on 
the  coinage  of  her  son,"  as  before  on  that  of  her  husband  " ;  the  Arval 

I  brothers  are  permitted  to  use  words  implying  her  virtual  association 
1  government^*;  even  some  exercise  of  imperial  functions  which  she 
hose  to  usurp  were  acquiesced  in  " ;  she  had  secured  in  the  subservience 


^  1 2.  64,  6  ;  Suet.  Ner.  7.  ^1  1. 1.,  and  note. 

See  Mommsen,  Staatsrecht,  ii.  830, 


'  Cp.  'cohortes  in  urbe  tentatas'  (13.       foil.,  and  several  specimens  in  Cohen,  i. 
(I,  7).  p.  275. 


*  12.  69,  3.  "  See  above,  p.  [44]. 
'  See  13.  21,  7,  and  note.  "  'Concordia  honoris  Agrippinae  Au- 

*  According  to  Suet.  (Ner.  8),  he  de-  gustae':    see  Mommsen,  Staatsrecht,  ii. 
clined  only  (on  account  of  his  youth)  the  1168,  i. 

title  'pater  patriae'.  "  The  statement  in  Suet.  Ner.  9  (*ma- 

'  See  below,  p.  [59],  5.  tri  summam  omnium  rerum  privatarum 

'  'Cum     artibus    mariti,    simulatione  publicarumque    permisit')   is  no    doubt 

filii  bene  composita '  (5.  i,  5).  exaggerated.     Tacitus  does  not  help  us 

"  She  is  called  'dominalionis  socia '  in  to  test  the  statements  in  Dio,  61.3,  a,  that 

4.  57,  4  ;  but  her  *  inpotentia'  mentioned  she  gave  audience  to  embassies  and  wrote 

in  that  passage  and  in  Dio,  57,  12,  can  letters  to  foreign  states  and  princes,  ex- 

Iter  into  no  comparison   with  that   of  cept  so  far  as  the  first  part  of  the  state- 

jrippina,  ment  seems  an  exaggeration  of  the  scene 


[54]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  Ill 

of  Pallas^  the  instrumentality  of  enormous  wealth,  and  of  such  know- 
ledge of  the  secrets  of  government  as  none  else  possessed;  while  her 
son's  advisers  owed  all  to  her  and  might  well  be  expected  to  be  her 
creatures. 

Her  first  use  of  power  was  to  strike  down  Narcissus,  her  persistent 
enemy  j'^  and  M.  Silanus,  whose  family,  if  not  his  personal  qualities,  seemed 
to  make  him  formidable.^  But  this  early  display  of  the  spirit  in  which 
she  meant  to  rule  was  her  first  fatal  blunder,  and  showed  Burrus  and 
Seneca  that  their  foremost  object  must  be  to  destroy  her  influence.* 
They  could  already  work  on  the  young  prince's  dissatisfaction  ^  and 
make  him  assert  himself;  her  attempt  to  share  his  seat  of  state  at  the 
reception  of  an  embassy  is  skilfully  parried  ^ ;  her  bold  hope  (if  such 
she  had)  to  receive  a  coordinate  '  sacramentum '  of  the  army  and 
empire,  and  have  her  *  consortium  imperii '  formally  ratified,  is  frus- 
trated "^ ;  the  senate  is  given  to  understand  that,  even  when  it  met  under 
the  shadow  of  her  unseen  presence,  it  might  vote  against  her  wishes  ^ ; 
the  popular  measures  of  donative  and  congiarium  are  carried  out  in 
defiance  of  her  earnest  protest^;  and  within  the  palace  itself,  by  the 
adroit  intrigue  of  Seneca  and  his  friends,  her  ascendancy  is  undermined 
through  the  counter-influence  of  Acte.*" 

In  this  crisis  again  her  want  of  tact  was  fatal  to  her :  at  first  exciting 
her  son's  new  passion  by  furious  opposition,  at  another  stooping  to  offer 
herself  as  its  intermediary  and  confidant";  at  one  time  ofl"ering  him 
all  her  wealth,^^  at  another  disdaining  his  most  costly  presents  as  a 
mere  pittance  out  of  the  all  that  was  of  right  her  own,^^  she  overacted 
both  parts  and  deceived  no  one,  and  the  breach  grew  daily  wider.  A 
single  stroke  deprived  her  of  the  mainstay  of  her  political  position  by 
the  removal  of  Pallas,^*  and  her  answer  was  a  declaration  of  war.     She 


^  13.  2,  3.  and  as  rendered  more  probable  by  her 

2  13.  I,  4.  name  having  been  included,  with  those  of 

3  13.  I,  I.  her  sisters,   in  the  oath   to  Gains  (Suet. 

*  '  Certamen  utrique  unum  erat  contra  Cal.  15). 
ferociam  Agrippinae'  (13.  2,  3),  ^  13.  5,  2. 

'  Nero  strongly  disapproved  of  the  ^  See  below,  p.  [63],  and  14.  il,  r, 
murder  of  Narcissus  (13.  1,4),  and  dis-  where  her  opposition  is  represented  as 
liked  the  arrogance  of  Pallas  (13.  2,  4).  resting  on  private  pique  only.  The  dona- 
Suetonius  gives  a  story  (Ner.  34)  that  at  tive  can  hardly  have  been  promised  (12. 
this  period  he  so  chafed  imder  the  die-  69,  3)  without  her  sanction.  The  asser- 
tation  of  his  mother  as  to  threaten  to  tion  that  her  haughtiness  and  avarice 
abdicate  and  retire  to  Rhodes.  excited  the  indignation  of  the  people  rests 

*  13-  h>  3-  She  had  been  accustomed  only  on  words  ascribed  to  Poppaea  (14. 
to  a  nearly  similar  position  as  the  wife  of  1,3). 

Claudius  (see  above,  p.  [44]).  ^"  13.  12,  i.                  "  13.  13,  1-2. 

''  This  hope  is  only  known  to  us  as  laid  "  13.  13,  3.                  "  13.  13,  6. 

to  her  charge  after  her  death  (14.  ii,  i),  ^*  13.  14,  i. 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  NERO  [55] 

would  undo  all  that  she  had  done;  Britannicus  was  fit  to  enter  upon 
manhood,  and  was  the  rightful  heir ;  she  would  stand  at  his  side  before 
the  soldiers  and  brave  the  upstarts  to  do  their  worst.^  To  this  de- 
fiance the  murder  of  Britannicus  was  the  answer,"  and  conveyed  a 
warning  that  she  had  to  do  with  a  nature  as  unscrupulous  as  her 
own.'  The  weak  counter-move  by  which  she  took  the  injured  wife 
Octavia  under  her  patronage,  and  attempted  to  form  a  party  within' 
[the  state,*  was  met  no  less  decisively.  The  guard,  with  whose  officers 
she  was  tampering, **  was  withdrawn  from  her  doors  ^ ;  the  decaying 
nobility,  to  whom  she  was  paying  new  court,*^  quickly  forsook  her  levees 
when  she  was  removed  to  another  house  from  the  palace^;  and  the 
position  which  she  had  been  so  laborious  in  building  was  shown  to  be 
founded  on  a  sand-heap.*  Her  enemies  are  now  emboldened  to  strike 
even  at  her  life,  and  a  charge  made  up  against  her  by  clients  of  Junia 
ilana,  and  supported  by  the  emperor's  aunt  Domiiia,"  is  represented 
almost  scaring  Nero  already  into  matricide.*^  But  she  was  still 
;oo  formidable  to  be  thus  brought  to  bay:  Burrus  and  her  accusers 
are  overpowered  by  her  passionate  reply;  an  interview  with  her  son 
obtains  rewards  for  her  friends  and  punishment  for  Silana  and  her 
tools  ^" ;  her  mere  words,  *  the  incautious  utterances  of  affectionate 
jealousy  V'  are  not  yet  to  be  weighed  against  all  that  she  has  done 
and  dared  for  Nero;  and  with  this  last  successful  stroke  she  is  for 
three  years  lost  sight  of,  till  a  new  force  arises  to  compass  her 
^^  destruction. 

^B  It  is  of  more  importance  to  trace  the  ideal  of  government  conceived 
^Hfor  the  young  prince  by  Seneca,  and  the  extent  to  which  it  was 
^Bealized. 

^H    After  a  few  graceful  sentences  on  his  own  position,^*  the  Augustan 

^^)rogramme  is  once  more  proclaimed,  and  the  duality  of  government, 

which  had  become  more  and  more  a  fiction,  is  ostentatiously  paraded,*^ 

with  a  popular  disclaimer,  like  that  of  his  predecessors,"  of  what  had 

ade  the   preceding  rule  most  odious,  especially  of  the  passion  for 


ev< 

i 


f 


^  13.  14,  5.  this  statement. 

'  n.  15-16.  *2  13^  21,  8.  "  13.  21,  8. 

'  The  murder   of  Claudius   had  been  ^*  13.  4,  i.  "  13.  4,  5. 

her  own  reply  to   the   similar  threat   of  *'  Thus  Gains  had  initiated  a  reaction 

Narcissus  (12.  65,  5).  against  the  severities  of  Tiberius  (Suet. 

*  13.  18,3.     *  '1.1.  Cal.  15,  16;  Dio,  59.  2),  and  Claudius 

«  13.  18,  4.  '  13.  18,  3.  had  repudiated  the  extravagances  of  Gains 

'  13-  18,  5.  »  13.  19,  1.  (see  above,  p.  [25]).     Each  of  these  had 

^^  13.  19,  2-4.  also  restored  persons  exiled  or  degraded 

"  13.  20,5.   The  gradual  way  in  which  by  his  predecessor;  but  Claudius- seems 

he  is  afterwards  represented  as  working  at  his  death  to  have  left  few  in  that  con- 

himself  up  to  this  course  makes  against  dition  (see  13.  11,  2;  32,  1). 


[56]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  Ill 

personally  engrossing  all  judicial  functions,^  and  of  the  rampant  venality 
and  rule  of  freedmen.'^ 

The  senate  takes  him  at  his  word,  and  is  stimulated  during  this 
period  into  a  temporary  display  of  activity,  revising  recent  acts  of 
Claudius,^  showing  inclination  to  increase  the  patron's  power  over  his 
freedmen,*  strengthening  the  master*s  terrible  hold  on  the  fidelity  of 
his  slaves,^  circumscribing  the  limits  of  magisterial  authority^,  and 
passing  various  other  legislative  decrees,  some  of  which  survived  in 
the  age  of  the  jurists.'^ 

Also  its  functions  as  a  court  of  justice  are  called  prominently  into 
play,  not  only  in  flagrant  cases  of  ordinary  crime,^  but  especially  to 
check  the  corruption  which  the  spirit  of  the  last  rule  had  made  prevalent. 
Cossutianus  Capito  and  Numitor,  '  the  pirates  of  the  Cilicians,  are 
struck  down  by  a  righteous  thunderbolt'^;  a  similar  fate  overtakes 
Laenas,  the  governor  of  Sardinia,^"  and  other  similar  criminals^';  and 
the  pent-up  feeling  against  the  odious  accusers  who  had  been  tools 
for  the  destruction  of  the  victims  of  Claudius  and  Messalina  finds  its 
outlet  in  the  condemnation  of  Suillius.^'^  Yet,  that  the  course  of  justice 
certainly  did  not  err  on  the  side  of  severity  was  shown,  not  only  by  the 
mitigation  of  penalty  in  the  last-named  case,^^  but  also  by  several 
acquittals ;  in  some  of  which  the  still  continuing  influence  of  corruption 
is  clearly  indicated.^* 

Meanwhile,  Seneca  surrounds  his  pupil  with  the  glory  of  such  public 
virtues  as  most  became  his  age  and  rank.     A  graceful  modesty  waives 


^  This  promise  is  duly  hailed  by  cour-  (13.  44).     The  charge  brought   against 

tiers  as  a  restoration  of  the  course  of  law.  Pomponia  Graecina   was   renaitted   to   a 

Seneca  says  of  his  pupil  (Lud.  4.  i,  24)  family  tribunal  (13.  32,  3). 

*  legumque    silentia   rumpet' ;    and   Cal-  *  See  13.  33,  3,  and  note;  Juv.  8,  92. 

purnius  says  '  lam  nee  adumbrati  faciem  ^"^   13.  30,  i. 

mercatus  honoris,  Nee  vacuos  tacitus  fasces  "  13.  30,  2,  &c.    Subsequent  cases  are 

et  inane  tribunal  Accipiet  consul,  sed  legi-  to  be  added  (14.  18,  i;  28,  3;  46,  i), 

bus  omne  reductis  lus  aderit  moremque  making  a  total  of  some  twelve  persons 

fori  vultumque  priorem  Reddet,  et  adfli-  tried  for  'repetundae'  down  to  814,  a.D. 

ctum  melior  deus  auferet  aevum '  (Eel.  i.  61,  a  greater  number  than  we  have  in  any 

69-73).     See  Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  106,  i.  similar  period.      Another   case,    that   of 

2  13.  4,  2.                             ^13-  5,  I.  Saevinus   Pomptinius,  not  mentioned   in 

*  13.  26,  I.  the  Annals,  but  alluded  to  in  H.  i.  77,  6, 
5  13.  32,  I.  may  very  probably  belong;  to  this  period. 
"  13.  28,  2-4.  In  the  extant  account  of  Claudius,  only 
■^  See  Merivale,  ch.  52.     Those  noted  two  cases  are  given  (12.  22,  4 ;  59,  4),  in 

belong   more   to   the    middle   of  Nero's  the  latter  of  which  the  charge  is  stated  to 

rule ;    the   '  Senatus   consultum   Turpili-  have  been  false. 

anum'  dating  from  814,  A.D.  61  (see  on  ^^  jj^  42-43.                     ^^  j^.  43^  6. 

14.  41,  3),  the  '  Trebellianum '  (see  on  14.  "  13.  30,  i  ;  33?  4  ;  52,  i-3-    It  is  not 

46,   2)   and  'Neronianum'   from   nearly  clear  as  to  some  of  these  trials,  whether 

the  same  time.  they   were   held    before    the    senate    or 

*  As  in  the  case  of  Octavius  Sagitta  Caesar  (see  notes). 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  NERO  [57] 

for  a  time  the  title  of  *  pater  patriae  '\-  'when  I  shall  have  deserved  it,' 
is  his  answer  declining  a  vote  of  thanks  ^ ;  other  extravagant  compliments 
are  refused ' ;  nor  will  he  permit  his  first  colleague  in  the  consulship 
to  swear  to  his  *  acta '  * ;  the  first  honours  for  which  he  makes  request 
are  to  the  memory  of  his  father,  and  to  the  services  of  his  former 
guardian.**  His  liberality  is  shown  in  magnificent  gifts  to  friends,**  in 
the  donative  to  the  soldiers,"^  the  unusually  large  congiarium  to  the 
people,^  the  remission  of  burdens,^  also  in  a  subvention,  perhaps  to 
remedy  past  maladministration,  to  the  public  treasury.^"  Above  all,  he 
is  to  win  renown  by  princely  clemency:  and  speech  upon  speech  are 
composed  for  him,"  set  to  the  strain  of  the  writer's  famous  treatise  ^- ; 
while  their  sincerity  is  attested  by  repression  of  delations,^^  by  acquittals,^* 
mitigation  or  remission  of  sentences  ^^ ;  so  that  whatever  credit  was  due 
n  this  respect  to  the  age  of  Augustus,  or  the  first  period  of  Tiberius, 
pales  before  the  glory  of  a  prince  ^^  who  exclaims  '  would  that  I  could 
neither  read  nor  write*,  when  a  death-warrant  lies  before  him  for 
signatured  "^ 

The  duty  devolving  on  his  advisers  of  framing  a  public  policy,  which 
should  favourably  impress  the  Roman  world,  was  at  the  very  outset 
called  into  action  by  the  turn  of  affairs  in  the  East,  as  elsewhere 
described.^'  It  is  sufiicient  here  to  note  that  both  in  vigour  of  action 
and  definiteness  of  purpose,  an  emphatic  contrast  was  shown  to  the 
weakness  and  corruption  of  the  previous  period  ;  and  that  the  whispered 

I  misgivings  of  adverse  critics  ^^  were  not  only  silenced  by  the  appointment 
of  Corbulo,  but  swept  away  in  a  torrent  of  extravagant  compliments 
awarded  by  the  senate  before  a  blow  was  struck.'^** 


^  See  above,  p.  [53],  6.  ^^  The  *  de  dementia'  of  Seneca  was 

'  Suet.  Ner.  10.  composed  about  this  time. 


I^B^^ 


note  on  c.  41,  5.  "  13.  10,  3  ;  43,  7. 

13.  II,  I.                         "  13.  10,  I.  ^*  The  charge  against  Pallas  and  Burrus 

•  13.  34,  2,  3.  This  is  noted  as  a  (13.  23),  probably  also  that  against 
general  characteristic  in  Suet.  Ner.  10;  Celer  (13.  33,  i),  were  tried  before  him. 
but  the  other  chief  special  occasion  men-  See  also  13.  52,  i,  and  note. 

tioned  in  this  period  by  Tacitus  (13.  18,  "  13.  11,  2  ;  32,  2. 

i)  had  a  sinister  aspect  as  connected  with  '*  'Nemo   iam   divum  Augustum    nee 

the  death  of  Britannicus.  Tiberii  Caesaris  prima  tempora  loquitur ' 

■'  In  this  he  only  followed  the  example  (Sen.  de  CI.  i.  1,6). 

of  Claudius  (12.  69,  3).  "  *  Vellem  nescirem  literas  '  (de  CI.  2. 

•  '3-  31,  2,  and  note.  i,  2  ;  Suet.  Ner.  10). 

•  A  fictitious  remission  is  mentioned  in  ^^  ggg  below,  ch.  iv. 

J  3-  31  >  3.  and  some  really  valuable  mea-  '*  See  the  summary  of  public  opinion  in 

sures  tending  in  that  direction  in  c.  51.  13.   6,    2-6.      Some    are   even   made  to 

The  latter  are  certainly  made  to  be  his  imagine  Nero   as  showing  the  youthful 

rsonal  act.  military  genius  of  Pompeius  or  Octavia- 

3-  3i>  2,  and  note.  nus. 


■3-  ",  2.  "13.  8,  I. 


[58]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP,  iii 

Elsewhere,  our  only  record  of  foreign  or  provincial  affairs  is  that 
better  appointments  seem  to  be  made,  and  imperial  interests  seem  more 
cared  for  than  under  the  later  Claudian  rule.  Veranius,  from  whom 
much  was  expected,  succeeds  Didius  in  Britain,  and  on  his  speedy  death 
is  succeeded  at  the  close  of  this  period  by  Suetonius  Paulinus  ^ ;  a  new 
legatus  of  Lower  Germany  takes  prompt  action  against  occupations  of 
territory  previously  overlooked  "^ ;  a  corrupt  practice  by  which  provincial 
governors  managed  to  win  condonation  for  their  iniquities  by  indulging 
their  people  with  gladiatorial  shows,  is  forbidden.'' 

As  regards  the  home  government,  while  the  senate  is  encouraged 
to  the  discharge  of  the  duties  left  to  it,*  the  supersession  of  so  many 
of  its  functions  and  those  of  its  magistrates,  by  procurators  and  other 
imperial  officers,  continues  as  under  the  Claudian  system^;  and  an 
important  further  step  is  taken  towards  withdrawing  the  public  treasury 
from  senatorial  control  by  placing  it  under  praefecti,  who,  though 
senators  of  high  rank,  were  the  emperor's  officers.^  But  the  general 
reaction  against  Claudian  venality  and  corruption  is  emphasized  by 
the  dismissal  of  Pallas,^  and  appointment  of  a  successor  whose  qualities 
made  him  long  acceptable.^  The  same  spirit  is  manifested  in  the 
onslaught  on  the  extortions  of  the  '  publicani ',  an  occasion  memorable 
for  the  impulsive  proposal  recorded  as  directly  originated  by  Nero,  to 
abolish  '  vectigalia  *  generally.^  If  we  are  to  suppose  the  measure 
contemplated  to  have  been  really  as  sweeping  as  Tacitus  has  conceived 
it  to  be,^°  and  that  the  young  emperor  had  any  real  comprehension 
of  its  scope,"  and  any  deliberate  idea  of  establishing  universal  free 
trade  throughout  the  empire,  and  leaving  its  whole  income  to  be 
levied  by  direct  tribute  on  the  provincial  subjects,  we  must  see  in  it 
the  first  and  most  striking  assertion  of  a  purpose,  more  or  less  present 
in  all  his  extravagances,  of  ruling  by  popular  support.  His 
advisers,  while  prudently  dissuading  him  from  this  headlong  impulse, 


*  See  below,  ch.  v.  «  Claudius  Etruscus  (see  note  1. 1.). 
^13.  54,  3,  foil.    On  the  general  spirit          '  13.  50,  i,  foil. 

shown   in   those   quarters   see  c.   53,   i ;  "  It    has    been    suggested    (see    note 

54,  I.  on   13.    50,    i),   that   the   abolition   was 

^  13.  31,  4,  5.  only   intended    to    apply    to   Italy   and 

*  A  praetorian  cohort  is  placed  at  the  the  colonies  of  Roman  citizens ;  but 
disposal  of  those  appointed  to  check  riot  there  is  no  evidence  of  such  limitation, 
at  Puteoli  (15.  48,  3).  Schiller  (p.  347,  foil.)  credits  Nero  with 

^  See  above,  p.  [35].  a  wise   and  far-seeing   statesmanship  in 

*  13.  28,  5.  the  matter. 

'  13.  14,  I.    The  act  would  be  so  in-  ^^  He  is  only  represented  as  suggesting 

terpreted,  though  other  reasons  are  given  it  to  cut  short  the  difficulty  of  controlling 

as  prompting  it.  the  publicani. 


I 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  NERO  [59] 

encouraged  no  doubt,  and  probably  prompted,  his  bids  for  popularity 
in  other  directions,  such  as  the  largesses  already  mentioned/  the  assign- 
ment of  public  land  to  veterans  to  recruit  the  decaying  population  of 
Italian  towns,'  the  confidence  shown  in  the  populace  by  the  withdrawal 
of  the  guard  from  the  theatre,''  the  erection  of  a  new  amphitheatre  for 
the  favourite  amusement  of  the  city."* 

Sustained  by  such  measures,  and  by  the  renown  and  victories  of 
Corbulo,  the  new  government  was  no  doubt  winning  golden  opinions 
on  every  side ;  and  it  is  probably  to  this  combination  of  an  energetic 
and  successful  foreign  policy  with  an  outwardly  upright  and  popular 
home  government,  that  these  years  of  Nero  owe  the  emphatic  encomium 
given  them  by  his  great  successor  Trajan,  as  a  period  with  which  no 
other  since  the  foundation   of  the  principate  could  stand  comparison.* 

o  those  who  study  the  history  as  we  have  it,  such  high  praise  is 
ard  to  justify;  nor  would  it  seem  as  if  Tacitus  meant  us  to  regard 
t  as  more  than  a  period  in  which  evil  tendencies  were  kept  somewhat 
n  check,  or  skilfully  concealed.® 

Such  a  view  becomes  eminently  true,  if  we  look  at  the  development 
during  this  period  of  Nero's  own  character ;  of  which  even  the  best 
side  stood  in  startling  contrast  to  any  ideal  of  a  Roman  autocrat. 
Youth  might  indeed  excuse  mere  frivolity,  such  as  that  which  made 
him  at  once  on  becoming  princeps  place  himself  under  the  instruction 
of  the  great  harper  of  the  day,*^  fly  from  the  task  of  composing  his 
own  speeches  and  edicts,^  and  spend  his  time  in  a  round  of  amateur 
attempts   at   engraving,   painting,   singing,   driving,  varied   at   intervals 

I  by  fits  of  verse-making.^  Yet,  even  this  would  wear  a  graver  aspect, 
as  men  got  to  know  that  some  of  these  pursuits  had  taken  such  hold 
on  him,  that  his  one  ambition,  restrained  as  yet  by  his  mother's 
influence,  was  to  exhibit  his  talent  in  public.^"  Still  more  ominous 
was  it  to  hear  that  the  ruler  of  the  Roman  world  roamed  the  streets 
after  dark  with  a  band  of  rioters,  wounding  and  beating  quiet  people, 
and  turning  the  night  into  a  scene  of  pillage " ;  that  a  young  man  of 
*  See  above,  p.  [57].  quinquennio.* 

'  13.  33,  2.  »  Thus  he  speaks  of  Nero's  'abdita 

'  13.  24,  I.  adhuc  vitia'  (13.  i,  4). 

*  13-   31,    !•      The    comparative  hu-  "^  <  Statim  ut  imperium    adeptus    est, 
manity  of  the  first  show  exhibited  in  it       Terpnum  citharoedum  .  .  .  arcessivit,  die- 
is   worthy  of  record :    Suet,  says    (Ner.       busque  continuis  .  .  .  assidens  .  .  .  et  ipse 
12),    'neminem     occidit,    ne    noxiorum       meditari .  .  .  coepit '  (Suet.  Ner.  20). 
quidem.'  »  13.  3,  4. 

*  According  to  Aurel.  Vict.  (Caes.  5,  •  I3-  3,  7- 
Epit.  5"),  Trajan  was  accustomed  to  say,           *°  14.  14,  i. 
*  procul  differre  cunctos  principes  Neronis  '^  13-25,  i,  foil. 


[6o] 


INTRODUCTION 


[CHAP.  Ill 


rank,  who  had  struck  him  in  these  brawls  unwittingly,  had  been  com- 
pelled to  suicide  ^ ;  that  the  riots  of  the  theatre,  always  dangerous,'' 
and  now  all  the  more  so  from  the  withdrawal  of  the  guard,^  were 
actually  stimulated  by  his  secret  encouragement,  and  still  oftener  by 
even  his  open  participation  ^ ;  that  the  great  families  had  already  their 
foretaste  of  impending  danger  in  the  banishment  of  Cornelius  Sulla ' ; 
that  it  was  not  the  worst  but  the  best  side  of  his  mother's  character, 
her  truer  conception  of  princely  dignity,®  her  support  of  his  noble 
and  virtuous  wife  Octavia,'  that  most  estranged  her  from  him.  Above 
all,  the  murder  of  Britannicus,  laid  to  his  charge  in  the  very  first  year 
of  his  rule,  however  condoned  by  men  of  lax  morality,^  was  the  first 
step  leading  to  the  revolt  of  better  minds  from  him.  Without  attaching 
too  much  credit  to  the  alleged  details  of  the  deed  and  the  horrors  sur- 
rounding it,  in  which  his  already  consummate  wickedness  is  set  forth 
to  us,^  without  even  dismissing  the  supposition  of  a  natural  death  as 
altogether  impossible,^"  we  nevertheless  find  the  universal  belief  of 
antiquity**  too  well  supported  by  the  obvious  motive  for  such  a 
crime,^'^  and  too  fully  in  accordance  with  the  character  and  subse- 
quent atrocities  of  Nero,  not  to  deserve  the  general  credence  which 
historians  still  award  to  it. 


*  13-  25,  2. 

'  See  I.  54,  3;  77,  I. 
^  See  above,  p.  [59]. 

*  13.  25,  4.  The  evil  became  so  grave 
that  the  guard  had  to  be  brought  back, 
and  the  pantomimists  expelled  again  (cp. 
4.  14,  4)  from  Italy,  The  description  in 
Suet,  (see  notes)  goes  even  beyond  that 
of  Tacitus. 

^13.  47,  4.  For  the  grounds  which 
would  make  him  seem  formidable  to  Nero, 
see  below,  p.  [70]. 

«  See  14.  13,  3. 

■^  See  14.  I,  I. 

8  13.  17,  2. 

»  13.  15,  4-17,  3. 

^^  Ihe  question  may  reasonably  be 
raised,  why  so  comparatively  public  an 
occasion  was  chosen  to  perpetrate  a  crime 
which  had  been  already  attempted  and 
could  have  been  easily  carried  out  under 
circumstances  of  privacy  (c.  15,  6)  :  again, 
whether  we  can  suppose  people  to  have 
been  then  able,  by  whatever  decoction  or 
concentration  (see  Suet.),  to  produce  a 
poison  so  deadly  as  to  take  instantaneous 
effect,  notwithstanding  its  dilution  first  in 
water,  afterwards  in  the  drink  with  which 
the  water  was  mixed  (c.  16,  3) :  also 
whether  the   sudden  collapse  of  speech 


and  breath  described  (1.  1.)  can  be  ex- 
plained by  the  action  of  any  then  known 
poison  as  well  as  by  epilepsy  (c.  16, 
5).  If  however  we  are  to  trust  the 
statement  (c.  17,  i),  that  'his  funeral 
had  been  arranged  before  the  feast,  these 
doubts  become  indeed  weak  by  com- 
parison. 

^^  Tacitus  alone  gives  the  details  of  the 
actual  administration,  and  the  behaviour 
of  the  guests.  Suetonius  (Ner.  33)  is  more 
brief  on  these  points,  but  professes  to 
know  more  about  the  preparation  behind 
the  scenes.  The  only  detail  in  Dio  is 
that  respecting  the  appearance  of  the  body 
at  burial  (see  note  on  c.  17,  i).  Our 
earliest  informant,  Josephus,  states  in  Ant. 
20.  8,  2,  that  Nero  '  got  Britannicus  to  be 
so  poisoned  that  the  public  should  not 
perceive  it '.  In  his  earlier  work  (B.  I.  2. 
13,  i),  he  merely  mentions  it  with  the 
other  similar  crimes  of  Nero  as  facts 
already  fully  known  to  his  readers. 
Seneca,  whose  words  we  doubtless  read  in 
the  edict  wherein  Nero  deplores  his  loss 
and  throws  himself  for  consolation  on 
public  sympathy  (c.  17,  5),  is  made  in  his 
last  moments  to  speak  of  the  murder  as 
an  undoubted  fact  (15.  62,  3). 

^^  See  above,  p.  [55]. 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  NERO  [6i] 

It  was  again  within  this  period,  in  the  fourth  year  of  his  rule,'  that  a 
new  and  overpowering  influence  took  hold  of  him,  that  of  the  beautiful 
and  abandoned  woman  who,  adding  judicious  coyness '  to  consummate 
profligacy,  and  combining  in  herself  the  characters  of  the  intriguer,'  the 
wit,*  the  devotee,'^  and  the  fatalist,'  was  enabled  during  the  seven 
remaining  years  of  her  life  to  keep  a  firm  hold  on  his  affections,'  and 

^^   to  lead  him  on  from  crime  to  crime. 

^B  The  remainder  of  this  sketch  will  deal  rather  with  distinct  subjects 
than  successive  periods,  and  show  the  way  in  which  various  parts  of  his 
character  unfolded  themselves.  One  such  subject  is  almost  completed  in 
the  Fourteenth  Book,  which  begins  with  one  and  ends  with  another  of 
the  two  great  atrocities  of  his  domestic  life. 

With  regard  to  the  first  of  these,  the  graphic  narrative  of  Tacitus  is 

^B  confirmed  in  its  main  points  by  other  writers,  though  for  much  of  the 

^™  detail  and  nearly  all  the  antecedent  circumstances  he  is  our  sole 
authority. 

I  It  would  be  an  error  to  suppose  that  when  the  struggle  for  political 
ascendancy  had  been  decided  against  her,  and  the  show  no  less  than  the 
substance  of  regency  had  vanished,^  Agrippina  was  no  longer  a  force 
to  be  reckoned  with.  At  what  seemed  then  the  crisis  of  her  fate,  a  single 
interview  with  her  son  had  so  worked  upon  him  as  to  change  the  whole 
face  of  the  situation  • ;  and  even  as  the  breach  went  on  widening,  the 
'  habit  of  submission  to  that  terrible  will  had  become  such  second  nature, 
that  Nero  never  dared  to  indulge  his  longing  to  exhibit  himself  on  the 
stage.'"  Poppaea  again  could  feel  that  never,  while  Agrippina  lived, 
could  she  hope  to  become  Nero's  wife,"  and  that  he  could  easier  be  led 
■^^  to  compass  her  death  than  to  defy  her  openly.  So  she  plies  him  with  all 
^^■the  weapons  of  sarcasm,  reproach,  lamentation,  tenderness,"  herself  well 

I^H      ^  See  13.  45,  I.  hand  is  described  (13.  45,  3)  as  wholly 

^^V      ^  13.  45,  2  ;  46,  3,  &c.  without  feeling  (' neque  adfectui  suo  aut 

^^H      '  Her  skill  in  working  upon  Nero  is  alieno  obnoxia,  unde  utilitas  ostenderetur, 

I^^Kshown  repeatedly.     See  13.  46,  4;  14.  i,  illuc  libidinem  transferebat '). 

^^■i  ;  61,  3,  &c.  »  See  above,  p.  [55]. 

I^^r      *  The  expression  '  sermo  comis  nee  ab-  '  See  above,  1.  1. 

surdum  ingenium '  seems  intended  to  be  ^^  The  influence  of  Agrippina,  shown 

stronger  than  the  strict  sense  of  the  words  by  the  immediate  outbreak  of  Nero  in 

would  show.  this  direction  after  her  murder  (14. 13,  3), 

^  She   was    strongly   inclined,    if   not  may   be   compared   with  that    of   Livia 

actually   a   proselyte  (see  Appendix   on  Augusta.     Though  Tiberius  was  a  strong 

15.  44),  to  Judaism,  the  most  spiritual  ruler  and  had  nearly  reached  his  seventieth 

religion  then  generally  known.     See  note  year,  her  hold  on  him,  though  rarely  out- 

on  her  burial  (16.  6,  a).  wardly  noticed,  was  such  that  her  death 

*  The  number  of  astrologers  admitted  was  a  breaking  loose  from  restraint  (5.  3, 

to  her  privacy  is  noted  in  H.  i.  22,  2.  i)   and  a  new  departure  in  his  life  (6. 

'His   affection  for  her  throughout  is  51,  5). 


noticed  in  16.  6,  i.     She  on  the  other  ^^  14.1.    i.  "  14.  i>  a-4. 


[62]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  Ill 

aware  of  the  end  to  which  she  was  leading  him,  and  supported  by  the 
connivance  of  those  advisers  who  found  it  convenient  to  promote  the 
estrangement  of  mother  and  son  and  to  shut  their  eyes  to  its  conse- 
quences.^ 

It  is  characteristic  that  Agrippina  should  be  represented  as  attempting 
the  most  revolting  means  to  win  back  her  son,^  and  when  this  failed, 
purposing,  as  though  her  last  stroke  was  spent,  to  retire  to  some  secluded 
spot."  Whether  it  be  true  or  not,  that  her  vile  scheme  was  turned 
skilfully  to  account  to  make  him  avoid  her  society  * ;  certain  it  is  that 
aversion  had  soon  turned  to  deadly  hate,  that  some  time  before  the  end 
of  his  so-called  *  quinquennium  ^ '  the  project  of  cold  and  deliberate 
matricide  was  shaping  itself  in  his  mind,"  and  that  soon  the  only 
question  was  that  of  the  meansJ 

The  description  of  the  last  scene  has  few  rivals  in  historical  narrative.^ 
We  have  the  show  of  reconciliation  and  of  ardent  renewal  of  affection, 
lulling  to  rest  the  suspicions  which  previous  experience  of  attempts 
against  her,  and  positive  hints  of  that  now  contemplated  ^  had  caused 
her  to  entertain,  the  last  banquet,  the  passionate  farewell,  in  which 
hypocrisy  seemed  not  to  be  unmixed  with  some  lingering  love,  the 
calm  night,  as  if  divinely  sent  to  make  the  crime  indisputable,^**  the 
bungling  attempts  to  carry  out  the  plot,  her  presence  of  mind,  preser- 
vation, and  bold  effort  to  make  show  of  treating  the  whole  as  accident, 
the  panic  of  Nero,  his  hasty  consultation  with  Burrus  and  Seneca,  the 
desperate  attempt  to  make  out  an  assassin  in  her  messenger,"  the 
dispatch  of  Anicetus  to  *  make  good  his  undertaking ',  the  scene  at 
the  villa,  the  tragic  command  *  ventrem  feri ',  her  death  under  a  multi- 
tude of  wounds,^^  her  hasty  burial.^"  Superstition  adds  its  touch  in  the 
story  of  a  wailing  voice  or  a  trumpet  call  heard  near  the  tomb," 
besides  the  other  apparatus  of  the  tragic  drama,*^  and  recorded  pro- 
digies at  Rome."  Nero,  realizing  the  vastness  of  his  crime  only  on  its 
completion,^"^  is  hardly  reassured  by  the  congratulations  on  the  spot,^* , 
or  by  the  effusive  acceptance  of  the  lying   missive   from   the   pen  of 


^  They  are  represented  as  unable  to  *  Besides  the  influence  of  Poppaea,  the 

believe  matricide  possible  (14.  i,  5).  sense  that  he  had  now  a  firmer  hold  of 

*  Tacitus    himself    seems    chiefly    to  power  is  represented  as  ripening  his  plan 
accept  the  story  from  its  suitability  to  her  (14.  i,  i) 
character  (14.  2,  4).  »  t  >.    -> 

'  14.  3,  I- 

*  Seneca  is  made  to  employ  at  this 
crisis  the  agency  of  Acte  (14.  2,  2). 

*  The  whole  scheme  was  matured  and 
executed  by  the  March  of  the  following 
year.     See  on  14.  4,  i. 


I  14.  3.  2. 

«  14.  4-8. 

•  14.  4,  6. 

"  14.  5,  I. 

"  14.  7,  7- 

^^  14.  8,  6. 

"  14.  9,  2. 

"  14-  10,  5. 

"  Suet.  Ner. 

34- 

"  14-  12,  3. 

''  14.  10,  I. 

i«  14.  10,  2-4. 

s 

I 


■ 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  NERO  [63] 

Seneca  ^  by  senate,'  people '  and  provinces  * ;  till  at  last  after  linger- 
ing months  in  Campania,*  reassured  by  the  encouragement  of  the 
crew  of  villains  who  are  already  represented  as  surrounding  him,' 
and  heralding  his  return  by  the  ostentatious  pardon  of  some  of  his 
mother's  victims,'  he  comes  back  in  a  kind  of  royal  progress,"  cele- 
brating in  the  Capitol  what  is  described  as  his  triumph  over  the  en- 
slaved conscience  of  Rome,^  and  relieving  his  mind  by  plunging  into 
dissipation. 

The  facts  of  the  story,  with  the  exception  of  some  details,^"  are  not 
questioned.  It  is  more  to  the  purpose  to  ask  whether  any  ground  of 
imperious  state  necessity,  any  genuine  belief  that  *  either  she  or  Nero  had 
to  perish  ',"  can  be  alleged  to  palliate  the  deed.  Lawless  and  daring  as 
she  was,  possessed  of  unbounded  wealth,^^  with  the  praetorians  at  least  so 
far  for  her  as  not  to  be  counted  on  to  act  against  her  ^^ ;  it  might  seem 
that  the  keys  of  a  revolution  lay  within  her  grasp.  On  the  other  hand, 
he  knew  that  by  success  she  would  only  enter  on  a  new  phase  of 
danger,  and  that  whoever  she  had  set  in  Nero's  place  would  be  first  to 
regard  her  as  too  formidable  to  live.^*  Her  best  defence  is  found  in  the 
indictment  laid  before  the  senate,^*^  in  which  we  may  be  sure  that  the 
ingenuity  of  Seneca  had  raked  together  all  that  rested  on  a  tittle  of  fact 
or  could  anyhow  be  made  to  seem  credible.  We  are  referred  back  to 
her  attempts  to  assume  a  regency,  to  her  vindictive  endeavours  to  retaliate 
on  the  nobles,  soldiers,  and  people  who  had  refused  to  swear  allegiance 
to  her  ";  her  misdeeds  as  wife  of  Claudius  are  thrown  into  the  scale" ; 
but  as  against  her  son,  beyond  the  silly  tale  of  Agerinus  and  his  dagger,^^ 
not  a  word  is  laid  to  her  charge.  As  a  set  off  to  the  infamy  which 
Seneca  has  to  bear  for  composing  this  document,  we  may  well  acquit 


^  On  this  official   defence  see  below.  '  14.  12,  5. 

It  had  the  effrontery  to  speak  of  the  ship-  '  14.  13,  2, 

wreck    as   accidental,    and   to    offer    for  *  'Publici  servitii  victor '  (14.  13,  3). 

acceptance  the  story  of  Agerinus  and  his  "  The  story  that  Nero  gazed  on   his 

dagger  (14.  II,  3),  and  made  Nero  speak  mother's   corpse,    given   as    doubtful   by 

of  himself  as  unable  to  realize  his  preserva-  Tacitus,   seems    refuted    by   other  facts 

lion  or  to  rejoice  at  it  (see  note  on  c.  11,  4).  stated  (see  note  on  14.  9,  i). 

"  14.  12,  I.    Thrasea  alone  is  recorded  *^  This  is  suggested  as  the  thought  of 

as  protesting  by  leaving  the  senate  house.  Seneca  and  Burrus  at  the  last  crisis  (14. 

•  M-  13,  I.  7>  3). 

*  The  loyal  address  from  Gaul  begged  ^'  12.  7,  7  ;  13.  13,  3,  &c. 

him  by  the  mouth  of  Julius  Africanus  '  ut  "  Burrus  states  that  they  would  not  lift 

felicitatem  tuam  fortiter  feras '  (Quint.  8.  a  hand  against  a  daughter  of  Germanicus 

5,  16).  (14.  7,  5).  o       ^    V 

*  14.  13,  I,  and  note.  "  The  words  in  13.   ai,   8,  whether 

•  *  Deterrimus    quisque,    quorum    non  really  spoken   by  her  or  not,   well   ex- 
alia  regia  fecupdior  extitit'  (14.  13,  i).  press  her  position. 
Cp.  *  histrionibus  et  spadonum  gregibus  ^*  14.  10,  5. 
et  cetero  Neronianae  aulae  ingenio '  (H.  a.          "  14.  1 1,  a. 
71,  i>                                                                   "  14.  10,5;  11,3. 


[64]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  Ill 

him  and  Burrus  of  being  cognizant  of  the  plot  beforehand,  a  charge 
doubtfully  made,^  unsupported  by  evidence,  and  in  itself  improbable. 
Men  of  that  age  and  experience  would  hardly  have  caught  at  the 
suggestion  of  the  freedman,  to  get  up  a  sham  shipwreck  on  a  calm  night 
in  the  bay  of  Baiae.  «' 

Thus  died  Agrippina,  at  the  early  age  of  forty-three,^  at  the  bidding 
of  the  son  for  whom  her  greatest  crimes  were  perpetrated,  after  having 
been  for  ten  years  the  most  prominent  woman  up  to  that  date  in  all 
Roman  history.  It  may  seem  a  fitting  retribution  that  one  who  had 
so  blackened  other  reputations  by  her  memoirs '  should  have  the  load 
of  her  own  sins  aggravated  by  falsehood,  and  that  the  greatest  known 
intriguer  should  have  been  the  victim  of  counter-intrigue ;  nor  has  any- 
thing but  the  atrocity  of  her  murder  won  sympathy  for  one  whose  end 
was  otherwise  but  a  fitting  climax  to  her  life. 

It  excites  surprise  that  full  three  years  should  have  intervened  before 
the  murder  of  Agrippina  was  followed  by  the  divorce  of  Octavia  and 
marriage  of  Poppaea.  But  few  qualities  are  more  remarkable  in  Nero 
than  his  timidity,  and  the  manner  in  which  he  felt  his  way  from  crime 
to  crime,  as  if  to  ascertain  gradually  how  far  he  could  safely  venture. 
In  the  present  case,  the  realization  of  his  own  chief  longing,  the  public 
exhibition  of  his  accomplishments,  though  tentative  and  gradual,  yet  in 
some  form  began  at  once;  but  the  elevation  of  Poppaea  from  mis- 
tress to  lawful  wife,  an  object  of  far  more  interest  to  her  than  to 
himself,  was  so  delayed  as  to  make  her  fear  that  she  had  intrigued 
in  vain.  It  was  not  till  his  shy,  quasi-private  appearance  as  a  cha- 
rioteer in  his  gardens  *  had  been  succeeded  by  his  entry  on  the  stage 
at  the  Juvenalia,^  not  till  the  adverse  murmurs  at  the  institution 
of  the  Neronia^  had  been  somewhat  silenced  by  the  experience  of 
it,''  not  till  the  opportune  death  of  Burrus  had  placed  the  command 
of  the  praetorians  in  safer  hands,^  and  Seneca  had  retired  with 
shattered  influence  into  half  privacy,'  not  till  the  dangerous  Rubellius 
Plautus  had  followed  Sulla  into  exile  ^®  and  both  had  after  an  in- 
terval been  put  to  death,^^  not  till  he  saw  these  and  all  his  other 
atrocities  regarded  as  matters  of  public  admiration  and  enthusiastic 
rejoicing,^'^  that  he  had  courage  to  turn  over  another  page  in  his 
domestic  history." 

^  14.  7,  2.    Seneca's  bitter  enemy,  Dio,  "^  14.  21,  7.                      ^  14.  51,  5. 

feels  no  such  doubt  (see  note).  '  14-  S^*  6.                      ^"  14.  22,  5. 

^  Forherageseelntrod.  i.  139,  145.  *^  I4«  57-59*                   "  14.60,1. 

'  See  Introd.  i.  p.  11.  "  It  might  have  perhaps  been  delayed 

*  14.  14,  4.                        '  14.  15,  6.  yet  longer,  bat  for  the  fact  that  Poppaea 

*  14.  20,  2,  foil.  was  about  to  become  a  mother  (14. 61,  5J), 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  NERO 


[65] 


The  divorce  and  murder  of  Octavia  have  been  always  looked  upon 
as  beyond  the  reach  of  question  or  palliation  ;  and  such  details  as  are 
given  by  other  authors  agree  in  the  main  with  Tacitus.*  We  may  note 
how  the  long  hesitation  of  Nero  was  warranted  by  the  difficulties  which 
actually  took  place,  by  the  break  down  of  the  first  attempt  to  set  up 
a  charge  against  her  through  the  unflinching  loyalty  of  most  of  her 
slaves,  and  by  the  reception  of  the  first  news  of  her  divorce  with  such 
a  demonstration  of  popular  feeling  as  had  rarely  set  itself  up  against 
a  Caesar.^  The  display  of  force  with  which  it  was  met  was  a  sufficient 
deterrent  to  prevent  a  repetition ' ;  Anicetus  was  only  too  ready  to 
crown  one  infamy  by  another*;  and  after  the  mockery  of  a  domestic 
trial  on  the  renewed  charge  of  adultery,  she  was  sent  to  the  ill-omened 
rock  of  Pandateria,  where  the  end  soon  followed.^  The  tragedy  of  her 
life,  more  terrible  than  perhaps  any  in  history  or  legend,  is  brought 
out  by  the  eloquent  description  of  the  historian.^  Some  nine  years  ago 
she  had  in  mere  childhood  entered  as  a  bride  the  house  which  was 
to  be  a  living  tomb  to  her;  her  father's  had  been  followed  rapidly  by 
her  brother's  murder ;  her  husband  had  treated  her  from  the  first  with 
coldness  and  aversion,  regarding  her  very  parentage  and  the  popular 
sympathy  with  her  as  a  grievance,^  and  had  given  such  affection  as  was 
in  his  nature  to  give,  first  to  a  freedwoman,  then  to  a  rival  bent  on 
compassing  the  wife's  destruction  ;  even  in  Agrippina  her  last  protector 
of  some  sort  was  taken  from  her ;  her  degradation  was  embittered  by 
the  foul  outrage  of  the  charge  preferred  against  her ;  her  place  of  exile 
called  up  only  the  memory  of  those  who  before  had  perished  in  it ;  her 
last  piteous  appeal  was  addressed  to  none  but  the  soldiers  who  had 
command  to  execute  her;  her  lifeless  head  was  brought  to  be  her 
rival's  gazing-stock.  When  he  comes  to  the  decree  of  thanksgivings 
and  votive  offerings,  Tacitus  can  only  beg  the  reader  to  take  for  granted 
what  he  cannot  bring  himself  to  specify.® 

and  Nero  was  no  donbt  desirous  of  legiti-  consequence  of  the  riot.      Suet.  (Ner.  35) 

mate  offspring.     The  alleged  murder  of  confuses   the  charge   made   by  Anicetus 

his    aunt    Domitia    soon    after    that    of  with  the  earlier  one  (c.  60,  2). 

Agrippina  (Suet.  Ner.  34)  is  not  men-  ^  'pjjg  j,}^jgf  demonstration  is  not  repre- 

tioned,  and  may  probably  not  have  been  sented   as  directly  hostile  to  Nero  per- 

believed,  by  Tacitus.  sonally,  but  as  an  outbreak  of  tumultuous 

^  The  *  Octavia ',  if  we  could  be  assured  joy  at  the  news  that  Octavia,  who  at  that 

thatitwasthe  workofCuriatiusMaternus,  stage  had  been  divorced  by  civil  process 

or  any  writer  of  the  period,  would  be  our  and  sent  away  to  Campania  with  a  gift  by 

oldest  authority.     But  this  is  very  doubt-  way  of  do  wry,  had  been  recalled  (14.61,1). 

ful  (see  Teuffel,  E.  T.  ii.  285,  7).     We  »  14.  61,3.                    ♦  14.  62,3. 

may  note  for  what  it  is  worth  that  the  •  14.  63,2.                     •  14.  63,4. 

story  is  told  there  mainly  as  in  Tacitus ;  ^  *  Nomine    patris    et    studiis    popuU 

but  the  agency  of  Anicetus  is  omitted,  gravem'  (14.  59,4). 

and  the  exile  and  death  made  to  be  the  *  14.  64,  5. 


FELHAM 

I- 


[66]  INTRODUCTION  tCHAP.  ill 

Some  three  years  more  ^  sufficed  for  the  career  of  Poppaea,  and  to 
close  with  it  Nero's  domestic  history.  At  the  birth  of  her  child,  she  was 
raised  to  the  rank  of  Li  via  and  Agrippina  by  receiving  the  title  of 
Augusta,^  nor  did  she  during  her  remaining  short  time  outHve  her 
influence;  and  Nero,  if,  as  was  supposed,  he  had  caused  her  death 
by  a  passionate  blow,'  was  none  the  less  sincere  in  deploring  it.  Men 
knew  well  enough  that  her  wantonness  had  been  equalled  by  her  heart- 
less cruelty*;  yet  Thrasea  alone  ventured  to  protest  by  his  absence^ 
against  the  extravagance  of  her  funeral  honours "  and  the  deification  that 
followed.'^  Her  place  was  soon  filled  by  Statilia  Messalina/  who  is 
not  known  to  have  exercised  any  influence  on  Nero,  and  may  be  dis- 
missed from  mention. 

Hardly  less  important  than  the  horrors  of  his  domestic  life,  in  their 
effect  on  Roman  sentiment,  were  the  various  public  displays  of  his 
unbounded  vanity.  Their  repression  under  his  mother's  influence  has 
been  already  noticed^;  and  even  after  her  death  Seneca  and  Burrus 
were  able  for  a  while  to  modify  what  they  could  not  hinder.  The  first 
attempt,  in  812,  a.d.  59,  to  satisfy  one  only  of  his  longings,  and 
that  by  a  mere  private  exhibition  in  his  gardens,^**  achieved  only  a 
nominal  success;  the  limitation  to  a  few  favoured  spectators  soon 
passing  on  to  the  permitted,  afterwards  to  the  invited  presence  of  all 
the  many  who  cared,  and  the  many  more  who  felt  compelled  to  pretend 
to  care,  to  see  the  charioteering  of  an  emperor."  His  other  leading 
taste  was  in  the  same  year  partially  gratified  by  the  device  of  a  festival, 
which,  by  its  exceptional  and  quasi-family  character,^^  might'  seem  to 
excuse  not  only  the  licentious  revelry  of  its  surroundings,"  but  even  his 
own  *  d^but '  as  a  scenic  musician,  and  the  strange  incongruity  of  a 
harper  appearing  on  the  stage,  not  only  with  a  'claqueur'  band  of 
Roman  knights"  in  the  audience,  but  even  with  his  guard  of  soldiers  and 

^  The  death  of  Octavia  took  place  on  ®  On  the  peculiarity  of  her  funeral,  and 

June  9,  815,  A.D.  62  (see  on  14.  64,  2),  its  costliness,  see  16.  6,  2,  3,  and  notes, 

and  that  of  Poppaea  after  the  games  in  '16.  21,  2,  and  note. 

818,  A.D.  65  (16.  6,  i).  »  See  on  15.  68,  5. 

^  15.  23,  I.  9  See  above,  p.  [61]. 

'  This  is  treated  as  a  certainty  by  all  "  14.  14, 3,  foil, 

our  authorities  (see  note  on  16.  6,  1),  but  ^^  That  he  appeared  afterwards  in  the 

probably  rests  only  on  popular  rumour;  Circus  Maximus  is  mentioned   by  Suet, 

a  belief  that  she  was  poisoned   (which  (Ner.   22),  and,  being  no  more  than  a 

Tacitus  rejects)  being  also  current.  parallel  act   to   his    appearance    in    the 

*  16.  7,  I.  She  is  called  (with  Tigel-  theatre  of  Pompey,  is  probably  true.  He 
linus)  *  saevienti  principi  intimum  consi-  showed  himself  as  a  charioteer  at  the  mas- 
liorum'  (15.  61,  4).     For  the  supposition  sacre  of  the  Christians  (15.  44,  7). 

that  she  may  have  instigated  the  persecu-  "  On  the  luvenalia  see  14.  15,  i,  and 

tion  of  the  Christians,  see  Appendix  to  note. 

Book  15.  i»  14.  15,3. 

*  16.  21,2.  "  14.  15,8. 


CHAP.  Ill] 


RULE  OF  NERO 


[67] 


the  stern  praefect  of  praetorians  making  proper  show  of  admiration 
at  his  side.^  For  some  time  this  safety-valve  sufficed:  at  the  first 
*  Neronia ' '  he  was  content  to  be  a  spectator,  and  to  receive  the  uncon- 
tested prize  of  eloquence  ^ ;  in  daily  life  he  would  affect  the  reputation 
of  a  poet,*  or  such  ironical  show  of  interest  in  graver  studies  as 
consisted  in  amusing  himself  by  pitting  against  each  other  in  discus- 
sion the  grim-visaged  professors  of  philosophy  who  were  well  pleased 
to  be  his  guests."  Five  years  later,^  when  '  so  grand  a  voice '  ^  could 
no  longer  be  so  imprisoned,  he  could  still  be  satisfied  with  a  city 
nominally  Greek,  and  sang  in  the  public  theatre  at  Naples,*  passing 
rapidly  in  the  following  year,  after  the  suppression  of  the  great  con- 
spiracy had  emboldened  him,  to  an  exhibition  at  the  next  *  Neronia ' 
in  the  great  theatre  of  Pompeius,®  a  step  followed  a  year  later  still 
by  the  final  climax  of  his  tour  of  victory  through  the  great  historic 
games  of  Greece.^" 

The  description  given  by  Tacitus  of  Nero*s  first  appearance  on  the 
stage  of  the  greatest  Roman  theatre  "  is  in  his  most  graphic  manner. 
We  are  to  see  him  recite  a  poem  and  retire,  and  then,  as  if  in  obedience 


'  On  the  institution  and  character  of 
this  festival  see  14.  20,  i, foil,  and  notes. 
»  14.21,8. 

*  14.  16,  I,  foil.  It  is  not  quite  clear 
(see  note)  whether  Tacitus  means  to  say 
that  this  taste  was  genuine,  or  not.  He 
certainly  states  that  the  verses  which 
passed  as  Nero's  were  really  a  joint  com- 
position. 

*  14.16,3. 

'  In  817,  A.  D.  64. 

^  15*  33>  I.  Men  might  at  least  expect 
that  if  an  emperor  sung  on  the  stage,  he 
should  be  pre-eminent ;  but  the  '  heavenly 
voice'  for  which  men  wearied  the  gods 
with  prayers,  vows,  and  sacrifices  (see  16. 
22,  1),  is  stated  to  have  been  hoarse  and 
feeble  and  in  all  respects  mediocre  (see 
note  on  15.  33,  i). 

'  15-  33.2. 

.     •  16.4,2. 

I  "  See  Appendix  to  Book  16.  We  are 
unfortunately  unable  in  this  part  of  Nero's 
life  to  check  the  high-flown  description 
of  Dio  (63.  8-17)  by  the  judgement  of 
Tacitus,  and  have  only  to  make  the  best 
of  a  narrative  bearing  evident  marks  of 
exaggeration.  We  cannot  well  doubt 
that  he  spent  a  full  year  in  the  country, 
and  managed,  by  alterations  of  calendar 
and  custom,  not  only  within  that  time  to 

jcompete  in  all  his  accomplishments  in  all 


the  great  public  games,  but  also  to  enter 
into  the  local  contests  of  all  the  cities,  so 
as  to  collect  an  incredible  number  of 
crowns  (given  in  Dio,  63.  21,  2,  as  1808) ; 
and  that  while  any  remained  to  be  gained, 
he  was  deaf  to  all  intimations  that  his 
presence  was  required  in  Rome  (Id.  63. 
19,  I ;  Suet.  Ner.  23) ;  also  that  he 
stooped  to  act  all  kinds  of  parts  (63.  9,  4; 
ID,  2).  On  the  other  hand,  the  story  that 
he  destroyed  all  the  statues  of  previous 
victors  (Suet.  Ner,  24)  is  inconsistent  with 
the  fact  that  many  such  were  subsequently 
to  be  seen ;  and,  while  we  cannot  suppose 
Nero  not  to  have  made  use  of  the  tempt- 
ing opportunities  for  art  pillage  then  pre- 
sented to  him,  such  an  estimate  as  that 
of  500  statues  taken  from  Delphi  alone 
(Pans.  10.  7,  i)  is  in  itself  incredible; 
and  such  wholesale  plunder  not  easy  to 
reconcile  with  our  record  of  the  vast 
number  of  statues  still  remaining  in  the 
cities  and  temples  of  Greece  in  the  time 
of  Pausanias  himself,  or  in  that  of  Pliny. 
Also  the  statement  of  his  extortions  from, 
and  execution  of,  great  numbers  of  wealthy 
Greeks  (Dio,  63.  11,  i),  while  probably 
by  no  means  without  foundation,  bears 
strong  marks  of  overstatement,  and  is 
supported  by  no  names  or  details  of  any 
kind.  On  these  and  other  points  see 
Schiller,  pp.  246-252. 
"  16.  4-5. 


f  2 


[68]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  Ill 

to  the  voice  of  the  people,  come  forward  with  a  show  of  reluctance,  harp 
in  hand,  scrupulously  observing  the  minutest  rules  of  professional 
etiquette,  making  his  obeisance  to  the  demoralized  assemblage,  and 
trembling,  or  affecting  to  tremble,  before  his  judges.^  We  are  shown 
the  contrast  of  the  drilled  and  disciplined  applause,  and  well-assumed, 
if  not  genuine  enthusiasm  of  his  great  clientele,  the  Roman  rabble,^ 
with  the  ill-concealed  contempt  of  the  municipal,  provincial,  and  other 
respectable  sections  of  the  audience,  who  had  to  bear  the  blows  of  the 
soldiers  at  one  moment  for  slackness,  at  another  for  ill-timed  clapping. 
We  have  the  higher  classes,  not  daring  to  be  absent,  some  crushed 
to  death  in  the  press,  some  struck  down  in  their  seats  by  diseases 
arising  from  exhaustion,  with  every  look  of  weariness  and  disgust  noted 
down  by  spies  and  sure  to  be  sooner  or  later  resented,  and  Vespasian 
scolded  by  a  freedman  for  nodding  in  slumber,  and  brought  into  such 
peril  as  well-nigh  to  baulk  his  destiny. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that,  side  by  side  with  the  genuine  and 
righteous  feeling  of  disgust  at  this  degradation  of  imperial  majesty, 
repeating  on  a  greater  scale  and  in  more  manifold  forms  the  extrava- 
gances of  Gaius,^  was  a  less  creditable  current  of  old  Roman  prejudice 
against  Greek  amusements."*  This  is  seen  in  full  strength  in  the 
murmurs  at  the  institution  of  the  *  Neronia  V  where  Tacitus  freely 
admits  that  the  force  of  argument  was  not  wholly  on  one  side,^  and 
that  the  gloomy  anticipations  were  not  justified  by  the  result.*^  At  a 
time  when  the  old  national  military  exercises,  invidiously  contrasted 
with  the  palaestra,®  must  have  been  growing  more  and  more  6bsolete, 
we  can  see  that  the  best  minds  should  have  welcomed,  on  the  score 
of  humanity  and  refinement,  any  counter-attraction  to  that  of  the  amphi- 
theatre ;  but  the  feeling  above  noted  is  certainly  a  force  to  be  estimated, 
as  also  the  dismay  felt  at  the  rush  of  the  Roman  nobility  to  hire  them- 
selves out  for  the  stage,  the  circus,  or  the  arena.  Such  precedents  as 
had   already  existed'  must  have   served  only  to  set   off  a  contrast  in 


^  Tacitns  says  'ficto  pavore';    but  in  ^  c^j-g^g^es  laetari,  ac  fortasse  laeta- 

tlie  state  of  mind  into  which  Nero  had  bantur  per  incuriam  publici  flagitii.* 
worked  himself,  such  nervousness  might  ^  See  Suet.  Cal.  54. 

well  be  genuine.      How  deeply  he  was  *  The  general  passion  for  Greeks  and 

imbued  with  the  spirit  of  a  professional  all   belonging   to   them,    which   Juvenal 

musician  is  shown  especially  by  the  un-  satirizes  (3.  60,  foil.),  though  it  neither 

abated  fervour  of  his  ruling  passion  at  the  began  nor  ended  with  Nero,  must  have 

supreme  crisis  of  his  life  (see  Suet.  41 ;  Dio,  received  its  chief  impulse  under  his  rule. 
63.  26,  2,  4\  above  all  by  his  rb  T^x^iov  *  14.  20,  2,  foil. 

17/za?  dia9piip(i  when  he  felt  that  the  empire  *  14.  21,  2,  foil, 

was  lost  to  him  (Id.  27,  2),  and  the  'qualis  ^  14.  21,  7. 

artifex  pereo '  of  his  last  moments  (Id.  39,  '  14.  20,  6. 

2  ;  Suet.  Ner.  49).  »  See  note  on  14.  14, 5. 


CHAP.  Ill] 


RULE  OF  NERO 


[69] 


which,  besides  the  broken-down  descendants  of  great  historic  names,* 
knights  of  position  and  known  service,*  and  even  elderly  senators  who 
had  filled  a  career  of  public  honours,  stooped  to  the  degradation  of 
contending  in  the  circus  or  in  the  amphitheatre,  or  went  through  all  the 
antics  of  the  comic  stage.'  They  could  plead,  no  doubt,  that  they 
dared  not  refuse  the  bribe  held  out  to  them*;  but  the  example  was 
contagious  and  longhved ;  and  men  could  still  see  the  clown  tricks  of  a 
Fabius  or  Mamercus  when  there  was  no  longer  a  Nero  to  compel.' 
Still  more  new,  and  far  more  prolific  in  evil,  was  the  demoralization 
of  women,  from  the  lowest  to  the  highest  rank,  by  public  appearances 
in  all  these  capacities,**  and  the  creation,  or  at  least  first  open  exhibition, 
of  the  type  of  the  unsexed  viragoes  who  continued  for  more  than  a 
century  to  outrage  decency."^  To  all  this  has  to  be  added  the  de- 
moralization due  to  the  shameless  example  of  profligacy  set  by  the  prince 
himself,®  and  to  the  public  scandal  of  his  entertainments;  in  which  the 
mere  luxury  of  the  table,  though  reaching  in  his  day  a  climax  to  which 
it  had  been  steadily  rising  ever  since  the  time  of  Actium,^  was  far  out- 
weighed by  their  outrageous  licentiousness.^*^ 

Gradually  also  the  Roman  nobility  began  to  feel  a  danger  that  touched 


'  See  14.  14,  5,  and  note. 

*  *  Notos  eqnites  Romanes  operas 
arenae  promittere  subegit '  (14.  14,  6). 

^  See  the  description  of  the  luvenalia 
of  815,  A.  D.  59  (14.  15,  2),  and  the  addi- 
tional statements  of  Dio  and  Suet,  noted 
on  14.  14,  5,  6,  which  receive  some  sup- 
port from  15.  32,  3  (where  see  note). 
The  statement  of  Suet,  that  many  were 
not  decayed  spendthrifts  but  'existima- 
tionis  integrae ',  is  borne  out  by  the  ex- 
pressions of  Tacitus. 

*  14.14,6. 

*  See  the  whole  passage  (Juv.  8,  183- 
210).  According  to  the  satirist,  they  were 
as  ready  in  his  day  to  sell  themselves  to 
the  ordinary  games  of  the  praetor  as  to 
those  of  an  emperor.  The  old  pride  of 
rank  which  forbade  senators  and  their  fami- 
lies to  earn  a  living  by  honest  trade  must 
have  been  indeed  signally  punished. 

«  See  14. 15,  3  ;  15.  32,  3,  and  notes. 

'  The  description  of  such  in  Juv.  i.  22 
(where  see  Prof.  Mayor);  2,  53;  6,  246- 
267,  is  well  known.  On  the  prohibition, 
cir.  A.  D.  200,  see  note  on  15.  32,  3. 

*  See  15.  37,  8,  9;  16.  19,  5,  and 
notes. 

'  See  3. 5  5 , 1 .  The  ransacking  of  earth, 
sea,  and  air  for  dainties,  and  their  collec- 
tion from  all  parts  of  the  world,  is  dwelt 
on  by  writers  of  this  period  (Sen.  ad  Helv. 


10,  3  ;  Ep.  60,  2  ;  89,  22,  &c.;  Plin.  N.  H. 
26.  8,  28,  43),  but  certainly  cannot  have 
been  peculiar  to  it;  and  Nero,  though 
spending  much  of  his  time  in  feasting 
(see  14.  2,  I,  and  note),  is  not  so  dis- 
tinctly charged  with  filthy  gluttony  as 
was  previously  Claudius  or  afterwards 
Vitellius.  The  great  extravagance  under 
him  seems  to  have  taken  a  more  refined 
form,  and  to  have  lain  chiefly  in  the 
accessories  of  the  feast,  the  profusion  of 
gold  plate  and  jewels  (Plin.  N.  H.  37.  2, 
6,  17),  unguents  and  flowers  (Suet.  Ner. 
27),  the  crowd  of  attendants,  singers, 
dancers,  and  such  novelties  of  all  kinds  as 
ingenuity  could  suggest:  nor  is  it  to  be 
denied  that  the  table  luxury  of  that  age 
is  not  apparently  all  that  declamation 
makes  it,  and  that  it  may  often  have  been 
equalled  or  even  eclipsed  in  more  modern 
times.  On  the  whole  subject  see  Schiller, 
p.  516,  foil. ;  Friedl.  iii.  31,  foil.  On  the 
example  set  in  other  forms  of  luxury,  such 
as  his  own  travelling  equipage  (Suet.  Ner. 
30),  and  that  of  Poppaea  (Plin.  N.  H.  1 1. 
41, 96,  238,  &c.),  see  Friedl.  ii.  29. 

*"  The  beginning  of  such  demoralization 
is  noted  at  the  luvenalia  (14.  15,  4»  .'^)i 
the  development  at  the  feast  given  by 
Tigellinus  (15.  37,  2-7);  and  both  Taci- 
tus and  Suet.  (Ner.  27)  speak  of  similar 
scenes  as  frequent. 


[7o]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  Ill 

their  existence  far  more  closely,  as  they  saw  that  men  of  their  order 
began  to  be  struck  down  cautiously  and  tentatively,  that  if  they  were 
few  and  isolated,  they  were  extremely  eminent,  that  a  steady  purpose 
seemed  to  be  working  itself  out,  and  that  definite  charges  and  legal 
forms  were  almost  or  altogether  dispensed  with.  Cornelius  Sulla,  the 
son-in-law  of  Claudius  and  a  representative  of  the  name  of  the  famous 
dictator,  and  Rubellius  Plautus,  a  direct  descendant  of  Octavia,^  were 
men  round  whose  names  fancied  conspiracies  had  been  made  to  gather  ^ ; 
and  first  one,  then  the  other,  had  been  banished  or  induced  to  banish 
himself  on  some  invented  or  imagined  charge  ^ ;  and  some  time  after- 
wards, on  some  pretext  not  m.ade  public,*  soldiers  had  been  sent  to 
execute  the  exiles  without  more  ado ;  a  vague  and  general  report  being 
laid  before  the  senate  afterwards,  to  be  followed  by  the  mockery  of 
posthumous  condemnation.^  Higher  even  than  that  of  either  of  these  was 
the  Hneage  of  the  Junii  Silani,  the  only  direct  descendants  of  Augustus  ^ 
save  Nero  himself;  and  the  onslaught  on  this  family  commenced  by 
Agrippina'  was  carried  on  by  Nero  in  817,  a.d.  64,  by  a  private  trial, 
resulting  in  the  death  of  its  chief  living  representative.^ 

Still  more  ominous,  as  showing  that  not  only  the  few  highest,  who  might 
aspire  to  the  imperial  dignity  itself,  were  menaced,  was  the  revival  in  815, 
A.D.  62,  against  one  of  the  praetors  of  the  year,^  of  that  terrible  weapon 
of  tyranny  in  former  times,  the  law  of  *  maiestas  ',^®  which  had  been 
long  in  desuetude,^^  but  of  which  they  were  now  made  again  to  feel  the 
edge;  while  Nero's  evident  displeasure  at  the  course  taken  under  the 

^  For  his  pedigree,  see  Introd.  i.  141.  As  regards  Plautus,  some  desperate  scheme 

'  On  that  connected  with  Sulla  see  13.  was  regarded  by  his  friends  as  possible 

23,  I ;  on  that  respecting  Plautus,  13.  19,  (14.  58,  3). 

3.      Both    charges    are    represented    as  *  14-  59i  5, 6. 

groundless,  and  the  accusers  are  punished,  ^  See  Introd.  i.  139. 

but  both  must  have  left  their  mark  on  ''  She  may  be  said  to  have  caused  in 

Nero's  memory.  802,  A.  D.  49,  the  death  of  L.  Silanus  and 

^  The  charge  against   Sulla  is   repre-  exile  of  Junia  Calvina  (12,  4,  i  ;  8,  i); 

sented  (13.  47)  as  wholly  made  up,  and  she  had  ordered  the  murder  of  M.  Silanus 

contrary  to  his  character;  the  compulsory  in  807,  a.d.  54  (13.  i,  i),  and  had  (cer- 

retirement  of  Plautus- is  assigned  to  no  tainly  in  self-defence)  caused  the  exile  of 

other  cause  than  the  occurrence  of  a  comet  Junia  Silana  in  the  following  year  (13. 

and  another  omen  (14.  22,  5).      The  exile  22,  3). 

of  the  former  took  place  in  811,  A.  D.  58,  *  15.  35,  2-5.     The  chief  charge  against 

that  of  the  latter  in  813,  A.D.  60,  the  him  was  that  of  the  ambitious  titles  borne 

deaths  of  both  in  815,  A.  d.  62.  by  his  freedmen.       He  committed  suicide 

*  The  idea  of  the  potency  of  the  name  before  condemnation  ;    but   Tacitus   evi- 

of  the  dictator  in  Gaul  and  of  the  descen-  dently  attached  no  credit  to  the  statement 

dant  of  Drusus  in  Asia,  and  the  proba-  of  Nero  that  he  had  intended  to  spare  his 

bility   of  support   to   the  one   from   the  life. 

German,  and  to  the  other  from  the  Syrian  '  14,  48,  i,  foil. 

legions,  is  given  as  the  private  counsel  of  ^°  For  the  working  of  this  law  under 

Tigellinus,   who   desired   to   put    Nero's  Tiberius,  see  Introd.  i.  viii.  121,  &c. 

vague  terror  into  definite  shape  (14.  57).  "  14-48,  3,  and  note. 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  NERO  [71] 

leadership  of  Thrasea  showed  that  the  extreme  sentence  of  death  had 
been  expected.*  Even  a  lower  class  would  be  alarmed  by  the  current 
belief  that  in  the  same  year  the  once  all-powerful  Pallas  and  another 
leading  freedman  had  fallen  victims  respectively  to  the  emperor's  avarice 
and  animosity.^ 

Thus  all  in  prominent  positions  would  feel  that  they  were  drifting  back 
into  a  similar  condition  of  constraint  and  jeopardy  to  that  which  had 
prevailed  under  former  princes,  and  that  while  their  danger  increased,  their 
safeguards  one  by  one  were  struck  from  them.*  The  death  of  Burrus, 
in  which  again  foul  play  was  commonly  believed  to  have  had  a  share,* 
look  place  in  the  same  year  which  so  many  events  combined  to  make 
ominous ;  ^  and  in  the  same  year  Seneca,  isolated  by  this  loss,  and,  by 
evident  decay  of  influence,  marked  out  for  the  attacks  of  those  who  wished 
him  ill,^  could  only  avert  his  danger  by  a  prompt  offer  to  surrender  all 
his  property,^  and  by  a  cautious  withdrawal  from  all  outward  show  of 
eminence';  so  that  men  had  no  longer  to  reckon  on  the  influence  ot 
these  trusted  counsellors,  but  on  that  of  Tigellinus  and  Poppaea. 

On  minds  thus  prepared  to  expect  and  believe  the  worst,  terrible  im- 
pression must  have  been  made  by  the  great  fire  of  817,  a.d.  64,  and  by 
the  rumours  that  Nero  himself  had  been  its  author.  From  this  imputa- 
tion, which  Tacitus  alone  of  our  authorities  treats  as  even  open  to  doubt,^^ 
the  judgement  of  recent  critics  has  been  on  the  whole  disposed  to  absolve 
his  memory.  The  improbability  of  the  motives  assigned,"  his  absence 
at  the  outbreak, *2  the  energetic  measures  taken  by  the  government  for  its 
suppression,"  the  bounty  shown  to  the  sufferers,**  weigh   considerably 


^  14.  49,  3.     He  had  evidently  not  in-  ^  In  the  interchange  of  speeches  given 

tended   sentence  of  death  to  be  carried  in   14.  53-56,  the  courtliness  of  Seneca, 

out,  but  to  win  the  glory  of  clemency  by  saved  from  sinking  into  mere  servility  by 

modifying  it  (c.  48,  3);  which  the  pro-  good  taste  and  touches  of  dignity,  as  well 

posal  carried  by  Thrasea  had  taken  from  as  the  profound  hypocrisy  of  Nero,  are 

him.  admirably    imagined.       The    offer,    not 

*  14.    65,    I.       The    expression    used  accepted,  may  have  been  renewed  later 
('  creditur')  shows  that  there  was  no  evi-  (see  on  15.  64,6). 

dence  for  the  suspicion  of  poisoning ;  but  *  14.  56,  6. 

the  belief,  however  groundless,  has  to  be  ^°  See   15.  38,   i,  and  note.      Tacitus 

taken  into  account.  seems  to  incline  to  think  him  guilty  of  the 

'  The  story  given  by  Dio  (see  note  on  second  outbreak  (15.40,3). 

14.  19,  i)  of  persons  put  to  death  in  812,  "  The  'gloria  condendae  urbis  novae 

A.  D.  59,  by  soldiers  on  a  charge  of  con-  et  cognomento  suo  appellandae'  (15.  40, 

spiracy,   is  discredited  by  the  silence  of  3 ;  cp.  Suet.  Ner.  38)  has  no  appearance 

Tacitus.  of  being  actually  sought,  and  might  have 

*  '  Gravescentibus  in  dies  publicis  malis  been    acquired   without   a   conflagration 
subsidia  minuebantur'  (14.  51,1).  Other  idle  tales  given  in  Suet.  (1. 1.)  and 

*  14.51,1-3.     It  seems  to  be  admitted  Dio   (62.    16,   1-2)    are   not  noticed   by 
that  he  had  a  natural  disease,  but  to  be  Tacitus. 

alleged  that  the  salve  was  poisoned.  ^2  j^^  j^g^  j_                        is  15.  40, 1, 

*  81  6,  A.D.  62.                              ^    14.52.  "    15-39.2;   43.2. 


[72]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  Ill 

against  a  suspicion  so  slenderly  supported.^  The  belief  itself  was  less 
an  impulse  of  the  moment*  than  an  after-growth,*  gathering  strength  no 
doubt  from  the  stones  that  he  had  pillaged  the  ruins,*  and  from  the 
patent  fact  that  he  had  seized  all  the  best  of  the  vast  desolated  area  to 
construct  a  palace  on  a  scale  previously  unknown  save  perhaps  in 
Oriental  history.  The  famous  expedient  by  which  this  suspicion  was  to 
be  averted  by  fastening  it  on  others,  is  treated  of  elsewhere " :  our  judge- 
ment on  Nero's  own  share  in  it  will  depend  much  on  whether  we  believe 
him  to  have  been  himself  the  incendiary,  and  deliberately  to  have  sacri- 
ficed those  whom  he  had  the  best  reason  for  knowing  to  be  innocent,  or 
to  have  been,  like  others,  in  the  dark  as  to  the  real  cause  of  the  fire,  and 
to  have  believed  tales  which  represented  the  Christians  either  as  actually 
its  authors,  or  as,  from  their  '  hatred  of  the  human  race  V  likely  to  have 
been  so.  In  any  case,  history  must  record  against  him  the  reckless 
eagerness  with  which  the  charge  was  caught  up,  and  the  fiendish  brutality 
which  turned  the  executions  into  a  public  amusement,  such  as  shocked 
even  the  hardened  sense  of  those  whose  misgivings  were  to  have  been  set 
at  rest  by  it.*^ 

To  such  ample  reasons  for  alarm  and  indignation,^  other  grounds  of 
discontent  were  contributing  strength.  The  military  disaster  in  Britain 
and  disgrace  in  the  East  ^  may  have  shaken  the  allegiance  of  the  soldiers 
to  a  prince  who  had  little  personal  hold  upon  them,  and  whose  star 
seemed  no  longer  in  the  ascendant :  the  popularity  of  Nero  with  the  masses 
must  have  received  a  check  from  the  strong  feeling  at  his  enforcement 
of  the  cruel  decree  against  the  slaves  of  Pedanius  Secundus,^°  ahd  from 
the  enthusiastic  sympathy  with  Octavia,"  and  could  be  further  under- 
mined by  keeping  alive  the  belief  ^^  that  the  catastrophe  which  had  cost 

'  Much  weight  cannot  be  given  to  the  given,  some  events  later  than  the  Pisonian 
fact  that  persons  caught  spreading  the  conspiracy  have  been  mentioned  for  con- 
tlames  said  that  they  acted  under  orders  venience.  But  these  will  easily  be  dis- 
(15.  38,  8).  The  story  that  he  sang  the  tinguished  from  those  present  as  actual 
burning  of  Troy  during  the  conflagration  motives  in  A.D.  65  and  previously, 
(c.  39,  3,  and  note)  is  characteristic,  and  '  The  insurrection  in  Britain  took  place 
hardly  likely  to  have  been  altogether  in  814,  a.d.  61  ;  the  capitulation  of 
invented,  but  proves  no  more  than  that  Paetus  in  Armenia  was  known  in  Rome 
his  theatrical  passion  could  not  let  slip  at  the  beginning  of  816,  a.d.  63.  Sub- 
such  an  opportunity.  sequent  successes  had  not  achieved  more 

^  At  the  time  of  the  actual  fire  he  is  than  a  restoration  of  the  position  in  either 

represented  as  hurrying  about  without  a  case. 

guard  (15.  50,  6),  and  evidently  in  no  fear  ^®  For  the  sentence  itself,  the  senate, 

of  the  people.  and  especially  L.  Cassius,  was  responsible, 

^  15-39.3;  44»  2.  but  Nero  had  supplied  the  force  which 

*  Suet.  Ner.  38.  made  its  execution  possible  (14. 45,  3). 
'  See  Appendix  to  Book  15.  ^^  See  above,  p-[65]. 

*  15.  4.4.,  5.  "Without   adopting    Schiller's    view, 
'  15.44,  ^'  *^^'  ^^^  belief  in  Nero's  incendiarism  was 

*  In  the  sketch  of  Nero's  career  above  created  by  the  conspirators,  we  must  sup- 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  NERO  [73] 

lives  in  numbers,^  and  reduced  thousands  to  homelessness,  was  due  to 
a  mere  freak  of  his  outrageous  wantonness. 

Such  sparks  could  always  kindle  a  conspiracy ' ;  and  the  schemers  of 
a  lower  stamp  who  thought  that  their  opportunity  was  come,  could  band 
themselves  with  genuine  patriots,'  ready  to  dare  anything  to  free  the 
Empire  from  a  monster.  Actual  conspirators  are  generally  few,  and 
were  so,  as  far  as  we  have  means  of  knowing,**  in  the  present  case ;  but 
a  small  band  of  resolute  men  might  easily,  as  in  the  case  of  Gains,  find 
their  opportunity ;  and  their  real  hope  of  success  lay  in  the  manifold  sup- 
port which  they  had  ground  for  expecting  afterwards.  It  was  at  that  date 
a  bold  step  to  seek  a  successor  for  Nero  altogether  outside  the  family  of 
Augustus  ;  but  the  man  of  their  choice,  C.  Piso,*  would  commend  him- 
self to  the  nobles  and  senate  by  his  ripe  age "  and  exalted  lineage,^  and 
to  various  classes  by  his  forensic  eloquence  exercised  on  the  weaker  side, 
his  wealth  and  bountiful  gifts,  his  winning  courtesy  and  handsome  per- 
son ;  while  those  who  hated  the  cruelty  alone  of  the  Neronian  rule,  and 
liked  its  moral  laxity,  might  be  assured  that  in  him  they  had  no  strait- 
laced  rule  to  fear.*  They  might  count  thus  on  many  chances  of  his 
acceptance;  although  they  had  no  support  to  expect  from  the  most 
respectable  section  of  the  nobility,  the  party  of  Thrasea  and  Soranus,  too 
uncompromising  in  their  opposition  to  monarchy  as  such  to  plot  for  a 
change  of  masters,^  least  of  all  for  that  from  one  voluptuary  to  another ; 
and  although  they  had  to  guard  against  the  more  dynastic  minds  who 
might  favour  the  young  Silanus,^**  or  bold  spirits  like  the  consul  Vestinus, 

pose  them  active  in  sustaining  it.     See  were  not  numerous,  nor  (except  Faenius 

the  words  of  Subrius  Flavus  in  15.  67,  3.  Rufus)  eminent.      Of  the  other  officers  ot 

^  1.^-38,7;  39,  2.  the  guard,  three  tribunes  and  three  cen- 

'  The   character   of  the   '  Opposition  '  turions  are  given  (c.  49,  2 ;  50,  3) ;  besides 

under  Nero  and  its  various  sections  are  whom  four  other  tribunes  are  represented 

very  fully  discussed  in  Schiller,  pp.  666-  as  degraded  on  mere  suspicion  (c.  71,  5). 

705.  «  See  15.  48,  I,  and  note. 

^  See    the    contrast    drawn     between  ®  He  was  a  consular  of  probably  some 

the   motives   of   Lucan   and   of  Plautus  seventeen  years'  standing  (see  note,  1.  1.). 

Lateranus  in  15.  49,  3.  '  From  the  time  of  Tiberius,  the  Cal- 

*  Tacitus  gives  the  names  of  only  five  purnii  Pisones  had  no  rivals  except  the 

senators  as  undoubted  conspirators;  Piso,  Aemilii  Lepidi  (Introd.  i.  p.  85)  who  were 

Lucan,  Plautius  Lateranus,  Flavins  Scae-  now  no  longer  heard  of. 

vinus,  and  Afranius  Quintianus  (c,  48-49).  *  The  importance  of  this  feeling  may 

liesides   these,   two   others  were   put   to  be  seen  in  the  support  won  by  it  for  Otho 

death,  Seneca   and   Vestinus;    the  com-  (H.  i.  13, 10,  &c.).     That  it  worked  both 

plicity   of  the   former   being   treated   as  ways  would  however  appear,  if  any  faith 

doubtful   (c.    56,    2),  that   of  the   latter  is  to  be  placed  in  the  story  of  an  inner 

positively  denied  (c.  68,  3).     Three  others,  plot  to  set  aside  Piso  for  Seneca  (c.  65,  i). 

Novius   Priscus,  Glitius   Callus,  Annius  '  The  position  and   character  of  this 

Pollio,  and  perhaps  some  more,  appear  party  are    more    fully    described    below 

among    those    mentioned    in    c.    71    as  (p.  [80],  foil.). 

punished  but  not  really  convicted.       The  ^^  15.  52,  3.      Those  who  attached  im- 

knights,  to  judge  from  c.  50  and  c.  71,  portance  to  descent  from  Augustus  could 


[74]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  Ill 

who  might  strike  out  a  line  of  his  own  when  the  crisis  came.^  In  the 
light  of  what  had  followed  on  the  death  of  Gains,  none  would  be  so 
short- sighted  as  not  to  reckon  with  the  praetorians;  but  the  accession  of 
the  praefect  Faenius  Rufus,  who  was  quaking  under  the  insinuations  of 
his  colleague  Tigellinus,'^  seemed  a  tower  of  strength  to  them,  and  the 
support  of  several  other  important  officers  of  the  force,  backed  by 
a  liberal  donative,  might  do  the  rest.'  That  the  last  word  still  would 
rest  with  the  armies  of  Germany  and  the  East,  who  were  little  likely  to 
accept  a  master  whom  they  had  no  voice  in  choosing,  was  a  truth  that 
perhaps  needed  to  be  taught  by  a  later  experience.* 

Tacitus  has  shown  the  reality  of  the  plot,  against  the  popular  rumour 
which  discredited  it  as  a  fiction  ° ;  and  for  all  its  details  he  is  practically 
our  sole  authority.*'  Nero  and  his  partisans  must  indeed  have  believed 
in  his  destiny,  when  they  saw  how,  after  the  plot  had  been  kept  for  two 
years  secret,^  and  had  even  escaped  the  danger  caused  by  the  indiscretion 
of  Epicharis,^  it  was  brought  to  light  the  very  day  before  it  was  to  have 
been  carried  into  action  ^ ;  how  Piso  tamely  threw  away  the  one  chance 
left  to  him  ^'^ ;  how,  when  Nero  was  surrounding  himself  with  soldiers  in 
his  panic,"  ignorant  of  the  traitors  among  their  ranks,^^  the  baseness  with 
which  they  turned  upon  their  associates  frustrated  another  chance  of  his 
destruction,^^  and  led  them  also  to  the  fate  they  had  so  justly  merited.^* 

We  have  probably  to  be  on  our  guard  throughout  against  statements 
heightened  for  effect.^'  The  contrast  of  freeborn  men,  Roman  knights, 
senators,  rushing  to  save  themselves  by  denouncing  their  dearest  friends 
and  relatives,  with  the  freedwoman  who  alone  defied  the  rack  to  conceal 
those  almost  unknown  to  her,  may  possibly  be  overdrawn  ^^ ;  the  general 

find  no  other  candidate.       His  instructor,  ''  The  first  movings  of  the  conspiracy 

Cassius,  probably  belonged  to  the  party  appear  to  date  not  later  than  8i6,  a.  D.  63 

of  Thrasea.  (14.  65,  2),  and  it  had  been  ripe  for  execu- 

'  15.  52,  4.                      ^15.  50,  4.  tion  at  the  time  of  the  fire  (15.  50,  6), 

^  Piso  was  to  wait  in  readiness  to  be  was  delayed  till  the  Circensian  games  in 

carried  to  the  camp;  and,  according  to  April  818,  A.D.  65  (15.53,  i). 

Pliny,    Antonia,    daughter    of   Claudius,  "  15-51. 

was  to  accompany  him  (see  c.  53,  4,  and  '15.  54,  i.                       '"  15.  59. 

note).  '1  i5-57»4- 

*  It  seems  probable  that  Piso,  had  he  "  15.49,2;  50,3. 
succeeded,    might    have    had    a    similar  ^^  15.58,4. 
career  to  that  of  Otho.  1*  15.  66,  1. 

^  15-73. 1-3-  ^^  It  should  be  remembered  that  all  the 

*  Suetonius  alludes  to  it  only  in  a  few  trials  were  private  and  that  no  more  was 
lines  (c.  36).  The  meagre  account  in  known  than  the  statement  laid  by  Nero 
Dio,  or  rather  Xiphilinus  (62.  24),  makes  before  the  senate  (15.  73,  i).  Hence  no 
no  mention  of  Piso,  but  describes  the  plot  doubt  the  great  obscurity  in  our  narrative 
as  that  of  Seneca  and  Rufus,  mentioning  and  the  way  in  which  the  condemnation 
besides  by  name  only  Subrius  Flavus  and  of  persons  who  had  not  before  been  men- 
Sulpicius  Asper,  as  to  whom  he  seems  to  tioned  is  brought  in  (c.  71), 
follow  Tacitus. 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  NERO  [75] 

description  of  Rome  in  a  state  of  siege,  '  the  very  sea  and  river  placed 
under  guard ' ;  armed  men  pervading  the  fora,  the  great  houses,  even  the 
suburban  districts  * ;  the  *  troops  of  chained  prisoners  '  dragged  to  trial,' 
and  the  crowd  of  funerals  in  the  streets,'  cannot  easily  be  reconciled  with 
the  names  and  facts  given  in  detail  * :  even  the  terrible  irony  of  universal 
public  thanksgiving  side  by  side  with  universal  private  mourning,  may 
well  be  taken  with  some  allowance  for  rhetoric';  but  the  main  narrative, 
both  in  what  it  states,  and  no  less  in  what  it  does  not  state,^  bears  the 
stamp  of  truth  upon  it. 

Our  chief  interest  in  the  Pisonian  conspiracy  lies  in  its  having  caused 
the  deaths  of  Seneca  and  Lucan.  As  regards  the  complicity  of  the 
former,^  his  standing  intimacy  with  Piso,  and  recent  withdrawal  from 
personal  intercourse,'  would  suggest  that  he  was  aware  of  the  plot  but 
declined  to  mix  in  it ;  his  removal  from  Campania  to  the  neighbourhood 
of  Rome  at  the  critical  time  may  have  been  a  coincidence  ' ;  bis  alleged 
answer  to  Piso's  message  rests  on  the  verbal  report  of  a  single  witness 
threatened  with  torture,^"  and  was  neither  admitted  by  himself,"  nor 
unmistakable  in  meaning.^^  His  thorough  knowledge  of  Nero, 
Poppaea,  and  Tigellinus  may  well  have  predisposed  him  to  welcome  any 
escape  from  them  ;  while  on  the  other  hand  his  political  foresight,  no  less 
than  his  age,  and  the  retirement  of  life  which  he  had  found  so  welcome,^' 

conscios  edere '  may  no  doubt  refer  to  (16.  17,  4);  the  wills  of  Piso  and  Rufus 

some  of  those  mentioned  in  c.  71,  besides  are  mentioned  (c.  59,  8  ;  68,  2),  and  may 

the  three  names  given  in  c.  56,  4,  but  have  been   allowed  to   pass  by  making 

bears  evident  marks  of  exaggeration.  Nero  in  part  heir. 

^  15-  58,  \.    The  description  in  16.  27,  '  The   thanksgiving    may   have    been 

2  shows  the  military  terrorism  employed  often   genuine,   as  many,   especially  the 

in  a  far  lesser  crisis.  populace,   must   have    thought    anarchy 

^15'  58,  3.  worse  than  Nero. 

'  15.  71,  I.  «  The  vague  language  in  Dio,  62.  24,  3 

*  It  has  been  already  mentioned  (see  would  represent  every  charge  as  believed 
above,  p.  [73],  note  4)  that  seven  senators  and  every  accused  person  as  condemned, 
are  recorded  as  put  to  death.      Besides  Tacitus  bestows  no  notice  on  the  story 
these,  the  *  reliqui  coniuratorum '  (c.  70,  given  in  Suet.  Ner.  36,  that  the  whol 
2)  would  no  doubt  include  those  knights,  families  of  those  condemned  were  after- 
tribunes,  and  centurions  named  in  c.  50,  wards  poisoned  or  starved  to  death, 
whose  deaths  had   not   been   previously  '  Dio  (62.  24,  i)  makes  him  and  Rufus 
mentioned,  except  Natalis  and  Proculus  the   chief  conspirators.      With   this   the 
(c.   71,  2),  Gavius  Silvanus  and  Statins  guarded  language  of  Tacitus  (c  56,  2; 
Proxumus  (c.  71,  4).     We  have  thus  evi-  60,  3,  7)  may  be  well  compared.     Two  of 
dence  of  about  seventeen  persons  put  to  his  friends,  Novius  Priscus  and  Caesennius 
death  ;    seventeen   others   are   named    in  Maximus,  were  so  far  involved  in  his  fate 
c.  71   as   sentenced  to   lesser  penalties;  as  to  suffer  exile  (15.  71,  6,  11). 
five  as  pardoned,  acquitted,   or  left  un-           «  15.  60,  4  ;  61,  i. 
noticed.     Nor  does  confiscation  appear  to           »  *  Forte  an  prudens '  (c.  60,  7). 
have  been  uniformly  enforced ;  that  of  the           *<>  c.  56,  2. 

property  of  Seneca  seems  implied  (c.  62,  "  It  is  noticed  that  his  denial  (cp.  c.  60, 

I,  and   note),  but  with   probably  some  5;  6 1 ,  2)  is  not  altogether  explicit, 
provision  left  for  Paulina  (see  on  c.  64,  1) ;  ^"^  See  c.  60,  5,  and  note, 

the  property  of  Lucan  passed  to  his  father  "  See  Sen.  Ep.  83,  6,  &c 


[76]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  Ill 

would  have  disinclined  him  to  take  active  part  in  a  desperate  venture ; 
and  in  any  case  it  is  most  improbable  that  he  was  privy  to  the  inner 
plot,  if  such  there  was,  to  force  a  shortlived  and  dangerous  greatness 
on  himself,  at  the  cost  of  double-dyed  treachery  to  his  friend.^ 

If  the  baser  side  of  Seneca's  character  has  been  throughout  this 
narrative  presented  oftenest,^  it  is  but  just  to  notice  how  Tacitus,  who  is 
certainly  no  blind  admirer,^  brings  out  not  merely  his  tenderness  to 
his  wife*  and  cheerfulness  to  his  friends,**  his  dignified  bearing  and 
almost  inspired  eloquence  under  the  protracted  agonies  of  death,'  but 
also  the  steady  composure  with  which  he  had  looked  forward  for  years  to 
such  an  end  in  prospect,'  and  the  simplicity  of  his  ideas,  as  evidenced 
by  the  asceticism  of  at  least  his  later  life  ^  and  the  instructions  for  his 
unostentatious  funeral,  drawn  up  long  ago  in  the  days  of  his  greatest 
splendour.^ 

With  Lucan,  far  less  sympathy  has  been  felt,  less  perhaps  than  he  has 
actually  deserved.  Introduced  in  youth  to  the  friendship  of  Nero,^"  he 
had  owed  to  court  favour  a  quaestorship  before  the  legal  age,  and  a  place 
in  the  college  of  augurs,  and  had  won  fame  in  the  Neronia  by  a  poetic 
eulogy  on  his  patron,  pitched,  we  may  be  sure,  in  the  same  key  as  the 
opening  address  in  the  Pharsalia,  unrivalled  in  extant  literature  for 
fulsomeness."  The  first  three  Books  of  that  Epic,  probably  the  only 
ones  made  known  in  his  lifetime,"  besides  thus  commending  themselves, 

^  The  story  is  given  as  a  mere  rumour  "  Phars.  i.  33-66.    Some  ©f  the  senti- 

(c.  65,  i).  ments  may  remind  us  of  Vergil's  address 

■■'  See  above,  pp.  [23];  [33];  [45];  [54"];  to  Augustus   in  the   first   Georgic  ;    but 

[60],  11;   [62];  [63].     It  is  fair  to  add,  Lucan  goes  far  beyond  his  predecessor, 

that  the  credit  which  he  claims  for  him-  All  the  horrors  of  civil  war  are  regarded 

self,  of  never  having  been  a  mere  servile  as  more  than  recompensed  by  having  led 

flatterer,  is  not  contrary  to  known  facts.  up  ultimately  to  his  rule :  he  is  besought 

See  15.  61,  3,  and  note.  when  he  ascends  to  heaven,  to  take  up  his 

^  See  13.  3,  2;  II,  2;  18,  1;   14.  II,  position  in  the  centre,  lest  elsewhere  he 

4,  &c.  should    destroy   the   equilibrium    of   the 

*  15.  63,  1-4,  The  story  given  by  Dio  universe.  It  is  perhaps  just  to  remember 
(see  note  on  c.  63,  2)  would  be  incon-  the  poet's  youth. 

sistent    with   the    version     adopted     by  ^^  jt  has  generally  been  assumed,  on  the 

Tacitus,  and  was  no  doubt  known  to  and  evidence  of  his  biographer,  that  the  first 

disbelieved  by  him.  three  Books  had  received  their  final  correc- 

*  15.  62,  1-2.  lions  and  had  been  published  (probably 

*  15-  63,7.  about  814,  A.D.  62).  Dean  Merivale  (c.  54) 
'  15.  62,  2,  3.     The  story  that  Nero       questions  the   alleged  superior  finish  of 

had  previously  attempted  to  poison  him  these  Books,  and   thinks   that   although 

(15.  45,  6)  is  given  in  its  place  only  as  a  they  had  been  doubtless  made  known  by 

rumour,  but  afterwards  treated  as  a  fact  frequent  recitation  in  portions,  the  actual 

(15.  60,  3).  publication   was  to   have   been    delayed 

*  15.45,6.  till  the  completion  of  the  whole.  Mr. 
^  15.  64,  6.  Heitland,  in  his  Introduction  to  Mr. 
^°  The  particulars  of  Lucan's  life  are  Haskins'  recent  edition  of  the  Pharsalia, 

known  through  two  ancient  biographies,  notices  a  few  roughnesses  of  style  in  the 
and  need  not  here  be  further  entered  into.       later  Books. 


CHAP.  Ill] 


RULE  OF  NERO 


[77] 


show  a  general  sense  of  self-restraint  ^ ;  and  even  the  later  Books,'  which 
may  more  faithfully  give  his  real  sentiments,  while  abounding  in  bitter 
and  determined  antipathy  to  Caesarism  as  such,'  contain  few,  if  any, 
unmistakable  hostile  allusions  to  Nero  personally."*  On  the  supposition 
that  his  fatalism,^  and  his  evident  consciousness  of  the  degradation  of 
the  senate  ®  and  people,'  would  have  prevented  his  conspiring  to  restore 
the  Republic,  his  natural  course  would  have  been  to  stand  aside  with 
Thrasca  and  his  followers,  who  might  yet  well  have  distrusted  the  new- 
born ardour  of  this  convert  from  the  ranks  of  courtiers.  Yet  the  intensity 
of  the  grievance  which  armed  him  against  Nero,  even  if  merely  personal, 
should  be  justly  estimated.  For  one  conscious  of  unrivalled  gifts  and 
burning  to  display  them,  an  absolute  prohibition  to  recite  or  publish* 
was  no  other  than  a  sentence  pf  literary  death,  dictated  by  the  mere 
spite  and  jealousy  of  one  who,  compared  to  him,  was  but  a  scribbler* 
and  whose  age  made  it  likely  enough  that  the  ban  would  last  the  poet's 
lifetime.'"    Also  the  story  that  he  attempted  to  save  himself  after  arrest 


*  These  Books,  though  not  without 
sentiments  capable  of  giving  offence,  such 
as  that  in  i,  670,  foil,  ('cum  domino 
pax  ista  venit',  &c.),  dwell  less  on  the 
loss  of  liberty  than  on  the  horrors  of  civil 
war,  a  theme  on  which  Vergil  and  Horace 
are  no  less  eloquent.  It  should  be  re- 
membered also  that,  as  M.  Boissier  has 
shown  ('  rOpposition  sous  les  C^sars ', 
eh.  vi),  a  general  preference  of  the  so- 
called  Republican  cause  to  that  of  Julius 
Caesar,  and  a  coldness  towards  the 
memory  of  the  latter,  had  been  tolerated, 
if  not  encouraged,  by  Augustus.  Cato 
was  glorified  by  Vergil  (Aen.  8,  670)  and 
Horace  (Od.  i.  12,  35,  &c.),  Pompeius 
by  Livy  (see  4.  34,  4),  and  the  writings  of 
Cremutius  Cordus,  though  suppressed  by 
Tiberius,  were  revived  and  read  afterwards 
(4-  35,  5)- 

"  It  is  an  open  question  whether  these 
Books  also  had  not  been  made  known,  in 
part  at  least,  by  recitation.  The  poem  on 
the  civil  war  in  the  Satire  of  Petronius 
(c.  1 19-124),  which  is  evidently  a  *jeu 
d'esprit'  on  the  Pharsalia,  has  been 
thought  to  contain  imitations  of  passages 
from  all  parts  of  the  poem.  Those  which 
appear  to  be  taken  from  the  later  Books 
are  collected  and  compared  by  Mr.  Heit- 
land,  to  whom,  as  probably  to  most 
others,  the  resemblances  seem  hardly 
strong  enough  to  be  conclusive. 

'  Mr.  Heitland  (pp.  37-42)  has  shown 
this,  as  against  Dean  Merivale,  by  a  con- 
siderable collection  of  passages,  among 


which  perhaps  the  most  striking  are  5, 
385-6  ;  7,  455-9  ;  638-46. 

*  The  passages  supposed  to  contain 
such  are  discussed  by  Mr.  Heitland. 

*  Fortune  is  looked  upon  as  having 
declared  for  monarchy  (3,  393,  &c.). 

*  Dean  Merivale  considers  the  senate  to 
be  the  true  hero  of  the  poem;  but  this,  if  ad- 
mitted, would  only  mean  the  ideal  senate, 
or  that  of  the  last  century  of  the  Republic, 
seen  through  the  mist  of  time.  In  such  pas- 
sages as  *  nee  frons  erit  ulla  senatus  '  (9, 
207),  the  tone  of  despair  is  unmistakable. 

'  Mr.  Heitland  cites,  as  evidence  of  a 
consciousness  of  the  degradation  and 
mongrel  character  of  the  Roman  people, 
3,  54-8  ;  7,  404-5  ;  539-545- 

*  See  15.  19,  3,  and  note. 

'  For  the  list  of  Nero's  recorded  poems 
see  Teuffel,  281.  8,  9.  They  had  little 
chance  of  a  dispassionate  estimate  ;  and 
it  is  the  humour  of  Juvenal  (8,  221)  to 
class  the  composition  of  the  '  Troica,'  no 
less  than  the  stage-singing,  among  Nero's 
atrocities ;  but  (apart  from  the  question 
how  much  of  what  passed  under  his 
name  was  really  his  own)  such  a  line  as 
that  quoted  with  praise  by  Seneca  (N.  Q. 
I.  5,  6)  '  Colla  Cytheriacae  splendent  agi- 
tata columbae',  or  those  (reputed  to  be 
his)  preserved  in  Persius  i.  99-102,  will 
not  go  to  set  aside  the  adverse  verdict. 
That  he  stooped  to  write  and  publish 
coarse  lampoons,  appears  from  15.  49,  5. 

'"  Nero  was  less  than  two  years  older 
than  Lucan, 


[78]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP,  ill 

by  informing  against  his  mother,  has  been  perhaps  too  lightly  credited ' ; 
and  his  end,  if  not  free  from  a  straining  for  theatrical  effect,  was  not 
deficient  in  courage.'* 

The  immediate  outcome  of  the  conspiracy,  as  of  that  of  Seianus,  was 
a  prolonged  and  continuous  reign  of  terror;  and  the  Sixteenth  Book,  so 
far  as  we  have  it,  closely  resembles  the  dreary  record  of  the  Sixth,  in  its 
monotonous  list  of  executions  and  enforced  suicides.^  As  was  the  case 
after  the  murder  of  his  mother*  and  at  other  crises  in  his  life,  the 
natural  timidity  of  Nero  had  passed  into  abject  panic,''  which,  now 
that  he  knew  his  power,^  led  him  to  strike  down  any  one  whom  his 
own  suspicions,  or  those  instilled  by  others,  pointed  out  as  dangerous.''' 
L.  Cassius,  the  great  jurist,  had  a  statue  of  his  famous  ancestor  with 
a  significant  inscription  ^ :  his  friend  and  pupil,  L.  Silanus,  the  last  of 
that  noble  and  ill-fated  house,^  is  alleged  to  give,  as  his  uncle  had  given, 
ambitious  tides  to  his  freedmen^®;  other  charges  are  thrown  in,"  and 
exile  (followed  in  the  case  of  the  latter  by  speedy  death)  is  at  once 
decreed.^^  The  widow  of  Rubellius  Plautus  and  mother  of  his  children, 
preserving  too  faithful  memory  of  her  loss,"  draws  down  her  own  fate 
and  that  of  two  others  of  her  family.^*  In  this  case,  without  any  definite 
charge  that  is  made  known  to  us,^^  the  disgusting  mockery  practised 
in  the  case  of  Plautus  himself  ^^  is  again  called  into  play,  and  sentence 
of  execution  '  more  maiorum '  is  solemnly  passed  on  those  already  dead, 
and  is  modified  by  Nero  as  an  act  of  grace. ^'^  Another  is  exiled  as  a 
friend  of  Faenius  Rufus^^:  wealth,  and  old  friendship  with  Agrippina, 

^  Dean  Merivale  points  out  that  this  on  the  senate,  sometimes  himself  sending 

story  could  hardly  have  rested   on  evi-  a   letter   of  indictment    (i6.    7,    3),    but 

dence  known  to   the   public,    and  might  oftener  with  some  ostensible  accuser  (16. 

easily  have  been  invented  to  discredit  an  10,  2  ;  14,  i  ;  17,  4,  &c.).     Sometimes  a 

illustrious    victim.      The    fact    that    no  missive  of  death  is  sent  without  any  trial 

notice  was  taken   of  Acilia  (c.  71,    12)  (16.14,5;  15,  3,  &c.). 

makes  against  it,  and  the  general  state-  '  16.  7,  3. 

ment  to  the  same  effect  (c.  57,  4)  is  sup-  ®  See  Introd.  i.  144,  note  10. 

ported  by  no  names  or  other  details.  ^^  Tacitus   states  (16.   8,   i)  that  this 

^  c.  70,  charge  was  wholly  false ;  and  it  seems  in- 

'  After  the  first  six  chapters,  the  Book  credible  that  he  should  have  repeated  his 

contains  hardly  any  other  subject.  uncle's  folly. 

*  See  above,  p.  [62],  ^^  16.  8,   2.     Three  others  who  were 

'  *  Pavidum   semper   et  reperta  nuper  accused  escaped, 

coniuratione      magis     exterritum '     (16.  '='16.9,2-4. 

15,  1).  "  Three  years  after  his  death,  she  is 

^  The  saying  ascribed  to  him  in  Suet.  still  *  vidua  inpexa  luctu'  (16.  10,  4). 

37  ('negavit  quemquam  principum  scisse  '"*  16.  10,  i,  foil. 

quid  sibi  liceret ')  is  true  of  his  own  early  "  His  freedman   is  his   accuser,    but 

career  also.  nothing  is  said  of  the  charge,  though  it 

'  In  the  cases  now  to  be  noticed,  Nero  was  afterwards  laid  before  the  senate  (i6, 

no  longer  judges   personally,  as   in   the  11,  6). 

case  of  the  conspirators  (see   15.  73,    i,  ^•14.  59,  6.                       "  16.  ii,  6. 

and  note),  but  thrusts  the  responsibility  **  x6.  12,  i^ 


I 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  NERO  [79] 

give  colour  to  a  charge  against  Anteius  ^ ;  personal  prowess  and  soldierly 
qualities  to  the  same  charge  against  Ostorius  ^ :  a  letter  purporting  to  be 
written  by  Lucan  is  fatal  to  his  father  Mela,^  whose  own  alleged  words 
are  published  to  explain  one  person  s  death  and  to  cause  another's/ 
Tigellinus  is  able  to  avenge  himself  on  Thermus  for  his  freedman's  libel,* 
and  even,  by  a  mere  suggestion  of  friendship  with  Scaevinus,"  to  rid 
himself  of  the  rival  who,  in  the  line  in  which  alone  he  himself  was 
famous,  must  have  far  surpassed  him,  C.  Petronius,  who  had  spent  an 
energy  capable  of  better  things''  on  the  accomplishment  of  pleasure; 
wherein  his  refined  air  of  careless  ease  and  simplicity,  contrasted  with 
the  coarse  profusion  of  ordinary  debauchees,'  gave  his  taste  a  character 
for  originality,  and  made  the  stamp  of  his  approval  necessary  before  any 
suggestion  of  luxury  could  commend  itself  to  Nero  as  sufficiently 
recherche  to  deserve  his  notice.'"  Petronius  died  as  he  had  lived, 
turning  from  both  the  shifts  and  the  consolations  of  other  men"  as 
he  had  disdained  their  commonplace  pleasures,  and  sending  to  Nero, 
in  place  of  the  usual  last  words  of  fiattery,^^  a  stinging  exposure 
of  his  vilest,  and,  as  he  had  hitherto  flattered  himself,  his  most  secret 
profligacies." 

Tacitus  pauses  in  the  recital  of  this  dreary  carnage  to  off"er  an  apology 
for  the  monotony  of  his  subject,  and  to  bespeak  some  indulgence  for 
the  tame  submission  of  those  whom  he  regards  as  rather  the  victims 
of  fatality  than  of  wilful  cowardice.^*  It  is  more  pertinent  to  ask  what 
other  course  was  open  to  those  to  whom  flight  and  resistance  were  alike 
impossible,  or  to  what  support  they  could  have  appealed,  when  each 
member  of  the  senate  was  trembling  for  himself,  when  even  such 
ineffective  popular  feeling  as  had  displayed  itself  for  Octavia  ^^  lay  at  the 
command  of  no  Roman  noble,  when  plots  such  as  that  which  had  just 
failed  so  signally,  were  their  sole  resource. 

M6.  14,  3.  'He  had  shown  capacity  as  governor 

'  16.  15,  2.  of  Bithynia  and  as  consul  (16.  18,  3). 
^  16.  1*7,  5.    The  enforced  suicide  of  *  16.  18,  2.  '  16.  18,  i. 

Gallio,  the  remaining  brother  of  Seneca  '^^  16.  18,4. 

(see  note  on  if.  72,  4),  must  have  taken  ^^  He  cared  not  to  await  the  result  of 

place  after  the  date  at  which  the  Annals  the  charge  (16.  19,  i).      The  contrast  of 

now  close.  his   last   moments   with   those   of  other 

*  16.  17,  8.     Both  the  letter  of  Lucan  people  is  described  (§§  2-4). 
to  Mela  and  the  reference  to  Crispinus  ^^  16.19,5. 

and    Cerialis    in    Mela's    own    will    are  ^^  1.  1.     Some  other  traits  of  him  are 

treated  by  Tacitus  as  forgeries.  given  in  the  note  on  c.  17,  i.     On  his 

*  16.  20,  2,  identification    with    the    author    of    the 

*  16.   18,  5.      Plutarch  mentions  (see  Satire  see  note  on  c.  iS.  i. 

note  on   16.  17,   i)  offence  taken  at  an  "  16.  17.     A  similar  apology,  though 

ill-judged  stroke  of    attempted    flattery,  supported  on  different  grounds,  is  offered 

which     may     have     predisposed     Nero  in  4. 32-33. 

against  Petronius.  "14.16,1. 


[8o]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  Ill 

Many  of  the  conspirators,  and  of  those  who  perished  subsequently, 
had  few  claims,  or  none  whatever,  on  general  sympathy ;  and  even  the 
highest  ranked  in  elevation  of  character  below  Thrasea  and  Soranus, 
to  whose  fate  Tacitus  has  given  more  space  than  to  that  of  any  others 
among  the  Neronian  victims.^  Yet,  with  all  that  is  told  us,  much  is  still 
left  obscure  and  unexplained ;  and  the  real  causes  which  led  Nero  to 
compass  their  destruction  are  mainly  matter  of  conjecture. 

Thrasea,  though  undoubtedly  the  leader  of  the  extreme  section  of  the 
senatorial  '  Opposition  V  and  a  man  of  longstanding  and  pronounced 
republican  sympathies,  had  been  enabled,  although  a  *  novus  homo ' 
from  Patavium,^  to  go  through  the  course  of  magistracies  and  attain  the 
consulship,^  and  could  not  therefore  have  been  always  obnoxious  to 
emperors.  In  the  early  years  of  Nero,  when  his  attendance  in  the 
senate  was  constant,*  various  servile  motions  had  elicited  from  him 
no  word  of  protest,^  and  those  who  had  expected  greater  things  had 
murmured  at  the  waste  of  his  strength  on  trifles'^;  while  even  his  one 
strong  step,  that  of  rising  and  leaving  the  house  when  thanksgivings  and 
congratulations  were  decreed  on  Agrippina's  death,*  receives  scant 
praise  from  Tacitus.^  Three  years  later,  at  the  trial  of  Antistius,^"  he 
appears  as  a  skilful  tactician,  leading  the  majority  of  the  senate  in  a 
course  opposed  to  Nero's  secret  purpose,  but  fully  within  the  terms  of 
the  question,^*  and  veiling  his  opposition  under  well-chosen  compliments  " ; 
while  his  only  subsequent  recorded  speech,^^  if  conceived  in  a  narrow 
spirit  of  Roman  pride,  could  yet  have  been  in  no  way  unacceptable  to  the 
court.^*  It  would  seem  likely  that  he  had  been  driven  into  more  pro- 
nounced hostility  by  the  ascendancy  of  Poppaea,  and  that  his  three  years 
of  continuous  absence  from  his  place  in  the  senate  ^'  had  begun  at  the 
date  of  the  vows  and  thanksgivings  at  the  birth  of  her  child."     It   is 


1  16.21-35.  '  14-12,2. 

'  See  the  general  description  of  him  •  The   criticism    (1.  l.)>   'sibi    causam 

and  his  party  in  Schiller,  pp.  669,  foil.  periculi  fecit,  ceteris  libertatis  initium  non 

^  16.21,1.  praebuit',  is  somewhat  ungenerous  (see 

*  See  note  on  13.  49,  i.      He  was  also  note  there), 
one  of  the  college    of   ♦  quindecimviri '  "  14.48,5. 

(16.22,1).  "Cp.  'datam  et  absolvendi  licentiam* 

*  *  Adsiduum  olim  et  indefessum'  (16.  (14.49,4). 

22,1).  "  14. 48,  5.     On  this  occasion  also,  his 

*  'Silentio  vel  brevi    adsensu   priores  persistence  is  somewhat  ungenerously  im- 
adulationes     transmittere     solitus'     (14.  puted  in  part  to  vanity  (c.  49,  5). 

12,  2).  ^^  That  on  the  subject  of  votes  of  thanks 

^  See    13.  49,   I,  foil.      That  he   had  by  provincial  subjects  to  governors  (15. 

not  confined  himself  to  such  is  shown  by  20,  2,  foil.). 

the  incidental  mention  (16.  21,  3)  of  the  ^*  A  vote  in  accordance  with  it  was 

part  taken  by  him  in  the  condemnation  of  passed,  *  auctore  principe'  (15,  22,  2). 

Cossutianus  Capito  (see  13.33,  3).  "16.22,1.                     1^5.23,1, 


CHAP.  Ill] 


RULE  OF  NERO 


[8i] 


certainly  at  that  date  that  we  find  the  first  open  mark  of  Nero's  dis- 
pleasure,* which,  though  followed  immediately  by  an  outward  show  of 
reconciliation,  must  have  left  a  sting  behind  in  both  minds.''     After  this, 
again  for  three  years  we  hear  no  more  ;  and  then,  without  any  additional 
circumstances  to  explain  it,  the  attack  is  launched  upon  him,  beginning 
with  an  invective  by  his  old  enemy  Capito  Cossutianus,'  followed  by  a 
(second  prohibition  from  the  emperor's  presence,  and  a  dignified  demand 
[on  his  part  to  know  the  charge  against  him,  which  is  answered  by  an 
istant  summons  of  the  senate  to  dispatch  the  trial.'* 
No  charge  whatever  of  the  most  remote  or  indirect  complicity  in  the 
Pisonian  or  any  other  conspiracy  is  ever  alleged  or  hinted :  ^  dereliction 
of  public  duties,  an  offence  never  before  made  the  subject  of  a  capital 
kharge  or  criminal  prosecution  of  any  kind,^  is  all  that  the  accusers  have 
to  go  upon,^  or  that  the  emperor  even  glances  at  in  his  rescript  to  the 
senate  ;  ^  the  rest  is  mere  inflation  of  rhetoric.     The  orators  are  careful 
to  point  out  how  important,  and  how  closely  touching  the  emperor  per- 
sonally, were  some  of  the  occasions  on  which  he  had  been  absent,  such 
as  the  solemn  vows  and  ratification  of  *  acta '  at  the  beginning  of  each 
[year,*  the  vote  of  divine  honours  to  Poppaea,  the  attendance  on   her 
'funeral,***  the  trials  of  Silanus  and  Anteius ; "  nor  do  they  fail  to  note  that 
not  senatorial  duties  alone  had  been  thus  contemptuously  avoided;  that 
i  in  the  college  of  the  '  quindecimviri ',  at  the  offerings  for  the  preservation 
[of  the  prince  and  for  his  '  divine  voice  V^  Thrasea's  absence  had  been  no 
less  conspicuous;  even  an  old  story  of  want  of  heartiness  at  the  '  Juve- 
ilia'  is  thrown  in  ;"  and  on  this  slender  foundation  the  elaborate  fabric 
[of  a  charge  of  treason  and  impiety  is  built  up."     Still  more  remarkable 
the  way  in  which  his  son-in-law  Helvidius  Priscus,  and   his  friends 
'Puconius  Agrippinus  and  Curtius  Montanus  are  thrown  in  with  him,  ap- 
Iparently  at  the  last  moment,  and  on  charges  yet  more  flimsy .^^     The  first 


^  15.  23,  5.  The  words  *  praenuntiam 
,imminentis  caedis'  are  exaggerated. 

^  15.  23,  6:  the  congratulations  of 
'  Seneca  (see  note)  must  have  increased  the 
I  tension. 

'  16.  22.  *  16.  24. 

»  The  suggestion  of  Schiller  (p.  686), 
that   some   new   conspiracy  entirely  un- 
known to  us  may  possibly  have  been  on 
foot,  is  wholly  groundless.      In  so  public 
:  a  trial,  of  which  the  minutes  of  the  senate 
\  must  have  contained  a  full  account,  it  seems 
impossible  that  any  such  charge  should 
have  perished  altogether  unrecorded. 
"  See  note  on  16.  22, 1. 
'  See  c.  22  and  28. 
•  16.  27,  2. 


^  16.  22, 1. 

^'^  16.  21,  2  ;   22.  5. 

"  16,  22,  I  (see  note). 

"  1.1. 

"  16.  21,  I, and  note. 

^*  The  speeches,  whether  actually  his- 
torical or  not,  give  a  specimen  of  the 
way  in  which  facts  are  stretched  into 
charges.  *  Spernit  religiones,  abrogat 
leges '  is  their  way  of  expressing  his  ab- 
sence when  the  deification  of  Poppaea 
was  decreed,  and  when  the  'acta'  were 
ratified. 

"  16.  28,  2.  They  are  alluded  to  (with- 
out being  named)  in  the  previous  speech 
of  Capito,  as  his  *  sectatores '  or  '  satel- 
lites '  (16.  22,  3). 


g 


[82]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  Ill 

is  vaguely  described  as  '  sharing  his  madness ',  the  second  as  '  the 
hereditary  enemy  of  princes',  the  third  as  author  of  *  detestable  verses',  of 
which  no  further  account  is  given.^  That  these  had  followed  Thrasea's 
course  of  abstinence  from  public  life  is  nowhere  stated ;  and  it  must  be 
inferred  that  their  private  and  personal  connexion  with  him  is  the  only 
real  ground  of  their  association  in  the  charge. 

We  are  thus  led  to  suppose  that  in  Nero's  present  suspicious  mood  the 
existence  of  such  a  coterie  seemed  in  itself  to  be  dangerous.  Consider- 
able in  numbers,  and  comprising  persons  of  the  highest  political  and 
social  standing,*  it  lived  in  isolation ;  much  as  France  has  seen  Legiti- 
mists, Bonapartists,  or  Republicans  living  in  an  inner  world  of  their  own 
under  a  hostile  government.  With  probably  no  more  belief  that  any 
restoration  of  the  Republic  was  possible,  than  we  have  seen  it  to  be  likely 
that  Lucan  had,'  they  yet  consecrated  their  lives  to  its  memory ;  they  kept 
high  festival  on  the  birthdays  of  Cassius  and  the  Bruti ;  *  their  leader  was 
himself  the  biographer  of  Cato/^  and  had  married  the  daughter  and 
namesake  of  the  heroic  Arria ;  ^  his  utterances  were  to  them  a  fountain 
of  inspired  wisdom ;  '^  nor  was  he  unwilling  to  take  them  into  his  counsel, 
whether  to  explain  his  past  ^  or  to  guide  his  future  course ; '  while  out- 
side themselves  no  opinion  deserved  to  be  taken  into  account.  Strong 
^governments  have  found  their  wisdom  in  tolerating  such  bodies,  and  even 
in  respecting  them ;  but  in  the  course  of  terrorism  on  which  Nero  was 
now  launched,  it  was  easy  to  persuade  him  that  in  dealing  with  such 
opinions  he  could  not  stop  at  the  banishment  of  Cassius.^® 

Other  difficulties  are  raised  by  the  attack  on  Soranus,  which,  while 
simultaneous,  and  apparently  concerted  with  that  on  Thrasea,"  comes 
from  altogether  distinct  accusers  and  rests  on  different  charges.*'^  He 
had  certainly  not  been  always  in  opposition :  fourteen  years  previously, 
he  had  courted  Claudius  and  Pallas  by  moving  a  decree  of  money  and 
honours  to  the  latter ; "  nor  had  he  ever  afterwards  taken  any  part  in  the 
senate  which  Tacitus  has  cared  to  mention ;  nor  is  he  stated  to  have  been 

^  i6.   28,    2.      The  expression  would  Paconius,  be  *in  principesodiiheres' (i6. 

suggest  that  they  were  scurrilous  libels;  28,2). 

but  this  is  expressly  denied,  and  literary  '  *  Audiret  senatus  voces  quasi  ex  ali- 

jealousy    on    Nero's    part    is    suggested  quo  numine  supra  humanas '  (16.  25,  2). 
(c.  29,  3).      Possibly  they  may  have  been  ^  Cp.    *  rationem    poscentibus   amicis ' 

Repuijlican  rhapsodies, in  Lucan's  vein.  (13.  49.  5). 

^  Cp.  '  inlustrium  virorum  feminarum-  *  Cp.  *  inter  proximos  consultavit ',  &c. 

que      coetus      frequentis      egerat'     (i6.  (16.25,1). 
34,  2).  "  Cp.  '  frustra  Cassium  amovisti  *,  &c. 

^  See  above, p.  [77].  (16.22,9). 

*  Juv.  5,  36.  ^^  16.  21, 1. 

^  Plut.  Cat.  Min.  25  ;  37.  "  16.  23,  i ;  30,  i. 

*  16.   34,   3.      She  would  thus,  like  "  12.53,3. 


CHAP.  Ill]  RVLE  OF  NERO  [83] 

a  friend  of  Thrasea,  or  Republican  in  sentiments.  The  nominal  charges 
against  him  are  evidently  no  more  than  pretexts;  his  friendship  for 
Rebellius  Plautus,  who  had  been  four  years  dead,^  and  his  conduct  as 
proconsul  of  Asia  at  an  equally  distant  date ;  ^  while  the  perhaps  more 
formidable  charge  of  magic  had  evidently  not  arisen  till  he  was  already 
indicted  on  the  other  grounds.'  The  only  known  circumstance  affecting 
him  and  Thrasea  alike  was  their  common  Stoicism ;  *  and,  in  default  of 

irther  explanation,  it  is  suggested  that  the  profession  of  its  tenets  was  the 
eal  reason  for  striking  now  at  him,  and  accounts  also  for  an  important 
)art  of  the  hostility  to  Thrasea  and  his  followers. 
This  sect^  had  now  reached  a  dignity  and  importance  beyond  any 
ehich  it  had  hitherto  attained  in  Rome.  It  had  triumphed  over  the  tran- 
ient  popularity  of  Epicureanism,''  had  softened  much  of  the  eccentricity 
which  had  moved  the  ridicule  of  Horace,  and  had  supplied  the  more 
earnest-minded  with  at  once  a  philosophy  and  a  religion ;  nor  would  it 
seem  as  if  its  crew  of  impostors,*^  who  had  nothing  of  the  monk  except 
the  cowl,  the  hypocrites  with  an  affectation  of  austerity  in  dress  and 
demeanour  combined  with  licentious  profligacy  of  life,  could  have  been 
then  as  numerous  as  when  they  stirred  the  wrath  of  Juvenal.*  From  its 
rank  and  file  came  most  of  the  teachers  from  whom  Roman  youths  drew 
their  supply  of  moral  maxims  and  of  telling  rhetoric  ;  ^  while  many  of  its 
higher  minds  had  the  missionary  and  didactic  spirit  ^"  which  breathes  no 
less  through  the  satires  of  Persius  than  the  essays  of  Seneca ;  ^^  its  pro- 
fessors are  the  domestic  chaplains  and  spiritual  directors  of  great  houses,^^ 

^  16.23,  2;  30,  T.  '  Tacitus  glances  at  the  ascetics  who 

'  See  note  on  16.23,  i.  were  glad  to  feast  at  Nero's  table   (14. 

'  This  appears  from  Servilia's  defence,  16,  3),  and  implies  that  Egnatius  Celer, 

stating  that  she  had  consulted  magicians  who   was   '  habitu   et   ore   ad   exprimen- 

only  respecting  the  result  of  the  pending  dam  imaginem  honesti  exercitus,  ceterum 

trial   (16.   30,   3;  31,    1).     The   account  animo  perfidiosus,  subdolus,  avaritiam  ac 

in  Dio  is  different  (see  note).  libidinem  occultans'  (16.  32,  3),  was  no 

*  He  had  been  the  '  discipulus '  (Juv.  3,  solitary  instance  (see  also  15.  45, 4).     We 
117)  of  Egnatius  Celer  (16.  32,  2).  are  reminded  throughout  of  the  unworthy 

^  The  great  subject  of  Roman  Stoicism  Pharisees,  existing  side  by  side  with  such 

can  only  here  be  entered  into  in  regard  men  as  Gamaliel. 

to  its  bearing  on  the  political  history  of  *  Such  strong  words  as  '  quis  enim  non 

this  period.     For  further  information,  a  vicus  abundat  Tristibus  obscaenis?' (Juv. 

general  reference  must  be  made  to  such  2,  8)  are  of  course  not  to  be  taken  too 

works  as   Zeller,   'Stoics,'    &c.   Ch.   xii.  strictly,  but  may  be  compared  with  the 

E.  T. ;  Sir  A.  Grant,  Ethics  of  Aristotle,  current  statements  respecting  the  monas- 

Essay  vi ;  Merivale,  Hist.  Cb.  54  ;  Fried-  tic  orders  at  the  close  of  the  middle  ages. 

lander,  Sitteng.  iii.  615,  foil.;    Schiller,  '  See  Grant,  p.  344. 

p.  688,  foil.     Its  bearing  dh  religion   is  ^^  Id.  p.  352,  foil. 

shown  by  Bishop  Lightfoot  on  the  Epistle  ^^  The  life  of  Epictetus,  as  a  slave  01 

to  the  Philippians  (Dissert,  ii.  *  St.  Paul  Nero's   freedman   Epaphroditus,  belongs 

and  Seneca').     Obligations  have  here  to  partly  to  this  period,  but  his  career  as  a 

be  acknowledged  to  most  of  these  works.  teacher  begins  later. 

*  See  Grant,  p.  346.  "  Livia,  at  the  death  of  Drusus,  *  conso- 

g   2 


[84]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP,  ill 

and  attend  to  suggest  the  hope  of  immortality  or  other  philosophical  con- 
solation at  the  last.^ 

It  had  not  generally  been  regarded  as  politically  dangerous,  though  it 
had  numbered  individual  victims  under  the  empire,'^  and  though  their 
reverence  of  Cato  would  associate  itself  with  his  cause,  however  remote 
the  constitution  for  which  he  had  died  might  be  from  any  ideal  common- 
wealth. But  now  that  Lucan  had  undoubtedly  conspired,  and  Seneca 
and  Musonius  Rufus^  were  supposed  to  have  done  so,  it  was  easy  for 
Tigellinus  to  remind  his  master  of  the  warning  which  he  had  given  him 
against  Rubellius  Plautus,  *  that  he  was  of  that  arrogant  sect  which  made 
men  sedition-mongers  and  busybodies '/  Such  an  assertion  is  indeed  in 
strange  contrast  to  the  philosophic  theory,  whereby  not  only  was  good 
government  welcomed  by  the  sage  as  leaving  him  free  for  the  higher  life,^ 
but  even  bad  government  was  not  held  to  call  upon  him  for  a  hopeless 
struggle  against  it ;  ^  his  state  was  the  universe,  and  in  that  alone  could  he 
truly  busy  himself;  "^  he  would  submit  freely  and  willingly  to  that  to  which 
he  must  submit  anyhow,^  unless  his  position  became  such  as  to  justify 
suicide.^  It  was  thus,  as  has  been  well  said,  '  not  a  stimulus  to  action, 
but  a  consolation  under  inactivity ' ;  ^°  and  the  attitude  inculcated,  whatever 
we  may  think  of  it  in  the  light  of  Seneca's  practice,  was  altogether  in 
accordance  with  that  of  Thrasea.  But  under  a  reign  of  terror,  when  to 
be  conspicuous  is  to  be  dangerous,  worse  arguments  have  been  known  to 
pass  muster  against  an  obnoxious  citizen :  Rubellius  had  been  an  object 
of  fear,  and  Soranus  was  hisS'riend  and  fellow-Stoic :  Thra^ea's  every 
look  and  gesture,  imitated  by  his  sour-faced  crew,  was  intended  for  an 
insolent  censure  on  Nero's  life ;  ^^  his  Stoic  disdain  made  the  disaffected 
all  over  the  empire  look  eagerly  to  the  public  journals  '^'^  to  mark  step  by 

latori  se  Areo  philosopho  viri  sui  pvae-  gistratuum  ac  regum  eorumve,  per  quos 

buit'  (Sen.  ad  Marc.  4,   2).     See  other  publica  administrantur.     E  contrario  enim 

instances  given  by  Bishop  Lightfoot  (p,  nulli  adversus  illos  gratiores  sunt :    nee 

310),  and  Friedl.  (p.  656).  inmerito;  nullis  enim  plus  praeslant  quara 

^  See    14.  59,   2  ;  16.   34,  2 ;  and   the  quibus   frui   tranquillo  otio   licet '   (Sen. 

contrast  described  in  16.  19,  3.      The  im-  Ep.  73>  i)- 

mortality   of  the   soul,   though    not    an  ^  'Si   respublica   corruptior   est   quam 

essential  tenet  of  Stoicism  (see  Merivale,  ut  adiuvari  possit,  si  occupata  est  malis, 

P-  237),  was  held  by  most  of  these  Stoics  non  nitetur  sapiens  in  supervacuuni '  (Sen. 

more  or  less  strongly.  de  Ot.  3,  3  ;  cp.  8,  i). 

^  Kanus    had    suffered    under    Gaius  '  Id.4,  i;  Ep.  68,  2. 

(Sen.    Tranq.   An.    14),   Caecina  Paetus  ^  '  Volentes  quidem    non    trahuntur   a 

under  Claudius.  fortuna,  sequuntur  illam '  (de  Prov.  4,  i)  ; 

'  15.71,9.  'quid   est   boni   viri?  praebere   se   fato* 

*  '  Adsumpta   etiam   Stoicorum    adro-  (2.  8). 

gantia  sectaque,   quae  turbidos  et  nego-  '  De  Ira,  3. 15,  3  ;  Ep.  17,9,  &c. 

tiorum  adpetentes  faciat' (14.  57.  5).  ^"  Merivale,  Ch.  54. 

*  'Errare  mihi  videntur,  qui  existimant  "  *  Rigidi  et  tristes,  quo  tibi  lasciviam 
philosophiae  fideliter  deditos  contumaces  exprobrent '  (16.  22,3). 

esse  ac  refractarios,  [et]  contemptores  ma-  ^^  16.  22,  6. 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  NERO  [85] 

step  his  secession  ^  from  the  state ;  and  it  was  easy  to  conceive  him  as 

another  Tubero  or  Favonius,  as  bent  on  *  first  destroying  the  empire  for 

liberty,  then  Hberty  itself  for  something  yet  more  visionary.'* 

^^^     If  Nero  contemplated  any  general  blow  at  the  whole  body,'  he  took,  as 

^^Mras  usual  with  him,  but  one  step  at  a  time,  and  struck  down  those  only 

^^Hirhose  position  gave  importance  to  their  tenets.     Even  as  it  was,  to  force 

j^^kie  senate  to  condemn  such  men  was  beyond  anything  which  he  had  yet 

^^Hkmanded  of  it ;    and   there  may  have  been  as  much  real  timidity  as 

artifice  in  choosing  the  moment  when  public  attention  was  taken  off  by 

the  approach  of  Tiridates,'*  in  the  rescript  pointing  to  Thrasea  without 

venturing  to  name  him,*  in  raising  the  cry  that  the  whole  constitution  was 

at  stake,  in  menacing  the  senate,  apparently  under  pretext  of  protection, 

with  an  unprecedented  show  of  military  force.^ 

Of  the  one  long  day's  sitting  ^  we  have  but  the  record  of  the  touching 
defence  of  Servilia  and  Soranus,^  of  the  baseness  of  one  client  of  the 
latter  ^  and  the  loyalty  of  another,^"  of  the  intimidated  senate  in  the  midst 
of  bristling  weapons,  yet  deeply  moved  by  the  memory  of  the  venerable 
leader  "  who  had  not  stooped  to  face  the  indignity  of  trial,^'*  and  powerless 
to  acquit  even  his  still  more  innocent  associates.^^  Beyond  this,  we  have 
the  bare  decision,  the  vote  of  an  enormous  reward  to  the  accusers, 
and  the  hardly  complete  description  of  the  end  of  Thrasea,"  reminding 
us  in  many  points  of  that  of  Seneca.  If  such  death  scenes  seem  to  us 
to  be  rather  theatrical  than  genuine,  it  is  well  to  be  reminded  that 
'  it  is  the  privilege  of  patriots  in  miserable  times  to  be  excited,  strained, 
unnatural ;  and  hence  we  can  understand  how  it  was  that  from  the 
Girondists  of  France  the  Roman  Stoics  obtained  such  sympathy  and 
admiration  '}^ 

After  we  lose  the  guidance  of  Tacitus,  but  few  names,  and  hardly  any- 
thing more   than   the   names,  of  further  victims  survive   to  us.     The 

^  *  Secessionem  iam  id  '  (16.  22,  2)  ;  cp.  '  Cp.  16.  27,  i ;  34,  1. 

*non  illi  consulta  haec,  non  magistratus  ^  c.  30-32.                     *  c.  32,  3. 

aut  Romanam  urbem  videri'  (c.  28,  6).  *"  c.  33,  i.                      "  c.  29,  i. 

'  16.  22,  8.  "  See  note  on  c.  26,  8. 

^  On  the  very  weak  evidence  of  Philo-  '^  c.  29,  2,  3. 

stratus  (Vit.  Ap.  4,  35),  Nero  has  been  ^*  A  few  words  only  appear  to  be  lost 

said  to  have  banished  the  philosophers ;  on  this   subject ;   but  some  account  was 

but   this   is   generally   altogether    disbe-  probably  also  given  of  the  end  of  Soranus 

lieved  (see  Merivale,  1.  1.).    Besides  those  and  Servilia.   The  censure  in  Agr.  42,  5  of 

herementioned,  he  is  said  to  have  banished  those  who  'per  abrupta,  sed  in  nullum 

Coniutus  (see  note  on  14.  59,  2).  reipublicae  usum,  ambitiosa  morte  incla- 

*  16.  23,  3.  The  other  motive  sug-  ruerant,'  alludes  no  doubt  to  the  way  in 
gested  for  bringing  on  the  trial  at  this  which  Helvidius  provoked  his  fate  under 
lime  is  less  probable.  Vespasian,  but  can  hardly  also  relet  to 

'  16.  27,  2.  Thrasea. 

•  16.  37,  I,  where  see  note.  1*  Grant,  p.  349. 


[86]  INTRODUCTION  [chap,  hi 

remarkable  fact  that  Corbulo  and  the  two  brothers  Scribonius  Rufus  and 

Proculus  (the  legati  of  the  two  *  Germaniae '  )  were  all  in  one  year  put  to 

death  ^  would  show  that  Nero  had  conceived  suspicion  at  the  same  time 

of  the  commanders  of  all  his  greatest  armies ;    but  nothing  whatever 

remains  to  indicate  its  ground.     Beyond  these  names,  we  have  no  detail  of 

the  many  cruelties  of  Nero  in  Greece  ;  ^  beyond  the  name  of  Sulpicius 

Camerinus,  none  respecting  those  perpetrated  by  Helius  as  his  vicegerent 

at  Rome.'     A  few  words  of  Suetonius  tell  us  that  to  the  other  family 

murders  were  added  those  of  his  adoptive  sister  Antonia "  and  his  stepson 

Rufrius  Crispinus;  ^  a  single  line  of  Pliny  alludes  to  the  fate  of  the  six 

wealthy  possessors  of  half  the  province  of  Africa  ;  ^  our  accounts  of  the 

reaction  under  Galba  give  us  names  of  several  delators  whose  careers  seem 

hardly  to  have  begun  when  the  Annals  break  off.     We  are  told  that  the 

Scribonii  fell  before  the  delation  of  Paccius  Africanus ;  ^  Licinius  Crassus ' 

and    Salvidienus    Orfitus^    and   their   families    before   that   of  Aquilius 

Regulus ;  that  Eprius  Marcellus  had  added  other  noble  victims  to  Thrasea 

and  his  friends ;  ^®  that  infamy  had  been  incurred  on  similar  grounds  by 

Vibius  Crispus,"  Annius  Faustus,^^  Sariolenus  Vocula,  Nonius  Attianus, 

Cestius  Severus  ;  "  and  for  exactions  or  other  misdeeds  by  the  freedmen, 

as  Polyclitus,  Vatinius,  Patrobius,"  Petinus,*"  also  by  Calvia  Crispinilla/^ 

and  others.     When  to  such  indications  we  add   the   inference   derived 

from  observing  how  few  of  the  cases  mentioned  in  the  extant  narrative 

of  Tacitus  would  have  been  known  to  us  without  it,"  we  can  see  how 

far  we  probably  are   from   being  able  to   form   even  an   approximate 

estimate  of  the  bloodshed  and  other  acts  of  tyranny  of  the  last  two  years 

of  Nero. 

Among  these  latest  victims  our  great  interest  centres  in  Corbulo ;  but 

as  to  any  explanation  of  his  fate  we  have  but  conjecture  to  go  upon. 

^  Dio,  63.  17,  3-5.     Their  deaths  are  ^^  H.  4.  41,  2.     Besides  all  these,  the 

placed  in  820,  a.  D.  67.  poet  Silius  Italicus  lay  under  the  imputa- 

'  Dio,  63,  17,  r.  tion  of  having  been  a  delator  (PI.  Ep.  3. 

'  Dio,  63.  18,  2.  7,  3),  but  is  nowhere  mentioned  as  such 

*  Suet.   Ner.   35 :  cp.   15.    53,   4,  and  in  Tacitus. 

note.  "  H.  I.  37,  8;  2.  95,  4. 

5  Suet.  1.  1. :  see  note  on  13.  45,  4.  "  Plut.  Galb.  17. 

^  *  Sex  domini  semissem  Africae  possi-  "  Her  extortions  in  Greece  are  men- 

debant  quum  interfecit  eos  Nero  princeps '  tioned  in  Dio,  63.  12, 3,  but  are  not  alluded 

(N.  H.  18.  6,  7,  35).  to  in  the  notice  of  her  in  H.  i.  73. 

'  H.  4.  41,  3.  "  Of  those  punished  for  real  or  alleged 

^  H.  I.  48,  I  ;  4.  42,  I.  participation  in  the  Pisonian  conspiracy, 

*  4.  42,  I  ;  Suet.  Ner.  37.  only  four  or  five  names  are  given  by  Dio 
^*  Cp.  'quod  Neronem  in  exitium  tot  or  others;  of  those  mentioned  by  Tacitus 

innocentium  inpulerit '  (H.  4.  7,  4).    The  in  Book  16,  only  Thrasea  and  Soranus. 

Sentius  mentioned  just  above  (§  3)  may  It  may  be  similarly  shown  how  few  of  the 

have  been  one  of  them.  victims   of   Tiberius    mentioned    in    the 

"  H.  2.  ID,  2,  6;  4.  41,  4;  42,  6.  Sixth  Book  have  any  record  in  any  other 

^2  H.  2.  10,  2.  author. 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  NERO  [87] 

Supposing  it  probable  that  he  occupied  Armenia,  without  opposition  from 
the  Parthians,  till  the  journey  of  Tiridates  to  Rome  was  accomplished,^ 
his  tenure  of  that  country  would  have  reached  its  natural  end  when  that 
prince  returned  invested  by  Nero  with  the  diadem ;  and,  as  the  ordinary 
government  of  Syria  had  been  for  some  time  in  other  hands,''  no  disgrace 
would  be  implied  in  his  recall  to  Rome ;  though  the  existence  of  some 
suspicion  or  jealousy  may  be  inferred  from  Nero's  having  neither  taken 
the  obvious  course  of  transferring  him  and  his  legions  to  the  Jewish  war, 
nor  retained  him  to  direct  the  expedition  (probably  already  in  contempla- 
tion) beyond  the  Caucasus ;  ^  nor  could  Corbulo  himself  have  failed  to 
notice  the  want  of  confidence  in  him  implied  by  the  appointment  of 
Vespasian  and  Mucianus.*  His  own  officer,  Arrius  Varus,  appears  to  have 
been  his  chief  accuser;^  and  we  are  allowed  to  see,  even  from  the 
accounts  of  Tacitus,  that  there  were  occasions  on  which  ground  of  accu- 
sation may  well  have  existed.'  But  the  suddenness  with  which  Nero 
summoned  him,  and  the  precautions  taken  to  throw  him  off  his  guard,^ 
seem  to  point  to  some  pressing  panic,  and  lend  weight  to  the  suggestion 
that  his  name  may  have  been  mixed  up,  without  any  complicity  on  his 
own  part,  in  the  conspiracy  of  which  his  son-in-law  Annius  Vinicianus  is 
thought  to  have  been  the  head.^  As  to  his  own  unflinching  loyalty,  re- 
pented of  only  at  the  last  moment  of  his  life,  our  authority  speaks 
unhesitatingly.^ 

It  is  in  the  narrative  of  the  final  catastrophe  that  we  have  above  all  to 
deplore  our  loss  of  the  guidance  of  Tacitus  ;  by  which  the  many  points  left 
in  such  great  obscurity,  respecting  the  real  aim  of  Vindex,  and  his  relations 
with  Galba  and  Verginius,  might  have  been  cleared  up,^*^  and  some  explana- 
tion given  of  the  causes  which  had  led  alike  the  Gallic  levies  and  the  German 
and  Spanish  legions,  and  governors  of  such  various  characters  and  possibly 
discordant  motives,  to  agree  at  least  in  treating  any  continuance  of  the 
Neronian  rule  as  impossible."     It  is  indeed  easy  to  suppose  that  such 

^  See  below,  ch.  iv.  »  Dio,      L     I    62.  19,  4,  he  is  spoken 

'  Cestius  Gallus  had  been   appointed  of  as  strongly  urged  to  become  emperor 

in  816,  A.  D.  63  (15.  25,  5).  but  steadily    refusing.      Tiridates  is  also 

'  See  H.  I.  6,  5;  Suet.  Ner.  19.  said  (63.  6,  4)  to  have  remarked  to  Nero, 

*  The  death  of  Cestius  Gallus,  and  the  ayaOov  avhpanohov  \iop0ov\ojva  Ix*'^- 
appointment  of  these  two  officers  to  com-  "  Such  inferences  with  respect  to  the 
mand  in  Judaea  and  Syria  is  probably  to  judgement  of  Tacitus  on  these  points  as 
be  placed  at  the  end  of  819,  a.  d.  66.   See  are  suggested  by  allusions  in  the  Histories 
Appendix  to  Book  16.  are  noticed  in  Appendix  to  Book  16. 

*  H.  3.  6,  2.  "  See  Appendix,  1.  1.     The  professed 

*  See  below,  ch.  iv.  p.  [121].  purpose  of  Vmdex,  and  (at  first)  of  Galba, 
'  'EpTifiSrara  fifTairffiipdfifvos  .  .  .  Kal       to  restore  the  Republic,  can   hardly   be 

iraripa  kcu  (iffpyirrjv  avruv  atX  dvofia^ojv  assumed  to  have  been  sincere ;  and  Ver- 

(Dio,  63.  17,  5).  ginius  does  not  seem  to  have  gone  further 

*  See  note  on  15.  28,  4  ;  Appendix  to  in  this  direction  than  to  assume  that  Nero 
Book  1 6.  had  forfeited  the  principate,  but  to  main- 


[88]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  HI 

general  and  standing  ground^  of  milftary  discontent  as  were  shown  in 
the  mutiny  of  so  many  legions  at  the  death  of  Augustus  against  an 
emperor  of  known  vigour  and  capacity,  who  had  even  been  their  own 
victorious  general/  would  have  been  aggravated  at  this  time  by  the 
news  of  the  conduct  of  their  imperator  in  Greece  and  elsewhere,  and 
by  jealousy  at  the  donatives  and  other  gifts  lavished  on  the  praetorians.' 
It  is  again  evident  that  the  fate  of  Corbulo  and  the  Scribonii  must  have 
taught  all  provincial  commanders  what  they  had  to  expect,  and  warned 
them  that  it  was  safer  to  take  advantage  of  the  discontent  of  the  troops 
than  to  repress  it :  and  that  a  state  of  things  would  thus  come  to  exist 
which  a  single  spark  might  set  in  a  blaze.  For  the  further  progress 
of  the  revolt,  the  weakness,  passing  at  a  step  from  contemptuous  indif- 
ference to  abject  panic,  with  which  Nero  attempted  to  face  the  situation, 
would  seem  sufficiently  to  account. 

As  regards  the  last  crisis,  that  of  the  defection  of  the  praetorians,  a 
few  words  of  Tacitus  come  in  to  confirm  the  general  account.  To  this 
body  their  long-standing  allegiance  to  the  Caesars  ^  had  not  only  the 
force  of  habit,  but  was  also  a  necessity  of  their  existence  :  the  proclama- 
tion of  a  Republic  would  have  been  their  sentence  of  disbandment ;  nor 
had  they  any  desire  of  their  own  for  even  a  change  of  ruler.  Fourteen 
years  of  laxity  and  indulgence  had  taught  them  to  love  a  vicious  prince 
as  deeply  as  their  predecessors  had  ever  respected  a  strict  one ;  *  and 
the  contrast  of  Galba  could  hardly  have  been  more  attractive  in  anticipa- 
tion than  it  proved  to  be  in  reality.'  But  the  intrigues  of  Nytnphidius^ 
found  their  all-powerful  support  in  Nero's  own  cowardice;  and  a  false 
report  that  the  flight  which  he  was  known  to  be  contemplating  had 
already  taken  place  left  them  no  resource  but  to  make  the  best  of  the 
only  rival  then  before  them,^  however  visionary  might  be  their  hope 
of  the  enormous  donative  offered  in  his  name.^ 

tain  tliat  it  was  for  the  senate  and  people  amarent  quam  dim  virtutes  verebantur* 

of  Rome  to  choose  a  successor.  (H.  i.  5,  3). 

1  See  1.  17  ;  35.  ^  'Laudata  olim  et  militari  fama  cele- 

^  On  such  standing  jealousy  cp.  i.  17,  brata  severitas  eius  angebat  aspernantes 

9  ;  on  Nero's  gifts  to  the  latter  force,  cp.  veterem  disciplinam  '  (I.  1.). 

12.  69,  3  ;  15.  72,  I,  and  notes.     The  ex-  ^  See  Appendix,  1.  1. 

tent  of  the  military  disaffection  suggests  '  Plence  Tacitus  speaks  of  the  force  as 

also  that  there  may  have  been  some  truth  *  ad  destituendum  Neronem  arte  magis  et 

in  the  statement  of  Suet.  (,see  note  on  16.  inpulsu  quam  suo  ingenio  traductus  '  (H. 

3,  1),  that  the  soldiers'  pay  had  fallen  into  1.5,  i)  ;  and  Piso  is  made  to  say,  by  a 

arrear.  pardonable  stretch  of  rhetoric,  '  et  Nero 

^  This  force   is    described    as   'longo  quoque  vos  destituit,  non  vos  Neronem' 

Caesarum  sacramento  imbutns'  (H,  i.  5,  (H.  i.  30,  7). 

i),  in  even  a  stricter  sense  than  that  in  *  30,000   HS    each    (Plut.    Galb.    2). 

which  the  legions  were  so.  They  are  represented  (Id.  1 8)  as  hoping 

*  '  Ita   quatuordecim   annis   a   Ncrone  at  least  to  get  as  much  as  Nero  had  given, 

assuefactos,  ut  non  minus  vitia  principum  which  was  half  that  sum. 


■■■ 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE   OF  NERO  [89] 

Tacitus  has  not  left  us  even  a  word  of  allusion  to  the  last  scene ;  but 
as  the  narrative  of  all  historians  could  only  have  rested  on  the  testimony 
of  three  or  four  eye-witnesses,  it  is  not  likely  that  the  accounts  materially 
varied.  He  would  no  doubt  have  delighted  to  contrast  the  ghastly 
irony,  which  at  the  last  hour  deplored  the  loss  to  the  stage,*  and  strove 
even  in  its  agony  to  bring  out  scraps  of  literature  ^  and  forced  efforts 
of  expression,^  with  the  serenity  and  self-possession  which  had  marked 
the  last  hours  of  the  tyrant's  most  illustrious  victims. 


An  important  historical  question  remains  to  be  considered,  how  far 
the  personal  outrages  and  excesses  of  the  emperor  affected  the  general 
administration  of  the  empire.  We  have  certainly  no  evidence  of  excep- 
tional misgovernment,  such  as  the  universal  disturbance  of  settlements 
under  Gains,  or  of  such  rampant  venality  and  corruption  as  was  preva- 
lent under  Claudius ;  nor,  until  the  last  year,  is  there  evidence  of  any 
general  breakdown  of  authority.  On  the  other  hand,  the  reputation 
gained  in  the  first  '  quinquennium ',  over-rated,  as  we  have  seen  reason 
to  think  it  has  been,''  is  far  from  being  sustained  throughout  the  later 
period;  and  we  seem  to  have  an  impression  of  mingled  wisdom  and 
weakness,  as  if  Nero  had  been  never  without  good  advisers,^  but 
had  either  listened  to  them  or  followed  his  own  impulse  as  the  humour 
took  him.  This  may  especially  be  illustrated  by  the  strange  interpo- 
lation of  the  episode  of  Tigranes  in  the  otherwise  consistent  policy 
maintained  throughout  the  Eastern  war.^  The  rebellion  in  Britain  was 
dealt  with  in  a  spirit  of  judicious  conciliation ;  "^  the  Jewish  war  was 
taken  up  on  a  scale  befitting  its  seriousness ;  ^  but  in  neither  case  had 
any  previous  account  been  taken  of  the  widespread  and  deepseated 
causes  of  discontent  which  had  led  to  the  outbreak.  Again,  in  the 
midst  of  that  war,  for  which  assuredly  all  the  strength  available  in 
the  East  was  needed,  we  hear  of  two  projected  expeditions,  that  to  the 
Caucasus,  which  perhaps  at  a  more  opportune   time  might  have  been 

*  '  Qualisartifex  pereo*  (Saet.  Ner.  49).  '  The  part  played  by  the  'concilium 
"  He  is  made  to  quote  Homer  {iitnaiv       principis'  (see  13.  50,  2  ;  15.  25,  2,  &c) 

/x'  uKVTtu^Qiv  dfjupl  KTvnos  ovara  0d\Kei)  on  in  all  cases  where  the  emperor  had  no 

hearing   the   sound   of  the  horsemen  in  strong    personal    interest   is    apt    to   be 

pursuit  of  him  (Suet.  1.  1.).  underrated.      Petronius   Turpilianus  and 

'  Several  such  are  collected  by  Suet.  Nerva  are  thought  to  have  been  among 

and  Dio,  as  'ergo  ego  nee  amicum  habeo  Nero's  later  counsellors.     (See  15.  7,  2, 

nee  inimicum ': '  haec  est  Neronis  decocta ' :  and  note.) 

vr](f>eiv  Su  iv  rois  toiovtois  :    dye   iyfipt  ^  See  below,  p.  [115]. 

atavTov  :  '  haec  est  fides ',  &c.  ''  See  below,  ch.  v. 

*  See  above,  p.  [59].  »  See  Appendix  to  Book  16. 


[90]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  Ill 

justifiable/  and  one  to  Aethiopia,'^  for  which  no  intelligible  reason  has 
ever  been  assigned.  In  the  provincial  governorships,'  good  appoint- 
ments are  so  far  mingled  with  bad  as  to  preclude  either  general  praise 
or  censure.  In  Britain,  Suetonius  Paulinus  and  Petronius  Turpilianus 
are  succeeded  by  Trebellius  Maximus ;  ^  in  Germany,  Verginius  Rufus 
is  balanced  by  Fonteius  Capito,*  in  Spain,  Galba  by  Otho,'  in  the 
East,  Corbulo  by  Caesennius  Paetus ; '  while  Porcius  Festus  is  alone 
well  spoken  of  among  the  later  Jewish  procurators ;  ^  and  if  credit  is 
given  for  selecting  such  men  as  Vespasian  and  Mucianus '  to  deal  with 
the  insurrection,  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  cruelty  of  Gessius 
Florus  had  occasioned  it,  and  the  incapacity  of  Cestius  Gallus  had  made 
it  formidable.^"  The  absence  of  trials  for  '  repetundae '  under  the  later 
years  of  Nero"  would  rather,  in  connexion  with  such  appointments, 
suggest  that  redress  had  become  more  difficult,  than  that  governors  had 
become  more  pure. 

In  other  measures,  the  same  mixed  character  is  to  be  traced;  we 
have  on  the  one  hand  well-meant  attempts  to  restore  the  decaying 
centres  of  Italian  life  by  fresh  colonization,"  the  extension  of  Latin 
rights  to  one  or  more  Alpine  districts,^^  the  incorporation  of  Pontus 
Polemoniacus  in  the  provincial  empire ;  ^*  and,  side  by  side  with  these, 
such  characteristic  strokes  as  the  short-lived  act  of  impulsive  folly  by 
which  Greece  was  restored  to  freedom,^'*  and  the  extortionate  subsidies 
levied  everywhere  after  the  fire.^*'  Similarly,  in  the  measures  taken  after 
that  catastrophe,  the  wise  and  liberal  bounty  to  the  sufferers, ^^  and  the 
bold  and  comprehensive  plans  for  such  reconstruction  as  should  not 

^  On  this  project  see  below,  p.  [125],  7.  '  See  below,  p.  [117],  foil. 

Troops  were  not  indeed  drawn  from  the  '  See  Jos.  B.  I,   2.  14,  i,  where  he  is 

East  for  it ;  but  reinforcements  may  have  contrasted  with  his  successor  Albinus,  and 

been  diverted  which  were  needed  there.  with  the  still  further  change  from  bad  to 

*  Dio,  63.  8,  I.    Troops  were  being  col-  worse  in  Gessius  Florus. 

lected   for   it   in   Egypt    (H.    i.    31,    8;  »  See  Appendix  to  Book  16.     The  ap- 

7o>  2).  pointment  of  Vespasian  is  the  more  re- 

3  A    complete    list    of    all    Neronian  markable  ashe  wasin  disfavour  (16.  5,  5). 

governors  of  whom   we   have   record   is  ^°  See  Appendix,  1.  1. 

given  in  Schiller,  p.  383,  foil.     It  will  be  ^^  For  the  numerous  cases  m  the  earlier 

remembered   that   during   the    first    five  years  see  above,  p.  [56]. 

years  the  appointments  made  contrasted  ^'■'  13.  31,  2  ;  14.  27,  2,  3. 

favourably   with   those  of  the   Claudian  ^^  See  15.  32,  i,  and  note, 

time.    (See  above,  p.  [58].)  "  Suet.  Ner.  18.     Marquardt  shows  (i. 

*  He  is  described  as  '  per  avaritiam  ac  202)   that   this   is   to   be   dated  in   8i6, 
sordes  contemptus   exercitui   invisusque'  a.d.  63, 

(H.  I.  60,  I).  "  See  Appendix,  1.  1.    Pausanias  states 

*  Tacitus  calls  him  *  avaritia  et  libidine  (7.  17,  2)  that  Vespasian  promptly  re- 
foedum  ac  maculosum  '  (H.  I.  7,  2).  versed      the      measure,      d-n o/xefiaeijKivai 

®  That  Otho  governed  Lusitania   well  <prj<ras  Tj)y  eX^vOepiav  to  'EWijvikov. 

is  expressly  asserted  (13.  46,  5) ;  but  the  ^^  15.  45,  i, 

circumstances  of  his  appointment  were  "  15.  39,  2  ;  43.  2,  3. 
scandalous. 


I 


I 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  NERO  [91] 

only  make  the  recurrence  of  such  disasters  less  likely/  but  should  also 
replace  by  streets  and  buildings  more  worthy  of  the  mistress  of  the 
world  the  mean  and  winding  thoroughfares  of  the  hasty  and  frugal 
restoration  after  the  Gaulish  conquest,*  has  to  be  contrasted  with  the 
wholesale  appropriation,  implied  to  have  been  without  compensation,' 
of  all  the  best  and  most  central  area  of  the  city  by  the  emperor  himself. 
It  is  also  to  be  noticed  that  the  financial  liberality  towards  the  slate, 
for  which  he  is  made  to  take  ostentatious  credit,*  stands  in  strange 
relation  to  the  profligate  wastefulness  of  his  general  expenditure,'  above 
all,  to  the  prodigious  sum  of  2200  million  HS  squandered  in  indis- 
criminate largesses,^  leaving  an  empty  exchequer  which  the  utmost 
severity  of  his  successor  strove  in  vain  to  replenish.'^ 

The  fact  that  no  marked  changes  in  the  system  of  government 
originated  under  him,  but  those  already  in  progress  moved  with  ac- 
celerated pace,  is  due  rather  to  circumstances  than  to  himself.  The 
profession  of  respect  for  the  senate  at  the  beginning  of  his  rule  was 
not,  and  could  not  well  be,  accompanied  by  any  real  restoration  of  the 
functions  which  Claudius  had  taken  from  them,^  and  was  exchanged 
for  pronounced  hatred,'  and  the  extermination  of  many  of  its  noblest 
fam.ilies.  Some  had  entered  into  conspiracy,  others  had  provoked  his 
animosity  by  mere  pre-eminence  or  energy,^"  the  order  as  a  whole 
less  creditably  by  their  abject  servility,  and  probably  by  giving  more 
and  more  evidence  that  their  growing  incompetence  and  antiquated 
rules  ^^  made  them  rather  a  hindrance  than  a  help  in  the  task  of 
government.  Hence  the  threat  to  carry  the  Claudian  system  out  to 
its   completion  by  abolishing  the  order  altogether,  and  governing  the 

^  15-  43>  4-  athletes.     The  rewards   of  delators  are 

^  '5«    43>    !•      The  criticism   in    §    5  perhaps  also  included. 

(where  see   note)   would  show  that  the  ^  Galba  tried  to  get  the  gifts  back  from 

substitution  of  broad  for  narrow  streets  the  recipients  (H.  i.  1.  1.),  and  (failing 

was  not  an  unmixed  gain.  this)  even  from  those  who  had  purchased 

»  See  15.  42,  I,  and  note.  of  them  (Plut.  Galb.  1.1.;  Suet.  Galb.  15). 

*  15.  18,  4.     The  reference  is  doubtful  *  See  above,  p.  35. 

(see  note  there),  and  the  strictures  which  ^  Hence   the   subtle   form   of   flattery 

he  is  represented  as  making  on  his  prede-  ascribed  to  Vatinius,  *  I  hate  you,  Caesar, 

cessors  can  hardly  have  applied  with  truth  because  you  are  a  senator '  (Dio,  63. 15,  i). 

to  any  but  Gains.  '<>  Cp.  '  magnitudo  famae  exitio  erat ' 

*  Suet,  gives  several  details  (Ner.  (3.  55,  3);  'gnarus  sub  Nerone  tem- 
16)  which  we  have  not  means  of  criti-  porum,  quibus  inertia  pro  sapientia  fuit ' 
cizing.  ^Agr.  6,  3). 

*  *  Bis  et  vicies  millies  sestertium  dona-  ^'  The  annual  tenure  of  all  magistracies, 
tionibus  Nero  effuderat'  (H.  i.  20,  2);  a  and  the  idea  (departed  from  only  under 
sum  about  equivalent  to  eighteen  millions  pressure  of  emergency)  that  any  senator 
sterling.  It  seems  implied  that  this  sum  was  equally  fitted  for  any  function,  and 
covers  the  gifts  not  of  his  whole  rule,  but  that  all  partition  of  duties  should  be  by 
of  his  last  years  only.  Plutarch  (Galb.  lot,  must  have  become  more  and  more  out 
16)  speaks  of  them  as  gifts  to  actors  and  of  date. 


[92]  INTRODUCTION  [chap,  ill 

empire  by  means  of  knights  and  freedmen :  ^  hence  also  the  rise  of 
the  latter  body,^  somewhat  checked  at  the  outset  of  his  rule,^  to  nearly 
as  important  a  position  as  they  had  held  under  his  predecessor.* 

As  the  breach  between  the  emperor  and  the  aristocracy  continually 
widened,  he  was  brought  into  closer  relation  with  the  populace.  The 
transference  of  the  cost  of  the  corn  dole  from  the  aerarium  to  the  fiscus, 
whether  actually  the  work  of  Claudius  or  of  Nero,*  seems  to  have  borne 
its  chief  fruit  under  the  latter.  The  mass  who  now  thus  in  the  most 
direct  manner  looked  to  the  princeps  for  their  food,  dispensed  in  his 
name  and  by  his  officers,  and  supplemented  by  other  gifts  of  various 
kinds,"  and  by  constant  and  gratuitous  amusements,  formed  a  vast 
and  increasing  *  clientela  Caesaris ',  in  comparison  with  which  the  ad- 
herents of  the  shattered  and  impoverished  aristocratic  houses  could  have 
been  no  more  than  a  handful."^ 

In  speaking  of  the  Neronian  period  as  one  distinguished  in  the  history 
of  hterature,^  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  several  of  its  most  eminent 
names  only  in  part  belong  to  it ;  ^  that  the  many-sided  genius  of  Seneca, 
to  whose  influence  the  whole  movement  of  this  literary  revival  is 
generally  ascribed,  was  famous  as  early  as  the  time  of  Gains  ;  ^°  and  that 
the  example  and  pursuits  of  Claudius"  must  have  been  on  the  whole 
more  favourable  to  literature  than  the  ignoble  patronage  of  Nero ;  who 
by  the  literary  contests  which  he  instituted,  can  but  at  best  have  pro- 
moted an  increase  in  the  number  of  works  possessing  an  average  stamp 
of  merit ;  ^"^  who  condemned  Lucan  to  silence  as  soon  as  his  fame  had 
established  itself,^^  valued  Petronius  only  as  the  inventor  of  his  pleasures." 
and  employed  Seneca  to  write  his  speeches  and  to  prostitute  his  pen  in 

^  Suet.  Ner.  37.  bus  adnexa '  and  the  '  plebs  sordida  et  circo 

2  The   knights   were  not   as  much  in  ac  theatris  sueta '  in  H.  i.  4,  3.     From 

honour  ;   as  the  ^lite  of  that  body  were  the  alleged  superiority  of  the  former  class 

closely  allied  to  senators  (H.  1.  4,  3).  it  is  possible  that  some  deduction  should 

^  In  13.  2,  3,  Nero  is  described  as  not  be  made, 

inclined  to  allow  such  persons  to  rule  him.  ^  Besides    the   well-known    names    in 

*  Polyclitus  was  sent  to  report  on  extant  literature,  a  great  number  are 
Britain  (14.  39,  1) ;  Helius  left  vicegerent  collected  by  Teuffel,ii.  pp.  35-99,  §§  280- 
in  Italy  while  Nero  was  in  Greece  (Dio,  303. 

63.  12,  i) ;  the  power  of  others  is  attested  ^  Those    most    belonging   to   it   were 

by  the  hatred  felt   towards   them   after-  Lucan  and  Persius ;  of  whom  the  latter,  as 

wards  (H.  1.  37,  8  ;  2.  95,  4).  a  friend  of  Thrasea,  must  have  been  out- 

*  See  note  on  15.  18,  4.  side  court  influence. 

*  Among    these    may    be    mentioned  "  Dio,  59.  19,  7. 

*  congiaria'  of  large  amount  (see  13.  31,  "  Pliny  (Ep.  i.  13,  3)  mentions  his  pay- 

2,  and   note)    and   sales   of  com   below  ing  Servilius  Nonianus  the   compliment 

market  price   (15.  18,  3;    39,  2).     The  of  attending  his  recitation, 
statement  of  Dio  (see  on  15.  45,  i),  that  "  It  is  chiefly  by  such  a  poet  as  Cal- 

the  com  dole  was  suspended  after  the  fire,  pnrnius  (see  Eel.  4.  30,  foil. ;  87, foil.)  that 

is  unconfirmed  and  most  improbable,  this  age  is  lauded  as  a  new  and  happy  era 

'  See  the  important  distinction  between  for  poetry, 
the  'pars  populi  integra  et  magnis  domi-  "  15.  49,  3.  ^*  16.  18,  4. 


{ 


I 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  NERO  [93] 

lying  defences  of  his  hideous  crimes ;  who  numbered  all  these,  and  other 
less  famous  names,  among  his  victims,  as  also  Musonius  Rufus/ 
Cornutus,"  Cassius  the  jurist,'  Verginius  Flavus,*  among  those  whom 
he  sent  into  exile ;  °  and  loved  to  be  surrounded  only  by  such  poets  as 
could  not  eclipse  himself." 

In  architecture,  his  extravagance  may  not  have  been  without  its  merit 
in  giving  a  free  hand  to  such  men  of  genius  as  Severus  and  Celer ;  ^  nor 
is  there  reason  to  doubt  that  the  '  domus  aurea '  was  a  miracle  of  costly 
splendour,  and  its  grounds  an  unprecedented  triumph  of  landscape 
gardening;  although  its  glory  was  too  short-lived  to  allow  of  much 
trustworthy  information  respecting  it.'  For  the  rest,  his  engineering 
projects,  however  good  their  aim,  seem  to  have  been  ill-planned  failures ; ' 
and  his  endeavour  to  replace  the  art  treasures  of  Rome  took  the  easy 
method  of  universal  pillage.^'' 


The  interest  naturally  attaching  to  the  last  prince  of  the  great  Julio- 
Claudian  dynasty  has  contributed,  no  less  than  the  events  associated  with 
his  rule,  to  secure  for  him  an  attention  far  beyond  his  actual  place  in 
history :  yet  even  the  exhaustive  researches  of  H.  Schiller  seem  hardly  to 
invalidate  the  conclusion  already  arrived  at  by  Dean  Merivale,"  that  we 
have  no  such  means  of  discovering  a  truer  portrait  of  Nero  behind  the 
misrepresentation  of  historians  as  we  have  in  the  case  of  Tiberius  or 
of  Claudius.  The  fact  that  such  misrepresentadons  were  there  dis- 
coverable may  cast  a  general  suspicion  on  the  testimony  in  this  case 
also ;  all  the  more  so  as  the  mass  of  falsification  on  both  sides  between 
which  the  impardal  historian  of  the  empire  has  to  steer,  seems  in  the 
case  of  this  prince  to  have  reached  its  maximum  :"  but  in  the  general 
outline  we  have  no  glaring  inconsistencies  or  other  definite  grounds  of 

^  15.  71,  9.  2  Dio,  62.  29,  2.  of  its  obvious  impossibility  (15.  42,  2). 

'  16.  9,  I.  *  15.  71,  9.  The  purposed  canal  through  the  Isthmus 

'  Besides  these,  Curtius  Montanus,  who  of  Corinth  (Dio,  63.  16,  i)  shared  the  fate 

is  represented  (16.  28,  3)  as  punished  for  of  a  similar  project  of  Gains  (Suet.  Cal. 

his  literary  promise,  was  excluded  from  21). 
public  life  (c.  33,  4).  10  See  15.  45,  3,  and  note. 

«  See  14.  16,  I.  "  Hist.  ch.  55. 

'  15.  42,  I.  "  It  will  be  remembered  that  Tacitus 

*  On  this  palace  and  grounds  see  1.  1.  speaks  of  the  current  narratives  of  all  the 

and  note.     It  is  very  doubtful  whether  it  princes  of  whom  he  treats  in  the  Annals 

ever  stood  perfect ;  for  the  work  is  stated  as   *  florentibus   ipsis   ob    metum   falsae, 

to  have  been  unfinished  at  the  accession  postquam    occiderant     recentibus     odiis 

of  Otho  (Suet.  0th.  7),  and  the  demoli-  compositae  '   (i.   i,  5).     That  this   was 

tion  began  under  Vespasian.  especially  the  case  with  the  contemporary 

'  The  canal  from  Avernus  to  the  mouth  narratives  of  Nero,  is   evident  from  the 

of  the  Tiber  is  represented  as  undertaken  emphatic  statement  of  Josephus  (Ant.  ao. 

on  the  advice  of  these  persons  in  the  face  8,  3). 


[94]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  Ill 

disbelief;  and  the  balance  which  Tacitus,  here  as  elsewhere,  believes 
himself  to  hold,  is  shown  chiefly  in  a  few  points  which  he  alone  treats  as 
doubtful,  while  the  authorities  whom  Suetonius  or  Dio  have  followed 
had  assumed  them  as  certain,  but  which,  when  all  needful  allowance  is 
made,  go  for  little  towards  any  general  reversal  of  judgement ;  ^  as  is  no 
less  the  case  with  other  details  in  which  the  accuracy  of  Tacitus  himself 
seems  open  to  question.^  Were  he  acquitted  on  every  one  of  these 
counts  in  the  indictment,  one  whose  victims  included  every  near  relation 
that  he  had  in  the  world,  and  almost  every  citizen  who  had  given  lustre 
to  the  age,  would  have  but  little  to  gain  by  the  verdict.  Such  names 
as  those  of  Britannicus,  Agrippina,  Octavia,  and  Antonia,  or  such  as 
Seneca,  Lucan,  Thrasea,  Soranus,  Corbulo  (not  to  mention  many  others), 
are  assuredly  to  be  weighed,  not  merely  counted ;  and  such  justification 
or  extenuation  as  is  pleaded  in  one  case  or  another  becomes  the  harder 
to  sustain  when  all  are  viewed  together. 

In  accepting  the  substantial  truth  of  the  record  before  us,  it  is  but  just 
to  take  account  of  the  circumstances  and  surroundings  which  helped 
to  form  this  prince's  character.  Besides  the  vicious  domestic  influences 
with  which  the  training  of  most  young  nobles  had  to  struggle,'  his  life 
from  childhood  had  been  spent  in  an  atmosphere  of  falsehood,  and 
among  all  the  machinery  of  intrigue  and  crime  by  which  still  in  mere 
boyhood  he  had  risen  to  power,  with  even  less  experience  of  life  than  the 
worst  of  his  predecessors ;  bending  his  earliest  energies  to  escape  by 
fair  means  or  foul  from  his  mother's  leading-strings,  with  the  aid  of  a 
brilliant  teacher,  pliant  as  a  reed,  and  anxious,  with  (it  may  well  be)  good 
ulterior  aims,  to  sustain  his  own  influence  over  him  at  whatever  moral 
cost.  His  earliest  crimes  revealed  to  him  the  utter  degradation  of  the 
senate  and  people,  who  received  his  most  flimsy  justifications  with 
eff'usive  servility,*  and  welcomed  the  matricide's  return  to  Rome  with 
all  the  honours  of  a  triumph;^  the  former  body  proceeding,  as  time 
went  on,  to  lend  with  increasing  readiness  its  judicial  machinery  to  strike 
down  whomsoever  he  might  choose  to  indicate  to  it,^  or  responding  to 

^  He  thus  leaves  it  open  whether  Nero  'vast  multitude'  of  the  Christian  martyrs 

gazed  on  the  dead  body  of  his  mother  and  (15.  44,  5),  the  general  expressions  used 

made  remarks  on  it  (14.  9,   1),  whether  of  the   numbers   tried   and   executed  for 

be  caused  Burrns,  Pallas,  and  Doryphorus  the  conspiracy  (15.  58,  3  ;  71,  i),  and  the 

to  be  poisoned  (14.  51,  i  ;  65,  i),  whether  assumption  of  the  truth  (in  spite  of  his 

he  had  himself  caused  the  fire  in  Rome  own  previously  expressed  doubt)  of  the 

(15.38,1).     It  may  also  be  assumed  that  alleged   attempt   to  poison   Seneca  (15. 

in  some  at  least  of  the  cases  where  he  has  60,  3). 
omitted   without    comment   what   others  ^  Quint.  Inst.  I.  2.  4-8. 

have  stated,  he  has  done  so  intentionally.  *  14.  12,  i.  *  14.  13,  2. 

^  Among  such  may  be  noticed  the  pro-  •  For  the  mere  hints  which  sufficed  in 

bable  exaggeration  in  such  points  as  the  the  case  of  Thrasea  see  above,  p.  [85]. 


CHAP.  Ill]  RULE  OF  NERO  [95] 

the  announcement  of  murders  already  perpetrated  by  decreeing  such 
public  thanksgivings  as  had  been  usual  after  signal  victories.^  To 
complete  his  demoralization,  such  men  as  Tigellinus  accustomed  them- 
selves to  practise  for  their  own  ends  upon  his  fears,''  as  others  had 
practised  on  those  of  Claudius ;  and  the  timidity  so  characteristic  of  him 
at  all  stages  of  his  career  ^  becomes  in  the  last  crisis  of  his  life  a  state 
of  abject  terror,  in  which  he  is  powerless  to  act  for  himself,  and  is  left  by 
the  desertion  of  his  advisers  to  his  miserable  end. 

Those  in  the  higher  ranks  who  had  thus  helped  to  make  him  what 
he  was  hastened  to  pass  sentence  of  deposition  and  death,  to  wreak  their 
vengeance  on  his  memory  and  name,  and  to  make  illusory  displays  of 
freedom ;  *  while  the  numbers  who  had  lived  on  his  bounty  to  his  and 
their  disgrace  deplored  a  patron  whose  like  they  could  never  hope  again 
to  find.*^  Those  of  them  who  believed  in  the  news  of  his  death,  and 
continued  long  to  deck  his  grave  with  flowers,^  were  important  enough 
to  make  Otho  and  Vitellius  seek  their  favour  by  paying  respect  to  his 
memory : ''  many  on  the  other  hand  took  advantage  of  the  mystery 
surrounding  his  end  to  keep  up  the  belief  that  he  yet  lived  and  would 
return  to  execute  vengeance  and  resume  his  rule.*  The  strength  of 
such  a  belief  is  shown  by  the  support  given  to  pretenders,  not  only  soon 
after  his  death,^  but  even  some  twenty  years  later ;  ^°  and  by  the  long- 
continued  Christian  expectation  of  the  reappearance  of  the  arch-tyrant 
and  persecutor  as  the  coming  Antichrist." 

^  On  the  murder  of  Sulla  and  Plautus  as   appearing   at   his   death    in    caps   of 

supplications    were    decreed,    and    Nero  liberty.     The  same  persons  were  no  doubt 

*  cuncta    scelerum    suorum    pro    egregiis  the  *  vulgus  '  who  had  believed  the  Piso- 

accipi  videt'   (14.    59,  6;    60,  i).     The  nian  conspiracy  to  have  been  a  mere  inven- 

still  more  flagrant  instance  on  the  murder  tion  to  get  rid  of  hated  nobles  (15.  73,  2). 

of  Octavia   leads  Tacitus  to  say  *prae-  ^  *  Maestietrumorumavidi'(H.  i.  4, 3). 

sumptum  habeant,  quotiens  fugas  et  caedes  *  Suet.  Ner.  57. 

iussit  princeps,  totiens  grates  deis  actas,  '  H.  1.  78,  3  ;  2.  95,  2. 

quaeque  rerum  secundarum  olim,  tum  pu-  *  '  Vario  super  exitu  eius  rumore,  eoque 

blicae  cladis  insignia  fuisse '  (14.64,  5).  pluribus  vivere  eum  fingentibus  credenti- 

This  effusive  servility  is  probably  not  the  busque'  (H.  2.  8,  i).     Suet,  states  (1. 1.) 

characteristic  of  the  main    body,  whose  that  men  posted  up  edicts  in  his   name, 

temperament  is  rather  that  of  the  crushed  *  quasi  viventis  et  brevi  magno  inimicorum 

submissiveness  ('  sueta  maestitia '  )  which  malo  reversuri.' 

Tacitus  contrasts  with  their  more  penetrat-  ^  The  case  described  by  Tacitus  in  the 

ing  fear  at  the  trial  of  Thrasea  (i6.  29,  i).  following  year  (H.  2.  8-9)  is  spoken  of  as 

^  14.  57,  I,  &c.  if  it  was  one  of  several  ('ceterorum  casus 

'  Cp.  15.  36,  3  ;  16.  24,  3,  and  above,  conatusque  in  contextu  operis  dicemus'). 

pp.  [62],  [64],  &c.  10  Suet.  1.  1.     This  pretender,  and  the 

*  See  Appendix  to  Book  16;  also  the  support  given  to  him  in  Parthia,  are  al- 

description  in  H.  i.  4,  3  :    '  patres  laeti,  luded  to  in  H.  1.  2,  3  :  *mota  propeetiam 

usurpata  statim  libertate  licentius,  ut  erga  Parthorum  arma  falsi  Neronis  ludibrio.' 

principem  novum  etabsentem:  primores  "  See  Appendix  to  Book  15.  St.Augus- 

equitum  proximi  gaudio  patrum.'     Their  tine  finds  it  necessary  to  rebuke  even  in 

clients  there  mentioned  are  no  doubt  the  his  own  day  a  belief  that  Nero  yet  lived 

plebs  whom  Suetonius  describes  (Ner.  57)  (de  Civ.  Dei,  20.  19). 


[96] 


INTRODUCTION 


[CHAP.  IV 


CHAPTER   IV 

THE  ROMAN  RELATIONS  WITH  PARTHIA  AND  ARMENIA  FROM 
THE  TIME  OF  AUGUSTUS   TO   THE   DEATH   OF   NERO. 

SUMMAKY   OF    CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Eastern  affairs  during  the  Triumvirate [97] 

Policy  of  Augustus  and  Tiberius [98] 

Policy  of  Claudius [105] 

Position  of  affairs  at  the  accession  of  Nero.     Defects  of  the  narrative  of 

Tacitus  throughout  this  period [107] 

On  the  geography  and  chronology  of  the  campaigns [no] 

Successes  of  Corbulo  and  appointment  of  Tigranes  as  king  of  Armenia  .         .  [112] 

Vigorous  intervention  of  the  Parthians  and  disaster  of  Caesennius  Paetus       .  [116] 

Reappointment  of  Corbulo  and  settlement  of  the  question      ....  [123] 

Note. — This  subject  has  lately  received  full  treatment  from  Mommsen  (Hist.  v. 
eh.  9),  to  whose  work  the  reader  must  be  generally  referred,  and  to  whom  constant 
obligations  must  be  acknowledged.  Information  has  also  frequently  been  derived  from 
the  same  author's  notes  on  the  *  Res  Gestae  Divi  Augusti '  ('  Monumentum  Ancyra- 
num  '),  and  from  Prof.  Rawlinson's  '  Sixth  Great  Oriental  Monarchy  '  (London,  1873). 
The  chronology  and  geography  of  the  campaigns  of  Corbulo  have  been  most  carefully 
investigated  in  Egli's  work  ;  ^  and  great  light  has  been  thrown  on  the  general  chronology 
of  the  Parthian  kings  by  the  evidence  of  their  coinage,  on  which  the  latest  authority  is 
that  of  Prof.  Percy  Gardner  ('  Numismata  Orientalia,'  Pt.  v.  London,  1877),  from  whom 
the  dates  of  their  reigns  here  given  are  taken.^  [Reference  should  also  ^be  made  to 
Henderson's  '  Nero  '. — P.] 


The  following  list  of  the  Parthian  and  Armenian  kings  belonging 
to  this  period  will  be  of  service  in  following  the  succession  of  events : — 


Parthia. 

(i)  Orodes  I,  B.C.  56-38. 

(2)  Phraates  IV,  B.  C.  38-2.^ 

(3)  Phraataces,  b.  c.  2-a.  d.  4. 

(4)  Orodes  II,  a.  d,  4-7  or  8. 

*  *  Feldziige  in  Armenien'  41-63  n. 
Chr.,  in  Vol.  i.  of  Budinger's  *  Unter- 
suchungen  zur  Romischen  Kaiserge- 
schichte,'  Leipzig,  1868. 

2  The  coins  give  date  not  only  of  the 
year  (computed  from  the  Seleucid  Era, 
Oct.  I,  B.C.  312),  but  also  of  the  Parthian 
month.  There  is  however  a  complica- 
tion from  the  lunar  mode  of  reckoning ; 
and  an  element  of  uncertainty  arises  from 
the  fact  that  in  most  cases  the  name  given 
on  coins  is  only  *  Arsaces,*  and  the  suc- 
cession of  a  new  king  has  to  be  deter- 


Armenia. 

(i)  Artavasdes  I,  B.  c.  56  or  55-34.* 

(2)  Artaxias  II,  B.C.  33-20. 

(3)  Tigranes  II  )  cir.  B.  C. 

(4)  Tigranes  III  and  Erato  \  20-6. 

mined  only  by  the  change  of  effigy.  For 
the  Armenian  chronology,  we  have  no 
such  assistance  ;  and  the  coinage  of  its 
kings  of  this  period  appears  to  cease  from 
about  30  A.  D. :  see  Langlois,  Numisma- 
tique  d'Arm^nie,  p.  44. 

^  On  these  Parthian  kings  (2-6)  see  2. 
1-3,  and  notes.  The  interruption  of  the 
reign  of  Phraates  by  Tiridates,  cir.  B.  C. 
33-30,  is  noted  below,  p.  [98]. 

*  On  these  Armenian  kings  (i-ii)  see 
2.  3-4,  and  notes. 


I 


CHAP.  IV] 


PARTHIA  AND  ARMENIA 


[97] 


Parthia. 

(5)  Vonones  I,  A.D.  7  or  8-1 1. 

(6)  Artabanus  III,  A.D.  11-40. 

(7)  Golarzes,  A.D.  40-41.^ 

(8)  Vardanes,  A.D.  41-45. 

(9)  Gotarzes  (restored),  A.D.  45-51. 

(10)  Vonones  II,  July,  Aug.  A.D.  51.' 

(11)  VologesesI,A.D.5i(Sept.)-77or78. 


}cir. 


cir.  B.C. 
6-1, 


Armenia. 
(5)  Artavasdes  II 
{6)  Tigranes  III  and  Erato 
(restored) 

(7)  Ariobarzanes 

(8)  Artavasde-;  III        I  cir. B.C. I-A.D. 

(9)  Tigranes  IV 

(10)  Erato  (restored) 

(11)  Vonones,  cir.  A.D.  11  or  12. 

(12)  Artaxias  III,  A.D.  18-35.* 

(13)  Mithridates,  A.D.  35-52.* 

(14)  Radamistus,  A.  D.  52-54.' 

(15)  Tiridates.^ 

(16)  Tigranes  V.' 

(17)  Tiridates,  recognized  from  A.D.  63.' 


In  relation  to  Parthia,  far  more  than  to  any  other  part  of  the  empire, 
the  dictator  Caesar  had  left  to  his  successors  a  legacy  of  war :  for  in 
this  case  there  was  not  merely  (as  in  the  case  of  Britain)  a  failure  to 
be  redeemed,  but  the  great  military  disaster  of  Crassus  to  be  avenged; 
and  a  projected  expedition  in  force  had  been  only  frustrated  by  his 
death.  The  Parthian  king,  quickened  by  a  sense  of  his  danger,  seized 
eagerly  the  opportunity  which  the  dissensions  of  the  two  leading  trium- 
virs soon  afforded  him,^°  and  poured  his  forces  over  the  frontier,  under 
the  leadership  of  his  son  Pacorus  and  the  Roman  exile  Labienus.  This 
invasion,  in  which  Decidius  Saxa,  the  legatus  of  Antonius  in  Syria, 
was  overpowered  and  slain,  and  Syria,  Palestine,  and  nearly  the  whole 
of  Asia  Minor  were  left  for  nearly  two  years  (713-714,  e.g.  41-40) 
at  the  mercy  of  the  invader,  was  effectually  rolled  back  in  the  two 
following  years  (715-716,  b.c.  39-38)  by  the  decisive  victories  of  Ven- 
tidius  Bassus,  whereby  not  only  was  Roman  prestige  thoroughly  restored, 
but  a  dynastic  crisis  was  brought  about  in  Parthia,  resulting  in  the 
deposition  and  murder  of  Orodes  by  his  son  Phraates. 

The  Eastern  policy,  of  Antonius,  which  these  events  and  his  recon- 
ciliation with  Octavianus  left  him  free  to  prosecute,  appears  to  have 


*  On  these  kings ( 7-9),see  below, p. [  105]. 

^  See  12.  14,  7,  and  note. 

'  See  12.  14,  8,  and  note.     There  are 

ro  changes  in  the  type  of  coinage  during 

lis  reign.    The  first,  in  which  a  youthful 

ice  occurs,  between  A.D.  55-58,  is  taken 

mark  the  rebellion  of  Vardanes  (see  13. 

2) ;  after  which  period,  as  the  old  type 

not   restored,   it   is  thought  that   the 

'^ologeses  who  continued  to  rule  until  the 

iccession  of  Pacorus  in  A.D.   77   or  78 

[H.  4.  51,  i;  Suet.  Dom.  2)  is  not  the 

ime  person  as  before.    The  testimony  of 

Tacitus    certainly     recognizes     no     such 

:hange;   and  it  is  possible  that  the  old 


king  altered  the  type :  see  Gardner,  p.  13. 

*  See  2.  50,  2  ;  6.  31,  2,  and  notes. 

'  See  6.  32,  foil.;  11.  8-9;  12.  44-47. 

«  See  12.49-51;  13.  6,  I. 

''  See  12.  50,  I,  foil. 

«  See  14.  26,  I  ;  15.  6,  i,  and  notes. 

»  See  15.  27,  foil. 

^»  He  had  previously  afforded  assistance 
to  Cassius,  and  sent  troops  to  Philippi. 
The  terms  of  agreement  then  entered  into 
are  unknown,  but  may  possibly  have  in- 
cluded such  a  bargain  as  Pompeius  was 
prepared  to  make  after  Pharsalia,  pur- 
chasing the  help  of  the  great  king  by  the 
surrender  of  Syria, 


[98]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP,  iv 

been  conceived  on  the  grandest  scale,  and  to  have  embraced  no  mere 
effacement  of  past  disasters,  but  the  creation  of  a  great  Roman  empire 
of  the  East,  no  less  extensive  than  that  of  the  Seleucidae,  centred  in 
himself  and  in  his  children,  and  combined  with  his  never-abandoned 
scheme  of  supremacy  in  the  West.^  The  preliminary  steps  had  been 
taken  by  securing  the  support  of  the  Armenian  king  and  bringing 
the  Iberian  and  Albanian  tribes  of  the  Caucasian  region  into  a  position 
of  dependence ;  Palestine  was  secured  by  aiding  Herodes  to  expel  Anti- 
gonus;  in  the  enemy's  country  the  support  of  the  powerful  subject 
Monaeses,  probably  also  that  of  the  king  of  Media  Atropatene,  was 
reckoned  on ;  and  the  splendid  army  of  sixteen  legions,  with  other  troops 
making  up  a  total  of  more  than  100,000,  with  which  Antonius  at  last 
took  the  field,  late  in  the  season  of  718,  B.C.  38,  was  not  unworthy 
of  the  enterprise;  but  the  vast  scheme  ended  in  ignominious  failure 
and  a  disastrous  retreat,  in  which  only  the  military  genius  of  the  general 
saved  his  army  from  the  fate  of  that  of  Crassus.  With  the  shattered 
remnant,  nothing  further  was  achieved  in  the  following  year  than  the 
invasion  of  Armenia  and  seizure  of  its  king  Artavasdes,  in  punishment 
for  his  desertion  in  the  previous  campaign.  The  impaired  energies 
of  Antonius  would  probably  in  no  case  have  been  equal  to  further  action 
on  a  large  scale;  and  his  dreams  of  Eastern  empire  were  soon  ended 
by  his  fall  and  death. 

We  can  thus  understand  the  situation  which  presented  itself  to  his 
rival  after  the  victory  of  Actium  and  the  submission  of  Egypt  left  him 
free  to  deal  with  it.  Phraates,  thoroughly  hostile,  and  flushed  with 
recent  victory,  had  been  fortunately  prevented  from  taking  advantage 
of  the  civil  war  by  a  temporary  revolution  which  had  driven  him  an 
exile  into  Scythia  before  his  rival  Tiridates,^  and  was  apparently  just 
then  regaining  his  throne.  Armenia,  which  had  been  in  vassalage 
for  a  generation,  was  thoroughly  alienated  by  the  treacherous  capture 
of  its  king ;  whose  son  Artaxias,  after  gaining  power  by  national  and 
Parthian  aid,  had  thrown  away  the  scabbard,  like  Mithridates,  by  a 
massacre  of  all  Romans  within  his  dominions ;  and  the  work  of  Lucullus 
and  Pompeius  would  have  had  to  be  done  over  again,  with  such  aid  as 
the  petty  surrounding  kingdoms  could  furnish. 

It  is  no  doubt  true,  as  Mommsen  points  out,^  that  Augustus,  by  not 
at  once  employing  the  vast  army  then  at  his  disposal  in  enforcing  a 

^  See  Momms.  Hist.  V.  360 ,  E.T.  ii.  24.  probably  also  in  i.  34,  14.     A  few  coins 

*  The  intestine  troubles  of  Parthia  are  are   found   which   apparently   belong  to 

alluded  to  by  Horace  in  Od.  3.  8,  19;  Tiridates,  and  which  bear  date  in  721, 

the  vicissitudes  of  Tiridates  and  restora-  722,  B.C.  33,  32  (Gardner,  p.  10). 

lion  of  Phraates  in  i.  26,  5;    2.  2,  17,  '  Hist.  v.  371;  E.  T.  ii.  36. 


CHAP.  IV]  PARTHIA  AND  ARMENIA  [99] 

decisive  settlement  of  the  whole  Eastern  question,  by  the  recovery  of 
the  captives  and  standards,  and  restoration  of  Roman  supremacy  in 
Armenia,  sacrificed  such  an  opportunity  as  could  never  again  recur, 
and  of  which  a  great  military  genius  such  as  the  dictator  Caesar  would 
assuredly  have  taken  advantage.  At  the  same  time,  the  apparent 
reasons  against  such  a  course  are  not  far  to  seek.  The  failure  of 
Antonius,  with  a  force  excellent  in  numbers  and  quality,  could  not 
but  be  an  impressive  warning  to  one  who  could  not  pretend  to  equal 
his  strategic  capacity;  the  army  on  the  spot,  eager  for  dismissal  and 
reward,  and  evidently  not  without  mutinous  tendencies,*  could  have 
been  in  no  humour  for  one  or  more  campaigns  in  the  pitiless  climate 
of  Armenia,*  or  for  such  an  expedition  beyond  the  Euphrates  as  had 
been  fatal  to  one,  and  wellnigh  also  to  the  other,  of  the  only  Roman 
armies  which  had  yet  attempted  it.  At  the  same  time,  so  sagacious 
a  politician  would  readily  see  that  the  security  of  his  own  position, 
as  compared  with  the  frequent  revolutions  of  those  Eastern  dynasties, 
would  not  only  protect  him  from  any  repetition  of  the  attempt  of 
Pacorus  and  Labienus,  but  would  surely  sooner  or  later  offer  an  oppor- 
tunity, when  a  demand,  backed  even  by  moderate  military  force,  might 
extort  compliance  from  Parthia  or  Armenia,  or  from  both.  Certain  it 
is,  that  his  speedy  reduction  of  his  army  to  a  peace  establishment  of 
eighteen  legions,'  of  which  probably  only  four  were  stationed  in  Syria, 
and  none  in  any  other  Asiatic  province,"*  betokened  a  definite  abandonment 
of  any  great  military  enterprise  in  that  quarter ;  while  the  shelter  afforded 
to  the  fugitive  Tiridates,  and  to  the  exiled  Median  king,''  showed  his 
intention  to  furnish  himself  with  instruments  of  intrigue. 

But  Augustus  had  also  to  reckon  with  the  force  of  popular  sentiment 
at  home,  which  would  not  allow  national  disasters  to  remain  indefinitely 
unavenged.  We  may  estimate  this  from  the  language  of  Horace,  in 
whose  aspirations  during  this  period^  the  idea  of  humiliating  the  great 
Eastern  monarchy  is  very  prominent.  As  soon  as  the  civil  wars  were 
ended,  which  had  been  'fulfilling  the  Parthian's  prayer''  by  diverting 

*  See  I.  42,  5,  and  note.  subject,   though  blended  with  judicious 
'  That  the  rigour  of  Armenian  winters       flattery,  strike  a  far  bolder  key  than  that 

was  proverbial  to  Romans  would  appear  to  which  the  policy  of  Augustus  would 

from  Hor.  Od.  2.  9,  4.  correspond,  and  must  be  taken  to  repre- 

^  See  Introd,  i.  ch.  vii.  p.  103.  sent  national  sentiment  rather  than  Cae- 

*  The  garrison  of  the  East  was  cer-  sarian  inspiration.  In  the  *  initia  fastigii 
tainly  no  more  than  this  at  a  later  Caesarum '  (3.  29,  2),  literature  was  not 
period,  when  the  total  of  the  standing  under  such  command  as  afterwards ;  and 
army  had  been  increased  (see  Introduction,  Maecenas  does  not  seem  to  have  admitted 
i.  1.  1.).  the  poet  to  his  political  confidence  (see 

*  See  Mon.  Anc.  6.  i ;  Momms.  p.  no.  Sat.  2.  6,  40-58). 

foil.  '  Epod.  7,  9;  cp.  Od.  I.  2,  21. 

*  His  utterances  at  this  time  on  this 

h  2 


[loo] 


INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  IV 


the  attack,  the  'young  ruler  destined  to  be  their  dread '^  is  urged  to 
punish  the  proud  career  of  the  horsemen,^  whose  generals  had 
'  twice  quelled  the  ill-starred  onset '  of  the  legions  and  adorned  them- 
selves with  Roman  spoils^;  whose  hordes  were  even  extravagantly 
imagined  as  'threatening  the  borders  of  Latium'.*  To  face  these 
'dreaded'  enemies,^  and  their  famous  tactics,^  the  youths  of  Rome 
must  be  trained^;  to  lead  these  in  triumph  and  impose  a  law  on 
them  ^  is  the  national  longing ;  '  Augustus  will  indeed  be  a  god  among 
men  when  these  and  the  Britons  are  added  to  the  empire.'  ^ 

The  opportunity  which  Augustus  was  thus  calmly  biding  seemed  to 
have  come  in  731,  b.c.  23,  when  a  demand  or  petition  from  Phraates 
for  the  surrender  of  Tiridates,  and  of  an  infant  son  of  his  own  carried 
off  by  him,  was  met  by  sending  back  the  latter,  with  a  stipulation,  which 
was  disregarded  or  frustrated  by  delay,  for  the  surrender  in  return  of  the 
captives  and  standards.^"  It  can  hardly  have  been  without  the  co-opera- 
tion of  some  internal  troubles,"  that  the  mere  presence  of  Augustus  in 
Syria  three  years  later,  unsupported,  as  far  as  we  know,  by  any  more 
than  the  ordinary  military  force  of  the  province,  sufficed  to  win  without 
a  blow  all  the  demands  which  had  been  for  so  many  years  resisted,  as 
well  as  the  temporary  withdrawal  of  all  Parthian  support  from  the  vassal 
kingdoms;  so  as  to  enable  Tiberius  Nero,  after  personally  receiving 
the  standards,  to  instal  Tigranes  in  Armenia  in  place  of  the  already 
deposed  and  murdered  Artaxias,^^  ^nd  to  set  Ariobarzanes,  son  of  the 
Artavasdes  who  had  recently  died  in  Rome,  on  the  throne  of  Media." 

The  greatest  military  achievements  could  hardly  have  done  more 
for  the  fame  of  Augustus  than  these  bloodless  victories,  eked  out,  as 
they  evidently  were,  by  no  small  amount  of  grandiloquent  falsification. 
Augustus  probably  proclaimed  then,  as  later, ^*  that  he  eould  have  made 

^  Sat.  2.  5,  62.  tary  fugitive,  and  who  was  subsequently 

^  Od.  I.  2,  51.  sent    permanently    to    Rome    with    his 

^  Od.  3.  6,  9.     It  is  somewhat  diflficnlt  brothers  (see  on  2.  i,  2),  and  afterwards 

to  select  which   are   the   two   occasions  sent  back  to  Parthia  as  king  (6.  31,  4). 

spoken  of,  and  the  mention  of  Monaeses  Tiridates  appears  to  have  delivered  him 

is  perplexing.     See  the  explanations  sug-  to  Augustus  in  Spain  in  729,  B.C.  25  (Just. 

gested  in   Dr.  Wickham's  notes,  and  in  42.  5,  5),  having  himself  taken  refuge  in 

Momms.  R.  G.  D.  A.  p.  125.  Syria  in  724,  B.C.  30  (Dio,  51.  18,  3): 

*  Od.  I.  12,  53.           *  Od.  I.  29,  4.  see  Momms.  1. 1. 

^  Od.  I.  19,  11;  2.  13,  17.  "  That  the  expedition  coincided  with 
''  Od.  3.  3,  3.               "  Od.  3.  3,  34.  or  brought  about  a  revolution  in  Armenia, 
'  Od.  3.  5,  4.    The  main  subject  of  this  is  plainly  indicated ;  and  the  unconditional 
ode  may  have  been  intended  to  imply  that  surrender  of  Phraates  seems  hardly  other- 
it   was   by   conquest   only   that   captives  wise  to  be  explained, 
could  worthily  be  recovered.  ^"^  See  a.  3,  4,  and  note. 

^"  Dio,   53.  33,  I.     Mommsen  (R.  G.  "  See  Mon.  Anc.  6.  9;   Momms.  pp. 

D.  A.  136)  shows  reason  for  supposing  111-113.     Artaxias  appears  to  have  held 

that   this   son   was   the  young   Phraates  Media  with  Armenia, 

mentioned  in  Mon.  Anc.  6.  i,  as  a  volun-  "  Mon.  Anc  5.  24-28. 


I 


CHAP.  IV] 


PARTHIA  AND  ARMENIA 


[Id] 


Armenia  a  province,  and  merely  gave  it  back  as  an  act  of  grace  to  a 
native  prince  :  '  Armenia  Capta/  or  *  Recepta/  appears  on  coins  * ;  and  the 
achievement  there  of  Tiberius  is  ranked  with  the  subjugation  by  Agrippa 
of  Cantabria  ^ :  the  surrender  of  the  standards  is  no  less  commemorated 
in  triumphal  medals,'  and  may  well  have  figured  on  many  an  Augustan 
work  of  art/  as  it  does  on  the  noblest  of  this  emperor's  extant  statues  • : 
poetry  ranks  it  with  the  great  military  glories  of  Rome/  pictures  the 
trophies  as  'torn  away'*"  by  the  victor's  hand,  the  great  rivers  of  the 
East  as  flowing  in  humbler  stream,*  and  even  Phraates  as  prostrated 
at  the  knees  of  Caesar  to  do  homage  for  his  throne.'  Ten  years,^" 
or  even  thirty  years  later,^*  the  same  subject  is  still  an  appropriate  theme 
for  compliment. 

Phraates  continued  outwardly  to  show  *  all  service  of  reverence ',"  and 
cemented  the  alliance  some  ten  years  later  by  sending  all  his  legitimate 
family  to  be  domiciled  in  Rome;^'  a  step  fruitful  in  consequences  by 
supplying  for  many  a  year  to  come  a  stock  of  Romanized  princes  of  the 
blood  to  be  set  up  as  claimants  for  the  throne.  During  the  latest  years 
of  Augustus,  Roman  influence  seemed  to  have  reached  its  highest  point, 
[when  the  first  of  these  princes,  Vonones,  was  formally  summoned  and 


^  See  Cohen,  i.  pp.  71,  113;  No.  200, 
360,  361. 

'  Hon  Ep.  I.  12,  27. 

'  Such  appear  to  be  numerous :  see 
Cohen,  i.  p.  99,  No.  255-267,  also  pp. 
103,112,1^0.298,357.  In  some  of  them 
a  triumphal  arch  or  chariot  is  repre- 
sented. The  statement  of  Dio  (54.  8,  3) 
that  Augustus  had  an  ovation  is  incor- 
rect, as  the  only  two  occasions  mentioned 
in  Mon.  Anc.  i.  21  are  otherwise  ac- 
counted for;  but  it  is  doubtless  one  of 
the  occasions  on  which  such  an  honour 
was  offered  and  declined. 

*  A  triumphal  arch  was  erected  in  the 
Forum  (see  Moinms.  R.  G.  D.  A.  125, 
127) ;  and  the  great  temple  of  Mars  Ultor 
in  the  Forum  Augusti  was  built  to  receive 
the  standards  (Mon.  Anc.  5.42,  and  notes), 
which  had  been  at  first  deposited  in  the 
Capitoline  Temple   ('signa  nostro  resti- 

I  tuit  lovi ',  Hor.  Od.  4.  15,  6 ;  cp.  Prop.  4. 
[4>6). 

*  The  famous  statue  in  the  Vatican 
(Braccio  Nuovo,  14),  which  has  this  sub- 

[ject  for  the  ornamentation  of  the  cuirass. 

*  *  Auroramque  sequi  Parthosque  repo- 
scere  signa'  (Verg,  Aen.  7,  606):  for 
other  allusions  see  Hor.  Od.  4.  5,  25  ; 
14,  42;  C.  S.  54,  &c.;  Prop.  3.  10,  13; 
4.  5,48;  12,  3;  5.6,  79. 

'  '  Derepta'  (Hor.  Od.  4.  15,  7). 


'  *  Euphrates  ibat  iam  mollior  undis ' 
(Verg.  Aen.  8.  726)  :  cp.  Prop,  4.  4,  4. 
The  date  of  Hor.  Od.  2.  9  is  disputed ; 
but  it  seems  hardly  possible  that  the  al- 
lusion to  *  nova  tropaea  ',  which  must  have 
been  gained  after  the  assumption  of  the 
title  of  'Augustus'  in  727,  B.C.  27,  can 
have  any  other  reference.  The  similar 
passage  in  Verg.  G.  3,  30  can  more  easily 
be  explained  prophetically. 

*  Hor.  Ep.  I.  12,  27.  That  much  of 
this  sentiment  was  manufactured  is  evi- 
dent from  the  laboured  appearance  of 
writing  to  order  in  the  chief  odes  of  the 
Fourth  Book  and  elsewhere,  in  contrast 
with  the  comparative  freedom  of  Horace's 
earlier  writings.  Augustus  himself  also 
no  doubt  exaggerates  the  facts  in  saying 
(Mon.  Anc.  5.  42) :  '  Parthos  . . .  supplices 
amicitiam  populi  Romani  petere  coegi.' 

"  Hor.  Ep.  2.  I,  256. 

"  Ov.  F.  5.  579-594;  Tr.  2.  227,  228. 

"  '  Cuncta  venerantium  ofhcia  ad  Au- 
gustum  verterat'  (3.  i,  2). 

*'  See  1.  1.  and  note.  This  act,  repre- 
sented by  Tacitus  as  a  precaution  against 
internal  treachery,  is  assigned  by  Josephns 
to  an  intrigue  of  Thermusa,  mother  of  the 
illegitimate  Phraataces,  to  better  the  posi- 
tion of  her  son,  and  is  magnified  by 
Velleius  (2. 94,  2)  and  others  into  a  giving 
of  hostages  thiough  fear. 


[I02] 


INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  IV 


accepted  as  the  rightful  heir,  and  maintained  himself  for  some  few  years 
on  the  throne  of  the  Arsacidae.* 

Nevertheless,  the  Parthian  kings  generally  made  no  scruple  of  inter- 
posing from  time  to  time  in  Armenia;^  in  which,  from  the  appointment 
of  Tigranes  II  in  734,  b.  c.  20,  we  have  for  nearly  forty  years  an  almost 
continuous  history  of  interference  and  intrigue,  resulting  in  revolution 
and  anarchy.  The  account  of  these  vicissitudes  can  be  read  as  related  in 
its  place  by  Tacitus  ^ ;  but  it  will  be  well  to  compare  here  the  alternatives 
open  to  Rome  in  dealing  with  this  Afghanistan  of  the  ancient  world. 

Subsequent  experience  may  be  taken  generally  to  have  shown  that 
a  policy  of  complete  non-interference  would  have  been  best,  and  that  the 
efforts  of  Rome  were  far  more  needed  in  extending  and  consolidating 
the  empire  in  other  quarters ;  but  Augustus  could  not  slight  the  traditions 
of  the  Republic,  or  allow  it  to  be  said  that  even  an  imaginary  limit  of  the 
empire  had  receded  under  him.  Also,  from  the  time  of  the  domicile 
of  the  heirs  of  Phraates  in  Rome,  the  idea  of  bringing  the  Parthian 
empire  itself  under  Roman  influence  through  a  monarch  of  the  stamp  of 
Vonones  must  have  been  constantly  present;  and  for  any  military 
demonstration  to  support  a  friendly  or  threaten  a  hostile  king,  the  most 
practicable  route  was  that  which  rested  on  Armenia  as  a  base,  and  led 
along  the  Tigris  to  Ctesiphon."*  On  the  other  hand,  the  transitory  success 
achieved  under  Trajan  cannot  well  be  regarded  even  as  subsequent  evi- 
dence in  favour  of  the  possibility  of  holding  Armenia  as  \  province,' 
a  course  which  must  certainly  have  been  beyond  the  pale  of  practical 
politics  when  the  provincial  frontier  in  Asia  Minor  had  not  extended  beyond 
the  Halys.^  A  second  alternative,  that  of  controlling  it  as  a  vassal  king- 
dom, is  the  one  which  we  have  to  consider  as  maintained  throughout  this 
period,  in  various  forms  from  substantial  dependence  to  mere  nominal 
acknowledgement  of  suzerainty,  and  always  under  the  great  difficulty  of 
contending  with  national  affinities  and  sympathy,  balanced  no  doubt  by 
some  dread  of  Parthian  despodsm.*^   [There  was  indeed  a  third  alternative, 

^  See  2.  2,  I,  and  note.  ^  Armenia  was  formed  into  a  province 

^  It  may  probably  be  this  evasion  of  by  Trajan  in  867,  a.d.   114,  and  given 

the  real  or  supposed  treaty  engagements  back  to  a  native  prince  by  Hadrian  four 

that  leads  Horace  to  speak  of  the  '  infidi  years  later,  and  from  that  time  returned 

Persae'  (Od.  4.   15,   23):   cp.    '  Parthis  to   a  condition  of  ambiguous  vassalage 

mendacior'  (Ep.  2.  i,  112).     The  treaty  between    the    two    great    empires     (see 

itself  continued  to  subsist  in  the  time  of  Momms.  p.  403;    E.  T.  ii.  72).      *Rex 

Tiberius  (see  2.  58,  i).  Armeniis  datus'  appears   on   medals   of 

^  See  2.  3-4,  and  notes.  Antoninus  and  M.  Aurelius   (L'Anglois, 

*  See  12.  12-13,  <^c.    It  may  be  added  pp.  45,  46). 

that  Media  Atropatene,  which  could  not  '  See  Introd.  i.  ch.  vii.  p.  94. 

be  reached  but  through  Armenia,  was  not  ''  *  Ambigua  gens . .  .  hominum  ingeniis 

at  this  time  considered  outside  the  sphere  et  situ  terrarum  .  .  .  maximisque  imperiis 

of  Roman  influence.  interiecti  et  saepius  discordes  sunt,  ad- 


CHAP.  IV]  PARTHIA  AND  ARMENIA  [103] 

that  of  establishing  along  the  line  of  the  Upper  Euphrates  a  scientific 
frontier,  after  the  model  of  those  on  the  Rhine  and  Danube,  guarded  by 
a  sufficient  force  of  legions  and  auxiliaries.  Such  a  policy  was  actually 
initiated  by  the  Flavian  emperors  and  completed  by  Hadrian,  with  the 
result  that  Armenia  ceased  to  trouble  the  minds  of  Roman  statesmen. 
But  in  the  time  of  Augustus  its  adoption  would  have  involved  serious 
difficulties,  political  and  military. — P.] 

The  empty  achievement  of  escorting  Tigranes  II  to  his  kingdom  by 
Tiberius  Nero  was  soon  nullified  by  the  Parthian  sympathies  of  his 
family :  a  repetition  of  the  pageant  by  Gaius  Caesar  was  attended  by 
resistance  which  cost  his  life :  the  attempt  of  the  Roman  party  to  set  up 
the  rejected  Parthian  king  Vonones  was  too  dangerous  for  the  legatus  of 
Syria  to  support ;  and  at  the  death  of  Augustus  both  Parthia  and 
Armenia  had  slipped  from  his  control.^ 

The  fortunate  coincidence,  that  a  prince  acceptable  to  Rome,  and 
even  in  part  of  Roman  lineage,  was  already  the  national  choice,'^  enabled 
Germanicus  in  771,  a.d.  18,  to  repeat  the  performance  of  Tiberius  and 
Gaius  Caesar  without  any  imposing  military  demonstration^  and  with 
far  more  effect.  Artaxias  III  obtained  firm  possession  of  the  throne; 
and  Artabanus,  who  could  not  have  resisted  this  combination  of  circum- 
stances, was  conciliated  by  the  removal  from  Syria  (which  was  soon 
followed  by  the  death)  of  Vonones.*  This  peaceful  settlement  was  so 
far  successful,  that  for  some  sixteen  years  we  hear  no  more  of  Eastern 
politics ;  but  it  is  evident  that  Roman  influence  in  Armenia  made  no  real 
progress,  and  probable  on  the  other  hand  that  the  annexation  of  the 
neighbouring  kingdoms  of  Cappadocia  and  Commagene  to  the  provincial 
empire  ^  gave  the  party  of  national  independence  the  more  ground  for 
thinking  that  it  was  from  Rome  that  they  had  most  to  fear.  It  may  well 
be  that  some  encouragement  from  this  quarter,  as  well  as  his  successes 
elsewhere  and  his  contempt  for  the  supposed  dotage  and  impotence  of 
Tiberius,  emboldened  Artabanus,  on  the  death  of  Artaxias,  probably 
about  787,  A.D.  34,  at  once  to  seize  Armenia  for  his  son,  and  to  address 
the  old  emperor  with  the  most  defiant  arrogance  and  insult.^ 

versus  Romanes  odio  et  in  Parthum  in-  permixti  ac  libertate  ignota  illud  magis 

vidia'  (2.  56,  i).     In  2.  3,  2,  their  ani-  ad  servitium  inclinantes '. 

mosity  to  Rome  is  ascribed  to  the  per-  ^  See  2.  3,  5-4,  5,  and  notes. 

fidious  seizure  of  Artavasdes  by  Antonius,  ^  See  2.  56,  2,  and  note. 

some  fifty  years  previously ;  but  it  must  '  This   absence   of   a   strong   military 

evidently   have   had   a  more   permanent  force  was  due  to  the  contumacy  of  Cn. 

cause;  and  the  truth  seems  rather  to  be  Piso  (2.  57,  i). 

admitted   at   a   later   stage  (13.  34,  5):  *  See  2.  58;  68. 

*  Armenii    ambigua    fide    utraque    arma  '  See  2.  42,  6,  7  ;  57,  4,  5. 

invitabant,    situ    terrarum,    similitudine  *  See  6.  31,  I    foil,    and  notes    Suet. 

morum    Parthis    propiores    conubiisque  Tib.  66. 


[io4]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP,  iv 

The  narrative  of  Tacitus^  gives  a  full  account  of  the  response  of 
Tiberius  to  this  challenge,  and  the  decisive  blows  struck  by  him  in 
both  directions,  by  instigating  the  Iberian  prince  Mithridates  to  seize 
Armenia,^  and  equipping  another  and  again  another  of  the  Romanized 
Arsacids,  as  a  leader  to  the  disaffected  Parthian  nobility.^  Yet  in  all 
this  his  habitual  caution  was  not  lost  sight  of.  His  able  lieutenant, 
L.  Vitellius,"*  was  charged  to  avoid  actual  collision  with  the  Parthians,^ 
and  to  give  Mithridates  no  other  material  help  than  such  as  consisted 
in  distracting  the  enemy  by  assuming  a  threatening  position  on  the 
Euphrates.^  The  Armenians  themselves  would  seem  to  have  remained 
passive  while  their  country  became  a  battle-ground  between  the  Parthians 
and  the  chief  Caucasian  nations.  Scythian  tribes  hired  themselves  out 
as  allies  to  both,  but  were  in  fact  present  on  one  side  only."^  The  result 
showed  that  the  Parthian  horsemen  were  no  match  outside  their  own 
country  for  the  more  mixed  forces  *  and  superior  hardihood  ^  of  the 
Iberians  and  Albanians;  who  were  not  only  able  to  defeat  the  young 
prince  Orodes,^°  but  even  to  gain  advantage,  by  superior  local  knowledge, 
over  a  levy  en  masse  led  by  Artabanus  himself."  The  instability  of 
Eastern  thrones  is  illustrated  no  less  strikingly  by  the  revolution  which, 
following  on  these  disasters,  and  fomented  by  Roman  intrigue,^^  drove 
Artabanus  into  exile  and  destitution  in  Scythia,^^  and  made  the 
advance  of  his  rival  Tiridates  resemble  a  triumphal  procession,^*  than 
by  the  rapid  counter-revolution  which  so  soon  brought  the  old  king 
back  again,  and  returned  the  pretender,  as  a  discrowned  fugitive,  to 
Roman  territory.'^  But  in  all  these  vicissitudes  Mithridates  held  his 
ground ;  the  powerful  Greek  city  of  Seleucia  maintained  its  revolt  ^^ ; 
and  Vitellius  was  able,  just  before  the  death  of  Tiberius,  to  compel 
Artabanus  to  make  submission  and  homage,  and  deliver  his  son  as 
a  hostage." 

Whatever  advantage  had  been  gained  was  soon  scattered  to  the  winds 
by  Gains,  who,  on  unknown  grounds,  summoned  Mithridates  to,  his 
presence  and  imprisoned  him,^^  set  up  nothing  in  place  of  the  govern- 
ment thus  destroyed,  and  left  Artabanus,  at  the  close  of  his  chequered 

'  6.  31-37 ;  41-44.  ^  6.  32,  5.  "  On  the  disputed  date  of  this  revolt 

^  6.  31,  1 ;  32,  I,  5.  *  6.  32,  5.  see  11.  9,  6,  and  note. 

'  6.  32,  I  :    cp.    '  Ostentasse   Romana  "  Jos.  Ant.  18.  4,  4.     The  news  would 

arma  satis  ratus'  (6.  37,  6).  appear  to  have  reached  Rome  after  the 

*  6.  36,  I.  "^  6.  33,  3-5.  accession  of  Gaius,  and  to  have  enabled 

**  6.  34,  2.  ^  6.  34,  3,  6.  him   to   take    credit   for  the  diplomatic 

'"  6-  35j  5-  "  6-  36»  J-  victory  (Suet.  Cal.  14).     Dio  (59.  27,  3) 

*-  6.  36,  1,  and  note.  would  imply  that  it  had  actually  taken 

^'  6.  36,  4 ;  43,  3.  place  under  his  rule. 
^*  6.  37;  41,  2-42,  6.        "  6,  43-44.  "  See  11.  8,  i,  and  note. 


CHAP.  IV]  PARTHIA  AND  ARMENIA  [105] 

life,^  once  more  master  of  the  coveted  situation  in  Armenia.*  On  his 
death,  the  balance  turned  no  less  rapidly  in  the  opposite  direction; 
the  civil  war  between  his  sons,  in  which  the  whole  Parthian  empire 
was  involved,''  being  taken  advantage  of  by  Claudius  to  reinstate 
Mithridates ;  who,  with  the  renewed  support  of  his  brother  Pharas- 
manes,*  was  enabled  to  overcome  the  resistance  of  the  satrap  * ;  while 
a  Roman  force  assisted  in  the  reduction  of  the  strongholds,®  and  a 
monition  from  the  emperor  checked  a  rival  claimant,  the  king  of 
lesser  Armenia'"';  after  which  the  nation  seems  to  have  acquiesced  in 
his  return.^  We  find,  however,  that  his  rule  was  marked  by  severity  ^ ; 
that  the  brave  and  enterprising  Vardanes  was  only  prevented  from 
attacking  him  by  the  menacing  attitude  of  the  legatus  of  Syria  ^"; 
and  we  notice  for  the  first  time  not  only  the  assistance  of  a  Roman 
force,  as  described  above,  but  a  small  permanent  Roman  garrison  in 
the  country." 

We  have  next  a  striking  instance  of  the  way  in  which  the  history 
of  this  period  repeats  itself.  The  cruelty  and  incapacity  of  Gotarzes " 
give  occasion  in  802,  a.d.  49,  for  another  embassy  to  seek  a  king 
from  Rome ;  and  Meherdates,  son  of  Vonones,^*  is  sent  off  in  answer 
to  their  request.  Like  Tiridates,  he  is  escorted  by  the  legate  of  Syria 
no  further  than  the  Euphrates,^*  and  left  there  to  make  the  best  of 
his  own  resources.  Like  him  again,  he  lets  slip  the  precious  time,^'' 
and  defers  the  decisive  struggle  apparently  till  the  following  spring"; 
when  we  have  him  advancing  from  Armenia  along  the  Tigris,  osten- 

^  After  the  extant  narrative  of  Tacitus  cesser  of  Artabanus  was  his  son  of  the 
closes,  Artabanus  is  said  to  have  been  same  name,  is  not  necessarily  implied  by 
again  deposed  and  exiled  in  favour  of  an  Tacitus  (ii.  8,  3),  and  appears  to  rest  on 
Arsacid  named  Cinnamus,  and  to  have  no  other  evidence.  Some  coins  of  Go- 
been  again  restored  by  help  of  Izates  of  tarzes  contain  his  name,  and  bear  the 
Adiabene  (Jos.  Ant.  20.  3,  1-3).  The  strange  inscription  vbs  KfKoXovfievos  (ytbs 
evidence  of  the  coinage,  which  had  been  KeKkrjfiivos)  'Apra^dvov ;  which  may  pos- 
previously  taken  to  place  his  death  in  the  sibly  mean  that  the  patronymic  was  part 
middle  of  a.d.  42  (Rawlinson,  p.  248),  is  of  his  title.  He  would  hardly  describe 
made  by  Prof.  Gardner  (p.  12)  to  fix  it  to  himself  as  '  reputed  son  '. 
A.D.  40.  *  II.  8,  I.  '  II.  9,  2. 

^  This  is  implied  in  the  narrative  of  *  11.  9,  i.  '  n-  9>  3- 

Tacitus  (i  1 .  8,  i ,  foil.).  *  '  Cuncta  in  Mithridaten  fluxere  ^  (1. 1.). 

^  See  II.  8-10.     It  is  stated  by  Prof.  '  'Atrociorem  quam  novo  regno  con- 
Gardner  (pp.  12,  50)  that  the  evidence  of  duceret'  (1. 1.). 
coins  appears  to  support  the  statement  of  ^^  See  11.  10,  i,  and  note. 
Tacitus,  as  against  that  of  Josephus  (Ant.           ^^  See  12.  45,  3,  &c. 
20.  3,  4)  and  Philostratus  (Vit.  Ap.  i.  "  12.  10,  2. 
21),  in  making  a  short  reign  of  Gotarzes           *^  12,  10,  i. 
(a.d.  40-41)  precede  that  of  Vardanes,  "  12.  11,4. 

and  to  show  that  the  death  of  the  latter  ^'  In  the  present  case  this  is  ascribed  to 

(II.  10,  5)  took  place  about  A.  D.  45.    The  the  insidious  advice  of  his  false  friend  the 

view  of  Mommsen   (Hist.  v.  379,  n.  1;  Arabian  prince  (12.  12,4). 
E.  T.  ii.  45,  n.  i),  that  the  immediate  sue-  *'  See  12.  13,  i,  and  note. 


[io6] 


INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  IV 


tatiously  occupying  the  great  historic  sites  of  Ninus  and  Gaugamela/ 
soon  forced  by  desertion  of  allies*  to  face  with  diminished  forces  a 
decisive  battle,  in  which  all  is  lost  by  the  death  of  his  best  supporter,^ 
then  by  a  further  treachery  falling  into  the  victor's  hands,  mutilated, 
and  contemptuously  left  to  live*;  an  ignominious  conclusion  of  the 
policy  initiated  in  the  later  days  of  Augustus,  of  controlling  the  Parthian 
empire  by  means  of  Romanized  Arsacids. 

The  revolting  story  ^  of  the  murder  of  the  old  king  Mithridates,  with 
his  wife  and  family,  at  the  instigation  of  his  own  brother  Pharasmanes,^ 
and  by  the  act  of  Radamistus,  who  was  at  once  his  son-in-law,  brother- 
in-law,  and  nephew,'^  bears  chiefly  on  the  present  subject  as  showing 
the  thorough  discredit  incurred  by  Rome  through  the  worthlessness 
of  its  officials  on  the  spot,^  and  the  widespread  taint  of  the  'avarice 
of  the  Claudian  times'.^  The  war  of  one  vassal  king  upon  another 
is  allowed  to  proceed  without  interference :  the  military  commander 
of  the  fortress  in  which  the  king  and  his  family  had  taken  refuge  is 
bribed  to  urge  him,  and  even  to  compel  him  to  surrender  himself  to 
his  treacherous  enemies  ^° :  the  court  buffoon,"  who  by  a  freak  of  fortune 
filled  the  responsible  post  of  procurator  of  Cappadocia,  after  a  futile 
show  of  interference,  is  induced  by  another  bribe  to  support  by  his 
sanction  and  presence  the  assumption  of  the  crown  by  the  arch-traitor  ^^ : 

*  12.  13,  2.  •»  12.  14,  6. 

''12.14,3.  ^  12.44-51,  The  whole  series  of  events 

^  An  inscription   (see  C.  I.  G.  4674;  is  related  by  Tacitus  under  thfe  year  804, 

Rawlinson,    p.    259;    Gardner,    p.    13),  a.  d.  51,  which  must  be  that  in  which  the 

carved  over  one  of  Darius  Hystaspes  on  intrigues    of    Radamistus    began.      The 

the   rock   of  Behistiin    in   Kurdistan,    is  actual  invasion  of  the  Iberians  (12.  45,  2) 

generally    taken    to    commemorate    this  and  its  results  cannot  well  have  taken 

victory ;  but  the  title,  TojTap^rjs  aarpa-n-qs  place  before  the  following  year,  and  are 

rS)v  aaTpairlwv],   causes  much  difficulty.  perhaps  spread  over  two  years ;  another 

The  great  king  never  appears  to  be  else-  year  must  begin  after  the  winter  mentioned 

where  so  designated ;  and  the  usual  form,  in  12.  50,  3;  and  the  final  occupation  of 

fiaaiKevs  ^aaiKiojv,  is  used  by  Gotarzes  on  Armenia  by  the  Parthians  cannot  have 

coins  (Gardner,  p.  49).     The  suggestion  taken  place  before  807,  a.d.  54,  as  the 

(see  Mommsen,  341,  n.  1;  E.  T.  ii.  7,  2),  news  of  it  did  not  reach  Rome  till  after 

that  it  may  express  his  position  during  his  the  death  of  Claudius.     See  notes  on  12. 

retirement  in  favour  of  Vardanes,  is  in-  44,  i ;  50,  i ;  51,  5;  13.  6,  i. 

consistent  with  the  complete  effacement  *  12.  44,  5;  45,  2. 

then  recorded  of  him  (11.  9,  5) ;  nor  is  it  ''  See  12.  46,  i. 

easy  to  suppose  the  carved  figure  with  *  The  one  bright  exception  is  the  cen- 

one  of  Victory  above  its  head  to  be  other  turion  Casperius  (12,  45,  5). 

than  that  of  the  actual  king.    Of  the  rest,  ^  H.  5.  12,  3. 

only  two  or  three  isolated  words  remain,  i"  12.  45,  5  ;  46,  I-5.     According  to  a 

as  *AA(^aaaT77s,  Mt^poTJ/s  (by  which  Meher-  fragment  of  Dio  (61.  6,  6),  Pollio  was 

dates  is  taken  to  be  meant)  and  Tonap^ris  replaced  by  a  successor  named  Laelianus, 

TioTtoOpo^  (on  which   see   Gardner).     It  who  was  equally  corrupt, 

seems  open  to  reasonable  doubt  whether  "  12.  49,  i.      The    Tightness    of   the 

the  inscription  has  any  reference  to  the  reading   given   in   the    text    is   here   as- 

events    or    persons   here   mentioned    by  sumed. 
Tacitus. 


CHAP.  IV]  PARTHIA  AND  ARMENIA  [107] 

even  the  legatus  of  Syria  thinks,  with  the  majority  of  his  advisers  there 
present,  that  all  atrocities  and  quarrels  of  barbarians  were  good  for 
Roman  interests,  and  that  a  king  who  owed  his  throne  to  a  deed  of 
infamy  would  be  more  manageable  than  one  who  had  reached  it 
honourably  * :  the  legion  sent  into  Armenia  to  restore  order  is  hastily 
withdrawn  to  avoid  collision  with  the  Parthians'^:  the  garrison  which 
had  betrayed  Miihridates  appears  to  have  evacuated  the  country,^ 

The  Parthian  empire  was  now  in  the  hands  of  the  able  and  enter- 
prising Vologeses  ^ ;  who  continued  for  many  years  to  direct  its  policy,* 
and  who  now  seized  the  opportunity  of  fulfilling  a  standing  family 
compact*  by  supporting  his  brother  Tiridates  as  the  antagonist  of  the 
usurper,  and  occupied  Armenia  and  its  chief  cities  without  resistance^ 
His  withdrawal  during  the  winter  of  805-806,  a.  d.  52-53,*  gave  Rada- 
mistus  an  opportunity  of  returning;  when  his  vindictive  measures,^ 
added  to  his  previous  crimes,  roused  the  spirit  of  his  people;  who, 
after  years  of  tame  submission  to  one  ruler  after  another,^"  were  at 
last  goaded  into  insurrection,  and  drove  him  from  Artaxata  in 
ignominious  flight  to  his  Iberian  home,"  from  whence  he  appears 
to  have  kept  up  some  desultory  warfare  till  the  close  of  the  following 
year." 

We  can  thus  understand  the  situation  when  news  was  brought  to 
Rome,  almost  immediately  after  the  accession  of  Nero,  that  Radamistus 
had  finally  disappeared,  that  Armenia  was  again  occupied  by  Parthian 
forces,  and  that  Tiridates  was  undisputed  king.^'  The  policy  initiated 
by  Augustus  had  broken  down  on  all  points;  the  Romanized  princes 
who  had  been  set  up  as  claimants  for  the  great  king's  throne  had 
one  after  another  failed  ignominiously  ^* ;  while  in  Armenia  the  un- 
principled support  given  to  Radamistus  had  called  into  existence  an 
uprousing  of  national  spirit  as  a  new  force  to  be  reckoned  with,  had 

*  12.48,2,3.  The  speakers  are  there  obtaining  through  his  aid  Media  and 
even  made  to  suggest  that  the  policy  of      Armenia  (see  15.  2,  i). 

setting  up  vassal  kings  of  Armenia  was  "^  12.  50,  i,  2. 

intended  to  promote  national  discord.  *  This  is  ascribed  to  a  sickness  in  his 

^  12.49,3,4.  army    from    the    severe    winter,    or    in- 

'  This    is    not    expressly   stated,   but  sufficient  provision,   or  both  causes  (12. 

appears  to  be  implied  in  the  narrative.  50,  3). 

*  On  the   date    of   his    accession    see  *  12.  50,  4. 
above,  p.  [97]  ;  on  his  origin  and  descent  ***  12.  50,  5. 

see  12.  14,  8  ;  44,  2.  "  See  the  description  of  his  escape,  and 

'  This  is  here  assumed,  notwithstand-  the  romantic  story  of  his  wife  Zenobia 

ing    the   doubt    arising   from   a    change  (12.  51). 

in  the  type  of  his  coinage  (see  above,  p.  ^^  13.  6,  I. 

[97],  3).  "  1. 1. 

*  His  brothers  had  given  way  to  him  "  2.  2  ;  6.  32,  foil.;  12.  10,  foil. 
(i2.  44,  2),  and  were  to  be  rewarded  by 


[io8]  INTRODUCTION  [chap,  iv 

enabled  the  Parthians  to  pose  as  liberators  of  the  nation  from  an  odious 
tyranny,  and  had  brought  back  the  antipathy  to  Roman  interference 
in  that  country  to  much  the  same  point  at  which  it  had  stood  after 
the  action  of  Antonius  some  ninety  years  earlier.^  The  accession  of 
a  new  emperor  undoubtedly  gave  opportunity  for  a  new  departure 
in  policy;  but  the  necessity  of  satisfying  Roman  public  opinion  and 
maintaining  Roman  prestige  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  facts  of  the 
situation  on  the  other,  still  operated  to  circumscribe  it  within  narrow 
limits. 

The  prompt  appointment,  early  in  808,  a.  d.  55,  of  a  general  of 
the  character  and  antecedents  of  Corbulo,*  satisfied  public  opinion  at 
Rome  that  the  Parthian  defiance  was  to  be  met  in  a  corresponding  spirit. 
[Corbulo  was  appointed  not  to  any  one  province,  but  to  the  command- 
in-chief  of  the  war  ('  dux  belli '),  and  the  war  was  to  be  waged  not  from 
Syria,  but  from  a  nearer  base  on  the  Upper  Euphrates,  arrangements 
which  anticipated  those  afterwards  adopted  by  Vespasian.  Two  of  the 
Syrian  legions  were  transferred  to  Corbulo — P.],  and  the  neighbouring 
vassal  kings,  the  Jewish  prince  Agrippa,  Antiochus  of  Commagene,  with 
Aristobulus  and  Sohaemus,  newly  appointed  to  rule  Armenia  Minor 
and  Sophene,  are  directed  to  assist.^  Corbulo  promptly  took  possession 
of  his  command  * ;  and  the  mere  demonstration  of  Roman  force  reveals 
again,  as  so  often  formerly,  the  internal  weakness  of  the  Parthian 
monarchy.  A  rebellion,  headed  by  the  king's  son  and  apparently 
strong  enough  to  support  itself  for  three  years, **  starts  up;  Vologeses 
hastily  evacuates  Armenia,  and  under  further  pressure  sends  hostages 
chosen  out  of  the  Arsacid  nobility.^  With  this  incident,  and  a  petty 
quarrel  arising  out  of  it  between  the  ill-assorted  Roman  generals,*^  all 
sight  of  the  East  for  nearly  three  years  is  lost  to  us. 

The  whole  following  period  is  one  in  which  our  information  is  most 
unsatisfactory,  as  compared  with  what  might  naturally  have  been  ex- 
pected; for  although  the  Roman  general  is  known  to  have  been  the 
historian  of  his  own  campaigns,  and  his  work  is  known  to  have  been 
consulted  by  Tacitus,^  many  of  the  points  chiefly  interesting  to  students 
of  history  are  left  in  great  obscurity.     Regarding  it  as  a  military  record, 

^  See  above,  p.  [98].  imagined    a    division    of  the    monarchy 

^  13.  8,  i:   ior   his   previous   services  during  part  of  the  reign  of  Vologeses  (see 

see  II.  18-20,  and  notes.  Schiller,  p.  100,  6). 

^  On  these  kings  see  13.  7,  i,  foil,  and  *  It  is  suggested  (13.  9,  2)  that  he  may 

notes.  They  were  to  assist  either  governor,  have  been  glad  thus  to   rid   himself  of 

but  preferred  service  with  the  more  vi-  dangerous  subjects, 
gorous  general  (c.  8,  3).  ^  13-9.  3-6- 

*  13.  8,  4.  *  See  15.  16,  I,  and  note. 

'  See  above,  p.  [97],  note.     Some  have 


CHAP.  IV] 


PARTHIA  AND  ARMENIA 


[109] 


w 


we  find  an  absence  of  all  strategical  details,  and  rarely  get  even  clear 
indications  of  time  or  place.^  In  the  practice  of  grouping  the  events 
of  two  or  more  years  together,  so  much  is  sacrificed  to  literary  effect 
as  to  leave  the  time  of  the  year,  and  even  the  year  itself,  and  the 
distinction  of  one  campaign  from  another,  to  be  made  out  from  some 
incidental  allusion  to  season  or  climate ;  and  agtin,  the  general  features 
of  the  physical  geography  of  the  country  are  wholly  ignored  ;  the  situation 
of  important  places  is  assumed  as  known  or  left  altogether  vague ;  and 
it  is  only  here  and  there  that  the  mention  of  some  definite  locality  gives 
any  indication  of  the  routes  taken  or  positions  occupied.  Nor  are  the 
defects  less  serious  in  the  political  history.  The  policy  and  instructions 
of  the  Roman  government,  the  nature  of  the  negotiations  between  the 
contending  parties,  and  the  terms  proposed  or  rejected  on  either  side, 
are  often er  left  to  be  gathered  than  expressly  stated. 

For  most  of  these  defects,  Tacitus  must  himself  be  held  responsible. 
We  can  hardly  suppose  that  the  chronology  of  the  campaigns  was  thus 
onfused  in  the  original  account;  and  the  knowledge  of  the  geography 
of  Armenia  which  had  grown  up  in  Greece  from  the  time  of  the  Ten 
^Thousand,  and  in  Rome  from  that  of  the  Mithridatic  wars,  is  stated  by 
Pliny  to  have  entered  upon  a  new  era  in  his  time  through  the  additions 
made  to  it  by  Corbulo  and  from  other  contemporary  sources.'*  It  is 
likely  enough,  however,  that  the  tendency  to  grandiloquence  noticed  by 
Tacitus  himself  in  Corbulo,'  had  left  its  traces  on  his  work  in  some 
general  exaltation  of  his  own  personality,  which  has  been  exaggerated 
to  us  rather  than  reduced,  through  the  desire  of  the  historian  to  throw 
a  strong  light  upon  what  he  conceived  to  be  a  portrait  of  true  Roman 
heroism,  in  contrast  to  the  degradation  and  effeminacy  of  Nero."* 
Though  evidently  not  altogether  blind  to  the  existence  of  defects  in  his 
hero,^  he  has  not  allowed  them  to  interfere  with  his  idealization;  and 


^  On  these  points,  the  account  here 
given  is  constantly  indebted  to  Egli's 
work,  referred  to  at  the  beginning  of  this 
chapter. 

'  In  coming  to  this  part  of  his  geogra- 
phical description,  he  says  (6.  8,  23), 
*  nunc  reddatur  ingens  in  mediterraneo 
sinus,  in  quo  multa  aliter  ac  veteres  pro- 
diturum  me  non  eo  infitias,  anxia  per- 
quisita  cura  rebus  nuper  in  eo  situ  gestis 
a  Domitio  Corbulone  regibusque  inde 
missis  supplicibus  aut  regum  liberis  obsi- 
dibus.'  Pliny  elsewhere  (5.  24,  20,  83) 
quotes  him  and  Mucianus  as  differing 
authorities  respecting  the  source  of  the 
Euphrates,  and  in  another  place  (6.  11, 
^  2*  30)  corrects  a  prevalent  error  of  those 


who  had  served  with  him  respecting  the 
*  Caspiae  portae '  ("see  below,  p.  [125],  7). 
It  is  however  justly  noted  by  Egli  (p.  336, 
foil.)  that  Pliny's  '  anxia  cura '  has  merely 
added  a  number  of  names  and  isolated 
facts  to  those  already  known,  and  that 
his  general  knowledge  of  Armenian  geo- 
graphy is  still  far  below  that  of  Strabo, 
whose  work  he  strangely  nowhere  men- 
tions, and  appears  never  to  have  seen. 

'  He  is  described  as  *  verbis  magnificis  ' 
and  *etiam  specie  inanium  validus'  (13. 

8,  4). 

*  On  his  fondness  for  such  contrasts,  as 
especially  that  implied  between  Germani- 
cus  and  Tiberius,  see  Introd.  i.  iv.  p.  28. 

'  Tacitus  admits,  for  instance,  besides 


[no]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  IV 

throughout  the  whole  history  of  the  war  he  has  selected  such  incidents 
alone  for  prominence  as  concern  Corbulo  personally,  and  has  frequently 
sacrificed  the  general  narrative  of  events  to  biographical  particulars. 

What  has  been  said  above  will  serve  to  explain  the  necessity  of  here 
supplementing  the  narrative  of  Tacitus  by  such  a  geographical  and 
chronological  sketch  as  will  make  it  intelligible. 

It  may  be  sufficient  for  the  former  purpose  to  trace  the  three  chief 
mountain  systems  forming  the  highlands  of  Armenia  and  the  river  basins 
and  plains  of  various  elevation  enclosed  by  them.^  The  central  and 
highest  range,  that  of  the  Dujik  mountains,  a  prolongation  of  the  Anti- 
Taurus,  parts  at  its  western  extremity  the  two  branches  of  the  Upper 
Euphrates,  the  Murad  and  the  Jephrat  or  Kara-Su ;  and  is  prolonged 
under  the  names  of  Dujik  Dagh,  Binghol  Dagh,  and  others,  rising  at 
its  eastern  extremity  to  the  two  highest  points  in  the  whole  country, 
those  of  Great  and  Litde  Ararat ;  at  the  foot  of  the  latter  of  which  the 
basin  of  the  Erasch  (Araxes)  is  joined  to  that  of  its  tributary  the  Balyk. 
The  southern  range,  treated  as  a  prolongation  of  Taurus,  or  Taurus 
Niphates,  parts  the  basin  of  the  Murad  from  that  of  the  Upper  Tigris ' 
under  the  name  of  Mush  Dagh,  and  divides  at  the  great  plain  of  Lake  Van 
into  the  Arjerosch  and  Erdoz  Dagh  south  of  the  lake,  and  Jebel  Nimrud 
and  Sapan  Dagh  at  the  north  of  it,  rising  further  to  the  north-east  to  the 
Ala  Dagh,^  in  which  the  Murad  and  Balyk  find  their  source  and  water- 
shed. The  northern  range,  enclosing  the  whole  country  in  its  sweep, 
divides  in  its  western  portion  the  basin  of  the  Kara-Su  from  that  of  the 
loruk  (Akampsis),  and  in  its  eastern  that  of  the  Araxes  from  that  of  the 
Kur  (Cyrus) ;  the  watershed  of  the  Kara-Su  and  Araxes  being  found  on 
the  high  table-lands,  the  highest  in  the  whole  country  and  near  7000  feet 

the    grandiloquence    above    mentioned,  ^  This  sketch  is   drawn    mainly  from 

Corbulo's  desire  to  prolong  the  war  for  Egli,  pp.  294-302,  but  partly  from  various 

his  own  advantage  (15.  3,  i),  his  impa-  other  sources.     See  also  the  map  at  the 

tience  of  rivalry  (15.6,6),  his  desire  to  add  end  of  this  volume. 

to  the  glory  of  his  arrival  in  succour  of  ^  Another  and  much  lower  range,  that 

Paetus  by  delaying  it  till  the  last  moment  of  Mt.  Masius,  branching  off  from  this  to 

(15.   10,  7);    and  gives,  not  indeed  (as  the  south-east,  encloses  the  basin  of  the 

should  ho)  for  a  fact,  but  for  a  report,  the  Upper  Tigris  on  the  south,  and  was  prob- 

less  creditable  version  of  his  arrangement  ably   in   part    the    southern    frontier    of 

with  Vologeses  (15.  6,  1-3).     These  ad-  Armenia. 

missions  do  not  affect  his  general  view ;  ^  This  is  probably  either   the   *  mons 

but  it  is  not  fair  to  suppose,  as  Mommsen  Aga '  or  *  Capotes  *,  which  Pliny  (N.  H.  5. 

thinks  on   one   of  these   occasions    (see  24,  20,  83)  gives,  on  the  respective  au- 

Hist.  V.  390,  i;  E.  T.  ii.  57,  i),  that  he  thority  of  Corbulo  and  Mucianus,  as  the 

has  no  sense  of  the  censure  conveyed  by  source  of  the   Euphrates ;    the  other  of 

his  words.      He  does  not  always  accept  them  being  probably  the  source  of  the 

Corbulo's   own  statement,   nor   does  he  Jephrat.     The  Balyk  may  be  the  *  Usus  * 

endeavour  to  soften  his  ungenerous  words  of  Plin.  6.  9,  10,  26  ;  the  Murad  is  gener- 

and  acts  in  regard  of  Paetus  (see  below,  ally  taken  to  be  the  Arsanias  (see  15.  15, 

p.  [118],  10).  I,  and  note). 


CHAP.  IV]  PARTHIA  AND  ARMENIA  [in] 

above  the  sea,  of  Erzeroum  and  Pasin ;  from  which  descend  eastward  the 
districts  of  Kars  and  Erivan  ;  in  the  latter  of  which,  on  the  bank  of  the 
Araxes,  and  near  the  northern  foot  of  Great  Ararat,  lay  Artaxata,  the 
ancient  capital.  The  roads  and  passes  in  such  a  country  were  few  and 
difficult,  and  most  of  them  during  great  part  of  the  year  impracticable ; 
the  routes  most  open  to  an  invader  from  the  west  being  either  to  cross 
the  Euphrates  near  Melitene  (Malatia)  in  Cappadocia,  and  follow  the 
course  of  either  of  its  branches,  or  to  take  one  of  the  lines  further  north, 
answering  to  modern  caravan  roads,  from  Armenia  Minor  and  Ponius, 
or  from  the  Black  Sea  at  Trapezus  (Trebizond),  to  the  table-land  of 
Erzeroum,  and  thence  to  strike  at  Artaxata.  On  the  south,  the  vulner- 
able point  was  the  Bidis  pass,  on  the  west  side  of  Lake  Van,  communi- 
cating with  the  plain  of  Mush  in  the  centre  of  the  country';  whence  again 
the  Khynis  pass,  over  the  central  mountain  ranges,  east  of  the  Binghol 
Dagh,  led  directly  to  the  plateau  of  Erzeroum.^  How  far  south  of  the 
Bitlis  pass  the  limits  of  Armenia  extended  is  an  uncertain  point ;  still 
more  so  the  situation  of  Tigranocerta,'^  stated  to  have  lain  on  the  extreme 
southern  frontier  of  the  kingdom,'  on  an  elevated  site,*  and  close  to 
a  river  known  to  Tacitus  as  the  Nicephorius.* 

As  regards  the  chronology,  while  it  appears  clear  that  the  narrative 
in  Book  15*  is  that  belonging  to  the  years  814-817,  a.d.  61-63,  the 
apportionment  of  the  narrative  in  the  two  previous  Books  among  the 
preceding  years  is  matter  of  great  difficulty;  and  the  only  winter 
mentioned  in  that  period '  has  been  assigned  by  critics  to  three 
different  years. 

If  we  reckon  back  from  what  seems  clearly  made  out,  the  first  question 
will  be  whether  the  events  of  14.  23-26,  related,  as  they  are,  wholly 
without  a  break,  are  those  of  the  year  813,  a.d.  60,  alone,  or  of  the 
previous  year  also :  we  have  again  to  ask  whether  the  beginning  of  this 
narrative  is  to  be  taken  as  separated  from  that  ending  in  13.  41,  4,  by  an 
intervening  unmentioned  winter;  whether  again  the  events  of  13.  34-41 
are  those  of  one  campaign  or  two,  and  whether  the  beginning  of  actual 
hostilities  is  to  be  placed  in  811,  a.d.  58,  or  the  preceding  year. 

As  regards  the  first  question,  Egli's  arguments  ^  seem  clearly  to  show 

^  This  was  the  route  by  which  the  Ten  "15.    1-18;     24-31.      Although    the 

Thousand  had  passed  through  the  country  whole  period  of  the  narrative  in  this  Book 

to  the  sea ;  and  also  that  by  which  Lu-  seems  thus  clearly  defined,  its  subdivision 

cullus  had  endeavoured  to  reach  Artaxata  into  separate  years  is  full  of  difficulty : 

in  686,  B.C.  68.  see  below,  p.  [115],  10. 

'  See  note  on  12.  50,  3.  '  13.  35,  5. 

^  The  computation  of  Claudius,  cited  '  pp.  288,  289.    This  conclusion  rests 

in  PI.  N.  H.  6.  9,  10,  27,  so  places  it.  on  the  notices  of  the  season  of  the  year 

*  Plin.  1. 1.  §  26.  implied  in  14.  24,  2,  3. 

•  See  15.  4,  3,  and  note. 


[ii2]  .  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  IV 

that  the  occupation  of  Tigranocerta  must  be  placed  late  in  the  autumn, 
and  that  few  if  any  events  of  importance  can  have  followed  within 
the  same  year;  certainly  not  such  as  involve  a  reference  to  Rome 
and  the  initiation  of  a  fresh  policy  by  the  government,  the  mission 
of  Tigranes,  his  establishment  in  the  kingdom,  and  withdrawal  of 
Corbulo  to  Syria.^  On  the  other  hand,  Egli's  supposition  that  the 
capture  of  Artaxata  and  Tigranocerta  belong  to  one  and  the  same 
campaign'*  involves  the  difficulty  of  supposing  no  break  of  time  at  all 
in  so  wide  a  break  of  narrative;  while  his  chronology  is  further  com- 
plicated by  his  untenable  identification  of  the  '  miraculum '  observed 
at  the  capture  of  the  former  city  with  the  eclipse  of  April  30,  812, 
A.D.  59,^  obliging  him  to  assign  an  earlier  period  to  the  opening  of 
the  campaign  than  the  climate  of  that  region  would  permit.*  Yet 
again,  Mommsen's  opinion,^  that  in  13.  34-41  the  narrative  is  carried 
down  to  the  close  of  812,  a.d.  59,  involves  the  difficulty  already 
mentioned,  of  leaving  all  the  events  given  in  14.  23-26  to  be  com- 
pressed into  the  one  following  year.  Also  we  should  hardly  expect 
Tacitus  here  to  antedate  without  giving  some  intimation  that  he  is  doing 
so,  especially  when  a  debate  in  the  senate  on  the  events,  not  likely  to 
be  thus  antedated,  is  subjoined,^  and  another  event,  obviously  belonging 
to  the  current  year,  is  introduced  immediately  afterwards  by  '  deinde '.  ^ 
If  the  year  58  be  fixed  as  the  date  of  this  campaign,  it  carries  with 
it  that  of  the  previous  winter  spent  in  the  enemy's  country ;  and  we 
are  thus  on  the  whole  led  to  conclude  that  the  narrative  in  13.  34-41 
belongs  to  810,  811,  a.d.  57,  58,  and  that  in  14.  23-26  to  812,  813, 
A.D.  59,  60.  But  in  any  decision  we  have  more  or  less  a  choice  of 
difficulties ;  and  some  of  those  belonging  to  this  view  will  have  to  be 
noticed  in  their  place. 

By  adopting  this  chronology,  the  period  of  apparent  inaction  is 
reduced  to  the  two  years  808,  809,  a.d.  55,  56.  These  are  taken 
to  have  been  spent  by  Corbulo  in  the  reorganization  of  forces  de- 
moralized by  long  inaction.  The  unfit  are  discharged,  their  places 
filled  and  the  legions  made  up  to  full  war  strength  by  levies  from 
the  neighbouring  provinces,  and  the  whole  is  welded  into  an  army  by 
strict  and  inexorable  discipline.*     We  are  also  to  gather  that  Corbulo 

^  See  14.  26.  where  no  break  is  given. 

»  pp.  284-287.  *  Hist.  V.  386,  I ;  E.  T.  ii.  53,  i. 

'  See  13.  41,  4;  14.  12,  3,  and  notes.  *  13.  41.  5. 

*  Active   operations   are  in   this  view  '  13.  42,  i.    Various  subsequent  events 

supposed  to  have  opened  with  the  taking  in  this  Book  are  expressly  referred  to  the 

of  the  three  forts  not  later  than  the  begin-  current  year  (see  13.  45,  i  ;  48,  i ;  50,  i ; 

ning  of  April,  and  the  preceding  campaign  58,  i). 

is  made  to  close  at  the  end  of  13.  38,  *  13.  35. 


CHAP.  IV] 


PARTHIA   AND  ARMENIA 


["3] 


was  instructed  from  t];ie  first  to  make  overtures,  whereby  Tiridates  was 
to  be  recognized  as  king,  on  condition  of  acknowledging  the  grant 
by  doing  formal  homage  to  the  majesty  of  Rome.^  But  the  Arsacidae 
still  held  their  heads  too  high  to  do  this,  and  considered  that  more 
than  enough  concession  had  been  made  by  the  delivery  of  hostages.* 
Tiridates  had  for  some  time  been  de  facto  king,  was  strong  in  national 
support,'  in  constant  expectation  of  effectual  help  from  his  brother,* 
and  probably  led  by  the  inaction  of  the  Romans  to  doubt  whether  they 
meant  serious  war  in  any  case. 

Corbulo  was  thus  forced  in  8io,  a.d.  57,  to  begin  hostilities  in  earnest 
by  leading  his  now  thoroughly  disciplined  army  ^  into  Armenia,  where 
its  training  was  to  be  completed  by  the  terrible  ordeal  of  a  winter 
spent  under  Anvas  in  probably  the  most  inclement  region  ever  held 
as  a  Roman  winter-quarters.*'  We  are  told  little,  save  what  tends  to 
bring  out  the  portrait  of  the  general,  his  heroic  example  to  his  soldiers,*^ 
his  iron  discipline  in  camp  and  severity  to  disobedient  officers,^  his 
insight  into  the  treacherous  designs  of  Tiridates,^  and  the  like.  We 
gather,  as  it  were  incidentally,  that  the  locality  of  the  campaign  which 
opened  in  a.d.  58  was  such  as  to  enable  the  Romans  to  draw  their 
supplies  from  Trapezus  (Trebizond),*''  and  was  therefore  probably  that 
of  the  great  table-land  of  Erzeroum:  also  that  Tiridates,  strengthened 
by  some  assistance  from  his  brother,"  pursued  a  system  of  predatory 
attacks,  without  allowing  himself  to  be  drawn  within  striking  distance, 
and  of  hollow  attempts  to  negotiate  '^'^ ;  that  the  Romans  were  compelled 
to  adopt  similar  tactics,"  aided  by  demonstrations  from  the  Hiberi 
and  Moschi  on  the  north  and  the  king  of  Commagene  on  the  west,^* 
^till  the  campaign,  necessarily  in  that  climate  a  short  one,'^  was  brought 
a  crisis  by  the  storming  of  three  forts  in  a  single  day,^^  followed 


He  would  have  been  permitted 
alienae  id  potentiae  donum  habere'  (13. 
14,  4),  and  is  thus  offered  a  'stabile 
•gnum'  (c.  37,  6). 

In  13.  37,  4  he  is  made  to  complain 

r  datis  nuper  obsidibus  (c.  9,  2)  redinte- 

itaque    amicitia,    quae    novis    quoque 

;ficiis  locum  aperiret,  vetere  Armeniae 

)ssessione  depelleretur  *. 

'  It  is  gathered  from  13.  34,  5,  that 

Ibere  was  a  Roman  party,  but  that  it  was 

fthe  weakest. 

*  This  was  constantly  delayed  first  by 

le  pretendership  of  Vardanes  (13.  7,  2, 

id  note),  afterwards  by  the  Hyrcanian 

-volt  (13.  36,6;  14.  25,  2). 

'  It  is  seen  from  13.  38,  6;  40,  3,  that 

lis  force  consisted  of  the  Third,  Sixth,  and 

PELHAK 


part  of  the  Tenth  legions,  making  up,  with 
auxiliaries,  some  25,000  Roman  troops 
besides  the  contingents  of  the  vassal 
princes. 

'  13.35.5;  36,  I. 

'  J  3-  35,  7. 

'  13-  35»  8;  36,  5. 

'  13-  38,  3. 

'"  i3-39»  I-  "  13-37.  I- 

"  13.37.4;  38.  I. 

"  Cp.  *  dispertit  vires'  (13.  37,  a). 

"  13.  37,  2,  3- 

"  Mommsen,  in  his  account  of  Lu- 
cullus  (Hist.  B.  V.  ch.  2\  estimates  the 
season  for  active  operations  on  the  table- 
land of  Armenia  at  four  months  (June — 
September). 

*"  13-  39.  3,  foil. 


[ii4]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  IV 

by  a  rapid  movement  along  the  Araxes,  the  complete  disappearance  of 
Tiridates,^  and  the  surrender  of  Artaxata  without  a  battle.^ 

The  narrative  of  the  next  campaign  (14.  23,  foil.)  is  again  chiefly 
a  personal  record  of  Corbulo,  of  his  dealings  with  the  submissive, 
the  fugitive,  the  stubborn,^  his  heroic  example  in  the  endurance  of 
drought  and  heat,  as  before  in  that  of  piercing  cold,*  his  economy  of 
Roman  lives,^  his  escape  from  threatened  assassination.^  Twice  only 
are  we  helped,  however  slightly,  by  the  occurrence  of  a  definite  name 
in  the  vague  line  of  march.  From  the  mention  of  his  '  passing  along 
the  borders  of  the  MardiV  it  is  inferred  that  he  had  marched  from 
Artaxata  round  the  foot  of  Little  Ararat  to  the  high  plain  of  Bayazid, 
and  thence,  leaving  the  basin  of.  the  Araxes  for  that  of  its  tributary 
the  Balyk,  over  the  watershed  of  that  stream  and  the  Murad  at  Djadin, 
near  the  foot  of  the  Ala  Dagh,  and  thence  along  the  latter  river 
through  the  plain  of  Alashgerd  or  Arishgerd.^  The  march  must 
have  begun  late,  as  we  find  the  army  now  exposed  to  the  fierce  heat 
and  drought  of  the  short  Armenian  summer^  (probably  about  July) 
and  unable  to  vary  their  diet  of  mere  animal  food  till  they  reached 
a  region  (perhaps  Melazgerd)  where  the  corn  was  ripe  (about  August)..^*" 
The  locality  next  given  ('  Tauraunitium ')  may  probably  have  been  the 
plain  of  Mush,^^  where  they  would  leave  the  Murad  and  strike  south-east 
for  the  Bitlis  pass,  and  thence  to  Tigranocerta,  which  could  hardly  have 
been  reached  before  September.  With  its  occupation,  and  the  reduction, 
after  some  resistance,  of  Legerda,^^  the  campaign  may  be  taken  to  have 
closed." 

The  impression  produced  by  the  news  of  this  campaign  at  Rome 
must  be  gathered  from  the  fact  that  a  complete  change  of  policy 
was  its  result.  Tiridates  had  wholly  disappeared  from  the  scene,  his 
feeble  attempt,  in  the  autumn  or  following  spring,  to  re-enter  from 
Media,  had  been  so  crushed  as  to  leave  him  without  apparent  hope 

^  He  appears  to  have  fled  to  Media  '  See  14.  23,  4,  and  note. 

(13.41,2;  14.26,  i).  *  Egli,    pp.    307-311.     The   plain   of 

^  It  is  noted  above  that  it  seems  im-  Bayazid  is  now  traversed  by  a  great  cara- 

possible  to  suppose,  with  Egli,  that  the  van  road  from  Erzeroum  to  Tabriz, 

long  march  upon  Tigranocerta  followed  '  14.  24,  2.     The  allusion  to  'penuria 

in  the  same  season.     If  however  we  take  aquae '  is  difficult  to  understand,  and  may 

it  that  the  campaign  closed  here,  and  that  be  a  touch  added  ;  unless  it  is  meant  that 

the    Romans  wintered  in    Artaxata,    we  many  of  the  streams  feeding  the  Murad 

could  not  suppose  that  Corbulo  burnt  the  were    dried   up    and    the    herbage    was 

city  till  he  evacuated  it  in  the  following  withered, 

year.     If  therefore  the  view  taken  here  is  i"  14.  24,  3. 

correct,  the  natural  impression  produced  *^  See  14.  24,  4,  and  note, 

by  the  narrative  is  misleading.  "  14.  25,  i,  and  note. 

[4.  24,  2.  ^'  Nipp.  estimates  the  march  as  one  of 
275  Roman  miles. 


CHAP.  IV] 


PARTHIA   AND  ARMENIA 


["5] 


of  resistance  ^ ;  and  he  was  now  left  out  of  account,  and  the  old  course, 
so  often  marked  by  failure,  was  re-entered,  probably  early  in  813, 
A.D.  60,  by  sending  out,  to  be  set  upon  the  throne,  another  Romanized 
prince,  Tigranes,  nephew  of  one  of  the  same  name  who  had  ruled 
for  a  short  time  in  the  Roman  interest  in  the  last  years  of  Augustus.' 
The  neighbouring  princes  were  bribed,  each  by  a  portion  of  Armenian 
territory,  to  support  the  new  arrangement^;  a  force  of  1000  legionary 
and  3000  or  more  auxiliary  Roman  troops  was  left  in  the  country; 
and  Corbulo,  after  vengeance  executed  on  the  disaffected,*  withdrew  with 
his  army  to  Syria,'*  as  if  his  work  was  done. 

But  he  must  have  been  well  aware  that  the  war,  instead  of  being 
over,  was  only  entering  on  a  more  serious  phase;  that  to  have  led 
a  powerful  army  from  one  end  of  Armenia  to  the  other,®  in  the  absence 
of  the  Parthians,  was  no  real  conquest,  and  that  the  difficulties  would 
begin  again  as  soon  as  the  backs  of  the  legions  were  turned;  that 
the  new  king  could  not  hold  his  own  for  a  day  without  Roman  help, 
while  his  mere  presence  was  a  standing  defiance  which  the  Parthians 
could  not  but  take  up  with  energy ;  the  more  so  as  the  long  drag  of 
the  Hyrcanian  revolt  may  probably  at  this  time  have  been  opportunely 
removed,'  and  as  Tigranes  was  himself  taking  up  an  openly  aggressive 
attitude,  by  invading  and  endeavouring  to  annex  the  Mesopotamian 
district  of  Adiabene.*  We  can  hardly  avoid  the  conclusion  that  the 
sending  out  of  Tigranes  was  the  act  of  the  home  government,  and  was 
in  direct  opposition  to  the  policy  favoured  by  Corbulo,  and  finally  adopted, 
of  coming  to  terms  with  Tiridates.  Corbulo  no  doubt  realized  that 
Tigranes'  mission  could  only  end  in  failure,  and  withdrew  to  Syria  in 
disgust.® 

Before  these  arrangements  had  been  completed,  we  hear  of  Vologeses, 
early  in  the  spring  of  814,  a.d.  6i,'°  as  shaking  off  his  habitual  caution 


1  '  Abire  procul  et  spem  belli  amittere 
subegit'  (14.  26,  i). 

*  See  14.  26,  I,  and  note. 
'  14.  26,  3. 

*  He  is  described  (14.  26,  i)  as  treating 
the  country  as  conquered  (*  possessionem 
Armeniae  usurpabat'). 

»  14.  26,  4. 

*  The  inarch  is  represented  as  not 
strictly  hostile  ('non  infenso  exercitu'), 
though  as  one  in  which  precaution  was 
needed  against  treachery  (14.  23,  1). 

'  The  Hyrcanian  rebellion  is  mentioned 
as  continuing  in  15.  1,  i  (a  retrospective 
passage),  but  as  brought  to  a  close  when 
Vologeses  begins  to  act  with  vigour  (15. 
2,  5).    We  must  connect  with  this  the 


notice  in  14.  25,  2  of  the  mission  of  a 
Hyrcanian  embassy  to  Rome,  sent  back 
by  a  circuitous  route  under  escort  by 
Corbulo.  It  is  to  be  supposed  that  their 
object,  that  of  gaining  active  assistance 
from  Roman  arms,  was  seen  to  be  hope- 
less, and  that  they  made  terms  soon 
afterwards  with  the  Parthian  king. 

'  15.1,2. 

'  15.3,2. 

"  All  the  events  in  15.  1-18  are  related 
under  the  year  815,  a.d.  62;  but  the 
narrative  is  evidently  taken  up  from  813, 
A.D.  60  (14.  26,  4).  The  chief  chrono- 
logical difficulty  arises  from  the  appar- 
ently distinct  mention  of  three  winters  (15. 
6>  3 ;  8,  3;   17,  4),  where  room  can  be 


1  2 


[ii6]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP,  iv 

and  dread  of  Rome,'  and  solemnly  in  presence  of  his  council  investing 
Tiridates  with  the  diadem,  dispatching  a  force  to  deal  instantly  with 
Tigranes,  and  preparing  to  attack  the  frontier  with  all  his  strength.^ 
Corbulo  immediately  met  the  challenge  by  dispatching  two  legions 
to  Armenia ;  but  the  promptness  was  more  apparent  than  real ;  for 
the  commanders  are  said  to  have  been  instructed  not  to  be  too  ener- 
getic,' and  the  legions  were  not  those  which  he  had  trained  and 
led,  but  the  Fourth  and  Twelfth,*  which  had  been  left  in  Syria,  and 
could  have  been  hardly  more  fit  for  active  service  than  his  own  had 
been  five  years  previously.  On  the  other  hand,  all  possible  means 
were  taken  to  secure  the  frontier  of  Syria  on  the  Euphrates,  and  even 
to  threaten  an  advance  from  it°;  and  Tigranes,  behind  the  strong 
walls  of  Tigranocerta,  well  provisioned  and  garrisoned,  mocked  the 
feeble  siege  tactics  of  the  Parthians,^  whose  horsemen  were  themselves 
reduced  to  straits  through  the  destruction  of  the  herbage  by  locusts.' 
Under  these  circumstances  we  are  certainly  startled  to  find  the  Parthians 
able,  a  short  time  later,  to  gain  in  return  for  their  own  retirement 
from  what  is  represented  as  a  disadvantageous  and  untenable  position, 
no  less  an  equivalent  than  the  evacuation  of  Tigranocerta,  the  retreat 
of  the  whole  Roman  army  to  such  winter  quarters  as  it  could  find 
in  Cappadocia,  the  permanent  withdrawal  of  Tigranes,  and  the  oppor- 
tunity of  sending  to  make  terms  at  Rome  on  the  basis  formerly 
proposed.*  In  the  imperfection  of  our  record,  no  trustworthy  ex- 
found  for  only  two ;  inasmuch  as  this  seems  taken  from  the  accusation  brought 
part  of  the  narrative  cannot  well  be  taken  against  him  afterwards;  nor  is  the  latter 
to  begin  before  the  spring  of  814,  A.  D.  61,  sentence  easily  to  be  reconciled  with  his 
and  the  disaster  of  Paetus  must  have  taken  apparent  eagerness  to  settle  matters  (see 
place  before  the  end  of  815,  a.  D.  62,  as       c.  6,  i). 

the  news  of  it  reaches  Rome  in  the  fol-  *  Though  we  are  net  expressly  so  told 

lowing  year  '  veris  principio'  (c.  24,  i).  in  15.  6,  5,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose 
It  seems  best  to  adopt  the  reckoning  of  that  the  legions  now  sent  were  those  which 
Nipp.  (Ed.  4)  rather  than  that  of  P^gli,  afterwards  remained  with  Paetus  (c.  6,  5). 
and  to  suppose  that  the  winter  implied  in  *  i5-  5,  4- 

c.  6,  2  is  that  of  A.  D.  61-62,  and  that  the  *  '  Partho    ad    exequendas   obsidiones 

winter  described  as  impending  in  c  8,  3       nulla  comminus  audacia'  (15.  4,  5). 
was  not  so  advanced  but  that  the  series  of  ''  15.  5,  4.     Egli  points  out  (p.  291) 

events  related  in  the  following  chapters       that  the  season  for  such  swarms  is  in  June 
took  place  before  it  had  fully  set  in,  and       or  July.    Some  interval  must  therefore  be 
was  the  same  winter  which  Paetus  after-       supposed  between  it  and  the  treaty  made 
wards  spent  in  Cappadocia  (c  17,  4),  that      at  the  approach  of  winter, 
of  A.D.  62-63.     See  notes  on  c.  6,  2  ;  8,  *  Tacitus  gives  us  two  versions  of  the 

3  ;  9,  2  ;  17,  4.  transaction,  the  one,  that  which  he  repre- 

^  15.  I,  I.  sents  as  held  by  most  persons,  and  which 

'  15.  2.  he  himself  adopts,  and  which  must  have 

'  The  alleged  secret  instruction,  'com-  been  that  given  by  the  admirers  of  Cor- 
positius  cuncta  quam  festinantius  agerent,'  bulo,  that  Vologeses  unconditionally  with- 
and  the  imputed  motive  'quippe  bellum  drew  his  forces  from  Armenia  after  a 
habere  quam  gerere  malebat'  (15.  3,  i),  threatening  message  delivered  to  him  at 
cannot  come  from  Corbulo's  memoirs  and      Nisibus  (15.  5)  j  the  other,  apparently  the 


CHAP.  IV]  PARTHIA  AND  ARMENIA  [117] 

planation  of  this  turn  of  events  is  open  to  us ;  and  it  is  hardly  worth 
while  to  speculate  whether  Corbulo  may  have  foreseen  circumstances 
likely  to  make  the  retention  of  Tigranocerta  during  the  winter  imprac- 
ticable, or  whether,  being  aware,  as  he  must  have  been,  that  no  other 
ultimate  solution  than  the  recognition  of  Tiridates  was  possible,  he 
desired  either  to  win  the  credit  of  accomplishing  it  before  his 
successor  arrived,  or  to  leave  him  to  face  the  responsibilities  arising 
out  of  its  rejection.^ 

The  spring  of  815,  a.d.  62,  brought  with  it  the  rejection  of  the 
Parthian  embassage,'  and  the  arrival  of  L.  Caesennius  Paetus  in 
Cappadocia,'  bringing  with  him,  either  as  his  instructions  from  Rome, 
or  as  a  vaunt  on  his  own  part,  another  change  of  policy,  that  Armenia 
should  be  freed  from  puppet  kings  by  becoming  a  Roman  province.* 
It  might  be  not  much  more  costly  to  effect  this  object  than  permanently 
to  keep  up  Tigranes ;  but  such  slight  national  support  as  that  prince 
could  command  could  no  longer  be  counted  on,  and  his  threat  in 
any  case  was  idle,  unless  an  addition  of  two  or  three  legions  to  the 
normal  military  establishment  was  contemplated.  Our  record  of  his 
first  and  only  effort  to  re-occupy  and  hold  the  country  is  little  more 
than  an  elaborately  contrasted  portrait  of  the  two  generals;  the  one, 
cautious  and  vigilant,  strengthening  carefully  the  defences  on  the 
Euphrates,  pushing  his  outposts  gradually  into  the  hostile  country, 
and  assuming  so  formidable  an  attitude  as  to  make  any  attack  on 
his  position  evidently  hopeless^;  the  other,  a  braggart  in  success, 
and  a  coward  in  the  face  of  disaster,  starting,  in  defiance  of  what 
are  made  to  have  been  the  plain  warnings  of  the  gods,"  with  an  ex- 
travagant design,  abandoning  it  for  desultory  plunder,^  and  prematurely 
(as  it  would  seem')  retiring  to  the  inaction  of  a  winter  camp,  yet 
wording  his  dispatches  as  if  the  whole  kingdom  lay  at  his  feet,®  and, 

version  of  his  enemies    and   subsequent  Corbulone  certaret,  Corbulo  meritae  tot 

accusers,  that  he  rtiade  a  secret  compact  per  annos  gloriae   non   ultra  periculum 

to  the  effect  above  stated  (15.6,  i).    This  faceret'  (15.  6,  3). 

latter  version  is  evidently  in  accordance  ^  15.  7,  i.                             '  I5-  6,  4. 

with  the  actual  facts ;  for  the   Romans  *  He  is  made  to  announce,  *  se  tributa 

are  clearly   represented  as  wintering  in  ac  leges  et  pro  umbra  regis  Romanum  ius 

Cappadocia  (15.  6,  2),  and  Tigranes  is  victis  impositurum '  (15.  6,  6).    From  the 

never  afterwards   mentioned.     The  only  fact  that  Tigranes  is  left  so  wholly  out  of 

concession  which  the  Parthians  appear  to  account,  some  have  supposed  that  he  had 

have  made  was  the  acceptance  of  the  con-  died  in  the  interval, 

dition,  formerly  rejected,  of  doing  homage  *  15.9,1-2. 

for  Armenia  (see  on  15.  5,  5),  '  I5-    7>    2-5.     Tacitus    recounts   the 

^  As  the  ratification  of  such  a  compact  omens  with  a  faith  beyond  what  is  usual 

at  Rome  was  hardly  to  be  expected,  the  to  him  (see  note  on  15.  8,  i). 

latter  is  the  motive  imputed  to  Corbulo  '  15.  8,  i,  2. 

by  his    hostile    critics:    'dilata   prorsus  *  See  below,  p.  [119]. 

arma,  ut  Vologeses  cum  alio  quam  cum  •  I5«  8,  3. 


[ii8] 


INTRODUCTION 


[CHAP.  IV 


though  quartered  in  an  enemy's  country,  granting  his  legions  all  the 
indulgences  usual  in  profound  security  and  peace  ^:  again,  on  the 
approach  of  the  enemy,  we  have  him  alternately  resting  on  the  advice 
of  his  subordinate  officers  and  disdaining  it,*  advancing  with  a  show 
of  courage  and  retreating  in  dismay  at  the  first  collision,'  dispersing 
in  the  supreme  crisis  a  force  all  too  scanty  when  concentrated,  and 
placing  his  best  troops  in  an  indefensible  position  to  be  overwhelmed 
by  numbers  * ;  then,  under  the  storm  of  actual  attack,  abandoning 
all  self-possession,  and  sending  a  piteous  appeal  for  help  ^  to  the 
colleague  whom  he  had  but  lately  hardly  thought  it  needful  even  to  inform 
of  the  approach  of  danger,*  and  finally,  blending  the  strange  irony 
of  bombastic  messages  to  his  conqueror^  with  a  capitulation  ranking 
among  the  most  ignominious  in  Roman  history,*  while  the  garrison 
had  still  provisions  left  and  was  in  less  strait  than  the  enemy  outside, 
and  while  the  expected  succour  was  but  three  days  distant.* 

This  description,  drawn  no  doubt  chiefly  from  the  ungenerous  repre- 
sentations of  Corbulo,"  cannot  now  be  checked  in  respect  of  its  particulars 
from  any  other  sources,^^  but  corresponds  at  least  in  its  general  oudine 
with  the  broad  facts  of  what  actually  took  place.  In  attempting  to  deal 
with  these  we  have  a  total  absence  of  all  geography,  except  the  bare 
mention  of  the  Arsanias,^'^  Mount  Taurus, ^^  and  Arsamosata,^*  and  such 
inferences  as  may  be  drawn  from  the  statement  that  Paetus  aimed  at 
recovering  Tigranocerta,  and  at  carrying  the  war  into  districts  which 
Corbulo  had  left  untouched.^*  We  should  gather  that  he  had  crossed  the 
Euphrates  from  Cappadocia,  probably  near  Melitene,^^  and  marched 
through  the  friendly  country  of  Sophene  *^ ;  whence  a  route  led  then,  as 
now,  over  the  Taurus  range  and  by  Arsinia  to  Amida  (Diarbekir),  and 


1  15.  9»  2. 

'  15.  10,  2.  The  legatus  of  the  Fourth 
legion  was  an  officer  of  great  subsequent 
distinction  (see  note  on  15,  7,  2). 

»  15.  10,  3,4. 

*  15.  10,  5,6.  5  ig,  ij^  3 

®  '  Aegre  compulsum  ferunt  ut  instan- 
tem  Corbuloni  fateretur'  (15.  10,  7). 

'  15.  13.  4;   14,  3- 

•  The  garrison  are  represented  as  per- 
suading themselves  that  their  disgrace  was 
somewhat  less  than  that  incurred  at  the 
Caudine  Forks,  or  than  that  of  the  capi- 
tulation of  Mancinus  at  Numantia  (15. 
13.2). 

^  15.16,1. 

'^^  One  at  least  of  his  statements  is  re- 
garded with  suspicion  by  Tacitus  as  '  au- 
gendae  infamiae  compositum '  (15.  16,  2). 
See  also  the  description  of  his  want  of 


magnanimity  and  generosity  towards 
Paetus,  in  laying  all  the  blame  on  him  (15. 
26,  3),  and  sending  his  son  to  bury  the 
victims  of  his  disaster  (15.  28,  3). 

^^  The  account  of  Dio  (62.  20,  2-22,  3) 
for  the  most  part  closely  follows  Tacitus, 
though  resting  also  on  independent  sources, 
whence  we  get  the  name  of  the  place 
(Rhandeia),  and  a  few  other  particulars; 
but  in  the  points  on  which  he  differs  from 
Tacitus  he  appears  untrustworthy  (see 
notes  on  15.  10,  3;  13,4;  16,  2).  The 
only  sentence  in  which  Suet,  alludes  to 
the  disaster  repeats  and  even  adds  to 
another  exaggeration  (see  note  on  15. 
i5»  2). 

''  15.15,1-  "  15-  To»5. 

"  15.  10,  6.  "  15.8,  I. 

^^  See  on  15.  7,  2. 

"  See  13.  7,  2,  and  note. 


I 


CHAP.  IV]  PARTHIA  AND  ARMENIA  [119] 

thence  in  whichever  direction  we  take  Tigranocerta  to  have  lain.*  We 
are  told  vaguely  of  forts  taken,  booty  (chiefly  com  for  winter  supply) 
collected,^  and  long  distances  traversed,'  without  any  mention  of  the 
presence  of  the  Parthian  force,  which  must  have  been  mainly  confronting 
Corbulo.*  But  the  campaign  seems  to  have  begun  late,"  and  a  decision 
to  have  been  soon  taken  to  discipline  the  troops,  like  those  of  Corbulo,* 
by  a  winter  in  the  country,  and  to  postpone  the  attempt  to  recover 
Tigranocerta  till  the  following  spring,  when  another  legion,  probably  of 
better  quality ,''  would  have  joined  him.  With  this  resolution  taken,  he 
may  be  supposed  to  have  retired,  on  the  near  approach,^  rather  than 
at  the  actual  arrival  of  winter,  to  the  camp  constructed  probably  on  the 
north  bank  of  the  Murad,  not  far  above  its  junction  with  the  Kara- 
Su  * ;  and,  according  to  the  reckoning  here  adopted,*"  all  the  following 
events  were  compressed  into  the  few  weeks  still  left  open  for  active 
operations." 

Many  of  the  races  composing  the  Parthian  empire,  and  especially 
those  inhabiting  the  plain  of  Iran  and  the  adjoining  mountain  tracts, 
were  better  able  than  Greeks  or  Romans  to  endure  the  severities  of 
winter";  and  once  at  least  before  in  the  history  of  the  Arsacidae,  a 
decisive  victory  had  been  snatched  by  them  in  this  season."  On  this 
occasion,  the  information  that  Paetus  had  dismissed  all  thought  of  being 
attacked  and  was  giving  furloughs  to  all  who  had  asked  for  them,"  that 
even  the  two  attenuated  legions  were  not  together,*^  and  that  the  camp 
was  ill-provisioned,*^  must  have  inspired  Vologeses  with  the  idea  of 
suddenly  launching  on  Armenia  the  force  which  then  faced  Corbulo  at 
Zeugma,"  when  any  regular  siege  was  precluded  by  the  season,  and  when 

^  That  he  did  not  advance  far  in  this  **•  See  above,  p.  [115],  10. 

direction  would  appear  from  the  fact  that  "  That  the  winter  of  this  part  of  Arme- 

Corbulo  is  represented  in  the  following  nia  is  to  be  distinguished  from  that  of  its 

year  as  opening  out  this  route  afresh,  and  northern  part  is  shown  on  15.  9,  2. 

clearing  the  obstructions  which  had  been  ^'^  See  Rawlinson,  '  Sixth  Oriental  Mon- 

long  accumulating  (15.  27,  i).  archy,'  p,  loi. 

'  15.  8,  2.  '3  The    occasion    is    that    on    which 

*  'Longinquis  itineribus  percursando  Phraates  II  defeated  and  captured  Anti- 
quae  obtineri  nequibant' (15.  8,  3).  ochus  Sidetes,  in  B.C.  128   (Rawlinson, 

*  15-  9»  I-  1-  !•)•                                 "  15-  9,  3. 

*  The  construction  of  a  winter  camp  '^  The  position  of  the  Twelfth  legion, 
began  almost  at  the  outset  (15.  7,  4;  8,  before  it  joined  the  Fourth  at  Rhandeia 
1);   and  his  raid  must  have   been  after  (15.  10,  i),  is  not  known. 

harvest  time  (15.  10,  3).     The  delay  may  '"  It  is  asserted  that  no  pains  were  taken 

well  have  arisen  from  the  unfitness  of  his  on  the  spot  to  provision  the  camp  (c.  8,  i), 

legions  for  service.  and   that   the   corn  collected  by  Paetus 

*  See  above,  p.  [113].  himself  was  spoilt  (c.  8,  3\  but  on  the 
'  The  Fifth  legion,  from  Moesia  (15.  6,  other  hand  that  there  was  still  com  left  at 

5),  which  had  been  allowed  to  linger  in  the  surrender  (c  16,  i). 

Pontus  (15.  9,  2).  "  15.  9,  2.  The  head-quarters  of  Volo- 

'  'Instante  hieme'  (15.  8,  3).  geses  may  probably  have  been  at  Nisibis 

*  See  notes  on  c.  10,  1  ;  15,  i.  (see  15.  5,  2). 


[i2o]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP,  iv 

the  only  chance  was  that  of  a  coup  de  main,  which  in  any  ordinary  case 
must  have  proved  a  failure,  and  which  only  a  series  of  unforeseen 
blunders  crowned  with  complete  success. 

The  Twelfth  legion  was  brought  up  to  the  Roman  head  quarters ;  and 
the  whole  army,  with  its  weakness  revealed  by  concentration,^  was 
advanced  on  a  reconnaisance  in  force '^  beyond  the  Taurus  pass ' ;  whence 
on  the  first  collision  both  sides  seem  to  have  receded,  the  Romans 
retreating  hastily  to  their  camp,  the  Parthian  advance  probably  falling 
back  on  their  main  body,*  a  movement  so  misinterpreted  by  Paetus  as  to 
lead  him  to  think  that  an  isolated  force  of  3000  legionaries  on  the  height, 
supported  by  a  body  of  cavalry  on  the  plain,  would  suffice  to  arrest  his 
enemy's  progress.  By  their  speedy  annihilation  or  dispersion,  Paetus 
was  left  deprived  of  his  best  horsemen  ^  and  of  probably  near  half  his 
legionaries,*'  to  hold  out  with  the  remnant  (now  still  further  weakened 
by  the  detachment  of  a  cohort  to  Arsamosata '^)  till  the  succour,  at  last 
urgently  implored,^  should  arrive  with  Corbulo.  That  the  case  was  still 
not  desperate  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  provisions  still  remained,  and 
that  the  Parthians,  though  time  was  all-important,  made  no  attempt  to 
storm  the  camp  ® :  nor,  to  do  Paetus  justice,  is  he  represented  by  Tacitus 
as  himself  inclined  to  flinch  from  his  undertaking,^^  but  as  forced  to 
make  terms  by  the  utter  demoralization  of  his  troops  " ;  which,  partly  no 
doubt,  due  to  their  original  unfitness  for  service,  had  been  aggravated 
by  constantly  increasing  proof  of  their  leader's  incapacity,  and  finally 
brought  to  a  head  when  the  wounded  survivors  of  the  carnage  on  the 
mountain  returned  to  increase  the  consternation  and  dismay .^^ 

The  terms  of  capitulation,  however  less  ignominious  than  rumour 
afterwards  made  them  to  have  been,"  were  ignominious  enough.     The 

*  15.  10,  I.  ®  The  3000  were  all  legionaries  (c.  11, 

"^  It  should  be  noted  that  for  this  ad-  i)  and  must  have  been  nearly  half  the  two 

vance  and  retreat,  as  also  for  his  march  to  weak   legions.     Only    the  wounded    are 

the  camp  from  his  autumn  campaign  and  said  to  have  come  back  (c.  11,  2). 

for  any  advance  contemplated  from  it  in  ''  15.  10,  6.                     *  15.  11,  3. 

the  following  spring,  Paetus  would  have  '  The  word  used  (*  adpugnare ')  hardly 

to  cross  the  Arsanias,  which,  at  least  for  denotes  a  real  assault ;  and  their  efforts, 

foot- soldiers,  would  require  a  bridge  (see  though   unusually   active,   are   described 

15'    I5>   6).     It  would    thus   seem   that  only  as  made  to  provoke  a  sally  (15.  13, 

materials  for   constructing   a   temporary  i)  :  on  their  incapacity  for  sieges  cp.  c.  4, 

bridge  must  have  been  kept  in  caiiip,  and  5.     Dio  however  (62.    21,   2)  speaks  of 

that  it  was  probably  the  replacement  of  their  showers  of  arrows  as  causing  panic, 

this,  rather   than   the  construction   of  a  ^"  '  Se  fidem  interim,  donee  vita  subpe- 

bridge  where  none  had  previously  existed,  ditet,  retenturos'  (15.  11,  3). 

that  the  Parthians  enforced  (c.  15,  i).  "  'Desperationeexercitusduxsubactus' 

^  The  pass   could   not  have  been   far  (15.  13,  4).     Dio  (1.  1.)  says  nothing  of 

off  from  the  camp,  as  the  wounded  are  this,  and  lays  the  whole  blame  on  Paetus. 

able  to  straggle  home  (15.  11,  2).  "  15.  11,2. 

*  *  Minus  acriter  institerat '  (15.  10,  5).  ^'  15.  15,  2.     The  '  rumour '  would  be 

*  'Robur  equitatus'  (15.  10,  5).  that  which  afterwards  became  current  at 


CHAP.  IV] 


PARTHIA  AND  ARMENIA 


[121] 


p 


camp  and  its  stores  were  to  be  surrendered,  and  the  river  bridged  to 
enable  the  victors  to  carry  off  their  booty  ^ ;  and  the  evacuation  itself, 
with  the  insults  attending  it,"  broke  down  the  last  remains  of  disci- 
pline, and  turned  the  retreat  into  a  headlong  flight,  in  which  forty  miles 
were  covered  in  one  day  and  the  wounded  abandoned  all  along  the 
route  ^ ;  until,  probably  somewhere  near  Melitene,  this  wreck  of  what 
had  been  a  Roman  army  encountered  the  troops  advancing  to  their 
rescue.* 

Tacitus,  if  he  has  not  directly  charged  any  of  the  blame  for  this 
catastrophe  on  Corbulo,  has  certainly  done  so  by  implication,  in  attributing 
his  inaction  under  the  first  message  from  Paetus  to  his  desire  to  win 
the  glory  of  appearing  as  a  deliverer  in  the  last  extremity.^  What 
explanation  he  may  himself  have  given  can  be  only  guessed  at ;  but  it 
may  probably  have  been  that  the  first  message  was  in  no  way  urgent ' ; 
that  a  force  supposed  by  him  to  consist  of  two  unbroken  legions  in 
strong  winter-quarters  should  have  been  able  to  take  care  of  itself  ;  that 
in  getting  ready  a  force  for  instant  action,''  dispatching  it  on  the  first 
really  urgent  message,  and  hastening  by  forced  marches  to  the  spot,* 
he  had  done  all  that  could  reasonably  have  been  expected.  Yet  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  his  whole  attitude  during  the  campaign  had  been  that 
of  one  who  desired  not  to  aid  but  to  increase  his  colleague's  difficulties. 
He  had  sent  to  him  for  the  most  important  service  the  least  efficient 
legions  ^ :  his  own  elaborate  preparations,  and  the  forts  constructed  along 
the  Euphrates,  which  betokened,  if  anything,  preparations  for  an  offensive 
movement,  had  only  served  to  convince  Vologeses  that  nothing  of  the 
kind  was  intended  by  them,^'*  and  that  he  might  safely  withdraw  his  army 
from  their  neighbourhood;  nor  had  the  obvious  course  been  taken  of 
turning  these  advanced  posts  to  account  in  support  of  such  a  demonstra- 
tion in  force  beyond  the  river  as  might  have  recalled  the  invaders  of 
Armenia  to  protect  their  threatened  communications.  His  rejection  of 
the  proposal  of  Paetus,  to  lead  at  once  the  whole  force  back  into 
Armenia"  (from  which  Vologeses,  apparently  in  great  strait  for  forage,^" 
had  at  once  retreated),  is  intelligible  enough.     The  season  was  too  late  to 


Rome.  An  alleged  condition  is  disputed 
in  c.  i6,  2  ;  another  exaggeration  is  given 
in  Dio  (see  note,  1.  1.). 

^  15-  14,  5;  i.'^.  I- 

"  15-  15.  3.  Not  only  the  Parthians, 
but  even  the  Armenians  are  there  noted  as 
insulting  them. 

'  15-  16,3. 

*  Corbulo  had  already  met  a  detach- 
ment (15.  12,  3),  probably  a  body  of  the 
fugitives  from  Mt.  Taurus  (c.  11,  2). 


°  15.  10,  7.  Unless  the  suggested 
motive  is  a  surmise  of  Tacitus  himself,  he 
would  seem  here  to  be  again  adopting  the 
statements  of  Corbulo's  subsequent  accu- 
sers: see  above,  p.  [116I,  3. 

•  This  is  expressly  stated  (1.  1.). 


15.  10,  8. 

See  above,  p.  [116]. 

15.9,  2.  ' 

15.  16,  I. 


15.  12,6. 

15-  ^7,  I. 


[  122]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  IV 

take  up  new  winter-quarters  in  that  country ;  his  own  force  was  not  on  a 
large  scaled*  and  the  rabble  of  Paetus  would  not  be  an  aid  but  an 
incumbrance :  still  it  is  difficult  to  suppose  that  his  instructions  from 
home  tied  him  as  strictly  as  he  implied,  or  that  his  position  in  Sj-ria, 
held  by  three  nearly  complete  and  thoroughly  efficient  legions,  was  as 
much  imperilled  as  he  aflfected  to  apprehend.^ 

The  year  closes  with  the  retirement  of  Paetus  to  winter  in  Cappadocia,* 
and  with  an  interchange  of  messages  between  Vologeses  and  Corbulo, 
whereby  the  latter  consented  to  destroy  his  outposts  beyond  the  Euphrates, 
on  condition  of  the  withdrawal  of  all  the  Parthian  garrisons  left  behind 
in  various  fortified  places  in  Armenia.*  Thus  all  preparation  for  offen- 
sive movement  was  abandoned  on  both  sides,  and  affairs  seemed  to  have 
drifted  back  once  more  into  the  position  in  which  the  arrival  of  Paetus 
had  found  them  ^ ;  but  with  the  difference  that  Tiridates,  the  only  prince 
who  could  hold  his  own  in  Armenia  by  national  support  without  ex- 
ternal force,  was  more  than  ever  master  of  the  situation,  and  that 
the  prestige  of  victory  had  shifted  altogether  from  the  Roman  to  the 
Parthian  side. 

The  embassy  which  Vologeses  had  been  *  permitted  to  send '  ^  reached 
Rome  early  in  8i6,  a.  d.  63,'  and  exposed  the  hollowness  of  the  gas- 
conading dispatches  of  Paetus.^  The  Parthian  king  spoke  with  just 
pride  of  his  success  and  clemency,  and  wrote  as  one  who  had  to  offer 
terms  instead  of  petitioning.  The  actual  sovereignty  of  Armenia  was 
treated  as  no  longer  in  question  ;  but  Tiridates  would  consent  to  do 
homage  for  it  in  presence  of  the  symbols  of  the  empire  at  the  camp  of 
Corbulo,  and  would  even  have  offered  to  come  to  Rome  for  investiture, 
if  it  were  not  for  a  religious  difficulty.^  The  council  of  Nero,^°  driven  to 
find  some  means  of  reconciling  the  facts  of  the  situation  with  the  satis- 
faction of  imperial  honour,  fastened  on  the  last  point  as  one  on  which 
compliance  might  be  extorted,  so  that  they  should  not  seem  to  have 
accepted  terms  from  the  victor.  Outwardly  indeed,  the  Parthian  pro- 
posals were  rejected  in  a  spirit  of  defiance ;  but  the  possibility  of  such 
a  compromise  was  understood  to  be  implied  in  the  conciliatory  gifts 

*  15.  10,  8,  and  note.  mittendi  ad  Neronem  legatos.' 

2  15.    17,    2.     This   overstrained    Ian-  '  15.  24,  i. 

guage,  probably  repeated  in  his  written  '  15.  8,  3;  25,  i.     Two  unfair  misin- 

narrative,  seems  to  account  for  the  exag-  terpretalions  by  Tacitus  of  the  action  of 

geration  (' aegre  Suria  retenta')  of  Suet.  the  government  of  Rome  before  the  arrival 

Ner.  39.  of  the  disastrous  news  are  pointed  out  in 

3  15.  17,  4.                     *  15.  17,  5.  notes  on  15.  18,  i,  2. 
5  See  above,  p.  [116].  *  15.  24,  1-3. 

*  In  15.  14,  5,  after  specification  of  the  ^^  That  the  'primores  civitatis '  were 
terms  of  surrender,  it  is  added  ironically  consulted  is  here  distinctly  stated  (15. 
'  quibus  perpetratis  copia  Vologesi  fieret  35,  2). 


I 


CHAP.  IV]  PARTHIA   AND  ARMENIA  [123] 

presented  to  the  embassy,*  and  was  no  doubt  distinctly  intimated  in  the 
new  instructions  to  Corbulo ;  who  (on  the  recall  of  Paetus ')  was  now 
reappointed  to  the  undivided  command,'  with  such  extended  powers  as 
would  appear  to  imply  the  possession  of  a  general  '  imperium  procon- 
sulare  '  *  in  the  East.  His  preparations,  in  accordance  with  the  outward 
show  of  uncompromising  hostility,  were  on  such  a  scale  as  to  betoken  an 
intention  of  complete  reconquest.  The  two  broken  and  demoralized 
legions  which  had  capitulated  were  sent  back  to  Syria  and  replaced  by 
the  two  famous  legions  of  his  former  campaigns,  to  which  were  added 
that  which  should  have  joined  Paetus  from  Moesia,  and  another  now 
sent  to  him  from  Pannonia :  the  force  being  made  up  by  its  auxiliaries 
and  the  contingents  of  neighbouring  princes  to  a  strength  of  prob- 
ably from  40,000  to  50,000  men,^  and  forming  by  far  the  strongest 
army  in  numbers  and  quality  which  had  ever  been  dispatched  against 
Armenia. 

We  have  again,  as  in  former  years,  the  same  personal  exaltation  of 
Corbulo.  The  powers  conferred  on  him  are  likened  to  those  given  in 
old  times  to  Pompeius  ^ ;  he  is  made  to  open  out  afresh  the  disused  route 
of  Lucullus,^  as  if  to  recall  the  memory  of  that  famous  campaign  in 
which  a  force,  barely  amounting  to  one-third  of  that  now  following  him, 
had  humbled  the  pride  of  the  first  Tigranes.^  Vologeses,  who  had 
offered  conditions  at  Rome  as  a  victor,  sends  to  him  as  a  petitioner  and 
obtains  from  him  an  armistice';  the  respect  in  which  his  name  is 
held^°  is  such  as  to  make  Tiridates  accept  without  hesitation  at  his  advice 
the  terms  of  submission  which  had  been  treated  as  impossible  in  the 
embassy  to  Nero  " ;  after  an  exchange  of  courteous  interviews,  it  is  in 
his  presence  that  the  dishonour  associated  with  Rhandeia  is  obliterated 
on  the  same  spot  ^^  by  the  deposition  before  the  eagles  and  the  emperor's 
effigy  of  the  diadem  which  Tiridates  bound  himself  no  more  to  wear  till 
he  should  have  received  it  again  at  Rome  from  the  hand  of  Nero  ^' ;  and 
it  is  with  his  dignified  hospitality  that  the  scene  is  closed.^* 

As  regards  any  military  operations,  our  information  is  again  vague 

*  15-  25,  4.  Dio  (see  note)  makes  snch  himself  of  taking  the  command  rests  only 
a  proposal  to  have  been  distinctly  inti-       on  Dio  (62.  22,  4). 

mated  to  them.  *  See  15.  25,  5,  6,  and  note.     Another 

*  The  forgiveness  awarded  to  him  (15.  legatus  is  appointed  to  discharge  the  civil 
25f  7)  would  either  show  that  he  stood       duties  in  Syria. 

high    in    Nero's    favour,    or    that    some  '  15.  26,  i,  2. 

excuse   could   be   made   for   him.     That  *  15.  25,  6.     The  comparison  of  Ger- 

his  reputation  was  not  destroyed  by  his  manicus    (see    note)   would    seem    more 

failure  would  seem   to  follow  from  his  apposite. 

having  been  afterwards  appointed  lega-  ^  15.  27,  i.  '  Plut.  Luc.  34,  25. 

tus  of  Syria  by  Vespasian  (see  note  on  '15.  27.  1  ;  a8,  i.  *"  15.  28,  i. 

1.^-6.4).  "  15.28,  i;  29,3.          "  15.28.2. 

*  The  story  that  Nero  had  some  thought  "  15.  29,  3-6.  "  15.  30,  i. 


[124]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  IV 

and  meagre  in  the  extreme.  The  mention  of  the  route  of  Lucullus 
would  point  to  an  advance  upon  Tigranocerta ;  but  there  is  no  record 
that  he  ever  reached  or  approached  it/  and  we  next  hear  of  him  as  far 
off  from  it  as  Rhandeia :  for  the  intermediate  time  we  have  no  other 
record  of  this  great  army  than  as  striking  terror  by  expelling  the 
principal  supporters  of  Tiridates,  destroying  their  strongholds,  and  other 
acts  of  desultory  warfare,  not  gready  exceeding  those  recorded  of  Paetus.^ 
For  this  startling  contrast  between  the  magnificent  array  of  force  and 
the  results  achieved  by  it,  it  would  be  unjust  to  blame  the  general,  who 
was  no  doubt  hampered  by  the  instructions  of  his  government,  which  had 
to  extricate  itself  from  the  difficulty  of  seeming  to  accept  terms  which  it 
had  before  rejected  by  insisting  thus  absolutely  upon  investiture  at  Rome. 
Probably  by  no  other  means  but  by  the  display  of  irresistible  force  on 
the  spot,  coupled  with  the  conciliatory  messages  of  Corbulo,  could  the 
Parthians  be  made  to  see  that  this  one  point  of  form  alone  kept  them 
apart,^  but  that,  sooner  than  give  up  this,  Rome  was  prepared  to  employ- 
all  the  strength  of  the  empire.  This  point  once  clearly  seen,  an  under- 
standing must  have  been  soon  arrived  at.  Not  indeed  that  Tiridates 
conceded  nothing,  or  would  without  considerable  pressure  have  accepted 
a  condition  which,  besides  carrying  with  it  a  religious  difficulty,*  involved 
the  undertaking  of  a  journey  of  vast  length,  at  the  slow  pace  necessitated 
by  the  pomp  and  state  suitable  to  eastern  royalty,*^  the  liability  at  every 
stage  to  what  he  might  consider  slights  or  insults  at  the  hands  of  Roman 
officials,*  and,  above  all,  a  public  scene  of  submission  before  the  eyes  of 
assembled  Rome  ^ ;  all  of  them  condescensions  to  which  a  king  and  the 
brother  of  the  Great  King  could  not  but  be  deeply  sensitive,  however  he 
might  feel  that  the  substantial  spoils  of  war  were  after  all  his,  and 
however  truly  any  such  stately  sentence  as  that  with  which  Tacitus 
concludes  this  narrative  might  more  fitly  have  become  the  Parthian  than 
the  Roman  motto.* 

*  He  cannot  have  taken  the  field  till  as  done  by  Tiridates,  must  be  supposed  to 

somewhat  late  in  the  summer,  as  his  ap-  have  been  part  of  the  condition, 

pointment  to  the  command  did  not  take  *  See  1 5.  24,  3,  and  note, 

place  till   the  spring,  and  he  had  then  ^  See  the  account  given  from  Dio  in 

to  collect  and  organize  his  forces.  Appendix  to  Book  16. 

^  *  Megistanas  Armenios,  qui  primi  a  ®  The   fear   of  this   is  shown   by  the 

nobis  defecerant,  pellit  sedibus,  castella  stipulations  made  on  his  behalf  (15.  31,  i). 

eorum  excindit,  plana  edita,  validos  in-  '  The  language  which  Dio  (63.  5,  2) 

validosque  pari  metu  complet  *  (15.  27,  4).  makes  him  use  is  sufficiently  humilating : 

The  record  of  the  campaign  of  Paetus  had  iyw,  Sfairora,  .  .  .  cbs  8ov\6s  tlfu.     koi 

said,  '  capta  quaedam  castella  gloriaeque  ^\96v  re  npbs  ae  rov  efxdv  6(6v,  irpoffKvv^- 

et  praedae  nonnihil  partum '  (c.  8,  2).  caiu  at  dis  kuI  t6v  'UliOpav,  koL  (cofiai  tovto 

^  It  should  be  added  that  the  bringing  6  n  &v  av  iiriKKua'QS'  av  yap  fiot  km  fxoipa 

to  Rome  of  his  own  sons  and  those  of  c?  Kal  rvxV' 

Vologeses,  Pacorus,  and   Monobazus  as  *  '  Non  inerat  notitia  nostri  apud  quos 

hostages,  which  Dio  (63.  i,  2)  represents  vis  imperii  valet,  inania  tramittuntur '  (15. 


CHAP.  IV]  PARTHIA  AND  ARMENIA  [125] 

To  recapitulate  the  phases  through  which  the  Armenian  question  had 
in  these  years  passed : — at  the  outset,  the  offer  to  recognize  Tiridates, 
on  condition  of  his  acknowledging  the  kingdom  as  the  gift  of  Rome, 
had  been  made  by  the  Roman  government  and  rejected  by  the  Parthians  * : 
at  a  second  stage,  when  Artaxata  lay  in  ashes,  Tigranocerta  was 
occupied  by  Roman  troops,  and  Tiridates  was  a  fugitive  in  Media,  the 
offer  had  been  cancelled,  and  Tigranes  set  on  the  throne ' ;  and  after  his 
withdrawal  there  had  been  at  least  some  professed  intention  of  reducing 
the  kingdom  to  a  province ' :  at  a  third  stage,  the  Parthians  had  so  far 
learnt  prudence  as,  even  in  their  hour  of  victory,  to  offer  in  some  shape 
the  homage  which  they  had  at  first  disdained  * :  in  the  last,  the  condition 
of  the  personal  presence  of  Tiridates  in  Rome  is  insisted  on  rather  to 
save  Roman  honour  than  as  important  in  itself;  a  lame  and  impotent 
conclusion  to  so  severe  a  struggle,  yet  preferable  to  the  only  possible 
alternative,  that  of  the  tenure  of  Armenia  as  a  province  and  the  permanent 
increase  of  the  military  establishment  by  the  force  required  to  hold  it.^ 

Tiridates  returned  to  Armenia  in  819,  a.d.  66,  as  its  acknowledged 
king  ^ ;  and  the  settlement  had  at  least  the  merit  of  permanence.  The 
only  expedition  subsequently  projected  by  Nero  in  the  East  was  in  the 
Parthian  no  less  than  in  the  Roman  interest '' :  the  memory  of  Nero  was 
held  in  friendly  recollection  throughout  those   regions   even   after  his 

31,  2).     Nero  at  least  took  credit  for  the  to  secure  the  entrance  into  Armenia  from 

restoration  of  peace,  which  he  signified  by  Sophene.     See  Mommsen's  comments  in 

closing  the  temple  of  Janus  (see  16.  28,  Hermes,  xv.  1880,  pp.  289-296. 

5,  and  note).  ''  This  expedition  is  described  in  H.  i. 

^  See  above,  p.  [ii3].  6,  5,  as  directed  *  ad  claustra  Caspiarum 

'  See  p.  [115].  ('Caspias  portas'  Suet.  Ner.  19  ;  cp.  Dio 

'  See  p.  [117].  63,  8,  i)  et  bellum  quod  in  Albanos  par- 

*  See  p.  [122].  abat.'     The  statement  in  Pliny  (N.  H.  6. 
'  The  number  of  legions  in  the  East  13,  15,  40)  is  no  doubt  correct,  that  the 

had  been  increased  during  these  hostilities  pass  spoken  of  is  that  often  wrongly  called 

from  four  to  seven  (cp.  13.  8,  2  ;  15.  26,  *  Caspiae '  but  rightly  '  Caucasiae  portae* 

I,  2,  and  notes),  and  could  hardly  have  (cp.  Id.  6.  11,  12,  30),  the  well-known 

been  fixed  at  less  than  six ;  and  the  tem-  Dariel   pass   between  Tiflis   and   Vladi- 

porary    weakening    of    other    provinces  kaukas  (cp.  6.  34,  4,  and  note) ;  and  the 

would  have  had  to  be  made  up.     This  people    aimed    at   must   have    been,    as 

increase  would  have  been  irrespective  of  Mommsen  shows  (Hist.  v.  394,  i  :  E.  T. 

that  actually  found  necessary  by  Vespa-  ii.  62,  i),  not  the  Albani,  who  lived  chiefly, 

sian  ^see  Momms.  Hist.  v.  395  :  E.  T.  ii.  if  not  wholly,  south  of  the  Caucasus,  but 

63).  the  Alani  near  the  Tanais  and  Maeotis, 

•  It  may  be  assumed  that  during  the  who  appear  from  a  confused  account  in 
three  years  of  his  al)sence,  Armenia  had  Jos.  B.  I.  7,  7,  4,  to  have  launched  a  pre- 
betn  occupied  and  administered  by  Cor-  datory  horde  on  Media  and  Armenia  at  a 
bulo  vithout  opposition.  Two  inscrip-  time  which  might  coincide  with  and 
tion>  found  close  to  Kharput  (Kph.  Ep.  v.  account  for  this  expedition.  To  furnish 
p.  25)  record  the  construction  of  a  fort  in  forces,  the  famous  Fourteenth  legion  was 
817,  A.  D.  64,  by  T.  Aurelius  Fulvus  (see  withdrawn  from  Britain  (H.  2.  11,  2; 
H.  I.  79,  8),  legatus  of  the  Third  legion,  27,  3;  66,  2),  and  a  new  legion,  the 
under  the  orders  of  Corbulo.  This  would  '  Prima  Italica  '  (see  Suet.  1.  1.),  enrolled, 
at  least  show  that  means  were  then  taken  anddetachmentswere  added  from  Germany 


[126]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP,  iv 

death';  nor  in  the  vicissitudes  of  civil  war  that  followed  it  was  any 
advantage  taken  of  the  crisis  by  the  Parthian  king.*  The  agreement 
brought  about  at  this  time  stood  the  strain  for  half  a  century,  till  the 
memories  of  Eastern  warfare  were  again  awakened  by  Trajan. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  ROMAN  CONQUEST  OF  BRITAIN  UNDER  CLAUDIUS 
AND  NERO. 

SUMMAKY  OF  CONTENTS. 


PAGE 


Roman  relations  with  Britain  from  the  death  of  Julius  Caesar  to  the  time  of 

Claudius [127] 

Invasion  and  progress  of  conquest  during  the  leadership  of  Plautius        .         .  [129] 

Period  of  Ostorius  and  his  two  successors [139] 

Actions  of  Suetonius  Paulinus :  the  great  insurrection  headed  by  Boudicca  and 

its  results [143] 

Probable  condition  of  the  province  at  the  end  of  the  Neronian  period       ,        .  [146] 

Note. — In  this  chapter,  and  in  the  notes  on  the  corresponding  portion  of  the  text, 
constant  obligations  must  be  acknowledged  to  Mommsen,  Hist.  v.  ch.  5 ;  to  Hubner's 
treatise  *Das  Romische  Heer  in  Britannien'  (Hermes,  xvi.  1881,  pp.  514-584),  and  to 
various  notes  in  his  edition  of  the  inscriptions  of  Britain  (C.  I.  L.  vii) ;  to  Professor 
Rhys  (*  Celtic  Britain,'  London,  1882)  ;  and  to  many  other  works  which  are  mentioned 
in  their  place  ;  also  to  information  communicated  by  Mr.  F.  Haverfield. 

The  writings  of  Tacitus,  even  in  the  mutilated  state  in  which  we 
now  possess  them,  constitute  our  most  complete  and  most  consecutive 
authority  for  the  whole  history  of  Roman  invasion  and  conquest  in 
Britain  down  to  the  recall  of  Agricola  (837,  a.d.  84),  from  whom  it  is 
natural  to  suppose  that  most  of  his  information  respecting  the  country 
and  people  was  derived.  It  is  here  proposed,  after  a  slight  notice  of 
previous  events,  to  enter  into  so  much  only  of  the  subject  as  is  comprised 
in  the  period  of  the  Annals,  so  much,  that  is,  as  would  have  been 
related  in  that  work,  if  it  had  come  down  complete  to  us.  An  examin- 
ation of  his  sketch  of  the  geography  and  ethnology  of  the  island  belongs 
more  properly  to  an  edition  of  the  Agricola.     It  is  suflScient  here  to  note 

and  Illyricum  (H.  i.  6,  5") ;  all  of  which  years  afterwards  found  enthusiastic  sup- 
were  on  their  way  when  the  news  of  the  port  in  the  Parthian  Empire  (cp.  H.  i. 
rising  of  Vindex  caused  their  recall.  2,3). 

^  Suet,  states  (Ner.  57)  that  Vologeses,  ^  On  the  relations  of  Parthia  towards 

in   a   letter   to   the   senate,    '  magnopere  Rome  at  that  period  and  down  to  the 

oravit  ut  Neronis  memoria  coleretur,'  and  time  of  Trajan,  see  Momms.  Hist.  v.  393- 

that  the  cause  of  the  false  Nero  of  twenty  397  :  E.  T.  ii.  62-65. 


CHAP.  V] 


CONQUEST  OF  BRITAIN 


[127] 


I 


that  his  general  knowledge  on  these  points  is  hardly  so  much  in  advance 
of  that  of  Caesar  and  Strabo  as  we  should  have  expected  from  his  date 
and  his  exceptional  means  of  information. 

In  the  Agricola  he  correctly  characterizes  the  results  of  the  invasions 
of  Julius  Caesar/  and  refers  the  long  subsequent  inaction  to  the  civil 
wars,  the  *  politic  forgetfulness '  of  Augustus,  and  the  powerful  influence 
of  his  ideas  on  the  mind  of  his  successor  ^ ;  an  explanation  which  he  would 
probably  have  set  forth  with  more  detail  in  the  body  of  his  larger  work. 

It  must  be  plain  that  Caesar's  professed  object  in  invading  Britain' 
could  have  been  only  very  imperfectly  and  temporarily  attained  by  the 
successes  gained  in  it ;  and  that,  if  he  really  believed  the  independence  of 
the  island  to  be  a  standing  menace  to  the  peace  of  Gaul,  he  must  have 
contemplated  some  permanent  occupation  of  it;  and  that  this  scheme, 
though  thrown  into  the  background  by  the  great  expedition  to  the  East, 
on  which  his  energies  were  concentrated  at  the  time  of  his  death,  was 
among  the  ideas  bequeathed  by  him  to  his  successors.  He  had  shown  that 
to  land  an  army  in  the  country  and  to  penetrate  its  forests  was  pracdc- 
able,  and  that  the  means  of  dividing  its  people  by  intrigue  were  ready  to 
hand ;  that  there  would  be  tribes,  such  as  were  in  his  time  the  Trino- 
vantes  of  Essex,*  as  ready  to  invite  Roman  interference  as  had  been  the 
Aedui  and  Remi  of  Gaul. 

By  the  partition  of  the  empire  under  the  triumvirate,  the  execution  of 
the  dictator's  ideas  in  respect  of  the  occupation  of  Britain  would  fall  to 
the  share  of  his  nephew,  who  was  apparently  so  far  penetrated  with  the 
necessity  of  sustaining  his  reputation  by  an  advance  in  that  direction  as  to 
have  at  least  made  some  show  of  preparing  to  invade  this  country  as  early 
as  72O5  B.C.  34,  when  he  was  recalled  from  Gaul  by  the  Dalmatian  rising."* 

The  idea  of  this  conquest,  though  again  postponed  by  the  imminent 
civil  war,^  is  kept  prominently  before  the  public  mind  in  the  literature 
of  the  years  immediately  before  and  after  Actium ' ;  and  the  announce- 
ment of  an  expedition  for  this  purpose  under  the  personal  command  of 


*  *  Potest  videri  ostendisse  (Britanniam) 
posteris,  non  tradidisse'  (Agr.  13,  2). 

"  '  Mox  bella  civilia,  et  in  rempubli- 
cam  versa  principum  arma,  ac  longa  ob- 
livio  Britanniae  etiam  in  pace.  Consilium 
id  divus  Augustus  vocabat,  Tiberius  prae- 
ceptum '  (Agr.  1.  1.). 

'  *  Quod  omnibus  fere  Gallicis  bellis 
hostibus  nostris  inde  subministrata  auxilia 
intelligebat '  (B.  G.  4.  20,  i). 

*  B.  G.  5.  20,  I.  The  submission  of 
other  tribes  is  mentioned  in  5.  21,  i. 
On  the  Trinovantes  (or  Trinobantes)  see 
14.  31,  4,  and  note. 


5  Dio,  49.  38,  4. 

*  Hence  the  lament  of  Horace,  ap- 
parently at  this  date  (Epod.  7,  7),  that 
the  strength  of  Rome  should  be  spent  in 
self-destruction,  instead  of  *  Intactus  .  .  . 
Britannus  ut  descenderet  Sacra  catenatus 
via.' 

'  The  Georgics,  completed  in  724, 
B.  c.  30,  contain  the  aspiration,  '  tibi  ser- 
viat  ultima  Thule'  (i,  30),  and  already 
anticipate  the  expected  triumph,  by  re- 
presenting British  captives  drawing  up 
the  curtains  of  the  stage  in  the  ideal 
votive  games  of  Vergil  (3,  25). 


[128] 


INTRODUCTION 


[CHAP.  V 


Augustus  must  have  roused  expectation  to  its  height  in  727,  b.c.  27.^  This 
intention  again  is  stated  to  have  been  frustrated  in  the  following  year  by 
the  rising  of  the  Salassi  and  the  obstinate  resistance  of  the  Cantabrians  * ; 
and  some  doubt  may  be  allowed  whether  a  conquest  of  Britain,  any  more 
than  of  Parthia,'  was  ever  seriously  entertained,  in  the  light  of  his  reduction 
of  the  vast  army  that  had  come  under  his  command  at  the  close  of  the  civil 
war  to  a  standing  peace  establishment  of  only  eighteen  legions.*  It  is  at 
any  rate  certain  that  from  the  year  above  mentioned  the  idea  of  a  British 
expedition  fades  out  of  sight, '^  and  that,  at  some  time  afterwards,  some  similar 
combination  of  policy  and  good  fortune  to  that  which  brought  about  a  peace- 
ful solution  of  the  Parthian  question  ®  enabled  Augustus  to  save  his  credit, 
and  to  present  his  object  as  substantially  gained,  without  loss  of  blood  or 
treasure.  Two  British  princes  are  recorded  by  the  '  Monumentum 
Ancyranum '  to  have  fled  from  their  land  to  his  protection  ^ ;  and  we  may 
therefore  suppose  that  the  event  was  duly  represented  at  the  time  in  some 
light  favourable  to  Roman  dignity  ^ ;  while  some  more  unmistakable  acts 
of  homage  are  instanced  by  Strabo,^  who  describes  the  island  generally 
as  rendered  friendly,  and  adds  what  we  may  suppose  to  be  the  official 
reasons  against  its  occupation  as  a  province.^" 


*  This  no  doubt  supplies  the  motive  of 
the  prayer  to  Fortune,  'Serves  iturum 
Caesarem  in  ultimos  Orbis  Britannos' 
(Hor.  Od.  I.  35,  29).  In  Od.  3.  5,  3  Caesar 
is  reminded  that  he  is  to  win  the  dignity 
of  deification  in  life  by  adding  Parthia 
and  Britain  to  the  empire.  In  Propertius 
(5'  3>  9^'  *  Arethusa '  imagines  *  Lycotas ' 
facing  the  enemies  of  Rome  all  over  the 
world,  among  them  the  Briton  '  with  his 
painted  car.' 

^  Dio,  49.  25,  2.     5  See  above,  p.  [99]. 

*  See  Introd.  i.  vii.  p.  103 ;  Momms. 
R.  G.  D.  A.  p.  73,  foil. 

5  In  Tibullus  ^?)  4.  i,  150,  this  conquest 
is  imagined  as  reserved  for  Messala  ('te 
manet  invictus  Romano  Marte  Britan- 
nus ') ;  but  the  date  and  authorship  of 
this  poem  are  very  djpubtful. 

*  See  above,  p.  [100]. 

'  'Ad  me  supp[lic]es  confug[erunt] 
reges  .  .  .  BritannLo]rum  Dumnobellau- 
[nus]  et  Tim'  .  .  .  (Mon.  Auc.  5.  54; 
6.  2).  The  first  of  these  is  generally  iden- 
tified with  the  *  Dubnovellaunos '  shown 
by  coins  to  have  ruled  in  Essex  and  part 
of  Kent,  where  he  may  probably  have 
been  successor  to  the  king  of  the  Trino- 
vantes  protected  by  Julius  Caesar.  The 
second  name,  which  is  now  wholly  gone, 
may  have  been  '  Tincommius '  (Evans,  pp. 
158,  500),  though  Mommsen  (R.  G.  D.  A. 
p.  139)  doubts  it.     The  date  is  unknown. 


*  This  expulsion  of  friendly  princes  by 
a  hostile  party  must  really  have  been  a  loss 
of  Roman  influence.  Dumnobellaunus 
was  probably  driven  out  by  Cunobelinus. 

®  vvvl  fiiVTOi  Twv  dvvacTTuv  riV€S  TWV 
avToOi  TTpeafievaeai  «ai  Oepaneiais  Kara- 
OK€vaadfj.€voi  rrjv  irpos  Kaiaapa  tov  2ei3a- 
OTOV  cpiKiav  dvaOTjfiaTO.  re  dveOrjKav  kv  rQ 
KamTcuKiQ)  Hat  oUiiav  crxeSov  ti  irapecTKev- 
aaav  toTs  'Pq} fxaiois  6\t}v  t^v  vrjaov  (4.  5, 
3,  p.  aco').  The  date  at  which  Strabo 
was  writing  would  fall  into  the  last  years 
of  Augustus,  or  even  later;  but  some 
change  appears  to  have  taken  place  as 
early  as  741,  B.<c.  13,  when  Horace  wrote 
(Od.  4.  14,  47),  *te  (audit)  beluosus  qui 
remotis  Obstrepit  Oceanus  Britannis.' 
Some  ten  or  fifteen  years  later,  Ovid  (M. 
15.  752)  seems  to  have  taken  his  cue  to 
depreciate  the  dictator's  exploit  ('  Scilicet 
aequoreos  plus  est  domuisse  Britannos ') ; 
as,  at  a  later  date,  Lucan  (2.  571)  makes 
Pompeius  reproach  him  with  positive 
defeat  ('  Territa  quaesitis  ostendit  terga 
Britannis '). 

^^  TovXdxKTTOv  fJLfV  yap  tvoi  Tayfrnros 
XPvioi  &v  Kai  InmKov  rivos,  uare  Kal  ipopovs 
dirdyfat/ai  irap'  avrwv,  ds  taov  8*  feaOiaraiT* 
hv  TO  dydKcofia  ry  arparia.  rois  npoatpfpo- 
fiivois  xPVt^°-^^v.  The  estimate  of  one 
legion  and  a  body  of  cavalry  was  far 
below  the  force  actually  required  to  hold 
the  country. 


CHAP.  V] 


CONQUEST  OF  BRITAIN 


[129] 


The  example  of  Augustus,  and  his  precept  against  extension  of  the 
empire,*  were  no  doubt  a  sufficient  law  to  Tiberius,  under  whom  the  con- 
tinuance of  friendly  relations  is  attested  by  the  treatment  of  the  shipwrecked 
soldiers  of  Germanicus  by  British  princes.'^  The  long  ascendancy  of 
Cunobelinus  (the  Cymbeline  of  Shakespeare),  chief  of  the  Catuvellauni,  who 
transferred  his  capital  from  Verulam  to  the  Trinovantian  town  of  Camulo- 
dunum,''  and  who  must  have  been  paramount,  if  not  sole  ruler  of  south 
eastern  Britain,  from  the  later  years  of  Augustus  to  almost  the  year  of  the 
Claudian  invasion,  was  evidently  a  period  of  peaceful  and  commercial 
intercourse,  and  extension  of  Roman  influence.*  It  is  moreover  evident 
that  the  immediate  antecedents  of  the  invasion  are  connected  with  the  death 
of  Cunobeline  and  with  the  quarrels  that  ensued  among  his  sons :  one  of 
his  sons,  Adminius,  is  the  fugitive  whose  surrender,  with  a  few  followers, 
Gains  is  said  to  have  magnified  into  a  national  submission  ° ;  Bericus  or 
Vericus,  the  suppliant  to  Claudius,^  may  possibly  have  been  another; 
two  others  certainly  are,  as  will  be  seen,  the  main  objects  of  the  attack, 
and  the  leaders  of  the  national  resistance. 

Mommsen  maintains  that  the  occupation  of  Britain  was  necessary  to 
the  security  of  Gaul,  and  must  have  been  sooner  or  later  undertaken."^ 
It  is  not,  however,  evident  that  the  island  Celts  had  been  any  source  of 
disquiet  during  the  long  period  of  peace  ^ ;  though  there  seems  to  be  some 
reason  to  think  that  the  detention  of  Adminius  and  Bericus  was  resented 
as  a  grievance,  and  that  some  note  of  defiance  was  blown  across  the 
Channel,^  which  may  have  had  its  share,  with  the  remembrance  of  former 
failure,  in  irritating  the  Roman  pride.     Also,  in  such  a  ruler  as  Claudius, 

^  '  Addideratque  consilium  coercendi 
intra  term  inos  imperii'  (i.  11,  7). 

*  '  Quidam  in  Britanniam  rapti  et  re- 
tnissi  a  regulis  '  (2.  24,  5). 

'  It  is  given  as  the  town  of  the  Tri- 
novantes  in  Ptol.  2.  3,  22,  and  as  the 
fiaaiXfiov  of  this  king  in  Dio,  60.  21, 
4.  The  view,  partly  resting  on  the  si- 
milarity of  name,  partly  on  its  being 
somewhat  nearer  to  the  estuary  of  the 
Thames  (see  14.  32,  2,  and  note),  that 
its  site  was  that  of  Maiden,  is  now 
generally  abandoned  in  favour  of  Col- 
chester (see  below,  p.  [142],  and  note  on 
12.  32,  5).  Of  his  coinage,  generally 
inscribed  as  minted  at  Camulodunum,  it 
is  noted  (Evans,  p.  292)  that  very  many 
specimens,  of  fifteen  different  types,  have 
been  found  at  Colchester,  and  none  at 
Maldon. 

*  His  coinage  is  strongly  assimilated  to 
the  Roman  type,  and  was  probably  struck 
by  Roman  artists.  The  same  is  true  to 
some  extent  of  that  of  his  brother  Epa- 
ticcus,  and  their  father  Tasciovanus  (see 


Evans,  Anc.  Brit.  Coins,  p.  289,  foil.). 
The  same  author  notes,  as  evidence  of  the 
extent  of  his  influence,  that  his  coins, 
though  found  chiefly  in  Essex,  are  traced 
also  in  Norfolk,  Suffolk,  Cambridge, 
Nottingham,  Herts.,  Beds.,  Bucks.,  Oxon., 
Middlesex,  and  Kent.  Suetonius  (Cal. 
44)  calls  him  *  Britannorum  rex '. 
5  Suet.  1.1.^ 

*  BfpiKos  yap  ru  (Kirfffcbv  €k  t^j  vfjaov 
Kara  araaiv  eveiffe  rbv  KXavbiov  dvvaniv 
h  avTTjV  Tti^upai  (Dio,  60.  19,  I).  There 
is  no  further  evidence  about  him ;  the 
coinage  inscribed  '  Verica '  being  of  much 
earlier  date. 

'  Hist.  v.  157;  Eng.  Tr.  i.  p.  173. 

*  The  only  Gallic  rising  in  the  time  of 
Tiberius  (3,  40-46)  is  in  a  wholly  different 
quarter. 

»  The  expression  in  Suet.  CI.  17  C  Bri- 
tanniam .  .  .  tunc  tumultuantem  ob  non 
redditos  transfugas ')  appears  rightly  taken 
by  Mommsen  to  mean  more  than  internal 
discord,  and  probably  to  imply  some 
threatened  pillaging  on  the  Gaulish  coast. 


[130]  INTRODUCTION  ICHAP.  v 

personal  vanity,  and  the  desire  to  outdo  his  predecessors,  must  count 
for  something.  Suetonius,  as  might  be  expected,  thinks  his  desire  to  win 
the  full  honours  of  a  triumph  a  sufficient  explanation  of  the  whole  under- 
taking * ;  and  the  monotony  with  which  the  rhetorical  boast,  that  he  had 
been  first  to  extend  the  empire  beyond  the  Ocean,  is  paraded  in  his  own 
speech,'^  in  the  triumphal  inscription,^  and  in  contemporary  epigrams,* 
shows  the  light  in  which  he  wished  the  achievement  to  be  regarded.  The 
prominence  of  Narcissus  in  the  narrative  of  the  dispatch  of  the  expedition  ^ 
suggests  the  cupidity  of  freedmen  and  other  courtiers  as  another  great 
prompting  motive,^  and  that  the  increased  trade  may  have  led  the  Romans 
to  exaggerate  the  mineral  and  other  wealth  of  Britain  no  less  than  they 
had  before  depreciated  it."^  It  must  be  remembered,  ho\Yever,  that  the 
situation  created  by  Cunobeline's  death  was  such  as  would  naturally  call 
for  Roman  intervention  in  South  Britain.  Cunobehne  had  clearly  been 
the  '  ally  and  friend  of  Rome ',  and  recognized  by  Rome  as  king.  On  his 
death,  it  was  for  Rome  either  to  recognize  his  heir  as  king,  or  substitute 
another  successor,  or  finally  to  annex  the  kingdom.  The  ability  and  anti- 
Roman  sentiments  of  Caratacus  appeared  to  the  imperial  government  to 
make  annexation  necessary. 

The  circumstances  of  the  time  were  favourable  to  a  new  extension  of 
the  empire,  in  so  far  as  the  general  tranquillity  on  the  northern  and 
north-eastern  frontier  allowed  the  garrisons  there  stationed  to  be  re- 
duced below  the  strength  which  Augustus  (in  his  later  years)  and 
Tiberius  had  considered  necessary.^  It  is,  however,  to  the  credit  of 
those  who  organized  this  expedition,  that  they  foresaw  that  it  could  not 
be  undertaken  without  some  augmentation  of  the  standing  army,^  and 

'  *  Cum,  decretis  sibi   a   senatu   orna-  cissus   mounted  the  tribunal  to   address 

mentis   triumphalibus,    .   .   .    vellet   iusti  them  ;  that  they  refused  to  listen  to  one 

triumphi  decus,  unde  adquireret  Britan-  whom  they  regarded  as  still  a  slave,  and 

niam  potissimum  elegit'  (Suet.  1.  1.).  drowned  his  speech  by  cries  oiloj  aarovp- 

'  *  Oratio  Claudii '  (App.  to  Book  ii)  va\ia,  but  were  nevertheless  shamed  into 

col.  i.  1.  39.     See  also  the  caricature  of  compliance. 

this  boast  in  the  mock  dirge  of  Seneca  ^  This  cupidity  is  made  prominent  in 

(Lud.  12.  3,  25-35).  the  speech  attributed  to  Calgacus  (Agr. 

^  See  below,  p.  [140],  n.  9.    The  words  30,  5),  *  soli  omnium  opes  atque  inopiam 

there  are  a  probable  supplement.  pari  affectu  concupiscunt,'  and  in  the  re- 

*  Eight  of  these,  probably  composed  at  mark  ascribed  to  Caratacus  (see  note  on 
the  time  of  the  triumph,  are  preserved  12.  36,  6).  In  Agr.  12,  6  the  metals  of 
(Anth.  Lat.  Ed.  Teubn.  i.  419-426),  and  Britain  are  called  '  pretium  victoriae',  and 
are  all  in  much  the  same  strain.     One  its  pearls  are  spoken  of. 

(424)  may  be  taken  as  a  specimen  :  *  Mars  '  Strab.  1.  1. 

pater,  et  nostrae  gentis  tutela  Quirine,  Et  *  For  the  disposition  of  the  forces  at 

magno  positus  Caesar  uterque  polo ;  Cer-  that  time  see  Introd.  i.  vii.  p.  103. 

nitis  ignotos  Latia  sub  lege  Britannos?  «  In  place  of  the  four  legions  withdrawn 

Sol  citra  nostrum  flectitur  Oceanum.    Ul-  (see  below),  two  new  ones,  the  XV  Pri- 

timacesseruntadapertoclaustra  profundo,  migenia  and  XXII  Primigenia,  were  en- 

Et  iam  Romano  cingimur  Oceano.'  rolled  ;    the  former  replacing  the  legion 

*  Dio  states  (60.  19,  2)  that,  when  the  drawn  from  Lower,  the  other  the  two 
soldiers  were  unwilling  to  embark,  Nar-  legions  drawn  from  Upper  Germany,  thus 


CHAP.  V] 


CONQUEST  OF  BRITAIN 


[^31] 


that  they  planned  it  on  no  such  paltry  scale  as  that  estimated  under 
Augustus,^  but  on  one  really  commensurate  with  the  magnitude  and 
difficulty  of  the  enterprise,  and  more  nearly  following  the  actual  ex- 
perience furnished  by  the  second  expedition  of  Julius  Caesar.* 

Four  complete  legions,^  all  well  known  subsequently  in  British  war- 
fare, were  drafted  for  the  service,  the  *  Secunda  Augusta '  and  '  Quarta- 
decima  Gemina  Martia '  from  Upper  Germany,  the  '  Vicesima  Valeria 
Victrix  '  from  Lower  Germany,  and  the  *  Nona  Hispana '  from  Pannonia ; 
which  province  also  furnished  a  'vexillatio'  or  detachment,  probably 
from  500  to  1000  strong,  from  another  of  its  legions,  the  *  Octava 
Augusta'.*  This  would  give  a  strength  of  from  20,000  to  25,000 
legionaries  as  the  nucleus  of  the  army,  to  which  must  be  added  more 
than  as  much  again,  for  the  *  alae '  and  *  cohortes '  of  auxiliary  or  non- 
citizen  troops,^  making  the  whole  army  probably  nearly  60,000.^ 

The  great  flotilla  collected  to  transport  these  troops  and  to  protect 
their  landing  was  no  doubt  the  commencement  of  the  '  classis  Britannica' ; 
which  plays  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  campaigns  of  Agricola,^  and 
which  appears  afterwards  to  have  had  its  principal  station  at  Lymnd 
('  portus  Lemanis  'Y 

The  same  appreciation  of  the  importance  of  the  expedition  was  shown 


leaving  both  that  province  and  Pannonia 
weakened  each  by  a  legion.  See  Mar- 
quardt,  Staatsv.  ii.  p.  434. 

*  See  above,  p.  [129],  n.  i. 

'  In  that  campaign,  in  which  he  crossed 
the   Thames,    and    is   thought   to    have 
reached  Verulam  (see  note  on  14.  33,  4), 
his  force  consisted  of  five  legions,  thor- 
oughly trained  in  war,  and  2000  cavalry. 
^  The  names  of  all  these  are  mentioned 
in  the  narrative  of  the  rising  of  Boudicca 
(see  14.  32,  3 ;  34,  i ;  37,  6).    The  Four- 
teenth was  recalled  in  the  last  years  of 
[Nero  (see  below,  p.  [140],  n,  5),  and  the 
[three  other  legions  furnished  detachments 
to  the  army  of  Vitellius  (H.  3.  22,  2).  The 
lecond  ('  Adiutrix ')  appears  to  have  taken 
"le  place  of  the  Fourteenth,  and  to  have 
;en  itself  recalled  by  Domitian.      The 
finth   was   annihilated   in   the   time    of 
[Hadrian  and  replaced  by  the  Sixth  ('  Vic- 
rix ') ;  which,  as  also  the  Second  ('  Au- 
ista ')  and  Twentieth,  remained  in  Britain 
luring  the  whole  period  of  Roman  occu- 
[pation.     The  names  of  soldiers  belonging 
[to  all  these  and  also  to  other  legions  occur 
in    numerous    inscriptions.      See   Index, 
::.  I.  L.  vii. 

*  This  is  inferred  from  the  inscription 
which  Gavius  Silvanus,  a  *  primipilaris ' 

)f  that  legion,  is  recorded  to  have  received 

k 


decorations  from  Claudius  in  the  British 
war  (see  note  on  15.  50,  3).  His  tribune- 
ship  in  the  praetorian  guard  would,  no 
doubt,  be  of  later  date. 

^  The  narrative  in  Dio  (60.  20,  2)  men- 
tions Celtic  auxiliaries;  and  eight  Batavian 
cohorts  are  mentioned  in  H.  1.  59,  2  as 
attached  to  the  Fourteenth  legion.  The 
inscriptions  in  Britain  record  a  great  num- 
ber of  '  alae  '  and  *  cohortes ',  drawn  from 
various  tribes  of  Gauls,  Germans,  Thra- 
cians,  and  others  of  the  Western  pro- 
vinces. It  is  not  easy  to  say  which  of 
them  belonged  to  the  original  invading 
force  ;  but  military  '  diplomata  '  of  the 
time  of  Trajan  and  Hadrian  (C.  I.  L.  vii. 
1 1 93-1 195)  show  that  many  of  these  corps 
were  as  permanent  in  the  coontry  as  the 
legions. 

«  Hiibner  gives  a  total  of  70,000,  which 
is  rather  an  outside  estimate.  Mommsen 
rates  it  only  at  about  40,000. 

'  Aiir.  25, 1,  &c. :  cp.  H.  4.  79,  5  ;  Mar- 
quardt,  ii.  503.  The  transports  for  the  first 
force  may  have  been  supplied  from  the 
Rhine  fleet,  and  the  special  British  fleet 
may  have  grown  up  afterwards. 

«  The  inscription  of  a  '  praefectus 
classis ',  and  several  inscribed  '  tegul.ie  ' 
have  been  found  there  (C.  I.  L.  vii.  18, 
1226),  not  apparently  of  early  date. 


[132]  INTRODUCTION  [chap,  v 

in  the  selection  of  its  officers.  It  is  doubtless  due  to  the  imperfection  of 
our  history  of  this  period  that  so  little  is  known  of  the  previous  life  of 
Aulus  Plautius  Silvanus,  the  commander-in-chief,  who  can  hardly  be 
supposed  to  have  owed  his  advancement  in  any  degree  to  his  relationship 
to  one  of  the  emperor's  wives.^  He  is  called  by  Dio  '  a  senator  of  the 
highest  reputation  \^  is  known  to  have  been  consul  some  fourteen  years 
previously,  and  at  some  time  legatus  of  Delmatia,^  and  must  have  been 
at  this  time  in  command  of  some  important  province  connected  with  the 
expedition."*  His  capacity  may  be  taken  as  established  by  his  achieve- 
ments ;  and  he  was  supported  by  subordinates,  to  command  whom  must 
have  been  in  itself  no  mean  honour.  Foremost  among  them  stands  the 
great  name  of  Vespasian,  who  was  then  legatus  of  the  Second  Legion 
after  his  praetorship,^  and  whose  distinction  in  this  war  was  afterwards 
regarded  as  his  first  *  designation  by  fate  '  for  future  eminence.^  In  some 
command  under  him  was  his  elder  brother  Flavins  Sabinus,"^  better 
known  as  the  city  praefect  of  the  great  year  of  civil  war.^  Apparently 
in  command  of  another  legion  was  Cn.  Hosidius  Geta,'  already  known 
as  having  succeeded  to,  and  carried  out  to  its  completion,  the  daring 
strategy  of  Suetonius  Paulinus  in  Mauretania,^°  and  afterwards  credited 
in  this  campaign  with  having  once  at  least  snatched  a  victory  out  of  a 
defeat."  The  names  of  the  other  *  legati  legionum '  are  unfortunately 
lost  to  us ;  but  we  find  a  still  more  distinguished  staff  following  in  the 
personal  train  of  Claudius.  First  among  these  is  another  tried  soldier 
and  future  emperor,  Servius  Sulpicius  Galba,^^  another  a  consular  of  long 
standing,  M.  Licinius  Crassus  Frugi,  who  had  already  won  triumphal 
honours  for  some  previous  exploit.^^     Among  others  of  the  same  high 

*  The  divorce  of  Plautia  Urgulanilla  ®  '  Monstratus  fatis  Vespasianus '  ( Agr. 
*ob  libidinum  probra  et  homicidii  suspi-       13.  5). 

cionem  '  (Suet,  CI.  26)  would  have  reii-  ''  viroarpaT-qyovvTa  ol  (Dio,  60.  20,  3). 

dered  any  of  her  relations  obnoxious  rather  *  H.  3.  64,  i,  &c.     The  statement  in 

than  otherwise  to  Claudius.  Dio,  60.  30,  i,  that  Titus  also  accompanied 

^  ^ovXevTTis  XoyificjTaTOs  (60.  19,  i).  his  father  to  this  war,  and  on  one  occasion 

^  See  note  on  13.  32,  3.  saved  his  life  in  an  encounter,  has  been 

*  It  is  possible  to  suppose  him  to  have  copied  into  many  narratives,  but  is  chro- 
been  successor  to  P.  Gabinius  in  Lower  nologically  impossible  ;  inasmuch  as  the 
(Dio,  60.  8,  7),  or  to  Galba  in  Upper  received  date  of  the  birth  of  Titus  (Suet. 
Germany  (Suet.  Galb.  6) ;  but  there  is  no  Tib.  2)  would  make  him  only  two  years 
evidence  of  his  having  held  either  post.  old  at  this  time. 

A  more  natural  supposition  would  make  ^  Dio,  60.  20,  4.      That  he  held  such 

him  to  have  been  legatus  of  Gallia  Bel-  a  post  is  probable  from  the   facts  there 

gica,  in  which  the  army  was  got  together.  stated,  that  he  received  '  triumphalia  '  for 

This    province  was   usually   held    by   a  this  war,  and  that  he  was  not  a  consular, 

legatus  of  only  praetorian  rank,  but  may  "  Dio,  60.  9,  i. 

have  been  for  this  special  purpose  given  **  Dio,  60.  20,  4. 

to  a  consular,  as  we  find  Corbulo  placed  *'  See  Suet.  Galb.  7,  where  it  appears 

in  charge  of  the  inferior  province  of  Cap-  to  be  implied,  but  is  not  clearly  stated, 

padocia  (see  note  on  13.  8,  2).  that  he  accompanied  Claudius. 

'  H.  3.  44,  2 ;  Suet.  Vesp.  4.  "  For  his  consulship  see  4.  62,  i,  and 


CHAP.  V] 


CONQUEST  OF  BRITAIN 


[133] 


rank  were  the  high-spirited  Gaulish  senator,  Valerius  Asiaticus,'  and 
probably  the  last  colleague  of  Gaius,  Cn.  Sentius  Saturninus';  while 
among  younger  men  of  promise  was  Ti.  Plautius  Silvanus  Aelianus," 
a  near  relation  of  the  commander-in-chief,  who  shows  a  record  of  great 
subsequent  achievements  in  Moesia/ 

Even  this  formidable  army  did  not  embark  on  an  expedition  beyond 
the  Ocean  without  reluctance  ^ ;  and  appears,  after  embarkation,  to  have 
been  driven  back  by  stress  of  weather,  but  to  have  been  reassured  by  a 
meteor  travelling  westward,  and  to  have  set  out  again  in  that  direction, 
and  to  have  effected  a  landing  at  three  places  unopposed.  From  this 
point  our  only  narrative,  that  of  Dio,  is  very  vague,  and  contains  many 
difficulties.^  It  states  that  Caratacus  and  Togodumnus,  who  had  lately 
succeeded  to  the  power  of  their  father  Cunobelinus,  endeavoured  to 
draw  the  Romans  into  morasses,  but  were  overtaken  and  successively 
defeated;  that  some  part  of  one  of  the  nations  subject  to  them,  the 
Boduni '',  made  voluntary  submission  and  received  a  garrison ;  that  soon 
afterwards,  at  the  crossing  of  an  important  river,  a  determined  resistance 
was  offered,  and  the  crossing  effected  after  two  days  of  fighting,  in  which 
Vespasian  and  Hosidius  won  great  distinction ;  that  from  this  point  the 
Britons  fell  back  upon  the  Thames,  and  crossed  it  at  some  point  within 
tidal  influence,  profiting  by  their  knowledge  of  the  fordable  points ;  that  the 
Gaulish  auxiliaries  swam  across  after  them,  and  other  Roman  troops  crossed 
by  a  bridge  somewhat  higher  up ;  but  that  this  advanced  force  received 


note,  for  his  *  triumphalia ',  Suet.  CI.  17. 
The  recently  discovered  inscription  on 
his  tomb  (see  *  Times',  Apr.  6,  1885)  is 
thought  to  show  that  he  had  been  legatus 
of  Mauretania. 

'  See  II.  3,  I. 

'  Eutropius  (7.  is")  speaks  of  Britain 
i  as  *  devicta '  under  Claudius,  '  per  Cn. 
iSentium  et  A.  Plautium.'  No  Sentius 
/as  ever  commander-in -chief ;  but  it  has 
i'been  inferred  that  such  a  person  took  part 
in  the  expedition,  and  that  the  consul  of 
794,  A.D.  41,  is  meant. 

*  The  biographical  record  contained 
in  the  inscription  prominent  on  the  well- 
known  family  Mausoleum  at  the  foot 
of  the  heights  of  Tivoli  (Or.  750 ;  Wilm. 
1145)  speaks  of  him  as  'comes  Claudi 
Caesaris  in  Britannia',  and  details  his 
subsequent  services :  on  their  date  see 
'Wilm.  1.  1. 

*  Among  subordinate  officers  may  be 
noted  C.  Julius  Camillus,  L.  Gavins  Sil- 
vanus (see   15.    50,   3),  and  M.  Vettius 

'  Valens,  all  of  whom  received  decorations 
^Or.  Insc.  363,  3568,  6767),  also  Xeno- 


phon,  afterwards  known  as  the  physician 
of  Claudius,  who  is  shown  to  have  filled 
the  important  position  of  *  praefectus  fa- 
brum '  (see  on  12.  61,  2). 

^  See  the  anecdote  of  Narcissus  cited 
above  (p.  [130],  n.  5).  The  point  of  em- 
barkation is  not  stated.  That  of  Julius 
Caesar  (B.  G.  5.  2,  3)  had  been  Portus 
Itius  (probably  Wissant),  that  of  Claudius 
(Suet.  CI.  17)  was  Gesoriacum  (Bou- 
logne) ;  which  was  generally  used  after- 
wards, and  is  supposed  to  have  been  used 
on  this  occasion  also. 

*  See  Dio,  60.  19-21. 

'   /i€/J05    Tl    TWV    BoSoiVoW,    ti}V    iTTqpxov 

KarovtWavvoi  ovtcs  (Dio,  60.  20,  2).  On 
the  Boduni  see  below  :  the  name  *  Catu- 
vellauni '  is  found  in  an  inscription  (C.  I.  L. 
vii.  863),  and  traced  in  that  of  the  prince 
Cassivellaunus  of  Caesar's  time.  It  is 
now  read  by  Miiller  for  Karvivx^o^ol  ol 
Koi  KaiTfXdvoi  in  Ptol.  2.  3,  as  that  of 
the  tribe  in  Hertfordshire  and  Bedford- 
shire of  which  Cunobeline  and  his  sons 
were  chiefs.  The  Boduni  therefore  formed 
part  of  Cunobeline's  kingdom. 


[^34] 


INTRODUCTION 


[CHAP.  V 


a  severe  check,  and  the  Britons,  though  Togodumnus  had  now  perished, 
appeared  in  no  way  dispirited ;  whereupon  Plautius,  in  accordance  with 
previous  instructions,  halted  the  whole  army  on  the  bank  of  the  Thames,  and 
sent  for  further  reinforcements^  and  for  the  presence  of  the  emperor  himself. 
In  this  narrative,  the  most  definite  detail  is  the  mention  of  the  Boduni,  and 
it  is  a  great  question  whether  it  is  not  also  the  most  misleading.  The  name, 
which  is  otherwise  unknown,  has  been  naturally  taken  to  be  an  error  of 
transposition  for  that  of  the  Dobuni,  who  in  the  time  of  Ptolemy  had  Cori- 
nium  for  their  town,^  and  must  have  occupied  a  district  coinciding  mainly 
with  Gloucestershire.  This,  added  to  the  statement  of  Dio  that  the  expedi- 
tion sailed  westward,  led  most  modern  critics  to  put  the  landing-places 
considerably  further  west  than  would  otherwise  be  supposed,"  and  to  take 
the  river  at  which  the  chief  resistance  was  encountered  to  be  as  far  distant 
from  the  place  of  landing  as  the  Gloucestershire  Avon,  or  some  other 
stream  in  that  part  of  the  country.*  But  on  this  supposition,  the  retreat 
of  the  Britons  from  any  such  point  to  the  south  side  of  the  estuary  of  the 
Thames  seems  wholly  inexplicable,''     If,  on  the  other  hand,  we  conclude, 

^  Dio  states  (c.  21,  2)  that  among  these 
were  included  elephants,  a  rare  adjunct  to 


Roman  warfare. 

^  Mc^'  ovs  Ao^ovvoi  Kal  tt6\is  Kopivicv 
(Ptol.  2.  3,  25).  The  name  of  Corinium 
13  clearly  traced  in  '  Cirencester ',  and  ap- 
pears also  to  form  part  of  *  Dnrocorno- 
vium',  which  answers  to  that  town  in 
the  Itinerary.  Hiibner  appears  however 
(C.  I.  L.  vii.  p.  22)  to  doubt  their  identity, 
and  to  take  thelatter  only  to  be  Cirencester. 
The  name  *  bodvoc  ',  found  on  coins  in  this 
d  istrict,  is  taken  to  be  that  of  a  prince  rather 
than  of  the  people  (Evans,  134-139). 

'  As  for  instance  at  Clausentum  (Bit- 
tern, near  Southampton)  and  other  places 
near  it.  Hiibner  suggests  that  this  port 
was  named  after  the  emperor  ('  Claudien- 
tum ').  From  this  point  an  advance  is 
supposed  in  the  direction  of  Venta  (Win- 
chester), and  Calleva  (Silchester),  and 
thence  to  the  north-west.  See  Hiibner, 
Das  romische  Heer,  pp.  527-529. 

*  The  place  garrisoned  (see  above)  has 
been  taken  to  be  Glevum  (Gloucester) ; 
which  would  on  this  supposition  have 
been  the  first  position  permanently  occu- 
pied by  the  Romans  in  Britain. 

^  The  view  set  forth  by  Dr.  Guest,  in 
his  treatise  on  the  campaign  of  Plautius 
(Origines  Celticae,  &c.  ii.  pp.  399,  foil.), 
agrees  in  the  main  with  that  stated  above 
as  to  the  direction  taken,  but  differs  on 
some  important  points.  He  thinks  that 
the  landing  was  effected  probably  at 
Richborough,    Dover,    and    Hythe,   but 


that  the  Britons  abandoned  Kent  without 
a  struggle ;  that  their  first  stand  (in  which 
Caratacus  was  defeated)  was  near  Sil- 
chester,  the  second  (in  which  Togodumnus 
was  defeated)  near  Cirencester ;  that  the 
unnamed  river  to  which  the  Britons  then 
fell  back,  and  where  the  chief  battle  took 
place,  was  really  the  Thames,  which  was 
crossed  at  Wallingford  ;  that  the  so-called 
Thames  which  the  Britons  afterwards 
crossed,  and  at  which  the  Roman  advance 
was  checked,  was  really  the  tidal  estuary 
of  the  Lea,  near  Stratford ;  and  that  the 
place  where  Plautius  then  waited  was 
London,  where  his  camp  formed  the  first 
permanent  castellum,  and  where  he  does 
not  think  that  there  is  evidence  of  any 
previous  British  settlement.  He  supports 
this  view  from  a  passage  in  which  Alfred 
(who  is  supposed  to  have  followed  some 
confused  Welsh  Chronicle)  ascribes  to 
Caesar  a  march  somewhat  resembling 
the  above  (but  stated  as  by  way  of  Wal- 
lingford to  Cirencester) ;  but  the  difficulties 
involved  seem  extremely  great.  Plautius 
could  hardly  be  unaware  that  the  head- 
quarters of  the  resistance  lay  on  the  north 
and  north-east  of  the  lower  Thames,  and 
that  the  royal  city  of  Cunobelinus  was  the 
chief  aim  of  the  campaign ;  and  this  seems 
to  make  it  hardly  possible  to  suppose  that 
he  would  have  allowed  himself  to  be  led  in 
a  wholly  opposite  direction  to  a  point  160 
miles  from  his  only  secure  base,  and  would 
have  followed  his  enemy  again  thence 
through  another  long  lineof  country,  which 


CHAP.  V] 


CONQUEST  OF  BRITAIN 


[^35] 


with  Mommsen  ^  and  others,  that  the  word  read  Bo8oCi/ot  represents  the 
name  of  some  tribe  which  we  are  unable  to  identify  ' ;  or  that,  if  they  are 
identical  with  the  Dobuni,  their  submission  has  been  misplaced  in  order 
of  time ' ;  the  whole  narrative  can  be  explained  in  a  far  more  probable 
manner.  The  three  landing  points  can  be  placed  on  the  south-eastern 
coast  * ;  the  first  point  of  concentration  may  have  been  at  or  near  them  ; 
the  resistance  will  have  been  encountered  still  within  Kent ;  and  the  un- 
named river  at  which  the  chief  struggle  took  place  could  be  the  Medway.* 
The  time  occupied  before  sending  for  Claudius,  or  between  that  and 
his  arrival,  can  only  be  estimated  in  the  light  of  the  statement  that  he 
was  altogether  six  months  absent  from  Rome,  and  returned  to  it  in  the 
beginning  of  the  following  year ;  which  would  show  him  to  have  left  it 
about  July.'     We  may  suppose  Plautius  to  have  spent  the  interval  in 

there  for  Claudius.  The  objections  to  this 
view  will  be  gathered  from  those  already 
stated.  We  seem  thus  to  see  that  no  view 
is  open  to  fewer  objections,  or  more  on  the 
whole  in  accordance  with  the  narrative  of 
Dio,  than  some  such  as  that  here  adopted, 
making  Plautius  land  at  some  near  points, 
and  not  extend  his  operations  beyond  parts 
of  Kent,  Sussex,  and  Surrey,  till  the  arrival 
of  forces  under  Claudius  emboldened  him 
to  cross  the  Thames  once  for  all,  and 
strike  at  the  British  headquarters. 

*  Hist.  V.  i6o  (E.  T.  i.  175),  note. 
^  It    would   not   be    an    unreasonable 

supposition  to  consider  that  the  people 
spoken  of  (whatever  their  real  name  may 
have  been,  and  whatever  corruption  may 
have  here  taken  the  place  of  it)  were  the 
Sussex  tribe  known  to  us  by  what  is  per- 
haps a  subsequent  Roman  designation  (see 
below,  p.  [136])  as  *  Regni'. 

^  Some  at  least  of  the  people  inhabit- 
ing the  district  assigned  to  the  Dobuni 
would  seem  to  have  been  still  independent 
under  Andedrigus,  at  a  date  subsequent  to 
that  of  the  first  invasion  (see  below,  p.  [  1 38] , 
n.  3),  and  to  have  been  associated  with  the 
Iceni  rather  than  the  Catuvellauni. 

*  There  is  much  improbability  in  sup- 
posing that  so  large  and  heavily  loaded  a 
fleet  of  transports  coasted  as  far  as  Bittern 
before  landing.  The  westward  course 
which  Dio  (c.  19,  4)  describes  them  as 
taking  might  loosely  mean  what  is  strictly 
a  north-westerly  direction  to  such  a  point 
as  Lymne.  The  terrors  of  the  ocean  would 
lead  them  to  make  as  short  a  passage  as 
wind  and  tide  permitted. 

^  See  Merivale,  ch.  51,  p.  21. 

*  Dio,  60.  23,  I.  He  may  have  been 
in  Gaul  in  expectation  of  a  summons  be- 
fore it  reached  him. 


those  retreating  before  him  would  already 
have  drained  of  supplies.  A  widely  different 
view,  taken  by  Professor  G.  B.  Airy,  ori- 
ginally published  in  the  Athenaeum  of 
June  28,  i860, and  subsequently  (with  some 
additions)  reprinted  with  other  papers 
(London,  1865%  holds  that  the  westerly 
course  mentioned  by  Dio  was  really  that 
from  the  North  Foreland  to  the  coast  of 
Essex,  where  the  landing  took  place  (prob- 
ably at  or  near  Southend) ;  that  the  Britons 
retreated  south-west ;  that  the  unnamed 
river,  the  scene  of  the  chief  conflict,  was 
the  tidal  portion  of  the  Lea  ;  that  the 
Britons,  retreating  thence,  crossed  to  the 
south  of  the  Thames,  followed  by  the 
Romans,  who  took  up  a  position  (prob- 
ably at  Keston),  whence  they  recrcssed 
the  Thames  with  Claudius,  and  struck  at 
Camulodunum.  This  view  appears  to  in- 
volve the  hardly  possible  supposition,  that 
the  Britons,  instead  of  falling  back  upon 
their  stronghold  at  Camulodunum,  deli- 
berately marched  away  from  it  and  left  it 
open  to  attack,  and  that  the  Romans,  in- 
stead of  availing  themselves  of  that  op- 
portunity, marched  after  them,  and  even 
crossed  the  Thames,  knowing  that  they 
would  have  to  recross  it  for  the  main  ob- 
ject of  the  campaign.  Mr.  F.  C.  J.  Spur- 
rell,  in  a  paper  read  at  a  meeting  of  the 
Archaeological  Institute,  November  1888, 
takes  a  view  partly  in  accordance  with 
each  of  the  above  writers,  partly  distinct 
from  both.  He  places  the  landing  on  the 
Hampshire  coast,  and  makes  the  Romans 
march  to  Gloucestershire  and  thence  east- 
ward tin  they  reach  the  Lea  (the  unnamed 
river  of  Dio)  ;  whence  he  also  makes  them 
follow  the  Britons  southward  across  the 
Thames  (probably  near  Tilbury,  supposed 
to  be  then  above  the  tidal  limit),  and  wait 


[^36] 


INTRODUCTION 


[CHAP.  V 


securing  the  ground  already  won,  and  constructing  or  improving  the 
roads  from  the  readiest  points  of  disembarkation  to  the  place  where  he 
was  to  cross  the  Thames.^  His  position  was  probably  further  secured 
by  the  accession  of  a  prince  in  his  rear ;  as  we  find  that  Cogidumnus, 
who  may  probably  have  been  a  discontented  vassal-prince  under  Cuno- 
belinus,  was  rewarded  by  Claudius  for  his  services  by  a  gift  of  territory,'^ 
probably  that  which  he  had  already  ruled,  and  generally  identified  with 
that  of  the  Regni  (Sussex),  with  its  chief  town,  Chichester.^  [I  have  left 
these  paragraphs  unaltered,  but  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  all  the  specula- 
tions as  to  Plautius'  route  based  on  the  conjectural  substitution  of '  Dobuni ' 
for  'Boduni'  in  Dio's  narrative  may  be  dismissed  as  superfluous.  Plautius 
clearly  landed  on  the  south-east  coast,  and  marched  inland,  crossing  the 
Medway  as  he  went,  to  the  Thames.  His  objective  was  Cunobeline's 
capital,  Colchester,  and  he  took  the  most  direct  road  to  it.] 


^  The  place  where  he  waited,  and  where 
he  subsequently  crossed,  is  generally  as- 
sumed to  be  identical  with  that  at  which 
the  Britons  had  already  crossed,  and 
where  he  had  attempted  to  follow  them 
i^see  above,  p.  [133])  ;  but  the  statement  of 
Dio  (60.  20,  5)  that  *  this  was  at  a  point 
where  the  river  pours  itself  into  the  ocean, 
and  forms  lakes ',  is  not  conclusive  as  to 
the  locality.  Dr.  Guest's  view,  that  the 
I.ea  and  not  the  Thames  is  meant  (see 
above,  p.  [134],  n.  5),  is  grounded  on 
the  mention  by  Dio  of  a  bridge  a  little 
higher  up  the  stream,  and  on  the  unlike- 
lihood that  the  Britons  of  that  dale  could 
have  bridged  such  a  river  as  the  tidal 
Thames.  But  Dio's  words  are  quite  con- 
sistent with  the  supposition  that  the  bridge 
was  above  the  tidal  limit ;  and  it  need 
not  be  supposed  to  have  been  more  than 
a  rude  wooden  structure.  The  point  of 
crossing  has  been  generally  taken  to  be  at 
or  near  London  ;  and  Mr.  Loftie  considers 
(*  London ',  p.  3)  that  the  existence  of 
such  tidal  lakes  there  is  suggested  by 
various  considerations,  especially  by  the 
low  level  of  the  opposite  lands  on  the 
south  side.  A  more  definite  place  is 
suggested  by  his  note  (p.  6),  that  the 
earliest  direction  of  the  Watling  Street 
(often  supposed  to  have  partly  followed 
the  line  of  a  previous  British  track)  took 
a  course  mainly  coinciding  with  the  Edg- 
ware  Road  and  Park  Lane  to  Tothill  fields 
and  Thorney  island  (the  site  of  Westmin- 
ster Abbey)  ;  where  the  river  spread  so 
widely  over  Pimlico,  Kennington,  &c.,  as 
to  be  probably  fordable  at  low  tide ; 
whence  the  same  road  went  on  to  the 
South-east    coast,   and    may  even    then 


have  become  the  Roman  marching  route. 
The  view  suggested  in  Mr.  Spurrell's  paper 
(see  above,  p.  [134],  n.  5),  that  the  limit  of 
tidal  influence  was  at  that  time  some  twenty 
miles  below  London,  near  Tilbury  and 
Gravesend,  cannot  well  be  adopted  or  re- 
jected until  such  evidence  as  can  be  de- 
rived from  borings  in  the  Thames'  marshes 
has  been  more  fully  discussed.  It  is  cer- 
tainly difficult  to  suppose  that  London 
could  have  attained  such  great  commer- 
cial importance  at  so  early  a  date  (see 
14*  33 J  i)>  without  possessing .  greater  ac- 
cessibility for  sea-going  ships  than  could 
well  have  been  afforded  by  such  a  stream 
as  the  Thames,  not  sustained  by  locks, 
distributed  over  marshy  ground,  and 
twenty  miles  above  tidal  influence. 

^  '  Quaedam  civitates  Cogidumno  regi 
donatae  (is  ad  nostram  usque  memoriam 
fidissimus  mansit),  vetere  ac  iam  pridem 
recepta  populi  Romani  consuetudine,  ut 
haberet  instrumenta  servitutis  et  reges' 
(Agr.  14,  2).  It  is  implied  that  he  was 
allowed  the  title  of  *  rex',  whence  Professor 
Rhys  (p.  78)  thinks  may  be  derived  the 
name  of  the  people  ('Regni '  = '  Regnii '),  as 
given  in  Ptol.  (2.  3,  28),  ''Pff^voi,  Kal  vu\is 
Hoiojxayos.  Their  town  can  hardly  be  any 
other  than  Chichester;  which  is  generally 
identified  with  the  Regnum  of  the  Itinerary. 

^  The  identification  rests  on  the  famous 
Chichester  inscription  preserved  at  Good- 
wood (C.  I.  L.  vii.  11):  '  [N]eptuno  et 
Minervae  templum,  [pr]o  salute  Do[musJ 
Divinae,  [ex]  auctoritate  [Ti.]  Claud. 
[Co]gidubni  R.,  Lega[ti]  Aug.  in  Brit(an- 
nia),  [Colleg]ium  fabror.  et  qui  in  eo  d(e) 
s(uo)  d(at),  donante  aream  [Clem]ente, 
Pudentini  fil.'      The  abbreviation   '  R.', 


CHAP.  V]  CONQUEST  OF  BRITAIN  [137] 

The  record  of  the  movements  of  Claudius,  which  may  probably  have 
been  taken  from  the  *  acta  publica ',  represents  him  as  having  been  only 
sixteen  days  in  Britain,^  a  space  barely  sufficient  for  what  Dio  tells  us  of  his 
doings :  that  he  found  the  army  on  the  Thames,  immediately  crossed  with  it, 
fought  and  won  another  battle,  pushed  on  to  and  occupied  Camulodunum, 
and  received  the  submission  of  those  princes  who  surrendered  on  the  spot, 
and,  after  repeatedly  accepting  the  title  of  '  imperator  ','  set  out  for  Rome, 
sending  on  Pompeius  and  Silanus,  his  sons-in-law,  to  announce  his  victory. 
On  his  arrival  he  celebrated  a  magnificent  triumph,  followed  by  games  and 
other  spectacles  on  a  grand  scale,  and  distributed  with  a  lavish  hand  distinc- 
tions and  decorations  among  his  followers.'  [An  important  point  in 
Claudius'  arrangements  must  have  been  the  treaty  with  Prasutagus,  King  of 
the  Iceni,  which  secured  the  safety  of  the  new  province  against  attacks 
from  the  north.  The  Iceni  are  described  (Ann.  1 2 .  3 1 )  as  having  voluntarily 
made  alliance  with  Rome.  In  the  south-east,  several  tribes  formerly  subject 
to  Cunobeline  were  placed  under  the  rule  of  the  native  chief  Cogidubnus.] 

It  is  of  more  importance  to  endeavour  to  trace  the  progress  of  con- 
quest during  the  three  remaining  years  of  the  command  of  Plautius; 
but  of  these  no  further  record  is  left  to  us  than  a  short  summary  of  the 
achievements  of  Vespasian :  that  he  *  fought  thirty  battles,  subdued  two 
powerful  nations,  took  more  than  twenty  towns,  and  reduced  the  island 
of  Vectis  (Wight)  '.*  We  may  however  safely  conclude  that  Plautius* 
task  was  the  subjugation  and  pacification  of  Cunobeline's  extensive  king- 
dom, and  that  the  pacification  of  the  western  portion  (Hampshire)  in 
particular  was  entrusted  to  VeSpasian  and  the  second  Augustan  legion. 
How  far  Vespasian  penetrated  westward  is  uncertain,  but  that  he 
reached  the  Mendip  hills  is  suggested  by  the  pigs  of  lead  from  that 
district  belonging  to  the  year  49  a.d.^     It  is  suggested  that  a  very  early 

apparently   for   *  Regis ',   is  remarkable,  ant  sanguine  intra  paucissimos  dies  parte 

still  more  so  the  title  '  legatus  Augusti ',  insulae  in  deditionem  recepta,  sexto  quam 

never    known    elsewhere   to   have    been  profectns  erat  mense  Romam  rediit.'     If 

borne  by  a  foreign  prince.     As  he  has  this   version   is   true,    the   representation 

not  the   official   title    ('legatus    Augusti  given    in    the   Campus   Martins   of    the 

propraetore '},  it  is  suggested  that  it  may  storm  of  Camulodunum   (Suet.   CI.    21) 

have  been  an  honorary  title  only.   Hiibner  must  have  been  wholly  imaginary, 
gives,  ad  loc,  a  full  commentary  on  the  ^  Dio  points  out  (c.  21,  4)  that  this 

difficulties   presented  by  the  inscription.  title   was   not   by  usage   accepted   more 

For  *  [Clemjente",  '  [Pud]ente*  is  read  in  than  once  for  a  single  war. 
many  versions ;  and  the  person  has  been  ^  Dio  (I.  1.)  describes  the  triumph  and 

taken  to  be  the  Pudens  of  Martial,  and  even  the  games  held  afterwards  :  see  also  Suet, 

that  of  2  Tim.  iv.  21.    It  would  be  hardly  CI.  17. 

relevant  here  to  state  the  objections.  *  Suet.  Vesp.  4.     All   these   successes 

*  Dio,  60.  23,  I.     The  account  in  Suet.  are  said  to  have  been  won  *  partim  Auli 

(CI.  17)  generally  agrees,   but  does  not  Plauti   legati   consularis,   partim  Claudii 

even  credit  him  with  a  battle :  '  a  Massilia  ipsius  ductu '. 

Gesoriacum  usque   pedestri    itinere  con-  '•'  Two  have  been  found  in  this  district, 

fecto,  inde  transmisit,  ac  sine  uUo  proelio  one  (C.  I.  L.  vii.  1201)  inscribed  *  Ti. 


[138] 


INTRODUCTION 


[CHAP.  V 


frontier  *  of  the  province  may  have  been  represented  by  a  line  drawn  some- 
what north  of  the  Thames,  and  perhaps  westward  near  the  Mendips,  resting 
on  Camulodunum  (Colchester),  and  Glevum  (Gloucester).^  Verulamium 
would  form  an  intermediate  point,  and  Londinium,  with  perhaps  other 
positions,  would  be  places  of  support  in  the  rear.  North  of  Essex 
and  Hertfordshire  the  powerful  clan  of  the  Iceni  were,  as  has  been  said, 
the  friends  and  allies  of  Rome.'     The  reward  of  Plautius  for  these  great 


Claudius  Caesar  Aug.,  P.  M.,  Trib.  p.  viiii, 
Imp.  xvi,  de  Britan.' ;  the  other  (1 202) 
*  Britannic[i]  Aug.  fi.',  and  (on  the  side) 
*V.  et  P.'  (taken  to  mean  '  Veranio  et 
Pompeio  cos.').  That  the  Romans  pushed 
their  mining  enterprise  still  further  west, 
is  in  itself  probable,  but  unsupported  ;  as 
Mr.  Haverfield  notes  that  hardly  any  traces 
of  Roman  mining  or  occupation  in  Corn- 
wall are  found  till  a  much  later  date.  We 
should  therefore  suppose  that  the  Dam- 
nonii  west  of  the  Mendips  were  not  strictly 
part  of  the  early  province,  but  ignored,  as 
not  actively  hostile. 

^  In  speaking  of  this  or  any  other  line 
as  a  'frontier',  the  term  can  be  only 
loosely  used.  Mere  invasion  may  have 
gone,  even  in  the  earliest  campaigns, 
considerably  further  than  the  supposed 
limit ;  and  on  the  other  hand  the  subju- 
gation within  must  have  been  very  gradual 
and  for  a  long  time  imperfect  :  as  is 
shown  by  the  disaffection  with  which 
Ostorius  had  to  deal  (12.  31,  2),  and  by 
the  great  rising  later  of  even  those  who 
seemed  to  have  been  most  completely 
subjected  (14.  31-39).  It  may  however 
be  taken  to  be  meant  that  the  chief  posi- 
tions on  such  a  line  as  is  indicated  were 
permanently  occupied,  and  were  more  or 
less  supported  by  communications  in  their 
rear,  and  that  within  this  limit,  conscrip- 
tion, tribute,  and  other  incidents  of  Roman 
government  were  gradually  and  systema- 
tically established. 

^  Without  accepting  the  view  which 
makes  Glevum  to  have  been  held  from 
the  very  first  campaign  (see  above,  p.  [  1 34], 
n.  4),  weight  must  be  attached  to  the  evi- 
dence given  (see  IVIr.  J.  Bellows,  in  Trans- 
actions of  Bristol  and  Gloucester  Archaeo- 
logical Society,  vol.  i.  1876,  pp.  153-166) 
by  the  many  genuine,  and  (what  is  more 
significant)  the  many  imitated  coins  of 
Claudius  found  there,  that  it  was  occupied 
at  a  very  early  date,  probably  as  soon  as  it 
became  evident  that  South  Wales  was  the 
headquarters  of  the  resistance.  If  the 
square  form  and  limited  area  (45  acres) 
of  the  enclosure  are  correctly  given,  they 
would  show  that  it  was  laid  out  strictly  as  a 


camp ;  and  the  supposition  that  it  was  the 
headquarters  of  the  Second  legion  before 
it  was  pushed  on  to  Caerleon,  may  on 
general  grounds  be  considered  sufficiently 
probable  in  itself,  although  it  has  not  yet 
been  confirmed  by  the  discovery  of  in- 
scriptions or  other  unmistakable  evidence 
on  the  spot. 

3  12.31,3.  The  history  at  this  time  of 
the  Iceni  and  some  other  peoples  connects 
itself  with  the  fortunes  of  a  prince  Ande- 
drigus ;  whose  name  (or  some  abbrevia- 
tion of  it)  occurs  on  numerous  coins  found 
in  Norfolk,  Suffolk,  Cambridgeshire, 
Northamptonshire,  Gloucestershire,  Ox- 
fordshire, also  near  Bath,  and  (in  con- 
siderable numbers)  near  Frome,  In  Nor- 
folk and  in  Somerset,  Roman  coins  are 
found  mingled  with  them,  especially  in 
the  latter  place  some  of  Claudius  and 
Antonia  (the  latter  imitated),  showing 
his  rule  to  have  continued  there  after  the 
Roman  invasion  (see  Evans,  pp.  143-148, 
383-388  ;  Suppt.  489-493,  .583-585). 
Dr.  Evans  inclines  to  think  that  he  was 
ruling  at  the  time  of  the  Icenian  rising 
against  Ostorius ;  but  it  seems  difficult  to 
suppose  the  '  longa  opulentia '  of  Prasu- 
tagus  (14.  31,  i)  not  to  have  already  begun 
before  that  time.  Possibly  Andedrigus 
(of  whom  nothing  is  known  beyond  his 
coinage)  may  have  been  leader  of  a  na- 
tional and  Prasutagus  of  a  Roman  party 
at  the  time  of  the  first  invasion ;  and 
when  the  Iceni,  at  some  date  between 
A.  D.  43  and  47,  voluntarily  submitted  to 
Rome  (12.  31,  3),  the  latter  was  con- 
firmed as  king,  and  the  former  may  have 
retired  westward,  and  maintained  himself 
there  (like  Caratacus)  as  a  national  leader 
of  the  Dobuni  (see  above,  p.  [134])  and 
others,  possibly,  as  Dr.  Evans  thinks,  till 
about  A.  D.  55.  The  view  that  his  So- 
merset subjects  may  have  been  the  lead- 
producing  people  whose  name  is  generally 
read  as  'Ceangi'  is  discussed  on  12.  32,  i. 
The  name  of  Prasutagus  has  not  been 
found  on  any  coins ;  nor  is  there  distinct 
evidence  of  any  later  Icenian  coinage  of 
any  sort. 


CHAP.  V]  CONQUEST  OF  BRITAIN  [139] 

steps  in  the  direction  of  conquest  was  the  honour  of  an  ovation,'  other- 
wise as  jealously  reserved  for  the  imperial  family  as  the  greater  triumph 
itself.' 

With  the  appointment  of  his  successor  P.  Ostorius  Scapula,  in  800, 
A.D.  47,  we  recover  the  guidance  of  Tacitus ;  but  it  cannot  be  said  that 
we  gain  from  him  any  clear  conception  of  the  military  movements.  We 
have  rhetorical  descriptions  of  battles  and  vague  geography,  reminding 
us  of  that  of  the  campaigns  of  Germanicus :  nor  have  we  even,  as  we  have 
usually  in  the  Annals,  the  means  of  distinguishing  the  campaigns  of 
successive  years.^ 

We  are  told  that  the  new  legatus,  on  his  arrival  late  in  the  season,* 
had  at  once  to  deal  with  raids  by  the  unsubdued  tribes  upon  those  within 
the  province.  Not  content  with  chastising  the  raiders,  Ostorius  resolved 
to  present  such  disturbances  of  the  Roman  peace  by  annexing  a  consider- 
able district,  probably  that  now  included  in  the  Midland  Counties.'  This 
annexation  at  once  excited  alarm  among  the  Iceni  on  the  east,  the 
Brigantes  in  the  north,  and  the  Welsh  tribes  in  the  west. 

It  was  only  however  from  the  latter  that  at  this  stage  any  serious 
opposition  was  encountered.  But  on  the  Welsh  border  the  strife  was 
long  and  bitter.  For  the  remaining  three  years  or  more  of  his  rule  and 
lifetime,  Ostorius  is  engaged  in  the  struggle,  destined  to  last  till  the  time 
of  the  Flavian  emperors,^  against  the  desperate  resistance  of  North  and 
South  Wales.  At  the  opening  of  our  narrative  these  are  united  under 
the  heroic  leadership  of  Caratacus,  who,  after  the  wreck  of  his  inherited 
dominion  in  the  East,^  had  thrown  himself  into  this  stronghold  of  national 
independence,  and  won  confidence  by  many  successful  and  drawn  battles 

^  See  13.  32,  3,  and  note.  Iceni  abnuere,  valida   gens  nee  proeliis 

'  His  case  appears  to  be  the  solitary  contusi,  quia  societatem  nostram  volentes 

exception  to  this  rtile  after  728,  B.  c.  26;  accesserant.     hisque    auctoribus   circum- 

see  Momms.  Staatsr.  i.  136,  i.  iectae   nationes   locum   pugnae  delegere 

'  The  only  year  clearly  dated  is  that  saeptum  agresti  aggere  et  aditu  angusto, 

of  the  capture  of  Caratacus  (12.  36,  i).  ne   pervius   equiti  foret.     ea   munimenta 

*  12.31.  *  At  in  Britannia  P.  Ostorium  dux   Romanus,  quamquam    sine    robore 

pro  praetore  turbidae  res  excepere,  effusis  legionum   socialis   copias   ducebat,   per- 

in  agrum  sociorum  hostibus  eo  violentius  rumpere  adgreditur  et  distributis  cohor- 

quod   novum   ducem   exercitu  ignoto  et  tibus  turmas  quoque  peditum  ad  munia 

coepta  hieme  iturum  obviam  non  rebantur.  accingit.     tunc    dato    signo    perfringunt 

ille  gnarus  primis  eventibus  metum  aut  aggerem  suisque  claustris  impeditos  tur- 

fiduciam   gigni,    citas   cohortis   rapit    et  bant,     atque   illi    conscientia    rebellionis 

caesis  qui  restiterant,  disiectos  consectatus,  et  obsaeptis  effugiis  multa  et  clara  facinora 

ne  rursus   conglobarentur   infensaque   et  fecere  :  qua  pugna  filius  legati  M.  Ostorius 

infida  pax  non  duci,  non  militi  requiem  servati  civis  decus  meruit.' 

permitteret,    detrahere     arma     suspectis  '  See  12.  31,  2,  note, 

cunctaque  castris  Avonam  inter  et  Sabri-  •  See  below,  p.  [146]. 

nam  fluvios  cohibere  parat.     quod  primi  '  See  above,  p.  [i33]« 


[i4o]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP.  V 

fought  under  his  command.*  A  single  sentence,  describing  the  diversion 
of  the  first  attack  on  the  Silures  by  a  skilful  lateral  movement  along  the 
valleys,  making  North  Wales  and  the  adjacent  counties  the  immediate 
seat  of  war,^  seems  to  be  all  our  record  of  some  three  years  of  conflict, 
traces  of  which  may  probably  be  found  in  the  British  entrenchments  on 
the  Wrekin  and  on  several  other  hills,  in  some  of  whose  names  that  of. 
the  chieftain  seems  to  be  preserved,  in  Shropshire  and  Herefordshire  ^ ; 
one  of  which  (Caer-Caradoc,  near  Church  Stretton)  confronted  at  a 
distance  of  some  ten  miles  the  Roman  position  of  Viroconium  * 
(VVroxeter) ;  which  we  may  suppose  to  have  become  at  this  time  the 
headquarters  of  the  attacking  force,  and  probably  the  station  of  the 
Fourteenth  legion.^  Nor  is  anything  told  us  of  the  circumstances  which 
led  or  forced  Caratacus,  probably  in  the  course  of  804,  a.d.  51,  to  slake 
his  fortunes  on  a  pitched  battle,  the  description  of  which  ^  resembles  that 
of  many  another  conflict  with  Germans  or  other  enemies  of  similar 
quality.  The  enemy,  wrought  up  to  the  highest  pitch  of  courage  by  the 
leader's  example  and  exhortation,  occupies  a  carefully  chosen  position, 
strong  by  nature,  and  additionally  strengthened  by  stone  walls,  which  are 
carried  by  the  Roman  *  testudo ' ;  a  second  position  further  up  the 
heights  is  stormed  with  equal  success ;  the  close  attack  of  the  legions, 
added  to  the  storm  of  missiles  hurled  by  the  light  troops  on  the  bare 
heads  and  unprotected  bodies  of  their  adversaries,  completing  the  victory 
and  carnage.  The  immediate  capture  of  the  wife  and  daughter,  and 
surrender  of  the  brothers  of  Caratacus,^  is  followed  soon  by  his  own 
deliverance  into  captivity,  and  from  the  time  of  the  transportation  of  these 
illustrious  prisoners  to  Rome  ^  the  great  house  of  Cunobelinus  is  lost  sight 
of  in  British  history.® 

^  12.  33,  I.  was  summoned  to  Italy  in  the  last  year 

^  'Locornm  fraude  prior  .  .  .  transfert  of  Nero  (H.  2,  11,  2),  and  after  a  very 

bellum  in  Ordovicas'  (12.  33,  2).  short  return  in  the  following  year  (H.  2. 

^  See  Scarth,  Rom,  Brit.  138.  66,  7)  was  permanently  withdrawn  from 

*  See  note  on  12.  31,  2.  The  occupa-  Britain  in  823,  A.D.  70  (H.  4.  68,  5).  An 
tion  of  this  position  is  naturally  connected  epitaph  of  a  soldier  of  the  20th  legion  has 
with  the  war  against  the  Ordovices;  but  also  been  found  there  (156). 

the  camp  may  have  been  closer  to  the  ^  12.33-35.    For  the  locality  suggested 

junction  of  the  Tern  and  Severn,  and  was  see  on  12.  33,  2. 

doubtless  much  smaller  than  the  subse-  "^  12.  35,  7. 

quent  town;  which  shows  no  trace  of  camp  *  12.36-38. 

form,  and  was  encircled  only  by  a  slight  ®  It  is  to  this  year,  the  fifth  consulship 

rubble  vallum  of  some  three  miles'  circuit  of  Claudius  and  the  eleventh  year  of  his 

and  of  irregular  shape,  enclosing  an  area  tribunitian  power,  that  the  completion  of 

of  some  223  acres.     See  the  descriptions  his  triumphal  arch,  fragments  of  which, 

and  plan  given  in  the  works  of  Mr.  Wright  discovered  near  the  Sciarra  palace,  are  still 

and  Mr.  J.  C.  Anderson.  preserved,    belongs.     The   inscription   as 

*  The  two  epitaphs  there  found  of  sol-  now  read  and  supplemented  (see  Or.  715  ; 
diers  of  that  legion  (C.  I.  L.  vii.  154,  155)  Wilm.  899  a  ;  C.  I.  L.  vi.  920)  describes 
are  the  only  traces  of  it  in  Britain.     It  it  as  dedicated  to  him,  '  Quod  reges  Brit- 


CHAP.  V]  CONQUEST  OF  BRITAIN  [141] 

Otherwise,  the  catastrophe  appears  to  have  made  little  difference, 
except  that  no  more  pitched  battles  are  risked,  and  that  the  tactics 
previously  successful  are  steadily  adhered  to.  Almost  immediately  after 
the  fall  of  Caratacus,  it  is  found  necessary  to  fix  the  permanent  head- 
quarters of  the  Second  legion  at  Isca  Silurum  *  (Caerleon  on  Usk) ;  and 
the  position  is  with  the  greatest  difficulty  established.  At  one  time  the 
force  on  the  spot  is  barely  rescued  from  utter  destruction  by  the  timely 
support  of  the  main  army  ;^  at  another,  the  foraging  parties  are  cut  off ' ; 
at  another,  the  whole  legion  sustains  a  reverse,  and  the  Silures,  rendered 
only  more  desperate  by  threats  of  extermination,^  are  again  masters  of 
the  country  and  draw  other  tribes  to  join  them.^  From  this  time  too 
the  hostility  of  the  powerful  Brigantes  in  the  North  has  to  be  reckoned 
with ;  and  Venuiius,  one  of  their  princes,  comes  to  the  front  as  the  most 
skilful  national  leader.^ 

Early  in  these  renewed  troubles  Ostorius  died  at  his  post,  worn  out  by 
continual  warfare ;  "^  and  during  the  five  years  of  Didius  Gallus  ^  and  the 
one  year  of  Veranius'  (805-811,  a.d.  52-58)  no  advance  of  dominion  is 
noted ;  though  it  is  probable  that  in  this  period  of  seeming  inaction  the 
chains  of  conquest  were  being  firmly  riveted  upon  the  land  within  and 
slightly  beyond  the  space  already  subjected  *° ;  that  Isca  and  probably  its 
subordinate  post  Venta  (Caerwent)  are  strongly  held  against  the  Silures, 
Viroconium  against  the  Ordovices;  while  Deva  (Chester)  and  Lindum 
(Lincoln)  form  also  outposts  confronting  the  Brigantes ;  each  of  these 
four  positions  becoming  the  headquarters  of  a  legion  ;  and  all  being 
connected  with  each  other  and  with  their  bases  of  support  in  the  south- 
east of  the  province  by  the  long  lines  of  the  Foss  Way  and  the  Watling 
Street,  and  their  subsidiary  branches.*^ 


[anniai]  XI  d[evictos  sine]  ulla  iactiir[a  ready  aged. 

in  deditionem  acceperit]  gentesque  [bar-  '  14.  29,  i,  and  note. 

baras  trans  oceanum]  primus  in  dici[onem  "  The  '  neque  . . .  nisi  parta  retinnerat', 

populi  Komani  redegerit].'     The  number  said  of  Didius  in  14.  29,  i,  is  somewhat 

of  the  eleven  conquered  princes  may  prob-  qualified  by  the  'paucis  admodnm  castellis 

ably   have   included    Caratacus   and    his  in  ulteriora  promotis' of  Agr.  14,  3.    The 

brothers,   and  all  others   who  had   sub-  year  of  Veranius  is  marked  only  by  pre- 

mitted  down  to  that  date.  datory  attacks  on  the  Silures,  and  extra- 

^  See  12.  32,  4;  38,  3,  and  notes.  vagant  promises  cut  short  by  death  (14. 

'12.  38,  3-39,  2.  29,  1).     With  this  period  are  also  to  be 

5  12.  39,  5.  reckoned  the  first  two  years  of  Paulinus 

*  12.  39,  5.  (see  below,  p.  [143])- 

"  12.  40,  1-3.  "  The  evidence  for  the  early  occnpa- 

*  12.  40,  3-6.  tion   of   Isca   and    Viroconium   is  given 
'  12.  39,  5.     The  date  of  his  death  is  above.     The   hostility   of  the   Brigantes 

not  fixed,  but  appears  to  be  not  long  after  supplies  a  natural  motive  for  the  occupa- 

the  capture  of  Caratacus.  tion  of  Deva  and  Lindum  ;  and  the  former 

*  12.  40,  I,  and  note.     He  is  described  place  would  have  been  the  natural  base 
(Id.  §  7)  as  a  distinguished  officer,  but  al-  of  support  for  the  advance  of  Paulinus  on 


[142]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP,  v 

The  necessity  for  some  central  garrison  in  the  established  province  to 
make  up  for  this  withdrawal  of  the  legions  to  its  outposts  had  been 
foreseen  ;  and  it  was  apparently  early  in  the  government  of  Ostorius  that 
the  island  received  its  first  Roman  colony  ^ ;  for  the  site  of  which,  in 
spite  of  the  greater  commercial  importance  of  Londinium,'^  the  choice 
naturally  fell  on  what  had  probably  been  from  the  time  of  its  occupation 
the  seat  of  government,  the  old  capital  of  Cunobelinus  ^ ;  which  had 
assumed  under  him  an  importance  eclipsing   that  of  all  other  British 

*  oppida ',  though  still  apparently  resembling  the  general  type  ^  in  con- 
sisting of  a  large  enclosed  tract  of  some  square  miles,  protected  on  the 
east,  north,  and  south  by  the  tidal  marshes  of  the  Colne  and  its  small 
tributary  (still  called  the  Roman  river),  and  on  its  assailable  side,  the 
west,  by  strong  earthworks,  in  part  still  traceable,  from  stream  to 
stream.^  On  the  formation  of  the  colony,  a  theatre,^  and,  no  doubt, 
other  public  buildings  rapidly  grew  up,  and  a  temple  was  erected  to 
Claudius,^  to  become,  as  other  such  had  been,  the  provincial  centre  of  the 
cultus  of  Rome  ^ ;  but  the  whole  place  was  laid  out  rather  as  a  pleasure 
resort  than  a  military  position,^  and  no  pains  were  taken  to  strengthen 
its  antiquated  defences.  Here,  and  at  the  large  municipal  town  of 
Verulamium,  and  most  of  all  at  Londinium,  we  are  told  of  a  great 
population,  Roman  and  Romanized,^"  living  in  a  fatal  dream  of  security 
destined  to  undergo  a  rude  awakening. 

Mona,  and  may  well  have  been  one  of  the  cum  silvas  impeditas  vallo   atqlie   fossa 

*  praesidia '  secured  by  him  (Agr.  14,  4).  munierunt,  quo  iiicursionis  hostium  vi- 
Also  the  supposition  that  these  two  places  tandae  causa  convenire  consuerunt '  (Caes. 
had  already  become  the  stations  of  the  B.  G.  5.  21,  3). 

legions  subsequently  associated  with  them,  ^  The  description  given  here  and  below 

is  rendered  probable  by  circumstances  in  (p.  [147])  is  drawn  partly  from  personal 

the  narrative  of  the  great  insurrection  (see  observation,  partly    from   works   on   the 

below,  p.  [144]),  in  which  also  the  existence  subject,  especially  the  Rev.  E.  L.  Cutts' 

of  the  Watling  Street  road  appears  to  be  *  Colchester  '    (Historic    Towns    Series), 

implied  (p.  [145],  n.  2).     Many  of  these  London,    1888.       Tidal    influence    now 

roads  are  thought  to  have  followed  at  least  ceases  a  mile  or  two  below  the  town; 

in  part  the  lines  of  previous  British  track-  and   the  Colne   is  now  at   this   place   a 

ways.  stream  of  some  ten  yards  average  breadth 

^12.  32,  5,  and  note.     Its  foundation  and   moderate   depth.      The  earthworks 

appears  to   have   been  at   least  contem-  are  those  of  the  *  Grimes  Dyke',  just  be- 

plated  before  the  fall  of  Caratacus,  and  yond  Lexden  (about  two  miles  from  the 

probably  not  later  than  803,  a.d.  50.  present  town),  where  British  coins,  wea- 

^  14*  33>  !•  pons,  &c.,  have  been  found,  and  which 

•''  Seeabove,p.[i29],and,foritsidentity  has   been   thought  more   strictly  to    re- 

with  Colchester,  see  note  on  12.  32,  5.  present  the  site  of  the  British  *  oppidum  ' 

In  the  inscription  there  cited,  it  is  called  than  Colchester  itself. 

*  Colonia  victricensis  '  or  'Victrix',  a  title  «  14.  32,  i.                         ''  14.  31,  6. 
best  taken  as  commemorative  of  its  con-  ^  See  i.  78,  i,  and  note. 

quest    by   Claudius,   and   of   which   the  ®  '  Dum   amoenitati   prins  quam   usui 

statue  of  Victory  (14.  32,  i)  was  the  re-  consulitur'  (14.  31,  7), 

presentation.  ^^  See   14.   33,    i,  4.      The   fact   that 

*  'Oppidum    autem    Britanni    vocant,  70,000  such  persons  were  massacred  in 


CHAP.  V]  CONQUEST  OF  BRITAIN  [143] 

It  is  probable  that  the  successes  which  marked  the  first  two  years'  rule 
of  the   distinguished   soldier,  C.  Suetonius  Paulnus*   (812,   813,   a.d. 
59,   60),  were  gained  in  the  region  of  North  Wales,  as  we  find  him 
emboldened  by  them  in  the  following  year  (814,  a.d.  6i),  after  careful 
preparation  of  means  of  transport,  to  carry  the  Roman  arms  into  its 
furthest  recess,  and  by  the  occupation  of  Mona  (Anglesey)  at  once  to 
deprive  the  rebels  of  their  safest  refuge,'^  and  to  extirpate  British  Druidism 
in  its  innermost  sanctuary.      Even  veteran  soldiers  recoiled  at  first  in 
panic  from  the  sacred  soil ;  the  shores  of  which,  besides  bristling  with 
armed  defenders,  were  lined  with  the  holy  men  uplifting  their  hands  to 
heaven    in    solemn    imprecation,    and   with    dark   robed    torch-bearing 
women,  reminding  them  of  the  furies  of  tragic  legend.     Notwithstanding 
these  terrors,  the  landing  was  soon  forced,  and  the  firebrands  of  the 
enemy  turned    to  their  own  destruction ;    the  massacre  had    taken  its 
course,  the  altars  of   human  sacrifice  had   been  destroyed,  the  sacred 
groves  had  fallen  before  the  axe,*  when  Suetonius  was  hastily  recalled 
to  face  the  gravest  crisis  that  had  ever  threatened  Roman  rule  in  Britain. 
The  great  rising  of  the  Britons  of  the  eastern  districts*  is  not  only 
fully  described  in  the  Annals,**  but  also  occupies  what  is  a  considerable 
proportionate  space  in  the  Agricola,'  and  still  more  so  in  the  abridge- 
ment of  Dio.'     Both  authors  have  duly  chronicled  the  portents  by  which 
the  disaster  was  said  to  have  been  heralded  * ;  and  in  Dio  we  owe  further 
a  description  of  the  personal  appearance  of  the  heroine  queen ;    her 
commanding  stature,  stern  countenance,  flashing  eyes,  masculine  voice, 
her  abundance  of  auburn  hair  floating  down  to  her  hips,  her  golden  tore, 
embroidered  tunic,  and  thick  cloak  clasped  over  it,  as  she  stands,  spear  in 
hand,  to  address  her  countrymen.^ 

The  causes  of  the  rising,  as  given  by  Tacitus  earlier  in  the  Agricola,^* 
amount  to  no  more  than  the  general  grievances  of  a  proud  and  free 

the  insurrection  is  striking  evidence  of  the  conquest  (Agr.  18,  4).     The  blow  struck 

rapid  growth  of  Roman  influence  in  so  at  Druidism  appears  however  to  have  had 

short  a  time.     See  Fried!,  ii.  66.  more  permanent  effects. 

^  '  Biennio   prosperas  res  habuit,  sub-  *  That  it   was   not  confined  to  them 

actis   nationibus   firmatisque    praesidiis'  would  appear  from  the  incidental  men- 

(Agr.  14,  4).  tion  in  the  speech  of  Calgacus  (Agr.  31,5) 

^  It  is  spoken  of  as  *  incolis  validam  et  of  the  Brigantes  as  attacking  Camulodu- 

receptaculum   perfugarum'    (14.    29,   3),  num   under   Boudicca,  unless  we  are  to 

also   as  '  vires  rebellibus   ministrantem  '  suppose  this  to  be  an  error. 

(Agr.  1.  1.).  "  14.  31-39. 

'  We  are  also  told  of  a  'praesidium  "  c.  15,  1-16,  3. 

inpositum  victis'  (14.   30,   3);    but   we  ^  62.  1-12.     Most  of  this  space  is  taken 

can  hardly  suppose   that  any  force  left  up  with  speeches  of  Boudicca  and  Pauli- 

there  was  not  at  once  withdrawn  to  meet  nus. 

the  emergency  elsewhere;  and  the  reoc-  *  14.  32,  i,  2;  Dio,  62.  i,  a. 

cupation  of  Mona  by  Agricola  seventeen  '  Dio,  62.  2,  3. 

years  later  is  represented  as  in  fact  a  new  ^'  c  15. 


[  144]  INTRODUCTION  [CHAP,  v 

people,  governed  as  provincial  subjects  were  still  too  often  governed. 
In  the  Annals^  the  wrongs  of  at  least  the  Iceni  and  Trinovantes  are 
definitely  specified ;  we  have  the  personal  outrage  inflicted  on  Boudicca 
and  her  daughters,  the  extortionate  spirit  in  which  the  Romans  exacted 
the  inheritance  left  to  them  by  the  old  king  Prasutagus,  the  spoliation 
and  even  enslavement  of  the  Icenian  nobles;  while  the  Trinovantes 
had  been  goaded  to  despair  by  the  violence  of  the  veteran  colonists  of 
Camulodunum,  by  the  consecration  of  their  slavery  in  the  erection  of  a 
temple  there  to  Claudius,  and  by  the  exactions  of  the  priests  at  that  alien 
sanctuary.  Dio  tells  us '  that  the  procurator  was  treating  as  revocable, 
and  actually  reclaiming,  the  former  bounty  of  Claudius  to  friendly  chief- 
tains, and  adds  that  at  the  same  time  Seneca  was  rigorously  exacting 
from  the  overburdened  people  the  repayment  of  a  loan  of  forty 
million  HS,  which  he  had  induced  them  against  their  own  will  to 
contract. 

The  fatal  confidence  which  had  banished  all  the  legions  to  a  distance 
and  left  the  heart  of  the  province  unguarded,^  was  now  signally  chastised. 
The  feeble  garrison  of  Camulodunum,  with  the  trifling  reinforcement 
thrown  into  it  by  the  procurator,  was  speedily  overpowered,  its  only 
stronghold,  the  temple  precinct,  was  stormed,  its  garrison  massacred, 
and  the  obnoxious  procurator  only  saved  by  flight  to  Gaul.  A  still 
graver  disaster  followed  :  the  Ninth  legion,  hurrying  rapidly  to  the 
rescue,  probably  from  Lindum,*  under  Petillius  CeriaHs,  was  cut  to 
pieces,  and  only  the  legatus  and  the  cavalry  escaped.* 

In  endeavouring  to  retrieve  the  terrible  consequences  of  his  own 
negligence,  Suetonius  had  probably  as  arduous  a  task  before  him  as  had 
ever  fallen  to  the  lot  of  a  Roman  general.  We  may  suppose  that  the 
Fourteenth  legion  had  accompanied  him  to  Mona,  with  perhaps  part  of 
the  Twentieth,  that  the  remainder  of  that  legion  was  at  Deva,  the  Second 

^  14.  31.  we  gain  no  assistance  from  him.     It  is 

^  61.  2,  I.  thought  probable  that  the  Ninth  legion 

^  Besides  the  few  troops  at  Camulo-  was  at  Lindum,  as  this  is  known  to  have 

dunum,  we  hear  only  of  some  scattered  been   its  permanent  station,  previous  to 

*  castella '  or  '  praesidia  ',  which  are  repre-  Eburacum,  and  from  this  point  it  would 

sented  in  Agr.  16,  i,  as  stormed,  but  in  naturally  reach   the    neighbourhood    of 

14.  33,  4,  as  left  alone.    They  were  prob-  Camulodunum  before  the  others, 

ably  held  by  auxiliary  troops  only.  *  14.  32,  6.     The  scene  of  this  disaster 

*  Mommsen,  Hist.  v.  165  ;  E.  T.  i.  181,  has  been  imagined  to  be  at  Wormingford, 

note,  calls  Tacitus  '  the  most  unmilitary  near  Colchester,  on  the  strength  of  the 

of  all  authors '  (a  distinction  which  Livy  discovery  there   of  a  mound   containing 

might   perhaps   contest   with   him),  and  many  hundreds  of  sepulchral  urns,  regu- 

thinks  this  perhaps  the  worst  of  his  nar-  larly  arranged  and  seeming  to  belong  to 

ratives.     It  is  certainly  true  that  on  all  a  single  interment.     It  is  s.uggested  that 

points   connected   with  the  position  and  those  who  fell  may  have  there  received 

movements  of  the  legions  at  this  time,  burial  after  order  was  restored. 


CHAP.  V]  CONQUEST  OF  BRITAIN  [145] 

at  Isca  Silurum,  and  that  he  had  intended  to  collect  his  troops  at 
Viroconium.^  But  the  officer  in  charge  of  the  Second  legion,  pleading 
perhaps  the  necessity  of  holding  down  the  Silures,  disobeyed  his  sum- 
mons ;  the  remainder  of  the  Twentieth  could  hardly,  as  it  would  seem, 
be  withdrawn  without  leaving  Deva  at  the  mercy  of  the  Brigantes ;  the 
Ninth  had  already  marched  on  and  met  its  fate.  So  that  the  Fourteenth 
and  part  of  the  Twentieth  legion,  with  auxiliaries  making  up  the  total  to 
about  10,000  men,  were  the  sole  force  with  which  he  had  to  face  the 
enemy  and  reconquer  the  province.  At  the  head  of  his  light  auxiliary 
troops  he  moved  rapidly  along  the  Watling  Street,  leaving  the  more 
slowly  moving  legions  to  follow.  He  reached  Londinium,'^  but  finding 
himself  too  weak  to  hold  it,  fell  back  along  the  road  by  which  he  had 
come.  Londinium  was  sacked  and  Verulamium  shared  its  fate.  From 
seventy  to  eighty  thousand  Roman  citizens  are  computed  to  have 
perished.  At  some  point  further  along  the  Watling,  he  met  the  legions 
hurrying  to  his  support.  Thus  strengthened,  and  fearing  a  failure  of 
supplies,^  he  halted  in  his  retreat  and  turned  upon  his  pursuers,  resolved 
to  stake  the  whole  issue  on  a  battle  against  overwhelming  numbers, 
flushed  with  previous  victory  and  animated  to  a  crowning  effort.  It  was 
perhaps  never  known  in  Rome  how  near  the  tragedy  of  the  Teuto- 
burgiensis  Saltus  had  been  to  repeating  itself.  But  Paulinus,  whatever 
his  errors,  was  no  Quintilius  Varus,  nor  were  the  British  ranks  com- 
manded by  an  Arminius.  He  was  allowed  by  some  strange  error  of  his 
enemies  to  choose  his  own  battleground,  and  chose  one  where  he  could 
neither  be  surrounded  in  the  rear  nor  outflanked.*  With  this  advantage, 
the  steady  valour  of  the  legionaries  enabled  them  to  await  the  decisive 
moment  when  the  Britons  began  to  waver  under  the  storm  of '  pila',  and 
to  break  their  centre  in  a  wedge-like  column/  The  unwieldy  mass 
became  its  own  worst  enemy ;  the  wagons  in  which  their  wives  had  been 
brought  to  see  their  victory  enclosed  the  rear ;  the  constantly  increasing 
heaps  of  slain  still  further  blocked  escape;  and  the  carnage  was  com- 


*  All  this  again  is  an  inference  from  '  Dio,  62.8,  i.  Tacitus  does  not  make 
what  we  know  of  the  permanent  quarters  him  compelled  to  fight  ;  but  such  must 
of  the  legions  and  from  the  position  of  have  been  the  case  under  his  circum- 
Viroconium  on  the  great  road.  stances.     For  the  number  of  the  Britons 

*  Mommsen  notes  (1.  1)  that  no  reason  we  have  only  Dio's  extravagant  estimate 
whatever  is  assigned  why  he  should  have  (63.  8,  a)  of  230,000. 
gone  to  Londinium  only  to  abandon  it:  .  „.. 
but  if  we  may  suppose  his  object  to  be  identified,  but  must  have  been  on  the  line 
Camulodunnm,  and  his  line  of  march  the  of  the  Watling  Street  somewhere  in  the 
Watling  Street,  it  would  be  necessary  to  Midlands. 

reach  that  place  through  Verulamium  and  *  14.37,1. 
Londinium. 

PELHAM  \ 


[146] 


INTRODUCTION 


[CHAP.  V 


puted  as  equalling  all  that  the  Britons  had  themselves  inflicted.* 
Boudicca,  according  to  Tacitus,  poisoned  herself,^  and  the  strength  of  the 
resistance  died  with  her ;  the  commanding  officer  of  the  Second  legion 
atoned  by  suicide  for  his  disobedience';  reinforcements  arrived  from 
Gaul ;  new  permanent  positions  were  occupied  * ;  and  the  whole  army  was 
brought  together  to  stamp  out  the  embers  of  the  rebellion  with  a 
merciless  severity  which  went  far  to  defeat  its  object.  The  scarcity 
arising  from  neglect  of  tillage  during  the  war  was  further  aggravated  by 
ravaging  with  fire  and  sword  all  rebellious  or  even  suspected  territories  ^ ; 
and  sheer  despair  led  to  prolongation  of  the  struggle  even  when  all  hope 
of  success  was  gone.  The  strong  representations  of  the  new  procurator,* 
that  peace  could  only  be  restored  by  a  governor  not  steeled  against 
clemency  by  the  horrors  which  he  had  witnessed,  led  to  the  dispatch 
from  Rome  on  a  special  mission  of  Polyclitus,  one  of  the  most  trusted 
freedmen ;  who  though  received,  as  we  are  told,  with  dismay  by  Romans 
and  disdain  by  Britons,'^  showed  creditable  judgement  in  recommending  a 
middle  course,  by  which  Paulinus,  though  not  disgraced  by  immediate 
supersession,  was  apparently  unrewarded  for  his  victory,^  and  was  soon 
after  recalled  on  a  trifling  pretext.^  Under  his  successor  Q.  Petronius 
Turpilianus  (814-816,  a. d.  61-63)  the  wounds  began  to  be  healed^"; 
and  the  uneventful  rule  of  this  officer  and  that  of  Trebellius  Maximus  " 
(817-822,  A.D.  64-69)  carry  us  down  to  and  beyond  the  close  of  the 
Annals. 

In  this  latter  period,  though  the  limits  of  the  settled  province  -^ere  not 
extended,  and  Isca  Silurum,  Viroconium,  and  Deva,  still  confronted  im- 


*  Tacitus  estimates  it  at  80,000.  He 
departs  from  his  usual  habit  (see  Introd. 
i.  p.  22)  in  estimating  also  the  Roman 
loss,  which  he  states  at  400  killed  and 
rather  more  than  that  number  wounded. 

^  Dio  states  (62.  12,  6)  that  she  died 
of  disease,  and  that  her  death  alone  pre- 
vented them  from  fighting  again.  In 
making  this  battle  somewhat  less  deci- 
sive, he  is  borne  out  by  what  Tacitus  tells 
us  of  the  renewal  and  subsequent  con- 
tinuance of  hostilities  (c.  38,  foil.),  as 
before  after  the  defeat  of  Caratacus  (12. 
38,  2). 

3  14.  37,  6. 

*  '  Cohortes  alaeque  novis  hibemaculis 
locatae'  (c.  38,  2).  It  is  reasonable  to 
suppose  that  the  headquarters  of  the  re- 
bellion were  controlled  by  the  occupation 
of  Venta  Icenorum  (Norwich  or  Caistor). 

»  14-  38,  a. 
«  14.  38,  4. 


^  14.  39j  2,  3. 

^  There  is  no  trace  of  any  award  of 
'  triumphalia '  to  him,  nor  of  any  further 
employment  till  he  received  the  consulship 
in  818,  A.D.  66  (16.  14,  i).  A  leaden 
medal,  bearing  the  laurelled  head  of  Nero, 
and,  on  the  reverse,  the  word  '  Paullin ' 
and  a  figure  of  Mars,  is  thought  to  com- 
memorate his  victory  (Eckh.  vi.  265) ; 
which  was  also  probably  one  of  those 
for  which  Nero  received  the  title  of  Im- 
perator. 

®  The  sympathies  of  Tacitus,  or  his  in- 
formant, appear  to  be  with  Paulinus,  as 
he  represents  the  report  of  the  procurator 
as  prompted  by  mere  spite,  sneers  at  the 
mission  of  Polyclitus,  and  speaks  con- 
temptuously of  the  policy  of  Petronius 
(*  non  inritato  hoste  neque  lacessitus  ho- 
nestum  pacis  nomen  segni  otioimposuit'). 

"  14-  39»  5  ;  Agr.  16,  3. 

"  H.  I.  60  ;  Agr.  16,  4,  5. 


CHAP.  V]  CONQUEST  OF  BRITAIN  [147] 

perfectly  subdued  nations  to  the  west,  while  the  latter  place  and  Lindum 
were  still  the  Roman  outposts  to  the  north,  much  was  no  doubt  done  to 
re-establish  order,  and  bring  back  commerce  to  its  accustomed  channels. 
No  subsequent  outbreak  within  the  conquered  district  is  ever  recorded;  and 
we  may  assume  that  the  towns  which  had  been  wrecked  soon  rose  from 
their  ruins,  and  that  the  fatal  negligence  which  had  left  them  unprotected 
was  not  repeated.  Camulodunum,  in  particular,  may  probably  have 
owed  to  this  restoration  the  still  remaining  walls,*  a  mile  and  three 
quarters  in  circuit,  enclosing  an  oblong  camp-like  area  of  108  acres,  a 
space  which,  if  forming  the  limit  of  the  colonia  at  this  date,  is  far  short 
of  that  covered  by  urban  and  suburban  habitations  in  subsequent  days 
of  peace. 

The  walls  of  Verulamium  appear  to  be  of  similar  strength  to  those  at 
Colchester,  but  are  those  of  a  town  rather  than  of  a  military  position, 
enclosing  an  area  of  nearly  double  the  extent,  and  taking  a  circuit 
bearing  so  considerable  a  resemblance  to  the  size  and  shape  of  Pompeii  ^ 
as  to  have  suggested  the  possibility  of  intentional  imitation;  a  sup- 
position which,  should  it  be  confirmed  by  further  investigation,  would 
tend  to  show  that  the  town  had  been  thus  laid  out  before  Pompeii  was 
destroyed,  and  therefore  (as  is  otherwise  probable  enough)  at  a  date  soon 
after  its  ruin  in  the  insurrection. 

The  defence  of  Londinium  appears  to  have  been  less  completely  pro- 
vided for ;  as  the  only  Roman  walls  now  traceable  round  the  city  or 
recorded  by  any  evidence  are  referred  to  a  much  later  date^;  but  the 

*  See  the  plan  given  by  Mr.  Cutts,in  the  former  is  167,  that  of  the  latter  190  acres, 
work  already  (p.  142,  5)  referred  to,  in  The  foundations  of  a  theatre  have  been 
which  all  the  numerous  places,  both  within  exposed,  of  almost  exactly  the  same 
and  without  the  walls,  where  tessellated  dimensions  as  the  larger  theatre  at  Pom- 
pavements  and  other  evidences  of  Roman  peii ;  the  diameter  of  the  one  being  195, 
habitation  have  been  found,  are  indicated.  and  that  of  the  other  193^  feet.  But  these 
The  natural  elevation  of  the  site  has  been  resemblances,  fully  capable  of  being  re- 
in parts  made  steeper  by  escarpment ;  and  garded  as  accidental ,  are  the  only  ones  at 
the  walls,  perhaps  the  most  perfect  of  the  present  supported  by  evidence  ;  the  site 
Roman  period  remaining  in  Britain,  ap-  of  Verulam,  though  open  to  investigation, 
pear  to  have  been  some  twenty  feet  high,  having  been  apparently  only  so  far  ex- 
and  ten  feet  thick,  backed  by  a  bank  of  plored  as  to  show  that  its  longer  diameter 
earth.  One  of  the  gateways  is  still  pre-  was  traversed  by  the  Watling  Street,  and 
served ;  much  Roman  brick  has  been  its  shorter  by  another  road ;  the  two 
worked  into  subsequent  buildings ;  and  a  crossing  at  right  angles  at  a  point  near 
large  collection  of  local  antiquities  is  to  St.  Michael's  Church, 
be  seen  in  the  museum.  '  The  line  of  these  walls,  coinciding  to 

'  This  resemblance  has  been  shown  by  a  considerable  extent  with   the   present 

Mr.  J.  W.  Grover  (Journal  of  Brit.  Arch.  limits  of  the  City,  is  shoAvn  by  Mr.  Loftie 

Assoc,  vol.   xxvi,    1870,   pp.    45,   foil.).  in  a  map,  and  their  circumference  is  com- 

The  walls  of  both  towns  take  a  very  simi-  puted  by  him  as  three  miles  and  a  quarter, 

lar  quasi-oval  circuit ;    the  diameter   of  and  the  enclosed  area  as  380  acres.    Their 

Pompeii  is  4,300  by  2,400  feet,  that  of  date  is  taken  by  him  to  be  as  late  as  the 

Verulam  4,488  by  2,541 ;  the  area  of  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century. 


[148] 


INTRODUCTION 


[CHAP.  V 


most  essential  point,  the  command  of  the  passage  over  the  Thames,  was 
probably  from  this  time  secured  by  a  permanent  bridge,  the  approach  to 
which  was  guarded  by  a  strong  '  castellum '  * ;  within  which  met  two 
great  roads,  the  Ermine  Street  leading  to  Camulodunum  and  the  north, 
and  the  Watling  Street,  diverted  from  its  older  and  unprotected  course  * 
to  one  thus  placed  thoroughly  under  command.  It  is  probable  also  that 
the  approach  to  the  btidge  on  the  southern  side  was  similarly  protected.^ 

We  may  further  assume  that  most,  if  not  all,  of  the  stations  already 
mentioned  as  permanent  quarters  of  legions  became,  as  elsewhere  in  the 
empire,  centres  round  which  a  Romanized  population  grew  up.*  The 
same  must  have  been  the  case  with  the  seaports  through  which  the  com- 
merce with  the  continent  may  have  passed,  as  Portus  Lemanis  (Lymne),'' 
Rutupiae  (Richborough),  Regulbium  (Reculver),  Dubris  (Dover), 
Portus  Magnus  (Porchester),  and  perhaps  Clausentum  (Bittern).^ 

The  date  of  other  Roman  settlements  within  the  conquered  territory 


^  See  Mr.  Loftie's  map.  The  fort  extends 
along  the  Thames  from  the  site  of  Can- 
non Street  Station  on  the  west  to  Mincing 
Lane  on  the  east,  its  north-west  angle 
being  about  the  point  where  London  Stone 
stands.  It  would  appear  from  the  plan 
to  be  of  about  three  quarters  of  a  mile 
circuit  and  hardly  25  acres  area.  Dr.  Guest 
has  thought  (see  above,  p.  [134],  n.  5) 
that  this  fort  dates  from  the  first  campaign 
of  Plautius,  but  the  absence  of  any  allu- 
sion to  it  in  14.  33  is  against  this  view. 
It  is  also  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the 
fort  and  the  bridge  were  constructed  at 
the  same  time;  and  Mr.  Loftie  justly  argues 
that  if  a  permanent  bridge  had  then 
existed,  Suetonius  would  never  have 
abandoned  a  point  of  such  great  strate- 
gical importance.  That  it  began,  how- 
ever, to  exist  soon  after  this  time  is  in- 
ferred from  the  very  early  date  of  many 
of  the  coins  found  in  its  locality. 

'  See  above,  p.  [136],  n.  2.  The  branch 
here  spoken  of  parted  from  the  other  near 
the  Marble  Arch,  going  by  Oxford 
Street  and  Holbom  and  thence  dia- 
gonally, entering  the  fort  by  London 
Stone,  which  was  probably  the  point 
from  which  its  miles  were  reckoned  (see 
Loftie,  p.  7). 

'  Mr.  Loftie  notes  that  extensive  Roman 
remains  have  been  found  in  Southwark, 
and  suggests  that  the  fort  on  that  side 
may  have  been  confounded  with  the 
other  in  the  geography  of  Ptolemy, 
and  may  have  led  him  to  set  down  Lon- 
dinium  as   a  town  of  the  Kantii,  with 


Durovernum  and  Rutupiae  (2.  3,  27). 
See  also  Mr.  Roach  Smith,  in  Diet,  of 
Geog.  s.  V. 

*  On  these  stations  see  above,  p.  [141]. 
Gloucester  (see  above,  p.  [138],  n.  i)  and 
Caerleon  were  strictly  occupied  as  camps, 
the  area  of  both  being  nearly  the  same  (45 
acres)  ;  and  in  neither  are  there  such  in- 
dications of  a  large  Roman  population 
growing  up  outside  the  enclosure  as  are 
evident  at  Colchester  (see  above).  At 
Chester,  and  apparently  also  at  Lincoln, 
it  is  maintained  (see  Watkin,  Roman 
Cheshire,  pp.  86,  91)  that  an  original 
enclosure  of  similar  restricted  dimensions 
went  through  more  than  one  stage  of  sub- 
sequent enlargement  ;  but  this  supposition, 
however  probable,  appears  to  be  as  yet 
unconfirmed  by  evidence ;  and  the  exist- 
ing remains  are  taken  to  be  of  later  date. 
At  Viroconium,  the  position  and  size  of 
the  original  camp,  as  distinct  from  the 
subsequent  town,  are  unknown. 

^  See  above,  p.  [131]. 

'  Some  of  these  ports  may  have  been 
in  use  from  the  first  year  of  invasion,  and 
(for  native  traffic)  even  much  earlier ; 
but  the  fortifications  remaining  in  them 
are  usually  referred  to  a  late  Roman  date, 
and  their  names  are  mostly  known  to  us 
from  no  earlier  sources  than  Ptolemy  and 
the  Itinerary.  Rutupiae,  however,  was 
known  by  name  to  Lucan  (6,  67),  and 
was  famed  for  its  oysters  in  Domitian's 
time  (Juv.  4.  141)  :  and  the  situation  of 
the  others  would  make  their  early  occu- 
pation seem  probable. 


CHAP.  V] 


CONQUEST  OF  BRITAIN 


[H9] 


cannot  be  even  approximately  given  ;  but  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  among  the  earliest  localities  to  be  occupied  were  the  great  road 
centres,  as  Canterbury,  Silchester,  Winchester,  Cirencester,^  and  a  place 
possessing  such  a  gift  of  nature  as  Bath."  It  is  probable  enough  that 
some  at  least  of  these  places  had  received  their  first  Roman  settlers* 
before  or  during  the  ten  years  of  rest  which  preceded  the  next  movement 
of  conquest  under  the  legati  of  Vespasian.^ 


*  Among  these,  the  most  open  site, 
and  that  which  has  been  most  explored, 
is  Silchester,  which  had  a  strongly  walled 
circuit  of  irregular  polygonal  (approach- 
ing to  circular)  form  of  about  ij  miles, 
enclosing  an  area  of  some  120  acres  (see 
Mr.  McLauchlan's  map  in  Archaeol.  Jour- 
nal, viii.  p.  227);  where  most  complete 
foundations  of  a  forum,  double  basilica, 
and  other  buildings,  forming  a  rectangle 
of  some  320  by  280  feet,  have  been  dis- 
covered (see  Mr.  Joyce's  paper  and  plan 
in  Archaeol.  Jonm.  xxx.  pp.  10-27),  and 
where  further  exploration  is  now  in  pro- 
gress. At  Cirencester  also  important  re- 
mains have  been  found,  and  a  circuit  of 
two  miles,  enclosing  an  area  of  some  200 
acres,  is  traced  (see  the  work  of  Messrs. 
Buckman  andNewmarch,  London,  1850). 
The  other  sites  mentioned  are  more  com- 
pletely built  over. 

'  The  Roman  name  of  Bath  is  given  as 
'  Aquae  Calidae ',  the  uSoto  ffcp/xd  of  Ptol. 


2.  3,  28  (where  it  is  placed  among  the 
towns  of  the  Belgae),  and  *  Aquae  Solis' 
(Itin),  generally  taken  to  be  an  error  for 
*  Aquae  Sulis',  as  there  is  evidence  that 
the  springs  were  looked  upon  as  a  gift  of 
Sul  (Minerva).  Mr.  Scarth  gives  the  cir- 
cuit of  the  Roman  town  as  one  mile.  The 
principal  object  within  it  would  be  the 
famous  baths,  the  remains  of  which 
(though  now  only  partially  brought  to 
light)  are  probably  the  most  important 
relics  of  the  Roman  period  yet  foimd  in 
Britain. 

^  It  should  be  mentioned  that  in  all  the 
several  cases  noted  above,  the  estimates 
given  of  the  areas  appearing  to  be  enclosed 
by  Roman  walls  are  only  to  be  taken  as 
evidence  of  the  character  and  importance 
of  the  places  at  the  date  of  such  enclosure  ; 
which  date  must  be  determined  by  other 
considerations,  and  cannot  be  assumed 
to  be  that  of  their  first  settlement. 

*  See  Agr.  17. 


CORNELII    TACITI 


ANNALIUM   AB    EXCESSU    DIVI    AUGUSTI 


LIBER     XI 


BOOK     XI 
SUMMARY    OF    CONTENTS 

A.U.C.  800,  A.D.  47.     Ti.  Claudius  Caesar  Aug.  Germanicus  IV, 
L.  Vitellius  III,  coss. 

Ch.  1-4.     Persons  destroyed  through  the  influeuce  of  Messalina. 

1-3,  Valerius  Asiaticus  accused  by  Suillius  and  Sosibius :  his  acquittal  prevented 
by  a  device  of  Vitellius :  he  commits  suicide.  4.  Two  knights  named  Petra  con- 
demned on  pretext  of  a  dream :  rewards  given  to  the  accusers. 

Oh.  5-7.  Discussion  respecting  the  payment  of  fees  to  advocates :  a  limit  of  ten 
sestertia  imposed. 

Ch.  8-10.     Affairs  in  the  East. 

8.  The  Parthians,  alienated  by  the  cruelty  of  Gotarzes,  call  in  Vardanes,  who 
besieges  Seleucia.  9.  Mithridates,  who  had  been  imprisoned  by  Gains,  is  sent  out 
by  Claudius  and  recovers  Armenia  :  Gotarzes  and  Vardanes  make  terms ;  the  former 
retiring  in  favour  of  the  latter  :  Seleucia  surrendered.  10.  Gotarzes  renews  hos- 
tilities and  is  defeated,  but  returns  to  the  throne  on  the  death  of  Vardanes. 

Ch.  11-15.     Affairs  at  Rome. 

II.  Ludi  saeculares  held  :  young  L.  Domitius  wins  popular  favour.  12.  Messalina 
diverted   from  attacking  Agrippina  and  Domitius  by  her  new  passion    for  Silius. 

13.  Censorial   edicts  of  Claudius  :    new  letters  added   by  him  to  the   alphabet. 

14.  Digression  on  the  origin  and  history  of  letters.  15.  A  college  of  haruspices 
founded. 

Ch.  16-21.  Affairs  in  Germany. 

16,  17.  Italicus,  son  of  Flavus,  the  brother  of  Arminius,  sent  from  Rome  to  be  king 
of  the  Cherusci :  he  meets  with  various  fortune  at  their  hands.  18.  Corbnlo,  ap- 
pointed legatus  of  Lower  Germany,  restores  the  discipline  of  the  army,  and  repels 
the  Chauci  from  the  province.  19,  20.  He  imposes  terms  on  the  Frisii,  and  plans 
an  expedition  against  the  Chauci  maiores,  but  is  recalled  by  Claudius,  and  makes 
a  canal  between  the  Maas  and  Rhine.  21.  Curtius  Rufus  opens  mines  in  Upper 
Germany  :  his  origin  and  history  described. 

Ch.  22.  Nonius,  a  knight,  found  with  arms  in  the  emperor's  presence:  candidates 
for  the  quaestorship  obliged  to  give  gladiatorial  shows :  origin  and  history  of  that 
magistracy. 

A.U.C.  801,  A.D.  48.     A.  Vitellius,  L.  Vipstanus  Poplicola,  coss. 

Ch.  23,  24.  Debate  on  admitting  citizens  from  Gallia  Comata  to  the  *  ius  honorum  '  : 
speech  of  Claudius  on  the  subject. 

Ch.  25.  New  patrician  families  created:  unworthy  senators  removed:  a  lustrum 
held,  and  the  number  of  citizens  enumerated. 

Ch.  26-38.     Last  excesses  and  death  of  Messalina. 

26,  27.  Silius  urges  Messalina  to  celebrate  marriage  with  him:  opportunity  taken 
of  the  emperor's  absence  at  Ostia.  28,  29.  Alarm  of  the  chief  freedmen  :  Narcissus 
alone  takes  immediate  action.  30.  Claudius  informed  of  the  marriage  by  two  women 
and  Narcissus.  31.  Advice  given  to  Claudius:  representation  by  Messalina 
of  a  vintage  festival.  32.  News  of  the  approach  of  Claudius  disperses  the  guests, 
most  of  whom  are  arrested.  33.  Bold  course  taken  by  Narcissus.  34.  Claudius 
refuses  to  see  Messalina  and  the  children.  35,  36.  Narcissus  takes  him  to  the 
house  of  Silius  and  thence  to  the  praetorian  camp ;  where  Silius  and  the  other  chief 
persons,  also  Mnestor  the  actor,  are  executed.  37,  38.  Messalina  goes  back  to  the 
gardens  of  Lucullus  ;  where  her  mother  joins  her.  5farcissus,  fearing  a  change  of 
purpose  in  Claudius,  gives  orders  in  his  name  for  her  execution,  and  allows  him  to 
suppose  that  she  had  committed  suicide.  Her  memory  condemned  by  the  senate, 
and  Narcissus  rewarded. 


CORNELII    TACITI 


ANNALIUM   AB   EXCESSU   DIVI   AUGUSTI 


LIBER    XI 


1      1.     -jf-  -x-  nam  Valerium  Asiaticum,  bis  consulem,  fuisse  quon- 
dam adulterum  eius  credidit,  pariterque  hortis  inhians,  quos  ille  5 
a  Lucullo    coeptos    insigni    magnificentia   extollebat,   Suillium 

[2  accusandis  utrisque  immittit.  adiungitur  Sosibius  Britannici 
educator  qui  per  speciem  benevolentiae  moneret  Claudium 
cavere  vim  atque  opes  principibus  infensas :  praecipuum  aucto- 


4.  nam,  &c.  It  is  evident  that  the 
'subject  of  '  credidit '  is  *  Messalina ',  and 
that  '  eius  '  is  referred  to  Poppaea  (see  c. 
a,  i).  It  would  appear  that  the  story,  if 
we  had  it  in  full,  would  be  that  Messalina 
had  evidence  of  adultery  between  Mnester, 
one  of  her  own  favourites  (see  c.  28,  1), 
:and  Poppaea  (c.  4,  i),  and  that  she  de- 
sired to  destroy  the  latter  without  sacri- 
jficing  the  former,  and  therefore  brought 
up  a  charge  against  her  of  adultery  with 
Asiaticus  (whom  she  also  desired  to  put 
[to  death  for  the  sake  of  his  gardens),  and 

!  found  other  pretexts  for  vengeance  on 
those  in  whose  house  Mnester  and  Poppaea 
had  met  (c.  4,  2). 

bis  consulem.  P.  Valerius  Asiati- 
cus must  have  been  cos.  suff.  before  the 
death  of  Gains,  at  which  date  he  is  men- 
tioned as  a  consular  (Jos.  Ant.  19.  i,  20; 
I^iO}  59-  ?P,  2),  and  was  ordinary  consul 
in  A.D.  46  (Dio,  60.  27,  i). 

5.  hortis  inhians.  This  originally 
poetical  metaphor  is  repeated  in  12.  59, 
I  :  cp.  4.  12,  5  ;  16.  17,  5.  The  gardens 
of  Lucullus  were  the  chief  ornament  of 
the  Pincian  ('  Collis  Hortorum '),  and 
are  noted  by  Plutarch  (Luc.  39,  518)  as 
still  in  his  time  tCjv  ^aaiXiKwv  kv  rois 
iro\vT(\earaTois.  These  gardens  are  men- 
tioned again  as  the  scene  of  the  last  hours 
of  Messalina  (c.  32,  2  ;  37,  i). 

6.  coeptos,  'laid  out':  cp.  1.  50,  2, 
and  note. 


extollebat,  *  he  was  beautifying  '  ; 
apparently  so  used  only  here  and  in  13. 
21,6. 

Suillium.  On  the  antecedents  of  this 
person,  see  4.  31,  5,  and  note.  He  had 
already  been  the  accuser  of  Julia,  daughter 
of  Drusus,  and  of  many  others  (13.  43,  3), 
and  continued  to  pursue  the  trade  (c.  4, 
I  ;  5,1),  but  was  ultimately  himself  tried  j 
and  condemned  (13.  42,  i,  foil.). 

7.  immittit,  '  she  sets  on ' :  for  the 
metaphor,  cp.  4.  19,  i,  and  note;  for  the 
gerundive  dat.,  Introd.  i.  v.  §  22. 

8.  educator  =  iraiSayojyds.  Sosibius,/ 
who  was  probably,  like  Anicetus  (14.  3,! 
5),  a  freedman,  was  put  to  death  at  the 
instance  of  Agrippina  soon  after  her 
marriage  with  Claudius  (Dio,  60.  32,  5). 

9.  cavere  :  so  nearly  all  edd.  for  the 
Med.  *  caueri ',  which  is  not  perhaps  an 
impossible  reading;  but  'orabant  cavere' 
is  found  in  13.  13,  4,  and  an  infin.  with 
*moneo'  in  i.  63,  2;  4.  67,  6;  13.  37, 
2,  &c.,  as  with  many  similar  verbs  (Introd. 
i.v.  §43). 

praecipuum  auctorem.  Asiaticus, 
though  he  had  been  grossly  insulted  by 
Gains  (Sen.  de  Const.  Sap.  18,  2),  is  not 
recorded  as  one  of  the  actual  conspirators 
against  him  ;  but  his  subsequent  speech 
to  the  people,  here  alluded  to,  is  men- 
tioned by  Josephus  (Ant  19.  i,  20)  and 
Dio  (59.  30,  2),  who  state  that  the  excited 
crowd,  demanding  to  know  who  were  the 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  47 


rem   Asiaticum   interficiendi   G.  Caesaris  non   extimuisse   con- 
tione  in  populi  Romani  fateri  gloriamque  facinoris  ultro  petere ; 
clarum  ex  eo  in  urbe,  didita  per  provincias  fama  parare  iter  ad 
Germanicos    exercitus,  quando   genitus   Viennae    multisque   et 
5  validis    propinquitatibus     subnixus    turbare    gentilis    nationes 
promptum  haberet.     at  Claudius  nihil  ultra  scrutatus  citis  cum  3 
militibus  tamquam  opprimendo  bello  Crispinum  praetorii  prae- 
fectum  misit,  a  quo  repertus  est  apud  Baias  vinclisque  inditis  in 
urbem  raptus. 
10      2.    Neque    data    senatus    copia  :    intra    cubiculum    auditur,  1 
Messalina  coram  et  Suillio  corruptionem  militum,  quos  pecunia 
et  stupro  in  omne  flagitium  obstrictos  arguebat,  exim  adulterium 
Poppaeae,  postremum  mollitiam  corporis  obiectante.     ad  quod  2 


assassins,  were  cowed  by  his  answer  {tiOi 
ycLp  €7a;76).  He  is  also  said  to  have 
aspired  to  the  principate  (Jos.  1.  1.  4,  3), 
and  is  therefore  a  strong  instance  of  the 
comprehensiveness  of  the  amnesty  granted 
by  Claudius  (see  Introd.  p  25). 

I.  G.  Caesaris.  Recent  edd.  have  fol- 
lowed Rup.  in  this  insertion  of  the  initial 
letter  of  the  praenomen,which  could  hardly 
be  omitted  unless  the  Caesar  spoken  of 
was  either  the  ruling  prince  or  one  speci- 
fied in  the  context. 

contione  in :  so  Halm  and  Nipp. 
for  the  Med.  '  contionem  ' ;  such  an  ana- 
strophe  of  the  prep,  being  not  uncommon 
in  Tacitus  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  77).  Most 
others  follow  Lips,  in  reading  'concione', 
taken  apparently  as  a  harsh  abl.  abs. 
(=  'concione  existente  ').  The  Med.  text 
has  been  retained  by  Ritt.,  who  places  a 
stop  at  'Romani';  but  we  should  then  ex- 
pect '  fateri '  and  *  petere '  to  be  past  tenses. 

3.  didita  .  .  .  fama,  abl.  of  quality : 
the  expression  is  taken  from  Verg.  Aen. 
8,  132. 

4.  Viennae,  Vienne,  in  Dauphine,then 
the  chief  town  of  the  Allobroges  of  Gallia 
Narbonensis.  On  its  importance  and  dis- 
tinction at  the  time,  see  the  speech  of 
Claudius  (Appendix  to  this  Book,  col.  ii, 
1.  9,  and  note). 

5.  propinquitatibus, 'kinships.'  For 
the  strength  of  the  clan  feeling  among 
the  Gauls,  cf.  supra,  3.  42  ;  Plut.  Galba, 
4,  infra,  13.  53. 

gentilis,  '  of  his  fatherland  ' :  so 
*  gentile  solum '  (3.  59,  3),  &c.  Nipp. 
notes  that  this  sense  occurs  first  in  Sen. 
Here.  F.  915  (917)  *  te  ramus  oleae  fronde 
gentili  tegat '. 


6.  promptum  haberet,  '  would  have 
ready  means '  :  cp.  '  promptam  expugna- 
tionem  '  (i.  68,  1),  also  2.  2,  6  ;  5,  4; 
82,  8. 

citis  =  '  cito  agmine  ductis  '  (cp.  4, 
25,  2)  :  so  in  12.  31,  2  ;   14.  26,  1. 

7.  opprimendo  bello,  dat,  of  purpose. 

Crispinum,  Rufrius  Crispinus,  col- 
league in  the  '  praefectura  praetorii '  with 
Lusius  Geta  (12.  42,  1).  He  was  the  first 
husband  of  Poppaea,  wife  of  Nero  (13. 
45,  4).  For  his  exile  and  death  under 
Nero,  see  15.  71,  8  ;  16.  17,  i. 

8.  vinclis  inditis:  cp.  c'  32,  3;  15. 
56,  I. 

10.  senatus  copia,  'access  to  (cp.  i. 
58,  6)  the  senate',  i.e.  the  privilege  of 
trial  before  it.  A  senator  would  usually 
expect  this,  but  could  not  demand  it  as  a 
right  (see  Introd.  i.  vi.  p.  78,  and  note). 
On  the  private  trials  ('  intra  cubiculum  ') 
before  the  princeps,  see  Id.  p.  74;    also 

13.  4,  2 ;  14.  50,  2,  and  notes. 

11.  corruptionem  militum.  Accord- 
ing to  Dio  (60.  29,  5),  this  part  of  the 
case  utterly  broke  down  ;  the  soldier  who 
professed  to  have  communicated  with 
Asiaticus  being  unable  even  to  identify 
him  in  court. 

12.  in  omne  flagitium  :  so  most  edd. 
after  Rhen .  for  the  Med.  '  in  omni  flagitio ', 
which  some  (as  Walther)  would  retain, 
with  the  sense  of  ev  irdar}  Trovrjpia.  But 
the  expression  would  thus  appear  super- 
fluous ;  and  the  accus.  is  needful  to  ex- 
press his  purpose  in  binding  them  to  his 
service.     For  *  obstrictos  ',  cp.  12.  25,  i  ; 

14.  7,  5,  &c. 

13.  postremum.  Wolfflin  (Philol.  27. 
119)  would  read '  postremo ';  which  is  used 


A.  D.  47] 


LIBER  XL      CAP,   1-3 


victo  silentio  prorupit  reus  et  'interroga'  inquit,  *  Suilli,  filios 

3  tuos  :  virum   esse   me   fatebuntur.'     ingressusque    defensionem, 
commoto  maiorem  in  modum  Claudio,  Messalinae  quoque  lacri- 

4  mas  excivit.     quibus  abluendis  cubiculo  egrediens  monet  Vitel- 

5  Hum  ne  elabi  reum  sineret :  ipsa  ad  perniciem  Poppaeae  festinat,  5 
subditis  qui  terrore  carceris  ad  voluntariam  mortem  propellerent, 
adeo  ignaro  Caesare  ut  paucos  post  dies  epulantem  apud  se 
maritum  eius  Scipionem  percontaretur  cur  sine  uxore  discubuisset, 
atque  ille  functam  fato  responderet. 

1      3.    Sed  consultanti  super  absolutione  Asiatic!  flens  Vitellius,  i< 


some  sixty-five  times  by  Tacitus,  whereas 
*  postremum  '  (in  a  similar  sense)  is  found 
only  here  and  in  i.  74,  2  ;  2.  62,  2  ;  H.  4. 
46,4;  in  all  of  which  he  considers  it 
open  to  suspicion.  Here,  as  in  H.  1.  1., 
a  word  of  similar  termination  comes  close 
to  it.  It  seems,  however,  very  difficult  to 
agree  with  his  emendation  of  the  other 
two  places. 

1 .  victo,  here  used  of  breaking  through 
a  self-imposed  resolution,  as  in  4.  8,  3 
(*  victo  gemitu ')  of  suppressing  an  emo- 
tion. 

filios.  He  had  two  sons  bearing  the 
cognomina  of  Caesonius  (c.  36,  5)  and 
NeruUinus  (13.  43,    7,  and  note  on  12. 

3.  maiorem  inmodum,  *  powerfully ' : 
so  *  eum  tibi  commendo  maiorem  in  mo- 
dum', Cic.  ad  Q.  f.  2.  12  (14),  3. 

4.  quibus  abluendis,  dat.  of  purpose 
(cp.  c.  T,  I,  &c.).  Nipp,  notes  here  the 
latent  irony  of  Tacitus  in  the  contrast  of 
the  tears  with  the  stem  injunction  of  Mes- 
salina^  as  also  between  the  inclination  of 
Claudius  and  the  '  dementia '  (c.  3,  i)  of 
his  actual  sentence, 

Vitellium,  L.  Vitellius,  the  most 
uamous  courtier  of  the  time  (on  whose 
previous  history  see  6.  28,  i  ;  32,  6).  He 
Was  in  this  year  consul  for  the  third  time 
knd  colleague  with  Claudius  in  that  office 
and  in  the  censorship,  and  was  evi- 
Idently  sitting  as  assessor  with  him  in  this 
trial.  His  son,  the  emperor  A.  Vitellius, 
represented  on  some  coins  the  effigy  of  his 
lather,  with  the  inscription  '  L.  Vitellius 
COS.  iii.  censor'  (Cohen  i.  p,  367). 

5.  Poppaeae.  PoppaeaSabina,  daugh- 
ter of  one  of  the  most  trusted  officers  of 
Tiberius  (see  on  i.  80,  i  ;  6.  39,  3,  &c.), 
was  the  most  beautiful  woman  of  her 
time  (13.  45,  2),  and,  before  her  marriage 
with  Scipio,  had  been  the  wife  of  T.  Ollius, 

B 


to  whom  she  bore  her  more  famous  daugh- 
ter of  the  same  name  (13.  45,  i,  foil.). 

6.  subditis,  *  persons  being  set  np  ' : 
so  in  3.  59,  5,  &c. 

carceris,  i.  e.  of  being  strangled  by 
the  executioner  in  the  common  dungeon  : 
cp.  3-  50, 1  ;  51.  I.  &c. 

7.  ignaro.  His  question  would  seem 
to  show  not  only  that  he  knew  nothing 
of  her  death,  but  that  he  had  even  for- 
gotten that  there  was  any  charge  against 
her.  On  this  trait  in  his  character,  see 
c.  38,  2,  and  Introd.  p.  48. 

8.  Scipionem,  P.  Cornelius  Scipio 
(c.  4,  7;  12.  53,  3),  generally  identified 
with  the  person  mentioned  as  a  legatus  in 
Africa  twenty-five  years  previously  (3.  74, 
2,  where  see  note). 

sine  uxore.  The  wives  of  senatorsi 
were  often  invited  with  their  husbands  to; 
imperial  banquets :  see  Suet.  Cal.  36  ;i 
Plut.  0th.  3,  1067;  Dio,  60.  7,  4. 

discubuisset.  On  the  use  of  this  verb 
of  a  single  person,  cp.  3.  14,  2,  and  note. 

9.  responderet.  The  force  of '  ut '  is 
extended  over  this  word,  because  the  ig- 
norance of  Claudius  is  illustrated  not  only 
by  the  question,  but  also  by  the  answer, 
which  Scipio  would  hardly  have  made 
unless  he  knew  that  the  question  was 
asked  in  real  unconsciousness. 

10.  sed,  carrying  back  the  narrative  to 
the  trial  of  Asiaticus. 

consultanti.  This  dative  is  closely 
parallel  to  that  in  2.  76,  a  (where  see 
note),  and  may  well  here  be  taken  as  de- 
pendent on  the  notion  of  speaking  or 
answering  contained  in  *  permisit '  (see 
note  below),  or  in  'commemorata'.  In- 
stances are  also  found  in  Tacitus  (as  in 
other  authors)  of  a  more  distinctly  abso- 
lute (or  Greek)  dative  of  this  kind  (see 
Drager,  Synt.  und  Stil,  §  50). 

flens    Vitellius,    &c.    In     order    to 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D. 


47 


commemorata  vetustate  amicitiae  utque  Antoniam  principis 
matrem  pariter  observavissent,  dein  percursis  Asiatic!  in  rem 
publicam  officiis  recentique  adversus  Britanniam  militia, 
quaeque  alia  conciliandae  misericordiae  videbantur,  liberum 
5  mortis  arbitrium  ei  permisit ;  et  secuta  sunt  Claudii  verba  in 
eandem  clementiam.  hortantibus  dehinc  quibusdam  inediam  et  2 
lenem  exitum,  remittere  beneficium  Asiaticus  ait :  et  usurpatis 
quibus  insueverat  exercitationibus,  lauto  corpore,  hilare  epulatus, 
cum  se  honestius  calliditate  Tiberii  vel  impetu  G.  Caesaris  peri- 
ls turum  dixisset  quam  quod  fraude  muliebri  et  impudico  Vitellii 
ore  caderet,  venas  exolvit,  viso  tamen  ante  rogo  iussoque  trans- 
ferri  partem  in  aliam  ne  opacitas  arborum  vapore  ignis  minuere- 
tur  :  tantum  illi  securitatis  novissimae  fuit. 


cany  out  the  injunction  of  Messalina 
(c.  2,  4),  Vitellius  affects  not  to  notice 
the  inclination  of  Claudius  to  acquit,  and, 
as  if  assuming  that  Asiaticus  must  be 
condemned,  pleads  earnestly,  as  a  friend, 
that  he  should  be  allowed,  as  an  extreme 
concession,  to  choose  his  own  death  (in 
Dio,  6o.  29,  6,  he  is  even  made  to  say  that 
Asiaticus  had  besought  him  to  procure 
this  boon) ;  and  Claudius  is  then  led  to 
think  that  by  such  an  indulgence  (*  de- 
mentia ')  his  own  promptings  to  mercy 
would  be  fully  satisfied.  That  any  kindly 
feeling  that  he  had  ever  had  in  the  matter 
was  soon  obliterated,  is  shown  by  the  vin- 
dictive mention  of  Asiaticus  a  year  later 
(*  Oratio  Claudii',  ii.  14),  also  by  the  fact 
that  the  gardens,  and  probably  his  other 
property,  were  confiscated,  contrary  to  the 
usual  rule  (see  6.  29,  2)  in  such  cases. 
On  the  ease  with  which  the  feelings  of 
Claudius  were  worked  upon,  cp.  12.  3, 
3 ;  Introd.  pp.  40,  46. 

I.  Antoniam;  see  3.  3,  2.  She  was 
then  dead,  but  her  memory  was  much 
honoured  (see  Introd.  r.  ix.  p.  146). 

3.  recenti  . . .  militia.  The  part  taken 
by  Asiaticus  in  the  British  war  is  other- 
wise unknown.  He  is  of  too  high  rank 
to  have  been  a  Megatus  legionis ',  and  was 

'  probably  on  the  personal  staff  of  Claudius. 

4.  conciliandae  misericordiae.  For 
this  use  of  the  gerundive  genit.  with  the 
force  of  a  genit.  of  quality,  see  Introd.  i. 
V.  §  37  c. 

5.  permisit  = '  permittendum  censuit ' : 
see  note  on  3.  36,  3. 

in  eandem  clementiam,  *  to  the 
same  gracious  effect'  (ironical).  The  idea 
of  such  a  participle  as  *  spectantia '  may 


be  taken  to  be  supplied  in  such  uses  of 
the  '  in  consecutivum  ' :  cp.  the  closely 
parallel  '  in  eundem  dolorem  '  (6.  49,  3) ; 
also  13.  41,  5,  and  note. 

6.  hortantibus  .  .  .  lenem  exitum. 
Such  a  construction  is  used  by  Cic.  and 
others,  and  resembles  that  of  napaiveiv  ri. 

*  Inediam  et  lenem  exitum  '  are  a  hendia- 
dys;  and  the  latter  expression  is  applied 
to  self-starvation,  not  as  less  painful  than 
other  forms  of  suicide,  but  as  less  violent, 
and  more  resembling  a  natural  death. 
Probably  from  this  view,  or  as  more 
agreeable  to  Roman  stoicism,  it  was  often 
chosen  (cp.  4.  35,  5;  6.  26,  3,  &c.). 

7.  remittere  beneficium,  'he  declined 
the  favour '  (i.  e.  such  indulgence  of  time 
as  was  implied  in  the  *  dementia '  of 
Claudius),  and  would  despatch  himself 
at  once.  This  sense  of  '  remittere '  is 
akin  to  that  of  •  excusing  '  (see  c.  36,  5  ; 
I.  8,  6,  and  note).     On  the  omission  of 

*  se',  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  8. 

8.  exercitationibus,  'gymnastics.' 
The  allusion  in  the  speech  of  Claudius 
(see  above  on  §  i )  styles  him  *  palaestri- 
cum  prodigium  *. 

9.  perituriim,  sc.  *  fuisse  * :  cp.  Introd. 
I.  V.  §  39c. 

10.  fraude  muliebri,  that  of  Messa- 
lina :  so  used  in  2.  71,  4,  of  Plaucina. 

I2.jpartem  in  aliam,  sc.  'hortorum* 
(those  mentioned  in  c.  i,  i). 

vapore,  'heat':  so  often  in  Lucr. 
(as  I.  663,  &c.) :  cp.  14.  64,  3  ;  15.  64,  5. 

13.  securitatis  novissimae,  *  compo- 
sure at  the  last  hour '  :  cp. '  novissimo  ser- 
vitio'  (16.  II,  3).  For  this  sense  of 
'securitas',  cp.  3.  44,  4:  14.  6,  2 ;  15. 
55,  6,  &c. 


A.  D.  47I 


LIBER  XL      CAP.  3,   4 


I 


1  4.    Vocantur  post  haec  patres,  pergitque  Suillius  add  ere  reos 

2  equites  Romanos  inlustris,  quibus  Petra  cognomentum.    at  causa 
necis  ex  ep  quod  domum  suam  Mnesteris  et  Poppaeae  congressi- 

3  bus  praebuissent.    verum  nocturnae  quietis  species  alteri  obiecta, 
tamquam  vidisset  Claudium  spicea  corona  evinctum  spicis  retro  5 
conversis,    eaque    imagine    gravitatem    annonae    praedixisset. 

4  quidam  pampineam  coronam  albentibus  foliis  visam  atque  ita 
interpretatum   tradidere,   vergente   autumno   mortem    principis 

5  ostendi.      illud    haud    ambigitur,    qualicumque    insomnio    ipsi 


1.  vooantiir  .  .  .  patres.  Asiaticus 
had  been  tried  privately  before  Caesar 
(c.  2,  I). 

2.  equites  .  .  .  inlustris :  see  2.  59, 
4,  and  note. 

quibus  Petra  cognomentum.  On 
the  use  of '  cognomentum ',  see  i.  23,  6, 
and  note.  Tacitus  would  usually  give 
the  gentile  name  also,  in  a  single  mention 
of  persons  of  this  rank,  and  is  therefore 
thought  by  Orelli  to  be  drawing  from 
some  unofficial  narrative,  in  which  no 
other  name  was  given.  The  cognomen 
*  l^etra'  appears  otherwise  unknown,  un- 
less it  is  traceable  in  the  *  ala  Petrina '  (or 
'Petriana')  of  H.  i.  70,  3,  &c. 

at  causa  necis.  If  the  text  is  sound, 
we  must  suppose  (with  Nipp.)  that  the 
word  '  reos '  suggested  to  the  writer  the 
charge  actually  preferred  (see  below),  and 
led  him  to  contrast  with  it  the  real  cause. 

3.  Mnesteris :  the  Med.  here  gives 
'nesteris',  the  initial  'M'  having  been 
lost  in  the  final  *  m '  of  '  suam '.  The 
right  spelling  is  given  in  c.  36.  i.  The  com- 
plete narrative  would  probably  have  ex- 
plained the  allusion  sufficiently  (see  note 

ion  c.  I,  1).  This  famous  pantomimist 
was  a  freedman  of  Tiberius,  as  appears 
jfrom  an  inscription  (C.  I.  L.  6,  20139) 
'*Ti.  lulio  Aug(usti)  l(iberto)  Mnesteri '. 
His  death  is  recorded  in  c.  36,  i.  Many 
stories  are  told  of  his  arrogance  and  profli- 
gacy, and  of  the  passion  of  Gains  and 
Messalina  for  him  :  see  c.  28,  i  ;  Suet. 
Cal.  36;  55  ;  Dio,  60.  22,  3;  28,  3.  The 
consideration  in  which  such  persons  were 
generally  held  is  to  be  seen  from  1.77,  5  ; 
4.  14,  4  (where  see  notes),  &c. 

4.  praebuissent.  The  subjunctive  is 
used  to  express  the  allegation  without 
affirming  its  truth. 

nocturnae  quietis  species,  *  a  dream'; 
cp.  I.  65,  2,  and  note. 

5.  tamquam,  '  on  the  ground  that ' : 
the  allegation  is  not  necessarily  implied  to 


be  false  :  see  3.  72,4,  and  note,  Introd.  i. 
v.§67. 

spicea  corona.  Such  a  crown  was 
represented  in  figures  of  Demeter  or  Ceres, 
and  was  worn  from  the  earliest  times  by 
the  Arvales  (Plin.  N.  H.  18.  2,  6).  The 
inversion  of  the  ears  would  generally 
be  an  evil  omen  of  some  sort ;  an  inverted 
crown  having  been  taken  as  a  presage 
of  the  death  of  Cassius  (Plut.  Brut.  51, 
1002). 

6.  praedixisset :  so  most  edd.  after 
Rhen.  for  the  Med.  '  dixisset ',  which  some 
(as  Orelli)  retain,  as  a  simple  for  com- 
pound,  but  which  would  seem  to  require 
the  addition  of  such  a  verb  as  *  portendi ' 
(as  advocated  by  Cornelissen  in  Mnemos. 
1884,  on  the  analogy  of  12.  64,  i  ;  H.  2. 
78,  4).  Anyhow,  it  must  be  taken  as  ' 
alleged  that  he  himself  so  read  his  vision  ; 
for  the  dream  could  hardly  be  maintained 
to  convey  its  own  interpretation.  Dearth! 
would  make  the  princeps,  who  was  per-| 
sonally  responsible  for  the  corn  supply 
(2.  87,  I  ;  3.  54,  8  ;  4,  6,6),  unpopular^ 
(6.  13,1  ;  12.43,  2). 

7.  visam.  It  is  implied  that  it  was 
seen  on  the  head  of  Claudius. 

8.  interpretatum.  This  could  have 
a  passive  meaning  (*  the  dream  was  in- 
terpreted '),  but  it  is  best  to  take  it  (with 
Nipp.)  actively,  supplying  *eum  '  (which 
Ritt.  inserts)  from  the  sense,  and  thus 
making  Petra  the  alleged  author  of  the 
interpretation. 

vergente  autumno.  The  season  is 
portended  by  the  *  albentia  folia ',  which 
appear  besides  to  convey  the  idea  of  decay 
and  death  ;  also  a  passage  of  Artemidorusf 
(1,  77,  p.  110  Reiff.),  quoted  by  Orelli,] 
makes  the  Bacchic  crown  itself  an  evil^ 
sign  when  seen  on  the  heads  of  any  bntj 
the  priests  or  votaries  of  Bacchus. 

9.  qualicumque  insomnio,  '  by  his 
dream,  whatever  it  was'.  The  brother 
must  have  been  charged  with  a  share  in 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  47 


fratrique  perniciem  adlatam.     sestertium  quindecies  et  insignia 
praeturae  Crispino  decreta.     adiecit  Vitellius  sestertium  decies  6 
Sosibio,  quod  Britannicum  praeceptis,  Claudium  consiliis  iuvaret. 
rogatus  sententiam  et  Scipio,  '  cum  idem '  inquit  '  de  admissis  7 

5  Poppaeae  sentiam  quod  omnes,  putate  me  idem  dicere  quod 
omnes/  eleganti  temperamento  inter  coniugalem  amorem  et 
senatoriam  necessitatem. 

6.    Continuus  inde  et  saevus  accusandis  reis  Suillius  multique  1 
audaciae  eius  aemuli ;  nam  cuncta  legum  et  magistratuum  munia 

lo  in   se   trahens   princeps   materiam   praedandi   patefecerat.     nee  2 
quicquam  publicae  mercis  tam  venale  fuit  quam  advocatorum 
perfidia,  adeo  ut  Samius,  insignis  eques  Romanus,  quadringentis 


interpreting  the  dream  or  spreading  the 
story. 

1.  insignia  praeturae.  Instances  are 
found  under  the  Republic,  in  which  sena- 
tors received  the  honorary  distinction 
('omamenta'  or  'insignia')  of  a  higher 

;  rank  than  they  had  attained  (Dio,  36.  40 
[23],  4).     The  practice  of  giving  such  to 
persons  who  were  not  senators  at  all  but 
(as  in  this  case)  knights,  is  stated  to  have 
originated  with  the    gift    of    '  praetoria 
omamenta'  to  Seianus  by  Tiberius  (Dio, 
57.  19,  7),  who  afterwards  gave  the  same 
to  Macro,  and  '  quaestoria  omamenta '  to 
I  Laco,  the  *  praefectus  vigilum  '  (Dio.  58. 
\  12,  7).     On  their  further  extension  under 
j  Claudius,  see  c.  38,  5;  12.  21,    2,   and 
I  notes.      Such    distinctions,    though    not 
giving  a  seat  in  the  senate,  entitled  the 
bearer  to  wear  the  appropriate  dress  and 
to  sit  with  persons  of  that  rank  at  festi- 
vals,   &c.       See    Momms.    Staatsr.    i. 

461-5- 

2.  adiecit  =  *  adiciendum  censuit ',  like 
'  permisit '  (c.  3,  i). 

sestertium  decies,  the  senatorial 
census  (see  i.  75,  5,  and  note).  The  ex- 
'travagant  rewards  given  to  Crispinus  for 
the  mere  arrest  (c.  i,  3\  and  to  Sosibius, 
the  subordinate  accuser  (c.  1,2),  are  to  be 
noted.  That  of  Suillius,  which  is  not 
stated,  must  have  been  much  larger. 

3.  consiliis,  alluding  to  c.  i,  2. 

4.  Scipio  :  see  c.  2,  5. 

admissis  :  so  used  substantively  for 
'delicta'  in  H.  4.  44,  2;  also  in  Cic. 
Part.  Or.  35,  120,  &c. 

6.  eleganti  temperamento,  'with 
graceful  compromise '  (cp.  3.  12,  i  ;  4.  20, 
4,  and  notes).  The  obvious  meaning  of 
his  words  would  be  that  he  believed  in 
Poppaea's  guilt,  as  did  all  the  others,  but 


desired  to  be  spared  the  pain  of  directly 
expressing  his  belief ;  but  a  covert  mean- 
ing is  also  conveyed,  that  he  disbelieved 
it,  as  did  all  the  others  if  they  dared  say 
so.  That  a  senator,  even  under  the  Re- 
public, was  under  compulsion  to  answer 
the  question  put  to  him,  is  seen  from  Liv. 
28.  45,  5,  foil. 

8.  Continuus  .  .  .  accusandis  reis, 
'  incessantly  occupied  with  criminal  accu- 
sations '.  Almost  the  same  expression  is 
used  of  'annus'  (personified)  in  4.  36,  i. 
The  case  is  probably  abl.  of  respect  (see 
note  there). 

9.  cuncta  legum,  &c.  .  Similar 
words  are  used  of  Augustus  in  i.  2,  i  ;  but 
the  reference  here  is  more  particularly  to| 
the  way  in  which  all  judicial  functions 
were  engrossed  by  Claudius  ^see  Introd. 
p.  37).  The  whole  expression  is  subject 
of  '  patefecerat ',  which  is  emphatic  ('  had 
opened  widely ') :  any  one  might  be 
accused  when  all  rested  on  the  caprice  of 
one  man.  *  Materia  '  is  so  used  in  a  sense 
approaching  to   that  of  '  opportunity '  in 

1-76, 7;  3-  31,3,  &c. 

10.  nee  quicquam,  &c.,  *  nor  were  any 
wares  in  the  public  market  so  saleable  as 
the  treachery  of  advocates'  (bribed  to 
betray  a  case  committed  to  them").  *  Ad- 
vocati '  were  properly  those  who  supported 
a  plaintiff  or  defendant  by  their  presence ; 
but  the  term  had  now  become  synonymous 
with  *  causidicus'  or  '  patronus'  (Dial.  i. 
I ;  Quint.,  Plin.  Ep.).  Seneca  (Lud.  12,  3, 
54)  speaks  of  the  '  causidici,  venale 
genus ' ;  and  various  other  charges 
brought  against  them  are  collected  in 
Friedl.  i.  292-4. 

12.  Samius,  Inscriptions  give  this 
name  (I.  R.  N.  290),  and  also  the  form 
'  Sammius '  (see  Wilm.  Ind.  p.  354). 


A.  D.  47] 


LIBER  XI.      CAP.   4-6 


nummorum  milibus  Suillio  datis  et  cognita  praevaricatione  ferro 
3  in  domo  eius  incubuerit.     igitur  incipiente  C.  Silio  consule  de- 
signate, cuius  de  potentia  et  exitio  in  tempore  memorabo,  con- 
surgunt  patres  Icgemque  Cinciam  flagitant,  qua  cavetur  antiquitus 
>    ne  quis  ob  causam  orandam  pecuniam  donumve  accipiat.  5 

1  e.  Deinde  obstrepentibus  iis  quibus  ea  contumelia  parabatur, 
discors  Suillio  Silius  acriter  incubuit,  veterum  oratorum  exempla 
referens  qui  famam  et  posteros  praemia  eloquentiae  cogitavissent. 

2  pulcherrimam  alioquin  et  bonarum  artium   principem   sordidis 


insignis,  apparently  equivalent  to  *  in- 
lustris'  (c.  4,  I,  &c.). 

1.  cognita  praevaricatione.  Nipp. 
[explains  the  transaction  to  be  that  Suil- 
j  lius  had  lodged  a  charge  against  Samius, 
!  and  taken  this  bribe  from  him  to  make  it 
!  fail ;  and  had  then,  by  a  double  treachery, 

broken  his  own  cormpt  engagement. 
Samius,  having  ascertained  this,  and 
being  certain  of  ruin,  brings  the  scandal 
home  to  the  advocate  by  committing  sui- 
cide in  his  house.  '  Praevaricari ',  though 
more  commonly  used  of  collusive  accusa- 
tion in  a  public  trial,  can  be  used  of  col- 
lusive advocacy  on  either  side  (Ulp.  Dig. 
47.  15,  I  ;  cp.  Cic  Clu.  21,  58)  ;  and  it 
would  seem  more  natural  to  suppose  that 
Samius  had  made  no  corrupt  bargain,  but 
had  retained  Suillius,  by  this  fee,  for  his 
defence,  and  had  been  betrayed  by  him. 
Suillius,  however,  as  the  context  shows,  is 
usually  an  accuser. 

2.  consule  designate  :  cp.  c.  28,  i. 
As  he  never  became  consul  and  is  still 
called  *  consul  designatus '  after  his  death 
(Sen.  Lud.  13,  4),  Nipp.  supposes  that  he 
must  have  been  designated  cos.  suff.  for 
the  last  two  months  of  the  next  year. 
iMommsen  thinks  (Staatsr.  i.  587,  4)  that 
Messalina,  who  heaped  distinctions  upon 
him  (c.  12,  4),  had  procured  his  designa- 
tion for  an  ordinary  consulship  two  years 
jin  advance.  As  consul  designate,  he 
[would  be  asked  his  opinion  first  on  what- 
ever question  was  brought  before  the 
house  (see  3.  22,  6,  and  note),  and  evi- 
dently takes  the  opportunity  of  making 

'  this  speech  *  per  egressionem  '  (see  2.  38, 
3,  and  note). 

3.  memorabo :  see  c.  12,  12  ;  26,  foil, 
consurgunt,  they  rise  in  their  places 

to  signify  their  agreement  with  the 
speaker. 

4.  legem  Cinciam.  The  clause  here 
cited  is  only  one  of  the  provisions  of  the 
jplebiscite  '  de  donis  et  muneribus '  passed 


by  M.  Cincins  Alimentus,  trib.  pi.  a.  u.  c. 
550,  B.C.  204,  with  the  support  of  Q. 
Fabius  Maximus  (Cic.  de  Sen.  4.  10  ;  cp. 
alsodeOrat.  3.71,286  ;  ad  Att.  i.  20,  7). 
Livy  (34.  4,  9)  makes  Cato  speak  of  it  as 
intended  to  free  the  people  from  bondage 
to  the  great '  patroni ',  who  were  senators  ; 
and  Thrasea  is  made  to  refer  to  it  (15. 
20,  3)  as  called  forth  by  the  '  oratorum 
licentia'.  It  had  no  doubt  become 
obsolete,  but  was  revived  by  Augustus, 
who  in  B.C.  17  Tovi  f)i]Topas  dfxiaOl 
avvayopevdv  ^  TeTpairXdaiov  oaov  &v  Ad- 
fiuaiv  iKTiveiv  eK(\€vaf  (Dio,  54.  18,  2). 
We  gather  that  it  was  still  systematically 
evaded;  but  Ovid  (Am.  i.  10,  39)  ex- 
presses its  sentiment  'turpe  reos  empta 
miseros  defendere  lingua '.  For  the  regu- 
lations made  at  this  time  and  subsequently 
see  c.  7,  8,  and  note ;  and  other  refer- 
ences in  Marquardt,  Privatl.  770,  Suillius 
was  again  accused  under  it  eleven  years 
later  (13-42,  O- 

6.  iis  :  so  most  recent  edd.,  after  G,for 
Med.  *  si  his  ' :  others  read  '  his ',  Ritter 

*  illis  ',  on  the  ground  that  '  iis '  and  '  ea ' 
would  hardly  be  used  so  close  together. 

7.  discors,  so  used  with  the  force  and 
construction  of  *  inimicus  *  in  2.  56,  I 
(where  see  note),  &c. 

incubuit,  *  made  an  attack ' ;  absol., 
as  in  4.  24,  i;  73,  3,  &c. 

8.  famam  et  posteros.     The  plural 

*  praemia '  is  somewhat  against  taking 
this  as  a  hendiadys,  like  '  posteritate  et 
infamia'  (3.  65,  i);  but  the  expression 
is  one  of  a  class  common  in  Tacitus, 
where  a  more  specific  word  is  added  with 
emphasis  to  a  more  general :  cp.  *  testa- 
menta  et  orbos  '  in  13.  42,  7,  and  Nipp. 
there.  The  above  plural  is  also  an  ob- 
jection to  reading  *  famam  ad  posteros  * 
(cp.  I.  8,  2),  with  Dr. 

9.  pulcherrimam  alioqmn,  *  a  talent 
which  would  otherwise  be  the  noblest* 
(cp.  *  languescet  alioqui  industria '  a.  38^ 


B 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNA'LIUM 


[A.  D.  47 


ministeriis  foedari ;  ne  fidem  quidem  integram  manere  ubi  ma- 
gnitudo   quaestuum    spectetur.     quod    si    in   nullius   mercedem  3 
negotia   agantur   pauciora    fore :  nunc   inimicitias    accusationes, 
odia  et  iniurias  foveri,  ut  quo  modo  vis  morborum  pretia  meden^ 

5  tibus,    sic   fori   tabes   pecuniam    advocatis    ferat.     meminissent  4 
Asinii,  Messalae  ac  recentiorum  Arruntii  et  Aesernini :  ad  summa 
provcctos   incorrupta  vita   et   facundia.      talia   dicente   consule  5 
designate,  consentientibus   aliis,  parabatur  sententia   qua  lege 
repetundarum  tenerentur,  cum  Suillius  et  Cossutianus  et  ceteri 

lo  qui  non  iudicium,  quippe  in  manifestos,  sed  poenam  statui  vide- 
bantj  circumsistunt  Caesarem  ante  acta  deprecantes. 


6).  Most  recent  edd.  follow  Nipp.  in 
this  correction  for  the  Med.  *  pulcherrima ' 
(taken  with  'praemia');  which  would 
necessitate  '  et '  being  less  well  taken  for 
*  etiam '.  *  Foedari '  and  the  ether  infini- 
tives are  not  to  be  taken  as  following 
out  the  thought  of  the  '  veteres  oratores  *, 
but  as  depending  on  the  notion  of  such  a 
participle  as  *  dicens '  implied  in  *  incu- 
buit '. 
sordidis     ministeriis,     '  service    for 


fm 


oney  . 

I.  ne  fidem  quidem,  &c.,i.e.  'praevari- 
catio '  (c,  5,  2)  is  more  common. 

3.  negotia  agantur.  Halm  so  reads 
after  Heins.  and  Orelli,  and  suggests  that 
the  Med.  text  ('  negotiant'  with  an  erasure) 
may  have  been  originally,  as  in  some  in- 
ferior MSS.,  *  negotiantur ',  a  reading 
which  could  easily  have  been  corrupted 
from  that  here  given.  Nipp.,  Dr.,  and 
Jacob  follow  Gron.  in  reading  'eant'; 
the  verb  being  taken  in  the  sense  of  *  turn- 
ing out ',  as  in  5.  11,  3  ;  12.  68,  3.  Other 
readings  are  '  fiant ',  *  tueantur ',  &c.  On 
the  force  of  *  in '  here  see  Introd.  i.  v.  § 
60  b. 

4.  foveri,  *  are  nursed ',  made  the  most 
of:  the  *  fori  tabes  '  is  litigiousness. 

6.  Asinii,  Messalae.  Med.  gives  'Gali 
|(a  correction  of  *  Gai')  Asinii  Messalae'; 
but  it  is  evident  from  c.  7,  5,  that  not 
Gallus  Asinius  (see  i.  12,  2,  &c.),  but 
his  father  Pollio,  who  is  known  as  '  in- 
signe  maestis  praesidium  reis '  (Hor.  Od. 
2.  I,  13\  is  meant;  Walther  on  the  ana- 
logy of  the  following  names  first  suggested 
the  omission  of  the  praenomen.  Most 
editors  read  G.  Asinii,  and  follow  Heins. 
in  adding  'M.'  before  'Messalae';  the 
person  intended  being  of  course  M.Valerius 
Messala  Corvinus  (on  whom  see  3.  34,  2, 
&c.). 


Arruntii  et  Aesernini.  L.  Armn- 
tius  (on  whom  see  i.  13,  i,  &c.)  and 
Aeserninus  Marcellus  (on  whom  see  3. 
II,  2,  and  note")  were  leading  pleaders 
in  the  later  time  of  Augustus  and  imder  Ti- 
berius. 

7 .  provectos,  sc.  '  esse  ',  *  that  they 
had  attained  the  highest  rank '. 

8.  parabatur  sententia;  the  consul 
was  preparing  to  give  effect  to  the  ex- 
pression of  feeling  thus  manifested  (cp.  c. 
5,3)  by  making  a  formal  motion  on  the 
subject.  In  a  similar  instance  later  (13. 
26,  i),  the  presiding  magistrates  do  not 
venture  to  do  this  without  consulting  the 
princeps,  but  on  this  occasion  Claudius 
was  present  (cp.  '  circumsistunt'  Cae- 
sarem '),  and  must  have  in  some  way  sig- 
nified approval. 

lege  repetundarum  tenerentur  ; 
i.  e,  that  all  pleaders  who  took  any  fees 
should  be  liable  to  the  charge  of  '  repe- 
tundae  '.  The  subject  is  eas.ly  supplied 
from  the  sense. 

9.  Cossutianus.  As  only  one  name  is 
given,  we  must  suppose  that  Tacitus  had 
already  spoken  of  the  notorious  accuser 
Cossutianus  Capito,  who  is  prominent  in 
these  Books.  After  his  accusation  of 
Thrasea  and  his  friends  (16,  28,  i  ;  33, 4), 
nothing  more  is  known  of  him. 

10.  manifestos,  'plainly  guilty'; 
oftener  with  genitive  of  the  crime,  as  in 
2.85,  3;  13.  26,  4. 

11.  ante  acta  deprecantes,  'asking 
pardon  for  the  past ',  i.  e.  that  the  decree, 
if  passed,  might  not  touch  them  retro- 
spectively. *  Deprecor  '  has  usually  an 
accus.  of  the  penalty  (as  in  4.  31,  8,  &c.) 
or  other  evil  expected  (as  in  4    41,  i); 

*  ante    acta '   having    here    the   force   of 

*  ante  actorum  poenam  '.     '  Facti  depre- 
catio '  is  used  similarly  in  Cic.  Part.  Orat. 


A.  D.  47] 


LIBER  XL      CAP.  6,   7 


1  7.    Et  postquam  adnuit,  agere  incipiunt :  quern   ilium  tanta 

2  superbia  esse  ut  aeternitatem  famae  spe  praesumat  ?     usui  et 
rebus  subsidium  praeparari  ne  quis  inopia  advocatorum  poten- 

3  tibus   obnoxius   sit.     neque   tamen    eloquentiam   gratuito    con- 
tingere :  omitti   curas   familiaris  ut  quis  se  alienis   negotiis   in-  5 

4  tendat.      multos    militia,    quosdam    exercendo    agros    tolerare 
vitam :  nihil  a  quoquam  expeti  nisi  cuius  fructus  ante  providerit. 

6  facile  Asinium  et  Messalam,  inter  Antonium  et  Augustum  bel- 
lorum   praemiis  refertos,  aut  ditium  familiarum  heredes  Aeser- 

6  ninos  et  Arruntios   magnum   animum    induisse.     prompta  sibi  i« 
exempla,  quantis  mercedibus  P.  Clodius  aut  C.  Curio  contionari 

7  soliti  sint.     se  modicos  senatores  qtd  quieta  re  publica  nulla  nisi 


37,    131,    and   'inertiae   deprecatio'   in 
Hirt.  B.  G.  8.  Praef.  i. 

1.  agere,  a  late  correction  in  Med. ; 
the  word  in  the  first  hand  being 
*  tacere ',  which  Weissenborn  (whom 
Ritt.  follows)  supposes  to  be  a  cor- 
ruption of  '  ita  agere'.  Some  less  well 
read  *  iacere '  with  Freinsh. 

quem  ilium,  brachyl.  for  '  qtiem  ilium 
esse  qui' :  so  *  quis  ille  . .  .sprevisset'  (12. 
36,  3):  '  quidquid  hoc'  (14.  43,  2)  :  cp. 
also  14.  22,  4,  and  note,  and  'quis  iste 
dies'  (Cic.  Acad.  2.  22,  69);  'quaenam 
ilia '  (Id.  pro  Sest.  24,  53). 

2.  Usui  et  rebus  subsidium  prae- 
parari :  so  most  edd.,  for  Med.  *  prae- 
parare  '  (Nipp.,  after  Haase,  reads  *  pa- 
rari ').  1'he  argument,  which  is  obscure 
from  condensation,  seems  best  taken,  with 
J.  H.  Miiller  (Beitr.  iv.  p.  i),  as  putting 
forward  a  more  humble  and  practical  view 
against  that  which  would  make  re- 
nown the  only  legitimate  aim  of  the  advo- 
cate. The  prolessional  orator  seeks  to 
make  provision  for  meeting  a  requirement 
and  for  the  business  of  life,  with  the  ob- 
ject that  none  should  be  at  the  mercy  of 
powerful  antagonists  for  lack  of  advocacy, 
as  would  often  happen  if  all  who  had  to 
live  by  the  profession  were  shut  out  from 
it.  But  men  cannot  acquire  the  pleader's 
art  without  cost,  or  exercise  it  without 
neglecting  their  own  affairs,  and  have 
therefore  just  claim  to  a  recompense.  P'or 
this  sense  of  '  usus  *  cp.  *  ex  rerum  usu ' 
('5-  6,  5),  also  *  ex  usu  temporis'  (4.  6, 
6),  and  a  nearly  similar  sense  of  the  word 
in  c.  8,  5  ;  1 2.  48,  3.  A  different  explana- 
tion will  be  found  in  Nipp.'s  notes.  Dr. 
and  Jacob  less  well  take  *  usui  et  rebus ' 
here  to  be  a  hendiadys,  with  the  meaning 
of  the  expression  cited  from  15.  6,  5. 


5.  ut,  best  taken,  with  Nipp.,  to  mean '  in 
order  that':  more  commonly  *ut  quis '  means 
'  accordingly  as  one  '  (cp.  4.  23,  6,  &c.). 

6.  multos  militia,  &c.  Nipp.  notes 
that  only  such  occupations  as  were  open 
to  senators  (who  were  debarred  from  ordi- 
nary trade)  are  here  mentioned.  This 
sense  of  '  exercere '  (cp.  1 2.  43,  5  ;  13.  54, 
3;  G.  29,  4  ;  Agr.  31,  3)  seems  taken 
from  Verg.  (Aen.  7,  798,  &c.)  :  *  tolerare 
vitam'  (cp.  15.  45,  6)  is  also  in  Verg. 
(Aen.  8,  409),  but  previously  in  Caes.  (B. 
G.  7.  77,12). 

7.  nihil  .  .  .  expeti,  *  no  calling  in  life 
is  sought '. 

ante  providerit,  a  similar  pleonasm 
to  that  in  Caes.  B.  G.  5.  33,  1  (*  qui  nihil 
ante    providisset ').     Nipp.    shows    that 

•  providere '  and  '  praevidere'  (which  Pich. 
would  substitute  here),  though  distin- 
guishable in  meaning,  are  often  used 
equivalently. 

9.  Aeserninos . . .  Arruntios,  rhetori- 
cal plurals  :  cp.  i.  10,  3,  &c 

10.  magnum  animum  induisse,/ 
'  played  the  magnanimous  part'  (in  plead-( 
ing  gratuitously). 

n.  P.  Clodius  aut  C.  Curio.  The  ex-; 
amples  are  not  creditable  ;  for  the  former 
is  stated  (see  Cic.  de  Harusp.  Resp.  20, 
42)  to  have  been  bribed   to  scandalous 

*  prevaricatio '  by  Catiline,  and  the  cor- 
ruption of  the  latter  by  Caesar  is  attested  ; 
by  Lucan  (4,  819)  and  Suet.  (lul.  29). 

1 2.  modicos,  *  of  moderate  means ',  with 
little  more  than  the  bare  senatorial  census; 
analogous  to  the  'modici  equites  '  of  I. 
73,  I.  In  reality,  Suillius  (see  13.43.  6), 
and  probably  the  others,  were  very 
wealthy.  On  the  enormous  rewards 
frequently  given  to  accusers  see  Friedl. 
i.  231. 


lo 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  47 


pacis  emolumenta  peterent.     cogitaret  plebem  quae  toga  enite- 
sceret :  sublatis  studiorum  pretiis  etiam  studia  peritura.   ut  minus  8 
decora  haec,  ita  haud  frustra  dicta  princeps  ratus,  capiendis  pe- 
cunWs  posint  modum  usque  ad  dena  sestertia  quern  egressi  repe- 
5  tundarum  tenerentur. 

8.    Sub  idem  tempus  Mithridates,  quem  imperitasse  Armeniis  1 
iussuqiie   G.   Caesaris  vinctum   memoravi,  monente  Claudio  in 
regnum    remeavit,   fisus    Pharasmanis    opibus.     is   rex    Hiberis  2 


quieta  re  publica,  in  contrast  to 
*  belloram  praemiis  refertos '.  The  Med. 
text  *  qui  et  a  .  .  .  peterent '  is  commonly 
altered  (after  Pich.)  to  *  quieta  .  .  .  pe- 
tere ' ;  but  that  *  qui '  has  dropped  out 
where  Halm  inserts  it  is  extremelyprobable. 

1 .  cogitaret,  sc.  *  Claudius ' ;  '  he  should 
think  of  the  plebeians  who  won  distinc- 
tion by  forensic  practice ' :  recent  edd. 
have  generally  followed  Pich.  and  J.  F. 
Gron.  in  reading  '  quae '  for  the  Med. 
'  qua '.  *  Toga ',  besides  being  used  gene- 
rally of  peace  and  its  occupations  (Cic, 
de  Or.  3,  42,  167),  sometimes  denotes 
specifically  the  pleader's  dress  and  func- 
tion :  cp.  '  in  toga  negotiisque  versatur  ' 
(PI.  Ep.  I.  22,  6),  and  Martial's  praise  of 
Quintilian  (2.  38,  5)  as  *  Romanae  gloria 
magna  togae '.  The  use  of  *  enitescere ' 
in  this  sense  (cp.  12.  58,  i)  appears  to  be 
taken  from  Sallust  (Cat.  54.  4).  Juvenal 
speaks  (8.  47-50)  of  plebeian  advocates 
and  lawyers;  and  the  *  causidici '  whose 
work  and  scanty  fees  he  describes  (7,  106, 
foil.)  belong  no  doubt  to  this  order. 

3.  haud  frustra,  'not  without  grounds' ; 
cp.  I.  20.  3,  and  note. 

4.  posuit  modum  :  most  edd.  follow 
G  in  inserting  *  posuit ' ;  Halm  and  Dr. 
after  Orelli  (ed.  i)  insert  '  statuit ; 
Baiter  (in  Orelli,  ed.  2)  reads  *  modum 
fecit '  (cp.  '  modum  .  .  .  facerent '  H.  4. 
40,  3).  The  enactment  appears  to  have 
been  made  by  an  imperial  edict. 

dena  sestertia.  That  this  was  a 
considerable  reduction,  is  seen  from  the 
fact  that  four  times  as  much  had  been 
given  by  Samius  to  Suillius  (c.  5,  2).  A 
further  change  was  made  at  Nero's  ac- 
cession (see  13.  5,  I,  and  note),  but  the 
reference  to  Pliny  there  given  shows  that 
in  his  time  10,000  HS  might  lawfully  be 
given  to  an  advocate  after  the  trial  was 
over. 

repetundarum  tenerentur.  Such 
elliptical  genitives  with  this  verb  (cp.  3. 
67,  2)  are  common  in  Quint,  and  Dig. ; 
the  full  expression  is  given  in  c.  6.  5. 


6.  Sub  idem  tempus.  This  date  is  to 
be  taken  as  a  very  loose  one,  as  the  date 
of  the  return  of  Mithridates,  determined 
by  that  of  the  contemporary  Parthian  his- 
tory (see  below)  and  by  that  of  Vibius 
Marsus  (see  on  c.  10,  i),  can  hardly  have 
been  later  than  A.  D.  43,  and  may  have 
been  in  the  year  before  that.  It  is 
mentioned  by  Dio  (60.  8,  i)  as  taking 
place  soon  after  the  initiatory  measures  of 
Claudius. 

Mithridates.     This    prince    had    be-> 
come  king  of  Armenia  by  the  aid  of  Ti-; 
berius  (see  6.   32,  5,  foil.).     Gaius  is  re- 
corded by  Dio  (60.  8,  i)to  have  summoned 
him  to  Rome  and  kept  him  there  bound 
in  custody:    cp.  Sen.  de  Tranq.   ii,  12: 
'  Ptolemaeum  Africae  regem,   Armeniae 
Mithridatem,  inter  Caianas  custodias  vi- 
dimus '.     Armenia  had   apparently  been  [ 
during  that  time  under  Parthian  influence } 
(see   Momms.   Hist.  v.   379 ;    E.  T.   ii. 

45). 

7.  iussuque  G. :  so  Halm,  Or.,  Ritt., 
after  Urlichs,  Med.  has  a  lacuna  be- 
tween 'Armeniis'  and  'Caesaris',  in  which 
a  later  hand,  apparently  following  G  and 
other  inferior  MSS.,  has  written  '  et  ad 
psetia '  ('  praesentiam  '),  which  the  old 
editors  admitted  into  their  texts,  altering 
*  vinctum  '  into  '  vocatum ',  *  vectum  ',  &c. 
But  the  accounts  of  Sen.  and  Dio  (see 
above)  confirm  '  vinctum  ' ;  and  it  is  evi- 
dent that  the  praenomen  before '  Caesaris* 
has  dropped  out,  as  in  c.  i,  2  ;  29,  I .  Eor 
the  rest,  it  might  possibly  be  better  (with 
Walth.,  Nipp.  and  Jacob)  to  leave  the 
lacuna;  which  Nipp.  thinks  may  have 
been  filled  by  some  such  words  as  '  mox 
evocatum  in  urbem  iussu  '. 

monente,  'suggesting';  cp.  2.  37, 
4,  and  the  nearly  similar  sense  in  12. 
69,  I,  and  that  of  '  praemonente '  in  c 

35»  3. 

8.  Pharismanis.  On  this  prmce  see 
6.  32,  5,  foil.,  and  on  the  kingdom  of 
Hiberia,4.  5,4,  and  note;  on  the  poetical 
dat.  '  Hiberis',  Introd.  i.  v.  §  19.     'Fisus 


A.  D.  47] 


LIBER  XL      CAP,   7,   8 


II 


idemque  Mithridatis  frater  nuntiabat  discordare  Parthos  sum- 

3  maque  imperii  ambigua,  minora  sine  cura  haberi.  nam  Gotarzes 
inter  pleraque  saeva  necem  fratri  Artabano  coniugique  ac  filio 
cius  paraverat,  unde  metus  [eius]  in  ceteros,  et  accivere  Vard- 

4  anen.     ille,   ut   erat   magnis   ausis   promptus,  biduo   tria   milia  5 
stadiorum  invadit  ignarumque  et  exterritum  Gotarzen  proturbat; 
neque    cunctatur    quin    proximas    praefecturas    corripiat,   solis 

5  Seleucensibus  dominationem  eius  abnuentibus.    in  quos  ut  patris 


.  .  .  opibns*  is  repeated  from  H.  4.  61,  2: 
cp.  'fisos  loco'  (4.  25,  i). 

1.  summa  imperii  ambigua,  'the 
throne  itself  was  in  dispute;  whatever 
was  less  important  (as  Armenia)  was 
treated  carelessly ' :  so  '  externa  sine  cura 
habebantur'  (H.  i,  79,  i). 

2.  nam  Gotarzes  inter.  Halm  and 
Nipp.  follow  Doed.  in  this  restoration  of 
the  corrupt  Med.  text  '  nam  inter  Golh- 
arzes ',  and  also  omit  the  Med.  *  qui '  be- 
fore '  necem '.  Most  older  edd.  and  Orelli 
read  *  nam  inter Gotarzis ',  retaining  'qui' 
and  omitting  '  et '  before  '  accivere ',  so  as 
to  make  the  latter  word  the  principal 
verb,  and  '  qui  necem  .  .  .  ceteros '  paren- 
thetical. Ritt.  inserts  *  infensos  '  before 
'inter',  and  alters  'qui'  to  'atqne'.  Pfitzn. 
alters  *  inter '  to '  interim ',  and  *  qui'  (after 
Madvig)  to  *quin  '.  The  way  in  which 
the  names  of  Gotarzes  and  Vardanes  are 
here  introduced  would  either  imply  that 
they  had  been  already  mentioned,  or 
would  support  Madvig's  theory  (Adv.  ii. 
550)  that  a  lacuna  exists,  and  that  a  sen- 
tence beginning  with  *  nam  inter  Gotar- 
zem'  had  given  some  account  of  the 
original  contention  for  the  throne,  and 
had  gone  on  to  speak  of  *  Gotarzis  plera- 
que saeva',  and  that  the  scribe  had  skipped 
from  one  mention  of  the  name  to  another. 
On  the  question  as  to  who  was  the  suc- 
cessor of  Artabanus  III.  (on  whom  see  2. 
3,  I,  &c.),  see  Introd.  p.  105,  3.  Med.  has 
here  alone  the  form  '  Gotharzes ',  else- 
where generally  '  Gotarzes  ',  which  form, 
as  well  as  *  Goterzes ',  is  found  on  coins. 
For  •  Vardanes ',  Med.  has  in  three  places 
*  bardanes  ',  which  is  also  the  form  in  Jos. 
Ant.  20.  3,  4. 

4.  paraverat :  so  Halm  (who  is  fol- 
lowed by  Nipp.  and  Jacob),  on  the  ana- 
logy of  6.  3,  4;  13.  I,  I  &c.  Most 
others  retain  *  praeparaverat ',  the  cor- 
rected form  of  the  Med.  text ;  some  (after 
Muret.)  read  '  properaverat '. 

metus  [eius]  in  ceteros.  Tacitus 
would  hardly  have  written  '  eius '  twice 


so  close  together,  referring  to  two  different 
persons.  The  parallel  passage  (4.  2,  i) 
is  also  in  favour  of  the  omission. 

5.  ausis.  For  this  substantive  see  2. 
39,  3,  and  note. 

biduo,  in  forty-eight  hours.  The 
whole  space  is  375  Roman  (nearly  350 
English)  miles  ;  and  the  rate  of  progress, 
averaging  over  seven  English  miles  for 
every  hour,  must  be  impossible  for  an 
army,  even  though  wholly  consisting  of 
horsemen.  If  we  suppose  him  to  have 
come  with  a  few  followers,  and  by  relays 
of  horses,  the  rate  is  the  same  as  that  of 
Hannibal  from  Zamato  Adrumetum  (App. 
Pun.  47),  and  less  than  that  of  Tiberius 
to  his  brother  Drusus  (PL  N.  H.  7.  20, 
84).  A  critic,  cited  by  Walther,  as  also 
Kritz  (see  Halm,  Not.  Crit.),  suggests  that 
*  triduo  duo  millia'  should  be  read. 

6.  invadit,  *  traverses ',  or  '  leaves  be- 
hind him  '.  The  word  is  nowhere  else 
precisely  thus  used  ;  but  the  sense  is  ana- 
logous to  that  of  occupying  a  country  (^6. 
31,  2),  gaining  possession  of  an  army 
(H.4.  68,  4),  or  the  empire  (15.  52,  3), 
the  space  traversed  being  as  it  were  occu- 
pied in  so  doing.  The  Vergilian  '  invade 
viam  '  (Aen.  6,  260),  which  Pfitzn.  com- 
pares, seems  to  have  a  different  meaning. 
The  conjectures  *  evadit '  (Heins.),  *  per- 
vadit'  (Haase),  seem  needless. 

7.  praefecturas,  'provinces':  cp.  c. 
10, 1  ;  6.  42,5  ;  15.  28, 1.  Theseappear 
here  to  be  the  great  viceroyalties  (corre- 
sponding somewhat  to  the  old  satrapies 
of  the  Persian  empire)  which  Pliny  (N. 
H.  6.  25,29,  112)  calls 'regna',  and  states 
to  have  been  eighteen  in  number  in  the 
whole  Parthian  empire.  The  viceroys 
were  styled  fiiaraKes,  or  'vitaxae'  (see 
Momms.  Hist.  v.  344  ;  E.  T.  ii.  6).  The 
term  *  praefectura '  is  also  used  (see  13. 
37,  2,  and  note)  of  the  military  subdi- 
visions of  Armenia. 

8.  Seleucenses,  of  Seleucia  on  the 
Tigris :  see  6.  42,  I  &c.  On  their  revolt 
from  Artabanus  see  c.  9,  6,  and  note. 


12 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  47 


sui  quoque  defectores  ira  magis  quam  ex  usu  praescnti  accensus, 
implicatur  obsidione  urbis  validae  et  munimentis  obiecti  amnis 
muroque  et  commeatibus  firmatae.     interim  Gotarzes  Daharum  6 
Hyrcanorumque  opibus  auctus  bellum  renovat,  coactusque  Var- 
5  danes  omittere  Seleuciam  Bactrianos  apud  campos  castra  contulit. 
9.    Tunc   distractis    Orientis   viribus    et   quonam    inclinarent  1 
incertis,   casus    Mithridati    datus   est   occupandi    Armeniam,    vi 
militis  Romani  ad  excindenda  castellorum  ardua,  simul  Hibero 
exercitu  campos  persultante.     nee  enim  restitere  Armenii,  fuso  2 
10  qui  proelium  ausus  erat  Demonacte  praefecto.    paululum  cuncta-  3 
tionis  attulit  rex  minoris  Armeniae  Cotys,  versis  illuc  quibusdam 
•  procerum  ;  dein  litteris  Caesaris  coercitus,  et  cuncta  in  Mithri- 
daten  fluxere,  atrociorem  quam  novo  regno  conduceret.   at  Parthi  4 


I.  defectores,  a  Tacitean  word  (see 
Introd.  I.  V.  69,  i),  afterwards  iu  Suet. 
Ner.  43,  and  Justin.  16.  i,  13. 

ex  usu  praesenti,  *  in  accordance 
with  immediate  utility  ' ;  cp.  '  ex  usu 
temporis'  (4.  5,  6,  and  note). 
/  2.  amnis,  the  Tigris,  on  the  banks  of 
(which  Seleucia  and  Ctesiphon  (the  Par- 
jthian  capital)  face  each  other. 

3.  Daharum  Hyrcanorumque,  Scy- 
thic  races  south-east  and  east  of  the  Cas- 
pian. On  their  situation  and  previous  re- 
lation with  Artabanus  cp.  2.  3,  i ;  6.  36, 
5,  and  notes. 

5.  Bactrianos.  Bactria  or  Bactriana, 
the  tract  between  the  upper  Amoo  (Oxus) 
and  the  Hindoo  Koosh  (Paropamisus), 
appears  after  the  fall  of  its  Greek  dynasty 
to  have  been  a  debatable  land  between 
Parthians  and  Scythians.  See  Mr.  Vaux, 
in  Diet,  of  Geog. 

7.  incertis,  probably  best  taken  as  *  de 
quibus  incertum  erat '.  Nipp.  compares 
13.  19, 1,  also  '  neque  plane  occultati  .  .  . 
et  tamen  incerti'  (Sail.  lug.  49,  5),  and 
some  instances  in  Livy,  as  '  incertus,  mas 
an  femina  esset,  natus  est'  (27,  37,  5)  ; 
cp.  also  the  passive  uses  of  *  gnariis  '(1.5, 
4,  &c.),  'ignarus*  (2.  13,  i,  &c.),  '  in- 
noxius'  (Sail.  Cat.  39,  2). 

casus,  'opportunity':  cp.  i.  13,  2, 
and  note.  The  whole  passage  from  '  nam 
Gotarzes '  (c.  8,  3)  to  the  end  of  the  chap- 
ter must  be  taken  as  retrospective,  and 
the  narrative  is  here  taken  up  from  c. 
8,  I. 

vi,  instrumental  abl.,  varied  in  the 
next  clause  to  abl.  abs.  (cp.  3.  37,  1,  and 
note).  The  Pliberians  were  mostly  horse- 
men, but  had  some  infantry  (6.  54,  2). 


9.  campos  persultante,  'scouring  the 
plains  ';  with  similar  accus.  in  H.  3.  49, 

2,  Agr.  37,  4;  apparently  from  Lucretius 
(i.  14).  Tacitus  also  has  the  verb  with- 
out an  accus.  (4.  47,  4,  &c.). 

restitere  :  so  Nipp.  and  Halm  ; 
others  generally  retain  the  Med.  '  resi- 
stere',  but  the  perfect  is  more  likely  to 
have  been  used  in  a  mere  statement  ot 
facts. 

10.  proelium  ausus.   The  accus.  with 

*  audere ',  very  frequent  in  Tacitus  (i.'  69, 
I,  and  note),  is  found  also  in  Liy.  and 
Veil,  and  earlier  in  poets. 

praefecto,  *  the  viceroy  or  satrap,'  cp. 
'  praefecturas '  (c.  8,  4 ;   13.  37,  2,  &c."). 

paululum  cunctationis  attulit,  a. 
phrase  repeated  in  c.  36,  i ;  1 2.  54,  6  ;  cp. 

3.  46,  6.  He  delayed  the  acceptance  of 
Mithridates  by  forming  a  party  for  him- 
self. 

1 1 .  Cotys,  one  of  the  sons  of  Cotys  king 
of  Thrace  (see  note  on  2.  67,  4),  to  whom, 
in   A.  D.    39,    Gaius   gave   the   kingdom 
of  Lesser  Armenia  (Dio,   59.   12,   2),  a 
small  strip  of  country,  west  of  the  upper 
Euphrates,    between    Greater    Armenia, , 
Cappadocia,  and  Pontus,  which  had  for  i 
some  time  previously  been   united  with  | 
the  kingdom  and  subsequent  province  of ! 
Cappadocia  (see  2.  42,  2,  and  note) :   sec 
13.  7,  2  ;  Marquardt,  Staatsr.  i.  211. 

illuc,  towards  him  :    cp.  i.  3,  3,  &c. 

13.  fluxere:  cp.  the  similar  expression 

with*  cessere'  (i.  i,  3),  'vergere'  (i.  3, 

3). 

atrociorem  quam :  Med.  gives  *  quam 
atrociorem  quam ' ;  Halm  after  Haase 
reads    'quamquam     atrociorem     quam'. 

•  Atrox '    need   not    be    taken    here    in 


A.  D.  47] 


LIBER  XI.     CAP.  8-10 


n 


imperatores  cum  pugnam  pararent,  foedus  repente  iaciunt  co- 
gnitis  popularium  insidiis  quas  Gotarzes  fratri  patefecit ;  congres- 
sique  primo  cunctanter,  dein  complexi  dextras  apud  altaria 
deum  pepigere  fraudem  inimicorum  ulcisci  atque  ipsi  inter  se 

5  concedere.     potiorque   Vardanes  visus  retinendo  regno  :  at  Go-  5 
tarzes  ne  quid  aemulationis  existeret  penitus  in  Hyrcaniam  abiit. 

6  regressoque  Vardani  deditur  Seleucia  septimo  post  defectionem 
anno,  non  sine  dedecore  Parthorum  quos  una  civitas  tarn  diu 
eluserat. 

1  10.    Exim    validissimas    praefecturas    invisit ;    et    reclperare  lo 
Armeniam   avebat,   ni   a  Vibio   Marso,    Syriae   legato,   bellum 

2  minitante  cohibitus  foret.  atque  interim  Gotarzes  paenitentia 
concessi  regni  et  vocante  nobilitate,  cui  in  pace  durius  servitium 

3  est,  contrahit  copias.     et  hinc  contra  itum  ad  amnem  Erinden ; 


a  stronger  sense  than   that  of  '  uncon- 
ciliatory ' :   cp.  4.  52,  3,  and  note. 

1.  imperatores,  those  of  the  confronted 
armies  (c.  8,  6).  Nipp.  notes  that  Taci- 
tus appears  so  to  style  Gotarzes  and  Var- 
danes, as  neither  was  indisputably  *  rex  '  ; 

i  though  the  terni  might  be  used  even  of 
kings. 

foedus  iaciunt :  so  in  Med.  Nipp. 
reads,  with  MS.  Agr.  '  iciunt '  (on  which 
form  see  his  note),  others  (after  Lips.) 
'  faciunt '.  The  Med.  text  would  be  taken 
to  mean  '  sermones  iaciunt  (cp.  4.  68,  4, 
&c.)  de  foedere ',  and  would  be  a  con- 
densed expression  somewhat  like  *  termi- 
nos  iaciebat '  in  6.  31,  a.  Cp.  15.  50,  i. 
Walther  rightly  points  out  that  only  the 
first  overtures  are  here  spoken  of. 

2.  patefecit,  aorist :  cp.  i.  53,  5,  and 
note. 

3.  cunctanter  :  cp.  2.  64,  5  ;  4.  22,  2, 
&c. 

complexi  dextras.  The  ceremony 
usual  on  these  occasions  is  described  in 

12.47,  3. 

4.  pepigere.  with  inf ,  as  in  14.  31,  4. 
Dr.  cites  also  Liv.  43.  21,3. 

5.  potior.  Dr.  notes  that  this  word 
here  takes  the  construction  of  *  aptus ', 
'  idoneus ' :  no  other  instance  apj)ears  to 
occur. 

6.  penitus  .  .  .  abiit.  On  the  sugges- 
tion of  Mommsen,  that  the  inscription 
found  in  Kurdistan  (C.  I.  G.  4674)  to  a 
Tarrap^T;?  aarpawq^  rwv  aarpairajv  may,  if 
it  refers  to  this  Gotarzes,  desij^nate  a 
position  of  eminence  reserved  to  him  on 
his  resignation  of  the  kingdom,  see  Introd. 
p.  106,  3. 


7.  septimo  .  .  .  anno.  The  date  of  its 
surrender  has  been  taken  to  be  a.d.  46,  and 
that  of  the  revolt  has  been  fixed  accord- 
ingly (see  Rawlinson,  Sixth  Oriental 
Monarchy,  pp.  248,  252) ;  but  Nipp.  ap- 
pears rightly  to  consider  that  the  revolt 
must  be  that  recorded  in  a.d.  36  (6. 42,  i), 
and  that  the  recovery  must  be  dated  in 
A.D.  43.  Such  a  date  is  confirmed  by  the 
mention  of  Vibius  Marsus  as  legatus  of 
Syria  (c.  10,  1),  and  by  the  date  of  the 
death  of  Vardanes  (c.  10,  5).  The  tem- 
porary independence  of  Seleucia  is  at- 
tested by  coins  (Gardner,  p.  12). 

10.  invisit,  inspects',  to  establish  his 
authority  in  them.  Some  inferior  MSS. 
and  old  edd,  read  *  invasit ' ;  which  read- 
ing is  somewhat  supported  by  the  fact  of 
his  having  declared  war  against  one 
great  feudatory,  Izates  king  of  Adiabene 
(Jos.  Ant.  20.  3,  4).  It  may  have  been 
this  distraction  that  gave  Gotarzes  his 
opportunity. 

11.  Vibio  Marso.  On  this  person  see 
2.  74,  I,  and  note.  It  would  appear  (see 
Nipp.  here,  and  Zumpt.  Comm.  Epig.  ii. 
p.  137)  that  he  may  probably  have 
become  legatus  of  Syria  about  a.d.  42,  in 
succession  to  P.  Petronius  (see  on  3.  49, 
2),  and  must  have  been  succeeded  by  C. 
Cassius  not  later  than  a.d.  45  (see  on  12. 
II,  4).  The  threatened  hostilities 
between  Vardanes  and  Rome  are  alluded 
to  in  Jos.  1.  1. 

14.  hinc,  the  reading  of  Med.,  must  be 
interpreted  '  on  the  side  of  Vardanes '; 
most  edd.  prefer  to  read  '  huic '  after  *G'. 

Erinden.  This  unknown  name  is 
thought  by  Ryck   to   be  meant   for  the 


14 


CORN  ELI  I  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  47 


in  cuius  transgressu  multum  certato  pervicit  Vardanes,  prosper- 
isque  proeliis  medias  nationes  subegit  ad  flumen  Sinden,  quod 
Dahas  Ariosque  disterminat.     ibi  modus  rebus  secundis  positus  :  4 
nam   Parthi  quamquam  victores  longinquam  militiam  asperna- 

5  bantur.     igitur  extructis  monimentis,  quibus  opes  suas  testabatur  5 
nee  cuiquam  ante  Arsacidarum  tributa  illis  de  gentibus  parta, 
regreditur  ingens  gloria  atque  eo  ferocior  et  subiectis  intoleran- 
tior  ;  qui  dolo  ante  composito  incautum  venationique  intentum 
interfecere,  primam  intra  iuventam,  sed  claritudine  paucos  inter 

10  senum  regum,  si  perinde  amorem  inter  popularis  quam  metum 
apud  hostis  quaesivisset.     nece  Vardanis  turbatae  Parthorum  res  6 
inter  ambiguos  quis  in  regnum  acciperetur.     multi  ad  Gotarzen  7 
inclinabant,  quidam  ad    Meherdaten   prolem    Phraatis,   obsidio 
nobis  datum  :  dein  praevaluit  Gotarzes  ;  potitusque  regiam  per  8 

15  saevitiam   ac  luxum  adegit  Parthos  mittere  ad  principem  Ro- 


Charindas,  which  mnst  have  been  one  of 
the  streams  flowing  into  the  south  coast 
of  the  Caspian,  being  mentioned  by 
Ptolemy  (6.  2,  2)  as  close  to  the  boundary 
of  Media  and  Hyrcania. 

1.  multum  certato  :  so  *  diu  certato' 
(H.  4.  16,  4).  The  impersonal  passive 
of  this  verb  is  very  common  in  Tacitus. 

2.  Sinden.  This  river  also  is  unknown. 
Rawlinson  (p.  254)  considers  that  nothing 
more  can  be  made  out  than  that  the  cam- 
paign took  place  in  the  country  between 
the  Caspian  and  Herat.  Nipp.  thinks 
that  the  Arii,  who  lived  SW.  of  Bactria, 
cannot  here  be  meant,  and  that  the  word 
is  a  corruption  for  the  name  of  some  race 
living  north  or  east  of  the  Dahae  in  the 
region  of  the  Oxus  or  Jaxartes.  The 
boast  in  his  inscription  below  is  made  to 
say  that  he  had  penetrated  beyond  the 
established  limits  of  the  empire. 

3.  disterminat,  here  alone  in  Tacitus ; 
a  rare  word,  chiefly  in  Plin.  ma. 

4.  aspernabantur,  *  detested ',  cp.  i. 
27,  2;  3-  21,  5-  &c. 

5.  monimentis.  Nothing  is  known 
of  these;  the  only  memorial  apparently 
belonging  to  this  period  being  that  noted 
in  Introd.  p.  106,  3. 

7.  intolerantior,  probably  '  more  ar- 
bitrary '  (see  3.  45,  4,  and  note). 

8.  composito, '  concerted  ' :  cp.  4.  10, 
2,  &c.  ;  and  '  componunt'  (3.  40,  3). 

venation i,  the  great  Parthian  national 
exercise  :  see  2.  2,  5,  &c. 

9.  paucos  inter,  '  to  be  named  with 
the  few  greatest  (i.e.  equalled  by  few) 


among  even  long-lived  kings  '  (although 
his  reign  had  been  so  short).  Cp.  16.  18, 
4,  'Oratio  Claudii '  ii.  11,  and  the  de- 
scription of  the  battle  of  Thrasymene  in 
Livy  (22.  7,  i)  as  *  inter  paucas  memorata 
populi  Romani  clades ' ;  so  Hdt.  4.  52 
irorafiuv  kv  oXiyoicn  fieyav  and  other  in- 
stances quoted  here  by  Nipp.  from  Curt., 
Quint.,  Plin.  ma.  For  the  anastrophe 
cp.  Introd.  i.  v.  §  77,  4;  for  the  pse  of 
'  perinde. . .  quam  '  cp.  2.  I,  2,  and  note  ; 
and  for  the  apparent  variation  between 
this  phrase  and  '  proinde  quam  ',  13.  21,  3, 
and  note. 

11.  nece  Vardanis.  The  latest  coin 
attributed  to  Vardanes  appears  in  A.D. 
45,  and  those  of  Gotarzes  are  found  in 
the  following  year  (Gardner,  pp.  12,  48). 
The  following  sentences  give  a  brief  sum- 
mary of  events  down  to  the  end  of  A.D, 
48  ;  after  which  the  subject  is  resumed 
(12.  10,  i),  and  the  parentage  of  Meher- 
dates  further  defined. 

12.  inter  ambiguos  =  *  cum  ambigui 
essent '  :  cp.  i.  50,  7,  and  note. 

13.  obsidio,  '  by  way  of  hostageship  ' ; 
apparently  an  abstract  formed  from  '  ob- 
ses  '  and  found  here  only. 

14.  potitus  regiam.   Theaccus.  withj 
'potior',   found   here  alone   in   Tacitus,  I 
seems  taken   from  archaic  usage  (Lucr. 
&c.).     Some  old  edd.  and  Ritt.   follow 
some  inferior  MSS.  in  reading  '  regia '. 

15.  adegit .  .  .  mittere.  On  thisinfin., 
and  the  accus.  and  inf.  after  'orabant'. 
see  Introd.  i.  v.  §§  43,  44,  The  embassy! 
here  described  as  sent  by  the  princep'sJ 


A.  D.  47J 


LIBER  XL      CAP.   10,    ii 


15 


manum  occultas  preces,  quis  permitti   Meherdaten  patrium  ad 
fastigium  orabant. 

1  11.  Isdem  consulibus  ludi  saeculares  octingentesimo  post 
Romam  conditam,  quarto  et  sexagesimo  quam  Augustus   edi- 

2  derat,  spectati  sunt,     utriusque  principis  rationes   praetermitto,  5 
satis  narratas  libris  quibus  res  imperatoris  Domitiani  composui. 

3  nam    is   quoque   edidit   ludos   saecularis   iisque   intentius   adfui 

4  sacerdotio  quindecimvirali  praeditus  ac  tunc  praetor ;  quod  non 
iactantia  refero  sed  quia  collegio  quindecimvirum  antiquitus  ea 
cura  et  magistratus  potissimum  exequebantur  officia  caerimoni-  10 


was  referred  by  him  to  the  senate  (see  1 2, 
10,  i),  as  appears  to  have  been  the  usual 
practice:  see  H.  4.  51,  2,  and  other  re- 
ferences in  Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  957 ;  iii. 

1156. 

I.  permitti,  &c.,  *  should  be  let  go  to 

assume   the   sovereignty  of  his   fathers.' 

The  expression   '  patrium   fastigium '   is 

repeated  from  6.  32,  i. 

.     3.  Isdem  consulibus.     Claudius  and 

iVitellius,    the  consuls   of  the   year,  are 

I  meant,  though  they  had  probably  now 

I  given  place  to  '  suffecti '  and  had  become 

I  censors  (c.   13,  i).     Lehmann   (p.    274) 

gives  the  time  of  the  games  as' April  21. 

ludi  saeculares.  On  the  whole  sub- 
ject of  these  games,  see  Marquardt, 
Staatsr.  iii.  pp.  385-394  ;  w^hence  such 
information  as  is  not  expressly  cited  as 
from  other  sources  is  here  taken.  The 
chief  authorities  are  of  late  date  (Censori- 
nus,  A.  D.  238,  and  Zosimus,  cir.  A.D.  450), 
and  the  early  history  is  obscure.  [But  of 
the  celebration  of  the  games  by  Augustus 
in  17  B.  c.  our  knowledge  is  more  exact ; 
thanks  to  the  discovery  in  1890  of  the 
official  record,  engraved  by  order  of  the 
senate.  The  text  with  a  commentary  by 
Mommsen  was  published  in  the  Moni- 
menti  Antichi  of  the  Accademia  dei  Lincei 
(1891)  and  in  the  Ephemeris  Epigraphica, 
vol.  viii.  Among  other  facts,  we  learn 
that  the  '  Secular  Hymn '  was  chanted  on 
the  third  day  of  the  games,  first  on  the 
Palatine  and  then  on  the  Capitol :  the 
j  record  adds  *  carmen  composuit  Q. 
;  Horatius  Flaccus '  (P.).] 

octingentesimo.  On  the  ellipse  of 
*  anno  ',  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  80.  Ritt.  points 
out  that  Claudius  followed  the  Varronian 
era ;  the  year,  according  to  the  Fasti 
Consulares,  being  799. 
,  5.  rationes,  'the  calculations'  of  the 
*■  saeculum '  (which  was  taken  to  represent 
the  extreme  length  of  human  life).     The 


Sibylline  verses  (ap.  Zos.,  op.  Hor.  Carm. 
Saec.  21)  made  it  a  period  of  no  years; 
and  the  traditions  of  the  Quindecimviri 
professed  to  support  this  view  by  dates  of 
previous  celebrations  (Marquardt,  p.  373), 
which  Augustus  ostensibly  followed, 
though  he  anticipated  the  proper  time 
by  a  year.  Claudius,  who  is  stated  (Suet. 
CI.  21)  to  have  approved  in  his  writings 
the  reckoning  adopted  by  Augustus,  here 
follows  those  Augustan  authorities  (Mar- 
quardt, p.  372)  who  had  taken  the  period 
as  the  'saeculum  civile'  ofa  hundred  years, 
which  could  be  shown  by  some  historical 
evidence  to  have  been  approximately  fol- 
lowed on  previous  occasions.  He  reckons, 
however,  not,  with  his  authorities,  from 
the  supposed  date  of  former  celebrations, 
but  from  that  of  the  foundation  of  the 
city.  Domitian,  professing  to  follow  the 
reckoning  of  Augustus  (Suet.  Dom.  4), 
arbitrarily  anticipated  the  period  by  six 
years,  and  held  them  in  A.  D.  88.  For 
later  celebrations  see  Marquardt,  p.  390. 

6.  libris,  &c.  This  allusion  shows 
the  Histories  to  be  an  earlier  work. 

7.  intentius,  i.  e.  as  a  person  on  duty, 
not  a  mere  spectator. 

8.  sacerdotio  quindecimvirali.  On 
this  priestly  college  see  3.  64,  3,  and 
note  :  '  praeditus  '  is  so  used  of  one  in- 
vested with  this  office  in  16.  22.  i ;  so 
also  *  sacerdotio  praeditus '  in  Cic.  Att.  S. 
3,  2. 

tunc  praetor.  On  the  *  cursus  ho- 
norum '  of  Tacitus  see  Introd.  i.  i ,  foil. 

9.  iactantia,  causal  abl.,  as  in  i.  8,  2. 
ea     cura.       Their    prayer     at    these  j 

games  is  alluded  to  by  Horace  (Carm.  | 
Saec  70),  and  their  connexion  with  the^ 
games  is  otherwise  attested  by  coins 
(Eckhel  vi.  102),  and  inscriptions.  It  is 
indeed  in  virtue  of  their  position  as  '  ma- , 
gistri'  (see  on  6.  12,  2)  of  this  college! 
that  the  emperors  preside  at  these  games. 


i6 


CORN  ELI  I  TACITI  AN N A  LIU M 


[A.  D.  47 


arum,  sedente  Claudio  circensibus  ludis,  cum  pueri  nobiles  equis  5 
ludicrum  Troiae  inirent  interque  eos  Britannicus  imperatore 
genitus  et  L.  Domitius  adoptione  mox  in  imperium  et  cogno- 
mentum  Neronis  adscitus,  favor  plebis  acrior  in  Domitium  loco 
5  praesagii  acceptus  est.  vulgabaturque  adfuisse  infantiae  eius  6 
dracones  in  modum  custodum,  fabulosa  et  externis  miraculis 
adsimilata :  nam  ipse,  haudquaquam  sui  detractor,  unam  omnino 
anguem  in  cubiculo  visam  narrare  solitus  est. 


So  Augustus  says  in  Mon.  Anc.  4.  36  (as 
restored  by  Moramsen)  '  [Pr]o  conlegio 
XV  virorum  magis[ter  conl]e[gi]i  col- 
leg[a]  M.  Agrippa  lud[os  s]aecl[arels 
C.  Furnio  C.  [S]ilano  cos  [feci] '.  [la 
the  official  record  referred  to  above 
(p.  15)  the  edicts  of  the  'XV  viri'  for 
the   conduct    of  the   games   are    quoted 

(P.).] 

et  magistratus,  &c.  That  the 
higher  magistrates  of  the  year,  consuls 
(see  Mommsen,  Staatsr.  ii.  p.  136)  and 
praetors  (see  i.  15,  5  ;  77,  2),  had  the 
duty  of  presiding  at  public  games,  would 
be  too  well  known  to  the  readers  of 
Tacitus  to  need  his  mentioning  it ;  and 
*  potissimum  '  would  have  been  a  weak 
word  in  such  a  statement,  and  'caeri- 
moniae'  (see  i.  54,  i,  &c.)  inapplicable 
to  other  duties  than  those  of  a  priesthood. 

jNipp.  appears  therefore  right  in  suppos- 

'ing  that  Tacitus  is  explaining  why  his 
praetorship  added  to  his  prominence  (as 
quindecimvir)  on  the  occasion  mentioned. 

i  *  The  quiadecimviri  (as  a  body)  had  of  old 
the  charge  of  these  games,  and  such  of 
them  as  happened  to  be  magistrates  were 
selected  by  preference  (rather  than  others 
of  the  body)  for  the  public  performance 

'  of  religious  duties.' 

1.  sedente,  *  being  present  at.'  Nipp. 
gives  several  instances  of  this  sense  from 
Cic,  &c.  His  presence  appears  to  be 
mentioned  as  making  the  demonstration 
more  significant. 

circensibus  ludis.  One  of  the  days 
of  the  '  ludi  saeculares '  was  given  to 
circensian  games  (see  Plin.  N.  H.  8.  42, 
65,  160;  Suet.  Dom.  4).  The  *  ludi 
Taurii',  at  which  Varro  (L.  L.  5,  154) 
mentions  horse-races  in  the  Flaminian 
circus,  are  not,  according  to  Marquardt, 
rightly  identified  with  the  '  saeculares'. 

2.  ludicrum  Troiae.  This  spectacle 
is  well  known  from  its  description  in 
Verg.  Aen.  5.  545,  foil.  It  had  certainly 
been  held  by  Sulla  (Plut.  Cat.  Min.  3, 
760),  and  was  probably  of  very  ancient 


origin  (see  Marqu.  iii.  525),  but  was  espe- 
cially taken  up  by  the  early  Caesars,  no 
doubt  as  associated  with  the  claim  of  the 
Julii  to  Trojan  descent. 

Britannicus  .  .  .  L.  Domitius, 
both  here  first  mentioned  in  the  extant 
Books :  the  latter  indeed  would  seem 
from  the  words  describing  him  not  to 
have  been  previously  .mentioned  at  all. 
Most  authorities,  except  Vergil  (see 
Marqu.  1.  1.),  represent  the  boys  as  divided 
into  two  *  turmae ',  called  those  of  the 
'  maiores'  and  *  minores  '  (Suet.  lul.  39)^ 
the  former  apparently  under  sixteen,  the 
latter  under  eleven  years  old;  this  distinc- 
tion of  age  perhaps  taking  the  place  of  one 
originally  answering  to  that  of  '  patres 
maiorum '  and  '  minorum  gentium ' 
(Momms.  Staatsr.  iii.  31).  Princes  ot 
the  imperial  house  seem  to  have  taken 
part  in  this  show  at  a  very  early  age,  as 
Nero  would  have  been  now  nine,  and 
Britannicus  six  years  old  (see  on  12.  25, 
3),  and  Gains,  the  adopted  son  of  Augus- 
tus, was  seven  years  old  on  a  similar  oc- 
casion (Dio,  54.  25,  3).  We  may  suppose 
Nero  and  Britannicus  to  have  been  the 
leaders  (see  Verg.  1.  1.)  of  the  two 
'  turmae  '. 

6.  dracones.  Suet.  (Ner.  6)  tells  ot 
one  serpent,  said  to  have  scared  away 
persons  sent  by  Messalina  to  kill  the 
child,  but  himself  believed  the  tale  to 
have  grown  out  of  the  discovery  in  Nero's 
bed  of  a  serpent's  cast  skin,  which  he  long 
wore,  enclosed  in  a  golden  bracelet,  as  a 
charm.  It  is  also  to  be  noted  that  the  Ge- 
nius of  a  place  (see  Verg.  Aen.  5,  95),  pos- 
sibly sometimes  also  that  of  a  person,  was 
represented  in  form  of  a  serpent,  and  that 
it  may  have  been  under  this  idea  that  such 
cultus  was  paid  to  these  serpents,  as  ap- 
pears from  an  altar  dedicated  at  Rome  by 
a  freed  man  of  Caesar  and  former  slave 
of  Pallas,  '  Carpus  Aug.  1.  Pallantianus 
Sanctis  draconibus  d.  d.'     (C.  I.  L.  vi.  i. 

743).  ,    , 

7.  adsimilata,  'made  to  resemble,  a 


C»r 


A.  D.  47] 


LIBER  XL      CAP,   11,   32 


17 


1  12.  Verum  inclinatio  popuH  supererat  ex  memoria  Germanici, 
cuius  ilia  reliqua  suboles  virilis  ;  et  matri  Agrippinae  miseratio 
augebatur  ob  saevitiam  Messalinae,  quae  semper  infesta  et  tunc 
commotior  quo  minus  strueret  crimina  et  accusatores  novo  et 

2  furori  proximo  amore  distinebatur.     nam  in  C.   Silium,  iuven-  5 
tutis  Romanae  pulcherrimum,  ita  exarserat  ut  luniam  Silanam, 
nobilem  feminam,  matrimonio  eius  exturbaret  vacuoque  adultero 

3  poteretur.  neque  Silius  flagitii  aut  periculi  nescius  erat :  sed 
certo  si  abnueret  exitio  et  non  nulla  fallendi  spe,  simul  magnis 
praemiis,  operire  futura  et  praesentibus  frui  pro  solacio  habebat.  10 

4  ilia  non  furtim  sed  multo  comitatu  ventitare  domum,  egressibus 


sense  akin  to  the  use  with  dat.  in  the 
sense  of  comparison,  in  i.  28,  2  ;  15.  39, 
3.  As  regards  the  vexed  question  of  the 
orthography  of  this  word,  it  may  be  noted 
that  the  '  i '  form  occurs  in  this  MS.  here 
and  in  1 6.  17,  5,  and  in  the  MSS.  of  Agr. 
10,  3,  the  'u'  form  in  the  MSS.  of  six 
other  places  in  Tacitus.  The  '  externa 
miracula '  alluded  to  may  probably  be 
such  as  the  story  representing  Alexan- 
der the  Great  as  conceived  of  a  god  in 
the  form  of  a  serpent  (Plut.  Alex.  3 ; 
665). 

detra<5tor,  only  here  and  in  Vulg. 
It  is  very  probable  that  Tacitus  wrote 
'  detractator ',  or  '  detrectator ',  after  Li  v. 
34.  15,9  ('  detrectator  laudum  suarum  ') ; 
the  omission  of  a  syllable  in  the  middle 
of  a  word  being  a  common  error  of  copy- 
ists (see  Ritt.  Praef.  xxxi.),  and  the  verb 
being  so  used  in  14.  52,  4,  &c. 

1.  supererat,  *  was  a  survival '.  On 
the  popularity  of  Germanicus  see  i. 
31,  5,  &c.  Nero  and  his  mother  were 
the  only  surviving  members  of  that 
family. 

2.  matri  Agrippinae,  dativus  com- 
modi. 

4-  commotior,  *  more  excited' :  cp.  i. 
33»  6,  &c. 

quo  minus,  &c.,  dependent  on  *  dis- 
tinebatur ',  *  was  kept  off  from  making  up 
charges  and  suborning  accusers  (cp.  the 
similar  expression  and  zeugma  in  12.  22, 
I,  and  the  sense  of  'struere'  in  4.  67,  6) 
by  being  engrossed  ',  &c.  On  this  sense 
of  *  distineri '  cp.  14.  25,  2;  16.  8,  3  ; 
H.  4.  55  >  4- 

5.  C.  Silium,  already  mentioned  as 
cos.  design,  (c  5,  l^.  His  father,  a  dis- 
tinguished legatus  of  Upper  Germany  (i. 
31,  2,  &c.),  had  been  forced  to  suicide  in 


A.  D.  24  (4.  18,  I,  foil.).  The  Silii  had 
been  a  noble  plebeian  house,  and  were 
now  probably  raised  to  the  patriciate  (c. 
25.  3)»  as  Juvenal  (10,  331)  calls  this 
Silius  '  optimus  hie  et  formosissimus  idem 
gentis  patriciae'.  From  what  is  said 
of  his  youth,  he  may  have  been  below 
the  usual  consular  age ;  but  persons  of 
that    rank    are    called   *  iuvenes '  in   6. 

I5j  4- 

6.  luniam  Silanam,  mentioned  sub- 
sequently as  the  friend,  and  afterwards  as 
the  enemy  of  Agrippina;  see  13.  19,  2  ; 
22,  2;  14.  12,  8.  Her  parentage  is 
doubtful ;  but  Nipp.  and  Lehmann  (Beil. 
iii.),  following  Borghesi,  make  her 
daughter  of  L.  Silanus,  cos.  suff.  in 
A.  D.  27. 

7.  vacuo,  'left  without  a  wife':  so 
used  of  a  house  without  heirs  in  6.  51,  4. 
Nipp.  notes  that  it  stands  here  with  'adul- 
tero '  in  apposition. 

9.  certo  .  .  .  exitio.  Juvenal  thus  ex- 
presses the  alternative  (10,  339),  '  Ni} 
parere  velis,  pereundum  erit  ante  lucer-; 
nas,  Si  scelus  admittas,  dabitur  mora 
parvula  *.  '  Exitio ',  *  spe',  praemiis',  are 
concise  abl.  abs.,  used  with  the  implied 
idea  of  a  participle  of  *  sum '  (cp.  Introd. 
i-  V.  31). 

fallendi.  This  verb  is  often  used 
with  the  sense  of  KavOavnv  (4.  45,  2, 
&c.). 

10.  operire,  *  to  hide ',  or  banish  from 
thought  (cp.  3.  18,  3),  is  Nipperdey's 
reading  for  Med.  'operiri' :  'opperiri',  the 
alternative  reading,  in  the  sense  of  '  to 
wait  for'  (let  it  take  its  course)  is  not 
quite  satisfactory. 

11.  egressibus  adhaerescere,  'keeps 
close  10  him  when  he  goes  out*:  cp. 
'  duorum  egressus  coli '  (3.  33,  4). 


i8 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  47 


adhaerescere,  largiri  opes  honores  ;  postremo,  velut  translata  iam 
fortuna,  servi  liberti  paratus  principis  apud  adulterum  visebantur. 

13.    At   Claudius   matrimonii  sui  ignarus  et  munia  censoria  1 
usurpans,  theatralem  populi  lasciviam  severis  edictis  increpuit, 
5  quod  in  Publium  Pomponium  consularem  (is  carmina  scaenae 
dabat)  inque  feminas  inlustris  probra  iecerat.     et  lege  lata  saevi-  2 
tiam  creditorum  coercuit,  ne  in  mortem  parentum  pecunias  filiis 
familiarum  faenori  darent.     fontisque  aquarum  Simbruinis  colli- 


1.  honores,  especially  the  designation 
to  the  consulship,  probably  also  the  ele- 
vation to  the  patriciate  (see  on  §  2). 
'  opes'  and  *  honores '  are  often  joined,  as 
in  I.  2,  I ;  4.  34,  6  ;  6.  8,  8. 

velut  translata  iam  fortuna,  '  as 
though  the  very  empire  had  changed 
hands*.  'Fortuna'  is  often  used  spe- 
cially of  the  rank  and  dignity  of  the 
princeps,  as  in  c.  30,  3 ;  4.  1 8,  2  ;  6.  6, 
3,  &c. 

2.  paratus,  '  the  household  treasures ' 
(plate,  &c.)  :  cp.  'fortunae  paratus'  (c.  30, 
3),  &c.  Dio  states  (60.  31,  3)  that  she 
transferred  to  his  house  vavTa  tA  Tiynu- 
rara    tSjv    tov   KXavSiov    KeifirjXiuv    (cp. 

*  quidquid  avitum  Neronibus  aut  Drusis  * 
c.  35,  2). 

3.  matrimonii  sui,  so  used  of  conjugal 
relations  generally  in  3.  34,  1 1 :  cp.  '  in- 
scitiae   erga   domum   suam'    (c.   25,  8). 

*  Ignarus '  is  used  of  ignorance  of  the  cha- 
racter of  a  person  in  H.  i .  49,  6  ('  amico- 
rum    libertorumque  .   .  .  ignarus'),    and 

*  matrimonium'  is  used  for  the  concrete 
'coniunx'  in  2.  13,  3,  but  appears  hardly 
to  be  so  used  here. 

munia  censoria  usurpans  (in  ironi- 
cal contrast  to  the  previous  words).  The 
most  important  powers  of  the  censor  had 
always  been  vested  in  the  princeps  (see 
Introd.  i.  vi,  p.  71  foil.)  ;  but  no  actual 
censors  had  been  elected  since  732,  b.  c.  23, 
until  the  office  was  assumed  by  Claudius 
and  Vitellius  on  laying  down  the  consul- 
ship in  this  year.  The  silence  of  Tacitus 
makes  it  probable  that  this  had  taken 
place  before  the  extant  narrative  begins. 
An  inscription  (C.  I.  L.  9.  5959)  styles 
Claudius  '  censor  designatus '  while  yet 
consul ;  and  he  is  thought  to  have  held 
the  office  for  five  years ;  but  the  evidence 
of  inscriptions  is  uncertain,  and  the  oc- 
currence of  the  title  in  a  diploma  of 
December,  A.D.  52  (C.  I.  L.  1%  769),  can 
hardly  be  otherwise  than  a  reference  to 
his  having  held  that  office ;  the  title  being 
absent  from  the  great  inscription  on  the 


Aqua  Claudia  (see  below  on  §  2),  belong- 
ing to  the  I  St  of  August  (Frontin.  Aqu. 
13)  of  the  same  year.  See  note  on  1 2.  4,  4. 

4.  theatralem  lasciviam  :  cp.  i.  54, 
3;  77,  I,  &c.,  and  many  other  instances 
of  display  of  popular  feeling  on  such  oc- 
casions collected  in  Friedl,  Sitteng.  ii.  264, 
foil.  For  other  imperial  edicts  to  the 
people  see  i.  8,  6;  3.  6,  i;  4.  67,  1; 

5-  5.  i;  13.  17.  4;  14.  63,  i;  15.  36, 
2,  &c. 

5.  Publium  Pomponium,  Pomponins 
Secundus,  on  whom  see  5.  8,  4,  and  note. 

6.  lege  lata.  This  and  other  'leges 
Claudiae*  (see  references  in  Introd.  p.  37, 
9)  are  considered  by  Mommsen  (Staatsr. 
ii.  882)  to  have  taken  the  form  of  plebi- 
scites, and  to  be  so  alluded  to  in  c.  14,  5.  < 
The  law  here  mentioned  would  seem  to 
have  been  further  strengthened  by  a  decree 
of  the  senate  under  Vespasian  (Suet.  Vesp. 
11),  which  Nipp.  thinks  to  have  been  the 

*  senatus  consultum  Macedonianum '  of 
jurists  (Dig.  14.  6,  i ;  Cod.  Just.  iv.  28). 

7.  in  mortem,  *  with  a  view  to  the 
death ',  i.  e.  to  be  paid  *  post  obitum  pa- 
tris'.  The  reading  is  an  old  correction 
(Froben.  and  Lips.)  for  *  in  morte',  and 
requires   some    participial    notion    (like 

*  spectantes ')  supplied  from  the  sense : 
see  2.  47,  2 ;   12.  6,  5,  and  notes. 

filiis   familiarum,   persons    still   *in  j 
potestate  patris'  (cp.  i.  26,  5).  ' 

8.  fontisque  aquarum,  &c.  In  un- 
dertaking this  work  as  censor,  he  followed 
the  example  of  his  ancestor  Appius 
Claudius  Caecus,  and  others  (Mommsen, 
Staatsr.  ii.  453).  The  'Simbruini  colles' 
contain  the  '  stagna ',  from  which  the 
neighbouring  Sublaqueum,  now  Subiaco 
(see  14.  22,  4,  and  note),  derived  its 
name.  This  great  aqueduct  had  been 
begun  by  Gains  in  a.d.  38  (see  Frontin. 
Aq.  13;  Suet.  Cal.  20),  and  consisted, 
when  completed,  of  two  parts,  the  Aqua 
Claudia  and  Anio  Novus,  both  of  which 
streams  entered  the  city  together,  one 
above  the  other,  by  the  noble  arches  two 


A.  D.  47] 


LIBER  XL      CAP.   12-14 


19 


JJ^llL    r'f^xl^Z 


3  bus  deductos  urbi  intulit.     ac  novas  litterarum  formas  addidit  ^   . 
vulgavitque,  comperto  Graecam  quoque  litteraturam  non  simul 
coeptam  absolutamque. 

1  14.    Primi    per    figuras    animalium    Aegyptii    sensus   mentis 
effingebant   (ea    antiquissima    monimenta    memoriae    humanae  5 
impressa  saxis  cernuntur),  et  litterarum  semet  inventores  per- 
hibent  ;    inde    Phoenicas,    quia    mari    praepollebant,    intulisse 
Graeciae  gloriamque  adeptos,  tamquam  reppererint  quae  acce- 

2  perant.     quippe  fama  est   Cadmum   classe  Phoenicum  vectum 


4a^* 


^of  which  form  the  present  Porta  Maggiore; 
where  an  inscription  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  i.  1256) 
itecords  the  completion  and  dedication  of 
the  work  by  Claudius  in  a.d.  52,  and 
subsequent  restorations  by  Vespasian  and 
Titus.  The  sources  of  the  Claudia  are 
there  stated  to  be  two  s]5rings  *  Curtius ' 
and  *  Caemleus ' ;  the  latter  of  which, 
still  recognizable  by  its  tint,  is  near 
Marano,  a  few  miles  below  Subiaco.  The 
length  of  this  aqueduct  is  also  there  stated 
to  be  thirty-five,  that  of  the  Anio  Novus 
sixty-two  Roman  miles.  Pliny  (N.  H.  36. 
15,  24, 122)  speaks  of  this  as  far  surpass- 
ing all  previous  aqueducts,  and  states  that 
the  cost  was  fifty-five  and  a  half  million 
HS,  and  that  the  water  was  brought  to 
a  level  from  which  all  the  hills  of  Rome 
;  could  be  reached.  Many  particulars  are 
i  given  in  Frontin.  13-15,  &c.  The  conflict 
of  dates  is  generally  reconciled  by  sup- 
posing that  it  was  in  this  year  that  Clau- 
dius actively  took  up  the  unfinished  work 
of  Gains,  which  he  completed  five  years 
later  (Lehm.  p.  360,  &c.).  But  the  words 
here  (*  urbi  intulit ')  appear  to  point  to  a 
completion  of  some  sort.  It  is  possible 
that  a  reconciliation  may  be  found  in  the 
supposition  that  in  this  year  the  *  Aqua 
Claudia '  was  in  some  way  brought  into 
Rome,  and  that  the  date  given  in  the  in- 
scription may  be  that  in  which  the  *  Anio 
Novus '  was  brought  into  connexion  with 
it,  and  the  whole  work  thus  completed 
and  dedicated. 

1.  addidit  vulgavitque,  'added  and 
brought  into  public  use '.  According  to 
Suet.  CI.  41,  he  had  already  written  a 
treatise  on  this  subject  before  he  became 
emperor. 

2.  comperto :  cp.  i.  66,  3,  &c. 
litteraturam.     In  using  this  word  in 

the  sense  of  *  alphabet ',  Tacitus  appears 
to  follow  Cicero,  who  uses  it  in  Part.  Or. 
7,  26,  to  express  writing  formed  of  letters 
(*  litteratura  constat  ex  notis  litterarum,  et 


ex  eo,  in  quo  imprimuntur  illae  notae'). 
On  quoque  non  cp.  3.  54,  11,  and  note. 
4.  Primi,  &c.  Two  sentences  are  here 
combined  concisely  ;  the  one  being  that 
the  Egyptians  were  the  first  to  record 
their  thoughts  in  symbols  at  all,  the 
other,  that  this  particular  form  was  the 
one  originally  chosen  by  them.  Tacitus 
appears  unaware  that  in  the  hieroglyphics 
other  symbols,  besides  the  forms  of  ani- 
mals, are  used. 

6.  et  litterarum,  *  and  they  call  them- 
selves the  inventors  of  writing  *;  i.e.  they 
claim  also  to  have  originated  the  first 
phonetic  alphabet.  Their  hieratic  and 
demotic  characters  (see  Hdt.  2.  36,  9) 
are  both  cursive  forms  modified  from 
hieroglyphics,  and,  though  very  rare  in 
monuments,  are  abundantly  represented 
by  papyrus  rolls ;  the  hieratic  dating,  ac- 
cording to  some,  from  the  eighteenth  or 
nineteenth  dynasty,or,according  to  others, 
much  earlier,the  demotic  from  the  seventh, 
or,  according  to  some,  from  the  ninth 
century  B.C.  See  Sayce,  App.  to  Hdt. 
p.  354.  Another  tradition,  with  which 
Pliny  agrees  (N.  H.  7.  56,  57, 192),  makes 
the  Assyrian  the  primitive  alphabet.  This 
is  derived  from  the  Accadian,  which  it- 
self also  arose  out  of  hieroglyphic  (Sayce, 
1.  c.  398). 

7.  praepollebant.  On  the  interpolate<l 
indie,  here  and  below  *  acceperant ')  see 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  49. 

9.  fama  est,  &c.  The  tradition  that  I 
Cadmus  brought  the  art  of  writing  into 
Greece  from  Phoenicia,  is  given  by  Hdt. 
(5-  58),  &c  ;  and  Pliny  (1.  c.)  states  his 
original  alphabet  to  have  been  one  of  six- 
teen letters,  and  specifies  four  as  added 
by  Palamedes  at  the  time  of  the  Trojan 
war,  and  four  by  Simonides  of  Ceos,  and 
quotes,  on  the  authority  of  Aristotle,  an- 
other tradition,  which  makes  the  original 
number  eighteen,  and  substitutes  an  addi- 
tion of  two  by  Epicharmus  for  that  of 


C  % 


\ 


ao 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  47 


rudibus  adhuc  Graecorum  populis  artis  eius  auctorem  fuisse. 
quidam  Cecropem  Atheniensem  vel  Linum  Thebanum  et  tern-  3 
poribus  Troianis  Palamedem  Argivum  memorant  sedecim  litter- 
arum  formas,  mox  alios  ac  praecipuum  Simoniden  ceteras 
5  repperisse.  at  in  Italia  Etrusci  ab  Corinthio  Demarato,  Abori-  4 
gines  Arcade  ab  Evandro  didicerunt ;  et  forma  litteris  Latinis 
quae  veterrimis  Graecorum.  sed  nobis  quoque  paucae  primum 
fuere,  deinde  additae  sunt,     quo  exemplo  Claudius  tres  litteras  5 


four  by  Palamedes;  but  as  regards  the 
actual  letters  Pliny's  text  is  uncertain  (see 
Mayhoff,  Not.  Crit.).  The  legend  which 
puts  Cecrops  in  place  of  Cadmus  appears 
to  be  found  only  here  ;  that  respecting 
Linus  is  found  in  different  forms  in  Diod. 
3.  67,  and  Suid.  s.v. ;  and  the  introduction 
of  writing  is  ascribed  in  general  terms  to 
Palamedes  by  Stesichorus  (see  Fr.  31  [38] 
Bergk)  and  Euripides  (Palam.  Fr.ii.),  and 
\o  Prometheus  by  Aeschylus  (Prom.  V. 
460).  The  tradition  of  an  original  num- 
ber of  sixteen  letters  embodies  the  truth 
that  the  Greeks  modified  the  original 
Phoenician  alphabet  by  dropping  the 
symbols  to  which  they  had  no  correspond- 
ing sound,  and  adapting  other  symbols  to 
their  vowel  sounds ;  but  as  regards  sub- 
sequent additions,  the  only  trustworthy 
evidence  is  that  afforded  by  the  oldest 
inscriptions. 

vectum  =  *  advectum ' :  cp.  i.  70,  i, 
&c. 

5.  Corinthio  Demarato.  As  this 
person  is  represented  as  the  father  of 
Tarquinius  Priscus  (Liv)',  i.  34,  2),  the 
tradition  would  represent  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  art  of  writing  to  have  been 
of  much  later  date  in  Etruria  than  in 
Latium ;  this  would  be  the  reverse  of 
the  general  belief;  which  however 
Mommsen  (Hist.  B.  i.  ch.  14)  inclines 
to  question,  and  considers  the  alphabet 
to  have  existed  from  a  very  early  time 
among  both  peoples. 

Aborigines.  This  name  is  given  to 
the  Latins  in  Liv.  i.  i,  5,  and  in  other 
authors.  Evander  of  Arcadia,  the  mythi- 
cal founder  of  the  original  Pallanteum  on 
the  Palatine  hill  (Verg.  Aen.  8,  51,  foil.), 
is  credited  with  the  introduction  of  writ- 
ing also  by  Dion.  Hal.  i.  31.  Pliny  (1.  c.) 
makes  the  Pelasgi  t,he  introducers.  That 
the  art  was  brought  into  Italy  by  Greeks 
is  undoubtedly  true;  and  Evander  is  to 
i Latium,  as  Demaratus  to  Etruria,  the 
representative  of  prehistoric  Greek  influ- 
ences (see  Seeley,  Introd.  to  Livy  Book  i. 


pp.  30,  46).  The  Latin  and  Roman  | 
alphabet  may  probably  have  been  derived 
from  Cumae. 

6.  forma.  Med.  has  '  formas ' ;  many 
follow  Beroald.  in  reading  *  formae  '.  The 
identity  of  old  Greek  characters  with  the 
Latin  of  his  day  is  noted  by  Pliny  (N.  H. 
7.  58,  210),  who  instances  an  old  inscrip- 
tion on  a  tripod  table  ('Delphica'),  then 
existing  in  the  Palatine  library. 

8.  additae  sunt,  sc.  *  litterae ' :  cp. 
'accitos',  c.  15,  i;  24,2.  '  Paucae '  seems 
an  overstatement,  as  the  known  additions 
are  not  numerous.  Cicero  speaks  (N. 
D.  2.  37,  93)  of  the  alphabet  in  his  time 
as  one  of  twenty-one  letters,  of  which 
'  G,'  though  found  in  the  earliest  of  the 
inscriptions  of  the  Scipios  (cir.  B.C.  290), 
is  stated  by  Plutarch  (Q.  R.  54,  277)  to 
have  been  introduced  by  Sp.  Carvilius, 
who  may  probably,  at  the  time  of  the 
first  Punic  war,  have  taught  its  general 
use.  Also  *  X ',  though  found  in  the 
earliest  extant  writing,  is  traditionally, 
and  from  its  position  in  the  alphabet, 
an  addition,  or  reintroduction,  and  was 
not  in  universal  use  (cp.  *  ucsori '  in  I.  R. 
N.  5173.  &c.).  In  Cicero's  time  *  Y  '  (see 
Orat.  48,  160)  and  '  Z '  (which  appears  to 
be  an  old  letter  which  had  become  obso- 
lete), came  into  use,  but  were  restricted  to 
Greek  words,  so  that  *  X '  is  still  (se^ 
Suet.  Aug.  88)  looked  upon  as  properly 
the  last  letter.  See  Mommsen,  Hist.  1,  1;. 
Corssen,  Aussprache,  pp.  5-12;  Roby,', 
Lat.  Gr.  i.  ch.  v.  ' 

tres.  These  were  '  g^ '  (the  digamma 
itself  being  already  in  use  in  its  proper 
place)  to  express  the  semiconsonantal 
'  V ',  the  'antisigma'  ('  ■)')  to  express 
•  ps '  or  *  bs ',  and  *  F  '  (the  Greek  sign  of 
the  'spiritus  asper')  to  express  the  *y' 
sound  intermediate  between  '  i '  and  '  u  ' 
(see  Velius  Longus,  p.  2235,  Putsch). 
Of  these  the  first  supplied  a  real  want, 
and  its  addition  is  praised  by  Priscian 
(545  Putsch),  who  appears  to  regret  that 
custom  had  proved  too  strong  for  it :  the 


A.  D.  47] 


LIBER  XL      CAP.   14,   15 


2T 


adiecit,  quae  usui  imperitante  eo,  post  oblitteratae,  aspiciuntur 
etiam  nunc  in  acre  publico  f  dis  plebiscitis  per  fora  ac  templa  fixo. 

1  15.  Rettulit  deinde  ad  senatum  super  collegio  haruspicum,  ne 
vetustissima  Italiae  disciplina  per  desidiam  exolesceret :  saepe 
adversis  rei  publicae  temporibus  accitos,  quorum  monitu  redinte-  5 
gratas  caerimonias  et  in  posterum  rectius  habitas ;  primoresque 
Etruriae  sponte  aut  patrum  Romanorum  impulsu  retinuisse 
scientiam  et  in  famiiias  propagasse :  quod  nunc  segnius  fieri 
publica  circa  bonas  artes  socordia,  et  quia  externae  superstitiones 

2  valescant.     et  laeta  quidem  in  praesens  omnia,  sed  benignitati  10 


/other  two  can  hardly  have  been  more 
(than  pedantic  additions. 

2.  in  aere  publico:  so  used  in  12. 
53,  5.  The  first  of  these  letters  occurs  in 
many  inscriptions  of  the  time  (e.  g.  C.  I. 
L.  6.  921,  1 231,  399)  and  the  third  in 
some  (e.  g.  NFMPHiVS) ;  the  second  is 
stated  by  Priscian  (558  P.)  to  have  been 
adopted  by  none,  and  is  generally  be- 
lieved not  to  have  been  found;  but  the 
form  *  DI DVRTO  '  ('  Dipsurto ')  appears 
to  occur  in  a  military  diploma  (see  Leh- 
mann,  Insc.  405).  No  satisfactory  restor- 
iation  of  the  following  words,  '  dis  ple- 
biscitis', has  been  made  (see  Halm,  Not. 
Crit.).  Nipp.  and  Baiter  omit  both;  and 
it  is  suggested  by  the  latter  that  *  dis  '  is 
an  abbreviation  of  '  decretis ',  and  thac 
both  words  are  glosses  to  explain  '  aere 
publico  '.  If  '  plebiscitis  '  is  sound,  the 
term  can  only  apply  to  such  laws  or 
rogations  (see  c.  13,  2)  as  were  passed  by 
Claudius  in  virtue  of  his  tribunician  power 
(see  Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  882). 

3.  super  collegio,  ^  about  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  college  '  ;  the  *  collegium  ' 
or  '  ordo  haruspicum  Augustorum',  ap- 
parently of  sixty  members  \Q,.  I.  L.  vi.  i. 
2162),  being  found  in  existence  shortly 
after  this  time,  apd  probably  as  a  result 
of  this  motion.  On  the  whole  subject  of 
the  haruspices  see  Marquardt,  Staatsv.  iii. 
pp.  410-15  ;  P>iedl.  iii.  524,  foil. 
Though  an  honoured  profession  in  Etru- 
ria,  their  position  at  Rome  had  been  very 
different  from  that  of  the  augurs,  who 
were  one  of  the  great  priestly  colleges  of 
men  of  the  highest  rank.  The  haruspex 
of  a  magistrate  ranked  only  with  his  ap- 
paritors (.Marquardt  410)  ;  the  father  of 
the  Gracchi  denounced  them  as  '  Tusci  ac 
barbari '  Cic.  N.  D.  2.  4, 1 1) ;  the  sneer  of 
Cato  (Cic.  de  Div.  3.  24,  51)  would 
hardly  have  been  used  but  of  a  '  peregrina 
superstitio  * ;  Cicero  (ad  Fam.  6.  18,  i) 


considers  it  an  indignity  that  people  who 
had  been  haruspices  had  in  his  day  become 
senators.  But  from  their  incorporation 
as  an  •  ordo '  under  a  *  Maximus '  (C,  I.  L. 
vi.  I.  2164)  or  other  similar  title  they 
appear  to  have  contained  persons  of  eques- 
trian rank  (Id.  2168,  &c.). 

5.  accitos,  sc.  *  haruspices.'  The  head 
quarters  of  '  haruspicina  '  were  in  Etruria, 
whence  those  who  were  most  eminent  in 
the  lore  could  be  summoned  on  emer- 
gencies. Cicero  says,  rhetorically  (de 
Har.  Resp.  12,  25),  *  si  examen  apium 
ludis  in  scaenam  venisset,  haruspices  ac- 
ciendos  ex  Etruria  putaremus '. 

6.  habitas,  'kept  up':  cp.  13.  29,  i, 
&c. 

primoresque  Etruriae.  Cicero  men- 
tions (de  Div.  I.  41,  92)  a  senatuscon- 
sultum '  prescribing  that  six  *  principum 
filii'  (sons  of  the  highest  Etruscan  fa- 
milies) should  be  trained  in  each  Etruscan 
commiuiity  to  the  study. 

8.  in  famiiias.  Cicero  speaks  to  his 
friend  Caecina  (ad  Fam.  6.  6,  3)  of  the 
•ratio  .  .  .  Etruscae  disciplinae  quam  a 
patre  .  .  .  acceperas '. 

9.  publica  .  .  .  socordia,  causal  abl. 
On  the  use  of  'bonae  artes'  for  'accom- 
plishments '  cp.  3.  70,  4 ;  and  for  *  circa  ' 
('in  reference  to')  cp.  c.  29,  i.  The 
prohibition  by  Tiberius  of  any  consulta- 
tion of  soothsayers  in  private  without 
witnesses  (Suet.  Tib.  63)  would  imply 
that  the  use  of  this  art  was  then  common, 
but  may  have  contributed  to  its  desuetude. 

externae  superstitiones.  The  Egyp-t 
tian  and  Jewish  religions  (cp.  2.  85,  5), 
as  also  astrology  and  magic  (cp.  3.  27, 
2),  are  chiefly  meant.  It  is  also  possible 
that  Christianity  (see  13.  32,  3,  and  note) 
was  already  sufficiently  prevalent  to  be 
included  in  such  an  allusion. 

10.  laeta  ...  in  praesens,  a  reminis- 
cence of  Hor.  Od.  2.  16,  35. 


22 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  47 


deum  gratiam  referendam,  ne  ritus  sacrorum  inter  ambigua  culti 
per  prospera  oblitterarentur.     factum  ex  eo  senatus  consultum,  3 
viderent  pontifices  quae  retinenda  firmandaque  haruspicum. 

16.    Eodem    anno    Cheruscorum   gens    regem   Roma  petivit,  1 

5  amissis  per  interna  bella  nobilibus  et  uno  reliquo  stirpis  regiae, 
qui   apud   urbem   habebatur   nomine    Italicus.     paternum   huic  2 
genus  e   Flavo   fratre   Arminii,    mater   ex   Actumero  principe 
Chattorum  erat ;    ipse  forma  decorus  et  armis  equisque  in  pa- 
trium    nostrumque    morem    exercitus.     igitur    Caesar    auctum  3 

10  pecunia,    additis    stipatoribus,    hortatur    gentile    decus    magno 
animo  capessere  :  ilium  primum  Romae  ortum  nee  obsidem,  sed 
civem  ire  externum  ad  imperium.     ac  primo  laetus  Germanis  4 
adventus  atque  eo  quod  nullis  discordiis  imbutus  pari  in  omnis 
studio  ageret  celebrari,  coli,  modo  comitatem  et  temperantiam, 

15  nulli   invisa,   saepius   vinolentiam   ac   libidines,   grata    barbaris, 
usurpans.     iamque  apud  proximos,  iam  longius  clarescere,  cum  5 

tion  the  same  person  as  OvKpofxipos  (see 
note  on  I.  71,  I).  On  the  Chatti  see  i. 
55,  I,  &c. 

10.  hortatur ;  so  used  by  Tacitus  with 
inf.  only  in  the  Annals  (c.  24,  i  ;  6.  37, 
I,  &c.),  and  by  others  rarely  and  for  the 
most  part  in  poetry  :  cp.  other  such  uses 
of  the  inf.  in  Introd,  i.  v.  §  43. 

gentile,  generally  taken  as  in  c.  i.  2  ; 
but  the  use  here  of  'decus'  favours  the 
interpretation  of  Nipp.  and  Or.  as,  '  his 
family  honours ' :  cp. '  gentile  domus  nos- 
trae  bonum  *  (2.  37,  5). 

1 1 .  primum,  &c.  A  contrast  is  implied 
to  Vonones  (2.  1,1),  Phraates  (6.  31,  4), 
and  Tiridates  (6.  32,  5),  who  were  not 
born  at  Rome,  nor  Roman  citizens.    The 

*  civitas ',  with  equestrian  rank,  had  been 
given  to  Arminius  for  services  to  Rome 
before  his  revolt  (see  note  on  i.  55,  2), 
and  Flavus  had  no  doubt  been  similarly 
rewarded. 

13.  atque  couples  'celebrari',  &c.  to 
'  laetus  .  .  .  adventus  (erat) ' ;  the  sentence 

*  eo  quod ',  &c.  giving  the  reason  for  the 
continuance  of  the  popularity  arising  from 
a  favourable  first  impression. 

imbutus,  *  infected':    cp.   13.   4,    i; 

15.  59»  7- 

15.  grata  barbaris.  On  the  German 
propensity  to  drink  see  G.  22.  2. 

16.  clarescere.  The  use  of  this  word 
in  the  sense  of  becoming  famous  (4.  52,  a  ; 
H.  2.  53,  I  ;  G.  I4,  3)  appears  to  be  taken 
by  Tacitus  from  Lucretius  (5, 833,  Lachm. 
and  Munro). 


I.  gratiam  referendam,  ne,  'grati- 
tude must  be  shown  by  preventing ',  &c. : 
cp.  the  similar  brachylogy  in  12.  47,  7 
[ '  visui  tamen  onsuluit,  ne  coram  inter- 
ficeret'),  and  several  other  instances 
quoted  here  by  Nipp. 

inter  ambigua,  *  in  times  of  peril ' : 
cp.  I.  64,6;  6.  21,  4;  12.  38,  2. 

3.  quae  retinenda  firmandaque,  sc. 
'essent'.  On  the  ellipse  of  the  verb  see 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  39  a.  The  pontiffs  would 
be  directed  by  this  decree  to  see  '  what 
was  to  be  kept  up  or  strengthened  in  the 
institutions  of  the  haruspices ' ;  and  the 
establishment  of  a  *  collegium '  (see  above) 
would  be  covered  by  its  terms.  Nipp. 
thinks  that  the  object  must  have  been, 
not  to  make  a  selection,  but  to  keep  up 
the  science  as  a  whole,  and  reads  '  quae 
retinendae  firmandaeque  haruspicinae'. 

4.  Cheruscorum.  On  this  people  see 
^.  56,  7,  &c.  On  Arminius  i.  55,  2,  &c., 
and  on  his  brother  Flavus,  who  was  in 
the  Roman  service,  2.  9,  2.  It  would 
appear  from  the  context  here  that  the  son 
of  Arminius,  who  had  been  brought  up  in 
Italy  (i.  58,  9),  was  no  longer  living. 

Boma,  '  from  Rome '.  On  this  abl. 
see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  24.  Med.  has  here 
'  Romae ',  which  Ritt.  follows ;  but  the 
abl.  is  used  in  this  expression  in  2.  i,  i  ; 
1 2.   14,   2  :    cp.  '  Roma   poscebant '    {6. 

31,4). 

7.  Actumero ;  so  here  in  Med., 
which  below  (c.  17,  2)  has  'catumero'. 
Strabo  appears  (vii.  i,  4,  p.  292)  to  men- 


A.  D.  47] 


LIBER  XI,      CAP.   15-17 


23 


potentiam  eius  suspectantes  qui  factionibus  floruerant  discedunt 
ad  conterminos  populos  ac  testificantur  adimi  veterem  Germa- 

6  niae  libertatem  et  Romanas  opes  insurgere.  adeo  neminem 
isdem  in  terris  ortum  qui  principem  locum  impleat,  nisi  explora- 

7  toris  Flavi  progenies  super  cunctos  attollatur  ?    frustra  Arminium  5 
praescribi  :    cuius   si   filius   hostili    in   solo   adultus   in   regnum 
venisset,    posse    extimesci,    infectum    alinionio    servitio    cultu, 

8  omnibus  externis :  at  si  paterna  Italico  mens  esset,  non  alium 
infensius  arma  contra  patriam  ac  deos  penatis  quam  parentem 
eius  exercuisse.  10 

1  17.    His  atque  talibus  magnas  copias  coegere,  nee  pauciores 

2  Italicum  sequebantur.  non  enim  inrupisse  ad  invitos  sed  acci- 
tum  memorabat,  quando  nobilitate  ceteros  anteiret :  virtutem 
experirentur,   an    dignum    se   patruo   Arminio,   avo    Actumero 

3  praeberet.     nee  patrem  rubori,  quod  fidem  adversus  Romanos  15 

4  volentibus  Germanis  sumptam  numquam  omisisset.  falso  liber- 
tatis  vocabulum  obtendi  ab  iis  qui  privatim  degeneres,  in  publi- 

5  cum  exitiosi,  nihil  spei  nisi  per  discordias  habeant.     adstrepebat 

8.  at  si,  &c.  The  sense  is  that  had  he 
been  even  a  son  of  Arminius  he  would 
have  been  demoralised,  and  that,  if  he 


4.  qui  principem  locum  impleat. 
This  phrase  is  repeated  from  4.  38,  i ; 
and  *  impleat '  is  here  equivalent  to  *  im- 
plere  possit'. 

exploratoris.  [The  '  exploratores  ' 
were  mounted  scouts  and  were  of  especial 
use  in  frontier  service.  They  seem  fre- 
iquently  to  have  been  natives  of  the  district 
jin  which  they  were  employed,  e.g.  a 
I'  Humerus  exploratorum  Batavorum  '  was 
'Stationed  in  the  *  insula  Batavorum  * 
(Brambach,  Inscr.  Rh.  7).  They  are 
often  distinguished  by  the  name  of  such 
a  district  or  place,  e.  g.  *  numerus  ex- 
ploratorum Bremenensium '  at  Bremenium 
(High  Rochester  in  Britain,  C.  I.  L.  7. 
I037)»  see  also  Mommsen,  Hermes,  19. 
225.  Flavus  may  have  been  a  'prae- 
fectus  alae  exploratorum  ', — P.] 

15.  frustra  .  .  .  praescribi,  ^  in  vain  is 
the  name  put  forward ',  in  vain  is  it  boasted 
in  his  behalf,  that  he  is  the  nephew  of 
Arminius.  On  this  use  of  *  praescribi ' 
see  4.  52,  5,  and  note. 

7.  alimonio,  an  archaic  word(Varro), 
probably  here  chosen,  as  Jacob  suggests, 
to  express  the  general  meaning  of  rpocpri 
rather  than  the  strict  sense  of '  alimentum '. 
*  Externis '  belongs  to  all  these  words, 
and  '  cultu '  is  probably  better  taken  of 
refinement  in  general  (as  in  4.  46,  i) 
than  specially  of  dress  (as  in  2.  75,  3, 
Sec). 


takes  after  his  father,  he  is  a  traitor  by 
inherited  disposition. 

9.  deos  penatis:  cp.  'penetralis  Ger- 
maniae  deos'  (2.  10,  1). 

13.  memorabat.  Most  edd.  follow  the 
suggestion  of  Walther  in  reading  thus 
(with  G.)  for  the  Med.  *  memorabant ' ; 
the  arguments  being  those  of  Italicus  him- 
self, and  the  approval  of  his  supporters 
being  mentioned  below  ( §  5 );  where  *  huic ', 
which  refers  to  a  single  speaker,  would 
have  to  be  altered  to  *  hinc ',  if  '  memora- 
bant '  were  read. 

15.  rubori,  sc.  'esse';  *he  was  not 
ashamed  of  his  father' :  cp.  14.  55,  7. 

16.  volentibus,  when  they  accepted  Ro- 1 
man  rule,  before  the  rising  against  Varus,  j 
This  acquiescence  appears  to  be  overstated. ' 

17.  obtendi,  'is  made  a  pretext  of ' : 
cp.  I.  26,  2,  and  note. 

degeneres,  probably  here  best  takea 
in  a  moral  sense,  as  in  c  19,  4,  &c. 
The  opposition  of  'privatim '('  in  a  private 
capacity'  or  'personally')  to '  publice'  and 
other  such  words,  is  common  in  Cic,  Liv., 
&c. :  cp.  I.  55,  4;  14.  48,  7,  and  note  on 
4.  36,  2.  For  the  use  of  the  expression  *  in 
publicum '  see  2.  48,  i ;  12.  8,  3,  and  notes. 

18.  adstrepebat  . . .  vulgus,  repeated 
from  I.  18,  I. 


S4 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  47 


huic  alacre  vulgus ;  et  magno  inter  barbaros  proelio  victor  rex, 
dein  secunda  fortuna  ad  siiperbiam  prolapsus  pulsusque  ac  rursus 
Langobardorum  opibus  refectus  per  laeta  per  adversa  res  Cheru- 
scas  adflictabat. 

5      18.     Per  idem  tempus  Chauci  nulla  dissensione  domi  et  morte  1 
Sanquinii  alacres,  dum  Corbulo  adventat,  inferiorem  Germaniam 
incursavere  duce  Gannasco,  qui   natione   Canninefas,   auxiliare 
stipendium  meritus,  post  transfuga,  levibus  navigiis  praedabun- 
dus    Gallorum    maxime   oram   vastabat,   non    ignarus   ditis   et 

lo  imbellis  esse,     at  Corbulo  provinciam  ingressus  magna  cum  cura  2 
et  mox  gloria,  cui  principium  ilia  militia  fuit,  triremis  alveo 
Rheni,   ceteras   navium,  ut   quaeque   habiles,  per   aestuaria   et 
fossas  adegit ;  luntribusque  hostium  depressis  et  exturbato  Gan- 


I.  inter  barbaros.  [The  insertion 
of  *  ut '  before  *  inter  '  adopted  by  Halm 
after  Lipsius  is  unnecessary.  The  words 
•would  have  the  same  meaning  without  the 
insertion. — F.] 

3.  LangobaTdorum.  On  this  people 
see  2.  45,  I,  and  note. 

per  laeta  per  adversa,  i.  e.  he 
harassed  his  own  people  alike,  whether 
he  was  victorious  or  defeated.  These 
sentences  are  intended  to  sum  up  the 
whole  of  his  reign,  and  no  further  mention 
is  made  of  him.  A  Suevian  prince  of 
the  same  name  is  mentioned  in  H.  3. 

21,3. 

5.  Per  idem  tempus.  It  is  probable 
that  here,  as  in  c.  lo,  &c.,  the  events  of 
more  than  one  year  are  brought  together. 
On  the  Chauci  see  i.  38,  i  ;  on  their 
previous  rising  at  the  beginning  of  the 
rule  of  Claudius  see  Suet.  CI.  24. 

nulla  dissensione  domi,  abl.  abs. : 
cp.  'nullis  novis  causis'  (i.  16,  i),&c. 

6.  Sanquinii.  On  Sanquinius  Maxi- 
mus  see  6.  4,  4.  Tacitus  had  evidently 
mentioned  in  the  lost  portion  that  he  had 
died  in  command  of  the  army  of  Lower 
Germany,  and  that  Corbulo  was  appointed 
to  succeed  him. 

Corbvilo.  Cn.  Domitius  Corbulo,  the 
famous  general  so  prominent  in  these 
Books,  was  probably  son  of  the  person 
mentioned  in  3.  31,  4  (where  see  note), 
and  was  half-brother,  on  the  side  of  his 
mother  Vistilia,  to  Suillius  and  Cae- 
sonia  (see  Plin.  N.  H.  7.  5,  4,  39).  He 
had  been  consul  in  A.  D.  39,  and  is 
shown  by  coins  to  have  been  proconsul 
of  Asia  probably  in  A.  D.  51/2  or 
52/3.     (Waddington,   Pastes  des  Prov. 


As.  v.  698.)  In  A.  D.  54,  he  was  ap- 
pointed to  the  command  in  the  East, 
which  he  held  till  he  was  recalled  and 
forced  to  suicide  in  A.  D.  67.  A  bust, 
preserved  in  the  Louvre,  and  thought  to 
represent  him,  was  found  in  a  temple  at 
Gabii,  dedicated  in  A.  D.  140  to  the 
memory  of  his  daughter  Domitia  Longina, 
wife  of  Domitian  (see  Dio,  66.  3. 4 ;  Suet. 
Dom.  3,  &c.),  and  is  engraved  in  Visconti, 
Icon.  Rom.  pi.  9. 

7.  Canninefas  :  on  this  people  see 
4.  73,  2,  and  note. 

auxiliare  stipendium  meritus.  The 
corrupt  Med.  text '  auxiliare  ex  diu  meri- 
tis '  (*  ex '  by  a  later  hand)  has  given 
rise  to  many  emendations  (see  Halm  and 
Baiter,  not.  crit.).  The  Bipontine  reading 
above,  adopted  by  Bach  and  Halm,  is 
supported  by  the  description  of  Tacfarinas 
(2.  52,  2),  which  Tacitus  seems  here  to  be 
nearly  repeating;  but  other  suggestions  are 
nearer  to  the  MS.  text.  Most  edd.  follow 
Puteol.  in  reading  (nearly  after  some 
MSS.)  *  auxiliaris  et  diu  meritus ' ;  Rup. 
and  Jacob  follow  Mercer,  who  adopts 
from  a  Vatican  MS.  *  auxiliare  aes  diu 
meritus '. 

9.  ditis  et  imbellis  :  cp.  the  character 
of  the  Aedui  in  3.  46,  4. 

11.  cui,  best  taken  with  'gloria'.  | 
triremis.    On  the  Roman  fleet  on  the 

Rhine  see  i.  45,  3,  and  note. 

12.  ut  quaeque  habiles,  'according  to 
their  various  capabilities,'  i.e.  according 
as  their  light  draught  adapted  them  for 
shallow  water.  On  the  'aestuaria'  cp. 
2.  8,  3;  on  the  '  fossae'  (canals),  2.  8,  i. 

13.  adegit, '  got  together ' :  cp.  2.  7,  i,  | 
and  note. 


A.  D.  47I 


LIBER  XL      CAP,   17-19 


nasco,  ubi  praesentia  satis  composita  sunt,  legiones  operum  et 
laboris  ignavas,  populationibus  laetantis,  veterem  ad  niorem 
reduxit,  ne  quis  agmine  decederet  nee  pugnam  nisi  iussus  iniret. 
4  stationes  vigiliae,  diurna  nocturnaque  munia  in  armis  agitaban- 
6  tur  ;  feruntque  militem  quia  vallum  non  accinctus,  atque  alium  5 
quia  pugione  tantum  accinctus  foderet,  morte  punitos.  quae 
nimia  et  incertum  an  falso  iacta  originem  tamen  e  severitate 
ducis  traxere ;  intentumque  et  magnis  delictis  inexorabilem  scias 

1  cui  tantum  asperitatis  etiam  adversus  levia  credebatur. 

2  19.    Ceterum  is  terror  milites  hostisque  in  diversum  adfecit :  to 
nos   virtutem    auximus,    barbari    ferociam    infregere.     et   natio 
Frisiorum,  post  rebellionem  clade  L.  Apronii  coeptam  infensa 

3  aut  male  fida,  datis  obsidibus  consedit  apud  agros  a  Corbulone 
descriptos  :  idem  senatum,  magistratus,  leges  imposuit.  ac  ne 
iussa  exuerent  praesidium  immunivit,  missis  qui  maiores  Chaucos  15 


1.  praesentia, 'affairs  on  the  spot':  so 
'quia  praesentia  satis consederant'  (i.  30, 

5)- 

operum  ....  ignavas.  This  geni- 
tive, found  here  alone  with  'ignavus',  is 
analogous  to  those  with  '  segnis'  (14.  33, 
4),  *  impiger '  (3.  48,  2),  &c. :  see  In  trod. 
1-  V.  §  33,  e,  7. 

3.  ne  quis,  &c.,  explanatory  of  veterem 
morem ' :  in  the  next  clause,  *  nee '  has 
the  force  of  *et  ne',  as  in  15.  43,  4. 

4.  stationes  vigiliae:  see  i.  28,  5, 
and  note. 

5.  vallum  .  .  .  foderet,  *  was  digging 
earth  for  the  rampart '.  Nipp.  compares 
the  use  of  'vallum  caedere'  (Liv.  25.  36, 5 ; 
33-  5,  5)  of  cutting  stakes  for  the  palisade. 

\  non  accinctus, '  without  side  arms'. 
Josephus  states  (B.  I.  3.  5,  5)  that  the 
dagger  (here  the '  pugio'),  only  a  span  long, 
was  worn  on  the  right,  the  sword  on  the 
left  side  :  cp.  '  milites  gladio  cincti  fossam 
aperiunt'  (Veg.  3.  8). 

7.  iacta,  '  rumoured ' :  cp.  *  quae  iace- 
rentur'  (3.  8,  3),  &c.  Most  edd.  follow 
this  correction  of  Rhen.  for  Med.  *  acta' ; 
other  suggestions  are  '  iactata ',  or  *  aucta ' 
(see  Walther). 

8.  intentum,  'strict*:  so  'intentus  aut 
licenter  agit'  (H.  2.  68,  2);  'gravis  in- 
tentus  sevcrus '  (Agr.  9.  3) ;  also  '  intenta 
militia',  Mntentior  disciplina'  (12.  38,  2  ; 
42,  2). 

10.  is  terror.  The  context  shows  that 
this  must  be  taken  of  the  terror  inspired 
by  Corbulo  in  both  capacities;  into  his 


own  soldiers,  by  his  rigorous  discipline, 
and  into  the  enemy,  by  his  prompt  action 
against  Gannascus. 

11.  virtutem  auximus.  Nipp.  notes 
that  such  an  expression  would  properly 
be  used  of  increasing  the  courage  of 
another ;  but  cp.  ' auget  vires'  (4.  24,  i) ; 
'auxit  saevitiam '  (Suet.  Tib.  62),  and 
other  similar  uses.  '  Infringere '  is  also 
mostly  used  of  action  on  another. 

12.  Frisiorum.  On  this  people  see  i. 
60,  3  ;  on  their  defeat  of  Apronius,  4.  72, 
1,  foil. 

13.  apud  =  *  in ' :  cp.  Introd.  i.  v.  §  57. 
agros.     [Such    settlements   of    native! 

tribes  on  reservations  were  not  uncommon,  | 
e.g.  the  Ubii  in  lower  Germany,  and  the! 
Musulamii  in  Africa,  Eph.  Epig.  2.  278. ' 

14.  senatum.  This  reading  of  Puteol. 
is  generally  followed,  except  by  Rup.  and 
Walth.,  who  unsuccessfully  endeavour  to 
defend  the  Med.  '  senatus '. 

15.  exuerent.  On  the  metaphorical 
uses  of  this  verb  and  *  induere '  see  note 
on  I.  69,  2. 

immunivit  =  •  ibidem  munivit '.  The 
verb  is  an.  dp.,  and  evidently  a  Graecism 
from  <ppovpia  fj'Tftx'C*'*'  (Xen.  Cyr.  3.  i, 
27).  Nipp.  also  compares  diro^rjy  (Thuc. 
I.  2,  2),  '  incenante'  (Suet.  Tib.  39).  Dr. 
adds  'inamarescunt'  (Hon  Sat.  2.  7,  107). 

maiores  Chaucos.  These  were  se- 
parated from  the  *  minores '  by  the  Weser, 
and  lived  between  the  lower  part  of  that 
river  and  the  Elbe  (Ptol.  2.  11,  11). 


26 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  47 


ad  deditionem  pellicerent,  simul  Gannascum  dolo  adgrederentur. 
nee  inritae  aut  degeneres  insidiae  fuere  adversus  transfugam  et  4 
violatorem  fidei.     sed  caede  eius  motae  Chaucorum  mentes,  et  5 
Corbulo  semina  rebellionis  praebebat,  ut  laeta  apud  plerosque, 

5  ita  apud  quosdam  sinistra  fama.    cur  hostem  conciret  ?     adversa  6 
in  rem  publicam  casura  :  sin  prospere  egisset,  formidolosum  pad 
virum  insignem  et  ignavo  principi  praegravem.     igitur  Claudius  7 
adeo  novam  in  Germanias  vim  prohibuit  ut  referri  praesidia  cis 
Rhenum  iuberet. 

to      20.    lam  castra  in  hostili  solo  molienti  Corbuloni  eae  litterae  1 
redduntur.     ille  re  subita,  quamquam  multa  simul  offunderentur, 
metus  ex  imperatore,  contemptio  ex  barbaris,  ludibrium  apud 
socios,   nihil   aliud    prolocutus    quam    'beatos    quondam    duces 
Romanos/  signum  receptui  dedit.     ut  tamen  miles  otium  ex-  2 

[5  ueret,  inter  Mosam  Rhenumque  trium  et  viginti  milium  spatio 
fossam  perduxit,  qua  incerta  Oceani  vitarentur.     insignia  tamen  3 
triumph!  indulsit  Caesar,  quamvis  bellum  negavisset. 


2.  degeneres,  *  unworthy ',  contrary  to 
Roman  honour ;  cp.  '  prece  hand  dege- 
neri '  (12.  19,  i),  &c.  The  '  fides '  is  that 
fof  the  military  oath  (cp.  c.  18,  i).  The 
Isentiment  here  is  in  unfavourable  contrast 
with  that  expressed  by  the  senate  of  Ti- 
berius in  the  case  of  Arminius  (see  2.  88, 
I,  and  note). 

4.  semina,  used  in  similar  metaphor 
in  3.  41,  I ;  4.  27,  I.  The  meaning  here 
is  that  he  so  acted  as  to  provoke  re- 
bellion. 

laeta  .  .  .  sinistra  fama,  best  taken 
as  abl.  abs.  The  epithet  'laeta'  obliges 
us  to  take  *  fama '  to  mean  '  the  news  of 
his  doings'  (cp.  'laeti  .  .  .  nuntii '  i.  5, 
6)  ;  a  meaning  which  it  can  also  well 
bear  with  '  sinistra '  (cp.  *  sinistra  ex  urbe 
fama'  H.  i.  51,  8),  though  that  of 'reputa- 
tion '  would  otherwise  seem  more  appro- 
priate. Med.  has  *  insinistra',  whence 
Ritt.  thinks  that  *  in  urbe  sinistra'  should 
be  read.  The  following  sentences  give 
the  reasons  which  led  men  to  think  the 
news  ominous,  and  cannot  be  supposed 
to  be  those  addressed  to  Claudius ;  though 
the  influence  of  the  counsel  of  such  per- 
sons on  him  is  described  in  the  following 
words  ('  igitur  Claudius ',  &c.). 

5.  adversa,  &c.  If  there  were  losses, 
they  would  fall  on  the  state,  not  on  the 
general. 

7.  ignavo  principi  praegravem. 
Nipp.  notes  that  these  words  are  coupled 


to  '  insignem ',  and  that  '  formidolosum ' 
(sc.  '  fore ')  is  the  predicate.  The  prince 
would  be  jealous  of  him,  and  this  would 
drive  him  into  rebellion. 

8.  adeo  .  .  .  ut,  *  went  so  far  in  for- 
bidding an  advance,  as  even  to  order  a 
withdrawal  to  this  side  of  the  Rhine ',  i.e. 
a  retreat  from  even  the  territory  which 
had  already  submitted  (see  Introd.  p.  33). 
On  the  use  here  of  the  plural  *  Germaniae ' 
see  I.  57,  2,  and  note. 

11.  re  subita,  'when  the  news  took 
him  by  surprise.'  Nipp.  notes  the  expres- 
sion in  14.  5,  5,  &c. 

offunderentur,  '  were  crowding  into 
his  mind ' ;  so  used  of  a  sudden  and 
terror-striking  sight  in  i.  68,  5. 

12.  metus  ex  :  see  i.  29,  3,  and  note. 

13.  quondam,  a  correction  of  Lips, 
from  the  words  as  given  in  Dio,  60.  30,  5 
(w  fxaKapioi  01  TtdKai  ttotc  (rTpaTrjyrjaavTes)^ 
for  Med.  '  quosdam '. 

15.  inter  Mosam  Rhenumque.  These 
rivers  are  distinguished  in  2,  6,  5.  The 
canal  here  mentioned  is  thought  to  be  the 
Vliet  (see  the  discussion  in  Rup.),  leaving 
the  old  Rhine  at  Leyden  and  passing  by 
Delft  to  the  Maas.  For  similar  instances 
of  works  executed  by  soldiers  see  13.  53, 
3,  and  many  instances  collected  in  Mar- 
quardt,  Staatsv.  ii.  p.  568,  foil.  Their 
employment  in  mining  (§  4)  would  seem 
to  be  an  extreme  instance. 

16.  qua  incerta  Ocean!  vitarentur. 


A.  D.  47] 


LIBER  XL      CAP.   19,   20 


27 


4  Nee  multo  post  Curtius  Rufus  eundem  honorem  adipiscitur, 
qui  in  agro  Mattiaco  recluserat  specus  quaerendis  venis  argenti ; 
unde  tenuis  fructus  nee  in  longum  fuit :  at  legionibus  cum  damno 
labor,  efTodere  rivos,   quaeque   in   aperto   gravia,  humum    infra 

5  moliri.     quis  subactus  miles,  et  quia  pluris  per  provincias  similia  5 
tolerabantur,  componit  occultas  litteras  nomine  exercituum,  pre- 
cantium   imperatorem  ut,   quibus   permissurus   esset  exercitus, 
triumphalia  ante  tribueret. 


Med.  has  *  vetarentur',  which  Lips,  and 
others  have  retained,  taking  the  word  to 
be  used  rhetorically  for  *  arcerentur ',  and 
supposing  the  object  of  the  canal  to  be 
that  described  by  Dio  (60.  30,  6)  Xva  ^ri 
01  voTanol  €»'  T^  Tov  wKfavov  ir\r]fivpidi 
dvapptovTfs  iTfXayi^ojaiv,  i.  e.  to  provide 
an  additional  channel  to  take  off  the 
overflow  of  water  at  the  spring  tides.  But 
it  is  unlikely  that  so  poetical  an  expres- 
sion would  be  used  in  such  a  place,  and 
modern  edd.  have  generally  followed 
Vertran.  in  reading  ♦  vitarentur '.  Some 
(as  Ritter,  1838),  with  this  reading,  still 
take  *  incerta  Oceani '  as  above  ;  but  if 
Tacitus  had  meant  to  say  what  Dio  says, 
he  would  surely  have  been  more  explicit ; 
and  the  expression  here  is  identical  with 
that  used  of  the  perils  of  the  sea  in 
general  in  3.  54,  6  ('  incerta  maris  et 
tempestatum  *).  We  should  therefore  take 
his  meaning  to  be  that  the  canal  was 
designed  to  enable  ships  to  go  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Rhine  to  that  of  the  Maas 
without  facing  the  open  sea,  which  must 
have  had  an  evil  name  from  the  disasters 
of  Germanicus  (i.  70;  2.  23-24).  Dio 
must  in  this  case  have  followed  other 
authorities,  who  assigned  a  different  and, 
as  it  appears,  a  less  probable  object  for 
the  work. 

insignia.  This  is  a  correction  of  Med. 
The  first  hand  giving  *  insigni '.  Halm  reads 
'  insigne ',  which  is  found  in  this  phrase 
in  4.  23,  I ;  12.  5,  2  :  'insignia'  is  much 
oftener  used,  and  is  read  by  most  edd. 
here.  Corbulo  has  no  fresh  military  com- 
mand till  the  time  of  Nero  (13.  8,  1). 
On  the  use  of  '  quamvis '  with  the  sub- 
junct.  of  fact  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  53,  for 
the  effect  of  the  grant  of  Ann.  13.  53,  see 
infra  §  53  note. 

I.  Curtius  Eufus,  shown  by  the  pas- 
sage to  have  been  legatus  of  Upper  Ger- 
many, probably  as  successor  to  C.  Vibius 
Rufinus,  who  is  shown,  by  an  inscription 
found  at  Mainz  in  1879,  to  have  held  that 
province  in  a.  d.  43  (see  Pros.  Imp.  R,  S. 
p.    434,    C.    I.    L.    13.    6797).      That 


he  was  father  of  Q.  Curtius  Rufus,  the 
historian,  is  very  probable.  Had  he 
been  (as  some  have  thought)  the  historian 
himself,  Nipp.  seems  rightly  to  suggest 
that  Tacitus  would  have  said  so. 

2.  Mattiaco,  the  district  of  which  Wies-( 
baden  (Aquae  Mattiacae),  was  a  centre:^ 
see  note  on  i.  56,  6.    The  tribe,  a  branch 
of  the  powerful  clan  of  the  Chatti,  would 
appear  to  have  submitted  to  Rome  after 
the  time  of  Tiberius,  and  was  still  faithful 
in  the  time  of  Tacitus  (G.  29,  3),  though  . 
they  had  joined  in  the  rising  of  Civilis  | 
(H.  4.  37,  4).    A  'civitas  Mattiacorum'  1 
is  frequently  mentioned  on  inscriptions  of 
the  second  and  third  centuries :  cf.  Am- 
mian.  29.  4,  3. 

quaerendis  venis,  dat.  with  the  force 
of  a  final  clause  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  22  b). 

3.  damno.    Nipp.  notes  that  the  work 
was  probably  unhealthy,  that  any  injury! 
to  their  clothing  fell  upon  themselves  (i.  J 
17,  6),  and  that  there  was  no  booty  to/ 
compensate. 

4.  effodere  rivos,  generally  taken  to 
mean  digging  streams  to  drain  the  mines. 
Some  (as  Rup.  and  Walth.)  retain  the 
Med.  '  et  fodere ',  taking  *  et '  in  the  sense 
of  *  both ',  and  supposing  this  clause  to 
refer  to  the  canal  of  Corbulo  ;  a  reference 
which  is  also  possible,  if  *  effodere '  be 
read. 

quae  in  aperto  gravia,  *  what  would 
be  hard  work  above  ground '. 

5.  subactus,  *  broken  down'. 

6.  nomine  exercituum.  This  single 
army  wrote  as  on  behalf  of  all.  So  Suet. 
(CI.  24)  calls  it  *  epistola  communi  legi- 
onum  nomine '. 

8.  triumphalia  ante  tribueret ;  so 
that  generals  who  had  no  opportunities 
of  war,  mi^ht  not  be  tempted  to  earn  the 
honour  by  works  of  this  kind.  Suet.  (1. 1.), 
who  mentions  the  fact  of  this  letter  to 
illustrate  the  prodigality  with  which 
*  triumphalia '  were  awarded  by  this 
prince,  misses  the  irony  of  the  request  by 
assigning  as  its  object '  ne  (legati)  causam 
bell  i  quoquo  modo  quaererent '.  Augustus 


28 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  47 


21.    De  origine  Curtii  Rufi,  quern  gladiatore  genitum  quidam  1 
prodidere,  neque  falsa  prompserim  et  vera  exequi  pudet.     post-  2 
quam  adolevit,  sectator  quaestoris  cui  Africa  obtigerat,  dum  in 
oppido  Adrumeto  vacuis  per  medium  diei  porticibus  secretus 

5  agitat,  oblata  ei  species  muliebris  ultra  modum  humanum  et 
audita  est  vox  *  tu  es,  Rufe,  qui  in  hanc  provinciam  pro  consule 
venies.'     tali  omine  in  spem   sublatus   degressusque  in  urbem  3 
largitione    amicorum,   simul    acri    ingenio   quaesturam   et   mox 
nobilis  inter  candidates  praeturam  principis  suffragio  adsequitur, 

10  cum   hisce   verbis   Tiberius   dedecus   natalium   eius   velavisset : 
*  Curtius   Rufus   videtur   mihi   ex   se  natus.'     longa  post  haec  4 
senecta,  et  adversus  superiores  tristi  adulatione,  adrogans  min- 
oribus,  inter  pares  difficilis,  consulare  imperium,  triumphi  insignia 


and  (as  we  should  gather  from  Tacitus) 
Tiberius  gave  this  distinction  only  to 
generals,  and  only  in  cases  where  under 
the  Republic  a  triumph  or  ovation  would 
/probably  have  been  awarded  (see  Mar- 
iquardt,  Staatsv.  ii.  592).  For  the  pro- 
digality of  Claudius  and  Nero  in  this 
respect  see  also  12.  3,  2  ;  13.  53,  i,  and 
notes. 

2.  exequi,  *  to  state  in  detail':  cp. 
3.  65,  I,  and  note.  Tacitus  apparently 
thinks  this  belief  as  to  the  parentage  of 
Curtius  borne  out  by  his  early  history, 
and  forbears  to  enter  into  it.  For  other 
such  instances  of  persons  of  low  origin 
rising  to  high  senatorial  rank  under  the 
empire  see  3.  66,  4;  Friedl.  Sitteng.  i. 
210. 

3.  sectator,  apparently  rather  a  lower 
term  than  '  comes ',  and  coupled  with  it 
in  Cic.  pro  Rab.  Post.  8,  21  (*  Gabinii 
comes  vel  sectator') :  cp.  'sectatores  vel 
potius  satellites'  (a  still  lower  word)  16. 
32,  3.  Pliny,  who  tells  the  same  story 
(Ep.  7.  27,  2)  as  an  evidence  of  the 
reality  of  apparitions,  makes  Curtius  one 
of  the  'cohors'  of  the  proconsul  (*ob- 
tinenti  Africam  comes  haeserat '),  and 
lays  the  scene  in  evening  ('  inclinato  die ') 
instead  of  midday,  the  most  solitary  hour 
in  an  African  climate. 

4.  medium  diei  :  so  in  12.  69,  i ;  14. 
a,  i;  Liv.  27.  48,  17,  &c.  Cp.  'sero 
diei'  (2.  21,4),  and  note. 

5.  species  mviliebris.  Pliny  makes 
her  describe  herself  as  the  Genius  of  the 
country  (*  perterrito  Africam  se,  futuro- 
rum  praenuntiam,  dixit '). 

7.    degressus,    *  departing   from    the 
'.country':    see  2.  69,  4;    4.  74,  4,  and 


notes.  These  passages  show  that  there 
is  no  need  to  read  here  *  digressus '  (with 
the  old  edd.)  or  'regressus'  (^with  Hasse). 
In  the  parallel  passage  in  Agr.  6,  i,  where 
Halm  reads  '  digressus ',  the  MSS.  vary. 

9.  principis    sufTragio,   i.e.    by   his 

*  commendatio  ':  see  Introd.  i.  vi.  p.  79. 

10.  natalium,  'ancestry':  so  in  H.  i. 
49,  7  ;  2.  76,  6,  &c. ;  Plin.  Ep.  and  Juv. 

11.  ex  se  natus.  Cicero  (Phil.  6.  6, 
17)  speaks  thus  of  himself  as  'his  own 
ancestor'  i.e.  a  'novus  homo', ('quern 
vos  a  se  ortum  hominibus  nobilissimis 
.  .  .  praetulistis  ') :  here  it  seems  to  be 
best  taken,  with  Burnouf,  as  conveying  a  j 
compliment; '  the  son  of  his  achievements.'  i 

longa  senecta.  This  abl.  answers  to 
'adulatione',  and  both  are  best  taken, 
with  Nipp.,  as  brachylogical  ablatives  of 
quality  (Introd.  i.  v,  §  29),  to  which 
nominatives  are  afterwards  coupled  for 
variety ;  as  also  the  accus.  with  '  adver- 
sus (in  the  sense  of  towards ',  as  in  c. 
17*  3>  ^^•)  is  varied  to  'minoribus'  (a 
chiefly  poetical  use  of  the  dat.,  but  of 
which  Nipp.  gives  several  instances  from 
Tacitus   and   Livy).     For    the   sense   of 

*  minores  '  ('  inferiors  ')  cp.  15.  20,  i  ;  H. 

4-  48,  3 ;  G.  36, 3 ;  39.  3. 

12.  tristi,  best  taken  to  mean  that  his 
servility  was  disguised  under  an  affecta- 
tion of  surliness,  like  the  affected  inde- 
pendence of  Valerius  Messala  in  1.8,  5. 
Others,  less  well,  take  it  in  a  sense  like 
that  of  *  saevis  adulationibus  '  (4.  20,  4). 

13.  difficilis,  '  stiff',  i.  e.  standing  on' 
his  dignity.  The  word  is  often  thus  used 
of  character  in  Horace,  &c.  with  some 
such  meaning;  and  Tacitus,  though  he 
does  not  elsewhere  so  use  it,  has  '  facilis ' 


A.  D.  47I 


LIBER  XL      CAP.  2t,   22 


2> 


ac  postremo  Africam  obtinuit ;  atque  ibi  defunctus  fatale  praesa- 
gium  implevit. 

1  22.    Interea  Romae,  nullis  palam  neque  cognitis  mox  causis, 
Cn.  Nonius  eques  Romanus  ferro  accinctus  reperitur  in  coetu 

2  salutantum  principem.     nam  postquam  tormentis  dilaniabatur,  5 
de  se  non  injitiatns  conscios  non  edidit,  incertum  an  occultans. 

3  Isdem   consulibus  P.  Dolabella  censuit  spectaculuni   gladia- 
torum  per  omnis  annos  celebrandum  pecunia  eorum  qui  quae- 

4  sturam    adipiscerentur.     apud    maiores    virtutis    id    praemium 
fuerat,  cunctisque  civium,  si  bonis  artibus  fiderent,  licitum  petere  10 

5  magistratus ;   ac   ne   aetas   quidem   distinguebatur  quin   prima 


(3.  8,  4;  Agr.  40,  4)  and  *  facilitas'  (6. 
I5>  3;  Agr.  9,  4),  for  the  opposite 
quality. 

consulare  imperium  =  *  consulatum  '. 
The  date  of  his  consulship  and  that  of 
his  proconsulate  of  Africa  seem  unknown. 

I.  fatale  praesagium.  Piiny  (1.  1.) 
makes  the  prediction  expressly  foretell 
his  death  there,  and  adds  that  as  he 
landed  as  proconsul  he  again  saw  the 
apparition,  and,  being  in  ill  health,  gave 
up  hope  of  life  and  soon  died. 

3.  palam,  so  used  adjectively  in  14. 
32,  1;  15-  7»  3>  &c-  cp.  Introd.  i.  v. 
§66. 

4.  Cn.  Nonius.  It  is  not  clear 
whether  his  is  one.  of  those  attempts  men- 
tioned with  more  detail  in  Suet.  CI.  13; 
35 ;  0th.  I. 

in  coetu  salutantum.  On  the 
morning  receptions  of  the  princeps  see 
Friedl.  Sitteng.  i.  p.  135,  foil.  The 
strictness  with  which  Claudius  caused  all 
male  and  even  female  visitors  to  be 
searched,  is  further  noticed  by  Suet.  (CI. 
35)  and  Dio  (60.  3,  3).  Such  precautions 
continued  till  the  accession  of  Vespasian 
(Suet.  Vesp.  12  ;  Dio,  1.  1.),  and  appear 
to  have  originated  in  an  occasional  prac- 
tice of  Augustus  (^Suet.  Aug.  35). 

5.  nam,  explaining  *  neque  cognitis 
mox'. 

6.  non  infitiatus,  Med.  has  *noni' 
with  a  lacuna  of  some  thirteen  letters, 
which  most  have  followed  lac.  Gron.  in 
thus  filling.  Ritt.  supposes  the  words  to 
have  been  '  cuctat  cfess ;  '  (*  cunctanter 
confessus'),  taking  the  sentence  to  be  a 
reminiscence  of  Liv.  24.  5,  10  (•  de  se 
baud  cunctanter  fassus  conscios  celabat '). 

7.  Isdem  consulibus:    see  c.  11.  i. 
P.  Dolabella,  mentioned  as  a  leading 

but  servile  senator  in  the  time  of  Tiberius  : 


see  3.  47,  4,  and  note.  His  *  sententia  ', 
probably  expressed  '  per  egressionem ' 
(cp.  note  on  c.  5,  3),  must  have  been 
talcen  up  by  the  princeps;  whence  the 
enactment  is  spoken  of  as  among  the  *  acta 
Claudii '  in  13.  5,  2,  and  is  ascribed  to 
him  in  Suet.  CI.  24. 

8.  qui  quaesturam  adipiscerentur. 
It  appears  from  13.  5,  i,  that  the  '  quae- 
stores  designati '  are  meant.  Suetonius 
(Claud.  24)  speaks  of  this  obligation  as 
imposed  on  the  '  collegium  quaestorum ', 
adding  that  it  took  the  place  of  a  former 
charge  on  them  of  the  '  stratura  viarum '. 

9.  id.  The  context  shows  that  a  re- 
ference in  sense  is  intended,  not  only  to 
the  quaestorship,  but  to  magistracies  in 
general. 

10.  cunctis  civium,  a  strong  instance 
of  the  use  of  a  quasi-partitive  genit.  with 
a  word  not  strictly  capable  of  taking  such : 
cp.  Introd.  i.  v.  §  32  c;  also  14.  60,  i ; 
Ov.  Met.  4.  630;  Plin.  N.  H.  3.  i,  3,  7  ; 
and  the  genit.  with  'omnis 'in  Liv.  10. 
3i>   6;    31-  4.S>    7-     The   assertion    that 
magistracies  were  originally  open  to  all 
citizens  is  represented  by  Livy  (4.  3, 4)  as| 
put  forward  by  plebeians  on  their  own- 
account,  and  would  no  doubt  be  true  of  I 
the     original     community;     distinctions 
within   the  civic   body  having  come  in 
with    admission    of    new    citizens :    see 
Mommsen,  Staatsr.  i.  485. 

1 1 .  ne  aetas  quidem  distinguebatur. 
The  *  aetas  iegitima '  for  magistrates  was 
first  fixed  by  the  *  lex  Villia  ',  passed  by  a 
tribune  in  574  B.C.  iSo  (Liv.  40.  44,  i ; 
see  also  Mommsen,  Staatsr.  i.  529).  In 
earlier  times  Valerius  Corvus  had  beenj 
consul  at  the  age  of  twenty-three  (Liv.  7.  t 
26,  12);  and  several  other  instances  of 
youthful  consuls  are  given  in  Cic  Phil.  5. 
17,  47.     On  the  prescribed  age  for  the 


30 


CORN  ELI  I  TACITl  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  47 


iuventa  consulatum  et  dictaturas  inirent.  sed  quaestores  regi-  6 
bus  etiam  turn  imperantibus  instituti  sunt,  quod  lex  curiata 
ostendit  ab  L.  Bruto  repetita.  mansitque  consulibus  potestas  7 
deligendi,  donee  eum  quoque  honorem  populus  mandaret.  crea- 
5  tique  primum  Valerius  Potitus  et  Aemilius  Mamercus  sexa- 
gesimo  tertio  anno  post  Tarquinios  exactos,  ut  rem  militarem 
comitarentur.     dein  gliscentibus  negotiis  duo  additi  qui  Romae  8 


!  quaestorship  under  the  empire  see  3.  29, 
>i,  and  note. 

1.  sed  quaestores,  &c.  The  tra- 
dition of  the  origin  of  quaestors  varies 
much.  Ulpian  (Dig.  i,  13)  cites  Julius 
Gracchanus,  the  contemporary  and  friend 
of  C.  Gracchus,  as  stating  '  Romulum  et 
Numam  Pompilium  binos  quaestores  ha- 
buisse,  quos  ipsi  non  sua  voce  sed  populi 
suffragio  crearent',  and  adds  that  a  more 
prevalent  tradition  ascribes  their  institu- 
tion to  TuUus  Hostilius.  This  view  no 
doubt  assumes  the  identity  of  *  quaestores 
parricidii '  with  the  '  duumviri  perduellio- 
nis  of  Liv.  i.  26,  5.  Plutarch  states 
(Poplic,  12.  103)  that  Valerius  Poplicola, 
in  the  first  year  of  the  Republic,  estab- 
lished the  treasury,  and  gave  the  people 
the  right  of  electing  two  quaestors  of  it. 
Livy,  in  the  speech  of  Canuleius  (4. 4, 3), 
appears  from  the  order  of  mention  to  date 
the  origin  of  the  office  between  that  of 
the  tribunate  and  decemvirate,  and  prob- 
ably at  the  time  when  he  first  mentions  it, 
that  of  the  trial  of  Sp.  Cassius  in  269, 
B.C.  435  (2. 41,  1 1  ;  cp.  Dion.  Hal.  8.  77). 
A  reconciliation  may  be  found  in  the 
statement  of  Zonaras  (7.  13,  p.  336), 
presumably  from  Dio  Cassius,  that  the 
old  '  quaestores  parricidii '  acquired,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  Republic,  additional 
functions  as  *  quaestores  aerarii ',  and  came 
in  time  to  possess  and  to  be  designated  by 
those  functions  only.  For  a  full  discussion 
see  Mommsen,  Staatsr.  ii.  p.  523,  foil.; 
Seeley,  Hist.  Exam.  Livy,  B.  i,  pp.  90-92. 

2.  lex  cioriata.     On  this  act,  by  which 
[the   '  imperium '   was   conferred    on   the 

elected  magistrates,  see  Mommsen, 
Staatsr.  i.  p.  609,  foil.  That  of  L.  Brutus, 
to  which  Tacitus  appears  to  refer  as  still 
extant  in  his  day,  would  apparently  be 
that  by  which  the  election  of  the  first  con- 
suls was  ratified  and  their  powers  defined ; 
and  it  is  implied  in  the  following  sentence 
(*  mansitque  .  .  .  deligendi')  that  this  old 
*  lex '  recited  that  the  kings  had  appointed 
quaestors,  and  empowered  the  consuls  to 
do    so.     Hence   it    would    appear  that 


Gracchanus  (whom  Plutarch  in  this  point' 
followed)  was  misled  by  party  spirit  ini 
making  them  to  have  been  always  chosen 
by  the  people. 

3.  repetita,  either  *  renewed '  (cp.  4. 
26,  4),  or  'carried  back  over  the  past' 
(cp-  3-  33>  i),  i-e.  with  precedents  cited. 

5.  sexagesimo  tertio,  i.e.  in  307, 
B.C.  447.  This  date  rests  on  Tacitus 
alone,  and  appears  to  show  that  the  quae- 
storship, which  had  been  in  abeyance 
under  the  decemvirate  (Dion.  Hal.  10, 
56),  was  transferred  from  consular  nomi- 
nation to  popular  election  on  its  reinstitu- 
tion.  Mommsen  suggests  (Staatsr.  ii.  p. 
529,  i)  that  the  change  may  have  been 
due  to  one  of  the  •  leges  Valeriae  Hora- 
tiae '.  This  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that 
the  *  comitia  tributa ',  to  which  these 
laws  gave  extended  powers,  was  always 
the  assembly  by  which  quaestors  were 
elected  (Momms.  p.  525). 

6.  ut  rem  militarem  comLitarentur, 
to  accompany  the  consuls  to  the  war,  and 
take  charge  of  the  military  chest  (*  res 
militaris '  being  apparently  an  analogous 
term  to  *  res  familiaris ').  Livy,  who 
places  this  doubling  of  the  quaestors  in 
333,  B.C.  421  (4.  43,  4),  seems  undoubt- 
edly right  in  giving  an  opposite  account 
to  that  of  Tacitus  of  the  comparative  an- 
tiquity of  the  urban  and  military  quaestor- 
ships;  nor  is  any  reason  apparent  why 
Tacitus  should  have  given  an  account  of 
the  original  functions  of  the  quaestors, 
where  he  is  speaking  of  the  change  from 
consular  nomination  to  popular  election, 
unless  he  is  to  be  supposed  to  mean  that 
this  was  also  the  date  when  their  military 
duties  began,  and  that  as  these  came  to 
engross  more  of  their  time,  two  others 
were  added  to  ensure  due  performance  of 
the  original  urban  duties.  Or  perhaps, 
as  Mommsen  (Staatsr.  ii.  p.  562,  2)  sug- 
gests, we  should  read  thus,  *  post .  .  .  ex- 
actos :  ut  rem  militarem  comitarentur 
dein,  gliscentibus  negotiis,  duo  additi  is 
qui  Romae  curarent '.  Livy  adds  that! 
from  this  time  the  office  was  open  to  both} 


A.  D.  47I 


LIBER  XL      CAP,  22,   23 


31 


curarent :  mox  duplicatus  numerus,  stipendiaria  iam   Italia  et 

9  accedentibus  provinciarum  vectigalibus  :  post  lege  Sullae  viginti 

10  creati  supplendo  senatui,  cui  iudicia  tradiderat.      et  quamquam 

equites  iudicia  reciperavissent,  quaestura  tamen  ex  dignitate  can- 

didatorum  aut  facilitate  tribuentium  gratuito  concedebatur,  donee  5 

sententia  Dolabellae  velut  venundaretur. 
1      23.    A.  Vitellio   L.  Vipstano  consulibus  cum   de  supplendo 

senatu  agitaretur  primoresque  Galliae,  quae  Comata  appellatur, 


\  orders,  and  records  in  345,  B.C.  409  (4. 
54,  3),  the  actual  election  of  plebeian 
quaestors. 

1.  mox  duplicatus  numerus.  Momm- 
\  sen  shows  (ii.  570,  4),  from  comparison  of 
I  Liv.  Epit.  15  with  Lydus  de  magist.  i, 

I  27,  that  this  increase  dates  from  487, 
!  B.C.  267,  when  the  subjugation  of  Italy 
was  completed;  also  that  the  four  new 
ones,  the  K\aaciKoi  {oiovil  vavapxai)  of 
Lydus,  are  the  same  to  whom  'provinciae' 
in  Italy  were  assigned  down  to  the  time 
of  Claudius  (see  4.  27,  2,  and  note)  ;  also 
(p.  572)  that  the  words  *et  accedentibus 
provinciis '  may  be  an  inaccurate  reference 
to  the  probable  fact  that  one  of  these  four 
became  afterwards  the  second  Sicilian 
quaestor  resident  at  Lilybaeum  (see  Mar- 
quardt,  Staatsv.  i.  p.  92).  It  is  very- 
doubtful  (see  Momms.  Staatsr.  iii.  p.  729) 
whether  the  Italian  socii  could  ever  have 
been  rightly  called  *  stipendiarii ',  in  the 
sense  in  which  provincial  communities 
were  so. 

2.  lege  Sullae,  in  673,  B.  c.  81.  For 
the  extant  fragments  of  this  law,  now 
at  Naples,  see  Bruns,  F.  jur.  R.  p.  90. 
Mommsen  suggests  (Hist.  Rom.  iii.  p.  360, 
note)  that  the  accession  of  provinces 
had  probably  caused  some  addition  to  the 
number  of  quaestors  before  that  date. 
Sulla  first  made  the  office  a  stepping- 
stone  to  the  senate,  which  body  he  had 
also  considerably  enlarged,  and  which  the 
increased  number  of  quaestors  was  to 
keep    up.       Julius    Caesar    made    forty 

j  quaestors  (Dio,  43.  7,  2);  but  the  silence 
j  of  Tacitus  would  show  that  this  enlarge- 
,ment  was  not  permanent.  The  number 
twenty  appears  also  to  agree  with  that  of 
the  posts  assigned  to  quaestors  (Momms. 
ii.  53.^)- 

3.  cui  iudicia  tradiderat.      On  the 

*  leges  iudiciariae '  see  12.  60,  4,  and  note. 

*  Cui ',  as  Nipp.  points  out,  does  not  here 
denote  the  senate  'as  a  body,  but  its 
members. 

quamquam  equites,  &c     The  point 


of  the  sentence  seems  to  be  that  although 
the  loss  of  the  exclusive  judicial  authority 
of  its  members  made  it  less  necessary  to 
keep  up  the  numbers  of  the  senate,  and 
to  secure  a  sufficiency  of  candidates  for 
its  stepping-stone,  the  quaestorship  ;  still 
people  did  not  care  to  make  that  office 
less  easily  attainable. 

4.  ex  dignitate,  &c. ,  *  on  the  ground 
of  worthiness  in  the  candidates  or  by  the 
complaisance  (cp.  2.  65,  3,  &c.)  of  the 
electors '.  Nipp.  notes  that  the  force  of 
*  ex '  does  not  extend  to  '  facilitate  *. 

6.  velut  venundaretuir.  The  obliga- 
tion to  give  a  gladiatorial  show  was 
tantamount  to  selling  the  quaestorship, 
as  it  made  it  impossible  for  poor  men  to 
be  candidates.  On  the  subsequent  repeal 
of  this  decree  see  13.  5,  i,  and  note. 

7.  A.  Vitellio  L.  Vipstano.  The  first  I 
of  these  is  the  subsequent  emperor,  son 
of  the  consul  of  the  previous  year.  The 
only  subsequent  mention  of  him  in  the 
Annals  is  in  14.  49,  i.  On  the  profligacy 
of  his  early  life  see  Suet.  Vit.  3.  He 
appears  on  the  list  of  the  Arvales  from 
A.  D.  57  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  I.  2039-2051).  The 
other  name,  here  read  *  uipsana ',  and  in 
c.  25,  7  *uipsanius',  is  that  of  L.  Vip- 
stanus  Poplicola,  thought  by  Nipp.  to 
have  been  father  or  uncle  of  the  consul 
of  A.  D.  59  (14.  I,  i),  and  of  another 
C.  Vipsta'nus  Poplicola,  named  in  an  inscr. 
of  816,  A.  D.  63  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  I.  2002). 

de  supplendo  senatu,  i.e.  the  'lectio 
senatus '  was  about  to  be  carried  out  by 
Claudius  and  his  colleague  as  censors 
('banc  partem  censurae  meae'.  Orat. 
Claud,  ii.  7). 

8.  primores  Galliae.  [The  chiefs  of 
the  clans  included  in  the  'three  Gauls' 
(Aquitania,  Lugdunensis,  Belgica)  had 
sent  not  only  a  petition  to  Claudius,  but 
also  a  deputation  of  young  chiefs.  '  tot 
insignes  iuvenes  quot  intueor'  Orat.i 
Claud,  ii.  22.  *  Gallia  Comata',  i.e. 
long-haired  Gaul  as  distinct  from  the! 
Romanized  Gallia  Narbonensis.— P.] 


3? 


CORN  ELI  I  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  47 


foedefa  et  civitatem  Romanam  pridem  adsecuti,  ius  adipiscen- 
dorum  in  urbe  honorum  expeterent,  multus  ea  super  re  variusque 
rumor,     et  studiis  diversis  apud  principem  certabatur  adsever-  2 
antium  non  adeo  aegram  Italiam  ut  senatum  suppeditare  urbi 
5  suae  nequiret.     suffecisse  olim  indigenas  consanguineis  populis  3 
nee  paenitere  veteris  rei  publicae.     quin  adhuc  memorari  ex- 
empla  quae  priscis   moribus  ad  virtutem   et   gloriam    Romana 
indoles  prodiderit.     an  parum  quod  Veneti  et  Insubres  curiam  4 
inruperint,  nisi  coetus  alienigenarum  velut  captivitas  inferatur? 


!  I.  foedera  et  civitatem.  [These  chiefs 
ibelonged  to  clans,  such  as  those  of  the 
lAedui,  Remi,  and  Lingones,  which  had 
I  a  *  foedus '  with  Rome,  and  were  also 
;  themselves  Roman  citizens.  Roman 
i  citizenshi  p  had  been  freely  bestowed  by 
Julius  and  Augustus  on  Gauls  of  rank 
(e.  g.  Sacrovir  and  Florus). — P.] 

ius  adipiscendorum,  &c.  [It  is  a 
mistake  to  suppose  that  these  Gaulish 
chiefs  or  their  fathers  had  received  a 
defective  or  partial  citizenship.  The 
disability,  for  the  removal  of  which  they 
petitioned,  was  not  peculiar  to  them.  No 
Roman  citizen  was,  under  the  rules  laid 
down  by  Augustus,  eligible  for  a  magis- 
tracy (in  urbe  honores)  unless  he  was 
a  senator,  or  entitled  to  wear  the  '  broad 
stripe'  (latus  clavus)  and  thus  possessed 
of  '  dignitas  senatoria ',  and  a  member  of 
the  senatorial  order.  These  Gaulish  chiefs 
were  clearly  not  senators,  nor  entitled 
either  by  birth,  as  senators'  sons,  or  by 
imperial  grant  to  the  broad  stripe.  See 
Pelham,  Classical  Review,  1895,  p.  441. 

-P-] 

2.  super  =  *  de  • :  cp.  2.  38,  5  ;  6.  1 5, 
4;  21,  I,  &c  This  use  is  found  in 
Plaut.,  &c.,  and  Sail.,  a  few  times  in  the 
letters  of  Cic,  not  in  Caes.,  but  often  in 
Liv.,  &c. 

3.  rumor,  '  talk  ' :  cp.  *  rumor  secun- 
dus'  (3.  29,  5),  'adversus'  (14.  11,  4). 

studiis  .  .  .  certabatur.  [There  was 
a  conflict  of  opinion  among  the  coun- 
cillors of  Claudius ;  the  arguments  of 
those  opposed  to  granting  the  petition 
are  summarized  by  Tacitus  in  the  remain- 
ing lines  of  this  chapter.  Claudius  com- 
bated their  objections  (24.  i  statim  contra 
disseruit),  but  apparently  failing  to  con- 
vince them,  convened  the  senate  and 
restated  his  own  view  of  the  case.  Tacitus 
seems  to  have  combined  the  two  utter- 
ances of  Claudius  in  his  paraphrase.  The 
objections  raised  were  (i)  to  the  general 
principle  of  admitting  provincials  to  sena- 


torial dignity  and  office  in  Rome  ;  (2)  to 
the  admission  of  these  wealthy  and  power- 
ful chiefs,  whose  fathers  had  fought 
against  Rome  (infra  sect.  6).  Claudius 
replies  to  objection  i  in  chap.  24,  sect. 
1-7,  and  to  objection  2  in  sections  8-10- 
In  the  original  speech  the  arrangement  is 
clearer.  After  replying  to  objection  I, 
Claudius  passes  (Or.  CI.  ii.  9")  to  the  case  of 
Narbonese  Gaul,  then  (ii.  19-28'!  to  that 
of  the  colony  of  Lugdunum,  and  finally 
(ii.  29)  to  the  case  of  the  petitioners  '  de- 
stricte  iam  Comatae  Galliae  causa  agenda 
est.— P.] 

5.  consanguineis  populis,  probably 
best  taken,  with  Nipp.,  as  dative :  '  the 
rule  of  native-bom  Romans  (i.  e.  of  a 
senate  exclusively  of  those  belonging  to 
the  "  ager  Romanus")  had  once  sufficed 
for  (had  been  acquiesced  in  by)  kindred 
peoples '  (who  had  a  fairer  claim  than 
strangers  to  a  share  of  power).  Others 
take  *  suffecisse '  to  mean  *  had  supplied  a 
senate  to  kindred  peoples ' ;  others  make 
'consanguineis  populis'  abl.  abs.  (see 
Ruperti's  note).  The  time  referred  to 
would  be  that  when  Latins,  Sabines, 
&c.,  had  not  yet  full  equality  with 
Romans. 

7.  ad  virtutem,  &c.,  sc.  'spectantia': 
examples  in  respect  of  valour  and  renown 
set  by  the  genuine  Roman  character 
(that  of  the  '  indigenae '  mentioned 
above). 

8.  an  parum  quod,  *  is  it  not  enough  , 
that '.  The  Veneti  and  Insubres  (people 
of  the  districts  surrounding  Padua  and 
Milan)  are  taken  as  instances  of  the 
Transpadana,  which  received  the  citizen- 
ship from  Julius  Caesar  in  B.C.  49  (Dio, 
41-  36,  3)  :  see  on  c  24,  3. 

9.  coetus  of  Med.  is  altered  by  most 
editors  unnecessarily  to  'coetu'  (Ritter). 

captivitas,  *the  condition  of  a  cap- 
tured city'  (cp.  13.  35,  2),  governed  by 
an  alien  race  (on  the  supposition  that 
the  new  senators  would  swamp  the  old). 


A.  D.  48] 


LIBER  XL     CAP.  23,  24 


33 


5  quern  ultra  honorem    residuis   nobilium,  aut  si  quis  pauper  e 

6  Latio  senator  foret  ?     oppleturos  omnia  divites  illos,  quorum  avi 
proavique  hostilium  nationum  duces  exercitus  nostros  ferro  vique 

7  ceciderint,  divum   lulium    apud   Alesiam   obsederint.     recentia 
haec  :  quid  si  memoria  eorum  moreretur  qui  sub  Capitolio  et  arce  5 
Romana  manibus  eorundem  perissent  satis  :  fruerentur  sane  voca- 
bulo  civitatis  :  insignia  patrum,  decora  magistratuum  ne  vulgarent. 

1      24.    His   atque    talibus   haud   permotus   princeps   et   statim 
contra  disseruit  et  vocato  senatu  ita  exorsus  est :  '  maiores  mei, 
quorum  antiquissimus  Clausus  origine  Sabina  simul  in  civitatem  10 
Romanam  et  in  familias  patriciorum  adscitus  est,  hortantur  uti 


Orelli  (who  reads  *  coetus ')  takes  *  cap- 
titivas '  as  abstr.  for  concrete  ('  an  alien 
crowd,  a  mob  of  prisoners,  is  let  loose 
on  us'). 

1.  quern  ultra  honorem,*  what  chance 
of  winning  honours  would  be  left  to  the 
remaining  nobility,  or  to  any  poor  senator 
from  Latium'  (with  all  these  competi- 
tors) ?  *  Nobiles '  are  distinguished  from 
those  who  were  *novi  homines'  from 
Latin  towns  (see  note  on  4.  3,  4).  *  Resi- 
duus'  is  used  of  persons  by  just.,  &c. 
The  correction  ol  '  foret '  to  '  fore  *  is 
needless,  as  such  a  verb  can  be  easily 
supplied  (Introd.  L  v.  §  39  c) ;  the  tense 
required  being  indicated  by  *  ultra '. 

2.  divites.  On  the  wealth  of  the 
Gauls  cp.  c.  18,  I ;  3.  46,  4. 

4.  Alesiam,  the  town  of  the  Mandubii 
where  Vercingetorix  made  his  last  stand 
in  702,  B.C.  52  (Caes.  B.  G.  7.  68,  foil.). 
The  site  is  identified  with  Alise  Sainte 
Reine  in  the  department  of  Cote  d'Or, 

I  west  of  Dijon.  'Obsederint'  is  so  far 
true,  that  Caesar  was  for  a  time  besieged 
I  as  well  as  besieger. 

5.  moreretur.  [This  is  the  reading  of 
Med. :  generally  altered  by  edd.  after 
Bach  to  oreretur,  the  repetition  of  the 
*  m  '  being  easily  accounted  for. —  F.] 

qui  sub  Capitolio,  &c.  [The  corrupt 
Med.  text,  '  qui  Capitolio  et  ara  Romana 
manibus  eorundem  perse  satis ',  has  given 
rise  to  many  emendations :  '  sub  '  is  gen- 
erally inserted  with  Drager  before  *  Capi- 
tolio ',  and  '  ara '  altered  to  '  arce '  with 
Acidalius.  *  perissent  satis  '  is  closer  to 
Med.  than  most  emendations.     The  sense 

I  is  *  What  if  the  memory  of  those  men 
were  to  die,  who  have  had  enough  of 
dying  under  the  Capitol ',  &c.— F.]  The 
alternatives  are  to  read  'prostrati'  (forwhich 
Pfitzn.  reads  *  prensati ')  sint,'  with  Ritter 


(who,  instead  of  *  sub ',  inserts  *  conspi- 
cante'  before  'Capitolio').  Halm  also 
thinks  that  'obsessa'  may  have  been 
lost  after  '  Romana ' ;  but  the  application 
of  eorundem'  to  Gauls,  immediately 
after  *  eorum '  (Romans),  is  questionable. 
Many  other  conjectures  are  given  in  Wal- 
ther  and  Baiter,  to  which  may  be  added 
that  of  Nipp  ,  who,  after  '  arce  Romana  ', 
reads  *manibias  deorum  deripere  conati 
sint ',  and  of  Madvig  (Adv.  ii.  550),  who 
suggests  '  manibus  deorum  depulsi  sint ' 
(in  both  of  which  versions  *  eorum '  stands 
for  the  Gauls).  Madvig  has  also  (Adv. 
iii.  229)  suggested  a  still  more  violent 
change.  The  text  cannot  be  restored 
with  certainty  ;  but  the  allusion  is  plainly 
to  the  capture  of  Rome  by  the  Senones 
in  364,  B.C.  390  (Liv.  5,  37,  foil.). 

6.  fruerentvir :  cp.  *  frueretur  prae- 
miis  et  inpunitate '  (H.  4.  7,  4). 

vocabulo,  'the  title'  (without  the 
higher  privileges) :  cp.  '  eadem  magistra- 
tuum vocabula'  (i.  3,  7). 

7.  ne  vTilgarent:  cp.  'honor .  ..vul- 
gatur '  (4.  37,  5).  Jacob  compares  the 
sentiment  of  Cicero  (pro  Font.  8,  17), 
*  cum  infimo  cive  Romano  quisquam  am- 
plissimus  Galliae  comparandus  est ',  and 
that  of  Juv.  3,  84.  The  pasquinades 
on  the  privileges  given  to  Gauls  by  Julius 
Caesar  (Suet.  lul.  80)  may  be  also  noted. 

8.  statim,  '  there  and  then ',  when  the 
subject  was  privately  discussed. 

9.  ita  exorsus  est.  The  speech  here 
given,  as  well  as  the  fragments  of  the 
actual  speech  (see  Appendix  to  this  Book), 
show  reminiscences  of  the  speech  given  to 
Canuleius  by  Livy  (4.  3-5)  whose  con- 
nexion with  the  historical  studies  of 
Claudius   is   recorded   (Suet.  CI.  41). 

10.  Clausus  :  see  4.  9,  3,  and  note. 

11.  hortantur,  5cc,     Here,  as  Nipp, 


34 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  48 


paribus  consiliis  in  re  publica  capessenda,  transferendo  hue  quod 
usquam  egregium  fuerit.    neque  enim  ignore  lulios  Alba,  Corun-  2 
canios  Camerio,  Porcios  Tusculo,  et  ne  Vetera  scrutemur,  Etruria 
Lucaniaque  et  omni  Italia  in  senatum  accitos,  postremo  ipsam 

5  ad  Alpis  promotam   ut  non  modo   singuli  viritim,  sed  terrae, 
gentes  in  nomen  nostrum  coalescerent.     tunc  solida  domi  quies  3 
et  adversus  externa  floruimus,  cum  Transpadani  in  civitatem 
recepti,    cum    specie   deductarum    per   orbem    terrae    legionum 
additis  provincialium  validissimis  fesso  imperio  subventum  est. 

10  num  paenitet  Balbos  ex  Hispania  nee  minus  insignis  viros  e  4 


notes,  it  is  the  example,  not  of  what  they 
did,  but  of  what  was  done  for  them,  that 
calls  for  imitation.  On  the  inf.  with 
'hortor'  cp.  c.  16,  3.  The  Med.  text 
*rem  publica  capessenda'  (with  a  small 
erasure  before  *  rem ')  is  corrected  as 
above  by  Halm  and  Weissenb.  ;  Ritt. 
prefers  *  ad  rempublicam  capessendam  ' ; 
the  old  edd.  follow  G.  in  reading  *  hor- 
tantur,  uti  .  .  .  rempublicam  capessam '. 
For  the  expression  cp.  16.  26,  8,  &c. 

2.  lulios  Alba.  He  would  appear  to 
follow  Dion.  Hal.  (3.  29,  409),  who  made 
this  family  one  of  those  transferred  to 
Rome  on  the  destruction  of  Alba.  In 
Livy  (i.  30,  2)  the  Tullii  are  substituted 
for  the  lulii,  and  a  lulius  Proculus  had 
already  been  mentioned  as  a  Roman 
senator  in  the  time  of  Romulus  (i.  16, 5), 
who  himself,  as  one  of  the  Alban  royal 
race,  was  held  to  be  descended  from  lulus 
(see  4.  9,  3  ;  Verg.  Aen.  i,  267,  foil.). 

3.  Camerio.  Camerium  or  Cameria, 
one  of  the  Latin  cities,  was  destroyed  at 
so  early  a  date  that  its  site  is  doubtful 
(see  Mr.  Bunbury  in  Diet,  of  Geog.). 
According  to  Cicero  (pro  Plane.  8,  20), 
Ti.  Coruncanius,  the  famous  jurist  (cos. 
474,  B.C.  280),  was  from  Tusculum,  which 
he  states  to  have  been  also  the  birthplace 
of  Cato  the  Censor,  and  the  parent  of 
more  consular  families  than  all  the  other 
*  municipia '  together.  Other  families  of 
the  Porcian  gens,  the  Laecae  and  Licini, 
become  known  at  about  the  same  date  as 
the  Catones. 

Etrxiria  Lucaniaque.  On  this  abl. 
see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  24. 

4.  accitos,  sc.  'quosdam':  cp.  the 
similar  ellipse  in  c.  14,  4;  12.  11,  i,  &c. 
Nipp.  reads  'ascitos',  thinking  the  sense 
of  that  word  (cp.  §  i  ;  c  25,  i)  more 
appropriate  here  than  that  of '  summoned ' 

t  (c.  15, 1).     The  allusion  is  to  the  general 
I  admission  of  the  Italians  (including  the 


Cispadani)  after  the  Social  war.  ' 

ipsam,  sc  *  Italiam  '.  The  extension 
of  Italy  to  the  Alps  was  the  necessary 
consequence  of  the  gift  of  citizenship  to 
the  Transpadani  (c.  23,  4) ;  but  the  pro- 
vince of  Cisalpine  Gaul  was  not  formally 
abolished  till  713,  B.C.  41  (Dio,  48.  12,  5), 
and  the  frontier  of  Italy  was  not  formally 
fixed  till  the  time  of  Augustus  (see  Introd. 
i.  vii.  p.  92). 

5.  viritim  :  cp.  3.  43,  4,  and  note. 

6.  tunc  .  .  .  quies.  As  the  period 
immediately  following  the  admission  of 
the  Transpadani  was  one  of  violent  dis- 
turbance, Dr.  thinks  that  the  clause  re- 
ferring to  them  must  be  a  gloss  ;  but  we 
may  suppose  that  the  rest  under  Augustus 
is  referred  to,  and  that  the  settlement 
which  had  been  completed  up  to  that 
date  is  spoken  of  as  a  whole ;  the  words 
*  cum  . . .  recepti '  merely  meaning  '  when 
all  Italy  had  become  Roman '. 

8.  ciun  specie,  &c.  The  use  of  *  de- 
ductarum '  shows  that  the  provincial  | 
military  colonies  are  meant,  which,  estab- 
lished under  colour  (*  specie')  of  providing 
for  the  veterans  of  the  legions,  must  also 
have  given  opportunities  for  conierring 
the  citizenship  on  the  ^lite  of  the  provin-, 
cials,  associated  with  them.  Pfitzner  less 
well  takes  the  expression  of  the  distribu- 
tion of  the  legions  over  the  empire. 

9.  fesso  imperio  subventum  est. 
These  colonies  helped  to  give  rest,  by 
being  themselves  a  guarantee  for  peace 
and  order  in  the  most  important  positions, 
by  satisfying  the  provincial  desire  for  citi- 
zenship (see  above),  and  giving  the  subjects  ; 
an  interest  in  the  empire,  and  by  rearing 
a  civic  population  whence  the  legions 
could  be  recruited  without  drawing  on 
Italy  (see  Introd.  i.  vii.  p.  108 ;  Mar- 
quardt,  ii.  537). 

10.  Balbos.  L.  Cornelius  Balbus,  a  i 
native  of  Gades,  had  obtained  citizenship  \ 


A.  D.  48] 


LIBER  XL      CAP.  24 


35 


Gallia    Narbonensi    transivisse?      manent    poster!    eorum    nee 

6  amore   in   banc   patriam   nobis   concedunt.      quid   aliud   exitio 

Lacedaemoniis  et  Atheniensibus  fuit,  quamquam  armis  polle- 

6  rent,  nisi  quod   victos   pro   alienigenis    arcebant  ?     at  conditor 
nostri  Romulus  tantum  sapientia  valuit  ut  plerosque   populos  5 

7  eodem  die  hostis,  dein  civis  habuerit.     advenae  in  nos  regna- 
verunt :  libertinorum  filiis  magistratus  mandare  non,  ut  plerique 

8  falluntur,    repens,   sed   priori    populo    factitatum    est.     at   cum 
Senonibus    pugnavimus :   scilicet    Vulsci    et    Aequi    numquam 

9  adversam  nobis  aciem  instruxere.     capti  a  Gallis  sumus  :  sed  10 


jthrongh  Pompeius  (Cic.  pro  Balb.  8,  19), 
'  but  afterwards  attached  himself  to  Caesar : 
his  consulship  in  714,  B.C.  40  (Dio,  48. 
33,  2),  was  the  first  ever  attained  by  a 
Iforeigner  (Plin.  N.  H.  7.  43,  44,  136). 
iOn  his  nephew,  the  first  foreigner  who 
ever  triumphed  (Id.  5.  5,  36),  see  3.  72,  2, 
and  note. 

nee  minus,  &c.  In  the  actual  speech 
(ii.  9)  Claudius  says  that  the  colony  of 
Vienna  (Vienne)  had  long  before  that 
time  sent  senators  to  Rome.  Its  citizens 
whom  he  there  specifies  are  of  his  own 
time,  and  cannot  be  those  here  referred  to 
as  represented  by  their  posterity;  but 
there  had  been  Gaulish  senators  from  the 
time  of  Julius  Caesar  (see  on  c.  23,  7). 
On  these  and  Spanish,  and  other  provin- 
cial senators,  see  Friedl.  Sitteng.  i.  pp. 
199,  foil. 

3.  Xjacedaemoniis  et  Atheniensi- 
bus. The  former  kept  down  the  Mes- 
senians  by  force  as  a  conquered  people, 
and  lost  all  hold  on  them  from  the  time 
of  Epaminondas  :  Athens  had  reduced 
nearly  all  the  original  confederate  cities 
to  a  dependent  and  tributary  position 
before  the  Peloponnesian  war,  and  was 
constantly  weakened  in  that  struggle  by 
their  revolts  :  neither  had  adopted  the 
Roman  policy  of  incorporation. 

4.  pro,  used  as  in  4.  38,  2. 
conditor  nostri.      Here    the    genit. 

of  the  personal  pronoun  seems  emphatic, 
but  it  is  often  used  by  Tacitus  without 
such  reason  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  33  a  ;  Nipp. 
on  12.  37,4). 

5.  plerosque  ^  '  permultos '  (see  3.  i, 
2,  and  note).  The  allusion  is  to  the 
tradition  of  his  having  taken  in  the  An- 
temnates  and  Crustumini  (Liv.  i.  11),  and 
having  shared  his  power  with  Tatius  and 
the  Sabines  (Id.  i.  13). 

6.  advenae.      In  the  actual   speech 


(i.  8,  foil.)  Numa,  Tarquinius  Priscus, 
Servius  Tullius  are  instanced,  and  their 
origin  is  traced  at  some  length.  *Reg- 
nare  in  '  is  noted  as  a  novel  phrase,  but 
analogous  to  *  dominari  in '  (Cic.  de  Sen. 
II,  38;  Ov.  Met.  I,  77  ;  Liv.  3.  53,  7). 

7.  libertinorum  fllliis.  Livy  mentions 
(9.  46,  i)  Cn.  Flavius,  of  such  origin,  as 
curule  aedile,  and  adds  (Id.  §  10)  that 
Appius  Claudius  Caecus  had  admitted 
such  to  the  senate  in  304,  B.  c.  450,  but 
that  subsequent  censors  had  not  ratified 
his  choice.  Suetonius  notes  (CI.  24)  that 
Claudius,  in  quoting  this  precedent  on  this 
or  another  occasion,  had  overlooked  the 
fact  that  in  those  days  '  libertinus'  denoted 
the  son  of  a  '  libertus ',  instead  of  being  a 
synonym  for  that  term.  It  appears,  how- 
ever, that  no  other  writer  observes  this 
distinction  in  speaking  of  that  time,  and 
that  certainly  the  son  of  an  actual  freedman^ 
had  been  tribune  in  654,  B.  c.  100  (App.: 
B.  C.  I.  33),  and  that  such  had  been  ad- 
mitted to  the  senate  by  Julius  Caesar 
(Dio,  43.  47,  3) :  also  that,  by  the  time 
of  Nero,  senatorial  families  of  servile 
origin  were  very  numerous  (13.  27,  2; 
Plin.  Ep.  3.  14,  i).  See  Friedl.  i.  p.  212  ; 
Momms.  Staatsr.  i.  488. 

8.  repens  =  *  recens* :  see  6.  7,  4,  and 
note. 

priori  populo,  apparently  used,  like 
'vetus  populus'  in  i.  i,  4  (where  see 
note),  of  the  Republic. 

9.  Senonibus:  see  c.  23,  7. 
Vulsci,  the  corrected  form  of  Med., 

which  has  in  the  first  hand  'uulsi'.  Baiter 
(in  Orelli)  shows  that  this  form  appears 
in  the  Fasti  Capitolini,  and  in  the  best 
MSS.  of  Livy,  Vergil,  &c.  On  the  re- 
sistance and  subjection  of  this  people  and 
the  Aequi,  which  takes  so  large  a  space  in 
the  first  decade  of  Livy,  see  Momms.  Hist. 
Rom.  Book  ii.  ch.  5. 


D  a 


36 


CORNELH  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  48 


et  Tuscis  obsides  dedimus  et  Samniti'um  iugum  subiimus.     ac 
tamen,  si  cuncta  bella  recenseas,  nullum  breviore  spatio  quam 
adversus   Gallos   confectum  :  continua   inde  ac  fida  pax.     iam  10 
moribus  artibus  adfinitatibus  nostris  mixti  aurum  et  opes  suas 

5  inferant  potius  quam  separati  habeant.    omnia,  patres  conscripti,  11 
quae   nunc   vetustissima   creduntur,  nova   fuere :  plebeii   magi- 
stratus   post  patricios,   Latini    post   plebeios,  ceterarum   Italiae 
gentium  post  Latinos,     inveterascet  hoc  quoque,  et  quod  hodie 
exemplis  tuemur,  inter  exempla  erit.' 

10      25.    Orationem  principis  secuto  patrum  consulto  primi  Aedui  1 
senatorum  in  urbe  ius  adepti  sunt,     datum  id  foederi  antiquo  et  2 
quia  soli  Gallorum  fraternitatis   nomen  cum  populo    Romano 
usurpant. 

Isdem  diebus  in  numerum  patriciorum  adscivit  Caesar  vetus-  3 


I.  Tuscis  .  .  .  Samnitium,  alluding: to 


(the  submission  of  Rome  to  Porsena  (see 
H.  3.  72,  i),  disguised  by  Livy  (who 
1  nevertheless  mentions  hostages  in  2. 13,  4% 
j  and  to  the  disaster  of  the  Caudine  Forks 
in  433,  B.C.  321  (Liv.  9.  1-6). 

2.  nullum  breviore  spatio,  &c.  The 
submission  of  *  Gallia  Comata  '  (which  is 
alone  alluded  to)  contrasts  certainly  with 
the  long  resistance  of  Spain  and  the  failure 
to  subdue  Germany  ;  but  some  of  the 
Eastern  conquests  were  more  quickly 
made.  In  the  actual  speech,  no  such 
comparison  is  made,  but  a  contrast  is 
drawn  between  the  ten  years'  war  with 
Caesar  and  the  subsequent  hundred  years 
of  peace  (round  numbers  are  used)  ;  and 
the  help  given  to  his  father  Drusus  against 
the  Germans  by  the  tranquillity  of  Gaul  is 
noticed.  In  neither  version  of  the  speech 
is  any  account  taken  of  the  rising  of  A.  D. 
21  (3.  40-46). 

5.  inferant, '  let  them  bring  in  amongst 
us  '  (here  in  Rome,  as  senators). 

omnia,  &c.  This  thought  is  worked 
out  at  length  in  Col.  i  of  the  existing 
speech,  and  appears  to  be  suggested  by 
Liv.  4.  4,  1,  foil. 

6.  plebeii,  so  best  read  (with  Nipp.) 
for  the  Med.  *plebei',  which  Halm  and 
others  retain.  The  context  shows  that 
the  allusion  is  not  to  the  special  magis- 
trates of  the  plebs,  but  to  the  opening  of 
the  patrician  magistracies  to  that  order. 

(  Roman  magistrates  from  the   towns   of 
'  'Latium  vetus',  such  as  Tusculum,  have 
been  already  noticed  (§   2).     As  an  in- 
stance of  one  from  other  parts  of  Italy 
may  be  mentioned  Ventidius,  who,  a  cap- 


tive in  his  infancy  in  the  Social  war, 
became  consul  and  triumphed  in  A.  D.  38 
(Dio,  43.  51,  4). 

10.  Orationem  principis.  [Probably 
the  senate,  as  was  becoming  usual,  merely 
acclaimed  Claudius'  statement.  The  re- 
quest of  the  chiefs  was  one  which  it  was 
within  his  own  power  to  grant  (see  below). 

secuto.  On  the  accus.  after  abl.  abs. , 
see  Introd.  i.  v.  31  d. 

primi  Aedui,  &c.  [Tacitus  rriay  mean 
that  the  concession  was  general,  but  that 
the  Aeduan  chiefs  were  taken  first  in 
order,  or  more  probably  that  the  con- 
cession was  for  the  time  limited  to  these 
ancient  allies  of  Rome.  We  are  not  told 
in  what  form  the  concession  was  made, 
whether  by  the  grant  of  the  *  broad  stripe ' 
or  by  direct  *  ad  lectio '  into  the  senate : 
the  latter,  since  'adlectio'  was  a  censorial 
act,  is  the  more  likely. — P.]. 

1 1,  foederi  antiquo.  The  date  of  this 
treaty  is  unknown,  but  they  are  called  '  so- 
cii'asearlyas633,  B.C.  121  (Liv.  Epit.  61). 

12.  fraternitatis  nomen.  Caesar  speaks 
of  them  (B.  G.  i.  33,  2)  as  *  fratres  con- 
sanguineosque  saepenumero  ab  senatu 
appellatos ',  and  Cicero  (adAtt.  i.  19,  2) 
calls  them  '  fi  atres  nostri '.  Similar  titles 
were  given  by  the  senate  to  individuals 
(see  4.  26,  4,  and  note).  For  other  such 
instances  of  '  hospitium  publicum '  see 
Marquardt,  Privatl.  196. 

14.  in  numerum  patriciorum  ad- 
scivit. The  original  patriciate  must  of 
course  be  assumed  to  be  coeval  with  the 
foundation  of  Rome.  Subsequent  early 
additions  to  it,  however  ascribed  to  indi- 


A.  D.  48J 


LIBER  XL      CAP.  24,   25 


37 


tissimum  quemque  e  senatu  aut  quibus  clari  parentes  fue- 
rant,  paucis  iam  reliquis  familiarum,  quas  Romulus  maiorum  et 
L.  Brutus  minorum  gentium  appellaverant,  exhaustis  etiam  quas 
dictator  Caesar  lege  Cassia  et  princeps  Augustus  lege  Saenia 


vidual  kings  or  others,  took  no  doubt 
the  form  ot  co-optation  by  the  existing 
patrician  curiae  (see  Momms.  Staatsr.  ill. 
29,  loll.),  admitting  not  individuals  but 
families,  which  by  such  admission  became 
patrician  'gentes'.  Julius  Caesar  and 
Augustus  acted  by  special  law  (see 
below);  Claudius  (see  §  4),  and  after  him 
Vespasian  and  Titus  (seeVit.  Marc.  Aur.  1), 
claim  this  power  as  a  censorial  function, 
analogous  to  that  of  nominating  senators  ; 
later  emperors  create  patricians  in  virtue 
of  their  general  power.  See  Momms.  ii. 
p,  1 1 00.  These  later  grants  are  bestowed 
primarily  on  individuals;  and  among  those 
so  ennobled  at  this  time  were  L.  Salvius 
Otho,  father  of  the  emperor  (Suet.  0th.  i), 
P.  Plautius  Pulcher,  brother  of  the  em- 
peror's former  wife  Plautia  Urgulanilla 
(C.  I.  L,  14.  3607),  and  M.  Helvius  Ge- 
minus  (C.  I.L.  iii.  i.  6074).  It  is  prob- 
able that  C.  Silius  was  another  (see  note 
on  c.  12,  2). 

1.  vetustissimum,  the  senators  of  long- 
est standing  :  cp.  '  vetus  senator  '  (Liv.  5. 

12,11). 

clari.  This  word  and  its  cognates 
'claritudo'  and  'claritas',  are  used  to 
denote  distinction  and  eminence,  rather 
than  mere  '  nobilitas ' :  cp.  the  opposition 
*  Claris  maioribus  quam  vetustis'  (4.  61, 
i);  alsoi2.  22,  2;  64,4;  and  other  pas- 
sages collected  by  Nipp.  on  2.  33,  5. 

2.  paucis  iam  reliquis.     On  the  de- 

Icay  of  old  families,  and  on  the  few  still 
remaining,  cp.  Friedl.  i.  pp.  210,  214. 
The  distinction  of '  gentes  '  and  '  familiae ' 
had  become  at  this  time  much  obliterated ; 
Iso  that  the  latter  term  is  often,  as  here, 
used  for  the  former  (cp.  6.51,1;  H.  2.  48, 
•5,  &c.) ;  and  plebeian  *  familiae  '  are  often 
called  '  gentes '  (see  Marquardt,  Staatsv. 
iii.  130;  Momms.  Staatsr.  iii.  10,  2). 

quas  Komulus,  &c.  According  to 
Uvy  (I.  8,  7),  the  loo  original  senators 
of  Romulus  were  the  founders  of  the 
j original  patriciate  (*  patres  certe  ab  ho- 
fnore,  palriciique  progenies  eorum  appel- 
ilati').  Dion.  Hal.  (2.  8)  makes  him 
directly  create  a  patrician  order.  Besides 
these,  the  houses  supposed  to  have  come 
in  with  the  Sabines  under  Tatius,  or  on 
the  destruction  of  Alba  (see  on  c.  24,  2) 
were  still   *  maiorum  gentium '.     Those 


styled  '  minorum  gentium '  are  repre-i 
sented  by  all  extant  authorities  except! 
Tacitus  as  the  famalies  sprung  from  the  I 
100  senators  added  by  Tarquinius  Priscusl 
('  centum  in  patres  legit,  qui  deinde  mi-  ' 
norum  gentium  sunt  appellati '  Liv.  i.  35, 
6).  Cicero  adds  (de  Rep.  2.  20,  35^  *  et 
antiquos  patres  "  maiorum  gentium  ap- 
pellavit,  quos  primos  sententiam  rogabat', 
and  also  mentions  (ad  Fam.  9.  21,  2)  that 
the  Papirii  were  patricians  '  minorum 
gentium'.  Tacitus  appears  to  have  con- 
fused the  tradition  of  Tarquin  with  that 
of  Brutus,  who  is  said  (Liv.  2.  i,  10)  to 
have  made  up  the  senate^  weakened  by 
the  last  king,  to  300,  by  adding  *  con- 
scripti '  from  the  *  primores  equestris 
gradus'.  Dion.  HaL  (5.  13)  represents 
this  change  as  a  creation  of  new  pa- 
tricians, from  whom  the  new  senators 
were  chosen  :  the  true  view,  however, 
appears  to  be  that  the  '  conscripti '  re- 
mained plebeians,  and  that  their  enrol- 
ment, at  whatever  time  it  took  place,  was 
the  first  admission  of  that  order  to  the 
senate  (Momms.  Staatsr.  iii.  839,  2).  The 
addition  of  the  Claudii  is  generally  made 
to  take  place  under  the  early  Republic 
(Liv.  2.  16,  5),  but  another  tradition  ( 
makes  them  come  in  with  Tatius  (Verg.  / 
Aen.  7,  708;  Suet.  Tib.  i).  Various 
stories  of  elevation  of  individuals  or 
houses  to  this  rank  in  early  times  were 
evidently  heraldic  fictions  of  later  date 
(see  Suet.  Aug.  2 ;  Vit.  i  ;  Momms. 
Staatsr.  iii.  41,  2).  On  the  whole  subject 
of  the  patriciate  see  Momms.  iii.  3-53. 

3.  quas  dictator  Caesar,  &c.  The 
'  lex  Cassia  '  is  nowhere  else  mentioned, 
but  must  have  been  an  enabling  law  under 
which  Caesar  in  709,  B.  C.  45,  iroAAoiu  f  y 
rovs  ei/TTarpiSas  tovs  tc  vvarevfcoTas  ^  kqI 
apxhv  Tivadp^avras  kyKareKf^ev  (Dio,  43. 
47,  3).  Mommsen  inclines  (^Staatsr.  iii. 
33)  to  trace  a  connexion  in  this  act  ot 
Caesar's  with  his  powers  as  pontifex 
maximus  in  relation  to  the  curiae.  Among 
the  patricians  then  added  were  the  Oc- 
tavii  (Suet.  Aug.  i) ;  and  Dio  1,46.  22,  3) 
makes  Calenus  say  that  Cicero  was  thus 
ennobled  ;  but  the  absence  of  any  men- 
tion of  it  by  Cicero  himself  is  against  this 
supposition. 

4.  Augustus  lege  Saenia.    Augustus 


38 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  48 


sublegere  ;  laetaque  haec  in  rem  publicam  munia  multo  gaudio  4 
censoris  inibantur.    famosos  probris  quonam  modo  senatu  depel-  5 
leret  anxius,  mitem  et  recens  repertam  quam  ex  severitate  prisca 
rationem  adhibuit,  monendo,  secum  quisque  de  se  consultaret 
i;  peteretque    ius   exuendi   ordinis :   facilem    eius   rei   veniam ;  et  6 
motos   senatu   excusatosque    simul    propositurum    ut    iudicium 
censorum    ac    pudor   sponte    cedentium    permixta    ignominiam 
mollirent.     ob  ea  Vipstanus  consul  rettulit  patrem  senatus  ap-  7 
pellandum    esse   Claudium :  quippe    promiscum    patris    patriae 
10  cognomentum  ;  nova  in  rem  publicam  merita  non  usitatis  voca- 
bulis  honoranda  :  sed  ipse  cohibuit  consulem  ut  nimium  adsen- 
tantem.     condiditque  lustrum  quo  censa  sunt  civium  quinquagies  8 


says  (Mon.  Anc.  2.  i),  *  patriciorum  nu- 
menim  auxi  consul  quintum  (725,  B.C. 
29)  iussu^populi  et  senatus  \  The  senatus 
consultum  is  mentioned  by  Dio  (52.  42, 
,5) ;  the  enabling  *  lex  Saenia '  (referred  to 
in  'iussu  populi')  must  have  been  passed, 
as  is  shown  by  Mommsen  (ad  loc.  Mon. 
Anc.)  in  November  or  December  of  the 
previous  year,  when  L.  Saenius  was  cos. 
suff.,  and  was  probably  connected  with 
the  census  then  about  to  be  taken  '^Staatsr. 
ii.  1 101 ).  Mommsen  also  shows  that  Dio 
(49.  43,  6)  must  be  in  error  in  stating  that 
a  previous  addition  to  the  patriciate  was 
made  in  721,  B.  c.  33. 

I.  laeta  in  rem  publicam.  Theaccus. 
with  '  in '  has  here  nearly  the  force  of  a 
simple  dat.  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  60  b),  and 
*  in  rem  publicam  '  seems  here  used  for 
'in  publicum'  (cp.  12.  8,  3,  and  note). 
Beyond  the  desire  to  pay  a  compliment 
to  the  person  thus  ennobled,  the  only 
practical  object  of  such  a  measure  would 
be  to  enlarge  the  area  of  candidature  for 
the  few  offices,  such  as  those  of  the 
'  flamines  maiores'  (see  4.  16,  2),  still  re- 
stricted to  patricians. 

muxda  .  .  .  inibantur,  *  this  function 
was  taken  up  by  the  censor  with  extreme 
delight '. 

3.  recens  repertam.  In  725,  B.C.  29, 
Augustus  had  induced  fifty  senators  to 
resign  tueir  rank  voluntarily,  and  had  put 
pressure  on  one  hundred  and  forty  others 
to  make  them  follow  that  example  (Dio, 
52.  42,  2  ;  cp.  Suet.  Aug.  35).  For  other 
instances  of  the  exercise  of  this  power 
8662.48,3;  12.52,4,  and  notes.  Claudius 
no  doubt  enrolled  other  senators  in  their 
places,  among  whom  were  M.  Calvius 
Priscus  and  M.  Salonius  (C.  I.  L.  10. 
6521;  5-3"7)- 


quam,  with  ellipse  of  '  magis '  (see 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  64.  i). 

5.  exuendi,  so  read,  after  Lips.,  for 
*  exeundi ' :  cp.  3.  17,  8  ;  H.  2.  86,  6,  and 
many  similar  metaphorical  uses  of  the 
verb  noted  on  i.  69,  2.  Senatorial  rank 
could  not  be  resigned  without  such  per- 
mission :  cp.  I.  75,  5;  Momms.  Staatsr. 
iii.  881. 

6.  propositurum,  *  he  would  publish '.  I 

7.  permixta  :  so  Halm,  Nipp.,  Dr., 
Jacob,  after  Ritt.  for  the  Med. '  permixti  *, 
which  could  only  be  defended  by  sup- 
posing a  personification  quite  foreign  to 
the  passage.  The  use  of  a  neuter  adj. 
with  a  masc.  or  fem.  substantive  is  com- 
mon (see  on  i.  46,  i). 

9.  promiscum, '  given  to  others '  (see 
on  I.  72,  2)  and  thus  not  truly  distinc- 
tive. 

1 1 .  coMbuit.  Mommsen  notes  (Staatsr. 
ii.  895,  3)  that  the  title  thus  refused  by 
Claudius  was  afterwards  borne  by  Corn- 
modus,  Balbinus,  and  Pupienus,  as  shown 
by  their  coins. 

12.  condidit  lustrum.  This  expres- 
sion is  used  properly  of  the  closing  cere- 
mony of  *  lustratio '  by  '  suovetaurilia  * 
(Liv.  1.44,  2). 

quinquagies,  «&c.  =  5,984,072.    Halm 

and     other     recent     edd.     so     read in 

words  the  figures  given  in  Med.  Lvim. 
Lxxxiiii.  Lxxii.).  The  other  MSS.  (see 
Walther)  vary  considerably,  and  Jerome 
and  Syncellus,  varying  from  these  and 
from  each  other,  give  nearly  a  million 
more  (see  Orelli's  note).  It  is  suggested 
(Lehmann,  p.  292)  that  these  may  repre- 
sent later  additions.  Augustus  (Mon. 
Anc.  ii.  2-8)  gives  the  numbers  on  two 
censuses  held  by  him  in  726,  746,  B.C.  28, 
8,  as  4,063,000,  and  4,233,000.     These 


A.  D.  48] 


LIBER  XL      CAP,  25,   26 


39 


novies  centena  octoginta  quattuor  milia  septuaginta  duo.  isque 
illi  finis  inscitiae  erga  domum  suam  fuit :  haud  multo  post 
flagitia  uxoris  noscere  ac  punire  adactus  est  ut  deinde  ardesceret 
in  nuptias  incestas. 

1  26.     lam  Messalina  facilitate  adulteriorum  in  fastidium  versa  5 
ad  incognitas  libidines  profluebat,  cum  abrumpi  dissimulationem 
etiam  Silius,  sive  fatali  vaecordia  an  imminentium  periculorum 

2  remedium  ipsa  pericula  ratus,  urgebat:  quippe  non  eo  ventum  ut 
senectam  principis  opperirentur.  insontibus  innoxia  consilia, 
flagitiis  manifestis  subsidium  ab  audacia  petendum.     adesse  con-  10 

3  scios  paria  metuentis.     se  caelibem,  orbum,  nuptiis  et  adoptando 

4  Britannico  paratum.  mansuram  eandem  Messalinae  potentiam, 
addita  securitate,  si  praevenirent  Claudium,  ut  insidiis  incautum, 


figures,  when  addition  is  made  for  women 
and  children,  would  represent  a  total 
civic  population  throughout  the  empire  of 
four  or  five  times  the  number  given. 

2.  finis  inscitiae:  cp.  c.  13,  i  ;  also 
*  dedecus  ille  domus  sciet  ultimus '  Juv. 
ro,  342.  His  actual  knowledge  is  not 
related  till  c.  30.  The  rest  is  inter- 
mediate. 

erga,  in  relation  to :  cp.  Introd.  i.  v. 

§59- 

3.  adactus,  with  infin.  as  in  4.  29,  3 
(where  see  note).  *  est '  omitted  by  Med. 
has  been  inserted  with  Nipp.  The  change 
of  subject  makes  the  omission  very  harsh. 

'  4.  incestas,  with  his  niece  Agrippina. 

5.  lam  .  .  .  cum.  These  are  evidently 
to  be  taken  together.  The  continued 
blindness  of  Claudius  (c  25,  8)  has  made 
mere  adultery  pall  upon  her  :  she  is  pin- 
ing for  a  new  excitement  and  ready  to 
plunge  into  it,  when  Silius  unexpectedly 
fires  her  by  urging  a  bold  stroke  for 
empire,  to  be  accompanied  by  marriage. 
She  is  opposed  to  the  first  part  (§  5),  but 
catches  eagerly  at  the  second,  the  '  nomen 
matrimonii  ',  for  its  very  novelty  (§  6). 

adulteriorum  :  so  nearly  all  edd. 
since  Em.,  after  the  ed.  pr.,  for  Med. 
'  adulterorum  ' ;  the  personal  sense  of 
Macilitas*  (6.  15,  3)  being  wholly  inap- 
plicable here. 

6.  profluebat,  used  here  alone  in  the 
sense  of '  prolabebatur'. 

7.  sive  .  .  .  an,  here  alone  (ace.  to  Dr.) 
used  for  '  sive  .  .  .  sive '.  Nipp.  thinks 
another  clause  with  '  sive '  has  dropped 
out,  after  which  *  an '  mi^ht  stand  in  the 
third  clause,  as  perhaps  in  14.  59,  i 
(where  see  note);  Ov.  F.  3,  773-779. 
'  An '  stands  in  a  second  clause,  without 


'  sive ',  in  16.  23,  3,  &c.  Tacitus  perhaps 
here  intends  to  indicate  a  preference  for 
the  second  explanation. 

8.  urgebat,  here  alone  with  ace  and 
inf. :  for  other  verbs  so  used,  cp.  c.  lo, 
8  ;  Introd.  i.  v.  §  44. 

quippe,  introducing  his  arguments. 

non  eo  ventum,  &c.,  '  they  were 
not  driven  to  the  necessity  of  waiting  for 
the  old  age  (the  natural  death)  of  the 
prince  '.  They  had  accomplices  ('  con- 
scios ')  and  could  take  a  bolder  course. 
For  that  sense  of  *  eo  ventum  ut ',  cp.  15. 
27,  J,  and  the  full  expression  '  eo  necessi- 
tatis .  .  .  ventum  est'  (H.  i.  16,  i);  for 
the  meaning  of  '  opperiri ',  cp.  2.  69,  4, 
&c. ;  also  *  senectus  eius  expectabatur ' 
(16.  9,  2).  Others,  as  Dr.  and  Jacob, 
with  whom  J.  H.  Muller  (Beitr.  iv.  3) 
mainly  agrees,  take  the  words  to  mean, 

*  they  had  not  pushed  matters  so  far,  in 
order  now  to  take  up  a  waiting  attitude  ; 
i.  e.  they  had  gone  too  far  to  make  that 
safe ;  but  this  meaning  appears  less  suit- 
able to  the  words. 

9.  consilia,  rightly  taken  by  Nipp.  in 
contrast  to  'audacia',  as  'insontibus'  to 

*  manifestis  flngitiis ' :  *  to  the  innocent, 
deliberate  plans  might  be  harmless '.  The 
conciseness  of  expression  makes  the  con- 
nexion obscure,  but  evidently  a  second 
reason  against  delay  is  added,  that  the 
bolder  course  was  to  them  the  only  safe 
one. 

II.  paria  metuentis,  i.  e.  equally  de- 
sperate, and  therefore  equally  ready  for  a 
bold  course,  or  likely  to  tuni  against  them 
if  they  delayed. 

caelibem.  He  had  divorced  his  wife  / 
(c.  12,  2). 

13.  incautum,'  unguarded ';  used  with 


40 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  48 


ita  irae  properum.     segniter  eae  voces  acceptae,  non  amore  in  5 
maritum,   sed   ne   Silius   summa   adeptus   sperneret   adulteram 
scelusque  inter  ancipitia  probatum  veris  mox  pretiis  aestimaret. 
nomen  tamen  matrimonii  concupivit  ob  magnitudinem  infamiae  6 

5  cuius  apud  prodigos  novissima  voluptas  est.    nee  ultra  expectato  7 
quam  dum  sacrificii  gratia  Claudius  Ostiam  proficisceretur,  cuncta 
nuptiarum  sollemnia  celebrat. 

27.    Haud  sum  ignarus  fabulosum  visum  iri  tantum  ullis  mor-  1 
talium  securitatis  fuisse  in  civitate  omnium  gnara  et  nihil  reticente, 

10  nedum  consulem  designatum  cum  uxore  principis,  praedicta  die, 
adhibitis  qui  obsignarent,  velut  suscipiendorum  liberorum  causa 
convenisse,  atque  illam  audisse  auspicum  verba,  subisse,  sacrifi- 


similar  dat.  in  4.  i,  3,  and  (ace.  to  some) 
in  I.  68,  5  (where  see  note). 

1.  irae  properum.  Here,  and  in  4. 
59,  5;  14.  7,  2,  the  case  is  doubtful,  but 
in  12.  66,  2  it  is  plainly  genit.,  and  is 
best  so  taken  here  (see  Introd.  i.  v,  §  63 
67).  'Properus'  has  this  construction 
only  in  the  Annals. 

amore,  causal  abl. 

2.  ne,  '  from  fear  lest ' :  cp.  the  similar 
brachylogy  in  H.  2.  23,  2  ('  diffisus  pauci- 
tati  cohortium,  ne  longius  obsidium  pa- 
rum  tolerarent'),  and  other  passages  given 
by  Nipp.  on  c.  15,  2. 

3.  inter  ancipitia,  *  in  the  midst  of 
peril ' :  the  same  expression  is  used  in  H. 
3.40,  4;  G.  14,3. 

4.  nomen,  i.e.  a  nominal  marriage, 
preceded  by  no  divorce. 

5.  cuius,  &c.,  'a  pleasure  which,  with 
the  abandoned,  outlasts  all  others  ',  has 
still  some  piquancy,  when  all  others  have 
palled.  Seneca  (Ep.  122,  18)  expresses 
a  somewhat  similar  sentiment,  *  nolunt 
solita  peccare,  quibus  peccandi  praemium 
infamia  est'.  '  Pmdigus  '  seems  nowhere 
else  thus  used  in  the  general  sense  of 
aaojTos ;  hence  Dr.  reads  '  profligatos ', 
and  Nipp.  inclines  to  read  '  perditos ' : 
Pfitzn.  would  supply  '  infamiae '  again 
with  '  prodigos'. 

nee  ultra  expectato,  repeated  12. 
7,  3 :  on  the  abl.  abs.  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  31  a. 

6.  sacrificii  gratia.  Dio  states  (60. 
{31,  4)  that  he  went  there  irpds  kiri- 
I  cKfipiv  o'lTov.  A  reconciliation  is  sug- 
j  gested  by  Lips.,  who  notes  the  mention 
I  in  Ammian.  19.  10,  4  of  a  sacrifice  offered 
I  in  time  of  scarcity  by  the  annonae  prae- 

fectus  in  the  temple  of  Castor  and  Pollux 
at  Ostia,  to  propitiate  them,  as  deities  of 
fair  weather   (Hor.  Od.    i.    12,  27),    to 


grant  a  safe  passage  to  the  corn  ships.' 
He  thinks  that  Claudius  may  have  gone 
there  to  offer  a  similar  sacrifice  as  ponti- 
fex  maximus.  Claudius  had  carried  out 
great  works  at  Ostia  to  improve  the 
harbour  (Suet.  CI.  20),  and  may  also 
have  founded  the  temple  and  instituted 
the  sacrifice. 

9.  securitatis,  'recklessness':  cp.  c. 
3,  2. 

nihil  reticente.  The  freedom  with 
which  even  dangerous  subjects  were  talked 
about  is  attested  by  Seneca  (de  Tranq.  1 2, 
7)  '  teterrimum  vitium,  auscultatio,  et 
publicorum  secretorumque  inqui^itio,  et 
multarum  rerum  scientia,  quae  nee  tuto 
narrantur  nee  tuto  audiuntur  '. 

10.  nedum,  'much  more':  cp.  13.  20, 
5 ;  38,  3.  This  use  in  an  affirmative 
clause  appears  to  be  found  first  in  Livy 
(9.  18,  4).  The  instances  seem  too 
various  to  be  all  explained  as  occurring 
in  sentences  negative  in  thought. 

consulem  designatum  :  cp.  c.  5,  3. 

1 1 .  qui  obsignarent, '  those  who  were 
to  sign  the  marriage  contract'  (as  wit- 
nesses). The  whole  description  may  be 
compared  with  that  in  15.  37, 9  ;  Juv.  10, 
329,  foil.,  and  the  general  account  of  the 
marriage  ceremonies  in  Friedl.  Sitteng. 
i.  416;  Marquardt,  Privatl.  i.  47,  foil. 

velut  suscipiendorum  liberorum 
causa,  i.  e.  as  for  a  legitimate  marriage ; 
the  insertion  of  words  to  that  effect  being 
an  essential  part  of  the  marriage  contract, 
and  this  form  being  used  to  express  regular 
marriages  (cp.  Suet.  lul.  52  ;  Hor.  Epp. 
I.  2,  44  ;  Aug.  de  Civ,  Dei,  14,  18,  &c.). 
On  the  use  of  *  velut ',  with  the  force  of 
ws,  see  Introd,  i,  v.  §  67. 

12.  auspicum  verba:  cp.  15,  37,  9; 
Juv.  10,  336,  and  Mayor  ad  loc.  Accord- 


A.  D.  48] 


LIBER  XL      CAP.  26-28 


41 


casse  apud  deos  ;  discubitum  inter  convivas,  cscula  complexus, 
2  noclem  denique  actam  licentia  coniugali.     sed  nihil  compositum 
miraculi  causa,  verum  audita  scriptaque  senioribus  tradam. 

1  28.  Igitur  domus  principis  inhorruerat,  maximeque  quos 
penes  potentia  et,  si  res  verterentur,  formido,  non  iam  secretis  5 
conloquiis,  sed  aperte  fremere,  dum  histrio  cubiculum  principis 
insultaverit,  dedecus  quidem  inlatum,  sed  excidium  procul 
afuisse :  nunc  iuvenem  nobilem  dignitate  formae,  vi  mentis  ac 
propinquo  consulatu  maiorem  ad  spem  accingi ;  nee  enim  occul- 

2  turn  quid  post  tale  matrimonium  superesset.     subibat  sine  dubio  10 
metus  reputantis  hebetem  Claudium  et  uxori  devinctum  mul- 


ing to   Cic.  de  Div.  i.  16,  28,  the  old 

custom  of  doing  nothing  of  importance 

*  nisi  auspicato  '   survived   as  an   empty 

form   in   marriage  ('  nuptiarum  auspices 

...  re  omissa  nomen  taiitum  tenent '). 

I  The  part  appears  to  have  been  nominally 

I  sustained   by  friends  present  (Marquardt, 

!  Privatl.  i.  48,  i),  who  would  seem  to  have 

j  had  to  repeat  some  formula. 

subisse.  It  is  possible  to  suppose 
that  this  was  a  recognized  term  for  some 
part  of  the  marriage  ceremony,  such  as 
that  of  entering  the  husband's  door,  taking 
the  yoke,  puttmg  on  the  veil.  Cp.  Catul- 
lus' subi  forem  (61.  161).  Most  edd. 
treat  it  as  corrupt,  and  alter  to  '  nupsisse  ' 
(Lips,),  *  subscripsisse '  (Ritt.),  or  add 
'flammeum'  (Urlichs  and  Nipp.  from 
15.  37,  9),  or  *  vota  '  (Dr.).  Jacob  follows 
Walther  in  taking  it  with  '  auspicum 
verba '.and  bracketing  'audisse  '  as  a  gloss. 

1.  discubitum,  sc.  'ab  ipsis ',  'they 
took  their  places' :  cp.  Juv.  2,  1 19  '  Sig- 
natae  tabulae,  dictum  "  feliciter",  ingens 
Caena  sedet,  gremio  iacuit  nova  nupta 
mariti '. 

oscula  complexus,  sc.  *  fuisse ' :  simi- 
lar omissions  in  vivid  description  are 
found  in  1 3.  44,  6,  &c 

2.  sed  nihil,  &c. :  see  the  similar  pro- 
test in  4.  11,5. 

3.  senioribus,  dat.  of  agent:  cp. 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  18. 

tradam,  i,  e,  *  I  always  have  related 
and  will  relate  ' :  cp.  the  similar  future  in 
13,  20,  4 ;  H.  3.  51,  4  ;  Agr.  lo,  I.  On 
the  other  version  of  this  story,  given  in 
Suet.  CI.  29,  and  accepted  by  some  critics, 
see  Introd.  p.  42. 

4.  inhorruerat,  '  had  shuddered ',  used 
with  dat.  in  H.  3,  84,  6. 

quos,  (Sec,  the  frecdmen.  It  is  stated 
by  Dio  (60.  31,  3)  that  they  turned 
against    Messalina    when   she  destroyed 


Polybius. 

5.  si  res  verterentur,  'if  a  revolution 
ensued ' ;  if  the  bold  design  of  Silius  (c. 
26,  2)  succeeded :  cp.  '  verso  civitatis 
statu'  (i.  4,  i) ;  'versa  . .  .  civitas'  (12. 

7,5). 

6.  histrio,  Mnester:  see  on  c.  4,  2  ;  36,  i. 

7.  insultaverit.  This  reading  of 
most  recent  edd.  after  ed.  Bip.  is  sup- 
ported by  4.  59,  5  (where  see  note).  J,  F. 
Gron.  had  attempted  to  approach  nearer 
to  the  Med.  *  exultabero '  by  reading  '  ex- 
ultaverit ',  and  taking  that  verb  as  an 
equivalent  of  k^opxttaOai,  which,  besides 
its  use  of  the  pantomimist's  art,  is  used 
also  in  the  sense  of  insulting  or  disgracing. 
But  no  trace  of  any  such  meaning  appears 
to  be  found  in  the  Latin  verb;  nor  does 
any  attempt  to  explain  this  reading  (see 
Walth.,  Ritt.  1838,  Frost)  appear  suc- 
cessful. Ritt.  now  (1864)  reads  'in  cu- 
biculum .  ,  ,  exultaverit ',   apparently  in 

'the  sense  of  'has  made  a  spring  into'. 
Several  other  emendations  have  been 
suggested,  but  have  not  found  favour, 

excidium,  sc.  'principis';  cp,  'ex- 
cidioipsius'  (12,  45,  2), 

8.  dignitate  formae.  This  emenda- 
tion of  Lips,  for  the  Med.  '  dignitate, 
forma',  is  supported  by  12.  51,  5  (cp. 
Suet.  CI.  30),  Nipp,  would  take  the 
ablatives  as  dependent  on  '  accingi ' ;  but 
it  seems  better  to  take  them  (.with  Jacob) 
as  brachylogical  ablatives  of  quality  ;  the 
real  instrumental  abl,  with  the  verb  being 
supplied  from  '  tale  matrimonium .'  On 
*  propinquo  consulatu ',  see  c.  5,  3,  and 
note. 

9.  accingi, refl.,  'was  arming  himself, 
bracing  his  energies :  cp.  4,  66,  i ;  15.51, 
5,  &c, 

1 1 ,  hebetem ;  so  used  of  dullness  of 
intellect  in  14.  11,3,  &c. 


42 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  48 


tasque  mortis  iussu  Messalinae   patratas :    rursus   ipsa  facilitas  3 
imperatoris  fiduciam  dabat,  si  atrocitate  criminis  piaevaluissent, 
posse  opprimi  damnatam  ante  quam  ream  ;  sed  in  eo  discrimen 
verti,  si  defensio  audiretur,  utque  clausae  aures  etiam  confitenti 
5  forent. 

29.    Ac  primo  Callistus,  iam  mihi  circa  necem   G.  Caesaris  1 
narratus,  et  Appianae  caedis  molitor  Narcissus  flagrantissimaque 
eo  in  tempore  gratia  Pallas  agitavere,  num  Messalinam  secretis 


1.  facilitas,  *  pliability' :  so  used  again 
of  Claudius  in  12.61,  4,  and  of  G alba  (H. 
I.  2,  5),  and  others. 

2.  atrocitate,  'through  the  enormity 
of  the  charge  ' :  on  such  abl.  of  objective 
cause,  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  30. 

3.  ream,  '  placed  on  trial '. 

sed  in  eo,  &c.,  '  the  crisis  turned  on 
the  chance  whether  she  would  get  a  hear- 
ing, and  on  the  necessity  of  closing  his 
ears  even  against  a  confession '.  For  a 
similar  expression  with  some  difference  of 
meaning,  cp.  '  salus  Galliarum  in  discri- 
mine  verteretur '  (H.  4.  85,  5).  *  Si '  and 
'  utque '  are  expository  of  'in  eo  ' ;  such  a 
co-ordination  being,  according  to  Dr., 
unprecedented  even  in  Tacitus,  and  ap- 
parently due  to  the  desire  of  brevity  :  the 
sense  of  '  si "  is  somewhat  similar  to  that 
in  I.  48,  I  (where  see  note)  ;  and  '  utque' 
as  Nipp.  notes)  appears  to  be  abbreviated 
for  '  et  quod  efficiendum  esset,  ut '. 

6.  Ac  primo,  &c.  The  connexion 
between  this  chapter  and  the  last  is  ob- 
scure, and  is  the  subject  of  a  dissertation 
in  J.  H.  MuUer,  Beitr.  iv.  4,  foil.  It 
seems  best  to  take  *  primo  '  and '  dein  '  as 
referring  to  two  stages  of  the  plan  of 
action  following  on  the  general  discussion 
of  the  situation  given  above.  They  could 
see  plainly  that  if  she  was  to  be  accused 
at  all,  her  condemnation  must  be  secured 
by  a  sudden  stroke.  The  peril  of  this 
course  led  them  to  consider  first  whether 
they  could  not  gain  their  practical  object 
(of  separating  her  from  Silius)  without 
actual  accusation,  by  merely  threatening 
to  divulge  her  intercourse  with  him, 
keeping  in  reserve  their  knowledge  of 
the  ulterior  designs.  On  further  thought, 
Pallas  and  Callistus  see  the  danger 
of  her  turning  upon  them  and  pre- 
vailing with  Claudius  against  them, 
and  resolve  to  do  nothing.  Narcissus 
persists,  but  agrees  in  rejecting  the 
present  plan,  and  falls  back  on  the  original 
and  bolder  course. 

Callistus.     Scribonius     Largus,    who 


dedicated  to  him  his  treatise  on  medicine,,' 
gives  him  his  full  title,  C.  lulius  Claudius' 
Callistus,  showing  that  he  took  names 
from  both  his  patrons.  His  contemptible 
beginnings  are  alluded  to  by  Seneca  (Ep. 
47,  9) ;  his  great  influence  under  Gains 
and  his  unscrupulous  self-enrichment  are 
mentioned  by  Josephus  (Ant.  19.  i,  10' ; 
the  thirty  splendid  onyx  columns  of  his 
dining-chamber  are  described  by  Pliny 
(N.  H.  36.  7,  12,  60).  That  he  was 
privy  to  the  assassination  of  Gaius  is 
affirmed  by  Josephus  (1.  1.)  and  Dio 
(59.  29,  1)  ;  but  Tacitus  had  probably 
shown  his  share  in  the  plot  more  fully. 
His  department  under  Claudius  appears 
to  have  been  '  a  libellis '. 

mihi  narratus  =  '  de  quo  narravi '. 
Nipp.  compares  'Agricola  .  .  .  narratus' 
(Agr.  46,  4)  ;  also  Veil.  2.  29,  2  ;  Plin. 
ma.,  &c.  On  the  use  of  '  circa '^(' con- 
cerning') see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  58. 

7.  Appianae,  that  of  Ap.  Junius  Si- 
lanus  (on  whom  see  4.  68,  i,  and  note). 
Tacitus  alludes  to  what  had  no   doubt  ^ 
been  mentioned  in  its  proper  place  (a.D. 
42),  that  he  had  become  the  step-father 
of  Messalina  (see  on  c.  37,  4),  and  had 
refused  to  yield  to  her  desire,  and  was 
put  to  death  by  a  plot  arranged  between 
her  and  Narcissus,  who  made  up  a  dream , 
about  him  to  frighten  Clauaius  (Dio,  60.' 
14,  3;   Suet.  CI.  37).     Nipp.  notes  that 
the  rarity  of  the  praenomen  Appius  makes 
'Appianae'  a  sufficient  designation. 

Narcissus.     He   had  the  department! 
of  secretary  ('  ab  epistulis  '  Suet.  CI.  281, 
and  is  often  mentioned.     On  his  death, 
see  13.  I,  4. 

flagrantissima  .  .  .  gratia,  abl.  of 
quality.  The  word  is  so  used  metaphori- 
cally with  'amicitia'  (13.  45,  4)  and 
♦  libertas '  (14.  39,  3),  &c.  On  the  ex- 
pression *eo  in  tempore'  see  Introd.  i.  v. 
§  26;  also  13.47,  2;  15-  7,  2. 

8.  Pallas,  a  Ireedman  of  Antonia,  who  I 
employed  him  to  disclose  the  plot  of' 
Seianus  to  Tiberius  (Jos.  Ant.  18.  6,  6); 


A.  D.  48] 


LIBER  XL      CAP,   28-30 


43 


2  minis  depellerent  amore  Silii,  cuncta  alia  dissimulantes.  dein 
metu  ne  ad  perniciem  ultro  traherentur,  desistunt,  Pallas  per 
ignaviam,  Callistus  prions  quoque  rcgiae  peritus  et  potentiam 
cautis  quam  acribus  consiliis  tutius  haberi:  perstitit  Narcissus, 
solum  id  immutans  ne  quo  sermone  praesciam  criminis  et  ac-  5 

3  cusatoris  faceret.  ipse  ad  occasiones  intentus,  longa  apud 
Ostiam  Caesaris  mora,  duas  paelices,  quarum  is  corpori  maxime 
insueverat,  largitione  ac  promissis  et  uxore  deiecta  plus  potentiae 
ostentando  perpulit  delationem  subire. 

1  30.    Exim  Calpurnia  (id  paelici  nomen),  ubi  datum  secretum,  10 
genibus  Caesaris  provoluta  nupsisse  Messalinam  Silio  exclamat ; 

2  simul  Cleopatram,  quae  id  opperiens  adstabat,  an  comperisset 

3  interrogat,  atque  ilia  adnuente  cieri  Narcissum  postulat.  is 
veniam  in  praeteritum  petens  quod  ei  Vettios,  Plautios  dissimu- 


also  brother  of  Felix  (12.  54,  i).  He 
had  the  department  of  treasurer  or  '  a 
irationibus'  (Suet.  CI.  28),  On  his  death 
see  14.  65,  I. 

agitavere.  The  use  of  this  verb  with 
'num'  (H.  I.  19,  5)  and  other  interroga- 
tive particles  (13.  41,  i  :  H.  3.  i,  2) 
seems  especially  Tacitean. 

secretis,  addressed  to  her  privately. 

1.  alia  dissimulantes,  'concealing 
their  knowledge  of  all  else*,  i.e.  of  the 
conspiracy  (c.  26,  2). 

2.  ultro,  i.e.  lest  they  should  not  only 
fail  but  bring  themselves  to  ruin  (cp.  3. 
36,1). 

:  3.  prioris  .  .  .  regiae,  the  court  of 
Gains  (see  above),  rhetorically  called 
*regia'(cp.  i.  4»  4  I  4-3,  3)- 

peritus,  used  by  zeugma  with  '  ha- 
beri '  in  the  sense  of  *  expertus '.  Ritt. 
needlessly  inserts  *  certus '  after  *  haberi '. 

4.  perstitit,  in  contrast  to  *  desistunt' 
above,  meaning  that  he  persisted  in  the 
resolve  to  take  action  of  some  sort. 

5.  solum  id.  This  is  the  reading  of 
Agricola.  Med.  gives '  ut  solum  ',  which 
Halm  alters  to  '  set  solum.'  Other  texts 
alter  to  '  ac  '  or  '  at '.  Walth.  would  re- 
tain the  Med.  text  and  explain  it  to  mean 
♦  ita  perstitit  ut  .  .  .  mutaret '. 

6.  intentus,  so  with  *  ad '  (4.  67,  5  ; 
14.  24,  6,  &c.)  and  *in'  (6.  19,  4;  H.  4. 
18,  I,  &c.). 

longa  .  .  .  mora,  abL  abs. 

7.  paelices.  Such  persons  were  usually 
freedwomen,  as  Acte  (13.  12,  i),  Caenis 
(Suet.  Vesp.  3),  &c. :  see  Friedl.  i.  106, 
foil. 

8.  insueverat,  with  dat.  as  in  c.  3,  2. 


9.  perpulit  .  .  .  subire:  so  all  edd. 
after  Puteol.,  for  Med.  'perculit'.  On  the 
construction  cp.  6.  33,  i,  and  note. 

10.  secretum,  'private  interview' :  cp. 
3.  8,  4,  &c. 

11.  genibus  .  . .  provoluta:  so  in  12. 
18,  3;  14.  61,  3;  also  Justin,  11.  9,  14 
('  provoluta  genibus  Alexandri ').  Similar 
expressions  are  'pedibus  advolutus'  (i. 
23,  2),  'advolvi  genua'  (i.  13,  7)  :  the 
more  usual  expression  is  *  provolvi  ad  * 
(14.  2,  4,  &c.). 

13.  interrogat  .  .  .  postulat.  If,  with 
Ritt.,  we  were  to  take  Claudius  to  be  the 
subject  of  these  verbs,  it  would  be  needful 
to  follow  him  in  inserting  the  name  :  but 
in  that  case  some  such  verb  as  *  imperat ' 
would  have  stood  in  place  of  *  postulat '. 
Calpurnia  appeals  in  corroboration  to 
Cleopatra,  and  then  demands  that  Nar- 
cissus should  be  called,  fully  to  confirm 
her  statement. 

14.  quod  ei  Vettios,  Plautios  dis- 
simulavisset, '  for  having  concealed  from 
him  his  knowledge  of  the  adulteries  of  a 
Vettius,  a  Plautius'.  The  text  is  that  of 
Nipp.  for  the  corrupt  Med.,  '  quod  ei  cis 
vetticis  plautio  dimulavisset '.  The  plurals 
are  rhetorical,  as  in  1. 10,  3,  &c,  and  the 
names  (on  which  see  c  31,  6 :  37i  5^  ^^^ 
apparently  been  already  made  familiar 
by  Tacitus  to  his  readers.  It  is  very 
probable  that  'cis*  is  the  corruption  of 
another  name,  but  it  is  hardly  well  to 
read,  with  Brotier  and  Halm,  'Titios', 
as  a  reference  to  Titius  Proculus ;  that 
person  being  apparently  (see  c.  35,  6) 
neither  previously  known,  nor  one  of  her 
adulterers.      Others  have    attempted  to 


44 


CORNELII  TACITl  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  48 


lavisset,  nee  nune  adulteria  obiecturum  ait,  ne  domum  servitia  et 
ceteros  fortunae  paratus  reposceret.     frueretur  immo  his  set  red-  4 
deret   uxorem   rumperetque  tabulas   nuptialis.     'an  discidium '  6 
inquit  '  tuum  nosti  ?     nam  matrimonium   Silii  vidit   populus  et 
5  senatus  et  miles ;  ac  ni  propere  agis,  tenet  urbem  maritus.' 

31.    Turn  potissimum  quemque  amicorum  vocat,  primumque  1 
rei   frumentariae    praefectum  Turranium,   post    Lusium    Gctam 
praetorianis    impositum   percontatur.     quis   fatentibus   certatim  2 
ceteri  circumstrepunt,  iret  in  castra,  firmaret  praetorias  cohortis, 


retain  *  cis'  by  reading  '  cis  Vettios,  Plau- 
tios '  (Ritt.),  or  *  cis  Vectios,  cis  Plautios  ' 
(J.  F.  Gron.),  with  the  meaning  'while 
she  did  not  go  beyond  these ' ;  but  *  cis  ' 
would  rather  exclude  than  include  such 
persons;  and  we  could  hardly  suppose 
such  a  phrase  as  *  dissimulare  cis  ali- 
quem '. 

1 .  nee  nunc.  On  *  nee '  with  the  force 
of  *ne  .  .  .  quidem',  see  2.  34,  7,  and 
note  :  '  nunc '  is  used  where,  in  obi. 
oratio,  'tunc'  would  be  more  regular 
(see  Nipp.  on  14.  35,  i). 

ne  domum.  This  is  the  reading  of 
Med.,  and  *  ne  '  must  be  taken  as  equiva- 
lent to  '  nedum  ' ;  cf.  Cic.  Fam.  9.  26,  2 
*  nihil  istorumne  iuvenem  quidem  movit,  ne 
nunc  senem  '  (cp.  Sail.  Cat.  11,8;  Liv.  3. 
52,  9).  Halm  reads  'nedum  domum'.  Rittcr 
would  read  '  nedum '  alone,  thinking  that 
the  expression  m  Dio,  60.  31,  3  {o'lKiav 
avTO)  ^aaiXucriv  exo-picFaro)  is  to  be  under- 
stood, not  of  giving  him  a  house,  but  of 
making  his  house  a  palace  by  her  gifts. 
The  subject  of  '  obiecturum '  is  of  course 
Narcissus,  but  that  of  '  reposceret'  would 
more  fitly  be  Claudius,  and  the  whole 
, passage  is  spoken  in  bitter  irony.  'I  will 
'say  nothing  of  the  acts  of  adultery,  still 
lless  must  you  think  of  reclaiming  her 
gifts  to  him  ;  let  him  only  condescend  to 
restore  your  wife  to  you  and  cancel  the 
; marriage'.  It  might  be  possible,  with 
i  similar  irony,  to  take  the  reading  '  ne  . . . 
reposceret'  (with  Pfitzn.)  in  the  ordinary 
sense  : — *  I  will  say  nothing  of  the  adul- 
tery, lest  such  a  charge  should  carry 
you  to  the  length  of  reclaiming  her 
gifts'. 

2.  immo,  in  anastrophe,  as  in  12.  6,  4  ; 
15.  21,  4 :  so  first  in  Liv.  (35.  49,  3),  and 
in  Quint.,  &c. 

set:  so  Halm  and  others  after  Acid, 
for  the  Med.  '  et ' ;  which  would  give  a 
sufficient  sense,  but  the  omission  of  *  s '  is 
highly  probable. 

3.  rumperet  tabulas.     The  same  ex- 


pression is  used  of  cancelling  a  marriage 
contract  in  Juv.  9,  75,  &c. 

an  discidium,  &c.,  *  do  you  know 
that  she  has  divorced  you?'  i.e.  'do  you 
know  it  and  acquiesce  in  it  ?  *  The  tran- 
sition, to  heighten  the  rhetorical  effect, 
from  indirect  to  direct  speech  is  thus  in- 
troduced with  'inquit'  in  i6.  22,  2  :  and 
without  it  in  2.  77,  5 ;  3.  46,  3;  4.  40,  5  ; 
H.  3.  2,  8,  and  in  several  places  in  Livy. 

4.  nam,  &c.,  i.  e.  '  it  would  seem  so, 
for  all  the  city  has  seen  the  marriage,  and 
assumes  your  acquiescence,  and  the  only 
question  now  is  whether  the  husband  of 
your  wife  is  also  master  of  Rome '. 

populus  et  senatus  et  miles.  In 
this  formula,  as  in  i.  7,  3,  'populus'  is 
used  for  '  plebs ',  which  is  substituted 
or  it  in  14.  II,  I :  ste  Momms.  Slaatsr. 
iii.  1255,  2.  ' 

6.  potissimum  quemque.  Halm, 
Nipp.,  and  others  insert  the  latter  word 
after  MS.  Agr.  Others,  as  Or.  and  Ritt., 
read  'potissimos'  (after  Mercer),  follow- 
ing 13.  18,  1;  14.  65,  I.  Walth. 
endeavours  to  defend  the  Med.  text,  by 
taking  '  potissimum '  as  a  neuter,  and  refers 
to  15.  61,  4,  which  is  not  really  apposite. 
The  retinue  of  Claudius  at  Ostia  is  seen 
to  have  included  two  eminent  senators 
(C'  33,  3),  two  equestrian  praefecti,  and 
the  freedman  Narcissus :  cp.  the  '  comi- 
tatus'  of  Tiberius  (4.  58,  i). 

7.  Turranium.  He  was  already 
holding  the  office  of '  annonae  praefectus  * 
(on  the  functions  of  which  see  Momms. 
Staatsr.  ii.  1041)  thirty-four  years  pre- 
viously (see  I.  7,  3,  and  note).  Faenius 
Rufus  afterwards  held  it  for  some  years 
(13.  22,  i;  14.  51,  5). 

Lvusium  Getam.  On  his  character 
see  c.  33,  I  ;  on  his  subsequent  removal 
from  office,  12.  42,  i.  The  other  prae- 
fect,  Rufrius  Crispinus  (c.  i,  3),  was  no 
doubt  in  Rome. 

9.  castra,  the  praetorian  camp  (see  4. 1 
2,  I).  » 


A.  D.  48] 


LIBER  XL      CAP.  30,   31 


45 


3  securitati  ante  quam  vindictae  consuleret.  satis  constat  eo  pavore 
ofifusum   Claudium  ut   identidcm   interrogaret,  an  ipse  imperii 

4  potens,  an  Silius  privatus  esset.  at  Messalina  non  alias  solutior 
luxu,  adulto  autumno  simulacrum  vindemiae  per  domum  ccle- 

6  brabat.     urgeri  prela,  fluere  lacus  ;  et  feminae  pellibus  accinctae  5 
adsiiltabant  ut  sacrificantes  vel  insanientes  Bacchae  ;  ipsa  crine 
fluxo  thyrsum  quatiens,  iuxtaque  Silius  hedera  vinctus,  gerere 

e  cothurnos,  iacere  caput,  strepente  circum  procaci  choro.  ferunt 
Vettium  Valentem  lascivia  in  praealtam  arborem  conisum,  inter- 
rogantibus   quid   aspiceret,   respondisse   tempestatem   ab  Ostia  10 


2.  offusum,  *  was  overpowered  *.  The 
word  does  not  seem  to  be  elsewhere  so 
used  of  persons;  but  the  sense  resembles 
that  in  Cic.  Fin.  3.  14,  45  (*  offunditur 
luce  solis  lumen  lucemae'),  and  Val. 
Max.  2.  7,  6  ('oculos  clarissima  in  luce 
tenebris  offnsos').  In  c.  20,  i,  &c.,  the 
figure  is  different. 

an  ipse,  &c.,  'am  I  emperor?  is 
Silius  a  subject  ? '  *  Privatus  '  is  thus 
used  in  contrast  with  *  princeps '  in  H. 

1.  21,   I  ;    49,  8,  &c.,  more  usually  in 
contrast  with  '  magistratus ',  as  in  4.  19, 

2,  &c. 

3.  solutior  luxu,  '  more  abandoned 
in  wantonness ' :  cp.  *  pax  .  .  .  soluta  ' 
(1.50,  7\ 

4.  adulto  =  d/f^tafoi'Toy :  cp.  2.  23,  i, 
and  note.  The  time  would  thus  appear 
to  be  about  the  middle  of  October,  in 
which  month  an  old  rustic  kalendar 
{C.  I.  L.  i.  p.  359)  notes  *  Vindemiae 
sacrum  Libero'.  The  usual  period  of 
the  vintage  is  marked  by  the  opening 
sacrifice  on  the  19th  of  August  (Mar- 
quardt,  Staatsv.  iii.  p.  333),  and  by  the 
*vindemialis  feria'  from  Aug.  22  to  Oct. 
15  (Cod.  3.  tit.  12),  which  latter  day  was 
also  specially  kept  fC.  I.  L.  i.  p.  404, 
note).  Ritter  (1838)  seems  wrong  in 
supposing  that  the  month  of  November 
is  here  meant. 

simulacrum.  This  apparently  only 
means  that  it  was  not  a  real  vintage,  but 
a  representation,  though  apparently  with 
real  presses  and  wine. 

per  domxim,  'in  procession  through 
the  house*  (that  of  Silius). 

5.  urgeri  prela,  fluere  lacus,  *the 
presses  are  at  work,  the  vats  overflow 
with  must '.  The  grapes,  after  being  first 
trodden,  were  further  squeezed  in  the 
press  or  'torcular',  and  the  juice  was 
received  in  what  Cato  (R.  R.  25)  speaks 


of  as  *  lacus  vinarii  picati '.  *  Fluere '  is 
thus  used  in  Sil.  7,  190  (*  fluxit  mulctra 
mero  '). 

pellibus  accinctae,  *  clad  in  the 
fawnskin '  (vfPpis) :  cp.  Verg.  Aen.  7, 
396  (*  Pampineasque  gerunt  incinctae 
pellibus  hastas'). 

6.  adsultabant,  apparently  here  alone 
used  in  the  sense  of  *  iuxta  saltabant '. 
Nipp.  thinks  the  word  may  also  mean 
this  in  H.  4.  22,  3  ('adsultante  per 
campos  equite'). 

7.  fluxo  =  'fluitante'.  Dr.  notes  that 
this  word  is  nowhere  else  used  of  the 
hair ;  but  the  use  may  be  compared  with 
the  bold  figure  '  fluxa  arma'  (H.  2.  99, 
2^1,  also  *  fluxos  .  .  .  astrinxit  amictus  * 
(Luc.  2,  362),  'fluxa  habena'  (Liv.  38. 
29,  6),  &c. 

hedera  vinctus,  &c.  It  would 
appear  that  he  assumed  the  character 
of  Bacchus :  cp.  the  description  of  M. 
Antonius  (Veil.  2.  82,  4),  '  cum  redimitus 
hederis  coronaque  velatus  aurea  et  thyrsum 
tenens  cothurnisque  succinctus  curru  velut 
Liber  pater  vectus  esset  Alexandreae  '. 

9.  Vettium  Valentem  :  cp.  c.  30,  3  ; 
Pliny  (N.  H.  29.  i,  4,  8)  mentions  him 
among  famous  physicians  (*  Vettius  Valens 
adulterio  Messalinae  Claudii  Caesaris  no- 
bilitatus,  pariterque  eloquentiae  adsecta- 
tor '),  and  adds  that  his  influence  enabled 
him  to  be  the  founder  of  a  school  or  sect. 
Another  of  the  name  was  a  distinguished 
soldier  about  this  time  (C.  I.  L.  ii. 
383,  395)  ;  two  others  occur  later  (lb. 
421). 

lascivia,  *  in  his  gaiety'  (abl.  of  man- 
ner) :    cp.    *  lascivia    epularum '   (4.   48, 

3). 

conisum :  so  *  equitatus  ...  in  sum- 
mum  iugum  .  .  .  conititur  *)  Caes.  B.  C. 
I.  46,  3). 


46 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  48 


atrocem,  sive  coeperat  ea  species,  seu  forte  lapsa  vox  in  praesa- 
giurn  vertit. 

32.    Non   rumor   interea,   sed   undique   nuntii   incedunt,  qui  1 
gnara   Claudio   cuncta   et   venire   promptum   ultioni   adferrent. 

5  igitur  Messalina  Lucullianos  in  hortos,  Silius  dissimulando  metu  2 
ad  munia  fori  digrediuntur.     ceteris  passim  dilabentibus  adfuere  3 
centuriones,  inditaque  sunt  vincla,  ut  quis  reperiebatur  in  publico 
aut   per   latebras.     Messalina   tamen,   quamquam   res  adversae  4 
consilium  eximerent,  ire  obviam  et  aspici  a  marito,  quod  saepe 

10  subsidium  habuerat,  baud  segniter  intendit  misitque  ut  Britan- 
nicus  et  Octavia  in  complexum  patris  pergerent.     et  Vibidiam,  6 
virginum  Vestalium  vetustissimam,  oravit  pontificis  maximi  auris 
adire,  clementiam  expetere.     atque  interim,  tribus  omnino  comi-  6 


I.  sive  coeperat,  &c.  Nipp.  thinks 
it  so  remarkable  that  the  obvious  alter- 
native suggestion  (that  Vettius  meant 
ironically  to  predict  virhat  was  coming) 
is  ignored,  that  he  suggests  the  probable 
loss,  after  '  lapsa ',  of  such  words  as  '  vel 
consilio  missa' ;  but ' in  praesagium  vertit' 
would  hardly  be  said  of  an  intentional 
prediction.  It  is  certainly  probable  that 
*  tempestatem '  is  metaphorical ;  as  the 
significance  of  *  coeperat '  is  hardly  ob- 
vious, unless  the  *  species '  described  as 
beginning  to  show  itself  can  be  supposed 
to  be  the  first  rumour  of  danger  indicated 
below.  The  conjectures  of  Lips.  (*  ce- 
perat',  sc.  *  animum ')  and  Madvig  ('ceperat 
earn  speciem ')  seem  needless. 

3.  rumor,  sc.  'incedit'  (cp.  i.  5,  2), 
supplied  from  '  incedunt '. 

4.  gnara  =  ' nota ' :  on  this  Tacitean 
use  cp.  I.  5,  4,  and  note. 

promptum,  with  dat.  cp.  i.  2,  i,  and 
note:  on  the  ellipse  of  *  eum',  see  Introd. 
i.  V.  §  8. 

5.  Lucullianos  (see  c.  i,  i) :  so  all 
edd.,  after  Ber.  for  the  Med.  *  fucilianos  '. 

dissimulando  metu  (repeated  15. 
69,  2),  best  taken  as  dat.  (cp.  Introd.  i. 
V.  §  32  b),  but  by  some  as  abl.  (see  14.  4), 
8,  and  note).  Here  Med.  has  *  metu ' 
(the  stroke  being,  according  to  Baiter,  in 
a  later  hand),  whence  'metum'  is  read 
here  by  Orelli,  and  in  both  places  by 
Ritt. 

6.  ceteris  . .  .  dilabentibus,  best  taken 
as  abl.  abs.  Nipp.  notes  that  it  is  implied 
that  Silius  also  was  arrested;  Messalina 
alone  being  excepted  by  the  context. 

9.  consilium  eximerent :  cp.  *  con- 
stantiam  exemerat '  (i.  32,  i).     She  had 


no  time  to  deliberate,  but,  as  it  were, 
instinctively  took  this  course  (Nipp.). 

10.  intendit,  'makes  up  her  mind'  :/ 
this  verb  is  so  used  with  inf.  in  2.  12,  5  ; 
22,  5  :  so  '  oravit  .  .  .  adire '  below  (cp,  6. 
2,  3,  and  note),  and  many  other  such  uses 
(Introd.  i.  v.  §  43). 

misitque,  'and  sent  orders'.  This 
correction  of  Halm  has  been  generally 
followed,  and  is  supported  by  H.  4.  21,  i 
(*  mittitque  legates  . . .  ut . . .  acciperent'). 
Med.  has  *  missique'  (the  second  *  s '  being 
written  above  by  a  later  hand).  It  is  to 
be  supposed  that  her  children  were  not 
with  her,  but  probably  in  the  Palatium. 

12.  vetustissimam:  as  such,  she  would 
be  *  virgo  Vestalis  maxima '  (see  2.  86,  i, 
and  note).  Nipp.  cites  an  inscription  at 
Athens  (C.  I.  Att.  iii.  i.  875)  referring  evi- 
dently to  her  as  l](pav  -napOivov  .  .  .  lov 
Ovippajvos[6vyaTepa],a.nd  another  (id. 603) 
to  her  father  Sjefroi'  Ovifiidiov  Ovippwva, 
Dittenberger  thinks  (Eph.  Epig.  i.  1 08)  that 
she  was  daughter  of  the  person  mentioned 
in  2.  38,  3  (where  the  Med.  text  has 
'Varronem'),  and  that,  if  so,  she  must 
have  become  a  Vestal  before  his  expulsion 
from  the  senate,  i.  e.  at  least  thirty-four 
years  before  the  present  date. 

oravit,  with  inf. :  cp.  6.  2,  3,  and 
note. 

pontificis  maximi :   cp.  3.  58,  4,  &c. 
She   could   most   fitly  demand   audience 
of  the  princeps  in  this  capacity.      The ! 
sacredness  of  the  person  of  the  Vestals  i 
caused    them   to   be  often   employed   as  I 
intercessors:  cp.  Cic.  pro  Font.  21   [17], 
46 ;  Suet.  lul.  I ;   H.  3.  81,  3.     On  the 
personification  of  'auris',  cp.  i.   31,  5, 
and  note.   . 


A.  D.  48] 


LIBER  XL      CAP.  31-34 


47 


tantibus — id  repente  solitudinis  erat — spatium  urbis  pedibus 
cmensa,  vehiculo,  quo  purgamenta  hortorum  eripiuntur,  Ostien- 
sem  viam  intrat  nulla  cuiusquam  misericordia  quia  flagitiorum 
deformitas  praevalebat. 

1  33.    Trepidabatur    nihilo    minus    a    Caesare :  quippe    Getae  5 
praetorii   praefecto  baud  satis  fidebant,  ad  honesta  seu  prava 

2  iuxta  levi.  ergo  Narcissus,  adsumptis  quibus  idem  metus,  non 
aliam  spem  incolumitatis  Caesaris  adfirmat  quam  si  ius  militum 
uno  illo  die  in  aliquem  libertorum  transferret,  seque  offert  sus- 

3  cepturum.     ac  ne,  dum  in  urbem  vehitur,  ad  paenitentiam  a  L.  10 
Vitellio  et  Largo  Caecina  mutaretur,  in  eodem  gestamine  sedem 
poscit  adsumiturque. 

1  34.  Crebra  post  haec  fama  fuit,  inter  diversas  principis  voces, 
cum  modo  incusaret  flagitia  uxoris,  aliquando  ad  memoriam 
coniugii  et  infantiam  liberorum  revolveretur,  non  aliud  prolocu-  15 


1.  id  .  .  .  solitudinis,  noted  by  Dr.  as 
a  very  rare  use  for  *  tanta  solitudo '. 

spatium  urbis,  *  the  whole  breadth 
of  the  city',  from  the  gardens  on  the 
Pincian  to  the  *  via  Ostiensis ',  which 
leaves  the  present  walls  by  the  Porta 
S.  Paolo,  close  to  the  pyramid  of  Cestius. 

2.  eripiuntur.  [The  grounds  for  alter- 
ing to  *  excipiuntur '  (Heinsius)  seem  in- 
sufficient.— F.] 

4.  praevalebat,  'had  more  weight  in 
their  minds' :  cp.  i.  58,  7. 

5.  a  Caesare.  The  use  of  the  pi. 
'  fidebant '  (altered  in  older  edd.  to  *  fide- 
bat')  leads  Nipp.  to  consider  that  *  ad 
Caesarem '  must  be  read  ;  but  it  seems 
possible  (with  Dr.)  to  take  the  words  to 
mean  'on  the  side  of  Caesar'  (cp.  *ab 
Romanis'  4.  25,  3),  and  to  suppose  his 
advisers  to  be  included  in  the  expression. 

7.  iuxta  levi,  *  aliice  unstable '. 
'  Levis '  is  thus  opposed  to  *  destrictus '  in 
4-  36.  5>  and  'ad'  has  often  the  force  of  *  in 
respect  to  ' :  cp. '  stabile  ad  poenitentiam ' 
(I-  43,  5);  also  I.  40,  3;  6.  7,  3;  14. 
23,  I,  &c.  On  the  force  of  'iuxta',  see 
Introd.  i.v.  §61;  12.10,  i;  17,2;  49,i,&c. 

8.  incolumitatis,  '  of  life ' :  cp.  the 
useof 'incolnmis'  in  3.  30,6;  14.  i,  i,&c. 

ius  militum,  '  the  control  of  the  sol- 
diers ' :  cp.  •  inra  libertorum  *  (H.  2.  92,  5). 

10.  vehitur;  so  Puteolanus  for  the 
Med. '  refertur  uehitur'.  Baiter  reads  the 
former  word  only,  while  Halm  follows 
Orelli  in  reading  '  revehitur  '. 

1 1,  et  Largo  Caecina.  Med.  has  '  P' 
instead  of  '  et ' ;   which  was  taken  as  a 


praenomen  ('et'  being  by  some  inserted 
before  it),  but  which  most  recent  edd., 
after  Nipp.,  take  to  be  the  corruption  of 
an  abbreviation  of  et '.  The  person  meant 
is  no  doubt  C.  Largus  Caecina  (see  the 
Acta  Arv.  C.  I.  L.  vi.  i,  2028-2035, 
A.  n.  38-54),  who  was  consul  with 
Claudius  in  A.  D.  42,  remaining  the 
whole  year  in  office  (Dio,  60.  10,  i).  He 
owned  the  house  which  had  once  belonged 
to  the  orator  Crassus(Plin.  N.  H.  17.  1,5). 

gestamine.  This  word  has  else- 
where in  Tacitus  the  defining  genitive 
'  lecticae '  (2.  2,  5)  or  '  sellae '  (14.  4,  6  ; 
^5-  57>  3)'  Here  it  must  mean  a  carriage 
of  some  kind,  capable  of  holding  four 
persons.  'Gestari'  (as  in  Sen.  Ep.  122, 
15;  Mart.  I.  12,  8:  Juv.  7,  179)  and 
'  gestatio '  (as  in  Suet.  CI.  33)  are  used 
of  taking  a  drive  in  a  carriage,  as  of  any 
other  mode  of  conveyance. 

1 2.  adsumiturque :  so  recent  edd.  gene- 
rally, after  Walth.,  for  the  Med.  '  as- 
sumitque ' ;  which  would  be  used  properly 
of  Claudius  (cp.  '  vehiculum  ascendit, 
adsumit  uxorem'  Plin.  Ep.  3.  i,  5),  and 
is  here  apparently  an  error  of  abbrevia- 
tion. Older  editions  read  '  suraitque ' 
(sc.  '  sedem '),  after  inferior  MSS. 

14.  modo  .  .  .  aliquando,  a  co-ordina- 
tion not  unfrequent  in  Tacitus  (^  i .  70,  4 ; 
81,  2  ;  6.  31,  5  ;  J6.  10,  5 ;  H.  2.  74,  4), 
and  apparently  peculiar  to  him. 

15.  infantiam,  taken  in  pregnant  sense 
for  *  the  thought  of  their  infancy ' :  cp. 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  84.  Nipp.  notes  that  a 
term  so  taken  is  usually  joined  to  and 


48 


CORNELII  TACIT  I  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  48 


turn   Vitellium   quam  *  o  facinus  !   o  scelus  !  *   instabat   quidem  2 
Narcissus  aperire  ambages  et  veri  copiam  facere  :  sed  non  ideo 
pervicit  quin   suspensa  et   quo    ducerentur   inclinatura    respon- 
deret  exemploque  eius  Largus  Caecina  uteretur.     et  iam  erat  in  3 

5  aspectu  Messalina  clamitabatque  audiret  Octaviae  et  Britannici 
matrem,  cum  obstrepere  accusator,  Silium  et  nuptias   referens ; 
simul  codicillos  libidinum   indices  tradidit,  quis  visus   Caesaris 
averteret.     nec.multo  post  urbem  ingredienti  offerebantur  com- 4 
munes  liberi,  nisi    Narcissus   amoveri   eos   iussisset.     Vibidiam  5 

10  depellere  nequivit  quin  multa  cum  invidia  flagitaret  ne  indefensa 
coniunx  exitio  daretur.  igitur  auditurum  principem  et  fore 
diluendi  criminis  facultatem  respondit :  iret  interim  virgo  et 
sacra  capesseret. 

35.    Mirum  inter  haec  silentium  Claudi,  Vitellius  ignaro  pro- 1 

15  pior :  omnia  liberto  oboediebant.    patefieri  domum  adulter!  atque 
illuc  deduci  imperatorem  iubet.    ac  primum  in  vestibulo  effigiem  2 
patris  Silii  consult©  senatus  abolitam  demonstrat,  tum  quidquid 
avitum  Neronibus  et  Drusis  in  pretium  probri  cessisse.     incen-  3 


explained  by  another  in  ordinary  sense 
(as  here  '  memoriam ') :  cp.  4.  3,  3,  and 
note ;  also '  orsus  a  questu  periculisque ' 
(H.  4.  32,  3),  and  many  other  instances 
here  given  by  him. 

1.  instabat  .  .  .  aperire,  &c.  'was 
pressing  him  to  explain  his  riddle 
and  give  a  chance  of  seeing  his  real 
meaning  '.  This  construction  seems  pos- 
sible, but  Halm  adopts  the  corr.  (after 
Madvig,  Adv.  ii.  551)  'aperiret  .  .  . 
faceret',  on  the  grounds  that  the  change  of 
subject  in  '  aperiret '  makes  such  a  corr. 
necessary,  and  that  the  passage  in  Cic. 
Veir.  2.  3.  59,  136  (*  instat  .  .  .  poscere 
recuperatores ')  is  not  parallel.  '  Ape- 
rire ambages'  is  thus  used  in  H.  2.  78,  7  ; 
'aperire  sententias'  ('to  speak  out  their 
opinions')  in  H.  2.  53,  i.  For  '  copiam 
facere',  cp.  2.  7,  2 ;  4.  74,  3,  &c. 

2.  non  ideo  :  cp.  i.  12,  6,  and  note. 

3.  pervicit  quin.  Dr.  notes  this  ex- 
pression (cp.  15.  57.  2)  as  new,  citing 
as  the  nearest  parallel  'nee  .  .  .  valuit 
quin'  (Liv.  4.  44,  2). 

suspensa,  &c.,  'hesitating  expres- 
sions (cp.  I.  II,  4)  and  such  as  would 
lend  themselves  to  any  interpretation '. 
His  words  above  might  be  understood 
of  Messalina's  guilt  or  of  that  of  her 
accusers.  For  this  sense  of  '  ducere  '  cp, 
6.  5,  2 ,  and  note. 


6.  cum  obstrepere,  so  most  edd.  after 
Acid,  for  Med. '  obstreperet ' :  the  inf.  hist, 
is  often  so  used  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  46  b). 

8.  communes  liberi :  cp.  *  com- 
munem  filium '  (i.  40,  3).  Here  the 
word  would  distinguish  Octavia  and 
Britannicus  from  their  half-sister  Antonia 
(12.  2,  I). 

9.  Vibidiam;  see  c.  32,  5. 

10.  multa  cum  invidia,  'with  many 
reproachful  expressions':  cp.  3.  67,  4, 
and  note. 

14.  ignario  propior,  *  resembled  one 
unconscious' :  cp.  4.  22,  i  ;  14.  3,6  ;  15. 

64,  I. 

15.  domum,  see  c.  30,  3. 

17.  patris  Silii.  The  mention  of  hisj 
trial  and  death  (4.  18-20)  records  no 
decree  respecting  his  statues;  and  the 
prohibition  of  any  possession  of  the  statue 
of  a  condemned  ancestor  in  a  house  (see 
c.  38.  4  ;  16.  7,  3,  and  notes)  is  somewhat 
beyond  the  usual  practice  ;  though  their 
use  was  forbidden  at  funerals  (see  2.  32, 1 
2  ;  3-  76,  5,  and  note). 

quidquid  avitum.  This  correction 
for  Med.  *  habitum '  is  supported  by  the 
occurrence  of  a  similar  error  in  13.  34,  3  ; 
56,  I.  On  the  heirlooms  of  the  imperial 
house,  given  by  Messalina  to  Silius,  see 
note  on  c.  12,  5.  *  Neronibus  et  Drusis  ' 
are  coupled  in  i.  28,  6,  and  denote  the 


A.  D.  48] 


LIBER  XL      CAP.  34.   35 


49 


sumque  et  ad  minas  erumpentem  castris  infert,  parata  contione 
militum  ;  apud  quos  praemonente  Narcisso  pauca  verba  fecit : 

4  nam  etsi  iustiim  dolorem  pudor  impediebat.  continuus  dehinc 
cohortium  clamor  nomina  reorum  et  poenas  flagitantium  ;  ad- 
motusque  Silius  tribunal!  non  defensionem,  non  moras  temptavit,  5 

6  precatus  ut  mors  acceleraretur.     eadem  constantia  et  inlustres 

6  equites  Romani  [cupido  maturae  necis  fuit.]  et  Titium  Procu- 
lum,  custodem  a  Silio  Messalinae  datum  et  indicium  ofiferentem, 
Vettium  Valentem  confessum  et  Pompeium  Vrbicum  ac  Saufeium 

V  Trogum  ex  consciis  tradi  ad  supplicium  iubet.     Decrius  quoque  'o 
Calpurnianus  vigilum  praefectus,  Sulpicius  Rufus  ludi  procurator, 
luncus  Vergilianus  senator  eadem  poena  adfecti. 


families  of  the  Claudii  Nerones  and  Livii 
Drusi,  united  in  the  descendants  of  Clau- 
dius Nero  and  Livia  (see  5.  1,1,  and  notes). 
in  pretium  probri  cessisse,  '  had 
gone  to  swell  the  reward  of  infamy ' :  cp. 
'  in  pretium  belli  cessurae  '  (H.  i.  11,4), 
and  similar  expressions  in  H.  i.  70,  4; 
5.  9,  2  ;  also  *  cedere  in  imperium  ',  *  in 
praedam '  (Liv.  i.  52,  i  ;  6.  14,  12),  and 
the  somewhat  similar  use  by  Tacitus  with 
a  personal  accus.  (1.  i,  3,  and  note). 

2.  praemonente,  aorislic  present :  cp. 
12.48,  I,  also  'respondens'  (H.  2.  4,  3), 

*  revertentem'  (Agr.  9,  i),  and  other  in- 
stances given  in  Introd.  i.  v.  §  54  a.  The 
parallel  expression  in  12. 69,  i  ('  monente 
praefecto ')  suggests  that  here,  as  there, 
the  monition  is  addresssed  to  the  soldiers, 
over  whom  Narcissus  for  a  time  assumes 
the  position  of  praefect  (c.  33,  2).  The 
context  shows  that  Claudius  was  glad  to 
be  spared  some  of  the  recital. 

3.  etsi  iustum,  taken    closely  with 

*  dolorem '.  *  His  indignation,  however 
justified,  could  hardly  express  itself  for 
shame'.      The    sentence    thus    explains 

*  pauca '. 

5.  tribunali.  Such  an  erection  was  part 
of  the  'principia'  in  a  camp  :  cp.  i.  18,  3. 

7.  cupido  .  .  .  fuit.  It  seems  best 
to  follow  Nipperdey  in  bracketing  the 
reading  of  Med.  as  a  gloss.  Halm  follows 
Haase  in  reading  '  cupidi  maturae  necis 
fuerunt ';  the  older  editors  read  '  cupidos 
.    .    .    fecit ',  after  G.     Nipperdey  takes 

*  eadem  constantia '  (sc.  *  fuere ')  as  abl. 
of  quality,  and  supposes  that  the  knights 
are  those  whose  names  follow,  and 
that  '  et '  before  *  Tiiium '  is  used  to 
specify  (as  in  2.  50,  i;  3.  38,  i).  There 
is  weight  in  the  objection  that  Titius 


Procnlus  could  not  have  been  said  to 
have  shown  the  same  *  constantia '  as 
Silius. 

8.  custodem,  &c.  It  was  not  un- 
common for  the  husband  to  take  this 
means  for  ensuring  the  fidelity  of  his  wife, 
or  for  her  to  do  the  like  by  him.  Cp. 
*  Custodes  das,  Polla,  viro,  non  accipis 
ipsa'  (Mart.  10.  69,  i)  ;  '  Quos  igitur  tibi 
custodes,  quae  limina  ponam  ?'  (Prop.  2. 
6>  37)  J  *  ^I'l's  custodiet  ipsos  Custodes  ? ' 
(Juv.  6,  347  :  cp.  235) ;  also  Ov.  Am.  2, 
3,  I  ;  A.  A.  3,  612,  &c.  The  assignment] 
of  such  a  guardian  in  this  case  was  part  | 
of  the  irony  of  the  marriage. 

indicium  ofiferentem.  Instances  are 
given  under  Tiberius  (6.  3,  5  ;  7,  5)  of 
those  who  saved  their  own  lives  by  in- 
forming against  others. 

9.  Saufeium  Trogum.  Nipp.  thinks 
this  may  be  the  person  whose  name  is 
written  in  Sen.  Lud.  13,  4,  as  M.  Helvius 
Trogus.  The  others  here  mentioned  are 
unknown  except  from  c.  30,  3. 

10.  tradi,  *  to  be  delivered  to  the  exe- 
cutioner ' ;  so  *  supplicio  traditum  '  (Suet. 
Vit.  14)  ;  *  camifici  tradidit '  (Id.  Cal. 
32);  'traditus  est  undecimviris '  (Nep. 
Phoc.  4,  2).  *  Claudius '  is  supplied  from 
the  sense  as  subject  of  *  iubet '. 

11.  vigilum  praefectus.  This  was 
an  important  equestrian  office.  On  the 
'  vigiles '  see  Introd.  i.  vii.  p.  91. 

ludi  procurator,  '  superintendent  of 
a  school  of  gladiators '.  A  permanent 
imperial  institution  of  this  kind,  known 
to  have  existed  as  early  as  the  time  of 
Gains  (Plin.  N.  H.  11.  37,  54,  144).  and 
probably  the  '  Indus  matutinus '  in  the 
second  region  ('Caelimontana '),  served 
for  the  regular  training  of  the  large  corps 


so 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  48 


36.     Solus    Mnester    cunctationem     attulit,   dilaniata    veste  1 
clamitans  aspiceret  verberum  notas,  reminisceretur  vocis,  qua  se 
obnoxium  iussis  Messalinae  dedisset :  aliis  largitione  aut  spei  2 
magnitudine,    sibi   ex   necessitate   culpam ;    nee   cuiquam    ante 

5  pereundum  fuisse  si  Silius  rerum  poteretur.     commotum  his  et  3 
pronum   ad   misericord iam    Caesarem   perpulere   liberti    ne  tot 
inlustribus    viris    interfectis    histrioni    consuleretur :  sponte   an 
coactus  tarn  magna  peccavisset,  nihil  referre.     ne  Trauli  quidem  4 
Montani    equitis    Romani    defensio    recepta    est.     is    modesta 

10  iuventa,  sed  corpore  insigni,  accitus  ultro  noctemque  intra  unam 
a  Messalina  proturbatus  erat,  paribus  lasciviis  ad  cupidinem  et 
fastidia.     Suillio  Caesonino  et  Plautio  Laterano  mors  remittitur,  5 
huic  ob  patrui  egregium  meritum :  Caesoninus  vitiis  protectus 
est,  tamquam  in  illo  foedissimo  coetu  passus  muliebria. 


of  gladiators  required  for  the  shows  given 
by  the  emperor.  Its  procurators  were  of 
equestrian  rank,  and  are  mentioned  in 
inscriptions  (e.g.  C.  I.  L.  ii.  «;2i3,  14. 
2922.  Another,  entitled  *  ludus  magnus ', 
is  also  known,  but  was  probably  insti- 
tuted (as  were  also  two  others,  *  Indus 
Dacicus '  and  '  Gallicus  ')  after  the  build- 
ing of  the  Flavian  amphitheatre,  near 
which  it  was  situated*  See  Momms. 
Staatsr.  ii.,1070,  foil. ;  Friedl.  Sitteng.  ii. 
P-  335  >  Hirschfeld,  Kaiserl.  Verwalt.- 
Beamten,  p.  289.  It  is  suggested  by 
Prof.  Holbrooke  that  these  officers  were 
intended    to    bring    the    gladiators   and 

*  vigiles '  to  support  the  revolution. 

luncus  Vergilianus,  apparently  the 
same  person  who  is  mentioned  among 
the  list  of  victims  by  Seneca  (Lud,  13,4) 
under  the  name  of  *  lunius  praetorius '. 
As  '  luncus '  is  known  as  a  Roman  name 
from  the  Pisan  cenotaph  (C.  I.  L.  11. 
1421),  we  cannot  decide  in  which  author 
the  name  is  correctly  given.  'Senator' 
is  here  added  to  distinguish  him  from  the 
knights.  The  list  in  Seneca  omits  the 
names  of  Titius  Proculus,  Pompeius  Ur- 
bicus,  Decrius,  and  Sulpicius  Rufus,  and 
adds  those  of  Cotta  and  Fabius. 

1.  Mnester  :  see  c.  4,  a. 
dilaniata.       The    word    is    properly 

used  of  persons  (cp.  c.  22,  2) ;  but  Ovid 
has  'vincula  dilaniat'  (M.  10,  387),  and 

*  dilaniata  comas '  (Am.  3.  9,  52). 

2.  verberum,  the  stripes  received  for 
resisting  Messalina's  will. 

reminisceretur  vocis,  &c.  Dio 
states  (60.  22,  5)  that  Messalina,  after 
having  in  vain  tempted  him  by  rewards 


and  threats,  procured  a  general  injunction  1 
from  Claudius,  that  he  was  *  to  obey  her  I 
in   all  things '.      *  Obnoxius '  is  used  in 
the    sense    of    *  under  dominion    of  or 
« liable  to '  in  3.  34,  5  ;  58,  4,  &c. 

3.  largitione  .  .  .  magnitudine,  cau- 
sal ablatives. 

5.  rerum  poteretur :  so  *  rerum 
adeptus    est',  of  Galba's  accession   (3. 

55.0- 

6.  ne  .  .  .  histrioni  consuleretur. 
For  the  use  of  *  consulere  *  in  the  sense 
of  *  parcere  '  see  3.  16,  5,  and  note.  That 
he  was  beheaded,  is  gathered  from  the 
expression  of  Seneca  (Lud.  13,  4), 
*  Mnester  pantomimus,  quem  Claudius 
decoris  causa  minorem  (sc.  capite)  fecerat.' 

8.  Trauli  Montani,  the  Sex.  Traulus 
of  Sen.  (1.  c). 

10.  ultro,   i.e.   by  her,  without  any  | 
overtures  on  his  part. 

11.  paribus  lasciviis,  abl.  abs.,  'her 
disgust  being  no  less  capricious  than  her 
desire '. 

12.  Suillio  Caesonino,  one  of  the  sons 
of  P.  Suillius  (c.  2,  2).  His  cognomen 
appears  to  be  taken  from  Caesonia,  the 
wife  of  Gains,  who  was  his  father's  half- 
sister  (see  on  c.  18,  I  ;  4.  31,  5). 

Plautio  Laterano.  He  was  ex- 
pelled from  the  senate  (13.  11,  2),  and 
was  subsequently  involved  in  the  con- 
spiracy of  Piso  and  put  to  death  (15.  49, 
2;  60,  i).  The  uncle  here  alluded  to  is 
A.  Plautius  Silvanus,  the  commander  of 
the  great  invasion  of  Britain  (see  13.  32, 
3;  Agr.  14,  i;  Introd.  pp.  132,  foil.). 

14.  tamquam  «=  a/;  :  see  Introd.  i. 
V.  §  67. 


A.  D.  48] 


LIBER  XL      CAP,  36,   37 


5« 


1  37.  Interim  Messalina  Lucullianis  in  hortis  prolatare  vitam, 
componere  preces,  non  nulla  spe  et  aliquando  ira :  tantum  inter 
extrema  superbiae  gerebat.     ac  ni  caedem  eius  Narcissus  pro- 

2  peravisset,   verterat    pernicies    in    accusatorem.     nam    Claudius 
domum  regressus  et  tempestivis  epulis  delenitus,  ubi  vino  in-  5 
caluit,  iri  iubet  nuntiarique  miserae  (hoc  enim  verbo  usum  ferunt) 

3  dicendam  ad  causam  postera  die  adesset.  quod  ubi  auditum  et 
languescere  ira,  redire  amor  ac,  si  cunctarentur,  propinqua  nox  et 
uxorii  cubiculi  memoria  timebantur,  prorumpit  Narcissus  denun- 
tiatque  centurionibus  et  tribuno,  qui  aderat,  exequi  caedem :  ita  10 

4  imperatorem  iubere.  custos  et  exactor  e  libertis  Euodus  datur  ; 
isque  raptim  in  hortos  praegressus  repperit  fusam  humi,  adsi- 
dente  matre  Lepida,  quae  florenti  filiae  baud  concors  supremis 


1.  liUOuUianis  in  hortis :  cp.  c  32,  2. 
She  had  gone  back  there  after  her  inter- 
view with  Claudius  (c  34,  3). 

2.  componere  preces,  'draws  up  a 
petition'  (  = '  litteras supplices').  Similar 
concise  expressions  are  *  componere  res ' 
(I.  I,  5),  •  res  gestas'  (4.  34,  3),  'vitam* 
(Dial.  14,  4),&c. 

tantum . . .  superbiae  gerebat.  Most 
recent  edd.  rightly  follow  Bezzenb.  in 
thus  correcting  the  Med.  'tantum  .  .  . 
superbia  egebat ' ;  such  wrong  division  of 
words  and  loss  of  a  syllable  being  com- 
mon errors  in  this  and  other  MSS.  The 
older  edd.  read  '  tanta  .  .  .  superbia  age- 
bat  '  (after  G). 

3.  properavisset.  For  the  transitive 
use  of  this  verb  cp.  i.  56,  2,  and  note, 
and  several  instances  given  by  Nipp.  on 

13-  17,  3- 

4.  verterat,  indie,  for  subjunct.  (In- 
trod.  i.  V.  §  50  c);  intrans.,  as  in  c.  31, 
6,  &c. 

5.  tempestivis,  *  early ',  *  before  the 
proper  hour' :  so  in  H.  2.  68,  2,  and  in 
several  passages  of  Cic.  and  other  authors, 
given  by  Lips,  in  his  Excursus  to  14.  2. 
In  early  times  to  dine  * de  die'  (before 
sunset)  had  been  a  mark  of  luxury  (see 
CatuU.  47,  5;  Hor.  Od.  1.  1,  20,  &c.) ; 
but  at  this  time  the  *  hora  nona '  had  be- 
come the  customary  time  (Mart.  4.  8, 
6) ;  and,  to  epicures,  a  feast  at  even  an 
earlier  hour  (cp.  14.  2,  i,  and  note)  was 
*  in  good  time'. 

6.  nuntiari,  *  that  she  should  be 
ordered  by  messaj^e ' ;  so  in  2.  65,  i :  cp. 
'scribere'  ('to  command  by  letter')  12. 
29,  2,  &c. 

7.  ubi  auditum,  &c.     The  construc- 


tion of  the  temporal  clauses  is  varied  from 
perfect  to  historical  infin.  (cp.  Introd.  i. 
v.  §  46  c),  and  again  to  imperf. 

9.  denuntiat,  '  commands ' :  so  used 
with  infin.  (ace.  to  Dr.)  only  here  and 
in  Apuleius;  but  a  similar  inf.  is  used 
with  *  nuntio',  in  this  sense,  in  16.  11,  i. 
The  officers  would  be  those  of  the  cohort 
on  duty  at  the  Palatium  (see  12.  69,  i). 

1 1.  custos  et  exactor,  sc. '  supplicii  *. 
He  was  to  prevent  her  escape  and  see  the 
sentence  executed.  In  3.  14,  7  the  terms 
are  contrasted,  'custos  saluti  an  mortis 
exactor '. 

e  libertis,  sc.  'Caesaris'  (as  in  13. 
21,2;  14.  39,  i).  Euodus  is  thought  to 
be  the  same  as  the  freedman  of  Tiberius 
of  that  name  mentioned  by  Josephus 
(Ant.  18.  6,  8).  The  form  of  the  name 
in  inscriptions  (see  Friedl.  Sitteng.  i.  77, 
7)  is  *  Euhodus '. 

12.  praegressus,  'going  on  before 
them  *.  In  the  Med.  *  pgressus '  the  stroke 
is  thought  to  be  by  a  later  hand :  G,  and 
several  edd.  read  '  progressus ' ;  but  *  rap- 
tim '  favours  the  Med.  text.  The  whole' 
passage  would  show  that  he  obtained  ad- 
mittance privately,  and  took  note  of  the 
state  of  affairs  (which  is  described  by  the, 
imperfects),  but  did  not  come  forward, 
openly  till  the  whole  body  burst  in. 
Piof.  Holbrooke  takes  the  word  to  mean 
only  that  he  marched  in  front,  and  that 
they  all  entered  together. 

13.  matre  Ijepida,  Domitia  Lepida, 
daughter  of  L.  Domitius  and  the  elder 
Antoiiia  (see  Introd.  i.  ix.  p.  140).  On 
her  character,  and  her  death  at  the  in- 
stigation of  Agrippina,  see  12,  64,  4,  foil. 

baud  concors.     Her  second  husband  J 


52 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  48 


eius  necessitatibus  ad  miserationem  evicta  erat  suadebatque  ne 
percussorem  opperiretur:  transisse  vitam  neque  aliud  quam 
morti  decus  quaerendum.  sed  animo  per  libidines  corrupto  5 
nihil  honestum  inerat ;  lacrimaeque  et  questus  inriti  ducebantur, 
5  cum  impetu  venientium  pulsae  fores  adstititque  tribunus  per 
silentium,  at  libertus  increpans  multis  et  servilibus  probris. 

38.    Tunc    primum    fortunam    suam    introspexit    ferrumque  1 
accepit,  quod  frustra  iugulo  aut  pectori  per  trepidationem  ad- 
movens  ictu  tribuni  transigitur.     corpus  matri  concessum.     nun-  2 

10  tiatumque  Claudio  epulanti  perisse  Messalinam,  non  distincto 
sua  an  aliena  manu.     nee  ille  quaesivit,  poposcitque  poculum  et 
solita  convivio  celebravit.     ne  secutis  quidem  diebus  odii  gaudii,  3 
irae  tristitiae,  ullius  denique  humani  adfectus  signa   dedit,  non 
cum  laetantis  accusatores  aspiceret,  non  cum  filios  maerentis. 

15  iuvitque   oblivionem   eius   senatus   censendo   nomen   et  effigies  4 
privatis  ac  publicis  locis  demovendas.     decreta  Narcisso  quae-  5 


(Appius  Silanus  (Dio,  60.  14,  3),  had 
saflFered  death  through  Messalina  (c.  29, 
I,  and  note). 

supremis  necessitatibus,  'her  last 
extremity ' :  so  used  in  H.  i.  3,  i. 

I.  ad  miserationem  evicta;  so 'evicta 
(v.  1.  *  victa')  in  lacrimas'  (i.  57,  5),  *  in 
gaudium'  (H.  2.  64,  5). 

4.  ducebantnr,  *  were  being  pro- 
longed ',  used  strictly  with  '  questus  '  (cp. 
*  ducere  .  .  .  voces '  Verg.  Aen.  4,  463) 
and  by  zeugma  with  *  lacrimae '. 

5.  per  silentium,  '  in  silence ' :  on 
this  use  of*  per'  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  62. 

7.  introspexit,  'looked  her  fate  in 
the  face'  (fully  realized  it):  so  used  of 
observing  narrowly  in  3.  60,  6;  H.  2.  20, 
2,  &c. 

8.  accepit,  *  took  into  her  hand '. 
iugulo    aut    pectori,    *  now   to   her 

throat,  now  to  her  breast '.  Similar  uses 
of  aut'  are  noted  on  i.  55,  2, 

9.  transigitur:  so  used  in  2.  68,  3; 
H-  9»  4;  37.  6;  Phaedr.  3.  10,  27; 
Luc,  &c. 

/  10.  non  distincto,  '  without  distinc- 
:tion  drawn  ' ;  a  solitary  instance  (ace.  to 
Dr.)  of  the  employment  of  this  participle 
in  the  use  of  the  abl.  abs.  noted  in  Introd. 
i.  v.  §  31  a. 

II.  nee  ille  quaesivit.  His  indiffer- 
ence in  a  less  striking  case  is  noted  in  c. 
2,  5  ;  see  also  Introd.  p.  48. 

14.  filios,  *  his  son  and  daughter ' :  for 


similar  uses  of  the  masculine  to  denote 
persons  of  both  sexes  see  Introd.  i.  v. 
§  83 ;  also  '  soceros '  in  Verg.  Aen.  2, 
457  ;  'regum '  (of  a  king  and  a  princess) 
in  Sen.  Med.  56. 

15.  censendo,  &c.  For  similar  decrees 
see  3. 17,  8;  6.  2,  i,&c.,andnot6s  one.  35, 
2  ;  3.  18,  I  ;  and  other  references  given 
in  Momms.  Staatsr.  iii.  1190:  for  an  in- 
stance of  the  erasure  of  Messalina's  name 
see  C.  I.  L.  vi.  i.  918;  for  inscriptions  in 
which  it  is  retained  see  C.  I.  L.  6.  5537. 
No  medals  struck  at  Rome  bearing  her 
effigy  exist ;  but  a  good  specimen  from 
Nicaea  in  Bithynia  is  engraved  in  Cohen, 
i.  p.  268,  and  assists  to  identify  other 
extant  effigies,  which  have  been,  with 
more  or  less  doubt,  assigned  to  her,  such 
as  the  large  gem  in  the  British  Museum, 
and  the  statue,  sardonyx,  and  cameo  en- 
graved in  Visconti,  Ic.  Rom.  pi.  28.  A 
list  and  full  discussion  of  all  of  them  is 
given  in  Bernoulli's  work  *  Die  Bildnisse 
der  Romischen  Kaiser  und  ihrer  Angeho- 
rigen '  (Berlin,  1886),  i.  356-364.  On  her 
probable  age  see  Introd.  p.  42,  4. 

16,  quaestoria  insignia :  cp.  16.  33,4, 
and  note  on  c.  4,  5.  The  extension  of 
such  senatorial  distinctions  even  to  freed- 
men  (cp.  12.  53,  2),  who  not  only  were 
not  senators,  but  (until  the  time  of  Cara- 
calla)  were  incapable  of  becoming  such, 
appears  to  originate  with  Claudius:  see 
Monams.  Staatsr.  i.  p.  464. 


A.  D.  48] 


LIBER  XL      CAP,  37,   38 


53 


storia  insignia,  levissimum  fastidii  eius,  cum  super  Pallantem  ct 
Callistum  ageret,  f  honesta  quidem,  sed  ex  quis  deterrima 
rentur  [tristitiis  multis]. 


orc- 


1.  levissimum  fastidii  eius.  This 
is  the  reading  of  Med.,  'This  honour  was 
the  least  ground  of  his  arrogance'.  Halm 
follows  Ernesti's  alteration  *  fastidio ',  '  a 
most  signi6cant  reward  to  his  disdain, 
when  he  bore  himself  even  above  Pallas 
and  Callistus'.  Most  of  the  older  edd. 
read  *  fastigii  '  (after  several  inferior 
MSS.).  Cp.  the  language  of  Juvenal  (14, 
329)  *  divitiae  Narcissi,  Indulsit  Caesar 
cui  Claudius  omnia,  cuius  Paruit  imperiis, 
uxorem  occidere  iussus'.  To  one  who 
stood  so  high,  an  empty  honour  placing 
him  on  a  level  with  the  lowest  rank  of 
senators  would  seem  very  little. 

2.  honesta  quidem,  &c.  Most  edd- 
treat  these  words  as  more  or  less  corrupt. 
It  is  very  probable  that  Tacitus  concluded 
the  Book  with  some  general  remark, 
similar  perhaps  to  that  in  i.  81,  4;  but 
the  words  here  stand  in  no  relation  to  the 
immediate  context,  *  honesta '  being  only 


capable  of  a  general  reference  to  the  de- 
served punishment  of  Messalina  and  her 
accomplices  (and  hardly  an  appropriate 
term  even  for  this),  and  '  deterrima '  to 
the  following  marriage  destined  to  rise 
out  of  it.  Also  the  harsh  abl.  abs.  (for 
which  some  inferior  MSS.  and  old  edd. 
read  <  flagitiis  multis '  or  '  flagitiis  in- 
ultis ')  is  a  weak  conclusion,  hardly 
strengthened,  though  simplified  in  point 
of  construction,  by  reading  (with  Jacob) 
*  tristitiis  simul  multis '.  The  words 
bracketed,  as  above,  by  Halm,  are  omitted 
by  Nipp. ;  and  the  whole  sentence  is 
bracketed  by  Ritt.  and  Dr.  as  the  note  of 
a  reader,  introduced  into  the  text  by 
a  copyist.  Others  treat  the  words  as 
fragmentary,  and  either  suppose  a  new 
sentence  to  have  begun  with  '  tristitiis 
multis'  (as  Baiter),  or  mark  a  lacuna 
before  and  after  '  honesta  quidem '  (as 
Pfitzner). 


APPENDIX     I 

THE  FRAGMENTS  OF  THE  ACTUAL  SPEECH  OF  CLAUDIUS, 
AND  THEIR  RELATION  TO  THE  VERSION  GIVEN  BY 
TACITUS    (ll.  24). 

The  bronze  table  or  tables*  containing  this  document  were  dug  up 
at  Lyons  (Lugdunum)  in  I5^4^  and  are  preserved  in  the  Museum  of 
that  city.  The  inscription  appears  to  have  been  first  printed  by  Lipsius 
in  his  Excursus  to  the  Annals,  afterwards  in  Gruter's  collection  of  in- 
scriptions (502),  and  often  subsequently.  The  text  here  given  is  that  of 
Boissieu  (Inscr.  Antiques  de  Lyon,  p.  136). 

It  is  evident  that  we  have  here  fragments  of  the  actual  speech  of 
Claudius;  the  whole  of  which,  together  with  the  decree  of  the  senate 
which  followed  it,  was  no  doubt  engraved  and  set  up  at  Lugdunum,  and 
probably  at  other  places  in  the  provinces  to  which  it  related'. 

The  speech  is  divided  into  paragraphs  as  here  given,  and  in  almost  all 
cases,  the  end  of  a  word,  except  where  it  coincides  with  the  end  of  a  line, 
is  indicated  by  a  point,  and  in  many,  though  not  in  all  cases,  accents  are 
placed  upon  long  vowels.  A  few  errors  of  the  engraver  in  the  divisions 
of  words,  and  in  the  words  themselves,  are  pointed  out  in  the  notes*. 

A  comparison  of  these  fragments  with  the  speech  as  given  by  Tacitus 
throws  much  light  on  the  question  how  far  he  considered  himself  at 
liberty  to  ignore  such  documents,  or  to  deal  with  them  as  he  thought 
desirable. 

On  the  whole,  the  substance  of  the  existing  portions  may  be  said  lo 
have  been  given,  and  the  fact  that  they  are  represented  by  but  a  few 
sentences  would  go  to  prove  that  the  whole  speech  (as  indeed  the 
fragments  themselves  suggest)  was  long  and  discursive,  and  could  only 

^  Boissieu  treats  it  as  certain  that  the  ^  The   above    date   is    that   of  Bois- 

two  columns  were  originally  united  at  the  sieu;    Lips,  gives  it  as  1529,  Brotier  as 

side  ;  but  the  edge  of  the  first  column,  on  1528. 

the  side  towards  the  second,  is  now  in  '  The  practice  of  thus  engraving  im- 

several  places  mutilated   (see  the  italics  portant  speeches  of  the  princeps  is  men- 

in  the  text).  Both  are  perfect  at  the  bottom  tioned  in  Plin.  Pan.  75. 

and  defective  at  the  top.     Some  of  the  *  See  notes  on  Col.  i.  6 ;  ai  ;  Col.  ii. 

letters  now  noted  as  wanting  appear  to  30;  37  ;  39.     We  should  also  expect  a 

have  become  defaced  since  the  date  of  the  new  paragraph  in  ii.  30,  where  none  is 

early  printed  versions.  indicated. 


« 


SPEECH  OF  CLAUDIUS  55 

be  brought  into  a  space  proportionate  to  the  narrative  of  the  Annals  by 
much  omission  and  abridgement. 

The  sentences  '  advenae  in  nos  regnaverunt/  and  '  Omnia,  patres  con- 
scripti,  quae  nunc  vetustissima  creduntur,  nova  fuere  :  plebeii  magistratus 
post  patricios  *  (§  1 1),  seem  intended  to  answer  to  nearly  the  whole  of  the 
first  column ;  the  continuation,  *  Latini  post  plebeios,  ceterarum  Italiae 
gentium  post  Latinos,'  appears  to  render  the  sense  of  the  opening  words 
of  the  second.  The  sentences  answering  to  the  remainder  of  this  column 
are  *num  paenitet  Balbos  ex  Hispania*  nee  minus  insignis  viros  e  Gallia 
Narbonensi  transivisse?  manent  poster!  eorum  nee  amore  in  banc 
patriam  nobis  concedunt '  (§  4),  and  *  ac  tamen,  si  cuncta  bella  recenseas, 
nullum  breviore  spatio  quam  adversus  Gallos  confectum :  continua  inde 
et  fida  pax'  (§  9). 

The  fact  that  the  order  of  these  sentences  does  not  in  any  way 
correspond  to  that  of  those  in  the  original  speech  would  show  that 
Tacitus,  in  that  process  of  adaptation  to  his  narrative  which  he  describes 
by  the  word  'invertereV  considered  himself  fully  at  liberty  to  rearrange 
as  well  as  to  condense,  and  to  give  the  arguments  in  what  seems  to  him 
to  be  their  most  appropriate  form  and  order. 

The  style  and  expression  is  thus  his  own,  and  the  tedious  antiquarian 
pedantry  of  Claudius  is  just  sufficiently  suggested  to  make  the  speech 
characteristic  without  being  wearisome. 

Our  means  of  judgement  are  necessarily  much  limited  by  our  inability 
to  compare  the  speeches  as  a  whole ;  and  it  is  also  unfortunate  for 
Tacitus  that  the  only  instance  in  which  we  are  thus  able  to  bring  him  to 
book,  is  one  in  which  such  obligations  to  fidelity  as  he  may  have  desired 
to  recognize  must  have  been  sorely  tried  by  the  literary  and  rhetorical 
defects  of  his  original. 

*  The  allusion  to  the  Spanish  origin  of  *  Cp.  15.  63,  7,  where  lie  gives  a  rea- 

the  Balbi  does  not  appear  in  the  actual  son  for  declining  to  relate  the  last  words 

speech,  but  may  have  been  transferred  by  of  Seneca. 
Tacitus  from  some  other  part  of  it. 


56 


APPENDIX  I 


Col.  I. 

mae  rerum  nostr sii | 

Equidem  primam  omnium  illam  cogitationem  hominum,  quaw  | 
maxima  primam  occursuram  mihi  provideo,  deprecor,  ne  |  quasi  novam 
istam  rem  introduci  exhorrescatis,  sed  ilia  |  potius  cogitetis,  quam  multa 

5  in  hac  civitate  novata  sint,  e/  |  quidem  statim  ab  origine  urbis  nostrae  in 
quod  formas  |  statusque  respublica  nostra  diducta  sit.  | 

Quondam  reges  banc  tenuere  urbem,  nee  tamen  domesticis  succ^j-  | 
soribus  earn  tradere  contigit.     Supervenere  alieni  et  quidem  ex/(?r  |  ni, 

lo  ut  Numa  Romulo  successerit  ex  Sabinis  veniens,  vicinus  qui  \  dem,  sed 
tunc  externus,  ut  Anco  Marcio  Priscus  Tarquinius.  Is  \  propter  temeratum 
sanguinem,  quod  patre  Demaratho  Co  |  rinthio  natus  erat  et  Tarquiniensi 
matre  generosa,  sed  inop?'  |  ,  ut  quae  tali  marito  necesse  habuerit 
succumbere,  cum  domi  re  |  pelleretur  a  gerendis  honoribus,  postquam 

15  Romam  migravit,  |  regnum  adeptus  est.  Huic  quoque  et  filio  nepotive 
eius  (nam  et  |  hoc  inter  auctores  discrepat)  insertus  Servius  TuUius,  si 
nostros  |  sequimur,  captiva  natus  Ocresia;  si  Tuscos,  Caeli  quondam 


3.  maxime  primam.  This  nnusual 
expression  appears  to  be  chosen,  as  Nipp. 
notes,  to  emphasize  '  primam '  without 
repeating  '  omnium '. 

6.  quod,  for  '  quot'. 

7.  diducta  sit,  i.e.  how  many  separate 
phases  and  constitutions  it  has  taken. 

8.  Quondam  reges,  &c.  The  opening 
sentence  of  the  Annals  is  very  similar  ('  Vr- 
bem  Rcmam  a  principio  reges  habuere'), 
and  the  subsequent  changes  are  in  that 
chapter  briefly  recapitulated. 

domesticis,  *  persons  of  their  own 
family',  as  opposed  to  those  of  other 
families  ('alieni'),  or  of  other  peoples 
('extemi'). 

9.  Supervenere,  'there  ensued',  as 
the  kingly  office  from  time  to  time  was 
vacated. 

II.  'Is',  inserted  by  Orelli,    as  pro- 
bably lost  in  the  mutilations  of  the  right- 
hand  edge  of  this  column 
I      12.  temeratxim,  *  polluted  *  by  the  ad - 
I  mixture  of  a  non-citizen  element. 

Demaratho,  probably  an  error  of  the 
engraver  for  'Demarato':  see  11.  14,  4; 
Liv.  I.  34,  2. 

13.  sed  inopi.  This,  as  Nipp.  notes, 
is  apparently  a  supposition  suggested  by 
the  following  words. 

14.  succumbere,    so    used     in    this 


sense  with  dative  in  Varr.  R.  R.  2.  10. 
9,  &c. 

domi,  at  Tarquinii.  In  the  account 
given  of  his  migration  in  Liv.  i.  34,  5, 
otherwise  substantially  the  same,  his  wife 
Tanaquil  is  made  to  take  an  important 
part  in  guiding  his  movements. 

16.  nam  et  hoc,  &c.  The  general 
view,  as  given  by  Livy,  makes  Tarquinius 
Superbus  the  son  of  Tarquinius  Priscus. 
The  idea  that  he  was  the  grandson,  started 
by  the  annalist  L.  Piso  and  approved  by 
Dion.  Hal.  (4.  7),  is  suggested  by  the 
chronological  difficulty  arising  from  the 
interposition  of  the  forty  years'  reign  of 
Servius  TuUius. 

17.  insertus,  sc.  'est',  'was  interposed 
between  them  '.  This  is  to  be  taken,  with 
Nipp.,  as  a  finite  verb,  and  '  natus  '  as  in 
apposition.  A  fresh  sentence  begins  with 
'  si  Tuscos ',  &c. 

si  nostros,  &c.  For  the  accounts  of 
the  origin  of  Servius  Tullius  see  Seeley, 
Hist,  Exam,  of  Liv.  B.  i.  p.  47. 

18.  Ocresia.  The  name  is  so  written 
in  Ov.  F.  6.  627,  and  PI.  N.  H.  36.  27,  70, 
204,  in  other  accounts  *  Ocrisia '  or  '  Ocli- 
sia'.  She  is  represented  as  becoming  a 
slave  by  the  capture  of  the  Latin  city 
Corniculum.  The  father  of  her  child  is 
either  made  to  be  her  former  husband, 


SPEECH  OF  CLAUDIUS 


57 


Vi  I  vennae  sodalis  fidelissimus  omnisque  eius  casus  comes,  post  |  quam 
varia  fortuna  exactus  cum  omnibus  reliquis  Caelian/  |  exercitus  Elruria  ao 
excessit,  montem  Caelium  occupavit  et  a  duce  suo  |  Caelio  ita  appelli- 
tatus,  mutatoque  nomine  (nam  Tusce  Mastarna  |  ei  nomen  erat)  ita 
appellatus  est,  ut  dixi,  et  regnum  summa  cum  rei  |  p.  utilitate  optinuit. 
Deinde  postquam  Tarquini  Superbi  mores  in  \  visi  civitati  nostrae  esse 
coeperunt,  qua  ipsius  qua  filiorum  eius,  \  nempe  pertaesum  est  mentes  25 
regni,  et  ad  consules,  annuos  magw  |  tratus,  administratio  rei  p.  irans- 
lata  est  | 

Quid  nunc  commemorem  dictaturae  hoc  ipso  consulari  impt  \  rium 
valentius  repertum  apud  maiores  nostros  quo  in  as  \  perioribus  bellis  aut 
in  civili  motu  difficiliore  uterentur  ?  |  aut  in  auxilium  plebis  creatos  30 
tribunos  plebei?  Quid  a  conju  |  libus  ad  decemviros  translatum  im- 
perium,  solutoque  poj/ea  |  decemvirali  regno  ad  consules  rusus  reditum  ? 
Quid  in//u  |  ris  distributum  consulare  imperium,  tribunosque  miliium  \ 
consulari  imperio  appellatos,  qui  seni  et  saepe  octoni  crearen  |  tur  ?  35 
Quid  communicates  postremo  cum  plebe  honores  non  imperii  |  solum, 
sed  sacerdotiorum  quoque  ?  lam  si  narrem  bella,  a  quibus  |  coeperint 
maiores  nostri,  et  quo  processerimus,  vereor,  ne  nimio  |  insolentior  esse 
videar,  et  quaesisse  iactationem  gloriae  pro  |  lati  imperi  ultra  Oceanum. 
Sed  illoc  potius  revertar.     Civitat^m  |  4° 

Col.  II. 
isi  sane  |  novo  .  .  .  Divus  Aug no  ....  i 


TuUius,  prince  of  that  city,  or  a  client  of  in  pluris :    for  this  distributive  force 

Tarquinius,  or  the  Lar  of  the  house,  or  of  *in'  see  note  on  i.  55,  2. 
Vulcanus.   See  Ov,  and  Plin.  (1, 1 ) ;  Dion.  35.  seni  et  saepe   octoni.      During' 

Hal.  4.  I,  and  other  authorities  cited  in  the  last  thirty-eight  years  of  the  existence  ' 

D.  of  Biog.  of  military  tribunes  with  consular  power,  1 

si  Tuscos,  &c. :  see  4,  65,  i,  and  note.  their  number    is    regularly   six.      Eight! 

The  name  is  there  given  as  Caeles  Vi-  names  are  given  only  in  one  year  (Liv.  5./ 

benna,  and  the  person  so  named  is  re  i,  2),  when  it  is  supposed  that  the  two^ 

presented  as  himself  the  settler  on  the  censors  may  have  been  reckoned  in. 
Caelian  mount.  40.  ultra  Oceanum,  by  the  conquest  | 

aa  reliquis  =  *  reliquiis '.  of    Britain.      This    boast    is    constantly  I 

22.  appellitatus,  apparently  an  error  paraded  in  the  epigrams  of  the  period  : 

of  the  engraver  for  *  appellitavit '.     The  see  Introd.  p.  130. 

verb  is  used  by  Tacitus  (1. 1.)  in  his  version  illoc,  old  form  of  '  illuc ',  like  '  hoc  *, 

of  this  story,  and  by  later  writers.  '  istoc'. 

Mastarna.  This  name  must  have  been  Civitatem.  This  passage  probably 
taken  by  Claudius  from  some  Tuscan  went  on  to  speak  of  the  progressive  ex- 
version  otherwise  unknown  to  us.  tension  of  the  '  civitas '  and  of  the  area 

33.  rusus,  an  archaic  form  of  *  rursus ',  from  which  senators  were  chosen.     The 

used  in  Lucr,  5,  749;   as  also  'rusum'  substance   of    this    portion   is  given   by 

for '  rursum  '  in  Id.  3,  looi  ;  4,  333.   Such  Tacitus  at  some  length  (11.  24,  2-4). 
archaisms  were  an  affectation  of  Claudius  a.  Divus   Augustus.      This   passage 

(see  Introd.  p.  37).  probably  described  the  practice  of  Angus- 


58 


APPENDIX  I 


set  patruus  Ti.  |  Caesar  omnem  florem  ubique  coloniarum  et  munici- 
pioriim7bo  |  norum  scilicet  virorum  et  locupletium,  in  hac  curia  esse 
5  voluit.  I  Quid  ergo  ?  Non  Italicus  senator  provinciali  potior  est  ?  lam  | 
vobis  cum  banc  partem  censurae  meae  adprobare  coepero,  quid  |  de  ea 
re  sentiam,  rebus  ostendam.  Sed  ne  provinciales  quidem,  |  si  modo 
ornare  curiam  poterint,  reiciendos  puto.  [ 

Ornatissima  ecce  colonia  valentissimaque  Viennensium  quam  |  longo 

lo  iam  tempore  senatores  huic  curiae  confert  ?  Ex  qua  colo  |  nia  inter  paucos 
equestris  ordinis  ornamentum,  L.  Vestinum,  fa  |  miliarissime  diligo  et 
hodieque  in  rebus  meis  detineo;  cuius  libe  |  ri  fruantur  quaeso  primo 
sacerdotiorum  gradu,  post  modo  cum  |  annis  promoturi  dignitatis  suae 
incrementa.    Vt  dirum  nomen  la  |  tronis  taceam,  et  odi  illud  palaestricum 

15  prodigium,  quod  ante  in  do  |  mum  consulatum  iniulit,  quam  colonia 


tus  in  his  'lectio  senatus'  (see  Momms. 
on  Mon.  Anc.  p.  35).  No  mention  of  it 
appears  in  the  speech  given  by  Tacitus. 

3.  coloniarum  ac  municipiorum, 
used  of  the  towns  of  Italy  (see  i.  79,  1, 
and  note) :  cp.  *  Italicus  senator'  below. 

6.  cum  hanc  partem,  &c.,  *when  I 
shall  have  begun  to  commend  to  you  (cp. 

I.  44,  8;  16.  18,  4;  Agr.  5,  i,  &c.)  this 
part   of  my  censorship.'      The   addition 

*  rebus  ostendam '  goes  to  show  that  he  is 
not  here  referring  to  any  argument  to 
come  afterwards  in  his  speech,  but  to  the 
justification  which  his  actual  '  lectio 
senatus ',  when  it  took  place,  would  carry 
with  it.  The  'lectio'  (alluded  to  in  12. 
4,  4)  would  naturally  come  after  this 
question  was  decided. 

7.  rebus.  He  will  show  by  facts  that 
he  does  consider  Italians  to  have  a  prior 
claim  to  provincial  citizens,  by  choosing 
a  senate  in  which  they  will  preponderate. 

8.  poterint,  an  unusual  form  for  '  po- 
terunt '. 

9.  Viennensium.  Vienne,  in  Dau- 
phine,  the  chief  town  of  the  Allobroges 
(Ptol.  2.  10,  4)  in  the  province  of  Gallia 
Narbonensis.  On  its  opulence,  its  rivalry 
with  the  neighbouring  Lugdunum,  and 
its  narrow  escape  from  being  destroyed 
by  the  Vitellian  forces,  see  H.  i.  65-66. 
On  the  date  of  its  full  establishment  as  a 
Roman  colony  see  below  (on  1.  15).  The 
senators  of  long  standing  here  alluded  to 
must  have  belonged  to  such  families  as 
had  received  the  'civitas'  individually,  as 
had  been  the  case  with  that  of  Valerius 
Asiaticus  (see  1.  15). 

II.  inter  paucos  .  .  .  ornamentum, 

*  one  of  the  few  greatest  ornaments  ' :  cp. 

II.  10,5;  16.  18,4. 


L.  Vestinum,  probably  the  same  who 
is  mentioned  in  H.  4.  53,  i,  as  still  a 
knight  in  A.D.  70,  but  of  great  emi- 
nence. The  consul  of  15.  48,  i,  &c.  is 
probably  his  son. 

12.  et  hodieque  «=  'et  hodie  quoque'. 
in  rebus  meis,  in  the  duties  of  a  pro- 
curator:  see  4.  6,  5,  and  note;    12.  60, 

I,  &c. 

13.  fruantur,  &c.  This  request 
amounts  to  a  *  commendatio '  (Introd.  i. 
vi.  p.  79)  of  these  persons  to  the  senate, 
with  whom  the  election  formally  lay : 
see  3.  19,  I,  and  note.  Priestly  offices 
were  often  given  to  young  men  of  rank, 
before  the  beginning  of  their  career  oiF 
majristracies  (3.  29,  3,  &c.).  The  sons 
were,  as  often  happened,  to  be  advanced 
to  senatorial  dignity. 

14.  Vt  .  .  .  taceam,  &c.  (referred  back 
to  '  confert ' ;  the  intervening  sentences 
being  parenthetical),  'not  to  mention,'  &c. 
The  allusion  is  to  Valerius  Asiaticus,  on' 
whom    see    11.    1-3;    and   the    epithet 

*  palaestricum '  refers  to  his  habits  of  life 
(cp.  '  quibus  insueverat  exercitationibus  * 

II.  3,  2). 

15.  ante  .  .  .  quam,  &c.  The  date  of 
Asiaticus'  first  consulship  is  unknown,  but 
he  was  a  consular  at  the  death  of  Gains 
(see  note  on  11.  i,  i).  The  original 
foundation  of  the  colony  (probably  with 
Latin  rights)  is  generally  referred  to 
Augustus  (Marquardt,  Staatsv.  i.  114),  on 
the  strength  of  coins  of  his  death  (Eckh. 
i.  71)  found  at  Lyons  with  the  letters 
C.  I.  V.  (taken  to  be  *  Colonia  lulia  Vi- 
ennensis').  The  gift  of  full  privileges  is 
supposed  by  Mommsen  (see  Hirschfeld 
in  C.I.L.  xii.  p.  218)  to  have  been  con- 
ferred by  Gaius  during  his  stay  in  Gaul, 


SPEECH  OF  CLAUDIUS 


59 


sua  solidum  civitatis  Roma  |  nae  benificium  consecuta  est.  Idem  dc 
fratre  eius  possum  dicere,  |  miserabili  quidem  indignissimoque  hoc  casu, 
ut  vobis  utilis  |  senator  esse  non  possit.  | 

Tempus  est  iam,  Ti.  Caesar  Germanice,  detegere  te  patribus  con- 
scriptis  I  quo  tendat  oratio  tua :  iam  enim  ad  extremos  fines  Galliae  20 
Nar  I  bonensis  venisti.  | 

Tot  ecce  insignes  iuvenes,  quot  intueor,  non  magis  sunt  paenitendi  | 
senatores,   quam    paenitet    Persicum,    nobilissimum    virum,   ami  |  cum 
meum,  inter  imagines   maiorum   suorum  Allobrogici  no  j  men  legere.  35 
Quod  si  haec  ita  esse  consentitis,  quid  ultra  desidera  |  tis,  quam  ut  vobis 
digito  demonstrem  solum  ipsum  ultra  fines  |  provinciae  Narbonensis  iam 
vobis  senatores  mittere,  quando  |  ex  Luguduno  habere  nos  nostri  ordinis 
viros  non  paenitet  ?   |    Timide  quidem,  p.  c.  egressus  adsuetos  familiares 
que  vobis  pro   |   vinciarum  terminos  sum,  sed  destricte  iam  comatae  30 
Galliae  |  causa  agenda  est.     In  qua  si  quis  hoc  intuetur,  quod  bello  per 
de  I  cem   annos   exercuerunt   Divom    lulium,    idem  opponat  centum  | 
annorum  immobilem  fidem  obsequiumque  multis  trepidis  re  |  bus  nosiris 
plusquam  expertum.     lUi  patri  meo  Druso  Germaniam  |  subigenti  tutam  35 
quiete  sua  securamque  a  tergo  pacem  praes  |  titerunt,  et  quidem  cum 
adcensus  novo  tum  opere  et  in  ad  sue  1  to  Gallis  ad  bellum  avocatus 


but  might  have  been  due  to  Claudius, 
and  seems  more  in  accordance  with  his 
policy, 

16.  sua  refers  to  the  subject,  hot  of 
this,  but  of  the  leading  clause. 

17.  de  fratre.  Nothing  is  known  of 
this  brother.  We  gather  from  this  passage 
that  it  had  been  thought  necessary  lor 
security  to  expel  him  from  the  senate. 

20.  Ti.  Caesfur  Germanice.  The 
grotesqueness  of  this  apostrophe  to  him- 
self illustrates  the  criticism  which  Suet, 
(in  speaking  of  his  historical  works)  pro- 
nounces on  his  style  (CI.  41),  'composuit 
inepte  magis  quam  ineleganter.*  Cp.  the 
judgment  of  Tacitus  on  his  speaking  (13. 
3,  6).  The  title  of  *  Germanicus  was 
inherited  by  Claudius  and  his  brother 
from  their  father  Drusus  (Introd.  i.  ix. 
p.  148). 

23.  quot  intueor.  Probably,  as  Nipp. 
suggests,  some  young  Gallic  nobles  had 
been  sent  as  deputies  to  request  the  privi- 
lege now  being  discussed,  and  were 
allowed  to  be  present. 

paenitendi  senatores  :  cp.  the 
words  given  by  Tacitus  (1 1.  24,  4),  *  num 
paenitet  Balbos  ex  Hispania  nee  minus 
insignis  viros  e  Gallia  Narbonensi  transi- 
visse  ? ' 


24.  Persicum.  PaallusFabiusPersicns,( 
on  whom  see  6.  28,  i,  and  note.  The 
allusion  to  his  ancestry  is  absurd,  as  Q. 
Fabius  (cos.  633,  B.C.  121)  was  called 
*  Allobrogicus '  not  from  his  descent,  but 
as  the  conqueror  of  that  people. 

29.  Luguduno.  Both  this  form  and 
'  Lugdunum  ',  occur  repeatedly  in  inscrip- 
tions (C.  I.  L.  xiii.  p.  248),  but  the  former 
is  the  older  and  more  correct  form,  and 
is  explained  by  Jacob  to  mean  '  Longos 
dunum '  (*  Ravens*  mount ').  Claudius 
himself  was  bom  there  (Suet.  CI.  a).  It 
was  founded  as  a  Roman  colony  in  711, 
B.C.  43  (see  Marquardt,  Staatsv.  i.  p.  1 15) 
by  Munatius  Plancus. 

30.  p.  c,  '  patres  conscripti.' 
familiares   que,   thus    engraved   *di- 

visim',  apparently  by  error:  cp.  *  in  ad 
sueto'  (1.  37),  'quam  vis'  (1.  39). 

31.  destricte.  This  word  appears 
here  to  have  the  meaning  of  '  expressly '. 

32.  per  decern  annos.  Compare  this 
passage  as  put  by  Tacitus  (11.  24,  9). 

35.  Germaniam  subigenti,  in  742- 
745,  B.c.  12-9. 

37.  adcensus,  an  error  of  the  engraver, 
probably  for  *  ab  census '  or  '  ab  censu '. 
On  the  census  of  Gaul  see  i.  3I1  a>  ^^ 
note. 


6o 


APPENDIX  I 


esset.     Quod  opus  quam  ar  |  duum  sit  nobis  nunc  cum  maxime,  quam 
vis  nihil  ultra  quam  |  ut  publice  notae  sint  facultates  nostrae,  exquiratur, 
40  nimis  [  magno  experimento  cognoscimus.  | 


I  38.  quod  opus,  that  of  holding  a 
census  under  any  circumstances. 

39.  nobis,  'to  us  Romans';  though 
it  might  be  supposed  that  practice  had 
made  it  easy  to  us. 

nunc  cum  maxime,  at  this  moment 
(see  3.  59,  4,  and  note). 


quam  vis,  &c.,  i.e.  although  the  census 
which  Claudius  was  then  holding  (cp. 
II.  25,  8)  was  not,  like  the  Gallic,  a 
basis  of  taxation,  but  a  mere  statistical 
survey. 

41.  cognoscimus :  Claudius  speaks 
here  only  of  himself. 


BOOK    XII 
SUMMARY    OF    CONTENTS 

Ch.  1-4.     Intrigues  respecting  the  selection  of  a  wife  for  Claudius. 

1,  2.  Agrippina,  LoUia  Paulina,  Aelia  Paetina  recommended  on  various  grounds. 
3,  4.  Agrippina  preferred :  she  employs  Vitellius  to  induce  Claudius  to  annul  the 
betrothal  of  Octavia  to  L.  Silanus. 

A.  U.  O.  802,  A.  D.  49.     C.  Fompeius,  Q,.  Veranius,  ooss. 
Ch.  5-9.     Marriage  of  Claudius  to  Agrippina,  and  events  connected  with  it. 

5,  6.  Vitellius  induces  the  senate  to  legalize  the  marriage.  7.  Marriage  and  poli- 
tical influence  of  Agrippina.  8.  Suicide  of  Silanus,  and  exile  of  Calvina.  Seneca 
recalled  from  exile,  made  praetor,  and  instructor  of  young  L.  Domitius.  9.  Octavia 
betrothed  to  Domitius. 

Ch.  10-21.     Affairs  m  the  East. 

10,  11.  Meherdates  son  of  Vonones  sent  from  Rome  on  request  of  Parthian  nobles, 
and  conducted  to  the  Euphrates  by  L.  Cassius,  legatus  of  Syria.  12,  13.  Dilatory 
action  of  Meherdates  in  Armenia  and  Mesopotamia :  local  worship  of  Hercules. 
14.  Meherdates  defeated  through  the  treachery  of  Izates  and  Acbarus:  subsequent 
death  of  Gotarzes :  short  reign  of  Vonones,  who  is  succeeded  as  king  of  Parthia 
by  Vologeses.  15-17.  Mithridates  tries  to  recover  the  Bosporan  kingdom,  and 
is  resisted  by  Cotys,  aided  by  a  Roman  force,  and  Eunones  king  of  the  Aorsi, 
who  besiege  and  take  Uspe,  and  force  Zorsines  king  of  the  Siraci  to  submit. 
18-21.  Mithridates  takes  refuge  with  Eunones,  is  delivered  to  Claudius,  and 
brought  to  Rome. 

Ch.  22-24.  Other  events  of  the  year. 
22.  Agrippina  procures  the  banishment  and  death  of  Lollia  Paulina,  and  exile 
of  Calpumia.  23,  24.  Privilege  granted  to  senators  belonging  to  Gallia  Nar- 
bonensis :  Ituraea  and  Judaea,  vacant  by  the  death  of  Sohaemus  and  Agrippa, 
added  to  Syria.  Revival  of  the  '  Salutis  augurium '.  Claudius  extends  the 
pomerium  of  Rome  :  its  ancient  limits  described. 

A.  U.  C.  803,  A.  D.  50.    O.  Antistius  Vetus,  M.  Suillius  NeruUinus,  coss. 

Ch.  25,  26.  Claudius  persuaded  by  Pallas  to  adopt  Domitius,  who  becomes  Nero 
Caesar.  Agrippina  receives  the  title  of  *  Augusta ' :  neglected  condition  of 
Britannicus. 

Ch.  27-30.  Affairs  in  Germany. 
27,  28.  The  capital  of  the  Ubii  made  a  colony  and  named  after  Agrippina.  The 
Chatti,  who  had  made  predatory  attacks  on  Upper  Germany,  forced  to  submission 
by  P.  Pomponius.  29,  80,  Vannius,  formerly  made  king  of  the  Suevi  by  Drusus, 
driven  out  by  his  subjects,  takes  refuge  in  Roman  territory :  his  nephews  Vangio 
and  Sido  divide  his  dominion  between  them. 

Ch.  31-40.     Affairs  in  Britain. 

31.  P.  Ostorius,  the  new  legate,  checks  attacks  on  the  friendly  tribes,  and  quells 


62  SUMMARY  OF  CONTENTS 

a  rebellion  of  the  Iceni.  32.  The  Decangi  ravaged,  the  Brigantes  repressed;  a 
colony  founded  at  Camulodunum.  83.  The  Silures  resist  under  Caratacus,  who 
transfers  the  seat  of  war  to  the  Ordovices.  34,  35.  Caratacus  defeated  in  a  great 
battle :  his  wife  and  daughter  prisoners :  his  brothers  submit.  36,  37.  Caratacus 
given  up  to  the  Romans  by  Cartimandua,  queen  of  the  Brigantes  :  his  arrival 
at  Rome  and  reception  there.  38,  39.  Unsuccessful  subsequent  warfare  against 
the  Silures  :  death  of  Ostorius.  40.  A.  Didius,  sent  as  legatus,  drives  back  the 
Silures  :  a  Roman  legion  assists  Cartimandua  against  her  former  husband  Venutius, 
who  had  attacked  her  and  renounced  the  Roman  alliance. 

A.  U.  O.  804,  A.  D.   51.      Ti.  Claudius    Caesar  Aug.   Germanicus  V,   Ser. 
Cornelius  Orfitus,  coss. 

Ch.  41-43.    Affairs  at  Rome. 

41.  Nero  assumes  the  toga  virilis :  various  honours  decreed  to  him :  contrast 
between  his  position  and  that  of  Britannicus,  whose  attendants  are  replaced  by 
creatures  of  Agrippina.  42.  Afranius  Burrus  made  praefect  of  the  praetorians 
through  Agrippina,  who  also  protects  Vitellius  from  an  accusation.  43.  Prodigies 
recorded  :  famine  in  Rome,  and  popular  discontent  shown  towards  Claudius. 

Ch.  44-51.     Affairs  in  the  East. 

44.  Pharasmanes,  king  of  the  Hiberi,  incites  his  son  Radamistus  to  plot  against 
Mithridates  king  of  Armenia.  45-47.  War  between  the  two  kingdoms  :  Rada- 
mistus, aided  by  a  Roman  praefect,  takes  Mithridates  prisoner  by  treachery  and 
puts  him  and  his  sons  to  death.  48.  Quadratus,  legatus  of  Syria,  dissuaded  by 
his  advisers  from  taking  a  vigorous  course.  49.  Paelignus,  procurator  of  Cappa- 
docia,  bribed  by  Radamistus  to  support  him  in  seizing  Armenia.  50,  51.  Vologeses 
sets  up  his  brother  Tiridates  as  king  of  Armenia,  and  invades  the  country. 
Radamistus  at  length  forced  to  fly :  his  wife  Zenobia  saved  from  death  and 
taken  captive. 

A.  IT.  C.  805,  A.  D.  52.      Faustus  Cornelius  Sulla  Felix,  L.  Salvius  Otho 

Titianus,  coss. 

Ch.  52.  Furius  Camillus  Scribonianus  exiled :  astrologers  expelled  from  Italy. 
53.  Honours  decreed  to  Pallas.  64.  His  brother  Felix  procurator  of  Judaea  and 
Samaria.  59.  Rebellion  of  the  Clitae  in  Cilicia  put  down  by  king  Antiochus. 
56,  57.  Ceremony  of  opening  the  tunnel  made  to  drain  lake  Fucinus :  Agrippina 
blames  Narcissus  for  the  failure  of  the  work. 

A.  XT.  C.  806,  A.  D.  53.  D.  lunius  Silanus,  Q,.  Haterius  Antoninus,  coss. 
Ch.  58.  Marriage  of  Nero  to  Octavia:  his  speeches  for  Ilium  and  Bononia: 
freedom  given  back  to  Rhodes.  69.  Suicide  of  Statilius  Taurus  under  a  false 
charge  got  up  by  Agrippina.  60.  Judicial  authority  of  procurators  established  : 
contrast  with  previous  enactments.  61.  Immunity  given  to  the  people  of  Cos. 
62,  63.  Remission  of  tribute  granted  to  the  Byzantines. 
A.  U.  C.  807,  A.  D.  54.     M.  Asinius  Marcellus,  M*.  Acilius  Aviola,  coss. 

Ch.  64-69.     Agrippina  resolves  to  kill  Claudius. 

64.  Prodigies  announced:  Agrippina,  conscious  of  her  danger,  causes  the  death 
of  Domitia  Lepida.  65.  Narcissus  boldly  takes  up  the  cause  of  Britannicus. 
66,  67.  He  is  obliged  by  illness  to  leave  Rome  :  Agrippina  profits  by  his  absence 
to  poison  Claudius  by  the  help  of  Locusta  and  Xenophon.  68,  69.  Oct.  13. 
The  death  of  Claudius  kept  secret  till  all  arrangements  were  made :  Nero  saluted 
as  imperator  by  the  soldiers  and  confirmed  by  the  senate :  funeral  and  deification 
of  Claudius. 


CORNELII    TACITI 

ANNALIUM   AB   EXCESSU   DIVI   AUGUSTI 
LIBER     XII 


1  1.    Caede   Messalinae   convulsa  principis  domus,  orto  apud 
libertos  certamine,  quis  deligeret  uxorem  Claudio,  caelibis  vitae 

2  intoleranti  et  coniugum  imperils  obnoxio.     nee  minore  ambitu 
feminae   exarserant:   suam   quaeque  nobilitatem  formam   opes 

3  contendere  ac  digna  tanto  matrimonio  ostentare.     sed  maxime  5 
ambigebatur   inter   Lolliam    Paulinam    M.    Lollii   consularis  et 
luliam  Agrippinam  Germanico  genitam :  huic  Pallas,  illi  Cal- 
listus  fautores  aderant :  at  Aelia  Paetina  e  familia  Tuberonum 


I.  convulsa,  'was  upset' :  cp.  c.  65, 
3 ;  4.  40,  4,  and  note.  Here  it  is  ex- 
plained by  the  division  among  the  freed- 
men,  who  had  hitherto  held  together. 

apud,  Nipp.  notes  the  use  of  this 
prep,  here  with  the  force  of  'inter',  and 
compares  H.  5,  5,  2  ('  apud  ipsos  fides 
obstinata ').  So  we  have  '  dissensio ', 
*seditio  apud  aliquos'  (3.  39,  2  ;  H.  2. 
68,  I). 

3.  intoleranti.  This  correction  of  the 
Med.  *  intonanti '  is  due  to  Muret.  and 
Pichena.  The  word  is  used  with  genit. 
in  I.  31,  4,  &c. ;  also  in  Liv.  9.  18,  i; 
10.  28,  4.  Suet,  states  (CI.  26)  that 
Claudius,  on  the  death  of  Messalina, 
solemnly  announced  that  he  would  never 
marry  again,  but  immediately  began  to 
seek  another  wife.  He  had  contracted 
three  marriages,  besides  two  betrothals  in 
early  life :  see  Suet.  1. 1.,  Introd.  i.  ix.  pp. 
141,  149. 

obnoxio:  cp.  11.  36,  i,  and  note. 

5.  contendere,  '  brings  into  compari- 
son '  (with  those  of  others).  This  sense 
is  found  in  4.  32,  i  ;  13.  3,  3;  also  in 
Cic,  &c.  The  Med.  text  *  contenderet 
.  .  .  ostentaret*  might  be  retained  with 
the  insertion  of  '  cum '  (as  by  Weissen- 
bom)  or  '  quin  *  (as  by  Ritter). 

6.  Lolliam  Paulinam.  Pliny,  who 
describes  as  an  eye-witness  (N.  H.  9.  35, 


58,  116)  the  extraordinary  magnificence 
of  her  jewels,  states  that  she  was  grand- 
daughter of  the  well-known  M.  Lollius 
(on  whom  see  3.  48,  3,  and  note) :  Suet, 
states  that  she  had  married  C.  Memmius, 
a  consular  in  command  of  a  military 
province,  whose  name  is  generally  taken 
to  be  an  error  for  that  of  P.  Memmius 
Regulus  (on  whom  see  5.  1 1 ,  i ,  and  note), 
and  that  she  had  been  taken  from  him  by 
Gains,  who  soon  dismissed  her  (Suet. 
Cal.  25  ;  Dio,  59.  12,  i).  On  her  subse- 
quent history  see  c.  22. 

M.  liOllii  consularis,  sc.  *  filiam '. 
Tacitus,  who  elsewhere  uses  analogous 
ellipses  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  80),  appears 
here  alone  to  use  this  particular  one  ;  of 
which, however,  there  are  several  instances 
in  other  authors  (see  Nipp.  here)  and  in 
inscriptions.  The  younger  Lollius,  who 
may  be  the  person  addressed  in  Hor. 
Ep.  I.  2  and  18,  or  his  brother  (see  Ep. 
I.  18,  63),  is  not  known  to  have  ever  been 
consul ;  for  which  reason,  added  to  that  of 
the  harshness  of  the  ellipse,  Ritt.  inserts 
'neptem'  after  'consularis',  and  Madvic 
(Adv.  iii.  230)  thinks  that  'genitam 
should  govern  both  clauses  and  that  '  M. 
Lollio,  filio'  had  dropped  out  before 
<M.  Lollii*. 

8.  Aelia  Paetina,  whom  he  had  al-j 
ready  married  (Suet.  CI.  26),  and  divorced 


64 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  48 


Narcisso  fovebatur.     ipse  hue  modo,  modo  illuc,  ut  quemque  4 
suadentium  audierat,  promptus,  discordantis  in  consilium  vocat 
ac  promere  sententiam  et  adicere  rationes  iubet. 

2.    Narcissus    vetus    matrimonium,    filiam   communem   (nam  1 

5  Antonia  ex   Paetina  erat),  nihil  in  penatibus  eius  novum  dis- 
serebat,   si   sueta    coniunx    rediret,   haudquaquam    novercalibus 
odiis  visura  Britannicum,  Octaviam,  proxima  suis  pignora.     Cal-  2 
listus  improbatam  longo  discidio,  ac  si  rursum  adsumeretur,  eo 
ipso  superbam  ;  longeque  rectius  Lolliam  induci,  quando  nullos 

[o  liberos  genuisset,  vacuam  aemulatione  et  privignis  parentis  loco 
futuram.     at  Pallas  id  maxime  in  Agrippina  laudare  quod  Ger-  3 
manici   nepotem   secum    traheret,   dignum    prorsus   imperatoria 
fortuna  :  stirpem  nobilem  et  familiae  hdiae  Claudiaeque  posteros 


[after  the  birth  of  Antonia  (c.  2,1).  Her 
father  was  a  consular  (Suet.  1.  1.),  per- 
haps a  son  of  the  jurist  Q.  Aelius  Tubero. 

1.  Narcisso.  On  this  dative  see  Introd. 
i.  V.  §  18. 

modo,  modo,  repeated  in  similar 
position  in  Sail.  lug.  45,  2.  This  arrange- 
ment of  antithetical  words  (Chiasmus)  is 
noted  as  not   common  in  Tacitus :    cp. 

*  hostibus  terror,  fiducia  militi '  (i.  63,  4) ; 

*  socors  domi,  bellis  infaustus  '  (c.  10,  2), 
and  other  instances  in  Drager,  Synt.  und 
Stil,  §  235. 

2.  promptus,  'inclined':  cp.  4.  60,  5, 
and  note. 

4.  filiam  communem :  cp.  *  com- 
munes liberi '  (11.  34,  4).  Halm  follows 
Muret.  in  thus  correcting  the  Med.  *  fami- 
liam ',  and  notes  the  apparent  similar 
error  in  16.  26,  4.  Most  others  retain 
the  Med.  text,  which  might  be  defended 
by  supposing  that  '  familiam '  is  used 
rhetorically  .of  a  single  child,  or  that 
Antonia  may  herself  have  had  children. 
On  her  marriages  and  subsequent  history 
see  Intiod.  i.  ix.  p.  150. 

5.  nihil  .  .  .  novum.  It  seems  best  to 
take  this,  with  Nipp.,  not  as  an  ellipse  of 
'  esse '  or  '  fore ',  but  as  a  simple  accus. 
after  *  disserebat ',  answering  to  *  vetus 
matrimonium ',  &c.  The  construction 
would  be  like  that  of '  nihil  occultum  '  in 
3-  9j  3  (where  see  note). 

7.  visura,  '  likely  to  look  upon ' :  cp. 
'quid  ut  noverca  me  intueris? '  (Hor.  Epod. 
5,  9).  M.  Seneca  (who  appears  to  be  the 
first  to  use  the  adjective)  has  *  novercalibus 
oculis  aliquem  intueri '  (Contr.  4.  6). 

pignora.  The  use  of  this  word 
specially    of   children    or    relatives,    as 


pledges  of  love  (cp.  15.  57,  3;  16.  26,  4; 
G.  7,  4 ;  Agr.  38,  i),  appears  to  be 
adopted  from  Livy  (2.  i,  5)  and  Augustan 
poets  (e.g.  Prop.  4  (5),  ii,  73  ;  Ov.  Met. 

11,543)- 

8.  improbatam, 'was  disqualified.'  The 
word  is  not  found  elsewhere  in  Tacitus, 
unless  it  be  inserted  (with  Andresen)  in 
Dial.  14,  4. 

discidio:  cp.  11.  30,  5,  &c. 

9.  quando,  &c.,  giving  the  reason  for 
the  following  words  (*  vacuam ',  &c.)  : 
for  the  use  of  'privignis '  see  note  on  11. 
38,  3. 

11.  Germanici  nepotem,  young  L.I 
Domitius  (Nero) :  cp.  11.  11,  5.  ' 

12.  dignum,  &c.,  '  fully  worthy  of  im- 
perial position'  (cp.  11.  13,  5).  As  it 
would  hardly  be  politic  to  speak  of  him 
as  a  possible  successor,  we  must  suppose 
it  to  be  meant  that  he  was  worthy  to  be 
introduced,  by  his  mother's  marriage,  into 
the  emperor's  house.  For  a  different 
punctuation  and  interpretation  of  the 
clause  see  next  note. 

13.  stirpem  nobilem,  &c.,  'let  him 
unite  to  himselfa  noble  race,  the  posterity 
of  the  lulii  and  the  Claudii.'  '  Et  .  .  . 
posteros '  may  be  taken  as  explanatory  of 
'  stirpem  nobilem ',  and  can  be  satisfactorily 
understood  as  referring  to  the  lineage  of 
Agrippina  and  her  son.  She  was  of  the 
Julian  house  by  lineal  descent  (on  her 
mother's  side)  and  by  adoption  (on  her 
father's),  and  was  also  of  the  Claudian 
house  (by  her  father's  lineal  descent),  and 
therefore  should  not  be  allowed  (see  the 
following  sentence)  to  many  elsewhere, 
especially  as  she  might  yet  have  more 
children.     The  text  of  Halm  and  Orelli, 


A.  D,  48] 


LIBER  XII.      CAP.   1-3 


«s 


coniungeret,  ne  femina  expertae   fecunditatis,  Integra   iuventa, 
claritudinem  Caesarum  aliam  in  domum  ferret. 

1  3.  Praevaluere  haec  adiuta  Agrippinae  inlecebris :  ad  eum 
per  speciem  necessitudinis  crebro  ventitando  pellicit  patruum  ut 
praelata  ceteris  et  nondum  uxor  potentia  uxoria  iam  uteretur.  5 

2  nam  ubi  sui  matrimonii  certa  fuit,  struere  maiora  nuptiasque 
Domitii,  quern  ex  Cn.  Ahenobarbo  genuerat,  et  Octaviae  Caesaris 
filiae  moliri ;  quod  sine  scelere  perpctrari  non  poterat,  quia  L. 
Silano  desponderat  Octaviam  Caesar  iuvenemque  et  alia  clarum 


as  above  given,  departs  from  the  Med. 
only  by  adopting  Freinsheim's  insertion 
of  '  luliae '  and  alteration  of  *  quae '  to 
*que',  and  appears  to  give  the  best  sense 
with  the  least  change.  In  the  Med.  text 
as  it  stands,  *  stirpem  nobilem ',  &c.,  could 
only  refer  to  Nero,  who  could  not  be  said 
by  himself  to  '  unite  the  Claudian  house ' 
(though  the  marriage  of  his  mother  to 
Claudius  would  do  so  by  bringing  together 
two  branches  of  it) ,  and  whose  prospec- 
tive marriage  with  Octavia  would  not  be 
naturally  implied  in  the  words,  and  would 
hardly  have  been  mentioned  at  this  stage 
(see  c.  3,  a).  To  adopt  (with  Nipp.)  the 
remainder  of  Freinsheim's  alteration,  by 
reading  '  coniungere '  and  placing  a  colon 
after  *  traheret ',  gives  the  words  '  dignum 
imperatoria  fortuna '  a  less  appropriate 
meaning  by  applying  them  to  a  plan  or 
project  instead  of  a  person  ;  nor  in  either 
of  these  interpretations  is  the  sequence  of 
*  ne '  (or  '  et  ne  ')  easy  to  trace,  though 
possibly  capable  of  comparison  with  that 
in  I.  47,  2,  &c.  To  simply  omit  or 
bracket  *  quae'  (with  Pfitzn.,  Jacob,  and 
Ritt.),  without  any  sufficient  suggestion 
to  account  for  its  insertion,  is  in  effect  a 
more  violent  change  than  that  given  in 
the  text  above.  For  other  suggested  cor- 
rections see  Walther,  and  for  a  further 
discussion  of  the  passage  see  J.  H.  Miiller, 
Beitr.  iv.  pp.  7-9, 

I.  expertae,  'proved':  cp.  3.  74,  4, 
&c.  Most.  edd.  have  followed  Ryck.  in 
so  reading  (after  MS.  Agr.).  The  Med. 
'experta'  is  retained  by  Ritt.  and  by  Nipp. 
who  compares  '  expertum  belli '  in  H.  4. 
76,  2  ;  where,  however,  the  sense  of  *  ex- 
perienced ',  here  inapplicable,  seems  pre- 
ferable. 

Integra  iuventa.  She  was  probably 
thirty-three :  see  Introd.  i.  ix.  pp.  1 39,  145. 
I  2.  claritudinem  Caesarum, '  the  illus- 
trious name  of  the  Caesars',  alluding  to 
j  her  lineal  descent  from  Augustus. 


3.  ad  eum.  The  ed.  princeps  (*  Spi- 
rensis ')  has  *  quae '  before  these  words, 
a  reading  followed  by  Lips,  and  several 
subsequent  edd. 

4.  per  speciem  necessitudinis,  *  on 
the  plea  of  her  relationship  '  (as  his  niece)  : 
cp.  Suet.  CI.  26  *  inlecebris  Agrippinae 
,  .  .  per  ius  osculi  et  blanditiarum  oc- 
casiones  pellectus  in  amorem  '. 

8.  L.  Silano,  one  of  the  great-great- 
grandsons  of  Augustus  (see  the  pedigree, 
Introd.  i.  ix.  p.  139).  A  Greek  inscrip- 
tion quoted  by  Nipp.  (C.  I.  Att.  iii.  i, 
612)  gives  him  the  surname  Torquatus 
(see  on  3.  69,  9),  and  records  that  he  was 
*  flamen  lulianus,  sodalis  Augustalis ',  and 
had  filled  the  offices  of  'praef.  urb.  ob 
ferias  Latinas'  (see  4.  36,  i),  *  triumvir 
monetalis'  (see  Introd.  i.  vi.  p.  77),  and 
'quaestor  Caesaris'  (see  16.  27,  a,  and 
note).  His  name  occurs  among  the 
Arvales  perhaps  as  early  as  A.  D.  43 
(C.  I.  L.  vi.  I.  2032),  Dio  adds  (60.  5,  8) 
that  privilege  was  obtained  for  him  to 
fill  magistracies  five  years  before  the  legal 
age  (cp.  3.  29,  i),  and  afterwards  states 
(60.  31,  7)  that  he  became  praetor  iroXv 
■trpo  rov  Ka$TjKOVTOs  xpovov.  It  is  thus 
clear  (see  Borghesi,  (Euvr.  v.  190,  193) 
that  he  was  not  more  than  twenty-five 
years  old,  perhaps  even  less,  at  the  time 
of  his  disgrace  and  death. 

9.  desponderat  Octaviam.  This 
betrothal  appears  to  have  been  at  least 
arranged  in  the  first  year  of  his  rule  (Dio, 
60.  5,  7),  when  Octavia  was  a  mere 
infant  (see  note  on  14.  64.  i).  Augustus 
had  allowed  girls  to  be  formally  be- 
trothed at  ten  years,  and  married  at 
twelve  years  old  (Dio,  54.  16,  7),  and 
frequent  cases  are  recorded  at  even  earlier 
ages  :  see  a  number  of  instances  collected 
in  Friedl.  Sitteng.  i.  p.  504,  foil. 

alia  clarum  =  ra  t'  a^^o^  _^°^"y^'^* 
Drager  notes  such  use  of '  alia  '  in  Sallust 
and  that  of  *  cetera  '  elsewhere  in  Tacitua 


F 


^ 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  48 


insigni  Iriumphalium  et  gladiatorii  muneris  magnificentia  protu- 
lerat  ad  studia  vulgi.     sed   nihil   arduum   videbatur  in  animo  3 
principis,  cui  non  iudicium,  non  odium  erat  nisi  indita  et  iussa. 
4.    Igitur  Vitellius,  nomine  censoris  servilis  fallacias  obtegens  1 
6  ingruentiumque  dominationum  provisor,  quo  gratiam  Agrippinae 
pararet,  consiliis  eius  implicari,  ferre  crimina  in  Silanum,  cuius 
sane  decora  et  procax  soror,  lunia  Calvina,  baud  multum  ante 
Vitellii  nurus  fuerat.     bine  initium  accusationis  ;  fratrunique  non  2 
incestum,   sed   incustoditum   amorem   ad    infamiam   traxit.     et  3 


(as  in  6.  15,  2  ;  42.  4).     The  allusion  is 
to  his  descent  from  Augustus. 

I.  insigni  triumphalium :  on  the 
singular  *  insigne'  cp.  1 1.  20.  3,  and  note. 
The  probable  occasion  of  his  receiving 
this  distinction  would  be  that  of  the 
British  triumph  of  Claudius  in  A.  n. 
44,  at  which  date  he  would  probably 
have  been  nineteen  or  twenty  years  old 
(see  note  above),  and  had  filled  no 
magistracy  :  this  would  be  a  great  de- 
parture from  ancient  practice  (see  11.  20, 
5,  and  note),  which  Suet.  (CI.  24)  and 
Dio  (60.  31,  7)  exaggerate  by  saying 
that  he  received  the  honour  in  boyhood, 
i.  e.  before  assuming  the  *  toga  virilis ' : 
see  Nipp.'s  note. 

gladiatorii     muneris.       It    appears 
!  from  Dio  (1.  1.)  that  this  show  was  given 
'  by  him  in  his  office  as  praetor,  at  the  cost 
of  Claudius. 

protulerat,  'had  put  forward'  (C. 
and  B.)  :  so  'ad  famam  protulerat'  (i6. 
18,  i);  'protulerit  ingenium'  (16.  29,  3). 

2.  nihil  arduiim,  &c.,  *no  change 
seemed  hard  to  bring  about  in  the  in- 
clination of  a  prince,'  &c.  For  the  ex- 
pression Mn  animo'  cp.  4.  12,  6;  14.  51, 
6;  15.  50,  4;  also  the  use  of  'animus' 
for  'inclination '  in  4.  71,  i  ;  5.  7,  i,  &c. 

3.  iudicium :  so  used  specially  of 
favourable  opinion  in  4.  39,  2  (where  see 
note). 

erat.  Nipp.  notes  that  the  verb  is 
referred  to  each  subject  separately,  *  in- 
dita '  and  '  iussa  '  to  both  together. 

4.  nomine  censoris  :  see  on  1 1. 13,  i. 
On  the  servility  of  Vitellius  cp.  6.  32,  7  ; 
II.  34,  I,  &c. 

fallacias,  *  the  falsehoods ' :  in  Tacitus 
only  here  and  6.  22,  5,  but  often  so  used 
in  Cic,  &c. 

5.  provisor,  apparently  here  alone 
used  as  'foreseer ':  in  Hor.  A.  P.  164  as '  a 
provider ',  and  in  Insc.  as  an  official  title. 

6.  ferre  = '  proferre  ',  as  in  6.  49,  3. 


cuius,  generally  adopted  from  the  ed. 
princeps  for  the  Med.  '  cui ' ;  such  use 
of  the  dative  with  a  personal  substantive 
being  properly  restricted,  as  Nipp.  notes, 
to  appositional  clauses;  e.g.  2.  43,  7; 
II.  8,  2. 

7.  sane,  taken  with  *  decora'  and 
*  procax',  concessively,  as  showing  colour 
forthe  charge.  'Procax',  though  generally 
used  in  somewhat  a  bad  sense,  need  not 
here  mean  more  than  the  expression 
('  festivissimam  omnium  puellarum ')  used 
of  Calvina  by  Seneca  (Lud.  8,  2) ;  whose 
allusion  to  the  subject  is,  however,  very 
obscure. 

multum.  Halm  alters  to  *  multo  *, 
as  in  5.  3,  2  ;  cp.  Agr.  18,  3. 

8.  Vitellii  nurus.  Her  name  is  not 
given  as  one  of  those  who  werfi  married 
to  the  future  emperor  (Suet.  Vit.  2);  it 
may  therefore  be  supposed  that  she  hadj 
been  wife  of  L.  Vitellius  (on  whom  see| 
H.  I.  88,  2,  &c.). 

liinc.  Nipp.  seems  rightly  to  refer 
this  to  what  had  been  just  before  men- 
tioned. Although  the  expression  shows 
that  she  had  been  divorced  before  this 
charge  was  made,  such  divorce  did  not 
bar  subsequent  accusation  (see  3.  22,  3); 
and  it  would  appear  that  Vitellius,  as 
censor,  took  up  the  charge  of  incest,  pro- 
fessedly as  one  affecting  his  son's  house- 
hold, and  grounded  on  information  coming 
through  this  source,  and  probably  repre- 
sented it  as  the  ground  of  the  divorce. 

fratrum,  '  brother  and  sister '  (cp.  on 
II.  38,  3,&c.). 

9.  incustoditum;  cp.  2.  13,  5;  40, 
4,  &c. ;  here  an  '  unguarded '  or  heedless 
affection,  the  free  intercourse  of  persons 
unaware  that  they  were  watched :  cp. 
'  incustoditus  nimis  et  incautus '  (PI.  Ep. 
6.  29,  10).  The  word  appears  to  occur 
first  in  Ovid. 

traxit,  '  distorted  '  by  misinterpreta- 
tion: cp.  I.  63,  3,  and  note. 


A.  D.  48] 


LIBER  XII.      CAP.  3-5 


«7 


praebebat  Caesar  auris,  accipiendis  adversus  generum  suspicioni- 

4  bus  caritate  filiae  promptior.  at  Silanus  insidiarum  nescius  ac 
forte  eo  anno  praetor,  repente  per  edictum  Vitellii  ordinc  sena- 
torio  movetur,  quamquam  lecto  pridem  senatu  lustroque  condito. 

5  simul  adfinitatem  Claudius  diremit,  adactusque  Silanus  eiurare  5 
magistratum,  et  reliquus  praeturae  dies  in  Eprium  Marcellum 
conlatus  est. 

1  6.  C.  Pompeio  Q.  Veranio  consulibus  pactum  inter  Claudtum 
et  Agrippinam  matrimonium  iam  fama,  iam  amore  inlicito 
firmabatur  ;    necdum  celebrare  sollemnia  nuptiarum  audebant,  10 

2  nullo  exemplo  deductae  in  domum  patrui  fratris  filiae  :  quin  et 


2.  caritate,  causal  abl.,  followed  by 
objective  genitive;  so  in  4.  17,  i  ;  19,  i, 
&c  :  '  promptior '  is  so  used  with  gerun- 
dive dat.  in  15.  67,  5  ;  Liv.  25,  n,  12  ; 
and  oftener  with  simple  dat.,  as  in  i.  2, 
I,  &c. 

3.  edictum,  such  as  that  by  which  any 
*  nota  censoria  '  might  be  inflicted.  The 
old  censorial  power  of  expelling  senators 

1  was  usually  exercised  at  this  time  by  the 
princeps  (4.  42,  3,  &c.),  or  by  the  senate 
in  its  judicial  capacity  (4.  31,  8,  &c): 
see  Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  946. 

4.  lecto  pridem  senatu  lustroque 
condito;  see  11.  23,  i;  25,  3.  With  the 
latter  ceremony  the  duties  of  the  censor 
should  properly  have  ended ;  and  Momm- 
sen  thinks  it  possible  that  the  tenure  of 
office  may  have  been  renewed  to  authorise 
this  edict;  Vitellius  being  entitled  'cen- 
sor ii '  in  some  coins  of  his  son  (Staatsr. 
ii.  340,  5;  413,  6).  There  is  however 
reason  to  doubt  whether  the  office  was 
not  held  by  him  and  Claudius  for  five 
years  (see  note  on  11.  13,  i). 

5.  adfinitatem,  his  espousal  to  Octavia. 
eiurare  =  *  iurando     abdicare  ' ;      cp. 

13,  14,  I,  &c.  The  word  appears  to 
occur  only  in  Tacitus  and  in  Plin.  (Ep. 
I.  23,  3),  and  takes  an  accus.  of  the  office 
(whence  '  magistratum  '  has  here  to  be 
read  for  Med.  '  magistrata ') :  so  Plutarch 
uses  i^o\u)aaaQai  t^v  viraTfiav  (Marc.  4), 
dwofiuaaaOai  ttjv  dpxfjv  (Cic.  1 9).  The 
magistrate  swore  '  se  nihil  contra  leges 
fecisse'  (Plin.  Pan.  65^. 

6.  reliquus  praeturae  dies.  Suet, 
states  (CI.  29)  that  he  was  forced  to  re- 
sign on  Dec.  29.  Marcellus  would  then 
have  held  the  office  on  the  30th  and  re- 
signed  on  the  31st.  For  consulships  thus 
held  for  one  day  see  H.  3.  37,  3. 

Eprium  Marcellum,  the  famous  '  de- 
llator'  under  Nero  ^,see  16.  27,  10;  H.  2. 


53,  I  ;  4.  6,  I,  &c.).  An  inscription  from 
the  province  of  Cyprus,  found  at  Capua 
and  preserved  at  Naples  (C.  I.  L.  10, 
3853,  see  also  Pros.  Imp.  Rom.  p.  415), 
gives  his  full  name  as  *T.  Clodius,  M. 
f,  Pal(atina  tribu)  Eprius  Marcellus ',  an^ 
shows  him  to  have  been  for  this  day  praetor ' 
peregrinus,  also  to  have  been  twice  consul/ 
(suff.  in  A.D.  74,  and  probably  in  A.D.  61),' 
and  three  years  proconsul  of  Asia  (a.D. 
70-73),  as  well  as  augur,  curio  maximus, 
and  sodalis  Augustalis.  (On  the  evidence! 
for  the  dates  here  given  see  Nipp.).  Hel 
appears  also  to  have  been  legatus  of 
Lycia  (13.  33,  4).  He  conspired  against 
Vespasian  and  was  forced  to  suicide  in| 
A.D.  79  (Dio,  66.  16,  3). 

8.  C.  Pompeio  Q^  Veranio.  The 
former  may  have  been  grandson  of  the 
consul  of  A.D.  14  (i.  7,  3),  and  has  the 
cognomen  Longus  in  Frontinus  ( Aq.  102), 
but  that  of  Callus  in  C.  I.  L.  ii.  438  and 
other  authorities  (see  Nipp.),  which  also 
give  the  praenomen  as  here ;   so  that  of 

♦  Aulus'  in  the  Fast.  Ant.  (C.  I.  L.  i.  i. 
p.  247)  seems  an  error.  On  Veranius  see 
14.  29,  I ;  Agr.  14,  3.  Lehmann  suggests 
that  he  may  be  the  same  who  was  trib. 
pleb.  at  the  death  of  Gains  (see  Jos.  Ant. 
19.  3,  4):  others  have  less  probably 
identified  him  with  the  legatus  and  friend 
of  Germanicus  (2.  56,  4,  &c.),  who  may 
have  been  his  father.  See  Pros.  Imp.  R. 
3,  399. 

10.  firmabatur.  Unless  this  word  is 
taken  in  different  senses  with  '  fama  '  and 

*  amore  inlicito',  we  must  suppose  i^with 
Nipp.)  that  the  marriage  was  'cemented' 
by  popular  report,  in  the  sense  of  being 
so  talked  of  as  to  be  difficult  to  draw 
back  from. 

11.  nullo  exemplo,  abl.  abs. 
deductae,  so  used  of  marriage  in  14. 

63,  4- 


F  Q, 


68 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  49 


incestum  ac,  si  sperneretur,  ne  in  malum  publicum  erumperet 
metuebatur.      nee   ante   omissa   cunctatio   quam   Vitellius   suis 
artibus  id  perpetrandum  sumpsit.     percontatusque  Caesarem  an  3 
iussis  populi,  an  auctoritati  senatus  cederet,  ubi   ille  unum  se 

5  civium  et  consensui  imparem  respondit,  opperiri  intra  palatium 
iubet.     ipse  curiam  ingreditur,  summamque  rem  publicam  agi  4 
obtestans  veniam  dicendi  ante  alios  exposcit  orditurque  :  gravis- 
simos  principis  labores,  quis  orbem  terrae  capessat,  egere  ad- 
miniculis  ut  domestica  cura  vacuus  in  commune  consulat.     quod  5 

10  porro  honestius  censoriae  mentis  levamentum  quam  adsumere 
coniugem,  prosperis  dubiisque  sociam,  cui  cogitationes  intimas, 
cui  parvos  liberos  tradat,  non  luxui  aut  voluptatibus  adsuefactus, 
sed  qui  prima  ab  iuventa  legibus  obtemperavisset. 

6.    Postquam   haec    favorabili    oratione    praemisit    multaque  1 

15  patrum  adsentatio  sequebatur,  capto  rursus  initio,  quando  mari- 
tandum   principem    cuncti   suaderent,   deligi   oportere   feminam 
nobilitate  puerperiis  sanctimonia  insignem.     nee  diu  anquiren-  2 
dum  quin  Agrippina  claritudine  generis  anteiret :  datum  ab  ea 


I.     Incestum,   generally  taken   with 

*  esse '  supplied,  or  possibly  with  the  idea 
of  some  verb  of  kindred  meaning  supplied 
from  '  metuebatur'.  *  Spernere  incestum ' 
appears  here  to  be  a  pregnant  expres- 
sion for  '  spernere  incesti  metum  '.     For 

*  metuebatur'  Ritt.  reads  'metuebant', 
which  he  calls  wrongly  the  Med. 
text. 

malum  publicum,  *  disaster  to  the 
state ',  as  a  divine  judgment. 

3.  id,  to  be  referred  back,  as  Nipp. 
points  out,  to  'celebrare  soUemnia'. 

4.  iussis  . . .  auctoritati.  Nipp.  shows 
that  these  terms  are  used  with  archaic 
precision,  in  accordance  with  the  old 
formula  *  populus  iubet ',  and  the  terms 

*  auctoritas  (or  '  consultum  ')  senatus  *. 

5.  consensui  imparem,  '  unable  to 
resist  unanimity '. 

6.  summam  rem  publicam  agi,  '  the 
highest  interests  of  the  state  were  affected 
by  the  question':    so  again  in  i6.  28,  i. 

*  Obtestari '  is  so  used  with  ace.  and  inf. 
in  14.  7,2;  H.  3. 10, 6  ;  4.  57,  2.  The  full 
expression  with  this  construction  would  be 

*  obtestari  deos',  as  in  Suet.  Cal.  15. 

lo.  censoriae  mentis,  'a  mind  worthy 
of  being  that  of  a  censor '  (as  we  speak 
of  a  judicial  mind) :  Walther  aptly  com- 
pares '  audiebat  senatus  gravitate  censoria ' 
(PI.  Ep.  3.  23,  6;.     *  Levamentum'  is  so 


used  of  the  relaxation  of  a  wife's  society 
in  3-  34»  4- 

11.  prosperis  dubiisque,  probably 
best  taken  as  abbreviated  abl.  abs. ;  see 
2.  14,  6,  and  note.  ^ 

12.  luxui,  'wantonness':  cp.  i.  16,  3,1 
&c.  The  term  may  perhaps  be  qualified 
here  by  'qui . .  .  legibus  obtemperavisset'; 
but  it  is  needless  to  attempt  to  reconcile 
such  language  with  facts. 

14.  Postquam,  &c.,  '  after  preface  in 
this  winning  strain ' :  the  same  expression  is 
used  of  a  speech  studied  for  popularity  in 
2.  36,  5  (where  see  note);  so  also  'favora- 
biliter '  in  Suet.  Ner.  7. 

15.  maritandiim,  &c.  This  gerundive 
accus.  with  '  suadeo '  appears  not  to  be 
found  elsewhere  in  Tacitus  and  to  be 
otherwise  rare ;  but  *  mihi .  .  .  suasissem, 
nihil  esse  .  .  .  expetendum '  is  found  in 
Cic.  (Arch.  6,  14),  and  '  onerandas  .  .  . 
provincias  suadentibus'  in  Suet.  (Tib.  32). 
On  the  ellipse  of  the  verb  of  speaking  in 
this  passage  cp.  Introd,  i.  v.  §  38  a. 

17.  sanctimonia,  *  purity  of  life';  used  \ 
of  a  Vestal  virgin  in  2.  86,  1 ;  3.  69,  9.      ' 

nee  diu  anquirendum,  &c.  *  An- 
quirere'  here  takes  the  construction  of 
'  dubitare ' :  no  other  instance  is  known. 
Dr.  suggests  (Synt.  und  Stil,  §  286)  that 
'  quin  .  .  .  anteiret '  is  equivalent  to  *  quin 
intelligerent  .  . .  anteire  '. 


A.  D.  49I 


LIBER  XIL      CAP,  5-7 


69 


3  fecunditatis  experimentum  et  congruere  artes  honestas.  id  vero 
egregium,  quod  provisu  deum  vidua  iungeretur  principi  sua  tan- 
tum  matrimonia  experto.  audivisse  a  parentibus,  vidisse  ipsos 
abripi   coniuges   ad    libita    Caesarum  :    procul    id    a    praesenti 

4  modestia.     statueretur   immo    documentum,   quo    uxorem    im-  5 
6  perator  acciperet.    at  enim  nova  nobis  in  fratrum  filias  coniugia : 

sed  aliis  gentibus  sollemnia,  neque  lege  ulla  prohibita ;  et  sobri- 
narum  diu  ignorata  tempore  addito  precrebuisse.  morem  accom- 
modari  prout  conducat,  et  fore  hoc  quoque  in  iis  quae  mox 
usurpentur.  10 

1      7.     Haud    defuere    qui    certatim,   si    cunctaretur   Caesar,   vi 


1.  congruere  artes  honestas,  *  her  vir- 
tues (answering  to  *  sanctimonia '  above) 
corresponded '  (to  her  nobility  of  race)  : 
cp.  'bonis  artibus'  (11.  22,  4),  and  note. 
The  application  of  such  terms  to  Agrip- 
pina  is  part  of  the  irony  of  the  whole 
business. 

2.  provisu,  *  forethought  *,  as  in  c.  13. 
2  ;  15.  8,  I :  cp.  I.  27,  2,  and  note. 

vidua.  Since  the  death  of  Domitius 
(see  on  4.  75,  1)  she  had  married  Crispus 
Passienus  the  orator  (see  6.  20,  2,  and 
note),  whom  she  was  supposed  to  have 
poisoned  (Schol.  on  Juv.  4,  81). 

sua  tantum,  &c.,  'who  had  kept  to 
his  own  wives  '  (cp.  '  matrimonia  '  2.  13, 
3).  That  Claudius  had  led  a  moral  life 
would  be  notoriously  untrue  (Suet.  CL 
33)  ;  but  the  apparently  implied  contrast 
to  the  shameless  adulteries  of  Gaius 
(Suet.  Cal.  36)  is  justifiable. 

3.  audivisse  .  .  .  vidisse.  The  first 
I  verb  refers  to  the  abduction  of  Livia  from 
;  Nero  by  Augustus  (see  5.  1,3),  the  second 
i  to  those  of  Drusilla,  Livia  Orestilla,  and 
'  Lollia  Paulina  from  their  respective  hus- 
bands by  Gaius  (Suet.  Cal.  24,  25). 

5.  statueretur  documentum,  *  let 
them  set  up  an  example '  (cp.  '  bona  ma- 
laque  documenta '  16.  33,  1). 

im  perator  acciperet.  After  *impe- 
rator '  there  is  a  lacuna  in  Med.  of  about 
seven  letters.  It  has  been  variously  filled 
np.  Kilter  (1864)  inserted  'a  patribus', 
which  Halm  and  Dr.  follow.  Baiter, 
estimating  the  lacuna  at  five  letters,  in- 
serted 'a  re  p.'  and  notes  the  similar 
phrase  *  liberos  a  republica  accipere  '  in 
PI.  Ep.  4.  15,  10.  It  would  be  equally  a 
novelty  for  either  senate  or  people  to 
recommend  a  wife  to  an  emperor.  In  the 
text  here  printed  the  lacuna  is  ignored, 


and  the  stress  is  thereby  laid  on  the  con- 
trast between  *  acciperet '  and  '  abripi '. 

6.  at  enim,  anticipating  the  objec- 
tion, 

in  fratrum  filias.  Here  and  in  one 
other  passage  (c.  25,  i),  'in'  has  the 
force  of  'a&cting'  or  'in  relation  to', 
like  ir/)oj.  For  meanings  approaching  to 
this  see  2.  39,  3,  and  note. 

7.  aliis.  Marriages  within  this  degree 
are  found  among  the  Spartan  kings,  as 
Anaxandrides  and  Leooidas  (Hdt.  5.  39, 
2  ;  7-  239,  6).  For  instances  of  marriage 
of  still  more  near  relations  see  2.  3,  5, 
and  note. 

sobrinarum,  *  second  cousins*  (Fest.i 
s.  v.).  Evidence,  that  even  within  this 
degree  of  relationship  marriage  was  at' 
one  time  contrary  to  custom,  is  afforded 
by  a  fragment  of  Livy,  mentioning  a 
patrician  named  Celius  or  Claelius,  who 
'  primus  adversus  veterem  morem  intra 
septimum  cognationis  gradum  duxit 
uxorem'  (see  Hermes  iv.  372;  Mar- 
quardt,  Privatl.  31 ).  It  has  however  been 
thought  probable  that  Tacitus  meant  here 
to  speak  of  the  marriage  of  relations 
in  the  fourth  degree,  or  first  cousins 
('  consobrini') ;  which  was  certainly  pro- 
hibited by  Roman  law  until  the  enact- 
ment of  a  permissory  plebiscite  (Plut. 
Quaest.  R.  6)  at  some  date  prior  to  that 
at  which  Livy  (43.  34.  3)  makes  a  speaker 
mention  such  a  marriage  (a.  U.  C.  573, 
B.C.  171).  Nipp.  thinks  that  Tacitus 
may  have  here  written  '  sobrinarum  con- 
sobrinarumque '.  Others  have  thought 
that  'sobrinus'  may  here  be  used  for 
*  consobrinus  ' ;  which  however  is  cer- 
tainly not  proved  by  the  fact  that  *  con- 
sobrinus' is  sometimes  used  loosely  (VelL 
3.  3,  I  ;  Suet.  Cal.  26 ;  CL  26). 


7d 


CORNELII  TACITI  AN N A  LIU M 


tA.  D. 


49 


acturos   testificantes   erumperent   curia,     conglobatur   promisca  2 
multitudo  populumque  Romanum  eadem  orare  clamitat.     nee  3 
Claudius  ultra  expectato  obvius  apud  forum  praebet  se  gratanti- 
bus,  senatumque  ingressus  decretum  postulat  quo  iustae  inter 

6  patruos  fratrumque  filias  nuptiae  etiam  in  posterum  statuefentur. 
nee  tamen  repertus  est  nisi  unus  talis  matrimonii  eupitor,  Alle-  4 
dius  Severus  eques  Romanus,  quem  plerique  Agrippinae  gratia 
impulsum   ferebant.     versa   ex    eo    eivitas    et    euneta    feminae  5 
oboediebant,  non  per  lasciviam,  ut  Messalina,  rebus  Romanis 

lo  inludenti.  adduetum  et  quasi  virile  servitium  :  palam  severitas  6 
ae  saepius  superbia  ;  nihil  domi  impudieum,  nisi  dominationi  ^ 
expedirej.  eupido  auri  immensa  obtentum  habebat,  quasi  sub-  7 
sidium  regno  pararetur. 


1.  testificantes,  *  protesting ' :  cp.  i6. 
12,  3,  &c. 

erumperent  curia.  Nipp.  compares 
the  similar  construction  in  H.  i.  86, 
I  ('  erupisse  cella ')  and  SalL  lug.  99,  1 
('  portis  erumpere '). 

conglobatur.  In  using  this  verb 
of  the  crowding  together  of  soldiers  or 
other  masses  of  men  (cp.  c.  31,  2  ;  i.  35, 
6;  13.  39,  4;  14.  34,  3;  45,  2,  &c.), 
Tacitus  follows  a  frequent  usage  of  Livy. 

2.  nee  Claudius.  On  the  use  of  'nee' 
for  '  et  .  .  .  non  '  see  2.  40,  6,  and  note  ; 
on  that  of  '  apud '  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  57  ; 
on  the  abl.  abs.  *  expectato  '  cp,  11.  26,  3, 
and  note. 

4.  decretiim.  Such  decrees  were  now 
the  usual  form  of  legislative  enactments  : 
see  c.  60,  2  ;  13.  5,  1 ;  and  note  on  4. 16, 
4;  also  Momms.  Staatsr.  iii.  1238. 

inter    patruos    fratrumque    filias. 

;  Dio  states  r68.  2,  4)  that  Nerva  abolished 

i  this  decree  (kvofioOeTtjae  . . .  fiTjdl  dSfXtpiSrjv 

\  fafidv);  but  Gains  (i.  §  62)  speaks  of  it 

'  as  still  in  force ;  adding  however  (what 

the  words  here  show)  that  the  permission 

did    not    extend    to    the    parallel    case 

('  sororis  vero  filiam  uxorem  ducere  non 

licet ').     It  appears  really  to  have  been 

abolished  by  Constantine  and  Constans 

(see  Marquardt,  Privatl.  31). 

6.  eupitor,  only  here  and  in  15.  42,  4, 
and  once  in  Apuleius.  On  other  such  new 
words  in  Tacitus  see  Introd  i.  v.  §  69,  i  a. 
AUedius  Severus.  This  is  no 
doubt  the  '  primipilaris  '  (see  Introd.  i. 
vii.  p.  108,  note  11)  mentioned  by  Suet. 
(CI.  26),  at  whose  marriage  Claudius  and 
Agrippina  were  present.  Suet,  adds  that 
the  example  was  followed  also  by  a  freed- 


man.  See  also  what  is  stated  of  Domitian 
(Suet.  Dom.  22),  For  the  name  Med.  has 
here  *  talledius ',  which  many  read  with 
Lips,  as  *  T.  Alledius  ';  but  Ritter  shows 
(on  13.  30)  that  it  is  the  imiversal  practice 
of  Tacitus  (except  in  such  a  case  as  Agr.  4, 
I,  and  in  some  six  questioned  readings)  to 
use  two  names  only  (see  note  on  2.  i,  i  ; 
3. 49,  i) ;  and  his  reading  (as  above)  has 
been  followed  generally  by  subsequent 
editors. 

7.  gratia,  here  apparently  in  pregnant 
sense  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  84)  for  '  gratiae 
ferendae  causa'* 

8.  cuncta,  in  contrast  to  the  more 
limited  interference  of  Messalina.  On  the 
position  assumed  by  Agrippina  see  In- 
trod. p.  44. 

9.  rebus  Romanis  inludenti, '  mak- 
ing state  affairs  the  pastime  of  her  wan- 
tonness ' ;  viewing  public  men  only  as 
possible  instruments  of  her  lusts,  and 
exerting  her  influence  to  advance  or  de- 
stroy them  out  of  mere  caprice. 

10.  adduetum,  &c.,  'the  reins  of  servi- 
tude were  drawn  tighter,  as  if  by  a  mascu- 
line hand'.     Cp.  '  adductius  imperitare ', 

*  regnare'  (H.  3.  7,  2  ;  G.  44,  i),  and  the 
metaphor   'adducere    (in    contrast    with 

*  remittere ')  habenas  amicitiae '  in  Cic.  de 
Am.  13,  45.  When  used  of  demeanour, 
as  in  14.  4,  8  (cp.  '  adductus  vultus '  Suet. 
Tib.  68,  &c.),  the  metaphor  is  different. 

11.  saepius,  *  generally'  :  cp.  c.  46,  4. 
nisi   dominationi   expediret.      She 

was  believed  to  have  purchased  the  poli- 
tical support  of  Pallas  by  adultery  (c.  25, 
1  ;  65,  4). 

12.  eupido  auri:  cp.  13.  18,  3;  14.  6,  2. 
obtentum    habebat,   *  had    the    ap- 


A.  D.  49] 


LIBER  Xm     CAP.  7-9 


7r 


1  8.  Die  nuptiarum  Silanus  mortem  sibi  conscivit,  sive  eo  usque 
spem  vitae  produxerat,  seu  delecto  die  augendam  ad  invidiam. 

2  Calvina  soror  eius  Italia  pulsa  est.  addidit  Claudius  sacra  ex 
legibus  Tulli  regis  piaculaque  apud  lucum  Dianae  per  pontifices 
danda,   inridentibus  cunctis  quod   poenae   procurationesque  in-  5 

3  cesti  id  temporis  exquirerentur.  at  Agrippina  ne  malis  tantum 
facinoribus  notesceret  veniam  exilii  pro  Annaeo  Seneca,  simul 
praeturam  impetrat,  laetum  in  publicum  rata  ob  claritudinem 
studiorum  eius,  utque  Domitii  pueritia  tali  magistro  adolesceret 
et  consiliis  eiusdem  ad  spem  dominationis  uterentur,  quia  Seneca  10 
fidus  in  Agrippinam  memoria  beneficii  et  infensus  Claudio  dolore 
iniuriae  credebatun 

1      9.    Placitum  dehinc  non  ultra  cunctari,  sed  designatum  con- 


parent  excuse  (cp.  i.  10,  i,  &c.)  of  col- 
lecting resources  for  despotism  ' ;  i.  e.  it 
was  not  set  down  to  mere  avarice.  On 
the  use  of  'regnum  '  cp.  4.  i,  4 ;  3,  3,  «&c. 

I.  Die  nuptiarum.  This  was  very 
early  in  the  year  (•  initio  anni '  Suet.  CI. 
29). 

Silanus:  see  c,  3,  2,  foil.  Suet. 
(1.  1.)  calls  his  suicide  compulsory,  and 
elsewhere  (c.  27)  speaks  of  him  as  put  to 
death,  as  also  does  Dio  (60.  31,  7). 

3.  Calvina:  see  c.  4,  i.  She  was 
allowed  to  return  ten  years  later  (14.  12, 
5),  and  was  still  living  in  the  time  of 
Vespasian  (Suet.  Vesp.  23);  unless  the 
lunia  Calvina  there  spoken  of  was,  as 
liorghesi  thinks  (see  Orelli's  note),  her 
niece. 

4.  Tulli  regis,  Tullus  Hostilius  (see 

3.  26,  5).  Livy  (i.  26,  13)  mentions  ex- 
piatory sacrifices  prescribed  by  him  to 
Horatius  for  the  murder  of  his  sister,  and 
kept  up  in  that  family.  Those  here 
offered  were  for  the  alleged  incest  (c.  4,  4), 

fand  are  prescribed  by  Claudius  as  pon- 
tifex  maximus.  On  such  offerings  by  the 
pontiffs  see  Marquardt,  Staatsv.  iii.  257, 
loll. 

lucum  Dianae,  probably  the  famous 
'  nemus  Dianae'  at  Nemi,  near  Aricia 
(Verg.  Aen.  7,  764;  Stat.  Theb.  3.  i,  56  ; 

4.  4,  15,  &c.).  Some  have  thought  it 
might  be  a  '  lucus  Dianae '  near  Tusculum 
mentioned  by  Pliny  (N.  H.  16.  44,  91, 
242). 

5.  procurationesque,  'expiations';  so 
inCic.  deDiv.  1.45, 101 ;  Liv.  7^579*;  and 
'  procuraie '  Liv.  40.  2,  3,  &c. 

6.  id  temporis,  at  the  moment  when 
Claudius  was  marrying  his  niece.    Tacitus 


follows  Livy  (i.  50,  8,  &c.)  and  Cic.  (Mil. 
ID,  28,  &c.)  in  using  the  phrase  *id  tem- 
poris', but  only  in  the  later  books  of  the 
Annals  (c.  12,  5;  13.  18,  i ;  20,  i;  14. 
2,  I  :  16.  15,  i):  see  also  c.  18,  i,  and 
note. 

7.  veniam,  '  remission ',  as  in  16.  14, 
4,  &c.  On  the  antecedents  of  Seneca,  hia^ 
previous  peril  under  Gams,  and  his  rele- 
gation to  Corsica  by  Claudius  in  794, 
A.  D.  41,  see  Introd.  p.  50,  9.  The  old- 
scholiast  on  Jav.  5,  109  is  wrong  in  saying 
that  his  banishment  lasted  only  three 
years.  Such  restoration  of  exiles  was 
usually  effected  by  Claudius  through  a 
decree  of  the  senate  (Suet.  CI.  12). 

8.  in  publicum  :  cp.  note  on  il.  35, 
7;  also  3.  48,  I,  and  note. 

9.  studiorum, 'his  literary  works '(as 
in  3.  50,  5,  &C.).  A  few  of  his  extant 
works  had  been  composed  before  this 
date;  see  Introd.  1.  1. 

10.  ad  spem,  i.e.  towards  the  fulfilment 
of  their  hopes. 

uterentur.  The  plural  refers  to 
Agrippina  and  her  party,  who  are  also  the 
subject  implied  in  credebatur ',  '  placi- 
tum ',  and  '  inducunt '.  Some  edd.  follow 
inferior  MSS.  in  reading  '  uteretur '. 

12.  iniuriae.  The  word  implies  that 
the  charge  on  which  he  was  banished  was 
unfounded;  though  his  enemy  Suillius 
assumes  its  justice  (13.  42,  3). 

13.  designatum  consulem.  [Accord- 
ing to  C.  L  L.  11,6236,  his  name  was 
L.  Mammius  Pollio  and  he  was  consul 
with  Q.  Allius  Maximus  in  May,  49  (P.)] 
He  was  probably  designated  in  March 
(Momms.  Staatsr.  i.  588,  4).  The  '  sen-  | 
tentia '  was  no  doubt  pronounced  '  per  I 


72 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  4^ 


sulem  Mammium  PolHonem  ingentibus  promissis  inducunt  sen- 
tentiam  expromere,  qua  oraretur  Claudius  despondere  Octaviam 
Domitio,  quod  aetati  utriusque  non  absurdum  et  maiora  patefa- 
cturum  erat.     Pollio  baud  disparibus  verbis  ac  nuper  Vitellius  2 

5  censet ;  despondeturque  Octavia,  ac  super  priorem  necessitu- 
dinem  sponsus  iam  et  gener  Domitius  aequari  Britannico  studiis 
matris,  arte  eorum  quis  ob  accusatam  Messalinam  ultio  ex  filio 
timebatur. 

10.    Per  idem  tempus  legati  Parthorum  ad  expetendum,  ut  1 

10  rettuli,  Meherdaten  missi  senatum  ingrediuntur  mandataque  in 
hunc  modum  incipiunt :  non  se  foederis  ignaros  nee  defectione  a 
familia  Arsacidarum  venire,  set  filium  Vononis,  nepotem  Phraatis 
^ccersere  adversus  dominationem  Gotarzis  nobilitati  plebique 
iuxta  intolerandam.     iam  fratres,  iam  propinquos,  iam  longius  2 

J  5  sitos  caedibus  exhaustos  ;  adici  coniuges  gravidas,  liberos  parvos, 


egressionem  *  (see  2.  33,  2),  on  some  ques- 
tion being  put  to  him  first  as  consul 
designate  (see  3.  22,  6). 

I.  Mammium  is  Andresen's  correction 
of  Med.  'Memmium*.  C.  I.  L.,  xi. 
6236. 

inducunt.  The  simple  inf.,  though 
classical  with  *  animum  inducere',  occurs 
nowhere  else  with  this  verb  by  itself,  but 
is  analogous  to  many  other  examples  (see 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  43),  as  is  also  that  below 
with  'orare*  (cp.  11.  32,  5,  &c.). 

3.  aetati  utriusque  :  see  Introd.  i.  ix. 
pp.  140,  150. 

maiora,  pregnant  construction  for 
*  aditum  ad  maiora  '. 

5.  priorem  necessitudinem.  He 
was  already  the  stepson  and  great  nephew 
of  Claudius. 

7.  ex  Alio,  *  Britannico  *. 

9.  ut  rettuli.  The  narrative  is  taken 
tip  from  II.  10,  8.  The  embassy  is  there 
stated  to  have  been  sent  to  the  princeps, 
and  appears  to  have  been  received  by 
him  in  presence  of  the  senate  (c.  11,  i). 
Another  Parthian  embassy  is  referred  to 
the  senate  in  H.  4.  51,  2  ;  and  from  the 
advice  ascribed  by  Dio  (52.  31,  i)  to 
Maecenas,  it  would  appear  that  such  was 
the  usual,  though  not  invariable  practice 
(see  Momros.  Staatsr.  iii.  11 56). 

10.  mandataque,  *  their  message ' :  cp. 
1.  33,  5,  &c. 

11.  foederis.  The  treaty  originally 
made  with  Augustus  (2.  i,  2)  had  been  re- 
newed with  Tiberius  through  Germanicus 
(2.  58,  i),  and  again  with  Gains  through 


L.  Vitellius  (Suet.  Cal.  14;  Dio,  59.  27,  3). 
defectione,  '  through  having  re- 
volted ' ;  a  strong  instance  of  the  use  of 
this  abl.  of  objective  causes :  see  Introd. 
i.  v.  §  30. 

12.  set  :  so  Halm,  Or.,  Nipp.  after 
Lipsius  for  Med.  '  sed  et ',  which  others 
retain  in  the  sense  of  'but  even*.  Ritt. 
(who  reads  '  accedere '  below)  marks  a 
lacuna  between  *  sed '  and  *  et ',  and  thinks 
some  such  words  as  *  Romanum  ad  princi- 
pem '  have  dropped  out. 

Vononis:  see  2.  i,  i. 

1 3.  accersere.  (On  this  form  see  4.  29, 
I,  and  note)  ;  here  read  by  Halm,  Nipp., 
and  Dr.  (after  Puteol.  and  some  inferior 
MSS.)  for  Med.  *  accedere ',  which  others, 
among  them  Orell.  and  Ritt.,  retain  ;  the 
former,  however,  inclining  to  prefer  '  ac- 
cire'  (cp.  2.  2,  i),  the  latter  thinking  the 
original  context  ran  differently  (see  note 
above).  Tacitus  uses  'accedere'  with 
simple  accus.  apparently  only  of  place 
(as  in  2.  58,  I  ;  H.  2.  27,  3)  or  persons 
viewed  locally  (as  in  14.  35,  i ;  H,  3.  24, 
2),  or  in  similar  metaphorical  expressions 
(c.  31,  3) ;  but  the  Med.  text  may  receive 
some  support  from  the  expression  '  adire 
aliquem  in  aliquem'  (4.  36,  i),  or  the  use 
of  iKVfiadai  of  suppliants. 

14.  longius  sitos,  '  more  distant  rela- 
tives '.  This  sense  appears  to  be  grounded 
on  that  of  Sallust  in  '  epistola  Mithri- 
datis'  §  17  ('  procul  iuxta  sitos '),  a  pas- 
sage verbally  copied  in  H.  2.  74,  1. 

15.  adici,  'were  added  to  his  victims  ' 
(C.  and  B.> 


A.  D.  49I 


LIBER  XII,      CAP.  9- 1 1 


73 


3  dum  socors  domi,  bellis  infaustus  ignaviam  saevitia  tegat.  veterem 
sibi  ac  publice  coeptam  nobiscum  amicitiam,  et  subveniendum 

4  sociis    virium    aemulis    cedentibusque    per    reverentiam.      ideo 
regum  obsides  liberos  dari  ut,  si  domestici  imperii  taedeat,  sit 
regressus  ad  principem  patresque,  quorum  moribus  adsuefactus  5 
rex  melior  adscisceretur. 

1  11.  Vbi  haec  atque  talia  dissertavere,  incipit  orationem  Caesar 
de  fastigio  Romano  Parthorumque  obsequiis,  seque  divo  Augusto 
adaequabat,  petitum  ab  eo  regem  referens,  omissa  Tiberii  me- 

2  moria,  quamquam  is  quoque  miserat.     addidit  praecepta  (etenim  10 
aderat  Meherdates),  ut  non  dominationem  et  servos,  sed  rectorem 
et   civis  cogitaret,  clementiamque  ac   iustitiam,  quanto  ignota 

3  barbaris,  tanto  laetiora  capesseret.     hinc  versus  ad  legatos  ex- 
toUit  laudibus  alumnum  urbis,  spectatae  ad  id  modestiae  :  ac 
tamen  ferenda  regum   ingenia  neque  usui  crebras   mutationes.  15 
rem    Romanam    hue   satietate   gloriae   provectam   ut   externis 


T.  dum  tegat,  'while  he  would  hide 
his  feebleness  under  cruelty ' ;  making 
this  show  of  energy  to  lead  us  to  forget 
his  feebleness  as  a  king.  *  Infaustus ',  a 
poetical  word,  seems  to  be  elsewhere  used 
by  Tacitus  of  things  only.  " 

2.  publice,  *  nationally  *:  cp.  3.  36,  2, 
and  note. 

3.  virium  aemulis,  &c.  The  Par- 
thians  generally  speak  of  themselves  as 
masters  of  a  rival  empire  to  that  of  Rome : 
see  2.  58,  I  ;  6.  31,  2. 

ideo  regum  obsides,  &c.  On  the 
reasons  inducing  these  kings  to  entnist 
their  sons  to  Rome  see  2.  i,  i,  and  note. 
Halm  and  Nipp.  follow  Dr.  in  taking 
the  Med.  *  obsides  liberos  *  as  an  error  of 
transposition  (cp.  i.  26,  5  ;  65,  7,  and 
notes)  and  read  'liberos  obsides'.  The 
interpretation  however  given  to  the 
Med.  text  by  Pfitzner  (*as  hostages  for 
the  kings  their  sons  are  given*)  is  satis- 
factory. 

7.  dissertavere,  a  word  adopted  by 
Tacitus  (cp.  13.  38,  4;  H.  4.  69,  i)  ap- 
parently from  Cato  and  Plautus.  On 
his  use  of  archaic  words  and  frequenta- 
tive forms  see   Introd.  i.   v.   §§   96,   69 

(4). 

8.  fastigio  Romano :  cp.  3.  73,  3. 
This  part  of  the  speech  is  a  rebuke  to  the 
assumption  of  equality  in  c.  10,  3.  The 
chief  homage  of  Parthia  is  that  alluded 
to  in  2.  1,2  (where  see  note). 


9.  petitum  .  .  .  regem,  Vonones  (see 

2.  2,  I,  and  note).  Tiberius  had  sent 
Phraates  and,  after  his  death,  Tiridates 
(6.  32).  On  the  ellipse  of  noun  or 
pronoun  with  'miserat'  cp.  11.  14,  4, 
&c. 

11.  ut . .  .  cogitaret,  'to  conceive  him- 
self as  a  governor  among  freemen,  not 
as  a  despot  among  slaves ' :  cp.  '  tam- 
quam  ,  ,  .  Catonem   cogitasset'    (Dial. 

3.  I). 

1 2.  quanto  ignota.  On  the  use  of  the 
positive  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  64,  a.  Med. 
has  '  ignata '  whence  some  read  '  ignara ' 
(passively,  as  in  2.  13,  i,  &c.),  but  |  ig 
nota '  is  supported  by  parallel  expressions 
in  c.  12,  I ;   2.  2,  6. 

1 3.  laetiora :  so  all  recent  edd.  after 
Urs.  and  Acid.  (cp.  i.  68,  i);  Freinsh. 
'graliora'  (cp.  11.  16,  4),  for  Med.  '  tole- 
ratiora ' ;  which  older  edd.  retain,  but 
which,  besides  being  air.  dp.,  can  only  bear 
the  weak  meaning  '  more  tolerable '. 

14.  alumnum  urbis,  '  the  foster-child 
of  Rome':   cp.  'legionum  alumnus'  (i. 

ad  id:   so  used  for  'ad  id  tempons 
in  c.  38,  2 ;  also  in  Liv.  3.  22,  8,  &c. 

ac  tamen.  The  thought  is  that,  even 
should  he  change  his  character,  they  had 
better  make  the  best  of  him. 

16.  rem  Bomanam,  &c.,  i.  e.  Rome  had 
no  longer  the  desire  to  profit  by  the  in- 
ternal seditions  of  other  nations. 


74 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  49 


quoque  gentibus  quietem  velit.     datum  posthac  C.  Cassio,  qui  4 
Syriae  praeerat,  deducere  iuvenem  ripam  ad  Euphratis. 

12.    Ea  tempestate  Cassius  ceteros  praeminebat  peritia  legum  :  1 
nam  militares  artes  per  otium  ignotae,  industriosque  aut  ignavos 
5  pax  in  aequo  tenet,      ac   tamen   quantum    sine  bello  dabatur,  2 
revocare    priscum    morem,    exercitare    legiones,    cura    provisu 
perinde  agere  ac  si  hostis  ingrueret :  ita  dignum  maioribus  suis 
et  familia  Cassia  per  ilias  quoque  gentis  celebrata.     igitur  excitis  3 
quorum  de  sententia  petitus  rex,  positisque  castris  apud  Zeugma,    5  l  c^ 


1.  C.  Cassio,  brother  of  L.  Cassius, 
I  the  husband  of  Drusilla  (on  his  parentage 
jsee  6.   15,   3,   and  note,  and   Lehmann, 

p.  256).     He  was  cos.  suff.  in  a.d.  30 
(C.  1.  L.  10.  1233),  and  was  proconsul  of 
I  Asia  ten  years  later  (Dio,  59.  29,  3),  and 
!  narrowly  escaped  death  at  the  hands  of 
'  Gaius  (Suet.  Cal.   57;    Dio,  1.  1.).     He 
succeeded  Vibius  Marsus  (11.   10,  i)  as 
legatus  of  Syria  not  later  than  a.d.  45 
(Eckhel,  iii.  280 ;   Mionnet,  v.  176),  and 
j  was  succeeded  by  Ummidius  Quadratus 
I  not  later  than  A.D.  51  (c.  45,  6).     After- 
wards he  is  mentioned  several  times  down 
to  the  date  of  his  exile  (see  16.  9,  i). 

2.  deducere.  The  simple  inf.  is  thus 
used  after  'negotio  dato'  in  6.  la,  4  (see 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  43).  On  the  anastrophe  of 
•ad*  op.  c.  51,  4;  3.  72,  2;,  6.  37,  i; 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  77,  4. 

■  3.  ceteros  praeminebat.  On  the 
accus.  with  this  verb,  found  only  in  the 
Annals  and  Sallust,  see  3.  56,  2,  and  note. 
On  other  analogous  instances  see  Introd. 
i.  V.  §  12  c. 

peritia  legum.  According  to  Pom- 
ponius  (Dig,  i.  2,  2,  51),  he  succeeded 
Masurius  Sabinus  in  the  leadership  of 
the  school  formerly  represented  by  Ateius 
Capito  (.see  3.  75,  3,  and  note). 

4.  nam,  &c.,  explanatory  of  the  fact 
that  such  an  accomplishment  could  at  that 
time  give  political  prominence;  military 
eminence,  the  more  natural  Roman  ground 
of  distinction,  being  precluded.  The  tone 
of  the  remark  is  suited  to  the  age  of 
renewed    military    glory    under   Trajan. 

*  Per  otium  '  is  so  used  for  '  in  time  of 
peace'  in  15  6,  2;  and  'industrius'  and 

*  ignavus '  have  here  special  reference  to 
the  presence  or  absence  of  soldierly  vigour : 
cp.  'industria'  in  c.  27,  4;  i.  44,  8,  &c.; 
•ignavia'  in  15.  13,  2  ;  H.  4.  27,  2,  &c. 
'Aut '  has  the  force  of*  et ' — 'et',  as  in  3. 
42.  2 :  cp.  also  1 .  64,  6 ;  3.  20,  3,  and 
the  use  of  *  vel'  in  c.  17,  2. 


5.  in  aequo,  *  on  a  dead  level*  (of 
obscurity). 

7.  perinde  ac  si.  This  Ciceronian 
phrase  is  probably  adopted  here  only 
(see  note  on  c.  60,  3)  by  Tacitus,  who 
has  *  perinde  .  .  .  atque '  (without  '  si ')  in 
H.  3.  18,  2,  but  often er  'perinde  quam' 
or  *  quam  si'  (cp.  i.  73,  5,  and  note). 

hostis  ingrueret.  The  use  of  this 
verb  of  persons  (cp.  c.  30,  i ;  i.  27,  2 ;  15. 
3,  2 ;  H.  3.  34,  i)  seems  not  to  be  found 
in  earlier  prose.  Vergil  has  *  ingruit 
Aeneas'  (Aen.  12,  628). 

8.  Cassia  per  illas.  After  Cassia 
there  is  a  lacuna  in  Med.,  of  about  eight 
letters.  A  late  hand  has  inserted  '  ratus'. 
Ritter  considers  that  the  lacuna  could  not 
be  filled  by  this  word  (written  ''  rat; ') 
and  inserts  '  et  gloria '.  It  seems  better 
with  Nipperdey  to  take  no  notice  of  the 
lacuna.  A  verb  or  participle  of  thinking 
can  be  supplied  from  the  sense  :  cp. 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  38  a. 

celebrata  The  allusion  is  to  the ' 
successful  defence  of  Syria  against  the 
Parthian  invaders  after  the  fall  of  Crassus 
by  C .  Cassius  (the  subsequent  conspirator ), 
then  quaestor  of  the  province  :  see  Veil. 
2.  46,  4;  Dio,  40.  29,  1 ;  also  the  allu- 
sions in  Cic.  ad  Fam.  2.  10,  2  ;  ad  Att. 
5-  20,  3. 

9.  Zeugma.  This  place,  named  origin- 
ally from  the  bridge  made  by  Alexander 
(Dio,  40.  17,  3  :  cp.  '  Zeugma  Pellaeum ' 
Luc.  8,  237),  was  connected  by  a  bridge 
with  Apameia  by  Seleucus  Nicator,  the 
founder  of  both  towns  (PI.  N.  H.  5.  24,' 
21,  86).  It  was  the  most  usual  place  of 
crossing  (Dio,  49.  19,  3),  but  it  does  not 
appear  that  at  this  time  any  permanent 
bridge  across  the  Euphrates  was  kept  up 
(see  note  on  6.  37,  4).  Its  site  is  stated 
(see  Orelli)  to  be  marked  by  Tscheschme 
or  Zima,  opposite  to  Bir  or  Biredsjik, 
which  occupies  that  of  Apameia.  For 
another  place  of  crossing  see  15.  26,  2. 


A.  D.  49] 


LIBER  XIL      CAP,  11-13 


75 


unde  maxime  pervius  amnis,  postquam  inlustres  Parthi  rexque 
Arabum  Acbarus  advenerat,  monet  Meherdaten  barbarorum  im- 
petus acris  cunctatione  languescere  aut  in  perfidiam  mutari :  ita 

4  urgeret  coepta.  quod  spretum  fraude  Acbaii,  qui  iuvenem 
ignarum  et  summam  fortunam  in  luxu  ratum  multos  per  dies  5 

5  attinuit  apud  oppidum  Edessam.  et  vocante  Carene  prompt- 
asque  res  ostentante,  si  citi  advenissent,  non  com  minus  Mesopo- 
tamiam,  sed  flexu  Armeniam  petivit,  id  temporis  importunam, 
quia  hiems  occipiebat. 

1      13.    Exim  nivibus  et  montibus  fessi,  postquam  campos  pro-  10 


1.  rexque  Arabum  Acbarus.  This 
prince  ruled  no  part  of  Arabia  proper, 
but  the  Arab  race  (cp.  6.  44,  7)  called  by 
Pliny  *  Arabes  Orrhoei '  (N.  H.  6.  9,  25, 
&c.)  and  inhabiting  the  district  of  Upper 
Mesopotamia  opposite  to  Commagene, 
afterwards  known  as  Osrhoene,  and  having 
for  its  capital  Edessa  (see  below) .  *  Ac- 
barus' (so  in  Med.  twice  here,  but  in  c.  14, 
2,  *  Abbarus')  appears  to  be  not  an  indi- 
vidual name  but  a  title  borne  by  princes 
of  this  district,  and  traceable  from  the 
time  of  Crassus  or  earlier  (see  Marquardt, 
i.  279)  to  the  third  century  a.d.  (see  Diet, 
of  Kiog.).  It  is  found  also  as  'An^apos 
in  App.  Parth.  p.  34  (Sch.),  as  Avyapos  in 
Dio  (40.  20,  1 ;  68.  18,  I ;  77.  12,  i)  and 
Herodian  (3,  9)  ;  but  the  correct  form  is 
shown  by  coins  (Eckb.  iii,  511)  and  in- 
scriptions (see  C.  I.  L.  6.  1797,  and  Pros. 
Imp.  R.  I.  pp.  3,  4)  to  be  *  Abgarus '. 
Nipp.  thinks  the  present  one  probably  the 
prince  who  ruled  as  Abgar  V,  Ukhama 
('  the  dark ')  from  ad.  i  3-50. 

2.  advenerat.  The  singular  verb  may 
apparently  stand  here,  as  the  Arabian 
prince  is  prominent  in  what  follows ;  and 
the  construction  is  often  in  such  cases 
adapted  to  the  more  important  subject. 
Cp.  'abslulerat'  (i.  lo,  i),  'reducem' 
(1.  70,  8),  'adfecit'  (2.  19,  i),  'obslri- 
ctum'  (2.  26,  3),  and  many  other  instances 
collected  by  Nipp.  in  an  Appendix  at  the 
end  of  his  volume. 

impetus,  'impulses'  such  as  their 
enthusiasm  for  Meherdates. 

5.  ignarum.  This  can  hardly  mean 
'inexperienced',  but  may  readily  be  un- 
derstood of  his  unconsciousness  of  the 
treacherous  motive;  so  that  Madvig's  con- 
jecture •  ignavum '  is  needless. 

summam  fortunam,  &c.,  'thinking 
that  royalty  (cp.  1 1.  12,  4,  &c.)  consisted 
in  sensuality'  (cp.  1.  14,  3,  &c.). 


6.  Edessam.  This  city,  situate  about 
forty  miles  from  Zeugma,  and  now  repre- 
sented by  Urfah  or  Orfah,  appears  to  have 
been  founded  upon  an  already  existing 
town,  early  in  the  history  of  the  Syro- 
Macedonian  dynasty ;  and  to  have  borne 
at  one  time  the  name  of  Antiocheia,  or 
i^as  some  read)  Antiocheia  Callirrhoe  (see 
Plin.  N.  H.  5.  24.,  21,  86).  Its  celebrity 
belongs  to  later  times. 

vocante  Carene,  '  though  Carenes  in- 
vited him  '.  He  was  evidently  governor 
of  Mesopotamia  (cp.  6.  37,  4),  and  is 
mentioned  as  if  already  known  to  the 
reader.  On  *  piomptas  res  '  cp.  i.  35,  3, 
and  note. 

7.  comminus.  This  word  has  the 
general  sense  of  local  proximity  in  H.  i. 
41,  I  ;  G.  8,  I,  and  in  other  authors,  and 
the  opposition  lo  '  flexu  '  ('  by  a  detour ') 
suggests  th'at  it  is  to  be  so  taken  here.  Or 
Tacitus  may  have  followed  Vergil  (G.  i, 
104)  in  using  it  in  the  sense  of  'imme- 
diately '.     Cp.  H.  3.  I. 

8.  petivit.  There  seems  no  sufficient 
reason  for  altering  Med.  to  *  petunt '  after 
Lipsius. 

id  temporis:  cp.  c.  8,  i.  The  men- 
tion of  winter  shows  this  campaign  to 
have  begun  at  the  end  of  the  year. 

importunam,  '  unfavourable ' ;  so  in 
c.  33,  2. 

10.  Exim.  The  remainder  of  this  nar- 
rative appears  to  belong  to  the  following 
year.  The  mountains  would  be  the  range 
of  Taurus  and  Masius  in  the  south  of 
Armenia:  see  Introd.  p.  no. 

campos  propinquabant.  Such  a 
construction  is  found  elsewhere  only  in 
Sail.  H.  4.  62,  I)  ;  30  K  ;  50  G  (*  propin- 
quantes  . . .  amnem  ') ;  nor  does  any  other 
earlier  prose  author  use  the  verb,  which 
elsewhere  in  Tacitus  takes  the  dat.,  as 
in  I.  63,  2  ;  15.  39,  I,  &c.     Ritt.  reads 


76 


CORNELII   TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  49 


pinquabant,  copiis  Carenis  adiunguntur,  tramissoque  amne  Tigri 
permeant  Adiabenos,  quorum  rex  Izates  societatem  Meherdatis 
palam  induerat,  in  Gotarzen  per  occulta  et  magis  fida  inclinabat. 
sed  capta  in  transitu  urbs  Ninos,  vetustissima  sedes  Assyriae,  et  2 
5  castellum  insigne  fama,  quod  postremo  inter  Darium  atque 
Alexandrum  proelio  Persarum  illic  opes  conciderant.  interea  3 
Gotarzes  apud  montem,  cui  nomen  Sanbulos,  vota  dis  loci  sus- 
cipiebat,  praecipua   religione   Herculis,  qui  tempore   stato   per 


*  propinquarant ',  pointing  out  a  similar 
confusion  of  '  b  '  and  *  r '  (*  tenebo  '  for 
* te,  Nero')  in  t6.  22,  2. 

1.  tramissoque  :  cp.  i.  56,  4;  2.  ii, 
I,  &c. 

2.  permeant,  *  traverse':    cp.  i.  50, 

3;  15-9.  I- 

Adiabenos.  Adiabene  is  properly  the 
name  of  the  northern  part  of  Assyria 
between  the  Tigris  and  its  tributary  the 
Lycus  (Greater  Zab)  and  the  mountains 
of  Kurdistan  (see  Ptol.  6.  i,  2).  Pliny 
however,  though  apparently  at  times  so 
restricting  the  name  (cp.  *  Adiabene  As- 
syriorum  initium'  6.  13,  16,  41),  also 
takes  it  as  in  his  time  a  name  for  the 
whole  of  Assyria  proper  (cp.  *  Adiabene 
Assyria  ante  dicta'  5.  12,  13,  66),  as 
does  also  Ammianus  (cp.  '  Adiabene  As- 
syria priscis  temporibus  vocitata '  23.  6, 
20) ;  and  the  district,  as  containing  Ninus, 
may  no  doubt  be  regarded  as  the  cradle 
of  Assyria. 

Izates.  Med.  has  here  '  iuliates',  and 
in  c.  14,  2,  'ezates',  which  may  have 
been  the  form  written  by  Tacitus;  but 
all  editors  have  followed  Freinsh.  in  read- 
ing it  as  in  Josephus,  from  whose  account 
(Ant.  20,  2-4)  it  appears  that  Izates  was 
son  of  Monobazus  and  Helena,  and  be- 
came a  Jewish  proselyte ;  also  that  he 
had  restored  Artabanus  to  his  throne  (see 
Introd.  p.  105,  i),  but  was  at  variance 
with  his  successors. 

3.  induerat.  On  the  metaphor  cp,  1. 
69,  2,  and  note. 

per  occulta  et  magis  fida,  *  by  secret 
and  more  sincere  overtures '. 

4.  Ninos.  The  vast  remains  of  Nineveh 
are  situate  opposite  Mosul.  Pliny  indeed 
speaks  of  the  city  (N.  H.  6.  13,  16,  42) 
as  a  thing  of  the  past  (*  fuit  et  Ninos 
imposita  Tigri,  ad  solis  occasum  spe- 
ctans,  quondam  clarissima'),  and  Strabo 
(16.  1,3,  737)  and  Lucian  (Contempl.  23) 
represent  it  as  having  wholly  perished  ; 
but  the  latter  statements  must  be  exag- 
gerated, and  that  of  Pliny  must  be  referred 


only  to  its  departed  greatness;  the  ex- 
istence of  an  inhabited  town  upon  the 
site  being  attested  by  this  passage,  and 
by  Ptol.  (6.  2,  3).  [Professor  W.  M. 
Ramsay  has  shown  that  the  coins  in- 
scribed Colonia  Ninica  Clau(diopolis) 
belong  not  to  Nineveh,  but  to  a  town  in 
Cilicia  (Revue  Numism.,  1894). — P.]. 
et  castellum.    Most  edd.  have  inserted 

*  et '  after  Lips.  :  some  have  inserted  *  et 
Arbela ',  which  is  found  in  MS.  Agr. 
but  appears  to  be  a  gloss.  Neither 
Arbela,  which  was  a  considerable  town, 
many  miles  from  the  field  of  battle,  nor 
the  village  of  Gaugamela  near  the  actual 
spot  (see  Strabo,  16.  i,  3,  737),  could 
well  be  called  *  castellum  * ;  but  it  is  pro- 
bable that  a  fort  may  have  been  built  ou 
the  site  of  the  battle  by  the  Macedonian 
kings. 

7.  Sanbulos.  This  name  appears  to 
be  preserved  in  that  of  the  modern  Mount 
Sunbulah,  a  considerable  offshoot  of 
Zagros,  between  the  plains  of  Ghilan  and 
Deira,  in  Lat.  34°.  25',  Long.  46°.  10' 
(Rawlinson,  258,  n.  i).  It  is  to  be  noted 
that  on  Mt.  Kerefto,  in  the  east  of  Kur- 
distan, a  fragmentary  inscription  has  been 
found  (C.  I.  G.  4673)  which  Boeckh  reads 
as  'YlpaKKrj  \irpoa'\Kv[yT)yLa\  .  . .  AH7[^]^>' . . . 
ir[d]^ot  KaKov. 

8.  praecipua    religione    Herculis, 

*  the  especial  worship  being  that  of  Her- 
cules '.  The  old  editors  and  most  of  the 
moderns   have   thus  corrected  the   Med. 

*  Herculi ',  which  Rup.,  Walth.  and  Ritt, 
retain  as  a  dat.  taken  closely  with  *  reli- 
gione '  ('  the  chief  worship  being  paid  to 
Hercules'),  which  appears  hardly  a  pos- 
sible construction  ;  while  to  take  the  dat. 
(with  Ern.)  after  '  suscipiebat '  does  not, 
as  Nipp.  has  shown,  give  the  meaning 
which  Tacitus  appears  to  intend.  On 
the  other  hand,  such  a  genitive  as  *  Her- 
culi '  could  be  defended  from  earlier 
Latin,  as  Cic.  Acad.  2.  34,  108;  but 
Tacitus  elsewhere  has  always  *  Herculis  ' 
(c.  24,  2  ;  3-61,3;  4-  43>  2  ;  H.  3, 42,  3 ; 


A.  D.  49] 


LIBER  Xir.      CAP.    13,    14 


77 


quietem  monet  sacerdotes  ut  templum  iuxta  equos  venatui  ador- 
4  natos  sistant.  equi  ubi  pharetras  telis  onustas  accepere,  per 
saltus  vagi  nocte  demum  vacuis  pharetris  multo  cum  anhelitu 
redeunt.  rursum  deus,  qua  silvas  pererraverit,  nocturne  visu 
demonstrat,  reperiunturque  fusae  passim  ferae.  5 

1  14.  Ceterum  Gotarzes,  nondum  satis  aucto  exercitu,  flumine 
Corma  pro  munimento  uti,  et  quamquam  per  insectationes  et 
nuntios  ad  proelium  vocaretur,  nectere  moras,  locos  mutare  et 

2  missis  corruptoribus  exuendam  ad  fidem  hostis  emercari.     ex 
quis  Izates  Adiabeno,  mox  Acbarus  Arabum  cum  exercitu  abs-  i< 
cedunt,  levitate  gentili,  et  quia  experimentis  cognitum  est  bar- 

3  baros  malle  Roma  petere  reges  quam  habere,  at  Meherdates 
validis  auxiliis  nudatus,  ceterorum  proditione  suspecta,  quod 
unum  reliquum,  rem  in  casum  dare  proelioque  experiri  statuit. 


G.  34,  2),  and  the  '  i  *  form  of  such  geni- 
tives had  so  dropped  out  of  use  (cp. 
Quint.  I.  5,  63)  that  Pliny  (ap.  Chans. 
107.  P.)  calls  it  altogether  obsolete.  The 
I  occurrence  of  the  Greek  name  Heracles  in 
those  regions  has  been  noticed  above;  but 
the  worship  was  no  doubt  grounded  on  that 
I  of  some  ancient  Eastern  deity.  The  most 
I  probable  identification  seems  to  be  that 
with  the  Assyrian  god  Nin  or  Ninip,  a 
deity  whose  association  with  Heracles 
seems  vaguely  indicated  by  the  mythical 
pedigree  in  Hdt.  i.  7,  3,  and  who  cer- 
tainly resembled  him  in  attributes,  and 
was  worshipped  as  giving  the  king  suc- 
cess both  in  war  and  hunting^(Rawlinson, 
*  Five  Great  Monarchies ',  i.  p.  159-61). 
The  identifications  with  the  Assyrian  sun- 
god  San  or  Sansi,  and  with  the  Vere- 
■thragna  worshipped  by  the  Arians  of 
Iran  and  closely  associated  with  Mithras 
(see  Duncker,  Hist.  Ant.  v.  115,  foil.), 
seem  to  be  grounded  on  a  less  close 
resemblance. 

tempore  state,  *  at  regular  inter- 
vals ' :  cp.  '  staios  aestivis  flatibus  dies ' 
(H.  4.81,  I). 

per  quietem :  cp.  i.  65,  2,  and 
note. 

I.  monet  sacerdotes,  &c.  Nipp. 
rightly  notes  that  the  simple  narration  of 
this  story  by  Tacitus  need  not  be  taken  to 
imply  his  belief  in  it. 

venatui,  dat.  of  purpose  :  cp.  In- 
trod.  i.  V.  §  22,  c. 

7.  Corma.  This  unknown  river  has 
been  by  some  taken  to  be  the  Kara-su  or 
river  of  Kermanschat,  near  which  place 


is  the  inscription  by  which  Gotarzes  has 
been  thought  to  have  commemorated  his 
victory  (see  Introd.  p.  106,  3).  The 
campaign  must  probably  have  taken 
place  in  the  district  of  Chalonitis  between 
Mt.  Zagros  and  the  Tigris,  and  the  posi- 
tions of  Gotarzes  appear  to  have  covered 
the  advance  to  Ctesiphon,  which  Me- 
herdates is  not  mentioned  as  having 
reached. 

insectationes,  'insults*;  so  in  pi. 
in  2.  55,  3. 

9.  emercari,  a  Tacitean  word,  only  in 
the  later  books  of  the  Annals  ;  used  here 
with  accus.  of  the  person,  in  c.  45.  5, 
with  that  of  the  quality  in  a  person  to 
which  the  bribe  appeals,  in  13.  44,  i  ; 
16,  I,  I,  with  that  of  the  favour  pur- 
chased. 

10.  Adiabeno  :  so  Halm  and  Nipp. 
with  J.  F.  Gron.  Orelli  and  Dr.  retain 
the  Med.  *  Adiabenus ',  which  loses  the 
antithesis,  and  seems  the  error  of  a  scribe 
who  thought  it  must  agree  with  *  Izates '. 
Ritt.  has  '  Adiabenus  suo  *,  Haase  '  Adia- 
benum  '  (taking  it  as  genit.  pi.,  as  also  in 

15- 1,3)- 

11.  gentili,  'characteristic  of  their 
race ' :  cp.  c.  17,  3 ;  34,  4 ;  also  '  more 
gentico  diversa  induere  '  (6.  33,  3). 

12.  Boma  petere:  so  in  2.  i,  i. 

13.  suspecta,  'being  apprehended': 
cp.  3.  52,  I,  and  note. 

quod  iinum  reliquvim  (sc.  '  erat '), 
'  his  only  resource  '. 

14.  rem  in  casum  dare  :  cp.  1.47,  i, 
and  note. 


78 


CORNELII  TACIT  I  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D. 


49 


nec  detrectavit  pugnam  Gotarzes  deminutis  hostibus  ferox  ;  con-  4 
cursumque   magna   caede  et  ambiguo  eventu,  donee   Carenem 
profligatis  obviis  longius  evectum  integer  a  tergo  globus  circum- 
veniret.     turn  omni  spe  perdita  Meherdates,  promissa  Parracis  5 

6  paterni  clientis  secutus,  dolo  eius  vincitur  traditurque  victori. 
atque  ille  non  propinquum  neque  Arsacis  de  gente,  sed  alieni-  6 
genam    et    Romanum   increpans,   auribus   decisis  vivere    iubet, 
ostentui  clementiae  suae  et  in  nos  dehonestamento.      dein  Go-  7 
tarzes  morbo  obiit,  accitusque  in  regnum  Vonones  Medos  turn 

JO  praesidens.     nulla  huic  prospera  aut  adversa  quis  memoraretur :  8 
brevi  et  inglorio  imperio  perfunctus  est,  resque  Parthorum  in 
iilium  eius  Vologesen  translatae. 

16.    At  Mithridates  Bosporanus  amissis  opibus  vagus,  post*  1 


1.  ferox,  *  confident ' :  cp.  i.  3,  4  (and 
note),  &c. 

concursumque,  &c.  Cp.  the  de- 
scription of  the  battle  between  Maro- 
boduus  and  Arminius  (2.  26,  4). 

3.  obviis.  Possibly  a  correction  by 
the  first  hand  in  Med.  has  been  restored 
by  Andresen  in  place  of  '  obversis',  which 
nowhere  else  occurs  substantively. 

5.  clientis,  apparently  a  vassal  free- 
man, but  perhaps  only  a  slave,  as  Justin 
states  (41.  2,  5)  that  the  main  Parthian 
force  consisted  of  such,  armed  and  trained 
by  the  nobles  with  their  own  sons.  He 
adds  that  in  an  army  of  50,000  Parthians 
opposed  to  Antonius,  only  four  hundred 
were  free.  (See  Momms.  Hist.  v.  345  ; 
E.  T.  ii.  7.) 

7.  increpans,  *  upbraiding  him  as  ' ; 
taken  strictly  with  '  alienigenarn  et  Ro- 
manum ',  and  by  zeugma  with  '  non  pro- 
pinquum', &c. 

8.  ostentui  .  .  .  dehonestamento  : 
on  this  dative  (which  is  rare  in  appo- 
sition) see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  23.  *Dehone- 
stamentum '  is  used  for  *  disgrace '  in  14. 
21,7  (cp.  H.  2.  87,  4),  and4>r  *  disfigure- 
ment' in  H.  4.  13,  2,  and  once  in  each 
sense  in  Sail.  (H.  i.  55  D,  57  K,  80  G  ; 
*  Or.  Lepidi'  2i),theonly  instances  of  the 
word  before  Seneca.  This  mutilation 
disposed  of  his  chance  of  the  crown  (see 
Rawlinson,  259,  n.  i). 

dein,  &c.  The  events  of  some  years 
appear  to  be  here  grouped  together. 
/Professor  Percy  Gardner  notes  (Coinage 
of  Parthia,  p.  50)  that,  though  a  coin  of 
Gotarzes  has  been  assigned  to  A.D.  52, 
his  latest  indisputable  coin  belongs  to 
June,  A.D.  51,  and  that  he  may  probably 


have  died  about  that  time.  Also  (p.  13) 
that  Vonones,  to  whom  some  assign  a 
reign  of  five  or  six  years,  probably  issued 
no  coins  and  reigned  only  during  some 
two  months  of  the  same  year,  and  that 
Vologeses  probably  succeeded  in  Sept., 
A.D.  51.  Other  views  (see  note  on  c.  44,  i, 
and  Nipp.  here)  give  Vonones  a  somewhat 
longer  reign.  Josephus  (Ant.  20.  3,  4), 
whose  general  account  is  inaccurate  (see 
below),  makes  Gotarzes  lose  his  life  by  a  i 
conspiracy.  ^ 

9.  accitusque  in  regnum :  cp.  1 1. 10,  6, 
and  the  instances  of  the  use  of  *  regnum ' 
for  *  the  throne '  there  cited  by  Nipp., 
esp.  Livy  i.  35,  2  ;  2.  6,  2,  from  which 
the  expression  here  is  taken. 

Medos  turn  praesidens.  On  the 
use  of '  praesidere  '  with  accus.  cp.  3.  39,  i , 
and  note ;  on  the  kingdom  of  Media  Atro- 
patene  see  2.  56,  i,  and  note.  Josephus 
(,1.  1.)  omits  all  mention  of  this  Vonones, 
and  calls  Vologeses  a  brother  of  Gotarzes. 

12.  Vologesen.  The  name  in  Med.  is 
'Vologaeses'  in  15.  7,  i,  elsewhere  in 
the  Annals  *  Vologeses ',  twice  *  Volo- 
gesus'  (see  13.  7,  2;  37,  i,  and  notes), 
which  form  occurs  also  in  H.  4.  51,2; 
'  Vologaesus '  in  H.  i.  40,  4.  Nipp. 
reads  the  name  as  '  Vologaeses ',  on  the 
analogy  of '  Abdagaeses '  (6.  37,  5,  &c.) 
and  *  Monaeses '.  Some  coins  are  found 
inscribed  BoKa-yaaov  (Eckh.  iiL  536)  or 
'OAo7acrou  [Gardner,  1.1.),  but  those  of 
this  king  bear  no  name  save  '  Arsaces ', 
except  one,  which  has  '  Vol '  in  Pehlvi 
letters.  On  the  probable  duration  of  his 
reign  see  Introd.  p.  97,  3.  The  account  of 
his  relations  with  Rome  is  resumed  in  c.  44. 

13.  Mithridates  Bosporanus,  so  dis-\ 


A.  D.  49] 


LIBER  XIL      CAP.    14,    15 


79 


quam  Didium  ducem  Romanum  roburque  exercitus  abisse 
cognoverat,  relictos  in  novo  regno  Cotyn  iuventa  rudem  et 
paucas  cohorti'um  cum  lulio  Aquila  equite  Romano,  spretis 
utrisque  concire  nationes,  inlicere  perfugas  ;  postremo  exercitu 
coacto  regem  Dandaridarum  exturbat  imperioque  eius  potitur.  5 

2  quae  ubi  cognita  et  iam  iamque  Bosporum  invasurus  habebatur, 
diffisi  propriis  viribus  Aquila  et  Cotys,  quia  Zorsines  Siracorum 
rex   hostilia   resumpserat,   externas   et    ipsi   gratias    quaesivere 

3  missis  legatis  ad  Eunonen  qui  Aorsorum  genti  praesidebat.     nee 


tingtiished  from  the  king  of  Armenia  (ii. 
8,  I,  &c.).  Tacitus  is  here  no  doubt 
referring  to  events  previously  related. 
This  prince,  who  calls  himself  vlbs  tov 
*A(xnovpyov  on  an  inscription  (C.  I.  G.  ii. 
p.  95  ;  Lehm.  479,  484),  is  stated  by  Dio 
(60.  8,  2)  to  have  been  a  descendant  of 
jthe  great  Mithridates,  and  to  have  received 
this  kingdom  (in  succession  to  Polemo, 
•who  received  an  equivalent  in  Cilicia) 
from  Claudius  in  a.d.  41,  but  was  after- 
{ wards  displaced  by  him  in  iavour  of  his 
brother  Cotys  (see  below  and  c.  18,  i, 
'  and  note).  Coins  of  Cotys  (see  Vise.  Ic. 
Gr.  ii.  157)  appear  to  show  this  to  have 
taken  place  in  A.D.  46.  A  kingdom 
of  more  or  less  extent,  having  Pantica- 
paeum  (Kertch)  for  its  capital,  and  ruling 
most  of  the  Crimea  (the  chief  exception 
being  the  independent  Greek  city  Heraclea 
or  Chersonesus,  now  Sevastopol),  besides 
a  dominion  or  sovereignty,,  uncertain  in 
extent,  over  the  tribes  to  the  east  of  the 
Cimmerian  Bosporus,  is  traceable  from 
the  fifth  century  B.C.  to  the  fourth  century 
A.D.  (see  the  list  of  its  kings  given  by 
Mr.  James  in  Diet,  of  Geog.  s.  v.  and  a 
sketch  of  its  history  in  Mommsen,  Hist.  v. 
286-94;  E.  T.  i.  312-19).  It  is  chiefly 
famous  as  having  been  annexed  by  the 
great  Mithridates  and  retained  by  his  son 
Pharnaces,  after  whose  death  it  became 
dependent  on  Rome. 

vagus.  On  his  deposition,  he  is 
recorded  by  Pliny  (N.  H.  6.  5,  17)  to 
have  fled  to  the  Sauromatae. 

I.  Didium,  apparently  A.  Didius  Cal- 
lus, who  may  probably, as  Nipp.  suggests, 
have  acted  against  Mithridates  as  legatus 
of  Moesia.  He  is  known  as  '  curator 
aquarum '  at  this  date  (Frontin.  Aq.  102  ; 
C.  I.  L.  vi.  1.  1248 ;  on  which  see  Nipp. 
here).  He  was  afterwards  legatus  of 
Britain  (c.  40,  i,  and  note).  He  is  called 
a  consular  (Agr.  14,  3),  and  must  have 
been  such  to  have  held  these  appoint- 


ments ;  but  the  date  of  his  consulship  is 
unknown.  . 

3.  paucas  cohortium,  sc.  *  auxiliarium'.  1 
lulio  Aquila.  Nipp.  cites  an  in- 
scription at  Naples  (C.  I.  G.  5790),  T. 
'lovAios  (wrongly  there  read  by  Boeckh 
as  'lovvios)  'A/fuXas  vturr^pos,  arparevaa' 
fjifvos,  knirpovevaas,  5T}fiapxrj<Ta5,  kavxe- 
Xapxhoas.  The  two  latter  terms  denote 
municipal  offices,  kinTpoTtcvaat  that  of 
*  procurator  Caesaris ':  a  bilingual  inscrip- 
tion (C.  I.  G.  3743;  C.  I.  L.  iii.  I.  346) 
records  him  to  have  held  that  office  in 
Bithynia,  and  to  have  made  a  road  there 
by  order  of  Nero  in  A.D.  58. 

5.  Dandaridarum.  This  people  are 
called  Aai/Sa/Mot  by  Strabo  (11.  2,  11, 
495),  who  speaks  of  them  as  a  Maeotic 
(apparently  Sarmatian)  race  living  near  the 
Hypanis  (here  evidently  the  Kulsan),  and 
by  Plutarch,  who  mentions  their  prince  as 
a  vassal  of  Mithridates  (Luc.  16,  501). 

6.  habebatur  :  so  with  nom.  and  inf. 
in  4.  45,  5  (where  see  note). 

7.  Siracorum,  a  correction  of  Lips, 
(for  Med.  *  Syracusorum  ' )  from  Pliny  (N. 
H.  4.  12,  26,  83)  and  Strabo  (11.  2,  i, 
p.  492),  who  also  (11.  5,  8,  506)  calls 
them  XipaKes:  in  Ptol.  (5.  9,  17,  19) 
they  are  ^tpatcijvoi,  in  C.  I.  G.  2132  e  (ii. 
p.  1009)  'Sipaxoi.  On  their  local  and 
ethnical  affinity  to  the  Aorsi  see  note 
below. 

8.  hostilia  resumpserat:  Dr.  notes 
the  analogy  of  this  new  phrase  to  '  hostilia 
facere'  (15.  13,  4),  'coeptare'  (H.  3.  70, 
I),  &c.  It  is  probable  that  some  hostile 
act  of  this  prince  had  been  previously 
mentioned. 

9.  Aorsorum:  also  a  correction  off 
Lips,  for  Med. 'adorsorum ';  which  form 
is  given  throughout,  and  may  have  been! 
that  used  by  Tacitus.  These  and  the! 
Siraci  (who  adjoined  them  on  the  north); 
are  described  by  Strabo  (11.  11.)  as< 
Sarmatian  races  living  between  the  Tanais,) 


8o 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  49 


•  fuit  in  arduo  societas  potentiam  Romanam  adversus  rebellem 
Mithridaten  ostentantibus.  igitur  pepigere,  equestribus  proeliis 
Eunones  certaret,  obsidia  urbium  Romani  capesserent. 

16.    Tunc  composito  agmine  incedunt,  cuius  frontem  et  terga  1 

5  Aorsi,  media  cohortes  et  Bosporani  tutabantur  nostris  in  armis. 
sic  pulsus  hostis,  ventumque  Sozam,  oppidum  Dandaricae  quod  2 
desertum  a  Mithridate  ob  ambiguos  popularium  animos  obtineri 
relicto  ibi  praesidio  visum,     exim  in  Siracos  pergunt,  et  trans-  3 
gressi  amnem  Pandam  circumveniunt  urbem  Vspen,  editam  loco 

10  et  moenibus  ac  fossis  munitam,  nisi  quod  moenia  non  saxo  sed 
cratibus  et  vimentis  ac  media  humo  adversum  inrumpentis  in- 
valida  erant ;  eductaeque  altius  turres  facibus  atque  hastis  turba- 
bant  obsesses,     ac  ni  proelium  nox  diremisset,  coepta  patrataque  4 
expugnatio  eundem  intra  diem  foret. 

15      17.    Postero  misere  legatos,  veniam  liberis  corporibus  orantis  :  l 
servitii  decem  milia  offerebant.     quod  aspernati  sunt  victores, 


(the  Euxine,  the  Caspian,  and  the  Caucasus. 
I  He  makes  both  to  be  offshoots  of  the 
great  nation  of  the  more  distant  Aorsi 
I  who  lived  further  north-east,  on  the  Cas- 
pian. The  name  is  found  both  in 
Europe  and  in  Asia  (Ptol.  3.  5,  22  ;  6. 

H>  10). 

praesidebat.  This  is  Haase  s  emenda- 
tion of  Med.  *  praecellebat '  (cp.  c.  r4,  7). 
Halm  inserts  '  praesidens  opibus '  before 
*  praecellebat ',  on  the  assumption  that 
the  copyist's  eye  may  have  been  led  on 
from  one  word  beginning  with  '  prae '  to 
the  other. 

1.  in  arduo:  so  in  4.  7,  2,  cp.  'in 
levi'  3.  54,  6  (where  see  note). 

3 .  pepigere.  Dr.  notes  that  this  verb 
is  here  alone  used  with  simple  subjunct. : 
so  '  perpulerant'  (H.  4.  20,  2). 

4.  composito  agmine.  The  context 
seems  to  show  that  this  means  here  '  with 
combined  forces ',  as  also  probably  in  H. 
5.  I,  5.  In  H.  2.  89,  I,  and  elsewhere, 
the  expression  denotes  an  orderly  or  dis- 
ciplined force. 

5.  nostris  in  armis.  Nipp.  notes  that 
this  is  taken  closely  with  *  Bosporani ' , 
being  superfluous  in  relation  to  '  cohortes '. 
The  Roman  military  organization  adopted 
by  allied  or  even  hostile  peoples  (cp.  2. 
45,  3 ;  52,  4 ;  H.  3.  47,  3)  was  probably 
here,  and  in  most  cases,  that  of  Roman 
auxiliary  cohorts,  but  sometimes,  as  in 
the  case  of  Deiotarus  (Bell.  Al.  34,  4),  that 
of  the  legions  (cp.  also  3.  43,  2). 


6.  Sozam.  This  town,  as  also  Uspe, 
and  the  Panda,  are  nowhere  else  men- 
tioned ;  but  the  line  of  march  appears  to 
have  been  to  the  north-east  from  the 
straits  (c.  17,  3). 

7.  popularium,  probably  here  *the 
citizens',  or  *  population  ',  a  sense  borne 
by  this  substantive  in  late  writers.  Nipp, 
points  out  that  they  could  hardly  be 
called  *  the  countrymen '  of  Mithridates, 
who  had  usurped  rule  over  them. 

obtineri,  '  to  be  secured ' :  cp.  *  ob- 
tinendis  quae  percucurrerat  *  (Agr.  23,  i). 

10.  nisi  quod,  qualifying  '  munitam  ' : 
cp-  I.  33>  6,  and  note. 

saxo,  abl.  of  material :  cp.  '  auro 
solida  '  (2.  33,  I,  and  note). 

I  r.  vimentis  (ott.  dp.)  =  *  viminibus ', 
forming  a  hendiadys  with  *  cratibus '.  On 
the  preference  of  Tacitus  for  the  more 
unusual  forms  either  in  '  men '  or  *  men- 
tum  '  see  Introd,  i.  v.  §  69. 

media,  *  filling  the  space  between.' 

12.  turbabant.  The  action  of  the  men 
in  the  towers  is  here  assigned  to  the  towers 
themselves.  Dr.  compares  this  figure  of 
speech  to  the  frequent  personification  of 
'  annus ',  '  dies ',  '  nox ',  &c.  (cp.  Introd.  i. 
V.  §  75)- 

15.  postero,  sc. '  die  * :  cp.  4. 45,  4,  and 
note. 

16.  servitii,  abstr.  for  concr. :    cp.  *e 
servitio  Blaesi '  (i.  23,  2),  and  many  more 
instances  in  plural.     The   large  number  j 
offered  appears  to  show  an  active  slave 


1 


A.  D.  49] 


LIBER  XII.     CAP.   15,    17 


81 


quia  trucidare  deditos  saevum,  tantam  multitudinem  custodia 
cingere  arduum :  belli  potius  iure  caderent,  datumque  militibus 

2  qui  scalis  evaserant  signum  caedis.     excidio  Vspensium  metus 
ceteris  iniectus,  nihil  tutum  ratis,  cum  arma,  munimenta,  impediti 

3  vel   eminentes   loci   amnesque  et  urbes   iuxta   perrumperentur.  5 
igitur  Zorsines,  diu  pensitato  Mithridatisne  rebus  extremis  an 
patrlo  regno   consuleret,   postquam   praevaluit   gentilis   utilitas, 
datis  obsidibus  apud  effigiem  Caesaris  procubuit,  magna  gloria 
exercitus  Romani,  quem  incruentum  et  victorem  tridui  itinera 

4  afuisse  ab  amne  Tanai  constitit.     sed  in  regressu  dispar  fortuna  10 
fuit,   quia    navium    quasdam   quae    mari    remeabant    in    litora 


trade  in  these  parts  (see  Momms.  Hist. 
V.  393;  E.  T.  ii.  319). 

quod.  The  grounds  of  the  refusal 
show  this  to  refer  to  all  proposals  of  sur- 
render, conditional  or  unconditional. 

2.  belli  potius  iure  caderent.  Med. 
has  *  ut '  before  these  words,  which  is 
retained  by  most  edd.  and  defended  by 
J.  H.  Miiller  (Beitr.  iv.  lo)  ;  the  clause 
being  taken  as  depending  on  some  such 
idea  as  'visum  est ',  supplied  from  *  asper- 
nati  sunt '.  But  such  passages  as  are  re- 
ferred to  (e.g.  3.  68,  I  ;  71,  3  ;  H.  4.  5,  i) 
are  not  really  parallel,  and  a  sentence 
so  complete  in  itself  as  that  here  given 
('quod  .  .  .  arduum')  would  hardly  be 
thus  awkwardly  followed  by  a  final  clause. 
It  is  possible  that  some  participle  has 
dropped    out,    but    Ritter's    insertion    of 

*  placitum '  is  violent.  It  seems  better 
either  to  suppose  (with  Acid.)  that  the 
clause  has  got  out  of  its  place,  and  should 
stand  after  '  signum  caedis ',  or  to  follow 
Em.  with  Halm  and  Nipp.,  in  treating 

*  ut '  as  the  insertion  of  a  scribe  who 
thought  such  a  construction  necessary, 
and  to  take  the  sentence  as  the  expression 
of  a  thought  (*  let  them  rather  perish  by 
right  of  warfare ')  with  the  verb  of  think- 
ing omitted  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  38  a\ 
The  transition  is  somewhat  harsh,  but 
less  so  than  if  *  ut '  were  altered  to  '  at ' 
(with  Haase). 

3.  evaserant,  sc.  *  in  muros '  or  '  moe- 
nia ' ;  the  full  expression  is  used  by  Livy 
(2.17,5;  10  17,  7),  who  appears  to  follow 
Verg.  Aen.  2 ,  458  (*  evado  ad  summi  fas- 
tigia  culminis').  The  verb  is  also  used 
in  the  sense  of  'ascending'  by  Sallust 
(lug.  52,  3,  &c.), 

4.  arma  .  .  .  urbes.  For  the  change 
from  asyndeta  to  clauses  connected  by 
particles,  and  the  variations  in  these,  cp. 


I.  II,  6,  and  note,  also  c.  39,  3  ;  64,  3, 
&c.  Such  variations  occur  in  other 
authors,  e.g.  Liv.  9.  14,  11,  'caedunt 
pariter  resistentes  fusosque,  inermes  atque 
armatos,  servos  liberos,  puberes  impubes, 
homines  iumentaque '. 

impediti  vel  eminentes.  Thesitua-j 
tion  of  Uspe  was  on  an  eminence,  besides) 
being  fortified  (c  16,  3). 

5.  iuxta  =  '  pariter ' :  cp.  1 1.  33,  i,  and 
note. 

6.  pensitato:  cp.  3.  52,  4,  and  note. 

7.  gentilis  =  'gentis  suae':  cp.  ii, 
I,  2  ;  also  'gentile  imperium'  (6.  32,  5). 

8.  procubuit,  'prostrated  himself': 
cp.  I.  12,  I,  &c.  The  effigy  of  Caesar 
was  carried  with  the  standards  (cp.  1 5. , 
24,  3).  Artabanus  in  similar  manner 
'aquilas  et  signa  Romana  Caesarumque 
imagines  adoravit '  (Suet.  Cal.  14).  Cp. 
Domaszewski,  Relig.  d.  rom.  Heeres,  p.  1 1, 

magna  gloria,  abl.  abs. 

10.  ab  amne  Tanai.  Orelli  notes  that 
this  river  was,  in  Roman  idea,  one  of  the 
extremities  of  the  known  world :  cp.  '  ex- 
tremum  Tanain  si  biberes '  (Hor.  Od.  3. 
10,  i). 

1 1 .  quia,  *  inasmuch  as ',  Nipp.  notes 
a  similar  use  in  14.  22,  4. 

quae.  This  is  the  reading  of  Med. : 
Halm  and  Dr.  follow  Nipp.  in  reading 
*  quippe '  on  the  supposition  that  the 
troops  are  supplied  as  the  subject  of  *  re- 
meabant '.  It  seems,  however,  possible  to 
retain  the  reading  of  Med.  if  the  phrase 
'  quae  mari  remeabant '  is  not  pressed  to 
mean  anything  more  than  '  on  their  sea- 
voyage  home '.  This  is  better  than  to  de- 
fend the  reading  by  the  supposition  that 
'  remeabant '  conveys  the  meaning  that  the 
ships  were  returning  loaded  with  troops. 
Ritter  imagines  that  '  Pontico '  may  have 
dropped  out ;  but  this  would  hardly  be  a 


82 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  49 


Taurorum  delatas   circumvenere   barbari,  praefecto  cohortis  et 
plerisque  auxiliarium  interfectis. 

18.    Interea  Mithridates  nuUo  in  armis  subsidio  consultat  cuius  1 
misericordiam  experiretur.     frater  Cotys,  proditor  olim,  deinde 
5  hostis,  metuebatur :  Romanorum  nemo  id  auctoritatis  aderat  ut 
promissa  eius  magni  penderentur.     ad  Eunonen  convertit,  pro-  2 
priis  odiis  non  infensum  et  recens  coniuncta  nobiscum  amicitia 
validum.     igitur  cultu  vultuque  quam  maxime  ad  praesentem  3 
fortunam  comparato  regiam  ingreditur  genibusque  eius  provo- 
lo  lutus  'Mithridates'  inquit  *  terra  marique  Romanis  per  tot  annos 
quaesitus  sponte  adsum :  utere,  ut  voles,  prole  magni  Achae- 
menis,  quod  mihi  solum  hostes  non  abstulerunt/ 


correct  designation  of  the  Palus  Maeotis. 
The  genit.  '  naviutn '  resembles  *  co- 
hortium'  in  c.  15,  i,  and  many  others 
(Introd.  i.  v.  §  32  c). 

,  I.  Taurorum.  This  people  were 
Sknown  to  Herodotus,  who  represents 
them  (4.  99,  3)  as  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Crimea.  He  distinguishes  them  from 
Scythians  proper,  and  would  perhaps 
connect  them  with  their  predecessors, 
the  half-legendary  Cimmerians  (4.  12,  i). 
He  also  mentions  (4.  103,  i)  their  savage 
worship  of  the  Uapdivos.  In  a  wider  sense 
they  were  no  doubt  a  Scythic  race,  and 
are  so  called  by  Strabo  (7.  4,  2,  p.  308), 
who  mentions  their  piratical  habits  and 
hostility  to  strangers. 

2.  plerisque  =  ' permultis',  cp.  3.  i,  2, 
and  note. 

auxiliarium,  the  soldiers  of  the  co- 
horts (c.  15,  i).  This  correction  of 
Lips,  for  Med.  '  consiliarium '  has  been 
generally  followed.     The  old  edd.  read 

•  consularium ' ;  but  there  could  have  been 
none  of  such  rank  in  this  force  (see  on 
c.  18,  i).  Some  have  followed  Rhen.  in 
reading  the  correction  of  an  inferior  MS., 

*  centurionum '. 

interfectis,  aoristic  perf. :  cp.  Introd. 
i.  V.  §  54  b. 

4.  frater  Cotys  :  see  c.  15,  i. 
proditor  olim.    A  story  is  preserved  by 

the  Byzantine  writer  Petrus  Patricius  (see 
Momms.  Hist,  v.  379,  2  ;  E.  T.  ii.  46,  i), 
that  Mithridates  (whom  he  confuses  with 
the  Armenian  king  of  that  name)  medi- 
tated revolt,  but,  to  keep  up  the  api>ear- 
ance  of  fidelity,  sent  to  Rome  his  brother 
Cotys,  who  there  informed  against  him, 
and  received  the  kingdom  as  his  reward. 

5.  nemo  id  auctoritatis.  This  ex- 
pression is  an.  tip.,  founded  on  the  analogy 


of  the  Ciceronian  *  id  temporis '  (cp.  c.  8, 
2,  and  note),  'id  aetatis'  (5.  9,  3).  The 
Roman  commander  was  only  a  knight 
(c.  15,  I). 

6.  convertit,  intrans.,  as  in  3.  35,  3; 
4.  3,  3. 

propriis,  'personal'.  He  had  only 
become  his  enemy  to  please  the  Romans. 

7.  non  infensum.  All  recent  edd. 
follow  Ryck.  and  Em.  in  thus  inserting 
the  negative,  after  MS.  Agr.  The  alterna- 
tive emendation,  '  inoffensum ',  suggested 
by  Jac.  Gron.  and  approved  by  Madvig 
(Adv.  ii.  551),  is  hardly  supported  by  such 
passages  as  1 3.  30,  4.  Eunones  would  be 
the  more  influential  ('validus':  cp.  4.  12, 
6  ;  6.  8,  4,  &c.)  with  the  Romans,  as  they 
had  themselves  sought  his  alliance  (c.  15, 
2).  The  adverbial  use  of  *  recens  '  is  not 
found  in  the  minor  writings  of  Tacitus, 
nor  in  Cic.  or  Caes.,  but  is  otherwise  not 
uncommon. 

8.  cultu  vultuque.  Dr.  notices  that 
any  such  play  on  words  (cp.  '  famam 
fatumque'  Agr.  42,  4)  is  rare  in  Tacitus 
and  in  historians  generally,  more  common 
in  Cicero,  most  of  all  in  Apuleius. 

9.  genibus . .  provolutus:  cp.  1 1. 30,  i. 

11.  prole  magni  Achaemenis.  His/ 
ancestor,  the  great  Mithridates  (see  onj 
c.  15,  i),  is  said  by  Justin  (38.  7.  i)  'pa-| 
ternos  maiores  suos  a  Cyro  Darioque, . .  .! 
matemos  a  Magno  Alexandro  et  Nicatore , 
Seleuco  .  .  .  referre '.  Achaemenes  is  re-  \ 
presented  as  great-grandfather  of  Cyrus' 
(Hdt.  7.  II,  3),  and  founder  of  the  family^ 
of  the  Achaemenidae,  to  which  all  the, 
Persian  kings  belonged  (Id.  i.  125,  5).| 
Horace  uses  '  dives  Achaemenes'  (Od.  2.^ 
1 2 ,  2 1 )  as  a  name  for  a  typical  Eastern  king. 

12.  quod,  'which  possession',  i.e.  the 
glory  of  this  ancestry. 


A.  D.  49] 


LIBER  XIL      CAP.   17-20 


83 


1  19.  At  Eunones  claritudine  viri,  mutatione  rerum  et  prece 
baud  degeneri  permotus,  adlevat  supplicem  laudatque  quod 
gentem  Aorsorum,  quod  suam  dextram  petendae  veniae  dele- 

2  gerit.     simul  legates  litterasque  ad  Caesarem  in  hunc  modum 
mittit :  populi  Romani  imperatoribus,  magnarum  nationum  re-  5 
gibus  primam  ex  similitudine  fortunae  amicitiam,  sibi  et  Claudio 

3  etiam  communionem  victoriae  esse,  bellorum  egregios  finis 
quoties  ignoscendo  transigatur  :  sic  Zorsini  victo  nihil  ereptum. 

4  pro  Mithridate,  quando  gravius  mereretur,  non  potentiam  neque 
regnum  precari,  sed  ne  triumpharetur  neve  poenas   capite  ex-  10 
penderet. 

1  20.  At  Claudius,  quamquam  nobilitatibus  externis  mitis,  dubi- 
tavit  tamen  accipere  captivum  pacto  salutis  an  repetere  armis  re- 

2  ctius  foret.  hinc  dolor  iniuriarum  et  libido  vindictae  adigebat :  sed 
disserebatur  contra  suscipi  bellum  avio  itinere,  importuoso  mari ;  15 
ad  hoc   reges  ferocis,  vagos  populos,   solum   frugum   egenum, 


2.  baud  degeneri,  *  not  undignified  * : 
cp.  '  preces  degenieres'  (c.  36,  6),  and 
similar  expressions  in  4.  38,4;  11.  19,  4; 
H.  3-  65, 4,  &c.  He  had  not  condescended 
to  stipulate,  but  had  relied,  as  a  king,  on 
the  generosity  of  a  brother  king. 

3.  suam  dextram,  *  his  good  faith ' 
(C.  and  B.):  cp.  'renovari  dextras' 
(=  'foediis')  in  2.  58,  i. 

delegerit,  so  with  gerundive  dat.  in 
2.  4,  2  ;  6.  43,  2,  &c. 

5.  imperatoribus  .  .  .  re  gibus.  The 
reading  of  the  older  editors,  *  magna- 
rumque ',  has  been  generally  set  aside  in 
recent  texts  for  the  Med.  as  above;  but 
the  asyndeton  is  harsh,  and  the  instances 
cited  by  Nipp.  hardly  apposite,  as  the 
parties  spoken  of  here  are  those  between 
whom  friendship  is  formed,  and  answer 
to  '  sibi  et  Claudio '  below. 

6.  primam  . . .  amicitiam,  *  friendship 
originates' :  on  '  fortuna',  in  the  sense  of 
rank,  cp.  ii.  30,  3,  &c 

8.  quoties  ignoscendo  transiga- 
tur, '  whenever  the  matter  is  ended  by  a 
pardon ' :  in  the  same  sense  impers.  in 
passive  in  G.  19,  3  (*  cum  spe  votoque 
uxoris  semel  transigitur '),  also  intrans. 
act.  in  H.  3.  46,  4;  Agr.  34,  4. 

9.  gravius  mereretur.  Nipp.  notes 
that,  thoutjh  the  sense  is  here  that  of  an 
adjective  (*  had  deserved  heavier  punish- 
ment'), the  construction  is  adverbial,  as 
in  *  bene',  'male  mereri',  &c. 

10.  ne  trivimpharetur,  *  that  he  should 
not  be  led  in  triumph ' :  so  '  triumphati 

G 


magis  quam  victi'  (G.  37,  6);  and  in 
Verg.,  Hor.,  Ov.,  &c. :  the  transitive  active 
sense  is  of  later  use. 

poenas  .  .  .  expenderet,  a  poetical 
expression,  here  apparently  taken  by 
Tacitus  from  Veigil  (Aen.  10,  669;  11, 
358).  ,  , 

12.  nobilitatibus,  'princes'  (abstr.  for 
concrete;  cp.  Introd.  i.  v.  §  i),  so  used! 
(as  also  '  nobilis ')  of  royal  or  princely 
rank  in  c.  37,  i;  53,  3;  13-  12,  2;  14. 
26,  I.  A  similar  dative  with  'mitis'  is 
found  in  Agr.  1 6,  3  ('  paenitentiae  mitior'), 
and  with  'inmitis'  in  14.  23,  3:  cp. 
'adrogans  minoribus'  (11.  21,  4). 

13.  repetere,  'to  recover  him',  like 
'  res  repetere ',  &c. 

14.  hinc  =  *  ab  hac  parte ',  as  in 
3.  10,  6:  'adigere'  can  be  used  abso- 
lutely (cp.  15.  33,  I,  and  note);  so  that 
the  correction  '  hue ',  adopted  by  Nipp. 
and  Jacob  after  Lips.,  seems  needless. 
In  Gerber  and  Greef,  Lex.,  'vindictae' 
is  less  well  taken  as  dat.  The  '  iniuriae ' 
would  appear  to  consist  in  his  having 
meditated  revolt  (see  on  c.  18,  i),  after 
having  received  his  kingdom  as  a  gift 
from  Claudius  (see  on  c.  15,  1). 

1 5.  suscipi  = '  suscipiendum  esse  * :  so 
'  incipi'  in  2.  76,  4. 

importuoso  :  cp.  4.  67,  2,  and  note. 
The  ablatives  here  are  absolute. 

1 6.  ad  hoc, '  besides '  (  =  vpbs  Touroty), 
as  in  c  34,  i  ;  13.  34>  5  5  M-  24,  a, 
&c. 

egenum*    cp.    i.    53,    3,   and   note; 


84 


CORNELII  TACITl  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D. 


49 


taedium  ex  mora,  pericula  ex  properantia,  modicam  victoribus 
laudem  ac  multum  infamiae,  si  pellerentur.   quin  adriperet  oblata  3 
et  servaret  exulem,  cui  inopi  quanto  longiorem  vitam,  tanto  plus 
supplicii  fore,     his  permotus  scripsit   Eunoni,  meritum  quidem  4 

5  novissima  exempla  Mithridaten,  nee  sibi  vim  ad  exequendum 
deesse :  verum  ita  maioribus  placitum,  quanta  pervicacia  in 
hostem,  tanta  beneficentia  adversus  supplices  utendum ;  nam 
triumphos  de  populis  regnisque  integris  adquiri. 

21.    Traditus    posthac    Mithridates    vectusque    Romam   perl 

10  lunium  Cilonem,  procuratorem  Ponti,  ferocius  quam  pro  fortuna 
disseruisse  apud  Caesarem  ferebatur,  elataque  vox  eius  in  vulgum 
hisce  verbis  :  '  non  ^um  remissus  ad  te,  sed  reversus  :  vel  si  non 
credis,  dimitte  et  quaere.'     vultu  quoque  interrito  permansit,  cum  2 
rostra   iuxta  custodibus  circumdatus  visui  populo  praeberetur. 

i.s  consularia  insignia  Cilorii,  Aquilae  praetoria  decernuntur. 


here  a  correction  from  MS.  Agr.  for  Med. 
'  egentum '  (in  margin  *  egens  turn '). 

1 .  properantia  = '  properatione ' ;  only 
here  and  in  Sail.  lug.  36,  3. 

2.  quin  adriperet,  *  why  not  seize  the 
offer ',  equivalent  to  *  qui»  adripe  *  in 
oratio  recta  :  cp.  *  quin  .  .  .  accingeretur ' 
(H.  3.  66,  6). 

3.  servaret  exulem,  '  keep  him  alive, 
but  in  exile '. 

4.  meritum  . .  .  novissima  exempla. 
The  expression  is  repeated  in  15.  44,  8, 
and  '  novissima '  means  *  the  uttermost  * 
in  6.  50,  8  (where  see  note) :  'exemplum' 
is  used  for  *  punishment '  in  Caes.  B.  G.  i. 
31,  12  ('omnia  exempla  cruciatusqne 
edere'),  and  a  few  other  places  (cp.  14. 
44,  7,  and  note). 

6.  pervicacia,  in  good  sense  ('resolu- 
tion'): cp.  'recti  pervicax'  (H.  4.  5,  4). 
The  thought  seems  taken  from  that  of 
Vergil  (Aen.  6,  854),  'Parcere  subiectis  et 
debellare  superbos'. 

in  .  .  .  adversus,  interchanged,  as 
inc.  55,3;  6.  I,  5,&c. 

8.  integris,  perhaps  best  taken  with 
Rupertias  =  *universis'  (whole  peoples  as 
opposed  to  single  individuals).  Others 
would  take  it  as  'unimpaired'.  Mithri- 
dates had  already  been  driven  from  his 
kingdom  by  Cotys. 

10.  lunivim  Cilonem.  The  Med. 
*  Colonem '  is  thus  corrected  from  Dio, 
who  gives  a  story  (60.  33,  5)  of  his  accu- 
sation for  extortion,  and  of  Narcissus  as 
telling  Claudius  that  the  accusers  (whose 
voices  were  drowned  by  a  tumult)  were 


praising  his  government ;  whereupon  the 
emperor,  without  further  inquiry,  gave 
him  two  years'  extension  of  his  office. 
'  Cilo '  and  '  Chilo '  are  both  Roman 
names,  differing  in  their  etymology  (see 
Nipp.),  but  sometimes  confounded  in 
coins  (Eckh.  v.  p.  212)  and  inscriptions 
(see  'Pros.  Imp.  R.  3.  236). 

procuratorem  Ponti.  Dio  (1.  c.) 
wrongly  calls  him  governor  of  Bithynia, 
which,  with  part  of  Pontus,  was  a 
senatorial  province  under  procohsuls  of 
praetorian  rank  (see  on  c.  22,  4,  also  i. 
74,  I,  and  note).  Junius  was  'pro- 
curator Caesaris '  in  Pontus. 

ferocius,  '  with  more  spirit '. 

1 1 .  elata  ...  in  vulgum,  *  became 
publicly  known ' :  '  efferre '  has  the  force 
of  *  eloqui '  in  6.  9,  i. 

12.  reversus.  Nipp.  notes  that  Tacitus 
here  uses  the  less  classical  deponent  form 
of  the  perfect,  probably  on  account  of  the 
proximity  of  *  remissus  '.  Claudius  had 
originally  given  him  the  kingdom  (see  on 
c.  15,  i);  so  that  he  means  to  say  'you 
sent  me  there,  and  I  have  come  back  to 
you  of  my  own  free  will '. 

1 3.  dimitte  et  quaere,  *  set  me  free 
again  and  catch  me  if  you  can  *. 

14.  rostra  iuxta  :  for  the  anastrophe 
cp.  2.  41,  I ;  Introd.  i.  v.  §  77,  I.  Taci- 
tus makes  no  further  mention  of  Mithri- 
dates, who  is  stated  by  Plutarch  (Galb.  15, 
1059)  to  have  been  put  to  death  by  Galba 
for  complicity  in  the  treason  of  Nymphidius 
Sabinus  (on  whom  see  15.  72,  3  and  note). 

J  5.  consularia  insignia,  &c.  On  such  ^ 


A.  D.  49J 


LIBER  XII.      CAP.  20-22 


85 


1  22.  Isdem  consulibus  atrox  odii  Agrippina  ac  Lolliae  infensa, 
quod  secum  de  matrimonio  principis  certavisset,  molitur  crimina 
et  accusatorem  qui  obiceret  Chaldaeos,  magos  interrogatumque 

2  Apollinis  Clarii  simulacrum  super  nuptiis  imperatoris.  exim 
Claudius  inaudita  rea  multa  de  claritudine  eius  apud  senatum  5 
praefatus,  sorore  L.  Volusii  genitam,  maiorem  ei  patruum 
Cottam  Messalinum  esse,  Memmio  quondam  Regulo  nuptam 
(nam  de  G.  Caesaris  nuptiis  consulto  reticebat),  addidft  perni- 
ciosa  in  rem  publicam  consilia  et  materiem  sceleri  detrahendam : 

3  proin  publicatis  bonis  cederet  Italia,     ita  quinquagfes  sestertium  10 
ex  opibus  immensis  exuli  relfctum.    et  Calpurnia  ihlustrrs  femina 
pervertitur,  quia  formam  eius  laudaverat  princeps,  nulla  libidine, 
sed  fortuito  sermone,  unde  ira  Agrippinae  citra  ultima  stetit. 


'insignia*  or  'omamenta'  see  11.  38,  5, 
and  note.  The  fact  that  Cilo  received  a 
higher  distinction  than  the  knight  Aquila, 
who  had  certainly  done  much  more  (c.  15, 

1,  foil.),  would  suggest  that  Tacitus 
IS  wrong,  and  Dio  right,  in  the  rank 
assigned  to  him  (see  above) :  on  the  other 
hand,  Graecinus  Laco,  as  procurator  of 
Gaul,  received  a  similar  honour  (Dio,  60, 
23,  3;  C.  I.  L.  5.  3340);  and  Suet.,  who 
says  (CI.  24)  'omamenta  consularia  etiam 
procurator! bus  ducenariis  indulsit',  seems 
to  be  alluding  especially  to  this  case  y  as 
Nipp.  points  out  that  a  procurator  of 
Pontus  and  Bithynia  is  styled  SovKijvdpios 
('  receiving  a  salary  of  200,000  HS ')  in 
C.  I.  G.  2509. 

1.  atrox  odii,  *  unrelenting  in  her 
hatred'.  This  genii,  {air.  dp.)  is  analo- 
gous to  those  with  *  ferox '  (4.  1 2,  3)  and 
others:  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  33  e,  7. 

Ijolliae  :  see  c.  i,  3,  and  note. 

2.  molitur,  taken  by  zeugma  with 
'accusatorem':  cp.  11.  12,  i. 

3.  Chaldaeos,  magos,  used  in  a  preg- 
nant sense  for  the  consultation  of  such 
persons:  for  other  such  instances  in 
which  the  sense  of  a  participle  or  abstract 
noun  is  thus  supplied  cp.  i.  68,  6;  15. 
36,  1 ;  Introd.  i.  v.  §  80.  On  the  Chal- 
daeans  (astrologers)   and   magicians  see 

2.  27,  2  (and  note);  and,  on  the  measures 
taken  against  them,  c  53,  3  ;  3.  32,  5,  and 
note. 

4.  Apollinis  Clarii  simulacrum.  We 
should  rather  have  expected  '  oraculum  ' ; 
but  it  must  apparently  be  understood  that 
she  was  alleged  to  have  consulted,  pro- 
bably through  persons  sent  for  the  purpose, 
the  famous  oracle  at  Colophon  (on  which 


see  2.  54,  3,  and  note) :  for  we  can  hardly" 
suppose,  with  Ritter,  that  some  image  of 
the  god  kept  at  Rome  was  interrogated. 
On  the  criminality  of  consultations  of  any 
sort  concerning  the  imperial  family  see 
c.  52,  I J  3,  2  3,  2,  and  note. 

5.  inaudita, '  unheard  in-  her  defence', 
a  Tacitean  sense  of  the  word  :  see  2.  77, 
5  (and  note)  ;  4.  11,  2. 

6.  L.  Volusii:  see  13.  30,  4,  and 
note:  on  Cotta  Messalinus  see  2.  32,  2, 
and  note;  on  P.  Memmius  Regulus  see 
5.  II,  I  (and  note);  14.  47,  i;  on  the 
marriage  of  Lollia  to  Cxaius  see  note  on 
c.  I,  3- 

8.  pemiciosa,  sc.  *  esse '.  It  is  also 
possible  (with  Nipp.)  to  supply  some  such 
word  as  'prohibenda'  by  zeugma  from 
*  detrahendam'. 

9.  materiom,  '  her  means  for  criminal  . 
enterprise',  i.e.  her  wealth  (on  which  see 
note  on  c.  i,  3) :  the  word  is  often  used 
similarly  of  cause  or  opportunity. 

10.  cederet  Italia.  The  expression 
would  seem  to  denote  not  full '  exilium  ' 
but  '  relegatio ',  which  was  not  necessarily 
or  usually  accompanied  by  forfeiture  of 
property  (see  Marquardt,  Staatsv.  ii.  287). 
The  sum  of  five  million  HS,  represented 
as  a  pitiful  fraction  of  her  former  wealth, 
illustrates  the  remark  of  Seneca  (ad  Helv. 
12,4)'  maius  viaticum  exulum,  quam  olim 
patrimonium  principum  fuit '. 

11.  inlustris  femina.  These  words 
distinguish  her  from  the  Calpurnia  of 
II.  30,  I.  Her  return  from  exile  is  men- 
tioned in  14.  12,  5. 

13.  ira  Agrippinae,  See,  *  the  resent- 
ment of  Agrippina  stopped  short  of  the 
last  extremity '.     *  ira '  is  a  correction  by 


86 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  49 


in  Lolliam  mittitur  tribunus,  a  quo  ad  mortem  adigeretur.  damna-  4 
tus  et  lege  repetundarum  Cadius  Rufus  accusantibus  Bithynis. 

23.    Galliae  Narbonensi  ob  egregriam  in  patres  reverentiam  1 
datum  ut  senatoribus  eius   provinciae   non   exquisita   principis 
5  sententia,  iure  quo  Sicilia  haberetur,  res  suas  invisere  liceret. 
Ituraeique  et  ludaei  defunctis  regibus  Sohaemo  atque  Agrippa  2 


..sA. 


the  first  hand  of  '  ire  *.  The  letters  in 
Med.  are  faded  and  the  correction  has  led 
to  misunderstanding.  The  old  editors 
followed  G.  in  reading  'vis'.  The  passage 
is  an  evident  reminiscence  of  Ov.  Tr.  2, 
127  (^'citraque  necem  tua  constitit  ira'). 
'Stare'  has  this  sense  in  H.  4.  67,  3  ;  Agr. 
i6,  5. 

1.  in  Lolliam,  &c.  Dio  states  (60. 
32,  4)  that  her  head  was  brought  to 
Agrippina,  who  carefully  identified  it  by 
examining  some  peculiarity  in  the  teeth. 
Her  ashes  were  brought  back  for  burial 
to  Rome  after  her  persecutor's  death  (14. 
12,6). 

2.  Cadius  Kufus,  proconsul  of  Bithynia 
(see  note  on  c.  21,  i)  in  or  before  801, 
A.  D.  48 ;  as  would  appear  from  coins  of 
that  province  bearing  the  heads  of  Messa- 
lina  and  Britannicus  with  the  inscription 
Wi  Vatov  Fadiov  'Pov(pov  dvOvnarov  (^Eckh. 
ii.  402  ;  Mionn.  ii.  450  f. ;  Supp.  v.  81  f.). 
He  appears  to  have  been  expelled  from 
the  senate,  and  to  have  been  restored  to  it 
twenty  years  later  by  Otho  (H.  i.  77,  6). 
,  3.  Galliae  Narbonensi.  This  old 
/Gallic  province  was  under  senatorial  rule, 
I  and  was  completely  Romanized  ('  Italia 

verius  quam  provincia',  Plin.  N.  H.). 
'      4.  ut   senatoribus,  &c.      Under  the 
-Republic,  absent  senators  could  be  com- 
pelled to  return  to  Rome  by  the  consuls 
(see  Momms.  Staatsr.  iii.  912),  and  those 
I  Avho  wished  to  be  absent  on  private  busi- 
I  ness  for  some  time  usually  availed  them- 
j  selves  of  the  fiction  of  '  legatio  libera '. 
1  Augustus,  who  had  made  an  ordinance 
i  soon  afier  Actium  forbidding  senators  to 
'reside   out  of  Italy  without   permission 
':(cp.  6.  14,  3),  had  made  an  exception 
I  allowing  those  who  had  property  in  Sicily 
5'to  visit  it  when  they  pleased  (Dio,  52.  42, 
'6).     The  further  extension  here  granted 
\  by  Claudius  was  the  only  one  down  to 
jthe  time  of  Dio  (see  1.  1.).      Under  the 
early  Empire,  the  senate  retained  its  power 
to  grant  '  legatio  libera '  (Suet.  Tib.  31); 
but  Claudius  is  stated  to  have  taken  into 
his  own  hands  all  privilege  of  granting 
leave  of  absence  to  individuals  (Suet.  CI. 
23 ;  Dio,  60.  25,  6).    On  the  vast  estates 


held  by  many  senators  in  the  provinces 
see  Friedl.  i.  p.  218,  foil. 

5.  iure  quo  =  *eodem  iure  quo':  cp. 
2.  63,  2,  and  note. 

6.  Ituraei.  This  people,  called  an  I 
Arab  race  by  Dio  (59.  12,  2),  had  been! 
in  part  conquered  by  the  Jewish  king' 
Aristobulus  in  B.C.  100  (Jos.  Ant.  13.  11,: 
3),  had  been  subjected  to  the  Romans  by 
Pompeius  in  691,  B.C.  63  (App.  Mithr. 
106),  had  formed  part  of  the  dominion 
(Jos.  Ant.  15. 10,  I )  placed  under  the  rule 
of  Herod  the  Great,  and  had  passed  to 
his  son  Philip  (St.  Luke  iii.  i).  They  are 
described  as  a  barbarous  and  predatory 
race,  furnishing  a  corps  of  archers  to  the 
Roman  army  (Bell.  Afr.  20,  2 ;  Cic.  Phil. 
2.  44,  112  ;  Strab.  16.  2,  18,  755  ;  Verg. 
G.  2,  448;  Luc.  7,  230;  Vopisc.  Aurel. 
II,  3). 

Sohaemo.  The  origin  of  this  prince 
does  not  appear  to  be  known.  He  was 
made  king  of  this  people  by  Gains  in  j 
A. D.  39,  and  confirmed  by  decree  of: 
the  senate  (Dio,  59.  12,  2).  On  other 
persons  of  the  name  see  13.  7,^  2,  and' 
Pros.  Imp.  R.  3.  251. 

Agrippa.  Herodes  Agrippa  I,  grand-; 
son  of  Herod  the  Great,  had  courted  the 
friendship  of  Gaius  in  the  lifetime  of 
Tiberius,  and  had  been  rewarded  by  him 
subsequently  with  the  gift  of  the  northern 
tetrarchies  of  Palestine  and  the  title  of 
king  (Jos.  Ant.  18.  6,  10;  7,  2).  His 
assistance  to  Claudius  during  the  crisis 
of  his  accession  had  been  rewarded  by  the 
addition  of  Judaea  and  Samaria  (Id.  19. 
5,  i) ;  so  that  his  dominion  was  equal  to 
that  of  Herod  the  Great,  and  'ludaei'  is 
here  taken  in  a  wide  sense.  His  coins 
bear  his  effigy,  with  the  title  ^aaiXfvs 
fjLtyas  'A'^pimras  ^L\oK\avdios  (Vise.  Ic. 
Gr.  PI.  48,  9).  His  death  (on  which  see 
Acts  xii.  23)  appears  from  Josephus  (19. 
8,  2)  to  have  taken  place  in  a.d.  44. 
Tacitus  may  perhaps  have  deferred  men- 
tion of  it  till  this  date  so  as  to  record 
together  the  incorporation  of  Ituraea  and 
Judaea.  It  is  also  suggested  (see  Mar- 
quardt  i.  253)  from  comparison  of  Jos. 
19.  9,  2  and  20.  I,  I,  that  the  formal  sub< 


A.  D.  49] 


LIBER  XII.      CAP.  22,   23 


87 


3  provinciae  Syriae  additi.     Salutis  auguriurti  quinque  et  septua- 

4ginta  annis  omissum  repeti  ac  deinde  continuari  placitum.     et 

pomerium  urbis  auxit  Caesar,  more  prisco,  quo  iis  qui  protulere 

5  imperium   etiam   terminos  urbis  propagare  datur.     nee  tamen 


K 


ordination  to  Syria  did  not  take  place  till 
Marsus  (11.  10,  i)  was  succeeded  by 
Cassius  (c.  12,  i). 

1.  provinciae  Syriae  additi.  This 
is  consistent  with  the  statement  in  Hist. 
5-  9>  5  C  Claudius  defunctis  regibus  aut 
ad  modicum  redactis  ludaeam  provinciam 
equitibus  Romanis  aut  libertis  permisit'), 
as  these  procurators  were  subordinate  to 
the  legatus  of  Syria.  Cuspius  Fadus  had 
been  appointed  procurator  of  Judaea  after 
Agrippa's  death  (Jos.  I9«  9,'3);  on  others, 
seec.  54,  I. 

Salutis  auffuriiun.  This  oluvifffta 
;  T^s  vyieias  is  explained  by  Dio  on  the 
relation  of  an  occasion  of  it  in  the  year 
of  Cicero's  consulship  (37.  24,  i).  Divi- 
nation was  resorted  to  by  the  augurs  to 
ascertain  d  (niTpeirei  acpiaiv  6  Oeds  vyUtav 
T^  5rifjLq)  alr^crai,  us  ovx  oaiov  6v  ov8k 
aiTTjaiv  avTTJs  vplv  avyxo^prjdrjvai  yevi' 
adai.  Kal  (reKuTo  kut'  eros  fj  ijntpa,  iv 
^  HT]div  CTparoKihov  firjTf  (irl  ir6\efiov 
i(rifi  flTjT  CLVTiiraptTaTTfTo  tkti  fJ^rjrf 
€fcdx«To.  He  adds  that  the  frequency  of 
foreign  and  civil  wars  had  made  the  op- 
portunities for  such  augury  few  and  far 
between,  and  that  in  the  year  mentioned, 
the  first  after  a  long  interval,  it  was  ques- 
tioned (cp.  '  addubitato  Salutis  augurio ' 
Cic.  de  Div.  i.  47,  105). 

quinque  et  septuaginta.  Med.  has 
*  quinque  et  xx ',  which  would  make  the 
last  occasion  to  have  been  in  A.  D.  24, 
when  Tacitus,  who  treats  of  that  time 
in  4.  1-16,  would  probably  have  made 
some  mention  of  it.  Modem  edd.  have 
therefore  followed  Ritter  (1838)  in  sup- 
posing that  '  L '  has  dropped  out  before 
'xx'  in  Med.,  so  as  to  give  an  at  least 
(approximately  correct  reference  to  725, 
\b.c.  29,  when  Dio  (51.  20,  4)  records 
'such  an  augury  as  taken  by  Augustus. 
We  have  no  record  of  any  intermediate 
occasion,  unless  Suet.  (Aug.  31)  is  to  be 
taken  to  mean  that  Augustus  revived  it 
as  an  annual  custom,  which  may  have 
dropped  again  by  reason  of  wars  and  sub- 
sequent neglect. 

2 .  continuari,  *  to  be  made  continuous ', 
i.e.  annual. 

I  3.  pomerium  urbis.  Gellius  (13.  14, 
)i)  gives  the  definition  of  this  term  from 


the  books  of  augurs  :  *  locus  intra  agrum 
effatum  per  totius  urbis  circuitum  pone 
muros  regionibus  certis  determinatus,  qui 
facit  finem  urbani  auspicii '.  The  deriva- 
tion from  *  post  murum '  is  given  by  Varro 
(L.  L.  5.  §  143)  and  Plutarch  (Rom. 
11),  as  also  by  Livy  (i.  44,  4),  who 
however  notes  that  it  extended  within  as 
well  as  without  the  wall,  and  that  the 
consecration  of  such  a  space  (no  doubt 
for  military  reasons)  was  an  Etruscan 
custom.  The  interior  limit  was  ap^ 
parently  ignored  in  Livy's  time ;  the  ex)- 
terior  one  being  of  more  importance,  not 
only  as  the  limit  of  auspices  (see  Gell. 
above),  but  also  formerly  as  having  an 
important  bearing  on  the  circumscription 
of  the  authority  of  magistrates.  This, 
however,  had  become  practically  obsolete, 
as  the  proconsulare  imperium  and  tribu- 
nicia  potestas  of  the  princeps  had  no  local 
limit  (Introd.  i.  vi.  p.  71). 

auxit  =  '  extended'.  [Four  of  the  ter- 
minal *  cippi '  set  up  by  Claudius  to  mark 
the  outer  line  of  his  extended  pomerium 
have  been  found  (Huelsen,  Hermes  22, 
p.  615),  (i)  near  the  Porta  Salara,  (2) 
near  the  Piazza  Sforza-Cesarini,  (3)  on 
the  E.  slope  of  Monte  Testaccio,  (4)  near 
the  Porta  Metrovia.  The  position  of 
no.  3  confirms  the  statement  in  Gellius 
(13.  14)  that  Claudius  brought  the 
Aventine  within  the  pomerium.  The 
inscriptions  on  the  '  cippi '  state  that 
Claudius  *  auctis  P.  R.  finibus  pomerium 
ampliavit  terminavitque '  (C.  I.  L.  6. 
1232  foil.).  The  enlargement  of  the 
bounds  of  the  Roman  people,  referred  to, 
was  probably  not  the  conquest  of  Britain, 
but  some  extension  of  the  boundaries  of 
Italy,  possibly  the  incorporation  of  the 
Anauni  near  Trent  (Bruns,  Fontes  lur.  R. 
p.  240,  Detlefsen,  Hermes  21,  p.  544). 
According  to  the  authority  quoted  by 
Seneca  (,de  brevit.  vit.  13),  it  was  only 
the  acquisition  of  Italian  territory  that 
justified  the  extension  of  the  pomerium; 
but  Tacitus,  like  Vopiscus  (vita  Aureliani, 
21)  after  him,  may  have  been  unaware  of 
this  technical  distinction.  No  doubt 
Claudius'  proposed  extension  had  revived  ] 
the  interest  of  the  curious  in  the  matter, 
and  hence  Seneca's  knowledge.— P.] 


88 


CORNELIl  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  49 


duces  Romani,  quamquam  magnis  nationibus  subactis,  usurpa- 
verant  nisi  L.  Sulla  et  divus  Augustus. 

24.    Regum  in  eo  ambitio  vel  gloria  varie  vulgata  :  sed  initium  1 
condendi,  et  quod  pomerium  Romulus  posuerit,  noscere  baud 
5  absurdum  reor.     igitur  a  foro  boario,  ubi  aereum  tauri  simula-  2 
crum  aspicimus,  quia  id  genus  animalium  aratro  subditur,  sulcus 


2.  nisi  Xi.  Sulla  et  divus  Augustus. 
On  this  point  we  have  considerable  dis- 
crepancy of  authorities.     The  action  of 
Sulla   is  attested   by  Seneca  (1.  c.)  and 
Gell.  (1.  c.)  ;  but  in  the  former  passage 
(written  probably  before  this  act  of  Clau- 
dius) he  is  said  *  ultimum   Komanorum 
protulisse  pomerium',  and  Gellius  makes 
no   mention  of  Augustus,  but  mentions 
Julius  Caesar,  who  is  also  said  by  Dio 
(43.  50,  I  ;  cp.  44.  49,  i)  to  have  done 
:  so,  and  certainly  seems  at  least  to  have 
published  an  intention  of  adding  to  the 
'■  city  (cp.  *  de  urbe  augenda  quid  sit  pro- 
mulgatum  non  intellexi '  Cic.  Att.  13.  20, 
I  ;  also  33,  4;  35,  i).    The  extension  by 
;  Augustus  is  attested  by  Dio  (55. 6,  6)  and 
i  the   'vita   Aureliani'  (21,    11),  but   the 
!  absence  of  mention  in  Seneca  and  Gellius, 
and  the  still  more  important  silence  of 
'•■  the  *  Monumentum  Ancyranum '  and  *  lex 
;  de  imperio  Vespasiani'  (see  above)  throw 
i  great  doubt  on  the  statement,  which  may 
be    an   error   of  some    authority   whom 
;  Tacitus  and  others  have  followed,  arising 
I  out  of  some  definition  of  boundaries,  which 
I  Augustus    does    appear    to  have  made, 
j  and  which  may  have  arisen,  as  Mommsen 
;  thinks  (Staatsr.   ii.  1072,  3),  out  of  his 
partition  of  the  city  into  *  regiones '.     On 
the  later  extensions  by  Nero,  Vespasian, 
Titus,  Trajan,  and  Aurelian  see  Momms. 

1073,  ?>' 

3.  Begum,  &c.,  'various  traditions  are 
current  as  to  the  vanity  (cp.  14.  22,  4; 

'29,  I,  &c )  or  renown  of  kings  in  that 

matter ' ;    i.  e.  as  to  kings  of  Rome  who 

had    enlarged    the    pomerium,   whether 

through  vanity   in   respect  of  pretended 

conquests  or  to  record  the  glory  of  real 

1  ones.     Livy  mentions  no  other  extension 

]  of  the  pomerium  besides  that  by  Servius 

jTuUius  (i.  44,  3),  but  records  enlarge- 

'  ments  of  the  city  by  Tullus  (i.  30,  i)  and 

Ancus  (i.  33,  i). 

initium  condendi,  *  the  commence- 
ment of  the  foundation  of  Rome ',  the  lead- 
ing points  of  the  original  enclosure. 

4.  noscere  h.aud  absurdum  reor.  A 
similar  expression  of  quasi-apology  for 
the  introduction  of  a  digression  or  anti- 


quarian note  is  given  in  4.  65,  i ;  6.  28, 
2  ;  H.  3.  51,  4;  4.  48,  I.  'Noscere',  'to 
trace  out'  or  '  investigate',  as  in  i.  73,  1 ; 
4,  33,  2,  &c. 

5.  igitur.  [The  outer  boundary  of  this 
ancient  pomerium  clearly  ran  round  the 
base  of  the  entire  Palatine  mount  ('per 
ima  mentis  Palatini'  (infra)  comp.  Gellius 
13.  14,  'Palatini  mentis  radicibus  ter- 
minabatur  *)  at  some  distance  below  the 
walls  of  the  Palatine  city.  See  Jordan, 
Top.  i.  I,  pp.  163  foil.,  Gilbert,  Top.  i. 
pp.  119  foil. —P.] 

a  foro  boario.  [Near  San  Giorgio  in 
Velabro,  thence  the  line  ran  along  the 
modem  Via  dei  Cerchi,  between  the  Pala- 
tine and  Aventine  ;  round  the  foot  of  the 
hill,  between  the  Palatine  and  Caelian  to 
the  Sacellum  I.arum  near  the  Arch  of 
Titus,  and  so  to  the  Forum  Romanum. 
The  points  named  (ara  Consi,  curiae 
veteres,  sacellum  Larum),  were  probably 
turning-points  in  the  line,  and  specially 
marked  by  terminal  'cippi'. — P.] 

aereum  tauri  simulacrum.  This 
statue  cannot  have  given  its  name  to  the 
'forum  boarium',  as  Ovid  (F.  6,  478) 
supposes,  but  was  no  doubt  placed  in  the 
cattle-market  as  an  appropriate  site,  being 
part  of  the  plunder  brought  from  Greece, 
and  the  chief  specimen  in  Rome  of  Aegi- 
netan  bronze  (PI.  N.  H.  34.  2,  5,  10). 
*  Quia '  has  no  reference  to  the  statue,  but  \ 
explains  the  reason  for  beginning  at  this  \ 
forum. 

6.  sulcus   designandi   oppidi.      On 
the  genit.  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  37  b.     The 
ceremony  is  described  by  Cato  (Origines, 
as  quoted  by  Serv.  on  Verg.  Aen.  5,  755), 
Varro  (L.  L.  v.  §  143  Mull.),  Dion.  Hal. 
(I.  88),  Ovid  (Fast.  4,  821,  foil.),  Plu- 
tarch (Rom.  11),  and  others;  whence  we| 
gather    that    the    founder    wearing    the| 
'  cinctus  Gabinus  *,  on  an  auspicious  day,  \ 
traced,  in  a  direction  always  keeping  to; 
the  left,  with  a  plough  drawn  by  a  white ' 
bull  on  the  off  and  a  white  cow  on  the 
near  side,  a  furrow  called  '  sulcus  primi-i 
genius',  round  a  circumference,  of  which 
the    excavation    termed    the    '  mundus ' 
formed  the  centre,  that  the  furrow  was; 


A.  D.  49] 


LIBER  XII.      CAP.  23,  24 


89 


designandi  oppidi  coeptus  ut  magnam  Herculis  aram  amplecte- 
3  retur ;  inde  certis  spatiis  interiecti  lapides  per  ima  mentis  Pala- 
tini ad  aram  Consi,  mox  curias  veteres,  tum  ad  sacellum  Larum, 
inde  forum  Romanum  ;  forumque  et  Capitolium  non  a  Romulo, 


i termed  the  'fossa'  and  the  earth  turned 
linside  from  it  the*  murus',  and  that  the 
plough  was  lifted  at  the  spaces  intended 
lor  gates.  This  circuit  was  the  outer 
3imit  of  the  pomerium,  within  which  the 
wall  of  defence  was  built  afterwards. 
The  ceremony  is  stated  to  be  of  Etruscan 
origin,  and,  if  so,  hardly  likely  to  have 
been  observed  in  founding  a  primitive 
Latin  city. 

1.  Heroulis  exam.  This  altar,  situated 
near  the  northern  end  or  *  carceres'  of  the 
Circus,  and  called  *  Ara  Maxima',  was 
originally  connected  with  the  hereditary 
priesthood  of  the  Potitii  and  Pinarii,  and 
was  in  all  probability  erected  to  the  true 
Italian  Hercules,  the  presiding  spirit  of 
the  homestead  and  of  property,  the  god 
of  good  faith  (Dius  Fidius) :  see  Momms. 
Hist.  Rom.  i.  ch.  12;  Seeley,  Inlrod.  to 
Livy,  p.  30.  Tradition,  however,  made 
it  belong  to  a  Greek  worship,  instituted 
by  Evander,  to  commemorate  the  slaying 
of  Cacus,  the  stealer  of  the  oxen  of 
Gerjon:  see  15.  41,  i ;  Verg.  Aen.  8, 
179,  foil.;  Prop.  4.  9,  68;  Liv.  i.  7;  Ov. 
Fast.  I,  543,  foil. 

2.  lapides,    *  boundary    stones',    the 

*  cippi  pomerii'  of  Varr.  L.  L.  4,  32.  It 
is  suggested  that  these  indications  of  the 
primitive  pomerium  were  kept  up  to 
mark  out  the  course  of  the  Luperci  (see 
Marquardt,  iii.  425). 

f  3.  aram  Consi.  This  *  ara  defossa ' 
((Tert.  de  Spect.  5)  near  the  'meta*  of  the 
Circus  was  exposed  to  view  only  during  the 
Consualia,  a  festival  held  with  circensian 
games  in  August,  and  said  to  have  been 
I  instituted  by  Romulus,  and  to  have  been 
;  the  occasion  of  the  rape  of  the  Sabines. 
Dion.  Hal.  (2.  31)  and  others  make  Consus 
another  name  for  Poseidon,  and -Livy  (i. 
:  9,  6)  represents  the  Consualia  as  held  to 

•  Neptunus  Equestris '  (on  which  see 
Seeley's  note) :  a  more  prevalent  tradi- 
tion makes  Consus  the  god  of  counsel, 
as  in  an  old  inscription  (ap.  Tert.  1.  1.), 
'Consus  consilio  Mars  duello  I^res  coillo 
(v.  1.  comitio)  potentes '.  Another  view 
(Pseud.  Ascon.  in  Cic.  Verr.  2.  10,  p.  142 
Or.)  somewhat  combines  these,  speak- 
ing of  worship  paid  to  Consus  '  consilio- 
rum  deo,  id  est  Neptuno  laticum  regi  et 
rerum  conditarum'.    Preller  (Myth.  R.  ii. 


24)  makes  Consus  an  earth  god,  con- 1 
necting    the    name    with    *  condere '    or 

*  conserere '. 

mox  curias  veteres.    Here,  and  with 

*  forum  Romanum '  below,  the  prep,  is 
supplied  from  the  context.  The  *  curiae 
veteres',  also  called  'Curia  vetus'  (No- 
titia)  or  'Curia  Prisca'  (Ov.  F.  3,  140), 
claimed  to  have  been  the  original  meeting- 
place  of  the  curiae,  and  continued  to  be 
used  for  four  of  those  bodies  after  the 
others  had  transferred  their  meetings  to 
the  'curiae  novae'  (Fest.  p.  174  M). 
No  other  indication  of  the  site  is  known 
than  that  given  by  the  order  of  names  in 
the  '  Notitia '  (cir.  A.  D.  300),  showing  it 
to  have  lain  somewhere  between  the  Sep- 
tizonium  and  the  Temple  of  Jupiter  Vic- 
tor (perhaps  'Stator')  :  [possibly,  as  Gil- 
bert ^^i.  194)  thinks,  at  a  point  near  the 
Arch  of  Constantine. — P.] 

sacellum  Larum.  This  is  generally 
supposed  to  be  the  'aedes  Larum  in 
summa  sacra  via '.  [Huelsen  (Rom. 
Mittheil.,  1905)  considers  this  identi- 
fication very  doubtful.  Whether  the 
remains  recently  uncovered  near  the  arch 
of  Titus  belong  to  the  aedes  Larum 
is  also  uncertain. — P.]  It  was  built  or 
perhaps  rebuilt  by  Augustus  (Mon. 
Anc.  4.  7),  and  was  dedicated  to  the 
ripwis  (Mon.  Anc.  Gr.),  or  Lares  'gemini 
qui  compita  servant',  the  legend  of  whose , 
birth  is  given  in  Ov.  Fast.  2,  599  foil.' 
(see  Momms.  on  Mon.  Anc.  1.  1.).  They 
are  to  be  distinguished  from  the  Penates, 
on  whom  see  15.  41,  i,  and  note.  Orelli, 
restoring  the  corrupt  Med.  text  differently 
(see  below),  reads  'Larundae',  a  form  of 
the  name  given  to  the  mother  of  the  Lares 
(see  Marquardt,  Staatsv.  iii.  p.  244);  but 
there  appears  to  be  record  only  of  an 
altar,not  a  shrine  to  this  goddess  or  nymph 
(Varr.  L.  L.  5.  74). 

4.  inde  forum  Bomanum;  forum- 
que. Halm,  Nipp,,  Dr.,  and  Jacob  so 
read,  after  Weissenbom,  for  the  Med. 
•laru  deforumq;'.  Orelli's  reading  is 
quoted  above;  Ritt.  places  a  semicolon 
at  '  Larum '  and  reads  '  dein  forumque ' ; 
others  read  'Larum  forumque  Romanum', 
separated  by  a  colon  from  '  et  Capito- 
lium'. Tacitus  appears  to  mean  to  say/ 
that  the  pomerium  skirted  the    Foruml 


90 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  49 


sed  a  Tito  Tatio  additum  urbi   credidere.     mox   pro   fortuna 
pomerium  auctum.     et  quos  turn   Claudius   terminos  posuerit,  4 
facile  cognitu  et  publicis  actis  perscriptum. 

25.    C.  Antistio  M.  Suillio  consulibus  adoptio  in  Domitium  1 

5  auctoritate  Pallantis  festinatur,  qui  obstrictus  Agrippinae  ut  con- 
ciliator nuptiarum   et   mox   stupro    eius    inligatus,    stimulabat 
Claudium  consuleret  rei  publicae,  Britannici   pueritiam  robore 
circumdaret :  sic  apud  divum  Augustum,  quamquam  nepotibus  2 
subnixum,  viguisse  privignos  ;  a  Tiberio  super  propriam  stirpem 

10  Germanicum  adsumptum :  se  quoque  accingeret  iuvene  partem 
curarum  capessituro.     his  evictus  triennio  maiorem  natu  Domi-  3 


withoDt  including  it,  and  that  people  in 
igeneral  have  believed  neither  it  nor  the 
jCapitol  to  be  parts  of  the  original  city, 
iRitter  w^ould  read  *  prodidere ',  others 
I*  tradidere  ',  so  as  to  make  the  reference 
(lie  not  to  general  belief  but  to  authori- 
jties.  It  is  stated  by  Dion.  Hal.  (2.  65) 
ithat  the  Temple  of  Vesta  (between  the 
■Palatine  and  Forum)  was  outside  TtTpa- 
•yojvos  'Fojfir),  also  (2.33)  that  the  Capitol 
[was  part  of  the  city  of  Tatius,  whom 
jLivy  (I.  II,  6),  Plutarch  (Rom.  17),  and 
others  represent  as  having  taken  it  from 
the  Romans.  It  was  probably  the  citadel 
of  the  Sabine  settlement  on  the  Quirinal, 
and  the  Forum  a  common  market  be- 
tween them  and  the  citizens  of  the  Pala- 
tine. It  is  to  be  observed  that  Tacitus  is 
;  wholly  silent  as  to  the  line  of  the  pome- 
rium from  the  Forum  to  the  starting- 
'  point.  Probably  he  may  have  thought  it 
needless  to  trace  it.  M.  Ampere  thinks 
that  the  marshy  character  of  the  ground 
prevented  the  line  from  being  accurately 
\  laid  down  in  that  quarter  in  ancient  times, 

1.  pro  fortuna,  'according  to  the 
acquisitions  made '. 

2.  auctum  :  cp.  '  auxit '  c.  23,  4. 
quos  turn  Claudius.     See  above  on 

23-  4- 

3.  publicis  actis.  Nipp.  thinks  this 
must  here  mean  not  the  *  acta  populi ' 
(3.  3,  2,  &c.),  but  inscriptions.  Ritt.  in- 
serts *  in  '  before  *  actis'  ;  but  the  simple 
abl.  can  be  used,  as  in  referring  to  a 
book. 

4.  C.  Antistio  M.  Suillio.  The  Fasti 
Antiates  (C.  I.  L.  i.  p.  327)  and  another 
inscription  (C.  I.  L.  10,  6637)  give  the 
full  names  C.  Antistius  Vetus,  M.  Suillius 
Nerullinus  ;  the  former  being  given  in  one 
of  them  as  cos.  ii.     He  is  probably  son  of 


the  consul  of  A.D.  23  (on  whom  see  4.  i, 
I,  and  note),  and  related  to  the  one  men- 
tioned in  13,  II,  I.  The  other  was  son 
of  the  Suillius  of  11.  i,  i,  and  brother  of 
the  Caesoninus  of  11.  36,  5  ;  and  his  cog- 
nomen may  probably,  as  Nipp.  suggests, 
have  been  assumed  in  honour  of  Nero  son 
of  Germanicus,  to  whom  the  father  Suil- 
lius had  been  quaestor  (4.  31,  5).  He  is 
shown  by  coins  (Eckh.  ii.  556)  to  have 
been  proconsul  of  Asia  under  Vespasian, 
and  may  (as  Nipp.  thinks)  have  been  suc- 
cessor in  that  office  to  Fonteius  Agrippa 
(H.  3.  46,  5)  in  A.D.  69-70. 

adoptio  in  Domitium  .  .  .  festi- 
natur. On  the  force  of  'in  '  cp.  c.  6,  5, 
and  note;  on  the  transitive  and  ^passive 
use  of  'festinare'  cp.  i.  6,  4,  and  note. 
The  day  of  adoption  is  shown  by  the 
Acta  Arvalium  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  i,  2041)  to 
have  been  Feb.  25.  Suetonius  (Ner.  7) 
appears  wrongly  to  place  it  a  year  earlier. 

5.  obstrictus,  '  pledged  to  her  ser- 
vice '. 

6.  stupro,  abl. ;  cp.  '  veneno  inli- 
garet'  (6.  33,  2). 

7.  robore,  *  with  the  strength  of  a  pro- 
tector ' :  cp.  the  expression  '  munimenta  ' 
used  of  heirs  in  i.  3,  5. 

9.  subnixum,  '  supported  by  '.  On  the! 

*  nepotes '  (Gains  and  Lucius)  and   the! 

*  privigni '  (Tiberius  and  Drusus),  and  onj 
the  adoption  of  Germanicus  by  Tiberius, : 
see  I.  3,  and  notes. 

10.  accingeret.  Drager  notes  that  this 
verb  nowhere  else  takes  an  abl.  of  person ; 
but  the  use  is  analogous  to  those  in 
which,  from  the  idea  of  girding  oneself 
with  a  sword,  it  comes  to  have  the  sense 
of  furnishing  or  providing  with  resources  : 
cp.  c.  44,  5,  and  note. 

1 1 .  triennio  maiorem  natu.    Nero  is 


A.  D.  50I 


LIBER  XII.      CAP.  24-26 


91 


tium  filio  anteponit,  habita  apud  senatum  oratione  eundem  in 
4  quern   a   liberto   acceperat   modum.     adnotabant  periti  nullam 

antehac  adoptionem  inter  patricios  Claudios  reperiri,  eosque  ab 

Atto  Clauso  continues  duravisse. 
1      26.    Ceterum  actae  principi  grates,  quaesitiore  in  Domitium  5 

adulatione;  rogataque  lex  qua  in  familiam  Claudiam  et  nomen 

Neronis  transiret.     augetur  et  Agrippina  cognomento  Augustae. 


known  from  Suet.  (Ner.  6)  to  have  been 
born  on  Dec.  1 5,  a.  D.  37,  and  must  there- 
fore have  been  at  this  time  twelve  years 
and  two  months  old.  That  Tacitus  knew 
his  age  correctly  appears  from  13.  6,  2 
(cp.  also  c.  58,  i).  Brilannicus  is  said 
elsewhere  (13.  15,  i)  to  have  been  about 
to  complete  his  fourteenth  year  at  the 
beginning  of  A.  D.  55 ;  a  computation 
which  agrees  with  the  statement  of 
Suet.  (CI.  27)  that  he  was  born  almost 
immediately  after  his  father  became 
princeps  (' vicesimo  imperii  die'),  i  e. 
Feb.  12  or  13,  a.d.  41.  Suet,  adds, 
inconsistently  (unless  'imperii'  refers  to 
the  consulate),  *  inque  secundo  consulatu ', 
which  would  place  the  birth  a  year  later 
still,  a  date  probably  copied  by  Dio  i,6o. 
12,  5),  but  apparently  refuted  by  a  coin  of 
Alexandria  of  A.D.  41,  in  which  both  chil- 
dren are  represented  with  Messalina  (Eckh. 
iv.  53 ;.  *  Triennio '  is  Freinsheim's  emen- 
dation of  Med.  '  biennio ',  and  is  adopted 
by  Nipperdey  (cf.  3.  31,  i),  and  the 
change  is  supported  by  the  inconsistency 
of  *  biennio '  with  the  reckoning  of  ages 
in  13.  6,  2,  and  13.  51,  i. 

I.  Alio  anteponit.  By  adoption  he 
became  his  equal  in  position,  and  would 
then  naturally  take  precedence  as  the 
elder.  Thus  his  name  comes  before  that 
of  Britannicus  in  an  inscription  cited  by 
Lehmann  (B.  4.  No.  399).  Germanicus 
had  a  similar  precedence  over  Drusus,  son 
of  Tiberius.  Such  cases  would  not  exist 
in  ancient  times,  when  only  those  who 
had  no  children  adopted  others. 

evindem  in  .  .  .  modum,  *to  the 
same  purport'.  The  preposition  is 
omitted  in  Med.  There  is,  however,  an 
erasure  of  about  one  letter  after '  eundem ', 
and  Halm,  noting  the  similar  anastrophe 
in  6.  41,  1  ;  II.  a,  3;  13.  13,  i,  first 
adopted  the  reading  above  given.  In 
none  of  the  passages  above  quoted  is  there 
a  relative  clause  interposed  as  here,  and 
some  edd.  prefer  to  follow  Muretus 
•;^after  G.)  who  reads  *in  eundem  .  .  . 
modum '. 


2.  adnotabant  periti.  These  words 
are  repeated  from  H.  3.  37,  3;  Agr.  22, 
2:  cp.  '  adnotabant  seniores  '  (13.  3,  3). 
*  Periti '  is  often  used  thus  absolutely  tor 
'docti'  ('experts'),  as  in  Cic.  de  Or.  i. 
23,  109.  The  version  here  given  is  more 
probable  than  that  of  Suet.,  who  (CI.  39) 
makes  the  remark  an  ill-judged  utterance 
of  Claudius  himself. 

3.  patricios,  used  to  distinguish  them 
from  the  famous  plebeian  branch,  the 
Claudii  Marcelli.  Tiberius,  when  he 
adopted  Germanicus,  was  not  a  Claudius 
but  a  Julius,  and  adopted  him  into  that 
house.  On  Attus  Clauses  see  4.  9,  3 
(and  note);  11.  24,  i. 

4.  duravisse,  here  used  of  the  con- 
tinued existence  of  a  family  through 
generations,  as  elsewhere  (3.  16,  2,  &c.) 
of  individual  life 

5.  quaesitiore,  '  more  recondite  * ;  re- 
peated from  3.  57,  I. 

6.  lex,  a  '  lex  curiata',  passed  in  pre-f 
sence  of  the  pontiffs  (H.  i.  15,  i) ;  thej 
curiae  being  supposed  to  be  represented^, 
by  thirty  lictors.  Such  adoption  was 
termed  '  adrogatio'  (see  the  form  described 
in  Gell.  5,  19),  and  this  supposed  *  au- 
ctoritas  populi '  (cp.  c.  41,  7)  was  required 
by  law  when  the  person  to  be  adopted 
was  *  sui  iuris  *  (Gell.  1.  1. ;  Gaius  i .  99), 
as  Nero  had  become  by  his  father's  death. 
Augustus,  for  a  similar  reason,  adopted 
Tiberius  by  this  form  (Suet.  Aug.  65), 
having  previously  adopted  Gaius  and 
Lucius,  who  were  not  *  sui  iuris  *,  by  the 
ceremony  of  fictitious  purchase  (Id.  64). 
Galba  (see  H.  i.  17,  3),  and  after  his  ex- 
ample the  later  Caesars,  assumed  the 
right  of  adopting  by  simple  declaration, 
or  '  nuncupatio  pro  contione '  :  see 
Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  1138. 

nomen  Neronis.  His  name  from 
this  time  till  his  accession  is  *  Ti.  Claudius 
Nero  Caesar ',  or  *  Nero  Claudius  Caesar 
Drusus  Germanicus':  see  Introd.  i.  ix. p. 
147.  On  the  many  inscriptions  and 
medals  commemorating  the  event  see 
Schiller,  Nero,  p.  72,  2. 


92 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  50 


quibus  patratis  nemo  adeo  expers  misericordiae  fuit  quern  non  2 
Britannici  fortuna  maerore  adficeret.  desolatus  paulatim  etiam 
servilibus  ministeriis  perintempestiva  novercae  officia  in  ludi- 
brium  vertebat,  intellegens  falsi,  neque  enim  segnem  ei  fuisse 
6  indolem  ferunt,  sive  verum,  seu  periculis  commendatus  retinuit 
famam  sine  experimento. 

27.    Sed  Agrippina  quo  vim  suam  socils  quoque  nationibus  1 
ostcntaret  in  oppidum  Vbiorum,  in  quo  genita  erat,  veteranos 
coloniamque   deduci   impetrat,  cui  nomen  inditum  e  vocabulo 


augetur,  *  is  exalted  '  j  so  *  impera- 
toriis  nominibus  auxit'  (i.  3,  i) ;  *  honori- 
bus  augebantur '  (6.  8,  4). 

Augustae.  Her  title  on  coins  and 
inscriptions  is  *  lulia  Augusta  Agrippina ' 
(see  Introd.  i.  ix.  p.  145  ;  C.  I.  L.  vl.  i. 
921  a  i).  An  inscription  at  Mytilene 
calls  her  vta  dta  (Eph.  Epig.  ii.  p.  8); 
from  another  Greek  inscr.  (C.  I.  G.  2183) 
she  appears  to  have  been  worshipped  as 
Demeter  {Kapiro(p6poi).  Li  via  had  become 
Augusta  by  her  husband's  will  (i.  8,  2), 
Antonia  after  the  accession  of  her  grand- 
son (Introd.  1.  1.  p.  146),  Messalina  only 
by  provincial  adulation  (Introd.  1.  1.  p. 
145)  :  Agrippina  is  the  first  to  be 
'  Augusta '  in  her  husband's  lifetime,  and 
the  first  (except  to  a  certain  extent  Livia) 
to  treat  the  title  as  conferring  a  substan- 
tial share  of  power  (see  14.  n,  1,  Introd. 
pp.  43,  foil. ;  Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  788,  4). 
Nero  gave  the  title  to  Poppaea  (15.  23, 
I ) ;  and  from  Domitian's  time  it  is  usually 
borne  by  emperors'  wives  (Momms.  ii. 
821). 

2.  fortuna  maerore;  so  Halm,  Or., 
Dr.,  Ritt.,  Jacob  (after  Em.)  :  Nipp.  re- 
tains the  Med.  '  fortunae  maeror  *";  which, 
besides  the  awkward  combination  of  two 
genitives,  requires  'maeror'  to  bear  the 
apparently  unexampled  meaning  of  *  sad 
condition '  (as  •  metus '  =  *  metuendum 
aliquid '  in  i.  40,  i,  &c.). 

desolatus,  a  poetical  word,  used  in 
I.  30,  4;  16.  30,  4.  Here  it  means  'de- 
prived of,  as  in  Stat.  Theb.  9,  672  (*de- 
solatumquemagistroAgmen') ;  Suet.  Cal. 
12  ('desolata  subsidiis  aula  ')  ;  Apul. 
Met.  4.  24,  290  (*  parentibus  desolata '). 
The  removal  of  the  attendants  of  Britan- 
nicus  is  further  described  in  c  41,  8. 

3.  perintempestiva.  This  is  the  read- 
ing of  Med.  and  it  seems  best  to  follow 
it.  It  is  true  the  word  is  not  elsewhere 
found,  but  it  is  analogous  to  others  which 


Tacitus  invents  or  adopts  (Introd.  i.  v.  § 
69,  3).  *  Intempestivus '  is  used  of  com- 
pliments which  are  *  ill-timed  ',  in  the 
sense  of  being  unsuitable  to  the  present 
circumstances  of  the  person  to  whom 
they  are  paid  (cp.  H.  2.  52,  3;  92,  3), 
and  the  more  emphatic  word  might  well 
have  been  here  used  of  the  outward 
obsequiousness  of  Agrippina  towards  one 
so  forlorn.  Halm,  Nipp.,  Ritt.,  Dr., 
Jacob,  follow  Sirker  in  reading  *  puer 
intempestiva'. 

ludibrium,  generally  read,  after  Nipp., 
for  Med.  *  ludibria '. 

4.  intellegens  falsi  =  '  fraudis ',  as  in 
4-  58,  3,  &c.  For  the  genit.  cp.  4.  38, 
3,  &c. 

5.  sive  verum,.  *  whether  this  was 
really  so '. 

periculis  conamendatus,  '  winning 
sympathy  by  his  peril '. 

retinuit,  i.  e.  kept  in  the  memory  01 
men  down  to  the  time  when  Tacitus  was 
writing.  The  sympathy  felt  may  have 
led  posterity  to  credit  him  with  an  intel- 
ligence which  he  never  had  the  chance  of 
showing  by  proof.  The  anecdotes  given 
by  Tacitus  (c.  41*  6;  13.  15,  i)  would 
show  him  to  have  been  sensitive  and  not 
unintelligent ;  and  his  alleged  liability  to 
epileptic  fits  (13.  16,  5)  may  have  been  a 
mere  invention,  or  may  not  have  affected 
his  intellect  generally. 

8.  oppidum  Vbiorum :  see  i.  36,  i, 
and  note.  On  the  birth  of  Agrippina 
there  see  Introd.  i.  ix.  pp.  139, 145. 

veteranos  coloniamque,  hendiadys 
for  '  coloniam  veteranorum '.  Mommsen 
(Hist.  V.  90;  E.  T.  i.  99)  thinks  it  was 
probably  a  Latin  colony,  but  this  is  im- 
probable. 

9.  impetrat.  The  accus.  and  inf.  with 
this  verb  is  a  novelty,  analogous  to  that 
with  '  orare  '  (11.  10,  S)  :  see  Introd.  i.  v. 
§44- 


A.  D.  50] 


LIBER  XIL      CAP.  26-28 


93 


2  ipsius.     ac  forte  acciderat  ut  earn  gentem  Rhenum  transgressam 
avus  Agrippa  in  fidem  acciperet. 

8      Isdem  temporibus  in  superiore  Germania  trepidatum  adventu 
Chattorum  latrocinia  agitantium.     dein   P.   Pomponius  legatus 
auxiliaris  Vangionas  ac  Nemetas,  addito  equite  alario,  immittit^  5 
monitos  ut  anteirent  populatores  vel  dilapsis  improvisi  circum- 

4  funderentur.     et  secuta  consilium  ducis  industria  milltum,  divi- 
sique  in  duo  agmina,  qui  laevum  iter  petiverant  recens  reversos 
praedaque  per  luxum  usos  et  somno  gravis  circumvenere.     aucta 
laetitia   quod   quosdam  e  clade  Variana    quadragesimum   post  10 
annum  servitio  exemerant. 

1      28.    At  qui  dextris  et  propioribus  compendiis  ierant,  obvio 


tK 


nomen.  Its  title,  usually  abbre- 
viated in  inscriptions,  is  *  Colonia  Agrip  • 
pinensis  '  (or  'Agrippinensium  '),  (C.  I.  L. 
9.  1584),  or  'Colonia  Claudia  Augusta 
Agrippinensium  ',  or  '  Colonia  Claudia 
Ara*  (C.  I.  L.  14.  208),  or  *  Colonia 
Agrippina '  (Notitia). 

vocabulo,  often  used  of  proper  names  : 
cp.  c.  66,  4;  1.  8,  4  (and  note),  &c. 

I.  ao  forte,  &c.,  i.e.  there  was  this 
further  reason  for  the  name.  It  has  been 
thought  that,  when  Tacitus  wrote  the 
Germania  (1.1.),  he  believed  the  name  to 
be  taken  from  Agrippa  (see  Schweizer- 
Sidler  ad  loc).  The  Ubii  were  transported 
with  their  own  consent  (Strab.  4.  3,  4, 
194),  and  the  date  was  probably  that  on 
which  Dio  (48.  49,  3)  mentions  Agrippa 
as  having  crossed  the  Rhine  (716,  B.C. 
38).     For  'Rhenum'  (Sirker), Med.  has 

*  rheno '. 

4,  Chattortun  :  see  i.  55,  i,  and  note. 
For  an  earlier  expedition  against  them  in 
the  first  year  of  Claudius  see  Introd. 
p.  32.  The  Chatti  were  now  becoming 
the  most  formidable  enemies  of  Rome 
beyond  the  Rhine. 

dein  P.  Pomponius.  In  the  Med. 
text  the  praenomen  is  *  L. '  and  the  sen- 
tence has  no  verb.  The  former  is  corrected 
by  Ritt.  (1864^)  from  11.  13,  i ;  the  person 
meant  being  Pomponius  Secundus  (5.  8, 
1) ;  cf.  inscr.  found  at  Vindonissa,  C.  I.  L. 
13.  5200.  For  the  verb  *  inmittit '  is  in- 
serted by  Halm  and  Nipp.,  after  Doed., 

*  inmisit '  by  Dr.  and  Jacob,  after  Ritt., 

*  mittit  •  (after  '  Nemetas ')  by  Walther. 
Orelli  follows  Ritt.  (1838)  in  thinking 
that  the  Med.  '  dein.  1. '  is  a  corruption  of 

*  deligit '.  None  of  these  corrections  are 
very  satisfactory ;  and  it  is  possible  that 


Ern.  is  right  in  thinking  that  one  or 
more  sentences  alluding  to  the  earlier 
hostilities  (see  note  above)  may  have 
dropped  out. 

5.  Vangionas  ac  Nemetas.  These/ 
tribes  (with  the  Triboci)  occupied  the 
left  bank  of  the  Rhine  in  '  Germania 
Superior '  (G.  28,  4  ;  PI.  N.  H.  4.  17, 31, 
106).  The  chief  town  of  the  former  was 
Borbetomagus  (Worms),  that  of  the 
latter  Noviomagus  (Speyer)  :  see  Ptol. 
2.  9,  17.  [With  the  local  levies  here  de- 
scribed comp.  Ann.  i.  56  *  tumultuarias 
catervas  Germanorum  cis  Rhenum 
colentium.'  They  must  be  distinguished 
from  the  regular  auxiliary  troops  such 
as  the  *eques  alarius';  comp.  also  infra, 
29,  12  *e  provincia  lecta  auxilia',  and 
bk.  15.  3.-P.] 

6.  anteirent,  *get  before  them'  (on 
their  line  of  retreat)  :  so  used  in  the  sense 
of  *  praevenire  'in  5.  6,  4 ;  10,  4,  &c. 
The  poetical  word  •  populator '  is  noted 
by  Dr.  as  not  elsewhere  used  by  Tacitus, 
but  found  in  Liv.  (3,  68,  13). 

8.  qui  laevum,  &c.    Probably  up  the  • 
valley  of  the  Lahn.  The  answering  clause 

*  at  qui  dextris ',  &c.,  is  introduced  as  a 
new  sentence,  on  account  of  the  sentence 
interposed.  Nipp.  places  '  aucta  .  .  .  ex- 
emerant '  in  a  parenthesis,  with  only  a 
comma  before  *  at  *,  and  takes  *  praeda 
.  .  .  onusti  '  as  referring  to  both 
divisions. 

recens,  adv.,  as  in  c.  18,  3,  &c. 

9.  per  luxtim,  '  in  a  debauch '  :  cp.  i. 
16,3,  &c. 

10.  clade  Variana  :  see  i.  3»  6,  and 
note.     It  took  place  in  762,  A.D.  9. 

12.  At  qui  dextris.  Along  the  valley! 
of  the  Main.     This  body  had  evidenilyl 


94 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  56 


hosti  et  aciem  auso  plus  cladis  faciunt,  et  praeda  famaque  onusti 
ad  montem  Taunum  revertuntur,  ubi  Pomponius  cum  legionibus 
opperiebatur,  si  Chatti  cupidine  ulciscendi  casum  pugnae  prae- 
berent.  illi  metu  ne  hinc  Romanus,  inde  Cherusci,  cum  quis  2 
5  aeternum  discordant,  circumgrederentur,  legates  in  urbem  et 
obsides  misere ;  decretusque  Pomponio  triumphalis  honos,  mo- 
dica  pars  famae  eius  apud  posteros  in  quis  carminum  gloria 
praecellit. 

29.    Per  idem  tempus  Vannius  Suebis  a  Druso  Caesare  imposi-  1 

10  tus  pellitur  regno,  prima  imperii  aetate  clarus  acceptusque  popu- 
laribus,  mox  diuturnitate  in  superbiam  mutans  et  odio  accolarum, 
simul  domesticis  discordiis  circumventus.    auctores  fuere  Vibilius  2 
Hermundurorum  rex  et  Vangio  ac  Sido  sorore  Vannii  geniti. 
nee  Claudius,  quamquam  saepe  oratus,  arma  certantibus  barbaris 

15  interposuit,  tutum  Vannio  perfugium  promittens,  si  pelleretur  ; 


[followed   the  instruction  'anteire   popu- 
latores'  (c  27,  3). 

compendiis,  more  fully  *  compen- 
diis  vianim  '  (i.  63,  6). 

1.  aciem  auso  :  cp.  c.  32,  2;  11.  9, 
2,  and  note. 

2.  montem.  Taunum  [i.e.  to  the 
Roman  fort  or  camp  on  the  lower 
slopes  of  the  Taunus  (?  Hofheim,  or 
more  probably  Hochst),  established 
to  guard  the  communications  up  the 
valley.— P.] 

3.  si,  *in  case  that':  cp.  i.  48,  i;  3. 
49,  i,&c.  "' 

casum,  'opportunity':  cp.  i.  13,  2, 
and  note. 

4.  Cherusci.  On  this  tribe  see  i.  56, 
7  (and  note),  11.  16,  i.  The  Chatti  had 
overpowered  them  in  the  time  of  Tacitus 
(G.36,2). 

5.  aeternum,  adv.  here  and  in  3.  26, 
3 ;  after  Verg.  and   Hor.  ;  cp.  Introd.  i. 

V.  §  5- 

6.  triumphalis  lionos,  i.e.  the  'orna- 
menta  triumphalia '. 

7.  carminum  gloria,  probably  best 
taken  with  Nipp.  as  nom.  On  the 
literary  reputation  of  Pomponius  see  5. 
8,  4,  and  note. 

9.  "Vannius.  This  prince,  a  Quadian 
by  race,  was  mentioned  in  2.  63,  7  as  set 
over  some  of  the  subjects  of  Maroboduus 
and  Catualda.  This  kingdom,  called 
Suebic  here  and  in  H.  3.  5,  4;  21,3  (cp. 
I.  44,  6,  and  note),  and  '  regnum  Vanni- 
anum'  by  Pliny  (N.  H.  4.  22,  25,  81), 
would  appear  at  this  time  to  have  in- 


cluded the  whole  territory  of  the  Marco- 
mani  and  Quadi  (answering  generally  to 
Bohemia  and  Moravia) ;  as  the  enemies 
of  Vannius,  besides  his  own  rebellious 
subjects,  are  the  Hermunduri  and  Lugii 
(§  2,3),  who  bordered  on  Bohemia  to  the 
west  and  north,  and  his  allies  are  the 
lazuges  (§  4),  who  bordered  on  the  Quadi 
to  the  east.  See  Mommsen,  Hist.  v.  196 ; 
E.  T.  i.  215. 

10.  clarus  acceptusque  popularibus. 
This  is  the  reading  of  Med.  But  most  edd. 
follow  Wolfflin  (Philol.  xxvi.  p.  108)  in 
altering  *  clarus '  to  '  cams '.  The  words 
are,  it  is  said,  an  exact  verbal  imitation 
of  Sail.  lug.  70,  2,  where  'clarum',  the 
reading  of  all  the  MSS.,  has  been  altered 
by  Kritz  and  Dietsch  to  'carum';  the 
combination  'earns  acceptusque'  being 
found   also   in   Id.    12,  3;  to8,   i;  also 

*  carior  acceptiorque '  in  Liv.  35.  15,  4; 

*  carus  iucundusque '  in  Cic.  (pro  Sull. 
21,  62,  &c.).  'Clarus',  however,  can 
well  stand  by  itself  without  connexion 
with  '  popularibus '  and  without  forming 
part  of  the  antithesis  to  *  mox ',  and  is 
rightly  defended  by  Nipp.  on  these 
grounds. 

11.  mutans,  absol.  as  'mutabat'  (2. 
23,  4)  :  cp.  '  ut  nihil  odor  mutaret '  (Liv. 
3-  lo,  6). 

12.  VibiliTis.  On  this  prince  and  on 
the  Hermunduri  see  2.  63,  6,  and  note  ; 
on  the  latter,  also  13.  57,  i.  The  ortho- 
graphy of  the  first  Med.  (1.  1.)  is  followed, 
in  preference  to  that  of  the  second  Med, 
here  (*  uibillius '). 


A.  D.  50I 


LIBER  XII.      CAP,  28,   29 


95 


scripsitque  Palpellio   Histro,  qui   Pannoniam  praesidebat,  legi- 
onem    ipsaque  e   provincia  lecta   auxilia   pro   ripa   componere, 

3  subsidio  victis  et  terrorem  adversus  victores,  ne  fortuna  elati 
nostram  quoque  pacem  turbarent.  nam  vis  innumera,  Lugii 
aliaeque  gentes,  adventabant,  fama  ditis  regni,  quod  Vannius  5 

4  triginta  per  annos  praedationibus  et  vectigalibus  auxerat.  ipsi 
manus  propria  pedites,  eques  e  Sarmatis  lazugibus  erat,  impar 


1.  Palpellio  Histro.  The  first  name, 
written  in  Med.  '  p.  atellio',  is  thus  cor- 
rected from  an  inscr.  at  Pola  given 
in  C.  I.  L.  V.  I,  35:  'Sex  Palpellio, 
P.  f.  Vel(ina  tribu)  Histro,  leg(ato) 
Ti.  Claudi  Caesaris  Aug.,  pro  cos.,  pr, ae- 
tori),  tr.  pi.,  X  vir.  stl(itibus)  iudic(andis), 
tr.  mil.  XIII  Geminae,  comiti  Ti.  Caesaris 
Aug.  dato  ab  divo  Aug.'  The  proconsul- 
ship  there  mentioned  would  be  that  of 
some  senatorial  praetorian  province,  and 
the  '  legatio '  that  of  some  lesser  Caesarian 
province  than  Pannonia,  as  the  inscrip- 
tion appears  to  be  prior  in  date  to  his 
consulship,  which  is  mentioned  by  Plin. 
(N.  H.  10.  12,  16,  35)  as  shared  with  L. 
Pedanius  (14.  42,  i).  Wilm.  and  Nipp., 
following  a  very  fragmentary  inscription, 
place  them  as  'suffecti'  in  a.  D.  43, 
Borghesi  (cited  on  C.  I.  L.  1.  c.)  four  years 
later. 

Pannoniam  praesidebat.  On  the 
use  of  the  accus.  cp.  c.  14,  7  ;  on  the  pro- 
vince of  Pannonia  see  note  on  i.  16,  i. 
Its  garrison  consisted  of  three  (1.  16,  2), 
or  at  times  of  two  (4.  5,  5  ;  H.  2.  86,  i) 
legions. 

2.  auxilia.  These  are  not  the  regular 
auxiliaries  attached  to  the  legion,  but 
levies  specially  called  out.  On  such 
troops  cp.  I.  56,  I  (and  note) ;  c.  49,  2  ; 
15.  5,  3;  H.  I.  52,6,  &c. 

pro  ripa,  'along  the  bank'  (of  the 
Danube)  :  so  in  2. 9,  3 ;  15.  3,  3  ;  see  note 
on  I.  44,  4,  Mommsen  notes  (Hist.  v. 
187;  E.  T.  i.  205)  that  the  Pannonian 
legions  were  posted  at  this  time  chiefly 
on  the  Drave,  and  the  defence  of  the 
Danube  left  generally  to  the  fleet  (see  c. 
30,  3).  Camuntum  however  was  already 
a  Roman  camp. 

componere.  The  older  edd.  and 
Orell.  follow  the  '  ed.  princeps'  in  reading 
'  componeret ' ;  but  the  simple  inf.  after 
*scribere'  is  used  in  15.  25,  6,  and  is 
analogous  to  many  others  (Introd.  i.  v. 
§43). 

3.  subsidio,  dat.  of  purpose  (Introd.  i. 
V,  §  22c),  co-ordinate  with  accus.  (see  c. 
32,  5  ;  G.  46,  1 ;  Introd.  i.  v.  §  91,  i). 


4.  innumera:  cp.  56,  4;  14.  53,  5; 
in  poets  and  PI.  ma. 

Ijugii.  Med.  and  the  old  edd.  and 
Ritt.  read,  here  and  in  c.  30,  *  ligii '  and 

*  ligius ',  Oberl.  and  others '  Lygii ';  Greek 
writers  have  Atrytot  (Dio,  67.  5,  2)  or 
Aoi57(oi  (Strab.  7.  I,  3,  290;  Ptol.  2.  11, 
18)  ;  and  most  recent  edd.  follow  Miillen- 
hoff  in  reading  '  Lugii '  here  and  in  G. 
43,  3 ;  44,  I  (where  the  MSS  have  various 
forms).  The  name  appears  to  be  con- 
nected with  'lug',  an  old  German  word 
for  a  marsh  or  wood,  and  the  tribe  de- 
noted, a  Suebic  race  with  many  subdi- 
visions, are  thought  to  have  lived  in 
Silesia  and  part  of  Poland,  and  to  have 
extended  northwards  between  the  Oder 
and  Vistula.  See  Schweizer-Sidler,  on 
G.  1.  1. 

5.  fama,  causal  abl. (Introd.  i.  v.  §  30). 

6.  triginta.  He  was  set  up  by  Drusus 
in  772,  A.  D.  19  (2.63,  7). 

vectigalibus,  i.  e.  by  duties  on 
merchandise  (Nipp.).  The  considerable 
and  lucrative  traffic  across  the  Danube 
in  those  quarters  is  alluded  to  in  a. 
62,4. 

ipsi  manus,  &c.  Pfitzn.  places 
commas  after  *  manus '  and  '  lazugibus ', 
and  joins  '  erat '  with  '  impar ',  taking 
'  propria  .  .  .  lazugibus '  as  in  apposition ; 
but  it  seems  better  to  stop  as  in  the  text, 
and  to  suppose  'erant'  to  be  supplied 
with  'pedites'.  'Impar'  is  no  doubt 
referred  to  the  whole  force  ;  the  construc- 
tion being  somewhat  sacrificed  in  the 
attempt  to  state  concisely  in  a  single 
sentence  the  composition  of  the  army  and 
its  inferiority  as  a  whole  to  that  of  the 
enemy. 

7.  lazugibus.  Med.  here  gives  '  lazi- 
gibus  *,  in  c.  30,  i  '  iazigies',  in  H.  3.  5,  2 

*  lazugum ',  which  form  Nipp.  and  Ritt. 
adopt  here.  Other  editors  give  *  lazygi- 
bus'.  Those  meant  are  the  'la^iryes 
fifravdoTat  of  Ptolemy  (3.  7,  i),  who  had 
driven  out  the  Dacians  from  the  tract 
between  the  Danube  and  Tibiscus  (Theiss), 
and  were  thus  on  the  frontier  of  Pannonia 
(Plin.  N.  H.  4.  12,  25,  81);  they  came 


96 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  50 


multitudini  hostium,  eoque  castellis  sese  defensare  bellumque 
ducere  statuerat. 

30.    Sed   lazuges    obsidionis    impatientes    et    proximos    per  1 
campos    vagi    necessitudinem    pugnae    attulere,    quia    Lugius 

5  Hermundurusque    illic    ingruerant.     igitur    degressus    castellis  2 
Vannius   funditur   proelio,  quamquam   rebus  adversis   laudatus 
quod  et  pugnam    manu    capessiit   et   corpore   adverse   vulnera 
excepit.     ceterum  ad  classem  in  Danuvio  opperientem  perfugit ;  3 
secuti  mox  clientes  et  acceptis  agris  in  Pannonia  locati  sunt. 

10  regnum  Vanglo  ac  Sido  inter  se  partivere,  egregia  adversus  nos  4 
fide,   subiectis,   suone   an   servitii    ingenio,   dum    adipiscerentur 


into  collision  with  the  empire  under 
Domitian  and  later  emperors.  We  hear 
of  them  on  the  lower  Danube  in  Ovid's 
time  (Ex  P.  4.  7,  9  ;  Trist.  2,  191) ;  and 
other,  probably  older,  branches  of  the 
race  were  on  the  Euxine  and  Palus 
Maeotis  (Strab.  7.  3,  17,  306;  Ptol.  3. 

5>  19)-  ,     . 

1.  defensare.  This  verb,  used  also  m 
2.  5,  3;  Agr.  28,  3,  appears  to  be  adopted 
by  Tacitus  from  Sallust  and  Livy,  and  by 
them  from  Plautus. 

2.  ducere,  *  to  protract ' ;  so  '  duceret 
bellum'  (H.  2.  32,  6)  :  cp.  *  tempus  atque 
iter  ducens'  (2.  34,  6);  'lacrimae  .  .  . 
ducebantur'  (11.  37,  5). 

3.  impatientes,  often  with  genit.  (e.g. 

2.  64,  4  ;  4.  3,  2  ;  72,  I,  &c.), after  Verg., 
Ov.,  Liv.,  &c. 

4.  necessitudinem . . .  attulere.  They 
brought  upon  themselves  an  attack,  in 
which  Vannius  was  obliged  to  support 
them. 

5.  illic  ingruerant :  cp.  '  illuc  incu- 
buere  Germani  '  (H.  4.  18,  6). 

degressus  :  so  most  edd.,  after  Em., 
for  the  Med.  'digressus',  which  Ritt. 
retains,  and  which  could  be  supported 
from  such  passages  as  *  digressus  Narnia 
. .  .  exercitus'  (H.  3.  78,  i),  &c. 

6.  rebus  adversis,  abl.  abs. 

8.  ceterum,  apparently  adversative  (as 
in  I.  6,  3,  &c.),  contrasting  his  flight  with 
his  previous  resistance. 

classem.  Besides  the  Italian  fleets  at 
Misenum  and  Ravenna  there  was  a  fleet 
on  the  Rhine,  in  the  Black  Sea,  and  later 
in  Britain  (4.  5,  5).  On  the  Danube  we 
have  mention  of  a  'classis  Pannonica' 
(C.  I.  L.  3.  726,  4025),  which  would  be 
that  here  meant :  there  was  also  a  '  classis 
Moesica'  on  the  Lower  Danube  (C.  I.  L. 

3,  Diplomata  xv.  and  xx.). 


9.  clientes.  On  the  'comitatus'  of  a| 
German  prince  cp.  G.  1 3,  14.  The  clients  1 
are  received  with  Vannius,  as  were  those' 
of  Segestes  (I.  57,  4). 

acceptis  agris.  For  similar  transplan- 
tations on  the  Danube  frontier  cp.  Strabo, 
p.  303,  and  the  epitaph  of  Ti.  Plautius 
Silvanus  (C.  I.  L.  14.  3608)  '  plura  quam 
centum  millia  ex  numen  Trans-Danu- 
vianorum  transduxit.' 

10.  Vangio ac  Sido:  cp.  c.  29,  2.  The 
latter  was  still  reigning  in  822,  a.  d.  69; 
the  former  had  been  then  succeeded  by 
Italicus,  and  both  these  joined  Vespasian 
(H.  3.  5,  4;  31.  .^)- 

partivere.  The  act.  form  is  mainly 
archaic  (Plant,  Lucil.,  Lucr.,  &c.),  but  in 
Sail.  lug.  43,  I  ;  also  *  partitur '  is  pass, 
in  Cic.  Or.  56,  188,  and  the  participle  is 
so  used  not  unfrequently  in  Caes.,  Liv., 
&c. 

egregia  .  .  .  fide,  abl.  of  quality,  as 
are  also  *  multa  caritate  et  maiore  odio ' 
(see  In  trod.  i.  v.  §  29).  Nipp.  cites  as 
similar  instances  *  apud  milites  tanta 
caritate  esse*  (Liv.  i.  54,  4);  'credens 
minore    se    invidia    fore'    (Nep.     Eum. 

7,2). 

11.  subiectis,  dative  (  =  *  apud  subie- 
ctos '). 

suone  an  servitii  ingenio.  These 
are    causal    ablatives,    relating   both    to 

*  caritate '  and  '  odio  ',  and  explaining  the 
change  from  the  one  feeling  to  the  other. 

*  Either  from  a  change  in  their  own  dis- 
position, or  because  such  is  the  nature  of 
the  servile  condition '  (i.  e.  to  welcome 
new  masters  and  then  in  turn  to  hate 
them  worse  than  old  ones).  This  ex- 
planation (that  of  Orelli)  seems  better 
than  to  take  '  servitii '  (with  Burnouf  and 
others)  to  mean  *  despotism '. 


A.  D.  50] 


LIBER  Xn.      CAP.  30,  31 


97 


dominationes,  multa  caritate,  et  maiore  odio,  postquam  adepti 
sunt. 

1  31.  At  in  Britannia  P.  Ostorium  pro  praetore  turbidae 
res  excepere,  effusis  in  agrum  sociorum  hostibus  eo  violen- 
tius  quod  novum  ducem  exercitu  ignoto  et  coepta  hieme  iturum  5 

2  obviam  non  rebantur.  ille  gnarus  primis  eventibus  metum  aut 
fiduciam  gigni,  citas  cohortis  rapit  et  caesis  qui  restiterant, 
disiectos  consectatus,  ne  rursus  conglobarentur  infensaque  et 
infida  pax  non  duci,  non  militi  requiem  permitteret,  detrahere 
arma  suspectis   cunctaque  castris  Avonam   inter   et    Sabrinam  10 


I.  dominationes.  This  is  the  reading 
of  Med.,  and  as  there  are  two  kingdoms 
mentioned ,  it  may  (with  Nipp.)  be  retained. 
Most  modern  edd.  have  followed  Ern. 
in  reading  the  gen.  sing.,  on  the  analogy 
^^   3-    55»   I    (where  see  note),  and   6. 

3.  At  in  Britannia,  &c.  The  narra- 
tive is  here  carried  back  to  the  date  of 
the  appointment  of  Ostorius,  who  is 
known  to  have  been  the  immediate  snc- 
cessor  of  Plautius  Silvanus  (Agr.  14,  i), 
and  must  therefore  have  been  sent  out 
when  that  officer  returned  for  his  ovation 
!  in  A.  D.  47  (see  note  on  13.  32,  3). 

P.  Ostorium.  P.  Ostorius  Scapula 
is  mentioned  (Dig.  38.  4,  i)  as  having 
been  consul  (suffectus)  with  Vellius  (pro- 
bably Suillius)  Rufus  (on  whom  see  11. 
1,1)  under  Claudius,  in  some  year  which 
the  date  of  his  appointment  to  Britain 
would  show  to  have  been  not  later  than 
A.  D.  46, 

5.  exercitu  ignoto  et  coepta  hieme, 

*  before  he  knew  his  army,  and  when 
winter  had  already  begun.'  On  the  active 
use  of  'coeptus'  cp.  1.65,3,  &c. ;  Introd. 
i.  V.  §  42  b. 

6.  gnarus,  &c.  Nipp.  compares  the 
sentiment  in  H.  2.  20,  3  ;  Agr.  18,  4. 

r  7,  rapit,  'hurries'  (by  forced  marches): 
!cp.  I.  56,  I,  and  note. 

caesis  qui  restiterant.  Med. 
has  here  *  restiterunt ',  which  Walther 
thinks  can  be  taken  aoristically  ;  but  here 
and  in  13.  54,  7  Tacitus  appears  to  re- 
pent the  expression  in  H.  2.  23,  5  ;  and 
uses  the  pluperf.  in  similar  expressions 
in  I.  38,  4 ;  Agr.  36,  a. 

10.  cunctaque  castris  Avonam  inter. 

*  Avonam '  is  Mannert's  correction  of 
\  Med.  *  antonam  ',  '  inter '  the  insertion  of 
I  Heinsius.     It  is  impossible  to  restore  the 

passage   with   any   degree    of   certainty. 


The  attempts  of  older  edd.  (most  of 
whom  read,  with  some  inferior  MSS.,  *cin- 
ctosque ')  will  be  found  discussed  by  Em.,.- 
Walth.,  and  Rup.  Other  insertions,  e.  g. 
'usque'  (Ritter),  'contra'  (Sillig),  have 
been  made  after  'antonam',  while  the  ed. 
Bip.  has  inserted  *  ad '  before  *  antonam '. 
'  Antonam '  itself  has  been  altered,  as  in 
the  text  above  printed,  to  '  Avonam ',  or 
some  similar  form,  on  the  ground  that  the' 
Worcestershire  Avon  is  meant,  and  that  at 
its  confluence  with  the  Severn  a  camp  wag 
formed  to  check  the  most  persistent 
enemy,  the  Silures  (c.  32,  4,  &c.).  No^ 
trace  of  a  camp  has  been  found  in  thisi 
position,  but  it  is  said  (Scarth,  Rom. 
Brit.  41)  that  remains  of  several  camps 
are  found,  both  along  the  Avon  and  on 
the  Cotswold  hills  above  the  Severn  val- 
ley. If,  however,  a  series  of  forts  were 
here  meant,  we  should  certainly  expect 
'castellis',  not  'castris*,  to  be  used. 
Mommsen  (Hist.  v.  162,  i ;  E.  T.  i.  178, 
i)  thinks  that  the  text  (read  '  ad  .  .  . 
ntonam ')  contains  a  name  that  cannot 
be  restored,  but  that  the  Tern  is  the 
stream  designated,  and  that  the  point 
seized  at  or  near  its  confluence  with  the 
Severn  was  Viroconium  (Wroxeter),  a 
post  which  was  certainly  occupied  not 
much  later  than  this  date  (see  Introd. 
p.  140,  4),  but  more  probably  not  till 
the  Ordovices  had  become  prominent 
enemies  (c.  32,  2).  Haverfield  (Journal 
of  Philology,  xvii.  268),  combining 
Mommsen's  view  with  another  reading 
discussed  below,  suggests  that  *  castris 
ad  Trisantonam'  should  be  read,  and  that 
from  this  name  that  of  the  Tern  could 
possibly  be  derived.  It  is  not  obvious 
how  any  camp  could  concern  the  Iceni 
(see  below)  unless  it  was  near  enough  to 
seem  to  menace  them  as  well  as  those 
who  might  invade  them  :  and  therefore  in 


H 


98 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  50 


fluvios  cohibere  parat.     quod  primi  Iceni  abnuere,  valida  gens  3 
nee  proeliis  contusi,  quia  societatem  nostram  volentes  accesserant. 
hisque  auctoribus  circumiectae  nationes  locum  pugnae  delegere  4 
saeptum  agresti  aggere  et  aditu  angusto,  ne  pervius  equiti  foret. 
5  ea  munimenta  dux  Romanus,  quamquam  sine  robore  legionum  5 


adopting  any  such  views  as  tliose  given 
above,  we  should  have  to  suppose  that 
their  resistance  was  provoked  only  by 
their  disarmament.  Such  a  reference  of 
*  quod  .  .  .  abnuere '  to  the  more  remote 
clause  only  is  certainly  not  free  from 
awkwardness ;  and  this  consideration  has 
given  rise  to  an  opposite  view,  which  re- 
tains *  Antonam '  as  a  possible  name  of 
the  Nen,  and  supposes  a  line  of  forts  to 
have  been  drawn  along  the  Severn  (with 
which  the  Avon  is  reckoned)  and  that 
river,  so  as  completely  to  cut  off  the 
subdued  frem  the  unsubdued  country. 
But  the  identification  of  *  Antona'  with 
the  Nen  is  wholly  arbitrary,  and  the  use 
of  *  castris '  as  a  discrete  plural  very 
doubtful ;  nor  can  we  suppose  that  the 
Romans  would  have  undertaken  so  pro- 
digious a  work  as  the  construction  of  a 
line  of  forts  for  some  150  miles  from  the 
Severn  to  the  Wash,  or  that,  if  they  had 
done  so,  it  would  have  been  thus  cursorily 

(mentioned.  An  extremely  tempting  emen- 
dation is  that  apparently  suggested  (see 
Ritt.  1864)  by  Heraeus,  and  since  strongly 
'  supported  by  Mr.  H.  Bradley  (Academy, 
'  April  28  and  May  19,  1883),  which  im 
serts  no  prep.,  and  with  no  further  change 
in  the  Med,  text  than  the  alteration  of 
one  letter  and  the  division  between  two 
words,  reads  for  •  castris  Antonam '  '  cis 
Trisantonam '.  A  British  river  Tpiffavtuv 
is  given  in  Ptol.  2,  3,  4,  and  though  that 
so  named  by  him  (flowing  to  the  southern 
coast)  cannot  on  any  probable  suppo- 
sition be  taken  to  be  here  meant,  the 
name  may,  like  other  river  names,  repeat 
itself  elsewhere,  and  is  in  fact  traceable, 
with  a  natural  phonetic  decay,  in  the 
Tarannon  of  Montgomeryshire.  In  this 
place  Mr.  Bradley  argues  that  we  discover 
in  '  Trisantona '  the  ancient  name  of  the 
Trent,  which  appears  certainly  to  be 
called  'Trannonus'  (or  some  similar  read- 
ing) in  the  ninth  century  by  Nennius  (see 
Mon.  Hist.  Brit.  p.  77),  who  describes  as 
belonging  to  a  river  so  named  a  tidal 
phenomenon  which  cannot  be  any  other 
than  the  well-known  'eagre'  of  the 
Trent.  [The  following  considerations 
tell  strongly  in  favour  of  Mr.  Bradley's 


emendation.  Ostorius  was  engaged  in 
protecting  the  friendly  tribes  of  Southern 
Britain  against  attacks  presumably  from 
the  north.  "With  this  object  he  prepared 
to  bring  into  subjection  ('  cohibere  parat') 
a  considerable  tract  of  country.  This 
proceeding  excited  the  alarm  of  the  Iceni 
in  the  east,  the  Brigantes  in  the  north, 
and  the  Welsh  tribes  on  the  west.  The 
district  in  question  must  therefore  have 
been  the  Midlands,  and  could  be  fairly 
described  as  all  the  country  this  side  of 
Trent  and  Severn,  i.  e.  south  of  the  Trent 
and  east  of  the  Severn. — P.] 

1.  Iceni:  cp.  14.  3,  foil.  Thispeople 
lived  in  Norfolk,  Suffolk,  and  Cambridge- 
shire, and  their  name  is  now  read  as 
'I/tevoi  by  Miiller  in  Ptol.  2.  3,  21,  where 
it  has  been  corrupted  into  'Ziixtvoi  by 
repeating  a  from  the  end  of  the  preceding 
oi/s,  and  changing  k  to  fi.  Their  town 
Ovevra,  the  *  Venta  Icenorum '  of  the 
Itinerary,  may  be  Norwich  or  Caistor. 
The  Correct  form  of  the  name  is  seen  from 
coins  to  be  *  Eceni '  (probably  *  swords- 
men '),  and  it  is  thought  that  their  full 
name  may  have  been  *  Ecenimagni ',  which 
may  have  been  corrupted  in  Caes.  B.  G. 
5.  21,  I  to  *Cenimagni'  (Rhys,  Celt. 
Btit;  p.  28,  283,  &c.).  The  name  has 
no  connexion  with  such  place-names  as 
Ick worth,  Icknield,  &c.  See  Haverfield, 
Victoria  County  Hist.  Norfolk,  p.  286. 
On  their  prince  Andedrigus  see  Introd. 
p.  138,  2. 

abnuere,  'rebel  against':  cp.  i.  2, 
2,  &c. 

2.  contusi,  'crushed':  cp.  4.  46,  i, 
and  note. 

accesserant,  so  used  with  simple 
accus.  in  2.  58,  i  ;  cp.  other  analogous 
instances  in  Introd.  i.  v.  §  1 2  c. 

4.  agresti  aggere.  The  Iceni  appear 
to  have  protected  themselves  on  the  west 
by  very  strong  embankments,  some  of 
which,  especially  the  '  Devil's  Dyke  *, 
crossing  the  road  from  Cambridge  to 
Newmarket,  are  still  traceable.  There 
are  no  real  grounds  for  fixing  on  any 
particular  locality,  as  Burrough  Hill,  near 
Daventry  (Scarth,  Rom.  Brit.  p.  41),  as 
the  site  of  this  battle. 


A.  D.  50] 


LIBER  XII,      CAP.  31,  32 


99 


socialis  copias  ducebat,  perrumpere  adgreditur  et  distributis 
e  cohortibus  turmas  quoque  peditum  ad  munia  accingit.      tunc 

dato  signo  perfringunt  aggerem  suisque  claustris  impeditos 
7  turbant.     atque  illi  conscientia  rebellionis  et   obsaeptis  efifugiis 

multa  et  clara  facinora  fecere :  qua  pugna  filius  legati  M.  Ostorius  5 

servati  civis  decus  meruit. 

1  32.   Ceterum  clade  Icenorum   compositi  qui  bellum  inter  et 

2  pacem   dubitabant,  et  ductus   in  Decangos  exercitus.     vastati 


1.  adgreditur,  so  with  simple  inf.  in 
3.  53,  5,  &c. 

2.  peditum,  dependent  on  'munia', 
but  placed  before  it  to  emphasize  the 
unusual  tactic  (Nipp.). 

4.  efFugiis,  so  in  pi.  in  3.  42,  4;  15. 
63,  5;  16.  15,  3:  cp.  'diffugia'  (H.  i. 

39>  3)- 

5.  facinora,  *  bold  deeds':  cp.  *  prae- 

clarum  facinus'  (H.  3.  23,  3),  &c. 

M.  Ostorius:  cp.  14.  48,  i;  16. 
14-15,  He  is  shown  by  the  'Acta  Ar- 
valium'  (C.I.  L.  vi.  i,  2042)  to  have 
been  cos.  suff.  in  A.  D.  59. 

6.  servati  civis  decus :  cp.  3.  21,  3 ; 
15.  12,  5,  and  notes. 

7.  compositi,  *  were  quieted ' :  so  in  c. 
40,  I  ;  55»  3,  &c. 

qui  .  .  .  dubitabant.  Besides  those 
who  had  actually  risen  with  the  Iceni  (c. 
31,  4),  others  had  been  expected  to  do 
so.  [Prob.  the  Welsh  tribes  and  the  Bri- 
gantes,  who  had  equal  reason  to  resent 
the  annexation  of  the  Midlands. — P.] 

8.  in  Decangos.  The  Med.  text 
*  inde  cangos '  can  hardly  be  right  as  it 
stands ;  as  the  mere  accus.  of  motion  to  a 
place  could  not  well  serve  to  denote  a  hos- 
tile attack  :  but  in  view  of  the  great  uncer- 
tainty respecting  the  name,  it  seems  best 
to  make  only  such  change  as  the  sense 
requires.  Besides  that  given  above,  the 
most  probable  alternative  reading  (a  less 
violent  change  than  the  *  in  Ceangos '  of 
Andresen  and  Halm)  would  appear  to 
be  *  inde  in  (cp.  c.  33,  i)  Cangos';  the 
supposition  being  in  either  alternative 
that  Tacitus  had  given  (in  a  slightly  in- 
accurate form)  the  name  appearing  in 
abbreviation  on  several  pigs  of  lead  (C. 
I.  L.  vii.  1204-1206;  Eph.  Epig.  vii. 
Ii2i),  and  usually  read  as  *  Ceangi ',  but 
possibly  as  '  Deceangi '  (see  below).  The 
localities  where  these  pigs  have  been 
found  are  in  Cheshire  and  Staffordshire, 
and  the  people  from  whom  they  came 
are  taken  to  have  lived  in  the  lead-pro- 
ducing district  of  Flintshire,  and  probably 


on  both  sides  of  the  Dee.    It  has  been 
doubted  whether  the  mines  of  Flintshire 
were  worked  as  early  as  the  date  (a.  d.  74, 
76)   found   on   some   of  the   pigs  above 
mentioned.     But  there  appears  to  be  no 
evidence  against  the  supposition  that  they 
may  have  been  worked  by  Romans  soon 
after   the    military   occupation    of  Deva 
(see  Introd.   p.    141)   made   the   district 
a  safe  field  for  their  enterprise ;  and  the 
locality   in   which    the  pigs    have   been 
found  is  strongly  in  favour  of  this.    More- 
over the  march  of  Ostorius  is  described 
as  bringing  him  to  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  Irish  Channel  (§  3),  and  would  seem 
to  have  passed  near  enough  to  the  frontier 
of  the  Brigantes  to  make  their  disaffection 
liable   to   threaten   his    communications. 
Some  evidence  is  also  afforded  by  traces 
of  the  name  in   the  district  (see  below). 
The  correct  form  of  the  name  is  however 
matter  of  much  controversy.     It  is  given 
on  the  pigs  as  '  DECEA ',  *  DECEANG', 
and    (but    see    below)   'DECEANGI'; 
and  Hiibner  treats  the  first  two  letters  as 
a  preposition,  and  the  name  of  the  people 
as  '  Ceangi '.     In  no  case,  however,  is  any 
indication  given  by  dots   or  spaces  that 
these  letters  are  not  part  of  the  name  ; 
although  on  the  other  hand  the  lettering 
is  not  so  careful  as  to  warrant  the  con- 
clusion that,  where  no   division  is   indi- 
cated,   none    can    have    been    intended. 
The  analogy  of  other  such  inscriptions  is 
also  doubtful  ;  for  we  have  on  the  one 
hand  the  form  '  de  Britan.'  on  the  Mendip 
pigs  (see  Introd.  p.  137,  5),  and  on  the 
other  such  forms  as  '  Brig.'   and  *  Lut.' 
(C.  I.  L.   vii.   1207,   1208,  1215),  taken 
to  be  abbreviations  of  adjectival  names 
(*  Briganticum ',  '  Lutudense ').     Thus  the 
evidence  of  the  inscriptions,  while  leaving 
the  question  open   between  '  de   Ceang 
and  '  Deceang ',  appears  really  somewhat 
in  favour  of  the  latter ;  and  lor  corrobo- 
rating evidence  we  are  referred  on  the  one 
side  to  the   name   Tafio^vSiv  (for   which 
Miiller,  with  some  MSS.,  reads  Ka«a77a- 


H    % 


100 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  50 


agri,  praedae  passim  actae,  non  ausis  aciem  hostibus  vel,  si  ex 
occulto  carpere  agmen  temptarent,  punito  dolo.    iamque  ventum  3 
haud  procul  mari  quod  Hiberniam  insulam  aspectat,  cum  ortae 
apud  Brigantas  discordiae  retraxere  ducem,  destinationis  certum 
5  ne  nova  moliretur  nisi  prioribus  firmatis.     et  Brigantes  quidem,  4 
paucis  qui  arma  coeptabant  interfectis,  in  reliquos  data  venia. 


vwv)  oLKpov,  given  by  Ptolemy  (2.  3,  3), 
to  the  extreme  point  of  Carnarvonshire ; 
also  to  the  '  Ceganges  '  of  Geog.  Rav.  5. 
31,  p.  342,  and  the  *  Concangiis'  or  '  Ce- 
cangiis'  of  the  'Notitia',  p.  113  (see 
Miiller  on  Ptol.  ad  loc.) ;  on  the  other, 
to  the  Welsh  name  *  Tegeingl ',  still  given 
to  the  district  between  the  Dee  and 
Clwyd  (Rhys,  p.  287),  and  to  the  similar 
prefix  in  the  'Decanti'  of  Degannwy, 
near  Llandudno  (Id.  228,  287).  Also,  in 
two  pigs  (C.  I.  L.  vii.  1204;  Eph.  Epig. 
vii.  1121),  in  which  the  nearest  approach 
to  the  full  name  yet  found  occurs  (see 
above),  the  last  letter  has  been  a  subject 
of  recent  controversy,  and  is  read  by 
Professor  Rhys  and  others  as  '  L '.  From 
a  still  more  recent  examination,  kindly 
communicated  to  me  by  Mr.  Haverfield, 
it  would  appear  that  in  his  opinion  the 
instances  are  too  few,  the  surface  of  both 
too  rough,  and  the  occurrence  of  acci- 
dental dots  and  hollows  on  them  too 
common,  to  warrant  such  a  conclusion ; 
but  if  unmistakable  instances,  or  other 
evidence,  should  hereafter  indicate  any 
such  name  for  the  district  as  '  Deceang- 
lia ',  or  '  Deceanglion ',  it  would  no  doubt 
be  additionally  confirmed  by  the  modern 
*  Tegeingl '  (always  supposing  that  name 
to  be  of  immemorial  antiquity  in  the 
district,  and  not  otherwise  explicable), 
but  would  be  more  difficult  to  identify 
/With  the  form  here  given  in  Med.  In 
any  case,  however,  it  seems  on  the  whole 
clear  (see  above)  that  the  locality  of  this 
expedition  of  Ostorius  was  somewhere  m 
the  direction  of  North  Wales. 

3.  carpers,  'to  harass':  so  '  equitatu 
praemisso,  qui  novissimum  agmen  car- 
peret'  (Caes.  B.  C.  i.  78,  5),  and  often  in 
Livy.  *  Temptarent'  is  subjunct.  of  action 
frequently  repeated  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  52). 

3.  Hiberniam.  What  Tacitus  knew 
of  this  island  is  to  be  seen  from  Agr.  24. 
It  has  the  same  name  in  Caesar  (B.  G.  5. 
13,  3)  and  Pliny  (N.  H.  4.  16,  30,  103). 
The  forms  'luverna'  (Mel.  3.  6,  53  ;  Juv. 
2,  160)  and  'lovepvia  (Ptol.  2.  2)  connect 
it,  through  an  intermediate  *  Iverna ',  with 


the  oldest  and  probably  most  correct  form 
*  leme ' ;  under  which  it  gives  its  name  to 
the  vTJaoi  'Upt^ides  of  the  Orphic  poems 
(T164),  and  is  mentioned  in  the  *de 
Mundo ',  c.  3  (ascribed  to  Aristotle),  and 
by  Strabo  (2.  5,  8,  115),  who  places  it  on 
the  north  of  Britain,  though  its  position 
had  already  been  correctly  given  by 
Caesar. 

aspectat,  so  used  apparently  only 
here  and  in  Verg.  Aen,  i,  420.  The 
similar  use  of  '  aspicere '  (Agr.  24,  i  ; 
G.  5,  i)  is  less  rare. 

4.  Brigantas.  This  tribe,  one  of  the 
most  extensive  and  powerful  in  Britain, 
held  the  country  north  of  the  Mersey  and 
the  Humber  as  far  as  the  Solway  and 
Tyne,  and  perhaps  to  the  Caledonian 
forest  (Rhys,  Celtic  Britain,  p.  39).  The 
name  is  thought  to  mean  *  the  freemen ', 
in  contrast  with  other  tribes  subdued  by 
them  (Rhys,  279),  or  the  'hillmen' 
(Holder,  Altcelt.  Sprachschatz,  s,  v.).  The 
victory  gained  at  this  time  over  them 
('  caeruleos  scuta  Brigantas')  is  probably 
alluded  to  by  Seneca  (Lud.  12,  13-17); 
and  subsequent  troubles  with  them  are 
mentioned  in  c.  40,  3,  which  Nipp.  seems 
wrong  in  identifying  with  those  spoken 
of  here.  For  later  notices  of  them  see 
note  on  c.  40,  6. 

destinationis  certum,  'stedfast  in 
his  purpose'  (explained  by  'ne  .  .  .  firma- 
tis ')  :  cp.  15.  51,  3  ;  H.  2.  57,  6 ;  78,  8  ; 
and  for  the  sense  and  construction  of 
'  certus '  cp.  c.  66,  4 ;  4.  34,  2,  and  note. 

6.  arma  coeptabant.  Dr.  notes  the 
fondness  of  Tacitus  for  this  and  similar 
expressions,  as  '  coeptare  seditionem'  (i. 
38,  i;  45,  2),  '  rebellionem '  (3.  40,  i), 
*  defectionem'  (4.  24,  2),  &c.  :  cp.  'arma 
incipere'  (4.  46,  4),  '  coepta  arma'  (H. 
4.  61,  I). 

in  reliquos.  Nipp.  here  takes  the 
prep,  in  a  distributive  sense,  as  in  i.  55, 
2  (where  see  note)  ;  78,  i ;  6.  22,  2  ;  c. 
35,  4.  In  many  other  passages  such  a 
construction  has  nearly  the  force  of  a 
simple  dative  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  60  b). 


A.  D.  50] 


LIBER  XIL      CAP,  32,   33 


lOI 


resedere  :  Silurum  gens  non  atrocitate,  non  dementia  mutabatur, 
quin  bellum  exerceret  castrisque  legionum  premenda  foret.  id 
quo  promptius  veniret,  colonia  Camulodunum  valida  veteranorum 
manu  deducitur  in  agros  captivos,  subsidium  adversus  rebellis  et 
imbuendis  sociis  ad  officia  legum.  5 

1      33.  Itum  inde  in  Siluras,  super  propriam  ferociam  Carataci  viri- 


1.  Silurum.  This  people,  with  the 
kindred  tribe  of  the  Demetae  west  of 
them,  held  a  territory  nearly  correspond- 
ing to  South  Wales,  Monmouthshire,  and 
Herefordshire,  and  probably  extending 
also  to  the  Severn  and  Teme.  Ptol.  (2. 
3,  24)  mentions  their  town  Boi/A.Aatoi', 
apparently  Burium  (Usk).  On  the  thtory 
of  Tacitus  respecting  their  Iberian  origin 
see  Agr.  2,  11.  Professor  Rhys  (pp.  80, 
215)  classes  them  as  Goidelic  Cells  who 
liad  absorbed  a  considerable  earlier  Non- 
Celtic  population. 

atrocitate,  *  severity ' :  op.  *  atrocitas 
poenae'  (Liv.  8.  8,  i). 

2.  quin,  with  adversative  force  (nearly 
=^  *sed'),  as  in  6.  6,  3;  38,  i ;  11.  22,  4, 
&c.  See  Dr.,  Synt.  und  Stil,  §  186.  For 
'  bellum  exercerent*  cp.  6.  31,  2. 

castrisque  legionum,  &c.  Momm- 
sen  (Hist.  v.  162,  i;  E.  T.  i.  178,  i) 
notes  from  this  passage,  and  from  c.  38, 
3,  that  the  permanent  occupation  of  Isca 
Silurum  (*  Castra  legionis',  Caerleon)  as 
the  head-quarters  of  the  Second  legion, 
dates  from  this  period.  Others  think  that 
this  legion  was  for  some  time  stationed  at 
Glevum,  and  moved  on  later. 

id  quo  promptius  veniret,  *  to  reach 
this  end  the  more  readily ' ;  Pluygers  has 
not  been  generally  followed  in  reading 
'eveniret'  (^as  in  14.  43,  3;  Liv.  8.  i,  2). 
The  words  of  Tacitus,  as  they  stand,  have 
been  wrongly  thought  to  show  that  he 
believed  the  colony  to  have  been  near 
the  seat  of  war.  [He  only  means  that  in 
order  to  facilitate  the  transfer  of  the 
legions  from  Essex  westward  a  military 
colony  was  established  at  Colchester, 
which  now  ceased  to  be  a  camp. — P.] 

3.  Camulodunum.  On  this  town  and 
its  colony  see  Introd.  pp.  129,  142,  and 
the  description  of  its  condition  and  disaster 
in  14.  31,  5.  The  opinion  of  Dr.  Latham 
(in  D.  of  Geog.  s.v.  'Colonia')  that  the 
Roman  colony  was  at  Colchester,  but 
that  Camulodunum  was  at  Maldon,  ap- 
pears to  ignore  the  fact  that  the  expres- 
sions of  Tacitus  here  and  in  14.  31,  5, 
and  also  the  inscription  below  cited, 
clearly  identify  the  two,  and  could  not 


be  reconciled  with  the  supposition  that 
they  were  thus  wholly  distinct,  and  some 
fifteen  miles  or  more  apart.  In  answer 
to  the  view  which,  admitting  the  identity 
of  Camulodunum  and  the  Colonia,  would 
place  both  at  Maldon  (see  Introd.  p.  129), 
it  is  sufficient  to  point  to  the  very  exten- 
sive remains  at  Colchester,  and  the  ab- 
sence of  any  such  clear  traces  of  Roman 
occupation  at  the  other  place.  The  form 
*  Camalodunum ',  found  in  Plin.  N.  H.  2. 
75,  77,  187,  is  supported  by  an  inscrip- 
tion (C.  I.  L.  14.  3955)  *  censitor  civium 
Romanorum  coloniae  victricensis  quae  est 
Britannia  Camaloduni ' ;  but  all  the  coins 
of  Cunobelinus  have  the  form  *  Caraul ', 
sometimes  in  full  '  Camuloduno ',  and 
the  name  of  the  Celtic  war-god  after 
whom  it  is  taken  to  be  called  (Rhys,  280) 
is  always  written  'Camulos'  (Inscr.  Or. 
i960,  1977,  1978).  In  Ptolemy,  2.  3, 
22,  the  name,  very  variously  read  in 
MSS.,  ia  now  given  by  Muller  as  Ka/xov- 
KLZovvov,  and  that  of  the  people  as  Ipivov- 
avTi^.  The  same  author  gives  another 
town  of  similar  name  among  the  Brigantes 

(§  17). 
valida  .  .  .  manu,  abl.  of  quality. 

5.  imbuendis,  &c.,  dat.  of  purpose 
(Introd,  i.  V.  §  21b):  the  construction  is 
varied  as  in  c.  29,  2.  *Imbuere'  is  con- 
stantly used  of  instruction  or  habituation, 
so  here  of  familiarizing  the  subjects  with 
the  due  performance  of  legal  duties. 

6.  Carataci.  This  prince,  one  of  the 
sons  of  Cunobelinus,  had  no  doubt  been 
already  mentioned  by  Tacitus,  as  he  is  by 
Dio  (60.  20,  i),  in  his  account  of  the  first 
invasion  (see  Introd.  p.  133).  The  name 
occurs  eight  times  in  Med.  (in  these 
chapters  and  in  H.  3.  45)  and  is  always 
intended  to  be  in  this  form  (the  *  carattaci ' 
of  c.  35,  7,  and  *  carataratacus '  of  c.  36, 
6  being  evidently  clerical  errors\  The 
same  form  is  nearest  to  the  Celtic  root 
'carat'  (  =  ' beloved'),  whence  'Cara- 
dog',  'Caithach',  'M^'Carthy';  see  Rhys, 
280.  The  unmeaning  form  *  Caractacus ' 
was  adopted  from  an  inferior  MS.  in 
nearly  all  the  older  edd.  and  has  unfor- 
tunately become  popular.    In  Dio  (1. 1.) 


I02 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  50 


bus  confisos,  quern  multa  ambigua,  multa  prospera  extulerant  ut 
ceteros  Britannorum  imperatores  praemineret.  sed  turn  astu  2 
locorum  fraude  prior,  vi  militum  inferior,  transfert  bellum  in 
Ordovicas,  additisque  qui  pacem  nostram  metuebant,  novissimum 
5  casum  experitur,  sumpto  ad  proelium  loco,  ut  aditus  abscessus, 
cuncta  nobis  importuna  et  suis  in  melius  essent,  hinc  montibus 
arduis,  et  si  qua  clementer  accedi  poterant,  in  modum  valli  saxa 


the  name  is  read  as  KaraparaKos,  in  a 
fragment  (see  on  c.  36,  6),  KapTdtajs,  in 
Zonaras  (ii,  7,  p.  566),  as  here.  Coins 
inscribed  *  CARA '  have  been  found  (Evans, 
Suppt.  552)  near  Guildford,  but  it  is 
hardly  likely  that  they  can  have  been 
issued  by  this  prince.  Dr.  Evans  suggests 
that  he  may  have  had  an  uncle  of  the 
same  name. 

1.  ambigua,  'battles  of  doubtful 
issue ' :    the  term    is    thus    opposed   to 

*  prospera'  in  11.  15,  i,  and  might  here 
be  understood  of  the  firmness  in  adversity 
which  had  inspired  confidence  in  him  ; 
but  probably  the  word  is  understood  in  a 
favourable  sense,  of  battles  which  were 
not  decisive  defeats.  Cp.  the  description 
of  Arminius  (2.  83,  3),  'proeliis  ambiguus, 
bello  non  victus.' 

2.  imiperatores ;  so  used  of  barbarians 
in  2.  10,  I,  &c. :  on  the  accus.  with 
'praeminere'  cp.  c.  12,  i. 

astu  locorum  fraude.  Ritt.  brackets 
the  latter  words   as  a   gloss  to  explain 

*  astu ' ;  but  such  an  explanation  of  a 
general  term  is  hardly  superfluous.  *  In- 
ferior in  military  strength,  he  gains  an 
advantage  by  stratagem,  by  turning  to 
account  the  intricacies  of  the  country ' ; 
the  advantage  being  that  of  changing  the 
seat  of  war  and  forcing  the  Roman  army 
to  retrace  its  steps  under  gieat  difficulty. 
Others,  as  Gerber  and  Greef  (Lex.),  take 

*  astu '  with  *  transfert '  as  equivalent  to 

*  astute,  callide  transfert '.  *  Fraus  loci ', 
or  '  locorum '  is  a  poetical  expression 
(Verg.  Aen.  9,  397 ;  Ov.  Tr.  4.  2,  33), 
imitated  by  Curtius  (5.  17,  i)  and  Floras 
(i.  16,  7).  Cp.  the  description  of  Tac- 
farinas  (3.  74,  i). 

4.  Ordovicas.  The  Med.  *  ordolucas ' 
lis  thus  corrected  from  Agr.  18,  2,  3,  and 
Ptol.  2.  3,  18;  the  latter  of  whom  gives 
as  their  towns  Me5io\dviov  and  Bpavvoyi' 
viov,  which  have  not  been  satisfactorily 
identified.  They  occupied  at  this  time 
the  chief  part  of  central  and  north  Wales, 
and  their  name  is  thought  to  mean  *  ham- 
merers ',  from  their  use  of  the  axe-hammer 


as  a  weapon  (Rh^s,  p.  300).  They  rose  ) 
again  at  a  later  date,  and  sustained  a  j 
crushing  defeat  from  Agricola  (Agr.  18). 

pacem  nostram:  cp.  c.  29,  2;  here' 
used  of  the  general  order  and  submis- 
sion established  in  subject  states,  the 
*pax  Romana'  of  Seneca  (de  Prov,  4,  14), 
Pliny  (N.  H.  27.  i,  3),  &c.,  to  which 
Tacitus  makes  Calgacus  bitterly  allude// 
(Agr.  30,  5),  'ubi  solitudinem  faciunt,  \ 
pacem  appellant.' 

novissimum  casum  experitur,  *  tries 
the  last  extremity  of  chance,'  i.  e.  the 
issue  of  a  decisive  battle  on  which  the  last 
chance  is  staked.  Cp.  the  boast  of  Otho 
(H,  2.  48,  4),  'remisisse  reipublicae  novis- 
simum casum,'  and  the  use  of '  novissima' 
in  6.  50,  8,  &c. 

5.  abscessus,  'exits'  (so  'abitus'  14.  , 
37  J  3)  >  elsewhere  fn  the  sense  of  departure  1 
(c.  49,  2 ;  15.  17,  i)  or  absence  (4.  57,  2; ' 
6.  38,  2).     The  word  is  rare. 

6.  importrma:  cp.  c.  12,  5.  'In 
melius  esse '  is  an  extension  of  the  use  of 
'  in '  to  express  result  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  60  b). 

hinc  montibus  arduis.  The  site 
of  the  battle  is  described  too  vaguely  to 
be  identified  ;  but  various  localities  have 
been  imagined,  as  Coxall  Knoll,  on  the 
Teme,  near  Leintwardine  (see  Merivale, 
ch.  51).  In  reading  'hinc'  for  Med. 
'  tunc '  Halm  is  followed  by  most  edd.  ; 
the  constraction  being  taken  as  abl.  abs. 
with  the  idea  of  a  participle  of  '  sum ' 
suppHed  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  31  b).  Bezzenb. 
would  alter  '  tunc  *  to  '  cincto',  Ritt.  sup- 
poses a  lacuna.  We  should  expect  the 
following  clause  to  run  '  illinc  .  .  .  saxis 
praestructis',  but  the  construction  is 
varied. 

7.  si  qua,  probably  best  taken  (with 
Nipp.)  as  nom.  pi.,  as  also  in  H.  3.  52,  i 
(*  si  qua  Appenniri  iuga  clementius 
adirentur').  'Clementer'  is  used  of 
gentle  rising  ground  also  in  13.  38,  5  ; 
G.  1 ,  3.  *  Praestruere  '  is  used  elsewhere 
(chiefly  in  Ovid)  in  the  sense  of  '  to  block 
up'. 


A.  D.  50] 


LIBER  XIL      CAP,  33-35 


103 


3  praestruit :  et  praefluebat  amnis  vado  incerto  catervaeque  arma- 
torum  pro  munimentis  constiterant. 

1  34.  Ad  hoc  gentium  ductores  circumire  hortari,  firmare  animos 

2  minuendo  metu,  accendenda  spe  aliisque  belli  incitamentis  :  enim- 
vero  Caratacus  hue  illuc  volitans  ilium  diem,  illam  aciem  testa- 
batur  aut  reciperandae  libertatis  aut  servitutis  aeternae  initium 

3  fore ;  vocabatque  nomina  maiorum,  qui  dictatorem  Caesarem 
pepulissent,  quorum  virtute  vacui  a  securibus  et  tributis  inteme- 

4  rata  coniugum  et  liberorum  corpora  retinerent.  haec  atque  talia 
dicenti  adstrepere  vulgus,  gentili  quisque  religione  obstringi,  non 
telis,  non  vulneribus  cessuros. 

1  35.  Obstupefecit  eaalacritas  ducem  Romanum  ;  simul  obiectus 
amnis,  additum  vallum,  imminentia  iuga,  nihil  nisi  atrox  et  pro- 

2  pugnatoribus  frequens  terrebat.  sed  miles  proelium  poscere, 
cuncta  virtute  expugnabilia  elamitare ;   praefeetique  et  tribuni 

3  paria  disserentes  ardorem  exercitus  intppdebant.     tum  Ostorius, 


I.  praefluebat,  *  flowed  in  front  * :  cp. 

2.  63,  I,  &c.,  where  the  verb  has  rather 

the  force  of  *  praeterfluere  *. 
f\    vado  incerto,   *  of^shifting    depth  * : 
'  'cp.  the  opposition  of  'Incerta'  anH^solida' 

(I.  7o»  3). 

cateirvaeque  armatorum.  The  Med. 
*  catervaque  maiorum '  has  been  gene- 
rally treated  as  corrupt;  for  'maiorum' 
cannot  by  itself  mean  *  seniorum '. 
Freinsheim's  conjecture  '  armatorum ',  sug- 
gested by  Agr.  37,  3,  has  been  generally 
accepted,  and  most  edd.  follow  Lips,  in 
reading  'catervae';  though  the  sing., 
retained  by  Walth.  and  Ritt.,  can  be  used 
with  a  plural  verb. 

1.  pro  munimentis,  either  *  along  the 
entrenchments',  as  in  2.  13,  4,  &c.  ;  or 
(less  probably)  =  *  ante  munimenta ',  as  in 
2.  80,  5,&c. 

3.  Ad  hoc :  cp.  c.  20,  2,  and  note. 

4.  minuendo  metu,  a  rare  use  of 
gerundive  construction  with  a  masc.  sing, 
noun ;  see  note  on  6.  23,  4.  Here  it  is 
suited  to  the  feminine  clause  which 
follows. 

enimvero,  here  a  strengthened  *  vero  ', 
marking  the  transition  from  what 
is  said  of  others  to  what  is  said  of  the 
principal  person.  Cp.  c.  64,  6  ;  2.  64,  6, 
and  notes. 

5.  hue  illuc  volitans  :  cp.  '  tota  voli- 
tantem  acie  '  (of  Inguiomerus)  2.  21,  2. 

8.  pepulissent,  used  rhetoi  ically.  The 
judgement  of  Tacitus  himself,  in  Agr.  1 3, 


2,  is  'quamquam  prospera  pugna  terrueritl 
incolas  et  litore  pot^tus  sit,  potest  videri 
ostendisse  (Britanniam)  posteris,  non  tra- 
didisse '. 

intemerata.  On  this  poetical  word 
cp.  I.  42,  3,  and  note. 

10.  adstrepere:  cp.  1. 18,  i, and  note. 

obstringi,    naiddle,    for    ^  obstringere  | 
se '  ;  *  each  swore  by  the  gods  of  his  own 
tribe '.  On  the  ellipse  of  '  se '  before  *  ces- 
suros ',  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  8. 

1 3.  nihil  nisi  atrax  =  *  quod  nihil  nisi 
atrox  erat '  (*  the  fact  that  the  whole 
aspect  was  defiant'),  a  substantival  clausa 
like  *  nihil  occultum '  (3.  9,  3),  *  nihil 
arduum  fatis'  (H.  2.  82,  5)  :  see  Introd. 
i-  V.  §  55  b.  The  sing,  'terrebat'  is  suited 
to  the  last  subject  only,  as  also  *  abstu- 
lerat '  (i.  10,  i),*mo\ebat'  (2.  7i,4),&c. 

14.  frequens,  '  crowded  with ' ;  soused 
with  abl.  in  Liv.  and  later  authors,  also  by 
Tacitus  in  H.  i.  67,  4;  Dial.  6,  i  ;  once 
with  genit.  (4.  65,  i). 

15.  expugnabilia.  This  rare  word  (cp. 
H.  3.  78,  4)  appears  to  be  taken  from 
Livy  (33.  17,  8)  and  Statins.  '  Inpene- 
trabilis',  below,  appears  also  to  originate 
with  Livy,  but  to  have  become  far  more 
common. 

praefecti.  The  commanders  of 
auxiliary  cohorts  and  *  alae  *,  so  coupled 
with  the  tribunes  of  the  legions  in  4.  73, 
6,  &c. 

16.  intendebant » *  augebant '  :  cp.  2. 
38,  6,  and  note. 


104 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  50 


eircumspectis  quae  impenetrabilia  quaeque  pervia,  ducit  infensos 
amnemque  hand  difficulter  evadit.     ubiventum  ad  aggerem,  dum  4 
missilibus  certabatur,  plus  vulnerum  in  nos  et  pleraeque  caedes 
oriebantur  :  postquam  facta  testudine  rudes  et  informes  saxorum  5 

5  compages  distractae  parque  comminus  acies,  decedere  barbari  in 
iuga  montium.     sed  eo  quoque   inrupere  ferentarius  gravisque  6 
miles,  illi  telis  adsultantes,  hi  conferto  gradu,  turbatis  contra 
Britannorum  ordinibus,  apud  quos  nulla  loricarum  galearumve 
tegmina ;  et  si  auxiliaribus  resisterent,  gladiis  ac  pilis  legionari- 

10  orum,  si  hue  verterent,  spathis  et  hastis  auxiliarium  sternebantur.  ^ . 
clara  ea  victoria  fuit,  captaque  uxor  et  filia  Carataci  fratresque  in  7 
deditionem  accepti. 

36.   Ipse,  ut  ferme  intuta  sunt  ad  versa,  cum  fidem  Cartimanduae  i 


1.  infensos,  'filled  with  ardour.* 

2.  evadit,  'passes  through';  so  used 
withaccus.  in  I.  51,  8  ;  5.  lo,  4,  &c. ;  also 
with  *  viam  ', '  lipam  '  (Verg.  Aen.  2,  731  ; 
6,  425),  with  *vada'  and  'arva'  (Ov.  M.  3, 
19).  Cp.  '  evecta  insulas'  (c.  36,  2,  and 
note). 

ubi  ventum,  &c.  The  apodosis  is 
divided  into  two  parts,  introduced  by 
'dum'  and  'postquam'.  On  the  use  of 
'in'  cp.  c.  32,  4.  '  Pleraeque '  =  *  plu- 
rimae  ',  as  in  3.  i,  2,  &c. 

4.  facta  testudine.  Orelli  seems 
wrongly  to  understand  this  not  of  the 
awaamo^ios  frequently  so  called,  but  of  a 
penthouse  (as  in  Caes.  B.  G.  5.  42,  5,  &c.); 
as  this  would  seem  to  imply  that  they  bad 
to  wait  while  such  a  'vinea'  was  being 
constructed  (which  is  most  unlikely)  ;  also 
'  facta  testudine '  is  used  of  the  locked 
shields  in  Liv.  34.  39,  6.  The  soldiers 
could  get  close  up  to  the  walls  in  this 
manner,  and  then  dislodge  the  stones 
which  had  been  rudely  piled  together, 
and  thus  form  a  breach  by  which  numbers 
could  break  into  the  enclosed  space. 

5.  decedere, '  leave  their  position ' :  so 
*  provincia  decedere  '  (2.  70,  3),  &c.  The 
correction  'recedere  '  (Acid.)  is  needless. 

6.  ferentarius.  Soldiers  under  such  a 
name  are  mentioned  once  by  Sallust  (Cat. 

/  60,  2),  never  by  Caesar  or  Livy.  Varro 
(L.  L.  7,  57)  speaks  of  them  as  '  equites 
.  .  .  qui  ea  modo  habebant  arma  quae 
ferrentur,  ut  iaculum '.  Vegetius  (1.  20) 
speaks  of  foot  soldiers  so  termed  '  apud 
veteres',  who  were  light-armed  and 
stationed,  with  the  slingers,  in  the  wings, 
and  who  opened  the  battle  by  skirmishing. 


The  word  is  used  in  a  figure  by  Plautus, 
and  would  thus  seem  to  be  an  archaism  in 
Sallust,  and  adopted  from  him  by  Tacitus. 
The  term  answers  to  '  auxiliarium  '  below, 
as  '  gravis  miles '  to  *  legionariorum '. 

7.  conferto  gradu,  '  icL.clojse_prder,'  a 
new  phrase;  the  part,  being  elsewhere 
used  of  persons  or  masses  of  persons. 
The  idea  in  '  conlato  gradu '  (2.  20, 6,  &c.) 
is  different. 

8.  nulla  .  .  .  tegmina.  Compare  the 
description  of  the  absence  of  defensive 
armour  among  the  Germans  in  2.  14,  4. 
Dio  (62.  5,  3)  makes  Boudicca  b6ast  that 
the  Briton's  shield  was  his  sole  protection. 

10.  spathis  :  cp.  Veg.  2.  15  '  gravis 
armatura  . . ,  habebant . . .  gladios  maiores, 
quos  spathas  vocant*.  The  word,  here 
first  thus   used,   survives    in   the    Italian 

*  spada  ' :  anaOrj  has  sometimes  a  similar 
sense. 

13.  intuta  sunt  adversa,  'adversity 
finds  no  safety.' 

Cartimanduae.  The  Med.  form  of 
the  name  here  and  in  c.  40  is  twice  '  Car- 
timandus ',  once  *  Cartimannus ' ;  in  H.  3. 
45,  twice  '  Cartimandua ',  once  '  Cartis- 
mandua '.  Most  edd.  follow  Puteol.  in 
reading  it  uniformly  as  '  Cartimandua ', 
but  Lips,  and  some  others  have  uniformly 
read    '  Cartismandua ',   and    Ritt.    reads 

*  Cartimandus '  here  and  'Cartimandua' 
in  H.  3.  45,  thus  treating  the  variation  in 
the  two  distinct  works  as  due  to  the 
historian.  The  etymology  does  not 
appear  to  be  known  ;  but  the  second  part 
of  the  name  is  traced  in  others,  as  '  Man- 
dubralios  ',  &c.  (Rhys,  p.  281). 


A.  D.  50] 


LIBER  XIL      CAP.  35,  36 


10: 


reginae  Brigantum  petivisset,  vinctus  ac  victoribus  traditus  est, 

2  nono  post  anno  quam  bellum  in  Britannia  coeptum.  unde  fama 
eius  evecta  insulas  et  proximas  provincias  pervagata  per  Italiam 
quoque   celcbrabatur,  avebantque  visere  quis  ille  tot  per  annos 

3  opes   nostras  sprevisset.     ne  Romae  quidem  ignobile  Carataci  5 
nomen  erat ;  et  Caesar  dum  suum  decus  extollit,  addidit  gloriam 

4  victo.     vocatus  quippe  ut  ad  insigne  spectaclum  populus  :  stetere 
6  in  armis  praetoriae  cohortes  campo  qui  castra  praeiacet.     tunc 

incedentibus   regiis   clientulis   phalerae   torques   quaeque   bellis 
externis  quaesiverat  traducta,  mox  fratres  et  coniunx  et  filia,  10 
6  postremo  ipse  ostentatus.     ceterorum  preces  degeneres  fuere  ex 
metu  :  at  non  Caratacus  aut  vultu  demisso  aut  verbis  misericor- 
diam  requirens,  ubi  tribunali  adstitit,  in  hunc  modum  locutus  est. 


2.  nono  post  anno.  Dating  from 
A.D.  43,  which  year  is  probably  reckoned 
inclusively,  the  capture  of  Caratacus 
■would  have  taken  place  in  a.d.  51,  which 
is  also  the  date  of  the  inscription  on  the 
triumphal  arch  (see  Introd.  p.  140,  9). 

unde,  i.  e.  Irom  this  prolonged  re- 
sistance. 

3.  evecta  insulas.  This  construction 
(cp.  14.  52,  2)  similar  to  that  with 
'evadit'  (c.  35,  3),  'egredi'  (i.  30,  2), 
and  many  other  verbs  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  12  c), 
is  found  also  (as  a  probable  reading)  in 
Prop.  4.  3,  21  ('evecta  est  pagina gyros ') 
and  Curt.  9.  9  (' evectus  os  amnis'). 
Nipp.  and  Rilt.  follow  Heins.  in  reading 
f*insulam',  thinking  that  a  British  chief 
would  usually  be  no  better  known  in 
Hibemia  than  in  Gaul ;  but  Tacitus  may 
easily  have  conceived  these  islands  as  a 
group  by  themselves,  mixing  more  freely 
with  each  other  than  with  the  continent. 

4.  quis  ille,  brachylogical,  for  'quis 
ille  esset  qui ' :  cp.  11.  7,  i,  and  note. 

6.  dum  .  .  .  extollit,  '  in  seeking  to 
extol':  cp.  *dum  Vetera  extoUimus'  (2. 
88,  4). 

8.  in  armis,  'in  full  accoutrement,' 
not  'togati ' :  cp.  3.  4,  a  (and  note) ;  16. 
27.  I- 

campo.  On  the  simple  abl.,  see 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  25. 

castra,  the  praetorian  camp  (4.  2,  i). 
*Praeiaceo'  is  elsewhere  found  (only  in 
the  participle)  in  PI.  mai.,  once  with  dat. 
(4.  12,  24,  75),  once  absol.  (3.  4,  5,  32). 
The  accus.  is  analogous  to  that  with 
*  adiaceo'  (Liv.  7.  12,  6,  &c.)  and  to  that 
poted  above  with  *  evecta '. 


9.  clientulis.  [Andresen  has  restored 
this  reading  as  being  that  of  the  original 
hand  in  Med. — F.]  For  the  word  cf.  Dial. 
37.  2.  The  clients  of  a  British  prince 
appear  to  have  resembled  those  of  Gauls 
or  Germans  (c.  30,  3,  &c.). 

phalerae  torques.  Ritt.  reads  'cum 
torquibus',  as  nearest  to  the  Med. 
'torquibus',  and  also  'falerae',  the  Med. 
form  here  and  in  H.  i.  57,  5;  though  'pha- 


lerae '  is  in  Med.  H.  2. 


3,  and  the 


MSS.  of  G.  15,  3.  '  Phalerae'  are  plates  I 
or  bosses  of  chased  metal  worn  on  the 
breast  (see  Juv.  16,  60  and  Mayor  ad  loc.) : 
both  decorations  are  often  spoken  of  as 
worn  by  Roman  soldiers ;  and  *  torques  * 
are  especially  a  Celtic  ornament. 

bellis  externis,  '  wars  with  his  own ' 
countrymen,'  *  extern! '  from  the  Roman 
point  of  view. 

10.  traducta,  *  were  led  in  procession' 
(as  in  a  triumph). 

11.  degeneres  :  cp.  c.  19,  i,  and  note. 

1 2.  at  non.  The  negation  belongs  only 
to  '  aut '  ...  *  aut ' ;  the  expression  being 
equivalent  to  '  at  Caratacus  neque  .  .  .  ne- 
que ',  and  this  form  is  used  to  give  greater 
rhetorical  emphasis  to  the  negation.  Cp. 
'at  non  . .  .  Phoenissa'  (Verg.  Aen.  4,  529). 

13.  in  hunc  naodum.  The  speech  is, 
no  doubt,  merely  a  composition ;  and, 
though  Latin  is  used  on  British  coins, 
probably  few  barbarians  spoke  it  like 
Arminius  (2.  10,  3).  Zonaras  (see  on 
c«  33,  1),  apparently  following  Dio  (Fr. 
Vat.  p.  191  Dind.),  makes  Caratacus  say, 
after  seeing  the  splendour  of  the  city, 
iiTa  ravra  nai  rd  roiavra  KfKTTjutvoi  rSiv 


io6 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  50 


37.  *  Si   quanta   nobilitas   et  fortuna   mihi   fuit   tanta  rerum  1 
prosperarum   moderatio  fuisset,  amicus  potius  in  hanc   urbem 
quam  captus  venissem,  neque  dedignatus  esses  claris  maioribus 
ortum,  plurimis  gentibus  imperitantem  foedere  ift  pacem  accipere. 

5  praesens  sors  mea  ut  mihi  informis  sic  tibi  magnifica  est.    habui  2 
equos  viros,  arma  opes  :  quid  mirum  si  haec  invitus  amisi  ?  nam  3 
si  vos  omnibus  imperitare  vultis,  sequitur  ut  omnes  servitutem 
accipiant  ?  si  statim  deditus  traderer,  neque  mea  fortuna  neque  4 
tua  gloria  inclaruisset ;  et  supplicjum  mei  oblivio  sequeretur  :  at 

10  si  incolumem  servaveris,  aeternum  exemplar  clementiae  ero.'    ad  5 
ea  Caesar  veniam  ipsique  et  coniugi  et  fratribus  tribuit.     atque 
illi  vinclis  absoluti  Agrippinam  quoque,  haud  procul  alio  suggestu 
conspicuam,isdem  quibus  principem  laudibus  gratibusque  venerati 
sunt,    novum  sane  et  moribus  veterum  insolitum,  feminam  signis  6 


f  I.  fortuna, '  rank,'  as  in  c.  19,  2,  &c. 

3.  dedignatus  esses.  This  poetical 
verb  (Verg.,  Ov.)  is  used  in  prose  by 
Curtius  (by  Tacitus  only  in  the  Annals). 

4.  pltirimis  gentibus.  The  sovereign- 
ty inherited  from  his  father  Cunobelinus 
had  extended  over  many  tribes  (Introd. 
p.  129)  ;  and  even  after  this  was  broken 
up,  he  had  been  accepted  by  the  Silures 
and  Ordovices  as  their  leader.  The  in- 
sertion of  '  in '  (Halm  and  Dr.  after 
Doed.)  receives  support  from  an  erasure 
before  '  pacem '  in  Med.  (which  Ritt.  fills 
up  by  '  pacto  ').  The  construction  would 
thus  resemble  that  in  2.  34,  8;  45,  2. 
The  Med.  text  (retained  by  other  edd.) 
gives  a  construction  of  accus.  and  infin., 
not  found  elsewhere  With  *  dedignor  ',  but 
supported   by   analogies    (Introd.    i.    v. 

§  44)- 

5.  informis,  'degrading':  cp.  *  in- 
formem  exitum'  (6.  49,  i). 

6.  equos  viros  arma.  The  reminis- 
cence of  Sail.  lug.  51,  I  ('arma  tela  equi 
viri '),  of  Iviv.  23.  24,  9  ('  arma  viros 
equos '),  and  30.  1 1, 4  (*  equos  arma  tela  ') 
is  noticeable. 

7.  sequitur,  'does  it  follow?'  The 
omission  of  an  interrogative  particle  adds 
energy  to  the  question  :  cp.  2.  15,  4  (and 
note) ;  13.  21,  8.  Such  alterations  as  that 
of  *  nam '  to  '  num '  (Lips.),  or  to  *  non ' 
(Ryck.),  the  latter  of  which  Madvig  (Adv. 
iii.  231)  inclines  to  support,  are  needless. 

8.  si  statim  deditus  traderer,  '  were 
I  being  delivered  as  one  who  had  sur- 
rendered at  once  '  (without  a  struggle). 
A    distinction    of    time    is    here    made 


between  the  prior  surrender  in  Britain 
and  subsequent  delivery  to  Claudius  in 
Rome.  Some  edd.  have  thought '  traderer ' 
a  weak  repetition  of  the  idea  of  '  deditus ', 
and  follow  Bekker's  emendation  *  traherer'. 
With  either  reading  the  main  stress  is  laid 
on  '  statim  '. 

9.  inclaruisset :  cp.  Agr.  42,  5.  The 
verb  appears  to  be  first  used  by  PI.  mai. 

supplicium  mei.  On  the  substitu- 
tion of  this  genit.  for  the  adjectival  pos- 
sessive pronoun  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  33  a. 
Nipp.  gives  here  many  examples  to  show 
how  Tacitus  goes  beyond  other  authors 
in  this  usage.  Here  the  pron.  refers  also 
to  '  oblivio  ',  which  requires  its  use. 

sequeretur.  The  distinction  in  mood 
between  this  verb  and  '  ero '  appears 
to  imply  confidence  that  his  life  would 
be  spared. 

10.  ad  ea,  *  in  reply  to  this ' ;  so  c  46, 
3  ;  I.  26,  2,  &c. 

11.  ipsique,  &c.  His  daughter  (c.  35, 
7)  must  be  assumed  to  be  included.  The 
coordination  *  que — et '  (cp.  i.  4,  i ;  H.  4. 
2,  4,  &c.)  is  noted  by  Dr.  (Synt.  and  Stil, 
§  123,  2)  as  used  by  Li  v.,  not  by  Cic.  or 
Caes. 

12.  absoluti.  Nipp.  reads  '  exsoluti ', 
after  Lips.  (cp.  13.  36,  5  ;  H.  3.  12,  4), 
Ritt.  brackets  '  ab ' ;  but '  bello  absolvere' 
(for  '  solvere  ')  is  used  in  4.  23,  i. 

sTiggestu  =  *  tribunali ' ;  cp.  i.  44, 
4,  and  note. 

13.  gratibus,  av.  dp.;  only  the  nom. 
and  ace.  '  grates '  being  elsewhere  found. 

14.  signis  Homanis  praesidere,  i.e.l 
to  sit  on  the  tribunal  of  the  *  imperator  ',1 


A. D.  50] 


LIBER  XIL     CAP,  37,  38 


107 


Romanis  praesidere  :   ipsa  semet  parti  a  maioribus  suis  imperii 
sociam  ferebat. 

1  38.  Vocati  posthac  patres  multa  et  magnifica  super  captivitate 
Carataci  disseruere,  neque  minus  id  claaim  quam  quod  Syphacem 
P.  Scipio,  Persen  L.  Paulus,  et  si  qui  alii  vinctos  reges  populo  5 

2  Romano  ostendere.  censentur  Ostorio  triumphi  insignia,  prosperis 
ad  id  rebus  eius,  mox  ambiguis,  sive  amoto  Carataco,  quasi  de- 
bellatum  foret,  minus  intenta  apud  nos  militia  fuit,  sive  hostes 

3  miseratione  tanti  regis  acrius  ad  ultionem  exarsere.  praefectum 
castrorum  et  legionarias  cohortis  extruendis  apud  Siluras  prae-  10 

4  sidiis  relictas  circumfundunt.  ac  ni  cito  nuntiis  ex  castellis  proxi- 
mis  subventum  foret  copiarum  obsidio  occidione  occubuissent : 
praefectus  tamen  et  octo  centuriones  ac  promptissimus  quisque 

5  e  manipulis  cecidere.  nee  multo  post  pabulantis  nostros  missasque 
ad  subsidium  turmas  profligant.  ^5 


EuxTounded  by  the  standards.  Compare 
he  complaint  made  of  Plancina  (2.  55,  5  ; 
o'  33>  3)- 

II.  parti  a  maioribus  suis.      She  was 
the  first  emperor's  wife  who  was  herself  a 
descendant  of  emperors,  the  great-grand- 
j  daughter   (by   blood)  of  Augustus,  and 
;  grand-daughter  (by  adoption)  of  Tiberius. 
'      2.  ferebat,  *  was  displaying':    cp.  i. 
2,   I   (*  consulem  se  ferens');    2.   43,  6; 
15-  35>  2,  &c. 

4.  neque  minus  id  elarum,  sc.  *  esse '. 
iLivy  (30.  45,  5)  refers  to  Polybius  as 
(Stating  that  Syphax,  king  of  Numidia, 
was  led  in  triumph  by  Scipio  Africanus 
ill  553>  B.C.  201,  but  himself  believes  that 
;he  died  at  Tibur  before  the  return  of 
jScipio.  Aemilius  Paulus  in  587,  B.C.  167, 
'*  Persen  cum  tribus  filiis  ante  currum 
Iduxit '  (Liv.  Epit.  45).  *  Quod '  (sc. '  osten- 
I  dit ')  '  the  fact  that  he  showed '. 
.  5.  si  quia' ii.  Jugurtha  had  been  led 
I  in  triumph  by  Marius. 

6.  censentur ;  so  in  pass.  2.  83,  4  :  the 
act.  is  used  with  accus.  of  neuter  pronoun 
in  Cic,  with  accus.  of  noun  in  Caes. 
(B.  G.  7.  77,  2),  Sail.  (H.  3.  61,  17  D, 
82  K,  152  G),  Liv.  (10.  12,  3),  and  espe- 
cially olten  in  Tacitus  (3.  =,7,  2  ;  65,  2, 
&c.),  and  with  similar  dat.  of  the  person 
honoured  (c.  53,  2  ;  3.  72,  5  ;  13.  8,  i). 

7.  ad  id:  cp.  11.3. 

9.  praefectum  castrorum :  see  i.  ao, 
I,  and  note. 

10.  extruendis  praesidiis,  dat.  of 
purpose  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  22  b).  The  works 
were  no  doubt  the  smaller  forts  as  distinct 
from  the  legionary  camp  itself. 


11.  circumfundunt,  so  used  in  13.  40, 
2,  &c,  and  (without  accus.)  in  3.  46,  5. 
The  more  classical  usage  of  the  passive 
with  dative  is  also  found,  as  in  c.  27,  3, 
&c. 

ni  cito  nuntiis  .  .  .  subventum 
foret.    Ruperti's  correction  *  ex'  for  Med. 

*  et '  has  been  generally  adopted ;  but  the 
passage  is  still  obscure,  and  might  mean 
either  that,  by  means  of  messengers  sent, 
help  was  despatched  from  the  nearest 
forts,  or  that,  by  messengers  from  the 
nearest  forts  to  head-quarters,  help  was 
thence  procured.  In  either  case  the  con- 
cise use  of  'nuntiis'  (to  which  13.  9,  i  is 
hardly  parallel)  causes  great  difficulty, 
and  those  who  take  the  former  interpre- 
tation would  prefer  to  bracket  'nuntiis* 
as  a  gloss  (Jacob),  while  those  who  take 
the  latter  would  insert  *  missis '  or  '  di- 
missis '  (Nipp.,  Wurm).  The  latter  inter- 
pretation is  in  itself  more  probable,  as  the 
'  castella '  were  probably  held  by  small 
bodies  only,  and  it  would  appear  from 
c.  39,  I  that  Ostorius  and  the  main  body 
reached  the  spot. 

12.  obsidio  occidione:  so  Halm  for 
Med.  '  obsidione  ',  which  most  recent  edd. 
(after  Bezzenb.)  alter  to  *  obsidioni '.  The 
older   edd.   followed   Rhen.    in    reading 

*  copiae  tum  occidione  occubuissent',  which 
Madvig  (Adv.  iii.  231)  would  amend  by 
altering  'tum'  to  '  Rom.'  ('  Romanae'). 
«  Occubuissent '  could  hardly  stand  well 
without '  occidione ',  when  the  context  states 
that,  notwithstanding  the  arrival  of  help, 
a  large  number  were  killed. 

14.  e  manipulis :  so  most  edd.,  after 


io8 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  50 


39.  Turn  Ostorius  cohortis  expeditas  opposuit ;  nee  ideo  fugam  1 
sistebat,  ni  legiones  proelium  exeepissent :  earum  robore  aequata 
pugna,  dein  nobis  pro  meliore  fuit.    effugere  hostes  tenui  damno,  2 
quia  inclinabat  dies,     crebra  hinc  proelia  et  saepius  in  modum  3 

5  latrocinii  per  saltus  per  paludes,  ut  cuique  sors  aut  virtus,  temere 
proviso,  ob  iram  ob  praedam,  iussu  et  aliquando  ignaris  ducibus. 
ac  praecipua  Silurum  pervicacia,  quos  accendebat  vulgata  impera-  4 
toris  Romani  vox,  ut  quondam  Sugambri  excisi  aut  in  Galiias 
traiecti  forent,  ita  Silurum  nomen  penitus  extinguendum.     igitur  5 

10  duas  auxiliaris  cohortis  avaritia  praefectorum  incautius  populantis 
intercepere ;  spoliaque  et  captivos  largiendo  ceteras  quoque 
nationes  ad  defectionem  trahebant,  cum  taedio  curarum  fessus 
Ostorius  concessit  vita,  laetis  hostibus,  tamquam  ducem  hand 
spernendum  etsi  non  proelium  at  certe  bellum  absumpsisset. 

1 5      40.  At  Caesar  cognita  morte  legati,  ne  provincia  sine  rectore  1 


Lips,  for  Med.  *  manipiilus ' ;  '  manipu- 
laris '  and '  manipularium '  have  been  also 
read. 

nostros  :  so  most  edd.  after  Puteol. 
for  the  Med.  '  nos  ipsos '.  Nipp.  follows 
others  in  reading,  with  inferior  MSS., 
*  nostros  ipsos,'  '  our  foragers  by  them- 
selves,' i.  e.  separate  from  the  '  turmae  ' ; 
but  the  context  would  make  'ipsos' 
wholly  superfluous. 

1.  opposuit:  so  most  edd.,  after  Lips, 
for  Med.  '  exposuit ',  which  might  easily 
be  an  error  of  assimilation  after  *  expe- 
ditas '. 

2.  sistebat,  ni  :  cp.  Introd.  i.  v. 
§  50  b. 

'  3.  pro  meliore  fuit,  'was  equivalent 
to  a  success ' :  cp.  '  pro  sepulchris '  4.  38, 
2  (and  note  there) ;  also  '  pro  firmato 
stetit  magistratus  eius  ius '  (Liv.  4.  7,  3), 
and  other  places  from  Plant,  Sail.,  Liv. 
here  cited  by  Nipp.  and  Dr. ;  in  which 
such  an  expression  is  nearly  equivalent  to 
a  simple  adj.,  subst.,  or  adv. 

4.  in  modiim  latrocinii,  'in  brigand 
(or  guerilla)  fashion '  :  so  '  latrocinii 
modo'  (Liv.  3.  61,  13;  8.  34,  lo), 
'  pugna  latrocinio  magis  quam  proelio 
similis'  (Sail.  lug.  97,  5). 

5.  ut  cuique  sors  aut  virtus.  Nipp. 
would  refer  these  words  to  the  previous 
clause ;  but  '  sors '  appears  naturally  to 
answer  to  'temere',  '  virtus'  to  'proviso'. 
The  latter  word  is  nowhere  else  used  in 
the  sense  of  're  ante  provisa',  but  may 
have  been  formed  on  the  analogy  of  the 


Ciceronian  *  improviso '.  Nipp.  follows 
Lips,  in  reading  '  provisu ',  for  which  word 
cp.  c.  6,  3;  12,  2;  I.  27,  2,  &c. 

7.  pervicacia,  '  stubbornness ' :  cp.  4. 
29,  5,  &c. 

imperatoris,  used  here  of  the  lega- 
tus  Ostorius. 

8.  excisi  aut.  Either  this  (Faem.)  or 
'  excissi  aut'  (suggested  by  Halm  :  cp.  2. 
25,  4,  &c.)  appears  to  be  the  true  reading 
of  the  Med.  *  excisia  ut '.  Most  older  edd. 
read  '  ut  . . .  excisi,  ut  . . .  traiecti ',  others, 
after  Lips.,  '  excisi  et.'  On  the  removal 
of  the  Sugambri  see  2.  26,  3,  and  note. 
For  '  S}  gambri '  (Med.  here) ,  the  form  of 
the  name  there  given  in  the  first  Med. 
MS.  is  read.  By  'Galiias',  the  Gallic 
provinces  are  meant,  out  of  which  the 
'  Geimaniae  '  were  formed  ;  the  left  bank 
of  the  Rhine  being  still  called  *Gallica 
ripa'(i.  57,  3). 

10.  avaritia,  '  through  the  cupidity, 
causal  abl. 

11.  ceteras.  Nipp.  points  out  that 
several  were  already  with  them  ;  so  that 
this  must  mean  others  who  had  not 
hitherto  taken  part. 

12.  taedio  curarum:  cp.  *  fato  aut 
taedio  occidit'  (H.  5.  10,  2).  For  *vita 
concedere '  cp.  i.  3,  3,  and  note. 

13.  tamquam,  '  on  the  ground  that': 
cp.  3.  72,  4,  and  note. 

15.  rectore,  used  of  a  legatus  in  2.4,  4, 
&c.,  also  of  commander  of  forces,  as  in  H. 
I.  87,  3,  &c. 


A.  D.  50] 


LIBER  XIL      CAP,  39,   40 


109 


foret,  A.  Didium  suffecit.  is  propere  vectus  non  tamen  integras 
res  invenit,  adversa  interim  legionis  pugna,  cui  Manlius  Valens 
praeerat ;  auctaque  et  apud  hostis  eius  rei  fama,  quo  venientem 
ducem  exterrerent,  atque  illo  augente  audita,  ut  maior  laus  com- 
positis  et,  si   duravissent,  venia  iustior  tribueretur.     Silures  id  5 

2  quoque  damnum  intulerant  lateque  persultabant,  donee  adcursu 
Didii  pellerentur.   sed  post  captum  Caratacum  praecipuus  scientia 

3  rei  militaris  Venutius,  e  Brigantum  civitate,  ut  supra  memoravi, 
fid  usque  diu  et  Romanis  armis   defensus,   cum   Cartimanduam 
reginam  matrimonio  teneret ;  mox  orto  discidio  et  statim  bello  10 
etiam  adversus  nos  hostilia  induerat.     sed  primo  tantum  inter 

4  ipsos  certabatur  callidisque  Cartimandua  artibus  fratrem  ac  pro- 


1.  A.  Didium,  see  on  c,  15,  i.  The 
date  of  his  appointment  is  generally  taken 
to  be  A.  D.  52,  and  he  would  appear  to 
have  held  it  for  rather  more  than  five 
years  (see  14.  29,  i,  and  note). 

vectus,  so  used  of  passage  by  sea 
in  II.  14,  2. 

integras,  i.e.  in  the  state  in  which 
the  death  of  Ostorius  left  them. 

2.  Manlius  Valens,  apparently  the 
same  who  is  mentioned  as  legatus  of  a 
newly  raised  legion  in  A.  D,  69  (H.  i.  64, 
7),  also  as  attaining  the  consulship  in  his 
ninetieth  year  (A.  D.  96),  which  was  also 
the  year  of  his  death  (Dio,  67. 14,  5).  Dio 
calls  him  *C.  Valens',  but  is  corrected  by 
an  inscription  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  17707)  which 
Borghesi  (CEuvres,  vi.  159)  shows  is  to 
be  read  *  C.  Antistio  Vet  ere,  T.  Manlio 
Valente  cos '. 

3.  auctaque  et,  &c.  The  sentence 
is  no  doubt  awkward  and  ill-arranged : 
Nipperdey  alters  '  et '  into  '  est ',  thereby 
getting  rid  of  some  of  the  difficulty  : 
Heinsius  suggest  '  aeque  '  for  *  atque ', 
while  Jacob  suggests  that '  et'  and  *  atque ' 
answer  to  each  other,  as  perhaps  in 
Dial.  1 4,  3  ('  et  ?ermo  .  .  .  atque  id  ipsum 
delectat'),  and  Suet.  CI.  21  (*  et  tophina 
ac  lignea  '),  and  that  *  illo  augente ' 
answers  to  *  apud  hostes ' ;  the  sense 
being  as  if  the  words  ran  thus  '  auctaque 
.  .  .  fama  et  apud  hostes,  et  mox  ab  illo 
dum  auget  audita',  i.e.  it  was  magnified 
both  in  the  enemy's  quarters,  and  also 
through  his  own  exaggeration  (in  his 
despatches)  of  the  news  which  reached 
him  (on  his  arrival). 

4.  [compositis  et.     Med.  in  the  text 


gives  '  compositi  vel ',  but  in  the  margin, 
as  Andresen  points  out,  *  set '  is  added  by 
the  same  hand  :  *  compositis '  had  been 
previously  suggested  as  the  right  reading  by 
Lipsius.— F.]  'Compositi'  (the  reading 
displaced)  was  treated  as  a  participle 
equivalent  to  an  abstract  noun,  *  that 
their  pacification  might  be  the  greater 
credit ' :  cp.  *  servatus  gloria  maior  ero ' 
(Ov.  Her.  12.  76).  The  next  clause  puts 
the  other  alternative,  '  if  they  held  out  in 
resistance  (cp.  2.  76,  4;  4.  18,  2),  there 
might  be  the  more  excuse'. 

6.  persultabant:  cp.  11.  9,  i. 

8.  Venutius :  see  H.  3.  45,  i.  The 
restoration  of  *e  Brigantum'  for  the  Med. 
'  euigantnm '  is  made  certain  from  the 
mention  of  Cartimandua  (c.  36,  i),  and 
from  the  Histories  (1.  1.).  No  other 
source  gives  any  clue  to  the  mention 
which  had  already  been  made  of  him  in 
the  Annals ;  but  we  infer  that  he  was  one 
of  those  princes  who  had  made  terms 
with  the  Romans  in  the  campaigns  of 
Plautius. 

10.  discidio, '  a  divorce'  (a.  86,  a  ;  i  r. 
30,  5,  &c.).  In  the  Histories  (1.  1.)  it  is 
stated  that  the  wealth  and  prosperity 
which  flowed  in  to  her  from  her  service 
to  the  Romans  in  the  betrayal  of  Carata- 
cus  led  her  to  reject  Venutius,  and  to 
take  in  his  stead  his  'armiger',  Vellocatus, 
so  as  to  make  herself  in  fact  sole  ruler ; 
but  that  the  nation  took  the  side  of  the 
injured  husband,  and  that  she  was  reduced 
*  in  extremum  discrimen '. 

11.  hostilia  induerat:  cp.  'hostilis 
spiritus  induisse'  (H.  4.  57,  3);  also  1. 
69,  2  (and  note),  and  c.  13,  i. 


no 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  50 


pinquos  Venutii    intercepit.      inde   accensi    hostes,   stimulante  6 
ignominia,  ne  feminae  imperio  subderentur,  valida  et  lecta  armis 
iuventus  regnum  eius  invadunt.    quod  nobis  praevisum,  et  missae  6 
auxilio  cohortes  acre  proelium  fecere,  cuius  initio  ambiguo  finis 

5  laetior  fuit.  neque  dispari  eventu  pugnatum  a  legione,  cui  Caesius  7 
Nasica  praeerat;   nam  Didius  senectute  gravis  et  multa  copia 
honorum  per  ministros  agere  et  arcere  hostem  satis  habebat. 
haec,  quamquam  a  duobus  pro  praetoribus  pluris  per  annos  gesta,  8 
coniunxi,  ne  divisa  baud  perinde  ad  memoriam  sui  valerent :  ad 

10  temporum  ordinem  redeo. 

41.  Ti.  Claudio  quintum  Servio  Cornelio   Orfito  consulibus  1 
virilis  toga  Neroni  maturata,  quo  capessendae  rei  publicae  habilis 


2.  ne  feminae  imperio  subderentur. 
This  seems  inconsistent  with  what  is  else- 
where said  of  British  institutions  in  this 
respect,  and  though  probably  a  slip  of 
judgement,  may  embody  a  more  correct 
view  (see  14.  35,  i,  and  note).  Dr.  would 
lake  *  feminae '  to  mean  *  the  woman ' 
(the  individual  Cartimandua)  ;  Nipp. 
lays  stress  on  the  idea  of  subjection 
against  their  will,  as  implied  in  *  subde- 
rentur'; Jacob  thinks  that  a  woman's 
rule,  if  not  contrary  to  their  institutions, 
would  yet  seem  ignominious  in  contrast 
to  that  of  a  distinguished  soldier  like 
Venutius. 

lecta  armis  iuventus.  'Armis*  is 
abl,  of  respect,  and  *  lecta '  has  the  force 
of  '  praestans '  or  '  insignis ' :  cp.  '  tot 
milia  armatorum  lecta  equis  virisque ' 
(H.  3.  55,  2).  'Iuventus'  is  in  apposi- 
tion to  'hostes ',  which  is  the  proper  sub- 
ject of '  invadunt ',  but  '  iuventus '  is  used 
as  a  collective  noun  with  plural  verb  in 
Liv.  21.  7,  7:  see  Madv.  215a;  Roby 
1434 ;  Nipp.  here. 

3.  praevisum.  This  verb  is  used  for 
'  providere '  in  the  sense  of '  to  anticipate ' 
in  14.  55,  I  ;  H.  4.  15,  4;  5.  12,2. 

4.  initio  ambiguo,  &c.  In  the  His- 
torijes  nothing  is  said  of  the  employment 
of  a  legion,  and  the  auxiliary  forces  are 
stated,  after  sundry  doubtful  battles,  to 
have  accomplished  no  more  than  the 
rescue  of  Cartimandua  herself,  leaving 
Venutius  master  of  the  situation  ('  regnum 
Venutio,  nobis  bellum  relictum').  The 
Brigantes  were  still  in  arms  under  him 
in  A.D.  69,  and,  notwithstanding  their 
partial  reduction  by  Cerialis  in  the  time 
of  Vespasian  (Agr.  17,  2),  were  still  hardly 
subdued,  and  appear  to  have  destroyed 


the  Ninth  legion  (s2e  Introd.  p.  131,  3), 
in  the  time  of  Hadrian  (see  Juv.  14,  196, 
and  Mayor  ad  loc). 

6.  nam,  explaining  the  absence  of 
Didius  himself. 

multa  copia  honorum,  abl.  of  quality 
(Introd.  i.  v.  §  29),  not  dependent  on 
'gravis'. 

8.  duobus.  Med.  here  inserts  '  ostrio 
(Ostorio)  didioque ',  which  all  edd, 
(after  Freinsh.)  omit  or  bracket  as  a 
gloss. 

pluris  per  annos,  during  eleven  years,  f 
A.  D.  47-58  (see  14.  29,  I). 

9.  baud  perinde,  'not  as  much  as( 
they  should':  cp.  2.  88,  4,  and  note. 
Med.  has  here  'proinde',  but  those  who 
(as  Nipp.)  follow  the  MSS.  where  '  pro- 
inde ac '  or  *  quam '  are  read  (see  c.  60, 
3;  13-  2T,  3,  and  notes),  have  here 
accepted  the  emendation  of  Put.,  and 
have  altered  similar  passages  in  the  first 
Med.  (4.  17,  I  ;  6.  7,  4). 

11.  Servio  Cornelio  Orfito.  This 
person  is  mentioned  again  in  16.  12,  3, 
and  appears  to  have  perished  in  the  last 
years  of  Nero  (H.  4.  42,  i).  The  name 
is  written  in  full  as  here  in  some  inscrip- 
tions (C.  I.  L.  vi.  I.  353,  1984),  and  as 
* Orphitus'  in  the  Antian  Kalendar  (C.I.  L. 
I.  247).  Nipp.  follows  Ritt.  in  bracket- 
ing '  Orfito '  here  on  the  ground  that  it 
is  not  the  habit  of  Tacitus  to  give  three 
names :  cp.  c.  7,  4,  and  note. 

1 2.  maturata, '  was  hastened,'  He  had 
only  just  completed  his  thirteenth  year 
(see  c.  25,  3)  ;  and  there  appears  to  be 
no  known  instance  previously  (nor  even 
afterwards,  except  those  of  Commodus 
and  Caracalla),  in  which  the  toga  virilis 
was  assumed  before  the  completion  of  the  , 


A.  D.  50] 


LIBER  XII.      CAP.  40,   41 


III 


2  videretur.  et  Caesar  adulationibus  senatus  libens  cessit  ut  vice- 
simo  aetatis  anno  consulatum  Nero  iniret  atque  interim  designatus 
proconsulare  imperium  extra  urbem  haberet  ac  princcps  iuven- 

3  tutis  appellaretur.     additum  nomine  eius  donativum  militi,  con- 

4  giarium  plebei.     et  ludicro  circensium,  quod  adquirendis  vulgi  5 


1  fourteenth  year.  See  the  full  collection 
of  facts   on  the  subject  in    Marquardt, 

JPrivatl.  i2Sfoll. 

capessendaereipublicae.  This  phrase 
is  used  of  imperial  functions  in  ii.  24, 
1  ;  but  probably  here,  as  in  16.  28,  8, 
of  political  life,  and  with  reference  to  the 
quasi-magistracy  on  which  Nero  at  once 
entered  (cp.  *  capessere  magistratus '  in 
13-  29.  3;  Agr.  6,  I). 

habilis,  with  gerundive  dat.,  as  with 
gerund  in  Plin.  N.  H.  34.  15,  43,  149: 
cp.  the  use  with  'inhabilis'  (3.  43,  3); 
'idoneus'  (i.  23,  5);  'aptus'  (3.  31,  6). 

I  I.  vicesimo  aetatis  anno.  The 
same   privilege,  with   similar   exemption 

{from  passing  through  the  lower  magis- 
tracies, and  also  the  title  of  *  principes 
iuventutis',  had  been  granted  to  Gains 
and  Lucius  Caesar,  the  grandsons  and 
adopted  sons  of  Augustus  (see  i.  3,  4). 
In  the  case  of  other  members  of  the 
imperial  house,  or  those  connected  with 
it  by  marriage,  it  had  been  thought  suffi- 
cient privilege  to  permit  them  to  become 
quaestors  five  years  before  the  legal  age, 
and  to  pass  on  to  the  praetorship  and 
consulship  at  a  corresponding  period  (see 
3.  29,  I,  and  note;  Momms.  Staatsr.  i. 
p,  576).  Tiberius  and  his  brother  Drusus 
had  thus  become  consuls  in  their  twenty- 
ninth  or  thirtieth  year,  Germanicus  and 
Drusus  the  son  of  Tiberius  at  about  their 
twenty-seventh.  The  cases  of  Galba  and 
Vitellius  show  that  ordinary  citizens  of 
distinguished  or  favoured  families  might 
become  consuls  in  their  thirty-fifth,  or 
even  thirty-third  year,  which  Mommsen 
(i.  p.  574)  takes  to  be  the  'aetas  legi- 
tima*  at  this  period. 

2.  interim.  This  is  probably  taken 
closely  with  'designatus',  and  does  not 
imply  that  he  was  to  lay  down  his  pro- 
consular power  on  becoming  consul. 

3.  proconsulara  imperivun  extra 
nrbem.  On  this  power,  as  given  to 
others  than  the  princeps,  see  Introd.  i.  vi. 
p.  82.  The  limitation  '  extra  urbem ' 
also  expressed  in  the  subsequent  gift  of 
the  same  power  to  M.  Aurelius  (Vit.  6,  6), 
distinguishes  it  from  that  of  the  princeps 
himself,  which  was  valid  even  within  the 


pomerium  (Introd.  i.  vi.  p.  69).  Mommsen 
remarks  (Staatsr.  ii.  788,  i)  that  this 
power,  as  lying  outside  the  ordinary 
course   of  magistracies,  would  have  no 

*  aetas  legitima ',  and  could  be  entered  on 
at  once.     It  is  never  recorded  on  inscrip-  ', 
tions  of  this  period,  whether  as  held  by 
the  princeps  or  by  others. 

princeps  iuventutis.  On  this  title, 
see  I.  3,  4,  and  note.  It  is  given  to 
him  (as  well  as  that  of '  cos.  design.')  on 
medals  (Eckh.  vi.  261 ;  Cohen,  i.  pp. 
284-286)  and  inscriptions.  In  that  on 
the  triumphal  arch  of  Claudius,  belong- 
ing to  this  year  (see  on  c.  38,  1),  he 
is  also  recorded  as  member  of  all  the 
four  great  priestly  colleges  (C.  I.  L.  vi. 
I.  921):  another  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  i.  1984) 
shows  him  to  have  been  also  chosen  \ 
in  this  yelar  as  one  of  the  *  sodales 
Augustales'  (see  i.  54,  i).  Also  the 
Arvales  offered  on  June  28  (probably  in 
this  year)  prayers  and  vows  on  his  behalf 
(C.  1.  L.  vi.  I.  2034). 

4.  additum.  The  datives  *  militi  * 
and  *  plebei  *  do  not  depend  on  this :  cp. 

M-  3»  7- 

donativum  .  .  .  congiarium.  The 
first  of  these  is  always  specially  used  of 
largess  to  soldiers  (c.  69,  3;  14.  11,  i, 
and  often  in  Hist.).  The  word  does  not 
occur  in  the  earlier  books  of  the  Annals ; 
but  such  gifts,  which  may  probably  have 
been  called  by  that  name,  were  made  by 
Augustus  and  Tiberius,  and  it  is  used  of 
those  of  Gains  by  Suet.  (Cal  46).  On 
*congiaria'  to  the  people  see  3.  29,  3; 
13.  31,  2,  and  notes,  and  the  list  of  such 
in    Marquardt,    Staatsv.    ii.    138.       By 

*  nomine  eius'  it  is  meant  that  the  gifts 
were  really  from  Claudius  (cp.  2.  42,  i); 
who  had  given  a  *  congiarium  '  in  his  own 
name  after  his  triumph  (Dio,  60.  35,  7). 
Suet,  states  (Ner.  7)  that  Nero  himself 
announced  these  gifts,  as  well  as  a  public 
parade  (*  decursio '),  attested  also  by  coins 
(Eckh.  vi.  271  ;  Cohen,  i.  284-286^ 

5.  ludicro  circensium.     These  games! 
would  be  extraordinary   ('  votivi ').     On  I 
the    gerundive    dative    of    purpose    cp. 
Introd.  i.  v.  23  b. 


112 


CORN  ELI  I  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D. 


50 


studiis  edebatur,  Britannicus  in  praetexta,  Nero  triumphali  veste 
travecti  sunt :  spectaret  populus  hunc  decore  imperatorio,  ilium 
puerili  habitu,  ac  perinde  fortunam  utriusque  praesumeret.    simul  5 
qui  centurionum  tribunorumque  sortem  Britannici  miserabantur, 

5  remoti  fictis  causis  et  alii  per  speciem  honoris  ;  etiam  libertorum 
si  quis  incorrupta  fide,  depellitur  tali  occasione.     obvii  inter  se  6 
Nero  Britannicum  nomine,  ille  Domitium  salutavere.     quod  ut  7 
discordiae  initium  Agrippina  multo  questu  ad  maritum  defert : 
sperni  quippe  adoptionem,  quaeque  censuerint  patres,    iusserit 

10  populus,  intra   penatis  abrogari ;    ac  nisi   pravitas  tarn  infensa 
docentlum  arceatur,  eruptura  in  publicam  perniciem.     commotus  8 
his  quasi  criminibus  optimum  quemque  educatorem  filii  exilio 
aut  morte  adficit  datosque  a  noverca  custodiae  eius  imponit. 


1.  triumphali.  The  Med.  text  '  tri- 
nmphalium'  is  retained  in  the  older  edd., 
and  by  Rup.,  Walth,,  Ritt.,  and  Jacob, 
and  would  mean  such  a  dress  as  *  trium- 
phales'  (persons  who  had  triumphed  or 
had  received  *  triumphalia  ornamenta ') 
were  entitled  to  wear.  The  correction 
'triumphali'  (adopted  by  Or.,  Halm, 
Nipp.,  Dr.)  is  supported  by  i.  15,  4,  and 
is  no  doubt  right ;  for  the  '  vestis 
triumphalis  '  was  not  confined  to  '  trium- 
phales ',  but  was  worn  by  the  chief  magis- 
trates of  the  Republic  on  certain  solemn 
occasions,  and  after  their  example  by  the 
princeps  (13.  8,  i) ;  whence  it  is  called  be- 
low '  habitus  imperatorius ',  and  was  no 
doubt  assumed  by  Nero  as  a  mark  of  his 
'imperium  proconsulare '  (see  Momms. 
Staatsr.  i.  417;  ii.  1142,  H49)  ;  though 
its  use  within  the  city  would  seem  to  have 
been  hardly  warranted  in  his  case. 

2.  spectaret,  expressing  the  thought 
of  Agrippina  and  her  party  (*  let  the 
people  see ').  The  omission  both  of  the 
verb  of  speaking  and  of  an  indication  of 
the  speaker  may  be  somewhat  paralleled 
by  I.  10,  4,  &c.,  and  explained  as  an 
effort  at  rhetorical  effect.  Those  who 
think  it  too  harsh  read  '  ut '  after  *  sunt ' 
(with  Bezzenb.)  or  in  place  of  *  sunt ' 
(with  Rup.). 

3.  perinde,  'correspondingly':  cp. 
'  ut  viseret  agros  cultaque  ab  incultis 
notaret  et  perinde  dominos  laudaret  cas- 
tigaretque'  (Liv.  27.  8,  18)  ;  '  Mithridates 
ingenti  corpore,  perinde  armatus  '  (Sail. 
H.  2.  47  D,  56  K,  3.  34  G).  In  a  similar 
passage  in  H.  2.  97,  4,  Med.  has  *  pro- 
inde'. 

5.  et  alii,  i.  e.  *  the  majority  on  false 


charges,  and  some  on  pretence  of  promo- 
tion ' :  cp.  c.  56,  4;  I.  63,  7  (and  note). 
The  officers  spoken  of  would  belong  tof 
the  praetorian  cohorts.  ' 

6.  tali  occasione,  '  by  taking  such 
opportunity  as  the  following.'  Tfiat  the 
words  have  this  reference  is  shown  by  the 
concluding  sentence  ('  commotus  his ',  &c.) . 

7.  Nero  Britannicum,  &c.  '  Nero 
saluted  Britannicus  by  name,  the  latter 
saluted  him  as  Domitius'  (ignoring  the 
adoption).  Suet,  speaks  (Ner.  7)  as  if  it 
had  been  a  slip  of  the  tongue  ('  quod  se 
post  adoptionem  Ahenobarbum  ex  con- 
suetudine  salutasset ') ;  but  even  a  boy  of 
ten  years  old  could  hardly  have  forgotten 
a  change  of  name  of  a  full  year's  stand- 
ing ;  and  certainly  four  years  later  Britan- 
nicus had  a  lively  sense  of  his  position 

(13.  15,  3)- 

9.  quae  iusserit  populus.  1  he : 
people  were  supposed  by  a  fiction  to  have 
voted  the  *  lex  curiata '  (c.  26,  i),  which 
had  been  preceded  by  a  decree  of  the 
senate  (c.  25,  3). 

1 1 .  eruptura,  *  there  would  be  an  out- 
break ' :  a  general  subject  is  supplied 
from  *  pravitas  tam  infensa  docentium  '. 

12.  his  quasi  criminibus,  'these 
hinted  charges,'  thus  inferred  from  the 
conduct  of  Britannicus. 

exilio  aut  morte.  Recent  edd. 
read  *  aut '  (with  Petersen)  for  Med.  *  ac ', 
with  a  force  as  in  3.  24,  2  ;  6.  9,  i  (*  some 
with  exile,  some  with  death  '),  Dio  states 
(60.  32,  5)  that  Sosibius  (see  11.  1,  2) 
suffered  the  latter  penalty,  and  adds, 
Ka.K  rovTOV  Ttapabovaa  avTuv  ois  ^9e\(v, 
(KciKov  oaov  ISi'j'OTO,  Koi  ovTi  TQJ  vaTpt 
avfetyai  ovt€  ks  to  dijfxoaiov  rrpu'Uvai  em, 


A.  D.  51] 


LIBER  XII.      CAP.  41,   42 


113 


1  42.  Nondum  tamen  summa  moliri  Agrippina  audebat,  ni 
praetoriarum  cohortium  cura  exolverentur  Lusius  Geta  et  Rufrius 
Crispinus,  quos  Messalinae   memores   et   liberis  eius  dcvinctos 

2  credebat.     igitur  distrahi  cohortis  ambitu  duorum  et,  si  ab  uno 
regerentur,  intentiorem  fore  disciplinam  adseverante  uxore,  trans-  5 
fertur  regimen  cohortium  ad  Burrum  Afranium,  egregiae  militaris 

3  famae,  gnarum  tamen  cuius  sponte  praeficeretur.  suum  quoque 
fastigium  Agrippina  extoUere  altius  :  carpento  Capitolium  ingredi, 
qui  honos  sacerdotibus  et  sacris  antiquitus  co.ncessus  veneratio- 


dXX'  \v  dd(afi<f)  rponov  rivoL  (pvKoKTf  eiX^^' 
For  her  former  treatment  of  him  see  c. 
36,  2. 

3.  oura,  so  used  of  this  command  iu 
13.  30,  2,  and  of  military  command 
generally  in  3.  78,  i,  &c. :  cp.  'curabat' 
in  I.  31,  2.  On  Lusius  Geta  see  1 1. 31,  i, 
on  Rufrius  Crispinus  11,  i,  3.  Med.  has 
here  *  Rufius ',  but  in  a  majority  of  places 
(13.45,4;  i5-7i»8;  16.  17, 1) 'Rufrius'. 
In  Suet.  Ner.  35,  both  forms  occur  in  lead- 
ing MSS. ;  and  both  are  recognized  as  Ro- 
man names  in  inscriptions. 

4.  ambitu,  'rivalry  in  courting  the 
soldiers.'  On  the  usual  partition  of  this 
command  between  two  praefects  see  i. 
24,  3,  and  note ;  and  for  other  instances, 
14-  5i»  5  ;  H.  I.  46,  I ;  2.  92,  I,  and  the 
particulars  given  in  Momms.  Staatsr.  ii. 
867,  2  ;  Hirschfeld,  Unters.  219,  foil. 

5.  uxore,  perhaps  used  (as  Pfitzn.  sug- 
gests) with  some  bitterness,  as  the  matter 
was  so  wholly  beyond  her  sphere. 

6.  Burrum  Afranium.  The  cognomen 
(read  incorrectly  in  most  of  the  old 
edd.  as  '  Burrhus ',  after  some  of  the  in- 
ferior MSS.)  is  an  old  synonym  for 
'Rufus'  (Fest.) ;  and  either  '  Burrus'  or 
'  Purnis '  is  the  form  used  by  Ennius  for 
'  Pyrrhns '  (Cic.  Or.  48,  160).  This  officer 
held  the  command  till  his  death  (14.  51, 
I ).  [The  previous  career  of  Burrus  is  given 
on  the  inscription  found  at  Vaison  (C.  I.  L. 
xii.  5842)  :  Vasiens(es)  Voc(ontii)  patrono 
Sex(to)  Afr(a)nioSex(ti)  f(ilio)  Volt(inia) 
Burro,  trib(uno)  mil(itum)  proc(uratori) 
Augustae.proc(uratori)Ti,beri)Caesanis) 
proc(uratori)  divi  Clandi  praef(ecto) 
praetori(o)    orn(amentis)    consular(ibus). 

I  Burrus  was  therefore  probably  a  native  of 
j  the  Gaulish  town  of  Vasio,  of  equestrian 
j  rank,  served  as  an  officer  in  some  un- 
i  specified  legion,  and  was  then  agent  in  suc- 
I  cession  to  Livia,  Tiberius,  and  Claudius. 
JHe  was  consequently  already  a  trusted 
.servant  of  the  *  household  of  Caesar '  when 


promoted  to  the  praetorian  prefecture,  and  | 
like  Seneca  was  a  provincial.  His  *  no- ' 
i];ien^  Afranius  inay  ind;icate  that  an  an- 
cestor had  served  ujader  the  Pompeian 
general  of  that  name,  and  had  received 
Rom^n  citizenship  frpm  him. — P.] 

7.  gnartim  tamen,  &c.,  i.e.  knowing 
that  he  was  Agrippina's  nominee,  and 
acknowledging  the  obligation.  On  the 
gen;t.  with  *  spQnte-'  cp.  2.  59,  3,  and 
note. 

8.  fastigium,  '  dignity ' ;  so  '  muliebre 
fastigium^  (i.  14,  3) ;  also  2.  84,  2  ;  4. 40, 
7,  &c.,  J.iv.  2.  27,  6,  &c. 

carpento,  &c.  We  find  from  Dio 
(60.  33,  2)  that  she  procured  a  decree 
from  the  senate  Kapvivriw  kv  rah  vavrj' 
yvpeai  xp^o'^o*.  A  similar  privilege,  ex- 
tended from  that  of  Vestals  (see  next  note),( 
had  been  given  to  Messalina  (Id.  60.  33,1 
2),  who  was  drawn  in  such  a  carriage  in 
the  triumph  of  Claudius  (Suet.  CI.  17), 
and,  as  a  posthumous  honour,  to  thci 
effigies  of  the  elder  Agrippina  and  An- 
tonia  (Suet.  Cal.  15  ;  CI.  1 1).  The  honour 
is  commemorated  in  medals  of  Agrippina, 
from  which  the  form  of  the  '  carpentum  ', 
a  two-wheeled  carriage  with  an  orna- 
mented cover,  is  known  to  us  (see  Mar- 
quardt,  Privatl.  735).  A  similar  privilege, 
in  the  case  of  men,  was  allowed  only  to 
magistrates  and  priests,  and  to  them  on 
solemn  occasions  only  (see  Momms. 
Staatsr.  i.  394,  foil.). 

9.  sacerdotibus.  This  right  does  not 
appear  to  have  extended  to  all  priests : 
cp.  lex  lul.  municip.  62  *  quibus  diebus 
virgines  Vestales,  regem  sacrorum,  flami- 
nes  plostreis  in  urbe  sacrorum  publicorum 
P.  R.  causa  vehi  oportebit '  (see  also  Liv. 
1.  21,4).  The  pontifex  appears  also  to 
have  thus  gone  in  procession :  cp.  '  dum 
Capitolium  Scandet  cum  tacita  virgine 
pontifex '  (Hor.  Od.  3.  30,  8).  The  pri- 
vileges of  the  Vestals  formed  in  many 
points  (such  as  the  use  of  a  lictor,  &c) 


I 


114 


CORN  ELI  I  TACITI  AN N A  LIU M 


[A.  D.  51 


nem  augebat  feminae  quam,  imperatore  genitam,  sororem  eius 
qui  rerum  potitus  sit  et  coniugem  et  matrem  fuisse,  unicum  ad 
hunc  diem  exemplum  est.     inter  quae  praecipuus  propugnator  4 
eius  Vitellius,  validissima  gratia,  aetate  extrema  (adeo  incertae 
5  sunt  potentium  res)  accusatione  corripitur,  deferente  lunio  Lupo 
senatore.     is  crimina  maiestatis  et  cupidinem  imperii  obiectabat ;  5 
praebuissetque  auris  Caesar,  nisi  Agrippinae  minis  magis  quam 
precibus  mutatus  esset  ut  accusatori  aqua  atque  igni  interdiceret. 
hactenus  Vitellius  voluerat. 
10      43.  Multa  eo  anno  prodigia  evenere.     insessum  diris  avibus  1 
Capitolium,  crebris  terrae  motibus  prorutae  domus,  ac  dum  latius 


the  model  for  those  granted  to  the  wives 
or  mothers  of  emperors  (see  4.  16,  6,  &c.). 

sacris,  used  of  objects  of  worship, 
especially  images,  such  as  the  Palladium 
in  the  temple  of  Vesta  (Liv.  Epit.  19), 
probably  also  of  the  Penates  of  Rome 
(see  on  15.  41,  2).  So  Varro  (L.  L.  v. 
47)  explains  the  Via  Sacra  to  be  'qua 
sacra  quotquot  mensibus  feruntur  in 
arcem  '. 

I.  imperatore.  Her  father  Germani- 
cus  had  received  this  title  (cp.  i.  58,  9, 
and  note).  She  was  also  sister  of  Gaius, 
wife  of  Claudius,  and  mother  of  Nero. 
In  ancient  times  a  distinction  of  similar 
character  was  recorded  of  the  Lacedae- 
monian Lampido  (Plat.  Alcib.  I.  124  A) 
and  of  the  Pisistratid  Archedike  (Thuc.  6. 

59.  3)- 

4.  Vitellius:  see  on  11.  2,  4,  &c. 
adeo  incertae,  «&c.     On   the  use  of 

parentheses  in  Tacitus  see  Introd.  i.  v. 
§  82.  Nipp.  notes  that  they  precede  the 
clause  to  which  they  relate,  as  in  i.  39,  7  ; 
79,  2  ;  4.  55,  6 ;  14.  59,  4,  &c.,  as  also  in 
Livy  and  other  authors. 

5.  corripitur:  'is  brought  to  trial'  : 
cp.  2.  28,  4,  &c. 

6.  maiestatis.  This  law  has  been  for 
some  time  practically  dormant  (see  14. 
48,  3,  and  note). 

8.  ut  accusatori,  &c.  Nipp.  notes 
the  irony  of  contrast,  as  in  11.  2,  4.  On 
similar  punishments  of  accusers  cp.  4.  31, 
7 ;  36, 5  ;  6.  7,  I,  &c. 

aqua  atque  igni  interdiceret.  This 
sentence  (cp.  3.  23,  2,  &c.)  was  one  of 
*  exilium '  involving  loss  of  property,  but 
less  severe  than  '  deportatio  in  insulam  ', 
as  allowing  some  choice  of  residence. 

9.  hactenus,  *  this  and  no  more  '  (im- 
plying that  had  he  chosen  to  press  for  the 
penalty  of  death,   it  would  have   been 


inflicted) :  cp.  such  uses  of  the  word  in 
14-  3,  2;  51,  3;  15.  60,  4,  &c.,  also 
'  hactenus  meminerint  ut  querantur '  (PI. 
Ep.  7.  31,  6),  '  utinam  hactenus'  (Suet. 
Dom.  16). 

10.  prodigia.  In  the  earlier  Books  ot 
the  Annals  no  soch  portents  are  noticed, 
even  where  recognition  of  them  might 
have  been  expected  (compare  i.  76,  i, 
with  Dio,  57.  14,  7);  but  from  this  point 
the  mention  of  such  is  not  unfrequent: 
see  Introd.  i.  12,  n.  14  :  22,  n.  i.  In  most 
cases  (c.  64,  i ;  14.  32,  i ;  15.  7,  3  ;  47> 
i)  the  supposed  ominous  reference  is 
shown,  or  is  obvious  in  itself ;  here  none 
is  indicated,  and  the  famine  which  might 
have  been  supposed  to  be  foreshadowed 
is  itself  viewed  as  another  portent.  'Tacitus 
may  have  supposed  that  they  found  their 
fulfilment  in  the  Eastern  troubles  (c.  44, 
folU),  or  in  the  danger  threatening  the 
imperial  house  through  the  adoption  of 
Nero.  Pliny  mentions  another  prodigy 
in  this  year  (N.  H.  2.  31,  99):  '  trinos 
soles  .  .  .  nostra  aetas  vidit,  divo  Claudio 
principe,  consulatu  eius,  Cornelio  Orfito 
collega.' 

diris  avibus,  'birds  of  ill  omen'; 
so  'dirasquediem  foedassevolucres'  (Luc. 
I J  558):  cp.  '  importunaeque  volucres' 
(Verg.  G.  I,  470).  The  sight  of  an  owl 
in  daytime  was  especially  ominous  :  cp. 
'  tristia  mille  locis  Stygius  dedit  omina 
bubo'  (Ov.  M.  15,  791).  Other  birds  of 
ill  omen  are  mentioned  in  Hor.  Od.  3.  27, 
I,  foil. 

11.  terrae  motibus:  earthquakes  are 
mentioned  also  in  758,  768,  and  812, 
A.D.  5,  15,  59  (Dio,  55.  22,  5  ;  57.  14,  7; 
Eus.  Chron.). 

dum  latius  metuitur,  'as  the  panic 
spread' :  cp.  '  altius  metuens  '  (4.  41,  i). 


A.  D.  51] 


LIBER  XII.     CAP.  42-44 


"5 


metuitur,  trepidatione  vulgi  invalidus  quisque  obtriti ;  frugum 
quoque  egestas  et  orta  ex  eo  fames  in  prodigium  accipiebatur. 

2  nee  occulti  tantum  questus,  sed  iura  reddentem  Claudium  cir- 
cumvasere   clamoribus   turbidis,   pulsumque   in   extremam   fori 

3  partem  vi  urgebant,  donee  militum  globo  infensos  perrupit.  quin-  5 
decim  dierum  alimenta  urbi,  non  ampHus  superfuisse  constitit, 
magnaque  deum  benignitate  et  modestia  hiemis  rebus  extremis 

4  subventum.  at  hercule  olim  Italia  legionibus  longinquas  in  pro- 
vincias  commeatus  portabat,  nee  nunc  infecunditate  laboratur,  sed 
Africam  potius  et  Aegyptum  exercemus,  navibusque  et  casibus 
vita  populi  Romani  permissa  est. 

1  44.  Eodem  anno  bellum  inter  Armenios  Hiberosque  exortum 
Parthis  quoque  ac  Romanis  gravissimorum  inter  se  motuum  causa 

2  fuit.     genti  Parthorum  Vologeses  imperitabat,  materna  origine  ex 


1.  obtriti.  The  plural  is  thus  used 
after  'quisque'  in  i.  44,  3;  14.  18,  2; 
H.  4.  25,  5 ;  27,  4»  The  crowded  state 
of  the  streets  at  all  times,  and  the  liability 
to  a  crush  on  occasion  of  any  obstruction, 
are  noted  in  Sen.  Clem.  i.  6,  1. 

2.  in  prodigium.  The  prep,  expresses 
the  direction  which  the  interpretation 
took:  cp.  I.  14,  3,  and  note. 

3.  questus,  sc.  *  fuere '. 

iura  reddentem.  On  the  judicial 
functions  personally  exercised  by  the 
princeps  see  Introd.  i.  vi.  p.  74  ;  on  the 
character  of  Claudius  in  respect  of  his 
discharge  of  them  see  Introd.  p.  37. 

circvunvasere,  a  rare  verb,  found 
here  alone  in  Tacitus,  but  also  in  Liv.  and 
PI.  mai.  :  the  subject  is  supplied  from 
the  context.  Suetonius  (CI.  18)  adds  some 
details  to  the  account  of  this  tumult,  and 
also  mentions  the  measures  taken  by 
Claudius  to  relieve  the  dearth,  and  privi- 
leges given  to  private  ship-owners.  For- 
merly, the  popular  cry  for  bread  had 
expressed  itself  by  clamour  at  theatres  and 
other  public  gatherings  (see  6.  13,  i,  &c.). 

5.  globo,  often  so  used  of  soldiers 
massed  together  to  force  a  way :  cp.  2. 
IT,  4,  and  note. 

quindecim  dierum.  On  the  still 
greater  scarcity  of  corn  at  the  death  of 
Gains,  and  the  measures  of  relief  taken 
by  Claudius,  see  Introd.  pp.  24,  25  ;  and 
on  other  famines  during  this  period  see 
Friedl.  i.  29,  foil. 

7.  modestia,  here  alone  thus  used. 
Columella  speaks  (2.  9)  of  the  'dementia' 
of  winter,  Pliny  (N.  H.  6.  20,  23,  71)  of 


'  aqnarum  modestia' :  so  we  have  'saevitia 
annonae'  (2.  87,  i),  *  segnitia  maris  '  (H. 
3.  42,  3),  &c. 

8.  at  hercule,  emphasizing  a  contrast, 
as  in  I.  3,  5,  &c. 

legionibus,  a  generally  adopted  cor- 
rection of  Em.  for  Med.  *  regionibus '. 

9.  infecunditate,  a  word  found  also 
in  Sail.  H.  3.  i  D,  90  K,  5  G.,  also  in 
Col.  and  PI.  mai.  Italy  is  held  by  Pliny 
(N.  H.  37.  13,  77,  201)  to  have  the 
greatest  natural  advantages  of  any  country 
in  the  world;  and  the  decay  of  its  produce 
is  ascribed  by  Varro  (R.  R.  2,  3)  to  the 
preference  by  the  peasantry  of  an  idle  life 
in  Rome,  by  Pliny  (N.  H.  18.  6,  7,  35) 
to  the  '  latifundia '  and  the  vicious  system 
of  slave  labour,  which  was  also  spreading 
in  the  provinces,  by  Horace  (Od.  2. 15, 1) 
and  others  (e.g.  Quint.  Decl.  13)  to  the 
land  swallowed  up  by  parks  and  villas, 
by  Lucan  (7,  399,  foil.)  to  the  general 
demoralization  consequent  on  the  ciyil 
wars.  Cp.  Introd.  i.  vii.  pp.  86,  93; 
Schiller,  p.  492,  folL 

10.  Africam  .  .  .  et  Aegyptum.  On 
the  corn  supply  from  these  and  other 
sources  see  Marquardt,  Staatsv.  ii.  233, 
foil.,  Friedl.  i.  29,  Mayor  on  Juv.  8,  117. 
Josephus  (B.  I.  2.  16,  4)  makes  Herod 
Agrippa  say  that  Rome  was  supported  by 
Egypt  for  four  months  in  the  year,  and  by 
Africa  for  eight ;  but  the  latter  estimate 
may  probably  be  exaggerated. 

exercemus:  cp.  11.  7,  4,  and  note, 
navibusque,  &c.    Compare  the  strong 
expressions  of  Tiberius  in  3.  54,  6. 

14.  Vologeses.     It  has  been  thought 

a 


ii6 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  51 


paelice   Graeca,   concessu   fratrum    regnum   adeptus;    Hiberos 
Pharasmanes  vetusta  possessione,  Armenios  frater  eius  Mithridates 
obtinebat  opibus  nostris.     erat  Pharasmanis  filius  nomine  Rada-  3 
mistus,  decora  proceritate,  vi  corporis  insignis  et  patrias  artis 
5  edoctus,   claraque   inter  accolas   fama.      is   modicum    Hiberiae  4 
regnum  senecta  patris  detineri  ferocius  crebriusque  iactabat  quam 
ut  cupidinem  occultaret.    igitur  Pharasmanes  iuvenem  potentiae  5 
promptum   et   studio   popularium    accinctum,   vergentibus   iam 
annis    suis    metuens,   aliam    ad    spem    trahere    et    Armeniam 
lo  ostentare,    pulsis    Parthis   datam    Mithridati    a    semet    memo- 
rando  :  sed  vim  differendam  et  potiorem  dolum  quo  incautum 
opprimerent.     ita    Radamistus   simulata   adversus   patrem  dis-  6 
cordia    tamquam    novercae   odiis    impar    pergit    ad    patruum, 
multaque   ab  eo  comitate  in  speciem  liberum  cultus  primores 


(see  Nipp.'s  note)  that  Tacitus  is  here 
antedating  the  accession  of  this  king,  and 
that  it  did  not  take  place  till  the  following 
year ;  but  Prof.  Gardner  has  shown  (see 
note  on  c.  14,  8)  that  the  evidence  derived 
from  coinage  does  not  necessitate  any  such 
view.  On  the  other  hand,  the  later  date 
given  by  some  to  his  accession  is  fully 
consistent  with  the  time  at  which  he  first 
actually  intervenes  (c.  50,  i). 

1.  fratrum,  Tiridates  (c.  50,  1)  and 
Pacorus  (15.  2,  i). 

2.  Pharasmanes  .  .  .  Mithridates : 
see  II.  8,  I,  and  notes. 

3.  erat  .  .  .  filius,  '  there  was  a  son.' 
Nipp.  illustrates  this  force  of  '  erat '  from 
c.   49,  i;    13.   45,    i;  14.    40,    i;    also 

*  Cibyratae  sunt  fratres  quidam  Tlepole- 
mus  et  Hiero '  (Cic.  Verr,  4.  13,  30). 

4.  patrias  artis,  '  the  accomplishments 
of  his  countrymen,'  riding,  archery,  &c. 
(2.  2,  5):   '  clara  fama,'  abl.  of  quality. 

5.  modicum  .  . .  detineri.  The  ana- 
logous expression,  *quod  immensam  pe- 
cuniam  longa  senecta  detineret '  (14.  65, 
i),  suggests  that  'detineri'   here  means 

*  was  being  kept  from  him  *.  '  Modicum' 
is  not  a  mere  epithet,  but  adds  the  thought 
that   the    kingdom    thus    kept   from   its 

I  proper  heir  was  small  and  worthless,  when 
that  heir  would  have  energy  to  extend  it. 
This  seems  better  than  to  take  the  word 
(with  Prof.  Holbrooke)  to  mean  that  it  was 
too  small  to  be  divided,  or  to  take  '  mo- 
dicum detineri '  (with  Orelli  and  Dr.)  only 
to  mean  '  was  restricted  from  expansion '. 

6.  ferocius,  *  too  boldly' :  cp.  'linguae 
feroces'  (H.  i.  35,  2). 


7.  potentiae  promptum,  *  ready  to 
grasp  power'  (cp.  i.  48,  3  ;  4.  46,  4;  11. 
32,  I;  15.  45,  4):  so  Orelli  and  Ritt., 
after  Lips.,  for  the  old  reading  '  promptae' 
(Med.  '  pmte'),  which  they  regard  as  an 
error  of  assimilation,  but  which  Halm  and 
Dr.  retain,  and  which  could  be  taken  as  a 
kind  of  genit.  of  quality  describing  his 
circumstances  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  34),  '  one 
who  had  power  ready  to  his  hand,'  by 
reason  of  his  popularity.  But  the  follow- 
ing clause  *  et  .  .  .  accinctum '  jippears, 
from  the  conjunction  introducing  it,  to 
introduce  a  new  ground  of  fear  rather 
than  (as  would  thus  be  the  case)  to  ex- 
plain the  words  above,  and  we  should 
certainly  expect  some  allusion  to  his 
*  cupido  '  as  well  as  to  his  facilities.  Pfitzn. 
takes  the  Med.  text  less  well  to  mean  that 
his  father's  old  age  had  brought  power 
close  to  his  hand.  Madvig  (Adv.  ii.  p. 
551)  would  read  (with  Freinsh.)  'inpo- 
tentiae  promptae '  (cp.  his  suggestion  on 
4.  43,  4),  thinking  that  the  first  syllable 
of  the  former  word  was  overlooked  after 
'  iuvenem  ' ;  and  Nipp.  (after  Faern.)  de- 
parts further  from  Med.  in  reading  *  pro- 
perum  '  (cp.  4.  59,  5  ;  11.26,4;  14-7,2). 

8.  accinctum,  'armed':  cp.  c.  25,  2  ; 
II.  28,  I  (and  notes) ;  also  *  eloquentiam, 
qua  accinctus'  (Dial.  5,  5). 

vergentibus  :  cp.  2.  43,  i,  and  note. 

10.  a  semet,  see  6.  32,  5  ;  33,  i. 

14.  in  speciem  liberum  cultus,  'treat- 
ed as  a  son.'  '  In'  expresses  result  (Introd. 
i.  V.  60  b),  and  'species'  does  not  imply 
hypocritical  pretence;  the  sense  being 
merely  *  ita  ut  e  liberis  eius  videretur ' ; 


A.  D.  51] 


LIBER  XII.      CAP.  44,  45 


117 


Armeniorum  ad   res  novas   inlicit,   ignaro   et   ornante   insuper 
Mithridate. 

1  45.  Reconciliationis  specie  adsumpta  regressusque  ad  patrem, 
quae   fraude   confici   potuerint,    prompta   nuntiat,  cetera  armis 

2  exequenda.   interim  Pharasmanes  belli  causas  confingit:  proelianti  5 
sibi   adversus   regem  Albanorum   et  Romanes   auxilio  vocanti 
fratrem  adversatum,  eamque  iniuriam  excidio  ipsius  ultum  iturum ; 

3  simul  magnas  copias  filio  tradidit.  ille  inruptione  subita  territum 
exutumque  campis  Mithridaten  compulit  in  castellum  Corneas, 
tutum  loco  ac  praesidio  militum,  quis  Caelius  Pollio  praefectus,  10 

4  centurio  Casperius  praeerat.  nihil  tam  ignarum  barbaris  quam 
machinamenta  et  astus  oppugnationum  :  at  nobis  ea  pars  militiae 

6  maxime  gnara  est.  ita  Radamistus  frustra  vel  cum  damno 
temptatis  munitionibus  obsidium  incipit ;  et  cum  vis  neglegeretur, 
avaritiam  praefecti  emercatur,  obtestante  Casperio,  ne  socius  rex,  15 


cp.  'puerum  liberum  loco  coeptum  ha- 
beri '  (Liv.  i.  39,  4).  He  was  already,  or 
became,  son-in-law  of  Mithridates  as  well 
as  nephew  (c.  46,  i). 

I.  omante,  a  correction  of  Lips,  for 
Med.  *  orante ' :  cp.  *  omat  Phraaten  '  (6. 
32,  I).  Nipp.  notes  that  these  words 
refer  to  the  time  while  he  was  sowing 
sedition,  the  former  words  (*  multa  .  .  . 
cultus')  to  his  treatment  on  his  first  ar- 
rival. 

6.  regem  Albanorum.  On  this  people 
see  2.  68,  i,  and  note.  The  war  here 
alluded  to  is  unknown  :  in  6.  33,  2  they 
are  spoken  of  as  allied  with  Pharasmanes. 

7.  ultvun  iturum.  For  this  phrase 
cp.  4.  73,  6,  and  note,  and  similar  phrases 
in  4.  I,  2;  66,  2,  &c. 

9.  exutumque  campis,  '  driven  from 
the  open  country ' :  cp.  '  hostem  exuere 
sedibus'  (13.  39,  3),  and  many  other 
metaphorical  uses  of  the  verb  (see  note 
on  I.  69,  2).  The  alteration  to  *  castris  ' 
(Haase)  is  needless. 

Qorneas.  This  place  was  prob- 
ably one  of  the  strong  fortresses,  the 
'ya(o<pv\aKia  of  the  kingdom,  spoken  of 
in  Strab.  11.  14,  6,  529.  Kiepert  (cited 
in  Momms.  Hist.  v.  381  ;  E.  T.  ii.  48) 
notes  that  its  site  is  identified  by  the 
name  (Garhni),  still  given  to  some  ruins 
nearly  east  of  Erivan. 

10.  militum,  sc.  'Romanorum'.  That 
Mithridates  had  been  aided  by  Roman 
troops  in  reducing  rebel  strongholds,  has 


been  mentioned  in  1 1.  9,  i.  '  Praefectus  ' 
probably  stands  for  '  praefectus  cohortis ' 
(as  in  c.  39,  5). 

II.  Casperius,  mentioned  again  as  a 
centurion  in  15.  5,  2,  and  thought  by 
Nipp.  to  be  probably  the  Casperius  Niger 
of  H.  3.  73,  3. 

praeerat.  Halm  thinks  that  the  singu- 
lar verb  cannot  stand  and  reads '  praeerant  *. 

ignamm  .  .  .  gnara  =  *  ignotum  .  .  . 
nota'  (cp.  2.  13,  I ;  1.  5,  4,  and  notes). 
Several  edd.  (Haase,  Ritt.,  Nipp.,  Jacob) 
bracket  *  at  .  .  .  est' as  an  interpolation. 
Besides  being  a  somewhat  superfluous 
remark  in  the  mouth  of  a  Roman,  the 
clause  is  awkwardly  worded,  as  *  ea  pars 
militiae '  does  not  in  strict  sense  refer  to 
*  astus  oppugnationum ',  but  to  an  implied 
knowledge  of  the  corresponding  tactics 
of  defence.  On  the  other  hand,  the  clause 
cannot  be  a  gloss,  but  is  either  genuine 
or  a  deliberate  forgery;  and  Doed.  may 
be  right  in  thinking  that  to  explain  the 
failure  with  so  great  disparity  of  numbers, 
not  only  the  incapacity  of  the  besiegers, 
but  the  notable  skill  of  the  besieged,  re- 
quires mention.  The  defence  of  the 
juxtaposition  of  '  ignarum  '  and  *  gnara  *, 
given  by  Joh.  Miiller  (Beitr.  4,  11,  foil.), 
seems  hardly  needed, 

14.  obsidium,  *  a  blockade.' 
neglegeretur,    *  was    despised  * :    cp. 

the  similar  use  of  '  speraere  in  c  5,  2  ; 
6.42,2. 

15.  emercatur:  cp.  c.  14,  i,  and  note. 


ii8 


CORN  ELI  1  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  51 


ne  Armenia  donum  populi  Romani  scelere  et  pecunia  verterentur. 
postremo  quia  multitudinem  hostium  PolHo,  iussa  patris  Rada-  6 
mistus  obtendebant,  pactus  indutias  abscedit,  ut,  nisi  Pharasmanen 
bello    absterruisset,   Vmmidium  Quadratum   praesidem  Syriae 
5  doceret  quo  in  statu  Armenia  foret. 

43.  Digressu  centurionis  velut  custode  exolutus  praefectus  1 
hortari  Mithridaten  ad  sanciendum  foedus,  coniunctionem  fratrum 
ac  priorem  aetate  Pharasmanen  et  cetera  necessitudinum  nomina 
referens,  quod  filiam  eius  in  matrimonio  haberet,  quod  ipse 
10  Radamisto  socer  esset :  non  abnuere  pacem  Hiberos,  quamquam  2 
in  tempore  validiores ;  et  satis  cognitam  Armeniorum  perfidiam, 
nee  aliud  subsidii  quam  castellum  commeatu  egenum:  ne  dubia 


I .  verterentur  :  so  most  edd.  after 
Em.  Med.  has  *  pecunia  uterentur  ',  pro- 
bably a  corruption  of '  pecunia  iiterentur ' ; 
the  older  texts  read  *  venderentur '  (with 
inferior  MSS.),  *  averterentur,'  and  'rnuta- 
rentur'.      The   verb   would  be  used  for 

*  everterentur ',  as  in  2.  42,  4  (where  see 
note),  and  the  term  would  apply  not 
strictly  to  Armenia,  but  to  the  Roman 
authority  as  exercised  in  giving  that  king- 
dom to  Mithridates. 

3.  obtendebant :  cp.  11.  17,  4,  &c. 
abscedit,  sc.  '  Casperius '. 

4.  absterruisset,  with  simple  abl.,  as 
in  Hor.  S.  i.  5,  129. 

Vmniidium  Quadratum.  Med.  has 
here  '  tumidiu '  (usually  read  as  *  T. 
Umidium ',  but  Ritt.  thinks  the  '  t '  re- 
peated from  the  end  of  the  preceding 
word),  and  in  other  places  (13.  8,  2  ;  9, 
3,  14.  26,  4)  reads  the  name  with  one 

*  m'.  In  Jos.  Ant.  20.  6,  2  ;  B.  I.  2.  12, 
6,  it  has  been  read  as  Nov/x/Sios.  His  full 
name  and  offices  are  given  in  an  inscrip- 
tion (C.  I.  L.  10.  5182),  *C.  Ummidio 
C.  f.  Ter(entina  tribu)  Durmio  Quadrato, 
COS.,  XV  vir  s.  f.,  leg.  Ti.  Caesaris  Aug. 
prov.  Lusit.,  leg.  D.  Claudi  in  Illyrico, 
eiusd.  et  Neronis  Caesaris  Aug.  in  Syria, 
procos.  Cypri,  q(uaestori)  divi  Aug.  et  Ti. 
Caesaris  Aug.,  aed.  cur.,  pr(aetori)  ae- 
r(arii),  x  vir  stlit.  iud.,  curat,  tabular, 
publican,  praef.  frumenti  dandi  ex  S.  C 
The  inscription  shows  that  his  quaestor- 
ship  belongs  to  the  last  year  of  Augustus 
and  first  of  Tiberius  (a.  D.  14)  ;  his 
praetorship  was  in  A.  D.  18  (C.  I.  L. 
vi.  I.  1496,  his  tenure  of  Lusitania  in 
A.  D.  37  (C.  I.  L,  2.  172);  he  was 
probably  cos.  suff.  under  Gaius,  or  early 
under  Claudius,  and  succeeded  Cassius 


(c.  II,  4)  in  Sjo-ia,  which  he  held  till  his 
death  in  813,  A.  D.  60  (14.  26,  4).  Some 
further  particulars  about  him  are  noted 
by  Nipp.  and  in  Lehmann  (pp.  248,  249). 
For  further  account  of  him  as  governor 
of  Syria  see  c.  54,  5,  &c. 

praesidem.  It  is  noted  by  Momm- 
sen  (Staatsr.  ii.  240,  3)  that  the  use  of 
this  term  for  the  legatus  of  a  province 
begins  after  the  first  century,  being  found 
in  Tacitus  (cp.  6.  41,  1),  Pliny  (Pan.  70), 
and  often  in  Suet.,  after  whose  date  it 
appears  on  inscriptions,  &c.,  and  becomes 
the  regular  term :  cp.  Macer  (Dig.  i.  18, 
i),  'praesidis  nomen  generale  est,  eoque 
et  proconsules  et  legati  Caesaris,  et  omnes 
provincias  regentes,  licet  senatores  sint, 
praesides  appellantur.' 

7.  coniunctionem  fratrum,  *  the  tie 
of  brotherhood,'  i.  e.  that  brothers  should 
agree,  and  the  younger  should  give  way 
to  the  elder.  The  other  '  titles  of  con- 
nexion '  ('  necessitudinum  nomina  ')  are 
explained  in  the  context. 

1 1 .  in  tempore,  '  at  present.'  The 
phrase  seems  to  be  nowhere  else  so  used 
(cp.  c.  50,  4,  &c.).  Nipp.  compares  the 
use  of  '  in  loco  '  in  i.  63,  7. 

perfidiam,    the    treason    incited    by\ 
Radamistus  (c.  44,  5).  • 

12.  commeatu.  The  Med.  'commeatu' 
has  been  sometimes  read  as  'commea- 
tuum  '  (which  would  give  a  bad  homoeo- 
teleuton),  and  may  possibly  be  a  corrup- 
tion of  '  commeatus ',  but  an  abl.  with 
'  egenus  '  is  found  in  15.  12,  i. 

ne  dubia  tentare  .  .  .  mallet :  so 
Halm,  Nipp.,  Dr.,  after  Sirker,  for  Med. 
'  ne  dubitare  .  .  .  malle '.  Ritt.  prefers 
*  tenere  '  to  *  tentare ' ;  most  other  edd. 
follow  Orsini  (after  certain  MSS.)  in  read- 


A.  D.  51] 


LIBER  XIL      CAP.  45-47 


119 


3  tentare  armis  quam  incruentas  condiciones  mallet,  cunctante  ad 
ea  Mithridate  et  suspectis  praefecti  consiliis,  quod  paelicem 
regiam  polluerat  inque  omnem  libidinem  venalis  habebatur, 
Casperius  interim  ad  Pharasmanen  pervadit,  utque  Hiberi  ob- 

4  sidio   decedant   expostulat.      ille   propalam   incerta   et   saepius  5 
moUiora   respondens,  secretis  nuntiis   monet  Radamistum   op- 

5  pugnationem  quoquo  modo  celerare.  augetur  flagitii  merces,  et 
Pollio  occulta  corruptione  impellit  milites  ut  pacem  flagitarent 

6  seque  praesidium  omissuros  minitarentur.  qua  necessitate  Mithri- 
dates  diem  locumque  foederi  accepit  castelloque  egreditur.  10 

1  47.  Ac  primo  Radamistus  in  amplexus  eius  effusus  simulare 
obsequium,  socerum  ac  parentem  appellare ;  adicit  ius  iurandum, 

2  non  ferro,  non  veneno  vim  adlaturum  ;  simul  in  lucum  propinquum 
trahit,  provisum  illic  sacrificii  paratum  dictitans,  ut  diis  testibus 

3  pax  firmaretur.     mos  est  regibus,  quotie^  in  societatem  coeant,  15 
implicare  dextras  pollicesque  inter  se  vincire  nodoque  praestrin- 
gere :  mox  ubi  sanguis  in  artus  se  extremes  suffuderit,  levi  ictu 


ing  'dubitaret*,  omitting  'quam',  retaining 

*  malle',  and  taking  '  armis '  as  an  abl.  of 
comparison,  defended  (hardly  appositely) 
from  Hor.  Sat.  2.  8,  79  (*  nullos  his  mallem 
ludos  spectasse'),  and  supposing  that  a 
copyist  ignorant  of  the  construction  had 
confused  it  by  inserting  *  quam  '. 

I .  incruentas  :  cp.  '  pacem  incru- 
entam'  (2.  46,  2);  'res  incruentas'  (13. 
37,  6),  &c. 

3,  in  omnem  libidinem  venalis, 
'  one  who  could  be  bought  over  to  any 
wickedness.'  *  Libido  '  has  this  general 
sense  in  13,  31,  5,  as  also  'licentia'  in 
15.  20,  3.  The  force  of  '  in '  is  similar 
in  I.  28,  7;  4.  51,  3,  &c. 

5.  et  saepius  molliora,  *  and  usually 
pacific ' :  cp.  '  ac  saepius  '  (c.  7,  6). 

6.  monet  .  .  .  celerare:  cp.  11.  i,  2, 
and  note.  For  the  use  of  *  celerare '  cp. 
2.5,  2,  and  note. 

9.  omissuros  :  so  all  recent  edd.,  after 
Freinsh.,  on  the  analogy  of  4.  51,3;  14. 
33,  4.  Med.  has  '  ammis.'  (at  the  end  of 
a  line)  ;  most  older  edd.  follow  G.  in 
reading  '  praesidio  abituros '. 

qua  necessitate,  causal  abl.  (In- 
trod.  i.  V.  §  30). 

I I,  effusus,  'rushing  into  his  embrace.' 

*  Effundi '  is  used  in  a  middle  or  reflex- 
ive sense  of  giving  way  to  a  feeling  (i .  11, 
5  ;    54.  3  ;  4-  8,  3 ;  H.   2.  So,   3),  and 

*  effusus '  of  the  feeling  thus  indulged  in, 


as  'eflfusae  clementiae'  (6.  30,  3),  'am- 
plexueffusissimo '  (Petron.  139). 

14.  sacrificii  paratum  :  so  most  mo- 
dem edd.,  after  Pflugk  ;  Ritt.  prefers  *  ap- 
paratum '  (cp.  2.  69,  3  ;  H.  3.  56,  i)  ;  but 
'paratus'  is  used  for  it  in  13.  17,  i  (cp. 
'  occulti  paratus  sacri'  Liv.  10,  41,  3). 
The  Med.  text  *  sacrificium  imperatum ' 
might  be  taken  to  mean  *  that  the  sacri- 
fice which  had  been  ordered  was  there 
made  ready',  but  would  hardly  suit  the 
description  of  the  rite  contemplated. 
Other  emendations  are  cited  by  Halm 
and  Ritt. 

15.  mos  est,  &c.  Another  Armenian 
prince  is  described  by  Val.  Max  (9.  11, 
extr.  3)  as  thus  ratifying  an  alliance  ;  a 
similar  practice  is  noted  among  Medes 
(Hdt.  I.  74,  6)  and  Scythians  (Id.  4.  70, 
I  ;  Lucian,  Tox.  37),  and  has  been  ob- 
served among  savage  races  in  modem 
times.  A  wild  tale  was  current  that  the  Ca- 
tilinarians  sealed  their  compact  by  drink- 
ing human  blood  in  wine  (Sail.  Cat.  22,  i). 

in  societatem  coeant,  'meet  to 
form  alliance ' :  so  *  in  amicitiam  coeant ' 
(Verg.  Aen.  7,  546) ;  *  coeant  in  foedera 
dextrae'  (Id.  11,  292);  'ad  nullius  non 
facinoris  societatem  coibant '  (Suet.  Aug. 
32).  The  subjunctive  here  is  that  of 
action  often  repeated  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  52). 

17.  se  extremes  suffuderit.  Orelli 
and  Halm  follow  Jac.  Gron.  in  inserting 


I20 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  51 


cruorem  eliciunt  atque   invicem  lambunt.      id  foedus  arcanum 
habetur  quasi  mutuo  cruore  sacratum.     sed  tunc  qui  ea  vincla  4 
admovebat,  decidisse  simulans  genua  Mithridatis  invadit  ipsum- 
que  prosternit ;  simulque  concursu  plurium  iniciuntur  catenae. 
5  ac  compede,  quod  dedecorum  barbaris,  trahebatur ;  mox  quia  5 
vulguS  dufo  imperio  habitum,  probra  ac  verbera  intentabat.     et  6 
erant  contra  qui  tantam  fortunae  commutationem  miserarentur ; 
secutaque  ciim  parvis  liberis  coniunx  cuncta  lamentatione  com- 
plebat.     diversis  et  contectis  vehiculis  abduntur,  dum  Pharas-  7 

10  manis  iussa  exquirefentur.     illi  cupido  regni  fratre  et  filia  potior 
animusque  sceleribus  paratus ;  visui  tamen  consuluit,  ne  coram 
interficeret.      et    Radamistus,   quasi   iuris   iurandi   memor,    non  8 
ferrum,  non  venenum  in  sororem  et  patruum  expromit,  sed  pro- 
iectos  in  humum  et  veste  multa  gravique  opertos  necat.     filii  9 

J 5  quoque    Mithridatis^  quod   caedibus    parentum   inlacrimaverant 
trucidati  sunt. 

48.  At  Quadratus  cognoscens  proditum  Mithridaten  et  regnum  1 
ab  interfectoribus  obtineri,  vocat  consilium,  docet  acta  et  an 


*  se '  where  it  may  most  easily  have 
dropped  out ;  Ritt.  inserts  it  after  '  ex- 
tremes'.  Most  others  (after  Heins.)  cor- 
rect the  Med.  text  by  omitting  *  in ' ; 
some  read  ♦  se  effuderit  (after  G.).  The 
verb  expresses  the  collection  of  blood  in 
the  extremities  thus  tied. 

I.  arcanoun,  'mystical':  so  'arcana 
sacra '  (G.  i8,  3),  *  arcamis  terror  *  (Id.  40, 
5).     Haase  reads  *  aeternum '. 

3.  decidisse.  The  omission  of  *se' 
is  so  common  in  Tacitus,  and  the  meaning 
so  suggested  by  the  distinctive  *  ipsum ' 
following,  that  the  alternative  explana- 
tion of  Walther  and  Orelli  ('  decidisse 
vincula ')  seems  very  improbable. 

4.  concursu    pliiriura,    abl.    abs.  »= 

*  pluribus  concurrentibus '. 

5.  compede:  so  all  edd.  for  Med. 
'  compedes  ',  after  Lips.,  who  notes  that  a 
distinction  appears  to  be  drawn  between 
'  catenae '  (on  the  hands)  and  the  still 
greater  indignity  of  being  dragged  along 
with  shackles  on  the  feet ;  also  that  the 
custom  of  '  custodia  militaris '  made 
chains  seem  less  disgraceful  to  a  Roman 
than  a  barbarian. 

mox    quia,     &c.       With     this     text 

*  vulgus '  is  supplied  again  as  subject  of 

*  intentabat '.  Nipp.  and  others  read '  mox- 
que '  (after  G.).  On  the  harsh  rule  of 
Mithridates  cp.  11.  9,  3. 


6.  intentabat,  used  with  similar  zeug- 
ma in  3.36,  I. 

7.  contra:  so  most  edd.  (with  G.). 
Med.  has  *  econtra ',  whence  Baiter  reads 

*  e  contrario'  (cp.  H.  i.  88,  4),  and  notes 
other  omissions  of  final  syllables  in  this  MS. 

II.  visvii  tamen  consuluit, '  h^  spared 
his  eyes  the  sight'  of  a  brother's  exe- 
cution: cp.  'aspectui  pepercit'  (15. 
61,  7),  *  Nero  subtraxit  oculos '  (Agr. 
45,  2),  and  the  use  of  *  consulere  alicui' 
(  =  'parcere')  in  3.  16,  5;  46,  4;  11. 
36,  3,  «&c. 

ne  =  '  ita  ut  non  ' :  cp.  11.  15,  i. 

13.  sororam,  the  wife  of  Mithridates 
(see  c.  46,  i). 

proiectos  in  humum,  *  thrown 
down  to  the  ground '  :  tbe  idea  seems 
really  not  distinguishable  from  that  where 
the  locative  '  humi '  is  used,  as  in  H.  2. 
64,  2  ('  proiectum  humi  iugulavit '). 

17.  Quadratus:  see  c,  45,  6.  This\ 
whole  narrative  shows  that  the  legatus  of  j 
Syria  was  the  superior  officer  of  all  com-  ■ 
manders  of  troops  in  Cappadocia  and 
other  eastern  provinces:  see  Marqu. 
Staatsv.  i.  209.  Cappadocia  being  under 
a  procurator  was  subject  to  the  general 
control  of  the  legate  of  Syria. 

cognoscens,     aoristic     present :     cp. 

*  praemonenti '  11.  35,  3  (and  note), 

18.  consilium.     The  persons  usually^ 


A.  D.  51] 


LIBER  XII,      CAP.  47-49 


121 


2  ulcisceretur  consultat.  paucis  decus  publicum  curac,  plures  tuta 
disserunt :  omne  scelus  externum  cum  laetitia  habendum  ;  semina 
etiam  odiorum  iacienda,  ut  saepe  principes  Romani  eandem 
Armeniam  specie  largitionis  turbandis  barbarorum  animis  prae- 

3  buerint :  poteretur  Radamistus  male  partis,  dum  invisus  infamis,  5 
quando  id  magis  ex  usu  quam  si  cum  gloria  adeptus  foret.     in 

4  banc  sententiam  itum.  ne  tamen  adnuisse  facinori  viderentur  et 
diversa  Caesar  iuberet,  missi  ad  Pharasmanen  nuntii  utabscederet 
a  finibus  Armeniis  filiumque  abstraheret. 

1      49.  Erat  Cappadociae   procurator   lulius    Paelignus,   ignavia  ic 
animi   et   deridiculo   corporis   iuxta   despiciendus,   sed  Claudio 


thus  consulted  by  a  governor  were  all 
senators  present,  and  sometimes  others 
I  with  them  (see  Sail.  lug.  62,  4;   104,  i). 

1.  tuta  disserunt,  'advocate  a  safe 
course '  (to  let  things  alone)  :  cp.  *  bona 
libertatis  .  .  .  disserere '  (1.4,  a). 

2.  cum  laetitia  habendum,  *  must  be 
received  with  joy ' :  cp.  *  civiliter  habuit  * 
(4,  21,  2)  ;  *  nee  cum  .  .  .  odio  .  .  .  no- 
men  .  .  .  habebatur'  (15.  28,  2,  where 
see  note).  Nipp.  adds  *  gravius  aequo 
habuere'  (Sail.  Cat.  51,  11),  *  aegre  ha- 
buit* (Liv.  5.  5,  7).  On  the  general 
sentiment  cp.  G.  33,  2. 

3.  ut  saepe,  &c,,  *as  Roman  princes 
have  often  thrown  Armenia  before  the 
barbarians  for  a  bone  of  contention  under 
colour  of  a  gift ' ;  i.e.  had  set  up  some 
prince  (see  2.  3,  4;  4,1;  56,  3 ;  6.  32,5; 
J  I.  8,  i)  who,  as  their  nominee,  would  be 
unpopular,  and  could  never  be  leader  of  a 
powerful  and  united  nation.  Armenia  is 
called  *  donum  populi  Romani '  (c.  45,  5), 
and,  in  a  certain  sense,  is  said  to  belong  to 
the  empire  (13.  34»  4)- 

5.  d\im  invisus.  '  Dum '  has  the  force 
of  '  dummodo  *,  and  ♦  esset '  is  supplied 
(Introd.  i.  v.  §  39)  ;  the  ellipse  being,  as 
Dr.  points  out,  made  less  harsh  by  the 
following  *  foret'.  This  seems  better  than 
to  suppose  (with  Jacob)  that  *  poteretur ' 
is  repeated. 

6.  ex  usu,  *  in  accordance  with  our 
interest '  :  cp.  *  ex  suo  usu '  (6.  42,  3) ; 
also  4.  5, 6  ;  1 1.  8,  5,  and  notes  (so  in  Cic, 
Ten,  PI.  mai.). 

adeptus.  Nipp.  alters  this  to  *  de- 
pulsus',  with  the  meaning  that  it  was 
better  that  he  should  reign  hated  and 
dishonoured  than  become  a  hero  with  his 
people  through  being  expelled  by  the 
Romans.  The  rhetorical  contrast  is  better; 


but  there  seems  to  be  no  need  for  so  violent 
a  change. 

7.  itum.  The  phraseology  of  the  Ro- 
man senate  (3.  23,  2,  &c.)  is  here  applied 
to  a  *  consilium  '  (§  i)  of  officers. 

adnuisse,  with  dative,  as  in  15.  6, 
2  ;  H.  2.4,  3  ;  also  *  adnuite  legibus ' 
(Sail.  H.  I.  41,  25  D,  45  K,  p.  141.  G.), 

*  adnue  cocptis '  (Verg.  G.  i,  40). 

et  diversa  Caesar  iuberet.  This 
sentence  is  logically  subordinate,  and 
might  have  been  expected  to  be  in  abl. 
abs.  (*  while  Caesar  ordered  them  to  act 
otherwise ')  ;  so  *  neque  enim  hie  .  .  . 
certa  dominorum  domus  et  ceteri  servi  * 
('while  the  rest  are  slaves'),  H.  i.  16.  11. 
In  the  nearly  parallel  passage  in  i.  79,  i, 
where  *  idque '  has  the  force  of  '  et  ne  id  *, 
the  second  clause  gives  the  consequence 
of  the  first.  See  Joh.  Miiller,  Beitr.4.  p.  19. 

9.  Armeniis.  Ritt  considers  this  an 
error  of  assimilation  (*  Armenius '  not 
being  used  adjectively  in  Tacitus),  and 
reads  *  Armeniae'. 

10.  Cappadociae  procurator.  This 
province  had  been  organized  under  Ti- 
berius (2.  56,  4,  and  note),  and  was  held 
by  procurators  till  the  time  of  Vespasian, 
who  stationed  a  legion  there  and  placed  it 
under  the  legate  of  Galatia  (Suet.  Vesp.  8). 

Paelignus :  so  all  recent  edd.  for 
Med.  'Pelignns',  after  an  emendation  of 
Halm  on  Cic.  Vat.  15,  36. 

ignavia :  so  most  recent  etld.  for 
Med.  *  ignavi',  which  the  old  edd.  retain. 
The  loss  of  '  a '  before  '  animi '  is  ex- 
tremely probable ;  the  supposition  of 
Ritt.,  that  the  termination  has  been 
assimilated  to  that  of  '  animi ',  and  that 

♦  ign.ivus  '  should  be  read,  hardly  less  so. 
The  ablative  would  be  causal. 

1 1.  deridiculo,  '  absurdity,'  i.  e.  defor- 


122 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  51 


perquam  familiaris,  cum  privatus  olim  conversatione  scurrarum 
iners  otium  oblectaret.     is  Paelignus  auxiliis  provincialium  con-  2 
tractis   tamquam   reciperaturus   Armeniam,   dum   socios   magis 
quam  hostis  praedatur,  abscessu  suorum  et  incursantibus  barbaris 

5  praesidii   egens  ad  Radamistum  venit ;    donisque   eius   evictus 
ultro  regium  insigne  sumere  cohortatur  sumentique  adest  auctor 
et  satelles.     quod  ubi  turpi  famadivulgatum,ne  ceteri  quoque  ex  3 
Paeligno  coniectarentur,  Helvidius  Priscus  legatus  cum  legione 
mittitur  rebus  turbidis  pro  tempore  ut  consuleret.  igitur  propere  4 

10  montem  Taurum  transgressus  moderatione  plura  quam  vi  com- 


mity ;  so  used  substantively,  with  nearly 
similar  nieaning,  in  3.  57,  3  ;  6.  2,  2,  and 
in  Plautus. 

1.  conversatione  scurrarum:  so 
nearly  all  edd.,  after  Lips.,  for  the  Med. 
'  privatis  olim  cusationes  (•  conversa- 
tiones ')  curaret '.  The  emendation  is 
confirmed  by  the  description  in  Suet. 
(CI.  5)  of  the  former  life  of  Claudius  (see 
Introd.  p.  20).  *  Conversatio ',  in  the 
sense  of '  intercourse ',  occurs  in  G.  40,  4, 
Dial.  9,  6,  and  in  other  writers  of  the 
period. 

2.  otium  oblectaret.  The  expression 
occurs  in  Dial.  10,  3,  and  the  epithet 
*  iners'  may  be  illustrated  from  13.  42,  4. 
Buffoons  and  such  persons  were  a  constant 
adjunct  to  the  imperial  household  (see 
Friedl.  i.  p.  134);  and  another  instance 
of  such  a  person  attaining  a  considerable 
position  is  that  of  Vatinius  (see  15.  34,  3). 

is  Paelignus.  The  repetition  of  the 
name  is  perhaps  a  gloss  (cp.  4.  10,  2, 
and  note),  but  may  be  supposed  (with 
Nipp.)  to  be  for  contemptuous  emphasis, 
or  because  Claudius  was  the  immediately 
preceding  subject. 

auxiliis  provincialium.  Nipp.  rightly 
(points  out  that  these  were  the  militia  of 
'the  province ;  the  '  cohortes  alaeque '  of 
',13.  8,  2  having  been  apparently  stationed 
there  later.  See  above  chap.  27  and 
note.  Cappadocia  would  thus  appear  to 
have  been  at  this  time  an  'inermis  pro- 
vincia'  (as  were  most  of  those  under 
procurators),  depending  for  military  sup- 
port, when  needed,  upon  Syria  (see  below, 
on  §  3). 

3.  tamquam,  with  future  participle, 
like  ws,  as  in  6.  36,  i  (where  see  note). 

4.  abscessu,  causal  abl.,  as  also  in  6. 
8,  2.  The  departing  force  was  probably 
the  cohort  under  Pollio,  of  which  no  more 
is  heard. 


6.  ultro,  i.  e.  not  only  does  not  prevent 
him,  but  even,  &c. 

regium  insigne,  the  tiara  and 
diadem  :  see  2.  56,  3. 

cohorta,tur,  with  inf.  (see  Introd.  i.  v. 
§  43),  as  apparently  elsewhere  only  in 
Bell.  Al.  21,  I  (*  cohortando  suos  .  .  . 
contendere').  The  same  construction  is 
used  with  'dehortor'  (3.  16,  5),  and 
oftener  with  'hortor'  (see  11.  16,  3,  and 
note). 

auctor,  *  authoriser.'  The  addition 
*  ac  satelles '  appears  to  be,  as  Prof. 
Holbrooke  notes,  a  stroke  of  irony. 

7.  turpi  fama.  The  dishonour  attach- 
ing to  the  fact  reported  is  here  transferred 
to  the  report  itself;  cp.  *  moesta  fama ' 
(H.  2.  46,  I),  '  atroces  nuntii,  sinistra  ex 
urbe  fama'  (Id.  i.  51,  8). 

ne  ceteri ,  &c. ,  '  lest  all  Romans 
should  be  judged  from  the  standard  ot 
Paelignus.*  Cp.  the  use  of  'coniectare' 
in  I.  32,  7  ('militaris  animos  ultius  con- 
iectantibus'),  and  the  phrases  *ex  rumore', 
'  ex  vero  statuere'  (3.  69,  3 ;  4.  43,  4). 

8.  Helvidiua  Priscus.  This  cannot 
be  the  famous  person  of  that  name,  who 
had  not  yet  been  quaestor  (see  on  16.  28, 
2),  as  the  'legati  legionum'  were  sena- 
tors of  praetorian  rank  or  in  a  position  to 
become  so  (see  Introd.  i.  vii.  p.  105). 
Another  of  the  name  is  mentioned  five 
years  later  as  trib.  pleb.  (13.  28,  5)  ;  the 
name  of  an  unknown  *  C.  Helvidius 
Priscus '  occurs  in  an  inscription  perhaps 
of  about  this  date  (C.  I.  L.  14.  2844) ;  and 
one  '  Helvidia  Priscilla '  was  wife  of  a 
procurator  of  this  time  (Hirschf.  Unters. 
p.  300). 

9.  mittitur,  sc.  'a  Quadrato  :  the 
Syrian  were  the  only  legions  in  the  East. 

pro  tempore,  'according  to  occasion': 
cp.  3.  1,4,  and  note. 

10.  Taurum.      His  route  from  Syria 


A.  D.  51] 


LIBER  XII.      CAP.  49,  50 


123 


posuerat,  cum  rediret  in  Syriam  iubetur  ne  initium  belli  adversus 
Parthos  existeret. 

1  50.  Nam  Vologeses  casum  invadendae  Armeniae  obvenisse 
ratus,  quam  a  maioribus  suis  possessam  externus  rex  flagitio 
obtineret,   contrahit   copias   fratremque   Tiridaten   deducere   in  5 

2  regnum  parat,  ne  qua  pars  domus  sine  imperio  ageret.  incessu 
Parthorum  sine  acie  pulsi  Hiberi,  urbesque  Armeniorum  Artaxata 


throngh  Commagene  to  Cappadocia  would 
pass  over  part  of  this  chain. 

I.  rediret.  Halm  retains  the  Med, 
text  (cp.  13.  15,  3;  H.  2.  46,  2);  most 
others  read,  with  inferior  MSS.,  *  redire.' 

3.  Ifam  Vologeses.  This  Parthian 
intervention  would  not  seem  to  have  taken 
place  before  A.  D.  53 ;  as  the  renewed 
Parthian  occupation  of  Armenia,  after  the 
ensuing  winter  and  the  events  of  c.  51,  is 
not  reported  in  Rome  till  after  the  death 
of  Claudius  (13.  6,  i). 

casTim,  '  opportunity,'  as  in  c.  28,  i,  &c. 

4.  a  maioribus  suis.  In  recent  times 
Vonones  (2.  4^  3)  and  Arsaces  son  of 
Artabanus  (6.  31,  2)  had  been  at  least 
nominal  kings  of  Armenia,  and  Parthians 
\had  ruled  it  during  the  captivity  of 
iMithridates  (see  on  11.  8,  1);  but  the 
expression  here  points  rather  to  the 
JArsacid  kings  of  the  second  and  first 
century  B.  C.  (see  Diet,  of  Biog.  i.  p.  361), 
who  claimed  to  be  of  the  same  stock  as 
the  Parthian  royal  race. 

6,  ne  qua  pars  domus,  &c.,  'that  no 
member  of  his  family  might  be  without 

)  a  dominion.'    The  other  brother,  Pacorus, 
iheld  Media  (15.  2,  i). 

incessu,  'invasion' :  cp.  4.  24,  2. 

7.  Artaxata  et  Tigranocerta.  On 
the  former  city,  see  2.  56,  3,  and  note. 
Tigranocerta  was  founded  by  Tigranes  I, 
with  a  population  swept  together  from 
desolated  Greek  cities  and  from  an  inva- 
sion of  Cappadocia  (Strab.  11.  14,  15,532  ; 
12.  2,  9,  539).  It  was  soon  afterwards 
nearly  destroyed  by  Lucullus  (Strab.  1.  1., 
Plut.  Luc.  29,  511),  and  had  not  recovered 
in  Strabo's  time.  It  was  evidently  on  the 
extreme  southern  frontier  of  Armenia 
(Plin.  N.  H.  6.  9,  10,  27),  and  is  even 
spoken  of  as  in  Mesopotamia  (Strab. 
^2>  539);  an^  Lucullus,  marching  from 
Pontus,  is  stated  to  have  crossed  both  the 
Euphrates  and  Tigris  to  reach  it  (Plut. 
Luc.  24).  Its  site  is  however  a  vexed 
question,  and  many  of  the  statements  of 
ancient  authors  are  not  easy  to  reconcile. 
Tacitus,  who  may  probably  be  following 


Corbulo,  gives  one  very  definite  state- 
ment, that  it  was  thirty-seven  miles  from 
Nisibis  (15.  5,  2),  and  places  it  on  the 
Nicephorius,  described  by  him  as  a  con- 
siderable stream  (15.  4,  3),  and  given  by 
Pliny  (N.  H.  6.  27,  31,  129)  as  a  chief 
tributary  of  the  upper  Tigris;  but  all 
the  principal  branches  of  that  river  flow 
into  it  from  the  north  and  at  considerably 
greater  distance  from  Nisibis  than  that 
specified.  Again,  the  statement  of  Strabo 
(11.  12,  4,  522  ;  16.  I,  23,  747)  that  it 
lay  at  the  foot  of  Mt.  Masius,  in  a  similar 
position  to  that  of  Nisibis,  is  inconsistent 
with  Pliny's  statement  (6.  9,  10,  26)  that 
it  was  *  in  excels© '.  Egli  (see  pp.  303- 
306),  supposing  that  the  city  was  built  to 
command  the  Bitlis  pass,  places  it  at 
Sert,  on  the  Bitlis-Su.  In  this  view,  as 
also  in  those  which  place  it  at  Diarbekir, 
or  other  sites  in  that  region,  the  data 
furnished  by  Tacitus  and  Strabo  are 
wholly  departed  from.  Others  (see  the 
dissertations  of  Mommsen  and  Kiepert  in 
Hermes  ix.  1875,  pp.  129-149)  had  placed 
it  at  Tell-Abad  or  some  other  place 
within  the  basin  of  the  Tigris  on  the 
northern  side  of  Masius  ;  where  the  dis- 
tance from  Nisibis  answers  fairly  to  that 
given  above,  but  the  streams  seem  too 
inconsiderable  to  suit  the  description  of 
the  Nicephorius.  More  recently,  Pro- 
fessor Sachau,  travelling  in  the  country  in 
1879,  ^880  (see  the  summary  of  his 
treatise  given  by  Mr.  Tozer  in  *  Transac- 
tions of  the  Cambridge  Philological 
Society ',  ii.  p.  237),  found  considerable 
remains  at  Tell-Ermen,  a  little  SW.  of 
Mardin,  just  thirty-seven  miles  from 
Nisibis,  and  on  a  river.  This  site  would 
agree  wiih  all  that  is  said  by  Strabo  and 
Tacitus,  but  would  wholly  depart  from 
Pliny's  connexion  of  the  Nicephorius  with 
the  Tigris  (see  note  on  15.  4,  3),  and  from 
his  description  of  the  position  as  on  a 
height  (see  above).  The  Tell-Ermen  site 
is  now  adopted  by  Kiepert  in  his  maps, 
cp.  Henderson,  Joum.  Phil.  28,  p.  99 
(see  that  appended  to  Momms.  Hist.  v.). 


124 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  51 


et  Tigranocerta  iugum  accepere.     deinde  atrox  hiems  et  parum  3 
provisi  commeatus  et  orta  ex  utroque  tabes  perpellunt  Vologesen 
omittere  praesentia.     vacuamque  rursus  Armeniam  Radamistus  4 
invasit,  truculentior  quam  antea,  tamquam  adversus  defectores  et 
5  in  tempore  rebellaturos.     atque  illi  quamvis  servitio  sueti  patien-  5 
tiam  abrumpunt  armisque  regiam  circumveniunt. 

51.  Nee    aliud    Radamisto    subsidium    fuit    quam    pernicitas  1 
equorum,  quis  seque  et  coniugem  abstulit.     sed  coniunx  gravida  2 
primam  utcumque  fugam  ob  metum  hostilem  et  mariti  caritatem 
10  toleravit ;  post  festinatione  continua,  ubi  quati  uterus  et  viscera 
vibrantur,  orare  ut  morte  honesta  contumeliis  captivitatis  exi- 
meretur.     ille  primo  amplecti  adlevare  adhortari,  modo  virtutem  3 
admirans,  modo  timore  aeger  ne  quis  relicta  poteretur.  postremo  4 
violentia  amoris  et  facinorum  non  rudis  destrinofit  acinacen  vul- 


1.  atrox  hiems,  that  of  the  year 
following  the  invasion  (§  i). 

et  parum :  Med.  gives  *  set  *  with  a 
doubtful  form  of  the  letter  *  t ' ;  in  place 
therefore  of  the  difficult  and  generally 
accepted  reading  *  seu '    Andresen   reads 

*  et ',  the  *  s  *  being  accounted  for  by  the 
last  letter  of  *  hiems '. 

2.  tabes,  '  pestilence,'  as  in  H.  5.  3, 
I,  &c. 

perpellunt,    an    old    correction    for 

*  percellunt ' :  cp.    '  perpulit '    (for   *  per- 
culit')  II.  29,  2  (and  note). 

3.  omittere  praesentia,  '  to  abandon 
affairs  on  the  spot'  :  cp,  I.  30,  5,  and  note. 

4.  defectores:   cp.  11.  8,  5,  and  note. 

5.  in  tempore  rebellaturos.  Med. 
has  *  bellaturos ' ;  but  subsequent  edd. 
have  generally  followed  Rhen.  in  suppos- 
ing that  *  re '  has  been  lost  after  'tempore'. 
A  similar  correction  should  probably  be 
made  in  the  passage  of  Sallust  (H.  i.  18 
D,  20  K,  19  G),  which  is  here  evidently 
imitated  ('  ferocia  regis  Mithridatis  in 
tempore  bellaturi').  For  'in  tempore' 
(*  at  a  fit  time')  cp.  i.  19,  2,  and  note. 

patientiam  abrumpunt.  This  verb 
is  used  poetically  of  breaking  a  tie 
(cp.  '  fas  omne  abnimpit'  Verg.  Aen.  3, 
55),  so  of  breaking  faith  (H.  4.  60,  4), 
hence  here  of  breaking  off  a  habit :    cp. 

*  abruptis   voluptatibus '    (H.    4.   64,    5), 
'abrumpi   dissimulationem '   (11.   26,   i), 

*  pacem  .  .  .  abrumpunt'  (15.  2,  2). 

I     6.  regiam,  at  Artaxata,  on  the  Araxes 

'(c.5i,4)- 

8.  seque  et :  cp.  i.  4,  i,  and  note. 
The  wife  spoken  of  may  be  the  daughter 
of  Mithridates  (c.  46,  i)  or  another. 


abstulit,  so  used  by  poets  of  flight 
in  the  air  or  other  rapid  motion  :  cp. 
'  auferebantur '  (4.  73,  3),  'e  conspectu 
terrae  ablati'  (Liv.  29.  27,  6),  &c. 

9.  utcumque,  with  *  toleravit '  (*  en- 
dured somehow')  :  cp.  2.  14,  4.  The 
expression  here  closely  resembles  Curt. 
8,  2,  34  ('  arduum  .  .  .  iter  primo  utcum- 
que tolerabant ') ;  and  both  appear  to 
have  followed  Livy  29.  15,  i  ('quae  .  .  . 
utcumque  tolerata  essent '). 

10.  ubi  quati,  &c.  Heins.  considers 
that  the  last  syllable  of  'quatitur'  has 
here  been  lost,  which  is  not  in  itself  im- 
probable ;  but  such  use  of  the  historical 
inf.  is  Tacitean  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  46  c), 
though  the  following  finite  verb  is  usually 
in  the  imperf.  (as  in  11.  37,  3,  &c.).  On 
the  anastrophe  of  '  ubi'  cp.  4.  10,  2,  and 
parallel  cases  given  in  Introd.  i.  v.  §  78, 
and  by  Nipp.  here. 

12.  adlevare,  probably  to  be  referred] 
to  the  suppliant  attitude  suggested  by 
'orare'  (cp.  c.  19,  i)  ;  the  supposition! 
being  that  she  had  dismounted  and 
thrown  herself  before  him  in  entreaty. 

14.  violentia,  causal  abl.,  coordinated 
for  variety  with  an  adj.,  as  elsewhere  with 
a  participle:  cp.  2.  i,  2  ;  22,2;  4.72,  i,  &c. 

facinorum,  probably  here  taken  in 
a  somewhat  neutral  sense  ('acts  of  vio- 
lence'): cp.  c.  31,  7;  3.  21,  I,  &c. 

acinacen.  This  Persian  name  for 
the  short  sabre  used  by  them  and  other 
nations  (cp.  '  Medus  acinaces '  Hor.  Od. 
I.  27,  5)  is  often  used  by  Hdt.  Curtius 
(7.  4,  19;  8.  3,  4)  gives  a  Latin  accus. 
'  acinacem ',  which  the  older  edd.  read 
here  (alter  G.). 


A.  D.  51] 


LIBER  XII.      CAP.  50-52 


125 


neratamque  ripam   ad  Araxis  trahit,  flumini  tradit  ut  corpus 
etiam  auferretur  :  ipse  praeceps  Hiberos  ad  patrium  regnum  per- 

6  vadit.  interim  Zenobiam  (id  mulieri  nomen)  placida  in  eluvie 
spirantem  ac  vitae  manifcstam  advertere  pastores,  et  dignitate 
formae  haud  degenerem  reputantes  obligant  vulnus,  agrestia  5 
medicamina  adhibent  cognitoque  nomine  et  casu  in  urbem  Ar- 
taxata  ferunt ;  unde  publica  cura  deducta  ad  Tiridaten  comiterquc 
excepta  cultu  regio  habita  est. 

1      52.  Fausto  Sulla  Salvio  Othone  consulibus  Furius  Scribonianus 
in  exilium  agitur,  quasi  finem  principis  per  Chaldaeos  scrutaretur.  10 


1.  ripam  ad  Araxis.  On  the  ana- 
strophe  cp.  3.  72,  2,  &c.  The  Araxes 
(Erasch),  a  southern  tributary  of  the  Cyrus 
(Kur),  passes  under  the  walls  of  Ar- 
taxata  (13.  39,  8). 

2.  etiam,  with  *  corpus ',  *  that  even  her 
dead  body  might  be  rescued  from  the 
enemy.' 

Hiberos  ad  patrium.  regnum 
pervadit.  Many  alterations  have  been 
proposed  (see  Halm,  Comm.  Crit.)  to 
amend  the  construction ;  and  there  is 
much  to  be  said  for  the  view  of  Ritt.  and 
Heraus,  that  'Hiberos'  is  a  gloss;  the 
country  being  sufficiently  indicated  by 
*  ad  patrium  regnum '.  The  passages  cited 
in  support  of  such  an  apposition  from  4. 
67,  I  (*  Capreas  se  in  insulam  abdidit'), 
and  H.  4.  32,  2  (' adlatis  Geldubam  in 
castra  nuntiis'),  are  not  strictly  parallel, 
for  in  neither  of  them  is  there  any  am- 
biguity; whereas  'Hiberos  pervadit' 
would  naturally  mean  that  he  passed 
through  the  Hiberians,  and  imply  that 
the  '  patrium  regnum '  lay  beyond  them. 

3.  in  eluvie  :  so  Halm,  after  Madv. 
(Adv.  Crit.  ii.  p.  551),  for  Med.  '  illuvie', 
for  which  J.  F.  Gron.  had  read  '  eluvie ' 
(without  '  in') :  cp.  '  eluvie  maris'  in  13. 
57,  2,  and  'in  proxima  eluvie'  (so  read 
after  Gron.  for  MSS.  'alluvie  '),in  Liv.  i. 

j  4,  5,  for  the  dead  water  or  overflow  by 
the  river's  side,  as  also  in  Curt.  5.  4,  26. 
'  Inluvies '  is  elsewhere  used  four  times  by 
Tacitus,  always  in  the  sense  of  *  squalor' 
(e.g.  I.  24,4). 

4.  manifestam,  with  genit.,  as  in  2. 
85,  3»  where  see  note. 

advertere  =  '  animadvertere',  as  in 
2.  32.  5  :  4-  54.  2,  &c. 

dignitate,  abl.  expressing  the  reason 
for  their  supposition. 

5.  degenerem,  *  of  low  birth,'  as  in  c. 
62,  2  ;  6.  42,  4,  &c. 


7.  Tiridaten.  It  is  implied  that  he 
had  recovered  Armenia.  The  events  in 
this  chapter  appear  to  be  those  spoken  of 
in  13.  6,  I,  and  cannot  in  that  case  have 
taken  place  before  A.  D.  54.    See  on   c. 

50,  I. 

8.  cultu  regio  habita,  *was  treated 
in  the  style  of  a  queen  ' :  cp.  *  eodem  quo 
ceteros  cultu '  (H.  i.  88,  2). 

9.  Fausto  Sulla  Salvio  Othone. 
The  former,  fully  called  Faustus  Cor- 
nelius Sulla  Felix  in  a  military  diploma 
(C.  I.  L.  iii.  2.  p.  844),  and  apparently  in 
the  Acta  Arvalium  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  i.  2037), 
where  the  name  is  now  mutilated,  was 
son  of  one  of  the  same  name  (cos.  suflF.  in 
A.  D.  31),  and  was  husband  of  Antonia, 
daughter  of  Claudius  (Suet.  CI.  27). 
He  is  mentioned  again  in  13.  23,  i  ;  47, 
I ;  and  was  put  to  death  by  Nero  in 
A.  D.  62  (14.  57,  6).  The  other  consul  is 
L.  Salvius  Otho  Titianus,  the  brother  of 
the  emperor  Otho,  and  is  often  mentioned 
in  the  Histories.  He  also  was  an  Arval 
from  A.  D.  57-69  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  i.  2038- 
2051),  and  was  proconsul  of  Asia,  with 
Agricola  as  his  quaestor  (Agr.  6,  2),  in 
A.  D.  63-64  (see  Nipp.  here  and  Andresen 
on  Agr.  1.  1.).  Sulla  was  still  in  office, 
after  Otho  had  been  succeeded  by  L. 
Salvidienus  Rufus  Salvianus  (C.  I.  L. 
iii.  1.  1.).  Barea  Soranus  appears  also  to 
have  been  cos.  suff.  during  part  of  this 
year  (c.  53,  2). 

Furius  Scribonianus.  On  his 
father  see  below,  on  his  grandfather  see 
2.  52,  5,  and  note. 

10.  quasi  finem  principis .  .  .  scruta- 
retur. On  this  offence  see  3.  22,  2,  and 
note ;  on  the  use  of '  finem '  for  *  mortem' 
cp.  I.  4,  2 ;  6.  25,  I,  &c. ;  on  the  use  of 
'quasi'  ('on  the  ground  that'),  and  the 
similar  use  of  '  ut '  below,  see  Introd.  i. 
V.  §  67. 


126 


CORNELIl   TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  52 


adnectebatur  crimini  Vibia  mater  eius,  ut  casus  prions  (nam 
relegata  erat)  impatiens.     pater  Scriboniani  Camillas  arma  per  2 
Dalmatiam  moverat ;  idque  ad  clementiam  trahebat  Caesar,  quod 
stirpem  hostilem  iterum  conservaret.     neque  tamen  exuli  longa  3 

5  posthac  vita  fuit :  morte  fortuita  an  per  venenum  extinctus  esset, 
ut  quisque  credidit,  vulgavere.     de  mathematicis  Italia  pellendis 
factum   senatus   consultum   atrox  et   inritum.      laudati    dehinc  4 
oratione   principis  qui  ob  angustias  familiaris  ordine  senatorio 
sponte  cederent,  motique  qui  remanendo  impudentiam  paupertati 

10  adicerent. 

53.  Inter  quae  refert  ad  patres  de   poena   feminarum  quae  1 
servis   coniungerentur ;    statuiturque   ut   ignaro   domino   ad   id 
prolapsae  in  servitute,  sin  consensisset,  pro  libertis  haberentur. 


1.  Vibia;  so  apparently  to  be  read  for 

Med.  *  uiuia  ',  as  '  Vibius  '  for  '  uiuius '  in 
14.  28,  3  :  other  MSS.  and  old  edd.  read 

*  lunia  '  or  '  Vinia  '.      Pliny  records  (Ep. 

3.  16,  9)  the  indignant  reply  of  Arria  to 
her  for  surviving  her  husband,  but  does 
not  give  her  name.  He  adds  that  she 
saved  herself  by  giving  information. 

2.  pater  Scriboniani  Camillus.  He 
was  consul  in  a.  D.  32  (see  6.  i,  i, 
and  note).  On  his  conspiracy  see  Inlrod. 
p.  II.  His  full  name  and  that  of  his  son 
were  the  same,  but  are  here  varied  to 
avoid  repetition,  as  in  other  instances : 
see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  86. 

3.  Dalmatian!.     On  this  province  see 

4.  5,  5,  and  note. 

ad  clementiam  trahebat,  *was 
setting   to  the  credit  of  his  clemency ' : 

*  trahere  '  has  the  force  of  '  interpretari ' , 
as  in  I.  62,  3  (where  see  note),  &c. 

4.  iterum.  He  might  have  put  him 
to  death  for  his  father's  crime,  as  had 
been  done  to  the  children  of  Seianus  (5. 
9,  i)  ;  he  might  again  put  him  to  death 
now  for  his  own  offence. 

5.  morte  fortuita,  &c.  Here,  as  in 
14.  9,  I,  an  anacoluthon  results  from  the 
attempt  to  combine  in  one  sentence  two 
distinct  assertions ;  (i)  that  the  cause  of 
his  death  was  uncertain;  (2)  that  the  re- 
ports of  it  spread  by  people  were  deter- 
mined by  their  prepossessions.  We  should 
have  expected  the  first  part  to  end  with 
some  such  words  as  '  parum  constitit '. 
For  other  instances  of  defects  arising 
from  effort   at  brevity  see   Introd.  i.  v. 

§  92. 

6.  de  mathematicis,  &c.     For  other 


such  decrees  see  2.  32,  5,  and  note,  Mar- 
quardt,Staatsv.  iii.  93,  2. 

7.  atrox  et  inritum,  *  severe  and  yet 
futile' :  for  the  sense  of  *  atrox  '  cp.  5.  3, 
4;  6.  2,  I,  &c. ;  for  the  use  of  *et'  with 
the  force  of  *et  tamen'  cp.  i.  13,  2,  and 
note. 

8.  ob  angustias,  i.  e.  from  no  longer 
possessing  the  senatorial  census:  see  i. 
75,  5,  and  note. 

9.  motique.  A  similar  expulsion  ot 
those  who  neglected  to  take  the  hint  to 
retire  voluntarily  had  taken  pl^ce  four 
years  previously  (see  11.  25,  5,  and  note), 
and  perhaps  another  in  the  year  before 
that  (Dio,  60.  29,  i).  It  is  not  necessary 
to  suppose  that  the  censorship  of  Claudius 
was  still  in  force  (see  on  11.  13,  i),  as 
such  power  of  revising  the  list  of  senators 
rested  at  all  times  with  the  princeps  :  see 
2.  48,  3  ;  Introd.  i.  vi.  pp.  71,  72. 

II.  feminarum,  &c.  The  case  is  that 
of  free  women  who  entered  into  concu- 
binage with  the  slave  of  another  person. 
The  decree  appears  to  have  received  some 
modification  from  Vespasian,  to  whom 
Suetonius  (who  describes  it  very  inac- 
curately) erroneously  assigns  it  (Vesp. 
11),  and  was  afterwards  relaxed  by 
Hadrian,  but  is  always  called  '  senatus 
consultum  Claudianum',  and  was  well 
known  to  jurists  under  that  title  (see 
Gains  i.  84-91;  Ulp.  Fr.  xi.  11  ;  Paul 
Rec.  Sent.  ii.  21),  till  its  abolition  by 
Justinian  (Codex  vii.  24). 

13.  in  servitute,  i.e.  should  become 
the  slaves  of  that  slave's  master  :  *  habe- 
rentur' is  here  supplied  in  the  sense  of 
*  tenerentur'.     According    to    Gains   (i. 


A.  D.  sa] 


LIBER  XIL      CAP.  52,  53 


127 


■ 


2  Pallanti,  quern  repertorem  eius  relationis  ediderat  Caesar,  prae- 
toria  insignia  et   centies  quinquagies  sestertium  censuit  consul 

3  designatus  Barea  Soranus.  additum  a  Scipione  Cornelio  grates 
publice  agendas,  quod  regibus  Arcadiae  ortus  veterrimani 
nobilitatem    usui    publico    postponeret    seque    inter    ministros  5 

4  principis    haberi    sineret.        adseveravit     Claudius     contentum 
6  honore   Pallantem    intra   priorem   paupertatem    subsistere.      et 

fixum  est  aere  publico  senatus  consultum  quo   libertinus  ses- 


§  160),  this  ensued  only  when  the  con- 
nfexion  took  place  '  invito  et  denuntiante 
domino ',  and  what  ensued  when  he  was 
merely  ignorant  is  not  stated. 

pro  libertis  haberentur,  *  should 
be  treated  as  his  freedwomen '  (and  sub- 
jected to  the  disabilities  of  such)  :  for  the 
two  senses  of  '  haberentur '  cp.  those  of 
*habebat'   in   2.  44,    3.     Gains   (i.  84) 

}  represents  this  case  somewhat  differently, 
'  poterat  ipsa  ex  pactione  libera  perma- 

[nere,  sed  servum  procreare,'  and  adds 
that,  according  to  the  ordinance  of 
Hadrian,  if  the  mother  remained  free,  the 
child  was  to  be  free. 

1 .  repertorem :  cp.  *  novi  iuris  reper- 
tor'  (2.  30,  3). 

praetoria    insignia.      On     the     gift 

of  such  senatorial  distinctions  to  persons 

who  could  not  become  senators  see  on 

'  II.  38,  5.     That  the  freedmen  of  Claudius 

I  were  allowed  to  be  present  with  him  in 

[the  senate  is  seen  from  Dio,  60.  16,  3. 

2.  centies  quinquagies.  This  ap- 
pears to  be  the  largest  of  such  money 
gifts  on  record.  For  others  see  11.  4,  5 ; 
16.33,4;  H.  4.  42,  5. 

3.  Barea  Soranus.  An  inscription 
giving  one  of  this  family  as  cos.  suff.  in 
A.D.  26  (C.  I.  L.  6.  244)  would  show 
that  their  gentile  name  was  Marcius. 
It  is  strange  that  such  a  decree  should 
have  been  proposed  by  one  bearing  the 
character  ascribed  to  him  in  16.  21,  1  ; 
23,  I.  The  elder  Pliny,  in  an  allusion 
to  the  decree  (N.  H.  35.  18,  58,  201),  de- 
scribes it  as  passed  •  iubente  Agrippina' ; 
and  it  must  be  supposed  that  she  put 
pressure  on  Barea,  who  as  cos.  design, 
had  lo  speak  first  (cp.  3.  22,  6,  and  note). 
Other  instances  of  such  subserviency  of 
senators  to  freedmen  are  given  in  Friedl. 
i.  88. 

Scipione  Cornelio  :  see  11.  a,  5,  &c. 
.  4.  regibus  Arcadiae  ortus.  '  Pallas ' 
was  his  slave  name  in  the  household 
\of  Antonia  (see  on  11.  29,  i) :   on  his 


freedom  he  had  probably  taken  the  name 
*  M.  Antonius  Pallas  ',  found  as  the  name  ; 
of  a  consul  in  an  inscription  belonging  to  ) 
the   second    century   (C.    I.    L.    3.   46).  ' 
Scipio  here  imagines  for  him  a  descent  j 
from   Pallas,   the    mythical  ancestor    of . 
Evander   and  eponymus  of  the  original  \ 
Pallanteum  on  the  Palatine  Hill  (Verg.  1 
Aen.  8,  54;  Pans.  8.  3,  i ;  43,  5).     On 
the  fondness  for  such  mythical  pedigrees 
see  Friedl.  i.  214,  foil. 

6.  contentum  honore.  Pliny  de- 
scribes to  Montanus  (Ep.  7.  29)  the  emo- 
tions with  which  he  had  read  that  inscrip- 
tion on  the  tomb  of  Pallas  within  the  first 
milestone  on  the  via  Tiburtina :  *  Huic 
senatus  ob  fidem  pietatemque  erga  pa- 
tronos  omamenta  praetoria  decrevit  et 
sestertium  centies  quinquagies,  cuius  ho- 
nore contentus  fuit.' 

8.  aere  publico:  cp.  11, 14,  5.  Here 
the  words  of  Pliny  (see  next  note)  explain 
the  phrase. 

senatus  consultum.  In  another 
letter  (8.  6),  Pliny  says  that  the  sight  ofl 
the  inscription  cited  above  had  given  him 
the  curiosity  to  inspect  the  decree,' 
which  he  quotes  at  length  with  a  bitter  j 
running  commentary.  It  appears  to  have 
accumulated  compliments  upon  him,  to 
have  urged  that  he  should  be  pressed  to 
wear  the  golden  ring,  to  have  expressed  \ 
thanks  to  Caesar  for  having  mentioned 
his  name  and  allowed  them  to  testify 
their  gratitude,  'ut  Pallas,  cui  se  omnes  pro 
virili  parte  obligatos  fatentur,  singularis 
fidei,  singularis  industriae  fructum  meritis- 
simo  ferat' ;  adding  that  they  could  not  but 
wish  to  show  their  feeling  by  augmenting 
his  means,  and  only  forbore  to  press  that 
portion  of  the  decree  (notwithstanding 
his  reluctance)  in  deference  to  the  ex- 
pressed wish  of  Caesar,  recording  their 
desire  to  vote  the  sum  ;  and  enacting  that, 
in  order  with  the  utmost  publicity  to  hold 
up  to  public  example  the  *  spectatissima 
fides  atque  innocentia '   of  Pallas,  this 


128 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  53 


tertii  ter  milies  possessor  antiquae  parsimoniae  laudibus  cumu- 
labatur. 

54.  At  non  frater  eius,  cognomento  Felix,  pari  moderatione  1 
agebat,  iam  pridem  ludaeae  impositus  et  cuncta  malefacta  sibi 
5  impune  ratus  tanta  potentia  subnixo.     sane  praebuerant  ludaei  2 
speciem  motus  orta  seditione,  postquam  .  .  .  cognita  caede  eius 
haud  obtemperatum   esset,  manebat    metus   ne  quis  principum 
eadem  imperitaret.  atque  interim  Felix  intempestivis  remediis  de-  3 
licta  accendebat,  aemulo  ad  deterrima  Ventidio  Cumano,  cui  pars 


decree  should  be  engraved  on  bronze  and 
set  up  *  ad  statuam  loricatara  divi  lulii ' 
(in  the  Forum  lulii).  The  date  of  the 
!  speech  of  Caesar  on  which  the  decree  is 
grounded    is    given    as    lo    Kal.    Feb. 

Qan-  23). 

I.  ter  milies,  300  million  HS, 
equivalent  to  about  2\  millions  sterling 
of  our  money  ;  a  sum  to  which  the  gift 
proposed  would  have  been  a  trifling  ad- 
dition. Narcissus  is  stated  (Dio,  60.  34, 
4)  to  have  had  even  as  much  as  400 
million  HS,  the  largest  on  record  of  all 
the  great  fortunes  of  the  age :  see  Mar- 
quardt,  Staatsv.  ii.  56  ;  Friedl.  i.  83,  &c. 
For  the  expression'  antiquae  parsimoniae ' 
cp.  3.  52,  2,  and  note. 

3.  Felix.  He  also,  like  his  brother, 
bore  the  name  Antonius  :  see  H.  5.  9,  5, 
and  an  inscription  (C.  I.  L.  v.  i.  34) 
'  pronepoti  Antoni  Felicis '.  According 
to  Suidas  and  Zon.  6,  15,  6,  he  was  also 
called  *  Claudius ',  which  is  possible,  as 
in  the  case  of  Callistus  (see  on  11.  29,  i). 
Suetonius  mentions  him  (CI.  28)  among 
the  most  influential  freedmen  '  quem 
cohortibus  et  alis  provinciaeque  ludaeae 
praeposuit,  Irium  reginarum  maritum '. 
Of  these  wives,  one  was  Drusilla,  daughter 
of  Herod  Agrippa  I.  (Jos.  Ant.  20.  7,  2  : 
cp.  Acts  24,  4)  ;  another,  a  granddaughter 
of  Antonius  and  Cleopatra,  was  also  called 
Drusilla,  unless  Tacitus  (H.  5.  9,  5)  has 
confused  her  with  the  above ;  the  third  is 
unknown.  Besides  what  is  said  of  him 
in  the  Acts,  we  have  in  Josephus  (Ant.  20. 
6  and  7  ;  B.  I.  2.  12)  a  full  account  of 
the  events  here  mentioned  by  Tacitus, 
but  with  important  differences  (see  below). 

pari  moderatione,  ironical.  In  H. 
5.  9,  5,  Tacitus  says  of  him  *  per 
omnem  saevitiam  ac  libidinem  ius  regium 
servili  ingenio  exercuit '. 

4.  iam  pridem.  This  expression 
agrees  with  the  view  that  he  was  con- 
temporary with,  not  successor  to,  Cumanus 


(see  below),   whose    appointment    dates 
from  A.  D.  48  (Jos.  Ant.  20.  5,  2). 

5.  impune  (sc. '  futura '),  used  as  predi- 
cate :  cp.  I.  72,  3,  and  note. 

tanta  potentia,  that  of  his  brother 
Pallas. 

6.  postquam.  The  occasion  was  evi- 
dently that  of  the  command  of  Gains  to 
erect  his  effigy  in  the  temple  (see  In  trod.  - 
pp.  8,  18).  Tacitus  had  no  doubt  given 
an  account  of  it  in  its  proper  place,  and 
would  here  have  alluded  to  it  in  a  few 
words  which  have  dropped  out,  and  which 
may  have  been  similar  to  those  in  H.  5. 
9,  4  ;  whence  Haase  would  supply  *  post- 
quam a  C.  Caesare  iussi  erant  effigiem 
eius  in  templo  locare,  et  quamquam '  (see 
next  note). 

7.  haud  obtemperatum  esset.  The 
subjunct.  would  evidently  depend  on  some 
such  word  as  '  quamquam '  ('  though,  on 
news  of  his  death,  the  command  was  not 
executed  ') ;  to  the  word  following  which 
it  is  very  possible  that  a  scribe  skipped 
from  '  postquam '.  Ritt.  less  well  places 
the  lacuna  between  *  ludaei '  and  *  spe- 
ciem', and  then  reads  (after  'seditione') 
*  post  quam  cum  cognita ',  &c.  It  is  very 
possible  that  another  lacuna  followed, 
as  it  is  strange  to  find  the  intermediate 
rule  of  Agrippa,  and  the  procurator- 
ships  of  Fadus  and  Alexander,  altogether 
ignored. 

8.  remediis,  apparently  penal  mea- 
sures of  some  kind. 

delicta  accendebat.  Jacob  ap- 
pears rightly  to  take  this  in  a  pregnant 
sense,  *  iras  accendebat  et  delicta  augebat.' 
Cp.  'accendebat  haec'  (i.  67,  7),  '  incen- 
debat  haec'  i.  23,  i. 

9.  Ventidio  Cumano.  The  latter  name, 
is  inserted  from  the  margin  of  Med. ;  the] 
text  having  a  lacuna  after  '  Ventidio '. ' 
Josephus  places  the  appointment  of  Cu- 
manus in  A.  D.  48,  makes  him  sole 
governor,    and   ascribes    to   his   rule   the 


A.  D.  5a] 


LIBER  XIL      CAP,  53,  54 


Z99 


provinciae  habebatur,  ita  divisis  ut  huic  Galilaeorum  natio,  Felici 
Samaritae  parerent,  discordes  olim  et  turn  contemptu  regentium 

4  minus  coercitis  odiis.  igitur  raptare  inter  se,  immittere  latronum 
globos,  componere  insidias  et  aliquando  proeliis  congredi,  spo- 

5  liaque  et  praedas  ad  procuratores  referre.     hique  primo  laetari,  5 
mox  gliscente  pernicie  cum  arma  militum  interiecissent,  caesi 
milites ;  arsissetque  bello  provincia,  ni  Quadratus  Syriae  rector 

6  subvenisset.  nee  diu  adversus  ludaeos  qui  in  necem  militum 
proruperant  dubitatum  quin  capite  poenas  luerent :  Cumanus  et 
Felix  cunctationem  adferebant,  quia  Claudius  causis  rebellionis  10 


'troubles  set  down  by  Tacitus  to  the  joint 
government.  He  makes  F"elix  not  sent 
out  until  Cumanus  was  recalled  and 
banished  in  A.  D.  52  (20.  7,  i),  and  re- 
lates no  actions  by  him  as  governor  till 
the  time  of  Nero.  Dean  Milman,  and 
other  writers  on  Jewish  history,  have 
generally  followed  the  authority  of  Jo- 
sephus,  who  should  certainly  have  been 
the  better  informed  as  to  events  which 
took  place  when  he  was  fifteen  years  old 
and  living  at  Jerusalem.  His  account  is 
further  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  we  have 
no  record  at  other  times  of  any  such 
division  of  this  province  between  two 
Roman  governors,  but  always  of  a  single 
procurator,  residing  at  Caesarea,  and 
governing  all  parts  of  Palestine  not  under 
native  princes.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is 
difficult  to  suppose  Tacitus  wholly  mis- 
informed on  such  a  point  as  that  of  the 
conduct  of  Quadratus  towards  these  two 
persons.  It  is  not  perhaps  impossible  to 
reconcile  the  accounts  by  supposing  Felix 
to  have  held  at  this  time  some  subordinate 
position  in  Samaria  ;  but  there  is  no  evi- 
dence for  such  a  supposition. 

cui  .  .  .  habebatxir.  On  this  dat.  see 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  18 ;  on  the  sense  of*  haberi' 
('to  be  governed')  cp.  i.  i,  i,  and  note. 

I.  ita  divisis,  so.  *  provincialibus ',  sup- 
plied from  the  sense.  Nipp.  thinks 
this  inadmissible,  and  reads  '  divisae ', 
after  J.  F.  Gron. 

Galilaeorum  .  .  .  Samaritae.  Taci- 
tus need  not  be  taken  to  say  that  these 
were  the  only  districts  under  each  pro- 
curator, but  may  have  only  intended  to 
mention  the  part  where  they  came  into 
collision.  If  Felix  had  Samaria,  it  would 
be  natural  to  suppose  that  he  had  also 
Judaea,  and  that  Cumanus  had  other 
northern  and  eastern  districts  with  Galilee. 
Josephus,  who  makes  no  mention  of  any 
Iseparate   governorship   of  Galilee,   most 


distinctly  relates  action  taken  by  Cumanus 
as  governor  of  Judaea  (Ant.  20.  5,  3)  and 
of  Samaria  (Id.  20.  6,  i). 

2.  discordes  olim.  It  may  be  assumed 
that  Galilaean  Jews  had  the  national  feel- 
ing against  Samaritans. 

3.  raptare,  so  used  in  4.  23,  i  :  cp. 
*rapi'  (13.  6,  i). 

immittere  latronum  globos,  re- 
peated from  2.  64,  6.  Josephus  (1.  1.) 
makes  this  a  retaliating  act  of  the  Gali- 
laeans  and  other  Jews  for  the  molestation 
by  the  Samaritans  of  those  going  up  from 
Galilee  to  Jerusalem  to  festivals,  for 
which  justice  had  been  refused  by  Cuma- 
nus. Suidas,  who  confuses  Galilaeans 
with  Christians,  says  of  Claudius  (rraaia' 
advTcuv  Tuv  'lovSalcov  Kara.  Xpiartavuiv, 
dpxovTa  kiTiaT-qafv  aiiroh  KKav^ov  *^A.tifa, 
KiKivaas  avrSi  TifxtupdaOai  tovtovs. 

4.  componere  = '  struere  * :  cp.  13.  47, 
3 ;  H.  4.  14,  2  ;  5.  22,  I,  &c. 

6.  arma  militum.  Josephus  (20.  6, 
i)  speaks  of  Cumanus  as  leading  out  four 
cohorts  of  foot  and  an  *  ala '  of  horse 
against  the  Jews. 

8.  adversus  ludaeos  =  *  de  ludaeis.* 
This  prep,  sometimes  has  the    sense   of 

*  towards '  or  *  in  respect  of  :  cp.  '  lentae 
adversum  imperia  aures'  (i.  65,  4),  *  ne- 
cessitudo  adversum  nepotem '  (3.  29,  2), 

*  adversus  praesentem  formidinam  mol- 
litus'  (15.  63,  i),  and  several  other 
instances  more  or  less  approaching  to  this 
meaning  cited  here  by  Nipp.  Josephus 
states  (20.  6,  2)  that  Quadratus  heard  the 
case  at  Samaria,  and  ordered  the  Jews 
taken  by  Cumanus  to  be  crucified ;  and 
that  after  another  investigation  held  at 
Lydda,  he  executed  four  leaders  of  the 
Jews,  and  sent  the  high  priest  and  the 
captain  of  the  temple  in  bonds  to  Rome ; 
after  which  he  entered  Jerusalem,  but 
found  it  quiet. 

10.  cunctationem  adferebant,  '  their 


K 


136 


CORNELU   TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  5a 


auditis   ius   Statuendi    etiam   de   procuratoribus    dederat.      sed  7 
Quadratus  Felicem  inter  iudices  ostentavit,  receptum  in  tribunal 
quo  studia  accusantium  deterrerentur ;  damnatusque  flagitiorum 
quae  duo  deliquerant  Cumanus,  et  quies  provinciae  reddita. 

5      55.    Nee    multo    post    agrestium    Cilicum    nationes,    quibus  1 
Clitarum  cognomentum,  saepe  et  alias  commotae,  tunc  Troxo- 
bore  duce  montis  asperos  castris  cepere  atque  inde  decursu  in 
litora  aut  urbes  vim  cultoribus  et  oppidanis  ac  plerumque  in 
mercatores  et  navicularios  audebant.     obsessaque  civitas  Anemu-  2 

10  riensis,  et  missi  e  Syria  in   subsidium  equites  cum   praefecto 
Curtio  Severo  turbantur,  quod  duri  circum  loci  peditibusque  ad 
pugnam  idonei  equestre  proelium  baud  patiebantur.     dein  rex  3 
eius  orae  Antiochus  blandimentis  adversum  plebem,  fraude  in 


case  embarrassed  him.'  Job.  Miiller  (see 
Nipp.'s  note)  points  out  that  *  quia'  does 
not  explain  why  Quadratus  was  embar- 
rassed, but  why  he  had  to  deal  with  these 
persons  also;    thus  it  has  the  force  of 

*  quippe '. 

I.  ius  .  .  .  dederat.  Irrespectively  of 
such  special  commission,  the  legatus  of 
Syria  had  a  general  authority  over  these 
procurators  ;  but  L.  Vitellius,  when  he 
superseded  Pilate  and  sent  him  to  Rome 
(Jos.  Ant.  18.  4,  2),  had  a  position 
iabove  that  of  an  ordinary  legatus  (6. 
32,  5). 

3.  damnatus . . .  Cumanus.  Josephus 
r(2o.  6,  2,  3)  makes  Quadratus  send  Cu- 
jmanus,  and  a  tribune  named  Celer,  as 
'well  as  certain  Samaritans,  to  be  tried 
at  Rome,  where  they  would  have  been 
acquitted  through  the  influence  of  the 
freedmen,  had  not  the  young  prince 
Agrippa  induced  Agrippma  to  put  pres- 
sure upon  Claudius,  whereby  the  Samari- 
tans were  put  to  death,  Cumanus  was 
banished,  and  Celer  sent  back  to  be 
executed  at  Jerusalem.  For  the  accus. 
with  'delinquere*  cp.  6.  9,  i  ;    13.  31,  5  ; 

14-  3,  7- 

6.  Clitarum:  see  6.  41,  i,  and  note. 
It  is  plain  from  the  narrative  there  and 
here  that  they  belonged  to  the  moun- 
tainous districts  and  not  to  the  plain  ;  so 
that  ^  agrestium '  must  be  taken  to  mean 

*  wild  tribes ' :  the  same  persons  appear 
to  be  meant  who  are  called  'Eleuthero- 
cilices '  in  Cic  Att.  5.  20,  5,  &c. 

Troxobore :  so  Med.  here,  but  at  the 
end  of  the  chapter  *  Troxoboro ',  which 
Haase  thinks  the  correct  form.    Other 


variations  are  found  in  inferior  MSS.  and 
old  edd. 

7.  oastris,  abl. ;  the  phrase  being  a 
novelty  for  '  castra  in  montibus  ponere  '. 

8.  cultoribus.  The  datives  have  the 
same  force  as  the  accus.  with  prep,  in  the 
following  clause ;  the  change  being  merely 
for  variety  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  91,  4):  cp. 
'fiducia  ipsis,  in  ceteros  metus'  (4.  2,  i), 
'  memoriae  Drusi  eadem  quae  in  Germa- 
nicum  decernuntur'  (4.  9,  2),  and  many 
other   instances   in   Dr.,  Sjmt.  und  Stil, 

§  105. 

plerumque,  'often*:  cp.  14.  53,  5, 
and  note. 

9.  civitas  Anemuriensis.  The  townj 
Anemurium  on  the  coast  is  mentioned  in! 
Plin.  N.  H.  5.  27,  22,  93,  and  the  pro- 
montory of  the  same  name  in  Strab,  14. 
5,3, 669  ;  both  are  represented  by  the  cape 
and  castle  Anamur,  the  most  southerly 
point  of  Asia  Minor,  opposite  Cyprus. 

10.  e  Syria.  Cilicia  was  perhaps  no 
longer  part  of  that  province  (see  on  13.  8, 
4),  but  had  probably  to  depend  on  it  for 
troops  (see  6.  41,  i). 

11.  duri  .  .  .  loci,  explained  by  *  mon- 
tis asperos '  above  :  '  durus '  is  so  used  of 
rough  ground  generally ;  cp.  *  duris  .  .  . 
rubetis'  (Ov.  M.  i,  105),  &c. 

13.  Antiochus.  Antiochus  Epiphanesf 
IV,  restored  by  Gains  to  Commagene,! 
once  the  kingdom  of  his  father  (see  on  2.', 
42,  7),  and  further  enriched  with  thisi 
portion  of  Cilicia  (Dio,  59.  8,  2),  wasj 
afterwards  deposed  by  him  and  restoredl 
by  Claudius  (Id.  60.  8,  i).  He  is  after-i 
wards  mentioned  as  rendering  service  ta 
Rome  in  the  East  (13.  7,  i ;   37,  2;    14. 


A.  D.  52I 


LIBER  XIL      CAP.   54-56 


^3* 


ducem  cum  barbarorum  copias  dissociasset,  Troxobore  paucisque 
primoribus  interfectis  ceteros  dementia  composuit. 
1      66.  Sub  idem  tempus  inter  lacum  Fucinum  amnemque  Lirim 
perrupto  monte,  quo  magnificentia  operis  a  pluribus  viseretur, 
lacu  in  ipso  navale  proelium  adornatur,  ut  quondam  Augustus  5 
struct©  trans  Tiberim  stagno,  sed  levibus  navigiis  et  minore  copia 


26,  3),  and  to  Vespasian  in  the  civil  war 
and  against  the  Jews  (H.  2.  81,  i ;  5.  1, 
4),  and  is  there  called  richest  of  all  the 
dependent  kings.  In  A.  D.  72,  he  was 
deposed  on  a  charge  of  disaffection,  and 
spent  the  rest  of  his  life  at  Rome  (Jos. 
B.  I.  7.  7,  i),  and  his  kingdom  from 
that  time  became  permanently  a  province. 
i"We  have  on  coins  his  portrait  and  those 
!of  bis  wife  lotape  and  his  sons  Epiphanes 
land  Callinicus :    see  Vise.  Ic.  Gr.  pi.  48, 

2.  oomposuit,  as  m  c.  40,  2,  &c. 

3.  inter  lacum  Fucinum,  &c.  This 
lake  (Celano)  had  no  visible  or  sufficient 
natural  outlet,  and  its  sudden  changes  ot 
level  (see  Strab.  5.  3,  13,  240)  caused 
much  loss  to  agriculturists.  An  emissary 
to  connect  it  with  the  Liris  by  piercing 
the  intervening  height  (Monte  Salviano) 
had  been  contemplated  by  the  dictator 
Caesar  (Suet.  lul.  44),  but  never  executed. 
Claudius  undertook  it  with  a  view  to 
increase  the  area  of  cultivable  land,  and 
to  make  the  river  more  navigable  (Dio, 

:6o.  II,  5).     The  work  was  one  of  vast 

expense  and  difficulty  (PI.  N.  H.  36.  15, 

1 24,  124),  and  employed  30,000  men  for 

i  eleven  years  (Suet.  CI.  20)  ;    the  length 

Ibeing    apparently    about    three    English 

Imiles   and   the   material  hard  limestone 

jrock.     A  drawing  and  description  of  its 

'  emissarium'  is  given  in  Diet,  of  Ant.  s.v. 

Nero  appears  to  have  allowed  it  to  become 

blocked  (Plin.  1.  1.)  ;    it  was  restored  by 

Hadrian  (Vit.  22),  but  appears   to  have 

become  useless  in  Dio's  time  (fiaTtjv  8^ 

8^  tSairavrjOr]).     In  modem  times  it  has 

been  taken  up  by  a  French  company  in 

1865,  and  completed  by  Prince  Torlonia 

in   1874,  and   has  brought  40,000  acres 

of    land    into     cultivation     and     made 

a    pestilential    district    healthy.       It    is 

plain  that  the  two  opening   ceremonies 

described    here   and    in   c.    57   must    be 

separated  by  an  interval  of  time.     Nipp. 

thinks    that    the  eleven   years    of  Suet. 

(A.D.  41-52)  are   reckoned  to  the  final 

I  completion,  and  that  the  ceremony  here 
vaguely  dated  ('  sub  idem  tempus  * :  cp. 
II.  8,  i)  belongs  to  an  earlier  year. 


4.  quo  .  .  .  viseretur,  explanatory  of 
the  following  sentence. 

5.  adornatur  ;  cp.  *  adornavit  navis ' 
(i.  47,  5).  Jacob  seems  rightly  to  note 
that  the  woid  so  used  implies  some  more 
important  or  showy  preparation  than  would 
be  expressed  by  *  instruere '. 

6.  trans  Tiberim ;  so  Halm,  Nipp., 
after  Urlichs,  for  Med. '  cis ',  which  Nipp. 
thinks  may  be  'as',  which  again  may 
represent  *  trans '  (the  *  tr '  being  lost  in 
the  ending  of  *  stmcto').  The  correction 
is  confirmed  by  the  account  in  Mon.  Anc. 
iv.  43 ;  *navalis  proeli  spectaclum  populo 
de[dt  /r]ans  Tiberim  in  quo  loco  nunc 
nemus  est  Caesarum.'  Orelli  and  Jacob 
read  'circa'  (after  C.  T.  Zumpt),  which 
is  used  by  Suet,  in  relating  the  event 
(Aug.  43)  in  words  otherwise  nearly 
identical  with  the  *  Monumentum '.  Other 
suggestions  are  *  uls '  and  *  secus '  (see 
Momms.  on  Mon.  Anc). 

levibus  navigiis.  In  Mon.  Anc.  it 
is  stated  that  *  triginta  rostratae  naves 
triremes  a[«/  btreni]t%,  plures  autem 
minores  inter  se  conflixerunt.  Q\uibus 
in]  classibus  pugnaverunt  praeter  remiges 
millia  \io\minum  tr\\a.  circiter*.  Trire- 
mes could  only  be  classed  with  *  levia 
navigia'  in  comparison  with  the  'quadri- 
remes '  of  Claudius. 

minore  copia.  It  is  stated  by  Dio 
(60.  33,  3),  that  on  this  occasion  two 
fleets  contended,  called  Sicilian  and  Rho- 
dian,  each  of  fifty  ships;  whence  Orelli 
follows  Lips,  in  here  inserting  *  c '  before 
'  triremes '.  Suet,  states  (CI.  2 1 )  that  each 
squadron  consisted  of  twelve  triremes; 
which  might  possibly  be  reconciled  with 
Dio  by  supposing  (with  Ritt.)  that  the 
fleet  was  made  up  to  100  by  smaller  ships 
which  could  be  brought  there  and  re- 
moved. It  seems  hardly  possible  to 
suppose  that  all  the  ships  were  triremes 
and  quadriremes,  which  would  probably 
have  had  to  be  built  on  the  spot  and 
would  be  of  no  use  afterwards ;  but  the 
number  of  men  given,  as  compared  with 
that  in  the  seafight  of  Augustus,  presup- 
poses a  very  large  fleet  of  some  kind.  On 
the  use  of  •  copia'  cp.  a.  5a, 4,  an  i  note. 


K   % 


132 


CORN  ELI  I  TACIT  I  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  52 


ediderat.    Claudius  triremis  quadriremisque  et  undeviginti  homi-  2 
num  milia  armavit,  cincto  ratibus  ambitu,  ne  vaga  effugia  forent, 
ac  tamen  spatium  amplexus  ad  vim  remigii,  gubernantium  artes, 
impetus   navium    et    proelio    solita.      in    ratibus    praetoriarum  3 
5  cohortium  manipuli   turmaeque  adstiterant,  antepositis   propu- 
gnaculis  ex  quis  catapultae  ballistaeque  tenderentur.      reliqua 
lacus  classiarii  tectis  navibus  obtinebant.     ripas  et  collis  mon-  4 
tiumque  edita  in  modum  theatri  multitude  innumera  complevit, 
proximis  e  municipiis  et  alii  urbe  ex  ipsa,  visendi  cupidine  aut 
10  officio  in  principem.      ipse  insigni  paludamento  neque   procul  5 
Agrippina  chlamyde  aurata  praesedere.     pugnatum  quamquam 
inter  sontis  fortium  virorum  animo,  ac  post  multum  vulnerum 
occidioni  exempti  sunt. 


2.  ratibus.  A  continuous  platform  of 
rafts  is  intended,  such  as  would  prevent 
their  escaping  at  uncertain  points  (*vaga 
effugia'),  and  leave  them  no  landing 
point  but  that  at  which  they  embarked. 

3.  ad,  *  suitable  for ' :  cp.  '  pontibus 
pedestrem  ad  pugnam'  (c.  57,  2)4  'ad 
explicandas  .  .  .  turmas'  (13.  38,  5).  The 
usage  resembles  that  in  which  the  idea 
of  such  a  participle  as  '  spectans  '  is  sup- 
plied :  cp.  II.  23,  3,  and  note.  Nipp. 
compares  also  the  use  of  *  adversus '  in 
H.  5.  12,  2. 

5.  antepositis  :  cp.  i.  50,  6.  These 
'  propugnacula  '  ('  outworks ')  are  thus 
described  by  Dio :  nixos  re  mpl  avT^v 
(ttjv  \i/xv7]v)  ^vXivov  KaT€aK€va(Te  koi  iKpia 
cTTT/^e.  These  precautions  were  considered 
needful  in  the  presence  of  19,000  armed 
men  of  desperate  character  ('  sontis'  §  5). 

6.  tenderentur,  'might  be  directed,' 
against  any  who  tried  to  escape. 

reliqua  lacus,  &c.  It  appears  that 
these  naval  gladiators  are  here  called 
'  classiarii '  (the  usual  term  for  marine 
soldiers),  and  are  spoken  of  as  *  occupying 
the  rest  of  the  lake  with  decked  ships ' 
(*  tectis  navibus  '  =  vaval  KaTa<ppa.KTOi$). 
Professor  Holbrooke,  however,  thinks  that 
an  additional  guard  is  meant  consisting  of 
ships  manned  by  marines,  to  command  the 
parts  of  the  lake  where  there  were  no  rafrs. 

7.  mon  tiumque  edita.  This  expres- 
sion is  repeated  from  4.  46,  i,  and  most 
recent  edd.  follow  Heraus  in  inserting 
'  que '.  Nipp.  and  some  others  read  '  ac ' 
(before  '  montium '),  with  Puteolanus. 
Dio  here  closely  follows  Tacitus  {irXfjOos 
dvapidfXT]Tov  ijOpoKTeu). 

9.  et  alii  :  cp.  c.  41,  5,  and  note. 


10.  officio,  '  by  way  of  attention* :  cp. 
3.1,2;  '  per  officium  '(1.24,4).  '  Aut ' 
has  the  force  of  *  alii '  .  .  .  *  alii ',  as  in  i. 
55,  2,  &c. 

ipse,  &c.  According  to  Dio,  Nero 
was  similarly  dressed :  6  5k  KXavSios  6 
T6  'Sipctiv  aTpaTictiTiKws  karaXriaav,  fj  b\ 
'Aypnrmva  x^^h^^'^  Siaxpvaq)  kKocrfXfiTo. 
The  'chlamys'  (cp.  Verg.  Aen.  4,  137) 
was  a  Greek  garment,  nearly  the  same 
with  the  '  paludamentum'  (see  Plin.  below, 
and  Momms.  Staatsr.  i,  432,  5),  and  the 
epithet  given  to  it  by  Dio  and  Tacitus  is 
to  be  explained  by  Pliny,  who,  speaking 
as  an  eyewitness  (N.  H.  33.  3,  19,  63), 
describes  her  as  'indutam  paludamento 
aureo  textili  sine  alia  materia  '.  Garments 
of  similar  material  are  recorded  as  worn 
by  Gains  (Suet.  Cal.  19)  and  by  Elagabalus 
(Vit.  23,  3). 

1 2.  sontis.  Dio  says  that  they  were  j 
davdrq)  KaraSediKaafiivoi.  Such  an  amount 
of  criminals  may  probably  represent  the 
sweepings  of  the  provinces  as  well  as  of 
Rome  and  Italy ;  but  even  on  this  sup- 
position the  number,  as  Friedlander  re- 
marks (ii.  324),  is  suggestive  of  iniquitous 
condemnations. 

fortium  virorum  animo.  Suet,  gives ' 
a  different  story ;  that  when  Claudius 
answered  their  salutation  ('  have  impe- 
rator,  morituri  te  salutant ')  with  '  aut 
non ',  they  took  it  as  a  pardon  and  refused 
to  fight ;  that  his  first  thought  was  to 
massacre  them  all,  but  that  afterwards 
by  himself  going  round,  and  threatening 
or  encouraging  them  in  an  undignified 
manner,  he  forced  them  to  fight. 

post  multum  vulnerum :  on  this 
unusual  genit.  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  32  a. 


A.  D.  53] 


LIBER  XIL      CAP,  56-58 


133 


1  57.  Sed  perfecto  spectaculo  apertum  aquarum  iter,     incuria 
operis  manifesta  fuit,  baud  satis  depressi  ad  lacus  ima  vel  media. 

2  eoque,  tempore  interiecto,  altius  efifossi  specus,  et  contrahendae 
rursum    multitudini    gladiatorum    spectaculum    editur,    inditis 

3  pontibus  pedestrem  ad  pugnam.  quin  et  convivium  effluvio  lacus  5 
adpositum  magna  formidine  cunctos  adfecit,  quia  vis  aquarum 
prorumpens  proxima  trahebat,  convulsis  ulterioribus  aut  fragore 

4  et  sonitu  exterritis.     simul  Agrippina  trepidatione  principis  usa 
ministrum  operis   Narcissum   incusat   cupidinis   ac   praedarum. 

6  nee   ille  reticet,   impotentiam   muliebrem   nimiasque  spes   eius  10 

arguens. 
1     68.  D.  lunio  Q.  Haterio  consulibus  sedecim  annos  natus  Nero 


2.  haud  satis  depressi,  'which  had 
not  taken  a  sufficiently  low  level ' :  cp. 
15.  42,  2  ;  also  'saxo  in  mirandam  altitu- 
dinem  depresso'  (Cic.  Verr.  5.  27,  68), 

*  quo  depressius  aestivos  specns  foderint ' 
(Sen.  Cons,  ad  Helv.  9,  2).  The  old  edd. 
had  inserted  '  et '  after  *  iter ',  and  placed 
a  full  stop  after  '  fuit ',  so  as   to  take 

*  depressi '  with  *  specus  '. 

ad  lacus  ima  vel  media,  *  to  the 
lowest,  or  even  the  medinm  depth  of  the 
lake ' :  so  Pfitzn.,  Bumouf,  Louandre,  (S:c. 
Most  others  take  *  media '  to  mean  *  the 
middle '  of  the  lake,  making  it  explana- 
tory of  *ima';  the  greatest  depth  being 
presumably  in  the  centre.  Following 
this  interpretation,  Nipp.  would  seem  to 
be  right  (with  Acidalius)  in  bracketing 

*  vel  media '  as  a  gloss. 

3.  eoque,  '  and  therefore,'  the  reading 
of  all  edd.  for  Med.  *  eo  quo '. 

f  specus,  *  the  tunnel,'  apparently  pi.  for 
[sing.,  as  only  one  appears  to  have  been 
made. 

4.  inditis  pontibus,  pontoons  having 
been  placed  on  the  water  left  in  the  lake : 
so  *  castella  rupibus  indita '  (4.  46,  5). 

5.  quin  et.  Two  sentences  are  here 
combined  for  conciseness;  the  sense  being 
as  if  the  participle  were  a  finite  verb, 
followed  by  the  relative  pronoun.     For 

*  adpositum '  (*  laid  out  near')  cp. '  super- 
positum  convivium'  (15.  37,  3).  'Efflu- 
vium' is  used  for  an  'efflux'  in  Veil.  2. 
120,4;  PI.  N.  H.  7.  51,52,  171. 

6.  quia  vis  aquarxim,  &c.  The  rush 
of  water  carried  away  the  woodwork 
nearest  to  it,  giving  a  shock  to  the  more 
distant  parts,  and  frightening  those  on 
them.  The  combination  of  such  a  word 
as  '  exterrita '  with  '  proxima '  and  *  ulte- 
riora'  is  rightly  explained  by  Walth., 


who  notes  that  such  terms  (like  *  omnia ', 
&c.)  denote  places  and  all  things  or 
people  belonging  to  thenu  Med.  has 
*  exterriti '  j  the  *  s  '  having  been  lost 
before  *  simul '. 

7.  fragore  et  sonitu.  Dr.  notes  this 
and  *  auspicium  et  praesagium'  (15.  74,  2) 
as  apparently  the  only  instances  in  the 
Annals  of  a  coupling  of  synonyms.  In 
the  earlier  works  several  instances  are 
found  (Synt.  und  Stil,  §  242). 

8.  usa,  'taking  advantage  of:  cp. 
'utendum  inclinatione '  (i.  28,  4),  'uti 
necessitate'  (16.  11,  i).  According  to 
Suet.  (33),  Claudius  himself  was  '  paene 
submersus '. 

9.  Narcissum.  He  was  obnoxious  to 
her  as  having  supported  a  rival  (c.  2,  i), 
and  now  becomes  her  pronounced  enemy 
(c.  65,  2). 

cupidinis, '  of  covetousness  :  the  word 
is  so  used  apparently  only  here  and  in 
13-  60»  4;  16.  14,  3.  Dio  (60.  33,  6) 
states  a  belief  that  Narcissus  had  even 
caused  this  catastrophe  to  prevent  a  scru- 
tiny of  the  work.  The  enormous  wealth 
that  he  had  accumulated  is   noted  on 

c.  53,  5- 

10.  impotentiam,  *  impenousness  ;  cp. 
I.  4,  5  ;  4.  57,  4  ;  5-  i»  5,  and  notes. 

12.  D.  lunio  Q.  Haterio.  The  full 
names  are  given  in  Phlegon  de  Mir.  7  viro- 
riv6vTQ3v  AiKfiov  'lovviov  'SiXavov  Top- 
Kovdrov  KOI  Kotin-ov  'Artpiov  'Avtqjvivov. 
The  former  is  one  of  the  great-great- 
grandsons  of  Augustus  (see  Introd.  i.  ix. 
pp.  139,  144).  His  death  is  mentioned 
in  15.  35,  3,  and  further  alluded  to  in  16. 
8,  I  ;  1*2.  3.  The  other,  the  '  Haterius 
Antoninus'  of  13.  34,  3,  was  son  of  D. 
Haterius  Agrippa  (see  2.  51,  2,  and  note). 
It  is  suggested  by  Nipp.  that  his  surname 


134 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D. 


53 


Octaviam  Caesaris  filiam  in  matrimonium  accepit.  utque  studiis 
honestis  et  eloquentiae  gloria  enitesceret,  causa  Iliensium  suscepta 
Romanum  Troia  demissum  et  luliae  stirpis  auctorem  Aeneam 
ajiaflue  baud  procul  fabulis  vetera  facunde  executus,  perpetrat  ut 
f  Ilienses  omni  publico  munere  solverentur.  eodem  oratore 
Bononiensi  coloniae  igni  haustae  subventum  centies  sestertii 
largitione.     reddita  Rhodiis  libertas,  adempta  saepe  aut  firmata, 


may  have  been  taken  from  Anlonia,  who 
was  probably  his  great-great- aunt. 

sedecim.  He  had  really  just  entered 
his  sixteenth  year:  see  note  on  c.  25,  3. 

1.  Octaviam:  see  c.  3,  2.  As  Nero 
had  become  her  adoptive  brother,  she  is 
stated  to  have  been  adopted  into  another 
family  before  her  marriage  (Dio,  60. 
33,  2). 

2.  et  eloquentiae.  Most  edd.  insert 
the  conjunction  (after  G.)  ;  but  such  an 
asyndeton  is  not  impossible.  The  next 
words  are  read  in  Med.^gloriae  nitesceret', 
whence  the  old  edd.  had  *  gloria  nite- 
sceret ' ;  but '  enitescere '  is  thus  used  (cp. 
II.  7,  7,  and  note). 

Iliensium,  On  the  Ilium  of  Roman 
times  see  2.  54,  2,  and  note. 
j  3.  Komanum,  the  Roman  people :  so 
*Samnis ',  *  Poenus ',  &c.,  in  Livy. 
'  demissum,  '  descended ' ;  only  here  so 
used  in  prose,  from  Verg.  (G.  3.  35  ;  Aen. 
I.  288)  and  Hor.  (Sat.  2.  5,  63). 

4.  haud  procul,  *  not  far  removed 
from ' ;  here  used  adjectively,  as  '  palam  ' 
(11.  22,  I)  and  others  (see  Introd.  i.  v. 
§66). 

Vetera:  so  all  edd.,  after  Rhen.  for 
Med.  *  uera '  (the  common  error  of  omis- 
sion of  a  syllable).  There  seems  no 
reason  to  think  it  a  gloss,  with  Haase. 

executus,  *  having  detailed ' :  cp.  '  ex- 
equi  sententias'  3.65,  i  (and  note).  The 
eloquence  was  no  doubt  that  of  Seneca 
(see  13.  3,  2). 

perpetrat,  *  achieves  the  result ' : 
only  here  with  *ut';  in  14.  11,  2,  with 
'ne'. 

5.  omni  publico  munere  solveren- 
tur.    Ilium  had  always  been  a  privileged 

\  city.  The  Romans  had  stipulated  for  its 
freedom  in  concluding  alliance  with  one  of 
the  Seleuci  (Suet.  CI.  25),  and  had  added  to 
its  territory  at  the  conclusion  of  the  war 
with  Antiochus  (Liv.  38.  39,  10)  ;  Sulla 
had  given  it  freedom  (App.  Mithr.  61) 
besides  restoring  it ;    Julius  Caesar  had 

I  confirmed  to  it  the  e\(v6(pia  koi  dKetrovp- 
yijffia  once  bestowed  by  Alexander  (cp. 


Strab.  13.  I,  26,  593,  and  27,  595),  which/ 
still  continued  when  Strabo  wrote.  The! 
words  in  Suet.  CI.  25  (' tributa  in  per-! 
petuum  remisit')  would  show  that  it  had 
again  become  tributary,  or  it  may  have 
been  that  its  immunity  still  had  some 
reservations  which  were  now  swept  away 
(Momms.  Staatsr.  iii.682,  3),  perhaps  (as 
Nipp.  suggests)  the  liability  to  furnish 
recruits  to  the  army.  It  is  stated  at  a 
later  time  (Dig.  27.  i,  17,  i),  that  its 
'  plenissima  immunitas '  included  also 
*  tutelae  excusatio,  scilicet  eorum  pupil- ' 
lorum,  qui  Ilienses  non  sint '. 

eodem  oratore,  abl.  abs.  =  *  eodem 
orante.'  These  words  apply  to  all  the 
three  decrees  mentioned,  though  Suet. 
(Ner.  7)  mentions  him  only  as  proposing 
the  two  former,  that  for  Rhodes  (as  also 
the  speech  for  Ilium)  in  Greek,  and  that 
for  Bononia  in  Latin.  Suet,  also  states 
that  he  made  these  speeches  before  Clau- 
dius as  consul,  i.  e.  two  years  before  this 
date :  Lehmann  would  date  the  speeches 
in  three  successive  years  (pp.  348,  359, 

367). 

6.  Bononiensi  coloniae.  The  Latin 
colony  of  Bononia  in  Cisalpine  Gaul 
(Bologna)  was  established  in  565,  B.  C.  189 
(Liv.  37.  57,  7;  Veil.  I.  15,  2).  Livy 
mentions  it  seven  years  earlier  (33.  37,  3) 
by  its  Etruscan  name  of  Felsina. 

haustae,  so  used  of  destruction  by  fire 
in  3.  72,  4  (where  see  note),  &c.,  and  in 
other  metaphorical  senses  (Introd.  i.  v. 

§  74,  7)- 

7.  reddita  Rhodiis  libertas :  so 
Nipp.  for  Med.  *  redditur '  (which  others 
retain);  the  'r'  being  supposed  to  have 
been  repeated  from  'Rhodiis'.  Thd 
Rhodians  had  gained  a  privileged  posi-j 
tion  as  allies  of  Rome  in  the  Macedonian 
and  Mithridatic  wars  (' bellis  externis'),\ 
but  had  been  deprived  of  their  freedom 
by  Claudius  nine  years  before  this  date 
for  having  crucified  Roman  citizens  (Dio, 
60.  24,  4).  The  island  was  finally  re- 
duced to  a  province  by  Vespasian  (Suet. 
Vesp.    8).     For    further  particulars   see 


A.  D.  53] 


LIBER  XII.      CAP,  58,  59 


135 


prout  bellis  externis  meruerant  aut  domi  seditione  deliquerant ; 
tributumque  Apamensibus  terrae  motu   convulsis  in  quinquen-  '  <J 
nium  remissum. 

1  59.    At   Claudius    saevissima    quaeque    promere    adigebatur 
eiusdem   Agrippinae   artibus,   quae   Statilium    Taurum    opibus  5 
inlustrem    hortis    eius    inhians    pervertit    accusante   Tarquitio 

2  Prisco.     legatus  is  Tauri  Africam  imperio  proconsulari  regentis, 
postquam   revenerant,    pauca    repetundarum    crimina,    ceterum 

3  magicas    superstitiones    obiectabat.      nee    ille    diutius    falsum 
accusatorem,  indignas  sordis  perpessus  vim  vitae  suae   attulit  10 

4  ante  sententiam  senatus.     Tarquitius  tamen  curia  exactus  est ; 


Marquardt,  Staatsv.  i.  191,  4,  5.  An 
epigram  ascribed  to  Antiphilus  (Anth. 
Pal.  ix.  178)  commemorates  Nero's  pa- 
tronage on  this  occasion :  'ris  vapos 
'AfKlov,  vvv  Kaiaapos  d  'PoSos  €t'/xi  Hdaos, 
iffov  5'  avx(*>  <p(yyos  dn*  d/jupoTipcuv.  "HSij 
affevvvfievav  /x€  vea  Karc^uTiOiv  aKriSf 
'AKif,  Kal  irapcL  abv  (ptyyos  tKayLXpe  "Stpcuv. 
Tim  eiiTO) ;  rivi  ftdWov  otpi'iKoixai ;  6s  pikv 
thii^fv  '££  d\6s'  ts  S'  ^St;  pvaaTO  Svofiivav. 
Rhodian  coins  also  exist,  with  apparently 
a  head  of  Nero  as  the  Sun  (Eckh.  ii.  605). 
2.  Apamensibus.  Several  cities  were 
named  after  Apama,  the  wife  of  Seleucus 

INicator.  The  one  here  meant  is  'Arra/iem 
Ki/3(joTos,  in  Phrygia,  close  to  Celaenae, 
on  the  Marsyas,  a  branch  of  the  upper 
jMaeander.  Its  position  on  the  road  of 
(traffic  gave  it  commercial  importance 
I  second  only  to  that  of  Ephesus  (Strab.  12. 
•S>  '5>  577)>  b'^t  ^^  ^^d  often  suffered  from 
iearthquakes  (Id.  579).  Its  site  has  been 
kdentifted  with  that  of  Denier,  near  Ishekli. 
iFor  other  instances  of  such  remission  of 
Jtribute  on  similar  grounds  and  for  similar 
periods  see  2.  47,  i,  and  note.  We  may 
suppose  the  remission  of  what  was  due  to 
the  'aerarium'  to  have  been  granted,  as 
on  other  occasions  (c.  63,  3  ;  4. 13,  i,  &c.), 
through  this  form  of  a  decree  of  the  senate 
*  auctore  principe'. 

4.  At  Claudius.  The  odious  function 
forced  on  him  is  here  contrasted  with  the 
popular  part  assigned  to  Nero.  On  the 
inf.  after  '  adigo '  cp.  4.  29,  3,  and  note. 

5.  eiusdem.  The  last  mention  of  her 
was  in  c.  57,  4;  but  it  is  here  implied 
that  Nero's  action  (c.  58)  was  due  to 
her. 

Statilium  Taurum.  This  person,  son 
of  the  consul  of  A.D.  16  (2.  I,  1),  was 
himself  consul  in  A.D.  44  (Dio,  60.  23, 
I  ;  C.  I.  L.  6.  10399  and  10.  6638),  and 


is  to  be  distinguished  from  Statilius  Taurus 
Corvinus,  who  was  consul  in  A.D.  45 
(Dio,  60.  25,  i),  and  who  conspired  against 
Claudius  (Suet.  CI.  13,  Phleg.  de  Mir.  6). 
It  has  been  thought  that  these  were 
brothers,  and  that  Statilia  Messalina,  wife 
of  Nero  (see  on  15.  68,  5),  was  their  sister. 
Lehmann  (p.  122)  makes  them  cousins  and 
Statilia  the  daughter  of  Statilius  Corvinus. 

6.  hortis  eius  inhians:  cp.  11.  i,  i. 
Tarquitio  Prisco,  subsequently  him* 

self  convicted  of  extortion  (14.  46,  1). 

7.  imperio  proconsulari.  The  pro-j 
consuls  of  public  provinces  had  an  impe-l 
rinm  of  their  own,  and  were  the  colleagues  1 
not  the  servants  of  Caesar. 

8.  ceterum,    *  but     especially ' :     cp. 

*  pauca  campestrium,  ceterum  saltus  .  .  . 
insederunt '  (G.  43,  2)  ;  a  sense  nearly 
akin  to  that  of  *  re  vera  autem '  (see  i.  10, 

1,  and  note). 

9.  magicas  superstitiones:  see  2.  27, 

2,  and  note. 

nee  ille  =  *et  ille  non':  cp.  c.  7,  3 ; 
2.  40,  6,  and  note. 

10.  indignas  sordis.  This  reading, 
adopted  generally  by  recent  edd.,  is 
founded  on  that  of  Heins.  ('indignasque 
sordis  '),     for    Med.    *  indigna    sortes  ' ; 

*  sordes '  being  used  for  the  condition  of 
an  accused  person  in  4.  52,  4  (where  see 
note),  &c.  Other  corrections  proposed 
are  '  indigna  sortis',  '  indignas  artes',  &c. 

vim  .  .  .  attvilit.  This  course  was 
constantly  taken  to  save  confiscation  of 
property  (see  6.  29,  i),  which  nevertheless 
was  often  enforced.  In  this  case  we  may 
suppose  that  the  charge  broke  down  alto- 
gether, as  the  accuser  was  punished. 

11.  tamen,  notwithstanding  the  admis- 
sion of  guilt  implied  in  suicide. 

curia  exactus.  On  such  power  of 
expulsion  by  judicial  sentence,  belonging 


136 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  53 


quod   patres  odio   delatoris  contra  ambitum  Agripplnae  per- 
vicere. 

60.   Eodem  anno    saepius  audita  vox  principis,  parem  vim  1 
rerum  habendam  a  procuratoribus  suis  iudicatarum  ac  si  ipse 
5  statuisset.      ac  ne  fortuito  prolapsus  videretur,  senatus  quoque  2 
consulto  cautum  plenius  quam  antea  et  uberius.      nam  divus  3 
Augustus  apud  equestris   qui  Aegypto   praesiderent   lege    agi 
decretaque   eorum    proinde   haberi    iusserat   ac    si    magistratus 


to  the  senate,  see  4,  31,  8,  and  note. 
Tarquitius  must  have  been  restored  by 
Nero,  so  as  to  become  proconsul  of 
Bithynia  (14.  46,  i). 

I.  pervicere,  so  with  accus.  in  14. 14, 
3  :  cp.  *  quae  vicerant '  (c.  60,  5).  The 
construction  is  akin  to  the  cognate  accus. 
(cp.  Madv.  229,  Roby,  1094).  The 
'odium'  was  no  doubt  partly  or  mainly 
due  to  his  having  accused  a  person  to 
whom  he  had  stood  in  so  close  a  relation 
(cp.  I.  74,  I,  and  note). 

4.  rerum  ...  a  procuratoribus  .  .  . 
iudicatarum.  It  should  be  remembered 
that  it  is  the  civil  jurisdiction  in  fiscal 
causes  that  is  here  spoken  of.  The  words 
used  would  apply  to  procurators  of  all 
ranks  and  grades  (see  Marquardt,  Staatsv. 
i.  p.  41 4,  foil.) ;  but  the  highest  class,  those 
who  governed  the  lesser  Caesarian  pro- 
vinces, as  they  clearly  had  criminal,  may 
be  presumed  to  have  had  also  civil  juris- 
diction. Those  of  the  second  rank,  who 
held  in  each  Caesarian  province  a  position 
answering  to  that  of  the  quaestor  under  a 
senatorial  proconsul,  may  probably  have 
acquired  at  this  time  most  of  the  great 
power  of  extortion  and  practical  indepen- 
dence of  the  legatus  which  we  find  them 
soon  afterwards  possessing  (see  14. 32,  7  ; 
Agr.  9,  5;  15,  2;  Plut.  Galb.  4).  But 
the  regulations  now  made  went  evidently 
to  confer  a  definite  jurisdiction  not  only 
on  these,  but  also  on  procurators  of  the 
third  rank,  those  charged  with  the  super- 
vision of  the  private  estates  of  the  princeps 
(on  which  see  Hirschfeld,  Unters.  25, 
foil.),  and  with  the  collection  of  fiscal 
dues  in  senatorial,  or  indeed  in  any  pro- 
vinces, or  in  Italy.  The  powers  of  these 
had  been  hitherto  very  limited  (see  4.  15, 
3,  and  note) ;  and  fiscal  or  other  suits 
between  the  princeps  and  individuals  had 
been  on  the  footing  of  '  causae  privatae  ' 
(see  4.  6,  7,  and  note) ;  the  procurator 
being  only  a  prosecutor,  not  a  judge  (Dio, 
57-  28,  5). 


5.  prolapsus,  sc.  *  in  eam  sententiam ' : 
the  verb  is  used  of  hasty  speech  or  action 
(i.  31,  3,  &c.).  Suet.  (CI.  12)  represents 
Claudius  as  pressing  the  senate  in  the 
matter  (*  ut  rata  essent  quae  procuratores 
sui  in  iudicando  statuerent,  precario 
exegit '). 

6.  plenius  .  .  .  et  uberius,  i.e.  by  ^ 
extending  the  powers  of  procurators  and ; 
more  fully  defining  them.  Nothing  is 
known  as  to  the  terms  of  this  decree ; 
but  at  a  later  date  the  civil  jurisdiction 
of  the  procurator  in  cases  between  the 
fiscus  and  private  persons  was  concurrent 
with,  and  practically  superseded,  that  of 
the  proconsul  ;  as  is  seen  from  the  advice 
of  Ulpian   (Dig.  i.  16,  9),  cited  on  4. 

I5»  3- 

7.  equestris.  The  use  of  this  word 
as  a  substantive  can  be  defended  from  13. 
10,  3,  and  from  analogous  uses  of  other 
words  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  4  a)  ;  so  that  the 
corrections  'equites  illustres'  (Schmidt), 

*  equites  R.'  (Baiter),  appear  needless. 

qui    Aegypto    praesiderent.       The  - 

*  praefectura  Aeg}'pti '  and  *  praefectura 
praetorio'  were  the  most  important  offices 
open  to  knights  (see  Introd.  i.  vii.  p.  88). 
The  former  corresponded  fully  to  the 
position  of  the  legatus  of  an  important 
province,  involving  command  of  two 
legions,  and  other  troops  (Id.  pp.  99, 
104).  It  is  to  be  observed  that  even  these, 
the  highest  of  the  imperial  praefects,  are 
pointedly  distinguished  here  from  *  magi- 
stratus Romani'  properly  so  called,  as 
consuls,  praetors,  proconsuls,  and  only  ac- 
quire jurisdiction  by  a  special  ordinance. 

8.  proinde  .  .  .  ac  si.  This  is  prob- 
ably the  Med.  text  (where  it  is  read 
'prode'),  and  is  that  of  the  oldest  edd., 
and  is  retained  by  Nipp.  Halm  and  most 
other  recent  edd.  have  followed  G.  in 
reading  *  perinde  *,  which  is  so  used  in  c. 

12,  2.      In  this,  as  in  several  cases  (see 

13.  21,  3,  and  note),  it  seems  best,  in  spite 
of  the  frequent  confusion  of  the  two  words 


A.  D.  53I 


LIBER  XIL      CAP.  59,  60 


137 


Romani   constituissent ;    mox   alias   per   provincias  et   in   urbe 
pleraque  concessa  sunt  quae  olim  a  praetoribus  noscebantur: 

4  Claudius  omne  ius  tradidit,  de  quo  toties  seditione  aut  armis 
certatum,  cum  Semproniis  rogationibus  equester  ordo  in  posses- 
sione  iudiciorum   locaretur,  aut  rursum  Serviliae  leges  senatui  5 
iudicia  redderent,  Mariusque  et  Sulla  olim  de  eo  vel  praecipue 

6  bellarent.      sed  tunc  ordinum  diversa  studia   et  quae  vicerant 
publice  valebant.     C.  Oppius  et  Cornelius  Balbus  primi  Caesaris 


in  their  abbreviated  forms,  to  follow  the 
MS.,  on  the  supposition  that  Tacitus 
intentionally  varied  his  expressions. 
*Proinde  ac  si'  is  also  found  in  Cic. 
(Att.  3.  13,  i)  and  in  Caesar  (B.  C.  3. 

',  5). 

1.  alias  per  provincias,  &c.,  i.e.  to 
Caesar's  procurators  both  in  the  provinces 
and  in  Rome.  With  *  concessa  sunt ', 
'  procuratoribus '  would  be  supplied. 

2.  praetoribus.  From  the  mention 
of  the  provinces  as  well  as  Rome,  Nipp. 
rightly  concludes  that  the  term  is  used 
not  only  of  praetors  at  Rome,  but  also  of 
the  provincial  governors  (see  i.  74,  i,  and 
note). 

noscebantur  =  'cognoscebantur' :  cp. 
6.  9,  7,  and  other  uses  of  simple  verbs 
for  compound  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  40). 

3.  tradidit,  sc.  '  equestribus '  or  *  pro- 
curatoribus'.  There  is  evidently,  as 
Mommsen  has  noted  (Staatsr.  ii.  981,  2), 
a  confusion  of  thought  in  the  whole  of 

ithis  passage.  The  privilege  at  issue  in 
the  contests  of  knights  and  senators  under 
the  Republic  was  that  of  furnishing  the 
jurors  in  the  criminal  'quaestiones  per- 
petuae ' ;  the  question  now  dealt  with  is 
that  of  the  jurisdiction  of  an  individual 

(procurator,  usually  of  equestrian  rank, 
without  jurors,  in  civil  actions  between 
the  princeps  and  individuals.  On  the  old 
controversy,  Tacitus  can  hardly  be  said 
to  express  a  sympathy  ;  but  we  have  the 
evident  animus  of  a  senator  as  regards 
the  position  of  individual  knights,  and  the 
rise  of  that  order,  with  the  decay  of  the 
senate,  under  the  empire  (see  Introd.  i. 
vii.  p.  88). 

,  4.  Semproniis,  pi.  for  sing. ;  the  refer- 
ence being  to  the  law  of  C.  Gracchus  in 
632,  B.C.  122,  not  to  previous  proposals 

.  (see  Momms.  Staatsr.  iii.  530,  i), 

5.   Serviliae,  also  pi.  for  sing.,  as  only 

'the  law  of  the  consul  Servilius  Caepio 
(648,  B.  C.  106)  can  here  be  meant,  which 
by  other  accounts  (see  Momms.  Staatsr. 
iii.  531,  3)  gave  a  share  rather  than  the 


full  possession  of  the  'indicia'  to  the 
senate ;  whereas  the  law  of  Servilius 
Glaucia,  a  few  years  later,  virtually  re- 
stored this  privilege  to  the  knights  (see 
Long,  on  Cic.  Verr.  p.  51).  Nipp.  thinks 
that  both  these  laws  are  here  referred  to, 
and  that  some  words  like  *  vel  adimerent* 
have  been  lost  after  *  redderent '. 

6.  Marius  et  Sulla.  It  is  a  great 
exaggeration  to  describe  this  question  as 
one  of  the  chief  points  at  issue  in  this 
struggle;  nor  does  there  appear  to  be 
any  further  foundation  for  it  than  the  fact 
that  Sulla,  in  his  dictatorship,  restored 
the  '  iudicia'  to  the  senate  (cp.  11.22,9). 
Tacitus  omits  notice  here  of  other  laws, 
especially  the  '  lex  Aurelia'  of  684,  B.C. 
70  (Veil.  2.  32,  3  ;  Cic.  Verr.  ii.  2.  2,  71, 
174,  &c.  ;  Momms.  1.  1.  532),  by  which 
jurors  were  chosen  from  the  senate,  the 
knights,  and  the  *  tribuni  aerarii ',  and  of 
the  final  constitution  of  the  '  iudicia '  by 
Augustus  (Introd.  i.  vii.  p.  87). 

7.  sed  tunc,  &c.,  *  but  the  contests 
then  were  those  of  classes,  and  the  results 
extorted  were  for  the  advantage  of  the 
whole  order'  (of  senators  or  knights),  as 
contrasted  with  the  subsequent  ascendancy 
of  individuals.  Most  edd.  retain  the 
Med.  'vicerant',  but  Halm  follows 
Heinsius  in  reading  e vicerant.  In  either 
reading  *quae'  is  best  taken  as  accusa- 
tive. 

8.  O.  Oppius  et  Cornelius  Balbus. 
On  the  latter  see  11.  24,  4,  and  note.  He 
probably  became  a  knight  soon  after 
receiving  the  ci vitas ;  and  it  is  his  position 
in  this  rank,  not  his  subsequent  career  asj 
senator  and  consular,  that  is  alluded  to.j 
Cicero  in  his  letters  often  speaks  of  him 
and  Oppius,  and  gives  a  joint  letter  from 
them  to  him  (Att.  9.  7,  A),  as  well  as 
others  from  Balbus  separately  (Att.  8.  15 
A ;  9.  7  B  ;  1 3  A).  From  these  sources 
and  others  we  gather  that,  besides  their 
importance  as  Caesar's  financial  agents 
during  his  absence  in  Gaul,  they  were 
also    his  confidants  in  his   overtures   to 


138 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  53 


opibus    potuere    condiciones    pacis    et    arbitria    belli    tractare. 
Matios    posthac    et    Vedios    et    cetera    equitum    Romanorum  6 
praevalida  nomina  referre  nihil  attinuerit,  cum  Claudius  libertos 
quos  rei  familiari  praefecerat  sibique  et  legibus  adaequaverit. 

5      61.    Rettulit   dein   de   immunitate  Cois   tribuenda   multaque  1 
super  antiquitate  eorum  memoravit :  Argivos  vel  Coeum  Latonae 
parentem  vetustissimos  insulae  cultores  ;  mox  adventu  Aesculapii 
artem  medendi  inlatam  maximeque  inter  posteros  eius  celebrem 
fuisse,  nomina  singulorum  referens  et  quibus  quisque  aetatibus 

10  viguissent.     quin  etiam  dixit  Xenophontem,  cuius  scientia  ipse  2 


Pompeius ;  which,  with  the  influence 
which  they  must  have  had  after  his 
victory,  will  explain  the  allusion  here  to 
*  condiciones  pacis',  &c. 

2.  Matios  .  .  .  Vedios,  rhetorical  plu- 
jrals  (cp.  I.  lo,  3).  C.  Matins  is  also 
'  often  mentioned  by  Cicero,  who  preserves 

a  well-known  and  excellent  letter  from 
him  (ad  Fam.  ii.  28).  He  is  generally 
jtaken  to  be  the  same  as  the  *  C.  Matius 
lex  equestri  ordine,  divi  August!  amicus' 
|of  PI.  N.  H.  12.  2,  6,  13,  and  the  author 
((called  '  Cn.  Matius ')  mentioned  in  Cell. 
15.  25,  &c.  Tacitus  appears  to  do  him 
great  injustice  in  thus  ranking  him  with 
Vedius  Pollio  (on  whom  see  i.  10,  4,  and 
note). 

cetera,  such  names  as  Maecenas,  Sal- 
lustius  Crispus  (3.  30,  3),  and   Seianus. 

3.  nihil  attinuerit,  *  it  would  be  un- 
important.' 

libertos.   [i.  e.  it  is  useless  to  talk  of 

the  excessive  influence  acquired  by  Roman 

;  knights  in  earlier  days,   when  even  his 

i  household    freedmen    were     placed     by 

I  Claudius  on  a  level  with  himself  and  the 
laws.  The  reference  is  to  the  all-powerful 
;  freedmen.  Narcissus,  Callistus,  and  Pallas, 
cp.  infra  13.  14  (of  Pallas)  '  cura  rerum 
quis  a  Claudio  impositus  velut  arbitrium 
regni  agebat.' — P.J 

4.  rei  familiari.  It  is  noted  by  Hirsch- 
feld  (Unters.  4)  that  this  term  (cp.  4.  15,  3  ; 
13.  I,  3)  and  '  res  suae '  (4.  6,  5  :  cp.  Orat. 
Claud,  ii.  2 ;  Suet.  Vit.  2,  &c.)  appear  to 
be  earlier  expressions  than  *  fiscus' ;  though 
the  latter  term  is  used  by  Tacitus  in 
speaking  of  the  time  of  Tiberius  (see 
Introd.  p.  28,  4). 

5.  Cois.  On  the  island  of  Cous  see 
2.  75,  2,  and  note;  on  its  temple  of 
Asklepios  see  4.  14,  i,  and  note. 

6.  Argivos,  the  Epidaurians  (Hdt.  5. 
99,  4),  who  were  not  strictly  Argives,  but 


a  mixed  people,  as  is  stated  by  Strabo  (8.  | 
6,  I5>  374)  on  the  authority  of  Aristotle.  \ 
Coeum.  The  legend  that  Coeus,  one  j 
of  the  Titans  (sons  of  Uranus  and  Gaea),  ' 
was  father  of  Leto  (Latona)  by  his  sister 
Phoebe,  is  given  in  Hes.  Theog.  404-406. 
The  name  is  here  restored  by  Lips.,  after 
Mercer,  for  Med.  '  cum '. 

7.  adventu  Aesculapii.  The  legend 
of  the  personal  visit  of  Asklepios  to  this 
island  is  not  recorded  elsewhere  ;  but  the 
worship  here  as  in  other  places  appears  to 
have  been  introduced  from  Epidaurus,  its 
original  seat. 

8.  posteros,  the  Asklepiadae  (cp.  Plat. 
Rep.  405  D,  &c.),  who  existed  as  a  caste 
of  physician  priests  here  and  at  other, 
sanctuaries  of  the  god.  Among  the  phy-| 
sicians  of  Cos  the  most  famous  was  thd 
great  writer  Hippocrates. 

9.  nomina  .  .  .  referens.  This  paren- 
thetical participial  clause,  depending  on 
so  distant  a  verb  as  'memoravit',  has 
here  the  unusual  adjunct  of  a  dependent 
sentence  in  oratio  obliqua  (*  et  .  .  .  vi- 
guissent*). No  strictly  parallel  instance 
seems  quoted ;  but  the  parenthesis  ctTrwr 
v(p^  Sjv  .  .  .  SiouKerai  in  Thucyd.  I.  136, 
6,  is  nearly  similar.  In  Cic.  de  Nat. 
De.  I.  7,  17,  'me  intuens'  is  interposed 
in  the  midst  of  oratio  recta,  as  are  similar 
clauses  in  Thuc.  i.  87,  2  ;  137,  7  :  see 
Nipp.  and  Dr. 

10.  quin  etiam,  &c.  After  a  pedantic 
recital  of  the  legendary  history  of  the 
island,  Claudius  gives  here,  by  the  way, 
the  real  ground  on  which  he  rested  the 
request. 

Xenophontem.  This  physician,  cre-( 
dited  afterwards  with  having  poisoned' 
his  master  (c.  67,  2),  was  honoured  by 
the  islanders  as  their  benefactor,  and  a 
Coan  medal  at  Paris,  with  a  young 
beardless  head  and  inscribed  3ENO*nN, 


A.  D.  53] 


LIBER  XII.      CAP.  60-62 


139 


uteretur,  eadem  familia  ortum,  precibusque  eius  dandum  ut  omni 
tribute  vacui  in  posterum  Coi  sacram  et  tantum  dei  ministram 

3  insulam  colerent.      neque  dubium  habetur  multa  eorundem  in 
populum  Romanum  merita  sociasque  victorias  potuisse  tradi : 

4  set  Claudius  facilitate  solita  quod  uni  concesserat  nullis  extrin-  5 
secus  adiumentis  velavit. 

1  62.  At  Byzantii  data  dicendi  copia,  cum  magnitudinem  onerum 

2  apud  senatum  deprecarentur,  cuncta  repetivere.     orsi  a  foedere 


is  thought  to  represent  him  (Vise.  Ic.  Gr. 
PI,  33,  I).  An  inscription  (C.  I.  L.  vi. 
8905)  calls  him  in  full  *  C.  Stertinius 
Xenophon',  thus  identifying  him  with  one 
of  the  two  Stertinii  mentioned  as  physi- 
cians in  Plin.  N.  H.  29.  i,  4,  8  ;  the 
other  being  there  called  Quintus.  In  the 
*  Bulletin  de  Correspondance  Hellenique ', 
vol.  V.  (1881),  pp.  468-476  (for  suggest- 
ing the  reference  to  which  I  am  indebted 
to  Mr.  E.  L.  Hicks),  M.  Marcel  Dubois 
has  collected  all  the  evidence  respecting 
him  and  the  family  of  the  Asclepiadae  to 
which  he  belonged.  It  is  gathered  from 
various  inscriptions  that  his  father  was 
named  Heracleitus  and  his  grandfather 
Xenophon,  that  another  of  his  brothers, 
Ti.  Claudius  Cleonymus,  and  an  uncle, 
Ti.  Claudius  Philinus,  were  also  Roman 
citizens  and  *  tribuni  militum ',  that  he 
himself  had  filled  a  similar  post,  and  that 
of  praef.  fabrum,  in  the  British  war,  and 
had  there  gained  decorations,  that  he  was 
dpx'C'pos  tSjv  6(S)v  :E(0a(TTaiv,  and  had 
been  secretary  '  ab  epistulis  Graecis',  and 
filled  priestly  offices  in  his  native  island, 
which  paid  honour  to  his  memory  as  ijpQJi 
T9;  rds  iraTpidos  evepyera. 

1.  familia,  the  Asklepiadae. 

2.  ministram.  Prof.  Holbrooke  notes 
that  this  is  probably  a  translation  of 
vfojKopos  (cp.  Acts  19,  35,  &c.). 

3.  nequo  dubium  habetur  :  so  most 
edd.  after  Lips,  for  Med.  'haberetur', 
which  may  have  been  a  false  assimilation 
to  «  colerent '.  Ritt.  prefers  *  habebatur ', 
as  expressing  the  belief  of  that  time. 

multa  .  .  .  merita.  They  had  sup- 
ported Roman  interests  as  early  as  564, 
B.  c.  190  (Liv.  37.  16,  2),  had  resisted 
those  who  would  have  drawn  them  to  the 
side  of  Perseus  (Polyb.  30.  7,  9),  and  had 
joined  Rome  in  the  gieat  Mithridatic 
war  (Plut.  Luc  3,  493),  and  rendered  the 
service  mentioned  in  4.  14,  3. 
f  5.  facilitate  solita,  «&c.  The  proper 
,  position  of  the  relative  is  before  these 
I  words.     Claudius,  with  his  usual  compli- 


ance (*  facilitas  * ;  op.  11.  28,  3),  hadj 
really  asked  the  sacrifice  of  this  portion 
of  state  revenue  to  please  Xenophon  , 
alone,  and  did  not  even  (as  might  have  1 
been  expected)  disguise  his  real  motive, 
by  bringing  forward  their  services  to' 
Rome  as  additional  pretexts. 

7.  At  Byzantii.  The  *  at '  draws  a 
contrast  with  the  previous  sentence.  They 
had  to  plead  their  own  cause,  and  there- 
fore made  the  most  of  their  services  to 
Rome.  Byzantium  had  undergone  many 
vicissitudes  of  dependence  or  subjection 
from  the  time  of  Darius  Hystaspes  and 
during  the  Persian  and  Peloponnesian 
wars.  In  the  time  of  Demosthenes  it  was 
a  free  city  connected  by  friendship  with 
Athens  (de  Cor.  254,  foil.) ;  afterwards  in 
B.C.  220-219  they  had  been  reduced  to 
great  straits  in  a  war  with  the  Rhodians 
and  Prusias  of  Bithynia  (Polyb.  4.  38-52). 
For  its  vicissitudes  under  Rome  see  below. 

8.  apud  senatum.  The  city,  though 
called  '  Thraecia  urbs'  in  2.  54,  2,  be-' 
longed  not  to  the  Caesarian  province  of 
Thrace,  but  to  the  then  senatorial  pro- 
vince of  Bithynia,  as  is  seen  from  Pliny's 
correspondence  with  Trajan  (Ep.  43,  44). 
The  senate  considers  such  requests  from 
its  own  provinces,  as  in  i.  76,  4 ;  or  those 
on  the  right  of  asylum,  &c.  (3, 60-63, &c.). 

cuncta  repetivere,  *  recounted  their 
whole  history,'  i.  e.  that  of  their  relations 
with  Rome :  for  this  use  of  *  repetere '  cp. 
3.  24,  2,  and  note. 

a  foedere  quod  .  .  .  icerant.  Most 
edd.  adopt  this  reading  (from  some  in- 
ferior MSS.)  for  Med.  '  iecerant '  (which 
could  not  be  defended  from  11.  9,  4  ;  see 
note  there)  :  cp.  *  icta  .  .  .  foedera '  (4.  55, 
8).  Em.  would  read  '  fecerant '  here  and 
'  faciunt '  in  1 1.  9,  4.  We  see  hence  that 
Byzantium  had  originally  joined  Rome  as 
a  'civitas  foederata';  in  the  time  of 
Cicero  it  is  certainly  a  '  ci vitas  libera*} 
(de  Prov.  Cons.  4.  7)  and  apparently 
'  immunis ',  but  had  been  shamefully  plun- 
dered by  the  proconsul  L.  Piso  (Cic.  1.  I.,-, 


140 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  53 


quod  nobiscum  icerant  qua  tempestate  bellavimus  adversus 
regem  Macedonum,  cui  ut  degeneri  Pseudophilippi  vocabulum 
impositum,  missas  posthac  copias  in  Antiochum  Persen  Aristoni- 
cum  et  piratico  bello  adiutum  Antonium  memorabant,  quaeque 

5  SuUae  aut  Lucullo  aut  Pompeio  obtulissent,  mox  recentia  in 
Caesares  merita,  quando  ea  loca  insiderent  quae  transmeantibus 
terra  marique  ducibus  exercitibusque,  simul  vehendo  commeatu 
opportuna  forent. 

63.    Namque   artissimo    inter    Europam   Asiamque    divortio  1 

10  Byzantium  in  extrema  Europa  posuere  Graeci,  quibus  Pythium 
Apollinem  consulentibus  ubi  conderent  urbem  redditum  oracu- 
lum  est,  quaererent  sedem  caecorum  terris  adversam.    ea  ambage  2 
Chalcedonii  monstrabantur,  quod  priores  illuc  advecti,  praevisa 


cp.  in  Pis.  35,  86);  the  present  passage 
shows  that  it  was  certainly  at  this  time 
tributary,  as  would  also  be  probable  from 
2.  54,  4.  It  is  called  a  free  state  in  Plin. 
N.  H.  4.  II,  18,  46,  but  lost  its  freedom 
under  Vespasian  (Suet.  Vesp.  8). 

2.  ut  degeneri,  *  as  one  meanly  born' 
(cp.  c.  51,  5,  and  note).  According  to 
Livy  (Epit.  49)  he  was  'Andriscus  qui- 
dam,  ultimae  sortis  homo,  Persei  regis  se 
filium  ferens,  et  mutato  nomine  Philippus 
vocatus'.  Further  particulars  are  there 
given  of  the  account  circulated  by  him- 
self respecting  his  origin.  He  gained 
possession  of  Macedonia  for  about  a  year, 
and  defeated  the  praetor  luventius,  but 
was  conquered  and  taken  prisoner  by  Q. 
Caecilius  Metellus  in  606,  B.C.  148  (Id. 
Epit.  50). 

3.  posthac,  to  be  taken  with  *  memo- 
rabant ',  in  distinction  to  *  orsi '.    The  two 

:  first  of  these  wars  were  prior  to,  that  with 
I  Aristonicus  subsequent  to,  the  war  with 

the  Pseudophilippus  (see  notes  on  3.  62, 

i;  4-55»2). 

4.  Antonium.     The  son  of  the  orator 
I  and  father  of  the  triumvir  is  meant,  who 

received  an  *  infinitum  imperium  '  against 
the  pirates  in  680,  B.C.  74  (Cic.  Verr.  ii. 
2.  3,  8;  Veil.  2.  31,  2),  but  appears  to 
have  been  wholly  unsuccessful.  He  was 
spoken  of  as  'Creticus'  (Plut.  Ant.  i, 
915),  apparently  in  derision,  from  a  de- 
feat, in  which  he  lost  his  life,  three  years 
later  (Liv.  Ep.  97). 

quaeque,  &c.  These  services  would 
be  those  rendered  in  the  Mithridatic  wars 
(Cic.  de  Prov.  Cons.  1.  1.) ;  they  may  also 
have  assisted  Pompeius  against  the  pirates. 
,     5.  recentia;   among  these  would  be 


their  services  in  the  Thracian  and  Bos- 
poran  wars  (c.  63,  3). 

6.  quando,  &c.,  explaining  how  their 
position  enabled  them  to  render  such 
important  service. 

insiderent,  best  taken  from  '  insideo ', 
which  probably  also  takes  an  accns,  in 

4-  5,  5- 

transmeantibus  terra  marique,  i.e. 
not  only  to  those  passing  by  sea  from 
the  Aegean  to  the  Euxine,  but  also  to 
those  who  travelled  by  land  through 
Thrace  and  across  the  Bosporus  to  Asia. 
'  Transmeare '  occurs  here  alone  in  Taci- 
tus (Dr.),  but  is  found  in  Varr.  and  PI.  ma. 
and  afterwards  in  Appul.  &c. 

7.  commeatu,  dative ;  see  note  on  3. 

30,  4- 

9.  artissimo  divortio.  The  abl.  ap- 
pears to  be  local  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  25),  but 
might  be  absolute.  Dr.  notes  that  '  di- 
vortium '  is  nowhere  else  used  precisely 
in  this  sense.  It  has  the  sense  of  a  water- 
shed in  Cic.  and  Liv.,  and  that  of  a  bifur- 
cation of  roads  in  the  latter. 

10.  Graeci,  probably  Megareans ;  but 
the  authorities  on  this  point  are  late  and 
conflicting  (see  Ruperti's  note).  The  date 
is  given  in  Eus.  Chron.  as  B.C.  657 ;  and 
the  colonists  are  said  to  have  found  on 
the  site  an  earlier  town  called  Lygos  (PI, 
N.  H.  4.  II,  18,  46). 

Pythium  Apollinem  consulenti- 
bus. Tacitus  appears  here  to  follow 
Strab.  7.  6,  2,  320.  Herodotus  (4.  144,  2)  | 
makes  the  saying  a  remark  of  the  Persian  ' 
general  Megabazus. 

1 2.  ambage, '  riddle ' :  cp.  6. 46,  6,  &c. 

13.  Chalcedonii.  The  site  of  this  city 
is  occupied  by  a  village,  still  known  by  its 


A.  D.  53I 


LIBER  XII.      CAP,   62-64 


141 


locorum  utilitate,  peiora  legissent.  quippe  Byzantium  fcrtili 
solo,  fecundo  mari,  quia  vis  piscium  immensa  Pontum  erumpens 
et  obliquis  subter  undas  saxis  exterrita  omisso  alterius  litoris 

8  flexu  hos  ad  portus  defertur.     unde  primo  quaestuosi  et  opulenti ; 
post  magnitudine  onerum  urgente  finem  aut  modum  orabant,  5 
adnitente  principe,  qui  Thraecio  Bosporanoque  bello  recens  fessos 
iuvandosque  rettulit.     ita  tributa  in  quinquennium  remissa. 

1      64.  M.  Asinio  M'.  Acilio   consulibus    mutationem  rerum  in 


Greek  name,  but  called  Kadikioi  by  the 
Turks,  near  Scutari.  It  was  founded  by 
Megareans  (Strabo,  1.  1.)  seventeen  years 
before  the  colonization  of  Byzantium 
(Hdt.  1.  1.). 

praevisa  =  *  prius  visa.*  The  sense 
differs  from  that  in  other  passages  (cp. 
c.  40,  6,  and  note),  as  it  here  means  what 
was  before  their  eyes  to  see,  but  which 
they  had  not  noticed. 

1.  fertili  solo,  fectindo  mari,  abla- 
tives of  quality  (Introd.  i.  v.  29) :  cp. 
'nrbem  magnifico  omatu'  (i.  9,  6). 

2.  quia  vis  piscium,  &c.  Recent  edd. 
mostly  follow  Ruperti  and  Bach  in  reading 
'immensa '  (cp.  *  immensam  vim  mortal ium ' 
4.  62,  3)  for  the  Med.  *  in  meta '.  Others, 
with  Lips.,  read  '  innumera ' ;  Ritt.  reads 

*  in  meatu  Ponti '.  The  words  are  closely 
imitated  from  what  appears  to  be  a  state- 
ment of  the  same  fact  in  Sail.  H.  3.  41  D, 
53  K,  40  G  ('  qua  tempestate  ex  Ponto  vis 
piscium  erumpit ') ;  and  it  is  possible  that 
'  Ponto '  should  be  read  here,  though  the 
accus.  can  be  defended  from  Verg.  Aen. 
I.  580  ('erumpere  nubem ')  and  Val.  Fl. 
5, 466  ('  nebulamque  erumpit '),  and  from 
analogous  uses  of  other  verbs  (Introd.  i.  v. 
§  13  c).  The  substance  of  what  is  stated 
appears  mainly  to  follow  Arist.  H.  A.  8. 
15  (13) ;  Strab.  7.  6,  2,  320,  and  PI.  N.  H. 
9.  15,  20,  50,  whence  it  appears  that  the 
chief  shoals  are  those  of  the  nijKafivs  or 

*  thynnus'.  The  latter  adds  that  the  har- 
bour of  Byzantium  (called  K«pay  by  Strabo 
from  the  similarity  of  its  ramifications  to 
those  of  a  stag's  horn)  had  already  in  his 
time  the  name  of  *  the  Golden  Horn ',  from 
the  wealth  thus  flowing  into  it,  which 
Strabo  says  was  the  source,  not  only  of 
the  prosperity  of  the  city,  but  also  of  con- 
siderable revenue  to  Rome.  Other  notices 
of  this  trade  are  collected  by  Prof.  Mayor 
on  Juv.  4,  4a. 

3.  obliquis  saxis.  Strabo  and  Pliny 
speak  of  a  particular  rock  as  scaring  the 
fish  away  from  the  Asiatic  side  by  its 
dazzling  white  colour.     The  true  cause 


was  probably  to  be  found  in  the  set  of  the 
current ;  but  in  modern  times  both  sides 
of  the  strait  are  said  to  abound  in  fish  (see 
Orelli's  note) . 

4.  quaestuosi, 'rich*;  so  used  of  per- 
sons in  13.  35,  3  :  cp.  *gens  .  .  .  navigi- 
orum  spoliis  quaestuosa*  (Curt.  4.  7,  19). 
In  Cic.  and  PI.  ma.  it  has  the  sense  of 
*  covetous '. 

5.  *  finem  aut  modtun,'  *  remission  or 
abatement.' 

6.  Thraecio,  &c.  The  Bosporan  war  is 
that  of  which  the  latter  part  is  related 
above  (c.  1 5-3 1 ).  The  addition  of  *  recens  ** 
(on  which  cp.  c.  18,  2  ;  2.  21,  i,  &c.)  is; 
against  referring  the  Thracian  war  (with 
Orelli)  to  that  of  Poppaeus  Sabinus 
twenty-seven  years  before  (4.  46,  foil.): 
Nipp.  appears  to  be  right  in  taking  it  of 
some  hostilities  at  the  time  when  Thrace 
became  a  province  (cp.  H.  i,  11,  3) ; 
which  according  to  Eus.  Chron.  took 
place  in  A.  D.  46  (the  error  that  it  did  not 
take  place  till  the  time  of  Vespasian  is 
shown  in  Marq.  Staatsv.  i.  157,  6,  to  rest 
on  a  probably  false  reading  in  Suet.  Vesp. 
8,  copied  in  Eutr.  7.  19). 

7.  rettidit,  'brought  the  fact  before 
the  senate.' 

tributa  .  .  .  remissa  :  cp.  c.  58,  2, 
and  note. 

8.  M.  Asinio,  M*.  Acilio.  These  names 
are  given  in  Suet.  CI.  45  as  Asinius  Mar- 
cellus,  Acilius  Aviola:  Med.  has  here 
'Masilinio  macilio',  the  names  being  re- 
stored from  Suet,  and  other  evidence.  On 
the  former  see  14.  40,  3.  The  latter  is 
thought  to  be  the  son  of  the  person  men- 
tioned in  3.  41,  2,  and  is  shown  by  Ephe- 
sian  coins  (Eckh.  ii.  519)  to  have  been 
proconsul  of  Asia  in  A.D.  65-66  (the  head 
of  Poppaea  being  represented  on  one  coin, 
that  of  Statilia  Messalina  on  another). 
Nipp.  also  takes  him  to  be  identical  with 
the  Acilius  Aviola  mentioned  in  Front. 
Aq.  I03,  as  'curator  aquarum  in'  A.D. 
74-97. 


142 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIVM 


[A.  D.  53 


deterius  portendi  cognitum  est  crebris  prodigiis.     signa  ac  ten- 
toria   militum   igne   caelesti  arsere ;    fastigio  Capitolii  examen 
apium  insedit ;  biformis  hominum  partus  et  suis  fetum  editum  2 
cui   accipitrum    ungues   inessent.      numerabatur    inter    ostenta  3 

5  deminutus   omnium    magistratuum   numerus,   quaestore,   aedili, 
tribuno  ac  praetore  et  consule  paucos  intra  mensis  defunctis. 
sed  in  praecipuo  pavore  Agrippina,  vocem  Claudii  quam  temu-  4 
lentus  iecerat,  fatale  sibi  ut  coniugum  flagitia  ferret,  dein  puniret, 
metuens,  agere  et  celerare  statuit,  perdita  prius  Domitia  Lepida 

10  muliebribus  causis,  quia  Lepida  minore  Antonia  genita,  avunculo 
Augusto,  Agrippinae  sobrina  prior  ac  Gnaei  mariti  eius  soror, 


1.  crebris  prodigiis  :  see  above  c.  43, 
I,. and  note.  Suet.  (CI.  46)  and  Dio  (60. 
35,  i)  mention  some  of  these,  and  add 
others,  especially  a  comet,  which  is  at- 
tested by  Pliny  (N.  H.  2.  25,  23,  92). 

signa,  &c.  No  locality  is  mentioned. 
The  *  ignis '  may  have  been  lightning,  or 
(as  Nipp.  thinks)  the  phenomenon  called 
St.  Elmo's  fire.  Similar  prodigies  are 
noted  in  15.  7,  5. 

2.  fastigio,  *  on  the  pediment.'  There 
seems  no  reason  to  read  '  fastigium',  with 
Nipp. ;  inasmuch  as,  though  the  perf. 
would  appear  here  to  be  that  of '  insido', 
not  *  insideo '  (see  the  use  of  the  two  verbs 
in  Tacitus,  as  shown  in  Gerber  and  Greef's 
Lex.),  and  though  the  former  verb  else- 
where (some  twenty-five  times)  takes  an 
accus.  in  Tacitus  (except  perhaps  in  4.  67, 
5),  the  dative  is  certainly  supported  from 
Vergil  (Aen.  6,  708),  and  perhaps  from 
several  other  passages. 

I  examen  apium.  The  swarming  ot 
bees  in  any  unusual  place  was  generally 
regarded  as  a  portent  by  Romans  (Cic. 
de  Har.  Resp.  12,25;  Liv.  2 1 .  46,  2 ;  24. 
10,  11;  27.  23,  3;  Verg.  Aen.  7,  64). 
Pliny  thinks  (N.  H.  11.  17,  18,  55)  that 
the  haruspices  were  wrong  in  always 
treating  it  as  a  sign  of  evil,  as  it  had 
sometimes  clearly  portended  good. 

3.  biformis.  This  word  is  an  epithet 
of  lanus  (Ov.  F.  i,  89),  also  of  Herma- 
phroditus  (Id.  M.  4,  387) ;  so  that  it  could 
be  used  here  either  of  '  bicipites '  (cp.  15. 
47,  2)  or  androgyna  (cp.  Liv.  31.  12,  6). 
Nipp.  takes  it  to  refer  to  half-human, 
half-bestial  forms,  which  is  the  more 
common  use  of  the  word. 

fetum  editum.  Tacitus  can  hardly 
have  written  so  negligently  as  to  add  this 
clause,  without  any  verb  of  speaking,  after 
several  previous  sentences  of  direct  narra- 


tion. It  is  perhaps  possible  to  suppose, 
with  Madvig  (Adv.  ii.  552),  that  the  Med. 

*  ediditum '  is  a  corruption  of  '  editum 
esse  creditum ',  or  that  some  such  verb  as 
'  memorabant'  (cp.  2.  47,  2)  has  dropped 
out  before  *  numerabatur '. 

4.  inessent,  subjunct.  as  stating  matter 
of  report. 

5.  aedili ;  so  read  generally  for  Med. 
'  aelidi ' ;  such  an  abl.  of  *  aedilis '  being 
found  in  Dig.  18.  6,  13  ('cum  aedili  .  .  . 
actionem ')  :    Ritt.  reads  the  more  usual 

*  aedile ',  which  he  considers,  on  the  au- 
thority of  Charis.  (p.  96.  P.),  to  be  the 
only  correct  form. 

6.  defunctis.  None  of  these  are! 
known;    the   consul    must  have   been   aj 

*  suffectus ',  as  both  those  given  above  are , 
known  to  have  been  living  later. 

7.  praecipuo,  '  especial,'  as  distinct 
from  the  general  alarm  inspired  in  all  by 
the  omens. 

8.  iecerat,  *  had  let  drop  ' :  cp.  i.  10, 
7,  and  note.  Suet.  (CI.  43)  gives  this 
saying  in  somewhat  different  words,  and 
adds  expressions  showing  an  intention  to 
restore  Britannicus  to  his  proper  position : 
see  also  Dio,  60.  34,  i. 

9.  Domitia  Iiepida:  see  11.  37,  4, 
and  note  (here  restored  from  the  context 
for  Med.  'domitiale'). 

10.  minore,  apparently  an  error  of  the 
writer  for  *  maiore ' ;  see  4.  44,  3,  and 
note. 

avunculo,  *  great  uncle,'  as  in 
2.  43,  6,  &c.  The  construction  is  abl. 
abs.,  but  is  by  some  taken  as  in  3.  76,  i. 
On  this  and  the  other  relationships  here 
mentioned  see  Introd.  i.  ix.  pp.  140, 
147. 

11.  sobrina  prior,  'first  cousin  once 
removed,'  the  intermediate  grade  between 
'sobrini'     and    *  consobrini '.      Vertran. 


A.  D.  53I 


LIBER  XII.      CAP,  64,  65 


143 


6  parem  sibi  claritudinem  credebat.  nee  forma  aetas  opes  multum 
distabant ;  et  utraque  impudica,  infamis,  violenta,  baud  minus 
vitiis  aemulabantur  quam  si  qua  ex  fortuna  prospera  acceperant. 

e  enimvero   certamen   acerrimum,   amita   potius   an    mater    apud 
Neronem  praevaleret :  nam  Lepida  blandimentis  ac  largitionibus  5 
iuvenilem  animum  devinciebat,  truci  contra  ac  minaci  Agrippina, 
quae  filio  dare  imperium,  tolerare  imperitantem  nequibat. 

1  65.  Ceterum  obiecta  sunt  quod  coniugem  principis  devotioni- 
bus  petivisset  quodque  parum  coercitis  per  Calabriam  servorum 

2  agminibus  pacem  Italiae  turbaret.     ob  haec  mors  indicta,  multum  10 
adversante  Narcisso,  qui  Agrippinam  magis  magisque  suspectans 
prompsisse  inter  proximos  ferebatur  certam  sibi  perniciem,  seu 
Britannicus  rerum  seu  Nero  poteretur ;  verum  ita  de  se  meritum 

3  Caesarem  ut  vitam  usui  eius  impenderet.  convictam  Messalinam 
et  Silium;   pares  iterum  accusandi  causas  esse,  si  Nero  impe- 15 


would  read  '  sobrina  propior',  which  is 
the  term  used  for  this  degree  of  relation- 
ship in  Dig.  38.  10,  10,  16. 

Gnaei.  Ritt.  would  insert  •  Domitii  *, 
but  the  name  can  be  taken  as  supplied 
from  *  Domitia '.  On  Gnaeus  Domitius 
see  4.  75,  2,  and  note. 
(  I.  aetas.  This  point  has  an  important 
I  bearing  on  the  question  of  the  age  of 
iDomitia's  daughter  Messalina  (see  Introd. 
p.  42,  4). 

2.  hand  minus,  &c.,  'they  were  rivals 
no  less  in  their  vices  than  in  their  gifts  of 
fortune.' 

4.  enimvero,    laying    stress    on    the 

strongest  point  of  rivalry :  see  c.  34,  2, 

&c.     Lepida  had  taken  the  boy  into  her 

house  in  his  infancy  when  his  father  died 

i  and  his  mother  was  in  exile  (Suet.  Ner.  6), 

I  and  had  evidently  been  in  the  closest  in- 

!  timacy  with  him  ever  since  that  time  (see 

I  Introd.  p.  49). 

7.  dare,   sc.  'quibat',   supplied  from 

*  nequibat ' :  so  *  potest '  is  supplied  from 

*  non  potest'  in  13.  56,  3;  'expertus' 
from  *  inexpertus'  in  H.  i.  8,  2  ;  *  licebit' 
from  *  non  licebit'  in  Cic.  Ac.  Post.  41, 
126. 

8.  obiecta  sunt.  The  trial  appears 
to  have  been  before  Claudius  personally, 
who  may,  as  Schiller  thinks,  have  sat  as 
head  of  the  family  (cp.  13.  32,  3).  The 
expression   *  mors  indicta '  points  to   an 

(autocratic  rather  than  a  judicial  decree. 
Nero  appeared  himself  as  a  witness  against 
her  (Suet.  Ner.  7). 
devotionibus  :  see  2.  69,  5,  and  note. 


9.  parum  coercitis,  &c.  [The  refer- 1 
ence  is  to  the  troops  of  armed  and ! 
mounted  herdsmen  (pastores)  maintained 
by  the  great  proprietors  on  their  extensive 
ranches  (saltus)  in  Apulia  and  Calabria. 
These  *  pastores '  had  been  notorious  as 
early  as  the  days  of  Catiline  (63  B.C. 
Sail.  Cat.  46).  Under  Tiberius  a  quaestor 
was  stationed  in  S.  Italy  to  check  their 
excesses,  especially  when  moving  along 
the  tracks  (calles)  leading  from  the  low- 
land to  the  highland  grazing  grounds 
(Ann.  4.  2  7).-P.] 

11.  suspectans :  cp.  i.  5,  i,  and  note. 

12.  prompsisse, '  to  have  stated* :  cp. 
I.  6,  6;  2.  33,  2;  6.  7,  i;  15.  60,  4, 
&c. :  so  in  Plant.,  Liv.,  &c. 

seu  Britannicus,  &c.  He  had  de-j 
stroyed  the  mother  of  the  first  (il.  29, 
foil.),  and  opposed  the  mother  of  the; 
second  (c.  2,  foil.),  and  had  nothing  to 
hope  from  either,  but  owed  all  to  Clau- 
dius, and  would  risk  all  to  frustrate 
Agrippina's  plots  against  him. 

15.  pares  iterum,  &c.  Walther  and 
others  have  endeavoured  in  vain  to  ex- 
tract a  good  meaning  from  the  Med.  text ; 
and  the  simplest  alteration  is  that  of 
Halm,  here  given,  who  adopts,  with 
Madvig  (Adv.  ii.  552),  from  Ferrarius 
the  reading  *  metum '  for  *  meritum '.  The  1 
sense  is  thus  taken  to  be  that,  if  the  sue-  j 
cession  is  to  be  secured  to  Nero  (*sil 
Nero  imperitaret '),  he  and  Agrippina' 
will  be  sure  to  hasten  it  by  the  murder  of 
Claudius,  and  there  are  as  good  grounds 
for  accusing  them  as  for  accusing  Messa- 


144 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  53 


ritaret  ;    Britannico    successore    nullum    principi    metum  :    at 
novercae  insidiis  domum  omnem  convelli,  maiore  flagitio  quam 
si    impudicitiam    prions    coniugis    reticuisset.      quamquam    ne  4 
impudicitiam    quidem    nunc   abesse  Pallante  adultero,  ne  quis 

5  ambigat  decus  pudorem   corpus,   cuncta  regno   viliora   habere, 
haec  atque  talia  dictitans  amplecti  Britannicum,  robur  aetatis  5 
quam    maturrimum   precari,   modo   ad   deos,   modo    ad    ipsum 
tendere   manus,  adolesceret,   patris   inimicos  depelleret,   matris 
etiam  interfectores  ulcisceretur. 

lo      66.    In   tanta   mole    curarum  valetudine   adversa   corripitur,  1 


lina  and  Silius  of  a  similar  design.  On 
the  other  hand,  if  they  were  got  rid 
of  and  Britannicus  were  the  recognized 
successor,  Claudius  (whom  it  was  the  es- 
pecial object  of  Narcissus  to  save)  had 
nothing  to  fear,  for  the  boy's  youth  made 
it  his  interest  and  that  of  his  partisans 
that  Claudius  should  live  as  long  as  pos- 
sible ;  but  Agrippina  was  bent  on  up- 
rooting the  whole  family  including  Clau- 
dius himself.  What  is  here  unsatisfactory 
I  is  the  interpretation  of  '  si  Nero  imperi- 
taret ',  which  in  its  only  natural  meaning 
('  if  Nero  were  to  become  emperor ') 
spoils  the  sense  (the  chief  object  of  an 
accusation  being  to  prevent  his  becoming 
so),  and  which  may  probably  have  been 
a  blundering  marginal  note  interpolated 
into  the  text.  Orelli  and  others  have 
gone  further,  and  bracketed  all  the  words 
*  si  Nero  .  .  .  successore '  as  two  glosses 
explanatory  of  *  seu  Britannicus  rerum 
seu  Nero  poteretur ',  and  explained  the 
sense  to  be  that  another  such  plot  as  that 
of  Messalina  and  Silius  was  on  foot,  but 
that  Claudius  had  no  fears  (did  not  see  his 
danger).  But  this  view,  as  well  as  that 
of  Freinsh.,  who  brackets  all  the  words 
'si  Nero  ...  at',  and  of  Nipp.,  who 
brackets  '  pares  .  .  .  esse  '  and  '  Britannico 
successore '  (retaining  the  Med.  '  meri- 
tum'),  appear  to  overlook  the  needful- 
ness of  some  mention  of  Britannicus  in 
context  with  *  novercae  insidiis  ',  and  also 
the  stress  laid  on  *  principi ' ;  the  point 
being  that  Narcissus,  though  he  had 
little  to  hope  from  either  successor,  de- 
sired to  preserve  Britannicus  instead  of 
Nero,  with  a  view  to  the  safety  of  Clau- 
dius. 

2.  maiore  flagitio,  best  taken  as  abl. 
abs.  (*  while  the  outrage  was  greater  than 
it  would  have  been,'  &c.). 

3.  reticuisset.  The  subject  of  this  is 
Narcissus  himself,  who  had  brought  the 


facts  to  the  knowledge  of  Claudius  (11. 
29,  2,  foil.). 

quamquam,  *  however.'  Nipp.  notes 
that  it  is  so  used  at  the  beginning 
of  a  sentence  only  here  and  in  G.  1 7.  4  ; 
Dial.  28,  3  ;  32,  5. 

4.  Pallante  adultero  (abl.  abs.)  :  see 
c.  25,  I ;  14.  2,  4. 

ne  quis  ambigat,  *  so  that  none 
can  doubt.'  The  sentence  runs  as  if 
*  Agrippinam  quoque  impudicam  esse ' 
had  preceded  ;  and  '  eam '  is  supplied  as 
the  subj.  of  *  habere '.  It  does  not  seem 
necessary  to  insert  *  eam  '  (with  Ritt.),  or 
to  read  'haberi'  (with  Grotius).  *  Am- 
bigere  '  takes  an  accus.  and  infin.  in  6.  28, 
8;  H.  4.  49,  2  ;  as  do  other  verbs  ex- 
pressing doubt,  in  negative  sentences 
(Introd.  i.  v.  §  44).  , 

7.  maturrimum.  This  superl.  adj.isaTr. 
tip.  The  adv.  *  maturrime'  (though  also 
rare)  is  found  in  Cic,  Caes.,  and  Sail. 

8.  adolesceret.  The  idea  of  a  verb 
of  speech  is  implied  in  *  precari ',  or  in 
'  tendere  manus '. 

matris  etiam,  &c.,  i.  e.  let  him,  if 
he  will,  take  vengeance  also  on  Narcissus 
himself.  Compare  the  similar  sentiment 
expressed  afterwards  by  Agrippina  her- 
self (13.  14,4). 

10.  corripitur,  sc. '  Narcissus '.  Most 
of  the  older  edd.  follow  inferior  MSS.  in 
inserting  '  Claudius',  which  must  have 
been  an  erroneous  gloss,  as  the  death  of 
Claudius  took  place  at  Rome  in  the 
Palatium.  Dio  states  (60.  34,  4)  that 
Narcissus  suffered  from  gout,  and  that 
the  springs  of  Sinuessa  were  a  specific 
for  that  complaint:  Pliny  (N.  H.  31.  2, 
4,  8)  gives  them  a  different  virtue  ('  steri- 
litatem  feminarum  et  virorum  insaniam 
abolere  produntur')  ;  Strabo  (5.  3,  6,  234) 
only  notes   them   as   useful   irpbs  voaovs 


A.  D.  54] 


LIBER  XII,      CAP.  65,  66 


»45 


refovendisque    viribus    moUitia    caeli    et    salubritate    aquarum 

2  Sinuessam  pergit.  turn  Agrippina,  sceleris  olim  certa  et  oblatae 
occasionis  propera  nee  ministrorum  egens,  de  genere  veneni 
consultavit,  ne  repentino  et  praecipiti  facinus  proderetur ;  si 
lentum  et  tabidum  delegisset,  ne  admotus  supremis  Claudius  et  5 

3  dolo    intellecto    ad    amorem    filii    rediret.      exquisitum   aliquid 

4  placebat  quod  turbaret  mentem  et  mortem  differret.  deligitur 
artifex  talium  vocabulo  Locusta,  nuper  veneficii  damnata  et  diu 

5  inter  instrumenta  regni  habita.     eius  mulieris  ingenio  paratum 
virus,  cuius  minister  e  spadonibus  fuit  Halotus,  inferre  epulas  et  i< 
explorare  gustu  solitus. 


2.  Sinuessam,  now  Mandragone,  on 
the  coast,  just  north  of  the  mouth  of  the 
Vnlturnns.  The  hot  springs  were  at  a 
short  distance  from  the  town,  at  a  place 
called  *  Aquae  Sinuessanae '  (H.  i.  72, 
f  ;  Liv.  22.  13,  10,  &c.),  and  still  called 
*  Bagni '. 

sceleris  certa,  *  resolved  on  poison- 
ing ' ;  for  this  specific  sense  of  '  scelus ' 
see  I.  5,  I  (and  note)  ;  for  that  of  'certus' 
and  its  use  with  similar  genit.  see  4.  34, 
2,  and  note,  and  other  instances  here 
given  by  Nipp.  In  i.  27,  3,  &c.  the 
construction  is  the  same,  but  the  sense 
different. 

oblatae  occasionis.  For  the  genit. 
with  'properus'  cp.  4.  59,  5  ;  H-  26,  4, 
and  notes ;  for  that  with  '  egens  *  (*  defi- 
cient in  respect  of),  4.  20,  4,  and  note. 
The  opportunity  seized  was  that  afforded 
by  the  removal  of  the  vigilance  of  Nar- 
cissus. The  words  of  Dio  would  either 
mean  that  she  or  that  Claudius  had  sent 
him  to  Sinuessa. 

4.  consultavit.  From  this  verb  the 
idea  of  '  metuens '  is  supplied  with  the 
following  clauses  :  cp.  i.  47,  2. 

repentino  et  praecipiti,  '  sudden 
and  instantaneous '  (C.  and  B.)  :  so  'prae- 
ceps  et  strenuum  remedium'  (Curt.  3.  14, 
2).  Such  poison  is  called  *  rapidum  '  in 
c.  67,  3;  13.  15,  3;  *  velocissimum  et 
praesentaneum '  in  Suet.  Ner.  33. 

5.  tabidum,  '  causing  slow  decay ' 
(cp.  *  tabida  .  .  .  lues '  Verg.  Aen.  3,  137), 
the  'venenum  lentum  atque  tabificum  '  of 
Suet.  Tib.  73.  A  full  account  of  Roman 
proficiency  in  poisoning  is  given  by  Prof. 
Mayor  on  Juv.  i,  70. 

admotus  supremis,  'when  brought 
near  to  his  end,'  i.  e.  when  he  felt  it  ap- 
proaching. For  *  supremis  '  cp.  3.  49,  i ; 
6.  50,  3. 


6.  ad  amorem,  &c.  Tacitus  does  not 
seem  to  accept  the  story  given  by  Suet. 
(CI.  43)  and  Dio  (60.  34,  i),  that  Clau^ 
dius  had  already  shown  signs  of  return- 
ing affection  for  Britannicus. 

7.  turbaret :  cp.  *  turbata  mens ') 
(13.  3,  6).  The  purpose  was  to  affect j 
his  mind  so  as  to  make  him  unconscious 
that  he  was  being  poisoned.  It  is  notice- 
able that  no  clear  trace  of  such  a  plan  ap- 
pears in  the  subsequent  narrative  of  hiS| 
end. 

8.  vocabulo  Locusta.  On  the  use  of 
*  vocabulum '  for  proper  names  cp.  i.  8,  4 ; 
2.  6,  5,  &c.  The  name  of  this  person  is 
written  thus  in  the  MSS.  of  Tacitus  and 
in  the  fragment  of  Tumus,  a  satirist  con- 
temporary with  Juvenal  (see  Mayor  on 
Juv.  I,  71);  but  in  Suet,  and  Juvenal 
(Mayor)  it  is  read  *  Lucusta ',  and  the 
name  'Nonia  Lucusta'  occurs  in  an  in- 
scription (I.  R.  N.  6044).  The  scholiast 
on  Juv.  states  that  she  was  a  native  of 
Gaul. 

diu  .  .  .  habita,  *  long  retained  as: 
one  of  the  tools  of  despotism.'  She  was 
again  employed  to  poison  Britannicus  (13. 

15,  4),  continued  all  through  the  time  of 
Nero  (Suet.  33.  47),  and  was  put  to  death 
by  Galba  (Dio,  64.  3,  4). 

9.  ingenio,  *  inventiveness ' ;  used  bit- 
terly of  criminal  skill  in  14.  3,  5  ;  1 5. 42,  i ; 
H.  3.  38, 1 :  cp.  'magnitudo  sceleris  omnia 
ingenia  superat '  (Sail.  Cat.  51,  8). 

10.  Halotus.  This  person  also  survived 
Nero,  and  was  promoted  by  Galba  to  a 
wealthy  procuratorship  (Suet.  Galb.  15). 

11.  explorare  gustu;    soused  in  13. 

16,  2  of  the  office  of  *  pracgustator ',  which 
is  found  as  a  distinct  title  in  inscriptions 
as  eariy  as  the  time  of  Augustus  (C.  I.  L. 
vi.  9005)  ;  another  taster  of  Claudius  is 
mentioned,  named  Bucolas  (C.  I.  L,  ii. 


i46 


CORNELll  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  54 


67.  Adeoque  cuncta  mox  pernotuere  ut  temporum  illorum  1 
scriptores  prodiderint  infusum  delectabili  boleto  venenum,  nee 
vim    medicaminis    statim    intellectam,    socordiane    an    Claudii 
vinolentia  ;    simul   soluta   alvus   subvenisse    videbatur.      igitur  2 
t  exterrita  Agrippina  et,  quando  ultima  timebantur,  spreta  prae- 


3612) ;  and  another  inscription  (C.  I.  L. 
vi.  9003)  shows  them  to  have  formed  in 
the  time  of  Claudius  a  collegium  under 
a  procurator.  The  custom  is  found  in 
the  old  Medo-Persian  Empire  (Xen.  Cyr. 
I.  3,  9),  and  in  other  monarchies,  such 
as  that  of  Hiero  (Ath,  4.  71,  1716). 
Athenaeus  (1.  1.)  says  (Ka\ovv  Kal  roiis 
vpoyevaras  kSfdrpovs,  on  irpoiqaOiov  twv 
fiaaiKewv  wpbi  dcrcpaXfiav.  Pliny  gives  an 
anecdote  (N.  H.  21.  3,  9,  12)  of  the  pre- 
cautions in  this  respect  taken  by  Antonius 
against  Cleopatra. 

1.  temporum  illorum  scriptores, 
'contemporary  writers':  cp.  'scriptores 
.  .  .  eorundem  temporum  '  (2.  88,  i).  On 
the  chief  writers  thus  referred  to,  see 
Introd.  i.  iii.  pp.  10-13.  The  authorities 
appear  to  have  told  the  story  with  several 
discrepancies  (see  Suet.  CI.  44)  ;  and  it  is 
worthy  of  note  that  Josephus(Ant.  20. 8,1) 
declines  to  affirm  with  certainty  that  he 
was  poisoned  at  all,  saying  only  \6yos  rjv 
vapd  Tivwv. 

2.  infusum,  sc. '  ab  Haloto '  (c.  66,  5). 
Suet,  states  that  some  accounts  made  it 
the  act  of  Agrippina  herself. 

delectabili  boleto.  [Med.  has  '  bo  leto' 
with  '  ci '  in  faded  ink  and  probably 
by  a  different  hand  before  '  bo ',  giving 

*  cibo  leto '.  Most  edd.  follow  Jac.  Gro- 
novius  in  reading  •  cibo  boleto ' ;  but  the 
'  ci '  is  probably  only  due  to  a  misunder- 
standing of  the  isolated  'bo'  of  the 
codex,  and  it  seems  better  with  Wurm, 
though  not  for  the  reason  he  gives,  to 
discard  *  cibo '  and  to  read  simply  as  above 
'  delectabili  boleto '.— F.]  That  the  poison 
was  administered  in  a  mushroom  is 
affirmed  by  a  consensus  of  authorities  : 
see  Suet.  CI.  44 ;  Ner.  33  ;  Dio,  1. 1.;  Plin. 
N.  H.  22.  22,  46,  92  ;  Martial,  i.  21,  4  ; 
Juv.  5, 147  ;  6,  620  (the  two  latter  authors 
confirming  the  account  in  Dio  by  speak- 
ing of  a  single  *  boletus  ') ;  and  the  witti- 
cism   of    Nero,    that    mushrooms    were 

•  deorum  cibus ',  is  given  by  Suet,  and  Dio. 
Only  Tacitus  and  Suet,  (see  below  on  §  3) 
speak  of  any  further  subsequent  adminis- 
tration of  poison.  The  mushroom  is 
thought  to  have  been  one  of  a  kind 
common    in   Italy   and    known    by  the 


names  of  *  agaricns  Caesareus  *,  *  agaricus 

aurantiacus ',  and  '  amanita  Caesaris  : ' 
see  Lenz,  *  Botanik  der  alten  Griechen 
und  Romer,'  p.  753. 

3.  intellectam,  sc.  '  a  consciis '.  If 
however  the  following  words  are  so  read 
as  to  make  the  '  socordia '  that  of  Claudius 
himself,  it  is  possible,  with  Merivale,  to 
take  these  words  to  mean  that  its  effect 
was  not  felt :  cp.  '  intellecto  magis  ac 
magis  .  .  .  vulnere '  (Stat.  Theb.  1 1 ,  546). 

socordiane,  &c.  The  poison  was  in- 
tended to  affect  the  mind  rather  than  the 
life  (c.  66,  3),  but  was  expected  lo  do 
this  at  once.  The  fact  that  no  effect  was 
perceived  might  have  been  due  to  the 
dulness  of  those  watching  for  it,  or  to  his 
drunkenness,  whereby  the  real  condition 
of  the  brain  could  not  be  known.  The 
reading  above  is  that  of  some  of  the  oldest 
edd.  and  of  Halm,  Nipp.,  and  Dr.,  among 
modems  :  Med.  has '  socordiane  an  Claudii 
ui-  an  uinolentia ',  which  Pich.  defends, 
but  which  has  been  generally  taken  to 
contain  an  error  of  repetition.  Ritt.  omits 
the  first  '  an '  and  takes  '  ui '  to  be  the 
corruption  of  some  abbreviation  of  '  in- 
certum  ' ;  while  most  others  follow  Rhen. 
in  the  somewhat  more  violent  omission  of 
the  first '  an  '  and  '  ui ' ;  in  both  of  which 
readings  *  socordia  '  is  taken  of  the  stupe- 
faction of  Claudius  by  surfeit.  That  excess  j 
in  eating  and  drinking  was  supposed  to  \ 
impede  the  action  of  poison  appears  from  ' 
Liv.  26.  14,  5,  The  account  in  Dio, 
following  one  of  the  versions  given  by 
Suet.,  states  that  he  at  once  collapsed 
and  was  carried  off  and  died  the  same 
night,  adding  that  he  had  been  so  often  j 
carried  off  intoxicated  that  no  suspicion  j 
was  excited  in  the  guests. 

4.  soluta  alvus,  &c.  The  same  result 
is  mentioned  in  the  case  of  Britannicus 
(13.  I5»  6). 

5.  et  quando,  &c.  Here  '  et '  couples 
'  exterrita '  to  the  abl.  abs.  It  would 
hardly  seem  that  an  antithesis  is  intended 
between  '  ultima '  and  '  praesentium  ' ;  for 
the  former  can  scarcely  be  taken,  with 
Louandre,  &c.,  in  the  sense  of  '  future 
consequences ',  but  must  rather  mean  '  the 
uttermost  penalties  ' :  cp.  '  ultimum  sup- 


A.  D,  54] 


LIBER  XIL      CAP.  67,  68 


H7 


sentium  invidia  provisam  iam  sibi  Xenophontis  medici  con- 
3  scientiam  adhibet.  ille  tamquam  nisus  evomentis  adiuvaret, 
pinnam  rapido  veneno  inlitam  faucibus  eius  demisisse  creditur, 
haud  ignarus  summa  scelera  incipi  cum  periculo,  peragi  cum 
praemio.  5 

1  68.  Vocabatur  interim  senatus  votaque  pro  incolumitate 
principis  consules  et  sacerdotes  nuncupabant,  cum  iam  exanimis 
vestibus  et  fomentis  obtegeretur,  dum  quae  res  forent  firmando 

2  Neronis  imperio  componuntur.      iam  primum  Agrippina,  velut 
dolore  victa  et  solacia  conquirens,  tenere  amplexu  Britannicum,  10 
veram  paterni  oris  effigiem  appellare  ac  variis  artibus  demorari 

9  ne  cubiculo  egrederetur.     Antoniam  quoque  et  Octaviam  sorores 


plicium '  (3.  49,  4)  ;  'extrema'  (5.  5,  2)  ; 
•  novissima  expectabat '  (6.  50,  8). 

spreta  praesentium  invidia,  *  defying 
the  infamy  of  the  present.'  The  original 
plan  (see  above)  appeared  to  have  failed, 
and  in  her  panic  she  falls  back  on  that  of 
instantaneous  poison ;  as  the  exposure  to 
which  she  thus  became  more  liable  (c.  66, 
2),  however  it  branded  her  with  infamy, 
would  bring  no  danger  when  the  end  was 
gained.  The  prevalence  of  reports  (§  i), 
and  still  more  the  jest  of  Nero  (see  note 
on  §  1),  show  how  little  attempt  was  made 
at  concealment. 

1.  provisam  .  .  .  conscientiam,  *the 
already  secured  complicity ' :  for  *  provi- 
sam' cp.  2.  14,  2,  &c.,  for  '  conscientia ' 
2.  40,  3,  &c.  Xenophon  (on  whom  see 
c.  61,  2)  is  not  charged  by  the  other 
accounts  with  any  share  in  the  deed ;  but 
the  vast  fortune  amassed  by  him  and  his 
brother  (see  Plin.  N.  H.  29.  i,  4,  8)  tells 
against  their  character,  and  has  been 
thought  to  represent  in  part  the  wages  of 
this  crime. 

2.  nisus  evomentis, '  the  natural  effort 
to  vomit.'  That  Claudius  often  availed 
himself  of  this  resource  of  Roman  glut- 
tony, and  was  often  thus  assisted  in  it,  is 
stated  in  Suet.  CI.  33.  The  detail  of  the 
poisoned  feather  is  given  by  Tacitus  alone : 
Suet.,  who  notes  that  all  the  circumstances 
were  reportetl  with  much  variation,  speaks 
of  those  who  state  that  a  second  dose  had 
to  be  administered  as  saying  either  that  it 
was  given  in  a  restorative  after  the  ex- 
haustion of  vomiting,  or  in  the  form  of 
a  clyster. 

3.  faucibus  =  *  per  fauces ' :  on  such 
uses  of  the  local  abl.  to  express  direction 
see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  35. 


4.  summa  scelera,  &c.,  *  that  the  first 
steps  in  the  greatest  crimes  were  attended 
with  danger,  the  completion  with  reward ' ; 
i.e.  that  prompt  action  was  the  safest 
course. 

8.  fomentis.  These  would  be  external 
applications  to  restore  warmth  to  the 
body.  Jacob  aptly  compares  '  si  condo- 
luit  .  .  .  frigore  corpus  . .  .  fomenta  paret* 
(Hor.  Sat.  i.  i,  80-82). 

[dum  . , .  componuntur.  Med.  gives 
'dumque  re  forent'  with  *  s '  added  above 

*  re '  by  the  same  hand.  There  are  dots 
by  some  later  hand  under  'forent'.  Most 
edd.  thinking  the  *  s  '  a  late  addition  read 

*  dum  quae  forent'  (Orelli,  Emesti,  Halm). 
Other  MSS.,  with  the  exception  of  MS. 
Agricola  which  reads  as  above,  and  old  edd. 
generally  give  '  dum  res  firmando '  with- 
out 'forent'.  If  the  corruption  be  deeper, 
possibly  *  quae  re(s)  forent '  may  itself  be 
a  perversion  of  *  quae  refovent ',  a  note  on 
'  fomentis '. — F,]  For  the  dependence  of 
'  dum '  on  *  cum '  Dr.  compares  *  cum  .  .  . 


afferrent,   dum    .  .  . 

1-3). 

9.  iam  primum, 
cp.  4.  6,  2;    14.  31 
190. 

10.  dolore  victa. 


redderent'    (Dial. 

in  the  first  place  * : 
,  3;   Verg.  Aen.  8, 

Halm  here  follows 
Heins.  in  reading  *  evicta',  but  Nipp.  and 
others  seem  to  be  right  in  retaining  the 
Med.  as  above.  Jacob  points  out  that 
'evictus',  when  thus  used,  means  'pre- 
vailed upon',  '  forced  to  give  way '  (c.  25, 

3;  1-57.  5;  4- .^7.  5;  ii-37»4;  15-64, 
2  ;  H.  2.64,  5),  and  that  the  true  parallel 
here  is  '  victus  luctu  animus '  (3.  3,  a). 

conquirens,  '  seeking  from  all   quai- 
ters';  cp.  15.  56,  2,  &c. 


La 


148 


CORN  ELI  I  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  54 


eius  attinuit  et  cunctos  aditus  custodiis  clauserat,  crebroque 
vulgabat  ire  in  melius  valetudinem  principis,  quo  miles  bona  in 
spe  ageret  tempusque  prosperum  ex  monitis  Chaldaeorum  ad- 
ventaret. 

5      69.    Tunc   medio    diei   tertium   ante   Idus   Octobris,  foribus  1 
palatii   repente   diductis,   comitante    Burro    Nero   egreditur  ad 
cohortem    quae   more    militiae    excubiis    adest.      ibi    monente 
praefecto  faustis  vocibus  exceptus  inditur  lecticae.     dubitavisse  2 
quosdam  ferunt,  respectantis  rogitantisque  ubi  Britannicus  esset : 

[o  mox  nullo  in  diversum  auctore  quae  offerebantur  secuti  sunt, 
inlatusque  castris   Nero  et  congruentia  tempori  praefatus,  pro-  3 
misso   donativo   ad   exemplum   paternae   largitionis,   imperator 


1.  attinuit,  'kept  under  restraint*: 
cp.  3.  3,  3;  14-  25,  2,&c. 

aditus  .  .  .  clauserat.  Similar  pre- 
cautions were  taken  by  Livia  at  the  death 
of  Augustus  (i.  5,  6). 

2.  ire  in  melius,  *  was  progressing 
favourably ' :  so  *  pessum  ire '  (i.  79,  2) ; 
*  in  perniciem  ire'  (5.  11,  3).  Suetonius 
says  (CI.  45)  that  players  were  brought 
into  the  palace,  as  if  by  his  command 
and  for  his  amusement.  So  Seneca  (who 
says  of  course  nothing  of  the  poison), '  ex- 
piravit  dum  comoedos  audit'  (Lud.  4,  2). 

miles,  the  guard  outside  (c.  69,  i). 

3.  tempus  prosperum, '  the  auspicious 
moment'  of  the  astrologers.  The  next 
sentence  shows  that  this  was  midday. 
That  Agrippina  consulted  such  persons 
on  her  fortunes  and  those  of  Nero  appears 
from  6.  22,  6 ;  14.  9,  5. 

5.  medio  diei:  cp.  ii,  21,  2,  and  note 
(*  per  medium  diei').  Suet.  (Ner.  8)  gives 
the  exact  time  ('  inter  horam  sextam  sep- 
timamque');  which  Sen.  (Lud.  2,  2) 
makes  to  be  the  time  of  the  death ;  as  if 
supposing  that  no  delay  had  taken  place 
in  the  announcement. 

tertium  ante  Idus  Octobris  (Oct. 
13),  anastrophe  for  the  usual  '  ante  tertium 
diem  Id.  Oct.'  Tacitus  commonly  omits 
'  ante'  in  such  expressions,  as  in  6.  25,  5 
(where  see  note).  The  same  date  is  given 
inthe*ActaArvalium'(C.I.  L.vi.i,  2041); 
also  by  Sen.  (1.  1.),  Suet.  (CI.  45),  and 
Dio  (60.  34,  3).  Claudius  was  sixty-three 
years  old  and  two  months,  and  had  ruled 
thirteen  years,  eight  months,  and  twenty 
days. 

6.  Burro:  see  c.  42,  2.  The  '  prae- 
fectus  praetorio'   was  perhaps  as  a  rule 


present   with  the  cohort  on  duty  at  the! 
palace  (cp.  Dio,  69.  18,  2).     On  this  co- 
hort in  attendance  on  the  emperor's  per-] 
sonseei.  7,  7;    1 1.375  3;    13-2,5;   H. 
I.  24,  2  ;  29,  2. 

7.  excubiis,  dat.  of  purpose;  cp.  i.  51, 
4;  4.  72,  5,  and  notes. 

monente,  aoristic  :  cp.  '  praemonente 
Narcisso '  (11.  35,  3).  The  praefect  tells 
the  soldiers  that  Claudius  is  dead,  and 
presents  Nero  to  them. 

8.  faustis  vocibus,  *  with  acclama- 
tions' (cp.  5.  4,  3),  here  read  by  all  edd. 
after  Em.  for  Med.  *  festis'.  They  ap- 
parently give  him  the  first  '  salute  as 
'  imperator',  which  is  afterwards  more 
formally  ratified  by  the  general  body 
(§  3),  as  in   the  case  of  Otho   (H.    i. 

27.  4).  ^.        , 

inditur  lecticae  :  cp.  *  inaitus  lee- 1 
ticae'  (3.  14,  7).  Claudius  had  been  thus 
carried  off  after  salutation  to  the  camp 
(Suet.  CI.  10  ;  Jos.  Ant.  19.  3,  3),  appa- 
rently to  assume  the  formal  command  of 
the  praetorian  guard  ;  so  also  was  Otho 
(H.  1. 1.)  ;  and  the  practice  appears  subse- 
quently to  have  become  general  (Momms. 
Staatsr.  ii.  791,  6). 

10.  nullo  in  diversum  auctore  = 
*  nemine  in  diversam  sententiam  trahente '. 
Dr.  compares  '  in  utrumque  auctores  sunt* 
(Liv.  10.  25,  12). 

quae  oflferebantur,  *  the  choice  pre- 
sented to  them'  (that  of  Nero). 

11.  praefatus.  This  speech,  as  well  as 
the  others  made  by  Nero  (see  13.  3,  2),  is 
stated  (Dio,  61.  3,  i)  to  have  been  com- 
posed by  Seneca. 

1 2.  paternae  largitionis.  Claudius  had 
bought   the   support   of   the   praetorians 


A.  D.  54I 


LIBER  XII.      CAP.  68,  69 


149 


consalutatur.     sententiam   militum  secuta  patrum  consulta  nee 

4  dubitatum  est  apud  provincias.  eaelestesque  honores  Claudio 
deeernuntur  et  funeris  sollemne  perinde  ae  divo  Augusto 
celebratur,   aemulante   Agrippina   proaviae   Liviae    magnificen- 

5  tiam.     testamentum  tamen  baud  reeitatum,  ne  antepositus  fibo  5 
privignus  iniuria  et  invidia  animos  vulgi  turbaret. 


j  by  promising  them  a  largess  of  fifteen 
sestertia  each  and  had  thus,  according  to 
Suet.  (CI.  10),  originated  this  mischievous 
practice  (*  primus  Caesarum  fidem  militis 
etiam  praemio  pigneratus),  which  at  last 
degenerated  into  a  sale  by  auction  of  the 
empire  to  Didius  Julianus  by  the  soldiers 
in  946,  A.  D.  193  (Dio,  73.  11,3)- 

I.  sententiam  militum.  [No  legal 
(method  of  'designating'  a  princeps 
'existed.  But  the  day  on  which  a  man 
was  saluted  imperator,  whether  by  the 
tenators  as  in  the  case  of  Gaius  (Acta  Ft. 
fin.  ed.  Henzen,  p.  63  '  quod  hoc  die  a 
^natu  imper(ator  appellatus  est ')),  by  the 
praetorian  cohorts  as  in  the  case  of  Nero 
(Ann.  12.  69)  and  Otho  (Acta  Fr.  Arv. 
p.  64),  or  by  legionaries  abroad  as  in  the 
case  of  Vespasian  (Hist.  2.  79),  was  com- 
monly reckoned  as  his  '  dies  imperii'. 
The  formal  investiture  of  the  man  thus 
designated  with  the  customary  preroga- 
tives (imperium,  tribunicia  potestas,  &c.) 
by  a  decree  of  the  senate,  followed  by 
a  vote  of  the  people  ('  lex '),  did  not  always 
follow  immediately  on  the  'salutation'. 
Otho  was  saluted  by  the  praetorians  on 
Jan.  15,  69  (Hist.  1.47),  and  the  'senatus 
consultum '  was  carried  on  the  same  day, 
but  the  *  lex '  was  not  passed  until  Feb. 
a8  (Acta  Fr.  Arv.  p.  65).  In  the  case  of 
Vespasian,  the  salutation  took  place  at 
^Alexandria  on  July  i,  69,  the  senatus 
'consultum  was  carried  on  Dec.  21,  69 
(Hist.  4.  3, 6),  and  the  law  probably  early 
fin  Jan.  70.  On  the  question  whether  the 
j  senatus  consultum  and  '  lex'  conferred  the 
imperium  as  well  as  the  tribunicia  potestas 
see  Pelham,  Journal  of  Philology,  vol. 
xvii.  For  the  extant  fragments  of  the 
law  carried  in  favour  of  Vespasian  see 


C.  I.  L.  6.  930.     Bruns,  Pontes  lur.  R., 
p.  192.— P.]  , 

2.  provincias,  4he  provincial  armies';  \ 
so  '  provinciaruBQ  fidem'  (13.  21,  7). 

eaelestesque  honores.  These  and 
the  funeral  honours  are  spoken  of  again 
in  apparently  their  proper  place  (see  1 3. 
2,  6,  and  note),  and  would  seem  to  be  here 
mentioned  by  anticipation,  to  complete 
the  irony  of  the  passage. 

3.  perinde  ac  divo  Augusto.  The 
funeral  of  Augustus  is  briefly  touched 
upon  in  i.  8,  7,  and  fully  described  in 
Suet.  Aug.  100 ;  Dio,  56.  34-42. 

5.  testamentum,  &c.  The  will  of 
Augustus  had  been  read  in  the  senate  (i. 
8,  I).  Dio  states  (61.  i,  2)  that  Nero  ra^ 
T€  SiaOrjKas  tov  KXavSiov  -qcpaviae  kou  rijv 
dpx'^v  vaaav  SieSt^aro,  which  would  sup- 
port what  Suet.  (CI.  44)  more  distinctly 
implies,  that  the  will  was  in  favour  of 
Britannicus.  Tacitus  expressly  states  the 
contrary,  and  the  fact  (which  he  otherwise 
explains)  that  the  will  was  not  made 
public  would  account  for  the  prevalence 
of  the  opposite  view.  We  are  to  suppose 
that  Agrippina  and  Nero  held  the  first 
place  in  it,  and  that  Britannicus  and 
Octavia  were  only  named  *  in  spem  secun- 
dam '  (cp.  I.  8,  2).  Schiller's  reasons 
(p.  86,  note)  for  supposing  that  Octavia 
was  in  the  first  rank  seem  hardly  con- 
vincing. 

antepositus  .  .  .  privignus,  parti- 
cipial construction  for  abstr.  noun  and 
genit.  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  55,  b  i). 

6.  inliiria.  This  word,  with  the  mean- 
ing of  a  *  feeling '  or  *  sense  of  wrong ',  is 
coupled  with  *odia'  in  11.  6,  3;  13. 
4,  I  :  cp.  *  sceleris  tanta  est  iniuria  nostri' 
(Verg.  Aen.  3,  604). 


BOOK   XIII 


SUMMARY    OF    CONTENTS 

Ch.  1-5.    Commencement  of  the  rule  of  Nero  (Oct.  13-Dec.  31). 

1.  Junius  Silanus  poisoned  at  the  instigation  of  Agrippina:  Narcissus  forced  to 
commit  suicide.  2.  Burrus  and  Seneca  combine  to  prevent  further  murders  and  to 
counteract  Agrippina  and  Pallas.  3.  Funeral  oration  composed  by  Seneca  for 
Nero  :  contrast  in  this  respect  between  him  and  previous  emperors.  4.  Nero 
announces  to  the  senate  his  future  policy.  5,  Decrees  passed  in  spite  of  the  opposi- 
ti<Mi  of  Agrippina  :  her  arrogance  described. 

Ch.  6-9.     Outbreak  of  hostilities  with  Parthia  on  account  of  Armenia. 

t).  News  of  occupation  of  Armenia  by  the  Parthians  :  opinion  at  Rome  respecting 
Nero's  capacity  to  conduct  war.  7,  8.  Troops  raised  in  the  East :  retreat  of  the 
Parthians,  and  rejoicings  at  Rome  :  Domitius  Corbulo  appointed  to  the  command. 
9.  Hostages  given  by  Vologeses  :  jealousies  between  Corbulo  and  Ummidius, 
legatus  of  Syria. 

Ch.  10.  Minor  events  at  the  end  of  the  year. 


A.  XT.  C.  808,  A.  D.  55.     Claudius  Nero  Caesar  Augustus,  L.  Antistius 

Vetus,  cosa. 
Ch.  11-24.     Events  at  Rome. 

11.  Instances  of  modesty  and  lenity  in  Nero.  12.  His  mother's  influence  weakened 
through  his  passion  for  Acte.  13.  Agrippina  changes  her  tactics :  her  disdain  of 
Nero's  presents.  14.  Removal  of  Pallas  from  office :  Agrippina  takes  up  the 
cause  of  Britannicus.  15-17.  Britannicus  poisoned  by  the  agency  of  Julius  Pollio 
and  Locusta :  his  hurried  funeral :  feeling  of  the  people  and  edict  of  Nero. 
18.  Nero  rewards  his  friends,  withdraws  his  mother's  bodyguard,  and  removes  her 
to  another  house.  19-22.  Charge  of  treason  preferred  against  Agrippina  through 
the  means  of  Junia  Silana  frustrated  by  her  bold  reply  :  the  accusers  punished. 
23.  Bunus  and  Pallas  accused  and  acquitted.  24.  Removal  of  the  guard  from  the 
theatres. 

A.  U.  C.  809,  A.  D.  56.     Q.  Volusius  Satuminus,  P.  Cornelius  Scipio,  coss. 

Ch.  26-30.     Events  at  Rome. 

25.  Nero's  nocturnal  riots  :  Montanus  compelled  to  suicide  :  pantomimists  expelled, 
and  guards  brought  back  to  the  theatres.  26,  27.  Discussion  on  the  misconduct 
of  freedmen  to  their  patrons.  28.  Censure  of  a  tribune,  and  restrictions  imposed 
on  tribunes  and  aediles  generally.  29.  Changes  in  the  management  of  the  public 
treasury :  praefects  of  praetorian  rank  appointed.  30.  Charges  against  certain 
persons :  death  of  Caninius  Rebilus  and  L.  Volusius. 


152  SUMMARY  OF  CONTENTS 

A.  IT.  C.  810,  A.  D.  57.     Nero  Caesar  II,  L.  Calpurnius  Piso,  coss. 

Ch.  31-33.  Events  at  Rome. 

31.  Amphitheatre  erected:  'congiarium'  distributed:  financial  measures:  provin- 
cial governors  forbidden  to  give  shows.  32.  Enactment  for  protection  against 
slaves:  Pomponia  Graecina tried  by  her  husband,  Plautius  Silvanus,  for  superstition. 
33.  Impeachment  of  Celer,  Capito,  Eprius  Marcellus. 

A.  IT.  C.  811,  A.  D.  58.     Were  Caesar  III,  M.  Valerius  Messalla 
Corvinus,  coss. 

Ch.  34.  Liberality  of  Nero  to  his  colleague,  a  descendant  of  the  great  Corvinus,  and 
to  other  impoverished  nobles. 

Ch.  35-41.  Affairs  in  the  East. 

35,  36.  Severe  measures  of  Corbulo  to  introduce  and  maintain  discipline :  defeat 
of  Paccius  Orfitus.  87,  38.  Tiridates  harasses  Armenia  and  attempts  negotiation 
with  Corbulo:  a  conference  proposed  but  frustrated  by  suspicion  of  treachery. 
39.  Volandum  and  two  other  forts  stormed  by  Corbulo.  40,  41.  Tiridates  attempts 
in  vain  to  delay  the  advance  of  Corbulo  on  Artaxata ;  which  surrenders  to  him  and 
is  burnt :  extravagant  honours  decreed  at  Rome. 

Ch.  42-52.  Events  in  Rome. 

42,  43.  Suillius  is  accused,  attacks  Seneca,  and  is  condemned.  44.  Crime  of  Octa- 
vius  Sagitta.  45,  46.  Attachment  of  Nero  to  Poppaea  Sabina,  whose  character  is 
described  :  her  husband  Otho  removed  to  Lusitania.  47.  Cornelius  Sulla  incurs 
Nero's  displeasure,  and  is  banished  to  Massilia.     48.  Riots  at  Puteoli  punished. 

49.  Paetus  Thrasea  blamed  for  speaking  in  the  senate  on  a  very  trifling  matter. 

50,  51.  Complaint  made  of  the  extortions  of  the  publicani :  bold  proposal  of  Nero : 
measures  taken.  52.  Sulpicius  Camerinus  and  Pompeius  Silvanus  tried  and 
acquitted.  ^ 

Ch.  53-57.  Events  in  Germany. 

53.  Dam  of  Drusus  completed :  canal  from  the  Saone  to  the  Moselle  projected. 
64.  The  Frisii  take  possession  of  waste  lands  :  conduct  of  their  embassy  in  Rome. 
55,  56.  After  their  expulsion  the  same  lands  are  invaded  by  the  Ampsivarii ;  who 
treat  with  the  legatus  through  their  chief  Boiocalus,  but  are  deserted  by  the  other 
Germans  and  finally  annihilated.  57.  Conflict  between  the  Hermunduri  and 
Chatti  for  the  possession  of  a  salt  spring.  Destructive  fires  break  out  on  the  land 
of  the  Ubii. 

Ch.  58.  Ominous  withering  and  subsequent  recovery  of  the  *  Ficus  Ruminalis '. 


CORNELII   TACITI 


ANNALIUM   AB   EXCESSU   DIVI   AUGUSTI 


LIBER    XIII 

1  1.  Prima  novo  principatu  mors  lunii  Silani  proconsulis  Asiae 
ignaro  Nerone  per  dolum  Agrippinae  paratur,  non  quia  ingenii 
violentia  exitium  inritaverat,  segnis  et  dominationibus  aliis 
fastiditus,  adeo  ut  G.  Caesar  pecudem  auream  eum  appellare 

2  solitus  sit :  verum  Agrippina  fratri  eius  L.  Silano  necem  molita  5 
ultorem  metuebat,  crebra  vulgi  fama  anteponendum  esse  vixdum 


1 .  Prima . . .  mors.  Similar  words  are 
used  of  the  murder  of  Agrippa  Postumus 
(i.  6,  i).  Each  was  the  beginning  of 
what  proved  to  be  a  bloody  rule. 

Itmii  Silani,  M.  Junius  Silanus, 
the  eldest  '  abnepos  Augusti ',  on  whom 
see  Introd.  i.  ix.  pp.  139,  144.  He  had 
been  consul  in  A.  D.  46.  A  fragment  of 
Die  (61.  6,  5)  gives  him  a  bad  character 
for  cupidity  in  his  government  of  Asia. 

2.  paratur,  'is  contrived';  so  'Plauto 
parari  necem'  (14.  58,  i) :  cp.  also  3. 
54,  i;  H.  4.  58,  i,&c. 

non  qviia  .  .  .  inritaverat.  Nipp. 
notes  that  generally  in  such  sentences  the 
indie,  is  only  used  when  the  fact  is  taken 
to  be  true,  though  denied  to  have  pro- 
duced the  result,  as  *non  quia  poeta  es' 
(Dial.  9,  3).  The  use  here  is  parallel  to 
that  in  15.  60,  3  ;  H.  3.  4,  3  {*  non  quia 
industria  Flaviani  egebat'),  and  the  MS. 
text  of  Dial.  37,  7  («non  quia  tanti  fuit 
.  .  .  malos  ferre  cives'),  also  to  several 
places  in  Livy  (7.  30,  13;  8.  19,  3;  10. 
41,  12;  33.  27,  6),  in  which  instances  the 
fact  is  indeed  taken  to  be  untrue,  but  is 
supposed  to  be  one  which  might  have 
been  likely  to  be  true. 

3.  exitium,  a  correction  from  MS. 
Agr.  for  Med,  *  exitum ' ;  which  could 
indeed  mean  death  (1.  10,  a,  &c.),  but 


could  hardly  thus  stand  quasi-personified 
with  *  inritare '.  We  have  thus  *  inritare 
proelium'  (H.  2,  24,  3),  'bellum'  (Sail. 
H.  I.  16  D,  18  K,  49  G),  '  fata'  (Sil.  5, 
234),  &c. 

dominationibus  =  '  principibus  *, 
abstr.  for  concr.  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  i). 

4.  pecudem     auream,     *  a    golden! 
sheep,'  alluding   to   his  wealth  and  stu-  I 
pidity.      'Pecus'    is   thus   used   by   Cic. 
(e.g.  in  Pis.  9.  19),  as  we  use  *  beast'  or 

*  brute ',  of  low  intellectual  or  moral  cha- 
racters. This  Silanus  must  have  been 
younger  than  Gains  himself;  but  his 
character  may  have  been  already  thus 
pronounced.  The  other  M.  Silanus,  the 
father-in-law  of  Gains  (see  on  6.  20,  i), 
whom  Dio  (59.  8,  5)  makes  to  have  been 
thus  characterized  by  him,  would  appear 
to  have  been  a  man  of  sufficient  energy 
and  position  to  have  been  formidable. 

5.  L.  Silano;  see  12.  8,  i. 

6.  ultorem :  i.  e.  that,  in  spite  of  his 
indolence,  the  desire  of  revenge  might 
make  him  lend  himself  to  the  schemes  of 
the  discontented. 

crebra  .  .  .  fama,  abl.  abs. 

vixdum  . . .  egresso.  He  wanted  two 
months  of  completing  his  seventeenth 
year. 


154 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  54 


pueritiam  egresso  Neroni  et  imperium  per  scelus  adepto  virum 
aetate  composita,  insontem,  nobilem  et,  quod  tunc  spectaretur, 
e  Caesarum  posteris  :  quippe  et  Silanus  divi  Augusti  abnepos 
erat.     haec  causa  necis.     ministri  fuere  P.  Celer  eques  Romanus  3 

5  et  Helius  libertus,  rei  familiari  principis  in  Asia  impositi.     ab 
his  proconsuli  venenum  inter  epulas  datum  est  apertius  quam  ut 
fallerent.     nee  minus  properato  Narcissus  Claudii  libertus,  de  4 
cuius   iurgiis   adversus   Agrippinam   rettuli,  aspera   custodia  et 
necessitate   extrema   ad    mortem   agitur,  invito  principe,  cuius 

10  abditis   adhuc  vitiis  per  avaritiam  ac  prodigentiam   mire  con- 
gruebat. 

2.  Ibaturque  in  caedes,  nisi  Afranius  Burrus  et  Annaeus  1 
Seneca  obviam  issent.  hi  rectores  imperatoriae  iuventae  et  2 
(rarum  in  societate  potentiae)  Concordes,  diversa  arte  ex  aequo 

15  pollebant,  Burrus  militaribus  curis  et  severitate  morum,  Seneca 


.  2.  aetate  composita,  so  used  of  Clau- 
dius in  6.  46,  2.     Silanus  was  forty  \ears 

lold. 

spectaretvir.  The  clause  does  not 
appear  to  be  strictly  part  of  the  oratio 
obliqua  ;  but  the  subjunct.  is  to  be  taken 
as  potential,  like  'deceret'  (c.  3.  4)  and 
many  others.  No  question  of  descent 
from  Augustus  entered  into  the  qualifica- 
tion for  any  piinceps  after  Nero. 

3.  et  Silanus,  i.  e.  Silanus  as  well  as 
Nero.     For  his  pedigree  see  above. 

4.  P.  Celer :  see  c.  33,  i. 

^  5.  Helius,  afterwards  left  as  vicegerent 
in  Rome  and  Italy,  during  Nero's  absence 
in  Greece  in  820-821,  a.  D.  67-69  (see 
Appendix  to  Book  16).  He  was  put  to 
death  by  Galba  (Dio,  64.  3,  2  ;  Plut. 
Galb.  17). 

rei  familiari,  as  his  procurators  :  see 

12.  60,  I,  6,  and  notes.     Ritt.  reads  *im- 

positus',  noting  an  erasure  in  Med.,  and 

^thinking  it    improbable  that   there   was 

'jinore  than  one  fiscal  procurator  in  Asia 

(see  4.  15,  3,  and  note). 

6.  venenum  .  .  .  datum  est.  Dio, 
without  mentioning  their  agency,  states 
(61.  6,  4)  that  Agrippina  sent  out  some 
of  the  same  poison  which  had  been  used 
for  Claudius. 

7.  fallerent,  probably  sc.  *  ipsum ',  as 
in  6.  50,  5. 

properato,  here  alone  used  in  abl.  abs. 
adverbially.  Dr.  compares  'festinato'  in 
lust.  38.  10,  1 1  ('  cum  turmas  equitum 
festinato  misisset '). 


8.  rettuli;  see  12,  57,  4;  65,  2. 

9.  necessitate  extrema,  '  the  most 
rigorous  compulsion ' :  i.  e.  by  the  threat 
of  imminent  execution.  Cp.  the  similar 
expressions,  with  some  variation  of  mean- 
ing, in  u.  37,4;  15.  61,  7. 

agitur:  cp.  c.  43,  3;  6.  10,  2;  'ad 
supplicium  agi'  (14.  42,  2). 

10.  abditis  adhuc.  As  in  the  case  of 
Tiberius  and  Gains,  the  propensities  sub- 
sequently developed  are  assumed  to  have 
been  always  present. 

prodigentiam,  a  Tacitean  word : 
cp.  6.  14,  I,  and  note.  His  'avaritia* 
('greediness  in  acquiring')  is  not  incon- 
sistent with  this  quality.  Dio  mentions 
(60.  34,  5)  that  before  his  death  he  de- 
stioyed  the  secret  papers  of  Claudius 
relating  to  Agrippina  and  others.  In 
another  place  (64.  3,  4)  he  is  mentioned 
by  error  among  those  put  to  death  by 
Galba. 

12.  Ibatxir,  sc.  *  ab  Agrippina'. 

Burrus  et  Seneca:  see  12.  42,  2, 
8,  3.  *  Obviam  issent '  =  '  restitissent ', 
as  in  c.  5,  3;  i.  32,  i,  &c. 

14.  rarum,  &c.  On  this  parenthesis 
see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  82.  All  recent  edd. 
follow  Boxhorn  in  thus  correcting  the 
Med.  *  parum  in  societate  potentia  et '. 
Lips,  reads  'pari  in  societate  potentiae*. 

ex  aequo,  *  equally '  (1^  laov) ;  so 
used  in  H.  2.  77,  2  ;  97,  2  ;  4.  64,  5  ;  74, 
2  ;  G.  36,  3 ;  Agr.  20,  3  :  cp. '  ex  facili ' 
(Agr.  15,  I);  'exaffluenti'  (H.  1.57,  5); 
and  Dr.,  Synt.  und  Stil,  §  96. 


A.  D.  54] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP.   I   2 


155 


praeceptis  eloquentiae  et  comitate  honesta,  iuvantes  in  vicem, 
quo  facilius  lubricam  principis  aetatem,  si  virtutem  aspernaretur, 

3  voluptatibus  concessis  retinerent.     certamen  utrique  unum  erat 
contra  ferociam   Agrippinae,  quae  cunctis  malae   dominationis 
cupidinibus  flagrans  habebat  in  partibus  Pallantem,  quo  auctore  5 
Claudius  nuptiis  incestis  et  adoptione  exitiosa  semet  perverterat. 

4  sed  neque  Neroni  infra  servos  ingenium  et  Pallas  tristi  adrogantia 
6  modum  liberti  egressus  taedium  sui  moverat.     propalam  tamen 

omnes  in  earn  honores  cumulabantur,  signumque  more  militiae 
6  petenti  tribuno  dedit  Optimae  matris.     decreti  et  a  senatu  duo  10 
lictores,  flamonium  Claudiale,  simul  Claudio  censorium  funus  et 
mox  consecratio. 


1.  praeceptis  eloquentiae  et  comi- 
tate honesta,  'by  his  lessons  in  eloquence 
and  his  dignified  courtesy '  (C.  and  B.). 

(iuvantes  invicem,  *  helping  each 
other.'  The  omission  of  *se'  in  this 
expression  (cp.  14.  17,  2  ;  H.  i.  74,  2 ;  2. 
47,  2  ;  Plin.  Ep.  7.  20,  7,  &c.)  follows 
what  is  noted  as  an  earlier  and  more 
natural  usage  with  *  inter  se ',  one  which 
is  also  found  in  Tacitus  (2.  30,  i  ;  3.  i,  3, 
&c.) :  see  Nipp.  on  14.  17,  2. 

2.  lubricam,  *  perilous ' :  cp.  6.  49,  3, 
and  note. 

3.  voluptatibvis  concessis  (cp.  14. 
21,  5),  such  indulgences  as  public  opinion 
allowed,  such  as  did  not  cause  grave 
scandal ;  so  '  concessa  venere  uti '  (Hor. 
Sat.  I.  4,  113).     See  c.  12,  2. 

retinerent,  '  might  keep  under  con- 
trol.' 

5.  in  partibus,  *  on  her  side ' ;  so 
*  partes '  c.  18,3,  &c.  Pallas  had  always 
supported  her  (cp.  12.  i,  3;  2,  3  ;  25,  i, 
&c.). 

7.  sed.  The  thought  is  that  Pallas 
had,  for  two  reasons,  little  power  over 
Nero  ;  and  it  is  implied  by  the  following 
'  tamen  '  that  Agrippina's  influence  also 
was  being  weakened. 

infra  servos,  *  submissive  to  a  slave  '  : 
cp.  *  infra  Ventidium  delectus  Oriens ' 
(G.  37,  3). 

tristi,  '  sour  ' :  cp.  *  tristi  adulatione ' 
(II.  21,  4)r^tristes'(i6.  22,  3);  '  tristi- 
tiam '  (Agr.  9,  4).  On  the  arrogance  of 
Pallas  cp.  12.  53,  2,  &c. 

9.  in  earn  .  .  .  cumulabantur.  For 
this  expression  cp.  1.  21,  4,  and  note. 
Tacitus  has  also  the  more  usual  *  cumu- 
lare  aliquem  aliqua  re ',  as  in  12.  53,  5, 
&c.  On  the  honours  given  her  see  Introd. 
P-  53- 


signum,  '  the  parole '  (supplied  again 
with  *  Optimae  matris  *) :  cp.  *  signo 
Felicitatis  dato  '  (Bell.  Afr.  83,  i).  The 
word  was  given  by  Nero,  as  also  by  Ti- 
berius (1.7,  7),  to  the  officer  command- 
ing the  cohort  on  guard  at  the  palace. 

10.  duo  lictores,  sc.  'ei'  (' Agrip-\ 
pinae ').  Tiberius  had  refused  this  honour 
to  Livia  (i.  14,  3). 

1 1,  flamonium  Claudiale.  On  the 
form  *  flamonium  '  see  4.  16,  3,  and  note. 
Livia  had  held  the  similar  office  of  '  flami- 
nica  Augusti '  (cp.  Veil.  2.  75,  3  :  Dio,  56, 
46,  i).     We  find  also  that  there  was  a 

*  flamen  Claudialis '  (C.  I.  L.  9. 1123),  and 
that  the  college  of  '  sodales  Augustales' 
were  charged  with  his  cultus  (see  i.  54, 1, 
and  note,  also  C.  I.  L.  11.  1595,  &c). 
This  decree  is  mentioned  here  with  the 
other  honours  to  Agrippina,  but  must 
have  been  subsequent  in  date  to  the  deifi- ' 
cation  of  Claudius. 

simul  Claudio,  &c.  On  the  men- 
tion already  made  of  this  see  12.  69,  4, 
and  note.  That  it  is  here  given  in  its 
proper  place  would  appear  from  the  fact 
that  the  funeral  honours  to  Augustus  were 
decreed  some  days  after  his  death  (i.  8,  | 
i),  and  his  apotheosis  not  till  after  the; 
funeral  (i.  10,  8);  such  an  interval  being/ 
here  marked  by  the  distinction  between^ 

•  simul '  (*  at  the  same  sitting ')  and  '  mox ', 
as  the  subject  of  the  funeral  goes  on  to 
the  next  chapter.  The  apotheosis  of 
Claudius  was  so  far  formally  complete 
that  the  appointments  above  noted  were 
made,  his  cultus  recognized  in  the  *  Acta 
Arvalium ',  and  that  Nero  is  styled  *  Divi 
Claudi  {.'  on  inscriptions  and  coins  ;  still 
the  satire  of  Seneca,  and  the  jests  of  his 
brother  Gallio  and  of  Nero  (Dio,  60.  35, 
3),  seem  to  show  that  it  was  hardly  lakea 


156 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  54 


3.    Die  funeris  laudationem  eius  princeps  exorsus  est,  dum  1 
antiquitatem   generis,   consulatus   ac   triumphos  maiorum   enu- 
merabat,   intentus   ipse   et    ceteri ;    liberalium    quoque    artium 
commemoratio  et  nihil  regente  eo  triste  rei  publicae  ab  externis 
5  accidisse    pronis    animis    audita  :    postquam    ad    providentiam  2 
sapientiamque  flexit,  nemo  risui  temperare,  quamquam    oratio 
a  Seneca  composita  multum  cultus  praeferret,  ut  fuit  illi  viro 
ingenium  amoenum   et  temporis  eius  auribus   accommodatum. 
adnotabant   seniores,  quibus   otiosum   est   vetera  et  praesentia  3 
lo  contendere,  primum   ex  iis  qui   rerum  potiti   essent  Neronem 
alienae  facundiae  eguisse.     nam  dictator  Caesar  summis  oratori-  4 
bus  aemulus ;    et  August©  prompta  ac  profluens  quae  deceret 


seriously  (see  Plin.  Pan.  ii).  The  epithet 
*  divus*  is  not  given  to  him  in  the  Lex  de 
imperio  Vespasianii  His  temple,  begun 
by  Agrippina,  is  stated  to  have  been 
nearly  destroyed  by  Nero,  and  com- 
pleted by  Vespasian  (Suet.  Vesp.  9). 
The  statement  (Id.  CI.  45)  that  Vespasian 
also  restored  his  worship,  which  Nero 
had  abolished,  appears  to  be  an  exaggera- 
tion. 

censorium  funus :  see  4.  15,  3,  and 
note;  Momms.  Staatsr.  i.  460,  2;  Mar- 
quardt,  Privatl.  351,  2. 

I.  duiu  .  .  .  enumerabat,  *  during  his 
enumeration  of.'  On  the  origin  of  the 
patrician  Claudii  see  4.  9,  3,  and  note. 
Suetonius  says  (Tib.  i.)  that  they  num- 
bered twenty-eight  consulships,  five  dicta- 
torships, seven  censorships,  seven  triumphs, 
and  two  ovations. 

3.  intentus, '  he  and  his  audience  were 
serious'  :  cp.  *  intentior '  (i.  52,  3),  &c. 

liberalium  artium,  'literary  ac- 
complishments ' :  cp.  6.  46,  2.  Suet. 
,  states  (4 1,  42)  that  he  had  begun  to  write 
i  history  in  early  life,  at  the  suggestion  of 
Livy,  and  with  the  assistance  of  Sulpicius 
Flavus,  and  that  he  constantly  composed 
during  his  principate.  Some  voluminous 
works  in  Latin  are  mentioned,  a  history 
of  recent  times,  an  autobiography,  a  de- 
fence of  Cicero  against  Asinius  Gallus, 
also  two  Greek  works  on  Tyrrhenian  and 
Carthaginian  history. 

4.  et  nihil .  .  .  accidisse,  *  and  the 
fact  that  no  disaster  had  happened,'  The 
substantival  infinitive  is  coordinated  with  a 
noun  as  are  also  often  participles  (Introd. 
i-  V.  §  55,  2). 

regente,  intrans.  :  cp.  4.  33,  4 ;  H. 
2.  12,  3 ;  Dial.  41,  3 ;  Sen.  de  Ira,  2.  15, 
4;  Quint.  3.  8,  47. 


5.  pronis,  *  favourable.' 

6    flexit :  cp.  i.  34,  5,  and  note. 

7.  cultus,  *  polish ' ;  so  used  often  of 
speech  in  Dial.  (20.  2,  4;  23,  5  ;  26,  2). 

praeferret,    'displayed':   cp.   4.   75, 

2,  and  note. 

8.  amoenum,  'attractive'  :  cp.  2.  64,! 
4.  As  applied  to  such  a  man  as  Seneca,  i 
the  term  is,  no  doubt,  a  veiled  censure, ; 
and  the  following  sentence  implies  that, 
when  Tacitus  wrote,  the  literary  fame 
of  Seneca  was  not  sustained.  Such  a 
reaction  is  implied  throughout  the  '  Dia- 
logus'  (where  no  mention  is  made  of 
Seneca),  and  may  be  seen  fully  developed 
in  the  criticism  of  his  '  dulcia  vitia'  in 
Quint.  10.  I,  125-131. 

9.  adnotabant  seniores:  cp.  12.  25, 

3,  and  note. 

quibus  otiosum  est,  *  whose  leisure 
is  occupied  in';  i.e.  who  have  nothing 
else  to  do  :  cp.  '  vacuum  fuit '  (H.  2.  38, 

10.  contendere:  cp.  12.  i,  2,  and  note. 

11.  summis  oratoribus  aemulus.  Ci- 
cero (Brut.  72,  252)  makes  Atticus  say  of 
Caesar,  *  omnium  fere  oratorum  Latine 
loqui  elegantissime,'  and  afterwards  (75, 
261)  *  non  video  cui  debeat  cedere  '.  Suet, 
quotes  also  (lul.  56)  a  letter  of  Cicero  to 
Cornelius  Nepos,  saying  of  Caesar  *  ora- 
torum quem  huic  antepones  eorum  qui 
nihil  aliud  egerunt  ?  '  In  Dial.  21,5,  and 
in  Quint.  10,  i,  114,  he  is  rather  ranked 
as  an  orator  who  had  not  had  leisure  to 
cultivate  fully  his  admirable  talent,  though 
the  latter  speaks  with  enthusiasm  both  of 
his  vigour  and  elegance.  Some  of  his 
speeches  were  extant  when  Suet,  wrote. 

12.  profluens:  cp.  4.  61,  2. 

[quae  deceret.  There  seems  no  suffi- 
cient reason  for  altering  '  quae '  of  Med. 


A.  D.  54] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP.  3,  4 


157 


5  principem  eloquentia  fuit.     Tiberius  artem  quoque  callebat  qua 
verba  expenderet,  turn  validus  sensibus  aut  consulto  ambiguus. 

e  etiam  G.  Caesaris  turbata  mens  vim  dicendi  non  corrupit.     nee 
in   Claudio,  quoties  meditata  dissereret,  elegantiam  requireres. 

7  Nero  puerilibus  statim  annis  vividum  animum  in  alia  detorsit :  5 
caelare,    pingere,    cantus   aut   regimen    equorum    exercere  ;    et 
aliquando  carminibus  pangendis  inesse  sibi  elementa  doctrinae 
ostendebat. 

1      4.   Ceterum    peractis  tristitiae  imitamentis    curiam    ingressus 
et  de  auctoritate  patrum  et  consensu  militum  praefatus,  consilia  10 


to  'quaeque'  after  Ernesti  and  Halm. 
With  the  correction  a  third  quality  of  the 
oratory  of  Augustus  is  added.  Without 
the  correction  the  sense  is  that  his  elo- 
quence had  the  readiness  and  fluency  be- 
coming an  emperor. — F.]  Suet.  (Aug.  86) 
describes  his  style  as  clear  and  pointed, 
aiming  at  perspicuity,  and  avoiding  all 
meretricious  ornament.  The  style  of  his 
letters  is  similarly  described  in  Gell .  15.7,3. 

I.  artem  .  .  .  callebat,  &c,  *  was  pro- 
ficient in  the  skill'  (as  distinct  from  the 
natural  gift  of  Augustus)  '  of  weighing 
out  his  words,'  so  as  to  say  nothing  that 
could  compromise  him  :  cp.  *  argumenta 
.  .  .  non  tam  numerare  soleo  quam  expen- 
dere'  (Cic.  de  Or.  2.  76,  309). 

3.  tvun  .  .  .  ambiguus,  '  being  besides 
full  of  vigour  in  the  matter  of  his  speech, 
or,  if  obscure,  designedly  so'  (not  from 
want  of  power  to  speak  plainly).  On  the 
speech  of  Tiberius  see  i.  11,  4,  and  note, 
and  his  oration  (in  the  form  of  a  letter) 
as  given  by  Tacitus  in  3.  53-54.  Sueto- 
nius states  (Tib.  70)  that  he  took  Corvinus 
as  his  model,  but  that  he  spoke  best  with- 
out preparation. 

3.  etiam  .  .  .  non,  an  unclassical  ex- 
pression for  *  ne  .  .  .  quidem ',  found  also 
in  16.  22,  4;  Agr.  43,  i:  cp.  'quoque 
non'  (3.  54,  II,  and  note). 

turbata  mens,  *  the  disordered  in- 
tellect ' :  cp.  '  G.  Caesar,  turbidus  animi ' 
H.  4.  48,  2.  Suet,  speaks  of  him  (Cal. 
53)  as  'quantumvis  facundnset  promptus, 
utique  si  perorandum  in  aliquem  esset. 
Irato  et  verba  et  sententiae  suppetebant' : 
see  also  Introd.  p.  17.  Dio  gives  (59. 16) 
what  may  amount  to  the  substance  of  one 
of  his  speeches. 

4.  quoties,  with  subjunct.  of  repeti- 
tion: see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  52. 

meditata,  *  a  prepared  speech  * :  for 
this  passive  use  cp.  3.  5,  6,  and  note. 


elegantiam  requireres,  'would  you 
miss  (note  any  absence  of)  literary  skill.' 
Augustus  noted  that  Claudius  as  a  youth 
spoke  in  a  surprising  degree  better  than 
he  talked  (Suet.  CI.  4).  Suet,  also  notes 
(c.  41)  of  one  of  his  works  that  it  was 
composed  '  magis  inepte  quam  inelegan- 
ter ',  a  criticism  which  the  only  fragment 
of  his  composition  preserved  to  us  (that 
of  his  speech  given  in  App.  to  B.  ii)i 
would  not  unfitly  illustrate. 

5.  vividum  animum;  so  'vividum 
ingenium'  (Liv.  2.  48,  3).  It  is  to  be 
noted  that  Tacitus  credits  Nero  with  sus- 
ceptibility and  intelligence.  On  his  tastes 
here  mentioned  and  their  subsequent  de- 
velopment, the  fullest  account  is  found  in 
Suet.  Ner.  20-25,  and  52.  See  also  Introd, 
pp.  59,  66. 

6.  caelare,  &c.,  either  taken  (with 
Nipp.)  as  historical  infinitives,  or  (with 
Pfitzn.)  substantively,  as  in  apposition  to 
*  alia '. 

7.  aliquando,  *  at  times.'  Nipp.  notes 
that  stress  is  laid  on  this  word,  as  imply- 
ing that  poetry  had  not  then  become  a 
passion  with  him  as  afterwards  (14.  16,  i  ; 
8cc.  ;  Dio,  62.  29,  2).  Nipp.  notes  other 
instances  in  which  the  idea  of  a  restrictive 
word,  like  'tantum',  is  left  to  be  gathered 
from  the  sense,  as  c.  55,  3;  14.  33,  3,  &c. 
Friedlander  points  out  (iii.  340  the  very 
many  cases  in  which  Romans  began  to 
write  poetry  very  early  in  life. 

9.  tristitiae  imitamentis :  cp.  3.  5, 
6,  and  note. 

10.  patrum  .  .  .  militum :  see  la.  69, 
3.     He  here  puts  the  senate  first^ 

consilia  .  .  .  exempla.  Nipp.  ap- 
pears rightly  to  refer  the  former  to  Seneca 
and  Burrus,  the  latter  to  Augustus,  whose 
rules  of  government  he  professed  to  follow 
(see  below). 


158 


CORNELII  TACIT  I  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D. 


54 


sibi  et  exempla  capessendi  egregie  imperii  memoravit,  neque 
iuventam   armis   civilibus  aut   domesticis   discordiis   imbutam ; 
nulla  odia,  nullas  iniurias  nee  cupidinem  ultionis  adferre.     turn  2 
formam    futuri    principatus   praescripsit,    ea   maxime   deelinans 

5  quorum  recens  flagrabat  invidia.  non  enim  se  negotiorum 
omnium  iudicem  fore,  ut  clausis  unam  intra  domum  accusa- 
toribus  et  reis  paucorum  potentia  grassaretur  ;  nihil  in  penatibus 
suis  venale  aut  ambitioni  pervium ;  discretam  domum  et  rem 
publicam.    teneret  antiqua  munia  senatus,  consulum  tribunalibus  3 

JO  Italia  et  publicae  provinciae  adsisterent :  illi  patrum  aditum  prae- 
berent,  se  mandatis  exercitibus  consulturum. 

5.  Nee  defuit  fides  multaque  arbitrio  senatus  constituta  sunt ;  1 
ne  quis  ad  causam  orandam  mercede  aut  donis  emeretur,  ne 


I.  neq.ue  iuventara,  &c.,  *  his  youth 
;'had  not  been  steeped  (cp.  i.  36,  i)  in  civil 
wars  (like  that  of  Augustus),  nor  (like 
that  of  Tiberius,  Gaius,  and  Claudius), 
in  family  enmities'  (cp.  4.  12,  5  ;  40,  3  ; 
6.51,2). 

3.  nullas  iniurias,  *no  injuries  re- 
ceived* :  cp.  13.  69,  5,  and  note. 

4.  formam,  *  the  policy.'  The  division 
of  functions  proposed  by  him  is  substan- 
tially that  instituted  by  Augustus  (see 
Introd.  i.  vi.  pp.  75,  foil.).  So  Suet,  says 
(Ner.  10)  *ex  Augusti  praescripto  impera- 
turum  se  professusj*.  The  popularity  of 
the  speech  was  such  that  the  senate  ordered 
it  to  be  engraved  on  a  silver  column,  and 
recited  annually  (Dio,  61.  3,  i). 

deelinans,  *  renouncing.'  This  mean- 
ing is  nowhere  else  found,  but  is  akin  to 
that  of  avoiding  (6.  51,  3,  &c.)  :  cp.  also 
15.  26,  3. 

5.  non  enim,  &c.,  referring  to  the 
( private  trials  (see  Introd.  i.  vi.  p.  74)  so 
'  prevalent  under  Claudius  (11.  2,  i  ;   5,  i, 

&c.),  which  appear  to  have  taken  cogni- 
zance of  all  kinds  of  cases :  see  Suet.  CI. 
;  15.  On  the  importance  attached  to  this 
*  announcement  of  Nero  see  Introd.  p.  38. 

8.  venale,  such  as  the  traffic  in  the 
j  civitas  and  other  privileges  carried  on  by 
[  Messalina  and  the  freedmen  (Introd.  p. 

39)- 

domum  et  rempublicam.     [Cp.  sup. 

12.  60  *  libertos  quos  sibique  et  legibus 

adaequaverit ' ;  Hist.  I.  76  'liberti  malis 

temporibus  partem  se  rei  publicae  faciunt ' : 

the  allusion  is  to  the  policy  of  Claudius 

I  in  giving  the  *  domus  Caesaris'  and  its 

i  officials  the  status  of  a  public  institution 

'.  and  magistrates  of  state. — P.] 


9.  antiqua  munia :  see  Introd.  i.  vi. 
p.  77,  foil.;  Mommsen,  Staatsr.  iii.  1269, 
&c. 

consuliun  tribunalibus.  Mommsen 
points  out  (Staatsr.  iii.  932,  5)  that  the' 
judgement  seats  of  the  consuls  in  the  co-i 
mitium  are  meant ;  reference  being  made' 
to  the  ancient  custom  for  deputations  to 
apply  first  to  them  or  other  magistrates 
to  obtain  access  to  the  senate.  Cp.  *  legati 
Locrensium  ...  in  comitio  sedentibus  con- 
sulibus  . . .  ante  tribunal .  .  .  procubuerunt 
.  .  .  dixerunt  .• .  .  rogare  uti  sibi  patres 
adeundi .  .  .  potestatem  facerent '  (Liv.  29. 
16, 6),  and  other  references  in  Mpmms.  1. 1. 
959,  3.  The  senate,  as  approached  through 
them  and  sitting  under  their  presidency, 
is  to  hear  appeals  (see  2.  35,  3  ;  14.  28,  2, 
&c.)  and  other  general  questions  coming 
before  them  from  Italy  (see  c.  48,  i ;  14. 
17,  3;  H.  4.  45,  I)  and  the  senatorial 
provinces  (see  3. 60,  i ;  12.  62,  i) ;  Introd. 
i.  vi.  p.  79). 

10.  publicae,  the  *  provinciae  senatus 
populique '. 

11.  mandatis  exercitibus, '  the  armies 
(and  military  provinces)  entrusted  to  him ' 
(by  the  arrangement  between  the  princeps 
and  the  senate)  :  see  Introd.  i.  vi.  p.  65  ; 
vii.  pp.  94,  98,  foil. 

12.  multaque  .  .  .  constituta.  On 
such  legislation  by  decree  see  12.  7,  3, 
and  note. 

1 3.  ne  quis  .  .  .  emeretur.  The  rela- 
tion of  this  decree  to  that  of  Claudius  (11. 
7,  8)  is  not  here  clearly  stated,  and  seems 
to  be  confused  or  mistaken  in  Suet.  Ner. 
17  (unless  some  unknown  later  enactment 
is  there  referred  to) ;  but  it  is  probable 
that  stress  is  here  laid  on  *  emeretur ',  and 


A.  D.  54] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP.  4,  5 


«59 


2  designatis  quaestoribus  edendi  gladiatores  necessitas  esset.  quod 
quidem  adversante  Agrippina  tamquam  acta  Claudii  subverte- 
rentur,  obtinuere  patres,  qui  in  Palatium  ob  id  vocabantur  ut 
adstaret  additis  a  tergo  foribus  velo  discreta,  quod  visum  arceret, 

8  auditus   non   adimeret.      quin   et   legatis   Armeniorum  causam  S 
gentis  apud  Neronem  orantibus  escendere  suggestum  imperatoris 
et  praesidere  simul  parabat,  nisi  ceteris  pavore  defixis  Seneca 

edd.  read  *  abditis  '  (with  Gron.)  or  •  ob- 
ditis '  (with  Lips.).  It  would  appear  that; 
a  new  door  was  made  at  the  back  of  the 
building,  probably  behind  the  emperor's! 
seat.  She  would  thus  face  the  senators,  J 
and  hear  all  that  they  said,  while  the 
curtain  concealed  her  from  them.  She  is 
represented,  in  14.  11,  2,  as  having  tried 
to  enter  the  senate  itself,  which  even 
Livia  had  never  dared  to  do  (Dio,  57.  la, 
3) .  Elagabalus  is  noted  ( Vit.  4,  i ;  12,3) 
as  having  even  brought  his  grandmother 
into  the  senate,  and  allowed  her  to  sit  and 
vote  in  it. 

5.  auditus  ;  so  most  edd.  after  Lips. 
for  Med.  *  aditus '.  It  is  to  be  noted  that 
the  one  word  is  taken  in  an  active,  the 
other  in  a  passive  sense  (she  was  to  hear 
without  being  seen),  and  that  a  plural  is 
combined  with  a  singular;  nor  is  any 
clear  instance  found  where  a  plural  *  au- 
ditus '  is  thus  used.  Heraeus  would  read 
*  visus . . .  auditum '  (the  vision  being  that  of 
many  p)ersons,  the  hearing  that  of  one)  ; 
but  Wolfflin  shows  (Philol.  27,  114)  that 
'visus'  (plural)  is  used  of  one  person  in 
c.  16,  5 ;  II.  34,  3;  and  many  other 
plurals  for  singulars  (cp.  *  aemulatus '  c. 
46,  5)  ;  and  that  the  interchange  of  plural 
and  singular  may  be  a  mere  variation, 
like  *  poenam  vel  infamias  '  (where  again 
Her.  would  read  'poenas  vel  infamiam*) 

in  4-  33,  4- 

Armenioruin,  probably  an  embassy 
on  the  events  mentioned  in  c.  6,  i.  They 
were  apparently  ambassadors,  not  of  the 
nation,  but  of  a  party  (c.  34,  5) 


that  what  was  forbidden  was  a  bargain 
'  beforehand.  Pliny  mentions  (Ep.  5.  9, 
4)  a  senatusconsultum  enforced  in  his 
time,  whereby  litigants  were  forced  to 
swear  before  the  case  came  on  *  nihil  se 
ob  advocationem  cuiquam  dedisse  pro- 
misisse  cavisse ' ;  adding  that  after  the 
'  trial  they  were  permitted  *  pecuniam  dum- 
taxat  decem  milium  dare  '.  Such  a  decree 
would  seem  however  to  have  been  more 
or  less  a  dead  letter ;  the  account  in  Pliny 
shows  that  its  enforcement  was  so  un- 
expected as  to  cause  surprise  and  con- 
sternation ;  Quintilian,  who,  while  treat- 
ing the  acceptance  of  a  present  by  advo- 
cates as  an  open  question,  condemns 
bargaining  as  a'piraticus  mos '  (la.  7, 
11),  attests  by  that  expression  its  pre- 
valence ;  Martial  mentions  an  orator  who 
demanded  200  sestertia  (8.  i6,  2),  and 
himself  made  bargains  beforehand  (Id. 
17,  1)  ;  enormous  fortunes  were  made  by 
men  like  Eprius  Marcellus  and  Vibius 
Crispus  (see  Dial.  8,  2,  and  Friedl.  i. 
p.  231).  See  the  notes  of  Nipp.  and  Dr. 
here  and  those  of  Mayor  on  Juv.  7, 
106,  foil. 

ne  designatis,  &c.  :  see  11.  32,  3. 
'The  addition  of  '  quidem  '  in  Med.  seems 
an  error  of  some  one  who  mistook  the 
force  of  *ne*.  Domitian  is  stated  (Suet. 
Dom.  4)  to  have  reimposed  this  obliga- 
tion ;  which  perhaps  was  never  altogether 
done  away  with,  as  Lucan,  who  must 
have  been  quaestor  some  years  after  this 
decree,  is  said  by  his  anonymous  bio- 
grapher to  have  given  a  show  with  his 
colleagues  '  ut  mos  erat '. 

I.  quod  quidem.     This  relates  espe- 
cially  to    the   latter  decree   (the   former 
having   been    rather    extended    than    re- 
versed) :  it  would  appear,  from  the  con- 
text, that  what  was  represented  in  11.  23, 
3,  as  originating  in  the  'sententia'  of  a 
senator,  was  enacted,  not  by  a  senatus- 
consultum, hut  by  an  edict  of  Claudius. 
t      3.  in    Falatium,   probably    into    the 
I  Palatine  library:  see  2.  37,  3;  Momms. 
^   Staatsr.  iii.  929,  3. 

4.    additis  a   tergo   foribus.     Some 


6.  suggestum  imperatoris.  Onsimi-l 
lar  state  occasions  in  the  time  of  Claudius" 
she  had  been  content  to  sit  on  another 
elevated  seat  close  by  (12.  37,  5 ;  56,  5  ; 
Dio,  60.  33,  7).  Her  present  action  would 
appear  to  be  an  assertion  of  the  regency 
to  which  she  aspired  (see  14.  11.  i),  and 
which  in  fact  she  at  first  partially  exer- 
cised (see  Introd.  p.  53 ;  Schiller,  p.  9a, 
a,  &c.). 

7.  pavore  defixis :  cp.  i .  68,  a,  and 
note. 

Seneca    admonuisset.    Dio   (61.  3, 


i6o 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  54 


admoniiisset  venienti  matri  occurreret.    ita  specie  pietatis  obviam 
jtum  dedecori. 

6.  Fine  anni  turbidis  rumoribus  prorupisse  rursum  Parthos  et  1 
rapi  Armeniam  adlatum  est,  pulso  Radamisto,  qui  saepe  regni 

5  eius    potitus,   dein    profugus,   turn    quoque   bellum   deseruerat. 
igitur  in  urbe  sermonum  avida,  quern  ad  modum  princeps  vix  3 
septemdecim  annos  egressus  suscipere  earn  molem  aut  propulsare 
posset,  quod  subsidium  in  eo  qui  a  femina  regeretur,  num  proelia 
quoque  et  oppugnationes  urbium  et  cetera  belli  per  magistros 

[o  administrari  possent,  anquirebant.     contra  alii  melius  evenisse  3 
disserunt  quam  si  invalidus  senecta  et  ignavia  Claudius  militiae 
ad  labores  vocaretur,  servilibus  iussis  obtemperaturus,  Burrum  * 
tamen  et  Senecam  multarum  rerum   experientia  cognitos ;    et 
imperatori  quantum  ad  robur  deesse,  cum  octavo  decimo  aetatis 


4)  makes  the  device  that  of  Burrus  also, 
which  is  less  probable. 

I.  obviam  itum  dedecori,  *  the  scan- 
dal was  prevented '  (cp.  c.  2,  i).  It  would 
appear  from  Dio  (1.  1.)  that  they  did  not 
come  back  to  the  tribunal,  but  heard  the 
embassy  elsewhere. 

3.  fine  anni.  The  narrative  of  eastern 
affairs  is  taken  up  from  the  end  of  12, 
51.  Tiridates  had  been  in  possession  of 
Armenia  since  the  flight  of  Radamistus 
(see  12.  51,  5  ;  Introd.  p.  107),  but  the 
irruption  of  Parthians  appears  to  have 
taken  place  somewhat  later. 

4.  rapi  «=  *  diripi',  a  poetical  use,  as  in 
Verg.    Aen.    2,    374.      Nipp.    compares 

*  rapiunt  in  transitu  hiberna'  (H.  4.  33,  2) ; 

*  Syriam     Aegyptumque    praetereuntibus 
raptas'  (Curt,  4.  14,  i). 

saepe,  repeated  again  with  *  pro- 
fugus '.  Only  two  occasions  have  been 
distinctly  mentioned,  that  in  which  his 
supporters  were  'sine  acie  pulsi'  (12.  50, 
2),  and  that  in  which  he  had  to  fly  from 
his  own  people  (12.  51,  i).  Nipp.  notes 
that '  saepe'  is  used  with  similar  rhetorical 
exaggeration  in  3.  18,  2  ;  'semper',  in  15. 
47,1;  'tot',  in  6,  24,  2.  It  would  appear 
that  he  had  kept  up  some  desultory  war- 
fare between  the  date  of  his  last  flight 
(see  note  above)  and  the  time  here 
spoken  of. 

5.  turn  quoque,  then,  as  on  the  former 
occasions  (see  note  above).  He  had  now 
finally  ceased  to  dispute  possession  with 
Tiridates. 

6.  vix  .  .  .  egressus :  cp.  c.  i,  2, 
and  note.     The  embassy  may  have  ar- 


rived after  Nero's  seventeenth  birthday 
(Dec.  16). 

7.  suscipere  .  .  .  aut  propulsare, 
*  sustain  or  repel  the  shock.' 

9.  magistros,  *  his  tutors,'  used  invi- 
diously of  Seneca  and  Burrus. 

II  militiae  ad  labores.  If  the  em- 
peror did  not  himself  take  the  field,  he 
must  at  least  direct  from  home  the 
organization  of  an  expedition. 

1 3.  tamen,  answering  the  taunt  implied 
in  '  magistros  '.  They  were  not,  after  all, 
mere  pedagogues,  but  men  of  the  world. 

multarum  ....  cognitos,  '  were 
known  as  men  of  manifold  experience.* 
Nipp.  compares  '  egregia  virtute  erant 
cogniti '  (Caes.  B.  G.  i.  28,  5),  and  '  eum 
cognovisse  paratissimo  animo  '  (Cic.  Phil. 
13.  6,  13).  The  case  is  that  denoting 
quality,  a  similar  genitive  being  found  in 
Caes.  B.  G.  5.  6,  1.  On  the  use  of  '  ex-. 
perientia'  cp.  i.  4,  3,  and  note. 

14.  quantum  deesse,  in  oratio  recta, 
'quantum  deest ' :  cp.  i.  17,  2,  and  note. 
He  only  wanted  a  year  or  two  of  the  age 
of  these  men. 

octavo     decimo.         Pompeius     was 
born  Sept.    30,  648,  B.  C.    106,   and  was 
first  in  command  of  a  force  against  the 
Marians  in  670,  B.  c.  84  (Veil.  2.  29,  i ; 
Plut.  Pomp.  6),  but  had  already  served  | 
under  his  father  in  civil  war  in  667,  B.C.  87  | 
(Plut.  Pomp.  3),  and  probably  against  the 
Italians  at  the  capture  of  Asculum  eveE\ ; 
two  years  earlier  (Id.  c.  4).     Tacitus  may 
intend  to  refer  to  his  first  actual  experience  \ 
of  war,  or  may  have  followed  those  who, 
according  to  Velleius  (2.  53,  5),  made  an 


A.  D.  54] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP.  5-7 


161 


anno  Cn.  Pompeius,  nono  decimo  Caesar  Octavianus  civilia  bella 

5  sustinuerint  ?     pleraque  in  summa  fortuna  auspiciis  et  consiliis 

6  quam    telis    et    manibus    geri.      daturum    plane    documentum 
honestis    an    secus    amicis    uteretur,   si   ducem    amota    invidia 
egregium  quam  si  pecuniosum  et  gratia  subnixum  per  ambitum  5 
deligeret. 

1      7.  Haec  atque  talia  vulgantibus,  Nero  et  iuventutem  proximas 
per  provincias  quaesitam  supplendis  Orientis  legionibus  admovere 
legionesque  ipsas  propius  Armeniam  conlocari  iubet,  duosque 
veteres  reges  Agrippam   et  Antiochum   expedire   copias,   quis  10 
Parthorum    finis    ultro    intrarent  ;    simul    pontis    per    amnem 


error  of  five  years  in  their  accounts  of  the 
age  of  Pompeius. 

1.  nono  decimo,  in  October  710,  B.C. 
44,  when  he  was  just  nineteen  years  old. 
See  Mon.  Anc.  i.  1  'Annos  undeviginti 
natus  exercitum  privato  consilio  et  privata 
impensa  comparavi'. 

2.  in  stunma  fortuna,  *in  the  highest 
rank':  cp.  2.  72,  3,  &c. 

auspiciis  et  consiliis,  i.  e.  the 
highest  personages  generally  act  rather 
by  exercise  of  supreme  command  at  home 
(see  note  on  2.  18,  i)  than  by  actual 
service  in  the  field.  On  the  ellipse  of 
*  magis '  before  *  quam '  see  Introd.  i.  v. 
§  64,  I.  It  is  here  softened  by '  pleraque ' 
having  the  force  of '  plura  '. 

3.  plane,  here  rather  used  as  in  c.  50, 
4  (=' clearly '),  than  concessively  (as 
Nipp.  takes  it),  as  in  3.  34,  4,  «&c. 

4.  honestis  an  secus.  Classical 
Latinity  (as  Dr.  notes)  would  use  an 
adjective  in  place  of  *  secus  '  or  an  adverb 
in  that  of '  honestis ' :  cp.  *  recte  an  secus ' 
(Cic.  Pis.  28,  68)  ;  *  pro  bene  aut  secus 
consulto '  (Liv.  7.  6,  8). 

amota  invidia,  '  disregarding  the 
voice  of  envy.'  The  words  are  contrasted 
with  *  per  ambitum '  ('  yielding  to  in- 
trigue ')  and  both  refer  to  such  counsel  as 
would  be  given  by  dishonest  advisers. 

5.  quam  si.  Joh.  Miiller  shows  (Beitr. 
4.  21-23),  against  those  who  would  omit 
'  si '  here,  that  the  general  sense  is  the 
same  whether  it  be  present  or  absent ;  if 
it  be  omitted  the  implied  '  potius'  of  the 
comparison  refers  to  '  egregium ',  if  it  be 
inserted,  to  'daturum'.  He  thinks  that 
a  better  sense  is  given  if  '  si '  is  retained, 
and  an  ironical  contrast  supposed  to  be 
implied  to  the  system  of  Claudius. 

7.  vulgantibus.  On  the  abl.  abs.  see 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  31  c. 


iuventutem,  the  young  men  of  citi- 
zen blood  in  the  provinces,  from  whom 
the  legions  were  mainly  recruited  (see  3. 
40,  5,  and  note).     Ritt.  needlessly  inserts 

*  Romanam ',  which  is  sufficiently  under- 
stood from  the  mention  of  *  legiones '. 
The  coordination  *  et ' — *  que '  for  *  et' — 

*  et '  is  found  in  H.  5.  5,  5,  rarely  in  Cic, 
and  frequently  in  Livy. 

8.  quaesitam  =  *  conquisitam ' :  'con- 
quisitores '  is  a  regular  term  for  recruiting- 
officers  (Cic.  Att.  7.  21,  I,  &c. ;  Liv.  21.' 
II,  13,  &c.). 

admovere,  the  correction  to  *  ad- 
moveri '  (Pich.,  &c.)  is  needless ;  such 
combinations  of  active  and  passive  verbs 
being  not  unusual  (cp.  'permittere  differ- 
rique'  3.  12,  7).     Ritter  less  well  takes 

*  admovere  '  as  a  historical  infinitive. 

10.  veteres,  in  contrast  to  those  men- 
tioned below  as  only  now  raised  to  that 
rank. 

Agrippam,      sc.     'Herodem'      (the' 

*  Agrippa  '  of  Acts  25,  i),  the  son  of  the 
one  mentioned  in  12.  23,  2,  &c.  Claudius 
had  given  him  in  801,  a.d.  48,  the  little 
kingdom  of  Chalcis  in  Caele  Syria,  held 
previously  by  his  uncle  (Jos.  B.  I.  2.  12, 
i),  and,  four  years  later,  transferred  him, 
with  the  title  of  king,  to  the  tetrarchies 
held  by  Philip  and  Lysanias  (Id.  Ant.  20, 

7,  i),  to  which  dominion  Nero,  in  his, 
first  year,  added  part  of  Galilee  (Id.  ao. , 

8,  4).     Rejoined  Vespasian  (H.  2.  81,  a), 
and  aided  the  Romans  in  the  Jewish  war  1 
(H.  5.  1 ,  4),  after  which  he  lived  at  Rome 
till  his  death  in  the  time  of  Trajan. 

Antiochum,  of  Commagene :  see  1 2. 
55,  3,  and  note. 

11.  ultro,  without  waiting  to  be  at- 
tacked. 

pontis  iungi  :  cp.  *  iuncto  ponte  *  i. 
49,  6.     On  the  places  of  crossing  the 


M 


l62 


CORNEUI  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  54 


Euphratem  iungi ;  et  minorem  Armeniam  Aristobulo,  regionem  2 
Sophenen  Sohaemo  cum  insignibus  regiis  mandat.     exortusque 
in   tempore   aemulus   Vologesi   filius  Vardanes :    et   abscessere 
Armenia  Parthi,  tamquam  differrent  bellum. 
5      8.  Sed  apud  senatum  omnia  in  maius  celebrata  sunt  sententiis  1 
eorum    qui    supplicationes    et    diebus    supplicationum    vestem 
principi  triumphalem,  utque  ovans  urbem  iniret,  effigiemque  eius 
pari  magnitudine  ac  Martis  Vltoris  eodem  in  templo  censuere, 
praeter  suetam  adulationem  laeti  quod  Domitium  Corbulonem 


Euphrates  see  6.  37,  4 ;  41,  2  ;   15.  7,   3, 

and  notes. 

i  I.  Aristobulo  (cp.  14.  26,  3),  a  son  of 
I  Herod  of  Chalcis  (Jos.  Ant.  20.  8,  4), 
'  whose  kingdom  he  appears  subsequently 
jto  have  possessed  (Id.  B.  I.  7.  7,  4).     He 

is  the  last  recorded  vassal-king  of  Lesser 
1  Armenia  (on  which  see  1 1.  9,  3,  and  note), 
1  which  appears  to  have  become  part  of 
Ithe   provincial   empire   under  Vespasian 

(Momms.  Hist.  v.  299,  i  ;  E,  T.  i.  324,  i). 

2.  Sophenen,  a  tract  on  the  south- 
west of  Armenia,  between  Mt.  Masius 
and  Anti-Taurus  (Strab.  11.  14,  2,  527) 
and  separated  by  the  Euphrates  from 
Cappadocia.  Strabo  (1.  1.)  mentions  its 
fiaai\fiov,  Carcathiocerta  (perhaps  Khar- 
put).  It  was  taken  from  Tigranes  by 
Pompeius  (Plut.  Pomp.  33),  and  appears 
to  have  been  from  that  time  under  Roman 
influence.  At  a  later  date  it  was  governed 
with  Cappadocia  (Marqu.  Staatsv.  i.  p. 

213)- 

Sohaemo,  not  known  to  be  related 
to  the  king  of  Ituraea  mentioned  in  12. 
23,  2.  Josephus,  who  makes  no  mention 
of  the  gift  of  Sophene  to  him,  states  (Ant. 
20.  8,  4)  that  he  was  made  in  this  year 
king  of  Emesa  in  Syria  on  the  death  of 
his  brother  Azizus.  He  also  supported 
Vespasian  (H.  2.  81,  i),  and  took  part  in 
the  Jewish  war  (H.  5.  i,  4^  and  that 
against  Antiochus  of  Commagene  (Jos. 

B.I.  7.  7,  I). 

3.  in  tempore,  *  opportunely ' :  cp.  i. 
19,  2,  and  note. 

Vologesi :  so  most  edd.  after  MS. 
Agr.  Orelli  and  Jacob  retain  the  Med. 
*  vologeso ',  on  which  form  see  note  on  c. 
37,  I,  and  12.  14,  8.  'Aemulus'  takes 
a  dat.  in  c.  3,  4  ;  6.  32,  5,  &c. 

Vardanes,  so  most  edd.  after  ed. 
Froben.  for  Med.  Wardanis',  which  Or. 
and  Jacob  retain,  taking  him  to  be  an  un- 
named son  of  the  one  mentioned  in  1 1.  8- 
10.    But  we  should  expect  Tacitus  to  give 


his  name.  A  date  appears  to  be  furnished 
for  his  rebellion  by  a  change  of  coinage 
in  A.D.  55-58  (see  Introd.  p.  97,  3). 

abscessere  Armenia :  cp.  15.  6,  i, 
and  other  similar  uses  of  the  simple  abl. 
given  in  Introd.  i.  v.  §  24 ;  also  '  absces- 
serat  muneribus  '  (Liv.  9.  3,  5) ;  '  obsi- 
dione  abscessit'  (Id.  37.  31,  3).  In  i.  7^ 
6 ;  3.  5,  2,  Tacitus  uses  the  verb  with 
a  preposition. 

5.  in  maius:  cp.  Introd.  1.  v,  60b. 
The  meaning  is  that  the  temporary  retreat 
of  the  Parthians  was  regarded  as  a  more 
important  discomfiture. 

6.  vestem.  .  .  triumphalem:  cp.  12. 
41,  4.  This  dress  had  been  decreed  to  be 
worn  on  public  occasions  in  Rome  by  the 
dictator  Caesar  (Dio,  44.  4,  2  ;  6,  i),  and  is 
mentioned  as  worn  by  Gains  at  the  dedica- 
tion of  a  temple  (Id.  59.  7,  i),  and  by  Nero 
in  receiving  Tiridates  (Id.  63.  3„3).  Clau- 
dius on  a  similar  occasion  wore  an  'insigne 
paludamentum  '  (12.  56,  5). 

7.  utque.  This  change  of  construction 
(see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  91,  8)  is  especially 
frequent  in  Tacitus  with  verbs  of  decree- 
ing: cp.  c.  41,  5;  I.  15,  4  (and  note); 
3.  13,  I  (and  note).  'Censere'  is  often 
used  with  a  substantive  in  the  sense  of 
*  decernere  ',  as  in  2.  83,  4  ;  3.  57,  2  ;  &c., 
also  in  Caes.,  Sail.,  and  Liv.  (see  Nipp.'s 
note). 

efllgiem.  Most  recent  edd.  follow 
Nipp.  in  thus  correcting  the  Med.  '  effi- 
gies ' ;  it  being  unlikely  that  more  than 
one  statue  would  be  set  up  in  the  same 
place,  or  that  the  plural  would  be  here 
used  for  the  singular. 

8.  Martis  Vltoris.  This  temple  was 
the  usual  place  for  commemorating  vic- 
tories :  see  2.  64,  2,  and  note. 

9.  Corbulonem.  On  his  former  ser- 
vices see  II.  18-20.  He  remained  in  the 
East  till  he  was  '  recalled  and  forced  to 
kill  himself  in  A.D.  67  (see  App.  to 
B.  16). 


A.  D.  54I 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP. 


7-9 


163 


retinendae  Armeniae  praeposuerat  videbaturque  locus  virtutibus 

2  patefactus.  copiae  Orientis  ita  dividuntur,  ut  pars  auxiliarium 
cum  duabus  legionibus  apud  provinciam  Syriam  et  legatum  eius 
Quadratum  Vmmidium  remaneret,  par  civium  sociorumque 
numerus   Corbuloni   esset   additis   cohortibus   alisque    quae   in  5 

3  Cappadocia  hiemabant.  socii  reges  prout  bello  conduceret 
parere  iussi:  sed  stiidia  eorum  in  Corbulonem  promptiora  erant. 

4  qui  ut  instaret  famae,  quae  in  novis  coeptis  validissima  est, 
itinere  propere  confecto  apud  Aegeas  civitatem  Ciliciae  obvium 
Quadratum  habuit,  illuc  progressum,  ne,  si  ad  accipiendas  copias  10 
Syriam  intravisset  Corbulo,  omnium  ora  in  se  verteret,  corpore 
ingens,  verbis  magnificis  et  super  experientiam  sapientiamque 
etiam  specie  inanium  validus. 

1  9.  Ceterum  uterque  ad  Vologesen  regem  nuntiis  monebant, 
pacem  quam  bellum  mallet  datisque  obsidibus  solitam  prioribus  15 

2  reverentiam  in  populum  Romanum  continuaret.     et  Vologeses, 


I.  retinendae:  cp.  the  analogous  use 
of  *  praeficere'  with  gerundive  dat.  in  15. 
25,3.  The  Romans  choose  thus  to  repre- 
sent Armenia  as  in  the  permanent  position 
of  a  vassal  kingdom. 

3.  apud,  used  (as  Nipp.  points  out)  in 
different  senses  here  and  with  '  legatum '. 

4.  Quadratum:   see  12.  45,6. 

J  par  .  .  .  niimerus.  The  regular  gar- 
rison of  Syria  comprised  four  legions 
(4.  5,  4),  with  the  usual  auxiliary  com- 
plement. 

5.  cohortibus  alisque.     It  would  ap- 
I  pear  that  the  position  of  Corbulo  was  that 

of  a  consular  legatus,  substituted  for  the 
usual  procurator  (12.  49,  i)  of  Cappa- 
docia. It  would  seem  probable  from 
c.  35, 4  that  Galatia  also  was  placed  under 
him;  but  his  general  *  imperium  mains' 
in  the  East  does  not  appear  to  begin  till 
A.D.  63(15.  25,  6). 

7.  parere, sc. '  Corbuloni autQuadrato'. 
They  were  to  place  themselves  at  the  dis- 
posal of  either,  according  to  the  interests 
of  the  war,  but  preferred  to  serve  with 
Corbulo. 

promptiora,  *  more  inclined' ;  so  (with 
dat.)  in  4.  60,  5. 

8.  instaret  famae.  The  verb  is  want- 
ing in  Med.  and  is  thus  supplied  by 
Haase,  who  compares  *  instandum  famae' 
('prestige  must  be  followed  up')  in  Agr. 
18,  4,  'instandum  coeptis'  in  H.  3.52,  2; 
and  '  in  stare  fortunae'  in  H.  5.  15,  4. 
Most   edd.  follow  G.  in  reading   (after 

L 


*  famae ')  *  inserviret ',  which  does  not  yield 
as  good  a  meaning  as  '  instaret ',  and  may 
be  a  gloss  on  it. 

9.  Aegeas,  so  all  edd.  after  Lips,  for 
Med.  'egeas'.  The  name  of  this  town, 
situated  on  the  coast  of  the  gulf  of  Issns, 
is  given  as  At7afa,  by  Strabo,  Pd-^kai  by 
Pausanias,  kv^ai  by  Dio,  Aegaeae  by 
Pliny,  who  states  that  it  was  a  free  town 
(5.  27,  22,  91).  It  would  appear  from 
c.  33,  3  that  Cilicia  had  at  this  time  a 
separate  legatus  instead  of  forming  part 
of  Syria  (see  2.  78,  3,  &c.). 

11.  corpore  ingens;  so  in  15.  53,  2; 
H.  I.  53,  I.  Corbulo's  strength  is  alluded 
toin  Juv.  3,  251. 

12.  verbis  magnificis,  abl.  of  quality. 
The  old  edd.  read  *  magnificus '  with  G. 
Nipp.  notices  this  as  a  favourite  expression 
with  Tacitus  for  grandiloquence:  cp.  15. 
8,  3,  and  other  passages  here  cited  by 
him. 

13.  specie  inanium,  '  by  the  prestige 
of  mere  outward  show ' :  cp.  *  sublatis 
inanibus '  (4.  41,  3),  &c. 

14.  Ceterum,  here  apparently  distin- 
guishing their  joint  action  from  their  pre- 
vious and  subsequent  rivalry. 

nuntiis,  sc.  *  missis':  cp.  H.  i.  74,  i ; 
4.  86,  I ;  also  12.  38,  4,  and  note. 

15.  prioribus,  sc.  'regibus',  such  asl 
Phraates  (2.  i,  2%  The  Parthians  them-] 
selves  are  made  to  speak  of  their  *  reve-  i 
rentia'  to  Rome  in  12.  10,  3. 


164 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  54 


quo  bellum  ex  commodo  pararet,  an  ut  aemulationis  suspectos 
per  nomen  obsidum  amoveret,  tradit   nobilissimos   ex   familia 
Arsacidarum.      accepitque   eos  centurio   Insteius   ab  Vmmidio  3 
missus,  forte  prior  ea  de  causa  adito  rege.      quod   postquam 
5  Corbuloni  cognitum  est,  ire  praefectum  cohortis  Arrium  Varum 
et  reciperare   obsides   iubet.     hinc  ortum  inter  praefectum   et  4 
centurionem  iurgium  ne  diutius  externis  spectaculo  esset,  arbi- 
trium  rei  obsidibus   legatisque,  qui   eos    ducebant,  permissum. 
atque  illi  recentem  gloria  et  inclinatione  quadam  etiam  hostium  5 
?o  Corbulonem  praetulere.      unde  discordia  inter  duces,  querente  6 
Vmmidio    praerepta    quae    suis    consiliis    patravisset,   testante 
contra  Corbulone   non   prius   conversum   regem   ad   ofiferendos 
obsides   quam   ipse   dux   bello   delectus    spes   eius   ad   metum 
mutaret.     Nero  quo  componeret  diversos  sic  evulgari  iussit :  ob  7 


I.  ex  commodo,  *  as  might  suit  him 
best':  cp.  *  ex  utilitatibus '  (r.  58,  2); 
'ex  usu'  (4.  5,  6),  &c.,  also  'contra 
commodum '  (Suet.  Aug.  78).  The  word 
is  here  a  correction  after  Muretus  for  Med. 

*  quomodo '. 

suspectos,  so  with  genit.  in  3.  29,  6; 
60,  2. 

3.  Arsacidarum  :  see  2.  i,  i,  and  note. 
Some  of  these  were  no  doubt  partisans  of 
his  rival  (c.  7,  2). 

Insteius,  probably  the  Insteius  Ca- 
pito  afterwards  praefectus  castrorum  to 
Corbulo  (c.  39,  2). 

4.  prior  ea :  so  Halm  and  Nipp., 
after  Muret.  and  Lips.  ('  having  gone  to 
the  king  on  that  account  and  having  hap- 
pened to  be  first  on  the  spot'),  for  the 
Med.  '  priore ',  which  most  others  retain, 
with  the  meaning  that  he  had  gone  to  the 
king  on  some  matter  which  had  pre- 
viously occurred.  We  should  rather  in 
that  case  have  expected  '  priore  aliqua  de 
causa ' :  '  ea  de  causa ',  as  read  above, 
may  well  be  taken  to  mean  that  he  went 
as  one  of  the  'nuntii'  (§  i);  which 
seems  also  implied  in  '  quae  suis  consiliis 
patravisset '  below. 

5.  Arrium  Varum,  probably  to  be 
taken,  with  Mommsen  (Hist.  v.  392,  i ; 
E.  T.  ii.  60,  i),  as  identical  with  the  dis- 
tinguished officer  of  Vespasian.  The 
objection  that  the  rank  of 'primipilus', 
which  would   naturally  precede  that   of 

*  praefectus  cohortis',  is  stated  in  H.  3.  6, 
2  to  have  been  conferred  on  the  latter  by 
Nero  at  apparently  a  later  date,  is  met  by 
pointing  out  that  in  C.  I.  L.  v.  867,  a 


person  who  had  passed  on  from  '  primi- 
pilus '  of  a  legion  to  higher  military  rank 
becomes  *  p.  p.  iterum ',  without  attach- 
ment to  a  legion,  apparently  as  honorary 
rank,  to  serve  as  stepping-stone  to  a  pro- 
curatorship.  Cp.  *  p.  p.  bis '  (Or.  Insc. 
74 ;  Henzen  5456). 

9.  [recentem  gloria:  Med.  gives  're- 
centem gloriam'  and  '  inclinationem',  but, 
as  Andresen  points  out,  the  original  hand 
has  corrected  '  gloriam'  to  '  gloria'  and 
*  inclinationem '  to  '  inclinatioi^e '.  This 
makes  it  unnecessary  to  follov/^  Weissen- 
born  in  reading  <  per  recentem  gloriam ' 
or  the  inferior  MSS.  in  the  insertion  of 
'  ob '.  It  has  been  objected  by  some  that 
'  recentem  gloria '  (first  read  by  Nipperdey) 
is  ill  suited  to  the  following  clause,  but  it  is 
difficult  to  see  the  force  of  the  objection. 
-F.] 

1 3.  ipse  . . .  delectus,  '  the  selection  of 
himself  :  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  55  b,  i. 

dux  bello  delectus.    [Comp.  infra  15. 
3,  *  proprio  duce  opus  esse  qui  Armeniam 
defenderet '.     The  term  *  dux  *  acquired  a 
special  significance   now  that   the  'aus-i 
picia ',  as  belonging  to  Caesar  alone,  were ! 
separated    from    the    actual    leadership! 
(*  ductus').  The  distinction  between  purely ; 
military  commands  (such  as  that  given  to , 
Corbulo)  and  the  ordinary  administrative 
legateships  gradually  hardened   into  the 
separation  established  between  the  mili- 
tary '  dux '  and  the  civilian  *  praeses'. — P.] 

14.  diversos  =  *discordes':  so  'diversi 
ordiuntur'  (2.  10,  i);  'ducibus  diversis' 
(3-  38,  5);  'diversi  sententiis'  (4.  50, 
2). 


A.  D.  54] 


LIBER  XIIL      CAP.  9-n 


165 


res  a  Quadrate  et  Corbulone  prospere  gestas   laurum   fascibus 
imperatoriis  addi.     quae  in  alios  consules  egressa  coniunxi. 

1  10.  Eodem  anno  Caesar  effigiem  Cn.  Domitio  patri  et  con- 
sularia  insignia  Asconio  Labeoni,  quo  tutore  usus  erat,  petivit 
a  senatu  ;    sibique   statuas   argento   vel   auro   solidas   adversus  5 

2  ofiferentis  prohibuit.  et  quamquam  censuissent  patres  ut  prin- 
cipium  anni  inciperet  mense  Decembri,  quo  ortus  erat  Nero, 
veterem    religionem  kalendarum    lanuariarum    inchoando  anno 

3  retinuit.     neque  recepti  sunt  inter  reos  Carrinas  Celer  senator 
servo    accusante    aut    lulius    Densus    equ ester,    cui    favor    in  10 
Britannicum  crimini  dabatur. 

1      11.  Claudio  Nerone  L.  Antistio  consulibus  cum  in  acta  princi- 


1.  fascibus  imperatoriis,  those  of  the 
/  twelve  lictors  assigned  originally  to  Au- 
i  gustus  in  735,  B.C.  19  (Dio,  54.   10,  5). 
'  They  were  wreathed  with  laurel  for  vic- 
tories gained  under  his  auspices,  as  were 
those  of  republican  generals  for  their  own 
victories.     At  a  later  date,  those  of  the 
emperor  appear  to  have  been  always  so 
wreathed  (Vit.  Maximin.  14). 

a.  coniunxi,  *  I  have  related  continu- 
ously '  (cp.  4,  33,  3,  and  note.  For  previous 
instances  in  which  Tacitus  thus  departs 
from  his  usual  practice  see  6.  38,  i ;  12. 
40,  8,  and  note  on  12.  51,  5.  The  events 
"  of  A.D.  55  probably  begin  with  Corbulo's 
departure  (c.  8,  4).  The  narrative  is 
;  continued  in  c.  34. 

3.  Cn.  Domitio:  see  4.  75,  i,  and 
note.  He  had  been  dead  some  fifteen 
years  (see  Introd.  p.  49).  Suet.  (Ner.  9), 
speaks  generally  of  '  honores  maximi ' 
now  paid  to  his  memory,  and  it  would 
seem  that  his  name  was  included  in  the 
Arval  prayer  (see  Schiller,  p.  95,  i). 

consularia  insignia:  cp.  12.  21,  2, 
Sec. 

4.  quo  tutore  usus  erat.     The  state 
'  of  *  tutela ',  as   distinct  from  '  curatela ' 

(see  Diet,  of  Ant.  s.  v.),  ceased  when  a 
youth  had  reached  the  age  of  puberty. 
Asconius,  who  is  otherwise  unknown,  was 
probably  appointed  Nero's  *  tutor '  at  the 
death  of  his  stepfather  Crispus  Passienus. 

5.  sibique.  The  dat.,  as  Dr.  points 
out,  is  in  contrast  to  those  with  '  petivit ' : 
'  for  himself,  he  prohibited  in  the  face  of 
offers '. 

argento  vel  auro  solidas :  cp.  2. 
33,  1,  and  note. 

7.  quo  ortus  erat  :  see  note  on  12. 
25,  3. 


8.  veterem  religionem.  The  custom/ 
of  beginning  the  official  year  on  the  kalends 
of  January  was  not  of  extreme  antiquity, 
but  dates  from  599,  B.C.  153. 

9.  neque  recepti:  cp.  2.  74,  2,  and' 
note.  It  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  senate, 
or  rather  the  consuls  as  its  presidents  (4. 
21,  4),  could  refuse  to  entertain  a  charge. 
When  the  princeps  quashes  an  accusation 
before  the  senate  it  is  by  exercise  of  the 
tribunitian  '  intercessio  *  (3.  70,  2). 

Carrinas.  This  name  (^ corrupted  in 
15'  45 >  3)  is  so  read  here  in  Med.  and 
also  in  Juv.  7,  205.  Many  edd.  here  read 
'Carinas',  but  Nipp.  cites  an  inscrip- 
tion with  the  double  *r'  in  Bait.  Fast, 
p.  ccxlv. 

senator,  probably  used  here  not  as 
=  ' senator  pedarius'  (cp.  i.  75,  3,  and 
note), but  in  contradistinction  to  'equester'. 

10.  servo  accusante.  On  the  cases  in 
which  the  evidence  of  a  slave  against  his 
master  was  admitted  see  2.  30,  3,  and 
note. 

equester:  cp.  12.  60,  3,  and  note. 
Here,  as  there,  some  would  alter  the  text 
to  *  eques  R.'  Many  instances  are  found 
of  knights  brought  to  trial  before  the 
senate  (3.  49,  1  ;  70,  2  ;  4.  15,  3 ;  31,1; 
68,  I  ;  6.  40,  i,&c.).  The  charge  brought 
against  Densus  appears  to  be  an  attempt 
(cp.  12.  42,  5  ;  14.  48,  3,  and  notes)  to 
revive  the  law  of  '  maiestas  '. 

12.  Claudio  Nerone.  Claudius  had 
assumed  the  consulship  at  the  beginning 
of  the  year  after  his  accession,  and  his 
example  appears  to  have  been  generally 
followed.  Nero  at  this  time  held  it  for 
two  months  (Suet.  14).  His  former  1 
designation  as  consul  for  his  twentieth  I 
year  (12.  41,  2)  was  in  effect  carried  out  1 


i66 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  54 


pum  iurarent  magistratus,  in  sua  acta  collegam  Antistium  iurare 
prohibuit,  magnis  patrum  laudibus,  ut  iuvenilis  animus  levium 
quoque  rerum  gloria  sublatus  maiores  continuaret.  secutaque  2 
lenitas  in  Plautium  Lateranum  quern  ob  adulterium  Messalinae 
5  ordine  demotum  reddidit  senatui,  clementiam  suam  obstringens 
crebris  orationibus  quas  Seneca,  testificando  quam  honesta 
praeciperet  vel  iactandi  ingenii,  voce  principis  vulgabat. 

12.  Ceterum  infracta  paulatim  potentia  matris  delapso  Nerone  l 
in  amorem  libertae,  cui  vocabulum  Acte  fuit,  simul  adsumptis  in 
lo  conscientiam  M.  Othone  et  Claudio  Senecione,  adulescentulis 


f  by  his  then  becoming  a  second  time  consul 
(c.  31,  I). 

li.  Antistio.  His  full  name  '  L. 
Antistius  Vetus'  is  given  in  inscriptions 
(see  C.  I.  L.  8.  8837).  He  is  mentioned 
again  in  c.  53,  2  ;  14. 58,  3,  and  his  suicide 
in  16.  10,  I.  He  may  have  been  the  son 
of  L.  Antistius  Vetus,  cos.  suif.  in  a.d. 
26  (on  vi'hom  see  C.  I.  L.  14.  2812),  and 
was  probably  cousin  of  the  consul  of 
A.D.  50  (see  12.  25,  I,  and  note). 

in  acta  principiun.     On  this  annual 

i  oath  see  i.  72,  2,  and  note.  It  would 
include  at  this  time  the  *  acta '  of  Augustus 
and  Claudius,  as  well  as  those  of  Nero 
(see  note  on  16.  22,  5). 

2.  prohibuit.  Nero  is  supplied  as 
I  subject  from  the  preceding  abl.  His 
i  prohibition     implies     that     he     treated 

Antistius  as  his  equal  in  official  rank. 

levium  quoque,  &c.,  'elated  by  the 
fame  arising  even  from  small  things.' 

3.  maiores  continuaret,  *  might  go 
on  at  once  to  greater ' :  *  continuare  rem  ' 
is  equivalent  to  *  continue  aliquid  facere ' ; 
so  with  *  pacem '  (c.  53,  i), '  reverentiam  ' 
(c.  9,  i),  •  stragem'  (14.  36,  4),  &c. 

4.  Plautium  Lateranum ;  see  11.  36, 
5.  His  expulsion  was  probably  the  act 
of  the  senate  (see  12.  59,  4,  and  note), 
but  the  power  of  restoration  belonged  in 
all  cases  to  the  princeps  (see  Introd.  i.  vi. 
p.  73)  ;  though  Nero  no  doubt  at  this 
time  followed  Claudius  (see  12.  8,  3, 
and  note)  in  going  through  the  form  of 
consulting  the  senate. 

5.  demotum.  This  is  a  correction  of 
'  remotum '  by  the  first  hand,  and  is 
supported  by  c.  14,  i ;  20,  i  ;  2.  43, 
3,  &c. 

obstringens,  'solemnly  promising'; 
a  sense  akin  to  the  absolute  use  of  this 
verb  in  I.  14,  6  ;  4.  31,  5. 

6.  testificando,  *  for  the  purpose  of 


testifying':  cp.  15.  16,  2.  For  this  use 
of  the  gerundial,  like  the  gerundive  dat., 
see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  22  a. 

7.  iactandi  ingenii,  *  in  order  to  dis- 
play his  talent.'  The  coordination  of  this 
genit.  (on  which  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  37  d) 
with  a  preceding  dative  of  purpose  is 
noted  by  Dr.  as  found  nowhere  else. 
The  implied  judgment  on  Seneca  may  be 
compared  with  that  in  c.  3,  2.  These 
speeches  were  no  doubt  conceived  in  the 
spirit  of  his  treatise  '  de  dementia ',  which 
belongs  to  this  date. 

9.  vocabulum,  'name,' as  in  12.66, 
4,  &c.  Her  full  name  appears  to  have 
been  'Claudia  Acte,  Augusti  liberta' 
(C.  I.  L.  II.  1 41 4).  It  is  stated  that  she 
was  bought  in  Asia  (Dio,  61.  7,  i),  and 
that  men  of  the  highest  rank  were  ready  to 
further  Nero's  desire  to  marry  her  by 
swearing  that  she  was  of  the  race  of  the 
Attalidae  (Dio,  1.  1. ;  Suet.  Ner.  28).  On 
her  subsequent  influence  see  c.  46,  4  ; 
14.  2,  2.  She  survived  Nero,  and  was 
one  of  the  faithful  women  who  buried  his 
remains  (Suet.  Ner.  50),  and  appears 
from  inscriptions  to  have  had  a  consider- 
able establishment  (see  Friedl.  Sitteng.  i. 
107  ;  C.  I.  L.  6. 8760).  The  idea  that  she 
was  a  Christian  appears  to  rest  on  a  mere 
assumption  of  her  identity  with  an  un- 
named concubine  of  Nero  mentioned  in 
Chrys.  Horn.  46,  13,  on  Act.  Ap.  as 
having  been  persuaded  by  St.  Paul  to  for- 
sake him  and  to  embrace  the  faith. 

10.  M.  Othone,  the  subsequent  emperor 
(cp.  c.  45-46).  The  praenomen  is  absent 
in  Med.  but  is  likely  to  have  been  given 
in  this  place  (evidently  the  first  mention 
of  him  in  this  work) ,  and  may  easily  have 
been  lost  after  the  last  letter  of  the  pre- 
ceding word.  The  date  of  his  birth  given 
by  Suet.  (0th.  2)  would  show  him  to, 
have  been   now  twenty-three  years  old,! 


A.  D.  55] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP.   11-13 


167 


decoris,  quorum  Otho  familia  consular!,  Senecio  liberto  Caesaris 
2  patre  genitus.  ignara  matre,  dein  frustra  obnitente,  penitus 
inrepserat  per  luxum  et  ambigua  secreta,  ne  senioribus  quidem 
principis  amicis  adversantibus,  muliercula  nulla  cuiusquam  iniuria 
cupidines  principis  explente,  quando  uxore  ab  Octavia,  nobili  5 
quidem  et  probitatis  spectatae,  fato  quodam  an  quia  praevalent 
inlicita,  abhorrebat,  metuebaturque  ne  in  stupra  feminarum  inlu- 
strium  prorumperet,  si  ilia  libidine  prohiberetur. 
1  13.  Sed  Agrippina  libertam  aemulam,  nurum  ancillam  aliaque 
eundem  in  modum  muliebriter  fremere,  neque  paenitentiam  filii  10 


and  probably  not  yet  a  senator.  His 
name  is  found  as  one  of  the  Arvals 
■  in  a  table  of  a.d.  57  (C.  I.  L.  vi. 
2039).  ,    .  , 

Claudio  Senecione,  a  knight,  pro- 
minent in  the  conspiracy  of  Piso  (15.  50- 
70). 

T.  familia  consulari.  The  only  con- 
sul in  the  family  was  his  father,  L.  Otho, 
jwho  was  cos.  suff.  after  Galba  in 
A.D.  33  (Suet.  Galb.  6),  and  was  after- 
wards raised  to  the  patriciate  by  Claudius 
(Suet.  0th.  i).  The  same  expression  is 
■used  in  a  similar  case  in  6.  49,  i  (where 
see  note). 

liberto  Caesaris  =  imperial  freedman 
.  without  reference  to  any  special  Caesar, 
'  comp.  *  domus  Caesaris  '.  The  correction 
of  Speqgel,  '  C.  Caesaris'  (cp.  11.  i,  2), 
can  hardly  be  right.  Nipp.  notes  that 
'  patre '  is  inserted,  as  '  genitus '  might 
have  a  wider  meaning,  and  that  '  erat '  is 
supplied. 

3.  inrepserat.  With  this  punctuation, 
'  Acte  *  is  to  be  taken  as  subject  of  the 
verb,  and  the  words  *  simul  .  .  .  genitus  ' 
are  parentheticaL  The  absence  of  any 
such  pronoun  as  *  ea '  to  introduce  the 
new  subject  is  certainly  harsh ;  but  this 
explanation  seems  preferable  to  that  of 
others,  who  place  only  a  comma  after 
•  genitus ',  and  refer  the  verb  to  Otho  and 
Senecio,  either  reading  *  inrepserant '  (with 
Lips.),  or  justifying  the  singular  by  exam- 
ples of  doubtful  appositeness,  as  c.  15,  3 
(where  see  note),  or  supposing  (with  Ritt.) 
that  *  erat '  is  supplied  with  '  familia  con- 
sulari ',  and  that  '  inrepserat '  applies  to 
Senecio  alone.  The  whole  passage  (see 
notes  below)  is  certainly  confused  in 
structure,  but  the  subsequent  sentence  *  ne 
senioribus  .  .  .  adversantibus '  answers  to 
'  adsumptis  .  *  .  adulescentulis  ' ;  the  in- 
fluence of  Acte  being  described  as  gained 


with  the  active  help  of  his  younger  and 
the  acquiescence  of  his  elder  friends. 

per  luxum  et  ambigua  secreta, 
*  by  wantonness  and  suspicious  interviews.' 
For  the  use  of  '  luxum  '  cp.  c.  20,  i;  i. 
16,  3,  &c. ;  for  that  of  '  secreta ',  c.  18,  3  ; 
3.  3,  4,  &c.  The  interviews  might  be 
called  *  ambigua  ',  as  having  taken  place 
on  feigned  pretexts,  or  perhiaps  as  imply- 
ing that  the  complicity  of  Otho  and 
Senecio  resembled  that  of  Serenus  (c.  13, 
I),  in  that  her  visits  were  nominally  to 
them  but  really  to  Nero. 

4.  muliercula  .  .  .  explente.  This 
abl.  abs.  is  not,  as  might  have  been 
expected,  coordinate  with  the  one  above, 
but  dependent  on  it  (  =  *  cum  muliercula 
expleret ') ;  giving  the  reason  for  the 
acquiescence  of  his  elder  friends,  such  as 
Burrus  and  Seneca.  Dr.  notes  (Synt.  und 
Stil,  §  216)  that  this  confused  construction 
does  not  appear  elsewhere  in  Tacitus, 
but  in  Caes.  and  oftener  in  Livy,  e.g.  i. 
46,  I  ;  24.  4,  6. 

5.  quando  extends  its  force  to  '  metue- 
batur ',  and  gives  their  reason  for  thinking 
that  some  outlet  was  necessary.  Some 
edd.  less  well  place  a  colon  after  *  abhor- 
rebat '. 

uxore  ab  Octavia.  He  had  been 
married  to  her  for  about  two  years  (see 
12.  58,  I). 

9.  libertam  aemulam,  nurum  ancil> 
lam.  The  terms  are  those  of  rhetorical 
exaggeration.  Acte  is  viewed  as  her  rival 
in  influence,  and  the  freedwoman  is  con- 
temptuously called  a  slave  ('  ancilla  '). 
Similar  expressions  are  often  used  of 
freedmen  (e.g.  14.  39,  3)«  'Nurum'  can 
only  be  a  figure  of  speech,  while  Nero 
was  married  to  Octavia ;  though  his  pur- 
pose of  marrying  Acte  seems  to  have  been 
at  one  time  serious  (Suet.  Ner.  28). 

10.  miiliebriter,  *  with  feminine  petu- 


i68 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  55 


aut  satietatem  opperiri,  quantoque  foediora  exprobrabat,  acrius 
accendere,  donee  vi  amoris  subactus  exueret  obsequium  in 
matrem  seque  Senecae  permitteret,  ex  cuius  familiaribus  Annaeus 
Serenus  simulatione  amoris  adversus  eandem  libertam  primas 

5  adulescentis  cupidines  velaverat  praebueratque  nomen,  ut  quae 
princeps  furtim  mulierculae  tribuebat,  ille  palam  largiretur.    turn  2 
Agrippina  versis  artibus  per  blandimenta  iuvenem  adgredi,  suum 
potius  cubiculum  ac  sinum  ofiferre  contegendis  quae  prima  aetas 
et  summa  fortuna  expeterent :  quin  et  fatebatur  intempestivam  3 

lo  severitatem   et   suarum   opum,  quae   haud   procul  imperatoriis 
aberant,    copias   tradebat,   ut   nimia    nuper  coercendo  filio,  ita 
rursum  intemperanter  demissa.     quae  mutatio  neque  Neronem  4 
fefelHt,    et    proximi    amicorum    metuebant    orabantque    cavere 
insidias  mulieris  semper  atrocis,  tum  et  falsae.     forte  illis  diebus  5 

15  Caesar   inspecto   ornatu    quo   principum    CQniuges  ac   parentes 
efifulserant,    deligit   vestem   et  gemmas  misitque  donum  matri 
nulla  parsimonia,  cum  praecipua  et  cupita  aliis  prior  deferret. 
sed   Agrippina  non  his    instrui  cultus  suos,  sed  ceteris  arceri  6 
proclamat  et  dividere  filium  quae  cuncta  ex  ipsa  haberet. 


lance':    cp.    *  muliebri   impotentia'    (i. 

4.5). 

I.  acrius  accendere.  With  this  'eo' 
or  *  tanto '  is  supplied  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  64, 
3).  The  violence  of  her  reproaches  only 
increased  his  passion  for  Acte. 

3.  seque  Senecae  permitteret.  The 
struggle  of  Seneca  and  Burrus  against 
Agrippina  had  been  continual  (see  c.  2,  3). 

Annaeus  Serenus.  Pliny  states 
(N.  H.  22.  23,  47, 96)  that  he  was  *  prae- 
fectus  vigilum ',  and  that  he  died  of  eating 
poisonous  fungi,  Seneca  inscribed  to 
him  his  treatises  *  de  Constantia ',  *  de 
Tranquillitate  Animi ',  and  *  de  Otio ',  and 
speaks  of  himself  (Ep.  63,  14)  as  having 
bitterly  wept  for  his  death,  which  it  is 
thought  (see  Hirschf.  146)  may  have  taken 
place  about  a.d.  62. 

5.  velaverat,  '  had  screened ' :   cp.  6. 

29»  3. 

8.  cubiculum  ac  sinum,  *  her  own 
chamber  and  privacy,'  i.e.  the  privacy  of 
her  own  chamber,  where  he  might  meet 
Acte  without  any  agency  of  Otho,  Senecio, 
or  Serenus.  For  the  use  of  *  sinus '  cp.  6. 
45,  5  ;  also  *  in  huius  sinu '  (Agr.  4,  2) ; 
'  gremio  ac  sinu  matris  '  (Dial.  28,  4). 

9.  expeterent,  *  might  demand ' :  for 
'summa  fortuna  '  cp.  c.  6,  5. 


10.  opum  :  see  12.  7,  7,  &c.  Hirschf. 
notes  (p.  28)  inscriptions  recording  names 
of  her  procurators. 

1 1,  nimia,  with  abl.  of  respect,  as  in  H . 
I.  35,  2,  also  'fiducia  nimius'  (^all.  H.  2. 
93  D ;  96  K ;  84  G).  On  the  use  of  the 
gerundive  here  cp.  6.  23,  4,  and  note. 
The  domineering  behaviour  of  Agrippina 
to  her  son  is  described  in  12.  64,  5. 

13.  orab ant  cavere.  On  this  construc- 
tion cp.  6.  2,3,  and  note.  The  accus.  and 
inf.  is  also  used  with  *  orare'  (11.  10,  8). 

14.  semper  atrocis:  cp.  'atrox  odii 
Agrippina'  (12.  22,  i). 

et  = '  etiam '. 

15.  parentes,  'mothers' :  the  limit  of 
sex  is  shown  by  the  preceding  'coniuges'. 
Such  ornaments  were  preserved  among 
the  heirlooms  of  the  palace  (see  11.  12, 
4;  35>  2). 

16.  efPulserant:  cp.  *  insignibus  eflful- 
gens'  (H.  4.  29,  i).  The  verb  originates 
with  Vergil  (Aen.  5,  133,  &c.)  and  is 
introduced  into  prose  by  Livy. 

1 7.  nulla  parsimonia,  i.e.  he  gave  her 
the  best,  and  gave  them  unasked  ('  prior ' 
=  *ultro'). 

18.  cultus,  *  her  wardrobe'  (C.  and  B.) : 
so  'cultus  dotales'  (16.  31,  i).  He  was 
not  furnishing  it  with  these,  but  keeping 


A.  D.  55J 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP.   13,    14 


[69 


1  14.  Nee  defuere  qui  in  deterius  referrent.  et  Nero  infensus 
lis  quibus  superbia  muliebris  innitebatur,  demovet  Pallantem 
cura  rerum  quis  a  Claudio  impositus  velut  arbitriiim  regni 
agebat  ;  ferebaturque  degrediente  eo  magna  prosequentium 
multitudine    non    absurde    dixisse,   ire    Pallantem    ut   eiuraret.  5 

2  sane  pepigerat  Pallas  ne  cuius  facti  in  praeteritum  interrogaretur 

3  paresque  rationes  cum  re  publica  haberet.  praeceps  posthac 
Agrippina  ruere  ad  terrorem  et  minas,  neque  principis  auribus 
abstinere  quo  minus  testaretur  adultum  iam  esse  Britannicum, 
veram    dignamque    stirpem    suscipiendo    patris    imperio    quod  10 


her  out  of  the  rest.  Dr.  notes  the  subor- 
dination of  *  sed '  to  *  sed  ',  as  in  Dial.  8, 
2.  It  is  not  necessary  to  insert  *  se '  with 
Ritt.,  though  it  may  possibly  have  dropped 
out  after  '  ceteris '. 

I.  in  deterius.  The  full  expression 
would  be  '  referre  in  deterius  versa '  (c. 
43,  i),  or  *  aucta '  (2.  82,  i).  For  similar 
expressions  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  60  b. 

3.  cura  rerum,  the  department  *  a 
rationibus':  see  note  on  11.  29,  i.  He 
was  probably  succeeded  by  Claudius 
Etruscus,  who  held  office  many  years, 
and  lived  through  the  greater  part  of 
Domitian'  srule  (see  Stat.  Silvae  3.  3  ; 
Friedl.  Sitteng.  i.  93). 

velut     arbitrium     regni     agebat, 

*  was  holding,  as  it  were,  the  office  of 
controller  of  the  empire '  :  so  '  perfuga 
.  .  .  arbitrium  rerum  Romanarum  ne  age- 
ret'  (H.  4.  21,  2).  [The  phrase  refers  to 
the  extensive  control  over  the  revenues 
and  expenditure  of  Caesar  wielded  by  the 

*  libertus  a  rationibus  ',  which  Claudius 
may  possibly  have  increased.  Comp. 
Statius  [}.  c.)  on  the  duties  of  Pallas'  suc- 
cessor :  *  creditur  uni  sanctarum  digestus 
opum  partaeque  per  omnis  divitiae  popu- 
los  magnique  impendia  mundi.'  —  P.] 
Nipp.  notes  that  *  agere '  and  '  agitare  ali- 
quam  rem '  are  used  both  of  those  who 
really  fill  a  position  (as  i.  38,  i  ;  3.  41,  2), 
and  of  those  who  pretend  to  do  so  (as  2. 
36,  4  ;  H.  1.  1.),  and  that  here  the  verb 
is  taken  in  the  former  sense  ;  the  pretence 
being  signified  by  *  velut '. 

4.  degrediente,  '  going  from  the  Pa- 
latium'  (the  full  expression  occurs  in 
H.  3.  67,  2):  see  on  11.  21,  3.  The 
crowd  of  attendants  are  those  secured  to 
him  by  his  enormous  wealth  (12.  53,  5). 

5.  non  absurde,  '  not  without  wit ' : 
cp.  c.  45,  2,  and  note. 

ut  eiuraret.  This  term,  used  pro- 
perly of  the  oath  taken  by  magistrates  of 


the  state  on  resigning  office  (see  1 2.  4,  5), 
is  satirically  applied  to  the  freedman. 
It  was  usual  for  a  concourse  of  friends  to 
attend  on  such  occasions ;  so  the  allusion 
is  here  both  to  the  throng  following 
Pallas,  and  to  the  bargain  which  he  had 
made  (ironically  compared  to  the  oath  of  \ 
innocence). 

6.  in  praeterittun,  'going  back  over 
the  past.' 

interrogaretur,  *  should  be  called 
to  account  for ' ;  used  with  similar  genit. 
(like  verbs  of  accusing)  in  14.  46,  i  ;  16. 
2I,  3  ;  Sail.  Cat.  18,  2,  and  in  the  same 
sense,  without  genit.,  in  Cic.  p.  Dom.  29, 
77  ;  Liv.  38.  50,  8 ;  45.  37,  3.  The  term 
is  strictly  used  of  the  questions  put  by 
the  accuser  in  opening  the  suit. 

7.  paresque  .  .  .  haberet,  *  and  that 
his  account  with  the  state  should  be 
taken  as  balanced  ' :  so  Seneca  has  '  parem 
facere  rationem  '  (Ep.  19, 10),  or  'signare' 
(de  Ben.  6. 40,  2).  It  is  somewhat  question- 
able (see  Hirschf.  7  ;  Momms.  Staatsr.  ii. 
1000,  2)  how  far  this  passage  proves  that 
the  freedman  presiding  over  the  fiscus 
(see  Introd.  p.  29)  was  considered  ac- 
countable as  an  administrator  of  public 
moneys.  It  is  probable  that  '  res  publica' 
is  used  loosely  ;  for  we  can  hardly  sup- 
pose him  liable  to  render  account  to  any 
other  person  than  his  master,  who  how- 
ever would  no  doubt  regard  him  as  one 
of  his  public  officers,  like  the  procurators 
who  governed  provinces,  and  not  merely 
as  a  functionary  of  his  household.  [Pos- 
sibly the  phrase  refers  to  financial  trans 
actions  between  Pallas  as  controller  of  the 
*  fiscus  Caesaris '  and  the  public  treasury 
(aerarium  P.R.),  such  e.g.  as  the  loans 
not  infrequently  made  by  the  former  to 
the  latter.— P.] 

9.  quo  minus  =  ' quin  * :  cp.  i.  ai,  4, 
and  note. 


170 


CORN  ELI  I  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  55 


insitus  et  adoptivus  per  iniurias  matris  exerceret.     non  abnuere  4 
se  quin  cuncta  infelicis  domus  mala  patefierent,  suae  in  primis 
nuptiae,  suum  veneficium  :  id  solum  diis  et  sibi  provisum  quod 
viveret  privignus.     ituram  cum  illo   in  castra  ;    audiretur   hinc  5 
5  Germanici   filia,   inde    debilis    rursus    Burrus    et   exul    Seneca, 
trunca  scilicet  manu  et  professoria  lingua  generis  humani  regimen 
expostulantes.     simul  intendere  manus,  adgerere  probra,  conse-  6 
cratum    Claudium,    infernos   Silanorum   manis   invocare   et   tot 
inrita  facinora. 
10      15.  Turbatus  his  Nero  et  propinquo  die  quo  quartum  decimum  1 
aetatis  annum  Britannicus  explebat,  volutare  secum  modo  matris 
violentiam,  modo  ipsius  indolem,  levi  quidem  experimento  nuper 


1.  insitus,  *  an  intruder ' :  cp.  *igno- 
bilitatem  suam  .  .  .  inserit '  (6.  2,  2), 

per  iniurias  matris,  *  through  the 
iniquities  of  his  mother.'  The  context 
seems  in  favour  of  thus  giving  *  iniurias ' 
a  subjective  reference  (as  in  2.  54,  2,  &c.), 
rather  than  an  objective  (*  by  a  course  of 
insults  against  his  mother')  as  in  c.  19, 
3;  44,  7,  &c. 

non  abnuere  se  quin.  Dr.  notes 
that  this  expression  is  air.  dp. ;  but  that 

*  non  negare  quin '  is  found  in  Li  v.  (40. 
36,  2),  &c. 

3.  diis  et  sibi,  providence  and  her 
own  act  had  fortunately  spared  Britanni- 
cus from  sharing  his  father's  fate,  and 
had  made  thus  provision  for  punishing 
Nero. 

4.  castra:  see  12.  69,  3,  &c. 

5.  inde  debilis,  so  Halm,  Or.,  Nipp., 
after  Lips,  for  the  Med.  '  indebilis '.  The 
loss  of  a  syllable  is  a  common  error  in 
this   MS.,    and    *  debilis '    would    mean 

*  crippled  '  (as  in  Verg.  Aen.  5.  271,  &c.), 
and  would  be  explained  by  '  trunca  manu  *. 
Others  suppose  a  confusion  of  '  b '  and 
'v'  (also  common  in  Med.),  and  read 
(with  MS.  Agr.)  *  inde  vilis',  and  refer  the 
word  to  the  stigma  of  low  origin  resting 
on  him,  as  that  of  exile  rested  on  Seneca. 
But  he  is  not  known  to  have  been  of 
lower  origin  than  any  other  Roman 
knight,  [and  the  suggested  identification 
with  the  secretary  '  ab  epistulis  Graecis  ', 
who  would  probably  have  been  a  freedman 
(see  Introd.  p.  50,  3),  is  put  out  of  court 
by  the  Vaison  inscription,  supra,  12,  42, 
note.— P.] 

rursus.      Some    of   those    who    read 

*  vilis  '  would  take  this  word  closely  with 
it,  and  supply  it  again  with  '  exul',  sup- 
posing her  to  say  *  Burrus,  whom  I  can 


reduce  to  the  insignificance  from  which  I 
raised  him  (12.  42,  2),  and  Seneca,  whom 
I  can  send  back  to  the  exile  from  which 
I  rescued  him'  (12.  8,  3).  But,  whether 
the  reading  be  *  vilis '  or  *  debilis ',  Agrip- 
pina  must  be  here  speaking  of  them 
as  they  would  confront  her  at  the  camp, 
i.  e.  as  they  were,  not  as  she  would 
unmake  them  after  she  had  won  her 
victory.  *  Inde  rursus  '  would  mean 
'then  on  the  other  side'  (cp.  i.  80,  3, 
and  note). 

6.  trunca  .  .  .  manu.  Nothing  is  else- 
where known  of  the  mutilation  here  re- 
ferred to. 

professoria  lingua,  '  with  a  de- 
claimer's  tongue.'  The  adj.  seems  not 
elsewhere  used,  but  public  teachers  are 
called  '  professores '  by  Quint.,  &c. 

7.  expostulantes,  'demanding':  cp. 
c.  50,  2;   15.  53,  3,  &c. 

intendere  manus,  '  she  uses  ges- 
tures'  :  cp.  4.  3,  2. 

8.  Silanorum,  of  L.  and  M.  Silanus : 
see  12.  8,  I  ;  c.  i,  i. 

tot  inrita  facinora,  '  she  calls  up 
(*  apostrophizes ')  all  her  crimes  that  had 
done  no  good  ('  had  only  placed  Nero  in 
power'). 

10.  Turbatus  .  .  .  et  propinquo  die. 
Two  distinct  causes  of  Nero's  alarm  are 
t'nus  coupled  :  cp.  c.  9,  5,  &c. 

quartum  decimum,  dating  from 
his  birth  on  Feb.  13,  A.  D.  41  (see 
note  on  12.  25,  3).  The  birthday  would 
be  an  important  one,  as  he  would  be  of 
age  to  take  the  'toga  virilis  '  (see    12. 

41,  I)- 

11.  volutare  secum  :  cp.  4. 12, 3,  and 
note. 

12.  indolem.  On  the  intelligence  of 
Britannicus  see  12.  26,  3. 


A.  D.  55I 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP,    14,  15 


171 


2  cognitam,  quo  tamen  favorem  late  quaesivisset.     festis  Saturno 
diebiis   inter  alia   aequalium    ludicra   regnum  lusu  sortientium 

8  evenerat  ea  sors  Neroni.  igitur  ceteris  diversa  nee  ruborem 
adlatura  :  ubi  Britannico  iussit  exsurgeret  progressusque  in 
medium  cantum  aliquem  inciperet,  inrisum  ex  eo  sperans  pueri  5 
sobrios  quoque  convictus,  nedum  temulentos  ignorantis,  ille 
constanter  exorsus  est  carmen,  quo  evolutum  eum  sede  patria 
rebusque  summis  significabatur.    unde  orta  miseratio  manifestior, 

4  quia  dissimulationem  nox  et  lascivia  exemerat.     Nero  intellecta 
invidia  odium  intendit ;    urgentibusque  Agrippinae  minis,  quia  10 
nullum   crimen    neque    iubere   caedem    fratris    palam   audebat, 
occulta  molitur  pararique  venenum  iubet,  ministro  Pollione  lulio 
praetoriae  cohortis  tribuno,  cuius  cura  attinebatur  damnata  vene-  -^t^--  cwii, 

5  ficii  nomine  Locusta,  multa  scelerum  fama.     nam  ut  proximus 


levi  qtiidem.  All  edd.  have  fol- 
lowed Freinsh.  in  thus  correcting  the 
Med.  '  ut  quidam  ' ;  the  supposition  being 
that  the  first  syllable  of  '  levi '  was  lost  in 
the  last  of  '  indolem',  and  '  ui '  corrupted 
into  *  ut '. 

1.  quaesivisset  =  ' acquisivisset ' :  the 
subjunctive  is  used,  as  this  is  part  of 
Nero's  thought. 

festis  Saturno  diebus.  A  similar 
expression  for  the  Saturnalia  is  used  in  H. 
3.  78,  I.  Those  of  the  previous  Decem- 
ber are  here  meant,  the  occasion  on 
which  Seneca  had  produced  his  *  Ludus 
de  morte  Claiidii'.  The  'Saturnalia'  of 
Lucan  (anon,  vit.)  can  hardly  have  been 
written  quite  so  early. 

2.  regnum  lusu  sortientium.  Nipp. 
notes  that  '  sortientium  '  is  to  be  taken  as 
a  partitive  genit.  depending  on  *  Neroni', 
and  that  '  lusu '  is  taken  of  throwing  dice. 
So  Horace,  describing  a  similar  custom, 
says  (Od.  i.  4,  18),  *  nee  regna  vini  sorti- 
ere  talis.'  From  the  description  given  in 
Arrian,  Diss.  Epict.  i.  25,  8,  and  Lucian, 
Saturn.  4,  it  appears  that  the  '  king '  might 
give  any  fantastic  order  to  the  others,  and 
that  they  were  bound  to  obey. 

3.  diversa,  sc.  'iussit',  supplied  from 
the  following  clause :  cp.  3.  56,  3,  and 
note.  On  the  dat.  after  *  iubeo '  see  4. 
72,  2,  and  note.  The  construction  with 
subjunct.,  as  in  the  next  sentence,  is  found 
in  H.  2.  46,  2,  and  in  Ter,,  Liv.,  Ov. 

5.  cantum,  &c.  Tacitus  does  not  ap- 
pear to  support  the  stoiy  told  by  Suet. 
(Ner.  53),  that  Nero  was  jealous  of  the 
vocal  powers  of  Britannicus. 


6.  convictus  -^  '  convivia ' :  cp.  2.  28, 
3;  14.4,8;  G.  21,  2. 

7.  constanter,  '  with  self-possession ' : 
cp.  3.  6,  4;  6.  22,  4.  The  poem  was 
probably  not  an  '  impromptu '  but  a  quo- 
tation. 

evolutvun,  *  turned  out  of ' :  so  used 
with  *  integumentis '  (Cic.  de  Or.  2.  86, 
350),  and  thus  figuratively  with  'turba' 
(Ter.  Eun.  4.  4,  56),  •  praeda '  (Liv.  6. 
15,  5), 'bonis' (Sen.  Ep.  74,  3). 

9.  nox  et  lascivia.  Nipp.  explains 
the  use  of  the  singular  verb  by  noting 
that  the  two  conceptions  are  kept  separate : 
so  '  finis  sequendi  nox  et  satietas  fuit '  (Agr. 
37, 6).  For  instances  otherwise  explained 
cp.  12.  12,  3),  and  nole. 

10.  invidia, '  the  feeling  against  him' : 
cp.  12.  67,  2,  &c. 

intendit, '  increases ' :  cp.  2.  38,  6,  &c. 

11.  nullum  crimen,  sc.  'erat'  (cp.  6./ 
43,  I,  and  note).  Britannicus  was  liable | 
to  no  charge. 

12.  Pollione  lulio,  identified  by  some 
with  the  PoUio  mentioned  as  praef.  praet. 
in  Plut.  Oth.  18;  but  the  name  there  ap- 
pears to  be  an  error  for  Proculus  or 
Plotius. 

14.  Iiocusta,  already  described  in  la. 
66,  4.  Martina  is  similarly  described  as 
*  infamis  veneficiis'  in  2.  74.  2. 

nam,  &c.  This  refers  to  *parari 
venenum  iubet'  (the  words  '  ministro  .  .  . 
fama'  being  parenthetical).  In  such  a 
household  it  was  easy  to  get  poison  ad- 
ministered, when  once  prepared.  See  the 
account  o  f  his  surroundings  in  1 2.  26,  2  ; 
41,8. 


172 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  55 


quisque  Britannico  neque  fas  neque  fidem  pensi  haberet  olim 
provisum  erat.     primum  venenum  ab  ipsis  educatoribus  accepit  6 
tramisitque  exoluta  alvo  parum  valid  um,  sive  temperamentum 
inerat   ne   statim   saeviret.      sed    Nero   lenti   sceleris   impatiens  7 

5  minitari  tribuno,  iubere  supplicium  veneficae,  quod,  dum  rumorem 
respiciunt,    dum    parant    defensiones,    securitatem    morarentur. 
promittentibus    dein    tarn    praecipitem   necem   quam    si    ferro  8 
urgeretur,  cubiculum  Caesaris  iuxta   decoquitur  virus   cognitis 
antea  venenis  rapidum. 

10      16.  Mos  habebatur  principum  liberos  cum  ceteris  idem  aetatis  1 
nobilibus    sedentis  vesci    in  aspectu   propinquorum   propria   et 
parciore  mensa.     illic  epulante  Britannico,  quia  cibos  potusque  2 
eius    delectus    ex    ministris    gustu    explorabat,    ne   omitteretur 
institutum    aut   utriusque    morte  proderetur   scelus,  talis  dolus 

15  repertus  est.     innoxia  adhuc  ac  praecalida  et  libata  gustu  potio  3 


1.  pensi  haberet,  '  should  attach 
weight  to.'  On  this  genit.  see  Introd.  i. 
V.  §  32  f.,  also  *nec  pensi  duxerat'  (Val. 
Max.  2.  9,  3).  Older  writers  who  use 
the  expression  (as  Plaut.,  Sail.,  Liv.),  al- 
ways make  it  depend  on  a  neuter,  as 
'nihil '  (Sail.  Cat.  1 2,  2),  '  quicquam '  (Id. 
5,6). 

2.  educatoribus,  'his governors';  cp. 
II.  I,  2,  &c. 

3.  tramisit.  Cp.  the  symptoms  in  the 
case  of  Claudius  (12.  67,  i). 

temperamentum, '  some  dilution.' 

4.  sed  Nero.  Suet,  states  (Ner.  33)  that 
he  beat  Locusta  with  his  own  hand,  and 
when  she  pleaded  that  she  had  purposely 
given  slow  poison  to  escape  detection,  he 
said  'sane  legem  luliam  timeo'. 

5.  dum  .  .  ,  respiciunt.  On  such  in- 
dicative clauses  inserted  in  oratio  obliqua 
see  Introd.  i.  v.  49.  Here,  as  in  15.  59,  6, 
the  rhetorical  effect  is  heightened  by  the 
approach  to  oratio  recta. 

rumorem,  '  popular  outcry ' :  cp.  4. 
29,  2,  &c. 

7.  promittentibus,  abl.  abs. 

8.  cubiculum  Caesaris  iuxta.  This 
particular  form  of  anastrophe  (see  Introd. 
i.  v.  §  77)  is  noted  by  Dr.  as  rare  even  in 
Tacitus  (cp.  3-  I,  i;  U-  9>  3)- 

cognitis  .  .  .  rapidum,  'ascertained 
to  be  quick  by  testing  its  ingredients.' 
According  to  Suet.  (1.  1.),  Nero  had  it 
tried  on  a  kid,  which  lived  five  hours, 
then,  after  further  concentration  by  boil- 
ing down,  on  a  small  pig,  which,  died 


immediately.  He  then  ordered  it  to  be 
administered.  'Rapidum*  is  so  used  in 
12.  67,3. 

10.  habebatur,  '  was  kept  up  * :  cp.  i. 
73,  2,  and  note.  The  custom  of  Claudius 
is  described  in  Suet.  CI.  32  ('adhibebat 
omni  caenae  et  liberos  suos  cum  pueris 
puellisque  nobilibus,  qui  more  veteri  ad 
fulcra  lectorum  sedentes  vescerentur ')  ; 
that  of  Augustus  in  Suet.  Aug.  64  ('  ne- 
que caenavit  una,  nisi  ut  in  imo  lecto 
assiderent ').  See  also  Friedl.  i.  130; 
Marquardt,  Privatl.  300.  Tacitus  speaks 
in  the  past,  because,  from  the  time  here 
spoken  of  till  that  in  which  he  wrote, 
there  had  been  no  young  sons  of  prin- 
cipes.  Suet,  states  (Tit.  2)  that,  on  this 
occasion,  Titus  was  sitting  next  to  Bri- 
tannicus,  tasted  the  poison,  and  was  long 
and  seriously  ill  from  it. 

idem  aetatis,  a  similar  accus.  to  '  id 
aetatis  '  (5.  9,  3)  :  for  others  cp.  1 2.  8,  2  ; 
18,  I,  &c. ;  Dr.  Synt.  und  Stil,  §  44; 
Madvig,  238. 

11.  sedentis.  In  the  custom  of  Augus- 
tus and  Claudius,  this  posture  was  main- 
tained for  young  people  (Suet.  1. 1.).  Va- 
lerius Maximus  (2.  i,  2)  mentions  this  as 
a  former  custom  in  the  case  of  women 
('  feminae  cum  viris  cubantibus,  sedentes 
cenitabant '). 

13,  gustu  explorabat :  cp.  12.  66,  5, 
and  note. 

15.  praecalida.  The  potion  consisted 
of  the  favourite  hot  drink  of  mixed  wine 
and  water  called  '  caldum '  or  '  calda '. 


A.  D.  55] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP.    15-17 


173 


traditur  Britannico  ;  dein,  postquam  fervore  aspernabatur,  frigida 
in  aqua  adfunditur  venenum,  quod  ita  cunctos  eius  artus  pervasit 

4  ut  vox  pariter  et  spiritus  raperentur.  trepidatur  a  circum- 
sedentibus,  diffugiunt  imprudentes  :  at  quibus  altior  intellectus, 

6  resistunt  defixi  et  Neronem  intuentes.     ille  ut  erat  reclinis  et  5 
nescio  similis,  soUtum  ita  ait  per  comitialem  morbum  quo  prima 
ab  infantia  adflictaretur  Britannicus,  et  redituros  paulatim  visus 

6  sensusque.      at    Agrippinae   is    pavor,   ea   constematio   mentis, 
quamvis   vultu   premeretur,  emicuit  ut   perinde   ignaram  fuisse 
atque   Octaviam    sororem    Britannici    constiterit :    quippe    sibi  xo 
supremum  auxilium  ereptum  et  parricidii  exemplum  intellegebat. 

7  Octavia  quoque,  quamvis  rudibus  annis,  dolorem  caritatem, 
omnis  adfectus  abscondere  didicerat.  ita  post  breve  silentium 
repetita  convivii  laetitia. 

1      17.  Nox  eadem  necem  Britannici  et  rogum  coniunxit,  proviso  15 


I.  fervore,  abl.  of  objective  cause: 
see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  30. 

frigida  in  aqua,  &c.  In  the  tale  of 
the  poisoning  of  Alexander,  given  in  Just. 
12.  14,  9,  the  poison  is  represented  as 
introduced  in  the  same  way. 

3.  pariter  et.  Nipp.  notes  that  in 
Tacitus  this  expression  always  stands 
thus  between  the  words  coupled,  as  in 
c.  39>  3 ;  40>  2  ;  45,  2. 

raperentvir  =  *  eriperentur ',  as  in  2. 
71,  2,  &c. 

circumsedentibus,  the  young  *  no- 
biles  '  mentioned  above. 

4.  imprudentes,  those  who  did  not 
understand  what  had  happened. 

5.  resistunt,  '  keep  their  seats ' :  this 
verb  is  often  used  of  keeping  in  the  same 
position  or  posture. 

defixi,  'rooted':  cp.  c.  5,  3;  i.  68, 
2,  &c. 

reclinis,  only  elsewhere  used  by  Tacitus 
in  14.  5,2,  and  in  no  earlier  prose  (Introd. 
i.  V.  §  70). 

6.  nescio  similis,  'as  if  unconscious' 
of  what  had  really  happened  :  cp. '  ignaro 
propior'  (11.  35,  i). 

ita,  referring  generally  to  what  has  pre- 
ceded, as  in  1 2. 1 2,  2,  &c.  Ritt.  needlessly 
alters  to  '  id '. 

comitialem  morbum,  epilepsy,  so 
I  called  because  its  occurrence  broke  up 
jthe  comitia  (Fest.  s.  v.  '  prohibere'). 
[Much  is  said  about  the  disease  in  Plin. 
N.  H. 

prima,  the   correction   of   MS.  Agr. 


for  Med.  *  primum ',  which  Walth.  would 
defend  by  14.  63,  4  (where  see  note). 

9.  premeretur,  *  it  was  repressed ' :  so 
in  I.  4,  3;  3.  II,  2  ;  6.  50,  5,  &c.  Her 
self-control  can  be  illustrated  from  14. 

5,7. 

emicuit  (here  alone  in  Tacitus),  *  flashed 
out,'  betrayed  itself  in  a  sudden  expression 
of  countenance,  immediately  suppressed. 

ut  .  .  .  constiterit,  for  the  tense  cp. 
I.  80,  4,  and  note. 

10.  atqtie.  All  recent  edd.  have  fol- 
lowed Faern.  in  making  this  insertion  from 
some  inferior  MSS.  *  Ac '  or  *  quam  *  have 
also  been  inserted. 

1 1 .  exemplum,  •  a  precedent ' :  cp.  6, 
10,  2,  &c. 

12.  quoque.  Nipp.  points  out  that  this 
is  referred  in  sense  to  '  quamvis  .  .  .  pre- 
meretur '.  She,  as  well  as  Agrippina,  had 
learnt  to  conceal  her  emotions. 

15.  Nox  .  .  .  coniunxit:  cp.  *nox  ea- 
dem ,  .  .  tulit'  (2.  14,  i),  and  other  such 
personifications  instanced  in  Introd.  i.  v. 
§  75.  A  story  is  given  by  Dio  (61.  7,  4) 
and  repeated  by  Zonaras  (11.  12,  568), 
that  the  body  was  covered  with  chalk  to 
hide  the  livid  effects  of  poison,  but  that 
the  rain  washed  it  off.  Their  accounts 
would  imply  that  the  burning  look  place 
not  at  night  but  on  the  following  day :  so 
Suet.  (Ner.  33)  says  'postero  die  raptim 
inter  maximos  imbres  tralaticio  extulit 
funere'.  But  the  explanation  given  in 
the  edict  (see  notes  on  §  4)  supports  the 
account  of  Tacitus. 


174 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  55 


ante  funebri  paratu,  qui  modicus  fuit.     in  campo  tamen  Martis  2 
sepultus  est  adeo  turbidis  imbribus,  ut  vulgus  iram  deum  por- 
tendi  crediderit  adversus  facinus  cui   plerique  etiam   hominum 
ignoscebant,  antiquas  fratrum  discordias  et  insociabile  regnum 

5  aestimantes.    tradunt  plerique  eorum  temporum  scriptores  crebris  3 
ante  exitium  diebus  illusum  isse  pueritiae  Britannici  Neronem, 
ut  iam  non  praematura  neque  saeva  mors  videri  queat,  quamvis 
inter  sacra  mensae,  ne  tempore  quidem  ad  complexum  sororum 
dato,   ante    oculos    inimici    properata    sit    in    ilium    supremum 

lo  Claudiorum    sanguinem,   stupro   prius    quam  veneno  poUutum. 
festinationem  exequiarum  edicto  Caesar  defendit,  ita  maioribus  4 


I.  in  campo  tamen  Martis,  i.e.  in 
the  mausoleum  of  Augustus  (see  note  on 
I.  8,  6).  *  Sepultus'  is  used  of  the  depo- 
sition of  his  ashes. 

3.  plerique  etiam  hominum.  Halm 
and  Dr.  follow  Heins.  in  reading  *  tamen  * 
for  the  Med. '  etiam ',  which  however  gives 
a  good  sense ;  the  idea  being  that  human 
judgement  was  less  likely  than  the  divine 
to  consider  extenuating  circumstances,  yet 
even  among  men  sufficient  excuse  was 
found  to  make  it  most  unlikely  that  the 
supposed  indications  of  divine  displeasure 
were  really  such.  The  lax  moral  judge- 
ment here  shown  has  been  remarked,  and 
is  due,  as  Nipp.  points  out,  to  the  preva- 
lence of  such  crimes  in  arcient  monarchies, 

4.  antiquas,  i.  e.  such  as  are  repre- 
isented  in  the  legends  of  Atreus  and 
JThyestes,  Eteocles  and  Polynices,  Romu- 
Uus  and  Remus,  and  in  the  history  of 
lArtaxerxes  and  his  brother  Cyrus  :  cp. 
*  solita  fratribus  odia '  (4.  60,  5). 

/  insociabile  regnum,  '  that  despotism 
{bears  no  partner '  :  cp.  *  ob  infidam  socie- 
tatem  regni '  in  Liv.  i.  14,  3  (who  appears 
to  follow  Ennius).  The  same  excuse 
(oiKOivdiVTjTOV  apXHi  Offffios  (pvcfoos  olkivt]- 
Tos)  is  represented  by  Philo  (Leg.  10. 
p.  1 001)  as  made  by  public  opinion  for 
the  murder  of  Tiberius  Gemellus  by  Gains. 
'  Insociabilis '  is  a  rare  word,  used  of  per- 
sons in  4.  12,  6  ;  15.  68,  3  ;  of  a  nation  in 
Liv.  37.  I,  4. 

5.  aestimantes,  *  taking  into  account  : 
cp.  15.  2,  4;  also  '  aestimare  an'  (in  the 
sense  of  'calculating')  in  H.  2,  76,  2  ;  4. 
81,4.  The  Med.  text  '  extimantes' (cp. 
H.  I.  14,  2  ;  16,  4,  &c.)  led  some  inferior 
MSS.  and  the  old  edd.  to  read  'existi- 
mantes'  (cp.  c.  42,  6). 


eorum   temporum    scriptores :    cp. 

12.67,  I. 

6.  illusum  isse :  so  all  recent  edd. 
after  Lips,  for  Med.  'esse'.  For  this 
sense  of  'illudere'  cp.  15.  72,  4;  for  the 
use  of  '  ire  ',4.  i,  2,  &c. 

7.  ut  iam  non  .  .  .  queat.  His  death 
was  felt  to  have  come  too  late  rather  than 
too  soon,  and  to  have  been  the  lesser 
outrage.  '  Saevum  '  is  thus  used  of  some- 
thing atrocious  in  i.  35,  7,  &c, 

8.  sacra  mensae,  repeated  in  15,  52,  2  j 
(with  '  dique  hospitales '),     The  allusion  \ 
is  probably  to  the  customary  libations  at  I 
a  meal  to  the  Lares  and  Penates.     Nipp. 
would  take  '  sacra  '  as  '  the  sanclity  '  (cp. 
2.  65,  4,  and  note),  and  understand  it  of 
the  inviolability  of  the  guest. 

sororum.  As  only  Octavia  was  pre- 
sent (c.  16,  6),  it  has  been  thought  that 
'  sorori '  should  be  read  (with  inferior 
MSS.) ;  but  the  two  sisters  are  coupled 
as  his  nearest  relatives.  Cp.  *  adeo  pro- 
pere  ut  non  complecti  liberos  .  .  .  per- 
mitteret'  (15.  60,  i). 

9.  properata:  for  the  passive  cp.  2.  6, 
2,  &c. 

supremum  Claudiorum  sanguinem. 
He  was  the  last  male  bom  into  that  great 
patrician  family ;  Nero,  though  not  with- 
out a  share  of  Claudian  blood,  being  only 
entitled  to  the  name  of  Claudius  by  adop- 
tion. 

II.  defendit,  '  justified  '  or  *  excused  '. 
It  may  be  presumed  that  this  edict,  like 
his  other  utterances  at  this  date,  was  com- 
posed by  Seneca.  The  defence  appears 
to  justify  only  the  privacy  of  the  funeral, 
not  the  '  festinatio'. 

ita :  so  Halm  and  Dr.  Med.  has  *  id ', 
with '  a '  added  above  the  line  :  Ritt.  reads 


A.  D.  55] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP.   17,  18 


175 


institutum  referens,  subtrahere  oculis  acerba  funera  neque  lauda- 
5  tionibus  aut  pom  pa  detinere.  ceterum  et  sibi  amisso  fratris 
auxilio  reliquas  spes  in  re  publica  sitas,  et  tanto  magis  fovendum 
patribus  populoque  principem  qui  unus  superesset  e  familia 
summum  ad  fastigium  genita.  5 

1  18.  Exim  largitione  potissimos  amicorum  auxit.  nee  defuere 
qui  arguerent  viros  gravitatem  adseverantis,  quod  domos  villas 

2  id  temporis  quasi  praedam  divisissent.  alii  necessitatem  ad- 
hibitam  credebant  a  principe  sceleris  sibi  conscio  et  veniam 
sperante,  si  largitionibus  validissimum    quemque   obstrinxisset.  10 

3  at  matris  ira  nulla  munificentia  leniri,  sed  amplecti  Octaviam, 
crebra  cum  amicis  secreta  habere,  super  ingenitam  avaritiam 
undique  pecunias  quasi  in  subsidium  corripiens  ;  tribunos  et  cen- 
turiones  comiter  excipere,  nomina  et  virtutes  nobilium,  qui  etiam 
tum   supererant,  in   honore  habere,  quasi    quaereret  ducem  et  15 


*  iam  a ' ;  Orelli  and  Nipp.  *  maioribus ' 
alone. 

I.  subtrahere  oculis  :  cp.  *  teque 
aspectu  ne  subtrahe  nostro '  ( Verg.  Aen.  6. 
465).  Elsewhere  Tacitus  has  *  subtrahere 
oculos'  (3.  53,  1,  &c.).  The  ancient  Ro- 
man custom  by  which  all  funerals  were 
conducted  at  night  survived  in  the  case 
of  those  whose  friends  could  not  afford 
expensive  ceremonies,  and  also  in  the  case 
of  those  who  had  died  prematurely,  *  ne 
funere  immaturae  subolis  domus  funesta- 
retur  '  (Serv.  on  Verg.  Aen.  11.  143).  See 
Sen.  de  Brev.  vit.  20,  5,  Plut.  'Cons,  ad 
ux.'  II,  p.  612,  and  other  passages  quoted 
in  Marquardt,  Privatl.  343.  The  other 
explanation  given  by  Muretus  (see  Coning- 
ton  on  Verg.  Aen.  6.  429)  appears  to  be 
fanciful. 

^  acerba,  *  premature ' :  this  metaphor 
jfrom  unripe  fruit  ii~also  in  Vergil,  who 
uses  '  acerbum  funus '  of  those  who  die  in 
childhood  (Aen.  6.  429)  or  in  early  man- 
hood (11.  28).  Seneca  appears  to  have 
been  fond  of  the  expression  (see  Cons, 
ad  Marc.  9,  2  ;  17,  7 ;  de  Ira,  3.  25,  i  ; 
Ep.  122,  10). 

3.  spes  in  re  publica  sitas  :  cp.  the 
expressions  of  Tiberius  at  the  death  of 
Drusus  (4.  8,  4).  The  words  here  used 
point  rather  to  the  hope  of  public  sym- 
pathy. 

4.  familia,  the  Claudian :  for  *  sum- 
mum  ad  fastigium'  cp.  3.  29,  2,  and 
note. 

6.  largitione  .  .  .  auxit.  For  the  sense 


of  'augere'  cp.  2.  2,  2,  &c.  Munificent 
gifts  to  friends  from  the  princeps  were  not 
uncommon  (see  c.  34,  2,  3  ;  Friedl.  i,  125); 
but  the  occasion  gave  rise  to  suspicion. 
Besides  these  '  amicorum  potissimi '  (by 
whom  the  '  cohors  primae  admissionis ' 
may  be  meant),  it  appears  that  even  Lo- 
custa  received  pardon  for  former  charges, 
and  also  presents  and  estates  (Suet.  Ner. 

33).  ,    . 

7.  gravitatem  adseverantis,  '  whol 
made  profession  of  austerity.'  For  thisj 
unusual  sense  of  '  adsevero  '  cp.  that  of 
*  adseveratio '  in  2.  31,  4,  &c. ;  for  that 
of  'gravitas'  cp.  '  gravitas  morum  '  (15. 
48,  4).  The  allusion  is  especially  tol 
Seneca  (in  a  less  degree  also  to  Burrus),! 
whose  defence  may  be  gathered  from  14.  J 
53,  6,  and  from  passages  in  his  own 
writings,  such  as  '  nemo  in  id  accipiendo 
obligatur  quod  illi  repudiare  non  licuit' 
(de  Ben.  2.  18,  7). 

8.  id  temporis  :  cp.  12.  8,  2,  and 
note. 

1 1 .  amplecti  Octaviam,  apparently  a 
figure  for  supporting  her  interests:  cp.  15. 
59»6. 

12.  secreta  :  cp.  c.  12,  2,  &c. 
ingenitam    avaritiam:     cp.     la.    7, 

7,  &c.,  where  it  is  added  *  quasi  subsidium 
regno  pararetur '.  . 

1 4.  etiam  tum.     On  the  decay  of  the 
old  families  see   11.  25,  3,  &c.     Tacitus  I 
is  writing  after  their  almost  total  extinc- 
tion under  Domitian. 


176 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D. 


55 


partis,      cognitum   id    Neroni,   excubiasque    militaris,   quae   ut  4 
coniugi  imperatoris  olim,  turn  ut  matri  servabantur,  et  Germanos 
nuper  eundem  in  honorem  custodes  additos  degredi  iubet.    ac  ne  5 
coetu  salutantium  frequentaretur,  separat   domum    matremque 
5  transfert  in  earn  quae  Antoniae  fuerat,  quoties  ipse  illuc  ventitaret, 
saeptus  turba  centurionum  et  post  breve  osculum  digrediens. 

19.  Nihil  rerum  mortalium  tarn  instabile  ac  fluxum  est  quam  1 
fama  potentiae  non  sua  vi  nixae.  statim  relictum  Agrippinae 
limen  :  nemo  solari,  nemo  adire  praeter  paucas  feminas,  amore 
10  an  odio  incertas.  ex  quibus  erat  lunia  Silana,  quam  matrimonio  2 
C.  Sili  a  Messalina  depulsam  supra  rettuli,  insignis  genere  forma 
lascivia,  et  Agrippinae  diu  percara,  mox  occultis  inter  eas  ofifen- 
sionibus,  quia  Sextium  Africanum  nobilem   iuvenem  a  nuptiis 


1.  excubias,  the  sentinels  of  prae- 
torians at  her  doors,  as  distinct  from  the 
body-guard  ('custodes')  attending  her 
when  she  went  out.  Tacitus  does  not  imply 
that  such  an  honour  to  the  wife  or  mother 
of  the  princeps  was  unusual,  but  there 
appears  to  be  no  other  mention  of  it. 

2.  Germanos  :  see  i.  24,  3,  and  note. 

3.  nuper  eundem  in  honorem  :  so 
recent  edd.,  after  Bott.,  for  Med.  '  super 
eundem  honorem ',  which  has  been  ex- 
plained as  '  besides  that  mark  of  honour ' 
(the  *  excubiae  '),  but  which  would  require 
*  eum '  instead  of  '  eundem  '. 

degredi  (cp.  c.  14,  i,  &c.),  here 
read  by  all  recent  edd.  after  Ern.,  for 
Med.  'digredi'. 

4.  coetu  salutantium.  Probably  those 
jwho  paid  the  daily  visit  of  ceremony  to 
himself  would  take  the  same  opportunity 
of  paying  attention  to  her.  Her  removal 
to  another  house  would  stop  this,  besides 
conveying  a  hint  to  all  courtiers  that  such 
visits  to  her  were  no  longer  pleasing  to 
him.  For  the  use  of  *  frequentari '  cp.  5. 
10,  3,  &c. 

5.  Antoniae.  Nipp.  and  others  would 
insert  '  aviae '  or  '■  proaviae  ',  thinking  that 
Tacitus  would  not  have  failed  to  indicate 
which  Antonia  were  meant,  the  one  being 
the  paternal  grandmother,  the  other  the 
maternal  great-grandmother  of  Nero  (see 
Introd.  i.  ix.  pp.  140,  146).  It  is  probable 
that  the  latter  is  meant,  but  that,  as  far 
the  best  known  of  the  two,  she  was  not 
further  described.  The  palace  of  Antonia 
in  Rome  was  a  great  centre  of  social  and 
political  influence  during  the  period  of 


Tiberius'  absence  in  Capri.     Gaius  was 
brought  up  there. 

quoties,  with  subjunct.  of  action 
frequently  repeated  :  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  52. 

6.  breve  osculum,  *  a  hasty  kiss ' :  so 
in  Agr.  40.  3. 

7.  rerum  mortalium,  *in  human 
affairs ' :  cp.  '  mentem  mortalia  tangunt ' 
(Verg.  Aen.  i.  462),  and  the  frequent  use 
of  '  mortales  '  for  human  beings. 

fluxum,  *  transient '  :  cp.  '  fluxa  au- 
ctoritas'   (H.  i.  21,  4)  :    'fides'  (H.    2. 

75,  4). 

8.  nixae ;  so  most  edd.  after  Lips,  for 
Med.  '  nixa ',  which  Ern.  and  Walth.  retain 
and  defend,  but  which  seems  to  fail  to  give 
a  good  sense. 

TO.  odio,  the  desire  of  seeing  her  fallen 
state. 

incertas,  used  as  in  11.  9,  i. 

11.  supra  rettuli,  11.  12,  i. 

12.  occultis  ofifensionibus,  abl.  abs. 

13.  Sextium  Africanum,  mentioned 
again  in  14.  46,  2  ;  also  (with  praen.  '  T.') 
as  one  of  the  Arvales  from  about  A.D.  54- 
66  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  I.  2034,  2039-2042),  also 
as  coss.  suff.  with  M.  Ostorius  Scapula 
(12.  31,  7)  in  Sept.  A.D.  59  (Id.  2042). 
His  surname  would  show  him  to  have.' 
descended  from  T.  Sextius,  known  as  a 
legatus  of  Caesar  in  Gaul  (B.  G.  6.  i,  i, 
&c.),  and  as  afterwards  holding  procon-l 
sular  command  in  Numidia,  where  he 
played  an  important  part,  especially  as/ 
a  partisan  of  Antonius,  during  the  early/ 
years  of  the  triumvirate,  B.C.  43-40  (Dio, 
48.  21,  i;  App.  B.C.  3.  85  ;  4.  53;  5. 12  r 
26 ;  75)- 


A.  D.  55] 


LIBER  XIII,      CAP.   18-20 


177 


Silanae  deterruerat  Agrippina,  impudicam  et  vergentem  annis 
dictitans,  non  ut   Africanum   sibi  seponeret,  sed  ne  opibus  et 

3  orbitate  Silanae  maritus  poteretur.  ilia  spe  ultionis  oblata 
parat  accusatores  ex  clientibus  suis,  Iturium  et  Calvisium, 
non  Vetera  et  saepius  iam  audita  deferens,  quod  Britannici  5 
mortem  lugeret  aut  Octaviae  iniurias  evulgaret,  sed  destinavisse 
eam  Rubellium  Plautum,  per  maternam  originem  pari  ac  Nero 
gradu  a  divo  Augusto,  ad  res  novas  extollere  coniugioque  eius  et 

4  imperio  rem  publicam  rursus  invadere.     haec  Iturius  et  Calvisius 
Atimeto,  Domitiae  Neronis  amitae  liberto,  aperiunt.     qui  laetus  10 
oblatis  (quippe  inter  Agrippinam  et  Domitiam  infensa  aemulatio 
exercebatur)  Paridem  histrionem,  libertum  et  ipsum  Domitiae, 
impulit  ire  propere  crimenque  atrociter  deferre. 

1      20.  Provecta  nox  erat  et  Neroni  per  vinolentiam  trahebatur, 
cum  ingreditur  Paris,  solitus  alioquin  id  temporis  luxus  principis  15 


1.  vergentem  annis :  cp.  2.  43,  i, 
and  note. 

2.  opibus  et  orbitate,  hendiadys  for 
'opibus  orbae',  like  *  orbitate  et  pecunia' 
(14.40,  i).  On  the  power  of  'orbitas' 
see  3.  25,  2,  and  note.  In  this  case, 
Agrippina,  whose  avarice  is  noted  (12.  7, 
7,  &c.),  might  expect  a  share  of  her 
friend's  wealth  for  herself;  but  would 
be  naturally  supplanted  by  the  husband. 

4.  Itxiriiim  et  Calvisium:  see  c.  22, 

3;  14.  12,  6. 
6.  iniurias,  the  slights  put  upon  her 

by  Nero  (see  c.   12,   2);  on  'evulgare' 

cp.  14.  14.  5,  and  note. 
[      7.  Bubellium  Plautum,  son  of  Ru- 

bellius  Blandus  and    Julia,  daughter    of 
!  Drusus  the  son  of  Tiberius  (see  Introd.  i. 

ix.  p.  141).     For  his  subsequent   virtual 

exile,  and  for  his  death,  see  14.   22,  5  ; 

59.  3- 

pari  ac  Nero.  Ritt.  and  Jacob  follow 
Heins.  in  reading  •  Neronem ',  but  most 
others  retain  the  nominative,  defending 
it  by  treating  the  sentence  as  paren- 
thetical, and  no  part  of  the  charge  against 
Agrippina,  but  a  remark  of  the  historian, 
equivalent  to  *  qui  pari  gradu  .  .  .  erat '. 
This  *  parity  of  gradation '  is  arrived  at 
by  taking  Tiberius  as  the  (adoptive)  son 
of  Augustus;  from  whom  Plautus  could 
otherwise  boast  no  lineal  descent,  though 
his  mother  Julia  was  descended,  through 
her  mother,  from  Octavia. 

8.  et  imperio.  So  Nipperdey  for  Med. 
'  etiam  perio '.  Many  editors  follow  Gro- 
novius  in  reading  *  et  iam  imperio ';  *  iam  ' 


would  then  have  the  force  of  '  mox ' :  by 
marrying  him,  and  then  raising  him  to 
the  principate,  she  would  again  engross 
the  whole  power  of  the  state. 

10.  Donaitiae,  sister  of  DomitiaLepida 
(11.  37,  4)  :  for  her  descent  and  affinities 
see  Introd.  i.  ix.  p.  140.  The  enmity  here 
mentioned  was  probably  of  long  standing ; 
for  Crispus  Passienus  (see  6.  20,  2,  and' 
note),  the  husband  of  Domitia  (Quint.  6. 
1 ,  50),  divorced  her  to  marry  Agrippina. 
A  story  is  given  by  Suet.  (Ner.  34)  and 
Dio  (61.  17,  i),  that  Nero,  soon  after  the 
murder  of  his  mother,  caused  her  to  be 
poisoned,  in  order  to  get  her  property. 

12.  Paridem  histrionem.  On  the 
histriones  see  i.  54,  3,  and  note.  Paris  is 
mentioned  again  in  c.  27,  7.  Nero  put 
him  to  death  in  A.D.  67  ;  according  to 
Suet.  (Ner.  54),  because  he  looked  on 
him  as  a  rival  in  art,  according  to  Dio 
(63.  18,  I ),  because  he  would  not  instruct 
him  in  it.  Another  actor  of  the  name  is 
known  in  Domitian's  time  (Juv.  6,  87  ;  7, 
87,  &c.). 

13.  impulit,  with  inf.  as  in  6.  45,  5, 
&c.,  and  in  poets  and  Li  v. :  so  also  *  per- 
pellere '  is  used  in  6.  33,  i,  and  many  other 
verbs  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  43). 

atrociter,  *  adding  to  its  horrors ' : 
cp.  *  atrociore  .  .  .  fama '  (4.  11,  3), '  atro- 
cius  vero  '  (4.  21,  4). 

15.  alioquin,  *  at  other  times ' :  cp.  3. 
8,  4,  &c. 

luxus  .  .  .  intendere,  'to  stimulate 
his  excesses,'  by  wanton  dances. 


N 


178 


CORNELII  TACITl  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D. 


55 


intendere,  sed  tunc  compositus  ad  maestitiam,  expositoque 
indicii  ordine  ita  audientem  exterret  ut  non  tantum  matrem 
Plautumque  interficere,  sed  Burrum  etiam  demovere  praefectura 
destinaret  tamquam  Agrippinae  gratia  provectum  et  vicem 
5  redden  tern.  Fabius  Rusticus  auctor  est  scriptos  esse  ad  Caecinam  2 
Tuscum  codicillos,  mandata  ei  praetoriarum  cohortium  cura,  sed 
ope  Senecae  dignationem  Burro  retentam  :  Plinius  et  Cluvius  3 
nihil  dubitatum  de  fide  praefecti  referunt ;  sane  Fabius  inclinat 
ad  laudes  Senecae,  cuius  amicitia  floruit,     nos  consensum  aucto-  4 

10  rum  secuturi,  quae  diversa  prodiderint  sub  nominibus  ipsorum 
trademus.     Nero   trepidus  et   interficiendae  matris  avidus  non  5 
prius   differri   potuit  quam   Burrus  necem   eius   promitteret,   si 
facinoris  coargueretur  :    sed  cuicumque,  nedum  parenti  defen- 
sionem  tribuendam  ;  nee  accusatores  adesse,  sed  vocem  unius  ex 

1 5  inimica  domo  adferri :   reputaret  tenebras  et  vigilatam  convivio 
noctem  omniaque  temeritati  et  inscitiae  propiora. 


1.  compositus  in  maestitiam,  re- 
peated from  H.  2.  9,  2  :  cp.  3.  44,4,  and 
note. 

2.  ordine,  *  the  detail ' ;  so  *  ordo 
negotii'  (2.  27,  i), 'sceleris'  (4.  11,4), 
'  fraudis'  (4.  69,  5). 

4.  tamquam,  here  used  of  a  real 
ground  :  cp.  3.  72,  4,  and  note.  On  the 
obligation  of  Burrus  to  Agrippina  see  12. 
42,  2. 

5.  Fabius  Kusticus.  On  this  writer 
and  Cluvius  Rufus,  and  on  the  historical 
works  of  Pliny,  see  Introd.  i.  ii.  pp. 
12-13. 

Caecinam  Tuscum.  According  to 
Suet.  (Ner.  34)  and  Dio  (63.  18,  i),  this 
person  was  son  of  Nero's  nurse,  and 
became  afterwards  praefect  of  Egypt,  and 
was  sent  thence  into  banishment,  in  the 
last  year  of  Nero,  for  using  a  bath  pre- 
pared for  his  master.  He  afterwards 
returned  to  Rome  (H.  3.  38,  2). 

6.  codicillos,  so  used  of  letters  patent 
conferring  important  appointments  in 
Agr.  40,  2;  Suet.  Cal.  18,  &c.  See 
Hirschf.  Unters.  p.  266. 

8.  nihil  dubitatum  referunt,  prob- 
ably to  be  taken  (with  Nipp.)  as  equiva- 
lient  to  *  dubitatum  non  referunt ' ;  the  nega- 
tion being  in  sense  taken  with  the  verb. 

sane,  concessive  (i.  10,  2,  &c.),  here 
giving  a  reason  for  distrusting  Rusticus. 

10.  secuturi,  '  inasmuch  as  we  intend 
to  follow ' :  on  this  concise  use  of  the 
participle  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  54  d.     The 


future  tense  need  not  be  taken  to  indicate 
a  new  departure,  but  may  describe  the 
course  which  he  has  taken  and  still 
means  to  take.  It  seems  needless  to 
insert  *  horum '  with  Nipp.  ['  quae '  is 
the  reading  of  G.  Med.  gives  *  qui '. 
Halm,  following  a  suggestion  of  Walther, 
gives  *  si  qui '. — F.] 

12.  differri,  'to  be  turned  from  his 
purpose,'  persuaded  to  suspend  his  inten- 
tion, apparently  a  pregnant  constr.  for 
'  adduci  ut  differret '.  Dr.  appears  right 
in  distinguishing  this  from  the  ordinary 
sense  of  '  differre  aliquem ',  of  which  Nipp. 
gives  several  instances  (2.  36,  2,  &c.). 

13.  nedum.     See  11.  27,  1,  and  note. 

14.  accusatores,  Iturius  and  Calvisius  ; 
'  vocem  unius ',  sc.  '  Atimeti ' :  '  adferri ' 
would  imply  that  even  he  was  only 
reported  through  Paris. 

15.  reputaret  ;  so  all  recent  edd.  after 
Lips,  for  Med.  '  refutare ',  which  gives  no 
good  sense.  '  p  '  and  '  f '  are  often  con- 
fused, and  the  final  *  t '  can  have  been  lost 
in  the  next  word.  He  urges,  in  plea  of 
suspension  of  judgement,  that  Nero  should 
reflect  how  late  it  was,  that  the  night  had 
been  spent  in  feasting  (§1),  and  that  the 
whole  story  had  an  air  of  recklessness  and 
ignorance  (seemed  like  a  reckless  asser- 
tion of  ignorant  people),  and  should  not 
be  so  hastily  believed. 

convivio  =  'per  convivium',  modal 
abl.  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  28). 

16.  omniaque  .  .  .  propiora.     This 


I 


A.  D.  55] 


LIBER  XIIL      CAP,  20,   21 


179 


1  21.  Sic  lenito  principis  metu  et  luce  orta  itur  ad  Agrippinam, 

2  lit  nosceret  obiecta  dissolveretque  vel  poenas  lueret.  Burrus  iis 
mandatis  Seneca  coram  fungebatur ;  aderant  et  ex  libertis  arbitri 
sermonis.    deinde  a  Burro,  postquam  crimina  et  auctores  exposuit, 

3  minaciter   actum,     et   Agrippina   ferociae   memor   'non   miror' 5 
inquit  *  Silanam,  numquam  edito  partu,  matrum  adfectus  ignotos 
habere  ;  neque  enim  proinde  a  parentibus  liberi  quam  ab  im- 

4  pudica  adulter!  mutantur.  nee  si  Iturius  et  Calvisius  adesis 
omnibus  fortunis  novissimam  suscipiendae  accusationis  operam 
anui  rependunt,  ideo  aut   mihi   infamia    parricidii  aut  Caesari  10 


might  also  mean  that  aft  the  circum- 
stances of  the  movement  tended  to  prompt 
a  hasty  and  ignorant  judgement ;  a  mean- 
ing less  suitable  to  *  propiora  ',  but  more 
in  accordance  with  the  context. 

1.  et  luce  orta.  Two  ablatives  abso- 
lute, the  one  denoting  a  change  of  time 
and  the  other  an  action,  are  thus  coupled 
in  I.  29,  I ;  15.  72,  I,  &c. 

2.  ut  nosceret  obiecta,  '  that  she 
might  hear  the  charges  against  her ' :  cp. 

13.  60,  3,  and  note. 

3.  arbitri,  '  as_  witnesses  '  (cp.  16.  11, 
j  6),  to  report  if  Seneca  or  Burrus  showed 

want  of  firmness.  Freedmen  are  similarly 

I  employed  as  confidants  of  the  prince  also 

to  see  sentences  executed  (cp.  11.  37,  4  ; 

14.  59»  3)- 

5.  [There  seems  no  reason  to  disturb 
the  reading  of  Med.  here :   Halm  reads 

»'  actum    est ' —  Rhenanus    preferred    to 
•      bracket 'et'.—F.] 
ferociae,  'spirit':  cp.  i.  13,  6,  &c. 

6.  ignotos  habere,  an  analogous  ex- 
pression to  '  cognitum  habere '.  Dr.  com- 
pares '  ignotos  . .  .  habuisset'  in  Sen.  Ep. 
79,  15,  and  the  use  by  Tacitus  of  'prae- 
sumptum  habeant'  (  = '  praesumant ')  in 
14.  64,  5. 

7.  proinde  .  .  .  quam.  The  MSS. 
vary  in  expressions  of  this  kind  between 
'  perinde '  and  *  proinde '  (the  abbreviated 
forms  of  which  are  very  similar).  The 
first  Med.  has  '  perinde  quam'  in  2.  i,  2 ; 
5>  3 ;  6.  30,  4 ;  and  *  perinde  quam  si '  in 
I-  73»  h  \  t>ut  '  proinde  quam '  in  4.  20,  6. 
The  second  Med.  has  '  perinde  quam '  in 
II.  10,  5;  14.  48,  3:  15.  21,3;  'perinde 
quam  si '  in  c.  49,  3 ;  *  perinde  ac '  (or 
'atque')  in  12.  12,  2;  H.  3.  i8,  2  ;  but, 
on  the  other  hand,  'proinde  quam'  here 
and  in  15.  42,  I ;  44,  5  ;  H.  i.  30,  8 ;  2. 
27,  i;    35,  2;   39,6;  3.  58,  4;  4-52,  I ; 

l^H     72*5;    *  proinde  quasi '  in  c.  47,  4 ;  '  pro- 

I 


inde  ac  si'  in  12.  60,  3  (where  see  note). 
Ritt.  and  Orelli  alter  these  so  as  to  read 
uniformly  '  perinde ' ;  Halm,  with  some 
apparent  inconsistency,  retains  '  proinde ' 
in  4.  20,  6;  15.  42,  i ;  44,  5  ;  H.  i.  30, 
8,  and  alters  all  the  others.  I  have  pre- 
ferred to  follow  Nipp.  in  retaining  the 
variation  shown  by  the  MSS. ,  on  the  sup- 
position that  Tacitus  designedly  varied 
these,  as  he  has  varied  so  many  other 
expressions.  '  Proinde  quam'  is  found  in 
Plaut.  True.  2.  3,  3;  'proinde  ac'  (or 
*  atque ')  and  '  quasi '  in  good  authors, 
especially  in  Quintilian,  whom  Tacitus 
was  likely  to  have  followed.  The  abso- 
lute use  of  *  proinde  '  in  this  sense  is  less 
defensible  (see  12.  40,  8,  and  note),  and 
the  instances  of  'perinde'  in  hortatory 
passages  (3.  17,  4;*  15.  27,  2)  are  altered 
by  all. 

liberi  .  .  .  mutantur,  a  mother  does 
not  so  readily  transfer  her  love  from  her 
child  to  another  (as  Britannicus  or 
Plautus). 

8.  adesis  .  .  .  fortunis,  'after  having 
spent  their  means '  (cp.  '  adesis  bonis '  H. 
I.  4,  3;  'adesa  .  .  .  pecunia'  Cic  p. 
Quinct.  12,40),  when  they  would  do  any- 
thing  for  money,  repay  their  patron's 
favours  by  the  last  and  lowest  service  of 
suborning  an  accusation  against  her  rival. 

10.  anui,  used  contemptuously  of  one 
described  in  c.  19,  2  as  '  vergens  annis'. 

infamia  parricidii  aut  .  .  .  con- 
scientia.  '  Parricidium '  is  used  often  of 
the  murder  of  any  near  relative.  Were 
Agrippina  to  be  put  to  death  on  such  a 
charge,  she  would  die  under  the  infamy  of 
having  been  supposed  to  have  conspired 
to  murder  her  son,  and  Nero  would  have 
not  merely  the  infamy,  but  the  burden  on 
his  own  mind,  of  matricide.  She  asks 
'  Because  they  choose  to  make  up  such  a 
charge,  is  all  this  to  happen  ? ' 


i8o 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  55 


conscientia    subeunda   est.      nam    Domitiae    inimicitiis    gratias  5 
agerem,  si  benevolentia    mecum  in   Neronem    meum  certaret : 
nunc  per  concubinum  Atimetum  et  histrionem   Paridem  quasi 
scaenae  fabulas  componit.     Baiarum  suarum  piscinas  extollebat,  6 
5  cum  meis  consiliis  adoptio  et   proconsulare   ius   et   designatio 
consulatus   et    cetera   apiscendo    imperio    praepararentur.      aut  7 
existat  qui  cohortis  in  urbe  temptatas,  qui  provinciarum  fidem 
labefactatam,   denique   servos  vel  libertos  ad   scelus  corruptos 
arguat.     vivere  ego  Britannico  potiente  rerum  poteram  ?     ac  si  8 
10  Plautus    aut    quis    alius   rem   publicam   iudicaturus   obtinuerit, 
desunt    scilicet    mihi    accusatores    qui    non    verba    impatientia 
caritatis  aliquando  incauta,  sed  ea  crimina  obiciant  quibus  nisi 


I.  nam,  marking  transition;  'as  for 
Domitia,  enemy  of  mine  as  she  is,  I  would 
thank  her,  if  she  only  sought  to  rival  me 
in  doing  service  to  Nero.'  Ritt.  reads 
*  grates ',  as  the  usual  Tacitean  word 
(especially  in  the  Annals) ;  '  gratias 
agere '  being  only  found  (three  times)  in 
Agr.  and  Hist. 

3.  nunc,  'in  real  fact'  (*ut  nunc  se 
res  habet').  Her  only  service  to  him  is 
to  suborn  her  creatures  to  make  up  a  wild 
tale,  as  if  they  were  constructing  a  tragedy 
for  the  stage.  On  the  position  given  to 
this  sentence  by  Nipp.  see  below. 

4.  Baiarum,  &c.,  i.e.  *  Where  was  she 
when  I  did  and  dared  all  to  secure  the 
succession  to  Nero  ? '  *  Suarum ',  *  her 
favourite  Baiae.'  According  to  Dio  (61. 
17,  2),  it  was  from  desire  of  her  fishponds 
and  other  possessions  there  and  at  Ra- 
venna that  Nero  afterwards  put  Domitia 
to  death. 

extollebat,  '  she  was  adorning ' :  cp. 
J  I.  I,  I,  and  note. 

5.  adoptio,  &c. :  see  12.  25,  i  ;  41,  i. 

6.  aut  existat,  &c.  The  abruptness 
of  the  transition  here  has  caused  much 
•difficulty,  which  is  hardly  remedied   by 

reading  *at  existat'  (with  some  of  the 
old   edd.).     A   similar   elliptical   use  of 

*aut'  is  noted  in  Cic.  de  Fin.  4.  26,  72 

(*  cur  igitur  .  .  .  non  malimus  usitate 
loqui?  Autdoceat',&c,)  ;  where  however 

the  thought  is  more  easily  supplied,  as 
:also  in  the  passage  cited  by  Dr.  (15.  5, 

i).  Nipp.  thinks  that  the  sentence  'nunc 
-  .  .  componit '  must  be  placed  after  'prae- 
pararentur', and  that  the  meaning  is  'or,  if 
these  charges  are  not  mere  fictions,  let 
some  one  bring  forward  tangible  facts  to 
prove  them '.  Joh.  Miiller  (Beitr.  3.  24- 
nS),  taking  the  same  view  of  the  sense  of 


the  passage,  prefers  to  suppose  that  some 
words  have  been  lost,  such  as  '  aut  falsa 
haec,  aut  existat',  &c.  The  abruptness 
of  expression  seems  to  be  best  justified  by 
the  impassioned  and  exclamatory  character 
of  the  whole  passage  (cp.  i.  41,  2;  14.  8, 
4,  and  notes),  and  the  thought  seems 
somewhat  different  from  what  Nipp.  and 
Miill.  suggest.  It  is  rather,  *  if  I  am  to 
be  accused  at  all,  let  me  be  accused  of 
what  I  have  really  done.  Let  some  one 
charge  me  with  having  tampered  with  the 
praetorians,  sapped  the  faith  of  the  legions 
abroad,  bribed  the  slaves  and  freedmen 
of  Claudius  to  poison  him.  All  this  I 
have  done,  but  it  was  done  fc^r  Nero,  not 
against  him.'  By  *  cohortis  in  urbe '  (cp. 
'urbanus  miles'  H.  i.  4,  5),  the  urban  as 
well  as  the  praetorian  cohorts  may  be 
meant ;  '  provinciae '  is  thus  used  for 
the  legions  contained  in  them  in  12.  69, 
3  ;  and  *  scelus '  has  the  specific  sense  of 
poisoning  in  i.  5,  1,  &c. 

9.  vivere  ego,  &c.,  alluding  to  the 
supposition  that  she  had  desired  to  set  up 
Britannicus  (c.  14,  3).  *  Could  my  life 
have  been  spared  (after  all  these  crimes) 
had  Britannicus  become  emperor  ? '  On 
the  absence  of  an  interrogative  particle 
see  2.  15,  4  ;  12.  37,  3  ;  and  notes. 

10.  rem  publicam,  taken  with  '  obti- 
nuerit' ;  *  iudicaturus'  being  thrown  in  to 
imply  that  whoever  became  princeps 
would  have  to  judge  her  cause.  *  If 
Plautus  (c.  19,  3)  or  any  one  else  shall 
have  gained  the  empire  and  shall  have 
to  sit  in  judgement  on  me,  is  it  to  be  sup- 
posed that  no  one  will  be  found  to  accuse 
me?' 

11.  impatientia  caritatis,  'through 
the  uncontrollable  force  of  affection ' :  cp. 
1 5. 63, 6 ;  also '  impatienter  indoluit ' (4. 1 7, 


A.  D.  55] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP.  21,   22 


x8x 


9  a  filio  absolvi  non  possim.'  commotis  qui  aderant  ultroque 
spiritus  eius  mitigantibus,  conloquium  filii  exposcit,  ubi  nihil 
pro  innocentia,  quasi  diffideret,  nee  de  beneficiis,  quasi  expro- 
braret,  disseruit,  sed  ultionem  in  delatores  et  praemia  amicis 
obtinuit.  5 

1  22.  Praefectura  annonae  Faenio  Rufo,  cura  ludorum,  qui  a 
Caesare   parabantur,  Arruntio    Stellae,   Aegyptus   Ti.    Balbillo 

2  permittuntur.     Syria  P.  Anteio  destinata,  set  variis  mox  artibus 

3  elusus  ad  postremum  in  urbe  retentus  est.     at  Silana  in  exilium 


2),  «Scc.  She  intends  thus  to  characterize 
such  expressions  as  are  mentioned  in  c.  13 
and  14,  and  to  contrast  mere  words 
spoken  against  Nero  with  the  dark  crimes 
committed  for  him,  which  only  he  who 
had  profited  by  them  could  pardon. 

3.  spiritus,  *  her  indignation ' :  pi.  as 
in  4.  12,  7  ;  16.  24,  3 ;  26,  7,  and  often 
in  Cic. 

3.  qua^i  diffideret,  *  as  though  she 
had  misgivings,'  that  a  substantial  defence 
to  the  charge  was  needed. 

nee  de  beneficiis.  I  have  followed 
Nipp,  and  most  other  edd.  in  thinking 
the  insertion  of  *  de '  (Acidalius)  neces- 
sary. In  the  Med.  text,  retained  by 
Orelli  and  Halm,  'pro'  would  be  sup- 
plied, with  such  a  sense  as  *  on  behalf  of 
her  services  to  him '. 

exprobraret,  'was  upbraiding  him 
with  them' :  cp.  4.  57,  5,  &c. 

4.  in,  coordinated  with  dat.:  cp.  12. 
55,  I,  and  note. 

amicis,  those  noted  in  the  next 
chapter.  Anteius  is  especially  noted  in 
16.  14,  3,  as  one  of  her  most  intimate 
friends. 

6.  Praefectxira  annonae  :  see  i.  7,  3, 
&c.  This  was,  next  to  the  '  praefectura 
Aegypti '  and  *  praefectura  praetorio ', 
the  chief  position  open  to  a  Roman 
knight  in  Caesar's  service. 

Faenio  Rufo.  This  officer  obtained 
a  good  reputation  in  this  office,  which 
led  to  his  promotion  to  that  of  '  prae- 
fectus  praetorio  '  (14.  51,  5).  He  joined 
the  conspiracy  of  Piso  (15.  50,  4),  and 
suffered  death  with  less  fortitude  than 
others  (15.  68,  2).  Ritt.  notes  that  Med. 
(which  here  reads  '  senio ')  reads  the 
name  seven  times  as  *  Faenius  *,  twice  as 
*  Fenius '  (the  usual  form  in  inferior  MSS. 
and  old  edd.).  'Faenius'  is  also  the 
form  in  which  the  name  is  found  in  Inscr. 
C.  I.  L.  15,  1137. 

cura    ludorum.       Mommsen     notes 


(Staatsr.  ii.  951,  3)  other  such  special 
commissioners  of  equestrian  rank :  cp. 
'luliano  curante  gladiatorium  munus 
Neronis  principis'  (PI.  N.  H.  37.  3,  11, 
45)  >  'curatorem  munerum  et  venationum* 
(Suet.  Cal.  27).  See  also  Hirschf.  177. 
The  office  of  'ludi  procurator'  (11.  35,  7) 
is  distinct  from  this. 

7.  Arruntio  Stellae,  otherwise  un- 
known. Nipp.  thinks  he  may  probably 
have  been  the  father  of  L.  Arruntius 
Stella  of  Patavium,  who  was  cos.  suff". 
under  Trajan,  probably  in  A.  D.  loi  (C.  I.  L. 
vi.  I,  1492),  and  is  often  mentioned  as  a 
poet  by  Martial,  and  to  whom  Statins  dedi- 
cates Silv.  B.  I. 

Ti.  Balbillo.  Med.  gives  the  prae- 
nomen  *  C,  which  Ritt.  thinks  with  much 
probability  may  be  a  corruption  of  the 
gentile  name,  and  reads  *  Claudio  Bal- 
billo'. The  full  name  is  *  Ti.  Claudius 
Balbillus'  (C.  I.  G.  4699).  Another 
inscription  (Id.  495 7)  mentions  a  daughter 
Balbilla.  Boeckh  (ad  loc.)  thinks  he  may 
have  been  son  of  an  illegitimate  son  of 
Antiochus  of  Commagene.  He  is  men- 
tioned as  praefect  of  Egypt  by  Pliny 
(N.  H.  19.  pr.  3)  and  by  Seneca  (Qu.  Nat. 
4.  2,  13),  who  calls  him  'virorum  optimus 
profectusque  in  omni  literarum  genera 
rarissimo '. 

8.  P.  Anteio.  The  name  is  here  cor- 
rupt in  Med.  but  restored  by  Lips,  from 
16.  14,  2,  where  his  subsequent  fate  is 
related.  Another  of  the  name  is  men- 
tioned in  2.  6,  I.  This  person  is  shown 
by  an  inscription  at  Salona  (C.  I.  L.  iii. 
1. 1977)  to  have  been  legatus  of  Delmatia 
in  A.D.  51/52.  He  must  have  been  cos. 
suff.  in  some  unknown  year. 

9.  retentus  est.  Tiberius  had  thus 
detained  Arruntius  and  Aelius  Lamia 
(6.  27,  2,  3).  Anteius,  as  an  intimate! 
friend  of  Agrippina  (16.  14,  3),  may  have 
been  thought  unsafe  to  be  trusted  with 
military    command.       Ummidius    Qua- 


l82 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  55 


acta ;  Calvisius  quoque  et  Iturius  relegantur  ;  de  Atimeto  suppli- 
cium  sumptum,  validiore  apud  libidines  principis  Paride  quam  ut 
poena  adficeretur.  Plautus  ad  praesens  silentio  transmissus  est. 

23.  Deferuntur    dehinc    consensisse    Pallas    ac    Burrus    ut  1 
6  Cornelius  Sulla  claritudine  generis  et  adfinitate  Claudii,  cui  per 

nuptias  Antoniae  gener  erat,  ad  imperium  vocaretur.    eius  accusa-  2 
tionis  auctor  extitit  Paetus  quidam,  exercendis  apud  aerarium 
sectionibus  famosus  et  turn  vanitatis  manifestus.     nee  tarn  grata  3 
Pallantis  innocentia  quam  gravis  superbia  fuit :  quippe  nominatis 

lolibertis  eius  quos  conscios  haberet  respondit  nihil  umquam  se 
domi  nisi  nutu  aut  manu  significasse,  vel  si  plura  demonstranda 
essent,   scripto  usum   ne   vocem   consociaret.     Burrus   quamvis  4 
reus    inter    iudices    sententiam    dixit,      exiliumque    accusatori 
inrogatum  et   tabulae    exustae   sunt  quibus  oblitterata  aerarii 

15  nomina  retrahebat. 

24.  Fine  anni  statio  cohortis  adsidere  ludis  solita  demovetur,  1 


Idratus  (12.  45,  6)  thus  retained  Syria  till 
his  death  (14.  26,  6). 
I.  relegantur,  a  milder  form  of  banish- 
ment than  that  of  Silana  (see  on  3. 1 8, 8). 
They  were  pardoned  after  Agrippina's 
death  (14.  12,  6). 

supplicium,  capital  punishment. 
This  severity  seems  partly  due  to  his 
having  been  the  prominent  informer  (c. 
19, 4),  and  also  to  his  being  only  a  freed- 
man. 

2.  apud  libidines  principis,  an  un- 
precedented expression,  implying  quasi- 
personification,  like  *  apud  aures'  (i.  31, 
5),  and  thus  equivalent  to  'apud  prin- 
cipem  libidinosum'. 

3.  silentio  transmissus;  op.  i.  13, 
5.  On  his  subsequent  fate  see  note  on 
c.  19,  4. 

4.  Deferuntur  .  .  .  consensisse.  On 
this  construction  cp.  2.  27,  i,  and  note. 

5.  Cornelius  Sulla  :  see  12.  52,  1,  and 
note. 

claritudine  .  .  .  adfinitate,  causal 
ablatives. 

7.  exercendis  .  .  .  sectionibus.  He 
appears  to  have  made  a  traffic  either  by 
buying  confiscated  debtors'  property  of 
the  treasury  wholesale,  and  selling  at  a 
profit  in  smaller  portions,  or  (as  would 
appear  from  §  4)  by  buying  a  debt  to  the 
treasury  on  speculation,  and  then  re- 
covering it  from  the  debtor.  Such  a 
business  would  be  considered  sordid  even 


\\ 


if  not  dishonest  (cp.  Suet.  Vit.  2). 


8.  vanitatis,  '  of  jfalsehood' ;  so  in  6. 
21,  2  ;  H.  4.  81,  3,  &c.,  arso"  as  the  op- 
posite to  'Veritas'  in  Cic.  Tusc.  3.  i,  2. 
For  the  genit.  cp.  12.  51,  6. 

9.  superbia  :  cp.  *  tristi  adrogantia ' 
(c.  2,  4).  Pliny  calls  him  'fastidiosis- 
simum  mancipium '  (Ep.  8.  6,  14). 

1 2 .  ne  vocem  consociaret  ( = '  ne  ser- 
monem  communicaret '),  *  so  as  not  to 
put  himself  on  speaking  terms  wi\;hthem.' 
In  estimating  this  proof  of  his  arrogance 
it  is  to  be  remembered  that  it  is  the 
behaviour  of  a  freedman  to  his  own 
freedmen. 

13.  inter  iudices.  As  Burrus  was  not 
a  senator,  we  must  suppose  him  to  have 
sat  as  one  of  the  assessors  of  the  princeps, 
who  tried  the  case  personally  *  intra  cubi- 
culum'(ii.  2,  i).  [The  promise  of  c.  41, 
2  did  not  affect  cases  where  the  persons 
concerned  belonged,  as  here,  to  Caesar's 
household. — P.] 

14.  exustae,  so  that  no  one  else  might 
profit  by  them. 

oblitterata  aerarii  nomina  retra- 
hebat, '  he  was  bringing  back  to  light 
forgotten  debts  to  the  treasury,'  i.  e. 
tracing  out  and  exacting  treasury  dues 
from  those  who  had  been  overlooked. 
Augustus  is  recorded  to  have  burnt  many 
such  records  (Suet.  Aug.  32 ;  Dio,  53. 2, 3). 

16.  statio  cohortis.  A  praetorian 
cohort  was  present  to  keep  order  at  the 
games  (see  1.77,1).  The  experiment  here 
mentioned  was  unsuccessful  (see  c.  25,  4). 


A.  D.  56] 


LIBER  XIIL     CAP.  22-25 


183 


quo  maior  species  libertatis  esset,  utque  miles  theatrali  licentiae 
non  permixtus  incorruptior  ageret  et  plebes  daret  experimentum 
2  an  amotis  custodibus  modestiam  retineret.  urbem  princeps 
lustra vit  ex  response  haruspicum,  quod  lovis  ac  Minervae  aedes 
de  caelo  tactae  erant.  5 

1  25.  Q.  Volusio  P.  Scipione  consulibus  otium  foris,  foeda  domi 
lascivia,  qua  Nero  itinera  urbis  et  lupanaria  et  deverticula  veste 
servili  in  dissimulationem  sui  compositus  pererrabat,  comitantibus 
qui  raperent  venditioni  exposita  et  obviis  vulnera  inferrent, 
adversus   ignaros  adeo  ut  ipse   quoque  exciperet   ictus   et  ore  10 

2  praeferret.  deinde  ubi  Caesarem  esse  qui  grassaretur  pernotuit 
augebanturque  iniuriae  adversus  viros  feminasque  insignis,  et 
quidam  permissa  semel  licentia  sub  nomine  Neronis  inulti 
propriis  cum   globis  eadem  exercebant,  in  modum  captivitatis 


2,  incorruptior  ageret :  cp.  'severius 
acturos  '  (4.  2,  3). 

4.  lustravit.  This  was  done  frequently 
on  occasion  of  prodigies,  public  calamities, 
or  bloodshed  (see  H.  i.  87,  i  ;  Liv,  35. 
9,  5 ;  App.  B.  C.  I.  26,  &c.).  The  cere- 
mony is  distinct  from  the  regular  '  lus- 
tratio'  after  a  census  (see  on  ii.  25,  8), 
but  consisted  similarly  of  a  procession 
and  sacrifice.  The  description  of  such 
a  'lustratio'  in  Lucan  (1.  592,  foil.)  may 
possibly,  as  Schiller  thinks,  have  been 
drawn  from  this  occasion.  The  princeps 
would  officiate  in  his  capacity  of  pontifex 
maximus. 

6.  Q,.  Volusio  P.  Scipione.  The 
former  had  the  cognomen  Saturninus  :  see 
C.  I.  L.  10,  1574,  I,  and  an  Arval  table 
of  A.  D.  63  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  I.  2043,  i). 
His  father  is  mentioned  in  c.  30,  4;  his 
grandfather  in  3.  36,  i  (see  notes). 
Pliny  states  (N.  H.  7.  14,  12,  62)  that  he 
was  born  after  his  father  was  sixty-two 
(which  would  make  him  only  thirty-one 
at  the  date  of  his  consulship),  and  that 
his  mother  was  a  Cornelia  of  the  Scipio 
family.  The  other  consul  would  thus 
appear  to  have  been  related  to  him,  and 
may  probably  have  been  son  of  the  Scipio 
of  3.  74,  a;  II.  2,  I,  &c. 

7.  deverticula.  The  word  is  used  for 
*  deversorium '  in  Liv.  i.  51,  8,  here 
especially  of  low  taverns.  Suet,  says 
(Ner.  26)  'post  crepusculum  statim  ad- 
repto  pilleo  vel  galero  (the  *  vestis  servilis ' 
of  Tacitus;  popinas  inibat  circumque  vicos 
vagabalur  ludibundus,  non  sine  pernicie 
tamen '.    Cp.  also  Dio,  6i .  8,  i,  foil.    The 


licence  here  indulged  in  by  Nero  (cp.  also 
c.  47,  2),  and  in  which  some  later  princes 
imitated  him  (vit.  L.  Veri  4,  Comm.  3), 
is  represented  as  often  practised  by  vicious 
young  men  of  rank  (cp.  Suet.  0th.  3 ;  Juv. 

3.  278-301,  and  Mayor  ad  loc). 

8.  in  dissimulationem,  &c.,  *  dis- 
guised to  conceal  his  person ' :  cp.  3.  44, 

4,  and  note. 

9.  qui  raperent,  &c. :  cp.  Suet.  Ner.  36 
'tabernas  etiam  effringere  et  expilare; 
quintana  (*  a  market ')  domi  constituta, 
ubi  partae  et  ad  licitationem  dividendae 
praedae  pretium  absumeretur '. 

vulnera  inferrent :  cp.  Suet.  *  re- 
deuntis  a  caena  verberare  ac  repugnantis 
vulnerare  cloacisque  demergere  assuerat '. 

10.  adversus  ignaros :  the  sense  of 
'  id<jue  agerent '  is  to  be  supplied.  Dr. 
notes  the  anastrophe  of  *  adeo '  here  and 
in  c.  35,  5,  as  fovmd  also  in  Val.  Max., 
but  otherwise  only  in  poets  (after  *  mag- 
nus',  'multus',  'totus'),  and  without  a 
dependent  clause. 

ore  praeferret,  *  showed  marks  in  his 
face.'  Pliny  states  (N.  H.  13,  23,  43, 136) 
that  he  got  rid  of  the  bruises  by  the  use  of 
a  medicament  called  *  thapsia '. 

1 1 .  pernotuit  augebanturque  :  the 
perf.  denotes  what  was  known  once  for 
all,  the  imperf.  what  was  constantly 
happening. 

13.  sub  nomine,  *  assuming  the  name ' : 
cp.  5.  4,  4;  16.  19,  5,  &c. 

14.  in  modum  captivitatis,  '  in  a  way 
approaching  the  state  of  a  captured  city ' : 
cp.  1 1.  23, 4, and  note,  also  'in  acerbissima 
captivitate '  (H.  3.  83,  3).    For '  in '  Med. 


i84 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  56 


nox  agebatur  ;  luliusque  Montanus  senatorii  ordinis,  sed  qui 
nondum  honorem  capessisset,  congressus  forte  per  tenebras  cum 
principe,  quia  vi  attemptantem  acriter  reppulerat,  deinde  adgnitum 
oraverat,  quasi  exprobrasset,  mori  adactus  est.  Nero  tamen  3 
5  metuentior  in  posterum  milites  sibi  et  plerosque  gladiatores 
circumdedit  qui  rixarum  initia  modica  et  quasi  privata  sinerent : 
si  a  laesis  validius  ageretur,  arma  inferebant.  ludicram  quoque  4 
licentiam  et  fautores  histrionum  velut  in  proelia  convertit  im- 
punitate  et  praemiis  atque  ipse  occultus  et  plerumque  coram 
10  prospectans,  donee  discordi  populo  et  gravioris  motus  terrore 
non  aliud  remedium  repertum  est  quam  ut  histriones  Italia 
pellerentur  milesque  theatre  rursum  adsideret. 


has  .T.,  whence  many  read  (after  G.)  *  et 
in',  making  the  protasis  extend  to  'age- 
batur ',  and  then  reading  *  lulius  quidem ' 
(for  Med.  'que'). 

I.  senatorii  ordinis.  [Suet.  Nero  26 
'  a  quodam  laticlavio  '.  lulius  Montanus 
must  have  either  inherited  the  right  to 
wear  the  '  latus  clavus '  as  a  senator's  son 
(Suet.  Aug.  38)  or  have  received  it  from 
Caesar.  In  either  case  he  would  rank  as 
a  member  of  the  senatorial  order,  and 
would  proceed  in  due  course  to  take  the 
'honores',  beginning  with  the  quaestor- 
ship.  Cp.  infra  14, 40  '  capessendis  hono- 
ribus  destinatus'. — P.] 

3.  vi  attemptantem,  '  attacking  him 
by  force ' :  cp.  '  ilium  bello  attemptare ' 
(Stat.  Th.  4,  71).  This  reading  (after 
MS,  Agr.)  is  nearer  to  the  Med,  'uia 
temptantem'  than  that  of  Puteol.  and 
others  ('vim  temptantem*).  Suet.  (1.1.) 
and  Dio  (61.9,3)  say  that  Montanus  was 
repelling  an  assault  on  his  wife ;  whence 
Ritt.  thinks  that  the  original  text  may 
have  been  '  vim  adversus  uxorem  eius 
temptantem '. 

4.  oraverat, '  had  asked  pardon.'  Dio 
says  that  Nero  at  first  took  no  notice  of 
it,  thinking  that  Montanus  had  not  recog- 
nized him,  but,  on  receiving  his  petition, 
said  ovKovv  rj^rj,  Nepuva  tvtitojv,  avrov 
KaTcxpTjcraTo ; 

quasi  exprobrasset,  *  as  if  his  entreaty 
implied  a  reproach ' :  on  the  infin.  after 
'  adigere'  cp.  4.  29,  3,  and  note. 

tamen :  so  Halm,  ed.  iv  (in  former 
editions  '  iam '),  after  Petersen.  Or.,  Ritt., 
and  Jacob  retain  the  Med.  'tum'  ('tu'), 
which  others  take  to  be  a  corruption  of 
'  aii  *  ('  autem ').  Nipp.'s  criticism  that 
this  conjunction,  which  is  very  rarely  used 


by  Tacitus  (except  in  Dial.),  stands  always 
in  direct  or  indirect  speech,  not  in  narra- 
tion, appears  to  have  an  exception  in  H. 
2.  20,  2. 

5.  metuentior.  Tacitus  appears  to 
take  this  comparative  from  Ovid  (F.  6, 
259).  Dr.  cites  several  analogous  forms 
from  Cic. 

plerosque  =  'permultos  '  (3.  1,2, 8cc.) : 
so '  plerumque '  ('  persaepe')  below.  Suet, 
says  that  his  guard  followed  *  procul  et 
occulte '. 

6.  privata  =  '  privatorum  ',  '  those  of 
ordinary  individuals ' :  *  sinere '  is  so  used 
with  accus.  in  6.  35,  i  (see  note). 

7.  ludicram  licentiam.  Thd  expres-; 
sion  in  Suet.,  '  seditionibus  pantomimo- 
rum,'  would  suggest  that  the  '  licentia ' 
here  meant  was  that  of  the  actors  them- 
selves, as  distinct  from  that  of  the  *  fau- 
tores * ;  otherwise  it  would  be  well  to  take 
the  two  expressions  (with  Gron.)  as  a  hen- 
diadys  ('ludicram  licentiam  fautorum'). 
In  any  case  '  fautores '  is  a  pregnant  ex- 
pression for  *  fautorum  licentiam '. 

8.  velut :  he  made  the  riots  almost 
rtsemble  actual  battles. 

9.  occultus  . . .  prospectans, '  looking 
on  from  a  place  of  concealment,  and  often 
in  full  view.'  Suet,  says  *  e  parte  proscaeni 
superiore  signifer  simul  et  spectator  aderat, 
et  cum  ad  manus  ventum  esset  lapidibusque 
et  subselliorum  fragminibus  decerneretur, 
multa  et  ipse  iecit  in  populum,  atque  etiam 
praetoris  caput  consauciavit '.  For  the 
sense  of  '  coram '  cp.  6.  8,  8,  and  note. 

II.  histriones  .  .  .  pellerentur.  On 
a  former  expulsion  under  Tiberius  see  4. 
14,  4,  and  note.  The  next  clause  would 
imply  that  some  performances  still  took 
place  in  the  theatres;    but   it   is   to  be 


A.  D.  56] 


LIBER  XIIL     CAP,  25,   26 


185 


1  26.  Per  idem  tempus  actum  in  senatu  de  fraud ibus  libertorum 
efflagitatumque  ut  adversus  male  meritos  revocandae  libertatis 

2  ius  patronis  daretur.     nee  deerant  qui  censerent.     sed  consules 
relationem  incipere  non  ausi  ignaro  principe,  perscripsere  tamen 
consensum  senatus.     fille  an  auctor  constitutionis  fieret  ut  inter  5 
paucos   et   sententiae    adversos    quibusdam    coalitam    libertate 


gathered  from  14.  21,  7  that  all  the 
*  pantomimi ',  not  merely  (as  Nipp.  sup- 
poses) those  who  had  actually  offended, 
were  temporarily  banished.  Some  of  the 
'fautores'  were  also  arrested  (c.  28,  i). 
For  the  action  taken  by  subsequent  em- 
perors see  Priedl.  Sitteng.  ii.  432. 
rursum  :  see  c.  24,  i. 

1.  fraudibus,  'knavery'  (cp.  6.  21,  2  ; 
16.  32,  3,  &c.),  i.e.  ingratitude,  or  non- 
fulfilment  of  the  legitimate  expectations 
of  the  patron. 

2.  efla.agitatum,  &c.  A  decision  of 
Claudius  in  an  individual  case  is  recorded 
by  Ulpian  (Dig.  37.  14,  5)  :  'Divus  Clau- 
dius libertum  qui  probatus  fuit  patrono 
delatores  summisisse,  qui  de  statu  eius 
facerent  ei  quaestionem,  servum  patroni 
inssit  esse.'     Suet.  (CI.  25)  and  Dio  (60. 

13,  2)  speak  of  him  as  often  thus  acting, 
but  do  not  ascribe  to  him  any  general 
enactment. 

revocandae.  This  sense  (*  revoking '), 
here  alone  given  to  this  word  in  Tacitus, 
is  elsewhere  rare,  being  found  first  in  Ov. 
M.  9,  617,  also  in  Sen.  and  Suet. 

3.  censerent,  i.e.  expressed  opinions 
'extra  relationem':  see  2.  33,  2;  38,  3 
(and  note);  11.  5,  3;  Momms.  Staatsr. 
iii.  939-40;  950,  I. 

sed  consules,  &c.  For  similar  un- 
willingness in  the  consuls  to  bring  on  an 
important  question  without  explicit  in- 
structions from  the  princeps  see  5.  4,  2 ; 

14.  49,  2;  H.  4.9,  1. 

5.  ille  an  auctor,  &c.  In  this  very 
corrupt  passage  I  have  given  Med.  as  it 
stands  :  '  ille  an  auctor  constitutionis  fieret 
nt  inter  paucos  et  sententiae  adversos  qui- 
busdam coalitam  libertate  inreverentiam 
eo  prorupisse  frementibus  vine  an  aequo 
cum  patronis  iure  agerent  sententiam  eo- 
rum  consultarent  ac  verberibus  manus 
ultro  intenderent  impulere  vel  poenam 
suam  dissuadentes.'  It  is  plain  that  we 
have  an  account  of  a  discussion,  not  in 
the  senate,  but  in  the  private  cabinet 
council  of  the  princeps  (see  Introd.  i.  vi. 
p.  74),  similar  to  that  given  in  11.  23,  2 ; 
and  that  the  arguments  on  one  side  (intro- 
duced by  'quibusdam . . .  frementibus')  are 


given  in  the  rest  of  this  chapter,  and  those 
on  the  other  side  in  the  following.  In  the 
first  sentence,  a  verb  expressing  delibera- 
tion is  clearly  wanting.  Andresen  (in 
Nipp.  ed.  vii.)  leaves  a  space  for  a  verb 
expressing  doubt  or  hesitation  before  '  ut ' 
(which  gives  the  ground  of  doubt)  ;  Ritt. 
somewhat  strangely  takes  '^ut  inter '  to  be 
an  inverted  and  corrupted  form  of  interro- 
gat ' ;  others  suppose  '  ut '  to  represent  the 
remains  of  such  a  verb  as  '  consultavit ' 
(Halm,  Dr.)  or  *  consuluit '  (Bezzenb.). 

*  Adversos '  is  generally  altered  to  *  di- 
versos  '  after  Lipsius ;  '  sententiae '  being 
thus  a  genit.  similar  to  *  morum  diversus  ' 
in  14.  19,  I  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  33  e  7). 
For  the  sentence  '  vine  .  .  .  consultarent ', 
beyond  the  insertion  of  *  ut '  (suggested 
by  *eo')  before  the  first  word,  no  satis- 
factory correction  has  been  proposed, 
and  Halm  and  Andresen  (Nipp.)  leave 
the  words  untouched  and  obelized ;  the 
latter  noting  that  *  sententiam  consul- 
tarent '  cannot  be  good  Latin,  though 
it  is  possible  to  suppose,  with  Madvig 
(Adv.  ii.  p.  553),  the  general  meaning  to 
have  been  that  they  insolently  asked  the 
opinion  of  their  patrons  (*  eorum'),  whether 
they  would  have  force  or  law  (blows  or 
the  legal  remedy  :  see  below).     Dr.  reads 

*  ut  ne  aequo  quidem  cum  patronis  iure 
agerent,  patientiam  eorum  insultarent ', 
and  other  desperate  attempts  at  restora- 
tion may  be  found  in  Ritt.  and  Bumouf. 
It  is  not  improbable  that  one  or  more 
sentences  have  been  lost  in  which  various 
instances  of  insolent  conduct  were  given. 
The  last  sentence,  'impulere  .  .  .  dis- 
suadentes,' is  generally  altered  to '  impune ' 
(Muretus)  or  'impudenter'  fRoth)  *vel 
poenam  suam  ipsi  suadentes  (Madvig), 
Halm  preferring  '  impudenter  ',  Andresen 
'  impune '.  The  sense  would  be  that  their 
crowning  insolence  was  to  ask  that  they 
might  be  punished,  knowing  >yhat  their 
only  pimishment  could  be.  Various  other 
attempts  at  emendation  may  be  seen  in 
the  critical  notes  of  Walther.Orelli,  Halm, 
Ritt.,  &c. 

6.  coalitam,    *  consolidated ' ;    so    of 
'audacia'  (14.  i,  i), '  libertas'  (H.4.  55, 


i86 


CORN  ELI  I  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  56 


inreverentiam   eo   prorupisse    frementibus  vine   an    aequo   cum 
patronis   iure   agerent   sententiam  eorum   consultarent   ac  ver- 
beribus   manus   ultro   intenderent  impulere  vel   poenam   suam 
dissuadentes.f     quid  enim  aliud  laeso  patrono  concessum  quam  3 
5  ut    centesimum    ultra    lapidem    in    oram    Campaniae    libertum 
releget  ?     ceteras  actiones  promiscas  et  pares  esse  :  tribuendum 
aliquod  telum  quod  sperni  nequeat.    nee  grave  manu  missis  per  4 
idem  obsequium  retinendi  libertatem  per  quod  adsecuti  sint :  at  5 
criminum  manifestos  merito  ad  servitutem  retrahi,  ut  metu  coer- 
10  ceantur  quos  beneficia  non  mutavissent. 

27.  Disserebatur  contra  :    paucorum   culpam    ipsis  exitiosam  1 
esse  debere,  nihil   universorum  iuri  derogandum ;   quippe  late 


4).  The  verb  'coalescere'  is  so  used  in 
Liv.  &c.,  but  the  participle  appears  to  be 
found  only  in  Tacitus  and  Ammianus. 

2.  verberibus,  dat.  of  purpose  (=*ut 
verberarent ') :  *  manus  intendere '  is  used 
of  threatening  gestures  in  4.  3,  2,  &c. 
Compare  the  account  of  the  conduct  of 
slaves  and  freed  men,  when  protected  by 
the  '  imago  Caesaris  ',  in  3.  36,  i. 

4.  concessum.  No  express  law  con- 
veying such  a  power  is  known,  but 
Augustus  is  stated  by  Dio  (56.  13,  7)  to 
have  made  in  A.D.  4  some  ordinance 
respecting  the  rights  {SiKaiufiaTa)  of 
patrons  and  others  towards  freedmen. 
This  power  of  relegation,  if,  as  seems 
here  implied,  it  was  vested  in  the  patron 
himself,  without  the  intervention  of  a 
magistrate,  would  be  a  survival  of  primi- 
tive jurisdiction,  exercised  by  patria  pote- 
stas  in  families  (see  2.  50,  4 ;  Liv.  7,  4,  5, 
&c.) ,  and  thus  over  the  freedman  as  part 
of  the  family. 

5.  ut  centesimum  :  so  Lips,  and  sub- 
sequent edd.  for  Med.  '  uicesimum '  (with- 
out *ut').  This  limit  is  known  in  later 
times  as  that  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
'praef.  urbi'  (Dig.  i.  12,  i,  4),  but,  as  a 
limit  of  banishment,  is  of  older  and 
perhaps  Republican  date  (see  Momms. 
Staatsr.  ii.  1076,  4). 

in  oram  Campaniae.  It  is  meant 
that  those  relegated  might  choose  their 
own  place  of  residence  anywhere  not  less 
than  a  hundred  miles  from  Rome,  and  that 
the  most  eligible  part  of  Italy  was  thus 
open  to  them.  Such  a  relegation  was 
therefore  to  be  desired  rather  than  dreaded, 
and  they  would  ironically  beg  for  it. 
Statins  says  (Silv.  3.  3,  162)  of  a  freed- 


man thus  relegated  by  Domitian :  *  hie 
mollis  Campani  litoris  oras  Et  Diomedeas 
concedere  iussus  in  arces,  Atque  hospes, 
non  exul  erat.' 

6.  ceteras  actiones,  &c.,  *  in  all  other 
suits  they  were  placed  on  a  general  and 
equal  ground ' ;  i.e.  beyond  the  power 
above  mentioned,  a  patron  could  only 
proceed  against  his  freedman  on  the  same 
footing  as  against  any  other  citizen.  For 
the  meaning  of  '  promiscus '  cp.  4.  16,  5  ; 

37,  5;  14-  i4j  4.  &c. 

8.  retinendi.  This  genindial  genit. ' 
(see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  36)  is  found  only  here 
and  in  15.  5,  3;  21,  3  (Med.),  and  is  taken 
to  depend  on  the  idea  of  a  substantive 
implied  in  the  sense  (as  here  'onus',  im- 
plied in  '  grave  ').  Nipp.,  who  refers  to 
a  treatise  by  E.  Hoffmann,  compares  this 
usage  to  that  of  the  gerund  as  a  defining 
or  specifying  genit.  (cp.  3.  63, 6,  and  note) ; 
but  the  absence  of  any  other  instances  has 
caused  others  to  suspect  the  text  in  Tacitus. 
Madvig  (Adv.  ii.  553)  would  here  insert 
'onus')  so  Ritt.  ins.  'munus'):  Halm 
alters  only  15.  21,  3. 

10.  non  mutavissent,  '  had  not  cor-j' 
reeled  their  slavish  instincts';  i.e.  had 
not  inspired  them  with  higher  feelings  of 
gratitude.  Madv.  would  read,  with  some 
inferior  MSS., '  commutavissent,'  and  take 
it  to  mean  that  they  had  been  changed 
from  good  slaves  to  bad  freedmen. 

11.  Disserebatur  contra.  The  long 
interval  makes  the  want  of  correspondence 
between  this  and  '  quibusdam  .  .  .  fre- 
mentibus' (c.  26,  2)  less  remarkable  than 
that  in  3.  18,  2  (cited  by  Nipp.).  Cp. 
also  II.  23,  2. 


A.  D.  56] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP.  26,   27 


187 


2  fusum  id  corpus,  hinc  plerumque  tribus  decurias,  ministeria 
magistratibus  et  sacerdotibus,  cohortis  etiam  in  urbe  conscriptas  ; 
et  plurimis  equitum,  plerisque  senatoribus  non  aliunde  originem 
trahi  :  si  separarentur  libertini,  manifestam  fore  penuriam   in- 

3  genuorum.      non    frustra    maiores,    cum    dignitatem    ordinum  5 

4  dividerent,    libertatem    in   communi   posuisse.      quin    et    manu 


I 


1.  id  corpus,  the  mass  of  freedmen. 
Tacitus  so  speaks  of  the  '  magnum  corpus ' 
of  the  Semnones  (G.  39,  4)  and  the  word 
is  often  thus  used  in  Livy,  e.  g. '  sui  corporis 
regem'(i.i7,  2).  Some  indication  of  the 
great  proportion  of  freedmen  in  Rome  may 
be  found  in  the  vast  number  of  inscriptions 
relating  to  them. 

hinc  plerumque  tribus,  '  of  them  in 
great  part  the  tribes  consisted.'  Possibly, 
as  Nipp,  thinks,  '  in  urbe '  belongs  to  this 
clause  also,  and  the  four  urban  tribes  alone 
are  meant.  There  is  evidence  that  freed- 
men shared  in  the  public  corn  dole,  even 
under  the  Republic  (see  Dio,  39.  24,  i  ; 
also  Momms.  Staatsr.  iii.  446,  i),  and  their 
enrolment  in  the  tribes  was  probably  for 
this  purpose  (Momms.  i.  341,  5  ;  iii.  461) ; 
such  enrolment  being  apparently  distinct 
from  the  privilege  of  adding  the  name  of 
the  tribe  to  their  personal  '  nomina  ',  and 
the  right  (now  obsolete)  of  voting  in  tribes 
or  centuries  (Id.  iii.  446). 

decvirias.  Those  here  meant  are  such 
as  the  *  lictores  ',  '  scribae ',  *  praecones  ', 
and  *  viatores '.  They  are  at  least  verbally 
distinct  from  'collegia'  (Momms.  i.  341, 
5),  and  are  associated  with  'tribus* :  cp. 
'  veterani  decuriae  tribus '  (Suet.  Aug.  57), 
*  implevimus  tribus  decurias  palatium  se- 
natum  forum.'  (Tert.  Apol.  37). 
r  ministeria,  for  concrete  '  mini- 
stros ' :  so  '  apparitores  et  ministeria  ' 
(Front.  Aq.  loi).  Some  persons  who 
might  be  so  called  belonged  to  the 
'  decuriae '  already  mentioned,  and  many 
were  merely  slaves  (see  PI.  ad  Trai.  31, 
2  :  32,  i) ;  but  the  reference  is  here  to 
such  free  attendants  as  were  not  incor- 
porated. Mommsen  (1.  1.)  instances  '  ac- 
censi '  and  '  calatores '. 

2.  cohortis.  The  'vigiles'  (Introd.  i. 
vii.  p.  91)  are  meant  (cp.  Strab.  5.  3,  7, 
335;  Dio,  55.  26,  4).  The  'urbanae  co- 
hortes'  were  of  the  same  status  as  the 
praetorian  (4.  5,  5).  For  an  instance  of 
the  enrolment  of  freedmen  in  the  legions, 
see  note  on  i.  31,  4. 

3.  plurimis  equitum,  plerisque  se- 
natoribus, '  most  of  the   knights,  very 


many  (cp.** plerumque" above, and  c.  35,3) 
of  the  senators,  derive  their  origin  from 
no  higher  source.'     Under   Tiberius  the 
full  privileges  of  Roman  knighthood  had  , 
been    restricted    to    '  ingenui '    of    tliree ; 
generations  (PI.  N.  H.  33.  2,  8,  32);  but 
this  rule  must  have  always  had  exceptions 
and  was  now  much  relaxed.      The  four 
brothers  Vitellii,  all  senators  of  the  highest  I 
rank,  were   sons  of  a  knight,  who  (ac- 
cording  to  the  most  probable  account)  , 
was  himself  son  of  a  freedman  (Suet.  Vit. ; 
2),  as  was  also  the  knight  Vedius  PoUio  ' 
(see  I.  II,  4) ;   and  Pliny  mentions  (Ep. 
3.  14,  i)  a  freedman's  son  of  his  own  time 
who  had  been  praetor.      The  cognomen,' 
of  Thrasea  and  that  of  Tacitus  himself 
have  been  thought  to  indicate  such  an' 
origin  (see  others  noted  in  Merivale  c.  68, 
p.  605).      Freedmen  themselves  became 
senators  under  Commodus  (Vit.  Comm. 

6,9). 
4.  penuriam    ingenuorum :    see    4. 

27.3. 

6.  in  communi  posuisse, '  made  free-l 
dom  the  common  property  of  all,'  i.  e.l 
made  all  Roman  citizens  equal,  in  so  far; 
as  they  were  free.  Cp.  'cetera  in  com- 
muni sita  sunt '  (H.  4.  74,  2). 

manu  mittendi  duas  species.  The 
distinction  drawn  is  between  '  iusta  ma- 
numissio',  whether  by  'vindicta',  *testa- 
mentum',  or  'census'  (enrolment  on  the 
list  of  citizens  by  the  censor),  and  that 
of  a  more  private  character,  whether 
*  inter  amicos',  *  per  epistolam  ',  or  *  con-  I 
vivio '  (by  declaration  in  private  before 
five  witnesses,  or  in  a  letter  countersigned^^ 
by  five  persons,  or  by  the  reception  or 
the  slave  as  a  guest  at  the  master's  table)  J 
Nipp.  rightly  explains  the  absence  ofi 
mention  here  of  the  two  latter  kinds  of 
'iusta  manumissio'  by  pointing  out  that' 
manumission  by  census  must  have  become 
practically  obsolete  through  the  disuse  of! 
the  censorship,  and  that  that  by  will  could  '■ 
only  take  effect  on  the  testator's  death,  j 
and  could  have  no  bearing  on  the  present 
question  of  the  behaviour  due  towards; 
the  benefactor. 


i88 


CORN  ELI  I  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  56 


mittendi   duas   species   institutas   ut   relinqueretur  paenitentiae 
aut  novo  beneficio  locus,     quos  vindicta   patronus  non  libera- 
verit,  velut  vinclo  servitutis  attineri.     dispiceret  quisque  merita  5 
tardeque  concederet  quod  datum  non  adimeretur.     haec  sententia  6 

5  valuit,  scripsitque  Caesar  senatui,  privatim  expenderent  causam 
libertorum,  quoties  a  patronis  arguerentur :    in  commune  nihil 
derogarent.     nee  multo  post  ereptus  amitae  libertus  Paris  quasi  7 
iure  civili,  non  sine  infamia  principis  cuius  iussu  perpetratum 
ingenuitatis  iudicium  erat. 

10      28.  Manebat  nihilo  minus  quaedam  imago  rei  publicae.     nam  1 
inter  Vibullium  praetorem  et  plebei  tribunum  Antistium  ortum 


1.  paenitentiae  aut  novo  beneficio. 

Those    who    had    been    only    privately 

manumitted  could   receive  *  iusta  manu- 

missio'  afterwards  (cp.  Plin.  Epp.  7.  16, 

3  *  Si  voles  vindicta  liberare  quos  proxime 

inter  amicos  manumisisti ').     Ern.  rightly 

I  points  out  that,  as  even  the  lower  kind  of 

!  manumission  was  not  revocable,  the  only 

'. '  locus  paenitentiae'  consisted  in  the  option 

,  of  refusing  the  further  step. 

2.  vindicta,  by  the  touch  of  the  lictor's 
(  wand,  accompanied  by  a  certain  form  of 
!  words  and  by  the  master  turning  the  slave 
I  round  (see  Pers.  5,  75,  foil.).     This  cere- 

!  mony  required  the  presence  of  a  consul, 
praetor,   proconsul,    or    propraetor.     So 
Pliny  offers  (1.  1.)  to  induce  Tiro,  a  pro- 
consul on  his  way  to  his  province,  to  turn 
.  aside  to  the  house  of  a  friend  for  this 
I  purpose. 

\       3.  velut  vinclo  servitutis  attineri. 

,  Those   who   had   received   '  iusta   manu- 

:  missio'   became   Roman   citizens  :    those 

i  otherwise    manumitted  were   by  the   old 

law   still   of  servile   condition,  but   had 

j  received  a  distinct  status  (that  of  *  Latini 

!  luniani')   by  the  lex  lunia  Norbana  in 

the  time  of  Tiberius,  which,  while  giving 

them  Latin  rights  such  as  '  ius  commercii', 

left    them    bound    so   far   '  velut   vinclo 

servitutis'   as    to   be   subject    to   certain 

disabilities,  such  as  the   denial  of  con- 

nubium,  and  inability  to  make  a  will  or 

to  inherit  under  one.     See  Gaius  i.  23; 

3.  55,  and  Poste,  p.  54;  Momms.  Staatsr. 

iii.  626. 

5.  scripsitque  Caesar.  [It  had  become 
common  for  Caesar,  when  asked  for  his 
'  sententia '  as  a  senator  by  the  consuls, 
to  give  it  in  writing.  Tiberius  (3.  53) 
treats  this  procedure  as  exceptional, 
*magis  expediat  me  coram  interrogari 
et  dicere  quid  censeam.' — P.] 


privatim,  'personally';  that  they 
should  consider  each  individual  case  on 
its  merits  :  for  the  use  of  *  expendere '  cp. 

H-  35,  4- 

6.  in  commune,  *  generally,*  cp.  3. 
27,  5,  &c. 

7.  amitae  libertus  Paris :  see  c.  19, 
4.  Nero  is  mentioned  in  the  context,  so 
that  Ritt.'s  insertion  of  '  eius '  after  *  ami- 
tae '  is  needless. 

quasi  iure  civili,  i.e.  by  being! 
judicially  pronounced  *  ingenuus ' ;  the' 
'quasi'  implying  that  the  decision  was 
not  an  honest  one.  The  circumstances 
of  the  case  are  given  in  Dig.  12.  4,  3, 
§  5  '  Neratijis  libro  membranarum  refert, 
Paridem  pantomimum  a  Domitia„  Nero- 
nis  amita,  decem  (sestertia),  quae  ei  pro 
libertate  dederat,  repetisse  per  iudicera, 
nee  fuisse  quaesitum,  an  Domitia  sciens 
liberum  accepisset.'  He  had  bought  his 
freedom,  and  claimed  to  recover  the  sum 
paid,  on  the  ground  that  he  was  free 
born,  and  the  court,  to  please  Nero, 
decided  in  his  favour,  and  did  not  even 
raise  the  question  whether  Domitia  had 
bought  him  knowing  him  to  be  free. 

10.  imago  rei  publicae  :  cp.  'mane- 
bant  etiam  tum  vestigia  morientis  liber- 
tatis'  (i.  74,  6);  also  the  expression 
'imago  antiquitatis '  in  3-  60,  i.  By 
'  nihilo  minus '  it  is  implied  that  the 
action  of  the  senate  and  law  courts 
described  in  the  last  chapter  was  notl 
free. 

11.  Antistium,  Antistius  Sosianus, 
praetor  in  A.  d.  62,  in  which  year  he 
was  exiled  and  narrowly  escaped  death 
for  a  libel  (14.  48-49).  He  is  afterwards 
heard  of  as  accusing  a  brother  exile  (16. 
14,  i),  and  as  ordered  back  into  exile 
in  A.D,  70,  when  he  is  called  'pravitate 
morum  multis  exitiosus'  (H.  4.  44,  3). 


A.  D.  56] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP.  27,   28 


189 


certamen,  quod  immodestos  fautores  histrionum  et  a  praetore 
2  in  vincla  ductos  tribunus  omitti  iussisset.  comprobavere  patres, 
incusata  Antistii  licentia.  simul  prohibiti  tribuni  ius  praetorum 
et  consilium  praeripere  aut  vocare  ex  Italia  cum  quibus  lege  agi 
8  posset,  addidit  L.  Piso  designatus  consul,  ne  quid  intra  domum  5 
pro  potestate  adverterent,  neve  multam  ab  iis  dictam  quaestores 
aerarii  in  publicas  tabulas  ante  quattuor  mensis  referrent ;  medio 


1.  fautores  histrionum  :  cp.  c.  25, 
40.  VibuUius  was  no  doubt  the  presiding 
praetor  at  the  *  ludi '. 

2.  comprobavere,  approved  the  ac- 
tion of  the  praetor  ('fautores  in  vincla 
ductos').  That  the  tribune  was  acting 
within  the  old  lines  of  his  official  right 
is  plain  from  ancient  precedents  (e.g. 
Liv.  38.  60,  6) ;  so  that  the  power  here 
assumed  by  the  senate  to  annul  his 
interposition  and  censure  his  '  licentia ' 
is  noticeable. 

3.  ius  praeripere.  This  decree  does 
not  appear  to  do  away  with  the  ancient 
'ius  appellationis '  against  the  decree  of 
a  magistrate,  which  evidently  (see  Plin. 
Ep.  I.  23,  3"!  still  continued  to  belong  to 
tribunes.  The  word  *  praeripere  *  seems 
rather  to  point  to  some  stretch  of  au- 
thority by  which  they  were  in  the  habit  of 
intervening  in  an  impending  suit  before 
praetors  or  consuls,  and  transferring  its 
cognizance  to  themselves  (see  Momms. 
Staatsr.  i.  146,  i  ;  ii.  105,  i;  310,  i)- 
That  the  tribunes  continued  as  late  as 
the  time  of  Hadrian  to  exercise  some 
judicial  function  ('  cognitio ')  is  plain 
from  Juv.  7,  228,  but  whether  by  way  of 
appeal  or  as  a  court  of  first  instance  seems 
an  open  question  (see  Mayor  ad  loc. ; 
Momms.  Staatsr.  i.  279,  7 ;  ii.  309,  2). 

4.  vocare  ex  Italia.  [The  most  plau- 
sible explanation  of  this  difficult  passage 
is  that  suggested  by  Mr.  Greenidge 
(Roman  Public  Life,  Append.  2,  p.  447) 
and  adopted  by  Mr.  Henderson  (Nero, 
p.  87).     *  The  tribunes  were  prohibited 

1  from  summoning  litigants  from  an  Italian 
I  town  in  cases  where  a  civil  action  at  law 
jwould  have  been  possible  in  that  town.' 
'The  change  now  made  *  clearly  took  from 
'the  tribune  the  final  decision  as  to  when 
|a  civil  case  should  be  summoned  from  a 
imunicipal  town  to  Rome',  the  urban 
praetor  or  consul  being  possibly  declared 
competent  to  decide  the  point  and  ex- 
iempted  from  tribunician  interference. — P.] 
*  5.  L.  Piso,  mentioned  again  in  c.  31, 
I  ;    15.    18,  4.     He  is  taken  to  be  son 


of  the  consul  of  A.D.  27  (4.  62,  i),  and 
probably  the  L.  Piso,  pontifex,  who  was 
husband  of  Licinia  Magna,  daughter  of 
the  other  consul  of  that  year  (C.  I.  L.  vi. 
1445 ;  see  also  Momms.  in  Eph.  Epig. 
i.  143,  foil.) ;  probably  also  the  same 
mentioned  as  one  of  the  Arvales  from 
A.D.  58-63  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  i.  2039-2043), 
and  as  *  curator  aquarum  '  in  A.  D.  60-63 
(Front.  Aq.  102).  If  he  is  the  person 
who  was  still  alive  within  Pliny's  memory 
(Ep.  3.  7,  12),  he  was  father  of  the  pro- 
consul of  Africa  of  A.  D.  70  (see  H.  4.  38, 2), 
with  whom  Borghesi  (GEuvr.  iv.  534, 536) 
identifies  him. 

ne  quid,  &c.,  *  that  they  should  in- 
flict no  penalty  (cp.  2.  32,  5,  and  note) 
officially  within  their  houses.'  Nipp. 
takes  this  to  mean  that  in  private  offences 
committed  by  members  of  the  household 
they  should  have  no  more  power  than 
any  other  paterfamilias ;  but  this  seems 
to  have  been  the  general  rule  for  all 
magistrates.  It  appears  to  revive  an  old( 
restriction  of  this  power,  namely,  that 
although  the  tribune's  house  was  open 
night  and  day  to  those  who  desired  to 
invoke  his  *  auxilium '  (Plut.  Q.  R,  81), 
the  actual  intervention  had  to  be  exercised 
in  public,  usually  by  the  *  collegium  * 
sitting  together  (cp.  '  ad  subsellia  tribu- 
norum  res  agebatur'  Liv.  42.  33,  i) ; 
their  usual  place  of  session  being  at  the 
*  rostra'  (Gell.  1.  1.)  or  in  the  '  Basilica 
Porcia'  (Plut.  Cat.  Min.  5).  See  Momms. 
Staatsr.  ii.  292. 

6.  neve  multam,  &c.  Mommsen  con- 
siders (Staatsr,  ii.  310,  a)  that  civil  pro- 
cesses are  still  alone  referred  to.  The 
large  powers  of  fining  exercised  by  tri- 
bunes under  the  Republic  cannot  have 
survived  at  this  date.  The  registration 
at  the  aerarium  is  similar  to  that  of  sena- 
torial decrees  (3.  51,  3),  and  had  to  take 
place  before  sentence  could  be  enforced. 

7.  medio  temporis,  '  during  the  in- 
terval.* This  expression  occurs  also  in 
14.  53,  2  ;  H.  2.  53,  2  (see  Introd.  i.  v. 
§  32  a). 


igo 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  56 


temporis  contra  dicere  liceret,  deque  eo  consules  statuerent. 
cohibita  artius  et  aedilium  potestas  statutumque  quantum  4 
curules,  quantum  plebei  pignoris  caperent  vel  poenae  inrogarent. 
et  Helvldius  Priscus  tribunus  plebei  adversus  Obultronium  5 
5  Sabinum  aerarii  quaestorem  contentiones  proprias  exercuit, 
tamquam  ius  hastae  adversus  inopes  inclementer  augeret.  dein 
princeps  curam  tabularum  publicarum  a  quaestoribus  ad  prae- 
fectos  transtulit. 

20.    Varie    habita    ac    saepe    mutata    eius    rei    forma,     nam  1 


1.  deque  eo,  &c.  *  appeal  should  lie 
.to  the  consuls '.  These  appear  to  have 
{had,  as  a  'potestas  maior',  the  right  to 
Reverse  decisions  of  other  magistrates 
(Momms.  Staatsr.  i.  269;  ii.  loi).  An 
instance  is  given  by  Val.  Max.  (7.  7,  6) 
of  the  reversal  of  the  praetor's  decision 
in  a  civil  suit  by  the  consul  Mamercus 
Lepidus  in  677,  B.C.  77. 

2.  aedilium.  On  their  number  and 
functions  under  the  empire  see  Introd.  i. 
vi.  p.  76.  The  penal  powers  here  referred 
to  would  belong  to  their  '  cura  urbis', 
which  had  been  already  curtailed  by 
Claudius  (Suet.  CI.  38). 

3.  quantum  . . .  pignoris,  &c.  *  with- 
in what  limit  they  might  distrain  or  fine  '. 
pThe  power  of '  pignoris  capio  *,  or  seizing 
♦property  in  case  of  contumacy,  is  part  of 
'the  general  coercive  power  of  magistrates 
(see  Momms.  Staatsr.  i.  160),  and  is 
generally  associated  with  that  of  fining 
(cp.  Varr.  ap.  Cell.  14.  7,  10;  Liv.  37. 
51,  4;  43.  16,  =;).  Senators  were  liable 
to  it  for  disregarding  a  summons  to  the 
house  (see  note  on  16.  22,  i).  We  gather 
from  this  passage  (see  also  Momms.  ii. 
513)  that  a  higher  limit  was  fixed  for  the 
curule  than  for  the  plebeian  aediles.  The 
form  'aedilis  plebeius'  for  'aedilis  plebi', 
is  noted  by  Momms.  (ii.  471 ,  3)  as  found 
in  Fest.  and  in  inscriptions  ;  and  perhaps 
*plebeii'  should  be  here  read,  as  in  11. 
24,  II. 

4.  et  Helvidius.  Most  recent  edd. 
follow  Gron.  in  reading  '  et '  for  '  eo  ', 
which  can  hardly  yield  a  good  sense. 
The  Helvidius  Priscus  now  tribune  can 
hardly  be  the  '  legatus  legionis  '  of  five 
years  earlier  (see  12.  49,  3,  and  note).  If 
the  famous  person  of  the  name  (16.  28,  2, 
and  note)  is  identical  with  this  one,  his 
quaestorship  must  have  been  filled  under 
Claudius  rather  than  Nero  :  the  view  that 
he  is  addressed  by  Thrasea  as  '  iuvenis ' 
in  16.  35,  3,  is  perhaps  mistaken. 


Obultronium  Sabinum,  mentioned 
in  H.  I.  37,  6  as  put  to  death  in  Spain 
by  Galba. 

5.  contentiones  proprias,  *  a  per- 
sonal dispute,'  in  contrast  to  these 
general  measures  for  restricting  magis- 
terial powers.  Instances  occur  in  early 
history  of  interference  on  the  part  of  the 
tribunes  with  the  collection  of  dues  for 
the  treasury,  but  chiefly  by  extorting 
conditions  in  this  respect  before  they 
permit  a  delectus  to  be  held.  See  Liv. 
6.  31,  4;  32,  I ;  and  Momms.  Staatsr. 
i.  277. 

6.  tamquam,  on  the  ground  that:  cp. 
c.  20,  I. 

ius  hastae :  cp.  3.  31,  7.  On  the 
power  of  the  quaestor  to  levy  such  sale 
of  property  cp.  Liv.  4.  15,  8,  &c.; 
Momms.  ii.  552. 

augeret.  In  Med.  '  g '  is  written  in  an 
erasure,  but  undoubtedly  by  the  original 
hand :  Baiter  thinks  the  text  may  have 
been  '  auderet  *,  and  Ricklefs  would  read 

*  ageret '.  Both  are  unnecessary  :  the 
text  can  well  bear  the  meaning  that  he 
'  stretched  his  right ',  though  no  strictly 
parallel  instance  appears  to  be  found. 

7.  curam  tabularum  publicarum, 
i.e.  care  of  the  public  accounts. 

praefectos.  These  persons,  who  were 
senators  of  praetorian  rank  (c.  29,  3),  are 
designated  in  inscriptions  (C.  I.  L.  3.  4013, 
9.  2454,  12.  3655,  &c.)  'praefecti  aerarii 
Saturni '.  A  reason  for  the  change  being 
made  at  this  time  is  suggested  (see 
Momms.  i.   277,  4)  by  the  fact  that  as 

*  praefecti '  (officers  of  Caesar)  they  would 
be  independent  of  such  interference    on 
the  part  of  a  tribune  as  is  here  mentioned,  i 
The  alleged  reason  is  given  in  c.  29,  3. 

9.  Varie  habita,  &c.,  '  the  regulation 
of  that  department  had  been  in  different 
hands  and  had  been  often  changed ' :  cp. 

*  forma  reipublicae'  (4.  33,  i),  '  civitatis* 
(H.  4.   8,   3),  &c.     The  whole  chapter 


A.  D.  s6j 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP,  28-30 


191 


Augustus  senatui  permisit  deligere  praefectos  ;   deinde  ambitu 
suffragiorum  suspecto,  sorte  ducebantur  ex  numero  praetorum 

2  qui  praeessent.  neque  id  diu  mansit,  quia  sors  deerrabat  ad 
parum  idoneos.  tunc  Claudius  quaestores  rursum  imposuit 
iisque,  ne  metu  offensionum  segnius  consulerent,  extra  ordinem 
honores  promisit :  sed  deerat  robur  aetatis  eum  primum  magi- 

3  stratum  capessentibus.  igitur  Nero  praetura  perfunctos  et 
experientia  probatos  delegit. 

1      30.  Damnatus  isdem  consulibus  Vipsanius  Laenas  ob  Sardiniam 


treats  only  of  the  public  treasury,  not  of 
the  'aerariura  militare'  (i.  78,  2  ;  5. 8,  i), 
nor,  of  course,  of  the  '  fiscus  '. 
nam  Augustus,  &c.     Under  the  Re- 

I  public  the  '  aerarium '  had  been  in  the 
hands  of  quaestors  (see  on  1 1.  22,  8)  till 

\  709,  B.C.  45,  when  it  happened  that  no 
quaestors  were  elected,  and  the  dictator 

,  Caesar  gave  the  charge  to  two  aediles 

i  (Dio,  43.  48,  i).  Dio  appears  to  intend 
to  state  that  this  arrangement  lasted  till 
the  regulation  of  Augustus  here  referred 
to,  but  his  meaning  is  not  free  from  doubt, 
and  the  administration  by  aediles,  of 
which  Suet.  (Aug.  36)  has  no  knowledge, 
is  shown  by  Mommsen  (ii.  557,  4)  not  to 
have  been  really  permanent.  The  ordi- 
nance of  Augustus,  made  in  726,  B.C.  28 
(Dio,  53.  2,  i),  gave  the  charge  to  two 
officers  of  praetorian  rank,  who,  although 
styled  '  praefecti ',  were  to  be  chosen  not 
by  Caesar  but  by  the  senate. 

1.  ambitu  .  .  .  suspecto,  *  through 
apprehensions  of  intrigue':  cp.  3.  52,  i 
('  suspecta  severitate')  and  note. 

2.  praetorum,  two  of  the  praetors  of 
the  year,  called  '  praetores  aerarii'  (i.  75, 
4),  or  '  praetores  ad  aerarium  '  (Insc.  Or. 
723).  Dio,  who  places  this  change  in 
731,  B.C.  23(53.  33,  2),  calls  these  praetors 
those  iitl  Tp  Stot/rtjcrct  (1.  1. ;  cp.  60.  4,  4  ; 

I  10.  3). 

4.  tunc  Claudius.  Nipp.  and  Dr. 
read  '  tum ' ;  but  it  seems  possible  to 
defend  *  tunc '  as  referred  to  the  time 
defined  by  '  sors  deerrabat ',  &c.  or  by  the 
looser  use  of  this  adverb  in  post- Augustan 
Latin.  Claudius  had  appointed  a  special 
board  of  three  ex-praetors  in  A.D.  42, 
to  collect  outstanding  treasury  debts  (Dio, 
60.  10,  4),  and  two  years  later  made  the 
change  here  alluded  to  (Id.  60.  24,  i),  in 
connexion  with  the  abolition  of  quaestorial 
'provinciae'  in  Italy  (see  4.  27,  2,  and 
note).  '  Rursum  '  implies  that  the  change 
was  a  reversion  to  ancient  custom,  though 


with  the  important  difference  that  the 
two  *  quaestores  aerarii '  were  selected  by 
the  princeps,  and  held  office  three  years 
(see  the  following  Insc.  and  Dio,  1.  1.) ; 
so  that  the  expression  of  Suet.  (CI.  24), 
'collegio  quaestorum  .  .  .  curam  aerarii 
Saturni  reddidit,'  is  inaccurate.  One  of 
the  first  persons  so  appointed  was  the 
father-in-law  of  Agricola  (Agr.  6,  i),  as 
is  shown  by  an  inscription  (C.  I.  L.  6. 1403) 
♦[T.  Do]mitio  T.  f.,  Vel(ina  tribu),  De- 
cidio,  [iii]  viro  capitali,  [adlecjto  a  Ti. 
Claudio  Caesare  [Augus]to  Germanico 
qm  primu[s  quaes]tor  per  tnennium  citra 
[ordinejm  praeesset  aerario  Saturni, 
praetori '. 

5.  extra  ordinem,  &c.  If  approved 
in  their  office,  they  passed  on  at  once  to 
the  praetorship  without  the  intermediate 
step  of  tribune  or  aedile  (Dio,  1.  1.  and 
Insc,  1.  1.)  :  *  honores '  is  used  here  spe- 
.cially  of  the  higher  magistracies  (see  c.  45, 

I ;  6.  2,  5,  and  note). 

6.  eum  primum.  The  term  '  magi- 1 
stratus '  is  not  taken  to  include  the  lesser! 
offices,  or  '  vigintiviratus '  (see  3.  29,  i, 
and  note),  held  before  the  quaestorship. 

7.  praetura  perfunctos.  The  usual 
expression  is '  praetura  functus ',  which  has 
a  somewhat  stricter  meaning  than  *  prae- 
torius'  (see  2.  33,  i,  and  note). 

8.  experientia  :  cp.  c.  6,  4,  &c. 
delegit.      He  chose  these    'praefecti 

aerarii  Saturni '  (see  Momms.  ii.  559) 
himself,  instead  of  leaving  the  choice  to 
the  senate,  as  Augustus  had  done  (§  i). 
It  is  probable  that  he  followed  the  pre- 
cedent of  Claudius  in  making  them  hold 
office  for  three  or  more  years  (see  Momms. 
1.  l.),and  that  the  arrangement  now  made 
was  on  the  whole  permanent,  though  the 
treasury  is  mentioned  as  in  the  hands  of 
praetors  in  A.D.  69  (H.  4.  9,  i). 

9.  isdem  consulibus,  used  for  *  eodem 
anno ',  although  the  consuls  who  gave  their 
name  to  the  year  were  no  longer  in  office. 


192 


CORN  ELI  I  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  56 


provinciam  avare  habitam.  absolutus  Cestius  Proculus  repetun- 
darum,  Cretensibus  accusantibus.  Clodius  Quirinalis,  quod  2 
praefectus  remigum,  qui  Ravennae  haberentur,  velut  infimam 
nationum  Italiam  luxuria  saevitiaque  adflictavisset,  veneno  dam- 
nationem  anteiit.  Caninius  Rebilus,  ex  primoribus  peritia  legum  3 
€t  pecuniae  magnitudine,  cruciatus  aegrae  senectae  misso  per 
venas  sanguine  effugit,  baud  creditus  sufficere  ad  constantiam 
sumendae  mortis  ob  libidines  muliebriter  infamis.     at  L.  Volu-  4 


Sardinian!.  The  island,  with  Corsica, 
was  at  this  time  governed  by  a  procurator 
(see  note  on  2.  85,  5).  Nero,  during  his 
tour  in  Greece,  proclaimed  the  freedom 
of  Achaia,  and,  to  make  up  for  its 
loss,  gave  back  Corsica  and  Sardinia  to 
the  senate  (Pans.  7.  17,  3).  This  pro- 
clamation is  generally  dated  from  the 
Isthmian  games  of  a.d.  67  :  but  a  Sar- 
dinian inscription  of  that  year  in  which 
the  proconsul  cites  another  proconsul,  as 
well  as  a  procurator,  as  his  predecessors, 
suggests  an  earlier  date  (see  Momms.  in 
Hermes  ii.  102,  foil.,  iii.  107,  foil.  ; 
Marquardt,  Staatsv.  i,  97,  10). 

1.  avare  habitam  :  cp.  3.  13,  3,  and 
note. 

Cestius :  so  Rhen.  and  subsequent 
€dd.  for  Med.  '  cestus '.  G.  has  '  Cesius ', 
whence  Ritt.  reads  *  Caesius  *. 

2.  Cretensibus:  so  all  recent  edd., 
after  Nipp.,  on  the  analogy  of  *  accusan- 
tibus Cyrenensibus '  (14.  18,  i),  'Mauris' 
(14.  28,  3).  Med.  has  *  credentibus ', 
whence  Ber.  and  other  old  edd.  read 
*  cedentibus '  (*  relinquishing  the  prosecu- 
tion ').  Crete  (with  Cyrene)  was  a  sena- 
torial province  of  the  second  rank  (see  3. 
38,  I,  and  note). 

Clodius  Quirinalis.  An  inscription 
found  at  Trieste  (C.  I.  L.  v.  i,  533)  gives 
his  full  name  and  titles :  *  P.  Palpellius, 
P.  f.,  Maecfia  tribu),  Clodius  Quirinalis, 
p(rimi)  p(ilus)  Leg.  xx,  trib.  milit. 
Leg.  vn  C(laudiae)  p(iae)  f(elicis),  proc. 
Aug.,  praef.  classis.'  The  last  words 
show  that  by  'praefectus  remigum*  is 
meant  the  office  of  praefect  of  the  *  classis 
praetoria'  at  Ravenna  (see  4.  5,  1,  and 
note;  Introd.  i.  vii.  p.  108).  His  appoint- 
ments would  show  him  to  have  been  a 
knight;  and  centurions  at  the  end  of 
their  service  were  not  infrequently  given 
equestrian  rank  (see  i.  29,  2,  and  note, 
and  other  instances  in  Friedl.  i.  334). 

3.  velut  infimam  nationum,  *  as  if  it 
bad  been  one  of  the  most  despised  nations.' 
It  is  implied  that  such  cruelties,  practised 


on  an  uncivilized  people,  would  not  have 
been  severely  condemned.  For  a  simi- 
lar Roman  sentiment   see  i.    76,  5 ;    2. 

85,5- 

4.  damnationem  anteiit,  'anticipated 
condemnation '   (so  in  6.  29,  7)  :  for  the 
reasons  prompting  many  to  such  a  course 
see  6.  29,   2.       These   three   cases  thus  1 
mentioned  together  are  supposed  to  have 
been  all  tried  before  the  senate ;   but  two  ( 
of  the  persons  were  officers  of  Caesar,  and  | 
Nero  would  appear  from  c.  33,  i  to  have  \ 
tried  such  cases  personally. 

5.  Caniniua  Bebilus :  so  all  edd. 
after  Lips.,  substituting  the  name  of  a 
well-known  family  for  the  unknown  name 
of  the  Med.  text  (*  G.  Aminius  rebius'). 
Seneca  mentions  (de  Ben.  2.  21,  6),  in  an 
anecdote  belonging  to  the  time  of  Gains, 
one  '  Rebilus  consularis ',  a  rich  man  of 
infamous  character,  who  may  well  be  this 
person.  Another,  probably  his  father, 
was  cos.  suff.  in  742,  B.C.  12,  and  died  in 
office  (Fast.  Cap.).  His  grandfather  may 
have  been  the  person  who  was  cos.  suff. 
for  one  day  in  709,  b.  c.  45   (see  H.  3. 

37>  3). 

6.  misso.  Halm,  Dr.,  Jacob,  follow 
Heinsius  (on  the  supposition  that  '  e '  was 
lost  after  '  senectae  ')  in  reading  '  emisso ' 
for  Med. '  misso ',  unnecessarily.  Instances 
are  found  of  both  expressions  (Cels. ; 
Petron.  90;  Plin.  N.  H.  25.  5,  23,  56); 
and  though  both  are  used  rather  of  the 
medical  operation  of  bleeding,  either 
might  here  be  understood  of  suicide  by 
aid  of  the  context. 

7.  creditus  sufficere ;  for  this  con- 
struction see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  45. 

8.  sumendae  mortis :  cp.  *  signa 
sumpti  exitii  '3.7,2  (and  note). 

muliebriter:  cp.  11.  36,  5. 

L.  Volusius,  father  of  the  consul 
(c.  25,  i).  It  appears  from  Plin.  N.  H. 
7.  14,  12,  62,  that  he  was  at  his  death 
praefectus  urbis,  which  office  he  may 
probably  have  held  for  many  years  in 
succession    to   Sanquinius  Maximus  (see 


A.  D.  56] 


LIBER  XIII,      CAP,  30,    31 


193 


sius  egregia  fama  concessit,  cui  tres  et  nonaginta  anni  spatium 
Vivendi  praecipuaeque  opes  bonis  artibus,  inofifensa  tot  impera- 
torum  amicitia  fuit. 

1  31.  Nerone  iterum  L.  Pisone  consulibus  pauca  memoria  digna 
evenere,  nisi  cui  libeat  laudandis  fundamentis  et  trabibus,  quis  5 
molem  amphitheatri  apud  campum  Martis  Caesar  extruxerat, 
volumina  implere,  cum  ex  dignitate  populi   Romani  repertum 
sit   res   inlustris    annalibus,   talia   diurnis  urbis  actis   mandare. 

2  ceterum  coloniae  Capua  atque  Nuceria  additis  veteranis  firmatae 
sunt,  plebeique  congiarium  quadringeni  nummi  viritim  dati,  et  10 

somewhat  bitterly,  and  evidently  refers 
to  some  particular  historian  or  historians. 
It  has  been  thought  (see  Nipp.  Introd. 
p.  28)  that  the  allusion  is  to  the  elder 
Pliny,  whose  authority  is  elsewhere 
mentioned  somewhat  slightingly  (15.  53, 
5),  and  who  has  given  in  his  Natural 
History  (16.  40,  76,  200),  and  may  also 
have  inserted  in  his  general  history,  a 
notice  of  a  larch  beam  of  remarkable 
size,  brought  to  Rome  many  years  before, 
and  worked  into  this  amphitheatre.  The 
younger  Pliny,  who  might  have  been  hurt 
by  such  an  allusion,  is  believed  to  have 
died  before  the  date  of  the  completion 
of  the  Annals  (see  Momms.  in  Hermes 
iii.  99).  Suet.  (Ner.  12)  mentions  this 
amphitheatre  as  built  of  wood,  and  as 
finished  within  a  year,  and  gives  an 
account  of  the  contests  held  in  it  (see 
note  on  14.  14,  6). 

7.  cum  .  .  .  repertum  sit,  'whereas 
it  has  been  an  established  usage,  suitable 
to  the  dignity  of  the  Roman  people.* 
On  the  sense  of  *  ex'  cp.  i.  58,  2,  &c.  r 
that  of  '  repertum '  seems  new,  but  persons 
may  be  said  to  discover  what  they  institute 
or  establish. 

8.  annalibus,  used  generally  for 
history,  as  in  3.  65,  i. 

diurnis  urbis  actis.  On  these 
journals,  see  Introd.  i.  iii.  p.  15. 

9.  Capua  atque  Nuceria.  The  former  \ 
(now  S**  Maria,  about  three  miles  from  ' 
the    modem    Capua)    was   one    of    the 
Campanian     colonies     of     the     dictator 
Caesar  (Caes.  B.  C.   i.  14,  4,  &c)  ;  the 
latter  (Nocera,  east  of  Pompeii)  was  one 
of  the  colonies  contemplated  by  the  trium- 
virs (App.  B.  C.  4.  3),  but  was  probably 
not  established  till  the  time  of  Augustus. 
On  new  colonies  in  Italy,  see  14.  27,  a. 

10.  congiarium.  On  such  gifts  see  3. 
29,  3  (and  note)  ;  12.  41 ,  3.  This  one  is 
recorded    on    coins   of    Nero,    inscribed 


note  on  6.  4,  4).  It  is  shown  by  some 
inscriptions  (most  of  which  are  much 
mutilated),  that  he  was  legatus  of  Del- 
matia  under  Tiberius  and  Gains,  augur, 
sodalis  Augustalis,  and  sodalis  Titius  (C. 

1.  L.  iii.   I.  2974-2976 ;  Eph.  Epig.  iv. 

1.  concessit,  for  *  vita  concessit   :  cp. 

2.  71,  2  ;  4.  38,  3. 

2.  opes.    He  had  inherited  much  from 
:  his  father  (3.  30,  2),  and  had  increased  his 

riches  by  saving  (14.  56,  i)  ;  hence  they 
were  '  bonis  artibus'  (sc.  *  quaesitae  '),  in 
contrast  especially  to  the  wealth  gained 
by  the  accuser's  trade,  or  the  dishonest 
gains  of  the  great  freedmen :  cp.  '  magnae 
opes  innocenter  partae'  (4.  44,  i). 

[inoffensa  .  .  .  amicitia  fuit.  '  Ami- 
citia' is  the  conjecture  of  Lipsius,  followed 
by  Nipperdey,  for  Med.  *  malitia  '.  *  In- 
offensa amicitia'  is  the  nominative,  like 
the  preceding  '  praecipuae  opes',  and  the 
sentence  will  mean  that  Volusius  enjoyed 
not  only  wealth  and  long  life  but  the 
'  uninterrupted  friendship  of  so  many 
emperors'.  For  'inoffensa'  cf.  i.  56,  2; 
H.  I.  48,  5  ('  cursu  honorum  inoffenso'); 
Quint.  I.  I,  31  (*  inoffensa  litterarum  .  .  . 
coniunctio '),  &c.;  another  alternative  is 
to  keep  Med. '  malitia ',  and  treating  it  as 
an  ablative  to  read  '  fuerunt '  (Halm)  for 
Med.  'fuit'.  The  sentence  will  then 
mean  that  Volusius  enjoyed  wealth  and 
long  life  *  without  encountering  the  male- 
volence of  so  many  emperors '.  But  '  in- 
offensa* in  this  sense  is  difficult  (cp. '  Cogit 
inoffensae  currus  accedere  metae',  Luc 
8,  201)  and  never  so  used  by  Tacitus. 
There  is  a  third  course,  to  retain  '  fuit ' 
and  to  take  *  inoffensa  (still  in  the  untaci- 
tean  sense)  malitia'  as  a  nominative. — F.] 

4.  L.  Pisone:  see  c.  2I8,  3,  and  note. 
Caesius  Martialis  was  suffectus  with  Nero 
at  the  end  of  the  year  (C.  I.  L.  ii.  2958). 

15.  nisi  Qvd  libeat,  &c.   Tacitus  speaks 


194 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  56 


sestertium  quadringenties    aerario   inlatum   est   ad    retinendam 
popiili  fidem.     vectigal  quoque  quintae  et  vicesimae  venalium  3 
mancipiorum  remissum,  specie  magis  quam  vi,  quia  cum  venditor 
pendere  iuberetur,  in  partem  pretii  emptoribus  adcrescebat.     Et  4 
5  edixit  Caesar  ne  quis  magistratus  aut  procurator  in  provincia 
gtiam  obtineret  spectaculum  gladiatorum  aut  ferarum  aut  quod 
aliud  ludicrum  ederet.     nam  ante  non  minus  tali  largitione  quam  5 
corripiendis  pecuniis    subiectos  adfligebant,  dum  quae  libidine 
deliquerant  ambitu  propugnant. 


*  Cong,  i.  dat.  pop.'  (Cohen  i.  p.  283, 
68) ;  other  coins  record  a  second  (Cohen 
i.  284,  72) ;  and  Eckhel  (vi.  271)  refers 
to  some  evidence  for  a  third  (see  note  on 
15.  72,  i).  It  is  suggested  by  Schiller 
(p.  109)  that  this  one  wras  intended  to 
mark  the  beginning  of  his  principate,  but 
had  to  be  delayed  till  the  fiscus  had 
recovered  from  the  donative  (12.  69,  3). 

quadringeni  ;     so     all      edd.      after 

i  Lips,  for  Med.  *  quadrigeni '.  The  amount 

I  is  larger  than  any  which  had  been  given 

since  the  earlier  largesses  of  Augustus : 

see  Marquardt,  Staatsv.  ii.  p.  138. 

1.  quadringenties,  40  million  HS. 
Similar  gifts  from  the  fiscus  to  supply 
deficits  in  the  aerarium  are  mentioned  in 
Mon.  Anc.  iii.  34,  amounting  to  150  mil- 
lion HS.  Such  occasional  subventions 
(see  Hirschf.  Unters.  p.  22)  are  to  be 
distinguished  from  the  definite  annual 
contribution  alluded  to  in  15.  18,  4  (where 
see  note). 

ad  retinendam  popnli  fidem,  *  to 
sustain  the  public  credit '  (so  *  fides '  in  6. 
17,  5 ;  H.  I.  88,  5,  &c.).  Possibly  (as  Prof. 
Holbrooke  suggests)  the  youth  and  inexpe- 
rience of  the  former  *  quaestores  aerarii ' 
(see  c.  29,  3)  had  led  to  mismanagement. 

2.  vectigal  quintae  et  vicesimae,  a 
duty  of  four  per  cent,  on  the  purchase 
of  slaves.  [It  was  first  imposed  by  Augustus 
in  7  A.D.  (Dio,  55.  31).  If  the  reading 
■nevTTjKoaTTJi  (Dio,  1.  c.)  is  retained  (as  by 
Boissevain),  the  tax  must  have  been  subse- 
quently doubled.  But  both  Mommsen, 
Staatsr.  2. 974,  and  Marquardt, Staatsverw. 
2.  278,  adopt  the  emendation  ^irevTeifcoaT^s 
(  =  quintae  et  vicesimae).  The  rate  was 
certainly  four  per  cent,  under  Claudius 
(43  A.D.,  C.  I.  L.  6.  915).  According  to 
Dio,  the  tax  was  intended  to  defray  the 
expenses  connected  with  the  '  cohortes 
vigilum ',  and  probably  it  only  applied  to 
sales  in  Rome.  Its  collection  was  farmed 
out  to '  publicani',  Hirschf.  Verw.  Beamt. 
p.  95— P.] 


3.  specie  magis  quam  vi.  The  remis- 
sion consisted  only  in  that  it  was  levied 
from  the  slave-dealers  ('  mangones'),  who 
were  usually  foreigners,  instead  of  from 
the  purchasers,  who  were  usually  Roman 
citizens :  and  the  former  took  care  to  re- 
coup themselves  by  adding  it  to  the  price 
of  the  slaves.  The  change  appears  only 
to  have  made  the  mode  of  levying  this 
duty  uniform  with  that  of  other  such 
imposts  (Schill.  p.  106). 

4.  et  edixit  Caesar.  This  is  Andre- 
sen's  restoration  of  Med. '  et  dixit '  (*  edixit ' 
vulgo).  For  such  imperial  decrees  by 
edicts  see  c.  51,  i,  &c. 

5.  magistratus  aut  procurator.  By 
the  former  term  (similarly  opposed  to  the 
praefects  of  Egypt  in  1 2.  60,  3)  proconsuls 
and  legati  pro  praetore  are  meant. 

6.  guam  obtineret :  so  Halm,  Nipp. 
Dr.  after  Madv.,  who  points  dut  (Adv. 
ii-  553)  tliat  *  quam '  could  easily  have 
been  lost  after  *  cia  '.  Halm  had  formerly 
struck  out '  obtineret ' ;  most  others  follow 
Rhen.  in  altering  *  in  provincia '  to  *  qui 
provinciam  *. 

7.  nam  ante,  &c.  Em.  rightly  explains 
this  to  mean  that  these  shows  were  a  kind 
of  '  ambitus  *,  whereby  they  secured  parti- 
sans who  either  prevented  those  who  were 
oppressed  from  prosecuting  the  governor, 
or  frustrated  the  prosecution  by  a  counter 
demonstration  ;  and  that  this  *  largitio ' 
was  itself  the  means  of  oppressing  the 
subjects  by  making  redress  more  difficult. 
On  other  such  modes  of '  ambitus  '  see  15. 
20-21.  The  gladiators  of  a  provincial 
governor  are  mentioned  in  i.  22,  i.  It 
seems  doubtful  (see  Friedl.  ii.  336)  whether 
this  edict  remained  long  in  force  ;  but  the 
provincial '  ludi '  mentioned  in  inscriptions 
appear  to  have  belonged  to  the  princeps 
and  to  have  been  under  his  procurators  (see 
Hirschf.  181 ;  Momms.  Staatsr.ii.  1071,  2). 

8.  libidine,  used  of  wickedness  in 
general,  as  in  12.  46,  3 ;  H.  4.  73,  5,  &c. 

9.  propugnant  =  *  tuentur ' :  so  with 


A.  D.  57] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP,  31,  32 


195 


1  32.  Factum  et  senatus  consultum  ultioni  iuxta  et  securitati, 
ut  si  quis  a  suis  servis  interfectus  esset,  ii  quoque  qui  testamento 
manu  missi  sub  eodem  tecto  mansissent  inter  servos  supplicia 

2  penderent.     redditur   ordini  Lurius  Varus   consularis,  avaritiae 

3  criminibus    olim    perculsus.      et    Pomponia    Graecina    insignis  5 
femina,  A.  Plautio,  quern  ovasse  de  Britannis  rettuli,  nupta  ac 

4  superstitionis  externae  rea,  mariti  iudicio  permissa ;  isque  prisco 


l\o 


accus.  in  15.  13,  2  ;  Stat,  and  Suet  In 
earlier  writers  the  verb  is  used  absol.  or 
with  '  pro'  and  abl. 

1.  senatus  consultum.  This  decree 
is  cited  by  jurists  as  the  *  senatus  con- 
sultum Claudianum',  and  was  an  extension 
of  an  earlier  *  senatus  consultum  Silania- 
num',  passed  in  A.D.  10;  which  is  de- 
scribed (Dig.  29.  5)  as  ordaining  that 
*  domino  occiso  de  ea  familia  quaestio 
habenda  est  quae  intra  tectum  fuerit  vel 
certe  extra  tectum  cum  domino  eo  tem- 
pore quo  occidebatur'.  This  new  decree 
is  cited  as  containing  the  provision  here 
mentioned ;  also  as  extending  the  respon- 
sibility on  the  murder  of  a  wife  to  the 
household  of  the  husband  and  vice  versa  ; 
also  as  ordaining,  that  those  who  had 
been  sold  in  the  meantime  were  to  be 
reclaimed,  and  the  price  made  good  by  the 
seller  (Dig.  1.  1.,  Paul.  Rec.  Sent.  3.  5,  6). 
An  instance  of  such  wholesale  execution 
of  a  household  is  given  in  14.  42-44. 

ultioni  .  .  .  seouritati,  dat.  of  pur- 
pose :  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  22  c. 

4.  Ijurius  Varus.  Being  a  consular, 
he  had  probably  been  proconsul  of  Asia 
or  Africa,  and  had  been  expelled  from 
the  senate  for  extortion.  This  had  no 
doubt  been  mentioned  in  its  proper  place, 
so  as  to  make  further  explanation  here 
needless.  The  name  in  Med.  is  *  Lurius 
Varius',  read  in  old  edd.  as  'Lucius 
Varius ' ;  but  •  Lurius '  is  a  Roman  name 
(Veil.  2.  85,  2,  &c.),  and  *  Varius'  is  best 
taken  (with  Nipp.)  to  be  an  error  of 
assimilation. 

5.  perculsus  :  cp. '  perculit'  (4.  31,  7  : 
6.  3>  4  ) 

Pomponia  Graecina,  probably 
daughter  ofPomponiusGraecinus,  who  was 
cos.  suff.in  A.D.  16  (see  C.  I.L.  6.  10399), 
and  a  friend  of  Ovid  (ex.  P.  4.  9,  &c.). 

6.  A.  Plautio.  The  name  is  restored  by 
Lips,  from  Med.  *  platio  ',  the  praenomen 
added  by  Nipp.,  as  likely  to  have  been 
lost  after  '  femina ' ;  otherwise  a  single 
name  would  suffice  for  a  person  so  well 
known  to  the  reader.  He  was  cos.  suff. 
in  A.D.  29  (C.  I.  L.  10.  1233),  and  is 

O 


shown  by  another  inscription  (C.  I.  L. 
v.  I.  698)  to  have  been  legatus  of  Claudius 
in  Delmatia.  On  his  services  in  Britain 
see  Introd.  pp.  132,  foil. 

quem  ovasse  .  .  .  rettuli.  Halm, 
Nipp.,  and  Dr.  follow  Acid,  in  this  reading, 
on  the  supposition  that  Tacitus  would 
naturally  thus  refer  here  to  what  he  must 
have  fully  recorded  in  its  place.  Others 
retain  the  MS.  text  *  qui  ovans  se  .  .  .  ret- 
tulit'  (but  reading  '  Britannis',  with  G., 
for  Med.  *  britanniis '),  explaining  '  se  ret- 
tulit '  as  a  somewhat  grandiose  expression 
for  *  rediit '  (cp.  Verg.  G.  4,  180 ;  Aen.  7, 
286,  &c.),  suited  to  the  rarity  at  this  time 
of  the  honour  of  an  ovation  (see  Introd. 
p.  139,  2).  Walther  retains  also  '  Britan- 
niis '  ;  but  this  plural  is  not  according  to 
the  usage  of  Tacitus,  and  is  hardly  to  be 
defended  by  its  use  to  denote  the  islands 
(Plin,  N.  H.  4.  16,  30,  102).  The  ovation  I 
of  Plautius  took  place  on  his  return  from 
Britain  in  A.D.  47  (Dio,  60.  30,  2) ;  and 
Claudius  is  stated  (Suet.  CI.  24)  to  have . 
even  paid  him  the  honour  of  riding  in  the  • 
procession  at  his  side. 

7.  superstitionis  externae.  The  term  \ 
is- general  (cp.  11.  15,  i),  and  might  well  j 
be  used  of  Judaism  or  of  the  Egyptian  re- 1 
ligion  ;  but  the  belief  that  Pomponia  was  ! 
a  Christian  derives  support  from  the  ac- 
count of  her  habits  of  life  (§  4,  5),  and  still 
more  from  the  discovery  of  Christian  in- 
scriptions, of  about  a  century  and  half  after 
this  date,  to  a  Pomponius  Graecinus  and 
Pomponius  Bassus,  who  would  naturally 
be  taken  to  belong  to  her  family  :  see 
de  Rossi,  Roma  Sott.  ii.  360-364;  North- 
cote  and  Browiilow,  Roma  Sott.  pp.  122- 
125  ;  Friedl.  Sitteng.  i.  451.    Probably,  if 
she  was  a  Christian,  this  was  made,  as 
often,  the  ground  of  a  charge  of  conjugal 
infidelity,  and  for  this  reason  the  judgement    , 
was  left  to  her  husband,  and  it  was  in  this   ' 
sense  that  she  was  pronounced  '  insons ' 
(Nipp.,  and  Lightfoot,  St.  Clem.  i.  30). 

prisco  institute  propinquis  coram. 
The  old  law  is  described  by  Dion.  Hal., 
who  says  of  the  wife  charged  with 
adultery  (2.  25),  hiKadr^v  rhv  aSiKovfKvov 


196 


CORNELII  TACIT  I  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  57 


institute  propinquis  coram  de  capite  famaque  coniugis  cognovit 
et  insontem  nuntiavit.  longa  huic  Pomponiae  aetas  et  continua 
tristitia  fuit :  nam  post  luliam  Drusi  filiam  dolo  Messalinae  5 
interfectam  per  quadraginta  annos  non  cultu  nisi  lugubri,  non 
5  animo  nisi  maesto  egit ;  idque  illi  imperitante  Claudio  impune, 
mox  ad  gloriam  vertit. 

33.    Idem    annus    pluris    reos    habuit,   quorum   P.    Celerem  1 
accusante  Asia,  quia  absolvere  nequibat  Caesar,  traxit,  senecta 
donee    mortem    obiret ;    nam    Celer    interfecto,    ut    memoravi,  2 
10  Silano   pro   consule    magnitudine  sceleris  cetera   flagitia   obte- 
gebat.     Cossutianum  Capitonem   Cilices  detulerant  maculosum  3 


iKdfiPavc  koI  tov  fieyiOovs  rrjs  rifiojpias 
Kvpiov  ravra  Sk  ol  avyyfVfTs  fifra  rod 
dvSpos  ediKa^ov.  This  presence  of  her 
*  propinqui '  (cp.  2.  50,  2)  or  'cognati' 
(Liv.  39.  18,  6,  &c.)  as  assessors  was  a 
check  on  the  otherwise  absolute  authority 
of  the  husband,  who  in  cases  'flagrantis 
delicti'  might  talce  summary  vengeance 
(Cato  ap.  Gell.  10.  23,  5).  For  instances 
of  such  trials  see  2.  50,  4 ;  Liv.  1.  1.  and 
Epit.  48  ;  Suet.  Tib.  35  ;  and  others  col- 
lected in  Lips.  Exc.  on  4.  42  ;  Marquardt, 
Privatl.  5,  7. 

1.  de  capite,  in  the  Roman  legal  sense 
of  the  term.  We  can  hardly  suppose  that 
at  this  date  the  punishment  of  death,  so 
far  in  excess  of  that  prescribed  by  public 
law  (see  on  2.  50,  4),  could  have  been 
inflicted. 

2.  niintiavit.  This  is  generally  altered 
by  editors  to  '  pronuntiavit '  (Muretus) . 
'  Nuntiavit'  however  can  stand  if  it  is  taken 
to  mean,  with  Pfitzner,  that  he  sent  word 
of  her  acquittal  to  the  senate  which  had 
referred  the  case  to  him. 

huic  Pomponiae.  The  name  is 
repeated,  because  Plautius  has  been  since 
mentioned  (cp.  12.  49,  2). 

3.  luliam  Drusi  filiam.  On  this  lulia 
see  Introd.  i.  ix.  pp.  141,  149.  Her  great 
grandmother  was  a  Pomponia,  daughter 
of  Atticus  (2.  42,  7),  through  whom  this 
Graecina  may  have  been  related  to  her. 
She  was  the  mother  of  Rubellius  Plautus 
(c.  19.  3).  Messalina  is  stated  by  Dio 
(60. 18,  4)  to  have  caused  her  to  be  put  to 
death  in  A.  D.  43,  out  of  jealousy 
{^rjKorvnrjaaaa).  Suet.  (CI.  29)  says 
'  crimine  incerto  nee  defensione  ulla 
data'.  Suillius  was  employed  to  accuse 
her  (c.  43,  3)- 

4.  per  quadraginta  annos,  i.  e.  all 
the  rest  of  her  life.     This  would  show 


her  to  have  lived    on   to  the  time    of 
Domitian. 

non  cultu,  &c.,  '  with  no  dress  but 
that  of  mourning' :  cp.  'laeto  cultu  '  (2. 
75>  3) :  '  egit '  =  *  vixit ',  as  in  i .  4,  4,  &c. 

5.  impune,  used  as  an  adj.,  cp.  'im- 
pune esse'  (i.  72,  3,  and  note). 

6.  mox,  in  the  reaction  afterwards. 

7.  P.  Celerem :  see  c.  i,  3,  where  it  isj 
said  that  he  was  'procurator'  in  Asia 
when  he  poisoned  Silanus.  The  power: 
of  extortion  in  such  procurators  had  been! 
no  doubt  increased  by  the  change  men-i 
tioned  in  12.  60. 

8.  absolvere  nequibat  Caesar.  This 
expression  need  not  in  itself  imply  a  pri- 
vate trial  before  Caesar  (see  on  c.  52,  i), 
but  that  he  was  so  tried  is  probable  from 
the  account  as  a  whole,  and  from  the  fact 
that  this  was  usually  the  case  with  such 
persons  (cp.  '  apud  principem  .  .  .  procu- 
ratores  principum  defendere'  Dial.  7,  i) ; 
the  instance  to  the  contrary  in  the  time 
of  Tiberius  (4.  15,  3)  being  evidently 
exceptional.     See  note  on  c.  30,  2. 

traxit,  '  let  him  (his  case)  drag 
on.*  This  sense  with  a  personal  accus. 
is  analogous  to  that  of  *  difFerri '  in  c. 
20,  1. 

10.  obtegebat,'was  casting  into  shade': 
the  meaning  appears  to  be  that  the  reason 
for  screening  him  was  that  his  great  crime 
had  been  in  Nero's  service,  and  that  it 
made  all  his  lesser  outrages  seem  insig- 
nificant in  Nero's  eyes. 

1 1 .  Cossutianum  Capitonem  :  see 
II.  6,  5,  and  note. 

Cilices,  [the  province  of  Cilicia  from 
B.  c.  27— A.  D.  74  ,  included  only  the 
eastern  half  of  the  old  province,  *  Cilicia 
campestris'  with  Tarsus  for  its  metro- 
polis. In  the  division  of  provinces  made 
in    B.C.    27    Cilicia    and  Cyprus   were 


A.  D.  58] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP,  32-34 


197 


foedumque  et  idem  ius  audaciae  in  provincia  ratum  quod  in 
urbe  exercuerat ;  sed  pervicaci  accusatione  conflictatus  postremo 

4  defensionem  omisit  ac  lege   repetundarum  damnatus  est.     pro 
Eprio  Marcello,  a  quo  Lycii  res  repetebant,  eo  usque  ambitus 
praevaluit  ut  quidam  accusatorum  eius  exilio  multarentur,  tam-  5 
quam  insonti  periculum  fecissent. 

1      34.   Nerone  tertium  consule  simul  iniit  consulatum  Valerius 


assigned  to  Augustus  (Dio,  53,  12),  In 
B.  c.  22  (Dio,  54,  4),  Cyprus  was  made  a 
public  province  under  a  proconsul,  but 
the  fate  of  Cilicia  is  uncertain.  The 
view  generally  held  is  that  it  was  placed 
under  the  control  of  the  legate  of  Syria, 
but  the  instances  quoted  in  support  of 
this  view  (Ann.  2.  78,  80 ;  3.  48  ;  6,  41 ; 
12.  55)  are  all  concerned  with  the  western 
half  of  the  old  province  (*  Cilicia  aspera '), 
which  was  partitioned  out  among  native 
kings  (Archelans  of  Cappadocia,  Antio- 
chus  IV  of  Commagene)  and  chiefs,  whose 
proceedings  would  fall  naturally  under 
the  cognizance  of  the  legate  of  Syria,  as 
the  chief  frontier  officer  in  the  East,  and 
who  alone  had  Roman  troops  at  his  dis- 
,  posal.  Whether  the  peaceful  and  civilized 
'  Cilicia  campestris  '  was  like  Cyprus, 
made  a  public  province,  or  committed  by 
the  legate  of  Syria  to  one  of  his  own 
subordmate  legates  cannot  be  determined. 
That  it  formed  a  separate  command  of 
some  kind  is  suggested  by  the  passage  in 
Philostratus Vit.  Apoll.  1. 1 2 :  KikiKuvripx^v 
(aet.  Tiberi)  vlSpiarr^s  dvOpamos  probably 
not  a  procurator  for  ev  TapaoTs  dyopdv 
^-yev  ( ^  *  forum  egit '),  i.  e.  he  had  juris- 
diction, and  by  the  cases  of  Capito,  who 
was  an  official  of  senatorial  rank,  and 
was  tried  before  the  senate  on  the  instance 
of  the  provincial  council,  and  possibly 
of  Numitor  (Juv.  8.  92).  In  a.  D.  74 
Vespasian  brought  Western  Cilicia  again 
under  provincial  jurisdiction  and  placed 
it  together  with  Eastern  Cilicia  under  a 
legate.— P.] 

macvdosxim  foedumque.  These 
terms  are  thus  joined  in  H.  i.  7,  2;  2. 
30,  4;  the  former  is  used  in  a  similar 
metaphorical  sense  in  Cic.  Att.  i.  16,  3 
('  maculosi  senatorcs'). 

2.  pervicaci  accusatione  confli- 
ctatus. The  accusers  were  strengthened 
by  the  support  of  Thrasea  (16.  21,  3). 
A  sentence  of  one  of  them  is  preserved 
by  the  recollection  of  Quintilian  (6.  i, 
14)  :  '  egregie  nobis  adulescentibus  dixisse 
accusator  Cossutiani  Capitonis  videbatur. 


Graece  quidem,  sed  in  hunc  modum, 
"  erubescis  Caesarem  timere ".'  The 
trial  was  held  before  the  senate,  as  is 
evident  from  the  words  of  Juvenal  (see 
next  note). 

3.  damnatus  est.  He  was  expelled 
from  the  senate,  but  restored  four  or  five 
years  afterwards  by  the  influence  of  his 
father-in  law  Tigellinus  (14.  48,  2).  His 
righteous  condemnation  was  not  forgotten 
when  Juvenal  wrote  (8,  92)  '  quam  ful- 
mine  iusto  Et  Capito  et  Numitor  ruerint 
damnante  senatu  Piratae  Cilicum '.  No- 
thing is  known  of  the  case  of  Numitor. 

4.  Eprio  Marcello:  see  12,  4,  5,  and 
note. 

Lycii  res  repetebant ;  so  all  edd. 
(after  G.)  for  Med.  '  licires  repetebat ', 
except  Ritt.,  who  reads  *  Lycia  res  repe- 
tebat '  on  the  analogy  of  *  accusante  Asia  ' 
above.  The  Lycian  communities  had! 
been  free,  but  had  been  placed  under ! 
provincial  rule  by  Claudius  on  account  of  j 
their  internal  dissensions  (Suet.  CI.  25), 
and  added  to  the  province  of  Pamphylia 
(Dio,  60.  17,  3),  which  was  governed  by  , 
a  legatus  of  praetorian  rank.  For  subse- 
quent changes  see  Marquardt  i.  217. 
Kprius  had  been  one  day  praetor  (12. 
4,  5).  His  government  is  attested  by  an 
inscription  belonging  to  the  base  of  a 
statue  set  up  by  the  Lycian  city  Tlos, 
T\qj4ojv  6  5r]fjLos''EiTpiov  MdpK€k\ov  (C.  I.G. 
4328  b).  There  seems  not  to  be  sufficient 
ground  for  Zumpt's  view  (Eph.  Ep.  ii. 
146)  that  he  was  legatus  of  Galatia;  and 
his  supposition  that  the  trial  was  '  apud 
principem'  appears  to  be  negatived  by 
the  mention  of  *  ambitus ',  unless  we 
suppose  him  to  have  bribed  the  assessors 
of  the  princeps. 

6.  periculum  fecissent :  cp.  16.  19, 
5;  elsewhere    (i.    74,    2;    H.  4.  43,  i) 

*  periculum  facessere '  is  used. 

7.  M'erone  tertium  consule,  here  = 

*  tertium  consulatum  ineunti '.  The  other; 
consul  is  not  elsewhere  named  by  Tacitus, 
but  his  name  occurs  in  several  Arval 
Tables  from  the  time  of  Claudius  (C.  I.  L. 


198 


CORNELII  TACITl  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  58 


Messala,    cuius   proavum,   oratorem    Corvinum,  divo    Augusto, 
abavo    Neronis,  collegam    in    eo    magistratu    fuisse   pauci   iam 
senum    meminerant.      sed    nobili    familiae    honor    auctus    est  2 
oblatis  in  singulos   annos   quingenis   sestertiis  quibus   Messala 

5  paupertatem  innoxiam  sustentaret.     Aurelio  quoque  Cottae  et  3 
Haterio  Antonino  annuam  pecuniam  statuit  princeps,  quamvis 
per  luxum  avitas  opes  dissipassent. 

Eius   anni   principio  mollibus  adhuc  initiis  prolatatum  inter  4 
Parthos    Romanesque    de    obtinenda   Armenia    bellum    acriter 

10  sumitur,  quia  nee  Vologeses  sinebat  fratrem  Tiridaten    dati   a 
se  regni  expertem  esse  aut  alienae  id  potentiae  donum  habere, 
et  Corbulo  dignum  magnitudine  populi  Romani  rebatur  parta 
olim  a  LucuUo  Pompeioque  recipere.     ad  hoc  Armenii  ambigua  5 
fide  utraque  arma  invitabant,  situ  terrarum,  similitudine  morum 

15  Parthis  propiores  conubiisque  permixti  ac  libertate  ignota  illuc 
magis  ad  servitium  inclinantes. 


vi.  I,  2034,  2039,  ^o\\..).  For  his  father 
see  3.  2,  5,  for  his  grandfather,  i.  8,5 
(and  notes). 

1.  oratorem  Corvinum:  see  3.  34,  2 
(and  note);  11.  6,  4,  &c.  Tacitus,  as 
elsewhere,  varies  the  form  of  the  name  in 
speaking  of  near  relations  (see  Introd.  i. 
V.  §  86).  It  is  difficult  to  suppose  that 
persons  then  living  could  remember  the 
consulship  of  Augustus  and  Corvinus, 
which  was  in  the  year  of  Actium  (723, 
B.C.  31);  but  it  maybe  merely  meant 
that  there  were  those  living  who  had  been 
alive  then,  and  who  could  remember 
Corvinus  himself,  who  lived  probably  till 
A.D.  9  (see  Nipp.  in  Rhein.  Mus.  xix.  281- 
292),  or,  according  to  some,  still  later. 

2.  abavo  Neronis:  see  14.  53,  3,  and 
note. 

4.  quingenis  sestertiis.  Suet,  ap- 
pears again  (Ner.  10)  to  generalize  from 
an  instance :  *  senatorum  nobilissimo 
cuique,  sed  a  re  familiari  destituto,  annua 
salaria,  et  quibusdam  quingena  (sestertia) 
constituit.'  It  is  evident  thence,  and 
might  otherwise  be  taken  for  granted, 
that  *  sestertiis '  is  from  *  sestertium '.  On 
such  imperial  gifts  to  needy  nobles  see 
I.  75,  4,  and  note  ;  also  Friedl.  i.  233,  foil. 

5.  innoxiam,  without  trying  to  enrich 
himself  malis  artibus'  (cp,  c.  30,  4,  and 
note). 

Aurelio  Cottae,  probably  son  or 
grandson  of  the  Cotta  Messalinus  of  the 


time  of  Tiberius  (see  2.  32,  2,  and  note), 
who  is  himself  called  '  egens  ob  luxum  ' 
(6.  7,  i).  He  would  thus  be  another 
descendant  of  Corvinus. 

6.  Haterio  Antonino  :  see  12.  58,  i, 
and  note. 

quamvis,  with  subjunct.  of  facts:  cp. 
Introd.  i.  V.  §  53. 

7.  avitas  is  read  by  all  edd.  ^iter  Lips. 
for  *habitas'. 

8.  eius  anni  principio.  On  the 
chronology  of  these  campaigns  see  c. 
36,  I. 

prolatatum  =  *  dilatum '  (cp.  6.  42, 
6,  &c.).  The  narrative  is  taken  up  from 
c.  6-9. 

11.  aut  alienae,  &c.  ;  i.e.  to  accept  it 
with  a  recognition  of  vassalage  to  Rome. 
Tacitus  has  never  stated,  but  must  be 
understood  to  imply,  that  Corbulo  had 
offered  him  this  compromise  at  the  outset. 
See  Introd.  p.  113. 

12.  parta  .  .  .  recipere.  The  result  of 
the  successes  gained  by  these  generals 
over  Tigranes  I  in  the  third  Mithridatic 
war  are  often  exaggerated  by  Roman 
writers;  but  was  such  as  to  make  the 
Armenians  then  and  often  afterwards 
accept  kings  of  Roman  nomination. 

13.  ambigua  fide:  see  2.  3,  2  ;  56,  i, 
&c. 

1 5.  illuc  magis.  'Ad  servitium'  must  be 
taken  epexegetically,  a  sense  which  Halm 
tries  to  make  more  clear  by  the  insertion 


A.  D.  58] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP.  34,   35 


199 


1  35.    Sed    Corbuloni    plus   molis   adversus  ignaviam  militum 

2  quam  contra  perfidiam  hostium  erat :  quippe  Syria  transmotae 
legiones,  pace  longa  segnes,  munia  castrorum  aegerrime  tolera- 

3  bant,     satis  constitit  fuisse  in  eo  exercitu   veteranos   qui  non 
stationem,  non  vigilias  inissent,  vallum  fossamque  quasi  nova  5 
et  mira  viserent,  sine  galeis,  sine  loricis,  nitidi  et  quaestuosi, 

4  militia  per  oppida  expleta.  igitur  dimissis  quibus  senectus  aut 
valetudo  adversa  erat  supplementum  petivit.  et  habiti  per 
Galatiam    Cappadociamque   dilectus,   adiectaque   ex    Germania 

5  legio  cum  equitibus  alariis  et  peditatu  cohortium.     retentusque  10 


of  *  ut '  after  '  illuc ':  a  simpler  course  is 
that  taken  by  Lipsius,  who  reads  *  illud' 
for  '  illuc ',  and  most  modern  editors 
follow  him.  The  Armenians  had  no  choice 
but  to  be  subjects,  and  preferred  Parthian 
to  Roman  masters.  Tacitus  allows  himself 
.  to  imply  that  subjection  even  to  Rome 
was  'servitium'  in  Agr.  14,  2  (*  instni- 
menta  servitutis  et  reges'),  but  elsewhere 
(2.  60,  5)  contrasts  *  vis  Parthorum '  and 
'  potentia  Romana '. 

1.  Sed  Corbuloni,  &c.  This  process 
of  disciplining  the  legions  and  recruiting 
in  Galatia  and  Cappadocia  must  have 
occupied  the  chief  part  of  the  time  since 
Corbulo  was  sent  out :  see  Introd.  p.  112. 

2.  Syria  transmotae.  *  Transmoveo ' 
is  very  rare,  but  found  in  Ter.  Eun.  3.  i, 
10;  on   the  abl.   see  Introd.   i.  v.  §  24. 

("Two  of  the  four  Syrian  legions  had  been 
[handed  over  to  him  (c  8,  2), namely,  the 
Third  and  Sixth  (c.  38,  6),  with  detach- 
ments from  the  Tenth  (c.  40,  3). 

3.  castrorum :  so  Halm,  after  Bot- 
ticher,  for  Med,  'romanorum',  which 
is  retained  in  most  edd.,  and  can  be  taken 
to  mean  *  the  duties  of  Roman  warfare ', 
but  would  be  somewhat  strangely  said  of 
legions  composed  of  Roman  citizens. 
Nipp.  reads  '  castrorum  Romanorum ' ; 
others  alter  '  Romanorum '  to  '  armorum' 
(Freinsh.)  or  '  armatorum '  (Ritt.). 

4.  constitit.  The  past  tense  is  used 
in  speaking  of  the  belief  at  the  time  :  cp. 
14-  4»  6;  33,  5;  15.  16,  i;  67,  5,  and 
other  passages  cited  here  by  Nipp. 

5.  stationem  .  .  .  vigilias :  see  i.  28, 
5,  and  note. 

6.  sine  galeis,  sine  loricis.  The 
garrisons  of  peaceful  provinces  seem  to 
have  been  allowed  to  wear  an  undress 
similar  to  that  of  the  troops  in  Rome 
[set  on  3.  4,-  2\ 

quaestuosi  :  cp.  12.  63,  3.  The 
trade  carried  on  by  soldiers  during  peace 


is  alluded  to  in  c.  51,  i.  Mommsen 
notices  (see  Hist.  v.  398,  2 ;  E.  T.  ii.  66, 
3)  that  the  Syrian  legions  had  become 
again  similarly  demoralized  in  Trajan's 
time. 

8.  per  Galatiam  Cappadociamque. 
The  citizen  population  of  these  provinces 
would  recruit  the  legions  (cp.  c.  7,  i,  and 
note),  the  rest  the  auxiliaries.  These  latter 
are  mentioned  in  15.  6,  5.  Galatia  had 
become  a  province  at  the  death  of  its  last 
king  Amyntas  in  729,  B.C.  25  (Dio,  53. 
26,  3),  and  included,  besides  Galatia 
proper,  Pisidia,  part  of  Phrygia,  Lycaonia, 
and  Isauria,  to  which  Paphlagonia  and 
part  of  Pontus  had  been  subsequently 
added.  It  was  governed  by  a  legatus  of 
praetorian  rank,  who  resided  at  Ancyra 
(Angora),  famous  for  the  temple  and 
great  inscription  of  Augustus  (*marmor 
Ancyranum ').  See  Marquardt,  Staatsv. 
i.  p.  200,  foil. 

9.  ex  Germania  legio.  A  difficulty 
arises  from  the  fact  that  no  such  legion 
formed  part  of  the  expeditionary  force, 
which  is  seen  from  c  40,  3  to  have  con- 
sisted entirely  of  previous  Syrian  legions 
(see  note  on  §  1,  and  on  c.  38,  6;  40,  3). 
It  would  seem  thus  to  have  been  really 
sent  on  to  Syria,  to  make  up  for  the 
weakening  of  the  Tenth  by  the  detach- 
ment sent  to  Corbulo.  It  appears  to  be 
rmcertain  whether  it  was  the  Fourth  or 
the  Twelfth :  the  former  had  been  origin- 
ally a  Moesian,  the  latter  a  Syrian  legion 
(Introd.  i.  vii.  103,  104);  but  both  are 
thought  to  have  been  afterwards  in  Upper 
Germany  (see  Nipp.  here,  and  Momms. 
Hist.  V.  120;  E.  T.  ii.  132,  note). 

10.  cum  equitibus,  &c,  i.  e.  with  the 
auxiliaries  of  horse  and  foot  belonging 
to  it. 

retentus  .  .  .  sub  pellibius,  'was 
kept  under  tents'  (cp.  14.  38,  1),  instead 
of  being  housed  in  winter  quarters :   cp. 


200 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  58 


omnis   exercitus   sub   pellibus,   quamvis   hieme   saeva  adeo   ut 
obducta  glacie  nisi  effossa  humus  tentoriis  locum  non  praeberet. 
ambusti  multorum  artus  vi  frigoris   et  quidam  inter  excubias  6 
exanimati    sunt.      adnotatusque    miles    qui    fascem    lignorum 

5  gestabat  ita  praeriguisse  manus,  ut  oneri  adhaerentes   truncis 
brachiis  deciderent.     ipse  cultu  levi,  capita  intecto,  in  agmine,  7 
in  laboribus  frequens  adesse,  laudem  strenuis,  solacium  invalidis, 
exemplum  omnibus  ostendere.     dehinc  quia  duritia  caeli  mili-  8 
tiaeque    multi    abnuebant   deserebantque,  remedium  severitate 

10  quaesitum  est.    nee    enim,  ut  in  aliis  exercitibus,  primum  alte-  9 
rumque  delictum  venia  prosequebatur,  sed  qui  signa  reliquerat, 
statim  capite  poenas  luebat.     idque  usu  salubre  et  misericordia  10 
melius  adparuit :  quippe  pauciores  ilia  castra  deseruere  quam  ea 
in  quibus  ignoscebatur. 

15      36.  Interim  Corbulo  legionibus  intra  castra  habitis,  donee  ver  1 


'  aut  sub  pellibus  habendos  milites  fore, 
aut,  si  concedere  in  hiberna  vellent ',  &c. 
(Liv.  37.  39,  i).  It  is  plain  from  c.  36,  i 
that  the  position  occupied  was  in  the 
enemy's  country,  which  must  therefore 
have  been  entered  in  the  preceding  year. 
Reasons  are  given  in  Introd.  p.  112,  for 
rather  taking  the  winter  here  spoken  of 
to  be  that  of  a.d.  57-58  than,  as  Momm- 
sen  makes  it,  that  of  the  following  year. 
Nipp.  can  hardly  be  right  in  taking  it  to 
be  that  of  a.d.  56-57. 

2.  nisi  effossa  humus  =  '  humus  nisi 
effossa' :  '  obducta'  can  well  be  also  taken 
with  '  humus '  in  the  sense  of  '  over- 
spread ' ;  but  the  analogy  of  *  obducta 
veste'  (4.  70,  2)  is  in  favour  of  taking  it 
with  '  glacie '. 

3.  ambusti.  This  word  is  used  of 
frostbites  from  the  similarity  of  the  effect 
to  that  of  a  burn  :  cp.  '  ambusta  igni  vel 
frigore '  (Plin.  N.  H.  24.  8,  29,  45). 

4.  adnotatus  .  .  .  praeriguisse  ma- 
nus, '  was  observed  with  his  hands  frozen 
before  him.'  *  Adnoto  '  is  post- Augustan, 
and  does  not  elsewhere  occur  with  this 
construction,  though  many  analogous 
usages  are  found  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  45). 
*  Praerigescere '  is  air.  dp.,  and  analogous 
to  other  words  coined  by  Tacitus  (Introd. 
i.  v.  §  69,  3).  The  interpretation  given 
above  (with  Nipp.  and  Dr.)  is  in  accord- 
ance with  the  usual  force  of  *prae'  in 
composition  with  verbs.  Others  would 
translate  (with  Lips.)  '  frozen  at  the  ex- 
tremities'  (cp.  'praeustus',  &c.).  To  take 
it,  with  Forcell.,  as  =  *valde  riguisse',  on 


the  analogy  of  'praerigidus',  seems  hardly 
possible. 

6.  cultu  levi,  *  lightly  clad ' :  for  the 
use  of  'cultus'  cp.  I.  10,  7,  and  note. 

capite  intecto;  so  in  3.  41,  4,  &c 
The  adj.  is  found  in  Sallust,  from  whom 
Tacitus  appears  to  adopt  it. 

in  agmine,  in  laboribus,  &c., 
nearly  repeated  from  the  description  of 
Vespasian  in  H.  5.  i,  2  ;  both  being  re- 
miniscences of  that  of  Sulla  in  Sail.  Jug.  96, 
3  ('  in  operibus,  in  agmine  multus  adesse '). 

7.  frequens,  adverbial,  so  used  of  a 
person  in  4.  55,  i. 

8.  ostendere,  used  by  zeugma  with 
'  laudem '  and  *  solacium ' :  cp.  '  ceteris 
periculorum   praemiorumque  ostentator' 

(I-  24,  3)- 

duritia.  This  is  the  reading  of  Med. 
Many  modem  editors  following  inferior 
MSS.  read  *  duritiam ' ;  but  *  abnuebant ' 
as  well  as  *  deserebant '  can  both  quite 
well  stand  absolutely.  Cp.  for  *  abnuo ' 
11.12,29;  for  *  desero ',  in  military  sense. 
Quint.  9.  4,  85  ('ire  in  aciem  coactus,  de- 
seruit'). 

15.  ver.  The  chronology  of  these  cam- 
paigns is  not  clear,  inasmuch  as  Tacitus 
gives  all  the  events  here  mentioned  (c. 
34-41)  under  the  year  A.D.  58,  and  takes 
up  the  narrative  again  (14.  23-26)  under 
the  year  a.d.  60;  so  as  to  leave  it  un- 
certain in  which  place  the  campaign  of 
the  intermediate  year  is  to  be  found.  The 
difficulty  is  discussed  in  Introd.  pp.  in, 
112,  where  reasons  are  given  for  thinking 
it  most  probable  that  in  this  Book  the 


A.  D.  58] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP.  35-37 


aoi 


adolesceret,  dispositisque  per  idoneos  locos  cohortibus  auxiliariis, 
ne   pugnam   priores    auderent    praedicit :    curam    praesidiorum 

2  Paccio  Orfito  primi  pili  honore  perfuncto  mandat.    is  quamquam 
incautos  barbaros  et  bene  gerendae  rei  casum  offerri  scripserat, 

3  tenere  se  munimentis  et  maiores  copias  opperiri  iubetur.     sed  5 
rupto   imperio,  postquam   paucae  e   proximis   castellis  turmae 
advenerant    pugnamque    imperitia    poscebant,   congressus    cum 

4  hoste  funditur.     et   damno   eius   exterriti   qui   subsidium    ferre 

5  debuerant  sua  quisque  in    castra   trepida   fuga  rediere.      quod 
graviter  Corbulo  accepit  increpitumque  Paccium  et  praefectos  10 
militesque   tendere   extra   vallum    iussit ;    inque  ea  contumelia 
detenti  nee  nisi  precibus  universi  exercitus  exoluti  sunt. 

1  37.  At  Tiridates  super  proprias  clientelas  ope  Vologesi  fratris 
adiutus,  non  furtim  iam  sed  palam  bello  infensare  Armeniam, 
quosque   fidos    nobis   rebatur,   depopulari,  et   si  copiae   contra  15 
ducerentur,  eludere  hucque  et  illuc  volitans  plura  fama  quam 

2  pugna  exterrere.     igitur  Corbulo   quaesito  diu   proelio  frustra 


campaign  of  the  year  58  alone  is  given. 

It  would  follow  that  he  had  led  the  army 
^  into  Armenia  in  the  preceding  year  (see  on 
!  c.  35,  5),  as  the  winter  and  spring  here 

spoken   of  are  evidently   spent   in   that 

country. 

1.  adolesceret.  On  the  use  of  this 
and  other  figurative  terms  for  the  progress 
of  the  seasons  see  2.  23.  i,  and  note. 

2.  auderent:  so  Pich.  and  most  edd. 
after  MS.  Vat.:  Med.  has  *audirent', 
other  MSS.  *  adirent'.  Tacitus  often  uses 
*  audeo  *  with  such  an  accus. ,  as  *  proe- 
lium'  (4.  49,  I,  &c.),  '  obpugnationem ' 
(2.  12,  i),  'aciem'  (12.  28,  i). 

praedicit,  *  proclaims' :  so  in  2.  6,  4  ; 
16.  33,  3,  &c.,  and  in  Cic  and  Liv. 

3.  Paccio.  This  form  of  the  name, 
given  by  Med.  in  15.  12,  3,  is  shown  to 
be  a  Roman  name  by  inscriptions  (see 
Proserp.  Imp.  R.  3,  pp.  3,  4).  Med.  has 
here  '  pactio ',  and  below  '  pacium '. 

primi  pili  honore  perfuncto  = 
'primipilari'  (2.  11,  2,  &c.)  :  see  Introd. 
i.  vii.  p.  105.  In  15.  12,  3  he  is  men- 
tioned as  again  *  primipilus ',  which  may 
perhaps  show  that  he  had  been  degraded. 

4.  casum,  'opportunity':  see  i.  13,  2, 
and  note. 

6.  rupto  imperio:  cp.  H.  3.  19,  4; 
Curt.  10.  3,  15.  The  few  troops  that  had 
arrived  gave  some  colour  of  excuse. 

II.  tendere,  *  to  encamp '  (cp.  1. 17,  4, 


&c.).  Such  a  punishment  is  described 
by  Polybius  (6.  38,  3)  as  part  of  the 
Roman  discipline  in  his  time,  and  an 
early  instance  of  it  is  mentioned  in  Liv. 
10.  4,  4,  another  in  Val.  Max.  2.  7,  15. 
Frontinus,  who  notes  generally  the  strict 
discipline  of  Corbulo  (Strat.  4.  2,  3  ;  7, 
2),  also  mentions  this  particular  act  (Id. 
4.  1,  20),  and  states  that  the  troops  so 
punished  consisted  of  two  alae  and  three 
cohortes.  Their  special  commanders 
would  be  the  *  praefecti*  here  mentioned. 

13.  clientelas  :  on  the  clients  of  an 
Eastern  prince  see  12.  14,  5,  and  note. 

Vologesi.  Nipp.  here  reads  '  Volo- 
gaesis ',  on  the  ground  that  the  genit.  in 
*i'  of  words  in  'es'  was  obsolete  (see 
on  12,  13,  3),  and  that  the  form  'Volo- 
gesus'  is  confined  to  the  Histories  and  to 
other  authors  (PI.  mai.,  Suet.,  &c.).  It 
is  however  found  in  Med.  (though  gene- 
rally rejected)  in  c.  7,  2  ;  and  the  varia- 
tions used  by  Tacitus  in  the  forms  of 
Eastern  names,  as  *  Artaxata '  (Introd.  i. 
V.  §  85),  are  remarkable.  Ritt.  takes  it 
as  genit.  of  'Vologeses',  doubting  the 
complete  obsoleteness  of  such  forms,  and 
thinking  that  Tacitus  varied  it  here  on 
account  of  the  following  '  fratris  *. 

14.  infensare  :  cp.  6.  34,  i,  and  note. 
1 7.  frustra  habitus  ^  *  deceptus ' :  cp. 

14.  II,  I,  &c.  In  c.  51,  I  the  expression 
is  used,  in  a  different  sense,  of  things. 


202 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  58 


habitus  et  exemplo  hostium  circumferre  bellum  coactus,  dispertit 
viris  ut  legati  praefectique  diversos  locos  pariter  invaderent ; 
simul  regem  Antiochum  monet  proximas  sibi  praefecturas  petere. 
nam  Pharasmanes  interfecto  filio  Radamisto  quasi  proditore,  quo  3 
5  fidem  in  nos  testaretur  vetus  adversus  Armenios  odium  promptius 
exercebat.  tuncque  primum  inlecti  Moschi,  gens  ante  alias  socia  4 
Romanis,  avia  Armeniae  incursavit.  ita  consilia  Tiridati  in  con- 
trarium  vertebant,  mittebatque  oratores  qui  suo  Parthorumque 
nomine  expostularent  cur  datis  nuper  obsidibus  redintegrataque 

10  amicitia,  quae   novis   quoque   beneficiis   locum   aperiret,  vetere 
Armeniae  possessione  depelleretur.     ideo  nondum  ipsum  Volo-  5 
gesen    commotum,   quia    causa    quam   vi    agere    mallent :    sin 
perstaretur  in  bello,  non  defore  Arsacidis  virtutem  fortunamque 
saepius  iam  clade  Romana  expertam.    ad  ea  Corbulo,  satis  com-  e 

15  perto  Vologesen  defectione  Hyrcaniae  attineri,  suadet  Tiridati 


1  I.  circumferre  bellum,  '  to  enlarge 
'the  area  of  war';  so  in  Liv.  (9.  41,  6, 
&c.)  :  cp.  'spargit  bellum'  (3.  21,  5). 

3.  Antiochum:  see  12.  55,  3,  &c. 
praefecturas  :    cp.  c.  39,  2  ;    15.  28, 

I,  and  note  on  11.  8,  4.  Pliny  states  (N. 
H.  6.  9,  10,  27)  that  Armenia  was  divided 
into  120  such,  which  were  called  aTpart]- 
yiai,  but  had  names  in  the  national  lan- 
guage. 

4.  nam  Pharasmanes,  &c.  The  force 
of  '  nam '  appears  to  be  that  he  had  not 
waited  for  orders.  On  Pharasmanes  see 
6.  32,  5,  &c.  Radamistus  had  fled  to 
him  on  his  escape  from  Armenia  (c.  6,  i ; 
12.  51,4). 

quasi  proditore.  He  had  really 
connived  at  his  occupation  of  Armenia, 
but  found  it  convenient  to  disavow  him 
when  he  was  driven  out.  The  words 
'  quo  .  .  .  testaretur '  do  not  belong  to 
this,  but  to  the  following  clause. 

6.  inlecti,  *  won  over '  to  the  Roman 
alliance :  on  the  use  of  this  word  without 
any  sense  of  deceiving  see  2.  37,  2,  and 
note. 

Moschi.  Recent  edd.  follow  Ritt. 
(1838)  in  reading  this  name  for  *  insochi ' 
(Med.)  or  'insechi'  (other  MSS.),  which 
are  names  of  no  people  otherwise  known  ; 
the  supposition  being  that  '  m '  has  been 
corrupted  into  '  in ',  and  *  o '  and  '  s ' 
transposed.  The  Moschi  are  mentioned 
in  Hdt.  (3. 94,  3  ;  7.  78,  i),  and  have  been 
identified  by  some  with  the  Meshech  of 
Ezek.  (27,  13,  &c.).  The  Moaxi/id  opt] 
of  Strabo  (11.  2,  15,497)  belong  to  the 


tract  on  the  south-east  of  the  Euxine,  and 
Pliny  (N.  H.  6.  4,  13)  places  the  Moschi 
at  the  sources  of  the  Phasis. 

ante  alias  socia,  &c.  Nipp.  thinksl 
this  must  be  understood  of  the  timel 
when  Tacitus  was  writing,  and  of  assist-j 
ance  rendered  in  the  Eastern  wars  of 
Trajan. 

7.  incursavit.  Nipp.  notes  that  the 
verb  is  sometimes  adapted,  not  to  the 
proper  subject,  but  to  a  noun  in  apposi- 
tion with  it :  see  2.  17,  2  (and  note);  H. 
I.  86,  4.  A  few  instances  are  found  in 
other  authors,  as  *  Carmonenses  .  .  .  fir- 
missima  . . .  civitas  cohortis  eiecit '  (Caes. 
B.C.  2,  19,  5),  *  Vulsinii  .  .  .  oppidum 
opulentissimum,  totum  concrematum  est ' 
(Plin.  N.  H.  2.  52,  53,  139). 

in  contrarium,  i.  e.  he  was  forced  to 
stand  on  his  own  defence. 

9.  datis  ,  .  .  obsidibus  :  see  c.  9,  2. 

10.  beneficiis,  favours  from  Rome, 
vetere,  i.e.  his  already  established  pos- 
session of  it. 

11.  ideo,  &c.,*  for  this  reason  only  had 
Vologeses  as  yet  made  no  movement.' 
Dr.  notes  that '  commoveri '  is  used  where 
older  writers  would  say  '  commovere  bel- 
lum',  e.  g.  12.  55,  I  ;   14.  31,  4. 

1 2.  causa, '  by  right ' :  so  used,  answer- 
ing to  *  aequitate',  in  15.  2,  3. 

mallent,  speaking  for  himself  as  well 
as  Vologeses. 

14.  clade  Bomana,  the  defeats  of  | 
Crassus  and  Antonius  :  see  2.  1,2. 

15.  Hyrcaniae.  This  people,  living  at  | 
the  south-east  angle  of  the  Caspian,  had  ' 


A.  D.  58]  LIBER  XIII.      CAP.  37,  38  203 

precibus  Caesarem  adgredi :  posse  illi  regnum  stabile  et  res 
incruentas  contingere,  si  omissa  spe  longinqua  et  sera  praesentem 
potioremque  sequeretur. 

1  38.  Placitum  dehinc,  quia  commeantibus  in  vicem  nuntiis 
nihil  in  summam  pacis  proficiebatur,  conloquio  ipsorum  tempus  5 

2  locumque  destinari.  mille  equitum  praesidium  Tiridates  adfore 
sibi  dicebat :  quantum  Corbuloni  cuiusque  generis  militum 
adsisteret,  non  statuere,  dum  positis  loricis  et  galeis  in  faciem 

3  pacis  veniretur.     cuicumque  mortalium,  nedum  veteri  et  provide 
duci,  barbarae  astutiae  patuissent :  ideo  artum  inde  numerum  10 
finiri  et  hinc  maiorem  offerri  ut  dolus  pararetur  ;  nam  equiti 
sagittarum   usu   exercito   si   detecta   corpora   obicerentur,  nihil 

4  profuturam  multitudinem.  dissimulate  tamen  intellectu  rectius 
de  iis  quae  in  publicum  consulerentur  totis  exercitibus  coram 

5  dissertaturos    respondit  ;    locumque    delegit    cuius    pars   altera  15 
colles  erant  clementer  adsurgentes  accipiendis  peditum  ordinibus, 
pars  in  planitiem  porrigebatur  ad  explicandas  equitum  turmas. 

6  dieque  pacto  prior  Corbulo  socias  cohortis  et  auxilia  regum  pro 
cornibus,  medio  sextam  legionem  constituit,  cui  accita  per 
noctem  aliis  ex  castris  tria  milia  tertianorum  permiscuerat,  una  20 

'affinities  with  the  Parthians  (6.  36,  5).  of  similar  use  of  *  hinc  ...  illinc '  or  '  hinc 

The  revolt  here  mentioned  explains  the  . . .  hinc '  for  '  ab  hac  parte  .  . .  ab  ilia '. 

inaction  of  Vologeses  down  to  A.D.  60  13.  intellectu  =  ' intellegentia',  as  in 

(see  14.  25,  2).  c.  16,  4 ;  6.  36,  4,  &c. 

suadet :   on  the  infin.  with  this  verb  15.  dissertaturos:  cp.  12.  11,  i,  and 

see  3.  53,  2,  and  note.  note. 

1.  stabile,     by    his    recognition    on  16.  clementer, 'gently' :  cp.  12.  33, 2, 
doing  homage  to   Rome    (see  c.   34,  4,  and  note. 

and  note).  accipiendis  .  .  .  ordinibus,   dat.  of 

2.  incruentas:    cp.    12.   46,    2,    and       purpose  (here   equivalent    to    'quae   res 
note.  apta  esset  accipiendis ',  &c.),  varied  in  the 

5.  in  summam   pacis,  '^towards  the  next  sentence  to  a  clause  with  '  ad '  and 

general  result   of  peace  ' :    cp.  2.  45,  5  accus.  (as  in  2.  6,  4,  where  see  note),  here 

(and  note);   also  H.  2.  16,  i,  where,  as  equivalent  to  a  similar  relative  clause,  as 

here,  Med.  has  'summa',  apparently  an  in  12.  56,  2. 

error  arising  from  the  abbreviation  *  sum-  18.  pro  comibus,  *  at  the  extremity  of 

ma'.    Such  expressions  as  ' summa belli ',  each  wing';  repeated  in  14.  34,  3,  and 

'  spei',  &c.  are  frequent  in  Livy.  analogous  to  '  pro  munimentis  '  (2.  13,  4, 

8.  dum  =  ' dummodo',  as  in  4.  48,  2,  &c.). 

&c.  19.  medio.     On  this  substantival  abl. 

in    faciem,  *  so   as   to  give  the   ap-  without  prep.  cp.  i.  64,  7;  Introd-  i.  v. 

pearance':    '  fa cies'  =  *  species',  as  in  i.  §  25. 

49,  I,  &c.;  and  *  in' expresses  result;  cp.  sextam,   one    of    the    regular    Syrian  I 

'in  faciem  stagni'  (H.  5.  23,  4),  and  the  legions  (2.  79,  3),  called  '  Ferrata'  (In- 1 

frequent  expressions  'in  speciem',  &c.  trod.  i.  vii.  p.  104). 

9.  nedum  :  cp.  c.  20,  5.  20.  tertianorum,    men    belonging   to  | 

10.  inde  .  .  .  hinc,  '  on  the  Parthian       the  Third  legion  (the  *  tertia  Gallica':  i 
side  ...  on  the  Roman : '  cp.  2.  60,  4  ;      see  Introd.  1.  1.). 

80,  6,  &c.     Nipp.  gives  several  instances 


I 


204 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  58 


cum  aquila,  quasi  eadem  legio  spectaretur.     Tiridates  vergente  7 
iam  die  procul  adstitit,  unde  videri  magis  quam  audiri  posset, 
ita  sine  congressu  dux  Romanus  abscedere  militem  sua  quemque 
in  castra  iubet. 
5      39.   Rex  sive  fraudem  suspectans,  quia  plura  simul  in  loca  1 
ibatur,  sive  ut  commeatus  nostros  Pontico  mari  et  Trapezunte 
oppido   adventantis    interciperet,  propere   discedit.     sed  neque  2 
commeatibus  vim   facere   potuit,   quia   per   mentis   ducebantur 
praesidiis  nostris  insessos,  et  Corbulo,  ne  inritum  bellum  tra- 

10  heretur  utque  Armenios  ad  sua  defendenda  cogeret,  excindere 
parat    castella    sibique   quod   validissimum   in    ea    praefectura, 
c  ognomento  Volandum,  sumit ;    minora  Cornelio  Flacco  legato 
et  Insteio  Capitoni  castrorum  praefecto  mandat.     tum  circum-  3 
spectis    munimentis    et    quae    expugnationi    idonea    provisis, 

15  hortatur    milites    ut    hostem    vagum    neque    paci    aut   proelio 
paratum,  sed  perfidiam  et  ignaviam  fuga  confitentem  exuerent 
sedibus  gloriaeque  pariter  et  praedae  consulerent.     tum  quad-  4 
ripertito  exercitu  hos  in  testudinem  conglobatos  subruendo  vallo 
inducit,  alios  scalas  moenibus  admovere,  multos  tormentis  faces 

20  et  hastas  incutere  iubet.     libritoribus  funditoribusque  attributus  5 


I .  quasi,  &c., '  as  if  there  were  but  one 
legion  in  sight ' ;  that  the  enemy  might 
think  he  had  but  one  before  him. 

5.  suspectans  :  cp.  i.  5,1,  and  note. 
On  the  coordination  of  a  participle  with 
a  final  clause  cp.  2.  62,  i  ;  Introd.  i.  v. 

§9i>9- 

6.  Pontico  mari  et  Trapezunte 
oppido,  *  by  way  of  the  Euxine  and  the 
town  of  Trapezus'  (Trebizonde),  from 
which  point  the  land-transport  would 
begin.  On  such  ablatives  of  direction 
see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  25.  Trapezus,  already 
a  flourishing  town  at  the  time  of  the 
retreat  of  the  Ten  Thousand  (Xen.  An.  5. 
5,  10),  was  now  the  capital  of  the  king- 
dom of  Pontus.  On  the  annexation  of 
Pontus  in  a.  d.  63  it  became  a  free  city 
(Plin.  N.  H.  6,  II). 

7.  discedit.  The  context  would  show 
the  direction  first  taken,  after  which  he 
appears  to  have  retreated  to  Artaxata  (c. 
40,  i).  Egli's  view  (p.  283),  that  this  was 
the  end  of  the  campaign  of  a.  d.  58, 
arises  out  of  the  error  of  identification 
noted  on  c  41,  4. 

12.  Volandum.  This  place  is  imknown, 
but  is  shown  by  the  sequel  to  have  been 


south  of  the  Araxes  and  west  of  Artaxata. 
Some  have  identified  it  with  a  treasure- 
fort  named  'OXavrj,  mentioned  by  Strabo 
(II.  14,  6,  529)  as  near  that  city. 

Cornelio  Flacco  .  .  .  Insteio  Capi- 
toni. The  former  (not  elsewhere  men- 
tioned) must  have  been  a  *  legatus  legi- 
onis',  the  latter  is  probably  the  person 
mentioned  in  c.  9,  3,  as  a  centurion ;  the 
post  of  *  praefectus  castrorum  '  (on  which 
see  Eph.  Epig.  i.  82-95)  being  a  step  from 
that  rank  (see  i.  20,  i,  and  note). 

13.  circumspectis,  'having  been  re- 
connoitred'; cp.  14.  33,  2,  and  note. 

16.  exuerent  sedibus:  cp.  'exutum 
campis'  (12.  45,  3,  and  note). 

18.  in  testudinem,  i.e.  into  a  mass 
with  locked  shields  over  their  heads :  cp. 
H.  3.  28,  2;  31,  I,  &c. 

19.  inducit.  Ni pp.  notes  that  this  verb 
more  distinctly  denotes  hostile  attack 
than  '  adducere ' ;  so  '  turmas  inducit 
Asilas  '  (Verg.  Aen.  11.  620),  *  manipulos 
.  .  .  inducit'  (Liv.  10.  33,  i). 

20.  incutere  = '  conicere  ' ;   so  in   H. 

3.  31,  I,  &c- 

libritoribus  funditoribusque.  On 
these  slingers  see  2.  20,  4,  and  note. 


A.  D.  58] 


LIBER  XUI,      CAP,  38-40 


205 


locus,  unde  eminus  glandes  torquerent,  ne  qua  pars  subsidium 

6  laborantibus  ferret  pari  undique  motu.  tantus  inde  ardor 
certantis  exercitus  fuit  ut  intra  tertiam  diei  partem  nudati 
propugnatoribus  muri,  obices  portarum  subversi,  capta  escensu 
munimenta  omnesque  puberes  trucidati  sint,  nuUo  milite  amisso,  5 

7  paucis  admodum  vulneratis.  et  imbelle  vulgus  sub  corona 
venundatum,  reliqua  praeda  victoribus  cessit.  pari  fortuna 
legatus  ac  praefectus  usi  sunt,  tribusque  una  die  castellis 
expugnatis  cetera  terrore  et  alia  sponte  incolarum  in  deditionem 
veniebant.    unde  orta  fiducia  caput  gentis  Artaxata  adgrediendi.  10 

8  nee  tamen  proximo  itinere  ductae  legiones,  quae  si  amnem 
Araxen,  qui  moenia  adluit,  ponte  transgrederentur,  sub  ictum 
dabantur :  procul  et  latioribus  vadis  transiere. 

1      40.  At  Tiridates  pudore  et  metu,  ne,  si  concessisset  obsidioni 
nihil  opis  in  ipso  videretur,  si  prohiberet,  impeditis  locis  seque  et  15 
equestris  copias  inligaret,  statuit  postremo  ostendere  aciem  et 
dato  die  proelium  incipere  vel  simulatione  fugae  locum  fraudi 


1 .  glandes,  *  leaden  balls '  (often 
mentioned  in  military  narratives).  Such 
have  been  found  inscribed  *Roma,  feri* 
(Or.  Insc.  4932). 

2.  motu.  This  is  the  reading  of  Med. 
Most  editors  follow  Lipsius  in  reading 
*  metu  ',  in  the  sense  of  '  periculo  '. 

tantus  ardor.  Dr.  notes  a  reminis- 
cence of  Liv.  22.  5,  8  ('tantusque  fuit 
ardor  animorum  ut',  &c.). 

3.  nudati  propugnatoribus,  appa- 
rently from  Caes.  B.  G.  2.  6.  2. 

4.  obices  portarum.  Nipp.  notes 
that  '  subversi '  would  show  that  this  is 
not  to  be  taken  of  the  bars  or  beams  of 
the  gates  (cp.  H.  3.  30,  1),  but  of 
barricades  in  the  gateways  (cp.  '  obices 
viarum'  Liv.  9.  3,  i).  The  words  might 
also  mean  '  the  obstructions  consisting  of 
(or  presented  by)  the  gates ',  as  *  obices 
saxorum'  (H,  4.  71,4):  cp.  Verg.  G.  4, 
422;  Aen.  10,  377. 

escensu,  an-,  etp.  :  *  escensio '  is 
found  several  times  in  Liv.,  and  *  escendo  * 
(c.  5,  3  :  15-  59,  I )  is  rare,  but  in  Cic.  &c. 
The  old  edd.  read,  with  some  inferior 
MSS.,  '  ascensu ',  which  was  formerly 
thought  to  be  the  Med.  text  also. 

7.  reliqua  praeda.  The  price  of  the 
captives  went  to  the  state.  '  Cedere '  is 
used  as  in  2.  64,  4;  4.  43,  2  ;  14.  36,  4, 
and  often  in  Livy. 


9.  cetera  .  .  .  et  alia, '  the  rest  through 
fear,  and  in  some  cases  with  the  goodwill 
of  the  inhabitants ',  &c.  '  Alia '  is  subor- 
dinate to  *  cetera ' ;  the  sense  being  nearly 
the  same  as  if  *  cetera,  alia  terrore  alia 
sponte '  had  been  used,  but  with  the  ad- 
ditional meaning  that  the  former  case  was 
that  of  the  larger  number:  see  i.  ^i,  7, 
and  note  ;  12.  41,  5,  &c.  On  the  genit. 
with  '  sponte '  cp.  2.  59,  3  (and  note) ;  4. 

10.  Artaxata :  cp.  2.  56,  3  (and  note) ; 
12.  51,  5;Introd.  i.  v.  §  85. 

1 2.  Araxen  :  see  1 2.  5 1 ,  4. 

14.  si  concessisset  obsidioni,  'should 
he  have  offered  no  resistance  to  the  siege.* 
Nipp.  notes  such   analogous  phrases   as 

*  concedere  postulationi '  (Cic.  Mur.  23, 
47),  *  vitio'  (Hor.  Sat.  i.  4,  140),  '  veris ' 
(Id.  2.  3,  305).  Tacitus  oftener  uses 
'  obsidium  ',  and  it  is  possible  that  *  obsi- 
dio  '  should  be  read  here,  as  the  *  ni  *  may 
have  been  added  from  *  nihil '. 

15.  impeditis  locis,  abl.  of  the  instr. : 
cp.  'inligari  praeda*  (3.  21,  6),  *defe- 
ctione  Hyrcanorum  inligatus'  (15.  i,  1), 

*  conscientia  inligare '  (15.  51,  i ).  Tacitus 
does  not  appear  to  use  the  verb  with  a 
dative. 

seque  et :  cp.  i.  4,  i,  and  note. 
17.  dato  die,  'when  a  fit  day  offered! 
itself  :  cp.  'dato  tempore'  (4.  40,  12).    \ 


206 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  58 


parare.     igitur    repente    agmen    Romanum    circumfundit,    non  2 
ignaro   duce    nostro,   qui   viae    pariter  et  pugnae  composuerat 
exercitum.     latere  dextro  tertia  legio,  sinistro  sexta  incedebat,  3 
mediis    decimanorum   delectis ;    recepta   inter   ordines   impedi- 
5  menta,   et  tergum    mille  equites  tuebantur,  quibus  iusserat  ut 
instantibus  com  minus  resisterent,  refugos  non  sequerentur.    in  4 
cornibus  pedes  Sagittarius  et  cetera  manus  equitum  ibat,  pro- 
ductiore  cornu  sinistro  per  ima  collium,  ut,  si  hostis  intravisset, 
fronte  simul  et  sinu  exciperetur.     adsultare  ex  di verso  Tiridates,  5 

io  non  usque  ad  ictum  teli,  sed  turn  minitans,  turn  specie  trepi- 
dantis,  si  laxare  ordines  et  diversos  consectari  posset,     ubi  nihil  6 
temeritate  solutum,  nee  amplius  quam  decurio  equitum  audentius 
progressus  et  sagittis  confixus  ceteros  ad  obsequium  exemplo 
firmaverat,  propinquis  iam  tenebris  abscessit. 

'5      41.  Et  Corbulo  castra  in  loco  metatus,  an  expeditis  legionibus  1 
nocte  Artaxata  pergeret   obsidioque  circumdaret  agitavit,  con- 
cessisse    illuc    Tiridaten    ratus.      dein    postquam    exploratores  2 
attulere   longinquum    regis    iter  et  Medi  an  Albani  peterentur 


1.  circumfundit:  cp.  12.  38,  3,  and 
note. 

2.  viae  pariter  et  pugnae,  dat.  of 
purpose:  so  in  i.  51,  4,  '  incessit  itineri 
et  proelio '  (where  see  note). 

4.  decimanorum  delectis.  This  also 
was  one  of  the  regular  Sjaian  legions  (see 
Introd.  i.  vii.  p.  103).  Its  main  body 
would  appear  to  have  been  left  with 
Ummidius  in  Syria  (see  c.  8,  2). 

5.  iusserat  ut.  Dr.  notes  that  this 
construction,  though  not  found  else- 
where in  Tacitus,  occurs  in  Plant.,  Cic, 
and  Liv.  On  the  dative  cp.  c.  15,  3, 
&c. 

6.  refugos  :  cp.  H.  2.  24,  3;  3.  61,  3; 
a  poetical  word,  used  by  Ov.,  Luc,  Stat., 
&c. 

non  sequerentvir.  Nipp.  thinks  that 
'  non  '  is  used  here  instead  of  *  ne  '  to 
emphasize  the  negation  :  cp.  c.  51,  i ;  15. 
6,  3  ;  also  i.  11,  3  (and  note). 

7.  productiore  cornu  sinistro.  This 
is  the  reading  of  MS.  Agricola.  Med. 
gives  *  productiore  corn ;  (cornus)  in 
sinistro'.  Halm  follows  MS.  Agricola 
but  brackets  'cornu'.  There  are  other 
corrections  such  as  '  productiores  in  sinis- 
tro' (Nipp. ;  so  also  Ritt.,with  'cornu'  in 
brackets),  *  productiore  comuum  sinistro  ' 
(Lips.),  '  productior  cornu  in  sinistro ' 
<^Bekk.).     The  comparative  'productior' 


occurs  in  Cic.  Or.  53,  178;  Hor.  A.  P. 
189. 

9.  sinu,  i.  e.  by  the  extended  wing 
enveloping  his  flank. 

ex  diverso,  best  taken  as  =  *ex 
adverso':  cp.  c.  57,  3;  14.  30,  i,  &c. 
Gerber  and  Greef  prefer  taking  it  to  mean 
'  ex  diversis  partibus,  modo  hinc  modo 
illinc '. 

10.  ad  ictum :  so  recent  edd.  after 
Baiter,  for  Med.  *  addictum ',  corrected  to 
'  ad  iactum '  (the  general  reading).  The 
use  of  *  ad  ictum  '  in  the  sense  of  '  within 
range '  may  be  compared  with  that  of 
'  sub  ictum  '  in  c.  39,  8,  and  with  the  use 
of  '  ictus'  in  the  sense  of  '  aim '  in  H.  2. 
22,  2  ;  3.  23,  5. 

11.  diversos,  'separated  from  each 
other':  cp.  15.  56,  i,  &c. 

12.  nee  amplius  quam,  'and  only,' 
taken  with  the  whole  sentence  :  cp.  4.  34, 
7,  and  note;  also  15.  13,  2. 

15.  in  loco,  'where  he  was':  cp.  i. 
62,  7. 

16.  agitavit,  used  as  a  verb  of  de- 
liberation with  '  an ' ;  for  its  use  with 
'num',  &c.  see  11.  29,  i,  and  note. 

18.  Medi  an  Albani.  By  the  former, 
the  people  of  Media  Atropatene  (see  2. 
56,  I,  and  note)  are  meant :  on  the  latter 
see  2.  68,  i,  and  note.  He  seems  to  have 
gone  to  Media  (14.  26,  i). 


A.  D.  58] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP.  40,   41 


207 


incertum,  lucem  opperitur,  praemissaque   levis   armatura  quae 
muros   interim    ambiret    oppugnationemque    eminus    inciperet. 

3  sed  oppidani  portis  sponte  patefactis  se  suaque  Romanis  per- 
misere,  quod  salutem  ipsis  tulit:  Artaxatis  ignis  immissus 
deletaque  et  solo  aequata  sunt,  quia  nee  teneri  potcra?it  sine  5 
valido  praesidio  ob  magnitudinem  moenium,  nee  id  nobis  virium 
erat  quod  firmando  praesidio  et  capessendo  bello  divideretur, 
vel  si  integra  et  incustodita  relinquerentur,  nulla  in  eo  utilitas 

4  aut  gloria  quod  capta  essent.     adicitur  miraculum  velut  numine 
oblatum  :  nam  cuncta  Artaxatis  tenus  sole  inlustria  fuere ;  quod  10 
moenibus  cingebatur  ita  repente  atra  nube  coopertum  fulgori- 
busque  discretum   est  ut  quasi  infensantibus  deis  exitio  tradi 

5  crederetur.     ob   haec  consalutatus   imperator  Nero,  et  senatus 


I,  levis.  Med.  has  Meui',  whence 
some  follow  Heins.  in  reading  *  praemissa 
levi'. 

4.  Artaxatis  ignis  immissus.  On 
the  reasons  which  make  it  probable  that 
Corbulo  wintered  in  the  town  and  did  not 
destroy  it  till  the  following  spring  see 
Introd.  p.  114,  2. 

5.  nee  teneri  poterant.  Nipp.  (ed.  4) 
and  Dr.  follow  Halm  in  inserting  '  po- 
terant ',  which  Ritt.  prefers  to  insert  before 
'praesidio'.  In  neither  place  is  its  loss 
easily  explained,  but  it  is  even  less  satis- 
factory to  read  'teneres'  as  a  potential 
subjunctive  (as  in  c.  3,  6,  &c.),  as  Nipp. 
formerly  read,  or  to  take  the  Med.  text 
(with  Em.  and  Doed.)  as  a  harsh  anaco- 
luthon  ;  *  poterant '  being  supposed  to  be 
supplied  in  sense  from  'nee  id  nobis 
virium  erat '. 

7.  quod  .  .  .  divideretur,  *  such  as 
could  be  divided  between  leaving  a  strong 
guard  (cp.  '  firmatis  praesidiis  '  Agr.  14, 
4)  and  carrying  on  the  war.'  The  datives 
are  those  of  purpose. 

8.  vel  si.  &c.  After  •  nee '  .  .  .  '  nee ', 
a  third  alternative  would  naturally  be 
introduced  by  'sin  vero'.  The  use  of 
*  vel '  in  such  a  case  is  akin  to  its  use  by 
Tacitus  for  'aut',  as  in  14.  35,  4,  &c. 

9.  miraculum.  The  eclipse  of  April 
30,  A.D.  59,  is  mentioned  by  Pliny 
as  having  been  seen  in  Armenia  by  Cor- 
bulo (see  note  on  14.  12,  3) ;  and  Egli 
(p.  284)  takes  this  to  be  the  phenomenon 
here  spoken  of,  and  grounds  much  of  his 
chronology  on  the  identification.  But 
the  climate  would  not  allow  a  campaign 
to  have  begun  so  early  (see  Momms.  Hist. 
v.  386,  I  ;  E.  T.  ii.  53,  i)  ;  and  the  eclipse 


must  therefore  have  been  observed  when 
the  army  was  in  some  winter  quarters. 
Nor  is  it  possible  that  Tacitus,  or  Corbulo 
(whom  no  doubt  he  here  closely  follows), 
could  ever  have  been  understood  to  mean 
an  eclipse  by  any  such  description  as  is 
here  given.  '  Miraculum  '  is  probably 
one  of  the  *  verba  magnifica'  (c.  8,  4)  of 
Corbulo  himself;  who  must  apparently 
have  seen  some  unusually  striking  effect 
of  cloud  and  sunshine  accompanying  a 
thunderstorm ;  which,  from  its  coincidence 
at  such  a  moment,  presented  itself  to  his 
imagination  as  a  sign  of  divine  wrath 
impending  over  the  devoted  city. 

10.  cuncta  Artaxatis  tenus.  So  Halm, 
after  Acidalius,  for  Med,  'cuncta  extra- 
tectis  actenus'  (with  *h'  written  above 
'a'  by  a  late  hand).  The  old  edd.  fol- 
lowed inferior  MSS.  in  altering  '  tectis ' 
to  'tecta';  many,  after  Lips,  altered  'hac- 
tenus'  to  'tenus';  Nipp.  brackets  'extra 
tectis  '  as  the  corruption  of  a  gloss,  which 
may  originally  have  been  *  extra  tecta '  or 
'  extraiecta ' ;  others  (as  Ritt.),for  a  similar 
reason,  bracket  '  tectis  hactenus ' ;  Weis- 
senbom  would  read  *  tectis  ac  portis 
tenus '. 

11.  ita  repente.  In  Med.  'repente'  is 
placed  before  '  moenibus '.  Most  editors 
agree  to  place  it,  as  in  text  above,  after 
'  ita '. 

12.  discretum,  'parted  off  from  thej 
rest':   cp.  '  velo  discreta'  (c.  5,  2).    This 
interpretation  appears  to  suit  the  context 
better  than  that  of  '  seamed '  (cp.  *  telas 
discreverat  auro'  Verg.  Aen.  4,  264). 

infensantibus:  cp.  c.  37,  i. 

13.  consalutatus  imperator:  cp.  2. 
18,    2,    and  note.     [Probably  the   sixth 


2o8 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  58 


consulto  supplicationes  habitae,  statuaeque  et  arcus  et  continui 
consulatus  principi,  utque  inter  festos  referretur  dies,  quo  patrata 
victoria,  quo  nuntiata,  quo  relatum  de  ea  esset,  aliaque  in  eandem 
formam  decernuntur,  adeo  modum  egressa  ut  C.  Casslus  de 
5  ceteris  honoribus  adsensus,  si  pro  benignitate  fortunae  dis  grates 
agerentur,  ne  totum  quidem  annum  supplicationibus  sufficere 
disseruerit,  eoque  oportere  dividi  sacros  et  negotiosos  dies  quis 
divina  colerent  et  humana  non  impedirent. 

42.  Variis  deinde  casibus  iactatus  et  multorum  odia  meritus  1 

10  reus  baud  tamen   sine  invidia    Senecae   damnatur.      is  fuit  P. 
Suillius,  imperitante  Claudio  terribilis  ac  venalis  et  mutatione 
temporum  non  quantum   inimici  cuperent  demissus  quique  se 
nocentem  videri  quam  supplicem  mallet,    eius  opprimendi  gratia  2 
repetitum  credebatur  senatus  consultum  poenaque  Cinciae  legis 

15  adversum  eos  qui  pretio  causas  oravissent.     nee  Suillius  questu  3 
aut  exprobratione   abstinebat,  praeter  feroclam   animi  extrema 
senecta   liber  et  Senecam   increpans   infensum    amicis    Claudii, 


salutation,  see  Stuart  Jones  in  Revue 
ArcWologique,  1904,  i.  p.  263, Henderson, 
Class.  Review,  1901,  p.  204. — P.] 

1.  arcus:  for  such  decrees  of  triumphal 
arches  see  2.  41,  i ;  64,  2  ;  83,  3  ;  3.  57, 
2;  15.  18,  I. 

continui,  'in  successive  years.'  For 
instances  of  such  decrees  of  the  consular 
office  or  title  for  life  or  for  several  years 
to  princes  see  Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  1097. 
It  is  evident  that  Nero  did  not  accept  it, 
and  that  the  ironical  suggestion  of  Cassius 
was  not  resented. 

2.  utque :  cp.  c.  8,  1,  and  note. 

3.  in  eandem  formam  =  *  eiusmodi ' ; 
so  in  15.  24,  i:  cp.  'ad  hanc  formam' 
(H.  I.  5,  4);  and  other  analogous  expres- 
sions in  II.  3,  I  ;  16.  I,  I,  &c. 

4.  C.  Cassiujs,  the  jurist;  see  12.  11, 
4,  &c. 

7.  dividi,  'should  be  marked  off'; 
i.  e.  that  holy  days  and  days  of  business 
should  bear  some  fixed  proportion  to  each 
1  other,  so  that  the  latter  should  not  alto- 
igether  disappear.  Ritt.  (1838)  takes  it 
to  mean  that  holy  days  should  be  partly 
*  negotiosi'  (i.  e. '  dies  intercisi ') ;  but  the 
words  seem  hardly  to  bear  this  meaning. 
'  Negotiosus  dies '  is  air.  dp.,  but  analo- 
gous to  the  ordinary  application  of  the 
word. 

quis  =  'quibus  ita  divisis'  ('which 
division  being  made '). 


9.  meritus,  '  who  had  earned  ' :  the 
notion  of  moral  desert,  though  quite 
appropriate  to  this  passage,  is  not  always 
implied  :  cp.  Agr.  4,  4,  and  other  passages 
cited  by  Nipp.  on  1 5.  6,  3 ;  also  the 
parallel  expressions  '  stipendia  mereri ', 
&c. 

10.  invidia,  '  feeling  against ' ;  so  *  in-1 
vidiam  matris'  (14.  12,  5),  &c.  Hated 
as  Suillius  was,  his  attacks  on  Seneca 
made  some  impression  :  see  c.  43,  i. 

is  fuit:  cp.  2.  I,  I,  and  note:  on 
Suillius,  see  11.  i,  i,  and  note. 

11.  terribilis  ac  venalis:  see  ii.  5, 
I,  2. 

12.  cuperent:  on  the  subjunct.  with 

*  quantum '  cp.  6.  19,  5,  and  note. 

14.  repetitum . . .  senatus  consultum,  ( 
i.e.  the  decree  of  a.  d.  47  (11.  7-8),  j 
renewed  and  made  more  stringent  in  807, 
A.  D.  54  (c.  5,  i).  On  the  '  lex  Cincia  ' 
see  II.  5,  3. 

15.  questu,  nearly  synonymous  with 
'  exprobratione ',  whence  Ritt.  thinks  that 

*  quaestu '  should  be  read  ;  taking  the 
meaning  to  be  that  he  continued  to  violate 
the  law. 

16.  extrema  senecta,  causal  abl. 

1 7.  increpans  infensum :  cp.  6. 1 2,  i  ; 
also  'desertorem  proditoremque  incre- 
pant'  (H.  2.  44,  2);  in  15.  67,6,  and 
H.  4.  80,  3,  'ut'  is  used;  in  H.  2.  21, 
6  both  constructions  are  combined. 


A.  D.  58] 


LIBER  XIIL      CAP.  41,   42 


209 


4  sub  quo  iustissimum  exilium  pertulisset.  simul  studiis  inertibus 
et  iuvenum  imperitlae  suetum  livere  iis  qui  vividam  et 
incorruptam  eloquentiam  tuendis  civibus  exercerent.     se  quae- 

6  storem  Germanici,  ilium  domus  eius  adulterum  fuisse.  an  gravius 
aestimandum  sponte  litigatoris  praemium  honestae  operae  adsequi  5 

6  quam  corrumpere  cubicula  principum  feminarum  ?  qua  sapientia, 
quibus    philosophorum    praeceptis    intra    quadriennium    regiae 

7  amicitiae  ter  milies  sestertium  paravisset  ?     Romae  testamenta 


1.  exilivun:  see  12.  8,  3,  and  note. 

studiis  inertibus,  philosophy,  rhe- 
toric, and  poetry,  studies  not  directly 
touching  active  life,  here  opposed  to  the 
*  vivida  eloquentia '  of  a  forensic  pleader 
like  Suillius.  So  Seneca  himself  is  made 
to  speak  (14.  53,  4)  of  his  '  studia  in 
umbra  educata '. 

2.  iuvenum  imperitiae,  abstr.  for 
concr.  (' coetui  iuvenum  inperitorum '). 
Besides  being  the  instructor  of  Nero,  he 
exercised,  especially  by  his  writings,  a 
powerful  influence  on  young  men.     Quin- 

!  tilian  says  of  him  (10.  i ,  126)  '  turn  autem 

''  solus  hie  fere  in  manibus  adolescentium 

fuit .  .  .  amabant  autem  eum  magis  quam 

imitabantur,  tantumque  ab  eo  defluebant, 

quantum  ille  ab  antiquis  descenderat '. 

livere.  The  use  of  this  verb  with 
a  dat.  of  person,  on  the  analogy  of  '  invi- 
dere ',  occurs  here  alone  in  Tacitus,  and 
appear^  as  Nipp.  notes,  to  be  adopted  by 
him  from  contemporary  poets,  as  Stat. 
Silv.  I.  2,  151  ;  Mart.  6.  86,  6. 

3.  tuendis  civibus  exercerent.  The 
same  expression  recurs  in  15.  48,  3.  The 
construction  is  best  taken  as  a  dat.  of 
purpose,  though  *  exercitus '  often  takes 
an  abl.,  as  in  14.  2,  4;  15.  26,  i,  &c. 
Suillius  is  naturally  made  to  represent 
himself  as  a  defender,  though  his  real 
trade  was  that  of  a  professional  accuser 

quaestorem  Germanici  :  see  4.  31, 
5,  and  note. 

4.  domus  eius  adulterum :  on  the 
charge  brought  against  him,  and  on  the 
further  scandal  to  which  Dio  has  given 
credence,  respecting  his  adultery  with 
Agrippina,  see  Introd.  p.  50,  9. 

gravius  aestimandum,  an  expression 
taken  apparently  from  Caes.  B.  G.  7.  14, 
10,  where  *  gravius '  is  taken  adverbially. 
Nipp.  would  so  take  it  here,  as  also  '  satis' 
in  4.  39,  6 ;  but  in  both  places  Tacitus 
may  have  taken  the  simple  verb  for  the 
compound  *  existimo '    (see  note  there). 

PELHAM  P 


It  is  also  possible  here  that  'existiman- 
dum'  is  the  true  reading  indicated  by 
Med.  *  extimandum ' :  cp.  c.  17,  2. 

5.  sponte  litigatoris:  see  the  dis- 
tinction drawn  between  a  free  gift  and 
a  stipulation  for  advocacy  in  note  on 
c.  5,  I. 

6.  corrumpere,  usually  with  accus. 
of    a   person    or    an  abstract   noun    (as 

*  fidem ',  &c.),  here  used  rhetorically  as  if 

*  cubicula '  = '  sanctitatem  cubiculorum '. 

7.  philosophorum.  Wolfflin  notes 
(Philol.  XX vi.  141)  that  Tacitus  (except 
in  the  '  Dialogus ')  uses  this  word  and 

*  philosophia '  three  times  only  for  '  sa- 
piens '  and  *  sapientia ',  and  in  these  with 
some  special  reason.  Here  *  sapientia ' 
stands  close ;  in  H.  3.  81,  i ;  Agr.  4,  4,  it 
also  occurs  shortly  before  or  after,  and 
'studium  sapientiae'  might  seem  less 
euphonious. 

intra  quadriennium,  since  Nero's 
accession. 

8.  ter  milies,  300  million  HS.  Dio 
(6i.  10,  3)  gives  the  same  sum  (75 
million  drachmae).  On  the  lavish  gifts 
of  Nero  to  him  see  c  18,  i,  also  14.  53- 
54 ;  and  on  the  wealth  of  Seneca  gener- 
ally see  Mayor  on  Juv.  10,  16.  The  sum 
here  mentioned  is  the  same  as  that 
attributed  to  Pallas  (12.  53,  5). 

paravisset.  In  a  case  like  this,  where 
'paravit'  would  naturally  be  used  in  oratio 
directa,  we  should  expect  the  infinitive, 
as  in  c.  43,  5;  14.  i,  2,  &c.  Similar 
exceptional  uses  of  the  subjunctive  are" 
noted  by  Nipp.  and  Dr.  in  c  49,  2 ; 
H.  2.  74,  4 ;  4.  69,  2 ;  also  Caesar,  B.  C. 
I.  32,  3  ('si  improbasset,  cur  ferri  passus 
esset ').  In  all  these  the  question  is 
sharply  and  emphatically  put,  and  it  may 
be  supposed  that  some  one  is  addressed, 
as  if  present,  in  the  second  f)erson. 

testamentaet  orbos,  *  wills  and  child- 
less persons,'  i.  e.  inheritances  and  legacies, 
especially  from  childless  persons.  Nipp. 
notes  many  instances  of  such  hendiadys, 


2IO 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  58 


et  orbos  velut  indagine  eius  capi,  Italiam  et  provincias  immenso 
faenore  hauriri :  at  sibi  labore  quaesitam  et  modicam  pecuniam 
esse,  crimen,  periculum,  omnia  potius  toleraturum,  quam  veterem  8 
ac  domi  partam  dignationem  subitae  felicitati  submitteret. 
5      43.  Nee  deerant  qui  haec  isdem  verbis  aut  versa  in  deterius  1 
Senecae  deferrent.     repertique  accusatores  direptos  socios,  cum 
Suillius    provinciam     Asiam     regeret,    ac     publicae     pecuniae 
peculatum    detulerunt.     mox,  quia   inquisitionem   annuam   im-  2 
petraverant,    brevius    visum    urbana    crimina    incipi,    quorum 
10  obvii  testes   erant.     ii   acerbitate   accusationis    Q.   Pomponium  3 


in  which  a  more  special  is  added  to 
explain  a  more  general  term,  as  'paelice 
ancilla  et  adsuetudine  Actes'  (c.  46,  4); 
'  famam  et  posteros'  (11.  6,  i),  &c.  On 
the  court  paid  lo  childless  persons  see 
c-  52,  3;  3.  25,  2,  and  note;  Marquardt, 
Privatl.  74,  4. 

1.  velut  indagine,  a  figure  from  the 
chase  (Verg.  Aen.  4,  121,  &c.)  ;  thus  a 
general  is  said  to  surround  the  enemy 
with  a  cordon  of  troops  '  velut  indagine ' 
(Caesar,  Bell.  Gall.  8.  18,  3),  or  *indaginis 
modo'  (Agr.  37,  4). 

2.  hauriri,  '  are  drained.'  The  story 
(see  In  trod.  p.  144)  connecting  the  rebel- 
lion of  British  tribes  described  in  14.  29, 
foil,  with  his  usurious  transactions,  may 
perhaps  be  alluded  to,  though  Tacitus 
makes  no  allusion  to  it  in  its  place. 

3.  crimen,  periculum,  omnia,  'accu- 
sation, actual  trial,  anything'  (even  exile 
or  death)  :  *  periculum '  has  often  the 
special  sense  of  a  criminal  process,  as  in 
c.  33,  4,  &c. 

quam  .  .  .  submitteret :  so  most  edd. 
after  Lips,  for  Med.  *  submittere '  (which 
Walth.  defends  from  3.  3,  2) :  the  use  of 
*quam'  (with  the  force  of  *quam  ut') 
with  subjunct.  after  a  future,  in  expres- 
sions with  'potius',  'prius',  &c.  is  noted 
by  Dr.  as  found  in  Sail.  lug.  106,  3 
('  mansurum  potins  quam  .  .  .  vitae  par- 
ceret '),  and  oftener  in  Livy  (e.  g.  4. 
2,  9,  &c.). 

4.  domi  partam :  so  Halm  and  Nipp. 
after  Gron.,  explaining  it  not  exactly  in 
the  sense  generally  given  to  *  inlustris 
domi  artes')  4.  6, 8),  but  rather  as  mean- 
ing '  gained  by  his  own  study  and  effort ' 
(as  contrasted  with  the  origin  of  Seneca's 
wealth).  Orelli  follows  L.  Spengel  in 
taking  the  Med.  'do'  as  an  abbreviation 
of  •  dicendo' ;  Dr.  and  others  (with  Doed.) 


alter  '  ac  do '  to  '  agendo ' ;  others  read 
'  ac  diu'  (with  Pich.),  as  a  contrast  to 
*  subitae '. 

subitae  felicitati,  '  the  success  of  an 
upstart.' 

7.  provinciam  Asiam.  His  procon-i 
sulate  of  Asia  is  probably  to  be  dated) 
towards  the  end  of  the  rule  of  Claudius,  i 
and  is  attested  by  an  inscription  on; 
a  statue  base  in  the  Heraeura  at  Samos, ' 
b  Srjixos  HorrXiov  .[X]oviWiov  'Pou^oi'  tov, 
avOviraTov  "YLpri  (Waddington,  Fast.  As. 
I.  128). 

8.  inquisitionem  annuam, '  a  year  for' 
collecting  evidence,'  for  which  purpose 
a  considerable  interval  was  generally 
allowed  (see  c.  52,  2,  and  note  on  3.  70, 
I).  Cicero,  for  special  reasons,  used  only 
fifty  days  to  collect  evidence  against 
Verres  (Verr.  A.  I.  2,  6). 

9.  visum.  The  persons  who  so  thought 
must  be  his  enemies  in  general,  as  distinct 
from  those  who  had  offered  to  impeach 
him  for  his  proconsulate  of  Asia. 

urbana,  those  relating  to  his  action 
in  Rome.  Em.  appears  rightly  to  take 
the  *  sub '  preceding  this  word  in  Med.  as 
a  corruption  arising  out  of  a  repetition  of 
the  last  syllable  of  '  visum '. 

10.  Q,.  Fomponium.  This  person, 
called  by  Tacitus  'moribus  inquies'  (6. 
18,  2),  became  cos.  suff.  on  the  death  of 
Gaius,  and  in  that  capacity  exhorted  the 
senate  to  re-establish  the  Republic  (Jos. 
Ant.  19.  4,  5),  or  at  least  to  set  up  a 
worthy  emperor  (Id.  B.  I.  2.  1 1 ,  2)  ;  which 
may  probably  have  furnished  ground  of 
accusation  against  him,  and  driven  him 
to  join  Camillus  Scribonianus  (see  Introd. 
p.  11).  Nipp.  notes  that  his  name  is 
erased  where  it  occurs  as  consul  in  the 
Fasti  of  the  Feriae  Latinae  ^C.  I.  L.  vi.  i. 
2015). 


A.  D.  58] 


LIBER  XIIL      CAP.   42,  43 


211 


ad  necessitatcm  belli  civilis  detrusum,  luliam  Drusi  filiam 
Sabinamque  Poppaeam  ad  mortem  actas  et  Valerium  Asiaticum, 
Lusium  Saturninum,  Cornelium  Lupum  circumventos ;  iam 
equitum    Romanorum    agmina    damnata    omnemque    Claudii 

4  saevitiam    SuilHo   obiectabant.     ille  nihil  ex  his  sponte  susce-  5 
ptum,  sed  principi  paruisse  defendebat,  donee  earn  orationem 
Caesar  cohibuit,  compertum  sibi  referens  ex  commentariis  patris 

*  sui  nullam  cuiusquam  accusationem  ab  eo  coactam.     turn  iussa 
Messalinae   praetendi   et   labare   defensio :   cur   enim  neminem 
alium    delectum    qui    saevienti    impudicae    vocem    praeberet?^^ 
puniendos  rerum  atrocium  ministros,  ubi  pretia  scelerum  adepti 

®  scelera  ipsa  aliis  delegent.     igitur  adempta  bonorum  parte  (nam 
filio  et   nepti   pars   concedebatur  eximebanturque   etiam   quae 
testamento   matris   aut   aviae   acceperant)    in    insulas    Balearis 
pellitur,  non  in  ipso  discrimine,  non  post  damnationem  fractus  *5 
animo ;    ferebaturque    copiosa    et    molli    vita    secretum    illud 


1.  luliam  :  see  c.  32,  5. 

2.  Sabinam  Poppaeam  .  . .  Valerium 
Asiaticum:  see  ii.  i,  I,  foil. 

3.  Lusium  Satximinum.  An  inscrip- 
tion found  at  Salonae  (C.  I.  L,  iii.  i. 
3028)  gives  the  names  of  Q.  Entelins 
Lnsius  Saturninus,  and  M.  Seius  Veranus 
as  coss.  (suflf.y  apparently  in  one  of  the 
later  years  of  Tiberius.  He  is  enumerated 
among  the  consular  victims  under  Clau- 
dius in  Sen.  Lud.  13,  5  (where  the  text 
has  *Satumius'),  but  nothing  more  is 
known  of  him. 

Cornelium  Lupum,  also  mentioned 
in  Sen.  1.  1.  He  was  cos.  suff.  with 
Largus  in  A.D.  42  (Gains  3.  63),  and  had 
been  praetorian  proconsul  of  Crete  and 
Cyrene  under  Tiberius,  as  is  shown  by 
Cretan  coins  (see  Eckh.  ii.  302 ;  Bor- 
ghesi,  CEnvr.  i.  439,  and  other  authorities 
here  cited  by  Nipp.). 

iam,  *  and  more,'  used  with  the 
force  of  *  iam  vero '  to  point  a  climax  : 
cp.  I.  41,  3;  14.  12,  3;  32,  3. 

4.  equitum . . .  agmina.  Suet,  says  (CI. 
29^  *in  trecentos  amplius  equites  Romanes 
animadvertit ' ;  in  Sen.  Lud.  14,  i  the 
number  is  read  by  Haase  as  *  c.C '. 

6.  defendebat,  *  he  was  pleading  in 
defence  ' ;  only  here  so  used  by  Tacitus, 
but  in  several  places  in  Cic. 

7.  commentariis  patris.  On  these 
private  ioumals  of  the  princeps  see  In- 
trod.  i.  iii.  p.  15. 


8.  coactam,  *  had  been  enforced '  on 
any  one:  cp.  4.  51,  4;  16.  19,4;  H.  4. 
42,  4  ;  Cic.  de  Div.  2.  35,  73. 

9.  labare :  cp.  *  defensio  .  .  .  trepida- 
vit'(3.  14,  I). 

10.  vocem  praeberet,  *  lend  himself  to 
be  the  mouthpiece.' 

12.  delegent, 'impute';  so  in  Cic  and 
Livy. 

parte,  *  half' :  cp.  3.  18,  8;  4.  20, 
2,  &c.  It  would  appear  that  he  was  not 
*  relegatus  in  insulam '  but  *  deportatus " 
which  sentence  ipso  facto  involved  loss  of 
property,  so  that  the  limitation  here  men 
tioned  (cp.  3.  68,  3,  &c.)  is  a  concession : 
see  Marqu.  Staatsv.  ii.  287. 

13.  filio  et  nepti.  The  former  would 
be  Nerullinus  (12.  25,  i),  the  latter 
probably  a  daughter  of  the  other  son, 
Caesoninus  (see  11.  36,  5),  who  would 
appear,  from  the  absence  of  anv  men- 
tion of  him,  to  have  been  dead  or  in 
exile. 

14.  matris  aut  aviae,  the  molher  of 
the  former  and  grandmother  of  the  latter, 
i.e.  the  wife  of  Snillius;  whether  the  same 
who  was  also  stepdaughter  of  Ovid,  is 
unknown. 

insulas  Balearis.  These  islands; 
formed  part  of  the  province  of  Hispania; 
Tarraconensis,  and  were  placed  under 
a    'praefectus    pro    legato'    (Insc.  OrJ 

16.  copiosa, '  well  supplied  ':  cp.  *arti- 


P  2 


212 


CORNEUI  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  58 


toleravisse.    filium  eius  Nerullinum  adgressis  accusatoribus  per  7 
invidiam   patris   et  crimina   repetundarutn    intercessit   priiiceps 
tamquam  satis  expleta  ultione. 

44.     Per    idem    tempus    Octavius    Sagitta    plebei   tribunus,  1 

5  Pontiae  mulieris  nuptae  amore  vaecors,  ingentibus  donis  adul- 
terium  et  mox  ut  omitteret  maritum  emercatur,  suum  matri- 
monium    promittens    ac  nuptias   eius   pactus.     sed   ubi    mulier  2 
vacua  fuit,  nectere  moras,  adversam  patris  voluntatem  causari 
repertaque   spe    ditioris   coniugis    promissa    exuere.      Octavius  3 

10  contra  mode  conqueri,  modo  minitari,  famam  perditam,  pecu- 
niam  exhaustam  obtestans,  denique  salutem,  quae  sola  reliqua 
esset,  arbitrio  eius  permittens.    ac  postquam  spernebatur,  noctem  4 
unam  ad  solacium  poscit,  qua  delenitus   modum  in  posterum 
adhiberet.     statuitur  nox,  et  Pontia  consciae  ancillae  custodiam  5 

15  cubiculi  mandat.     ille  uno  cum  liberto  ferrum  veste  occultum 
infert.    tum,  ut  adsolet  in  amore  et  ira,  iurgia  preces,  exprobratio  6 
satisfactio ;  et  pars  tenebrarum  libidini  seposita  ;  ex  qua  quasi 


bus  honestis  copiosum'  (3.  66,  5).  A 
liberal  'viaticum'  (see  note  on  3.  17,  8) 
may  have  been  allowed  to  him,  or  he  may 
have  been  supported  by  his  son  and 
granddaughter. 

secretum,  *  retirement ' :  cp .  *  pari 
secreto  .  .  .  Rhodi  secreto '  (4.  57,  2,  3)  ; 
also  14.  53,  3  ;  Agr.  39,  4. 

1 .  adgressis :  for  the  transitive  use  of 
a  deponent  participle  in  abl.  abs.  see  In- 
trod.  i.  V.  §  31  d. 

2.  crimina  repetundarum.  He 
may  have  been  legatus  to  his  father  in 
Asia,  or  may  have  governed  a  senatorial 
or  Caesarian  province  of  lower  rank. 
His  own  proconsulate  of  Asia  was  not 
earlier  than   a.d.    70   (see  note  on   12. 

intercessit,  '  interposed  his  veto  ' : 
cp.  14.  48,  3,  &c. 

3.  tamquam :  cp.  Introd.  i.  v.  §  67. 

4.  Octavius  Sagitta.  An  inscription 
found  in  the  Pelignian  territory  (C.  I.  L. 
9.  331 1 )  is  noted  by  Nipp,  as  recording 
some  member  of  this  family :  '  Q.  Octavio, 
L.  f.,  Sagittae,  quinq(ennali)  il,  pagus 
Boedinus.' 

5.  Pontiae.  In  a  brief  reference  to 
this  story  in  H,  4.  44,  3,  the  full  name 
(Pontia  Postumia)  is  given. 

adulterium,  &c. :  cp.  the  similar 
coordination  of  an  accus.  and  a  clause 
with  '  ut'  in  c.  8,  1,  Sec. 


6.  emercatur:  cp.  12.  14,  i,  and 
note. 

8.  vacua :  so  used  of  a  widow  in 
Ov.  M.  14,  831. 

9.  exuere :   so  with  '  fidem  *,  '  pacta  *, 
&c. :  see  note  on  i.  69,  2. 

II.  obtestans,  more  commonly  used 
with  accus.  of  the  person,  or  quality  in  a 
person,  to  which  appeal  is  made,  here  of 
that  in  himself  on  which  the  appeal  is 
grounded :  cp.  *  necessitudinem  nostram 
.  .  .  obtestans'    (Cic.   Ep.   ad   Brut.    i. 

13,  I). 

salutem,  'his  life':  cp.  15.  60, 
5,&c. 

1 7.  satisfactio,  *  apolo^ ' :  cp.  *  satis- 
factum'  (3.  31,  6). 

libidini :  so  most  edd.  after  Rhen. 
for  Med.  'libidine',  which  Walther  de- 
fends ;  but  cp.  c.  54,  2  ;  14.  54,  4 ;  15. 
60,  2. 

ex  qua  quasi  incensus:  so  Halm 
for  Med.  '  et  quastim  census '.  The  latter 
part  is  read  by  all  as  '  incensus' ;  for  the 
former,  Orelli,  Nipp.,  Jacob  follow  Bekk. 
in  reading  *  ex  qua  '  (without  '  quasi ') ; 
Dr.  follows  Jac.  Gron.  in  reading  *  et 
quasi ' ;  among  other  readings  are  *  ex 
qua  statim'  (Walth.),  'qua  stimulante ' 
(Ritt.),  'ex  qua  aestu'  (Oberl.).  The 
correction  '  ex '  for  *  et '  is  supported  by 
H.  4.  37,  4,  &c.,  and  '  ex  qua'  is  similarly 
used  in  2.  34,  7.     If  '  quasi '  be  read,  it 


A.  D.  58] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP.   43-45 


213 


incensus   nihil    metuentem   ferro   transverberat   et   adcurrentem 

7  ancillam  vulnere  absterret  cubkuloque  prorumpit.  postera  die 
manifesta  caedes,  baud  ambiguus  percussor ;  quippe  mansitasse 
una  convincebatur.    sed  libertus  suum  illud  facinus  profiteri,  se 

8  patroni  iniurias  ultum  esse ;    commoveratque  quosdam  magni-  5 
tudine  exempli,  danec  ancilla  ex  vulnere  refecta  verum  aperuit. 

9  postulatusque  apud  consules  a  patre  interfectae,  postquam  tri- 
bunatu  abierat,  sententia  patrum  et  lege  de  sicariis  condemnatur. 

1  45.   Non  minus  insignis  eo  anno  impudicitia  magncn'um  rei 
publicae  malorum  initium  fecit,    erat  in  civitate  Sabina  Poppaea,  lo 
T.  Oilio  patre  genita,  sed  nomen  avi  materni  sumpserat,  inlustri 
memoria  Poppaei  Sabini,  consulari  et  triumphali  decore  prae- 
fulgentis ;    nam    Ollium    honoribus    nondum    functum    amicitia 

2  Seiani  pervertit.    huic  mulieri  cuncta  alia  fuere  praeter  honestum 
animum.     quippe  mater  eius,  aetatis  suae  feminas  pulchritudine  15 
supergressa,  gloriam  padter  et  formam  dederat ;  opes  claritudini 


would  imply  that  the  murder  was  really 
deliberate  (a  weapon  having  been  brought 
for  the  purpose),  but  committed  as  if  under 
a  paroxysm  of  passion  :  cp. '  quasi  nescius ' 
(6.  II,  4),  '  quasi  .  .  .  memor '  (12.  47,  8). 

2.  prortimpit,  so  used  with  simple 
abl.  (as  Nipp.  notes)  in  15.  40,  3;  H.  4. 
34,  7  :  cp.  '  proruptus  corpore  sudor ' 
(Verg.  Aen.  7,  459). 

3.  mansitasse,  a  rare  verb,  used  also 
in  14.  42,  2;  PI.  N.  H.  10.  3,  3,  7. 

4.  convincebatur, '  he  could  be  proved ': 
on  the  construction  cp.  4.  31,  5,  and  note. 

5.  esse.  W olfflin  alters  to  *  isse '  unne- 
cessarily.    He  is  followed  by  Halm. 

eommoverat,  &c.,  *he  had  influ- 
enced the  belief  of  some  by  so  great  an 
example  of  devotion.'  Men  could  not 
believe  that  he  would  take  such  a  crime 
on  himself  if  he  had  not  committed  it. 
*  Exemplum '  is  so  used  for  a  deed  worthy 
of  being  taken  as  an  example  in  15.  20, 
2.  &c. 

7.  apud  consules,  i.  e.  before  the 
senate  (i.  73,  3). 

,  postquam  tribunatu  abierat.  Prob- 
lably  he  was  compelled  to  lay  down 
the  office  :  cf.  Sail.  Cat,  47  '  uti  abdicato 
magistratu  Lentulus',  &c.  Other  magi- 
strates were  not  so  protected  during 
office  under  the  empire ;  we  have  the 
accusation  of  a  praetor  in  4.  22,  i,  of  an 
aedile  in  Suet.  Dom.  8. 
j    8.  lege,  the  'lex  Cornelia'  of  Sulla, 


which  prescribed  the  penalty  of  deporta-' 
tion  and  forfeiture  of  all  property ;  for 
which  in  later  times,  in  the  case  of  meaner 
criminals,  punishment  of  death  was  sub- 
stituted (Marcian  in  Dig.  48.  8,  3,  5). 
Octavius  tried  in  vain  to  procure  a  re- 
versal of  this  sentence  twelve  years  later 
(H.  4.  44,  2).  Lucan  is  stated  by  his 
anonymous  biographer  to  have  composed 
a  speech  on  each  side  of  this  '  cause 
celebre  *  as  a  rhetorical  exercise. 

10.  Sabina  Poppaea.  On  her  charac- 
ter and  influence  see  Introd.  p.  61,  foil-. 
The  only  known  representations  of  her 
are  on  medals  struck  in  provincial 
Greek  cities,  which  probably  do  not  give 
an  authentic  portrait  (see  Vise.  Ic.  Rom. 
pi.  30;  Cohen,  i.  p.  216;  Bernoulli,  p. 
417,  foil.,  pi.  xxxv). 

11.  inlustri  memoria,  abl.  abs. 

12.  Poppaei  Sabini  :  see  i.  80,  i,  and 
note. 

13.  honoribus  nondum  functum. 
He  had  been  quaestor  (Suet.  Ner.  35)  ; 
so  that  '  honoribus '  is  here  used  of  the 
higher  magistracies :  cp.  c.  29,  2 ;  H.  2. 
I,  2,  &c.,  and  *tergeminis  honoribus' 
(Hor.  Od.  I.  I,  8). 

amicitia  Seiani  pervertit.  His 
name  is  not  mentioned  in  the  extant  nar- 
rative of  that  period.  For  the  expression 
cp.  6.  29,  4. 

15.  mater;  the  Poppaea  of  II.  2,1,  foil. 

16.  supergressa,  '  having  exceeded  ' : 


214 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  58 


generis  sufficiebant.  sermo  comis  nee  absurdum  ingenium : 
modestiam  praeferre  et  lascivia  uti.  rarus  in  publicum  egressus, 
idque  velata  parte  oris,  ne  satiaret  aspectum,  vel  quia  sic  decebat. 
famae  numquam  pepercit,  maritos  et  adulteros  non  distinguens  ;  3 

5  neque  adfectui  suo  aut  alieno  obnoxia,  unde  utilitas  ostenderetur, 
illuc  libidinem  transferebat.     igitur  agentem  earn  in  matrimonio  4 
Rufri  Crispini  equitis   Romani,  ex  quo  filium  genuerat,  Otho 
pellexit   iuventa   ac   luxu   et   quia   flagrantissimus   in   amicitia 
Neronis    habebatur :    nee    mora    quin    adulterio    matrimonium 

10  iungeretur. 

46.  Otho  sive  amore  incautus  laudare  formam  elegantiamque  1 
uxoris  apud  principem,  sive  ut  accenderet  ac,  si  eadem  femina 
potirentur,  id  quoque  vinculum  potentiam  ei  adiceret.     saepe  2 
auditus  est  consurgens  e  convivio  Caesaris,  se  quidem  ire  ad 


so  in  14.  52,  2  ;  also  in  M.  Seneca,  Quint., 
&c. 

I.  comis,  'winning':  so  used  of 
'sermo'  (15.  48,  3),  'oratio'  (H.  i. 
19,  I). 

nee  absurdum,  '  not  without  bril- 
liancy ' :  so  '  neque  absurdus  ingenio  ' 
(H.  3.  62,  3),  'non  absurde '  (c.  14,  i). 
The  expression  is  here  no  doubt  taken 
from  Sail.  Cat.  25,  5  (see  Introd.  i.  v. 
§  97,  i);  the  general  description  there 
given  of  Sempronia  being  evidently  in  the 
mind  of  Tacitus. 

3.  quia  sic  decebat  (sc.  'earn'), 
'  because  it  was  becoming  to  her '  :  cp. 
Plaut.  Most.  I.  3,  10  ('contempla  .  .  . 
satin'  haec  me  vestis  deceat'). 

4.  non  distinguens,  i.e.  putting  them 
on  the  same  footing. 

5.  neque  .  .  .  obnoxia,  'never  influ- 
enced by  affection  in  herself  or  another  ' : 
cp.  'non  odio  aut  privatis  adfectionibus 
obnoxium '  (3.  58,  4). 

unde,  'from  whatever  quarter':  cp. 
'unde  spes  maior  adfuisset'  (Veil.  2.  21, 
i).  The  subjunct.  is  that  of  action  often 
repeated  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  52),  or  is 
possibly  potential, 

6.  agentem  earn.  Some  have  thought 
the  pronoun  an  insertion ;  but  W blfflin 
points  out  (Philol.  xxvi.  103)  that  the 
feminine  pronoun  is  less  easily  omitted 
than  the  masculine  or  neuter,  and  that 
there  is  here  a  transition  from  her  cha- 
racter to  facts  of  her  life. 

7.  Bufri  Crispini,  formerly  praefect 
of  the  praetorians:  see  11.  i,  3;  12.  42, 
i;  15.  71,8. 


filium.  Suet,  states  (Ner.  35)  that 
Nero  ordered  this  boy's  slaves  to  drown 
him  while  he  was  fishing.  A  tradition 
that  Nero  himself  stabbed  him  seems 
implied  in  the  dream  which  Poppaea  is 
made    to  relate  in  the  'Octavia'  (744- 

747)- 
Otho    pellexit,    &c. :    cp.   c.    12,   i. 

The  account  in  the  Histories  (i.  13,  8) 
agrees  substantially  with  that  of  Suet. 
(0th.  3),  Plutarch  (Galb.  19,  106),  and 
Dio  (61.  II,  2),  that  Nero  was  already  a 
lover  of  Poppaea  while  she  was  the  wife 
of  Crispinus,  and  that  Otho,  who  had 
married  her  merely  to  oblige  Nero  and 
to  facilitate  his  intercourse  with  her,  be- 
came himself  afterwards  enamoured  of 
her,  and  was  consequently  exiled.  It  is 
generally  thought  that  Tacitus  is  here 
correcting  his  earlier  view  by  what  ap- 
peared to  him  a  truer  version. 

8.  flagrantissimus,  here  a  strange 
hypallage  for  '  flagrantissima  in  amicitia 
esse ' :  the  word  is  used  with  '  vir '  (i.  22, 
I),  'gratia'  (11.  29,  i),  'flagitia'  (14.  51, 
4),  'libidines*  (H.  2.  31,  i). 

14.  consurgens  .  .  .  dictitans  = '  di- 
ctitans  cum  consurgeret '. 

se  quidem :  so  Halm  and  Dr.,  after 
Weissenbom,  for  Med.  '  seque ',  which 
Walth.  retains  and  defends  ;  most  edd. 
read  '  se'  with  inferior  MSS.  ;  Nipp.  has 
*  sese ' ;  Ritt.  retains  the  Med.  text,  mark- 
ing a  lacuna  after  'Caesaris',  which  he 
supposes  may  have  been  filled  by  some 
such  words  as  *  se  domi  desiderari  a  con- 
iuge  seque ',  &c. 


A.  D.  58] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP.   45,   46 


215 


illam,  sibi  concessam  dictitans  nobilitatem  pulchritudinem,  vota 

3  omnium  et  gaudia  felicium.  his  atque  talibus  inritamentis  non 
longa  cunctatio  interponitur.  sed  accepto  aditu  Poppaea  primum 
per  blandimenta  et  artes  valescere,  imparem  cupidini  se  et  forma 
Neronis  captam  simulans;  mox  acri  iam  principis  amore  ads 
superbiam  vertens,  si  ultra  unam  alteramque  noctem  attineretur, 
nuptam    esse    se   dictitans   nee    posse    matrimonium    amittere, 

4  devinctam  Othoni  per  genus  vitae  quod  nemo  adaequaret :  ilium 
animo  et  cultu  magnificum ;  ibi  se  summa  fortuna  digna  visere : 
at   Neronem,  paelice   ancilla   et  adsuetudine  Actes  devinctum,  lo 
nihil  e  contubernio  servili  nisi  abiectum  et  sordidum  traxisse. 

5  deicitur  familiaritate  sueta,  post  congressu  et  comitatu  Otho,  et  ad 
postremum,  ne  in  urbe  aemulatus  ageret,  provinciae  Lusitaniae 


1.  sibi :  so  most  edd.  after  Lips,  for 
Med.  *  ubi ',  which  Pfitzn.  retains  with  the 
sense  of  *  apud  quam  ',  comparing  *  ibi ' 

(§4). 

vota  omnium  et  gaudia  felicium, 
'what  all  long  for  and  the  fortunate 
enjoy.'  Gron.  notes  the  same  thought  in 
an  inscription  (Grut.  637,  5),  '  quod  omnes 
rogant  sed  felices  impetrant.' 

2.  his  .  .  .  inritamentis,  best  taken 
with  Nipp.  as  an  abl.  abs.  = '  cum  haec 
.  .  .  inritamenta  essent ' :  *  interponitur '  is 
taken  absolutely  ('  is  allowed  to  inter- 
vene'), and  is  explained  by  'accepto 
aditu '  (sc.  *  ad  Neronem '). 

4.  imparem,  '  unable  to  resist ' :  cp. 
'quibus  flagitiis  impares  essemus'  (3. 
53,  a)- 

6.  ultra  unam.  alteramque,  i.e. 
*  beyond  a  second ' :  *  unam  alteramve ' 
would  be  '  one  or  two  *  (see  note  on  3. 
34,  8).  By  absence  on  three  consecutive 
nights,  the  *  usus '  of  matrimony  was 
broken,  but  the  marriage  itself  was  not 
dissolved. 

7.  amittere,  'to  give  up':  cp.  2.  71, 
8;  14.  26,  I  ;  also  'vis  me  uxorem  du- 
cere,  banc  vis  amittere?'  (Ter.  And.  5.  3, 
27). 

9.  cultu,  '  refinement ' :  cp.  '  per  cul- 
tum  et  munditias '  (3.  30,  4). 

ibi  =  'apud  ilium'  (cp.  'illuc'  H. 
2.  24,  3),  '  there  she  saw  a  style  worthy 
of  the  highest  position  ' :  '  visere  '  = '  to 
see  habitually',  as  in  6.  26,  3  ;  14.  i, 
4,  &c. 

10.  paelice  ancilla  et  adsuetudine 
Actes,  a  similar  hendiadys  to  that  in 
c.  42,  7  :  '  ancilla '  is  a  contemptuous  ex- 


aggeration, as  in  c.  13,  i.  The  ablatives 
are  read  as  accusatives  in  Med.,  which 
Weissenb.  would  retain  with  the  insertion 
of  '  per '  before  '  paelicem '.  It  has  been 
thought  that  Seneca  alludes  to  this  taunt 
in  de  Ben.  i.  9,  4,  'si  quis  nulla  se  arnica 
fecit  insignem  nee  alienae  uxori  annuum 
praestat,  hunc  matronae  humilem  et  sor- 
didae  libidinis  et  ancillariolum  vocant.' 

1 1 .  contubernio  servili.  This  expres- 
sion also  is  exaggerated  in  bitterness; '  con- 
tubernium '  being  the  term  for  the  union  ; 
of  a  male  and  female  slave,  who  were  \ 
incapable  of  contracting  legal  marriage.  >' 
The  marriage  of  a  Roman  of  senatorial 
rank  with  a  freedwoman  was  not  in  itself 
legal,  but  could  be  legalized  by  special 
decree  (see  Vol.  i.  App.  ii.  on  *  Lex  Papia 
Poppaea',  capp.  i,  xxxiii). 

12.  congressu  et  comitatu,  'from 
attending  his  levees  and  accompanying 
his  journeys' :  see  Introd.  i.  vi.  p.  81. 

1 3.  aemulatus  ageret  = '  aemuli  partis 
sustineret ' :  on  the  use  of  '  agere '  cp.  c 
14,  I,  &c.  'Aemulatus'  is  probably  ott. 
€ip.,  but  stands  as  a  v.  1.  in  H.  3.  66,  3  ; 
Agr.  46,  2.  Walth.  and  Ritt.  (1838)  take 
it  here  as  the  nominative  of  the  participle, 
and  '  ageret '  as=  'degeret ' ;  but  Tacitus 
does  not  appear  to  use  the  participle  thus 
absolutely. 

Lusitaniae.      On   this  province    see 
note  on  4.  5,  3  :  it  was  governed  usually  / 
by  a   legatus  of   praetorian   rank  (Mar- I 
quardt,  Staatsv.  i.  p.  106)  ;  but  Otho  had! 
filled  no  higher  office  than  the  quaestor- 1 
ship    ('  provinciam    administravit     quae- 
storius '  Suet.  0th.  3),  and  was  at  this  time 
but  twenty-six  years  old.     It  would  ap- 


2l6 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  58 


praeficitur ;  ubi  usque  ad  civilia  arma  non  ex  priore  infamia  sed 
integre  sancteque  egit,  procax  otii  et  potestatis  temperantior. 

47.  Hactenus  Nero  flagitiis  et  sceleribus  velamenta  quaesivit.  1 
suspectabat  maxime  Cornelium  SuUam,  socors  ingenium  eius  in 
5  contrarium  trahens  callidumque  et  simulatorem   interpretando. 
quem  metum  Graptus  ex  libertis  Caesaris,  usu  et  senecta  Tiberio  2 
abusque    domum    principum    edoctus,   tali    mendacio    intendit. 
pons  Mulvius  in  eo  tempore  Celebris  nocturnis  inlecebris  erat ; 
ventitabatque  illuc  Nero   quo  solutius   urbem  extra  lasciviret. 
^6  igitur    regredienti    per    viam    Flaminiam    compositas    insidias  3 
fatoque  evitatas,  quoniam  diverse  itinere  Sallustianos  in  hortos 


I  pear  from  Suet.  (1. 1.)  that  he  was  not  sent 
out  till  after  the  murder  of  Agrippina ; 

jbut  see  note  on  14.  4,  6.  Plutarch  states 
(Galb.  20)  that  Seneca  advised  the  send- 
ing him  there.  Suet,  speaks  of  it  as  an 
honourable  banishment,  and  quotes  an 
epigram  giving  the  reason  ('  uxoris  moe- 
chus  coeperat  esse  suae '). 

1.  ad  civilia  arma.  On  the  use  of 
'arma'  for  'bellum'  cp.  3.  55,  i,  and 
note.  Suet,  says  (1. 1.)  that  he  held  it  for 
ten  years  (i.  e.  a.d.  58-68),  v^hen  he  w^as 
the  first  to  join  himself  to  Galba. 

ex,  *  in  accordance  with.' 

2.  integre  sancteque,  'moderatione 
atque  abstinentia  singulari*  (Suet.  1.  1.). 

(procax  otii,  '  a  wanton  in  respect  of 
his  hours  of  idleness,  more  self-controlled 
^  in  respect  of  his  official  life.'  Such  a 
genit.  (see  In  trod.  i.  v.  §  33  e  7)  is  found 
with  *  temperans  '  in  Ter.  Phorm.  2.  i,  41 ; 
Plin.  Pan.  52;  and,  though  air.  dp.  with 
*  procax ',  is  supported  by  Tacitean  usage 
(see  Introd.  1.  1.).  Ritt.  treats  it  as 
assimilated  by  error  to  *  pqtestatis ',  and 
reads  *  otio ',  comparing  i.  16,  4 ;  14. 
15,  8,  &c. 

3.  velamenta,  'pretexts':  the  word 
is  used  in  a  similar  sense  in  Sen.  Vit.  Beat. 
12,  4  (*  quaerentes  libidinibus  suis  patro- 
cinium  aliquod  et  velamentum '). 

4.  suspectabat :  cp.  i.  5,4,  and  note. 
Cornelium  SuUam :    see    c.    23,    i  ; 

12.  52,  I,  and  note.  The  description  of 
his  character  here  given  may  be  compared 
with  that  in  14.  57,  4. 

5.  trahens  .  .  .  interpretando.  On 
this  coordination  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  91,  6  : 
on  the  sense  of  *  trahere '  cp.  i.  62,  3, 
and  note. 

6.  libertis  Caesaris.  Used  generically 
of  .imperial  freedmen  as  in  c.  12,  i . 


7.  abusque,  a  correction  of  Lips,  for 
Med.  *  auo  usque  '.  This  prep,  is  used  by 
Tacitus  in  15.  37,  5,  and  is  taken  from 
Verg.  Aen.  7,  289.  On  the  anastrophe, 
see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  77.  i. 

domum  .  .  .  edoctus,  i.  e.  trained  in 
arts  of  intrigue. 

intendit,  '  increases  ' :  cp.  2,  38,  6, 
and  note. 

8.  pons  Mulvius   (also   called  '  Mil- 
vius'),  the  '  Ponte   Molle',  on    the    via 
Flaminia,   two   miles    outside    the    city,\ 
mentioned  in  the  Histories  (1.87,  i,  &c.) 
and  in  other  authors. 

in  eo  tempore,  for  simple  abl. :  cp. 
II.  29,  I,  and  note. 

Celebris  nocturnis  inlecebris, 
'  famous  for '  (or  '  crowded  with  ')  '  placeq 
of  nightly  attraction '.  The  latter  inter-! 
pretation  is  perhaps  best  supported  by 
parallel  instances  in  Tacitus  (e.g.  4.  67, 
6;  14.33,  I ;  15.  22,4;  H.I.  81,  I).  On 
this  form  of  the  masc.  cp.  2.  88,  4,  and  note. 

10.  regredienti,  taken  with '  compositas 
insidias',  and  used  concisely  with  the 
force  of  a  h}T3othetical  clause  (  =  *  si  re- 
grederetur ') :  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  54.  They 
had  supposed  that  he  would  return  by 
the  Flaminian  way,  and  had  laid  a  plot 
accordingly. 

I  r.  Sallustianos.    These  gardens  lay  i 
in  the  valley  between  the  Quirinal  and  / 
Pincian  hills,  near  the  Barberini  palace,  / 
in  the  gardens  of  which  some  remains,  I 
taken  to  be  those  of  the  villa,  still  exist ' 
(see  Middleton,  p.  405,  foil.).    They  werej 
laid  out  by  the  historian  Sallust,  and  in-  j 
herited  by  his  adoptive  son  (see  3.  30,  3), 
from  whom  they  had  probably  passed  to  j 
Tiberius.      To  reach  them,  Nero  would 
turn  off  from  the  Flaminian  way  to  the 
left  (see  H.  3.  82,  4). 


A.  D.  58] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP.  46-48 


217 


I 


remeaverit,  auctoremque  eius  doli  Sullam  ementitur,  quia  forte 
redeuntibus  ministris  principis  quidam  per  iuvenilem  licentiam, 
4  quae  tunc  passim  exercebatur,  inanem  metum  fecerant.  neque 
servorum  quisquam  neque  clientium  Sullae  adgnitus,  maximeque 
despecta  et  nullius  ausi  capax  natura  eius  a  crimine  abhorrebat :  5 
proinde  tamen  quasi  convictus  esset  cedere  patria  et  Massiliensium 
moenibus  coerceri  iubetur. 

1  48.   Isdem  consulibus  auditae  Puteolanorum  legationes  quas 
diversas  ordo  plebs  ad  senatum  miserant,  illi  vim  multitudinis, 

2  hi  magistratuum  et  primi  cuiusque  avaritiam  increpantes.    eaque  10 
seditio  ad  saxa  et  minas  ignium  progressa  ne  caedem  et  arma 

3  proliceret,  C.  Cassius  adhibendo  remedio  delectus,     quia  severi- 
tatem  eius  non  tolerabant,  precante  ipso  ad  Scribonios  fratres  ea 


2.  redeuntibus,  sc.  '  per  viam  Flami- 
niam '. 

iuvenilem.  Bekk.  and  Orelli  retain 
the  Med.  *  iuvenalem '  ;  which  form  is 
generally  read  in  Verg.  Aen.  2,  518  ;  5, 
475  ;  8,  163  ;  but  Tacitus  appears  to  use 
this  form  only  in  naming  the  games  of 
Nero  (14.  15,  I,  &c.),  and  elsewhere  in 
seven  places  *  iuvenilis '  and  *  iuveniliter '. 
On  the  practice  alluded  to  see  c.  25,  i, 
foil.,  Suet.  0th.  2. 

5.  ausi  :  for  this  substantive,  cp.  2,  39, 
3,  and  note. 

a  crimine  abhorrebat,  *  was  incon- 
sistent with  the  charge '  :  the  verb  has 
this  sense  in  H.  5.  24,  i,  and  in  Cic, 
Liv.,  &c. 

6.  proinde,  corrected  by  Halm  and 
others  to  'perinde';  see  c.  21,  3,  and 
note. 

Massiliensium.  Massilia,  as  a  free 
town,  was  a  place  of  real  or  virtual 
banishment :  see  4.  43,  8,  44,  5.  For  the 
subsequent  fate  of  Sulla  see  14.  57,  6. 

7.  iubetur,  i.  e.  by  mere  message  from 
Nero. 

8.  Puteolanorum,  the  people  of  Pute- 
oli,  originally  Dicaearchia,  the  ancient 
port  of  Comae  (Strab.  5,  4,  6,  245),  now 
Pozzuoli.  On  its  status  see  14.  27,  2, 
and  note. 

9.  ordo  plebs.  Many  read  *  ordo 
plebsque '  (with  some  inferior  MSS.  and 
late  corr.  of  Med.),  but  the  asyndeton  is 
suitable  to  the  contrast  in  the  next  clause 
(cp.  Introd.  i.  v.  §  65).  'Ordo*  is  so 
used  for  the  municipal  senate,  or  '  ordo 
decurionum',  in  H.  2.  52,  3,  and  often  in 
inscriptions.     On  the  constitution  of  these 


municipal  senates  see  Marquardt,  Staatsv. 
i.  p.  501,  foil). 

ad  senatum.  The  authority  of  the 
consuls  and  senate  over  the  Italian  com- 
munities had  been  expressly  guaranteed 
by  Nero  (c.  4,  3),  who  in  another  case, 
where  the  matter  was  first  brought  before 
him,  refers  it  to  the  senate  (14.  17,  3), 
and  must  here  have  so  far  acted  with 
them  as  to  send  the  cohort  mentioned 
below.  See  an  instance  of  similar  action 
by  the  senate  in  H,  4.  45,  1,  and  the 
remarks  in  Momms.  Staatsr.  iii.  11 96. 

10.  primi  cuiusque.  The  form  of  ex- 
pression shows  that  the  wealthier  citizens 
in  general  are  meant,  not  such  smaller 
bodies  as  are  called  '  decern  primi '  (Cic. 
Rose.  Am.  9,  25),  *  quindecim  primi ' 
(Caes.  B.  C.  i.  35,  i),  &c. 

11.  ne  caedem:  so  Halm  and  others, 
after  Nipp.  for  Med.  '  necem ',  for  which 
Orelli  and  others  (after  a  suggestion  of 
Walther)  read  '  ne  necem '.  The  old  edd. 
read  (with  G.)  'cumque  seditio  .  .  . 
necem',  &c. 

12.  C.  Cassius  :  see  12.11,4,  &c.  For 
a  special  commissioner  thus  sent  to  restore 
order  in  an  Italian  community  see  liv. 
41.  27,  3,  and  other  instances  given  in 
Momms.  Staatsr.  iii.  1203,  2. 

1 3.  Scribonios  fratres  :  so  named  also 
in  H.  4.  41,  3.  Their  respective  surnames 
were  Rufus  and  Proculus,  and  they  were 
for  some  years  contemporaneously  legati 
of  Upper  and  Lower  Germany.  Nero 
sent  for  them  to  Greece  in  a.d.  67,  and 
compelled  them  to  commit  suicide  (Dio, 
63.  17,  2,  foil.). 


2l8 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  58 


cura  transfertur,  data  cohorte  praetoria  cuius  terrore  et  paucorum 

suppHcio  rediit  oppidanis  concordia. 

49.    Non    referrem    vulgarissimum    senatus    consultum    quo  1 

civitati  Syracusanorum  egredi  numerum    edendis   gladiatoribus 
5  finitum    permittebatur,    nisi    Paetus    Thrasea    contra    dixisset 

praebuissetque  materiem  obtrectatoribus  arguendae  sententiae. 

cur  enim,  si  rem  publicam  egere  libertate  sanatoria  crederet,  tarn  2 

levia  consectaretur  ?     quin  de  bello  aut  pace,  de  vectigalibus  et 

legibus,    quibusque    aliis    res    Romana    contineretur,    suaderet 
10  dissuaderetve  ?     licere  patribus,  quoties  ius  dicendae  sententiae 

accepissent,  quae  vellent  expromere  relationemque  in  ea  postulare. 

an  solum  emendatione  dignum,  ne  Syracusis  spectacula  largius  3 

ederentur :    cetera   per   omnis   imperii    partis    perinde    egregia 


3.  vulgarissimxim,  *  most  common- 
place' (i.e.  most  unimportant)  :  cp.  'vulga- 
libus  patrum  consultis  '  (i6.  22,  i), 'nihil 
tam  vulgare  .  .  .  agebatur '  (Plin.  Pan. 
54) ;  whence  Haase  (followed  by  all  recent 
edd.  except  Ritt.)  thus  corrects  here  the 
Med.  *  uulgatissimum ',  which  would  mean 
'  most  generally  known  '.  No  comparative 
or  superlative  of  '  vulgaris  *  is  however 
elsewhere  found.  In  Dial.  6,  5,  to  which 
Ritt.  refers,  '  vulgaria '  is  now  generally 
read. 

4.  numerum  .  .  .  finitum.  Augustus 
had  established  the  rule  in  732,  B.C.  22, 
that  in  Rome  there  should  not  be,  except 
by  special  decree,  more  than  two  public 
gladiatorial  shows  in  the  year,  and  that 
the  number  of  gladiators  should  not  exceed 
120  (Dio,  54.  2,  4) ;  Tiberius  appears  to 
have  made  some  lurther  reduction  (Suet. 
Tib.  34  \  but  the  rule  was  relaxed  by 
Gaius  (Dio,  59.  14,  3).  The  number 
permitted  in  Italian  towns  is  not  known, 
but  we  find  as  many  as  thirty  and  thirty- 
five  pairs  contending  at  Pompeii  (C.  I.  L. 
10.  1074).  Requests  similar  to  the  present 
must  have  been  of  constant  occurrence, 
as  Plin.  (1. 1.)  gives  as  a  type  of  a  common- 
place question  '  de  ampliando  numero 
gladiatorum  .  .  .  consulebamur '. 

5.  Paetus  Thrasea,  here  first  men- 
tioned in  the  extant  narrative.  A  tablet 
found  at  Pompeii  (see  Mommsen  in 
Hermes,  xii.  128)  shows  his  full  name  to 
have  been  '  P.  Clodius  Thrasea  Paetus ', 
and  that  he  was  consul  with  Duvius  (or 
Dubius)  Avitus  (c.  54,  3)  in  the  latter 
months  of  a.d.  56.  His  name  had  been 
previously  supposed,  from    that   of    his 


daughter  (see  on  16.  28,  2),  to  be  Fan- 
nius. 

6.  arguendae  sententiae,  *  for  blam- 
ing his  vote '  :  cp.  '  arguens  insolentiam 
sententiae  '  (3.  59,  2). 

8.  consectaretur:  cp.  c.  42,  6,  on  this 
subjunct.,  as  also  *  suaderet  dissuaderetve  * 
below  (a  correction  of  Lips,  for  the  infin. 
in  Med.,  which  Ritt.  retains,  thinking 
that  '  vellet '  has  dropped  out  after  '  ve '). 

9,  res  Bomana  contineretur,  *  on 
which  the  Roman  commonwealth  de- 
pended' :  cp.  H.  I.  84,  3  ;  3.  86,  3;  Dial. 
33,  3 ;  also  '  quibus  (legibus)  .  .  .  res- 
publica  continetur'  (Cic.  Off.  3.  5,  23). 
Many  edd.  follow  Lips,  in  reading  '  res 
Romana  continetur'  fortheMed.  'Romana 
continentur ' :  the  further  change  to 
'  contineretur  *  is  introduced  by  Halm 
(with  MS.  Bud.),  and  followed  by  Nipp., 
Dr.,  Jacob.  Ritt.  reads  'res  Romanae 
continentur',  supporting  the  plural  by 
reference  to  6.  14,  3  ;  12.  7,  5  ;  16.  16,  3, 
&c.  The  indicative  can  stand,  taken  as  a 
parenthesis  interposed  in  the  oratio 
obliqua  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  49). 

II.  quae  vellent  expromere;  i.e. 
'per  egressionem ' :  see  c.  26,  2,  &c. 
An  ordinary  senator  had  no  '  ius  relaj 
tionis ',  but  had  power  thus  to  cal^ 
attention  to  a  question,  and  to  ask  thatj 
it  should  be  formally  brought  before! 
the  house  by  the  consuls  ('  relationemi 
postulare '). 

1 3.  partis, '  departments  ' :  cp.  *  quae- 
cumque  pars  (reipublicae)  mandaretur ' 
(I.  12,   I). 

perinde  quam  si:  cp.  i.  73,  5,  and 
note. 


A.  D.  58] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP,  48-50 


219 


4  qiiam  si  non  Nero  sed  Thrasea  regimen  eorum  teneret  ?  quod  si 
summa  dissimulatione  transmitterentur,  quanto  magis  inanibus 

5  abstinendum  ?    Thrasea  contra,  rationem  poscentibus  amicis,  non 
praesentium  ignarum  respondebat  eius  modi  consulta  corrigere, 
sed    patrum    honori    dare,    ut    manifestum    fieret    magnarum  5 
rerum  curam  non  dissimulaturos  qui  animum  etiam  Jevissimis 
adverterent. 

1  60.  Eodem  anno  crebris  populi  flagitationibus  immodestiam 
publicanorum  arguentis  dubitavit  Nero  an  cuncta  vectigalia 
omitti  iuberet  idque  pulcherrimum  donum  generi  mortalium  daret.  ic 

2  sed  impetum  eius,  multum  prius  laudata  magnitudine  animi, 
attinuere  senatores,  dissolutionem  imperii  docendo,  si  fructus 
quibus  res  publica  sustineretur  deminuerentur :  quippe  sublatis 


I.  si  summa,  &c.,  *if  the  highest 
questions  are  passed  over  by  ignoring 
them ' :  for  this  use  of  *  dissimulatio  '  cp. 

*  conatus  per  dissimulationem  aluit '  (H. 
4.  18,  i) ;  also  AgT.  6,2;  18,7;  and  the 
use  of*  dissimulatus '  in  4.  19,  4.  'Trans- 
mittere*  is  so  used  in  15.  31,  2,  &c. 

3.  non  .  .  .  ignajum  (sc.  *se'),  *  it 
was  not  because  he  had  no  perception  of 
the  present  situation '  (as  a  whole). 

4.  corrigere  =  *  corrigenda  censere  ' : 
see  note  on  4.  20,  2. 

5.  dare,  *  he  paid  this  tribute  to ' :  cp. 
I.  7,  10,  where,  as  here,  the  object  is 
supplied  from  the  following  clause. 

6.  cnram      non      dissimulaturos, 

*  would  not  conceal  their  interest  in,'  i.  e. 
that  they  would  speak  on  great  matters 
if  they  thought  fit. 

8.  crebris  flagitationibus,  abl.  abs. 
Such  complaints  generally  found  expres- 
sion at  public  entertainments,  &c.  :  see  6. 
13.  I,  and  note. 

9.  publicanorum :  see  4.  6,  4,  and 
note :  their  '  immodestia  '  ('  extortionate- 
ness')  is  explained  by  *  cupidines'  below 
(§4),  and  by  the  regulations  laid  down 
(c.  51). 

dubitavit,  *  considered  the  question  ' : 
cp-  4-  57.  5 1  and  note. 

cuncta  vectigalia,  *all  indirect 
taxes '  (opposed  to  '  tributa  *  below  and 
in  I.  II,  6).  The  'portoria',  so  far  the 
most  important  class  of  them  as  to  be 
mentioned  below  as  a  synonym  for  the 
whole,  were  the  customs  or  import  duties, 
levied  at  the  frontiers  of  the  empire  and 
at  those  of  each  of  its  great  financial 
districts  (comprising  in  most  cases  more 


than  one  province  each),  and  also  minor' 
local  tolls  or  dues  (see  Marquardt,  Staatsv. 
ii.  p.  269,  foil.).  That  Nero  contemplated 
universal  free  trade  throughout  the  empire 
is  difficult  to  believe;  but  the  words 
*  donum  generi  mortalium '  point  to  such 
a  conception.  Merivale,  who  thinks  that 
the  proposal  was  more  limited  (see  Introd. 
p.  58,  10),  holds  that  Tacitus  must  have 
misunderstood  the  question  (Hist.  Rom. 
ch.  52,  p.  105,  foil.).  Henderson,  Nero, 
p.  82. 

11.  impetum,'  his  impulse':  cp.  C54, 
6  ;  12.  12,  3,  &c. ;  also  '  occidendi  regis 
...impetum  ceperat'  (Curt.  5.  12,  i), 
'  impetus  moriendi '  (Suet.  Oth.  9). 

12.  senatores.  The  term  used  would 
support  the  explanation  that  the  advice 
of  individual  senators,  not  any  corporate 
action  of  the  senate  as  such,  is  meant. 
But  there  is  much  to  be  said  for  the  view 
of  Lips,  adopted  by  Nipp.,  that '  seniores ' 
should  be  read,  and  that  the  question  was 
discussed  in  the  private  cabinet  of  the 
princeps.  The  regulations  made  are  by 
imperial  edict,  without  any  senatorial 
decree  (c.  51,  i ) ;  and  it  is  a  moot  point 
whether  the  transference  of  the  '  vecti- 
galia' from  the  aerarium  to  the  fiscus, 
certainly  an  established  fact  in  the  time 
of  Ulpian  (see  Hirschf.  20,  i),  had  not 
already  taken  place.  [But  the  case  of 
Annius  Plocamus  (Plin.  N.  H.  6,  84) 
'  qui  maris  Rubri  vectigal  a  fisco  rede- 
merat '  does  not  prove  this,  as  the  vectigal 
in  question  fell  within  the  area  of  Caesar's 
provinces  and  therefore  belonged  neces- 
sarily to  the  fiscus. — P.] 


220 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  58 


portoriis  sequens  ut  tributorum  abolitio  expostularetur.  plerasque  3 
vectigalium  societates  a  consulibus  et  tribunis  plebei  constitutas 
acri  etiam  turn  populi  Romani  libertate ;  reliqua  mox  ita  provisa 
ut   ratio   quaestuum   et    necessitas   erogationum   inter   se   con- 

5  grueret.    temperandas  plane  publicanorum  cupidines,  ne  per  tot  4 
annos   sine   querela   tolerata    novis    acerbitatibus    ad    invidiam 
verterent. 

51.  Ergo  edixit  princeps  ut  leges  cuiusque  publici,  occultae  1 
ad  id   tempus,  proscriberentur ;    omissas    petitiones    non   ultra 

10  annum   resumerent ;    Romae    praetor,    per   provincias   qui   pro 


esse '.     Cic.  thus  has 
(de  Or.   2.   53,  215; 


1.  sequens,  sc. 

*  consequens   esse ' 
Tusc.  5.  8,  21). 

tributorum.  These  denote  all  the 
direct  taxes.  It  would  be  necessary  for 
the   '  tributa '  to   be  vastly  increased   if 

*  vectigalia '  were  abolished. 

2.  vectigalium  societates, the  'socie- 
tates equitum  Romanorum  '  of  4.  6,  4 
(where  see  note).     The  institution   of  a 

*  vectigal '  carried  with  it  that  of  a  corre- 
sponding 'societas';  and  the  reason  for 
using  this  expression  rather  than  *  pleraque 
vectigalia'  may  possibly  be  to  remind 
Nero   of  the   great  interests   of  Roman 

itizens  involved  in  the  collection  of  these 

evenues. 

consulibus  et  tribunis  plebei, 
i.  e.  by  '  leges '  or  '  plebiscita '  proposed 
by  them,  especially  on  occasion  of  the 
organization  of  the  several  provinces  (see 
Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  108,  2).  A  still 
earlier  instance  would  be  that  of  the  '  lex 
de  vicesima  eorum  qui  manumitterentur ' 
(Liv.  7.  16,  7). 

3.  acri,   *  being   in  full  vigour.      Cp. 

*  acrius  servitium '  (6.  48,  5).  Muretus 
has  been  generally  followed  in  placing 
*tnm'  before,  instead  of  (as  in  Med.) 
after  *  populi  Romani '. 

4.  quaestuum  = 'redituum',  'sources 
of  income'. 

congrueret.  The  final  't'  has  been 
lost  in  Med.  before  '  temperandas'.  Most 
edd.  read  '  congruerent ',  with  G. 

5.  plane,  concessive,  as  in  3.  34, 4,&c. 

.6.  acerbitatibus,  'embitterments':  for 

the  plural,  cp.  6.  4,  4,  and  note.     Such 

illegal  exactions  as  those   mentioned   in 

c.  51,  2  are  referred  to. 

8.  edixit  princeps.  This  introduc- 
tion of  these  regulations  in  respect  of 
taxation  by  a  mere  imperial  edict  is  per- 
haps to  be  explained  by  a  supposition 
that  these  were  already  fiscal    revenues 


(see  on  c.  50, 2),  and  is  certainly  in  accord- 
ance with  later  practice  (Momms.  ii.  1015, 
foil.) ;  also  the  reduction  of  the  '  cen- 
tesima'  (2.  42,  6),  which  belonged  to  the 
*  aerarium  militare'  (i.  78,  2),  is  given  as 
the  ordinance  of  Tiberius,  without  mention 
of  any  action  through  the  senate. 

leges  ciiiusque  publici,  *  the  regula* 
tions  respecting  each  tax,'  the  contracts 
into  which  the  publicans  had  entered  re-* 
specting  it,  and  the  rules  by  which  it  was'j 
to  be  managed.  [A  good  instance  of  a! 
'  lex  publici '  published  in  acccordance' 
with  this  edict  is  supplied  by  a  Greek! 
inscription  found  at  Coptos  by  Mr.  Ho- 
garth (Petrie,  Coptos,  p.  27)  and  belong-! 
ing  to  the  year  a. d.  90:  cp.  also  the' 
Palmyrene  inscription,  Dessan, in  Hermes, 
19.  486. — P.]  For  this  sense  of  'publi- 
cum' cp.  'conducere  publica'  (Hor.  Ep. 
I.  I,  77),  and  several  other  passages  in 
Cic,  &c. 

9.  proscriberentur,  'should  be  posted 
up,'  so  that  all  might  read  them.  By 
'  occultae ',  it  is  meant  that  the  publicani 
had  hitherto  kept  this  knowledge  to  them- 
selves. 

omissas,  &c.,  'that  revenue  claims 
which  had  been  let  drop  should  not  be 
taken  up  after  a  year.' 

10.  Bomae  praetor,  &c.  These  would' 
be  the  ordinary  judicial  tribunals  at  hom0 
and  abroad,  those  of  the  praetors  in  the 
one  case,  the  governors  of  the  senatorial 
or  Caesarian  provinces  in  the  other.  Th^ 
jurisdiction  in  revenue  causes  under  the 
Republic  had  belonged  to  the  province  of 
the  censor,  during  the  abeyance  of  whose 
office  the  competence  of  consular  or  prae* 
torian  tribunals  was  ipso  facto  revived  1 
but  such  questions  had  frequently  been 
committed  by  the  magistrates  to  '  reci-| 
peratores '  (cp.  i.  74,  7,  and  note) :  see* 
Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  462,  467,  loao. 


A.  D.  58] 


LIBER  Xlir.      CAP.  50-52 


221 


praetore  aut  consule  essent  iura  adversus  publicanos  extra 
ordinem  redderent ;  militibus  immunitas  servaretur,  nisi  in  iis 
quae   veno   exercerent ;    aliaque    admodum    aequa   quae   brevi 

2  servata  dein  frustra  habita  sunt,  manet  tamen  abolitio  quad- 
ragesimae  quinquagesimaeque  et  quae  alia  exactionibus  inlicitis  5 

3  nomina  publicani  invenerant.  temperata  apud  transmarinas 
provincias  frumenti  subvectio,  et  ne  censibus  negotiatorum  naves 
adscriberentur  tributumque  pro  illis  penderent  constitutum. 

1  52.    Reos   ex   provincia   Africa,    qui    proconsulare  imperium 
illic  habuerant,  Sulpicium   Camerinum  et  Pompeium  Silvanum  10 
absolvit     Caesar,    Camerinum    adversus     privatos    et    paucos, 
saevitiae  magis  quam  captarum  pecuniarum  crimina  obicientis: 

2  Silvanum   magna   vis   accusatorum   circumsteterat  poscebatque 


1.  extra  ordinem,  without  making 
these  causes  await  their  regular  turn  in 
the  list  for  trial :  cp.  Sen.  Ep.  io6,  2 
'  dubitavi  utrum  differrem  te  an  .  .  .  ius 
tibi  extra  ordinem  dicerem  ' ;  also  *  extra- 
ordinarius  reus'  (Cic.  ad  Fam.  8.  8,  i). 
This  rule  would  appear  to  have  been 
intended  to  ensure  a  decision  of  old  claims 
before  fresh  ones  had  accrued. 

2.  militibus,  &c.  Soldiers  were  liable 
to  no  excise  or  custom  in  respect  of  any- 
thing brought  from  home,  or  purchased 
for  their  own  use,  or  taken  as  booty. 

3.  veno,  dative  :  cp.  *  veno  dedisse  ' 
4.  I,  3  (and  note).  On  the  traffic  carried 
on  by  soldiers  see  c.  35,  3.  It  would 
seem  that  their  immunity  had  hitherto 
extended  even  to  this.  *  Exercerent '  is 
used  as  in  such  expressions  as  *  exercere 
faenus '. 

4.  frustra  habita,  *  were  evaded  ' :  cp. 
the  sense  in  which  the  phrase  is  used  of 
a  person  in  c.  37,  2. 

quadragesimae       quinquagesimae- 
.  que.     Nothing  is  known  of  these  2|  per 
i  cent,  and  2  per  cent,  duties.     They  were 
j  evidently  tict.ons  under  which  the  publi- 
cans levied  illegal  exactions,  and  therefore 
must  not  be  identified  with  any  known 
lawful  duties  under  such  names.     Several 
such  fraudulent  exactions  are  mentioned 
in  Cic.  Verr.  3.  49,  ii5;  78,  181  ;  others 
in  Caes.  B.  C.  3.  32,  but  rather  as  levied 
by  governors  than  by  publicans. 

5.  alia.  It  appears  that  the  right  of 
distress  or  'pignoris  capio  '  (see  on  c.  28, 
4)  had  belonged  to  publicans  under  the 
Republic  (Cic.  Verr.  3.  11,  27),  but 
had  been  abolished  before  Gaius  wrote 
(4-  32)- 


6.  temperata,  *  was  made  easier ' : 
cp.  '  annonam  macelli  temperandam ' 
(Suet.  Tib.  34).  The  facility  given  must] 
have  consisted  in  the  abolition  of  dues  or 
other  vexatious  regulations,  such  as  are' 
described  in  Agr.  19,  4. 

7.  ne  censibus,  &c.,  •  that  the  ships 
of  merchants  should  not  be  assessed  in 
their  property,  and  that  they  should  not 
pay  property  tax  upon  them.'  It  was  no  I 
doubt  seen  that  any  tax  laid  on  their  ships ; 
was  added  to  the  cost  of  transport. 

9.  Africa.  On  this  province  and  its 
proconsuls  see  Introd.  i.  vii.  p.  97. 

10.  Sulpicium  Camerinum.  Q.  Sul- 
picius  Camerinus  was  cos.  sufF.  in  March 
A.i).  46,  with  M.  lunius  Silanus  (C.  I.  L. 
V.  I.  5050),  and  is  often  mentioned  among 
the  Arvales  in  A.D.  57-59  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  i. 
2039-2041).  He  was  put  to  death,  with 
his  son,  jby  the  freedman  Helius  during 
Nero's  absence  in  Greece  (Dio,  63.  18,  2). 
It  is  stated  by  Dio  (1.  1.)  that  he  had  the 
family  surname  '  Pythicus  '. 

Pompeium  Silvanum :  so  read 
generally  after  Lips,  for  the  Med.  *  pom- 
ponium ',  on  the  supposition  that  the 
person  spoken  of  is  the  same  who  is 
mentioned  by  Josephus  (Ant.  20.  i,  2) 
as  cos.  saff.  in  a.d.  45,  and  in  the 
Histories  (2.  86,  4,  &c.)  as  legatus  of 
Delmatia,  and  by  Erontinus  (Aq.  loa)  as 
curator  aquarum  in  824-826,  A.D.  7*~73- 
An  inscription  (C.  I.  L.  4.  2560)  cited  by 
Nipp.  gives  him  a  second  consulship  of 
uncertain  date.   ?  A.D.  74  :  see  Pros.  Imp. 

R.3.71. 

11.  absolvit  Caesar.  The  trial  was 
probably,  as  usual  in  such  cases,  before 
the  senate.  The  meaning  would  probably 


222 


CORNELIl   TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  58 


tempus    evocandorum   testium  ;    reus   ilico   defend!    postulabat, 
valuitque  pecuniosa  orbitate  et  senecta  quam  ultra  vitam  eorum  3 
produxit  quorum  ambitu  evaserat. 

53.    Quietae  ad  id  tempus  res  in  Germania  fuerant,  ingenio  1 

5  ducum,  qui  pervulgatis  triumphi  insignibus  maius  ex  eo  decus 
sperabant    si    pacem    continuavissent.      Paulinus   Pompeius    et  2 
L.  Vetus  ea  tempestate  exercitui  praeerant.     ne  tamen  segnem  3 
militem  attinerent,  ille  inchoatum  ante  tres  et  sexaginta  annos  a 
Druso    aggerem    coercendo   Rheno   absolvit,   Vetus   Mosellam 

10  atque  Ararim  facta  inter  utrumque  fossa  conectere  parabat  ut 
copiae  per  mare,  dein  Rhodano  et  Arare  subvectae  per  eam 


;  be  that  Caesar  procured  the  acquittals  by 
1  giving  his  sententia  in  their  favour  (see 
I.  74,  7,  and  note). 

1.  tempus,  &c. :  see  c.  43,  2. 

ilico  defendi  postulabat,  'was  de- 
manding to  be  heard  at  once  in  defence.' 
A  similar  construction  with  *  postulo '  is 
found  in  2.  50,  2  ;  H.  4.  2,  3,  &c. ;  also 
in  Cic.  Verr.  3.  60,  138,  and  in  other 
writers. 

2.  orbitate  :  see  c.  48,  7  ;  3.  25,  2,  and 
note. 

3.  quorum  ambitu, '  by  whose  inter- 
cession' (cp.  4.  2,  4,  &c.)  with  the  senate 

,and  Caesar.     The  persons  hoped  to  be 
,' rewarded  in  his  will,  but  were  baulked  by 

his  outliving  them.    He  was  called  *  dives 

senex'  in  H.  2.  86,  4. 

4.  ad  id  tempus.  The  last  notice 
of  German  affairs  was  under  the  year 
A.D.  50  (12.  27-28).  The  events  men- 
tioned in  these  chapters  must  however 
have  begun  before  the  current  year  (see 
notes  on  §  3,  and  on  c.  56,  4) :  it  is  plain 
that  the  narrative  extends  over  some  time, 
and  it  is  probable  that,  as  Schiller  (p.  1 1 5) 
thinks,  the  occupation  of  the  lands  by  the 
Frisii  and  their  expulsion  belong  to  the 
year  a.  d.  57,  and  the  affairs  with  the 
Ampsivarii  to  that  and  the  following  year. 

5.  pervulgatis  :  on  the  prodigal  dis- 
tribution of  these  honours  see  11.  20,  5, 
and  note. 

6.  Paulinus  Pompeius  et  L.  Vetus. 
The  latter,  on  whom  see  c.  ii,  i,  and 
note,  had  the  Upper  Province  ;  Paulinus, 
the  legatus  of  the  Lower,  is  mentioned 
again  as  a  consular  in  15.  18,  4,  and  was 

I  father,  or  perhaps  brother,  of  Pompeia 
I  Paulina,  the  wife  of  Seneca  (15.  60,  8). 
1  Pliny,  who  mentions  him  as  taking  a 
quantity  of  plate  with  him  to  an  army 


surrounded  by  savage  tribes,  states  (N.  H. 
33.  ri,  50,  143)  that  he  was  the  son  of  a 
knight  of  Are! ate  (Aries).  Seneca  dedi- 
cates his  treatise  *  De  brevitate  vitae ', 
written  in  or  before  ad.  49  (see  note  on 
T2.  23,  k\  to  a  Paulinus,  who  appears 
from  it  (18, 3)  to  have  been  then  'praefectus 
annonae ',  and  may  have  been  the  eques- 
trian father  mentioned  by  Pliny. 

7.  ne  tamen  segnem,  &c. :  cp.  i.  35, 
5;  II.  20,  2. 

8.  ante  tres  et  sexaginta  annos. 
Drusus  died  in  745,  B.C.  9 ;  whence  it 
would  appear  that  the  work  of  Paulinus 
was  taken  up  in  A.D.  55.  Vetus,  who 
was  consul  in  that  year  (c.  ii,'i),  may 
have  been  sent  to  Germany  when  his 
suffectus  succeeded  him,  and  appears  to 
have  only  held  his  province  for  a  year 
from  that  date  (see  on  c.  56,  4). 

9.  aggerem.  This  dam  is  that  men- 
tioned in  H.  5.  19,  3,  as  constructed  to 
prevent  inundations  on  the  Gallic  side. 
Thierry  (Hist,  des  Gaul.  iii.  p.  439)  sup- 
poses it  to  have  been  constructed  at  the 
bifurcation  of  the  old  Rhine  and  the  Waal 
(see  2.  6,  5),  and  to  have  been  intended 
to  keep  up  the  supply  of  water  in  the 
former,  with  which  the  canal  of  Drusus 
(2.8,  i)  communicated. 

Mosellam  atque  Ararim.  The  con- 
text shows  the  name  of  the  latter  river 
(the  Saone)  to  have  dropped  out. 

II.  copiae,  'merchandise,'  products  f| 
cp. '  provinciarum  copiae  '  (3.  54,  7)>  &c.! 
Nipp.  notes  that  the  word  cannot  here; 
mean  *  troops ',  as  these  were  rather  raised^ 
in  the  provinces  than  despatched  in  anyj 
numbers  from  Italy.  This  route  from  thei 
Mediterranean  to  the  German  Ocean 
would  be  of  more  importance  since  tbe[ 
conquest  of  Britain. 


A.  D.  58] 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP.  52-54 


223 


fossam,mox  fluvio  Mosella  inRhenum,exim  Oceanum  decurrerent, 
sublatisque  itineris  difficultatibus  navigabilia  inter  se  Occidentis 
4  Septentrionisque  litora  fierent.  invidit  operi  Aelius  Gracilis 
Belgicae  legatus,  deterrendo  Veterein  ne  legiones  alienae 
provinciae  inferret  studiaque  Galliarum  adfectaret,  formidolosum  5 
id  imperatori  dictitans,  quo  plerumque  prohibentur  conatus 
honesti. 

1  54.  Ceterum  continue  exercituum  otio  fama  incessit  ereptum 

2  ius  legatis  ducendi  in  hostem.     eoque  Frisii   iuventutem  saltibus 
aut   paludibus,   imbellem    aetatem    per    lacus    admovere    ripae  10 
agrosque   vacuos   et   militum    usui   sepositos   insedere,   auctore 
Verrito  et  Malorige,  qui  nationem  earn   regebant  in  quantum 


Bhodano  et  Arare,  abl.  of  direction 
(Intxod.  i.  V.  §  25). 

1 .  Oceanum.  The  prep,  is  left  to  be 
supplied,  as  in  2.  68,  i,  &c. 

2.  navigabilia,  apparently  here  alone 
used  of  coasts  connected  by  internal  routes 
for  ships. 

4.  Belgicae.  This  province,  including 
all  between  the  Seine  and  Rhine,  except 
what  belonged  to  the  *  Germaniae',  was 
governed  by  a  legatus  of  praetorian  rank, 
who  resided  at  Durocortorum  Remorum 
(Rheims) :  see  Marquaidt,  Staatsv,  i. 
pp.  115,  122. 

deterrendo,  &c.  The  sentences  in- 
troduced by  *  ne '  here  express  not  so 
much  what  he  was  deterred  from  doing  as 
the  arguments  urged  upon  him:  cp.  15. 

73.4- 

alienae  provinciae.  The  legions  of 
Upper  Germany  would  have  to  enter 
Belgica  in  the  construction  of  these  works. 

5.  studia  Galliarum.  The  Med. 'in 
studia '  is  taken  to  be  a  repetition  from 
*  inferret '.  On  the  elements  of  rebellion 
still  supposed  to  exist  in  Gaul,  cp.  11.  i, 
2,  &c. 

formidolosum,    'alarming':    cp.    i. 

7^S  .Sj  <&c.    [-Since  anything  that  wounded 

I  the  susceptibilities  of  the  Gaulish  clans 

might    lead  to  dangerous  consequences. 

•^Comp,  supra,  11,  15  note. — P.] 

9.  ducendi  :  the  object  is  supplied 
from  '  exercituum '  in  the  context. 

eoque,  *  a:id  therefore '  (under  this 
persnaM"n\ 

Frisii.  This  people  have  been  men- 
tioned as  compelled  in  A.  D.  47,  to  accept 
terms  from  Corbulo  (11.  19,  2),  who  had 
settled  them  on  a  reservation.  Possibly, 
las  Mommsen  suggests  (Hist.  v.  115,  2; 


E.  T.  i.  126,  2),  a  distinction  is  to  be 
drawn  between  the  western  and  eastern 
portion,  the  Frisii  minores  and  maiores 
of  G.  34,  I,  the  Frisii  and  Frisiavones  of 
Plin.  N.  H.  4.  15,  29,  loi. 

saltibus  aut  paludibxis,  abl.  of 
direction :  cp.  Introd.  i.  v.  §  25. 

10.  lacus,  those  now  absorbed  in  the 
Zuider  Zee:  see  i.  60,  3. 

ripae :  that  of  the  old  Rhine  (cp. 
c.  hZ,  3)- 

11.  militum  usui  sepositos.  [The! 
Frisii  had  left  the  reservation  marked  out] 
for  them  by  Corbulo  and  settled  within' 
the  strip  of  land  on  the  right  bank  of! 
the  lower  Rhine,  which  was  closed  to| 
natives,,  and  appropriated  to  the  use^ 
of  the  frontier  garrisons  (infra,  55.  3).. 
Such  cleared  strips  beyond  the  frontier! 
recur  in  the  Agri  decumates.  West,  D.  1 
Zeitschrift  5,  p.  260  kmrpoTrov — x^P^^ 
^(ov)ix(\oK€Vvijaias  Kal  {v7T)€p\ifiiTavrjs 
( =  translimitanei),and  on  the  Danube,  Dio, 
72,  15.  For  the  treatment  in  the  second 
and  third  centuries  of  the  '  prata  legio- 
num',  see  Hirschf.  Verw.  B.  p.  143. — P.] 

1 2.  Verrito  et  Malorige.  Ruperti  takes 
the  German  names  to  have  been  '  Werreit ' 
and  *  Malrich '. 

in  quantum,  &c.,  '  so  far  as 
Germans  submit  to  princes ' ;  cp.  *  nee 
regibus  infinita  aut  libera  potestas '  (G. 
7,  I),  and  the  description  (Id.  c.  11)  of 
their  method  of  government.  '  In  quan- 
tum '  is  so  used  in  14.  47,  i  ;  Dial.  2.  2  ; 
21,9;  41,  5,  also  in  Ov.  M.  11.  71,  and 
in  post-Augustan  prose.  The  personal 
use  of  '  regnari '  (cp.  H.  i.  16,  11  ;  G. 
25,  3;  44,  I)  is  also  adopted  from 
Augustan  poets  by  Plin.  (N.  H.  6.  20,  23, 
76),  &c.  :  cp.  'triumphari'  (12.   19,  3), 


224 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  58 


Germani    regnantur.      iamque    fixerant     domos,   semina   arvis  3 
intulerant     utque     patrium    solum    exercebant,    cum    Dubius 
Avitus,  accepta  a  Paulino  provincia,  minitando  vim  Romanam 
nisi   abscederent   Frisii   veteres   in  locos   aut   novam  sedem  a 
5  Caesare  impetrarent,  perpulit  Verritum   et   Malorigem    preces 
suscipere.   profectique  Romam,  dum  aliis  curis  intentum  Neronem  4 
opperiuntur,  inter  ea  quae  barbaris  ostentantur  intravere  Pompei 
theatrum  quo  magnitudinem  populi   viserent.     illic  per  otium  5 
(neque    enim    ludicris    ignari    oblectabantur)    dum    consessum 

10  caveae,  discrimina  ordinum,  quis  eques,  ubi  senatus  percon- 
tantur,  advertere  quosdam  cultu  externo  in  sedibus  senatorum  ; 
et  quinam  forent  rogitantes,  postquam  audiverant  earum  gentium 
legatis  id  honoris  datum  quae  virtute  et  amicitia  Romana  prae- 
cellerent,  nullos  mortalium  armis  aut  fide  ante  Germanos  esse 

15  exclamant   degrediunturque    et    inter   patres   considunt.      quod  6 
comiter  a  visentibus  exceptum,  quasi   impetus  antiqui  et  bona 


'dubitari'  (14.  7,  i),  'ministrari*  (G. 
44»  2). 

2.  exercebant  :  cp.  11.  7,  4,  and 
note. 

Dubius  Avitus.  In  the  record  of  his 
consulship  with  Thrasea  (see  on  c.  49,  i) 
his  name  is  given  as  '  Duvius ',  with  the 
praenomen  *  L.'  He  is  mentioned  by 
Pliny  (N.  H.  34.  7,  18,  47)  as  legatus  of 
Aquitania  (which  province  he  would 
naturally  have  held  before  his  consulship), 
and  also  as  nephew  of  Cassius  Salanus,  a 
friend  of  Ovid  (ex  P.  2,  5). 

5.  perpulit :  on  the  inf.  with  this 
verb,  cp.  6.  33,  i,  and  note. 

7.  Pompei  theatrum:  see  3.  23,  i, 
and  note. 

8.  per  otixim,  'while  unoccupied.* 

9.  neque  enim  .  .  .  oblectabantur, 
=  *  ignari  enim  .  .  .  non  oblectabantur.' 
They  could  not  understand  the  play  itself 
or  derive  amusement  from  it. 

consessum  caveae.  This  expression 
is  taken  from  Lucr.  (4,  78)  and  Vergil 
(Aen.  5,  340),  both  of  whom  use  it  of  the 
mass  of  spectators,  as  distinct  from  the 
position  occupied  by  senators,  the  'patrum 
coetumque  decorum  '  of  Lucr.,  the  '  ora 
prima  patrum'  of  Verg.:  here  it  is  similarly 
contrasted  with  '  discrimina  ordinum  ' ; 
i.e.  the  knights  in  the  *  quatuordecim 
ordines '  and  the  senators  in  the  orchestra. 
/    10.  quis  =  '  quibus  sedibus  '. 

percontantur,  taken  by  zeugma  with 
*  consessum '  and  *  discrimina '. 


II.  advertere:  cp.  12.  51,  5, and  note. 

13.  amicitia  Romana,  *  friendship  to- 
wards Rome.'  This  privilege  of  a  seat/ 
among  the  senators  had  been  granted; 
in  old  times  to  the  Massilians  (Just.  43. 
5,  10),  and  that  of  a  similar  place  in  the 
amphitheatre,  in  the  time  of  the  dictator 
Caesar,  to  Hyrcanus  and  his  sons  and  any 
ambassadors  from  them  (Jos.  Ant.  14.  10, 
6).  Augustus  forbade  the  introduction  of; 
any  ambassadors  of  foreign  states  into  the> 
orchestra  (Suet.  Aug.  44) ;  but  his  pro-i 
hibition  had  evidently  been  already  set 
aside.  Trajan  gave  a  similar  honour  to 
a  large  gathering  of  such  embassies  ( Dio, 
68.  15,  2). 

14.  ante,  *  superior  to,'  cp.  Sail.  Cat.  53, 
3  ('  facundia  Graecos  .  .  .  ante  Romanes 
fuisse'),  and  the  use  of  'ante  alios'  by 
Tacitus  (i.  27,  I  and  note)  in  sentences 
in  which  the  idea  of  a  participle  of  *  sum ' 
is  supplied. 

15.  inter  patres  considunt.  Suet, 
tells  the  same  story  as  having  happened 
in  the  time  of  Claudius  (CI.  25),  and 
makes  the  ambassadors  whom  the 
Germans  saw  sitting  among  the  senate 
to  have  been   Parthians  and  Armenians. 

16.  impetus  antiqui,  '  a  trait  of  old-j 
fashioned    impetuosity'    (such    impulses 
being  generally  restrained  by  civilization). 
So  Suet.  (1.1.)  speaks  of  it  as  a  trait  of 

'  simplicitas  '  ('  frankness  ').  '  Impetus  * 
is  so  used  in  c.  50,  2,  &c.,  and  '  antiquus ' 
and  '  antiquitas '    are   used  of  character 


A.  D.  58] 


LIBER  XIII.     CAP,  54,   55 


225 


aemulatio.     Nero  civitate  Romana  ambos  donavit,  Frisios  dece- 
7  dere   agris    lussit.      atque   illis   aspernantibus   auxiliaris   eques 
repente  immissus  necessitatem  attulit,  captis  caesisve  qui  pervi- 
cacius  restiterant. 

1  55.  Eosdem  agros  Ampsivarii  occupavere,  validior  gens  non  5 
modo  sua  copia,  sed  adiacentium  populoriim  miseratione,  quia 

2  pulsi  a  Chaucis  et  sedis  inopes  tutum  exilium  orabant.    aderatque 
iis  clarus  per  illas  gentis  et  nobis  quoque  fidus  nomine  Boiocalus, 
vinctum   se   rebellione   Cherusca   iussu   Arminii   referens,  mox 
Tiberio,  Germanico  ducibus  stipendia  meruisse,  et  quinquaginta  i® 
annorum   obsequio   id   quoque   adiungere   quod   gentem   suam 

3  dicioni  nostrae  subiceret.  quo  tantam  partem  campi  iacere  in 
quam  pecora  et  armenta  militum  aliquando  transmitterentur  ? 
servarent  sane  receptus  gregibus  inter  hominum  famem,  modo 


as  terms  of  praise  in  3.  4,  5  :  55,  5,  &c. 
The  genit.  'impetus'  is  used  like  'moris', 
&c. 

bona  aemulatio  :  so  Halm  and  Nipp., 
after  Rhen.,  for  the  Med.  *  eemulatione ' 
(the  *  ne' being  supposed  to  have  arisen  out 
of  a  repetition  from  the  following  word). 
Others  retain  the  Med. ;  and  Dr.  com- 
pares the  coordination  of  a  genit.  and  abl. 
of  quality  in  Sail.  Fr.  H.  inc.  75  D,  41  K, 
2.  21 G  (*  oris  probi,  animo  inverecundo*"), 
and  Nep.  Dat.  3  ('hominem  maximi  cor- 
poris terribilique  facie ').  But  here  the 
genit.  is  not  strictly  that  of  quality,  and 
the  abl.  could  hardly  be  other  than  causal, 
and  Ave  should  have  to  explain  the  sen- 
tence (with  Gron.)  as  'quasi  impetus 
antiqui  esset,  et  aemulatione  bona  fieret'. 

2.  aspernantibus,  'treating  the  order 
with  contempt' :  cp.  i.  23,  6,  &c. 

5.  Ampsivarii.  This  name  is  read  by 
Nipp.  and  Halm  (ed.  4)  in  2.  8,  4  (where 
see  note):  23,  3;  24,  5.  Med.  has  here 
*  amsibarii ',  but  in  c.  56,  2  *  ampsiuarii '. 
Their  name  shows  them  to  be  locally 
connected  with  the  Amisia  (Ems). 

7.  Cbaucis.  This  tribe  was  powerful 
and  aggressive  in  the  time  of  Claudius 
(II.  18-19). 

aderat  iis,  '  pleaded  for  them  * ;  so 
used  often  of  advocates,  and  here  suited 
to  *  orabant  *  and  *  referens '. 

8.  clarus  .  .  .  fidus.  Nipp.  notes  that 
these  are  taken  as  in  apposition  to  *  Boio- 
calus' notwithstanding  the  interposition 
of  *  nomine  ' :  cp.  2.  74,  2,  and  note. 

9.  rebellione  Cherusca,  the  rising 
I  against  Varus  in  A.D.  9.     Tiberius  had 

'        fFELHAM 


commanded  in  Germany  during  the  twoi 
years  after  that  date,  and  Germanicusj 
in  A.D.  13-16.  The  fifty  years  are! 
reckoned  from  the  time  of  Varus  to  the 
current  year. 

12.  subicerst,  'was  keeping  obedient,' 
throughout  that  time  generally. 

quo  tantam  partem  :  so  most  recent 
edd.,  after  Lips,  for  the  Med.  'quotam 
partem ' ;    *  quo '   being   taken   to   mean 

*  with  what  object ',    as   '  quo   mihi   for- 
tunam,  si  non  conceditur  uti '  (Hor.  Ep. 
I.   5,   12)?     Inasmuch   as   an   object   is 
assigned    in    the    following  words    (*  in 
quam'  =  'ut   in   eam*),  the   stress  is  to 
be  laid  on  *  tantam ' ;  the  meaning  being! 
'why  does  so  much  more  land  lie  idle! 
than  is  needed  for  this  purpose?'     Nipp.' 
retains  the   Med.   *  quotam ',  bracketing 
'iacere'  as  a  gloss,  and  supplying  'esse*; 
taking  the  sentence  to  mean  '  how  small 
a   portion    of    the    reserved    land    is  it 
which  is  really  ever  used  for  this  pur- 
pose ! ' 

13.  aliquando,  'now  and  then';  cp. 
c.  3,  7  ;  21.8,  &c. 

14.  receptus  gregibus  inter  homi- 
niim  famem:  so  recent  edd.  generally 
after  Freinsh.  and  Lips,  (with  MS. 
Agricola)  for  Med.  '  receptos . . .  famam' ; 
which  Em.  and  Walth.  are  hardly  suc- 
cessful in  endeavouring  to  explain.  The 
words   are    spoken    bitterly,    and    mean 

*  reserve,  if  you  please,  retreats  for  your 
flocks,  while  men  are  left  to  starve  (treat 
the  lives  of  your  flocks  as  more  precious 
than  those  of  men),  only  do  not  reserve 
so  much  as  to  destroy  your  own  interests 


226 


CORNELII  TACIT  I  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  58 


ne  vastitatem  et  solitudinem  mallent  quam  amicos  populos. 
Chamavorum  quondam  ea  arva,  mox  Tubantum  et  post  Vsiporum  5 
fuisse.  sicuti  caelum  deis,  ita  terras  generi  mortalium  datas  ; 
quaeque  vacuae  eas  publicas  esse,  solem  inde  suspiciens  et  6 
5  cetera  sidera  vocans  quasi  coram  interrogabat  vellentne  contueri 
inane  solum :  potius  mare  superfunderent  adversus  terrarum 
ereptores. 

56.  Et  commotus  his  Avitus  :   patienda  meliorum  imperia ;  1 
id  dis  quos  implorarent  placitum,  ut  arbitrium  penes  Romanos 
ic  maneret  quid  darent  quid  adimerent,  neque  alios  iudices  quam 
se  ipsos  paterentur.    haec  in  publicum  Ampsivariis  respondit,  ipsi  2 
Boiocalo  ob  memoriam  amicitiae  daturum  agros.     quod  ille  ut  3 
proditionis  pretium  aspernatus  addidit  '  deesse  nobis  terra  in 
vitam,  in  qua  moriamur,  non  potest' :  atque  ita  infensis  utrimque 


I  by  surrounding  yourselves  with  a  wilder- 
ness, instead  of  with  friendly  tribes'. 
For  the  use  of  *  inter  hominum  famem ' 
with  the  force  of  '  cum  homines  interea 
fame  laborarent',  cp.  i.  50,  7,  and  note. 
Ritt.  adopts  the  correction  *  receptus ', 
but  reads  '  modo  inter  hominum  famam ', 
thinking  that  *  modo '  has  been  lost 
through  *  modo  ne '  following,  and  taking 
the  meaning  to  be  *  so  that  it  be  among 
the  voices  of  men ',  within  range  of  human 
intercourse,  and  not  in  a  desert. 

2.  Chamavorum,  &c.  The  meaning 
is  that  other  tribes  had  formerly  occupied 
these  tracts  at  pleasure.  The  Chamavi, 
living  apparently  further  in  the  interior 
in  the  time  of  Tacitus  (see  G.  33,  i ;  34, 
i),  are  thought  to  have  been  a  subdivision 
of  the  Marsi,  on  whom  see  i.  50,  6,  and 
note.  On  the  Tubantes  and  Qsipi  (or 
Usipetes)  see  i.  51,  4,  and  note. 

4.  publicas  esse,  *  are  common  pro- 
perty ' ;  not  in  the  usual  sense,  of  that 
which  belongs  to  the  state,  but  of  that 
which  any  one  might  take  possession  of. 

suspiciens :  so  most  recent  edd., 
after  Heins.,  for  Med.  'despiciens' :  cp. 
•caelum  suspiciens'  (G.  10,  2).  The 
older  edd.  generally  read  'deinde  re- 
spiciens '  (or  '  aspisciens ') ;  Ritt.  reads 
'Solem  inde  aspiciens',  and,  supposing 
the  Sungod  alone  to  be  addressed,  reads 
'  vellet '  and  '  superfunderet '. 

5.  vocans.  The  use  of  this  verb  in  the 
sense  of  'invoco'  is  constant  in  Vergil 
and  other  poets. 

quasi  coram,  '  as  if  face  to  face,'  as  if 
addressing  them :  cp.  4.  54,  3,  and  note. 


6.  mare  superfunderent.  Such  an 
imprecation  would  naturally  suggest 
itself  to  a  person  familiar  with  the 
inundations  of  the  Low  Countries,  though 
the  district  here  spoken  of  is  far  from 
the  sea. 

8.  commotus,  *  moved  to  sympathy.' 
This  is  shown  by  his  abstaining  from 
threats,  and  trying  to  induce  them  to 
submit  to  the  inevitable. 

patienda,  &c.  The  verb  of  speaking 
can  be  supplied  from  the  sense  (Introd. 
i«  V.  §  38) ;  but  it  is  possible  that  '  ait ' 
may  have  dropped  out,  as  Ritt.  thinks, 
between  'imperia'  and  'id',  or  may  have 
been,  as  Lips,  thought,  corrupted  into 
the  latter  word. 

1 1 .  in  publicum,  *  addressed  to  them 
as  a  people.'  The  answer  was  given 
through  Boiocalus ;  so  that  '  respondit ' 
is  repeated  in  thought  with  *  ipsi '. 

12.  amicitiae,  his  fidelity  to  Rome 
(c.  55>  2). 

13.  deesse,  sc.  'potest';  so  probably 
in  Cic.  Fin.  i.  i,  2  '  veritus  ne  movere 
hominum  studia  viderer,  retinere  non 
posse'  :  see  also  12.  64,  6,  and  note. 

terra  in  vitam :  so  Halm,  Nipp., 
Dr.,  with  Jac.  Gron.  for  the  Med. 
*  terram  uiuam  '.  Older  edd.  read  '  terra 
in  qua  vivamus',  with  Rhen.  and  MS. 
Agr.;  Orelli  and  Ritt.  follow  Sillig 
in  preferring  *  terra  ubi  vivamus ',  as  a 
reading  more  likely  to  have  been  cor- 
rupted into  the  Med.  text. 

14.  atque  ita  .  . .  discesstim,  repeated 
almost  verbatim  from  Agr.  27,  3. 


A.  D.  58J 


LIBER  XIII.      CAP.  55-57 


227 


4  animis  discessum.  illi  Bructeros,  Tencteros,  ulteriores  etiam 
nationes  socias  bello  vocabant :  Avitus  scripto  ad  Curtilium 
Manciam  superioris  exercitus  legatum,  ut  Rhenum  transgressus 
arma   a   tergo   ostenderet,  ipse    legiones   in   agrum  Tencterum 

5  induxit,  excidium  minitans  ni  causam  suam  dissociarent.     igitur  5 
absistentibus  his  pari  metu  exterriti  Bructeri ;  et  ceteris  quoque 
aliena  pericula  deserentibus  sola  Ampsivariorum  gens  retro  ad 

6  Vsipos  et  Tubantes  concessit,    quorum  terris  exacti  cum  Chattos, 
dein  Cheruscos  petissent,  errore  longo  hospites,  egeni,  hostes  in 
alieno  quod  iuventutis  erat  caeduntur,  imbellis  aetas  in  praedam  10 
divisa  est. 

1  57.  Eadem  aestate  inter  Hermunduros  Chattosque  certatum 
magno   proelio,  dum  flumen  gignendo  sale  fecundum  et  con- 


1.  Bructeros:  see  i.  51,  4,  and  note. 
Tencteros,     This   tribe,    living   next 

to  the  Usipi,  and  on  the  Rhine  frontier, 
were  famed  as  a  race  of  horsemen  (G. 
32,  2).  In  the  narrative  of  the  rising 
of  Civilis  they  are  closely  joined  with 
the  Bructeri  (H.  4.  21,  3;  77,  i\  and 
are  seen  to  have  occupied  the  tract  op- 
posite to  Koln  (Id.  64,  i).  They  were 
well  known  in  Caesar's  time  (B.  G.  4.  4- 
16^,  were  reduced  to  temporary  sub- 
jection by  Drusus  (Liv.  Epit.  138),  and 
continued  to  be  important  in  later 
history. 

2.  socias  bello, '  to  join  them  in  war.' 
scripto,   not   elsewhere   used   as   abl. 

abs.  Cp.  similar  rare  uses  of  other 
words  thus  in  In  trod.  i.  v.  §  31a. 

Curtilium  Manciam.  His  name  is 
given  in  an  Arval  table  of  Dec.  A.D.  55 
(C.  I.  L.  vi.  I.  2037),  as  T.  Curti- 
lius  Mancia ;  and  he  was  probably  at 
that  time  cos.  suff.  with  Cn.  Lentulus 
Gaetulicus  (Hermes,  12.  127).  His  will 
is  mentioned  in  Plin.  Ep.  8.  18,  4.  Ac- 
cording to  Phlegon,  De  reb.  adm.  c.  27 
(cited  by  Nipp.),  he  was  already  legatus 
of  Upper  Germany  in  A.  D.  56 ;  which 
would  make  the  tenure  of  L.  Vetus  to 
have  been  for  one  year  only  (see  c.  53,  2). 

6.  exterriti,  were  scared  away  from 
joining  them  :  cp.  c.  37,  i. 

7.  deserentibus :  so  Halm  and  Nipp., 
with  Rhen. ;  most  others  retain  the  Med. 
*  defendentibus ',  in  the  sense  of '  warding 
off  from  themselves'  (declining  to  en- 
counter): cp.  15.  38,  8;  also  Mefende 
fnrorem  '  (Verg.  Aen.  10,  905),  *defendit 
aestatera'  (Hor.  Od.  i.  17,  3). 

sola, '  isolated.' 


8.  Chattos,  Cheruscos.  On  these 
tribes  see  i.  55,  i  ;  56,  7,  and  notes. 

9.  errore  longo,  &c.  This  is  a  question 
of  punctuation.  Some  prefer  to  take 
'errore  longo'  as  abl.  abs.,  and  to  sup- 
pose that  *  hospites,'  'egeni,'  'hostes,'  de- 
scribe in  a  climax  their  treatment  by  the 
various  tribes  which  they  reached  (*  first 
received  hospitably,  then  left  destitute, 
then  treated  as  enemies'),  and  that  'in 
alieno'  (the  reading  of  most  edd.,  after 
G.,  for  the  Med.  *  in  alio ')  adds  a  pathetic 
touch  to  '  caeduntur '.  The  punctuation 
adopted  above  is  that  of  Halm  who  takes 
'hostes  in  alieno'  closely  together;  Nip- 
perdey  puts  commas  at  '  hostes '  and  at 
'alieno',  and  takes  the  words  to  mean  that 
they  were  '  hospites '  here, '  hostes '  there, 
'  egeni '  and  '  in  alieno '  everywhere.  The 
order  of  the  words  seems  against  this 
interpretation. 

10.  caeduntur,  &c.  Tacitus  evidently 
supposed  them  to  have  been  exterminated ; 
nor  are  they  mentioned  in  the  Geimania; 
but  a  name  apparently  the  same  ('Amp- 
suarii')  is  noted  by  Orelli  as  mentioned 
by  Sulpicius  Alexander  (cited  by 
Gregory  of  Tours  2.  9)  in  the  year 
A.D.  392. 

1 2.  Hermunduros.  On  this  people,  in- 
habitingparts  of  Franconia  and  Thuringia, 
see  2.  63,  6,  and  note;  they  are  also  men- 
tioned in  12.  29,  2;  30,  I. 

13.  dum  flumen,  &c.  The  river  is  I 
probably  the  Werra,  the  eastern  branch  1 
of  the  Weser,  near  to  which  are  the  salt  i 
springs  of  Salzungen,  not  far  from  Mei-  1 
ningen.  Some  suppose  the  river  to  be  the  ' 
Franconian  Saale,  a  tributary  of  the  Main, 
and  the  springs  those  of  Kissingen :  others 


Qa 


228 


CORNEL II  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  58 


terminum    vi    trahunt,  super    libidincm    cuncta    armis    agendi 
religione  insita,  eos  maxime  locos  propinquare  caelo  precesque 
mortalium   a   dels   nusquam   propius   audiri.     inde   indulgentia  2 
numinum  illo  in  amne  illisque  silvis  salem  provenire,  non  ut  alias 

5  apud  gentis  eluvie  maris  arescente   unda,  sed  super  ardentem 
arborum  struem  fusa  ex  contrariis  inter  se  elementis,  igne  atque 
aquis,  concretum.     sed  helium  Hermunduris  prosperum,  Chattis  3 
exitiosius  fuit,  quia  victores  diversam  aciem  Marti  ac  Mercurio 
sacravere,  quo  voto  equi  viri,  cuncta   [victa]   occidioni  dantur. 

10  et    minae    quidem    hostiles    in    ipsos    vertebant.      sed    civitas  4 


have  taken  it  to  be  the  upper  part  of  the 
Saxon  Saale,  a  tributary  of  the  Elbe.  In 
none  of  these  cases  is  it  strictly  true  that 
the  river  itself  is  a  salt  spring. 

I.  vi  trahunt,  Uhey  each  forcibly 
appropriate ' :  cp. '  in  se  trahere'  (i.  2,  1). 

super  libidinem,  &c.;  i.e.  besides 
their  general  propensity  to  decide  disputes 
by  the  sword,  there  was  a  deeply  rooted 
belief  which  gave  each  the  additional 
desire  to  possess  what  they  considered  to 
be  hallowed  ground. 

3,  propius,  *  from  a  nearer  point ' ; 
cp.  2.  70,  4,  and  note.  Many  have  sup- 
posed that  mountain  heights  are  meant, 
and  have  endeavoured  by  this  means  to 
identify  the  site.  But  no  mountains  are 
alluded  to  in  the  context,  and  the  physical 
nearness  of  such  spots  to  heaven  would 
hardly  be  spoken  of  as  recognized  by 
faith.  It  appears  therefore  better  to 
understand  '  propinquare '  and  '  propius ' 
of  mystical  nearness.  Woods  and  groves 
and  streams  were  generally  looked  upon 
as  the  abodes  of  deities  by  the  Germans 
(see  G.  9,  3,  and  Schweizer-Sidler  ad 
loc.) ;  and  Tacitus  appears,  to  say  that 
the  presence  of  such  a  divine  gift  as  salt 
in  these  woods  and  springs  was  taken 
as  evidence  that  they  were  peculiarly 
sacred. 

4.  non  . . .  concretum.  Nipp.  seems 
hardly  right  in  taking  this  to  be  a  note  of 
the  writer,  forming  no  part  of  the  oratio 
obliqua.  It  would  rather  seem  that  the 
process  itself,  so  strongly  contrasted  with 
the  common-place  mode  of  obtaining  salt 
from  sea  water,  had  added  to  the  belief 
that  a  special  Providence  was  traceable. 

15.  eluvie  maris,  '  by  means  of  pools 
of  salt  water  (cp.  12.  51,  5,  and  note),  as 
evaporation  takes  place.'  The  various 
places  in  which  salt  was  found  and 
methods  of  obtaining  it  are  described  at 
length  by  Pliny  (N.  H.  31.  7,  39,  73-105). 


super  ardentem,  &c.  Pliny  says 
(1. 1.  §  82)  '  Galliae  Germaniaeque  arden- 
tibus  lignis  aquam  salsam  infundunt ',  and 
may  possibly  have  given  some  fuller  de- 
scription elsewhere,  which  Tacitus  may 
have  followed  without  seeing  that  the  salt 
was  not  obtained  from  the  *  union  of  oppo- 
site elements  ',  but  by  employing  heat  for 
speedy  evaporation.  The  process  described 
is  however  so  rude,  and  would  yield  so 
little,  as  to  suggest  that  the  description  is 
incorrect,  and  that  the  heat  may  really 
have  been  used  to  boil  down  the  water  in 
pans.  In  some  countries  the  burning  ot 
wood  by  itself  is  described  (Varr.  R.  R.  i. 
7,8;  Plin.  1.  1.  83)  as  yielding  a  saline 
charcoal  used  by  the  natives  as  a  substitute 
for  salt, 

8.  victores,  'either  side  in  the  event] 
of  victory.'     Nipp.  compares  the  use  of' 
*  victores  '  in  3.  45, 4 ;  6.  34,  5  ;  12.  20,  2  ; 
29,  2.     *  Diversam  aciem,'  *  the  army  of 
the  enemy,'  as  in  14.  30,  i,  &c. 

Marti  et  Mercurio,  the  Roman  names 
for  the  gods  Tiu  or  Ziu  and  Wuotan  or 
Wodan  (see  G.  9,  i,  and  Schweizer-Sidler 
there).  Caesar  mentions  (B.  G.  6.  17,  3) 
a  similar  Gaulish  practice  of  devoting 
their  booty  to  Mars,  by  slaying  what  had 
life  ('  animalia '),  and  piling  the  rest  in  a 
heap.  In  the  army  of  Vams  the  principal 
officers  were  sacrihced  (i.  61,  5). 

9.  [cuncta  [victa]  :  'victa'  can  hardly 
bear  the  sense  of  '  all  that  belonged  to 
the  conquered ',  and  it  seems  best  with 
Becher  to  bracket  it.  It  is  worth  while 
noticing  that  it  is  omitted  in  MS.  Agricola. 
Most  edd.  follow  Danesius  in  reading 
'viva'.— F.] 

10.  minae  . . .  hostiles.  These  contests 
might  be  thought  to  menace  the  peace  of 
the  frontier.  The  Chatti  were  enemies  of 
Rome,  the  Hermunduri  friendly,  but  both 
might  be  called  *  hostes '  in  distinction  to 
a  race  within  the  Roman  empire  ('  gens 


A.  D.  58] 


LIBER  XIII,      CAP.  57,  58 


229 


6  Vbiorum  socia  nobis  malo  improviso  adflicta  est. :  nam  ignes 
terra  editi  villas  arva  vicos  passim  corripiebant  ferebanturque  in 

e  ipsa  conditae  nuper  coloniae  moenia.     neque  extingui  poterant, 
non    si    imbres   caderent,   non    fluvialibus    aquis    aut    quo   alio 
humore,   donee   inopia   remedii    et   ira   cladis   agrestes  quidam  5 
eminus  saxa  iacere,  dein  resistentibus  flammis  propius  suggressi 

7  ictu  fustium  aliisque  verberibus  ut  feras  absterrebant :  postremo 
tegmina  corpori  derepta  iniciunt,  quanto  magis  profana  et  usu 
polluta,  tanto  magis  oppressura  ignis. 

58.  Eodem  anno  Ruminalem  arborem  in  comitio,  quae  octin-  10 


socia  nobis '),  such  as  the  Ubii.  It  is  also 
possible  that  all  the  movements  prescribed 
from  c.  54,  are  here  alluded  to.  *  Ipsos '  is 
used  as  if  the  preceding  expression  had 
been  'minae  hostium  *. 

civita^  Vbiorum.  [It  would  seem 
khat  after  the  foundation  of  Cologne  (12, 
p7)  in  their  territory  the  native  community 
Btill  continued  to  exist  side  by  side  with 
the  Roman  colony,  and  probably  in  de- 
pendence upon  it,  Kornemann,  zur  Stad- 
tenentstchung  (Giessen,  1898),  p.  58.— P.] 

I.  Vbiorum.  On  this  people  see  i.  31, 
3,  and  note. 

ignes  terra  editi.  It  does  not 
seem  possible  that  volcanic  action  can 
have  taken  place  in  that  locality ;  but  it 
is  probable  that  the  burning  of  peat 
moors  by  spontaneous  combustion  or  other 
agency,  spreading  thence  to  pastures,  is 
meant. 

4.  fluviaJibus,  a  poetical  word,  but 
used  also  in  Col.  6.  22  ;  8.  15,  5.  The 
Med.  *  si '  before  this  word  is  rejected  by 
most  edd.  after  Pichena  as  a  repetition 
of  the  previous  *  si '. 

quo  =  '  quoquam' ;  so  in  14.  33,  6;  15. 
38,  3 ;  and  *  aliamve  quam  urbem  '  Liv.  5. 

54,  I- 

5.  humore  :  so  Med.  here  ;  but  in  most 
places  the  MSS.  of  Tacitus  (see  Ritt.  on 
I.  68,  i)  have  'umor',  *umidus'  and 
'  nmeo ',  and  Ritt.  so  alters  it  in  this 
place. 

donee,  with  historical  inf.  only  here 
and  in  the  Med.  text  of  H.  3.  10,  7, 
where  *  fatiscere '  is  generally  altered  to 

*  fatisceret '. 

remedii  is  the  correction  by  the  first 
hand  of 'remedio'.  Until  Andresen  pointed 
this  out  *  remediornm  '  was  the  accepted 
reading. 

ira    cladis  =  *  ira     ob     cladem  ' :    so 

*  ereptae  virginis  ira  '  (Verg.  Aen.  2,  413), 


'  ira  praedae  amissae  '  (Liv.  I.  5,  3),  *ira 
provinciae  ereptae'  (Id.  37.  51,  6). 

6.  resistentibus,  *  coming  to  a  stand-  \ 
still.'  Nipp.  notes  that  throwing  in  stones 
in  sufficient  quantity  would  really  check 
the  flames,  but  belief  in  the  efficacy  of  the 
other  means  would  be  a  superstition  arising 
when  the  flame  burnt  itself  out. 

suggressi :  this  verb,  taken  by  Tacitus 
from  Sallust,  is  so  used  with  'propius' 
in  2.  12,  2;  14.  37,  I  ;  15.  II,  I. 

7.  aliis  verberibus,  'blows  inflicted 
with  other  instruments.' 

8.  profana,  *  in  common  use ' :  cp.  '  in 
profanis  usibus  pollui  laurum  et  oleam' 

(P1.N.  H.  15.  30,  40,I35)• 
I  o.  Ruminalem  arborem  in  comitio. 
The  *  ficus  Ruminalis  *  was  believed  to 
have  been  that  under  which  the  wolf  was 
found  suckling  the  twins ;  the  name  being 
derived  from  '  rumis '  or  '  ruma ',  an  old 
word  for  '  mamma  '  ( Varr.  ap.  Fest.  s.  v. 
and  L.  L.  5.  54),  which  gave  its  name  to 
a  goddess  'Rumina'  (see  Seeley,  Introd. 
to  Liv.  B.  I.  p.  32).  It  was  believed  to 
have  originally  stood  in  the  Lupercal,  on 
the  part  of  the  Palatine  called  Germalus, 
but  to  have  been  miraculously  removed 
by  Attus  Navius,  the  augur  of  Tarquinius 
Priscus,  to  the  comitium,  i.e.  the  part  of 
Forum  nearest  to  the  Capitol,  where  the 
bronze  group  of  the  wolf  and  twins 
stood  near  it:  see  Plin.  N.  H.  15.  18, 
20,  72. 

octingentos  et  triginta.  The  Med. 
text  has  '  septingentos  et  quadraginta ', 
which  must  have  arisen  from  an  error  in 
copying  in  words  a  date  originally  written 
in  figures.  The  first  word  was  corrected 
by  the  oldest  edd.  from  an  inferior  MS. 
(Vat.  1958),  the  other  by  Lips.,  whom 
some  have  declined  to  follow,  thinking 
that  Tacitus  may  have  adopted  some 
other  legend,  making  the  twins  twenty- 


230 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM  LIB.  XIII.   [a.  d.  5a 


gentos  et  triginta  ante  annos  Remi  Romulique  infantiam  texerat, 
mortuis  ramalibiis  ct  arescente  trunco  deminutam  prodigii  loco 
habitum  est,  <ionec  in  novos  fetus  revivesceret. 


eight,  instead  of  eighteen  years  old 
(Dion.  Hal.  i.  79),  at  the  founding  of 
Rome. 

2.  ramalibus,  'its  shoots,'  a  word  used 
by  Ov.,  Pers.,  Sen. 

deminutam,  '  mutilated.* 

prodigii  loco.  Plin.  (1. 1.)  speaks  as 
if  this  occurred  not  once  only  but  occasion- 


ally (*nec  sine  praesagio  aliquo  arescit, 
rursusque  cura  sacerdotum  seritur'). 

3.  fetus,  '  shoots  ' :  cp.  *  inseritur  .  .  . 
fetu  nucis'  (Verg.  G.  2,  69,  &c.). 

revivesceret.  The  more  common 
form  *  revivisceret '  is  read  by  Nipp.  and 
Ritt.  after  some  inferior  MSS.  Pichena 
reads  '  reviresceret '. 


BOOK    XIV 


SUMMARY    OF    CONTENTS 


A.  T7.  C.  812,  A.  D.  59.     C.  Vipstanus  Apronianus,  C.  Fonteius  Capito,  coss. 

Ch.  1-13.     Murder  of  Agrippina. 

1.  Nero  urged  against  his  mother  by  Poppaea.  2.  Story  of  her  schemes  for  the 
recovery  of  her  influence.  3.  Difficulty  of  perpetrating  the  murder :  a  ship  contrived 
for  the  purpose  by  Anicetus.  4.  Nero  receives  her  at  Bauli  with  great  show  of 
affection.  5,  6.  Her  friends  Crepereius  Gallus  and  Acerronia  killed  ;  she  escapes 
with  life.  7.  Nero  in  alarm  consults  Seneca  and  Barrus.  8.  Anicetus,  with  a  body 
of  *  classiarii ',  kills  her.  9.  Her  burial :  prediction  of  her  fate.  10.  Nero's  terror 
composed  by  his  courtiers.  11.  Story  made  up  to  the  senate  by  Seneca.  12.  Servility 
of  the  senate  except  Thrasea :  persons  exiled  by  Agrippina  restored.  13.  Nero 
received  in  Rome  with  public  demonstrations :  he  plunges  into  various  excesses. 

Ch.  14-19.     Affairs  at  Rome. 
14.  Nero  exhibits  himself  as  a  charioteer.     15.  The  Juvenalia  :  demoralization  of 
Roman  society.     16.  He  composes  verses,  and  listens  to  disputations.     17.  Riot  at 
Pompeii.     18.  Pedius  Blaesus  condemned ;  Acilius  Strabo  acquitted.     19.  Death  of 
Domitius  Afer  and  M.  Servilius, 


A.  TJ.  C.  813,  A.  D.  60.     Nero  Caesar  IV,  Cornelius  Cossus  Lentulus,  coss. 

Ch.  20-22.     Affairs  at  Rome. 

20,  21.  Institution  of  quinquennial  Greek  games  at  Rome,  and  opinions  on  them  : 
the  prize  of  eloquence  awarded  to  Nero.  22.  Appearance  of  a  comet  :  Rubellius 
Plautus  induced  to  go  into  voluntary  exile :  illness  of  Nero  ascribed  to  divine 
displeasure. 

Ch.  23-26.     Affairs  in  the  East. 

23.  Corbulo  advances  from  Artaxata  and  chastises  the  Mardi.  24.  He  escapes 
assassination  and  occupies  Tigranocerta.  25.  He  takes  Legerda  and  receives  a 
friendly  embassy  from  the  Hyrcanians.  26.  Tigranes  sent  from  Rome  and  set  up 
as  king  of  Armenia :  Corbulo  retires  to  the  government  of  Syria. 

27.  Earthquake  at  Laodicea  :  Puteoli  made  a  colony  :  colonists  sent  to  Antium  and 
Tarentum.  28.  Election  of  praetors  arranged :  regulation  of  appeals  to  senate : 
Vibius  Secundus  condemned. 


232  SUMMARY  OF  CONTENTS 

A.  U.  C.  814,  A.  D.  61.    L,  Oaesennius  Faetiis,  P.  Petronius  TurpilianuB,  coss. 

Ch.  29-39.     Affairs  in  Britain. 

29,  30.  Suetonius  Paulinus  attacks  and  overcomes  the  Druids  in  Mona.  31.  Causes 
of  the  insurrection  of  the  Iceni,  under  Boudicca,  and  of  the  Trinovantes.  32.  Camu- 
lodunum  sacked :  the  Ninth  legion  cut  to  pieces.  33.  Suetonius  reaches  but 
abandons  Londinium  :  great  massacre  there  and  at  Verulamium.  34-37.  Great 
battle  :  speeches  of  Boudicca  and  Suetonius :  the  Britons  defeated  with  great 
slaughter :  suicide  of  Boudicca  by  poison,  and  of  Poenius  Postumus,  in  command  of 
the  Second  legion.  38.  Complaint  by  the  procurator  Classicianus  of  the  extreme 
severity  of  Suetonius.  39.  Polyclitus  the  freedman  sent  to  inspect  and  report : 
Suetonius  succeeded  by  Petronius  Turpilianus. 

Ch.  40-47.     Affairs  in  Rome. 

40,  41.  Condemnation  of  Fabianus,  Antonius  Primus,  and  others,  on  charges 
connected  with  a  forged  will.  42.  Murder  of  Pedanius  Secundus,  the  praefectus 
urbis,  by  one  of  his  own  slaves.  43-45.  Question  respecting  the  execution  of  the 
whole  household ;   speech  of  C.  Cassius ;  the  sentence  carried  out  with  difficulty. 

46.  Condemnation    of  Tarquitius  Priscus   for    extortion :    census    held    in    Gaul. 

47.  Death  and  character  of  Memmius  Regulus  :  a  gymnasium  dedicated. 

A.  U.  C.  815,  A,  D.  62.     P.  Marius,  L.  Afinius,  coss. 

Ch.  48-65.     Affairs  at  Rome. 

48.  49.  Revival  of  the  law  of '  maiestas ',  after  long  interval,  against  L.  Antistius  the 
praetor ;  Thrasea  speaks  against  the  punishment  of  death ;  his  opinion  followed  by 
the  senate  and  allowed  by  Nero.  50.  Fabricius  Veiento  banished  for  libels  and 
venality.  51.  Death  of  Burrus,  alleged  to  be  by  poison :  Faenius  Rufus  and 
Sofonius  Tigellinus  made  *  praefecti  praetorio  '  in  his  place.  52-56.  The  position 
of  Seneca  imperilled  by  accusers  ;  interchange  of  speeches  between  him  and  Nero  ; 
his  retirement  from  publicity.  57-59.  Murder  of  Sulla  at  Massilia  and  Rubellius 
Plautus  in  Asia  at  the  instigation  of  Tigellinus :  mockery  of  senatorial  sentence 
after  their  deaths.  60.  Divorce  of  Octavia  notwithstanding  the  break-down  of  the 
charge  against  her :  marriage  of  Nero  to  Poppaea.  61.  Popular  rising  in  favour 
of  Octavia ;  alarm  of  Poppaea.  62-64.  New  charge  fabricated  by  Anicetus : 
Octavia  banished  to  Pandateria  and  there  murdered  :  servile  decrees  of  the  senate. 
65.  Deaths  of  Pallas  and  Doryphorus,  supposed  to  have  been  poisoned  by  Nero  : 
charge  of  Romanus,  leading  to  the  conspiracy  of  Piso. 


CORNELII    TACITI 

ANNALIUM   AB   EXCESSU    DIVI   AUGUSTI 

LIBER    XIV 


1  1.  Gaio  Vipstano  C.  Fonteio  consulibus  diu  meditatum 
scelus  non  ultra  Nero  distulit,  vetustate  imperii  coalita  audacia 
et  flagrantior  in  dies  amore  Poppaeae,  quae  sibi  matrimonium  et 
discidium  Octaviae  incolumi  Agrippina  baud  sperans  crebris 
criminationibus,  aliquando  per  facetias  incusaret  principem  et  5 
pupillum  vocaret,  qui  iussis  alienis  obnoxius  non  modo  imperii 

2  sed   libertatis  etiam  indigeret.     cur  enim  dififerri  nuptias  suas  ? 
formam  scilicet  displicere  et  triumphalis  avos  an  fecunditatem  et 

3  verum  animum  ?     timeri  ne  uxor  saltem  iniurias  patrum,  iram 

4  populi  adversus  superbiam  avaritiamque  matris  aperiat.     quod  si  i< 


1.  Gaio  Vipstano,  &c.  The  full 
names  are  C.  Vipstanus  Apronianus,  C. 
Fonteius  Capito  (C,  I.  L.  vi.  i.  2041). 
The  former,  probably  son  or  nephew  of 
the  consul  given  in  11.  23,  i,  is  fre* 
quently  mentioned  among  the  Arvales 
from  A.D.  57-86  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  i.  2039- 
2064),  and  was  proconsul  of  Africa  in 
A.D.  69  (H.  I.  76,  8).  The  latter,  a  son 
apparently  of  the  one  mentioned  in  4.  36, 
4,  bore  an  evil  name  for  avarice  and  other 
vices  as  legatus  of  Lower  Germany  in 
A.D.  68,  and  was  killed  by  some  of  his 
own  officers  (H.  i.  7,  i,  etc.).  Med. 
reads  here  *  uipsano '  (a  similar  error  to 
that  in  11.  23,  i),  and  omits  the  prae- 
Domen  of  Fonteius. 

2.  coalita:  cp.  13.  26,  2,  and  note. 

3.  flagrantior,  *  more  ardent '  :  cp. 
*  cupidinibus  flagrans'  (13.  2,  3):  the 
sense  of  *  flagrantissimus '  in  13.  45,  4  is 
different. 

Poppaeae:  see  13.  45,  i,  &c. 

4.  incolumi,  '  while  she  lived ' :  cp. 
3-  56,  5;  4-  7.  2,  &c.;  also  Caes.  B.  G. 
I.  53»  7»  &c. 

5.  incusaret.      Orelli    seems    hardly 


right  in  taking  *  quae '  here  as  causal :  the 
subjunct.  may  well  be  that  of  repeated 
action,  so  used  with  *  qui '  in  6.  8,  4,  &c. 
(see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  52).  *  Criminationibus ', 
as  opposed  to  '  per  facetias ',  would  seem 
here  to  denote  passionate  reproaches,  but 
may  be  taken  of  charges  against  Agrippina 
and  Octavia. 

8.  avos,  rhetorical  pi.  (cp.  i.  10,  3, 
&c.)  ;  only  Poppaeus  Sabinus  (13.  45,  1) 
being  referred  to. 

fecunditatem.  She  had  a  son  (13. 1 
45,  4),  whereas  Octavia  was  barren.  ' 

9.  verum  animum,  *  sincere  affection.' 
The  neut.  *  verum '  and  *  Veritas  '  are  often 
used  of  *  right '  and  '  rectitude ',  and 
'  verus '  is  sometimes  so  used  of  persons, 
as  '  verissimus  .  .  .  index '  (Cic.  Rose. 
Am.  30,  84).  A  contrast  is  implied  to 
Octavia,  the  '  nurus  filio  infesta'  below. 

ne  uxor  saltem,  &c.,  i.e.  lest  as  a  wife 
she  might  at  least  have  power  enough  to 
open  Nero's  eyes. 

iniurias  patrum,  *  her  oppression  of 
senators  ' :  cp.  c.  1 1 ,  1 .  On  her  avarice 
see  12.  7,  7,  &c. 


234  CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM  [A.  D.  59 

nurum  Agrippina  non  nisi  filio  infestam  ferre  posset,  redderetur 
ipsa  Othonis  coniugio  :  ituram  quoquo  terrarum,  ubi  audiret 
potius  contumelias  imperatoris  quam  viseret  periculis  eius 
immixta.    haec  atque  talia  lacrimis  et  arte  adulterae  penetrantia  5 

5  nemo  prohibebat,  cupientibus  cunctis  infringi  potentiam  matris 
et  credente  nullo  usque  ad  caedem  eius  duratura  filii  odia. 

2.  Tradit  Cluvius  ardore  retinendae  Agrippinam  potentiae  eo  1 
usque  provectam  ut  medio  diei,  cum  id  temporis  Nero  per  vinum 
et  epulas  incalesceret,  offerret  se  saepius  temulento  comptam  et 

10  incesto  paratam  ;    iamque  lasciva  oscula  et  praenuntias  flagitii  2 
blanditias   adnotantibus   proximis,    Senecam    contra    muliebris 
inlecebras   subsidium  a   femina   petivisse    immissamque  Acten 
libertam,  quae   simul   suo   periculo   et   infamia    Neronis   anxia 
deferret  pervulgatum  esse  incestum  gloriante  matre  nee  tolera- 

15  turos  milites  profani  principis  imperium.     Fabius  Rusticus  non  3 
Agrippinae  sed  Neroni  cupitum  id  memorat  eiusdemque  libertae 
astudisiectum.  sed  quae  Cluvius  eademceteriquoqueauctores  pro-  4 
didere,et  fama  hue  inclinatjSeu  concepit  animo  tantum  immanitatis 
Agrippina,  seu  credibilior  novae  libidinis  meditatio  in  ea  visa  est 

20  quae  puellaribus  annis  stuprum  cum  Lepido  spe  dominationis 

2.  othonis.  He  had  been  probably  12.  immissam :  cp.  the  similar  meta- 
already  got  out  of  the  way  to  Lusitania  :  phor  in  4.  19,  i ;  11.  i,  i.  On  Acte  see 
see  13.  46,  5,  and  note  on  c.  4,  6.                     13.  12,  i,  and  note.    To  her,  any  restora- 

quoquo     terrarum.       This     use     of  tion  of  the  ascendancy  of  Agrippina  would 

*  quoquo'  with    a    genit.,  analogous   to  no  doubt  be  fatal. 

'ubi',  appears  to  be  taken  from  Plant.  15.  profani,  ' impious ',  one  who  out- 
Merc.  5.  2,  17  ;  Ter.  Phonn.  3.  3,  18.  raged  divine  law:    cp.  *  profanos  ritus ' 

3.  viseret  =  ' continuo    videret'    (13.  (2.  85,  5) ;  also  H.  5.  5,  6,  &c. 

46,4).  Fabius    Rusticus:     see    13.    20,    2. 

periculis...immixta:  soin  H.4.85,6.       His  version  appears  to  be  followed   by 

4.  penetrantia, sc.  'animum Neronis'  :      Suet.  (Ner.  28;. 

cp.  *  Tiberium  .  .  .  penetrabat'  (3.  4,  3).  17.  disiectum,  'the  plot  was  broken 

16.  duratura,  *  that  this  hatred  would  up' :  so  *  consilia  .  .  .  disiecit'  (Liv.  25. 

steel  him '  :  cp.  i.  6,  3,  and  note.  I4>  3) ;  '  disice  compositam  pacem*  (Verg. 

7.  Cluvius  :  see  13,  20,  3.  Aen.  7,  339). 

ardore,  &c.  The  order  of  words  seems  18.  fama  hue  inclinat,  repeated  from 

an  affectation  of  style  similar  to  that  noted  H.  1.42,2.     Tacitus  declines  to  affirm 

in  I.  67,  I,  and  may  here  be  designed  to  the  truth  of  the  story,  as  does  also  Dio 

make  the  statement  more  impressive  in  (61.  11,4).  Suetonius  (e.  28),  in  his  usual 

recitation.  manner,   gives    the   story   (in   the    form 

8.  medio  diei  ...  id  temporis  :  cp.  adopted  by  Rusticus)  as  an  undoubted 
II.   21,   2;    12.  8,   2,  and   notes.     That  fact,  and  even  adds  to  it. 

Nero   constantly  feasted  from  midday  is  20.  pueUaribus  annis.   She  was  thenl 

stated  in  Suet.  27  ;  nor  was  such  a  practice  about  twenty-four  years  old,  and  had  been 

unknown  in  earlier  times  (Hor.  Sat.  2.  8,  2;  more  than  ten  years  married  :  '  puella  '  is/ 

Ep.   I.  14,  34)  :  cp.  note  on  11.  37,  2.  used  of  a  very  young  married  woman  in 

It  was  usually  the  time  of  'prandium'  c.  64,  i. 
(see  Marquardt,  Privatl.  266,  i). 


A.  D.  59] 


LIBER  XIV,      CAP,  1-3 


235 


admiserat,  pari  cupidine  usque  ad  libita  Pallantis  provoluta  et 
exercita  ad  omne  flagitium  patrui  nuptiis. 

1  3.  Igitur  Nero  vitare  secretes  eius  congressus,  abscedentem  in 
hortos  aut  Tusculanum  vel  Antiatem  in  agrum  laudare  quod 

2  otium  capesseret.     postremo,  ubicumque  haberetur,  praegravem  5 
ratus  interficere  constituit,  hactenus  consultans  veneno  an  ferro 

3  vel  qua  alia  vi.  placuitque  primo  venenum.  sed  inter  epulas 
principis  si  daretur,  referri  ad  casum  non  poterat  tali  iam 
Britannici  exitio ;  et  ministros  temptare  arduum  videbatur 
mulieris  usu  scelerum   adversus   insidias   intentae ;    atque  ipsa  lo 

4  praesumendo    remedia    munierat    corpus,      ferrum    et    caedes 


Lepido.  Nipp.  would  insert  the 
praenomen  *  M.',  which  may  easily  have 
:  dropped  out ;  but  the  Lepidus  here  spoken 
.  of  was  no  doubt  well  known  to  those  who 
I  had  the  complete  work  of  Tacitus.  He 
I  could  himself  claim  descent  from  Augustus 
j(see  the  pedigree,  Introd.  i.  ix.  p.  139), 
jand  had  been  husband  of  Agrippina's 
sister  Drusilla,  and  was  associated  with 
many  of  the  worst  outrages  of  Gains, 
who  put  him  to  death  in  A.D.  39,  as 
connected  with  the  conspiracy  of  Lentnlus 
Gaetulicus  (see  Introd.  pp.  8,  18). 

spe  dominationis.  Gaius  is  said  to 
have  contemplated  making  Lepidus  his 
heir  (Dio,  1.  I.) ;  but  the  reference  is  here 
probably  to  the  conspiracy  above  men- 
tioned. 

I.  admiserat,  'had  incurred  the  guilt 
of ' :  so  often  used  with  '  scelus ',  *  faci- 
nus ',  &c.  in  a  sense  slightly  different  from 
that  of  *  committere ' :  cp.  '  admissum 
scelus '  (c.  62,  3),  and  the  subst.  *  admissa  * 

(".4,7). 

provoluta,  *  prostrating  herself  to,* 
noted  by  Dr.  as  in  this  sense  ait.  ilp.  On 
her  adultery  with  Pallas  see  12.  25,  i, 
&c. 

3.  exercita  =  *  exercitata ' :  cp.  c.  56, 5  ; 
3.  20,  2 ;  4.  II,  2  ;  H.  4.  4,  4,  and  many 
other  places.  This  meaning  seems  hardly 
to  be  found  earlier  than  Tacitus,  who  also 
uses  the  word  in  the  more  regular  sense 
of  'harassed'  (i.  17,  7,  &c.). 

patrui  nuptiis.  On  the  incestuous 
character  of  this  union  see  12.  5,  i,  &c. 

3.  Igitur,  i.  e.  in  consequence  of  the 
representations  of  Acte  (c.  2,  2). 

secretes  congressus,  '  private  inter- 
views with  her.' 

4.  vel,  here  subordinate  to  *  aut ' ;  the 
true  opposition  being  between  '  in  hortos ' 
(probably   the  gardens  of  Lucullus,  11, 


I,  i)  and  *in  agrum*  (some  place  in  the 
country  wholly  removed  from  Rome); 
Tusculum  and  Antium  being  alternative 
places  of  rural  resort.  The  latter  of 
these,  an  ancient  colony  (see  c.  27,  3,  and 
note),  the  birthplace  of  Gaius  and  of 
Nero  (Suet.  Gal.  8;  Ner.  6),  was  a 
favourite  imperial  residence  at  this  time 
(cp.  c.  4,  3;  15.  23,  I  ;  39,  i)  and  long 
afterwards ;  and  the  most  important  ruins 
on  the  spot,  believed  to  have  belonged  to 
the  Neronian  villa,  have  been  the  place 
of  discovery  o(  famous  works  of  art, 
especially  the  Apollo  Belvedere,  and  the 
so-called  Gladiator  in  the  Louvre. 

5.  capesseret :  so  all  recent  edd.  after 
Heins.  for  the  Med.  Macesseret',  which 
appears  to  give  no  satisfactory  sense. 
Cp.  the  frequent  expressions  *  capessere 
honores  ',  '  imperium  ',  &c. 

haberetur,  so  used  of  persons  more  or 
less  in  custody:  cp.  2.  58,  i,  and  note. 

6.  hactenus  consultans, '  deliberating 
on  this  question  only ' :  for  this  use  of 
*  hactenus'  cp.  12.  42,  5,  and  note. 

7.  vel,  here  subordinate  to  '  an ',  as 
above  to  *  aut '.  The  use  of  the  sword 
or  any  other  open  violence  is  opposed  to 
insidious  assassination  by  poison. 

9.  ministros  temptare,  i.e.  to  get  her 
own  servants  to  poison  her  at  her  own 
house,  which  was  now  distinct  from 
Nero's  (13.  18,  6). 

II.  praesumendo,  here  in  the  literal 
sense, as  in  Ov.  A.  A.  3,  757  ('neve  domi 
praesume  dapes  ').  Suet.  (Ner.  34)  is  so 
circumstantial  as  to  state  that  three  vain 
attempts  to  poison  her  were  actually 
made. 

ferriun  et  caedes,  generally  taken 
as  a  hendiadys ;  but  the  latter,  as  a  more 
general  word,  seems  to  answer  to  *vel 
qua  alia  vi '  above. 


236 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  59 


quonam   modo   occultaretur   nemo   reperiebat  ;    et  ne  quis   ilH 
tanto    facinori     delectus    iussa     spemeret    metuebat.       obtulit  5 
ingenium     Anicetus   libertus,  classi  apud  Misenum   praefectus 
et  pueritiae  Neronis  educator  ac  mutuis  odiis  Agrippinae  invisus. 

5  ergo  navem  posse  componi  docet  cuius  pars  ipso  in  mari  per  6 
artem   soluta  effunderet  ignaram :  nihil  tarn  capax  fortuitorum 
quam  mare  ;  et  si  naufragio  intercepta  sit,  quern  adeo  iniquum  7 
ut  sceleri  adsignet  quod  venti  et  fluctus  deliquerint?    additurum 
principem    defunctae   templum    et   aras   et   cetera   ostentandae 

lopietati. 

4.   Placuit  sollertia,    tempore   etiam    iuta,  quando   Quinqua- 1 
truum  festos  dies  apud  Baias  frequentabat.    illuc  matrem  elicit,  2 
ferendas  parentium  iracundias  et  placandum   animum  dictitans 
quo   rumorem   reconciliationis   efficeret  acciperetque  Agrippina 


2.  metuebat  is  a  correction  of  *  metue- 
bant'  by  the  first  hand.  Those  editors 
who  read '  metuebant '  supply '  et  conscii '  on 
the  assumption  that  advisers  are  implied 
by  '  consultans ',  '  nemo  reperiebat ',  &c. 

obtulit  ingenium.  Nipp.  gives 
several  instances  (e.g.  H.  4.  25,  5)  in 
which  a  verb  acquires  by  such  a  position 
a  force  as  if  '  turn '  had  preceded  it.  For 
the  sense  of  'ingenium'  cp.  12.  66,  5, 
and  note. 

3.  classi,  «&c. :  see  4.  5,  i,  and  note. 
The  '  praefectus '  was  usually  a  knight 
(cp.  13.  30,  2  ;  Introd.  i.  vii.  p.  108) ;  but 
a  freed  man  is  found  in  this  position  under 
Claudius  (Plin.  N.  H.  9.  17,  29,  62),  and 
another  of  similar  rank  just  after  Nero's 
death  (H.  i.  87,  2)  :  see  the  full  list  of 
*  praefecti'  in  Hirschf.  Unters.  124,  foil. 

4.  educator:  cp.  11.  i,  2,  and  note, 
mutviis  .  .  .  invisus,  '  hating  Agrip- 
pina and  hateful  to  her.' 

5.  navem.  Suet,  gives  a  story  (1. 1.)  of 
a  previous  plan  to  make  the  ceiling  of  her 
bed-chamber  fall,  which  was  frustrated 
by  betrayal,  Dio  says  (61.  12,  2)  that 
the  idea  of  a  ship  falling  to  pieces  was 
taken  from  one  seen  on  the  stage. 

6.  ignaram  :  cp.  11.  35,  i,  and  note, 
tarn  capax,  *  giving    so    much    room 

for':  with  the  genit.,  the  word  is  gene- 
rally used  of  persons  (as  in  H.  i.  49,  8), 
or  personal  qualities  (as  in  13.  47,  4). 

7.  intercepta :  so  used  of  unnatural 
death  in  2.71,  3,  &c. 

8.  additurum,  *  would  further  ordain ' 
(besides  reaping  the  fruit  of  this  explana- 
tion of  her  death).    Nipp.  notes  that  '  de- 


functae' does  not  depend  on  the  par- 
ticiple, but  is  taken  closely  with  '  templum 
et  aras'  (cp.  12.  41,  3;  15.  23,  3,  &c.), 
and  *  ostentandae  pietati '  with  *  cetera ' 
(cp.  *  cetera  expugnandis  urbibus '  H.  3. 
20,  4). 

11.  sollertia,  i.e.  the  plan  of  Anicetus 
was  preferred  to  open  violence. 

iuta  =  *  adiuta  ' :  this  participle  is 
only  found  here,  unless  read  in  3.  35,  3. 

Quinquatruum.  This  festival  off 
Minerva  was  held  March  19-^3;  thel 
name  being  (ace.  to  Varro,  L.  L.  6.  3,1 
14,  and  Fest.  254,  Miill.)  a  Tusculan  word/ 
for  'quintus',  and  denoting  that  the  feast' 
began  on  the  fifth  day  (reckoned  inclu- 
sively) from  the  Ides  (Gell.  2.  21).  Ovid^ 
who  erroneously  derives  the  name  from,' 
its  lasting  five  days,  describes  it  as  especi- 
ally a  festival  for  workers  in  the  arts 
(Fast.  3,  809,  foil.)  and  for  children  (cp. 
Hor.  Ep.  2.  2,  197).  For  an  account  of 
its  ceremonies  see  Marquardt,  Staatsv.  iii. 

435. 

12.  frequentabat,  '  he  used  to  attend.' 
Nipp.  notes  that  the  word  is  used  of  a 
single  person  viewed  as  part  of  a  great 
gathering:  cp.  15.  35,  i,  also  *  sponsalia 
aut  nuptias  frequentavi'  (PI.  Ep.  i.  9,  2), 
'  inlustrium  exequias  .  .  .  frequentavit ' 
(Suet.  Tib.  32).  The  subject  is  sufficiently 
indicated  throughout  the  passage  to  make 
it  needless  to  follow  Ritt.  in  inserting 
'  Nero  '. 

i,^.  animum,  i.e.  his  own:  'dictitans' 
would  imply  that  he  kept  saying  this 
to  those  about  him,  intending  it  to  be 
reported  to  Agrippina. 


A.  D.  59] 


LIBER  XIV,      CAP.  3,   4 


237 


3  facili  feminarum  credulitate  ad  gaudia.    venientem  dehinc  obvius 
in  litora  (nam  Antio  adventabat)  excepit  manu  et   complexu 

4  ducitque   Baulos.      id    villae    nomen    est    quae    promunturium 
6  Misenum  inter  et  Baianum  lacum  flexo  mari  adluitur.     stabat 

inter  alias  navis  ornatior,  tamquam  id  quoque  honori   matris  5 
daretur :  quippe  sueverat  triremi  et  classiariorum  remigio  vehi. 
6  ac    turn    invitata   ad    epulas   erat    ut    occultando   facinori   nox 
adhiberetur.     satis  constitit  extitisse  proditorem  et  Agrippinam 
auditis  insidiis,  an  crederet  ambiguam,  gestamine  sellae  Baias 


1.  facili  ...  ad  gaudia:  so  'facili 
civitate  ad  accipienda  .  .  .  omnia  nova ' 
(H.  I.  19,  4) ;  a  similar  sense  to  that  of 
*  facilis'  with  a  dative  (cp.  2.  27,  2,  and 
note). 

2.  Antio  :  cp.  c.  3,  i ;  she  came  thence 
by  ship.  Dio  states  (61.  12,  3)  that  Nero 
took  her  up  and  brought  her  with  him  by 
sea,  using  the  ship  which  had  been  pre- 
pared for  the  murder,  in  order  to  ac- 
custom her  to  it.  According  to  the 
account  of  Suet.  (Ner.  34) ,  she  had  arrived 
in  a  ship  of  her  own,  which  Nero  caused  to 
be  disabled,  as  if  by  an  accidental  collision, 
so  as  to  oblige  her  to  use  for  her  return 
from  Baiae  to  Bauli  the  one  which  he  had 
prepared  for  her. 

3.  Baulos.  The  situation  of  this  villa 
is  shown  in  the  context  to  have  been  just 
beyond  Baiae  in  the  direction  of  Misenum. 
It  had  belonged  to  the  orator  Hortensius, 
and  afterwards  to  Antonia  (Plin.  N.  H.  9. 
55,  81,  172),  through  whom  it  became 
imperial  property.  The  name  of  the 
place  was  believed  to  be  derived  from  its 
having  been  the  resting-place  (/SoavAta) 
of  Hercules  and  the  herds  of  Geryon 
(Symm.  Ep.  i.  i);  whence  it  has  the 
epithet  'Herculei'  in  Sil.  12,  156.  We 
are  to  understand  the  version  here  given 
to  be  that  Nero  conducts  her  from  the 
landing-place  to  this  villa  as  her  resi- 
dence during  her  stay,  and  invites  her  to 
dine  with  him  at  another  villa  at  Baiae 
(see  note  and  reading  on  §  6),  that  the 
highly  decorated  ship  was  awaiting  her 
arrival,  and  was  supposed  to  be  placed  at 
her  disposal  during  her  visit  as  a  mark  of 
honour,  that  she  went  on  to  liaiae  in  a 
litter,  but  was  afterwards  induced  to  use 
the  ship  for  her  return.  So  Suet.  (1. 1.) 
after  saying  '  Baias  evocavit ',  makes  the 
shipwreck  happen  '  repetenti  Baulos  '. 

4.  Baianum  laciun.  This  must  mean 
the  innermost  portion  of  the  bay,  that 
enclosed  between  Baiae  and  Puteoli.    It 


seems  impossible  to  take  it,  with  Nipp. 
and  other  recent  commentators,  to  be  the 
same  as  the  Lucrine  lake  (see  note  on 

c.  5»  7). 

flexo  mari,  '  by  a  bend  of  the  sea '  (a 
creek).  On  the  anastrophe  of  *  inter '  see 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  77,  2. 

6.  sueverat.  This  appears  to  refer 
to  the  time  before  her  estrangement  from 
Nero  (13.  18,  4).  The  ship  in  which  she 
had  arrived  appears  from  Suet.  (Ner.  34) 
to  have  been  not  a  trireme  but  a  *  libur- 
nica '. 

classiarioriun.  The  marines  of  the 
fleet  were  a  more  select  class  than  the 
ordinary  *  remiges '  (Introd.  i.  vii.  p.  ic8). 

7.  invitata  ad  epulas.  Tacitus  knows 
nothing  of  the  story  (Suet.  0th.  3)  that 
Otho  acted  as  nominal  host,  which,  if  true 
at  all,  may  possibly  be  referred  to  some 
previous  attempt  on  Agrippina's  life.  See 
notes  on  13.  46,  5  ;  c.  1,  4. 

8.  satis  constitit ;  so  used  of  a  well- 
established  belief  in  13.  35,  3. 

auditis,  *  having  been  reported ' :  cp. 
4.  23,  2,  and  note. 

9.  ambiguam,  '  doubting ' :  cp.  c.  33, 
2;  2.  67,  1,  &c. 

gestamine  sellae,  genit.  of  defini- 
tion :  cp.  15.  57,  3,  '  lecticae  gestamine* 
(2.    2,    5),    and  'gestamine'  alone  (11. 

33,  3). 

Baias  (see  note  on  §  3)  :  so  nearly 
all  edd.  after  Put.  for  *  baulos'  (Med.  and 
other  MSS.),  which  Pfitzn.  and  Ritt.  re- 
tain, the  latter  marking  a  lacuna  before 
'  Baulos '  in  §  3,  and  thinking  that  '  du- 
citque Baias,  inde  Baulos'  should  there 
be  read.  The  Med.  text  would  be  so  far 
in  accordance  with  the  version  of  Dio, 
who  makes  the  feast  to  take  place  at 
Bauli  and  last  several  days.  The  diffi- 
culty with  this  reading  lies  in  the  word 
*  ducit '  (§  3),  which  can  hardly  be  taken 
of  even  an  imperfect  or  contemplated 
action  on  Nero's  own  part  (for  if  he  had 


233 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  59 


pervectam.      ibi     blandimentum    sublevavit    metum :     comiter  7 
excepta  superque  ipsum  conlocata.      iam  pluribus  sermonibus  8 
modo  familiaritate  iuvenili  Nero  et  rursus  adductus,  quasi  seria 
consociaret,  tracto  in  longum  convictu,  prosequitur  abeuntem, 

5  artius  oculis  et  pectori  haerens,  sive  explenda  simulatione,  seu  peri- 
turae  matris  supremus  aspectus  quamvis  ferum  animum  retinebat. 

5.  Noctem  sideribus  inlustrem  et  placido  mari  quietam  quasi  1 
convincendum  ad  scelus  dii  praebuere.  nee  multum  erat  2 
progressa    navis,    duobus    e    numero    familiarium    Agrippinam 

lo  comitantibus,  ex  quis  Crepereius  Gallus  baud  procul  gubernaculis 
adstabat,  Acerronia  super  pedes  cubitantis  reclinis  paenitentiam 
filii  et  reciperatam  matris  gratiam  per  gaudium  metnorabat,  cum 
dato  signo  ruere  tectum  loci  multo  plumbo  grave,  pressusque 


purposed  to  accompany  her  on  the  ship 
she  would  have  felt  safe),  and  could  only 
have  some  such  meaning  as  '  ducendam 
committit',  which  Tacitus  would  probably 
have  expressed  more  plainly.  Nor  can 
we  see  to  what  place  of  residence  she  was 
returning  by  ship  from  Bauli  after  the 
feast,  unless  the  supposition  that  she  had 
a  villa  of  her  own  on  the  Lucrine  lake  (see 
on  c.  5,  7)  be  adopted. 

1,  excepta  .  .  .  conlocata.  According 
to  the  stopping  here  adopted  by  Halm, 
Orelli,  and  Drager,  after  Heins.,  'est' 
would  be  supplied ;  Nipp.,  who  places 
only  a  comma  after  *  metum  ',  takes  the 
words  as  a  nominative  in  apposition  to 
*  blandimentum',  the  participles  being 
equivalent  to  a  concise  statement  of  fact, 
as  in  3.  9,  3,  &c.  Others,  with  Walther, 
take  the  words  as  abl.  abs.,  with  *  ea ' 
supplied. 

superque  ipsum.  Probably  these  two 
occupied  the  '  lectus  medius '  alone  ;  see 
note  on  3.  14,  2. 

iam :  so  Halm,  Orell.,  Nipp.,  Dr., 
after  Heins.,  for  the  Med.  '  nam  ',  which 
Walther,  Jacob,  and  others  retain,  and 
which  could  be  explained  by  taking  '  ex- 
cepta ',  &c.  as  abl.  abs.,  and  the  incidents 
denoted  by  •  sermonibus '  and  '  tracto  .  .  . 
convictu  '  as  explanatory  of  '  blandimen- 
tum'. 

3.  mode  .  .  .  rursus,  for  *  modo  .  .  . 
modo'.  Dr.  compares  H.  3.  20,  3,  and 
notes  that  Tacitus  is  preceded  in  this 
usage  by  Propert.  (i.  3,  41),  and  that  he 
also  coordinates  'modo'  with '  aliquando', 
•nunc,"saepius,'  but  only  in  the  Hist,  and 
Ann. 

adductus,     'grave,'    apparently    no- 


where else  used  of  persons.  The  meaning 
is  equivalent  to  that  of '  adducto  vultu '  in 
Suet.  Tib.  68  (cp.  '  vultum  adducet '  Sen. 
Ep.  .^7,  4).  In  12.  7,  6,  &c.  the  metaphor 
is  different. 

4.  in  longum:  so  in  3.  27,  4,  and  (in 
a  somewhat  different  sense)  in  i.  69,  7. 
Dr.  notes  the  phrase  as  originating  in 
Verg.  Eel.  9.  56  (*  in  longum  ducis 
am  ores'). 

5.  oculis,  dat.,  like '  pectori '  (*  imprint- 
ing kisses  on  them ').  So  Dio  says  (61 .  13, 
2)  irepiXafi^dvei  re  avTrjVKol  -nposTb  (xrepvov 
TTpocrayayujv  Kal  (piKi^aas  Kal  rd  ofi/iara  Kal 
ras  x^^f^^  '•  Suet.  Ner.  34  *  in  digressu 
papillas  quoque  exosculatus  *. 

explenda  simulatione.  Few  have 
followed  Lips,  in  altering  the  case  to  a 
dative;  but  the  abl.  is  very  difficult  to 
explain.  In  the  passages  generally  referred 
to  (3.  19,  2  ;  6.  32,  6),  recent  editors  have 
mostly  inserted  *  in ',  and  the  sense  is 
somewhat  different.  It  is  perhaps  pos- 
sible to  take  it  as  somewhat  between  an 
abl.  abs.  and  causal  abl.,  with  the  force 
of  *  dum  explet  simulationem '. 

8.  convincsndum,  'to  prove' :  cp.  2. 
13,  2,  and  note. 

11.  AceiTonia.  Dio  (1.  1.)  gives  her 
full  name  as  Acerronia  Polla.  It  is  sug- 
gested that  she  may  probably  have  been 
a  daughter  of  the   consul    of  a.  D.   37 

(6.  45.  5). 

reclinis:  cp.  13.  16,  5.  She  was 
sitting  on  a  lower  seat  and  leaning  over 
the  feet  of  Agrippina,  who  lay  on  the 
couch. 

12.  cum  .  .  .  ruere.  On  this  use  of 
the  historical  inf.  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  46  b. 

13.  tectum  loci,  apparently  the  roof 


A.  D.  59] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP.   4,   5 


239 


3  Crepereius  et  statim  exanimatus  est :  Agrippina  et  Acerronia 
eminentibus  lecti  parietibus  ac  forte  validioribus  quam  ut  oneri 

4  cederent  protectae  sunt,  nee  dissolutio  navigii  sequebatur, 
turbatis  omnibus  et  quod  plerique  ignari  etiam  conscios  impedie- 

5  bant,     visum  dehinc  remigibus  unum  in  latus  inclinare  atque  ita  5 
navem  submergere:  sed  neque  ipsis  promptus  in  rem  subitam 
consensus,  et  alii  contra  nitentes  dcdere  facultatem  lenioris  in 

e  mare  iactus.  verum  Acerronia,  imprudentia  dum  se  Agrip- 
pinam  esse  utque  subveniretur  matri  principis  clamitat,  contis 
et    remis    et    quae    fors    obtulerat    navalibus    telis    conficitur :  i< 

7  Agrippina  silens  eoque  minus  adgnita  (unum  tamen  vulnus 
umero  excepit)  nando,  deinde  occursu  lenunculorum  Lucrinum  in 
lacum  vecta  villae  suae  infertur. 


of  a  cabin  on  the  deck  (*  camarae  rnina ' 
Suet.  1.  1.).  This  contrivance  appears 
to  have  been  intended  to  be  put  in  action 
if  (as  proved  to  be  the  case)  the  sea 
was  too  calm  to  make  the  dissolution  of 
the  ship  seem  accidental,  and  resembles 
the  earlier  plan,  mentioned  also  by  Suet, 
(see  note  on  c.  3,  6). 

pressus  =  * oppressus '  ('was  crushed'). 
This  verb  is  often  used  for  its  compounds: 
cp.  c.  64,  3;  15.  64,  i;  16.  9,  4,  and 
several  other  instances  here  cited  by 
Nipp. 

3.  parietibus,  the  sides  or  framework 
above  the  actual  couch. 

4.  plerique  ignari.  The  plot  had 
been  confided  to  only  a  few  of  the  crew, 
who  were  intended  to  carry  it  out. 

»     5.  inclinare,  sc.  *se',  'to  throw  their 

[weight.' 

^  6.  sed  neque,  &c.,  their  own  action 
was  not  sufficiently  in  concert  to  deal 
with  the  emergency,  besides  being  hin- 
dered by  the  counter  effort  of  others  (the 
'ignari'  mentioned  above)  ;  the  result 
being  that  Agrippina  and  Acerronia  slipped 
gently  overboard,  instead  of  being  thrown 
out  with  violence. 

8.  imprudentia,  causal  abl.  (as  in  H. 
2.  34,  2),  or  modal.  She  did  not  see 
the  intention  to  destroy  Agrippina,  and 
hoped  to  be  helped  the  more  by  passing 
for  her. 

dum,  only  here  used  by  Tacitus  in 
anastrophe,  but  analogously  to  the  use 
of  *ubi'  (12.  51,  3),  &c. :  see  Introd.  i. 
V.  §  78. 

12.  lenunculorum,  used  of  small 
skiffs  in  Caes.  B.  C.  2.  4^,  3.  and  in  Sail. 
Fr.   H.    2.  66   D,   75  K,  88  G.      The 


'  lenuncularii '  (probably  fishermen)  of 
the  Tiber  were  a  corporation  (Or.  Inscr. 
4054,  4104). 

Lucrinum.  This  lake,  now  reduced 
to  a  small  marshy  pool  by  the  volcanic 
action  of  1538,  was  separated  from  the 
northern  recess  of  the  bay  of  Baiae  by 
a  sandy  bar,  through  which  a  passage  : 
had  been  made  and  secured  by  masonry ;  i 
as  well  as  a  further  passage  from  this 
lake  to  that  of  Avemus.  The  *  portus 
lulius',  for  the  construction  of  which 
these  works  had  been  undertaken  by 
Octavianus  and  Agrippa  (Verg.  G.  2, 161 ; 
Hon  A,  P.  64),  appears  to  have  soon 
fallen  into  disuse. 

1 3.  villae  suae  infertur.  Sir  E. 
Bunbury  (Diet,  of  Geog.  s.  v. '  Bauli ')  and  i 
Professor  Holbrooke  take  this  to  mean 
that  she  had  a  villa  of  her  own  on  the 
Luciine  lake,  to  which  she  hastily  re- 
treated, and  where  all  that  followed  took 
place ;  but  it  seems  really  that  she  must 
have  returned  by  land  to  the  villa  at 
Bauli,  which,  if  really  Nero's,  might 
be  called  hers  as  being  her  temporary 
residence.  Her  tomb  was  evidently  near 
Bauli  or  between  that  and  Misenum 
(c.  9,  3)  ;  nor  can  it  be  doubted  that  the 
site  of  this  was  also  that  of  her  funeral 
pile,  and  that  the  latter,  by  reason  of 
the  haste  used  (c.  9,  2),  must  have  been 
close  to  the  villa  to  which  she  fled  and 
in  which  she  was  murdered.  It  is  easy 
to  suppose  that  considerations  of  safety 
led  her  to  take  an  opposite  direction  to 
that  which  the  ship  had  taken,  and  thus 
to  land  at  the  Lucrine  lake,  obtaining 
thence  a  litter  to  convey  her  back  throogE 
Baiae  to  Bauli. 


240 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  59 


6.  Illic  reputans  ideo  se  fallacibus  litteris  accitam  et  honore  1 
praeclpuo  habitam,  quodque   litus   iuxta  non  ventis  acta,  non 
saxis  impulsa  navis  summa  sui  parte  veluti  terrestre  machina- 
mentum  concidisset ;  observans  etiam  Acerroniae  necem,  simul 

5  suum  vulnus  aspiciens,  solum  insidiarum  remedium  esse,  si  non 
intellegerentur  ;  misitque  libertum  Agerinum  qui  nuntiaret  filio 
benignitate  deum  et  fortuna  eius  evasisse  gravem  casum  ;  orare 
ut  quamvis  periculo  matris  exterritus  visendi  curam  differret ; 
sibi  ad  praesens  quiete  opus,     atque  interim  securitate  simulata  2 

10  medicamina  vulneri  et  fomenta  corpori  adhibet ;  testamentum 
Acerroniae  requiri  bonaque  obsignari  iubet,  id  tantum  non  per 
simulationem. 

7.  At   Neroni   nuntios   patrati    facinoris   opperienti   adfertur  1 
evasisse  ictu  levi  sauciam  et  hactenus  adito  discrimine  ne  auctor 

15  dubitaretur.      tum    pavore    exanimis    et    iam    iamque    adfore  2 
obtestans  vindictae  properam,  sive  servitia  armaret  vel  militem 


3.  summa  sui  parte.  The  abl.  is 
that  of  the  part  affected :  on  the  use  of 
the  genit.  of  the  personal  pronoun  see 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  33  a. 

I  veluti  terrestre  machinamentum, 
I  *  as  any  mechanism  on  dry  land  might  act,' 
i.  e.  that  the  sea  could  have  had  nothing 
to  do  with  it.  Such  contrivances  were 
used  on  the  stage  (see  on  c.  3,  6)  ;  also 
at  the  feasts  of  rich  men  the  ceiling 
was  made  sometimes  to  fly  asunder  and 
shower  presents  on  the  guests  (Petron.  60 ; 
Suet.  Ner.  31). 

5.  esse,  si.  Halm,  Or.,  Dr.,  Jacob 
follow  Bezzenb.  in  inserting  'sensit'  after 
*esse';  and  it  may  be  thought  that  the 
following  *  misitque '  presupposes  a  pre- 
ceding verb.  The  sense  however  of 
such  a  verb  can  be  easily  supplied  from 
the  context  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  38  a)  ;  and 
it  seems  better  therefore  to  leave  the  text 
as  it  stands. 

si    non    intellegerentur ;    i.  e.    the 
only  escape  from  the  plot  was  to  seem 
unconscious  of  it :  cp.  i.  11,  5,  and  note  ; 
H.  4.  86,  I. 
/       7.  fortuna  eius,  *  by  his  happy  star ' : 
'   so  'fortuna  publica'  (c.  11,  2),  'fortuna 
populi  Romani'  (Liv.  i.  46,  5),  are  used 
of  occurrences  from  which   great  public 
good  results.     The  expression  is  a  com- 
pliment   to   her   son,   and    implies    that 
he  would  have  regarded  her  death  as 
a  calamity. 
{     10.  fomenta,  '  restoratives,'  generally. 


II.  id  tantum,  &c.,  Mn  this  alone 
acting  without  pretence.'  She  was  prob- 
ably aware  that  she  was  Acerronia's  heir, 
and  the  avarice  which  was  her  ruling 
passion  (see  12.  7,  7,  &c.)  even  at  this 
moment  asserted  itself. 

13-  opperienti,  so  used  of  anxious 
expectation  in  2.  69,  4. 

14.  hactenus .  .  .  ne,  *  she  hid  gone 
far  enough  in  peril  to  have  no  doubt 
as  to  the  instigator'  :  for  the  sense  of 
'  hactenus',  cp.  2.  34,  5  ;  16.  15,  4,  &c. ; 
for  that  of  'auctor',  4.  11,  2.  The  use 
of  '  ne '  (for  '  ut  non ')  appears  to  occur 
nowhere  else  in  an  assertion  of  fact ;  and 
can  hardly,  as  Dr.  suggests,  be  justified 
by  such  analogies  as  *  fieri  ne ',  *  fore  ne ' ; 
but  it  is  not  impossible  to  suppose,  with 
Mr.  Frost,  that  some  ironical  idea  of 
purpose  is  conveyed,  i.  e.  that  the  plot 
seemed  to  have  been  expressly  arranged 
to  show  Nero's  guilt.  The  reading  is 
that  of  an  inferior  MS.  (G)  ;  Med.  omits 
*ne'  (lost  in  the  syllable  preceding  it) 
and  reads  'dubitaret'.  For  the  passive 
'dubitor*  cp.  3.  8,  4;  the  use  with  a 
personal  subject  is  noted  as  occurring 
elsewhere  only  in  poets  (Ov.  ex  P.  2.  4,  a, 
&c.). 

16.  obtestans:  cp.  12.  5,  4,  and  note. 

vindictae,  probably  genit. :  see  11. 
26,  4,  and  note. 

vel,  subordinate  to  *  sive ' :  cp.  c.  3, 
I,  and  note. 


A.  D.  59] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP.  e,   7 


241 


accenderet,  sive  ad  senatum  et  populum  pervaderet,  naufragium 
et  vulnus  et  interfectos  amicos  obiciendo  :  'quod  contra  subsidium 
sibi  ?     nisi   quid    Burrus   et    Seneca  ;    quos    expergens   statim 

3  acciverat,  incertum  an  et  ante  gnaros.     igitur  longum  utriusque 
silentium,  ne  inriti  dissuaderent,  an  eo  descensum  credebant  ut,  5 

4  nisi   praeveniretur   Agrippina,  pereundum  Neroni  esset.      post 
Seneca  hactenus  promptius  ut  respiceret  Burrum  ac  sciscitaretur 


2.  quod  contra,  &c.  Here  both  *  fore ' 
and  a  verb  of  asking  are  omitted.  The 
construction  appears  to  be  designedly 
exclamatory,  as  in  i.  41,  2,  &c.  The 
stopping  here  given  is  that  of  Nipp. 
and  makes  *  sive  servitia  .  .  .  obiciendo  ' 
the  protasis  to  *  quod  .  .  ,  sibi ',  by  which 
construction  the  difficulty  is  avoided  of 
making  *  sive  ad  senatum  ',  &c.  (an  action 
implying  her  immediate  return  to  Rome) 
part  of  the  epexegesis  of  *  adfore  .  .  . 
vindictae  properam  '. 

3.  nisi  quid  Burrus  et  Seneca ; 
quos  expergens,  &c.  This  reading,  that 
of  Pfitzn.,  has  the  merit  of  making  no 
further  change  in  the  Med.  text  than 
the  transposition  of  the  two  latter  words  ; 
the  omission  of  a  verb  being  explained, 
as  in  the  preceding  sentence,  as  rhetori- 
cally suited  to  the  character  of  the  pas- 
sage. All  the  events  from  the  close  of 
the  feast  (c.  4,  8  ;  5,  i)  to  the  burning 
of  the  body  (c.  9,  2)  are  comprised  in  one 
night ;  and  the  hour  may  well  have  been 
late  enough  for  Seneca  and  Burrus  to 
have  been  asleep  when  Nero  summoned 
them.  'Expergens'  is  bracketed  by 
Ritt.  as  a  gloss,  and  altered  by  many 
(after  the  suggestion  of  a  friend  to  Pich.) 
to  '  expedirent  '.  Halm  follows  Wolfflin 
(Philol.  27.  114)  in  thinking  that  the 
true  reading  is  '  experiens '  ('  trying 
their  fidelity  '),  and  that  this  word  should 
come  between  *  incertum  '  and  *  an  '.  The 
absence  of  a  verb  with  *  nisi  quid  *  would 
thus  be  explained  as  above  ;  but  *  ex- 
jieriens '  stands  in  no  good  contrast  to 
the  following  words.  Nipp.  reads  *  in- 
certum an  aperiens  (*  disclosing  his  plot ') 
et  ante  ignaros '  (to  which  latter  words 
the  force  of  '  incertum  an '  is  not  to  be 
extended);  the  supposed  uncertainty  being 
apparently  as  to  whether  the  facts  were 
disclosed  in  the  message  that  summoned 
them.  Other  suggested  restorations  are 
given  in  the  critical  notes  of  Walther, 
Halm,  Baiter,  and  Ritter. 

4.  gnaros.  This  correction  of  the 
Med.   *  ignaros '  seems   required  by  the 


preceding  *  et '  ('  et  ante '  =  koX  vponpov, 
as  in  2.  87,  2  ;  15.  55,  4,  &c.)  ;  '  incertum 
an'  having  the  a,ffirmative  sense  of 
'  perhaps  ',  as  in  6.  50,  5  ;  11.  18,  5,  &c. 
The  knowledge  which  it  is  suggested 
that  they  may  have  possessed  would  have 
been  that  of  the  plot  of  Nero,  not  that 
of  its  failure,  which  had  only  just  hap- 
pened. The  statement  of  Dio  (61.  12,1) 
that  Seneca  had  previously  urged  the  mur- 
der seems  improbable  (see  Introd.  p.  64). 
igitur.  Nipp.  takes  this  to  refer 
to  *  ante  ignaros '  (as  read  by  him)  and 
to  their  being  thus  taken  by  surprise. 
With  the  reading  above  given  it  may 
be  referred,  with  Jacob,  to  *  pavore 
exanimis ',  &c.  The  excitement  of  Nero 
made  them  hesitate  to  dissuade  him  from 
the  murder,  lest  it  should  be  useless. 
An  alternative  reason  is  suggested  as 
possible,  though  less  likely,  in  the  fol- 
lowing words. 

5.  inriti,  *  to  no  purpose' :  cp.  i.  59, 
7;  15.  25,  4,  &c. 

an  .  .  .  credebant,  *or  perhaps  they 
were  really  of  opinion.'  In  several  edd., 
the  sentence  is  put  as  a  question  (*  were 
they  of  opinion  ? ')  ;  the  suggestion 
in  either  case  being  that  they  believed 
the  murder  to  be  necessary  but  shrunk 
from  openly  advocating  it.  For  '  eo 
descensum '  (*  the  crisis  had  come  to 
this')  cp.  *non  eo  ventum'  (11.  26,  2, 
and  note).  *Ut'  is  here  wanting  in 
Med.,  but  inserted  from  other  MSS. 

6.  praeveniretur  :  cp.  *  praeventus  ' 
in  Sail.  lug.  71,  5,  and  the  act.  with 
accus.  in  16.  13,  3. 

7.  hactenus  promptius,  sc.  '  egit ', 
*  was  so  far  more  resolute '  as  to  put 
the  thought  of  murder  into  the  form 
of  a  suggestion.  The  conjecture  of 
Heraeus,  *  prompsit,'  is  supported  by 
15.  60,  4,  and  is  advocated  by  Wolfflin 
(Philol.  27.  114),  who  compares  Is  To<roi5- 
ro  Trapfyvfivov  (Hdt.  8.  19,  2).  All 
recent  edd.  follow  Doed.  in  here  again 
inserting  '  ut  * :  older  edd.  generally  read 
'  respicere',  as  an  inf.  hist.,  and  take '  sci- 


242 


CORNELII  TACIT  I  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D. 


59 


an  militi  imperanda  caedes  esset.    ille  praetorianos  toti  Caesarum  5 
domui   obstrictos   memoresque    Germanici   nihil  adversus   pro- 
geniem    eius   atrox    ausuros    respondit :    perpetraret    Anicetus 
promissa.     qui  nihil  cunctatus  poscit  summam  sceleris.     ad  earn  6 

5  vocem    Nero    illo   sibi   die   dari    imperium   auctoremque   tanti 
muneris    libertum    profitetur :    iret   propere   duceretque  prom- 
ptissimos  ad  iiissa.    ipse  audito  venisse  missu  Agrippinae  nuntium  7 
Agerinum,    scaenam    ultro    criminis    parat    gladiumque,    dum 
mandata  perfert,  abicit  inter  pedes  eius,  turn  quasi  deprehenso 

10  vincla  inici  iubet,  utexitium  principis  molitam  matrem  et  pudore 
deprehensi  sceleris  sponte  mortem  sumpsisse  confingeret. 

8.  Interim  vulgato  Agrippinae  periculo,  quasi  casu  evenisset,  1 
ut  quisque  acceperat,  decurrere  ad  litus.  hi  molium  obiectus,  hi  2 
proximas  scaphas  scandere  ;  alii  quantum  corpus  sinebat  vadere 

15  in  mare  ;  quidam  manus  protendere ;  questibus,  votis,  clamore 
diversa  rogitantium  aut  incerta  respondentium  omnis  ora 
compleri ;  adfluere  ingens  multitudo  cum  luminibus,  atque  ubi 


scitaretur'  as  a  suggestion  addressed  to 
Nero  (that  he  should  ask  this  question 
of  Burrus),  or  alter  it  to  *  sciscitari '. 

I .  militi,  the  praetorians  in  attendance. 

toti  .  .  .  domui.  That  the  *  sacra- 
mentum '  so  far  extended  to  the  imperial 
house  generally  as  to  protect  the  person 
of  its  members  is  shown  here  and  from 
the  statement  of  Philo  (Leg.  ad  Gaium 
5)  that  Gains  ordered  young  Tiberius 
Gemellus  to  kill  himself,  ws  ovk  €^6v 
aiiTOKpoLTopos  diToyovovs  npos  erepajv  dvai- 
piiaOai :  see  Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  819,  6, 
and  note  on  c.    11,  i.      Here  however 

*  obstrictos '  seems  rather  to  denote  at- 
tachment, as  in  H.  I.  70,  2. 

4.  siunmam  sceleris.  The  addition 
of  '  poscit '  suggests  that  this  is  best 
taken,  with  Nipp.,  to  mean  '  the  chief 
part  in  executing  the  crime  ' :  cp.  *  sum- 
ma  expeditionis '  (H.  i.  87,  2),  '  summa 
rerum'  (H.  2.  33,  4,  &c.),  '  summa  belli ' 
(H.  4.  68,  i).  Others  take  it  to  mean 
the  *  accomplishment '  of  the  crime  under- 
taken   but    hitherto     uncompleted :    cp. 

*  summa  pacis'  (13.  38,  i)  and  note. 

6.  libertum,  in  contrast  to  Seneca 
and  Burrus. 

8.  scaenam    ultro    criminis   parat. 

{  He  thinks  that   Agerinus   is  the  bearer 

of  an  accusation   from    Agrippina,   and 

instead  of  awaiting   it   turns  the   tables 

('  ultro ')   and  accuses  her,  '  making  up 


a  stage  effect  to  sustain  a  charge.'  Cp. 
Caelius  in  Cic.  ad  Fam.  8.  11,  3  ('scaena 
rei  totius  haec');  Suet.  Gal.  15  ('nee 
minore  scaena '). 

dum  mandata  perfert,  '  while  he 
delivers  his  message  ' :  cp.  i.  23,  5,  and 
note. 

9.  deprehenso  .  .  .  deprehensi.  The 
repetition  is  apparently  an  inadvertence  : 
cp.  I.  81,  I,  and  note. 

12.  vulgato  .  .  .  quasi,  &c.,  'made 
known  as  the  result  of  an  accident.'  The 
narrative   is  taken  up  from  the  end   of 

c.  5- 

1 3.  ut  quisque  acceperat,  *  as  each 
had  heard  the  news.' 

molium  obiectus  =  'obiectas  mo- 
les ' ;  the  genit.  being  similar  to  those 
noted  in  Introd.  i.  v.  §  32.  '  Obiectus 'is 
elsewhere  used  by  Tacitus  only  in  abl. 
(4.  67,  3;  H.  3-  9.  2  ;  5.  14,  3),  and  in 
an  abstract  sense,  as  in  Verg.  Aen.  i,  160. 
Those  who  suppose  her  villa  to  have 
been  on  the  Lucrine  (see  on  c.  5,  7),  would 
take  the  expression  to  mean  the  sandy  bar, 
at  that  time  strengthened  by  masonry, 
between  that  lake  and  the  bay  of  Baiae, 
described  by  Strabo  (5.  4,  6,  245)  as  about 
a  mile  long  and  broad  enough  for  a  car- 
riage road,  which  was  the  means  of  land 
communication  between  Puteoli  and 
Baiae.  But  it  is  plain  from  Horace  (Od. 
2.  18,  20)  that  embankments  to  reclaim 


A.  D.  59] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP. 


8 


243 


incolumem  esse  pernotuit,  ut  ad  gratandum  sese  expedire,  donee 

3  aspectu  armati  et  minitantis  agminis  disiecti  sunt.  Anicetus 
villam  statione  circumdat  refractaque  ianua  obvios  servorum 
abripit,  donee  ad  foris  cubiculi  veniret ;    cui  pauci  adstabant, 

4  ceteris    terrore    inrumpentium    exterritis.      cubiculo    modicum  5 
lumen  inerat  et  ancillarum  una,  magis  ac  magis  anxia  Agrippina 
quod  nemo  a  filio  ac  ne  Agerinus  quidem  :  aliam  fore  laetae  rei 
faciem ;    nunc    solitudinem  ac   repentinos   strepitus  et  extremi 

6  mail  indicia,     abeunte  dehinc  ancilla  '  tu  quoque  me  deseris ' 
prolocuta   respicit    Anicetum   trierarcho    Herculeio   et   Obarito  i^ 
centurione  classiarlo  comitatum  :    ac,  si  ad  visendum  venisset, 
refotam  nuntiaret,  sin  facinus  patraturus,  nihil  se  de  filio  credere ; 

6  non  imperatum  parricidium.   circumsistunt  lectum  percussores  et 
prior   trierarchus   fusti    caput    eius    adflixit.      iam    in    mortem 
centurioni  ferrum  destringenti  protendens  uterum  '  ventrem  feri '  ^5 
exclamavit  multisque  vulneribus  confecta  est. 


land  from  the  sea  were  common  in  that 
locality. 

I.  ut  ad  gratandum.  This  use  of 
*ut',  like  that  of  'tamquam'  or  'quasi' 
(see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  67),  need  not  neces- 
sarily imply  that  the  intention  was  insin- 
cere (cp.  3.  74,  5  ;  12.  52,  I),  but  merely 
that  such  intention  was  to  be  inferred 
from  the  act.  It  is  possible,  as  Nipp. 
suggests,  that  *ut'  may  be  an  insertion 
arising  from  a  repetition  of  the  preceding 
'it'. 

3.  obvios  servorum,  partitive  genit. 

4.  abripit,  seizes  and  drags  away,  that 
they  should  not  give  the  alarm. 

5.  exterritis,  '  frightened  away '  (cp. 
13.  56,  5,  and  note).  For  the  pleonasm 
'terrore  exterritis',  Nipp.  compares  'pa- 
yor temiit'  (H.  i.  63,  i),  '  formidine 
territi'  (Agr.  22,  i). 

6.  anxia,  abl.  abs.  The  following 
sentences  are  exclamatory ;  *  veniret ' 
being  supplied  with  *  quod  nemo ',  and 
'  esse '  with  '  solitudinem ' :  cp.  c.  7,  2  ; 
I.  41,  2,  &c. 

7.  laetae  rei :  so  all  recent  edd.  after 
Bezzenb.  for  the  Med.  '  lataeret ',  cor- 
rected by  some  other  MSS.  to  'litore*,  as 
also  'fore'  by  some  to  'fere'.  Various 
older  emendations  are  collected  in 
Walther's  note. 

8.  et  .  .  .  indicia  :  no  other  signs  ap- 
pear to  have  been  present;  whence  Dr. 
brackets  *  et '  as  an  insertion,  and  would 
take  *  indicia  *  as  predicate. 


10.  respicit,  '  she  looks  behind  her 
and  sees':  cp.  c.  7,  4 ;  also  'respexit 
.  .  .  Basiliden '  (H.  4.  82,  2),  and  several 
places  in  Vergil,  e.g.  Aen.  5,  168 ;  10. 
269,  666. 

trierarcho.  This  title  and  that  of 
<  navarchus'  (15.  51,  2)  occur  frequently 
in  inscriptions  as  those  of  the  commanders 
of  triremes  or  '  liburnicae '. 

11.  classiarlo.  On  the  'classiarii'  see 
c.  4,  5,  and  note.  He  had  brought  these 
soldiers  because  the  praetorians  could  not 
be  counted  on  (c.  7,  5). 

12.  refotam  nuntiaret.  Both 'esse' 
'  iussit '  are  supplied. 

14.  in  mortem,  •  for  the  death-blow.' 
Med.  has  *  nam  morte ',  with  '  I '  ('  in ') 
written  above.  The  correction  to  the 
accus.  is  adopted  by  all,  that  of 
*  nam  '  to  '  iam '  (Faem.)  by  recent  edd. 
generally. 

15.  ventrem  feri.  Dio  (6i.  13,  5) 
makes  her  add  the  reason,  vaii  tovttjv, 
oTi  Nepajva  ertKev  :  cp.  also  Pseudo- 
Sen.  Oct  369,  foil.,  a  passage  which, 
from  having  been  apparently  cited  in  the 
margin  of  an  earlier  MS.  of  Tacitus,  was 
adopted  almost  verbatim  into  the  text 
of  several  of  the  inferior  MSS.  and  in 
the  earlier  editions  down  to  that  of  Lips. 
It  is  necessary  to  suppose  that  the  cen- 
turion's action  of  drawing  the  sword  and 
her  exclamation  and  gesture  had  preceded 
the  blow  on  the  head,  and  this  seems  to 
be  indicated  by  '  iam  *. 


R2 


244 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  59 


9.  Haec  consensu  produntur.     aspexeritne  matrem  exanimem  1 
Nero  et  formam  corporis  eius  laudaverit,  sunt  qui  tradiderint, 
sunt  qui  abnuant.     cremata  est  nocte  eadem  convivali  lecto  et  2 
exequiis  vilibus ;  neque,  dum  Nero  rerum  potiebatur,  congesta 

5  aut  clausa  humus,     mox  domesticomm   cura    levem   tumulum  3 
accepit,  viam  Miseni  propter  et  villam  Caesaris  dictatoris  quae 
subiectos  sinus  editissima  prospectat.    accenso  rogo  libertus  eius  4 
cognomento  Mnester  se  ipse  ferro  transegit,  incertum  caritate  in 
patronam  an  metu  exitii.     hunc  sui  finem  multos  ante  annos  5 

10  crediderat  Agrippina  contempseratque.  nam  consulenti  super 
Nerone  responderunt  Chaldaei  fore  ut  imperaret  matremque 
occideret ;  atque  ilia  '  occidat '  inquit,  '  dum  imperet.' 

10.  Sed  a  Caesare  perfecto  demum  scelere  magnitude  eius  1 
intellecta  est.    reliquo  noctis  modo  per  silentium  defixus,  saepius 

15  pavore  exsurgens  et  mentis  inops  lucem  opperiebatur  tamquam 


I.  aspexeritne.  Instead  of  the  natural 
construction  with  accus.  and  inf.,  a  form 
of  expression  is  used  as  if  '  incertum  est ' 
followed.  See  the  similar  anacoluthon 
in  12.  52,  3,  and  note.  Dio  (6i.  14,  2) 
makes  him  gaze  on  the  body  and  remark 
ovK  ySeiv  oTi  ovTcu  Ka\T)v  fxrjTepa  eixo^,  nor 
does  Suet.  (Ner.  34)  leave  the  question  as 
open  as  it  is  left  by  Tacitus.  The  state 
of  terror  in  which  Nero  is  described  as 
being  (c.  10,  i),  and  the  haste  with  which 
her  burial  was  hurried  over,  make  strongly 
against  the  truth  of  the  story. 

3.  convivali,  a  couch  taken  from  the 
dining-room,  instead  of  a  proper  '  lectus 
funebris '. 

4.  congesta  aut  clausa,  'either  raised 
in  a  mound  or  enclosed  in  a  stone  tomb.' 
That  some  sort  of  '  tumulus  '  marked  her 
burial-place  would  appear  from  c.  10,  5. 
*  Mox '  is  used  of  a  time  some  years  later, 
as  in  I.  13,  3  ;  32,  5  ;  4-  3i»  6;  and  the 
'  levis  tumulus '  then  erected  was  probably 
a  small  structure  of  stone  (Nipp.  notes  the 
use  of  the  term  of  stone  structures  in  3.  4, 
I  ;  4.  44,  6  ;  &c.). 

5.  domestic orum,  *  those  of  her  house- 
hold,' her  freedmen  and  slaves. 

6.  propter :  for  a  similar  position  of 
the  prep,  after  its  case  and  a  dependent 
genit.  cp.  2,.i,i;  13-  I5>  §• 

villam  Caesaris  dictatoris.  Seneca 
!  notices  (Ep.  51,  11)  that  Marius,  Pom- 
:  peius,  and  Caesar,  had  all  villas  on  the 
heights  overlooking  Baiae,  and  supposes 
that  such  commanding  situations  espe- 
cially pleased  a  military  mind. 


7.  prospectat,  so  used  of  situation  in 
4. 67,  3,  a  sense  found  in  TibuU.,  Phaedr., 
and  M.  Seneca. 

8.  se  ipse:  so  Halm,  Dr.,  after  Nipp. 
Others  insert  *  se '  after  '  ipse ',  where  its 
loss  is  more  easily  explained  ;  but  Nipp. 
notes  this  as  the  usual  form  of  expression 
(c.  37,  6;  4.  30,  3;  6.  18,  4). 

incertum  .  .  .  an :  cp.  c.  51,  i ;  1. 11, 
7,  &c. 

10.  contempserat,  '  had  made  Ifght  of 
it' :  cp.  15,  £;7,  2,  and  note. 

11.  Chaldaei:  see  2.  27,  2,  and  note. 
The  prediction  is  also  given  by  Dio 
(61.  2,  2)  without  any  name  of  the 
astrologer,  but  may  be  that  referred  to 
by  Tacitus  in  6.  22,  6,  as  given  by  the  son 
of  Thrasyllus. 

13.  perfecto  demum,  *  not  till  it  was 
completed.'  The  substitution  of  an  abl. 
albXior  the  genit.  is  here  more  required 
by  the  sense  than  in  the  other  passages 
quoted  :  see  16.  14,  6;  17,  4,  and  other 
instances  given  by  Nipp.  here,  and  by 
Dr.,  who  shows  (Synt.  und  Stil,  §  214") 
that  the  usage  is  common  in  Caes.  and 
Livy,  and  found  in  Cic.  and  Sail. 

14.  reliquo  noctis:  so  '  multo  iam 
noctis'  (H.  3.  79,  i),  'obscurum  noctis 
(H.  2.  14,  6) :  cp.  '  medio  diei'  (c.  a,  i). 

per  silentium  defixus  :  for  the  use 
of  •  per  silentium '  as  =  *  silentio  '  cp.  ii. 
37,  5  ;  for  the  sense  of*  defixus'  ('rooted 
to  the  spot',  'paralysed')  cp.  i.  68,  2, 
and  note.  Livy  has  •  silentio  defixus '  (8. 
7,  21). 


A.  D.  59] 


LIBER  XIV.     CAP.  9-1 1 


245 


2  exitium  adlaturam.  atque  eum  auctore  Burro  prima  cen- 
turionum  tribunorumqi;.e  adulatio  ad  spem  firmavit,  prensantium 
manum  gratantiumque  quod  discrimen   improvisum  et   matris 

3  facinus  evasisset.  amici  dehinc  adire  templa  et  coepto  exemplo 
proxima  Campaniae  municipia  victimis  et  legationibus  laetitiam  5 

4  testari :  ipse  diversa  simulatione  maestus  et  quasi  incolumitati 

5  suae  infensus  ac  morti  parentis  inlacrimans.  quia  tamen  non, 
ut  hominum  vultus,  ita  locorum  facies  mutantur,  obversaba- 
turque  maris  illius  et  litorum  gravis  aspectus  (et  erant  qui 
crederent  sonitum  tubae  collibus  circum  editis  planctusque  10 
tumulo  matris  audiri),  Neapolim  concessit  litterasque  ad  senatum 
misit,  quarum  summa  erat  repertum  cum  ferro  percussorem 
Agerinum,  ex  intimis  Agrippinae  libertis,  et  luisse  eam  poenas 
conscientia  quasi  scelus  paravisset. 

1      11.  Adiciebat  crimina  longius  repetita,  quod  consortium  imperii  15 


I.  centurionum  tribunorumque, 
those  of  the  praetorians  in  attendance, 
who  constituted. his  chief  source  of  danger 
(c.  7,  5).  Dio  alone  mentions  (6i.  14, 
3)  a  gift  of  money  to  the  praetorians, 
which  may  have  been  given  to  those 
present  only. 

5.  municipia,  used  generally,  like 
*  coloniae'  in  3.  2,  2  (where  see  note),  of 
the  Italian  towns. 

6.  diversa  simulatione,  *  an  opposite 
pretence,'  that  of  assumed  grief :  cp.  *  di- 
versa fama'  (i6.  2,  2).  The  famous  say- 
ing of  Julius  Africanus,  as  spokesman  of 
a  Gaulish  legation  on^this  occasion,  re- 
corded by  Quint.  (8.  5,  15),  adapts  itself 
to  this  air  of  sorrow  ('rogant  te,  Caesar, 
Galliae  tuae,  ut  felicitatem  tuam  fortiter 
feras  ')• 

8.  facies:  cp.  'faciem  loci'  (4.  67,  3), 
also  I.  49,  I,  and  note. 

10.  sonitum  tubae,  aaXiriyyuv  877 
rivoov  iToXiiuKov  ri  Koi  dopv^wdts  (Dio  61. 

14,  4)- 

II.  tumulo,  local  abl.  (see  Introd.  i.  v. 
§  25),  answering  to  'collibus'.  It  is 
however  not  unlikely  that  '  e  '  may  have 
dropped  out  after  *  que ',  and  Or.  and 
Ritt.  so  read. 

12.  percussorem,  in  apposition,  '  as  a 
murderer,'  i.e.  with  intent  to  murder.  In 
representing  Agrippina's  death  as  an  act 
of  suicide,  he  follows  the  plan  indicated 
in  c.  7,  7. 

13.  poenas :  so  Nipp.,  Dr.,  Ritt., 
Pfitzn.,  for  Med.  '  poenam ',  which  Halm 


(ed.  4)  and  Baiter  retain,  but  which  seems 
an  error  of  assimilation  to  '  eam ' :  cp.  3. 
16,6;  6.  25,  4;  12.  54,6;  13.  35,  9;  H. 
2.  54,  2  (an  exception  is  to  be  noted 
in  6.4,  I).. 

14.  conscientia,  *  from  a  sense  of 
guilt' ;  causal  abl.,  as  in  i.  57,  2. 

quasi  scelus  paravisset,  explana- 
tory of  '  conscientia',  '  as  having  plotted 
murder.'  '  Quasi '  is  here  used  obviously 
of  a  supposed  real  motive  (see  Introd.  i. 
V.  §  67).  The  word  is  here  a  correction 
of  Halm,  followed  by  Nipp.  and  Dr.,  for 
the  Med.  'qua',  which  most  others  re- 
tain, but  which  hardly  gives  a  satisfac- 
tory sense.     Other  suggestions  are  '  quia', 

*  quale  ',  '  quantum ',  &c.  The  meaning 
is  that  expressed  in  c.  7,  7  by  *  pudore 
deprehensi  sceleris'. 

15.  repetita,  *  traced  back' :  cp.  3.  24, 
2,  &c. 

consortium     imperii.     The      terms 

•  censors '  and  *  particeps  imperii '  are 
used  to  designate  such  an  equal  partner- 
ship as  that  of  Titus  with  Vespasian 
(Suet.  Tit.  6),  or  other  less  definite  and 
more  honorary  positions  of  successors 
designate  (see  Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  1148, 
3) ;  and  Tiberius  is  more  exactly  de- 
scribed as  •  collega  imperii,  censors 
tribuniciae  potestatis'  under  Augustus 
('•  3>  3)-  V\  hat  'consortium  regni '  was 
promised  by  Seianus  to  Livilla  (4.  3,  3% 
or  what  *  spes  dominationis '  was  held  out 
by  Lepidus  to  Agrippina  (c.  2,4),  cannot 
be  known  ;  but  the  ttrm  is  plainly  referred 


246 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  59 


iuraturasque    in    feminae    verba    praetorias    cohortis    idemque 

dedecus   senatus   et    populi    speravisset,    ac    postquam    frustra 

,  habita  sit,  infensa  militi  patribusque  et  plebi  dissuasisset  dona- 

tivum    et    congiarium   periculaque   viris   inlustribus   struxisset. 

5  quanto  suo  labore  perpetratum  ne  inrumperet  curiam,  ne  genti-  2 
bus  externis  responsa  daret.     temporum  quoque  Claudianorum 
obliqua  insectatione  cuncta  eius  dominationis  flagitia  in  matrem 
transtulit,    publica    fortuna    extinctam    referens.      namque    et  3 
naufragium  narrabat :    quod  fortuitum  fuisse  quis   adeo  hebes 

10  inveniretur  ut  crederet  ?   aut  a  muliere  naufraga  missum  cum 
telo  unum  qui  cohortis  et  classis  imperatoris  perfringeret  ?  ergo  4 
non  iam  Nero,  cuius  immanitas  omnium  questus  antibat,  sed 


in  this  place,  not  to  such  powers  or  privi- 
leges as  she  had  actually  exercised  (see 
Introd.  p.  53),  but  to  what  she  had  hoped 
for  but  never  obtained,  a  formal  recog- 
nition of  joint  sovereignty  in  the  *  sacra- 
mentum '. 

I.  iuraturas  in  verba:  cp.  i.  7,  3, 
and  note.  That  the  force  of  the  *  sacra- 
mentum*  extended  in  some  measure  to 
all  members  of  the  imperial  family  has 
been  already  noted  (see  on  c.  7,  5) ;  and 
Gains  had  already  expressly  included  the 
names  of  his  sisters  in  the  oath  taken  to 
himself  (see  Suet.  Cal.  15)  ;  but  the  ex- 
pression here  used  appears  to  mean  more 
than  even  this,  and  to  charge  her  with 
contemplating  an  independent  oath  of 
allegiance  to  herself,  coordinate  with  that 
taken  to  her  son. 

I     idem  dedecus,  that  of  taking  the  oath 

Ito  her.    That  the  '  sacramentum  in  nomen 

Iprincipis '  was  taken  by  senate  and  people, 

as  well  as  by  the  soldiers,  is  seen  in  1.7,3. 

3.  frustra  habita  sit.  Recent  edd. 
have  generally  read '  habita',  after  Muret., 
(cp.  13.  37,  2)  for  the  Med.  *  ablata '. 
The  older  edd.  generally  follow  inferior 
MSS.  in  reading  *  optata  sint '  or  *  oblata 
sint',  and  several  other  emendations  are 
given  in  Walther's  note. 

3.  donativum  et  congiarium.  The 
former  would  apparently  be  that  on  his 
accession  (12.  69,  3),  the  latter  probably 
that  in  his  second  consulship  (13.  31,  2). 
Those  on  his  assumption  of  the  'toga 
virilis'  (13.  41,  3)  are  evidently  not  here 
meant. 

4.  pericula  .  .  .  struxisset :  so  most 
recent  edd.  after  Ritt.  (1838)  for  Med. 
'  instruxisset',  which  can  be  defended  by 
the  use  of  *  instruere  fraudem '  (Liv.  33. 


35,  14),  or  'insidias'  (Catnll.  21,  7). 
Tacitus,  however,  as  Ritt.  shows,  is  con- 
stant in  the  use  of  '  struere '  to  denote 
plotting  or  contriving  (e.g.  i.  13,  3  ;  2. 
65,  5;  4.  10,  3;  28,  2;  68,3;  II.  12,  i; 
12.  3,  2).  The  *viri  inlustres'  answer  to 
*  patribus '  above,  and  her  opposition  to 
the  '  donativum  '  and  *  congiarium '  are 
quoted  in  proof  of  her  hostility  to  soldiers 
and  people. 

5.  perpetratum  ne,  noted  by  Dr.  as 
an-,  ilp.  (as  is  also  '  perpetratum  ut '  in  12. 
58,  i) :  for  other  instances  of  *ne'  used 
for  *  ut  non '  cp.  c.  7,  i  ;  14,  5  ;  28,  3 ; 
3.  38,  5.  The  attempts  of  Agrippina  are 
those  described  in  13.  5,  3,  3;  but  no 
attempt  '  inrumpere  curiam '  is  there 
found. 

6.  temporum  quoque  Claudia- 
norum. We  should  have  expected  '  Clau- 
dianorum *  to  stand  first.  Nipp.  notices 
other  such  inversions,  as  *  legatis  quoque 
consularibus '  (Agr.  7,  4). 

8.  publica  fortuna :  cp.  *  fortvma 
eius'  (c.  6,  i). 

namque,  &c.  The  thought  is,  that  it 
was  no  wonder  that  he  represented  the 
good  fortune  of  Rome  as  having  led  her 
to  what  he  called  her  suicide,  for  he 
even  added  that  similar  divine  favour 
had  endeavoured  to  rid  Rome  of  her  by 
drowning. 

9.  fxiisse :  so  Rhen.  and  subsequent 
edd.  for  Med.  *  fuisset ',  which  is  retained 
by  Pfitzn.,  but  cannot  be  satisfactorily 
explained. 

11.  cohortis  et  classis,  rhetorical 
plurals  (cp.  I.  10,  3)  for  the  one  prae- 
torian cohort  in  attendance,  and  the  fleet 
of  Misenum  (4.  5,  i). 

12.  omnium  questus  antibat,  *was\ 


A.  D.  59] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP.   II,    12 


247 


Seneca   adverse   rumore   erat   quod  oratione  tali  confessionem 
scripsisset. 

1  12.  Miro  tamen  certamine  procerum  decernuntur  supplicationes 
apud    omnia   pulvinaria,    utque    Quinquatrus    quibus    apertae 
insidiae   essent  ludis  annuis   celebrarentur ;    aureum   Minervae  5 
simulacrum  in  curia  et  iuxta  principis  imago  statuerentur ;  dies 

2  natalis  Agrippinae  inter  nefastos  esset.  Thrasea  Paetus  silentio 
vel  brevi  adsensu  priores  adulationes  transmittere  solitus  exiit 
turn  senatu  ac  sibi  causam  periculi  fecit,  ceteris  libertatis  initium 

3  non  praebuit.      prodigia  quoque   crebra  et  inrita  intercessere :  10 
anguem   enixa   mulier    et    alia    in    concubitu    mariti    fulmine 
exanimata ;    iam    sol    repente    obscuratus   et   tactae  de   caelo 

4  quattuordecim  urbis  regiones.  quae  adeo  sine  cura  deum 
eveniebant   ut   multos   post   annos   Nero   imperium   et   scelera 

5  continuaverit.      ceterum   quo   gravaret   invidiam   matris   eaque  15 


beyond  all  terms  of  remonstrance '  : 
*  anteire  *  is  often  thus  used  of  persons 
(3-  47>  4;  66f  5>  &c.),  here  of  a  quality 
belonging  to  a  person. 

1.  adverse  rumore  erat,  so  in  H.  2. 
26,  4;  Liv.  27.  20,  9:  cp.  *  secundo 
rumore'  (3.  29,  5),  *  claro  rumore'  (15. 
48,  2),  The  'rumor'  is  that  of  popular 
opinion  ;  the  abl.  here  is  that  of  quality 
(see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  29),  as  is  also  '  multo 
lumore'  (3.  76,  2). 

quod  oratione  tali,  &c.  The  story 
was  so  flimsy  that  the  letter  was  a  mere 
confession  of  matricide.  That  the  public 
utterances  of  Nero  were  composed  for 
him  by  Seneca  is  seen  in  13.  3,  2  (see 
also  note  on  13.  17,  4).  Quintilian 
mentions  this  speech  (8.  5,  18)  as  a 
'scriptum  Senecae',  and  quotes  from  it 
the  words  '  salvum  me  esse  adhuc  nee 
credo  nee  gaudeo '. 

3.  supplicationes  apud  omnia 
pulvinaria.  This  usual  formula  occurs 
in  Cic.  Cat.  3.  10,  23,  and  denotes  that 
sacrifice  was  offered  in  every  temple  in 
which    a    '  lectisternium '    (to   gods)  or 

I  *  sellistemium '  (to  goddesses)  was  held. 
The '  Acta  Arvalium '  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  1.  2042) 
show  the  day  to  have  been  the  Nones 
(5th)  of  April,  and  to  have  been  again 
commemorated  in  the  following  year. 

4.  Quinquatrus:  see  c.  4,  i.  On 
the  change  of  construction  in  'utque' 
cp.  I.  15,  4,  and  note;   13.  44,  i,  &c. 

5.  Minervae,  as  the  goddess  to  whom 
that  festival  belonged  (1.  1.  note). 


6.  dies  natalis,  Nov.  6  (viii.  Id.) : 
see  the  *  Acta  Arvalium '  (C.  I.  L.  vi. 
2039),  ^"d  Kal.  Ant.  (C.  I.  L.  i.  p.  329). 
It  appears  to  have  been  celebrated  up  to 
the  previous  year  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  i.  2041). 

7.  Thrasea  Paetus:  see  13.  49,  i. 
This  is  not  the  only  place  in  which  his 
conduct  receives  some  censure  from 
Tacitus  (see  Introd.  p.  80,  1 2) ;  but  it  is 
difficult  to  see  how  a  more  explicit 
protest,  such  as  would  have  expressly 
charged  the  emperor's  letter  with  false- 
hood, could  reasonably  have  been  ex- 
pected of  any  senator  at  such  a  time. 

8.  transmittere,  *  to  let  them  pass  ' : 
cp.  I.  13,  5,  and  note,  and  the  similar 
use  of 'transire'  in  H.  2.  59,  2. 

10.  inrita,  *  purposeless,'  explained 
by  '  sine  cura  deum  *  below. 

12.  sol .  .  .  obscuratus.  This  eclipse 
took  place  on  April  30,  and  is  mentioned 
by  Pliny  (N.  H.  2.  70^  72,  180),  who 
says  that  it  was  seen  in  Italy  soon  after 
midday,  and  by  Corbulo  in  Armenia, 
three  hours  later.  On  the  force  of '  iam ' 
cp.  13.  43,  3,  and  note.  , 

13.  quattuordecim,    'the  fourteen ,'|| 
i.e.  all:  cp.  15.  40,  4.  11 

sine  cura  deum,  *  without  divine 
forethought,'  i.  e.  the  sequel  showed  that 
they  were  not  true  portents,  not  sent  as 
warnings  of  any  impending  divine 
judgement.  On  the  belief  of  Tacitus 
respecting  these  indications  see  Introd. 
i.  iv.  p.  22. 

15.  gravftret,    *  to    aggravate':     cp. 


248 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  59 


demota  auctam  lenitatem  suam  testificaretur,  feminas  inlustris 
luniam  et  Calpurniam,  praetura  functos  Valerium  Capitonem  et 
Licinium  Gabolum  sedibus  patriis  reddidit,  ab  Agrippina  olim 
pulsos.  etiam  Lolliae  Paulinae  cineres  reportari  sepulcrumque  6 
5  extrui  permisit ;  quosque  ipse  nuper  relegaverat,  Iturium  et 
Calvisium  poena  exolvit.  nam  Silana  fato  functa  erat,  longinquo  7 
ab  exilio  Tarentum  regressa  labante  iam  Agrippina,  cuius 
inimicitiis  conciderat,  vel  mitigata. 

13.    Tamen   cunctari  in   oppidis  Campaniae,  quonam   modo  1 

10  urbem  ingrederetur,  an  obsequium  senatus,  an  studia  plebis 
reperiret  anxius :  contra  deterrimus  quisque,  quorum  non  alia 
regia  fecundior  extitit,  invisum  Agrippinae  nomen  et  morte  eius 
accensum  populi  favorem  disserunt :  iret  intrepidus  et  venera- 
tionem  sui  coram  experiretur  ;  simul  praegredi  exposcunt.     et  2 

15  promptiora  quam  promiserant  inveniunt,  obvias  tribus,  festo 
cultu  senatum,  coniugum  ac  liberorum  agmina  per  sexum  et 
aetatem  disposita,  extructos,  qua  incederet,  spectaculorum 
gradus,  quo  modo  triumphi  visuntur.     hinc  superbus  ac  publici  3 


'gravatum  aes  alienum'  (Liv.  42.  5,  9)  ; 
*  fortunam  .  .  .  parce  gravare  meam '  (Ov. 
Tr.  5.  II,  30). 

1.  feminas,  &c.  The  banishment  of 
lunia  Calvina  was  mentioned  in  12.  8,  i ; 
that  of  Calpurnia  in  12.  22,  3:  nothing 
is  known  of  Valerius  Capito  or  Licinius 
Gabolus.  Lollia  Paulina  had  been  put 
to  death  in  exile  (12.  22,  4);  Iturius 
and  Calvisius  had  been  banished  at  the 
same  time  as  Silana  ;  hence  their  restora- 
tion suggests  the  statement  respecting 
her  (*  nam '  being  used  elliptically,  as 
in  c.  II,  3,  &c.).  Tacitus  appears  to 
know  nothing  of  the  story  of  Nero's 
supposed  guilt  in  respect  of  the  death  of 
Domitia  (see  on  13.  19,  4),  which  seems 
to  have  taken  place  at  some  time  in  this 
year. 

2.  praetiira,  the  correction  of  Lips, 
for  *  praefectura ',  which  would  require 
description. 

5.  permisit,  with  accus.  and  inf. : 
cp.  I.  72,  2,  and  note. 

6,  longinctuo.  This  can  hardly  be 
used  here  of  time  (cp.  i.  53,  3,  and 
note),  as  she  had  only  been  exiled  for 
four  years,  and  must  therefore  be  taken 
of  distance. 

9.  Tamen  cunctari:  so  Nipp.,  Dr., 
Jacob,    after   Halm  :     Med.    has    '  tam  * 


(=  '  tamen  *)  before  *  mitigata  '  above. 
Baiter,  who  follows  Bekk.  in  there 
reading  '  tandem  ',  here  inserts  *  at  Nero  ' ; 
which  does  not  seem  to  be  requifed,  as 
he  was  mentioned  as  *  ipse  '  in  §  6  of 
c.  12,  and  is  the  subject  of  several  verbs 
above.  Ritt.  reads  '  tantum  mitigata ', 
and  *  cunctari  dein '.  The  delay  seems  to 
have  been  one  of  at  least  three  months 
(see  note  below  on  §  3). 

quonam  modo,  dependent  on 
'  anxius ' ;  '  an  ...  an  '  are  not  opposed, 
but  merely  a  rhetorical  repetition  (ana- 
phora). 

13.  venerationem  sui:  cp.  '  fruitur 
fama  sui '  (2.  13,  i) ;  also  12.  37,  4,  and 
note. 

14.  praegredi  exposcunt,  'they  de- 
mandj  to  go  before  him  ' :  *  exposco ' 
takes  a  simple  inf.  in  Verg.  Aen.  4,  79 
('audire  labores  Exposcit'),  the  accus. 
and  inf.  in  Aen.  9,  193. 

15.  obvias  tribus:  cp.  3.4,  2,  and 
note. 

17.  spectaculorum  gradus,  'tiers  of 
seats ' :  *  spectaculum '  is  so  used  in 
Cic.  Sest.  58,  124  ;  Liv.  i.  35,  8,  &c. 

1 8.  publici  servitii  victor,  *  cele- 
brating his  triumph  over  the  servility  of 
Rome.'  The  idea  suggested  by'Capi-j 
tolium  adiit '  and  '  quo  modo  triumphi 


A.  D.  59] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP.    12-14 


249 


servitii  victor  Capitolium  adiit,  grates  exolvit  seque  in  omnis 
libidines  effudit  quas  male  coercitas  qualiscumque  matris 
reverentia  tardaverat. 

1  14.   Vetus    illi    cupido   erat   curriculo    quadrigarum   insistere 
nee  minus  foedum  studium  cithara  ludicrum  in  modum  canere.  5 
concertare  equis  regium  et  antiquis  ducibus  factitatum  memora- 
bat  idque  vatum    laudibus   celebre   et   deorum  honori   datum. 

2  enimvero   cantus   Apollini   sacros,   talique   ornatu  adstare  non 
modo   Graecis   in   urbibus   sed    Romana   apud   templa   numen 

3  praecipuum  et  praescium.     nee  iam  sisti  poterat,  cum  Senecae  10 


I 


(visuntur'  is  carried  out.  He  had  con- 
'  quered  and  crushed  the  national  morality. 
Jacob  compares  the  words  of  Plin.  in 
describing  the  entrance  of  Trajan  into 
Rome  ,Pan.  22)  'non  de  patientia  nostra 
quendam  trinmphum,  sed  de  superbia 
principum  egisti '.  It  is  mentioned  by 
Suet.  (Ner.  39)  and  Dio  (61.  16,  2) 
that,  notwithstanding  this  outward  show, 
lampoons  and  other  abuse  of  Nero  were 
frequent  in  Rome. 

1.  Capitolium  adiit.  The  date  of 
this  is  imcertain  ;  as  the  Acta  Arvalium 
(C.  I.  L.  vi.  I.  2042)  give  two  days, 
June  23  and  Sept.  11,  on  which  sacrifice 
was  offered  in  this  year  'pro  salute  et 
reditu  Neronis'.  It  seems  best  to  suppose 
(with  Nipp.)  that  the  former  of  those 
days  is  that  here  spoken  of,  and  that 
the  latter  was  after  some  subsequent 
absence. 

2.  libidines.  The  term  is  taken  in  a 
wide  sense  (cp.  13.  31,  5,  and  note),  to 
include  the  extravagances  mentioned  in 
the  next  chapter. 

4.  cupido  erat :  most  edd.  follow 
Lips,  in  reading  '  cupido  *  for  Med. 
'  copia '.  The  old  edd.  read  *  cura '.  The 
inf.  is  used  with  '  cupido  est '  in  Verg. 
Aen.  6,  133,  with  'cupido  cepit  *  in  Enn. 
ap.  Cic.  Tusc.  3.  26,  63.  These  tastes 
of  Nero  were  formed  '  puerilibus  annis ' 

(13-  3,  7)- 

curriculo  =  ' currui '  :  cp.  15.  44,  7; 
*  curriculo  biiugi '  (Suet.  Cal.  19). 

5.  ludicrum  in  modum,  *  after  the 
fashion  of  the  stage ',  i.  e.  in  public  and 
as  a  professional,  not  merely  in  private, 
as  an  amateur :  cp.  '  ludicrae  artes ' 
(c.  16,  i)  ;  *  ludicra  deformitas '  (16.  4, 
1).  It  is  for  this  reason  called  '  foedum 
studium '. 

6.  concertare  equis :  so  Halm  (fol- 
lowed by  Nipp.  and  Dr.)  for  the  Med. 


*  cum  celaret  (corrected  above  to  *  cena- 
ret')  ^§'  Cquis').  The  older  edd.  generally 
read  '  cum  coenaret,  quod  regibus ',  &c., 
which  Kiessl.  and  Walther  alter  to  '  quod 
is  regium.'  That  Nero  played  the  harp 
and  sang  after  dinner  is  attested  by 
Suet.  (Ner.  20,  22),  but  it  seems  plain 
that  the  context  here  refers  to  chariot- 
driving  ;  the  defence  of  his  musical  tastes 
being  taken  up  in  '  enimvero  ',  &c.  Ritt. 
combines  these  texts  by  reading  '  cum 
cenaret.  Certare  equis',  &c.,  but  gives 
a  somewhat  forced  explanation  of  the 
corruption  ;  Baiter  reads  *  curru  et  equis 
certare '.  It  should  be  noted  that  *  con- 
certare ',  though  a  classical  word,  is  not 
elsewhere  found  in  Tacitus. 

regium.  Greek  princes  competed  i 
personally  in  the  chariot-race  at  the 
funeral  games  of  Patroclus  (II.  23,  287, 
foil.),  and  later  despots, as  Hieron,Theron, 
Arcesilaos,  sent  to  the  games  chariots  ; 
entered  in  their  names.  By  *  ducibus  ', 
such  persons  as  Alcibiades  (see  Thuc. 
6.  16,  2)  are  meant. 

7.  vatum,  Pindar,  and  other  lyric 
poets.  ' 

deorum  honori  datum,  the  chariot- 
race  was  itself  a  part  of  the  worship 
of  the  gods  to  whom  the  games  were 
held. 

8.  enimvero,  used  as  elsewhere  (cp. 
2.  64,  5,  and  note),  to  lay  stress  on  what 
follows.  If  chariot-driving  was  sanctioned 
by  the  example  of  kings,  music  could 
plead  that  of  gods. 

tali  ornatu,  that  of  a  'citharoe- 
dus',  assumed  by  Nero  in  coins  (Eckh. 
vi.  275,  276;  Cohen,  p.  292,  nos.  191, 
196,  &c. 

9.  in  .  .  .  apud,  interchanged  for 
variety,  as  in  6.  22,  2. 

10.  nee  iam  sisti  poterat, '  nor  could 
he  be   longer  withstood.'      This  inf.  is 


250 


CORNELIl   TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  59 


ac    Burro   visum    ne    utraque    pervinceret    alterum    concedere. 
clausumque  valle  Vaticana  spatium  in  quo  equos  regeret  haud  4 
promisco  spectaculo  :  mox  ultro  vocari  populus  Romanus  laudi-  5 
busque  extollere,  ut  est  vulgus  cupiens  voluptatum  et,  si  eodem 

5  princeps  trahat,  laetum.  ceterum  evulgatus  pudor  non  satie- 
tatem,  ut  rebantur,  sed  incitamentum  attulit.  ratusque  dedecus 
molliri,  si  pluris  foedasset,  nobilium  familiarum  posteros  egestate 
venalis  in  scaenam  deduxit  ;  quos  fato  perfunctos  ne  nominatim 
tradam,  maioribus  eorum  tribuendum  piito.     nam  et  eius  flagi- 

10  tium    est    qui    pecuniam    ob    delicta    potius    dedit    quam    ne 


probably  personal  in  15.  39,  r,  certainly 
so  in  H.  3.  II,  5;  3.  71,  4;  5.  21,  i; 
impersonal  in  3.  52,  3,  and  in  Plaut.  and 
Liv. 

1.  utraque,  accus. :  cp.  12.  59,  4,  and 
note. 

2.  valle  Vaticana,  local  abl.  (see 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  25).  The  circus  commonly 
called  that  of  Nero  was  bnilt  or  begun 
by  Gaius,  and  is  called  by  the  names 
of  both  emperors  in  Plin.  N.  H.  36.  ii, 

15,  74.  It  stood  in  some  part  of  the 
space  now  occupied  by  St.  Peter's  and 
its  surroundings,  and  was  adorned  by 
Gaius  with   the    obelisk  (Plin.  1.  1.  and 

16.  40,  76,  201)  which  still  stands  in  the 
Piazza. 

haud  promisco  spectaculo,  abl.  abs., 
*  the  sight  not  being  open  to  all ' : 
cp.  'promiscas  scaenas'  (15.  33,  i),  also 
the  use  of  '  promiscus '  in  4.  16,  5;  16. 
16,  4,  &c.  Suet,  states  (Ner.  22)  that 
his  first  appearances  were  before  *  servitia 
et  plebem  sordidam '. 

3.  ultro  vocari,  were  not  only  ad- 
mitted, but  invited. 

5.  evulgatus  pudor,  the  'publicity  of 
his  shame'  :  *  evulgare'  is  used  in  13.  9, 
7;  19,  3  ;  H.  I.  4,  2  ;  elsewhere  only  in 
Liv.  9.  46,  5  (*  civile  ius  .  .  .  evulgavit '). 

7.  molliri,  *  would  be  mitigated ' ; 
so  used  of  *  invidia '  (4.  30,  i),  *  igno- 
minia  '  (11.  25,  6). 

nobilium  familiarum  posteros.  It 
is  shown  by  Friedlander  (ii.  p.  281, 
foil.)  that  it  was  not  altogether  a  new 
thing  at  this  date  for  persons  of  rank  to 
appear  on  the  stage,  in  the  circus,  or  in 
the  amphitheatre.  Besides  the  knight 
Laberius,  one  or  two  decayed  nobles  had 
thus  exhibited  themselves  under  the 
dictator  Caesar  (Suet  lul.  39) ;  and 
isolated  cases  (Friedl,  1.  1.)  are  recorded 


under  Augustus,  who  however  generally 
upheld  the  prohibitory  senatorial  decree 
(Suet.  Aug.  43),  and  whose  successor 
sternly  exiled  (Suet.  Tib.  35)  even  the 
scapegraces  of  good  families  who  took  to 
the  arena  as  a  last  resource  (see  Hor.  Ep. 
I.  18,  36  ;  Prop.  5.  8,  25).  Even  under 
Gaius  such  exhibitions  of  persons  of  rank 
were  in  the  main  professedly  penal  (Dio, 
59.  10,4;  13,  2)  or  exceptional  (Suet.' 
Cal.  16)  ;  and  Claudius  had  shown  a  desire 
to  repress  the  custom  (Dio,  60.  7,  i). 
The  games  which  Dio  speaks  of  (61.  17,  2) 
as  given  at  this  time  km  rrt  ixrirpi,  are 
made  by  him  to  mark  quite  a  new  de- 
parture in  this  respect,  in  that  inen  of 
equestrian  and  even  senatorial  rank  and, 
also  women  belonging  to  such  families 
appeared  in  all  kinds  of  entertainments, 
as  musicians,  dancers,  tragic  and  comic 
actors,  charioteers,  bestiarii,  gladiators, 
oi  fiey  (6(\ovTai,  ol  de  nal  ndvv  oKOvres. 
His  description  appears  to  combine  the 
entertainment  here  mentioned  with  that 
of  the  luvenalia  (c.  15),  and  perhaps 
exaggerates  both  (but  see  note  on  15. 
32,  3).  Suet,  (see  note  below)  seems  to 
refer  to  a  still  earlier  occasion. 

egestate  venalis.  On  the  poverty 
of  some  senators  at  this  time  see  13. 
34.  2. 

8.  ne  nominatim  tradam.  Dio  is 
less  reticent,  and  gives  the  names  of  Furii, 
Fabii,  Percii,  Valerii,  and  adds  that  the 
provincials  present  pointed  in  scorn  to 
the  descendants  of  their  conquerors :  see 
also  Juv.  8,  191.  'Ne'  =  ' ut  non',  as  in 
c.  II,  2,  &c. 

9.  nam  et  =  *  nam  accedit  etiam  quod ', 
giving  another  reason  for  not  naming 
them,  that  the  outrage  was  that  of  Nero 
rather  than  their  own. 


A.  D.  59] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP.    14,    15 


251 


J 


6  delinquerent.  notos  quoque  equites  Romanes  operas  arenae 
promittere  subegit  donis  ingentibus,  nisi  quod  merces  ab  eo 
qui  iubere  potest  vim  necessitatis  adfert. 

1  15.  Ne  tamen  adhuc  publico  theatro  dehonestaretur,  instituit 

2  ludos  luvenalium  vocabulo,  in  quos  passim  nomina  data,     non  5 
nobilitas  cuiquam,  non  aetas  aut  acti  honores  impedimento  quo 
minus  Graeci   Latinive   histrionis    artem   exercerent   usque   ad 

3  gestus  modosque  haud  virilis.    quin  et  feminae  inlustres  deformia 


1 .  operas,  *  their  service,*  as  gladiators 
or  bestiarii.  Suet.  (Ner.  12)  appears  to 
state  that  this  had  already  been  the 
case  in  the  show  of  a.  d.  57  (see  13. 
31,  i),  and  would  even  assert  \^ii  his 
words  are  strictly  taken)  that  on  that 
occasion  Nero  brought  into  the  arena 
400  senators  and  600  knights,  '  quosdam 
fortunae  atque  existimationis  integrae.' 
Even  if  he  can  be  supposed  to  be  here 
speaking  of  the  total  number  of  such 
persons  who  appeared  in  the  amphi- 
theatre during  the  whole  of  the  Neronian 
period,  the  first  number  appears  to  be 
incredible  and  thereby  to  cast  discredit 
on  the  second. 

2.  subegit,  with  inf.  as  in  c.  26,  i ; 
I-  39»  4;  also  in  Plaut,  Sail,  Verg., 
Liv. 

nisi  quod,  '  were  it  not  that,' 
qualifying  something  implied  but  not 
expressed,  i.  e.  that  it  is  hardly  right  to 
say  that  he  induced  them  by  gifts,  when 
the  power  to  compel  luiked  behind  the 
bribe.  Cp.  i.  33,  6,  and  note  ;  6.  24,  2, 
and  note.  Macrobius  remarks  (Sat.  2.  7) 
on  the  story  of  Caesar  and  Laberius, 
•  potestas,  non  solum  si  invitet,  sed 
etiam  si  supplicet,  cogit.' 

4.  Ne  tazaen,  &c.  This  semblance 
of  privacy  was  kept  up  for  several  years 
(cp-  15-  33,  i).  Several  other  instances  of 
such  private  or  quasi-private  entertain- 
ments given  by  emperors  are  collected  in 
Marquardt,  Staatsv.  iii.  490. 

5.  luvenalium.  The  name  (v«avt- 
aKiVfiara  Dio,  61.  19,  I)  would  signify 
that  the  performers  were  young  men, 
though  it  is  seen  below  that  such  was 
not  exclusively  the  case.  According  to 
Dio  (1.1.)  the  occasion  celebrated  was  that 
of  the  first  tonsure  of  his  beard,  an  occasion 
which  had  been  of  old  a  family  festival 
among  Romans:  see  Dio,  48.  34,  3  ;  and 
iother  passages  collected  by  Lips.  (Exc. 
lad  loc).  Gaius  had  previously  added  a 
fdies  luvenalis'  to  the  Saturnalia  (Suet. 


Cal.  1 7)  ;  a  similar  festival  was  held  by 
Domitian  at  Alba  (Dio,  67.  14,  3),  and 
festivals  under  such  a  name  are  mentioned 
at  a  later  date  (vit.  Gord.  4 ;  Sid.  Ap. 
Narb.  307,  foil,  cited  in  Lips.  Exc). 
Such  a  festival,  according  to  the  idea  of 
it  given  above,  would  occur  but  once  in 
the  same  person's  lifetime;  but  it  is 
evident  from  15.  33,  i,  that  Nero  kept  up 
one  so  styled,  held  in  his  own  private 
grounds,  for  several  years,  as  an  exhibi- 
tion, not  professedly  public,  of  his  singing 
powers :  also  that  he  was  offended  by 
absence  from,  or  lukewarmness  at  it  (16. 
21,1). 

nomina  data,  'persons  gave  in  their 
names,'  as  ready  to  perform.  The  phrase, 
as  in  15.  48,  I ,  is  a  metaphor  from  soldiers 
answering  to  the  conscription  (H.  2.  97, 
3,  and  often  in  Livy).  Suet,  says  (Ner. 
3i)  that  at  a  later  date  Nero  inscribed  his 
own  name  on  the  roll  of  citharoedi. 

non  nobilitas,  &c.  :  see  c.  14,  5. 

7.  Graeci  .  .  .  histrionis.  Greek 
tragedies,  modified  so  as  to  consist  of 
gesticulation  and  song,  were  often  acted 
on  the  Roman  stage  (see  Friedl.  ii.  406)  ; 
and  Suet,  gives  (c.  ai)  the  names  of 
several  Greek  parts  sustained  by  Nero, 
and  quotes  a  Greek  line  sung  by  him  as 
Oedipus  (c.  46).  An  epitaph  of  a  girl 
named  Eucharis  (C.  I.  L.  6.  10096),  pro- 
bably of  this  date,  makes  her  say  *  modo 
nobilium  ludos  decoravi  choro,  et  Graeca 
in  scaena  prima  popoloapparui'.  On  the 
use  of  *  histriones'  to  denote  pantomimists 
cp.  1.  54,  3,  &c. 

8.  modos,  'songs*;  so  in  Cic,  Liv., 
Hor.,  &c. 

deformia  meditari,'  studied  degrading 
parts':  cp.  ' libidines  meditatum'  (1.4. 
4).  Dio  (61.  19,  2)  says  that  Aelia 
Catella,  a  woman  of  wealth  and  rank, 
danced  at  the  age  of  eighty.  On  his 
statement  (see  note  on  c.  14,  5)  that 
women  also  appeared  at  this  date  in  the 
circus  and  arena  see  15.  32,  3,  and  note. 


252 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D. 


59 


meditari ;  extructaque  apud  nemus,  quod  navali  stagno  circum- 
posuit  Augustus,  conventicula  et  cauponae  et  posita  veno  inrita- 
menta  luxui.  dabanturque  stipes  quas  boni  necessitate,  intern- 
perantes  gloria  consumerent.     inde  gliscere  flagitia  et  infamia,  4 

5  nee  ulla  moribus  dim  corruptis  plus  libidinum  circumdedit  quam 
ilia  conluvies.     vix  artibus  honestis  pudor  retinetur,  nedum  inter  5 
certamina  vitiorum  pudicitia  aut  modestia  aut  quicquam  probi 
moris    reservaretur.      postremus    ipse    scaenam    incedit,    multa  6 
cura    temptans    citharam    et    praemeditans    adsistentibus    pho- 

10  nascis.      accesserat   cohors   militum,   centuriones   tribunique   et  7 
maerens  Burrus  ac  laudans.     tuncque  primum  conscripti  sunt  8 


1.  navali  stagno,  the  Naumachia  in 
the  Trans-Tiberine  quarter :  see  12.56,  i, 
and  note. 

2.  conventicula,  '  places  of  resort.' 
I  The  word  is  rare  and  appears  to  have  this 

sense  elsewhere  only  in  very  late  authors. 
veno:    cp.   13.  51,  i,  and  note;    for 
'luxui'  a  genit.  would  be  more  usual  in 
classical  prose  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  19), 

3.  stipes,  *  largesses,'  given  by  Nero 
to  be  spent  then  and  there.  It  seems  best 
so  ,to  take  it,  with  Ern. ;  but  Marquardt 
(iii,  142)  prefers  to  follow  Lips,  in  taking 
it  to  mean  contributions  from  the  public, 
which  is  certainly  the  usual  sense  of  the 
word. 

necessitate,  because  it  was  expected 
of  them  so  to  spend  the  gift  (causal  abl.). 
Suet,  mentions  (Aug.  98)  a  largess  given 
by  Augustus  to  his  friends  with  a  com- 
mand to  spend  it  in  a  particular  way. 

4.  gloria,  *  from  vanity ' ;  so  used  in 
causal  abl.  in  i.  8,  2.  Nipp.  and  Dr. 
take  it  as  a  modal  abl.  ('ostentatiously')  ; 
but  it  seems  best  to  make  it  correspond  to 
'necessitate'. 

5.  nee  ulla,  &c.  It  is  plain  that 
Tacitus  does  not  mean  to  compare  this 
'  conluvies '  with  others,  but  with  other 
causes  of  corruption.  Hence  Madvig 
(Adv.  Supp.  p.  232)  thinks  that  'vis'  or 
'  pestis '  should  be  inserted  before  *  plus '. 
The  text  may  however  be  taken,  with 
Nipp.,  as  an  instance  of  attraction  (for 
*  neque  quidquam'),  though  somewhat 
harsher  than  the  instances  which  he  gives 
(e.g.  Sen.  Ben.  2.  i,  2  'cum  in  beneficio 
iucundissima  sit  tribuentis  voluntas'). 

circumdedit:  so  'circumdare  gra- 
tiam'  (c.  53,  5),  'famam'  (H.  4.  11,  3). 
Dr.  shows  that  the  expression  is  equiva- 
lent to  such  Greek  phrases  as  ntpiTieivat 
Tivl  aTifuav,  &c. 

6.  conluvies,  so  used  in  c.  44,  5  ;  2. 


55,  I ;  H.  5.  12,  3  ;  also  (with  *  renim') 
H.  2.  16,  6.  The  same  form  of  the  word 
is  found  in  Col.,  Luc,  PI.  ma.,  but  the 
more  usual  form  is  '  conluvio '. 

artibus  honestis,  *  by  honourable  ac- 
complishments ' :  cp.  3.  66,  5  ;  Agr.  4.  2  ; 
Dial.  28,  7. 

7.  probi  moris :  on  this  use  of  the 
singular  cp.  1.4,  i,  and  note. 

8.  [postremus.  This  is  a  correction 
of  '  postremum '  by  the  first  hand :  Halm 
reads  '  postremum '  and  in  his  app.  crit. 
gives  '  postremus  ',  but  does  not  notice  the 
stroke  of  the  pen  through  the  line  above 
the'u'.— F.] 

incedit,  with  accus.  of  place:  cp.  i. 
61,  2,  and  note.  ^ 

9.  praemeditans,  'preluding,'  or  per- 
haps '  trying  his  voice '.  The  word  does 
not  appear  to  be  elsewhere  so  used. 

phonascis.  Recent  edd.  generally 
follow  this  reading  of  Muret.  for  Med. 
'facies';  the  supposition  being  that  the 
word  was  originally  written  '  foascis',  from 
which  the  *  0 '  had  dropped  out,  and  the 
correction  being  supported  by  Suet.  Ner. 
25,  who  describes  him,  apparently  in  later 
time,  as  never  speaking  to  soldiers  or 
other  gatherings  'nisi  astante  phonasco'. 
The  oldest  edd.  read  'familiaribus';  others 
retain  the  Med.  text,  placing  a  full  stop 
after  '  adsistentibus '  (which  is  taken  as 
a  concise  abl.  abs.),  and  taking  '  facies'  to 
mean  'a  remarkable  appearance'  (cp.  i. 
41,  I  ;  H.  2.  89,  3,  &c,).  Madvig  (Adv. 
Supp.  p.  233)  would  take  the  passage  in 
the  same  way,  but  place  the  stop  before 
'adsistentibus'.  Ritt.  brackets  'adsisten- 
tibus facies'  as  an  exclamatory  gloss 
interpolated  into  the  text.  '  Accesserat ' 
is  read  by  all  edd.  after  Lips,  for  Med. 
'  abscesserat '. 

II,  maerens . . .  ac  laudans,  'grieving 
and    yet    applauding.'      On    this    quasi- 


A.  D.  59I 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP,  15,   16 


253 


equites  Romani  cognomento  Augustianorum,  aetate  ac  robore 
conspicui  et  pars  ingenio  procaces,  alii  in  spem  potentiae. 
9  ii  dies  ac  noctes  plausibus  personare,  formam  principis  vocemque 
deum  vocabulis  appellantes  ;  quasi  per  virtutem  clari  honora- 
tique  agere.  5 

1  16.  Ne  tamen  ludicrae  tantum  imperatoris  artes  notescerent, 
carminum  quoque  studium  adfectavit,  contractis  quibus  aliqua 

2  pangendi  facultas  necdum  insignis  erat.  hi  cenati  considere 
simul  et  adlatos  vel  ibidem  repertos  versus  conectere  atque 
ipsius  verba  quoquo  modo  prolata  supplere,  quod  species  ipsa  10 


adversative  force  of  a  copulative  conjunc- 
tion cp.  c.  65,  2  ;  I.  13,  2,  and  note  ;  H. 
2.  20,  3,  &c. 

1.  Augustianorum.  Nipp.  thus  cor- 
rects the  Med.  *  augusttanorum '  from 
Suet.  Ner.  25,  and  from  the  evidence  of 
several  inscriptions.  The  term  does  not 
appear  to  belong  exclusively  to  this  date 
(Schill.  p.  134).  Dio  (61.  20,  4)  calls 
them  Myovaruoi,  and  speaks  of  them  as 
a  ffvaTrjfia  (s  rnvTaKiaxiXiovs  crpaTiuras. 
This  complete  organization  appears  from 
Suet.  Ner.  20  to  be  of  later  date,  and  to 
have  consisted  only  in  small  part  of  the 
knights  here  mentioned.  The  people 
followed  their  lead  (16.  4,  4),  and  the 
soldiers  coerced  those  who  were  slack  or 
out  of  time  (16.  5,  i). 

2.  alii  in  spem  potentiae  (sc.  '  pro- 
caces *),  *  with  a  view  to  the  hope  of  influ- 
ence.' Halm,  Nipp.,  and  Dr.  so  read, 
with  Acid.;  Orelli  reads  *spe',  after 
Muret. ;  others  retain  the  Med.  *  in  spe ' 
(with  which  Walth.  would  supply  the 
idea  of  ovrts).  *  In  spem  potentiae ' 
occurs  in  H.  4.  42,  2,  and  similar  expres- 
sions are  found  in  c.  63,  i  ;  H.  3.  47,  2  ; 
Agr.  24,  1  ;  also  *  in  spem  .  .  .  multitu- 
dinis*  (Liv.  i.  8,  4),  *  in  quorum  spem' 
(Id.  21.45,4),  &c. 

3.  personare,  '  kept  up  a  din' ;  so  in 
16.  4,  4;  also  '  non  loquuntur  solum, 
verum  etiam  personant '  (Cic.  pro  Gael. 
20,  47),  &c. 

4.  deum  vocabulis  appellantes, 
*  calling  him  by  names  of  gods.'  Dio 
says  (61.  20,  5)  that  they  could  be  heard 
crving  out  o  koXos  Kaiaapy  6  'AirSWcuv,  6 
Avyovaroi,  (is  wi UvOtos'  ficL  ai^Kaxaap,  ov- 
8ets  ae  vik^.  Again,  after  his  return  from 
Greece  (Id.  63.  20,  5\  men  would  cry,  Nc- 
pojvi  T(f  'HpaKkfi,  'Sipwvt  rS>  'AttoAAcuh, 
and  If /xi  (pojv-q.  That  men  offered  sacrifice 
'pro  caelesti  voce '  is  seen  from  16.  32,  i. 


5.  agere  =  *  se  gerere '. 

6.  ludicrae :  cp.  c.  14,  i. 

7.  adfectavit,  *he  made  pretence  to 
a  taste  for  poetry.'  The  context 'seems 
in  favour  of  taking  the  word  in  this  sense, 
and  supposing  Tacitus  to  mean  that  this 
was  merely  assumed  to  divert  attention 
from  his  stage  performances.  Cp.  *  imita- 
tionem  antiquitatis  adfectant'  (Quint.  11. 
3,  10),  'crebrum  anhelitum  adfectant' 
(Id.  II.  3,  56),  *  adfectata  aliis  castitas, 
tibi  ingenita'  (Plin.  Pan.  20).  Nipp. 
takes  the  word  to  denote  a  bona  fide 
aspiration,  which  is  its  more  usual  sense. 
On  the  general  subject  of  Nero's  poetry 
see  Teuffel,  281,  7-9. 

8.  necdum  insignis,  &c. :  so  Halm, 
who  adopts  '  hi  cenati '  from  Haase.  The 
corrupt  Med.  text,  'necdum  insignis 
aetatis  nati  considere'  (with  full  stop 
before  *  necdum '),  has  given  rise  to  a 
variety  of  emendations.  Those  of  older 
scholars  are  collected  by  Walther,  the 
more  recent  by  Baiter  and  Halm ;  Ritt. 
follows  Med.  in  placing  a  full  stop  before 
'  necdum',  and  reads  '  e  senatu '  for  *  nati '; 
Madvig  (Adv.  Supp.  p.  234)  suggests  a 
comma  at  *  insignis ',  followed  by  '  aetatis 
venia  (or  possibly  *  vena ',  in  the  sense  of 
*  exuberance ')  uti ;  ii  considere '.  Nipp. 
reads  '  necdum  insignis  claritas.  Hi 
considere ' ;  Dr.  has  '  necdum  insignis  ars 
erat,  hi  cenati  considere '.  None  of  these 
emendations  have  found  acceptance  ;  but 
the  general  sense  seems  to  be  made  out, 
that  he  chose  those  who  had  poetic  skill, 
but  who  had  not  made  a  name  for  them- 
selves, and  whose  style  would  not  be 
detected  so  as  to  prevent  his  taking  the 
credit  of  their  joint  compositions. 

10.  species  ipsa  .  . .  docet.  The  judge- 
ment of  Tacitus  appears  to  be  founded  on 
a  critical  study  of  the  extant  poems. 
Suet.   (Ner.  52)  maintains   them   to  be 


254 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D 


59 


carminum   docet,  non  impetu  et  instinctu  nee  ore  uno  fliiens. 
etiam    sapientiae  doctoribus    tempus   impertiebat   post   epulas,  3 
utque  contraria  adseverantium  discord ia  frueretur.     nee  deerant 
qui  ore  vultuque  tristi  inter  obleetamenta  regia  speetari  euperent. 

5      17.    Sub    idem   tempus   levi   initio   atrox   caedes   orta   inter  1 
colonos  Nueerinos  Pompeianosque  gladiatorio  speetaeulo  quod 
Livineius  Regulus,  quern  motum  senatu  rettuli,  edebat.     quippe  2 
oppidana  lascivia  in  vicem  ineessentes  probra,  dein  saxa,  postremo 
ferrum   sumpsere,   validiore    Pompeianorum    plebe,   apud   quos 

[o  speetaculum  edebatur.     ergo  deportati  sunt  in  urbem   multi  e  3 
Nueerinis    truneo   per  vulnera   corpore,  ac  plerique   liberorum 


Nero's  own  composition,  on  no  better 
ground  than  that  of  having  seen  original 
rough  copies,  all  in  his  own  handwriting, 
and  full  of  corrections. 

I.  non  impetu,  &c., 'not  running  with 
vigour  or  iu§2iratipn,  nor  with  uniformity 
of  style ' :  *  impetus  '  and  '  instinctus ' 
(cp.  H.  I.  57,  5)  are  often  so  used  by 
Cic. ;  and  '  ere  uno  '  would  appear  here 
to  mean  '  ore  eiusdem  poetae '.  '  Fluens ' 
(for  *  fluentium ')  is  a  similar  enallage  to 
that  in  G.  5,  i  ('  terra  pecorum  fecunda 
sed  plerumque  improcera ') :  cp.  *  purpn- 
rarum  sidere  clarior  .  .  .  usus  *  (Hor.  Od. 
3.  I,  42). 

a.  tempus  impertiebat,  an  expres- 
sion taken  from  Cic.  (pro  Balb.  1.3;  Att. 
9.  II.  A.  3):  cp.  *  auris  .  .  .  imperii  re  ' 
(c.  31,  5). 

3.  utque,  &c.  The  text  as  it  here 
stands  is  best  explained,  after  Spengel, 
by  taking  *  utque '  closely  with  post 
epulas ',  as  if  it  had  been  '  sed  tantum  post 
epulas,  utque '.  Nipp.  follows  Rhen.  in 
reading  *  ut ' ;  Ritt.  thinks  that  after  '  frue- 
retur '  some  such  words  as  *  sententiae 
diversos  adhibebat '  have  dropped  out. 
The  correction  *  adseverantium  '  for  Med. 
'adseverant.  turn'  appears  in  some  of  the 
earliest  printed  texts  ;  that  of  '  discordia 
frueretur '  for  Med.  *  discordiae  rueretur  ' 
has  been  adopted  by  all  recent  edd.  from 
Bezzenb.  A  number  of  older  emendations 
are  collected  by  Walther. 

4.  ore  vultuque  tristi,  *  with  gloomy 
features  and  expression.'  These  words 
are  sometimes  distinguished,  as  in  '  nihil 
metus  (v.l. '  impetus')  in  vultu :  gratia  oris 
supererat '  (  Agr.  44,  2).  These  appear  to 
have  been  Stoics  of  a  low  type,  who,  for 
the  honour  of  being  invited  at  all,  were 
willing  *  inter  obleetamenta  regia  spe- 
etari', i.e.  to  parade  their  seriousness  for 


the  jest  of  the  court.     Philosophers  were 
frequently    attached    to     the    house    of| 
emperors  and  great  citizens,  but  usually  , 
in   an    honoured    position    (see   Introd. 
p.  83  ;  Friedl.  iii.  659 ;  Schiller,  p.  593). 

6.  Nueerinos.  On  Nuceria,  see  13.  31, 
2, and  note.  *  Graffiti'  found  at  Pompeii 
allude  to  this  quarrel,  and  imprecate 
curses  on  the  Nucerians  :  see  C.  I.  L.  iv. 
1393,  1339,  2183.  Nipp.  also  notes  that 
the  wax  tablets  lately  found  there  (see  on 
i,^.  49,  i)  show  that  in  consequence  of 
these  disturbances  a  *  praefectus  iuri  di- 
cundo '  was  appointed,  besides  two  new 
*  duoviri '  (Hermes  xii.  125^ 

7.  Livineius  Regulus,  probably  a  son 
of  the  one  mentioned  in  3.  11,  2'.     The, 
account  of  his  expulsion  from  the  senate,' 
is  lost,  and  nothing  is  known  of  him  from 
other  sources. 

8.  oppidana,  *  usual  in  country  towns.' 
Nipp.  thinks  that  it  is  here  intended  to 
contrast  them  with  the  rural  peasantry ; 
but  the  term  is  generally  used  of  Italian 
towns  in  contrast  to  Rome,  as  in  6. 15,  2, 
and  apparently  in  Cicero's  account  (pro 
Plane.  12,  30)  of  an  act  of  violence  in  his 
day  ('  quod  dicitur  Atinae  factum  .  .  . 
vetere  quodam  in  scaenicos  iure  maxime- 
que  oppidano ').  It  is  probable  that, 
from  the  pretence  of  the  guard,  the  spec- 
tators were  more  under  control  at  Rome 
than  in  these  towns. 

in  vicem  ineessentes,  *  taunting  each 
other.'    On  the  omission  of  *se'  cp.  13. 

2,  3,  and  note. 

9.  sumpsere,  used  by  zeugma  with 
'  probra '. 

apud  quos,  in  the  large  amphitheatre 
of  that  town. 

10.  in  urbem,  to  Rome,  as  evidence. 
Ti.  plerique,  'very  many,'  as  in  3.  i, 

3,  &c 


A.  D.  59] 


LIBER  XIV,      CAP,   16-18 


255 


aut  parentum  mortis  deflebant.  cuius  rei  iudicium  princeps 
4  senatui,  senatus  consulibus  permisit.  et  rursus  re  ad  patres 
relata,  prohibiti  publico  in  decern  annos  eius  modi  coetu 
Pompeiani  collegiaque  quae  contra  leges  instituerant  dis- 
soluta  ;  Livineius  et  qui  alii  seditionem  conciverant  exilio  5 
multati  sunt.    - 

1  18.    Motus   senatu    et    Pedius    Blaesus,    accusantibus    Cyre- 
nensibus    violatum    ab   eo   thesaurum    Aesculapii    dilectumque 

2  militarem    pretio   et   ambitione   corruptum.      idem    Cyrenenses 
reum  agebant   Acilium    Strabonem,   praetoria    potestate   usum  10 
et  missum  disceptatorem  a  Claudio  agrorum,  quos  regis  Apionis 
quondam  avitos  et  populo  Romano  cum  regno  relictos  proximus 


3.  relata,  '  a  consulibus.'  They  in- 
quired into  the  facts,  and  left  the  senate 
to  fix  the  penalties.  Such  a  mode  of 
procedure  resembles  that  mentioned  in  3. 
60,  2.  On  the  jurisdiction  exercised  over 
Italian  towns  by  the  senate  under  the 
empire  in  connexion  with  the  magisterial 
jurisdiction  of  the  consuls  see  13.  4,  3, 
and  note;  Momms.  Staatsr.  iii.  1196,  i, 
&c. 

publice,  *  as  a  community '  (cp.  4. 
36,  3,  and  note)  :  by  '  eiusmodi  coetu ', 
gladiatorial  shows  are  meant. 

4.  collegia  .  .  .  dissoluta.  The  legi- 
timate associations  of  individuals  under 
this  name  became  so  in  early  times  by 
special  enactment  (e.  g.  Liv.  5,  50,  4),  or 
perhaps  as  formed  in  accordance  with 
some  general  legal  powers.  Illicit  associa- 
tions usurping  the  title  were  a  recognized 
danger  under  the  Republic  as  instruments 
of  faction  (see  Cic.  pro  Sest.  15,  34  ;  in 
Pis.  4,  9),  and  were  at  times  suppressed 
by  the  senate,  and  in  a  much  more  whole- 
sale manner  under  the  first  Caesars  (Suet. 

I  lul.  42;  Aug.  32).  [An  inscription 
(C.  I.  L.  6.  2193;,  probably  belonging  to 
the  time  of  Augustus,  mentions  a  *  lex 
lulia'  which  apparently  regulated  the 
right  of  association,  and  empowered  the 
senate  to  grant  the  necessary  permission 
in  individual  cases.  Hence  the  common 
formula  'quibus  senatus  coire  permisit', 
see  Walzing,  Les  Corporations  professio- 
nelles  i.  pp.  117,  foil.— P.] 

7.  Pedius  Blaesus.  This  person  was 
restored  to  his  rank  by  Otho  (H.  i.  77,  6). 
Cyrene  was  united  with  Crete  as  a  sena- 
torial province  of  the  second  rank  (see 
3.  70,  1,  and  note). 

accusantibus,  aoristic  participle  (cp. 
II-    35,  3i  &c.).      Dr.   notes   that   this 

CIS'   p/z^t^y^' soAjT' (k^td^^ 


verb  takes  the  accus.  and  inf.  (see  In  trod, 
i.  V.  §  44)  elsewhere  only  in  Just.  39.  3, 
6;  the  nom.  and  inf.  in  4.  23,  4,     Cp. 

*  incusare  '  in  3.  38,  4. 

8.  thesaurum  Aesculapii.  A  temple 
at  Cyrene  to  this  deity  is  mentioned  in 
Pans.  2.  26,  9.  Its  school  of  physicians 
was  celebrated  in  early  times  (Hdt.  3. 

131,  3). 

9.  pretio  et  ambitione,  *  by  laying 
himself  open  to  bribery  and  solicitation  ' 
from  those  who  wished  to  be  exempted. 

10.  praetoria  potestate  usum.  This 
may  be  a  variation  for  the  usual  expression 

*  praetorius  '  or  *  praetura  functus ',  or 
may  imply  that  he  held  such  temporary 
rank  for  this  purpose.  For  instances  of 
such  special  *  legati  *  or  commissioners 
sent  out  for  a  particular  occasion  see 
3.  47,  5  (and  note) ;  4.  56,  4. 

11.  Apionis  .  . .  avitos  :  so  Halm,  Or., 
and  others,  after  Heins.,  for  the  Med. 
'  habitos ' ;  these  words  being  confused  in 
theMed. textof  11.35, a;  i3-34>3;56,  i; 
and  *  avitos  agros '  being  found  in  c.  22,  5. 
Many   have   followed   Lips,   in    reading 

*  regi  Apioni  habitos  '  ('possessed  by'). 
The  Med.  text  could  only  mean  *  reputed 
to  have  belonged  to'.  Ptolemaeus  Apion, 
the  last  king  of  Cyrene,  died  in  658,  B.C. 
96,  and  left  the  Roman  people  his  heirs 
(Liv.  Ep.  70 ;  Just.  39.  5,  2).  The  legacy 
was  not  accepted  at  the  time,  and  the 
province  was  not  constituted  till  680,  B.C. 
74,  which  has  caused  some  confusion  of 
dates:  see  Marquardt,  Staatsv.  i.  p.  299, 
foil. ;  Sir  E.  Bun  bury  in  Diet,  of  Biog.  s.  v. 

*  Ptolemaeus  Apion  '.  These  lands  were 
included  in  the  sweeping  project  of  sale 
intended  by  the  law  of  Servilius  RuUus 
(Cic.  de  Leg.  Agr.  3.  19,  51). 


t^t-'Xt.   c^w/vrxa-v* 


256 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  59 


quisque  possessor  invaserant,  diutinaque  Hcentia  et  iniuria  quasi 
iure  et  aequo  nitebantur.     igitur  abiudicatis  agris  orta  adversus  3 
iudicem  invidia  ;  et  senatus  ignota  sibi  esse  mandata  Claudii  et 
consulendum    principem   respondit.      Nero    probata    Strabonis  4 
5  sententia  se  nihilo  minus  subvenire  sociis  et  usurpata  concedere 
scripsit. 

19.  Sequuntur  virorum  inlustrium  mortes,  Domitii  Afri  et 
M.  Servilii,  qui  summis  honoribus  et  multa  eloquentia  viguerant, 
ille   orando   causas,    Servilius    diu    foro,    mox   tradendis   rebus 

10  Romanis  Celebris  et  elegantia  vitae  quam  clariorem  effecit,  ut 
par  ingenio,  ita  morum  diversus. 

20.  Nerone  quartum  Cornelio  Cosso  consulibus  quinquennale  1 


1.  possessor,  in  apposition. 

2.  abiudicatis,  '  taken  away  by  deci- 
sion '  (from  the  occupants). 

5.  usiirpata, '  what  they  had  occupied.' 
The  sense  of  illegal  occupation,  or,  in 
our  sense,  *  usurpation,'  though  found 
occasionally  in  post-Augustan  Latin  (see 
Nipp.),  does  not  seem  to  be  required  in 
any  instance  in  Tacitus  ;  and  in  one  place, 
where  that  meaning  is  clearly  intended 
(o'  60,  5), '  falso'  is  added. 

6.  scripsit,  sc.  *  senatui ',  as  in  full  in 
13-  27,6. 

7.  Sequuntur  .  .  .  mortes.  The  verb 
may  probably  here  be  used  only  to  con- 
nect events  in  order  of  narration  ;  the 
deaths  of  eminent  persons  being  often 
thus  mentioned    at    the  close  of  a  year 

(1-  53, 1 ;  3-  75, 1 ;  76, 1 ;  4-  44,  i,  &c.) ; 

but  in  the  similar  expressions  in  15.  38,  i ; 
60,  3,  sequence  in  time  is  intended.  It 
may  be  noticed  that  Tacitus  gives  no  sup- 
port to  the  statement  of  Dio  (61.  19,  4), 
TtoWoi  dv5p€S  Toiv  irpdirtuv  kv  ra>  erti 
rovTcf  iT€\evTT](Tav,  ojv  kviovs  Kol  ra>  Ne- 
pojvi  eiTifiovXevfiv  alTiaOevTasol  orTpaTiStrcu 
TrepiaravTfs  kKi6o^6X.r]cav. 

Domitii  Afri:  see  4.  52,  i,  and  note. 

8.  M.  Servilii,  sc. '  Noniani ',  on  whom 
see  6.  31,  1  ;  Introd.  i.  iii.  p.  12. 

I  o.  Celebris  :  on  this  masc.  form  see 
2.  88,  4,  and  note. 

elegantia  vitae,  '  refinement  of  life ' ; 
so  in  Nep.  Att.  19.  2.  Tacitus  else- 
where has  'elegantia  morum'  (5.  8,  4; 
H.  3.  39,  3).  The  expressions  are  used 
in  a  good  sense,  and  imply  not  only  high 
rank  in  the  social  scale,  but  also  the  culti- 
vation of  the  higher  tastes  and  pleasures, 

clariorem.  The  context  shows  that 
the    comparison  is  with  the  career    of 


Domitius,  who  was  an  accuser  under 
Tiberius,  and  saved  his  life  by  flattering 
Gains. 

11.  ingenio  .  .  .  morum.  The  abl.  and 
genit.  are  thus  interchanged  in  13.  54, 
6.  For  the  genit.  with  '  diversus'  cp.  13. 
26,  2. 

12.  Cornelio  Cosso,  given  in  the 
'Acta  Arvalium'  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  i.  2042)  as 
*  Cosso  Lentulo,  Cossi  filio  '.  He  would 
appear  to  have  been  son  of  the  one  men- 
tioned as  cos.  in  4.  34,  i,  and  probably 
father  of  the  vestal  virgin  mentioned  in 
15.  22,  4. 

quinquennale  ludicrum,  that  ^called 
the  'Neronia'  (Dio,  61.  21,  i),  or  by 
similar  names  (Suet.  Ner.  21;  Vit.  4); 
on  which  see  Friedl.  ii.  436,  foil.  Suet.j 
says  (Ner.  1 2)  *  instituit  et  quinquennale  j 
certamen  primus  omnium  Romae  more! 
Graeco  triplex,  musicum,  gymnicum, 
equestre' ;  the  innovation  on  former  pre- 
cedents (see  c.  21,  2,  and  note)  consisting 
mainly  in  the  combination,  and  in  the 
prominence  which  his  own  tastes  led  him 
to  give  to  the  musical  contest,  with  which 
poetry  and  rhetoric  were  also  included 
(see  §  5;  c.  21,  8).  In  16.  4,  i  it  is 
called  Mustrale  certamen',  and  the  date 
there  given  of  iis  repetition  would  show 
that  he  intended  the  period  to  be  that  of 
a  Roman  'lustrum',  not  that  of  a  Greek 
iT(VTa(Tr]ph  (which  really  recurred  every 
fourth  year).  His  design  would  seem  to 
be  to  celebrate  each  *  quinquennium '  of  his 
principate,  as  his  predecessors  had  cele- 
brated their  '  decennia  imperii*  (see  Dio, 
57.  24,  I,  &c.),  with  the  additional  inno- 
vation of  adapting  the  celebration  to  the 
great  Greek  games,  and  with  the  inten-| 
tion  that  it  should  be  perpetuated.     It* 


A.  D.  60] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP,   18-20 


257 


ludicrum  Romae  institutum  est  ad  morem  Graeci  certaminis, 

2  varia    fama,    ut    cuncta   ferme   nova,     quippe    erant   qui    Gn, 
quoque  Pompeium  incusatum  a  senioribus  ferrent  quod  man- 

3  suram  theatri  sedem  posuisset.     nam  antea  subitariis  gradibus 
et  scaena  in  tempus  structa  ludos  edi  solitos,  vel  si  vetustiora  5 
repetas,  stantem  populum  spectavisse,  ne,  si  consideret  theatro, 

4  dies  totos  ignavia  continuaret.    spectaculorum  quidem  antiquitas 
servaretur,    quoties    praetores    ederent,   nulla   cuiquam   civium 

6  necessitate  certandi.     ceterum  abolitos  paulatim  patrios  mores 
funditus  everti  per  accitam  lasciviam,  ut  quod  usquam  corrumpi  xo 


,  appears  to  have  been  dropped  after  Nero's 
I  death,  but  to  have  been  revived  under 
another  form  in  the  *  Agon  Capitolinus  ' 
of  Domitian,  and  more  directly  under 
the  third  Gordian  (Friedl.  1.  1.).  Many 
medals  are  in  existence  inscribed  '  certam. 
quinq.  Romae  con(stitutum),  S.  C  (see 
Cohen,  i.  p.  282,  47-65). 

2.  quippe  erant,  &c.  The  adverse 
opinions  are  stated  in  the  remainder  of 
this  chapter,  the  favourable,  in  the  fol- 
lowing. 

Gn.  Pompeium.  On  his  theatre  see  3. 
23,  I  (and  note) ;  13.  54,  4,  &c. 

4.  nam  antea,  &a  Tertullian  (de 
Spect.  10)  says  that  the  censors  used  to 
destroy  the  temporary  theatres,  and  that 
Pompeius,  fearing  a  similar  fate  for  his 
own,  placed  a  temple  of  Venus  above 
it.  A  permanent  theatre  was  in  course 
of  erection  in  599,  B.C.  155,  but  was 
destroyed  by  order  of  the  senate,  on  the 
motion  of  the  consul  and  chief  pontiff 
P.  Cornelius  Scipio  Nasica  (Liv.  Epit. 
48;  Veil.  I.  15,  3;  Val.  Max.  2.  4,  2; 
App.  B.  C.  I.  28  ;  Aug.  de  Civ.  D.  i.  31). 
The  same  authorities  mention  that  the 
prohibition  of  sitting  at  games  was  then 
renewed  and  enforced. 

subitariis.  This  term  is  so  used  of 
buildings  in  15.  39,  2,  of  hasty  levies  of 
soldiers  in  Liv.  3.  4,  1 1,  &c.  It  is 
thought  that  the  change  from  mere  stand- 
ing-room to  temporary  seats  may  have 
come  in  with  the  games  held  byMummius 
(see  c.  21,  2).  Such  seats  appear  to  have 
been  of  old  permitted  in  the  circus  (Liv. 
I.  35,  9  ;  Dion.  Hal.  3.  28). 

6.  ne,  si.  All  recent,  and  many  older 
edd.,  after  Ryck.,  follow  MS.  Agr.  in 
placing  here  the  'ne',  written  in  Med. 
after  '  continuaret ' ;  which  has  also  been 
altered  in  other  ways.  Walth.  en- 
deavours unsuccessfully  to  defend  the 
Med.  text. 


theatro,  local  abl. ,  *  ignavia,'  modal 
(Introd.  i.  v.  §§  25,  28).  This  stopping 
is  preferable  to  that  of  Nipp.,  who  places 
the  comma  before  '  theatro  *,  which  seems 
somewhat  awkwardly  to  bring  the  two 
ablatives  into  the  same  sentence. 

7.  continuaret,  *  should  spend  the 
whole  of;  so  in  16.  5,  2  ;  G.  22,  2. 

spectaculorum        quidem.  The 

speakers  here  pass  from  the  subject  of  ^ 
permanent  theatres  and  seats,  which! 
have  become  a  fixed  institution,  to  the! 
character  of  the  exhibitions  themselves, 
as  affected  by  this  new  institution.  *  As 
for  the  exhibitions,  let  their  ancient 
character  be  preserved,  whenever  the 
praetors  celebrate  them,  no  citizen  being 
under  compulsion  to  compete.'  This 
compulsion  is  implied  to  be  one  mis- 
chievous innovation,  the  addition  of 
Greek  gymnastic  contests  (contrasted  bv 
*  ceterum ')  to  be  the  other  and  principal 
one.  The  allusion  to  the  praetors  seems 
to  contain  another  thrust,  and  to  imply 
that  no  new  games  at  all  were  needed  ; 
the  old  ones  held  annually  by  the  praetors 
being  sufficient.  The  presidents  of  these 
games  were  consulars  chosen  by  lot  (Suet. 
Ner.  12).  Most  recent  edd.  follow  Lips, 
in  reading  '  praetores  ederent '  for  the 
Med.  'praetor  sederet',  which  is  not 
altogether  indefensible  (cp.  Juv.  11. 193); 
Ritt.  reads  *  praetor  praesideret '. 

10.  funditus,  opposed  to  'paulatim' 
(the  gradual  change  to  permanent  theatres, 
&c.). 

accitam,  '  imported '  (from  Greece)j 
Nipp.  points  out  that  *  ut '  denotes  not 
mere  consequence  but  the  assumed 
intention  of  the  promoters. 

corrumpi  et  corrumpere,  so  joined 
in  G.  19,  3.  The  introduction  of  Greek 
exercises  appears  to  have  been  very  repug- 
nant to  Roman  sentiment.  Lucan  (7,  270) 
makes  Caesar  sneer  at  it ;  Pliny  the  elder 


258 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  60 


et  corrumpere  queat  in  urbe  visatur,  degeneretque  studiis 
externis  iuventus,  gymnasia  et  otia  et  turpis  amores  exercendo, 
principe  et  senatu  auctoribus,  qui  non  modo  licentiam  vitiis 
permiserint,   sed    vim    adhibeant   ut   proceres    Romani    specie 

5  orationum  et  carminum  scaena  poUuantur.     quid  superesse  nisi  6 
ut  corpora  quoque  nudent  et  caestus  adsumant  easque  pugnas 
pro  militia  et   armis  meditentur  ?     an  iustitiam  auctum  iri  et  7 
decurias    equitum    egregium    iudicandi    munus    expleturos,    si 
fractos  sonos  et  dulcedinem  vocum   perite   audissent  ?     noctes  8 

10  quoque  dedecori  adiectas  ne  quod  tempus  pudori  relinquatur, 
sed  coetu  promisco,  quod  perditissimus  quisque  per  diem  con- 
cupiverit,  per  tenebras  audeat. 

21.  Pluribus  ipsa  licentia  placebat,  ac  tamen  honesta  nomina  1 
praetendebant.     maiores  quoque  non  abhorruisse  spectaculorum  2 


(N.  H.  35,  13,  47,  167)  speaks  of  sand 
used  '  ad  debellanda  corpora  palaestrae 
studiis ' ;  and  his  nephew  quotes  with 
approval  (Ep.  4.  22,  3)  the  opinion  of  a 
senator  objecting  to  the  restoration  of 
such  games  at  Vienna,  '  vellem  etiam 
Romae  tolli  posset.'  See  also  Sen.  Ep. 
88,  18  ('luctatores  et  totam  oleo  ac  luto 
constantem  scientiam  expello  ex  his  stu- 
diis liberalibus '),  and  other  references 
given  by  Mayor  on  Juv.  3.  68,  and  in 
Friedl,  ii.  440-443.  The  contrast  im- 
plied is  to  the  military  exercises  forming 
the  genuine  training  of  Roman  youth  (§  6). 
2.  exercendo,  taken  by  zeugma  with 

*  gymnasia '  in  the  sense  of  '  colendo '  or 

*  frequentando '. 

6.  corpora  quoque  nudent.  The 
games  included  gymnastic  contests  of  all 
kinds,  but  '  proceres  Romani '  took  part 
this  time  in  the  musical  contest  only, 
in  which  '  honestissimus  quisque  conten- 
derat'  (Suet.  Ner.  12)  :  amongst  them 
Lucan  is  stated  by  his  biographers  to 
have  made  his  first  public  appearance  as 
a  poet. 

7.  militia  et  armis :  these  are  gene- 
rally taken  as  a  hendiadys  ;  but  *  arma ' 
may  include  military  drill  as  distinct  from 
actual  service. 

an  iustitiam  auctum  iri :  so  Halm, 
Nipp.,  Dr.,  after  Madvig  (Adv.  ii.  p.  553), 
for  the  Med.  '  ius  titia  augurii ',  which 
others  alter,  with  Lips,  to  'iustitiam 
augeri  '.  Ritt.  brackets  *  decurias  equi- 
tum' as  a  gloss,  and  reads  'an  iustius 
augurii  et  egregium  .  .  .  expleturos '. 

8.  decurias  eqmtum.    This  term  is 


used  here  and  in  3.  30,  2  ;  Suet.  Tit.  41, 
for  the  '  decuriae  iudicum  ',  which  prob4 
ably  at  this  time  consisted  to  so  large  an' 
extent  of  knights  as  to  make  the  terms 
practically  interchangeable  (see  Introd.  i. 
vii.  p.  87). 

[expleturos  :  a  '  constructio  ad  sen- 
sum'  as  Nipp.  points  out  (cp.  2.  52,  5  ; 
4.  29,  2  ;  48,  5  ;  62,  3).  Halm,  however, 
follows  the  alteration  proposed  by 
Seyffert,  '  expleturas.'  Again,  in  order  to 
balance  *  auctum  iri ',  Halm'  adopts 
Prammer's  insertion  of  'melius'  after 
'  munus ' ;  the  insertion  no  doubt  makes 
the  sentence  easier,  but  it  seems  hardly 
necessary  if  proper  emphasis  is  laid  on 
'  egregium  '  and  '  expleturos '. — F.] 

9.  fractos.  This  term  is  not  apparently 
used  in  the  sense  of  the  '  fracti  sonitus  tuba- 
rum'  of  Verg.  G.  4,  72,  but  of  effeminate  \ 
or  falsetto  strains :  cp.  '  musice  .  .  .  quae  1 
nunc  in  scaenis  effeminata,  et  impudicis 
modis  fracta'  (Quint,  i.  10,  31);  also 
KaraKeKXacTfiiva  fii\r]  (Dion.  Hal.  de 
Comp.  25,  398). 

9.  perite,  *  as  experts.' 

noctes,  &c.  That  the  festival  lasted 
through  the  night  (c.  21,  6),  was  not  a 
novelty,  but  had  been  the  case  on  several 
previous  occasions  (see  Friedl.  ii.  275), 
and  was  always  so  at  the  Saturnalia. 

10.  adiectas  = '  adsumptas '  :  cp.  2.  26, 
2,  and  note. 

11.  sed  =  '  sed  ut'. 

13.  Pluribus,  *the  majority.* 
nomina,  '  pretexts '  ;  so  in  2.  33,  6. 

14.  quoque  non  =  'ne  .  .  .  quidem': 
cp.  3-  54>  ii»  and  note. 


A.  D.  60] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP,  20.  21 


259 


oblectamentis  pro  fortuna  quae  turn  erat,  eoque  a  Tuscis  accitos 
histriones,  a  Thuriis  equorum  certamina  ;  et  possessa  Achaia 
Asiaque  ludos  curatius  editos,  nee  quemquam  Romae  honesto 
loco  ortum  ad  theatralis  artes  degeneravisse,  ducentis  iam  annis 
a  L.  Mummii  triumpho  qui  primus  id  genus  spectaculi  in  urbe  5 

3  praebuerit.     sed  et  consultum  parsimoniae  quod  perpetua  sedes 
theatro   locata  sit  potius  quam  immenso  sumptu  singulos  per 

4  annos  consurgeret  ac  destrueretur.     nee  perinde  magistratus  rem 
familiarem  exhausturos  aut  populo  efflagitandi  Graeca  certamina 

a  magistratibus  causam  fore,  cum  eo  sumptu  res  publica  fungatur.  10 

5  oratorum  ac  vatum  victorias  incitamentum  ingeniis  adlaturas ; 
nee  cuiquam  iudici  grave  auris  studiis  honestis  et  voluptatibus 


T.  oblectamentis,  probably  abl.  (see 
I-  54>  3>  and  note) ;  the  case  is  similarly 
doubtful  in  H.  4.  55,  3;  5.  24,  i.  The  abl. 
is  clearly  used  in  Curt.  6.  7,  1 1  (*  crinaine 
abhorrens '),  the  dat.  in  Liv.  2.  14,  i 
('  pacatae  profectioni  abhorrens  mos ') 

pro  fortuna,  &c.,  '  in  proportion  to 
the  wealth  of  that  time ' :  *  quae  turn  erat  * 
= '  turn  existente  ',  being  no  part  of  the 
oratio  obliqua. 

a  Tuscis,  &c.,  in  390,  B.  c.  364  :  see 
Liv.  7.  2. 

2.  a  Thxiriis.  Tacitus  follows  an 
otherwise  unknown  tradition,  opposite  to 
that  in  Livy  i.  35,  10,  where  horseracing 
is  made  to  have  been  introduced  to  Rome 
from  Etmria  in  the  days  of  Tarquinius 
Priscus,  before  the  date  of  the  foundation 
of  Thurii.  Sybaris,  the  predecessor  of 
that  city,  is  recorded,  in  the  days  of 
prosperity  before  its  destruction,  to  have 
been  able  to  show  processions  of  5,000 
knights  CAthen.  12.  17,  p.  519). 

possessa,  '  taken  under  dominion,' 
probably  here,  and  in  H.  2.  12,  i  ;  3.  8  ; 
2  ;  59,  I,  to  be  taken  (as  Nipp.  suggests) 
from  *  possido '.  The  Roman  adminis- 
tration of  Achaia  dates  from  the  fall 
of  Corinth  in  608,  B.  C.  146,  that  of  Asia 
from  625,  B.C.  129,  after  the  defeat  and 
capture  of  Aristonicus. 

3.  curatius,  'more  elaborately ':  = 
*  accuratius*,  as  in  2.  27,  1  ;  16.  22,  6; 
cp.  I.  13,  7,  and  note. 

4.  ad  theatralis,  &c.,  'had  stooped 
to  become  a  professional  player  * :  such 
appearances  on  the  stage  as  that  of 
l^berius,  or  those  noted  in  c.  14,  5,  are 
counted  as  amateur  performances. 

ducentis,  a  round  number  for  305 
[years  (see  above). 


5.  id  genus,  Greek  performances ; 
perhaps  more  especially  those  of  the 
stage  ;  for  Greek  athletes  appear  to  have 
exhibited  at  Rome  in  the  games  given 
by  M.  Fulvius  Nobilior,  in  568,  B.  c. 
186  (Liv.  39.  22,  2).  Those  given  at 
the  triumph  of  Mummius  seem  not  to  be 
elsewhere  mentioned ;  but  several  other 
instances  during  the  Republic  are  collected 
in  Friedl.  ii.  p.  433.  For  the  Actian  games 
instituted  by  Augustus,  see  15.  23,  3,  and 
note. 

6.  sed  et  =  *  sed  etiam ',  so  used  where 
the  idea  of  a  preceding  '  non  tantum ' 
is  implied  in  the  context,  as  in  G.  17,  3 ; 
45,  4,  (Sec.  Here  it  is  left  rather  to  be 
gathered  ;  the  sense  being  that  a  per- 
manent theatre  was  so  far  from  being  an 
extravagance  as  to  be  in  the  long  run  even 
an  economy. 

7.  quam  =  *  quam  ut',  a  construction 
more  commonly  found  after  a  future  (cp. 
13.  42,  8,  and  note). 

8.  destrueretur :  so  all  recent  edd., 
after  Nodell,  for  the  Med.  *  strueretur ', 
which  would  be  a  weak  synonym  with 
'  consurgeret '. 

perinde,  *  as  much  as  formerly.'  The 
'  Neronia',  like  the  '  ludi  Augustales  '  (1. 
15,  4),  were  given  at  the  cost  of  the 
treasury,  whereas  public  entertainments 
in  general  were  given  at  the  cost  of  the 
magistrates ;  and  it  is  implied  that  pres- 
sure was  apt  to  be  put  on  them  by  the 
people  to  include  Greek  games  in  their 
programme. 

12.  iudici,  alluding  to  the  *  decuriae 
equitum'  (c.  20,  7). 

grave,  *  burdensome'  or  'degrading'  : 
cp.  2.  36,  2  ;  6.  26,  2,  &c. 


sa 


26o 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  60 


concessis  impertire.     laetitiae  magis  quam  lasciviae  dari  paucas  6 
totius  quinquennii  noctes,  quibus  tanta  luce  ignium  nihil  inlicitum 
occultari  queat.     sane  nullo  insigni  dehonestamento  id  specta-  7 
culum  transiit ;   ac   ne   modica   quidem  studia  plebis  exarsere, 

5  quia  redditi  quamquam  scaenae  pantomimi  certaminibus  sacris 
prohibebantur.    eloquentiae  primas  nemo  tulit,  sed  victorem  esse  8 
Caesarem    pronuntiatum.      Graeci   amictus   quis   per    eos   dies 
plerique  incesserant  turn  exoleverunt. 

22.  Inter  quae  sidus  cometes  effulsit ;  de  quo  vulgi  opinio  est  1 

10  tamquam  mutationem  regis  portendat.     igitur  quasi  iam  depulso 


1.  concessis  :  cp.  13.  2,  2.  The  ex- 
pression '  impertire  auris ',  formed  on 
the  analogy  of  *  impertire  tempus'  (c.  16, 
3),  for  *  praebere ',  is  noted  by  Dr.  as  am. 
tip. 

2.  noctes,  alluding  to  c.  20,  8. 

5.  redditi  quamquam.  Their  expul- 
sion had  been  mentioned  in  13.  25, 4.  For 
the  anastrophe  of  'quamquam'  cp.  5.  9, 
I,  &c. 

certaminibus  sacris.  The  Neronia 
were  so  styled,  after  the  example  of  the 
Greek  lepol  dyaives,  which  were  strictly 
religious  festivals, 

6.  primas,  so.  *  partis  '(cp.  'secundas' 
Hor.  Sat.  i.  9,  46),  'the  prize  of  elo- 
quence' (cp.  '  facundiae  coronam  '  16. 
4,  i).  The  meaning  is  that  it  was 
awarded  to  none  of  the  competitors, 
but  to  Caesar,  who  had  shown  no  per- 
formance. Suet,  states  (Ner.  12),  *  deinde 
in  senatum  orchestramque  descendit,  et 
orationis  quidem  carminisque  Latini 
coronam,  de  qua  honestissimus  quisque 
contenderat,  ipsorum  consensu  concessam 
sibi  recepit,  citharae  autem  a  iudicibus  ad 
se  delatam  adoravit  ferrique  ad  Augusti 
statuam  iussit.' 

7.  quis :  so  all  recent  edd.  after 
Grosslot,  for  the  Med.  *  q '  (with  *  o  * 
inserted  above,  and  generally  read  as 
'  quo '). 

8.  exoleverunt :  so  Halm,  Nipp., 
Ritt.,  after  Heins.,  for  the  Med.  *  exole- 
verant ',  which  may  probably  be  an 
error  of  assimilation  to  *  incesserant '. 
The  meaning  would  seem  to  be  that 
during  the  games  Greek  dress  had  been 
worn  not  only  (as  might  be  expected)  by 
Nero  and  by  the  performers,  but  by  most 
or  many  of  the  spectators  (*  plerique ') ; 
and  that  the  costume,  thus  vulgarized, 
then  dropped  out  of  fashion.  The 
pluperf.  would   seem  to   be  best    taken 


to  mean  that  Greek  dress  had  already 
dropped  out  of  fashion,  but  that  the 
games  revived  it  temporarily.  It  appears 
to  have  been  a  court  fashion  at  times  in 
the  days  of  Claudius  (Dio,  60.  6,  2),  and 
was  worn  by  Domitian  and  others  at  his 
games  (Suet.  Dom.  4). 

9.  sidus  cometes.  This  is  the  comet 
spoken  of  by  Seneca  (Qu.  Nat.  7.  17,  2  ; 
21,  3;  29,  3)  as  unaccompanied  by  any 
evil  (*  cometis  detraxit  infamiam  '),  and 
as  having  been  visible  for  six  months. 
Pliny,  who  speaks  (N.  H.  2.  25,  23,  92) 
of  a  comet  '  adsiduum  prope  ac  saevum ' 
throughout  Nero's  principate,  seems  to 
have  supposed  it  to  have  lasted  on  till 
the  appearance  in  817,  a.d.  64  (15.  47, 
i).  The  adjectival  'cometes*  occurs 
again  in  that  passage,'also  '  stella  cometes* 
in  Just.  37.  2,  2. 

de  quo.  Dr.  notes  the  construction 
with  *  tamquam '  as  a  novelty ;  the  usual 
sequence  after  such  a  sentence  being  the 
accus.  and  inf.,  as  in  Cic.  Clu.  28,  76; 
Att.  I.  13,  4. 

10.  regis,  here  a  general  term  under 
which  the  Roman  princeps  is  compre- 
hended. Orelli  and  Jacob  read  '  regnis  ', 
as  suggested  by  Bentley,  from  Lucan 
I,  529  (*  mutantem  regna  cometen'), 
and  Sil.  8,  639  ('  regnorum  eversor  .  .  . 
cometes').  The  same  belief  appears 
in  Stat.  Theb.  i ,  708  ('  mutent  quae 
sceptra  cometae')  and  in  Suet.  Ner.  36 
(*  summis  potestatibus  exitium  portendere 
putabatur  ').  The  occurrence  of  a  comet 
just  before  the  death  of  Claudius  (Plin. 
1.  I.)  must  have  given  the  more  vitality 
to  this  idea,  which  had  been  suggested 
to  Romans  by  that  which  appeared  at 
the  death  of  Julius  Caesar.  Tacitus 
himself  evidently  regards  it  as  mere 
*  vanitas'  (§  3). 


A.  D.  60] 


LIBER  XIV,      CAP.  21.   22 


261 


2  Nerone,  quisnam  deligeretur  anquirebant  ;  et  omnium  ore 
Rubellius  Plautus  celebratur,  cui  nobilitas  per  matrem  ex  lulia 

3  familia.  ipse  placita  maiorum  colebat,  habitu  severo,  casta  et 
secreta    domo,    quantoque    metu    occultior   tanto    plus    famae 

4  adeptus.  auxit  rumorem  pari  vanitate  orta  interpretatio  fulguris.  5 
nam  quia  discumbentis  Neronis  apud  Simbruina  stagna  in  villa 
cui  Sublaqueum  nomen  est  ictae  dapes  mensaque  disiecta  erat 
idque  finibus  Tiburtum  acciderat,  unde  paterna  Plauto  origo, 
hunc  ilium  numine  deum  destinari  credebant,  fovebantque  multi 
quibus  nova  et  ancipitia  praecolere  avida  et  plerumque  fallax  10 

5  ambitio  est.  ergo  permotus  his  Nero  componit  ad  Plautum 
litteras,  consuleret  quieti  urbis  seque  prava  dififamantibus  sub- 
traheret :  esse  illi  per  Asiam  avitos  agros  in  quibus  tuta  et 
inturbida  iuventa  frueretur.  ita  illuc  cum  coniuge  Antistia  et 
paucis  familiarium  concessit.  15 


2.  Bubellius  Plautus :  see  13.  19,  3. 

3.  placita  =  5<>7/iaTa.      He    was    also 
a  disciple  of  the  Stoic  philosophy  (see 

c  59.  2)- 

4.  secreta,  *  secluded.' 
occultior,  *  avoiding  publicity.' 

5.  vanitate,  'credulity  ' :  cp.  i6.  i,  i. 

6.  discumbentis,  used  of  one  person, 
as  in  3.  14,  3;  II.  2,  5,  &c. 

in  villa ;  so  inserted  by  most  recent 
edd.  after  Bezzenb.,  on  the  analogy  of 
4.  59,  2  ;  6.  50,  2.  Med.  has  a  full  stop 
after  '  stagna ' ;  others  insert  *  villae  ' 
or  •  loco '  after  •  cui ',  or  alter  *  cui '  to 
'  loco '  and  take  the  sentence  as  paren- 
thetical. Ritt.  doubts  whether  any  villa 
then  existed,  and  thinks  that  the  feast 
was  out  of  doors,  like  that  in  12.  57,  3, 
and  would  consequently  bracket  *  cui 
Sublaqueum  nomen  est ',  as  a  note  inter- 
polated into  the  text.  The  existence  of 
a  '  villa  Neronis  Sublacensis  '  is  attested 
by  Frontinus  (Aq.  93)  ;  and  from  the 
absence  of  any  earlier  mention  of  the 
name,  as  also  from  the  way  in  which 
Tacitus  mentions  it  as  if  it  were  not 
generally  known,  it  is  inferred  that  no 
town  of  Sublaqueum  (Subiaco)  as  yet 
existed  (see  Sir  E.  Bunbury  in  D.  of  Geog.). 
The  name  is  taken  from  its  position 
below  the  three  lakes  (*  Simbruina  stagna') 
formed  by  the  Anio  :  see  11.  13,  2  ;  also 
Plin.N.  H.  3.  12, 17, 109  (*Anio  in  monte 
Trebanorum  ortus  tres  lacus  amoenitate 
nobiles  qui  nomen  dedere  Sublaqueo 
defert  in  Tiberim '). 


7.  ictae  dapes,  &c.  The  portent  is 
amplified  by  Dio  (61,  16,  5)  and  Philost. 
(vit.  Ap.  4.  43),  who  make  the  lightning 
bum  up  everything  placed  on  the  table 
and  strike  the  cup  in  Nero's  hand. 

8.  unde,  &c.  On  the  origin  of  his 
family  from  Tibur  see  6.  27,  i. 

9.  hxinc  iUum :  cp.  *  quis  ille ',  &c., 
(12.  36,  2)  ;  also  11.7,  I,  and  note.  The 
form  of  expression  here  seems  suggested 
by  Verg.  Aen.  7,  255,  272. 

10.  praecolere, '  to  court  prematurely.' 
The  sense  is  air,  elp.  and  the  verb  ap- 
parently only  used  elsewhere  in  the 
past  participle.  For  other  such  words 
in  Tacitus  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  69,  3. 

12.  quieti  urbis :  so  all  edd.  after  Pich. 
for  the  Med.  *  q  (*  qui ')  e  turbis '. 

prava  dififamantibus,  *  those 
spreading  evil  reports.'  The  verb  is 
more  commonly  used  with  a  personal 
accus.  (cp.  I.  72,  4,  and  note),  but  is 
used  of  the  report  spread  in  Ov.  Met. 
4,  236  ('vulgat  adulterium  diffamatum- 
que  parenti  Indicat'),  and  occasionally 
in  late  Latin. 

13.  per  Asiam,  &c.  Several  notices  of 
the  large  possessions  of  Koman  nobles 
in  the  provinces  are  collected  in  Friedl. 
i.  219. 

14.  inturbida,  a  Tacitean  word  :  cp. 
3.  52,  I,  and  note,  and  other  analogous 
words  in  Introd.  i.  v.  §  69,  2. 

Antistia,  in  full  'Antistia  Pollitta', 
daughter  of  Antistius  Vetus  (13.  11,  i), 
with  whom  she  suffered  death  (16.  lo-i  i), 


262 


CORN  EL  II  TACIT  I  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  60 


Isdem   diebus   nimia    luxus   cupido   infamiam   et    periculum  6 
Neroni  tulit,  quia  fontem   aquae  Marciae  ad  urbem  deductae 
nando  incesserat ;  videbaturque  potus  sacros  et  caerimoniam  loci 
corpora  loto  polluisse.     secutaque  anceps  valetudo  iram  deum 
5  adfirmavit. 

23.  At  Corbulo  post  deleta  Artaxata  utendum  recenti  terrore  1 
ratus  ad  occupanda  Tigranocerta,  quibus  excisis  metum  hostium 
intenderet  vel,  si  pepercisset,  clementiae  famam  adipi- 
sceretur,  illuc  pergit,  non  infenso  exercitu  ne  spem  veniae 
10  auferret,  neque  tamen  remissa  cura,  gnarus  facilem  mutatu 
gentem,   ut   segnem    ad    pericula    ita    infidam   ad    occasiones. 


three  years  after  the  death  of  her  husband 

(c-  59>  3). 

1.  nimia  luxus  cupido,  'an  excess 
of  wantonness.' 

2.  fontem,  the  source  or  main  stream. 
That  to  bathe  in  this  was  an  outrage 
is  not  disproved  by  the  evidence  that 
water  from  the  purest  aqueducts  was 
apparently  supplied  to  baths  or  other- 
wise used  for  bathing  purposes  in  Rome. 
Cp.  Mart.  6.  42,  18  ('  cruda  Virgine 
Marciave  mergi ') ;  1 1.  47,  6  ;  14. 163,  2  : 
also  Sen.  Ep.  83,  5  ('  auspicabar  in 
Virginem  desilire'). 

aquae  Marciae.  This  aqueduct, 
beginning  from  a  point  in  the  Sabine 
hills  near  the  36th  milestone  on  the  via 
Valeria  (Front.  Aq.  7),  was  constructed 
by  L.  Marcius  Rex,  as  praetor,  in  605, 
B.C.  149,  and  was  restored  by  Agrippa 
(Plin.  N.  H.  31.  3,  21,  41  ;  36.  15,  24, 
121)  and  augmented  by  Augustus  (Mon. 
Anc.  4.  11).  Many  of  its  arches  are 
preserved,  and  its  specus  can  be  seen 
where  it  passes  over  an  arch  of  Augustus 
at  the  porta  S.  Lorenzo  (see  Middleton, 
p.  469).  Both  Pliny  and  Frontinus 
(91)  speak  of  its  water  as  the  best  and 
purest  in  Rome  ;  and  it  still,  under  the 
name  of  '  Aqua  Pia',  forms  part  of  the 
supply  of  the  city. 

3.  incesserat  :  cp.  c.  15,  6. 
caerimoniam     loci.      The     sanctity 

attached  to  such  places  is  described  by 
Seneca  (Ep.41,3)  ;  '  magnorum  flnminum 
capita  veneramur,  subita  ex  abdito  vasti 
amnis  eruptio  aras  habet,  coluntur  aqua- 
rum  calentium  fontes,  et  stagna  quaedam 
vel  opacitas  vel  immensa  altitudosacravit.' 
The  younger  Pliny  records  that  no  ship 
or  boat  was  allowed  on  lake  Vadimo 
(Ep.  8.    20,  5),   and   that   bathing  was 


forbidden  above  a  certain   point  on  the  | 
Clitumnus,    at     the     source     of    which 
was  a  temple,  which  he  describes   (Ep. 
8.  8). 

4.  anceps  valetudo.  Schiller  suggests 
(p.  159)  that  the  illness  may  have  come 
first  and  that  the  cold  baths  may  have 
been  prescribed  for  it,  according  to  the 
practice  of  Charmis  (see  Plin.  N.  H.  29. 1 , 
4>  10). 

6.  At  Corbulo,  &c.  This  narrative 
is  taken  up  from  13.  41,  and  appears 
to  belong  to  the  two  years  a.  d.  59,  60 
(Introd.  p.  112).  On  the  locality  of 
Tigranocerta  see  12.  50,  2,  and  note; 
also  Henderson,  Journal  of  Phil,,  2^, p.  99, 
and  on  the  whole  line  of  march  see 
Introd.  p.  114. 

recenti  terrore.  The  terror  caused 
by  its  destruction  would  be  recent,  even 
if  we  suppose  that  he  had  rested  there 
for  a  winter  after  its  surrender  (see 
Introd.  p.  114,  2). 

8.  intenderet  =  ' augeret ' :  cp.  2.  38, 
6,  &c. 

vel,  si  pepercisset.  This  clause 
corresponds  in  sense  to  *  quibus  excisis  ' ; 
'quibus'  (in  the  dative)  being  again  sup- 
plied. The  variation  of  construction  is 
analogous  to  others  noted  in  Introd.  i.  v. 

§  91- 

9.  infenso,  '  in  hostile  fashion ' :  cp. 
'infenso  agmine'  (15.  9,  2). 

10.  mutatu,  a  rare  supine,  found  only 
here  and  in  H.  2.  63,  5:  cp.  'rescriptu' 
(4.  40,  2)  and  other  Tacitean  supine 
forms  collected  by  Dr.  in  Synt.  und  Stil, 
§  218. 

11.  ad  occasiones,  sc. '  defectionis  ad- 
ripiendas ',  as  above  '  ad  pericula '  (sc. 
'  capessenda'):  cp.  11.  36,  4;  16.  23, 
3,&c. 


A.  D.  60] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP.  22-24 


263 


I 
I 


barbari,  pro  ingenio  quisque,  alii  preces  offerre,  quidam  deserere 
vicos  et  in  avia  digredi ;  ac  fuere  qui  se  speluncis  et  carissima 
secum  abderent.  igitur  dux  Romanus  diversis  artibus,  miseri- 
cordia  adversum  supplices,  celeritate  adversus  profugos,  immitis 
iis  qui  latebras  insederant  ora  et  exitus  specuum  sarmentis  5 
virgultisque  completes  igni  exurit.  atque  ilium  finis  suos 
praegredientem  incursavere  Mardi,  latrociniis  exerciti  contraque 
inrumpentem  montibus  defensi ;  quos  Corbulo  immissis  Hiberis 
vastavit  hostilemque  audaciam  externo  sanguine  ultus  est. 

24.  Ipse  exercitusque  ut  nullis  ex  proelio  damnis  ita  per  10 
inopiam  et  labores  fatiscebant,  carne  pecudum  propulsare  famem 
adacti ;  ad  hoc  penuria  aquae,  fervida  aestas,  longinqua  itinera 
sola  ducis  patientia  mitigabantur,  eadem  pluraque  gregario  milite 
tolerantis.  ventum  dehinc  in  locos  cultos  demessaeque  segetes, 
et  ex  duobus  castellis  in  quae  confugerant  Armenii  alterum  15 
impetu  captum  ;  qui  primam  vim  depulerant,  obsidione  coguntur. 


3.  diversis  artibtis.  Nipp.  and  Dr. 
appear  rightly  to  take  this  as  a  very 
strange  use  (even  for  Tacitus)  of  the 
abl.  of  quality  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  29)  ; 
*  misericordia  '  and  '  celeritate  '  are  in 
apposition  with  it,  and  the  construction 
is  then  varied  to  *  immitis '. 

6.  igni  exurit.  Such  an  act  of  cruelty 
has  had  its  counterpart  in  very  modern 
times.  The  complacency  with  which 
Tacitus  records  it  may  be  compared  with 
the  similar  sentiments  noted  on  i.  51,  2. 

7.  praegredientem  = '  praetergredien- 
tem  '  :  see  note  on  2.  6,  5. 

Mardi.  This  race  (called  also 
'Amardi')  are  coupled  byStrabo  (11.  13, 
3,  523,  &c.)  with  the  Kuprtot,  as  a  widely 
spread  robber  race  both  in  Persia  and 
Armenia ;  their  habitation  in  the  latter 
country  being  Mt.  Niphates.  From  this 
account,  as  also  that  of  Ptolemy,  who 
places  them  east  of  Gordyene  (5.  13,  20), 
there  appears  to  be  no  doubt  that  they 
lived  in  the  mountains  east  and  north 
of  Lake  Van,  and  were  the  ancestors 
of  the  present  Kurds.  The  name  is  still 
preserved  in  that  of  Mardistan. 

8.  Hiberis.  These  people  (on  whom 
see  4.  5,  4,  and  note)  were  among  the 
voluntary  allies  of  Corbulo  through 
animosity  to  the  Armenians  (see  1 2.  44,  i ; 

13-37.  3)- 

9.  vastavit.  1  his  use  of  *  vastare  ali- 
quem '  for  '  alicuius  terram  '  is  found  in 


c.  38,  2  ;  15.  1,2;  H.  3.  87,  5  ;  Agr.  22,  2. 
Nipp,  compares  also  *  ita  sumus  devastati ' 
(Liv.  23.  42,  5). 

externo  sangxiine,  without  sacrifice 
of  Roman  lives.  Besides  thus  sparing 
the  blood  of  the  legions,  he  was  con- 
sulting Roman  policy  by  embittering 
barbarian  races  against  each  other. 

11.  fatiscebant,  'were  becoming  ex- 
hausted' :  cp.  3.  38,  I,  and  note. 

came  pecudum,  that  of  the  flocks 
of  sheep  of  the  country.  To  a  Roman 
soldier,  com  meal  was  the  great  necessary 
of  life,  and  animal  food  in  any  large 
quantity  prejudicial.  Caesar  (B.  G.  7.  17, 
3)  speaks  in  the  same  way  of  meat  as 
famine  diet  (*ut  compluris  dies  milites 
frumento  caruerint,  et  pecore . . .  extremam 
famem  sustentarent ').  Prof.  Holbrooke 
notes  a  recent  instance  (in  the  Zulu  cam- 
paign of  1879)  i^  which  an  exclusive 
meat  diet  told  injuriously  even  upon 
English  soldiers.  On  the  use  of  '  adigere ' 
with  inf.  cp.  4.  29,  3,  and  note. 

12.  ad  hoc  :  cp.  12.  20,  2,  and  note, 
penuria  aquae:  see  Introd.  p.  114,  9. 

13.  pluraque  .  .  .  tolerantis  :  so  all 
recent  edd.  after  F.  Jacob  and  Ern.  for 
the  Med.  '  plura  quam '  and  '  toleranti ' ; 
which  Walth.  endeavours  to  defend,  but 
which  gives  no  satisfactory  sense. 

14.  locos  cultos,  probably  the  level 
tract  of  Melazgerd  and  Liz  (see  Introd. 
p.  114). 


264 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  60 


unde  in  regionem  Tauraunitium  transgressus  improvisum  peri-  4 
culum   vitavit.     nam   hand   procul   tentorio   eius  non  ignobilis  5 
barbarus  cum  telo  repertus  ordinem  insidiarum  seque  auctorem 
et  socios   per  tormenta  edidit,  convictique  et  puniti  sunt  qui 

5  specie  amicitiae  dolum  parabant.    nee  multo  post  legati  Tigrano-  6 
certa  missi  patere  moenia  adferunt,  intentos  popularis  ad  iussa : 
simul  hospitale  donum,  coronam  auream,  tradebant.     accepitque  7 
cum  honore,  nee  quicquam  urbi  detractum  quo  promptius  obse- 
quium  integri  retinerent. 

10      25.  At  praesidium  Legerda  quod  ferox  iuventus  clauserat  non  1 
sine  certamine  expugnatum  est :  nam  et  proelium  pro  muris  ausi 
erant  et  pulsi  intra  munimenta  aggeri  demum  et  inrumpentium 
armis  cessere.     quae  facilius  proveniebant,  quia  Parthi  Hyrcano  2 
bello  distinebantur.  miserantque  Hyrcani  ad  principem  Romanum 

15  societatem  oratum,  attineri  a  se  Vologesen  pro  pignore  amicitiae 
ostentantes.     eos  regredientis  Corbulo,  ne  Euphraten  transgressi  3 
hostium  custodiis  circumvenirentur,  dato  praesidio  ad  litora  maris 


I.  Tauraunitium,  not  elsewhere  men- 
tioned. Strabo  (ii.  14,  5,  528)  gives  a 
lapoiviTis  somewere  in  Armenia,  and  the 
name  points  to  a  district  in  the  country 
belonging  to  the  Taurus  range.  Egli 
takes  it  to  be  the  district  of  Mush,  west 
of  Lake  Van  ;  where  the  name  Daron  or 
Taron  appears  still  to  be  preserved.  It 
is  not  clear  whether  the  name  here  is 
appositional  ace.  sing,  or  gen.  pi.,  but  it 
is  perhaps  best  to  take  it,  with  Nipp.,  as 
the  latter. 

5.  nee  multo  post,  &c.  Frontinus 
(Strat.  2.  9,  5)  gives  a  story  that  Tigrano- 
certa  was  resisting  his  siege,  but  that  he 
flung  into  the  town  from  a  ballista  the 
head  of  one  of  the  megistanes  whom  he 
had  executed,  and  thus  terrified  them 
into  submission.  The  conspirator  here 
mentioned  may  have  been  of  that  rank. 

Tigranocerta,  abl.  as  in  15.  5,  a: 
cp.  the  corresponding  accus.  in  15.  4,  2  ; 
5,  5.  In  all  of  these  Ritt.  alters  the  read- 
ing so  as  to  make  the  form  throughout 
plural,  as  found  in  c.  23,  1 ;  15.  6,  2  ;  8, 
I,  probably  also  in  12.  50,  2;  but  the 
analogous  variations  in  form  of  *  Ar- 
taxata'  (see  note  on  2.  56,  3)  make  this 
needless. 

6.  patere  moenia.  Nipp.  compares  the 
use  of '  moenia  cl  ansa '  (for  *  portas  clausas ') 
in  Luc.  3,  373. 

intentos  ...  ad  iussa;  for  similar 
expressions,  cp.  11.  29,  3,  and  note. 


7.  coronam  auream.  A  similar 
Eastern  gift  is  mentioned  in  2.  57,  5. 

10.  Legerda.  The  Med.  text '  legerat ' 
was  corrected  by  Puteol.  and  his  successors 
to  '  regium ',  but  to  the  present  text  by 
Bezzenb.,  in  accordance  with  the  mention 
in  Ptolemy  (5.  13,  20)  of  Aiyepda  (also 
read  as  'Ii\eyepday  KXtyepSa,  arid  BAc- 
yepSa)  as  a  place  in  the  district  between 
the  sources  of  the  Tigris  and  those  of  the 
Euphrates,  and  thus  apparently  west  or 
north-west  of  Tigranocerta. 

11.  pro  muris,  'outside  the  walls': 
cp.  2.  80,  5,  and  note. 

12.  aggeri:  so  all  recent  edd.,  after 
Boett.,  for  the  Med. '  aggeris ',  which  some 
have  taken  with  '  munimenta  '  (afterwards 
omitting  *et').  Ryck  would  read  *agge- 
ribus ',  on  the  supposition  that  a  syllable 
has  dropped.  The  '  agger '  meant  is  an 
offensive  work  to  command  the  walls, 
such  as  is  described  in  4.  49,  3. 

13.  proveniebant,  'were  successful*: 
cp.  I.  19,  4,  and  note. 

Hyrcano  bello:  see  13.  37,  6.  On 
this  sense  of*  distineri'  cp.  ii.  12,  i,  and 
note. 

15.  oratum.  Dr.  compares  Cic.  in 
Pis.  31,  ('  oratum  obsecratumque  vene- 
rant'). 

17.  maris   rubri,   the    Persian     Gulfi 
(see  2.  61,  2,  and   note).       We   should 
understand,  with  Walther,  that  they  were  \ 
sent  back  by  the  commercial  road  passing 


A.  D.  60] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP.  24-26 


265 


I 


rubri  deduxit,  unde  vitatis  Parthorum  finibus  patrias  in  sedes 
remeavere. 
1  26.  Quin  et  Tiridaten  per  Medos  extrema  Armeniae  intrantem, 
praemisso  cum  auxiliis  Verulano  legato  atque  ipse  legionibus 
citis  abire  procul  ac  spem  belli  amittere  subegit ;  quosque  nobis  5 
aversos  animis  cognoverat,  caedibus  et  incendiis  perpopulatus 
possessionem    Armeniae    usurpabat,   cum  advenit    Tigranes   a 


from  Syria  along  the  west  bank  of  the 
!  Euphrates  to  the  sea ;  whence  they  might 
jget  back  to  Hyrcania  by  some  route 
'beyond  the  eastern  limit  of  the  Parthian 
jpower.  An  enormous  circuit  would 
lappear  to  be  required  for  this  purpose  ; 
a  still  greater  one  for  that  suggested  by 
Prof.  Rawlinson  (Sixth  Oriental  Monarchy, 
p.  271,  note),  who  even  supposes  them  to 
sail  to  the  Indian  Ocean  and  up  the 
Indus.  We  do  not  know  enough  of  the 
eastern  and  south-eastern  limits,  at  that 
date,  of  the  Parthian  power,  or  of  the 
extent  to  which  this  Hyrcanian  war  had 
itself  affected  it,  to  be  able  to  say  what 
safe  route  from  the  Persian  Gulf  to  Hyr- 
cania then  existed.  The  supposition  of 
Lips,  (approved  by  Schiller,  p.  123),  that 
the  Caspian  is  meant,  and  that  *  maris 
sui'  should  be  read,  hardly  lessens  the 
difficulty,  as  we  do  not  know  that  the 
Romans  had  any  access  to  the  Caspian, 
or  any  means  of  navigating  it. 

3.  Quin  et.  Nipp.  would  refer  this 
to  '  quae  facilius  proveniebant ' ;  but  the 
words  appear  more  naturally  to  point 
back  to  *  at  praesidium ',  &c.,  and  to  mark 
a  further  military  success.  Dr.  follows 
the  suggestion  in  Madvig's  *  Adversaria  ', 
and  reads  *  quieti '  (with  *  remeavere ') ; 
but  such  a  word  would  be  rather  used  of 
those  who  remain  at  home  than  of  those 
whose  journey  is  unobstructed. 

per  Medos  :  see  13.  41,  2. 

4.  Verulano.  Ritt.  thinks  that  *Severo' 
(in  an  old  abbreviation  *  seuo ')  has 
dropped  out  between  this  and  the  preced- 
ing word ;  the  person  being  apparently 
the  same  who  is  mentioned  in  15.  3,  i, 
and  also  (as  *  L.  Verulanus  Severus ')  in 
an  inscription  cited  by  Nipp.,  showing 
him  to  have  been  consul  in  one  of  the 
later  years  of  Nero.     C.  I.  L.  6, 10055. 

ipse,  *  by  his  own  appearance  ' :  cp. 
*  fama  atque  ipso  Artabano '  (6.  44,  3). 

5.  citis,  'in  forced  marches':  cp.  ii. 
1,3,  and  note. 

amittere,  •  to  give  up '  :  this  sense  of 
the  word  is  sufficiently  supported  by 
a.  71,  8;  4.  3,  3;  13.  46,  3,  to  make  it 


unnecessary  to  follow  Orelli  and  others  in 
reading  *  omittere '  (after  MS.  Agr.).  It 
is  also  possible  to  take  the  word  (with 
Nipp.)  to  mean  that  his  hopes  were  not 
so  much  given  up  as  simply  annihilated 
by  the  course  of  events. 

subegit,  wiih  inf. :  cp.  c.  14,  6. 

6.  aversos  animis :  so  Halm  and  Dr. 
after  Bekk.  The  Med.  *  ab  re  (corrected 
in  the  same  hand  to  '  rege ')  animis '  has 
given  rise  to  many  conjectures.  The  old 
editions  generally  read  *  ob  regem  aversos 
animis  ',  Orelli  follows  Nipp.  in  reading 
'nobis  adversantis'  (referring  to  i.  2,  i ; 
H.  4.  66,  I ;  84,  i)  ;  the  reading  of 
MS.  Agr.  V*  alienos  animis ')  has  suggested 
to  Ritt.  the  alteration  of  the  Med.  '  ani- 
mis 'to  'alienos'  (with  'ab rege'  bracketed 
as  a  gloss).  The  general  sense  is  clear, 
but  the  actual  words  used  appear  to  be 
incapable  of  recovery. 

perpopulatus,  a  word  taken  from 
Livy  (2.  3,  10,  &c.). 

7.  advenit.  Wolfflin  notes  (Philol. 
xxvi.  115)  that  this  is  probably  to  be  taken 
here  and  in  other  doubtful  passages  in 
Tacitus  (as  G.  16,  5)  as  a  perfect;  it 
being  the  author's  rule  (exceptions  are 
noted  in  14.  58,  4 ;  15.  59,  7)  to  use  this 
verb  in  the  perf,  and  pluperf.  and  'advento* 
in  pres.  and  imperf.  He  notes  the  same 
rule  in  the  use  of  *  obicere '  and  '  obie- 
ctare',  but  the  reverse  in  that  of  *  occulere' 
and  '  occultare '.  The  arrival  of  Tigranes 
as  Roman  nominee  was  due  to  the  home 
government,  and  was  opposed  to  Corbulo's 
policy. 

Tigranes:  see  15.  1-6.  We  find 
from  Jos.  Ant.  18.  5,  4,  that  he  was  son 
of  Alexander,  and  nephew  of  the  Tigranes 
mentioned  in  6.  40,  2,  and  in  the  note  on 
2.  4,  3,  with  whom  the  account  of  his 
descent  here  given  would  confuse  him. 
*  Nepos  *  must  therefore  be  taken  to  mean 
'pronepos,'  but  need  not  be  altered  to 
that  word  (with  Nipp.);  as  the  analogous 
use  of  other  such  terms  of  relationship 
(cp.  2.  27,  2  ;  43,  6  ;  4.  12,  6,  &c.)  appears 
sufficiently  to  support  its  being  so  taken. 


266 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  60 


Nerone    ad    capessendum  imperium   delectus,  Cappadocum  ex 
nobilitate,  regis  Archelai  nepos,  sed  quod  diu  obses  apud  urbem 
fuerat,  usque  ad   servilem   patentiam  demissus.     nee  consensu  2 
acceptus,  durante  apud  quosdam  favore  Arsacidarum  :  at  pleri- 

5  que    superbiam    Parthorum    perosi    datum    a    Romanis    regem 
malebant.     additum  et  praesidium  mille  legionarii,  tres  sociorum  3 
cohortes  duaeque  equitum  alae,  et  quo  facilius  novum  regnum 
tueretur,  pars  Armeniae,  ut  cuique  finitima,  Pharasmani  Pole- 
monique   et   Aristobulo    atque    Antiocho    parere   iussae   sunt. 

10  Corbulo  in  Syriam  abscessit,  morte  Vmmidii  legati  vacuam  ac  4 
sibi  permissam. 

27.    Eodem    anno    ex    inlustribus    Asiae  urbibus    Laodicea  1 
tremore  terrae  prolapsa  nullo  a  nobis  remedio  propriis  opibus 


2.  nobilitate,  *  the  royal  family '  (cp. 
12.  20,  i).  Tacitus  ignores  his  descent 
(given  in  Josephus,  1.  1.)  from  Herod  the 
Great,  probably  (as  Nipp.  suggests) 
because  the  family  of  his  grandfather 
Alexander,  son  of  that  king,  had  renounced 
Judaism  (Jos.  1.  1.),  and  had  probably 
broken  off  all  connexion  with  the  Jews 
and  made  their  home  in  Cappadocia. 
On  Archelaus  see  2.  42,  2. 

3.  nee,  com  of  Put.  for  Med.  '  ne '. 
Ritt.  reads  'neque',  comparing  15.  4.  5  ; 
6,  6. 

4.  Arsacidarxim.  It  would  appear  from 
the  statement  in  Mon.  Anc.  (quoted  on 
2.  4,  3)  that  the  family  of  Tigranes  was 
also  related  to  the  old  Arsacid  royal  family 
of  Armenia ;  but  they  must  have  repre- 
sented a  less  pure  stock  than  the  Parthian 
Tiridates. 

6.  et.  There  is  no  need  to  alter  Med. 
*  et '  to  *  ei '  with  Halm  and  Dr.  after 
Heins. 

7.  quo  facilius  .  .  .  tueretur.  His 
power  of  self-defence  would  be  strength- 
ened by  giving  these  kings  an  interest  in 
the  protection  of  his  frontier. 

8.  pars  Armeniae,  &c.  The  Med. 
text  is  here  very  corrupt  (*  pars  armenia 
eunt  cuique  finitima  pars  nipulique ') ; 
the  correction  '  Armeniae  ut '  was  made 
by  Put.  and  all  subsequent  editors ;  while 
J.  F.  Gron.  has  been  also  generally  fol- 
lowed in  taking  '  pars  nipulique  '  to  be  a 
corruption  of  '  Pharasmani  Polemonique '. 
Madvig  (Adv.  ii.  553)  thinks  it  unlikely 
that  Polemo,  who  had  no  previous  con- 
nexion with  these  events,  and  whose 
support  would  not  be  equally  necessary, 


should  here  be  mentioned,  and  that  the 
whole  corruption  probably  represents  only 
the  name  of  Pharasmanes.  I  have  not 
followed  Halm  (with  whom  Madvig 
agrees)  in  reading  '  partes ',  as  the  plural 
predicate  *  iussae'  seems  capable  of  justi- 
fication by  supposing  *  pars  '  to  be  sepa- 
rately understood  with  each  dative.  Nipp. 
aptly  compares  Cic.  ad.  Fam.  10.  5,  i 
('  commemoratio  tua*  .  .  .  necessitudinis 
benevolentiaeque  ,  .  .  ceterarumque  rerum 
.  .  .  laetitiam  attulerunt').  On  Pharas- 
manes, see  12.  45,  2,  &c. ;  on  Aiitiochus 
and  Aristobulus,  13.  7,  i,  2.  Polemo, 
who  belonged  to  the  Thracian  royal  family 
(see  on  2.  67,  4),  was  king  of  Pontus  (H. 
3.  47,  i)  and  part  of  Cilicia  (Jos.  Ant.  ^ 
20.  7,  3).  This  partition  of  Armenia  \ 
would  increase  the  ill-feeling  against  \ 
Tigranes. 

10.  Vmmidii :  cp.  12.  45,  6,  &c.  Syria 
is  called  *  left  to  itself  (*  sibi  permissam ') 
because  Anteius,  appointed  five  years 
before  as  successor  to  Ummidius,  had 
been  detained  in  Rome  (13.  22,  2). 

12.  Laodicea.  On  this  city  see  4.  55, 
3,  and  note.  Also  Ramsay,  Cities  and 
Bishoprics  of  Phrygia,  i.  pp.  32  foil. 

1 3.  tremore  terrae,  an  expression  pre- 
viously found  in  Sen.  and  PI.  ma.,  and 
probably  taken  from  the  Vergilian  *  unde 
tremor  terris '  (G.  2,  479).  On  the  fre- 
quency of  earthquakes  in  Asiatic  cities 
seeFriedl.  iii.  178  ;  on  a  subvention  given 
to  this  city  by  Augustus  after  a  previous 
disaster  of  the  kind  see  Strab.  12.  8,  18, 
579  ;  and  for  other  such  subventions  under 
Tiberius  see  2.  47,  3 ;  4.  13,  i. 

propriis    opibus,  an  evidence  of  the 


A.  D.  60] 


LIBER  XIV,      CAP.   26. 


27 


267 


revaluit.  at  in  Italia  vetus  oppidum  Puteoli  ius  coloniae  et 
cognomentum  a  Nerone  apiscuntur.  veterani  Tarentum  et 
Antium  adscripti  non  tamen  infrequentiae  locorum  subvenere, 
dilapsis  pluribus  in  provincias  in  quibus  stipendia  expleverant  ; 
neque  coniugiis  suscipiendis  neque  alendis  liberis  sueti  orbas  sine  5 
posteris   domos    relinquebant.      non   enim,  ut   olim,   universae 


wealth  of  the  chief  Asiatic  cities  at  this 
time.  '  Revalescere'  is  found  in  H.  2.  54, 
2,  and  previously  in  Ov.  H.  21,  231. 

1.  Puteoli  :  see  13.  48,  i,  and  note. 
A  colony  of  300  Roman  citizens  had  been 
already  settled  there  in  560,  B.  c.  194 
(Liv.  34.  45,  1)  ;  the  town  is  styled  a 
colony  a  century  later  (C.  I.L.  10.  218; 
Val.  Max.  9.  4,  8),  and  appears  to  have 
been  again  colonized  by  Augustus   (cp. 

*  Puteoli,  Colonia  Augusta.  Augustus 
deduxit'  Front,  de  Col.  139,  cited  by 
Lips.).  It  is  thus  difficult  to  account  for 
the  implied  assertion  here  that  it  had  not 
hitherto  attained  that  rank.  If  we  sup- 
pose, with  Madvig  (Opusc.  i.  p.  293),  that 
it  now  only  received  an  infusion  of  new 
colonists,  to  whom  portions  of  ager 
publicus  were  assigned,  the  language  of 
Tacitus  must  be  inaccurate.  It  appears 
from  Cell.  16.  13  that  a  colony  might 
have  again  become  a  municipium  :  but  a 
more  probable  explanation  is  that  of 
Lips,    (supported    by    Nipp.),    that    the 

*  vetus  oppidum ',  the  old  community, 
existing,  with  municipal  status  only,  side 
by  side  with  the  colony  within  its 
limits  (cp.  *  Pompeianorum  colono- 
rumque  dissensio'  Cic.  pro  Sull.  21,  60), 
was  now  raised  to  colonial  rank.  The 
distinction  between  coloniae  and  muni- 
cipia  had  now  no  real  importance  in 
Italy,  and  was  considered  an  obscure 
point  when  Gellius  wrote  (1. 1.). 

2.  cognomentum.  It  added  to  its 
name  the  title  of '  Colonia  Claudia  Augusta 
Neronensis '  (C.  I.  L.  iv.  2152),  which  was 
subsequently  changed  for  that  of  *  Co- 
lonia Flavia  Augusta '  (C.  I.  L.  13,  i960). 
On  the  exclusive  power  of  the  princeps 
to  grant  such  titles  and  privileges  see 
Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  p.  889. 

apiscuntur.  Nipp.  notes  that  the 
sing. ,  as  used  with  '  oppidum  Pompei '  in 
15,  22,  4,  is  more  usual. 

veterani  .  .  .  adscripti.  *  Adscri- 
[bere'  is  the  regular  word  (Liv.  32.  7,  3, 
l&c.)  for  the  enrolment  of  additional 
settlers  to  an  already  existing  colony. 
Tarentum  had  become  a  colony  in  632, 
B.C.  123  (Veil.  I.  15,4)  ;  Antium,  an  old 


Latin  colony  of  287,  B.  c.  467  (Liv.  3.  i,| 
5),  was  resettled  in  416,  B.C.  338  (Liv.  8.1 
1 4,  8)  ;  from  which  date  it  is  spoken  of  as 
a  maritime,  or  Roman  colony  (Liv.  27. 
38,  4 ;  36.  3,  6),  Nero  viewed  it  with 
especial  favour  as  his  birthplace.  Suet, 
says  (Ner.  9)  *  Antium  coloniam  deduxit 
adscriptis  veteranis  e  praetorio  additisque 
per  domicilii  translationem  ditissimis 
primipilarium  ;  ubi  et  portum  opferis 
sumptuosissimi  fecit.' 

3.  infrequentiae  locorum.  On  the 
scanty  population  of  many  parts  of  Italy 
see  notes  on  3.  54,  6;  12,  43,  4,  and 
other  authorities  quoted  in  Introd.  i.  vii. 
p.  93,  and  in  Marquardt,  Staatsv.  i.p.  454. 

4.  stipendia  expleverant,  a  phrase 
formed  on  the  analogy  of '  explere  annos  ' 
(H.  1.  48,  I),  &c.  On  the  usual  length 
of  the  term  of  service  see  i.  17,  3,  &c. 

5.  neque  coniugiis  sxiscipiendis,  &c. 
The  general  prohibition  to  soldiers  to 
marry  during  service  (Dio,  60.  24,  3,  &c.) 
must  have  begun  with  the  institution  of 
standing  armies,  and  received  no  relaxa- 
tion till  the  time  of  Septimius  Severus 
(Herodian  3.  8,  5).  The  'conubium' 
granted  on  discharge  (see  the  '  diplomata 
militaria',  C.  I.  L.  3  Suppl.)  must  often 
have  legitimatized  unions  already  exist- 
ing ;  but  the  majority  appear  to  have 
been  unwilling  to  undertake  the  duties 
and  burdens  of  married  life. 

5.  orbas  sine  posteris.  In  this  pas- 
sage 'orbas'  might  be  ambiguous  with- 
out the  explanatory  addition,  notwith- 
standing the  common  use  of  the  term  in 
this  sense  (13.  42,  7,  &c.).  Nipp.  notes 
an  inscription  recording  one  L.  Veratius 
Afer,  a  veteran,  afterwards  decurio  and 
quaestor  of  Antium,  of  whose  four  heirs 
three  are  of  other  families  and  of  the 
praetorian  guard. 

6.  ut  olim.  This  old  custom,  noticed 
by  Hyginus  (Grom.  pp.  160,  176),  pre- 
vailed from  the  time  of  Sulla  to  Augustus, 
who  had  himself  been  greatly  helped  by 
the  esprit  de  corps  subsisting  among  the 
Campanian  military  colonies  of  the  dic- 
tator, and  would  naturally  desire  to  pre- 
clude future  revolutionary  leaders  from 


268 


CORNELII  TACIT  I  ANN  A  LIU M 


[A.  D.  60 


legiones  deducebantur  cum  tribunis  et  centurionibus  et  sui 
cuiusque  ordinis  militibus  ut  consensu  et  caritate  rem  publicam 
efficerent,  sed  ignoti  inter  se,  diversis  manipulis,  sine  rectore, 
sine  adfectibus  mutuis,  quasi  ex  alio  genere  mortalium  repente 

5  in  unum  collecti,  numerus  magis  quam  colonia. 

28.    Comitia  praetorum  arbitrio  senatus  haberi  solita,  quod  1 
acriore   ambitu   exarserant,  princeps  composuit,  tris  qui  supra 
numerum    petebant    legioni    praeficiendo.      auxitque    patrum  2 
honorem    statuendo   ut,  qui   a   privatis   iudicibus    ad    senatum 

ro  provocavissent,  eiusdem  pecuniae   periculum  facerent   cuius  si 
qui  imperatorem  appellarent ;  nam  antea  vacuum  id  solutum- 


thus  raising  whole  armies  at  a  stroke. 
For  the  political  importance  of  such 
bodies  see  App.  B.  C.  a.  120;  3.  81. 

I .  sui  cuiusque  ordinis  '  of  their 
own  distinct  century',  i.e.  grouped  in 
their  proper  centuries.  The  construction 
appears  to  be  that  of  a  genitive  of 
quality,  answering  to  the  abl.  of  quality 
('  diversis  manipulis ')  below.  The  con- 
struction of  *  suus  quisque ',  taken  as 
one  word,  in  the  sense  of  *  distinct'  or 
'  several',  is  illustrated  by  Madvig,  on 
Cic.  de  Fin.  5.  17,  46  ('cuiusque  partis 
.  .  .  sua  quaeque  vis'),  by  reference  to 
Id.  Acad.  2.  7,  19  (*  in  sensibus  sui 
cuiusque  generis '),  &c.  Nipp.  adds 
here  several  other  instances,  as  Caes. 
B.  C.  I.  83,  2  (*  cohortes  .  .  .  suae 
cuiusque  legionis '),  Li  v.  25.  17,  5 
('motibus . .  .  suae  cuique  genti  adsnetis'), 
&c. 

4.  sine  adfectibus  mutuis,  answering 
to  '  consensu  et  caritate '. 

5.  collecti,  a  participle ;  '  deduceban- 
tur '  being  supplied  as  the  verb. 

numerus,  *  a  mere  aggregate ' :  cp. 
'nos  numerus  sumus'    (Hor.   Ep.   i.  2, 

27). 

6.  arbitrio  senatus.  On  the  election 
of  the  magistrates  of  the  state  by  this 
body,  since  the  first  year  of  Tiberius,  see 
I.  15,  I,  and  note.  Their  real  power  of 
election  would  be  limited  to  the  filling  of 
those  places  in  the  praetorship  (probably 
eight)  to  which  no  candidates  were  'com- 
mended '  by  the  princeps  (see  i.  14,  6 ; 
15,  2,  and  notes);  and  the  'ambitus' 
would  be  exercised  among  the  senators 
themselves.  Pliny  gives  a  lively  descrip- 
tion (Ep.  2.  9,  5)  of  his  active  canvas  on 
behalf  of  a  friend. 

7.  tris,  &c.  The  usual  number  of 
praetors  was  twelve  (i.  14,  6),  and  there 


were  fifteen  candidates.    To  three  of  these  ; 
he  gave  the  command   of  legions,  and 
thus  reduced  the  number  of  competitors 
to  that  of  the  vacancies.     The  office  of 

*  legatus  legionis '  might  be  held  before 
or  after  the  praetorship  (see  2.  36,  i,  and 
note) ;  and  those  now  appointed  to  it 
would  doubtless  be  praetors  in  a  subse- 
quent year,  and  some  of  those  now  elected 
praetors  would  become  '  legati  legionum ' 
afterwards. 

9.  a  privatis  iudicibus,  *  from  civil 
tribunals.'  We  gather  that  the  appeal 
from  them  might  lie  either  to  Caesar  or 

to  the  senate.     Augustus  had  instituted  fl*-^^ 
an  appeal  in  civil  causes,  in  the  case  of  ^'^A"V 
Roman  suits,  to  the  city  praetor ;  in  pro-  ^  ^^  *!.  jj 
vincial  suits,  to  a  consular  assigned  for  ^' j^!]^ 
the  purpose  to  each  province  (Suet.  Aug.  *"  *^^^[^ 
33).     Under  the  arrangement  here  men-  **^       ** 
tioned,  the   senate  appear  to   sit,  as  in 
criminal  trials,  as  *  in  consilio  '  with  the 
consuls  (Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  106). 

10.  eiusdem  pecuniae.  The  caution- 
money  to  be  lodged  on  appeal  was  fixed 
at  one-third  of  the  sum  at  which  the 
action  was  laid,  and  this  was  forfeited 
if  the  original  judgement  was  confirmed 
(Paul.  Sent.  Rec.  5.  33,  7).  The  absence 
of  any  such  caution  in  appeals  to  the 
senate  would  render  them  especially  liable 
to  frivolous  appeals,  and  their  dignity 
would  thus  gain  by  this  change.  Suet, 
seems  to  have  strangely  misconceived  the 
bearing  of  this  enactment  in  saying  (Ner. 
1 7)  '  cautum  .  .  .  ut  omnes  appellationes 
a  iudicibus  ad  senatum  fierent  '. 

si  :  so  Halm  for  Med.  '  is  ',  for  which 
others  read  '  ii '  (with  G.) :  Baiter  thinks 

*  is '  no  more  than  a  repetition  from  the 
end  of  the  preceding  word. 

1 1.  appellarent :  so  Halm,  after  Mad  v. 
(Adv.  ii.  554),  for  Med.  '  appellavere ', 


A.  D.  60] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP.   27-29 


269 


3  que  poena  fuerat.  fine  anni  Vibius  Secundus  eques  Romanus 
accusantibus  Mauris  repetundarum  damnatur  atque  Italia  exi- 
gitur,  ne  graviore  poena  adficeretur  Vibii  Crispi  fratris  opibus 
enisus. 

1      29.  Caesennio  Paeto  et  Petronio  Turpiliano  consulibus  gravis  5 
clades  in  Britannia  accepta ;  in  qua  neque  A.  Didius  legatus,  ut 
memoravi,  nisi  parta  retinuerat,  et  successor  Veranius  modicis 
excursibus  Siluras  populatus,  quin  ultra  bellum  proferret,  morte 
prohibitus  est,  magna,  dum  vixit,  severitatis  fama,  supremis  testa- 


which  others  (with  the  reading  *  ii  *)  re- 
tain ;  but  we  should  certainly  expect  an 
imperf. 

vacuum,  *  an  open  field ' :  cp.  H. 
3.  38,  2,  and  Sail.  Fr.  H.  i,  lo  D, 
II  K,  12  G  ('simultates  exercere  vacuum 
fuit'). 

2.  accusantibus  Mauris.  On  the  two 
provinces  of  Mauretania  see  Introd.  p.  31 . 
Vibius  had  been  procurator  of  one  of 
them.  An  allusion  in  H.  2.  10,  4  would 
show  that  he  had  been  also  accused  by 
Annius  Faustus,  apparently  after  this 
time. 

3.  ne  =  *nt  non':  cp.  c.  11,  2,  and 
note. 

Vibii  Crispi.  An  inscription  (C. 
I.  Att.  iii.  I.  619)  gives  his  praenomen 

*  Q.'  Nipp.  notes  that  he  was  cos.  sufF. 
in  or  near  the  year  810,  a.d.  57  (or  per- 
haps, as  thought  by  Borghesi,  CEuvr.  iv. 
529,  in  814,  A.D.  61),  and  (according  to 
the  right   reading   of    Front.   Aq.    102) 

*  curator  aquarum  '  in  821-824,  a.d.  68- 
71,  and  proconsul  of  Africa  (Plin.  N.  H. 
19.  I,  4).  Tacitus  speaks  of  his  fame  as 
an  orator,  also  of  his  evil  repute  as  an 
accuser  (H.  2.  10,  2,  6;  4.  42,  6).  He 
was  intimate  with  Domitian,  and  author  of 
the  witticism  *  ne  muscam  quidem '  (Suet. 
Dom.  3).  Juvenal,  who  mentions  him  as 
reaching  the  age  of  eighty  under  that 
prince,  speaks  not  ungently  of  him  (4. 
81-93).  Quintilian,  whose  work  was 
published  in  846,  A.D.  93,  speaks  of  him 
as  lately  dead  (10.  i,  119),  and  often 
mentions  him. 

5.  Caesennio  Paeto  et  Petronio 
Tixrpiliano.  The  former  name  is  so 
read  by  all  modern  edd.  after  Nipp.  for 
the  Med.  *  cesonio '  (read  in  older  edd. 
♦Caesonio'),  on  the  supposition  that  he 
is  identical  with  the  person  mentioned 
in  15.  6,  4,  &c.,  and  (as  *  L.  Caesennius 
Paetus ')  in  Dio,  62.  ao,  4,  and  Phleg,  de 


Mir.  c.  20  (vnaTfvovrojv  kv  'Pwfiij  TlorrXiov 
Herpooviov  TovpinKiavov  koX  Kcuaevviov 
Ualrov).  The  other  consul  was  probably 
son  of  the  P.  Petronius  of  3.  49,  2,  and  is 
mentioned  in  c.  39,  4;  15.  72,  2  ;  also  (as 

*  curator  aquarum  '  in  A.D.  63-64)  in 
Front.  102,  and  (as  put  to  death  by  Galba) 
in  H.  I.  6,  2.  For  the  addition  of  *et' 
see  4.  68,  i,  and  note. 

6.  A.  Didius  :  see  12.  15,  i,  and  note. 
The  name  is  here  restored  by  Lips,  from 
12.  40,  I  for  the  Med.  'hauitus'  (Nipp. 
omits  the  praenomen).  In  Agr.  14,  3 
his  administration  of  Britain  is  similarly 
described  :  '  Didius  Gallus  parta  a  prio- 
ribus  continuit,  paucis  admodnm  castellis 
in  ulteriora  promotis,  per  quae  fama  aucti 
officii  quaereretur.'  On  the  date  of  his 
appointment  see  note  on  12.  40,  i. 

ut  memoravi :  see  12.  40,  7,  in  which 
chapter  a  more  full  account  of  his  actions 
is  given. 

7.  Veranius:  see  12.  5,  i,  and  note. 
It  appears  from  Agr.  14,  3  that  he  died 
in  his  first  year  of  command,  and  that 
Suetonius  had  held  the  province  for  two 
years  before  his  expedition  to  Mona. 
The  year  of  Veranius  will  thus  be  811, 
A.D.  58. 

8.  Siluras:  see  12.  32,  4. 

quin.  Dr.  notes  the  use  here  of  this 
word  for  *  quominus  ',  with  '  prohibere ', 
as  air.  dp.,  and  compares  '  obsistere  quin  * 
in  Apul.  Met.  9.  20,  631.  On  the  opposite 
use  of  *  quominus '  for  *  quin '  cp.  1.21,4, 
and  note. 

9.  magna  .  .  .  fama,  abl.  of  quality : 

*  severitas  '  appears  here  to  mean  '  self- 
control,'  as  opposed  to  *  ambitio '. 

testamenti,  probably  best  taken,  with 
Nipp.  and  Dr.,  as  an  explanatory  genit. 
(*  his  last  words,  as  expressed  in  his 
will ')  :  cp.  *  supremis  tabulis  '  (6.  38,  3  ; 
16.  14,  5,  &c.). 


270 


CORNELII  TACITl  ANNALWM 


[A.  D.  60 


menti  verbis  ambitionis  manifestus :  quippe  multa  in  Neronem 
adulatione  addidit  subiecturum  ei  provinciam  fuisse,  si  biennio 
proximo    vixisset.      sed    turn    Paulinus     Suetonius     obtinebat  2 
Britannos,  scientia  militiae  et  rumore  populi  qui  neminem  sine 
5  aemulo    sinit,    Corbulonis    concertator,    receptaeque    Armeniae 
decus    aequare   domitis    perduellibus    cupiens.     igitur    Monam  3 
insulam,   incolis  validam    et  receptaculum  perfugarum,  adgredi 
parat,  navisque  fabricatur  piano  alveo  adversus  breve  et  incertum. 
sic  pedes  ;  equites  vado  secuti  aut  altiores  inter  undas  adnantes  4 
10  equis  tramisere. 

30.  Stabat  pro  litore  diversa  acies,  densa  armis  virisque,  inter-  1 


1.  ambitionis  manifestus,  *  betray- 
ingvanity  ' :  for  the  genit.  cp.  2.  85,  3  ;  12. 
51,  5,  &c. ;  for  the  sense  of  '  ambitio ',  12. 
24,  I;  16. 17,  3,  The  point  of  the  reference 
here  is  not  his  flattery  of  Nero,  but  his 
empty  boast  which  could  not  be  tested, 
and  which  implied  that  his  successor,  if 
he  did  not  achieve  the  conquest,  was  of 
inferior  capacity. 

2.  subiecturum  ei  provinciam,  *  he 
would  complete  the  subjection  of  the  pro- 
vince,' by  overcoming  the  resistance  in 
the  west  and  north.  '  Provinciam '  is  a 
correction  of  Lips,  for  the  Med.  '  pro- 
vincias',  as  Britain  was  only  a  single 
province  till  the  time  of  Septimius  Severus 
(Herodian  3.  8,  2) ;  the  expression  Bper- 
ravia  tj  avcu,  in*Dio,  55.  23,  6,  being  used 
only  in  reference  to  an  arrangement  still 
existing  in  his  own  time. 

3.  Paulinus  Suetonius,  here  first 
mentioned.  He  had  been  legatus,  after 
his  praetorship,  in  Mauretania,  where  he 
put  down  a  rebellion,  and  led  an  army  as 
far  as  Atlas,  in  a.d,  41-42  (Dio,  60.  9, 
i;  PI.  N.  H.  5.  I,  14).  He  is  not 
recorded  as  consul  till  a.d.  66  (16,  14,  i), 
but  it  is  hardly  possible  to  suppose  that 
he  was  legatus  of  Britain  without  having 
already  attained  that  rank ;  and  Borghesi 
notes  (QEuvr.  v.  324)  that  he  is  called 
*  vetustissimus  consulariura  ',  in  compari- 
son with  several  others,  in  a.d.  69  (H.  2. 
37,  2).  Borghesi  thinks  he  may  have 
been  cos.  suff.  in  July,  a.d.  42.  He 
took  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  civil  war 
on  the  side  of  Otho  (H.  1.  1.  &c.).  His 
memoirs  are  noted  in  PI.  1. 1. 

5.  concertator ;  an.  tip. :  for  other 
such  words  introduced  by  Tacitus  see 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  69,  i  a. 

6.  perduellibus,  an  archaic  word, 
found  here  alone  in  Tacitus  (see  Introd. 


i.  V.  §  69)  :  it  occurs  in  Cic.  and  Liv., 
but  chiefly  in  citations  from  older  writings. 
Monam,  Anglesea  (see  Agr.  14,  4 ; 
18,  4),  the  McDm  or  '^Sivva  of  Dio,  62. 
8,  I,  the  Mom  of  Ptol.  2.  2,  12.  In  Jord. 
de  reb.  Get.  2  (*  in  extrema  Britanniae 
parte  Memma,  quam  Cornelius  etiam 
annalium  scriptor  narrat,  metallis  plu- 
rimis  copiosam,  herbis  frequentem,'  &c.). 
Lips,  would  read  '  Mona ' ;  but  the  words 
contain  no  reference  to  any  extant  passage 
in  Tacitus.  The  Mona  of  Caes.  (B.  G.  5. 
^3>  3)  would  appear  to  be  Man,  the  Mo- 
napia  of  PI.  N.  H.4.  16,  30,  103. 

8.  piano  alveo,  '  flat-bottomed  ' :  cp. 

*  planae  carinis'  (2.  6,  2), 

breve  et  incertum,  sc.  *  maris ',  the 
shallow  and  shifting  (i.  e.  '  tidal ')  depth  : 
cp.  'brevia'  (i.  70,  3,  and  note).  The 
substantival  use  of  these  adjectives  is 
somewhat  harsher  here  than  in  the  other 
instances  given  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  4  b; 
Dr.  Synt.  und  Stil,  §  7,  2) ;  whence  some 
have  thought,  with  Madvig  and  others, 
that  '  mare ',  '  litus,'  or  '  fretum  '  has 
dropped  out.  Ritt.  retains  *  incertum ', 
but  reads  '  brevia'. 

9.  [vado  secuti.  Med.,  as  Andresen 
first  pointed  out,  gives  *  vados  '  corrected 
by  the  first  hand  to  '  vado  '.    The  reading 

*  vada '  of  J.  F.  Gronovius  must  therefore 
be    discarded,   as  well    as    the   reading 

*  vadosa  '  of  Nipperdey. — F.]  *  secuti ' 
must  mean  that  the  cavalry  crossed  after  the 
infantry,  not  that  they  took  the  same  direc- 
tion ;  as  the  boats  would  naturally  follow 
the  deepest  water. 

adnantes,    '  swimming    beside  ' :    cp. 

*  comes  lateri  adnatat'  (Sen.  Ag.  453). 

10.  Stabat.  The  position  of  this  word 
is  emphatic,  as  in  i.  25,  2.  On  the  sense 
of  *  pro  litore '  (*  along  the  shore ')  cp. 
notes  on   i.  44,  4;  2.  81,  i,  &c.     The 


A.  D.  60] 


LIBER  XIV,      CAP,  29,  30 


271 


cursantibus  feminis  ;  in  modum  Furiarum  veste  feralf,  crinibus 
deiectis  faces  praeferebant ;  Druidaeque  circum,  preces  diras 
sublatis  ad  caelum  fnanibus  fundentes,  novitate  aspectus  per- 
culere  militem  ut  quasi  haerentibus  membris  immobile  corpus 

2  vulneribus   praeberent.      dein   cohortationibus   ducis  et  se  ipsi  5 
stimulantes    ne    muliebre    et    fanaticum     agmen    pavescerent, 

3  inferunt  signa  sternuntque  obvios  et  igni  suo  involvunt.     prae- 
sidium   posthac   impositum   victis  excisique  luci  saevis  super- 
stitionibus  sacri :  nam  cruore  captivo  adolere  aras  et  hominum 
fibris    consulere    deos    fas    habebant.      haec    agenti    Suetonio  10 
repentina  defectio  provinciae  nuntiatur. 


passage  shows  a  reminiscence  of  Livy's 
description    of    some   Etruscan    fanatics 

(4-  33,  I  ;  7-  17,  3). 

di versa,  *  of  the  enemy*;  cp.  13. 
57 >  3.  &c.  The  stopping  of  Halm,  here 
followed,  appears  best  suited  to  mark  the 
transition  by  which  '  feminis '  supplies  the 
subject  to  'praeferebant.'  Nipp.  places 
no  comma  at  *  virisque ' ;  many  older 
edd.  stop  differently,  and  read  *  quae ' 
(with  some  inferior  MSS.)  before  *  veste '. 

1.  in  modum  Furiaxum.  It  is  per- 
haps from  some  reports  about  Mona  that 
Strabo  (3.  5,  11,  175)  drew  his  descrip- 
tion of  the  people  of  the  Cassiterides  as 
iiiKa-^yXaivoi.  .  .  .  ofioioi  reus  rpayiKais 
riotVatj.  Somewhat  similar  is  the  de- 
scription of  the  *  feralis  exercitns '  ('  nigra 
scuta,  tincta  corpora')  of  the  German 
Harii  (G.  43,  6). 

2.  Druidae.  The  knowledge  pos- 
sessed by  the  Romans  respecting  this 
priesthood  is  to  be  gathered  from  Caes. 
B.  G.  6.  13-14 ;  Strab.  4. 4, 4,  197  ;  Diod. 
5.  31,  2.  Strong  measures  were  taken 
to  extirpate  them  in  Gaul  by  Tiberius, 
according  to  Plin.  N.  H.  30.  i,  4,  33 
('  Tiberi  Caesaris  principatus  sustulit 
Druidas  eorum  .  .  .  per  senatus  consul- 
tum'),  and  by  Claudius,  according  to 
Suet.  CI.  25  ('Druidarum  religionem 
apud  Gallos  .  .  .  ,  tantum  civibus  sub 
August©  interdictam,  penitus  abolevit'); 
but  besides  their  survival,  as  here  shown, 
in  Britain  and  the  adjacent  islands,  they 
reappear  in  Gaul  in  823,  a.  D.  70  (H.  4. 
54,  3).  On  the  view  that  Druid  ism  was 
adopted  by  the  British  Celts  from  their 
predecessors  in  the  country  see  Rhps, 
Lectures,  p.  33,  foil. ;  Elton,  Origins  of 
Eng.  Hist.  p.  266,  foil. 

preces  .  .  .  fundentes,  a  Vergilian 
expression  (Aen.  5,  234;  6,  55)  :  cp.  6. 
42,  4.    Nipp.  places  a  comma  after  *  pre- 


ces ',  so  as  to  make  *  diras '  a  substantive, 
as  in  6.  24,  3. 

3.  perculere.  Nipp.  notes  that  the 
whole  spectacle  is  here  referred  to,  as  well 
as  the  grammatical  subject  *  Druidae.' 

4.  haerentibus,  *  paralysed ' :  cp.  *  ille 
.  .  .  haerere  primo '  (6.  21,  4). 

5.  cohortationibus,  causal  abl. 

6.  pavescerent,  so  with  accus.  in  i. 
4,  2  ;  59,  7  ;  H.  4.  7,  I  ;  also  in  Sil.  16, 
127.    '  Pavere '  is  more  commonly  so  used . 

7.  igni  suo  involvunt,  '  envelope  in 
fire  from  their  own  torches,'  by  driving 
the  torch-bearing  women  in  upon  the 
mass.  Cp.  *  involvit  flammis  nemus ' 
(Verg.  G.  2,  308)  ;  and  the  use  of  *  in- 
volvebantur  *  (of  persons  swallowed  up 
by  water)  in  i.  70,  5. 

praesidium,  a  fort  and  garrison : 
cp.  c.  25,  I,  &c. 

8.  superstitionibus,  *  superstitious 
rites';  so  used  in  pi.  in  12.  59,  2,  Agr. 
II.  4,  &c 

9.  cruore  captivo  =  *  captivomm,'  a 
poetical  mode  of  expression  similar  to 
'  externo  sanguine'  (c.  23,  4),  &c.  The 
human  sacrifices  of  Druidism  are  men- 
tioned in  Caes.  B.  G.  6.  16,  i,  and  were 
the  chief  reason  for  the  vigorous  measures 
taken  (see  above)  to  suppress  the  cult. 

adolere  aras  :  cp.  *  altaria  adolentur  * 
(H.  2.  3,  4).  The  expressions  are  closely 
borrowed  from  older  Latin  (cp.  Lucr. 
4,  1237;  Verg.  Aen.  7,  71),  and  the 
meaning  of  the  verb  is  doubtful ;  the 
various  senses  of    *  piling,*   *  honouring,' 

*  making  to  bum,'  being  all  apparently 
possible  (see  Munro  and  Conington  ad 
loc),  though  perhaps  from  separate  bases 
(Nettleship,  Contrib.  to  Lat.  Lex.). 

10.  fibris  =  *  extis,'  as  in  H.  2.  3,  4 :  cp. 

*  fibrae  apparere  minaces  *  (Verg.  G.  i. 
484),  &c. 

11.  provinciae,  not   used  here  as  in 


272 


CORN  ELI  I  TACITl  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  61 


31.     Rex     Icenorum    Prasutagus,    longa     opulentia    clarus,  1 
Caesarem  heredem  duasque  filias  scripserat,  tali  obsequio  ratus 
regnumque  et  domum  suam  procul  iniuria  fore,     quod  contra  2 
vertit,  adeo  ut  regnum  per  centuriones,  domus  per  servos  velut 
5  capta  vastarentur.     iam  primum  uxor  eius  Boudicca  verberibus  3 
adfecta  et  filiae  stupro  violatae  sunt :  praecipui  quique  Icenorum, 
quasi    cunctam     regionem     muneri     accepissent,    avitis    bonis 
exuuntur,  et  propinqui  regis  inter  mancipia  habebantur.     qua  4 
contumelia  et  metu  graviorum,  quando  in  formam   provinciae 
locesserant,    rapiunt    arma,    commotis    ad    rebellationem    Trino- 


c.   29,    I,  but  restrictively  of  the   part 
already  subjected. 

1.  Icenorura :  see  12.  31,  3.  The 
name  is  restored  here  by  Rhen. ;  Med. 
having  here  *  igenorum '  and  below  *  y- 
genorum '.  The  whole  narrative  is  given 
with  unusual  fullness  in  the  abridgement 
of  Dio  (62.  1-12);  also,  with  some 
variations,  in  Agr.  15.  1-16,  4. 

longa  =  *  diuturna  ' :  cp.  *  longa 
decora'  (c.  53,  5),  *  longa  potentia' 
(i.  8,  7),  *  longa  Sacramento  imbutus* 
(H.  I.  5,  i).  The  question  of  the  date 
of  the  beginning  of  this  prince's  rule  is 
complicated  by  the  difficulty  of  dating 
the  cessation  of  the  eastern  coinage  of 
Andedrigus.     See  Introd.  p.  138,  2. 

2.  Caesarem  heredem  . . .  scripserat : 
[Prasutagus  was  clearly  a  'client  king' 
bound  to  the  Roman  Caesar  by  treaty. 
He  had  no  male  heir,  and  his  kingdom 
would  on  his  death  lapse  to  Rome.  In 
order  to  ensure  its  peaceful  transference, 
and  to  secure  good  treatment  for  his 
family  ('regnumque  et  domum  '),  he  left 
half  his  private  property  to  Caesar.  But 
his  hopes  were  disappointed,  for  his  king- 
dom was  violently  seized  as  if  captured 
in  war  ('velut  capta'),  and  his  own 
property  and  family  treated  as  the  spoils 
of  the  victor. — P.] 

3.  regn\imque  et:  for  this  combin- 
ation of  conjunctions  (never  found  in 
Cic.  or  Caes.)  cp.  2.  6,  4,  and  the  more 
frequent  use  of  '  seque  et '  (i.  4,  i,  &c.), 
and  Dr.  Synt.  und  Stil,  §  123,  2. 

4.  centuriones  .  .  .  servos,  the  re- 
spective agents  of  the  legatus  and  the 
procurator. 

5.  vastarentur :  for  the  pi.  cp.  3. 
62,  I,  and  note. 

iam  primum,  'to  begin  '  (cp.  4.  6,  2, 
and  note).  It  is  remarkable  that  the 
narrative  of  these  events  in  Agr.  omits  all 


mention  of  this  personal  outrage.     The 
account  in  Dio  is  similarly  defective. 

Boudicca.  For  the  description  of 
her  in  Dio,  see  Introd.  p.  143.  This  form 
of  the  name  is  given  by  Med.  in  c.  37,  5  ; 
here  it  has  'boodicia',  in  c.  35,  i,  'bou- 
ducca';  in  Agr.  16.  i,  the  MSS.  have 
*  Voadicca '  and  '  Voaduca ' ;  in  Dio  the 
reading  varies  between  Bovv^oviKa  and 
BovZoviKa.  A  name  '  Lollia  Bodicca ' 
is  found  in  C.  I.  L.  viii.  2877,  a  soldier 
'  Bodiccius'  in  a  British  cohort  in 
C.  I.  L.  iii.  3256,  and  a  Spanish  name 
'  Boudica '  or  *  Boudicas '  in  C.I.L.  ii.  4r;5. 
Recent  edd.  follow  Haase  in  supposing 
Tacitus  to  have  uniformly  written  it  as 
'Boudicca',  which  would  appear  to  be 
equivalent  in  meaning  to  such  k  Latin 
name  as  'Victorina'  (Rhys  278).  The 
form  '  Boadicea ',  which  rests  on  no 
authority  and  conveys  no  meaning,  has 
unfortunately,  like  the  similar  error '  Car- 
actacus '  (see  on  12. 33,1),  become  popular, 
apparently  through  its  adoption  in  Rapin's 
History  (see  Walther's  note). 

7.  quasi  .  .  .  accepissent.  If  these 
words  are  to  stand  here,  the  subject  must 
be  supplied  from  *  centuriones  et  servi ', 
but  this  transition  from  '  praecipui  Ice- 
norum' is  very  harsh.  Ritt.  inserts 
'  Romani '  after  '  muneri '  (in  which  place 
Mr.  Haverfield  suggests  that  some  ab- 
breviation of  *  nostri '  could  more  prob- 
ably have  dropped  out) ;  Haase  places 
the  sentence  below,  after  '  deducti  * ; 
Nipp.  brackets  it  as  a  marginal  note 
interpolated  into  the  text,  thinking '  munus ' 
inappropriately  used  of  an  inheritance. 

8.  qua  contumelia,  causal  abl. 

9.  quando  .  .  .  cesserant.  [i.  e.  when 
the  formal  annexation  of  the  kingdom  had 
been  completed.  Up  to  now  they  had  been 
the  allies  of  Rome  (since  43  A.D.). — P.] 

10.  rebellationem,  a   rare   form   for 


A.  D.  6i] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP.  31,  32 


273 


vantibus  et  qui  alii  nondum  servitio  fracti  resumere  libertatem 
occultis  coniurationibus  pepigerant,  acerrimo  in  veteranos  odio. 

5  quippe  in  coloniam  Camulodunum  recens  deducti  pellebant 
domibus,  exturbabant  agris,  captives,  servos  appellando,  foven- 
tibus  impotentiam  veteranorum  militibus  similitudine  vitae  et  5 

6  spe  eiusdem  licentiae.  ad  hoc  templum  divo  Claudio  constitu- 
tum  quasi  arx  aeternae   dominationis   aspiciebatur,  delectique 

7  sacerdotes   specie   religionis    omnis   fortunas   effundebant.     nee 
arduum  videbatur  excindere  coloniam  nullis  munimentis  saeptam ; 
quod  ducibus  nostris  parum  provisum  erat,  dum  amoenitati  prius  10 
quam  usui  consulitur. 

1  32.  Inter  quae  nulla  palam  causa  delapsum  Camuloduni 
simulacrum  Victoriae   ac  retro  conversum  quasi  cederet  hosti- 

2  bus.  et  feminae  in  furorem  turbatae  adesse  exitium  canebant, 
externosque    fremitus    in    curia    eorum    auditos ;    consonuisse  15 


I 


*  rebellio  *,  only  found  here  and  in  Val. 
Max.  and  Servius  on  Verg.  Aen.  12,  186. 
Trinovantibus.  This  people  lived 
immediately  to  the  south  of  the  Iceni 
in  Suffolk  and  Essex,  having  Camulodu- 
num for  their  town  (Ptol.  2.  3,  22). 
They  formed  part  of  Cunobeline's  kingdom 
in  A.D.  43  and  were  then  annexed.  They 
were  the  most  powerful  tribe  in  south 
Britain  in  the  time  of  Caesar  (B.  G.  5.  20, 
I,  &c.).  The  name  occurs  here  alone  in 
Tacitus  and  is  read  in  Med.  as  above, 
and  in  the  form  ot  TptvovavTcs  in  Ptol. 
(Miiller).  As  this  form  is  preferred  by 
Celtic  scholars,  and  gives  the  meaning 
'  battle-stabbers  '  or  '  battle-spearers  * 
(Rhys  305),  there  seems  no  reason  for 
following  the  great  body  of  edd.,  who 
correct  it  to  'Trinobantibus',  after  the 
form  generally  (though  with  good  MS. 
authority  to  the  contrary)  read  in  Caesar. 

2.  pepigerant,  with  infin. :  cp.  11.  9, 
4,  and  note. 

3.  recens  deducti:  see  12.  32,  5. 

5.  impotentiam,  *  their  lawlessness ' : 
cp.  r.  4,  4,  and  note. 

similitudine  vitae :  causal  abl. 

6.  templum  divo  Claudio.  This 
had  been  erected  in  his  lifetime  :  cp.  Sen. 
Lud.  8,  3  '  parum  est  quod  templum  in 
Britannia  habet?  quod  hunc  barbari 
colunt  et  ut  deum  orant  fxojpov  fviKdrov 

TUX*"'  ? 

7.  arx,  a  correction,  in  the  original 
hand,  of  the  Med.  text  *  arae ' :  other 
MSS.  and  old  edd.  read  *  ara  *,  which  in 
some  respects  makes  better  sense. 


8.  sacerdotes.  These  would  be  taken  i 
from  among  the  chiefs  of  the  tribe,  see  i.  i 
57,2. 

omnis  fortunas  effundebant.  This 
is  generally  taken,  with  Lips.,  as  if 
*  omnis  suas  fortunas '  had  been  written  ; 
an  interpretation  which  derives  support 
from  a  passage  in  Arr.  Epict.  i.  19,  26, 
showing  that  such  priesthoods  were  very 
costly  to  their  holders  (arifjifpov  tis  vnkp 
UpwavvT]^  k\d\(i  HOI  Tov  Avyovarcv. 
Aeya  avrS),  avOpojirf,  a(p€S  rb  irpdyfxa, 
Sairavrjatis  iroWcL  es  ovSiv).  But  we  can 
better  understand  the  costliness  of  the  , 
worship  being  taken  up  as  a  national 
grievance  by  supposing,  with  Nipp.  and 
others,  that  'omnis  fortunas*  is  rather 
equivalent  to  *  fortunas  omnium ',  and 
that  the  priest  levied  exactions  all  round 
for  victims,  &c.  Dr.  notes  the  use  of 
'effundere'  of  spending  other  money 
than  one's  own  in  Cic.  Tusc  3.  20,  4S 
(*  C.  Gracchus  cum  effudisset  aera- 
rium'). 

9.  excindere :  cp.  2.  25,  4  ('  excindit 
.  .  .  hostem '),  and  note. 

12.  palam,  adjectival:  cp.  ii.  22,  i, 
and  note. 

13.  simulacrum  Victoriae.  Such  a 
statue  may  have  stood  either  in  the 
temple  of  Claudius,  or  in  some  other 
public  place. 

14.  in  furorem :  so  all  recent  edd. 
after  Faem.  for  the  Med.  *  in  furore '. 

extemos,  '  barbarian.'  Dio  (63.  i,  i)l 
describes  it  more  fully — (k  re  ydp  toOI 
0ov\€VTr]piov  Opovs  vvKTos  fiap^apuebs  ^em  1 


274 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  6  k 


ululatibus  theatrum  visamque  speciem  in  aestuario  Tamesae 
subversae  coloniae :  iam  Oceanus  cruento  aspectu,  dilabente 
aestu  humanorum  corporum  effigies  relictae,  ut  Britannis 
ad  spem,  ita  veteranis  ad  metum  trahebantur.  sed  quia  3 
5  procul  Suetonius  aberat,  petivere  a  Cato  Deciano  procuratore 
auxilium.  ille  baud  amplius  quam  ducentos  sine  iustis  armis 
misit  ;  et  inerat  modica  militum  manus.  tutela  templi  freti  et  4 
impedientibus  qui  occulti  rebellionis  conscii  consilia  turbabant, 
neque  fossam  aut  vallum  praeduxerunt,  neque  motis  senibus  et 
lo  feminis  inventus  sola  restitit :  quasi  media  pace  incauti  multi- 
tudine  barbarorum  circumveniuntur.     et  cetera  quidem  impetu  5 


'7IXCWT0S  KoX  (K  rov  Oiarpov  66pv$os  ficr 
olijjarffjs  f^rjKOVfTo,  jx-qZiVos  dvOpojirojv  fi-qre 
(pOeyyofi^vov  fffjrc  arevovros.  The  *  curia' 
was  that  in  which  the  decuriones  of  the 
colony  met. 

eorum  =  *  Camulodunensiuna  *,  sup- 
plied from  the  name  of  the  town. 

I,  Tamesae,  The  name  of  the  Thames 
does  not  occur  elsewhere  in  the  extant 
works  of  Tacitus,  but  was  no  doubt 
mentioned  in  the  narrative  of  the  first 
expedition  of  Plautius.  Med.  has  here 
'tam  esae',  which  the  old  edd.,  before 
Pichena,  with  some  inferior  MSS.,  had 
corrupted  into  * notam  esse'.  The  same 
form  of  the  name  is  found  in  Dio  (40.  3, 
I ;  60.  20,  5  ;  21,  3 ;  62.  i,  2)  ;  in  Ptol. 
(2.  3,  6  ;  22)  HafjLrjaa  (laxvais  is  read 
by  Muller ;  the  MSS.  having  'lapL-fjaa  or 
some  similar  word.  The  better  known 
form  'Tamesis'  is  taken  from  Caes. 
(B.  G.  5.  II,  9;  18,  I).  The  alleged 
appearance  is  still  more  vaguely  described 
in  Dio  (oiKiai  T€  Tiv€S  kv  tQ  Tafxeaa 
iroTafiS  v(pv5poi  kaipZvTo),  and  we  cannot 
gather  in  what  way  it  was  imagined 
to  be  more  startling  than  the  common 
phenomenon  of  a  shattered  image  reflected 
by  disturbed  water.  It  is  also  not  clear 
whether  we  are  to  suppose  that  Tacitus 
and  Dio  believed  Camulodunum  to  be  on 
the  estuary  of  the  Thames,  or  whether 
this  term  is  taken  vaguely  to  include  all 
from  the  North  Foreland  to  the  tidal 
portion  of  the  Colne,  then  probably 
extending  to  the  town  (see  Introd.  p.  142) ; 
or  whether  the  story  made  the  prodigy 
consist  in  the  appearance  of  such  a 
reflexion,  not  where  it  might  naturally 
have  been  seen,  but  a  long  way  off. 

2.  iam  Oceanus,  &c.  On  the  force 
of  'iam'  here,  cp.  13.  43,  3,  and  note. 


The  words  of  Dio  (koI  o  uKcavos  6  /jLera^v 
T^9  T(  vrjcrov  koX  t^s  ToKarias  aluaruSijs 
irore  kv  rrj  irKrjixpLvpihi  rji^rjOrj)  show  that 
the  locality  meant  is  that  of  the  Channel. 
It  has  been  suggested  that  the  story  may 
have  grown  up  out  of  some  local  appear- 
ance of  seaweed  or  infusoria. 

dilabente :  so  most  modem  edd., 
after  Lips.,  for  the  Med.  'sic  labente', 
for  which  others  read  *  et  relabente ' 
or  '  in  sicco  labente  *.  Ritt.  thinks  *  sic ' 
a  corruption  for  *hlc'  ('hinc'),  and 
that  '  hinc '  marks  a  subsequent  time 
(cp.  3-13,3;  27,  3)  to  that  denoted 
by  'lam'.  It  is  certainly  true  that 
'relabi'  (2.  23,  4)  or  'labi'  (6.  50,  6; 
16.  II,  4)  would  appear  more?  suitable 
than  '  dilabi '  to  express  a  tidal  ebb. 

3.  effigies,  'the  appearance  of,'  pos- 
sibly sand  heaps  taking  what  was  fancied 
to  be  the  form  of  corpses. 

Britannis  .  .  .  veteranis  :  so  most 
recent  edd.,  after  Jac.  Gron.  for  the  Med. 
'  brittanni . . .  ueterani ',  which  could  stand 
with  a  stop  at  '  relictae '  and  comma  at 
'trahebantur*.  Others,  with  Lips.,  read 
*  Oceanum  *,  *  relictas ',  and  *  trahelaant '. 
For  the  sense  of  '  metus '  cp.  i.  40,  i, 
and  note,  for  that  of  '  trahere ',  i.  62,  3, 
and  note. 

6.  iustis,  'regular':  cp.  H.  4.  21,  i, 
&c. 

7.  tutela  templL  It  is  to  be  supposed 
that  the  precinct  was  an  enclosure  of 
some  strength. 

9.  praeduxerunt,  not  found  else- 
where in  Tacitus,  but  so  used  in  Caes. 
(B,  G.  7.  46,  3.  &c.)  and  others. 

neque  motis,  &c.  'nor  were  the  old 
men  and  the  women  removed  and  the  young 
men  left  alone  to  guard  it'  (as  should 
have   been)  :  the  negation  belongs  both 


A.  D.  6i] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP.  32,  33 


275 


direpta  aut  incensa   sunt :    templum   in  quo  se   miles  conglo- 

6  baverat  biduo  obsessum  expugnatumque.  et  victor  Britannus 
Petilio  Ceriali,  legato  legionis  nonae,  in  subsidium  adventanti 
obvius  fudit  legionem  et  quod  peditum  interfecit :  Cerialis  cum 

7  equitibus  evasit  in  castra  et  munimentis  defensus  est.     qua  clade  5 
et  odiis  provinciae  quam  avaritia  eius  in  bellum  egerat  trepidus 
procurator  Catus  in  Galliam  transiit. 

1  33.  At  Suetonius  mira  constantia  medios  inter  hostis  Lon- 
dinium  perrexit,  cognomento  quidem  coloniae  non  insigne,  sed 


to  *  motis '  and  to  *  restitit ',  and  the 
former  word  is  used  for  *  remotis ',  as  in 
c.  60,  5,  and  in  Cic.  de  Off.  3.  19,  76 
(•  veros  heredes  moveat '). 

b3.  Petilio  Ceriali.  This  is  the  first 
ention  of  this  distinguished  general, 
.,-terwards  known  as  in  some  way  related 
|to,  and  a  partisan  of  Vespasian  (H  3.  59, 
4,  &c.),  and  as  sent  by  him  to  put  down 
the  rising  of  Civilis  (H.  4.  68,  i,  &c.), 
and  subsequently  as  a  legatus  of  Britain 
(Agr.  8,  2:  17,  2).  He  was  cos.  suff. 
probably  in  a.d.  70,  before  being  sent 
to  Germany  (as  appears  to  be  gathered 
from  the  confused  account  in  Jos.  B.  I. 
7.  4,  2),  and  again  in  A.D.  74  ;  as  is 
shown  by  a  military  diploma  (C.  I.  L. 
iii.  2.  p.  852),  where  his  full  name  is 
given  (*  a.  d.  xii  k.  lunias,  Q.  Petillio 
Ceriale  Caesio  Rufo  ii,  T.  Clodio  Eprio 
Marcello  ii  cos.*). 

nonae,  called  'Hispana'  (Introd.  i. 
vii.  p.  104),  quartered  under  Tiberius  in 
Pannonia  (i.  23,  6,  &c.),  and  tempor- 
arily in  Africa  (4.  23,  2),  afterwards  in 
Britain  (Introd.  p.  131).  It  is  supposed 
to  have  been  stationed  at  this  time,  as 
afterwards,  at  Lindum  (Lincoln),  and  to 
have  marched  from  thence.  On  the 
opinion  as  to  the  site  of  the  battle  see 
Introd.  p.  144,  5. 

4.  quod  peditum.  Nipp.  thinks  it 
probable,  from  c.  38,  4,  that  part  of 
the  infantry  of  this  legion  was  absent  in 
Gaul. 

5.  evasit  in  castra,  «&c.  The  words 
put  into  the  mouth  of  Calgacus  (Agr.  31, 
5),  *  Brigantes  femina  duce  exurere  co- 
loniam,  expugnare  castra  .  .  .  potuere,' 
are  taken  by  Mommsen  to  show  that  the 
camp  of  this  legion  was  stormed. 

qua  clade,  causal  abl.,  taken  with 
*  trepidus '. 

6.  avaritia  eius  :  so  most  recent  edd., 
after  Ritt.,  for  the  Med.  *  avaritiae  ',  for 
which  older  edd.  generally  read  *  avaritia ' 


(as  abl.).  Dio  states  (62.  2,  i)  that  he 
demanded  a  restoration  of  the  conces- 
sions which  Claudius  had  granted  to 
the  chief  men.  Tacitus  ignores,  and 
probably  disbelieved,  the  story  of  the^ 
exactions  of  Seneca  (see  note  on  13.  4a,  I 

8.  medios  inter  hostis,  [i.e.  the 
tribes  along  his  route  had  risen.  Sue- 
tonius,  with  his  light  auxiliary  troops,, 
hurried  by  forced  marches,  no  doubt 
along  the  Watling  St.  towards  London 
(Agric.  16),  leaving  the  legions  to  follow. 
He  reached  London,  only  to  find  that  he 
could  not  hold  it,  and  was  compelled  to 
fall  back  along  the  road  by  which  he  had 
come,  abandoning  in  turn  London  and 
Verulam.  At  some  point  beyond  Veru- 
1am  he  met  the  legions  who  were 
hastening  to  join  him,  and  thus  re- 
inforced, he  decided  to  retreat  no  further 
but  to  give  battle.  The  site  of  the  battle 
was  probably  on  the  line  of  the  Watling 
St.  between  Verulam  and  Wroxeter, 
certainly  not  between  London  and  Col- 
chester nor,  as  Domaszewski  has  sug- 
gested, near  Chester. — P.] 

Londinium.  No  earlier  mention 
of  London  exists.  Ptolemy  (2.  3,  27) 
mentions  it  as  one  of  the  towns  of  the 
Kantii  (see  Introd.  p.  148,  3) ;  it  is  the 
most  important  centre  in  the  Itinerary, 
and  is  also  mentioned  as  *  oppidum 
Londiniense '  in  the  panegyric  of  Eu- 
raenius  (c.  17),  and  by  Ammianus  (27,  8). 
The  words  of  the  latter,  'Lundinium 
(or  'Lundinum')  vetus  oppidum,  quod 
Augustam  posteritas  appellavit '  might  be 
taken  (though  not  necessarily)  to  imply 
that  it  had  become  by  that  time  a  colony. 
On  what  is  known  of  Roman  London, 
see  Introd.  pp.  136,  147;  also  the  refer- 
ences in  C.  I.  L.  vii.  p.  21  ;  Mr.  Roach 
Smith,  in  Diet,  of  Geog.  s.  v.,  and  Mr. 
Loftie's  work  (Historic  Town  Series, 
London,     1887).      The    narrative    here 

2 


276 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  61 


copia     negotiatorum    et    commeatuum    maxime    celebre.     ibi  2 
ambiguus   an  illam  sedem  bello  deligeret,  circumspecta  infre- 
quentia  militis,  satisque  tnagnis  documentis  temeritatem  Petilii 
coercitam,  unius  oppidi  damno  servare  universa  statuit.     neque  3 

5  fletu  et  lacrimis  auxillum  eius  orantium  flexus  est  quin  daret 
profectionis  signum  et  comitantis  in  partem  agminis  acciperet: 
si  quos  imbellis  sexiis  aut  fessa  aetas  vel  loci  dulcedo  attinuerat 
ab  hoste  oppressi  sunt,     eadem  clades  municipio  Verulamio  fuit,  4 
quia   barbari    omissis    castellis    praesidiisque   militarium,  quod 

10  uberrimum  spolianti  et  defendentibus  intutum,  laeti  praeda  et 
labomm    segnes    petebant.     ad    septuaginta    milia    civium    et  5 


shows  that  it  was  as  yet  unwalled,  like 
Camulodunum  and  Verulamium. 

1.  copia,  &c.,  apparently  from  Sail, 
lug.  47,  2  '  frequentiam  negotiatorum 
et  commeatuum'  (v.  1.  *  commeatu '). 
The  latter  word,  however  read,  would 
mean  *  stores '  in  Sallust,  and  is  probably 
best  so  taken  here ;  the  port  of  London 
being  evidently  the  great  depot  where 
imported  goods  and  those  intended  for 
exportation  were  stored.  Some  would 
here  take  the  word,  with  Lips.,  in. the 
sense  of  ^  traffic '. 

2.  circumspecta,  '  having  considered ' ; 
so  *  vires  suas  circumspicere '  (H.  2.6,  4), 
'vires  circumspectabat '  (H.  2.  74,  i). 

3.  satisque,  &c.  Nipp.  notes  that  this 
clause  grammatically  depends  on  '  circum- 
specto  '  supplied  from  the  preceding  *  cir- 
cumspecta', but  that  the  term  would  be 
here  taken  by  zeugma,  in  the  sense  of 
'  animadverso '. 

5.  fletu  et  lacrimis,  *  wailing  and 
tears'  '.  Nipp.  notes  these  nearly  syno- 
nymous words  as  thus  joined  in  Cic. 
pro  Plane.  31,  76  ('lacrimas  etfletum') 
and  Ov.  M.  2,  340  (*  fletus  et .  .  .  lacri- 
mas '). 

6.  et  comitantis,  &c. :  i.  e.  *  he 
would  do  no  more  than  receive',  &c- 
Nipp.  points  out  a  similar  restrictive 
meaning  implied  in  13.  4,  3  (*  se  .  .  . 
consul  turum'). 

7.  aut  .  .  .  vel :  cp.  c.  3,  i,  and  note. 

8.  municipio  "Verulamio.  On  this 
town,  the  remains  of  which  closely  adjoin 
St.  Albans,  see  Introd.  p.  147.  Its  site 
(or,  according  to  some,  that  of  St.  Albans) 
was  probably  that  of  the  *  oppidum  Cas- 
sivellauni'  of  Caes.  5.  21,  2  ;  and  it  was 
afterwards  the  capital  of  Tasciovanus, 
father  of  Cunobelinus,  many  of  whose 
coins  are  inscribed  as  minted  there  (see 


Evans,  p.  223).  Ptolemy  (on  whose  text 
see  Introd.  p.  133,  7)  gives  the  name  as 
OvpoXaviov,  and  the  Itinerary  has  '  Vero- 
lamum '  or  '  Verolamium '.  On  the  coins, 
when  the  name  is  given  in  full,  '  Verla- 
mio'  is  read  (Evans,  p.  246),  a  form 
standing  to  '  Verulamium '  as  '  Lugdu- 
num '  to  *  Lugudunum  '. 

9.  militarium,  substantival,  as  in  3. 
1 ,  2  (where  see  note) :  there  seems  no 
reason  to  read  *  militaribus ',  with  Pich., 
or  some  such  words  as  *  militare  horreum', 
vdth  Madvig  (Adv.  iii.  p.  234).  Nipp. 
notes  that  Tacitus  appears  here  to  correct 
his  account  in  Agr.  16,  i  ('sparsos  per 
castella  milites  consectati,  expugnatis 
praesidiis',  &c.).  , 

10.  intutum  =  *  unguarded ' ;  so  used  of 
an  unfortified  place  in  H.  4.  75, 4  (*  castra 
fossa  valloque  circumdedit,  quis  temere 
antea  intutis  consederat  *),  The  word 
oftener  means  *  insecure '  or  *  dangerous ' 
(i.  38,  3  ;  2.  42,  3,  &c.),  and  might  be 
so  taken  here  (with  *  defendentibus '  as 
'  dativus  incommodi '). 

Ti.  segnes:  so  all  recent  edd.,  after 
Mercer,  for  the  Med.  *  insignes ' :  '  segnis  * 
takes  a  genit.  only  here  and  in  16.  14,  i, 
and  (according  to  Dr.)  in  Claudian  ;  but 
the  construction  is  analogous  to  the 
relative  genit.  with  '  properus '  (12.  66, 
2)  and  many  other  adjectives  (Introd.  i. 
■^-  §  33  c  7).  In  reading  *  laborum '  for 
*  aliorum  ',  Halm  follows  Lips. 

septuaginta.  Dio  (62.  i,  i)  gives 
the  loss  on  the  Roman  side  in  the  whole 
rebellion  at  80,000.  It  may  probably 
represent  almost  a  complete  massacre 
of  Romans,  Romanized  Britons,  and 
Gaulish  or  other  residents,  probably  in 
great  part  such  traders  as  are  mentioned 
in  §  I. 


A.  D.  6i] 


LIBER  XIV.     CAP.  33,  34 


277 


e  sociorum  iis  quae  memoravi  locis  cecidisse  constitit.  neqiic 
enim  capere  aut  venundare  aliudve  quod  belli  commercium,  sed 
caedes  patibula  ignes  cruces,  tamquam  reddituri  supplicium  at 
praerepta  interim  ultione,  festinabant. 

1  34.  lam  Suetonio  quarta  decima  legio  cum  vexillariis  vicesi-  5 
manis  et  e  proximis  auxiliares,  decern  ferme  milia  armatorum 

2  erant,  cum  omittere  cunctationem  et  congredi  acie  parat.  deligit- 
que  locum  artis  faucibus  et  a  tergo  silva  clausum,  satis  cognito 
nihil  hostium  nisi  in  fronte  et  apertam  planitiem  esse  sine  metu 

3  insidiarum.     igitur   legionarius  frequens   ordinibus,  levis  circum  i< 

4  armatura,  conglobatus  pro  cornibus  eques  adstitit.  at  Britan- 
norum  copiae  passim  per  catervas  et  turmas  exultabant,  quanta 
non  alias  multitudo,  et  animo  adeo  feroci  ut  coniuges  quoque 


1.  sociorum.  Nipp.  takes  these  to 
mean  people  of  other  provinces,  as  Gaul ; 
but  more  probably  the  British  population 
friendly  to  Rome  is  meant. 

constitit :  cp.  13.  35,  3,  and  note. 

2.  capere  aut  venundare,  &c.  The 
construction  is  a  choice  of  difficulties 
and  cannot  be  freed  from  awkwardness. 
It  is  perhaps  best,  with  Nipp.,  to  take 
the  infinitives  as  historical,  and  to  supply 
*erat'  with  'commercium'.  Otherwise 
we  must  take  the  infinitives  as  depending 
on  *  festinabant ',  or  rather  on  the  sense 
of  such  a  verb  as  *  curabant '  supplied  by 
zeugma,  and  must  also  suppose  the  notion 
of  such  a  verb  as  *  exercere  '  or  *  facere  ' 
to  be  supplied  with  '  commercium  *. 

belli  commercium.  The  expression 
is  repeated  from  H.  3.  81,  4,  and  is  taken 
from  Vergil,  who  makes  Aeneas  thus  speak 
of  ransom  :  '  belli  commercia  Turnus  Sus- 
tulit  ista  prior  iam  tum  Pallante  perempto  * 
(Aen.  10,  532). 

3.  patibula, 'gibbets',  nearly  the  same 
as  '  cruces' :  cp.  i.  61,  6,  and  note. 

tamquam,  &c.,  *  as  being  (i.  e. 
convinced  that  they  were)  destined  to 
pay  retribution,  and  as  having  snatched 
meanwhile  an  opportunity  of  vengeance.' 
They  knew  that  their  day  of  reckoning 
would  come  soon,  and  desired  to  avenge 
their  wrongs  to  the  utmost  while  they 
could.  Nipp.  compares  *  poenas  dare  ', 
and  *  reddere  *,  and  '  supplicium  Persas 
dare  potuisse '  (Nep.  Ag.  5,  2).  'Red- 
dere '  has  also  in  such  phrases  the  sense  of 
*  retaliating  '  (see  16.  5,  4,  and  note)  ;  but 
Ritt.  can  hardly  be  right  in  so  taking  it  here. 

at.  This  and  not  '  ac '  seems  to  be 
the  reading  of  Med. 


4.  festinabant,  transitive,  cp.  i.  6,  4, 
and  note. 

5.  quarta  decima,  &c.  On  the  legions 
in  Britain  and  their  probable  headquarters 
at  this  time  see  Introd.  p.  144.  By  '  vexil- 
larii',  a  detachment  of  the  Twentieth 
legion  is  meant  (cp.  i.  38,  i,  and  note), 
not  necessarily  the  *  veterani  sub  vexillo  ' 
(Introd.  i.  vii.  p.  106). 

6.  et  ^  proximis:  so  Put.  and  edd. 
generally ;  Med.  has  *  et  proximis ' ;  Ritt. 
would  read  *  ex  proximis '  as  an  asyndeton. 
Cp.  '  legionarios  e  praesentibus,  Vbios  e 
proximis  '  ('  the  nearest  quarters  '),  H.  4. 

18,3. 

7.  congredi  acie  parat.  Dio  states 
(c.  8,  1)  that  he  was  obliged  by  want  of 
provisions  to  fight.  The  expression  '  con- 
gredi acie'  is  taken  from  Li  v.  7.  22,  4; 
Tacitus  has  also  '  congredi  proeliis '  and 
'proelio'  (12.  54,  4;  Agr.  28,  3). 

deligitque  locum.     See  supra,  33,  7. 

9.  et  apertam  planitiem  esse,  'and 
that  the  plain  (that  in  front  of  him,  the 
'  campus  '  of  §  4)  was  all  open,'  i.  e.  con- 
tained no  cover  (Nipp.). 

10.  frequens  ordinibus,  *  in  close! 
ranks ' :  for  the  abl.  cp.  '  frequentem  tectis 
urbem'  (Liv.  i.  9,  9),  '  Aegyptus  .  .  . 
multis  (urbibus)  frequens'  (PI.  N.  H.  5. 
9,  II,  60).  Tacitus  uses  the  word  once 
with  genit.  (4.  65,  i). 

circum,  '  on  either  side  '  (cp.  4.  74,  3) : 
for  *  pro  cornibus  '  cp.  13.  3^^,  6,  and  note. 

12.  exvdtabant,  '  x^ere^rancing ' :  cp. 
*  feminea  exultant  lunatis  agmina  peltis ' 
(Verg.  Aen.  11,  663).  The  same  idea 
appears  to  be  expressed  by  '  volitabant ' 
in  15.  9,  I. 

1 3.  multitudo.    Dio,  who  at  the  out- 


278 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  6i 


testis  victoriae  secum  traherent  plaustrisque  imponerent  quae 
super  extremum  ambitum  campi  posuerant. 

35.  Boudicca  curru  filias  prae  se  vehens,  ut  quamque  nationem  1 
accesserat,  solitum  quidem  Britannis  feminarum  ductu  bellare 

5  testabatur,  sed  tunc  non  ut  tantis  maioribus  ortam  regnum  et 
opes,  verum  ut  unam  e  vulgo  libertatem  amissam,  confectum 
verberibus-  corpus,  contrectatam  filiarum  pudicitiam  ulcisci.     eo  2 
provectas  Romanorum  cupidines  ut  non  corpora,  ne  senectam 
quidem  aut  virginitatem  impollutam  relinquant.     adesse  tamen  3 

lo  deos  iustae  vindictae  :  cecidisse  legionem  quae  proelium  ausa  sit ; 
ceteros  castris  occultari  aut  fugam  circumspicere.     ne  strepitum  4 
quidem   et   clamorem    tot    milium,   nedum   impetus   et   manus 
perlaturos :  si  copias  armatorum,  si  causas  belli  secum  expen- 


break  reckons  the  rebels  in  arms  at  1 20,000 
(62.  2,3),  swells  them  at  the  final  struggle 
to  230,000  (8,  2),  an  incredible  estimate, 
even  if  the  women  present  in  such  great 
numbers  (c.  36,  i)  are  counted  in. 

feroci,  'confident':  cp.  i.  3,  4,  and 
note.  All  recent  edd.  follow  Dod,  in 
thus  correcting  the  Med.  *  fero ',  which 
hardly  gives  the  same  sense. 

I.  plaustrisque  imponerent.  The 
women  of  the  Cimbri  accompanied  them 
to  battle  in  similar  manner  (Plut,  Mar.  27, 
42 1 ).  See  also  the  description  of  German 
warfare  (G.  7,  4). 

3.  jaiias:  cp.  c.  31,  3. 

4.  accesserat,  so  with  accus.  in  12. 

31,3- 

solitxun:  cp.  Agr,  16,  i  ('neque 
enim  sexum  in  imperils  discernunt  ^  It 
is  doubtful,  in  spite  of  the  cases  of  Bou- 
dicca and  Cartimandua  (i 2. 36,  i),  whether 
this  statement  can  be  sustained:  see  12. 
40,  5  ;  and  Rhys,  Celt.  Brit.  66. 

5.  tunc,  answering  to  '  nunc  '  in  oratio 
recta,  as  in  16.  3,  2,  &c. :  sometimes 
*  nunc '  is  retained  in  oratio  obliqua,  as  in 

II.  30,  3. 

regnum  et  opes.  With  these 
'  amissa '  could  be  supplied  from  below ; 
but  it  is  perhaps  better  to  take  the  words 
(with  Nipp.)  in  a  pregnant  sense,  with 
'  ulcisci ',  as  equivalent  to  *  iacturam  regni 
et  opum'  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  84). 

7.  contrectatam  = '  violatam ';  so  used 
of  persons  in  Plant.,  &c. :  cp.  the  figura- 
tive use  in  3.  12,  7. 

8.  ut  non,  &c.  '  Corpora '  is  emphatic, 
and  is  further  explained  by  *  ne  senectam 
quidem ',  &c.     '  Not  only  our  goods  are 


taken  but  our  bodies  are  outraged,  even 
those  of  the  ages  which  humanity  most 
respects.'  For  '  ne  . .  .  quidem  *,  Med.  has 
'  nee . . .  quidem ',  a  form  found  in  two  other 
places  in  this  MS.  (H.  i,  66,  i  ;  4.  38,  2), 
and  once  in  the  first  Med.  (4.  35,  3),  also 
in  MSS.  of  Suet.  Tib.  21  and  37  ;  and  the 
expression  is  defended  at  some  length  by 
Pfitzner  ('  die  Annalen  ',  pp.  145-147),  as 
making  the  climax  more  striking;  but 
most  recent  edd.  of  both  authors  have 
altered  as  here. 

9.  impollutam,  in  Tacitus  only  here 
and  in  16.  26,  5,  elsewhere  apparently  only 
in  Sil.  13,  679. 

10.  vindictae,  dative:  cp.  4.  72,  5 
('  tributo  aderant '),  and  note. 

1 1 .  castris  occultari,  alluding  to  the 
Second  legion  (c.  37,  6),  possibly  also  to 
the  rest  of  the  Twentieth  (c.  34,  i)  and  the 
remains  of  the  Ninth  (c.  32,  6). 

fugam  circumspicere,  'were  watch-\ 
ing  for  a  chance  of  flight ' ;  so  Tacitus 
uses  '  circumspectare  fugam '  (H.  3.  73, 
2),  or  *  initium  erumpendi'  (H.  i.  55,  2). 
This  is  assumed  to  be  the  condition  of  the 
force  before  them. 

12.  milium:  so  ed.  Froben.  for  Med. 

*  militum '. 

13.  copias.  Ritt.  is  perhaps  right  in 
thinking  this  a  tautologous  expression 
with  *  armatorum '  and  an  error  of  as- 
similation  to   *  causas ',    and  in  reading 

*  copiam'. 

secum  expenderent,  'reflect  u^on': 
cp.  16.  26,  8.  They  should  considerTBat 
similar  outrages  would  always  recur,  and 
that  they  would  not  always  have  the  same 
means  of  resistance. 


A.  D.  6i] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP,  34-37 


279 


6  derent,  vincendum  ilia  acie  vel  cadendum  esse,  id  mulieri 
destinatum :  viverent  viri  et  servirent. 

1  36.  Ne  Suetonius  quidem  in  tanto  discrimine  silebat :  quam- 
quam  confideret  virtuti,  tamen  exhortationes  et  preces  miscebat 
ut  spemerent  sonores  barbarorum  et   inanis  minas :    plus  illic  5 

2  feminarum  quam  iuventutis  aspici.  imbellis  inermis  cessuros 
statim  ubi  ferrum  virtutemque  vincentium  toties  fusi  adgnovissent. 

3  etiam  in  multis  legionibus  paucos  qui  proelia  profligarent ; 
gloriaeque    eorum    accessurum    quod    modica    manus    universi 

4  exercitus  famam  adipiscerentur.     conferti  tantum  et  pilis  emissis  10 
post   umbonibus    et    gladiis   stragem   caedemque   continuarent, 

5  praedae  immemores :  parta  victoria  cuncta  ipsis  cessura.  is 
ardor  verba  ducis  sequebatur,  ita  se  ad  intorquenda  pila  expe- 
dierat  vetus  miles  et  multa  proeliorum  experientia  ut  certus 
eventus  Suetonius  daret  pugnae  signum.  15 

1      37.  Ac   primum   legio  gradu  immota  et  angustias  loci   pro 


I.  vel,  for  '  aut ' ;  cp.  c.  61,  6  ;  62,  5  ; 
and  several  instances  of  the  apparently 
arbitrary  interchange  of  these  particles 
collected  by  Dr.  (Synt.  und  Stil,  §  129); 
some  of  which  may  perhaps  be  explained 
as  in  c.  3,  i.  See  also  13.  41,  3,  and 
note. 

5.  aonores,  one  of  the  poetical  words 
first  introduced  into  prose  in  the  Annals 
(cp.  I.  65,  I,  and  note,  4.  48,  4),  found 
afterwards  in  Apuleius.  The  discordant 
sounds  of  the  British  are  contrasted  with 
the  silence  of  the  Romans  in  Dio,  62. 
12,  I. 

7.  ubi  .  .  .  adgnovissent,  apparently 
a  reminiscence  of  Liv.  3.  67,  5  ('  toties 
fusi  fugatique  .  .  .  et  se  et  vos  novere  '). 

vincentium,  substantively  ('  their 
habitual  conquerors');  so  'praesidentium' 
(3.  40,  4), '  praecipientium  (Dial.  28,  2), 
&c. 

8.  etiam  in  multis,  &c. ,  *  even  where 
many  legions  are  present,  those  soldiers 
are  few,'  &c.  Madvig's  objection  (Adv. 
iii.  p.  234),  that  the  words  convey  a 
general  reproach,  and  hardly  meet  the 
point  of  the  case,  seems  to  weigh  too 
strictly  the  expressions  which  might  be 
used  on  such  an  occasion. 

;  proelia  profligarent,  'gave  the 
I  decisive  impulse  to  battles ' :  cp.  ♦  profli- 
gaverat  bellum  ludaicum '  (H.  2.  4,  5) ; 
also  Cic.  ad  Fam.  12.  30,  2,  and  the  use 
of  *  committere  ac  profligare  bellum 
commissum  ac  profligatum  conficere',  in 


Liv.  21.  40,  II  ;  which  Florus  follows 
(I.  31)  in  marking  three  stages  ol  the 
Punic  wars  (*  commissum ',  *  profligatum ', 
'confectum'). 

10.  et  piUs  emissis  post,  &c.  Nipp. 
notes  that  *  et '  couples  *  conferti '  to  the 
whole  of  the  following  words  down  to 
*  gladiis ' ;  the  sentence  being  equivalent 
to  '  et  postquam  pila  emisissent '. 

1 1.  continuarent,' keep  up  incessantly' 
(cp.  c.  12,  4;  13-  53»  i>  &C-) :  'stragem' 
refers  to  *  umbonibus ',  *  caedem '  to 
'  gladiis '. 

12.  cessura;  so  'praeda  victoribus 
cessit'  (13.  39,  7). 

13.  intorquenda,  sc.  'inhostem'.  This 
sense  of  the  word  (used  here  alone  by 
Tacitus)  is  chiefly  poetical ;  and  the 
usual  dat.  or  accus.  with  *  in '  is  here 
implied. 

14.  multa  .  .  .  experientia,  abl.  of 
quality. 

certus  eventus :  so  most  edd.,  after 
Rhen.,  for  the  Med.  *  eventu '.  This  adj. 
is  used  with  a  genit.  in  i.  27,  3  ;  4.  34,  2  ; 
12.  3,  2,  &c.  The  reading  of  Ritt.,  '  de 
eventu  *,  is  not  in  accordance  with  the 
usage  of  Tacitus  in  this  phrase,  and  the 
homoeoteleuton,  which  he  thinks  intoler- 
able, is  not  more  so  than  many  others 
(see  I.  24,  I,  and  note). 

16.  primum,  in  contrast  to  'postquam'. 

gradu, '  position  ':  cp.1.64, 2,andnote. 

angustias  loci  :  cp.  *  locum  artis 
faucibus'  (c.  34,  2). 


28o 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  6i 


munimento    retinens,    postquam    in   propius   suggressos   hostis 
certo   iactu   tela   exhauserat,  velut   cuneo   erupit     idem   auxi-  2 
liarium    impetus ;    et    eques    protentis    hastis    perfringit    quod 
obvium  et  validum  erat.     ceteri  terga  praebuere,  difficili  effugio,  3 

5  quia    circumiecta    vehicula    saepserant    abitus.      et    miles    ne  4 
mulierum    quidem    neci    temperabat,    confixaque    telis    etiam 
iumenta    corporum    cumulum     auxerant.      clara     et     antiquis  5 
victoriis   par   ea  die  laus  parta :   quippe  sunt  qui  paulo  minus 
quam  octoginta  milia  Britannorum    cecidisse   tradant,  militum 

JO  quadringentis   ferme   interfectis    nee   multo  amplius  vulneratis. 
Boudicca     vitam     veneno     finivit.       et     Poenius     Postumus,  6 
praefectus    castrorum     secundae   legionis,    cognitis   quartadeci- 
manorum  vicesimanorumque   prosperis   rebus,  quia  pari  gloria 
legionem  suam  fraudaverat  abnueratque  contra  ritum    militiae 

15  iussa  ducis,  se  ipse  gladio  transegit. 

38.  Contractus  deinde  omnis  exercitus  sub  pellibus  habitus  l 


I .  in  propius  suggressos  hostis  :  so 
Halm,  Or.,  Dr.,  after  DOd.  for  the  Med, 
'propius  suggressus  hostis',  which  Ritt. 
retains  and  defends  by  taking  *  exhauserat ' 
to  mean  that  they  had  received  upon 
themselves  all  the  Roman  spears  dis- 
charged at  them  with  a  steady  aim 
(*  certo  iactu'  being  thus  abl.  of  quality). 
But  it  is  hardly  possible  to  suppose  that 
Tacitus  would  have  conveyed  this  meaning 
by  so  misleading  an  expression,  and  the 
analogy  of  *  pericula  exhaurire '  (H.  4.  32, 
3)  is  not  very  strong.  Nipp.  prefers  the 
suggestion  of  Lips.  *  propius  suggressis 
hostibus  ',  which  departs  somewhat  further 
from  the  MS.  Dio  appears  to  intend  to 
give  a  similar  description  in  the  words 
(62.  12,  i)  <jvvTj\dov  .  .  .  fiexpti  ov  Is 
dtcouTiov  PoKrjv  dcpiKovTo.  On  the  use  of 
'  suggredior'  cp.  13.  57,  6,  and  note. 

2.  cuneo,  abl.  of  manner.  This  move- 
ment appears  to  have  broken  through  the 
British  centre,  like  a  wedge. 

4.  ceteri,  apparently  opposed  to  *  quod 
obvium  et  validum  erat '. 

terga  praebuere.  Dr.  notes  this 
phrase  for  '  terga  dare '  as  an  dp.  (as  is 
also  'terga  praestare'  in  Agr.  37,  3).  It 
is  however  nearly  similar  to  Ov.  M.  10, 
706  ('  quae  non  terga  fugae,  sed  pugnae 
pectora  praebent ').  This  use  of  *  abitus  * 
lor  *  an  outlet  *,  is  also  noted  as  found 
elsewhere  only  in  Verg.  Aen.  9,  380 
(*  omnemque  abitum  custode  coronant'). 
7.  auxerant.     The  pluperf.  expresses 


what  had  come  to  pass  at  a  time  soon 
after  that  spoken  of:  cp.  '  auxerant  con- 
sternationem  '  (i.  63,  3),  '  dein  . .  .  abote- 
verat '  (H.  2.  5,  3).  The  time  is  different 
from  that  marked  by  *  saepserant '. 

9.  octoginta  milia.  Such  numbers 
are  generally  guesswork,  and  the  resem- 
blance to  the  estimated  previous  Roman 
loss  (see  on  c.  38,  5)  is  suspicious.  Nipp. 
thinks  *  octo  milia  '  should  be  read.  But 
there  are  instances  of  such  carnage  in- 
flicted by  a  disciplined  army  on  a  defeated 
and  disorganized  barbarian  mass,  such  as 
the  Teutons  and  Cimbri,  or  the  Gauls  in 
the  time  of  Caesar. 

11.  veneno.  Dio  (62.  12,  6)  says  she 
died  of  disease. 

Poenius.  Pfitzn.  reads  '  Hoenius ', 
as  a  name  found  in  inscriptions  (see 
C.  I.  L.  vii.   744). 

12.  praefectus  castrorum  :  the'lega- 
tus  legionis '  must  have  been  absent,  and 
the  '  praefectus '  may  have  in  such  a  case 
commanded  the  legion  when  it  was  in 
separate  quarters.  The  distinct  title 
'  praefectus  castrorum  legionis '  seems  to 
be  here  first  mentioned,  but  is  regular  from 
the  time  of  Domitian  (see  on  i.  20,  i). 

secundae.  This  legion  was  probably 
at  its  headquarters  at  Isca  Silurum  (see 
on  12.  32,  4),  whence  it  should  have 
joined  Suetonius  on  his  march. 

15.  ipse:  so  recent  edd.,  after  Ruperti, 
for  Med.  *  ipsum '. 

16.  sub  pellibus  :  cp.  13.  35,  5. 


A.  D.  6i] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP.  37,  38 


281 


est  ad  reliqua  belli  perpetranda.  auxitque  copias  Caesar  missis 
ex  Germania  duobus  legionariorum  milibus,  octo  auxiliarium 
cohortibus  ac  mille  equitibus ;  quorum  adventu  nonani  legionario 

2  milite  suppleti  sunt,  cohortes  alaeque  novis  hibernaculis  locatae 
quodque  nationum  ambiguum  aut  adversum  fuerat  igni  atque  5 

3  ferro  vastatum.  sed  nihil  aeque  quam  fames  adfligebat  serendis 
frugibus  incuriosos,  et  omni  aetate  ad  bellum  versa,  dum  nostros 

4  commeatus    sibi    destinant.      gentesque  praeferoces  tardius   ad 
pacem    inclinabant,    quia    lulius    Classicianus    successor    Cato 
missus  et  Suetonio  discors  bonum  publicum  privatis  simultatibus  ic 
impediebat   disperseratque  novum    legatum   opperiendum   esse, 
sine  hostili  ira  et  superbia  victoris  clementer  deditis  consulturum. 

5  simul  in  urbem  mandabat  nullum  proeliorum  finem  expectarent, 
nisi  succederetur  Suetonio,  cuius  adversa  pravitati  ipsius,  pro- 
spera  ad  fortunam  referebat.  li 


2.  octo  auxiliarium  cohortibus. 
Nipp.  thinks  that  these  were  the  eight 
Batavian  cohorts  of  H.  i.  59,  2  ;  it  being 
there  stated  that  they  were  attached  to  the 
Fourteenth  legion  ;  also  in  H.  4.  12,  2  the 
service  of  Batavians  in  Britain  is  noted. 

3.  nonani,  the  legion  cut  to  pieces 
under  Cerialis  (c.  32,  6).  It  was  still 
weak  in  the  time  of  Agricola  (Agr.  26,  i), 
and  was  annihilated  in  the  time  of 
Hadrian  (see  Momms,  Hist.  v.  171 ;  Eng. 
Transl.  i.  p.  i88). 

4.  novis  hibernaculis,  abl.  of  place 
(cp.  c  10,  5  ;  Introd.  i.  v.  §  25):  'novis' 
would  mean  positions  that  had  not  been 
permanently  occupied  before  (see  Introd. 
p.  146). 

6.  vastatum :  so  Halm  and  Nipp.  after 
Em.,  for  the  Med.  *  vastatur',  to  suit  the 
preceding  tenses.  For  the  use  of  *  vastare ' 
of  people  cp.  c.  23,  4,  and  note. 

nihil  aeque  quam :  cp.  2.  52,  5, 
and  note. 

7.  incuriosos,  so  used  with  dative  of 
relation  in  H.  2.  17,  i  ('melioribus  incu- 
riosos'),  elsewhere  with  genit.  (e.g.  2.  88, 
4;  4-  32,  3;  15-  3i»  I,  &c.)  or  absol. 
(e.g.  H.  I.  34,  2,&c.). 

Iet,  adding  a  special  to  the  general 
reason,  that  even  the  old  had  not  been 
left  at  home  to  till  the  fields. 

dum  .  .  .  destinant.  This  appears 
to  belong  to  the  latter  clause  only ;  the 
former  describing  their  general  habit. 
Pfitzn.  less  well  takes  it  with  both  clauses. 

8.  gentesque.  We  should  have  ex- 
pected *  gentes  tamen ',  as  the  preceding 


words  had  rather  given  reason  why  they 
should  sue  for  peace  than  why  they 
should  not.  Nipp.  thinks  that  some  words 
descriptive  of  their  stubbornness  must  have 
dropped  out ;  but  Jacob  aptly  compares 
the  transitional  or  quasi-adversative  force 
of  *  que  ',  as  equivalent  to  '  attamen  ',  in 

2.  70,  4  ('  nee  Piso  moratus  ultra  navis 
solvit,  moderabaturque  cursui ').  The 
use  of  *  et '  with  some  adversative  force  is 
more  common  (cp.  c.  65,  2;  i.  13,  2, 
and  note). 

9.  successor  Cato  :  cp.  c.  32,  7.  The 
procurator  was  apt  to  be  at  variance  with 
the  legatus  (see  Agr.  9,  5),  and  was  often 
intended  to  be  a  check  on  him. 

10.  bonum,  substantival ;  so  used  with 
'  publicum '  in  Plaut.,  Sail.,  Liv.,  &c.  Cp. 
*  egregium  publicum  '  (3.  70,  4). 

1 1 .  disperseratque  (sc.  *  per  Britan- 
niam ')  :  cp.  H.  2.  i,  3.  This  use  and 
the  full  expression  *  dispergere  rumores ' 
(cp.  4.  24,  I,  and  note),  appear  to  be 
peculiar  to  Tacitus. 

13.  in  urbem  mandabat.  These  mes- 
sages seem  to  have  been  sent  to  the 
government,  which  then  took  further 
means  of  testing  their  truth  (c.  39,  1). 

proeliorvim  :  so  most  edd.  after  Lips, 
for  the  Med.  *  proelio  ',  which  can  hardly 
be  used  in  the  singular  for  '  bello  *. 

14.  pravitati  ...  ad  fortunam.  The 
interchange  of  a  dat.  and  an  accus.  with 
prep,  is  found  with  'exercebat'  in  15.  48, 

3,  with  *  promptum '  in  4.  46,  4,  and  in 
several  other  instances  collected  by  Dr. 
(Synt.  und  Stil,  §  105) ;  but  the  dat.  with 


282 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  6 1 


39.    Igitur   ad   spectandum   Britanniae   statum   missus  est  e  1 
libertis   Polyclitus,  magna  Neronis   spe   posse  auctoritate   eius 
non    modo   inter   legatum   procuratoremque    concordiam   gigni 
sed  et  rebellis  barbarum  animos  pace  componi.     nee  defuit  Poly-  2 
5  clitus    quo    minus    ingenti    agmine    Italiae   Galliaeque   gravis, 
postquam  Oceanum  transmiserat,  militibus  quoque  nostris  terri- 
bilis  incederet.      sed   hostibus  inrisui   fuit  apud  quos  flagrante  3 
etiam  turn  libertate  nondum  cognita  libertinorum  potentia  erat ; 
mirabanturque    quod    dux    et    exercitus    tanti   belli    confector 
10  servitiis  oboedirent.     cuncta  tamen  ad  imperatorem  in  mollius  4 


'referre'  in  this  sense  seems  unprece- 
dented. The  recurrence  of  '  ipsius  '  again 
after  *  fortunam  *  in  Med.  is  perhaps  best 
treated  by  Halm,  Nipp.,  and  Dr.,  after 
Em.,  as  an  error  of  repetition.  Others, 
thinking  some  word  needed  to  balance 
the  previous  '  ipsius ',  treat  it  as  a  corrup- 
tion of  '  reipublicae '  (after  Puteol. ),  '  im- 
perii' (after  Jac.  Gron.),  or  *  imperatoris ' 
(after  Sirker).  The  whole  sentence  seems 
a  reminiscence  of  Sail.  Fr,  H.  2.  30  D, 
36  K,  66  G  ('  adversa  in  pravitatem, 
secunda  in  casum,  fortunam  in  temeritatem 
deciinando  '). 

2.  Polyclitus.  Nothing  seems  to  be 
known  of  the  previous  history  of  this 
freedman  ;  but  his  rapacity  is  noted  in  H. 
I.  37»8;  2.95,4;  Plin-  EpP-  6.  31,9; 
and  appears  chiefly  to  have  been  exercised 
when  he  was  left  in  Rome  with  Melius 
during  Nero's  absence  in  Greece  (Dio, 
63.  12,  3). 

4.  barbarum,  the  original  Med.  text, 
with  a  correction  to  '  barbarorum ' ;  which 
nearly  all  edd,  have  adopted,  altering  also 
the  similar  reading  in  15.  25,  I.  Wolfflin 
defends  the  text  (Philol,  xxv.  133),  noting 
the  occurrence  of  this  form  in  Cic.  and  in 
Nep.  Milt.  2,  1,  and  noticing  an  apparent 
desire  to  avoid  the  repetition  of  *  r '  in 
similar  forms,  as  '  fabrum ',  *  liberum ', 
'posterum'  (3.  72,  2),  &c. 

pace.  This  abl.  has  to  be  distin- 
guished from  the  preceding  instrumental 
abl.  '  auctoritate ',  and  appears  rather  to 
complete  the  idea  of  '  componi '  ('  might 
be  quieted  in  a  state  of  peace ').  Nipp.'s 
reference  to  'contumacia  et  odiis'  (i.  53, 
5)  seems  scarcely  apposite. 

5.  quo  minus,  for  *  quin  ' :  cp.  i.  21, 
4,  and  note ;  also  the  opposite  use  noted 
on  c.  29,  I. 

ingenti  agmine,  &c.,  '  burdening 
Italy  and  Gaul  with  his  enormous  train.' 


The  prodigious  example  set  by  Nero  of 
luxury  in  travelling  equipage  (see  Friedl. 
ii.  p.  29)  appears  from  Seneca's  account 
(Ep.  123,  7)  to  have  infected  society  in, 
general. 

6.  terribilis,  *  inspiring  fear,'  by  the 
evidence  of  his  high  position  and  influence  i 
with  the  emperor.  ' 

7.  inrisui  fuit :  cp.  H.  i.  7,  5 ;  also 
'  derisui '  (Agr.  39,  2),  *  deridiculo '  (3. 
57,  3),  and  other  instances  of  this  dat. 
(Introd.  i.  v.  §  23). 

flagrante  etiam  turn,  &c.  A  similar 
contrast  to  Roman  custom,  in  respect  of 
the  contrast  between  the  freeman  and 
the  freedman,  is  noted  among  most  of  the 
Germans  (G.  25,  3).  A  similar  meta- 
phorical use  of  '  flagrare  '  is  noted  with 
'invidia'  (13.  4,  2),  *  gratia'  (11.'  29,  i), 
&c. 

9.  confector.  This  can  hardly  be 
taken  with  both  *  dux '  and  *  exercitus  ', 
and  yet  we  should  expect  both  to  be 
referred  to.  It  would  seem  that,  as  in  the 
parallel  passage,  '  antequam  Caesarem 
exercitumque  reducem  videre'  (i.  70,  8), 
stress  is  laid  on  Caesar,  so  in  this  placef 
the  glory  of  victory  may  be  considered  toj 
rest  mainly  on  the  army,  and  the  general' 
is  somewhat  in  the  background. 

10.  cuncta  tamen,  &c.  The  contrast 
implied  by  *  tamen '  appears  to  be  that, 
notwithstanding  both  his  formidable  atti- 
tude to  the  general  and  the  army  and  the 
disdain  with  which  the  subjects  had 
received  him,  which  might  have  led  him 
to  exaggerate  the  bitterness  caused  by  the 
measures  taken  by  the  governor,  his 
report  to  the  emperor  softened  down 
matters,  as  compared  with  that  of  Classi- 
cianus,  and  did  not  urge  the  immediate 
recall  of  Suetonius.  For  the  use  of  *  in 
mollius'  cp.  *  in  deterius'  (13.  14,  i)  and 
other  ruch  expressions. 


A.  D.  6i] 


LIBER  XIV,      CAP.  39,   40 


283 


relata  ;  detentusque  rebus  gerundis  Suetonius,  quod  postea 
paucas  navis  in  litore  remigiumque  in  iis  amiserat,  tamquam 
durante  bello  tradere  exercitum  Petronio  Turpiliano  qui  iam 
5  consulatu  abierat  iubetur.  is  non  inritato  hoste  nequc  lacessitus 
honestum  pacis  nomen  segni  otio  imposuit.  5 

1  40.  Eodem  anno  Romae  insignia  scelera,  alterum  senatoris, 
servili  alterum  audacia,  admissa  sunt.  Domitius  Balbus  erat 
praetorius,   simul    longa    senecta,    simul    orbitate    et    pecunia 

2  insidiis  obnoxius.     ei  propinquus  Valerius  Fabianus,  capessendis 
honoribus    destinatus,    subdidit    testamentum    adscitis    Vinicio  10 
Rufino  et  Terentio  Lentino  equitibus  Romanis.    illiAntonium 


1.  detentusque     rebus     gerundis 

(dative  of  purpose),  *  was  kept  at  his  post 
for  the  conduct  of  affairs '  (i.  e.  for  the 
ordinary  duties  of  government) :  cp.  'minus 
triennium  in  ea  legatione  detentus '  ( Agr. 
9,  6).  In  these  passages  the  usual  sense 
of  reluctant  detention  does  not  seem  to 
be  implied.  The  interpretation  of  Dod., 
who  takes  *  detentus '  to  mean  *  prohi- 
bitus '  and  *  rebus  gerundis '  as  abl.,  is  not 
borne  out  by  the  reference  to  Plant,  Poen. 
I.  2, 190  (•  detinet  nos  de  nostro  negotio ') ; 
and  Madvig,  who  takes  this  to  be  the 
sense  of  the  passage  (Adv.  ii.  p.  554),  is 
clearly  consistent  in  considering  it  neces- 
sary to  read  *  a  rebus  gerundis '. 

quod  postea,  &c.  These  words  are 
separated  from  the  preceding,  and  taken 
closely  with  '  iubetur '.  He  was  not 
superseded  there  and  then ;  but  soon 
afterwards  a  trifling  disaster  was  made 
the  occasion  for  this  to  be  done.  We 
should  certainly  expect  some  disjunctive 
or  transitional  particle  before  '  quod  ' ; 
but  there  need  not  be  any  words  lost,  as 
Ritt.  thinks ;  this  being  apparently  one 
of  the  cases  in  which  Tacitus  has  sacri- 
ficed perspicuity  to  conciseness.  In 
reading  'postea'  for  the  Med.  'post', 
Halm  is  supported  by  Nipp.  and  Dr. 
Others  take  *  post '  adverbially,  as  in 
15.  24,  2,  &c. ;  but  Nipp.  points  out 
that  it  would  hardly  be  likely  to  be  so 
used  where  the  close  juxtaposition  of  an 
accus.  would  naturally  suggest  that  it  was 
a  prep. 

2.  tamquam  diirante  bello  :  i.  e.  the 
loss  of  some  ships,  probably  by  some 
piratical  attack,  was  taken  as  evidence 
that,  after  all,  the  state  of  war  still  existed, 
and  that  Suetonius  was  not  capable  of 
restoring    peace.     In   Agr.    16,    2,    his 


severity  is  assigned  as  the  true  catise  for/ 
his  supersession.  ' 

3.  Petronio  Turpiliano :  cp.  c.  29, 
I.     An  inscription  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  i.  597) 

*  Kal.  Martis  P.  Calvisio  Rusone,  L. 
Caesennio  Paeto  cos.',  would  show  that 
he  had  given  place  to  the  former  early  in 
the  year. 

4.  non  inritato,  &c.  The  narrative  in 
Agr.  16,  3  says  of  him,  *  delictis  hostium 
novus  eoque  paenitentiae  mitior,  com- 
positis  prioribus  nihil  ultra  ausus  Tre- 
bellio  Maximo  provinciam  tradidit.' 
The  date  of  the  return  of  Petronius  to 
Rome  is  fixed  by  the  mention  of  him  in 
15.   72,  2,  and    by  his    appointment    as 

*  curator  aquarum  *  in  A.D.  63,  64  (Front. 
Aq.  102). 

6.  senatoris.  The  term  is  used  as 
equivalent  to  *  ordinis  senatorii ',  for  the 
principal  culprit,  Fabianus,  who  must  be! 
here  referred  to,  is  described  as  '  capes- , 
sendis  honoribus  destinatus ',  and  would 
thus  seem  to  have  been  in  the  same  posi- 
tion as  Julius  Montanus  (see  13.  25,  2, 
and  note). 

7.  servili  audacia :  see  c.  43,  i.  The 
construction   is   varied   from   the   genit. 

*  senatoris '  to  this  instrumental  abl. 

erat,  *  there  was' :  cp.  12.  44,  3,  and 
note. 

8.  simul  .  .  .  simul.  Dr.  notes  this 
coordination  as  appearing  here  alone  in 
the  Annals,  though  common  in  the  earlier 
works  of  Tacitus  and  in  Livy. 

senecta.  This  and  the  other  ablatives 
are  causal. 

II.  Antonium  Primum,  after>vards 
the  famous  partisan  of  Vespasian.  His 
character  is  fully  described  in  H.  a.  86, 
23. 


284 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  61 


Primum  et  Asinium  Marcellum  sociaverant.     Antonius  audacia  3 
promptus,    Marcellus    Asinio    Pollione    proavo    clarus    neque 
morum    spernendus    habebatur    nisi    quod    paupertatem    prae- 
cipuum  malorum  credebat.     igitur  Fabianus  tabulas  sociis  quos  4 

5  memoravi    et    aliis    minus    inlustribus    obsignat.      quod   apud  5 
patres   convictum    et    Fabianus    Antoniusque   cum    Rufino    et 
Terentio     lege     Cornelia     damnantur.      Marcellum     memoria 
maiorum    et    preces    Caesaris    poenae    magis    quam    infamiae 
exemere. 

10      41.    Perculit  is  dies   Pompeium   quoque  Aelianum,  iuvenem  1 
quaestorium,  tamquam  flagitiorum  Fabiani  gnarum,  eique  Italia 
et  Hispania  in  qua  ortus  erat  interdictum  est.     pari  ignominia  2 
Valerius  Ponticus  adficitur  quod  reos  ne  apud  praefectum  urbis 


1.  Asinium  Marcellum,  consul  in 
jA.D.  54:  see  12.  64,  I.     He  appears  to 

have  derived  his  cognomen,  probably  by 
adoption,  from  the  orator  Aeserninus 
Marcellus  (3.  ii,  2),  and  must  have 
',  been  a  son  of  M.  Asinius  Agrippa  (4. 
34,  i),  or  of  some  other  son  of  Asinius 
Gallus,  who  was  himself  a  son  of  Pollio 
(I.  12,  2). 

audacia  promptus:  cp.  i.  57,  i  and 
note. 

2.  clarus.  Nipp.  points  out  that 
'erat'  is  supplied  from  'habebatur',  as 
'esse'  from  '  haberi '  in  H.  4.  14,  4  ; 
the  expression  '  clarus  habebatur '  (cp. 
Agr.  18,  6,  &c.)  being  used  rather  of 
distinction  personally  acquired  than  in- 
herited. 

3.  morum.  This  genit.  with  *  spernen- 
dus '  is  ttTT.  dp.,  but  similar  to  '  morum 
diversus'  (c.  19),  and  analogous  to  many 
others  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  33  e  7). 

4.  tabiilas  sociis.  I  have  followed 
Nipp.  in  thus  correcting  the  Med.  '  tabu- 
las  iis '  (corrected  by  a  later  hand  to 
'  tabulariis').  Many  edd.  retain  the 
Med.  text ;  but  *  iis '  as  a  dative  seems 
here  to  have  no  force.  Ritt.  alters  '  iis ' 
to  *  consciis ',  which  is  somewhat  more 
difficult  to  extract  from  the  Med.  text. 
Halm,  Or.,  and  Dr.  read  '  ascitis ', 
which  explains  the  loss  of  the  first 
syllable  ;  but  we  should  hardly  expect  a 
word  occurring  a  few  lines  above  to  be  so 
soon  repeated,  and  it  would  be  referred 
above  to  only  two  persons  and  here  to 
four. 

1  5.  aliis.  We  may  suppose  these  others 
j  to  have  been  three  in  number ;  the  attes- 
'  tation    of    seven   Roman   citizens   being 


requisite  to  a  citizen's  will :  see  Gaius  2. 
119,  147;  Just.  Inst.  2.  10,  3. 

6.  convictum,  '  was  proved '  ;  so  in 

3-  13,  2- 

7.  lege  Cornelia,  a  law  of  Sulla, 
enacted  in  673,  B.  C.  81,  against  forgery 
or  other  falsification  of  wills  or  suppres- 
sion of  a  true  will.  The  penalty  was 
deportation  to  an  island  (with  complete 
forfeiture  of  property)  for  grave  cases, 
and  exile,  relegation,  or  expulsion  from 
the  senate,  for  accessory  crimes.  See  Paul. 
Sent.  Rec.  4.  7,  i ;  5.  15,  5  ;  and  Marcian 
in  Dig.  48. 10,  I.  Antonius  suffered  only 
the  minor  penalty  of  expulsion  from  the 
senate,  and  was  restored  and  placed  in 
command  of  a  legion  by  Galba  (H.  2. 
86,  2).  He  is  however  called  *  exul ', 
perhaps  by  rhetorical  exaggeration,  in  H. 

3-  13,  5. 

10.  Perculit  is  dies.  For  other  such 
personifications  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  75. 
Orelli  notes  here  the  reminiscence  of 
Liv.  42.  67,  I  ('hie  dies  .  .  .  Persea 
perculit'). 

iuvenem  quaestorium.  He  was  thus 
a  senator,  but  of  the  lowest  rank. 

11.  tamquam.  It  is  not  necessary  to 
suppose  this  to  be  a  nominal  or  fictitious 
charge  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  67). 

12.  Hispania.  His  name  would  show 
that  his  family  had  received  citizenship 
when  Spain  was  held  by  Cn.  Pompeius. 

pari  ignominia.  Probably  exclusion 
from  Italy  alone  is  here  meant. 

13.  reos.  There  is  no  need  to  assume 
that  these  are  the  '  minus  inlustres '  in- 
volved in  the  same  case  (c.  40,  4). 

apud  praefectum  urbis.  The  juris-' 
diction  of  this  office  had  been  originally 


A.  D.  6i] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP.  40-42 


285 


arguerentur  ad  praetorem  detulisset,  interim  specie  legum,  mox 
3  praevaricando  ultionem  elusurus.     additur  senatus  consulto,  qui 

talem  operam  emptitasset  vendidissetve  perinde  poena  teneretur 

ac  publico  iudicio  calumniae  condemnatus. 
1      42.  Haud  multo  post  praefectum  urbis  Pedanium  Secundum  5 

servus  ipsius  interfecit,  seu  negata  libertate  cui  pretium  pepigerat 


I 


restricted  to  ordinary  police  cases  and 
criminals  of  the  lowest  rank  (see  6.  11,3, 
and  notes).  It  had  now  no  doubt  taken 
some  steps  towards  the  great  extension 
which  it  ultimately  received  (see  note  on 
13.  26,  3).  It  seems  still  to  have  been 
so  far  regarded  as  an  excrescence,  that 
this  attempt  to  forestall  other  accusers 
from  bringing  a  case  before  the  praefect, 
by  taking  preliminary  steps  to  bring  it 
before  the  praetor  (i.e.  before  one  of  the 
'quaestiones  perpetuae ')  ,could  be  defended 
by  strict  legality  ('  specie  legum ').  That 
such  collisions  were  not  unfrequent, 
appears  from  the  praise  bestowed  by 
Statius  (Silv.  i.  4,  47)  on  the  praefect 
Rutilius  Gallicus  (*  reddere  iura  foro  nee 
proturbare  curules').  See  Momms.Staatsr. 
ii.  1065. 

1.  interim,  *  for  awhile'  :  cp.  i.  4,  4, 
and  note.  It  is  to  be  inferred  that  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  praetor  was  less 
summary,  and  more  hampered  by  legal 
technicalities,  than  that  of  the  praefect. 
By  these  means  he  would  gain  time 
for  collusion  with  the  other  side  (*  prae- 
varicatio'),  on  which  see  11.  5,  2,  and 
note.  It  is  noteworthy  that  the  senate 
appears  here  to  punish  a  crime  not 
actually  committed,  but  presumed  to  be 
intended. 

2.  additur  senattis  consulto.  It 
hardly  seems  possible  that  Ritt.  can  be 
right  in  taking  the  latter  word  as  abl. 
But,  assuming  it  to  be  a  dat.,  the  com- 
mentators may  not  be  right  in  assuming 
that  the  decree  to  which  this  addition 
was  made  was  that  by  which  the  penalty 
was  inflicted  on  Ponticus  ;  the  term  for 
such  judicial  sentences  being  elsewhere 
not  *  senatus  consulta  '  but  *  decreta '  (c. 
49,  2;  3.  51,  3).  It  is  possible  that 
Tacitus  means  to  say  that  a  clause  sug- 
gested by  this  special  offence  was  added 
to  a  general  decree  taking  other  precau- 
tions against  will-forgery.  That  there 
was  such  a  decree  may  be  gathered  from 
the  account  of  its  provisions  in  Suet.  Ner. 
17,  '  adversus  falsarios  turn  primum  re- 
pertum,  ne  tabulae  nisi  perttisae  ac  ter 


lino  per  foramina  traiecto  obsignarentur ; 
cautum  ut  testamentis  primae  duae 
cerae,  testatorum  modo  nomine  inscri- 
pto,  vacuae  signaturis  ostenderentur,  ac 
ne  qui  alieni  testamenti  scriptor  legatum 
sibi  ascriberet.'  The  special  enactment 
mentioned  by  Tacitus  belongs  to  what 
is  known  as  the  *  Senatusconsultum 
Turpilianum'  (Dig.  48.  16),  and  must 
therefore  have  been  passed  while 
Petronius  was  still  consul  (see  c.  29,  i  ; 

39>4). 

3.  talem  operam,  that  of  frustrating  a 
charge  by  such  means. 

emptitasset,  a  verb  used  here  alone  by 
Tacitus  and  otherwise  very  rare. 

4.  publico  iudicio,  Sec,  '  as  if  con- 
victed of  calumny  in  a  criminal  cause.? 
In  legal  phraseology  (Dig.  1. 1.  §  i  and  3)1 

*  calumniari '  was  to  bring  a  false  charge^ 
'  praevaricari,'   to   suppress   a  true    onei 

*  tergiversari,'  to  abandon  a  charge  with- 
out   just    cause.     The    old    penalty  for' 

*  calumnia '  appears  to  have  been  brand- 
ing with  the  letter  '  K '  (see  Cic.  Rose.  I 
Amer.  20,  57),  and  may  probably  havej 
been  imposed  by  the  *  Lex  Remmia '  (of 
uncertain  date,  mentioned  in  Cic.  1.  I.; 
Dig.  22.  5,  13).  In  later  times  it  appears 
to  have  been,  in  a  civil  cause,  a  fine  of 
from  one  tenth  to  one  fourth,  in  some 
cases  one  third,  of  the  *  aestimatio  litis ' 
(Gains  4.  §  175),  and  in  criminal  processes 
exile  or  relegation  or  loss  of  rank  (Paul. 
Rec.  Sent.  5.  4,  11). 

5.  Pedanium  Secundum,  cos.  suff. 
with  Palpellius  Hister  in  A.  D.  43  (see 
note  on  12.  29,  2).  The  praef.  urbis 
was  always  a  senator  of  consular  rank  (6. 

11,3). 

6.  cui  pretium  pepigerat :  for  the' 
verb  cp.  c.  31,  4.  Slaves  were  allowed  to 
accumulate  a  sum  from  their  *  peculium  ' 
to  purchase  their  freedom :  cp.  *  peculium 
suum,  quod  comparaverunt  ventre  fiau- 
dato,  pro  capite  numerant '  (Sen.  Ep.  80, 
4) ;  also  Plant.  Rud.  4.  a,  33  ;  Verg.  Eel. , 
i>  33>  &c.  But  until  later  times  the  slave,' 
had  no  remedy  at  law  if  this  compact  was 
broken. 


M 


286 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  61 


sive  amore  exoleti  incensus  et  dominum  aemulum  non  tolerans. 
ceterum  cum  vetere  ex  more  familiam  omnem  quae  sub  eodem  2 
tecto  mansitaverat  ad  supplicium  agi  oporteret,  concursu  plebis 
quae  tot  innoxios  protegebat  usque  ad  seditionem  ventum  est 
5  senatusque  obsesstis^  in  quo  ipso  erant  studia  nimiam  severi- 
tatem  aspernantium,  pluribus  nihil  mutandum  censentibus.  ex 
quis  C.  Cassius  sententiae  loco  in  hunc  modum  disseruit : 

43.  ^  Saepe  numero,  patres  conscripti,  in  hoc  ordine  interfui,  1 
cum   contra   instituta  et   leges  maiorum  nova  senatus  decreta 

10  postularentur ;    neque    sum    adversatus,   non    quia    dubitarem 
super  omnibus  negotiis  melius  atque  rectius  olim  provisum  et 
quae  con  vert  erentur  in  deterius   mutari,  sed    ne   nimio   amore 
antiqui  moris  studium  meum  extollere  viderer.     simul  quidquid  2 
hoc  in  nobis  auctoritatis  est  crebris  contradictionibus  destruen- 

15  dum   non   existimabam,   ut   maneret   integrum   si    quando    res 
publica  consiliis  eguisset.     quod  hodie  venit  consulari  viro  domi  3 


1.  incensus:  so  all  recent  edd.  after 
Pich.,  for  the  Med.  *  infensus  ',  which 
would  destroy  the  point  of  the  following 
words. 

et  .  .  .  non :  see  note  on  i.  38,  4. 

2.  vetere  ex  more.  That  such  a 
custom  existed  in  republican  times  is 
implied  by  a  letter  of  Ser.  Sulpicius  to 
Cicero  (ad  Fam.  4.  12,  3)  on  the  death 
of  Marcellus.  On  the  increased  strin- 
gency of  subsequent  laws  see  13.  32,  i, 
and  note. 

3.  mansitaverat:  cp.  13.  44,  7,  and 
note. 

5.  senatusque  obsessus.  Halm,  Or. 
and  Dr.  follow  F.  Jacob  in  inserting  the 
latter  word.  Heraeus  prefers  to  insert 
*vocatus',  as  a  word  more  likely  to 
have  been  here  lost.  Most  others  fol- 
low Lips,  in  reading  'senatuque  in  ipso 
erant '. 

6.  pluribxis,  'the majority,'  as  inc.  27, 

7.  C.  Cassius,  the  famous  jurist,  on 
whom  see  12.  12,  i,  &c. 

sententiae  loco,  'when  his  turn  for 
speaking  came' ;  so  in  2.  33,  2  ;  37,  3  : 
cp.  '  ubi  ad  Helvidium  Priscum  .  .  .  ven- 
tum' (H.  4.  4,  5%  An  instance  of  a 
person  claiming  to  speak  before  his  turn 
on  an  urgent  matter  is  given  in  12.  5,  4  ; 
and  the  rules  of  procedure  are  shown 
more  fully  in  Plin.  Ep.  9.  13. 

12.  in  deterius.     The  prep,  is  absent 


in  Med.,  but  inserted,  from  G.,  in  nearly 
all  editions  :  cp.  3.  34,  2,  and  note. 

13.  antiqui  moris,  *  of  ancient  usage ' : 
cp.  *  vetus  mos'  (3.  29,  2). 

studium,  *my  pursuit,'  that  of 
jurisprudence,  and  the  antiquarian  lord 
involved  in  it.  The  sentence  appears  to 
show  traces  of  Sail.  lug.  4,  2  (*  he  quis 
existimet  memet  studium  meum  laudando 
extollere '). 

quidquid  hoc,  &c.,  'whatever  this 
authority  which  I  have  may  be '  :  cp. 
'quidquid  illud  et  qualecumque'  (c.  55, 
2).  '  floc  auctoritatis  '  is  a  modest  ex- 
pression for  'haec  auctoritas ',  as  '  si  quid 
est  in  me  ingenii  (Cic  Arch.  i.  i).  '  Nos ' 
or  *  nobis ',  when  used  for  the  singular, 
are  often  thus  associated  with  a  sing,  verb 
(as  in  Agr.  43,  2,  &c.\  sometimes  even 
coupled  to  a  sing,  participle,  as  *  absente 
nobis '  (Ter.  Eun.  4.  3,  7). 

14.  contradictionibus,  here  used  of 
the  act  of  contradiction,  more  commonly 
in  a  judicial  sense  of  *  replications ' 
(Quint.,  &c.),  and  hence  perhaps  put  here 
as  an  expression  appropriate  to  a  jurist. 

destruendum,  so  used  figuratively  in  2. 
63,4;  4.18,2;  H.1.6,  i;  Liv.34.  3,5,  &c. 

15.  si  quando,  &c,  i.  e.  if  a  question 
of  vital  importance  occurred. 

16.  venit :  most  edd.  after  G.  read 
*  evenit ',  but  Nipp.  and  Ritt.  retam  Med., 
and  compare  12.  32,  5. 

consulari  viro  :  see  above,  §  i. 


A.  D.  6i] 


LIBER  XIV,      CAP.  42-44 


287 


suae  interfecto  per  insidias   servilis,  quas  nemo  prohibuit  aut 
prodidit    quamvis    nondum    concusso    senatus    consulto    quod 

4  supplicium  toti  familiae  minitabatur.     decernite  hercule  impuni- 
tatem  :  at  quern  dignitas  sua  defendet,  cum  praefecto  urbis  non 
profuerit  ?     quern    Humerus  servorum  tuebitur,  cum   Pedanium  5 
Secundum    quadringenti    non   protexerint  ?     cui   familia   opem 

5  feret,  quae  ne  in  metu  quidem  pericula  nostra  advertit  ?     an,  ut 
quidam   fingere   non   erubescunt,  iniurias   suas  ultus   est  inter- 
fector,      quia    de    paterna    pecunia     transegerat    aut     avitum 
mancipium   detrahebatur  ?     pronuntiemus   ultro   dominum   iure  10 
caesum  videri. 

1      44.    Libet  argumenta  conquirere  in   eo   quod   sapientioribus 
deliberatum  est  ?    sed  et  si  nunc  primum  statuendum  haberemus. 


2.  senatus  consulto.  The  reference 
does  not  seem  to  be  strictly  to  the  recent 
decree  (13.  32,  i),  but  to  the  *  vetus  mos* 
(c.  42,  i)  presupposed  and  extended  by  it. 
In  former  editions  of  Nipp.  it  was  sug- 
gested that  some  words  of  reference  to  this 
older  rule  had  dropped  out. 

4.  at  quern,  &c.  In  the  whole  of  this 
passage  all  editors  are  obliged  more  or 
less  to  depart  from  the  Med.  text  [which 
gives  '  ut .  .  .  defendat  cui  praefectus  .  . . 
profuit  ...  (1.  7)  ferat.'     Nipp.  retaining 

*  ut  .  .  .  defendat '  alters  *  tuebitur '  to 
'  tueatur  *  in  order  to  preserve  the  interro- 
gative and  consecutive  construction.  The 
words  would  mean  *  vote,  in  heaven's 
name,  for  their  impunity,  with  the  result 
that  who  is  to  be  defended  by  his  rank 
(i.e.  that  no  one  can  be)  when  the 
office  of  city  praefect  has  been  unavailing 
to  its  possessor?'  (*cum  praefectura  .  .  . 
profuerit '  Puteol.  followed  by  most  edd.) 
*that  who  is  to  be  protected  by  the 
number  of  his  slaves?'  &c.  Instances 
of  this  construction  are  noted  in  Ten  Eun. 
3.  5.  25  (•  quid  ut..  .caperescommodi?'); 
Cic,  pro  Font.  10,  22  ('iurare  malitis? 
quid  ut  secuti  esse  videamini  ? ')  ;  Liv. 
44.  39,  5  (*  dimicassemus ;  ut  quo  victores 
nos  reciperemus  ? ').  The  text  given 
above  (Puteol.),  which  is  more  simple, 
involves  the  alteration  of  *  ut '  to  *  at ', 

*  defendat '  to  '  defendet ',  *  cui . .  .  profuit  * 
to  *cum  .  .  .  profuerit',  and  'ferat'  to 
'  feret '.  *  praefecto '  is  Andresen's  emenda- 
tion, and  is  adopted  by  Halm  together 
with  the  alterations  of  Puteol.— F.]    Ritt. 


makes  the  pronouns  throughout  indefinite, 
not  interrogative,  and  reads  '  cui  praefec- 
tura .  .  .  profuit ' ;  others  less  well  place 
a  full  stop  at  '  profuerit ',  taking  the  first 

*  quem '  as  indefinite,  followed  by  *  quem 
. . .  tuebitur '  and  'cui . . .  feret ',  as  interro- 
gative sentences. 

6.  quadringenti.  On  the  number  of 
Roman  slaves  see  c.  44,  5,  and  other 
evidence  given  in  Introd.  i.  vii.  p.  90  ; 
Marquardt,  Staatsv.  ii.  123  ;  Friedlander, 
Sitteng.  iii.  125. 

7.  in  metu,  when  they  have  fear  of 
punishment  hanging  over  them. 

advertit,    '  pays    attention    to  '    ( = 

*  animadvertit ')  :  cp.  4.  54,  2,  and  note  ; 
13-  54>  B ;  15.  .^o,  I,  &c.  Many  old  edd. 
read,  with  some  inferior  MSS.,  '  avertit.' 

8.  iniurias  suas  :  see  the  motives  sug- 
gested in  c  42,  I.  These  are  here  ironi- 
cally alluded  to  in  the  phrases  *  de  paterna 
pecunia  ',  *  mancipium  avitum  ',  &c.  By 
strict  law,  a  slave  could  sustain  no  in- 
juries, had  no  parentage,  could  neither 
inherit  nor  hold  property,  could  claim  no 
rights,  make  no  contracts  ('transigere'). 

10.  ultro,  &c.,  '  let  us  go  further  and 
say'  (cp.  3.  36,  i). 

12.  Libet,  &c.,  ironical,  'would  you 
question  the  decision  of  your  wisers  ? '  On 
the  absence  of  an  interrogative  particle 
cp.  2.  15,  4,  and  note. 

13.  statuendum  haberemus.  Dr. 
notes  that  Tacitus  and  other  writers  of 
the  silver  age  use  this  and  similar  forms 
where  Cic.  has  '  habeo  dicere ',  *  scribere', 
&c. 


288 


CORNELII   TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  6r 


creditisne  servum  interficiendi  domini  animum  sumpsisse  ut  non 
vox  minax  excideret,  nihil  per  temeritatem  proloqueretur  ?  sane  2 
consilium  occultavit,  telum  inter  ignaros  paravit :  num  excubias 
transire,  cubiculi  foris  recludere,  lumen  inferre,  caedem  patrare 
5  poterat  omnibus  nesciis  ?  multa  sceleris  indicia  praeveniunt :  3 
servi  si  prodant  possumus  singuli  inter  pluris,  tuti  inter  anxios, 
postremo,  si  pereundum  sit,  non  inulti  inter  nocentis  agere. 
suspecta  maioribus  nostris  fuerunt  ingenia  servorum  etiam  cum  4 


1.  creditisne,  &c.,  i.e.  'can  you  sup- 
pose that  he  kept  all  knowledge  of  his 
design  from  his  fellow  slaves  ? ' 

animum  sumpsisse,  *  formed  a 
resolution  '  :  cp.  '  animum  ex  eventu 
sumpturi '  (H.  i.  27,  5).  The  reading  is 
that  of  most  edd.  and  an  inferior  MS.  for 
Med.  *  insumpsisse ',  which  Or.  retains, 
taking  it  to  mean  *  in  se  sumpsisse  ',  and 
referring  to  6.  32,  4  (where  again  '  sumit ' 
is  generally  read),  and  Stat.  Theb.  12. 
643  ('dignas  insumite  mentes  Coeptibus'), 
which  is  perhaps  hardly  parallel  in  mean- 
ing.    Ritt.  reads  *  ita  sumpsisse '. 

2.  sane,  concessive,  *  even  grant  that 
he  concealed  his  design.' 

3.  occultavit,  probably  the  correct 
Med.  text  (see  Halm  not.  crit.),  which 
some  read  as  *  occuluit ' ;  but  the  latter 
verb  (as  Nipp.  shows)  is  used  by  Tacitus 
only  in  pres.  and  imperf. :  cp.  I.  ii,  4  ; 
3.  16,  2,  &c. ;  also  note  on  16.  i,  2. 

,      excubias,    the    slaves    guarding    the 
j  sleeping-chamber:  cp.  Sil.  i,  66  ('  famuli 

.    .   .    ad   limina');   App.    B.  C.    2,   99, 

&c. 

5.  poterat.  Nipp.  and  Dr.  follow 
Halm  in  the  insertion  of  this  word,  which 
may  have  dropped  out  after  *  patrare '. 
Ritt.  inserts  *  occepit '  (cp.  H.  2.  16,  4); 
most  others  follow  the  correction  of  a 
later  hand  in  Med.  by  which  all  four  in- 
finitives are  made  imperf.  subjunct. 

praeveniunt,  *  precede  '  (the  crime); 
so  used  absol.  in  Liv.  22.  24,  6  ('hostis 
.  .  .  praeventurus  erat') ;  24.  21,  5  ('  prae- 
venerat  .  .  .  fama')  ;  Ov.  F.  5,  548  ('Luci- 
fero  praeveniente').  Some  remove  the 
stop  so  as  to  make  *  servi '  the  subject, 
but  they  would  hardly  be  said  '  praevenire 
indicia '.  The  point  is  that  slaves  must 
always  get  some  knowledge  of  the  com- 
ing crime,  and  can  betray  it  if  they 
choose. 

6.  servi  si  prodant,  &c.  This  pas- 
sage is  discussed  by  Nipp.,  by  Madvig 
(Adv.  ii.  p.  554),  and  by  Joh.  Miiller 


(Beitr.  4.  p.  30).  If  the  text  is  sound,  it 
must  be  supposed  that  so  much  has  been 
sacrificed  to  conciseness  as  to  make  the 
words  seem  ambiguous,  if  not  contra- 
dictory ;  the  point  which  really  had  to  be 
shown  being,  not  that  we  are  safe  if  slaves 
betray  a  plot  against  us  (which  is  ob- 
vious), but  that  the  terror  of  the  old  law 
gives  us  some  security  that  they  will  do 
so.  The  general  sense  might  be  taken  to 
be  that  if  the  law  is  left  in  full  force  we 
can  live  isolated  among  numbers,  safe, 
if  they  disclose  such  evidence  of  an  im- 
pending crime  as  they  become  aware  of, 
trusting  that  their  fears  will  make  them 
do  so,  and  knowing  that,  if  all  are  guilty 
of  concealment  and  we  have  to  perish,  we 
shall  not  die  unavenged.  But  it  does  not 
appear  possible  to  get  this  satisfactorily 
out  of  the  words.  It  seems  extremely 
forced  to  understand  *  si  pereundum  sit ' 
(with  Dr.)  of  the  slaves,  as  an  antithesis 
to  *  servi  si  prodant ' ;  yet  if  *  nobis  '  be 
supplied  with  it,  there  is  on  any  strict  in- 
terpretation a  contradiction  in  terms  be- 
tween *  pereundum  sit '  and  *  agere  '  (*  to 
live  ').  The  emendation  of  Nipp.,  who 
by  a  combined  transposition  and  altera- 
tion (the  latter  in  part  previously  sug- 
gested by  Madvig)  reads  '  servis  si  pere- 
undum sit  ni  prodant ',  removes  the  diffi- 
culty, but  is  somewhat  violent.  '  Inter 
nocentis '  appears  not  quite  to  resemble 
the  corresponding  clauses,  but  to  have 
the  force  of  '  si  nocentes  fuerint ',  or  an 
abl.  abs.  :  cp.  i.  50,  7,  and  note. 

6.  anxios,  either  anxious  lest  some 
unknown  plot  against  their  master  should 
involve  them  in  destruction,  or  each  in 
fear  lest  another  should  forestall  him  in 
disclosure. 

8.  suspect!.  Seneca  quotes  a  proverb 
(Ep.  47,  5)  *  totidem  hostes  quot 
servi '. 

etiam  cum,  &c.  In  old  households 
most  or  all  of  the  slaves  were  '  vernae  ' ; 
so  Nepos  after  describing  the  household 


A.  D.  6i] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP.  44,  45 


289 


in  agris  aut  domibus  isdem  nascerentur  caritatemque  dominorum 

5  statim  acciperent.    postquam  vero  nationes  in  familiis  habemus, 
quibus  diversi  ritus,  externa  sacra   aut   nulla   sunt,  conluviem 

6  istam  non  nisi  metu  coercueris.     at  quidam  insontes  peribunt. 
nam  et  ex  fuso  exercitu  cum  decimus  quisque  fusti  feritur,  etiam  5 
strenui    sortiuntur.      habet   aliquid   ex   iniquo   omne   magnum 
exemplum  quod  contra  singulos  utilitate  publica  rependitur.' 

45.  Sententiae  Cassii  ut  nemo  unus  contra  ire  ausus  est,  ita 
dissonae  voces  respondebant  numerum  aut  aetatem  aut  sexum 
ac  plurimorum  indubiam  innocentiam  miserantium :  praevaluit  10 
tamen  pars  quae  supplicium  decernebat.  sed  obtemperari  non 
poterat,  conglobata  multitudine  et  saxa  ac  faces  minante.  tum 
Caesar  populum  edicto  increpuit  atque  omne  iter  quo  damnati 
ad  poenam  ducebantur  militaribus  praesidiis  saepsit.  censuerat 
Cingonius  Varro  ut  liberti  quoque  qui  sub  eodem  tecto  fuis-  ^5 
sent    Italia   deportarentur.     id   a    principe  prohibitum   est,  ne 


I 


of  Atticus  (13,  4),  says  'neque  tamen 
horum  quemquam  nisi  domi  natum  .  .  . 
habuit '. 

I .  dominorum  =  *  in  dominos ' :  cp.  4. 
19,  I,  and  note. 

12.  nationes.  This  is  to  be  under- 
ftood  of  their  vast  number,  and  more 
especially  of  their  various  origin  :  cp. 
'familiarum  numerum  et  nationes'  (3. 
53,  5,  and  note,  where  their  nationalities 
are  instanced)  ;  also  *  agmina  exoletorum 
per  nationes  coloresque  descripta  '  (Sen. 
Ep.  95,  24),  and  various  references  in 
Marquardt,  Privatl.  169. 

3.  diversi,  *  different  from  ours ' ;  cp. 
*  profanos  ritus  '  (2.  85,  5).  They  know 
nothing  of  our  religious  sanctions. 

5.  nam  et  =  *  nam  etiam'.  as  in  Quint. 
2.  II,  7  ;  12,  2  ;  20,  10.  The  expression 
is  used  elliptically,  like  kox  yap,  in  the 
sense  of  *  no  df)ubt,  for  also ',  &c.,  i.  e. 
the  argument  applies  equally  to  other 
cases. 

decimus  quisque.  On  the  punish- 
ment of  'decimaiio'  cp.  3.  21,  i,  and 
note. 

etiam  strenui  sortiuntur,  'even 
good  soldiers  draw  the  lot  for  punish- 
ment.' 

6.  habet,  &c.,  'every  exemplary 
punishment  on  a  large  scale  involves  some 
injustice'  :  for  this  sense  of  'exemplum' 
cp.  12.  20,  4,  and  note. 

7.  contra  singulos,  *  as  against  (to  set 
against  the  wrong  done  to)  individuals.* 


8.  nemo  unus,  '  no  one  in  particular,^ 
no  one  coming  forward  as  an  individual: 
cp.  '  neminem  unum  destinare  irae  *  (H. 
I.  82,  2),  'neminem  unum  esse,'  &c. 
(Liv.  3.  12,  4). 

9.  aetatem.  In  later  times  young  boys 
and  girls  were  exempted  from  this  general 
execution  (Ulp.  in  Dig.  29.  5,  i,  32). 

10.  indubiam.  This  word  is  found 
elsewhere  only  in  Quint.  5.  13,  24,  and 
the  adv.  once  in  Cassiod. 

1 1 .  obtemperari,  i.  e.  for  the  sentence 
to  be  carried  out. 

12.  saxa  ac  faces,  the  weapons  of 
popular  sedition :  cp.  *  iamque  faces  et 
saxa  volant '  (Verg.  Aen.  i,  150). 

13-  popvilum  edicto  increpuit:  cp. 
1.8,  6;  3.  6,  i;  5.  5,  i,  &c. 

iter,  probably  to  the  spot  outside  the 
Esquiline  Gate  :  cp.  2.  32,  5;  15.  60,  2. 

15.  Cingonius  Varro.  This  person 
was  COS.  design,  in  a.  D.  68,  and  was  put 
to  death  by  order  of  Galba,  without  trial, 
as  an  accomplice  in  the  conspiracy  of 
Nymphidius  Sabinus  (H.  i.  6,  2  ;  37,  6). 

16.  Italia :  on  the  simple  abl.  cp. 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  24. 

deportarentur.  This  must  express  \ 
more  than  '  arceri  Italia'  (4.  31,  5; 
16.  35,  i);  as  the  sentence  is  evidently 
intended  to  be  a  near  approach  to  that 
of  death,  and  the  verb  is  regularly  used 
of  *  deportatio  in  insulam '  (4.  13,  2; 
6.  48,  7 ;  16.  9,  2),  the  severest  form  of 
exile. 


290 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  6 1 


mos  antiquus   quern   misericordia  non  minuerat  per  saevitiam 
intenderetur. 

46.  Damnatus  isdem  consulibus  Tarquitius  Prlscus  repetun-1 
darum    Bithynis   interrogantibus,   magno   patrum   gaudio   quia 
5  accusatum  ab  eo  Statilium  Taurum  pro  consule  ipsius  memi- 
nerant.     census  per  Gallias  a  Q.  Volusio  et  Sextio  Africano  2 
Trebellioque  Maximo  acti  sunt,  aemulis  inter  se  per  nobilitatem 
Volusio  atque  Africano :    Trebellium  dum  uterque  dedignatur, 
supra  tulere. 
lo      47.    Eo  anno  mortem   obiit    Memmius   Regulus,  auctoritate  1 
constantia  fama,  in  quantum  praeumbrante  imperatoris  fastigio 
datur,  clarus,  adeo   ut   Nero   aeger  valetudine   et  adulantibus 
circum,  qui  finem  imperio  adesse  dicebant  si  quid  fato  pateretur, 
respondent  habere  subsidium  rem  publicam.     rogantibus  dehinc 


2.  intenderetur,  'should  be  strained'; 
so  nearly  all  edd.,  after  Rhen.,  for  the 
Med.  *  incenderetur ',  which  would  be  no 
proper  antithesis  to  '  minuerat '.  The  use 
of  the  verb  with  *  mos '  is  analogous  to 
its  use  with  'luxus'  (13.  20,  i), '  socordia' 
(2.  58,  6),  &c. 

3.  Tarquitius  Prisons .  His  previous 
accusation  of  Statilius  Taurus,  and  his 
expulsion  from  the  senate  are  mentioned 
in  12.  59,  I.  His  proconsulate  of  Bithy- 
nia  (on  which  province  see  i.  74>  i>  and 
note)  is  attested  by  Neronian  coins  of 
Nicomedia  or  Nicaea  (Eckh.  ii.  402). 

4.  interrogantibus:  cp.  13.  14,  2, 
and  note.  Halm  follows  Lipsius  in  alter- 
ing Med.  *  quia'  to  *  qui '. 

6.  census  per  Gallias  .  .  .  acti;    see 

1.  31,  2,  and  note.  On  Q.  Volusius  see 
13.  25, 1  ;  on  Sextius  Africanus,  13,  19,  2. 

7.  Trebellius  Maximus.  His  full 
name  is  given  as  L.  Trebellius  Maximus 
Pollio  in  a  Pompeian  tablet  (Hermes, 
xii.  127).  His  consulship,  noted  for 
a  '  senatus  consultum  Trebellianum '  on 
inheritance,  was  shared  with  Seneca 
(Gains  2.  §  253;  Just.  Inst.  2.  23,  4, 
I^ig-  36'  ^»  ^»  ^)»  ^^  *^^  latter  part 
probably  of  A.  D.  58  (see  Nipp.  and 
Borghesi,  CEuvres,  iv.  391-397).  He 
was  legatus  of  Britain  (where  he  bore 
an  evil  character)  in  A.  D.  69  (H.  i.  60,  i  ; 

2.  65,  5  ;  Agr.  16,  4),  and  was  still  alive 
in  A.  D.  72,  when  his  name  occurs  as 
*  Magister  Arvalium '  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  i.  2053). 

8.  dedignatur :  so  with  accus.  in 
Verg.  Aen.  4,  536  and  Ov.  Cp.  2.  2,  5 ; 
13.  37,  1,  and  notes. 


9.  supra  tulere,  best  taken,  with  Dr., 
by  explaining  *  tulere  '  as  =  *  extulere  * :  1 
they  kept  each  other  down  by  rivalry,  and 
thus  made  the  third  party,  whom   they  / 
disdained    to   thwart,  become    the   more/ 
important :  Deed,  less  well  explains  it  as 

*  superiorem  passi  sunt ',  referring  to  the 
use  of  *  supra  '  in  Sail.  Cat.  3,  2. 

10.  Memmius  Kegulus.  This  person  ! 
was  consul  in  A.  D.  31,  at  the  time  of 
the  fall  of  Seianus  (see  5.  11,  i,and  note), 
and  was  husband  of  Lollia  Paulina  (12.22, 
2).  His  name  occurs  among  the  Arvales 
up  to  A.  D.  60  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  I,  2042); 
after  which  no  table  is  preserved  until 
three  years  later. 

11.  constantia,  best  understood  of  his 
dignified  courage,  as  contrasted  with  the 
prevailing  servility.  Cp.  the  character  of 
M'.  Lepidus  in  4.  20,  4. 

in  quantum  :  cp.  13.  54,  2. 

praeumbrante,  an.  elp.  (see  Introd. 
i.  V.  69,  3).  In  H.  2.  32,  4  the  com- 
paratively common,  but  chiefly  poetical 
'  obumbrare  '  is  used. 

12.  aeger  valetudine.  An  illness  is 
mentioned  in  the  preceding  year  (c.  22,  6) ; 
but  some  earlier  date,  less  near  the  death 
of  Regulus,  seems  here  to  be  spoken  of. 

et  adulantibus.  Many  instances 
are  found  in  Tacitus,  and  a  few  in  Livy, 
of  the  insertion  of  '  et ',  where  the  simple 
abl.  abs.  would  be  in  accordance  with 
strict  classical  usage  (see  Dr.  Synt.  imd 
Stil,  §  237) ;  but  in  most  of  them,  e.  g. 
1.  29,  I  ;  55,  I ;  12,  67,  2  ;  there  is  more 
reason  for  the  insertion  than  here. 


A.  D.  6a] 


LIBER  XIV.     CAP,  45-48 


291 


2  in  quo  potissimum,  addiderat  in  Memmio  Regulo.  vixit  tamen 
post  haec  Regulus  quiete  defensus  et  quia  nova  generis  clari- 

3  tudine  neque  invidiosis  opibus  erat.  gymnasium  eo  anno  dedi- 
catum  a  Nerone  praebitumque  oleum  equiti  ac  senatui  Graeca 
facilitate.  5 

1  48.  P.  Mario  L.  Afinio  consulibus  Antistius  praetor,  quern 
in  tribunatu  plebis  licenter  egisse  memoravi,  probrosa  adversus 
principem  carmina  factitavit  vulgavitque  celebri  convivio  dum 

2  apud  Ostorium  Scapulam  epulatur.  exim  a  Cossutiano  Capitone, 
qui   nuper  senatorium  ordinem   precibus   Tigellini    soceri    sui  10 


1.  potissimnm  =  iiAXtara,  emphasiz- 
ing 'quo'. 

tamen,  though  his  reputation  might 
have  brought  him  into  suspicion. 

2.  quiete,  '  his  unobtrusive  life  *  (op. 
c-  S^'  3)'  His  government  of  the  com- 
ibined  provinces  of  Moesia,  Achaia,  and 
Macedonia  (see  Dio,  58.  25,  5),  must 
have  ceased  before  a.  d.  44,  when  the  two 
latter  provinces  were  restored  to  the  senate 
(Dio,  60.  24,  i). 

nova  generis  claritudine,  not 
dangerous  '  nobilitas '  (cp.  3.  55,  3 ; 
Juv.  4,  97). 

3.  invidiosis,  €in<p66vois,  great  enough 
to  excite  the  emperor's  envy  and  cupidity. 

gymnasivun.  This  was  intended  for 
the  Neronian  games  (Dio,  61.  21,  i), 
and  was  the  finest  in  Rome  (Philost. 
Vit.  Ap.  4,  42).  It  was  situated  in  the 
Campus  Martins,  and  joined  on  to  the 
Thermae  built  by  Nero  probably  at  the 
same  time  (Suet.  Ner.  12). 

4.  praebitumque  oleiun.  The  oil 
used  by  athletes  to  rub  their  bodies 
before  contests  was  furnished  gratuitously, 
even  to  those  of  equestrian  or  senatorial 
rank.  Such  persons  had  taken  part  in 
the  luvenalia  (c.  14,  5),  and  the  gift  was 
no  doubt  a  hint  to  them  to  go  further  in 
the  practice  (cp.  c.  20,  6). 

I  5.  facilitate,  'lavishness'  (cp.  11.  22, 
jio).  To  find  oil  for  the  athletes  would 
be  part  of  the  regular  expenses  of  the 
leitourgia  of  gymnasiarchs  at  Athens;  and 
:  it  had  probably  previously  been  provided 
1  at  Rome,  but  not  to  persons  of  such  rank. 
Pliny  in  saying  (N.  H.  15.  4,  5,  19) 
*  usum  eius  (olei)  ad  luxuriam  vertere 
Graeci  ...  in  gymnasiis  publicando', 
is  speaking  of  its  indiscriminate  use, 
rather  than  its  gratuitous  distribution. 

6.  P.  Mario  L.  Afinio.  The  former 
of   these  was  '  curator    aquarum '  from 


A.b.  64-66  (Frontin.  Aq.  102),  and  was 
probably  father  of  Marius  Celsus  (on 
whom  see  15.  25,  5),  and  possibly  son  of 
a  Q.  Marius  Celsus,  noted  in  the  '  Acta 
Arvalium'  (see  Nipp.)  as  praetor  pere- 
grinus  in  A.D.  31.  The  other  name  is 
read  asinio  in  Med.  and  also  in  the  old 
*  vita  Persii '  (*  P.  Mario  Asinio  Gallio 
cos.'),  but  is  thus  corrected  by  Halm  and 
Nipp.  after  an  inscription  C.  I.  L.  6. 16521. 

7.  memoravi:  see  13.  28,  i. 

probrosa  carmina.  On  such  pas- 
quinades see  I.  72,  5 ;  4.  3i>  I  ;  6.  9,  3 ; 
and  the  allusions  to  the  earlier  verses 
of  Catullus  and  Bibaculus  in  4.  34,  8. 
Many  epigrams  on  emperors  are  preserved 
in  various  places  by  Suetonius  ;  and  the 
satire  of  Sulpicia  against  Domitian  is  a 
specimen  of  a  more  elaborate  and  serious 
effort. 

8.  celebri,  *  crowded ' :  the  same  ex- 
pression is  used  in  H.  i.  81,  i. 

9.  Ostorium  Scapulam,  the  son  (see 
12.  31,  7,  and  note)  of  the  legatus  who 
had  died  in  command  in  Britain  (12.  39, 

Cossutiano  Capitone:  see  11.  6,  5, 
and  note. 

10.  Tigellini,  the  famous  Sofonius 
Tigellinus,  often  mentioned  as  praefectus 
praetorio  (c.  51,  5,  &c.),  who  was  forced 
to  suicide  under  Otho  (H.  i.  72).  For 
his  previous  career  see  on  c.  51,  5.  The 
name  is  read  as  *  Tigellinus  'in  15.  37,  3, 
here  as  *  Tifrellanus ',  elsewhere  always 
in  Med.  as  'Tigillinus' ;  which  form  Or. 
and  Ritt.  retain,  supporting  it  by  the 
MSS.  of  Suet.  (Galb.  15),  Martial  (3. 
20,  16),  and  the  Schol.  on  Juv.  i,  155. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  form  *  Tigellinus  * 
is  found  in  the  text  of  Juv.  (1.  1.),  also 
in  Plutarch  and  Dio,  and  would  be  the 
correct  form  of  a  name  evidently  formed 
from  Tigellius  (Hor.  Sat.  i.  a,  3). 


U    2 


292 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  62 


receperat,  maiestatis  delatus  est.     turn  primum  revocata  ea  lex  ;  3 
credebaturque  haud  perinde  exitium  Antistio  quam  imperatori 
gloriam  quaeri,  ut  condemnatum  a  senatu  intercessione  tribunicia 
morti   eximeret.      et   cum    Ostorius    nihil    audivisse   pro  testi-  4 
5  monio  dixisset,  adversis  testibus  creditum  ;   censuitque  lunius 
Marullus   consul  designatus  adimendam  reo  praeturam  necan- 
dumque    more    maiorum.      ceteris   inde   adsentientibus   Paetus  5 
Thrasea,   multo    cum    honore    Caesaris    et   acerrime    increpito 
Antistio,  non  quidquid  nocens  reus  pati  mereretur,  id  egregio 

10  sub  principe  et  nulla  necessitate  obstricto  senatui  statuendum 
disseruit :  carnificem  et  laqueum  pridem  abolita  et  esse  poenas  6 
legibus  constitutas   quibus  sine  iudicum  saevitia  et  temporum 
infamia  supplicia  decernerentur.     quin  in  insula  publicatis  bonis  7 
quo  longius  sonterti  vitam  traxisset,  eo  privatim  miseriorem  et 

15  publicae  clementiae  maximum  exemplum  futurum. 


I.  delatus  est,  with  genit.  :  cp.  4.  42, 
3,  and  note. 

turn  primum,  &c.  Dio  states  (60. 
3,  6)  that  trials  on  this  charge  were 
discontinued  by  Claudius  at  the  begin- 
ning of  his  rule ;  a  previous  abolition 
by  Gaius  (Id.  59.  4,  3)  having  been 
illusory.  An  attempt  had  been  made 
to  bring  such  a  charge  against  L.  Vitel- 
lius  (12.42,5).  On  the  law  itself,  and 
its  working  under  Tiberius,  see  i.  72,  3; 
Introd.  i.  viii.  p.  121. 

3.  gloriam  quaeri :  for  the  accus. 
and  inf.  after  '  credebatur '  see  2.  69,  5 
(and  note),  where,  as  here,  Ritt.  needlessly 
reads  the  nominative.  The  correction 
'  quaeri  ut '  for  the  Med.  *  quaesiuit ',  is 
one  of  the  alternative  readings  suggested 
by    Acid.      The    old    edd.   mostly  read 

*  gloria  quaesita  (or  *  gloriam  quaesitam  ') 
ut  *.  '  Credebaturque '  is  a  correction  of 
the  same  person  for  *  credebatur  quae  '. 

intercessione  tribunicia,  by  exercise 
of  the  imperial  tribunitian  power  (see 
Introd.  i.  vi.  p.  70,  and  an  instance  of  its 
exercise  in  this  manner  in  4.  30,  i). 
Halm  follows  Ritt.  in  retaining  the  Med. 

•  eximeret ',  and  reading  '  condemnatum ' 
above.  Others  there  retain  the  Med.  *  con- 
demnatus ',  and  read  *  eximeretur ',  with  G. 

4.  nihil  audivisse.  Similar  negative 
evidence  was  given  in  the  trial  of  Clu- 
torius  Priscus  (3.  49,  3). 

6.  consul  designatus,  for  the  later 
months  of  the  same  year,  as  appears  from 
an  inscription  C.  I.  L.  10.  1549,  'Kal. 
Novembris   Q.    Ionic  Marullo  cos.'      A 


Marullus,  possibly  the  same,  is  mentioned 
by  Seneca  as  a  friend  (Ep.  99,  3).  On 
the  practice  for  the  cos.  design,  to  vote 
first  see  3.  22,  6;  11.  5,  3;  12.  9,  i,  and 
notes. 

7.  more  maiorum,  by  scourging  to 
death  :   see  2.  32,  5,  and  note. 

Paetus  Thrasea:  see  13.  49,  i.  The 
line  here  taken  by  him  closely  follows 
that  of  M'.  Lepidus  in  the  trial  of  Clutorius 
Priscus  (3.  50).  ' 

9.  mereretur,  with  inf.  as  in  15.  67,  2  ; 
G.  28,  5  ;  Ov.,  Quint.,  &c. 

10.  et  nulla,  apparently  intended  to 
emphasize  the  negation  more  than  '  neque 
ulla' :  cp.  6.  46,  7  ;  i.  38,  4  (and  note),  &c. 

senatui.  Most  of  the  older  edd.  read 
*  senatu ',  with  G. 

1 1.  carnificem  et  laqueum,  the  usual 
mode  of  execution  (see  3.  50,  i,  and 
note) ;  for  which,  in  the  case  of  most 
persons  put  to  death,  some  form  of  com- 
pulsory suicide  was  substituted.  It  would 
follow  a  fortiori  that  the  more  barbarous 
mode  of  execution  '  more  maiorum '  was 
to  be  treated  as  obsolete.  On  the  use  of 
the  neut.  adj.  with  masc.  or  fern,  sub- 
stantives see  I   46,  I ,  and  note. 

12.  quibus,  sc.  ' legibus'. 

13.  in  insula,  &c.  *  Interdictio  aqua 
et  igni*  (involving  loss  of  goods  and 
usually  coupled  with  deportation  to  an 
island)  was  at  this  time  the  recognized 
legal  penalty  for  *  maiestas  '  (cp.  3.  50  6, 
and  note\  though  often  exceeded. 

14.  privatim,  'personally':  co.  11. 
17,  4,  and  note. 


A.  D.  6a] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP.  48,  49 


293 


1  49.  Libertas  Thraseae  servitium  aliorum  rupit  et,  postquam 
discessionem  consul  permiserat,  pedibus  in  sententiam  eius  iere, 
paucis  exceptis,  in  quibus  adulatione  promptissimus  fuit  A. 
Vitellius,   optimum    quemque    iurgio    lacessens   et   respondent! 

2  reticens,  ut  pavida  ingenia  solent.    at  consules  perficere  decretum  5 

3  senatus  non  ausi  de  consensu  scripsere  Caesari.  ille  inter 
pudorem  et  iram  cunctatus,  postremo  rescripsit  nulla  iniuria 
provocatum  Antistium  gravissimas  in  principem  contumelias 
dixisse ;  earum  ultionem  a  patribus  postulatam  et  pro  magni- 

4  tudine  delicti  poenam  statui  par  fuisse.    ceterum  se,  qui  severi-  10 
tatem    decernentium    impediturus    fuerit,    moderationem    non 
prohibere :  statuerent  ut  vellent,  datam  et  absolvendi  licentiam. 

5  his  atque  talibus  recitatis  et  ofifensione  manifesta,  non  ideo  aut 
consules   mutavere   relationem   aut   Thrasea   decessit   sententia 
ceterive  quae  probaverant  deseruere,  pars,  ne  principem  obiecisse  15 
invidiae  viderentur,  plures  numero  tuti,  Thrasea  sueta  firmitudine 
animi  et  ne  gloria  intercideret. 


I.  servitium  .  .  .  rupit,  *  broke 
through  the  servility'  (a  metaphor  from 
breaking  a  bond).  The  same  opposition 
of  '  servitium '  and  '  libertas '  is  seen  in 
15.  61,  3,  &c. 

3.  discessionem  permiserat,  'al- 
lowed the  senate  to  divide.'  It  was  within 
the  discretion  of  the  presiding  magistrate 
to  rule  whether  a  *  sententia '  should  or 
should  not  be  thus  submitted  to  the  house. 
A  well-known  instance  is  seen  in  the 
complaint  of  Cicero  (Phil.  14.  7,  21) 
•  has  in  sententias  meas  si  consules  dis- 
cessionem facere  voluissent  .  .  .  arma 
cecidissent ' ;  and  others  are  given  in 
Momms.  Staatsr.  iii.  987,  2.  We  see 
also  from  what  here  follows  that  they 
could  refuse  to  give  formal  effect  to  that 
which  the  majority  had  thus  approved. 
Only  the  one  consul  who  presided  on  the 
day  and  formally  made  the  *  relatio '  is 
here  mentioned,  but  both  are  spoken  of 
below  as  responsible,  inasmuch  as  they 
were  joint  presidents  of  the  senatorial 
court  (see  i.  73,  3,  &c.). 

3.  A.  Vitellius,  the  subsequent  em- 
peror, already  mentioned  in  11.  23,  i,  as 
consul. 

4.  respondenti  reticens,  '  holding 
his  tongue  to  any  who  replied  to  him,' 
not  daring  a  rejoinder.  This  dat.  with 
'  reticere ',  not  used  elsewhere  by  Tacitus, 
is  found  in  Liv.  3.  41,  3  ;  23.  12,  9 ;  Ov. 
Met.  3,  357. 


5.  perficere  decretum.  This  would 
imply  formal  announcement  and  registra- 
tion (cp.  3.  51,  3)  of  the  sentence,  with 
the  names  of  the  senators  who  signed 
it  (*  scribendo  adfuere ').  These  sentences 
are  regularly  called  'decreta'  (cp.  1.  1. 
and  3.  37,  i),  and  appear  to  have  fol- 
lowed the  form  of  *  senatus  consulta' 
(Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  122). 

6.  de  consensu  scripsere :  cp.  13. 
26,  2,  and  note. 

inter  .  .  .  cunctatus,  *  after  a  st niggle 
between ' :  cp.  '  inter  metum  et  iram 
cunctatus'  (2.  66,  2);  also  H.  2.  2,  i  ; 
3.  39,  I  ;  4.  60,  I. 

9.  pro,  '  in  proportion  to '  (cp.  3.  2,  2, 
&c.)  :  for  'par  esse'  cp.  i.  25,  3,  &c. 

11.  impediturus,  by  his  veto:  see 
above  (c.  48,  3). 

12.  et  =  'etiam',  'they  might  even 
acquit  him  if  they  would.' 

15.  ne  principem,  &c.,  i.e.  lest  they 
should  seem  to  have  rescinded  a  popular 
decision  to  please  Caesar's  vindictiveness. 

16.  plures,  'the  majority'  (i.  32,  i, 
&c.).  They  felt  that  in  such  a  number, 
Nero  could  mark  no  individuals  for 
vengeance. 

17.  et  ne  gloria  intercideret.  This 
suggestion  of  vanity  may  be  compared 
with  what  is  said  of  Thrasea  in  c.  12,  2. 
Dio  (61.  15,  3)  makes  him  give  as  a 
reason  for  his  independent  conduct,  that 
the  sycophants  were  as  liable  to  perish 


294 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  62 


50.  Haud  dispari  crimine  Fabricius  Veiento  conflictatus  est,  1 
quod  multa  et  probrosa  in  patres  et  sacerdotes  composuisset  iis 
libris   quibus   nomen   codicillorum    dederat.     adiciebat   Tullius 
Geminus  accusator  venditata  ab  eo  munera  principis  et  adipi- 

5  scendorum  honorum  ius.     quae  causa  Neroni   fuit  suscipiendi  2 
iudicii,  convictumque  Veientonem  Italia  depulit  et  libros  exuri 
iussit,  conquisitos  lectitatosque  donee  cum  periculo  parabantur  : 
mox  licentia  habendi  oblivionem  attulit. 

51.  Sed  gravescentibus  in  dies  publicis  malis  subsidia  minue- 1 
10  bantur,  concessitque  vita  Burrus,  incertum  valetudine  an  veneno. 

valetudo  ex  eo  coniectabatur  quod  in  se  tumescentibus  paulatim  2 
faucibus   et   impedito   meatu    spiritum    finiebat.     plures   iussu  3 


by  Nero's  caprice  as  he  was,  and  that  he 
would  leave  a  name  behind  him,  and  they 
would  not. 

I.  Veiento:  so  all  edd.  after  Puteol. 
for  the  Med.  'uegento'.  This  person, 
probably  the  ASA.os  ^aPpiKios  mentioned 
in  Dio,  61.  6,  2,  as  praetor,  apparently 
in,  A.  D.  54,  is  well  known  under  Domi- 
tian  as  a  consular,  and  an  infamous 
accuser  (Juv.  4,  113,  &c.).  He  remained 
on  intimate  terms  with  Nerva  (Plin.  Ep. 
4.  22,  4),  and  was  still  living  as  a  senator 
in  A.D.  97  (Id.  9.  13,  13,  19). 

3.  codicillonun,  'his  will':  cp.  15. 
64,  6;  16.  17,  6;  19,  5,  &c.  It  was 
common  for  persons  thus  to  vent  in  their 
will  such  attacks  on  the  princeps  or  others 
as  they  dared  not  utter  in  their  lifetime 
(see  6.  38,  2) ;  and  Augustus  had  ex- 
pressly forbidden  the  senate  to  curtail 
this  licence  (Suet.  Aug.  56).  It  is  to  be 
supposed  that  Veiento  published  a  libel 

I  taking  the  form  of  a  will  and  ironically 
termed  such. 

Tullius.  Borghesi  (CEuvr.  v.  221), 
thus  corrects  the  Med.  *  talius '  (not 
known  as  a  Roman  name)  on  the  strength 
of  an  Arval  inscription,  apparently  be- 
longing to  this  time,  '  M.  lunio  Silano, 
Terentio  Tullio  Gemino  cos.'  lahn  (in 
Rhein.  Mus.  ix.  627)  thinks  him  identical 
with  the  person  of  the  same  name  known 
as  the  author  of  several  Greek  epigrams 
(see  Anth.  Pal.  9.  707,  &c.). 

4.  venditata.  This  verb  is  here  used 
literally,  as  in  H.  i.  66,  5  ;  Cic.  &c., 
oftener  in  the  sense  of  '  commending ' 
(cp.  H.  I.  49,  5).  What  he  in  fact  sold 
was  his  influence  with  Caesar  to  help 
persons.  That  his  mere  acquaintance 
had  in  later  times  its  price,  is  hinted  by 
Juvenal  (3,  185). 


5.  suscipiendi  iudicii,  for  trying  the 
case  personally  (see  Introd.  i.  vi.  p.  74). 
Nero  had  disclaimed  the  use  of  this 
prerogative  (13.  4,  2),  but  appears  to 
have  from  the  first  occasionally  (13.  33, 

1,  and  note),  and    afterwards  frequently 
exercised  it. 

6.  Italia  depulit,  a  less  severe  sentence 
than  that  expressed  by  *  Italia  deportari ' 
(see  c.  45,  4,  and  note),  but  amounting 
to  relegation.  Other  equivalent  expres- 
sions  are'  *  Italia  interdicere '   (c.  41,  i ; 

2.  5°,    5),    'prohibere'    (15.     71,    i), 
'arcere'  (16.  35,  i),  &c. 

libros  exuri.  To  see  this  done  was 
a  function  of  the  aediles  (4.  35,  5). 

7.  donee,  'as  long  as':  this  poetical 
sense  is  introduced  into  prose  by  Livy 
(2.  49,  9  ;  6.  13,  4,  Sec),  and  is  frequent 
in  Tacitus  (i.  68,  6;  3.  15,  2,  &c,). 

9.  gravescentibus :  cp.  i,  5,  i,  and 
note. 

10.  concessit  vita:  cp.  12,  39,  5,  &c. 

11.  coniectabatur.  The  im per f.  here 
and  in  *  adseverabant '  expresses  the 
report  at  the  time. 

in  se,  '  internally ' ;  so  '  tabes  in  se 
putrescentium '  (Sen.  Ep.  95,  16).  Ritt. 
reads  *  inter  se ' ;  Muret.  '  intumescenti- 
bus'.  The  disease  described  is  that  of 
an  abscess  or  quinsy,  contracting  the 
windpipe. 

12.  meatu,  'respiration';  so  with 
♦spirandi'  (PL  N.  H.  28.  13,  55,  197^ 
with  'spiritus'  (Quint.  7.  10,  10),  with 
'animae*  (PI.  Ep.  6.  16,  13);  whence 
Em.  would  read  '  spiritus  '  here,  and  take 
the  verb  (for  which  he  reads  *  finierat ') 
absolutely. 

plures,  *  the  majority '  (c.  49,  5).  j 
Tacitus  evidently  inclines  to  the  theory ' 
of  poison ;  but  we  owe  it  to  him  that  any 


A.  D.  6a] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP,  50,  51 


295 


Neronis,  quasi  remedium  adhiberetur,  inlitum  palatum  eius  noxio 
medicamine  adseverabant,  et  Burrum  intellecto  scelere,  cum  ad 
visendum    eum    princeps    venisset,    aspectum    eius    aversatum 

4  sciscitanti  hactenus  respondisse  :  *  ego  me  bene  habeo.'     civitati 
grand e  desiderium  eius  mansit  per  memoriam  virtutis  et  succes-  5 
sorum  alterius  segnem  innocentiam,  alterius  flagrantissima  flagitia. 

5  quippe  Caesar  duos  praetoriis  cohortibus  imposuerat,  Faenium 
Rufum  ex  vulgi  favore,quia  rem  frumentariam  sine  quaestu  tracta- 
bat,  Sofonium  Tigellinum,  veterem  impudicitiam  atque  infamiam 

6  in    eo  secutus.     atque  illi  pro  cognitis  moribus  fuere,    validior  10 
Tigellinus  in  animo  principis  et  intimis  libidinibus  adsumptus, 
prospera  populi  et  militum  fama  Rufus,  quod  apud  Neronem 
adversum  experiebatur. 


doubt  is  left  as  to  what  Suet.  (Ner.  35) 
and  Dio  (62.  13,  3)  assume  as  unques- 
tionable. The  latter  makes  him  offend 
Nero  by  opposing  the  divorce  of  Octavia, 
and  bidding  him  give  back  her  dowry 
{rovT  ecTi  TTjv  ■^yenoviav). 

4.  hactenus  respondisse,  'answered 
no  more  than ' :  cp.  12.  42,  5,  and  note. 

ego  me  bene  habeo.  Stress  is  laid 
on  '  ego ',  as  he  is  made  to  contrast  his 
own  tranquillity  with  Nero's  consciousness 
of  guilt.  Seneca  quotes  (Ep.  24,  9)  a 
similar  dying  expression  of  Scipio,  the 
father-in-law  of  Pompeius,  after  he  had 
stabbed  himself;  *  quaerentibus  ubi  im- 
perator  esset,  "imperator,"  inquit  "  se 
bene  habet ".' 

6.  segnem  innocentiam.  His  general 
conduct  before  his  appointment  is  here 
spoken  of. 

flagrantissima  flagitia.  This  me- 
taphor is  so  used  with  *  libidines '  (H.  2. 
31,  I):  cp.  also  2.  41,  5  ;  3.  6,  I  ;  II.  29, 
I,  &c.  Med.  adds  (after  the  full  stop) 
*  adulteria',  which  is  evidently  more  rightly 
treated  as  a  gloss  than  emended  by  read- 
ing (with  inferior  MSS.  and  old  edd.)  *  et 
adulteria '. 

7.  duos  :  see  12.  42,  2,  and  note, 
imposuerat.      Nipp.   notes    that    the 

pluperf.  is  referred  to  the  time  when  men 
thus  contrasted  Burrus  with  his  succes- 
sors. 

Faenium  Kufum.  On  this  person, 
and  on  his  appointment  to  the  '  praefe- 
ctura  annonae  ',  see  13.  22,  i,  and  note. 

9.  Sofonium  Tigellinum.  On  the 
form  of  the  latter  name  see  c.  48, 2.  For  the 
former  the  form  here  given  is  that  nearest 
to  the  Med,'  ofonium ' ;  in  H.  i .  7  2, 2  (where 


the  Med.  text  is  lost),  the  MSS.  and  old 
edd.  read  *  Ophonius  ' ;  both  places  being 
corrected  by  Lips,  from  the  form  in  Dio 
59.  23,  9  (Tt7€AAr»'os  6  ^(xpdijvios).  He  is 
stated  in  the  Schol.  on  Juv.  i,  155,  to 
have  been  the  son  of  an  Agrigentine  living 
in  exile  at  Scylaceum.  He  was  brought 
up  in  the  households  of  Cn.  Domitius 
and  M.  Vinicius,  and  exiled  by  Gains  on 
suspicion  of  adultery  with  their  wives,  the 
princesses  Agrippina  and  Julia  (Dio,  59. 
23,  9).  On  being  allowed  to  return  he 
still  lived  in  seclusion  till  the  death  of 
Claudius,  but  won  the  favour  of  Nero  by 
horsebreeding  in  Apulia  (Schol.  Juv.  1. 1.), 
and  became  praefectus  vigilum  (H.  i. 
72,  2).  In  the  notice  of  his  death  (H.  1.  1.) 
further  particulars  of  his  life  and  character 
are  given  ;  and  all  that  is  known  of  him 
is  collected  by  Mayor  on  Juv.  1. 1. :  see 
also  Hirschf.  Unters.  221. 

veterem,  referring  to  the  cause  of  his 
former  exile.  , 

10.  pro  cognitis,  &c.,  *  turned  out 
according  to  their  known  characters.*' 
This  correction  of  Mercer,  after  some 
inferior  MSS.,  for  the  Med.  *  cognatis ', 
has  been  generally  adopted  by  editors 
since  Pich. 

validior,  &c. :  so  '  in  animo  Augustae 
valida'  4.  12,  6  (where  see  note). 

11.  intimis,  &c., '  taken  into  confidence 
in  his  most  private  excesses.*  Somewhat 
similar  terms  are  used  to  describe  the 
position  of  Paris  (13.  20,  i,  22,  3). 

1 2.  prospera . . .  fama,  abl.  of  quality  : 
cp.  *  adverso  rumore  erat'  (c.  11,  4). 

quod,  &c.,  'which  (popularity)  he 
used  to  find  stood  agamst  him  with 
Nero.' 


296 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  6a 


62.  Mors  Burri  infregit  Senecae  potentiam,  quia  nee  bonis  1 
artibus  idem  virium  erat  altero  velut  duce  amoto  et  Nero  ad 
deteriores  inclinabat.    hi  variis  criminationibus  Senecam  adoriun-  2 
tur,  tamquam  ingentis  et  privatum  modum  evectas  opes  adhuc 

5  augeret,  quodque  studia  civium  in  se  verteret,  hortorum  quoque 
amoenitate   et   villarum  magnificentia   quasi   principem    super- 
grederetur.      obiciebant    etiam     eloquentiae    laudem    uni    sibi  3 
adsciscere  et  carmina  crebrius  factitare,  postquam  Neroni  amor 
eorum  venisset.     nam  oblectamentis   principis   palam    iniquum  4 

10  detrectare   vim    eius    equos    regentis,    inludere    voces    quoties 
caneret.     quern  ad  finem  nihil  in  re  publica  clarum  fore  quod  5 
non  ab  illo  reperiri  credatur  ?     certe  finitam  Neronis  pueritiam  e 
et    robur    iuventae    adesse :    exueret    magistrum    satis   amplis 
doctoribus  instructus  maioribus  suis. 

15      53.    At   Seneca   criminantium    non   ignarus,   prodentibus   iis  1 
quibus  aliqua  honesti  cura  et  familiaritatem  eius  magis  asper- 
nante    Caesare,   tempus   sermoni   orat   et   accepto   ita   incipit : 


I .  bonis  artibus,  *  good  influences ' : 
so  in  I.  28,  5,  &c.  On  the  partnership 
of  such  influence  between  Burrus  and 
Seneca  see  13.  2,  2. 

4.  tamquam.  Three  grounds  of  charge 
are   here     expressed    by    this    word,    by 

*  quod ',  and  by  *  quasi  *  (see  Introd.  i,  v. 
§  67).  The  latter  is  here  used  in  ana- 
strophe,  like  many  other  conjunctions  (Id. 
§  78).  Some  take  'quasi'  less  well  as 
qualifying  '  supergrederetur '  (with  the 
force  of  *  prope  ') ;  by  which  '  quod  '  is 
made  to  cover  two  charges  very  distinct 
from  each  other. 

privatum  modum  evectas,  'sur- 
passing the  position  of  a  subject ' :  for  the 
accus.  with  'evectas'  cp.  12.  36,  2,  and 
note  ;  for  this  meaning  of  '  privatus  ',11. 
31,3,  and  note.  On  the  wealth  of  Seneca 
see  13.  42,  6. 

5.  hortorum :     cp.   c.    53,    6 ;    also 

*  magnos  Senecae  praedivitis  hortos '  (Juv. 
10,  16).     Their  situation  is  not  known. 

6.  supergrederetur:  cp.  13.  45,  2, 
and  note. 

7.  eloquentiae,  &c.  His '  orationes'  are 
mentioned  by  Quint.  (10.  i,  128)  as  in  his 
time  extant,  together  with  his  '  poemata ', 
'  epistulae,'  and  '  dialogi '. 

9.  venisset :  so  most  edd.,  after  Lips., 
for  the  Med.  'evenisset',  which,  as  Ritt.  has 
pointed  out,  could  not  be  appropriately 
used  of  '  amor  carminum  '.  On  Nero's 
pursuits  see  c.  14-16,  &c. 


nam,  instancing  a  well-known  fact 
in  support  of  the  previous  statement.  His 
known  disparagement  of  Nero's  other 
achievements  is  taken  to  show  that  his 
activity  in  poetical  composition  was 
prompted  by  a  vain  belief  that  he  could 
make  his  own  superiority  evident. 

10.  detrectare,  'he  depreciated';  so 
in  Dial.  (11,  i,  &c.),  and  in  Sail,  and 
Liv. :  cp.  'obtrectari'  (i.  17,  loV 

voces,  'his  notes':  cp.  'omnes  voces 
hominis'  (Cic.  de  Or.  3.  57,  216).  Orsini 
and  Muret.  would  read  'vocem'  or 
'  voci'. 

11.  quem  ad  finem, 'how  long' :  so 
in  c.  64,  4 ;  also  Cic.  Cat.  i.  i  ('  quem  ad 
finem  sese  effrenata  iactabit  audacia?')  ; 
and  Nep.  Epam.  2  ('  exercebatur  ...  ad 
eum  finem,  quoad,'  &c.). 

13.  exueret  magistrum,  'let  him 
shake  off  his  pedagogue.'  On  the  various 
metaphorical  senses  of  this  verb  see  note 
on  I.  69,  2.  Nipp.  cites  a  similar  use 
with  personal  accus.  of  throwing  off  a 
restraint  in  Sil.  7,  495  ('  iam  monita  et 
P'abium  bellique  equitumque  magister 
Exuerat '). 

amplis,  best  taken,  with  Nipp.,  in  the 
sense  of '  many-sided ',  capable  of  serving 
as  a  pattern  in  all  relations. 

16.  et  .  .  .  Caesare.  Nipp.  appears 
rightly  to  take  this  as  the  answering 
clause  to  '  criminantium  non  ignarus ',  to 
which  'prodentibus  iis',  &c,  is  a  paren- 


A.  D.  6a] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP,  52,   53 


297 


2  '  quartus  decimus  annus  est,  Caesar,  ex  quo  spei  tuae  admotus 
sum,  octavus  ut  imperium  obtines :  medio  temporis  tantum 
honorum  atque  opum  in  me  cumulasti  ut  nihil  felicitati  meae 

3  desit   nisi   moderatio   eius.      utar   magnis    exemplis   nee   meae 
fortunae    sed   tuae.      abavus  tuus   Augustus  Marco  Agrippae  5 
Mytilenense  secretum,  C.   Maecenati  urbe  in   ipsa  velut   pere- 
grinum   otium   permisit  ;    quorum   alter  bellorum  socius,  alter 
Romae    pluribus    laboribus    iactatus    ampla   quidem    sed    pro 

4  ingentibus  meritis  praemia  acceperant.     ego  quid  aliud  muni- 


thetical  addition.  He  knew  by  information 
that  charges  had  been  brought  against 
him,  and  could  see  by  Caesar's  manner 
that  they  had  made  impression. 

1.  spei  tuae,  &c.,  'since  I  became 
connected  with  your  prospects,'  i.  e.  with 
you,  who  were  already  marked  out  for 
future  greatness.  For  this  sense  of '  spes ' 
cp.  2.  71,  4,  and  note  ;  and  for  that  of 
*  admotus '  cp.  '  summae  rei  admovit'  (3. 
56,  5\  The  expression  is  used  to  desig- 
nate with  extreme  modesty  his  position  as 
'  magister'  (12.  8,  3).  Even  after  Nero's 
accession  he  is  still  styled  'rector'  (13. 
2,  2),  but  only  ventures  here  to  describe 
himself  as  one  of  the  '  seniores  amici ' 

(c.  54.  5). 

2.  ut,  '  since ' ;  so  used  here  alone  in 
Tacitus.  This  sense  is  rare  with  the  pres., 
as  *  ut  sumus  in  Ponto '  (Ov.  ex  P.  i.  9,  6  ; 
Trist.  5.  10,  i),  but  more  common  with 
the  perf. 

medio  temporis,  'between  that  time 
and  this' :  cp.  13.  28,  3.  '  Honores  '  and 
'  opes'  are  so  coupled  in  i.  2,  i  ;  11. 12,  4. 
By  the  former,  his  consulship  (see  on  c.  46, 
2)  is  especially  meant. 

3.  in  me  cumulasti :  cp.  13.  2,  5,  and 
note. 

4.  moderatio  eius,  '  self-control  in 
respect  of  it ' :  cp.  '  rerum  prosperarum 
moderatio  '  (12.  37,  i). 

meae  fortxinae,  '  belonging  to  my 
rank':  for  this  sense  of  'fortuna'  cp.  2. 
71,6  (and  note) ;  c.  60,  6,  &c. ;  and  for 
its  distinct  use  to  denote  the  highest  rank, 
n.  12,  5,  and  note. 

5.  abavus,  a  correction  of  Lips,  here 
i  for  'atauus',  and  in  c.  55,  2,  for  *auus' 
j  (cp*  13*  34»  i)'  Neros  mother  was 
I  great-granddaughter  of  Augustus  on  her 
1  mother's    side    by   blood,    and    on    her 

father's  through  his  adoption  by  Tiberius, 
who  was  himself  adopted  by  Augustus 
(see  the  pedigree  in  Introd.  i.  ix.  pp.  139- 
141). 


6.  Mytilenense  secretum,  *  the  re- 
tirement (cp.  "  Rhodi  secreto  "  4.  57,  3) 
of  Mytilene.'  Agrippa  was  appointed 
nominal  governor  of  Syria,  probably  with 
general  proconsular  power  in  the  East 
(see  Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  1151,5),  in  731, 
B.C.  23,  but  left  the  province  to  his  legati 
and  lived  in  retirement  at  Mytilene,  sub- 
mitting to  this  voluntary  effacement  (In 
KoX  ixdWov  utrpia^ojv  Dio  53.  32,  i)  to  ) 
avoid  rivalry  with  young  Marcellus,  who  \ 
was  being  advanced  in  public  life.  Suet. 
(Aug.  66)  also  represents  this  act  as  one 
of  needless  pique  on  Agrippa's  part ;  Vel- 
leius  (2.  93,  2)  as  a  discreet  withdrawal; 
others  seemed  to  have  viewed  it  dif- 
ferently, as  Pliny  speaks  (N.  H.  7. 45,  46, 
149)  of  the  '  pudenda  Agrippae  ablegatio'. 
His  retirement,  whatever  its  real  character, 
was  terminated  by  the  death  of  Marcellus 
within  the  year ;  but  his  superintendence 
of  the  Eastern  provinces  lasted  ten  years 
(Jos.  Ant.  16.  3,  3). 

C.  Maecenati.  The  retirement  of 
Maecenas  (see  3.  30,  7,  and  note)  appears 
certainly  to  have  been  a  veiled  disgrace. 
Suet,  ascribes  it  (Aug.  66)  to  his  having 
revealed  to  Terentia  his  knowledge  of  the 
plot  of  her  brother  Terentius  Varro  Mu- 
raena  (see  i.  10,  3,  and  note),  which 
enabled  her  to  put  him  on  his  guard. 
Maecenas  lived  eight  years  in  privacy, 
chiefly  in  his  Esquiline  villa. 

velut  peregrinum,  '  as  if  he  were  in 
a  foreign  countiy.' 

8.  iactatus,  '  exercised.' 

pro  .  .  .  meritis,  i.e.  not  surpassing 
them. 

9.  acceperant ;  for  the  plural  cp.  3.  62, 
I,  and  note. 

muniflcentiae  tuae  adliibere.  Most 
edd.  have  followed  Ern.  in  inserting 
'  tuae'  (with  some  inferior  MSS.).  With- 
out it,  '  muniflcentiae  '  would  have  to  be 
taken  as  a  genit.  and  understood  of  the 
service  of  Seneca  to  Nero,  which  he  would 


298 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  62 


ficentiae  tuae   adhibere   potui   quam  studia,  ut  sic  dixerim,  in 
umbra  educata,  et  quibus  claritudo  venit  quod    iuventae  tuae 
rudimentis  adfuisse  videor,   grande   huius   rei   pretium.     at  tu  5 
gratiam  immensam,  innumeram  pecuniam  circumdedisti  adeo  ut 

5  plerumque  intra  me  ipse  volvam :  egone  equestri  et  provinciali 
loco  ortus  proceribus  civitatis  adnumeror  ?    inter  nobilis  et  longa 
decora  praeferentis  novitas   mea  enituit  ?     ubi  est  animus  ille 
modicis  contentus  ?     talis  hortos  extruit  et  per  haec  suburbana  6 
incedit  et  tantis  agrorum  spatiis,  tam  lato   faenore  exuberat? 

10  una  defensio  occurrit  quod  muneribus  tuis  obniti  non  debui. 


certainly  not  have  ventured  to  call  by  such 
a  name.  Ritt.  inserts  *  munus  *,  a  word 
very  unlikely  to  have  been  placed  in 
immediate  juxtaposition  with  '  munificen- 
tiae '.  The  speaker  means  to  ask  *  what 
else  could  I  bring  to  bear  on  your 
bounty  '  ?  (i.  e.  by  what  could  I  establish 
a  claim  upon  it  ?).  Jacob  notes  the  ex- 
pression in  Curt.  6.  lo,  30  '  solent  rei 
capitis  adhibere  vobis  (i.  e.  misericordiae 
vestrae)  parentes'. 

1.  ut  sic  dixerim.  Wolfflin  notes 
(Philol.  xxvi.  139,  foil.)  that  the  classical 

*  ut  ita  dicam ',  occasionally  retained  in  the 
silver  age  (PI.  Ep.  9.  2,  3),  sometimes  be- 
comes 'ut  sic  dicam'  (Quint,  i.  8,  9; 
II-  3>  32),  sometimes  (Nipp.  thinks  by 
confusion  with  '  ut  dixerim ')  *  ut  ita 
dixerim'  (Quint.  9.  4,  61;  PI.  Ep.  2.  5, 
6) ;  both  of  which  are  combined  in  '  ut 
sic  dixerim'  (Quint,  i.  6,  i,  &c.  ;  Plin. 
Pan.  42,  3  ;  Flor.  2.  6,  27),  the  form  used 
by  Tacitus  here  and  in  G.  2,  i  ;  Dial. 
34,  2  ;  40,  3  ;  and  (as  he  would  read) 
in  Agr.  3,  3.  See  note  on  *  ne  abierim  ' 
(6.  22,  6). 

in  umbra,  i.  e.  not  in  public  life :  cp. 

*  studiis  inertibus  '  (13.  42,  4)  ;  so  Quint, 
speaks  (1.2,  18)  of  the  *  solitaria  et  velut 
umbratilis  vita '  of  the  schools,  and  Cic. 
(de  Legg.  3.  6,  14)  of  '  doctrina  ex  um- 
braculis  eruditorum  et  otio ',  and  Juv. 
(7>  173)  of  one  'ad  pugnam  qui  rhetorica 
descendit  ab  umbra '  (where  Prof.  Mayor 
has  collected  several  other  similar  ex- 
pressions). 

2 .  educata, '  trained,'  elsewhere  in  Taci- 
tus always  of  persons,  but  so  used  in  Cic. 
Orat.  13,42  ('educata  huius  nutrimentis 
eloquentia '). 

quibus.  Sec, '  accomplishments  which 
have  won  reputation  because  men  think 
that  1  had  some  share  in  the  first  essays 
of  your  youth  '  :  cp.  '  rudimentum  adole- 
scentiae  .  .  .  posuisse'  (Liv.  31.  11,  15). 


3.  grande  .  .  .  pretium,  referring  to 
*  claritudo ' ;  the  renown  is  ample  reward 
for  the  services. 

4.  gratiam,  *  influence  '  (cp.  11.  29,  i  ; 
12.  42,  4,  &c.),  that  of  his  high  rank  in 
the  state  and  position  as  counsellor. 

pecuniam.  On  such  gifts  see  13. 
18,  I. 

circumdedisti.  The  metaphorical 
use  of  this  verb  is  especially  common  in 
Tacitus ;  so  '  famam  alicui  circumdare  * 
(H.  4.  II,  3  ;  Agr.  20,  I  ;  Dial.  37,  6), 
cp.  also  c.  15.  4;  12.  25,  i;  16.  25,  2, 
&c. 

5.  plerumque  .  .  .  volvam,  *  I  often 
ponder.'  This  sense  of  '  plerumque  '  is 
common  in  Tacitus  (4.  57,  2 ;  12.  55,  i  ; 
G.  13,  4;  45,  6;  Dial.  15,  2),  and  ap- 
parently rare  elsewhere  ;  the  parallel  use 
of  '^plerique '  (see  3.  i,  2,  and  note)  being 
more  general.  For  this  sense  of  '  volvere ' 
cp.  I.  64,  7,  and  note. 

provinciali  loco,  Seneca  was  a 
native  of  Corduba  in  Further  Spain,  and 
the  son  of  a  Roman  knight. 

6.  longa  decora  praeferentis,  '  dis- 
playing (cp.  4.  75,  2)  a  long  roll  of 
glories  '  (i.  e.  of  distinguished  ancestors) : 
cp.  'Aemiliorum  decus'  (3.  22,  i) ;  'Sul- 
piciae  et  Lutatiae  (nobilitatis)  decora' 
(H.  I.  15.  I). 

8.  hortos,  c.  52,  2. 

extruit.  Nipp.  notes  that  this  term 
is  to  be  understood  of  laying  out  the 
ground  and  erecting  buildings  on  it  :  cp. 
'extoUere  hortos'  (11.  i,  i).  Thus  the 
gardens  of  Lucan  are  called  *  marmorei ' 
by  Juvenal  (7,  79)  on  account  of  their 
adornments. 

suburbana,  '  suburban  villas.' 

9.  incedit, '  walks  proudly ' :  cp.  c.  39, 
2  ;  3.  9.  2,  &c. 

lato  faenore,  *  capital  out  at  interest 
far  and  wide,'  '  per  Italiam  et  provincias ' 
(cp.  13.  42,  7,  and  note). 


I 


A.  D.  6a] 


LIBER  XIV.     CAP.  53,  54 


299 


1  54.    Sed    uterque    mensuram    implevimus,   et    ///,   quantum 
princeps    tribuere    amico    posset,   et    ego,   quantum    amicus   a 

2  principe  accipere :    cetera   invidiam   augent.     quae  quidem,  ut 
omnia    mortalia,    infra    tuam    magnitudinem    iacet,   sed    mihi 

3  incumbit,  mihi  subveniendum  est.     quo  modo  in  militia  aut  via  5 
fessus   adminiculum   orarem,  ita  in  hoc  itinere  vitae  senex  et 
levissimis  quoque  curis  impar,  cum  opes  meas  ultra  sustinere 

4  non  possim,  praesidium  peto.     iube  rem  per  procuratores  tuos 
administrari,  in  tuam  fortunam  recipi.     nee  me  in  paupertatem 
ipse  detrudam,  sed  traditis  quorum  fulgore  praestringor,  quod  10 
temporis  hortorum  aut  villarum  curae  seponitur  in  animum  revo- 

5  cabo.     superest  tibi  robur  et  tot  per  annos  visum  summi  fastigii 


3.  cetera,  *  all  beyond  this  limit.*  His 
speech  goes  on  to  disclaim  not  only  the 
reception  of  more,  but  the  continued  pos- 
session of  what  he  had. 

augent :  so  most  edd.  after  Put.  and 
some  inferior  MSS.  for  the  Med.  *  agent ' 
(a  similar  error  being  noted  in  c.  58,  3). 
Bezzenb.  reads  'in  invidiam  agent',  but 
his  citations  (H.  i.  ii,  3;  83,  3;  2. 
38,  5)  are  hardly  parallel.  Jac.  Gron. 
would  read  *  alent '. 

4.  infra,  &c.,  '  rises  not  to  your  exalted 
rank ' :  the  envy  felt  towards  me  does  not 
touch  you  or  make  you  repent  of  your 
gifts ;  but  it  lies  heavy  on  me,  and  I  need 
help. 

iacet  .  .  .  incumbit :  so  most  edd. 
after  Lips,  for  the  Med.  *  iacent .  .  .  in- 
cumbt'  ('incumbunt'),  which  are  pro- 
bably errors  of  assimilation  to  '  augent '. 
Ritt.  retains  the  plural  verbs,  but  inserts 

*  curamque  '  after  '  augent ',  an  addition 
which  appears  to  make  the  following 
words  less  appropriate.  Nor  does  it  seem 
possible  to  refer  the  plural  verbs  (with 
Pfitzn.)  to  '  cetera  '. 

5.  quo  modo  .  .  .  ita.  Dr.  notes  these 
as  coupled  in  15.  21,  2;  16.  16,  4;  H. 
4'  74>  3i  &c.,  and  in  Cic.  The  more 
common  combination  '  quomodo  ...  sic ' 
is  also  found  (4.  35,  3,  &c.). 

16.  adminicultun,  'a  staff  of  sup- 
port' :  so  (metaphorically)  12.  5,  4  ;  Dial. 
2,  2. 

8.  iube  rem  per :  so  most  recent 
edd.,  after  Baiter,  for  the  Med.  'iuuere* 
(with  the  second  *  u '  corrected  to  '  b '), 

*  per '  being  inserted  before  *  procuratores' 
by  a  later  hand  in  Med.  The  old  edd. 
read,  after  some  inferior  MSS.,  *  iube  eas 
per,'   which  Kitt.  retains.     Haase  reads 


*  iube  procuratores  .  .  .  administrare  .  .  . 
recepta '.  The  '  procuratores  *  are  those 
who  managed  the  'res  familiaris  Caesaris': 
cp.  4.  6,  5  ;  12.  60,  I,  &c. 

9.  fortvinam,  '  property':  so  in  c.  21, 
2  ;  2.  38,  9 ;  4.  23,  2,  and  oftener  in  pi.  as 
c.  31,  6,  &c. 

10.  praestringor,  *I_^m^hlinded' :  so 
all  recent  edd.,  after  Cannegieter,  jfor  the 
Med.  'pstringor'  (*  perstringor ').  A 
similar  correction  has  been  made,  after 
Gron.,  in  H.  i.  84,  7.  The  two  verbs 
seem  sometimes  to  approximate  in  mean- 
ing ('  visus  perstrinxere '  is  still  generally 
read  in  PL  N.  H.  2.  18,  16,  80),  but  may 
often  have  been  confused  in  the  abbrevia- 
tions Cp'  and  'p').  The  usual  expres- 
sion is  not  '  praestringere  aliquem  ',  but 

*  oculos  '  or  '  visum  alicuius  '. 

quod  temporis,  &c.,  '  the  portion  of 
time  now  set  apart  for  the  care  of  gardens 
and  villas.' 

11.  in  animum  revocabo,  *  I  will  re- 
store to  my  mind'  ('  to  its  discipline  and 
culture '). 

1 2.  superest  tibi,  *  you  have  in  super- 
abundance '  :  so  in  H.  I.  51,  3  ;  83,  2  ;  G. 
6,  I  ;  26,  I  ;  Agr.  45,  6;  and  in  Cic, 
Li  v.,  &c. 

visum  summi  fastigii  regimen: 
so  Halm,  Nipp.,  Dr.,  adopting  an 
alternative  suggestion  of  Wurm.  For 
other  suggestions  see  Halm,  Not.  Crit. 
The  older  edd.  had  followed  Puteol.  in 
reading  '  nixum '  for  '  visum '  without 
finding  any  satisfactory  interpretation  of 
it.  Madvig  (Adv.  ii.  555)  reads  'nosti 
summi  fastigii',  thinking  the  first  syllable 
of  *  nosti '  lost  in  the  ending  of  *  annos ', 
and  the  second,  with  'summi ',  coiTupted 
into  'visum'.    Or.  and  Ritt.  retain  the 


300 


CORN  ELI  I  TACIT  I  AN N A  LIU M 


[A.  D.  62 


regimen  :  possumus  seniores  amici  quietem  reposcere.  hoc 
quoque  in  tuam  gloriam  cedet,  eos  ad  summa  vexisse  qui  et 
modica  tolerarent.' 

55.    Ad   quae  Nero  sic   ferme   respondit :    '  quod   meditatae  1 

5  orationi  tuae  statim  occurram  id  primum  tui  muneris  habeo,  qui 
me  non  tantum  praevisa  sed  subita  expedire  docuisti.     abavus  2 
meus  Augustus  Agrippae  et  Maecenati    usurpare   otium   post 
labores  concessit,  sed  in  ea  ipse  aetate  cuius  auctoritas  tueretur 
quidquid  illud  et  qualecumque   tribuisset  ;    ac   tamen   neutrum 

10  datis  a  se  praemiis  exuit.     bello  et  periculis  meruerant ;  in  iis  3 
enim  iuventa  Augusti  versata  est :    nee  mihi  tela  et  manus  tuae  4 
defuissent  in  armis  agenti  ;  sed  quod  praesens  condicio  poscebat, 
ratione  consilio  praeceptis  pueritiam,  dein  iuventam  meam  fovisti. 


Med.  text;  and  Walther's  interpretation 
of  *  visum  '  (with  *  est '  supplied  from 
*  superest ')  is  generally  received,  as  mean- 
ing that  Nero  had  '  watched '  for  many 
years  (in  the  time  of  Claudius  and  under 
his  own  rule)  the  administration  of 
supreme  power.  *  Fastigium  '  could 
stand  without  an  adjective  as  in  3,  29, 
2 ;  but  it  is  difficult  in  any  case  to 
believe  that  Tacitus  used  such  an  expres- 
sion as  *  fastigii  (for  •  imperii ')  regimen  ' ; 
and  the  corruption  is  probably  deeper 
seated. 

1.  quietem  reposcere,  *  to  demand 
rest  as  our  due  '  (cp.  i.  35,  3) ;  so  all  recent 
edd.,  after  Halm  and  Oelschlager,  for 
Med.  '  quietem  respondere',  for  which 
most  of  the  older  edd.  had  read  '  quiete 
respondere ',  endeavouring  to  give  the 
words  some  such  meaning  as  '  satisfy  all 
claims  on  us  by  resting  quiet  *.  Several 
other  suggested  readings  are  given  by 
Walther  and  Orelli. 

2.  in  tuam  gloriam  cedet,  'will  go 
to  swell  your  fame  '  (cp.  1.  i,  3,  and 
note).  Dr.  cites  Curt.  3,  6, 18  ('  temeritas 
in  gloriam  cesserat '). 

vexisse,  here  for  '  provexisse '  (cp. 
'provectos  '  ii.  6,  4) ;  so  used  for  various 
other  compounds,  as  '  advehere  '  (11.  14, 
2),  *  trans-vehere  '  (12.  40,  i),  'avehere  ' 
(H.  5.  21,  3)  :  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  40. 

5.  occurram,  taken  by  Nipp.  as  fut., 
by  most  others  as  pres.  subj.  The  verb 
is  used  in  the  sense  of  *  respondere '  in 
Cic.  de  Fat.  18,  41  (*  illi  rationi  .  .  .sic 
occurrit'),  &c. ;  also  in  Quint,  i.  5,  36; 
Suet.  Aug.  15  ;  Val.  Fl.  7,  223.  '  Statim  ' 
is  taken  in  contrast  with  'meditatae*,  for 
which  cp.  13.  3,  6. 


id  primum,  &c.,  'this  is  the  first  gift 
I  have  to  thank  you  for.'  The  expression 
*  muneris  tui '  is  from  poets  (Hor.  Od.  4. 
3,  21  ;  Ov.  Tr.  1.6,6). 

6.  praevisa,  used  in  a  somewhat  dif- 
ferent sense  in  1 2.  40,  6  ;  63,  2,  &c.  ;  here 
of  what  has  been  premeditated,  in  con- 
trast to  '  subita '  ('  the  thought  of  the 
moment '). 

expedire,  '  to  express.'  The  use  of 
this  verb  in  the  sense  of  'exponere  '  (cp.  4. 

1,  2,  &c.)  is  chiefly  poetical  (Plant.,  Ter., 
Verg.,  &c.),  but  introduced  into  prose  by 
Sail.  (lug.  5,  3). 

abavus  me\is  :  cp.  c.  53,  3  ;  here  read 
for  Med.  '  auus '. 

8.  ipse :  so  all  recent  edd.  with  Em. 
and  others  and  MS.  Agr.  for  Med.  'ipsa'. 
The  context  shows  that  his  age,  not  theirs, 
is  meant. 

cviius  auctoritas,  &c.  The  sense  is 
that  Augustus  did  indeed  permit  his 
friends  to  retire  into  private  life,  but  he 
had  reached  an  age  when  he  could  grant 
them  this  or  anything  else  without  fear 
of  its  being  misconstrued ;  yet  even  the 
example  of  Augustus  would  only  sanc- 
tion my  permitting  you  to  retire,  not  my 
stripping  you  of  gifts  bestowed.  On 
the  force  of  'illud'  cp.  c.  22,  4;  12. 
36,  2. 

10.  bello,  &c.  The  fact  that  they 
earned  their  rewards  in  war  and  in  perilous 
times  (c.  53,  3)  only  amounts  to  this,  that 
there  was  then  war  and  peril  to  earn  it 
by,  which  is  not  so  now.  '  Had  I  needed 
such  service,  you  would  have  rendered 
it.' 

13.  ratione,  'forethought':  cp.  15.62, 

2,  &c. 


A.  D.  6a] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP.   54-56 


301 


5  et  tua  quidem  erga  me  munera,  dum  vita  suppetet,  aeterna 
erunt :  quae  a  me  habes,  horti  et  faenus  et  villae,  casibus  obnoxia 

6  sunt,     ac  licet  multa  videantur,  plerique  haudquaquam  artibus 

7  tuis  pares  plura  tenuerunt.     pudet  referre  libertinos  qui  ditiores 
spectantur  :  unde  etiam  mihi  rubori  est  quod  praecipuus  caritate  5 
nondum  omnis  fortuna  antecellis. 

1  56.  Verum  et  tibi  valida  aetas  rebusque  et  fructui  rerum 
sufficiens,  et  nos  prima  imperii  spatia  ingredimur,  nisi  forte  aut  te 
Vitellio  ter  consuli  aut  me  Claudio  postponis  et  quantum  Volusio 
longa  parsimonia  quaesivit,  tantum  in  te  mea  liberalitas  explere  J< 

2  non  potest,     quin,  si  qua  in  parte  lubricum  adulescentiae  nostrae 


I 


I .  dum  vita  suppetet  (sc  *  mea ') 
qualifies  '  aetema  ',  and  gives  it  the  sense 
of  •  perpetua'  (3.  26,  3  ;  15.  63,  i.  &c.). 
Nipp.  cites  'nee  est  ligno  ulli  aeternior 
natura'  (PL  N.  H.  14.  i,  2,  9). 
I     2.  faenus,  *  capital,'  as  in  c.  53,  6 ;  6. 

3.  pleriqu©  =  *  permulti '. 

artibus,  'accomplishments,'  as  in  i. 
13,  i;  6.  7,  I.  &c. 

4.  plura  tenuerunt.  Or.  (with  Haase) 
inserts  after  these  words,  Nipp.  and  Dr. 
(with  Spengel)  insert  after  'antecellis', 
the  words  given  in  Med.  in  the  next 
chapter  (*  nisi  forte  ...  non  potest ') :  see 
note  there. 

libertinos,  especially  Pallas,  who  was 
still  living  (c.  65,  i). 

5.  rubori  est,  predicative  dative :  see 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  23.  The  expression 
(cp.  II.  17,  3)  is  found  in  Liv.  45.  13, 
14. 

6.  fortuna,  used  here  both  of  position 
(c.  53,  3),  and  of  wealth  (c.  54,  4). 

antecellis,  so  with  accus.  in  H.  2. 
3,  3 :  cp.  '  antecellere  gloriam '  (Val. 
Max.  3.  8,  1),  'omnes'  (PI.  N.  H.  8.  44, 
69,  174).  Dr.  notes  that  Cic.  uses  it 
always  absol.  or  with  dat. 

7.  Verum  et  tibi.  &c.  This  sentence 
is  suggested  by  *  nondum ',  and  the  sense 
is,  '  your  position  is  as  yet  neither  equal 
to  your  merits  nor  to  my  affection  for 
you  ;  but  the  deficiency  can  be  made  up. 
You  are  not  too  old  for  further  advance- 
ment, and  I  have  many  years  before  me 
in  which  to  pive  it,'  Seneca  must  have 
been  about  sixty-five  years  old  (see  Introd. 

?•  50.  9)- 

rebus  et  fructui  rerum,  *  for  the 
business  of  state  and  its  rewards ' :  for 
such  a  sense  of  *  res '  cp.  '  rerum  experi- 
entia'  (1.4,  3). 


8.  nisi  forte,  &c.  If  the  text  is  sound, 
the  sense  would  be,  *  Or  do  you  suppose 
that  yon  have  already  reached  your  limit  ? 
Do  you  think  yourself  less  worthy  than 
Vitellius  (see  11.  2,  4,  &c.),  who  received 
three  consulships?  Or  do  you  think  me 
less  willing  or  able  to  reward  my  friends 
than  Claudius?  '  The  sense  of  the  whole 
passage  does  not  seem  improved,  and 
that  of '  aut  me  Claudio '  seems  weakened, 
if  not  destroyed,  by  transferring  it  to 
either  of  the  places  where  others  have 
inserted  it  (see  note  on  c.  55,6);  but  the 
sacrifice  of  perspicuity  to  brevity  is  un- 
usually great,  even  for  Tacitus  ;  so  much 
so  as  to  make  it  not  improbable  that 
some  words  have  been  lost.  For  the 
ironical  use  of  'nisi  forte'  cp.  2.  33, 
6.  &c. 

9.  et  quantum,  &c.  Here  Med.  has 
'  set '  for  *  et ',  and  in  the  next  line  '  me ' 
for  '  te ',  and  *  libertas '  (corrected  by  a 
second  hand)  for  '  liberalitas  '.  The  two 
last  are  corrected  in  all  edd. ;  but  '  sed  ' 
is  read  generally  in  the  older  edd.,  and, 
among  the  recent,  by  Ritt.,  and  could  be 
taken  as  an  ironical  correction,  or  even 
as  a  serious  assertion,  that  all  Nero's 
liberality  could  not  make  Seneca's  for- 
tune as  great  as  what  Volusius  (see  13. 
30,  4,  and  note)  had  amassed  by  saving. 
Most  recent  edd.,  however,  suppose  that 
*  set'  has  arisen  from  a  repetition,  with 
'et',  of  the  preceding  's',  and  that  the 
force  of  '  nisi  forte '  is  to  be  extended  to 
'  potest '. 

II.  quin,  *  why  not  (instead  of  aban- 
doning me)'?  cp.  Cic.  C.  Rab.  6,  18 
('quin  continetis  vocem?'),  Liv.  i.  57,  7 
('  quin  conscendimus  equos  ? '). 

lubricum  :  cp.  '  lubricum  iuventae  ' 
(6.  49,  3),  '  lubrica  aetas'  (13.  2,  2\ 
The  figure  is  here  sustained  in  '  declinat ', 


302 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  62 


declinat,  revocas  ornatumque  robur  subsidio  impensius  regis  ? 
non  tua  moderatio,  si  reddideris  pecuniam,  nee  quies,  si  reliqueris  3 
principem,  sed   mea   avaritia,   meae   crudelitatis   metus   in   ore 
omnium  versabitur.     quod  si  maxime  continentia  tua  laudetur,  4 

5  non  tamen  sapienti  viro  decorum  fuerit  unde  amico  infamiam 
paret  inde   gloriam   sibi   recipere.'     his   adicit   complexum   et  5 
oscula,  factus  natura  et   consuetudine   exercitus   velare  odium 
fallacibus  blanditiis.     Seneca,  qui  finis  omnium  cum  dominante  e 
sermonum,  grates  agit :  sed  instituta  prioris  potentiae  commutat, 

10  prohibet  coetus  salutantium,  vitat  comitantis,  rarus  per  urbem, 
quasi  valetudine  infensa  aut  sapientiae  studiis  domi  attineretur. 

57.    Perculso    Seneca   promptum   fuit   Rufum   Faenium   im- 1 
minuere  Agrippinae  amicitiam  in  eo  criminantibus.     validiorque 
in  dies  Tigellinus  et  malas  artes,  quibus  solis  pollebat,  gratiores 


which  can  be  used  of  anything  that  slips 
away  from  its  position  (*  if  my  unstable 
youth  shows  sign  of  slipping  '). 

1.  ornatumque  robur,  &c.  The 
allusion  is  to  the  sentence  '  superest  tibi 
robur '  (c.  54,  5)  ;  and  '  subsidio  '  seems 
better  taken  (as  by  Nipp.  and  Dr.)  with 

*  omatum ',  than  (as  by  Or.)  with  *  regis '. 

*  Why  not  yet  more  zealously  direct  my 
manhood,  furnished  (cp.  6.  31,  i)  with 
your  support  in  reserve  (i.  e.  resting  on 
your  support  as  an  army  on  its  reserves ')  ? 
The  metaphor  in  *  omatum '  is  certainly 
harsh  ;  but  it  does  not  seem  necessary 
to    read    with   Madvig   (Adv.    iii.    235) 

*  formatum  '. 

2.  quies,  'retirement'  (from  active 
life),  as  in  c.  54,  5.  Nipp.  compares 
'  Attici   quies '  ('  neutrality ')   Nep.    Att. 

7.  factus  .  .  .  exercitus  velare.  The 
inf.  here  is  noted  by  Dr.  as  dV.  dp.,  but  is 
analogous  to  its  use  with  many  other 
participles  and  adjectives  (see  Introd.  i.  v. 
§  47).  *  Exercitus  *  is  used  for  'exercitatus', 
as  in  c.  2,  5  (where  see  note). 

9.  grates  agit.  Seneca  himself  quotes 
(de  Ira  2.  33,  2)  the  answer  of  one  who 
was  asked  how  he  had  been  able  to  live 
to  old  age  in  a  court ;  '  iniurias  accipiendo 
et  gratias  agendo.'  Cp.  Agr.  42,  3.  On 
the  question  whether  the  resignation  of 
his  property,  now  evidently  declined  by 
Nero,  was  accepted  subsequently,  see  note 
on  15.  64,  6. 

instituta  .  .  .  commutat.  To  this 
time   belongs  his   description   (Ep.    87, 


2-4)  of  his  frugal  life  with  his  friend 
Maximus. 

10.  coetus  salutantium  .  .  .  comi- 
tantis. The  former  term  denotes  the 
visitors  at  the  morning  levee,  the  *  turba 
salutantium*  slightingly  spoken  of  by 
Seneca  himself  (Ep.  19, 11) ;  the  latter  the 
attendance  of  clients  and  others  when  he 
went  out  (cp.  *  egressus  coli '  3.  33,  4)  : 
see  Friedl.  i.  p.  357,  foil. 

rarus.  Cp.  2.  57,  4,  and  'multus* 
(Agr.  20,  2). 

11.  valetudine  :  see  15.  45,  5. 
sapientiae      studiis,     '  philosophical 

pursuits.*  Many  of  his  extant  writings, 
among  them  the  *■  Epistolae  ad  Lucilium  *, 
are  generally  referred  to  this  period  of  his 
life. 

12.  imminuere,  *to  degrade,'  i.e.  to 
lower  in  Nero's  estimation  (cp.  2.  34,  4, 
&c.).  That  he  was  not  deposed  from  his 
office  is  plain  from  15.  48,  4,  &c.  His 
friendship  for  Agrippina  is  implied  in 
13.  21,9;  22,  I. 

13.  criminantibus,  perhaps  dat.  after 
*  promptum ',  but  probably  better  taken 
as  abl.  abs.  The  persons  would  be  those 
who  had  attacked  Seneca,  the  '  deteriores ' 
of  c.  52,  I. 

validior  :  cp.  c.  51,  6. 

14.  malas  artes.  By  these  his  'ac- 
complishments in  vice'  (see  c.  51,  6) 
appear  to  be  meant  (cp.  *  artibus  tuis '  c 
55j  6)  ;  which  he  believed  would  find  the 
more  favour  if  he  laid  the  prince  under 
obligation  to  him  by  complicity  in  his 
atrocities  (murders  of  eminent  men). 


A.  D.  6a] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP,  56.  57 


303 


ratus  si  principem  societate  scelerum  obstringeret,  metus  eius 
rimatur  ;  compertoque  Plautum  et  Sullam  maxime  timeri, 
Plautum  in  Asiam,  Sullam  in  Galliam  Narbonensem  nuper 
amotos,  nobilitatem  eorum  et  propinquos  huic  Orientis,  illi 
2  Germaniae  exercitus  commemorat.  non  se,  ut  Burrum,  diversas  5 
spes  sed  solam  incolumitatem  Neronis  spectare ;  cui  caveri 
utcumque  ab  urbanis  insidiis  praesenti  opera :  longinquos  motus 
quonam  modo  comprimi  posse  ?  erectas  Gallias  ad  nomen  dicta- 
torium  nee  minus  suspenses  Asiae  populos  claritudine  avi  Drusi. 

4  Sullam   inopem,   unde   praecipuam   audaciam,   et   simulatorem  10 

5  segnitiae  dum  temeritati  locum  reperiret.  Plautum  magnis 
opibus  ne  fingere  quidem  cupidinem  otii  sed  veterum  Roman- 
orum  imitamenta  praeferre,  adsumpta  etiam  Stoicorum  adro- 
gantia  sectaque  quae  turbidos  et  negotiorum  adpetentis  faciat. 


I  I.  metus  eius  rimatur,  *gries  put 
l(cp.  'adversa  rimantes'  a.  69,  f)  the 
causes  of  his  fear ' :  for  this  use  of  *  metus ' 
cp.  I.  40,  I,  and  note. 

2.  Plautum  et  Siillam.  On  the 
former  see  c.  22,  s,  on  the  latter,  12.  52, 
I,  and  note. 

4.  amotos :  for  the  pi.  cp.  3.  62,  i, 
and  note,  for  the  facts  see  c.  22,  5 ;  13. 

47,4- 

huio  .  .  .  illi.  The  reference  of  these 
pronouns  is  reversed,  without  such  reason 
as  is  apparent  elsewhere  (cp.  2.  77,  i, 
and  note). 

5.  diversas  spes  .  .  .  spectare,  *  had 
an  eye  to  hopes  from  opposite  quarters ' 
(had  a  divided  allegiance).  He  means 
that  Burrus  acknowledged  obligations  to 
Agrippina  (12.  42,  2),  was  never  hearty 
in  acting  against  her  (c.  7,  4;  13.  20,  5), 
and  might  even  have  had  a  leaning  to  her 
schemes  for  Plautus  (13.  19,  2). 

6.  cui  caveri,  &c.,  *  for  whom  precau- 
tions against  city  conspiracies  are  indeed 
somehow  (cp.  2.  14,  4;  12.  51,  2,  &c.) 
taken  by  diligence  on  the  spot '  (i.  e.  by 
his  own).  *  Praesenti  opera '  is  generally 
read  by  recent  edd.,  after  Lips.,  for  the 
Med.  *  presentiora '  (apparently  an  error 
arising  from  abbreviation) ;  the  older 
edd.  read  '  praesentia '  (sc.  *  ipsius  Ne- 
ronis ') ;  Heins.  prefers  '  praesenti  cura ' 
(with  MS.  Agr.) ;  Haase  '  praesenti 
copia'  (cp.  4.  47,  i).  The  sense  given 
above  to  *  praesenti '  would  be  the  same 
as  in  3.  34,  10,  &c.  Others  take  it  to 
mean  'immediate'  (as  in  i.  32,  6,  &c.). 

8.  ad,    *  at    the    sound    of    (Nipp.). 


Sulla  was  descended  from  the  great  dic- 
tator, as  is  shown  by  his  name  '  Felix ' 
(see  notes  on  12.  52,  i  ;  6.  15,  i). 

9.  suspenses,  'excited by  expectation' 
(cp.  H.  2.  4,  4 ;  4.  8,  2),  thus  answering 
to  •  erectas  '.  This  reading  is  adopted 
by  most  edd.  after  Lips,  for  the  Med. 
*  suspectos ',  which  can  hardly  be  taken 
with  *  claritudine '  in  any  such  sense  as 
that  their  fidelity  was  suspected  by  reason 
of  the  renown  of  Drusus  (i.  e.  of  the  im- 
pression made  upon  them  by  it).  For 
the  pedigree  of  Plautus  see  note  on  13. 
19.3- 

10.  simulatorem  segnitiae  :  cp.  13. 
47,  I. 

11.  magnis  opibus,  abl.  of  quality. 

13.  imitamenta.  The  notion  of  pre- 
tence is  implied  in  this  word  (cp.  3.  5,  6  ; 
13.  4,  i),  and  in  'praeferre'.  '  Placita 
maiorum  colebat'  is  said  of  him  in  c. 
22,  3. 

14.  sectaque,  quae,  &c.  On  the  Stoic 
opposition  see  Introd.  p.  83  ;  Friedl.  iii. 
p.  618,  &c. 

turbidos,  'seditious,'  as  in  c.  59,  5, 
3.  38,  2,  &c. 

negotiorum  adpetentis,  '  eager  for 
politics  *  (cp.  *  reipublicae  negotiis '  4. 
40,  8) ;  this  being  popularly  taken  to 
be  part  of  the  Stoic  ideal  of  life  as  con- 
trasted with  the  Epicurean  (Hor.  Epp. 
I.  I,  16),  though  by  no  means  in  ac- 
cordance with  its  real  doctrines  (see 
Introd.  p.  84).  Nipp.  less  well  takes  it 
of  a  desire  for  dangers  (i.e.  for  political 
martyrdom). 


304 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  62 


nec   ultra   mora.     Sulla    sexto   die    pervectis    Massiliam    per-  6 
cussoribus  ante  metum  et  rumorem    interficitur  cum  epulandi 
causa  discumberet.    relatum  caput  eius  inlusit  Nero  tamquam 
praematura  canitie  deforme. 
5      58.    Plauto   parari   necem   non   perinde   occultum   fuit,  quia  1 
pluribus   salus    eius    curabatur    et    spatium    itineris    ac    maris 
tempusque    interiectum    moverat    famam  ;    vulgoque    fingebant 
petitum   ab   eo    Corbulonem,    magnis   tum   exercitibus    praesi- 
dentem  et,  clari  atque   insontes  si  interficerentur,  praecipuum 

10  ad  pericula.     quin  et  Asiam  favore  iuvenis  arma  cepisse,  nec  2 
milites  ad  scelus  missos  aut  numero  validos  aut  animo  promptos, 
postquam    iussa   efficere   nequiverint,   ad  spes  novas    transisse. 
vana  haec  more  famae  credentium  otio  augebantur  ;  ceterum  3 
libertus    Plauti    celeritate   ventorum   praevenit    centurionem   et 

15  mandata  L.  Antistii  soceri  attulit :   efifugeret  segnem  mortem, 
dum  suffugium  esset :  magni  nominis  miseratione  reperturum 


3.  [relatum,  *  brought  home '  (for  him 
to  see)  :  Med.  has  *  prelatum '  (with  two 
strokes  drawn  through  *  p ').  But  most 
edd.  ignore  this  and  prefer  in  spite  of 
c.  59.  4,  &c  to  read  *  perlatum '. — F.] 

tamquam  =  ous. 

6.  pliiribus,  dat.  of  the  agent. 

spatium,  &c.     It  seems  best  to  take 

*  spatium  '  and  '  tempus '  as  merely  dif- 
ferent ways  of  putting  the  same  fact,  and 

*  itineris '  as  used  specifically  of  journey  by 
land  as  contrasted  with  '  maris '  ('  the  long 
journey  by  land  and  sea  and  the  time  which 
had  to  intervene').  Dr.  would  take  *  ac 
maris'  as  a  more  specific  idea  subordi- 
nated to  '  itineris',  to  imply  the  special 
delays  of  the  sea  voyage  ('  the  length  of 
the  route,  especially  of  the  part  by  sea '), 
and  instances  Liv.  7.  13,  9  (*  viri  ac 
Romani')  ;  23.  33,  11  ('  Carthaginienses 
atque  Hannibal  'j.  It  is  meant  that  the 
length  of  time  before  it  could  be  known 
in  Rome  that  the  mandate  had  been 
executed  gave  opportunity  for  reports  to 
spread  there. 

8.  petitum,  &c.,  'that  he  had  fled  to 
Corbulo.' 

praesidentem,  used  in  this  sense  (with 
accus.)  in  3.  39,  i. 

9.  si.  This  conjunction  is  wanting,  and 
may  most  easily  have  dropped  out  in  this 
place,  where  Bezzenb.  inserts  it. 

praecipuum  ad  pericula.  The  mean- 
ing here  required  seems  to  be  *  most 
exposed  to  danger ' ;  though  the  analogy 


of  'praecipuos  ad  scelera '  (6.  7,  3)  would 
suggest  the  sense  of  *  ad  pericula  suscipi- 
enda  '  rather  than  *  subeunda '.  Cp.  also 
16.  14,  5. 

10,  nec.     The  negation  is  taken  with 

*  aut .  .  .  aut ' ;    the  sense  being  that  of 

*  et  .  .  .  neque  .  .  .  neque '  :  cp.  2.  40, 
6;  12.  36,  6,  and  notes.  It  is  seen 
below  that  the  soldiers  were  60  in  number. 

12.  spes  novas  =*spem  no  varum 
rerum ',  as  in  i.  4,  2  ;  16.   23,  2. 

13.  more  famae,  *as  is  the  way  of 
reports  ' ;  so  in  H.  4.  50,  i  :  cp.  '  ut  mos 
famae'  (3.  44,  1),  *  morerumorum '  (Sail. 
H.  2.  70  D,  88  K,  42  G). 

credentium  otio,  *  by  the  indolence 
of  the  credulous ' ;  i.  e.  'by  indolent 
credulity.'  The  story,  with  whatever 
additions  it  gathered  at  every  step,  was 
passed  on  by  those  who  were  too  indolent 
to  sift  it.  It  seems  needless  to  read  *  odio ', 
with  J.  F,  Grou.,  as  advocated  by  Madvig 
(Adv.  ii.  555). 

ceterum  =  *  re  vera  autem'  (cp.  i.  10, 
I,  and  note),  to  contrast  the  true  story 
with  the  rumour. 

15.  L.  Antistii:  see  13.  11,  i,  and 
note. 

16.  dum  suffugiiun  esset.  The 
Med.  text,  *  otium  suffugium  et,'  has 
given  rise  to  a  vast  number  of  emenda- 
tions, no  one  of  which  has  won  general 
acceptance.  That  above  given  is  now 
adopted  by  Halm  (who  had  formerly 
read    *  sontium    suffugium:    ex'),   from 


A.D.  6a] 


LIBER  XIV,     CAP.  57-59 


305 


bonos,  consociaturum  audacis  :  nullum  interim  subsidium  asper- 
4  nandum.    si  sexaginta  milites  (tot  enim  adveniebant)  propulisset, 

dum  refertur  nuntius  Neroni,  dum  manus  alia  permeat,  multa 
6  secutura    quae    adusque     bellum    evalescerent.      denique    aut 

salutem  tali   consilio  quaeri    aut   nihil    gravius   audenti  quam  5 

ignavo  patiendum  esse. 

1  69.  Sed  Plautum  ea  non  movere,  sive  nullam  opem  providebat 
inermis  atque  exul,  seu  taedio  ambiguae  spei,  an  amore  coniugis 
et  liberorum,  quibus  placabiliorem  fore  principem  rebatur  nulla 

2  soUicitudine  turbatum.     sunt  qui  alios  a  socero  nuntios  venisse  10 
ferant,  tamquam  nihil  atrox  immineret ;  doctoresque  sapientiae, 
Coeranum  Graeci,  Musonium  Tusci  generis,  constantiam  oppe- 


Andresen.  The  conjectures  of  older 
date  are  collected  by  Walther,  those  of 
later  editors  by  Halm  and  Baiter,  to 
which  may  be  added  that  of  Madv, 
(Adv.  ii.  555)  *  in  motu  suffugium  et '.  It 
may  be  noted  that  the  *  segnis  mors ' 
which  he  was  to  avoid  was  the  tame 
submission  to  the  assassins  on  the  way 
to  him,  so  that  no  emendation  can  be 
right  which  would  take  *  suffugium '  in 
apposition  with  *  mortem '  in  the  sense  of 
suicide. 

miser atione,  generally  read  by  recent 
edd.,  with  some  inferior  MSS.,  for  the 
Med.  '  miseratione '  ('  miserationem '). 
Those  who  retain  the  accus.  couple 
*  miserationem  '  with  *  suffugium ',  which 
might  give  a  fair  sense,  if  some  such  read- 
ing as  '  odium  suffugium  *  (Baiter)  were 
adopted. 

3.  dum  refertur  .  .  .  permeat.  For 
the  use  of  '  dum '  with  indie,  in  indirect 
speech  cp.  13.  15,  7,  &c. 

4.  adusque  =  * usque  ad',  here  alone 
in  Tacitus,  and  in  no  earlier  prose,  but  in 
Verg.,  Hor.,  &c.,  afterwards  in  Gell.  and 
Appul. :  cp.  'abusque'  (13.  47,  2,  and 
note). 

evalescerent,  'would  be  strong 
enough  to  result  in  war ' :  so  in  *  tu- 
raultum  evaluit'  (H.  i.  80,  3).  The 
verb  is  also  found  in  G.  2,  5  ;  28,  i,  and 
in  other  prose  of  the  silver  age,  and 
appears  to  originate  with  Verg.  and  Hor. 

7.  sive  .  .  .  seu  .  .  .  an.  The  form  of 
the  sentence  would  be  rather  in  favour 
of  taking  '  an  '  (with  Dr.)  as  subordinate 
to  *seu',  the  main  antithesis  being  be- 
tween the  absence  of  any  prospect  of  help 
and  his  personal  feelings.  On  the  other 
hand  '  an '  is  generally  allowed  to  stand  as 


coordinate  with  *  sive'  in  11.  26,  i  (where 
see  note). 

8,  coniugis,  Antistia  PoUitta :  see 
c.  22,  5,  and  note. 

10.  alios,  others  besides  the  freedman 
before  mentioned,  and  bringing  news  that 
no  extreme  sentence  was  to  be  expected. 

1 1.  tamquam  =  a>s,  as  in  c.  57, 6,  &c. : 
for  the  sense  of  *  atrox'  cp.  5.  3,4;  6.  2, 
I  ;  16.  30,  3  ;  H.  3.  59.  6,  &c. 

12.  Coeranum.  This  person  is  else- 
where only  mentioned  in  the  *  Index 
auctorum'  to  Book  2,  given  in  Plin. 
N.  H.  I.  (' Coerano  philosopho ') ;  but 
this  seems  sufficient  evidence  of  his 
existence  to  make  it  needless  to  suppose 
(with  Lips.)  that  the  name  of  Claranus, 
the  '  condiscipulus'  of  Seneca  (Ep.  66,  i), 
or  (with  Ritt.)  that  thenameof  Cornutus, 
who  was  exiled  either  at  the  same  date 
with  Musonius  (see  Dio,  62.  27,  4;  29, 
4),  or  more  probably  after  the  date  at 
which  the  Annals  close,  should  be  substi- 
tuted. The  former  is  not  a  Greek  name, 
the  latter  was  an  African. 

Musonium  Tusci  generis.  C.  Mu- 
sonius Rufus,  a  knight  (H.  3.  81,  i)  of 
Vulsinii  (Suid.  s.v.),  was  a  reni)wned| 
Stoic,  the  teacher  of  Epictetus.  and  is' 
often  cited  in  Arrian's  memoirs  of  that| 
philosopher.  On  the  pretext  of  com-! 
plicity  in  the  conspiracy  of  Piso  (see  15. 
71,  9),  he  was  banished  to  Gyarus 
(Philost.  Vit.  Ap.  7.  16),  but  had 
returned  by  A.  D  69,  and  took  part  in  the 
politics  of  that  time  (H.  3.  81,  i  ;  4. 10,  i  ; 
40,  4).  He  appears  to  have  been  dead 
when  Plin.  mi.  speaks  of  him  (Ep.  3.  ii, 
5)  as  a  former  friend.  Some  further 
notice  of  him  will  be  found  in  Gell.  5.  i  ; 
9.  2  ;  16.  I ;  and  a  fragment  of  his  teach- 


3o6 


CORNELIl  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  62 


riendae  mortis  pro  incerta  et   trepida   vita   suasisse.     repertus  3 
est  certe  per  medium  diei  nudus  exercitando  corpori.     talem 
eum  centurio  trucidavit  coram  Pelagone  spadone,  quern  Nero 
centurioni    et    manipulo    quasi   satellitibus    ministrum   regium 

5  praeposuerat.      caput    interfecti    relatum  ;   cuius   aspectu   (ipsa  4 
principis  verba  referam)  '  cur ',  inquit, '  Nero  *  *  *  et  posito  metu 
nuptias  Poppaeae  ob  eius  modi  terrores  dilatas  maturare  parat 
Octaviamque  coniugem  amoliri,  quamvis  modeste  ageret,  nomine 
patris  et  studiis  populi  gravem.     sed  ad  senatum  litteras  misit  5 

10  de  caede  SuUae  Plautique  haud  confessus,  verum  utriusque 
turbidum  ingenium  esse  et  sibi  incolumitatem  rei  publicae 
magna  cura  haberi.     decretae  eo  nomine  supplicationes  utque  6 


ing,  preserved  by  Stobaeus,  is  given  in 
Ritt.  and  Prell.  Hist.  §  465. 

opperiendae  mortis,  defining  genit. 

2.  medixim  diei:  cp.  11.  21,  2,  and 
note. 

nudus,  &c.,  *  stripped  for  gymnastic 
exercises' :  the  use  of  '  nudus '  with  gerun- 
dive dat.,  though  not  found  elsewhere,  is 
analogous  to  that  of  many  other  adjectives 
(Introd.  i.  V.  §  22  b;  Dr.  Synt  und  Stil, 
§  206  B.  b). 

talem,  '  in  such  condition.*  This  was 
an  addition  to  the  indignity.  Pelagon 
is  sent  to  see  the  command  executed,  as 
was  Euodus  the  freedman  in  the  case  of 
Messalina  (11.  37,  4). 
i      4.  manipulo,   here    taken  loosely  to 

I  mean  *  a  detachment '.  The  *  manipulus  ' 
properly  consisted  of  two  centuries,  and 
.  this  body  was  one  of  only  60  men  (c. 

58,4)- 
,      quasi,  &c.,  'like   a  sultan's   slave  in 
I  command  of  his   retinue':   'satelles'    is 
i  used  invidiously  of  the  train  of  a  royal 

personage:    cp.   16.    22,    3;    also   '  regii 

satellites'  (Liv.  2.  12,  8),  &c. 

5.  ipsa  .  .  .  verba  :  for  the  few  in- 
stances of  such  quotations  see  note  on  6. 
6,1. 

6.  cur,  inquit,  &c.  That  the  words 
used  are  lost,  has  been  noted  by  all 
edd.  after  Walther.  Their  purport  may 
have  been  the  same  as  that  given  by 
Dio  (62.  14,  i),  ^  ovK  ^Sejj/,'  6^77,  '  oTt 
fxeydXrjv  (iiva  fixev,'  wainp  (peicrafifvo^ 
av  aiiTov  fi  rovro  irporjniaraTO  ;  whence 
Halm  thinks  the  passage  may  have  run 
as  follows,  *  Cur  inquit,  Nero,  hominem 

I  nasutum  timuisti '  ?  Such  a  brutal  jest 
is  in  accordance  with  his  remark  on  the 
[death  of  Sulla  (c.  57,  6),  and  (according 


to  some)  on  that  of  Agrippina  (see  on 
c.  9,  I). 

7.  Poppaeae.  His  intercourse  with 
her  had  already  lasted  over  four  years 
(13-45,  I). 

eius  modi  terrores.  This  is  evi- 
dently ironical,  and  is  generally  under- 
stood of  the  fear  of  mere  exiles.  It  may 
however  have  some  reference,  which  we 
cannot  explain,  to  the  lost  words. 

8.  Octaviam.  He  had  been  nominally 
married  to  her  for  more  than  nine  years 

(12.58,1)- 

amoliri,  so  used  of  the  same  act  in  H. 
I.  13,  8;  and  of  the  removal  of  Germani- 
cus  (2.  42,  i)  ;  also  of  persons  jn  Plant, 
and  Ter. 

modeste,  '  unassumingly,'  not  en- 
deavouring to  enlist  popular  sympathy. 

nomine,  *  on  account  of;  so  *  meo 
nomine'  (H.  i.  29,  4),  and  in  Cic,  &c. 
Her  mere  presence  reminded  him  of  the 
treachery  practised  on  her  father.  The 
popular  feeling  in  her  favour  is  shown  in 
c.  60,  6,  foil. 

9.  gravem,  '  burdensome':  so  in c.  39, 
2;  15.  I,  5,&c. 

10.  haud  confessus.  He  did  not  own 
that  he  had  put  them  to  death ,  but  said 
that  they  were  dangerous  men  and  that 
his  care  for  the  public  safety  obliged 
him  to  make  complaint  of  them.  Thai 
senate  answers  in  the  same  vein  and! 
gravely  sentences  them  as  if  they  were! 
alive. 

12.  magna  cura  haberi  (  =  *cum 
magna  cura ')  '  was  treated  (watched  over) 
with  great  solicitude'.  Dr.  notes  this 
expression  as  new ;  but  its  opposite  *  sine 
cura  haberi*  is  used  (with  'minora') 
in    II.    8,    2;   and   (with    'externa')  in 


A.  D.  6a] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP.  59,  60 


307 


Sulla  et  Plautus  senatu  moverentur,  gravioribus  iam  ludibriis 
quam  malis. 

1  60.  Igitur  accepto  patrum  consulto,  postquam  cuncta  scelerum 
suorum  pro  egregiis  accipi  videt,  exturbat  Octaviam,  sterilem 

2  dictitans  ;    exim    Poppaeae    coniungitur.      ea    diu    paelex    et  5 
adulter!    Neronis,    mox    mariti   potens,   quendam    ex   ministris 

3  Octaviae  impulit   servilem   ei   amorem   obicere.     destinaturque 
reus  cognomento  Eucaerus,  natione  Alexandrinus,  canere  tibiis 

4  doctus.     actae  ob  id  de  ancillis  quaestiones  et  vi  tormentorum 
victis  quibusdam  ut  falsa  adnuerent,  plures  perstitere  sanctitatem  10 
dominae  tueri ;  ex  quibus  una  instanti  Tigellino  castiora  esse 


H.  I.  79,  I.  No  editors  appear  to 
have  followed  Heins.  in  reading  *  ma- 
gnae  curae  haberi '  (*  interested  him 
deeply  ')• 

eo  nomine,  *  on  that  pretext ',  i.  e.  for 
his  vigilance  in  detecting  the  crimes  of 
these  men. 

I.  gravioribus  iam  ludibriis  quam 
malis,  'the  mockery  (of  this  condem- 
nation of  dead  men)  seeming  even  more 
revolting  than  the  crimes'  (the  murder 
itself)  :  the  former  caused  more  indig- 
nation against  the  senate  than  even  the 
latter  against  Nero.  Another  such  act 
is  similarly  commented  on  in  16.  11,  6 
(•ea  caedibns  peractis  ludibria  adicie- 
bantur ')  ;  but  such  sentences  were  not 
altogether  without  their  significance  as 
a  *  damnatio  memoriae '.  '  Iam  '  is  read 
by  P'reinsh.  and  Nipp.,  after  MS.  Agr., 
and  gives  a  better  sense  than  Halm's 
*  tum ' ;  either  being  in  itself  a  probable 
correction  of  the  Med.  *  ta '  ('  tam  ') , 
which  may  also  be  taken  as  an  error 
for  *  tain '  (*  tamen '),  the  reading  of  most 
edd.,  after  G.  This  reading,  though 
capable  of  a  similar  meaning  to  that 
given  above  (*  great  as  was  the  crime,  the 
mockery  was  yet  greater'),  is  generally 
so  taken  as  to  make  the  remark  some- 
what weak  ('which  sentence  was  how- 
ever more  grievous  as  a  mockery  than 
as  a  calamity',  inasmuch  as  it  could  not 
hurt  the  dead). 

3.  consulto,  the  decree  of  *  supplica- 
tiones '  just  mentioned. 

cuncta  scelerum.  On  such  uses  of 
the  partitive  genit.  without  any  partitive 
force  see  In  trod.  i.  v.  §  33  b. 

4.  extvirbat  .  .  .  coniungitur.  Nipp. 
points  out  that  these  presents  are  antici- 
patory ;  the  fact  being  restated  below  in 


its  proper  place  (*  movetur  tamen  ',  &c.) 
and  the  events  related  in  the  following 
lines  being  prior  to  it.  According  to  Suet. 
(Ner.  35),  the  marriage  with  Poppaea 
took  place  on  the  twelfth  day  after  the 
divorce. 

7.  impulit .  .  .  obicere  :  cp.  13.  19,  4, 
and  note. 

destinatur,  *  is  marked  out,'  intended 
to  be  set  up. 

8.  canere  tibiis.  The  Med.  text  *pty- 
bias  '  ('  per  tibias ')  is  retained  by  Or. , 
but  would  be  an  unexampled  construction. 
Most  others  read  as  above,  with  G. ; 
Ritt.  corrects  to  *  puer  tibiis ' ;  Heins.  and 
Bezzenb.  to  '  perite  tibia ',  or  *  tibiis  '). 
The  instrumental  performers  of  Alexan- 
dria were  celebrated  for  their  skill 
(Athen.  4.  176  e). 

10.  ut  falsa  adnuerent.  No  other 
strictly  parallel  instance  of  this  construc- 
tion (equivalent  to  that  of  *  adfirmare ') 
appears  to  be  found  ;  though  the  verb 
is  used  with  such  an  accus.  as  *  id ',  or 
'quod'  (cp.  H.  4.  53,  5;  Dial.  33,  4; 
Cic.  de  Or.  2.  70,  285,  &c.).  Nearly 
all  edd.  after  Put.  adopt  the  correction 
'ut'  for  Med.  'si';  which  latter  could 
stand  if  it  followed  immediately  on 
'actae  .  .  .  quaestiones'  (cp.  12.  28,  i, 
&c.). 

plures.  '  the  majority ' :  according  to 
Dio  (62.  13,  4),  only  the  one  here  men- 
tioned. Suet.  (c.  35)  mixes  up  this  charge 
with  that  made  subsequently  by  Anicetus 
(c.  62,  6),  and  appears  equally  to  exag- 
gerate on  the  other  side  ('  in  quaestione 
pemegantibus  cunctis  *). 

11.  una.     Dio  (1.  1.)  gives  her  name 
(Pytheas),  and  adds  a  detail  {irpo<jiirTvai\^U, 
T6  avT^).  " 


X  2 


3o8 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  62 


muliebria  Octaviae  respondit  quam  os  eius.      movetur  tamen  5 
primo  civilis  discidii  specie   domumque  Burri,  praedia   Plauti, 
infausta   dona   accipit :    mox   in   Campaniam  pulsa  est  addita 
militari  custodia.     inde  crebri  questus  nee  occulti  per  vulgum,  6 

5  cui  minor  sapientia  et  ex  mediocritate  fortunae  pauciora  pericula 
sunt.  his  .  .  .  tamquam  Nero  paenitentia  flagitii  coniugem 
revocarit  Octaviam. 

61.  Exim  laeti  Capitolium  scandunt  deosque  tandem  vene-  1 
rantur.     effigies  Poppaeae  proruunt,  Octaviae  imagines  gestant 

10  umeris,  spargunt  floribus  foroque   ac   templis  statuunt.     f  itur  2 


1.  movetiir,  simple  for  compound, 
as  in  c.  32,  4  ;  59,  6.  There  is  no  need 
to  read  '  amovetur ',  with  Faem.  and 
Acid. 

2.  civilis  discidii  specie,  'under 
colour  of  an  ordinary  legal  divorce,' 
not  as  if  convicted  on  a  criminal  charge, 
which,  if  sustained,  would  have  amounted 
to  *  maiestas '  (2.  50,  i).  The  ground 
assigned  was  sterility  (§  1  ;  c.  63,  i"), 
and  the  estates  assigned  were  no  doubt, 

r  as  Prof.    Holbrooke    remarks,  given    in 
;  satisfaction  of  her  claim  of  *  dos  '.     The 
story  of  frequent  attempts  or  intentions  to 
strangle  her  rests  only  on  Suet.  (1.  1.). 

domum  Burri,  praedia  Plauti. 
Nero  must  have  inherited  or  purchased 
the  house  of  Burrus  at  his  death  (c.  51, 
1),  and  had  of  course  confiscated  the 
estates  of  Plautus,  in  Asia  (c.  22,  5)  or 
elsewhere. 

3.  pulsa.  The  confused  account  in 
Suet.  (1.  1.)  speaks  of  a  *  relegatio  ',  by 
which  the  subsequent  banishment  to 
Pandateria  (c.  63,  i)  appears  to  be 
meant. 

4.  militari  custodia,  probably  not  the 
strict  custody  meant  by  the  term  in  3.  22,  4, 
but  a  surveillance  like  that  of  the  '  adpositi 
(or   *  additi ')  custodes '    of  4.  60,  i  ;  6. 

14.  3- 

per  vulgum,  taken  with  *  questus  : 
on  the  form  of  the  accus.  cp.  i.  47,  5, 
and  note. 

5.  sapientia,  *  prudence.' 

et  ex  :  so  generally  read,  after  Put. 
Med.  has  no  conjunction.  Halm  had 
in  former  editions  altered  *  ex '  to  *  et ' 
(taking  the  abl.  as  causal)  ;  which  seems 
better  than  Ritter's  retention  of  the  Med. 
text  as  an  asyndeton. 

6.  his  .  . .  Nero,  &c.  Med.  has  here  *  his 
quamquam  Nero',  and  in  the  next  line 
'  revocavit  *.  Orelli  leaves  it  unaltered 
(marked  with  an   obelus) ;    others  have 


corrected  it  in  a  great  variety  of  ways, 
none  of  which  have  found  very  general 
acceptance.  Halm  reads,  after  MS. 
Bud.  and  Rhen.,  'his  Nero,  tamquam', 
&c.  ;  others  follow  Oberl.  and  Dod.  in 
reading  *  his  Nero,  nequaquam ',  &c.  (both 
taking  '  his '  as  a  causal  abl.)  ;  arid  many 
other  alterations  have  been  made  to  give 
a  similar  meaning.  It  seems,  however, 
plain  from  c.  61,  especially  §  3  ('ne  .  .  .f 
Nero  inclinatione  populi  mutaretur '),  that  1 
Nero  never  did  actually  recall  Octavia, 
though  he  appeared  to  be  intending  to 
do  so ;  whence  it  seems  best,  with  Nipp., 
to  read  '  revocarit '  (with  '  tamquam '),  ; 
and  to  suppose  some  words  to  have 
dropped  out  stating  that  the  manifesta- 
tions of  popular  feeling  made  such  an 
impression  as  to  give  rise  to  a  rumour 
that  Nero  had  recalled  Octavia  as  his 
wife  ('  coniugem ').  A  similar  reading 
is  advocated  by  Madvig  (Adv.  ii.  p.  556), 
who  notes  the  use  of  the  construction 
with  *  tamquam '  with  the  force  of  an 
accus.  and  inf.  in  c.  22,  i ;  3.  12,  7,  &c. 
and  the  corruption  of  *  tamquam '  to 
'quamquam'  in  the  Med,  text  of  15.  59, 
7.  Haase  (see  Baiter's  note)  fills  up  the 
lacuna  at  some  length,  so  as  to  give  the 
same  meaning,  without  altering  *  quam- 
quam '  or  *  revocavit '. 

8.  tandem.  It  is  implied  that  thel 
continuance  of  evil  had  led  men  to  dis-f 
believe  in  divine  justice.  ' 

9.  effigies  .  .  .  proruunt :  for  the  use 
of  *  proruere '  cp.  i.  68,  2,  &c. ;  for  a 
similar  act  see  3.  14,  6  ;  for  a  similar 
carrying  of  the  statues  of  popular  per- 
sons see  5.  4,  3. 

10.  spargunt  floribus.  This  honour 
paid  to  the  statues  appears  to  be  grounded 
on  that  paid  to  persons  on  triumphal 
occasions  :  see  Liv.  33.  33,  2  ;  Ov.  Tr.  4. 
2,  50  ;  also  the  description  in  Herodian, 
I-  7>  5»  o^  the  entry  of  Commodus  into 


A.  D.  6a] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP.  60,  61 


309 


etiam  in  principis  laudes  repetitum  venerantium.f  iamque  et 
Palatium  multitudine  et  clamoribus  complebant,  cum  emissi 
militum  globi  verberibus  et  intento  ferro  turbatos  disiecere. 
mutataque  quae  per  seditionem  verterant  et  Poppaeae  honos 

3  repositus  est.  quae  semper  odio,  turn  et  metu  atrox  ne  aut  5 
vulgi  acrior  vis  ingrueret  aut  Nero  inclinatione  populi  mutaretur, 
provoluta  genibus  eius,  non  eo  loci  res  suas  agi  ut  de  matrimonio 
certet,  quamquam  id  sibi  vita  potius,  sed  vitam  ipsam  in  ex- 
tremum  adductam  a  clientelis  et  servitiis  Octaviae  quae  plebis 
sibi  nomen  indiderint,  ea  in  pace  ausi  quae  vix  bello  evenirent.  10 

4  arma  ilia  adversus  principem  sumpta  ;  ducem  tantum  defuisse 
qui  motis  rebus  facile  reperiretur,  omitteret  modo  Campaniam 
et   in   urbem  ipsa  pergeret  ad   cuius  nutum  absentis  tumultus 

5  cierentur.     quod   alioquin    suum    delictum  ?     quam   cuiusquam 


\ 


Rome  {atecpdvojv  nai  avOicuv  0o\ais  vneSi- 

XOVTO). 

foro  ac  templis,  abl.  of  place :  see 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  25. 

itiir  etiam,  &c.  This  comipt  Med. 
text  is  emended  by  Ritt.  after  Acidal.  by 
omitting  or  bracketing  'repetitum  vene- 
rantium '  (before  which  words  Ritt.  notes 
that  a  full  stop  is  placed  in  Med.)  as  a 
gloss   on    *  laudes ',    intended    to    mean 

*  laudes  eorum  qui  venerabantur  (lauda- 
bant)  repetitum  (revocationem  Octaviae) '. 
But   the  otherwise   unknown   substantive 

*  repetitus ',  while  it  might  have  been  in- 
vented by  Tacitus,  on  the  analogy  of 
other  such  forms  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  69, 
I  b),  is  very  unlikely  to  have  been  coined 
by  a  glossator;  and  if  the  words  could 
bear  such  a  meaning,  they  might  stand  as 
part  of  the  text ;  *  laudes '  being  taken 
with  a  double  genit.  (objective  and  sub- 
jective). Halm  suggests  that  *  aedes '  may 
have  been  lost  before  *  laudes '  ('  repeti- 
tum '  being  taken  as  a  supine ) ;  but  the 

*  et '  before  '  Palatium '  in  the  following 
sentence  seems  rather  to  represent  this 
demonstration  as  a  distinct  and  subsequent 
act.  Among  the  many  other  attempts  at 
correction  may  be  noted  '  expetitur  vene- 
rantibus'  (read,  with  comma  after 
Maudes',  by  Ryck.  and  Brot.  after  MS. 
Agr.),  'repetita  veneratione'  (Harl.  and 
J.  H.  MUller),  and  '  strepitu  venerantium ' 
( Andresen).  The  use  of  *  veneratio '  to 
denote  reverence  for  the  prince  can  be 
illustrated  from  c.  13.  i ;  and  MUller 
thinks  (Beitr.  4.  p.  33)  that  '  repetita ' 
might  refer  to  the  expressions  of  feeling 


recorded  at  an  earlier  time  (c.  10,  2  ;  13, 
2) ;  but  it  would  be  more  naturally  re- 
ferred to  *  deos  .  .  .  venerantur '  above. 

4.  quae  verterant, 'the  changes  which 
they  had  made,'  in  respect  of  the  statues. 

7.  provoluta  genibus:  cp.  11.  30,  r, 
and  note. 

non  eo  loci,  &c.,  'her  fortunes 
were  not  now  in  such  a  position  ' :  '  loci ' 
is  thus  used  as  a  quasi-partitive  genit. 
with  'eo'in  15.  74,  i,  with  'eodem'  in 
4.  4,  3  (where  see  note).  Halm  follows 
Bezzenb.  in  altering  the  Med.  *agi'  to 
'  ait ' ;  Ritt.  reads  •  agi  ait.'  But  the  Med. 
text,  though  a  somewhat  strong  instance 
of  the  omission  of  the  verb  of  speaking,  is 
hardly  stronger  than  some  others  common 
in  Tacitus  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  38  a). 

10.  in  pace  .  .  .  bello,  so  coupled  in 
H.  2.  82,  3 :  both  are  used  with  preps,  in 
H.  2.  77,  5,  &c.,  both  without  preps,  in 
H.  2.  86,  3,  &c. 

ausi.  Dr.  points  out  that  here  the 
use  of  the  abstracts  *  clientelis  et  servitiis ' 
for  concretes  justifies  and  even  necessi- 
tates the  change  to  the  masc.  (notwith- 
standing the  preceding  *  quae '),  as  *  ausa ' 
would  be  hardly  intelligible.  Cp.  '  auxilia 
.  .  .  caesi'  (4.  48,  5),  *  vexilla  .  .  .  eos* 
(H.  I.  31,  8),  and  note  on  c.  20,  7. 

13.  ipsa  :  so  all  recent  edd.,  after  Bot- 
ticher,  for  the  Med.  '  ipsam  '. 

14.  quod  alioquin,  &c.  Nipp.  appears 
rightly  to  expand  this  concise  expression. 
*  Otherwise,  if  this  were  a  real  attack  on 
me,  not  a  covert  act  of  sedition  against 
Nero,  some  charge  would  be  alleged 
against  me.     But  what  is  that  charge  ?  * 


310 


CORN  ELI  I  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  62 


offensionem  ?  an  quia  veram  progeniem  penatibus  Caesarum 
datura  sit?  malle  populum  Romanum  tibicinis  Aegyptii 
subolem  imperatorio  fastigio  induci  ?  denique,  si  id  rebus  con-  6 
ducat,  libens  quam  coactus  acciret  dominam,  vel  consuleret 
5  securitati.  iusta  ultione  et  modicis  remediis  primes  motus  con-  7 
sedisse :  at  si  desperent  uxorem  Neronis  fore  Octaviam,  illi 
maritum  daturos. 

62.   Varius  sermo  et  ad   metum  atque  iram  accommodatus  1 
terruit  simul  audientem  et  accendit.    sed  parum  valebat  suspicio 

10  in    servo    et   quaestionibus    ancillarum    elusa   erat.     ergo   con-  2 
fessionem   alicuius  quaeri  placet  cui   rerum    quoque    novarum 
crimen  adfingeretur.     et  visus  idoneus  maternae  necis  patrator  3 
Anicetus,  classi  apud   Misenum,  ut  memoravi,  praefectus,  levi 
post  admissum  scelus  gratia,  dein  graviore  odio,  quia  malorum 

^5  facinorum     ministri    quasi    exprobrantes    aspiciuntur.       igitur  4 
accitum  eum  Caesar  operae  prioris  admonet :  solum  incolumitati 


For  the  sense  of  'alioquin'  cp.  2.  38,  6, 
and  note. 
I  I.  veram,  *  tniebom.'  Dr.  compares 
'  verum  ac  germanum  Metellum '  (Cic. 
Verr.  4.  66,  147),  *  tua  vera  propago ' 
(Ov.  Met.  3,  38).  Her  daughter  was  bom 
in  the  following  January  (15.  23,  i), 

2.  malle.  For  the  omission  of  the 
interrogative  particle,  most  unusual  in 
oratio  obliqua,  see  2.  15,  4,  and  note. 
Here  Med.  has  'mallet',  whence  Ritt. 
(1848)  reads  'mallene'.  Walth.  places 
only  a  comma  at  *  sit ',  and  makes '  malle ' 
depend  on  '  an  ',  so  as  to  make  the  whole 
sentence  mean  *  does  the  Roman  people, 
from  being  offended  with  me  for  this, 
prefer?'  &c. ;  but  'quia'  has  thus  a  less 
intelligible  meaning. 

tibicinis  Aegyptii,  sc.  *  Eucaeri ' : 
see  c.  60,  3. 

3.  induci,  '  to  be  thrust  into  imperial 
grandeur.'  The  use  of  this  verb  with  a 
dat.  is  taken  from  Verg.  (G.  i,  316),  and 
has  the  sense  of  bringing  into  a  house  in 
Val.  Fl.  2,  133  (*  toris  inducere  Thressas'), 
and  PI.  Ep.  6.  33,  2  (*  illi  novercam  .  .  . 
induxerat'). 

4.  libens  quam  coactus :  on  the 
omission  of  *  potius '  see  Introd.  i.  v.  § 
64,  I. 

dominam,  implying  that  if  he  yielded 
to  this  dictation  he  would  have  to  be  his 
wife's  slave. 

vel,  *  or   if   he    could   not   stoop   to 


this ' :  for  the  use  of  *  vel '  cp.  c.  35,  4, 
and  note. 

5.  iusta  ultione,  &c.  This  is  Andre- 
sen's  punctuation,  preferable  to  that 
generally  accepted  whereby  *  iusta  ul- 
tione' is  coupled  with  'securitati'  and 
a  new  sentence  is  made  to  begin  at 
*et'. 

8.  Varius,  explained  by  the,  context, 
*  addressing  itself  by  turns  to  his  fear  and 
passion.'  The  sense  of  '  artificial ',  given 
by  Jacob  and  Burnouf,  is  hardly  borne 
out  by  the  reference  to  Sail.  Cat.  5,  4 
(*  animus  audax,  subdolus,  varius'). 

10.  in  servo, '  in  the  case  of  the  slave,' 
the  story  of  Eucaerus  (c.  60,  3). 

elusa  erat,  'had  been  frustrated'; 
a  sense  somewhat  similar  to  that  of  '  sen- 
tentia  .  .  .  elusa '  in  3.  34,  1 3  (where  see 
note).  It  can  hardly  be  right  to  refer 
'elusa'  (with  DOd.)  to  Poppaea. 

12.  patrator,  air.  flp.,  except  in  late 
writers  (Avienus  and  Jerome)  :  see  Introd. 
i.  V.  §  69,  I  a. 

13.  ut  memoravi,  c.  3,  5. 

14.  gratia. . .  odio,  ablatives  of  quality. 

15.  quasi  exprobrantes  aspiciuntur,! 
'seem  to  upbraid  us  when  we  look  on 
them  *  (as  it  were  demanding  their  re- 
ward). The  sentiment  is  in  the  same 
vein  with  that  in  4.  18,3:  for  the  sense 
of  'exprobrare'  cp.  4.  57,  5;  13.  21,  9. 
'  Malorum  '  (which,  and  not  '  malorum  ', 
as  given  by  Baiter  and  others,  is,  accord- 


A.  D.  6a] 


LIBER  XIV,      CAP.   61-63 


3U 


principis  adversus  insidiantem  matrem  subvenisse ;  locum  baud 

5  minoris  gratiae  instare  si  coniugem  infensam  depelleret.  nee 
manu  aut  telo  opus  :  fateretur  Octaviae  adulterium.  occulta 
quidem  ad  praesens  sed  magna  ei  praemia  et  secessus  amoenos 

e  promittit,  vel,  si  negavisset,  necem  intentat.    ille  insita  vaecordia  5 
et  facilitate  priorum  flagitiorum  plura  etiam  quam  iussum  erat 
frngit  fateturque  apud    amicos   quos   velut  consilio  adhibuerat 
princeps.    turn   in    Sardiniam   pellitur  ubi   non   inops   exilium 
toleravit  et  fato  obiit. 

Y      63.  At  Nero  praefectum  in  spem  sociandae  classis  corruptum  10 
et,  incusatae  paulo  ante  sterilitatis  oblitus,  abactos  partus  con- 
scientia  libidinum,  eaque  sibi  comperta  edicto  memorat  insula- 

2  que    Pandateria    Octaviam    claudit.     non   alia   exul  visentium 


ing  to  Ritt.,  the  true  Med.  reading)  is  not 
an  otiose  adjective  ;  *  facinus '  being  often 
used,  as  a  neutral  term,  with  epithets  of 
either  kind  (cp.  i.  8,  7  ;  H.  2.  50,  2, 
&c.). 

3.  manu, '  violence ' ;  so  coupled  with 
'  telum  '  in  c.  55,  4;  13.  6,  5  ;  H.  3.  10, 
5,  &c. 

4.  secessus,  Dr.  notes  the  plural  as 
used  after  the  analogy  of '  loca '. 

5.  vel= '  aut ',  as  in  c.  61,  6,  &c. 
necem    intentat,    apparently    taken 

from  'intentant  omnia  mortem'  (Verg. 
Aen.  I,  91). 

insita  vaecordia.  This  expression 
does  not  seem  able  to  be  used  strictly  of 
moral  depravity,  but  is  well  explained  by 
Prof.  Holbrooke  as  *  natural  perversity  ', 
i.  e.  unreasoning  malice. 

6.  facilitate  priorum  flagitiorum, 
*  with  a  readiness  belonging  to  (resulting 
from)  his  former  crimes.'  Such  a  genit. 
is  certainly  (as  Jacob  notes)  unusual ; 
but  this  explanation  seems  preferable  to 
that  of  taking  '  facilitate '  as  a  causal 
abl.,  with  the  sense  '  because  his  former 
crimes  had  been  so  easily  accomplished' 
(like  'facilitate  adulteriorum '  in  11. 
26,  I). 

plura,  apparently  such  details  as 
are  mentioned  in  c.  63,  1. 

iussum  erat.  *  lussus  erat '  would  be 
more  usual ;  but  Nipp.  notes  the  pre- 
ference of  Tacitus  for  this  form :  cp.  2. 
40,  4;  H.  4.  35,  4;  5.  21,  3,  and  the  use 
of  'inhere  aliquid'  (13.  15,  4;  Agr.  45, 
2),  and  that  with  the  subjunct.  (13.  15, 
3,  &c.). 

7.  amicos,  the  judicial  '  consilium 
amicorum  principis'  (see  13.  23,  4,  and 


note ;  Introd.  i.  vi.  p,  74 ;  Momms. 
Staatsr.  ii.  988,  foil.).  In  the  case  of  a 
wife,  the  investigation  might  have  taken 
the  form  of  a  family  trial  (see  13.  32,  4, 
and  note) ;  but  it  is  implied  in  *  velut ' 
that  the  process,  of  whatever  sort,  was  a 
sham. 

9.  fato  obiit,  *  died  a  natural  death ' : 
for  the  same,  or  similar  phrases,  cp.  2. 
71,  I ;  6.  10,  3 ;  II.  2,  5,  &c.,  also  *  fato 
cedere'  (Liv.  26.  13,  7);  *  fatum '  being 
taken  in  such  expressions  to  mean  what 
would  happen  in  the  ordinary  course  of 
nature  (Introd.  i.  iv.  22). 

I  o.  in  spem, '  with  a  view  to  the  hope' : 
cp.  c.  15,  8,  and  note  ;  also  *  in  saevitiam  * 
(15.  44,  8,  and  note). 

11.  paulo  ante  :  cp.  c.  60,  3. 
abactos  partus.     This  is  perhaps  the 

meaning  of  what  Zonaras  (11.  la;  says 
(^[xoix^ias  KoX  yoT)T(ias  KarTjySpovs  JpfvSds 
irapecKevAaaTo).  Suet.  (Ner.  35)  mentions 
only  the  alleged  adultery  (' Anicetum  .  .  . 
iudicem  subiecerit,  qui  fingeret  dolo  stu- 
pratam  a  se').  Causing  abortion  was 
not  a  crime  under  Roman  law  in  early 
times  (Cic.  Clu.  11,  31),  nor  is  any 
penalty  known  to  have  been  imposed 
upon  it  till  the  time  of  Septimius  Severus 
(Marcian,  in  Dig.  47.  11,  4), 

consoientia  libidinum  (causal  abl.), 
because  she  dared  not  to  pass  off  her 
offspring  as  legitimate. 

12.  comperta,  through  the  evidence  of 
Anicetus. 

13.  Pandateria  :  see  i.  53,  i,  and  note. 
Hence  Lips,  reads  in  Pseudo-Sen.  Oct. 
971  *  Pandateriae  (for  '  tandem  Phariae') 
limina  terrae '. 


312 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[a.  d.  62 


oculos  maiore  misericordia  adfecit.     meminerant  adhuc  quidam 
Agrippinae  a  Tiberio,  recentior  luliae  memoria  obversabatur  a 
Claudio  pulsae :   sed  illis  robur  aetatis  adfuerat ;    laeta  aliqua  3 
viderant  et  praesentem  saevitiam  melioris  olim  fortunae  recor- 

5  datione  adlevabant.     huic  primum  nuptiarum  dies  loco  funeris  4 
fuit,  deductae  in  domum  in  qua  nihil  nisi  luctuosum  haberet, 
erepto  per  venenum  patre  et  statim  fratre ;  turn  ancilla  domina 
validior  et  Poppaea  non  nisi  in  perniciem  uxoris  nupta,  postremo 
crimen  omni  exitio  gravius. 

[o      64.    Ac    puella   vicesimo   aetatis   anno  inter   centuriones   et  1 
milites,  praesagio  malorum  iam  vitae  exempta,  nondum  tamen 


I.  meminerant,  &c.  Agrippina  was 
banished  to  Pandateria,  and  died  there  in 
A.  D.  33  (see  6.  25,  I,  and  note).  Julia, 
the  daughter  of  Germanicus,  was  banished, 
by  the  influence  of  Messalina,  on  a  charge 
of  adultery  with  Seneca,  in  A.  D.  41 
(Introd.  p.  10)  and  was  soon  afterwards 
put  to  death  (Dio,  60.  8,  5).  It  appears 
to  be  implied  that  she  was  exiled  to  the 
same  place.  The  banishment  of  Julia, 
daughter  of  Augustus  (i.  53,  i)  is 
omitted,  probably  as  having  faded  out  of 
memory. 

3.  robxir  aetatis.  This  seems  hardly 
true  of  Julia,  who  was  but  23  at  the  time 
of  her  banishment  (see  2.  54,  i),  and 
probably  no  older  than  Octavia  (see  on 
c.  64,  i).  Prof.  Holbrooke  thinks  that 
Julia,  daughter  of  Drusus  (see  13.  32,  5, 
and  note),  may  be  meant ;  but  there  is  no 
record  of  her  having  been  banished. 

5.  adlevabant.  Compare  the  oppo- 
site sentiment  of  Dante  (Inf.  v),  'nessun 
maggior  dolore,  che  ricordarsi  del  tempo 
felice  nella  miseria.* 

primum.  Nipp.  and  Dr.  follow 
Lips,  in  reading  'primus';  but  the  cor- 
rection seems  needless,  as  '  primum  ' 
answers  well  to  *  tum '  and  *  postremo  '. 

7.  patre  .  .  .  fratre,  Claudius  and  Bri- 
tannicus.  The  death  of  the  one  took 
place  in   the   year   following    her   mar- 

i  riage,  that  of  the  other  in  the  next  year 
afterwards. 

ancilla,  Acte  (13.  12,  i) :  with 
*  validior '  would  be  supplied  '  in  animo 
mariti'  (cp.  c.  51,  6,  &c.).  Nipp.  notes 
that  with  these  clauses  some  general 
notion,  like  'patienda  fuerunt '  is  supplied 
from  '  huic  .  .  .  fuit '. 

8.  non  nisi,  &c.,  i.  e.  who  could  never 
let  her  rival  live. 


9.  crimen,  the  charge  now  brought 
against  her. 

10.  puella,  used  of  a  young  wife  in  16. 
30,  3,  and  often  in  poets,  as  Hor.  Od.  3. 
22,  2  ;  Prop.  4.  13,  23  (of  Penelope)  ;  Ov. 
F.  2,  557,  also  in  Gell.  12.  1,4,  &c. 

vicesimo.  This  word  is  plainly 
wrong,  and  cannot  be  taken  as  a  round 
number.  She  was  evidently  older  than 
Britannicus  (Suet.  CI.  27),  whose  birth  is 
dated  twenty-one,  or  at  least  twenty  years 
before  this  year  (see  on  12.  25,  3  ;  13.  15, 
i)  ;  and  she  had  been  promised  in  mar- 
riage to  L.  Silanus  in  A.  D.  41  (Dio,  60. 
5,  7).  It  is  suggested  by  Nipp.  that  the 
words  in  Tacitus  may  have  been  '  duo  et 
vicesimo ',  written  in  early  MSS.  as  '  II 
et  vicesimo  ',  and  that  it  may  have  lost 
its  first  letters  by  confusion  with  the 
three  last  of  '  puella  '.  Such  a  reading  as 
'quinto  et  vicesimo',  as  suggested  by  Ritt., 
would  seem  more  in  accordance  with  her 
supposed  real  age,  but  less  easy  to  recon- 
cile with  the  text.  Similar  errors  of  Tacitus 
or  his  copyists  are  noted  in  12.  25,  3,  &c. 

11.  vitae  exempta :  the  dat.  is  read 
by  all  recent  edd.,  after  Heins,  for  the 
Med.  *  vita ' ;  this  case  being  used  with 
'  eximere '  in  eighteen  places  by  Taci- 
tus (i.  48,  2 ;  64,  4,  &C.),  the  classical 
*  eximere  e  vita '  once  (Agr.  3.  3),  and 
the  simple  abl.  never ;  though  it  is  not 
unfrequent  in  Livy  (6.  24,  8,  &c.).  The 
meaning  is  that  this  exile,  so  often  the 
precursor  of  death,  gave  her  such  pre- 
sentiment of  her  fate  as  to  warn  her  that 
she  had  no  longer  a  place  among  the  living. 

nondum  tamen  morte  adquiesce- 
bat.  The  attempt  to  interpret  this  ex- 
pression from  Cic.  Mil.  37,  102  ('  qui 
maxime  P.  Clodii  morte  acquierunt '), 
so  as  to  give  the  sense  '  could  not  re- 


A.  D.  6a] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP.  63,  64 


313 


2  morte  adquiescebat.  paucis  dehinc  interiectis  diebus  mori 
iubetur,  cum  iam  viduam  se  et  tantum  «ororem  testaretur 
communisque  Germanicos  et  postremo  Agrippinae  nomen 
cieret,    qua    incolumi    infelix    quidem    matrimonium    sed    sine 

3  exitio  pertulisset.     restringitur  vinclis  venaeque  eius  per  omnis  5 
artus  exolvuntur ;  et  quia  pressus  pavore  sanguis  tardius  labe- 

4  batur,  praefervidi  balnei  vapore  enecatur.  additurque  atrocior 
saevitia  quod  caput  amputatum  latumque  in  urbem  Poppaea 
vidit.     dona  ob  haec  templis  decreta  quern  ad  finem  memora- 

5  bimus  ?     quicumque   casus    temporum    illorum    nobis  vel  aliis  10 
auctoribus    noscent,   praesumptum   habeant,    quoties    fugas    et 
caedes  iussit  princeps,  toties  grates  deis  actas,  quaeque  rerum 


concile  herself  to  death '  (Church  and 
Brodribb),  seem  less  satisfactory  than 
that  of  Orelli,  Louandre,  &c.,  that  while 

I  thus  cut  off  from  life,  she  *  could  not 
yet  find  repose  in  death  *  (*  morte  '  being 
equivalent  to  'in  morte*).     Orelli  cites 

*  anno  acquievit  septuagesimo '  (Nep. 
Hann.  13),  and  the  frequent  use  of  *  hie 
adquiescit'  in  inscriptions,  not  only  in  those 
of  Christians  (e.g.  Or.  2313,  4084,  4491). 

1.  paucis.  .  .  diebus.  Suet.  (Ner.  57) 
gives  the  day  of  her  death  as  the  same  as 
that  on  which  Nero  afterwards  perished 
(June  9). 

2.  iam  viduam,  *  she  was  now  un- 
married, and  no  more  to  Nero  than  a 
sister'  (by  his  adoption).  The  same  speech 
is  given  in  Pseudo-Sen.  Oct.  658  (*  soror 
Augusti,  non  uxor  ero '). 

i      3.    communis    Germanicos.       Her 

'jA  grandfather,     the     elder     Drusus,    was 

1  honoured  at  his  death  with  the  title  Ger- 

manicus,  to  be  borne  by  himself  and  his 

posterity  (Suet.  CI.  i).  This  name  was  thus 

I  that  of  the  family  of  Octavia  on  her  father's 

1  side,  and  that  of  Nero  on  his  mother's, 

I  and  (by  his  adoption)  on  his  father's  also. 

4.  qua    incolumi  .  .  .  pertulisset : 

cp.  c.  I,    I. 

6.  pressus,  equivalent  to  *  repressus ' 
('  arrested  '),  as  in  c.  5,  2  to  *  oppressus ' : 
cp.  'premunt  sanguinem'  (15.  64,  i). 

labebatur,  *  was  trickling.'  Dr.  notes 
the  similar  application  of  this  word  in 
poetry  to    'aqua',  'flumen',  Macrima', 

*  oleum ',  &c. 

7.  vapore,  *  hot  air ' :  cp.  1 1.  3,  3,  and 
note.  For  a  similar  mode  of  hastening 
death  see  15.  64,  5;  69,  3. 

additur,  '  is   added  to  the  rest  * :  cp. 

*  adicitur  '  (i  3.  41 ,  4).    This  atrocity  con- 


sisted in  exhibiting  her  head  as  that  of  a 
malefactor,  and  allowing  her  rival  to  gloat 
upon  the  sight. 

9.  dona  .  .  .  decreta  quern  ad  finem 
memorabimus  ?  So  Halm,  Or.,  Nipp., 
Dr.,    Ritt.,    after    Dod.,    for   the    Med. 

*  dona  .  .  .  decretaque  ad  finem  ',  &c. 
The    older  edd.  follow  Put.  in  reading 

*  dona  .  .  .  decreta :  quod  (*  quae '  G.) 
eum  ad  finem  memorabimus,  ut ',  &c. 
This  reading  was  formerly  retained  by 
Nipp.,  and  is  still  defended  by  Jacob, 
who  thinks  that  Tacitus  would  hardly 
have  mentioned  the  fact  itself  thus  by 
implication  only,  and  would  hardly  have 
used  *  ob  haec '  in  the  sense  of  *  ob  haec 
atque  talia'.  These  objections  do  not 
seem  very  weighty,  and  are  balanced  by 
the  difficulty  of  taking  *  finem  '  in  the 
subjective  sense  of '  purpose  '  or  *  design '. 
Also  the  rhetorical  force  of  the  whole 
passage  is  much  heightened  by  supposing 
him  thus  to  recoil  from  the  explicit  men- 
tion of  this  most  loathsome  instance  of 
such  mockeries  of  religion,  while  he  begs 
his  hearers  to  infer  from  it  that  the 
same  took  place  on  all  similar  occasions. 
The  meaning  would  thus  be  *  how  long 
shall  I  go  on  (cp.  c.  52,  5,  and  note), 
recounting  each  occasion  of  such  de- 
crees '  ?  Compare  the  similar  passage  in 
3'  65.  I. 

10.  nobis  vel  aliis  auctoribus,  abl. 
abs. ,  *  with  myself  or  others  as  their 
authorities.' 

11.  praesumptxim  habeant,  *  let  them 
take  for  granted  '  ( =  *  cogitatione  praesu- 
mant'):  cp.  *  utcumque  se  praesumit  inno- 
centem '    (App.    M.    7.    27,  p.  200,  8), 

*  vulgo  praesumitur '  (Dig.  i  a.  3,  7).  The 
sense  is  nearly  akin  to  that  in  12.  41,  4, 


314 


CORNELII  TACITl  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  62 


secundarum  olim,  turn   publicae   cladis  insignia  fuisse.     neque  6 
tamen  silebimus  si  quod  senatus  consultum  adulatione  novum 
aut  patientia  postremum  fuit. 

65.    Eodem    anno  libertorum  potissimos   veneno  interfecisse  1 
5  creditus  est,  Doryphorum  quasi  adversatum  nuptiis  Poppaeae, 
Pallantem,  quod  immensam  pecuniam  longa  senecta  detineret. 
Romanus  secretis  criminationibus  incusaverat    Senecam   ut  C.  2 
Pisonis  socium,  sed  validius  a  Seneca  eodem  crimine  perculsus 


and  to  *  spe  praesumite  Lellum '  (Verg. 
Aen.  II,  18).  For  the  use  of  'habere' 
cp.  13.  21,  3,  and  note. 

I.  neque  tamen  silebimus;  i.e. 
though  mere  ordinary  instances  will  be 
suppressed.  Such  a  decree  is  mentioned 
in  15.  74,  I. 

3.  patientia  postremum,  *  the  utter- 
most in  submissiveness,'  The  sentiment 
may  be  compared  with  Agr.  2,3  'dedimus 
profecto  grande  patientiae  documentum, 
et,  sicut  vetus  aetas  vidit  quid  ultimum  in 
libertate  esset,  ita  nos  quid  in  servitute'. 

*  Postremus '    is    so  used   by    Cic.  :    cp. 

*  homines  postremi '  (Rose.  Am.  47,  137), 

*  servitus  postremum  malorum  omnium ' 
(Phil.  2.  44,  113). 

4.  libertorum,  &c.  Suet.  (Ner.  35),  as 
in  so  many  instances  (see  Introd.  i.  viii.  p. 
134),  speaks  vaguely  and  generally,  with- 
out giving  names :  *  libertos  divites  et 
senes,  olim  adoptionis  mox  dominationis 
suae  fautores  atque  rectores,  veneno,  par- 
tim  cibis  partim  potionibus  indito,  inter- 
cepit.' 

5.  creditus  est.  On  this  form  cp.  13. 
30,  3,  &c.  ;  Introd.  i.  v.  §  45.  It  is  to  be 
noticed  that  what  Tacitus  is  careful  to 
state  as  a  mere  belief  is  given  by  Suet. 
(1.  1.),  with  circumstantial  details,  as  an 
established  fact. 

Doryphorum.  It  appears  from  Dio 
(61.  5,4),  who  mentions  gifts  to  him  from 
Nero  of  ten  million  HS.,  that  he  held  the 
post  '  a  libellis ' ;  in  which  he  probably 
succeeded  Callistus  (11.  29,  i).  It  need 
not  be  implied  by  '  quasi '  that  his 
alleged  offence  was  a  pretext ;  nor  could 
any  pretext  have  been  assigned  in  such  a 
case. 

6.  Pallantem.  See  11.  29,  i,  &c. 
Dio  (62.  14,  3)  appears  to  assert  as  an 
established  fact  that  he  was  put  to  death 
in  some  way  (jbv  liaWavTa  hitxp-qaaro). 

immensam  pecuniam.  If  Dio  (1. 1.) 
is  right  in  estimating  his  wealth  at  400 
million  HS.  {nvfuas  /xvpidSas),  it  must  have 


considerably  increased  during  the  past  ten 
years  (see  12.  53,  5). 

detineret,  *  was  keeping  from  him.* 
According  to  Gaius  (3.  §  42),  when  a' 
freedman  left  less  than  three  children; 
and  died  possessed  of  more  than 
100,000  HS.,  the  patron  could  claim, 
under  the  Lex  Papia  Poppaea,  a  *  portio 
viiilis',  or  share  equal  to  that  of  one  child. 

7.  Romanus.  It  appears  probable 
that  this  person,  thus  mentioned  with  the 
others  without  further  explanation,  was 
one  of  the  same  rank  with  them.  Nipp. 
would  identify  him  with  a  'Ti.  Claudius 
Romanus ',  whose  name  would  show  that 
he  was  a  freedman  of  Claudius,  and  who 
is  mentioned  in  a  *  collegium '  of  fieed- 
men  and  slaves  at  Antium  in  A.  d.  48 
(Fast.  Antiat.  in  C.  I.  L.  i.  p.  327).  Ritt. 
(Philol.  XX.  291)  supposes  a  lacuna  to 
exist  in  which  the  praenomen  ('  T.'  or 
'  Ti.')  was  given,  and  perhaps  some  par- 
ticulars of  what  became  of  him.  It  is 
also  possible  that  his  name  may  have  been 
here  thus  briefly  given,  as  one  already 
familiar  to  readers  from  mention  in  the 
lost  portion  of  the  work.  Hispo  Romanus 
(1.  74,  i)  can  hardly  have  been  still 
alive  ;  Fabius  Romanus  would  not  appear 
from  16.  17,  4  to  have  been  mentioned 
previously. 

8.  socium.  This  term  would  seem  to  I 
imply  some  treasonable  design  already 
on  foot ;  but  the  real  conspiracy  of  Piso 
(15.  48,  I,  foil.)  is  expressly  said  in  the/ 
context  to  have  taken  its  first  impulse' 
from  this  incident,  and  could  not  have' 
been  even  suspected  by  Nero  till  some^ 
time  later.  We  must  therefore  suppose 
that  the  accuser  only  alleged  that 
Seneca  sought  Piso's  society,  and  that 
the  distinguished  position  of  the  latter 
made  this  seem  suspicious.  This  is 
certainly  not  in  accordance  with  the 
usual  meaning  of  '  socius  ' ;  and  Nipp.'s 
bold  substitution  of  '  amicum  *  might 
be  defended   by  supposing   the  former 


A.  D.  62] 


LIBER  XIV.      CAP.   64,   65 


3^5 


est.     unde  Pisoni  timor  et  orta  insidiarum  in  Neronem  magna 
moles  et  improspera. 


word  to  have  been  originally  a  blunder- 
ing marginal  gloss  on  the  latter,  and  to 
have  afterAvards  supplanted  it  in  the  text. 

1.  orta,  originating  in   these   charges 
and  his  own  fears. 

2.  et  improspera.    The  old  edd.  read 
*  sed '  for  •  et ',  and  it  is  plain  that  the 


*  s  '  of  *  set '  might  easily  have  been 
lost  after  *  moles ' ;  but  the  use  of  '  et  * 
with  the  force  of  *  et  tamen '  is  not 
uncommon  (cp.  i.  13,  2;  38,  4;  13. 
52,  3).  This  Book  ends  in  the  middle 
of  a  year,  with  a  series  of  crimes  from 
c.  57- 


BOOK   XV 


SUMMARY    OF    CONTENTS 

Ch.  1-17.     Affairs  in  the  East. 

1.  Vologeses  summoned  to  help  by  Tiridates  and  by  Monobazus,  governor  of 
Adiabene.  2.  He  calls  a  council,  crowns  Tiridates,  and  prepares  for  war.  3.  De- 
fensive measures  of  Corbulo.  4.  Tigranes  besieged  in  Tigranocerta  by  Parthians 
under  Monaeses.  5.  The  siege  raised  in  consequence  of  a  message  from  Corbulo : 
Vologeses  sends  an  embassy  to  Rome.  6.  Caesennius  Paetus  sent  to  command  in 
Armenia.  7,  8.  War  renewed:  Paetus  rashly  invades  Armenia  and  gains  some 
successes.  9-11.  Corbulo  takes  a  strong  position  on  the  Euphrates:  the  Parthian 
attack  turned  to  Armenia,  where  the  Roman  force,  weakened  by  dispersion,  is 
blockaded  and  reduced  to  extremities.  12-16.  Corbulo  comes  to  the  rescue,  but 
finds  that  Paetus  had  been  forced  to  accept  humiliating  conditions.  17.  Corbulo 
retires  to  Syria :  Armenia  left  neutral,  and  an  embassy  again  sent  to  Rome. 

Ch.  18-22.     Affairs  at  Rome. 

18.  The  reverses  ignored  at  Rome;  as  also  a  great  loss  of  corn  by  storm  and  fire. 
Nero's  boast  of  his  public  munificence.  19.  Decree  of  the  senate  against  fictitious 
adoptions.  20-22.  Charge  against  Claudius  Timarchus  of  Crete:  votes  of  thanks 
by  provincial  subjects  to  their  governors  forbidden  on  the  motion  of  Thrasea : 
portents  and  other  minor  events  recorded. 

A.  U.  O.  816,  A.  D.  63.     C.  Memmius  Begulus,  L.  Verginius  Bufus,  coss. 

Ch.  23.     Birth  (followed  soon  by  death)  of  Nero's  daughter  by  Poppaea:    public 
rejoicings  :  evidence  of  Nero's  dislike  of  Thrasea. 

Ch.  24-31.       Affairs  in  the  East. 

24,  25.  The  embassy  from  Vologeses  shows  the  true  state  of  affairs:  their  terms 
rejected,  and  Corbulo  appointed  to  command  with  extensive  powers  :  Paetus  con- 
temptuously pardoned.  26,  27.  Corbulo  takes  the  field  in  force,  following  the 
route  of  LucuUus,  shows  willingness  to  treat  with  Vologeses  and  Tiridates,  expels 
the  disaffected  Armenian  nobles  from  their  strongholds.  28-31.  Conference  on  the 
site  of  the  defeat  of  Paetus :  Tiridates  agrees  to  lay  down  his  diadem  for  the 
present,  and  to  receive  it  from  Nero  at  Rome  :  his  visit  to  the  camp,  and  subsequent 
journey  to  his  brothers  before  departing  for  Italy. 

Ch.  32.     lus  Latii  given   to   the  people  of  the  Maritime  Alps :    seats  reserved  for 
knights  at  the  circus :  more  senators  and  women  of  rank  enter  the  arena. 


3i8  SUMMARY  OF  CONTENTS 

A.  U.  C.  817,  A.  D.  64.     C.  Laecanius  Bassus,  M.  Licinius  Crassus 
Frugi,  coss. 
Oh.  33-35.     Nero  appears  on  the  stage  of  the  public  theatre  at  Naples,  which  falls 
just  after  the  performance.     He  attends  a  show  of  gladiators  given  by  Vatinius  at 
Beneventum  :  Torquatus  Silanus  forced  to  suicide. 

Ch.  36,  37.  He  returns  to  Rome,  and  is  deterred  by  some  superstitious  fear  from 
his  projected  tour  to  the  East.  Banquet  given  by  Tigellinus.  Nero  descends  to 
the  lowest  depths  of  profligacy. 

Ch.  38-45.     Great  fire  in  Rome,  and  its  results. 

38-41.  Origin  and  progress  of  the  fire  :  measures  taken  by  Nero,  and  suspicion  cast 
upon  him,  especially  at  its  second  outbreak  :  ancient  temples  destroyed.  42,  43. 
Magnificence  of  Nero's  restored  palace :  grand  schemes  of  his  architects,  Severus 
and  Celer.  Improvements  made  in  rebuilding  the  houses  of  the  city.  44.  Expiatory 
ceremonies :  Nero  casts  suspicion  on  the  Christians ;  of  whom  a  vast  number  are 
put  to  death  with  the  utmost  cruelty.  45.  Contributions  of  money  and  works  of 
art  extorted  everywhere  :  withdrawal  of  Seneca  into  greater  privacy,  and  alleged 
attempt  to  poison  him. 

Ch.  46,  47.  Minor  events :  outbreak  of  gladiators :  great  shipwreck :  prodigies 
noted. 

A.  tJ.  O.  818,  A.D.  65.    A.  Licinius  Silius  Nerva,  M.  Vestinus 
Atticus,  coss. 

Ch.  48-74.     Conspiracy  of  Piso,  and  its  detection  and  suppression. 

48-50.  Character  of  Piso  :  names  and  motives  of  some  of  the  leading  conspirators, 
who  are  joined  by  several  officers  of  the  praetorian  guard.  51-53.  Epicharis  tries 
to  gain  over  an  officer  of  the  Misenian  fleet  and  is  betrayed.  After  various  changes 
of  plan,  the  plot  is  arranged  to  be  carried  out  at  the  Circensian  games.  '  54-57. 
Betrayal  of  the  plot  by  Milichus  a  freedman :  Scaevinus  and  Natalis  are  arrested 
and  give  up  the  names  of  others.  Heroic  death  of  Epicharis.  58,  59.  Military 
occupation  of  Rome  and  its  suburbs  :  many  arrests  made :  Piso  rejects  bolder 
counsels  and  commits  suicide.  60-65.  Execution  of  Plautius  Lateranus.  Seneca 
accused  by  Natalis  :  his  last  moments  and  death  :  preservation  of  his  wife  Paulina. 
Notice  of  a  report  that  some  of  the  conspirators  had  designed  to  make  him 
emperor.  66-70.  Detection  and  execution  of  the  chief  military  conspirators.  The 
consul  Vestinus  put  to  death  without  a  charge.  Death  of  Lucan  and  others.  71. 
Milichus  rewarded:  several  others  sentenced  to  minor  penalties  or  pardoned. 
72-74.  Gift  to  the  soldiers.  The  senate  summoned  to  confer  various  distinctions. 
Notice  of  Nymphidius  Sabinus.  Minutes  of  evidence  recorded.  Peril  of  Junius 
Gallio.     Offerings  decreed  to  gods.     Ill-omened  flattery  of  Anicius  Cerialis. 

APPENDIX  II. 
On  the  Neronian  persecution  of  the  Christians. 


CORNELII   TACITI 

ANNALIUM   AB   EXCESSU   DIVI   AUGUSTI 
LIBER    XV 


1  1.  Interea  rex  Parthorum  Vologeses  cognitis  Corbulonis 
rebus  regemque  alienigenam  Tigranen  Armeniae  impositum, 
simul  fratre  Tiridate  pulso  spretum  Arsacidarum  fastigium  ire 
ultum  volens,  magnitudine  rursum  Romana  et  continui  foederis 
reverentia  diversas  ad  curas  trahebatur,  cunctator  ingenio  et  5 
defectione  Hyrcanorum,  gentis  validae,  multisque  ex  eo  bellis 

2  inligatus.     atque  ilium  ambiguum  novus  insuper  nuntius  con- 
tumeliae  extimulat :  quippe  egressus  Armenia  Tigranes  Adia-  i  ^/^ 
benos,    conterminam    nationem,    latius    ac    diutius    quam    per 
latrocinia  vastaverat,  idque  primores  gentium  aegre  tolerabant:  lo 


1.  Interea,  &c.  The  narrative  of 
Eastern  affairs  is  taken  up  from  14.  26, 
where  it  was  carried  down  to  the  end  of 
the  year  813,  a.  D.  60.  Corbulo  had  set 
up  Tigranes  and  arranged  the  affairs  of 
Armenia,  and  had  himself  retired  into 
Syria  ;  and  the  events  here  related  begin 
in  the  following  spring. 

2.  alienigenam.  The  pure  Arsacidae 
profess  so  to  regard  him,  though  he 
appears  to  have  been  not  without  relation- 
ship to  that  stock  (see  notes  on  14.  26, 
1,2). 

3.  fastigium,  'the  dignity':  cp.  11. 
10,  8,  &c. 

ire  ultum:  cp.  4-  73,  6;  12.  45,  2, 
and  notes. 

4.  volens,  '  purposing.'  This  strict 
participial  use  is  rare,  and  originates  with 
poets,  as  *  multa  volentem  dicere '  (Verg. 
G.  4.  501). 

continui      foederis.       A      standing 

treaty  between  Rome  and   Parthia   had 

existed  from  734,  B.  c.  20  (see  2.  i,  2,  and 

[■notes),  and  had  been  renewed  by  Arta- 

banus  in  the  time  of  Tiberius  (2.  58,  i) 


and  of  Gains  (see  Introd.  p.  104),  and  had  ' 
been  more  recently  recognized  as  binding 
(see   12.  10,  I  ;  13.  9,  2).     The  empires 
had  been  only  indirectly  at  war  with  each  i 
other. 

6.  defectione  Hyrcanorum :  see  1 3. 
37.  6;  14.  25,  2. 

ex  eo  = '  ex  ea  re  '. 

7.  inligatus,  'hampered';  so  'bello 
externo  inligari'  (H.  3.  46,  5),  *  inligari 
Romano  bello'  (Liv.  32.  21,  11). 

ambiguum,  'hesitating':  cp.  2.  67, 
I,  and  note. 

novus  .  .  .  nuntius,  enallage:  cp. 
'verus  .  ,  .  nuntius'  (Verg.  Aen.  6,  456)  ; 
*ad  maiora  rerum  initia'  (Liv.  i.  i,  4), 
&c. 

8.  Adiabenos:  see  12.  13,  i,  and  note. 

9.  diutius  quam  per  latrocinia, 
i.e.  so  as  to  suggest  an  intention  of 
permanent  hostile  occupation.  *  Vastare ' 
is  so  used  with  personal  object  in  14.  23, 
4 ;  H.  2.  16,  4,  &c. 

10.  primores  gentium;  so  'proceres 
gentium'  (2.  58,  i).  The  nations  are 
those  composing  the  Parthian  Empire. 


320 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  62 


eo  contemptionis  descensum  ut  ne  duce  quidem  Romano  incur- 
sarentur,  sed    temeritate   obsidis  tot  per  annos  inter  mancipia 
habiti.     accendebat   dolorem   eorum    Monobazus,   quern   penes  3 
Adiabenum  regimen,  quod  praesidium  aut  unde  peteret  rogitans. 

5  iam  de  Armenia  concessum,  proxima  trahi  ;  et  nisi  defendant  4 
Parthi,    levins   servitium    apud    Romanos   deditis   quam  captis 
esse.    Tiridates  quoque  regni  profugus  per  silentium  aut  modice  5 
querendo  gravior  erat :  non  enim  ignavia  magna  imperia  con- 
tineri  ;  virorum  armorumque  faciendum  certamen  ;  id  in  summa 

10  fortuna  aequius  quod  validius,  et  sua  retinere  privatae  domus, 
de  alienis  certare  regiam  laudem  esse. 

2.  Igitur  commotus  his  Vologeses  concilium  vocat  et  proxi-  1 
mum    sibi   Tiridaten   constituit   atque  ita  orditur :    *  hunc  ego 
eodem  mecum  patre  genitum,  cum  mihi  per  aetatem  summo 


1.  incursarentur ;  so  *  agmen  incursa- 
tum'  (Liv.  24,  41,  4),  &c. :  the  active 
often  takes  a  simple  accus.,  as  in  2.  19,  2  ; 
II.  18,  I,  &c. 

2.  obsidis:  cp.  14.  26,  i. 

3.  Monobazus.  This  prince,  according 
to  Josephus  (Ant.  20.  2,  1-2),  was  the 
elder  brother  of  Izates  (on  whom  see  1 2. 
13,  and  note),  but  had  given  place  to  him. 
Izates  had  rewarded  his  compliance  by 
leaving  the  kingdom  to  him  instead  of  to 
any  of  his  own  sons  (Jos.  Ant.  20.  4,  3). 
He  is  mentioned  again  in  c.  14,  4;  and 
afterwards  as  sending  hostages  to  Rome 
by  Tiridates  (Dio,  63.  i,  2). 

5.  de  Armenia  concessum,  proxima 
trahi :  '  Armenia  was  given  up,  the  border 
land  was  following  it : '  so  Nipp.  who 
cites  '  Delmaticum  militem  traxere '  (H.  2. 
86,4),&c.  (cp.  I.  31,  I,  3;  13.  57,  I  ;  G. 
36,  3,  &c.).  Others  understand  '  trahi*  to 
mean  '  were  being  plundered '  (cp.  3.  74,  2 ; 
H.  2.  61,  2,  &c.)  ;  but  it  is  stated  (§  2) 
that  his  aggression  went  beyond  mere 
plunder. 

6.  levius  esse,  &c.  The  sense  is 
elliptical,  being,  '  unless  the  Parthians 
help,  we  must  become  subject  to  Rome, 
and  had  better  do  so  at  once  voluntarily.' 

7.  profugus,  used  with  genit.  not  else- 
where in  Tacitus,  but  in  Plin.  N.  H.  7. 
28,  29,  104  (*  vinculorum  .  .  .  profugus '), 
&c.  The  common  use  with  the  abl,  is 
found  in  H.  3.  56,  i  ;  4.  49,  2,  &c. 

aut :  so  nearly  all  edd.  after  Beroald. 
for  Med.  •  haud ',  which  gives  no  satis- 
factory sense. 


8.  gravior  ;  i.  e.  his  condition,  though 
he  abstained  from  complaint,  or  at  most 
said  little,  made  more  impression  (cp.  the 
analogous  use  of  *  levior '  in  H.  4.  80,  3) 
on  Vologeses  than  if  he  had  loudly  com- 
plained. The  following  words  are  best 
taken  as  explaining  '  modice  querendo '. 
Burnouf  and  Duebner  take  them  less  well 
as  following  out  the  thought  of  Volo- 
geses. 

contineri,  *  are  held  together,* 
nearly  equivalent  to  *  retineri ' : ,  cp.  *  ad 
continendam  militarem  fidem '  (H.  1.^9, 
5),  *parta  continuit'  (Agr.  14,  3). 

9.  faciendum  certamen,  they  must 
try  who  has  the  greater  force. 

in  summa  fortuna,  &c.,  *  in  the 
most  exalted  rank  (cp.  12.  12,  4:  13.  6, 
5;  13.  2,&c.)  might  is  right':  cp.  the 
sentiment  in  G.  36,  i  (*  ubi  manu  agitur 
modestia  et  probitas  nomina  superioris 
sunt ').  The  position  spoken  of  may  be 
that  of  the  greatest  kings  or  greatest 
empires. 

11 .  de  alienis  certare,  *  to  set  up  claim 
to  what  is  another's ' ;  a  policy  of  prestige 
and  conquest  is  alone  fit  for  kings. 

12.  concilium,  probably  that  of  the 
•  megistanes ',  who,  in  the  kind  of  feudal 
system  of  the  Parthian  empire,  were  almost 
the  only  free  warriors  (see  note  on  la.  14, 
6).  Strabo  speaks  (11.  9,  3,  51.^),  on  the 
authority  of  Posidonius,  of  Parthian 
cabinet  councils,  that  of  the  king's  kindred, 
and  that  of  wise  men  and  magi ;  but  their 
chief  function  appears  to  have  been  to  act 
together  to  choose  the  king. 


A.  D.  62] 


LIBER  XV,     CAP.  I    2 


3ai 


nomine  concessisset,  in  possessionem  Armeniae  deduxi,  qui 
tertius   potentiae   gradus   habetur :    nam  Medos  Pacorus  ante 

2  ceperat.  videbarque  contra  vetera  fratrum  odia  et  certamina 
familiae  nostrae  penatis  rite  composuisse.  prohibent  Romani 
et  pacem  numquam  ipsis  prospere  lacessitam  nunc  quoque  in  5 

8  exitium  suum  abrumpunt.  non  ibo  infitias  :  aequitate  quam 
sanguine,  causa  quam  armis  retinere  parta  maioribus  malueram. 

4  si  cunctatione  deliqui,  virtute  corrigam.  vestra  quidem  vis  et 
gloria  in  integro  est,  addita  modestiae  fama  quae  neque  summis 

5  mortalium  spernenda  est  et  a  dis  aestimatur.'  simul  diademate  10 
caput  Tiridatis  evinxit,  promptam  equitum  manum,  quae  regem 
ex  more  sectatur,  Monaesi  nobili  viro  tradidit,  adiectis  Adia- 
benorum  auxiliis,  mandavitque  Tigranen  Armenia  exturbare, 
dum  ipse  positis  adversus  Hyrcanos  discordiis  viris  intimas 
molemque  belli  ciet,  provinciis  Romanis  minitans;  15 


I.  sumino nomine  concessisset, 'had 
withdrawn  his  claim  to  the  highest  title ' 
(that  of  king  of  kings).  Vologeses  is 
spoken  of  in  12.  44,  2  as  reigning  '  con- 
cessu  fratrum',  and  as  having  been  bom 
of  an  inferior  mother.  For  this  use  of 
'  concedere '  cp.  3.  22,  6,  and  note. 

deduxi:  cp,  12.  50,  i.  The  way  in 
which  Armenia  and  Media  are  here  re- 
garded as  inheritances  for  the  great  king's 
brothers  would  show  a  greater  Parthian 
ascendancy  than  is  evidenced  by  the  pre- 
vious history  of  these  monarchies  (see  2. 
3-4,  &c.). 

3.  Pacorus,  his  remaining  brother  (cp. 
c.  14,  I  ;  31,  I  ;  H.  r.  40,  4).  On  Media 
Atropatene  see  2.  56,  i ,  and  note. 

3.  contra,  *in  contradistinction  to.' 
Nipp,  compares  *  contra  veterem  discipli- 
nam'  (H.  2.  69,  5),  and  the  use  of 
'adversus'  in  c  19,  2. 

Vetera,  *  traditional  *  (so  *  antiquas 
I  fratrum  discordias'  in  13.  17,  2):  the 
I  massacre  of  brothers  on  the  accession  of 
j  an  Eastern  sultan  is  often  exemplified  in 
!  more  recent  history. 

^      5.  lacessitam,  *  troubled';  so  'modice 
lacessita  pax  '  (4-  32,  3)- 

6.  non  ibo  infitias.  This  expression 
is  found  here  alone  in  Tacitus,  and  is 
before  him  nearly  confined  to  the  comic 
writers  and  Livy.  He  also  uses  the  Cicero- 
nian 'infitiari'  (3.  14,  i  ;  cp.  11.  23,  i). 

7.  causa,  *  by  right ' :  cp.  the  opposi- 
tion *  causa  .  .  .  armis '  in  13.  37,  5. 

malueram    =    'maluissem."      Nipp, 


compares  Cic.  Att.  2.  19,  3  (*  malueram 
silentio  transire ')  ;  ad  Fam.  7.  3,  6  (*  haec 
tecum  coram  malueram  ')  ;  Luc.  8,  520 
(*  feriam  tua  viscera,  Magne ;  Malueram 
soceri ').  For  other  such  rhetorical  uses 
of  the  indie,  for  subjunct.  see  Introd.  i.  v. 
§  50  c. 

10.  aestimatur:  cp.  13.  17,  3,  and 
note. 

11.  evinxit:  for  this  poetical  word 
cp.  6.  42,  6,  and  note. 

promptam,  probably  best  taken,  with. 
Ritt.,  to  mean  *  ready  to  hand ',  as  con- 
trasted with  forces  to  be  raised.  The 
words  'quae  regem*,  &c.,  seem  to  favour 
this  interpretation  rather  than  that  of 
Nipp.  (*  composed  of  resolute  men  '). 

12.  Monaesi  :  so  Med.  here,  but  in 
c.  4.  I  ;  5,  5,  '  Moneses  '  and  '  Monesen '. 
Ritt.  alters  the  form  here,  but  Halm  and 
Nipp.  prefer  to  alter  the  other  places  ;  the 
name  being  read  *  Monaeses  '  in  Hor.  Od. 
3.  6,  9,  and  Moj/oio-t/s  in  Dio  62.  20,  2. 

13.  exturbare:  so  all  recent  edd.  after 
Em.  for  the  Med.  *  exturba '  :  the  older 
edd.  read  *  exturbari ',  with  inferior  MSS. 
The  simple  inf.  with  '  mando  '  occurs  in 
Mart.  I.  88,  10,  and  is  analogous  to  other 
examples  in  Tacitus   (see  Introd.  i.    v. 

§43).  ,    ^       , 

14.  viris  intimas,  'his  reserves,  what- 
ever could  be  called  out  within  his  empire.  \ 

15.  molem  belli,  the  'main  force  of  j 
war ' :  the  expression  is  repeated  from  H. 
3. 1,4;  cp.  also  'tota  mole  belli'  (H.  i. 
6i>  3)>  *  tota  mole  regni '  (6.  36,  &c. 


322 


CORN  ELI  I  TACITI  ANNAUUM 


[A.  D.  62 


3.  Quae    ubi  Corbuloni  certis  nuntiis  audita   sunt,   legiones  1 
duas  cum  Verulano  Severe  et  Vettio  Bolano  subsidium  Tigrani 
mittit  occulto  praecepto  compositius  cuncta  quam  festinantius 
agerent :    quippe  bellum  habere   quam   gerere    malebat  ;    scri-  2 

5  pseratque  Caesari  proprio  duce  opus  esse  qui  Armeniam  defen- 
deret :    Syriam  ingruente  Vologese  acriore  in   discrimine  esse, 
atque  interim  reliquas  legiones  pro  ripa  Euphratis  locat,  tumul-  3 
tuariam  provincialium  manum  armat,  hostilis  ingressus  praesidiis 
intercipit.     et  quia  egena  aquarum  regio  est  castella  fontibus  4 

10  imposita  ;  quosdam  rivos  congestu  harenae  abdidit. 

4.  Ea  dum  a  Corbulone  tuendae  Syriae  parantur,  acto  raptim  1 
agmine  Monaeses  ut  famam  sui  praeiret,  non  ideo  nescium  aut 


2.  Verulano  Severe :  see  14.  26,  i, 

and  note. 

Vettio  Bolano.  This  officer  is  known 
to  have  been  cos.  suff.  before  a.d.  69, 
Stat.  Silv.  5.  2,  167,  when  he  became 
legatus  of  Britain  (H.  2.  65,  5  ;  97,  i  ; 
Agr.  8,  I ;  16,  6).  He  is  also  known  to 
have  been  proconsul  of  Asia  at  the  end  of 
Vespasian's  life,  coins  of  that  emperor 
and  of  Titus,  struck  at  Smyrna,  being 
inscribed  knl  B<u\avov  (Eckh.  ii.  557). 
His  qualities  and  achievements  are  dwelt 
upon  by  Statins  in  a  poem  (Silv.  5.  2, 
30-67)  addressed  to  his  son  Crispinus, 
whom  Nipp.  takes  to  be  the  cos.  suff.  of 
A.D.  113.  Another  son,  named  as  Bo- 
lanus  by  Statins  (1.  1.  65,  75),  was 
ordinary  consul  in  A.D.  iii,  C.  I.  L.  6. 
222. 

3.  compositius  quam  festinantius. 
Dr.  notes  that  this  classical  form  of 
comparison  is  found  only  here  in  the 
Annals,  but  oftener  in  the  earlier  works 
(H.  2.  24,  2  ;  4.  65,  2  ;  G.  36,  i ;  Agr. 
44,  2).  Tacitus  does  not  elsewhere  use 
the  adverb  '  composite ' ;  but  the  parti- 
ciple has  the  adjectival  sense  of  *  orderly ', 
as  in  H.  2.  89,  i  ;  4.  33,  2. 

4.  bellum  habere  quam  gerere 
\  malebat,  '  would  rather  have  war  on 
Ihand  than  prosecute  it.'  It  was  his 
J  interest  that  the  war  should  drag  on  : 
I  if  he  closed  it  by  any  great  victory,  his 

command  would  be  at  an  end ;  if  he 
decisively  failed,  he  would  be  recalled 
in  disgrace.  A  similar  motive  is  ascribed 
to  Vocula  in  H.  4.  34,  8.  For  other 
imputations  of  unpatriotic  motives  to 
Corbulo  see  c.  6,  3,  6  ;  10,  7.  In  this 
place  Madvig  (Adv.  iii.  235)  thinks  that 
'  habere '     cannot     mean     *  trahere '     or 


'  ducere ',  and  that   '  cavere '  should   be 
read. 

6.  ingruente.  The  use  of  this  verb 
of  persons  (cp.  12.  12,  2,  and  note)  is  not 
found  in  earlier  prose.  Vergil  has  '  in- 
gruit  Aeneas'  (Aen.  12,  628). 

7.  reliquas  legiones.  To  the  original  ' 
Eastern  army  of  four  legidns  (13.  8,  2) 
a  fifth  (13.  35,  4),  and  at  this  time  a 
sixth  (c.  6,  5)  were  added.  The  latter 
was  to  join  Paetus,  leaving  three  (1.  1.) 
with  Corbulo. 

pro  ripa,  *  on  the  bank':  cp.  12.  29, 
2,  &c. 

tumultuariam :  cp.  i.  56,  i. 

8.  hostilis  ingressus  praesidiis 
intercipit,  '  he  blocks  with  forts  the 
entrances  of  the  enemy ' :  it  seems 
possible  to  take  'ingressus'  to  mean 
the  points  at  which  entrance  could  be  . 
made  (cp.  '  incessus '  6.  33,  5) ;  which 
would  be  especially  Zeugma  (see  12.  12, 1 
3)  and  Thapsacus.  Nipp.  takes  the 
words  to  mean  '  hostis  ingredientis',  and 
notes  the  complaint  in  c.  5,  i,  'vim  pro- 
vinciae  inlatam ' ;  but  '  praesidia  '  would 
more  naturally  be  formed  in  anticipation 
of  an  attack  than  during  it. 

9.  quia  egena,  &c.,  i.e.  because  the 
springs  were  so  few  that  they  could  nearly 
all  be  thus  guarded,  so  as  to  deprive  the 
Parthians  of  water  and  to  ensure  a  supply 
to  the  Romans.  The  springs  especially 
important  would  be  those  on  the  roads 
leading  from  the  points  of  crossing  into 
the  province. 

10.  abdidit  =  *obruit'.     He  fortified 
those  which  he  could  hold,  and  destroyed  '■ 
those  which  he  could  not. 

12.  Monaeses.    Cp.  c.  2,  5. 

ut  famam  sui  praeiret,  '  to  anticipate 


iLa 


A.  D.  6a] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.  3,   4 


3«3 


2  incautum  Tigranen  offendit.    occupaverat  Tigranocertam,  urbem 

3  copia  defensorum  et  magnitudine  moenium  validam.     ad  hoc 
Nicephorius  amnis  baud  spernenda  latitudine  partem  murorum 

4  ambit ;  et  ducta  ingens  fossa  qua  fluvio  diffidebatur.    inerantque 
milites    et    provisi    ante    commeatus,    quorum    subvectu    pauci  5 
avidius  progress!  et  repentinis  hostibus  circumventi  ira  magis 

5  quam   metu   ceteros   accenderant.     sed  Partho  ad  exequendas 
obsidiones  nulla  comminus  audacia :  raris  sagittis  neque  clausos 

6  exterret  et  semet  frustratur.     Adiabeni  cum  promovere  scalas 
et  machinamenta  incipercnt,  facile  detrusi,  mox  erumpentibus  10 
nostris  caeduntur. 


the  news  of  his  approach  ' :  *  fama  sui ' 
here  is  equivalent  to  '  fama  de  se ',  and 
Nipp.  would  also  so  take  it  in  H.  3. 
2,,  2  (*hanc  sui  famam  .  .  .  conimoverat'). 
On  the  general  use  of  this  genit.  by 
Tacitus  see  Nipp.  on  12.  37,  4.  '  Fama ' 
stands  by  itself  for  news  of  a  person  in  2. 
39,  5  :  cp.  '  fama  eius  rei '  (c.  33,  3).  On 
the  accus.  here  with  'praeire'  cp.  2.  83,  2, 
and  note. 

1.  Tigranocertam.  On  the  variations 
in  the  grammatical  form  of  this  name  see 
14.  24,  6,  and  note. 

2.  magnitudine  moenium.  Accord- 
ing to  Appian  (Mithr.  84),  this  city 
was  originally  constructed  with  walls 
fifty  cubits  high ;  the  lower  part  being 
formed  into  stables.  It  had  no  doubt 
been  dismantled  by  LucuUus,  but  had 
evidently  been  again  strongly  fortified. 

3.  Nicephorius.  The  identification  of 
this  stream  is  part  of  the  question  of  the 
site  of  Tigranocerta  (see  on  12.  50,  2). 
The  statement  of  Pliny  (N.  H.  6.  27,  31, 
1 29),  making  a  river  of  similar  name  one 
of  the  chief  tributaries  of  the  upper  Tigris 
('  Tigris  autem  ex  Armenia  acceptis 
fluminibus  claris  Parthenia  ac  Nicepho- 
rione  '),  has  been  generally  followed,  and 
the  Bitlis-Su  (see  on  12.  50,  2)  or  some 
other  stream  in  the  basin  of  the  Tigris 
has  been  generally  taken  to  be  the  river 
intended.  If,  however,  according  to  the 
latest  view,  the  site  of  Tell-Ermen  is  taken 
to  be  that  of  Tigranocerta  (see  note  1. 1.)> 
the  river  is  a  branch  of  the  Khabour,  itself 
a  tributary  of  the  Euphrates  (see  the  map 
at  the  end  of  this  vol.).  It  is  possible 
that  such  a  name  may  have  been  given  to 
more  than  one  river.  See  Henderson, 
Nero,  p.  174,  and  note. 

latitudine,  abl.  of  quality. 


4.  ambit,  so  used  of  rivers  in  Verg. 
Aen.  6,  550 ;  Hor.  Ep.  i.  16,  13 ;  Veil.  2, 
loi ,  &c.,  and  in  a  similar  sense  in  c.  43, 4  ; 
I.  68,  I,  &c. 

5.  milites,    sc.    *  Romani ',   the  force 
left   there   by   Corbulo    in   the   previous 
year  (see  14.  26,  3).     It  is  also  evident, 
from  c.  5  and  6  that  the  two  legions  men- 
tioned above  (c.  3,  i)  were  approaching! 
the  town. 

provisi,  *  taken  thought  for' :  cp.  2. 14, 
2;  11.7,4. 

quortim  subvectu  =»  'qui  (commea- 
tus) dum  subvehebantur '.  This  substan- 
tive appears  to  have  been  coined  by 
Tacitus,  like  many  other  similar  forms 
(see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  69  b),  and  is  only 
found  once  afterwards  in  Cassiodorus. 
Em.  notes  that  the  abl.  abs.  *  procursu ' 
is  used  with  similar  force  (  = '  dum  pro- 
currebat')  in  Agr.  33,  i,  and  *  visu'  and 

*  auditu  '  in  several  places.  The  soldiers 
in  charge  of  the  provision  train  were  in 
advance  of  it. 

6.  repentinis,  *  suddenly  appearing,* 
i.e.  *  unlooked  for ' ;  so  *  adventus  hostium 
.  .  .  repentinos '  (Cic.  Rep.  2.  3,  6),  *  re- 
pentinum  periculum  '  (Caes.  B.  G.  3.  3,  2), 
&c.  On  the  use  of  the  abl.  cp.  6.  44,  3, 
and  note. 

7.  accenderant,  used  by  zeugma  with 

*  metu '. 

ad  exequendas,  &c.  The  same 
character  is  given  to  them  in  Just.  41.  2, 
6  ('comminus  in  acle  proeliari  aut  obsessas 
expugnare  urbes  nesciunt').  Prof.  Hol- 
brooke notes  the  contrast  to  the  engineer- 
ing skill  of  the  Sassanians. 

9.  semet  frustratur.    Nipp.  appears 
^.rightly  to   take   this  to  mean  *  deceives  1 
himself,  by  supposing  that  he  produces! 
some  effect. 


Y  a 


324 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  6a 


6.  Corbulo  tamen,  quamvis  secundis  rebus  suis,  moderandum  1 
fortunae  ratus  misit  ad  Vologesen  qui  expostularent  vim  pro- 
vinciae  inlatam :   socium  amicumque  regem,  cohortis  Romanas 
circumsideri.     omitteret  potius  obsidionem,  aut  se  quoque  in 
5  agro    hostili    castra    positurum.      Casperius   centurio   in   earn  2 
•3>  K\A  legationem  delectus  apud  oppidum  Nisibin,  septem  et  triginta 

milibus    passuum    a    Tigranocerta    distantem,   adit    regem    et 
mandata  ferociter  edidit.     Vologesi  vetus  et  penitus    infixum  3 
erat  arma  Romana  vitandi,  nee   praesentia  prospere  fluebant. 
10  inritum   obsidium,  tutus    manu   et   copiis  Tigranes,  fugati  qui  4 
expugnationem  sumpserant,  missae  in  Armeniam  legiones,  et 
aliae  pro  Syria  paratae  ultro  inrumpere ;  sibi  imbecillum  equitem 


3.  qui  expostularent,  *  to  make  com- 
plaint ':  this  verb  takes  the  accus.  and  inf. 
in  c.  1 7, 5,  &c.,  but  in  a  different  sense.  Cp. 
'  expostulavit  mecum,  parum  missum  sibi' 
(Plant.  Mil.  3.  i,  103). 

vimi  provinciae  inlatam:  see  note 
o^  c.  3,  3.  Some  plundering  raids  which 
Tacitus  has  not  cared  to  mention  may 
probably  be  meant. 

4.  circiunsideri.  Recent  edd.  have 
followed  Ryck.  in  so  reading  (with  MS. 
Agr.)  for  the  Med.  '  circumsedere ',  which 
Walth.  thinks  might  stand;  Vologeses 
being  taken  as  the  subject,  and  being 
called  *  socius  amicusque  rex ',  on  the 
strength  of  his  standing  treaty  (c.  i,  i) ; 
but  such  an  expression  (cp.  4.  26, 4)  must 
denote  a  much  nearer  position  to  Rome, 
such  as  that  of  Tigranes. 

omitteret  potius  .  .  .  aut  se  =  *  nisi 
omitteret  .  .  .  se  quoque '.  Dr.  compares 
'aut  existat*,  &c.  (13.  21,  7),  also  *  aut 
me  amor  negotii  .  .  .  fallit,  aut  nulla 
umquam  republica  .  .  .  maior  .  .  . 
fuit'  (Liv.  Praef.  11),  which  are  hardly 
parallel. 

5.  Casperius  centurio  :  see  12.  45,  3. 

6.  Nisibin.  This  was  the  chief  city 
of  Mygdonia,  a  district  in  the  north  east 
of  Mesopotamia,  and  still  exists  as  Nisi- 
bin or  Nessabin.  From  its  position  on 
the  frontier  of  the  Parthian  dominions 
towards  Armenia,  it  became  important  in 
the  campaigns  of  Lu callus  (Dio,  35.  8, 
2  ;  10,  I ;  Plut.  Luc.  32),  and  in  those 
of  Trajan  (Dio,  68.  23.  2) ;  see  also 
Strab.  16.  I,  23,  747;  PL  N.  H.  6. 
13,  16,  42  (' Antiochia  quam  Nesebin 
vocant '). 

septem  et  triginta.  This  definite 
specification  of  distance,  probably  given 


by  Corbulo  himself,  should  help  to  deter- 
mine the  site  of  Tigranocerta  (see  on  1 2. 
50,  2)  ;  but  the  sites  generally  assigned, 
except  those  of  Tell-Abad  or  Tell-Ermen, 
are  considerably  more  distant,  and  have 
to  be  supported  by  treating  the  statement 
here  as  an  error. 

9,  vitandi :  on  this  use  of  the  gerund 
cp.  13.  26,  4,  and  note.  Here  the  ellipse 
would  be  that  of  some  word  expressing 
habit,  implied  in  *  vetus '  and  *  infixum  '. 
Ritt  inserts  '  studium ',  and  Madvig  (Adv. 
iii.  p.  235)  'votum',  after  'vetus';  in 
which  position  he  suggests  that  it  may 
easily  have  dropped  out. 

prospere  fluebant.  Nipp.  compares 
'  rebus  prospere  fluentibus*  (Dial.  5,4),  and 

*  cunctis  super  vota  fluentibus '  (H.  3.  48, 
4)  ;  which  latter  is  taken  from  *  rebus  supra 
(perhaps  *  super ')  vota  fluentibus '  in 
Sail.  H.  inc.  101  D,  70  K,  iii.  96  G,  and 
a  similar  metaphor  in  Cic,  Off.  i.  26,  90 
('rebus  prosperis  et  advoluntatem  nostram 
fluentibus ').  . 

10.  manu  et  copiis,  referring  to  the] 
'  milites '  and  'commeatus'    of  c.   4,  4.  I 
Tacitus  often  uses  '  copiae'  for  '  supplies* 
(e.  g.  c.  16,  I  ;  1 .  68,  7  ;  H.  2.  32,  2,  &c.). 

1 1,  sumpserant,  *  had  undertaken  ' ;  so 

*  sumere  bellum'  (2.  45,  i,  &c),  *proe- 
lium'  (H.  a.  42,  3),  &c.  Such  expres- 
sions are  also  common  in  Livy.  / 

12.  pro  Syria,  *on  the  frontier  of  I 
Syria' :  cp.  *  pro  ripa'  (c.  3,  3). 

sibi  imbecilliim,  &c.  Nipp.  notes 
that  the  transition  to  oratio  obliqua  is 
made  less  harsh  by  the  fact  that  the 
previous  sentences,  though  different  in 
form,  express  in  fact  the  thought  of 
Vologeses.  For  a  somewhat  similar 
change  cp.  i.  36,  2,  and  note. 


A.  D.  6a] 


LIBER  XV,     CAP,  5,  6 


325 


pabuli  inopia  :  nam  exorta  vis  locustarum  ambederat  quidquid 
6  herbidum  aut  frondosum.  igitur  metu  abstruso  mitiora  obten- 
dens,  missurum  ad  imperatorem  Romanum  legates  super 
petenda  Armenia  et  firmanda  pace  respondet  :  Monaesen 
omittere  Tigranocertam  iubet,  ipse  retro  concedit.  5 

1  6.  Haec  plures  ut  formidine  regis  et  Corbulonis  minis  patrata 
ac  magnifica  extollebant :  alii  occulte  pepigisse  interpretabantur 
ut  omisso  utrimque  bello  et  abeunte  Vologese  Tigranes  quoque 

2  Armenia  abscederet.    cur  enim  exercitum  Romanum  a  Tigrano- 
certis  deductum  ?  cur  deserta  per  otium  quae  bello  defenderant  ?  lo 
an  melius  hibernavisse  in  extrema  Cappadocia,  raptim  erectis 

3  tug^riis,  quam  in  sede  regni  mode  retenti  ?  dilata  prorsus  arma 
ut  Vologeses  cum  alio  quam  cum  Corbulone  certaret,  Corbulo 

4  meritae  tot  per  annos  gloriae  non  ultra  periculum  faceret.    nam. 


1 .  vis  locustarum :  cp.  *  vis  piscium  * 
(13.  63,  2). 

ambederat.    The  Med.  '  aberat '  (with 

*  ui '  for  '  vis  ')  is  retained  by  Walth.  and 
Rup.  as  giving  a  possible  sense ;  but  most 
edd.  follow  Lips,  in  reading  as  above. 
The  verb  is  nowhere  else  found  in  Tacitus ; 
but  Verg.  has  the  participle  (Aen.  3,  257  ; 
5,  752);  and  the  perf.  (*flumen  agrum 
ambedit*)  is  found  in  Alfenus  Varus,  a 
jurist  of  the  Augustan  age  (cited  in  Dig. 
41.  I,  38):  see  other  instances  in  Nipp. 
Ritt.  retains  the  Med.  •  vi ',  and  reads 

*  ambesum  erat '. 

2.  metu  abstruso  :  cp.  *  abstruserint 
tristitiam'  (3.  6,  3). 

i3.  super=!*de':  cp.  11.  23,  i,  and 
note.  It  is  to  be  supposed  that  the 
Parthians  intended  to  ask  for  what  they 
had  formerly  rejected  (see  1 3.  34,  4),  that 
Tiridates  might  be  recognized  on  doing 
homage  to  Rome. 

7.  ao  magnifica,  '  and  as  glorious  to 
Rome'  (cp.  2.  2,  a  ;  12.  37,  2,  &c.). 
Puteol.  and  many  old  edd.  omitted  *  ac  * 
and  read  *  magnifice '.  *  Extollere  '  is 
frequently  so  used  by  itself  for  *  laudi- 
bus  efferre  '  (i.  9,3;  2.88,4;  3-5i.  2,&c. 

alii,  &c.  On  these  two  versions,  and 
the  confirmation  of  the  latter  by  the  actual 
facts  mentioned,  see  Introd.  p.  116.  It  is 
remarkable  that  Tacitus  does  not  cite  the 
authority  of  Corbulo  himself  on  either 
side,  and  it  would  appear  as  if  he  had 
described  the  transaction  in  some  am- 
biguous terms  which  his  admirers  and 
enemies  interpreted  differently.  We 
should  gather  that  Armenia  was  to  be 


left  neutral  during  the  reference  to  Rome 
(c.  5,  5  ;  7,  I).  It  is  strange  that  Tacitus 
has  not  cared  to  mention  what  afterwards 
became  of  Tigranes,  who  is  only  known 
from  other  sources  to  have  left  a  son 
Alexander,  who,  according  to  Josephus 
(Ant.  18.  5,  4),  married  lotape,  daughter 
of  Antiochus  of  Commagene  (see  on  12. 
55»  3)>  and  was  set  up  by  Vespasian 
as  king  of  a  small  island  off  the  coast  of 
Cilicia. 

9.  abscederet,  so  with  simple  abl.  in 
13-  7,  2. 

10.  defenderant:  on  this  indie,  cp.  i. 
10,  I,  and  note.  . 

11.  hibernavisse.  We  are  to  gathen 
from  this  that  the  compact  had  been 
made  just  before  winter,  and  that  the 
Roman  army,  which  was  to  have  wintered 
at  Tigranocerta,  was  hastily  withdrawn  toi 
such  quarters  as  it  could  find  in  Cappa- 
docia. The  winter  can  hardly  be  any 
other  than  that  of  814-815,  A.  D.  61-62 
(see  Introd,  p.  115,  10) ;  and  those  who 
make  that  the  winter  referred  to  in  c.  7, 
4 ;  8,  3  ;  10,  3,  give  no  satisfactory  ex- 
planation of  this  passage,  which  must 
express  the  comments  made  in  the  fol- 
lowing spring  on  the  winter  already  past. 

extrema  Cappadocia,  on  its  eastern! 
frontier.  ' 

12.  retenti,  the  correction  in  Med.  by 
the  same  hand  of  the  original  text 
*  contenti '.  Ritt.  thinks  such  a  term  would 
be  used  rather  of  Tigranes  than  of  the 
Romans,  and  reads  *  obtenti  * ;  but  cp. 
'retinendae  Armeniae'  (13.  8,  i). 

14.  meritae,  *  earned.'    Nipp.  points 


326 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  6i 


ut  rettuli,  proprium   ducem  tuendae   Armeniae   poposcerat,  et 
adventare  Caesennius  Paetus  audiebatur.     iamque  aderat,  copiis  5 
ita  divisis  ut  quarta  et  duodecima  legiones  addita  quinta,  quae 
recens  e  Moesis  excita  erat,  simul  Pontica  et  Galatarum  Cappa- 

5  documque  auxilia  Paeto  oboedirent,  tertia  et  sexta  et  decima 
legiones   priorque   Syriae   miles   apud    Corbulonem    manerent ; 
cetera  ex  rerum  usu  sociarent  partirentui*ve.    sed  neque  Corbulo  6 
aemuli  patiens,  et  Paetus,  cui  satis  ad  gloriam  erat  si  proximus 
haberetur,  despiciebat  gesta,  nihil  caedis  aut  praedae,  usurpatas 

16  nomine  tenus  urbium  expugnationes  dictitans  :  se  tributa  ac  leges 
et  pro  umbra  regis  Romanum  ius  victis  impositurum. 
'    7.    Sub    idem   tempus   legati   Vologesis,  quos  ad  principem  1 
missos  memoravi,  revertere  inriti  bellurnque  propalam  sumptum 
a   Parthis.      nee    Paetus    detrectavit,   sed    duabus    legionibus,  2 

15  quarum  quartam  Funisulanus  Vettonianus  eo  in  tempore,  duo- 


out  that  the  word  does  not  always  carry 
with  it  the  idea  of  worthiness,  and  com- 
pares, amongst  other  passages,  *  vulnera 
mereri'  (G.  14,  5),  'iram  Gai  Caesaris 
meritus'  (Agr.  4,  i),  *ex  eo,  quod  meruerat, 
odio '  (Caes.  B.  G.  6.  5,  2). 

non  ='  ne ' :  cp.  13.  40,  3,  and  note. 

1.  ut  rettuli  :  see  c.  3,  2. 

2.  Caesennius  Paetus  :  see  on  14.  29, 
I.  Josephus  records  him  (B.  I.  7.  7,  1-3) 
as  again  sent  to  the  East,  as  legatus  of 
Syria,  by  Vespasian. 

audiebatur :  on  the  nom.  and  inf.  see 
Inlrod.  i.  V.  §  45. 

3.  legiones.  On  these  legions  see  13. 
35,  4  ;  38,  6  ;  40,  3. 

4.  e  Moesis.  The  '  Quarta  Scythica ' 
and  '  Quinta  Macedonica '  formed  the 
tegular  garrison  of  Moesia  (Introd.  i.  vii. 
p.  103),  and  are  shown  to  have  been 
there  in  A.  D.  33-34,  by  an  inscription 
cited  here  by  Nipp.  (C.  I.  L.  iii.i.  1698). 
For  the  changes  of  expression  here  from 
adjective  to  substantive,  and  the  use  of 
the  name  of  the  people  ('  Moesis ')  for 
that  of  the  country  cp.  2.  3,  2  ;  60,  4,  and 
notes.  [The  auxiliary  troops  from  Pontus 
would  be  those  sent  by  King  Polemon, 
those  from  Galatia  and  Cappadocia 
would  be  the  regular  auxiliary  regiments 
stationed  in  the  two  provinces : — P,] 
cp.  13.  35, 4 ;  Marquardt,  Staatsv.  i.  209, 5. 

6.  prior,  the  auxiliaries  already  under 
arms  before  the  war. 

7.  ex  rerum  usu,  *  in  accordance  with 
the  requirements  of  events.'  Cp.  4,  5,  6 
(*ex  usu  temporis '),  and  note. 


8.  patiens,  so  with  genit.  in  H.  3.  26, 
4,  &c.,  and  *  impatiens '  frequently  (as  in 

4,  3,  2,  &c.).     Both  are  so  used  in  prose 
by  Livy  ;  the  former  also  by  Sallust. 

cui  satis    erat,    'whose   real    deserts, 
would    have   been    satisfied   if    he   were  t 
placed  next  to  Corbulo.'     For  the  use  of] 
the  indie.  '  erat '  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  50  b, 
2  ;  also  *  poterat '  (c.  10,  i). 

9.  usurpatas,  &c.,  *  only  in  name  had* 
he  made  a  practice  of  storming  cities  ' :  for 

*  nomine  tenus  '  cp.  *  ore  tenus  '  (c.  45,  4), 

*  verbo  tenus '  (Cic.  Leg.  3. 6,  14  ;  Liv.  34. 

5,  4).  Only  'castella  '  had  been  actually;' 
stormed  (13.  39,  7  ;  14.  25,  i),  and  neitherf 
Artaxata  nor  Tigranocerta,  which  hadi 
surrendered  voluntarily,  had  been  per-i 
manently  held. 

11.  pro  umbra  regis  :  *  instead  of  a 
phantom  king  (such  as  Tigranes  or  others 
before  him),  he  would  impose  Roman 
jurisdiction  after  conquest '  (would  reduce 
Armenia  to  a  province). 

12.  Sub  idem  tempus,  i.e.  in  the 
spring  of   815,  A.  D.  62:   see  note  on  c 

6,  2. 

13.  memoravi.  It  was  mentioned  in  c. 
5,5,  that  the  king  had  undertaken  to  send 
to  Rome. 

14.  duabus  legionibus.  Such  abla- 
tives of  the  force  with  which  anything  is 
undertaken  in  war  are  usually  explained  as 
abl.  of  manner :  see  instances  in  Madv. 
257,  Obs.  4,  Roby,  1234. 

15.  Funisulanus  Vettonianus.  This 
person  became  one  of  the  foremost  men 
in  the  state  under  Domitian,  as  is  shown 


A.  D.  62] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.  6-8 


327 


decimam   Calavius    Sabinus   regebant,    Armeniam    intrat   tristi 

3  omine.  nam  in  transgressu  Euphratis,  quern  ponte  tramittebant, 
nulla  palam  causa  turbatus  equus  qui  consularia  insignia  gestabat 

4  retro  evasit ;  hostiaque  quae  muniebantur  hibernaculis  adsistens 

5  semifacta    opera    fuga    perrupit   seque    vallo    extulit ;    et   pila  5 
militum    arserc,    magis    insigni    prodigio    quia    Parthus    hostis 
missilibus  telis  decertat. 

1  8.  Ceterum  Paetus  spretis  ominibus  necdum  satis  firmatis 
hibernaculis,  nullo  rei  frumentariae  provisu,  rapit  exercitum 
trans   montem   Taurum    reciperandis,  ut  ferebat,   Tigraiiocertis  ro 


by  the  following  inscription  found  in  Pan- 
nonia  (C.I.L.  iii.  r.  4013)  '  L.  Funisulano, 
L.  f.  Ani(ensi  tribu),  Vettoniano,  trib.mil. 
leg.  vi.  vic(tricis),  quaestori  provinciae 
Siciliae,  trib.pleb.,  praet.,leg(ato)  leg.  iiii. 
Scythicae,  praef.  aerari  Saturni,  curatori 
viae  Aemiliae,  cos.,vii.  vir.  epulonum,  leg- 
(ato)  pro  pr(aetore)  pro  vine.  Delmatiae, 
item  provinc.  Pannoniae,  item  Moesiae 
superioris,  donato  [ab  Imp.  Domitiano 
Aug.  Germanico]  bello  Dacico  coronis 
iiii.,  murali,  vallari,  classica,  aurea, 
hastis  puris  iiii.,  vexillis  iiii.,  patrono, 
d(ecreto)  d(ecurionum).'  Another  in- 
scription (C.  I.  L.  II.  571)  shows  him  to 
have  been  also  curator  aquarum,  pro- 
consul of  Africa,  and  sodalis  Augustalis. 
The  date  of  his  command  in  Pannonia  is 
shown  by  a  military  diploma  (C.  I.  L. 
iii.  I.  p.  855)  to  have  been  a.  d.  85.  His 
praetorship  would  appear  from  the  order 
of  mention  to  have  preceded  the  legionary 
command  here  spoken  of. 

1.  Calavius  Sabinus,  otherwise  un- 
known. Freinsh.  would  read  'Calvisius', 
but  must  be  wrong  in  identifying  him 
with  the  person  mentioned  in  H.  i.  48,  4. 

regebant:  for  the  plural  cp.  3.  62,  1, 
and  note.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  these 
legati  Icgionum  are  not  the  same  as  those 
given  in  c.  3,  i,  and  would  seem  to  have 
come  out  with  Paetus. 

tristi  omine.  Nipp.  notes  that  only 
the  first  of  these  omens  was  seen  at  the 
time  of  entering  Armenia,  the  others  sub- 
sequently ;  hence  the  sing,  is  used  here, 
the  pi.  in  c.  8,  i. 

2.  in  transgressu.  Starting  from 
Cappadocia,  he  would  probably  have 
crossed  the  river  near  Melitene  (c.  26,  2), 
and  was  marching  southward  upon 
Tigranocerta  (c.  8,  i).  On  his  probable 
route  see  Introd.  p.  118;  Heuderson, 
Nero,  pp.  183  foil. 


3.  nulla  palam  causa  :  cp.  14.  32,  i ; 
II.  22,  I.  \ 

equus.  The  drowning  of  a  richly' 
caparisoned  horse  of  the  general  marked 
the  crossing  of  the  Euphrates  by  Crassus 
(Plut.  Crass.  19,  554),  and  the  fall  of 
another  such  was  noted  as  ominous  in 
the  consulship  of  Pansa  (Obsequens  129).  v 
Mommsen  notes  (Staatsr.  i.  433,  4)  that 
a  richly  adorned  horse,  such  as  formed, 
part  of  the  regal  insignia  descending  to 
a  dictator  or  consul  (Dion.  Hal.  10,  24), 
would  not  belong  to  the  state  of  a  legatus, 
and  that  the  horse  which  carried  the  fasces 
on  a  march  must  here  be  meant. 

4.  hibernaculis,  those  for  the  coming 
winter,  that  of  a.  d.  62-63  (see  c.  8,  1 ; 
10,  3,  and  notes).  The  construction  of 
the  camp  would  have  to  be  begun  some- 
time beforehand,  and  it  would  seem  that 
this  march  of  Paetus  must  have  taken 
place  late  in  autumn. 

adsistens,  i.  e.  put  there  to  be  sacrificed 
when  the  work  was  done. 

5.  semifacta,  only  here  and  in  Bell. 
Afr.  83,  3.  Similar  omens  are  noted  in  H. 
3.  56, 1 ;  Liv.  21.  63,13  ;  Suet.  lul.  59,  &c. 

pila  militum  arsere :  see  12.  64.  i, 
and  note ;  and  similar  phenomena  described 
in  Liv.  33.  26,  8  ;  43.  13,  6. 

8.  spretis  ominibus.  Though  Tacitus 
is  not  himself  a  disbeliever  in  omens 
generally  (see  Introd.  i.  p.  22)  his  language 
elsewhere  would  go  far  to  justify  those 
who  thus  disregarded  them  (see  14. 12,  5, 
&c.,  Introd.  1. 1.). 

9.  nullo  provisu.  This  may  mean 
that  no  pains  were  taken  to  collect  corn 
on  the  spot.  We  are  told  of  supplies 
collected  by  Paetus  himself  in  §  3.  Cp. 
also  c.  16,  I. 

rapit  =  *raptim  ducit':  cp.  i.  56,  i, 
and  note. 

10.  reciperandis,  &c.,  dative  of  pur- 


328 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  62 


vastandisque   regionibus   quas    Corbulo   integras   omisisset.     et  2 
capta  quaedam  castella  gloriaeque  et  praedae  nonnihil  partum, 
si   aut   gloriam  cum  modo  aut   praedam  cum  cura  habuisset. 
longinquis  itineribus  percursando  quae  obtineri  nequibant,  cor-  3 

5  rupto  qui  captus  erat  commeatu  et  instante  iam  hieme,  reduxit 
exercitum  composuitque  ad  Caesarem  litteras  quasi  confecto 
bello,  verbis  magnificis,  rerum  vacuas. 

0.    Interim  Corbulo   numquam   neglectam   Euphratis   ripam  1 
crebrioribus  praesidiis  insedit  ;    et  ne   ponti  iniciendo  impedi- 

10  mentum  hostiles  turmae  adferrent  (iam  enim  subiectis  campis 
magna  specie  volitabant),  navis  magnitudine  praestantis  et 
conexas  trabibus  ac  turribus  auctas  agit  per  amnem  catapultisque 
et  ballistis  proturbat  barbaros,  in  quos  saxa  et  hastae  longius 
permeabant  quam  ut  contrario  sagittarum  iactu  adaequarentur. 

15  dein    pons    continuatus   coUesque   adversi   per   socias   cohortis,  2 
post   legionum   castris  occupantur,  tanta  celeritate  et   ostenta- 
tione  virium  ut  Parthi  omisso  paratu  invadendae  Syriae  spem 
omnem    in    Armeniam    verterent,    ubi     Paetus    imminentium 


pose  (see  Introd.  i.  v,  §  2  26),  On  his  route 
see  c.  7,  3,  and  note.  Tigranocerta  had 
been  evacuated  by  the  Roman  troops 
(c.  6,  2),  and,  necessarily,  also  by 
Tigranes. 

I.  omisisset,  subjunct.,  as  part  of  the 
boast  of  Paetus. 

3.  cum  cura, '  so  as  to  take  care  of  it.' 
Nipp.  points  out  that  the  neglect  of 
this  is  implied  in  the  words  '  corrupto  . . . 
commeatu'. 

4.  percursando.  The  gerund  has  the 
force  of  a  participle  (cp.  6.  38,  2  ;  14.  31, 
5,  &c.),  or  rather  in  this  place  that  of 
*dum  percursat',  and  is  taken  closely  with 
the  following  words :  *  inasmuch  as  the 
com  which  he  had  taken  was  spoilt,  while 
he  overran  in  long  marches  districts  which 
he  could  not  hold,  and  as  winter  was  at 
hand,'  &c. 

5.  hieme,  that  in  anticipation  of  which 
the  winter  camp  was  being  constructed 
(c.  7,  4;  8,  i),  which,  according  to  the 
reckoning  here  taken,  is  that  of  815-816, 
A.D.  62-63.     See  Introd.  p.  115,  10. 

7.  verbis  magnificis  :  cp.  13.  8,  4. 

vacuas :     so     with    genit.    in    poets 

(Hor.  Sat.  2.  2,  119,  &c.)  and  in  Sail. 

lug.  90,  I  (*  ager  .  .  .  frugum  vacuus'). 

I      9.  ponti  iniciendo.    His  position  was 

no  doubt  at  Zeugma  (see  12. 12, 3),  where 


it  appears  that  no  permanent  bridge  was  | 
kept  up,  but  that  the  means  of  construct-  \ 
ing  one  were  kept  ready  (see  6.  37,  4). 

10.  subiectis  (sc.  'fluvio'),  'lying 
near  the  river ' :  cp.  *  subiectos  Naraiae 
campos  *  (H.  3.  63,  i ).  The  abl.  js  that  of 
place  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  25).  The  hexameter 
line  hardly  deserves  notice  (see  Introd.  i, 
V.  §  79). 

1 1 .  magna  specie, '  with  imposing  dis- 
play' (so  as  to  make  a  show  of  great 
numbers),  The  abl.  is  modal,  or  that  of 
quality. 

navis.  These  are  a  kind  of  float- 
ing batteries  to  protect  those  who  were 
building  the  bridge. 

1 2.  agit  per  amnem,  *  he  moves  across 
the  river.' 

13.  ballistis.  Halm  follows  Med.  in 
reading  here  *  balistis ' ;  but  Orelli  and 
Nipp.  seem  right  in  altering  it  to. the  form 
used  in  all  other  places  in  the  same  MS. 
( 12.  56,  3 ;  H.  3.  23,  2  ;  29,  2  ;  4.  23,  6). 
The  word  does  not  occur  in  the  first 
Med.  or  the  minor  works. 

saxa  et  hastae,  the  former  were 
thrown  from  *  ballistae ',  the  latter  from 
catapults. 

15.  adversi,  'on  the  opposite  side.'    ) 
1 7.  paratu,  '  the  preparations  made  to 
attack  Syria.' 


A.  D.  6a] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.  8-IO 


329 


nescius  quintam  legionem  procul  in  Ponto  habebat,  reliquas 
promiscis  militum  commeatibus  infirmaverat,  donee  adventare 
Vologesen  magno  et  infenso  agmine  auditum. 

1  10.  Accitur  legio  duodecima  et  unde  famam  aucti  exercitus 
speraverat,  prodita  infrequentia :  qua  tamen  retineri  castra  et  5 
eludi  Parthus  tractu  belli  poterat,  si  Paeto  aut  in  suis  aut  in 

2  alienis  consiliis  constantia  fuisset :  verum  ubi  a  viris  militaribus 
adversus  urgentis  casus  firmatus  erat,  rursus  ne  alienae  sententiae 

3  indigens  videretur  in   diversa   ac  deteriora  transibat.     et  tunc 
relictis  hibernis  non  fossam  neque  vallum  sibi  sed  corpora  et  10 
arma  in  hostem  data  clamitans,  duxit  legiones  quasi  proelio  cer- 

4  taturus.  deinde  amisso  centurione  et  paucis  militibus  quos  visendis 
6  hostium  copiis  praemiserat  trepidus  remeavit.     et  quia  minus 


.       I.  quintam,  the  legion  coming  from 

I  Moesia  (c.  6,  5). 

\  reliquas,  the  Fourth  and  Twelfth 
(1.  1.) :  even  these  were  not  together 
(c  10,  I). 

2.  commeatibus, 'furloughs':  cp.  H. 
1.46,4;  Liv.  3.  46,  9,&c. 

donee  adventare  Vologesen.  In 
Introd.  p.  115,  10,  119,  reasons  are  given 
for  supposing  that  this  invasion,  and  all 
down  to  c.  17, 4,  took  place  at  the  begin- 
ning of  winter.  The  Parthian  horsemen 
moved  with  great  rapidity ;  and  it  should 
be  noted  that  the  seat  of  war  is  here  in 
southern  Armenia,  where  winter  neither 
sets  in  so  early  nor  with  such  severity  as 
that  of  the  northern  region  (see  13.  35,  5). 
Lucullus,  after  having  been  driven  back 
by  stress  of  winter  from  his  attempt  on 
Artaxata,  was  still  able,  after  returning 
to  the  neighbourhood  of  Tigranocerta, 
to  undertake  further  operations  (see  Pint. 
Luc.  32). 

4.  Accitur,* is  summoned'  (from  some 
separate  winter  quarters)  to  join  Paetus, 
who  was  in  the  camp  of  the  Fourth 
Legion,  at  a  place  called  by  Dio  (62.  21, 
I)  Rhandeia,  on  the  Arsanias  (see  c.  15, 
I,  and  note).  The  locality  must  evi- 
dently have  been  near  the  passes  of  the 
Taurus  chain  (cp.  '  proximo  Tauri  iugo ' 
§  5),  and  at  no  great  distance  from  the 
frontier  of  Cappadocia  (see  note  on  c. 
16,  4).  If  the  Arsanias  is  taken  to  be 
the  Murad  (see  note  above  cited),  we 
should  infer  that  Rhandeia  must  have 
been  at  some  point  on  it  near  Kharput, 
on  the  borders  of  Armenia  proper  and 
Sophene  (see  13,  7,  2,  and  note)  As  the 
Parthians  had  been  in  force  near  Zeugma 


(c.  9,  1),  they  would  probably  have 
marched  thence  to  the  spot  by  Amida 
(Diarbekir). 

unde  famam,   &c.      Med.  has   here 

*  fama ',  which  lac.  Gron.  and  Ern.  would 
retain,  altering  '  speraverat '  to  '  sperata 
erat'.  The  concentration  of  the  two 
legions,  which  he  had  hoped  would  give 
an  imposing  impression  of  strength,  only 
served  to  show  how  his  force  had  been 
weakened    by  the   furloughs   (c.   9,   2). 

*  Infrequentia*  takes  elsewhere  an  explana- 
tory genitive  (14.  27,  3;  33,  2),  but  the 
idea  of  such  can  be  supplied  here  from 
the  sense. 

6.  eludi,  *to  be  baffled':  cp.  11.  9,  6. 
tractu     belli  =  *  trahendo    bellum ' : 

cp.  *  tractu  .  .  .  mortis'  (c.  64,  3) :  nearly 
similar  is  the  sense  of  *  tractus  verborum ' 
(Cic.  de  Or.  2.  50,  202),  *  elocutionum ' 
(Quint.  4.  2,  118),  &c. 

7.  viris  militaribus  :  cp.  c.  26,  3.    It  ! 
is  implied  that  Paetus  himself  had  no 
military  experience. 

8.  flrmatxis  :  in  i.  6.  i,  the  full  expres- 
sion is  *  firmatus  animo '. 

1 1 .  quasi  .  .  .  certattirus.  This  pur- 
pose need  not  be  supposed  to  be  fictitious 
(see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  67).  Dio  (62.  21,  i) 
represents  Vologeses  as  having  marched 
upon  Tigranocerta,  and  Paetus  as  having 
marched  to  its  relief,  and  having  been 
beaten  off  from  it.  This  is  improbable, 
as  the  Romans  had  now  no  interest  in 
defending,  or  the  Parthians  in  attacking, 
that  city.(cp.  c.  6,  2  ;  8,  i). 

13.  praemiserat.  Dr.  notes  that  this 
verb  is  not  found  earlier  with  gerundive 
dative  :  for  analogous  uses  see  Introd.  i. 
v.  §  22  b. 


33° 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANN  AVIUM 


[A.D.  62 


acriter  Vologeses  institerat,  vana  rursus  fiducia  tria  milia  delecti 
peditis  proximo  Tauri  iugo  imposuit  quo  transitum  regis 
arcerent ;  alaris  quoque  Pannonios,  robur  equitatus,  in  parte 
campi  locat.     coniunx   ac  filius  castello,  cui  Arsamosata  nomen  6 

5  est,  abditi,  data  in  praesidium  cohorte  ac  disperse  milite  qui  in 
uno   habitus  vagum   hostem   promptius   sustentavisset.      aegre  7 
compulsum    ferunt    ut    instantem    Corbuloni    fateretur.     nee    a 
Corbulone  properatum,  quo  gliscentibus  periculis  etiam  subsidii 
laus  augeretur.     expediri  tamen  itineri  singula  milia  ex  tribus  8 

10  legionibus  et  alarios  octingentos,  parem  numerum  e  cohortibus 
iussit. 

11.    At   Vologeses,    quamvis   obsessa    a    Paeto    itinera    hinc  1 
peditatu   inde   equite  accepisset,  nihil  mutato  consilio,   sed    vi 
ac  minis  alaris  exterruit,  legionarios  obtrivit,  uno  tantum  cen- 

15  turione  Tarquitio  Crescente  turrim,  in  qua  praesidium  agitabat, 


1 .  tria  milia.  These  were  evidently 
selected  from  the  legions:  op.  *  legionarios 
obtrivit'  (c.  ii,  i). 

2.  quo.  Nipp.  rightly  refers  this  to 
*  iugo '.  There  is  no  need  to  read  *  quae' 
vi'ith  Muret.,  or  '  qui '  with  Ritt. 

4.  Arsamosata.  This  place,  repre- 
sented as  a  mere  *  castellum ',  and  held 
by  a  small  garrison,  must  have  been  near 
the  main  camp,  as  the  Parthians  were 
able  to  shift  their  attack  from  the  one  to 
the  other  (c.  13,  i).  It  seems  difficult  to 
identify  it  with  the  Armosata  or  Arsa- 
mosata of  other  writers,  which  was  a 
considerable  TroAts  in  the  third  century 
B.  c.  (Polyb.  8.  25,  i),  and  is  ranked  by 
Pliny  (N.  H.  6.  9, 10,  26;  as  one  of  the 
chief  towns  of  Armenia  (with  Carcathio- 
certa,  Tigranocerta,  and  Artaxata),  and 
which  continued  subsequently  to  be  impor- 
tant. Its  situation  is  given  by  Polybius 
(with  whom  Ptol.  5.  13,  19:  8.  19,  14,  is 
in  agreement)  as  on  the  KaXoj/  IleStoi/ 
between  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  and 
by  Pliny  as  on  the  later  river  ;  Henderson, 
Nero,  p.  184,  '  the  modern  Schimshat,' 

5.  ac  disperso  milite.  His  forces  were 
further  separated  by  this  detachment,  as 
also  by  that  of  the.  large  force  already 
mentioned. 

6.  sustentavisset.  Med.  has  an  in- 
completely written  *  et '  after  this  word, 
which  most  edd.  have  followed  Rhen. 
in  omitting,  as  a  repetition  of  the  ending 
of  the  preceding  word.  Walth.  retains 
it,  and  defends  by  the  analog}'  of  i. 
II,  I    &c.      Ritt.  marks  a  lacuna  after 


'  sustentavisset ',  and  thinks  a  line  may 
have  dropped  out  containing  some  such 
words  as  '  quo  adventante  discrimen  non 
introspexit  Paetus,  et  aegre',  &c. 

7.  instantem,  sc.  'hostem',  supplied 
from  the  context. 

nee  a  Corbulone,  &c.  On  the  motive 
here  imputed  to  Corbulo  see  Introd.  p. 
121. 

9.  itineri,  dative  of  purpose :  see 
Introd.  i.  V.  §  22  c. 

tribus  legionibus  :  see  c.  6,  5J 

10.  parem  numerum.  This  can  hardly 
be  explained  by  the  preceding  '  octin- 
gentos ',  as  the  auxiliary  foot  accompany- 
ing the  legionaries  are  generally  about 
equal  to  them  in  numbers.  Nipp.  sug- 
gests that  possibly  4000,  a  number  roughly 
equal  to  that  of  all  the  rest  of  the  force, 
were  selected. 

12.  hinc  .  .  .  inde  :  cp.  13.  38,  3,  and 
note.  The  horse  and  foot  are  those  men- 
tioned in  c.  10,  5. 

1 3.  sed  vi  ac  minis.  The  irregularity 
of  the  construction  is  well  explained  by 
Nipp.,  who  notes  that  *  sed'  contrasts  the 
words  *vi  ac  minis'  with  'nihil  mutato 
consilio',  and  that  instead  of  going  on 
with  some  such  expression  as  '  inceptum 
iter  perrexit  *,  Tacitus  gives  a  more  par- 
ticular account  of  what  took  place  on  the 
march  ;  also  that  '  obtrivit '  answers  to 
'  vi '  and  *  minis '  to  *  exterruit '  (the  ar- 
rangement being  that  called  '  chiasmus'). 
The  number  of  abl.  abs.  clauses  following 
is  also  noteworthy. 


A.  D.  62] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.    10-12 


33' 


defendere  auso,  factaque  saepius  eruptione  et  caesis  qui  bar- 
barorum  propius  suggrediebantur,  donee  ignium  iaetu  circum- 

2  veniretur.  pcditum  si  quis  integer  longinqua  et  avia,  vulnerati 
castra  repetivere,  virtutem  regis,  saevitiam  et  copias  gentium, 
cuncta  metu  extollentes,  facili  credulitate  eorum  qui  eadem  pave-  5 

3  bant,  ne  dux  quidem  obniti  adversis,  sed  cuncta  militiae  munia 
deseruerat,  missis  iterum  ad  Corbulonem  precibus,  veniret  pro- 
pere,  signa  et  aquilas  et  nomen  reliquum  infelicis  exercitus 
tueretur  :  se  fidem  interim,  donee  vita  suppeditet,  retenturos. 

1  12.  Ille  interritus  et  parte  copiarum  apud  Syriam  relicta,  ut  10 
munimenta  Euphrati  imposita  retinerentur,  qua  proximum  et 
commeatibus     non    egenum,    regionem     Commagenam,    exim 

2  Cappadociam,  inde  Armenios  petivit.  comitabantur  exercitum 
praeter  alia  sueta  bello  magna  vis  camelorum  onusta  frumenti 

3  ut   simul   hostem   famemque   depelleret.      primum   e    perculsis  15 
Paccium  primi  pili  centurionem  obvium  habuit,  dein  plerosque 
militum  ;  quos  diversas  fugae  causas  obtendentis  redire  ad  signa 
et    clementiam    Paeti    experiri    monebat  :    se    nisi    victoribus 


1.  defendere  auso:  for  the  use  of 
this  participle  as  abl.  abs.  with  infin.  cp. 

1.  56,6;  H.  2.  56,  2;  4.  36,  3. 

2.  suggrediebantur  :  cp.  2.  12,  2, 
and  note. 

3.  longinqua  et  avia,  sc.  *  petivere ', 
supplied  from  *  repetivere ',  as  *  emi '  from 
*redimi'  in  i.  17,  6. 

4.  saevitiam,  *  fierceness '  (n'ot  in  bad 
sense)  ;  so  '  saevitia  hostium'  in  i.  67,  2  ; 

2.  II,  4;  Sail.  lug.  7,  2. 

gentium,  those  composing  the  Par- 
thian army:  cp.  c.  i,  2  ;  2,  58,  i,  &c. 

5.  extollentes,  *  exaggerating.'  Nipp. 
notes  the  similar  description  of  reports 
spread  by  the  beaten  side  in  H.  3.  61,  3. 

facili  credulitate,  repeated  from  14. 
4,  2. 

pavebant,  with  accus. :  cp.  5.  4,  2, 
and  note. 

10.  et  parte  .  .  .  relicta :  for  the  in- 
sertion of  '  et '  cp.  14.  47,  I,  and  note. 

11.  munimenta,  those  spoken  of  in 
0.9. 

qua  proximum,  &c.  Madvig  (Adv. 
ii.  556)  thinks  that  *  iter'  must  have  been 
lost  between  '  proximum '  and  *  et ',  but 
the  text  is  defended  as  it  stands  by  Nipp. 
who  notes  the  use  of  '  proximum  '  else- 
where in  Tacitus  (H.  3.  16,  3;  4.  28,  i) 
and  in  Livy  (3.  27,  5  ;  5.  46,  9 ;  10.  17,  7) 
with   *  qua '   or    *  qua  cuique,'   *  ut   cui- 


que,'  *unde  cuique',  in  all  of  which  the 
construction  is  apparently  to  be  com- 
pleted by  supplying  an  infinitive  from  the 
following  verb  (as  here  *  petere '  from 
'  petivit ').  The  coordination  of  '  egenum  * 
with  '  proximum '  appears  to  be  a  sacrifice 
of  perspicuity  to  conciseness ;  the  former 
term  referring  in  strictness  not  to  the 
route  or  line  of  march  itself,  but  lo  the 
district  through  which  the  route  lay. 

12.  Commagenam,  here  adject.  On  I 
the  country  and  its  government  see  2.  I 
42,  7  ;  56,  5.  The  march  of  Corbulo  1 
was  due  north  from  Zeugma,  but  he  did  | 
not  enter  Armenia,  being  met  by  Paetus  \ 
on  the  Euphrates  at  the  frontier  of 
Cappadocia  (c.  16,  4). 

14.  onusta  frumenti ;  so  Plant.  Anlul. 
4.  2,  4  (*  aulam  onustam  auri').  No 
other  instance  appears  to  be  found,  but 
such  a  genit.  is  analogous  in  sense  to 
those  with  *  plenus  *,  &c. 

16.  Paccium  :  see  13.  36,  i  (where  he  f 
is  called  'primi  pili  honore  perfuncto') 
and  note  there.  Unless  it  is  to  be  sup- 
posed that  he  had  been  degraded  for  the  ; 
insubordination  there  mentioned,  his  rank 
must  be  taken  to  be  here  more  loosely 
stated. 

plerosque,  *  many.' 

18.  experiri,  'to  make  trial  of,'  see 
whether  Paetus  would  forgive  them ;  so 


332 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  63 


immitem    esse,     simul    suas    legiones    adire,   hortari,   priorum  4 
admonere,   novam   gloriam    ostendere.     non   vicos   aut   oppida 
Armeniorum,  sed  castra  Romana  duasque  in  iis  legiones  pretium 
laboris  peti.     si  singulis  manipularibus  praecipua  servati  civis  5 
5  corona  imperatoria  manu  tribueretur,  quod  illud   et   quantum 
decus,    ubi    par   eorum    numerus    aspiceretur   qui   adtulissent 
salutem  et   qui   accepissent  !    his    atque    talibus   in    commune  6 
alacres    (et    erant    quos    pericula    fratrum    aut    propinquorum 
propriis    stimulis    incenderent)    continuum   diu    noctuque    iter 
lo  properabant. 


in  5.  6,  4 ;  cp.  *  misericordiam  experire- 
tur'  (12.  18,  I). 

se  nisi,  &c.,  'his  own  forgiveness  was 
to  be  won  only  by  victory.' 

I.  priorum,  *  former  victories ' ;  those 
recorded  in  13.  39,  foil.,  14.  23,  foil. 

4.  peti,  '  was  their  aim.' 
praecipua,    *  as    a    gift     of    special 

distinction.'  The  rewards  accompanying 
the  gift  of  a  civic  crown  are  stated  by 
Pliny  (N.  H.  16.  4,  5,  13),  'accepta  licet 
uti  perpetuo,  ludos  ineunti  semper  adsurgi 
etiam  ab  senatu  in  more  est.  sedendi  ius 
in  proximo  senatui.  vacatio  munemm 
omnium  ipsi  patrique  et  avo  patemo.' 

5.  imperatoria, '  that  of  the  emperor,' 
!who  alone  was  now  competent  to  bestow 

it.  Tiberius  had  recognized  the  right  of 
the  proconsul  of  Africa  to  confer  such  a 
distinction  on  legionary  soldiers  under 
his  command  (3.  21,4);  but  no  proconsul 
had  now  any  such  military  force  (see 
Introd.  i.  vii.  p.  98),  and  the  legati  of 
Caesar  carried  on  war  under  his,  not  their 
own,  auspices. 

6.  ubi  par  eorum  numerus,  &c.  This 
passage  has  been  much  commented  upon 
by  editors,  and  is  also  the  subject  of  a 
dissertation  by  Joh.  Miiller  (Beitr.  iv.  pp. 
33-38).  Halm  and  several  recent  edd. 
have  followed  Lips,  in  reading  *  aspicere- 
tur '  for  the  Med.  *  apisceretur ',  so  as  to 
get  rid  of  the  absurdity  of  supposing  that 
the  preserved  as  well  as  the  preservers 
were  to  win  the  crown  ;  but  the  meaning 
yielded  is  still  far  from  being  altogether 
satisfactory.  The  general  sense  may  be 
taken  to  be  *  if  the  civic  crown  is  given 
to  a  single  soldier  by  the  emperor's  own 
hand  as  a  most  glorious  honour,  how 
jnuch  greater  must  be  the  glory  where  a 
whole  army  can  be  pointed  to,  as  having 
saved  a  number  equal  to  themselves'. 
*  Numerus '  can  certainly  (as  Jacob  sug- 


gests) be  taken  to  mean  *  multitude  *,  as 
in  14.  49,  5,  &c. ;  still  we  should  have 
expected  the  passage  to  have  been  so 
worded,  that  the  great  number  of  the 
preservers  and  preserved,  especially  of 
the  latter,  should  have  been  put  pro- 
minently forward,  rather  than  the  equality 
between  the  two  bodies,  which  does  not 
in  itself  add  to  the  glory.  We  should 
also  have  expected  *  ac '  to  be  used,  rather 
than  *  et',  in  drawing  the  comparison  be- 
tween them.  It  is  nevertheless  possible 
that  there  may  be  no  deeper  error  than 
that  of  a  sacrifice  of  clearness  to  brevity 
and  to  a  rhetorical  mode  of  expression 
in  which  the  'verba  magnifica'  of  Cor- 
bulo  himself  (13.  8,  4)  seem  to  be  closely 
followed.  The  chief  alternative  is  that 
proposed  by  Nipp.,  who  reads  *  ubi  per 
eorum  numerum  obrueretur',  and  explains 
it  to  mean  *  how  much  greater  is  the 
glory  (than  that  of  the  civic  crown  to  a 
single  soldier)  where  individual  distinc- 
tion would  be  effaced  (so  *  obruere '  in 
Agr.  17.  3;  Dial.  38,  2)  by  the  number 
of  preservers  and  preserved  '.  Here  the 
difficulty  in  the  use  of  '  et '  is  removed, 
but  the  alteration  is  violent,  and  the  sense 
given  to  the  whole  passage  is  still  strained 
and  unsatisfactory. 

7.  in  commune,  '  as  a  whole ' ;  in 
distinction  to  the  special  incentives  also 
acting  on  some:  cp.  13.  27,  6;  and  the 
use  of  the  term  as  opposed  to  *  singulos ' 
(H.  I.  36,  4),  to  '  singularum  gentium' 
(G.  27,  3),  to  'in  singulis'  (G.  40,  2), 
&c. 

9.  diu,  *  by  day  ' ;  so  with  '  noctu '  in 
H.  2.  5,  I  ;  an  archaism  adopted  from 
Plautus  (Cas.  4.  4,  5),  used  also  by  Sal- 
lust  (lug.  38,  3  ;  44,  5  ;  Fr.  H.  2.  54  D, 
63  K,  45  G).  ... 

iter  properabant,  transitive,  as  in 
I.  56,  2,  &c. :  cp.  13.  17,  3. 


A.  D.  6a] 


LIBER  XV,      CAP.    12,    13 


333 


1  13.  Eoque  intentius  Vologeses  premere  obsessos,  modo 
vallum  legionum,  modo  castellum,  quo  imbellis  aetas  defende- 
batur,  adpugnare,  propius    incedens   quam    mos    Parthis,  si  ea 

2  temeritate  hostem  in  proelium  eliceret.     at  illi  vix  contuberniis 
extracti,  nee  aliud  quam  munimenta  propugnabant,  pars  iussu  5 
ducis,  et  alii  propria  ignavia  aut  Corbulonem  opperientes,  ac  vis 
si  ingrueret,  provisis  exemplis  cladis  Caudinae  Numantinaeque  ; 
neque   eandem    vim    Samnitibus,    Italico    populo,   ac   Parthis, 


2.  castellum,  Arsamosata  (c.  lo,  6). 

adpugnare,  *  to  make  a  demonstra- 
tion against' :  for  this  Tacitean  word  cp. 
2.  8i,  I  ;  4.  48,  4;  in  both  of  which 
places  it  denotes  a  feint  attack. 

3.  propius  incedens,  *  approaching 
closer' :  cp.  I.  35,  6.  On  the  im willing- 
ness of  Parthian  troops  to  press  a  siege 
vigorously  see  c.  4,  5. 

si,  *in  case  that.'  The  idea  of  ex- 
pectation or  design  is  here  implied  in  the 
action  (see  i.  48,  i,  and  note). 

4.  contuberniis  extracti  (sc.  *  sunt '), 
for  the  simple  abl.  cp.  i.  39,  4,  and  note. 
The  perfect  may  be  used,  as  Dr.  points 
out,  to  express  the  general  result ;  so  that 
it  is  needless  to  read  'extrahi'  (with 
Nipp.),  or  to  mark  a  lacuna  and  suppose 
the  loss  of  some  such  words  as  *  nolle 
aciem'  (with  Ritt.). 

5.  nee  aliud  quam:  cp.  4.  34,  7;  13. 
40,  6,  and  notes. 

propugnabant,  with  accus. :  cp.  13. 
31,  5,  and  note. 

6.  aut  Corbulonem  opperientes. 
Nipp.  follows  Rhen.  and  others  in  treat- 
ing the  '  a  '  as  a  repetition  from  the  end 
of  the  preceding  word,  and  reading  *  ut  * 
('  as  if),  making  the  plea  a  pretence. 

vis  si  ingrueret.  All  recent  edd. 
follow  Walth.  in  inserting  *  si '  here.  The 
old  edd.  had  inserted  it  before  *  vis ', 
where  it  was  less  likely  to  have  dropped 
out. 

7.  exemplis,  &c.  The  Med.  text  *  ex- 
emplis caudi  neniim  ||  antineque  eandem ' 
shows  that  *  Caudinae  Numantinaeque ' 
can  be  restored  ;  and  it  is  easy  to  suppose 
that  after  the  ending  of  the  latter  word, 

*  neque '  has  dropped  out  before '  eandem '. 

*  Cladis 'is  inserted  here  by  most  recent 
edd.,  after  Bezzenb.,  on  the  supposition 
that  it  may  have  been  skipped  by  a 
copyist  through  the  similarity  of  its 
termination  to  that  of  *  exemplis '.  The 
older  edd.  chiefly  follow  G  in    reading 


*  Caudinae  ac  Nnmantinae  cladis,  neque ' ; 
MS.  Agr.  has  'deditionis'  (in  similar 
position) ;  both  which  insertions  are  less 
capable  of  explanation.  Baiter  follows 
Haase  in  reading  *  Numantinaeque  cladis, 
neque ',  which,  as  also  the  insertion  of 
•pacis'  in  similar  position  (Madv.  Adv. 
iii.  235),  can  be  defended  by  the  supposi- 
tion that  the  copyist  had  skipped  from 

*  -neque '  to  'eandem '.  Orelli  had  avoided 
insertion  by  reading  *  Caudii  et  Numantiae, 
neque  ',  and  Ritt.  supplies  '  vis '  (notmg 
its  use  as  a  genit.  in  the  MS.  text  of  Dial. 
26,  4)  from  the  preceding  nominative. 
On  the  Caudine  disaster  see  Liv.  9,  i-6 ; 
by  the  Numantine,  the  capitulation  of  ^ 
Mancinus  in  617,  B.C.  137  (App.  Hisp.  : 
80)  is  meant.  The  soldiers  of  Paetus 
felt  that  if  they  had  to  surrender,  their 
disgrace  would  not  be  equal  to  either  of 
these  cases,  as  they  surrendered  to  a 
greater  power. 

8.  Italico  populo, '  merely  one  among 
the  peoples  of  Italy.'  Nipp.  points  out 
that  Tacitus  appears  to  ignore  the  fact 
that  the  Roman  confederacy  was  hardly 
then  stronger  than  the  Samnite.  Accord- 
ing to  the  reading  here  given  (see  next 
note),  the  Numantine  power  may  be  sup- 
posed to  be  dismissed  without  mention  as 
evidently  weaker. 

ac  Parthis.  The  Med.  text  *aut 
poenis '  has  been  very  generally  regarded 
as  corrupt;  for  no  good  reason  can  be 
shown  for  bringing  the  Carthaginians  into 
the  comparison,  nor  would  it  be  true  that 
that  power  had  never  b  een  as  strong, 
relatively  to  Rome,  as  the  Parthian 
empire.  Orelli  leaves  the  Med.  text 
obelized ;  Halm  reads  as  above ;  Nipp. 
prefers  '  ut  Parthis ' ;  Ritt.  (partly  after 
Freinsh.,  partly  after  Gron.)  reads  'aut 
Hispanis,  ut  Parthis',  treating  the  former 
name  as  the  restoration  of  '  poenis ',  and 
the  latter  words  as  having  dropped  out 
after  it. 


334 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  62 


Romani   imperii   aemulis.     validam  quoque  et  laudatam  anti-  8 
quitatem,    quoties    fortuna    contra     daret,    saluti    consuluisse. 
qua     desperatione     exercitus     dux     subactus     primas     tamen  4 
litteras  ad  Vologesen  non  supplices,  sed  in   modum   querentis 

5  composuit,  quod  pro  Armeniis  semper  Romanae  dicionis  aut 
subiectis  regi  quem  imperator  delegisset  hostilia  faceret :  pacen^ 
ex  aequo  utilem  ;  ne  praesentia  tantum  spectaret ;  ipsum  adversus  5 
duas  legiones  totis  regni  viribus  advenisse  ;  at  Romanis  orbem 
terrarum  reliquum  quo  bellum  iuvarent. 

10      14.  Ad   ea   Vologeses  nihil  pro  causa  sed   opperiendos   sibi  1 
fratres  Pacorum  ac  Tiridaten  rescripsit ;  ilium  locum  tempusque 
consilio  destinatum  quid  de  Armenia  cernerent ;  adiecisse  deos 
dignum  Arsacidarum,  simul  ut  de  legionibus  Romanis  statuerent. 
missi   posthac  Paeto  nuntii  et  regis  conloquium  petitum,  qui  2 


1 .  antiquitatem  = '  antiques  Romanes,' 
cp.  3.  4,  3.  Jacob  notes  that  Livy  (22. 
59,  7)  represents  an  orator  as  pleading 
the  precedent  of  antiquity  for  redeeming 
the  prisoners  after  Cannae. 

2.  quoties  fortuna  contra  daret, 
'  whenever  fortune  pronounced  against 
them.'  The  phrase  is  repeated  from  H. 
I.  65,  5,  and  is  a  metaphor  analogous  to 
the  juridical  expression  *  secundum  ali- 
quem  dare '. 

3.  dux  subactus.  Dio  (62.  21,  2) 
ignores  the  excuse  here  offered  for  the 
action  taken  by  Paetus. 

5.  pro  Armeniis.  Nipp.  notes  that 
they  were  now  certainly  on  the  Parthian 
side  (c.  15,  3),  and  that  Paetus  had  ad- 
vanced into  Armenia  as  a  hostile  country, 
to  make  it  a  province  (c.  6,  6).  In 
c.  27,  4  certain  of  the  'megistanes'  are 
called  the  leaders  of  revolt  from  Rome. 

7.  ex  aequo,  best  taken  with  *  utilem ' 
('  peace  would  be  equally  advantageous  to 
both*) ;  cp.  the  sense  of  the  term  in  13.  2, 2 ; 
H.  2.  77,  2  ;  4.  74,  2.  Dr.  would  take 
*  pacem  ex  aequo '  to  mean  '  peace  on  equal 
terms '  (such  being  the  meaning  of  '  ex 
aequo '  in  H.  4.  64,  5  ;  Agr.  20.  3  ;  Liv. 
7,  30)  ;  but  '  utilem '  would  seem  thus  to 
need  a  reference. 

10.  pro  causa  = '  pro  re  ipsa ' :  *  causa ' 
appears  to  have  this  force  in  H.  i.  80,  3 
('  tempus  in  suspicionem,  causa  in  crimen 
.  .  .  evaluit').  The  force  of  'pro  causa' 
in  H.  3.  7,  3 ;  9,  6,  appears  to  be 
different. 

11.  ilium  lociim,  '  the  place  in  which 


he  was.'  The  assertion  is  inconsistent 
with  the  apparent  suddenness  of  his 
invasion. 

12.  consilio  .  .  .  quid,  &c.,  'for  de- 
liberation, as  to  what ',  &c. :  cp.  a  similar 
elliptical  expression  in  c.  16,  2  ('  litterae 
.  .  .  an'). 

cernerent.  This  verb  is  here  alone 
used  by  Tacitus  in  the  sense  of  '  decemere ', 
an  archaic  sense,  found  injudicial  language 
(Cic.  de  Legg.  3.3,6;  Liv.  43.  12,  2),  also, 
with  especial  reference  to  decision  by 
combat,  in  old  poets  and  in  Verg.  Aen.  12, 
708  ('  cernere  ferro '),  a  passage  cited  by 
Sen.  (Ep.  58,  3)  to  illustrate  a  sense 
obsolete  in  his  time. 

13.  dignum  Arsacidarum,  *  a  thing 
worthy  of  the  Arsacidae ' ;  '  diguum '  is 
thus  used  substantively  in  6.  29,  7,  and 
other  such  adjectives  in  many  places 
(Introd.  i.  v.  §  4  b).  The  genit.  with 
'  dignus', though  used  by  poets  (e.g.  Plant. 
Trin.  5.  2,  29;  Ov.  Tr.  4.  3,  57,  and 
'  indignus '  Verg.  Aen.  12,649)  ^^^  ^X 
Balbus  in  Cic.  Att.  8.  15  a,  i  ('dignissi- 
mam  tuae  virtutis ')  and  others,  is  air.  dp. 
in  Tacitus,  who  elsewhere  uses  it  very 
frequently  with  abl.  There  seems,  how- 
ever, no  need  to  suppose  (with  Ritt.)  that 
'decore'  has  dropped  out.  All  recent 
edd.  follow  Vertr.  and    Urs.  in  reading 

*  ut '  for  *  et ',  to  be  taken  with  *  simul ' 
('  that  at  the  same  time  '). 

14.  missi  posthac  Paeto.  Nipp. 
follows    Haase    in    inserting    *  a ' ;    but 

*  Paeto '  can  be  taken  as  a  dat.  of  the  agent 
(Introd.  i.  v.  §  18). 


A.  D.  6al 


LIBER  XV,      CAP.   13-15 


335 


3  Vasacen  praefectum  equitatus  ire  iussit.  turn  Paetus  Lucullos 
Pompeios  et  si  qua  Caesares  obtinendae  donandaeve  Armeniae 
egerant,  Vasaces  imaginem  retinendi  largiendive  penes  nos,  vim 

4  penes  Parthos  memorat.  et  multum  in  vicem  disceptato,  Mono- 
bazus  Adiabenus  in  diem  posterum  testis  iis  quae  pepigissent  5 

5  adhibetur.  placuitque  liberari  obsidio  legiones  et  decedere  omnem 
militem  finibus  Armeniorum  castellaque  et  commeatus  Parthis 
tradi ;  quibus  perpetratis  copia  Vologesi  tieret  mittendi  ad 
Neronem  legates. 

1      15.    Interim  flumini  Arsaniae  (is  castra  praefluebat)  pontem  10  *  ^-J 
imposuit,   specie   sibi   illud    iter  expedientis,  sed  Parthi  quasi 
documentum  victoriae  iusserant ;  namque  iis  usui  fuit ;  nostri  per 

I      I.    IiucuUos,    Pompeios,    rhetorical       having  been  crossed  by  Lucullus   in  his 


,  plurals.  Lucullus  had  gained  great  vic- 
itories  over  Tigranes  I  in  685,686,8.0. 
69,  68,  and  Pompeius  had  compelled  him 
I  to  submission  in  688,  b.  c.  66. 

2.  et  si  qua  Caesares:  so  all  recent 
edd.  after  Pich.  for  Med.  *  et  si  qua  ces ' 
with  space  for  four  letters.  The  old  edd. 
read,  with  some  inferior  MSS.,  *et  si  qui 
[duces '.  The  intervention  of  Augustus  and 
his  successors  in  Armenia  is  fully  set  forth 
|in  Introd.  pp.  102,  foil. 

obtinendae  .  .  .  Arnaeniae,  best 
taken,  with  Nipp.,  as  a  dat.  of  purpose, 
rather  than  as  a  genit.  depending  on 
•  qua '. 

3.  vim,  the  real  power  of  keeping  or 
giving  it;  so  opposed  to  'speciem*  in  3. 
30,  6  ;  to  *nomen'  in  6.  43,  4. 

4.  disceptato,  according  to  Dr.,  here 
alone  used  as  abl.  abs. ;  for  analogous 
instances  see  Introd.  L  v.  §  31  a. 

Monobazus  :  see  c  i,  3,  and  note. 

8.  quibus  perpetratis,  *  after  this  had 
been  fully  accomplished.*  Nipp.  notes 
that  the  word  is  designedly  chosen,  to 
emphasize  the  irony  of  the  next  sentence. 
Wnen  Armenia  had  been  thoroughly 
surrendered  to  Vologeses,  he  was  to  be 
allowed  as  a  favour  to  send  ambassadors  to 
Nero  to  ask  for  it.  Cp.  c.  25,  2  ('intel- 
lecto  barbarum  inrisu  qui  peterent  quod 
eripuerant  *). 

10.  Arsaniae,  is.  Med.  has  here  *  ar- 
sanieti  Is  ',  and  the  oldest  edd.  read,  with 
inferior  MSS.,  '  Arsameti,  is' ;  the  correct 
form  having  been  restored  by  Acid,  from 
the  Med.  *  Arsaniam '  below  (§  6),  and 
from  Dio,  62.  21,1.  Some  have  followed 
Lips.,  who  approaches  somewhat  nearer 
to  the  Med.  text  by  reading  '  Arsaniae, 
etenim  is'.    The  river  is  mentioned  as 


northward  march  from  Tigranocerta  to- 
wards Artaxata  (Plut.  Luc.  31,  513),  and 
is  given  by  Pliny  (N.  H.  5.  29,  30,  84  ;  6. 
27,  31,  128),  as  one  of  the  principal  con- 
fluents of  the  upper  Euphrates.  Orelli 
and  Nipp.  take  it  to  be  the  Arsen  or 
Ardjis,  a  tributary  falling  into  the 
Euphrates  south  of  Melitene  ;  but  as  it  is 
evidently  a  very  considerable  stream  (see 
§  6),  it  is  more  generally  taken  to  be 
the  eastern  and  principal  branch  of  the 
Euphrates  itself,  the  Murad  (on  which  see 
Introd.  p.  no).  It  would  appear  from 
what  is  said  here  that  the  camp  of 
Rhandeia  (see  note  on  c.  10,  i)  was  on 
its  northern  bank,  so  that  the  Parthians 
had  to  cross  it,  but  the  Romans  could 
retreat  towards  Cappadocia  without  doing 
so. 

praefluebat :  cp.  2,  63,  i,  and  note. 

11.  imposuit.  Ritt.  thinks  that '  Pae- 
tus '  has  dropped  out  after  *  praefluebat '. 
The  omission  is  certainly  harsh,  but  the 
subject  seems  sufficiently  indicated  in 
contrast  to  '  Parthi '. 

specie,  'under  pretence  of  preparing 
this  route  for  his  retreat.'  If  the  Murad 
be  the  river  meant,  the  pretext  would  be 
so  far  plausible,  that  his  most  direct  line 
of  retreat  to  Cappadocia  would  have 
involved  crossing  it. 

quasi  documentum  victoriae : 
•  quasi '  here  denotes  a  real  motive.  The 
account  in  Dio  (62.  21,  4)  appears  here 
closely  to  follow  Tacitus.  He  says  that 
neither  had  the  Parthians  any  real  need 
of  the  bridge  ;  that  they  had  got  there 
without  it,  and  did  not  even  use  it  to  go 
away. 

12.  usui  fuit.  It  appears  from  §  6  that 
it  was  used  by  some, probably  by  those  who 


336 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  6a 


diversum  iere.     addidit  rumor  sub  iugum  missas  legiones  et  alia  2 
ex  rebus  infaustis  quorum  simulacrum  ab  Armeniis  usurpatum 
est.      namque   et  munimenta   ingressi   sunt,   antequam   agmen  3 
Romanum  excederet,  et  circumstetere  vias  captiva  olim  mancipia 
5  aut  iumenta  adgnoscentes  abstrahentesque  :  raptae  etiam  vestes,  4 
retenta  arma,  pavido  milite  et  concedente  ne  qua  proelii  causa 
existeret.  Vologeses  armis  et  corporibus  caesorum  aggeratis,  quo  5 
cladem  nostram  testaretur,  visu  fugientium  legionum  abstinuit : 
fama  moderationis  quaerebatur,  postquam  superbiam  expleverat. 

10  flumen  Arsaniam  elephanto  insidens,  proximus  quisque  regem  vi  6 
equorum  perrupere,  quia  rumor  incesserat  pontem  cessurum  oneri 
dolo  fabricantium ;  sed  qui  ingredi  ausi  sunt  validum  et  fidum 
intellexere. 

16.  Ceterum  obsessis  adeo   suppeditavisse  rem  frumentariam  1 

15  constitit  ut  horreis  ignem  inicerent,  contraque  prodiderit  Corbulo 


were  conveying  the  booty  taken  in  the 
camp. 

per  diversum,  *  taking  an  opposite 
direction.' 

1.  addidit  rumor.  Dio  says  nothing 
about  this  report ;  Suet. ,  on  the  contrary 
(Ner.  39)  accepts  it  as  an  unquestioned 
fact,  and  further  exaggerates  ('  ignominia 
ad  Orientem,  legionibus  sub  iugo  missis 
aegreque  Syria  retenta'). 

alia  ex  rebus  infaustis.  Nipp. 
takes  this  as  equivalent  to  '  alias  res 
infaustas ',  and  supposes  the  expression 
to  be  similar  to  the  neuter  with  genitive 
(Introd.  i.  v.  §  32  b)  ;  but  it  seems  better 
to  take  the  words,  with  Burnouf  and  others, 
to  mean  '  other  indignities  suitable  to  their 
miserable  plight ' :  cp.  *  ex  memoria  .  .  . 
fortunae '  (2.  63,  i)  ;  *  ex  severitate  prisca  * 
(II.  25,  5). 

2.  quorum  simulacrtim,  •  some  resem- 
blance of  which.'  Though  the  legions 
did  not  pass  under  the  yoke,  they  had  to 
submit  to  such  indignities  as  approached 
that  ignominy  (such  as  are  described  in 
the  following  sentences).  '  Simulacrum ' 
can  hardly  here  mean  an  empty  sem- 
blance (as  in  I.  77,  3  ;  11.  31,  4 ;  &c.), 
and  there  seems  to  be  no  strict  parallel  to 
its  use  for  *  simile  aliquid ' ;  the  nearest 
being  that  cited  by  Dr.  from  Plant.  Most. 
I.  2,  6  (' quoius  rei  .  .  .  similem  esse 
arbitrarer  simulacrumque  habere '). 

4.  captiva  = '  capta ',  '  formerly  taken 
as  booty':  cp.  'captivos  in  agros '  (12. 
32,  5),  '  captivum  .  .  .  ebur'  (Hor.  Ep.  2. 
I,  193),  &c. 


have  / 
;.  II,  f 


5.  adgnoscentes.  Nipp.  points  out 
that  this  word  has  here  the  force  of 
'  recognizing  as  their  own ',  a  sense  nearly 
akin  to  that  of  *  adgnoscere  crimen  , 
*  factum ',  &c. 

6.  retenta,  'were  detained*  by  the 
enemy. 

7.  caesorum.  These  must  chiefly 
consisted  of  the  force  mentioned  in  c 
I ,  as  the  camp  had  not  been  assaulted. 

aggeratis :  so  all  edd.  after  Heins. 
for  the  Med.  *  aggregatis ' :  cp.  1.  61,  3; 
6.  19,  3. 

10.  insidens,  sc.  *  ipse ',  Dio  (1.  1.) 
here  again  follows  Tacitus  closely,  but 
does  not  add  the  reason  for  not  using  the 
bridge. 

proximus,  not  elsewhere  found  with 
accus.  in  Tacitus,  but  so  used  by  Plant. 
(Poen.  5.  3,  I),  Caes.  (B.  G.  i.  54,  i),  Sail, 
(lug.  49,  6),  as  is  also  '  propior '  (Sail, 
lug.  49,  i):  with  'proxime'  (cp.  16.  ii, 
3),  as  also  with  'propius',  the  regular 
and  classical  construction  is  the  accus., 
though  the  dat.  is  also  found. 

vi  equorum.  We  gather  from  the 
expression  that  the  stream,  though  ford- 
able  to  an  elephant,  had  to  be  swum  by 
horses. 

15.  ut  horreis,  &c.  They  preferred  no 
doubt  to  destroy  their  store,  rather  than 
deliver  it  to  the  Parthians  according  to 
the  terms  (c.  14,  5).  It  is  therefore  only 
proved  that  they  had  some  corn  left,  not 
that  they  had  abundance. 

prodiderit.  The  expression  would 
show  that  Tacitus  here  quotes  Corbulo  as 


A.  D.  6a] 


LIBER  XV,      CAP,   15.   16 


337 


Parthos  inopes  copiarum  et  pabulo  attrito  relicturos  oppugna- 

2  tionem,  neque  se  plus  tridui  itinere  afuisse.  adicit  iure  iurando 
Paeti  cautum  apud  signa,  adstantibus  iis  quos  testificando  rex 
misissct,   neminem    Romanum    Armeniam    ingressurum    donee 

3  referrentur  litterae  Neronis  an  paci  adnueret.     quae  ut  augendae  5 
infamiae  composita,  sic  reliqua  non  in  obscuro  habentur,  una  die 
quadraginta  milium   spatium   emensum   esse    Pactum,  desertis 
passim  sauciis,  neque  minus  deformem  illam  fugientium  trepi- 

4  dationem  quam  si  terga  in  acie  vertissent.  Corbulo  cum  suis 
copiis  apud  ripam  Euphratis  obvius  non  eam  speciem  insignium  10 

6  et  armorum  praetulit  ut  diversitatem  exprobraret.    maesti  mani- 


an  author  (cp.  12.  67,  i;  13.  20,  4; 
&c.),  i.  e.  his  written  memoirs,  used  by 
Pliny  (see  N.  H.  2.  70.  73,  1 80 ;  6.  8,  8, 
33,  and  the  list  of  authors  for  Books 
5  and  6).  The  subjunctive  appears  to 
be  an  error,  as  there  is  no  reason  for 
extending  the  force  of  '  ut '  beyond  *  ini- 
cerent ' ;  but  Ritter's  emendation  '  contra 
quae  prodidit '  gives  no  satisfactory 
sense. 

1.  pabulo  attrito,  'their  forage'  (or 

*  foraging  ground  ' :  cp.  6.  34,  i,  and  note) 
being  nearly  exhausted '  (worn  thin) :  cp. 

*  attritus  vomer '  (Verg.  G.  i,  46),  *  attritis 
opibus'  (H.  I.  10,  2),  *  rebus'  (H.  2.  56, 
4);&c 

relicturos.  Nipp.  notes  that  the 
omission  of  'fuisse'  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  § 
39  c)  is  here  made  less  harsh  by  *  afuisse ' 
following. 

2.  adicit.  The  reference  is  again  to 
his  memoirs. 

lure  iurando,  &c.,  *  that  Paetus  gave 
I  security  by  oath  before  the  standards,' 
I  i.  e.  in  the '  principia ',  where  the  standards, 
j  the  effigy  of  the  emperor,  and  the  altars 
I  for  sacrifice  were  kept  (cp.  i.  39,  7,  and 
.  note ;  also  c.  24,  3  ;  29,  5). 

3.  testificando:  cp.  13.  ii,  2,  and 
note. 

5.  litterae  ...  an :  cp.  c.  14,  i  ;  for 
the  dat.  with  'adnuere'  cp.  12.  48,  4,  and 

I  note, 
quae  ut  .  .  .  composita,  *  admitting 
that  these  statements  were  made  up  (by 
Corbulo)  to  increase  the  disgrace  of 
j^aetus.'  This  admission,  however 
guarded,  shows  that  Tacitus  did  not 
consider  the  memoirs  of  Corbulo  alto- 
gether trustworthy.  Mommsen  notes 
(Hist.  v.  390,  2  ;  E.  T.  ii.  58,  i)  that 
such  an  agreement  as  is  here  spoken  of  is 
so  far  perfectly  credible,  inasmuch  as  it 
PELHAMv 


corresponds  to  what  actually  took  place. 
It    should,   however,    be    observed    that 
Paetus  on  meeting  Corbulo  is  made  to 
propose  at  once  to  re-enter  Armenia  (c.  1 7, 1 
i),  and  that  it  appears  to  be  assumed  by  I 
both  generals  that  they  were  free  to  do  so.  j 
Another  and  a  more  obvious  exaggeration 
is  given  by  Dio  (62.  21,  2),  that  Paetus 
pledged  Nero  to  give  the  kingdom  to 
Tiridates. 

6.  non  in  obscuro  habentur,  *  are  not 
reckoned  as  in  uncertainty ' :  cp. '  in  incerto 
habeantur'  (c.  17,  2). 

7.  quadraginta.  Vegetius  states  (1,9) 
that  the  ordinary  Roman  march  on  a 
summer  day  was  five  hours,  in  which  time 
twenty  miles  were  accomplished  at  the 
ordinary  pace,  twenty-four  at  quick  march; 
that  beyond  this,  *  quidquid  addideris,  iam 
cursus  est.'  Nipp.  notes  that  the  '  iustum 
iter '  of  Caes.  B.  C.  3.  76,  i  agrees  with 
this,  but  that  further  on  in  the  same 
chapter  *  xviii '  must  be  read  for  '  viii '. 

10.  apud  ripam  Suphratis,  probably 
at  or  near  Melitene,  where  he  was  intend- 
ing to  cross  (see  note  on  c.  7,  2).  If 
Corbulo  was  only  three  days'  march 
distant  at  the  time  of  the  surrender  (§  i), 
we  should  be  led  to  infer  that  the  one 
forced  march  of  forty  miles  represented 
the  whole  distance  travelled  by  Paetus  to 
the  meeting  point.  If,  however,  he  had 
not  crossed  the  Murad,  but  marched 
round  by  its  junction  with  the  Kara  Su, 
the  distance  traversed  by  him  must  ap- 
parently have  been  greater,  and  Corbulo 
had  no  doubt  intended  to  take  a  more 
direct  route. 

insignium :  cp.  *  neque  insignibus 
fulgentes'  i.  24,  4  (and  note);  also  c 
29,4. 

11.  ut  diversitatem,  &c,  *  as  if  to 
taunt  them  by  the  contrast.' 


3^^ 


338 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  63 


puli   ac   vicem   commilitonum    miserantes    ne  lacrimis  •  quidem 
temperare  ;  vix  prae  fletu  usurpata  consalutatio.   decesserat  cer-  6 
tamen  virtutis  et  ambitio  gloriae,  felicium  hominum  adfectus : 
sola  misericordia  valebat  et  apud  minores  magis. 

5      17.  Ducum  inter  se  brevis  sermo  secutus  est,  hoc  conquerente  1 
inritum  laborem,  potuisse   bellum   fuga   Parthorum   finiri :   ille 
Integra  utrique  cuncta  respondit :  converterent  aquilas  et  iuncti 
invaderent  Armeniam  abscessu  Vologesis  infirmatam.     non  ea  2 
inaperatoris  habere  mandata  Corbulo :   periculo  legionum  com- 

10  motum  e  provincia  egressum ;  quando  in  incerto  habeantur  Partho- 
rum conatus,  Syriam  repetiturum  :  sic  quoque  optimam  fortunam  3 
orandam,  ut  pedes  confectus  spatiis  itinerum  alacrem  et  facilitate 
camporum  praevenientem  equitem  adsequeretur.     exim  Paetus 
per  Cappadociam  hibernavit :  at  Vologesis  ad  Corbulonem  missi  4 


1.  lacrimis  .  .  .  temperare,  so  in 
Liv.  30.  20,  1  ;  probably  to  be  taken  as 
dative :  cp.  '  risui  temperare  '  (13.  3,  2). 

2.  consalutatio  :  so,  when  the  dis- 
graced legions  meet  Cerialis,  there  is 
'nulla  inter  coeuntes  .  .  .  consalutatio* 
(H.  4.  72,  4");  and  Livy  similarly 
describes  the  return  from  Caudium  (9.  6, 
12)  '  non  reddere  salutem,  non  salutanti- 
bus  dare  responsum.'  Nipp.  notes  that 
the  ordinary  salutation  probably  consisted 
in  acclamations;  the  lowering  of  arms  men- 
tioned as  part  of  the  *  salutatio  militaris ' 
in  Bell.  Afr.  85,  5  being  an  acknowledge- 
ment of  defeat. 

4.  minores,  *  the  lower  ranks,'  i.  e.  the 
rank  and  file.  So  in  Ov.  Ex  P.  4.  7,  49 
(*  pugnat  ad  exemplum  primi  minor  ordine 
pili ').  Their  feeling  appears  to  be  con- 
trasted with  that  of  the  '  duces'  (c,  17,  i). 

5.  hoc,  *  Corbulone ' :  by  *  laborem ' 
his  long  march  is  meant. 

[conquerente.  Med.  gives  *  conque- 
rentium',  probably  through  assimilation 
to  termination  of  'inritum'.  Cf.  '  incre- 
patium  .  .  .  silentium'  xvi.  28.  Halm 
following  a  suggestion  of  Walther  reads 
'conquerente  iam'. — F.] 

7.  integra  utrique  cuncta,  *  nothing 
was  lost  for  either,'  all  could  yet  be  restored 
for  his  position  and  that  of  Corbulo  by  a 
joint  invasion. 

9.  Corbulo,  sc.  '  ait '  (see  Introd.  i.  v. 
§  38  a).  Nipp.  notes  that  the  omission  is 
here  rendered  less  harsh  by  the  preceding 
*  respondit '.  The  omission  of  '  se '  is 
common  enough  (Id.  §  8)  to  make  it  need- 
less to  insert  it  (with  Ritt.)  before  *  habere'. 


10.  quando  = '  quoniam ' ;  so  in  i.  44, 
5,  &c. :  for  '  in  incerto '  cp.  c.  16,  3. 

11.  sic  quoque,  '  even  as  it  was  (cp.  4. 
40,  4,  and  note)  they  must  pray  for 
fortune  to  be  at  her  best'  (cp.  'precandam 
modestiam '  4.  7,  3),  i.  e.  it  would  be  a  rare 
stroke  of  good  fortune  if  they  got  back  in 
time. 

12.  pedes,  bis  own  army,  consisting 
mainly  of  infantry  (c.  10, 8),  as  contrasted 
with  the  Parthian  army  of  horsemen 
('  equitem  '),  whom  he  supposed  to  be  on 
their  way  to  invade  Syria.         ^ 

alacrem,  apparently  in  contrast  to 
'  confectus  spatiis  itinerum ',  and  referring 
(as  Nipp.  takes  it)  to  their  rest  during  the 
siege.  They  were  also  inspirited  by  victory. 

facilitate  camporum  praevenientem, 
*  outstripping  them  by  the  ease  of  mov- 
ing over  plains  ' :  cp.  *  facilitate  .  .  .  adul- 
teriorum'  (11.  26,  i) ;  also  '  difficultates 
itineris'(i3.  53,  3),'locorum'(Agr.  17,3). 

14.  per    Cappadociam    hibernavit. 
By  the  reckoning  adopted,  the  winter  here! 
meant  is  the  remainder  of  that  spoken  of 
as  impending  in  c.  8,  3  (where  see  note),  j 
The  difficulty  of  supposing  that  so  much; 
had  taken  place  within  so  short  a  time  is ! 
less  than  that  of  the  alternative  supposition,  1 
that  a  whole  spring,  summer,  and  autumn  i 
had    intervened,    since    the    advance    oft 
Vologeses  (c.  9,   2),  and  that  Rome  had 
been  more  than  a  year  without  news  from  ^ 
the  East,  between  the  dispatches  of  Paetus 
(c.  8,  3)  and  the  embassy  from  Vologeses 
(c.    24,  i).      By   '  per '   separate    winter 
quarters  are  denoted.     Dr.  compares  *  per 
fora  ac  templa'  (11.  14,  5),  &c. 


A.  D.  6a] 


LIBER  XV,      CAP.   16-18 


339 


nuntii,  detraheret  castella  trans  Euphraten  amnemque,  ut  olim, 
5  medium  faceret  ;  ille  Armeniam  quoque  diversis  praesidiis 
vacuam  fieri  expostulabat.  et  postremo  concessit  rex  ;  diruta- 
que  quae  Euphraten  ultra  communiverat  Corbulo  et  Armenii 
sine  arbitro  relicti  sunt.  5 

1  18.  At  Romae  tropaea  de  Parthis  arcusque  medio  Capitolini 
mentis  sistebantur,  decreta  ab  senatu  integro  adhuc  bello  neque 

2  turn  omissa,  dum  aspectui  consulitur  spreta  conscientia.  quin  et 
dissimulandis  rerum  externarum  curis  Nero  frumentum  plebis 
vetustate  corruptum  in  Tiberim  iecit,  quo  securitatem  annonae  10 

b  sustentaret.     cuius  pretio  nihil  additum  est,  quamvis  ducentas 


1.  nuntii.  There  is  some  harshness 
in  supplying  *  expostulabant '  from  the 
next  sentence,  on  which  account  Ritt. 
reads  '  Vologeses '  and  *  missis  nuntiis ' 
(with  only  a  comma  after  *  faceret '),  and 
also  inclines  to  alter  '  expostulabat '  to 
the  plural. 

detraheret  castella.  The  verb  is 
probably  best  taken  (with  Gerber  and 
Greef)  in  the  sense  of  'dirueret'  (cp. 
*  diruta '  below),  as  in  H.  4.  64,  3  (*  muros 
.  .  .  detrahatis ').  Dr.  takes  it  as  a  new 
phrase,  analogous  to  the  use  of  the  word 
of  withdrawing  troops,  &c.  The  forts 
are  those  mentioned  in  c.  9,  2  ;  12,1. 

2.  diversis  = '  hostilibus ' ;  so  *  diversa 
acies'  (13.  57,  3;  14.  30,  i),  &c. 

3.  expostulabat  ( «= '  postulabat '  as  in 
I.  19,  3,  &c.) ;  so  used  with  accus.  and 
inf.  in  H.  i.  82,  i ;  3-  83,  i ;  and  (in 
different  sense")  in  c.  5,  i.  *  Postulo ' 
takes  this  construction  in  Cic,  &c. 

5.  sine  arbitro,  'without  interference'; 
cp.  'mortem  sine  arbitro'  (16.  11,  6); 
also  I.  36,  6,  and  note. 

6.  tropaea :  cp.  2.  18,  2,  and  note, 
arcusque,    possibly   that   which    had 

been  decreed   four  years  previously  (13. 

41  >  .0- 

7.  integro  adhuc  bello,  'while  the 
war  was  yet  undecided';  so  in  H.  2.  57, 
I  (in  2.  46,  2,  the  meaning  is  different) : 
cp.  '  rebus  integris'  c.  25,  i. 

8.  dum  aspectui,  &c.,  '  inasmuch  as 
appearances  are  consulted,  sense  of  truth 
despised.'  The  criticism  is  only  so  far 
true,  that  the  exaggerated  dispatches  of 
Paetus  'quasi  confecto  bello  (c.  8,  3) 
had  been  believed  and  perhaps  still  further 
magnified :  the  news  of  his  subsequent 
reverses  was  not  received  until  the  follow- 
ing spring  ;c.  24.  i) ;  so  that  the  'neque 
turn  omissa '  is  altogether  unfair. 


9.  dissimulandis  . . .  curis,  gerundive 
dat.  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  23b),  *  to  conceal 
his  anxiety  about  foreign  affairs.'  This 
imputation  of  motive  again  is  wholly 
gratuitous;  nor  could  any  disaster,  or 
apprehension  of  such,  in  Parthia,  affect 
the  corn  supply  of  Rome. 

frumentum  plebis.  The  context 
shows  that  this  was  stored  not  for  gra-| 
tuitous  distribution,  but  for  sale  at  a  low| 
rate ;  it  being  part  of  the  '  cura  annonae '' 
to  regulate  prices,  not  only  by  sale  from 
public  stores,  but  also  in  dear  times  by 
compensating  merchants  for  selling  below 
market  value.  (See  c.  39,  2  ;  i.  2,  3  ;  a. 
87,  1,  and  notes.)  All  costs  connected 
with  the  '  frumentum  publicum '  were 
borne  formerly  by  the  'aerarium',  espe- 
cially, no  doubt,  by  the  revenues  of  the 
senatorial  provinces  of  Sicily,  Asia,  and 
Africa,  but  appear  from  the  time  of 
Claudius  or  Nero  to  have  been  trans- 
ferred to  the  'fiscus'  generally,  and  under 
the  Flavian  Caesars  to  a  special  '  fiscus 
frumentarius'.  See  Hirschfeld,  Untersuch. 
p.  132;  also  Marquardt,  Staatsv.  ii.  pp. 
126,  133. 

II.  sustentaret,  i.e.  to  keep  up  the 
confidence  respecting  plenty  which  the 
public  had  hitherto  felt,  by  leading  them 
to  believe  that  there  must  be  abundance 
of  good  corn  in  store.  Nipp.  follows 
Ryck.  and  others  in  reading  '  ostentaret ' 
(after  MS.  Agr.),  taking  'securitatem* 
to  mean  '  safety '  (i.  c.  '  assured  abun- 
dance'), as  in  II.  31,  2  ('securitati  .  .  . 
consulere');  Agr.  3,  i  (' securitas  pub- 
lica') ;  Plin.  N.  H.  28.  2,  4,  21  ('  securi- 
tatem itinerum').  The  alteration  per- 
haps gives  a  better  sense,  but  is  hardly 
necessary.  Medals  were  struck  inscribed 
'  Annona  August!',  Ceres.  S  .C.  (Cohen,  i. 
P-  279)- 


Z  % 


340 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  62 


ferme  navis  portu  in  ipso  violentia  tempestatis  et  centum  alias 
Tiberi  subvectas  fortuitus  ignis  absumpsisset.  tres  dein  con-  4 
sularis,  L.  Pisonem,  Ducenium  Geminum,  Pompeium  Paulinum 
vectigalibus  publicis  praeposuit,  cum  insectatione  priorum  prin- 
5  cipum  qui  gravitate  sumptuum  iustos  reditus  antissent :  se 
annuum  sexcenties  sestertium  rei  publicae  largiri. 

19.   Percrebuerat  ea  tempestate  pravus  mos,  cum  propinquis  1 
comitiis  aut  sorte  provinciarum  plerique  orbi  fictis  adoptionibus 


1.  portu  in  ipso,  at  Ostia. 

2.  Tiberi  subvectas,  i.  e.  which  had 
reached  Rome  :  for  the  expression  cp. 
*Nilo  subvehebatur'  (2.  60,  1). 

tres  .  .  .  consularis.  In  appointing 
this  commission  he  followed  the  pre- 
cedent of  Augustus,  who  in  759,  A.  D,  6, 
according  to  Dio  (55.  25,  6)  ra  avdkoj- 
ixara  hid.  rpia/v  avhpwv  imaTevKOTOJV,  ous 
6  K\7Jpos  diTf(pT]V€,  TO,  fiev  avveOTiiKi,  ra 
Z\  Kal  iravTOLiTacn  8iiypa\f/€.  Another  com- 
mission, also  selected  by  lot,  was  appointed 
for  this  purpose  ('qui . . .  modum  publicis 
impensis  facerent')  together  with  others, 
at  the  accession  of  Vespasian  (H.  4.  40, 
3).  Here  Nero  appears  to  have  selected 
the  persons  instead  of  leaving  the  choice 
to  the  lot. 

3.  Ii.  Pisonem,  &c.  On  this  person 
see  13.  28,  3;  31,  I.  Ducenius  Geminus 
(the  date  of  whose  consulship  is  unknown) 
was  praef.  urbis  under  Galba  (H.  i.  14,  i). 
Mommsen  reads  the  name  '  M.  Duceni 
Gemini '  for  *  Meceni  Gemini '  in  a  Del- 
matian  inscription  (C.  I.  L.  iii.  2883),  as 
legatus  of  the  Eleventh  legion  (which 
left  Delmatia  in  Vespasian's  time).  On 
Paulinas  Pompeius  see  13,  53,  2,  and 
note. 

4.  vectigalibus  publicis.  This  would 
strictly  include  the  corn  dues  and  other 
indirect  taxes  payable  into  the  *  aerarium 
publicum '  (see  4.  6,  4,  and  note ;  13.  50, 
I,  and  note)  ;  but  it  is  possible  that  the 
term  is  here  taken  widely,  so  as  to  in- 
clude also  the  tribute  of  the  senatorial 
provinces,  and  in  fact  the  whole  revenue 
of  the  *  aerarium '.  The  object  was  to 
produce  such  a  balance  between  income 
and  expenditure  as  should  enable  the 
treasury  to  meet  its  regular  obligations. 

priorum.  Gaius,  whose  reckless 
expenditure  Suet.,  on  the  contrary  (Ner. 
30),  represents  Nero  as  admiring,  would 
seem  here  especially  to  be  referred  to. 

5.  iustos  reditus  antissent,  *  had 
forestalled  in  their  extravagant  expendi- 
ture the  proper  revenue/  i.  e.  had  counted 


on  public  money  before  it  was  due,  and 
then  left  the  treasury  always  with  a  deficit. 
The  princeps  was  so  far  responsible  for 
the  administration  of  the  aerarium,  that 
any  decree  for  extraordinary  expenditure 
from  it  was  either  directly  originated  by 
him  (see  2.  47,  3  ;  4.  13,  i,  &c.),  or  could 
at  least  be  checked  by  his  veto. 

se,  &c.,  *  whereas  he  annually  gave  the 
commonwealth  sixty  million  sesterces.' 
The  statement  is  obscure,  and  has  been 
very  variously  understood,  but  seems  to 
refer  to  some  regular  annual  payment, 
distinct  from  such  subventions  to  the 
aerarium  as  are  mentioned  in  13.  31,  2. 
It  is  perhaps  best  to  suppose,  with 
Hirschfeld  (Unters.  p.  133),  that  allusion 
is  made  to  the  transference  of  the  cost  of 
the  corn  distribution  from  the  aerarium 
to  the  fiscus,  which  appears  to  have  been 
carried  out  by  Claudius  or  Nero,  and  for 
which,  even  if  it  had  been  the  work  of 
the  former,  the  latter  may  have  chosen 
to  take  credit.  Nipp.  and  Mommsen 
(Staatsr.  ii.  1009)  would  take  'rei  pub- 
licae '  in  a  general  sense,  and  make  him 
assert  that  his  expenditure  from  the  fiscus 
for  public  purposes  exceeded  by  that  sum 
the  income  derived  by  it  from  public 
sources;  the  balance  being  a  gift  from 
his  *  res  privata '.  Augustus  certainly 
professed  to  have  given  very  large  sums 
in  this  way  (see  note  on  i.  8,  3),  and 
similar  acts  are  recorded  of  Antoninus 
Pius  (Eutr.  8,   8)  and  others. 

7.  Percrebuerat:  cp.  2.  82,  i,  and 
note. 

[pravus  mos  is  the  correction  by  the 
first  hand  of  *  pravissi||mos' :  the  common 
reading  is  pravissimus  mos. — F.] 

8.  plerique  =  *  permulti '.  The  object 
was  to  evade  the  '  Lex  Papia  Poppaea ', 
which  prescribed  that  a  candidate  who 
had  children,  or  who  had  more  children, 
was  to  be  preferred  to  one  who  had  none, 
or  fewer :  see  vol.  i.  app.  ii.  p.  441 ;  also 
2.  51,  2. 


A.  D.  6a] 


LIBER  XV,      CAP.   i8. 


19 


341 


adsciscerent  filios,  praeturasque  et  provincias  inter  patres  sortiti 

2  statim    emitterent  manu  quos   adoptaverant.  .  .  .  magna  cum 
invidia  senatum  adeunt,  ius  naturae,  labores  educandi  adversus 

3  fraudem   et   artes    et    brevitatem   adoptionis    enumerant.     satis 
pretii  esse  orbis  quod  multa  securitate,  nullis  oneribus  gratiam  5 

4  honores  cuncta  prompta  et  obvia  haberent.     sibi  promissa  legum 
diu  expectata  in  ludibrium  verti,  quando  quis  sine  soUicitudine 


1.  inter  patres,  'among  those  who 
were  really  fathers  of  families.' 

sortiti.  This  word  must  be  used  of 
''praeturas'  by  a  zeugma,  in  the  general 
sense  of  being  elected.  The  lot  however 
determined  the  jurisdiction  and  duties  of 
;the  several  praetors  of  the  year,  as  well 
as  the  assignment  of  provinces  to  ex- 
praetors  ;  and  appears  only  to  have  ob- 
tained among  those  who  were  otherwise 
equal.  Dio  (53.  13,  2)  describes  Augustus 
as  ordaining  with  respect  to  the  senatorial 
provinces,  kKtjpojtovs  (ivai,  ttA^v  u  to; 
irokviraibias  i]  ycifiov  vpovofxia  irpoaHrj  : 
see  also  Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  215,  253. 
'Comitiis',  as  a  general  term,  applies 
to  the  election  in  the  senate  of  all  ranks 
of  magistrates;  but  the  praetorship  is 
specially  instanced  as  most  sought  for 
(cp.  14.  28,  i) ;  because  the  lower  magis- 
tracies were  chiefly  valuable  as  stepping- 
stones  to  it,  and  because  this  magistracy 
carried  with  it  eligibility  to  all  senatorial 
provinces  except  Asia  and  Africa  (Introd. 
i.  vii,  p.  95).  The  consulship  is  not 
mentioned,  probably  because  there  was 
no  real  candidature  for  it,  the  office  being 
wholly  filled  up  at  the  will  of  the  prince. 

2.  emitterent  manu.  This  variation 
of  the  usual  *  manu  mittere '  is  found 
several  times  in  Plant,  and  Ter.  and  in 
Liv.  24.  18,  12,  and  later. 

magna  cum  invidia,  '  with  loud  re- 
proaches'  :  on  this  apparently  Tacitean 
sense  of  *  invidia '  cp.  3.  67,  4,  and  note. 

3.  adeunt.  All  edd.  have  followed 
Rhen.  in  restoring  'adeimt,  ius'  for  the 
Med.  '  adeuntibus ' ;  but  the  text  still 
seems  corrupt.  The  complainants  are 
evidently  such  persons  as  really  had  chil- 
dren ;  but  to  supply  such  a  subject  to 
*  adeunt '  from  *  inter  patres ',  or  from  the 
general  sense,  is  very  harsh.  It  seems 
less  violent  to  mark  a  lacuna  before 
'magna'  (with  Nipp.  and  Ritt.)  than, 
with  Dr.,  to  insert  '  at  patres'.  The  old 
edd.  had  followed  Put.  in  inserting  '  qui ', 
which  might   indeed  have  dropped  out 


from  the  proximity  of  '  quos,'  but  which 
does  not  remove  the  difficulty,  as  its 
reference  would  be  wholly  ambiguous. 

ius  naturae,  *  the  right  they  have 
gained  by  nature,'  as  opposed  to  '  fraudem 
et  artes'  ('artifice').  It  seems  best  to  take 
the  two  latter  terms  as  a  hendiadys,  rather 
than  (with  Nipp.)  to  distinguish  them  by 
making  the  latter  denote  the  artificial 
character  of  all  adoptions  (as  against  '  ius 
naturae'),  the  former  such  adoptions  as 
were  not  even  made  bona  fide.  The 
attack  here  appears  to  be  on  sham  adop- 
tions only. 

adversus,  *in  contrast  to':  cp.  12. 
15,  3  ;  Dial.  33,  2  ;  Liv.  7.  32,  8.  Nipp. 
compares  'contra'  in  c.  2,  2. 

5.  securitate,  '  freedom  from  cares/ 
i.  e.  the  '  labores  educandi '. 

6.  honores.  Nipp.  takes  this  to  mean 
that  senators  won  the  favour  of  a  childless 
brother  senator  by  voting  him  magistra- 
cies whenever  it  was  possible  to  do  so. 
But  such  a  practice  would  too  closely 
touch  the  special  ground  of  complaint  to 
be  alluded  to  thus  concessively.  It  would 
seem  therefore  that  '  honores '  means 
'marks  of  respect'  (cp.  i.  14,  2  ;  4.  37,  2, 
&c.),  though  we  should  certainly  have 
rather  expected  '  honorem '.  On  the  gene- 
ral court  paid  to  the  childless  see  3.  25, 
2  (and  note) ;  13.  52,  3,  &c. 

7.  diu  expectata,  'looked  forward 
to  from  the  time  when  they  began  to  rear 
children ' :  cp.  '  longa  patrum  vota  '  be- 
low. Nipp.  thinks  it  refers  to  the  long 
time  which  might  elapse  after  the  legal 
age  for  office  was  reached,  by  preference 
given  to  those  who  had  more  interest. 
But  this  grievance  would  not  be  specially 
that  of  '  patres '. 

in  ludibrium  verti,  *  were  turned  into 
a  laughing-stock,'  as  if  they  had  never 
been  seriously  made. 

sine  soUicitudine,  &c.,  *  a  parentlf 
without  the  cares  of  paternity,  and  child4| 
less  without  the  sorrows  of  bereavement.^^ 


342 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALWM 


[A.  D.  ea 


parens,  sine  luctu  orbus  longa  patrum  vota  repente  adaequaret. 
factum  ex  eo  senatus  consultum  ne  simulata  adoptio  in  ulla  6 
parte  muneris  publici  iuvaret  ac  ne  usurpandis  quidem  heredi- 
tatibus  prodesset. 

5      20.  Exim  Claudius  Timarchus  Cretensis  reus  agitur,  ceteris  1 
criminibus  ut  solent  praevalidi  provincialium  et  opibus  nimiis  ad 
iniurias   minorum   elati :    una  vox  eius  usque  ad  contumeliam 
senatus  penetraverat,  quod  dictitasset  in  sua  potestate  situm  an 
pro  consulibus  qui  Cretam  obtinuissent  grates  agerentur.     quam  2 

lo  occasionem  Paetus  Thrasea  ad  bonum  publicum  vertens,  post- 
quam   de    reo    censuerat    provincia    Creta    depellendum,   haec 
addidit  :    '  usu  probatum  est,  patres  conscripti,  leges  egregias, 
exempla   honesta   apud   bonos   ex   delictis   aliorum   gigni.     sic  3 
oratorum  licentia  Cinciam  rogationem,  candidatorum  ambitus 


1.  longa  patrum  vota,  *  the  aspira- 
tions long  cherished  by  parents.' 

2.  in   ulla  parte   mimeris   publici, 

*  in  anything  partaking  of  the  nature  of 
a  public  office,'  i.e.  not  only  in  respect 
of  actual  tenure  of  magistracies,  but  also 
in  allotment  of  provinces,  functions,  &c. 

3.  ne  usurpandis  quidem  heredi- 
tatibus.  On  the  disabilities  of  the  un- 
married and  childless  in  this  respect  see 
vol.  i.  app.  ii.  p.  442. 

5.  Cretensis.  Crete  was  a  senatorial 
province,  with  Cyrene  (see  on  3.  38,  i  ; 
70,  i) ;  and  the  senatorial  court  would 
be  the  natural  tribunal  (see  13.  4,  3,  and 
note)  for  considering  any  charge  against 
a  provincial  which  appeared  too  impor- 
tant to  be  left  to  the  proconsul. 

reus  agitur:  cp.  3.  13,  3,  and  note; 
14.  18,  2. 

ceteris  criminibus,  abl.  abs.,  *  there 
being  other  charges.' 

6.  ut  solent.  The  construction  con- 
nects itself,  as  Nipp.  points  out,  with 
'reus  agitur',  but  the  sense  depends  on 
'ceteris  criminibus',  the  expression  being 
equivalent  to  '  qualibus  obnoxii  esse  so- 
lent'.  Nipp.  gives  several  instances  in 
which   *  ut '   or   '  ac '   has    the    force    of 

*  qualis '  or  *  quantus '  ( Agr.  20,  3  ;  Cic. 
de  Prov.  Cons.  10,  25 ;  in  Vat.  4, 10)  ;  but 
none  of  them  have  the  elliptical  character 
here  noticed. 

ad  inixirias  minorum  elati,  *  so 
uplifted  as  to  oppress  their  inferiors '  (for 
this  sense  of  'minores'  cp.  c.  16,  6;  ii. 
31,  4,  and  notes).     On  the  position  of 


such  wealthy  persons,  in  the  Hellenic 
provinces,  see  Mommsen,  Hist.  v.  259 ; 
E.  T.  i.  283.  Their  arrogance  is  alluded 
to  in  Plut.  Praec.  Rei  Gerendae,  19,  3. 

7.  ad  contumeliam  senatus  pene- 
traverat, '  had  gone  to  the  length  of  in- 
sulting the  senate '  (in  the  person  of  its 
proconsul).  No  other  instance  of  the 
metaphorical  use  of  'penetrare'  appears 
to  be  quite  parallel. 

9.  grates  agerentur.  This  -^as  done 
by  a  deputation  sent  to  Rome  on  the 
motion  of  a  'concilium  sociorum'  (see 
c.  22,  2).  Such  a  vote  of  thanks  would 
be  a  valuable  counter  demonstration,  in 
case  of  complaint. 

10.  Paetus  Thrasea:  see  13.  49,  i, 
&c. 

1 1 .  depellendum  =  *  relegandum ' ;  so 
in  3.  24,  3 ;  14.  50,  2  ;  16.  33,  3. 

13.  exempla  honesta.  Nipp.  takes 
this  to  mean  '  honourable  exemplary  acts' 
(cp.  13.  44,  8,  &c.),  and  points  out  that 
from  this  sense  of  the  word  is  derived 
that  in  which  it  is  equivalent  to  '  poena ' 
(12.  20,  4,  &c.) ;  a  meaning  which  Dr. 
and  others  suppose  to  be  intended  here, 
and  which  is  perhaps  most  in  accordance 
with  '  leges  egregias '  (the  laws  referred 
to  being  penal  laws),  and  with  '  poena' 
below.  '  Apud  bonos '  is  perhaps  best 
taken  with  '  gigni '  ('  originate  among  the 
good'). 

1 4.  licentia, '  wickedness '  (cp. '  libido ' 
12.  46, '3),  here  more  especially  of  cor- 
ruptibility or  greed.  On  the  Cincian 
rogation  see  11.  5,  3;  13.  42,  2. 


A.  D.  62] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.   19-21 


343 


lulias  leges,  magistratuum  avaritia  Calpurnia  scita  pepererunt; 
nam  culpa  quam  poena  tempore  prior,  emendari  quam  peccare 
4  posterius  est.  ergo  adversus  novam  provincialium  superbiam 
dignum  fide  constantiaque  Romana  capiamus  consilium,  quo 
tutelae  sociorum  nihil  derogetur,  nobis  opinio  decedat,  qualis  5 
quisque  habeatur,  alibi  quam  in  civium  iudicio  esse. 

1  21.  Olim  quidem  non  modo  praetor  aut  consul  sed  privati 
etiam  mittebantur  qui  provincias  viserent  et  quid  de  cuiusque 
obsequio  videretur  referrent  ;   trepidabantque  gentes   de    aesti- 

2  matione  singulorum :  at  nunc  colimus  externos  et  adulamur,  et  10 
quo  modo  ad  nutum  alicuius  grates,  ita   promptius   accusatio 

3  decernitur.     decernaturque  et  maneat  provincialibus  potentiam 


I.  Itilias  leges,  those  of  Augustus, 
who  appears  twice  to  have  taken  some 
action  to  punish  and  prevent  this  offence, 
in  736  and  746,  B.C.  18  and  8  (Dio,  54. 
16,  I ;  55.  5,  3) ;  though  it  would  only 
seem  to  have  been  on  the  latter  occasion 
that  any  general  enactment  took  place, 
such  as  is  referred  to  in  Suet.  Aug.  34. 
The  plural  may  be  rhetorical,  like  '  Cal- 
purnia scita'. 

Calpurnia  scita.  The  'lex  Calpurnia 
fde  repetundis',  passed  by  the  tribune 
(L.  Calpumius  Piso  Frugi  in  605,  b.  C.  149 
|(Cic.  Brut.  27,  106,  &c.),  is  remarkable 
las  the  first  occasion  of  constituting  the 

*  quaestiones  perpetuae '.  Nipp.  notes 
•that  the  variation  of  terms  ('  rogationem ', 
'leges',  'scita')  appears  to  be  only  rhe- 

Itorical.  The  enactments  spoken  of  were 
probably  all  in  form  plebiscites. 
\  2.  nam  culpa,  &c.  The  sentiment 
appears  to  show  traces  of  that  ascribed  by 
Livy  (34.  4,  8)  to  Cato,  when  speaking 
against   the   repeal  of  the  Oppian  law : 

*  sicut  ante  morbos  necesse  est  cognitos 
esse  quam  remedia  eorum,  sic  cupiditates 
prius  natae  sunt  quam  leges  quae  iis 
modum  facerent.'  Nipp.  points  out  that 
the  second  clause  ('  emendari  quam  pec- 
care', &c.)  does  not  merely  repeat  the 
sense  of  the  former,  but  brings  in  the  idea 
of  amendment,  as  distinct  from  that  of 
mere  punishment. 

3.  superbiam,  the  arrogance  implied 
in  such  votes  of  thanks. 

4-  fide  constantia.  Jacob  appears 
rightly  to  distinguish  these  by  taking  the 
first  of  the  honour  or  good  faith  shown  in 
dealing  with  allies,  the  latter  of  the  sense 
of  dignity  that  should  keep  Romans  from 
courting  praise. 


5.  nobis  opinio  decedat,  *we  (magis- 
trates) should  get  rid  of  the  idea  that  it 
rests  with  any  but  our  fellow-citizens  at 
home  to  judge  our  character,'  i.  e.  that 
we  have  anything  to  gain  from  a  provin- 
cial demonstration  of  this  kind. 

7.  privati  etiam  mittebantur.  This 
appears  to  have  been  the  idea  of  the 
senatorial  privilege  of  '  legatio  libera ', 
though  in  fact  it  was  usually  employed  for 
private  purposes.  Professor  Holbrooke 
instances  the  commission  of  Cato  Uticensis 
to  manage  the  annexation  of  Cyprus 
(Cic.  pro  Sest.  28,  60) ;  but  the  reference 
here  appears  to  be  to  a  more  general 
practice. 

9.  de  aestimatione  singulorum, '  con- 
cerning the  judgement  of  individuals  re- 
specting them.' 

1 1 .  alicuius ,  sc. '  e  provincialibus ' ;  so 
also  '  decernatur ',  sc.  '  a  provincialibus '. 

12.  decernaturque,  sc.  'accusatio'. 
et  maneat,  &c.     Halm,  who   admits 

the  other  instances  of  the  elliptical  gerun- 
dial  genit.  (c.  5,  3 ;  13.  26,  4),  here  inserts 
'  ius '  before  *  potentiam ' ;  Ritt.  inserts 
'potestas'  before 'provincialibus' ;  Madvig 
(Adv.  ii.  p.  556)  more  felicitously  takes 
*  potentiam '  to  be  a  corruption  of '  potestas 
sententiam'.  The  text  is  certainly  here 
so  far  more  difficult  to  defend  than  in 
the  other  instances,  in  that  there  is  no 
adjective  which  could,  even  by  a  stretch 
of  meaning,  be  taken  substantivally ;  but 
it  seems  possible  to  consider  the  general 
idea  of  '  custom '  to  be  implied  in 
'  maneat ',  or  to  suppose,  with  Nipp. ,  that 
'  decernere  accusationem '  is  supplied  as 
subject  of  that  verb,  and  that  the  genit. 
is  added  epexegetically. 


344 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  62 


suam  tali  modo  ostentandi :  sed  laus  falsa  et  precibus  expressa 
perinde  cohibeatur  quam  malitia,  quam  crudelitas.     plura  saepe  4 
peccantur  dum  demeremur  quam  dum  ofifendimus.      quaedam 
immo  virtutes  odio  sunt,  severitas  obstinata,  invictus  adversum 

5  gratiam  animus,     inde  initia  magistratuum  nostrorum  meliora  5 
ferme  et  finis  inclinat,  dum  in  modum  candidatorum  suffragia 
conquirimus  :   quae  si  arceantur,  aequabilius  atque  constantius 
provinciae  regentur.    nam  ut  metu  repetundarum  infracta  avaritia  e 
est,  ita  vetita  gratiarum  actione  ambitio  cohibebitur.' 

10      22.  Magno  adsensu  celebrata  sententia.     non  tamen  senatus  1 
consultum  perfici  potuit,  abnuentibus  consulibus  ea  de  re  relatum. 
mox  auctore  principe  sanxere  ne  quis  ad   concilium  sociorum  2 


1.  expressa,  'extorted' :  cp.  i.  19,  5, 
&c. 

2.  malitia  . . .  crudelitas.  The  latter 
of  these  is  clearly  that  of  the  governor, 
as  *  laus  falsa '  is  that  of  the  subjects.  It 
seems  best  to  take  '  malitia '  also  of  the 
governor  (cp.  13.  30,  4) ;  though  it  could 
well  be  understood  of  spite  on  the  part  of 
the  subject  as  the  cause  of  false  accusa- 
tions. 

3.  demeremur,  'oblige':  this  verb, 
found  here  alone  in  Taciltrs,  is  thus  used 
as  a  deponent  by  Quint,  and  Sen.,  and  in 
the  gerund  by  Liv.  (3.  18,  3)  and  others, 
also  in  the  act.  by  Ov.,  &c.,  and  (in  a 
different  sense)  in  Plaut.  That  the  desire 
to  win  favour  with  the  subjects,  to  set 
against  possible  complaints,  was  a  fre- 
quent motive  to  crime,  is  shown  by  the 
cases  of  Pilate,  Herod  Agrippa  (Acts  12, 
2),  Felix  (Id.  24,  27),  Festus  (Id.  25,  9). 

6.  inclinat,  *  declines ' :  cp. '  si  fortuna 
belli  inclinat '!( Liv.  3.  61,5) :  so,  passively, 
'inclinata  fortuna'  (Cic.  ad  Fam.  2.  16,1), 
and,  actively,  *  inclinasse  eloquentiam 
dicitur'  (Qumt.  10.  i,  80). 

7.  aequabilius  atque  constantius, 
*  with  more  uniformity  and  consistency ' : 
the  sentence  is  imitated  from  Sail.  Cat., 
2,  3  (*  aequabilius  atque  constantius  sese 
res  humanae  haberent ').  For  this  sense 
of '  aequabilis '  see  4.  20,  4,  and  note. 

8.  repetundamm,  shortened  for 
'  quaestionis  repetundamm '.  Nipp.  com- 
pares '  maiestatem  '  (for  *  crimen  maiesta- 
tis')  in  H.  I.  77,  6. 

9.  ambitio,  '  intrigue  to  win  favour,' 
as  in  2.  38,  4;  3,  12,  6,  &c. 

cohibebitur :  so  Halm,  Nipp.,  and 
others,  after  Lips.,  as  suitable  to  describe 
tlie  effect  of  a  law  not  yet  enacted.     The 


Med.   *  cohibetur '   can    be    retained  by 
taking  the  maxim  as  a  general  truth. 

11.  perfici.  The  same  term  is  used  of 
the  formal  ratification  of  a  senatus  con- 
sultum in  14.  49,  2. 

abnuentibus  .  .  .  relatum,  sc.  *  esse ' 
(cp.  3.  34,  i):  'abnuere'  has  the  force 
of  'negare'  in  2.  78,  3 ;  H.  i.  i,  4,  &c., 
also  in  Cic.  Leg.  i.  14,  40,  and  several 
times  in  Liv.  (e.  g.  3.  72,  7  ;  9.  17,  5,  «&c.). 
Senators,  after  speaking  'extra  relatio- 
nem'  (see  2.  33,  2;  38,  3),  might  ask 
the  consuls  to  bring  the  matter  formally 
before  the  house  (13.  49,  2) ;  but  this 
rested  with  their  discretion ;  and  they 
would  naturally  delay  action  till  the 
pleasure  of  the  princeps  was  known  (see 
13.  26,  2),  especially  as  the  question  was 
not  only  important  in  itself,  but  also 
affected  the  legati  of  Caesar,  as  well  as 
proconsuls  (see  below). 

12.  sanxere  ne  quis,  &c.  Augustus 
had  enacted  in  a.  D.  11,  that  the  subjects  j 
should  decree  no  honour  to  a  gover-  I 
nor  until  sixty  days  after  his  retirement 
(Dio,  56.  25,  6).  The  custom  of  voting 
such  honours  under  the  Republic  may 
be  gathered  from  Cicero  (e.  g.  Verr. 
2.  2,  5,  13 ;  ad  Fam.  3.  8,  3 ;  and  many 
other  passages  cited  in  Marquardt, 
Staatsv.  i.  371,  i);  and  it  does  not  appear 
that  either  the  decree  of  Augustus  or  the 
present  one  were  able  to  stop  the  practice 
afterwards;  see  Plin.  Pan.  70;  Vit.  Al. 
Sev.  22,  6;  Ammian.  30.  5,  8. 

concilium  sociorum.  A  diet  of  thisi 
kind,  called  also  the  'commune',  or  to'^ 
Koivov,  existed  in  all  provinces,  and  ap-j 
pears  usually  to  have  met  once  a  year. 
On  its  constitution  and  functions  see 
Marquardt,  Staatsv.  i.  p.  369,  foil. 


A.  D.  62J 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.   21-23 


345 


referret  agendas  apud  senatum  pro  praetoribus  prove  consulibus 
grates,  neu  quis  ea  legatione  fungeretur. 

3  Isdem  consulibus  gymnasium  ictu  fulminis  conflagravit  effigies- 

4  que   in  eo  Neronis  ad  informe  aes  liquefacta.     et  motu  terrae 
celebre  Campaniae  oppidum  Pompei  magna  ex  parte  proruit ;  5 
defunctaque  virgo  Vestalis  Laelia,  in  cuius  locum  Cornelia  ex 
familia  Cossorum  capta  est. 

1  23.  Memmio  Regulo  et  Verginio  Rufo  consulibus  natam  sibi 
ex  Poppaea  filiam  Nero  ultra  mortale  gaudium  accepit  appella- 

2  vitque  Augustam  dato  et  Poppaeae  eodem  cognomento.     locus  10 
puerperio  colonia  Antium  fuit,  ubi  ipse   generatus  erat.     iam 
senatus  uterum  Poppaeae  commendaverat  dis  votaque  publice 


I.  pro  praetoribus  prove  consuli- 
bus. By  the  first  term,  the  '  legati 
August!  propraetoreJl  in  the  Caesarian 
provinces  are  meant ;  all  governors  of 
senatorial  provinces  (whether  of  prae- 
torian or  consular  rank)  having  the  proper 
title  of  proconsuls  (see  on  i.  74,  i). 
*  Proconsul  legatusve '  appear  to  be  more 
commonly  used  (Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  243, 
3).  The  position  of  *ve'  is  in  accordance 
with  the  practice  of  Tacitus  and  others 
to  treat  such  terms  as  two  words  (*  pro 
consule',  &c.). 

3.  gymnasium.  On  its  erection  see 
14.  47,  3.  It  appears  from  Philost.  4. 
72,   to   have   been   rebuilt   by   A.  D.  66. 

1  The  fact  that  neither  its  destruction  nor 
I  the  earthquake  are  noted  as  divine  por- 
I  tents,  though  similar  occurrences  are 
f  constantly     so     designated,     shows     the 

ambiguous   attitude   of  Tacitus    on  this 

subject. 

4.  motu  terrae,  &c.  This  earthquake, 
sixteen  years  before  the  eruption  which 
destroyed  the  town,  is  mentioned  by 
Seneca  (Nat.  Quaest.  6.  i,  i),  *  Pompeios 
.  .  .  consedisse  terrae  motu  .  .  .  audivimus 
.  .  .  Nonis  Februariis  hie  fuit  motus 
Regulo  et  Verginio  consulibus.'  This 
testimony,  which  must  have  been  written 
very  shortly  after  the  event,  would  make 
Tacitus  wrong  as  to  the  year  ;  but  it  has 
been  thought  (see  Friedl.  iii.  179,  6)  that 
the  names  of  the  consuls  in  Seneca  have 
been  interpolated.  Seneca  adds  that  the 
same  earthquake  overthrew  part  of  Her- 
culaneum,  and  caused  destruction  at 
Nuceria  and  Neapolis.  I  am  indebted  to 
Mr.  Haverfield  for  the  reference  to  a 
graffito  at  Pompeii  (Notizie  degli  Scavi, 
1888,  p.  517)  *  pro  salute  Ner[onis]  in 
terr[ae  motu] '. 


6.  Ijaelia,  thought  by  Nipp.  to  have 
been  a  daughter  of  Laelius  Balbus  (6.  47, 
i),  and  the  Laelia  for  whom  Domitius 
Afer  (see  4.  52,  i)  made  a  speech,  from 
which  Quint,  quotes  (9.  4,  31). 

7.  Cossorum,  possibly  a  daughter  of 
the  consul  mentioned  in  14.  20,  i.  On 
the  selection  of  Vestals  and  the  use  of 
the  term  '  capere'  see  3.  86,  i,  and  note. 

8.  Memmio  Begulo  et  Verginio 
Bufo.  The  full  names  are  '  C.  Memmio 
Regulo  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  i.  2002), L.  Verginio 
Rufo '.  The  former  was  son  of  the  person 
whose  death  and  character  are  recorded 
in  14.  47,  I ;  the  latter,  one  of  the  most 
famous  men  of  his  age,  is  chiefly  known 
from  his  conduct  as  governor  of  Upper 
Germany  in  A.  D.  68  (see  Appendix  to 
Book  16),  and  is  frequently  mentioned 
in  the  Histories.  He  received  a  second 
consulship  from  Vitellius,  and  a  third 
from  Nerva  in  A.  D.  97,  in  which  year  he 
died,  and  was  succeeded  by  Tacitus,  who 
spoke  his  *  laudatio  '  (PI.  Ep.  2,  i ).  Med. 
has  here  *  uirginio ',  but  in  all  other  places 
*  uerginius '  or  '  uergenius  '. 

10.  Augustam.  She  was  called  *  Clau- 
dia Augusta'  (seeC.  I.  L.vi.  i.  2043, 11). 

dato  et  Poppaeae,  &c.  On  this  title 
as  given  to  the  emperor's  wife  see  12. 
26,  I,  and  note.  Medals  are  preserved, 
struck  in  Greek  cities,  giving  her  this  title 
(Cohen  i.  314,  foil.). 

1 1.  colonia  Antium  :  see  14.  3,  i,  and 
note;  also  note  on  14.  27,  3. 

generatus  ^  '  natus '.  Dr.  compares 
Mela  3.  8,  83  ('  Phoenix  .  .  .  non  partu 
generator'). 

12.  votaque,  &c. :  cp.  3.  71,  i,  &c.  It 
is  to  be  understood  that  such  vows  were 
undertaken  also  by  the  priestly  and  other 
bodies  (see  12.  68,  i;  and  the  numerous 


346 


CORNELII  TACIT  I  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  63 


susceperat,   quae  multiplicata  exolutaque.     et    additae   suppli-  3 
cationes    templumque    fecunditatis    et  certamen   ad   exemplar 
Actiacae  religionis  decretum,  utque  Fortunarum  effigies  aureae 
in  solio  Capitolini  lovis  locarentur,  ludicrum  circense,  ut  luliae 

5  genti  apud  Bovillas,  ita   Claudiae   Domitiaeque  apud   Antium 
ederetur.     quae   fluxa  fuere,  quartum  intra   mensem  defuncta  4 
infante,     rursusque    exortae   adulationes    censentium    honorem 
divae    et    pulvinar   aedemque    et   sacerdotem.      atque    ipse   ut  5 
laetitiae,    ita   maeroris   immodicus   egit.     adnotatum  est,  omni 

10  senatu  Antium   sub   recentem   partum    effuso,  Thraseam   pro- 
hibitum  immoto    animo   praenuntiam   imminentis    caedis   con- 


passages  cited  in  Marquardt,  Staatsv. 
iii.  268).  The  Arval  Acts  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  i. 
2043)  record  on  Jan.  21  in  this  year  ['  In 
capijtolio  vota  solnta,  quae  susceper[ant 
pr]o  partu  et  incoluraitate  Poppaeae ' ; 
which  shows  that  the  birth  had  taken 
place  by  that  date. 

I.  supplicationes.  This  is  not  to  be 
taken  with  *  fecunditatis ' ;  being  no 
doubt  a  general  thanksgiving  to  all  gods 
(cp.  *  supplicatio  ...  ad  omnia  pulvinaria ' 
Liv.  22. 1 ,  15).  For  the  genitive  '  fecundi- 
tatis ',  which  some  edd.  alter  to  '  fecundi- 
tati '  on  the  ground  that  the  *  s '  is  faded, 
of.  'clementiae'  and  'amicitiae'  iv.  74 
and  'ultionis'  iii.  18. 

(2.  ad  exemplar  Actiacae  religionis. 
The  quinquennial  Actian  festival  instituted 
by  Augustus  at  Nicopolis  (see  2.  53,  i, 
and  note ;  Mommsen,  Hist.  v.  272  ;  E.  T. 
i.  296),  after  the  model  of  the  Olympian, 

,  was  itself  adopted  elsewhere  as  a  model. 
Mommsen  quotes  arfwv  iaaKnos  (C.  I.  G. 
4472)  and  notes  the  analogous  term 
iaoXvfjLinos.  This  *  certamen  '  (^as  also  the 
temple)  was  of  course  to  be  at  Rome,  and 
may  probably  have  been,  as  Nipp.  thinks, 
the  restoration  of  a  former  quinquennial 
festival  originally  commemorative  of 
Actium  at  Rome  (Dio,  53.  i,  4,  &c.), 
which  may  have  been  suppressed  by  the 

,  general  prohibition  of  Gaius  (Suet.  Cal. 

,  23),  or  more  probably  was  limited  to  the 
lifetime  of  Augustus,  being  in  fact  kept  as 
a  festival '  pro  valetudine '  (see  Mommsen, 
R.  G.  D.  A.  41,  foil.;  Friedl.  Sitteng.  ii. 

434)- 

3.  utque:  on  the  change  of  construction 
cp.  13.  8,  I,  and  note. 

IPortunariim.  The  great  worship  of 
Fortune  at  Antium  represented  the  deity 


in  the  form  of  two  sisters  (Forttmae' 
Antiates,  cp.  C.  I.  L.  10.  6555),  taken  to 
represent  the  fortune  of  war  and  of  peace 
(Preller,  Myth.  Rom.  iii.  193).  Oracles 
were  given  from  the  statues  (see  Suet,  Cal. 
57  ;  Macrob.  Sat.  i,  23),  whence  Martial 
(5.  I,  3)  calls  them  '  veridicae  sorores'. 

5.  apud  Bovillas.  On  the  worship 
of  the  lulii  there  see  2.  41,  i,  and  note. 

6.  fluxa,  *  transitory ' :  cp.  3.  50,  5 ; 
13.  19,  I,  &c. 

7.  censentium,  with  accus. :  cp.  13. 
8,  I,  and  note. 

8.  divae.  Ini6.6, 3sheis  called'divina 
infans';  and  medals  are  inscribed 'to  her 
as  '  diva  Claudia,  Ner.  f.'  (Cohen  i.  315). 

pulvinar,  i.  e.  a  position  among  the 
deities  which  shared  in  a  '  lectistemium ' : 
cp.  Cic.  Phil.  2.  43,  no  (' ut  pulvinar 
haberet');  Liv.  24.  10,  13  ('supplicatio 
omnibus  deis,  quorum  pulvinaria  Romae 
essent'). 

aedemque  et  sacerdotem.  A  chapel 
((TTjKos),  with  a  body  of  twenty  priests  and 
priestesses,  had  been  previously  decreed 
to  Drusilla  the  sister  of  Gaius  (Dio,  59. 

II,  3)- 

9.  immodicus,  with  genit.  (see  Introd. 
i-  V.  §  33,  e.  7),  as  in  H.  i.  53,  i  ;  also 
in  Sail.  H.  i.  114  D,  113  K,  92  G; 
Veil.  2.  II,  1,  &c. :  cp.  'modicus'  (2. 
73,  3,  and  note). 

egit, '  spent  his  time ' :  cp.  3.  44,  4,  &c. 

10.  senatu  .  .  .  effuso.  On  such  salu- 
tations of  the  princeps  by  senators  see 
Friedl.  i.  p.  135. 

prohibitum,  *  forbidden  to  present 
himself.'  This  happened  again  later  to 
Thrasea  (16.  24,  i),  and  was  nearly 
tantamount  to  formal  *  renuntiatio  ami- 
citiae '  (see  2.  70,  3,  and  note). 


A.  D.  63] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.  23-25 


347 


6  tumeliam  excepisse.  secutam  dehinc  vocem  Caesaris  ferunt 
qua  reconciliatum  se  Thraseae  apud  Senecam  iactaverit  ac 
Senecam  Caesari  gratulatum  :  unde  gloria  egregiis  viris  et 
pericula  gliscebant. 

1  24.  Inter  quae  veris  principio  legati  Parthorum  mandata  regis  5 
Vologesis  litterasque  in  eandem  formam  attulere :  se  priora  et 
toties  iactata  super  optinenda  Armenia  nunc  omittere,  quoniam 
dii,  quamvis  potentium  populorum  arbitri,  possessionem  Parthis 

2  non    sine    ignominia    Romana    tradidissent.      nuper    clausum 
Tigranen  ;    post    Paetum    legionesque,    cum    opprimere   posset,  10 
incolumis  dimisisse.     satis  adprobatam  vim  ;  datum  et  lenitatis 

3  experimentum.  nee  recusaturum  Tiridaten  accipiendo  diademati 
in  urbem  venire  nisi  sacerdotii  religione  attineretur.  iturum 
ad  signa  et  effigies  principis  ubi  legionibus  coram  regnum 
auspicaretur.  15 

1      25.    Talibus  Vologesis  litteris,  quia  Paetus  diversa  tamquam 


1.  ferunt.  The  reference  may  be,  as 
Orelli  thinks,  to  the  biography  of  Thrasea 
by  Arulenus  Rusticus  (Agr.  2,  i),  or  to 
contemporary  letters. 

2.  iactaverit.  He  had  vaunted  this 
as  a  proof  of  his  clemency ;  the  answer 
of  Seneca  implies  that  the  friendship  of 
Thrasea  was  worth  more  to  Nero  than 
Nero's  to  him.  This  boldness  of  speech 
reflected  glory  both  on  the  speaker  and 
I  on  Thrasea,  and  embittered  Nero  against 
them.  Tacitns  gives  this  as  a  report,  but 
in  the  following  sentence  ('unde  .  .  . 
gliscebant ')  adopts  it  and  remarks  upon 
it. 

3.  gloria  .  .  .  et  pericula.  Nipp. 
compares  the  association  '  famam  fatum- 
que  '  (Agr.  42,  4). 

5.  legati  Parthorum:  cp.  c.  14,  5. 
mandata,   'the  message':  cp.   i.   23, 

5,  &c. 

6.  in  eandem  formam :  cp.  13.  41,  5, 
and  note. 

7.  super,  with  gerundial  abl.;  so 
*  super  iugandis  feminis '  (Hor.  Carm. 
Saec.  18),  '  super  adimenda  vita'  (Amm. 
14.  7,  12). 

8.  quamvis  potentium,  'however 
powerful '  ;  so  adv.  in  16.  16,  i ;  H.  i. 
26,  3  ;  and  often  in  Cic,  &c. 

possessionem.  Their  subsequent 
evacuation  of  the  country  (c.  17,  5)  is 
here  ignored. 

9.  olausum  Tigranen  :  see  c.  4-5. 
II.  incolumis,  '  with  their  lives  '  (cp. 


14.   I,  I,   and  note):   with   'dimisisse', 
'  se  '  is  supplied. 

satis  adprobatam,  &c.,  '  his  strength 
had  been  sufficiently  demonstrated ; 
proof  had  also  been  given  of  his 
clemency.'  For  this  sense  of  '  adprobare ' 
cp.  3.  12,  8  ;  H.  I.  3,  3;  Agr.  34,  4;  Cic. 
Inv.  I.  36,  63  ;  for  that  of  '  dare  experi- 
mentum'  cp.  13.  24,  I. 

12.  nee  recusaturum,  sc.  *  fuisse'. 

13.  venire,  so  used  with  gerundive 
dat.  in  6.  43,  3.  Dr.  compares  the  use  of 
'vagari'  (3.  39,  i), '  pergere'  (12.  66,  1), 
'digredi'  (11.  32,  2):  see  also  Introd. 
i.  v.  §  22  b. 

sacerdotii  religione.  This  seems 
sufficiently  explained  by  the  statement  of 
Pliny  (N.  H.  30.  2,  6,  16),  that  Tiridates 
was  a  Magian,  and  that  it  was  one  of  his 
tenets  not  to  pollute  the  sea  by  travelling 
upon  it.  When  he  subsequently  went  to 
Rome,  he  so  far  held  to  this  as  to  cross 
only  the  Hellespont  (Plin.  1.  1.),  though 
he  appears  to  have  crossed  from  Brun- 
disium  to  Dyrrhachium  on  his  return  (Dio, 
63.  7,  i).  Nipp.  thinks  that  some  more 
special  priesthood  must  here  be  meant,  by 
the  obligation  of  which  he  was  detained. 

iturum  ad  signa,  &c.,  i.  e.  he  would 
go  to  some  neighbouring  camp,  in  Cappa- 
docia  or  Syria,  and  there  do  homage  to 
the  eagles  and  the  effigy  of  the  emperor  in 
the  principia.  See  c  29,  5;  and,  on  the 
sanctity  of  the  place,  see  i.  39,  7  ;  4.  2, 4 ; 
Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  814. 


348 


CORNELII   TACITI  ANNAUUM 


[A.  D.  63 


rebus  integris  scribebat,  interrogatus  centurio,  qui  cum  legatis 
advenerat,  quo   in   statu  Armenia  esset,  omnis  inde  Romanes 
excessisse  respondit.    tum  intellecto  barbarum  inrisu  qui  peterent  2 
quod  eripuerant,  consuluit  inter  primores  civitatis  Nero  bellum 

5  anceps  an  pax  inhonesta  placeret.     nee  dubitatum  de  bello.     et  3 
Corbulo  militum  atque  hostium  tot  per  annos  gnarus  gerendae 
rei  praeficitur,  ne  cuius  alterius  inscitia  rursum  peccaretur^  quia 
Paeti   piguerat.     igitur    inriti    remittuntur,    cum   donis   tamen,  4 
unde  spes  fieret  non  frustra  eadem  oraturum  Tiridaten,  si  preces 

10  ipse  attulisset.     Syriaeque   executio  C.  Cestio,  copiae  militares  5 
Corbuloni  permissae;  et  quinta  decima  legio  ducente  Mario  Celso  e 
Pannonia  adiecta  est.    scribitur  tetrarchis  ac  regibus  praefectisque  6 


1.  integris,  'undecided' :  cp.  c.  18,  i, 
and  note.  The  imperf.  '  scribebat '  seems 
to  point  to  some  dispatch  received  from 
Paetus  at  the  same  time,  not    to   those 

;  which  he  had  previously  written '  tamquam 

I  confecto  bello '  (c.  8,  3). 

3.  barbarum:  cp.  14.  39,  i,and  note. 
qui  peterent,  &c.    This  is  not  strictly 

true,  for  Vologeses  treats  Armenia  as  won, 
and  disdains  to  ask  for  it  (c.  24,  i). 

4.  primores  civitatis,  those  who 
were  the  usual  counsellors  of  the  princeps. 
On  the  existence  of  such  a  (perhaps  per- 
manent) privy  council  under  the  Empire 
see  Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  903. 

5.  nee  dubitatum  de  bello.  On  the 
apparently  discrepant  statement  of  Dio 
see  below  (on  §  4). 

7.  praeficitur.  Dr.  notes  tliis  verb  as 
used  with  gerundive  dat.  (on  the  analogy 
of  '  praeesse ')  in  Cic.  pro  Dom.  9,  20, 
and  compares  the  use  of  *  praeponere  '  in 
13.8,  I. 

cuius  alterius.  Nipp.  considers  that 
•  alterius '  is  here  used  because  only  two 
persons  are  compared  in  thought,  Corbulo 
and  a  second,  whoever  he  might  be.  But 
abundant  instances  are  given  in  Lexicons 
to  show  that  '  alterius  '  commonly  serves 
as  genit.  of  '  alius'. 

8.  inriti,  '  baulked  of  their  purpose  ' : 
cp.  14.  7,  3,  and  note. 

9.  unde  spes  fieret,  &c.  The  state- 
!  ment  of  Dio  (62,  22,  3),  that  Nero  dis- 
tinctly offered  to  recognize  Tiridates,  on 
condition  of  his  coming  to  Rome  to  do 
homage,  is  not  inconsistent  with  what  is 
here  said,  and  is  in  full  accordance  with 
the  sequel  of  events.  Tacitus  need  not 
mean  more  than  that  the  Parthian  modi- 
fied offer  (c.  24,  3)  was  rejected. 

10.  executio :    so  read  for  the  Med. 


*  excutio '.  The  use  of  *  executio  negotii  * 
(3-  31*  7)   Js  not  parallel,  but  those  of 

*  exequi  munia'  (i.  11,  3),  'officia'  (11, 
II,  4),  are  somewhat  nearer;  and  it  is 
possible  that  Tacitus  may  have  used 
'  executio  Suriae '  as  a  condensed  ex- 
pression for  '  executio  rerum  in  Suria 
gereudarum '.  It  is,  however,  obvious  that 
only  the  civil  government  of  the  province, 
as  distinct  from  the  command  of  its  forces, 
is  meant ;  whence  Madvig  (Adv.  ii.  557) 
thinks  that  '  executio  '  must  be  altered  to 

*  iurisdictio '  (cp.  i.  80,  2),  and  Kitt. 
alters  *  Suriaeque  '  to  '  iurisque '. 

C.  Cestio  :  so  Halm  and  others  after 
Nipp.  ('Cestio'  Pich.),  for  the  Med. 
'citio',  which  Orelli  formerly  took  to 
represent  the  name  '  C.  Itio  ' ;  others  read, 
with  some  MSS.,  *  Cincio.'  The  reading 
here  given  is  supported  by  the  fact  that 
C.  Cestius  Callus  is  known  to  have  been 
legatus  of  Syria  in  the  autumn  of  A.  D.  65 
(coins  of  Antioch  in  Eckh.  iii.  282),  and 
in  the  following  spring  (Jos.  B.  I.  2.  14, 3), 
and  to  have  died  there  (H.  5.  10,  2).  On 
his  action  in  that  office  see  Appendix  to 
Book  16.  He  is  also  known  to  have 
been  cos.  suff.,  on  the  resignation  of 
Claudius,  in  April,  a.  D.  42  (Fasti  of  Fer. 
Lat.  C.  I.  L.  vi.  I.  2015),  and  was  perhaps 
son  of  the  cos.  of  A.  D.  35  (6.  31,  i  :  cp. 
3.  36,  2,  and  note). 

11.  quinta  decima,  one  of  the  Panno- 
nian  legions  in  A.  D.  14  (i.  23,  6). 

Mario  Celso,  frequently  mentioned 
in  the  Histories,  as  true  to  Galba  and  after- 
wards to  Otho,  and  as  allowed  by  Vitellius 
to  hold  the  consulship  (H.  2.  60,  4)  to 
which   he   had   been   designated   (H.    i. 

12.  scribitur,  with  inf. :  cp.  12.  29,  2, 
and  note. 


4 


A.  D.  63I 


LIBER  XV.      CAP,  25,   26 


349 


et  procuratoribus  et  qui  praetorum  finitimas  provincias  regebant 
iussis  Corbulonis  obsequi,  in  tantum  ferme  modum  aucta  potestate 
quern  populus  Romanus  Cn.  Pompeio  bellum  piraticum  gesturo 
7  dederat.  regressum  Pactum,  cum  graviora  mctueret,  facetiis 
insectari  satis  habuit  Caesar,*  his  ferme  verbis:  ignoscere  se  5 
statim,  ne  tam  promptus  in  pavorem  longiore  sollicitudine 
aegresceret 

1  26.    At  Corbulo,  quarta  et   duodecima  legionibus  quae  for- 
tissimo   quoque    amisso    et    ceteris    exterritis    parum    habiles 
proelio  videbantur  in  Syriam  translatis,  sextam  inde  ac  tertiam  10 
legiones,   integrum    militem    et   crebris    ac    prosperis   laboribus 

2  exercitum,  in  Armeniam  ducit ;  addiditque  legionem  quintam, 
quae  per   Pontum   agens   expers    cladis   fuerat,    simul   quinta- 


.^  tetrarchis  ac  regibus.     By  the  latter, 

'Xt«xift5/»T*#*«  those  mentioned  in  13.  7,  i;  14.   26,  3 


are  meant.  Polemo,  king  of  Pontus 
Polemoniacus,  died  or  retired  in  the  year 
following  this,  and  his  kingdom  became 
a  province  (see  Marquardt,  Staatsv.  i. 
202,  13).  The  term  '  tetrarch '  lost  its 
etymological  meaning  in  Roman  times, 
and  came  to  be  applied  generally  to  such 
Oriental  princes  as  were  below  the  dignity 
of  ^aaiKih. 

praefectis  is  best  taken,  with  Nipp., 
to  be  those  commanding  the  *  cohortes ' 
jor  *  alae  '  in  the  lesser  provinces.  But 
we  have  also  record  in  inscriptions  of 
*  praefecti '  as  officers  placed  in  charge 
of  special  districts,  e.g.  vallis  Pennina 
or  Maritime  Alps.  The  *  procuratores  ' 
meant  are  those  in  command  of  such 
/minor  provinces  as  Judaea  or  Cappa- 
docia. 

I.  qui  praetorum.  This  is  probably 
here  a  general  term  (see  i.  74,  i,  and 
ote),  applicable  either  to  the  legati  or 
roconsuls  of  the  Asiatic  provinces. 
3.  Cn.  Pompeio,  by  the  '  Lex  Gabinia' 
/in  687,  B.  c.  67.  His  power  even  at  that 
time  is  called  gh  vavapyia  dAAa  piovapyia 
by  Plut.  (Pomp.  25,  631) ;  butMommsen 
points  out  (Staatsr.  ii.  655)  that  the 
parallel  is  inexact ;  as  the  power  of 
Pompeius  under  this  law  was  only  'im- 
^erium^^ae^uum  in  omnibus  provin^s 
cum  proconsul i bus  usque  ad~~quihq'ua- 
gesimum  guliarium  ajnari '  (Veil.  2.  31, 
i)  ;  and  ~that  tEe~express  *  imperium 
mains '  afterwards  held  by  Pompeius 
(Cic.  Att.  4.  I,  7),  or  that  of  Brutus  and 


Cassius  (App.  B.  C.  4.  58),  would  be  a 
more  apt  comparison,  Corbulo  had 
possessed  some  exceptional  extension  of 
power  from  the  date  of  his  appointment , 
(13.  8,  4),  and  had  probably  now  an 
'  imperium  proconsulare  '  in  the  East,  like 
that  of  Germanicus  and  others  (see  2.  43, 
2,  and  note)  ;  though  his  official  title,  as 
shown  by  an  inscription  later  than  this 
date  (Eph.  Epig.  v.  35),  still  continued  to 
be  that  of  *  legatus  Augusti  propraetore  ' 
(see  Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  853,  2). 

7.  aegresceret,  *  might  fall  ill ' ;  a 
poetical  word  (Lucr.  5,  350  ;  Verg.  Aen. 
12,  46,  &c.),  also  in  PI.  ma.,  and  here 
alone  in  Tacitus. 

8.  quarta  et  duodecima,  those  which 
had  been  blockaded  under  Paetus  :  see 
c.  10, 1,  and  note.  Dio  (62.  22,  4)  makes 
the  removal  of  these  troops  the  direct 
injunction  of  Nero  (UaiTov  Trjs  dpxrjs 
iravaas,  tovs  t6  arpaTiwras  rovs  avv  avrv 
y(vofi4vovs  dWoae  noi  ittfixpas).  He  also 
adds  that  Nero  had  intended  to  take  the 
field  in  person,  but  was  deterred  by  an 
omen. 

10.  sextain  ac  tertiam:  cp.  c.  6,  5. 
No  mention  is  here  made  of  the  Tenth 
legion,  which  must  be  supposed  to  have 
been  left  in  Syria. 

12.  exercitum  :  cp.  14.  2,  4,  and  note. 
These  legions  had  served  with  him  in  his 
previous  campaigns  (see  13.  38, 6  ;  40,  3). 

quintam  :  see  c.  6,  5  ;  9,  2. 

13.  quintadecimanos,  c.  25,  5:  for 
the  adverbial  use  of  *  recens '  cp.  1 2. 18,  3, 
and  note. 


350 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  63 


decimanos  recens  adductos  et  vexilla  delectorum  ex  lUyrico 
et  Aegypto,  quodque  alarum  cohortiumque,  et  auxilia  regum 
in  unum  conducta  apud  Melitenen,  qua  tramittere  Euphraten 
parabat.     turn   lustratum    rite   exercitum  ad    contionem   vocat  3 

5  orditurque  magnifica  de  auspices  imperatoris  rebusque  a  se 
gestis,  adversa  in  inscitiam  Paeti  declinans,  multa  auctoritate, 
quae  viro  militari  pro  facundia  erat. 

27.    Mox    iter    L.    Lucullo    quondam    penetratum,    apertis  1 
quae    vetustas     obsaepserat,    pergit.      et     venientis    Tiridatis 

10  Vologesisque    de    pace    legatos   baud    aspernatus,   adiungit    iis 
centuriones  cum    mandatis   non   immitibus  :    nee    enim    adhuc 


1.  vexilla  delectorum,  *  detachments 
(see  1.  38,  I  ;  2.  78,  3,  and  notes)  of 
picked  troops.'  Illyricum  is  taken  in  a 
wide  sense  as  including  Pannonia  (cp.  i. 
46,  I )  as  well  as  Delmatia.  Nipp.  thinks 
it  may  be  taken  to  include  all  the  Danubian 
provinces. 

2.  quodque,  &c.,  'and  what  he  had 
of  auxiliary  horse  and  foot.' 

regum,  those  of  the  kings  and  te- 
trarchs  referred  to  in  c.  25,  6.  Nipp. 
notes  that  *  in  unum  conducta  apud  Me- 
litenen '  refers  to  these  troops  only  :  Cor- 
bulo  on  arriving  with  the  rest  of  his  army 
found  them  there. 

3.  Melitenen,  the  name  of  a  district 
(Strab.  12.  2,  5,  537  ;  Plin.  N.  H.  6.  3,  9), 
also  of  a  town  near  the  Euphrates,  belong- 
ing strictly  to  Armenia  minor  (Ptol.  5.  7, 
5),  and,  with  it,  forming  afterwards  part 
of  the  province  of  Cappadocia.  From 
its  important  position,  as  commanding 
the  Isoghli  ford  over  the  Euphrates,  it 
was  made  in  a.d.  70  the  head  quarters  of 
the  *  legio  duodecima  fulminata'  (Jos.  B.  I. 

7.  I,  3).  [A  camp  town  grew  up  near  the 
legionary  quarters,  the  existing  ruins  of 
which  still  preserve  the  name  '  Malatia ' : 
see  Procop.  de  aed.  3,  4. — P.] 

4.  lustratum,  purified  with  *  suove- 
taurilia ',  as  was  usual  at  the  opening  of  a 
campaign  :  cp.  6.  37,  2,  and  note. 

5.  orditur  magnifica.  Corbulo  is  de- 
scribed as  a  man  *  verbis  magnificis  '  (13. 

8,  4) :  cp.  c.  12,  5 ;  30,  i.  On  the  accus. 
with  *  ordior  '  cp.  2.  10,  i,  and  note. 

auspiciis.  Any  campaign  undertaken 
would  be  said  to  be  '  ductu  Corbulonis, 
auspiciis  Caesaris ' :  cp.  2.  41,  i,  &c. 

6.  declinans,  'turning  off  upon,'  i.e. 
imputing  to  (so  'referebat'  14.  38,  5). 
This  sense  of  'declinare'  is  akin,  though 
not  strictly  parallel,  to  that  in  13.  4,  2; 


and  the  expression,  appears  to  be  taken 
from  Sail.  (H.  2.  30  D,  36  K,  66  G)  : 
*  adversa  in  pravitatem,  secunda  in  casum, 
fortunam  (v.  1.  fortuita)  in  temeritatem 
declinando.' 

auctoritate,  *  weight '  :  cp.  14.  43,  2  ; 
47,  I.  His  words  carried  weight  from 
the  sense  of  his  ability  impressed  on  his 
hearers. 

7.  viro  militari  :  cp.  c.  10,  2,  &c.  To  a 
man  of  action  this  gift  was  equivalent  to 
eloquence. 

8.  L.  Iiucullo.  In  his  campaign  ot 
685,  B.C.  69,  Luculius  crossed  the  Eu- 
phrates, and  marched  through  Sophene 
and  over  Mt.  Taurus,  and  thence,  after 
crossing  the  Tigris,  to  Tigranocerta  (Plut. 
Luc.  24.  25,  508).  The  uncertainty  as  to 
the  site  of  that  city  (see  12.  50,  2,  and 
note)  makes  it  difficult  to  trace  his  route: 
further  than  to  say  that  it  must  have  led, 
from  Taurus  apparently  to  Arsinia  and 
Amida  (Diarbekir) :  see  In  trod.  p.  119 
and  Henderson,  Nero,  p.  190. 

penetratum.  The  expression  *  pe- 
netrare  iter'  is  noted  by  Dr.  as  air.  dp., 
formed  on  the  analogy  of '  pergere  iter ', 
and  conveying  the  idea  of  an  advance 
surmounting  obstacles.  The  verb  is  used 
by  Tacitus  and  others  with  simple  accus. 
in  the  sense  of '  forcing  an  entrance  into'  (so 
'Tiberii  animum '  1.  69,  4;  'Tiberium' 
3. 4,  3),  and  of  crossing  a  river  in  2. 68,  2. 

9.  vetustas,  the  length  of  intervening 
time  (132  years). 

et  venientis,  &c.  Dio  (62.  23,  i) 
says  nothing  of  any  embassy  sent  by 
Vologeses,  but  makes  Corbulo  send  a 
centurion,  formally  to  order  the  king  to 
leave  Armenia,  but  privately  advising  him 
to  send  his  brother  to  Rome. 

1 1 .  nee  enim.  The  verb  of  speaking  is 
implied  in  *  mandatis '. 


I 


A.  D.  63] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.   26-28 


351 


2  eo  ventum  ut  certamine  extreme  opus  esset.  multa  Romanis 
secunda,  quaedam  Parthis  evenisse,  documento  adversus  super- 
biam.  proinde  et  Tiridati  conducere  intactum  vastationibus 
regnum  dono  accipere  et  Vologesen   melius  4 societate  Romana 

3  quam    damnis    mutuis    genti    Parthorum    consulturum.     scire  5 
quantum  intus  discordiarum  quamque  indomitas  et  praeferocis 
nationes    regeret :    contra     imperatori    suo    immotam    ubique 

4  pacem  et  unum  id  bellum  esse,     simul  consilio  terrorem  adicere 
et    megistanas   Armenios   qui   primi   a   nobis  defecerant  pellit 
sedibus,   castella   eorum    excindit,   plana    edita,   validos   invali-  10 
dosque  pari  metu  complet. 

1  28.  Non  infensum  nee  cum  hostili  odio  Corbulonis  nomen 
etiam  barbaris  habebatur  eoque  consilium  eius  fidum  credebant. 
ergo  Vologeses  neque  atrox  in  summam  et  quibusdam  prae- 
fecturis   indutias   petit  :    Tiridates    locum    diemque    conloquio  15 

2  poscit.  tempus  propinquum,  locus  in  quo  nuper  obsessae  cum 
Paeto  legiones  erant  barbaris  delectus  est  ob  memoriam  laetioris 


1.  eo  ventum  ut:  cp.  ir.  26,  2,  &c. 
certamine     extreme  =  *  quo    res    ad 

extrema    perduceretur ',    *  an    internecine 
conflict ' :  cp.  *  rebus  extremis '  (i  2. 17,  3 ; 

43,  3)- 

2.  documento,  '  so  as  to  be  a  lesson' 
(cp.  14.  33,  2,  &c.) :  the  use  of  such  a 
dative  in  apposition  is  very  rare  (see 
In  trod.  i.  v.  §  23). 

5.  scire,  &c.,  i.e.  the  Romans  were 
well  aware  of  the  internal  weakness  of 
the  Parthian  empire.  The  omission  of 
*  se '  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  8)  is  here  un- 
usually harsh.  Ritt.  suggests  that  *  eum ' 
may  have  dropped  out  after  *  scire ',  and 
that  the  consciousness  of  Vologeses  him- 
self is  appealed  to.  In  either  case  the 
imperfect  subjection  of  some  races,  as 
the  Hyrcanians,  the  frequent  treachery 
of  subordinate  governors,  and  the  en- 
couragement thereby  given  to  pretenders 
I  to  the  sovereignty,  are  alluded  to. 
I     6.  praeferocis :  cp.  4.  70,  6,  and  note. 

8.  adicere  et .  .  .  pellit.  The  histori- 
cal inf.  is  often  thus  combined  with  a  finite 
verb  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  46). 

q.  megistanas,  *  magnates,'  elsewhere 
called  *  proceres  gentium'  (2.  58,  t)  or 
*primores'  (2.  2,  i").  The  term  is  taken 
from  late  Greek  (LXX.  N.  T.,  &c.),  and  is 
used  in  Latin  by  Seneca  (Ep.  21,4)  and 
Suet.  (Cal.  5),  and  is  the  equivalent 
of  the  Persian  term  *  mehestin '  from  the 
same  general  root  as  M<'7as,  *  magnus,'&c.). 


a  nobis  defecerant.  The  same  claim 
of  Armenia  as  Roman  territory  is  implied, 
which  is  elsewhere  put  forward  :  cp.  c.  13, 
4,&c 

12.  N"on  .  .  .  habebatur,  'was  not 
regarded  with  animosity,  nor  with  the 
hatred  of  an  enemy.'  The  use  of  *  cum ' 
(cp.  12.  48,  3,  and  note)  is  akin  to  those 
instances  in  which  the  abl.  with  this  prep, 
has  the  force  of  an  adverb  of  manner 
(2.  58,  2;  3.  16,  5,&c.). 

14.  neque  atrox  in  summam,  '  was 
not  unconciliatory  as  to  the  general  issue.' 
Dr.  compares  *  temeritas  .  .  .  nihil  in 
summam  profutura'  (H.  2.  16,  i),  *ad 
summam  profectum  aliquid  puto'  (Cic. 
Att.  7.  13,  i).  Jacob  would  take  the 
expression  here  to  be  shortened  for  *  in 
summam  pacis'  (13.  38,  i). 

quibusdam  praefecturis,  *  for  some 
districts';  i.e.  for  those  then  menaced 
(c  27,  4).  The  *  praefecturae '  of  Ar- 
menia (see  13.  37,  2,  and  note),  not  those 
of  the  whole  Parthian  Empire  (see  11. 
8,  4,  and  note),  must  be  meant. 

16.  tempus  propinquum,  sc.  'delectum 
est ',  supplied  from  below. 

locus,  Rhandeia :  see  note  on  c  10,  i. 

17.  delectus  est.  Med.  has  *  cum ' 
before  '  barbaris '  which  is  retained  by 
Walth.  and  Ritt.,  and  defended  by  the 
former.  Other  editors  have  either  struck 
out  *  cum ',  as  having  been  probably  re- 
peated by  error  from  the  line  above,  or 


352 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  63 


ibi  rei,  Corbuloni  non  vitatus  ut  dissimilitudo  fortunae  gloriam 
augeret.      neque   infamia   Paeti   angebatur,    quod    eo   maxime  3 
patuit  quia  filio  eius  tribune  ducere  manipulos  atque  operire 
reliquias  malae  pugnae  imperavit.    die  pacta  Tiberius  Alexander,  4 
5  inlustris  eques   Romanus,   minister  bello  datus,   et  Vinicianus 
Annius,  gener  Corbulonis,  nondum  senatoria  aetate  et  pro  legato 


have  followed  G  in  reading  *  esset ' ;  the 
abbreviation  of  which  (*  est ')  might  easily 
have  become  *  est '.  The  latter  correction 
is  adopted  by  Halm,  the  former  by  Orelli, 
Nipp.,  Dr.,  Jacob,  and  gives  the  best 
construction  to  the  whole  passage ;  as  it 
seems  harsh  to  supply  *  est  *  from  *  cum 
.  .  .  esset'  with  'tempus',  and  contrary 
to  good  sense  to  throw  back  the  force  of 

*  cum '  to  that  clause  (with  Pfitzner). 

[laetioris  ibi.  Andresen  points  out  that 
this  is  the  correction  by  the  first  hand  of 
the  '  laetioris  sibi'  universally  read  by 
edd.  The  sense  of  'laetioris  ibi'  is 
certainly  preferable. — F.] 

1.  Corbuloni  non  vitatus.  This 
reading,  adopted  by  most  modern  edd. 
from  MS.  Agr.,  comes  nearer  to  that  of 
Med.  (*  Corbulo  non  uitatus')  than  that 
of  *  Corbulo  non  uitavit ',  which  Halm 
has  adopted  from  Bekker.  The  last 
syllable  of  '  Corbuloni'  might  have  been 
lost  in  the  following  *  non '. 

2.  neque  infamia  Paeti  angebatur, 

*  nor  was  he  distressed  about  the  disgrace 
of  Paetus '  ;  he  felt  no  sympathy  for  the 
way  in  which  the  associations  of  the 
place  would  recall  the  memory  of  his 
incapacity,  and  had  no  wish  to  spare  him. 
This  he  showed  by  going  out  of  his  way 
to  keep  it  up  by  sending  his  son  to  com- 
mand the  burying  party.  This  interpre- 
tation seems  to  suit  the  words  and  the 
context  better  than  that  of  Orelli,  Nipp., 
and  Jacob,  who  take  the  meaning  to  be 
that  he  had  no  superstitious  fear  that  the 
spot,  or  the  name  of  Paetus,  had  become 
ominous  of  disaster. 

3.  fllio,  evidently  an  older  son  than  the 
one  mentioned  in  c.  lo,  6. 

4.  reliquias,  the  bones  of  the  dead, 
broken  arms,  &c. :  see  c.  15,  5. 

imperavit,  with  simple  inf. :  cp.  2.  25, 
2,  and  note  ;  Introd.  i.  v.  §  43. 

Tiberius  Alexander.  We  learn  from 
Josephus  (Ant.  20.  5,  2)  that  this  person 
was  son  of  Alexander,  the  brother  of 
Philo  and  Alabarch  of  Alexandria  under 
Tiberius  and  Gains  (Id.  18.  6,  3,  &c.) ; 
also  that  he  renounced  the  Jewish  religion, 
and  was  procurator  of  Judaea  after  Cuspius 


Fadus  (a.  d.  46).  In  A.  D.  67-70  he  was 
praefect  of  Egypt,  and  in  that  position 
gave  valuable  aid  to  the  cause  of  Vespasian 
(H,  I.  II,  2  ;  2.  74,  2  ;  79,  2  ;  Jos.  B.  I. 
2.  15,  i)  ;  which  led  to  his  appointment 
as  lieutenant-general  of  the  forces  under 
Titus  {v&vrojv  rwv  arpaTevjxdTOJv  (irdpxov- 
Tos  Jos,  B.  I.  6.  4,  3).  One  of  his  edicts  in 
Egypt  is  extant,  bearing  date  28  Sept. 
821,  A.  D.  68,  and  giving  his  fall  name 
*  Tiberius  lulius  Alexander '  (C.  I.  G. 
4957).  Nipp.  suggests  that  the  legatus  of 
the  same  name  under  Trajan  (Dio,  68.  30, 
2)  was  probably  his  son. 

5.  inlustris  eques:  cp.  2.  59,  4,  and 
note. 

minister  bello.  Nipp.  renders  *  a  war 
commissary',  to  manage  matters  of  finance 
and  provision,  and  compares  H.  i.  88,  2 
('  non  participes  aut  ministros  bello '). 

Vinicianus  :  so  all  recent  edd.,  after 
Ryck.,  for  the  Med.  '  uinianus  ',  On  his 
father,  the  conspirator  against  Claudius 
(Introd.  p.  11),  see  6.  9,  5,  and  note.  He 
was  probably  brother  of  Annius>  Pollio 
(see  c.  56,  4,  and  note).  Whether  his 
wife  was  the  same  daughter  of  Corbulo 
who  afterwards  married  Domitian  (see  on 
II.  18,  2)  is  unknown. 

6.  nondum  senatoria  aetate,  not  yet  I 
twenty-five  years  old  (see  Dio,  52.  20,  i)  :1 
the  expression  is  used  again  in  H.  4.  42, 
I,  and  *  quaestoria  aetas  '  in  Quint.  12.  6, 
I.  See  also  Momms.  Staatsr.  i.  573,  i. 
The  age  for  equestrian  service  was  eighteen 
(Dio,'l.  1.). 

pro  legato.     He  could  not  be  properly! 
'legatus   legionis';    that   position   being 
always  filled  by  senators,  most  commonly- 
by  men  of  praetorian  rank  (see  on  2.  36,  ' 
i).     A  similar  instance  of  a  knight  *  pro  , 
legato  legionis  '  is  found  in  an  inscription  ] 
cited  by  Nipp.  (C.  I.  L.  iii.  i.  605).     It  is; 
mentioned  by  Dio  (62.  23,  6)  that  Corbulo ; 
sent  him  afterwards  to  escort  Tiridates  to ' 
Rome,   partly  as   a   pledge   of  his  own  j 
fidelity,  which  Nero  recognized  by  makings 
Vinicianus  cos.  suff.,  apparently  in  A.  D.  66 
(Borgh.  CEuvr.  iv.  488),  though  he  had 
never  been  praetor,  and  could  hardly  have 
been   twenty-eight  years    old.      Schiller 


I 
I 


A.  D.  63] 


LIBER  XV,      CAP,  28,  29 


353 


'  quintae  legioni  impositus,  in  castra  Tiridatis  venere,  honori  eius 
ac   ne  metueret  insidias  tali   pignore;    viceni    dehinc    equites 

5  adsumpti.  et  viso  Corbulone  rex  prior  equo  desiluit ;  nee 
cunctatus  Corbulo,  sed  pedes  uterque  dexteras  miscuere. 

1  29.  Exim  Romanus  laudat  iuvenem  omissis  praecipitibus  tuta  5 

2  et  salutaria  capessentem :  ille  de  nobilitate  generis  multum 
praefatus  cetera  temperanter  adiungit :  iturum  quippe  Romam 
laturumque  novum  Caesari  decus,  non  adversis  Parthorum  rebus 

3  supplicem  Arsaciden.  turn  placuit  Tiridaten  ponere  apud  effigiem 
Caesaris  insigne  regium  nee  nisi  manu  Neronis  resumere  ;  et  con-  10 

4  loquium  osculo  finitum.  dein  paucis  diebus  interiectis  magna 
utrimque  specie  inde  eques  compositus  per  turmas  et  insignibus 


gives  reasons  (p.  202, 2)  for  thinking  that 
Dio  must  be  in  error,  and  that  some  lesser 
distinction  must  have  been  given.  Vinici- 
anus  is  thought  to  have  been  afterwards 
the  leader  of  what  Suet.  (Ner.  36)  men- 
tions as  the  *  coniuratio  Viniciana ', 
formed  at  Beneventum  and  detected  after 
that  of  Piso,  on  which  see  Appendix  to 
Book  16. 

1.  honori  eius.  Most  edd.  read, after 
G,  *  honore ' ;  which  is  a  slighter  correc- 
tion of  the  Med.  'honor'  and  might  be 
taken  as  a  causal  abl. ;  but  the  dat.,  as 
read  by  Halm,  Nipp,,  and  Dr.,  after  Lips, 
(see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  23),  gives  a  better 
sense,  and  the  parallel  passage  in  H.  i. 
44,  3  (where  Med.  has  *non  honore 
Galbae ')  has  been  also  corrected  to  dat. 
The  change  of  construction  ('  honori  .  .  . 
ac  ne ')  resembles  others  noted  in  Introd. 
i.  v.  §91,8. 

2.  tali  pignore,  abl.  abs. 

4.  uterque.  The  use  of  this  pronoun 
with  pi.  predicate  (cp.  4.  34,  6  ;  H.  2. 
97.  I  ;  3-  IS,  2  ;  4.  34,  i),  on  the  analogy 
of  collectives  (Dr.  Synt.  und  Stil,  §  29  b), 
is  not  found  in  Cic,  rarely  in  classical 
prose  (e.  g.  Caes.  B.  C.  3.  30,  3 ;  Sail. 
Cat.  49,  2),  more  commonly  in  older 
Latin  and  in  the  silver  age. 

dexteras  miscuere,  noted  by  Dr.  as 
a  new  phrase  for  '  dexteras  iunxere  '.  In 
illustration  of  the  sacredness  of  this 
pledge  among  Eastern  races  Lips,  cites 
the  account  of  Artabanus  in  Jos.  Ant.  18. 
9,  3  (Tr]V  Sf^tdv  (8i5ov,  oirep  fiiyiCTOV  TtapcL 
irdai  rois  (fC(ivT)  ^ap^apois  irapdSeiyfia  tov 
Oapadv  yivtrai  tois  ojxiKovaiv)  :  cp.  '  reno- 
vari  dextras'  (2.  58,  i). 

5.  praecipitibus,  'desperate  coun- 
sels':   cp.    2.    39,    3;    also    '  praeceps 


consilium'   (Suet.  Aug.   8),    'cogitatio* 
(Id.  Cal.  48). 

7.  temperanter,  *  modestly.'  This 
adverb  is  very  rare  :  in  4.  33,  2  it  has  the 
sense  of  *  discreetly ' ;  so  Cic.  (Att.  9.  2. 
a  2)    opposes   '  temperantius    agere '   to 

*  perdite  se  gerere '. 

8.  non  adversis,  &c.,  i.  e.  he  would 
be  an  Arsacid  appearing  in  the  form  of 
a  suppliant,  but  voluntarily,  not  like  the 
exiled  princes  who  usually  took  refuge  at 
Rome. 

9.  apud  effigiem  Caesaris :  cp.  c.  24,  3, 
and  note,  and  the  similar  symbolical  sub- 
mission of  Zorsines  (12.  17,  3).  [See  also 
Doraaszewski,  Relig.  d.  rom.  Heeres.,  pp.  2, 
foil. ;  cf.  also  C.  I.  L.  14.  3608  '  ignotos 
, . .  reges  signa  Romana  adoraturos'. — P.] 

10.  insigne  regium,  so  used  for  the 

*  diadema*  (§  6)  in  2.  56,  3. 

11.  osculo.  This  mode  of  salutation 
had  been  always  usual  in  the  East  (see 
Hdt.  I.  134,  i),  and  was  adopted  by 
Alexander  (Arr.  7.  il,  10),  and  intro- 
duced at  Rome  apparently  in  the  time  of 
Augustus  (see  Friedl.  i.  142).  Cp.  the 
stipulation  *  neu  .  .  ,  complexu  .  .  . 
arceretur'  (c.  31,  i).  . 

12.  inde  . . .  hinc :  cp,  13.  38,  3,  and 
note. 

eques,  the  Parthian  army,  all  horse- 
men. 

insignibus  patriis,  'with  their 
national  decorations.'  The  construction 
of  this  abl.  must  be  the  same  as  that  of 
the  corresponding  clause,  *  fulgentibus 
aquilis,'  &c.  It  is  perhaps  best  to  take 
them,  with  Nipp.,  as  bold  uses  of  the  abl. 
of  quality,  similar  to  *  legionariis  armis ' 
(3.  43,  2).  Dr.  would  take  the  abl.  as 
that  of  manner ;  but  the  instances  of  this 

a 


354 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  63 


patriis,  hinc  agmina  legionum  stetere  fulgentibus  aquilis  signisque 
et  simulacris  deum  in   modum  templi :   medio  tribunal  sedem  6 
curulem  et  sedes  effigiem  Neronis  sustinebat.     ad  quam  pro-  6 
gressus  Tiridates,  caesis  ex  more  victimis,  sublatum  capiti  diadema 

5  imagini  subiecit,  magnis  apud  cunctos  animorum  motibus,  quos 
augebat  insita  adhuc  bculis  exercituum  Romanorum  caedes  aut 
obsidio:  at  nunc  versos  casus  ;  iturum  Tiridaten  ostentui  genti-  7 
bus  quanto  minus  quam  captivum  ? 

80.  Addidit  gloriae  Corbulo  comitatem  epulasque  ;  et  rogitante  1 

10  rege  causas,  quoties  novum  aliquid  adverterat,  ut  initia  vigiliarum 
per  centurionem  nuntiari,  convivium  bucina  dimitti  et  structam 


are  hardly  so  apposite  (see  Introd.  i.  v. 
§§  28,  29). 

1.  fulgentibus  aquilis,  &c.  On  such 
adornment  in  token  of  rejoicing  see  i. 
24,  4,  and  note. 

2.  simulacris,  &c.,  'with  images  of 
the  gods,  so  as  to  represent  (i.  e.  to  give 

!  the    place    the  sanctity  of)    a    temple.' 
^Nipp.  seems  in  error  in  supposing  that 

the  force  of  *  fulgentibus '  extends  to  this 

clause. 
I     medio,  'between  the  armies'  (cp.  i. 

64,  7)  ;  abl.  of  place  :  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  25. 

3.  efllgiem;  Dio  (62.  23,  3)  uses  the 
pi.  {iiKovis).  Each  legion,  no  doubt,  had 
such  an  effigy,  and  they  may  have  been 
all  collected. 

4.  capiti.  Halm,  Nipp,,  and  Ritt.  here 
retain  the  dat.  (Med.  has  '  sublati  capiti ' 
by  an  error  of  assimilation) ;  which, 
though  such  a  construction  is  ait.  dp.,  can 
be  defended  by  the  analogy  of  that  with 
'abstrahere'  (2.  26,  6),  'detrahere'  (2. 
21,  3), '  extrahere  '  (6.  23,  5),  'deripere' 
(13-  57»  7)  '■  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  15. 
Others  adopt  an  old  correction  *  capite  ', 
and  take  it  as  a  poetical  abl.,  like 
'  tollentes  aequore  currum'  (Sil.  5,  55). 

6.  insita  oculis, '  fixed  in  their  eyes* 
(by  memory) ;  so  used  of  what  is  firmly 
rooted  in  the  mind  or  character  :  cp.  i.  4, 
3;  6.  22,  2;  H.  2.94,  3;&c. 

exercituum,  either  a  rhetorical 
plural  or  =  ' legionum  '  (cp.  i.  52,  3,  and 
note). 

7.  iturum  .  .  .  ostentui,  'he  would 
go  to  be  a  gazing-stock ' :  cp.  '  abiecta 
ostentui'  (r.  29,  4),  and  other  similar 
datives  instanced  in  Introd.  i.  v.  §  23. 

8.  quanto  minus  quam  captivum, 
*  how  little  short  of  a  captive '  »= '  quantum 
abesse  quin  captivus  esset*,  or  *  tantum- 
modo  non  captivum '.     Jacob  notes  that 


such  an  expression  seems  taken  from 
bxiyov  h(Tv,  and  compares  '  quod  paulo 
minus  utrumque  evenit'  (Suet.  Tib.  39), 
and  '  quantulo  minus  quam  congesti  fru- 
menti  pulverem  vidimus'  (Quint.  Decl. 
12.  18). 

9.  gloriae,  *  to  the  glorification  which 
the  homage  of  Tiridates  reflected  upon 
him.' 

rogitante  rege.  The  accus.  would 
rather  have  been  expected  :  cp.  14.  10,  i, 
and  note;  also  c.  51,  i. 

10.  adverterat,  '  had  noticed ' ;  so  in 
4.  54,  2;  12.  51,  5,  &c. 

ut,  *  as  for  instance.' 

initia  vigiliarum.  The  beginning} 
of  each  of  the  four  watches  into  which  1 
the  night  was  divided  was  proclaimed! 
with  the  bucina  (Liv.  7.  35,  i,  &c.),\ 
whence  we  have  such  an  expression  as 
*  tertia  bucina'  (Id.  26.  15,  6).  Thisi 
regulation  devolved  on  the  'centurio' 
primipilus'  (Polyb.  6.  35,  12),  who 
appears  from  this  passage  to  have  also 
reported  the  hour  to  the  general.  On  the 
general  watch  system  of  the  Romans  see 
Marquardt,  Staatsv.  ii.  420,  foil. 

1 1 .  convivium  bucina  dimitti.  Po-| 
lybius  mentions  (14.  3,  6)  the  custom  of' 
soundint^  all  the  bugles  and  trumpets  at 
the  beeinningof  the  first  night  watch,  Karh 
rbv  rov  hd-nvov  Kaipov.  This  would  rather 
mean  the  beginning  than  the  end  of 
dinner-time,  and  appears  to  correspond  to 
the  time  when  the  general  dismissed  his 
council  ('  praetorium ')  :  cp.  Liv.  30.  5, 
3  *  ubi,  praetorio  dimisso,  signa  con- 
cinuissent  .  .  .  sub  occasum  solis  ...  ad 
primam  ferme  vigiliam '.  It  is  probable, 
though  apparently  not  otherwise  known, 
that  both  the  beginning  and  end  of 
dinner-time  were  marked  by  a  bugle-call. 

structam    .  .  .   aram  .  .  .  accendi. 


A.  D.  63] 


LIBER  XV,      CAP.  29-31 


355 


ante  augurale  aram  subdita  face  accendi,  cuncta  in  maius  attoUens 
2  admiratione  prisci  moris  adfecit.  postero  die  spatium  oravit  quo 
tantum  itineris  aditurus  fratres  ante  matremque  viseret ;  obsidem 
interea  filiam  tradit  litterasque  supplices  ad  Neronem. 
1  31.  Et  digressus  Pacorum  apud  Medos,  Vologesen  Ecbatanis  5 
repperit  non  incuriosum  fratris :  quippe  et  propriis  nuntiis  a 
Corbulone  petierat  ne  quam  imaginem  servitii  Tiridates  per- 
ferret  neu  ferrum  traderet  aut  complexu  provincias  obtinentium 
arceretur  foribusve  eorum  adsisteret,  tantusque  ei  Romae  quantus 


Dr.  and  others  would  understand  these 
words  of  kindling  fire  upon  an  altar  (like 
'  adolere  aras '  or  '  altaria ') ;  but  the  whole 
(sentence  seems  certainly  to  point  to  such 
ian  interpretation  as  that  of  Nipp.,  that 
Ithe  altar  itself  was  a  kind  of  pyre  of  com- 
jbustible  materials,  and  was  set  on  fire. 
•Whether  its  purpose  was  to  light  the 
jcamp,  to  consume  the  libations  of  the 
(feast,  or  to  pay  respect  to  the  divinities 
I  of  the  night,  is  wholly  unknown.  It 
i  seems  distinct  from  the  regular  altar  for 
{camp  sacrifices  (Marquardt,  ii.  412,  4). 

1.  augurale,  perhaps  here  a  name  for 
the  '  praetorium  itself:  see  2.  13,  i,  and 
note. 

attollens,  so  used  of  rhetorical 
exaggeration  in  H.  i.  70,  2  ;  90,  2,  &c., 
and  here  suitably  to  the  general  descrip- 
tion given  (c.  26,  3  ;  13. 8,  4)  of  Corbulo's 
grandiloquence.  The  mention  of  *  prisci 
moris  admiratio '  may  imply  that  he 
dilated  on  the  antiquity  of  these  customs, 
perhaps  to  suggest  a  contrast  between 
the  ancient  greatness  of  Rome  and  the 
comparatively  modem  empire  of  the 
Arsacidae. 

2.  adfecit.  Ritt.  inserts  '  eum  '  after 
♦admiratione',  and  Jacob  notes  that  the 
pronoun  is  usually  in  such  cases  expressed 
by  Tacitus  (cp.  14.  10,  i ;  16.  14,  6 ;  17, 
4,  &c.) ;  but  the  omission  is  not  harsher 
than  that  in  many  other  places  (see 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  8). 

spatium,  sc.  'temporis*,  as  in  i.  35, 
7;  Agr.  22,  I,  &c. 

3.  fratres,  c.  31,  i.  The  statement  of 
Dio  (62.  23,  4)  that  Monobazus  and 
Vologeses  also  came  to  Corbulo,  is 
certainly,  as  regards  the  latter,  wholly 
inconsistent  with  the  account  of  Tacitus 
here.  Dio  adds  that  they  also  gave 
hostages,  which  may  have  been  the  case 
subsequently  (see  Appendix  to  Book 
16). 


5.  apud  Medos,  in  his  own  kingdom 
(c.  2,  I). 

Ecbatanis.  The  opinion  of  Sir  H. 
Rawlinson,  that  two  distinct  cities  under 
this  name  are  confused  in  ancient  ac- 
counts, will  be  found  stated  and  discussed 
by  Mr.  Vaux  in  D.  of  Geog.  It  will  be 
observed  that  the  place  here  mentioned 
is  contrasted  with  *  apud  Medos ',  and  is 
thus  implied  to  have  been  outside  the 
limits  of  Media  Atropatene ;  which  would 
agree  with  the  site  of  Hamadan,  in  Media 
Magna. 

6.  incuriosum,  with  genit.  in  2.  88,  4, 
&c.  (also  in  PI.  mi.  and  Gell.)  :  for  other 
constructions  see  14.  38,  3,  and  note. 

propriis,  *  special,'  as  distinct  from 
the  joint  embassy  of  c.  27,  i. 

7.  imaginem  servitii,  *^ semblance  of 
subjection  ' :  cp.  c.  14,  3  ;  13.  28,  i,  and 
many  other  passages. 

8.  ferrum,  the  'acinaces'  (cp.  12.  51, 
4,  and  note),  which  was  always  worn  by 
Parthians  :  cp.  /xaxoupocpopeiv  eOoi  avaaiv 
(Jos.  Ant.  18.  2,  4).  Tigranes  had  been 
obliged  to  deliver  his  sabre  to  the  lictors 
of  Pompeius  (Plut.  Pomp.  33,  636) ;  and 
Dio  states  (63.  2,  4)  that  Tiridates,  on 
being  required  to  do  the  same  before  his 
introduction  to  Nero's  presence  (cp.  4. 
21,  3;  II.  22,  i),  refused  to  do  so,  but 
nailed  it  to  the  scabbard.  1 

complexu,  the  same  as  the  *  osculum '  f 
of  c.  29,  3.     Vologeses  stipulates  that  his 
brother  shall  receive  from  the  governors . 
of  all  provinces  through  which  he  passes, 
this  mark  of  respect,  which  appears  toj 
have  been  rigidly  limited  to  persons  of{ 
high  rank.     Septimius  Severus  is  stated] 
(Vit.    2,  6),  when  he  was    a   legatus   in' 
Africa,  to    have  put   to  death  one  who 
embraced  him  as  an  old  friend,  with  the' 
words   '  legatum   P.    R.   homo    plebeius< 
temere  amplecti  noli '. 

9.  foribusve  eorum  adsisteret,  '  or 


Aai  2, 


35^ 


CORN  ELI  I  TACITI  AN N A  LIU M 


[A.  D.  63 


consulibus    honor    esset.      scilicet    externae    superbiae    sueto  2 
non   inerat   notitia  nostri   apud   quos  vis  imperii  valet,  inania 
tramittuntur. 

32.  Eodem  anno  Caesar  nationes  Alpium  maritimarum  in  ius  1 
5  Latii  transtulit.      equitum   Romanorum    locos   sedilibus   plebis  2 
anteposuit  apud  circum  ;  namque  ad  earn  diem  indiscreti  inibant, 
quia  lex  Roscia  nihil  nisi  de  quattuordecim  ordinibus  sanxit. 
spectacula  gladiatorum  idem  annus  habuit  pari   magnificentia  3 


be  kept  waiting  at  their  doors '  (for  an 
interview).  The  insolence  of  the  great 
at  Rome  in  this  respect  is  often  noted 
(see  4.  74,  5,  &c.) ;  that  the  right  of 
admission  to  a  provincial  governor  was 
also  jealously  guarded,  is  shown  by  the 
contrast  implied  by  Cicero  (ad  Att.  6.  2, 
5)  to  his  own  conduct  (*  aditus  autem  ad 
me  minime  provinciales  ;  nihil  per  cubi- 
cularium'),  also  in  later  times  by  the 
evidence  of  Salvianus  (de  Gub.  Dei  3.  82) 
cited  by  Lips. 

1 .  externae  superbiae,  '  barbaric 
pomp '  (cp.  *  more  extemo '  2.  3,  5,  &c.)  : 
the  case  is  best  taken  as  dat.,  as  also 
I.  31,  4  (where  see  note).  Dr.  less  well 
explains  both  passages  to  be  genitives,  on 
the  analogy  of  that  with  *  insolens  '. 

2.  apud  quos,  referring  to  *  nostri '. 
vis    imperii   valet,    '  the    reality  of 

dominion  is  valued ' :  '  vis '  is  opposed 
to  '  inania '  (vanities  of  etiquette),  as  in 
c.  14,  3  to  *  imago  *. 

3.  tramittuntxir,  *  are  passed  over' 
(not  cared  for):  cp.  4.  55,  3  ;  16.  12,  3, 
&c.;  also  in  Curt.  9.  4,  17  ;  Stat.  Th.  8, 
596.  With  this  sentence  closes  the  ac- 
count of  Eastern  affairs  in  the  extant 
Eooks  of  the  Annals. 

4.  Alpium  maritimarum.  Along 
the  coast  the  limits  of  Italy  extended  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Var  (Introd.  i.  vii. 
p.  92)  ;  but  the  inland  mountain  district 
drained  by  that  river,  including  part  of 
the  French  departments  of  the  Basses 
Alpes  and  Nice,  was  formed  by  Augustus 
in  740,  B.  C.  14  (Dio,  54.  24,  3)  into  a 
small  province  under  an  equestrian  pro- 
curator (Strab.  4.  6,  4,  203)  :  cp.  H.  2. 
12,  5  ;  3.  42,  3,  and  other  references  given 
in  Marquardt,  Staatsv.  i.  p.  127;  also 
C.  I.  L.  1 2,  Introd.  p.  xiii. 

ius  Latii.  This  ancient  status,  which, 
as  regards  all  communities  within  Italy, 
had  long  since  merged  in  full  Roman 
citizenship,  was  a  great  privilege  to  pro- 


vincials, and  an  important  stepping-stone  \ 
by  which  many  acquired  the  *  civitas ' :  1 
cp.  Plin.  Pan.  37  (*  novi  seu  per  Latium  > 
in  civitatem  seu  beneficio  principis  venis- 
sent').     Augustus  gave  it  to  many  (Suet. 
47),  and  other  emperors  still  more  freely 
(cp.   *  Latium  extemis   dilargiri '   H.   3. 
55»  2). 

5.  equitum,  &c.     The  statements  on 
this    subject    are   not   easy   to   reconcile 
with  each  other.     It  would  appear  from 
Suet.  CI.  21,  and  from  this  passage,  that 
neither  senators,  till  the  time  of  Claudius, 
nor  knights,  previous  to  this  regulation, 
had   any   distinct   places   at   the   circus ; 
whereas  other  authorities  make  such  dis- 
tinctions to  have  been    of  much   earlier  1 
date,  or  even  of  primitive  institution  (Liv.  j 
I.  35,  8).      It  would  seem  that    'indis-'' 
creti '  is  an  exaggeration,  and  that  senators  i 
in  Republican    times,  and  knights  also  ; 
from  the  year  A.  D.  4  (Dio,  55.  22,4),  i 
sat  by  custom  in  some  way  separate  from 
the  populace,  but   that  the   formal  and 
permanent  setting  apart  of  a  portion  of 
reserved  seats  for  the  former  may  be  dated 
from  the  time  of  Claudius  (Dio,  60.  7,  3), 
and   for  the   latter  from   this  time   (see ' 
Momms.  Staatsr.  iii.  520,  6  ;  Marquardt,  j 
iii.  507).     The  position  is  to  be  gathered  ; 
from  Plin.  N.  H.  8.  6,  7,  21  ('Caesar  j 
dictator  .  .  .  euripis  arenam  circumdedit, 
quos  Nero  princeps   sustulit,  equiti   loca 
addens '). 

7.  lex  Boscia,  that  of  Roscius  Otho, 
trib.  pi.  in  687,  B.  c.  67,  by  which  the 
*  quattuordecim  ordines '  (6.  3,  i)  next 
above  the  orchestra  (which  was  reserved 
for  senators)  were  set  apart  for  the 
knights  (Liv.  Epit.  99).  Tacitus  means  j 
here  that  this  law  applied  to  the  theatre 
alone. 

8.  spectacula,  &c.  It  is  suggested 
that  these  games  were  in  especial  com- 
memoration of  the  birth  of  the  child 
(c.  33,  I). 


A.  D.  63] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.  31-33 


357 


ac  priora ;   sed  feminarum  inlustrium  senatorumque  plures  per 
arenam  foedati  sunt. 

1  33.  C.  Laecanio  M.  Licinio  consulibus  acriore  in  dies  cupidine 
adigebatur  Nero  promiscas  scaenas  frequentandi :  nam  adhuc  per 
domum  aut  hortos  cecinerat  luvenalibus  ludis,  quos  ut  parum  5 

2  Celebris  et  tantae  voci  angustos  spernebat.  non  tamen  Romae 
incipere  ausus  Neapolim  quasi  Graecam  urbem  delegit :  inde 
initium  fore  ut  transgressus  in  Achaiam  insignisque  et  antiquitus 

3  sacras  coronas  adeptus  maiore  fama  studia  civium  eliceret.     ergo 


I.  plures,  *  more  than  before.'  Tacitus 
I  had   previously  mentioned  only  the   ap- 
j  pearance  of  well-known   knights  in   the 
!  arena  (14.  14,  6),  and  that  of  persons  of 
j  great  senatorial  families  (14.  14,  5),  and 
'  even  of  high  public  honours  (14.  15,  2), 
;  as  also  that  of  women  of  rank  (14.  15,  3) 
on  the  pantomimic  stage.  But  the  expres- 
sion used  here  gives  support  to  the  state- 
ments of  Suet,  and  Dio,  who  make  senators 
as  well  as  knights,  and  women  belonging 
to  families  of  both  these  ranks,  appear 
also  in  the  amphitheatre  and  in  the  circus 
as  early  as  812,  a.  d.  59,  or  even  earlier 
(see  notes  on  14.  14,  5,  6).      Such  ex- 
i  hibitions  of  women  were  still  one  of  the 
:  great  scandals  of  Juvenal's  time  (see  Sat. 
I,  22,  and  Prof.  Mayor  ad  loc. ;  also  2, 
53;  6,   246-267),  and  continued  till  the 
end  of  the  second  century,  when,  by  an 
edict  of  Septimius  Severus,  €kwXv6tj  fjLTjKen 
firjSefuav   yvvaiKa    firjSafioBev    fjLovofMXfiV 
(Dio,  75.  16,  i). 

per  arenam,  i.  e.  by  their  appearance 
in  it  (Nipp.). 

3.  C.  Laecanio  M.  Licinio.  The  full 
names  are  given  in  a  militaiy  diploma 
(C.  I.  L.  iii.  2,  p.  846)  as  C.  Laecanius 
Bassus  (cp.  also  C.  I.  L.  vi.  i.  2002), 
M,  Licinius  Crassus  Frugi.  The  former, 
who  died  under  Vespasian  (PI.  N.  H. 
26.  I,  4,  5,  where  apparently  *  atque 
Laecanius'  should  be  read  for  *et  Q. 
Lecanius'),  and  appears  from  an  inscrip- 
tion of  the  time  of  Claudius  (C.  I.  L.  v. 
I.  698)  to  have  had  estates  near  Tergeste 
(Trieste),  is  thought  by  Nipp.  to  have 
been  son  of  a  C.  Laecanius  given  in  an 
inscription  as  praet.  urb.  in  a.d.  32. 
The  other  was  son  of  the  cos.  of  a.  d.  27 
(see  4.  62,  I,  and  note),  and  descended 
through  his  mother  Scribonia  from  Pom- 
peius  (see  note  on  2.  27, 2),  and  was  brother 
of  L.  Piso  Frugi  Licinianus,  adopted  by 
Galba  (see  H.  i.  14,  2).  He  appears  to 
]^         have  been  put  to  death  by  Nero,  as  his 


by  Claudius  (H.  i.  48,  i).  Another 
brother  sumamed  Scribonianus  was  alive 
in  A.  D.  69  (H.  I.  47,  4).  For  his  sister 
Licinia  Magna  see  note  on  13.  28,  3. 
Nipp.  notes  an  honorary  inscription  at 
Athens  (C.  I.  Att.  iii.  i.  609)  to  one 
MdpKos  AiKivvios  Kpaffffos  ^povyi,  who  may 
be  this  man  or  his  father. 

4.  adigebatiir,  used  absolutely  (cp. 
12.  20,  2,  and  note;  Agr.  28,  2):  such 
use  appears  to  be  rare,  except  where 
'Sacramento'  is  implied  (H.  4.  15,  1),  or 
where  the  verb  has  a  local  sense,  as  in 
the  phrase  'adigere  naves'  (2.  7,  i,  &c.).  . 

promiscas,  *  open  to  the  public '  (cp.  1 
14.  14,  3).    Suet,  says  (Ner.  20)  that  he 
quoted  a  Greek  proverb  expressing   the 
sentiment  *  occultae  musicae  nullum  esse 
respectum '. 

5.  luvenalibus  ludis:  see  14.  15,  i, 
where  it  appears  that  these  were  held  in 
a  theatre  of  his  own.  See  also  Plin, 
N.  H.  37.  2,  7,  19  (<theatrum  peculiare 
trans  Tiberim  in  hortis,  quod  a  populo 
impleri  canente  se,  dum  Pompeiano  prae- 
ludit,  etiam  Neroni  satis  erat '). 

parum  Celebris,  *  not  thronged 
enough  ' :  cp.  c.  34,  2  ;  13.  47,  2  ;  14.  33, 
I,  &c. 

6.  tantae  voci,  ironical.  The  language 
of  courtiers  spoke  of  his  *  caelestis  vox ' 
(16.  22,  i) ;  but  tradition  calls  it  feeble 
and  hoarse  (' exiguae  vocis  et  fuscae' 
Suet.  Ner.  20 ;  fipaxv  Kal  fiiXav  (pwvrjfia 
€X<"v  Dio,  61.  20,  2). 

non  .  .  .  Bomae.  On  his  appearance 
there  see  16.  4,  2. 

7.  quasi,  'as  being'  (cp.  Introd.  i.  v.] 
§  67).  Neapolis  was  a  colony  from  1 
Cumae,  which  had  been  itself  colonized  i 
from  Chalcis  (Liv.  8.  22,  5  ;  Veil.  i.  4,  i) ;  ; 
and  Greek  institutions,  theatres,  gymnasia,  i 
games,  &c.,  were  there  as  matter  of  course  | 
kept  up. 

9.  coronas,  those  of  the  great  Greek 
games. 

civium,  'the  people  of  Rome'  (cp. 


358 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALWM 


[A.  D.  63 


contractum  oppidanorum  vulgus,  et  quos  e  proximis  coloniis  et 
municipiis  eius  rei  fama  acciverat,  quique  Caesarem  per  honorem 
aut  varies  usus  sectantur,  etiam  militum  manipuli,  theatrum 
Neapolitanorum  complent. 

5      34.  lUic,  plerique  ut  arbitrabantur,  triste,  ut  ipse,  providum  1 
potius  et  secundis  numinibus  evenit:  nam  egresso  qui  adfuerat 
populo  vacuum  et  sine  ullius   noxa  theatrum   conlapsum   est. 
ergo  per  composites  cantus  grates  dis  atque  ipsam  recentis  casus  2 
fortunam  celebrans  petiturusque  maris  Hadriae  traiectus  apud 

10  Beneventum  interim  consedit,  ubi  gladiatorium  munus  a  Vatinio 
celebre  edebatur.     Vatinius  inter  foedissima  eius  aulae  ostenta  3 
fuit,  sutrinae  tabernae  alumnus,  corpore  detorto,  facetiis  scurrili- 
bus ;  primo  in  contumelias  adsumptus,  dehinc  optimi  cuiusque 


C'  36,  4;  3.  59,  6),  in  contrast  to  those 
of  Naples  ('  oppidanorum  '). 

2.  acciverat :  so  Halm  and  Nipp., 
after  MS.  Bud.,  Rhen.,  &c.  Others  re- 
tain the  Med.  'civerat',  which  Dr.  defends 
by  II.  30,  2;  Liv.  9.  39,  8  (*  cietur 
miles'),  &c. 

per  honorem,  &c.,  '  by  way  of  respect 
or  service  of  various  kinds ' :  cp.  '  per 
officium'  (i.  24,  4),  *  per  reverentiam' 
(12.  10,  3),  &c. 

3.  militum,  praetorians. 

5.  triste,  *  something  ill-omened '  : 
on  the  substantival  use  of  this  word  and 

*  providum'  ('providential')  see  Introd. 
i.  v.  §  4.  The  latter  term  is  explained 
by  *  secundis  numinibus ',  which  is  an 
abl.  abs.  The  Med.  *  arbitrantur '  would 
imply  that  such  belief  was  still  held  in 
the  historian's  time,  or  by  writers  whom 
he  follows,  but  does  not  go  so  well  with 
*ut  ipse'.  The  correction  of  Rhen.  as 
above  is  generally  followed. 

7.  conlapsum  est.  Suet.  (Ner.  20) 
/says  that  the  fall  was  due  to  an  earth- 
f  quake,  and  that  Nero  insisted  on  finishing 

his  performance,  even  after  the  first  shock 
was  felt. 

8.  compositos,  apparently  rightly  ex- 
plained by  Nipp.  to  mean  *  elaborated ' 
(cp.  6.  24,  3;  16.  4,  4,  &c.),  not  merely 
extemporized.  It  appears  to  be  implied 
that  they  were  composed  by  himself. 

grates,  used  by  zeugma  with  the  aoristic 

*  celebrans ',  taken  in  the  sense  of*  agens '. 

9.  Hadriae.  This  form  of  the  name 
of  the  Hadriatic  is  used  several  times  in 
Horace,  also  in  H.  3.  42,  2  ;  and  in 
Lucan,  Mela,  PI.  ma. 

traiectus,    so    used  of    a  place    of 


crossing  in  Bell.  Al.  56,  5 ;  PI.  N.  H.  6. 
23,  26,  98. 

10.  Beneventum.  This  town  lay  on 
the  Appian  way  (Hor.  Sat.  i.  5,  71),  by 
which  Nero  was  journeying  to  Brundi- 
sium.  It  was  the  native  town  of  Vatinius ; 
see  Juv.  quoted  below. 

11.  celebre.     Cp.  c.  33,  i. 
ostenta,  *  monstrosities '.    The  word  is 

equivalent  to  *  monstrum ',  *  portentum,' 
and  '  prodigium '  (Cic.  N.  D.  2.  3.  7) ; 
and  is  so  used  of  Vitellius  in  H.  3.  56,  2. 

12.  sutrinae  tabernae.  He  was  also 
either  a  manufacturer  of  cheap  drinking 
cups,  or  in  some  other  way  gave  his 
name  to  such:  cp.  Mart.  10.  3,  4;  14. 
96,  I  ('  vilia  sutoris  calicem  monumenta 
Vatini');  Juv.  5,  46  (' tu  Beneventani 
sutoris  nomen  habentem  Siccabis  cali- 
cem '). 

corpore  detorto :  cp.  the  description 
of  Paelignus  in  12.  49,  1.  The  long  nose 
of  Vatinius  is  satirized  in  Martial  1.  1. 
('  sed  nasus  longior  ille  fuit'). 

facetiis  scurrilibus,  abl.  of  quality 
(answering  to  '  corpore  detorto ') :  see 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  29. 

1 3.  in  contumelias,  *  to  be  a  mark  for 
insults'  (a  laughing-stock).  Such  was 
often  the  position  of  a  parasite  even  in 
old  times ;  and  there  is  abundant  evi- 
dence that  regular  persons  to  jest  and  be 
jested  at,  called  'copreae'  (Suet.  Tib.  61, 
&c.),  and  usually  chosen  on  the  ground 
of  some  personal  deformity,  were  an  in- 
stitution of  the  imperial  court  (see  Fried  1. 
Sitteng.  i.  p.  134).  Among  such  may 
be  mentioned  Sarmentus  (the  quality  of 
whose  jests  may  be  judged  from  Hor. 
Sat.  I.  5,  51,  foil.)  and  Gabba  (or  Galba) 


A.  D.  64I 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.  33-35 


359 


criminatione  eo  usque  valuit  ut  gratia  pecunia  vi  nocendi  etiam 
malos  praemineret. 

1  35.  Eius  munus  frequentanti  Neroni  ne  inter  voluptates  quidem 

2  a  sceleribus  cessabatur.     isdem  quippe   illis  diebus  Torquatus 
Silanus  mori  adigitur,  quia  super  luniae  familiae  ciaritudinem  5 

3  divum   Augustum   abavum   fereba;t.      iussi   accusatores   obicere 
prodigum  largitionibus,  neque  aliam  spem  quam  in  rebus  novis 

I   esse:  quin  inter  libertos  habere  quos  ab  epistulis  et  libellis  et 
rationibus    appellet,    nomina    summae   curae    et    meditamenta. 


under  Augustus  (Juv.  5,  4),  Paelignus  in 
the  household  of  Claudius  (12.  49,  i), 
and  Crispinus,  the  '  purpureus  .  .  .  scurra 
Palati'  (Juv.  4,  31)  under  Domitian. 

optimi  cTiiusque:  ace.  to  Dio  (63. 
15,  i),  he  was  the  author  of  the  saying 
fuffw  (Tf,  Kcuira/),  on.  avyKkijTiKos  e?, 

1 .  etiam  malos  ;  i.  e.  only  the  bad 
rose  at  Nero's  court,  and  he,  as  the 
worst,  rose  even  among  them :  on  the  use 
of  *  praeminere '  with  accus.  cp.  3.  56,  2, 
and  note.  In  H.  i.  37,  8  Vatinius  is 
mentioned  with  the  rich  and  rapacious 
freedmen  of  Nero.  Nothing  is  known 
respecting  the  allusion  in  Dial.  11,  a, 
where  Matemus  is  made  to  say  '  impro- 
bam  et  studiorum  quoque  sacra  profa- 
nantem  Vatinii  potentiam  fregi'.  The 
allusion  in  Hist.  1.  1.  implies  that  he  was 
then  dead. 

4.  Torquatus  Silanua:  for  his  full 
name,  &c.,  see  12.  58,  i,  and  note.  Dio 
(62.  37,  2)  puts  his  death  in  the  following 
year. 

5.  mori  adigitur:  cp.  13.  25,  a. 
ciaritudinem,  'the  nobiUty':  the  gens 

lunia  included  many  very  distinguished 
plebeian  families,  the  Bruti,  Bubulci, 
Norbani,  &c. 

6.  abavum:  so  all  recent  edd.,  after 
Ryck  and  Ruperti,  for  the  Med.  'atauum' ; 
which,  if  sound,  must  be  taken  as  an  error 
of  the  author  (see  the  pedigree  in  Introd. 
i.  ix.  p.  139).     Cp.  14.  53,  3,  and  note. 

ferebat,  *  displayed ' :  cp.  *  avunculum 
Augustum  ferens'  (2.  43,  6),  and  the  fuller 
expression  *  prae  se  ferre '  (G.  39,  3 ;  Agr. 
43-  3),  &c. 

7-  prodigum, '  that  he  had  wasted  his 
fortune '.  Dio  (1. 1.)  suggests  that  he  may 
have  designedly  impoverished  himself  to 
escape  the  peril  of  being  rich. 

8.  quin  inter  libertos  :  so  Andresen 
for  the  Med.  '  quine  ||  Innobiles.'  Halm 
and  Dr.  give  *  quin  eum  inter  libertos ', 


while  the  ed.  Bip.  followed  by  Becher 
reads  *  quin  eum  libertos'.  Many  edd.  have 
followed  Rhen.in  correcting  to  'quin  eum 
nobiles';  but  it  was  evidently  impossible 
to  suppose  that,  at  a  time  when  those 
holding  such  departments  in  the  household 
of  Caesar  (see  on  1 1.  29,  i)  were  as  yet  no 
more  than  freedmen  (see  H.  i.  58,  i), 
any  private  citizen  should  have  had 
persons  of  any  higher  rank  so  designated  ; 
and  it  is  plain  from  16.  8,  i  that  the 
persons  so  styled  were  freedmen,  and  that 
the  charge  was  that  he  had  dared  to  give 
persons  in  his  household  the  titles  borne 
by  the  chief  freedmen  of  Caesar.  The 
alteration  of  text  here  adopted  is  certainly 
violent,  but  would  have  the  merit  of  more 
evidently  expressing  what  is  meant  than 
*  quin  immo  viles '  (Rup.)  or  '  quin  eum 
ignobiles  habere'  (Ritt.),  which  are  cer- 
tainly nearer  to  the  MS.  text.  Orelli 
would  read  '  quin  eum  habere '  (bracket- 
ing '  nobiles '  as  an  ignorant  gloss)  ;  and 
many  other  attempts  at  correction  may 
be  seen  in  his  critical  note  and  those  of 
Halm  and  Walther.  This  restrictio*^  of 
titles  originally  supposed  to  be  such  as 
might  be  borne  by  the  freedmen  of  any 
great  house,  is  a  fact  to  be  noted  ;  the 
restriction  was  probably  due  to  Claudius : 
see  Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  837,2 ;  Hirschf.3t, 
I.  It  is  also  probable  (Momms.  iii.  558, 
i)  that  the  title  of  procurator  gradually 
became  similarly  restricted. 

9.  nomina  summae  c\irae  et  modi* 
tamenta,  '  titles  of  th  e  highest  (i.  e.  of 
imperial)  duties,  and  a  preparation  for 
them'  (an  evident  prelude  to  an  attempt 
for  the  principate).  Cp.  *  tamquam  dis- 
poneret  iam  imperii  curas'  (16.  8,  i). 
'  Meditamentum  '  (not  found  before 
Tacitus)  is  so  used  of  military  operations 
undertaken  to  train  soldiers  for  war  in 
H.  4.  26,  3.  Cp.  'meditans'  in  3.  31,  3, 
&c.,  '  meditamina  belli '  in  Sil.  8,  326. 


360 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  64 


turn  Intimus  quisque  libertorum  vincti  abreptique ;  et  cum  dam-  4 
natio  instaret,  brachiorum  venas  Torquatus  interscidit ;  secutaque  5 
Neronis  oratio  ex  more,  quamvis  sontem  et  defensioni  merito 
diffisum  victurum  tamen  fuisse  si  clementiam  iudicis  expectasset. 

5      36.  Nee  multo  post  omissa  in  praesens  Achaia  (causae  in  in-  1 
certo  fuere)  urbem  revisit,  provincias  Orientis,  maxime  Aegyptum, 
secretis  imaginationibus  agitans.     dehinc  edicto  testificatus  non  2 
longam  sui  absentiam  et  cuncta  in  re  publica  perinde  immota 
ac  prospera  fore,  super  ea  profectione  adiit  Capitolium.     illic  3 

10  veneratus  deos,  cum  Vestae  quoque  templum   inisset,  repente 
cunctos  per  artus  tremens,  seu  numine  exterrente,  seu  facinorum 
recordatione  numquam  timore  vacuus,  deseruit  inceptum,  cunctas 
sibi  curas  amore  patriae  leviores  dictitans.    vidisse  maestos  civium  4 
vultus,  audire  secretas  querimonias,  quod  tantum  itineris  aditurus 

15  esset,  cuius  ne  modicos  quidem  egressus  tolerarent,  sueti  adversum 


1 


1.  cum  damnatio  instaret.  The 
reasons  for  thus  anticipating  sentence  are 
given  in  6.  29,  i. 

2.  interscidit:  for  this  verb  (w^hich 
appears  to  be  nowhere  else  so  used) 
Zumpt  (see  Halm,  Not.  Crit.)  would  read 

*  intercidit',  from  comparison  of  16.  14,  6 
(where  see  note) ;  but  *  venas  abscindere ' 
is  used  in  c.  69,  3;  16.  11,  4;  and  it  is 
characteristic  of  Tacitus  thus  to  invent 
new  expressions  for  facts  often  mentioned 
(see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  93). 

3.  ex  more.  Compare  the  expressions 
of  Nero  at  the  trial  of  Antistius  (14.  49, 
4),  and  the  similar  language  of  Tiberius 
in    2.    31,   4.     As    Nero    calls    himself 

*  iudex ',  it  is  probable  that  Silanus  had 
been  tried  personally  before  him  (cp.  1 1 . 
2,  I,  &c.)  ;  but  a  sentence  passed  by  the 
senate  could  equally  have  been  modified 
by  his  tribunitian  power. 

quamvis  = '  quantumvis.' 

5.  in  praesens :  for  his  intention  see 
c-  33>  2  ;  for  its  subsequent  execution  see 
Appendix  to  Book  16. 

7.  secretis  imaginationibus  agitans, 

*  contemplating  in  his  private  thoughts  ' : 

*  agitare  provincias  '  is  a  concise  expres- 
sion   for   *  agitare    iter    ad    provincias '. 

*  Imaginatio,'  used  only  here  in  Tacitus, 
is  found  earlier  only  in  PI.  N.  H.  20.  7, 
26,  68  ('imaginationes  in  somno ') :  cp. 

*  imaginari '  (c.  69,  4),  and  the  subjective 
sense  of 'imago'  (i.  62,  3,  &c.). 

9.  super,  '  about,'  i.  e.  as  Nipp.  ex- 
plains, to  pray  for  protection  and  to  offer 
vows  for  his  return 


10.  Vestae,  the  temple  of  Vesta,  near 
the  Forum.  A  general  reason  for  the 
adoration  of  this  goddess  on  such  occa- 
sions is  given  in  Cic.  N.  D.  2.  27,  67  (*  vis 
eius  ad  aras  et  focos  pertinet.  Itaque  in 
ea  dea,  quae  est  rerum  custos  intimarum, 
omnis  et  precatio  et  sacrificatio  extrema 
est').  Professor  Holbrooke  suggests  that 
Nero  went  there  to  bid  a  solemn  farewell 
to  the  Penates  of  Rome. 

11.  numine  exterrente.  According 
to  Suet.  (Ner.  19) '  consurgenti  ei  primum 
lacinia  obhaesit,  deinde  tanta  oborta  caligo 
est  ut  dispicere  non  posset '. 

12.  numquam  timore  vacuus:  cp. 
14.  10,  5;  16.  15,  2;  Suet.  Ner.  46; 
Introd.  pp.  65,  78. 

deseruit  inceptum.  According  to 
Suet.  (19),  '  Alexandrina  (peregrin atione) 
ipso  profectionis  die  destitit.'  That  pre- 
paration had  been  already  made  for  him 
at  Alexandria  is  to  be  gathered  from 
Suet.  35.  Schiller  thinks  (p.  181)  that 
the  cause  for  the  change  of  plan  may  be 
found  in  some  hint  of  the  Pisonian 
conspiracy. 

cunctas . . .  curas  = '  omnia  quae  curae 
essent'  (Orelli),  'all  his  interests.' 

13.  dictitans,  i.  e.  in  another  edict. 

14.  tantum  itineris.  Halm  and  Nipp. 
follow  Heins.  in  inserting  this  genit. 
(which  he  had  placed  after  'esset'),  on 
comparison  with  c.  30,  2  ;  Agr.  33,  5. 
Orelli  follows  the  older  edd.,  who,  by  a 
somewhat  less  violent  change,  inserted 
'iter'  (after  G.);  Madvig  (Adv.  ii.  557) 
would  read  '  tantum  abiturus ' ;  but  *  tan- 


I 


A.  D.  64] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.  35-37 


361 


5  fortuita  aspectu  principis  refoveri.     ergo  ut  in  privatis  necessitu- 
dinibus  proxima  pignora  praevalerent,  ita  populum  Romanum 

6  vim  plurimam  habere  parendumque  retinenti.     haec  atque  talia 
plebi  volentia  fuere,  voluptatum  cupidine  et,  quae  praecipua  cura 

7  est,  rei  frumentariae  angustias,  si  abesset,  metuenti.     senatus  et  5 
primores  in  incerto  erant  procul  an  coram  atrocior  haberetur: 
dehinc,  quae  natura  magnis  timoribus,  deterius  credebant  quod 
evenerat. 

1  87.  Ipse  quo  fidem  adquireret  nihil  usquam  perinde  laetum 
sibi,  publicis  locis  struere  convivia  totaque  urbe  quasi  domo  uti.  10 

2  et  celeberrimae  luxu  famaque   epulae  fuere   quas   a  Tigellino 
paratas  ut  exemplum   referam,  ne  saepius  eadem   prodigentia 

3  narranda  sit.     igitur  in  stagno  Agrippae   fabricatus  est  ratem 
cui  superpositum  convivium  navium  aliarum  tractu  moveretur. 


turn'   hardly  seems    able    to    bear    the 
meaning  of '  tarn  diu '  or  *  tam  longe '. 

1.  fortuita,  'chance  misfortunes':  so 
'  firmior  adversus  fortuita '  (H.  4.  5,  2). 

ut,  &c.,  *as  in  private  ties  the  nearest 
I  are  dearest' :  so  *  pignora',  without  genit., 
for  pledges  of  affection,  in  c.  57,  3 ;  Agr. 

38,1. 

2.  The  Med.  text  as  it  stands  hardly 
seems  to  be  beyond  what  so  concise  an 
author  might »  possibly  have  written. 
Halm  however  (ed.  4)  follows  Wurm  in 
inserting  *  in  republica '  after  *  ita ',  while 
Ritter  inserts  *  publice '  and  Andresen 
*  apud  se ',  a  former  conjecture  of  Halm's. 

4.  volentia,  *  welcome '  (  = '  quae  vole- 
bant'),  as  in  H,  3.  52,  4:  so  'volentia 
plebi  facturus'  (Sail.  H.  4.  31  D,  56  K, 
33  G). 

voluptatum,  &c.  "While  he  was  absent, 
their  amusements  were  in  abeyance,  and 
they  could  put  no  pressure  on  him  to 
lower  the  price  of  com.  The  two  things, 
besides  being  the  chief  objects  of  the 
people  ('  panem  et  Circenses '),  were  con- 
nected, as  the  games  gave  occasion  for 
expressions  of  discontent  (6.  13,  i,  &c.). 
For  the  coordination  of  causal  abl.  and 
participle  see  Introd.  1.  v.  §  91,  3. 

6.  haberetur,  *  whether  they  would 
have  him.'  Nipp.  compares  '  habebantur ' 
in  I.  73,  2. 

7.  quod  evenerat,  the  alternative 
which  had  befallen  them. 

9.  nihil  usquam,  &c.,  'that  he  enjoyed 
no  place  as  much  as  Rome.' 

10.  publicis  locis  :  cp.  Suet.  (Ner.  27), 
'caenitabatque  nonnumquam  et  in  publico, 


naumachia  praeclusa  vel  Martio  Campo 
vel  Circo  Maximo,  inter  scortorum  totius 
urbis  et  ambubaiarum  ministeria.'  He 
adds  that  Nero  often  forced  his  friends  to 
give  such  feasts. 

11.  celeberrimae  luxu  famaque. 
Nipp.  compares  the  expression  in  c.  50, 
4  ('  vita  famaque  laudatum ')  and  thinks 
that  in  both  places  fame  is  spoken  of  as  a 
ground  of  further  fame.  It  seems,  how- 
ever, better  to  take  both  as  Dr.  takes  the 
words  here,  and  to  explain  the  expression 
as  a  kind  of  hendiadys,  here  equivalent  to 

*  fama  propter  luxum '.  It  was  in  its 
extravagance  and  profligacy  that  the 
notoriety  of  this  banquet  consisted.  Dio 
(62, 15)  describes  it  with  many  additiona 
details,  and  makes  it  take  place  in  a 
theatre  or  amphitheatre  where  a  sea-fight 
and  gladiatorial  combat  had  already  been 
held. 

12.  prodigentia:  cp.  13.  i,  4. 

1 3.  stagno  Agrippae.  [Probably  iden- 
tical with  the  A.i/ii/77  mentioned  by  Strabo, 
p.  590,  as  being  near  the '  Euripus '.  Ovid, 
ex  Ponto,  I.  8,  38,  mentions  the  *sta- 
gnum '  and  couples  it  with  the  Euripus  and 
the  Aqua  Virgo  (*  virgineusque  liquor '). 
The  Euripus  was  an  artificial  canal,  sup- 
plied with  water  from  the  Aqua  Virgo 
(Frontinus,  84)  which  it  probably  con- 
veyed to  the  '  lake '.  Gilbert,  Topog.  d. 
Stadt.3.293note,and  Kiepert  and  Huelsen, 

*  Formae  Vrbis  Romae,'  place  it  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Pantheon. — P.] 

14.  navium  aliarum.  The  raft  and 
the  boats  towing  it  are  here  combined,  as 
Nipp.  notes,  in  the  general  idea  *  naves ', 


362 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  64 


naves  auro  et  ebore  distinctae,  remigesque  exoleti  per  aetates  et  4 
scientiam  libidinum  componebantur.  volucris  et  feras  diversis  5 
e  terris  et  animalia  maris  Oceano  abusque  petiverat.  crepidini-  6 
bus  stagni  lupanaria  adstabant  inlustribus  feminis  completa  et 

srontra  scorta  visebantur  nudis  corporibus.    iam  gestus  motusque  7 
obsceni  ;  et  postquam  tenebrae  incedebant,  quantum  iuxta  ne- 
moris  et  circumiecta  tecta  consonare  cantu  et  luminibus  clarescere. 
ipse  per  licita  atque  inlicita  foedatus  nihil  flagitii  reliquerat  quo  8 
corruptior  ageret,  nisi  paucos  post  dies  uni  ex  illo  contaminato- 

10  rum    grege    (nomen   Pythagorae    fuit)   in   modum    sollemnium 
coniugiorum  denupsisset.     inditum  imperatori  flammeum,  missi  9 


tractu,  in  this  sense  almost  wholly 
poetical  (Verg.  G.  3,  183;  Val.  Fl.  6, 
359,  &c.). 

1.  per  aetates,  i.e.  those  of  the  same 
age  and  accomplishment  in  profligacy 
were  grouped  together. 

2.  feras,  &c.  Friedl.  has  collected 
(ii.  353)  instances  of  the  quantity  of 
foreign  animals  brought  together  at 
Roman  public  shows,  as  by  Augustus 
(Mon.  Anc.  4.  39,  and  Momms.  ad  loc), 
Titus  (Suet.  Tit.  7),  and  Trajan  (Dio,  68. 

15.  0- 

diversis,  'distant  :  cp.  i.  17,  5,  and 
note. 

3.  Oceano  abusque  :  for  this  preposi- 
tion cp.  13.  47,  2,  and  note. 

crepidinibus,  local  abl. :  see  Introd. 
i.  V.  §  25. 

5.  iam  gestus,  &c.  Suet.  (Ner.  27) 
speaks  as  if  such  scenes  were  common  : 
'  quoties  Ostiam  Tiberi  deflueret  aut 
Baianum  sinum  praeternavigaret,  dis- 
positae  per  litora  et  ripas  deversoriae 
tabernae  parabantur  insignes  ganea  et 
matronarum  institorio  copas  imitantium 
atque  hinc  inde  hortantium  ut  appelleret.' 

6.  incedebant  =  'ingruebant'.  Tacitus 
uses  this  verb  in  various  metaphorical 
senses  (cp.  i.  5,  2 ;  3.  26,  4 ;  4.  68,  i, 
&c.). 

7.  clarescere :  cp.  *  eloquentia,  sicut 
flamma,  .  .  .  urendo  clarescit'  (Dial.  36, 
i).  This  sense  is  noted  by  Dr.  as  rare, 
and  not  found  before  the  silver  age  (Sen. 
Trag.,  &c.) ;  the  metaphorical  sense  (11. 
16,  5,  &c.)  being  more  common. 

8.  licita  atque  inlicita ;  by  the  former 
such  acts  as  are  not  abhorrent  to  the  law 
of  nature  are  meant :  cp.  '  fas  nefasque ' 
(H.  2.  56,  i;  3.  51,  I). 

9.  contaminatorum  grege,  a  remi- 
niscence of  Hor.  Od.  I.  37,  9. 


10.  Pythagorae,  to  be  taken  as  genit. 
(cp.  14.  50,  I  ;  4.  59,  2,  and  note).  Dio 
(62.  28,  3)  speaks  of  him  as  a  freedman 
and  notes  this  and  another  similar  enormity 
after  the  death  of  Poppaea  (see  16.  6,  i). 
Later  on,  he  says  (63.  13,  2)  kolk  tovtov 
cvviyivovTO  oifia  t^  Nfpojvi  Hvdayopas  fiiv 
ws  dvrjp,  ^iropos  Se  els  71^^17.  Suet.  (Ner. 
29)  substitutes,  apparently  by  error,  the 
name  of  Doryphorus  (see  14.  65,  i)  for 
that  of  Pythagoras :  *  cui  etiam,  sicut  ipsi 
Sporus,  ita  ipse  denupsit,  voces  quoque 
et  heiulatus  vim  patientium  virginum 
imitatus.' 

in  modum,  &c.  Aurelius  Victor  (de 
Caes.  5,  5)  has  evidently  here  followed 
Tacitus  or  his  authorities  :  *  eo  pro'gressus 
est  ut  neque  suae  neque  aliorum  pudicitiae 
parcens,  ad  extremum  amictus  nubentium 
virginum  specie,  palam  senatu,  dote  data, 
cunctis  festa  more  celebrantibus  in  manura 
conveniret  lecto  ex  omnibus  prodigiosis.' 
It  is  more  important  to  note  the  verbal 
resemblance  'in  Sulpicius  Severus  (Chron. 
2.  28,  2),  who  here,  as  elsewhere  (see  on 
c.  44,  6),  can  hardly  be  doubted  to  have 
transcribed  from  Tacitus  :  *  adnotasse 
contentus  sum  hunc  .  .  .  eo  processisse 
ut  .  .  .  Pythagorae  cuidam  in  modum 
solemniorum  coniugiorum  nuberet ;  indi- 
tumque  imperatori  flammeum,  dos  et 
genialis  torus  et  faces  nuptiales,  cuncta 
denique  quae  vel  in  femina  non  sine 
verecundia  conspiciuntur,  spectata.'  Such 
an  outrage  at  a  later  date  is  described  in 
Juv.  2.  117,  foil. 

II.  denupsisset.  On  this  verb  cp.  6. 
27,  I,  and  note. 

imperatori,  emphatic. 

flammeum :  cp.  *  dudum  sedet  ilia 
parato  flammeolo'  (Juv.  10.  333). 

missi.  This  is  the  reading  of  ed. 
Fro  ben.   followed    by  Lips,   and  Nipp. 


A.  D.  64] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.  37,   38 


363 


auspices,  dos  et  genialis  torus  et  faces  nuptiales,  cuncta  denique 
spectata  quae  etiam  in  femina  nox  operit. 

1  38.  Sequitur   clades,  forte   an   dolo  principis  incertum  (nam 
utrumque  auctores  prodidere),  sed  omnibus  quae  huic  urbi  per 

2  violentiam  ignium  acciderunt  gravior  atque  atrocior.     initium  in  5 
ea  parte  circi  ortum  quae  Palatino  Caelioque  montibus  contigua 
est,  ubi  per  tabernas,  quibus  id  mercimonium  inerat  quo  flamma 
alitur,  simul  coeptus  ignis  et  statim  validus  ac  vento  citus  longi- 

3  tudinem  circi  corripuit.     neque  enim  domus  munimentis  saeptae 

4  vel  templa  muris  cincta  aut  quid  aliud  morae  interiacebat.     im-  lo 
petu   pervagatum   incendium   plana  primum,   deinde   in   edita 


I 


(sc.  missi  a  Pythagora).  Med.  gives 
•  misit '.  Other  readings  are  *  visi '  (Rhe- 
nanu),  'missi  et'  (Dod.).  On  the  pre- 
sence of 'auspices'  at  a  marriage  see  ii. 
27, 1,  and  note.  The  whole  passage  there 
may  be  compared  with  this. 

1.  dos:  cp.  'dote  inter  auspices  con- 
signata'  (Suet.  CI.  26).  The  dowry  in 
wealthy  families  appears  to  have  been 
usually  a  million  HS. :  see  2.  86,  2 ; 
Juv.  10.  335. 

genialis  torus  :  cp.  Juv.  1.  1.  The 
Genius  was  apparently  invoked  to  bless 
the  marriage,  that  the  family  might  not 
die    out.    See    Preller,    Myth.    Kom.    i. 

2.  in  femina,  i.e.  when  the  union  is 
not  revolting  to  nature.  For  the  use  of 
*in'  ('in  the  case  of)  cp.  *in  Druso' 

(2.  41,  5). 

3.  incertum.  We  owe  it  to  Tacitus 
that  any  doubt  is  left  on  the  subject. 
Suet.  (Ner.  38)  and  Dio  (62. 16,  i)  follow 
unhesitatingly  those  authors  who  charged 
Nero  with  the  crime ;  the  former  suppos- 
ing that  he  desired  the  glory  of  rebuilding 
Rome  with  grandeur,  the  latter,  that  he 
desired  to  realize  the  spectacle  which 
Priam  had  witnessed.  Pliny  also  (N.  H. 
17.  I,  1,5)  speaks  of,*  Neronis  principis 
incendia  quibus  cremavit  urbem ' ;  and  a 
similar  view  is  taken  by  the  author  of  the 
'Octavia'  (831-833),  and  is  followed  by 
Orosius  (7,  7) ;  while  Sulp.  Severus  (see 
on  c.  40,  3)  more  closely  follows  Tacitus ; 
who  however  at  least  inclines  to  charge 
Nero  with  the  second  outbreak  (c.  40,  3). 

4.  omnibus.  The  most  famous  of  old 
time  was  that  caused  by  the  Gauls  (cp. 
c.  41,  3) ;  the  notices  of  the  principal 
fires  under  the  Empire  are  collected  in 
Friedl.  i.  25,  foil.  Two  under  Tiberius 
have  been  already  mentioned  by  Tacitus 


(4.  64,  i;  6.  45,  i).     The  date  of  out- 
break of  this  fire  is  given  in  c.  41,  3. 

5.  in  ea  parte,  the  eastern  comer  of 
the  Circus. 

7.  tabernas.  Dionysius  says  (3,  38) 
tan  t\  KoX  TTfpl  rbv  lirnubpopiov  6^(u6ev 
kripa  aroa  fiovoartyos,  kpyaar-qpia  ixovaa 
kv  avT^  Kal  oitcTjacis  virkp  avrd.  His 
words  would  imply  that  this  colonnade 
was  not  part  of  the  Circus  itself;  but  it 
might  easily  have  been  the  case  that 
shops  existed  in  many  arches  of  the  outer 
colonnade  of  the  actual  building,  fronting 
outwards,  and  extending  inwards  under 
the  rows  of  seats.  Several  notices  of 
trades  and  callings  carried  on  in  the 
Circus  exist  (see  Friedl.  ii.  286). 

mercimonium,  here  alone  in  Tacitus, 
and  noted  as  an  archaism  (see  Introd.  i.  v. 
§  96),  being  found  previously  only  in 
Plant.  (Amph.  Prol.  i,&c.)  and  Turpilius 
(ap.  Non.  213,  8). 

8.  citus,  probably  best  taken  as  a  par- 
ticiple ('  impelled ')  :  cp.  2.  6,  [the  flames 
were  clearly  driven  by  a  south-east  wind 
along  the  valley  between  the  Palatine  and 
Aventine  hills. — P.] 

9.  domus,  here  '  palaces',  as  opposed 
to  *  insulae '  (cp.  c  41,  i ;  43, 3  ;  6.  45.  !)• 
Such    mansions    usually    stood    isolated 
in  their  own  grounds,  whose  substantial 
boundary   walls,  or  walls   of  protection 
('  munimenta '),     might    arrest     a     fire,  i 
Temples  also   would    often    have    outer  I 
walls  ('  muri ')  surrounding  the  precinct  | 
of  the  actual  structure.     These  two  kinds  1 
of  obstruction   to   fire  are  distinguished 
from  each  other  by  '  vel ',  and  from  all 
others    by    *aut'    (cp.   14.    3,    i,    and 
note). 

10.  impetu, '  impetuously,'  modal  abl. : 
see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  28.  Nipp.  notes  that 
the  words  are  arranged  as  if '  pervagatum' 


3^4 


CORNELIl   TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  64 


adsurgens  et  rursus  inferiora  populando,  antiit  remedia  velocitate 
mail  et  obnoxia  urbe  artis  itineribus  hucque  et  illuc  flexis  atque 
enormibus  vicis,  qualis  vetus  Roma  fuit.  ad  hoc  lamenta  paven-  5 
tium  feminarum,  fessa  aetate  aut  rudis  pueritiae  [aetas],  quique 
5  sibi  quique  aliis  consulebant,  dum  trahunt  invalidos  aut  opperiun- 
tifr,  pars  mora,  pars  festinans,  cuncta  impediebant.  et  saepe  dum  6 
in  tergum  respectant  lateribus  aut  fronte  circumveniebantur,  vel 
si  in  proxima  evaserant,  illis  quoque  igni  correptis,  etiam  quae 
longinqua  crediderant   in   eodem  casu  reperiebant.     postremo,  7 


were  to  extend  over  the  other  clauses,  but 
the  construction  is  changed  as  it  were  by 
an  afterthought. 

1.  adsurgens  .  .  .  populando:  for  a 
similar  coordination  cp.  13.  47,  i. 

2.  et  obnoxia  urbe  (abl.  abs.),  *and 
from  the  fact  that  the  city  lay  at  its 
mercy,'  was  peculiarly  liable  to  such 
ravages  (for  the  reasons  here  given). 
*  Obnoxius '  is  frequently  used  of  persons 
subject  to  a  particular  influence  or  domi- 
nion (cp.  3.  58,  4;  H.  I.  I,  2;  2.  56, 
2,  &c.).  For  its  use  of  things  Nipp.  com- 
pares Sen.  Ep.  65,  21,  where  the  body 
is  called  '  obnoxium  *  (dependent  on  cir- 
cumstances) in  contrast  with  the  soul ; 
also  Plin.  N.  H.  14.  2,  3,  27,  where  a 
vine  is  spoken  of  as  '  numquam  floris 
obnoxii'  (liable  to  attacks  of  weather), 
and  31.  6,  32,  60,  where  'obnoxia  cor- 
pora' is  used  in  the  sense  of  liable  to 
disease. 

itineribus,  causal  abl. 

3.  vicis.  The  rows  of  houses  forming 
the  sides  of  the  streets  are  here  meant, 
which  were  'enormes'  ('shapeless  and 
irregular,  built  on  no  plan ') :  so  perhaps 

'  in  Agr.  10,  4  (*  immensum  et  enorme  spa- 
tium  .  .  .  terrarum');  also  Quint.  (11.  3, 
139)  uses  *  enormis  toga'  of  an  ill-cut  and 
ill-fitting  gown.     Livy  5.  55,  4  ascribes 

i  the  irregularity  of  the  Rome  of  his  day  to 

Ithe  hasty  rebuilding  after  the  destruction 

jby  the  Gauls. 

ad  hoc,  'besides':  cp.  12.  20,  2, 
and  note. 

4.  fessa,  &c.  The  Med.  text  here 
(*  fessa  aetate  aut  rudis  pueritiae  aetas ') 
would  oblige  us  to  suppose  that  Tacitus 
either  used  such  an  expression  as  'fessa 
aetate  aetas',  or  that  he  has  coordinated 
with  *  lamenta  feminarum '  an  abl.  of 
quality,  and  then  a  nominative  ('  rudis 
aetas').  A  single  inferior  MS.  (Agr.) 
gives   '  senum  '   for  *  aetate ',  which  has 


generally  been  treated  as  a  mere  conjec- 
ture, but  has  been  adopted  bv  some  older 
edd.,  and  by  Walth.  and  Ritt  Halm, 
Nipp.,  and  Dr.  follow  Jac.  Gron.  in 
bracketing  or  omitting  '  aetas '  as  an  igno- 
rant gloss,  and  thus  suppose  an  abl.  and 
genit.  of  quality,  both  taken  brachylogi- 
cally  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  §§  29,  34),  to  be 
coordinated  ('  persons  of  feeble  age  or 
ignorant  childhood').  This  construction 
would  be  extremely  harsh,  and  it  may 
seem  somewhat  less  objectionable  to  fol- 
low Orelli  and  others,  who  adopt,  from 
Lips.,  the  excision  of  *  aetate'  as  a  gloss; 
and  to  suppose  that  both  clauses  are 
nominatives,  and  that  '  fessa  aetas '  is  left 
to  explain  itself,  and  '  rudis '  is  explained 
by  *  pueritiae'.  It  is  also  possible  to  take 
*  aetas  rudis  pueritiae '  (with  Pfitziier)  as 
coordinating  a  genit.  of  quality  with  the 
nom.  'fessa'.  Haase  would  bracket  or 
omit  both  '  aetate,'  and  *  pueritiae '.  The 
expression  '  fessa  aetas '  is  one  of  which 
Tacitus  is  fond  (cp.  i.  46,  3;  3.  59,  6; 
14-  33,  3;  H.  I.  12,  3;  3.  67,  2),  and 
'  rudis  aetas '  is  also  found  (4.  8,  5)  ;  but 
it  is  certainly  difficult  to  suppose  that  in 
any  of  these  emendations  the  true  words 
of  Tacitus  are  restored  to  us. 

5.  dum  .  .  .  opperiuntvir.  Nipp. 
points  out  that  these  words  belong  only 
to  *  qui  aliis  consulebant '.  '  Invalidos ' 
is  supplied  also  with  *  opperiuntur '. 

6.  mora  .  .  .  festinans,  a  similar  co- 
ordination to  that  in  c.  36,  6. 

7.  lateribus  aut  fronte,  local  abl.: 
cp.  c.  37,  6,  &c. 

8.  etiam  quae,  &c.  Those  who  after 
having  made  for  some  near  spot,  when  the 
flames  overtook  them  there,  went  on  to 
a  locality  which  they  had  supposed  to  be 
far  beyond  the  danger,  found  when  they 
got  there  that  the  fire  had  reached  it. 
All  recent  edd.  follow  Gron.  in  reading 
'  reperiebant '  for  '  reperiebantur ',  which 


A.  D.  64] 


LIBER  XV,      CAP.  38,  39 


365 


quid  vitarent  quid  peterent  ambigui,  complere  vias,  sterni  per 
agros  ;  quidam  amissis  omnibus  fortunis,  diurni  quoque  victus, 
alii  caritate  suorum,  quos  eripere  nequiverant,  quamvis  patente 
8  effugio  interiere.  nee  quisquam  defendere  audebat,  crebris  multo- 
rum  minis  restinguere  prohibentium,  et  quia  alii  palam  faces  5 
iaciebant  atque  esse  sibi  auctorem  vociferabantur,  sive  ut  raptus 
licentius  exercerent  seu  iussu. 

1  30.  Eo  in   tempore   Nero  Antii  agens   non   ante   in    urbem 
regressus   est  quam   domui  eius,  qua  Palatium  et  Maecenatis 
hortos   continuaverat,   ignis   propinquaret.      neque   tamen   sisti  10 
potuit  quin  et  Palatium  et  domus  et  cuncta  circum  haurirentur. 

2  sed  solacium  populo  exturbato  ac  profugo  campum  Martis  ac 
monumenta   Agrippae,   hortos    quin    etiam    suos    patefecit    et 


seems  erroneously  assimilated  to  '  circum- 
veniebantnr  *. 

1.  ambigui,  'uncertain,'  used  with 
similar  construction  in  ii.  lo,  6. 

2.  diurni,  'for  the  day'  (cp.  *diur- 
num  stipendium',  i.  26,  2),  i.e.  for  a  single 
day.  From  '  fortunis '  some  general  idea 
of  *  means  of  providing '  appears  to  be 
supplied.  The  omission  is  harsh,  but  it 
hardly  seems  possible  to  take  the  genit., 
with  Dr.,  as  appositional,  or  needful  to 
insert  *copia'  (with  Nipp.),or  'alimentis' 
(with  RitL),  or  to  read  'diumo  quoque 
victu'  (with  Brot.). 

3.  caritate,  causal  abl.,  as  often  (4.  17, 
i;  12.  4.  3,  &c.). 

4.  defendere,  *to  check  the  fire.' 
crebris . . .  minis,  abl.  abs.  with  causal 

sense. 

6.  esse  sibi  auctorem,  '  that  they 
acted  under  authority.'  Tacitus  leaves  it 
open  whether  this  was  an  invention  or 
not.  Suet,  states  positively  (Ner.  38) 
that  several  consulars  found  Nero's  slaves 
in  their  grounds  spreading  the  flames, 
and  dared  not  lay  hands  on  them,  and 
that  he  nllowed  no  one  to  go  back  to  the 
ruins  of  his  house  to  recover  his  property. 
We  have  no  means  of  sifting  these  state- 
ments. 

8.  Antii :  see  14.  4,  3,  &c. 

9.  domui  eius.  Suet,  says  (Ner.  31) 
*  domum  a  Palatio  Esquilias  usque  fecit, 
quam  primo  transitoriam,  mox  incendio 
absumptam  restitutamque,  auream  (see 
c.  42,  i)  nominavit'.  The  gardens  of 
Maecenas,  bequeathed  by  him  to  Augus- 
tus, and  at  one  time  occupied  by  Tiberius 
(Suet.  Tib.  15),  were  on  the  Esquiline, 


on  the  site  partly  afterwards  occupied  by 
the  Baths  of  Titus.  The  *  domus  transi- 
toria'  must  therefore  have  occupied  the 
valley  where  the  Colosseum  now  stands, 
and  may  not  have  been  originally  much 
more  than  a  long  corridor  carried  over 
the  street  traffic,  somewhat  similar  to 
that  which  joins  the  Uffizi  and  Pitti 
palaces  at  Florence. 

10.  continuaverat,  'had  connected 
together ' :  cp.  the  expressions '  continuare 
domes'  (Sail.  C.  20,  11),  'fundos'  (Cic. 
Agr.  3.  4,  14),  '  agros'  (Liv.  34.  4,  9). 

sisti  potuit:  cp.  3.  52,  3;  14.  14,  3. 
For  the  use  of '  quin '  Dr.  compares '  vix . . . 
quin  obruatur  Romana  res,  resisti  posse  * 
(Liv.  4.  43,  II). 

11.  haurirentur:  cp.  3.  72, 4,  and  note. 

12.  populo  exturbato,  &c. :  so  Suet. 
(1.  1.)  speaks  of  the  people  as  '  ad  monu- 
mentorum  bustorumque  diversoria  com- 
pulsa '. 

13.  monumenta  Agrippae.  Besides 
the  'campus  Agrippae'  already  noted 
(on  c.  37,  3),  a  number  of  splendid 
buildings  erected  by  him  stood  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Campus  Martins,  the 
'  saepta ',  in  which  the  tribes  voted  (Dio 
53.  23,  i),  the  * diribitorium ',  in  which, 
the  votes  were  counted  (Id.  55.  8,  3 ;  PI. 
N.  H.  16. 44,  76,  201,  &c.),  the  *  Thermae* 
(Mart.  3.  20,  15,  &c.),  the  'porticus 
Vipsania'  (H.  i.  31,  2),  probably  iden- 
tical with  that  called  '  porticus  Neptuni* 
or  '  Argonautarum '  (Dio  53.  27,  i),  the 
Pantheon  (Dio  1.  1.;  PI.  N.  H.  36.  5, 
38),  and  his  family  tomb  (Dio  54.  28.  5). 

hortos,  those  on  the  Vatican  (14. 14,3). 
In  the  anastrophe  of  '  quin  etiam '  (cp. 


366 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  64 


subitaria  aedificia  extruxit  quae  multitudinem  inopem  accipe- 
rent ;  subvectaque  utensllia  ab  Ostia  et  propinquis  municipiis 
3  pretiumque  frumenti  minutum  usque  ad  ternos  nummos.  quae 
quamquam  popularia  in  inritum  cadebant,  quia  pervaserat  rumor 
ipso  tempore  flagrantis  urbis  inisse  eum  domesticam  scaenam  et  5 
cecinisse  Troianum  excidium,  praesentia  mala  vetustis  cladibus 
adsimulantem. 

1  40.  Sexto   demum   die  apud   imas   Esquilias   finis   incendio 
factus,  prorutis  per  immensum  aedificiis  ut  continuae  violentiae 

2  campus  et  velut  vacuum  caelum   occurreret.     necdum  positus  10 
metus  aut  redierat  plebi  spes:   rursum  grassatus  ignis  patulis 


G.  3,  3  ;  Agr.  26,  3,  &c.),  Tacitus  appears 
to  have  followed  Vergil  (Aen.  2,  768). 
Nipp.  notes  also  that  of  *  quin  immo ' 
(G.  14,  5,  &c.),  *  quamquam '  (5.  9,  i),  &c 
See  Introd.  i.  v.  §  78. 

1.  subitaria :  cp.  14.  20,  3,  and  note. 

2.  utensilia,  *  food' ;  cp.  i.  70,  6,  and 
note. 

3.  pretium  frumenti.  For  such  impe- 
rial reductions  of  the  market  price  of  com 
under  pressure  of  exceptional  difficulties 
see  c.  18,  3  ;  2.  87,  I,  and  other  passages 
cited  in  Marquardt  ii.  126.  The  price 
here  quoted,  which  is  evidently  to  be 
taken  as  much  below  average,  was  the 
regular  price  of  the  'modius'  (about  a 
peck)  in  the  time  of  Cic.  (Verr.  3.  75, 
174).  Pliny  (N.  H.  18.  10,  29,  90)  gives 
40  asses  as  the  average  price  of  a  modius 
of  flour  or  meal  (equivalent  to  two 
'  modii '  of  corn)  not  of  the  finest  quality 
(the  best,  *  siligo,'  being  twice  that 
price). 

4.  in  inritum  cadebant  (cp.  H.  3. 
53,  6),  apparently  imitated  from  Liv.  2. 
6,  I  (*  ad  inritum  cadentis  spei'). 

5.  ipso  tempore.  Possibly  Ritt.  is 
right  in  reading  (as  suggested  by  Em.) 
*  in  ipso  tempore ',  as  indicated  by  the 
Med.  '  rumori  ipso '. 

domesticam  scaenam  :  cp.  c.  33,  i : 
Suet.  (Ner.  38)  and  Dio  (62.  18,  i),  who 
affirm  as  a  fact  what  Tacitus  here  gives 
as  a  ramour,  describe  him  as  declaiming 
from  the  top  of  his  palace,  or  from  the 
tower  of  Maecenas  on  the  Esquiline. 

7.  adsimulantem:  cp.  11.  11,  6,  and 
note.  We  must  suppose,  with  Nipp.,  that 
he  was  said  to  have  described  what  he 
saw  before  him,  under  colour  of  describ- 
ing the  burning  of  Troy.  The  passage 
may  have  formed  part  of  his  *  Troica '. 


8.  Sexto :  so  Suet.  (Ner.  38)  says  that 
it  lasted  *  per  sex  dies  septemque  noctes '. 
Nipp.  points  out  that  this  can  be  recon- 
ciled with  the  words  of  a  votive  inscrip- 
tion, not  now  extant,  but  connected  by 
Lanciani  with  the  colossal  altar  found 
near  S.  Andrea  on  the  Quirinal  (Gilbert, 
Top.  3.  35,  note ;  C.  I.  L.  vi.  i.  826), 
*  quando  urbs  per  novem  dies  arsit  Nero- 
nianis  temporibus,'  by  supposing  that  the 
second  outbreak, here  mentioned  byTacitus, 
lasted  three  days. 

9.  prorutis,  'having been  demolished' : 
so  most  edd.  after  J.  F.  Gron.  for  the 
Med.  '  proruptis' :  cp.  12.  43,  i,  &c.,  and 
the  similar  charge  generally  mad^  in  H. 
I.  86,  2. 

10.  velut  vacuum  caelum.  The  hyper- 
bole of  the  expression  is  softened  by 
'velut'.  It  is  meant  that  nothing  was 
standing  against  the  horizon. 

necdum  positus,  sc.  '  erat '.  The 
Med.  text,  '  necdum  p '  ('  post ')  *  metus 
aut  rediebat  lebis',  has  given  rise  to  a 
great  variety  of  emendations  (see  Walth., 
Orelli,  Halm,  Not.  Crit.).  [To  Jacob  is 
due  *  positus  metus '  for  '  post  metus ',  to 
Madvig  (Adv.  iii.  236),  who  noticed  a 
gap  of  three  letters  after  *  lebis ',  '  re- 
dierat plebi  spes '  for  '  rediebat  lebis  '. 
There  are  several  other  emendations. 
Halm  reads  'et'  (Jacob),  'rediit  haut' 
for  '  aut  rediebat '  and  *  levius  '  (Lipsius) 
for  'lebis'.  Dr.  and  Pfitzner  read  the 
same  but  with  '  redibat ',  defending  the 
imperfect  by  such  passages  as  i.  21,  i; 
H.  2.  98,  4. — F.]  Hartmann,  Analecta, 
p.  257,  reads  *  posito  metu  redibat  baud 
levius  grassaturas  ignis '. 

11.  ignis,  &c.  The  coincidence  of  five 
homoeoteleuta  is  remarkable  (see  note  on 
I.  24,  I). 


A.  D.  64] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.  39-41 


367 


magis  urbis  locis ;  eoque  strages  hominum  minor,  delubra  deum 
et  porticus  amoenitati  dicatae  latius  procidere.  plusque  infamiae  3 
id  incendium  habuit  quia  praediis  Tigellini  Aemilianis  pro- 
ruperat  videbaturque  Nero  condendae  urbis  novae  et  cognomento 
5  suo  appellandae  gloriam  quaerere.  quippe  in  regiones  quattuor-  4 
decim  Roma  dividitur,  quarum  quattuor  integrae  manebant,  tres 
solo  tenus  deiectae :  septem  reliquis  pauca  tectorum  vestigia 
supererant,  lacera  et  semusta. 

41.  Domuum  et  insularum  et  templorum  quae  amissa  sunt  1 


a,  latius  procidere,  *were  more 
widely  mined.' 

plus  infamiae  habuit,  'had  greater 
infamy  attached  to  it.' 

3.  praediis  Tigellini  Aemilianis. 
In  Varro,  R.  R.  3,  2,  the  name  '  Aemili- 
ana'  is  given  to  a  district  apparently  of 
poor  houses  (*  qui  habitant  extra  portam 
Flumentanam  aut  in  Aemilianis').  The 
locality  is  thought  to  have  been  near  that 
of  the  Forum  of  Trajan.  [Gilbert,  Top. 
d.  Stadt.  3.  378  places  it  on  the  north-west 
side  of  the  Capitoline  hill.— P.]  A  fire  had 
taken  place  there  in  the  time  of  Claudius 
(Suet.  CI.  18);  and  it  was  now  thought 
that  Tigellinus  had  set  fire  to  his  property 
there  to  please  Nero. 

proruperat :  cp.  13.  44,  6,  and 
note. 

4.  videbatvirque,  &c.  Sulp.  Severus 
(2,  29)  has  again  followed  Tacitus,  though 
less  closely :  *  sed  opinio  omnium  in- 
vidiam incendii  in  principem  retorquebat, 
credebaturque  imperator  gloriam  inno- 
vandae  urbis  quaesisse.' 

5.  quattuordecim :  cp.  14.  12,  3. 
Hartmann,  p.  203,  considers  *  quippe . . . 
dividitur*  to  be  a  gloss.  Of  the  four 
which  wholly  escaped  one  must  have 
been  the  14th  (Transtiberina),  and  the 
others  are  thought  to  have  been  the  ist 
(Porta  Capena),  the  5th  (Esquilina),  and 
6th  (Alta  Semita,  the  Quirinal).  Of  the 
three  wholly  destroyed,  two  must  have 
been  the  nth  and  loth  (Circus  and  Pa- 
latium),  and  the  other  is  thought  to  have 
been  tiie  3rd  (Isis  et  Serapis,  the  Subura). 
The  account  in  Dio  (62.  18,  2)  states 
confusedly  that  the  whole  Palatine  Mount 
and  the  theatre  (amphitheatre)  of  Taurus, 
and  two  thirds  of  the  rest  of  the  city  were 
burnt.  As  regards  the  destruction  of 
private  houses,  these  accounts  may  prob- 
ably be  true;   but  it  seems  evident  that 


many  temples  and  other  great  buildings 
must  either  have  altogether  escaped  or 
have  been  capable  of  speedy  restoration. 
The  Circus  itself  must  have  been  used  in 
the  following  year,  and  the  'aedes  Cereris' 
near  it  is  spoken  of  at  the  same  date 
(c.  53,  I,  4).  On  the  Palatine,  remains 
thought  to  be  older  than  the  Neronian 
date  are  still  preserved ;  the  *  domus 
Tiberiana'  is  spoken  of  in  H.  i.  27,  4; 
the  temple  of  Apollo  at  the  time  of 
Nero's  return  from  Greece  (Suet.  Ner. 
25) ;  the  Sibylline  books  kept  there  were 
certainly  preserved  (c.  44,  i) ;  and  the 
destruction  of  the  library  seems  doubtful 
(see  note  on  c.  41,  2).  Another  story 
(see  c.  39,  3,  and  note)  would  imply  the 
preservation  of  the  other  extremity  of 
the  palace  of  Nero.  The  buildings  on  the 
Capitol  were  certainly  intact,  as  were  also 
probably  most  of  the  temples  and  basili- 
cae  round  the  Forum  (see  16.  27,  i ).  In 
the  Campus  Martius,  the  Augustan  portico 
of  the  Pantheon  still  remains,  and  the 
theatre  of  Pompeius  was  used  for  the 
Neronia  immediately  after  the  conspiracy 
(see  16.  4,  2,  and  note). 

9.  Domuum  et  insularum,  so  con- 
trasted in  6.  45,  I ;  the  former  being  the 
palaces  or  mansions  of  the  rich,  the  latter 
the  blocks  of  building  let  out  in  flats 
or  single  rooms  to  the  poorer  classes. 
Suet,  says  (Ner.  38),  *  praeter  immensum 
numerum  insularum  domus  priscorum 
ducum  arserunt  hostilibus  adhuc  spoliis 
adomatae,  deorumque  aedes  ab  regibus  ac 
deinde  Punicis  et  Gallicis  bellis  votae . .  .* 
Besides  the  few  temples  and  public  build- 
ings here  mentioned,  Dio  (see  on  c.  40,  4) 
speaks  of  the  amphitheatre  of  Taurus, 
Pliny  (N.  H.  la.  19,  42,  94)  of  the 
temple  to  Augustus  on  the  Palatine,  as 
destroyed. 


368 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  64 


numerum  inire  haud  promptum  fuerit :  sed  vetustissima  religione, 
quod  Servius  Tullius  Lunae  et  magna  ara  fanumque  quae  prae- 
senti  Herculi  Areas  Evander  sacraverat,  aedesque  Statoris  lovis 
vota  Romulo  Numaeque  regia  et  delubrum  Vestae  cum  Penati- 
2  bus  populi  Romani  exusta ;  iam  opes  tot  victoriis  quaesitae  et  5 
Graecarum  artium  decora,  exim  monumenta  ingeniorum  antiqua 


1.  fuerit,  potential  subj.  of  modest 
assertion  :  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  51,  c. 

vetustissima  religione,  sc.  *  templa ' 
(implied  in  the  expression). 

2.  quod  Servius  Tullius  Lunae. 
The  temple  of  Luna  was  on  the  Aventine 
(Liv.  40.  2,  2  ;  Ov.  F.  3,  884),  at  the  part 
nearest  to  the  Circus  (see  Burn,  p.  298), 
and  is  mentioned  by  Vitruvius  (5.5)  as 
containing  some  of  the  bronzes  brought 
by  Mummius  from  Corinth.  Servius 
Tullius  is  not  elsewhere  spoken  of  as  its 
founder ;  but  the  more  famous  temple  of 
Diana  in  the  same  locality,  which  it  may 
have  adjoined,  is  ascribed  to  him  (Liv.  i. 
45,  2  ;  Dion.  Hal.  4.  26).  The  two  may 
have  been  confused,  but  appear  to  be 
clearly  distinct  (see  Dyer,  D.  of  Geog. 
s.  V-  'Roma',  p.  811 ;  Burn,  pp.  205,  207). 

magna  ara  fanumque.  On  this  altar 
see  12.  24,  2.  The  'fanum'  may  have 
been  only  a  consecrated  site  and  may  not 
have  had  a  '  templum  '  (see  Marquardt, 
Staatsv.  iii.  155). 

3.  Evander.  Most  authorities  agree 
with  this  (see  note  on  12.  24,  2);  but 
Ovid  (F.  I,  581)  has  followed  a  tradition 
making  Hercules  himself  the  founder. 

Statoris  lovis.  This  temple  to  Jove 
the  stayer  of  flight,  represented  as  vowed 
when  Romulus  was  being  worsted  by  the 
Sabines  (Liv.  i.  12,  6),  stood  on  the  part 
of  the  Palatine  nearest  to  the  '  sum  ma 
Sacra  via',  i.e.  near  the  spot  where  the 
Arch  of  Titus  stands.  Its  supposed  site 
is  shown  there,  but  the  identification  is 
questioned   (Burn,   p.    162  ;    Middleton, 

P-  93)- 

4.  Numaeque  regia  et  delubrum 
Vestae.  These  two  buildings  stood  close 
together  (Plut.  Num.  14.  69),  and  are 
associated  by  writers:  cp.  'monumenta 
regis  Templaque  Vestae'  (Hor.  Od.  i.  2, 
15)  ;  '  hie  locus  est  Vestae,  qui  Pallada 
servat  et  ignem  :  Hie  fuit  antiqui  regia 
parva  Nnmae'  (Ov.  Tr.  3.  i,  29).  On 
the  site  of  the  temple  see  c.  36,  3,  and 
note.  It  had  been  previously  burnt  in 
513,  B.  c.  241,  and  suffered  the  same  fate 
again  in  the  time  of  Commodus.  The 
existing  fragments  belong  to  the  rebuild- 


ing of  Severus  (Middleton,  p,  183).  The 
*  Regia ',  long  the  official  residence  of  the 
Pontifex  Maximus,  was  given  over  to  the 
Vestals  by  Augustus,  and  some  of  its 
foundations  are  still  traceable  under  the 
buildings  of  their  'atrium',  or  convent 
(Id.  p.  187). 

cum  Penatibus,  &c.  An  '  aedes 
Penatium  ',  existing  in  the  Velian  district 
(Mon.  Anc.  4.  7),  in  a  line  leading  from 
the  Forum  to  the  Carinae,  and  thought 
to  be  represented  by  the  vestibule  of 
S.  Cosma  e  Damiano  (Burn,  p.  163),  is 
spoken  of  by  Dion.  Hal.  (1.  68)  as 
containing  figures  which  all  might  see, 
and  which  he  describes.  It  is  supposed 
however,  from  the  close  connexion  with 
the  '  delubrum  Vestae',  that  the  Penates 
here  spoken  of  were  certain  other  figures, 
never  seen,  believed  to  have  been  brought, 
with  the  Palladium  of  Troy,  by  Aeneas 
(Aen.  3,  147,  &c.),  and  preserved  some- 
where in  the  *  penetralia  Vestae ',  with 
other  mysterious  sacred  things,  of  which 
little  is  known.  The  connexion  of  their 
worship  with  that  of  Vesta  is  attested  by 
passages  from  several  authors  (see  Mar- 
quardt, iii.  p.  253,  3). 

5.  opes  .  .  .  decora.  Nipp.  rightly 
distinguishes  these,  the  first  as  '  precious 
objects',  articles  of  material  value,  such 
as  were  often  dedicated  in  temples  by 
vow  or  otherwise  (cp.  c.  45,  2),  the  latter, 
as  the  *  masterpieces  of  Greek  art ',  such 
as  the  Corinthian   bronzes  (see  note  on 

§0. 

6.  monumenta  ingeniorum,  'records 
of  genius'  (works  of  great  authors):  cp. 
4.  61,  I ;  Agr.  2,  I  :  by  'incomipta'  he 
distinguishes  the  oldest  and  most  trust- 
worthy copies  from  others  afterwards 
interpolated  or  falsified.  The  words  seem 
to  allude  to  the  loss  of  the  Palatine 
Library,  which  is  not  otherwise  known  to 
have  so  suffered  previously  to  its  total 
destruction  in  a.  D.  363  (Lanciani, 
p.  186).  The  temple  of  Apollo  is  men- 
tioned in  H.  I.  27,  I.  Tacitus  may 
possibly  mean  to  refer  to  original  copies 
preserved  in  the  archives  of  an  author's 
family. 


A.  D.  64] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.  41,   42 


369 


et  incorrupta,  ut  quamvis  in  tanta  resurgentis  urbis  pulchritudine 

3  multa  seniores  meminerint  quae  reparari  nequibant.     fuere  qui 
adnotarent  XIIII  Kal.  Sextilis  principium  incendii  huius  ortum, 

4  et  quo  Senones  captam  urbem  inflammaverint.     alii  eo  usque 
cura  progress!  sunt  ut  totidem  annos  mensisque  et  dks  inters 
utraque  incendia  numerent. 

1     42.  Ceterum  Nero  usus  est  patriae  ruinis  extruxitque  domum 


1.  uf  .  .  .  meminerint.  Nipp.  and 
Dr.  follow  Halm  in  inserting  *  ut '.  Orelli 
retains  the  Med.  text,  placing  a  semicolon 
after  'decora',  and  taking  'meminerint' 
as  a  potential  subjunctive  ( =  *  meminisse 
possunt'),  supposing  that  the  'seniores' 
are  those  still  living  when  Tacitus  wrote, 
when  so  much  more  had  been  done  to 
beautify  and  adorn  Rome.  Others,  sup- 
posing the  rebuilding  under  Nero  to  be 
alone  alluded  to,  read  'meminerant' 
(Rhen.,  &c.)  or  'meminerant'  (Ritt.). 
The  allusion  to  the  'pulchritudo',  &c., 
shows  that  the  buildings  and  works  of 
art  lost  are  chiefly  thought  of. 

3.  quartum  decimnm,  sc.  '  diem  ' 
(cp.  12.  69,  I,  &c.),  July  19.  This  would 
assume  the  burning  of  Rome  by  the  Gauls 
to  have  begun  on  the  day  after  the  '  dies 
Alliensis '. 

4.  et  quo :  [Most  edd.  after  Rhenanus 
alter  this  to  *  quo  et '  and  they  are  possibly 
right.  Orelli  however  defends  *  et  quo '  by 
reference  to  c.  25,  6 :  p.  2.  28,  i ;  6.  44,  4 
and  it  has  seemed  best  to  retain  it. — F.] 
Ritt.  reads  '  quo .  .  .  et  quo ',  thinking 
that  an  allusion  to  the  '  dies  Cremerensis ' 
(see  Liv.  6.  i,  11)  has  been  lost.  But 
this  would  hardly  enter  into  the  com- 
parison here. 

5.  totidem  annos.  This  space  of 
time  would  be  454  years,  reckoned 
inclusively;  and  Grotefend  has  shown 
(Rhein.  Mus.  1843,  p.  153,  foil.)  that 
this  would  be  almost  exactly  418  years, 
418  months,  and  418  days.  If  the  years 
are  reckoned  as  453,  417  of  each  would 
give  a  nearly  correct  result. 

6.  niimerent.  The  present  is  used, 
as  extant  histories  are  spoken  of. 

7.  usus  est,  'profited  by,'  i.e.  he 
appropriated  as  much  as  he  chose  of  the 
vacant  space  (which  would  be  extremely 
valuable),  apparently  without  payment 
(cp.  Martial  quoted  below) :  hence  his 
palace  is  called  '  spoliis  civium  extructa 
domus'  in  c.  52,  2.  The  story  in  Suet. 
Ner.  38,  that  he  was  supposed  to  have 
appropriated  valuables  from  the    ruins 


B 


cleared  at  his  cost,  would  not  appear 
to  be  here  alluded  to,  and  is  nowhere 
endorsed  by  Tacitus. 

domum,  the  'domus  aurea'  of  Suet. 
(Ner.  31),  who  describes  its  '  tanta  laxitas 
ut  porticus  triplices  miliarias  haberet ; 
item  stagnum  maris  instar  circumsaeptum 
aedificiis  ad  urbium  speciem ;  rura  in- 
super  arvis  atque  vinetis  et  pascuis  silvis- 
que  varia '.  He  also  describes  some  of 
its  arrangements  and  decorations,  and 
mentions  the  colossal  statue  1 20  feet  high 
at  its  vestibule,  and  adds  the  remark  of 
Nero,  'se  quasi  hominem  tandem,  habitare 
coepisse.'  Also  Martial,  writing  when  its 
place  was  partly  filled  by  the  Colosseum, 
and  that  of  the  Esquiline  portion  of  the 
palace  by  the  Baths  of , Titus,  says  (de  Sp. 
2 J  5-8),  'Hie  ubi  conspicui  venerabilis 
amphitheatri  Erigitur  moles,  stagna 
Neronis  erant.  Hie,  ubi  miramur  velocia 
munera  thermas,  Abstulerat  miseris 
tecta  superbus  ager.'  It  is  added  that 
'Claudia  diffusas  ubi  porticus  explicat 
umbras,  Ultima  pars  aulae  deficientis 
erat '.  The  '  porticus  Claudia'  stood  near 
the  present  church  of  S.  Pietro  in  Vincoli 
(Dyer  in  D.  of  Geog.  p.  828).  Pliny  also 
tells  us  of  the  many  works  of  the  painter 
FabuUus  *  imprisoned '  in  the  palace 
(N.  H.  35.  10,  37,  120),  and  of  the 
temple  of  Fortune  enclosed  within  its 
precincts  (Id.  36.  22,  46,  163).  These 
and  all  other  extant  statements  respect- 
ing it  have  been  carefully  collected  in  an 
Excursus  by  Brotier  (see  also  Lemaire's 
edition).  The  building,  if  it  was  ever 
really  completed  (see  Introd.  p.  93,  8), 
must  have  occupied  the  greater  part  of 
the  Palatine  and  Esquiline,  and  of  the 
intermediate  valley ;  the  rest  of  this  space 
being  filled  by  the  pleasure  grounds, 
which  probably  also  stretched  away  to 
the  agger  of  Servius,  and  to  the  site  of 
the  present  railway  station  on  the 
Viminal.  This  would  make  it  include 
a  vast  space  of  the  best  and  most  central 
part  of  the  city ;  but  Signor  Lanciani's 
estimate  (p.  1 24)  of  nearly  a  square  mile 

b 


370 


CORNELII  TACITl  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  64 


in  qua  baud  proinde  gemmae  et  aurum  miraculo  essent,  solita 
pridem  et  luxu  vulgata,  quam  arva  et  stagna  et  in  modum 
solitudinum  hinc  silvae  inde  aperta  spatia  et  prospectus,  magistris 
et  machinatoribus  Severo  et  Celere,  quibus  ingenium  et  audacia 

5  erat  etiam  quae  natura  denegavisset  per  artem  temptare  et  viri- 
bus  principis  inludere.      namque  ab  lacu  Averno  navigabilem  2 
fossam  usque  ad  ostia  Tiberina  depressuros  promiserant  squalenti 
litore   aut   per   mentis   adversos.     neque   enim   aliud   umidum  3 
gignendis  aquis  occurrit  quam  Pomptinae  paludes:  cetera  abrupta 

10  aut  arentia  ac,  si  perrumpi  possent,  intolerandus  labor  nee  satis 
causae.      Nero   tamen,   ut   erat   incredibilium   cupitor,   effodere  4 
proxima  Averno  iuga  conisus  est ;   manentque  vestigia  inritae 
spei. 

43.  Ceterum  urbis  quae  domui  supererant  non,  ut  post  Gallica  1 


seems  somewhat  excessive,  and  we  can 
hardly  suppose  but  that  some  thorongh- 
fare  was  left  through  its  centre,  so  as  not 
to  cut  off  the  '  Via  Sacra '.  Remains  of 
it  are  traced  along  the  Palatine  near  the 
Arch  of  Titus,  and  considerable  portions 
exist  under  the  foundations  of  the  Baths 
of  Titus.  For  further  description  see 
Burn,  Rome  and  Campagna,  pp.  231- 
233,  Middleton,  pp.  347-352- 

I,  proinde  .  .  .  quam:  cp.  13.  21,  3, 
and  note. 

4.  Severo  et  Celere.  These  archi- 
tects and  engineers  appear  to  be  nowhere 
else  mentioned. 

5.  viribus  principis  inludere,  'to 
fool  away  the  resources  of  an  emperor ' 
(C.  and  B.) ;  i.  e.  to  indulge  in  the 
pleasure  of  inventing  extravagances  out  of 
his  means.  Nipp.  compares  *  tamquam 
in  summa  abundantia  pecuniae  inludere ' 
(H.  2.  94,  4),  and  *  quibus  mihi  videntur 
ludibrio  fuisse  divitiae'  (Sail.  Cat.  13,  2). 

6.  lacu  Averno,  It  appears  that  some 
passage  through  the  Lucrine  to  this  lake 
from  the  bay  of  Baiae  continued  to  exist, 
though  the  works  made  by  Agrippa(Verg. 
G.  2,  164)  were  no  longer  kept  up  :  see 
Sir  E.  Bunbury  in  D.  of  Geog.  i.  351. 

7.  depress\iros, sc.  '  se',  i.e. '  that  they 
would  dig  out':  cp.  12.  57,  i,  and  note. 
Suet,  states  (Ner.  31)  that  the  projected 
canal  was  to  be  160  miles  long,  and 
broad  enough  to  allow  two  qumqueremes 
to  pass,  and  that  all  the  convicts  that 
could  be  got  together  were  set  to  work 
on  it. 

squalenti  litore,  *  along  the  barren 


shore ',  abl,  of  direction  (Introd.  i.  v. 
§25):  cp.  *  squalent .  .  .  arva'  (Verg.  G. 
i>  507)'  ^c.  The  works  were  probably 
carried  on  at  various  places,  as  Pliny 
mentions  (N.  H.  14.  6,  8,  61)  the  injury 
done  by  them  to  the  Caecuban  vineyards 
near  the  bay  of  Amyclae. 

8.  neque  enim,  assigning  a  reason  for 
the  folly  of  the  attempt. 

9.  gignendis  aquis,  to  give  water  to 
feed  the  canal.  , 

10.  nee   satis  causae.     The  object 
suggested  for  it  was  that  of  facilitating  , 
the   com    transport   by   making   a    safe  \ 
passage  from  the   principal  Campanian 
harbours,  as  well  as  that  of  draining  the 
Pomptine  marshds  into  the   canal :    see 
Schiller,  p.  641 ;  Merivale,  ch.  53,  p.  172.; 
The  dangers  of  the  coast  may  be  illus-; 
trated  from  c.  46,  3. 

11.  cupitor:  cp.  12.  7,  4,  and  note. 
Tacitus  treats  the  scheme  as  a  freak 
similar  to  those  ascribed  to  Gaius,  who, 
according  to  Suet.  (Cal.  37),  '  nihil  tam 
efficere  concupiscebat  quam  quod  posse 
effici  negaretur.' 

14.  quae  domui  supererant.  This, 
the  Medicean  text,  has  been  retained  by 
most  recent  edd.,  and  explained  as  an 
ironical  reference  to  the  '  domus  aurea ' 
just  described  ('  such  parts  of  the  city  as 
the  palace  left  space  for').  The  exaggera- 
tion is  somewhat  beneath  the  usual  dignity 
of  the  author's  style,  though  in  the  same 
vein  with  the  contemporary  epigram 
cited  in  Suet.  Ner.  39  ('  Roma  domus 
fiet ;  Veios  migrate,  Quirites,  Si  non  et 
Veios   occupat   ilia   domus'),  and  with 


i 


A.  D.  64] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.  42,   43 


371 


incendia,  nulla  distinctione  nee  passim  erecta,  sed  dimensis  vico- 
rum  ordinibus  et  latis  viarum  spatiis  cohibitaque  aedificiorum 
altitudine  ac  patefaetis  areis  additisque  porticibus  quae  frontem 

2  insularum  protegerent.     eas  porticus  Nero  sua  pecunia  extructu- 

3  rum  purgatasque  areas  dominis  traditurum  polHcitus  est.    addidit  5 
praemia  pro  cuiusque  ordine  et  rei  familiaris  copiis  finivitque  tem- 

4  pus  intra  quod  efifectis  domibus  aut  insulis  apiscerentur.  ruderi 
accipiendo  Ostiensis  paludes  destinabat  utique  naves  quae  fru- 
mentum  Tiberi  subvectassent  onustae  rudere  decurrerent ;  aedi- 
ficiaque  ipsa  certa  sui  parte  sine  trabibus  saxo  Gabino  Albanove  10 


Martial,  de  Sp.  2,  4  (*  Unaque  iam  tota 
stabat  in  urbe  domus ').  The  Med,  text 
here  was  first  noticed  by  Jac.  Gron.,  and 
the  earlier  edd.  had  followed  Put.  in 
reading  '  quae  domus  supererant ' ;  which 
might  be  taken  in  the  same  sense  by  sup- 
plying *domui  Neronis',  but  which  seemed 
incongruous  with  *  erecta ',  and  suggested 
the  conjecture  of  Lips.  (*  quae  domus 
perierant')»  which  has  been  followed  by 
Halm  in  his  last  ed.  Ritt.  takes  *  domui ' 
to  be  a  gradual  corruption  of  *  domibus ', 
and  takes  the  meaning  to  be  *  what  re- 
mained to  the  houses',  i.e.  the  walls  and 
foundations  (which  still  gives  a  sense  in- 
consistent with  *  erecta ').  It  should  be 
noted  that  throughout  this  narrative 
'domus'  is  either  used,  in  the  singular, 
of  the  palace  of  Nero  (c.  39,  i  ;  42,  i) 
or,  in  the  plural,  of  mansions,  as  distinct 
from  'insulae'  (c  38,  3;  41,  i ;  43,  3), 
and  would  thus  hardly  be  used  here  of 
dwellings  in  general,  so  as  to  be  followed 
by  '  insularum '  below.  Hence  Heraeus, 
who  otherwise  follows  Lips.,  proposes  the 
bold  reading  '  quae  domus  insulaeque 
perierant '. 

1 .  erecta,  altered  by  Lips,  to  *  erectae ' 
to  suit  his  reading  above. 

dimensis  vicorum  ordinibtus, 
'  with  rows  of  streets  regularly  measured 
out':  cp. 'dimensis  principiis' (i.  61.  3). 

2.  cohibita . . .  altitudine.  The  limit 
to  the  height  of  buildings  introduced  by 
Augustus  (see  Introd.  i.  vii.  p.  88)  ap- 
pears to  have  been  neglected,  as  we  read 
in  the  time  of  Tiberius  a  strong  complaint 
on  the  subject  (M.  Seneca,  Controv.  2.  9). 
The  limit  fixed  by  Nero  would  appear  to 
have  exceeded  60  feet,  as  it  was  reduced 
to  that  by  Trajan  (Aur.  Vict.  Epit.  13); 
and  the  height  of  buildings  was  excessive 
in  the  time  of  Juvenal  (3,  269)  and  much 
later:  cp.  *Aemula  vicinis  fastigia  con- 

B 


serit  astris '  (Claud,  de  cons.  Stil.  iii.  134), 
and  other  passages  cited  in  Friedl.  i.  6. 

3.  patefaetis   areis,   probably  court- 
yards inside  the  '  insulae  ',  which  would  > 
help  to  prevent  the  spread  of  fire  from 
one  portion  to  another. 

additisque  porticibus :  cp.  Suet. 
Ner.  16  'formam  aedificiorum  novam 
excogitavit,  et  ut  ante  insulas  et  domos 
porticus  essent,  de  quarum  solariis  in- 
cendia arcerentur'.  The  idea  of  such 
streets  of  colonnades  may  have  been  taken 
from  those  constructed  by  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  at  Antioch, 

5.  purgatas  areas, '  the  building  sites 
clear  of  rubbish.'  With  '  extructurum ' 
and  *  purgaturum ',  *  se '  is  supplied. 

7.  intra  quod,  taken  with  the  abl.  abs, 
'  effectis ' :  *  a  time  within  which  they 
must  finish  the  mansions  or  blocks  of 
building  to  claim  the  gift.'  Nipp.  com- 
pares various  other  places  in  which  the 
relative  thus  applies  to  a  subordinate  part 
of  the  sentence,  as  6.  45,  2;  11.  38,  i, 
&c.  It  would  appear  that  the  rebuilding 
was  not  complete  on  Vespasian's  acces- 
sion (Suet.  Vesp.  8). 

ruderi.  This  word  is  so  used  for 
*  rubbish '  in  Suet.  Aug.  30 ;  Vesp.  8 ; 
more  commonly  for  concrete  or  coarse 
plaster. 

8.  paludes  destinabat  utique :  cp. 
the  construction  in  i.  15,  4,  and  note. 

9.  subvectassent :  Med.  gives  *  sub- 
vecta  essent '  and  Halm  reads  *  subvecta- 
vissent.*  The  word  is  almost  wholly 
poetical  (Plant.,  Verg.,  &c.),  and  is  used 
here  alone  by  Tacitus :  who  however  is 
fond  of  frequentative  forms  (Introd.  i.  v. 

§  69,  4)- 

10.  saxo  Gabino  Albanove.  Bothj 
these  were  varieties  of  the  '  peperino  * ; 
of  the  Campagna ;  the  Gabine  being  best 
of  the   twOj  and  both   better  than  the 

ba 


372 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  64 


solidarentur,  quod  is  lapis  ignibus  impervius  est ;  iam  aqua 
privatorum  licentia  intercepta  quo  largior  et  pluribus  locis  in 
publicum  flueret,  custodes  ;  et  subsidia  reprimendis  ignibus  in 
propatulo  quisque  haberet ;  nee  communione  parietum,  sed 
5  propriis  quaeque  muris  ambirentur.  ea  ex  utilitate  accepta  6 
decorem  quoque  novae  urbi  attulere.  erant  tamen  qui  crede- 
rent  veterem  illam  formam  salubritati  magis  conduxisse,  quoniam 
angustiae  itinerum  et  altitudo  tectorum  non  perinde  solis  vapore 


i*tufa'  of  Rome  itself.  The  former  is 
seen  in  the  facing  of  the  Tabularium.  the 
latter  in  the  exit  of  the  Cloaca  (Middle- 
ton,  pp.  5,  6).  The  quarries  of  Gabii 
(half-way  between  Rome  and  Praeneste) 
are  still  to  be  seen  near  the  fortress  of 
Castiglione,  and  are  noticed  by  Strabo 
(5.  3,  10,  238)  as  in  great  use  at  Rome 
(XaTOfuov  viTOvpybv  t?)  'Pw/xj?  /ioAtCTO  raiv 
aX\wv).  The  Alban  stone,  quarried  near 
Marino,  is  among  those  classed  by  Vi- 
truvius  (2.  7)  as  '  moUes  '.     All  kinds  of 

*  tufa '  were  inferior  in  ornamental  and 
weatherproof  qualities  ('  tophus  aedificiis 
inutilis  est  mortalitate,  mollitia  '  Plin.  N. 
H.  36.  22,  48,  166),  but  are  contrasted 
by  Vitruvins  in  respect  of  being  fireproof 
with  the  harder  kinds  of  stone,  as  the 

*  lapis  Tiburtinus '  (the  *  travertine  '  of 
the  Colosseum,  &c.),  of  which  he  says 
(1.  1.)  '  ab  igni  non  possunt  esse  tuta  .  . . 
dissiliunt  et  dissipantur '. 

I.  solidarentur.      The    addition    of 

*  sine  trabibus '  shows  this  to  mean  that 
the  lower  stories  were  to  be  vaulted  in 
stone.  The  verb  appears  to  be  first  found 
in  Verg.  G.  i,  179. 

aqua,  that  flowing  into  Rome  by 
the  aqueducts,  cut  off  ('  intercepta ') 
here  and  there  by  individuals  for  them- 
selves. 

3.  custodes.  Nipp.  rightly  argues 
that  to  make  this  depend  on  *  quisque 
haberet '  is  contrary  to  sense ;  and  to 
supply  '  essent '  or  '  constituerentur '  (with 
'  custodes '  as  subject)  from  *  haberet ' 
would  be  a  zeugma  of  extreme  harshness. 
The  force  of  *  destinabat '  extends  over 
the  whole  passage,  but  its  construction 
with  the  accus.  (as  Nipp.  here  takes  it) 
has  been  dropped  ever  since  the  first 
sentence.  It  appears  necessary  unless  we 
are  to  take  this  as  an  extremely  strong  in- 
stance of  the  Tacitean  omission  of  the  verb 

*  esse'  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  39), to  suppose,  with 
Madvig  (Adv.  iii.  p.  236),  that  'essent' 
has  dropped  out  after  '  custodes '.  Orelli 
supposes  the  persons  here  mentioned  to 


be  the  same  as  those  known  in  inscrip- 
tions as  slaves  employed  as  '  castellarii ' 
(keepers  of  the  watertowers  or  *dividi- 
cula',  where  water  was  taken  off  from  the 
main  supply)  or  'aquarii'  (Or.  2899, 
3203). 

subsidia.  Such  are  menticmed  in 
Plin.  ad  Trai.  33  [42],  2  'nuUus  usquam 
in  publico  sipho,  nulla  hama,  nullum 
denique  instrumentum  ad  incendia  com- 
pescenda '. 

4.  nee  communione  parietum,  &c., 
abstr.  for  concr.  ('  communibus  parieti- 
bus').  Some  such  verb  as  'uterentur' 
must  be  supplied  from  '  ambirentur',  and 
in  both  clauses  *  aedificia '  (implied  in 
*  quaeque')  is  supplied.  The  resumption  of 
this  subject,  after  the  interv'ening  clauses, 
seems  so  out  of  place  as  to  make  Nipp. 
consider  that  the  sentences  must  be  trans- 
posed and  *  nee  .  .  .  ambirentur'  made  to 
follow  'impervius  est';  by  which  the  fol- 
lowing sentence  (*ea  ex  utilitate '^&c.)  ap- 
pears to  become  less  apposite.  Common 
walls  had  been  always  forbidden ;  the 
name '  insula '  implies  isolation ;  and  Orelli 
cites  the  Twelve  Tables  as  ordering  a 
space  of  2 1  feet  round  each  '  domus '  or 
'insula'  ('ambitus  parietum  sestertius 
pes  esto '). 

5.  accepta,  probably  to  be  taken  with 
Or.  as  '  ob  utilitatem  grata ' :  cp.  4.  64, 
5;  12.  29,  i;  and  'acceptius'  (6.  45,  2). 

8.  angustiae  itinerum.  The  '  angus- 
tissimae  semitae'  of  ancient  Rome  (cp. 
c.  38,  4)  are  contrasted  with  the  broader 
streets  of  Capua  in  Cic.  de  Leg.  Agr.  2. 
35,  96,  and  in  the  time  of  M.  Seneca  (see 
note  on  §  i),  and  may  probably  have 
been  even  narrower  than  those  of  Pom- 
peii. Martial  describes  ( 7.  6  r ,  3)  a  further 
widening  of  streets  under  Domitian 
(*  lussisti  tenuis,  German  ice,  crescere 
vicos,  Et  modo  quae  fuerat  semita,  facta 
via  est'),  which  may  have  dealt  with 
parts  of  old  Rome  which  had  escaped 
this  fire. 

vapore,  'the  heat'  (cp.    11.   3,    2). 


A.  D.  64] 


LIBER  XV,      CAP.  43,   44 


373 


perrumperentur :  at  nunc  patulam  latitudinem  et  nulla  umbra 
defensam  graviore  aestu  ardescere. 

1     44.  Et  haec  quidem  humanis  consiliis  providebantur.     mox 
petita  dis  piacula  aditique  Sibyllae  libri,  ex  quibus  supplicatum 
Vulcano  et  Cereri  Proserpinaeque  ac  propitiata  luno  per  matronas,  5 
primum  in  Capitolio,  deinde  apud  proximum  mare,  unde  hausta 
aqua  templum  et  simulacrum  deae  perspersum  est ;  et  sellisternia 

2ac  pervigilia  celebravere  feminae  quibus  mariti  erant.     sed  non 
•ope  humana,  non  largitionibus  principis  aut  deum  placamentis 

3  decedebat  infamia   quin    iussum   incendium   crederetur.      ergo  10 


This  remark  may  be  illustrated  by  the 
comparative  coolness  of  the  narrow  streets 
(formed  by  high  houses)  in  the  old 
Italian  cities  at  the  present  day. 

4.  dis, '  for  the  gods,'  i.  e.  to  win  their 
favour  (cp.  *  deum  placamentis '  below). 
Most  edd.  (except  Walther  and  Ruperti) 
have  followed  this  correction  of  J.  F. 
Gron.  for  the  Med.  '  a  diis ' ;  which, 
though  standing  well  in  antithesis  to 
'humanis  consiliis',  would  require  the 
hardly  possible  meaning  that  the  gods 
were  asked  what  expiation  they  wished 
to  receive.  A  sufficient  antithesis  to 
*  humanis  consiliis '  is  implied  in  '  aditi- 
que Sibyllae  libri '. 

Sibullae  libri:  see  6.  12,  i:  the 
name  is  there  so  read  in  the  first  Med., 
whence  Halm  corrects  the  Med.  *  Sibyllae' 
here. 

5.  Vulcano,  &c.  The  first  of  these 
was,  of  course,  propitiated  as  the  fire-god. 
The  temple  of  Ceres  and  Proserpina 
(Libera)  was  no  doubt  near  the  spot 
where  the  fire  had  broken  out  (see  2. 49,  i)  ; 
but  the  supplication  to  them  may  well 
have  rested  on  some  more  general  reason, 
as  we  find  special  rites  to  Ceres  prescribed 
at  other  times  by  the  Sibylline  Books  to 
expiate  prodigies  (Liv.  36.  37,  4).  It  has 
been  thought  (see  Jacob)  that  she  was  in- 
voked as  goddess  of  the  soil  on  which  the 
new  buildings  were  to  rise. 

propitiata.  This  verb  is  used  also 
in  Dial,  9,  5,  and  appears  to  have 
been  adopted  by  Val.  Max.  and  sub- 
sequent prose  writers,  from  old  poets,  as 
Plant. 

6.  apud  proximum  mare,  i.  e.  at 
Ostia,  where  invocation  was  made,  and 
whence  lustral  water  was  brought,  to  wash 
her  '  cella  *  and  statue  in  the  Capitol. 
Sometimes  the  statues  were  taken  to  the 
sea  and  washed  there  :  cp.  Ov.  F.  4,  1 29, 


foil.    The  custom  is  Greek  (cp.  Eur.  Iph. 
T.  1 199). 

7.  perspersum.  This  verb  is  very 
rare,  but  found  in  Cat.  R.  R.  130  ;  Cic.  de 
Or.  I.  34,  159.  The  old  edd.  read  '  pro- 
spersum '  (which  is  nowhere  found). 
Bezzenb.  suggests  '  respersum ',  from  16. 
10,4. 

sellisternia.  These  answer  in  the 
case  of  goddesses  to  the  *  lectistemia '  in 
honour  of  gods ;  the  distinction  being 
founded  on  the  Roman  custom,  by  which 
women  sat  on  '  sellae '  at  dinner,  while 
men  reclined  on  couches.  According  to 
Val.  Max.  (2.  i,  2),  the  custom  of  women 
in  this  respect  was  much  relaxed  when  he 
wrote.  The  word  *  sellisternium '  is  al- 
most unknown  in  literature ;  *  lectister- 
nium '  being  commonly  used  as  a  general 
term. 

8.  pervigilia.  Such  nightly  festivals 
{vavvvxibii)  were  an  ancient  custom  in 
Greece,  but  apparently  a  late  intro- 
duction at  Rome,  though  common  under 
the  Empire  (Plin.  N.  H.  18.  12,  32,  124 ; 
Suet.  Cal.  54;  Galb.  4;  Vit.  10,  &c.). 
They  are  frequently  noted  by  Juv.  and 
others  as  giving  licence  to  immorality ; 
and  their  use  is  strictly  limited  in  Cic. 
Legg.  2.  9. 

sed  non,  &c.  On  the  general  sub- 
ject of  the  remainder  of  this  chapter  see 
Appendix  to  this  Book,  and  Henderson, 
Nero,  pp.  434,  foil. 

9.  ope  humana,  apparently  explained 
by  *  largitionibus  principis '.  No  assist- 
ance rendered  by  other  persons  has  been 
mentioned,  nor,  if  such  there  were,  could  it 
be  expected  to  avert  suspicion  from  Nero. 

placamentis,  used  in  H.  i.  63,  2, 
and  previously  in  Plin.  N.  H.  21.  7,  19, 
42.     Livy  has  '  placamen  '  (7.  2,  3). 

10.  quin  ivissum  incendium  crede- 
retur. By  *  iussum ', '  ordered  by  Nero '  is 


374 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  64 


abolendo   rumori  Nero   subdidit   reos  et  quaesitissimis   poenis 
adfecit  quos  per  flagitia  invisos  vulgus  Christianos  appellabat. 
auctor  nominis  eius  Christus  Tiberio  imperitante  per  procura-  4 
torem  Pontium  Pilatum  supplicio  adfectus  erat ;  repressaque  in 


meant.  '  Quin '  has  here  its  epexegetical 
force,  and  is  equivalent  to  '  ut  non',  or  al- 
most to  *  sed '  (cp.  Dr.  Synt.  und  Stil, 
§  186;  Roby  1698).  Sulpicius  Severus 
(Chron.  2.  29)  has  here  again  (see  note 
on  c.  37,  8)  verbally  transcribed  much  of 
the  narrative  of  Tacitus.  His  words  are 
*  neque  ulla  re  Nero  efficiebat,  quin  ab  eo 
iussum  incendium  putaretur.  Igitur  vertit 
invidiam  in  Christianos ;  actaeque  in  in- 
noxios  crudelissimae  quaestiones  ;  quin 
et  novae  mortes  excogitatae,  ut  ferarum 
tergis  contecti  laniatu  canum  interirerent. 
Multi  crucibus  affixi  aut  flamma  usti  : 
plerique  in  id  reservati  ut,  cum  defecisset 
dies,  in  usum  nocturni  luminis  urerentur '. 

1.  abolendo  rumori,  dat.  of  purpose  : 
cp.  Introd.  i.  v.  §  22  b. 

subdidit  reos,  so  used  of  fraudulent 
substitution  in  i.  6,  6  (where  see  note)  : 
cp.  '  subdidit  testamentum '  (14.  40,  2), 
&c.  That  Tacitus  did  not  consider  the 
Christians  really  guilty,  is  shown  by  the 
expression  here  and  by  the  suggestion  in 
c.  38,  I  of  only  two  alternative  causes  for 
the  fire  ('forte  an  dolo  principis*)  :  see 
notes  on  §§  5,  8. 

quaesitissimis  =  *  exquisitissimis  '  : 
cp.  5-  3,  3;  12.  26,  I,  &c. 

2.  per  flagitia,  *  by  reason  of  their 
abominations.'  It  is  evident  from  this 
passage  and  from  the  mention  of  '  flagitia 
cohaerentia  nomini'  in  Pliny's  letter  (§  2), 
that  in  the  time  of  these  writers,  and  even, 
if  Tacitus  is  to  be  believed  (see  Appendix, 
p.  575),  in  the  Neronian  period,  such  im- 
putations as  those  designated  by  Qvionia 
deiTTva  and  OldinoSeioi  fii^eis  (see  C.  F. 
Arnold, p.  11, &c.),  i.e.  those  of  infanticide, 
cannibalism,  and  incest,  otherwise  known 
to  us  through  the  apologists  of  the  second 
century  (Min.  Fel.  Oct.  9  ;  Tert.  Apol.  7, 
foil.,  &c.),  were  already  current  against 
Christians.  Tacitus  entirely  believes  the 
charge,  and  repeats  it  under  other  expres- 
sions (§  4)  ;  but  Pliny  frankly  owns  that 
such  evidence  as  he  could  get,  even  under 
torture,  went  to  show  a  very  different  rule 
of  life.  The  epithet  *  malefica ',  given  to 
this  *  superstitio '  in  Suet.  Ner.  i6,  may 
either  be  taken  as  referring  generally  to 
such  misdeeds  (cp.  4.  21,  5,  &c.),  or  may 
have  a  specific  reference  (cp.  2.  69,  5)  to 
the  charges  of  magic  frequently  brought 


against  the  Christians  (Arnold,  p.  69.  r, 
and  71). 

vulgus  Christianos  appellabat.  It 
appears  to  be  implied  that  they  had 
not  yet  begun  to  call  themselves  such, 
but  were  already  popularly  so  called  in 
Rome  (see  Appendix,  p.  574).  The  origin 
of  the  name  at  Antioch  (Acts  11,  26)  is 
connected  by  Suidas  (s.  v.)  with  the  ap- 
pointment of  Euodius  to  the  charge  of 
that  church  by  St.  Peter,  an  event  dated 
by  Jerome  (on  Eus.  Chron.)  in  the  year 
A.D.  45.  The  formation  of  such  a 
name  from  '  Christus '  is  in  accordance 
with  late  Latin  usage  (cp.  '  Augustiani ' 
14.  15,  8,  *  TertuUianus,'  &c.),  but  it  has 
been  shown  that  it  could  equally  well 
have  originated  among  Asiatic  Greeks 
(C.  F.  Arnold,  p.  53,  foil.). 

3.  Christus,  given  by  Tacitus  (as  also 
in  Plin.  1.  1.)  as  a  proper  name,  probably 
the  only  name  of  our  Lord  known  to  him, 
and  in  any  case  the  appropriate  one  to  use 
here,  as  explaining  '  Christianus'.  This 
passage  is  the  earliest  record  of  the  event 
in  any  non-Christian  writer. 

imperitante.  Hochart  (see  Appendix, 
p.  5  7 1 , 1 )  strangely  notes  this  as  an  unusual 
expression  in  Tacitus.  Besides  -.the  five 
strictly  parallel  instances  which  he  admits 
(3.  24,  5  ;  4.  62,  3 ;  II.  14,  5  ;  13.  32,  5  ; 
42,  i),  the  verb  is  one  of  the  frequentative 
forms  which  Tacitus  so  often  prefers. 

4.  Pontium  Pilatum,  mentioned  here 
alone  by  any  Roman  historian.  Josephus 
gives  the  duration  of  his  procuratorship 
as  ten  years  (Ant.  18.  4,  2)  from  A.D. 
27-37,  and  mentions  his  recall  by  order  of 
Vitellius,  legate  of  Syria.  Some  account 
of  his  government  is  given  in  Philo, 
Leg.  38,  and  the  story  of  his  suicide 
in  exile  is  mentioned  in  Eus.  H.  E.  2,  7. 
It  has  been  thought  remarkable  (see  Ap- 
pendix, p.  572, 1 )  that  he  is  here  described 
simply  as  '  procurator ',  without  specifica- 
tion of  his  province ;  but  this  is  quite  in 
accordance  with  the  usage  of  the  first 
century  as  shown  by  inscriptions,  e.  g. 
C.  L  L.  12.  5842. 

repressa  in  praesens  .  .  .  erumpe- 
bat.  The  statement  that  Christianity  was 
temporarily  checked,  and  then  began  to 
break  out  again  here  and  there,  seems 
likely  to  have  been  an  inference  drawn  by 


A.  D.  64] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.  44 


375 


praesens  exitiabilis  superstitio  rursum  erumpebat,  non  modo  per 
ludaeam,  originem  eius  mali,  sed  per  urbem  etiam  quo  cuncta 
5  undique  atrocia  aut  pudenda  confluunt  celebranturque.  igitur 
primum  correpti  qui  fatebantur,  deinde  indicio  eorum  multitudo 
ingens   haud   proinde   in   crimine  incendii   quam  odio  humani  5 


I 


Tacitus  or  his  authorities  from  the  fact 
that  the  Crucifixion  of  Christ  was  known 
to  have  taken  place  in  the  time  of  Ti- 
berius, and  that  the  outer  world  had 
heard  nothing  of  Christianity  until  some 
years  after  that  date,  and  then  intermit- 
tently. 

1.  exitiabilis  superstitio.  Any  fo- 
reign religion,  not  Greek,  would  pro- 
bably be  called  *  superstitio  ' :  cp.  2.  85, 
5  ;  3-  60,  5  ;  13.  32,  3,  &c.  'Exitiabilis' 
is  so  used  of  disease  in  16.  5,  2,  and 
would  probably  here  mean  that  it  was 
pernicious  to  the  character  (cp.  6.  7,  4), 
probably  in  reference  to  its  'flagitia'  (§  3). 
It  is  thus  much  stronger  than  the  *  super- 
stitio prava  immodica '  of  Pliny's  letter 
(§   8),  and  would   more  answer  to   the 

*  malefica  *  of  Suet,  (see  on  §  3). 

non  modo,  &c. ;  i.  e.  it  was  so  far  from 
being  confined  to  Judaea,  that  it  had 
extended  itself  to  Rome.  The  spread  of 
Christianity  elsewhere  is  not  noticed,  as 
being  foreign  to  what  Tacitus  had  to  say ; 
and  the  inference  of  Schiller  (p.  437),  that 
he  only  knew  of  it  as  then  existing  in 
these  two  localities,  is  unwarranted. 

2.  cuncta  .  .  .  atrocia  aut  pudenda, 

•  all  that  is  horrible  and  shameful.'  The 
allusion  no  doubt  is  to  the'  flagitia,'  viewed 
both  as  hideous  cruelties  (cp.  6.  24,  2  ; 
40,  I,  &c.)  and  as  immoralities.  By  say- 
ing *  cuncta ',  he  would  refer  also  to  the 
Isiac  or  other  foreign  mysteries,  at 
which  immoralities  were  known  to  take 
place. 

3.  celebrantur,  *  are  constantly  prac- 
tised '  :  cp.  2.  56,  2,  and  note. 

igitur,  used  to  mark  the  return  to 
the  main  subject,  as  in  i.  62,  i ;  14.  3,  i  ; 
60,  I ,  &c. 

4.  primum  correpti  qui  fatebantur. 
This  can  only  mean,  'those  were  first 
brought  to  trial  (cp.  3.  28,  5  ;  12.  42,  4, 
&c.)  who  were  admitting  the  charge  *  (cp. 
II.  I,  2,  &c.)  ;  but  it  is  not  necessary  to 
follow  those  who  assume  that  the  charge 
admitted  was  that  of  incendiarism.  Such 
manifest  incendiaries  as  are  mentioned  in 
c.  38,  8,  if  they  could  then  have  been 
said  '  fateri  incendium ',  would  hardly  be 
likely,  still  less  would  any  others  (even 


religious  enthusiasts)  be  likely  to  be  (as 
the  tense  requires)  still  openly  acknow- 
ledging the  crime  when  these  proceedings 
were  taken  some  time  afterwards.  It  is 
no    doubt    true    that    those   who  were 

*  making  open  profession  of  Christianity* 
would  ordinarily  be  said  '  profiteri '  (cp. 
'Cynicam  sectam  professo'  H.  4.  40,  5), 
not  '  fateri '.  But  this  difficulty  would 
disappear  on  the  supposition  that  the 
Christians  as  a  body  had  been  already 
marked  out  by  some  means  as  the  incen- 
diaries (see  Append,  p.  580),  so  that  the 
question  whether  a  person  was  a  Christian 
became  the  most  essential  part  of  the 
charge  against  him.  The  expression 
could  thus  be  used  with  the  same  pro- 
priety as  in  Pliny's  letter  (§  3)  :  '  inter- 
rogavi  ipsos  an  essent  Christiani.  Con- 
fitentes  iterum  .  .  .  interrogavi  .  .  .  neque 
enim  dubitabam,  qualecumque  esset  quod 
faterentur,'  &c. 

multitudo  ingens.  The  difficulty 
raised  by  these  words  (see  App.  p.  575) 
may  be  lessened  by  remembering  that  the 
expression  is  rhetorical,  and  that  the 
somewhat  similar  'immensa  strages*  of 
6.  19,  3  has  been  thought  to  mean  no 
more  than  twenty  executions  in  one  day 
(see  note  there). 

5.  haud  proinde  .  .  .  quam.  On  this 
expression  (here  and  in  c.  42,  i,  not 
altered  by  Halm  to  *  perinde  ',  as  usual) 
see  13.21,3,  and  note.  The  words  would 
appear  to  mean  that  although  incendiar- 
ism was  that  of  which  they  were  formally 
convicted,  there  were  few,  if  any,  cases  in 
which  any  direct  evidence  of  such  was 
attempted  to  be  set  up;  their  notorious 

*  hatred  of  the  human  race '  being  held  to 
prove  their  guilt. 

in  crimine  :  cp.  Cic.  de  Inv.  2. 10,  32 
('  in  peccato  convictus '),  and  pro  Sull. 
30,  83  ('in  hoc  scelere  convictus'),  and 
similar  constructions  in  Plin.  ma.  and 
Suet. 

odio  humani  generis,  best  taken, 
with   Nipp.,   by  supplying  'in'   before 

*  odio '.  Walth.  and  Ritt.  explain  it  less 
well ;  the  former  taking  the  abl.  as  causal, 
and  the  latter  taking  the  expression  sub- 
jectively, referring  to   *  invisos '   above. 


376 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  64 


generis  convicti  sunt,     et  pereuntibus  addita  ludibrla,  ut  ferarum  6 
tergis  contecti  laniatu  canum  interirent,  aut  crucibus  adfixi  aut 
flammandi,  atque  ubi  defecisset  dies  in  usum  nocturni  luminis 
urerentur.     hortos  suos  ei  spectaculo  Nero  obtulerat  et  circense  7 
5  ludicrum  edebat,  habitu  aurigae  permixtus  plebi  vel  curriculo 
insistens.    unde  quamquam  adversus  sontis  et  novissima  exempla  8 


Tacitus  charges  the  Jews  in  H.  5.  5,  2 
with  a  similar  hatred  of  mankind  ('  ad- 
versus omnis  alios  Jiostile  odium  '),  The 
probable  explanation  of  such  a  charge 
here  is  to  be  found  in  their  abstinence 
from  social  gatherings  and  popular 
amusements,  perhaps  also  in  misinterpre- 
tations of  expressions  used  respecting 
*  the  world  '  (in  a  Christian  sense). 

1.  convicti  :  so  all  other  MSS.andall 
edd.  for  Med.  *  coniuncti ' ;  which  it  has 
been  less  well  proposed  to  retain,  with  an 
insertion  of  'reperti '  before  '  sunt '.  Ac- 
cording to  the  interpretation  here  given, 
'  convicti '  answers  to  *  correpti ',  and 
both  apply  as  well  to  the  '  qui  fatebantur ' 
as  to  the    *  multitude '. 

2.  tergis,  *  hides ' :  cp.  4. 72, 2,  and  note. 

aut  crucibus  adfixi  aut  flam- 
mandi atque.  The  Med.  text  is  here 
given  as  it  stands,  though  it  can  hardly 
be  free  from  corruption.  Those  who 
defend  it  would  supply  *  interirent '  again 
after  *  flammandi '  (to  which  in  that  case 
the  'flammati^  of  MS.  Agr.  would  be 
preferable),  or  endeavour  to  force  the 
whole  sentence  into  dependence  on  *  ure- 
rentur '  (see  Pfitzner's  note).  Nipp.  (who 
reads  'flammati"*)  brackets  the  whole 
'  aut  crucibus  .  .  .  flammati '  as  a  very 
old  gloss,  older  than  the  time  of 
Sulpicius  Severus  (see  note  on  §  2),  on 
the  ground  that  the  deaths  here  spoken  of 
involve  no  '  ludibrium '  (which  is  true, 
except  that  they  are  shown  in  §  7  to  form 
part  of  the  *  spectaculum ').  Halm  thinks 
that  Sulpicius  has  preserved  the  trace  of 
the  true  text,  and  reads  *  multi  crucibus 
adfixi  aut  flamma  usti,  aliique,  ubi ',  &c. 
By  supplying  *  interirent '  after  '  usti '  a 
fair  sense  is  given  ;  but  the  use  of  the 
latter  word  with  'urerentur'  so  soon 
following  throws  some  suspicion  on  the 
reading;  though  Tacitus  sometimes  thus 
repeats  words  (see  Nipp.  on  i.  8r). 
Arnold  suggests  '  multi  crucibus  adfixi 
sunt  flammandi,  utque  .  .  .  urerentur', 
noting  the  interchange  of  gerundive  and 
final  clause  in  2.  36,  i  ;  4.  9,  i,  &c.,  and 
explaining  by  the  supposition  that  these 
victims  were  crucified  to  be  afterwards 


set  on  fire.  This  reading  departs  less  than 
Halm's  from  the  Med,  text.but  is  less  in  ac- 
cordance with  what  Sulpicius  would  seem 
to  have  followed,  and  gives  a  description 
very  different  from  that  in  the  supposed 
allusion  to  such  a  scene  in  Juv.  i,  155,  foil. 

3.  flammandi.  This  verb  is  so  used 
by  Lucr.  and  other  poets,  and  by  Tacitus 
elsewhere  figuratively  (H.  2.  74,  3  ;  4. 
24,  4).  Those  executed  by  burning  were  | 
usually  dressed  in  the  'tunica  molesta',  1 
noticed  by  Juvenal  (8,  235)  as  the  appro- 
priate punishment  for  incendiaries,  and 
also  mentioned  by  Martial  (10.  25,  5), 
and  described  by  Seneca  (Ep,  14,  5)  as 

*  illam  tunicam  alimentis  ignium  et  inlitam 
et  textam'.  As  an  additional  mockery, 
this  garment  was  often  made  externally 
of  gold  and  purple  and  other  rich  ma- 
terials (see  Plut.  de  sera  num.  vind.,  and 
other  references  in  Friedl.  Sitteng.  ii,  366). 

ubi  defecisset,  best  taken,  with  Dr., 
as  the  subjunct.  of  action  frequently 
repeated:  see  Introd.  i.  v.   §  52. 

in  usum  noctumi  luminis  (so  all 
edd.  for  the  Med.  *  in  usu  ')  =  *  t\nde  no- 
cturnum  lumen  pararetur'  :  cp.  'natis  in 
usum  laetitiae  scyphis '  (Hor.  Od.  1.27, 1). 

4.  hortos  suos  :  cp.  c.  39,  2.  On  the 
circus  there  see  14.  14,  3,  and  note.  On 
the  practice  of  making  a  spectacle  of  the 
torture  and  execution  of  malefactors  see 
Friedl.  1.  c. 

5.  curriculo  insistens :  so  in  14.  14, 
I  ;  here  so  read  by  all  edd.  after  Ryck, 
with  MS.  Agr.,  for  Med.  '  circulo '. 

6.  ujide,  i.e.  from  the  observation  of 
his  brutal  demeanour. 

sontis.  Schiller's  remark  (p.  437,  i), 
that  Tacitus  in  these  words  contra- 
dicts himself  (see  note  on  §  3),  seems 
unfounded.  It  is  possible  that  (as 
C.  F.  Arnold  thinks)  reference  is  again 
intended  to  the  '  flagitia  '  (§  3) ;  perhaps 
more  probable  that  '  sontes '  is  used  in 
relation  to  the  charge  of  incendiarism,  but 
that  Tacitus  is  giving,  not  his  own  view, 
but  that  of  the  spectators,  who,  believing 
them  to  be  guilty,  yet  felt  pity  for  them. 

novissima  exempla  meritos  :  cp.  12. 
20,  4,  and  note. 


A.  D.  64] 


LIBER  XV.     CAP.  44,   45 


377 


meritos  miseratio  oriebatur,  tamquam  non  utilitate  publica  sed 
in  saevitiam  unius  absumerentur. 

1  45.  Interea  conferendis  pecuniis  pervastata  Italia,  provinciae 
eversae   sociique   populi   et   quae   civitatium   liberae  vocantur. 

2  inque  earn  praedam  etiam  dii  cessere,  spoliatis  in  urbe  templis  5 
egestoque  auro  quod  triumphis,  quod  votis  omnis  populi  Romani 

3  aetas  prospere  aut  in   metu  sacraverat.     enimvero  per  Asiam 
atque  Achaiam  non  dona  tantum  sed  simulacra  numinum  abri- 


I 


I.  tamquam,  '  on  the  ground  that' : 
cp.  12.  39,  5,  &c. 

utilitate  publica,  abl.  of  objective 
cause  :  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  30. 

3.  in  saevitiam  unius,  'with  a  view- 
to  (i.  e.  to  gratify)  the  cruelty  of  one.* 
Nipp.  compares  *  in  spem  .  .  .  comiptum ' 
(14.  63,  I). 

3.  conferendis  pecuniis  (dative  of 
purpose)  ;  i.  e.  for  the  new  palace,  and 
other  buildings.  Suet,  says  (c.  38)  *  con- 
lationibus  non  receptis  modo  verum  et 
efflagitatis  provincias  privatorumque  cen- 
sus prope  exhaasit'.  Dio  speaks  in  similar 
terms,  and  says  (62.  18,  5)  that  he  even 
withdrew  the  corn  allowance  {jojv  'Pcu- 
fiaicuv  avrwv  to  aiTijpecriov  -rrapeaiTdcaTo)  ; 
which,  in  the  light  of  what  Tacitus  states 
in  c.  39,  2,  is  most  improbable. 

provinciae.      Nipp.    thinks    that    by 
this  term  here  the  '  stipendiarii '  alone  are 
meant,   by  *  socii   populi '  the  '  civitates 
j  foederatae ',    and    by    *  quae     civitatium 
!  liberae  vocantur'  the  'civitates  liberae', 
and  those  called  '  liberae  et  immunes  ' ; 
and   that   the   privileges    of   both   these 
classes  were  now,  as  on  many  other  oc- 
1  casions,set  at  nought.     It  is  also  possible 
I  to  take  *  socii  populi '  of  the  states  under 
vassal  princes,  or  to  suppose  (see  Momms. 
Staatsr.  iii.   735,  4)  that  'socii   populi' 
and  '  liberae  civitates '  are  here  a  specific 
description    of    '  provinciae ',   and    refer 
respectively  to  the  unprivileged  and  pri- 
vileged peoples.     This  explanation  would 
jbe  supported  by  *  foedera  sociis  dilargiri ' 
(H.  3.  55,  2) ;  though  Tacitus  elsewhere 
uses  *  socii'  more  generally,  as  in  'foederi 
sociae  urbis  '  (2.  53,  3). 

4.  eversae,  *  were  ruined ' ;  so  '  ever- 
tisti  funditus  civitates '  (Cic.  Pis.  35,  86), 
&c. 

5.  in  earn  praedam  .  .  .  cessere, 
'  formed  part  of  that  plunder.'  Dr.  notes 
that  the  use  of  these  expressions  with  a 
personal  subject  (cp.  6.  43,  i ;  also  '  Nori- 


cos  m  cetera  victonae  praemia  cessuros 
H.  1 .  70,  4)  is  rare,  that  with  things  (as 
I.  I,  3  ;  2.  33,  3  ;  H.  3. 83, 1)  more  com- 
mon. Here  the  personal  subject  is  meta- 
phorical only;  the  treasures  in  the  temples 
being  really  spoken  of. 

6.  auro :  such  offerings  of  gold  are 
often  mentioned  in  Livy,  &c. 

triumphis  .  .  .  votis,  'on  occasions 
of  triumphs  or  vows.'  The  construction 
seems  analogous  to  the  simple  abl.  of 
time  and  place  :  cp.  *  proconsulatu '  (H. 
I.  48,  6),  and  other  expressions  quoted  by 
Nipp.  on  4.  51,  I. 

7.  prospere  aut  in  metu,  '  in  success 
or  panic'  We  should  expect  •  prospere 
sacraverat '  to  have  a  difTerent  meaning ; 
but  the  sense  of  '  per  prospera '  or  *  rebus 
prosperis '  is  clearly  required  by  the  anti- 
thesis '  in  metu ',  which  may  here  denote 
a  state  of  circumstances,  rather  than  a 
frame  of  mind,  as  in  i.  40,  i  (where  see 
note),  &c.  Adverbs  and  nouns  are  some- 
times co-ordinated,  as  in   2.   11,   3;  16. 

5>  3. 

8.  dona,  answering  to  the  '  aurum 
taken  from  temples  in  Rome :  '  sed '  = 
'  sed  etiam ',  as  in  i.  60,  i,  &c. 

simulacra  numinum.  Pausanias  says  \ 
(10.  7,  i)  that  Nero  took  500  statues 
from  Delphi  alone,  and  elsewhere  (6.  25, 
9;  26,  3)  specifies  statues  taken  from 
Olympia.  Pliny  enumerates  a  long  list 
of  statues,  the  finest  of  which  had  been 
pillaged  by  Nero  for  the  Golden  House,  ' 
and  were  afterwards  given  by  Vespasian 
to  various  temples  built  by  him  (see  N. 
H.  34.  8,  19,  84).  Pergamum  appears  to 
have  offered  active  resistance  to  the  ex- 
tortion (16.  23,  i)  ;  and  Dio  Chrys.  men- 
tions (Or.  31.  p.  644  R)  that  Rhodes  was 
for  some  reason  specially  exempted  by 
Nero,  and  gave  up  nothing  of  its  great 
abundance.  Such  pillage  on  a  smaller 
scale  was  common  at  all  times  :  see  Juv. 
8,  102,  foil. 


378 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  64 


piebantur,  missis  in  eas  provincias  Acrato  ac  Secundo  Carrinate. 
ille  libertus  cuicumque  flagitio  promptus,  hie  Graeca  doctrina  ore  4 
tenus  exercitus  animum  bonis  artibus  non  induerat.     ferebatur  5 
Seneca  quo  invidiam  sacrilegii  a  semet  averteret  longinqui  ruris 

6  secessum  oravisse  et,  postquam   non  concedebatur,  ficta  vale- 
tudine  quasi  aeger  nervis  cubiculum   non   egressus.     tradidere  6 
quidam  venenum  ei  per  libertum  ipsius,  cui  nomen  Cleonicus, 
paratum  iussu  Neronis  vitatumque  a  Seneca  proditione  liberti 
seu  propria  formidine,  dum  persimplici  victu  et  agrestibus  pomis 

10  ac,  si  sitis  admoneret,  profluente  aqua  vitam  tolerat. 

46.  Per  idem  tempus  gladiatores  apud    oppidum  Praeneste  1 


1.  Acrato,  only  mentioned  here  and  in 
16.  23,  I  (where  see  note  as  to  the  diffi- 
culty of  date),  and  Dio  Chrys.  1.  1. 

Secundo  Carrinate,  probably  a  son 
of  the  rhetorician  exiled  by  Gains  (Dio 
59.  20,  6  ;  Juv.  7,  204).  Med.  has  here 
•  Caprinatae',  Put.  and  other  old  edd. 
'  Carinate '  (which  is  also  the  form  in 
Dio,  1. 1.)  ;  the  name  being  restored  as 
above  by  Nipp.  from  the  form  in  13.  10, 
3,  and  Juv.  1. 1.  Or.  adds  that  it  is  so 
written  in  inscriptions,  e.g.  C.  I.  L.  i^ 
p.  64. 

2.  ille  :  sc. '  erat  . 

ore  tenus,  i.  e.  '  so  as  to  talk  of  it '; 
he  could  use  the  language  of  Greek  moral 
philosophy  without  believing  its  tenets  : 
cp.  *  nomine  tenus '  (c.  6,  6),  '  titulo 
tenus '  (Suet.  lul.  76),  &c.,  and  the  same 
sentiment  expressed  in  other  words  in  16. 

32,  3- 

3.  animum.  .  .non  induerat.  [Halm 
follows  Lipsius  in  reading  '  imbuerat '  for 
Med. '  induerat '.  But  the  text  given  above 
merely  represents  an  extension  of  the  ordi- 
nary sense  of  '  induere  se  aliqua  re'. — F.] 

4.  invidiam,  •  the  odium  ' :  the  word  is 
used  with  a  similar  genit.  in  c.  64,  I ;  12. 
67,  2  ;  Agr.  42,  3,  &c. 

5.  secessum  oravisse.  It  is  to  be 
inferred  that  his  former  request  for  retire- 
ment from  the  court  (14.  52-56)  had  not 
been  granted,  and  that  he  was  still  one  of 
Nero's  '  consilium '.  On  the  alleged 
acceptance  at  this  time  of  his  resignation 
of  his  property,  see  note  on  c.  64,  6. 

6.  asger  nervis,  'having  a  muscular 
complaint'  (neuralgia  or  gout).  Nipp. 
compares  Suet.  Vesp.  7  (*  propter  nervo- 
rum valitudinem  vix  ingredi '),  and 
Fronto  ad  am.  i.  15,  p.  184  Nab. 
(*  nervorum  dolor  me  invasit '). 


egressus,  with  accus. :  cp.  i.  30,  2, 
and  note. 

8.  proditione  .  .  .  seu,  &c.  Schiller 
(p.  17)  thinks  that,  if  the  second  version 
be  true,  the  whole  story  may  probably 
have  been  an  invention :  see  c.  60,  3,  and 
note. 

9.  persimplici,  atr.  dp.  For  similar 
words  used  by  Tacitus  see  Introd.  i.  v. 
§  69,  3.  Halm  and  Nipp.  needlessly 
alter  the  text  to  *  per  simplicem  victum'. 
In  his  Epistles,  written  at  this  time, 
Seneca  describes  the  simplicity  of  his  life. 
Thus  (83,  6):  *panis  deinde  siccus  et 
sine  mensa  prandlum,  post  quod  non  sunt 
lavandae  manus.'  ...  *  brevissimo  somno 
utor'.  Again  (108,  16)  Mnde  in^  omnem 
vitam  unguento  abstinemus,  .  .  .  inde  vino 
carens  stomachus  :  inde  in  omnem  vitam 
balneum  fugimus '. 

et  agrestibus  pomis,  explanatory 
of  '  persimplici  victu '.  By  '  agrestia '  the 
apples  growing  in  fields  (as  distinct  from 
more  highly  cultivated  garden  fruit)  are 
meant :  cp.  '  cibi  simplices,  agrestia  poma' 
(G.  23,  i) ;  '  Cereale  solum  pomis  agre- 
stibus augent'  (Verg.  Aen.  7,  iii). 

dum  .  .  .  tolerat.  On  such  indica- 
tives in  oratio   obliqua  see  Introd.  i.  v. 

§49- 

II.  Praeneste,  Palestrina,  about 
twenty-three  miles  east  of  Rome.  It  is  to 
be  gathered  from  this  passage  that  a  train- 
ing-school of  gladiators  was  kept  there 
by  the  emperor  to  furnish  a  supply  for 
the  Roman  exhibitions.  Similar  schools 
existed  at  Capua,  Alexandria,  and  at 
many  places  in  the  provinces,  and  we  hear 
of  one  at  Rome  in  the  time  of  Cicero  (Cat. 
2.  5,  9),  and  others  subsequently:  see  11. 
35,  7,  and  note. 


A.  D.  64] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.  45-47 


379 


temptata  eruptione  praesidio  militis,  qui  custos  adesset,  coerciti 
sunt,  iam  Spartacum  et  Vetera  mala  rumoribus  ferente  populo, 

2  ut  est  novarum  rerum  cupiens  pavidusque.  nee  multo  post 
clades  rei  navalis  accipitur,  non  bello  (quippe  baud  alias  tarn 
immota  pax),  sed  certum  ad  diem  in  Campaniam  redire  classem  5 

8  Nero  iusserat,  non  exceptis  maris  casibus.  ergo  gubernatores, 
quamvis  saeviente  pelago,  a  Formiis  movere ;  et  gravi  Africo, 
dum  promunturium  Miseni  superare  contendunt,  Cumanis  litori- 
bus  impacti  triremium  plerasque  et  minora  navigia  passim 
amiserunt.  ic 

1  47.  Fine  anni  vulgantur  prodigia  imminentium  malorum 
nuntia :    vis    fulgurum    non    alias    crebrior    et    sidus    cometes, 

2  sanguine  inlustri  semper  Neroni  expiatum  ;  bicipites  hominum 
aliorumve  animalium  partus  abiecti  in  publicum  aut  in  sacrificiis, 


1.  adesset.  Halm,  Orelli,  and  Ritt. 
follow  Walth.  in  restoring  the  Med.  text, 
which  it  is  possible  to  explain  by  suppos- 
ing one  of  the  harsh  ellipses  not  unusual 
in  Tacitus,  such  as  '  existente '  or  '  ibi 
locato '  (*  a  military  force  being  posted 
there  to  be  a  guard  on  the  spot ').  Others 
read  'aderat'  (with  MS.  Agr.).  Nipp., 
by  a  far  less  violent  alteration,  reads 
*  adest ',  explaining  the  present  as  used  to 
denote  a  standing  institution. 

2.  Spartacum,  The  celebrated  servile 
war  led  by  him  (681-683,  B.C.  73-71) 
had  begun  with  the  outbreak  of  only  74 
gladiators  from  the  school  at  Capua  (see 
Mommsen,  Hist.  B.  v.  ch.  2).  On  the 
panic  in  Rome  at  any  rising  of  servile 
character  see  4.  27,  3  ;  also  14.  42-45. 

rumoribus  ferente  :  so  'sermonibus 
ferre '  (Dial.  10,  7  ;  Liv.  4.  5,  6),  *  fama 
ferre'(Liv.  23.31,13):  cp.  5.4,4;  16.2,2. 

5.  immota  pax.  The  war  in  the  East 
was  virtually  over.  Coins  are  found  re- 
presenting the  temple  of  Janus  shut 
(Cohen  i.  p.  287). 

classem,  the  *  classis  praetoria ',  sta- 
tioned at  Misenum  (see  4.  5,  i). 

7.  Formiis,  Mola  di  Gaeta,  on  the 
coast  of  Latin  m. 

movere,  intrans. :  so  *  postquam  .  .  . 
moverat'  (Cic.  Att.  9.  i,  i),  '  movisse 
Romanos  audivit'  (Liv.  37.  28,  4)  :  see 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  41. 

Africo.  This  well-known  stormy  wind 
(Verg.^  Aen.  1,  86 ;  Hor.  Od.  i.  14,  5), 
the  Greek  A/^,  and  Italian  Libeccio, 
blows  from  WSW. 


8.  promunturium  Miseni :  on  the 
expression  cp.  6.  50,  2,  and  note.  They 
would  have  to  round  the  cape  to  reach 
their  station. 

Cumanis.  Cumae  lay  some  six  miles 
north  of  the  cape  of  Misenum. 

9.  plerasque  =  *  permultas '  (3.  i,  2, 
&c.). 

passim,  'in  crowds':  cp.  c.  57,  4; 
14.  15,  I,  &c. 

10.  prodigia  :  see  12.  43,  i,  and  note. 
13.  semper  Neroni  expiatum.  Tacitus 

has  only  recorded  one  previous  comet 
(14.  22;  i),  and  that  as  followed  only 
by  the  exile  of  Rubellius  Plautus,  whose 
death,  as  well  as  that  of  Cornelius  Sulla, 
did  not  take  place  till  two  years  after- 
wards (14.  57-59).  It  is  possible  that 
there  may  have  been  other  occasions 
which  Tacitus  has  omitted  to  notice,  as 
Pliny  speaks  of  a  comet  as  constantly 
appearing  ('  adsiduum  prope  ac  saevum  ') 
in  the  time  of  Nero  (N.  H.  2.  25,  23,92). 
More  probably  'semper'  is  a  rhetorical 
exaggeration,  like  *saepe*  in  13.  6,  i. 
Suet.  (Ner.  36)  speaks  obviously  of  the 
comet  here  mentioned  ;  its  expiation  being 
found  (as  Tacitus  also  no  doubt  here 
implies)  in  the  execution  of  the  con- 
spirators. Dio,  alluding  apparently  to 
the  earlier  comet  (61.  18,  2),  mentions 
Nero  as  dissuaded  from  bloodshed  by  the 
advice  of  Seneca,  and  expiating  the  por- 
tent by  a  costly  festival.  Hartmann, 
Anal.  p.  23,  suggests  that  *  Neroni'  is  an 
interpolation. 


38o 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  64 


quibus  gravidas  hostias  immolare  mos  est,  reperti.     et  in  agro  3 
Placentino  viam  propter  natus  vitulus  cui  caput  in  crure  esset ; 
secutaque  haruspicum  interpretatio,  parari  rerum   humanarum 
aliud  caput,  sed  non  fore  validum  neque  occultum,  quia  in  utero 
5  repressum  aut  iter  iuxta  editum  sit. 

48.  Ineunt  deinde  consulatum  Silius  Nerva  et  Atticus  Ves-  1 
tinus,   coepta    simul   et   aucta    coniuratione   in   quam    certatim 
nomina  dederant  senatores  eques  miles,  feminae  etiam,  cum  odio 
Neronis  turn  favore  in  C.  Pisonem.     is  Calpurnio  genere  ortus  2 


1.  quibus,  'to  the  deities  to  which.' 
That  one  of  these  was  Tellus  is  to  be  seen 
from  Ov.  F.  4,  629-634  ('  Telluri  plenae 
victima  plena  datur  *).  The  same  passage 
records  the  tradition  of  a  like  sacrifice  by 
Numa  to  Faunus.  Festus  (s.  v.  '  horda ') 
gives  the  name  of  such  festivals  as  *  hordi- 
cidia '  ('  horda  '  = '  praegnaus  vacca '). 

2.  Placentino, of Placentia(Piacenza), 
an  old  and  famous  colony. 

esset.  The  subjunctive  seems  best 
explained  (with  Orelli  and  Ritt.)  as 
throwing  the  statement  into  the  form  of  a 
report  (  =  *  esse  ferebatur').  Nipp,,  Dr.  and 
Jacob  take  it  as  expressing  a  peculiarity, 
with  some  such  ellipse  as  '  qui  ita  natus 
erat  ut  .  .  .  esset '.  The  references  given  to 

I.  11,4;  13.  I,  2,  seem  hardly  apposite. 

3.  haruspicum.     On  this  college  see 

II.  15,  I,  foil. 

4.  validum  .  .  .  occultum.  These 
appear  to  refer  in  sense  not  so  much  to 

*  caput '  as  to  the  conspiracy  implied  in 

*  parari  .  .  .  caput '. 

in  utero  repressum,  explained  by 
Em.  to  mean  that  the  head  had  been 
distorted  in  the  womb  and  attached  to 
the  hind  quarters,  so  as  not  to  come 
to  its  proper  strength  and  development. 
Thus  the  conspiracy  would  be  frustrated 
by  internal  discord. 

5.  aut='et  rursus'  (cp.  *tolerans  aut 
declinans'  6.  51,  3,  and  many  other  in- 
stances in  Gerber  and  Greef,  Lex.  pp. 
124-126).  As  *  utero  repressum '  answers 
to  '  non  fore  validum ',  so  this  clause 
answers  to  '  neque  occultum'.  Nipp. 
follows  Em.  in  reading  '  et '. 

editum  sit.  Similar  uses  of  the  perf. 
subjunct.  for  the  pluperf.  are  found  in 
I.  10,  I,  &c. 

6.  Silius  Nerva  et  Atticus  Vestinus. 
Their  full  names  are  given  in  Phleg.  de 
Mir.  23,  as  A.  Licinius  Nerva  Silianus 
and  M.  Vestinus  Atticus.  Nipp.  shows 
that    the  former    name    might    be  also 


written  A,  Licinius  Silius  Nerva,  and  that 
this  person  is  probably  grandson  of  the 
consul  of  the  same  name  in  a.  d.  7  ( Arg. 
Dio  55),  and  son,  more  probably  cousin, 
of  the  consul  of  a.  d.  28  (4.  68,  i) ;  see 
Prosop.  3.  246.  The  other  consul  was 
no  doubt  one  of  the  sons  of  the  Viennese 
knight,  L.  Julius  Vestinus,  for  whom 
honours  are  bespoken  in  the  '  Oratio 
Claudii '  ii.  11.  (See  Appendix  to  Book 
II.) 

7.  coepta,  &c. ;  '  after  a  conspiracy 
had  been  set  on  foot  and  had  gathered 
strength  at  once.'  That  the  participles 
are  to  be  taken  in  a  past  sense  is  pointed 
out  by  Nipp.  as  shown  by  the  tense  of 
'dederant'.  We  should  gather  from  14. 
65,  2,  that  the  first  movement  had  taken 
place  in  A.  D.  62-63,  and  from  c.  50,  6, 
that  it  had  been  intended  to  kill  Nero 
during  the  confusion  at  the  tinle  of  the 
fire.  That  the  plot  was  detected  and 
suppressed  in  the  latter  part  of  April  in 
this  year  will  appear  from  the  notes  on 
C.53,  i;  10,  I. 

8.  nomina  dederant:  cp.  14.  15,  i, 
and  note. 

senatores  eques  miles.  On  the 
change  of  number  see  Introd,  i.  v.  §  2. 

9.  C.  Pisonem,  see  Prosop.  i,  p.  279. 
The  parentage  of  this  C.  Calpumius  Piso' 
is  unknown.       Gaius  Caesar  took  from' 
him  his  wife  Livia  Orestilla  at  the  wedding 
feast,  restored  her  in  a  few  days,  but  after- 
wards exiled  the  pair  for  having  resumed  \ 
intercourse  (Suet.  Cal.  25  ;  Dio  59.  8,  7).  \ 
The  old  Schol.  on  Juv.  5,  105  mentions 
his  return  under  Claudius,  his  consulship! 
(which  Baiter  thinks  may  have  been  as 
suff.  in  A.  D.  48),  and  enrichment  byin-i 
heritance  from  his  mother,  also  his  fame, 
as  a  tragic  actor  and  chessplayer,  and  his  \ 
munificent    gifts    to   clients    and  others.  1 
His  name  occurs  among  the  Arvales  from  j 
A.  D.  38 ;  and  the  record  (C.  L  L.  vi.  i.  | 
2028-2048)  would  show  that    his  exile 


\ 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.  47-49 


381 


ac   multas   insignisque   familias   paterna   nobilitate   complexus, 
claro  apud  vulgum  rumore  erat  per  virtutem  aut  species  vir- 

8  tutibus  similis.     namque  facundiam  tuendis  civibus  exercebat, 
largitionem  adversum  amicos,  et  ignotis  quoque  comi  sermone  et 

4  congressu  ;    aderant   etiam    fortuita,   corpus    procerum,   decora  5 
facies :  sed  procul  gravitas  morum  aut  voluptatum  parsimonia ; 
levitati  ac  magnificentiae  et  aliquando  luxu  indulgebat,  idque 
pluribus  probabatur  qui  in  tanta  vitiorum  dulcedine  summum 
imperium  non  restrictum  nee  perseverum  volunt. 

1  49.  Initium  coniurationi  non  a  cupidine  ipsius  fuit :  nee  tamen  10 
facile  memoraverim  quis  primus  auctor,  cuius  instinctu  concitum 

2  sit  quod  tarn  multi  sumpserunt.    promptissimos  Subrium  Flavum 
tribunum  praetoriae  cohortis  et  Sulpicium  Asprum  centurionem 


I  cannot  have  begnn  till  after  June  A.  D.  40 
(after  which  there  are  no  more  Tables  till 
[a. D.  43).  Many  particulars  are  recorded 
lin  a  panegyric  on  him  of  261  lines  (see 
jBahrens,  Poet.  Lat.  Min.  1.  220-236), 
[which  has  been  assigned  to  Saleius  Bassns 
land  other  authors,  and  with  more  proba- 
jbility  to  Calpurnius,  whose  name  would 
point  to  his  having  been  a  client  of  the 
family.  On  his  second  wife  and  his 
death  see  c.  59  ;  on  the  death  of  his  son, 
H.  4.  II,  3. 

1.  complexus,  'uniting':  cp.  2.  82,  3. 

2.  claro  rumore  erat:  cp.  3.  76,  2. 

3.  tuendis  civibus.  He  took  the 
popular  side,  that  of  the  defence ;  as 
Suillius  falsely  claims  to  have  done  (13. 
42,  4).  This,  and  his  eloquence  in  doing 
so,  are  celebrated  by  his  panegyrist  (v. 
32,  39,  40)  :  ♦  cum  tua  maestos  Defensura 
reos  vocem  facundia  mittet.' 

4.  adversum  'towards' :  cp.  ii.  21,4, 
&c.  In  this  trait  also,  as  well  as  that  of 
his  courtesy,  Tacitus  follows  the  pane- 
gyrist (v.  109). 

et  ignotis  quoque.  The  dat.,  ac- 
cording to  this  stopping,  depends  on  the 
abl.  of  quality  *  comi . . .  congressu ',  which 
is  substituted  for  another  accus.  (such  as 
*  comitatem ')  depending  upon  *  exercebat ' 
(cp.  a  similar  change  in  11.  21,  4);  *  et 
.  .  .  quoque  '  being  used  as  in  4.  7,  4,  &c. 
Orelh  and  Nipp.  place  the  comma  after 
'  ignotis  quoque ',  which  is  thus  taken, 
without  precedent,  to  depend  on  *  exerce- 
bat ',  and  can  hardly  be  defended  by  such 
instances  of  interchange  of  the  dat.  with 
accus.  and  prep,  as  those  cited  from  12. 
55.  I J  J  3-  21,  9;  M-  38,  5.  Nipp.  thinks 


Tacitus  may  have  written  *  ignotos ',  but 
even  thus  the  sentence  would  have  a  weak 
ending.     Becher  suggests  '  in  ignotis '. 

6.  parsimonia,  *  sparingness.'  Jacob 
cites  an  approach  to  this  meaning  from 
Plant.  Most.  i.  3,  78  ('dies  noctesque 
estur,  bibitur,  neque  quisquam  parsimon- 
iam  adhibet').  Dr.  illustrates  this  use 
of  the  objective  genit.  by  such  expressions 
as  *  vulgi  largitio  ',  '  adpulsu  litoris '  (H. 
I.  46,  7  ;  2.  59,  2). 

7.  levitati :  so  most  edd.  after  Em.  for 
the  Med.  'lenitati',  which  could  hardly 
be  used  otherwise  than  in  a  good  sense ; 
and   *  levitas  *   is    naturally   opposed    to 

*  gravitas ',  as  *  magnificentia '  and  '  luxus ' 
to  'parsimonia'.  Hartmann,  Anal.  p.  60, 
defends  '  lenitati '. 

luxu :  on  this  form  of  dat.  cp.  3.  30, 
4,  and  note. 

8.  pluribus  :  cp.  *  pluribus  ipsa  licentia 
placebat '  (14.  21,  i). 

9.  restrictum,  *  strict ' ;  so  used  ad- 
jectively  only  here,  and  in  Appul,  &c. ; 
but  the  adv.  has  this  sense  in  Cic,  &c. 
Tac.  so  uses  *  adstrictus  mos'  (3.  55,  5), 
and  '  adductius  imperitare  '  (H.  3.  7,  2) : 
see  note  on  12.  7,  6. 

perseverum,  atr.  dp. :  cp.  *  persimplex  * 
(c.  45,  6),  and  note. 

10.  ipsius  :  sc.  '  Pisonis '. 

12.  Subrium  Flavum.  The  Med.  text 

•  flauium  '  is  thus  corrected  by  Bekk.  and 
subsequent  edd.  from  the  other  places  in 
which  the  name  occurs  (c.  58,  4  ;  67,  i, 
&c. ;  *  flaus  '  c.  50,  6).  In  Dio  (62.  24,  i) 
2ou/3tos  (or  'Xov^pios)  *Xaov£oj  is  read. 

13.  Sulpicium  Asprum.  The  second 
name  is  "Anpos  (or  "Aawpos)  in  Dio  (1.  c). 


382 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


extitisse  constantia  exitus  docuit ;  et  Lucanus  Annaeus  Plautius- 
que  Lateranus  vivida  odia  intulere.    Lucanum  propriae  causae  3 
accendebant,  quod  famam  carminum  eius  premebat  Nero  pro- 
hibueratque  ostentare,  vanus  adslmulatione :  Lateranum  consulem 
5  designatum   nulla  iniuria   sed   amor  rei   publicae  sociavit.      at  4 
Flavius   Scaevinus    et    Afranius    Quintianus,   uterque    senatorii 
ordinis,  contra  famam  sui  principium  tanti  facinoris  capessivere : 
nam  Scaevino  dissoluta  luxu  mens  et  proinde  vita  somno  lan- 
guida  ;  Quintianus  mollitia  corporis  infamis  et  a  Nerone  probroso  5 
10  carmine  diffamatus  contumeliam  ultum  ibat. 

50.  Ergo  dum  scelera  principis  et  finem  adesse  imperio  de-  1 
ligendumque  qui  fessis  rebus  succurreret  inter  se  aut  inter  amicos 


1.  exitus,  often  used  of  death,  as  in 
c.  63,  4,  I.  10,  2,  &c. 

Ijucanus  Annaeus,  here  first  men- 
tioned.  According  to  an  old  life  pre- 
fixed to  his  works,  he  was  only  twenty- 
six  at  the  time  of  his  death  (c.  70,  i);  but 
the  biography  ascribed  to  Suet,  states 
that  he  had  been  already  quaestor.  On 
his  father,  the  brother  of  Seneca,  see 
16.  17,  4.  The  enumeration  of  his  works 
in  the  anonymous  life  above  mentioned 
can  be  partly  illustrated  from  Stat.  Silv. 
2.  7,  and  other  writers.  On  his  relations 
to  Nero,  and  his  expressions  of  opinion 
in  the  '  Pharsalia ',  see  Introd.  p.  76,  foil. 

Plautius  Lateranus,  nephew  of  Plau- 
tius  Silvanus,  the  first  legatus  of  Britain 
(see  II.  36,  5,  &c.\  The  words  'consul 
designatus'  here  following  in  Med.  ap- 
pear to  be  interpolated,  as  that  fact  is  men- 
tioned just  below  in  an  appropriate  con- 
nexion with  '  nulla  iniuria'.  Ritt.  retains 
the  words  here  and  brackets  those  below. 

2.  intulere,  brought  into  the  plot. 
Doed.  compares '  misericordiam  . .  .  simul 
atque  intuleris'  (Cic.  de  Or.  2.  53,  214). 

4.  ostentare,  *  to  display  his  talent ' 
by  publication  or  recitation.  It  has  been 
doubted  whether  the  whole  of  the  '  Phar- 
salia '  had  not  been  at  least  made  known 
in  the  latter  way  (see  Introd.  p.  77,  2)  ; 
and  the  statement  of  Dio  (62  29,  4)  and 
the  anonymous  biographer,  that  he  was 
forbidden  to  write  poetry  at  all,  is  an 
apparent  exaggeration ;  as  are  perhaps 
other  stories  told  of  their  literary  rivalries ; 
though  the  general  fact  of  such  rivalry 
(see  Heitland,  Introd.  to  Lucan,  p.  xxviii) 
may  be  accepted. 

vanus  adsimulatione,  '  vainglorious 
in  his  comparison  '  (of  himself  to  Lucan). 
The  noun  is  not  elsewhere  used  by  Tacitus, 


and  is  otherwise  rare ;  but  the  meaning 
here  given  may  be  illustrated  from  that 
of  *  adsimulantem '  in  c.  39,  3.  Nipp. 
follows  Lips,  and  Urs.  in  reading  *  aemu- 
latione  ',  taking  it  to  mean  *  made  foolish 
by  jealousy ',  supposing  that  he  could 
suppress  the  fame  of  Lucan  by  such  paltry 
devices.  A  story  of  some  apparent  affront 
is  given  in  the  Vit.  Suet.  *  aegre  ferens 
recitante  se  subito  ac  nulla  nisi  refriger- 
andi  sui  causa  indicto  senatu  Neronem 
recessisse '. 

6.  Flavius  Scaevinus:  see  c.  53,  3, 
&c. 

Afranius  Quintianus:  see  c.  56,4; 
70,  2. 

7.  famam  sui,  '  their  reputation  '  (cp. 
2.  13,  i;  Introd.  i.  v.  §  33  a). 

principium  .  .  .  capessivere,  *  took 
the  lead ' :  cp.  '  primas  sibi  partis  ex- 
postulante  Scaevino '  (c.  53,  3).  The 
words  here  point  the  contrast  of  *  contra 
famam  sui'.  Nipp.  thinks  that  allusion 
is  also  implied  to  their  subsequent  weak- 
ness (c.  56,  3,  4). 

8.  somno,  '  indolence ' :  cp.  *  somno 
et  luxu  pudendus '  (H.  2.  90,  i). 

9.  mollitia  corporis :  cp.  11.  2,  i. 

probroso  carmine.  Another  lam- 
poon of  Nero  on  one  Clodius  Pollio,  of 
praetorian  rank,  is  alluded  to  in  Suet. 
Dom.  I. 

10.  difTamatus  :  cp.  14.  22,  5, and  note, 
contumeliam.    [Med.  gives  *  contume- 

lias  multum '  which  is  altered  by  the  first 
hand  to  *  contumelia  multum '.  The 
commonly  accepted  reading  is  *  contume- 
lias '.— F.] 

11.  finem  adesse :  probably  an  allusion 
to  the  augury  of  the  comet  (c.  47,  i). 

12.  fessis  rebus  succurreret:  from 
Verg.  Aen.  11,  335. 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.  49,   50 


3?3 


iaciunt,  adgregavere  Claudium  Senecionem,  Cervarium  Proculum, 
Vulcacium    Araricum,  lulium  Augurinum,  Munatium   Gratum, 

2  Antonium   Natalem,  Marcium  Festum,  equites  Romanos ;    ex 
quibus  Senecio,  e  praecipua  familiaritate  Neronis,  speciem  amici- 
tiae   etiam   turn   retinens   eo   pluribus   periculis  conflictabatur :  5 
Natalis  particeps  ad  omne  secretum  Pisoni  erat ;  ceteris  spes  ex 

3  novis  rebus  petebatur.  adscitae  sunt  super  Subrium  et  Sulpicium, 
de  quibus  rettuli,  militares  manus  Gavius  Silvanus  et  Statius 
Proxumus  tribuni  cohortium  praetoriarum,  Maximus  Scaurus  et 

4  Venetus  Paulus  centuriones.    sed  summum  robur  in  Faenio  Rufo  ro 
praefecto  videbatur,  quern  vita  famaque  laudatum  per  saevitiam 
impudicitiamque  Tigellinus  in  animo  principis  antibat   fatiga- 
batque   criminationibus  ac   saepe   in    metum   adduxerat   quasi 

5  adulterum  Agrippinae  et  desiderio  eius  ultioni  intentum.     igitur 
ubi  coniuratis  praefectum  quoque  praetorii  in  partis  descendisse  15 
crebro  ipsius  sermone  facta  fides,  promptius  iam  de  tempore  ac 


I.  iacitint,  'they  drop  hints':  cp. 
I.  10,  8,  &c. 

adgregavere  :  sc.  *  sibi '  ('  they 
gathered  to  themselves').  Dr.  notes  a 
parallel  ellipse  of  *  iis '  in  Caes.  B.  G.  4. 
36,  I  ('  alius  alia  ex  navi  quibuscumque 
signis  occurrerat  se  adgregabat '). 

Claudiuxa  Senecionem:  see  13.  12, 
I.  The  other  knights  here  mentioned 
are  previously  unknown.  Proculus  is 
again  mentioned  in  c.  66,  3 ;  71,  2 ; 
Natalis  in  c.  54,  i ;  55,  6  ;  &c.  The 
name     '  Claudium '     is    here     wrongly 

•  tuUium '  in  Med. ;  also  *  Vulcacium  '  is 
a  correction  of  Rhen.  (cp.  4.  43,  8  ;  16.  8, 
3;    H.  4.  9,  2)   for   'uulgacium'.     For 

*  Augurinum ',  old  edd.  read  *  Tugurinum ' 
and  '  Aurinum '. 

3.  ex  quibus.  This,  as  Jacob  points 
out,  extends  its  force  also  to  'Natalis' 
and'ceteri'.  The  two  first  had  special 
reasons  for  joining,  Senecio  as  exposed  to 
danger  from  the  conspirators  themselves, 
on  the  ground  of  friendship  to  Nero ; 
Harmann,  Anal.  p.  31,  thinks  that 
Senecio's  danger  arose  from  his  intimacy 
with  Nero  which  exposed  him  to  the 
latter's  cruelty  and  fears.  Natalis,  as 
intimately  connected  with  the  head  of  the 
conspiracy  ;  the  others  stood  on  equal 
ground  as  having  something  to  hope  for 
from  a  revolution. 

4.  e  praecipua  familiaritate  =  *  e 
praecipuis  familiaribns ' ;  abstr.  for  concr.. 


as  'amicitia'  in  2.  27,  3,  &c. 

8.  militares  manus,  air.  dp.  for 
*  militares  viri  '  (c.  26,  3,  &c.).  The  ex- 
pression has,  no  doubt,  special  reference 
to  the  action  on  hand. 

Gavius  Silvanus :  see  c.  60,  6 ; 
71,  4.  His  antecedents  are  shown  by  an 
inscription  (C.  I.  L.  v.  2.  7003)  found  at 
Turin  (which  may  have  been  his  birth- 
place) :  'C.  Gavio,  L.  f.,  Stell.(atina 
tribu),  Silvano,  primipilari  leg.  viii. 
Aug(ustae),  tribuno  coh.  ii.  vigilum,  tri- 
buno  coh.  xiii.  urban(ae),  tribuno  coh. 
xii.  praetor(iae)  donis  donato  a  divo 
Claud(io),  bello  Britannico,  torquibus, 
armillis,  phaleris,  corona  aurea,  patrono 
coloni(ae),  d(ecurionum)  d(ecreto).'  This 
inscription  gives  evidence  of  the  increase 
of  the  praetorian  cohorts  since  the  time  of 
Tiberius  (see  4.  5,  5 ;  Introd.  p.  36,  2). 
.  Statius  Proxumus :  see  c.  71,  4. 
Med.  here  gives  'proximus ',  but  in  c.  71 
'  proxumus '. 

10.  Faenio  Rufo,  appointed  joint 
praefect  with  Tigellinus  on  the  death  of 
Burrus  :  see  14.  51,  5,  and  note. 

11.  vita  famaque  :  so  coupled  in  6. 51, 
5  :  for  *  fama  laudatum ',  cp.  *  celeberri- 
mae  fama'  (c.  37,  2,  and  note). 

1 2.  in  animo  principis, '  in  the  good- 
will of  the  prince' :  cp.  4.  12,  6;  12.  3, 
3,  and  note. 

14.  adulterum  Agrippinae  :  he  had 
become  praef.  annonae  during  her  lifetime 


384 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


loco   caedis   agitabant.      et    cepisse   impetum   Subrius   Flavus  6 
ferebatur  in  scaena  canentem  Neronem  adgrediendi,  aut  cum 
ardente  domo  per  noctem  hue  illuc  cursaret  ineustoditus.     hie  7 
occasio    solitudinis,    ibi    ipsa    frequentia    tanti    decoris    testis 

5  pulcherrima    animum   extimulaverant,   nisi   impunitatis  cupido 
retinuisset,  magnis  semper  conatibus  adversa. 

61.  Interim  cunctantibus   prolatantibusque   spem  ac   metum  1 
Epicharis  quaedam,  incertum  quonam  modo  sciscitata  (neque  illi 
ante  ulla  rerum  honestarum  cura  fuerat),  accendere  et  arguere 

10  coniuratos,   ac   postremum    lentitudinis    eorum   pertaesa   et   in 
Campania  agens  primores  classiariorum  Misenensium  labefacere 


[(13.  22,  i),  and  evidently  through  her 
^influence. 

1 .  cepisse  impetvun,  *  conceived  an 
impulse,'  an  analogous  phrase  to  *  cepisse 
consilium'.     Cp.  Mnfregit  impetum'  (c. 

58,  4). 

2.  in  scaena  canentem.  Nipp.  thinks 
the  occasion  would  be  the  Juvenalia  ; 
vphich  may  have  been  kept  up  until  the 
date  of  the  conspiracy  (see  note  on  14. 
15,  i).  There  may  also  have  been  other 
such  occasions  as  that  mentioned  in 
c.  33,  2. 

3.  ardente  dome,  during  the  fire 
of  the  preceding  year  (c.  39,  i).  The 
conspiracy,  as  shown  in  14.  65,  2,  had 
originated  before  that  date  ;  and  to  take 
advantage  of  such  an  occasion,  though  it 
could  not  have  entered  into  the  plan  of 
the  conspirators,  might  well  have  been 
a  sudden  impulse  ('impetus').  It  is 
remarkable,  on  the  other  hand,  that  no 
such  conduct  on  the  part  of  Nero  is 
related  at  the  time  by  Tacitus  or  any 
other  author ;  whence  Orelli  and  Madvig 
may  be  right  in  thinking  the  sentence 
corrupt;    though    such    emendations    as 

*  abscedens  domo',  *  arte  dormiente  domo,' 

*  ardens  amore,'  are  infelicitous. 

hie  .  .  .  ibi,  *  in  this  case  ...  in 
that.'  Nipp.  compares  Agr.  32,  5,  'hie 
dux,  hie  exercitus,  ibi  tributa,'  &c. 

5.  pulcherrima :  so  most  modern 
edd.  after  Urlichs :  the  old  edd.,  with 
Med.,  read  * pulcherrimum '  (taken  with 

*  animum '),  which  Baiter  retains.  Orelli 
had  previously  read  *  pulcherrimum  ad 
facinus'.  Ritt.  inserts  'eius'  after  'ani- 
mum'. 

extimulaverant.  This,  the  correc- 
tion by  the  first  hand  of  the  original 
Med.  text,  *  exstimulauerat,'  has  been 
generally  followed,  and  is  in  accordance 


with  Tacitean  usage :  see  3.  62,  i,  and 
note  ;  Halm,  Not.  Crit.  on  16.  20,  2.  On 
the  indie,  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  50  b.  2. 

impunitatis  cupido,  &c.  Nipp.  notes 
the  similar  sentiment  '  spe  vitae,  quae 
plerumque  magnos  animos  infringit' 
(H.  5.  26,  I). 

7.  cunctantibus  prolatantibusque, 
concise  abl.  abs.  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  31,  c). 
Here  *  coniuratis '  can  be  supplied  from 
the  accus.  below,  as  the  accus.  from  the 
abl.  in  c.  30,  i. 

spem  ac  metum.  Their  hesitation 
prolonged  the  period  of  uncertainty, 
instead  of  bringing  hopes  and  fears  to  an 
end  by  decision. 

8.  sciscitata.  This  word  implies ' 
active  inquiry,  not  chance  knowledge; 
and  the  context  may  be  taken  to  imply 
that  such  interest  in  it  on  her  part  was 
unexpected.  But  we  should  expect  some 
such  words  as  '  quam  ob  causam '  rather 
than  *  quonam  modo ',  and  there  is  some 
reason  for  the  conjecture  *  suscitata ' 
(Vertran.),  which  Madvig  (Adv.  iii.  237) 
thinks  required  by  the  context. 

9.  accendere  et  arguere,  'kindles 
their  spirit  and  censures  their  feebleness.' 
The  conjecture  *  urguere'  (Halm  and  Ritt., 
after  Pluygers)  is  needless. 

10.  pertaesa.  This  participle  appears 
to  be  elsewhere  always  used  impersonally 
with  such  a  genit.,  or  personally  with 
accus.  (Suet.). 

et  .  .  .  agens  :  another  reason  for  her 
conduct  is  subjoined.  She  was  weary  of 
their  dilatoriness,  and,  being  in  Campania, 
had  an  opportunity  of  acting  on  her  own 
impulse. 

11.  primores,  'the  officers.'  Nipp. 
compares   'primores   castrorum'  (H.  3. 

3^'  3)-  .       .     ,      .      . 

labefacere,  *  to  undermme  ;    m  the 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP,  50,  51 


385 


2  et  conscientia  inligare  conisa  est  tali  initio,    erat  nauarchus  in  ea 
classe  Volusius  Proculus,  occidendae  matris  Neroni  inter  ministros, 

3non  ex  magnitudine  sceleris  provectus,  ut  rebatur.  is  mulieri 
olim  cognitus,  seu  recens  orta  amicitia,  dum  merita  erga  Nero- 
nem  sua  et  quam  in  inritum  cecidissent  aperit  adicitque  questus  5 
et  destinationem  vindictae,  si  facultas  oreretur,  spem  dedit  posse 
impelli  et  pluris  conciliare :  nee  leve  auxilium  in  classe,  crebras 
occasiones,  quia  Nero  multo  apud  Puteolos  et  Misenum  maris 

4  usu  laetabatur.    ergo  Epicharis  plura  ;  et  omnia  scelera  principis 

5  orditur,  neque  senatui  quidquam  manere.     sed  provisum  quonam  10 
modo   poenas   eversae   rei   publicae  daret :    accingeretur  modo 
navare  operam  et  militum  acerrimos  ducere  in  partis,  ac  digna 

6  pretia  expectaret ;  nomina  tamen  coniuratorum  reticuit.     unde 
Proculi  indicium  inritum  fuit,  quamvis  ea  quae  audierat  ad  Nero- 

7  nem  detulisset.    accita  quippe  Epicharis  et  cum  indice  composita  15 


sense  of  *  fidem  eorum  labefacere '  (cp. 
Suet.  Vesp.  4).  Tacitus  elsewhere  uses  it 
in  the  sense  of  shaking  a  person's  position 
(4.60,4;  6.  29,  5). 

I.  conscientia  inligare,  *  to  entangle 
thenx  in  complicity ' :  cp.  *  conscientia 
matris  innexum '  (3.  10,  4).  'Conitor' 
is  so  used  with  inf.  in  Liv.  9.  31,  12. 

nauarchus :  Med.  has  *  erant  uar- 
chus'.  Several  older  edd.  had  fol- 
lowed Lips,  in  reading  '  chiliarchus  ' 
(with  some  inferior  MSS.)  ;  but  no  such 
naval  officer  is  known.  [The  *  nauarchi ' 
'seem  to  have  ranked  below  the  praefecti 
and  snbpraefecti  classium,  and  above 
the  trierarchi.  According  to  one  view 
(Mommsen,  C.  I.  L.  10.  3340 ;  Marquardt, 
Staatsverw.  11'.  513)  they  were  the  cap- 
tains of  the  larger,  as  the  trierarchs  were 
of  the  smaller  vessels.  But  there  is  much 
to  be  said  for  Fiebiger's  theory  (Leipziger 
Studien,  vol.  15,  p.  366)  that  they  were 
commanders  not  of  single  ships  but  of 
squadrons,  see  esp.  C.  I.  L.  12.  2412. 
Vegetius'  statement  (5.  2),  if  correct, 
has  reference  only  to  the  post-Diocletian 
system. — P.]  Proculus  is  not  mentioned 
in  the  narrative  of  the  death  of  Agrippina 
(14.  5-8). 

4.  recens,  adv.,  as  in  2.  21,  i;  12.  8, 
2,  &c. 

merita .  .  .  et  quam,  &c.  On  the  co- 
ordination of  a  noun  with  such  a  sentence 
see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  91,  8. 

5.  in  inritum  cecidissent :  cp.  c.  39,  3. 


6.  destinationem  vindictae,  *his 
purpose  of  vengeance.' 

9.  plura.  Madvig  (Adv.  ii.  557) 
thinks  the  verb  of  speaking  can  hardly  be 
supplied  from  '  orditur ' ;  and  would  read 

*  deplorare ',  which  does  not  suit  the  con- 
text well. 

10.  neque  senatui,  &c.  Med.  gives 
'neque  senatui  qd"'.    Madvig  (1. 1.)  reads 

*  quidquam '  and  inserts  '  neque  populo  * 
before  *  neque  senatui',  a  correction  which 
Halm  with  a  variation  of  order  adopts. 
The  emendation  of  Thomas  '  neque  sancti 
quid'  ('quidquam'  Nipp.-Andr.)  has 
also  found  favour.  The  text  given  above 
involves  the  smallest  amount  of  altera- 
tion and,  as  Jacob  points  out,  expresses 
well  enough  the  aristocratic  language 
which  Epicharis  was  but  repeating,  ac- 
cording to  which  the  retrenchment  of 
the  prerogative  of  the  senate  was  tanta- 
mount to  '  eversio  reipublicae '. 

11.  accingeretur.  The  inf.  after  this 
verb  appears  to  be  taken  from  Verg.  G. 
3,  46  (*  accingar  dicere  pugnas'):  see 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  43. 

12.  in  partis,  *to  the  party*  (of  con- 
spirators) :  cp.  2.  43,  3. 

14.  quamvis,  here  used,  like  *  quam- 
quam ',  to  denote  a  fact  ('  although  he  had 
reported'):  cp.  11.  20,  3,  &c. ;  Introd.  i. 

V.  §  5.^- 

15.  composita,  'confronted';  in  a  sense 
akin  to  that  borrowed  from  the  arena  (cp. 
5.  I,  5  ;  16.  10,  3,  and  notes). 


C  C 


386 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


nullis  testibus  innisum  facile  confutavit.     sed  ipsa  in  custodia  8 
retenta  est,  suspectante  Nerone  haud  falsa  esse  etiam  quae  vera 
non  probabantur. 

52.   Coniuratis   tamen    metu    proditionis    permotis    placitum  1 
5  maturare  caedem  apud  Baias  in  villa  Pisonis,  cuius  amoenitate 
captus   Caesar  crebro   ventitabat   balneasque   et   epulas  inibat 
omissis   excubiis  et  fortunae  suae  mole,     sed  abnuit  Piso  in-  2 
vidiam   praetendens,  si   sacra   mensae   diique   hospitales  caede 
qualiscumque  principis  cruentarentur :  melius  apud  urbem  in  ilia 
io  invisa  et  spoliis  civium  extructa  domo  vel  in  publico  patraturos 
quod  pro  re  publica  suscepissent.     haec  in  commune,  ceterum  3 
timore   occulto   ne  L.  Silanus   eximia   nobilitate   disciplinaque 
C.  Cassii,  apud  quern  educatus  erat,  ad  omnem  claritudinem  sub- 
latus   imperium  invaderet,  prompte  daturis  qui  a  coniuratione 


1.  confutavit,  *  silenced  him ' ;  so 
'  confutare  verbis '  (Ter,  Heaut.  5.  i,  76  ; 
Phorm.  3.  I,  13),  *  audaciam  confutet' 
(Cic.  Part.  Or.  38,  134),  &c. 

2.  suspectante :  cp.  i.  5,  i,  and  note, 
quae   vera,  &c. ,  *  that  what   was  not 

proved  to  be  true  might  yet  not  be  false.' 

6.  ventitabat  :  '  eo '  can  be  supplied 
from  '  cuius ',  which  therefore  need  not 
be  altered  (with  Pichena)  to  *  quo,  eius  '. 

balneas.  Med.  has  here  '  ualneas  ', 
and  in  H.  3.  II,  3  *balnearum',but  else- 
where either  the  form  'balneum'  (c.  64, 
5  ;  69,  3  ;  14.  64,  3)  or  *  balineae '  (H.  3. 
32,  5;  83,  2;  probably  also  16.  11,  4; 
H.  2.  16,  5),  to  which  form  Ritt.  corrects 
these  places. 

7.  fortxinae  suae  mole,  'the  cum- 
Ibrous  pride  of  his  state,'  i.  e.  the  retinue 
\belonging  to  his  rank  :  '  moles '  is  used 

for  the  burden  of  empire  in  i.  4,  3,  &c. 
For  the  sense  of  *  fortuna'  cp.  14.  53,  3, 
&c. 

invidiam,  the  odiam  attaching  to  such 
an  act  (a.  65,  6  ;  13.  15,  4). 

8.  sacra  mensae:  cp.  13.  17,  3,  and 
note :  here  *  dii  hospitales '  seems  to  be 
explanatory,  and  to  mean  the  Lares. 

9.  qualiscumque  principis,  *  of  a 
prince,  however  wicked.' 

in  ilia  .  .  .  domo:  cp.  c.  43,  r,  and 
note.  Dr.  notes  the  emphasis  laid  on 
the  epithets  by  the  order  of  words,  as  in 
Dial.  12,  4  ('  apud  illos  dis  genitos  sacros- 
que  reges').  Tacitus  appears  to  forget 
;  that  the  building  of  the  new  palace 
'  could  only  just  have  been  commenced. 


Nero  was  residing,  at  the  time  of  the 
intended  attack,  in  the  Servilian  Gardens! 

(c.  55»  0- 

11.  in  commune,  'before  all'  (in 
contrast  to  '  timore  occulto ') :  cp.  c.  63, 
I,  and  note.  The  phrase  has  more 
generally  the  sense  of  '  communiter ',  as 
in  3.  27,  5;  13.  27,6;  15.  12,  6,  &c. 

ceterum  =  *  revera  autem' :  cp.  i.  10, 
I,  and  note. 

12.  timore  occulto,  &c.  The  fear  was 
lest  Silanus  and  Vestinus  should  be  able 
to  take  prompt  measures  in  Rome  on 
Nero's  death,  without  any  one  to 
counteract  them  on  the  spot. 

Silanus,  L.  Junius  Silanus  Torquatus,' 
a  direct  descendant  of  Augustus  (seel 
Introd.  i.  ix.  p.  1 39).  A  Greek  inscrip- ' 
tion  (C.  I.  G.  369)  shows  him  to  have 
been  *  flamen  lulianus ',  one  of  the 
'sodales  Augustales'  (i.  54,  i),  and  to 
have  held  the  youthful  offices  of  'prae- 
fectus  urbis'  (*  ob  ferias  Latinas '  :  cp.  4. 
36,  i)  and  'triumvir  monetalis*,  probably 
also  to  have  been  '  quaestor  Neronis  * 
(this  part  is  mutilated).  On  his  death, 
see  16.  7,  2,  foil. 

13.  C.  Cassii,  the  jurist;  see  12. 11,  4, 
and  note. 

ad  omnem  claritudinem  :  sc.  *  capes- 
sendam.' 

14.  prompte  daturis,  *  since  those 
would  readily  give  it '  ('  imperium  '  is 
supplied  from  3ie  context).  The  old 
edd.  all  read  '  daturis  operam ',  with 
inferior  MSS. 

a   coniuratione   integri.     This  con- 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.  51-53 


387 


integri  essent  quique  miserarentur  Neronem  tamquam  per  scelus 
4  interfectum.     plerique  Vestini   quoque   consulis   acre   ingenium 

vitavisse  Pisonem  crediderunt,  ne  ad  libertatem  oreretur  vel 
6  delecto  imperatore  alio  sui  muneris  rem  publicam  faceret.    etenim 

expers  coniurationis  erat,  quamvis  super  eo  crimine  Nero  vetus  5 

adversum  insontem  odium  expleverit. 

1  53.  Tandem  statuere  circensium  ludorum  die  qui  Cereri  cele- 
bratur  exequi  destinata,  quia  Caesar  rarus  egressu  domoque  aut 
hortis  clausus  ad  ludicra  circi  ventitabat  promptioresque  aditus 

2  erant   laetitia  spectaculi.      ordinem    insidiis    composuerant,    ut  10 
Lateranus,  quasi  subsidium  rei  familiari  oraret,  deprecabundus 
et  genibus  principis  accidens  prosterneret  incautura  premeretque, 

3  animi  validus  et  corpore  ingens ;  tum  iacentem  et  impeditum 
tribuni  et  centuriones  et  ceterorum,  ut  quisque  audentiae  habuis- 


stTuction  is  rare,  but  classical :  cp.  Sail. 
H.  I.  52  D,  55  K,  62  G  ('a  populi 
suffragiis  integer ') ;  the  reading ' integrae ' 
is  old,  but  corrupt ;  Li  v.  9.  41,  8  (*  gentis 
integrae  a  cladibus '). 

2.  acre     ingenium,     'the     energetic 


On  Vestinus  see  c. 


and 


spirit, 
note. 

3.  ad  libertatem  oreretur,  'should 
[lead  a  movement  to  a  republican  consti- 
Itution.'       This    seems    to    be    the    true 

correction  of  the  Med.  text  *  ad  libertate 
moreretur ' ;  but  such  a  sense  of  *  orior '  is 
wholly  unprecedented.  Jac.  Gron.  would 
read  *  moveretur '  (a  word  hardly  suitable 
to  an  *  acre  ingenium ') ;  Lips.  *  aut  liber- 
tatem moliretur.'  For  the  sense  of  *  libertas ' 
cp.  I.  33>  4.  &c. 

4.  sui  muneris,  '  matter  of  his  be- 
stowal.' The  genit.  is  analogous  to 
'morum'  (i,  80,  2),  'flagitii'  (3.  20,  2): 
see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  35.  The  expression 
may  show  a  trace  of  Hor,  Od.  4.  3,  21 
(*  totum  muneris  hoc  tui  est '). 

5.  super  eo  crimine,  *  in  relation  to 
that  charge ' ;  i.e.  taking  it  as  a  pretext : 
cp.  *  biduum  super  hac  imagine  co- 
gnitionis  absumptum '  (3.  17,  6)  ;  also 
6.  49.  3;  c.  36,  2,&C. 

vetus  .  .  .  odium  expleverit:  see 
c.  68  and  69. 

I      7.  circensium  . . .  die:  cp. ' Circensium 

j  Cerealium  ludicrum '  (c.  74,  1).     These 

:  games  to  Ceres  are  shown  by  old  kalendars 

(C.I.  L.  i.  ed.  2)  and  by  Ov.  F.  4,  389, 

foil.,  to  have  begun  on  the  1 2th  of  April 

and  lasted  to  the  1 9th,  and  to  have  been 

[  circensian  on  the  first  and  last  days.  The 

C 


date  of  the  festival  fixes  that  of  the  dis- 
covery of  the  plot. 

8.  rarus  egressu.  The  form  of  ex- 
pression is  varied  from  that  of  14.  45,  2 
(*  rarus  in  publicum  egressus  ',  sc.  '  Pop- 
paeae ')  and  14.  56, 6  ('  rarus  per  urbem  ', 
sc.  *  Seneca ') ;  and  the  construction  is 
here  that  of  a  supine:  cp.  3.  i,  2  ;  4. 
40,  2,  &c.,  also  *  rarius  dictu'  (Cell.  9. 

7,  3). 

10.  laetitia  spectaculi,  causal  abl., 

*  owing  to  the  gaiety  of  the  show '  (all 
being  off  their  guard).  Prof.  Holbrooke 
compares  *  convivii  laetitia'  (13.  16,  7). 

composuerant,  '  they  had  arranged '  : 
cp.  3.  40,  3,  and  note. 

11.  quasi  subsidium  .  .  .  oraret:  for 
such  appeals  from  individuals  to  the  prince 
see  I.  75,  6  ;  2.  37,  i,  &c. 

deprecabundus,  S,it.  ftp.  It  is 
noted  that  the  plan  of  attack  resembles 
that  adopted  in  the  assassination  of  Julius 
Caesar. 

13.  animi:  on  this  genit.  see  Introd. 
i.  V.  33  e  7. 

14.  tribuni  et  centuriones,  1.  e.  the 
military  men  who  had  joined  the  plot 
(c.  49,  2  ;  50,  3).  The  insertion  of  *  cae- 
derent '  after  the  latter  word  (Ritt.)  would 
give  these  persons  a  prominence  incon- 
sistent with  that  claimed  here  by  Scae- 
vinus. 

ut    quisque  audentiae    habuisset : 

*  quisque '  is  supplied  again  with  '  ceter- 
orum'.  The  genit.  with  'habere'  is  a 
Graecism,  adopted  from  a  frequent  use  of 
a  genit.  of  respect  with  cxff  (also  with 
flvai  and  K(iadai),  as  ws  rdx^os  eFxe  eita- 


C  2, 


388 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


set,  adcurrerent  trucidarentque,  primas  sibi  partis  expostulante 
Scaevino,  qui  pugionem  templo  Salutis  {in  Etruria]  sive,  ut  alii 
tradidere,  Fortunae  Ferentino  in  oppido  detraxerat  gestabatque 
velut  magno  operi  sacrum,  interim  Piso  apud  aedem  Cereris  4 
5  opperiretur,  unde  eum  praefectus  Faenius  at  ceteri  accitum 
ferrent  in  castra,  comitante  Antonia,  Claudii  Caesaris  filia,  ad 
eliciendum  vulgi  favorem,  quod  C.  Plinius  memorat.  nobis  5 
quoquo  modo  traditum  non  occultare  in  animo  fuit,  quamvis 
absurdum  videretur  aut  inanem  ad  spem  Antoniam  nomen  et 
10  periculum  commodavisse  aut  Pisonem  notum  amore  uxoris  alii 


(TTos  (Hdt.  8.  107,  2),  &s  Tts  €vvoias  fj 
/iVTjfirjs  exoi  (Thuc  i.  3  a,  3)  :  see  Jelf 
Gr,  Gr.  §  528.  '  Audentia*  is  used  only 
in  a  good  sense  (G.  31,  i ;  34,  3)  ;  *  au- 
dacia '  the  reading  here  of  some  inferior 
MSS.  and  old  edd.)  is  more  frequently 
taken  '  in  malam  partem  '. 

1.  adcTirrerent.  The  simple  accug. 
after  this  verb,  found  (according  to  Dr.) 
elsewhere  only  in  Apul.,  is  analogous  to 
many  other  such  in  Tacitus  (see  Introd. 
i.  V.  §  12  c)  ;  and  the  irregularity  is  here 
softened  (as  Nipp.  points  out)  by  the 
addition  of  *  trucidarent '. 

2.  Salutis  sive  .  .  .  Fortunae.  It  is 
probable,  as  Orelli  notes,  that  the  same 
goddess  is  really  meant,  both  names  being 
synonyms  for  the  Tuscan  Nortia  (on 
whom  see  Juv.  10,  74,  and  Mayor  ad 
loc.)-  The  words  'in  Etruria ',  inserted 
after '  Salutis'  in  Med.,  have  been  bracketed 
or  omitted  as  a  gloss  by  most  edd.  after 
Em.,  who  rightly  notes  that  so  vague  a 
description  would  not  have  been  used. 

3.  Ferentino  in  oppido.     The  place 
'meant  is  probably  not  the  old  Latin  or 

Hernican  town  (Li v.  4.  51,  7,  &c.),  but 
another  of  the  same  name  in  Etruria  (now 
Ferento,  near  Viterbo),  known  as  the 
birthplace  of  the  emperor  Otho  (H.  2.  50, 
I  ;  Suet.  0th.  i).  Med.  here  has  the 
corrupt  name  *  frentano ',  but  in  H.  1,  1. 
reads  *  ferentio ',  which  Nipp.  takes  to  give 
the  correct  form  of  the  name,  as  supported 
by  the  best  MSS.  of  Suet.  (1.  1.  and  Vesp. 
3)  and  *  Ferentienses '  in  Insc.  Henzen, 
6634.  0°  the  other  hand,  Strabo  (5.  2, 
9,  226)  and  Plin.  (N.  H.  3.  5,  8,  52)  give 
the  name  as  '  Ferentinum ',  as  do  also 
some  MSS.  in  Suet.;  and  Orelli  reads 
*  Ferentinensium '  in  Insc.  3507.  Ptol. 
gives  the  name  (3.  i,  50)  as  ^fpevria. 

detraxerat.      The  dagger  had   prob- 
ably been  dedicated  as  a  votive  offering. 


Orelli  notes  the  presentation  to  Vitellius 
of  the  sword  of  Julius  Caesar,  *  detractum 
delubro  Martis  ',  at  the  beginning  of  his 
career  as  emperor  (Suet.  Vit.  8).  Scae- 
vinus  himself  gives  a  different  story  (c. 

55»  3). 

gestabat.  The  wearing  must  have 
been  concealed  (see  4.  21,  3;  11.  22,  i). 

4.  aedem  Cereris,  near  the  Circus 
Maximus  (2.  49,  i).  The  narrative  would 
imply  that  this,  and  the  Circus  itself,  had 
been  already  restored  since  the  fire  (see 
note  on  c.  40,  4). 

6.  ferrent  in  castra :  on  this  custom 
at  the  choice  of  an  emperor  see  12.  69,  i, 
and  note. 

Antonia:  see  la.  2,  i,  &c.  Some 
such  story  as  that  which  Tacitus  rejects 
appears  (whether  true  or  not)  to  have 
been  made  a  pretext  for  putting  her  to 
death,  soon  after  the  time  at  which  the 
Annals  now  end  :  cp.  Suet.  Ner.  35  (*  An- 
toniam Claudi  filiam,  recusantem  post 
Poppaeae  mortem  nuptias  suas,  quasi 
molitricem  novarum  rerum  interemit '). 

7.  C.  Plinius  :  see  13.  20,  3,  Introd. 
I.  iii.  p.  12,  and  note  on  13.  31,  1  :  for 
such  refutations  of  current  stories  cp.  4. 
10,  I,  foil.,  &c. 

8.  quoquo  modo,  '  truly  or  falsely ' : 
cp.  *  quoquo  modo  audita  '  (3.  19,  3). 

9.  inanem  ad  spem,  such  a  hope  as 
that  of  becoming  wife  of  Piso  as  em- 
peror ;  a  mere  possibility,  which  the 
historian  thinks  could  not  even  have  been 
held  out  to  her. 

10.  commodavisse,  used  more  strictly 
with  'nomen  ',  but  capable  of  being  taken 
also  with  '  periculum '  in  the  sense  of 
undergoing  danger  in  the  hope  of  reward. 
Jacob  compares  such  expressions  as  *  com- 
modare  sanguinem'  (Agr.  32,  i),  'scelera' 
(Sen.  Med.  907). 

amore  uxoris  :  see  c.  59,  8. 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP,  53,   54 


389 


matrimonio  se  obstrinxisse,  nisi  si  cupido  dominandi  cunctis 
adfectibus  flagrantior  est. 
1  54.  Sed  mirum  quam  inter  diversi  generis  ordinis,  aetatis 
sexus,  ditis  pauperes  taciturnitate  omnia  cohfbita  sint,  donee 
proditio  coepit  e  domo  Scaevini ;  qui  pridie  insidiarum  multo  5 
sermone  cum  Antonio  Natale,  dein  regressus  domum  testamen- 
tum  obsignavit,  promptum  vagina  pugionem,  de  quo  supra 
rettuli,  vetustate  obtusum  increpans  asperari  saxo  et  in  mucro- 
nem   ardescere  iussit  eamque  curam  liberto  Milicho  mandavit. 

2  simul   adfluentius  solito  convivium   initum,  servorum  carissimi  10 

3  libertate  et  alii  pecunia  donati ;  atque  ipse  maestus  et  magnae 
cogitationis  manifestus  erat,  quamvis  laetitiam  vagis  sermonibus 


I.  obstrinxisse.  This  verb  appears 
to  be  used  elsewhere  with  the  dat.  only  in 
Lactant.  Inst.  3.  18,  6,  in  the  sense  rather 
of  becoming  guilty  ('  eidem  sceleri  ob- 
stricius  est '). 

nisi  si,  suggesting  a  motive  which 
might  make  such  an  act  possible.  In 
other  places  where  the  indie,  follows  (see 
6.  25, 1,  and  note),  the  expression  is  equi- 
valent to  *  nisi  forte ',  and  is  probably  to 
be  so  taken  here.  The  meaning  'were 
it  not  that '  is  found  in  G.  2,  2,  with  the 
subjunct.  ('  nisi  si  patria  sit'). 

3.  diversi  generis,  *  persons  of  dif- 
ferent family.' 

4.  taciturnitate  :  *  tacere  '  has  a  more 
limited  meaning  than  '  silere  ^,  denoting 
the  refraining  from  speaking  by  an  effort 
of  will. 

5.  proditio  coepit,  &c.  Plutarch 
gives  (irifH.  dSoA.6<rx.  7)  an  entirely  different 
account,  making  the  discovery  take  place 
through  the  indiscreet  remark  of  the  prin- 
cipal assassin  (Scaevinus  ?)  to  a  criminal 
about  to  be  brought  before  Nero  ('pray 
that  this  day  may  pass  over  you,  and  you 
shall  return  thanks  to  me  to-morrow ') ; 
which  led  to  his  arrest  and  confession 
under  torture.  Lips,  endeavoured  to  re- 
concile the  stories  by  supposing  this  to 
refer  to  the  Vinician  conspiracy  (Suet. 
Ner.  36) ;  but  that  took  place  at  Bene- 
ventum,  and  the  scene  of  this  anecdote  is 
laid  by  Plutarch  at  Rome.  Natalis  has 
been  mentioned  in  c.  50,  i. 

multo  sermone.  It  has  been  shown 
at  length  by  J.  H.  Miiller  (Beitr.  iv.  pp. 
39-45)  that  no  verb  need  be  inserted 
here  :  the  expression  may  be  taken  as  one 
of  the  frequent  concise  uses  in  Tacitus 
of  the  abl.  abs.   (Introd.  i.  v.  §  31),  or 


better  as  a  concise  abl.  of  quality  (Id. 
§  29),  similar  to  those  in  14.  23,  3,  and 
perhaps  in  6.  20,  i.  The  ellipse  of 
*  fuerat '  or  *  egerat ',  as  here,  is  also  com- 
mon with  Tacitus  (Id.  §§38,  39). 

7.  promptum  vagina.  This  use  of 
the  abl.  of  place  whence  is  poetical :  cp. 
6.  40, 1,  and  note;  Dr.  Synt.  und  Stil,  56  b. 

supra  rettuli,  c.  53,  3. 

8.  asperari,  used  similarly  of  making 
points  for  arrows  in  G.  46.  3  (*  sagittas 
inopia  ferri  ossibus  asperant  *).  The 
word  is  mainly  poetical,  and  is  used 
oftener  by  Tacitus  metaphorically  (e.  g. 
I-  72,  5)- 

in  mucronem  ardescere.  Nipp. 
compares  *  nisi  cotibus  asper  Exarsit 
mucro'  (Luc.  7,  139)  and  'semper  ar- 
dentis  acuens  sagittas  Cote  cruenta'  (Hor. 
Od.  2.  8,  15) ;  in  both  of  which  passages, 
as  here,  the  verb  appears  to  imply  the 
heating  by  friction.  For  the  use  of  *  in  ' 
to  express  the  result  (*  so  as  to  get  a 
point ')  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  60  b. 

9.  Milicho,  a  slave  name,  denoting 
quality  (fieiXixos),  like  'Pudens,'  'Mode- 
stus,'  '  Tranquillus,'  and  many  others. 

1  o.  adfluentius,  '  more  luxurious ' : 
cp.  '  adfluentia  '  (3.  30,  4). 

11.  alii.  These  are  probably  part  of 
the  *  carissimi  '  ;  the  expression  being 
equivalent  to  'alii  .  .  .  alii ':  see  i.  63, 
7  (and  note);  12.  41,  5. 

12.  manifestus,  with  genit.  as  in  2.  85, 
3;  12.  51,  5,  &c. 

vagis  sermonibus,  probably  to  be 
taken,  with  Orelli,  to  mean  '  desultory 
conversations ',  rambling  from  one  subject 
to  another,  showing  forced  brilliancy  and 
hilarity.  Such  a  sense  is  unusual  and 
wholly  different  from  *  vago  rumore '  (2. 


390 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


simularet.      postremo   vulneribus   li'gamenta  quibusque   sistitur  4 
sanguis  parare  eundem  Milichum  monet,  sive  gnarum  coniura- 
tionis  et  illuc  usque  fidum,  seu  nescium  et  tunc  primum  arreptis 
suspicionibus,  ut  plerique  tradidere  [de  consequentibus].     nam  5 

5  cum  secum  servilis  animus  praemia  perfidiae  reputavit  simulque 
immensa  pecunia  et  potentia  obversabantur,  cessit  fas  et  salus 
patroni  et  acceptae  libertatis  memoria.     etenim  uxoris  quoque  6 
consilium    adsumpserat    muliebre    ac    deterius ;    quippe    ultro 
metum  intentabat,  multosque  adstitisse  libertos   ac   servos  qui 

10  eadem  viderint :  nihil  profuturum  unius  silentium,  at  praemia 
penes  unum  fore  qui  indicio  praevenisset. 

55.  Igitur  coepta  luce  Milichus  in  hortos  Servilianos  pergit ;  1 
et   cum  foribus  arceretur,  magna   et  atrocia    adferre   dictitans 
deductusque  ab  ianitoribus  ad  libertum  Neronis  Epaphroditum, 


39,  4)  or  *  completque  vagis  (sc.  "  late 
sparsis")  sermonibus  auris  Gloria  fusa 
Probi '  (Claud.  Prob.  et  Olybr.  cons.  34) ; 
and  it  is  possible  that  '  variis  '  should  be 
read  :  cp.  *  vario  sermone  serebant  *  (Verg. 
Aen.  6\  160). 

2.  parare,  the  reading  of  nearly  all 
edd.  from  Put. ;  though  some  attempts 
have  been  made  to  approach  nearer  to 
the  Med.  text  *  partiebatque',  such  as 
'  paret  ematque '  Madvig,  *  parari  iubet 
idque '  Nipp.- Andr.  The  true  reading  must 
be  considered  wholly  uncertain. 

4.  [de  consequentibus.]  It  seems  im- 
possible to  take  these  words  with  *  tradi- 
dere ',  in  any  such  sense  as  that  of  '  ex 
consequentibus  coniectantes',  *  drawing  an 
inference  from  his  subsequent  conduct ' 
(inferring  from  his  prompt  betrayal  that 
he  would  have  so  acted  sooner  if  he  had 
known  the  plot).  Yet  the  force  of  '  nam  ' 
is  lost  if  we  follow  Orelli  in  taking  the 
words  with  '  suspicionibus '  (by  placing 
a  comma  after  '  tradidere'),  in  the  sense 
of  '  having  caught  up  a  suspicion  as  to 
the  consequences '  (i.  e.  as  to  what  might 
be  likely  to  follow).  It  would  thus  seem 
that  the  words  are  corrupt ;  but  no  emen- 
dation has  been  proposed,  beyond  that 
of  Heins.  and  Nipp.,  who  bracket  them. 
It  may  be  noted  that  the  disclosures  of 
Milichus,  as  given  in  c.  55,  i,  imply  more 
knowledge  than  is  here  mentioned. 

8.  muliebre  ac  deterius.  The  first 
adjective  explains  the  other  ( =  *  muliebre 
atque  ideo  deterius  ').  Her  baser  counsel 
consists  in  the  suggestion  that  others 
might  be  before  him  in  betrayal. 

ultro    metum    intentabat,   i.  e.   she 


was  so  far  from  reasoning  against  his 
former  motives,  those  of  cupidity  (§  5), 
that  she  added  another.  *  She  went  on 
to  hold  over  his  head  the  thought  of 
danger.'  *  Intentare  metum  '  is  noted  by 
Dr.  as.  a  new  phrase ;  but  we  have  '  terror 
.  .  .  intentabatur '  (3.  28,  6)  ;  *  necem 
intentat'  (14.  62,  5),  &c.  •  Metus '  is 
taken  in  the  sense  of  *  metuendum  aliquid ', 
as  in  c.  45,  2,  &c. 

9.  miiltosque,  &c  ;  a  verb  of  speaking 
is  supplied.  Nipp.  well  supplies  the 
connexion  between  the  sentences.  In  the 
former  she  had  roused  his  fears  by  show- 
ing that,  if  the  plot  were  detected  through 
other  means,  he  would  have  to  fear  being 
taken  for  an  accomplice  ;  she  then  shows 
that  such  discovery  was  highly  prob- 
able. 

10.  viderint.  Nipp.  thinks  that  'audie- 
rint '  should  be  added,  as  referring  to  the 
command  to  sharpen  the  sword.  Heins. 
would  alter  *  viderint '  to  *  audierint '.  The 
perf.  appears  to  be  used  to  give  life  to  the 
narrative. 

12.  coepta  luce  :  cp.  i.  65.  3,  &c. 

hortos  Servilianos.  These  are 
mentioned  by  Suet.  (Ner.  47)  as  the  re- 
fuge of  Nero  when  he  meditated  flight 
to  Ostia,  and  by  Tacitus  (H.  3.  38,  2)  as 
occupied  by  Vitellius.  The  passage  in 
Suet,  would  show  them  to  have  been 
between  the  Palatine  and  the  Porta  Os- 
tiensis.  The  site  is  unknown,  but  is 
conjectured  by  Nibby  to  have  been  near 
the  bastion  San  Gallo. 

14.  Epaphroditum  (Med.  *■  et  aphro- 
ditum ').  This  freedman  seems  to  have 
succeeded  Doryphorus  (14.  65,  i)  in  the 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XV,      CAP,  54,   55 


391 


mox  ab  eo  ad  Neronem,  urgens  periculum,  gravis  coniuratos  et 

2  cetera   quae    audierat   coniectaverat   docet.      telum   quoque   in 

3  necem  eius  paratum  ostendit  accirique  reum  iussit.     is  raptus 
per  milites  et  defensionem  orsus,  ferrum  cuius  argueretur  olim 
religione  patria  cultum  et  in  cubiculo  habitum  ac  fraude  liberti  5 
subreptum  respondit.     tabulas  testamenti   saepius  a  se  et  in- 

4  custodita  dierum  observatione  signatas.     pecunias  et  libertates 
servis  et  ante  dono  datas,  sed  ideo  tunc  largius  quia  tenui  iam  re 

5  familiari  et  instantibus  creditoribus  testamento  diffideret.    enim- 
vero  liberalis  semper  epulas  struxisse,  vitam  amoenam  et  duris  10 
iudicibus  parum  probatam.     fomenta  vulneribus  nulla  iussu  suo 
sed,  quia  cetera  palam  vana  obiecisset,  adiungere  crimen  cuius 


department  *a  libellis'  (Suet.  Ner.  49). 
He  helped  Nero  to  his  death,  for  which 
he  was  himself  put  to  death  by  Domitian 
(Suet.  Dom.  14).  He  was  an  intimate 
friend  of  Josephus,  who  dedicated  to  him 
his  Antiquities  (Vit.  76  ;  Ant,  Pr.  3),  and 
.addresses  him  in  c.  Ap.  i.  i  ;  2.  42.  He 
lis  also  noted  as  having  had  Epictetus  as 
Ihis  slave  (Suid.  s.  v.  'ETrt'/fTT/ros) ;  and  an 
anecdote  of  him  is  preserved  in  Arr.  Epict. 
I.  36,  II. 

1.  gravis,  *  were  formidable.'  Nipp. 
compares  such  expressions  as  *  gravis 
hostis,'  *  adversarius,'  &c.  The  old  edd. 
generally  read  *  coniurationes ',  with  G. 

2.  audierat  coniectaverat.  The 
asyndeton  appears  to  emphasize  the  last 
word  (see  Introd,  i.  v.  §  65).  The  old 
edd.  generally  read  •  coniectaveratque ', 
and  Halm  follows  Wurm  in  inserting 
*  aut ' ;  but  these  appear  to  weaken  the 
language. 

3.  iussit.  Ritt.  thinks  this  could  not 
be  said  of  a  freedman,  and  that  *  Nero ' 
must  be  inserted. 

,  4.  cuius  argueretur,  *  on  which  the 
charge  against  him  was  grounded.'  By 
a  concise  expression,  the  sword  is  taken 
to  mean  that  which  he  was  charged  with 
intending  to  do  with  it.  On  such  pregnant 
meanings  of  words  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  84. 

5.  religione  patria  cultum,  '  had 
been  treated  with  reverence  in  his  family.* 
He  denies  that  it  had  been  taken  from 
elsewhere  (c.  53,  3),  and  asserts  that  it 
had  been  always  kept  in  his  bedroom  as 
a  family  relic. 

6.  incustodita  dierum  observatione, 

I'  without  caring  to  note  the  days  on  which 
he  did  so,'  so  that  it  was  matter  of  ac- 
cident that  he  had  done  so  on  that  par- 


ticular day.  This  sense  of  '  incustoditus  % 
noted  by  Dr.  as  an  tip.,  is  easily  derivable 
from  the  ordinary  meaning  (12.  4,  2  ;  13. 
41,  3).  Jacob  appositely  compares  *  banc 
observationem  custodiri  praecepit '  (Plin. 
N.  H.  18.  25,61,  228). 

7.  libertates.  The  pi.  denotes  the 
several  manumissions. 

9.  testamento  diflaideret,  he  feared 
that  his  will  would  be  set  aside  to  satisfy 
his  creditors.  Manumission  by  will,  like 
other  legacies,  was  only  ratified  after 
debts  were  paid  ;  nor  does  it  appear  that 
liberation  even  during  the  master's  life,  if 
done  with  intent  to  defraud  creditors,  was 
valid. 

enimvero,  transitional  (cp.  2.  64,  6, 
and  note)  :  '  struxisse  ',  sc.  '  se '. 

I  o.  vitam  amoenam,  &c., '  his  life  had 
been  always  luxurious,  and  such  as  severe 
(cp.  I.  54,  4,  and  note)  critics  would 
disapprove '  (see  c.  49,  5).  The  old  read- 
ing *  et  vitam  '  would  be  taken  in  the 
same  way,  with  ellipse  of  '  fnisse '  (Introd. 
i«  V.  §  39),  or,  less   well,  by  supplying 

*  egisse '  by  zeugma  from  *  struxisse  *.  A 
similar  ellipse  has  to  be  supplied  with 

*  fomenta '.  [Hartman,  Anal.  p.  258, 
suggests  *  vita  amoena  et .  .  .  probata '  = 
ablative  absolute. — P.] 

12.  quia  cetera,  &c.,  *  since  the  other 
charges  resting  on  patent  facts  had  nothing 
in  them.'  '  Palam '  could  hardly  have 
the  force  of  *  plane ',  and  would  appear 
to  be  taken  adjectively  (cp.  11.  22,  i,  and 
note),  and  to  contrast  the  other  charges 
with  this  one. 

cuius  se :  so  most  edd.  with  Acid. ; 
others  read  *  ut  sese  *,  Agr. ;  the  Med. 
text  is  corrupt,  giving  apparently  '  I;s- 
sisse'.    He  was  adding  a  charge  resting 


I 


392 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


se  pariter  indicem  et  testem  faceret.     adicit  dictis  constantiam  ;  6 
incusat  ultro  intestabilem  et  consceleratum  tanta  vocis  ac  vultus 
securitate  ut  labaret  indicium,  nisi  Milichum  uxor  admonuisset 
Antonium  Natalem  multa  cum  Scaevino  ac  secreta  conlocutum 

5  et  esse  utrosque  C.  Pisonis  intimos. 

56.  Ergo   accitur   Natalis   et   diversi   interrogantur   quisnam  1 
is   sermo,  qua  de   re   fuisset.     tum   exorta   suspicio,  quia   non 
congruentia    responderant,    inditaque   vincla.     et    tormentorum  2 
aspectum  ac  minas  non  tulere :  prior  tamen  Natalis,  totius  con- 

10  spirationis  magis  gnarus,  simul  arguendi  peritior,  de  Pisone 
primum  fatetur,  deinde  adicit  Annaeum  Senecam,  sive  inter- 
nuntius  inter  eum  Pisonemque  fuit,  sive  ut  Neronis  gratiam 
pararet,  qui  infensus  Senecae  omnis  ad  eum  opprimendum  artes 
conquirebat.    tum  cognito  Natalis  indicio  Scaevinus  quoque  pari  3 

15  imbecillitate,  an  cuncta  iam  patefacta  credens  nee  ullum  silentii 
emolumentum,   edidit   ceteros.      ex   quibus    Lucanus   Quintia-4 
nusque    et    Senecio    diu   abnuere :    post   promissa    impunitate 
corrupti,  quo  tarditatem  excusarent,  Lucanus  Aciliam    matrem 


wholly  on  his  own  evidence,  and  which 
could  neither  be  supported  nor  refuted. 
*  Index '  and  '  testis'  are  similarly  dis- 
tinguished in  3.  10,  2. 

I.  adicit  dictis  constantiam,  ex- 
plained by  the  following  words :  '  he 
adds  spirit  to  his  defence,'  by  turning  the 
tables  and  denouncing  his  accuser,  with 
such  self-possession  as  to  make  an  im- 
pression. *  Intestabilem '  =  *  detestabilem': 
cp.  6.  40,  4. 

3.  securitate,  *  unconcern '  or  '  self- 
possession'  :  cp.  II.  3,  2,&c. 

labaret  indicium,  *  the  informer's 
story  was  tottering '  (in  credit)  :  cp. 
'labare  defensio'  (13.  43,  5). 

4.  secreta  conlocutum.  Orelli  com- 
pares *  matri  secreta  loquenti '  (Ov.  M.  4, 
224).  It  may  be  supposed  that  Milichus 
had  accompanied  Scaevinus  on  his  visit 
to  Natalis  (c.  54,  i). 

5.  C.  Pisonis :  he  was  already  sus- 
pected by  Nero  (14.  65,  2). 

6.  diversi,  'separately'  (cp.  16.  30, 
4;  G.  16,  i),  i.e.  each  in  the  other's 
absence. 

8.  inditaque  vincla :  cp.  11.1,3;  32,3. 

tormentorum.  The  torture  of  Roman 
citizens  of  even  the  highest  rank,  in  such 
cases  of  treason  as  touched  the  person  or 
house  of  the  emperor,  seems   traceable 


as  early  as  the  time  of  Tiberius  (Suet.; 
Tib.  62) :  and  the  existence  of  the  practice 
is  implied  in  the  oath  taken  by  Claudius 
at  his  accession  (and  afterwards  broken 
by  him)  to  abstain  from  it  (Dio,  60.  15, 
6).  It  must  be  taken  at  this  tinie  to  have 
been  a  mere  stretch  of  tyranny,  though 
recognized  by  later  jurists  as  legal  :  see 
Momms.  Staatsr.  ii.  754,  i. 

10.  arguendi  peritior,  '  more  skilled 
in  accusation,'  more  able  to  make  his 
tale  plausible  and  acceptable,  by  giving 
the  names  not  only  of  Piso,  but  also  of 
Seneca,  whom  Nero  especially  suspected 
and  hated. 

13.  infensus  Senecae :  see  14.  52,  2  ; 
56,  6  ;  also  c.  23,  6 ;  45,  6. 

15.  imbecillitate,  an . . ,  credens :  cp. 
*  metu  ...  an  ratus'  (2.  22,  2),  also 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  91,  3. 

16.  Lucanus,  &c.  On  his  part  in  the 
conspiracy  see  c.  49,  2  ;  on  Quintianus, 
c.  49,  4;  on  Senecio,  c.  50,  i. 

18.  excusarent,  i.  e.  to  show  that  their 
reluctance  to  disclose  was  but  natural. 

Aciliam.  According  to  the  anony- 
mous Life  of  Lucan,  she  was  a  native 
of  Corduba,  and  daughter  of  Acilius 
Lucanus,  one  of  the  famous  orators  of 
that  place.  Her  life  was  spared  (c.  71, 
12).     Her   name  is  so  written   there  in 


A.  D.  65I 


LIBER  XV,      CAP.  55-57 


393 


suam,  Quintianus  GHtium  Galium,  Senecio  Annium  Pollionem, 
amicorum  praecipuos,  nominavere. 

1  57.  Atque   interim   Nero   recordatus  Volusii  Proculi   indicio 
Epicharin  attineri  ratusque  muliebre  corpus  impar  dolori  tormen- 

2  tis  dilacerari  iubet.     at  illam  non  verbera,  non  ignes,  non  ira  eo  5 
acrius   torquentium    ne   a   femina  spernerentur,  pervicere  quin 
obiecta   denegaret.      sic    primus   quaestionis   dies   contemptus. 

3  postero  cum  ad  eosdem  cruciatus  retraheretur  gestamine  sellae 
(nam  dissolutis  membris  insistere  nequibat),  vinclo  fasciae,  quam 
pectori  detraxerat,  in  modum  laquei  ad  arcum  sellae  restrict©  10 
indidit  cervicem  et  corporis  pondere  conisa  tenuem  iam  spiritum 
expressit,  clariore  exemplo  libertina  mulier  in  tanta  necessitate 


Med.,  as  also  in  the  'Life* :  here  Med. 
has  *  atillam ',  which  many  edd.  have 
adopted,  after  Lips. 

I.  Glitium  Gallmn  .  .  .  Annium 
Pollionem.  These  were  not  among  the 
conspirators  named  in  earlier  chapters. 
Both  were  exiled  (c  71,  6).  The  latter 
is  thought  to  have  been  grandson  of  the 
Annius  Pollio  and  son  of  the  Vinicianus 
mentioned  in  6.  9,  5,  and  brother  of  thd 
son-in-law  of  Corbulo  (c.  28,  4).  On  his 
wife,  the   daughter   of  Soranus,  see  16. 

30,4- 

4.  Epicharin:  see  c.  51,  i.  The 
edd.  vary  between  this  form  and  *Epi- 
charim  '  ;  Med.  having  '  apichari ',  with 
traces  of  a  final  letter  effaced. 

attineri,  '  was  in  custody'  :  cp.  6.  23, 
5;  13.  15,  4,  &c. 

tormentis.  In  Med.  the  final  letter 
is  by  a  later  hand.  Ritt.  thinks  '  tormento ' 
should  be  read,  as  *  dilacerari '  applies 
only  to  the  rack. 

5.  ignes,  perhaps  taken  for  'lamminae 
ardentes ',  or  the  fire  to  heat  them,  or  per- 
haps as  a  distinct  form  of  torture  :  cp, 
'  ignes  ardentesque  lamminae  ceterique 
cruciatus'  (Cic.  Verr.  5.  63,  163) ;  *  Ver- 
bera, camifices,  robur,  pix,  lammina, 
taedae'  (Lucr.  3,  1017) ;  *  flamma  et 
eculeus  et  lammina'  (Sen.  Epp.  78,  19). 

6.  ne  .  .  .  spernerentur,  *  tliat  they 
should  not  be  braved '  :  cp.  '  si  sper- 
neretur  incestum '  (12.  5,  2);  also  the 
use  of  contemptus  '  below,  and  '  contem- 
nere  ventos '  (Verg.  G.  2,  360).  Tigellinus 
appears,  as  on  a  former  occasion  (14.  60, 
4),  to  have  presided  over  the  torture  (Dio, 
62.  27,  3). 

pervicere  quin  =  cp.  1 1.  34, 2,  and  note. 

7.  obiecta,  sc.  'crimina'. 


primus  dies,  in  pregnant  sense,  for 

*  tormenta  primi  diei '  (see  Introd.  i.  v. 
§84).  'Contemptus'  is  sufficiently  ex- 
plained by  *  spernerentur '  above,  to  make 
Prammer's  conjecture,  *  consumptus '  (to 
which  Dr.  inclines),  needless. 

8.  gestamine  sellae :  cp.  14. 4,  6,  and 
note. 

9.  dissolutis,  *  dislocated,'  by  the 
rack.  Nipp.  takes  the  construction  as 
an  abl.  abs.,  so  as  to  take  '  membris '  in 
a  general  sense;  but  the  dative  would 
be  the  more  usual  expression  (cp. 
'alternis  pedibus  insistentium '  Quint.  11. 
3,  128). 

fasciae,  the  belt  worn  by  women  over 
the  breast  (cp.  Ov.  A.  A.  3,  274,  622  ; 
Prop.  5.  9,49;  Mart.  14.  134,  i,  &c.),  the 
'strophium'  of  Catull.  64,  65. 

10.  arcum  sellae,  the  arched  canopy  of 
the  litter  or  chair.  Ryck  cites  from  Amob. 
2.  23  '  sellula  arcuata '. 

1 2.  clariore  exemplo,  &c.  '  Prote- 
gendo  '  must  apparently  be  taken  with 
'  expressit ',  in  the  sense  of  *  protegens ' 
(which  Madv.,  in  Adv.  iii.  p.  238, 
considers  should  be  read  for  it),  and 
'clariore  exemplo'  is  an  abl.  abs.,  like 

*  bono  exemplo  '  (i.  38,  3)  and  other  such 
expressions.  The  comparative  has  the 
force  of  '  eo  clariore ',  and  is  contrasted 
with  the  following  '  cum ' ;  and  '  libertina ' 
and  'mulier'  are  distinct  terms,  answer- 
ing to  'ingenui  viri'.  'She  died  pro- 
tecting with  an  example  all  the  nobler  in 
that  she  was  but  a  woman  and  a  freed- 
woman,'  &c. 

in  tanta  necessitate,  'under  such 
terrible     compulsion,'     in     contrast     to 

*  intacti  tormentis '. 


394 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.   D.    6; 


alienos   ac   prope   ignotos   protegendo,  cum  ingenui  et  viri  et 
equites  Romani  senatoresque  intacti  tormentis  carissima  suorum 
quisque   pignorum   proderent.     non  enim  omittebant   Lucanus  4 
quoque  et  Senecio  et  Quintianus  passim  conscios  edere,  magis 

5  magisque  pavido  Nerone,  quamquam  multiplicatis  excubiis  semet 
saepsisset. 

58.  Quin  et  urbem  per  manipulos  occupatis  moenibus,  insesso  1 
etiam  mari  et  amne,  velut  in  custodiam  dedit.  volitabantque  per  2 
fora,  per  domos,  rura  quoque  et  proxima  municipiorum  pedites 

lo  equitesque   permixti   Germanis,  quibus   fidebat   princeps   quasi 
externis.     continua  hinc  et  vincta  agmina  trahi  ac  foribus  horto-  3 
rum    adiacere.      atque    ubi    dicendam    ad    causam    introissent, 
laetatum  erga  coniuratos  et  fortuitus  sermo  et  subiti  occursus,  si 
convivium,  si  spectaculum  simul  inissent,  pro  crimine  accipi,  cum 

15  super  Neronis  ac  Tigellini  saevas  percontationes  Faenius  quoque 


3.  pignorum :  cp.  c.  36,  5,  and  note. 
Lucanus     quoque,     *  even     Lucan,' 

the  man  of  noble  sentiment.  Nipp.  notes 
that  *  non  omittebant '  is  taken  as  one 
word. 

4.  passim,  *  one  upon  another ' :  cp.  c. 
46,  3,  &c. 

5.  quamquam,  with  subjunct.,  see 
Introd.  i.  V.  §  51  d. 

8.  mari  et  am.ne.  This  would  seem 
to  refer  to  a  strengthening  of  the  regular 
guard  at  Ostia  and  a  posting  of  pickets  at 
the  usual  landing-places  on  the  Tiber. 

9.  pedites  equitesque.  Those  of  the 
praetorian  guard  are  here  meant. 

10.  Germanis.  On  this  bodyguard  of 
German  horsemen  attached  to  the  person 
of  Caesar  see  i.  24,  3,  and  note,  and 
Nipp.  here.  Some  of  them  had  formed 
the  bodyguard  of  Agrippina  (13.  18,  4). 

quasi  externis,  *  as  being  foreigners.' 
On  the  use  of  '  quasi ',  like  ws,  to 
express  a  motive,  see  c.  33,  2  ;  6.  11,4, 
&c. ;  Introd.  i.  v.  §  67.  Here  the  words 
no  doubt  derive  additional  bitterness  from 
their  close  juxtaposition  with  *  princeps  ' 
(sc.  '  Romanus '). 

11.  continua  hinc  et  vincta  agmina, 
*  afterwards  there  were  incessant  trains 
of  chained  prisoners ' :  the  emphasis  on 
'  vincta '  is  pointed  by  '  et ' ;  the  chains 
being  a  remarkable  part  of  the  picture. 
See  Suet.  Net.  36  ('  coniurati  e  vinculis 
triplicium  catenarum  dixere  causam '). 

hortorum :  sc. '  Servilianorum  '  (c.  55, 
0. 


12.  ubi,  with  subjunct.  of  frequency ;  see 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  52. 

13.  laetatum  erga  coniuratos  (sc| 
'  esse  aliquem '),  '  the  fact  of  having 
smiled  at  meeting  a  conspirator.'  The 
above  text  is  the  reading  of  almost  all 
edd.   (with  inferior  MSS.)  for  the  Med. 

*  latatum  ',  and  is  to  be  preferred  to  such 
violent  emendations  as  those  of  Haase, 
who  reads  '  non  celatus  tantum '  (with 
*sed  '  following),  or  of  Halm,  who^at  one 
time   read    '  non   secreta   tantum '   (with 

*  sed '),  and  now  reads  '  clam  actum ' 
(with  '  et ')  ;  which,  besides  other  objec- 
tions, injures  the  point  of  the  passage  ; 
the  holding  of  secret  communications 
with  conspirators  being  no  despicable 
evidence  of  complicity.  The  substantival 
use  of  a  participle,  though  here  harsh,  is 
in  the  manner  of  Tacitus  (Introd.  i.  v.  § 
55  b  2),  but  would  be  got  rid  of  by  the 
emendation  (less  violent  than  those  above 
noticed)  of  Ritt.,  who  reads  *laeta  tum 
verba  ' ;  the  latter  word  being  one  which 
might  conceivably  have  dropped  out 
before  *  erga '.  On  the  use  of  '  erga '  to 
express  relation  of  any  kind  see  Introd.  i. 

V.  §59- 

et  fortuitus :  so  most  recent  edd. 
after  Walther.  Med.  has  an  abbreviation 
of  *  set ',  which  would  be  a  very  probable 
corruption  of  '  et '  in  this  position  ;  many 
of  the  older  edd.  read  '  si '  (with  MS. 
Bud.) ;  Nipp.  reads  '  fortuitus  sermo '  as 
an  asyndeton. 

15.  Paenius  Bufus  ;  see  c.  50,  4. 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP,  57-59 


395 


Rufus  violenter  urgeret,  nondum  ab  indicibus  nominatus  et,  quo 
4  fidem  inscitiae  pararet,  atrox  adversus  socios.  idem  Subrio  Flavo 
adsistenti  adnuentique  an  inter  ipsam  cognitionem  destringeret 
gladium  caedemque  patraret,  rennuit  infregitque  impetum  iam 
manum  ad  capulum  referentis.  5 

1  59.  Fuere  qui  prodita  coniuratione,  dum  auditur  Milichus, 
dum  dubitat  Scaevinus,  hortarentur  Pisonem  pergere  in  castra 

2  aut  rostra  escendere  studiaque  militum  et  populi  temptare.  si 
conatibus  eius  conscii  adgregarentur,  secuturos  etiam  integros  ; 
magnamque  motae  rei  famam,  quae  plurimum  in  novis  consiliis  10 

Svaleret.  nihil  adversum  haec  Neroni  provisum.  etiam  fortis 
viros  subitis  terreri,  nedum  ille  scaenicus,  Tigellino  scilicet  cum 

4  paelicibus  suis  comitante,  arma  contra  cieret.  multa  experiendo 
confieri  quae  segnibus  ardua  videantur.  frustra  silentium  et 
fidem  in  tot  consciorum  animis  et  corporibus  sperare :  cruciatui  15 

5  aut  praemio  cuncta  pervia  esse,     venturos  qui  ipsum  quoque 

6  vincirent,  postremo  indigna  nece  adficerent.  quanto  laudabilius 
periturum,  dum  amplectitur  rem  publicam,  dum  auxilia  libertati 
invocat.     miles   potius  deesset   et   plebes  desereret,  dum   ipse 


3.  socios,  sc.  '  coniurationis '. 
Subrio  Flavo  ;  see  c.  49,  2. 

3.  adnuenti  an,  *  making  signs  to  ask 
whether.'  For  the  use  of  *  adnuere 
alicui '  in  this  sense  cp.  *  ne  ilia  ulli 
homini  nutet,  nictet,  adnuat '  (Plaut.  As. 
4-  i>  39)>  '  adnuentibus  et  vocantibus 
suis'  (Liv.  1.  12,  10),  &c.  Here  it  is 
contrasted  with  *  rennuit '  (*  shook  his 
head '). 

cognitionem,  used  of  trials  before  the 
prince  or  the  senate. 

4.  infregit  impetum,  'checked  his 
impulse.'  Dr.  notes  this  as  a  new  figure 
analogous  to  '  infringere  conatum  ',  *  ani- 
mos ',  '  spem ',  &c. 

7.  hortarentxir,  with  inf.,  as  in  6.  37, 
I  ;  II.  16,3,  &c. 

castra,  c.  53,  4. 

8.  studia,  'the  disposition  towards 
him.' 

9.  integros,  those  who  had  nothing  to 
do  with  it. 

10.  motae,  'when  once  set  in  motion ' : 
cp.  'mains  opus  moveo'  (Verg.  Aen.  7, 
45),  *  cantusque  movete'  (Id.   10,   163), 

k'  movere  ac  moliri  quidquam '  (Liv.  23. 
39,  4).     Every  step  would  be  magnified 
by  report. 
L 


13.  arma  .  .  .  cieret,  a  new  expression 
for  the  more  common  '  ciere  pngnam '  (3. 
41,  4),  'bellum'  (H.  3.  41,  4),  '  proe- 
lium,'  and  other  (chiefly  poetical)  uses  of 
the  verb, 

14.  frustra  .  .  .  sperare,  sc.  *enm' 
(Introd.  i.  v.  §  8),  which  Ritt.  thinks 
must  have  dropped  out  after  *  silentium '. 
The  old  edd.  read  'sperari',  with  G. 
The  *  animi '  would  be  acted  upon  by  the 

*  praemia ',  the  *  corpora '  by  the  '  cru- 
ciatus '. 

18.  dxim,  with  indie,  cp.  13.  15,  7,  and 
note. 

amplectitur     rem     publicam,     by 

*  clinging  to  the  state '  (C.  and  B.)  is 
here  meant  a  complete  identification  of 
his  interest  with  it,  a  resolution  to  stand 
or  fall  with  it.  Cp,  *  e  complexu  rei  pub- 
licae'  (4.  8,  4).  The  expressions  seem 
taken  from  those  of  Cic,  who  has  *  cum 
rem  publicam  nimium  amplecteretur ' 
(pro  Flacc.  18,  43),  and  *nimis  amplecti 
plebem'  (pro  Mil.  27,  72).  Cp.  also  13. 
18,  3,  and  note. 

19.  miles  potius,  &c.,  i.  e.  better  die 
by  the  soldiers  failing  him  and  people 
forsaking  him  than  without  an  efi^ort  on 
his  own  part. 


396 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


maioribus,  dum  posteris,  si  vita  praeriperetur,  mortem  adproba- 
ret.     immotus  his  et  paululum  in  publico  versatus,  post  domi  7 
secretus,   animum    adversum   suprema   firmabat,   donee   manus 
militum    adveniret    quos    Nero    tirones   aut   stipendiis    recentis 

5  delegerat :  nam  vetus  miles  timebatur  tamquam  favore  imbutus. 
obiit  abruptis  brachiorum  venis.      testamentum  foedis  adversus  s 
Neronem  adulationibus  amori  uxoris  dedit,  quam  degenerem  et 
sola  corporis  forma  commendatam  amici  matrimonio  abstulerat. 
nomen  mulieri  Satria  Galla,  priori  marito  Domitius  Silus  :  hie  9 

10  patientia,  ilia  impudicitia  Pisonis  infamiam  propagavere. 

60.  Proximam  necem  Plautii  Laterani  consulis  designati  Nero  1 
adiungit,  adeo  propere  ut  non  complecti  liberos,  non  illud  breve 


I.  praeriperetur,  *  were  prematurely 
snatched,'  before  his  work  was  done :  cp. 
'praerepta  .  .  .  ultione'  (14.  33,  6). 

adprobaret,  '  commend  to  their  ap- 
proval '  by  the  spirit  in  which  he  met  it. 

3.  suprema,  *  the  end ' :  cp.  6.  50,  3  ; 
16.  25,  2,  &c. 

I  4.  stipendiis  recentis,  *  who  had  re- 
cently begun  service'  (as  distinct  both 
from  'tirones 'and  'vetus  miles').  The 
expression  somewhat  resembles  *  recens 
dolore'  (i.  41,  5),  but  differs  in  that  the 
force  of  the  preposition  '  in '  rather  than 
*  a '  is  supplied.  The  opposite  expression 
'  veterem  stipendiis'  occurs  in  2.  66,  3. 
The  abl.  may  be  taken  as  that  of  respect. 

5.  favore,  sc.  *  in  Pisonem ',  through 
his  liberality  (see  c.  48,  2). 

imbutus.  The  expression  is  repeated 
from  H.  2.  85,  I  ('imbutae  favore 
Othonis'):  cp.  'discordiis  imbutus'  (11. 
16,  4;  13.  4,  i),  &c.  Most  edd.  have 
followed  Rhen.  in  reading  '  tamquam ' 
for  'quamquam'  (the  text  of  the  MSS. 
and  oldest  edd.) ;  which  could  be  ex- 
plained by  taking  *  favore '  to  mean  '  in 
Neronem ' ;  but  we  should  then  have  no 
reason  given  for  the  distrust. 

6.  abruptis :   cp.  c.  63,  5 ;  6.  29,  i ; 

16.  9,  3. 

foedis  adulationibus,  abl.  of  quality, 
with  '  testamentum '. 

7.  dedit,  i.  e.  he  made  such  a  will  as 
a  concession  (cp.  i.  7,  10,  and  note).  It 
may  be  assumed  that  he  also  adopted  the 
precaution  of  leaving  half  to  Nero,  to 
save  the  rest  for  his  wife. 

degenerem,  best  taken,  with  Nipp., 
to  mean  *  of  low  birth '  (cp.  6.  42,  4 ;  11. 

17,  4,  &c.).  Her  name  and  that  of  her 
former  husband  are  given  as  those  of 
obscure  persons.     Some  refer  the  term  to 


her  immorality ;    but  in  this  they  must 
have  been  fairly  matched  (see  c.  48,  4). 

9.  Satria  Galla.  [Med. 'quismulieris 
atria ',  and  editors  read  accordingly.  But, 
with  the  possible  exceptions  of  'villae' 
xiv.  4,  *  puellae '  xvi.  30,  and  the  doubtful 
'donativi'  Hist.  iii.  50,  Tacitus  in  such 
sentences  prefers  the  dative,  and  Andresen 
is  almost  certainly  right  in  reading '  mulieri 
Satria '.  For  the  name  cp.  iv.  34  '  Satrium 
secundum ',  for  a  similar  error  in  Med.  cp. 
c.  60  *  manus  tatii '  for  *  manu  Statii '. — F.] 

10.  patientia, '  shameful  complaisance.' 
Jacob  seems  rightly  to  suppose  that  some 
connivance  at  adultery  between  her  and 
Piso  before  the  divorce  is  alluded  to.  To 
have  merely  tolerated  her  re-marriage 
would  hardly  have  disgraced  Silus,  when 
so  many  had  done  the  same.  Nipp.  thinks 
that  Silus  took  her  back  as  his  wife  after 
Piso's  death  ;  but  this  could  hardly  be  said 
to  '  spread  the  infamy  of  Piso ',  and  rather 
tended  to  obliterate  it. 

1 1.  Plautii  Laterani  :  see  c.  49,  2. 
Nipp.  notes  the  repetition  of  *  consulis 
designati '  here  by  way  of  reminder,  as 
are  similar  repetitions  with  other  names, 
from  c.  49,  2  ;  50,  i,  in  c.  66,  3;  67,  1  ; 
68,  I .  Lateranus  is  one  of  Juvenal's  ex- 
amples of  the  danger  of  wealth ;  cp.  Sat. 
10, 15.  We  may  suppose  that  the  splendid 
palace  on  the  Caelian  now  became  im- 
perial property ;  but  its  history  between 
this  time  and  that  of  Constantine  is  some- 
what difficult  to  trace. 

12.  illud  breve  mortis  arbitrium, 
'  that  short  interval  for  a  choice  of  death.' 
*  Illud '  may  be  explained  (with  Nipp.) 
to  mean  '  the  necessary  ',  or  perhaps  better 
(with  Dr.)  to  mean  '  the  usual  interval ', 
which  was  all  that  Nero  generally  gave 
to  anticipate  the  executioner  (see  note  on 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.  59,   60 


397 


mortis  arbitrium  permitteret.  raptus  in  locum  servilibus  poenis 
sepositum  manu  Statii  tribuni  trucidatur,  plcnus  constantis 
silentii  nee  tribuno  obiciens  eandem  conscientiam. 

Sequitur  caedes  Annaei  Senecae,  laetissima  principi,  non  quia 
coniurationis  manifestum  compererat,  sed  ut  ferro  grassaretur,  5 
quando  venenum  non  processerat.  solus  quippe  Natalis  et 
hactenus  prompsit  missum  se  ad  aegrotum  Senecam  uti  viseret 
conquerereturque  cur  Pisonem  aditu  arceret :  melius  fore  si  amici- 
tiam  familiari  congressu  exercuissent ;  et  respondisse  Senecam 
sermones  mutuos  et  crebra  conloquia  neutri  conducere  ;  ceterum  10 
salutem  suam  incolumitate  Pisonis  inniti.  haec  ferre  Gavius 
Silvanus  tribunus  praetoriae  cohortis  et  an  dicta  Natalis  suaque 
responsa  nosceret  percontari  Senecam  iubetur.  is  forte  an 
prudens  ad  eum  diem  ex  Campania  remeaverat  quartumque  apud 
lapidem   suburbano   rure   substiterat.      illo    propinqua  vespera  15 


I 


c.  69,  3).  Dod.  less  well  places  a  comma 
at  'breve',  taking  'illud  breve'  as  a 
substantive  (*  that  small  boon '). 

1.  locum.  The  spot  is  situated  outside 
the  Esquiline  gate  (see  a.  33,  5)  and  is 
called  '  Sessorium '  by  the  old  Scholiast 
on  Hor.  Epod.  5,  100,  and  Sat.  i.  8,  11  ; 
whence  also  "Sftrawpiov  is  now  read  for 
the  corrupt  "XTjaTtpriov  in  Pint.  Galb.  28. 

2.  Statii,  sc.  '  Proxumi ' :  see  c.  50,  3. 
plenus  constantis  silentii.      Arrian 

(Epict.  I.  I,  19)  gives  an  account,  both 
of  his  bold  reply  to  Epaphroditus,  and 
of  his  firmness  vmder  the  hands  of  his 
executioner. 

3.  eandem  conscientiam,  '  compli- 
city in  the  same  design.' 

4.  laetissima  :  see  c.  56,  2. 

quia  .  .  .  compererat.  On  the  use  of 
the  indie,  see  13.  1,1,  and  note ;  on  the 
genit.  with  *  manifestus  ',2.85,3,  and  note. 

6.  venenum  non  processerat,  'the 
poisoning  (see  c.  45,  6)  had  not  suc- 
ceeded ' :  '  procedere '  is  used  in  the  same 
sense  as  'provenire'  (see  i.  19,  4,  and 
note).  Tacitus  here  assumes  as  a  fact, 
what  he  had  previously  given  only  as  a 
report. 

7.  hactenus,  'only  this  much':  cp. 
12.  42,  5,  and  note. 

prompsit:  cp.  12.  65,  3,  and  note. 

10.  sermones  mutuos.  Nipp.  takes 
these  (in  contrast  with  'conloquia')  to 
mean  communications  through  the  me- 
dium of  a  third  person.  It  is  also  pos- 
sible to  take  the  whole  expression  as  a 
hendiadys. 


II.  salutem,  &c.  The  same  terms, 
'  salus '  and  '  incolumitas ',  are  used  in  the 
reply  of  Seneca  (c.  61,  2).  It  is  hardly 
possible  to  suppose  (with  Prof.  Holbrooke) 
that  words  taken  to  mean  that  his  own 
safety  depended  on  the  success  of  Piso's 
enterprise  were  only  a  distortion  of  the 
common  formula  '  si  valeas  ego  quoque 
valeo  ',  but  they  may  not  have  been  more 
than  a  warm  expression  of  friendship. 

13.  tribunus,  &c.  Cp.  c.  50,  3,  and 
the  repetitions  noted  above  (on  §1). 

13.  nosceret,  'would  admit';  so  in  3. 
38,  I,  for  '  adgnoscere  ',  which  has  oftener 
this  sense,  as  in  2.  30,  3 ;  4.  34,  8 ; 
6.  8,  2. 

14.  prudens,  aware  of  the  impending 
conspiracy. 

ad  eum  diem  =  '  eo  die ' :  cp.  '  ad 
tempus'  (4. 19,  i),  *ad  praesens'  (13.  23, 
3,  &c.). 

ex  Campania.  Seneca  had  desired 
to  retire  into  private  life  after  the  death 
of  Burrus  (14.  56,  6),  and  again  during 
the  exactions  after  the  fire  (c.  45,  5). 
Not  allowed  fully  to  do  so,  he  had  with- 
drawn from  the  court  as  far  as  possible, 
and  had  occupied  himself  in  meditation 
and  writing.  This  suburban  villa  is  prob- 
ably that  alluded  to  in  14.  53,  6.  The 
villa  which  he  is  known  to  have  pos- 
sessed at  Nomentum  (Ep.  104,  i ;  PI.  N. 
H.  14.  4,  5,  51)  would  be  more  distant 
from  Rome. 

15.  suburbano  rure,  abl.  of  place 
(Introd.  i.  V.  §  35). 


398 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


tribunus  venit  et  villam  globis  militum  saepsit ;  turn  ipsi  cum 
Pompeia  Paulina  uxore  et  amicis  duobus  epulanti  mandata 
imperatoris  edidit. 

61.   Seneca   missum  ad   se  Natalem  conquestumque  nomine 

5  Pisonis  quod  a  visendo  eo  prohiberetur,  seque  rationem  vale- 
tudinis  et  amorem  quietis  excusavisse  respondit.  cur  salutem 
privati  hominis  incolumitati  suae  anteferret  causam  non  habuisse  ; 
nee  sibi  promptum  in  adulationes  ingenium.  idque  nulli  magis 
gnarum   quam   Neroni,  qui  saepius   libertatem    Senecae   quam 

10  servitium  expertus  esset.  ubi  haec  a  tribuno  relata  sunt  Poppaea 
et  Tigellino  coram,  quod  erat  saevienti  principi  intimum  consilio- 
rum,  interrogat  an  Seneca  voluntariam  mortem  pararet.  turn 
tribunus  nulla  pavoris  signa,  nihil  triste  in  verbis  eius  aut  vultu 
deprensum  confirmavit.    ergo  regredi  et  indicere  mortem  iubetur. 

15  tradit  Fabius  Rusticus  non  eo  quo  venerat  itinere  reditum  sed 
flexisse  ad  Faenium  praefectum  et  expositis  Caesaris  iussis  an 
obtemperaret  interrogavisse,  monitumque  ab  eo  ut  exequeretur, 


{ 


2.  Pompeia  Paulina  [probably  sister 
of  Pompeius  Paulinus,  the  legate  of  Upper 
Germany  in  56  A.  D.  (supra  13,  53,  and 
West-D.Zeitschr.1898,  p.  58)  and  daughter 
of  Pompeius  Paulinus,  a  Roman  knight  of 
Aries,  Pliny,  N.  H.  33, 143. — P.]  ;  though 
the  expression  used  by  Dio  (61.  10,  3)  of 
Seneca  (ydfiov  kirKpaviaraTov  eyrifxe)  would 
imply  that  she  had  some  noble  rela- 
tions, 

5.  rationem,  'the  regard  which  he 
had  to  pay.' 

6.  excusavisse,  *  had  pleaded  in  ex- 
cuse ' :  cp.  3.  II,  2,  and  note. 

7.  privati  hominis,  any  one  but  the 
prince  :  cp.  11.  31,  3,  &c.  Seneca  meets 
the  charge  of  having  said  that  his  life 
depended  on  the  preservation  of  Piso 
(c.  60,  5)  somewhat  indirectly,  by  reply- 
ing in  effect  that  the  only  person  whose 
safety  he  could  have  had  any  reason  to 
hold  to  be  more  to  him  than  his  own  was 

,  Nero. 

8.  nee  sibi,  &c. :  i.e.  nor  would  he 
'  have  said  so,  without  meaning  it,  out  of 

flattery  to  Piso  ;  for  he  was  never  inclined 

to  flatter,  as  Nero  himself  had  cause  to 

know.     It  is  due  to  Seneca  to  admit  that 

this  boast,  which  he  had  already  put  for- 

.  ward  in  de  Clem,   2.  2,  2  (*  diutius  me 

S  morari  hie  patere,  non  ut  blandum  auri- 

\  bus  tuis.     Nee  enim  hie  mihi  mos  est : 

*  malnerim  veris  offendere  quam  placere 


adulando  '),  is  borne  out  by  such  sayings 
as  that  quoted  in  c.  23,  6  ;  and  that  even 
the  speech  assigned  to  him  in  14.  53-54 
is  not  without  self-respect. 

9.  gnarum  =  'notum':  cp.  i.  5,  .4, 
and  note;  11.  32,  i,  &c. 

libertatem  Senecae,  used  as  ^a  more 
emphatic  expression  than  *  libertatem 
suam ' :  cp.  the  use  of  *  Germanicum '  in 
2-  7^}  3''  'Mucianum'  in  H.  2.  77,  i,  &c. 

1 1,  intimum  consiliorum, '  his  inner- 
most circle  of  advisers  '  :  i.  e.  they  were 
always  at  hand  to  urge  him  on  on  such  a 
course.  A  contrast  seems  to  be  implied 
between  them  and  those  who  were  Nero's 
regular  counsellors  on  affairs  of  state 
generally  (see  on  c.  72,  2). 

14.  deprensum.  The  verb  takes  this 
form  in  3.  53,  i  ;  elsewhere  in  some  six- 
teen places  the  MSS.  of  Tacitus  have  the 
form  *  deprehendere '. 

15.  Fabius  Busticus  :see  Introd.  i. 
iii.  p.  13.  On  his  relation  to  Seneca  see 
13.  20,  3. 

venerat :  on  the  indie,  see  Introd.  i. 
V.  §  49- 

[reditum,  i.  e.  *  reditum  esse  a  tribuno '. 
Although  the  change  of  construction  to 
'  flexisse '  is  hard,  it  is  not  contrary  to 
the  manner  of  Tacitus  (see  Introd.  i.  v. 
§  91,  2).  Many  editors  follow  Halm's 
needless  correction  *  redisse  tribunum  '. 
-F.] 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.  60-62 


399 


7  fatali  omnium  ignavia.  nam  et  Silvanus  inter  coniuratos  erat 
augebatque  scelera  in  quorum  ultionem  consenserat.  voci  tamen 
et  aspectui  pepercit  intromisitque  ad  Senecam  unum  ex  centuri- 
onibus  qui  necessitatem  ultimam  denuntiaret. 

1  62.  Ille  interritus  poscit   testamenti  tabulas  ;    ac   denegante  5 
centurione  conversus  ad  amicos,  quando  meritis  eorum  referre 
gratiam  prohiberetur,  quod  unum  iam  et  tamen  pulcherrimum 
habeat,  imaginem  vitae  suae  relinquere  testatur,  cuius  si  memores 
essent,   bonarum    artium    famam    fructum   constantis   amicitiae 

2  laturos.     simul  lacrimas  eorum  modo  sermone,  modo  intentior  in  10 
modum  coercentis  ad  firmitudinem  revocat^  rogitans  ubi  praecepta 
sapientiae,  ubi  tot  per  annos  meditata  ratio  adversum  imminentia? 


T.  fatali  omnium  ignavia,  'such 
irresistible  cowardice  pervaded  all ' :  cp. 

*  fatali  motu '  (5.  4,  2),  and  the  use  of 
'  fatum  '  of  any  inexplicable  cause  (Introd. 
i.  iv.  p.  22). 

3.  pepercit,  '  he  spared  his  tongue  the 
degradation  of  the  message,  and  his  eyes 
that  of  the  sight.'  Jacob  compares 
•parce  oculis,  hospes'  (Prop.  5.  9,  53), 
and  the  words  of  Domitian  to  the  senate 
(Suet.  Dom.  11),  'parcetis  oculis  vestris.' 
See  also  12.  47,  7,  and  note. 

4.  necessitatem  ultimam  dentmtia- 
ret,  *  to  announce  that  he  must  die ' :  cp. 

*  accepto  . . .  supremae  necessitatis  nuntio ' 
(H,  I.  72,  5),  and  the  nearly  similar  ex- 
pressions in  II.  37,  4;  13.  I,  4.  The  old 
Schol.  on  Juv.  5,  109  follows  Tacitus 
verbally  here  and  in  several  passages 
taken  from  the  following  chapters. 

5.  testamenti  tabulas:  these  words 
would  most  naturally  mean  the  tablets 

I  on  which  his  will  had  previously  been 
written,  and  the  context  would  imply  that 

I  he  wished  to  add  some  legacies  to  the 
friends  then  present.  The  '  codicilli ' 
mentioned  in  c.  64,  6,  though  not  appa- 
rently part  of  the  will  itself,  would  na- 
turally have  been  appended  to  it.  Orelli, 
less  well,  takes  the  words  as  '  tablets  for 
a  will '. 

denegante,    aoristic    participle    (cp* 

,!!•  35.  .^.  &c.).  The  action  of  Seneca 
would  seem  to  imply  an  expectation  that 
his  will  would  be  valid,  as  was  formerly 
'usual  in  the  case  of  those  who  anticipated 
formal  condemnation  (see  6,  29,  2)  :  but 
it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  any  such 
rule  would  prevent  Nero  from  confiscat- 
ing whatever  he  desired  ;  and  it  may  well 
be  that  the  centurion  felt  sufficiently  sure 
that  confiscation  would  in  any  case  ensue, 


and  that  he  himself  might  be  compro- 
mised by  permitting  Seneca  to  assert  any 
right  of  testamentary  disposition. 

7.  quod  unum,  &c.,  *  the  sole  and  yet 
the  noblest  gift.'  The  general  thought 
of  the  passage  resembles  that  in  Agr. 
46,  2. 

9.  bonarum  axtium,  *of  liberal  ac- 
complishments' (6.  46,  2,  &c),  and 
especially  of  being  students  of  philo- 
sophy. 

fructum.  Halm  reads  this  for  the 
Med.  *ta'  (*  tam'),  citing  the  opinion  of 
Weissenbom  (Ann.  Phil.  vol.  52,  p.  44), 
that  some  substantive  is  traceable  in  that 
word,  and  comparing  '  virtutum  fructum 
uberrimum  tulit '  (Suet.  Cal.  4).  By  a 
somewhat  more  violent  change,  Nipp. 
inserts  'pretium*,  and  Ritt.  'laudem',  be- 
fore *  laturos ' ;  the  former  retaining  the 
Med,  *tam',  the  latter  altering  it  with 
Muret.  and  others  to  '  tum '  (in  the  sense 
of  '  praeterea ') ;  Pfitzner  repeats  *  famam ' 
twice.  Em.  retains  the  MSS.  text,  plac- 
ing the  comma  after  *  artium  '  instead  of 
after  *  essent ' ;  but  Nipp.  rightly  points 
out  that  it  could  hardly  be  said  that  they 
would  win  a  reputation  for  stedfast  friend- 
ship by  their  memory  of  his  gifts  or  quali- 
ties. 

10.  sermone,  *  by  conversation  '  (on 
various  subjects),  as  contrasted  with  more 
energetic  (cp.  *intentus'  6.  50,  i)  and 
commanding  appeals  to  their  fortitude. 

12.  sapientiae,  i.e.  of  Stoicism. 

tot  per  annos,  &c.,  'the  resolution 
thought  out  through  so  many  years  in  the 
view  of  impending  evils.'  They  must  have 
always  foreseen  what  would  come  to  pass, 
and  should  long  since  have  made  up  their 
minds  how  to  face  it. 


400 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


cui  enim  ignaram  fuisse  saevitiam  Neronis  ?   neque  aliud  super-  3 
esse  post  matrem   fratremque  interfectos  quam   ut   educatoris 
praeceptorisque  necem  adiceret. 

63.  Vbi  haec  atque  talia  velut  in  commune  disseruit,  comple-  1 
5  ctitur  uxorem   et   paululum  adversus  praesentem  fortitudinem 
mollitus  rogat  oratque  temperaret  dolori  neu  aeternum  susciperet, 
sed  in  contemplatlone  vitae  per  virtutem  actae  desiderium  mariti 
solaciis  honestis  toleraret.     ilia  contra  sibi  quoque  destinatam  2 
mortem  adseverat  manumque  percussoris  exposcit.     tum  Seneca  3 


I.  ignaram =*ignotam,  as  in  2. 13,  i, 

&c. 

3.  fratremque.  Nipp.  thinks  that 
'  fratres',  in  the  sense  of  *  brother  and 
sister*  (cp.  11.  38,  3,  &c.),  must  be  read  ; 
but  it  is  more  probable  that  Octavia,  if 
mentioned  at  all,  would  have  been  spoken 
of  as  the  wife  of  Nero  than  his  sister  (cp. 
c  67,  2),  notwithstanding  her  divorce 
shortly  before  her  death,  and  the  expres- 
sion used  by  herself  (14.  64,  2).  It  is 
however  certainly  remarkable  that  the 
worst  of  Nero's  atrocities,  and  the  only 
one  which  Seneca  had  not  himself  ex- 
plained away  or  defended  (see  13.  17,  4, 
and  note ;  14. 11,  4),  should  thus  be  passed 
over.  The  death  of  Britannicus  had  not 
been  received  with  similar  horror  or  con- 
sternation (see  13.  17,  2). 

educatoris  praeceptorisque,  nearly 
synonyms,  '  him  who  had  formed  and  in- 
structed his  boyhood.'  The  former  word 
is  used  more  properly  of  a  vaiha-ywyos 
(cp.  II.  I,  2  ;  12.  41,  8  ;  13.  15,  6  ;  14. 
3,  5)  ;  which  Seneca  could  not  properly 
be  said  to  have  been. 

4.  velut  in  commune.  Some  inferior 
MSS.,  which  Em.  and  others  have  fol- 
lowed, omit  *  velut',  others  alter  it  to 
*ultro*.  As  the  text  stands,  it  would 
mean  that  he  had  hitherto  spoken  '  as  if 
addressing  his  friends  in  general ',  not 
merely  the  limited  audience  then  present : 
but  what  was  addressed  even  to  these 
might  well  be  said  to  be  spoken  *  in  com- 
mune' (cp.  c.  52,  3,  and  note),  as  con- 
trasted with  the  words  to  his  wife  which 
follow.  Dod.  understands  the  words  to 
mean,  *  as  if  addressing  the  world,'  noting 
that  his  last  words  were  published  (c.  67, 
4) ;  which  seems  chiefly  to  apply  to  those 
referred  to  below  (§7). 

5.  adversus  praesentem  fortitudi- 
nem. The  Med.  text  is  here  retained  by 
Orelli,  Halm,  Dr.,  Ritt.,  and  Pfitzn.,  and 


would  mean  *in  a  spirit  somewhat  con- 
trary to  the  courage  then  felt  by  him.' 
This  use  of  *  adversus '  may  be  compared 
with  *  adversus  legem '  in  6.  16,  i ;  though 
we  should  certainly  have  expected  '  con- 
tra '.  Nipp.  follows  Em.  and  others  in 
returning  to  the  reading  of  the  old  edd. 
and  inferior  MSS.  *  formidinem  ' ;  which 
is  taken  in  the  sense  of  '  formidolosum 
aliquid',  as  in  Agr.  22,  i  (cp.  the  sense  of 
'metus'  in  i.  40,  i,  &c.) ;  'adversus' 
being  taken,  as  in  many  other  places,  in 
the  sense  of  *  in  relation  to ' :  'a  little 
softened  in  view  of  the  terrors  which  at 
the  moment  threatened  her.'  The  reading 
of  Haase,  '  fortunam,'  would  give  a  simi- 
lar meaning,  and  is  somewhat  nearer  to 
the  Med.  text. 

6.  temperaret  dolori  neu,  &c.  :  so 
Halm.  Ritt.,  Pfitzn.,  after  Heins.,  who 
thus  slightly  alters  the  reading  (*  dolori 
ne ')  of  the  oldest  edd.  and  some  inferior 
MSS.  ;  others  follow  J.  F.  Gron.,  who 
corrects  the  Med.  text  ('temperaret  do- 
loriem  aeternum  susciperet ')  by  reading 
'  suscipere  ' ;  such  an  inf.  with  '  tempero ' 
being  found  in  Ennius,  Plautus,  and 
Gellius. 

7.  vitae.  Nipp.  shows,  by  comparison 
of  c.  62,  I,  that  his  life,  not  her  own,  is 
meant. 

8.  toleraret.  The  added  abl.  shows, 
as  Nipp.  points  out,  that  this  must  mean 
'  should  make  endurable  '. 

9.  percussoris,  apparently  the  physi- 
cian to  open  her  veins  (cp.  c.  69,  3). 

tum  Seneca,  &c  Dio,  who  is 
always  hostile  to  Seneca,  says  (62.  25,  i) 
that  he  forced  his  wife  to  open  her  veins 
with  his,  but  that,  by  dying  before  her, 
he  made  it  possible  to  save  her  life.  He 
himself  speaks  warmly  of  her  affection  for 
him  (Ep.  104,  2),  *  cum  sciam  spiritum 
illius  in  meo  verti,  incipio,  ut  illi  consu- 
1am,  mihi  consulere.' 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP,  62-64 


401 


gloriae  eius  non  adversus,  simul  amore,  ne  sibi  unice  dilectam  ad 
iniurias   relinqueret,  'vitae'  inquit  'delenimenta  monstraveram 

4  tibi,  tu  mortis  decus  mavis :  non  invidebo  exemplo.  sit  huius 
tarn  fortis  exitus  constantia  penes  utrosque  par,  claritudinis  plus 
in   tuo   fine.'     post   quae  eodem   ictu   brachia   ferro   exolvunt.  5 

5  Seneca,  quoniam  senile  corpus  et  parco  victu  tenuatum  lenta 
efifugia  sanguini  praebebat,  crurum  quoque  et  poplitum  venas 

6  abrumpit  ;  saevisque  cruciatibus  defessus,  ne  dolore  suo  animum 
uxoris  infringeret  atque  ipse  visendo  eius  tormenta  ad  impatien- 

7  tiam    delaberetur,    suadet    in   aliud    cubiculum    abscedere.      et  10 
novissimo  quoque  momento  suppeditante  eloquentia  advocatis 
scriptoribus  pleraque  tradidit,  quae  in  vulgus  edita  eius  verbis 
invertere  supersedeo. 

1  64.  At  Nero  nullo  in  Paulinam  proprio  odio,  ac  ne  glisceret 
invidia  crudelitatis,  iubet  inhiberi  mortem,     hortantibus  militibus  15 


2.  vitae  .  .  .  delenimenta,  *  means  of 
soothing  life,'  such  *  solacia '  as  are  sug- 
gested above. 

3.  non  invidebo  exemplo,  sc.  *  tuo  * : 

*  I  will  not  grudge  you  the  glory  of  set- 
ting such   an    example '    (explained    by 

*  claritudinis  plus '  below).  It  is  perhaps 
best  to  take  *  exemplo '  as  dat.,  on  the 
analogy  of  13.  53,  4;  though  the  abl.  is 
used  in  i.  22,  2  (where  see  note),  and  not 
unfrequently  in  the  silver  age.  Two  other 
instances  (H.  4.  84,  4;  G.  33,  i)  are  simi- 
larly doubtful. 

4.  claritudinis  plus,  because  she  was 
under  no  compulsion. 

5.  brachia  .  .  .  exolvunt,  noted  by 
Dr.  as  ttTT.  dp.  for  *  brachiorum  venas  ex- 
olvunt'. 

6.  senile  corpus.  He  appears  to  have 
been  about  seventy  years  old.  On  the 
simplicity  of  his  diet  see  c.  45,  6. 

tenuatum ;  so  *  tenuatum  corpus  ' 
in  Hor.  Sat.  2.  2,  84.  The  verb  is  fre- 
quent in  poets  (esp.  Ovid),  and  is  found  in 
prose  from  Seneca. 

7.  effugia :  cp.  12.  31,  7,  and  note, 
crurum  .  .  .  poplit\im,  those  at  the 

ankles  and  under  the  knees. 

8.  cruciatibus,  explained  by  Orelli 
as  those  of  the  convulsions  {a(pa5a(Tfmv) 
consequent  on  loss  of  blood. 

9.  impatientiam,  '  want  of  self-con- 
trol' :  so  in  13.  21,  8. 

10.  suadet,  with  inf. :  cp.  13.  37,  6. 
et  . .  .  quoque  :  cp.  c.  48,  3. 

^      12.    scriptoribus,    '  scribes,*    usually 
slaves.     The  term  is  very  rarely  used  in 


D 


this  sense,  but  so  in  Cic.  de  Or.  r.  30,  136; 
Brut.  22,  88  ;  Hor,  A.  P.  354.  Dio  gives 
(62.  25,  2)  a  somewhat  different  version ; 
that  he  took  care,  before  he  opened  his  veins, 
to  have  his  last  writings  completed  and 
corrected  and  deposited  out  of  Nero's  reach, 
eius  verbis,  with  'edita'.  Dio  (1. 1.) 
also  alludes  to  this  treatise,  but  no  such  is 
extant.    Hartmann,  Anal.  p.  259  suggests 

*  meis  verbis '. 

13.  invertere  supersedeo,  '  I  think  it 
needless  to  adapt.'  On  the  practice  of 
Tacitus  in  this  respect,  especially  as  ex- 
emplified in  the  speech  of  Claudius  (ii. 
24),  see  Introd.  i.  iv.  p.  23,     This  use  of 

*  invertere  *  is  found  only  in  a  very  doubt- 
ful reading  in  M.  Seneca  (Suas.   2.  19), 

*  cuilibet  orationes  tuto  invertere  (v.  1. 
dicere)  licet  pro  suis.'  Jacob  points  out 
a  similar  use  of  *vertere'  in  Quint.  10. 
5,5  (*  ab  illis  dissentio  qui  vertere  ora- 
tiones Latinas  vetant '). 

15.  invidia  crudelitatis  :  cp.  c.  45,  5, 
and  note. 

tude^  inhiberi.  Recent  edd.  have 
generally  followed  Heins.  in  inserting 
'iubet',  which  might  possibly  have  dropped 
out  before  *  inhiberi '.  The  old  edd.  fol- 
low some  inferior  MSS.  in  inserting  *  im- 
perat '  after  '  mortem  '  ;  Freinsh.  and 
others  read  *  inhibere  mortem '  as  a  his- 
torical inf.  It  seems  impossible  to  de- 
fend the  Med.  text  (with  Pfitzn.),  by 
making  the  sentence  exclamatory,  with 
a  verb  of  commanding  supplied.  It  is  ' 
not  unreasonable  to  suppose,  with  Schiller 
(p.  191),  that  Nero,  besides  thus  arresting  | 

d 


402 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


servi  libertique  obligant  brachia,  premunt  sanguinem,  incertum 
an  ignarae.     nam  ut  est  vulgus  ad  deteriora  promptum,  non  2 
defuere  qui  crederent,  donee  implacabilem  Neronem    timuerit, 
famam   sociatae    cum   marito    mortis   petivisse,   deinde   oblata 
5  mitiore   spe  blandimentis   vitae   evictam ;    cui  addidit    paucos 
postea  annos,  laudabili  in  maritum  memoria  et  ore  ac  membris 
in   eum   pallorem   albentibus  ut  ostentui  esset  multum  vitalis 
spiritus  egestum.     Seneca  interim,  durante  tractu  et  lentitudine  3 
mortis,  Statium  Annaeum,  diu  sibi  amicitiae  fide  et  arte  medi- 
10  cinae  probatum,  orat  provisum  pridem  venenum  quo  damnati 
.    publico  Atheniensium  iudicio  extinguerentur  promeret ;  adlatum- 
que  hausit  frustra,  frigidus  iam  artus  et  cluso  corpore  adversum 
vim  veneni.    postremo  stagnum  calidae  aquae  introiit,  respergens  4 


her  death,  allowed  her  to  retain  her  own 
property. 

1.  premtmt  =  *  reprimunt ' :  so  in  3.  6, 
i;  II,  2;  14.  5,  2. 

incertum  an  ignarae,  *  when  she 
was  perhaps  unconscious.'  The  expres- 
sion *  incertum  an  '  appears  to  be  usually 
affirmative,  and  to  suggest  a  probability 
rather  than  a  doubt  (cp.  6.  50,  5  ;  11. 
18,  5;  H.  I.  23,  I  ;  75,  4,  &c.); 
and  although  the  context  here  points 
the  other  way,  Tacitus  appears  to  con- 
sider the  disbelief  to  be  a  vulgar 
calumny. 

2.  ad  deteriora  promptum,  *  ready 
to  accept  the  worse  version ' :  cp.  *  in 
deterius  credita'  (3.  10,  4).  It  is  to  be 
observed  that  Tacitus  makes  no  mention 
of  the  more  malignant  vei-sion  given  by 
Dio  (see  note  on  c.  63,  3). 

4.  famam  sociatae  :  so  all  edd.  after 
Put.  for  Med.  '  fama  societatem '. 

5.  blandimentis  vitae,  *  the  attrac- 
tions of  life ' :  cp.  *  abiuptis  vitae  blandi- 
mentis '  (H.  3.  53,  3),  and  'vitae  dele- 
nimenta '  (c.  63,  3). 

6.  laudabili  . . .  memoria.  This  and 
the  following  are  best  taken  as  ablatives 
of  quality. 

7.  in  eum,  &c.,  'blanched  to  such 
paleness  as  would  give  proof.*  On  the 
dat.  *  ostentui '  see  In  trod.  i.  v.  §  23.  The 
word  has  usually  the  meaning  of  a  spec- 
tacle or  example,  as  in  c.  29,  7  ;  i.  29,  4; 
14.  14,  6,  &c. 

8.  tractu  et  lentitudine,  apparently 
synonyms  :  on  the  former  word  cp.  c. 
10,  I ;  on  the  latter  16.  35,  3. 

9.  Statium  Annaeum,  probably,  as 


Nipp.  suggests,  a  client,  who  bore  the 
*  nomen  '  of  his  patron  in  addition  to  his 
own. 

arte  medicinae,  *  skill  in  medicine ' 
(answering  to  *  amicitiae  fide  ')  :  cp.  *  me- 
dicus  arte  insignis  '  (6.  50,  3),  '  eludere 
medicorum  artes '  (6.  46,  9),  &c. 

10.  venenum,  hemlock,  the  kwvuov 
of  Ar.  Ran.  124,  &c.,  the  '  cicuta'  of  PI. 
N.  H.  25.  13,  95,  151.  Seneca  himself 
calls  it  the  *  medicamentum  inmortali- 
tatis'  of  Socrates  (de  Prov.  3,  12),  whose 
death  he  would  seem  to  have  had  a 
standing  intention  of  imitatingi 

quo  damnati  :  so  all  edd.  from 
Put.,  with  inferior  MSS.,  for  the  Med. 
*quod  anti*.  'Publico  iudicio'  is  taken 
with  '  damnati '. 

1 2.  frigidus  iam  artus.  The  hemlock 
took  effect  by  producing  a  numbness,  be- 
ginning from  the  extremities  (Plat.  Phaed. 
117  E),  to  which  it  had  to  be  conveyed 
by  the  circulation  of  the  blood,  which i 
persons  were  told  to  keep  up  by  walking  | 
as  long  as  they  could  (Id.  117  A).  In' 
this  case  the  body  was  already*  so  deprived 
of  warmth  and  blood  that  the  poison 
could  not  act. 

cluso.  This  form  of  the  verb  is 
found  in  H.  i.  33,  3  ;  G.  34,  i  ;  45»  i  J 
Dial.  30,  5  ;  35,  i,  and  in  one  MS.  of 
Agr.  45, 1 ;  also  in  Sen.  and  often  in  Quint. 

13.  stagnum,  a  bath  or  basin.  Dr. 
compares  *  calentia  stagna '  (*  warm  baths 
in  the  sea')  in  Sen.  Ep.  122,  8.  The 
object  was  to  restore  circulation,  so  as 
either  to  promote  the  flow  of  blood  or 
to  stimulate  the  hemlock. 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XV.     CAP.  64,  65 


403 


proximos  servorum  addita  voce  libare  se  liquorem  ilium  lovi 

5  liberatori.     exim  balneo  inlatus  et  vapore  eius  exanimatus  sine 

6  ullo  funeris  sollemni  crematur.     ita  codicillis  praescripserat,  cum 
etiam  tum  praedives  et  praepotens  supremis  suis  consuleret. 

1  65.  Fama  fuit  Subrium  Flavum  cum  centurionibus  occulto  5 
consilio   neque   tamen    ignorante    Seneca   destinavisse   ut   post 
occisum    opera    Pisonis    Neronem    Piso    quoque    interficeretur 
tradereturque   imperium    Senecae,   quasi  insontibus  claritudine 

2  virtutum  ad  summum  fastigium  delecto.     quin  et  verba  Flavi 
vulgabantur,  non   referre  dedecori  si  citharoedus   demoveretur  10 


1.  libare  se,  &c.     Thrasea  uses  the 
'  same  expression  (16.  35,  2)  as  the  first 

blood  flowed  ;  and  it  is  possible  here  that 
*  liquorem '  denotes  blood  mingled  with 
the  water.  Lips,  notes  that  the  departure 
from  life  is  here  likened  to  the  close  of 
a  feast,  at  which  it  was  the  Greek  custom 
to  offer  a  parting  libation  to  Zeuy  'Xtar-qp 
(Suid.  s.  v.),  for  whom  *  luppiter  Libe- 
rator '  is  here  appropriately  substituted. 
This  attribute  of  the  god  is  found  in 
Latin  only  in  these  passages,  on  coins  of 
Nero  (Eckh.  vi,  273  ;  Cohen,  i.  p.  288, 
no.  124),  and  in  an  old  Calendar  (see 
C.  L L.  I.  p.  274  *  ludi  lovi  liberatori'  (in 
October)),  but  is  no  doubt  taken  from  the 
well-known  Zeus  "EXivO^pios  (Find.  01.  12, 
I ;  Thuc.  2.  71,  4,  &c.).  The  reference 
made  by  Prof.  Holbrooke  to  the  custom 
of  pouring  libation  from  the  poisoned 
cup  to  Mercurius  for  a  safe  passage  to  the 
other  world  (Val.  Max.  2.  6,  8  ;  cp.  Plat. 
Phaed.  117  C),  seems  here  less  apposite. 

2.  balneo,  the  hot  vapour-bath  of  the 
'Laconicum'.  The  same  mode  of  suffo- 
cation was  used  for  Octavia  (14.  64,  3), 
Vestinus  (c.  69,  3),  and  others  (16.  11,4). 

3.  codicillis,  *  written  instructions.' 
The  term  is  used  of  testamentary  writing 
in  16.  17,6;  19,  5:  cp.  14.  50,  I. 

(     cum    etiam    tiim,   &c.     The   expres- 
jsion  implies  that  his  vast  wealth,  no  less 
/than  his  commanding  influence,  had  al- 
ready passed  away  before  his  death.    This 
gives   some  support  to  the  statement  of 
Dio  (62.  25,  3),  that  he  had  resigned  all 
his  property  to  Nero,  nominally  as  a  con- 
tribution to  the  cost  of  restoring  Rome 
after   the   fire.       He   had   however    still 
some  villas  (c.  60,  7,  8),  and  intended  to 
make  bequests  by  will  (c.  6  2,  i) ;  and  Juvenal 
speaks  of  his  splendid  gardens  as  though 
they  were  still  his  at  his  death  (10,  16). 
5.  Subrium  Plavum  :  see  c.  49,  2,  &c. 
8.  quasi  insontibus,  &c.    The  Med. 


text  is  retained  by  most  edd.,  and  requires 
no  alteration  ;  *  insontibus '  being  well 
taken  as  dat.  of  the  agent  (Introd.  i.  v. 
§  18).  By  killing  Piso,  they  would  seem 
to  have  had  no  share  in  the  conspiracy 
of  which  he  was  head,  and  only  to  have 
sought  afterwards  to  replace  Nero  by  the 
best  possible  successor.  Nipp.  would 
take  *  insontibus '  to  mean  those  of  the 
leading  men  who  were  of  pure  character, 
as  contrasted  with  the  dissolute  nobles 
(c.  49,  5  ;  67,  I  ;  70,  2),  who  would  only 
have  replaced  a  Nero  by  a  Piso  (c.  48, 
4) ;  but  the  meaning  given  above  (  =  '  in- 
sontibus coniurationis ')  is  more  in  accord- 
ance with  the  sense  of  the  word  in  other 
passages  (c.  52,  5 ;  73,  2  ;  16.  10,  5,  &c.). 
The  various  corrections  proposed,  as  '  in- 
sontiet'  (Acid.),  '  ex  insontibus '  (Ritt.), 

*  sontibus '  (Wurm),  '  in  sontibus '  (Jan- 
sen)  ,  appear  to  be  needless. 

claritudine,  causal  abl. 
10.  non   referre   dedecori,  'that  it 
made   no  difference  as  to  the  disgrace.* 

*  Refert '  is  used  with  a  dat.  of  the  thing 
in  Plant.  True.  2.  4,  40  ('  cui  rei  id  te 
adsimulare  retulit'),  and  with  that  of  the 
person  in  Hor.  Sat.  i.  i,  49  ('quid  re- 
ferat  intra  Naturae  finis  viventi ') ;  and 
such  a  construction  might  here  be  illus- 
trated by  the  extension  of  the  '  dativus 
commodi '  in  Tacitus  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  17), 
and  by  his  other  uses  of  that  case  (Id. 
§§  20;  21  c).  On  the  other  hand  the 
correction  of  Heins.,  *  dedecoris '  (adopted 
by  Ritt.  and  mentioned  with  approval  by 
Nipp.),  is  supported  by  the  analogy  of 
Quint.  9.  4,  44  ('  plurimum  refert  com- 
positionis  '),and  Plin.  Ep.  8.  22,  4  ;  Pan. 
40,  and  by  the  probability  that  the  final 

*  s '  may  have  been  lost  before  *  si '. 

citharoedus.  Piso  also,  according  to 
his  panegyrist  (166,  foil.),  was  skilled  in 
playing  the  lyre,  but  probably  did  not 
play  in  public. 


404 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


et  tragoedus  succederet,  quia  ut  Nero  cithara,  ita  Piso  tragico 

omatu  canebat. 

QQ.  Ceterum   militaris  quoque  conspiratio  non   ultra   fefellit,  1 

accensis  indicibus  ad  prodendum  Faenium  Rufum,  quern  eundem 
5  conscium  et  inquisitorem  non  tolerabant.     ergo  instanti  minitan-  2 

tique  renidens  Scaevinus  neminem  ait  plura  scire  quam  ipsum, 

hortaturque  ultro  redderet  tarn  bono  principi  vicem.     non  vox  3 

adversum  ea  Faenio,  non  silentium,  sed  verba  sua  praepediens 

et  pavoris  manifestus,  ceterisque  ac  maxime  Cervario  Proculo 
10  equite  Romano  ad  convincendum  eum  conisis,  iussu  imperatoris 

a  Cassio  milite,  qui  ob  insigne  corporis  robur  adstabat,  corripitur 

vinciturque. 

67.  Mox  eorundem  indicio  Subrius  Flavus  tribunus  pervertitur,  1 

primo  dissimilitudinem  morum  ad  defensionem  trahens,  neque  se 
15  armatum  cum  inermibus  et  efifeminatis  tantum  facinus  consocia- 

turum  ;  dein,  postquam  urgebatur,  confessionis  gloriam  amplexus. 

interrogatusque  a  Nerone  quibus  causis  ad  oblivionem  sacramenti  2 


I.  tragico  omatu  canebat.  Nipp. 
I  notes  that  the  Schol.  on  Juv.  5,  109 
l(*scaenico  habitu  tragoedias  actitavit') 
(appears  to  mistake  this  passage,  which 
refers  really  to  lyrical  tragedies,  or  mimes 
on  tragic  themes,  in  which  pieces  were 
isung  in  character  by  the  chief  actor,  who 
[was  supported  by  other  *  hypocritae '  in 
;dumb  show,  and  probably  by  a  chorus. 
See  Marquardt,  Staatsv.  iii.  p.  553 ; 
Friedl.  ii.  404,  foil.  Various  such  tra- 
gedies are  mentioned  in  which  Nero  him- 
self appeared  (Suet  Ner.  21),  and  even 
Thrasea  did  not  wholly  disdain  the 
practice  (16.  21,  i). 

3.  quoque  . . .  non  = '  ne .  . .  quidem '  : 
cp.  3.  54,  II,  and  note. 

fefeUit  =  *  latuit ' :  cp.  4.  45,  2  ;  6.  50, 
5;  13.  I,  3,  &c. 

4.  accensis  indicibus,  'those  who 
had  turned  informers  (cp.  5.  8,  i,  &c.) 
being  excited  with  indignation.' 

5.  inqviisitorem,  not  elsewhere  in 
Tacitus.  The  term  refers  to  him  as 
taking  part  in  the  examination  (c.  58,  3). 
Tacitus  has  'inquisitio*  (Agr.  2, 3)  in  the 
sense  of  *  espionage '. 

6.  renidens,  *  smiling  scornfully' :  cp. 
4.  60,  3  (and  note)  ;  H.  4.  43,  2. 

7.  ultro,  probably  best  taken  with 
'  redderet ' :  *  urges  him  to  do  a  good 
turn  (cp.  13.  20,  i)  voluntarily  to  so  kind 


a  prince '  (by  confessing  without  waiting 
to  be  accused). 

8.  Faenio,  a  correction  of  the  old 
edd.,  after  G.,  for  Med.  'faenius*,  which 
Ritt.  takes  to  be  a  needless  gloss. 

verba  sua  praepediens,  '  stam-  ] 
mering ' :  elsewhere  '  praepedii^ '  is  used 
of  that  which  prevents  utterance,  as  *  fletu 
praepediente  '  (II.  3.  68,  3) ;  '  timor  prae- 
pedit  verba '  (Plant.  Gas.  3.  5,  85) ; 
'  singultu  medios  praepediente  sonos '  (Ov. 
Tr.  I.  3,  42) :  cp.  the  passive  in  2.  73,  3 ; 
3-  3>  2. 

10.  equite  Bomano.  Med.  reads  the 
abbreviated  form  of  *  equiter '.  Proculus 
was  so  described  in  c.  50,  i  ;  and  Ritt. 
here  brackets  the  repetition  as  a  gloss; 
but  see  note  on  c.  60,  i. 

13.  Subrius  Plavus  :  see  c.  49,  2,  &c. 

14.  trahens,  '  adducing.' 

15.  consociaturum,  sc.  'fuisse'   (cp. 

2.  31,  4).     Orelli  notes  the  same   sense 
of  *  sharing '  as  found  in    Cic.  de   Fin. 

3.  21,  74  ('  cum  amicis  .  .  .  consociare  .  .  . 
incuriam '). 

16.  amplexus,  'seizing  upon':  cp. 
*  suprema  victis  solacia  amplectebantur  ' 
(H.  3.  84,  3). 

17.  sacramenti.  This  especially  relates^ 
to  him  as  a  soldier ;  though  such  oath  was 
now  taken  by  all  classes  (1.7,  3).  On  iti 
terms  see  Introd.  i.  vi.  p.  70. 


1 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XV,      CAP.  65-68 


405 


processisset,  *  oderam  te '  inquit,  *  nee  quisquam  tibi  fidelior  mili- 

3  turn  fuit,  dum  amari  meruisti.     odisse  coepi,  postquam  parricida 

4  matris  et  uxoris,  auriga  et  histrio  et  incendiarius  extitisti.'  ipsa 
rettuli  verba,  quia  non,  ut  Senecae,  vulgata  erant,  nee  minus 

5  nosci  decebat  militaris  viri  sensus  incomptos  et  validos.     nihil  in  5 
ilia  coniuratione  gravius  auribus  Neronis  accidisse  constitit,  qui 
ut  faciendis  sceleribus  promptus,  ita  audiendi  quae  faceret  insolens 

6  erat.  poena  Flavi  Veianio  Nigro  tribuno  mandatur.  is  proximo 
in  agro  scrobem  effodi  iussit,  quam  Flavus  ut  humilem  et  angus- 
tarn  increpans,  circumstantibus  militibus,  '  ne  hoc  quidem  '  inquit  10 

7  *  ex  disciplina '.   admonitusque  fortiter  protendere  cervicem, '  uti- 

8  nam '  ait  *  tu  tarn  fortiter  ferias ! '  et  ille  multum  tremens,  cum 
vix  duobus  ictibus  caput  amputavisset,  saevitiam  apud  Neronem 
iactavit,  sesquiplaga  interfectum  a  se  dicendo. 

1      68.  Proximum  constantiae  exemplum  Sulpicius  Asper  centurio  15 
praebuit,  percontanti  Neroni  cur  in  caedem  suam  conspiravisset 
breviter  respondens  non  aliter  tot  flagitiis  eius  subveniri  potuisse : 


1.  fidelior.  Tacitus  only  uses 'fidelis* 
twice  (here  and  in  Dial.  34,  4),  both 
times  in  comp.,  using  always  '  fidus  '  and 
'  fidissimus '  for  posit,  and  superl.,  and 
occasionally  the  comp.  form  *  magis 
fidus  '. 

2.  meruisti,  with  inf. :  cp.  14.  48,  5,  and 
note. 

parricida  matris  et  uxoris.  Nipp. 
thinks  that  *  fratris  '  may  have  dropped  ; 
but  see  note  on  c.  62,  3.  Quint, 
notes  (8.  6,  35)  the  use  of  '  parricida ' 
of  the  murderer  of  any  near  rela- 
tive :  so  also  '  parricidam  liberum '  in 
Liv.  3.  53,  5.  It  is  remarkable  that  in 
Dio'-s  version  of  this  speech  (62.  24,  2) 
these  crimes,  as  well  as  *  incendiarius ', 
are  omitted  :  ((piXrjaa  n\v  i\maas  dyadov 
avroKpcLTopa  e<J(o6at,  ifiiaTjaa  Se  on  rci,  Kal 
TO,  iroifis'  ovTi  yap  dpfiaTrjKaT-Q  ovt€ 
Ki6ap(v5a>  SovKfveiv  SvvafjLou.  Cp.  the 
enumeration  of  Nero's  crimes  in  Juv.  8, 
219. 

4.  non  .  .  .  vulgata  erant.  Nipp. 
thinks  that  Tacitus  must  have  derived 
them  from  an  oral  source ;  but  they  may 
have  been  contained  in  some  private  or 
otherwise  little  known  written  narrative. 
The  apparent  differences  in  the  version  of 
Dio  may  easily  have  arisen  out  of  some 
negligence  in  Xiphilinus,  not  from  his 
having  followed  some  other  source  than 
Tacitus. 


5.  sensus,  'the  sentiments':  cp.  13. 
3,  5  ;  Pers.  i,  69,  &c. 

6.  constitit  :  cp.  13.  35,  3,  and 
note. 

7.  promptus,  with  gerundive  dat.: 
cp.  12.  4,  3,  and  note. 

insolens,  with  genit.  :  cp.  6.  34,  i, 
and  note. 

8.  tribuno.  The  tribune  is  thus  him- 
self the  executioner  in  c  60,  2  ;  1 1.  38,  i ; 
Sen.  Ep.  4,  7. 

9.  scrobem,  that  in  which  the  body 
was  to  be  buried  :  see  Suet.  Ner.  49. 

[quana.  Med.  gives  '  quamvis '  and 
many  editors  follow  Walther's  correction 
*  quam  visam '.  Pichena  gives,  as  above, 
the  simple  '  quam '. — F.] 

10.  circumstantibus,  best  taken  (with 
Nipp.)  as  dat.  depending  on  '  inquit' :  cp. 
'inquit  mihi '  (Cic.  Att.  5.  i,  3). 

ne  hoc,  sc.  *  factum ',  '  even  this  is  not 
done  according  to  regulation.' 

14.  sesquiplaga,  '  a  blow  and  a  half,* 
an.  elp.,  and  probably  (as  Dr.  suggests) 
a  soldier's  word.  Suet,  states  (Cal.  30) 
that  Gains  ordered  his  soldiers  to  inflict 
such  lingering  deaths. 

15.  Proximum,  next  in  merit. 

17.  flagitiis  eius  subveniri.  The 
natural  meaning  of  the  words  as  they 
stand  would  be  'that  in  no  other  way 
could  his  atrocities  be  helped  (re- 
dressed) ' ;    and    Nipp.    so    understands 


4o6 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  6s 


turn  iussam  poenam  subiit.    nee  ceteri  centuriones  in  perpetiendis  2 
suppliciis  degeneravere ;    at  non  Faenio  Rufo  par  animus,  sed 
lamentationes  suas  etiam  in  testamentum  contulit. 

Opperiebatur   Nero    ut   Vestinus   quoque   consul    in    crimen  3 

5  traheretur,  violentum  et  infensum  ratus:  sed  ex  coniuratis  con- 
silia    cum  Vestino   non    miscuerant,    quidam    vetustis    in    eum 
simultatibus,  plures  quia  praecipitem  et  insociabilem  credebant. 
ceterum  Neroni  odium  adversus  Vestinum  ex  intima  sodalitate  4 
coeperat,  dum  hie  ignaviam  prineipis  penitus  cognitam  despicit, 

[o  ille  feroeiam  amici  metuit,  saepe  asperis  facetiis  inlusus,  quae 
ubi  multum  ex  vero  traxere,  acrem  sui  memoriam  relinquunt. 
aceesserat  repens   causa   quod  Vestinus  Statiliam   Messalinam  5 
matrimonio  sibi  iunxerat,  baud  nescius  inter  adulteros  eius  et 
Caesarem  esse. 


them;  but  the  versions  in  Suet.  Ner.  36 
(*  cum  quidam  ultro  crimen  faterentur,  non- 
nuUi  etiam  imputarent,  tamquam  aliter  illi 
non  possent  nisi  morte  succurrere  dedeco- 
rato  flagitiis  omnibus '),  and  in  Dio,  62.  24, 
2  (oTi  aXKctiS  aoi  ^o-qOrjoai  ovk  ^Svvdfxrjv), 
favour  the  interpretation  adopted  by  most 
others,  that  he  ironically  represented  him- 
self to  be  rendering  to  Nero  the  only 
possible  service,  in  rescuing  him  by  death 
from  the  already  overwhelming  load  of 
guilt,  or  from  fresh  additions  to  it. 

2.  degeneravere,  *  disgraced  them- 
selves' :  apparently  the  full  expression 
would  be  '  a  fama  vitaque  sua  degenerare ' 
(H.  3.  28,  i).  Cp.  the  use  of  '  degener' 
in  II.  19,  4;  12.  36, 6,  &c. 

3.  lamentationes,  &c.  On  the  prac- 
tice of  expressing  sentiments  in  a  will  cp. 
c.  59,  8;  14.  29,  I,  &c. 

4.  Opperiebatur,  *  was  expecting  ' :  so 
with  'ut'  in  Liv.  42.  48,  10  ('opperiens 
ut  terrestres  copiae  traicerentur ')  ;  with 
accus.  in  14.  7,  i  ;  H.  2.  46,  i. 

[in  crimen  traheretur,  Med.  gives 
•  *  in  crimen  atraheretur '  with  the  initial 
*  a '  of  *  atraheretur '  almost  erased.  It  is 
therefore  nearly  certain  that  *  in  crimen 
traheretur'  (given  by  G)  is  the  true  read- 
ing. Ritter  prefers  'in  crimina  tra- 
heretur' and  Halm  follows  Orelli  in 
reading  *  in  crimen  attraheretur ' ;  but 
*attraho  '  is  not  found  elsewhere  in  Taci- 
tus, and  its  meaning  seems  less  suitable 
than  that  of  the  simple  verb. — F.] 

7.  praecipitem  et  insociabilem, 
•reckless  and  unmanageable*  (incapable 


of  acting  with  others) :  cp.  the  sense  of 
the  word  in  4.  12,  6;  Liv.  37.  i,  4 
('insociabili  genti').  The  character  is 
somewhat  like  that  described  in  H.  i.  26, 
3  ('  consilii  quamvis  egregii,  quod  non  ipse 
adferret,  inimicus'),  and  agrees  with  what 
is  said  of  Vestinus  in  c.  52,  4.  1 

10.  feTOGiara.  =  vappr](riav  :  cp.  i.  12,  6, 
and  note. 

asperis  facetiis,  '  rough  jests  *  ;  so 
'acerbis  facetiis  '  (5.  2,  3).        ^ 

11.  multum  .  .  .  traxere,  *  when  they 
have  drawn  much  material  from  fact ' ; 
i.  e.  are  fully  based  on  truth  :  cp.  '  Veneti 
multum  ex  moribus  (Sarmatarum)  traxe- 
runt'  (G.  46,  2). 

1 2.  repens  = '  recens  ' :  cp.  6.  7, 4,  and 
note. 

Statiliana  Messalinam,  *  Tauri  bis 
consulis  et  triumphalis  (see  on  6.  11, 
5)  abneptem '  (Suet.  Ner.  35)  :  for  her 
other  relations  see  notes  on  2.  i,  i ;  12. 
59,  I.  On  Nero's  subsequent  marriage 
to  her,  after  the  death  of  Poppaea  (16.  6, 
i),  see  Suet.  1.  1.  According  to  the 
Schol.  on  Juv.  6,  434,  she  had  been 
previously  four  times  married,  and  lived 
on  after  the  death  of  Nero,  and  was  famed 
for  wealth,  beauty,  and  intellect,  and  culti- 
vated the  art  of  public  speaking.  Otho 
had  wished  to  marry  her  (Suet.  0th.  10). 
A  solitary  medal,  struck  at  Thyatira,  is 
preserved,  giving  her  effigy  and  name 
(STAT.  ME22AA.),  and  is  engraved  in 
Coh.  i.  p.  316.  Suet,  wrongly  represents 
Nero  as  having  killed  Vestinus  in  order  to 
marry  her. 


i 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XV,      CAP.  68-70 


40^ 


69.  Igitur  non  crimine,  non  accusatore  existcnte,  quia  speciem 
iudicis  induere  non  poterat,  ad  vim  dominationis  conversus 
Gerellanum  tribunum  cum  cohorte  militum  immittit  iubetque 
praevenire  conatus  consulis,  occupare  velut  arcem  eius,  oppri- 
mere  delectam  iuventutem,  quia  Vestinus  imminentis  foro  aedis  5 
decoraque  servitia  et  pari  aetate  habebat.  cuncta  eo  die  munia 
consulis  impleverat  conviviumque  celebrabat,  nihil  metuens  an 
dissimulando  metu,  cum  ingressi  milites  vocari  eum  a  tribuno 
dixere.  ille  nihil  demoratus  exsurgit  et  omnia  simul  properantur : 
clauditur  cubiculo,  praesto  est  medicus,  abscinduntur  venae,  10 
vigens  adhuc  balneo  infertur,  calida  aqua  mersatur,  nulla  edita 
voce  qua  semet  miseraretur.  circumdati  interim  custodia  qui 
simul  discubuerant,  nee  nisi  provecta  nocte  omissi  sunt,  postquam 
pavorem  eorum,  ex  mensa  exitium  opperientium,  et  imaginatus 
et  inridens  Nero  satis  supplicii  luisse  ait  pro  epulis  consularibus.  15 

70.  Exim   Annaei   Lucani   caedem   imperat.      is   profluente 


1.  existente,  *  making  an  appearance ': 
cp.  *ut  delator  extitit'  (3.  49,  3),  &c. 

speciem  iudicis  induere.  The  more 
usual  phrase  is  '  personam  induere  ',  but 
Livy  has  'mihi  .  .  .  insidiatoris  .  .  . 
latronis  .  .  .  percussoris  speciem  induit ' 
(40.  12,  4),  and  Tacitus  has  *  adsimulabat 
iudicis  partis'  (4.  59,  5).  The  reading 
is  that  of  inferior  MSS.  for  Med.  '  ispeciem 
indiciis',  which  Ritt.  takes  to  indicate 
'  ipse  speciem  iudicis '. 

2.  vim  dominationis,  *  despotic  force.' 

3.  Gerellanum.  Ritt.  notes  the  names 
TEPEAAANH  MONIMH  and  TEPEAAANH 
AIIATH  on  an  inscription  (C.  I.  G.  2259). 

4.  velut  arcem,  ♦  his  citadel,  as  it 
were,'  i.  e.  his  house,  formidable  from  its 
commanding  position  and  inmates.  This, 
ind  '  delectam  iuventutem ',  appear  to  be 
Nero's  own  exaggerated  expressions. 

5.  imminentis  foro,  a  similar  posi- 
tion to  that  of  the  house  of  Cn.  Piso  (3. 

9.  .^)- 

8.  dissimulando  metu,  repeated  from 

II.  32,  2  (where  see  note).  Such  a  dat. 
of  purpose  is  coordinated  with  a  substan- 
tive in  12.  32,  5,  as  here  with  a  participle. 

9.  properantur:  for  the  passive  cp. 
2.  6,  2;  13.  17,  3,  &c. 

10.  medicus  :  see  Suet.  Ner.  37  *  mori 
iussis  non  amplius  quam  horarum  spatium 
dabat;  ac  ne  quid  morae  interveniret, 
medicos  admovebat  qui  cunctantes  con- 
tinuo  curarent  (ita  enim  vocabatur  venas 
mortis  gratia  incidere) '. 


abscinduntur  venae.  This  expression 
is  used  by  Tacitus  only  here  and  in  15. 
II,  4:  cp.  *  interscindere '  (c.  35,4). 

II.  balneo  infertur:  see  c.  64,  5, and 
note. 

mersatur,  noted  by  Dr.  as  air.  dp. 
in  Tacitus,  chiefly  a  poetical  word  (Lucr., 
Verg.,  Hor.).  After  '  aqua '  Med.  has 
'  usa '  (*  uersa  '),  which  Weissenb.  takes 
to  be  a  corruption  of  'infusa',  Ritt.  of 
*  superfusa'.  The  word  however  is  marked 
with  dots  possibly  by  the  original  hand 
and  is  better  ignored. 

13.  omissi  sunt,  were  left  free  to  de- 
part. The  word  is  used  generally  of  what 
is  left  to  itself  or  neglected:  cp.  ^.  51, 
3;  6.  36,  2;  H.  2.  65,  i,&c. 

14.  ex  mensa,  'after  a  feast':  cp. 
*statim  e  somno'(G.  22,  i) ;  a  similar 
contrast  is  expressed  by  'a'  in  6.  50,  8 
('  a  summa  spe  novissima  expectabat '). 

imaginatus,  *  picturing  to  himself; 
only  here  in  Tacitus,  but  several  times 
in  Plin.  ma.  and  Quint.  Cp.  *  imagina- 
tionibus'  (c.  36,  i,  and  note). 

16.  Exim  Annaei :  so  most  recent  edd. 
after  Ritt.  for  Med.  'ex  Immane  na  et' 
(partly  corrected  by  first  hand),  from 
which  Rhen.  first  restored  the  text  as  *  exin 
M.  Annaei '.  But  it  is  more  in  accord- 
ance with  the  manner  of  Tacitus  to  give 
two  names  than  three ;  and  the  name  of 
Lucan  is  thus  given  in  c.  49,  2  ;  71,  12  ; 
16.  17,  4.  Others  read  *  Exin  Annaei'. 
Both  the   Medicean  MSS.  give  in  some 


4o8 


CORN  ELI  I  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


sanguine  ubi  frigescere  pedes  manusque  et  paulatim  ab  extremis 
cedere  spiritum  fervido  adhuc  et  compote  mentis  pectore  intellegit, 
recordatus  carmen  a  se  compositum  quo  vulneratum  militem  per 
eius  modi  mortis  imaginem  obisse  tradiderat,  versus  ipsos  rettulit 

5  eaque  illi  suprema  vox  fuit.     Senecio  posthac  et  Quintianus  et  2 
Scaevinus  non  ex  priore  vitae  mollitia,  mox  reliqui  coniuratorum 
periere,  nullo  facto  dictove  memorando. 

71.  Sed  compleri  interim  urbs  funeribus,  Capitolium  victimis  ;  1 
alius  filio,  fratre  alius  aut  propinquo  aut  amico  interfectis,  agere 

10  grates  deis,  ornare  lauru  domum,  genua  ipsius  advolvi  et  dextram 
osculis  fatigare.     atque  ille  gaudium  id  credens  Antonii  Natalis  2 
et   Cervarii    Procuii   festinata    indicia   impunitate   remuneratur. 
Milichus  praemiis  ditatus  conservatoris  sibi  nomen,  Graeco  eius  3 
rei  vocabulo,  adsumpsit     e  tribunis  Gavius  Silvanus  quamvis  4 


places  *  exin ',  in  others  *  exim ',  but  Halm 
has  uniformly  adopted  the  latter. 

I .  extremis,  *  the  extremities ' ;  so 
used,  according  to  Dr.,  by  Celsus.     Cp. 

*  imperii  extrema '  (4.  74,  2),  &a 

3.  carmen,  here  not  used,  as  common- 
ly, of  a  whole  poem  or  a  single  line,  but 
of  a  portion.  The  passage  is  commonly 
supposed  to  be  part  of  that  in  Phars.  3, 
635-646,  describing  in  a  sea-fight  the 
gradual  bleeding  to  death  of  one 
mortally  wounded  by  a  grappling-iron 
and  held  from  falling  into  the  water  by 
friends.  The  last  lines  are  *  pars  ultima 
trunci  Tradidit  in  letum  vacuos  vitalibus 
artus.  At  tumidus  qua  pulmo  iacet,  qua 
viscera  fervent,  Haeserunt  ibi  fata  diu, 
luctataque  multum  Hac  cum  parte  viri 
vix  omnia  membra  tulerunt '.  The  lines 
given  by  Merivale,  describing  one  of  the 
forms  of  death  from  serpent-bite  (9,  808- 
814),  seem  to  agree  less  with  the  descrip- 
tion here  given  by  Tacitus.  The  verses  may 
not  have  been  among  those  now  extant. 

per  eius  modi   mortis   imaginem, 

*  by  a  form  of  death  similar  to  it ' :  cp. 

*  varia  pereuntium  forma  et  omni  imagine 
mortium '  (H.  3.  28,  3)  ;  the  expression 
being  evidently  taken  from  Verg.  Aen.  2, 
369  Cplurima  mortis  imago'),  and  resem- 
bling that  of  Thucyd.  (3.  81, 4),  Traaa  tSta 
KariaTT]  Oavdrov,  and  the  *  strange 
images  of  death'  of  Shakespeare  (Mac- 
beth, A.  I.  Sc.  3).  Some  here,  less  well, 
take  '  imaginem '  to  mean  *  a  fictitious 
representation '. 

5.  suprema  vox.  His  anonymous 
biographer  gives  the  date  of  his  death 
(April  30). 


Senecio,  &c.  On  these  persons  see 
c.  49,  4  ;  50,  2. 

6.  ex,  *  in  accordance  with ' :  cp.  c.  67, 
6,  &c. 

I  o.  ornare  lauru  domum.    This  was  ^ 
done  at  times  of  private  (Juv.  6,  79)  or  \ 
public  rejoicing.     Cp.  Juvenal's  descrip-  j 
tion  (10,  65)  of  this  and  the  sacrifices  in  : 
the  Capitol  on  a  similar  occasion  :  '  Pone 
domi  laurus,  due  in  Capitolia  magnum 
Cretatumque    bovem :     Seianus    ducitur 
unco.'    The  object  here  was  ostentatiously 
to  disclaim  sympathy  with  the  pilot. 

genua  ipsivis  advolvi.  On  the  ex- 
pression cp.  I.  13,  7,  and  note. 

et  dextram,  &c.  This  would  be ' 
as  if  for  joy,  and  Nero  by  permitting  it 
acknowledged  them  as  friends.  Persons 
saved  their  lives  thus  in  the  massacre  of 
Marius,  when  it  was  *  spes  una  salutis 
Oscula  pollutae  fixisse  trementia  dextrae'i 
(Luc.  2,  113).  Nipp.  thinks  the  insertion 
of  the  conjunction  here  due  to  the  position 
of  the  verb  at  the  end  of  these  two  clauses ; 
its  usual  position  in  asyndeta  being  at  the 
beginning  (cp.  i.  47,  5;   2.  31,  i,  «&c.). 

II.  Natalis  .  .  .  Procuii  :  see  c.  56,  2  ; 
66,3. 

13.  Milichus:  see  c.  54,  i;  55,  1. 
The  name  which  he  took  is  evidently  that 
of  'XojTrip ;  but  Tacitus  rather  avoids  Greek 
words  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  95).  The  name 
is  usually  borne  by  gods  or  kings;  [but  is 
not  uncommon  as  a  cognomen  of  '  liber- 
tini ' :  see  C.  I.  L.  5.  88,  136,  &c.— P.] 

14.  e  tribunis.  On  these  see  c  50,  3, 
&c.,  the  third,  Subrius  Flavus,  had  been 
executed  (c.  67,  6). 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.   70,  71 


409 


8 

I 


absolutus  sua  manu  cecidit ;  Statius  Proxumus  venlam  quam  ab 
imperatore  acceperat  vanitate  exitus  corrupit.  exuti  dehinc 
tribunatu  *  *  Pompeius,  Cornelius  Martialis,  P^lavius  Nepos, 
Statius  Domitius,  quasi  principem  non  quidem  odissent  sed 
tamen  existimarentur.  Novio  Prisco  per  amicitiam  Senecae  et  5 
Glitio  Gallo  atque  Annio  PoUioni  infamatis  magis  quam  convictis 
data  exilia.  Priscum  Artoria  Flaccilla  coniunx  comitata  est, 
Galium  Egnatia  Maximilla,  magnis  primum  et  integris  opibus, 
post  ademptis ;  quae  utraque  gloriam  eius  auxere.     pellitur  et 


I 


I.  veniam  .  .  .  corrupit,  'frustrated' 
(cp.  *  officia  .  .  .  corrumpebat'  2.  23,  2; 
also  H.  2.  92,  5 ;  3-  78>  4 ;  4-  34»  8)  the 
pardon  which  he  had  accepted  from  the 
emperor  by  the  vaingloriousness  of  his 
end'  (apparently  by  a  vainglorious  sui- 
cide"). His  case  was  different  from  that 
of  Silvanus,  who  was  judicially  acquitted; 
and  a  suicide,  after  pardon  solicited  and 
accepted,  was  not  true  spirit,  but  mere 
vainglory.  It  is  thought  by  some  that 
the  allusion  is  to  a  subsequent  death  by 
some  act  of  folly,  which  may  have  been 
mentioned  afterwards  in  the  portion  now 
lost. 

3.  Pompeius.  A  praenomen  or  cog- 
nomen appears  to  have  been  lost,  as  all 
the  others  have  two  names  given.  Nipp. 
points  out  that  this  Cornelius  Martialis 
would  probably  not  be  the  '  primipilaris ' 
of  H.  3.  70,  I ;  also  that  as  three  tribunes 
of  the  praetorian  guard  had  joined  the 
conspirators  (see  above  and  c.  67,  i),  and 
four  more  are  here  mentioned,  supposing 
the  number  of  cohorts  and  tribunes  to 
have  been  still  only  nine  (see  4. 5,5),  only 
two  tribunes  were  left,  Veianius  Niger 
(t^'  67,  5)  and  Gerellanus  (c.  69,  i).  But 
the  inscription  cited  on  c.  50,  3  shows 
that  there  were  now  not  less  than  twelve 
praetorian  cohorts. 

4.  quasi,  *  on  the  ground  that.' 

5.  existimarentur :  so  all  edd.  since 
Em.,  after  Rhen.  for  the  Med.  '  extima- 
rentur'.  It  is  probable  that  the  corrup- 
tion is  deeper ;  for  the  omission  of 
'  odisse '  is  very  harsh,  and  *  quasi '  would 
of  itself  imply  a  belief  rather  than  a  fact. 
But  such  emendations  as  *  extimerentur ' 
(Pich.),  or  '  aestimarent '  (Madv.  Adv.  iii. 
238),  have  found  no  favour. 

Novio  Prisco.  This  person  is 
shown  by  an  Arval  Table  (C.  I.  L.  vi.  i, 
2056)  to  have  been  cos.  ord.  in  A.  D.  78 
('  L.  Ceionio  Commodo,  D.  Novio  Prisco 
coss.'). 


per  amicitiam  Senecae.  It  is 
best  to  take  these  words  (with  Nipp.) 
closely  with  '  data  exilia ',  so  as  to  stand 
in  contrast  with  *  infamatis '.  The  sense 
of  'per'  (*by  reason  of)  is  akin  to  that 
in  13.  43,  7,  and  H.  i.  24,  2  ('per  so- 
cordiam  praefecti '). 

6.  Glitio  Gallo  atque  Annio  Pol- 
lioni  :  see  c  56,  4. 

infamatis,  *  calumniated ' :  cp.  H. 
I.  64,  8;  3.  62,  4: 

7.  data  exilia,  •  the  privilege  of  exile 
(instead  of  death)  was  granted ' :  cp. 
'  datur  mortis  arbitrium'  (16.  33,  2).  The 
expression  is  used  bitterly,  as  no  real 
charge  was  proved  against  them. 

8.  Egnatia  Maximilla.  The  place 
of  their  exile  was  Andros,  where  an  in- 
scription (C.  I.  G.  Add.  2349,  i ;  vol.  ii. 
p.  1068)  records  them  as  patrons  and 
benefactors :  6  S^/xos  'ETrartai'  Ma^/^tA.- 
\av,  rijv  €avTov  fifpytTiv,  dpfr^s  evfKa  ; 
and  o  SrjfMos  IIovitKiov  rAeiriov  TdWov, 
TOP  kavTov  TroLTpojva  kox  evfpyerijv,  dper^s 
iV(Ka.  An  inscription  of  his  freedman, 
L.  Glitius,  has  been  found  at  Como 
(C.  I.  L.  v.  2.  5345).  Their  son  Q. 
Glitius,  P.  f.,  Atilius  Agricola,  was 
COS.  under  Nerva  (C.  I.  G.  6763),  and 
again  in  a.  D.  104  (C.  I.  L.  5.  6974), 
and  served  with  distinction  as  legatus 
of  Pannonia  in  the  Dacian  war  (C.  I.  L. 
5.  6976).  Both  inscriptions  are  from 
Turin. 

9.  ademptis.  Their  influence  at  An- 
dros, attested  by  the  above  inscription, 
suggests  a  reason  for  this. 

quae  utraque.  Nipp.  rightly  explains 
that  she  won  fame  firstly,  by  giving  up 
the  position  in  which  her  wealth  would 
have  allowed  her  to  live  at  Rome, 
secondly,  by  losing  that  wealth  for  her 
husband's  sake  sooner  than  separate  her- 
self from  him.  Tacitus  notes  such  acts 
as  occurring  apparently  under  the  tyranny 
of  Domitian  ('  secutae  maritos  in  exilia 


4IO 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


Rufrius   Crispinus  occasione   coniurationis,  sed  Neroni  invisus 
quod    Poppaeam    quondam    matrimonio   tenuerat.      Verginium  9 
Flavum  et  Miisonium  Rufum  claritudo  nominis  expulit :    nam 
Verginius    studia    iuvenum    eloquentia,    Musonius     praeceptis 
5  sapientiae  fovebat.     Cluvidieno  Quieto,  lulio  Agrippae,  Blitio  10 
Catulino,  Petronio  Prisco,  lulio  Altino  velut  in  agmen  et  nume- 
rum,   Aegaei   maris    insulae    permittuntur.      at    Caedicia   uxor  11 
Scaevini  et  Caesennius  Maximus  Italia  prohibentur,  reos  fuisse 
se   tantum  poena  experti.     Acilia   mater  Annaei  Lucani   sine  12] 
10  absolutione,  sine  supplicio  dissimulata. 

72.  Quibus  perpetratis  Nero  et  contione  militum  habita  bina  1 
nummum   milia  viritim  manipularibus   divisit   addiditque   sine 


coniuges'  H.  i.  3,  i);  and  various 
instances  of  female  heroism  are  collected 
by  Friedlander  (i.  459-463). 

1.  Riifrius  Crispinus:  see  11.  i,  3, 
and  note.  His  place  of  exile  was  Sardinia 
(16.17,  2). 

2 .  Verginium  Flavum  et  Musonium 
Rufum.  The  Med.  text  '  Verginium 
Rufum '  must  have  arisen  from  the  copyist 
being  misled  by  a  famous  name  (see  c. 
23,  i) ;  it  being  evident  from  the  context 
that  these  two  persons  are  referred  to. 
The  restoration  is  due  to  Walther,  who 
partly  follows  Lips.  The  former  is  men- 
tioned in  the  '  vita  Persii '  as  his  teacher 
and  is  frequently  referred  to  by  Quint., 
who  says  (7.  4,  40),  '  Flavum,  cuius  apud 
me  merito  summa  est  auctoritas.'  On 
Musonius,  whose  place  of  exile  is  said  to 
have  been  Gyaros, see  14.  59,  2,  and  note. 
Philostratus  (1. 1.  there)  places  his  exile 
in  the  following  year. 

5.  Cluvidieno,  &c.  These  persons 
are  wholly  xmknown.  Nip  p.  cites  an 
inscription  to  a  slave  *  Petroni  Prisci  trib. 
laticlavi '. 
II  6.  velut  in  agmen  et  numerum, 
M  *  as  it  were,  to  complete  the  mass  and  list  * 
(  =  *ut  agmen  et  numerus  efficeretur'): 
for  this  force  of '  in '  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  60  b. 
Nipp.  compares  '  in  numerum  pars  magna 
perit'  (Luc.  2,  1 11),  and  'princeps  alios 
.  .  .  libens  videat,  alios  in  numerum 
relinquat'  (Sen.  de  Clem.  i.  5,  7). 

7 .  permittuntur,  *  are  allowed  as 
places  of  exile  '  (cp.  *  data  exilia '  above). 
Nipp.  notes  that  Tacitus  probably  uses 
the  official  term. 

Caedicia,  a  correction  of  Orelli  for 
the  Med.  'cadicia',  which  does  not  ap- 
pear to  be  a  Latin  name,  whereas  *  Cae- 


dicius'  is  found  on  inscriptions  and  in 
Juv.  13,  197;  16,  46;  the  former  of 
which  passages  is  said  by  the  old  Schol. 
to  refer  to  a  tool  of  Nero's  cruelties. 

8.  Caesennius  Maximus.  Most 
recent  edd.  have  here  gone  back  to  the 
Med.  form  as  above  ;  Lips,  having  pre- 
viously been  generally  followed  in  treating 
it  as  an  opposite  error  to  that  in  14.  29,  i, 
and  reading  '  Caesonius ',  after  the  MSS. 
of  Mart.  7.  44,  I.  In  this  and  the  fol- 
lowing epigram  Martial  speaks  of  his 
exile  and  of  his  friend  Q.  Ovidius,  who 
had  accompanied  him  in  it,  and  calls  him 
'  facundi  Senecae  potens  amicus  \  Seneca 
himself  mentions  him  (Ep.  87,  2)  as 
'  Maximus  mens ',  and  as  sharing  his 
simple  life. 

Italia  prohibentur  :  cp.  14.  50,  2, 
&c. 

reos  fuisse,  &c.  Their  sentence  gave 
them  their  only  knowledge  that  any 
charge  had  been  brought  against  them. 

9.  Acilia  :  see  c.  56,  4,  and  note. 

10.  dissimulata,  '  was  ignored '  (cp.  4. 
19,  4,  and  note) ;  like  *  silentio  trans- 
missus'  (13.  22,  3). 

11.  et  contione  .  .  .habita:  cp.  13. 
21,1,  and  note. 

bina  nummum  milia.  For  other 
such  donatives  see  12.  69,  3,  and  note. 
Schiller  suggests  (p.  109,  2)  that  a  '  con- 
giarium  '  may  also  have  been  given  at 
this  time  or  soon  afterwards,  possibly 
after  the  close  of  the  extant  narrative  of 
Tacitus,  which  may  be  the  *  cong.  ii  or 
iii  of  coins'  (see  13.  31,  2,  and  note). 

1 2.  sine  pretio  frumentum  :  cp.  Suet. 
Ner.  10  ('constituit .  . .  praetorianis  cohor- 
tibus  frumentum  menstruum  gratuitum  '). 
It  is  probable  that  the  legions  had  gratui- 


1 
i 


A.  D.  6^] 


LIBER  XV,      CAP.   71,   72 


411 


2  pretio  frumentum,  quo  ante  ex  modo  annonae  utebantur.  turn 
quasi  gesta  bello  expositurus  vocat  senatum  ct  triumphale  decus 
Petronio  Turpiliano  consulari,  Cocceio  Nervae  praetori  designate, 
Tigellino  praefecto  praetorii  tribuit,  Tigellinum  et  Nervam  ita 
extollens  ut  super  triumphalis  in  foro  imagines  apud  Palatium  5 

3  quoque  effigies  eorum  sisteret.  consularia  insignia  Nymphidio 
*  *  *  quia  nunc  primum  oblatus  est,  pauca  repetam  :  nam  et 

4  ipse  pars  Romanarum  cladium  erit. 


igitur  matre  libertina  ortus 


ftous  corn  rations  from  the  time  of  Au- 
gustus (%ee  note  on  i.  17,  6);  so  that 
some  deduction  has  to  be  made  from  the 
comparison  of  their  pay  with  that  of  the 
praetorians  (i.  17,  9). 

I.  ex  modo  annonae,  *  according  to 

[the  market  price.'  For  the  regulations 
affecting  this  see  c.  18,  3;  39,  2  ;  2.  87,  i, 
and  notes.  It  would  appear  that  their 
rations  were  fixed  at  this  price  and  paid 
by  stoppage  out  of  their  salary. 

3.  Petronio  Turpiliano  :  see  14.  29, 
I.  No  mention  has  been  made  of  any 
service  rendered  by  him  or  Nerva;  but 
Schiller  (p.  197)  may  probably  be  right 
in  supposing  them  to  have  been  promi- 
nent members  of  the  *  concilium  '  of  the 
princeps.  On  the  indiscriminate  gifts  of 
triumphal  honours  at  this  time  see  13.  53, 
I,  and  note. 

Cocceius  Nerva,  the  subsequent 
emperor.  From  what  is  known  of  his 
age  (Dio,  68.  4,  2),  he  would  seem  to 
have  been  at  this  time  thirty-three  years 
old.  A  mutilated  inscription  before  the 
date  of  his  principate,  found  at  Sassofer- 
rato  (C.  I.  L.  11.  5743),  records  this 
among  his  earlier  distinctions  :  *  M. 
Cocceius  [M.  f.  .  .  .  Nerva,  cos.]  augur, 
sodal[is  August.  .  .  .  quaest.]  urb(anus), 
vi  vir  turma[e  eq(uitum)  R(omanorum) 
,  .  .,  Salius  Palat(inus),  triumphalib[us 
omamentis]  honoratus.'  His  consulships 
before  his  principate  were  in  A.  d.  71, 
and  A.  D.  90.  As  he  had  not  yet  been 
praetor,  his  case  and  that  of  Tigellinus 
may  be  referred  to  in  Suet.  Ner.  15 
(*  triumphaliaornamenta  etiam  quaestoriae 
dignitatis  et  nonnullis  ex  equpstri  ordine 
tribuit'). 

5.  apud  Palatium  effigies.  Nipp. 
compares  what  is  said  of  the  father  of 
Otho  (Suet.  0th.  i),  'senatus  honore 
rarissimo,  statua  in  Palatio  posita,  prose- 
cutus  est.'  The  effigies  of  men  of  letters 
in  the  Palatine  library  (see  2.  37,  3,  and 
note)  appear  to  be  distmct  from  these. 
Augustus  permitted  the  erection  of  the 


statues  of  *  triumphales '  in  the  Forum 
(Dio,  55.  10,  3) ;  and  other  public  places 
were  similarly  decorated  (see  Momms. 
Staatsr.  i.  450;  Friedl.  iii.  229). 

6.  consularia  insignia :  cp.  12.21,2. 

7.  *  ♦  *  quia  nunc.     Med.  has  here 

*  nymphidio  quaniic ' ,  corrected  by  the  older 
edd.  generally  to  *de  quo  quia  nunc'. 
Halm  and  Dr.  have  followed  Weissenbom 
in  the  insertion  of  '  qui '  before  '  quia 
nunc'.  It  is  however  more  probable 
that,  as  Dr.,  Nipp.  and  Ritt.  suppose, 
a  greater  gap  exists.  Possibly  a  verb 
is  lost,  as  it  is  somewhat  awkward  to 
supply  *  tribuit '  from  above.  Also  it  is 
unusual  for  Tacitus  to  give  only  one 
name  to  a  person  who  has  not  been  be- 
fore mentioned.  Ritt.  has  endeavoured 
to  fill  the  gap  by  reading  '  Nymphidio 
Sabino.  De  Nymphidio,  quando  nunc', 
&c.,  considering  such  a  repetition  of  the 
name  sufficiently  paralleled  by  such  in- 
stances as  c.  34,  3;  16.  17,  I.  This  re- 
storation has  been  adopted  by  Jacob  and 
Pfitzner.  The  words  used  would  show 
that  his  name  was  prominent  in  the  lost 
narrative  (see  Appendix  to  Book  16)  ; 
which  no  doubt  included  the  account  of 
his  being  put  to  death  by  the  soldiers 
after  the  accession  of  Galba,  on  the 
charge  of  having  tried  to  make  himself 
emperor  (the  '  clades '  here  alluded  to)  : 
see  H.  I.  5,  I ;  Plut.  Galb.  13. 

8.  pars  Boinanarxun  cladium  erit, 

*  will  form  part  of  the  disasters  of  Rome,* 
his  fall  will  be  an  incident  in  the  great 
catastrophe  (that  of  a.  D.  68,  69).  The 
expression  is  poetical  and  resembles  that 
used  by  Seneca  (de  Tranq.  14,  10)  of 
lulius  Canus  ('Caianae  cladis  magna 
portio '),  and  the  *  Italae  pars  magna 
ruinae  Appius'  of  Sil.  5,  329,  both  of 
which    are    perhaps    suggested    by    the 

*  quorum  pars  magna  fui '  of  Verg.  Aen. 
2,6. 

igitur,  taking  up  the  subject  already 
indicated,  as  in  c.  37,  3  ;  i.  31,  4;  4.  3, 
3,  &c. 


412 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


quae  corpus  decorum  inter  servos  libertosque  principum  vulga- 
verat,  ex  G.  Caesare  se  genitum  ferebat,  quoniam  forte  quadam 
habitu  procerus  et  torvo  vultu  erat,  sive  G.  Caesar,  scortorum 
quoque  cupiens,  etiam  matri  eius  inlusit  *  *  * 

5      73.  Sed    Nero   vocato   senatu,  oratione   inter   patres   habita,  1 
edictum  apud  populum  et  conlata  in  libros  indicia  confessionesque 
damnatorum  adiunxit.     etenim  crebro  vulgi  rumore  lacerabatur,  2 
tamquam  viros  claros  et  insontis  ob  invidiam  aut  metum  extinx- 
isset.     ceterum  coeptam  adultamque  et  revictam  coniurationem  3 

10  neque  tunc  dubitavere  quibus  verum  noscendi  cura  erat,  et  faten- 
tur  qui  post  interitum  Neronis  in  urbem  regressi  sunt,      at  in  4 
senatu   cunctis,  ut  cuique  plurimum  maeroris,  in  adulationem 


1.  principum.  The  plural  appears 
to  be  used  of  the  imperial  family,  as  in 

3-  34»  II. 

2.  ex  G.  Caesare.  Plutarch  (Galb. 
9)  discredits  this  story,  saying  that 
Nymphidius  was  born  when  Gaius  was  a 
mere  boy,  and  that  his  real  father  was 
supposed  to  be  a  gladiator  called  Mar- 
tianus. 

3.  habitu,  so  used  of  personal  appear- 
ance in  I.  10,  7 ;  4.  57,  3,  &c.  According 
to  Suet.  Cal.  50,  Gains  was  'statura 
eminenti,  corpore  enormi,  .  .  .  oculis  et 
temporibus  concavis,  fronte  lata  et  torva '. 
His  statues,  especially  the  full  length 
in  the  Museum  at  Naples,  confirm  this 
description.     Cp.  6.  46,  8,  and  note. 

4.  inlusit :  cp.  13.  17,  3.  It  is  evident 
that  there  is  a  considerable  lacuna  here, 
as  we  should  certainly  expect  some  ac- 
count, not  only  of  his  birth,  but  of  his 
early  life  and  rise  to  power,  and  of  his 
being  at  this  time  associated  with  Tigel- 
linus  as  *  praefectus  praetorio '  in  place  of 
Faenius  Rufus ;  in  fact  some  such  sketch 
as  that  introduced  by  similar  words  in  the 
case  of  Petronius  (16.  18,  i). 

5.  Sed,  resuming  a  narrative,  as  in 
3.  60,  I,  &c. 

vocato  senatu.  Nipp.  is  perhaps 
right  in  bracketing  these  words,  treating 
them  (with  Em.)  as  an  interpolation  from 
a  marginal  note ;  the  calling  of  the  senate 
having  been  already  mentioned  (c.  72,  2), 
and  the  honours  to  Petronius  and  others 
having  been  awarded  by  its  decree  on  the 
motion  of  Nero ;  also  the  words  here 
added  ('  oratione  .  .  .  habita ')  being  a 
sufficient  return  to  the  subject,  even  if  the 
retrospective  sketch  of  Nymphidius  had 


gone  on  longer.     Ritt.,  less  well,  inserts 
'  iterum  '  after  *  vocato  '. 

6.  edictum,  &c. :  cp.  11.  13,  i,  and 

note. 

conlata,  &c.  The  conspirators  had 
not  been  tried  (as  was  usual  in  the  time 
of  Tiberius)  before  the  senate,  but  pri- 
vately before  the  princeps  at  his  Servilian 
villa  (c.  58,  3).  Hence  he  publishes  this 
record  of  the  proceedings  to  show  that  the 
conspiracy  was  real. 

8.  claros  et  insontis.  Most  recent 
edd.  follow  Freinsh.  in  inserting  *  claros ' 
by  comparison  of  14.  58,  8,  Other  cor- 
rections are  *  tamquam  invisos  sed  in- 
sontes  *  (Heins.),  *  inlustres  viros  (cp.  11. 
36,  3;  16.  16,  4)  et  insontes'  (Ritt.). 
Walth.  defends  the  Med.  text,  taking 
'  et '  as  =  ' etiam'  (as  in  i.  4,  2). 

9.  adultam,  '  matured ' :  cp. '  incipiens 
adhuc  et  necdum  adulta  seditio '  (H.  i . 

31,5)-  .  . 

revictam  =  *  convictam  ',  *  brought/ 1 
home  to  its  perpetrators  * ;  so  *  quae  cuncta ' 
.  .  .  revincebatur '  (of  a  person)  in  6.  5,  2 
(where  see  note).  Others  take  it  here  to 
mean  *  repressed'  (cp.  Hor.  Od.  4.  4,  24, 
&c.) ;  but  Nipp.  rightly  points  out  that 
this  fact  would  be  too  patent  to  need 
statement. 

TO.  noscendi  =  *  cognoscendi '  ('ascer- 
taining'), as  in  12.  24,  I  (where  see 
note). 

fatentur.  The  present  here  appears 
to  refer  to  persons  living  when  he  wrote, 
but  may  be  used  of  extant  writings. 

12.  ut  cuique,  &c,,  *  as  each  bad  most 
cause  for  mourning ' :  those  whose  rela- 
tions or  friends  had  perished  in  the  con- 
spiracy were  most  conspicuous  in  flattery. 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XV.      CAP,   72-74 


413 


demissis,  lunium  Gallionem,  Senecae  fratris  morte  pavidum  et 
pro  sua  incolumitate  supplicem,  increpuit  Salienus  Clemens, 
hostem  et  parricidam  vocans,  donee  consensu  patrum  deterritus 
est,  ne  publicis  malis  abuti  ad  occasionem  privati  odii  videretur, 
neu  composita  aut  oblitterata  mansuetudine  principis  novam  ad  5 
saevitiam  retraheret. 
1  74.  Turn  [decreta]  dona  et  grates  deis  decernuntur,  propri- 
usque  honos  Soli,  cui  est  vetus  aedes  apud  circum  in  quo  facinus 
parabatur,  qui  occulta   coniurationis  numine  retexisset ;   utque 


I 


I 


1.  lunium  Gallionem.  This  brother, 

i originally  called  Annaeus  Novatus,  and 
to   whom,   under    the   latter   name,    the 
books  'deira'  are  addressed,  was  after- 
wards adopted  by  the  Gallic  mentioned 
■in  6.  3,  I,  and  took  the  name  of  Junius 
'Gallio  (Dio,  60.  35,  2);    his  full  name 
beinfj   apparently    *L.    Annaeus    Junius 
Gallio '.     He  is  frequently  mentioned  by 
\  Seneca  under  the  latter  name  (de  vit.  beat. 
I  1,  I,  &c.).    His  proconsulship  of  Achaia, 
j  known  through  the  history  of  St.  Paul 
I  (Acts   18,  12),  is  alluded  to  in  Sen.  Ep. 
'  104,  I.    A  mention  of  him  in  Plin.  N.  H. 
31.  6,  33,  62  shows  him  to  have  been 
consul,  and  it  is  suggested  by  Nipp.  that 
he  is  the  L.  Junius  given  as  cos.  suff.  with 
A.  Marcellus  at  some  time  under  Nero  in 
a  wax  tablet  found  at  Pompeii  (Hermes 
xii.  130).     He  was  forced  to  suicide  in 
the    year    following    this,    according  to 
Jerome,  who  says  (Chron.), 'Junius  An- 
naeus Gallio,  frater  Senecae,  egregius  de- 
clamator,    propria    se    manu    interfecit.' 
Also  Dio  (62.  25,  3)  mentions  the  death 
of  both  the  brothers  of  Seneca  (for  the 
other  see  16.  17,  3). 

2.  incolumitate  :,cp.  c.  60,  5  ;  14.  10, 
4,  &c. 

Salienus  Clemens,  otherwise  un- 
known. 

3.  hostem  et  parricidam.  The  same 
words  are  used  by  the  Othonians  of  Vi- 
tellius  in  H.  i.  85,  6,  and  by  the  senators 
of  Catiline  (Sail.    Cat.  31,  8);  similarly 

j*latrones  et  parricidas*  of  the  conspira- 
tors against  Caesar  (4.  34,  5).  We  need 
not  therefore  suppose  (with  Nipp.)  that 
the  latter  term  relates  to  Nero  as  *  pater 
patriae  '.  The  charge  here  would  seem 
to  allege  some  participation  in  the  con- 
spiracy. 

deterritus  est  ne.  The  sentences  in- 
troduced by  *  ne '  represent  not  what  he 
was  deterred  from  doing,  but  the  sub- 
stance of  the  arguments  urged  on  him  by 


the  '  consensus  patrum ' :  cp.  the  similar 
instance  in  13.  53,  4. 

4.  occasionem  odii,  sc.  *  exercendi '  : 
cp.  'occasionem  gratiae'  (sc.  'captandae') 

5-  3,  4- 

videretur,  'should  incur  suspicion 
of.' 

5.  composita,  &c.  So  all  edd.  after  Lips, 
for  Med.  '  compositam  oblitteratamque 
mansuetudinem  '.  '  Composita,'  '  what 
was  set  at  rest ' :  cp.  '  compositis  bellis ' 
(3-  56,  8),  &c. 

6.  retraheret,  *  bring  up  again '  :  cp, 
'oblitterata  .  .  .  nomina  retrahebat'  (13. 

23>  4)- 

7.  [decreta].  Most  edd.  have  followed 
Gron.  and  Em.  in  bracketing  this  word, 
which  may  have  got  in  from  a  marginal 
note,  '  decreta  dona.'  Some  follow  Lips, 
and  Freinsh.  in  treating  '  decernuntur '  as 
the  superfluous  word.  Jt  is  possible  that 
'  decreta '  is  the  corruption  of  some  word 
contrasted  with  '  proprius ' ;  but  the  con- 
jecture 'indiscreta'  (Bezzenb.),  which 
Halm  inclines  to  approve,  is  hardly 
supported  by  the  sense  of  that  word 
elsewhere  or  its  use  in  connexion  with 
*  proprius'  in  i.  35,  i. 

8.  apud  circum  =  'in  circo'  (i.  5,  e,j 
&c.).  According  to  Tertullian  (de  spect. 
8)  'circus  soli  principaliter  consecratur, 
cuius  aedes  medio  spatio  et  effigies  de 
fastigio  aedis  emicat'.  As  Jacob  sug- 
gests, the  Sun  was  no  doubt  worshipped 
in  this  place  as  the  great  charioteer.  The 
worship  appears  to  be  of  Sabine  origin ; 
Sol  being  represented  in  legend  as  one  of 
the  gods  of  Tatius :  see  Varr.  L.  L.  5.  68 ; 
Dion.  Hal.  2.  50. 

in  quo  facinus  parabatur :    see  c. 

53,  3- 

9.  occulta  coniurationis  =  *occultam 
coniurationem ' :  see  Jntrod.  i.  v.  §  32  b. 

numine,  as  the  god  of  light, 
utque :  on  the  change  of  constructioix 
see  I.  15,  4,  and  note. 


414 


CORNELII  TACITl  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


circensium  Cerealium  ludicrum  pluribus  equorum  cursibus  cele* 
braretur  mensisque  Aprilis  Neronis  cognomentum  acciperet ; 
templum  Saluti  extrueretur  eo  loci  *  *  *  ex  quo  Scaevinus 
ferrum  prompserat.  ipse  eum  pugionem  apud  Capitolium  sacra- 
5  vit  inscripsitque  lovi  Vindici :  in  praesens  baud  animadversum  ; 
post  arma  lulii  Vindicis  ad  auspicium  et  praesagium  futurae 
ultionis  trahebatur.  reperio  in  commentariis  senatus  Cerialem 
Anicium  consulem  designatum  pro  sententia  dixisse  ut  templum 
divo  Neroni  quam  maturrime  publica  pecunia  poneretur.     quod 


1.  Cerealium  :  see  c.  53,  i,  and  note; 
H.  2.  55,  I. 

2.  Aprilis,  the  month  in  which  the 
plot  was  detected  :  see  notes  on  c.  53,  i  ; 
70, 1 .  It  is  called  '  Neroneus '  in  1 6. 1 2 ,  3 ; 
where  other  such  new  names  are  men- 
tioned. Suet.  (55)  makes  the  decree  ori- 
ginate from  Nero  himself  ( '  men  sem  quoque 
Aprilem  Neroneum  appellavit ;  destina- 
verat  et  Romam  Neropolim  nuncupare ') ; 
which  would  be  in  accordance  with  pre- 
cedents set  by  Augustus  and  Gains  (Suet. 
Aug.  31  ;  Cal.  15).  The  name  cannot  be 
supposed  to  have  survived  his  lifetime. 

3.  eoloci***:  cp.  14. 61, 3,  and  note. 
I  The  place  from  which  Scaevinus  had 
/taken  the  dagger  was  already  a  temple, 

and,  according  to  one  account,  a  temple 
i  of  Salus,  though  probably  under  the  name 
of  Nortia  (see  c.  53,  3,  and  note)  ;  and  if 
it  was  proposed  to  replace  it  by  a  more 
splendid  one  (Burnouf),  or  to  rebuild  it 
as  if  profaned  by  Scaevinus  (Jacob),  we 
should  expect  this  to  be  more  clearly 
stated.  We  cannot  suppose  (with  Urlichs) 
that  the  place  in  which  Scaevinus  had  kept 
the  dagger  in  his  own  house  is  meant ;  it 
is  therefore  better  to  suppose  that  Nipp.  is 
right  in  considering  that  some  words  are 
lost  which  would  have  shown  that  it  was 
proposed  to  build  a  temple  to  Salus  at 
Rome,  as  well  as  to  erect  some  monument 
on  the  spot  at  Ferentinum.  Schiller  notes 
(^95>  3)  the  sacrifices  offered  at  an  earlier 
time  by  Nero  under  this  title  (Dio,  61. 
18,  3;  21,  i),  and  the  prominence  of 
*  Salus ',  or  *  Salus  Neronis ',  or  '  Salus 
publica '  in  the  Arval  vows,  and  on  coins 
(Eckhel,  vi.  277  ;  Cohen,  i.  p.  300). 

4.  ipse,  Nero.  Similar  dedications 
were  made  by  Gaius  (Suet.  Cal.  24) ; 
also  Vitellius  dedicated  the  sword  by 
which  Otho  had  committed  suicide  (Id. 
Vit.  10),  and  Caracalla  that  with  which 
he  had  slain  his  own  brother  (Dio,  77. 
33,  3). 


5.  in  pra,esens.  Acid,  and  Freinsh. 
suppose  *  id '  to  have  dropped  out  before 
*in'. 

6.  arma,  *  the  civil  war,'  the  time  when 
arms  were  taken  up:  cp.  3.  55,  i,  and, 
note.  On  the  rising  of  Vindex  see  Ap- 
pendix to  Book  16. 

7.  trahebatur,  '  was  being  interpreted  T 
(cp.  I.  62,  3,  and  note;  16.  i,  i,  &c.) ; ' 
the  coincidence  of  names  was  thought  to 
have  been  ominous.  *  Auspicium  et  prae- 
sagium '  are  synonyms  (cp.  12.  57,  3,  and 
note). 

in  commentariis  senatus.  On  these 
see  Introd.  i.  iii.  p.  14.  Mommsen 
notices  (Staatsr.  iii.  102 1,  i)  this  passage 
and  Suet.  Aug.  5  as  the  only  express  cita- 
tions from  them  in  literature  ;  though  we 
cannot  doubt  that  they  were  extensively 
used  by  historians.  ^ 

Cerialem  Anicium.  For  the  record 
of  his  death  in  the  following  year  see 
16.  17,  8,  where  it  is  stated  that  he  had 
incurred  infamy  many  years  before  by 
betraying  a  conspiracy  to  Gaius. 

8.  oonsulem  designatum.  He  was 
not  *  consul  ordinarius '  in  the  following 
year  (16.  14,  i) ;  so  that  he  must  either 
have  been  designated  as  'suffectus'  or 
subsequently  set  aside. 

pro  sententia;  for  the  common  ex- 
pression 'loco  sententiae'  (2.  37,  3;  14. 
42,  2,  &c.).  On  the  position  of  the  cos. 
design,  in  debate  see  3.  22,  6 ;  11.  5,  3, 
and  notes. 

9.  divo  Neroni.  What  was  unusual 
was  not  the  erection  of  a  temple  to  a  living 
emperor,  but  its  erection  at  Rome,  and 
the  use  of  this  title  (see  below).  The  early' 
emperors  allowed  such  temples  only  in 
the  provinces,  and  with  such  inscriptions 
as  '  Romae  et  Augusto';  'Ti.  Caesari 
Augusto  et  Augustae  et  senatui,'  &c.' 
See  notes  on  i.  10,  5  ;  78,  i ;  4.  15,  4; 
37,4;   38,4- 


I 


A.  D.  65J 


LIBER  XV.      CAP.  74 


415 


quidem  ille  decernebat  tamquam  mortale  fastigium  egresso  et 
venerationem  hominum  merito,  sed  ipse  prohibuit^  ne  interpreta- 
tiofie  quorundam  ad  omen  malum  sui  exitus  verteretur :  nam 
deum  honor  principi  non  ante  habetur  quam  agere  inter  homines 
desierit.  5 


I.  et  venerationem,  &c.  The  whole 
passage  in  Med.  is  hopelessly  corrupt, 
being  thus  read,  *  et  veneratio  ite  hominum 
merito  quorunda  ad  omia  dolum  sui  exitus 
uerteretur.'  For  the  first  part  the  correction 
of  Rhen.,  as  above,  is  generally  accepted, 
unless  *  et  venerationem  iam  hominum 
merito '  (Ritt.)  be  preferred  :  for  the 
latter  part,  it  may  be  assumed  that  a 
lacuna  exists,  containing  a  sentence  of 
which  Nero  (as  shown  by  the  use  of  'sui') 
was  the  subject,  and  in  which  his  refusal 
of  this  honour  must  have  been  stated  and 
explained;  but  none  of  the  attempts  to 
fill  the  gap  and  to  adapt  the  remaining 
words  to  the  insertion  have  met  with  any 
general  acceptance.  Orelli  simply  marks 
the  lacuna  after  *  merito ',  and  leaves  the 
Med.  text  obelized ;  others  (also  marking 
the   lacuna)    correct   'omina   dolum'  to 

*  omen  ac  dolum'  (with  Rhen.).  The 
conjectural  restoration  of  Halm  (whom 
Dr.  follows)  is  given  in  the  text.  Ritt. 
marks  the  lacuna  after  *  quorundam ',  and 
suggests  *  quorundam  admonitu  Nero  pro- 
hibebat,  ne  donum  ad  omen  ac  dolum', 
&c.      Nipp.  (Ed.  4)  limits  the  force  of 

*  tamquam '  to  *  egresso ',  and  reads  *  at 
venerationem  hominum  merito,  quorum 
admonitu  ad  votum  sui  exitus  verteretur ', 
taking  these  words  as  an  ironical  remark 
of  Tacitus,  that  Nero  had  certainly  de- 


served reverence  at  the  hands  of  those 
who  suggested  to  him  a  desire  for  his  own 
death.  Jacob  reads  '  sed  ipse  prohibuit, 
ne  malignitate  quorundam  ad  omen  sui 
exitus  ac  dolum  verteretur '.  Many  other 
conjectures  will  be  found  in  the  critical 
notes  of  Walther,  Orelli,  and  Halm. 

3.  nam  deum,  &c.  Lips,  compares 
the  saying  of  Tertullian  (Apol.  34), 
•maledictum  est  ante  apotheosin  deum 
Caesarem  nuncupare.'  Such  statements 
must  however  be  understood  in  reference 
to  formal  deification,  with  title  of 'divus', 
by  decree  of  the  senate,  and  of  public 
worship  at  Rome  (see  i.  40,  8,  and  note ; 
13.  2,  6,  and  note),  as  distinct  not  only 
from  the  temples  in  the  provinces  (see 
note  above),  but  also  from  local  or  private 
worship  in  Italy  and  even  in  Rome  itself 
(see  I.  73,  2,  and  note),  and  from  the 
frequent  ascription  of  divine  attributes  to 
the  Caesar  in  the  language  of  poets  and 
other  courtiers,  as  well  as  from  the  hon- 
ours paid  to  the  effigy  of  the  princeps  in 
camp  (12,  17,  3,  and  note)  and  elsewhere 
(3.  36,  1,  and  note).  The  more  extra- 
vagant honours  allowed  or  claimed  in 
lifetime  by  lulius  Caesar  (Suet.  lul.  76), 
Caligula  (Id.  Cal.  22),  or  Domitian  (Id. 
Dom.  13),  were  not  taken  as  a  precedent. 
On  the  whole  subject  see  Marquardt, 
Staatsv.  iii.  pp.  463,  foil. 


APPENDIX     II 

ON  THE  NERONIAN  PERSECUTION  OF  THE  CHRISTIANS. 


Note. — The  authorities  consulted  are  generally  specified  in  their  places ; 
but  a  further  general  obligation  has  here  to  be  acknowledged  to  Dr. 
C.  F.  Arnold,  'die  Neronische  Christenverfolgung,'  Leipzig,  1888. 

The  deep  interest  attaching  to  the  subject  of  this  chapter,  and  the  fact 
that  no  other  circumstantial  account  of  the  event  is  preserved  to  us,  have 
caused  it  to  receive  an  attention  beyond  the  deserts  of  its  real  historical 
value.  In  this  respect  it  cannot  be  ranked  with  the  letter  of  Pliny  ^,  in 
which  a  governor  of  a  province  is  officially  reporting  to  his  emperor 
contemporary  facts  brought  before  him  in  his  judicial  capacity,  and 
which  he  was  under  every  obligation  to  ascertain  and  state  correctly ;  ^ 
whereas  we  have  here  a  narrative  necessarily  at  second  hand,'  written 
under  no  more  stringent  obligation  than  that  of  historical  fidelity,*  nor 
with  any  pains  to  disguise  the  writer's  animosity  towards  a  detested  and 
despised  religion.* 

By  one  recent  writer,*   the  whole  passage  has  been  impugned  as  a 

*  Ad  Trai.  96.  consider  it  a  very  strong  one  (see  Introd. 
'  The  comparative  gentleness  of  Pliny's       i.  p,  22),  however  often  he  has  allowed 

expressions,  as  compared  with  those  of  himself  unconsciotisly  to  be  biased. 
Tacitus,  is  generally  referred,  and  with  *  A  Roman  with  the  ideas  of  Tacitus 
good  reason,  to  the  different  temperament  would  generally  feel  towards  any  foreign 
of  the  writer :  but  the  circumstances  un-  '  superstitio  '  a  contempt  which  would 
der  which  he  was  writing  must  be  also  make  any  careful  investigation  of  it  re- 
taken into  account.  pugnant  to  him  :  but  his  extreme  bitter- 

*  The  date  of  completion  of  the  Annals  ness  towards  Christianity  results  no  doubt 
(see  Introd.  i.  p.  4)  would  be  fully  fifty  from  his  full  belief  in  the  *  flagitia '  im- 
years  after  that  of  the  persecution.  As  a  puted  to  it  (see  note  on  §  3).  It  is  how- 
boy  of  about  ten  years  old,  Tacitus  might  ever  remarkable  that  the  judgement  of 
possibly  have  witnessed  some  of  the  hor-  Pliny,  whose  letter  was  written  some  ten 
rors  described ;  but  there  is  nothing  in  years  previously,  and  whose  opinion 
the  narrative  to  indicate  it;  and  in  any  could  not  have  been  unknown  to  him, 
case  his  account,  as  a  whole,  must  be  should  not  have  led  him  to  look  upon 
taken  from  his  usual  authorities.  these  charges  as  at  kast  open  to  question. 

*  In  comparing  this,  as  a  weaker  obli-  ^  P.  Hochart,  '  Etudes  au  sujet  de  la 
gation,  with  that  of  Pliny,  it  is  not  meant  persecution  des  Chretiens  sous  Nero,' 
to  imply  that  Tacitus   did   not   himself  Paris,  1885. 


I 


NERONIAN  PERSECUTION  OF  CHRISTIANS        417 

Christian  forgery,  but  on  grounds  slender  in  themselves,*  and  involving, 
as  the  objector  himself  sees,  a  similar  attack  on  the  other  passages 
in  classical  authors  of  this  period.'  It  may  be  sufficient  to  point  out 
that  Sulpicius  Severus,  who  has  transcribed  words  of  Tacitus  in  an  un- 
questioned passage  (c.  37,  8),  has  also  transcribed  a  portion  of  this  (see 
on  §  3);  also  that  the  style  is  thoroughly  Tacitean  throughout,  containing 
a  number  of  words  and  expressions  elsewhere  used  by  the  author,  and 
more  or  less  characteristic  of  him,  yet  without  any  such  elaborate  over- 
imitation  as  we  should  expect  to  detect  in  even  a  skilful  forgery.* 
Nor  is  the  subject-matter  less  characteristic,  if  we  note  the  struggle 
between  the  extreme  bitterness  and  animosity  of  the  general  view,  and 
the  sense  of  candour  and  historical  fidelity  in  dealing  with  the  actual 
charge  against  the  sufferers,  the  grudging  and  hardly  acknowledged 
sympathy,  the  many  unexplained  difficulties  to  which  his  evident  un- 
willingness to  dwell  longer  on  the  subject  than  he  can  help  gives  rise. 
It  must  seem  strange  that  any  one  who  has  studied  the  interpolated 
passage  in  Josephus,*  or  the  correspondence  of  St.  Paul  and  Seneca,^ 
should  suppose  that  it  is  only  a  similar,  but  somewhat  more  skilful 
performance  of  the  same  kind  that  lies  here  before  us. 

The  genuineness  of  the  passage  being  assumed,  we  may  add  that  only 
in  one  or  two  places  does  the  Medicean  text  appear  to  be  corrupt.* 
It  would  seem  also  that  we  are  here  in  possession  of  all  that  Tacitus 
has  thought  fit  (at  least  in  the  Annals)  to  tell  us  concerning  the 
Christians  as  such;  the  mode  of  reference  to  the  subject  here  being 
such  as  strongly  to  make  against  the  supposition  that  the  lost  Fifth 
Book  would  have  given  us  in  its  proper  place  any  fuller  account  of  the 

*  Hardly  any  account  is  taken  of  the  Ian-  and  indeed  rejects  the  whole  correspon- 

guageand  style,  except  to  notice  (p.  76)  the  dence  of  Pliny  and  Trajan  and  the  fact  of 

use  of  *  Tiljerio  imperitante '  (on  which  a  governorship  of  Bithynia  by  the  former : 

see  note)  and  the  absence  of  clear  con-  he  also  treats  as  interpolations  the  passage 

structionin  §6  (*aut  crucibusadfixi',  &c.).  on  the  Christians  in  Suet.  Ner.  16  (see 

To  take  this  as  evidence  of  forgery  is  to  p.42i),andthe  words'impulsoreChresto' 

suppose  the  interpolator,  who  must  other-  in  Suet.  CI.  25.     It  is  difficult  to  see  what 

wise  be  assumed  throughout  to  have  been  object  a  Christian  could  have  proposed  to 

an  excellent  classical  scholar,  to  be  ca-  gam  by  these  two  insertions, 

pable  also  of  lapsing  into  ungrammatical  ^  The  principal    references  to  similar 

blunders ;    a   far  more  improbable  sup-  words   and  expressions  are  given  in  the 

position  than  that  of  a  corruption  in  the  notes,  and  could  be  further  extended  if 

MS.      The   objections    drawn    from    the  needful.     Professor  J.  E.  B.  Mayor  has 

subject-matter,  such  as  the  alleged   an-  forcibly   supported    the    genuineness    of 

ticipation  in  the  use  of  '  Christiani ',  the  Pliny's  letter  by  similar  arguments  (Class, 

omission  of  any  specification  of  Pilate's  Rev.  iv.  p.  121,  foil.), 

province,  &c.,  and  the  argument  founded  ♦  Jos.  Ant.  18.  3,  3. 

on  the  absence  of  apparent  knowledge  of  *  These  letters  are  printed  as  an   Ap- 

the  passage  in  early  Christian  writers,  are  pendix   in    Haase's   edition   of  Seneca's 

noticed  below  or  in  the  notes.  works. 

'  M.  Hochart  treats  the  two  letters  of  ^  See  notes  on  §§  5,  6. 
Pliny  and  Trajan  as  a  similar  pious  fraud, 

E  e 


4i8 


APPENDIX  II 


origin  of  Christianity  or  of  the  life  of  Christ  to  supplement  the  bare 
record  here  vouchsafed.* 

Leaving  the  various  difficulties  of  detail  to  be  dealt  with  in  the  notes 
on  the  passage,  it  is  proposed  here  to  discuss  some  of  the  general 
grounds  on  which  the  credibility  of  the  narrative  as  given  by  Tacitus 
has  been  called  in  question. 

The  narrative  brings  in  no  other  originating  agency  than  that  of  Nero, 
who,  to  divert  the  imputation  from  himself,  '  sets  up  culprits'  to  sustain 
the  charge;  and  the  great  difficulty  of  explaining  how  the  Christians 
came  to  be  selected  for  the  purpose  is  either  ignored  or  supposed  to  find 
iis  solution  in  the  fact  that  they  were  '  detested  for  their  abominations ', 
and  notorious  for  '  hatred  of  the  human  race ',  and  were  therefore  presum- 
ably persons  against  whom  any  charge  could  be  believed,  as  well  as  being 
sufficiently  numerous  to  glut  the  public  appetite  for  vengeance.  But 
such  an  explanation  seems  only  to  increase  the  difficulty  by  its  contrast 
with  the  impression  suggested  from  other  sources  ;  according  to  which 
the  Christian  body  in  Rome  at  that  date  has  been  believed  to  have  been 
neither  considerable  in  numbers,  nor  so  well  known  to  the  outer  world 
as  to  have  aroused  its  hatred,  or  to  have  then  incurred  the  imputations 
current  no  doubt  in  the  age  of  Tacitus,  but  which  he  has  been  here 
thought  to  have  antedated.  If  suspicion  had  arisen  or  was  sought  to 
be  propagated,  tracing  the  origin  of  the  fire  to  an  act  of  religious 
fanaticism,  its  more  natural  objects  would  have  been  the  Jews,  who  were 
then  living  at  Rome  in  very  great  numbers,  and  who  as  a  body  had 
twice  at  least  before  this  time  drawn  down  upon  themselves  the  inter- 
ference of  the  government,^  and  whose  religion  is  noticed  with  more 
or  less  asperity  by  all  the  chief  extant  writers  of  the  Neronian  period,' 


^  If  such  earlier  notice  had  existed,  we 
should  expect  the  addition  here  of  some 
such  words  as  *  ut  rettuli ',  or  some  other 
different  wording  of  the  sentence.  The 
addition  of  the  words  '  per  procuratorem 
Pontium  Pilatum',  without  specification 
of  his  province,  has  indeed  been  thought 
to  imply  that  he  was  already  known  to 
the  reader,  or  to  be  an  interpolation,  or 
to  show  the  whole  passage  to  be  such. 
The  difficulty  is  not  serious  (see  note); 
and  if  the  Crucifixion  and  his  share  in  it 
had  been  already  mentioned,  even  less 
than  is  here  said  would  have  sufficed. 
That  other  acts  of  his  government  had 
been  recorded  among  the  circumstances 
preceding  the  Jewish  rising  under  Gains 
is  not  impossible  ;  but  is  somewhat  un- 
likely from  the  fact  that  they  had  certainly 
not  attracted  the  notice  of  Tacitus  at  an 


earlier  date,  when  he  dismisses  the  whole 
period  with  the  words  *  sub  Tiberio  quies  ' 
(H.  5.  9,  4).  The  strange  conjecture  of 
M.  Joel  (see  C.  F.  Arnold,  p.  117),  that 
an  account  given  in  the  Fifth  Book 
caused  the  destruction  of  that  part  of  the 
Annals  through  the  indignation  of  Chris- 
tians at  the  representation  contained  in  it, 
involves  the  extravagant  supposition  that 
the  whole  history  of  some  three  years  was 
annihilated,  to  secure  the  excision  of  what 
could  have  been  at  the  utmost  so  extremely 
small  a  portion  of  it. 

'  For  the  deportation  of  Jews  by  Ti- 
berius see  2.  85,  5,  and  note ;  and  for 
the  measure  taken  with  them  by  Claudius 
see  Introd.  p.  30. 

^  Lucan  speaks  of  '  dedita  sacris  Incerti 
ludae.i  dei '  (2,  592)  ;  Pliny  describes  the 
nation  as  'contumelia  numinum  insignis' 


NERONIAN  PERSECUTION  OF  CHRISTIANS        419 

while  that  of  the  Christians  is  as  universally  ignored,*  and  is  generally 
supposed  to  have  hardly  got  beyond  the  stage  at  which  it  was  reckoned 
by  Romans  merely  as  a  Jewish  sect,  parted  from  the  main  body  by  what 
seemed  to  be  obscure  and  even  unintelligible  differences.^ 

The  theories  which  seek  an  explanation  of  these  difficulties  in 
some  confusion  between  Jews  and  Christians  may  be  briefly  given  as 
follows : — 

1.  It  has  been  conjectured'  that  the  real  victims  were  zealot  Jews, 
who  had  taken  a  local  name  from  Judas  of  Galilee,  and  whose  existence 
had  been  so  forgotten  when  Tacitus  wrote  as  to  cause  them  to  be 
confounded  with  the  raXiXmoi  *  proper  or  Christians,  to  whom  Tacitus 
has  appropriated  'the  sufferings  which  he  might  with  far  greater  truth 
and  justice  have  attributed  to  a  sect  whose  odious  memory  was  almost 
extinguished '.  This  opinion,  in  its  original  form,  has  found  few  if  any 
supporters ;  ^  but  has  suggested  others  to  which  the  same  objections  are 
not  applicable. 

2.  It  has  been  thought*  that  the  blow  fell  on  both  bodies,  but  that  the 
memory  of  the  Christian  sufferers  has  been  alone  preserved ;  that  the 
name  of  '  Christus '  as  that  of  the  expected  Messiah  was  no  less  upon 
the  hps  of  Jews  than  Christians,  and  that  the  turbulent  followers  of 
some  false  Christ  ^  drew  down  an  attack  upon  themselves,  which  extended 
itself  by  their  malicious  information,^  or  by  want  of  discrimination  in 
the  judges,  to  all  Christ-worshippers  as  such. 

(N.  H.  13.  4,  9,  46),  and  Moses  as  foun-  '  Gibbon,  c.  16. 

der  of  a  '  magices  factio  '  (30.  i,  2,  ii)  ;  *  This    name   is   stated  to  have  been 

Seneca  (Fr.  41-43  Haase,  cited  from  Aug.  anciently  given   by   Jews  to    Christians 

de  Civ.  Dei  vii.  1 1)  speaks  severely  of  some  (Suidas)  and  was  reimposed  by  Julian, 

of  their  institutions,  and  adds  *  usque  eo  '  Besides  other  objections,  it  has  been 

sceleratissimae  gentis  consuetudo  conva-  noticed  that  we  have  no  evidence  what- 

luit  ut  per  omnis  iam  terras  recepta  sit'.  ever  that  the  Zealots  or  followers  of  Judas 

To  these  is  to  be  added  the  passage  in  were  ever  called  as  a  body  *  Galilaeans '. 

Persius  (5,  179-184).  '  See  Merivale,  Hist.   Ch.  54.     With 

^  St.  Augustine  thinks  it  necessary  to  his  general  view  that  of  H.  Schiller  (Ge- 

explain  the  silence    of  Seneca  (1.  1.)  by  schichte  des  ROmischen  Kaiserreichs,  pp. 

suggesting  that  he  could  neither  safely  433-439)  is  substantially  in  agreement; 

praise  nor    perhaps  conscientiously   find  but    the   reasoning   of  the  latter  is  less 

fault  with  Christianity.     The  absence  of  forcible.      Some    of  Schiller's   principal 

satirical  allusion  in  still  later  writers,  as  criticisms  on  the  statements    of   Tacitus 

Martial  and   Juvenal,  may  be  explained  are  noticed  in  the  notes, 

with  Bp.Lightfoot  (PhilippianSjIntrod.i.)  ^  A  supposition  of  some  previous  out- 

by  the  small  material  furnished  by  Chris-  break  of  this   nature  appears  to  be  the 

tians  to  caricature.  most  probable  interpretation  of  the  state- 

^  The  pleader  Tertullus  speaks  of  the  ment  of  Suet.  (CI.  25)  '  ludaeos  impul- 

faith  as  the  Ha^ojfMiwv  aipeais  (Acts  24,  sore  Chresto  adsidue  tumultuantis' ;  which 

5)  ;  to  Gallio  it  is  a  question  irepl  \6yov  has  been  also  taken  to  be  a  confused  ac- 

Kal  oPOfiaTouv  Kot  vofxov  tov  Kad'  u/xas  (Id.  count  of  some  attack  by  the  Jews  upon 

18,  15),  to  Festus  ^T]TT)fiaTa  irepl  rfji  idias  the  Christians. 

SfiaL^aifjLovias,  Kal  irepi  tivos  'Irjaov  nOvq-  *  It  is    thought  by  supporters  of  this 

Korostv  i<paaKiv  ollavKos^Tiv  {^(X.2^,ig).  view  that  those  first  accused  (' qui  fate- 


I 


E  ea 


420  APPENDIX  II 

3.  It  has  been  thought  ^  that  suspicion  may  indeed  have  first  rested 
on  the  Jews,  but  that  the  leading  members  of  that  body  at  Rome  may 
have  been  enabled  by  the  powerful  assistance  of  Poppaea  to  shift  the 
charge  entirely  from  themselves  upon  the  Christians,  whom  they  detested 
and  were  eagerly  seeking  opportunities  to  destroy. 

In  criticizing  these  views  attention  must  be  called  to  what  Tacitus 
distinctly  states,  and  to  such  corroboration  of  his  statements  as  can  be 
found  elsewhere. 

It  is  no  doubt  hardly  relevant  to  say  that  Tacitus  was  himself  well 
aware  of  the  distinction  between  Jews  and  Christians,  and  that  his 
account  of  the  origin  and  spread  of  Christianity  is  accurate  as  far  as  it 
goes.  But  his  explicit  assertion  that  the  '  Christians '  were  already,  at 
the  time  of  which  he  is  writing,  so  known  and  designated  by  the  Roman 
people,^  is  one  which  no  careful  historian  would  have  made  if  he  had 
not  found  them  so  named  in  his  authorities,  who  in  this  case  were 
thoroughly  contemporary  with  the  events,  and  describing  circumstances 
of  the  utmost  public  notoriety.  There  is  no  improbability  in  the  suppo- 
sition that  the  'influx  of  the  Orontes  into  the  Tiber''  might  have  already 
carried  to  Rome  a  name  already  used,  probably  for  some  twenty  years, 
at  Antioch  ^,  already  traceable  as  a  term  of  reproach  in  the  East,*  and 
apparently  familiar  not  many  years  after  this  date  at  Pompeii.^  The 
sect  may  well  have  been,  as  Tacitus  seems  to  imply,  better  known  to 
the  common  people  than  to  the  government,  though  it  may  haye  forced 
itself  on  the  notice  of  the  latter  as  early  as  810,  a.d.  57 ; '  and  there  is 
some  reason  to  suppose  that  at  the  date  of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem, 
officers   of  the  highest  rank  were  aware  that  Christianity,  though   of 


bantur ')   were  Jewish  fanatics,  who,  if  what  contemptuous  use  of  the  name  by 

not  actually  owning  the  charge  of  incen-  Agrippa  to  St.  Paul  (Acts   26,  28).     In 

diarism  (see  note  on  §  5),  were  exulting  at  implying  that  the  name  was  not,  at  that 

the  catastrophe.  date,  adopted  by  the  brotherhood  them- 

^  The  possible  agency  of  Poppaea  had  selves,    Tacitus    is    fully    in    accordance 

been  noticed  by  Gibbon  and  others.     In  with  the  evidence  afforded  by  the  New 

recent  times   this  view  has  been  power-  Testament. 

fully  stated  by  Renan  (Origines  du  Chris-  '  In  some  words  scribbled  with  char- 

tianisme,  iv.  ch.  vii.)  and  by  Bp.  Llghtfoot  coal  on  a  wall,  the  letters  '  HRISTIAN ' 

(Apost.  Fathers,  pt.  ii.  i.  to).  seem  to  have  been  at  one  time  traceable, 

'  '  Quos  .  .  .  vulgus  Christianos  appel-  but  the  writing  has  since  perished,  and 

labat '  (15.  44,  3).  the  attempts  at  a  restoration  of  the  other 

'  This  current  is  described  by  Juvenal  words  rest  on  no  real  evidence.     See  C.  I. 

(3,62)  as  having  long  set  in  ('  lampridem  L.  iv.  679,  and  Zangemeister  there. 
Syrus  in  Tiberim  defluxit  Orontes').  "^  This  would  have  been  the  case  if  the 

*  See  note  on  §  3.  *  superstitio    externa  *     charged     against 

'  The  first  Epistle  of  St  Peter,  addressed  Pomponia  Graecina  (13.  32,  3)  was  (as 

to  Christians  in  the  Asiatic  provinces,  has  has  been  generally  thought)  Christianity. 

the  words  cl  hi  wsXpianavos {iraffxfOi  H-^  See  note  there,  and  Bp.  Lightfoot,  Apost. 

alaxwioOo)  (4,  16).    Compare  the  some-  Fathers,  pt.  i  (St.  Clement),  i.  30-33. 


NERONIAN  PERSECUTION  OF  CHRISTIANS       421 

Jewish  origin,  and  (as  they  believed)  bound  up  with  Jewish  nationality, 
was  not  only  distinct  from,  but  fundamentally  opposed  to  Judaism.* 

It  seems  also  implied,  though  not  so  plainly,  that  Tacitus  found  the 
Christians  described  in  his  authorities  as  '  per  flagitia  invisi ' ;  and 
although  our  only  explicit  knowledge  of  such  imputations  is  of  con- 
siderably later  date,'*  there  is  some  independent  reason  to  think  that 
such  were  already  current ; '  and  they  may  well  have  been  raked  together 
and  made  the  most  of  by  their  adversaries  on  this  occasion. 

There  is  reason  to  suppose  that  the  apparently  small  number  of  the 
brethren  at  the  date  of  St.  Paul's  arrival  at  Rome*  may  have  been 
materially  increased  by  the  effect  of  his  two  years  of  preaching  and 
instruction;^  but  the  description  of  the  sufferers  as  *  a  vast  multitude' 
must  be  taken  as  a  rhetorical  expression  which  we  have  no  means  of 
reducing  to  a  numerical  estimate.^  Archaeology  has  unfortunately  been 
able  to  throw  hardly  any  light  on  the  numbers^r  importance  of  the 
Christians  in  Rome  at  so  early  a  date.^ 

Among  other  classical  authors,  the  only  express  reference  to  the 
subject  ^  is  that  of  Suetonius,  which,  as  far  as  it  goes,  shows  evidence 
of  being  drawn  from  an  independent  source,''  and  no  less  clearly  marks 


*  It  may  be  permitted  here  to  assume 
the  correctness  of  the  supposition  that 
Sulpicius  Severus,  who  transcribes  the 
words  of  Tacitus  here  and  in  c.  37,  8,  9, 
has  also  (Chron;  2.  30,  6-8)  transcribed 
from  the  lost  part  of  the  Fifth  Book  of  the 
Histories,  where  Tacitus  had  given  the 
opinions  of  the  Roman  council  of  war  as 
to  the  advisability  of  destroying  the  Jewish 
temple  :  '  alii,  et  Titus  ipse,  evertendum 
templum  imprimis  censebant,  quo  plenius 
ludaeorum  et  Christianorum  [superstitio] 
toUeretur.  Quippe  has  [superstitiones] 
licet  contrarias  sibi  iisdem  tamen  auctori- 
bus  profectas.  Christianos  ex  ludaeis  ex- 
stitisse,  radice  sublata  stirpem  facile  peri- 
turam.'  For  *  superstitio  '  and  *  supersti- 
tiones '  (which  Tacitus  would  no  doubt 
have  used),  Sulpicius  has  *  religio '  and 
*  religiones '. 

"  See  note  on  15.  44,  3. 

'  That  Christians  were  looked  upon  as 
in  some  way  malefactors  would  appear 
from  I  Pet.  2,  12  {KaraKaKovaiv  vfiwv  us 
KaKonoiuv). 

*  See  Acts  28, 15.      »  Acts  28,  30,  31. 
®  See  note  on  §  5. 

'  De  Rossi  ('  Insc.  Christ,  urbis 
Romae')  is  only  able  to  cite  three 
Christian  sepulchral  inscriptions  bearing 
definite  dates  (a.D.  71,  107,  and  iii) 
prior  to  the  beginning  of  the  third  cen- 


tury. It  is  however  maintained  that  the 
oldest  Christian  cemeteries  were  set  apart 
and  used  as  such  from  a  very  early  time. 
See  Northcote  and  Brownlow,  *  Roma 
Sotteranea,'  p.  75,  &c. ;  Bp.  Ligbtfoot, 
Apost.  Fathers,  pt.  i.  i.  pp.  31,  35,  foil. 

'  It  has  been  thought  that  Seneca's  de- 
scription of  the  *  tunica  molesta '  (see  note 
on  15.  44, 6)  may  have  been  suggested  by 
the  recent  spectacle,  and  that  the  descrip- 
tion in  Juv.  I.  155,  of  the  punishment  of 
those  who  drew  down  on  themselves  the 
vengeance  of  Tigellinus,  alludes  to  it. 
There  can  hardly  be  a  doubt  that  Dio 
had  omitted  all  reference  to  it ;  for  his 
Christian  epitomist,  Xiphilinus,  would 
hardly  have  left  out  any  notice  which  he 
had  found  in  his  author ;  and  Zonsiras, 
who  has  generally  followed  Dio,  does 
indeed  speak  of  Nero  as  a  persecutor 
(11.  13,  570),  but  on  this  point  cites 
Eusebius  as  his  authority,  and  closely 
follows  him. 

'  The  meagre  statement,  *  adflicti  sup- 
pliciis  Christiani,  genus  hominnm  super 
stitionis  novae  et  maleficae  '  (Suet.  Ner. 
16),  seems  to  follow  a  different  authority 
from  Tacitus,  in  giving  this  among  various 
police  regulations  for  which  Nero  is  on 
the  whole  commended.  The  omission  of 
any  connexion  of  it  with  the  fire  may  be 
merely  due  to  brevity. 


422  APPENDIX  II 

the  victims  as  not  Jews  but  Christians.  The  earliest  express  reference 
to  any  Neronian  persecution  in  a  Christian  writer  is  that  in  the  fragment 
preserved  by  Eusebius  *  of  the  Apology  addressed  to  M.  Aurelius  by 
Melito,  Bishop  of  Sardis,  about  a.d.  170,  which,  without  showing  any 
knowledge  of  the  circumstances  as  described  by  Tacitus,  sets  forth  the 
two  most  wicked  emperors,  Nero  and  Domitian,  as  having  become,  at 
the  suggestion  of  evil  counsellors,  the  only  persecutors  of  the  Christians.'^ 
The  same  note  is  dwelt  upon  at  greater  length  by  Tertullian,  who, 
though  he  refers  his  adversaries  to  the  statements  of  their  own  writers, 
and  has  elsewhere  ^  distinctly  cited  Tacitus,  shows  no  knowledge  of  this 
passage  of  the  Annals.''  By  others,  as  Lactantius,^  Eusebius,*  and 
Jerome,^  Nero  is  spoken  of  in  general  terms  as  a  persecutor,  with  no 
allusion  to  these  many  and  nameless  victims,  but  as  having  caused  the 
martyrdom  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul;  and  it  is  in  Sulpicius  Severus 
alone  that  any  unmi^kable  following  of  the  narrative  of  Tacitus  is 
shown.^ 

There  remain  also  to  be  noticed  allusions  in  two  Christian  books  of 
earlier  date  than  that  of  Tacitus  and  Suetonius,  which,  without  containing 
the  name  of  Nero,  or  referring  indisputably  to  this  massacre,  seem 
difficult  to  be  explained  or  understood  without  supposing  some  distinct 
reference  to  it. 

The  least  open  to  question  is  that  in  the  first  Epistle  of  St.  Clement  to 
the  Corinthians,  which  is  with  probability  taken  to  have  been  written  in  or 
about  the  last  year  of  Domitian,^  and  which  appears  distinctly  to  allude 

^  H.  E.  4.  26;   also  given  in  Routh,  tratus  est,  vetando  inquiri  Christianos '. 

Rell.  i.  116.  Trajan  has  been  more  commonly  ranked 

^  Movoi  irdvTwv,  avaTtdffOivTfs  vno  rivwv  as  a  third  persecutor  :  see  the  discussion 

fiaffKCLvcov  avOpirnojv,  rov  Ka6'  -quas  kv  dia-  of  the  bearing  of  his  injunction  to  Pliny 

/3oX§  KaracTrjaai  \6yov  ^6e\T]aav  Nfpcuv  in  Mr.  Hardy's  edition  of  the  letters  and 

Kal  AojxfTiavos.  Bp.  Lightfoot  (Apost.  Fathers,  pt.  ii.  i. 

'  *  Is  enim  (Cornelius  Tacitus)  in  quinta  pp.  11,  foil.). 

Historiarum    suarum    bellum    ludaicum  *  De  mort.  persec.  2. 

exorsus'  (Apol.  16).  *  H.  E.  2.  25. 

*  'Consulite     commentarios     vestros  :  '  *  De   viris    illustribus '    (c.    5),    and 

illic  reperietis  primum  Neronem  in  banc  Chron, 

sectam    cum  maxima    Romae    orientem  *  The    only   earlier   Christian  writing 

Caesariano  gladio  ferocisse.  .  .  .  Tenta-  that  even    so  far   follows   Tacitus  as  to 

verat  et    Domitianus,  portio  Neronis  de  connect  the  persecution  with  the  fire  is 

crudelitate :    sed    qua    et    homo,    facile  the   apocryphal  correspondence   of  Paul 

coeptum   repressit,   restitutis  etiam  quos  and  Seneca,  which  must  have  been  written 

relegaverat '  (Apol.    5).     It  will  be  ob-  at  some  date  before  the  time  of  Jerome, 

served  that  no  details  of  the  Neronian  who  refers  to  it  as  if  genuine.    See  below, 

persecution  are  given,  nor  is  it  brought  p.  425,  3. 

into  connexion  with  the  fire.     He  goes  •  See  Bp.  Lightfoot,  who  argues  (In- 
on  to  speak  as  if  these  two  emperors  had  trod.    p.  346,  foil.)    against   those   who 
enforced  with  exceptional  rigour  the  penal  would  refer  it  to  an  earlier,  or  to  a  con- 
laws  (assumed  as  already  existing)  against  siderably  later  date. 
Christians  *  quas  Traianus  ex  parte  frus- 


NERONIAN  PERSECUTION  OF  CHRISTIANS        423 


both  to  troubles  just  before  the  death  of  its  dispatch,*  and  also  to  great 
sufferings  seemingly  associated  in  time  with  the  deaths  of  St.  Peter  and 
St.  Paul ;  the  latter  passage  reminding  us  in  some  of  its  expressions  of 
the  words  here  used  by  Tacitus.'^ 

The  supposed  references  in  the  Apocalypse  have  been  altogether 
denied,^  and  are  certainly  in  great  part  to  be  otherwise  explained ;  but  the 
prominence  apparently  assigned  (according  to  most  recent  interpreters) 
to  the  individual  figure  of  Nero,*  and  the  personification  of  the  city  of 
Rome  as  '  the  woman  drunken  with  the  blood  of  the  saints,  and  with  the 
blood  of  the  martyrs  of  Jesus  \^  are  points  in  which  such  allusion  can 
hardly  be  excluded.' 


^  The  words  in  §  i  [8tA  ras]  al(pviSiovs 
Kal  €ira\\r]\ovs  [y(voti](vas  fifuv  ovficpopas 
Kal  [iT€pi]TTToj<T(is  ('  owlng  to  the  sudden 
and  repeated  calamities  and  reverses 
which  have  befallen  ns ')  are  noted  by 
Bp.  Lightfoot  as  suitable  to  the  character 
ot  the  so-called  persecution  (or  rather  the 
series  of  judicial  attacks  on  individuals) 
at  Rome  under  Domitian. 

'  After  speaking  of  the  deaths  of  these 
apostles,  he  adds  (§  6),  rovrois  tois  dv- 
Spaaiv  daiojs  iroXinvaafifvois  avvrjOpoiaOr] 
iro\v  TiXfjOos  (k\€Ktuv,  oirives  iroWais 
alKiaii  Kal  fiaaavois,  Sid  ^rj\os  iraOovres, 
viroSeiyfxa  KoKKiaTOV  kyivovro  kv  iftJ-iv. 
At(i  ^^Ao9  hioJxSiioai  yvvaiKfs,  vfdvides, 
iraibicTKai,  alKiafiaTa  Seivd  kcu  dvoaia  ira- 
6ov(Tai,  eiTi  rbv  t^j  nicrTfcos  ^Waiov  Spofxov 
KaTrjVTT][aav'j  Kai  eXafiov  ytpas  ytwcuov 
ai  daOfveis  T9)  awfiaTi.  The  words  ved- 
viSfs  iraiSicKai  are  a  suggestion  of  Bp. 
Wordsworth,  favoured,  and  formerly 
adopted  in  the  text,  by  Bp.  Lightfoot, 
for  the  much-vexed  Aavaides  Kal  AipKai, 
which  have  been  taken  to  refer  to  a  scenic 
representation  by  martyrs  of  the  legendary 
punishment  of  these  persons.  It  would 
be  pressing  the  passage  too  far  to  restrict 
its  reference  to  the  Neronian  massacre  ; 
for  the  association  with  the  apostles 
might  be  understood  of  kindred  sufferings 
as  well  as  of  even  approximate  contem- 
poraneity, and  other  martyrdoms  since 
were  doubtless  also  present  to  the  writer's 
mind  ;  but  the  allusion  to  outrage  and 
torture  agrees  closely  with  the  description 
of  Tacitus ;  h  fjpxv  may  probably  mean 
*  in  Rome ' ;  and  iroKv  ir\^0os  seems  to 
be  the  sober  prose  of  which  '  multi- 
tudo  ingens'  is  the  rhetorical  amplifi- 
cation. 

^  Mommsen  (Hist.  v.  520,  i  ;  E.  T.  ii. 
197,  1),  with  whom  Neumann  ('die  Ro- 
mische  Staat  und  die  allgemeine  Kirche 


bis  auf  Diocletian ',  i.  p.  12)  agrees,  has 
argued  that  the  Apocalypse  is  directed 
against  the  Roman  provincial  government 
generally,  and  in  particular  against  the 
worship  of  the  emperors.  It  is  clearly 
true  that  the  martyrs  prominently  in- 
stanced are  those  who  '  would  not  worship 
the  injage  of  the  beast '  (see  13, 15 ;  20,  4, 
&c,),  in  other  words,  the  victims  of  such 
standing  *  quaestiones  de  Christianis '  as 
we  have  in  Pliny's  letter.  This  Would  go 
to  show  the  Book  to  have  been  written 
when  such  *  quaestiones '  were  established 
and  frequent,  and  therefore  not  before  the 
time  of  Domitian,  instead  of  (as  many 
modem  critics  have  argued)  as  early  as 
A.D.  69  or  70 :  and  it  is  natural  to  sup- 
pose that  a  catastrophe  of  some  thirty 
years  ago  was  less  prominent  in  the 
writer's  mind  than  the  constant  ordeal  to 
which  Christians  were  everywhere  at  that 
moment  subjected.  But  to  suppose  the 
Neronian  victims  excluded  from  view  be- 
cause they  were  not  put  to  death  on  this 
charge,  or  formally  on  any  religious  ques- 
tion at  all,  but  on  an  allegation  of  incen- 
diarism, would  be  to  attach  too  much 
weight  to  9.  pretext,  practically  discarded, 
as  we  are  told  (see  15.  44,  5,  and  note\ 
at  the  time  itself,  and  naturally  dropped 
out  of  sight  in  subsequent  record. 

*  In  Mommsen's  view,  Nero  stands  as 
the  representative  of  the  Roman  imperial 
rule  and  the  Antichrist,  chiefly  because 
the  legend  of  his  healing  and  his  return 
was  in  every  one's  mouth.  But  to  look 
on  his  return  as  in  any  sense  a  manifesta- 
tion of  Antichrist  implies  that  he  had  been 
a  persecutor  of  the  faith  beyond  other  em- 
perors. 

"  Rev.  17,  5  ;  cp.  18,  24.  Mommsen 
(1. 1.),  with  whom  Neumann  (p.  15)  again 
agrees,  would  refer  the  stress  laid  on  the 
guilt  of  the  city  of  Rome  in  this  respect 


424 


APPENDIX  II 


It  must  be  admitted  that  this  corroborative  evidence  is  on  the  whole 
slender;  but  if,  as  has  been  already  shown/  the  genuineness  of  the 
passage  in  Tacitus  is  not  open  to  reasonable  doubt,  we  have  before  us 
here  an  additional  illustration  of  the  otherwise  apparent  fact,  that  his 
works  as  a  whole,  especially  the  Annals,  were  but  little  studied.^  The 
occurrence  of  a  persecution  of  some  kind  under  Nero  is  also  inde- 
pendently confirmed ;  but  we  should  certainly  have  expected  it  to  have 
dwelt  more  in  the  memory  of  the  Church  if  the  number  of  sufferers  had 


solely  to  its  being  the  more  frequent  of 
almost  the  exclusive  place  of  execution  of 
all  Christians  condemned  to  the  arena ; 
an  obligation  to  send  such  criminals  to 
the  princeps  being  recorded  (in  A.D.  200) 
as  imposed  on  governors  (Modestinus, 
Dig.  48.  19,  31).  But  there  may  be  some 
reason  for  questioning  whether  many 
Christians  had  been  condemned  *ad 
bestias'  in  the  time  of  Domitian.  The 
'  quaestrones  de  Christianis '  seem  not  yet 
very  common  in  Pliny's  time  ;  and  it  is 
probable  that  the  penalties  were  at  first 
less  severe  than  afterwards.  Penal  laws 
become  more  stringent  in  the  face  of  de- 
fiance ;  and  we  have  evidence  (Paul.  Sent. 
V.  29,  i)  that  the  penalties  of  'maiestas  ', 
under  which  law  (or  that  of '  saciilegium ') 
those  refusing  to  worship  the  emperor 
were  arraigned  (Tert.  Apol.  10 ;  cp. 
Neumann,  p.  14),  had  been  at  some  time 
thus  sharpened :  '  antea  in  perpetuum 
aqua  et  igni  interdicebatur ;  nunc  vero 
humiliores  bestiis  obiciuntur  aut  vivi  exu- 
runtur,  honestiores  capite  puniuntur.'  Re- 
specting the  date  of  this  increased  severity 
of  penalty,  we  have  but  little  evidence. 
Such  vast  shows  as  those  of  Trajan,  prob- 
ably also  those  of  the  Flavian  emperors, 
must  have  demanded  a  crowd  of  human 
victims  (see  Bp.  Lightfoot,  Apost.  Fathers, 
pt.  ii.  vol.  i.  pp.  354-356)  ;  and  the  in- 
stance of  St.  Ignatius,  in  the  later  part 
of  the  former  prince's  rule,  presupposes 
others;  yet  that  his  case  was  somewhat 
exceptional,  would  appear  from  the  nar- 
rative itself,  and  still  more  so  from  Pliny's 
description,  at  the  very  same  date,  of  his 
own,  which  seems  the  usual  mode  of 
procedure,  that  of  ordering  the  humbler 
culprits  to  execution  there  and  then^  and 
sending  to  Rome  only  those  who  could 
plead  their  *  civitas '.  Respecting  earlier 
times,  we  are  still  more  in  the  dark,  ex- 
cept that  exile  had  not  ceased  to  be  the 
strict  legal  penalty  (as  regards  Roman 
citizens)  for  *  maiestas '  in  the  time  of 
Tiberius  (3.  53,6),  nor  apparently  in  that 
of  Nero  (14. 48,  7),  though  death  was  often 


arbitrarily  inflicted.  In  favour  of  the 
early  prevalence  of '  damnatio  ad  bestias*, 
it  may  be  argued  (i)  that  the  '  spectacu- 
lum '  given  by  Nero  was  likely  to  have 
been  in  some  way  imitated :  (2)  that 
(putting  aside  such  figurative  expressions 
as  I  Cor.  4,  9;  2  Tim.  4,  17)  the  kOrjpio- 
fxaxrjoa  of  I  Cor.  15,  32,  if  a  metaphor  as 
regards  St.  Paul,  points  to  a  common 
fact :  (3)  that  the  allusion  to  Aai/oifSes 
KoX  AipKcu  (see  above,  p.  423,  2)  points  to 
some  such  spectacle.  To  these  it  may 
be  replied  (i)  that  those  so  put  to  death 
by  Nero  were  not  convicted  of  '  maiestas ' 
but  of  alleged  incendiarism,  and  that  the 
punishment  was  regarded  as  excessive 
even  for  them  :  (2)  that  the  metaphorical 
use  of  Orjpiofiax^iv  may  well  have  been 
sufficiently  general  to  have  no  special 
significance  when  used  by  a  Christian 
(cp.  oiois  Orfpiois  ptaxoyaBa,  Pompeius  in 
App.  B.  C.  2.  61) :  (3)  that  any.  explana- 
tion of  Aavaihis  seems  impossible,  and 
the  whole  reading  most  questionable  (see 
note  1.  1.).  There  is  also  some  stronger 
counter  evidence,  (i)  in  the  complete 
silence  of  the  Apocalypse  itself  as  to  any 
such  form  of  martyrdom ;  (2)  still  more 
in  the  general  designation  of  the  martyrs 
as  oi  TTiTtiKtKKjpiivoi  (20,  4),  pointing  to 
simple  execution  as  at  least  the  usual 
penalty. 

*  Another  supposition,  perhaps  more 
probable  than  that  discussed  above,  is 
that  Rome,  as  the  seat  of  government,  is 
associated  with  all  the  righteous  blood 
shed  throughout  the  empire.  This  may 
be  admitted  ;  but  the  words  seem  also  to 
contain  a  more  particular  reference,  of 
which  this  massacre  would  be  the  most 
natural  explanation. 

^  See  above,  p.  41 7. 

^  The  few  references  in  subsequent 
literature  to  Tacitus  at  all  are  to  the 
Histories;  and  it  would  appear  that  in 
the  time  of  the  emperor  Claudius  Tacitus, 
some  action  on  his  part  was  required  to 
rescue  the  works  of  his  namesake  from 
oblivion  (Vit.  Tac.  10,  3). 


NERONIAN  PERSECUTION  OF  CHRISTIANS        425 

been  as  great  as  Tacitus  would  lead  us  to  suppose.*  It  is  however 
to  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  interest  of  posterity  gathered  chiefly  round 
eminent  individual  martyrs ;  whence  the  conception  of  Nero  as  a  per- 
secutor would  naturally  be  rather  associated  with  the  deaths  of  the  great 
Apostles  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  than  with  those  of  obscure,  though  even 
numerous  victims,  who  left  no  name  and  appear  in  no  martyrology.'* 

It  will  be  seen  that  we  do  not  find  evidence  in  classical  or  Christian 
record  for  the  supposition  that  this  massacre  fell  chiefly  or  even  jointly 
on  the  Jewish  body.^  Nor  has  any  Jewish  tradition  to  that  effect  come 
down  to  us ;  and  the  complete  silence  of  Josephus,  who  could  not  well 
either  have  been  ignorant  of  any  such  terrible  sufferings  undergone  by 
his  co-religionists,  or  have  failed  to  record  them  if  known  to  him,  must 
have  considerable  weight  in  such  a  case.* 

On  the  other  hand,  the  theory  that  the  Jews  may  have  considered 
themselves  in  danger,  and  may  have  been  enabled  to  secure  their  own 
safety,  and  to  shift  the  suspicion  to  the  Christians  by  means  of  their 
influence  at  court,  though  equally  unattested,  is  certainly  so  far  a  *  vera 
causa ',  that  we  have  clear  evidence  of  Poppaea's  leaning  toward  the 
Jews,^  and  of  her  interposition  on  two  occasions  on  their  behalf;^  to 
which  has  to  be  added  our  abundant  evidence  of  their  bitter  hatred  of 
the  Christians,  and  previous  attempts  to  arraign  St.  Paul  and  others 
before  provincial  tribunals.  We  appear  thus  to  see  that  they  had 
opportunity,  and  that  probably  they  alone  had  motives,  for  endeavouring 
to  fasten  upon  the  Christians  a  charge  likely  in  such  a  state  of  excite- 
ment to  win  ready  belief,  and  that  they  must  have  had  power,  such  as 
probably  no  others  would  have  had,  to  give  such  information  as  to  their 

*  It  may  be  argued  that  he  was  unlikely  balanced  view  of  the  general  character 
to  exaggerate  the  sufferings  of  an  odious  of  Nero  (Ant.  20.  8,  3),  expresses  an 
sect :  but  it  is  easy  to  suppose  that  to  intention  of  recording  accurately  all  that 
him,  or  perhaps  to  the  authorities  whom  happened  to  the  Jews  under  his  rule. 

he  followed,  the  memory  of  Nero  was  still  ^  The  description  of  her  as  Otoae^rjs 

more  odious.  in  Jos.  Ant.  20.  8,  11,  has  been  perhaps 

'^  That  the  name  of  none  of  these  vie-  too  strictly  interpreted  as  implying  that 

tims  is  preserved  in  any  martyrology,  is  she  was  a  proselyte. 

noted  by  Dean  Merivale  (ch.  54).     The  *  Her  intercession  on  behalf  of  the  high 

deaths  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  are  gener-  priest  and  other  authorities  of  the  temple 

ally  placed  two  or  three  years  later.  in  a  dispute  between  them  and  Festus  is 

^  The  only  trace  of  any  such  tradition  given  by  Josephus  (1. 1.) ;  as  also  his  own 

is  found  in  the  apocryphal  correspondence  mission  apparently  in  the  year  before  the 

of  Paul  and  Seneca  {Ep.  12),  'Christiani  fire,  on  behalf  of  some  Jewish  piisoners 

at    ludaei   quasi    machinatores    incendii  who  had  been  sent  to  Rome  by  Felix  and 

affecti  snpplicio  uri  solent.'     This  may  were  detained  there.    He  had  approached 

be  taken  for  what  it  is  worth,  as  showing  Poppaea  through  Alityrus,  a  Jewish  actor 

the  existence  of  such  a  belief  as  early  as  of  high  repute,  and  obtained  the  release 

the  fourth  century ;  but  can  hardly  be  set  of  the  prisoners  and  received  many  gifts 

against  the  silence  of  Josephus.  from  her  (Vit.  3). 

*  Josephus,   who    takes    a    somewhat 


426  APPENDIX  II 

tenets  as  would  make  the  charge  seem  plausible.*  It  may  be  added 
that  the  reference  (if  such  it  may  be  taken  to  be)  to  this  event  in  the 
Episde  of  St.  Clement  "^  represents  the  martyrs  as  victims  to  party  spirit 
or  jealousy  (^iJXos).'  The  argument  from  silence,*  resting  on  the 
absence  of  any  mention  of  this  among  all  the  acts  of  hostility  imputed 
to  the  Jews  by  Christian  controversialists,  loses  much  of  its  weight  by 
the  generality  of  the  language  used  in  most  of  the  places  referred  to. 

We  should  infer  from  Tacitus  that  the  general  guilt  of  the  Christian 
body  was  assumed  in  some  way  before  any  individuals  were  dealt  with  ; 
and  that  the  openly  known  and  professed  Christians  were  but  a  small 
section  of  the  whole  body,''  and  that  it  was  through  some,  perhaps 
very  few  of  the  former,  probably  under  terrible  constraint  of  torture, 
that  the  latter  were  got  at.^  Those  who  know  the  flimsy  evidence  that 
has  generally  been  held  to  suffice  in  such  mockeries  of  justice  as  times 
of  intense  public  excitement  sanction,  will  readily  understand  that 
membership  in  a  body  of  pronounced  '  haters  of  mankind '  seemed  proof 
enough  of  incendiarism*^  at  the  tribunal,  perhaps  of  the  city  praefect, 
or  at  that  where  Nero,  with  probably  Tigellinus  at  his  side,^  presided. 
Nor  do  even  the  bitter  words  used  by  the  historian  forbid  us  to  suppose 
that  he  sympathized  with  the  general  feeling  expressed  at  Nero's  brutal 

*  It  has  been  noted  by  Dean  Milman  by  M.  Joel,  who  is  cited  by  Dr.  C.  F. 
(Hist,  of  Christ.  B.  ii.  ch.  3)  that  any  Arnold  (p.  58, &c.)  as  having  replied  with 
expressions  of  belief  possibly  then  used  great  vigour  to  this  charge  oxf.  behalf 
(cp.  2  Thess.  I,  8;  2  Pet.  3,  10;  Rev.  18,  8)  of  his  co-religionists.  The  reference  is 
respecting  an  impending  destruction  of  especially  to  such  early  treatises  as  the 
the  world  by  fire,  would  have  great  weight  dialogue  of  Justin  with  Trypho. 

at  such  a  time:  nor  would  any  stop  to  ^  See  note  on  *  qui  fatebantur'  (§  5). 

inquire  whether  such  belief  might  also  be  ^  The  allusion  to  npoSorai  in  2  Tim.  3, 

found  in  Jewish  prophecy  (e.  g.  Mai.  4,  i)  4,  may  here  be  noted.     The  word  is  used 

and  in  Stoic  or  other  philosophic  teaching  elsewhere  only  twice  in  N.  T.,  of  Judas 

(Min.  Fel.  Oct.  c.  34).     The  charge  of  (Lk.  6,  16),  and  of  the  Jews  in  relation 

holding   nocturnal   assemblies,  and   that  to  Christ  (Acts  7,  52). 
of  *  odium  generis  humani',  and  general  '  See  note  on  *  baud  proinde  quam ', 

immorality    as    implied    in    the   alleged  &c.  (§  5). 

'flagitia',  would  complete  the  indictment.  *  Nothing  is  told  us  as  to  the  court 

Tacitus  may  perhaps   have    been  so   far  before  which  the  trials  took  place ;    but 

wrong  in   describing   as   already  known  the  allusion  which  is  thought  to  be  made 

and  existing  the  charges  which  may  have  to  the  subject   in  Juv.   i,  155,  brings  in 

been  then  and  there  first  formulated.  the  name  of  Tigellinus,  whose  natural 

*  See  above,  p.  423,  2.  position  would  have  been  that  of  assessor 
'  This  could  equally  refer  to  betrayal  to    Nero    sitting    personally,    'saevienti 

by  brother-Christians,  if  voluntary   and  intimum  consiliorum' (15.  61,  4),  or  pre- 

not  extorted  by  fear.     It  should  also  be  siding  at  torture  (14. 60,  4).    It  is  thought 

mentioned  that  Melito  (see  above,  p.  422,  that  criminals  of  humble  rank  may  have 

2)  speaks  of  Nero  and  Domitian  more  been  tried  before   the  *  praefectus  urbis ' 

as  if  prompted   by   ordinary  individual  (see.   6.    11,  3),  and   that   in  charges  of 

informers    than    by   a   hostile    religious  incendiarism,    the   *  praefectus    vigilum ' 

body.     This  may  be  intended  especially  had   some  summary  power.     The   sena- 

to  refer  to  the  latter  emperor.  torial   court  is   not   likely  to  have  been 

*  This  argument  appears  to  be  pressed  employed  in  such  a  case. 


NERONIAN  PERSECUTION  OF  CHRISTIANS        427 


I 
i 


enjoyment  of  the  scene  of  torment,  that  however  guilty  the  victims  might 
be,  and  however  justly  their  lives  were  forfeited,  the  horrors  added  to 
their  execution  served  no  public  interest,  and  went  merely  to  glut  one 
man's  ferocity.* 

The  supposition  that  this  attack  on  the  Christians  extended  beyond 
Rome  rests  on  late  evidence,'  and  is  inconsistent  with  the  charge  on 
which  they  were  formally  condemned ;  but  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that 
the  action  taken  had  far-reaching  consequences.  Whatever  tended 
to  dissociate  the  new  religion  from  Judaism  tended  to  dissociate  it  also 
from  Jewish  privileges,'  and  to  show  to  all  provincial  governors  that 
a  new  '  religio  inlicita  *,  formidably  aggressive  and  proselytizing,  had 
arisen  among  them.  In  such  a  case  it  hardly  needed  the  issue  of  a 
special  edict  to  set  up  such  '  quaestiones '  as  we  find  in  force  forty 
years  afterwards,*  in  which  the  worship  of  the  image  of  deified  or 
living  emperors  is  enforced  with  all  rigour  of  penal  consequences  upon 
the  scattered  bodies  protected  by  no  ordinance  and  representing  no 
nationality. 


^  See  §  8  and  notes. 

'  It  does  not  appear  to  be  distinctly 
affirmed  by  any  earlier  writer  than  Orosius 
(see  Arnold,  p.  86) ;  and  the  Lusitanian 
inscription  cited  in  support  has  been  long 
since  treated  as  an  invention  (C.  I.  L.  ii. 
fals.  231).  It  is  an  open  question  whether 
some  definite  and  special  persecution  is 
not  alluded  to  in  i  Pet.  4,  12-19;  ^Iso 
whether  the  words  of  Tertullian  (ad  nat. 
I.  7),  'permansit,  erasis  omnibus,  hoc 
solum  institutum  Neronianum,'go  to  show 
any  permanent  custom  of  *  quaestiones ' 
from  this  date. 


'  The  Jews  were  allowed  to  keep  their 
sabbaths :  no  emperor  but  Gaius  had 
insisted  on  their  worshipping  his  image  : 
military  service  was  not  required  of  them. 
Even  after  the  Jewish  war  these  privi- 
leges were  still  observed  (see  Neumann, 
p.  10,  foil.). 

*  Such  trials  may  have  arisen  before 
the  time  of  Domitian,  but  probably  their 
severity  mainly  dates  from  him ;  as  he 
appears  to  have  insisted  on  his  own 
divinity  more  strongly  than  any  of  his 
predecessors  except  Gains  (Suet.  Dom.  13; 
Plin.  Pan.  33  ;  Dio,  67.  12,  2). 


BOOK    XVI 
SUMMARY    OF    CONTENTS 

Ch.  1-13.     Remaining  events  of  the  year. 

1-3.  Delusion  propagated  by  Caesellius  Bassus  respecting  a  treasure  in  Africa. 
4,  5.  Recurrence  of  the  Neronian  festival  :  Nero  appears  on  the  stage  of  the  public 
theatre:  constant  presence  and  applause  exacted  from  the  audience;  peril  of 
Vespasian.  6.  Death  of  Poppaea,  and  honours  paid  to  her.  7-9.  C.  Cassius  and 
L.  Silanus  impeached  by  Nero  before  the  senate  :  the  former  exiled ;  the  latter 
removed  to  Barium  and  killed  there.  10,  11.  L.  Vetus,  his  daughter  Pollitta,  and 
mother-in-law  Sextia,  forced  to  suicide.  12.  P.  Gallus  exiled.  The  months  of 
May  and  June  to  be  called  Claudius  and  Germanicus.  13.  Storms  in  Campania 
and  pestilence  at  Rome :  levy  of  troops  in  provinces,  and  bounty  of  Nero  to  the 
people  of  Lugdunum. 

A.  IT.  C.  819,  A.  D.  66.     C.  Suetonius  Paulinus,  C.  Lucciujs  Telesinus,  coss. 
Ch.  14-20.     Various  persons  put  to  death. 

14-16.  P.  Anteius  and  Ostorius  Scapula  accused  of  astrology  by  Antistius  Sosianus  : 
their  deaths.  Excuse  of  Tacitus  for  recording  the  general  want  of  spirit.  17.  Deaths 
of  Rufrius  Crispinus,  Annaeus  Mela  (brother  of  Seneca  and  father  of  Lucan),  and 
Cerialis  Anicius.  18-20.  Death  and  character  of  C.  Petronius,  who  taunts  Nero  in 
writing  with  his  secret  excesses  :  this  leads  to  the  exile  of  Silia.  Minucius  Thermus 
sacrificed  to  the  enmity  of  Tigellinus. 

Ch.  21-35.  Crowning  iniquity  of  the  deaths  of  Thrasea  Paetus  and  Barea  Soranus. 
21,  22.  Speech  of  Capito  Cossutianus  against  Thrasea,  respecting  his  conduct  in  the 
senate  and  subsequent  absence  from  it.  23.  Ostorius  Sabinus,  a  knight,  impeaches 
Soranus  for  his  conduct  as  proconsul  of  Asia.  24-26.  Thrasea  forbidden  to  meet 
Nero  on  his  entry  into  Rome  with  Tiridates.  He  demands  to  know  the  ground  of 
offence,  and  consults  with  his  friends  whether  he  should  meet  the  charge  or  antici- 
pate it  by  death.  27-29.  The  senate  surrounded  by  soldiers  :  letter  of  Nero  read  : 
speech  of  Eprius  Marcellus  against  Thrasea,  Helvidius  Priscus,  Paconius  Agrippinus, 
Curtius  Montanus.  Consternation  in  the  senate.  30-32.  Charges  of  Ostorius 
against  Soranus  and  his  daughter  Servilia,  wife  of  the  exiled  Annius  PoUio,  and 
their  defence  :  baseness  of  P.  Egnatius  the  Stoic  in  bearing  witness  against  him. 
33.  Constancy  of  Cassius  Asclepiodotus,  a  friend  of  Soranus.  Sentence  passed,  that 
Thrasea,  Soranus,  and  Servilia  be  permitted  to  commit  suicide;  Helvidius  and 
Paconius  to  be  banished  from  Italy ;  Montanus  to  be  excluded  from  public  life  : 
the  accusers  rewarded.    34,  35.  Last  hours  of  Thrasea. 

APPENDIX  III. 

Summary  of  the  principal   events  between  the  end  of  Book  i6  and  the  death 
of  Nero. 


CORNELII    TACITI 


ANNALIUM   AB   EXCESSU   DIVI   AUGUSTI 


LIBER    XVI 


I 

i 

I 


1.  Inlvsit  dehinc  Neroni  fortuna  per  vanitatem  ipsius  et 
promissa  Caeselli  Bassi,  qui  origine  Poenus,  mente  turbida, 
nocturnae  quietis  imaginem  ad  spem  baud  dubiae  rei  traxit, 
vectusque  Romam,  principis  aditum  emercatus,  expromit  reper- 
tum  in  agro  suo  specum  altitudine  immensa,  quo  magna  vis  auri  5 
contineretur,  non  in  formam  pecuniae  sed  rudi  et  antique  pondere. 
lateres  quippe  praegravis  iacere,  adstantibus  parte  alia  columnis ; 


1.  dehinc,  implying  that  fortnne  had 
hitherto  favoured  him. 

Neroni :  so  all  edd.  after  G.  The 
Med.  *  Neronis  fortuna '  (both  in  uncials) 
shows  the  scribe  to  have  been  misled  by 
a  common  formula. 

vanitatem,  'credulity'  (Burnouf,&c.) ; 
so  in  14.  22,  3. 

2.  Caeselli  Bassi.  Suet.  (31)  omits 
the  name,  but  styles  the  person  *  eques 
Romanus'. 

turbida,  'disordered';  so  'turbidus 
animi'  (of  Gains),  in  H.  4.  48,  2. 

3.  nocturnae  quietis  imaginem.  On 
this  use  of  'quies'  see  i.  65,  a,  and 
note. 

haud  dubiae  rei  traxit:  so  all 
recent  edd.,  after  Dod.,  for  Med.  '  haud 
dubie  (•  e '  being  written  in  an  erasure) 
retraxit*,  corrected  by  other  MSS,  and 
edd.  to  *  dubiam  retraxit '.  On  *  ad  spem 
trahere'  cp.  15.  74,  2. 

4.  emercatus  :  cp.  12.  14,  i,  and  note. 
On  the  bribes  which  had  to  be  given  to 


the  *  ianitores '  of  great  men,  to  procure 
an  interview,  see  4.  74,  5 ;  Juv.  3,  184, 
and  passages  there  quoted  by  Mayor. 

repertum,  &c.  Schiller  notes  a  story 
told  by  Philost.  (Vit.  Ap.  6.  39),  of  a 
man  sacrificing  to  Earth  in  the  hope  of 
treasure,  as  showing  a  belief  prevalent  in 
that  age. 

6.  in  formam  pecuniae,  *  coined  into 
money.'  The  prep,  here,  as  often  (cp. 
13.  38,  3  ;  15.  71,  10,  &c.),  expresses  re- 
sult, but  is  somewhat  harsher  from  the 
absence  of  any  verb  or  participle. 

rudi  et  antique  pondere,  *  in  rude 
and  antique  masses':  the  abl.  is  that  of 
quality.  '  Pondus '  is  thus  often  used  of 
weighty  material. 

7.  lateres  .  .  .  colvmanis.  The  latter 
seems  to  be,  as  Jacob  notes,  a  grandilo- 
quent term  for  upright  bars.  'Lateres' 
is  used  for  *  ingots '  in  Plin.  N,  H.  33,  3, 
17,  56;  as  also  -aXivOoi  in  Polyb.,  &c. ; 
^fiiirXivOia  in  Hdt.  1 .  50,  2. 


430 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


quae  per  tantum  aevi  occulta  augendis  praesentibus  bonis,    cete-  3 
rum,ut  coniectura  demonstrabat,  Dido  Phoenissam  Tyro  profugam 
condita  Carthagine  illas  opes  abdidisse,  ne  novus  populus  nimia 
pecunia  lasciviret  aut  reges  Numidarum,  et  alias  infensi,  cupidine 

5  auri  ad  bellum  accenderentur. 

2.  Igitur  Nero,non  auctoris,non  ipsius  negotii  fide  satis  spectata  1 
nee  missis  per  quos  nosceret  an  vera  adferrentur,  auget  ultro 
rumorem  mittitque  qui  velut  paratam  praedam  adveherent.  dan-  2 
tur  triremes  et  delectum  remigium  iuvandae  festinationi.     nee 

loaliud  per  illos  dies  populus  credulitate,  prudentes  diversa  fama 


I.  occulta,  better  taken  as  a  participle 
(with  'fuisse'  supplied)  than  as  an  adj. 
Nipp.,  on  the  ground  that  Tacitus  never 
elsewhere  uses  the  perf.  of  *  occulo '  (see 
note  on  14.  44,  2),  thinks  that  a  syllable 
has  here  been  dropped,  and  reads  '  occul- 
tata'. 

augendia  .  .  .  bonis,  dat.  of  pur- 
pose, '  to  increase  the  wealth  of  the  pre- 
sent age.' 

2.  ut  coniectura  demonstrabat.  The 
Med.  'demonstrat'  answers  to  'expromit' ; 
but  we  should  expect  the  imperf.  in  a 
parenthetical  sentence  ;  and  it  is  thus  that 
these  words  must  necessarily  be  taken,  so 
as  to  make  the  force  of  *  expromit '  extend 
to '  abdidisse*.  Orelli  and  Jacob,  however, 
retain  the  present.  Madvig  (Adv.  ii.  557) 
considers  '  ut '  to  be  an  interpolation 
(arising  from  taking  *  coniectura '  as  a 
nominative),  and  would  thus  make  'ab- 
didisse '  depend  on  '  demonstrabat '. 

Dido.     This  accus.  is  found  in  Veil. 

1.  6,  4 ;  also  (with  v.  1.  *  Didon ')  in  Ov. 
Her.  7,  7,  133  :  possibly  also  in  Verg. 
Aen.  4,  383.  Quint,  says  (i.  5,  63)  that 
the  general  preference  for  Greek  forms  of 
inflexion  was  new  in  his  day ;  that  he, 
though  generally  preferring  Latin  forms, 
feels  unable  to  tolerate  such  an  accusative 
as  '  Calypsonem',  though  Caesar  had  fol- 
lowed the  ancients  in  using  even  those 
forms. 

4.  reges  Numidariim,  such  as  the 
larbas  of  Vergil  (Aen.  4,  36,  &c.). 

alias,  *  otherwise.'  This  sense, 
though  borne  out  by  such  passages  as 
'alias  salubri  potu  eius  aquae'  (PI.  N.  H. 

2,  103,  106,  226),  is  not  in  accordance 
with  the  general  use  in  Tacitus,  where  it 
always  means  *  at  other  times'  (e.g.  i. 
65>  3 ;  II-  31.  4-  &c.),  with  the  doubtful 
exception  of  3.  73,  2.  Ritt.  reads  'alia' 
('  in  other  respects '). 


6.  fide,  used  strictly  with  auctoris ' 
and  more  loosely  with  *  negotii '  ('  the 
credibility  of  the  informant,  and  intrinsic 
lii<elihood  of  the  matter'). 

7.  missis.  Med.  and  other  MSS.  and 
old  edd.  add  *  uisoribus',  which  has  gener- 
ally been  omitted,  after  Em.,  as  a  gloss ; 
the  word  being  known  only  in  mediaeval 
Latin. 

nosceret  =  '  cognosceret ' :  cp.  15. 
73,  3,  &c. 

8.  velut  paratam,  'lying,  as  it  were, 
(in  his  imagination)  ready  to  hand.'  The 
Med.  text  '  partam '  is  retained  by  Walth. 
and  Ritt. ;  but  most  edd.  after  Ern.  have 
followed  Acid,  in  correcting  it  as  above, 
on  the  ground  that  '  partam  '  would  be 
more  naturally  used  of  something  ac- 
quired by  exertion  (cp.  the  opposite  cor- 
rection of  '  partae  '  for  *  paratae ',  in  4. 44, 
i).  *  Praeda  parata '  is  used  similarly  in 
Ov.  Her.  8,  82  ;  so  also  '  materia  .  .  . 
audenti  parata'  in  H.  i.  6,  5;  and  the 
same  idea  is  here  expressed  below  by 
*  obvias  opes '. 

adveherent,  sc. '  Romam ' :  Ern.  need- 
lessly alters  to  '  aveherent '. 

9.  delectum  remigium  =*delecti  re- 
miges'  (cp.  14.  4,  5  ;  39,  4,  &c.>,  taken 
closely  with  *  iuvandae  festinationi '.  Box- 
hora  has  been  followed  by  almost  all  edd. 
in  reading  *  remigium  '  for  the  Med.  '  na- 
uigium ';  which,  if  used  for  '  ships ',  would 
naturally  be  in  the  plural  (cp.  4.  68,  2), 
and  the  sense  given  to  the  words  by  Wal- 
ther  ('  triremes  et  quidem  delectae  naves ') 
is  weak. 

nee  aliud,  &c. ;  during  all  those  days 
this  subject  was  alone  discussed,  'by 
the  people  with  credulity,  by  the  thought- 
ful with  very  different  remarks.'  For  the 
use  of '  diversus'  cp.  14.  10,  4  ;  H.  4.  40, 
5  (where  '  diversa  fama '  is  opposed  to 
•iustum   indicium  explesse  videbatur'); 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XVI.      CAP.   1-3 


431 


8  tulere.  ac  forte  quinquennale  ludicrum  secundo  lustro  celebra- 
batur,  ab  oratoribusque  praecipua  materia  in  laudem  principis 

4  adsumpta   est.     non  enim  solitas  tantum  fruges  nee  confusum 
metallis  aurum  gigni,  sed   nova  ubertate  provenire  terram  et 
obvias   opes   deferre   deos,  quaeque   alia   summa   facundia  nee  5 
minore   adulatione   servilia  fingebant,  securi   de   facilitate  cre- 
dentis. 

1  3.  Gliscebat  interim  luxuria  spe  inani  consumebanturque 
veteres  opes  quasi  oblatis  quas  multos  per  annos  prodigeret. 
quin  et  inde  iam  largiebatur ;    et   divitiarum  expectatio  inter  10 


for  that  of  'fama'  cp.  13.  i,  6  ('crebra 
vulgi  fama'),  &c. ;  for  that  of  'tulere' 
cp.  15.  46,  I,  &c.  Boxhom  has  been 
again  followed  by  almost  all  edd.  in 
reading  'prudentes'  (thus  opposed  to 
'  vulgum '  in  i.  47,  5)  for  the  Med.  '  pro- 
dentis ';  from  which  Walther  endeavours, 
with  little  success,  to  extract  a  satisfactory 
meaning. 

/  I.  qxiinquennale  ludicrum:  cp.  14. 
20,  I.  The  proper  year,  according  to 
jRoman  computation  (see  note  on  14.  20, 
1),  had  come  round;  but  he  is  said  by 
Suet.  (Ner.  21)  to  have  somewhat  anti- 
cipated the  day  (*  Neroneum  agona  ante 
praestitutam  diem  revocavit').  The 
Med.  'celebratur'  is  thus  corrected  by 
Put,  &c. 

2.  ab  oratoribusque.  Med.  has 
* auaratoribus  oratoribusque',  generally 
corrected  by  the  old  edd.  to  'a  narratori- 
bus  oratoribusque'.  Among  many  at- 
tempts to  better  this,  the  '  ac  vatibus '  of 
Lips,  appears  to  have  found  most  favour ; 
but  Tacitus  (as  Nipp.  remarks)  would 
hardly  have  so  styled  the  court  poets. 
Most  recent  edd.  follow  Baiter  in  reading 
as  above,  and  treating  the  error  as  one  of 
repetition.  Ritt.  reads  '  [ab  oratoribus] 
oratoribusque',  considering  the  former 
words  interpolated  from  a  marginal  note 
explaining  the  les>^  common  dative. 

materia,   sc.    *haec',    supplied    from 

*  nee  aliud '. 

3.  confusum  metallis  aurum,  *  mere 
gold  ore  in  mines.'  As  the  words  stand 
it  seems  best  so  to  take  them,  and  to  make 

•  metallis '  an  abl.  of  place  (see  Introd.  i. 
V.  §  25),  unless  it  be  supposed,  with  Dr., 
that  '  in '  has  dropped  out  between  '  m  ' 
and  *m'.  There  is  much  probability  in 
Nipp.'s  conjecture,  that  'aliis'  has 
dropped  out  after  *  metallis '  (cp.  '  aurum 
et  argentum  et  alia  metalla'  Agr.  12,  6); 


but  it  is  more  natural  to  speak  of  gold  as 
mixed  with  other  substances  generally  in 
the  earth  than  with  other  metals.  Pliny 
mentions  (N.  H.  33.  4,  21,  67)  a  great 
find  of  gold  close  to  the  surface  of  the 
ground  in  Delmatia  in  Nero's  time. 

4.  gigni.  This  term  is  used  by  PI.  ma. 
of  gold  (N.  H.  33.  4,  21,  78)  and  of  pre- 
cious stones  (Id.  37.  5,  20,  76).  Dr.  notes 
also  the  use  of  '  nasci '  of  metals  in  Caes. 
B.  G.  5.  12,  5,  &c.,  and  the  modern  use 
of  similar  terms  in  unscientific  language. 

provenire,  'was  fruitful.*  The  verb 
is  used  properly  of  the  crop  (cp.  13.  57, 
2,  &c.),  and  in  this  sense  is  av.  dp. ;  but 
the  use  with  a  personal  subject  in  the 
sense  of  *  succeeding ',  in  such  phrases  as 
*  bene  ',  *  recte  provenire ',  &c.  (Plant. 
True  2.  4,  34;  6,  35;  Stich.  2.  3,  73; 
&c.),  seems  sufficiently  near  to  support 
the  text.  Ritt.  (who  partly  follows  MS. 
Agr.)  reads  '  provenire  e  terra ',  a  reading 
which  might  no  doubt  easily  have  been 
altered  into  the  Med.  text ;  but  the  sub- 
ject *  terram'  (personified)  more  naturally 
answers  to  '  deos ' . 

5.  obvias,  *  thrown  in  our  way,'  with- 
out search. 

6.  servilia,  accus.,  with  'alia', 
securi,   &c.,   'sure  of  the  acceptance 

of  him  who  listened  to  them ' ;  sure  that 
any  flattery,  however  barefaced,  was  wel- 
come. '  Facilitas '  is  equivalent  to  the 
'  facilis  credulitas '  of  14.  4,  3. 

8.  Ixixuria,  '  his  extravagance.'  Suet. 
(Ner.  31)  connects  with  this  expectation 
the  costly  buildings,  &c.  mentioned  by 
Tacitus  earlier  (15.  42). 

10.  inde, '  out  of  this  treasure,'  in  anti- 
cipation of  it. 

largiebatur.  On  the  enormous 
largesses  of  Nero's  later  years  see  H.  i. 
20,  2  ;  Introd.  p.  91. 


432 


CORNELII  TACITl  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


causas  paupertatis  publicae  erat.  nam  Bassus  effosso  agro  suo  2 
latisque  circum  arvis,  dum  hunc  vel  ilium  locum  promissi  specus 
adseverat,  sequunturque  non  modo  milites  sed  populus  agrestium 
efficiendo  operi  adsumptus,  tandem  posita  vaecordia,  non  falsa 
5  antea  somnia  sua  seque  tunc  primum  elusum  admirans,  pudorem 
et  metum  morte  voluntaria  effugit.  quidam  vinctum  ac  mox 
dimissum  tradidere  ademptis  bonis  in  locum  regiae  gazae. 

4.  Interea  senatus  propinquo  iam  lustrali  certamine,  ut  dedecus  \ 

averteret,  offert  imperatori  victoriam  cantus  adicitque  facundiae 

10  coronam  qua  ludicra  deformitas  velaretur.    sed  Nero  nihil  ambitu  2 

nee  potestate  senatus  opus  esse  dictitans,  se  aequum  adversum 

aemulos  et  religione  iudicum  meritam  laudem  adsecuturum,  primo 


1.  paupertatis  publicae,  *  exhaustion 
of  public  funds.'  Tacitus  perhaps  alludes 
to  what  is  mentioned  by  Suet.  (Ner,  32), 
that  by  his  prodigal  expenditure  under 
the  influence  of  this  hope,  Nero  was  *  ita 
iam  exhaustus  et  egens  ut  stipendia  quo- 
que  militum  et  commoda  veteranorum 
protrahi  ac  diflferri  necesse  esset'.  He 
adds  an  account  of  various  means  of  ex- 
tortion devised  to  make  up  for  the  disap- 
pointment. 

2.  circum,  here  taken  as  an  attribute: 
cp.  '  dites  circum  terras'  (4.  55,  8). 

hunc  vel  ilium,  i.  e.  (pointing) 
*  here '  or  '  there  ' :  *  locum ',  sc.  *  esse '. 

5.  tunc,  answering  to  '  nunc  '  in  oratio 
recta:  cp.  14.  35,  i,  and  note. 

admirans  (Med.  'ammirans'),  'pro- 
testing with  astonishment.'  There 
seems  to  be  no  reason  to  doubt  that 
Bassus  was  acting  in  good  faith,  under  a 
genuine  delusion  of  his  '  mens  turbida  ' 
(c.  I,  i).  He  had  nothing  to  gain  by 
fraud,  and  had  given  money  for  access  to 
Nero  (1.  1.).  He  is  now  represented  as 
recovering  from  his  delusion  ('  posita 
vaecordia')  and  as  genuinely  astonished. 
There  is  thus  no  reason  for  altering  '  ad- 
mirans* to  '  adfirmans'  (with  Nipp.) ; 
though  the  sense  of  this  participle  ap- 
pears to  be  supplied  by  zeugma  with '  non 
falsa',  &c. 

6.  quidam  .  .  .  tradidere.  Nipp. 
notes  that  Tacitus  implies  disbelief  in 
this  version,  by  his  way  of  putting  it. 
Similar  instances  are  found  in  H.  i.  7,  2  ; 
14'  I ;  .^-  54,  7.  &c-  In  1.5.  .53,  .5.  vvhat 
is  first  stated  as  a  fact  is  afterwards  quali- 
fied by  the  context. 

7.  in  locum,  *  to  make  up  for.' 
gazae.     This  Persian  word  (Curt.  3. 


13,  5)  is  especially  used  of  royal  treasure : 
cp.6.  31,  2:  37,5. 

8.  lustrali  certamine :    see  note  on 

14.  20,  I.  It  is  to  be  observed  that,  as 
the  alleged  discovery  of  Bassus  took  place 
before  the  games,  its  sequel  is  related  be- 
fore going  back  to  the  narrative. 

dedecus,  the  scandal  of  his  appear- 
ance on  the  stage,  which  they  hoped  to 
prevent  by  awarding  him  the  prize  before- 
hand. 

9.  facundiae,  '  of  eloquence.'  This 
term,  like  '  eloquentia '  (14.  21,8),  would 
convey  the  idea  of  a  more  liberal  accom- 
plishment than  that  of '  cantus',  and  would 
veil  the  disgrace  of  rewarding  an  emperor 
for  the  latter.  It  would  be  understood  to 
be  given  for  his  poetic  gift,  of  which  ac- 
cordingly he  first  gives  proof  ('  carmen 
.  .  .  recitat'). 

10.  ludicra  deformitas,  *  the  degrada- 
tion attaching  to  the  stage ' :  cp.  *  ludi- 
crum  in  modum  canere*  X'I4^-  ^4,  0  ;  also 
the  similar  sense  of  '  deformitas '  in  11. 
32,  6,  &c. :    and  of  *deformia'    in   14. 

15»  3. 

ambitu.  It  is  possible,  with  Ritt., 
to  supply  'suo',  and  thus  to  distinguish 
it  from  '  potestate  senatus  ' ;  but  it  seems 
better  to  take  the  latter  term  as  explaining 
the  former,  and  to  suppose  that  an  autho- 
ritative injunction  from  the  senate  to  the 
judges  is  called  'ambitus'  as  an  irre- 
gular and  corrupt  mode  of  gaining  the 
prize. 

11.  aequum,  sc.  'esse',  'he  met  his 
rivals  on  an  equal  footing'  (cp.  2.  42,  5  ; 
6.  25,  3),  not  as  emperor:  he  would  owe 
the  prize  to  the  merit  of  his  performance 
and  the  conscientiousness  of  the  judges. 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XVL     CAP,  3-5 


433 


carmen  in  scaena  recitat ;  mox  flagitante  vulgo  ut  omnia  studia 
sua  publicaret  (haec  enim  verba  dixere)  ingreditur  theatrum, 
cunctis  citharae  legibus  obtemperans,  ne  fessus  resideret,  ne 
sudorem  nisi  ea  quam  indutui  gerebat  veste  detergeret,  ut  nulla 

3  oris  aut  narium  excrementa  viserentur.    postremo  flexus  genu  et  5 
coetum  ilium  manu  veneratus  sententias  iudicum  opperiebatur 

4  ficto  pavore.  et  plebs  quidem  urbis,  histrionum  quoque  gestus 
iuvare  solita,  personabat  certis  modis  plausuque  composito. 
crederes  laetari,  ac  fortasse  laetabantur  per  incuriam  public! 
flagitii.  " 

1     5.  Sed  qui  remotis  e  municipiis  severaque  adhuc  et  antiqui 


■ 


1.  in  scaena,  that  of  the  great  theatre 
of  Pompeius  (see  14.  20,  2,  and  note)  :  so 
Pliny  speaks  (N.  H.  37.  2,  7,  19)  of  the 
period  of  his  more  private  performances 
as  '  dum  Pompeiano  praeludit  *. 

carmen  .  .  .  recitat,  *  he  declaims  a 
poem,'  one  of  his  own  compositions  (see 
14. 16,  I,  &c.).  Dio  states  (62.  29,  i)  that 
it  was  a  part  of  the  *  Troica '. 

ut  omnia,  &c.,  'that  he  would  make 
exhibition  of  all  his  accomplishments ' : 
cp.  Suet.  (Ner.  21),  'non  cessavit  seiden- 
tidem  publicare.' 

2.  ingreditur  theatrum,  i.e.  after 
having  appeared  as  a  poet,  he  now  ap- 
pears as  a  musician.  In  Suet.  Vit.  4  it 
is  stated  that  he  had  left  the  theatre  after 
his  recitation,  and,  notwithstanding  the 
popular  demand,  shrank  from  coming 
forward  again,  till  Vitellius,  who  was 
presiding  at  the  games,  went  as  if  in  the 
name   of  the   people,  and  overcame  his 

.  apparent   reluctance.     Suet,    adds    (Ner. 
',21)  that,  after  preluding,  he  announced 

through  Cluvius  Rufus  that  he  would  sing 

the  part  of  Niobe. 

3.  citharae  legibus,  '  the  etiquette  of 
the  harper's  profession ' :  for  a  similar 
account,  see  Suet.  Ner.  24. 

4.  indutui.  This  word  is  used  here 
alone  in  Tacitus,  also  in  Varr.,  Apul., 
Ammian.,  but  always  in  dat.  sing,  or  pi. 
Cp.  *  vestitui  pelles '  (G.  46,  3),  and  other 
such  datives  in  Introd.  i.  v.  §  23. 

5.  genu,  best  taken  (with  Nipp.)  as 
accus.  of  the  part  concerned. 

6.  coetum  ilium,  contemptuously. 
The  *  iudices '  were  much  influenced  by 
the  popular  voice. 

7.  ficto  pavore.  Suet,  speaks  (Ner. 
33)  as  if  he  had  worked  himself  into  a 
real  fear.  Dio  (63.  9,  2)  speaks  of  a 
similar  reality  or  show  of  fear  in  Greece. 


The  statement  of  Suet.  (21),  that  he  put 
off  the  reception  of  the  crown  and  the 
rest  of  the  contest  till  the  following 
year,  is  discredited  by  the  silence  of 
Tacitus. 

8.  iuvare,  *  to  stimulate*  by  applause. 
On  the  pantomimists  (*  histriones ')  see  i . 
54,  3,  and  note. 

personabat  :  cp.  14.  15,  9,  and 
note. 

certis  modis,  *  in  regular  cadence.* ' 
Dio  speaks  (73.  2,  3)  of  the  people  in  the 
theatres  as  trained  in  the  time  of  Com- 
modus  evpvOfUtis  (kBoclv,  and  Lips,  cites 
an  edict  of  Theodoric  in  praise  of  the 
modulated  shouting  of  his  day.  It  ap- 
pears to  be  applause  of  this  kind  that  is 
called  'concentus'  in  PI.  Pan.  2.  See 
further  references  in  Friedl.  ii.  e6i. 

composite,  'regulated':  cp.  15.  34,  2, 
and  note. 

9.  per  incuriam :  so  all  edd.  after 
Acid,  for  Med.  *  per  iniuriam '.  The  prep, 
has  here  the  force  of  *  ex  '  ( =  *  quia 
incuriosi  erant')  :  cp.  Introd.  i.  v.  §  62. 

II.  municipiis.  This  is  explained  by 
the  words  '  severa  .  .  .  Italia  ,  so  as  to 
show  that  the  Italian  towns,  which  are 
often  spoken  of  generally  as  '  municipia 
et  coloniae*  (cp.  i.  79,  i,  and  note),  are 
here  meant,  and  no  reference  included  to 
such  municipal  towns  as  existed  in  the 
provinces.  On  the  contrast  of  life  in  these 
towns  with  that  of  Rome  see  3.  55,  4, 
also  the  expressions  of  Pliny  (Ep.  1. 14,  4) 
*  patria  est  ei  Brixia  ex  ilia  nostra  Italia, 
quae  multum  adhuc  verecundiae,  frugali- 
tatis  atque  etiam  rusticitatis  antiquae 
retinet '. 

severaque,  &c.  Most  recent  edd. 
follow  Freinsh.  and  others  in  thus  reading 
(after  MS.  Agr.)  for  the  Med.  *  severam 
.  .  .  retinentes   Italiam',    which  Orelli 

f 


434 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALWM 


[A.  D.  65 


moris  retinente  Italia,  quique  per  longinquas  provincias  lascivia 
inexperti  officio  legationum  aut  privata  utilitate  advenerant, 
neque  aspectum  ilium  tolerare  neque  labori  inhonesto  sufficere, 
cum  manibus  nesciis  fatiscerent,  turbarent  gnaros  ac  saepe  a 

6  militibus  verberarentur,  qui  per  cuneos  stabant  ne  quod  temporis 
momentum  impari  clamore  aut  silentio  segni  praeteriret.     con-  2 
stitit  plerosque  equitum  dum  per  angustias  aditus  et  ingruentem 
multitudinem  enituntur  obtritos,  et  alios  dum  diem  noctemque 
sedilibus  continuant  morbo  exitiabili  correptos.     quippe  gravior  3 

10  inerat  metus,  si  spectaculo  defuissent,  multis  palam  et  pluribus 
occultis,  ut  nomina  ac  vultus,  alacritatem  tristitiamque  coeuntium 
scrutarentur.     unde  tenuioribus  statim  inrogata  supplicia,  adver-  4 
sum  inlustris  dissimulatum  ad  praesens  et  mox  redditum  odium. 


retains,  and  which  would  mean  *  still 
clinging  to  that  part  of  Italy  which  had 
strict  and  primitive  ways '.  But  the  cor- 
rection, though  not  necessary,  is  supported 
by  the  use  of  *  retinens  '  with  genit.  else- 
where (cp.  2.  38,  9,  and  note).  It  is  of 
course  clear  that  such  municipal  towns 
as  were  close  to  Rome  would  not  be  so 
spoken  of. 

1.  longinquBJS,  evidently  the  right 
reading  of  the  Med.  '■  lonquas ',  perverted 
by  other  MSS.  and  old  edd.  into  '  longas ', 
a  word  never  used  by  Tacitus  to  express 
remoteness. 

lascivia  inexperti,  *  inexperienced  in 
wantonness '  (_taken  closely  with  '  per  .  .  . 
provincias').  Med.  and  other  MSS. 
have  here  '  lasciviam  experti ',  corrected 
by  Put.  and  the  old  edd.  to  *  lasciviae  in- 
experti ',  but  by  all  recent  edd.  (after  G. 
Otto,  Divinatt.  Livian.  p.  41)  as  above; 
on  the  analogy  of  *  exercitum  .  .  .  bonis 
inexpertum  atque  insuetum  '  (Liv.  23.  18, 
10).  Tacitus  has  *  bellis  (or  '  bello ')  in- 
expertus  '  ('  untried  by  war ')  in  H.  i.  8,  2  ; 

2.  75»  I- 

2.  oflaicio  .  .  .  utilitate,  causal  abla- 
tives (Introd.  i.  v.  §  30). 

3.  aspectmn,  the  sight  of  an  emperor 
on  the  stage. 

labori  .  .  .  s\ifficere,  'were  equal  to 
the  degrading  toil ' :  cp.  3,  32,  i,  and 
note. 

4.  fatiscerent:  cp.  3.  38,  i  (and note); 
14.  24,  I. 

gnaros,  sc.  '  plaudendi  *,  *  the  trained 
applauders,'    the     'Augustiani'    of    14. 

15,8. 

5.  cuneos  :  cp.  2.  83,  5. 

6.  impari, '  ill-regulated ' ;  in  contrast 


with  such  as  is  described  in  c.  4,  4. 
constitit:  cp.  13.  35,  ?,  and  note. 

7.  plerosque  = '  permultos '. 

8.  enituntur,  *  struggle  up '  (cp.  1. 65, 
9  ;  70,  6,  &c.)  to  the  outlets.  This  pas- 
sage would  show  Suet,  to  be  exaggerating 
when  he  says  (Ner.  23)  that  all  egress 
during  the  performance  was  absolutely 
prohibited.  He  adds  'Itaque  et  enixae 
quaedam  in  spectaculis  dicuntur,  et  multii 
.  .  .  aut  furtim  desiluisse  de  muro  aut 
morte  simulata  funere  elati '.  The  latter 
statement  is  repeated  by  Dio  (^3.  15,  3). 

diem  noctemque  :  see  14.  20,  8. 

9.  sedilibus,  abl.  of  place  :  see  Introd. 
i.  v.  §  25. 

continuant :  cp.  14.  20,  3,  and  note. 

10.  metus  si,  only  found  here  and  in 
I.  II,  5  (where  see  note). 

palam,  sc.  *  praesentibus ',  *  many 
being  there  openly' :  cp.  the  use  of  this 
adv.  as  predicate  in  11.  22,  i,  &c.  The 
espionage  exercised  elsewhere  than  in  the 
theatre  may  be  illustrated  from  the  story 
told  by  Philostratus  (Vit.  Ap.  4,  39),  that 
Apollonius,  during  his  visit  to  Rome, 
incurred  danger  by  insufficiently  applaud- 
ing a  musician  who  sang  Nero's  songs  in 
the  streets. 

11.  coeuntium, sc. '  in  theatre ',  Nipp. 
notes  that  it  is  implied  that  these  people 
would  also  notice  the  absence  of  any 
person  of  consideration. 

13.  redditum,  apparently  here  taken 
in  the  sense  of  paying  off  a  debt,  and  ana- 
logously to  the  use  of  '  reddere  cladem ' 
('retaliating  a  defeat')  in  Livy  (24.  17, 
7  ;  20,  2  ;  27.  49,  5).  In  14.  33,  6  (where 
see  note),  the  sense  is  different. 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XVL      CAP.  5,   6 


435 


6  ferebantque  Vespasianum,  tamquam  somno  coniveret,  a  Phoebo 
liberto  increpitum  aegreque  meliorum  precibus  obtectum,  mox 
imminentem  perniciem  maiore  fato  effugisse. 

1  e.    Post  finem   ludicri  Poppaea  mortem  obiit  fortuita  mariti 
iracundia,  a  quo  gravida  ictu  calcis  adflicta  est.     neque  enim  5 
venerium  crediderim,  quamvis  quidam  scriptores  tradant,  odio 
magis  quam  ex  fide :  quippe  liberorum  cupiens  et  amori  uxoris 

2  obnoxius  erat.  corpus  non  igni  abolitum,  ut  Romanus  mos,  sed 
regum   externorum    consuetudine   differtum   odoribus   conditur 


I .  ferebant :  the  tense  appears  to  be 
used  to  denote  a  tradition  of  the  time. 
The  story  is  told,  with  variations,  by 
Suet.  (Vesp.  4)  and  Dio  {d^.  11,  2),  both 
of  whom  place  it  in  Nero's  expedition  to 
Greece.  No  other  mention  of  Vespasian 
occurs  in  the  extant  portion  of  the  Annals, 
except  the  allusion  to  his  frugality  (3.  55, 
5)  ;  but  he  must  have  been  mentioned  in 
the  narrative  of  the  campaigns  of  Plau- 
tius  in  Britain,  and  afterwards  at  his 
appointment  to  deal  with  the  Jewish 
rebellion. 

tamqtiam,  *  on  the  ground  that ' :  op. 
12.  39>  5>  &c. 

Phoebo.  This  freedman,  otherwise 
unnoticed  in  Tacitus,  is  mentioned  by 
Dio  (1. 1.),  who  adds  that  he  then  bade 
Vespasian  «?  KopaKas  dneXOetv,  and  was 
afterwards  contemptuously  dismissed  by 
him  with  the  same  words,  when  he  came 
to  apologize  to  him  as  emperor.  His  full 
name  is  given  in  an  inscription  (C.  I.  L. 
6.  15207),  *Ti.  Claudio,  Aug.  1.,  Phoebo 

^  Claudia  Pannychis.' 
2.  obtectum.  Suet,  says  (1. 1.)  that  he 
/was  *  prohibitus  non  contubemio  modo 
I  sed  etiam  publica  salutatione ',  and 
I  retired  to  an  obscure  place  till  he  was 
I  appointed  to  the  command  in  Judaea. 
/  The  mention  of  such  an  interval  supports 
I  the  date  here  given  to  the  offence,  rather 
than  that  given  by  Suet,  himself  (see  note 
1  above). 

3.  maiore  fato,  *  by  a  greater  destiny,' 
i.  e.  because  a  greater  destiny  was  in  store 
for  him.  The  words  of  Tacitus  imply 
that  Vespasian,  though  preserved  at  the 
moment  by  the  intervention  of  friends, 
was  again,  or  in  the  course  of  events 
would  have  been,  afterwards  in  peril,  had 
he  not  been  selected  for  an  appointment 
which  was  destined  to  elevate  him  to  the 
imperial  dignity.  His  career  is  con- 
stantly spoken  of  as  marked  by  predic- 
tens,  &c.  :    see  H.  i.  10,  7 ;  2. 


78,    I  ;    4.   81  ;  Suet    Vesp.   5  ;    Dio, 
66.  I. 

5.  ictu  calcis.  The  same  story  is 
given  (without  any  alternative  suggestion 
of  poison)  in  Suet.  Ner.  35,  and  Dio,  62. 
27,  4.  The  former  author  adds  a  detail, 
that  his  burst  of  passion  was  caused  by 
her  having  reproached  him  for  coming 
late  from  the  circus. 

6.  venenum,  sc.  *  fuisse ' :  see  Introd. 
i.  V.  §  39  c. 

7.  araori  uxoris  obnoxius,  *  domi- 
nated by  love  of  his  wife '  (cp.  3.  34,  5  ; 
58,  4,  &c.)  :  so  Suet.  (1. 1.)  *  Poppaeam 
dilexit  unice '. 

8.  abolitum,  so  used  by  Tacitus  of 
consumption  by  fire  in  2.  49,  i,  and  often 
in  other  senses.  The  word  is  not  found 
before  Verg.  and  Liv. 

Bomanus  mos.  Pliny  states  (N.  H. 
7-  .'^4>  55>  187)  that  it  was  not  an  old 
Roman  custom,  but  was  first  instituted 
for  disposing  of  the  dead  in  distant  wars ; 
also  that  it  slowly  won  its  way  at  Rome ; 
the  cremation  of  Sulla  having  been  the 
first  instance  of  its  use  in  the  Cornelia 
gens. 

9.  differtum,  *  stuffed '  ;  av,  dp.  in 
Tacitus,  and  elsewhere  rare,  but  found 
(only  in  the  participle  form)  in  Caes. 
B.  C.  3.  32,  4;  Hon  Sat.  i.  5,  4;  Ep.  i. 

6,59- 

conditur,  '  is  embalmed  ' :  cp.  *  con- 
diunt  Aegyptii'Trroffuos*  (Cic.  Tusc.  i. 
4-!;,  108).  It  expresses  the  result,  as 
*  differtum '  the  process.  To  derive  it 
(with  some  edd.)  from  'condere  '  (cp.  H. 
5.  5,  5),  would  here  involve  a  tautology. 
This  departure  from  Roman  custom  may 
have  been  due,  as  Schiller  fp.  200)  thinks, 
to  the  affection  (or  remorse)  of  Nero. 
Friedlaender  (i.  451)  connects  it  with  her 
Jewish  predilections,  mentioned  by  Jose- 
phus  (Ant.  20.  8,  II,  &c.)  ;  but  the  Jews 
did  not  really  embalm  their  dead  (J oh. 
19,  40). 

fa 


43^ 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  63 


tumuloque  luliorum  infertur.     ductae  tamen  publicae  exequiae  3 
laudavitque  ipse  apud  rostra  formam  eius  et  quod  divinae  infantis 
parens  fuisset  aliaque  fortunae  munera  pro  virtutibus. 

7.  Mortem  Poppaeae  ut  palam  tristem,  ita  recordantibus  lae-  1 

5  tarn   ob  impudicitiam  eius  saevitiamque,  nova  insuper  invidia 
Nero   complevit    prohibendo   C.   Cassium    officio    exequiarum, 
quod  primum  indicium  mali.     neque  in  longum  dilatum  est,  sed  2 
Silanus  additur,  nullo  crimine  nisi  quod  Cassius  opibus  vetustis 
et   gravitate    morum,    Silanus   claritudine    generis    et    modesta 

10  iuventa   praecellebant.     igitur   missa   ad   senatum  oratione   re-  3 
movendos  a  re  publica  utrosque  disseruit,  obiectavitque  Cassio 
quod  inter  imagines  maiorum  etiam  C.  Cassi  effigiem  coluisset,  ita 


ii.  tumulo  luliorum,  the  mausoleum 
of  Augustus  :  see  i.  8,  6;  3.  4,  i ;  9,  2. 
tamen  ;    i.  e.    though    she    was    not 
burnt. 

publicae  exequiae  =»  '  publicum 
funus'  (cp.  3.  5,  i;  48,  i,  and  note"). 
Pliny  states  (N.  H.  12.  18,  41,  83),  with 
evident  exaggeration,  that  the  spices  burnt 
by  Nero  on  this  day  (cp.  3.  2,  2,  and 
note)  were  more  than  the  whole  annual 
produce  of  Arabia.  Schiller  suggests  (p. 
201),  that  probably  a  waxen  effigy  was 
burnt  on  the  pile,  so  as  to  complete  the 
usual  preliminaries  to  consecration  (see 
Preller,  Rom.  Myth.  ii.  443,  §  787). 

2.  apud  rostra  =  ' pro  rostris  '  (cp.  3. 
5,  2,  and  note).  A  '  laudatio  '  of  women 
;  seems  to  have  been  almost  unknown 
before  the  time  of  Julius  Caesar,  but  to 
have  become  prevalent  in  the  imperial 
and  other  distinguished  families.  See 
Marquardt,  Privatl.  360. 

formam  eius:  see  13.  45,  2,  &c. 

divinae  infantis,  *  a  child  which  had 
been  deified ' :  see  15.  23,  4.  On  her  own 
deification  see  c  21,  2,  and  note. 

4.  recordantibus,  *  to  those  who 
thought  upon.*  This  silent  judgement  is 
contrasted  with  the  outward  show  of 
mourning.  Her  '  saevitia '  is  mentioned 
in  15.  61,  4,  &c. 

6.  complevit  =  *  cumulavit  *  (*  com- 
pleted ').  Such  an  expression  as  *  mortem 
alicuius  complere  nova  invidia '  is  to  be 
explained  by  taking  *  mortem '  in  a  preg- 
nant sense  as  '  invidiam  mortis  '.  Even  if 
men  thought  the  death  of  Poppaea  a 
blessing,  the  brutality  by  which  Nero  was 
alleged  to  have  caused  it  would  raise  a 
feeling  against  him,  to  which  he  now 
added  a  new  odium. 


C.  Cassium,  the  jurist :  see  12.  11,  4, 
and  note.  A  prohibition  from  attending 
her  funeral  would  be  a  kind  of  *rennn-j 
tiatio  amicitiae'  (cp.  15.  23,  6,  and 
note). 

7.  dilatum  est,  sc.  'malum'.  The 
conjecture  of  Acid.,  *  dilatus  est,'  is  not 
needed,  but  derives  some  support  from  4. 
19,  I. 

8.  Silanus  :  see  15.  52,  3.  and  note. 
An  account,  different  from  that  of  Tacitus, 
apparently  referring  (though  with  an 
error  of  name)  to  this  case,  is  preserved 
by  the  old  Schol.  on  Juv.  i,  33  (*  magni 
delator  amici  *)  :  '  Heliodorum  dicit, 
Stoicum  Philosophum,  qui  Licinium  Si- 
lanum,  discipulum  suum,  cum  arguere- 
tur  coniurationis,  infitiantem,  praeter 
domesticam  delationem,  etiam  testimonio 
oppressit '.  Tt  would  also  appear  that 
this  was  the  L.  Silanus  to  whom  Titinius 
Capito,the  admirer  of  the  great  champions 
of  the  close  of  the  Republic,  obtained 
leave  from  Traian  to  erect  a  statue  in  the 
Forum  (Plin.  Ep.  i.  17). 

10.  missa  .  .  .  oratione.  On  the  use 
of  this  term  of  a  letter  from  the  princeps 
introducing  a  'relatio  '  see  3.  57,  i  (and 
note)  ;  and  c.  27,  2. 

removendos  a  re  publica.  Nipp. 
notes  that  this  need  necessarily  mean  no 
more  than  to  remove  them  from  the  exer- 
cise of  political  functions,  but  is  under- 
stood to  be  a  euphemism  for  exile. 

12.  C.  Cassi,  the  conspirator  against 
Julius  Caesar.  Suet,  makes  the  offence 
(Ner.  37),  '  quod  in  vetere  gentili  stem- 
mate  C.  Cassi  percussoris  Caesaris  im- 
agines retinuisset '.  The  effigies  of 
Brutus  and  Cassius,  though  not  carried 
publicly  at  funerals  (3,  76,  5),  had  not 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XVI.     CAP.  6-8 


437 


inscriptam  '  duci  partium' :  quippe  semina  belli  civilis  et  defectio- 

4  nem  a  domo  Caesarum  quaesitam  ;  ac  ne  memoria  tantum  infensi 

nominis  ad  discordias  uteretur,  adsumpsisse  L.  Silanum,  iuvenem 

genere  nobilem,  animo  praeruptum,  quern  novis  rebus  ostentaret. 

1  8.  Ipsum  dehinc  Silanum  increpuit  isdem  quibus  patruum  eius  5 
Torquatum,  tamquam  disponeret  iam  imperii  curas  praeficeretque 
rationibus  et  libellis  et  epistulis  libertos,  inania  simul  et  falsa  : 
nam  Silanus  intentior  metu  et  exitio  patrui  ad  praecavendum  ex- 

2  territus  erat.     inducti  posthac  vocabulo  indicum  qui  in  Lepidam, 


been  destroyed  by  order  of  Augustus  (4. 
35,  3,  and  note),  and,  as  is  shown  by  what 
Pliny  says  (1.  1.)  of  Titinius  ('  minim  est 
qua  religione,  quo  studio  imagines  Bru- 
torum,  Cassiorum,  Catonum  domi,  ubi 
potest,  habeat '),  were  allowed  to  be 
honoured  privately  under  Trajan  ;  and 
their  birthdays  were  kept  as  festivals, 
even  at  this  time,  by  men  of  republican 
sentiments,  as  Thrasea  and  Helvidius 
( (Juv.  5,  36).  It  is  possible  that  the  point 
j  of  the  charge  here  lies  in  the  inscription 

*  duci  partium  ' ;  or  that  the  form  of  such 
prohibitory   decrees   (see    3.  32,  3)  may 

,  have  now  extended,  as  in  other  cases  (see 
i  II"  35»  2\  to  mere  possession;  perhaps 
I  more  probable  that  such  possession  was 
j  in  this  case  made  penal  by  an  arbitrary 
I  stretch. 

1 .  duci  partium,  *  to  the  leader  of  the 
cause ' ;  so  '  partis ',  in  2.  43,  3,  &c. 

2.  quaesitam,  *was  aimed  at.'  Ritt. 
reads  '  quaesita  \ 

ne.  Faem.  has  been  universally 
followed  in  inserting  this  word,  which 
may  well  have  dropped  out  before  '  me- 
moria'. Besides  renewing  the  memory 
of  an  old  name  he  was  bringing  forward 
a  new  man. 

;     4.  genere   nobilem,  as  a  descendant 

,  of  Augustus  (Introd.  i.  p.  139). 

praeruptuDQ,  '  reckless  * :  the  word 
does  not  seem  elsewhere  to  be  used  of 
persons,  but  may  be  compared  with  a 
similar  use  of  '  praeceps '  (cp.  *  homo  in 
omnibus  consiliis  praeceps'  Cic.  Phil.  5. 
I3>  37)'  For  a  somewhat  similar  meta- 
phorical application  to  things  see  5.  2,  i, 
and  note.  The  oldest  edd.  read  '  prom- 
ptum '  after  an  inferior  MS. 

novis  rebvus,  *  for  a  revolution.' 
He  would  use  him,  as  Nipp,  points  out, 

*  ad  discordias,'  to  stimulate  a  revolution- 
ary movement  by  showing  a  person  who 
<:ould  be  made  emperor. 


6.  Torquatum  :  see  15.  35,  i,  where 
the  charge  of  having  freedmen  with  such 
titles  is  mentioned. 

7.  inania,  &c.,  referred  only  to  *  prae- 
ficeret  .  .  .  libertos '.  Such  an  act  would 
not  have  been  positively  illegal,  and  (in 
his  case)  the  charge  was  also  false.  On 
such  an  accus.  in  apposition  see  Introd. 
I.  V.  §  12  a. 

8.  intentior  metu.  The  fear  uni- 
versally prevalent  had  made  him  all  the 
more  on  his  guard  (cp.  14.  3,  3)  in  general, 
and  the  fate  of  his  uncle  had  been  a 
special  warning  against  that  particular 
ground  of  offence  (Nipp.).  For  the  con- 
struction '  exterritus  ad '  cp.  3.  49,  i,  and 
note  on  2.  63,  3. 

9.  inducti,  *  were  brought  before  the 
senate ' ;  so  in  4.  8,  5  ;  6.  7,  2  :  cp.  the 
full  expression  in  4.  28,.  i.  This  reading 
is  adopted  by  Halm,  Nipp.  (ed.  4),  and 
Dr.  from  Ferretti :  others  retain  the  Med. 
*  inducit',  which  would  answer  to  'incre- 
puit', but  would  seem  to  imply  personal 
presence  of  Nero,  whose  letter  has  been 
hitherto  spoken  of.  This  denunciation  of 
persons  by  a  mere  rescript  from  Caesar, 
without  the  intervention  of  any  of  the  usual 
forms  of  accusation,  had  many  precedents 
under  Tiberius  (4.  79,  i  ;  6.  3,  3  ;  39,  2  ; 
47,  4),  notably  in  the  famous  case  of 
Seianus  (Juv.  10,  71). 

vocabulo  indicum,  *  as  nominal  in- 
formers,' but  really  suborned  to  make  up 
the  charge  ('  qui  .  .  .  confingerent ').  The 
part  alleged  to  have  been  played  by 
Heliodorus  (see  note  on  c.  7,  2)  must 
have  come  in,  if  at  all,  at  this  stage. 

Ijepidam,  lunia  Lepida,  sister  of 
lunia  Calvina  (12.  3,  8) :  see  Introd.  i.  ix. 
p.  139,  An  inscription  is  dedicated  to 
her,  as  'i]ovviav  Acnibav,  'XftX.dvov  TopKv- 
[a]Tov  OvyaTfpa,  by  lunia  Megiste, 
priestess  of  Athena  Polias,  A.  D.  41-54 
(C.  I.  Att.  iii.  i.  872). 


438 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


Cassii  uxorem,  Silani  amitam,  incestum  cum  fratris  filio  et  diros  3 
sacrorum  ritus  confingerent.     trahebantur  ut  conscii  Vulcacius 
TuUinus  ac  Marcellus  Cornelius  senatores  et  Calpurnius  Fabatus 
eques  Romanus ;  qui  appellate  principe  instantem  damnationem 

5  frustrati,  mox  Neronem  circa  summa  scelera  distentum  quasi 
minores  evasere. 

9.  Tunc  consulto  senatus  Cassio  et  Silano  exilia  decernuntur :  1 
de  Lepida  Caesar  statueret.  deportatusque  in  insulam  Sardinian!  2 
Cassius,  et  senectus  eius  expectabatur.    Silanus  tamquam  Naxum 

10  deveheretur  Ostiam  amotus,  post  municipio  Apuliae,  cui  nomen 
Barium  est,clauditur.  illic  indignissimum  casum  sapienter  tolerans  3 
a  centurione  ad  caedem  misso   corripitur  ;    suadentique  venas 
abrumpere  animum  quidem  morti  destinatum  ait,  sed  non  remit- 
tere  percussori  glorfem  ministerii.    at  centurio  quamvis  inermem,  4 


1.  diros,  magical  rites:  see  2.  27,  2, 
and  note. 

2.  Vulcacius  Tullinus.  The  second 
Medicean  gives  Vulcacius  here  and  in 
H.  iv.  9  and  it  is  the  right  spelling.  Cf. 
Prosopogr.  Imp.  Rom.  iii.  pp.  473,  474. 
He  is  very  probably  the  same  man  as 
the  Vulcacius  Tertullinus  of  Hist.  iv.  9. 

3.  Marcellus  Cornelius.  Borghesi 
(CEuvr.  i.  486)  thinks  him  the  same  who 
is  recorded  in  two  inscriptions  (C.  I.  L.  10. 
7192,  7266)  as  'quaestor  pro  praetore', 
and  afterwards  as  proconsul  in  Sicily. 
Lips,  thinks  him  also  the  same  who  is 
alluded  to  in  H.  i.  37,  6,  as  put  to  death 
by  Galba  in  Spain,  where  (as  Nipp.  sug- 
gests) he  mieht  have  been  a  praetorian 
legatus  legionis. 

Calpurnius  Fabatujs,  still  living  as  an 
old  man  in  the  time  of  the  younger  Pliny, 
who  married  his  granddaughter  Calpurnia 
Hispulla,  and  frequently  writes  to  him. 
An  inscription  found  at  Como  (C.  I.L.  v. 
2-  5267)  gives  his  name  as  'C.  Calpur- 
nius L.  f.  Ouffentina  tribu)  Fabatus*,  and 
records  him  as  having  filled  municipal 
ofifices,  also  as  having  been  'praefectus 
fabrum',  'tribunus  legionis  xxi  Rapacis,' 
and  '  praefectus  cohortis  vii  Lusita- 
norum  *. 

1      4.  appellate  piincipe.     By  this  they 

I  would  at  least  gain  time. 

5.  circa,  '  in  relation  to  '  :  see  In  trod, 
i.  V.  §  58. 

distentum  :  cp.  11.  12,  i,  and 
note. 

6.  minores,  '  beneath  notice.'  In  H. 
2.  16,  6  Tacitus  notes  the  escape  of  similar 


insignificant  culprits  *in  multa  conluvie 
rerum  maioribus  Hagitiis  permixtos'. 

7.  consulto  senatus,  apparently  a 
right  correction  of  G  and  other  MSS. 
for  the  Med.  '  consulto  senatu ',  which 
would  hardly  be  correctly  used  at  this 
stage  of  the  proceedings.  The  same 
order  of  words  is  found  in   11.  35,  2. 

8.  Caesar  statueret.     Her  fate  does] 
not  appear  to  be  known, 

Sardiniam,  probably  chosen  for  its 
unhealthiness  (see  2.  85,  5\ 

9.  senectus  eius,  a  brilliant  emenda- 
tion, cited  by  Gron.  from  Franc.  Medici, 
and  adopted  by  all  after  Em.  Med,  has 
'senatus  eius',  corrected  in  the  old  edd. 
to  'senatus  ius'.  'They  were  waiting  for 
old  age  to  carry  him  off  *  :  cp.  '  ut  sene- 
ctam  principis  opperirentur '  (11,  26,  2), 
He  had  been  consul  thirty-five  years  pre- 
viously (see  on  12.  11,4)  and  was  already 
blind  (Suet.  Ner,  37),  but  lived  to  return 
and  die  a  natural  death  under  Vespasian 
(Pomponius,  in  Dig.  i.  2,  2,  §  52). 

11.  Barium,  Bari,  on  the  Adriatic,  near 
Canusium  ;  cp.  '  Bari  moenia  piscosi  ' 
(_Hor.  Sat.  i.  5,  97).  It  is  mentioned  in 
a  way  that  would  show  it  to  be  so  obscure 
as  to  be  almost  unknown, 

12.  suadenti,  with  inf.  :  cp,  3.  53,  2, 
and  note. 

1 3.  non  remittere,  &c.  Here  '  remit- 
tere',  probably  the  correction  of  the  first 
hand  for  the  first  reading  '  peremittere ', 
has  been  adopted  by  Halm  and  others 
after  Nipp.  '  He  would  not  excuse  the 
assassin  from  his  noble  office,'  i.  e.  he 
would  insist  on  his  doing  his  own  vile 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XVI.      CAP.   8-10 


439 


praevalidum  tamen  et  irae  quam  timori  propiorem  cernens  premi 
5  a  militibus  iubet.     nee  omisit  Silanus  obniti  et  intendere  ictus, 
quantum  manibus  nudis  valebat,  donee  a  centurione  vulneribus 
adversis  tamquam  in  pugna  eaderet. 

1  10.  Haud  minus  prompte  L.  Vetus  soerusque  eius  Sextia  et  5 
PoUitta   filia   necem  subiere,  invisi   principi   tamquam  vivendo 
exprobrarent    interfectum    esse   Rubellium    Plautum,   generum 

2  Luci  Veteris.     sed  initium  detegendae  saevitiae  praebuit  inter- 
versis  patroni   rebus  ad  accusandum  transgrediens  Fortunatus 
libertus,  adscito   Claudio   Demiano,  quem   ob   flagitia  vinctum  ic 
a  Vetere  Asiae  pro  consule  exolvit  Nero  in  praemium  accusa- 

3  tionis.     quod  ubi  cognitum   reo   seque   et   libertum  pari  sorte 

4  componi,    Formianos    in    agros    digreditur :    illic   eum   milites 
occulta  custodia  circumdant.     aderat  filia,  super  ingruens  peri- 


work  (cp.  *  remittere  beneficium'  ii.  3,  3). 
Ritt.  thinks  the  Med.  text  a  corruption  of 
'se  remittere',  and  that  the  subject  can 
hardly  be  supplied  from  '  animum ' ;  but 
such  omissions  of  the  pronoun  are  in  the 
manner  of  Tacitus.   The  common  reading 

*  permittere '  might  mean  that  he  would 
not  let  him  execute  his  office  without 
resistance,  but  gives  no  answer  to  the 
suggestion  that  he  should  dispatch  him- 
self, and  does  not  sufficiently  bring  out 
the  irony  of '  gloriam '. 

I.  premi  =  ' opprimi ' :  cp.  14.  5,  2, 
and  note.  The  narrative  is  similar  to 
that  of  the  death  of  Agrippa  Postumus 
(I.  6,  1). 

3.  nudis,  *  unarmed.'    Jacob  compares 

*  dextrasque  nudas  ostentantes,  ut  abie- 
cisse  gladios  appareret*  (Liv.  28.  3,  11). 

a    centurione  .  .  .  eaderet.      Here 

*  eaderet '  has  the  sense  and  construction 
of  '  interficeretur ' ;  cp.  Suet.  Oth.  5 
'nihil  referre  ab  hoste  in  acie  an  in  foro 
sub  creditoribus  eaderet'.  So  aitoOaviiv 
vTTo  Tivos  (Hdt.  I.  137,  2,  &c.). 

4.  adversis,  'in  the  front  of  his  body' 
(cp.  12.  30,  2,  &c.). 

5.  L.  Vetus,  mentioned  as  consul  (13. 
II,  1),  and  as  counselling  resistance  to 
his    son-in-law    Rubellius    Plautus    (14. 

58,  3). 

6.  Pollitta,  adopted  by  all  recent  edd. 
after  Nipp.,  as  a  known  Roman  name 
(see  C.  I.  L.  3.  1074),  which  'Pollutia' 
and  *  Pollucia  '  (usually  read  for  the  Med. 

*  poliitia  ')  are  not.  The  name  here  given 
is  a  cognomen ;  her  gentile  name  being 
Antistia  (14.  22,  5). 


tamquam  vivendo,  &c. ,  'as  if  by 
merely  living  they  silently  reproached  him 
with  the  murder  of  Rubellius  *  (on  which 
see  14.  57-59)- 

8.  initium  .  .  .  praebuit,  sc.  'prin- 
cipi '. 

interversis,  *  after  having  embezzleiJ ' ; 
so  in  Plant,  and  Cic.  In  H.  2.  95,  5,  it 
has  the  sense  of  squandering. 

11.  Asiae  pro  consule.  Nipp.  shows 
that  Vetus  must  have  held  this  procon- 
sulate in  the  year  immediately  preceding 
these  events,  and  must  have  been  successor 
to  Otho  Titianus  (see  on  12.  52,  i);  as 
he  was  evidently  immediate  predecessor 
of  M'.  Acilius  (see  on  12.  64,  i),  whose 
edict  found  at  Chios  (C.  I.  G.  2222), 
mentioning  kmaroX^v  'kvriariov  Ovirepos 
Tov  irpd  (fiov  dv9vira.T[^ov'\,  dvSpos 
enKpaveoTCLTov,  must  from  its  expression 
have  been  written  before  this  trial. 

12.  seque  et :  cp.  i.  4,  i,  and  note. 
pari    sorte    componi,    *  were    pitted 

against  each  other  on  an  equal  fooling ' 
(C.  and  B.) ;  apparently  a  metaphor  from 
the  arena:  cp.  5.  i,  5, and  note;  15.  51,  7. 
The  indignity  of  this  may  be  gathered 
from  the  remarks  on  the  conduct  of  freed- 
men  in  13.  26,  2,  and  from  the  principle 
laid  down  by  jurists  that  a  freedman  was 
wholly  precluded  from  bringing  a  criminal 
accusation  against  his  patron  (Dig.  48.  2, 
8),  and  was  even  liable  to  be  punished  as 
a  slave  for  doing  so  (Cod.  9.  i,  21). 

1 3.  Formianos  in  agros, '  to  his  estates 
at  Formiae  '  (15.  46,  3). 

14.  super,  '  besides,'  irrespectively  of. 


440 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


culum  longo  dolore  atrox  ex  quo  percussores  Plauti  mariti  sui 
viderat;  cruentamque  cervicem  eius  amplexa  servabat  sanguinem 
et  vestis  respersas,  vidua  impexa  luctu  continue  nee  ullis  alimentis 
nisi  quae  mortem  arcerent.    tum  hortante  patre  Neapolim  pergit ; 
5  et  quia  aditu  Neronis  prohibebatur,  egressus  obsidens,  audiret  6 
insontem  neve  consulatus  sui  quondam  collegam  dederet  liberto, 
modo  muliebri  eiulatu,  aliquando  sexum  egressa  voce  infensa 
clamitabat,  donee  princeps  immobilem  se  precibus  et  invidiae 
iuxta  ostendit. 
10      11.  Ergo  nuntiat  patri  abicere  spem  et  uti  necessitate :  simul  1 
adfertur  parari  cognitionem  senatus  et  trucem  sententiam.     nee  2 
defuere  qui  monerent  magna  ex  parte  heredem  Caesarem  nuncu- 


1.  atrox,  *  exasperated ' :  cp.  14.  61,  3, 
&c. 

2.  cervicem.  He  had  been  beheaded 
and  his  head  had  been  carried  off  (14. 

59'  4)- 
sanguinem  et  vestis,  hendiadys  for 

*  vestis  sanguine  respersas '. 

3.  impexa,  *rak£xnpt';  so  Halm, 
Nipp.,  Kitt.,  after  Wurm.  The  reading 
is  somewhat  recommended  by  the  fact 
that  apparently  the  only  other  use  of  the 
word  in  prose  is  in  Dial.  20,  3  ('  tristem 
et  impexam  antiquitatem '),  and  that 
Tacitus  may  well  here,  as  so  often  else- 
where, have  borrowed  from  Vergil.  The 
Med.  text  '  In  plexa  '  (*  inplexa  '),  which 
others  retain,  may  have  been  corrupted 
by  *  amplexa '  above,  and  could  only 
mean  'wrapped  up  in  grief,  a  meaning 
which  would  be  an.  elp,,  and  one  which 
we  should  certainly  have  expected  Tacitus 
to  have  expressed  by  '  implicata '  (cp.  4. 
53,  i).      Other  emendations   ('impleta,' 

*  inflexa,'  *  inexpleta ')  have  been  sug- 
gested, and  Acid,  would  strike  out  the 
word   altogether    as  a  corruption   from 

*  amplexa '. 

nee  ullis  alimentis.  It  is  perhaps 
best  to  take  both  this  and  '  luctu  con- 
tinuo'  as  abl.  of  quality  (Introd.  i.  v. 
§  39).  Dr.  prefers  to  take  the  abl.  as  ab- 
solute, noting  the  frequent  use  of  '  nullus ' 
in  this  case. 

4.  hortante,  aoristic. 

5.  egressus,  here  used  of  points  of 
exit :  cp.  '  ad  egressus  missus  septemplicis 
Istri'  (Ov.  Tr.  2.  189). 

6.  insontem,  her  father.  He  was 
colleague  in  Nero's  first  consulship  (13. 
1',  I). 

dederet,   'surrender  to  a    freedraan,' 


i.  e.  condemn  to  please  him  :  cp.  c.  20,  2, 
&c. 

7.  naodo  .  .  .  aliquando  :  cp.  11.  34,  i, 
and  note. 

egressa :  cp.  *  terminos  aetatis  .  .  . 
egrederetur'  (H.  4.  51,  3),  &c. 

8.  precibus  et  invidiae  iuxta,  *  alike 
to  entreaty  and  reproach '  (the  *  vox  in- 
fensa'). 'Invidia'has  this  sense  in  11. 
34,  5  ;  H.  4.  68,  7,  &c.,  and  is  so  con- 
trasted with  '  preces'  in  3.  67,  4 ;  4.  53,  i. 
For  the  sense  of  'iuxta*  cp.  11.  33,  i, 
and  note. 

10.  nuntiat  .  .  .  abicere  .  This  con- 
struction is  noted  as  d-n.  elp.,  but  the  inf. 
is  used  with  'denuntio'  in  11.137,  3,  and 
with  many  verbs  of  analogous  meaning, 
as  with  *  monere '  here  and  in  11.  i,  3,  &c. 
See  Introd.  i.  v.  §  43. 

uti  necessitate,  '  to  make  the  best  of 
the  inevitable,'  i.  e.  to  die  with  dignity : 
cp.  *  bene  morte  usum'  (6.  48,  5). 

11.  cognitionem,  the  technical  word 
for  a  criminal  trial  before  the  senate  (c. 
30,  3;  I-  75»  I ;  2.  28,  4,  &c.)  or  before 
the  princeps  (3.  10,  3,  &c.)  :  see  Momms. 
Staatsr.  ii.  121,  964. 

trucem,  *  stern '  (the  sentence  of  death 
'  more  maiorum '  mentioned  below) : 
*trux  sententia'  occurs  in  Liv.  29.  19,  5  ; 
so  'trux  eloquentia  '  (6.  48,  6), '  ©ratio' 
(H.  4.  42,  3), '  atrox  sententia'  (5.  3,  4), 
'senatus  consultum'  (12.  53,  3). 

12.  heredem  Caesarem  nuncupare: 
see  note  on  2.  48,  i.  Suet,  goes  the  length 
of  stating  (Ner.  32)  that  Nero  so  insisted 
on  this  as  even  to  enact  *  ut  ingratorum 
in  principem  testamenta  ad  fiscum  perti- 
nerent';  and  Pliny  alludes  to  Domitian 
(Pan.  43)  as  '  unus  omnium,  nunc  quia 
scriptus,  nunc  quia  non  scriptus,  heres '. 


A.  D.  65] 


LIBER  XVI.      CAP.   10,  II 


44t 


3  pare  atque  ita  nepotibus  de  reliquo  consulere.  quod  aspernatus, 
ne  vitam  proxime  libertatem  actam  novissimo  servitio  foedaret, 
largitur  in  servos  quantum  aderat  pecuniae  ;  et  si  qua  asportari 
possent,  sibi  quemque  deducere,  tres  modo  lectulos  ad  suprema 

4  retineri  iubet.     tunc  eodem  in  cubiculo,  eodem  ferro  abscindunt  5 
venas,  properique  et  singulis  vestibus  ad  verecundiam  velati  bali- 
neis  inferuntur,  pater  filiam,  avia  neptem,  ilia  utrosque  intuens, 
et  certatim  precantes  labenti  animae  celerem  exitum,  ut  relinque- 

6  rent  suos  superstites  et  morituros.     servavitque  ordinem  fortuna, 
6  ac  seniores  prius,  turn  cui  prima  aetas  extinguuntur.     accusati  10 
post  sepulturam  decretumque  ut  more  maiorum  punirentur,  et 
Nero  intercessit,  mortem  sine  arbitro  permittens :  ea  caedibus 
peractis  ludibria  adiciebantur. 


I.  nepotibus.  The  children  of  Ru- 
bellius  Plautus  are  mentioned  in  14.  59,  i. 
One  of  them  would  be  the  Rubellius 
Blandus  addressed  in  Juv.  8,  39. 
I  2.  proxime  libertatem,  *  in  a  way  as 
Inear  as  might  be  to  fieedom' :  cp.  *  iuxta 
libertatem'  (6.  42,  3).  For  the  accus. 
with  *  proxime '  cp.  note  on  15.  15,  6. 

novissimo  servitio,  *  servility  at  the 
last  moment':  cp.  11.  3,  3,  and  note. 

3.  in  servos,  *  among  his  slaves':  on 
this  sense  of  'in'  cp.  i.  55,  2;  2.  8,  i, 
and  notes. 

4.  deducere,  apparently  here  alone 
used,  in  the  sense  of  '  auferre ',  of  inani- 
mate goods  and  chattels. 

ad  suprema,  *  for  the  last  act ' :  cp. 
*■  ad  improvisa  '  (H.  5.  16,  i),  &c. 

5.  abscindunt :  cp.  15. 69,  3,  and  note. 

6.  properi,  adverbial :  cp.  6.  44,  i ;  and 
other  such  uses  noted  in  Introd.  i.  v.  §  6 ; 
Dr.  Synt.  und  Stil,  §  8. 

8.  relinquerent .  . .  morituros.  Each 
prayed  that  he  (or  she)  might  die  first 
(be  spared  the  pain  of  seeing  the  others 
die),  and  yet  with  the  certainty  that  the 
others  would  die  a  few  moments  later, 
and  not  be  spared  for  a  worse  fate.  Most 
add.  read  *  relinquerent ',  with  inferior 
MSS.  The  Med.  *  relinqueret '  can  how- 
ever possibly  be  explained  by  supplying 
(with  Frost  and  Pfitzn.)  a  singular  subject 
from  *  certatim  ',  as  it  is  plain  that  their 
several  prayers,  not  a  combined  pre- 
cation,  are  spoken  of.  Walther  (who  is 
followed  by  Orelli)  also  retains  Med., 
but  less  well  makes  *  anima '  the  subject. 
*  Et '  has  here  the  force  of  '  et  tamen  ',  as 
in  I.  13,  2  (where  see  note),  &c. 


9.  ordinem,  sc.  *  naturae  '. 

10.  seniores  :  so  generally  read  by  edd. 
after  Oberl.  on  the  suggestion  of  Acid. 
Med.  has  *  seniore ',  the  old  edd.  '  senior '. 
The  text,  as  here  given,  may  be  one  in 
which  conciseness  has  been  studied  at  the 
expense  of  accurate  expression  ;  and  *  sen- 
iores prius  ',  in  the  light  of  the  preceding 
sentence,  may  be  understood  to  mean  not 
only  that  Sextia  and  Vetus  died  before 
PoUitta,  but  also  that  the  former  died 
first  of  all.  Still,  a  more  exact  expres- 
sion would  be  expected ;  also  the  words 
'cui  prima  aetas'  would  more  naturally 
designate  a  child  than  one  old  enough  to 
have  been  some  years  previously  a  wife 
and  a  mother.  These  considerations  give 
much  force  to  the  alternative  suggestion 
of  Acid.,  that  'senior 'is  the  right  read- 
ing, and  that  '  prima  '  is  corrupted  from 
an  abbreviation  of '  proxima  '.  That  the 
youngest  died  last,  would  thus  be  left  as 
an  obvious  inference. 

11.  more  maioriim :  cp.  2.  32,  5,  and 
note  ;   14.  48,  4. 

[et  Nero  intercessit.  There  is  no 
need  for  Halm's  silent  alteration  of'et' 
to  '  at'.— F.] 

12.  intercessit:  cp.  14.  48,  3,  &c. 
sine  arbitro,    *  without    interference  *  \ 

(cp.  I.   26,   6;   15.   17,  5),  i.e.   without 
sending  a  centurion  to  execute  the  sen-  i 
tence   or  see   it   executed.      'Mors   sine  \ 
arbitro  '  is  thus  equivalent    to  '  liberum 
mortis  arbitrium'  (c.  33,  2;  11.  33,  3; 
15.60,  I). 

13.  ludibria:  cp.  '  gravioribus  iam 
ludibriis  quam  malis'  (14.  59,  6),  where 
the  *  mockery '  consists  in  a  similar  decree 


442 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  65 


12.  Publius  Gallus  eques  Romanus,  quod  Faenio  Rufo  intimus  1 
et  Veteri   non   alienus   fuerat,  aqua   atque   igni  prohibitus  est. 
liberto   et   accusatori  praemium  operae  locus  in  theatro   inter  2 
viatores  tribunicios  datur.     et  menses  qui  Aprilem  eundemque  3 
5  Neroneum  sequebantur,  Maius  Claudii,  Junius  Germanici  vocabu- 
lis  mutantur,  testificante  Cornelio  Orfito,  qui  id  censuerat,  ideo 
lunium  mensem  transmissum,  quia  duo  iam  Torquati  ob  scelera 
interfecti  infaustum  nomen  lunium  fecissent. 


expelling  from  the  senate  persons  already 
executed. 

1.  P.  Gallus.  Nipp.  notes  the  com- 
bination of  praenomen  and  cognomen  as 
very  unusual  [but  comp.  15.  48  C. 
Pisonem;  16.  10  Luci  Veteris;  13.  i  P. 
Celer. — P.],  and  suggests  that  the  name 
may  be  *  Rubrius  Gallus ',  and  the  person 
a  relative  of  the  one  so  named  in  H.  2. 
51*  3>  99>  4-  The  trial  of  this  person 
appears  to  have  been  combined  with  that 
of  Vetus,  as  the  reward  of  the  accuser  of 
the  latter  is  mentioned  after  it. 

Faenio  Rufo :  see  15.  50,  4,  &c. 

2.  aqua  atque  igni  prohibitus  est. 
Elsewhere,  the  verb  used  by  Tacitus  in 
this  formula  is  either  *  interdicere '  ('  ali- 
cui')  or 'arcere':  cp.  3.  38,  3,  and  note. 
On  the  sentence  itself  see  12.  42,  5,  and 
note. 

3.  liberto  et  accusatori.  The  two 
words  refer  to  the  same  person,  Fortu- 
natus  (c.  10,  2) :  cp.  'scriptores  senatores- 
que'  (2.  88,  i).  Nipp.  notes  that 
Demianus,  who  was  associated  with  him, 
could  not  be  called  distinctively  the 
accuser,  and  had  received  his  reward  in 
being  released  from  chains. 

inter  viatores  tribunicios.  It  is 
I  shown  by  this  passage  that  not  only 
magistrates  themselves  but  their  atten- 
dants had  places  reserved  for  them.  See 
Momms.  Staatsr.  i.  336 ;  Marquardt, 
Staatsv.  iii.  535.  Other  magistrates  as 
well  as  tribunes  had  their  '  viatores ', 
who  formed  '  decuriae '  of  themselves  (13. 
27,  2):  cp.  *  viatori  tribunicio  decuriae 
maioris*  (Orelli,  Insc.  3254^  and  other 
inscriptions  (C.  I.  L.  5.  3354). 

4.  menses  qui  .  .  .  sequebantur. 
Halm  and  Dr.  follow  Nipp.  in  thus  cor- 
recting the  Med.  '  mensis  qui  .  .  .  seque- 
batur  ',  which  others  retain ;  *  Maius ' 
being  bracketed  as  a  gloss  by  Ritt.  and 
omitted  by  Pfitzner.  But  it  is  evidently 
the  intention  of  the  sentence  to  state 
that  the  change  inaugurated  by  that  of 


April  to  'Neroneus'  (15.  74,  i)  was 
to  be  carried  on  through  two  more 
months. 

5.  Olaudii  .  .  .  Germanici.  It  is 
unnecessary  to  suppose  that  these  names 
were  to  commemorate  the  adoptive  father 
and  maternal  grandfather  of  Nero,  as 
both  names  were  borne  by  himself  (see 
Introd.  i.  ix.  p.  147).  Gains  had  given 
the  name  of  '  Germanicus '  to  September 
(Suet.  Cal.  15)  ;  Domitian  gave  those  of 
*  Germanicus '  and  *  Domitianus '  to  Sep- 
tember and  October  in  his  own  honour 
(Suet.  Dom.  13)  ;  and  the  courtiers  of 
Commodus  gave  his  various  names  to  five 
successive  months  (Vit.  11,  8),  '  Commo- 
dus' (Aug.),  '  Hercules '  (Sept.),  'Invictus' 
(Oct.),  '  Exsuperatorius '  (Nov.), '  Ama-  , 
zonius'  (Dec). 

lunius.  Halm  alone  follows  the 
recommendation  of  Madvig  (Adv.  ii.  558) 
in  adopting  from  Lips,  the  emendation 
'lulius',  on  the  ground  that  'transmis- 
sum '  below  can  thus  be  explained  with- 
out giving  it  an  unprecedented  meaning 
(see  note  there).  But,  apart  from  other 
considerations,  we  should  hardly  suppose 
that  the  proposal  to  rename  the  month 
called  after  '  divus  lulius '  would  be  alto- 
gether acceptable  even  to  a  Claudian 
Caesar. 

6.  mutantiir,  used  as  if 'nomina  meo- 
sium '  had  been  the  subject, 

testificante:  cp.  12.  7,  i. 
Cornelio  Orfito:   see  12.  41,  i,  and 
note. 

7.  transmissum.  Nipp.  follows  Pich.  1 
in  supplying  '  in  nomen  Germanici ',  thus  ■ 
giving  the  word  the  wholly  new  meaning 
of  *  was  transmuted '.  Others  explain  it  to 
mean  *  was  allowed  to  pass  into  oblivion ' ; 
which  is  in  accordance  with  the  usual 
meaning  of  the  word,  though  no  doubt 
ambiguous  or  needlessly  euphemistic  when 
used  of  actual  erasure  of  a  name  from  the 
calendar.  This  difficulty  would  of  course 
be  got  rid  of  by  reading  '  lulius '  above 


A.  D.  65I 


LIBER  XVL      CAP.   12,    13 


443 


1  13.  Tot  facinoribus  foedum  annum  etiam  dii  tempestatibus  et 
morbis  insignivere.  vastata  Campania  turbine  ventorum,  qui 
villas  arbusta  fruges  passim  disiecit  pertulitque  violentiam  ad 
vicina  urbi ;  in  qua  omne  mortalium  genus  vis  pestilentiae  de- 

2  populabatur,  nulla  caeli  intemperie  quae  occurreret  oculis.     sed  5 
domus  corporibus  exanimis,  itinera  funeribus  complebantur ;  non 
sexus,  non  aetas  periculo  vacua ;    servitia  perinde  et  ingenua 
plebes  raptim  extingui,  inter  coniugum  et  liberorum  lamenta,  qui 
dum   adsident,  dum   deflent,   saepe   eodem   rogo   cremabantur. 

3  equitum  senatorumque  interitus  quamvis  promisci  minus  flebiles  10 
erant,  tamquam  communi  mortalitate  saevitiam  principis  prae- 
venirent. 

4  Eodem  anno  dilectus  per  Galliam  Narbonensem  Africamque 
et  Asiam  habiti  sunt  supplendis  Illyrici  legionibus,  ex  quibus 


(with  Halm),  and  by  supposing  the  speaker 
to  explain  here  why  the  month  *  lunius ' 
was  *  passed  over '  in  the  renaming.  But 
the  reason  given  is  one  for  altering  the 
name  of  that  month,  rather  than  for  leav- 
ing it  unaltered  ;  and  Orfitus,  if  he  saw  his 
way  to  a  stroke  of  flattery  by  suggesting 
that  such  an  *  infaustum  nomen '  should 
disappear  from  the  calendar,  would  not 
be  disturbed  by  the  thought  that  no 
similar  reason  could  be  given  for  altering 

*  Mains '. 

Torquati,  the  two  lunii  Silani  Tor- 
quati  (15.  35,  I  ;  c.  8,  i). 

I.  Tot  facinoribus,  &c.  Suet.  (Ner. 
39),  coupling  with  the  mention  of  the 
plague  that  of  the  disasters  in  Britain  (14. 
29,  foil.)  and  Armenia  (15.  7,  foil.),  speaks 
in  a  similar  strain,  but  substitutes  the  idea 
of  chance  for  that  of  divine  judgement : 

*  Accesserunt  tantis  ex  principe  malis  pro- 
brisque  quaedam  et  fortuita ;  pestilentia 
unius  autumni,  quo  triginta  funerum 
milia  in  rationem  Libitinae  venerunt.' 
Autumn  was  always  a  sickly  time  in 
Italy. 

4.  pestilentiae.  Orelli  suggests  that 
I  this  may  probably  have  been  the  cholera 

morbus,  a  disease  known  at  the  time,  and 
1  described  by  the  contemporary  physician 
Aretaeus  (2.  5).  For  other  notices  of 
epidemics  under  Augustus,  Titus,  &c.,  see 
Friedl.  i.  33. 

5.  nulla  oaeli  intemperie,  &c.,  *  with- 
out any  visible  blight  in  the  air  *  ;  so  a 
plague  is  assigned  '  morbo  caeli'  in  Verg. 
G.  3,  478. 


7.  perinde  et,  noted  by  Dr.  as  so  used 
in  2.  2,  6  ;  H.  4.  43,  i,  for  the  more 
usual  '  perinde  ac ',  *  atque,'  or  '  que '. 

9.  cremabantur.  Here  in  the  rapidity 
of  the  style  an  essential  point  of  the  nar- 
rative (such  as  'eodem  morbo  correpti 
moriebantur  et ')  is  omitted.  While  they 
sat  by  the  sick,  or  mourned  for  the  dead, 
they  were  themselves  seized,  and  died 
so  soon  as  to  be  thrown  on  the  same 
funeral  pile. 

10.  promisci,  'indiscriminate,'  occur- 
ring everywhere  like  those  of  the  people. 

11.  communi  mortalitate,  *by  dying 
like  other  people,'  by  an  ordinary  or 
natural  death. 

praevenirent,  so  with  accus.  in  Liv. 
8.  16;  Val.  Max.  and  Suet.:  op.  the 
passive  in  14.  7,  3. 

13.  dilectus.  The  levy  was  of  Roman 
citizens,  who  were  naturally  more  abun- 
dant in  these  old  provinces  than  in  those 
for  which  the  legions  were  required.  As 
a  rule,  the  armies  appear  to  have  been 
kept  up  by  voluntary  enlistment  (see  4.  4, 
4,  and  note).  See  Mommsen,  Hermes, 
19,  pp.  1-69. 

14.  [Illyrici.  Cp,  Hist.  2.  74  *  ceterae 
Illyrici  legicnes '.  The  old  reading  *  Illyrici' 
has  been  restored  by  Andresen  as  being  a 
correction  by  the  first  hand  of  '  Illyricis'. 
The  's'  is  far  separated  from  the  rest  of 
the  word  and  clearly  deleted. — F.]  The 
legions  of  Pannonia  (cp.  i.  52,  3,  &c.)  as 
well  as  those  of  Delmatia  (4.  5,  5),  per- 
haps also  those  of  Moesia  are  included  ia 
the  term.  ' 


444 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  66 


aetate    aut   valetudine    fessi    sacramento   solvebantur.     cladem  5 
Lugdunensem  quadragies  sestertio  solatus  est  princeps,  ut  amissa 
urbi  reponerent ;  quam  pecuniam  Lugdunenses  ante  obtulerant 
urbis  casibus. 

14.  C.  Suetonio  Luccio  Telesino  consulibus  Antistius  Sosianus,  1 


1.  sacramento  solvebantur.  On  the 
kinds  of  *  missio '  or  '  exauctoratio '  see 
notes  on  i.  36,  4;  44,  8;  Introd.  i.  vii. 
pp.  106, 108,  and  the  diplomata  C.  I.  L.  3. 

cladem  Lugdunensem.      Lugdunum 

'  (Lyons)  had  been  burnt  down,  according 

:  to  Seneca  (Ep.  91,  14),  in  the  hundredth 

year  from  its  foundation  as  a  colony  by 

;  JPlancus,  which  took  place  (see  Marquardt, 

I  Staatsv.  i.  115)  in  711,  B.C.  43.    As  the 

;  date  would  appear  from  the  computation 

I  above  to  be  a.  d.  58,  we  should  be  left 

i  to  suppose  that  this  *  consolation '  is  sent 

some  seven  years  after  the  disaster.     But 

this  passage  is  not  free  from  suspicions 

of  general  corruption  (see  notes  below). 

Nipp.  marks  a  lacuna  here  on  the  ground 

that  Tacitus  would  surely  have  indicated 

the  nature  of  the  disaster,  and  thinks  that 

if  we  had  his  words,  it  might  probably  be 

one  of  more  recent  occurrence.     It  is  also 

possible  that  the  computation  by  which 

the  date  of  the  occurrence  is  fixed  may  be 

inaccurate,  and  that  the  fire  at  Lyons  may 

have  happened  between  that  of  Rome  and 

the  death  of  Seneca.     It  can  hardly  be 

supposed  that  in  their  own  utter  ruin  such 

a  sum  as  four  million  sesterces  could  have 

been  given  by,  or  even  extorted  (see  15. 

45,  i)  from  them.     [Hirschfeld,  0.  1.  L. 

13.  p.  252,  maintains,  in  opposition  to 

his  earlier  view  (Lyon  in  d.   Romerreit, 

p.  26;  that  the  fire  described  by  Seneca  is 

identical  with  the   one  mentioned   here, 

and  that  it  took  place  in  64-65  A.  D. — P.] 

2.  amissa  urbi, '  what  their  city  had 
lost,'  in  public  buildings,  &c.  The  use 
of  *urbs',  though  in  itself  natural  in 
speaking  of  so  considerable  a  town,  has 
offended  critics  from  its  nearness  to  the 
application  of  the  word  in  its  proper 
sense  to  Rome  below;  but  Nipp.  notes 
the  use  of  the  term  twice  in  the  same  sen- 
tence (Cic.  Verr.  4.  54,  120)  of  Rome  and 
Syracuse.  A  still  more  apposite  instance 
may  be  found  in  Seneca's  remarks  (1. 1.) 
on  this  very  disaster :  *  Timagenes  felici- 
tati  urbis  inimicus  aiebat  Romae  sibi  in- 
cendia  ob  hoc  unum  dolori  esse,  quod 
sciret  meliora  surrectura  quam  arsissent. 
In  hac  quoque  urbe  (sc.  '  Lugduno ')  veri- 
simile  est,'  &c. 


3.  reponerent :  cp.  *  reposita  fora  tem- 
plaque '  (H.  3.  34,  4). 

ante  obtulerant  urbis  casibus ; 
so  later  edd.  after  Furia.  For  *  urbis  ' 
Med.  has  *turbis',  other  MSS.  and  old 
edd.  '  turbidis ',  which  has  been  taken  to 
be  an  obscure  allusion  to  troubles  in  the 
time  of  Gains  or  Claudius.  As  the  text 
is  here  read,  it  would  naturally  refer  to 
gifts  in  aid  of  the  great  fire  of  Rome.  But 
the  date  of  the  ruin  of  Lugdunum  given 
above  involves  not  only  the  difficulty 
already  mentioned,  of  supposing  that  the 
town  could  have  contributed  such  a  sum 
at  such  a  time,  but  also  that  of  taking 
*  ante '  in  an  ambiguous  and  even  un- 
natural sense,  as  meaning  no  more  than 
that  they  had  sent  their  gift  before  it 
was  repaid  to  them,  not  that  they  had 
sent  it  before  their  own  disaster.  Schiller 
(p.  185)  thinks  the  allusion  must  be  to 
otherwise  unknown  contributions  sent  on 
one  or  more  occasions  of  previous  disas- 
ter (such  as  those  mentioned  in  4.  62-64). 
The  difficulty  will  altogether  disappear,  if 
we  may  suppose  that  the  fire  at  Lugdunum 
has  been  wrongly  dated  (see  notb  above). 

5.  C.  Suetonio  Luccio  Telesino. 
The  former  is  the  famous  general  Sue- 
tonius Paulinus,  who  must  apparently 
have  been  already  cos.  suff.  previously 
(see  note  on  14.  29,  2),  though  this  con- 
sulship is  nowhere  noted  (see  C.  I.  L.  11. 
395)  as  his  second.  The  other  name  is 
read  in  MSS.  and  old  edd.  as  '  L.  Tele- 
sino ',  but  corrected  by  Rup.,  Em.,  and 
others  from  inscriptions  (1.  1.)  giving  his 
full  name  as  *  C.  Luccius  Telesinus '.  A 
fine  sarcophagus  also  exists  (C.  I.  L. 
6.  21563),  'Lucciae,  C.  f.  Telesinae.* 
Telesinus  is  chiefly  known  to  us  through 
Philostratus,  who  speaks  of  him  as  a 
philosopher,  as  having  exerted  his  con- 
sular power  on  behalf  of  Apollonius 
during  his  visit  to  Rome  (4.  40),  and  as 
subsequently  exiled  with  other  philoso- 
phers by  Domitian  (7.  11,  &c.).  If  how- 
ever the  epigram  of  Martial  (12.  25)  is 
addre.s5;ed  to  the  same,  as  an  allusion  to 
his  accusation  and  exile  would  seem  to 
show,  he  appears  to  have  been  also  a 
professional  usurer. 


I 


A.  D.  66] 


LIBER  XVL      CAP,   13,   14 


445 


factitatis  in  Neronem  carminibus  probrosis  exilio,  ut  dixi,  multa- 
tus,  postquam  id  honoris  indicibus  tamque  promptum  ad  caedes 
principem  accepit,  inquies  animo  et  occasionum  baud  segnis 
Pammenem,  eiusdem  loci  exulem  et  Chaldaeorum  arte  famosum 
eoque  multorum  amicitiis  innexum,  similitudine  fortunae  sibi  5 
conciliat,  ventitare  ad  eum  nuntios  et  consultationes  non  frustra 
ratus  ;  simul  annuam  pecuniam  a  P.  Anteio  ministrari  cognoscit. 
neque  nescium  habebat  Anteium  caritate  Agrippinae  invisum 
Neroni  opesque  eius  praecipuas  ad  eliciendam  cupidinem  eamque 
causam  multis  exitio  esse,  igitur  interceptis  Antei  litteris,  fura-  10 
tus  etiam  libellos  quibus  dies  genitalis  eius  et  eventura  secretis 
Pammenis  occultabantur,  simul  repertis  quae  de  ortu  vitaque 
Ostorii  Scapulae  composita  erant,  scrlbit  ad  principem  magna  se 
et  quae  incolumitati  eius  conducerent  adlaturum,  si  brevem  exilii 
veniam  impetravisset :  quippe  Anteium  et  Ostorium  imminere  15 
rebus  et  sua  Caesarisque  fata  scrutari.  exim  missae  liburnicae 
advehiturque  propere  Sosianus.     ac  vulgato  eius  indicio  inter 


I.  ut  dixi :  see  14.  48,  i. 

3.  inquies  animo ;  so  *  moribus  in- 
quies' (6.  18,  2):   cp.  I.  65,  I,  and  note. 

occasionum  haud  segnis,  *  not  slow 
to  seize  opportunities ' :  for  the  genit.  cp. 
14-  .^3»  4>  and  note ;  for  '  et  .  .  .  haud '  cp. 
3.  35,  3;  H.  2.  6,  2;  22,6. 

4.  eiusdem  loci,  some  island  not 
specified  (14.  48,  7). 

Chaldaeorum,  astrologers :  see  2. 
27,  2,  and  note.  For  decrees  expelling 
them  from  Italy  see  2.  32,  5  ;  12.  52,  3. 

5.  innexum  :  so  all  edd.  after  Em. 
and    Lips,   for  the   MSS.  and  old    edd. 

*  innixum ' :  cp.  3.  10,  4,  and  note. 

6.  ventitare  .  .  .  ratus,  'thinking 
that  it  was  not  without  a  purpose  (cp.  i. 
30,  3,  and  note)  that  messengers  were 
always  coming  to  consult  him.'  *  Nuntios 
et    consultationes*   is    a    hendiadys    for 

*  nuntios  qui  eum  consultarent '.  He  saw 
that  these  messengers  were  sent  with  the 
design  of  learning  some  predictions  from 
Pammenes,  and  knew  that  criminal 
charges  could  be  grounded  on  such  (see 
3.  22,  2,  &c.),  and  resolved  to  profit  by  it. 

7.  P.  Anteio:  see  13.  22,  2,  where  it 
is  said  that  Nero  would  not  let  him  go  to 
his  province  (Syria). 

8.  nescium,  'unknown' :  cp.  i.  59,  7, 
and  note. 

caritate  Agrippinae,  *  through  affec- 
tion for  Agrippina':  cp.  4.  19,  I,  and 
note.    Such  an  objective  genit.  is  some- 


times changed  to  an  accus.  with  *erga* 
or  '  in  •  (c.  30,  3  ;  M-  9>  4>  &c.). 

9.  praecipuas,  were  specially  adapted  : 
cp.  similar  expressions  in  6.  7,  3  ;  14.  58,  i. 

II.  quibus,  *in  which':  such  an  abl. 
is  proper  in  speaking  of  the  contents  of  a 
book  or  document  (cp.  i.  6,  2,  &c.). 

dies  genitalis,  used  here  like  *  geni- 
talis hora'  (see  6.  21,  3,  and  note),  of  the 
computation  of  his  horoscope. 

secretis ;  apparently  an  abl.  of  place, 

*  in  the  private  repositories.'  Cp.  '  in  se- 
cretis eius  reperti  duo  libelli '  (Suet.  Cal. 
49) .  Dr.  less  well  takes  it  to  mean  *  in 
mysterious  symbols '. 

13.  Ostorii  Scapulae:  see  12.  31,  7; 
14  48,  I. 

1 4.  incolumitati,  his  life  :  cp.  15.  60, 
5,  &c. 

exilii  veniam,  here  used  of  a  tem- 
porary respite,  as  in  I3.  8,  3,  of  a  per- 
manent recall. 

15.  imminere  rebus,  *  were  menacing 
the  empire  ' :  cp.  '  excidio  Tarracinae  im-, 
minebat'  (H.  3.  76,  i) ;  *  validissimarum 
.  .  .  nationum  regno  imminebat'  (H.  4. 
18,  i).  For  the  use  of  *  res '  in  the  sense 
of  *  imperium ',  or  *  rerum  regimen ',  cp. 

*  res  sine  discordiatranslatas'  (H.  1.29, '5), 

16.  liburnicae.  This  term  is  properly 
equivalent  to  *  biremes '  (4.  27,  i),  but 
may  sometimes  be  used  more  generally, 
as  we  have  a  *  trierarchus  libumicarum 
navium '  in  H.  2.  16,  2, 


446 


CORN  ELI  I  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  66 


damnatos  magis  quam  inter  reos  Anteius  Ostoriusque  habeban- 
tur,  adeo  ut  testamentum  Antei  nemo  obsignaret  nisi  Tigellinus 
auctor  extitisset,monito  prius  Anteio  ne  supremas  tabulas  morare- 
tur.     atque  ille  hausto  veneno,  tarditatem  eius  perosus  intercisis  6 

5  venis  mortem  adproperavit. 

15.  Ostorius    longinquis    in    agris    apud    finem    Ligurum    id  1 
temporis  erat :  eo  missus  centurio  qui  caedem  eius  maturaret. 
causa  festinandi  ex  eo  oriebatur  quod  Ostorius  multa  militari  2 
fama  et  civicam  coronam  apud  Britanniam  meritus,  ingenti  cor- 

10  pore  armorumque  scientia  metum  Neroni  fecerat  ne  invaderet 
pavidum  semper  et  reperta  nuper  coniuratione  magis  exterritum. 
igitur  centurio,  ubi  effugia  villae  clausit,  iussa  imperatoris  Ostorio  3 
aperit.     is  fortitudinem  saepe  adversum  hostis  spectatam  in  se  4 
vertit ;   et  quia  venae  quamquam  interruptae  parum  sanguinis 

15  effundebant,  hactenus  manu  servi  usus  ut  immotum  pugionem 
extolleret,  adpressit  dextram  eius  iuguloque  occurrit. 


W 


2.  obsignaret,  used  in  15.  54,  i  of 
the  testator,  here  of  the  witnesses,  who 
were  required  to  be  seven  in  number,  and 
all  Roman  citizens :  see  note  on  14.  40,  4. 

3.  auctor  extitisset,  '  had  come  for- 
ward to  induce  them  to  do  so.' 

monito  prius  Anteio  :  so  all  recent 
edd.  after  Acid.,  who  follows  MS.  Agr. 
Med.  has  *  monitus  prius  Anteio ',  whence 
other  MSS.  and  edd.  read  '  monitus  prius 
Anteius '.  Nipp.  explains  the  words  so 
as  to  make  Tigellinus  act  only  through 
this  warning  ('  in  that  he  first  warned 
Anteius ') ;  and  compares  *  vocata  .  .  . 
Urgulania'  (2.  34,  3), '  interfecto  Thrasea' 
(c.  21,  i),  &c.  Such  a  warning  would 
be  not  only  an  intimation  of  approaching 
death  to  Anteius,  but  also  an  assurance  to 
the  witnesses  that  they  might  safely  sign. 
Others  suppose  *  auctor  extitisset '  to 
mean  that  he  set  them  the  example  by 
signing  himself,  which  seems  to  bring 
out  the  meaning  of '  prius '  better. 

4.  eius,  after  abl.  abs. :  cp.  14.  10,  i, 
and  note. 

intercisis  venis,  here  alone  in  Tacitus. 
Bezzenb.  reads  '  interscissis '  (cp.  13.  35, 
4)  :  see  also  c.  19,  2,  and  note. 
•  6.  apud  flnem,  *  at  the  boundary  of; 
so  in  several  places  in  Livy,  as  '  ad  finem 
Campanum'  (9.  6,  10),  *ad  finem  Luceri- 
num'  (10.  35,  1),  &c. 

id  temporis  :  cp.  12.  8,  2,  and  note. 

8.  multa  militari  fama,  abl.  of 
quality. 


9.  civicam  coronam:  see  12,  31,  7. 
[ingenti  corpore.  Med.  gives 'ingenti 

corporis  ||  corporis'.  Over  the  last  syl- 
lable of  the  first  *  corporis'  the  letter  '  e'  is 
written  by  the  first  hand.  The  '  corporis ' 
on  the  next  line  is  merely  a  repetition  of  the 
first.  Inferior  MSS.  and  Puteolanus  agree 
in  giving  '  ingenti  corpore '.  Halm  and 
Nipp.  follow  Beroaldus  in  reading  '  in- 
genti corporis  robore ',  while' Orelli  and 
Dr.  follow  Wurm  in  reading  *  ingenti  vi 
corporis'  (cp.  12.  44,  3);  Ritt.  reads 
'ingens  corporis'  (cp.  i.  69,  2),  which 
does  not  go  so  well  with  'armorumque 
scientia ',  and  is  less  Tacitean  than  '  in- 
gens  corpore'  (13.  8,  4;  15.  53,  2;  H.  i. 
63,  i)--F.] 

10.  invaderet, '  should  make  an  attack 
on  him ' ;  so  used  with  a  personal  object 
in  H.  I.  42,  I  ;  2.  29,  i.  . 

11.  coniuratione,  that  of  Piso.  I 

12.  effugia  :  cp.  12.  31,  7,  and  note. 

14.  venae  .  .  .  interruptae.  This 
expression  also  (cp.  c.  14,  6)  occurs  here 
alone  in  Tacitus. 

15.  hactenus,  'so  far  only':  cp.  12, 
42,  5,  and  note. 

immotum . . .  extolleret,  *  to  hold  up 
firmly.' 

16.  adpressit,  &c.,  '  pressing  the  man's 
hand  close  to  him,  he  met  the  point  with 
his  throat'  (C.  and  B.).  Tacitus  has 
'scutum  pectori  adpressum'  (2.  21,  i). 
Others  less  well  take  '  iugulo '  as  dative. 


A.D.  66] 


LIBER  XVI.      CAP.   14-16 


447 


1  16.  Etiam  si  bella  externa  et  obitas  pro  re  publica  mortis  tanta 
casuum  similitudine  memorarem,  meque  ipsum  satias  cepisset 
aliorumque  taedium  expectarem,  quamvis  honestos  civium  exitus, 

2  tristis    tamen    et   continuos   aspernantium :    at   nunc    patientia 
servilis  tantumque  sanguinis  domi  perditum  fatigant  animum  et  5 
maestitia  restringunt.     neque  aliam  defensionem  ab  iis  quibus 
ista  noscentur  exegerim  quam  ne  oderim  tarn  segniter  pereuntis. 

3  ira  ilia  numinum  in  res  Romanas  fuit,  quam  non,  ut  in  cladibus 
exercituum  aut  captivitate  urbium,  semel  edito  transire  licet. 

4  detur  hoc  inlustrium  virorum  posteritati,  ut  quo  modo  exequiis  10 


1.  Etiam  si,  &c.  This  chapter  may 
be  compared  with  his  complaint  of  the 
monotony  of  his  subject  in  4.  32-3.:^. 

2.  meque,  &c.  The  apodosis  begins 
here,  and  *  meque  '  answers  to  *  aliorum- 
que '.  The  coupling  of  two  such  sen- 
tences by  *que  .  .  .  que'  is  noted  by 
Nipp.  as  a  novelty;  relative  clauses  are 
so  coupled  by  Livy  (e.  g.  *  quique  in  urbe 
erant  quosque  .  .  .  acciverant*  i.  55,  6), 
and  single  words,  especially  a  pronoun 
and  noun,  by  Tacitus,  as  in  2.  3,  3  ('seque 
regnumque ') ,  and  by  Sail.  (Cat.  9,  3 ; 
lug.  10,  2). 

satias :  for  this  form  cp.  3.  30,  7, 
and  note.  Some  of  the  old  edd.  before 
Lips,  here  follow  the  inferior  MSS.  in 
reading  'satietas'.  For  the  sentiment 
cp.  '  obvia  rerum  similitudine  et  satietate ' 

3.  quamvis,  taken  closely  with  'ho- 
nestos '. 

4.  aspernantium,  disliking;  so  *  sta- 
dia nimiam  severitatem  aspernantium' 
(14.  42,  2):  generally  used  of  'disdain- 
ing', as  in  14.  58,  3,  &c. 

nunc,  '  as  the  case  is,'  much  more 
must  such  disgust  be  expected, 

patientia  servilis  :  cp.  14.  26,  i. 

6.  restringunt,  *  oppress,'  *  paralyze ' 
(C.  and  B.).  Such  a  sense  can  be  derived 
from  the  ordinary  meaning  of  the  word 
(14.  64,  7,,  &C.'),  but  appears  to  be  nowhere 
else  found.  Madv.'  suggests  (Adv.  ii.  558) 
that  perhaps  '  restinguunt '  should  be  read 
(with  the  sense  of  quenching  the  fire  of 
the  soul)  :  cp.  *  animos  .  .  .  morte 
restingui '  (Cic.  Se^t.  21,  47). 

neque  aliam,  &c.,  *  nor  will  I  demand 
of  my  readers  that  they  shall  excuse  me 
otherwise  than  by  the  plea  that  I  need 
not  hate  (and  therefore  condemn  to  total 
oblivion)  those  who  died  so  tamely.'  He 
would  ask  to  be  permitted  not  to  look  on 
such  persons  with  detestation,  but  rather 


with  pity  (as  victims  of  a  fatality).  Cp. 
the  use  of  *  defensorem  exigere '  in  Dial. 
24,  2;  25,  6.  Some  take  'oderim'  in 
the  sense  of  '  odisse  videar ',  and  suppose 
Tacitus  to  plead  that  it  might  have  been 
set  down  to  personal  animosity  against 
these  individuals  if  he  had  suppressed  the 
account  of  their  deaths ;  but  '  oderim ' 
seems  hardly  to  bear  this  meaning,  and 
a  general,  not  personal  motive  for  hate 
seems  clearly  to  be  suggested  by  '  tam 
segniter  pereuntes'.  Dr.  follows  several 
edd.  and  MS.  Agricola  in  reading  *  oderint ', 
but  neither  his  explanation  nor  Walther's 
appears  to  give  a  satisfactory  meaning  to 

*  defensionem '. 

7.  noscentur,  *  shall  be  studied.' 

8.  ira  ilia  numinxim :  cp.  c.  13,  i  ; 
4.  1,3,  &c.,  and  the  expression  'fatali 
omnium  ignavia  '  (15.  61,  6). 

9.  captivitate,  '  occupation  by  an 
enemy'  :  cp.  13.  25,  2,  and  note. 

semel  edito,  '  after  a  single  mention 
of  the  fact ' :  such  uses  of  the  abl.  abs. 
of  a  neuter  participle  are  common  in 
Tacitus    (Introd.    i.  v.  §  31    a),  though 

*  edito  '  is  not  elsewhere  so  used ;  nor  does 

*  edere '  appear  elsewhere  to  be  used  thus 
absolutely.  Many  inferior  MSS.  and  old 
edd.  read  *  editam  * :  but  '  edere  iram '  is 
hardly  a  possible  expression.  For  the 
use  of  '  semel '  Nipp.  compares  *  aut 
vitam  semel  aut  ignominiam  finirent  * 
(Liv.  25.  6,  16),  •  nihil  confestim,  nihil 
semel  faciunt '  (Sen.  Ben.  2.  5,  i).  The 
wrath  of  the  gods  had  not  shown  itself  in 
a  single  catastrophe,  but  in  a  series  of 
events  requiring  separate  mention. 

transire,  '  to  pass  on,'  without  re- 
turning to  the  subject. 

10.  posteritati.  Nipp.  and  Dr.  appear 
rightly  to  understand  this  of  *  the  future  * 
of  such  men  (taken  brachylogically  for 
their  posthumous  renown)  ;  and  such  is 
clearly  the  meaning  of  'sola  posteritatis 


448 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D. 


66 


a  promisca  sepultura  separantur,  ita  in  traditione  supremorum 
accipiant  habeantque  propriam  memoriam. 

17.  Paucos  quippe  intra  dies  eodem  agmine  Annaeus  Mela,  1 
Cerialis  Anicius,  Rufrius  Crispinus,  C.  Petronius  cecidere,  Mela 
et  Crispinus  equites  Romani  dignitate  senatoria.    nam  hie  quon-  2 
dam  praefectus  praetorii  et  consularibus  insignibus  donatus  ac 
nuper  crimine  coniurationis  in  Sardiniam  exactus  accepto  iussae 
mortis  nuntio  semet  interfecit.     Mela,  quibus  Gallio  et  Seneca  3 
parentibus  natus,  petitione  honorum  abstinuerat  per  ambitionem 


cura'  in  H.  2.  53,  3.  Others  less  well 
take  the  term  to  refer  to  the  people 
here  alluded  to,  as  being  themselves  the 
descendants  of  distinguished  ancestors  ; 
which  is  not  the  case  with  those  especially 
instanced  in  c.  17,  i. 

1.  promisca,  such  burial  as  ordinary- 
people  might  have,  without  '  imaginum 
pompa',  Maudatio,'  public  attendance 
invited  by  proclamation,  &c. 

supremorum:  cp.  3.  49,  i  ;  6.  50,  3 ; 
12.  66,  2,  &c. 

2.  propriam  memoriam,  *  special  re- 
cord,' such  as  history  would  not  grant 
to  the  deaths  of  less  distinguished  people. 
The  repetition  in  '  accipiant  habeantque  ' 
is  in  accordance  with  the  rhetorical 
character  of  the  passage. 

3.  quippe  (so  in  anastrophe  2.  15,  3; 
33,  2  ;  Agr.  3,  2,  &c.),  used  to  bring  in 
instances  of  such  deaths. 

eodem  agmine,  *  one  upon  another.' 
The  narrative  shows  that  their  deaths  did 
not  take  place  together. 

Mela :  so  in  Med.  The  old  reading, 
after  G,  was  *  Mella  '. 

4.  Cerialis  Anicius :  see  15.  74,  3. 
Rufrius   Crispinus  :  see  11.  I,  3,  and 

note.     Med.  has  here  *  rufus  *. 

C.  Petronius.  Med.  has  here  '  ac 
Petronius ',  which  might  possibly  stand  on 
the  supposition  that  Tacitus,  reversing  his 
usual  practice,  gives  one  name  here  and 
two  in  the  second  and  fuller  notice  (c. 
18,  i).  Most  edd.  however  have  followed 
Rhen.  in  supposing  that  *  C  (which  is 
there  given  in  Med.)  has  here  dropped 
out  after  'ac';  while  Halm  and  Orelli 
follow  Wesenberg  in  treating  '  ac '  as  a 
corruption  of  *  C  On  the  other  hand 
Pliny  says  (N.  H.  37.  2,  7,  20)  'T.  Petro- 
nius consularis,  moriturus  invidia  Neronis, 
ut  mensam  eius  exheredaret  trullam  mur- 
rinam  trecentis  millibus  emptam  fregit ' ; 
and  Plutarch  (de  disc.  adul.  et  am.  p. 
60  E),  illustrates  a   dangerous  form    of 


flattery,  orav  rovs  dffirrov^  xal  voXvreXet's 
eU  fiiKpo\oyiav  kol  ^tmapiav  oveiZi^ojoriv, 
aairtp  'Sepcuva  Tiros  Tlerpuvios.  As  the 
person  here  mentioned  is  evidently  the 
same,  Haase  and  Ritt.  depart  wholly  from 
the  Med.  reading  '  T.'  for  *  ac ',  and  Nipp. 
and  Dr.  read  *ac  T.'  Nipp.  points  out 
that  the  names  are  given  in  two  pairs, 
each  a  senator  and  a  knight,  and  that  the 
addition  of  a  conjunction  after  asyndeta 
has  several  precedents  in  Tacitus  and 
Livy.  It  is  possible  that  Tacitus  may 
have  confused  the  praenomen  with  that 
of  C.  Petronius  Pontius  Nigrinus  (see  on 
6.  45,  5).  The  MSS.  of  the  satire  (see 
on  c.  18,  i)  appear  to  give  no  praenomen 
to  the  author  ;  the  title  being  read  by 
Buecheler  as  *  Petronii  Arbitri  Satirae ' 
(or  '  Satirarum  excerpta '). 

5.  equites  .  .  .  dignitate  senatoria, 
knights  with  the  broad  stripe  =  flaticlavii ', 
cp.  supra  13.  25,  note. 

nam,  referred  to  '  cecidere ' :  cp.  11. 
22,  I. 

6.  praefectus  praetorii.  He  had  ' 
been  removed  by  the  influence  of  Agrip-. 
pina :  see  12.  42,  i. 

consularibus  insignibus,  perhaps 
an  error,  as  he  is  mentioned  in  11.  4,  5, 
as  receiving  '  insignia  praeturae '.  If  he 
afterwards  received  consular  insignia,  he 
is  the  first  praefectus  praetorio  who  is 
known  to  have  done  so  (Momms.  Staatsr. 
i.  463,  4). 

7.  in  Sardiniam  exactus :  see  15. 
71,  8.  His  death  is  alluded  to  in  the 
'Octavia'  (744-747). 

9.  quibus  Gallio  et  Seneca :  see 
note  on   14.  53,  5.      On  Gallio  see  15. 

73,4- 

petitione  .  .  .  abstinuerat :  as  an 
'eques  senatoriae  dignitatis'.  Mela  was 
*  capessendis  honoribus  destinatus  '  (14. 
40),  but  had  declined  to  do  so. 

ambitionem  praeposteram,  well  ex-l 
plained  by  Jacob  to  mean  'an  eccentric] 


A.  D.  66] 


LIBER  XVI.      CAP.   i6,    17 


449 


praeposteram  ut  eques  Romanus  consularibus  potentia  aequa- 
retur ;   simul   adquirendae   pecuniae  brevius   iter   credebat   per 

4  procurationes  administrandis  principis  negotiis.  idem  Annaeum 
Lucanum  genuerat,  grande  adiumentum  claritudinis.  quo  inter- 
fecto   dum   rem    familiarem   eius   acriter    requirit,   accusatorem  5 

5  concivit  Fabium  Romanum,  ex  intimis  Lucani  amicis.  mixta 
inter  patrem  filiumque  coniurationis  scientia  fingitur,  adsimilatis 
Lucani  litteris  :  quas  inspectas  Nero  ferri  ad  eum  iussit,  opibus 

6  eius   inhians.      at    Mela,    quae   tum   promptissima   mortis   via, 
exolvit   venas,  scriptis  codicillis  quibus   grandem  pecuniam  in  10 
Tigellinum  generumque  eius  Cossutianum  Capitonem  erogabat 

7  quo  cetera  manerent.     additur  codicillis,  tamquam  de  iniquitate 


\ainbition '.  Desiring  to  have  political 
■influence  and  position  equal  to  that  of  a 
consular,  instead  of  endeavouring  to  be- 
come such,  he  took  the  opposite  course 
of  remaining  a  knight.  On  the  great 
*  potentia '  of  some  of  these  *  equites  in- 
lustres '  see  3.  30,  4 ;  Friedl.  Sitteng.  i. 
252,  foil.,  &c.,  and  on  the  equestrian 
'  cursus  honorum  '  see  Introd.  i.  vii.  p.  88, 
n.  4  ;  and  a  full  account  of  the  high  posts 
open  to  this  order  in  Momms.  Staatsr.  iii. 
p.  554,  foil. 

2.  adquirendae  pecuniae,  &c.  The 
case  maybe  compared  of  Cornelius  Fuscus, 
who  had  resigned  senatorial  rank,  and 
afterwards  obtained  an  important  pro- 
curatorship  from  Galba  (H.  2.  86,  5). 
On  these  offices  see  12.  60,  1  ;  Introd.  i. 
vii.  pp.  99-100,  and  on  their  lucrative 
character,  Momms.  Staatsr.  iii.  559,  2  ; 
Hirschf.  258,  foil. 

3.  administrandis  .  . .  negotiis,  best 
taken  as  dative  of  purpose.  Orelli  and 
others  take  it  as  an  epexegetical  abl. 

Annaevun  Lucanum  :  see  15.  49,  3 ; 
70,  I. 

5.  rem  familiarem  eius  :  for  the  use 
of  eius'  after  abl,  abs.  cp.  c.  14,  6,  &c. 
That  Lucan  was  wealthy  is  shown  by  the 
allusion  to  his  '  horti  marmorei '  in  Juv, 
7,  79 ;  and  it  would  appear  that  his  pro- 
perty had  not  been  confiscated.  Lips, 
emends  an  obscure  and  corrupt  passage 
in  Jer.  Chron.  so  as  to  read  '  L.  Annaeus 
Mela,  frater  Senecae  et  Gallionis,  ob  bona 
Lucani  filii  sui,  a  Nerone  perimitur',  which 
would  show  that  Jerome  had  mistaken 
what  Tacitus  here  says. 

requirit,  'calls  in,'  from  his  debtors. 
It  is  suggested  that  Romanus  may  have 
been  one  of  them. 


mixta  .  .  .  scientia,  '  that  father  and 
son  had  interchanged  knowledge  of  the 
conspiracy.' 

7.  adsimilatis,  '  having  been  counter- 
feited' ;  so  in  4.  8,  I ;  59,  5  ;  6.  25,  i  ; 
Plant.,  Ter.,  Verg.  and  PI.  ma.  For  the 
form  of  the  word  here  cp.  11.  11,  6,  and 
note. 

8.  quas.  Med.,  according  to  Ritt.,  has 
'  quasi ',  whence  he  reads  'quas  sibi '. 

ferri  ad  eum,  '  to  be  conveyed  to 
Mela,'  to  show  him  that  his  guilt  wasi 
proved,  and  to  warn  him  to  die. 

opibus  eius  inhians:  cp.  ii.  i,  i, 
and  note. 

11.  Cossutianum  Capitonem:  see  14. 
48,  2. 

12.  additur  codicillis,  &c.  The  Med. 
text,  as  here  giNcn,  can  be  satisfactorily 
explained  by  supposing  it  to  slate  that 
words  were  appended  to  his  testament, 
and  that  *  tan:quam  .  .  .  scripsisset '  is  a 
parenthetical  explanation  of  the  assign- 
able reason  for  such  an  insertion  ('as 
though  he  had  so  written  in  complaint  of 
the  injustice  of  his  death');  the  actual 
addition  being  given  in  *se  quidem',  &c. 
The  alternative  reading  *  scripsisse ',  given 
by  some  inferior  MSS.  and  old  edd.,  and 
supposed  by  Walther  to  be  the  Med. 
reading,  is  retained  by  Nipp.  and  Jacob, 
and  is  explained  by  taking  '  additur'  per- 
sonally in  the  sense  '  he  is  made  to  have 
written  in  addition  '  (see  Introd.  i.v.  §  45), 
and  *  codicillis '  as  an  abl.,  similar  to  that 
in  c  14,  4,  &c  Dr.,  wiihout  sufficient 
reason,  brackets  '  tamquam . . .  scripsisset ' 
as  a  gloss.  Hartman,  Anal.  p.  230  would 
read  '  addit '  for  *  additur '  and  omit  *  ita 
scripsisset '. 


Gg 


450 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  66 


exitii   querens   ita   scripsisset,  se  quidem  mori   nuUis  supplicii 
causis,  Rufrium  autem  Crispinum  et  Anicium  Cerialem  vita  frui 
infensos  principi.     quae  composita  credebantur  de  Crispino,  quia  8 
interfectus  erat,  de  Ceriale,  ut  interficeretur.     neque  enim  multo 

5  post  vim  sibi  attulit,  minore  quam  ceteri  miseratione,  quia  prodi- 
tam  G.  Caesari  coniurationem  ab  eo  meminerant. 

18.  De  C.  Petronio  pauca  supra  repetenda  sunt,     nam  illi  dies  1 
per  somnum,  nox  officiis  et  oblectamentis  vitae  transigebatur ; 
utque   alios   industria,  ita  hunc   ignavia  ad  famam  protulerat, 

lo  habebaturque  non  ganeo  et  profligator,  ut  plerique  sua  haurien- 
tium,  sed  erudito  luxu.     ac  dicta  factaque  eius  quanto  solutiora  2 


j  3.  composita,  *to  have  been  invented' 
(cp.  11.  27,  2;  15.  j6,  3,  &c.).  It  seems 
best  to  suppose  this  to  mean  that  this 
addition  to  the  will  was  believed  to  have 
been  a  forgery  instigated  by  Nero,  to 
justify  the  one  death  and  to  bring  about 
the  other.  Nipp.  takes  them  to  mean 
that  Mela  was  believed  to  have  inserted 
the  words  to  bring  about  the  death  of 
Cerialis,  disguising  his  personal  animo- 
sity towards  him  by  adding  the  name 
of  Crispinus,  whom  he  knew,  but  was  not 
supposed  to  know,  to  have  been  already 
compelled  to  die.  But  Tacitus  seems 
carefully  to  guard  against  affirming  that 
'.  the  words  had  been  really  written  by 
Mela. 

5.  proditam  G.  Caesari  coniura- 
tionem. This  appears  not  to  have  been 
that  of  Gaetulicus  and  Lepidus  (see  In- 
trod.  p.  8),  but  one  in  A.D.  40.  Our 
only  informant,  Zonaras  (11.  6,  p.  557), 
states  that  Nicius  Cerialius  (so  read  in 
most  texts)  and  his  son  Sextus  Papinius 
were  arrested  and  tortured,  without  dis- 
closing, and  that  the  latter  afterwards 
turned  informer.  The  words  of  Tacitus 
here  would  make  against  the  correctness 
of  this  version,  which  is  also  invalidated 
by  another  account  (Sen.  de  Ira  3.  18,  3) 
in  which  Papinius  is  called  '  consularis 
filius',  and  said  to  have  been  tortured  only 
for  caprice  ('  animi  causa ') ,  not  in  any 
judicial  process. 

7.  De  C.  Petronio.  Dr.  and  Jacob 
follow  Nipp.  in  omitting  the  praenomen, 
as  in  itself  wrong  (see  on  c.  17,  i)  and  as 
having  possibly  arisen  from  repeating  the 
preceding  '  e '.  The  identification  of  the 
person  mentioned  with  the  author  of  the 
famous  Satire  is  generally  considered  to 
have  been  proved  by  Studer  (Rhen.  Mus. 
ii.  50,  foil,  and  202 :  cp.  an  abstract  of 


his  arguments  given  in  Merivale,  ch.  53), 
and  is  fully  accepted  by  Buecheler  in  his 
edition  of  that  work  (Berl.  1862),  and  by 
Teuffel  (History  of  Roman  Literature, 
300,  4).  Professor  W.  Ramsay,  who  has 
fully  discussed  the  subject  (Diet,  of  Biog.), 
inclines  to  the  opposite  view.  No  allu- 
sion to  the  work  can  be  discovered  in 
what  is  said  in  c.  19,  5,  and  it  is  remark- 
able that  Tacitus  gives  him  no  credit  fori 
any  literary  talent. 

pauca  supra  repetenda  sunt,  *  a 
slight  retrospect  must  be  taken.'  The 
expression  is  Sallustian  (Cat.  5,9;  lug. 
5,  3)  :  cp.  *  alte  repetere ',  and  similar  ex- 
pressions (3.  24,  2,  and  note ;  H.  2.  27,  2  ; 
Dial.  19,  3,  &c.). 

nam,  apparently  inserted  to  point 
attention  to  the  unique  character  of  his 
career  as  a  reason  for  dwelling  on  it. 

8.  per  somnum  :  on  the  interchange 
of  this  prep,  with  the  simple  abl.  cp. 
Introd.  i.  v.  §  62.  Seneca  notices  the 
voluptuaries  *  qui  officia  lucis  noctisque 
perverterint '  (Ep.  122,  2) ;  and  the  same 
practice  is  recorded  of  Elagabalus  (Vit. 
28,  6) :  *  transegit  et  dierum  actus  nocti- 
bus,  et  nocturnes  diebus,  aestimans  hoc 
inter  instrumenta  luxuriae.' 

9.  protulerat :  cp.  12.  3,  2,  and  note. 

10.  profligator,  'a  spendthrift';  one 
of  the  verbal  nouns  invented  by  Tacitus 
(Introd.  i.  v.  69,  i  a)  :  *  profligare  opes ' 
is  found  in  Nep.  Pel.  2,  3;  and  the  verb 
has  other  similar  meanings. 

haurientium  =  *  exhaurientium '  :  the 
meaning  is  nearly  similar  to  that  in 
13.  42,  7.  Jacob  compares  *  hausisti 
patrias  luxuriosus  opes'  (Mart.  9.  83,  4V 

11.  erudito  luxu,  abl.  of  quality  (so 
used  after  *  haberi '  in  6.  48,  7),  *a  man 
who  had  made  an  art  of  luxury.' 

solutiora, '  the  more  unconventional ' ;  \ 


A.  D.  66] 


LIBER  XVL      CAP.    17-19 


451 


et    quandam    sui    neglegentiam    praeferentia,  tanto    gratius   in 

3  speciem  simplicitatis  accipiebantur.     proconsul  tamen  Bithyniae 

4  et  mox  consul  vigentem  se  ac  parem  negotiis  ostendit.     dein 
revolutus  ad  vitia  seu  vitiorum  imitatione  inter  paucos  famili- 
arium   Neroni    adsumptus    est    elegantiae    arbiter,    dum    nihil  5 
amoenum   et    molle    adfluentia   putat    nisi   quod   ei    Petronius 

6  adprobavisset.     unde  invidia  Tigellini  quasi  adversus  aemulum 
et  scientia  voluptatum  potiorem.     ergo  crudelitatem  principis, 
cui  ceterae   libidines  cedebant,  adgreditur,  amicitiam    Scaevini 
Petronio   obiectans,   corrupto    ad    indicium    servo    ademptaque  ^ 
defensione  et  maiore  parte  familiae  in  vincla  rapta. 

1      19.  Forte  illis  diebus  Campaniam  petiverat  Caesar,  et  Cumas 
usque  progressus   Petronius   illic   attinebatur ;    nee   tulit   ultra 


I 


fused  of  absence  of  moral  restraint  in  1 1. 
'31,  4;  13.47,  2,&C. 

1.  sui  neglegentiam,  ^carelessness, 
'  a  certain  laisser-aller '  (Jacob). 

tanto  gratius,  &c.,  *  were  the  more 
acceptable,  being  taken  to  present  an  ap- 
pearance of  simplicity '  (*  naivete ').  His 
words  and  acts  seemed  to  have  a  freshness 
about  them  which  commended  itself  to 
the  worn-out  taste  of  the  age.  This  char- 
acteristic seems  not  unsuited  to  the  broad 
humour  of  the  *  Satirae '.  For  the  sense 
of  *  simplicitas '  cp.  6.5,2;  for  that  of 
'accipere  in',  i.  14,  3,  and  note, 

2.  proconsul  .  .  .  Bithyniae.  He 
would  have  held  this  proconsulate  after 
the  praetorship  :  see  i.  74,  i,  and  note. 

3.  consul,  as  suflfectus  in  some  im- 
known  year. 

4.  revolutus.  The  coordination  with 
the  causal  abl.  *  imitatione '  shows  that 
the  participle  also  expresses  cause.  Most 
of  the  inferior  MSS.  and  older  edd.  read 
'imitationem'. 

inter  paucos,  *  among  his  few  most 
intimate  friends':  cp.  11.  10,  5,  and 
note. 

5.  elegantiae  arbiter,  '  the  authority 
on  taste.'  We  certainly  should  not  gather 
from  this  passage  that  such  a  title 
amounted  to  a  formal  cognomen  ;  but 
it  is  possible  to  suppose  (with  Jacob) 
that  the  satirist  may  have  humorously 
called  himself  'Petronius  Arbiter',  or 
(with  Prof.  Ramsay)  that  the  title  may 
have  been  inserted  by  some  grammarian 
who  wished  to  mark  the  identity  of  the 
author  with  the  person  described  by 
Tacitus.     No  other  trace  of  the  word  as 


a  real  name  appears  to  be  found  than  its 
occurrence  among  those  of  a  list  of  freed- 
men  (I.  R.  N.  4279). 

6.  adfluentia,  probably  best  taken, 
with  Jacob  and  others,  as  a  concise  use 
of  a  causal  abl.  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  30),  *  inas- 
much as  abundance  (i.  e.  his  satiety  with 
pleasures)  made  Nero  think  nothing 
charming  or  luxurious,  except  whatever 
Petronius  might  have  commended  to 
him.'  The  more  natural  construction  as 
an  abl.  of  respect  depending  on  *  molle ' 
seems  to  fail  to  give  a  satisfactory  mean- 
ing.    'Adfluentia'    is    a    synonym   with 

*  copia  'in  3.  30,  4 :  cp.  the  use  of  the 
participle  in  15.  54,  2;  H.  i.  57,  5 
('  praesentia  ex  affluenti'). 

ei  adprobavisset.  The  subjunct. 
appears  to  be  that  of  action  frequently 
repeated  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  52).  '  Adpro- 
bare  alicui  aliquid'  is  used  in  15.  59,  6; 
•^gr.  5,  I  ;  so  *  probare '  in  Cic. 

9.  adgreditur,  *  addresses  himself  to ' ; 
so  with  '  modestiam '  (2.  26,  4),  *  animos ' 
(H.    I.    78,   I).     A  similar  metaphor  is 

*  saevitiae  principis  adrepit'  (i.  74,  2). 
The  anecdote  of  Plutarch  (see  note  on 
c.  17,  1)  suggests  that  Nero  was  already 
offended  by  Petronius'  vein  of  humour. 

Scaevini  :  see  15.  49,  4. 

10.  corrupto  ad  indicium :  cp.  2.  62, 
3,  and  note. 

adempta,  i.e.  no  opportunity  being 
offered  for  it. 

12.  Cumas  usque  progressus.  Nero  ' 
may  probably  have  gone  to  Baiae  or! 
Neapolis,  and  Petronius  may  have  ac-| 
companied  him,  or,  as  the  words  would) 
more  naturally  mean,  gone  thus  far  to 


452 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALWM 


[a.  D.  66 


timoris  aut  spei  moras,     neque  tamen  praeceps  vitam  expulit,  2 
sed  incisas  venas,  ut  libitum,  obligatas  aperire  rursum  et  adloqui 
amicos,  non  per  seria  aut  quibus  gloriam  constantiae  peteret. 
audiebatque  referentis  nihil  de  immortalitate  animae  et  sapien-  3 

5  tium  placitis,  sed  levia  carmina  et  facilis  versus,     servorum  alios  4 
largitione,    quosdam    verberibus    adfecit.      iniit    epulas,    somno 
indulsit,  ut  quamquam  coacta  mors  fortuitae  similis  esset.     ne  5 
codicillis  quidem,  quod  plerique  pereuntium,  Neronem  aut  Tigelli- 
num  aut  quem  alium  potentium  adulatus  est,  sed  flagitia  principis 

lo  sub  nominibus  exoletorum  feminarumque  et  novitatem  cuiusque 


ijoin  him,  and  had  been  there  arrested  and 
Iwas  being  detained  in  custody  ('attine- 
Ibatur':  cp.  15.  57,  i,  &c.).  Hartman, 
jAnal.  p.  73  '  was  delayed  there', i.e.  by 
'some  accident. 

1 .  timoris  aut  spei  moras :  cp. 
*  cunctantibus  prolatantibusque  spem  ac 
metum'  (15.  51,  i). 

praeceps;  adverbial:  cp.  4.  62,  3, 
and  note ;  Introd.  i.  v.  §  3. 

2.  incisas.  This  again,  as  it  stands, 
would  be  another  new  expression  for 
opening  veins  ;  but  perhaps  Ritt.  may  be 
right  in  thinking  that  a  syllable  has  been 
lost  in  an  abbreviation,  and  that  'inter- 
cisas'  (cp.  c.  14,  6,  and  note)  should  be 
read,  both  here  and  in  H.  5.  22,  2.  Ritt. 
also  thinks  that  *  et '  has  dropped  out  be- 
fore *  ut '. 

3.  gloriam  constantiae.  Compare 
the    exhortations    of    Seneca    (15.    62, 

2). 

4.  nihil  de  immortalitate  animae, 
&c.  With  persons  of  less  dissolute  char- 
acter the  consolations  of  philosophy  held 
the  place  now  filled  by  those  of  religion ; 
and  the  philosopher  friend  of  the  house 
was  in  attendance  at  the  hour  of  impend- 
ing death,  or  gave  advice  in  preparation 
for  it.  See  the  accounts  at  the  end  of 
Thrasea  (c.  34,  2),  of  Rubellius  Plautus 
(14.  59,  2\  and  several  other  instances 
cited  in  Friedl.  iii.  657. 

5.  carmina  .  .  .  versus;  so  coupled 
in  Dial.  9,  i,  and  probably  to  be  distin- 
guished (with  Nipp.)  by  taking  the  former 
term  to  mean  songs  or  lyrical  pieces,  the 
latter,  hexameter,  iambic,  or  other  po  ms. 
'  Levia '  and  '  facilis '  are  nearly  synonyms 
in  that  both  are  opposites  to  'seria' 
('frivolous  songs  and  playful  poetry'"); 
'facilis'  and  'facilitas'  are  analogously 
used  of  pliant   personal    character  :    cp. 


'uxor  facilis'  (6.  i,  5),  *  facilitate  .  .  . 
commendabatur '  (6.  15,  3). 

alios  .  .  .  quosdam.  Dr.,  who 
notes  this  coordination  as  atr.  tip.,  com- 
pares '  multos  .  .  .  quosdam  '  in  11.  7,  4 ; 
and  elsewhere  (Synt.  und  Stil,  135,  i) 
gives  many  other  such  forms  of  expres- 
sion. 

6.  iniit  epulas.  All  MSS.  and  most 
of  the  older  edd.  have 'iniit  et  uias', 
which  seems  to  describe  an  impossible 
action  under  the  circumstances.  *  Iniit 
epulas'  is  read  by  Nipp.  and  others  after 
Menagius,  '  iniit  et  epulas '  by  Halm  and 
Dr. :  cp.  'epulas  inibat'  (15.  52,  i).  His 
last  scene  would  thus  resemble  that  of 
Libo  (2.  31,  i)  and  Asiaticus  (11.  3,  2). 

7.  coacta,  'compulsory';  cp.  13.  43, 
4,  and  note.  'Quamquam 'is  a  correc- 
tion of  Rhen.  for  Med.  *  qua'  ('  quam  '). 

8.  quod  plerique,  sc.  '  facere  sole- 
bant  ' :  for  such  ellipses  of  the  verb  of 
doing  see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  38  b. 

10.  sub  nominibus,'  with  names  pre- 
fixed '  (or  given)  :  cp.  5.  4,  4  ;  13.  25,  2  ; 
Liv.  T.  36,  7;  43,  9;  also  'subexemplo' 
in  3.  68,  I ;  4.  II,  5,  That  the  names 
given  are  fictitious,  forms  no  part  of  the 
essential  meaning  of  the  expression,  is  not 
here  indicated  by  the  context,  and  is  not 
in  this  case  a  probable  supposition.  It  is 
plain  that  Petronius,  with  all  his  vices, 
was  not  an  associate  in  the  worst  excesses 
of  Nero,  but  that  he  knew  all  about  them, 
and  desired  to  taunt  Nero  with  his  know- 
ledge, and  to  make  it  evident  to  him  that 
all  was  generally  known.  Hence  he 
would  naturally  give  names  with  full 
accuracy.  No  trace  of  such  a  statement 
can  be  found  in  the  Satire,  and  it  can- 
not be  supposed  to  have  had  any  con- 
nexion with  it. 


A.  D.  66] 


LIBER  XVI.      CAP.   19-21 


453 


stupri  perscripsit  atque  obsignata  misit  Neroni.   fregitque  anulum, 
ne  mox  usui  esset  ad  facienda  pericula. 

20.  Ambigenti  Neroni  quonam  modo  noctium  suarum  ingenia 
notescerent,  ofTertur  Silia,  matrimonio  senatoris  haud  ignota  et 
ipsi  ad  omnem  libidinem  adscita  ac  Petronio  perquam  familiaris.  5 
agitur  in  exilium  tamquam  non  siluisset  quae  viderat  pertulerat- 
que,  proprio  odio.  at  Minucium  Thermum  praetura  functum 
Tigellini  simultatibus  dedit,  quia  libertus  Thermi  quaedam  de 
Tigellino  criminose  detulerat,  quae  cruciatibus  tormentorum  ipse, 
patronus  eius  nece  immerita  luere.  ic 

21.  Trucidatis  tot  insignibus  viris  ad  postremum  Nero  virtutem 
ipsam  excindere  concupivit  interfecto  Thrasea  Paeto  et  Barea 


2.  ne  mox,  &c.  The  signet  ring  of 
Lucan  had  been  no  doubt  so  used  (c.  17, 
5).  Another  of  his  last  acts  is  mentioned 
by  Pliny  (see  note  on  c.  17,  i). 

3.  noctium  suarum  ingenia  =  * quid- 
quid  nocturnae  libidinis  ingeniose  excogi- 
tavisset'  (Jacob).  *  Ingenium  '  is  often 
used  of  persons  in  the  sense  of '  inventive- 
ness' (14,  3,  5,  &c.) ;  and  Plin.  mi.  has 
(Pan.  49)  '  exquisita  ingenia  cenarum'. 
The  word  is  also  often  used  in  Tacitus  of 
the  nature  or  qualities  of  things  (cp.  3. 
26,  2,  and  note) ;  and  Orelli  and  others  so 
take  it  here  :  cp.  *  immixtis  histrionibus  et 
spadonum  gregibus  et  cetero  Neronianae 
aulae  ingenio'  (H.  2.  71,  i). 

4.  offertur,  *  is  suggested,'  *  occurs  to 
him.' 

6.  tamquam,  *  on  the  ground  that ' ; 
giving  the  pretext  and  explaining  the  real 
motive  ('  proprio  odio '). 

7.  proprio  odio,  causal  abl.  (taken 
with  '  agitur  in  exilium '),  *  on  account 
of  his  own  hate  for  her.'  This  is  shown 
to  be  the  meaning  by  the  contrast  *  Tigel- 
lini simultatibus  dedit '. 

Minucium  Thermum,  probably  a 
son  of  the  one  mentioned  in  6.  7, 2,  whence 
the  name  is  here  restored  by  Ryck,  for  the 
Med.  •  Municium '. 

8.  dedit.  All  recent  edd,  follow  Rhen. 
in  thus  reading.  Med.  has  '  deditum  ' ; 
several  other  MSS.  and  edd.  '  dedidit '. 
Tacitus  generally  uses  '  dare  '  in  such  ex- 
pressions (cp.  I,  10,  2  ;  15.  59,  8,  &c.) ; 
*  dedidit '  has  been  less  well  defended  from 
c.  10,  5  ;  3.  23,  I. 

quaedam    .     .     .     detulerat,   *had 

brought     certain     charges     vindictively 

against  Tigellinus,'  as  to  which  apparently 

under  torture  he  incriminated  his  patron. 

t 


Cp.  'qui  .  .  .  criminosius  Blaesum  incu- 
sarent '  (H.  3.  38,  3).  Orelli  takes  the 
words  to  mean  that  he  had  given  infor- 
mation of  libels  spoken  against  Tigellinus 
by  Minucius;  but  for  this  the  freedman 
would  have  been  rewarded,  not  tortured. 

10.  luere :  so  Halm,  Orelli,  Ritt., 
Jacob,  after  Acid.  All  MSS.  and  other 
edd.  read  'lueret'  in  the  sense  of  'was 
destined  to  atone '.  Dr.  compares  '  in  eas 
sedes  transgressus,  in  quibus  pars  Ro- 
mani  imperii  fierent'  (G.  29,  i),  and  'res 
.  .  .  defixere  aciem  in  his  vestigiis,  in  qui- 
bus pulchram  . . .  victoriam  ederetis '  (Agr. 
34,  3).  On  the  other  hand  the  '  t'  might 
easily  have  been  a  repetition  from  the 
initial  of  '  trucidatis ' ;  and  Tacitus  cer- 
tainly as  a  rule  uses  the  plural  verb  or 
predicate  in  such  sentences  (cp.  c.  7,  2  ; 
12.  41,  4;  14.  53,  3;  and  several  other 
passages  here  cited  by  Halm) ;  though 
the  singular  can  also  be  defended  by  in- 
stances (see  Nipp.  Append,  to  12.  12), 
especially  if  stress  is  supposed  to  be  laid 
on  the  patron's  fate  (cp.  1. 10,  i  ;  2.  26, 3  ; 
12.  12,  3). 

11.  virtutem  ipsam  excindere.  In 
the  brief  account  given  by  the  epitomist 
of  Dio  (62.  26,  1),  it  is  stated  that  they 
were  condemned  for  no  other  reason  but 
because  they  were  foremost  in  rank  and 
virtue.  For  the  expression,  Jacob  com- 
pares *  omni  bona  arte  in  exilium  acta ' 
(Agr.  2,  2). 

12.  Thrasea  Paeto  :  for  his  full  name 
see  note  on  13.  49,  i,  where  he  is  first 
mentioned.  Besides  the  occasions  re- 
ferred to  below,  he  is  mentioned  promi- 
nently in  15.  20,  2  ;  23,  5,  and  is  alluded 
to  by  Vitellius  in  H.  2.  91,  5.  His  bio- 
graphy of  Cato  is  alluded  to  by  Plutarch 


^l^~'i%.fL.miv 


454 


CORN  ELI  I  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[a.  D.  66 


Sorano,  olim  utrisque  infensus  et  accedentibus  causis  in  Thraseam, 
quod  senatu  egressus  est  cum  de  Agrippina  referretur,  ut  memo- 
ravi,  quodque  luvenalium  ludicro  parum  spectabilem  operam 
praebuerat ;  eaque  offensio  altius  penetrabat,  quia  idem  Thrasea 
Patavi,  unde  ortus  erat,  ludis  f  cetastisf  a  Troiano  Antenore  insti- 
tutis  habitu  tragico  cecinerat.  die  quoque  quo  praetor  Antistius  2 
ob  probra  in  Neronem  composita  ad  mortem  damnabatur,  mitiora 
censuit  obtinuitque  ;  et  cum  deum  honores  Poppaeae  decernuntur 


(Cato  Min.  25,  37\  who  elsewhere  records 
a  eulogy  of  Nero  on  his  justice  {rroK 
irapayyeKfi.  14.  p.  810  B).  Other  notices 
of  him,  ancient  and  modern,  are  given  by 
Mayor  on  Juv.  5,  35. 

Baraa  Sorano,  only  mentioned  pre- 
viously as  COS.  design,  and  as  voting 
a  reward  to  Pallas  (12.  53,  2).  His  gen- 
tile name  appears  to  be  Marcius  (see  note 
there).  He  was  at  this  time  advanced  in 
years  (c.  30,  4).  His  son-in-law  (1.  1.), 
Annius  Pollio,  had  been  already  exiled 
for  his  supposed  share  in  the  conspiracy 
of  Piso  (15.  71,  6).  His  name  is  coupled 
in  Boeth.  Cons.  1,  Pr.  3  with  those  of 
Canus  and  Seneca  as  martyrs  to  their 
exaltation  above  the  standard  of  their 
age. 

2.  ut  memoravi  :  see  14.  12,  2. 

3.  luvenalium  :  see  14.  15,  i.  No 
previous  mention  is  made  of  Thrasea's 
conduct  in  this  respect;  and  we  should 
suppose  from  15.  33,  i  that  Nero  had  of 
late  ceased  to  care  to  keep  up  this  fes- 
tival :  see  however  note  on  15.  50,  6. 

parum  spectabilem.  AU  recent 
edd.,  except  Ritt.,  read  thus,  after  MS. 
Agr.  Med.  has  *  parum  et  expectabilem  ' ; 
the  older  edd.  either  *  parum  expecta- 
bilem' (after  several  inferior  MSS.),  or 
*  parum  expetibilem '  (after  Bud.),  in  the 
sense  of '  not  such  as  might  be  expected  * 
(or  'desired ') ;  'expectabilis'  being  found 
only  in  Tert.  Marc.  3.  16  ;  *  expetibilis ' 
in  Sen.  Ep.  117,  4.  The  meaning  with 
either  reading  would  be  that  he  had  not 
joined,  or  joined  but  coldly  in  the  applause 
(see  c.  5,  3),  or  (as  the  context  seems 
rather  to  indicate)  had  not  appeared  on 
the  stage,  as  other  nobles  did  (14.  15,  2), 
and  as  he  had  done  elsewhere.  Ritt., 
who  reads  *  parum  et  vix  spectabilem ', 
takes  the  words  to  mean  that  he  had 
been  for  the  most  part  absent,  and,  when 
present,  was  unenthusiastic.  Dio  (62. 
a6,  4)   appears  to  render  them  by  ovrt 


4.  penetrabat,  sc  *  animum  Neronis ' : 
cp.  the  full  expression  in  i .  69,  4. 

5.  ludis  t cetastisf.  Halm  and  Or. 
retain  the  unintelligible  Med.  text,  in 
preference  to  adopting  any  of  the  many 
emendations  (see  their  critical  notes  and 
Walther's) .  Some  light  is  thrown  on  the 
word  by  an  inscription  (C.  I.  L.  v.  i. 
2787)  in  letters  of  a  fairly  good  time, 
found  near  Patavium  (Padua^,  to  a  '  lusor 
epidixib[us]  et  cetaes  '  (which  latter  word 
Mommsen  there  takes  to  be  a  Greek 
dative  from  '  cetae ' ;  also  by  a  passage 
in  Charisius  (p.  100  P.),  quoting  a  letter 
of  Pomponius  Secundus  (see  on  5.  8,  4) 
to  Thrasea,  in  which  the  word  '  cetariis ' 
(which  he  agrees  with  Pliny  should  have 
been  'cetaribus')  occurs.  Hence  Nipp. 
here  reads  •  cetariis ',  and  thinks  that  as 
Patavium  lay  near  the  sea,  and  had  a 
domain  extending  to  it  (Liv.  10.  2,  7),  it 
may  have  had  a  festival  connected  with 
the  tunny  fisheries  (cp.  Hor.  Sat.  2.  5,  44) 
of  the  Adriatic.  Ritt.  and  Dr.  follow 
Seyffert  in  reading  *  vetustis '.  Dio  (1.  1.) 
gives  no  name  to  the  feast,  but  calls  it 
foprr)  TpiaKovTaerrjpis.  Its  antiquity  and 
rare  occurrence  may  have  induced  Thrasea 
to  relax  so  far  as  thus  to  take  part  in  it. 

Antenore,  the  traditional  founder  of 
Patavium  and  colonizer  of  the  district 
(Liv.  I.  I,  2  ;  Verg.  Aen.  r,  247).  ' 

6.  cecinerat,  i.  e.  had  taken  the  prin- 
cipal part,  and  sung  the  monologue,  in  a 
trag^edy  :  rpayqjSiav  nard  ri  Trarpiov  .  .  . 
vTTOKpivdfjKvos  (Dio,  1.  1.):  cp.  15.  65,  2, 
and  note. 

Antistius :  see  14.  48,  i. 

7.  ad  mortem  damnabatur :  for  the 
expression  cp.  6.  38,  4,  and  note,  also 
*  damnati  ad  poenam '  (PI.  adTrai.  32,  i). 
Tacitus  elsewhere  has  an  abl.  of  the 
penalty  with  this  verb  (H.  4.  45,  3),  or  a 
sentence  with  *ut  *  (2.  67,  3),  but  not  the 
genit.  (as  'capitis',  &c.). 

8.  cum.  Ritt.  reads  *dum'  with 
Heins.,    thinking    that  with   '  cum '   an 


A.  D.  66] 


LIBER  XVI.      CAP.  21,   22 


455 


3  sponte  absens,  funeri  non  interfuerat.  quae  oblitterari  non  sine- 
bat  Capito  Cossutianus,  praeter  animum  ad  flagitia  praecipitem 
iniquus  Thraseae  quod  auctoritate  eius  concidisset,  iuvantis  Cili- 
cum  legates  dum  Capitonem  repetundarum  interrogant. 

1  22.  Quin  et  ilia  obiectabat,  principio  anni  vitare  Thraseam  5 
sollemne  ius  iurandum  ;  nuncupationibus  votorum  non  adesse, 
quamvis  quindecimvirali  sacerdotio  praeditum  ;  numquam  pro 
salute  principis  aut  caelesti  voce  immolavisse  ;  adsiduum  olim  et 
indefessum  qui  vulgaribus  quoque  patrum  consultis  semet  fauto- 
rem  aut  adversarium  ostenderet,  triennio  non  introisse  curiam  ;  lo 
nuperrimeque,  cum  ad  coercendos  Silanum  et  Veterem  certatim 


imperf.  indie,  or  subjunct.  would  be  ex- 
pected. 

deum  honores  (cp.  15.   74,  4).     In 

^'his    account    of   the    funeral  honours  of 

.'  Poppaea  (c.  6,  3)  Tacitus  had  omitted 

:  this.     On  the  same  coins  on  which  the 

i  apotheosis  of  her  child  is  commemorated 

i  (see  on  15.  23,  4),  she  is  also  represented 

■  sitting  in  a  temple,  with  the  legend  *  Diva 

j  Poppaea  Aug.'  (Eckh.  vi.  287  ;  Coh.  i. 

1  315)'     An  inscription  with  the  same  title 

[exists   (C.   I.   L.    II.    1331) ;    and    Dio 

mentions  (63.  26,  5)  among  the  last  acts 

of  Nero  his  consecration  of  her  temple, 

inscribed  Sa/StVj;  Qi^  ' k<pp6h\.TQ  ox  yvvcuKes 

inoiTjaav. 

1.  sponte,  'intentionally.' 
interfuerat  :     so     all     recent     edd. 

after  MS.  Jes.,  as  nearer  to  the  Med. 
*  interfuerit '  than  *  interfuit ',  which  is 
read  by  other  MSS.  and  edd.,  and  ap- 
pears to  have  been  accommodated  to  the 
other  tenses  ('  censuit  obtinuitque  '). 

2.  Capito  Cossutianus.  In  the  ac- 
count of  his  accusation  by  the  Cilicians 
(13*  33>  3).  the  part  taken  by  Thrasea 
was  not  mentioned. 

3.  iniquus  :  cp.  3.  4,  3,  and  note. 

concidisset,  '  he  had  been  con- 
demned ' ;  so  in  c.  29,  3 :  so  also  *  ca- 
dere*  in  6.  14,  i ;  H.  4.  6,  a  ;  Cic.  Att. 
7-25. 

4.  repetundarum  interrogant  :  cp. 
13.  14,  2,  and  note. 

I  6.  sollemne  ius  iiirandum,  the  oath 
I  maintaining  the  'acta'  of  the  princeps 
land  his  predecessors  (see  below  §  5  ;  i. 
'72,  2,  and  note;  13.  11,  i)  which,  as 
well  as  the  *  sacramentum  in  nomen  prin- 
cipis '  (see  I.  7,  3,  and  note),  was  renewed 
annually  on  the  1st  of  January. 

(nuncupationibus  votorum.  The 
'  vota  pro  incolumitate  reipublicae '  were 


taken  on  the  ist  of  January  (see  4.  70, 
I,  and  note'),  those  'pro  incolumitate 
principis'  on  the  3rd  (Plut.  Cic.  2).  It  is 
shown  in  4.  17, 1  (where  see  note)  that  all 
the  priestly  colleges  took  part  in  them. 

7.  quindecimvirali  sacerdotio  :  see 
3.  64,  3,  and  note. 

praeditum :  so  used  of  this  priest- 
hood in  II.  II,  3. 

8.  caelesti  voce :  cp.  14.  15,  9  ;  also 
*  flagitantibus  cunctis  caelestem  vocem ' 
(Suet.  Ner.  21)  ;  and  the  charges  de- 
scribed by  Philostratus  ( Vit.  Ap.  5 . 7),  on  the 
authority  of  Apollonius,as  rife  during  that 
time  :  oi/K  i^\0(s  aKpoacrofievos  Hepojvos,  ij 
vap^ada  fxlv  paOvficui  Si  ■qf(poa>,  ky€\as, 
ovK  (KpoTTjaas,  ovk  edvcras  vvlp  rrjs  (pcuvfjs. 

9.  indefessum  :  cp,  i.  64,  5  ;  a  word 
first  introduced  into  prose  by  Tacitus 
(Introd.  i.  v.  §  70). 

qui  .  .  .  ostenderet.  Nipp.  notes 
that  this  clause  (to  which  '  olim '  equally 
belongs)  adds  point  to  the  preceding 
adjectives. 

vulgaribus,  '  on  everyday  matters ' ; 
cp.  13.  49,  I,  where  he  is  mentioned  as 
opposing  a  decree  so  termed. 

10.  triennio,  &c.  Under  the  Republic 
senators  \|ere  liable  to  a  fine  and  *pi- 
gnoris  capio  '  (cp.  13.  28,  4,  and  note)  for 
non  attendance  (see  Liv.  3.  38,  12  ;  Cic. 
Phil.   I.  5,   12),   but  the  enforcement  of 
such   penalty    appears    to    have  become 
practically  obsolete  (see  Momms.  Staatsr.  ' 
iii.  916).     Attendance  had  been  enforced 
with   increased   stringency  by   Augustus  1 
and  Claudius  (Dio,  54.  18,  3  :  60. 11,  8   ;  j 
but  the  language  of  Nero  (c.  27,  2),  unless/ 
it  is  to  be  taken  to  apply  to  Thrasea  only, 
would  show  that  it  had   again    become 
lax. 

11.  Silanum  et  Veterem  :  seec.  7,  3  ; 
II,  6.     Others    were   accused   on    both 


45<5 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[a.  D.  66 


concurreretur,  privatis  potius  clientium  negotiis  vacavisse.    seces-  2 
sionem  iam  id  et  partis  et,  si  idem  multi  audeant,  bellum  esse. 
*  ut  quondam  C.  Caesarem '  inquit  '  et  M.  Catonem,  ita  nunc  te, 
Nero,  et  Thraseam  avida  discordiarum  civitas  loquitur,    et  habet  3 

6  sectatores  vel  potius  satellites,  qui  nondum  contumaciam  senten- 
tiarum  sed  habitum  vultumque  eius  sectantur,  rigidi  et  tristes, 
quo  tibi  lasciviam  exprobrent.     huic  uni  incolumitas  tua  sine  4 
cura,  artes   sine   honore.     prospera   principis   respuit :   etiamne 
luctibus  et  doloribus  non  satiatur  ?   eiusdem  animi  est  Poppaeam  5 

lo  divam  non  credere  cuius  in  acta  divi  Augusti  et  divi  luli  non 


occasions ;  but  only  the  principal  criminal 
in  each  case  is  here  specified.  The  lan- 
guage is  rhetorical,  for  Vetus  was  already 
dead  before  he  was  accused. 

1.  privatis,  &c.,  'gave  his  leisure 
rather  to  the  private  suits  of  his  clients,' 
by  assisting  them  in  the  law-courts.  The 
moral  support  thus  given  to  clients  by  the 
presence  of  a  patron  of  rank  may  be 
gathered  from  Mart.  2.  32. 

2.  id  :  for  this  use  of  the  neuter  cp,  i . 
49,  4,  and  note. 

partis,  *  a  formation  of  parties  in 
the  state.'  Nero  was  no  more  than  the 
head  of  one  party;  Thrasea  that  of 
another. 

I     3.  ut  quondam,  as  men  used  to  talk 

/of  Julius   Caesar   and   Cato  (of  Utica). 

I  The  latter  was  the  leading  representa- 
tive of  the  republican  opposition  to  the 

'  former. 

te,  Nero,  et  Thraseam:  so  all  edd. 
after  Put.  for  Med.  *  tenebo  thrasea  '.  Ritt. 
prefers  *  te,  Nero,  Thraseamque',  as  such 
variation  after  *  C.  Caesarem  et  M.  Cato- 
nem '  would  be  in  the  manner  of  Tacitus ; 
but  the  loss  of  *  et '  before  '  t '  seems 
more  probable.  The  accus.  here  with 
'  loqnor '  may  be  compared  with  *  Phar- 
saliam  .  .  .  loquebantur'  (H.  i,  50,  3), 
'  caesos  exercitus  .  .  .  loquebantur '  (H.  4. 
12,  i),  and  is  found  in  Cic.  and  Li  v. 
Cp.  also  '  ingredi  aliquem '  (6.  4,  i ), 
'disserere  aliquid'  (1.4,  2,&c.).  It  is  not 
necessary  to  suppose  the  presence  of  Nero 
at  this  debate,  as  the  princeps  is  certainly 
sometimes  thus  addressed  in  his  absence 
(see  6.  8,  6). 

5.  satellites,  *  his  courtiers,'  substituted 
as  a  more  invidious  term  for  '  sectatores'; 
so  used  bitteriy  in  2.  45,  4  ;  6.  3,  2,  &c. 

sententiarum,  of  his  votes  in  the 
senate. 

6.  habitum,  'his  demeanour'  (cp.  1. 


10,  7,  &c.);  so  joined  with  'vultus  '  in  H. 
I.  17,  2  ;  2.  52,  2  :  cp.  '  habitu  et  ore  '  (c. 

32,3). 

rigidi  et  tristes.  Suet.  (Ner.  37) 
makes  the  only  charge  against  Thrasea 
himself  to  have  been  his  '  tristior  et  paeda- 
gogi  vultus '.  The  morose  expression 
affected  by  Stoics  is  often  noticed :  cp. 

*  philosophi  vultum  et  tristitiam  et  dis- 
sentientem  a  ceteris  habitum'  (Quint,  i. 
pr.  §  15),  '  triste  supercilium  durique 
severa  Catonis  Frons'  (Mart.  11.  2,  i), 
&c.  On  the  Stoic  opposition  under  the 
Caesars  see  Introd.  p.  83;  Friedl.  iii. 
617,  foil. 

7.  sine  cura :  so  all  recent  edd.  after 
Lips.  The  insertion  is  violent,  but  the 
alternative  of  Gron.  (*  incolumitas  tua, 
tuae  artes')  not  less  so,  and  inferior  in 
sense.  The  two  clauses  refer  to  the 
charges  *  numquam  .  .  .  immolavisse '. 

8.  [prospera  principis  respuit.  Med. 
gives  '  prospera  principis  respemit '.  Most 
edd.  read  *  prosperas  principis  res  spernit'. 
Andresen  while  still  considering  the  true 
reading  very  doubtful  gives  '  prospera 
principis  spernit '.  I  have  ventured  to 
alter  *  respemit '  to  '  respuit '  for  which 
vide  Tac.  Dialog.  9.  *  prospera '  seems 
to  be  right ;  it  is  the  common  Tacitean 
expression :  the  corruption  probably 
lies  in  *  respemit ' ;  cp.  below  '  spernit 
religiones,  abrogat  leges'. —  F.] 

etiamne  .  .  .  non  = '  num  ne  .  .  . 
quidem  ' :  cp.  13.  3,  6,  and  note.  'Luc- 
tibus '  refers  to  the  death  of  Poppaea. 

10.  in  acta,  &c. :  see  on  §  i.      The 

*  acta '  of  Tiberius  and  Gains  were  not 
included  in  the  oath  (Dio,  59  9,  i  ;  Suet. 
CI.  1 1)  ;  so  that  those  of  Julius,  Augustus, 
and  Claudius  were  alone  at  this  time 
sworn  to  (with  those  of  Nero  himself). 
The  latter  name  is,  naturally,  omitted,  as 
less   acceptable  to   Nero   than    the   two 


A.  D.  66] 


LIBER  XVI.      CAP.   22,   23 


457 


iiirare.  spernit  religiones,  abrcgat  leges,  diurna  populi  Romani 
per  provincias,  per  exercitus  curatius  leguntur,  ut  noscatur  quid 
Thrasea  non  fecerit.  aut  transeamus  ad  ilia  instituta,  si  potiora 
sunt,  aut  nova  cupientibus  auferatur  dux  et  auctor.  ista  secta 
Tuberones  et  Favonios,  veteri  quoque  rei  publicae  ingrata  nomina,  5 

8  genuit.     ut  imperium  evertant  libertatem  praeferunt :  si  pervert- 

9  erint,  libertatem  ipsam  adgredientur.  frustra  Cassium  amovisti, 
si  gliscere  et  vigere  Brutorum  aemulos  passurus  es.  denique 
nihil  ipse  de  Thrasea  scripseris :  disceptatorem  senatum  nobis 

10  relinque.'    extollit  ira  promptum  Cossutiani  animum  Nero  adicit-  10 
que  Marcellum  Eprium  acri  eloquentia. 
1      23.  At   Baream   Soranum   iam   sibi  Ostorius  Sabinus  eques 


former.  The  contempt  of  '  divi  *  shown 
by  his  abstinence  explains  also  his  taking 
no  part  in  the  apotheosis  of  Poppaea.  He 
is  thus  shown  *  spernere  religiones  ' ;  also 
his  contempt  of  the  *  acta  principum  ',  and 
his  absence  from  the  senate  generally,  is 
charged  as  a  virtual  *  abrogatio  legum '. 
Tiberius  is  mentioned  (4.  42,  3)  as  strik- 
ing a  senator  off  the  roll  for  not  swearing 
to  the  '  acta  Augusti '. 

1.  diurna  populi  Bomani  :  on  these 
public  journals  see  Introd.  i.  iii.  p.  15. 

2.  curatius,  *  more  carefully  ' :  cp.  14. 
21,  2,  and  note;  also  i.  13,  7,  and 
note. 

quid  Thrasea  non  fecerit.  His 
abstentions  show  the  disaffected  how  far 
they  may  go. 

3.  ilia  instituta,  the  republicanism  of 
Thrasea,  explained  by  '  nova  cupien- 
tibus' below. 

4.  ista  secta,  Stoicism,  sufficiently 
understood  by  the  preceding  description 

(§3). 

5.  Tuberones  et  Favonios,  rhetorical 
plurals  (cp.  I.  10,  3,  &c.).  Q.  Aelius 
Tubero,  a  nephew  of  the  younger  Afri- 
canus  and  an  opponent  of  the  Gracchi,  is 
itaken  as  one  of  the  persons  of  the  dia- 
logue *de  Kepublica'  by  Cic,  who  else- 
where speaks  of  him  as  a  Stoic  of  high 
|Character,  but  of  austerity  amounting  to 
(Tudeness,  and  as  displaying  at  times  a 
i*  perversa  sapientia '  (Brut.  31,  117;  pro 

Mur.  36,  75) ;  also  as  a  learned  jurist 
(Cic.  ap.  Gell.  1.22,  7).  Seneca  praises 
his  asceticism  (Ep.  95,  72,  &c.).  M.  Fa- 
vonius,  who  is  ofttn  mentioned  in  the 
letters  of  Cicero,  was  prominent  among 
the  optimates,  though  personally  at  en- 


mity with  Pompeius,  and  was  taken  pri- 
soner at  Philippi,  and  put  to  death.  His 
Stoicism  and  austerity  of  demeanour 
seem  to  have  been  part  of  his  servile 
imitation  of  Cato  of  Utica. 

6.  imperium,  that  of  the  princeps. 
praeferunt  =' prae  se  ferunt',    'make 

a  display  of  :  cp.  2.  53,  4,  and  note. 

7.  Cassium:  see  c.  7,  i.  He  is  as- 
sumed to  be  a  representative  of  his  name- 
sake, and  thus  named  with  Thrasea,  who 
is  regarded  as  emulating  Marcus  and 
Decimus  Brutus. 

9.  nihil  .  .  .  scripseris,  he  need  send 
no  missive,  such  as  was  often  sent  (see  5. 
3,  2  ;  6.  9,  2,  &c.),  and  wliich  would  leave 
the  senate  no  choice;  he  might  safely 
leave  it  to  be  '  disceptator ',  to  decide 
between  accuser  and  accused  on  its  own 
discretion.  Nero  so  far  followed  this 
hint  as  to  write  without  mentioning 
names  (c.  27,  2). 

10.  extollit  =  'incendit'.  Nero  excites 
still  further  the  spirit  of  Cossutianus, 
already  eager,  from  personal  animosity 
('ira')  towards  Thrasea  (see  c.  21,  3). 
Tacitus  has  elsewhere  'extollere  animos 
ad  superbiam'  (4.  17,  3)  :  cp.  'ira  ..  . 
extollit  animos  et  incitat'  (Sen.  de  Ira  I. 

7,0. 

1 1 .  Marcellum  Eprium :  see  1 2.  4,  5 , 
and  note. 

acri  eloquentia,  *  a  man  of  biting 
eloquence.' 

1 2.  eques  Bomanus.  His  rank  as  well 
as  his  cognomen  distinguishes  him  from  1 
the  family  of  the  Ostorius  of  c.  14,  4,  &c.  | 
The  gentile  name  is  so  restored  here  and  i 
in  c.  30,  I  (for  '  torius ')  from  the  Med. 
text  of  c.  33,  4. 


458 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[a.  D.  66 


Romanus  poposcerat  reum  ex  proconsulatu  Asiae,  in  quo  offen- 
siones  principis  auxit  iustitia  atque  industria,  et  quia  portui 
Ephesiorum  aperiendo  curam  insumpserat  vimque  civitatis 
Pergamenae  prohibentis  Acratum,  Caesaris  libertum,  statuas 
5  et  picturas  evehere  inultam  omiserat.  sed  crimini  dabatur  ami-  2 
citia  Plauti  et  ambitio  conciliandae  provinciae  ad  spes  novas. 
tempus  damnationi  delectum  quo  Tiridates  accipiendo  Armeniae  3 
regno  adventabat,  ut  ad  externa  rumoribus  intestinum  scelus 
obscuraretur,  an  ut  magnitudinem  imperatoriam  caede  insignium 
lo  virorum  quasi  regio  facinore  ostentaret. 

24.  Igitur  omni  civitate  ad  excipiendum  principem  spectan-  1 


1.  ex  proconsulatu  Asiae,  i.e.  for 
matters  arising  out  of  it.  Soranus  had 
been  consul  in  A.  D.  52  (see  12.  53,  2, 
and  note),  and  his  proconsulate  has  been 
shown  to  belong  to  the  year  a.d.  61-62 
(Waddington,  Fastes  des  prov.  Asiat. 
pp.  134-140).  It  is  spoken  of  as  an 
old  story  (*  vetera  haec '  c.  30,  2) ;  and 
Rubellius  Plautus,  with  whose  friendship 
he  was  charged,  had  retired  to  Asia  in 

jA.D.  60  (14.  22,  2),  and  had  been  put 
to  death  there  in  A.D.  62  (14.  59,  i). 
The  difficulty  arising  from  this  date  is 
that  it  obliges  us  to  suppose  either  that 
the  introduction  of  the  name  of  Acratus 
here  is  an  error,  or  that  his  actual  mis- 
sion took  place  fully  two  years  before 
the  mention  of  it  (15.  45,  3),  and  had  no 
original  connexion  with  the  loss  of  works 
of  art  in  the  great  fire,  though  it  was 
perhaps  extended  after  it. 

in  quo.  [Med.  gives  *  in  qua '.  The 
alteration  to  '  in  quo  '  is  due  to  Nipper- 
dey.— F.] 

2.  industria.  Jacob  well  compares 
the  sentiment  in  Agr.  6,  3  *  gnarus  sub 
Nerone  temporum,  quibus  inertia  pro 
sapientia  fuit '.  His  general  energy,  and 
especially  the  opening  out  of  the  harbour, 
seem  to  be  in  part  the  ground  of  the 
charge  of  '  ambitio  conciliandae  pro- 
vinciae ad  spes  novas'  (§  2  ;  cp.  c  30,  i). 

3.  aperiendo,  by  removing  the  sand 
drift.  Jacob  cites  Ulp.  in  Dig.  43.  11,  i 
*viam  aperire  est  ad  veterem  altitudinem 
latitudinemque  restituere'.  The  harbour 
had  at  all  times  suffered  from  the  alluvium 
of  the  Cayster,  and  the  evil  had  become 
aggravated  when  Strabo  wrote  (14.  i,  24, 
641),  owing  to  some  mistaken  remedies 
dating  from  the  time  of  Attalus  ii.  (Phil- 
adelphus).  It  is  now  completely  filled  ap 
and  its  site  is  indicated  by  a  marsh. 


insumpserat,  with  gerundive  dat. :  cp . 
2.  53,  2,  and  note. 

4.  Pergamenae:  see  3.63,  3, and  note. 

Acratum :  see  above  on  §  i.  Ac- 
cording to  Dio  Chrys.  Or.  31,  645  R,  Per- 
gamum  did  suffer  pillage  at  that  time. 

5.  evehere  :  so  all  recent  edd.  after 
Baiter  (who  appears  to  have  been  antici- 
pated by  P.  Victorius).  Med.  has  'se 
uehere '  (by  repetition  of  '  s '  from  the 
preceding  word) ;  other  MSS.  and  edd. 
*  avehere '.  'Evecta '  is  used  in  a  descrip- 
tion of  similar  pillage  by  Verres  at  As- 
pendus  (Cic.  Verr.  2.  i,  20,  53). 

6.  Plauti :  see  above  on  §  i. 
ambitio,  'courting  popularity'  :  'spes; 

novas '  =  *  spes  novarum  rerurd'  (cp.  i.  4,  J 
2,  &c.). 

7.  Tiridates  adventabat.  On  the 
expedition  of  Tiridates  see  15.  29-31. 
On  his  reception  and  investiture  with  the 
kingdom  of  Armenia  see  Appendix  to 
this  Book.  'Adventare'  takes  a  simple 
dat.  in  6.  33,  5,  and  '  venire'  a  gerundive 
dat.  in  6.43,  3;  15.  24,  3. 

8.  ut  ad  externa,  &c,,  *  that  the  atro- 
city at  home  might  be  less  noticed  through 
the  general  talk  turning  on  foreign  affairs.' 
To  insert  'versis'  (with  Acid.)  would  be 
a  violent  and  needless  change  ;  the  idea 
of  some  such  participle  being  sufficiently 
supplied  from  the  sense,  as  in  'exempla . . . 
ad  virtutem  et  gloriam'  (11.  23,  3),  and 
the  employment  of  *  ad '  to  express  such 
direction  or  relation  being  in  itself  not 
unusual  (cp.  11.  36,  4  ;  14.  23,  i,  &c.). 

10.  regio  ;  i.e.  the  normal  conduct  of  an  j 
Eastern  king:  cp.  6.  i,  2,  and  note.    The  \ 
subject  of  *  ostentaret '  can  be  easily  sup- 
plied from  the  sense  ;  and  there  is  no  need 
to  insert  '  Nero ',  with  Ritt. 

11.  ad  excipiendum,  &c.  Nero  had 
received  Tiridates  at  Naples,  and  escorted 


A.  D.  66] 


LIBER  XVI.      CAP.  23-25 


459 


I 


dumque  regem  effusa,  Thrasea  occursu  prohibitus  non  demisit 
animum  sed  codicillos  ad  Neronem  composuit,  requirens  obiecta 
et  expurgaturum  adseverans  si  notitiam  criminum  et  copiam 

2  diluendi  habuisset.  eos  codicillos  Nero  properanter  accepit,  spe 
exterritum  Thraseam  scripsisse  per  quae  claritudinem  principis  5 

3  extolleret  suamque  famam  dehonestaret.  quod  ubi  non  evenit 
vultumque  et  spiritus  et  libertatem  insontis  ultro  extimuit,  vocari 
patres  iubet. 

25.  Turn   Thrasea   inter   proximos   consultavit,  temptaretne 
defensionem  an  sperneret.   diversa  consilia  adferebantur.    quibus  10 
intrari  curiam  placebat,  secures  esse  de  constantia  eius  disserunt ; 
nihil   dicturum   nisi   quo   gloriam   augeret.      segnis   et   pavidos 
supremis   suis  secretum  circumdare :    aspiceret   populus  virum 

voces  quasi  ex  aliquo  numine 


I 


morti   obvium,  audiret  senatus 

him  to  Rome.  (See  Appendix.)  Some 
interval  may  naturally  be  supposed 
between  Capito's  attack  on  Thrasea  in 
the  senate  (c.  22)  and  the  formal  accusa- 
tion :  cp.  *  tempus  damnationi  delectum  * 
(c.  23,  3). 

1 .  effusa.  The  same  word  is  used  of 
a  former  concourse  (15.  23,  5),  where  also 
Thrasea  was  forbidden  to  go  to  meet 
Nero.  On  the  significance  of  such  pro- 
hibitions see  note  there. 

2.  codicillos, '  a  petition ';  so  in  4. 39,  i. 
requirens    obiecta,    *  demanding  to 

know  the  charge  against  him.' 

3.  expurgaturum,  atr.  eip.  in  Tacitus 
(who  so  uses  *  purgaturum  *  in  4.  42,  2). 
The  verb  is  thus  used,  especially  with 
personal  accus.,  in  the  sense  of  clear- 
ing oneself,  several  times  in  Plant,  and 
Ter.  and  in  Sail.  lug.  69,  4.  Here  we 
should  rather  expect  the  full  construction 
to  be  *  et  se  ea  expurgaturum  ' :  cp.  '  non 
facile  est  expurgatu'  (Ter.  Hec.  2.  3,  4). 
For  the  omission  of  pronouns  see  Introd. 
i.  V.  §  8. 

4.  properanter,  '  eagerly,'  i.  e.  he 
caught  at  them  and  read  them  eagerly. 

j     spe,   *  in    hopes,'  apparently  abl.    of 

I  manner. 

6.  extolleret,  *  exalt  it,*  by  humiliat- 
ing himself  to  supplicate. 

famam  dehonestaret.  The  phrase  is 
taken  from  Liv.  41.  6,  10  (*  famam  macu- 
lari  dehonestarique '),  the  only  passage 
in  which  the  verb  is  found  before  the 
silver  age.  Tacitus  uses  it  five  times  in 
the  Annals  (cp.  3. 66,  3 ;  70,  4  ;  4.  74,  2  ; 
14.  15,  i).  Cp.  the  substantive  *  de- 
honestamentimi  *  (12.  14,  6,  and  note). 


quod  .  .  .  evenit.  Hartman,  Anal, 
p.  261,  suggests  'invenit'. 

7.  spiritus,  *  high  spirit ' :  cp.  13.  21, 
9,  and  note. 

ultro  extimuit,  *he  even  feared,' 
instead  of  triumphing,  as  he  had  hoped, 
over  his  weakness. 

9.  proximos,  'his  most  intimate 
friends':  cp.  i.  34,  i;  4.  12,  7;  Cic. 
&c. 

10.  an  sperneret,  'or  disdain  it.'  So 
all  edd.  after  G  for  Med.  *  aspemeret '. 

11.  intrari  curiam,  'that  he  should  put 
in  an  appearance.'  With  '  esse '  *  se '  can 
be  supplied  as  in  numberless  instances, 
though  the  likelihood  of  its  having 
dropped  out  between '  securos '  and  *  esse ' 
gives  colour  to  Ritter's  insertion  of  it. 

disserunt :  so  Haase  and  all  recent 
edd.  for  *  dixerunt ',  which  is  read  in  Med. 
and  other  MSS.  and  older  edd.;  but 
which  is  hardly  likely  to  have  stood  so 
near  *  dicturum '.  *  Disserere '  is  often 
used  with  ace.  and  inf.  (e.g.  c,  7,  3 ;  i. 
81,  3  ;  2.  63,  3,  &c.). 

12.  gloriam  :  Med.  has '  gloria';  which 
makes  it  possible  that  *  augeret '  is  an 
error  for  *  augeretur '  or  *  augesceret ' :  on 
the  prevalence  of  this  idea  in  his  mind 
see  14.  49,  5. 

13.  supremis  suis  secretum  circum- 
dare, *  throw  a  veil  of  privacy  over  their 
end  ' :  cp. '  planctum  et  lamenta  et  supre- 
morum  imaginem  praesenti  sibi  circum- 
data'  (H.  4.  45,  i),  and  other  figurative 
uses  of  the  verb  (14.  15,4;  53,  5 ;  Agr. 
30,  I,  &c.). 

aspiceret,  &c.,  '  let  the  nation  see 
a  man  who  could  look  death  in  the  face.' 


460 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[a.  d.  66 


supra  humanas  :  posse  ipso  miraculo  etiam  Neronem  permoveri  : 
sin  crudelitati  insisteret,  distingui  certe  apud  posteros  memoriam  3 
honesti  exitus  ab  ignavia  per  silentium  pereuntium. 

26.  Contra  qui  opperiendum  domi  censebant,  de  ipso  Thrasea  1 

5  eadem,  sed  ludibria  et  contumelias  imminere  :  subtraheret  auris 
conviciis  et  probris.     non  solum  Cossutianum  aut  Eprium  ad  2 
scelus   promptos  :    superesse  qui   forsitan  manus   ictusque   per 
immanitatem  ausuri  sint ;  etiam  bonos  metu  sequi.     detraheret  3 
potius  senatui  quern  perornavisset  infamiam  tanti  flagitii  et  relin- 

10  queret  incertum  quid  viso  Thrasea  reo  decreturi  patres  fuerint. 
ut  Neronem  flagitiorum  pudor  caperet  inrita  spe  agitari ;  multoque  4 
magis  timendum  ne  in  coniugem,  in  filiam,  in  cetera  pignora  eius 


1.  humanas.  A  few  edd.  endeavour 
to  retain  the  Med. '  humanos ',  in  the  sense 
of  *  homines ',  a  meaning  found  in  Lucr. 
3,  80,  and  a  few  other  places  (see  Munro 
there) ;  but  the  correction  above  (after 
G)  is  a  far  more  probable  reading. 

ipso  miraculo,  '  by  the  very  miracle  ' 
of  such  courage. 

2.  sin :  so  all  edd.  after  inferior  MSS. 
The  Med.  '  si  in  crudelitati '  might  be 
thought  to  suggest  a  reading  '  si  in  crude- 
litate ' ;  but  the  verb  takes  no  such  con- 
struction in  the  sense  of '  persisting  '.  For 
the  dat.  cp.  2.  21,  3 ;  3.  42,  i  ;  H.  2.  46, 

4;  3.77,4- 

3.  ignavia,  &c,,  '  the  cowardice  of 
those  who  died  without  protest,'  the 
*  segniter  pereuntes '  of  c.  16,  2  (for  '  per 
silentium'  cp.  11.  37,  5). 

5.  eadem,  sc.  *  disserunt '  (Introd.  1.  v. 
§38  a). 

7.  superesse,  probably  =  *  abundare ', 
as  in  G.  6,  I  ;  26,  i ,  &c. 

manus  ictusque,  these  may  be 
taken  as  a  hendiadys,  or  *  manus '  may 
be  used  more  generally  of  acts  of  vio- 
lence, such  as  dragging  him  to  prison 
(cp.  *  nostrae  duxere  Helvidium  in  car- 
cerem  manus'  Agr.  45,  i),  or  possibly  of 
threatening  gestures,  such  as  are  described 
in  the  senate  in  H.  4.  41,  3  ('nee  destitit 
senatus  manus  intentare  Voculae  '). 

8.  ausuri  sint.  Med.  gives  '  augusti ' 
without  *  sint ',  and  this  is  more  nearly 
approached  by  the  emendation  of  Lips., 
who  reads  '  ictusque  parent.  Immanita- 
tem Augusti  etiam  bonos  metu  sequi.' 
But  the  emperor  is  rarely  spoken  of  as 
'  Augustus  '  in  ordinary  language.  The 
reading  given  above  is  that  of  Acidalius. 
Many  editors,  including  Halm  and  Dr., 
read  '  ingesturi  sint '.  Heinsius  reads  *  in- 


gesturi  '.  Em.  and  Walth.  prefer  *  ausuri ' 
with  Boxhorn. 

detraheret  .  .  .  infamiam.  This 
verb  is  more  naturally  used  of  taking 
away  what  is  already  present :  cp.  '  ma- 
teriem  sceleri  detrahendam'  (12.  22,  2); 
here  it  has  rather  the  force  of  *  averteret '. 

9.  quem  perornavisset,  probably 
best  taken  (with  Nipp.,  &c.)  to  mean, 

*  of  which  he  had  been  throughout  life 
the  ornament '  (cp.  'perviguere'4.  34,  6). 
Dr.  and  others  explain  it  as  a  superlative 
form  ('of  which  he  had  been  the  great 
ornament ').  The  verb  is  of  the  coinage 
of  Tacitus  (see  Introd.  i.  v.  §.69,  3) ;  but 

*  perornatus ',  in  the  sense  of '  very  ornate', 
is  found  in  Cic.  Brut.  43,  158.  Halm 
needlessly  reads  'semper  ornavisset', after 
Lips. 

11.  ut  Neronem,  &c.,  'the  hope  by 
which  they  were  prompted,  the  hope  that 
Nero,  &c.,  was  futile.'  The  order  of  the 
words  is  here  studied  for  emphasis.  Cic. 
has  '  in  . . .  spem  induxit  ut'  (Off.  2.  15, 
53),  and  'si  spem  afferunt  ut'  (de  Am. 
19,  68) ;  and  '  sperare  ut '  is  found  in  Liv. 
(34-  27,  3),  &c.  (see  Nipp.).  Some,  less 
well,  take  '  ut  . .  .  caperet  *  as  depending 
on  '  agitari ',  in  the  sense  of  '  it  was  their 
plan  that '. 

12.  filiam.  Halm,  Dr.,  and  Pfitzn. 
follow  Nipp.  in  thus  correcting  the  Med. 
'  familiam ',  as  his  daughter  was  his  only 
child  (c.  34,  3).  Cp.  12.  2,  I,  where  a 
similar  alteration  has  been  made,  though 
the  cases  are  possibly  not  parallel. 

pignora  :  so  used  properly  of 
children,  but  also  generally  of  near  re- 
latives (15.  36,  5  ;  57,  3  ;  Plin.  Ep.  i. 
12,  3).  His  son-in-law  Helvidius,  and 
perhaps  his  most  intimate  friends,  would 
be  referred  to. 


A.  D.  66] 


LIBER  XVL      CAP.  25,   26 


461 


5  saeviret.     proinde  intemeratus,  impollutus,  quorum  vestigiis  et 

6  studiis  vitam  duxerit,  eorum  gloria  peteret  finem.  aderat  con- 
silio  Rusticus  Arulenus,  flagrans  iuvenis,  et  cupidine  laudis 
offerebat  se  intercessurum  senatus  consulto  :  nam  plebei  tribunus 
erat.  cohibuit  spiritus  eius  Thrasea  ne  vana  et  reo  non  pro-  5 
futura,  intercessori  exitiosa  inciperet.  sibi  actam  aetatem,  et  tot 
per  annos  continuum  vitae  ordinem  non  deserendum  :  illi  initium 
magistratuum  et  Integra  quae  supersint.  multum  ante  secum 
expenderet  quod  tali  in  tempore  capessendae  rei  publicae  iter 
ingrederetur.  ceterum  ipse  an  venire  in  senatum  deceret  medi-  i< 
tationi  suae  reliquit. 


1.  intemeratus,  impollutus.  These 
synonyms,  like  '  incorrupta  et  intemerata ' 
in  H.  4.  58,  8,  serve  for  rhetorical  em- 
phasis. In  another  rhetorical  passage 
(i.  42,  3)  we  have  '  inausum  intemera- 
tumve'.  For  'impollutus'  cp.  14.  35,  2, 
and  note. 

2.  studiis,  '  their  works.' 

eorum  gloria.  This  may  possibly 
be  explained  (with  Gerber  and  Greef)  as 
taken  in  a  pregnant  sense  ( = '  eorum 
glorioso  exemplo ')  ;  but  the  expression 
*  gloria  alicuius  finem  petere '  is  so  strange 
as  to  make  its  soundness  doubtful. 
Madvig  suggests  (Adv.  ii.  pj^S)  that  a 
single  stroke  has  been  misplaced,  and 
that  'gloriam  peteret  fine'  (*  glorioso  fine 
;iis  se  aequaret')  should  be  read.  Stoicism 
j  inculcated  under  certain  circumstances  the 
duty  of  suicide,  described  as  ivKo^o^  \^n- 
'yor^ri  (see  Diog.  Laert.  7.  I,  66)  ;  and  the 
tenet  was  enforced  by  illustrious  examples, 
such  as  that  of  Cato. 

3.  Rusticus  Arulenus,  mentioned  in 

I  H.  3.  80,  3,  as  praetor  in  a.  d.   69,  and 

I  in  Agr,   2,   i,  as   having   suffered   death 

1  under   Domitian    for   his   biography    of 

iThrasea.     According  to  Suet.  (Dom.  10), 

Who  calls  him  Junius  Rusticus  (see  5.  4, 

jl,  and  note),  the  chief  offence  consisted 

in  his  having  spoken  of  Thrasea  and  Hel- 

vidius  as '  sanctissimos  viros '.   Pliny,  who 

was  a   friend    of  his   brother  Mauricus, 

speaks  of  him  with   much   respect   (see 

Ep.  I.  14,  2\     An  inscription  has   been 

found  at  Rome  to  a  freedman  '  L.  lunii 

Rustici,  philosophi   Stoici '    (C.  I.  L.  6. 

22425). 

flagrans,    *  ardent ' ;    so    '  moras    ne- 
ctens  quis   flagrantem   retineret '    (H.  4. 
68,4). 
\    4.  se  intercessurum.  The'intercessio' 


of  a  tribune  under  the  empire  was  exer-| 
cised  on  sufferance  (i.  77,  3)  or  under! 
peril  (6.  47,  i),  and  was  doubtless  form-| 
ally,  as  well  as  in  fact,  subordinated  to  \ 
the  tribunitian  power  of  the  princeps 
(Introd.  i.  vi.  70,  8).  It  is  noticed  by 
Mommsen  (Staatsr.  ii.  309,  i)  that  the 
*  intercessio '  mentioned  in  a.  D.  69  (H. 
4.  9,  2)  is  the  last  recorded  instance. 
Some  of  the  other  powers  of  the  office 
had  been  already  curtailed  (13.  28,  2,  3). 

4.  plebei  :  so  most  recent  edd.  after 
Ritt.  The  Med.  '  plebi '  was  restored  to 
the  text  (for  the  general  reading  '  plebis ') 
by  Jac.  Gron.,  and  is  retained  by  Orelli 
and  Dr.,  as  a  dat.  like  'praefectus  urbi', 
&c.  Cp.  Liv.  3.  65,  4,  and  Weissenb.  there. 

5.  spiritus  :  cp.  c.  24,  3,  &c. 

vana.  Nipp.  points  out  that  the 
notion  of  futility  is  expressed  by  the  fol- 
lowing words,  and  that  this  must  mean 
distinctively  a  foolish  act,  done  to  gratify 
vanity.     Cp.  2.  30,  2  ;  3.  50,  2,  &c. 

et  .  .  .  non  :  cp.  note  on  i.  38,  4. 

6.  sibi  actam  aetatem, sc. '  esse ',  '  he 
had  lived  his  time.'  The  same  sentiment 
is  expressed  by  Vergil  (Aen.  4,  653), 
'  vixi  et  quern  dederat  cursum  fortuna 
peregi.' 

7.  continuum  vitae  ordinem,  *  the 
whole  tenor  of  his  life.' 

8.  Integra  quae  supersint,  *  his  fu- 
ture was  unaffected ' ;  he  was  not  com- 
promised. 

multum,  with  'expenderet'.  'Let 
him  weigh  well  beforehand  what  poli- 
tical course  he  would  enter  on  in  such 
times.' 

10.  medi  tationi  suae  reliquit.  It  is 
seen  from  c.  34,  i  that  he  did  not  person- 
ally attend  the  senate,  though  he  refused 
to  anticipate  its  sentence. 


462 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[a.  D.  66 


27.  At  postera  luce  duae  praetoriae  cohortes  armatae  templum  1 
Genetricis  Veneris  insedere;  aditum  senatus  globus  togatorum 
obsederat  non  occultis  gladiis,  dispersique  per  fora  ac  basilicas 
cunei  militares.     inter  quorum  aspectus  et  minas  ingressi  curiam  2 
5  senatores,  et  oratio  principis  per  quaestorem  eius  audita  est : 


1.  armatae,  *  in  full  panoply,'  not 
(as  usual  in  the  city)  wearing  the  toga, 
and  armed  only  with  sword  and  spear : 
cp.  3-  4>  2  ;  12.  36,4. 

templum  Genetricis  Veneris.     This 

':  temple  stood  in  the  centre  of  the  Forum 

j  of  Julius  Caesar,  to  the  north-east  of  the 

I  old  Forum  and  near  the  Curia  lulia.  The 

;  goddess  was  worshipped  under  that  title 

j  as  the  parent,  through  Aeneas  and  lulus, 

of  the  Julian  gens  (App.  B.  C.  2,  68  ;  102  ; 

3.  28) ;  and  this  culture  appears  to  have 

.decayed  after  the  extinction  of  that  family, 

as  the  title  rarely  occurs  in  inscriptions 

(C.  I.  L.  9.  1553,  14.  2903).    [See  the  full 

discussion  by  Wissowa  in  his  Gesammelte 

Abhandlungen  (Miinchen,  1904). — P.] 

2.  insedere :  so  Put.  and  edd.  gener- 
ally for  Med.  *  insidere ',  which  Dr.  re- 
tains, and  which  can  be  supported  from 
the  first  Med.  in  3.  61,  2,  and  from  the 
analogous  form  *  considerant '  in  the  first 
Med.  text  of  i.  30,  5.  The  form  '  insedi ' 
is  however  constant  in  some  twenty  other 
places.  The  verb  has  this  sense  in  2. 
16,  4  :  cp.  *  arcem  insedit '  (v,  1.  'insidit') 
in  Liv.  26.  44,  2.  For  a  similar  instance 
of  surrounding  the  senate  with  armed 
men  under  Domitian  see  Agr.  45,  i. 

aditum  senatus,  *  the  way  to  the 
senate-house '  (on  which  see  below). 

togatorum.       It    seems    almost    im- 
;  possible  not  to  suppose  soldiers  in  undress 
to  be  meant  (cp.  *  cohors  togata'  H.   i. 
38,  4),  in  contrast  to  the  two  '  cohortes 
armatae '    above ;     though    certainly    in 
speaking  of  such,  *  non  occultis  gladiis ' 
would  be  an  unmeaning  addition,  unless 
we  may  suppose  that  the  swords  were 
drawn  from  their  scabbards,  or  otherwise 
i  menacingly  displayed  (cp.  c.  29,1).  This 
I  difficulty  has  given  some  support  to  the 
i  view  of  Orelli  and  others,  that  by  *  toga- 
torum '  ordinary  citizens  are  meant,  who, 
though  usually  strictly  prohibited  from 
'  bearing  arms  (see  4.  21,  3  ;  11.  22,  i,  and 
notes),  yet  on  this  occasion  not  only  had 
\swords,  but  openly  displayed  them,  as  if 
.in  defence  of  Caesar.     But  it  is  hardly 
i likely  that  so  dangerous  a  precedent  was 
"sanctioned  ;  and  if  it  had  been,  we  should 
expect  Tacitus  to  have  said  more  about 


it,  or  at  least  to  have  used  such  a  word  as 
*  civium ',  or  some  other  less  misleading  j 
than  *  togatorum '. 

3.  fora  ac  basilicas.  Besides  the  old 
Forum  and  the  Forum  lulium  (in  which 
the  temple  stood),  there  were  close  by  the 
Forum  Augusti  and  the  Basilica  Aemilia. 
It  is  to  be  noted  that  all  these  buildings 
must  either  have  escaped  the  fire  or  must 
have  been  very  speedily  restored  (see  note 
on  15.  40,  4). 

4.  cunei  militares :  cp.  i.  51,  i. 
ciiriam.     This  word  might  no  doubt 

be  used  of  any'  place  in  which  the  senate 
met,  and  Nipp.  supposes  it  here  to  be 
used  of  the  'templum  Veneris'  (§  i). 
But  there  is  no  reason  why  we  should  not 
suppose  the  senate  to  have  met  in  its  / 
usual  place,  the  'Curia  lulia',  built  by  ' 
Augustus  on  the  site  of  the  old  house  \ 
(the  site  of  S.  Adriano)  close  to  the 
Forum.  That  it  had  escaped  the  late  fire 
would  appear  from  the  mention  of  it  as 
having  been  burnt  in  the  time  of  Titus 
(see  Burn,  Rome,  p.  no).  This  supposi- 
tion seems  to  enable  us  to  give  a  clearer  ' 
account  of  the  disposition  of  tlie  troops : 
the  body  of  'togati'  is  posted  at  the 
actual  entrance  of  the  '  Curia ' ;  other 
detachments  (*  cunei ')  are  in  places 
closely  adjoining  ;  and  a  far  larger  and 
more  imposing  force  occupies,  as  a  kind 
of  fortress,  the  neighbouring  temple  and 
precinct,  to  be  available  in  case  of  need. 

5.  oratio  :  cp.  c.  7,  3. 

per  quaestorem  eius.  [Just  as  the 
consuls  had  their  quaestors  specially 
attached  to  their  service  (Plin.  Epp.  8.  23  ; 
ad  Traian.  26,  infra  cap.  34),  so  Caesar  as 
holding  consular  authority  has  his 
quaestors  (=  quaestor  principis  or 
quaestor  Caesaris,  quaestor  Augusti)  :  the 
earliest  reference  to  them  is  the  inscrip- 
tion (C.  I.  L.  3.  p.  985)  'quaestor  imp. 
Caesaris  Augusti'  (see  Mommsen,  Staats- 
recht,2.p.  534). — P.]  They  appear  to  have 
been  two  in  number,  but  beyond  their 
function,  as  on  this  occasion,  of  bringing 
and  reading  to  the  senate  the  messages  of 
the  princeps  (see  Suet.  Aug.  65 ;  Dio,  54. 
25)  5  ;  60.  2,  2),  their  duties  are  un- 
known. 


A.  D.  66] 


LIBER  XVI.      CAP.  27,   28 


463 


nemine  nominatim  compellato  patres  arguebat  quod  publica 
munia  desererent  eorumque  exemplo  equites  Romani  ad  segni- 
3  tiam  verterentur :  etenim  quid  mirum  e  longinquis  provinciis 
haud  veniri,  cum  plerique  adepti  consulatum  et  sacerdotia  horto- 
rum  potius  amoenitati  inservirent.  quod  velut  telum  corripuere  5 
accusatores. 

1  28.  Et  initium  faciente  Cossutiano,  maiore  vi  Marcellus  sum- 
mam    rem    publicam    agi    clamitabat ;    contumacia   inferiorum 

2  lenitatem   imperitantis   deminui.     nimium    mitis   ad   eam  diem 
patres,  qui  Thraseam  desciscentem,  qui  generum  eius  Helvidium  10 
Priscum  in  isdem  furoribus,  simul  Paconium  Agrippinum,  paterni 


I.  nemine.  This  abl.  is  found  in  H. 
2.  47,  6;  Plant.  Cist.  i.  i,  88  ;  in  a  frag- 
ment of  Cic,  and  in  several  places  in 
Suet. 

3.  verterentiir.  The  Med.  'uteren- 
tur'  is  retained  by  Walth.,  and  gives  a 
satisfactory  meaning  (though  *  in  '  rather 
than  '  ad '  might  have  been  expected  from 
the  analogy  of  Agr.  18,  7) ;  but  it  has  been 
pointed  out  that  probably  in  Med.  a  stroke 
(making  it  *  uterentur ')  may  have  been 
effaced,  and  that  the  other  MSS.  may 
thus  have  preserved  the  true  reading,  A 
similar  confusion  of  the  words  is  seen  in 
the  MSS.  of  Agr.  18,  i. 

4.  haud  veniri  :  so  all  edd.  after  Lips, 
for  Med.  *  had  ueniri ',  read  in  other  MSS. 
and  the  oldest  edd.  as  '  adveniri  *.  It 
seems  from  the  context  that  those  whose 
absence  is  thus  palliated  are  the  knights 
who  neglected  their  judicial  duties  to  ply 
their  business  as  'negotiatores'  or  *publi- 
cani '  all  over  the  empire,  and  also  perhaps 
such  senators  as  had  reasonable  ground 
for  being  in  Sicily  and  Narbonensian  Gaul 
(see  12.  23,  i),  localities  which  might 
rhetorically  be  called  '  longinquae  provin- 
ciae '  as  contrasted  with  urban  or  subur- 
ban gardens. 

plerique  =  *permulti'.  The  sen- 
tence is  so  clearly  pointed  at  Thrasea  (see 
c.  22,  I  ;  34,  i),  that  the  '  plerique'  are 
probably  fictitious. 

consulatum,  &c.,  i.  e.  not  merely 
senators,  but  of  the  highest  rank  in  that 
body. 

hortorum,  &c.,  *  preferred  to  give 
ail  their  energies  to  the  beauty  of  their 
gardens  *  (i.  e.  to  beautifying  them) ;  so 
♦  inservire  liberis'  (Dial.  28,  4),  'com- 
raodis  suis  *  (Cic.  Fin.  2.  35, 117),*  hono- 
ribus  '  (Id.  Off.  2.  1,4),*  artibus '  (Id.  de 
Or.  I.  4,  13).     The  term  seems  here  used 


in  ironical  contrast  to  such  bona  fide  oc- 
cupations as  might  excuse  the  absence  of 
those  above  alluded  to. 

7.  faciente,  aoristic  :  cp.  11.  35,  3, 
&c. 

summam  rem  publicam  agi :  cp. 
12.  5,  4,  and  note. 

9.  lenitatem  .  .  .  deminui,  *  his  dis- 
position to  clemency  was  lessened,'  he 
was  forced  to  sterner  courses :  cp.  *  nee . . . 
aut  facilitas  auctoritatem  aut  severitas 
amorem  deminuit '  (Agr.  9,  4). 

10.  descissentsm  :  cp.  *  secessionem 
iam  id  et  partis'  (c.  22,  2). 

Helvidium   Priscum,    perhaps  herej 
first  mentioned  in  the  Annals  (see  on  1 2.  ■ 
49>   3;    13-  28,    5),    but  fully  described 
in  Hist.  4.  5,  where  it  is  stated  that  he 
was  of  municipal  and  not  distinguished 
origin,  and  had  studied  Stoicism  from  his 
youth.     He  is  stated  to  have  been  quaestor 
in  Achaia  under  Nero  (Schol.  Juv.  5,  36),  1 
and  to  have  been  shortly  afterwards  (H.  { 
1.    1.)    married    to    Thrasea's    daughter 
Fannia,  who,  after  many  vicissitudes,  was 
still  living  in  Pliny's  time  (Epp.  7.  19, 
&c.).     After  his  exile  (see  c.  33,  3,  and 
note),  he   distinguished   himself  by  his 
attacks  on  Eprius  Marcellus  (H.  1.  1.), 
and  became  praetor  in  a.d.  70  (H.  2.  91, 
4  >   4-  ,'i3»   3).     His   second   banishment 
(soon   followed   by  his  execution)  under ' 
Vespasian    was   certainly    provoked    by} 
offence  gratuitously  given    (Suet.  Vesp. ; 
15  ;  Dio,  66.  12,  3  ;  Arr.  Epict.  i.  2,  19). 
For  his  biography  written  by  Herennins 
Senecio  see  Agr.   2,  i,  for  the  death  of 
his  son  Helvidius  under  Domitian,  Agr. 

45,  I. 

11.  Paconium   Agrippinum.     The 

former  name  (here  in  Med.  *  ragonium ') 
is  restored  by  Rhen.  from  c.  33,  3.     This  ( 
person  is  also  a  famous  Stoic.    In  a  frag- 1 


464 


CORNELII  TACITl  ANNALIUM 


[A.  D.  66 


in  principes  odii  heredem,  et  Curtium  Montanum  detestanda 
carmina  factitantem  eludere  impune  sinerent.  requirere  se  in  3 
senatu  consularem,  in  votis  sacerdotem,  in  iure  iurando  civem, 
nisi  contra  instituta  et  caerimonias  maiorum  proditorem  palam 
6  ct  hostem  Thrasea  induisset.  denique  agere  senatorem  et  prin-  4 
cipis  obtrectatores  protegere  solitus  veniret,  censeret  quid  corrigi 
aut  mutari  vellet :  facilius.perlaturos  singula  increpantem  quam 
nunc   silentium    perferrent   omnia   damnantis.     pacem    illi   per  5 


ment  of  Epictetus  (ap.  Stob.  7. 17  ;  Epict, 
Fr.  56,  Ed.  Par.  p.  21)  his  modesty  is 
praised,  and  an  account  given  (repeated 
with  more  fullness  of  detail  in  Arr.  Epict. 
I.  1,  28)  of  his  behaviour  at  the  time  of 
his  trial  (see  note  on  c.  33,  3).  He  must 
have  been  at  least  of  praetorian  rank,  as 
he  is  shown  by  an  inscription  belonging 
to  the  time  of  Claudius  (C.  I.  G.  2570) 
to  have  been  two  years  proconsul_of  Crete 
{hia  K.  IlaKojviov  'Aypiinrivov  t6  0). 

paterni  .  .  .  odii  heredem.  What 
is  known  of  his  father  is  noted  on  c.  29,  3. 

I.  Curtium  Montanum.  This  person 
takes  a  prominent  part  in  the  senate 
at  the  accession  of  Vespasian  (H.  4.  40, 
2),  and  leads  the  attack  on  Regulus  (Id. 
42,  3,  foil.).  Whether  he  can  be  the 
Montanus  of  Juv.  4,  107,  is  treated  as  an 
open  question  by  Prof.  Mayor,  and  seems 
very  doubtful  (see  note  on  c  33,  3). 

detestanda  carmina.  The  words 
would  imply  that  he  was  a  libellous 
satirist.  In  c.  29,  4  it  is  denied  that  his 
poems  were  'famosa',  and  it  is  asserted 
that  he  was  obnoxious  to  Nero  as  a  rival 
poet  ('quia  protulerit  ing:enium  "1. 
*  Factitare  carmina  '  is  used  in  describing 
similar  charges  in  c.  14,  I  ;  6.  39,  I  ;  14. 
48,  I  ;  52,  3- 

»  3.  eludere  impune:  'to  mock  them 
1  unpunished';  so  in  Liv.  37.  32,  ii.  Cp. 
the  sense  of  '  eludere '  in  5.  5,  i  ;  6.  46, 
9,  &c. 

requirere  se,  &c.  Nipp.  points  out 
that  the  equivalent  in  oratio  recta  would 
be  *  requiro  .  . .  nisi  induit '  (perf.).  *  I 
miss  the  presence  (cp.  3.  5,  i)  of  the 
consular,' &c.,  i.e. '  I  call  him  to  account 
for  the  neglect  of  his  duties  in  all  these 
capacities  (see  c.  22,  i),  unless  we  are 
to  suppose  that  by  thus  absenting  him- 
self he  meant  openly  to  assume  the 
character  (cp.  i.  69,  2,  and  note)  of  a 
traitor  and  an  enemy  to  his  country,  and 
that  "  neglect "  is  far  too  mild  a  term  for 
his  conduct '. 

4.  contra,    *in   defiance    of.'     Nipp. 


rather  takes  it  as  '  in  the  face  of,  i.  e.  in 
spite  of  being  reminded  of  his  duty  by 
the  institutions  and  religion  of  our  fore- 
fathers :  but  the  expression  is  almost 
identical  with  that  in  14.  43,  i,  where 
such  explanation  would  not  be  suitable. 

5.  agere  senatorem,  'to  play  the 
senator,'  the  character  of  such  as  it  had 
been  under  the  old  Republic.  The  time 
referred  to  in  'agere  .  .  .  solitus'  will  be 
that  in  which  he  used  to  be  '  adsiduus 
et  indefessus  '  (c.  22,  i).  Madvig  (Adv.  ii, 
558)  supports  Oberl.,  in  reading  (after  MS. 
Agr.)  *  ageret ',  as  a  bidding,  '  let  him 
play  a  senator's  part '  (return  to  his 
duty).  For  the  sense  of  '  agere  ',  cp.  13. 
14,  I  ;  46,  5,  and  notes,  where  it  is  shown 
that  it  may  denote  the  sustaining  either 
of  a  real  or  fictitious  part.  It  is  here 
implied  that  his  former  prominence  in 
debate  had  been  a  mere  display  of  vanity. 
Hartman,  Anal.  p.  262,  woiild  read  for 
'  senatorem  '  '  censorem '. 

6.  obtrectatores,  such  as  Antistius 
(14.  48,  I). 

7.  [increpantem.  The  Med.  text  '  in- 
crepantium '  is  probably  due  to  the  follow- 
ing 'silentium  ',  and  it  is  best  to  read  the 
*  increpantem 'ofG.  Those  who,  like  Halm, 
think  that  the  termination  in  Med.  may 
contain  a  trace  of  some  lost  word  to  make 
the  rhetorical  antithesis  more  complete 
have  adopted  the  '  increpantis  vocem  '  of 
Madvig  (Adv.  ii.  558),  which  is  certainly 
better  than  Ritter's  '  increpantis  visum '. 
-F.] 

8.  silentium,  &c.  Lips,  compares  the 
sentiment  in  Sen.  Oed.  537,  '  saepe  vel 
lingua  magis  Kegi  atque  regno  muta 
libertas  obest.'  In  3.  11,  3  people  are 
said  to  observe  a  '  suspicax  silentium  '. 

pacem,  &c.  At  the  end  of  hostilities 
in  Armenia  peace  throughout  the  empire 
had  ensued  (see  15.  46,  2  ,  and  Nero  is 
recorded  (Suet.  Ner.  13)  to  have  closed 
the  temple  of  Janus.  Coins  of  this  year 
exist,  bearing  on  the  reverse  a  temple 
closed,  with  the  words  '  Pace  P.  R.  terra 


A.  D.  66] 


LIBER  XVI.      CAP.  28,   29 


465 


orbem  terrae,  an  victorias  sine  damno  exercituum  displicere  ? 
ne  hominem  bonis  publicis  maestum,  et  qui  fora  theatra  templa 
pro  solitudine  haberet,  qui  minitaretur  exilium  suum,  ambitionis 
6  pravae  compotem  facerent.  non  illi  consulta  haec,  non  magistra- 
tus  aut  Romanam  urbem  videri.  abrumperet  vitam  ab  ea  civitate  5 
cuius  caritatem  olim,  nunc  et  aspectum  exuisset. 

1  29.  Cum  per  haec  atque  talia  Marcellus,  ut  erat  torvus  ac 
minax,  voce  vultu  oculis  ardesceret,  non  ilia  nota  et  celebritate 
periculorum   sueta   iam    senatus  maestitia,  sed  novus  et   altior 

2  pavor  manus  et  tela  militum  cernentibus.    simul  ipsius  Thraseae  10 
venerabilis  species  obversabatur  ;  et  erant  qui  Helvidium  quoque 

3  miserarentur,  innoxiae  adfinitatis  poenas  daturum.     quid  Agrip- 
i_       pino  obiectum  nisi  tristem  patris  fortunam,  quando  et  ille  perinde 


manque  (or  '  ubique ')  parta  lanum 
clnsit'  :  see  Eckh.  vi.  273  ;  Cohen  i.  p. 
287,  foil.,  no.  139,  &c. 

I.  victorias.     The  formal  submission 

I  of  Tiridates  is  meant  (15.  27-31),  which 
however  was  really  a  compromise  arising 
from  Roman  disasters  (15.  9-17). 

3.  pro  solitudine  haberet,  *  regarded 
them  as  a  desert.'  The  multitudes  which 
flocked  to  them,  the  public  rejoicing 
which  led  them  there,  were  nothing  to 
him ;  he  avoided  such  places  as  if  none 
were  there  whom  he  cared  to  see. 

minitarettir  exilium  suum.  One 
who  threatened  to  banish  himself  (cp.  the 
case  of  L.  Piso  in  2.  34,  i),  as  if  the 
state  could  not  do  without  him.  It  may 
also  mean  that  he  anticipated  a  sen- 
tence of  exile  and  was  imagined  to 
(speak  of  it  as  Shakespeare  makes  Corio- 
lanus  (*  Romans,  I  banish  you  '). 

4.  compotem  facerent.  *  Do  not 
fulfil  his  desire  of  exile,  but  put  him  to 
death.' 

consulta,  'real  decrees  of  the  senate  ' : 
cp.  the  sentiment  in  4.  19,  3  ('quasi  .  .  . 
Varro  consul  aut  illud  res  publica  esset '). 

5.  abrumperet  vitami,  &c.  =  ' abrum- 
peret vitam,  et  ita  ab  ea  civitate  dis- 
cederet '.  The  metaphor  appears  to 
originate  with  Verg.  Aen.  8, 579  ('  nequeo 
crudelem  abrumpere  vitam'),  and  is 
further  expanded  in  the  '  vitae  retinacula 
abrupit'  of  PI.  Ep.  i.  12,  8.  The 
words  as  they  here  stand  could  no  doubt 
be  understood  of  banishment,  and  Nipp. 
and  Dr.  suppose  them  to  be  designedly 
ambiguous;  but  the  context  points  to 
one  meaning  only. 

6.  exuisset.     For    the    metaphorical 


H 


uses  of  this  word  see  note  on  i.  69, 
2.  Here  the  harsher  metaphor  'exuere 
aspectum'  seems  softened  by  being  joined 
to  '  caritatem '. 

7.  per  haec  atque  talia,  *  throughout 
a  speech  to  this  effect.' 

ut  erat :  so  all  edd.  after  Pich.  for 
Med.  'uteret':  cp.  1.  41,  5.  The  read- 
ings vary  in  the  other  MSS.,  after  some 
of  which  the  oldest  edd.  read  '  inve- 
heretur '. 

8.  ardescret,  by  zeugma  with' voce*, 
celebritate  periculorum.     This  text, 

that  of  Med.  and  all  other  MSS.  and 
of  the  oldest  edd.,  is  retained  by  Halm 
and  Dr.  Other  recent  edd.  follow  Rhen. 
and  Lips,  in  reading  *  crebritate ',  a  word 
not  otherwise  known  to  be  Tacitean,  but 
used  in  Sail.,  Cic,  &c.  '  Celebritas,' 
if  genuine,  appears  to  be  here  alone 
used  in  the  sense  of  '  frequency '  ;  for 
in  the  instance  quoted  from  Cic.  ad  Fam. 
7.  2,  14  ('in  multitudine  ac  celebritate 
iudiciorum'),  it  might  be  taken  of  the 
presence  of  crowds  (cp.  3.  9,  3 ;  H.  2. 
64,  I ).  The  adj.  '  Celebris '  might  how- 
ever be  well  taken  to  mean  '  frequent ' 
in  I.  74,  I. 

9.  altior  pavor :  cp.  '  altius  metuens 

(4-  41,  I).  ,       ,    , 

10.  manus  et  tela,  apparently  =  •  tela 
in  manibus '  :  cp.  '  non  occultis  gladiis  ' 
(c.  27,  I). 

11.  obversabatur,  'was  before  their 
minds':  cp.  3.  18,  6;  14.  63,  2.  It  is 
not  implied  that  he  was  present  (see  note 
on  c.  26,  8). 

13.  tristem  patris  fortunam.  In  3.] 
67,  I  M.  Paconius  appears  as  an  accuser,  i 
nor  are  we  told  anything  elsewhere  of  * 

h 


1 


466 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[a.  D.  66 


innocens    Tiberii    saevitia    concidisset.       enimvero    Montanum  4 
probae  iuventae  neque  famosi  carminis,  quia  protulerit  ingenium, 
extorrem  agi. 

30.  Atque  interim  OstoriusSabinus,Soraniaccusator,ingreditur  1 
5  orditurque  de  amicitia  Rubelli  Plauti,  quodque  proconsulatum 
Asiae  Soranus  pro  claritate  sibi  potius  accommodatum  quam  ex 
utilitate  communi  egisset,  alendo  seditiones  civitatium.     Vetera  2 
haec :  sed  recens  et  quo  discrimini  patris  filiam  conectebat,  quod 
pecuniam  magis  dilargita  esset.     acciderat  sane  pietate  Serviliae  3 


his  *  odium  in  principes '  (c.  28,  2) ;  but 
it  may  be  supposed  that  he  was  one 
of  those  charged  with  complicity  with 
Seianus,  and  that  his  fate  was  related 
in  the  lost  portion  of  the  Fifth  Book. 
It  appears  from  Suet.  Tib.  6i  that 
Tiberius  had  imprisoned  him,  and  after- 
wards, on  being  reminded  of  his  existence 
by  a  jester,  put  him  to  death. 

1.  enimvero,  here  used  to  lay  stress 
on  a  still  stronger  case  ('as  for  Monta- 
nus')  :  cp.  2.  64,  6,  and  note. 

2.  famosi,  '  slanderous ' ;  so  *  famosi 
libelli  '(1.72,  4)7 &c.  The  genit.  is  here 
a  somewhat  harsh  instance  of  that  of 
quality  (Introd.  i.  v.  §  34),  but  is  some- 
what softened  by  being  joined  to  *  probae 
iuventae '.  Ritt.  needlessly  inserts  *  au- 
ctorem '  after  *  famosi '. 

quia  protulerit  ingenium,  *  because 
he  gave  evidence  of  his  talent '  (and 
thus  excited  Nero's  jealousy).     Suet,  has 

*  ingenium  prolulerat '  (Ner.  25) :  the 
use  of  the  verb  in  the  general  sense  of 
publishing  or  making  known  is  frequent 
and  classical. 

4.  interim,  before  the  vote  was  taken 
on  Thrasea's  case. 

Ostorius  Sabinus:  see  c.  23,  i, 
where  the  charges  brought  by  him  are 
specified. 

ingreditur,  sc.  'curiam'.  He  was 
not  a  senator,  and  would  only  come  in 
for  the  purpose  of  making  his  charge. 

5.  quodque  proconsulatum,  &c.  In 
this  sentence,  '  pro '  has  the  force  of 
'in  accordance  with'  (as  in  4.  72,  2,  &c.), 
and  it  appears  best  to  suppose  that  the 

•  claritas '  referred  to  is  not  (as  Nipp.  and 
Dr.  suppose)  the  distinguished  position 
of  Asia  among  senatorial  provinces,  but 
that  of  Soranus  himself  (according  to  the 
judgement  of  his  own  self-esteem).  The 
meaning  will  thus  be  '  that  he  had 
administered  the  proconsulate  of  Asia  as 
a  position  specially  adapted  to  himself 


in  accordance  with  his  personal  greatness 
(a  field  in  which  his  greatness  might 
display  itself),  not  from  a  regard  to  the 
public  welfare'.  We  should  certainly 
expect  a  sentence  of  this  meaning  to  be 
introduced  by  such  a  word  as  *  tam- 
quam ' ;  but  the  sense  is  hardly  mended 
by  reading,  with  Nipp.,  for  *  pro  clari- 
tate', *  popularitate,'  which  he  would 
apparently  take  as  an  abl.  of  manner 
('  in  the  spirit  of  a  demagogue ' ). 

7.  alendo  seditiones  civitatium. 
The  same  charge  is  expressed  in  c.  23,  2, 
as  'ambitio  conciliandae  provinciae  ad 
spes  novas',  and  evidently  refers  to  his, 
having  inflicted  no  punishment  on  the 
people  of  Pergamum  for  their  resistance 
to  the  extortions  of  Acratus  (c.  23,  i). 
By  thus  posing  as  the  protector  of  the 
provincials  against  an  emissary  of  Caesar, 
it  is  here  charged  that  he  was  indulging 
his  own  vanity  to  the  detriment  of  the 
empire. 

Vetera  haec  :  cp.  *  recentia  haec'  (11. 

23,  7). 

8.  et  quo,  &c. :  so  all  recent  edd.  with 
Jac.  Gron.  Med.  has  *et  quot',  which 
several  have  corrected  by  reading  '  et 
quod'  (after  MS.  Agr.).  It  is  however 
improbable  that  *  quod '  should  be  twice 
repeated  within  so  short  an  interval. 
Other  MSS.  and  the  oldest  edd.  read 
'recens  discrimini*,  &c.  The  sense  is 
*  sed  hoc,  quod  filia  .  .  .  dilargita  est, 
erat  crimen  recens,  et  quo  accusator  .  .  . 
conectebat'.  For  the  use  of  this  verb 
in  the  sense  of  implicating'  cp.  c.  32,  i, 
and  'innecto'  in  c.  14,  i ;  3.  10,  4. 

9.  magis  :  see  2.  27,  2.  The  term 
'consultaverat'  below  would  point  rather 
to  the  employment  of  astrologers  than 
magicians ;  but  '  magica  sacra '  are 
mentioned  in  c.  31,  i,  and  the  charge 
appears  from  the  context  to  be  that  of 
attempting  not  only  to  divine  the  result 
of  the  trial,  but  also   (cp.  c   31,    i)  to 


A.  D.  66] 


LIBER  XVI.      CAP.  29-31 


467 


(id  enim  nomen  puellae  fuit),  quae  caritate  erga  parentem,  simul 
imprudentia  aetatis,  non  tamen  aliud  consultaverat  quam  de 
incolumitate  domus,  et  an  placabilis  Nero,  an  cognitio  senatus 

4  nihil  atrox  adferret.     igitur  accita  est  in  senatum,  steteruntque 
diversi  ante  tribunal  consulum  grandis  aevo  parens,  contra  filia  5 
intra  vicesimum  aetatis  annum,  nuper  marito  Annio  Pollione  in 
exilium  pulso  viduata  desolataque,  ac  ne  patrem  quidem  intuens 
cuius  onerasse  pericula  videbatur. 

1      31.  Turn  interrogante  accusatore  an  cultus  dotalis,  an  detractum 
cervici  monile  venum  dedisset,  quo  pecuniam  faciendis  magicis  i< 
sacris  contraheret,  primum  strata  humi  longoque  fletu  et  silentio, 
post   altaria   et    aram   complexa  'nuUos'  inquit  'impios   deos, 


influence  it.  The  Schol.  on  Juv.  6,  552 
(*  faciet,  quod  deferat  ipse ')  makes  Egna- 
tius  (see  c.  32,  2)  the  instigator  as  well  as 
the  denouncer  of  this  act. 

acciderat,  so.  *  id ',  which  Ritt.  thinks 
must  be  inserted. 

I.  puellae,  so  used  of  a  young  mar- 
ried woman  in  14.  64,  i. 

quae  caritate,  &c.  The  full  expres- 
sion would  be  'quae  caritate  (causal  abl., 
as  are  also  *  pietate '  and  *  imprudentia ') 
. . .  consultaverat,  non  tamen  aliud  quaesi- 
verat',  &c. 

3.  cognitio :  cp.  c.  11,  i,  and  note. 

4.  nihil  atrox,  '  no  extreme  penalty ' : 
cp.  the  expressions  in  c.  11,  i  ;  12.  52,  3, 
and  note. 

(5.  diversi,  *  separated  from  each 
other':  cp.  13.  40,  5;  15.  56,  i,  &c. 

ante  tribunal  consulum.  The 
consuls  presided  at  these  trials,  as  at 
other  proceedings  of  the  senate,  and  their 
'curule  chairs  were  set  in  a  prominent 
place,  with  that  of  the  princeps  between 
Ihem  (see  Momms.  Staatsr.  iii.  932,  foil.). 
The  expression  strictly  refers  to  their 
jurisdiction  in  the  'comitium'  (see  13.  4, 
3,  and  note),  and  is  here  metaphorically 
used  of  the  senatorial  court,  as  Mommsen 
(1.  1.)  argues  from  the  use  of  the  singular 
'tribunal*. 

6.  Annio  Pollione,  banished  for  com- 
plicity in  the  conspiracy  of  Piso  (15.  56, 
4;  71,6). 

7.  desolata,  'isolated':  cp.  i.  30,  4, 
and  note. 

8.  onerasse,  *  to  have  aggravated  ' : 
cp.  I.  19,  2  ;  69,  7. 

videbatur,    *  she     was     seeming    to 
herself.' 
I  8.  cultus     dotalis,    *  the    ornaments 

H 


given  at  her  marriage '  (explained  in  §  2  ( 
by  'gemmas  et  vestis') :  cp.  'cultus  suos' 
(13.  13,  6),  'nulla  cultus  iactatio'  (G.  6, 
2).     The  'monile'  is   mentioned  among 
nuptial  ornaments  in  Luc.  2,  363. 

10.  quo  pecuniam  .  .  .  contraheret.  1 
She  was  no  doubt  impoverished  by  her  j 
husband's  exile;  and  magical  rites  were  j 
probably  the  more  costly  from  their  peril. 

1 1 .  longoque  fletu  et  silentio.  The 
abl.  resembles  that  in  15.  54,  1  (*  multo 
sermone'),  and  may  be  similarly  ex- 
plained. 

12.  altaria  et  aram.  Those  who  sup-|r 
pose  the  senate  to  have  met  in  the  temple 
of  Venus  Genetrix  (see  c.  27,  2,  and  note),| 
would  of  course  understand  the  altar  toi 
be  that  belonging  to  it ;  but  there  is  also 
evidence  (see  Burn,  p.  109)  that  the 
Curia  Julia  had  attached  to  it  a  statue 
and  altar  of  Victory.  The  two  terms 
here  used  are  similarly  coupled  by  Pliny 
(Pan.  1),  when  speaking  of  the  temple 
of  Jupiter  Capitolinus  (*  electus  .  .  .  inter  ^ 
aras  et  altaria ').  The  latter  word  (always 
plural  in  the  best  authors)  is  often  used 
by  itself  with  apparently  the  same  mean- 
ing as  *  ara '.  Where  the  words  are 
undoubtedly  meant  to  be   distinguished, 

'  altaria '  are  sometimes  smaller  super- 
altars  placed  upon  the  'ara',  to  receive 
burnt  or  other  offerings.  In  some  in- 
stances so  taken,  as  Quint.  Decl.  12,  26 
('aris  altaria  imponere'),  'altaria'  may  j 
well  mean  '  offerings',  a  sense  apparently  ' 
required  in  Luc.  3,  404  ('stnictae  diris 
altaribus  arae'),  perhaps  also  in  Verg. 
Eel.  8,  105;  Aen.  5,  93;  12,174;  ^"d 
suggested  as  -an  alternative  by  Servins  on 
Verg.  Eel.  5 ,  66  (where  see  Prof.  Coning- 
ton's  and  Nettleship's  notes),  though  he 

h2 


468 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[a.  D.  66 


nullas  devotiones,  nee  aliud  infelicibus  precibus  invocavi  quam  ut 
hunc  optimum  patrem  tu,  Caesar,  vos,  patres,  servaretis  incolu- 
mem.  sic  gemmas  et  vestis  et  dignitatis  insignia  dedi  quo  2 
modo  si  sanguinem  et  vitam  poposcissent.  viderint  isti,  antehac  3 
5  mihi  ignoti,  quo  nomine  sint,  quas  artes  exerceant :  nulla  mihi 
principis  mentio  nisi  inter  numina  fuit.  nescit  tamen  miserrimus 
pater  et,  si  crimen  est,  sola  deliqui'. 

32.  Loquentis  adhuc  verba  excipit  Soranus  proclamatque  non  1 
illam  in  provinciam  secum  profectam,  non  Plauto  per  aetatem 

10  nosci  potuisse,  non  criminibus  mariti  conexam :  nimiae  tantum 
pietatis  ream  separarent  atque  ipse  quamcumque  sortem  subiret. 
simul  in  amplexus  occurrentis  filiae  ruebat,  nisi  interiecti  lictores  2 
utrisque  obstitissent.     mox  datus  testibus  locus ;    et  quantum 
misericordiae    saevitia    accusationis    permoverat,    tantum    irae 

'5  P.  Egnatius  testis  concivit.     cliens  hie  Sorani  et  tune  emptus  ad  3 


prefers  to  explain  (with  Varro)  '  altaria ' 
to  be  more  exalted  altars,  erected  to  the 
gods  of  heaven.  In  a  fragment  of  Pacu- 
vius  ('exanimis  altaribus')  a  sense  has 
been  given,  agreeing  with  the  derivation 
from  'altus',  of  a  raised  threshold  or  step, 
whence  Nipp.  here  takes  the  *  altaria '  to 
be  steps  of  the  'ara'.  See  Nettleship, 
Contrib.  to  Lat.  Lex.  p.  140. 

impios,  the  proscribed  deities  invoked 
by  magicians. 

1.  devotiones:  see  2.  69,  5,  and 
note. 

invocavi.  From  this  verb  such  a  sense 
as  that  of  '  imprecata  sum '  is  supplied 
with  'devotiones'  and  *  precata  sum' 
with  *  aliud '.  Nipp.  compares  *  auxilia 
invocat'  (15.  59,6). 

2.  tu,  Caesar.  The  princeps  is  some- 
times thus  addressed  when  absent :  cp. 
note  on  c.  22,  2.  He  would  seem  how- 
ever to  have  arrived  at  Rome  (c.  24,  i). 

3.  sic... quo  modo  =  'quemadmodum' 
(sc.  'dedissem');  so  in  c.  32,  3;  4.  35,  3; 
Agr.  34,  2;  Dial.  36,  6;  39,  2  ;  41,  3; 
Cic.  Tusc.  5.  7,  18,  &c. 

dignitatis  insignia,  those  of  her 
position  as  a  matron  of  high  rank  :  ex- 
planatory of  *  gemmas  et  vestis '. 

4.  isti,  the  magicians.  Dio  (62.  26,  3) 
follows  a  different  account,  making  no 
mention  of  the  other  charges,  and  ignoring 
such  admission  of  the  charge  of  magic 
as  Tacitus  gives,  which  he  represents  as 
grounded  on  the  mere  fact  of  a  sacrifice 
offered  {JSfiipavht  filv  ovv  ws  Koi  fxayevfxaTi 


voorjaavTos  airov  Ovalav  tivcL  kOvcravro, 
ka<payrf). 

8.  excipit,  'interrupts.' 

II.  separarent,  'let  them  distinguish 
between  her  case  and  his,  and  he  would 
willingly  suffer  any  penalty.'  Em.  notes 
the  similar  use  of  the  conjunction  in  Suet. 
Vesp.  19  ('centum  sibi  sestertia  darent, 
ac  se  vel  in  Tiberim  proicererit '). 

14.  permoverat,  with  accus.  of  the 
feeling  excited  :  cp.  i .  21,4,  and  note. 

15.  P.  Egnatius.  His  full  name  is 
P.  Egnatius  Celer,  and  he  is  called  P.  Celer 
in  H.  4.  10,  I ;  40,  4,  where  his  impeach- 
ment by  MusoniusRufus  and  condemnation 
to  exile  in  a.d.  70,  are  mentioned.  Dio, 
who  mentions  (62. 26. 2)  that  he  was  highly 
rewarded  on  this  occasion,  says  that  he  was 
a  native  of  Berytus  (Beirut)  in  Phoenicia. 

cliens  hie,  &c.  His  ingratitude  is 
eloquently  denounced  by  Juvenal  (3, 116, 
foil.):  '  Stoicus  occidit  Baream,  delator 
amicum  Discipulumque  senex.'  He  is 
again  thought  to  be  alluded  to  in  i,  33,  as 
'  magni  delator  amici ',  and  the  allusion 
in  6,  552  (see  note  on  c.  30,  2)  is  referred 
to  him  by  the  Scholiast,  who  makes 
the  particular  charge  to  which  he  bore 
testimony  to  have  been  that  of  magic. 
In  H.  4. 10, 1,  and  in  Dio  (1. 1),  it  is  stated 
that  his  testimony  was  false;  whence  it 
would  seem  as  if  he  had  represented  the 
purpose  and  character  of  the  rites  employed 
as  very  different  from  that  admitted  by 
Servilia  herself  (c  30,  3 ;   31,  i).      He 


A.  D.  66] 


LIBER  XVI .      CAP.  31-33 


469 


opprimendum  amicum  auctoritatem  Stoicae  sectae  praeferebat, 
habitu  et  ore  ad  exprimendam  imaginem  honesti  exercitus, 
ceterum  animo  perfidiosus,  subdolus,  avaritiam  ac  libidinem 
occultans  ;  quae  postquam  pecunia  reclusa  sunt,  dedit  exemplum 
praecavendi,  quo  modo  fraudibus  involutos  aut  flagitiis  commacu-  5 
latos,  sic  specie  bonarum  artium  falsos  et  amicitiae  fallacis. 
1  33.  Idem  tamen  dies  et  honestum  exemplum  tulit  Cassii 
Asclepiodoti  qui,  magnitudine  opum  praecipuus  inter  Bithynos, 
quo  obsequio  florentem  Soranum  celebraverat,  labantem  non 
deseruit,  exutusque  omnibus  fortunis  et  in  exilium  actus,  aequitate  10 


is  also  styled  in  H.  4.  10,  2  *  proditor 
corruptorque  amicitiae  cuius  se  magistrum 
ferebat '. 

1.  Stoicae  sectae.  Juvenal  speaks  of 
him  (3,  117)  as  *  ripa  nutritus  in  ilia,  Ad 
quam  Gorgonei  delapsa  est  pinna  caballi', 
alluding  to  a  famous  school  of  philosophy 
and  learning  at  Tarsus  on  the  Cydnus, 
mentioned  by  Strabo  (14.  5,  13,  673)  as 
in  his  day  surpassing  even  Athens  and 
Alexandria,  and  known  as  having  pro- 
duced several  eminent  persons  whom  he 
mentions,  especially  Athenodorus  the 
teacher  of  Augustus.  Apollonius  of  Tyana 
also  studied  there  (Philostr.  i.  7,  i). 

praeferebat,  '  made  display  of.' 

2.  habitu  et  ore  :  cp.  c.  22,  3,  and 
note. 

imaginem,  '  the  semblance ' :  cp.  3. 
17.6. 

exercitus :  so  generally  read  after 
Lips,  and  MS.  Agr.  Med.  and  other  MSS. 
read  '  et  exerciti ',  whence  Ritt.  reads  *  et 
exercitus',  marking  a  lacuna  before  *et', 
where  he  thinks  that  some  such  word 
as  *  ornatus '  has  been  lost.  Cp.  *  Graeca 
doctrina  ore  tenus  exercitus'  (15.  45,  4). 

3.  perfidiosus,  here  alone  in  Tac,  but 
in  Plant,  and  Cic. 

4.  quae  postquam,  &c.,  'when  a 
bribe  revealed  these  qualities '  (*  avaritia ' 
and  'libido'). 

5.  fraudibus  involutos.  The  contrast 
to  '  specie  bonarum  artium  falsos  '  shows 
that  these  words  do  not  denote  hypo- 
critical disguise,  but  a  character  'thorough- 
ly clothed  in  treachery ',  i.  e.  so  wholly 
perfidious  as  to  wear  its  character  on  the 
surface.  So  the  *  flagitiis  commaculati ' 
are  those  whose  infamous  lives  are 
notorious. 

6.  bonarum  artium,  probably  to  be 
taken  here  of  his  philosophical  acquire- 
ments, as  in  3.  70,  4,  of  juristic  science. 


More  commonly  the  expression  denotes 
virtuous  qualities,  as  in  2.  73,  4;  11.  22, 
4;  14.  52,  i,&c.  'Falsos,'  'hypocritical': 
cp.  I.  7,  2,  and  note. 

amicitiae.  It  is  possible  that 
'  specie '  may  be  repeated  in  thought ; 
otherwise  'amicitiae  fallax'  will  be  a 
solitary  instance  of  a  construction  ana- 
logous to  the  genitives  with  '  pervicax', 
'  procax,'  &c.     (Introd.  i.  v.  §  33  e  7.) 

7.  Idem  .  .  .  dies .  .  .  tulit.  For  such 
personifications  cp.  Introd.  i.  v.  §  75. 

Cassii  Asclepiodoti.  Dio  (62.  26, 
2),  who  calls  him  K\amos,  says  that  he 
was  a  native  of  Nicaea  (cp.  '  praecipuus 
inter  Bithynos'),  and  that  his  exile,  from 
which  he  returned  under  Galba,  was  in- 
flicted for  bearing  witness  in  favour  of 
Soranus. 

9.  florentem  .  .  .  labantem  :  cp.  the 
antithesis  of  'florens'  and  'adflictus'  in 
4.  68, 4  ;  71,  7.  [*  labantem '  is  the  corn 
by  the  first  hand  of  original '  labentem'  and 
is  rightly  restored  to  the  text  by  Andresen 
who  compares  14.  12. — F.] 

celebraverat,  '  had  honoured ' :  cp. 
3.  6,  I  ;  6.  II,  6,  &c. 

10.  aequitate  deum.  The  abl.  is 
generally  taken  as  causal  (*  since  the  gods 
were  indifferent  to  examples  of  good  and 
evil ')  ;  the  deities  being  assumed  to  have 
caused  what  they  had  not  overruled. 
Ritt.  inserts  *  pari '  after  '  deum ',  and 
makes  the  abl.  absolute ;  and  others,  as 
Ruperti,  so  take  it  as  it  stands.  Dr.  notes 
the  similar  sense  of  '  aequitas  '  in  Cic.  in 
Pis.  12,  27  ('quo  quidem  in  spectaculo 
mira  populi  Romani  aequitas  erat ').  For 
the  sense  of  '  documentum '  cp.  12.  6,  4 
('  statueretur  .  .  .  documentum  ').  This 
sentiment  is  the  most  Epicurean  (see  6, 
22,  2)  that  has  been  preserved  to  us  of 
Tacitus,  and  would  seem  to  show  that 
such  scepticism  grew  upon  him  towards 


470 


CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM 


[a.  D.  66 


deum  erga  bona  malaque  documenta.     Thraseae  Soranoque  et  2 
Serviliae  datur  mortis  arbitrium ;    Helvidius  et  Paconius  Italia  3 
depelkmtur ;    Montanus  patri  concessus  est,  praedicto  ne  in  re 
publica  haberetur.    accusatoribus  Eprio  et  Cossutiano  quinqua-  4 
5  gies  sestertium  singulis,  Ostorio  duodecies  et  quaestoria  insignia 
tribuuntur. 

34.  Turn  ad  Thraseam  in  hortis  agentem  quaestor  consulis  1 
missus  vesperascente  iam  die.  inlustrium  virorum  feminarumque  2 
coetus   frequentis    egerat,    maxime   intentus   Demetrio  Cynicae 


(the  close  of  his  work.  For  his  general 
opinions  on  Divine  Providence  see  Introd. 
i.  iv.  p.  21. 

2.  datur  mortis  arbitrium:  cp.  'data 
exilia'  (15.  71,  6). 

Helvidius  et  Paconius  Italia 
depellvmtiir.  The  former  is  stated  in 
the  Schol.  on  Juv.  5,  36,  to  have  spent 
his  exile  at  Apollonia,  and  to  have 
returned  under  Galba.  For  his  further 
career  see  note  on  c.  28,  2.  Respecting 
Paconius  we  have  the  reqord  preserved  in 
Arr.  Epict.  i.  i,  28  of  his  behaviour  on 
this  occasion  :  d-mjyyiXBrj  avTw  on  Kpivrj 
iv  avyKKrjTOf.  'AyaO^  tvxV-  'AAXd  ^KOev 
■q  irffiTiTi]  {ravrri  S'  flwOei  yvfxvaaafxfvos 
xf/vxpo\ovriLv)'  diT(\6a}fi(v  Kat  yvfxva- 
cOcjfxfv.  Tvuvaaaixevo)  Kfyci  tis  avTO)  eXOcbv 

;    oTi  KaraKiKpiaai.    ^vyfj,  (p-qaiv,  ^  Oavdro) ; 

'1    ^vy^.      Td   virdpxovTU  ri  ;    ovk   dcpripeOT]. 

\  EZs  'ApiKCiav  ovv.  drre\96vT€i  dpiarfjaoj/ifv. 

\  His  further  history  appears  to  be  un- 
known. 

3.  patri  concessus  est,  'was forgiven 
for  his  father's  sake ' ;  so  *  precibus  alicuius 
aliquem  concedere'  (2.  55,  2  ;  4.  31,  i). 
Some,  less  well,  take  it  to  mean  that  he 
was  given  up  to  his  father  to  deal  with. 
Of  this  father  no  previous  mention  has 
been  made  ;  but  recent  edd.  have  generally 
identified  him  with  the  gourmand  courtier, 
some  twenty  years  later,  of  Pomitian 
(Juv.  4,  107,  and  131  foil.),  who  is  cer- 
tainly said  (v.  131)  to  have  been  a  boon 
companion  of  Nero,  to  whom  the  son  (see 
c.  28,  2)  would  appear  to  have  been 
obnoxious  rather  than  acceptable. 

praedicto,  *  injunction  being  given  * 
(cp.  13.  36,  I, and  note).  This  participle 
is  here  alone  thus  used  in  abl.  abs.  (see 
Introd.  i.  V.  §  31  a). 

I  ne  in  re  publica  haberetur.  This 
would  mean  that  he  should  not  continue 
in  the  service  of  the  state,  should  not  hold 

\  any  magistracy. 

4.  quinquagies,  five  million  HS.  : 
'duodecies,'  1,200,000.      In  H.  4.  42,  5 


Regulus  is  spoken  of  as  'septuagies 
sestcrtio  saginatus'.  These  enormous 
rewards  given  to  accusers  must  have  far 
exceeded  the  one-fourth  of  the  property 
of  the  accused,  which  they  could  claim 
by  law  (4.  21,  3).  The  smallest  sum 
here  mentioned  is  more  than  the  minimum 
senatorial  census. 

5.  quaestoria  insignia.  Ostorius,' 
being  a  knight  (c.  23,  i),  receives  thusl 
the  ornaments  of  the  lowest  grade  of  sena- 1 
torial  rank.  For  precedents  see  note  on  \ 
II.  4,  5.  This  distinction  (11.  38,  5),  and  i 
even  higher  *  ornamenta'  (12.  53,  2),  had 
also  been  given  to  freedmen. 

7.  in  hortis  agentem  :  see  the  charge 
aimed  at  him  in  c.  27,  3. 

quaestor     consulis.      Each     consul 
had   attached    to  him  in  old  times  one 
quaestor,  and  from  716,  B.C.  38,  two  (Dio,. 
48.   43,    i),  chosen  in  old  tilnes  by  lot\ 
(Cic.  pro  Sest.  3,  8),  but  at  this  time  by ' 
selection   (Plin.  Ep.   4.   15,    6-13),    andj 
apparently  continuing  throughout  the  year 
in  office,  notwithstanding  change  of  con- 
suls (Id.  8.  23,  5).     For  further  account  of 
them  see  Momms.Staatsr.  ii.  567,  foil.    As  i 
the  consuls  presided  at  the  trial  (c.  30,  4), 
their    quaestors    would    be    the    proper  i 
persons  to  communicate  the  sentence  to  [ 
the  accused.     From  the  expression  {fxaOwv 
rov   Tafxiav  km  SiKaiuxrei  avrov    irapovTo)  ' 
in  Dio's  account  (58.  4,  6)  of  the  death  of 
Fufius  Geminus  (see  5.   2,   2),  it  would 
also  appear  that  the  quaestor  had  to  see 
the  sentence  executed,  as  he  in  fact  did  ini 
the  case  of  Thrasea  (c.  35,  2). 

8.  vesperascente  die :  cp.  '  vespera- 
scit '  (Ter.  Heaut.  2.  3,  7).  On  the  variety 
of  expressions  used  by  Tacitus  for  this  fact 
see  Introd.  i.  v.  §  93. 

9.  [coetus  frequentis.  This  seems  to 
represent  what  is  intended  by  Med.,  which 
gives  '  coetus  frequenter '  altered  by  the 
same  hand  into  what  looks  like  '  fre- 
quentes'.  Ritter's  'coetum  frequentem' 
has  generally  been  followed  by  edd.  and 


A.  D.  66] 


LIBER  XVI.      CAP,  33,  34 


471 


institutionis  doctori,  cum  quo,  ut  coniectare  erat  intentione  vultus 
et  auditis  si  qua  clarius  proloquebantur,  de  natura  animae  et 
dissociatione  spiritus  corporisque  inquirebat,  donee  advenit 
Domitius  Caecilianus  ex  intimis  amicis  et  ei  quid  senatus 
3  censuisset  exposuit.  igitur  flentis  queritantisque  qui  aderant  5 
facessere  propere  Thrasea  neu  pericula  sua  miscere  cum  sortc 
damnati  hortatur,  Arriamque  temptantem   mariti   suprema   et 


Andresen  thinks  that  the  true  reading  is 
'  coetum  frequentem ',  '  frequenter '  ac- 
cording to  him  having  been  altered  not  to 
'  frequentis '  but  to  '  frequentem '.      But 

*  coetus'  has  remained  unchanged,  and  it  is 
extremely  doubtful  whether  the  correction 
is  the  sign  converting  *e'  to  *em'  and  not 
the  letter  *  s '.  — F. ]  The  plural  denotes  the 
separate  groups  composing  the  whole  as- 
semblage; as  Suet.  (Cal.  32)  uses  'coetus 
epulantium  '  of  the  guests  grouped  at  each 

Hable. 

I  egerat  =  'coegerat'.  Dr.  compares 
i^multis  millibus  armatorum  actis  ex  ea 
regione'  (Liv.  44.  31,  11). 

Demetrio.  This  philosopher  is  fre- 
quently mentioned  with  great  admiration 
by  Seneca,  who  in  one  place  (de  Ben.  7. 
8,  2)  speaks  of  him  as  raised  up  to  instruct 
and  reproach  the  age,  in  another  (Ep.  20, 9) 
calls  him  'nonpraeceptorverised  testis'  ; 
and  again  says  (Ep.  62,  3),  ^  quidni 
admirer  ?  Vidi  nihil  ei  deesse.*  Phiio- 
stratus  who  speaks  of  him  (Vit.  Ap.  4. 
25)  as  teaching  at  Corinth,  and  as  a 
strong  opponent  of  Apollonius,  calls  him 
OiV^p  avv€i\r]<pm  ttolv  rd  ev  Kvvikt}  Kparos. 
"We  find  him  in  H.  4.  40,  5  stooping 
unworthily  to  defend  Egnatius  Celer  (see 
c.  32,  2) ;  but  he  is  noted  for  having 
said  to  Nero  (Arr.  Ep.  i.  25,  22),  drreiXeis 
fioi  OavaTov,  aol  8*  rj  (pvais,  and  for  free 
speech  to  Vespasian,  who  replied  Kvva 
vKaKTOvvTa  ov  <pop€va},  but  exiled  him 
with  other  philosophers  in  824,  A.  D,  71 
(Dio,  66.  13,  3;  Suet.  Vesp.  13). 

Cynicae  institutionis.  This  school, 
which  had  been  the  precursor  of  the 
Stoic,  but  had  been  eclipsed  by  it,  at 
this  time  and  afterwards  regained  some 
prominence.  See  Juv.  13,  121,  and  the 
passages  there  cited  by  Mayor. 

I.  coniectare  erat,  for  '  licebat ' :  cp. 
*ex  quo  est  coniectare'  (Cell.  6.  6,  11). 
Nipp.  notes  that  the  only  other  prose 
instances  of  this  Graecism,  so  frequent  in 
Latin  poets,  are  *  est  videre '  (G.  5,  4)  and 

*  negare  sit'  (Liv.  42.  41,  2). 


intentione,  *  the  earnestness  '  ;  so  in 
the  only  other  passage  in  which  it  is  used 
by  Tacitus  (Dial.  14,  i) :  *  suspicatus 
ex  ipsa  intentione  singulorum  altiorem 
int^r  eos  esse  sermonem.' 

2.  auditis  si  qua,  &c.,  'from  hearing 
such  words  as.' 

3.  dissociatione,  used  only  here  and 
in  PI.  N.  H.  6.  I,  I,  2  ;  7.  13,  11,  57.' 
Such  subjects  of  discussion  would  not 
only  be  natural  to  the  occasion,  but  sug- 
gested by  the  example  of  the  last  hours  of 
Socrates  as  described  in  the  Phaedo,  and, 
as  is  implied  by  the  contrast  drawn  in  c. 
19,  3  (where  see  note),  were  usual  in  the 
last  hours  of  men  of  intellect  and  character. 
The  belief  of  Thrasea  on  immortality 
may  be  gathered  from  the  saying  quoted 
in  note  on  c.  35,  3 ;  that  of  Tacitus  from 
Agr.  46,  I. 

4.  Domitius  Caecilianus,  not  else- 
where mentioned. 

5.  queritantis  :  so  in  Med.  and  other 
MSS.  and  most  edd.  The  frequentative 
*  queritor '  is  only  known  in  the  participle, 
and  even  in  that  form  questioned.  Its 
use  in  the  fifth  century  by  Paulinus  No- 
lanus  gives  but  slender  authority  for  it, 
and,  though  it  occurs  in  MSS.  of  Liv.  39. 
8,  8  ;  10,  7  ;  40.  9,  7  ;  and  in  MSS.  and 
all  older  edd.  of Plin.  Pan.  29  ('nequiquam 
queritantibus  sociis'),  it  has  been  altered 
by  all  edd.  after  Drakenborch  in  the 
former  author,  and  by  recent  edd.  in  the 
latter,  to  the  participle  of  the  better  known 
'quiritare'.  The  same  alteration  has 
been  made  here  (after  the  suggestion  of 
Rhen.)  by  Lips,  and  others,  whom  Orelli 
follows. 

6.  facessere,  here  alone  in  Tacitus  in  j|\ 
the  sense  of  *  abire ' ;  so  in  Cic,  Liv.,  &c. 

neu.  Nipp.  reads  *  nee ' ;  but  the  con- 
struction is  less  harsh  than  that  of  '  neu 
mortem  'in  i.  35,  2,  and  may  be  defended 
by  the  imperative  character  of  the  sen- 
tence. For  the  infin.  with  '  hortari '  cp. 
that  with  'monet'  (as  in  11.  i,  2,  &c.) 
below,  and  others  in  Introd.  i.  v.  §  43. 


472     CORNELII  TACITI  ANNALIUM  LIBER  XVI.   CAP,     35 

exemplum  Arriae  matris  sequi  monet  retinere  vitam  filiaeque 

communi  subsidium  unicum  non  adimere. 

35.  Turn  progressus  in  porticum   illic  a  quaestore   reperitur,  1 

laetitiae  propior  quia  Helvidium  generum  suum  Italia  tantum 
5  arceri  cognoverat.     accepto  dehinc  senatus  consulto  Helvidium  2 

et   Demetrium   in   cubiculum    inducit ;    porrectisque   utriusque 

brachii  venis,  postquam  cruorem  effudit,  humum  super  spargens, 

propius    vocato    quaestore    '  libamus '    inquit    '  lovi    liberatori. 

specta,  iuvenis ;    et   omen   quidem   dii   prohibeant,   ceterum  in  3 
10  ea  tempora  natus  es  quibus  firmare  animum  expediat  constantibus 

exemplis'.     post  lentitudine  exitus  gravis   cruciatus  adferente, 

obversis  in  Demetrium  ^  -x-  ^ 


I.  Arriae  matris.  Her  mother  (whose 
name  she  bore)  had  voluntarily  shared 
the  death  of  her  husband  Caecina  Paetus, 
condemned  for  his  share  in  the  conspiracy 
of  Camillus  Scribonianus  against  Clau- 
dius in  A.  D.  42  (Dio,  60.  16,  6).  Her 
heroism  in  dying  first  to  inspirit  her 
husband,  and  her  words,  *  Paete,  non 
dolet,'  have  been  made  famous  by  Pliny 
(Ep.  3.  16,  6)  and  Martial  (i.  14).  The 
old  Life  of  Persius  states  that  he  was  re- 
lated to  the  younger  Arria,  and  through 
herenjoyedmuchof  the  society  of  Thrasea. 
The  latter  had  married  her  before  the 
death  of  her  mother,  whom  he  also  en- 
deavoured to  turn  from  her  purpose 
(Plin.  1.  1.  10).  This  Ariia  lived  to  share 
the  exile  of  her  daughter  Fannia  (on 
whom  see  note  on  c.  28,  2),  when  the 
latter  was  banished  for  the  third  time  (PI. 
Epp.  7.  19,  4)  under  Domitian,  and  her 
stepson  the  younger  Helvidius  put  to 
death  (Id.  3.  11,  3),  and  to  return  with 
her  under  Nerva  (Id.  9.  13,  5). 

que  .  .  .  non  = '  neque ',  thus  sepa- 
rated in  I.  I,  4 ;  G.  17,  3;  and  put 
together  in  4.  50,  6;  61,  i  :  see  Nipp.  on 
I.  38,  4. 

4.  Italia  arceri.  The  same  expres- 
sion is  used  in  4.  3 1 ,  5  :  so  '  aqua  atque 
(or  *  et ')  igni  arceri '  in  3.  23,  2  ;  50,  6. 

6.  porrectis,  probably  to  the  physician 
(cp.  15.  69,  3).  The  Schol.  on  Juv.  5,  36 
preserves  this  touch  ('secandas  venas 
praebuit '). 

7.  humum  super.  On  such  ana- 
strophe  of  prepositions  see  Introd.  i.  v. 


§  77,  I- 

spargens  =  *  sprinkling  it  *  ;  so 
*  sparso  aceto  '  (H.  5.  6,  6),  *  spargitque 
cruorem'  (I.ucr.  2,  195),  *  per  .  .  .  domum 
Spargens  .  .  .  aquas '  (Hor.  Epod.  5,  25), 
&c. 

8.  libamus.  The  old  edd.  read  '  libe- 
mus '  (after  G).  In  Dio  (62.  26,  4)  the 
words  are  given  as  ooi  rovro  to  alfxa,  w 
Zfu  *EA.eu^€pi€,  airevSoj.  The  Schol.  on 
Juv.  (1.  1.)  makes  him  address  them  to 
Demetrius,  *  nonne  tibi  libare  videor  lovi 
liberatori  ?  '  For  the  similar  action  of 
Seneca  see  15.  64,  4. 

9.  iuvenis.  It  is  natural  to  suppose 
the  quaestor  (who  need  not  have  been 
more  than  twenty-five  years  old)  to  be  here 
addressed.  Some  take  the  words  as  spoken 
to  Helvidius,  who,  if  he  was  trib.  pleb.  ten 
years  earlier  (see  13.  28,  5),  could  not 
have  been  less  than  thirty- seven,  but 
might  nevertheless  be  a  youth  to  Thrasea. 

11.  cruciatus.  See  the  description  of 
Seneca's  death  (15.  63,  6). 

12.  obversis  in  Demetrium.  The  next 
word  must  have  been  'oculis',  unless  we 
are  to  read  'obversus',  with  Acid.  The 
Schol.  on  Juv.  (1. 1.)  adds  (after  the  words 
quoted  above),  *  atque  singulis  amicis 
oscula  oflferens  exanimatus  est.'  Other  of 
his  last  sayings  are  given  :  arjfiepov  dvaipt- 
Orjvai  6(\a)  /xdWov  t]  avpiov  (pvyaSevOrjvai 
(Arr.  Epict.  i.  i,  26),  and  6  Ntpcov  d-no- 
KTfTuai  fjiev  fie  Svvarai,  d-rrokiaai  5^  ov 
dvvarai  (Dio,  Fr.  Sturz.  vol.  ix.  p.  102  : 
Dind.  vol.  v.  p.  193). 


APPENDIX    III 

SUMMARY  OF  THE  PRINCIPAL  EVENTS  BETWEEN  THE 
END  OF  BOOK  XVI.  AND  THE  DEATH  OF  NERO 

Note. — Besides  the  usual  sources  of  information,  many  obligations  are 
here  to  be  acknowledged  to  Mommsen's  *der  letzte  Kampf  der 
Romischen  Republic'  (Hermes,  xiii.  1878,  90-105),  also  to  the 
introduction  and  notes  in  Mr.  Hardy's  edition  of  Plutarch's  Lives  of 
Galba  and  Otho. 

The  arrival  of  Tiridates  in  Rome  must  have  been  coincident  with  the 
trial  of  Thrasea  and  Soranus.^  His  journey  from  the  East,  with  all  the 
vast  retinue  of  royal  state  ^  and  a  large  bodyguard  both  of  Parthian  and 
of  Roman  troops,  had  taken  him  no  less  than  nine  months,  and  cost  an 
unprecedented  sum.^  He  had  journeyed  by  land,*  crossing  no  other 
sea  than  the  Hellespont,  and  entering  Italy  at  the  north,^  whence  he  was 
conducted  to  Nero's  presence  at  Neapolis,  and  attended  games  celebrated 
at  Puteoli  with  great  magnificence  by  the  freedman  Patrobius.  After 
this,  Nero  escorted  him  to  Rome,  where  the  whole  population  flocked  to 
greet  him.  The  great  ceremony  took  place  in  the  Forum,  where  Tiridates 
knelt  before  Nero,  delivered  as  hostages  his  own  sons  and  those  of  his 
brothers  Vologeses  and  Pacorus,  and  of  the  Adiabenian  prince  Mono- 
bazus,**  and  did  homage  in  terms  of  the  utmost  submission  ;  "^  in  return  for 
which  Nero  solemnly  gave  him  the  kingdom  of  Armenia,  and  placed  the 
diadem  on  his  head.  After  this,  special  games  were  held  by  decree  of 

'  See  16.  23,  3  ;  24,  i.  is  reckoned  at  200,000  drachmae  (800,000 

'  Dio  says   (63.   2,  i),  'H   Gepairda  ^  H.S.)  :  see  also  Suet.  Ner.  39. 

TC  irapaaKfv^  17  fiaaiKiK^  ttaaa  avrw  owrj-  *  On  the  reason  for  this  see  note  on 

KoXovOfi,  rpiaxi-^i-oi  re  lirTr^Ts  tuv  TlApOon/  15.  24,  3. 

Kai  x<w/'ts  trepoi  'Fajfioicov  avx^ol  awdir-  °  All    the    following    particulars    are 

ovTo.     It   is   added    that   his    wife   also  given  in  Dio,  63.  2-7  ;  some  also  in  Suet. 

accompanied  him.  Ner.  13. 

^  Dio,  63.  2,  2.     The  daily  expense,  *  On  this  prince  see  15.  i,  3,  &c. 

borne  apparently  by  the  Roman  treasury,  "^  See  Introd.  p.  [124],  7. 


474  APPENDIX  III 

the  senate ;  the  theatre  being  gorgeously  decorated  for  the  occasion,  and 
Nero  again  making  public  exhibition  of  all  his  accomplishments.  Tiridates 
was  dismissed  with  most  costly  presents,*  and  permitted  to  rebuild 
Artaxata,  for  which  purpose  a  large  number  of  workmen  followed  his 
retinue.  He  took  a  different  route  from  that  by  which  he  had  arrived, 
crossing  from  Brundusium  to  Dyrrhacbium,  and  visiting  the  cities  of  Asia. 
Some  restriction  was  placed  by  Corbulo  on  his  train  of  workmen,  but  he 
was  able  to  rebuild  his  capital,  and  is  said  to  have  called  it  after  his 
patron.'^ 

This  year  also  saw  the  commencement  of  the  great  Jewish  rebellion, 
arising  in  reality  from  long-standing  causes  of  discontent,'  but  im- 
mediately occasioned  by  the  tyranny  of  the  procurator  Gessius  Florus, 
whose  acts  are  thought  to  show  even  a  desire  to  provoke  an  outbreak.* 
He  had  endeavoured  to  extort  a  fine  of  seventeen  talents  from  the 
Temple  treasure,  and  on  disturbance  arising,  had  massacred  some  3600 
persons;^  and  soon  afterwards  a  large  number  of  citizens  had  been 
trampled  to  death  or  otherwise  maltreated  by  his  soldiers,  who  had 
entered  the  city  with  him  in  a  purposely  truculent  manner.^  Notwith- 
standing this,  the  people  had  been  kept  in  hand  by  the  earnest  efforts  of 
the  High  Priest  and  others ;  and  Florus  had  departed,  leaving  a  cohort ' 
in  the  palace  of  Herod  in  the  Upper  City,^  besides  the  usual  garrison  in  the 
castle  of  Antonia.  But  the  Zealots  now  became  more  preponderant. 
Herod  Agrippa,  who  had  addressed  the  people  and  urged  submission 
even  to  Florus  till  a  successor  should  be  sent  to  him,  was  assaulted  and 
forced  to  fly  the  city ;  ^  and  an  open  revolt  began  with  the  storming  of 
Masada,  near  the  Dead  Sea,  and  massacre  of  its  Roman  garrison,^**  and 
with  the  rejection,  by  Eleazar,  the  captain  of  the  temple,  of  the  sacrifice 
which  Romans  had  been  accustomed  to  present  within  the  sacred  pre- 
cincts." A  state  of  siege  ensued,  in  which  the  castle  of  Antonia  and  the 
Upper  City  were  held  by  the  High  Priest's  following  and  by  the  Romans, 
reinforced  by  3000  horsemen  sent  by  Agrippa  to  assist  the  cause  of 
order ;  ^^  and  the  Lower  City  and  Temple  were  in  the  hands  of  the  in- 

*  Suet.   (Ner.   30)    reckons    the    sum  "^  This  cohort  was  distinct  from  those 
presented  to  him   at    100,000,000   H.S.,       which  had  entered  with  him  (2.  15,  6). 
Dio  (63.  6,  5),  at  twice  that  amount.  «  This  palace  was  in   fact  a  fortress  : 

'  If  the  city  was  ever  called  Neroneia,  cp. '  alia  intus  moenia,  regiae  circumiecta  * 

as  Dio  states,  it  had  evidently  returned  (H.  5,  11,  7). 

to  its  old  name  in  Juvenal's  time  (2,  170).  ^  Jos.  B.  I.  2.  17,  i. 

'  See  Introd.  p.  [40].  10  Id.  2.  17,  2. 

*  Jos.  Ant.  20,  II,  I  ;  B.  I.  2.  14,  2  '^  Josephus  (1.  1.)  makes  this  the  true 
^oll-  beginning  of  the  war.     Its  date  would  be 

^  Jos.  B.    I.    2.    14,   6-9.     This   took       about  the  end  of  July.     Eleazar  was  the 
place  in  April.  son  of  the  High  Priest  Ananias. 

«  Id.  2.  15,  3-5.  »"  B.I.  2.  17,  4. 


SUMMARY  OF  EVENTS   TILL  NERO'S  DEATH     475 

surgents  under  Eleazar  and  his  rival  Manahem.^  After  seven  days  of 
comparative  inaction,  the  contest  was  soon  decided.  The  castle  of 
Antonia  was  carried  after  two  days'  assault,  and  its  garrison  put  to  the 
sword ;  the  palace  of  the  Upper  City,  after  a  more  vigorous  resistance, 
was  evacuated  under  capitulation  by  the  troops  of  Agrippa,  and  the 
remaining  Romans,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  the  three  towers  of  Herod, 
were  induced  to  surrender  on  similar  terms,  and  then  slain  in  defiance  of 
the  agreement.'* 

A  great  massacre  of  Jews  by  Greeks,  which  had  taken  place  at  the 
same  time  ^  at  Caesarea,  and  had  been  followed  by  similar  scenes  at  many 
other  places,*  made  the  struggle  more  internecine ;  and  the  victorious 
party  at  Jerusalem,  encouraged,  as  they  believed,  by  the  voice  of 
prophecy,*^  took  the  offensive  in  the  surrounding  country. 

A  greater  crisis  now  ensued  on  the  advance  of  Cestius  Gallus,  the 
legatus  of  Syria,^  with  a  large  force  of  legionary  and  other  troops,  to 
put  down  the  insurrection.  After  meeting  with  little  resistance  and  in- 
flicting many  cruelties  elsewhere,'^  he  sustained  a  severe  check  near 
Beth-horon,^  but  was  enabled  by  the  dissensions  of  his  adversaries  to  ad- 
vance to  the  neighbourhood  of  Jerusalem,  and  even  into  the  city  ;  whence, 
after  feeble  attempts  to  assault  the  Upper  City  and  the  Temple,  he  set 
out  on  a  retreat  almost  degenerating  into  a  rout,  in  which  nearly  6000  of 
his  troops  were  killed.®  On  this  success  not  only  Judaea,  but  also 
Galilee,  Samaria,  Peraea,  and  Idumaea,  burst  out  into  a  blaze  of  open 
rebellion. 

The  Roman  government  had  now  become  aware  of  the  serious  nature 


1  He  was  the  son  of  the  rebel  Judas  5.  13,  2  ;  cp.  Suet.  Vesp.  4 ;  Jos.  B.  I.  6. 
of  Galilee,  and  was  soon  overpowered  5,  i).  The  words  are  evidently  a  dis- 
and  killed  by  Eleazar  (2.  17,  8,  9).  tortion   of  Messianic  prophecy,  but  are 

2  2.  17,  5-10.  The  dates  given  by  taken  by  the  Roman  writers  to  have  been 
Josephus  would  coincide  with  Aug.  15  fulfilled  in  the  exaltation  of  Vespasian, 
for  the  attack  on  Antonia,  Sept.  6  for  the  *  On  this  person  see  15.  25,  5,  and 
surrender  of  Agrippa's  troops,  Sept.  17  note.  He  had  already  come  to  Jerusalem 
for  the  slaughter  of  the  remaining  Romans  at  the  Passover  and  had  made  some  show 
(Schiller,  pp.  219-220).  of  listening  to  their  complaints  against 

^  According  to  Josephus  (2.  j8,  i)  this  Florus,  and  had  afterwards  sent  a  cen- 
was  on  the  same  day  and  hour  as  the  turion  to  report  on  the  state  of  the  city 
massacre  of  the  Roman  soldiers.  A  (Jos.  B.  I.  2.  14,  3  ;  16,  i).  He  had  now 
great  feud,  resulting  in  the  exclusion  with  hin>  some  30,000  soldiers,  including 
of  the  Jews  from  civil  privileges,  had  one  whole  legion  (the  12th)  and  detach- 
previously  occurred  there  (Id.  2.  14,  4).  ments  from  others  (Id.  2.  18,  9). 

*  Besides  those  in  Syria  and  Palestine,  '  He  is  stated  (2.  18,  10)  to  have  slain 

a  great  massacre  took  place  in  Alexandria  over  8000  unresisting  persons  in  Joppa 

(Id.  2.  18,  7,  8).  alone. 

'  '  Pluribus   persuasio   inerat,   antiquis  *  Id.  2.  19,  i,  2. 

sacerdotum    litteris    contineri,    eo     ipso  '  Id.  2.   19,  4-9.     His  final  defeat  is 

tempore  fore  ut  valesceret  Oriens,  pro-  dated  Nov.  8.     According  to  Suet.  Vesp. 

fectique    ludaea    rerum    potirentur '  (H.  4,  the  eagle  of  his  legion  was  lost. 


476 


APPENDIX  III 


of  the  insurrection  and  of  the  need  of  sending  ample  forces  and 
thoroughly  capable  commanders  to  deal  with  it.^  The  whole  army  set 
free  by  the  settlement  of  the  Partho-Armenian  war  was  available;  and 
Vespasian  was  appointed,  with  three  legions,*^  to  conduct  the  actual  war 
as  extraordinary  'legatus  Augusti  pro  praetore'  in  Palestine,  while  the 
vacant  province  of  Syria,  with  its  ordinary  garrison  of  four  legions,^  was 
given  to  C.  Licinius  Mucianus.* 

Also  before  the  close  of  this  year  Nero  had  set  out  on  the  famous 
journey  to  Greece,  which  he  had  purposed  some  time  before,  but  post- 
poned till  now.**  The  freedman  Helius,^  with  Polycleitus  as  his  assistant,' 
was  left  with  absolute  power  to  govern  Rome  and  Italy;  Nero  being 
attended  by  Tigellinus,^  and  followed  by  a  train  of  musicians,  actors,  and 
other  such  artists,  equivalent  in  numbers,  as  we  are  assured,  to  a  formid- 
able army.* 


A.u.c.  820,  A.D.  67,  L.  FoNTEius  Capito,  C.  Julius  Rufus,  coss. 

Vespasian,  on  taking  up  his  command,  found  the  whole  country, 
except  Caesarea  and  some  other  Greek  towns  on  the  coast,  in  possession 
of  the  enemy,  who,  however,  were  now  standing  wholly  on  the  defensive. 
He  began  active  operations  in  this  spring,  with  the  reduction  of  Galilee, 
where  the  insurgents  had  many  strong  places  and  the  best  supplies  of 
men  and  food.  The  organization  of  the  resistance  in  this  district  was 
entrusted  to  the  young  Pharisee  Josephus ;  ^"  but  his  heart  seeqis  not  to 
have  been  in  the  attempt.  His  force  of  60,000  men  "  was  a  mere  rabble, 
and  was  distributed  among  isolated  strongholds;  and  his  conduct  has 
been  thought  to  give  colour  to  the  suspicion  of  guilty  and  treasonable 
neglect.^^  Vespasian,  after  being  joined  by  his  son  Titus,  with  large 
reinforcements,^^  besieged  Josephus  and  his  main  force  in  Jotapata,  on 


^  Cestius  died,  apparently  from  vexation 
(H.  2.  10,  2).  The  expression  '  caeso 
praeposito  *  (Suet.  Vesp.  4)  would  show 
that  Florus  had  been  at  some  time  killed  ; 
certainly  no  more  is  heard  of  him. 

^  These  were  the  Fifth,  Tenth,  and 
Fifteenth  ;  and  a  large  body  of  auxiliaries, 
besides  the  contingents  of  allied  princes, 
raised  his  total  to  a  nominal  strength 
of  about  60,000  (Jos.  B.  I.  3.  4,  2), 
representing  probably  an  effective  army 
of  about  50,000  (see  Momms..  Hist.  v. 
534,  I ;  E.  T.  ii.  211) ;  which  was  after- 
wards largely  increased. 

=•  The  Third,  Fourth,  Sixth,  and 
Twelfth  (see  Momms.  H.  v.  533,  i ;  E.  T. 
ii.  210,  r). 


^  On  his  antecedents  and  character  see 
H.  I.  10. 

'  I.S.  33,  2  ;  36,  I. 

^  Dio,  63.  12,  I :  see  13.  i,  3. 

'  Id.  63.  12,  3.  «  Dio,  1.  1. 

9  Dio,  63.  8,  3,  4. 

"  Jos.  B.  I.  2.  20,  4  foil. 

"  Id.  2.  20,  8. 

"  In  his  Life,  Josephus  represents  him- 
self as  all  along  the  secret  ally  of  Rome  ; 
but  Dean  Merivale  seems  rightly  to  give 
more  credit  to  his  earlier  representation 
of  himself  (B.  I.)  as  having  done  his  best 
for  the  national  cause,  though  without 
hope  of  success. 

"  By  these  his  army  was  made  up  to 
the  total  given  above  (note  2). 


SUMMARY  OF  EVENTS   TILL  NERO'S  DEATH     477 

May  24,  and  carried  the  place  by  storm  on  the  forty-seventh  day  of  the 
siege,^  and  had  purposed  to  send  Josephus  to  Rome,  but  was  induced 
to  retain  him  in  honourable  custody.^  Joppa,  Tiberias,  Taricheae, 
Gamala,  Gischala,  were  either  surrendered  or  taken  by  storm  in  the 
course  of  this  year's  campaign,  by  the  end  of  which  all  Galilee  and  the 
North  were  reduced.^  Meanwhile  the  population  of  Jerusalem  had  been 
swelled  by  various  country  bands,  through  whom  the  fanatical  party  had 
got  more  and  more  the  upper  hand.  Disunion  was  everywhere  prevalent ; 
no  single  leader  obtained  general  recognition;  and  things  were  rapidly 
drifting  into  the  state  of  anarchy  and  confusion  in  which  they  were 
found  at  the  beginning  of  the  actual  siege.'' 

For  the  rest  of  this  year  we  have  little  more  than  a  narrative  of  Nero's 
doings  in  Greece.  The  calendar  had  been  altered,  so  as  to  make  all  the 
great  Greek  games  fall  within  the  same  year;  and  at  all  of  them  he 
entered  as  a  competitor  in  various  contests,  even  such  as  had  not  usually 
formed  part  of  the  programme,^  acted  all  kinds  of  parts,  however  un- 
dignified or  unmanly,  and  affected  to  conform  to  all  rules  of  the  profession, 
and  to  stand  in  fear  of  the  decision  of  the  judges.^  He  attained,  as  a 
matter  of  course,  the  honours  of  a  TrcptoSovt/o;? ; '  the  names  of  the  famous 
musicians  Terpnus,  Diodorus,  and  Pammenes  being  mentioned  among 
those  defeated  by  him  ;  ^  and  he  is  stated  to  have  given  large  sums  to  the 
Hellanodicae  for  their  decision,  and  to  the  Pythia  for  a  felicitous  prophecy, 
but  to  have  taken  vengeance  on  the  adytum  of  Apollo  for  some  fancied 
insult.^  He  entered  himself  also  (employing  the  consular  Cluvius 
Rufus  as  his  herald)  in  the  local  contests  of  all  Greek  cities,  except  Sparta 
and  Athens,  deterred  in  the  former  case  (as  was  supposed)  by  the  as- 
sociations of  the  laws  of  Lycurgus,  in  the  latter  by  the  fear  of  the 
Erinnyes.^^ 

It  is  stated  that  he  also  pillaged  the  cities  and  temples  of  their  works 
of  art,  carrying  off  500  statues  from  Delphi  alone  ;^^  also  that  he  put  to 


1  Jos.  B.  I.  3.  8,  9.  ®  The  Hellanodicae  are  said  to  have 
^  Josephus  represents  himself  as  having  received  a  million,  the  Pythia  400,000 
worked  upon  Vespasian  by  predicting  H.S.  (Id.  63.  14,  1-2) ;  and  Dio  adds 
his  future  exaltation,  and  by  showing  that  that  these  sums  were  among  those  re- 
he  had  been  a  true  prophet  otherwise  claimed  by  Galba  (see  H.  i.  20,  2),  as 
(B.  I.  1.  1.).  was  also  the  case,  according  to  Plut. 
3  Id.  3.  9-4,  2.  Galb.   16,  with  the  largesses  squandered 

*  Id.  4.  3-6.  on   actors  and  athletes   (see  Suet.  Ner. 
'  Among  such  innovations  is  noted  the  30;  Galb.  15). 

introduction   of  a  musical  contest  at  the  "  Dio,  63.  14,  3.   Schiller  rightly  treats 

Olympic  games  (Suet.  Ner.  23).  these  reasons  as  mere  guesses. 

«  Suet.  Ner.  24  ;  Dio,  63.  9,  1-4.  "  Pans.  10.  7,  i.     Other  such  accounts 

'  Dio,  63.  10,  I.  are    collected    in    Schill.    p.    248,    and 

*  Id.  63.  8,  4.  questioned  by  him  (see  Introd.  p.  [67],  10). 


478  APPENDIX  III 

death  a  number  of  rich  Greeks  to  get  their  property.^  The  executions 
of  illustrious  Romans  also  were  continued  by  Nero  even  amidst  his  con- 
tests. Corbulo  was  summoned  to  his  presence  from  the  East,  in  a  letter 
full  of  terms  of  fulsome  compliment,  and  was  met  at  Cenchreae  with  an 
order  to  dispatch  himself,  which  he  obeyed  instantly,  saying,  '  I  deserved 
it '}  The  two  brothers  Scribonius  Rufus  and  Scribonius  Proculus,  who 
had  been  governors  of  the  two  '  Germaniae ',  were  similarly  sent  for  on 
some  pretext,  and  accused  and  put  to  death  without  being  heard  in 
defence  or  allowed  to  see  Nero.*  Paris  the  dancer  was  also  put  to 
death,  and  Caecina  Tuscus,  praefect  of  Egypt,  was  banished  for  using  a 
bath  constructed  in  expectation  of  Nero's  visit.  Similar  crimes  were 
perpetrated  in  Rome  by  Helius,  who  put  to  death  Sulpicius  Camerinus 
for  bearing  the  surname  of  '  Pythicus ',  and  others,  on  various  pretexts.* 
The  *  coniuratio  Viniciana  \  of  which  nothing  further  is  known  than  that 
it  was  detected  and  suppressed  at  Beneventum,  may  have  taken  place 
during  this  period.*^ 

Nero  remained  in  Greece  during  the  whole  year,  and  rewarded  the 
province  for  its  entertainment  of  him  by  declaring  it  free ;  and  is  said  to 
have  compensated  the  senate  for  its  loss  by  giving  over  to  it  the  govern- 
ment of  Sardinia.^  He  also  initiated  a  canal  to  be  cut  across  the  Isthmus 
of  Corinth.'^ 

A.  u.  c.  822,  A.D.  68.     Ti.  Catius  Silius  Italicus,  M.  Galerius 
Trachalus  Turpilianus,^  coss. 

Vespasian  had  employed  the  winter  in  settling  the  districts  which  he 
had  already  gained.'  In  the  early  spring  he  took  Gadara,^^  the  chief 
stronghold  beyond  Jordan,  and  in  the  course  of  the  spring  had  completed 
the  reduction  of  Peraea  by  the  capture  of  Gerasa,"  and  by  dispatching 

*  Dio,  63.  II,  I  foil.;  see  Introd.  1.  1.  of  an  Arval  offering  in  that  year:  which 
2  As  a  penalty  for  his  confidence.  appears  to  be  [*  ob  dete]cta  [nefariorum 
2  Dio,  63.  17,  I  foil.     It  is  probable       con]silia'  (see  Schiller,  p.  229). 

that  many  others,  besides  those  mentioned  ^  On   this  statement   see  note  on   13. 

by  Dio,  were  put  to  death  at  this  period  30,  i. 

(see  Introd.  p.  [86]).  '  Dio,  63.  16,  i. 

*  Id.  63.  18,  1-2.  8  The  former  of  these  is  the  well-known 
^  The   only  mention  of  it  is  that  by  poet,    who    outlived    all    the    Neronian 

Suet.  (Ner.  36),  that  after  the  conspiracy  consuls  and  died  at  the  age  of  75,  prob- 

of  Piso   at   Rome,    *  posterior  Viniciana  ably  about  A.  D.    100   (Plin.  Ep.   3.   7). 

Beneventi  conflata  atque  detecta  est.'     It  The  second  consul  was  a  distinguished 

has    been    thought    that    its    head    was  orator  (see  H.  i.  90,  2),  famous  especially 

Annius  Vinicianus  (on  whom  see  15.  28,  for  his  voice  and  manner  (Quint.   10.  i, 

4,  and  note),  and  that  it  may  have  been  119;   12.  5,  5  ;  10,  11). 

thus  an  indirect  cause,  or  (as  some  think)  »  Jos.  B.  I.  4.  8,  i. 

a  result  of  the  fall  of  Corbulo  (see  Introd.  i"     Id.  4.  7,  3.     The  date  given  coincides 

p.  [87]  ).     Some  evidence  for  placing  it  in  with  the  latter  part  of  February. 

819,  A.D.  66,   is  afforded  by  the  record  "  Id.  4.  9,  i. 


SUMMARY  OF  EVENTS   TILL  NERO'S  DEATH     479 

flying  columns  under  his  lieutenants  Placidus  and  Traianus  against  the 
scattered  Zealots.^  He  himself  had  constructed  a  fortified  camp  at 
Emmaus  in  Judaea,'  from  whence,  in  one  short  expedition,  he  reduced 
Idumaea,  and  in  another,  Samaria;^  subsequently  to  which  another 
strong  position  was  taken  up  at  Jericho.*  After  these  successes  the 
reduction  of  Jerusalem  alone  remained  :  and  vigorous  preparations  were 
being  made  for  its  siege  when  the  news  of  the  death  of  Nero  obliged  him 
to  await  further  instructions;^  and  subsequent  events  prevented  any 
active  resumption  of  the  war  till  a  year  and  a  half  afterwards. 

Helius,  who  had  frequently  pressed  Nero  to  return,  went  in  person  to 
tell  him  that  a  great  conspiracy  was  on  foot  in  Rome,  and  that  his 
presence  was  urgently  needed.  Nero  immediately  set  sail,  and  narrowly 
escaped  shipwreck  from  a  storm.  Several  persons  who  had  counted  on 
his  destruction  and  rejoiced  at  it  were  put  to  death."  His  return  was 
marked  by  extravagances  surpassing  all  before.  He  entered  Rome 
through  a  breach  in  the  walls,  after  the  tradition  of  victorious  Greek 
athletes,  in  a  triumphal  chariot,  bearing  :  he  Olympian  crown,  and  holding 
in  his  hand  the  Pythian,  amid  the  acclamations  of  the  populace,"^  and  dis- 
played all  his  crowns,  in  number  1808,  on  the  obelisk  in  the  circus,  and 
again  exhibited  himself  as  a  charioteer  and  musician.^ 

Soon  afterwards  he  left  Rome  for  Naples,  where,  on  the  anniversary  of 
the  murder  of  his  mother,^  the  first  news  was  brought  to  him  that 
C.  Julius  Vindex,  the  legatus  of  Gallia  Lugdunensis,*"  had  raised  a  great 
insurrection  in  his  own  and  in  the  adjoining  Gallic  provinces.  The 
account  of  the  nature  and  purpose  of  this  rising,  in  the  abridgement  of  Dio 
by  Xiphilinus,  which  has  been  most  generally  followed,^'  represents  him  as 

'  Id.  4.  7,4-6;  8,  I.     A  terrible  mas-  had  been  used  at  the  triumph  of  Augustus, 

sacre  is  described   on  the  banks  of  the  *  Dio,  63.  21. 

Jordan.  ^  Suet.  Ner.  40.     The  date  is  thus  fixed 

^  Id.  4.  8,  I.  to  March  19-23  (see  note  on  14.  4,  i). 

'  1.  1.     The  Idumaeans  had  previously  "  Vindex  is  stated  by  Dio  (63.  22,  i) 

formed  one  of  the  most  violent  sections  to    have    been   an   Aquitanian   of  royal 

in  Jerusalem  (B.  I.  4.  4-6).  descent,    whose    father    had    become    a 

*  Id.  4.  8,  I.  Roman  Senator  (probably  under  Claudius, 
5  Id.  4.    9,    2.     By  the   death   of  his  see  11.  25,  i).     His  position  would  show 

emperor,  he  was  no  longer   properly   a  that  he  had  himself  attained  praetorian 

legatus,  and  by  the  time  his  position  was  rank. 

confirmed  by  Galba,  the  season  was  past.  ^^  Besides  that  here  given,  two  other 

In  the  following  year  he  was  preparing  views  have  been  put  forth  ;  the  first  being 

to  resume  operations  when  he  was  pro-  that  of  Mommsen   (Hermes,  xiii.  1878, 

claimed  emperor.  pp.    90-105),    who    regards   this    rising 

*  Dio,  63.  19.  The  conspiracy  cannot  as  a  genuine  effort  to  restore  the  Roman 
be  identified,  and  may  have  been  a  fiction.  Republic.     This  is  supported  by  words  of 

'  Id.  63.  20.     According  to  Suet.  (Ner.  Zonaras   (11.    15),   possibly   from   some 

25),  he  had  already  thus  entered  Neapolis  statement  of  Dio  omitted  by  Xiphilinus, 

and  other  places,  and  the  triumphal  car  that   Vindex   made   his  followers   swear 

in  which  he  entered  Rome  was  that  which  allegiance  to  the  senate  and  people   of 


480 


APPENDIX  III 


stirring  up  the  people  against  Nero  personally,  by  describing  his  outrages 
and  extravagances  at  Rome,^  and  as  offering  the  empire  ^  to  Galba,  who 
had  then  been  for  eight  years  legatus  of  Hispania  Tarraconensis,  and  was 
a  man  of  the  highest  family,  great  services,  and  enormous  wealth.^* 

Before  this  offer  was  made,  the  rising  had  ab-eady  taken  formidable 
proportions.  The  chief  Rhenish  tribes,  as  the  Treveri  and  Lingones, 
held  aloof  from  it,*  as  did  also  the  colony  of  Lugdunum,"  the  great 
capital  of  the  '  tres  Galliae '  ^ ;  but  Vindex  was  joined  by  large  numbers 
from  all  parts  of  Gaul,  especially  by  the  richest  and  most  central  tribes, 
the  Arverni,  Aedui,  and  Sequani,^  by  the  nobility  generally,^  and  even  by 

Rome,  bidding  them  kill  even  himself, 
if  he  set  up  to  rule  over  them.  The  ex- 
pression '  adsertor  a  Nerone  libertatis ' 
(used  of  him  in  PI.  N.  H.  20.  14,  57, 
160),  on  its  most  natural  interpretation, 
confirms  this  view,  as  does  also  the 
similar  profession  of  allegiance  made 
at  first  (Plut.  Galb.  5)  by  Galba  (the 
titles  'Hercules  adsertor',  and  'Mars 
adsertor'  cited  by  Mommsen  from  the 
coins  issued  during  the  rising,  are  more 
ambiguous).  On  the  other  hand  the  view 
of  Schiller  (p.  261  foil.)  and  others, 
adopted  also  by  Mr.  Hardy  (see  note  on 
Plut.  Galb.  4),  would  take  the  support 
either  of  the  Republic,  or  of  Galba  as 
emperor,  to  have  been,  like  the  pretended 
allegiance  of  Civilis  to  Vespasian  (H.  4. 
13,  2),  a  mere  temporary  device  to  cover 
a  real  design  of  restoring  the  independence 
of  Gaul.  This  view  is  thought  to  have 
been  that  taken  by  Tacitus,  on  the 
strength  of  several  passages  in  the 
Histories ;  where  the  movement  is  often 
called  'bellum'  (H.  i.  51,  i  ;  65,  4:  89, 
i)  ;  the  legions  are  represented  as  looking 
upon  the  Gauls  as  'hostes'  (i.  51,  4); 
and  Vocula  is  made  to  class  Vindex  with 
Sacrovir  (see  Ann.  3.  40,  i)  and  Civilis 
(H.  4,  57,  3).  Expressions  appearing 
to  imply  a  similar  view  are  also  cited 
from  Plutarch  and  from  Zonaras ;  but 
perhaps  none  are  sufficiently  unambiguous 
to  be  decisive,  and  the  arguments  from 
general  probability  are  somewhat 
balanced.  It  is  difficult  on  the  one 
hand  to  suppose  that  so  large  a  force 
would  have  joined  Vindex  in  mere 
abhorrence  of  the  enormities  of  Nero's 
personal  conduct,  or  with  any  expectation 
that  their  tribute  or  other  national 
grievances  (see  3.  40,  i  ;  H.  4.  17,  3 ; 
Dio,  63.  22,  2)  would  be  remedied  by 
restoration  of  the  Republic  or  by  a  change 
of  emperor.  It  is  no  less  difficult  on  the 
other   hand   to    imagine    the  colony  of 


Vienna,  which  had  enjoyed  full  Roman 
rights  for  probably  nearly  thirty  years, 
and  had  constantly  contributed  members 
to  the  Roman  senate  (see  '  Oratio  Claudii ' 
ii.  9,  and  note),  joining  in  any  movement 
for  Gaulish  independence  ;  and  the  weak- 
ness of  the  support  which  an  undoubted 
rising  for  that  object  received  two 
years  later,  is  against  the  idea  of  a 
widespread  desire  in  Gaul  for  separation 
from  Rome.  In  the  absence  of  clear 
knowledge,  it  is  perhaps  best  to  suppose 
that  the  movement  was  intended  to  be 
variously  understood  by  different  sections 
of  those  who  joined  in  it,  and  to  bid  for 
support  from  all  quarters,  but  that  in 
its  progress  it  so  far  determined  itself 
as  a  rising  for  Galba  that  its  supporters 
were  generally  called  by  their  opponents 
'Galbiani'  (H.  i.  51,  5),  and  were  re- 
warded as  such  by  Gaiba  after  his  success 
(H.  I.  51,  6;  65,  2,  &c.). 

^  Dio  ruts  into  his  mouth  a  speech  on 
these  topics. 

^  Mommsen  notes  (Hermes,  1.  1.)  that 
Vindex  is  described  (Plut.  Galb.  4  ;  Dio, 
63.  23,  i)  as  offering  Galba  the  ^yefiovia, 
which  might  only  mean  the  leadership 
of  the  Republican  movement,  and  that 
it  would  seem  to  have  been  in  that  sense 
that  Galba  first  accepted  it. 

'  See  Plut.  Galb.  3.  The  relationship 
of  Galba  to  Livia.  wife  of  Augustus,  there 
mentioned,  is  otherwise  unknown,  and 
appears  to  be  improbable. 

*  H.  I.  51,  5;  53,  5;  4.  69,  2. 
»  H.  I.  51,  8. 

*  By  this  expression,  the  three  Caesa- 
rian provinces,  Aquitania,  Gallia  Celtica, 
and  Gallia  Belgica,  in  distinction  from 
the  old  senatorial  province  of  Narbonen- 
sis,  are  meant.  On  the  peculiar  position 
of  Lugdunum,  as  their  common  capital,  see 
Momms.  Hist.  v.  79  foil. ;  E.  T.  i.  87  foil. 

'  H.  I.  51,  6;  4.  17,5. 
«  Jos.  B.  I.  4.  8,  I. 


SUMMARY  OF  EVENTS   TILL  NERO'S  DEATH     481 

the  Roman  colony  of  Vienna  in  the  Narbonensian  province;  which 
appears  to  have  become  his  head  quarters,^  and  to  have  carried  on  a 
desultory  warfare,  embittered  by  old  animosities,  against  its  rival  Lug^- 
dunum  ; '  and  his  force,  gathered  no  doubt  from  the  militia  of  the  various 
cantons,^  is  given  as  consisting  of  100,000*  men. 

Galba  was  already  alarmed  for  his  own  security,'  and  was  urged  to 
action  especially  by  T.  Vinius,''  and  apparently,  on  April  2,  so  far 
accepted  the  salutation  of  his  troops  as  to  call  himself  no  longer  legatus 
of  Nero,  but  general  of  the  senate  and  people.'  He  was  soon  afterwards 
forced  into  more  decided  courses  by  being  declared  a  public  enemy ; "  but 
as  he  was  supported  by  but  one  legion,^  and  the  governors  of  other  pro- 
vinces who  had  joined  him  brought  no  important  accession  of  strength, ^"^ 
while  Vindex  was  wholly  without  Roman  troops,"  it  was  plain  that  all 
depended  on  the  action  of  the  German  armies. 

Fonteius  Capito,  the  legatus  of  Lower  Germany,  was  vicious  and  in- 
capable,^^  so  that  the  real  master  of  the  situation  was  L.  Verginius  Rufus,^' 
the  legatus  of  Upper  Germany,  who  promptly  marched  with  his  own 
army  and  detachments  from  that  of  the  Lower  Province,^*  against 
Vesontio  (Bezan9on),  the  chief  town  of  the  Sequani,  which  Vindex 
hurried  to  defend.^*  The  most  commonly  received  account  of  the 
sequel  alleges  that  a  conference  here  took  place  between  the  generals, 
and  that  both  agreed  to  declare  against  Nero,^^  but  that  the  German 

*  In  H.  I.  65,  4,  it  is  called  'sedes  the  death  of  the  predecessor,  the  *dies 
Gallici  belli '.  imperii '  of  Vitellius  and  that  of  Vespasian 

'  H.  I.  65,  I,  3.     A  blockade  of  the  are  reckoned, 
latter  town  by  the  former  is  there  alluded  *  Plut.  Galb.  5. 

to.  '  He  had   also   two    alae    and    three 

'  A  force  of  this  description,  kept  up  by  cohorts,  and  set  to  work  to  raise  fresh 

the  Helvetii,  is  mentioned  in  H.  i.  67,  2.  troops  and  to  create  a  sort  of  senate  on 

*  Plut.  Galb.  4.  the  spot  (Suet.  Galb.  10). 

^  Suet,    states  (Galb.  9)  that   he  was  ^^  It  is  said  that  others  joined  him  (Plut. 

aware  of  orders  sent  to  his  procurators  Galb.    6) ;   but   the   only   one   distinctly 

to   put   him    to   death,   and   was    forced  mentioned  is  Otho  (Id.  20). 

to  declare  himself  by  a  message  from  the  "  In  this  sense  his  province  is  called 

legatus   of   Aquitania,   invoking   his   aid  *  inermis' (H.  i.  16,  5). 

against  Vindex.  ^'  H,  i.  7,  2. 

*  This  officer  seems  then  to  have  been  "  See  on  15.  23,  i.  He  and  Capito  had 
his  legatus  legionis ;  but  the  expression  become  legati  on  the  execution  of  the 
rov  aTparrjyiKov  Tdyfxaros  ■^yefiwv  (Plut.  brothers  Scribonii  in  the  preceding  year 
Galb.  4)  is  difficult  to  interpret  (see  Mr.  (Dio,  63.  17,  3). 

Hardy's  note).  ^*  Probably    in    all    at    least     30,000 

'  Plut.  Galb.  5,  Suet.  Galb.  9.  By  legionaries  and  auxiliary  troops, 
reckoning  backwards  from  the  day  of  his  "  Dio,  63.  24,  i.  From  the  head- 
death  (Jan.  15),  and  taking  the  computa-  quarters  of  Verginius  at  Moguntiacum, 
tion  of  his  rule  as  of  nine  months  and  this  would  be  the  nearest  rebel  position 
thirteen  days  (Dio.  64.  6,  5  \  it  is  seen  that  to  strike  at:  it  was  also  an  important 
his  '  dies  imperii '  is  reckoned  from  the  road  centre. 

salutation    of  the  soldiers  on   that   day,  "  This  is  so  far  true,  that  the  attitude 

whatever  answer  he  may  have  then  given  even  of  Verginius  is  no  longer   that  of 

to  it.     From  a  similar  salutation,  not  from  a  loyal  legatus  of  Nero. 

PELHAM  I    I 


482  APPENDIX  III 

army  under  some  mistaken  impulse  furiously  attacked  the  Gallic  troops, 
killed  20,000  of  them,  and  dispersed  the  remainder,  on  which  Vindex 
slew  himself  in  despair ;  and  Verginius  mourned  for  him,  and  retired  to 
his  province,^  refusing  himself  to  be  proclaimed  emperor  or  to  allow  any 
one  else  to  become  so,  except  by  the  nomination  of  the  senate  and 
people  at  Rome.*  These  events  drove  Galba  almost  to  despair,  and  he 
went  into  retirement  at  Clunia  in  his  province.' 

Nero  meanwhile  was  acting  with  the  greatest  weakness  and  indecision. 
He  is  stated  to  have  at  first  wholly  disregarded  the  news  of  the  rising  of 
Vindex,  and  even  to  have  professed  his  joy  at  the  opportunity  offered  for 
extortion  from  the  Gauls.*  After  eight  days  ^  spent  in  all  his  usual  amuse- 
ments at  Naples,  he  returned  to  Rome  and  issued  a  proclamation.^  Then 
he  was  thrown  into  consternation  by  the  news  that  Galba  had  been  pro- 
claimed emperor,  and  was  receiving  general  support.'  Some  show  was 
now  made  of  vigour,  and  the  available  troops  were  collected  by  recalling 
the  forces  already  on  their  way  to  the  CaucasiK*  and  to  Aethiopia,®  sum- 
moning others  from  Illyricum,^®  and  forming  a  new  legion  of  the  *  clas- 
siarii'."  Nero  himself  assumed  the  consulship,"  and  appointed  as  leaders 
of  his  troops  Petronius  Turpilianus  and  Rubrius  Gallus,"  and  sent  *  Calvia 
Crispinilla  to  instigate  Claudius  Macer,  the  imperial  legatus  in  Africa,  to 
ensure  the  fidelity  of  Rome  by  threatening  it  with  famine '."    The  news 

1  Dio,   63.    24.     Plutarch    (Galb.    6),  «  Suet.  Ner,  40. 

while  also  making  the  battle  arise  from  '  Dio,  63.  23,  2.                    ^ 

the  impetuosity  of  the  soldiers,   knows  ''  Dio,  63.  27,  i ;  Pint.  Galb.  5  ;  Suet, 

of  no  understanding  between  the  generals.  Ner.  42. 

Tacitus,  in  alluding  to  the  battle  (H.  i.  *  H.  i.  6,  5.     On  the  probable  purpose 

51,    i"),   says  nothing   to    show  that   he  of  this  expedition  see  Introd.  p.  [125],  7. 

regarded   it   as   an   accidental  collision;  ^  H.  i.  31,  8;  70,  2. 

and  that  Verginius  at  a  later  time  desired  "  H.  i.  9,  4. 

to  take  credit   for  it  is  shown  by  the  **  H.  i.  6,  4, 

epitaph    composed    by   him   for   himself  ^'  Suet,  says  (Ner.  43)  that  he  held  it 

(Plin.  Ep.  6.  10,  4):  *  Hie  situs  est  Rufus,  without  a  colleague,  having  forced  both 

pulso   qui    Vindice    quondam    Imperium  consuls  to  resign, 

adseruit  non  sibi  sed  patriae.'  "  Dio,  63.  27,  i  ;  Zonaras,  11. 13.    The 

^  Dio,  63.  25.    Tacitus  thinks  it  an  open  former  mentions  Rubrius  only  ;  the  latter 

question  whether  he  would  have  accepted  adds  that  Petronius  was  found  to  be  in 

theempireif  elected  regularly  (H.  I.  8,7).  league  with   Galba  ;  a   statement   which 

It  is  also  suggested  that  his  want  of  family  his   subsequent   death   at  Galba's  hands 

distinction  was    both   a    disqualification  'ut  dux  Neronis'    (H.    i.    6,   2)    makes 

for  empire,  and  also  a  protection  from  improbable.     He    had    been    legatus    of 

the    danger   of    refusing   such    an    offer  Britain   (14.    39,   4),    and    had    received 

(H.  I.  52,  7).     An  inscription  found  near  *  triumphalia '   after    the    suppression    of 

Milan  (C.  I.  L.  v.  5702),  *  pro  salute  et  the  Pisonian  conspiracy  (15.  72,  2).     On 

victoria    L.    Vergini    Rufi  '    (the    usual  Rubrius  Gallus  see  H.  2.  51,  3,  &c. 

formula  for  an  emperor)  shows  the  light  ^*  H.  i.   73,  2.     Such  a  scheme  may 

in   which    he  was   regarded    during    his  be  conceived  as  forming  part  of  Nero's 

hesitation.  plan  for  abandoning  Rome.     Macer  pur- 

Plut.  Galb.  6 ;  Suet.  Galb.  1 1.  sued  only  a  system   of  plunder  and  ex- 

*  Dio,  63.  26.  tortion  on  his  own  account  (Plut.  Galb.  5). 


SUMMARY  OF  EVENTS   TILL  NERO'S  DEATH     483 

of  the  defeat  of  Vindex  brought  him  little  comfort,  as  the  attitude  of 
Verginius  remained  so  ambiguous ;  ^  and  all  kinds  of  wild  schemes  of 
vengeance  or  flight  were  reported  as  contemplated.' 

A  new  danger  now  arose  in  what  had  been  hitherto  his  great  source  of 
strength,  the  praetorian  guards.  Both  the  praefects  of  that  body  appear 
to  have  proved  false  to  him;^  but  Tigellinus,  enervated  by  vice  and 
disease,  was  cast  into  the  shade  by  the  bolder  schemer  Nymphidius 
Sabinus,*  who,  when  Nero  had  departed  from  the  Palatium  to  the 
Servilian  gardens,"  persuaded  the  soldiers  that  he  had  already  fled  to 
Egypt,  and  induced  them  to  proclaim  Galba  emperor  by  offering  in  his 
name  an  enormous  donative  of  30,000  H.  S.  each.^ 

At  midnight  Nero  found  himself  forsaken  by  the  cohort  in  attendance  ' 
and  deprived  of  the  poison  which  he  kept  for  the  last  extremity,*  and  fled 
in  disguise,  with  four  attendants,  to  a  villa  of  his  freedman  Phaon,  distant 
about  four  miles  from  Rome,  between  the  Salarian  and  the  Nomentan 
way.^  The  decision  of  the  praetorians  emboldened  the  senate  to  pro- 
claim Galba  emperor,  to  declare  Nero  a  public  enemy,  and  to  sentence 
him  to  be  put  to  death  '  more  maiorum  '.^°  In  his  hiding-place  he  was 
informed  that  the  soldiers  were  upon  his  track,  and  after  vain  attempts  to 
dispatch  himself,  received  his  deathstroke  partly  at  his  own  hand,  partly 
at  that  of  his  freedman  Epaphroditus."  He  died  on  June  9,"  aged 
thirty  years,  five  months,  and  twenty-six  days,  having  ruled  thirteen  years, 
seven  months,  and  twenty-eight  days ;  and  received  honourable  burial  at 

^  The  statement  that  Nero  heard  irepl  share  of  some  kind  in  causing  the  treason 

Tov  'Pov(pov6Ti  aiiTov  dniaTT)  (Dio,  63.  27,  of  the  guards;  and  Josephus  (B.  I.  4,  9, 

i)    is    inaccurate;     but    Verginius    was  2)  speaks  of  both  praefects  as  entering 

evidently   ready   to    recognize   any   new  into  the  plot. 

emperor  appointed  by  the  senate.     Dio  *  On  his  antecedents  and  appointment 

adds   that    Nero   was    'deserted   by  all  to   the    *  praefectura    praetorii     see    15. 

alike',  and  Suet,  speaks  of  *  ceterorum  72,3. 

exercituum    defectio'    (Ner.    47).     This  '  Suet.   Ner.   47;  see  15.   55,   i,  and 

may  refer  to  the  troops  under  Rubrius  note. 

and  Petronius,  some  of  which  are  said  *  Plut.    Galb.    2.     The    donatives    of 

to    have    opened    communications   with  Claudius   and    Nero    reached    only    half 

Verginius  (H.  i.  9,  4).  that  amount  (see  on  12.  69,  2)  :  a  sum  of 

*  Suet.  Ner.  43  ;  Dio,  63.  27,  2.  5000   H.S.,  according  to  Plutarch,  was 

'  The  only  full  accoimt  of  the  action  also  now  promised  to  all  the  legionaries, 

of  Nymphidius,  that  of  Plutarch,  makes  but  neither  largess  was  ever  paid, 

him   not   actually  depose   his   colleague  '  Suet.  Ner.  47 ;  Dio,  63.  27,  3. 

Tigellinus  till  after  the   death   of  Nero  *  Suet.  1.  1. 

(Galb.  8),  but  wholly  to  act  without  him  •  Suet.  Ner.  48 ;  Dio,  1.  1.     Epaphro- 

at  the  crisis  here  mentioned  (Galb.  2).  ditus,  Phaon,  and  Sporus  are  mentioned 

That   Tigellinus  was  suffering   from   an  among  the  four  followers, 

incurable  disease  is  stated  in  Plut.  0th.  2,  ^"^  Suet.  49. 

and  the  fact  may  explain   his  inaction ;  "  P'or  the  whole  description  see  Suet, 

but  Tacitus,  in  calling  him  the  '  desertor  1.  I. ;  Dio,  1.  1. 

ac  proditor'   of  Nero    (H.    1.    72,    2),  "  See  the  reckoning  of  Dio  at  the  death 

certainly  charges  him  with  an  important  of  Vespasian  (66.  17,  4),  and  other  data 

I  i  2 


484 


APPENDIX  III 


the  hands  of  two  women  who  had  nursed  him  in  childhood,  and  of  his 
concubine  Acte.* 

At  his  death,  the  nominal  power  rested  with  the  senate,  but  the  real 
masters  of  the  situation  were  Nymphidius  and  the  praetorians.  The 
action  taken  at  Rome  accelerated  the  movements  in  other  quarters ;  the 
hesitation  of  Verginius  was  overcome,  and  the  choice  of  Galba  as  emperor 
was  generally  ratified,  though  not  without  still  remaining  discontent  and 
disaffection.' 


given  in  Schiller  386,  5.  Suet,  states 
(c.  57)  that  the  day  of  his  death  was  the 
anniversary  of  that  of  Octavia. 

^  Suet.  Ner.  50. 

^  It  seems  impossible  to  suppose 
that  the  whole  of  these  events,  which 
in  the  abridgement  of  Dio  occupy  one 
third  of  the  whole  space  given  to  the 
rule  of  Nero,  could  have  been  dealt 
Mrith  by  Tacitus  in  the  subsequent  portion 
of  the  Sixteenth  Book.  He  may 
indeed  have  disdained  to  dwell  at 
length  on  some  of  them ;  but  at  least 
the  first  three  years  of  the  Jewish  war, 
the  movement  of  Vindex  and  the  fall  of 
Nero  would  no  doubt  have  been  related 
with  a  fullness  proportionate  to  their  im- 


portance. It  is  also  probable  that  the 
narrative  was  carried  on  beyond  Nero's 
death  to  the  close  of  the  year,  so  as  to 
complete  the  connexion  with  the  Histories. 
There  is  therefore  much  reason  for  the 
supposition  that  the  Annals  when  complete 
consisted  of  eighteen  Books,  falling  into 
three  equal  subdivisions,  corresponding 
to  (1)  the  rule  of  Tiberius,  (2)  that  of 
Gains  and  Claudius,  (3)  that  of  Nero. 
It  must,  however,  be  admitted  that  such 
a  view  seems  to  make  it  very  difficult  not 
to  suppose  some  error  in  the  statement 
of  Jerome  (in  Zach.  B.  iii.  c.  14),  that  the 
whole  work  of  Tacitus,  from  the  death 
of  Augustus  to  that  of  Domitian,  was 
contained  in  thirty  Books. 


INDEX    I 

HISTORICAL   INDEX    TO    THE   TEXT 


Aborigines,  the,  in  Italy,  ii.  14,  4. 
Acbarus,  an  Arabian  king,  12.  12,  3  ; 

14,2. 
Acerronia,   a    friend    of    Agrippina, 

killed   by  mistake   for  her,  14.  5, 

2-6  ;  6,  1-2. 
Achaemenes,  ancestor  of  Mithridates 

of  Bosporus,  12.  18,  3. 
Achaia,  pillaged  by  Nero,  15.  45,  3. 
Acilia,  the  mother  of  Lucan,  15.  56, 

4;  71,  12. 
Acilius,   M'.,  consul,   12.  64,   i  :  see 

also  Strabo. 
Acratus,    sent    by   Nero   to    collect 

works  of  art,  15.  45,  3  ;  16.  23,  i. 
acta  populi,  diurna,  or  publica,  12.  24, 

2  ;  13.  31,  I  ;  16.  22,  6. 

—  principium,  13.  5,  2 ;  11,  i. 

—  senatus,  cp.  commentarii,  15.  74, 

3. 

Acte,  a  concubine  of  Nero,  13.  12,  i  ; 
46,  4  ;  14.  2,  2. 

Actiaca  religio,  15.  23. 

Actium,  its  festival,  15.  23,  3. 

Actumerus,  prince  of  the  Chatti,  11. 
16,  2  ;  17,  2. 

Adiabeni,  the,  near  the  Tigris,  join 
Meherdates,  12.  13,  i ;  desert  him, 
14,  2  ;  join  Vologeses  against  Ti- 
granes,  15.  1,2;  4,6;  14,4. 

adoptio,  fictitious,  forbidden,  15.  19, 

5- 
Adrumetum,  in  Africa,  li.  21,  2. 
advocati,  frauds  of,  11.  5,  2  ;  14.  41, 

3- 
aediles,  powers  and  functions  of,  13. 

28,4. 
Aedui,   admission    of,  to    senatorial 

rank,  11.  25,  i. 
Aegeae,  in  Cilicia,  13.  8,  4. 
Aegaeum    mare,   the,   its    islands  a 

residence  of  exiles,   15.  71,  10. 
Aegyptus,    governed    by    a    Roman 

knight,  12.  60,  3  :   its  people  the 


inventors  of  hieroglyphics  and  the 
art  of  writing,  11.  14,  i ;  importa- 
tion of  corn  from,  36,  i  ;  12.  43,  4. 

Aelianus,  Pompeius,  banished,  14. 
41,  I. 

Aelia :  see  Paetina. 

Aelius  :  see  Gracilis,  Seianus. 

Aemiliana  praedia,  the,  in  Rome,  15. 

40,3. 
Aemilius,  an  officer :  see  Paulus. 
Aemilius,  Mamercus,  one  of  the  first 

elected  quaestors,  11.  22,  7. 
Aeneas,  the  ancestor  of  the   lulian 

gens,  12.  58,  I. 
Aequi,  11.  24,  7. 
aerarium,  the,  management  of,  13.  28, 

5;  29. 
Aesculapius,  treasurer  of,  at  Cyrene, 

14.  18,  2;  descendants  of  (Ascle- 

piadae),  at  Cous,  12.  61,  i. 
Aeserninus,  Marcellus,  an  orator,  11. 

6, 4 ;  7, 5.. 

Afer,  Domitius,  orator  and  accuser, 

death  of,  14.  19,  i. 
Afinius,  L.,  consul,  14.  48,  i. 
Afranius,  partisan  of  Pompeius  :  see 

Burrus,  Quintianus. 
Africa,  war  in,  quaestor  of,  li.  21,  2  ; 

pro-consuls  of,  11.  21,  4  ;  13.  52,  i ; 

importation  of  com  from,  12.  43,  4  ; 

levies  in,  16.  13,  4. 
Africanus,  Sextius,  a  young  noble,  13. 

19,  2  ;  holds  census  in  Gaul,  14. 

46,2. 
Africus,  the  wind,  15.  46,  3. 
Agerinus,  a  freedman  of  Agrippina, 

14.  6,  I ;  7,  7  ;  8,  4  ;  10,  5. 
agger  of  Drusus,  the,  13.  53,  3. 
Agrippa  (Herodes),  king  of  the  Jews, 

death  of,  12.  23,  2. 

—  (Herodes),  the  younger,  13.  7,  i. 

—  lulius,  exiled,  15.  71,  10. 

—  M.  (Vipsanius),  son-in-law  of  Au- 
gustus, receives  the  Ubi  into  sub- 


486 


INDEX  I 


mission,  12.  27,  2*;  retires  to  Myti- 
lene,  14.  53,  2  ;  55,  2  ;  works  of,  in 
Rome,  15.37,3;  39,2- 

Agrippina,  banished  to  Pandateria, 
14.  63,  2. 

—  daughter  of  Germamcus  and 
mother  of  Nero,  born  in  the  town 
of  the  Ubii,  12.  27,  i  ;  incurs  the 
enmity  of  Messalina,  11.  12,  i ;  re- 
commended by  Pallas  as  a  wife  for 
Claudius,  12.  i,  3  ;  2,  3  ;  prevails 
by  her  own  intrigues,  12.  3,  i  ;  5, 
I  ;  her  marriage  advocated  by  L. 
Vitellius,  12,  6,  2  ;  legalized  by  the 
senate,  12.  7,  3  ;  and  celebrated, 
12.  8.  I  ;  secures  the  betrothal  of 
her  son  to  Octavia,  12.  3,  2  ;  9,  i  ; 
makes  Seneca  (whose  return  from 
exile  she  had  procured)  his 
tutor,  12.  8,  3;  her  profligacy,  12. 
25, 1  ;  65,  4  ;  14.  2,  4  ;  covetousness, 
12.  7;  13.  13,  6;  18,  3;  14.6,  2; 
imperiousness,  12. 8, 6  ;  64, 6  ;  13. 2, 
3  ;  14.  I,  I ;  procures  the  exile  and 
death  of  Lollia  Paulina,  12.  22, 1-4  ; 
the  death  of  Domitia  Lepida,  12. 
64,  4  ;  65,  2  ;  of  Statilius  Taurus, 
12.  59,  I  ;  of  Silanus,  13.  i,  I  ; 
receives  title  of  Augusta,  12.  26,  I  ; 
gives  her  name  to  a  colony,  12.  27, 
I ;  sits  in  state  at  the  side  of  Clau- 
dius, 12.  ^7,  5  ;  56,  5  ;  allowed  to 
go  in  a  carpentum  to  the  Capitol, 
12.  42,  3  ;  procures  the  adoption  of 
her  son,  12.  25,  i  ;  conduct  of, 
towards  Britannicus,  12.  26,  2  ;  41, 
7  ;  procures  command  of  the  prae- 
torians for  Afranius  Burrus,  12.  42, 
I ;  protects  L.  Vitellius  from  accu- 
sation, 12.  42,  5  ;  at  enmity  with 
Narcissus,  12.  57,  4  ;  65,  2  ;  13.  i, 
4 ;  contrives  to  poison  Claudius, 
12.  66,  2  ;  67,  2  ;  secures  the  suc- 
cession to  Nero,  12.  68,  2 ;  has 
new  honours  granted  to  her,  13.  2, 
3  ;  but  is  opposed  by  Burrus  and 
Seneca,  13.  2,  3 ;  overhears  the 
senate  in  debate,  but  is  mortified 
by  its  decisions,  13.  5,  2  ;  is  pre- 
vented from  receiving  an  embassy 
in  state,  13.  5,  3  ;  strives  in  vain  to 
check  Nero's  passion  for  Acte,  13. 

12,  2 ;  changes  from  indignation 
to  blandishment,  13.  13,  1-3; 
makes  fresh  complaints,  13.  13,  6  ; 
takes  up  the  cause  of  Britannicus, 

13.  14,  3  ;  is  terror-stricken  at  his 


death,  13.  16,  6  ;  takes  the  side  of 
Octavia  and  forms  a  party,  13.  18, 
3  ;  deprived  of  her  guard  and  sent 
to  live  in  a  separate  house,  13.  18, 
5  ;  is  deserted  by  her  followers,  13. 
19,  I  ;  but  repels  the  charge  pre- 
ferred by  clients  of  lunia  Silana, 
and  procures  their  punishment,  13. 
21 ;  is  attacked  by  Poppaea,  14.  i  ; 
escapes  Nero's  plot  to  drown  her 
at  Baiae,  14.  4,  1-5,  7 ;  is  assassi- 
nated by  soldiers  under  Anicetus, 

14.  8  ;  her  burial,  14.  9,  2  ;  charges 
brought  against,  after  death,  14. 
1 1 ;  the  only  person  who  had  been 
sister,  wife,  and  mother  of  empe- 
rors, 12.  42,  3  ;  her  end  long  before 
prophesied  to  her,  14.  9,  5. 

Agrippinus,    Paconius,  accused   and 

banished,  16.  28,  2  ;  29,  2  ;  33,  3. 
Ahenobarbus  :  see  Domitius. 
Alba,  the  original  city  of  the  lulii,  11. 

24,  2. 
Albani,  Caucasian  race  of  the,  12.  45, 

2;  13.41,2. 
Albanum,  saxum,  used  in  rebuilding 

Rome,  15.  43,  4. 
Alesia,  lulius  Caesar  besieged  at,  11. 

23,6. 
Alexander  (the  Great),  12.  13,  2. 
—  Tiberius,  a  Roman  knight,  15. 28,4. 
AUedius  :  see  Severus. 
Alpes,  the,  made   the  boundary  of 

Italy,  II.  24,  2. 
Alpes  maritimae,  district  of,  15.  32, 1. 
Altinus,  lulius,  exiled,  15.  71,  10. 
amphitheatrum,  of  Nero,  13.  31,  I. 
Ampsivarii,  the,  in  Germany,  13.  55, 

I  ;  56,  2. 
Anemuriensis  civitas,  the,  in  Cilicia, 

12.  55,  2. 
Anicetus,  a  freedman  of  Nero,  plans 

the  murder  of  Agrippina,  14.  3,  5  ; 

carries  it  out,  14.  7,  5  ;  8,  3-5  ;  set 

up   to  accuse  Octavia,  14.  62,  3  ; 

banished  to  Sardinia,  14.  62,  6. 
Anicius  :  see  Cerialis. 
Annaeus  :  see  Lucanus,  Mela,  Seneca, 

Serenus,  Statins. 
Annius  :  see  PoUio,  Vinicianus. 
annona,  care  of,  11.  4,  3  ;  12.  43,  3  ; 

15.  18,  2;  39,2. 

Anteius,  P.,  designated  legatus  of 
Syria,  13.  22,  2 ;  accused  and 
forced  to  suicide,  16.  14,  2. 

Antenor,  games  founded  by,  at  Pata- 
vium,  16.  21,  I. 


HISTORICAL  INDEX  TO   THE   TEXT 


487 


Antias  ager,  the  :  see  Antium. 
Antiochus  of  Cilicia  and  Commagene, 

12.  55>  3  ;  13-  7.  I  ;  37,  2 ;  acquires 
part  of  Armenia,  14.  26,  3. 

—  (Magnus),  of  Syria,  12.  62,  2. 
Antistia    Pollitta,  wife  of  Rubellius 

Plautus,  14.  22,  5  ;  dies  with  her 
father,  L.  Vetus,  16.  lo-ii. 

Antistius,  C,  consul,  12.  25,  i :  see 
also  Sosianus,  Vetus. 

Antium  (Porto  d'Anzo),  14.  3,  I  ;  4, 

3  ;  15-39,  I  ;  birthplace  of  Nero 
and  of  his  child,  15.  23,  i ;  colon- 
ists sent  to,  14.  27,  3:  see  also 
Fortunae. 

Antona  (?),  the,  in  Britain,  12.  31,  2. 
Antonia,  mother  of  Germanicus  and 
Claudius,  11.  3,  i  ;  13.  18,  5. 

—  minor,  wife  of  L.  Domitius,  12.  64, 

4  (where  see  notes). 

Antonia,  daughter  of  Claudius,  12.  2, 
I  ;  68,  3  ;  wife  of  Cornelius  Sulla, 

13.  23,  I ;  said  by  Pliny  to  have 
joined  in  the  conspiracy  of  Piso, 

15-  53,  4. 
Antoninus,  Haterius,  gift  of  Nero  to, 

13.  34,  3- 
Antonius,  M.,  12.  62,  2. 

—  see  Felix,  Natalis,  Primus. 
Aorsi,  the,  allies  of  Rome,  12.  15,  2  ; 

16,  I  ;  19,  I. 

Apamenses,  the,  sufferers  from  earth- 
quake, 12.  58,  2. 

Apion,  king  of  Cyrene,  14.  18,  2. 

Apollo,  Clarian,  12.  22,  i ;  Pythian, 
12.  63,  I  ;  the  god  of  song,  14.  14, 
2. 

appellatio,  in  civil  suits,  14.  28,  2. 

Appius :  see  Silanus. 

Aprilis,  month  of,  called  Neroneus, 

.    15.  74,  I  ;  16.  12,  3. 

Apronius,  L.,  legatus  of  Lower  Ger- 
many, II.  19,  2. 

Apulia,  16.  9,  2. 

Aquila,  lulius,  a  knight,  12.  15,  I  ; 
21,  2. 

ara  adoptionis,  see  Consus. 

Arabes:  j^^Acbarus. 

Arar  (Saone),  the,  13.  53,  3. 

Araricus,  Vulcatius,  a  conspirator,  15. 
50,  I. 

Araxes  (Erasch),  the,  in  Armenia,  12. 

51,4;  13-39,  8- 
Arcadia :  see  Evander ;  kings  of:  see 

Pallas. 
Archelaus,    king     of     Cappadocia, 

grandson  of,  14.  26,  I. 


Argivi,  the,  colonizers  of   Cous,  12. 

61,  I. 
Argivus  (Palamedes),  11.  14,  3. 
Arii,  the,  in  Asia,  11.  10,  3. 
Aristobulus,  king  of  Armenia  minor, 

13.  7,  2  ;  14.  26,  3. 
Aristonicus,  war  of  the  Romans  with, 

12.  62,  2. 

Armenia  (maior)  and  Armenii,  waver- 
ing, but  on  the  whole  inclined  to  Par- 
thian alliance,  13. 34,5;  recovered  in 
the  time  of  Claudius  by  Mithridates, 
II.  8,  1-9,  3  ;  afterwards  seized  by 
his  nephew  Radamistus,  12.  44, 
1-49,  3;  and  by  the  Parthian 
prince  Tiridates,  12.   50,  1-51,  5; 

13.  6, 1-7,  2  ;  ambassadors  from,  at 
Rome,  13.  5,  3;  invaded  by  Cor- 
bulo,  13.  36-41 ;  14.  23-6 ;  and  by 
the  Parthians,  15.  1-5  ;  who  force 
Paetus  and  the  Roman  army  to 
evacuate  it,  15.  7-17;  again  occu- 
pied by  Corbulo,  15.  26-30. 

Armenia  minor,  11.  9,  3  ;  13.  7,  2. 
Arminius,    prince   of   the   Cherusci, 

allusion  to,  11.  16,  7. 
Arria,    wife    of    Thrasea,    and    her 

mother,  16.  34,  3. 
Arrius  Varus,  an  officer  of  Corbulo, 

13.  9,  3. 
Arruntius,  L.,  a  distinguished  senator 

and  pleader,  11.  6,  4;  7,  5. 
Arruntius  Stella,  13.  22,  i. 
Arsacidae,  Parthian  royal  race  of  the, 

II.  10,  5  ;  12.  10,  i;  13.  9,  2  ;  14. 

26,2;  15.  I,  i;  29,2. 
Arsamosata,  in  Armenia,  15.  10,  6. 
Arsanias,  the,  an  Armenian  river,  15. 

15,  I. 

Artabanus,  son  of  Artabanus  king  of 
Parthia,  killed  by  Gotarzes,  n.  8, 

3- 
Artaxata  (Artaschat),  capital  of  Ar- 
menia, 13.  39,  8  ;  submits  to  the 
Parthians,   12.  50,   2 ;    taken    and 
burnt  by   Corbulo,  13.  41,  3;  14. 

23,  I. 
Artoria :  see  Flaccilla. 
Arulenus   Rusticus,  tribunus  plebis, 

16.  26,  6. 

Asclepiodotus,  Cassius,  a  Bithynian, 
16.  33>  I- 

Asconius :  see  Labeo. 

Asia,  the  continent,  12.  63,  I. 

Asia,  province  of,  14.  21,  2;  procon- 
suls of,  13-  1,3;  43,  I ;  16.  10,2; 
23,  I ;  Rubellius  Plautus  exiled  to, 


488 


INDEX  I 


14.  57>  i;  58,  2;  pillaged  to  meet 
Nero's  expenses  15. 45,  3  ;  levies  in, 
16.  13,  4. 

Asiaticus,  Valerius,  a  senator  from 
Vienna,  accused  and  forced  to 
suicide,  ii.  1-3;  13.  43,  3- 

Asinius,  M.,  consul,  12.64,  i- 

—  see  Marcellus,  Pollio. 

Asper,  Sulpicius,  a  centurion  and 
conspirator,  15.  49,  2  ;  50,  3  ;  68, 
I. 

Assyria,  Ninos  the  capital  of,  12.  13, 
2. 

Athenae  and  Athenienses,  poison 
used  for  executions  at,  15.  64,  3; 
policy  of,  to  subjects,  il.  24,  5. 

Atimetus,  a  freedman  of  Domitia,  13. 
19,  4;  21,  5;  put  to  death  for 
bringing  a  charge  against  Agrip- 
pina,  13.  22,  3. 

Atticus,  Vestinus,  consul,  15.  48,  i ; 
character  of,  15.  52,  4;  put  to 
death  on  a  false  suspicion,  15.  68, 

3-69,  4- 
Attus  :  see  Clausus. 
Avemus,  lacus,  canal  planned  from, 

15.  42,  2. 

augurale,  the,  in  camp,  15.  30,  i. 

Augurinus,  lulius,  a  conspirator,  15. 
50,  I. 

Augurium  Salutis,  taken,  12.  23,  3. 

Augusta  :  see  Poppaea. 

Augustiani,  knights  enrolled  to  ap- 
plaud in  the  theatre,  14.  15,  8. 

Augustus,  engaged  in  civil  war  (as 
Caesar  Octavianus)  in  his  nine- 
teenth year,  13.  6,  5  ;  cp.  11.  7,  5  ; 
14-  555  3  ;  consul  with  Corvinus,  13. 
34,  I  ;  gives  jurisdiction  to  prae- 
fects  in  Egypt,  12.  60,  3  ;  revises 
the  administration  of  the  aerarium, 
13.  29,  I  ;  adds  to  the  patriciate, 

11.  25,  3;  extends  the  pomerium, 

12.  23,  5  ;  exhibits  a  sea-fight,  12. 
56,  I  ;  behaviour  of,  to  Maecenas 
and  Agrippa,  14.  55,  2  ;  eloquence 
of,  characterised,  13.  3,  4;  boast  of 
descent  from  or  relationship  to,  13. 
I.  2  ;  19,  3. 

Avitus,  Dubius,  legatus  of  Lower 
Germany,  13.  54,  3  ;  56,  i. 

Avona  fl.,  12.  31,  2. 

Aurelius  :  see  Cotta. 

auspices,  at  marriages,  11.  27,  I ;  15. 
37,9. 

Bactriani,  the,  plains  of,  11.  8,  6. 


Baiae,  li.  i,  3 ;  13.  21,  6 ;  14.  4j  i ; 
4,6;  15.  52,  I. 

Balbi,  II.  24,  4. 

Balbillus,  Ti.,  praefect  of  Egypt,  13. 
22,  I. 

Balbus,  Cornelius,  12.  60,  5  ;  from 
Spain,  II.  24,  4. 

—  Domitius,  14.  40,  I. 

Baleares  insulae,  the,  a  place  of  exile, 
13.43,6. 

balneum,  the,  used  to  hasten  death, 
14.  64,  3;  15.  64,  S;  69,  3;  16. 
11,4. 

Barea,  Soranus,  proposes  a  reward 
to  Pallas,  12.  53,  2  ;  accused  and 
forced  to  commit  suicide  together 
with  his  daughter,  16.  21,  i ;  23, 1 ; 
30-2 ;  33,  2. 

Barium,  in  Apulia,  16.  9,  2. 

Bassus,  Caesellius,  dreams  of  a  trea- 
sure, 16.  I,  I  ;  kills  himself  on 
failure,  16.  3,  2. 

Bauli,  near  Baiae,  14.  4,  3. 

Belgica    (Gallia),    province    of,    13. 

53,4. 
bellum  civile,  the  {.see  also  Italicum). 
Beneventum,  gladiatorial  exhibition 

given  by  Vatinius  at,  15.  34,  2. 
Bithynia,  proconsul   of,    16.    18,   3 ; 

accused,  12.  22,  4  ;  14.  46,  I. 
Blaesus,  Pedius,  expelled   from  the 

senate,  14.  18,  i. 
Blitius :  see  Catulinus. 
Boarium  forum,  the,  12.  24,  2. 
Boiocalus,  a  German  prince,  13.  55, 

2;  56,2. 
Bolanus,  Vettius,  legatus  of  a  legion, 

15-  3,  I. 

Bononia  (Bologna),  suffers  from  fire, 
12,  58,  2. 

Bosporani,  the,  12.  15,  i  ;  16,  I  ;  war 
with  the,  12.  63,  3. 

Boudicca,  queen  of  the  Iceni,  driven 
to  rebellion,  14.31,  3;  addresses 
her  warriors,  14.  35,  i  ;  poisons 
herself,  yj^  6. 

Brigantes,  the,  in  Britain,  rising 
among,  12.  32,  3  ;  Cartimandua, 
queen  of,  12.  36,  i  ;  Venutius, 
prince  of,  12.  40,  3. 

Britanni,  the,  and  Britannia,  actions 
of  Ostorius  and  Didius  in,  12. 
31-40  ;  Caratacus  the  chief  leader 
of,  12.  33,  I  ;  attack  of  Paulinus  on 
Mona,  14.  29-30 ;  great  rebellion 
in,  14.  31-8 ;  Polychtus  sent  to 
report  upon,  14.  39,  i. 


HISTORICAL  INDEX  TO   THE   TEXT 


489 


Britannicus,  son  of  Claudius,  1 1. 4, 6  ; 
26,  3  ;  32,  4;  12.  2,  I  ;  instructed 
by  Sosibius,  11.  i,  I ;  takes  part  in 
'ludus  Troiae,'  11.  11,  5;  sup- 
planted by  Nero,  12.  9,  2 ;  espe- 
cially after  the  latter's  adoption,  12. 
25,  3  ;  26,  2  ;  41,  4  ;  shows  resent- 
ment, 12.  41,6;  given  in  charge 
to  untrustworthy  persons,  12.  41, 
8;  13-  15)  5;  taken  up  by  Nar- 
cissus, 12.  65,  2,  foil,  and  by 
Agrippina,  13.  14,  3;  about  to 
complete  his  fourteenth  year,  13. 
15,  I  ;  his  response  at  the  Satur- 
nalia, 13.  15,3;  poisoned  by  Nero, 
13.  16,  2,  foil. ;  burial  of,  and  insult 
said  to  have  been  offered  to,  13. 

17,  I,.  3. 
Bructeri,  the,  in  Germany,  13.  56,  5. 
Brutus,  L.  (lunius),  lex  curiata  of,  11. 

22,  5  ;  creator  of  patres  minorum 

gentium,  11.  25,  3. 
Burrus,   Afranius,  made  praefect  of 

the  praetorians  through  Agrippina, 

12.  42,  2  ;  cp.  69,  I  ;  joined  with 
Seneca  in  the  guidance  of  Nero, 

13.  2,  I  ;  6,  4  ;  spoken  scornfully 
of  by  Agrippina,  13.  14,  5  ;  said  to 
have  been  suspected  by  Nero,  13. 
20,  I  ;  menaces  Agrippina,  13.  21, 
2 ;  sits  among  the  judges  on  a 
charge  against  himself,  13.  23,  4; 
is  consulted  on  the  murder  of 
Agrippina,  14.  7,  2,  5  ;  10,  2 ;  52, 

1  ;  60,  5  ;  stands  by  Nero  on  the 
stage  at  the  luvenalia,  14.  15,7; 
his  death  suspected  of  being  partly 
due  to  poison,  14.  51,  3. 

Byzantium,  a  Thracian  city,  petitions 
for  reduction  of  tribute,  12.  62,  i  ; 
pleads  services  to  Rome,  12.  62, 

2  ;  formerly  enriched  by  its  advan- 
tageous situation,  12.  63,  i,  foil. 


Cadius :  see  Rufus. 

Cadmus,  the  mtroducer  of  letters  to 

Greece,  11.  14,  2. 
Caecilianus,   Domitius,   a  friend  of 

Thrasea,  16.  34,  2, 
Caecina  Largus,  n.  33>  3  ;  34>  2. 

—  Tuscus,  13.  20,  2. 

Caedicia,  wife  of  Scaevinus,  15.  71, 

II. 
caelestes  honores,  decreed,  12.  69,  4. 
Caelius :  see  Pollio. 

—  Mons,  at  Rome,  15.  38,  2. 


Caesar:  see  Augustus,  Claudius, 
Gains,  Germanicus,  Nero,Tiberius. 

—  Gains  Julius,  the  dictator,  11.  23, 
6  ;  12.  60,  5  ;  adds  to  the  patri- 
ciate, II.  25,  3;  equal  to  the 
greatest  orators,  13.  3,  4 ;  villa  of, 
14.  9,  3. 

Caesennius :  see  Maximus,  Paetus. 

Caesius  :  see  Nasica. 

Caesoninus,  Suillius,   II.  36,  5:  cp. 

12.  25,  I. 
Calabria,  12.  65,  I. 
Calavinus :  see  Sabinus. 
Callistus,  a  freedman  of  Gains  and 

Claudius,  11.  29,  i ;  38,  5  ;  urges 

Claudius  to  marry  LoUia  Paulina, 

12.  I,  3;  2,  2. 
Calpurnia,  a  lady  of  rank,  exiled,  12. 

22,  3  ;  restored,  14.  12,  5. 

—  a  mistress  of  Claudius,  11.  30,  i. 
Calpurnia,  scita  (or  lex),  the,  15.  20,  3. 
Calpurnianus,     Decrius,     praefectus 

vigilum,  II.  35,  6. 
Calpurnium  genus,  the,  15.  48,  2. 
Calpurnius  :  see  also  Fabatus,  Piso. 
Calvina,  lunia,  banished,  12.  4,  i ;  8, 

I  ;  recalled,  14.  12,  5. 

—  an  accuser  of  Agrippina,  13.  19,  3  ; 
21,  4;  is  banished,  13.  22,  3;  re- 
stored afterwards,  14.  12,  6. 

Camerinus,  Sulpicius,  proconsul  of 
Africa,  13.  52,  i. 

Camerium,  the  home  of  the  Corun- 
canii,  11.  24,  2. 

Camillus  Furius  Scribonianus,  a  con- 
spirator against  Claudius,  12.  52,  2. 

—  Furius  Scribonianus,  son  of  the 
above,  12.  52,  I. 

Campania,  13.  26,  3;  15.  51,  l; 
ravaged  by  storms,  16.  13,  i. 

Campus  Martis,  the,  place  of  funeral 
of  Britannicus,  13. 17,  2  ;  occupied 
by  people  after  the  fire,  15.  39,  2  ; 
amphitheatre  in,  13,  31,  i  :  see  also 
Maro. 

Camulodunum,  colony  planted  at,  12. 
32,  5  ;  insolence  of  veterans  at,  14. 
31,  5  ;  temples  to  Claudius  and 
statue  of  Victory  at,  14.  31,  6;  32, 
I  ;  taken  by  storm,  14.  32,  5. 

Cangi ;  see  Decangi. 

Caninius  :  see  Rebilus. 

Canninefates,  the,  11.  18,  I. 

Capito,  Cossutianus,  a  professional 
pleader,  11.  6,  5;  condemned  for 
extortion,  13.  33,  3;  16.  21,3;  is 
restored  to  the  senate  through  his 


490 


INDEX  1 


father-in-law  Tigellinus,  14.  48,  2  ; 
accuses    Antistius,    id. ;     accuses 
Thrasea,    16.   22,   i,  foil. ;  28,   i  ; 
is  rewarded,  16.  33,  4. 
Capito,  C.  (Fonteius),  consul,  14. 1, 1. 

—  Insteius,  an  officer,  13.  9,  3  ;  39,  2. 

—  Valerius,  restored  from  exile,  14. 
12,  5. 

Capitolium,  and  Mons  Capitolmus, 
the,  added  by  Tatius,  12.  24,  3  ; 
old  siege  of,  11.  23,  7;  prodigies 
connected  with,  12.  43,  i  ;  64,  i  ; 
visited  in  carpentum  by  Agrippina, 

12.  42,  3 ;  visited  by  Nero,  14.  13, 
3  ;  offerings  to  Juppiter  in  the,  15. 
23,  3  ;  to  Juno,  15.  44,  I ;  trophies 
in,  15.  18,  I. 

Cappadocia,  procurator  of,  12.  49,  i ; 
troops  quartered  in,  13.  8,  2;  15. 
6,  2  ;  levies  held  there,  13.  35,  4  ; 
15.  6,  5;  entered  by  Corbulo,  15. 
12, 1 ;  Tigranes  sprung  from  thence, 

14.  26,  I. 

Capua,  additional  colonists  sent  to, 
13-  31,  2. 

Caratacus,  leader  of  the  Bntons,  12. 
33)  I ;  34)  2  ;  capture  and  surrender 
of  relations  of,  12.  35,  7  ;  is  deliv- 
ered up  by  Cartimandua,  12.  36, 
I ;  brought  to  Rome  and  received 
well  by  Claudius,  12.  36-8 ;  his 
military  eminence,  12.  40,  3. 

Carenes,  a  Parthian  satrap,  12.  12, 
5;  13,  I ;  14,4. 

Carrinas  :  see  Celer,  Secundus. 

Carthago,  founded  by  Dido,  16.  I,  3. 

Cartimandua,  a  British  queen,  12.  36, 
I  ;  46,  3-6. 

Casperius,  a  centurion,  12.  45,  3  ;  46, 
3;.  15-5,2. 

Cassia  familia,  the,  12.  12,2. 

—  lex,  the,  II.  25,  3. 

Cassius,  C,  the  assassin  of  Caesar  ; 
effigies  of,  16.  7,  3. 

—  C,  legatus  of  Syria,  12.  Ii,  4;  a 
famous  jurist,  12.  12,  i  ;  at  Rome, 

13.  41,  5  ;  48,  2  ;  urges  the  execu- 
tion of  the  slaves  of  Pedanius,  14. 
42-5  ;  the  instructor  of  L.  Silanus, 

15.  52,  3;  accused  by  Nero,  16.  7, 
3  ;  exiled,  16.  9,  i ;  22,  8. 

—  a  soldier,  15.  66,  3. 

Cato,  M.  (the  younger),  16.  22,  2. 
Catulinus,  Blitius,  exiled,  15.  71,  10. 
Catus,  Decianus,  procurator  of  Bri- 
tain, 14.  32,  3,  7  ;  38,  4. 
Caudina  clades,  the,  15.  13,  2. 


Cecrops,said  to  have  invented  letters, 

II.  14,  3. 
Celer,  Carrinas,  a  senator,  13.  10,  3. 

—  P.,  a  knight,  13.  1,3;  33,  i. 

—  Nero's  architect,  15.  42,  i. 
Celsus,  Marius,  legatus  legionis,  15. 

25,  5. 

census,  the  number  of  citizens  enu- 
merated in,  II.  25,  8:  see  also 
Gallia. 

Cereales  cicenses,  15.  74,  i. 

Ceres,  supplication  to,  15.  44,  l; 
games  to,  15.  53,  i  ;  74,  i ;  temple 
of,  15.  53,4. 

Cerialis,  Anicius,  consul  designate, 
15.74,3;  16.  17,  I. 

—  Petilius,  legatus  legionis  in  Britain, 

14.  32,  6  ;  33,  2. 
Cervarius  :  see  Proculus. 

Cestius,  C.  (Gallus),  legatus  of  Syria, 

15.  25,  5. 

—  Proculus,  13.  30,  2. 

tcetasti  ludi,  at  Patavium,  16.  21,  I.  A 
Chalcedon,  the  people  of,  12.  63,  2.  ^  ^ 
Chaldaei,  astrologers,  12.  22,  I ;  52, 

i;  68,  3;  14.9,  5;  16.14,  I. 
Chamavi,  the,  in  Germany,  13.  55,  5. 
Chatti,  the,  12.  27,  3  ;  28,  i ;  13.  57, 

I  ;  princes  of  the,  11.  16,  2. 
Chauci,  the,  hostile  to  Rome,  11.  18, 

I,  foil.  ;    maiores  (and  minores), 

II.  19,  3  ;  the  Ampsivarii  expelled 

by,  13.  55,  I. 
Cherusci,  the,  enemies  of  the  Chatti, 

12.    28,  2  ;   send  to   Rome  for  a 

king,  II.  16-7. 
Christiani,  persecution  of  the,  15.  44, 

3,.  foil. 
Christus,  put  to  death  by   Pontius 

Pilatus,  15.  44,  4. 
Cilicia,    13.   8,  4 ;    misgoverned  by 

Cossutianus  Capito,  13.  33,  3  ;  16. 

21,  3  :  see  also  Clitae. 
Cilo,  lunius,  a  procurator,  12.  21,  i. 
Cincia  lex,  the,  11.  5,  3;  13.42,2; 

15.  20,  3. 
Cingonius :  see  Varro. 
circenses  ludi,  regular,  il.  II,  5  ;  15. 

53,  i;  votivi,  12.41,4;  15.  23,3; 

44,7. 
Circus  Maximus,  the,  15.  74,  i  ;  fires 

in,  15.  38,  2  ;  seats  in,  15.  32,  2. 
civis   servati   decus,   12.   31,  7  ;    15. 

12,5. 
civitas,  gifts  of,  11.  24,  3  ;  13.  54,  6. 
civitates  liberae,  15.  45,  l;   cp.  12. 

58,2. 


HISTORICAL  INDEX  TO   THE   TEXT 


491 


Classicianus,    lulius,    procurator    of 

Britain,  14.  38,  4. 
classis:  see  Misenum  Ravenna. 
Claudia  familia,  and  Claudii,  the,  li. 

24,  I ;  12.  2,  3;  25,4;  26,  i;  13. 

17,3- 
—  gens,  15.23,3. 
Claudiale  flamonium,  13.  2,  6. 
Claudius  (Ti.),  fond  of  low  company 
^_^       whilst  in  a  private  station,  12.  49, 
^H       I  ;  conduct  of,  in  the  arrest,  trial, 
^^       and     condemnation    of    Valerius 
Asiaticus,   11.  1-3;  fixes  a  maxi- 
mum fee  for  advocates,  il.  7,  8; 
issues  edicts  as  censor,  II.  13,  i  ; 
completes  the  lustrum,  11.  25,  8; 
completes  an  aqueduct,  li.  13,  2  ; 
adds  letters  to  the  alphabet,  1 1. 13, 
3,   foil. ;    institutes    a    college    of 
haruspices,  ii.  15,  i  ;  sends  Itali- 
cus  to   the    Cherusci,    11.    16,  3; 
checks  the  advance  of  Corbulo  in 
Germany,    11.    19,    7;    speaks    in 
favour  of  extending  the  '  ius  ho- 
norum'  to  citizens  of  Gallia  comata, 
II.  24,  I,  foil.;  was  long  ignorant 
of  Messalina's  excesses,  11.  13.  i ; 

25,  8;  but  at  length,  while  at  Ostia 
(11.  26,  7  ;  29,  3),  is  informed  of 
her  marriage  with  Silius  by  two 
women  and  Narcissus,  11.  30,  i, 
foil. ;  is  panic-stricken,  il.  31,  2  ; 
entrusts  all  action  to  Narcissus, 
II'  33>  2  ;  35,  I ;  shows  some  signs 
of  relenting,  11.  36,  3 ;  37,  2  ;  but 
is  unaffected  by  Messalina's  death, 

11.  38,  2  ;  consults  his  freedmen  on 
the  choice  of  a  new  wife,  12.  i,  4; 
prefers  Agrippina,  12.  3,  i  ;  but 
affects  to  submit  the  question  of 
legality  to  the  senate,  12.  5,  3  ;  6, 
3 ;  annuls  the  betrothal  of  his 
daughter  to  Silanus,  12.  4,  5  ;  and 
betrothes  her  to  Domitius,  12.  9, 
2  ;  sends  Meherdates  to  be  king 
of  Parthia,  12.  11,  i,  foil. ;  receives 
Mithridates,  once  king  of  Bos- 
porus, 12.  20,  I,  foil.;  condemns 
Lollia  Paulina  to  exile,  12.  22,  2; 
extends  the  pomerium,  12.  23,  4; 
adopts  Domitius,  son  of  Agrippina, 

12.  25,  3;  refuses  to  intervene  in 
Germany,  12.  29,  2;  receives  Ca- 
ratacus  as  a  prisoner  and  treats 
him  with  clemency,  12.  36,  3,  foil. ; 
enters  his  fifth  consulship  and  pro- 
motes Nero  to  honour,  12.  41,  i,  2  ; 


punishes  the  accusers  of  Vitellius, 
12.  42,  5;  is  assailed  with  abuse 
for  famine,  12.  43,  2;  purges  the 
senate,  12.  52,  4  ;  enacts  anew  law 
at  suggestion  of  Pallas,  12.  53,  i, 
foil.  ;  celebrates  the  opening  of  the 
tunnel  of  lake  Fucinus,  12.  56,  2, 
foil. ;  is  set  on  by  Agrippina  against 
Statilius  Taurus,  12.  59,  i;  enforces 
the  judicial  authority  of  procu- 
rators, 12.  60,  I  ;  gives  immunity 
to  Cos,  12.  61,  I,  foil. ;  lets  fall  ex- 
pressions against  Agrippina,  12.64, 
4  ;  is  poisoned  by  her  contrivance, 
12.  66-8  ;  receives  divine  honours, 
12.  69,  4;  13.  2,  6;  and  an  ex- 
travagant laudation  composed  by 
Seneca,  13.  3,  I ;  had  a  temple  in 
Britain,  14.  31,  6;  had  some  ora- 
torical gifts,  13.  3,6;  of  dull  in- 
tellect, II.  28,  2;  unguarded  and 
passionate,  11.  26,  4;  under  the 
influence  of  his  wives,  11.  28,  2; 
12.  I,  I ;  easily  moved  by  others, 
and  without  likes  or  dislikes  of  his 
own,  11.28,3;  12.  1,4;  3,  3. 

Claudius  :  see  Demianus,  Nero,  Sene- 
cio,  Timarchus. 

Clausus,  Attus,  ancestor  of  the 
Claudii,  11.  24,  i ;  12.  25,  4. 

Clemens,   Salienus,    a    senator,    15. 

73,4. 
Cleonicus,  a  freedman  of  Seneca,  15. 

45,6. 
Cleopatra,  a  mistress  of  Claudius,  11. 

30,2. 
Clitae,  the,  in  Cilicia,  12.  55,  i. 
Clodius,  P.,  an  orator,  11.  7,  6. 
—  see  Quirinalis. 
Cluvidienus  Quietus,  exiled,  15.  71, 

10. 
Cluvius  (Rufus),  the  historian,  13.  20, 

3;  14.2,  I. 
Cocceius :  see  Nerva. 
Coeranus,  a  Stoic  teacher,  14.  59,  2. 
Coeus,  the  mythical  ancestor  of  the 

Coans,  12.  61, 1, 
coloniae,  founded  or  augmented :  see 

Antium,     Camulodunum,    Capua, 

Nuceria,  Puteoli,  Tarentum,  Ubii; 

old  and  new  method  of  establishing 

compared,  14.  27,  4. 
Comata :  see  Gallia. 
Commagene,  kingdom  of,  15.  12,  i. 
commentarii,  Claudii,  13.  43,  4. 
concihum  sociorum,  15.  22,  2. 
congiaria,  gift  of,  12.  41,  3  ;  13.31,  2. 


492 


INDEX  I 


consularia  insignia,  I2.  21,  2  ;   13. 10, 

i;  15.72,  3;  16.17,  2. 
consules,  designati,  asked  first,    II. 

5,3;  12.  9.  i;  53,2;    14.   48,  4; 

15.  74,  3.       ^ 

Census,  altar  of,  12.  24,  3. 

Corbulo,  Domitius,  legatus  of  Claud- 
ius in  Lower  Germany,  forces  the 
Frisii  to  submit,  attacks  the 
Chauci,  but  is  recalled  from  in- 
vading their  territory,  il.  18-20; 
constructs  a  canal,  11.  20,  2  ;  ap- 
pointed by  Nero  to  command  in  the 
East,  13.  8,  I ;  divides  forces  with 
Ummidius  Quadratus,  13.8,  2;  dis- 
putes with  him  possession  of  the 
Parthian  hostages,  13.  9,  3,  foil. ; 
personal  qualities  of,  13.  8,  4  ;  15. 
6,  6 ;  10,  7  ;  26,  3 ;  28,  2  ;  severe 
discipline  of,  li.  18,  2,  foil.;  13. 
34-6 ;  winters  his  army  in  Arme- 
nia, 13.  35,  5  ;  offers  terms  to 
Tiridates,  13.  37,  6;  is  unable  to 
bring  him  to  conference,  13.  38,  6  ; 
takes  Volandum  and  two  otherforts 
in  one  day,  13.  39,  2,  foil. ;  baffles 
the  attack  of  Tiridates,  13.  40,  I, 
foil. ;  occupies  and  bums  Artaxata, 

13.  41, 1,  foil. ;  advances  thence  by 
a  long  march  in  the  heat  of  summer, 
chastising  the  Mardi  on  his  way, 

14.  23-4 ;  escapes  assassination, 
14.  24,  5  ;  occupies  Tigranocerta, 

14.  24,  6 ;  takes  Legerda,  14.  25, 
I  ;  sends  back  a  Hyrcanian  em- 
bassy, 14.  25,  3 ;  drives  Tiridates 
completely  out  of  Armenia,  14.  26, 
I  ;  leaves  Tigranes  there  as  king 
and  retires  into  Syria,  14.  26,  2-4 ; 
sends    troops    to    help    Tigranes 

.  against  Vologeses,  15.  3,  i  ;  takes 
measures  to  defend  the  Syrian 
frontier,  15.  3,  3  ;  sends  warning 
to  Vologeses,  15.  5,  i  ;  but  is  said 
by  some  to  have  made  terms  with 
him,  15.  6,  I,  foil.;  contrasted  with 
Paetus,  15.  6,6;  shows  intention 
of  crossing  the  Euphrates,  15.  9,  i, 
foil. ;  selects  troops  to  aid  Paetus, 

15.  10,  7 ;  hastens  by  forced 
marches,  15.  12,  i,  foil. ;  16,  4 ; 
withdraws  to  the  Euphrates,  15. 
17,  4  ;  is  reappointed  to  full  com- 
mand, 15.  25,  3  ;  advances  on  the 
route  of  Lucullus,  and  takes  for- 
tresses, 15.  27,  I,  foil.;  comes  to 
an  agreement  with  Tiridates,  and 


entertains  him,  15. 28-31 ;  writings 
of,  referred  to,  15.  16,  i,  2. 

Corma,  an  Eastern  river,  12.  14,  I. 

Cornelia,  a  vestal  virgin,  15.  22,  4. 

—  lex,  14.  40,  5. 

Cornelius  :  see  Balbus,  Cossus,  Dola- 
bella,  Flaccus,  Marcellus,  Mar- 
tialis,  Orfitus,  Scipio,  Sulla. 

coronae  aureae,  presented,  14.  24,6. 

Corvinus,  Messala,  consul  with  Au- 
gustus, 13.  34,  I ;  a  noted  orator, 

11.  6,  4;  great-grandson  of,  13. 34, 1. 
Coruncanii,  the,  11.  24,  2. 

Cossus,  Cornelius,  consul,  14.  20,  I ; 

family  of,  15.  22,  4. 
Cossutianus:   see  Capito. 
Cotta  Messalinus,  M.  Aurelius,   12. 

22,  2  ;  another,  13.  34,  3. 
Cotys,  king  of  Lesser  Armenia,  II. 

9,3. 

—  king  of  Bosporus,  12.  15,1;  18,  I. 
Cous,  island  of,  immunity  given  to, 

12.  61,  I,  foil. 
Crassus :  see  Licinius. 
Crepereius :  see  Callus. 
Crescens,    Tarquitius,   a    centurion, 

15.11,1. 
Creta,  island  of,  Timarchus,  a  citizen 

of,  15.  20,  I. 
Crispinus  Rufrius,  praef.  praetorio, 

II.  I,  3;  4,  5  ;  displaced,    12.  42, 

I  ;  husband  of  Poppaea,  13.  45,  4  ; 

exiled,  15.  71,  8  ;  kills  himself,  16. 

17,8. 
Crispus  Vibius,  an  influential  senator 

{see  Secundus),  14.  28,  3. 
Cumae,  16.  19,  i;    coast  near,   15. 

46,  3- 
Cumanus,  Ventidius,    procurator  of 

Galilee,  12.  54,  3,  foil, 
curiae  veteres,  the,  12.  24,  3. 
Curio,  C,  an  orator,  11.  7,  6. 
Curtilius  :  see  Mancia. 
Curtius :     see      Montanus,      Rufus, 

Severus. 
custodia  militaris,  14.  60,  5. 
Cynica  institutio,  the,  16.  34,  2. 
Cyrenenses,  the,  governors  accused 

by,  14.   18,    I  ;    the    state   of,   be- 
queathed to  the  Roman  people,  14. 

18,  2. 

Dahae,  the,  in  Scythia,  11.8,6;  10,4. 
damnati,erased  from  records,  11.38,4. 
Dandarica,  12.  16,  2. 
Dandaridae,  the,  12.  15,  i. 
Danuvius,  the,  12.  30,  3. 


HISTORICAL  INDEX   TO   THE   TEXT 


493 


Dareus,  king  of  Persia,  12.  13,  2. 
Decangi,  or  Cangi,  the,  in  Britain, 

12.  32,  I. 
Decianus :  see  Catiis. 
decimatio,  punishment  of,  14.  42,  6. 
Decrius :  see  Calpumianus. 
decuriae,  the,  of  judges,  14.  20,  7  ; 

others,  13.  27,  2. 
Delmatia,  12.  52,  2. 
Demaratus,  introducer  of  letters  into 

Etruria,  il.  14,  4. 
Demetrius,  a  Cynic,  16.  34,  2;  35,  2-3. 
Demianus,  Claudius,  an  accuser,  16. 

10,  2. 
Demonax,  an  Armenian  satrap,  il. 

9,2. 
Densus,  Julius,  a  knight,  13.  10,  3. 
devotiones,  12.  65,  i. 
di  hospitales,  15.  52,  2. 
diadema,  the,  deposited  before  Nero's 

effigy,  15.  29,  6. 
Diana,  grove  of,  12.  8,  2. 
Didius,  A.  (Gallus),  12. 15, 1 ;  legatus 

of  Britain,  12.  40,  i,  3,  7  ;  14.  29,  i. 
Dido,  supposed  treasure  of,  16.  i,-3, 

foil, 
dilectus,  held  in  provinces,  13.  35,  4; 

14.  18,  I  ;  16.  13,  4. 
Dolabella,  P.  Cornelius,  proconsul  of 

Africa,  makes  a  proposal  respect- 
ing quaestors,  11.  22,  2. 
Domitia,  aunt  of  Nero,  13.  19,4;  21, 

5  ;  see  also  Lepida. 
Domitianus  Caesar,  il.  11,  2. 
Domitius :  see  Afer,  Balbus,  Caecili- 

anus,  Corbulo,  Nero,  Silus,  Statins. 

—  Cn.  Ahenobarbus,  husband  of 
Agrippina  and  father  of  Nero,  12. 
3,2;  13.  10,1. 

dona,  vows  of,  15.  74,  i. 
donativum,  to  soldiers,  12.  69,  3. 
Doryphorus,  a  freedman  of  Nero,  14. 

65,1. 
Druidae,  the,  14.  30,  i. 
Drusi,  family  of  the,  il.  35,  2. 
Drusus  (Nero  Claudius),  brother  of 

Tiberius,  imperator,  1.3,  i. 

—  Caesar,  son  of  Tiberius,  grandson 
of,  14.  57,  3- 

Dubius :  see  Avitus. 
Ducenius :  see  Geminus. 

Ecbatana     (Hamadan),     in     Media 

Magna,  15.  31,  i. 
Edessa  (Orfah),  in  Mesopotamia,  12. 

12,  4. 
edicta :  see  plebes. 


effigies :  see  statuae. 

Egnatia  :  see  Maximilla. 

Egnatius,  P.  (Celer),  a  client  of  So- 

ranus,  16.  32,  2. 
eiurare  magistratum,  12.  4,  5  ;    13. 

14,  I. 

Epaphroditus,  a  freedman  of  Nero, 

15-55,  I. 

Ephesus,  harbour  of,  16.  23,  i. 

Epicharis,  a  freedwoman,  incites  con- 
spirators against  Nero,  15.  51,  i, 
foil. ;  heroism  of,  15.  57,  i,  foil. 

Eprius  :  see  Marcellus. 

equites,  seats  in  circus  set  apart  for, 

15.  32,  I. 

Erindes,  the,  an  Eastern  river,  11. 

10,  3- 

Esquiliae,  the,  fire  arrested  at,  15. 
40,  I. 

Etruria,  and  Etrusci,  li.  24,  2 ;  origin 
of  letters  among,  11.  14,  4;  haru- 
spices  kept  up  by,  11.  15,  i. 

Evander,  letters  introduced  from 
Arcadia  by,  11.  14,4;  worship  of 
Hercules  founded  by,  15.  41,  i. 

Eucaerus,  an  Alexandrian  flute- 
player,  14.  60,  3. 

Eunones,  king  of  the  Aorsi,  12.  15,  2  ; 
18,  2;  19,  I  ;  20,4. 

Euodus,  a  freedman  of  Claudius,  11. 

37,4. 
Euphrates,  the,  a  frontier  between 
Rome  and  Parthia,  12.  11,  4;  13. 
7,  i;  14.  25,3;  15.3,3;  7,  3;  9, 
i;  12,  I  ;  17,  5. 

Fabatus,  Calpumius,    a  knight,  16. 

8,3. 
Fabianus,  Valerius,  a  will  forged  by, 

14.  40,  2,  foil. 
Fabius  :  see  Romanus,  Rusticus. 
Fabricius :  see  Veiento. 
Faenius  :  see  Rufus. 
familiae    (servorum),  magnitude  of, 

14.  42-5. 
—  maiorum  and  minorum  gentium, 

11.25,3. 
Favonius  (M.),  alluded  to,  16.  22,  7. 
Faustus :  see  Sulla. 
Fecunditas,  temple  to,  15.  23,  3. 
Felix   (M.  Antonius),  procurator  of 

Judaea,  12.  54,  i,  foil, 
feminae,  special  laws  respecting,  12. 

53,  I  ;  of  rank,  enter  the  arena,  15. 

32,  3  ;  on  the  stage,  14.  15,  3. 
Ferentinum   (Ferento),   in    Etruria, 

IS-  53,  3. 


494 


INDEX  I 


Festus,  Marcius,  a  conspirator,  15. 
50,  I. 

filii  familiarum,  postobit  loans  for- 
bidden to,  II.  13,  2. 

Flaccilla,  Artoria,  followed  her  hus- 
band into  exile,  15.  71,  7. 

Flaccus,  Cornelius,  legatus  under 
Corbulo,  13.  39,  2. 

Flaminia  via,  the,  13.  47,  3. 

Flavius :  see  Nepos,  Scaevinus,  Ves- 
pasianus. 

Flavus,  son  of  Arminius,  11.  16,  2, 
foil. 

—  Subrius,  a  conspirator  against 
Nero,  15.49,2;  50,  3,  6;  58,  4; 
intended  to  set  up  Seneca,  15.  65, 
I  ;  is  put  to  death,  15.  67,  I,  foil. 

—  Verginius,    a  rhetorician,  exiled, 

15-71,9. 
Fonteius :  see  Capito. 
Formiae  (Mola  di  Gaeta),  15.  46,  3  ; 

country  near,  16.  10,  3. 
Fortuna,  temples  of,  15.  53,  3. 
Fortunae,  the,  effigies  of,  15.  23,  3. 
Fortunatus,  a  freedman,  16.  10,  2. 
Forum  boarium,  the,  12.  24,  2. 

—  Romanum,  the,  12.  24,  3. 

fossae  (canals),  constructed,  il.  20, 2; 
13-53,  3;  15.42,2. 

Frisii,  the,  forced  to  submission  by 
Corbulo,  II.  19,  I  ;  occupy  Roman 
lands,  send  an  embassy  to  Rome, 
and  are  forced  to  evacuate,  13.  54. 

frumentum,  price  of,  regulated,  15. 
18,  3 ;  39,  2  ;  given  to  the  prae- 
torians, 15.  72,  I  ;  see  annona. 

Fucinus  lacus,  the  (Lago  di  Celano), 
tunnel  constructed  to  drain,  opened 
with  great  ceremony,  12.  56-7. 

Funisulanus,  Vettonianus,  a  legatus 
legionis,  15.7,  2. 

funus  censorium,  13.  2,  6. 

Furiae,  British  women  resembling 
the,  14.  30,  I. 

Furius :  see  Camillus. 

Gabinum  saxum,  use  of,  in  rebuilding 
Rome,  15.43,4- 

Gabolus,  Licinius,  restored  from 
exile,  14.  12,  5. 

Gaius  Caesar  (the  emperor),  profli- 
gacy imputed  to,  15.  72,4  ;  married 
to  Lollia  Paulina,  12.  22,  2  ;  judge- 
ment of,  on  Junius  Silanus,  13.  I, 
I  ;  a  forcible  speaker  notwithstand- 
ing his  insanity,  13.  3,  6;  con- 
spiracy    against,     betrayed      by 


Anicius  Cerialis,  16.  17,  8  ;  assas- 
sinated by  C.  Chaerea,  with  the 
compHcity  of  Callistus,  11.  29,  i. 

Galatia,  levies  in,  13.  35,  4;  15.  6,  5. 

Galilaei,  the,  12.  54,  3. 

Galla,   Satria,   wife   of  C.  Piso,  15. 

59,9- 

Galli,  the,  Rome  once  taken  and 
burnt  by,  11.  23,  7  ;  24,  9  ;  15.  41, 
3  ;  43, 1  ;  struggle  of,  against  Julius 
Caesar,  11.  23,6;  24,  10;  regarded 
as  wealthy  and  unwarlike,  11. 
18,  I. 

Gallia,  census  of,  14.  46,  2 ;  Nar- 
bonensis,  11.24,  45  12.  23,  i;  14.57, 
I  ;  16.  13,  4;  comata,  chief  men  of, 
long  possessed  of  *ci vitas,'  n.  23, 
I  ;  desire  *  ius  honorum,'  and  ob- 
tain it  through  Claudius,  id.,  11. 
25,  I. 

Gallio,  I unius,  brother  of  Seneca,  15. 

73r4- 

Gallus,  P.,  a  knight,  16.  12,  i.  J 

Gallus,  Creperius,  a  friend  of  Agrip-    S 
pina,  14.  5,  2. 

—  Glitius,  charged  with  conspiracy, 
15.56,4;  71,6. 

Gannascus,  a  German  leader,  11.  18, 

i,foll. 
Gavius :  see  Silvanus. 
Geminus,  Ducenius,  a  consular,  15. 

18,4. 

—  Tullius,  an  accuser,  14.  50,  i. 
Gerellanus,  an  officer,  15.69,  I. 
Germani,  the,  boast  of  their  bravery 

and  loyalty,  13.  54,  5  ;  bodyguard 
of,  at  Rome,  13.  18,  4. 

Germania,  inferior  and  superior,  pro- 
vinces and  armies  of,  11.  i,  2;  18, 
I,  foil.  ;  12.  27,  3;  14.64,2.  ^ 

Germanicus,  Caesar,  son  of  Drusus     ■ 
Nero,   popularity  of   extended  to 
family  of,   14.  7,  5  ;   extension  of 
name  to  others,  14.  64,  2. 

Geta,  Lusius,  praef.  praetorio,  11.  31, 
I  ;  33,  I  ;   superseded  by  Burrus,       - 
12.  42,  I.  'm 

gladiatores,  rising    of,    15.    46,    i  ;     " 
shows  of,  II.  22,  3  ;  12.  56-7;  13. 
5,  i;  14.  7,  2;  15.  32,  3;  34,  2; 
some  restrictions  on,  13.  31,  4  ;  49, 
I  ;  14.  17,  4. 

Glitius :  see  Gallus. 

Gorneae,  in  Armenia,  12.  45,  3. 

Gotarzes,  king  of  Parthia,  kills  his 
brother  Artabanus,  11.  8,  3;  at 
war  with  his  brother  Vardanes,  11. 


HISTORICAL  INDEX  TO   THE  TEXT 


495 


10.  4 ;  gives  way  to  him  by  treaty, 

11.  9,  4,  5  ;  afterwards  renews  the 
strife,  II.  lo,  2;  and  on  his  death 
becomes  again  king,  11.  10,  7;  is 
attacked  by  Meherdates,  who  has 
the  support  of  the  disaffected 
nobility,  12.  10-14,  but  over  whom 
he  gains  the  victory,  12.  14,  4-7  ; 
soon  afterwards  dies,  12.  14,  7. 

GraciHs,  Aelius,  legatus  of  Gallia 
Belgica,  13.  53,  4. 

Graecae  artes,  15.  41,  2. 

Graeci,  the,  traits  of,  14.  47,  3  ;  intro- 
duction of  writing  among,  il.  14, 
2;  games  of,  14.  20,  i  ;  21,  4; 
dress  of,  used  by  Romans,  14. 
21,  8. 

Graecina :  see  Pomponia. 

Graptus,afreedman  of  Nero,  13.47,2. 

Gratus,  Munatius,  a  conspirator,  15. 
50,  I. 

gymnasium,  dedication  of,  14.  47,  3  ; 
burning  of,  15.  22,  3. 

Hadria,  or  Hadriaticummare,  1 5.34, 2. 

Halotus,  an  eunuch  of  Claudius,  12. 
66,5. 

haruspices,  13.  24,  2;  15.  47,  3  ;  to 
be  kept  up  by  establishment  of  a 
collegium,  11.  15. 

Haterius,  Q.,  12.  58,  i  ;  see  also 
Agrippa,  Antoninus. 

Helius,  a  freedman  of  Nero,  13.  i,  3. 

Helvidius  :  see  Priscus. 

Herculeius,  a  trierarch,  14.  8,  5. 

Hercules,  great  altar  of,  at  Rome,  12. 
24,  2;  15.  41,  I  ;  the  Assyrian  or 
Parthian  legend  of,  12.  13,  3. 

Hermunduri,  the,  in  Germany,  12. 
30,  I  ;  13.  57,  I,  3. 

Hiberi,  the,  attack  Mithridates  in 
Armenia,  12.  44,  i,foll. ;  employed 
by  Corbulo,  14.  23,  4. 

Hibernia,  12.  32,  3. 

Hister.  Palpellius,  governor  of  Pan- 
nonia,  12.  29,  2. 

histriones  (and  pantomimi),  introduc- 
tion of,  in  early  times,  14.  21,  2  ; 
disorderly  conduct  of,  13.  25,  4; 
28,  I  ;  excluded  from  sacred  con- 
tests, 14.  21,  7. 

horti :  see  Lucullus,  Maecenas,  Sal- 
lustiani,  Serviliani. 

Hostilius :  see  Tullus. 

Hyrcani,  the,  in  the  East,  allied  with 
Gotarzes,  ii.  8,  6;  9,  5  ;  at  war 
with  Vologeses,  13.  37,  6;  14.  25, 


2  ;  15.  I,  I  ;  2, 5  ;  send  an  embassy 
to  Rome,  14.  25,  2. 

lazuges,  Sarmatian  race  of  the,  12. 

29,4;  30,  I. 
Iceni,  the,  in  Britain,  12.  31,  3  ;  32, 

i;  14.31,  I- 
Ilium  and  Ilienses,  immunity  given 
^   to,  12.  58,  I :  see  Troia. 
Illyricum,  legions  of,  16.  13,  4. 
imago,  of  Caesar  :  see  statuae. 
imperator,  title  of,  as  given  to  the 

imperial  family,  13.  41,  5. 
immortalitas  animae,   belief  in,   16. 

19,  3  ;  34,  2. 
insignia :   see  consularia,   praetoria, 

quaestoria,  triumphalia. 
Insteius :  see  Capito. 
Insubres,  Roman  senators  from  the, 

11.23,4. 
insulae,  in  Rome,  15.  41,  i  ;  ordered 

to  be  detached,  15.  43,  4. 
Italia,  1 1 .  22, 8 ;  24, 2;  banishment  from, 

12.  8,  I  ;  13.25,  4;  14.  50,  2;  16. 

33?  3 ;  35,  I  ;    decay  of   produce 

and  population  in,  12.  43,4;   sur- 
vival of  primitive  manners  in,  16. 

5,   I  ;    subjected    to   contributions 

after  the  fire,  15.  45,  i. 
Italicus,  son  of  Flavus,  made  king  of 

the  Cherusci,  il.  16-17. 
Ituraei,the,  annexed  to  Syria,  12. 23,2. 
Iturius,  an  accuser  of  Agrippina,  13. 

19,  4;  21,  4;  banished,  13.  22,  3; 

afterwards  restored,  14.  12,  6. 
ludaea,    annexed    to  Syria  on  the 

death  of  Agrippa,  12.  23,  2;  re- 
vival of  Christianity  in,  15.  44,  4. 
iudicia,  the,  contests  of  senators  and 

knights  respecting,  11.  22,9;  12. 

60,4. 
lulia  gens,  the,   11.  24,  2;  ancestry 

of,  12.  58,  I  ;  shrine  to,  15.  23,  3  ; 

tomb  of,  16.  6,  2. 
luliae  leges,  on  ambitus,  15.  20,  3. 
lulia,  Augusta,  daughter  of  Drusus 

Caesar,  death  of,  13.  32,  5  ;  43,  3. 
—  daughter  of  Germanicus,  exile  of, 

14.  63,  2. 
lulii,  tomb  of,  16.  6,  2. 
lulius :  see  Agrippa,  Altinus,  Aquila, 

Augurinus,    Caesar,   Classicianus, 

Densus,      Montanus,     Paelignus, 

Pollio,  Vindex. 
luncus    Vergilianus,    put  to  death, 

11.35,7. 
lunia  familia,  the,  15.  35,  2. 


496 


INDEX  I 


lunia    familia,    the :     see    Calvina, 

Silana. 
lunius :    see     Cilo,    Gallic,    Lupus, 

Marullus,  Silanus. 

—  month  of,  i6.  12,  3. 

luno,  propitiated  in  the  Capitol,  1 5. 

44,  I. 
luppiter,     Capitolinus,    15.    23,    3; 

Liberator,   15.  64,   4;    16.  35,  2; 

Stator,  temple  of,  15.  41,  i ;  Vin- 

dex,  15.  74,  2. 
ius,  Latii,  15.  32,  i ;  naturae,  15.  19, 

2  ;  senatorum,  11.  25,  i. 
luvenales  ludi,  the,  14.  15,  I,  foil. ; 

15.33,  i;  16.21,1. 
Izates,  king  of  Adiabene,  12.  13,  i ; 

14,2. 

Kalendae  lanuariae,  solemnities  of 
the,  16.  22,  I. 

Labeo,  Asconius,  tutor  of  Nero,  13. 
10,  I. 

Lacedaemonii,  policy  of,  to  subjects, 
11.24,5. 

Laecanius,  C,  consul,  15.  33,  I. 

Laelia,  a  vestal  virgin,  15.  22,  4. 

Laenas,  Vipsanius,  governor  of  Sar- 
dinia, 13.  30,  I. 

Langobardi,  the,  support  Italicus,  11. 

17,  5. 
Laodicea,  in  Asia,  earthquake  at,  14, 

27,  I. 
Lares,  shrine  of  the,  12.  24,  3. 
Largus  :  see  Caecina. 
Lateranus :  see  Plautius. 
Latium,  11.  23,  5  ;  ius  of,  15.  32,  i. 
Latona,  legend  of,  12.  61,  i. 
laurus,  added  to  the  emperor's  fasces, 

13-  9,  7. 
legati  legionum,  cp.  14.  28,  i. 
Legerda,  in  Armenia,  14.  25,  i. 
Legio,    Secunda  (Augusta),   the,   in 

Britain,  14.  37,  6. 

—  Tertia  (Gallica),  the,  in  the  East, 
13.38,6;  40,3;  15-6,  5;  26,  I. 

—  Quarta  (Scythica),  the,  in  the 
East,  15.  6,  5  ;  7,  2  ;  26,  I. 

—  Quinta  (Macedonica),  the,  in 
Moesia  and  the  East,  15.  6,  5  ; 
9,  2  ;  26,  2 ;  28,  4. 

—  Sexta  (Ferrata),  the,  in  the  East, 
13-  38,6;  40,3;  15.6,5;  26,  I. 

—  Nona  (Hispana),  the,  in  Britain, 
14.32,6;  38,1. 

—  Decima  (Fretensis),  the,  in  Syria, 
13.40,3;  15.6,5. 


Legio,  Duodecima  (Fuhninata),  the, 
in  the  East,  15.  6,  5  ;  7,  2  ;  10,  i ; 
26,  I. 

Legio,  Quartadecima  (Gemina  Martia 
Victrix),  the,  in  Britain,  14.  34,  i. 

—  Quintadecima  (Apollinaris),  the, 
in  the  East,  15.  25,  5  ;  26,  2. 

—  Vicensima  (Valeria  Victrix),  the, 
in  Britain,  14.  34,  i  ;  37,  6. 

Lentinus,Terentius,  a  knight,  1 4. 40, 2. 
Lepida,  Domitia,  mother  of  Messa- 
lina,  11.37,4;  12.64-5. 

—  Domitia,  Neronis  amita,  13. 19, 4 ; 
21,5. 

—  (lunia),  wife  of  C.  Cassius,  16.  8, 
2;  9,  I. 

Lepidus  (M.),  an  adulterer  of  Agrip- 
pina,  14.  2,  4. 

Lex :  see  Calpumia,  Cassia,  Cincia, 
Cornelia,  lulia,  repetundae,Roscia, 
Saenia,  Serviliae,  TuUus. 

Liberator :  see  luppiter. 

libertini,  numbers  and  importance  of, 
13.  27,  2  ;  complaint  of  conduct  of, 
13.  26-7 ;  powers  given  by  Claudius 
to,  12.  60,  6;  sons  of,  even  in  old 
times  magistrates,  11.  24,  7. 

libritores,  in  the  army,  13.  39,  5. 

Licinius,  M.,  consul,  15.  33,  i. 

—  see  Gabolus. 

lictores,  honorary  use  of,  13.  2,  6. 

Ligures,  the,  16.  15,  i. 

Linus,  of  Thebes,  said  to  have  in- 
vented letters,  11.  14,  3; 

Liris  (Garigliano),  the,  12.  56,  I. 

litterae  (letters  of  the  alphabet),  his- 
tory of,  II.  14;  additions  made  to, 
by  Claudius,  11.  13,  3  ;  14,  5. 

Livineius :  see  Regulus. 

Locusta,  a  poisoner,   12.  66,  4;  13. 

15,4. 

Lollia  Paulina,  suggested  as  a  wife 
for  Claudius,  12.  I,  3 ;  2,  2  ;  exiled 
and  put  to  death,  12.  22  ;  her  ashes 
brought  back,  14.  12,  6. 

Lollius,  M.,  12.  I,  3. 

Londinium,  commercial  prosperity 
and  destruction  of,  14.  33,  I. 

Lucania,  11.  24,  2. 

Lucanus,  Annaeus,  son  of  Mela,  16. 
17,  4;  joins  the  Pisonian  con- 
spiracy, 15.  49,  2;  gives  informa- 
tion against  his  mother,  15.  56,  4  ; 
and  others,  15.  57,  4  ;  death  of,  15. 
70,  I. 

Luccius :  see  Telesinus. 

Lucrinus  lacus,  the,  14.  5,  7. 


HISTORICAL  INDEX   TO   THE   TEXT 


497 


LucuUus,  L.,  military  achievements 
of,  12.  62,  2;  13. 34,  4;  15- 14,  2;  27, 
I  ;  gardens  of,  ii.  I,  I ;  32,2  ;37,i- 

ludi:  see  tcetasti,  circenses,  luvenales, 
quinquennales,  saeculares. 

Lugdunum  (Lyons),  grant  of  money 
to,  16.  13,  5. 

Lugii,the,  in  Germany,  12.  29,3;  30, 1. 

Luna,  temple  of,  at  Rome,  15.  41,  i. 

Lupus,  Cornelius,  13.  43,  3. 

—  Junius,  an  accuser,  12.  42,  4. 
Lurius :  see  Varus. 
Lusitania,  province  of,  13.  46,  5. 
Lusius  :  see  Geta,  Satuminus. 
lustratio,  13.  24,  2  ;  15.  26,  3. 
lustrum  conditum,  11.  25,  8 ;  12.  4,  4. 
luxus,  in  feasting:  cp.  15.  37,  2,  foil. 
Lycia,  people  of,  13.  33,  4. 

Macedonia     and     Macedones :    see 

Pseudo-Philippus. 
Maecenas, Cilnius,retires  into  privacy, 

14-  53>3;  55,  2;  gardens  of,  15. 

39,  I- 
magi,  prevalence  of,   and  measures 

taken  against,  12.  22,   i  ;  59,  2  ; 

16.30,  2;  31,  I. 
maiestas,  charge  of,  attempted  under 

Claudius,  12.  42,  5  ;  revived  under 

Nero,  14.  48,2. 
maiorum  more,  capital  punishment, 

14.  48,  4;  16.  11,6. 
Maius  mensis,  the,  called  Claudius, 

16.  12,  3. 
Malorix,  chief  of  the  Frisii,  13.  54, 

2-6. 
Mamercus :  see  Aemilius. 
Mammius :  see  Pollio. 
Mancia,  Curtilius,  legatus  of  Upper 

Germany,  13.  56,  4. 
Manlius  :  see  Valens. 
manumissio,  kinds  of,  13.  27,  4. 
Marcellus :  see  Aeserninus. 

—  Asinius,  a  descendant  of  Pollio, 
14.40,3,  5:  cp.  12.64,  I- 

—  Cornelius,  a  senator,  16.  8,  3. 

—  Eprius,  praetor  for  one  day,  12.  4, 
5  ;  corrupt  acquittal  of,  13.  33,  4; 
eloquence  of,  16.  22,  10  ;  speech  of, 
against  Thrasea,  16.  28-9,  I  ;  re- 
warded, 16.  33,  4. 

Marcia,  aqua,  the,  14.  22,  6. 

Marcius :  see  Festus. 

Mardi,  the,  an  Armenian  tribe,  14. 

23,4. 
mare:   see    Aegaeum,  Hadriaticum, 
.^_      Lycium,  Ponticum. 

I 


maritus,  the,  allowed  to  try  his  wife, 

13.  32,  3. 

Marius,  C,  civil  war  of,  12.  60,  4. 

—  P.,  consul,  14.  48,  I. 

—  see  Celsus. 

Mars,  Ultor,  temple  of,  13.  8,  l  ; 
Martis  Campus,  the,  in  Rome,  13. 
17,2;  31,  i;  15.39,2. 

—  the  German,  13.  57,  3. 
Marsus,  Vibius,  legatus  of  Syria,  il. 

10,  I. 

Martialis,  Cornelius,  a  military  tri- 
bune, 15.71,5- 

Marullus  Junius,  consul   designate, 

14.  48,  4. 

Massilia,  banishment  of  Sulla  to,  13. 

47,4. 
mathematici :  see  Chaldaei. 
Matius,  influence  of,  with  Caesar,  12. 

60,  6. 
Mattium    (Maden),     in     Germany, 

mines  worked  in  the  district  of,  11. 

20,4. 

Maximilla,  Egnatia,  follows  her  hus- 
band into  exile,  15.  71,  7. 

Maximus,  Caesennius,  banished  from 
Italy,  15.  71,  II.. 

Maximus,  Sanquinius,  il.  18,  I. 

—  Scaurus,  a  centurion,  15.  50,  3. 

—  Trebellius,  employed  in  the  census 
of  Gaul,  14.  46,  2. 

Medi,  the  (of  Media  Atropatene),  12. 
14,7;  13.41,2;  14.26,  I.;  15.2, 

i;  3I5  I. 

megistanes,  the,  of  Armenia,  15. 
27,  4. 

Meherdates,  son  of  Vonones,  sum- 
moned from  Rome  to  be  king  of 
Parthia,  11.  10,  8 ;  12.  10,  i,  foil. ; 
career  and  fate  of,  12.  11,  14. 

Mela,  Annaeus,  a  wealthy  and  power- 
ful knight,  16.  17,  3  ;  father  of  Lu- 
can,  16.  17,  4;  forced  to  death  on 
a  false  charge,  and  forgeries  in- 
serted in  his  will  to  involve  others, 
16.  17,  5-8. 

Melitene  (Malatia),  a  place  for  cross- 
ing the  Euphrates,  15.  26,  2. 

Memmius  :  see  Regulus. 

Mercurius,  the  German,  13.  57,  3. 

Mesopotamia,  12.  12,  5. 

Messala,  Corvinus,  the  orator,  con- 
sul with  Augustus,  13.  34,  I  ;  char- 
acter and  eloquence  of,  il.  6,  4; 

7,5- 

—  Valerius,  great-grandson  of  Cor- 
vinus, consul,  13.  34,  I. 


498 


INDEX  I 


Messalina  (Valeria),  wife  of  Claudius, 
causes  the  death  of  Valerius  Asi- 
aticus  and  Poppaea,  li.  1-3;  ex- 
cited against  Agrippina  and  her 
son,  II.  12,  I  ;  but  distracted  from 
her  purpose  by  her  passion  for 
Silius,  II.  12,2-4  ;  13-  19)2  ;  forms 
the  purpose  of  marrying  him,  II. 
26,  I ;  celebrates  a  formal  mar- 
riage, II.  27  ;  is  celebrating  a  re- 
presentation of  vintage,  11.  31-2  ; 
flies,  on  hearing  of  the  approach 
of  Claudius,  to  the  gardens  of 
Lucullus,  and  is  there  put  to  death, 

11.  37-8;  contrasted  with  Agrip- 
pina, 12.  7,  5  ;  many  murders  per- 
petrated by  order  of,  il.  28,  2; 
wanton  profligacy  of,  11.  12,  4; 
26. 1,  6 ;  12.  7,  5  ;  Suillius  the  tool 
of,  II.  I,  l;  13.43,5. 

Messalina,  Statilia,  wife  of  Vestinus 
and  mistress  of  Nero,  15.  68,  5. 

Messalinus :  see  Cotta. 

Milichus,  a  freedman,  betrayer  of  the 
conspiracy  of  Piso,  15.  54-5  ;  is 
rewarded  and  takes  the  surname 
'  Conservator'  ('  Soter'),  15.  71,  3. 

milites,  employment  of,  in  works,  II. 
20;  13.  53,  3;  trading  allowed  to, 
13.  35>  3  ;  5I»  I  ;  stricter  discipline 
imposed  on,  11.  18,  2-5;  13.  35, 
5-10. 

Minerva,  temple  of,  in  Rome,  13.  24, 
2 ;  golden  statue  decreed  to,  14. 

12,  I. 

Minucius :  see  Thermus. 

Misenum,  15.  51,  2;  road  to,  14.  9, 
3;  promontory  of,  1 4.  4,  4 ;  15. 
46,  3;  14.3,  5;62,  3;i5.  51,  I. 

Mithridates,  the  Hiberian,  king  of 
Armenia,  kept  in  ciistody  by  Gaius, 
II.  8, 1  ;  recovers  his  kingdom,  11. 
9,  I  ;  rules  with  severity,  11.  9,  3  ; 
conspiracy  formed  against  him  by 
Radamistus,  instigated  by  his 
brother  Pharasmanes,  12.  44 ; 
attacked  and  besieged,  12.  45  ;  put 
to  death,  with  the  connivance  of 
the  Romans  present,  12.  46-8. 

—  king  of  Bosporus,  endeavours 
to  regain  his  kingdom,  12.  15; 
defeated  and  deserted,  12.  18,  i ; 
takes  refuge  with  Eunones,  who 
makes  terms  for  him,  12.  18-20  ; 
brought  to  Rome,  12.  21,  i. 

Mnester,  a  pantomimist,  il.  4,  2; 
36,  1-3. 


Mnester,  a  freedman  of  Agrippina, 

14.  9,  4. 
Moesia,  legions  of,  15.  6,  5. 
Mona  (Anglesey),  island  of,  14.  29, 

3,  foil. 

Monaeses,  a  Parthian  noble,  15.  2,  5  ; 

4,  I  ;  5)  5. 

Monobazus,  king  of  Adiabene,  15.  i, 

3 ;  14, 4. 
Montanus,  Curtius,  accused  for  verses 
written  by  him,   16.  28,  2  ;  really 
innocent,  16.  29,  3  ;  excluded  from 
public  life,  16.  33,  4. 

—  lulius,  forced  to  suicide,  13.  25,  2. 

—  Traulus,  a  knight,  put  to  death, 

11.36,4. 
Mosa  (Maas),  the,  11.  20,  2. 
Moschi,  the,  near  Armenia,  allies  of 

Rome,  13.  37,  4. 
Mosella,  the,  13.  53,  3. 
Mulvius  pons  (Ponte  Molle),  the,  13. 

47,  2. 
Mummius,  L.,  games  given  by,   14. 

21,  2. 
Munatius :  see  Gratus. 
Musonius  ;  see  Rufus. 
Mytilene,  retirement  of  Agrippa  to, 

14.  53,  3. 

Narbonensis :  see  Gallia. 

Narcissus,  freedman  of  Claudius, 
chief  agent  in  the  murder  of  Ap- 
pius  Silanus,  11.  29,  i,  and  in  the 
fall  of  Messalina,  11.  29;  2  ;  30,  2  ; 

33, 2;  34-2,4;  35. 1, 3;  yj^  1-3; 

38,  5  ;  recommends  Aelia  Paetina 
as  wife  for  Claudius,  12.  i,  3  ;  2,  i ; 
is  reproached  by  and  reproaches 
Agrippina,  12.  57,  4;  endeavours 
to  counteract  her  schemes,  12.  65, 
2-5  ;  goes  for  health  to  Sinuessa, 
12.  66,  I ;  is  forced  to  suicide  im- 
mediately after  the  death  of  Clau- 
dius, 13.  I,  4. 

Nasica,  Caesius,  legatus  legionis,  12. 
40,7. 

Natalis,  Antonius,  a  conspirator,  15. 
50,  I ;  54,  I  ;  55,  6 ;  questioned, 

15.  56,  I  ;  denounces  Piso  and 
Seneca,  15.  56,  2  ;  60,  4,  6  ;  61,  i ; 
escapes  with  impunity,  15.  71,  2. 

Naxus,  a  place  of  exile,  16.  9,  2. 
Neapolis,  Nero  at,  14.  10,  5  ;  15.  33, 
2 ;  16.  10,  4  ;  theatre  at,  15.  34,  i. 
negotiatores,  traffic  by,  13.  51,  3  ;  14. 

33,  I. 

Nemetes,  12.  27,  3. 


HISTORICAL  INDEX  TO   THE   TEXT 


499 


nemus,  in  Rome,  14.  15,  3;  another, 

15-  37»  7. 

Nepos,  Flavius,  an  officer,  15.  71,  5. 

Nero  (Claudius  Caesar),  the  emperor, 
previously  L.  Domitius  Ahenobar- 
bus,  II.  11,5;  12.  3,  2;  25,  I ;  41, 
6  ;  received  with  popular  favour, 
II.  II,  5  ;  tales  of  the  infancy  of, 

11.  II,  6;  affianced  to  Octavia, 
daughter  of  Claudius,  12.  3,  2  ;  9, 
I  ;  adopted  by  Claudius,  12.  25- 
6  ;  assumes  toga  virilis,  with  the 
title  of  princeps  iuventutis,  receives 
proconsulare  imperium  outside 
Rome,  is  designated  consul,  and 
wears  a  triumphal  dress  at  games, 

12.  41,  1-4  ;  is  married  to  Octavia, 
and  speaks  on  behalf  of  various 
towns,  12.  58 ;  completely  sup- 
plants Britannicus,  12.  25,  2  ;  41, 
5-8 ;  is  further  established  by  in- 
trigues, 12.  65,  3  ;  68,  I  ;  saluted 
as  emperor  by  soldiers  and  ac- 
cepted by  the  senate,  12.  69,  1-3  ; 
holds  consulships,  13.  11,  i  ;  31,  i ; 
39,  I  ;  14.  20,  I ;  receives  'nomen 
imperatoris,'  13.  41,  5  ;  averse  to 
the  murder  of  Narcissus,  13.  I,  4; 
but  unfriendly  to  Pallas,  13.  2,  4; 
guided  by  Seneca  and  Burrus,  13. 
2,  2  ;  delivers  the  '  laudatio '  of 
Claudius,  13. 3,  I  ;  and  an  address 
to  the  senate,  13.  4 ;  the  first  em- 
peror to  have  speeches  composed 
for  him,  13.  3,  3 ;  affects  other 
pursuits,  13.  3,  6  ;  14.  14,  I ;  ini- 
tiates a  vigorous  policy  in  the  East, 

13.  7,  I  ;  8,  I  ;  9,  7 ;  disclaims  ex- 
cessive honours,  13.  10,  2;  11,  I ; 
shows  clemency,  13.  10,  3  ;  il,  2  ; 
43,  7  ;  and  liberality  to  friends  and 
to  the  people,  13.  18,  i ;  31,  2  ;  34, 
2-3  ;  is  attached  to  Acte,  but  has 
an  aversion  towards  Octavia,  13. 
12  ;  dismisses  Pallas,  13.  14,  i  ;  is 
gradually  drawn  away  from  his 
mother's  influence,  13.  5,  3  ;  12,  i ; 
13,  1-6  ;  14,  I ;  18,  4,  5  ;  and  mur- 
ders Britannicus  to  thwart  her 
schemes,  13.  15-17;  but  gratifies 
her  vengeance  against  her  assail- 
ants, 13. 21,  9  ;  shows  early  riotous 
tastes,  13.  25  ;  makes  various  re- 
gulations by  edict  or  otherwise,  13. 
27,  6;  28,  5;  29,  3;  31,4;  51,  i; 
thinks  of  abolishing  vectigalia,  13. 
50,   I ;    gives  citizenship  to    two 

Kk 


German  princes,  13.  54,  6 ;  con- 
ceives a  passion  for  Poppaea,  13. 
46  ;  banishes  Sulla,  13.  47  ;  plans 
and  carries  out  the  murder  of  his 
mother,  14.  1-13  ;  exhibits  himself 
as  a  charioteer,  14.  14  ;  and  on  the 
stage  at  the  luvenalia,  14.  15; 
composes  poems,  and  affectsPan 
interest  in  philosophical  disputa- 
tions, 14.  16  ;  receives  the  uncon- 
tested prize  of  eloquence  at  the 
Neronia,  14.  21,  8 ;  forces  persons 
of  rank  to  exhibit  themselves,  14. 
14,  5  ;  15,  2  ;  is  struck  with  illness, 
14.  22,  6  ;  47,  I ;  enforces  a  decree 
for  the  execution  of  slaves,  14.  45, 
3 ;  induces  Rubellius  Plautus  to 
banish  himself,  14.  22,  5 ;  and 
orders  him  and  Sulla  to  be  put  to 
death,  14.  57,  6  ;  59,  3  ;  is  thought 
to  have  poisoned  Burrus,  14.  51,  3  ; 
gives  audience  to  Seneca,  and  re- 
plies to  him,  14.  53-6  ;  falls  under 
the  influence  of  Tigellinus,  14.  51, 
6 ;  57,  I  ;  divorces  and  puts  to 
death  Octavia  and  marries  Pop- 
paea, 14.  60-4  ;  is  thought  to 
have  poisoned  Doryphorus  and 
Pallas,  14.  65,  I  ;  gives  Poppaea 
and  her  child  the  title  of  Augusta, 
15-  23,  I  ;  gives  the  *  ius  Latii'  to 
an  Alpine  province,  and  assigns 
reserved  seats  in  the  circus  to 
knights,  15.  32  ;  forces  Torquatus 
Silanus  to  suicide,  15. 35  ;  sings  on 
the  stage  at  Neapolis,  15.  33  ;  me- 
ditates a  journey  to  Achaia  and 
Egypt,  but  postpones  both,  15.  33, 
2 ;  36,  1-5  ;  is  present  at  games 
given  by  Vatinius,  15.  34,  2;  re- 
turns to  Rome  and  plunges  into 
the  utmost  profligacy,  15.  37  ;  is 
suspected  of  having  caused  the 
fire,  15.  38,  i;  39,  3  ;  40,  3  ;  44,  2 ; 
his  behaviour  during  it,  15.  39,  3  ; 
50,  6  ;  and  liberality  to  sufferers 
by  it,  15.  39,  2  ;  43,  2  ;  diverts  the 
suspicion  to  the  Christians  and 
makes  a  spectacle  of  their  suffer- 
ings, 15.  44  ;  rebuilds  his  palace 
magnificently,  15.  42,  i  ;  was  be- 
lieved to  have  attempted  to  poison 
Seneca,  15.  45, 6  ;  prohibits  Lucan 
from  making  his  works  pubhc,  15. 
49,  3  ;  causes  much  shipwreck  by 
an  injudicious  order,  15.  46,  2  ;  is 
informed  of  the  Pisonian  conspi- 


500 


INDEX  I 


racy,  15.55,  I  ;  tortures  Epicharis, 
15'  57)  I  ;  surrounds  himself  with 
soldiers,  15.  57,  4;  5^,1;  59,7; 
presides  at  the  trials,  15.  58,  3; 
65,  3  ;  67,  2 ;  68,  I  ;  orders  the 
deaths  of  Piso,  Plautius  Lateranus, 
Seneca,  15.  59-60;  also  of  Ves- 
tinus  and  Lucan,  15.68-70;  pre- 
serves Paulina,  15.  64,  i ;  banishes 
or  pardons  others,  15.  71;  gives 
rewards,  15.  72  ;  prohibits  a  temple 
to  himself,  15.  74,  3;  is  deceived 
by  the  schemes  of  Bassus,  16.  1-3; 
appears  on  the  stage  in  the  theatre, 
16.  4  ;  was  said  to  have  caused  the 
death  of  Poppaea,  but  honours  her 
memory  greatly,  16.  6 ;  banishes 
or  puts  to  death  several  eminent 
persons,  16.  8-12;  14-15;  17-20; 
lastly  attacks  Thraseaand  Soranus 
and  their  friends,  16.  21,  l  ;  24, 
1-3;  27,2;  general  'immanitas* 
of,  14.  II,  4;  timidity,  14.  7,  2; 
10,  l;  57,  I ;  15-57,4;  utter  pro- 
fligacy, 15.37,  8;  16.  19,  5;  cre- 
dulity, 15.  42,  4 ;  16.  2,  I  ;  extra- 
vagant joy  and  sorrow,  15.  23,  5  ; 
lowassociatesof,  14. 13,  i;  15.34,3. 
Neroneus,  the  month,  15.  74,  i  ;  16. 

12,3- 
Nerva,     Cocceius     (afterwards    em- 
peror), praetor  designate,  receives 
triumphalia,  15.  72,  2. 

—  Silius,  consul,  15.  48,  I. 
Nerullinus,  M.  Suillius,  son  of  Suil- 

lius  Rufus,  12.  25,  I  ;  13.  43,  7. 
Nicephorius,  the,   in  Armenia,    15. 

4,  3- 

Niger,  Casperius,  a  centurion,  12.45, 

3-5.;  46,3;  15-  5,2. 

—  Veianius,  an  officer,  15.  67,  5. 
Ninos,  in  Assyria,  12.  13,  2. 
Nisibis  (Nisibin),  in  Mesopotamia, 

15.  5,  2. 
Nonius,  Cn.,  a  knight,  11.  22,  i. 
Novius  :  see  Priscus. 
Nuceria,  in  Campania,  colonists  sent 

to,  13.  31,  2 ;  at  feud  with  Pompeii, 

14.  17,  I. 
Numa,  regia  of,  15.  41,  i. 
Numantia,    former   Roman  disaster 

at,  15.  13,  2. 
Numidae,  the,  2.  52,  2,  foil.;  3.  21, 

5,  foil.;  4.  24,2;  25,  I. 
Nymphidius  :  see  Sabinus. 

Obaritus,  a  centurion,  14.  8,  5. 


Obultronius :  see  Sabinus. 

Oceanus  (North  Sea),  the,  14.  32,  2. 

Octavia,  daughter  of   Claudius,  11.         ^ 
32,  4  ;  34,  3  ;  12.  2,   I ;  68,  3  ;  be-        | 
trothed  to    L.  Silanus,   12.   3,  2;         a 
afterwards  to  Domitius  (Nero),  12. 
9,  2;  married  to  him,   12.   58,   i; 
hated  by  him,  13.  12,  2;  self-con-     -^k 
trol  of,  13.  16,  7  ;  intrigued  against      ^ 
by   Poppaea,   14.  I,    I  ;   divorced 
and   falsely   accused,    14.   59,   4; 
60,  I,  foil. ;  supported  by  popular 
favour,  14.  60,  6;    61,  I  ;  falsely 
accused  again  by  Anicetus,  14.  62, 
3-6;  banished  to  Pandateria,  14. 
63,  I  ;  put  to  death  there,  14.  64. 

Octavianus  :  see  Augustus. 

Octavius:  see  Sagitta. 

odores,  use  of,  in  funerals,  16.  6,  2. 

oleum,  given  for  the  gymnasium,  14. 

47,3. 
Ollius,   T.,  father  of  Poppaea,  13. 

45,  I. 

omina,    15.   7,   2  ;    74,  4:   .f^^    also 

prodigia. 
Oppius,  C,  12.  60,  5. 
'  Optimae  matris,'  13.  2,  5. 
oracula,  12.  63,  I. 
oratores,  regulations  respecting  fees 

to,  II.  6-7;  13.  5,  I. 
orbitas,  influence  of,   13.  52,  3 ;  14. 

40,  i;  15.  19,3. 
ordo  Puteolanorum,  the,  13.  48,  i. 
Ordovices,  the,  in  Britain,  12.  -^-^^  2. 
Orfitus,  Servius  Cornelius,  12.  41,  i  ; 

16.  12,  3. 

—  Paccius,    an   officer,    13.   36,    i  ; 
15.  12,3. 

Ostia,  II.  26,  7;  29,  3;  31,  6;   15. 

39,  2  ;  16.  9,  2. 
Ostienses  paludes,  15.  43,  4. 
Ostiensis  via,  the,  11.  32,  6. 
Ostorius  :  see  Sabinus,  Scapula. 
Otho,  Salvius  (L.  Titianus),  consul, 

12.  52,  I. 

—  M.  (afterwards  emperor),  13.  12, 
I  ;  husband  of  Poppaea,  13.  45,  4  ; 

46,  I ;  sent  to  Lusitania,  13.  46,  5. 
ovatio,  instances  of,  13.  8,  i  ;  32,  3. 

Paccius  :  see  Orfitus. 
Paconius  :  see  Agrippinus. 

—  M.,  an  accuser,  cp.  16.  29,  3. 
Pacorus,  king  of  Media,  15.  2,  I ;  14, 

i;.3i,  I. 
Paelignus,  lulius,  a  procurator,  12. 

49,  1-3. 


HISTORICAL  INDEX  TO   THE  TEXT 


501 


Paetina,  Aelia,  wife  of  Claudius,  12. 

I,  3;  2,  I. 
Paetus,  an  accuser,  13.  23,  2. 

—  Caesennius,  consul,  14.  29,  I ; 
commander  in  Armenia,  15.6,  4-6; 
enters  the  country,  15.  7-8;  un- 
prepared condition  of,  15.  9,  2; 
criticized  by  Corbulo,  15.  26,  3  ; 
attacked  by  Vologeses  in  winter 
quarters,  15.  lo-ii  ;  forced  to 
capitulate,  15.  13-16;  retreats  to 
Cappadocia,  15. 17, 4  ;  pardoned  by 
Nero,  15.  25,  7  ;  son  of,  15.  28,  3. 

—  see  Thrasea. 

Palamedes,  letters  invented  by,  11. 

14,  3. 

Palatinus  mons,  the,  12.  24,  3  ;  15. 
38,2. 

Palatium,  the,  15.  39,  i. 

Pallas,  freedman  of  Claudius,  II.  29, 
I  ;  38,  5 ;  imagined  descent  of,  from 
Arcadian  kings,  12.  53,  3;  pro- 
motes the  marriage  with  Agrip- 
pina,  12.  I,  3 ;  2,  3  ;  and  commits 
adultery  with  her,  12.  25,  i  ;  65,  4 ; 
14.  2,  4  ;  brings  about  the  adoption 
of  Nero,  12.  25,  i  ;  receives  honours 
and  an  offer  of  money  from  the 
senate,  12.  53,  2-5;  obnoxious  to 
Nero,  13.  2,  4  ;  and  is  dismissed 
from  office,  13.  14,  i  ;  repels  an  ac- 
cusation, but  gives  offence  by  his 
arrogance,  13.  23,  1-3  ;  believed  to 
have  been  poisoned  by  Nero,  14. 
65,  I. 

Palpellius :  see  Hister. 

Pammenes,  an  astrologer,  16.  14,  i. 

Panda,  the,  12.  16,  3. 

Pandateria  (Vandotena),  a  place  of 
exile,  14.  63,  I. 

Pannonia,  12.  29,  2  ;  30,  3  ;  15. 10,  5  ; 
25,  5  :  see  also  Illyricum. 

pantomimi,  measures  taken  against, 
14.  21,  7  :  see  also  histriones. 

Paris,  an  actor,  13.  19,  4  ;  accuses 
Agrippina,  13.  20,  i ;  21,  5;  left 
unpunished,  13.  22,  3  ;  pronounced 
freeborn,  13.  27,  7. 

Parraces,  a  Parthian,  12.  14,  5. 

Parthi,  the,  relations  of  Rome  with, 
II.  8-10;  12.  10-14;  44-51;  13. 
6-9;  34-41;  14.23-36;  15.  1-18; 
24-31  :  see  also  A.rT[\^n\2i,  Gotarzes, 
Vologeses  ;  15.  7,  5  ;  incapable  of 
besieging  strongholds,  15.  4,  5  ; 
averse  to  long  expeditions,  1 1.  10, 
4. 


Patavium    (Padua),    games   at,    16. 

21,  I. 
patres  :  see  senatus. 
patricii,  additions  made  to  the,  II. 

25,  3  ;  magistracies  of,  11.  24,  11. 
pater  patriae,  title  of,  suggested  for 

Claudius,  11.  25,  7. 
Paulina :  see  LoUia. 

—  Pompeia,  wife  of  Seneca,  15.  60, 
8;  resolves  to  die  with  him,  15. 
63,  1-4  ;  but  is  kept  alive,  64,  1-2. 

Paulinus,  Pompeius,  legatus  of  Lower 
Germany,  13.  53,  2;  54,  3 ;  ap- 
pointed on  a  commission,  15.  18,  4. 

—  Suetonius,  legatus  of  Britain,  a 
rival  in  fame  to  Corbulo,  14.  29,  2  ; 
invades  Mona,  14.  29,  3,  foil. ;  re- 
called to  meet  the  rising  in  the 
province,  14.  30,  3  ;  reaches  and 
leaves  Londinium,  14.  33  ;  defeats 
Boudicca  in  a  great  battle,  34-7  ; 
denounced  to  Nero  by  the  pro- 
curator, 14.  38,  4;  recalled,  14.39, 
4 ;  consul,  16.  14,  i. 

Paulus  (Aemilius),  L.,  Perses  led  in 
triumph  by,  12.  38,  i. 

—  Venetus,  a  centurion,  15.  50,  3. 
Pedanius  :  see  Secundus. 
Pedius :  see  Blaesus. 

Pelagon,    an  eunuch  of   Nero,    14. 

59,3. 
Penates,  the,  of  Rome,  15.  41,  i  ;  of 

Germany,  il.  16,  8. 
Pergamum,  resistance  to  Acratus  at, 

16.  23,  I. 
Persae,  the,  12.  13,  2. 
Perses,  king  of  Macedon,  12.  38,  i ; 

62,  2. 
pervigilia,  held  to  gods,  15.  44,  i. 
Petilius  :  see  Cerialis. 
Petra,  two   Roman  knights  named, 

11.  4,  I. 

Petronius,  C,  death  and  character  of, 
16.  17,  I ;  18-20. 

—  see  Priscus,  Turpilianus. 
Pharasmanes,    king    of  the   Hiberi, 

supports  his  brother  Mithridates 
in  occupying  Armenia,  11.  8-9;  of 
which  he  is  made  part  governor, 
14.  26,  3  ;  subsequently  instigates 
his  son  to  attack  and  murder  him, 

12.  44-7  ;  is  forced  to  leave  Ar- 
menia, 12.  48,  4 ;  kills  his  son  and 
with  Corbulo  attacks  Armenia,  13. 

37,3. 
Phoebus,  a  freedman  of  Nero,  16. 

5,5. 


502 


INDEX  I 


Phoenices,   letters    introduced    into 

Greece  by  the,  II.  14,  i. 
Phraates,  king  of  Parthia,  grandson 

of,  II.  10,  7  ;   12.  ID,  I,  foil, 
pignoris  capiendi  modus,  regulated, 

13.  28,  4. 

Pilatus,  Pontius,  15.  44,  4. 

piraticum  bellum,  the,  12.  62,  2  ;  15. 
25,6.  ^       ^ 

Piso,  C.  Calpumius,  induced  to  con- 
spire against  Nero,  14. 65,  2  ;  cha- 
racter and  antecedents  of,  15.48,2; 
refuses  to  kill  Nero  at  his  villa,  15. 

52,  I  ;  plan  of  action  concerted  by, 
15-  53>  4  ;  betrayed  by  Natalis,  15. 
56, 2  ;  shrinks  from  bold  action  and 
dies  leaving  a  servile  will,  15.  59;  a 
story  about  conspiracy  of,  15.65,1-2. 

Piso,  L.,  cos.  design.,  13.  28,  3  ;  con- 
sul, 13.  31,  i;  appointed  on  a 
commission,  15.  18,  4. 

Placentia,  district  around,  15.  47,  3. 

Plautius,  A.  (Silvanus),  received  an 
ovation  for  his  service  in  Britain, 
13-  32,  3  ;  allowed  to  try  his  wife 
for  superstition,  id. 

—  Lateranus,  guilty  of  adultery  with 
Messalina,  1 1 .  30,  3 ;  escapes  with 
life,  II.  36,  5;  restored  to  the 
senate,  13.  11,  2;  joins  the  Pi- 
sonian  conspiracy,  15.  49,  2;  15. 

53,  2,  is  executed,  15.  60,  i. 
Plautus,   Rubellius,   alleged    plot    in 

favour  of,  13.  19,  3 ;  13.  20-2 ; 
looked  on  as  a  probable  successor 
to  Nero,  14.  22,  2  ;  forced  to  retire 
to  Asia,  14.  22,  5  ;  is  denounced  to 
Nero  by  Tigellinus,  14.  57,  5  ;  is 
advised  to  resist  by  his  father-in- 
law  Antistius  Vetus,  but  submits  to 
death,  14,  58-59 ;  friendship  of, 
charged  against  Soranus,  16.  30,  i. 
plebes,  the,  also  populus,  vulgus,  only 
a  minority  freebom,  13.  27,  2 ; 
shows  affection  for  Octavia,  14.  60, 
6;  61, 1-3  ;  glad  at  Nero's  presence, 

14.  13,  I  ;  15.  36,  6;  shows  feeling 
for  the  slaves  of  Pedanius,  14.  42, 
2  ;  45,  2  ;  often  harassed  by  dearth, 

15.  36,  6  ;  is  riotous  in  the  theatre, 
11.13,1;  13.24,  I ;  25,4;  receives 
congiaria,  12.  41,  3  ;  13.  31,  2  ;  is 
relieved  by  Nero  after  the  fire,  15. 
39,  2  ;  addressed  by  edict,  11.  13, 
I  ;  12.  4,  4;  13.  17,4;  14.45^3; 
?3j  I  ;  15-  36,  2  ;  73,  I  ;  arranged 
in  tribes  at  ceremonies,  14.  13,  2. 


plebiscita,  existence  of,  under  empire, 

11.14,5- 

Plinius,  C,  historical  writings  of,  re- 
ferred to,  13.  20,  3;  15.  53>4- 

Poenius :  see  Postumus. 

Polemo,  king  of  Pontus,  14.  26,  3. 

Pollio,  Annius,  15.  56,  4  ;  71,  6;  wife 
of,  16.  30,  4. 

—  C.  Asinius,  boldness  of,  eloquence 
of,  11.6,4;  7,5- 

—  Caelius,  an  officer,  12.  45,  3,  foil. ; 
46,6. 

—  lulius,  an  officer,  13.  15,  4. 

—  Memmius,  consul  design.,  12.  9,  i. 

—  Vedius,  power  of,  12.  60,  6. 
PoUitta  :  see  Antistia. 

Polyclitus,  a  freedman,  sent  to  Britain, 

14.  39,  1-4. 
pomerium :  see  Roma. 
Pompeia  :  see  Paulina. 

Pompei,  riot  at,  14. 17,  I ;  earthquake 
at,  15I  22,  4. 

Pompeius,  Cn.  (Magnus),  youthful 
military  service  of,  13.  6,  4;  sub- 
jection of  Armenia  by,  13.  34,  4; 

15.  14,  3;  war  of,  against  the 
pirates,  12.  62,  2;  15.  25,  6; 
theatre  of,  13.  54,  4  ;  14.  20,  2  : 
cp.  16.  4,  2. 

—  C,  consul,  12.  5,  I. 

—  tribunus  15,  71,  5. 

—  see  Aelianus,  Paulinus,  Silvanus, 
Urbicus. 

Pomponia  Graecina,  wif6  of  A. 
Plautius,  accused  of  foreign  super- 
stition, 13.  32,  3;  wore  mourning 
for  forty  years  for  Julia,  13.  32,  5. 

Pomponius  :  see  also  Secundus. 

—  Q.,  an  accuser,  forced  into  civil 
war,  13.  43,  3. 

Pomptinae  paludes,  the,  15.  42,  3. 

Pontia  (Postumia),  killed  by  Octavius 
Sagitta,  13.  44. 

Ponticum  mare  or  Pontus  (Euxine), 
the,  12.  63,  2  ;  13.  39,  I. 

Ponticus,  Valerius,  banished,  14. 41,  2. 

Pontius :  see  Pilatus. 

Pontus,  province  of,  12.  21,  I  ;  15.  9, 
2 ;  26,  2. 

Poppaea  Sabina,  relations  with  Mnes- 
ter,  II.  4,  2,  7  ;  beauty  of,  13.  45, 2  ; 
forced  to  suicide  by  Messalina,  1 1.  2. 

daughter  of  the  above  and  of 

T.  Ollius,  13.  45,  I ;  character  of, 
13.  45,  2,  foil.;  wife  of  Rufrius 
Crispinus,  13.  45,  4  ;  and  of  Otho, 
13.  46  ;  becomes  mistress  of  Nero, 


I 


HISTORICAL  INDEX   TO   THE  TEXT 


503 


and  incites  him  against  his  mother, 
14.  I,  I,  foil. ;  is  married  to  him, 
14.  60,  I  ;  popular  demonstration 
against,  14.  61 ;  head  of  Octavia 
shown  to,  14.  64,  4  ;  receives  the 
title  of  Augusta  at  the  birth  of  her 
child,  15.  23,  I  ;  Nero's  chief  coun- 
sellor in  bloodshed,  1 5.  61,4  ;  death 
of,  16.  6,  I  ;  funeral  honours  of, 
16.  6,  2  ;  7,  I  ;  deification  of,  16. 
21,2;  22,  5. 

Poppaeus,  grandfather  of  the  above  : 
see  Sabinus. 

populus :  see  plebes. 

Porcii,  the,  a  Tusculan  family,  li.  24, 
2. 

portoria :  see  vectigalia. 

Postumus,  Poenius,  an  officer,  14.  2>7i 
6. 

Pottius,  Valerius,  II.  22,  7. 

praefectus  annonae,  li.  31,  I ;  13.  22, 
I. 

—  castrorum,  13.  39,  2  ;  14.  37,  6. 
praefectus  praetorii,  sometimes  one, 

sometimes  two,  12.  42,  2;  14.  51, 

—  vigilum,  II.  35,  7. 

—  urbis,  14.  41,  2. 

Praeneste  (Palestrina),  rising  of 
gladiators  at,  15.  46,  i. 

praetores,  election  of,  regulated  by 
Nero,  14. 28,  I ;  presiding  at  enter- 
tainments, II.  II,  3;  13.  28,  i; 
tribunals  of,  13.  51,  i;  14.  41,2; 
management  of  aerarium  by,   13. 

29,  1-3. 
praetoria  insignia,  12.  21,  2  ;  53,  2. 
praevaricatio,  complaints  of,  ii.  5, 2  ; 

14.  41,  2. 
Prasutagus,  king  of  the   Iceni,    14. 

31,  I- 
Primus,  Antonius,  condemned  as  a 

party  to  the  forgery  of  a  will,  14. 

40,  3,  foil, 
princeps,  friends  of,  summoned  into 

council    (principis   consilium),    11. 

23,2;  12.  1,4;  13.  26,  2;  50,  2; 

15.25,2. 

—  iuventutis,  title  of,  12.  41,  2. 
Priscus,  Helvidius,  legatus  legionis, 

12.  49,  3. 

—  Helvidius,  trib.  pleb.,  13.  28,  5  ; 
son-in-law  of  Thrasea,  16.  28,  2  ; 
29,  2  ;  banished  from  Italy,  16.  33, 

3;  35,  I. 

—  Novius,  exiled,  15.  71,  6. 

—  Petronius,  exiled,  15.  71,  10. 


Priscus,  Tarquitius,  an  accuser,  12. 

59,  1-4;  accused,  14.  46,  i. 
proconsulare     imperium,     given     to 

Nero,  12.  41,  2. 
Proculus,    Cervarius,   a   conspirator 

and  informer,    15.   50,    i ;  66,  3  ; 

71,  2. 

—  Cestius,  13.  30,  I. 

—  Titius,  put  to  death,  11.  35,  6. 

—  Volusius,  an  officer,  15.  51,  2  ;  57, 
I. 

procuratores,  judicial  power  given  to, 
12.  60,  I,  foil.  ;  Britain,  14.  32,  3, 
7;  38,  4;  Cappadocia,  12.  49,  i  ; 
Pontus,  12.  21,  I  ;  procurator  ludi, 

11.  35»7. 

prodigia,  reported,  12.  43,  i  ;  64,  i  ; 
13.58;  14.  12,3;  32,  i;  15.  7,3; 
47,  I  ;  disbelief  of  Tacitus  respect- 
ing, 14.  12,  4. 

Proserpina,  offerings  to,  15.  44,  I. 

provinciae,  pillaged  by  Nero  after 
the  fire,  15.  45,  i  ;  votes  of 
thanks  to  governors  of,  forbidden, 
15.  20-2  ;  governors  of,  sometimes 
detained  in  Rome,  13.  22,  2;  for- 
bidden to  give  gladiatorial  shows, 

13-  31,  4. 
provocatio,  to  the  senate  or  prmceps, 

in  civil  suits,  14.  28,  2. 
Proximus,  Statins,  an  officer,  15.  50, 

3;  60,  2;  71,  4. 
Pseudo-Philippus,  the,  set  up  as  king 

of  Macedon,  12.  62,  2. 
publicani,    measures    taken    against 

extortions  of,  13.  50-1  ;  societates 

of,  13-  50,  3- 
Puteoli,  made  a  colony,  14.  27,  I  ;  15. 

51,    3  ;     disturbance    among    the 

people  of,  13.  48,  I ;  visits  of  Nero 

to,  15.  51,3. 
Pythagoras,  a  freedman  of  Nero,  15. 

37,8. 
Pythius :  see  Apollo. 

quadragensima,  duty  so  called,  13. 
51,  2. 

Quadratus,  Ummidius,  legatus  of 
Syria,  12.  45,  6;  shows  want  of 
energy  in   dealing  with  Armenia, 

12.  48  ;  interposes  in  a  disturbance 
in  Judaea,  12.  54, 5 ;  associated  with 
Corbulo  in  the  East,  13.  8,  2 ;  is  at 
variance  with  him,  13.  9,  3,  foil. ; 
death  of,  14.  26,  4. 

quaestores,  appointment  and  func- 
tions of,  in  early  times,  11.  22,  4- 


504 


INDEX  I 


lo  ;  q.  aerani,  13.  28,  3,  5  ;  29,  2 ; 
consulum,  16.  34,  i ;  principis,  16. 
27,  2  ;  question  respecting  gladia- 
torial shows  to  be  given  by,  11.  22, 

3;  13..  5,  .1..     .       .,     , 
quaestoria  insignia,  gift  of,  11.  38,  5 ; 

16.  33,  4. 
quattuordecim  ordines,  the,  15.  32,  2. 
Quietus  :  see  Cluvidienus. 
quindecimviri,  the:  cp.  11.  11,  3  ;  16. 

22,  I. 
quinquagensima,  duty  so  called,  13. 

51,2. 
Quinquatrus,  festival  of,  14.  4,  i  ;  12, 

I. 
quinquennale  ludicrum  (Neronia),  in- 
stitution of,  14.  20,  I. 
Quintianus,  Afranius,  a  conspirator, 

15.49,4;  56,  4;  57,4;  70,2. 
Quintilius :  see  Varus. 
Quirinalis,  Clodius,  an  officer,  13.  30, 

2. 

Radamistus,  son  of  Pharasmanes,  12. 
44,  3  ;  encouraged  by  him  to  plot 
against  Mithridates  king  of  Ar- 
menia, 12.  44,  6,  foil. ;  whom  he 
overpowers  and  treacherously  mur- 
ders, 12.  45-7  ;  and  takes  posses- 
sion of  Armenia,  12.  48-9  ;  is 
driven  out  by  the  Parthians  and 
returns,  12.  50,  2-4;  flies  again 
with  his  wife  Zenobia,  whom  he  is 
obliged  to  abandon,  12.  51  ;  finally 
abandons  Armenia,  13.  6,  i  ;  is 
put  to  death  by  his  father,  13. 
37,  3- 
Ravenna,  fleet  stationed  at,  13.  30,  2. 
Rebilus,    Caninius,    a    great    jurist, 

death  of,  13.  30,  3. 
regiones,  the  :  see  Roma. 
Regulus,  Livineius,  14.  17,  i. 
—  Memmius,    consul,    husband     of 
LoUia    Paulina,    12.   22,  2 ;  death 
and  character  of,  14.  47,  i ;  another, 
consul,  15.  23,  I. 
Remus,  13.  58,  i. 

repetundae,  charges  of,  12.  22,  4  ;  13. 
30,   I  ;  33,  3 ;  43,  7 ;    14.  28,  3  ; 
laws  respecting,  15.  20,  3. 
Rhenus,    the,     canal    between     the 
branches    of,    11.  20,  2;  mole    to 
regulate  the  stream  of,  13.  53,  3. 
Rhodanus,  the,  communication  pro- 
jected to   the    Mosella  from,    13. 
53.  3. 
Rhodus,  made  a  free  state,  12.  58,  2. 


rogationes :  see  Semproniae. 

Roma  (the  city),  pomerium  of,  and 
additions  made  to  it,  12.  23,  4-24, 
4;  fourteen  regiones  of,  14.  12,  3  ; 
15.  40,  4;  destruction  of,  by  the 
Senones,  15.  41,  3  ;  great  fire  of, 
under  Nero,  15.  38,  I,  foil.  ;  former 
narrow  and  irregular  streets  of,  15. 
38,  4  ;  43,  5  ;  improvements  in  the 
rebuilding  of,  15.  43,  i,  foil. ;  pesti- 
lence in,  16.  13,  I. 

Romanus,  an  accuser' of  Seneca,  14. 
65,  2. 

—  Fabius,  an  accuser,  16.  17,  4. 
Romulus,  allusions  to,  il.  24,6;  25, 

3;  12.24,  i;  13.58,  i;  15.41,1. 
Roscia  lex,  the,  15.  32,  2. 
rostra,  the,  at  Rome,  12.  21,  2. 
Rubellius :  see  Plautus. 
Rufinus,    Vinicius,    condemned    for 

forgery,  14.  40,  2. 
Rufrius :  see  Crispinus. 
Rufus,  Cadius,  12.  22,  4 

—  see  Cluvius. 

—  Curtius,  legatus  of  Upper  Ger- 
many, II.  20,  4;  rose  from  low 
origin  and  became  proconsul  of 
Africa,  11.  21,  i,  foil. 

—  Faenius,  praefectus  annonae,  13. 
22, 1  ;  praefectus  praetorio,  14.  51, 
5  ;  insinuations  suggested  to  Nero 
against,  14.  57,  i  ;  joins  the  Piso- 
nian  conspiracy,  15.  50,  4  ;  53,  4  ; 
but  acts  energetically  against  his 
associates,  15.  58,  3  ;  and  against 
Seneca,  15.  61,  6;  is  afterwards 
denounced,  15.  66,  i  ;  shows  less 
courage  than  others,  15.  68,2;  a 
friend  of,  exiled,  16.  12,  i. 

—  Musonius,  a  Stoic  philosopher, 
14.  59,2;  exiled,  15.71,9- 

—  Sulpicius,  a  procurator,  11.  35,  7. 

—  Verginius,  consul,  15.  23,  i. 
Ruminalis  arbor,  the,  in  Rome,  13. 

58. 
Rusticus :  see  Arulenus. 

—  Fabius,  the  historian,  13.  20,  2  ; 

14.  2,  3  ;  15.  61,  6;  a  partisan  of 
Seneca,  13.  20,  3. 

Sabina :  see  Poppaea. 

Sabini,  the,  ancestors  of  the  Claudii, 

11.24,1. 
Sabinus,  Calavius,  legatus  legionis, 

15.  7,  2. 

—  Nymphidius,  of  low  origin,  re- 
ceives consular  insignia,  15.  72,  3. 


HISTORICAL  INDEX  TO   THE   TEXT 


505 


Sabinus,  Obultronius,  quaestor  aera- 
rii,  13.  28,  5. 

—  Ostorius,  a  knight,  16.  23,  i  ;  ac- 
cuser of  Soranus,  16.  23,  i  ;  30,  i  ; 
rewarded,  16.  33,  4. 

—  Poppaeus,  grandfather  of  Poppaea, 

I3-.45,  I- 
Sabrina  (Severn),  the,  12.31,  2. 
Saenia  lex,  the,  11.  25,  3. 
saeculares  ludi,  held,  11.  11,  i,  foil. 
Sa,'itta,  Octavius,  trib.  pleb,,  exiled 

for  the  murder  of  Pontia,  13.  44. 
sagittarii,  unmounted,  13.  40,  4. 
sal,  mode  of  obtaining,  in  Germany, 

13-  57,  2. 
Salienus  :  see  Clemens. 
Sallustiani  horti,  the,  13.  47,  3. 
Salvius  :  see  Otho. 
Salus,  temple  of,  in  Etruria,  15.  53, 

3;  74,  I. 

salutis  augurium,  12.  23,  3. 

Samaritae,  the,  governed  by  Felix, 
12.  54,  3. 

Samius,  a  knight,  11.  5,  2. 

Samnites,  the,  wars  of  Rome  with, 
11.24,9;  15.  13,  2. 

Sanbulos,  Mt.,  worship  of  Hercules 
at,  12.  13,  3. 

Sanquinius  :  see  Maximus. 

Sardinia,  governor  of,  condemned, 
13-  30,  I ;  a  place  of  exile,  14.  62, 
6;  16.9,2;  17,2. 

Sarmatae,  the,  12. 29,  4 :  see  lazyges. 

Satria :  see  Galla. 

Saturninus,  Lusius,  accused  by  Suil- 
lius,  13.  43,  3. 

Saturnus,  festival  of  (Saturnalia),  13. 
15,2. 

Saufeius,  Trogus,  put  to  death,  11. 
35,6. 

Scaevinus,  Flavins,  a  leading  con- 
spirator, 15.  49,4;  53,  3;  54,  I  ; 
55,  3-6  ;  56,  3  ;  59,  i  ;  66,  2  ;  70, 
2;  74,  I. 

Scapula,  P.  Ostorius,  legatus  of  Bri- 
tain, 12.  31,  I  ;  restores  peace  in 
the  province  and  quells  a  rising  of 
the  Iceni,  12.  31,  2-7  ;  invades  the 
Decangi,  12.32,  i ;  marches  against 
the  Silures,  defeats  and  captures 
Caratacus,  12.  33-6;  is  harassed 
by  further  warfare  with  the  Silures 
and  dies  of  vexation,  12.  38-9. 

—  M.  Ostorius,  son  of  the  above, 
saves  the  life  of  a  citizen,  12.  31, 
7;  16.  15,  2;  gives  testimony  in 
favour  of  Antistius,  14.  48,  1-4; 


is  involved  by  him  in  a  charge  of 

astrology,  16.  14,  4 ;  put  to  death 

by  Nero's  order,  16.  15. 
Scaurus  :  see  Maximus. 
Scipio,  P.  (the  elder  Africanus),  led 

Syphax  in  triumph,  12.  38,  i. 

—  (P.),  Cornalius,  husband  of  the 
elder  Poppaea,  11.  2,  5;  4,  7; 
flatters  Pallas,  12.  53,  3  ;  another, 
consul,  13.  25,  I. 

Scribonianus  :  see  Camillus. 
Scribonii  fratres,  the,  13.  48,  3. 
Secundus,  Carrinas,  sent  to  collect 
statues,  15.  45,  3. 

—  Pedahius,  praefectus  urbis,  mur- 
dered by  a  slave,  14.  42,  i ;  43,  4. 

—  Pomponius,  P.,  a  poet,  11.  13,  i ; 

12.  28,  2;  legatus  of  Upper  Ger- 
many, gains  triumphalia  for  success 
over  the  Chatti,  12.  27-8. 

—  Vibius,  brother  of  Vibius  Crispus, 
banished,  14.  28,  3. 

Seianus,  (L.)  Aelius,  punishment  of 

friends  of,  1 3.. 45,  i. 
Seleucia,  on  the  Tigris,   11.  8,  6; 

9,6. 
sellistemia,  to  goddesses,  15. 44,  i. 
Semproniae  rogationes,  the,  12.  60,  4. 
senatores,  age  for  becoming,  15.  28, 

4  ;  gifts  to,  in  cases  of  poverty,  13. 

34,  2  ;    compulsory  retirement  of, 

1 1. 25,  5  ;  many  of  freedman  origin, 

13.  27,  2  ;  Aedui  chosen  as,  11.  25, 
I  ;  allowed  to  go  to  their  estates 
in  Narbonensian  Gaul,  12.  23,  i ; 
many  enter  the  arena  and  other 
shows,  14.  15,  2  ;  15.  32,  3  ;  consi- 
lium of,  in  provinces,  cp.  12.  48,  i. 

senatus,  the,  election  of  magistrates 
transferred  to,  14.  28,  i ;  some- 
times convened  in  the  Palatium, 
13.  5,  2 ;  acta  of,  15.  74,  3  ;  extreme 
cases  of  servility  of,  14.  64,  5  ;  goes 
to  meet  Nero  after  his  mothers 
murder,  14.  13,  2  ;  and  again,  15. 
23,  5;  various  proceedings  in,  11. 
5-7;  22,  3;  24,  I  ;  12.  5-7;  9; 
58;  61-3;  13.  4-5;  10;  26-8; 
32,  1-2;  48-9;  15.  18,  i;  19; 
various  criminal  charges  brought 
before,  ii.  4;  12.  59,  4;  I3- 10,  3 ; 
30,1,3;  33;  42-4;  52;  14.  17-18; 
28,3;  40-6;  48-9;  59,6;  15.20, 
i;  16.7-9;  11-12;  21-35. 

senatus-consulta,  engraved  on  bronze, 
12.  53,  5  ;  for  deification  of  Clau- 
dius, 12.  69,  4;  13.  2,  6;  for  con- 


506 


INDEX  I 


ferring  the  empire  on  Nero,  12. 69, 
3;  for  awarding  honours  to  the 
emperor,  11.25,7;  13.  8,  i  ;  41,  5  ; 

14.  12,  1-2;    15.  73-4;  16.  4,  i; 

12.  3  ;  to  members  of  the  imperial 
family,  12.  9,  2  ;  25,  3,  foil. ;  41,  2  ; 

13.  2,  6;  15.  23,  1-4;  16.  21,  2; 
to  other  persons  {see  also  insignia 
consularia,  praetoria,  quaestoria, 
triumphalia,  ovatio,  supplica- 
tiones) ;  for  legalising  marriage  of 
uncle  and  niece,  12.7,  3  ;  unlawful 
religions  ;  against  rapacity  or  fraud 
of  advocates,  13.  5,  I  ;  14.  41,  3  ; 
for  admitting  Gauls  to  the  senate, 
II.  25,  I  ;  on  haruspices,  11.15,3; 
on  various  other  matters,  11. 38, 4 ; 
12.23,  3;  53,  I ;  60,  2;  13.5,  I  ; 

15.  19,  5;  22,2. 

Seneca  (L.)  Annaeus,  equestrian  and 
provincial  origin  of,  14. 53,  5  ;  exile 
of,  and  its  cause,  alluded  to,  13. 
42,  3-5  ;  recalled,  and  made  in- 
structor of  Nero  and  praetor,  12. 
8,  3  ;  shares  with  Burrus  the  chief 
influence  over  Nero,  13.  2,  i ;  com- 
poses his  speeches,  13.  3,  2  ;  11,2; 

14.  II,  4;  works  against  Agrip- 
pina,  13.  5,  3  ;  12,  2  ;  14.  2,  2  ; 
how  far  cognisant  of  her  murder, 

14.  7,  2-4 ;  acquires  vast  wealth 
and  property,  13.  42,  6  ;  14.  52, 2  ; 
53,  6  ;  invective  of  Suillius  against, 
13.  42,  I, foil. ;  loses  influence  and 
becomes  liable  to  attack  after  the 
death  of  Burrus,  14.  52,  i,  foil.; 
offers  to  resign  his  property  to 
Nero,  14.  53-4 ;  avoids  all  dis- 
play in  life,  14.  56,  8  ;  accused  of 
intimacy  with  C.  Piso,  14.  65,  2; 
offends  Nero,  15.  23,  6;  retires 
further  into  privacy  and  is  said 
to  have  escaped  a  plot  to  poison 
him,  15.  45,  5  ;  is  denounced 
by  Natalis  as  a  conspirator,  15. 
56,  2 ;  receives  the  charge  and 
makes  answer  to  it,  15.  60,  3-8  ; 
enforced  suicide  and  last  moments 
of,  15.  61-4;  said  to  have  been 
contemplated  by  some  of  the  con- 
spirators for  the  imperial  dignity, 

15.  65. 

Senecio,  Claudius,  a  friend  of  Nero, 
13.  12,  I ;  afterwards  a  conspirator, 
15*  5o>  I  »  denounces  others,  15. 
56,  4;  S7i  4;  put  to  death,  15. 
70,2. 


Senones,  capture  and  burning  of 
Rome  by  the,  15.  41,  3  (cp.  11.  24, 

9). 
Septentrio,  the  north  of  Europe,  13. 

53,3. 
Serenus,  Annaeus,  a  friend  of  Seneca, 

13.  13,  I. 

servi,  vast  numbers  of,  in  Rome,  14. 
43j  5 ;  44)  4  ;  liable  to  indiscrimi- 
nate execution  in  case  of  the  mur- 
der of  their  master  by  one  of  them, 
13.  32,  I  ;  14.  42,  2,  foil. 

Servilia,  daughter  of  Soranus,  ac- 
cused with  him  on  a  charge  of 
magic,  16. 30,  2 — 31,  3  ;  compelled 
to  suicide,  16.  33,  2. 

Serviliae  leges,  the,  12.  60,  4. 

Serviliani  horti,  the,  15.  55,  i. 

Servilius,  M.  (Nonianus),  death  of, 
and  eminence  as  a  historian,  14. 
19. 

Servius  Tullius,  laws  of,  12.  8,  2  ; 
temple  founded  by,  15.  41,  i. 

—  see  Orfitus. 

Severus,  the  architect  of  Nero,  15. 
42,  I. 

—  Alledius,  a  knight,  12.  7,  4. 

—  Curtius,  an  officer,  12.  55,  2. 

—  Verulanus,  a  legatus  legionis,  14. 
26,  I  ;  15.  3,  I. 

Sextia,  put  to  death  with  L.  Vetus, 

16.  10,  I,  foil. 
Sextius :  see  Africanus. 
Sibulla,  books  of  the  prophecies  of 

the,  15.  44,  I. 
sicariis,  lex  de,  13.  44,  9. 
Sicilia,  senators  allowed  to  visit,  12. 

23,  I. 

Sido,  a  Suebian  prince,  12.  29,  2; 
made  king,  12.  30,  3. 

signum  (tessera),  the,  given  by  the 
princeps  to  the  praetorians,  13.  2,  5. 

Silana,  lunia,  wife  of  C.  Silius,  di- 
vorced by  him  for  Messalina,  11. 
12,  2  ;  13.  19,  2  ;  gets  up  an  ac- 
cusation against  Agrippina,  13.  19, 
2;  21,  3  ;  is  banished,  13.  22,  3  ; 
dies  in  exile,  14.  12,  7. 

Silanus,  App.  lunius,  death  of,  under 
Claudius  alluded  to,  11.  29,  I. 

—  D.  lunius  Torquatus,  consul,  12. 
58,  I  ;  compelled  to  suicide,  15. 
35,  2-5. 

—  L.  lunius,  betrothed  to  Octavia, 
12.  3,  2 ;  accused  by  L.  Vitellius 
and  expelled  from  the  senate,  12. 
4,  4  ;  committed  suicide,  12.  8,  I. 


HISTORICAL  INDEX  TO   THE  TEXT 


507 


Silanus,  L.  (lunius),  pupil  of  C. 
Cassius,  regarded  as  dangerous, 
15.  52,  3;  accused,  exiled,  and 
put  to  death,  16.  7-9. 

—  (M.)  lunius,  great-great-grandson 
of  Augustus,  murder  of,  13.  1,1, 
foil. 

Silia,  a  mistress  of  Nero,  exiled,  16. 

20,  I. 
Silius,  C,  statue  of,  prohibited  to  his 

family,  n.  35,  2. 

—  C,  son  of  the  above,  consul 
designate, attacks  Suillius,  11.  5,  3  ; 
6,  I ;  extraordinary  passion  of  Mes- 
salina  for,  11.  12,  2-4;  urges  her 
to  marriage,  11.  26,  i,foll. ;  cele- 
brates his  marriage,  11.  27  ;  holds 
a  vintage  festival  with  her,  11.  31, 
5  ;  is  arrested  and  executed,  11.  32, 

2;  35.4. 

—  see  Nerva. 

Silvanus,  Gavius,  an  officer  of  Nero 
and  conspirator,  15.  50,  3  ;  sent  to 
interrogate  Seneca  and  to  com- 
mand his  suicide,  15.  60,  6;  61,  6; 
commits  suicide,  15.  71,  4. 

—  Pompeius,  proconsul  of  Africa,  13. 
52,1. 

Silus,  Domitius,  15.  59,  9. 

Silures,  the,  in  Bntain,  12.32,  4;  33, 
.1;  38,3;  39j  4;  40,2;  14.  29,  I. 

Simbruini  colles,  the,  11. 13,  2  ;  lakes 
(stagna)  in,  14.  22,  4. 

Simonides,  said  to  have  invented 
letters,  11.  14,  3. 

simulacra,  Apollo,  12.  22,  i  ;  luno, 
15.  44,  I  ;  Minerva,  14.  12,  i ;  Vic- 
toria, 14.  32,  I  :  see  statuae. 

Sindes,  the,  an  Eastern  river,  il.  10, 

3- 
Sinuessa   (Mandragone),  waters  at, 

12.  66,  I. 
Siraci,  the,  near  Bosporus,  12.  15, 

2  ;  16,  3. 
societates  :  see  publicani. 
Sofonius  :  see  Tigellinus. 
Sohaemus,  king  of  the  Ituraei,  12. 

23,  2. 

—  made  king  of  Sophene,  13.  7,  2. 
Sol,  temple  of,  in  Rome,  15.  74,  i. 
somnia,  record  of,  11.  4,  3;   16.  i,  i. 
Sophene,  adjoining  Armenia,  13.  7, 

2. 
Soranus  :  see  Barea. 
sors,  the,  in  assigning  functions  to 

magistrates,  13.  29,  i. 
Sosianus,  Antistius,  rebuked  for  his 


conduct  as  trib.  pi.,  13.  28,  i  ;  ac- 
cused of  maiestas  while  praetor, 
14.  48,  I,  foil. ;  16.  21,  2  ;  while  in 
exile  accuses  others,  and  is  brought 
back,  16.  14, 1-5. 

Sosibius,  the  instructor  of  Britan- 
nicus,  II.  I,  2  ;  4,  6. 

Soza,  in  Dandarica,  12.  16,  2. 

spadones,  at  the  imperial  court,  12. 
66,  5  ;  14.  59,  3. 

Spartacus,  alluded  to,  15.  46,  I. 

Spartani,  the  :  see  Lacedaemonii. 

Statilia :  see  Messalina. 

Statilius  :  see  Taurus. 

Statins,  Annaeus,  a  friend  and 
physician  of  Seneca,  15.  64,  3. 

—  Domitius,  an  officer,  15.  71,  5. 

—  Proximus,  an  officer,  15.  50,  3  ;  60, 

2;  71,4. 
Stator,  temple  of  luppiter,  15.  41,  i. 
statuae  (or  effigies),  of  Nero,  13.  8, 

i;  14.  12,  I  ;   15.22,3;    29,  5  ;  of 

Octavia   and  Poppaea,  14.  61,  I  ; 

those  of  Nero  not  allowed  by  him 

to  be  of  gold  or  silver,  13.  10,  i ; 

prohibition  or  destruction  of  those 

of  persons  condemned,  11.  35,  2  ; 

38,4;  16.7,3. 
Stoica  secta,  the,  16.  32,  3 ;  alleged 

arrogance  of,  14.  57,  5  ;  16.  22,  7. 
Strabo,  Acilius,  a  senator,  14.  18,  2. 
Sublaqueum  (Subiaco),  villa  of  Nero 

at,  14.  22,  4. 
Subrius:  see  Flavus. 
Suebi,  the,  of  Germany,  12.  29,  I. 
Suetonius :  see  Paulinus. 
Sugambri,  the,    of    Germany,     12. 

39,4. 
Suillius,  M.,  consul,  12.  25,  i. 

—  P.  (Rufus),  accuses  Asiaticus,  il. 

I,  I ;  2,  I  ;  and  others,  11.  4,  i  ; 
5,  1-2  ;  attacked  for  taking  fees, 

II.  6,  I,  5  ;  again  accused  and 
banished,  13.  42-3. 

—  see  Caesoninus,  Nerullinus  (sons 
of  the  above). 

Sulla,  Faustus,  consul,  12.  52,  i ;  false 
charge  against,  13.  23,  i  ;  exiled, 
13.  47 ;  put  to  death,  14.  57  ; 
motion  with  regard  to,  14.  59,  6. 

—  L.  (Cornelius),  the  dictator, 
assisted  by  the  Byzantians,  12.  62, 
2  ;  judicial  regulations  made  by, 
II.  22,  9;  12.60,4;  extends  the 
pomerium,  12.  23,  5. 

Sulpicius :  see  Asper,  Camerinus, 
Rufus. 


5o8 


INDEX  I 


suovetaurilia :  see  lustratio. 
superstitiones  extemae,   general  re- 
ference to,  II.  15,  I  ;  13.  32,  3- 
supplicationes,  decreed  for  victory, 

13.  41,  5;  for  punishment  of  al- 
leged treason,  14. 12,  i ;  59,  6 ;  64,  5  ; 
15.  17,  I ;  for  other  events,  15.23,3. 

Suria,  province  of,  12.  23,  2  ;  15.  9, 
2;  17,  2;  governors  of,  11.  10,  i  ; 
12.  II,  4;  45,  6  ;  13.  22,  2;  14.  26, 
4  ;  15.  25,  3  ;  military  force  of,  12. 
55,  2;  13.  8,  2;  15.  3.  2;  6,  5; 
26,  I. 

Syphax,  led  in  triumph  by  Scipio,  12. 

38,  I. 
Syracusani,    the,    gladiatorial    show 
given  by,  13.  49>  i- 

tabulae  plumbeae  :  see  devotiones. 

—  publicae  (records),  custody  of  the, 
13.28,5. 

Tacitus,  mention  of  himself  by,  li. 

11,2-3. 
Tamesas  (Thames),  the,  14.  32,  2. 
Tanais  (Don),  the,  12.  17,  3. 
Tarentum,  14.  12,  7  ;  colonists  sent 

to,  14.  27,  3*. 
Tarquitius  :  see  Crescens,  Priscus. 
Tatius,  T.,  king  of  the  Sabines,  12. 

24,3- 
Taunus,  the  hilly  tract  of,  in  Germany, 

12.  28,  I. 
Tauranitium  regio,  the,  in  Armenia, 

14.  24,  4. 

Tauri,  the,  in  the  Crimea,  12.  17,  4. 
Taurus,  Mt.,  12.  49,  4  ;  15.  8,  i  ;  10, 

—  Statilius,  destroyed  by  Agrippina, 
12.  59,  1-3;  14.46,  I. 

Telesinus,  Luccius,  consul,   16.  14,  i. 

templum:  j^^  Apollo,  Ceres,  Claudius, 
Diana,  Fecunditas,Fortuna,  luppi- 
ter,  Luna,  Mars,  Minerva,  Nero, 
Salus,  Sol,  Venus,  Vesta. 

Tencteri,  the,  in  Germany,  13.  56,  4. 

Terentius :  see  Lentinus. 

terrae  motus,  mention  of,  in  Italy, 

12.  43,  I  ;  15.  22,  4;  in  Asia,  12. 
58,2;  14.27,  I. 

tetrarchae,  in  the  East,  15.  25,  6. 
theatrum,  the,  disturbances   in,   11. 

13,  i;  13.  24,  I  ;  25,  4:  see  Nea- 
polis,  Pompeius 

Thermus,  Minucius,  16.  20,  2. 
Thraecia,  war  under  Claudius  in,  12. 

63,3. 
Thrasea  Paetus,  bom  at  Patavium, 


16.  21,  I ;  speaks  on  a  trivial 
matter,  13.  49,  i,foll. ;  takes  part 
in  the  trial  of  Cossutianus  Capito, 
16.  21,  3  ;  leaves  the  senate  in  the 
debate  after  Agrippina's  murder, 
14.  12,  2  ;  16.  21, 1  ;  independence 
of,  at  the  trial  of  Antistius,  14.  48, 
5,  foil.;  49,  I,  5;  speaks  against 
votes  of  thanks  from  provinces  to 
governors,  15.  20-1  ;  forbidden  to 
meet  Nero,  15.  23,  5  ;  16.  24,  i  ; 
absent  from  senate  at  the  dei- 
fication of  Poppaea,  16.  21,  2  ;  and 
during  three  years  continuously, 
16.  22, 1  ;  accused  and  tried  before 
the  senate  and  ordered  to  die,  16. 

21-35- 

Thurii,  14.  21,  2. 

Tiberis,  the,  15.  18,  2  ;  42,  2. 

Tiberius :  see  Alexander. 

—  Claudius  Nero,  subsequent  allu- 
sion to  his  craft,  11.  3,  2  ;  his  epi- 
gram on  Custius  Rufus,  11.  21,  3 ; 
Claudius  omits  name  of,  12.  il,  i  ; 
his  vigour  of  speech,  13.  3,  5. 

Tibur  (Tivoli),  family  of  Rubellius 
Blandus  from,  14.  22,  4. 

Tigellinus,  Sofonius,  father-in-law  of 
Cossutianus  Capito,  14.  48,  2 ;  be- 
comes praef.  praet.,  14.  51,  5  ;  wins 
Nero's  favour  by  profligacy,  14.  51, 
6  ;  15.  50,  4  ;  59,  3  ;  and  by  work- 
ing upon  his  fears,  14.  57,  i,  foil.; 
constantly  prompts  him  to  cruelty, 
15.  50,4;  61,4;  presides  at  tor- 
ture, 14.  66,  4;  15.  58,  3;  fire 
broke  out  on  property  of,  15. 40,  3  ; 
entertains  Nero  at  a  profligate 
feast,  15.  37,  2,  foil.;  rewarded  by 
gift  of  triumphalia  and  a  statue,  15. 
72,  2 ;  receives  gifts  by  will  from 
those  put  to  death,  16.  17,6;  19, 
5  ;  procures  the  death  of  Minucius 
Thermus,  16.  20,  2. 

Tigranes  (V),  sent  by  Nero  as  king 
of  Armenia,  14.  26,  i  ;  pursues  an 
aggressive  policy,  15.  i,  2  ;  2,  5  ;  is 
besieged  in  Tigranocerta,  15.  4, 
1-6;  5,4;  24,2;  apparently  with- 
drawn by  agreement,  15.  6,  I. 

Tigranocerta,  in  Armenia,  on  the 
Nicephorius,  15.4,  3  ;  thirty-seven 
miles  from  Nisibis,  15.  5,  2;  sur- 
rendered to  the  Parthians,  12.  50, 
2 ;  afterwards  marched  upon  and 
entered  by  Corbulo,  14.  23,  i  ;  24, 
6 ;     occupied    by    Tigranes    (see 


HISTORICAL  INDEX  TO   THE  TEXT 


509 


above) ;  left  neutral,  15.  5,  5  ;  6,  2; 
attempt  of  Paetus  to  reach,  15. 
8,1. 

Tigris,  the,  12.  13,  i. 

Timarchus,  Claudius,  a  rich  Cretan, 
15.  20,  I. 

Tiridates,  brother  of  Vologeses,  drives 
Radamistus  out  of  Armenia,  12. 
50,  I  ;  51,  5 ;  championed  by 
Vologeses,  13.  34,  4  ;  attacked  and 
driven  out  by  Corbulo,  13.  2)7 i  i> 
6j  38,  2,  7;  39,  I  ;  40;  41,  I,  2; 
tries  in  vain  to  return,  14.  26,  I  ; 
brought  back  and  crowned  by 
Vologeses,  15.  i,  i,  5  ;  2,  1-5  ; 
consents  to  do  homage  to  Nero, 
15.  24,  3  ;  is  required  to  go  to 
Rome,  15.  25,  4;  confers  with 
Corbulo,  does  homage  in  camp, 
and  prepares  for  the  journey,  15. 
27,  2;  28-31;  arrives  in  Rome, 
16.23,3;  24,  I. 

Titius :  see  Proculus. 

Torquatus :  see  Silanus. 

Transpadani,  ci vitas  given  to  the,  li. 

24,  3- 
Trapezus  (Trebizond),  13.  39,  i. 
Traulus  :  see  Montanus. 
Trebellius :  see  Maximus. 
tribuni   plebei,   intercession    of,    16. 

26,6. 
tribus,  the  people  arranged  in,  14. 

13,  2  ;  freedmen  in,  13.  27,  2. 
tributa,  13.  50,  3;  51,3. 
Trinovantes,  the,  in  Britain,  14.  31, 

4- 

triumphalia  insignia,  award  of,  11. 

20,  2;    12.  3,  2;   28,  2;    38,  2; 

15.  72,  2;  made  common  by 
Claudius  and  Nero,  ii.  20,  5  ;  13. 

53,  I. 
Trogus :  see  Saufeius. 
Troia,  11.14,  3;  12.58,1;  15-39,3; 

16.  21, 1  {see  Ihum) ;  game  of,  11. 
11,5. 

tropaeum,  erected,  15.  18,  i. 
Troxoboris,  a  Cilician  chief,  12.  55, 

1,3- 
Tubantes,  the,  in  Germany,  13.  55, 

5 ;  56, 5. 

Tuberones,  the,  12.  i,  3;  in  Repub- 
lican times,  16.  22,  7. 
Tullinus,  Volcatius,  a  senator,    16. 

TuHius  :  see  Geminus,  Servius. 
Tullus  Hostilius,  some  laws  ascribed 
to,  12.  8,  2. 


tumulus,  the,  of  the  Caesars  (mauso- 
leum of  Augustus),  13.  15,  2  ;  16. 
6,2. 

Turpilianus,   Petronius,    consul,   14. 

29,  I  ;  legatus  of  Britain,  14.  39, 4; 
receives  triumphalia,  15.  72,  2. 

Turranius,   C,  praefectus  annonae, 

II.  31,  I. 
Tusci,  the,  hostages  once  given  to, 

11.  24,  9;  actors  introduced  from, 
14.  21,  2. 

Tusculum,  the  Porcii  from,  11. 24, 2  ; 

district  of,  14.  3,  i. 
Tuscus :  see  Caecina. 
Tyrus,  flight  of  Dido  from,  16.  i,  3. 

Ubii,  the,  received  into  submission 
by  Agrippa,  12.  27,  2  ;  suffers  from 
spontaneous  fires,  13.  57,  5-7; 
becomes  a  colony  (Koln)  in  honour 
of  Agrippina,  12.  27,  i. 

Ummidius :  see  Quadratus. 

Urbicus,  Pompeius,  put  to  death,  11. 
35,6. 

Usipetes,  the,  in  Germany,  13.  55,  5  ; 

56,5- 
Uspe,  a  town  of  the  Siraci,  12.  16, 

3-17,  2. 

Valens,  Manlius,  legatus  legionis  in 
Britain,  12.  40,  i. 

—  Vettius,  a  favourite  of  Messalina, 
11.31,6;  35,6. 

Valerius :  see  Asiaticus,  Capito, 
Fabianus,  Messala,  Ponticus, 
Potitus. 

Vangio,  a  Suebic  prince,  12.  29,  2  ; 

30,  4- 

Vangiones,  auxiliary  troops  from  the, 

12.  27,  3. 

Vannius,  a   Quadian,  expelled,   12. 

29-30- 
Vardanes,  supplants  Gotarzes  as  kmg 
of  Parthia,  li.  8,  3  ;  at  war  with 
him,  II.  8,  6;  reigns  by  agree- 
ment, II.  9,  5;  regains  Seleucia, 
II.  9,  6;  threatens  Syria,  11.  10,  i  ; 
again  at  war  with  Gotarzes,  11.  10, 
2-4 ;  murdered  by  his  subjects, 
leaving  a  great  reputation,  11.  10, 

—  son  of  Vologeses,  rebels  against 
him,  13.  7,  2. 

Variana  clades,  12.  27,  4. 
Varro,  Cingonius,  a  senator,  14. 45,  4. 
Varus,  Arrius,  an  officer  of  Corbulo, 
13-  9,  3. 


5IO 


INDEX  I 


Varus,  Lurius,  restored  to  the  senate, 
13.  32,  2. 

—  Quintilius,  allusions  to  the  defeat 
of,  12.  27,  4. 

Vasaces,  a  Parthian  noble,  15.  14,  2. 

Vaticana  vallis,  the,  14.  14,  4. 

Vatinius,  a  courtier  of  Nero,  gladia- 
torial show  given  by,  15.  34,  2, 
foil. 

vectigalia,  the,  13.  31,  3  ;  Nero  con- 
templates the  abolition  of,  13.  50, 
I  ;  and  makes  regulations  respect- 
ing, 13.  51,  I,  foil. ;  15.  18,  4. 

Vedius  :  see  Pollio. 

Veianius:  see  Niger. 

Veiento,  Fabricius,  banished  for  a 
libel,  14.  50. 

Veneti,  the,  11.  23,  4. 

Venetus :  see  Paulus. 

Ventidius :  see  Cumanus. 

Venus,  temples  of,  Genetrix,  16.  27, 
I. 

Venutius,  a  chief  of  the  Brigantes, 
12.  40,  3-5. 

Veranius,  Q.,  consul,  12.  5,  I ;  legatus 
of  Britain,  14.  29,  i. 

Vergilianus  :  see  luncus. 

Verginius  :  see  Flavus,  Rufus. 

Verritus,  a  Frisian,  13.  54,  2-6. 

Verulamium,  destroyed,  14.  33,  4. 

Verulanus :  see  Severus. 

Vespasianus,  in  peril  under  Nero,  16. 

5,5. 

Vesta,  temple  of,  15.  36,  3 ;  41,  i. 

Vestales,  the,  li.  32,  5. 

Vestinus  :  see  Atticus. 

Vettius :  see  Bolanus,  Valens. 

Vettonianus :  see  Funisulanus. 

Vetus,  L.  Antistius,  consul,  13.  Ii, 
I  ;  legatus  of  Upper  Germany,  13. 
53,  2-4  ;  urges  his  son-in-law  Ru- 
bellius  Plautus  to  resist,  14.  58, 
3-5  ;  proconsul  of  Asia,  16.  10,  2  ; 
forced  to  suicide,  16.  lo-ii. 

via  :  see  Flaminia,  Ostiensis. 

viatores,  of  tribunes,  seats  of,  in 
theatre,  16.  12,  2. 

Vibia,  wife  of  Camillus  the  conspira- 
tor, 12.  52,  I. 

Vibidia,  chief  Vestal  virgin,  inter- 
cedes for   Messalina,   11.  32,   5  ; 

34,5. 
Vibilius,  king  of   Hermunduri,   12. 

29,2. 
Vibius :    see  Crispus,   Marsus,    Se- 

cundus. 
Vibullius,  a  praetor,  13.  28,  i. 


vicensima  quinta,  duty  on   sale    of 

slaves,  13.  3i>  3- 
Victoria,  statue  of,  at  Camulodunum, 

14.  32,  I. 
Vienna  (Vienne),  m  Gaul,  11.  i,  2. 
Vindex,  lulius,  allusion  to  the  rising 

of,  15.  74,  2. 
vindicta,  manumission  by,  13.  27,  4. 
Vinicianus,    Annius,    son-in-law    of 

Corbulo,  15.28,  4. 
Vinicius  :  see  Rufinus. 
Vipsanius  :  see  Agrippa,  Laenas. 
Vipstanus,  C.,  consul,  14.  i,  i. 

—  L.,  consul,  II.  23,  I ;  25,  7. 
Vitellius,    A.    (afterwards   emperor), 

consul,  II.  23,  I ;  shows  servility 
and    timidity  in  the    senate,  14. 

49,  I. 

—  L.,  father  of  the  above,  three  times 
consul,  14.  56,  I ;  censor,  12.  4,  i  ; 
motions  of,  in  senate,  11.  4,  6; 
helps  Messalina  to  destroy  Asiati- 
cus,  II.  2, 4  ;  3,  I,  2  ;  with  Claudius 
at  Ostia,  11.33,  3;  34,  I ;  35,  i  ; 
helps  to  bring  about  the  marriage 
with  Agrippina  and  the  dissolution 
of  betrothal  between  Silanus  and 
Octavia,  12.  4-6;  accused  and  ac- 
quitted, 12.  42,  4. 

Volandum,  in  Armenia,  13.  39,  2. 

Volcanus,  supplication  to,  15.  44,  I. 

Vologeses,  king  of  Parthia,  12. 14,  8  ; 
reigns  by  concession  of  his  brothers, 
12.  44,  2 ;    invades  Armenia,   12. 

50,  I  ;  withdraws,  12.  50,  3  ;  drawn 
away  by  rebellion  of  his  son,  13.  7, 
2;  gives  hostages,  13.  9,  1-2; 
again  supports  his  brother  Tiri- 
dates,  13.  34,  4;  37,  i;  but  is 
hampered  by  a  Hyrcanian  rebel- 
lion, 13.37,6;  14.25,2;  15.  I,  i; 
2,  5  ;  crowns  Tiridates,  15.2;  pre- 
pares to  attack  Syria,  15.  3,  2; 
treats  with  Corbulo,  15.  5-6 ;  sends 
an  embassy  to  Rome,  15.  7,  i ; 
attacks  Paetus,  15.  9,  2 ;  10,  5 ; 
II,  I ;  13,  I  ;  forces  him  to  capitu- 
late, 15.  13-16;  again  retreats  be- 
fore Corbulo,  15.  17,  4;  sends 
again  to  Rome,  15.  24,  i ;  again 
treats    with    Corbulo,    15.  28,  i; 

31,  I. 
Volusius,  L.,  12.  22,  2  ;  death  and 
great    wealth    of,   13.    30,  4;    14. 
56,  I. 

—  Q.,  consul,  13.  25, 1 ;  holds  census 
in  Gaul,  14.  46,  2. 


I 


HISTORICAL  INDEX  TO   THE  TEXT 


5" 


Volusius :  see  Proculus. 
Vonones  (II),  king  of  Media,  after- 
wards of  Parthia,  12.  10,    I  ;    14, 

7. 
vota,  the  annual,  16.  22,  I. 
Vulcatius  or  Volcatius  :  see  Araricus, 

Tullinus. 
Vulsci,  the,  allusion  to  the  wars  with, 

11.24,8. 


Xenophon,  the  physician  of  Claudius, 
12.  61,  2  ;  assists  to  poison  him, 
12.  67,  2. 

Zenobia,  wife  of  Radamistus,  12.  51. 
Zeugma,  crossing  of  the  Euphrates 

at,  12.  12,  3. 
Zorsines,  king  of  the  Siraci,  12.   15, 

2  ;  17,  3  ;  19, 3- 


INDEX    II 


INDEX   TO   THE   INTRODUCTION,   APPENDICES 
AND  NOTES 


In  this  Index  the  references  in  square  brackets  are  to  the  pages  of  the 
Introduction  ;  the  remainder  to  pages  of  the  Appendices  and  Notes. 


Acta  principum,  annua]  oath  to  main- 
tain, 1 66,  455,  456. 

—  senatus,  414. 

Acte,   mistress  of  Nero,   legend    of 

Christianity  of,  166. 
adoption,  various  forms  of,  91. 
adultery,  penalties  of,  195. 
advocates,  checks  on  extortion  and 

dishonesty  of,  7,  158,  285. 
aediles,  functions  of,  190. 
Aedui,  in   Gaul,  importance  of  the, 

36. 
aerarium  populi,  regulations  respect- 
ing the,  191,  194,  219,  340;  gifts 

to,  193,  340. 
Agrippa,  Herodes  I,  relations  of,  to 

Gains  and  Claudius,  [6],  [10],  [29], 

86. 

—  Herodes  II,  later  life  of,  161. 

—  M.  retirement  of,  297  ;  Campus 
and  buildings  of,  361,  365. 

Agrippina,  mother  of  Nero,  ante- 
cedents of,  before  her  marriage 
with  Claudius,  [43]  ;  career  of,  as 
wife  of  Claudius,  [43-5],  [47] ;  as- 
cendancy and  actions  of,  in  the 
early  years  of  Nero,  [53-5],  159, 
176;  honours  and  privileges  award- 
ed to,  92,  113;  schemes  imputed 
to,  [40],  [42]  ;  plea  in  justification 
of  the  murder  of,  examined,  [63-4]. 

alliances,  barbarian  mode  of  ratify- 
ing, 119. 

alphabet,  history  of  the,  in  the  an- 
cient world  and  in  Greece  and 
Italy,  20-1. 

Andedrigus,  in  Britain,  evidence  of 
coins  respecting,  [138]. 

Annals,  probable  length  of  the,  when 
complete,  484. 


Antonius,  M.,  schemes  of  Eastern 
empire  formed  by,  [98]. 

aqueduct,  the  Claudian,  18-19 1  Mar- 
cian,  262. 

arae  and  altaria,  distinction  between, 
467. 

aristocratic  families,  survival  of  old 
and  addition  of  new,  under  the 
Empire,  36-7,  175. 

Armenia  maior,  geography  of,  [i  10] ; 
chronology  of  the  kings  of,  [96-7] ; 
inclination  of  the  people  of,  to  the 
Parthians,  [103];  courses  open  to 
Rome  in  dealing  with,  [102]  ;  fluc- 
tuations of  Roman  policy  respect- 
ing, [100],  [102],  [104],  [107],  [125]. 

Armenia  minor,  kingdom  or,  created 
by  Gains,  12,  162. 

Artabanus,  probable  duration  of 
reign  of,  [97],  [105]. 

Augusta,  title  of,  [44].  92. 

Augustus,  policy  of  intrigue  adopted 
by,  in  the  East,  99,  foil. ;  had  prob- 
ably formed  no  serious  intention 
of  invading  Britain,  [127],  [128]  ; 
oratorical  gifts  of,  163. 

Aventine,  the,  outside  the  pomerium 
till  the  time  of  Claudius,  87. 

banishment,  degrees  of  severity  of, 

114. 
Boduni,  the,  in  Britain,  difficulty  of, 

identifying,  [134]. 
Bosporus,  extent  of  the  kingdom  of, 

Boudicca,  description  of,  [143]  ;  dif- 
ferent forms  and  probable  meaning 
of  the  name  of,  272. 

Britain,  probable  reasons  for  occupy- 
ing, [127],  [129],  [130]  ;   inaction 


INTRODUCTION,  APPENDICES,   NOTES 


513 


of  Augustus  and  Tiberius  respect- 
ing, [127-9] ;  apparent  intention  of 
Gaius  to  attack,  [8],  [17],  [129]; 
force  employed  for  invasion  of,  and 
probable  route  taken  in,  [131-7] ; 
probable  limits  of  conquered  terri- 
tory in,  at  various  dates  in  this 
period  [138],  [141],  [147];  posi- 
tions probably  occupied  at  an  early 
time  in  [148]. 

Britannicus,  date  of  birth  of,  91  ; 
alleged  qualities  of,  92,  112  ;  evid- 
ence as  to  the  poisoning  of,  [60], 
172,  173- 

buflfoons,  employment  of,  in  the  im- 
perial court,  122,  358. 

Caeles  Vibenna,  forms  of  the  legend 
respecting,  57. 

calumnia,  penalties  of,  285. 

Camillus,  conspiracy  of,  against 
Claudius,  [11],  [40]. 

Camulodunum,  occupation  of,  and 
events  at,  [129],  [142],  [144],  [147], 
loi ;  situation  of,  perhaps  mistaken 

•     by  Tacitus,  274. 

Caratacus,  form  and  meaning  of  the 
name  of,  [loi];  achievements  of, 
[133],  [139],  [140]. 

Caucasus,  expedition  intended  by 
Nero  beyond  the,  [89],  [125]. 

censorship,  revival  of  actual  office  of, 
by  Claudius,  [36],  18. 

census  in  provinces,  60. 

Chatti,  the,  rising  of  under  Claudius, 
[32]. 

Chauci,  the,  rising  of  under  Claudius, 
[32]  ;  maiores  and  minores,  25. 

Cherusci,  the,  decadence  of,  [32]. 

childlessness  and  celibacy,  social  in- 
fluence of,  209-10. 

Christians,  the,  strong  feeling  of  Taci- 
tus against,  416-17  ;  believed  by 
him  to  be  gr^ilty  of  abominations, 
374,  421  ;  but  not  of  the  fire,  374, 
376;  must  have  been  known  by 
this  name  to  his  authorities,  420-1 ; 
and  already  becoming  distin- 
guished from  Jews,  419,  420 ;  al- 
leged vast  number  of,  probably  a 
rhetorical  exaggeration,  375,  421  ; 
other  notices  of  or  prolDable  allu- 
sions to  this  persecution  of,  besides 
Tacitus,  421-4;  circumstances  per- 
haps taken  to  point  suspicion  to, 
426  ;  subsequent  persecution  of,  in 
provinces  and  at  Rome,  423,  427  ; 


*  damnatio  ad  bestias  *  of,  perhaps 
not  common  in  first  century,  424. 

Cilicia,  part  of  the  province  of  Syria, 
afterwards  separate,  196-7  ;  j^etty 
kingdoms  remaining  in,  130. 

civic  crown,  given  by  the  princeps, 
.332. 

civitas,  the,  gained  through  the 
*Latinitas,'  356;  extension  of,  under 
Claudius  [33] ;  often  bought,  [39]  ; 
originally  in  general  given  in  Gaul 
*sine  suffragio,'  32. 

Claudius,  life  of,  under  Augustus, 
Tiberius,  and  Gaius,  [19-22] ; 
great  difficulties  to  be  settled  by, 
at  his  accession,  [24-6] ;  Augustan 
constitution  restored  and  modified 
by,  [26-9] ;  various  troubles  in  pro- 
vinces and  vassal  kingdoms  dis- 
creetly dealt  with  by,  [29-34]  ; 
summary  of  events  of  first  six 
years  of,  [9-14] ;  defects  in  rule  of, 
arising  from  pedantry  and  vanity, 
[36-8] ;  and  from  the  ascendancy 
of  his  freedmen  and  his  wives, 
[38-40]  ;  leading  to  great  corrup- 
tion, [39]  ;  and  to  many  cruelties, 
[40-1],  [47-8] ;  description  and  ex- 
emplification of  oratory  of,  54-60, 
157;  writings  of,  156;  will  of,  149; 
character  of,  how  far  misconceived 
by  Tacitus  and  other  historians, 
[45-^] ;  apotheosis  of,  hardly  taken 
seriously,  155. 

clientela,  character  of,  under  the 
principate,  [92],  [95]. 

colonies,  founded  by  Claudius,  [33]  ; 
by  Nero,  [90]. 

comets,  belief  respecting,  260. 

comitatus  principis,  the,  44 ;  of 
Nero,  [63]. 

*  commendation  *  of  candidates  by  the 
princeps,  58. 

concilium  principis,  the,  [89],  32,219, 
348,411. 

conspiracies,  prolonged  severities 
consequent  on  the  suppression  of, 
[40],  [78]. 

consul-designate,  position  of  the,  m 
the  senate,  7,  127,  292. 

consuls,  survival  of  judicial  powers 
of,  158;  appeal  to,  from  jurisdiction 
of  tribunes,  189. 

Consus,  worship  of,  89. 

Corbulo,  chronology  of  campaigns  of, 
[111-13],  [115],  200,  338;  lines  of 
march  taken  by,  [113],  [114],  [124]; 


Ll 


514 


INDEX  II 


imperium  proconsulare  probably 
held  by,  349  ;  personal  prominence 
of,  in  the  whole  narrative  of  his 
c^paigns,  [no],  [114],  [n?], 
[123];  movements  of,  probably 
hampered  by  instructions,  [113], 
[124]  ;  conduct  of,  in  some  points 
blameable,  [121],  322,  330,  grandi- 
loquence of,  332,  350,  355  ;  pro- 
bable causes  of  the  fall  of  \Z']\  478. 

corn  supply,  condition  of,  under 
Gaius,  [24] ;  under  Claudius,  [25], 
[46] ;  under  Nero,  339, 340, 366,  spe- 
cially managed  by  the  princeps,  5. 

corn,  price  of,  366. 

Cunobelinus  and  his  femily,  rule  of, 
in  Britain,  [129]. 

Cynic  philosophy,  revival  of,  471. 

debt,  pressure  of,  in  provinces,  [144]. 

Deceangi  (or  Ceangi),  the,  in  Britain, 
evidence  from  pigs  of  lead  respect- 
ing, 99  ;  decuriae  equitum  or  indi- 
cium, 285. 

delatores,  persons  noted  as,  in  the 
last  years  of  Nero,  [86] ;  great 
rewards  of,  6,  470 ;  rhetorical 
licence  of,  exemplified,  [81]. 

Dio  Cassius,  meagre  account  of 
Claudius  in,  [24] ;  more  hostile 
than  Tacitus  to  Nero,  [71],  [75], 
244,  294-5,  314,  363  ;  antipathy  of, 
to  Seneca,  [51],  [64],  275,  400; 
persecution  of  the  Christians  not 
mentioned  by,  421  ;  scanty  and 
inaccurate  account  of  the  Pisonian 
conspiracy  and  other  later  events 
of  the  Neronian  time  in,  [74],  [75], 
[86],  473,  foil.;  full  account  of 
Boudicca  in,  [143]. 

discessio,  discretion  of  consuls  as  to 
permitting,  293. 

domus,  distinguished  from   insulae, 

dreams,  interpretation  of,  5. 
Druids,  the,  measures  taken  against, 
[32],  271. 

eagles  of  the  legions,  sanctity  of  the, 

347. 
eclipse,  chronological  inference  drawn 

from  the  mention  of,  by  Corbulo, 

[112],  207. 
egressio  relationis,  instances  of,   7, 

71-2,  218. 
Egyptian    hieroglyphic    and    other 

writing,  19. 


empire,  the,  extensions  of,  by 
Claudius,  [31],  [33]  ;  by  Nero, 
[90]. 

Epicureanism,  allusion  to  leading 
doctrines  of,  469  ;  decay  of,  [83]. 

equestrian  order,  the,  position  of, 
under  the  principate,  448,  449 ; 
becomes  more  important  under 
Claudius,  [35] ;  under  Nero,  [92] ; 
in  great  part  of  freedman  origin, 
187. 

Euphrates,  the,  points  of  crossing, 
74,  327,  328 ;  upper  branches  of, 
[no]. 

executions  and  suicides,  under  Clau- 
dius, [47] ;  in  the  last  years  of 
Nero,  [75],  [78],  [86]. 

fate,  opinions  of  Tacitus  respecting, 

399- 

Felix,  difficulties  in  the  account  given 
by  Tacitus  of,  128-30. 

fire,  in  Rome,  367 ;  some  exaggera- 
tion in  accounts  of  the  destruc- 
tion caused  by,  under  Nero,  367, 
462. 

fiscus,  the,  perhaps  not  distinct  till 
the  time  of  Claudius  [28],  169 ; 
vectigalia  transferred  to,  219;  cost 
of  com  distribution  taken  over  by, 
339,  340. 

Fortuna,  special  worship  of,  at 
Antium,  346. 

freedmen,  importance  of,  under 
Claudius,  [35-9] ;  under  Nero, 
[92],  186,  187  ;  important  titles  of, 
in  the  imperial  house,  not  allowed 
outside  it,  359 ;  complaints  by 
patrons  of  ingratitude  and  inso- 
lence of,  185  ;  not  allowed  by  law 
to  accuse  patrons,  439. 

friendship,  significance  of  renuncia- 
tion of,  346,  436. 

Frisii,  the,  probably  distinguished  as 
maiores  and  minores,  223. 

Fucinus,  lake,  emissary  of,  131. 

Gaetulicus,  Lentulus,  conspiracy  of, 
[8],  [18]. 

Gaius,  judgement  of  Tacitus  on  early 
life  of,  [14-16] ;  summary  of  events 
in  the  rule  of,  [5-9] ;  allusions  by 
Tacitus  to  actions  of,  [14-16] ; 
designs  of,  against  Germany  and 
Britain,  [8],  [17]  ;  oratorical  vigour 
o^>  \M\  157  ;  general  unsettlement 
caused  by,  [24]. 


I 


INTRODUCTION,   APPENDICES,   NOTES 


5^5 


Galba,  probably  accompanied  Clau- 
dius to  Britain,  [132]  ;  hesitation 
of,  during  the  movement  of  Vindex, 
481-2;  chosen  emperor  by  the 
praetorians  through  Nymphidius, 
482,  483. 

Gaul,  interest  taken  in,  by  Claudius, 

[32],  [35].. 

Germans,  internal  dissensions  of, 
228,  id. ;  sacredgrovesof,  id. ;  sacri- 
fices of,  id. ;  irritation  of,  by  Gaius, 
[17]  ;  repression  of,  and  withdrawal 
from,  by  Claudius,  [32]  ;  encroach- 
ments of,  checked  under  Nero,  [58]. 

gladiators,  permanent  schools  of,  49, 
378  ;  kept  by  provincial  governors, 
194 ;  appearance  of  persons  of 
rank  as,  [68-9]. 

Glevum  (Gloucester),  probable  occu- 
pation, [138]. 

Gotarzes,  chronology  of  the  reign  of, 
[105],  78 ;  inscription  taken  to 
record  a  victory  of,  [106]. 

Greek  games,  Roman  repugnance  to, 
[68],  257. 

hemlock,  use  and  action  of,  as  a 
poison,  402. 

Hercules,  various  worships  identified 
with  that  of,  76-7,  89. 

Horace,  sentiments  of,  respecting  the 
Parthians,  [99],  [100],  [loi] ;  re- 
specting Britain,  [127]. 

houses,  height  of,  371 ;  improvements 
introduced  in  the  rebuilding  of,  id. 

Ilium,  completeness  of  immunity 
given  to,  134. 

imagines  of  ancestors,  those  of  per- 
sons condemned,  how  far  proscribed 
or  tolerated,  48,  436. 

imperator,  title  of,  extravagantly  used 
by  Claudius,  [38]. 

inscriptions,  sometimes  cited  by  Ta- 
citus, 127. 

insulae,  distinguished  from  domus, 

367. 
Isca  Silurum,  occupation  of,  [141], 

lOI. 

Italy,  natural  fertility  of,  115;  sim- 
plicity of  life  and  morals  in,  as 
compared  with  Rome,  433. 

Janus,  temple  of,   closed  by  Nero, 

464. 
Jews,  treatment  of,  under  Gaius,  [7], 

[9]j    [i8]>   128 ;   under    Claudius, 

Ll 


[29]*  [30]*  128-30  ;  great  rebellion 
of,  in  the  last  years  of  Nero,  474-6  ; 
religion  of,  viewed  as  obnoxious 
by  the  writers  of  the  Neronian 
age,  418;  supposed  by  some  to 
have  suffered  in,  by  others  to  have 
instigated,  the  persecution  of  the 
Christians,  419,  425. 

Josephus,  the  chief  authority  on  the 
death  of  Gaius,  [9],  [23];  and  re- 
specting measures  taken  by  Clau- 
dius for  the  Jews,  [23];  balanced 
view  of  Nero  taken  by,  [93],  425  ; 
on  some  points  at  variance  with 
Tacitus,  [18],  128. 

Judaea,  government  of,  ^7,  128-30. 

iudices  selecti,  ancient  controversies 
respecting  the,  [92]. 

judicial  functions  of  the  princeps, 
greatly  increased  under  Claudius, 
{2,7]',  disclaimed,  but  afterwards 
taken  up  again  by  Nero,  [38],  158, 
196,  311,360,  412. 

Julius  Caesar,  expedition  projected 
by,  against  Parthia,  [97]  ;  professed 
object  of,  in  invading  Britain,  [127]; 
testimony  to  the  oratorical  powers 
of,  156. 

jurisprudence,  schools  of,  74. 

Juvenalia,  the,  probably  for  some 
years  a  standing  festival,  251,  454. 

kingdoms,  position  of  the  vassal,  [30], 
[125]. 

Latinitas,  the,  used  as  a  stepping- 
stone  to  the  civitas,  356. 

legions,  the,  additions  to,  [130]. 

lex,  lunia  Norbana,  188. 

literature,  great  revival  of,  after  Ti- 
berius, [92]. 

Livia  Augusta,  permanent,  but  in- 
formal power  of,  [53]. 

Londinium,  notices  of,  in  Roman 
times,  [142],  [145-7],  275. 

Lucan,  relations  of,  to  Nero,  [76], 
382  ;  political  sentiments  of,  in 
earlier  and  later  Books  of  the 
Pharsalia,  [76-7];  perhaps  too 
severely  judged  in  respect  of  his 
participation  in  the  conspiracy  and 
subsequent  conduct,  [77-8]. 

luxury,  especially  in  feasting,  great 
increase  of,  during  this  period,  and 
abatement  of,  by  the  time  of  Taci- 
tus, [69]. 

Lycia,  deprived  of  independence,  197. 


5i6 


INDEX  II 


Maecenas,  retirement  of,  297. 

magic,  Christians  accused  of,  374. 

magistrates,  election  of,  how  arranged 
between  the  princeps  and  the  senate, 
268  ;  qualification  of  age  for,  29, 
III;  functions  of,  gradually  en- 
croached upon  by  officers  of  the 
emperor,  [35]. 

maiestas,  legal  limitation  of,  and 
legal  penalty  for,  292,  424 ;  abey- 
ance and  subsequent  revival  of, 
292 ;  Christians,  on  refusal  to  wor- 
ship the  emperor's  image,  arraigned 
for,  424. 

manumission,  various  modes  of,  187. 

manuscripts,  second  Medicean,  [i], 
[2],  [4] ;  others  of  the  later  Books, 

marriage,  age  of,  for  girls,  65 ;  gradual 
relaxation  in  laws  of,  respecting 
consanguinity,  69,  70  ;  ceremonies 
observed  in,  40-1,  362. 

Mauretania,  kingdom  of,  left  without 
a  government  by  Gaius,  [8],  [25] ; 
reduced  to  a  province  by  Claudius, 

[30]- 
meat  diet,  injurious  to  soldiers,  263. 

Media  Atropatene,  kingdom  of,  [98], 
[100],  [102],  321. 

Messala  Corvinus,  probable  date 
of  death  of,  198. 

Messalina,  probable  age  of,  [42]; 
supposed  representations  of,  in  art, 
52  ;  career  of,  and  judgement  of 
Tacitus  upon,  [10-13],  40-2]. 

military  forces  :  see  soldiers. 

months,  names  of  emperors  given  to, 
442. 

Nero,  date  of  birth  of,  90-1  ;  child- 
hood of,  [49],  [50],  16 ;  pushed  on 
by  his  mother,  and  mixed  up  in 
intrigues  during  the  life  of  Claudius, 
[51-3],  [94],  91,  iio-ii,  134;  first 
five  years  of  the  rule  of,  apparently 
overpraised,  but  marked  by  a  suc- 
cessful foreign  policy  and  good 
appointments,[55-9];  early  pursuits 
of,  and  beginning  of  evil  tendencies 
in,  [59-61],  183  ;  series  of  domestic 
murders  perpetratedby,  [55],[6i-6]; 
timidity  of,  [64],  {"jZ^  [95  j ;  leading 
him  at  first  to  strike  down  eminent 
citizens  singly  and  cautiously, 
[69-71] ;  and  to  break  out  after  the 
conspiracy  into  a  rule  ofterror,  ^'jZ'l ; 
probably    including    many    more 


victims  than  those  recorded  [85], 
[86]  ;  vanity  of,  and  passion  for  dis- 
play in  the  circus  and  on  the 
stage,  [66-9] ;  especially  in  Greece, 
476-8 ;  weakness  of,  in  the  last 
crisis,  [88],  [89],  482,  483  ;  some 
charges  against,  treated  as  open 
to  doubt  by  Tacitus  alone,  [94] ; 
probable  exaggerations  in  the  ac- 
counts of  the  Greek  tour  of,  [67]  ; 
complicity  of,  in  the  fire,  doubtful, 
[71-2];  mixed  wisdom  and  weak- 
ness in  general  government  of, 
[89-92]  ;  lavish  expenditure  of, 
[91] ;  generally  received  character 
of,  unable  on  the  whole  to  be  set 
aside,  [93-5]  ;  mourning  of  many 
for,  and  expectation  of  reappear- 
ance of,  [95]. 

Neronia,  the,  purpose  of  institution 
of,  256. 

noble  families,  degradation  of,  under 
Nero,  [68],  250,  357;  constant 
decay  of,  culminating  in  the  time 
of  Domitian,  37,  175 :  see  patri- 
cians. 

Nymphidius  Sabinus,  share  of,  in  the 
fall  of  Nero,  411,  483,  484. 

Octavia,  probable  age  of,  312. 

'  Octavia,'  the  tragedy  entitled,  [65], 

opposition,  the,  different  sections  of, 

in  the  time  of  Nero,  [73]  ;>  extreme 

party  of,  [80]. 
Osrhoene,  kings  of,  75. 
Ostia,  works  of  Claudius  at,  [25],  40. 
Ostorius,  achievements  of,  in  Britain, 

[139-41]- 
Otho,  different  versions  of  the  rela- 
tion of,  with  Poppaea,  214. 

Paetus,  character  of,  drawn  as  a  con- 
trast to  Corbulo,  [117-18]. 

Palatine  Library,  doubt  as  to  the 
destruction  of,  in  the  Neronian 
fire,  368. 

Pallas,  quasi-magisterial  position  of, 
[29]  ;  epitaph  of,  127. 

pantomime  actors,  action  taken  re- 
specting, 184. 

parricide,  punishment  of,  often  in- 
flicted by  Claudius,  [48]. 

Parthian  empire,  the,  subject  to  in- 
ternal weakness,  [98],  [99],  [loo], 
[104],  [105];  on  the  whole  in 
a  state  of  treaty  with  Rome  from 


INTRODUCTION,   APPENDICES,   NOTES 


517 


thetimeof  Augustus,  319;  friendly 
for  many  years  after  Nero's  time, 
[125];  chronology  of  the  kings  of, 
[96-7]  ;  viceroyaJties  of,  11  ;  few 
free  warriors  of,  78 ;  council  of 
nobles  of,  320. 
Parthian  troops,  capable  of  winter 
service,    [119],   329;     defects  of, 

325- 

patria  potestas,  family  jurisdiction 
grounded  on,  195. 

patricians,  decay  of  old  families  of, 
and  creation  of  new  ones,  36-7. 

Paulinus,  Suetonius,  achievements 
and  errors  of,  in  Britain,  [143-6]. 

perinde  and  proinde,  frequently  con- 
fused, 179. 

Petronius,  supposed  author  of  the 
Satire,  450  ;  title  of  Arbiter, 
hardly  a  surname  of,  451. 

Philo,  accounts  of  Tiberius  and  Gains 
given  by,  [7],  [9]. 

Phraates,  reign  of,  [96],  [98-101]. 

Pilate,  difficulty  raised  as  to  the 
insufficient  description  of,  in  Taci- 
tus, 374,  418. 

Pisonian  conspiracy,  the,  probable 
springs  of,  [72],  [73] ;  narrative  of, 
in  some  points  exaggerated,  [75] ; 
consequences  of,  [78 J. 

Plautius  Silvanus,  achievements  of, 
in  Britain,  [132-9],  195. 

plebs,  the  {see  also  clientela),  indig- 
nant at  the  assassination  of  Gaius, 
[24] ;  well  disposed  to  Claudius, 
[27] ;  favoured  by  Nero  and,  with 
some  exceptions,  [72],  constant  to 
him,  [58],  [92],  [95],  361,  433; 
opportunities  for  expression  of 
opinion  open  to,  361. 

Pliny,  the  elder,  not  apparently  rated 
high  as  an  authority  by  Tacitus, 
193,  388. 

—  the  younger,  account  of  the  Chris- 
tians by,  416. 

pomerium,  the,  of  Rome,  87-90 ; 
question  as  to  former  extensions  of, 
87. 

Pompeius,    extended    imperium    of, 

349. 

Pomponia  Graecina,  evidence  in  sup- 
port of  the  supposition  of  the 
Christianity  of,  195. 

pontifex  maximus,  some  functions  of 
the  emperor  as,  183. 

Poppaea,  character  and  influence  of, 
[61],  [64],  [66];  inclination  of  to- 


wards the  Jews,  420,  425  ;  apothe- 
osis of,  455. 

population,  the,  of  citizens  in  the  em- 
pire, 38-9. 

praefectura  praetorii,  usually  shared 
by  two,  113. 

—  urbis,  jurisdiction  of,  284-5,  426. 

—  urbis  ob  ferias  Latinas,  held  by 
young  men  of  rank,  386. 

praetorian  cohorts,  number  of,  at 
various  times,  36,  409  ;  pay  and 
rations  of,  410-11. 

praetors,  functions  of,  under  the 
principate,  189,  191  ;  courts  pre- 
sided over  by,  220,  284-5. 

priesthoods,  provincial,  273,  ex- 
penses involved  in,  [21],  273. 

princeps,  divine  honours  paid  to,  in 
lifetime,  415  ;  annual  vows  on  be- 
half of,  455. 

proconsulare  imperium,  the,  as  given 
to  others  than  the  princeps,  1 11, 

349. 

procurators,  as  governors  of  pro- 
vinces, [35],  136;  as  subordinate 
officers,  136 ;  as  managers  of  the 
emperor's  property,  136,  137 ;  in- 
creased employment  and  import- 
ance of,  from  the  time  of  Claudius, 
[35],  136-8.  ^ 

prodigies,  ambiguous  view  of  Tacitus 
respecting,  114,247,379. 

province  of  Alpes  Cottiae  and  Alpes 
Maritimae,  356  ;  Britannia,  [137], 
[146]  ;  Gallia  Belgica  and  Lug- 
dunensis,  31 ;  Gallia  Narbonensis, 
86;  Galatia,  199;  Sicilia,  86  {see 
also  Mauretania,  Thrace). 

provinces,  administration  of,  by 
Gaius,  [24];  by  Claudius,  [31, 
foil.]  ;  by  Nero,  [58],  [89,  foil.]. 

provincial  governors,  general  mea- 
sures affecting,  194,  345. 

publicani,  associations  of,  219  ;  illegal 
exactions  of,  220. 

quaestors,  functions  of,  under  the 
principate,  470  ;  provinces  in  Italy 
formerly  allotted  to,  31 ;  apparent 
errors  of  Tacitus  in  his  history  of 
the  office  of,  30,  31. 

relatio,  demanded  by  senators,  and 
granted  at  discretion  by  consuls, 
344  :  see  egressio  relationis. 

repetundae,  cases  of,  very  numerous 
in  the  early  years  of  Nero,  [56]. 


5i8 


INDEX  II 


Rhandeia,  given  by  Dio  as  the  name 
of  the  place  occupied  by  Paetus, 

.  329. 

rivers,  sanctity  attached  to,  262. 

Rome,  city  of,  controversy  as  to 
original  limits  of  (Roma  quadrata), 
89-90 ;  kinds  of  building  stone 
used  in,  371-2  ;  narrow  streets  of, 
372 ;  notices  of  inundation  and 
pestilence  in,  443  :  see  also  fire, 
houses,  pomerium. 

saeculum,  the  different  computations 
of,  15. 

senate,  the,  places  of  meeting  of, 
159,  462;  apparent  deference 
shown  by  Claudius,  [26-7],  and  by 
Nero,  [55-6] ;  weakened  by  the 
terrorism  of  the  later  rule  of 
Tiberius  and  that  of  Gains,  [9], 
[35];  vacillation  of,  after  the  death 
of  the  latter,  [9],  [10] ;  substantial 
diminution  of  power  of,  under 
Claudius,  [35] ;  and  further  under 
Nero,  [58],  [91],  [94-5]  ;  action  of, 
in  the  fall  of  Nero,  483;  trials 
before,  [56],  W],  [85],  2,  284,  285, 
293,  342. 

senators,  direct  and  indirect  choice 
of,  by  the  princeps,  58  ;  expulsion 
of,  by  the  princeps,  67  ;  or  by  the 
senate  itself,  zd.\  often  sons  of  freed- 
men,  35 ;  limits  of  the  general  leave 
of  absence  allowed  to,  86 ;  lax 
attendance  of,  455. 

senatus  consultum,  legislation  by,  70  ; 
empire  conferred  by,  149;  Clau- 
dianum,  126  ;  another  (of  Nero), 
195;  Silanianum,  2^.;  Trebellianum, 
290;  Turpilianum,  285. 

Seneca,  L.,  antecedents  and  early 
literary  eminence  of,  [50],  [92]  ; 
exile  of,  [50]  ;  opposite  representa- 
tions of  Claudius  given  by  [23], 
[45] ;  echoes  the  exclusive  senti- 
ment of  Roman  nobles,  [33] ;  makes 
display  of  himself  in  speeches 
written  for  Nero,  [55-6],  [57], 
134,  166  ;  adopts  counter  intrigues 
against  Agrippina,  [54],  [62]; 
composes  for  Nero  the  lying  edicts 
on  the  murder  of  Britannicus  and 
Agrippina,  [60],  [62-3],  174,  247  ; 
but  probably  was  not  privy  to  the 
plot  of  murdering  the  latter,  [63-4], 
241  ;  claims  generally  not  to  be 
considered  a  flatterer,  398  ;  pro- 


bable ground  of  defence  of,  as  to 
his  acceptance  of  Nero's  gifts,  175, 
209 ;  decay  of  political  power  of, 
[64] ;  alleged  escape  of,  from 
poisoning,  378 ;  alleged  surrender 
of  property  by,  403  ;  probably  not 
really  a  conspirator,  [75]  ;  simple 
life  and  dignified  end  of,  [76],  378, 
397  ;  subsequent  depreciation  of, 
in  literature,  1 56,  208. 

Servius  TuUius,  forms  of  the  legend 
of,  56. 

slaves,  duty  on  the  purchase  of,  194  ; 
status  of,  285,  287  ;  various  nation- 
alities of,  289  ;  freedom  often 
acquired  by,  285  {see  also  manu- 
mission) ;  great  alarm  respecting, 
shown  in  the  laws,  194,  285,  288. 

Socrates,  apparent  purpose  of  imitat- 
ing the  death  of,  by  Seneca,  402. 

soldiers,  conscription  and  voluntary 
enlistment  of,  199,  443 ;  full  dress 
of,  462  ;  unwillingness  of,  to  marry 
after  discharge,  267. 

Soranus,  apparently  only  associated 
with  Thrasea  as  a  brother  Stoic, 
[82]. 

Statilia  Messalina,  marriage  of  Nero 
to,  406. 

Stoics,  the,  opinions  of,  303,  456, 
461  ;  importance  of,  in  the  Nero- 
nian  times,  [83-5] ;  philosophy  of, 
supplying  the  place  of  religious 
consolation,  452. 

Suetonius,  tendency  of,  to  generalize 
from  single  instances,  314;  and 
otherwise  to  exaggerate,  [48],  [67], 
440;  or  to  speak  inaccurately,  [15], 
[49];  or  to  follow  versions  which 
Tacitus  declines  to  notice,  [65], 
[71],  [75];  or  to  assume  what  Taci- 
tus has  left  open,  244,  294-5,  3^3  ; 
sometimes  supplements  Tacitus, 
250;  sole  authority  on  the  early 
years  of  Claudius,  [19];  meagre 
record  of,  respecting  the  Christians, 
419,  421. 

Sulpicius  Severus,  transcription  of 
words  of  Tacitus  by,  362,  374  ; 
probable  fragment  preserved  by, 
421. 

Tacitus,  adaptation  of  speeches  by, 
54-5  ;  very  defective  as  a  geogra- 
pher, [109] ;  and  as  a  describer  of 
military  movements,  [108-10], 
[i39]>  [144];  shows   singular  ani- 


INTRODUCTION,  APPENDICES,   NOTES 


519 


mosity  against  the  Christians 
374- 5  >  41^7  «  occasional  confu- 
sion of  ideas  in,  137 ;  some  appa- 
rent errors  of  fact  in,  88,  129 ; 
unfair  imputation  of  motives  in, 
339  :  see  also  Augustus,  Tiberius, 
Gaius,  Claudius,  and  Nero. 

Tarsus,  school  of  philosophy  at,  469. 

Taurus,  Statilius,  amphitheatre  of, 
367. 

Thames,  forms  of  the  name  of  the, 

274. 
theatres,  permanent  structure  01,  257 ; 

regulation  of  applause  in,  253,433; 

reserved  seats  in,  356,  442. 
Thrace,  kingdom  of,  reduced  to  a 

province  by  Claudius,  [31]. 
Thrasea,   not   always   obnoxious    to 

Nero,  [80] ;    sometimes   censured 

by    Tacitus,    [80],     247,    293-4; 

probable  reasons  for  the  attack  on, 

[82-5] ;  various  versions  of  the  last 

words  of,  472. 
Tiberius,  admitted  oratorical  vigour 

of,  157- 
Tigranocerta,    great    differences    of 

opinion  as  to  the  site  of,  123,  324. 
Tiridates,  advantageous  position  of, 

in  the  Armenian  question,  [122]  ; 

journey   of  to   Rome   insisted  on, 

[122-4] ;  reception  of,  458,  473-4- 
torture,  arbitrarily  applied  to  citizens, 

392. 
tragedies,  lyrical  adaptation  of,  404. 
Trent,  the,  in  Britain,  probably  known 

to  Roman  as  Trisantona,  98. 
tribuni  plebis,  ancient  limits  of  the 

power  of,  and  farther  curtailment 

under  Nero,  188  ;  intercession  of, 

461. 
Twelve  Tables,  enactment   of    the, 

372. 

urban  cohorts,  number  of,  at  various 
times,  [36]. 


ut  sic  dixerim,  use  of  the  expression, 
298. 

Vannianum  regnum,  limits  of  the,  94. 
vectigalia,  doubt  as  to  the  contem- 
plated abolition  of,  [58],  219. 
Ventidius,  repulse  of  the  Parthians 

by,  [97]- 
Verginius,  the  relations  of,  to  Vmdex 

and  to  Nero,  481-4. 
Verulamium,   occupation  of,    [142], 

[145],  [147],  276.  ,   .     „  . 

Vespasian,  achievements  of,  m  Bri- 
tain, [132-7] ;  in  Jewish  war,  476, 

478 ;  career  of,  viewed  as  marked 

by  destiny,  435. 
Vesta,  existing  remains  of  the  temple 

of,  368. 
Vienna,  in  Gaul,  colonial  privileges 

of,  58. 
villas  of  Nero,  235,  237,  261,  390. 
Vindex,    different   views    as   to  the 

scope  and  design  of  the  rising  of, 

479-82. 
Vinician  conspiracy,  the,  352,  478. 
Viroconium,   occupation    of,    [140], 

[141],  [145],  97.  ^ 

Vologeses,  probable  chronology  of 
the  reign  of,  [97],  11 5-16,  162. 

vota  pro  incolumitate  republicae,  dis- 
tinct from  those  for  the  princeps, 
455- 

wills,  expression  of  sentiment  allowed 
in,  294 ;  legal  attestation  of,  284, 
446  ;  penalties  for,  and  precaution 
against  the  forgeries  of,  284-5. 

women,  appearance  of,  in  the  arena 
and  on  the  stage,  [69],  357. 

worships,  repression  of  unlawful, 
[30],  [32],  427. 

Xenophon,  the  physician,inscriptions 
relating  to  the  family  of,  138-9. 


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