BS 455 .A54 v. 2
Anderson, Christopher, 1782-
1852.
The annals of the English
Bible
THE
annals of tlje €ngltJb ^tble
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL, II.
MDXXXVIII — MDCCCXLIV.
" Thou haft magnified thy word above all thy name."
The Psalmist.
" Oh how unlike the complex works of man.
Heaven's eafy, artlefs, unincumber'd plan !
No meretricious graces to beguile.
No cluftering ornaments to clog the pile ;
From oftentation as from weaknefs free.
It ftands like the casrulean arch we fee,
Majeftic in its own fimplicity." Cowper.
THE ANNALS OF
€1)0 Cnjjlifl) MUt
BY
CHRISTOPHER ANDERSON
VOL. II.
ALDl
Itontion
WILLIAM PICKERING
1845-
CONTENTS
OF
THE SECOND VOLUME.
THE ANNALS
OR
HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
BOOK II.— ENGLAND.
Hftgn 0f l^cnrg f^t etgljtl)— continued.
SECTION I.— 1538.
Introductory paragraph — Crumwell's policy with Henry — IMatri-
monial alliances — ISTegociatious with France and Sj^ain — Gardi-
ner recalled — Bonner sent to France — The German States —
Gardiner, Norfolk, and Tunstal met — The first articles in their
natural consequences — Persecution resumed.
The second year of triumph — The English Bible printing in Paris
— Press interrupted — Inquisition overmatched — The Bible fin-
ished in London — First injunctions for Tyndale's Bible — New
Testaments, fresh editions — Coverdale's Testaments — The des-
titute state of England — Joy over the Scriptures — Retrospect,
SECTION II.— 1539.
Eventful year — State of parties — Henry still a widower — Dis-
turbed from diflerent quarters — Norfolk beguiling Crumwell — •
German States — Parliament and Convocation — Royal message
— Mitred abbots — Dissolution of Monasteries — New articles —
Bills of attainder — The six articles applied — Frustrated —
Cranmer safe — Latimer imprisoned — Alexander Ales escajjes —
Constantyne in danger — The tide turning — Execution of Ab-
bots— Crumwell's policy — ]Monastic spoils.
VOL. II. b
Page
CONTENTS.
Pa^c
The Scriptures printing in various editions — Cruuiwcll's remark-
able energy in this department — The King swayed once more —
The cause in progress — Cranmer busy in prospect of his first
edition, next spring — It is distinctly sanctioned l»y Henry —
singular proclamation — Henry now commanding all his sub-
jects to use the Scriptures in English, .... 44
SECTION III.— 1540.
Political afl'airs — Henry's fourth marriage — Jealousy of Francis
— Alliance with the Emperor — Gardiner against Barnes and
Garret — Parliament opened — Crumwell now Earl of Essex —
The use ail along made of him by Henry — Crumwell's last de-
mands in Parliament and Convocation — Henry has taken offence
— Crumwell ai)prehcnded — Parties opposed to him — Cranmer's
letter — First charges — Bill of attainder — Henry's fourth mar-
riage annulled — Final charges against Crumwell — His death
and character — The King and his two Vicars-general in review
— More executions — Henry's fifth marriage — The old learning
party in triumph.
Retrospect — Common mistake as to the Crown — The large folio
Bibles, in six editions — The first of Cranmer's — A different
edition — The second of Cranmer's — The third preparing, to be
issued next year, but with a different title — One in five volumes,
small size — Quarto New Testament, ..... 92
SECTION IV.— 1541.
European jiowers verging to hostility — Scotland — Henry at York,
in vain — Queen already in disgrace — Norfolk family implicated
— The third large Bible, with Tunstal's name, by command —
The fourth, in May, with Cranmer's name — Expense of these
large undertakings — The memorable proprietor, Anthony
Marler — Bonner's feigned zeal — Earnest reading and listening
— The fifth great Bible, with Tunstal's name — The sixth, with
Cranmer's name — Gardiner returned, to witness the progress
now made during his absence, . . . . . .135
SECTION v.— 1542.
The enemy on the rack — Parliament opened — The fifth Queen
executed — Henry bent on war with Scotland — Negociatiug
with France and Spain.
Convocation met — The Bible introduced there for discussion at
last — Singular display — Gardiner's grand effort in opposition
— Cranmer informs the King — They are all dis^comfitcd, though
CONTENTS.
Pafic
yet sitting, or before the bishops left London — Progress of
the truth in England, 147
SECTION VI.— 1543.
Parliament opened — The Convocation baflled, acknowledge their
inability to stay the progress of divine truth by applying now
to Parliament — Parliament disgraces itself by malignant but
vain opposition — Bonner withdrawn or sent abroad — Extraor-
dinary arrangement of all the European powers — Henry's sixth
marriage, .....••••
155
SECTION VII.— 1544.
Parliament assembled — Henry's style and title — Longs to be King
of France ! — War with Scotland — Henry in France — Gardiner
— Cranmer — Henry's confession of impotence in all his injunc-
tions to his bishops — His inconsistency — New Testament of
Tyndale's, a foreign print, . . . . • .162
SECTION VIII.— 1545.
\Yar with France — Exhausted state of England — Undermining
Ci-anmer — His enemies covered with shame — Henry addressing
his privy council — His deliberate opinion of its character — Ad-
dressing his Parliament for the last time, . . . .169
SECTION IX.— 1546.
War with Scotland — Peace with France and Scotland — England
exhausted as the result of war — Persecution revived — Anne
Askew — Her heroic conduct under illegal persecution — Shock-
ing Cruelties inflicted — Her martyrdom, along with three other
individuals — Latimer still in prison — Enmity to English books.
The impotence of human malice — The supplication of the poor
Commons — Their grievances — Tunstal and Heath exposed —
The Queen in danger — Gardiner in trouble — Norfolk and his
son, Surrey, arraigned — Duke of Norfolk and his family —
Execution of Surrey — Norfolk doomed to die, and only escapes
by the death of the King himself — Henry and his courtiers —
Henry VIII., Francis I., Charles v., — Retrospect, . .181
viii (((NTENTS.
Book III. — ENGLAND.
JTrDm (SUtoarU ©fi. to tl^e C0mmoniucaItf).
SECTION 1.— 1547-155:3. 11P:IGN OV EDWARD.
A reign, however brief, distinguislied us having no parallel in
Briti.sh history, with regard to the printing and publication of
the Sacred Scriptures in the language of the people, . . 233
SECTION II.— 1553-1558. REIGN OF QUEEN MARY.
A reign, discovering the actual state of the nation, as such ; but
one, however painful in its details, which so far from retarding
the progress of divine truth, only deepened the impression of
its value ; and as it became the occasion, so it afforded the
opportunity for the Saci'ed Scriptures being given afresh to
England, more carefully revised — the exiles from the kingdom
proving, once more, its greatest benefactors, . . . 253
SECTION III.— 1558-1603. REIGN OF ELIZABETH.
A reign, extending to more than forty-four years, but however
powerful in every other department, having no actual control
over the choice or preference of the people of England, with ^
regard to the Sacred Scriptures in their native tongue, and
thus presenting the only exception to unlimited sway, . .313
SECTION IV.— 1603-1650.
JAMES I. TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
Accession of James — His journey to London — Ilis strange pro-
gress through the country — His heedless profusion — Confer-
ence at Hampton Court explained — Revision of the Scriptures
— Our present version — Consequent letters — The revisers — In-
structions given — Progress made — Revision of the whole —
IMoucy paid, but not by his Majesty, nor by any Bishop, after
the King's application, but by the patentee — The present ver-
sion i»ublished — No proclamation, no order of Privy Council,
or any act of the Legislature upon record, on the subject — Did
not become the version generally received throughout England,
Scotland, and Ireland, till about forty years afterwards — The
Lonilon Polyglot Bible published by the people, for the people
— The last attempt to interfere with the English Bible by a
Committee of Parliament, representing England, Ireland, and
Scotland — Utterly in vain — That acquiescence of the people at
large in the existing version of the Scriptures soon followed,
which has continued unbroken ever since, .... 364
CONTENTS. IX
Page
SCOTLAND.
^ntvatimtian.
Brief notice of Scotland during tlie fourteenth and fifteenth cen-
tui'ies — The opening of the sixteenth before the Sacred Scrip-
tures in print were first imported, . . . . • 395
BOOK IV. — SCOTLAND.
JFrDm SlanTE^ tfjc iFiftlj t0 tlje (!i:omm0utoealt5.
SECTION I.— 1526. REIGN OF JAMES V.
State of Scotland— The first introduction of the Sacred Volume
in print, that is, of the New Testament in the English lan-
guage— Earliest arrivals at Edinburgh and St. Andrews — Sin-
gular condition of the country, and especially of its Primate,
at the moment, ........ 403
SECTION II.— 1527-8.
Anno 1527-1528 — Consternation of the authorities in Scotland —
The New Testament soon followed by one living voice, that of
Patrick Hamilton — His martyrdom — Alexander Seton, the
next witness, persecuted — He escapes to England — The New
Testament goes on to be imported, . . . • .412
SECTION III.— 1529-34.
From 1529 to 1534 — All-important period, hitherto unnoticed —
Alexander Ales or Aless — Cruelly persecuted by Hepburn, the
Prior of St. Andrews — At last escapes by sea, from Dundee, first to
France, and then to Germany — His epistle addressed to James
V. ; or the commencement of the first regular controversy in
Britain respecting the Scriptures printed in the vulgar tongue
— The abusive publication of Cochla;us professedly in reply —
The representations of Ales confirmed by the state of the coun-
try, and the second martyrdom — Answer of Ales to the calum-
nies of Cochlseus — Ales pleads, most earnestly, for the New
Testament to be read — But especially in families — Extols
divine revelation, and as to be found in the English version
now importing — Cochla;us, quite enraged, addresses James V.
— And is rewarded — Had mendaciously averred that the writ-
ings of Ales proceeded from Melancthon — The persecutions
and martyrdoms of 1534 again confirm the statements of Ales
— Who is now standing by himself alone, in defence of the
truth, or the Scriptures in the vernacular tongue, . . 425
CONTKNTS.
SKCTION IV.— l.')3.'i-37.
Page
From l.O.'J.'j to LOIiT — The future exertions and writings of Ales,
till his death in 15G5 — State of Scotland — Provincial council
of the prelates — Agitation — Reading of the New Testament
forbidden Ity prochunation — Progress of the cause, . . 476
SECTION v.— 1538-42.
From l/iSS to 1542 — State of the country — Beaton a Cardinal, and
persecution revived — The martyrdoms of 1538 — Dean Forret
— The cause of all the tumult in opposition traced to the New
Testament in the native tongue — Another martyrdom — Men
escaping — The cruel progress of Cardinal Beaton — Death of the
King James V. — Gloomy state of the country as to its Govern-
ment at this moment, ..... 495
REIGN OF MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS.— 1543.
The year 1543, a memorable one — Critical state of the Govern-
ment— Remarkably sudden change — The Primate of St. An-
drews, though a Cardinal, in prison — Ilis clergy in mourning,
and all their churches closed, when Parliament assembled, and
by a bill and proclamation throughout Scotland, sanctioned the
general perusal of those Scriptures, which had been reading in
secret for sixteen years — Contrast with England at this mo-
ment— Extent to which the Scriptures had been possessed, and
therefore perused in Scotland — The Earl of Arran, the Gover-
nor, very soon abjures, and falls under the power of Beaton, now
enlarged — The singular existing position of all the European
sovereigns, with the Pontiff" and the Turk included — ]\Iore mar-
tyrdoms by hanging, drowning, and the flames — The death of
Beaton — Peculiarity in the history of the Bible in Scotland, 515
QUEEN MARY, JAMES VI., TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
1543-10)50.
From 1543 to 1650 — Singular history of the Scriptures in Scot-
land, during this entire period — Not supplied from its own na-
tive press, but by importation, for more than a hundred years
— State of literature and education — The Apocrypha.
The present version of the Biljle become the only one in use, and
at a period indisputably significant of Divine superintendence
over the entire kingdom, .... 532
CONTENTS. XI
Pago,
BOOK v.— GREAT BRITAIN,
dfiom tijc <!romin0iiU)caltfj to H^mm i!Fict0ria.
SECTION I.— 1G50-1780.
THE COMMONWEALTH TO GEORGE III.
Brief survey — Downward progress of the Stuart dynasty — Oppo-
sition at home ineffectual — League, in which even the Pontiff
and Germany concurred and assisted — The line of succession in
Britain broken— The Revolution of 1688-9— Preceding opposi-
tion to the Scriptures by James II., an adherent of the old
learning — Consequences of the Revolution — State of the Bible
press in England — Canne's Bible — Guy's Bibles — Baskerville's
— Blayney's Bible — State of the Bible press in Scotland — James
II. equally busy in opposition there — The number of Bibles is
now past all human computation — The results, if but too feeble
in Britain, must be looked for elsewhere, . . • 549
SECTION II.— NORTH AMERICA.— 1620-1780.
THE REIGN OF JAMES I. TO GEORGE IIL
New movement in reference to the English Scriptures — The Bible
first beheld by the natives in America, an English one — Copies
carried away to New England by the refugees and following
settlers — No individual ever specified as particularly zealous
in the transit of copies — Yet were they sent across the Atlan-
tic Ocean for above a hundred and sixty years ! — A movement
such as never distinguished any other European version, and
now never will — The extraordinary results during this long
period — Williams, Eliot, Mather, Edwards, Brainerd, and
many thousands beside — The restrictive and unnatural po-
licy of Britain — She must be overruled, as her monarchs had
been in England — In justification of its continued independence
of all human authority, the English Bible is at last printed in
America — No consultation of the mother country — The first
edition only in 1782 — The independence of America acknow-
ledged by Britain, Holland, &c. — The first Bibles in octavo,
quarto, and folio, printed there in 1791 — The second in duode-
cimo not till 1797, ..... 504
XII CONTENTS.
PaKc
III.— OR FINAL SECTION.— 17«(»-1H4-J.
REIGN OF GEORGE III. TO QUEEN VICTORIA.
The last sixty-four t/inrs.
The commencement of a greater movement than ever before — To
be undcrstoocl only by first looking abroad — The Revulutiun-
ary times in Fi-ance — The agitation extends — Neither Britain
nor her colonies remain unscathed — The sagacity of English
authors in every form of composition is exhausted, without
averting or even allaying the storm — Action is called for — But
the obstacles to united action appear to be insuperable — The
Sovereign Disposer of all events, as a secret mover, unobserved
— In secret he must be acknowledged — The first feeble move-
ment taking its name from the Bible — The second — Its entire
failure no ground for discouragement — Ten years before. Divine
Providence had fixed on one young man — Reading the English
Bible in obscurity, his mind is ripe for action — A new feeling,
or spirit of enlarged benignity is imbibed — In maturer years,
his history and exertions gradually interpret the beneficial re-
flex influence of foreign operations — Two other men go to his
aid — These efforts much impress a few powerful minds at home
— The Bible without either note or comment draws more at-
tention— The destitution of it in Wales — The British and
Foreign Bible Society with its auxiliaries — their exertions up
to the present day — The United Kingdom and her colonies
embrace above four thousand similar assistant or independent
unions — These form only an inferior division of the vast field
of action — After a distribution and sale of so many millions of
the English Scriptures, there occurs an extraordiuai-y and un-
precedented fall in the price of the Sacred Volume — Thus
lending to the present history, its last providential movement,
or a conclusion as cheering as it was unanticipated.
Britain at the height of a responsibility not easily conceived, as
it baffles all adequate description — On the summit of her
highest privilege there is no repose, no release from far greater
exertions throughout her foreign dependancies, or the world in
general — The present history indicates a course of action, if
not the only one, which involves her future welfare and stabi-
lity— A path of duty which cannot, with impunity, be evaded, 574
CoxoLUSioxs drawn from the preceding history, . . . 629
Appendix. The family of Tyiiflalc. Fac Simile of liis Prologue and first two New
Testaments. Clironological Index List of Dibles and Te.stameiits.
THE HISTORY OF
THE ENGLISH BIBLE
BOOK II -ENGLAND.
^ti^n Of feenrp tin (Biv^M.
SECTION I.
INTRODUCTORY PARAGRAPH — CRUMWELL's POLICY WITH HENRY — MATRI-
MONIAL ALLIANCES — NEGOCIATIONS WITH FRANCE AND SPAIN GARDINER
RECALLED BONNER SENT TO FRANCE — THE GERMAN STATES — GARDINER,
NORFOLK, AND TUNSTAL MET — THE FIRST ARTICLES, IN THEIR NATURAL
CONSEQUENCES — PERSECUTION RESUMED.
THE SECOND YEAR OF TRIUMPH THE ENGLISH BIBLE PRINTING IN
PARIS PRESS INTERRUPTED INQUISITION OVERMATCHED THE BIBLE
FINISHED IN LONDON — FIRST INJUNCTIONS FOR TYNDALe's BIBLE — NEW
TESTAMENTS, FRESH EDITIONS — COVERDALe's TESTAMENTS — THE DESTI-
TUTE STATE OF ENGLAND JOY OVER THE SCRIPTURES RETROSPECT.
'^r^ iiRouGHOuT the preceding volume, the reader found
himself obliged to travel for j'cars, contentedly, by
^t the margin of what might be compared only to a
rivulet, patiently fighting its way with the rocks
and obstructions of every description which lay right before
it, and seeming to forbid, by a sort of authority, all passage
or progress. Still no returning season passed away, without
bringing fresh tokens that all opposition was not only vain,
but actually helpful ; and the event of last year must have
rewarded the expectation of all who had waited for it. Nor
ever let the lone: «irid well-sustained conflict be forgotten.
It must be measured by its consequences ; for though but too
VOL. ]I. A
•2 SKt.'UM) VKAK OF THl I'M I'll. [lioOK 11.
tnif a Jcsoription of the past, it was the positive I'oreruniiei-
of all that is to come. In the following pages, if we continue
to abide by the self-same stream, not omitting to observe as
we pass on, whatever scenes may open to view on either side
of the current ; it will bring us ere long to a river, broad and
deep, which no man can pass over. At last should it rise, and
overflowing its banks, baHle every attempt at any adequate
description, it will then at least be evident, that, in point of
magnitude, the mind of England in our own day can be directed
to no greater object ; while with reference to the stability and
vital interests of this kingdom, it will bow to no other.
In resuming this history, notwithstanding what occurred
last year, it would be a great mistake to imagine, because
Henry the Eighth and all around him had been overruled,
that any visible change of character had taken place, either in
him, or in them. On the contrary, they will go on in such
a manner, and to such an extent, as to render the interposi-
tion already described, only the more striking. It must ever
stand out in bold relief, among the current events of the time.
Men overruled, in any rank, occupy very humble ground ;
but the higher their station, or the greater their influence,
the ground is lower still ; and the King himself will immedi-
ately satisfy us that there was no change upon him. Nor
will this be less apparent in the servants of the crown.'
The Sacred Scriptures, however, in the English tongue,
had now been introduced, and in a manner so remarkable as
to excite curiosity with regard to the sequel. The victory
already recorded, great as it was, would not yet suffice. If
there was any spot on the Continent, where opposition to
Divine Truth had been most of all virulent, that will be the
proper place in which to complete the triumph of the English
' Trivial Incidents often stronRly mark the character. The very next month after the ar-
rival of the Hiblc, thoUKli the iilnpiic was ra^inij still, his Majesty presents us with one incident
chnrmtcrislic of liis own iileas res|)cclinR that Hody of which he was now the determined Head.
t<ir William I'itzwilliam. on the point of lieinR created Earl of Southampton, is writing to
Cromwell, and amont; other passages, there is the followioK — " .My Lord, one thing there is,
that the Kiiig's lliiihness, at my last resort unto your Lordship, willed me to speak to your
Lordship in; and at my return to his Grace, his Highness a.skcd. whether I had remembered
the same or not : which is- His Orace hath a Prirst. that yearly maketh his liatckf, and this
year hath made him tico. which tly, and kill their game very well, to his Highness" siiiijlier plea-
sure anil coiilniliiliiiii. And fur the pain which tlie said Priest taketh abouts the same, his Ma-
jesty would that lie should have one of .Mr. Hedcll's '<<wrfiY.«, if there be any ungiven, besides
that which his Grace hath already gi«'en. And if there be none of the said benefices ungiven,
that then your Lordship should have him in rcmtnihrancf, that he may \\n\c some oilier, when
it shall fall void !— At Hampton Court, this Wednesday, the l:?th day of September— Yonr own,
Wvl.l.M FiTIWVI.I.JI."
15.38.] CRUMWELL'S I'OMCY WITH IlENHV. 3-
Bible. Before the printing ut" the Sacred Oracles is to be-
come by fiir the most conspicuous or distinguishing feature
of our own country, another conquest had been determined.
Tyndale had toiled and died on the Continent, and that must
be the scat of this second achievement. It comes like a
double testimony to the Avork of his hands ; but the story
will appear in its proper colours, after we have glanced over
other national, though to us now, subordinate aft'airs.
In the various transactions of the present year, there is
such an intricacy, that without taking a three-fold view of
them, it seems to be impossible for any one to arrive at the
truth : one connected with the Kmg personally, another
associated with Crumii'ell and Cranmer^ and the third having
reference only to the Scriptures. In a history such as the
present, the year derives all its importance from its being that
which immediately followed the public sanction of the Sacred
Volume in England, In order, therefore, to ascertain the
relative position of the reigning authorities, it becomes neces-
sary to observe first, the general procedure of the King him-
self on the one hand, and then that of Crumwell and Oranmer
on the other. After such a memorable event as that of last
August, should the reader be anticipating any decided change
of character, he will thus be able to judge for himself.
With regard to the leading sovereigns of Europe, Henry, Charles, and
Francis, they come before us precisely the same men they have ever
been. The two latter, whether as rulers or as men, had been chastised and
hmnbled in succession, by their endless conflicts ; and Henry, too, since
the rebellions of Lincoln and Yorkshires, had by no means sat so easy on
his throne. As for his being now a widower, we shall find that this, in
no sense, lay heavy on his spirits. The Emperor and the King of
France were still at war ; and being as nearly balanced in point of
power as ever, the King of England, by throwing his influence into
either scale, might still change the current of European affairs ; but the
steps he had already taken, rendered him an awkward or ticklish ally
for either party. This, of course, was owing to a fourth power, once the
most formidable in the world, that of the Pontiff", to whose temporal
sovereignty at least, Henry was as much opposed as ever ; but whom
neither Charles nor Francis would disregard, whenever it seemed likely
to serve their respective political purposes.
The same outrageously crooked policy was, therefore, still keenly
pursued by all these men, every one of them being engaged more or
less, in playing a double game ; while, situated as Henry was, he ran
4 fKlMUKI.I/S POLICY WITH [nOOK II.
grcnt liazard of l»cinf^ l)cfoolc(l. Turner, who is sufficiently measured
in ]un tonus of censure, has naiJ, in reference to the days of Wolscy —
'• Tlic only extraordinary fact in, that f^neat and aide men should then
have hahitually acted like scoundrels, without suspecting that they
were bo ; and with their sword ready for any man's throat, that should
link the term for a moment to their names." Whether the same re-
mark he ecjually apjdicahlc to the councils and policy of England, France,
and Spain, at the present period, will hccome apparent as we proceed.
Ahout ten years ago, we have seen that the overthrow of Cardinal
Wolsey was owing, in no small degree, to his interference with Henry's
passion for a second Queen. So now, the third having died suddenly,
the critical period of Crumwcll's life was come. It will be remembered,
that he had acciuiesced in Henry's determination to get rid of Anne
Boleyn, though by that base step he incurrc<l no risk whatever, as the
passion of his imi)eriou8 master was then already fixeil ; but now, the
King was in a new and unwonted situation. The policy of Crumwell,
therefore, when dealing with his Sovereign throughout the whole year,
will serve to illustrate his character as a man. Cautious of any sug-
gestion, he will leave the IMonarch to the full freedom of his own caprice,
and for some time to come go in, or seem to do so, most cordially, with all
his whimsical proposals for a fourth Queen. Never will he venture even
to whi.spcr a choice, till his Majesty has literally wearied himself out,
in search of a wife ; and they will only be pressing, or, in his apprehen-
sion, desperate circumstances, which shall urge him into a different
course ; but not till next year.
By the death of Jane Seymour, the King had been stunned for the
moment. Turner represents him as shutting himself up in his palace,
lamenting the unexpected blow. Unexpected it certainly was ; for only
the day before, Henry was entertaining thoughts of leaving the spot
where the Queen lay, and not till the morning of the 24th of October,
was death certainly anticipated.^ In the evening of that day she ex-
pired. The Court was ordered into mourning till Candlemas thisye.ar —
the Christmas holidays were dispensed with ; but his Majesty had already
been bu.sy enough. The truth is, that the mournings were worn but a
few fl'f i/'i, when Henry's spirits were recovering ; and before they were
put off, he had been in pursuit of more than one successor to the mother
of his only son. Jane, it is true, has been represented as the most
beloved of all his Queens, chiefly from the circumstance of its being
above two years before the King was married again ; but certainly this
was not his intention ; and whether there was affection shewn, or even
common respect, for her memory, can only be gathered from the pro-
cedure of his Majesty.
2 Oor. St.ntc PnpiTS. i.. p. .'72.
1 538,] HENRY AS A WIDOWER. 5
Last year, while the Emperor and Francis were meditating a truce, as
Katherine and Anne Boleyn no more stood in the way, Charles seemed
nmch disposed to court friendship with England. Sir Thomas Wyatt
had, therefore, been sent to Spain, to succeed Richard Pate as ambassador,
and certain communications had passed between the two Courts.^ The
truce referred to, was concluded in July ; but the month before that,
Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador, had arrived in England, with proposals
for the mai'riage of Henry's eldest daughter Mary, with Prince Louis of
Portugal ; and in July Crumwell informs Wyatt that " there are hopes
of good success as to the marriage."'* By the beginning of October,
however, the French Government had insinuated charges against the
Emperor's sincerity ;^ so that by the 10th of that month, while Henry
oft'ers his mediation for peace between these two powers, Wyatt is in-
structed by the King himself, as well as Crumwell, to " fish out the
truth, whether the Emperor do indeed love him (Henry) so well as he
pretends to do."**
Meanwhile, Henry lost his Queen on the 24th of that month, and his
first offer for another was made to Francis. " Queen Jane," says Carte,
" had scarce been buried, (8th November,) when the King entertained
thoughts of another marriage ; and being more inclined to cultivate a
friendship with the King of France than with the Emperor, proposed to
take a French lady." According to Le Grand, the King's first proposal
was made in November to Francis, for Marie, the Dowager Duchess of
Longueville, or Mary of Guise ; but she had been pre-engaged to James V.
of Scotland, who had lost his Queen in July. Not at all fond of such
an alliance as might another day be tvirned against himself, Henry was
also pic[ued at the idea of James being preferred to him, after he had
made the proposal ; but there was no remedy. Mary of Guise, indeed,
had two sisters, and Henry might have had either ; but Francis would
not bow to the humiliation of sending them to Calais for Henry's in-
spection. He behoved now to turn to the Emperor, or rival of the
King of France, and in order to secure him in his favour, so early as the
23d of December, Henry was writing to Spain.
Thus matters stood at the close of last year. The truce between the
two rival i)owers had been renewed in November, but the Emperor and
Francis were still but too eyual, and therefore mutually afraid. The
latter had counted falsely upon Henry and the German States being
with him, and found himself left to wage war alone. Charles was in
apprehension of Francis uniting with the Turk, and so invading Ger-
many ; while the Pontiff", in like fear, imagined the coasts of Italy might
thus be invaded by the Tm-kish unbelievers. In his letter of December,
therefore, Henry had offered to assist Charles in his war with the Turk,
3 Hailcian MS., No. 282, fol. 7. i Idem, fol. 203-205. ^ Idem, fol. 208. « Idem, fol. M.
f{ .MAIKlMitNIAI, ALLIANCES. [»OoK II.
oil condition tlmt lie would accept of bis aiil in uiediutiug peace with
Frunco, and " so join him as a principal contrahent in the treaty." ^
The Emperor certainly sighed for peace with France, though it was
chioHy in order that he might liavc lci.surc to chastise the refractory
States of Germany; but, to understand this urgency of the King of
England, it is only necessary to observe, that the Pontifl' and Henry had
started in the same race ; each of them, in order to serve his own
ends, alike eager to be the mediator. In writing to Charles, therefore,
Henry objects to the Pontiff's Council summoned to meet at Vicenza,
and uses many arguments with him to oppose it.
Proceeding in the same course, by the commencement of this year,
so far from weeping over his lost Queen, matrimonial alliances had be-
come, with Henry, the order of the day. Thus, on the 22d of January,
and before the mournings for Queen Jane were laid aside, he commands
his ambassador, Wyatt, in conference with the Spanish ministers, " to
let fall some speech, as from himself, touching his wishes that he (the
King) would marry, so that the Imperial Court may be thereby induced
to ojf'er him the Duchess of Milan, whom percasc, he, the King, may
honour by marriage, her virtue, qualities, and behaviour, being reported
to be such as is worthy to be much advanced."^
This suggestion served for himself, but his Majesty had a child by
each of his deceased Queens ; and, in the frenzy of the moment, they
are now to be treated as so many chattels, for political purposes ; a
degradation from which the children of the humblest peasant are hap-
pily exempt. In this part of the strange procedure, however, the
King's Council must now go along with him ; though not one of them
dared even to whisper about a Queen. We have spoken of Crumwell, as
chiming in with his Master's movements ; and as one of the first proofs
of this we have a very curious document, in his own hand-writing, ap-
plicable to the present moment. It is entitled " Things to be treated of
in Council."
" Item, .SjH'fiall^' to note in what state tlie King's affairs stand in, and to pro-
vide so tliat Ills Grace may at the least liavcowe friend, and now tlic case stimd-
ing as it doth, to accelerate that matter, so tliat it may be done in time.
" Wlilrli be the wavs and means for tlie King to acquire this friendship, and
upon wliat grounds. Fii*st, his Higliness Jiath two daughters, tliowjh not Imrjul,
yet K'lnifs daugliters, and forasmuch as princes commonly conclude amities,
and tilings of great importance, liy alliances, it is thought necessary that these
two daugliters sliall be made of .«(•)«( estimation, without the which no man will
have any groat respect unto them.
" And fora.smuch as the one of them is of more age than the other, and more
apt to make a present alliance than the other for want of age is, if it might please
the King's Highness to declare lier according to his laws, which to her estima-
" Harlciaii MS., Nc 282, f..I. .17. « Idem. fnl. l."..
l5:iS.2 GRAVELY CONTEMPLATED. 7
tion is thought will be a groat thing, or else otlicrwise to advance her to some
certain living, decent for such an estate, whereby she may be the better had in
reputation ; it is thought the moi-e acceleration would be made for her : and
then a hke direction to be taken for my Lady Elizabeth, whereby as his Grace
by the one, may provide him with a present friend, so he may liave the other
in store hereafter, at his pleasure, to get also another friend, as the commodity
of his affairs shall require ; for as we think the only sheet-anchor the French
King hath, is to compass the marriage between tlie Duke of Orleans and the
Duchess of Milan, which in estate were not to be compared with any of the
King's daughters, if she wanted that endowment of Milan, which the French
King thinketh by that means to get into his hands, — and if that should happen,
then shall not only the French King and the bishop of Rome wyre together, by
all likelihood against us, so that the King's Highness shall be destitute of friend-
ship on all sides ; but also his daughters shall as well remain unprovided for,
as be left in such case as no prince of honour shall be left to desire the King's
amity, by mean of either of the same."!*
Royal blood has been often mentioned as a subject worthy of great
veneration, but it certainly was treated here, with no enviable distinc-
tion ; nor does there appear to have been any hesitation, for a single
day, before the wild counsel was, at least, attempted to be put in prac-
tice. By the 22d of February, Henry himself is writing, in cypher, to his
ambassador Wyatt, and the old amity was supposed to be renewed, and
confirmed. The Spanish ambassadors seemed to accept of the over-
ture for his Majesty's three children, including the infant Edward of
four months old ! Mary to be given in mari'iage to Don Louis of Portu-
gal, Elizabeth to one of King Ferdinand's sons, and the infant Prince to
one of the Emperor's daughters, born or to be born l^^
It was but a few days after this, when Francis advanced once more,
and professed to agree that Henry should be the mediator between him-
self and Charles ; sending at the same time his ambassador, the Bishop
of Tarbes, with his commission to the English monarch. He farther
promised that he would make no -peace otherwise, and that as to the
Pontiff's Council now called, he would show all friendship to Henry.
The ambassador and his attendants made no scruple in affirming boldly,
that " all the Emperor's promises had no good faith or meaning in them,
but were full of fraud and deceit." To all this, Henry informs Wyatt,
he had replied greatly to the Emperor's honour, though at the same
moment he charges his ambassador to " use all his dexterity that the
crafty dealing of which the Frenchmen spake, might be discovered in
themselves."^^
Before the 10th of March, however, and as if the Frenchmen had
spoken truth, Wriothsley, the English ambassador at Brussels, intimated
a sudden change in the Lady Regent's deportment, immediately after
the an-ival of two couriers from Spain ■}'^ and by the 4th of April, Crum-
9 Cotton MS., Titus, B. i., fol. 481. '" Harleian MS., No. 282, fol. i., and fol. 17 Original.
>> Harleian MS.. No. 2H2. fol. l?.";. 1H2. '2 Idem. fol. 18?.
8 STUANCili NEliOClATlONS WITH [uuoK II.
well, in writing to Spain, inl'onns Sir T. Wyatt, that iu treating with the
Spanish ambassadors, " they found many fair words, but attended with
very small ettects." Ho then blames Wyatt for sendiiuj his lettern open
to Oie llisliop of Wiiichesler, (Gardiner, iu Paris,) and intimates that Dr.
T. lleynes and Dr. Kdniund IJonncr arc coming to Barcelona from the
King.'-' Next day, or the 5th of April, the King himself writes also to
Wyatt, that the Spanish ambassadors in England had no power to treat
with him as to the " chicfcst point of all," — his marriage with the
Duchess of Milan. '^ Bonner and Ileynes, on the 7th, were the bearers
of these letter.^;, and also fresh instructions, to co-operate with Wyatt,
" in searching out the bottom of their hearts in Spain," as Wriothslcy
had advised ;'^ but anxiety being still on the increase, by the l(Jth
Crumwell orders Sir Thomas home, since " he had matters to declare by
word of mouth, which he could not do by writing," and ]\Ir. Pate the
bearer is to be his successor."' On the 4th of May, however, Ilcnry him-
self writes, informing these ambassadors in Spain that Francis, through
Gardiner at Paris, had now offered the Duke of Orleans to the Lady
Mary of England, in hopes that the Emperor would give the Duchy of
Milan with her ! But that as the French King had now referred all
matters of controversy between him and the Emperor to the PontiiF,
Ilenry could not allow h im to be a meddler, a mediator, or a principal
coutrahent, where he himself should be a party.'7
What then must have been the mortification of the English monarch,
when he found that he had been deceived both by France and Spain \
For after all this tortuous procedure, the Emperor and Francis actually
negociated through the Pontiff, and that by his request also, at Nice.
There, Charles appeared as though he would not bow to a personal inter-
view with his rival, which was only a secret understanding between the
parties ; while the Pontiff managed all matters between them so dexter-
ously, that by the 18th of June, a truce of ten years was agreed upon ;
both powers engaging to send ambassadors to Rome, and there discuss
their pretensions at leisure ! Upon this Paul recalled his Legates gone
to Vicenza, and deferred the Council called, till April next year: boast-
ing, no doubt, in the meanwhile, that he had restored peace to Europe.
In July, the Emperor returning home, had set sail for Barcelona, and
drew near to the island of St. Margaret on the coast of Provence. When
Francis, who hui)pened to be not far distant, heard of this, he considered
it as an office of civility to invite him ashore, and proposed a personal
interview at Aigucs-Mortes. The Emperor seemed to hesitate for a
moment, but then repaired thither. " As soon as he had cast anchor in
■3 Idem, fol. 189. Gardiner had his iifphow, Ofrmain Gardiner, with him in Prance, and he
was ever buoy in shuwiiiK the Kinu'a Icttent to :>triiiiKers. Tliis iiuin, who printed a miserable
mill false tract against Krytli. dated frniii Kslier Iht AuKiist l.VH, was afterwards charged with
denyinK Ufiirv's Siipieniacv, and executed at Tyburn so late as the 7th of .March I.V44.
i« Idem, lol. Jr;. '••• Idem, fol. .«, b. !'• Idem. fol. 1!»7. "■? Idem, fol. .■►4.
1538.] FRANCE AND srAIN. 9
the road, Francis, relying implicitly ou the Emperor's honour for his
security, visited him on board his galley, and was entertained with the
warmest demonstrations of esteem. Next day, the Emperor repaying
the confidence which the King had placed in him, landed, and met with
a reception equally cordial, lie remained ou shore duiing the night.
After twenty years of open hostilities, or of secret enmity — after so
many injuries reciprocally inflicted or endured — after having formally
given the lie, and challenged one another to single combat — after the
Emperor had inveighed so publicly (at Rome) against Francis, as a
prince void of honour or integi-ity — and after Francis had accused him
of being accessary to the murder of his eldest son — such an interview
appears altogether singular and even unnatural. But the history of these
monarchs abounds with such sui-prising transitions. From implacable
hatred, they appeared to pass in a moment to the most cordial recon-
cilement ; and after practising all the dark arts of a deceitful policy,
they could assume, of a sudden, the liberal and open manners of two
gentlemen."'*^ At present, however, it is evident that, as sovereigns,
they were both reduced to a state of comparative exhaustion ; or alike
wearied " in the multitude of their counsels, and the greatness of their
way." These were the first moments of a breathing time, which, after
all, so far from extending to ten, was disturbed in two years, and ended
in four.
The Emperor has been represented as driven, by stress of weather, to
St. Margaret's, but Lord Herbert affirms that this meeting was by
private concert between the two sovereigns ; as from the number of
their attendants, and their mutual jealousy of Paul, their seeing each
other, whether at their respective Courts, or in the Pontiff's at Nice, was
not safe. This is most probably correct ; for the truth is, that the am-
bassadors of England also, were with both Charles and Francis. Bon-
ner's amusing account of Wyatt, Heyues, and himself, being at Villa
Franca, is given by Foxe ; while Gardiner also was with the French
King. But, besides, Cardinal Pole was actually with the Pontiff, only
two miles distant, at Nice ; where he had been most courteously treated
and caressed by all parties.'''
But we are not yet done with the Emperor and his attendants during
this meeting. It will be remembered that ou the 16th of May, Sir T.
Wyatt had been recalled, and in returning he proceeded "from Villa
Franca, in post, into England." In order, therefore, to prolong the
delusion, it will scarcely be believed that Charles had made proposals
from this very spot, to induce the King of England to join him in a
friendly league, which might be made effective against Francis ! ! It
was probably this step which led Crumwell to suspect, if not declare.
'« Robertson's Cliarlcs V. '» Sec tlit- letter of Thcobaltl, already fiuotccl, i)af;e Sa<i, vol. i.
II) CKOOKKI) i'Ol.KV. [book II.
that " the Iriciulsiliiji at Aii/ims-Jfortes would not last;" but his royal
Montor, though afTucting to be gratified by this overture, did not then
pay any attentiuu to it.*' The fact was, that other jtartics, from Ger-
iiiaiiy, of whom wc shall hear presently, were now in England ; and,
miller the |iressiire of circumstances just described, Henry, from political
motives, was now disposed to turn aside from his matrimonial excursions,
and see whether, by some friendly co-operation with the German Princes,
he might not improve the security of his kingdom, and be ready to cope
with both the Emperor and Francis, set on by the Pontiff, should any
attem])t be made upon England.
On the 19th of July, the Emperor had re-cmbarked for Barcelona ;
and, still steadily carrying on the farce with England, upon reaching
home, he immediately despatched a commission, dated the 26th of the
same month, to his sister the Princess Regent of Flanders, " to treat
with the plenipotentiaries of Henry VIII. about the renewal of treaties
and marriages." ^' While Francis, who did not arrive in Paris till the
beginning of September, found upon the road, that a change must take
place in the British eml>assy at his Court.
All this was, of course, no welcome news, more especially to the King
of England, for certainly he had now been out-witted by both Sovereigns ;
while such an assembly as had now been held at Nice, might well cause
Henry to forbode a storm. Marriage with any foreign party must be
laid aside for a few months, and another course of policy pursued.
Meanwhile, of the two Sovereigns, Henry was most incensed with the
King of France, and he had most reason ; while Gardiner's procedure
as ambassador, had contributed to embaiTass the counsels of his own
Sovereign. Though living in Paris, he leaned towards the side of the
Emperor. He, as well as Thirlby his coadjutor, who had no objections,
niust be recalled, and the Court of France be furnished with another
man. As Bonner, therefore, with Heynes, had returned from Villa
Franca to Barcelona, the King's letters were immediately transmitted
to the former; ordering him to proceed to France, and succeed Gardiner.
The latter, says Lord Herbert, " had soured all things ; since being one
who both disliked his own King's late proceedings, and secretly favoured
2" In four mnntlis after tlii», however, lie will. Meanwhile, let it only be observed that Wyatt
had arrived in London with the overture on the 17th of June, as it appears by the account of
his expenses. — I'etjxu. c. xiv., fol. 19.
*i Cotton MS., Vespa-s. c. vii., fol. HO. It certainly would baffle the researches of the most
careful observer, to a-nccrtain which of these Sovereigns, or their advisers, exceeded in duplicitv.
Hut the reader may remark that while Charles was in the very act of necociatinf; with the
King of France, he had sent by WyatI, in Juno, proposals to the Kinn of Knpland for a Icaf^ie
.-iKainst him. The proposals reached London by the 17th, but the very next dai/ Charles had
agreed to a truce with Francis, for ten years ; had exchantjed civilities with him after this at
.Mgues-Mortes ; and yet here is a mock commission for the riiiewal of treaties with Kngh-ind !
«»n the other hand, Henry was busy with the (ierman Confederates, and we shall see in October,
hiiw fcc .ictcd towntds Charles in ntum.
lo3y.] CtARDINER recalled from FRANCE. 11
the Emperor, he did his master little service in that Court." ^^ Bonner
set off immediately, and meeting with Gardiner not fiir from Lyon, on
the 7th of August, when slowly following the French King, a tremen-
dous explosion took place between the parties. The Bishop of Win-
chester, who had evidently, by his own showing, lived in great style at
Paris, as ambassador, felt like a man that was caught in an evil course,
and he was also indignant at the idea of Archdeacon Bonner succeeding
him. " His disdainful nature," says Foxe, " did stomach him exceed-
ingly," and the quarrel continued so hot between them, as actually to
last all the way, like a running fight, from near Lyon, through Tararc,
Varennes, Moulins, and Bourges, to Blois.^"' Francis, however, being at
the village of Chambord, ten miles eastward, Gardiner behoved then to
introduce his successor, and the King having left on the 1st of Septem-
ber, Bonner followed him on the third, in all haste to Paris. But a few
days elapsed after his arrival, when, to his overflowing joy, he found
by a letter from CVumwell, that he was nominated Bishop of Hereford.
His predecessor, Edward Fox, a very different man, of whom we have
heard, had died on the 8th of May ; and Crumwell as well as Cranmer being
now completely deceived by Bonner, they at once elevated this monster
in human shape.^'* Gardiner, before leaving Paris, had the mortification
to hear of this appointment, and in the end of September, left that city
for England, after an absence of exactly three years. He came home,
it will be evident, with a heart full of mischievous device, and as full
of secret revenge against Crumwell ; first for his being sent abroad at
the time he was, in 1535, and now for his being recalled.^^
22 Herbert, generally very correct, has however by mistake placed Bonner's removal from
Spain into France, in 15.'i7 ; and this may have led Liugard and other historians to limil the
absence of Gardiner to two years. Gardiner was abroad three years to a day, as will be
shown presently.
23 That is, if we can trust Bonner's own words. The scene is drawn with graphic minuteness,
and forms a lively picture of both the men. Foxe gives it entire, as sent home to Crumwell.
They were dear friends before, when, in January 153fi, Bonner published a highly eulogistic
preface to Gardiner's book " De vera obedientia ;" and they will be cordial friends again, when
both of them come to unite in shedding the blood of their countrymen, a few years hence. Bon-
ner was now starting in that deeply hypocritical career, in which he so completely deceived
even Crumwell.
24 For some reason, the royal assent was not given till the 27th of November; but so early as
the 12th of September, when Gardiner was still in Paris, we shall presently find Coverdalc and
Grafton referring to Bonner as Bishop elect. This appointment Crumwell regarded as a valu-
able stroke of policy at the moment, but it turned out to be one of the first steps to his own
ruin. Yet what could he possibly do ? Gardiner had been counter-working him on the Con-
tinent, though his recall was most probably by Henry's desire. He might wish to avail himself
of this Bishop's counsel, as he had begun to desire that of another— Tunstal.
25 None of the historians furnish any precise date for Gardiner's departure to France, or his
return to England ; some rating his absence at two, and others at three years. But the uncer-
tainty is happily removed by a curious original document — " the account of his expenses." For
his diet alone, he charges " from the 1st October in the 27th, to the 28th September in the .30th
year of his Grace's reign," or from l.^'io to l.'j.lS, viz. Ktn4 days at A 2, 13s. 4d. per day! Then
there was posting, &c.. and .£5<X) given, out of £20fi(l lent to him by the King. Altogether, his
embassy cost England £4274, 6s. 8d. This, according to our present value of money, w.is equal
to about ,£64.01X1 1 No wonder than he was delighted with his appointment, reluctant to give it
u)i, and had boasted of his sliilc. For, besides all this, there was the See of Winchester, valued
12 LIMUASSY FROM UEUMAN STATES. [uuuK II.
Such wcro tlutsc iiegociations of this year, up to the present moiueiit,
ill which Hknky himself hud taken so warm an interest, as to write with
his own hand to Sir T. Wyutt, as frccjucntly as Crumweli, or rather
more so ; but there were others, of a diil'erent character, in which
CuANMKK and Cuumwkll were as deeply iutcrcstcd, and these now de-
mand notice.
To both Crumweli and Cranmer the present year could not fail to be
one of f^eat anxiety. Their imi)etuous and wayward royal Master, re-
lieved from wedlock, was like a vessel that had been loosed from her
mooring. We have seen how eagerly he was bent on alliance with a
foreign Queen ; but such a step could not be anticipated without trem-
bling ajiprehension. It had been during the brief existence of two
£ii<//i,i/i Queens in succession, that Crumweli and Cranmer had arrived
at their present standing, and though the former had been j)articularly
cautious of any interference with the royal fancy, yet until the King
was fixed in his choice, it was impossible to foresee Avhat would happen.
The only jiath left open to them, however, they did not fail to pursue.
\S'hilc Henry therefore was busy in one direction, with Crumweli ob-
sequiously in attendance ; both he and Cranmer were etjually active in
another. So early as the month of Januaiy, we find that the King had
been correcting, with his own pen, " the Bishops' Book," of which we
heard last year ; but not until after t/ie chaiKje in continental affairs in
June, does Ilenry appear to have regarded with any deep interest, the
course of policy and discussion with those German States, in which
Cranmer especially had been so engaged — States which the Emperor,
at the moment, was regarding with an evil eye.
Un the first of ^larch, however, or just when Francis had feigned to
agree that Ilenry should be the mediator between himself and the Em-
peror, and charging the latter with deceit ; Christopher Mount, a German
fre<|uently employed, and Thomas Paynel, were despatched into Germany,
to ascertain precisely who the Gennan Confederates were, then assem-
bled at Brunswick, and whether their league was for " general defence,"
or for matters of religion only. These States, aware of the Emperor's
feeling respecting them, had desired that Ilenry should unite with them,
and own the Augsburg Confession of Faith ; Christian III. King of Den-
mark having just united with them. They now, therefore, despatched
three individuals on an Embassy into England, namely, Francis Burg-
hart, Vice-Chancellor to the Elector of Saxony, George a-Boyneburg, and
at ,-C:?4(lO, or cqiinl to more than ;t'.10,(X)n annually, runnin); on all the time! Wyatf, who was
then iilito abroad, rcc-civtd only forty-one shilJini;!) juTday, for about the half of his time, Ihoufjh
afterwnrda it wait raixed to (iurdiner' it charge ; but then Sir TliomaN ha<l no tee behind him.
Compare Cotton .MS. Ve»pas. c. xiv.. fol. Ill niid l!l. Tliise three years of Gardiner's absence
from Kn^lund become remarkably biKuihcant. the imrc they are obhcrved, with reference to
TiimUUt anA tmk 8< nIITl•nK^. as well as the assntinn /ivin jicrscculiun, and iu viyorous com-
Mtiiccmcnl iijion hit rktl'U.v.
ITiSS.] ENVOYS TO THE GERMAN STATES. 13
Frederick Myconius. These men arrived in England, on the 12th of
May, the first of them bearing a letter from Mclancthon to the King.
His JMajesty having appointed certain bishops and doctors to converse
with them, the conferences and debates had continued for three months.-®
So early as the month of June, however, the King grew impatient for
the pi'escnce of Tunstal, who was still at a distance, as President of the
Council of the North. This was a bad omen, and the first token of some
approaching change. Cnimwell, however, must order him up, and Tun-
stal, far from reluctant, gladly replies from Newcastle on the 27th of
June, that he is coming with all " convenient diligence."27 The King
therefore employed himio answer the German Divines ; but by the 15th
of August their patience being exhausted, they had resolved on return-
ing home. From all that had transpired on the Continent, Henry, by
this moment, Avas suspicious not only of treachery at home, but invasion
from abroad. He was himself gone to some distance, " taking special
care of the sea coasts, and particularly had an eye to the actions of those
who might stir in favour of Cardinal Pole.''^^ Cranmer, therefore, im-
plored the Germans to remain at least till the King's return, and they
agreed to abide for another month, in the faith of his Majesty writing
in excuse of their long delay .^^ The Primate then most earnestly turned
to his brethren, the Bishops, but they were not to be moved nmr, by any
of his solicitations. They had been treated as men of no account, ever
since the memorable Convocation in 1536 ; so that after ten days he must
inform Crumwell, that he now saw " they only sought an occasion to break
the concord." They affirmed besides, that " they knew that the King's
Grace had taken vpon himself to answer the said orators." In this they
were not far from the exact truth ; and here was the second omen, to
both Cranmer and Crumwell, of declining influence. To the German ob-
jections against the half-communion, private masses, and the celibacy
of the clergy, Henry would, on no account, bow ; and having employed
Tunstal to give them a formal reply in Latin, after commending the
Envoys for their learning, and the trouble they had taken, to the great
disappointment of Cranmer, his Majesty then dismissed them.-^'
Here the historian requires to pause for a moment and look back.
26 There was no Convocation cither in 15.'J7 or ]5,'J8. But Strype, in his annals, has misled his
readers by sjieaking of a Convocation as held on the 2d May 15."0 : and he repeats this, in his life
of Cranmer, under 1.t3!); though there he f\irnishes us with the rectification of his mist.ike.
"The Xing," says he, " had sent his letters wiittcn the 12th of March in the 3ilth year of his
reign, viz. l.WS, for summoning a Convocation to meet at St. Paul's the 2d May," — but this was
next year, and the li'th of .March in the 30th of Henry, «•«« 1539.
27 Gov. State Papers, v., p. 12fi.
28 Herbert. He was gone as far as Dover, and had not returned on the 8th of September.
Gov. State Papers, i., .51i8.
29 Gov. State Papers, vol. i., p. .5/9.
30 For the argumentative paper of the German ambassadors, dated .Oth August, see Clcop.
E. v., fol. 173 ; and for Henry's reply by Tunstal, Ulem, fol. 21.'). Both are given by Burnet, and
partly translated by Collier. The Germans had left in September, and most opportunely f(jr
Oarpiner's purposes, who had arrived on the 2!)th of that month.
11 (JAKDINKK, NOUI'OLK, AND TL'NSTAL MKl. [houK II.
Muiiy tilings, it will in>\v lie obscrvcil hud boen accomplished during the
iibsuncc of these men, the Bishoji of Winchester, the Bishop of Durhiim
and the Duke of Norfolk, although all this time they were not idle.
But now, the first of these has arrived from France, and tlie others
were in waiting for him. All the three were impatient for a change ;
but for three years they had not, in concert, been near the ear of his
Majesty. They were so now, and Gardiner especially after acting his
part on the Continent, had been all the while nursing his wrath, to keep
it warm. It had just burst forth with rude violence upon Bonner in
France, but now resuming his wonted dexterity and self-command, we
shall soon find how cordially the King of England, notwithstanding his
wayward temper, fell under the influence of this old faction. Even in
Gardiner's absence, Crumwell and Cranmer had been threading their
way in perilous seas, but they were now come within the power and in-
fluence of the breakers. Not that Crumwell could, by any means, be
yet dispensed with. Far from it. The times were portentous, and more
money will be required presently ; and in procuring this, neither the Duke
nor the Bishops could be of any service to his Majesty. During the
whole of this year, Crumwell's visitors were abroad throughout the
countrj', in prospect of the dissolution of the larger Monasteries ; and
even at this very moment he was gratifying the cupidity of his royal
Master, by supplies of money.-'" But in other matters, the influence of
Crumwell was now upon the decline, and so, like Wolsey, long before
he was attainted. This he must have felt deeply, and this change forms
the key to many of his future actions, and even his language.
The reader must have observed, that from January to IMay at least,
the King of England leaned rather towards the Emperor, who was all
the while deceiving him ; Gardiner, though ambassador to Francis, had
long done the same, and now he may help his royal Master, however
meanly, to resume his strange negociations with Charles.^
At all events, so early as the IGth of October, instructions were drawn
out for Sir T. Wyatt once more, accompanied by Mr. Philip Hoby, to be
declared unto the Emperor ; who might well smile at their return.-''-''
3' Inini^cs and Crosses were brealiinR to pieces, or Riven to the flames, and he was driing up
those sources of wealth wliich had been supcrstitiously accumulated at the Shrines. The most
celebrated was that of Thomas Hecket at Cantivbur>', where the gold, silver, and jewels, which
were conveyed into Henry-scoffers, tilled two jionderous chests, each of which required eiRht
itrung men to carry. The Hiii/al of France, a jewel of great value, which had lain there for
above three centuries and a-half, the King ever afterwards wore in a ring on his finger. It had
been presented with a massy cup of gold, by Lewis VII. of France in 117!' ; then performing pil-
grimage, the year before his own death, to recover from illness his son and successor, Philip II.
'■>• Lingard. from Le Grand, has represented, not merely the Duke of Norfolk, but Ganthier as
returning a year before ; and after an honourable e.\ile of lico years, as repairing to Winches-
ter, without even seeing the King; from whence he recalls him to Court in Lent iHX). But all
this h.is been, and will he disjiroved. Gardiner will appear presently, in high favour, at West-
minster Hall ; but he did not preach his sermon till I.VIO.
^' Harleiaii MS., No. 2(12, fol. "/O. But the original, in twelve pages, is preserved in the
l<rili>h Museum ; Vespas., c. vii., Jl-'B; with the interlineations of Henry, in his own hand-
1538.] GARDINER AND I'OLK. 15
On the 25th, both Bonner and Carnes warned Crumwell that the Lady
Mary of Brussels and the King of France had met by appointment** — cer-
tainly a suspicious circumstance. And yet, by the 28th of next month,
though the King himself wi'ites to Sir Thomas Wyatt, complaining of
the Emperor's proceedings, proposed by himself, for the marriage of his
daughter Mary with the " infant " of Portugal, Don Louis — still " he is
willing to enter into an alliance with him, by marrying the Duchess of
Milan on honourable terms, and conclude a league offensive and defen-
sive." At the same time, Henry now proposes marrying his daughter
Mary to the young Duke of Cleves, or the Duke of Urbino ; craving the
Emperor's opinion.^ But the year closed without the slightest pro-
gress, or any satisfaction to the King of England ; and therefore here
we must leave the subject till next year.
Before the Bishop of Winchester's return, there was one man, who,
above all others, had excited Henry's warmest indignation. This, it
may be anticipated, was Cardinal Pole. By the month of August, this
year, Theobald, as well as others, had afforded information of his very
covirteous entertainment at Nice ;36 but Gardiner, who cared for no
man's life, if he could only rise in royal favour, and undermine all other
advisers, could now plentifully furnish farther particulars. He had
joined with the King of France, last year, in banishing the Cardinal
from Paris ; and as he ever considered Pole to be a weak man, so he
would not be slow now to assist the King in regarding him as the ori-
ginal author of the present combination on the Continent. Such, at
least, was Henry's persuasion ; and it must have been greatly strength-
ened, by the Cardinal being sent in November as Legate into Spain, to
stimulate the Emperor to invade England. His relations in England,
as suspected of treason, were now to be dealt with. His brother, Sir
Geoffrey Pole, being first committed, is said to have made certain dis-
closures to the Council, when Lord Montacute, another bi'other, the
■writing. Thus he is personally identified with tlie contents ; and as we have noticed the dupli-
city of the Emperor, it would be unfair to pass over the King lie had been trying to cajole.
Henry, it is evident, had been negociating with the German States, but with a more immediate
eye to politics than religion, and, their ambassadors once dismissed, he turns to the Emperor
once more, and what does he say? — " His Majesty remembering the gentle overtures unto his
Highness, by the said Emperor, maik fiom Filla Franca, the which overtures, tho' his Grace
took very thankfully and embraced them, yet nevertheless, at that time, kst he should be
noted to be an ititerrujiter of the common quiet of Christendom — his Grace stayed to send his
commission to conclude the same, until that assuredly should be passed!" — though there tras
nothing he depreealed more, than the union of Francis and Charles—" intending nevertheless,
after the same, to join the Emperor in all reasonable things and conditions" — although he had
been negociating with the German States, maitdy with the view of keeping him in clwek! But why
delay for four months to send proposals, or why. for three, pay no regard to the Emperor's com-
mission in July ? Of course Henry would not tell that he had been courting alliance else-
where. But — " these things well considered, I report me both to the Emperor and his Council,
whether I Iiave not had cause both to be slack, and occasion to think that he and his agents did
dissemble with us for winning of time, which ways being far from a sincere friend's demeanour,
we heartily require him to no more put in use with us." — .Fust as if Charles had not known, by
this time, how Henry liad been occupied, instead of being slack.
31 Calig., E. iv., fol. 8. Galba, B. .x.. Sit. 3r, Harl. MS., fol. Xh sn See vol. i., pjigc Xiil.
Irt TIM-: KIUST AUTK'I.KS, [nooK II.
Connti-<.'; <'i" Salislniry, tlu-ir iiRO'l mother, the Marfpiis and Marchioness
of Kxctor, an<l Sir Kdwanl Neville, were arrested. On the 31 «t of Dc-
cenilier last, the Peers were arraij^ned, and on the ;M of Jannary, the
two Knifjhts. Sir Gcoft'rey was pardoned, but the other three hail suf-
fered at Towerhill on the 0th of that month .■'7
Tho present year, a.s connected witli Ciu-mwkli- and Chan-
MKU, now demands notice. The infljience of Gardiner and
Tiin.stal, tliey being at last united, and near the King, was
far from being confined to foreign politics. It was still more
apparent in their taking advantage of what had been done in
Clardiner's absence, .and now artfully turning it to the dis-
grace of those they either hated or persecuted.
At that Convocation in 1.5.36, or the first of an unprece-
dented character, where Crumwell had presided as Vice-
gerent, and with a high hand over the Bishops, Craniner had
introduced certain articles, informing all present that the
Sacraments must be Jirst settled ; and as the creed, whether
framed by himself or tho King, or by both in union, was
guarded by sanguinary penalties, it formed a most convenient
instrument for any persecutor. After this, it is true, by his
zeal for the Bible of 1537, Cranmer would seem as though he
had either questioned or undervalued the articles passed and
subscribed : but be this as it may, he had been evidently
eager to receive the Germans to a conference, and as much so
to have retained them in discussion. Probably he thought,
that as theif could defend their own faith, under safe-conduct,
and so boldly question or oppose some of the royal dogmas,
thus some impression might be made on his obstinate and
self-willed master. In this, however, he had now been deeply
disappointed, when lo ! Stephen Gardiner arrived in London.
Gardiner had been uniformly opposed to all this courting
of the German (confederated States. Even when abroad, and
two 3'cars ago, he had strongly advised the King against it;
but he had now an opportunity of renewing his former argu-
ments, and the crisis was particularly favourable to his add-
ing " many like words."' He had been living for three years
on the Continent ; and as his royal Master, in all his move-
ments, was governed solely by political motives, no man was
37 Sec vol. i., paqc .MI, note lo.'..
J5.38.J IN THEIR CON«EyUENCES. ]?
more able than Gardiner to turn liis intimate acquaintance
with foreign affairs to some positive account, in favour of his
own views. These, of course, were diametrically opposed to
the policy of Orumwell and Cranmer. Henry, he had in-
sinuated formerly, was a Sovereign, but these Germans, very
inferior princes, the mere subjects of the Emperor ; and it
was below the King's dignity to form any league with them,
except as lord of them all. He was " Head of the Church"
in his own kingdom ; and in all matters of faith, they, of
course, ought to bow to him. Besides, he was an author of
high renown ; and having, by his book against Luther, gained
the title of " Defender of the Faith," it was now of more im-
portance than ever, that he should appear the lord and master
of all sentiments and opinions within his own dominions, and
give distinct intimation to all what his own ojjinions were.
Pole had charged his Majesty with the crime of changing his
religion ; whereas now, through Tunstal, not only private
masses, involving auricular confession, had been maintained,
but all the wonders of the mass. One of the points in dis-
cussion with the Envoys from Germany, had related to the
Lord's Supper, and the denial of the cup to the people at
large ; but in the final reply by Tunstal and Henry, the cor-
poral presence and concomitance had been affirmed to the last
degree of incomprehensibility. Should any man in England,
therefore, at this moment, presume to question that point, a
fine opportunity was presented to Gardiner and Tunstal for
using all their address and sophistry. The King, it has been
said, " valued Gardiner's abilities for business, saw his mean-
ness, and was not aware that he himself was sometimes in-
fluenced by the fawning subtilty which he despised." In
one word, no moment could be more favourable for bloody jiur -
poses. Henry was chafed by the policy of the European
Sovereigns, enraged at Pole as well as at his pointed charges,
if not also irritated by the obstinate adherence of the Ger-
mans to their Augsburg Confession.
The creed of 1536, therefore, (forming the first articles im-
posed upon England,) as if framed for the occasion, was now
to be put in operation. The King had entitled it — " Articles
devised to establish Christian quietness among us ;" and Cran-
mer, in bringing it before the Convocation, had insisted that
the sacraments must hejirst settled ; but in doing this, he
VOL. It. B
18
IMITKi: I'KHSKCUTION [bOOK II.
nrobablv littli- diciinil that t\v»» of tliose verv articles would
prove tlio first occasion of his embruing his »>\v)i hands in
blood. The first articlo was baptism, and with it the King
began. Henry had decreed that all /</>• people " ought, and
must of necessity^ believe certainly, that baptism was instituted
as a thini; necessary y'>/* the attainhip of everlast'mri life'' —
" that by this they shall have remission of si?is, and the rjrace
and favour of God'" — " that this promise of grace and life,
which is adjoined unto baptism, pertaineth not only to such
as have the use of reason, but also to infants, who, by this
sacrament, be made thereby the very sons and children of
(Jod — that infants must needs be christened, because they be
born in original sin, which sin cannot be remitted, but b>/ the
sacrament of i)aptism.'
It has been aflirmed that there were many in England
who denied the gross errors here propounded ; and the list of
" dogmata" presented to the Convocation in ]o36, as pre-
vailing throughout the country, might be referred to as prov-
ince this ; but the parties seized, at this moment, were tiot
Henry's people — not his own subjects. They were foreigners,
Germans, who had fled from their own country to avoid per-
secution there. They might therefore have at least been
first warned to leave the kingdom. But no — the King must
speak out, in no unequivocal terms, as to his orthodoxy ; and
both Cranmer and Crumwell, as well as others, now fall in
with the stream of blood.
On the first of October, a commission, in the King's name,
was given out to Cranmer, Stokesly, and Samson, as Bishops,
including Heath, Skip, Thirlby, Gwent, Bobert Barnes, and
Edward Crome, to try these people " lately come into this
realm, where they lurk secretly in divers corners and places."
There is no evidence of any crime whatever, save the denial
of this article, or the doctrine contained in it ; and we have
no record of their trial. Nor is this surprising ; it was not
to be expected ; as by the commission itself, the commis-
sioners had authority to execute the premises, notwithstanding
part of them might be contrary to the customary course and forms
of law ! This most humiliating document for Cranmer, was
subscribed by Crumwell.-'" 'J'he result was, that three men
^' lhf»e i>Of>r pcojilr thoT wcrt to try— " Numm.irii- cl dc plaiin;" to exnmiiir llicm cilhir
\r,:^Sj RKSUMKl) OSVE MORE. Ifl
and one woman boi'o taogots <at Paurs cross, and two others, a
man and a woman, were consigned to the flames in Sinitlifield.
But another article of the creed imposed, furnished ground
for a far more conspicuous triumph to the J3ishop of Win-
chester ; when a more miserable spectacle of a royal tyrant
taunting and w-orrying his victim, Westminster Hall pro-
bably never witnessed, before nor since. John Lambert^ a
convert of Bilney's, who is said to have associated with Tyn-
dale and Fryth when abroad, had, in the reign of Sir Thomas
More, been brought to England ; and before Warham, in
1532, had answered to not fewer than forty-five articles laid
against him. Warham, however, died that year, and Lam-
bert was discharged. To avoid the fury of persecution, he
then changed his name to Nicholson ; and being a man of
learning, he had, since that period, earned an honourable sub-
sistence, by teaching Latin and Greek. This year, Dr. John
Tailour, afterwards Bishop of Lincoln, had been preaching at
St. Peter's, Cornhill, on " transubstantiation." Lambert or
Nicholson, after hearing him, had offered civilly to argue the
jioint, but Tailour required him to commit his thoughts to
writing; a very dangerous thing in those times, and that
which had proved fatal to the immortal Fryth. On shovi^ing
the paper to Robert Barnes^ of whom we have just heard, as a
member in commission with Cranmer, he advised Tailour to
lay it before the Archbishop, now so rigidly observed by all
his brethren of " the old learning." Lambert once brought
into Court, appealed from the Bishops to the Kinf) ; when
Gardiner suggested that a fine opportunity w-as now presented
to his ISLajesty, for putting an end to all insinuations, foreign
or domestic, and of vindicating himself before the world,
from the charge of favouring heretics. The King, in perfect
cliaracter, taking up the appeal with a high hand, convoked
his Nobles and Prelates immediately to repair to London, and
assist at the triumph."*' Upon the day fixed Henry arrived,
with a numerous guard, all clothed in white, and a cushion of
judicially-, or f j-i!rrtjudicially, as they thought proper; and the words at the close of the com-
mission are these — " Ko non obstante quod Dennntiatio. Detcctio sive Indictatio contra eos-
dem, ant eorum aliquem. in hac parte non praecesserit, aliqnibus Statutis vel Statuto in Parlia-
mcntis nnstris in contrarium editis scu provisis, ca-tcrisque contrariis non obstantibus quibus-
cnnquc !"' — " In cnjus rei testimonium, &c, primo die Octobris 1.538. Rcpni nostri tricesimo. —
Thom. Critmwell." .
39 " Gardiner," says Pnmet, "laid hold on the appeal, and persuaded the King to proceed
solemnly and severelv in it."
20 IHTTKlt I'EUSECUTION UKSLMKD. QuuuK 11.
wliitf dutli of tissue was laid before liis Majesty. On his
ri<;lit sat tlie Bishops, and behind them the lawyers, in
purple. On his left the Peers, in their order, with the
gentlemen of the Privy Chamber behind. The King, once
seated on his throne, Samson, ]Jishop of Chichester, by com-
mand, declared to the people, the cause of this assembly. —
" Tlio King," he said, " had thrown off the usurpations of the See of Rome,
discharged and disincorporated some idle Moukg, who lived only hke drones in a
bee-hive ; he liad rouioved the idolatrous regard for imai/es ; published the
Bible in Eiiijligh for the instruction of all his subjects, and made some lesser
alterations in the Church, which nobody could deny were for the public in-
terest. But as for other things, he his Majesty was resolved to keep constant
to the Catholic faith and customs. That he was very desirous the prisoner
would retract his erroi-s, and return to the Catholic communion : That for this
purpose, and to prevent the extremities which would otherwise follow, he had
ordered the aj)i)earance of these grave and learned men, the Bishops ; hoping
that by the advantage of their character, and force of their reasoning, they
would recover him to the Church, and wrest his unfortunate opini(jn from him.
But in case he was not to be removed from his obstinacy, he (the King) was
resolved to make him an example ; and by a precedent, of hitt own setting,
acquaint his judges and the Magistracy, how they ought to manage heresy, and
behave themselves upon such occasions !"
Henry then commenced, and with " brows bent unto
severity;" but Lambert at once denying the corporal presence,
he commanded Cranmer to answer him. With his charac-
teristic mildness the Archbishop began ; but very soon it
appeared as if Lambert would triumph in argument. " The
King," says Foxe, "seemed greatly moved — the Bishop him-
self that disjjuted to be entangled, and all the people amazed;"
when Oardiner, whose cause it truly was, before Cranmer had
finished, and who, according to previous arrangement, ought
not to have spoken one word, till four others had finished,
kneeled down for permission to break silence. Henry assent-
ing, he began — Tunstal, Stokesly, and two others, followed,
occupying the solitary prisoner for five hours, or from twelve
to five o'clock, when torches were lighted. Lambert main-
tained his opinions in answer to them all ; but observing that
there was no hope of being fairly heard, towards the close had
become silent. At last, Henry enquired, whether he would
live or die? Lambert threw himself upon the King's mercy
— that King who, in his anger, never spared any man. He
replied, that he would be no patron of heretics ; and then
commanded Crumwell, as Vicar-General, to read the sentence
1538-3 JOHN LAMBERT. 21
of death ! Such was the pitiful display on Friday the 16th
of November ; and on Tuesday followins:, the 20th, Lambert
was burnt to ashes, with circumstances of peculiar barbarity.
His last words were — " None but Christ — none but Christ/''^
On Saturday following-, the foreigners suffered ; and by
Wednesday the 28tli we have the following melancholy proof
of the basest sycophancy on the part of Crumwell, now striv-
ing in vain to retain his influence and power, in the face of
Gardiner, the Duke of Norfolk, and others. He is writing to
Sir Thomas Wyatt, then ambassador in Spain.
" On the 16th of this present, the King's Majesty, for the reverence of the
holy sacrament of tlie altar, did sit openly in his hall, and there presided at the
disputation, process, and judgment of a miserable heretic sacramentary, John
Nicholson, alias Lambert, who was burnt the 20th of this same month. It was
a woiifler to see how princely, with how excellent gravity, and inestimable
majesty, his Highness exercised there the very office of a supreme head of his
Church of England ! How benignly his Grace assayed to convert the miser-
able man ; how strong and manifest reasons his Highness alleged against him !
I wish that the Princes and Potentates of Christendom had had a meet place
for them there, to have seen it ! Undoubtedly they should have much mar-
velled at his Majesty's most high wisdom and judgment, and reputed him none
otherwise, after the same, than, in manner, the mirror and light of all other
kings and princes in Christendom !"
Thus, if any man by a single epistle, ever " wrote himself
down" in the eye of posterity, which any man may, it was
Crumwell upon this occasion. He had not only read the
burning sentence, but now justified the execution, and eulo-
gised the roval murderer ; so that his havino; been said to
have asked forgiveness of Lambert before death, if not a mere
gratuitous assumption, or embellishment of Foxe, was adding
<o The day before Lambert was burnt, we have a curious letter from Cranmer to Crumwell :
— " This shall be to signify unto you, that this day the King's Highness sent in a commandment
to be with him to-morrow at ten o'clock, which I cannot do if I be with >joi( at Stepney before
7iine of the clock. But for so much as his Grace hath appointed me to be at two sundry places
about one time, which I cannot accomplish, and X dare not disappoint neither of his command-
ments without his Grace countermand the same ; therefore I will send to his Grace to know his
determinate pleasure herein, and I will not fail to waiton you at Stepney, at your hour assigned,
unless the King's pleasure be the contrary. From Lamehithe. the I9th day of November." —
See Crumivrll's Cor., oriijinal liolograph. What could the Vicar-General want with Cranmer
//»> morning? Was he at all uneasy as to what he had done at the trial, as well he might?
Whatever was involved, it docs seem strange that Lambert actually breakfasted in his house,
belbre being carried to Smithfield. Foxe states that this morning " Lambert was brought out of
prison at ei(i1il o'clock, to the house of Lord Crumwell, and so carried to his inner chamber,
where, it is reported of many, that Crumwell desired of him forgiveness* for what he had done.
There, at last, Lambert being informed that the hour of his death was at band, was greatly
cheered. Being brought out of the chamber into the //«?/, he saluted the gentlemen, and sat down
to breakfast with them. When the breakfast was ended, he was carried straightway to the place
of execution." For some unknown reason, Crumwell had wished Cranmer to be there at the
s.imc moment ; but the scfpicl will fhow wluther there was any such feeling as compnncti'in.
22 cia.MW KLi/s iu;iiAViuiK. (^hook ii.
insult to iujiiiy. Ami as for Cruniwuirs motive in so writing
ti> the Continent, at this juncture, if it was the pitiful time-
serving idea, that he might thus raise his cruel master in
the estimation of tin- Spanish Court, and so, in some degree,
retain his own popularity or power, he entirely failed. With
regard to the mock-trial itself; such an array, to hrow-beat
and overawe a poor solitary schoolmaster, was sulliciently
contemptible. The thing was evidently got up to serve some
j)urpose at the moment, while, like many other bloody steps,
it |)roved an entire failure ; though, after .all, in the page of
history, the event is not without its value. Henry had as-
sembled all his authorities round him, and thus fully displayed
what was actually t/icir existing spirit or character, as well
as his own. The lirm faith and fortitude of Lambert, cleared
the moral atmosphere, and served to show the entire assembly
in its true colours. The right of private judgment, and the
unfettered freedom of religious worship, were not understood,
of course, by a single individual there present ; but, on the
other hand, if the Sacred Scriptures bo actually now printing,
and at the instance of Crumwell, one of these very courtiers,
then their introduction into England, or diffusion there, is a
cause just as distinct from these men, except as mere instru-
ments, as it had ever been. And should another edition of
the Sacred Volume, and that a larger impression, be thus
advancing at press, it becomes doubly interesting to inquire,
how such a thing could be accomplished. The Most High is
ever ruling, not in the armies of heaven alone, but " in the
midst of his enemies ;" only at such a time as this, his over-
ruling power becomes evident to demonstration, and demands
special praise. We turn therefore to the third, and to us, in
one sense, the only important view of the present year.
The two cities in the west of Europe, or indeed any where
else, which, as cities, had discovered the fiercest opposition to
Divine Truth, were London and Paris. The former, after a
siege of eleven years' duration, had now been taken. A suc-
cession of sappers and miners, by means of the New Testanient,
had fully prepared the way. The same gracious Providence,
which had been so conspicuous from the beginning, at last,
and most unexpectedly, brought the Bible entire, when,
tlironrrli the straitncss of the siege, and the force of overruling
1.^38.] LONDON AND PARIS. 23
local circumstances, all at once, Henry, and the men around
him, without one breath of hostility, struck their Hag of defi-
ance, and received the vilified and long-rejected version. The
latter city, Paris, though assailed as long as London had been,
was alas ! never so to yield. Francis, though the attached
brother of a pious sister, would never bow, as Henry had been
obliged to do. Of the two cities it might be said — " one was
taken, the other loft."
By the favour of God, Britain was to become the land of
Bibles : and yet the next edition, after the imported one, was
not to be commenced in her metropolis. A tribute higher
still, must be paid to the disinterested patriotism and Chris-
tian pity, of our first Translator. London did not then af-
ford such excellent materials for printing as Paris. It would
therefore be a higher display of Almighty power, amidst the
burning hatred of the Parisians, of the King himself, and even
in the face of that Inquisition, which had obtained no footing
in England, if the next English folio Bible should be printed
by Frenchmen, and in Paris itself ! It will not only be so,
but under the eye of the same man who had embarked his all
in printing the first edition !:^.'
Such, in truth, turns out to be the peculiar feature of the
year 1 538. There the work must now proceed ; and not only
so, but this shall lead to consequences, very memorable, down
to the close of 1541. The Bible commenced at Paris in 1538
and finished in London by April 1539, is a curiosity equally
remarkable in its way with that of 1537, if not more so. It
was like going forth " from conquering, to conquer."
Such an event indeed might seem impossible, look where
we may, at home or abroad. Henry himself, in eager cor-
■•1 Since the spring of 153.'J, the rafie of Francis against all new opinions, and his inflicted
cruelties, had been alike superlative. By December of that year he had " resolved with all his
power and might to suppress," what he styled "' the cursed Lutheran heretic sect," then spring-
ing up in Paris ; and, said he, " we expressly enjoin you, that all other Ihinps set aside, you direct
some among you to enquire ciiriousli/ and diliiierdly into all those who hold this sect and are
suspected of it. We wish you to proceed to this by a strong and armed force, if that be neces-
sary." By 15.35, the King himself had walked in procession, part of which consisted of literally
the hutchei's of Paris, carrying the image of St. Genevieve, when the moment of his Majesty's
arrival at the Louvre was distinguished by six men at once being committed to the flames ! For
some years past all those who remained obstinate were put to death, and the tongues of their
noblest victims were actually eat out, lest in dying they should give the people an impression
of their doctrines! So says even Castelnau, a disciple of the old school.— .1/<'/ho»'.s, v. i., p. 4.
In other instances the same horrid cruelty was inflicted, when the faithful martyr was even
on the road to the stake, if he refused to worship any image that eaiiic in the ivai/ .' See more
particularly Le Grand, or Turner's History of Elizabeth, b. ii.. c. IH, iioles.
2t THK ENGLISH BIBI.K [book il.
resnotidt'iKT with both Spain and Franco, is observed to have
been enijropscd with Continental politics, and not only in keen
pnrsiiit after a fourth Queen, but busy in proposing matrimo-
nial alliances for his children, or, as after this, in sanctioning
bitter persecution. Cranmer, in communication with Ger-
many is employed in discussion for months with Envoys
from that country ; "while Crunnvell, between them both,
though he might seem to have had enough to do, is also pur-
suing vigorously his own course, in the visitation of Monas-
teries and Abbeys, Images, Crosses and Shrines, with a view
to their common overthrow. The harvest months are marked
by cruel preparations, and those of winter, by the shedding of
blood, both foreign and domestic.
Where then was any room left ? Where any time for at-
tention to subjects so widely different, or far apart, as that of
the printing of the Scriptures, and their diffusion tlirougliout
England ? Still, both time and attention mtist be given to
both. Last year Crurnwell had been overruled, Gardiner''s
return was well fitted to quicken his pace, and this year he has
become a determined and energetic agent. His eye had been
directed to Paris, where for the last five years especially, the
greatest hostility to the Scriptures had been most cruelly dis-
played ; but this will only lend greater singularity to the next
edition of the English Bible. The hand of ]?ritain\s God
will once again be pressed upon our notice, as if to show, that
all places, as well as persons, or that Francis I. and Henry
VIII., the highest regal opponents, were alike before Him.
Grafton\s edition, so singularly introduced last year, was
soon found to be but a poor supply, and a second, of 2500
copies, was now^ intended. Grafton may have suggested Paris
as the best place for printing it, as well as for superior paper;
and here now stood Coverdale, at Crumwell's command, ready
to accompany him, as corrector of the press ; but how was it
possible for the work to be executed there? In the com-
mencement of the year, ow ing to the feeling then existing be-
tween Henry and Francis, such a proposal was out of the
question. The latter had given great offence, by refusing
Mary of Guise to the English monarch, and by not bowing
to his request as to jier sisters. Both the Emperor and
Francis, however, in order to gain time, were alike deceiving
the King of England ; and bv the end of I'Vbniai v. one of
1)38.] PKINTINd IN PARIS. 25
the Freiieli Kiiig''s strokes of policj wns, to assent to Henry
becoming the mediator between the Emperor and himself;
nay, before the end of April, he had oftcred his son, the Duke
of Orleans, to Mary of England. Orumwcirs policy, it has
been affirmed, was to cultivate friendship with France, and,
through that power, link Henry with the German States :
but be that as it may, here was now an opening with Paris.
At tliis moment, therefore, Crumwell must have succeeded in
getting his royal Master to communicate with Francis ; as it
was expressly in consequence of this that a license was then
actually granted by the King of France t6 Richard Grafton
and George Whitchurch, to print the Scriptures/^ Now, as
Francis left his capital about the first of June, and consider-
able progress had been made by the 23d of that month, it
may be safely presumed that both Grafton and Coverdale had
arrived in Paris sometime in May. It is worthy of remark,
that the first step taken, was by a direct communication be-
tween these two monarchs, Henry and Francis ; for Crum-
well would not stoop to any intercourse through Gardiner,
though the English ambassador there, who was a noted op-
ponent. Granting the request, too, might, and probably did,
serve the purpose of Francis in prolonging delusion, who was
just then setting off for Nice, Avhere, at last, the mask of
friendship was to be thrown off. The French King, there-
fore, after issuing the license, leaves Paris, and Gardiner offi-
cially _/b//o2f*" him ; but it was three months before either the
one or the other returned ; and thus the printing of this Bible
for England rapidly proceeded during their absence ! When
the English Scriptures were to be introduced into our native
land, the Bishop of Winchester was taken out of the way ;
and so it happened when they were to be printed in Paris.
He may return for a few days in September, but not as am-
bassador : his influence was gone ; it was merely to make cer-
tain arrangements before taking his departure for England.''^
■*2 " Franrlscii.t, &c. Dilectis nobis Richardo Grafton, et Edwardo Whitcliurcli, Anglis tt
civibiis Londini, Salutcm. Qida fide digna testimonia accci)innis. quod cnrissinius Fralcr
iinster Anglonim Hex, Vobis cujiis Subditi cstis Satram Bibliam tain Latini' quam Britaiiiiifc
sive AnKlice inii>riniendi, et imprimi ciirandi, et in suum rcgnuni apportnndi et transfercndi,
libertatem Bufticienteni, et let^itimam coiicis.serit : Kt vos," &c.—.SVr Cotton MS., C'leo]>. P.. v.,
fol. o26 h ; or the Appendix to Burnet's Life of Cranmer.
43 He liad only to dispose of his " mulcts," and pack up his " naperv and mulet clotlis, with
Iiis arms embroidered on them," of all which lie had made such IukIi boast to Bonner, without
givinp him anythinc ; not. however, without lieinp paid baiK lilentifnlly in his own coin. Our-
2fi THK KN(iMS|[ Ullil-K [jiOoK II.
Less tliaii two yt'ar.s a^^o, uhoii the Ducturs of Louvain were
wraiiirlinir with Tvndalo, and thirstiiifr for lii.s blood, certainly
there was nothing within the rani^o of possibility so iinj)ro-
bable, as that his translation of the Scriptures should be re-
printing at a Parisian press, b}' the re<{uest of his own Sove-
reign, and with the sanction of the persecuting French King
liiniself; but so it was I For while the common enemies of
such a measure were all assembled at Nice, only to make bad
worse; (Irafton and Coverdale were busily at work ! Their
letters, without exception, are addressed to Crumwell, and
the first is dated the 23d of June —
" After most liuinblc and lii-arty commendations to your good Lordship.
IMcaseth tlic same to understand, that we be entered into your work of the
Bible ; whereof, according to our most bounden duty, we have here sent unto
your Lordship two ensaniples ; one in parchment, wlierein we intend to print
one for tiie King's Grace, and another for your Lordship ; and the second, in
paper, whereof all the rest shall be made ; trusting, that it shall be not only to
the glory of God, but a singular pleasure also to your good Lordship, the causer
thereof, and a general edifying of the King's subjects, according to your Lord-
ship's most godly request. For we follow not only a standing text of the Heb-
rew, with the interpretation of the Chaldec and the Greek ; but we set also in
a private (separate) table, the diversity of readings of all texts, with such an-
notations in another table, as shall doubtless delucidate and clear the same ;
as well without any singularity of opinions, as all checkings and reproofs. The
print, no doubt, shall please your good Lordship : the paj^er is of the best sort
in France. The charge certainly is great ; wherein, as we most humbly re-
quire your favourable help at this present, with whatsoever it shall please your
Lordshi|) to let us have ; so ti'ust we, if need require, in our just business, to
be defended from the Papists by your Lordship's favourable letters — which we
most humbly desire to have by this bearer, William Grey, either to the Bishop
of Winchester, or to some other, whom your Lordship shall think most expe-
dient. •*•• We be daily threatened, and look ever to be spoken withal, as this
bearer can farther inform your Lordship ; but how they will use us, as yet we
know not. Nevertheless, for our farther assurance, wherethrough we may be
the abler to perform this your Lordship's work, we are so much the bolder of
your good Lordship ; for other refuge have we none, under God and our King,
whom, with noble Prince Edward, and all of you their most honourable Coun-
cil, God Almighty preserve, both now and ever, Amen. — Written at Paris, the
23d day of June, by your Lordship's assured and daily orators — Mvles Cover-
dale — Ryciiaiui Guakton, Grocer. "•'5
They must have already been a month or more in Paris ;
iiiK (iardinor'!) brief »taj at Paris, Ooniicr is cBri-ful to iiifunn Crumwdl that they were not
liung together — " in rcry deed wc had terrral ludgincs." In the judgment of Bonner, hos-
(ilit; to the Bishop of Winchester was at |>rcsent the road to preferment by the Vicar-General.
** Their hint as In $i»i<e other, is significant of their ac(|uaintance with the feeling existing
between Crumwell and this Bishop.
«' .MS., oi ce in the Chii|'tcr-houeo, now in Hit Sliite Paper Ofhce. fiov. Male Papers, i., p. tiJU.
1538.3 PRlNTINCi IN PARIS. 2?
but iiutwitlistanding those fears expressed they were not im-
peded, nor will they be for uearly six months to come. Mean-
while, Grey went into England, but soon returned. After him
a servant of Ci'umweirs, nauied Sebastian, (elsewhere styled
his cook,) who had been sent over, most probably with money
and letters, upon his return brought farther sheets, in proof
of their progress ; and their next epistle is one chiefly of ex-
planation.
" After most humble and due salutatiou to yom- good Lordship. Pleasetli
the same to understand that your work <johi<j forward, we thought it our most
bouuden duty to send unto your Lordship certain leaves thei'eof, specially see-
ing we had so good occasion, by the returning of your beloved servant Sebas-
tian ; and as they are done, so will we send your Lordship the residue, from
time to time.
" As touching the manner and order that we keep in the same work, pleaseth
it your good Lordship to be advertised, that the mark g^jr" in the text, that upon
the same, in the latter end of the book, there is some notable annotation ; which
we have written without any private opinion, only after the best interpreters of
the Hebrews, for the more clearness of the text. This mark J betokencth that
upon the same text there is diversity of reading, among the Hebrews, Chaldees,
and Greeks and Latinists, as in a table at the end of the book shall be declared.
This mark "^x sheweth that the sentence, written in small letters, is not in the
Hebrew or Chaldee, but in the Latin and seldom in the Greek, and that we
nevertheless, would not have it extinct, but highly accept it, for the more ex-
planation of the text. This token i* in the Old Testament giveth to understand
that the same text that followeth it, is also alleged of Christ, or of some Apostle
in the New Testament. This, among other necessary labours, is the way that
we take in this work ; trusting verily that as Almighty God moved your Lord-
ship to set us vmto it, so shall it be to his glory, and right welcome to all them
that love to serve Him, and their Prince, in true faithful obedience, — at Paris
the 9th day of August 15.38. By yoiu- faithful orators— Miles Cov"dale.
Richard Grafton. Will.'m Grey. — Superscribed to the Lord Privy Seal,
Crumw ell."-l'j
It is curious enough, that Francis Regnault, the Paris
printer, in whose house both Coverdale and Grafton were now
lodging, had for many years printed English primers and
missals for the use of the Euolish Churches. But the times
were changing ; he was overstocked ; having had no such
sale as in former years, and more especially as the London
booksellers had now interdicted him. To get rid of those on
hand, he implored the kind offices of his guests and present
«f Gov. state Papers, i., p. 57«. Grci/, as appears by the proceedings of tlie Privy Council,
was a layman attached to Crumwell's household, and his name being affixed, is a farther proof
of the pasmial interest v.hich his Master was taking in the work. Should any thing happen,
therefore, the Lord Privy Seal will be able to notice it as a ivi-soiial afliont, and considering hi..
Sovereign's <^')Yd ainilicalion to tlic Frenili King, souietljing more.
28 TIIK KNi^LISlI IMIILK [bOOK II.
oJiiploycrs ; and on tlio 1 :2tli of September tliey address Crum-
well, concluding in the following terms —
" He isnlso coiitonto(l,and liath promised before my Lord <'/t'c/ of Hereford,'*?
tliat if tliere he foiiiiil any notable fault in bis books, lie will put (be same out,
and |)riiit tbe leaf a<;ain. Tims are we bold to write to your Lordsbip, in bis
cause, as dotli also my Lord elect of Heri'ford, beseecliing your Lordsbip to i)ar-
don our boldness, and to be good loi-d to tliis bonest man, wbose servant sliall
give attendance upon your Lordsliip's most favourable answer. If your Lord-
ship show bim this benefit, wc shall not fare the worse, in tbe readiness of this
your Lordship's work of the JiiUe, which goeth irell J'onrard, and within few
months, will dratr to an end by the grace of Almighty God."'*"
Whether this suit was successful does not appear ; but
most providentially, three months more wore allowed to pass
away, before any serious aj)prehension was felt as to the safety
of the Scriptures already j)rinted. ]Jy this period, too, the
impression was so far advanced, that Coverdale was applying
earnestly to Cruniwell respecting the printing of the annota-
tions. Now these, it will be remembered, were to be put at
the etid of the book ; so that the liible itself must have been
very nearly fnhhed. Thus, the hand of the enemy had
been rostrninod from touching the work, for more than six
months ; but what was better still, though not observed by
any historian before, anticipating what soon happened. Cover-
dale, and through Bonner also, conveyed " this much of the
Bible" beyond the reach of danger. The letter to Crumwell,
with this intelligence, is " written somewhat hastily, at Paris
the V6i\\ day of December."
" Right honourable and my singular good Lord, after all due salutations, I
humbly beseech your Lordship, that by my Lord elect of Hereford, I may
know your pleasure concerning the annotations of this Bible, whether I shall
proceed therein or no. Pity it were that the dark places of the text, upon
which I have always set a hand ij^, should so pass undeclared. As for any-
private opinion or contentious words, as I will utterly avoid all such, so will J
ofTer the annotations first to my s-iiid Lord of Hereford ! to the intent that be
shall so examine tin? same, afore they be put in print, if it be your Lordship's
good pleasure that 1 shall so do.
" As concerning the New Testaments in English and Latin, whereof your
good Lordship received lately a book by your servant, Sebastian the cook,
I beseech your Lordship to consider the gi-eenness thereof, which for lack of
time, cannot as yet be so apt to be bound as it should be.
" And wliereas my said Lord of Hereford is so good unto us as to convey
til in much of the Bible to your good Lordahip, I humbly beseech the same, to be
*" Bonner, now plnyins ll"' livpocrilo lowaiils Cninwvrll ;ind llir c.Tiiso itsolf.
*" State Papers. i.-WI.
153S.'] PRINTING IN PARIS. 2!»
the defender and keeper thereof : to tlie intent, that if these men proeeed in
their cruehiess against us, and confiscate the nut, yet this at the least may be
mf'e by the means of your Lordship, whom God, the Ahniglity, evermore pre-
serve to his good pleasure." ••!>
The Bible itself, however, was to be its own interpreter ;
and of annotations there were to be 7ione ; a circumstance far
too remarkable to pass unnoticed, for they were never added.
But there stand the pointing hands, both in the text and in
the margin, by which the edition may be easily distinguished.''*^
It was only four days after this letter, that the press was
arrested in its progress. An order from the Inquisition,
dated the l7th of December 1538, and subscribed " Le Tellier,"
was the instrument ; citing " Regnault, and all other that it
might concern," to appear and answer — inhibiting at once the
printing of the Bible, and concealment of the sheets already
finished.^' As this body acted under rot/al authority, as well
as that of the Pontiff, some change must have taken place in
the mind of Francis, before such a proceeding could have
been winked at ; and for this change it is not difficult to ac-
count. Bonner's appointment was far from an acceptable one
to the Frencli King. Coming as he did, it was impossible to
regard him in any other light than that of a spy, and as a spy
he had been acting most vigilantly. In October he was at St.
Quentin, near Cambray, watching and reporting a suspicious
interview of Francis with the reigning Princess of the Nether-
lands, the sister of Charles ; and at Paris, so recently as the
last day of November, he writes to Crumwell — " I shall, by
God's grace, give vigilant eye to their doings here, and adver-
tise you. Hitherto I have been strangely and very unkindly
used in my lodging, having no kind of friendship shewed me
in manner that was worthy — how it will be hereafter I can-
not tell."^^ Among other points which Bonner had in charge,
there was an annual pension by Francis to Henry, in terms
of a treaty between them, which was now in arrear for four
years ; and the zealous Envoy had begun to press payment
in a style which finally occasioned his recall, next year.
■19 Harleian MS., No. (!04, p. 90; dated 1.539 in the Catalogue, instead ofl53a
so Having himself pointed out this mark of distinction, it must have been from inadvertency
that Dr. Cotton has said in his introduction—" 1 am yet to learn whether we now possess aiit/
cojiy of the edition of the Great Bible which Grafton and Wliitchurch began to print at Paris
about 1538." But more than this. By observing a Paris initial letter to the Ejiistlej, and where
it ceases to be used, perhaps we are informed how much was indicated as being sti/e.
3' Cleop., E. v.. fol. ;i2t). •''- Cotton MS., Calig. F. iv., fol. H, Id.
MO TIIK I'UKSS INTKUrUIPTKI). [itnOK ii.
Hilt liaj)|iily. after all, the Iinjiiisildr scoins to have been
iiKiic than a day too late. Tlie entire impression of the IJible,
amounting to 2500 copies, could not have fallen into his hands.
We have read Coverdale\s information of the 13th of De-
eemher, and as tlie present citation was the second, and is
dated the 17th, there can be no doubt, that, impelled by the
first, he was then conveying away " so much of the IJible,"
as had been ready for removal.'''' Even with regard to the
sheets seized, there was considerable recovery ; for having
been condemned to be burnt in Maubert Place,'"'* " four great
dry-fats of them" were regained by purchase. This was
owing to the cupidity of the Lieutenant Criminal of the In-
quisition, who, instead of obeying orders, had sold them to
a haberdasher.
Old John Foxe, therefore, though others have followed
him, was mistaken in supposing that these books were lost,
and so was Lewis. The evidence now presented looks quite
the other way, and the copies even still remaining in exist-
ence, confirms it. " I am inclined to think," says Todd,
" that the proprietors lost few copies of the impression."
And who were these proprietors ? For the affair was by no
means to end here. Henry VIIL himself, by Crumweirs
request, and Orumwell much more deeply, were parties con-
cerned. Whether, therefore, the alarm soon subsided or not,
or any means were taken to appease the Inquisitors, it must
have been dangerous and impolitic at the moment to thwart
even the Vicegerent, still in possession of great power, to say
nothing of his imperious master. Crumwell had been assist-
ing the undertaking by pecuniary supplies ; the King himself
had written to Francis, and he had fully committed himself
before leaving Paris for Nice. Since then the Inquisitors had
chosen to interfere in his absence — the King of France, nay,
and the Inquisition to boot, must now be overruled to help,
instead of hindering the work. Persons commissioned by
Crumwell, soon returned to Paris, and they brought away
with them the jirinting presses, the types, and even the iro7'k-
men. In short, scarcely six Aveeks could liavc been lost, and
*3 The ropy of ilic citation now (piotcd, and which is in the British Museum, (Cleop. K. v.,
.T2(i.> is thus entitled liy Itonncr. In his oini hntid—'- The copic of the trcnml citation and inhi-
bition, RHaynst the I'ryntcrof the En^lifihe Bihic."
^* I'lace de Afaiibert, itnmedintclr ndjoinin); to Hue des .li'plnif.
lo38.] THK INQUISITION OVKRMATC'IIKI). 31
scarcely a sheet could have been missing, as in two months
more, the Bible entire was completed in London. On the last
leaf they printed, " The ende of the New Testament, and of
the whole Hyble, fynished in Apryll anno 15*J9. A Dho
facta est istud" — emphatically acknowledging Him, whose
cause it was ; they did well to add, ^1 Domino factum est istud.
It will certainly be very observable, if this interruption
actually promoted the design, and to in far greater extent than
if there had been none whatever. Had there been none,
Coverdale and Grafton had finished their task in Paris, leav-
ing the types and workmen on the spot. Meanwhile, a hint
had thus been given that they had better let all annotations
alone, for they were never printed ; leaving the Sacred text
to speak for itself. But above all, it will appear that the
Parisian types had come in far larger quantity, and even the
French icorhmen in greater number, than has ever been before
observed. In the editions of the Bible from this time to the
close of 1541, we wait to discover the proof of this. At this
crisis, certainly no gift, or God-send, to old England, could
have been of more value than these types and printers. Very
different employment must have awaited both, had they re-
mained in Paris. Tunstal had been jocularly advised to buy
the press and types out of Tyndale's way, to prevent the New
Testament from coming into England ! Now, the authorities
are importing both men and types, to print the version ; and
by and bye, Henry himself will command Tunstal, to sanc-
tion the translation he had so denounced. This too will be
after Crumwell is dead, and the influence of Oranmer was
on the decline.
Grafton, as we have seen, had laid down at the press two
copies of this Bible in vellimi, one for the King and another
for Crumwell. The sheets of both, had been saved, as both
are understood to be in preservation. The copy once belong-
ing to Crumwell is in St. John's College, Cambridge, and has
been described long ago.
" We have such a Bible printed on reliiim, and embelHshed with cuts,
illuminated, the leaves gilt, and the cover embossed with brass, ' fynished in
Apryll anno 1539.' The frontispiece is the same with that of 1.540, only Cruni-
well's arms are left there a blank ; left out I presume upon his fall, whicli in
our copy has his bearing like the rest, in colours. It might proIjal>ly be the
same book thnt v.as prcsenteil to Crumwell, there being only one other that we
;J2 TlIK blbi.K FIMSIIKIJ IN LONDON. [uuoK II.
can hoar of, lliat i.s the Kiiij^'s. But how it t-anic to us does not uppeHr, unless
from the late Ejirl of Soutlianii>ton, who gave ua most of those manu.scni;ts
we now enjoy."i*
The only mistake here i.s that of supposing the Iloyal vel-
lum copy to be of thi.s edition. It is 1540, but the second
vellum copy of 1539 is still understood to be in existence,
though not in Peter College, a.s Lowndes has supposed, yet
in the possession of a private individual. Of the copies printed
on paper, there are not fewer than twelve to be found in dif-
ferent collet'tious.
Such is the edition, which, on the authority of Coverdale's
and Grafton"'s own words, ought to have been all along as-
sociated with the name of Cr cm well, and never with that of
Cranmer, as it has too frequently been. It was CrumwelFs
undertaking from beginning to end, and without his importa-
tion of tfjpes and men^ Cranmer afterwards had never been able
to have proceeded as he did. Throughout 1538, Cranmer
was otherwise engrossed with the German commissioners, be-
sides other business ; in the whole of his correspondence with
Crumwell, throughout 1538, there is not one allusion to the
Bible ; and although Cranmer"'s future prologue or preface
has been bound up with some copies of this Bible, it does not
belong to the book. The first Bible in which Cranmer took
an interest personally, was the next which will come before
us ; but still, the materials and men now imported, and the
impetus now given by Crumwell, will be found to prevail
throughout the Bibles of 1540, and extend to those of 1541,
after his death. To the Vicegerent must be conceded his
own place in history, whatever afterwards may become of his
general character. But for Crura well's exertions at this
period, it is next to certain that no such Bibles could have ap-
peared in 1540 and 1541.
We have now returned to England, and ever after this de-
cisive triumph, shall have much less occasion to look abroad.
Ever since Tyndale left London the undertaking has been a fo-
reign one; but after a noble and uninterrupted struggle of fifteen
veaiV duration, the En2;lish Bible mav be considered as havin"'
now taken up its settled abode in our native land. The cause in-
M Letter from Thomas Baker to Thomas Heamc. The Earl of Southam)tton of the day
«occecded Cram well, as Lord PriTjr Seal. ,
1538.3 CRUMWKLL'S INJUNCTIONS. tiS
deed will be thwarted still, even at home, and by Henry him-
self as well as his eldest daughter ; though ultimately, even
she will be found to have advanced it. At subsequent periods
too, thousands of Bibles will be printed on the Continent for
English use, but all this will only serve to keep us in remem-
brance, that, as from the beginning, so ever afterwards, this
undertaking had been conducted, not by human authority but
by the gracious hand of the Almighty.
Meanwhile, we have had one Bible, wholly imported in
1587, and a second, redeemed from destruction, finished in
London ; and notwithstanding the political frenzy, as well
as all the cruelties perpetrating at home, the cause of Truth
throughout the year had been steadily advancing. Grafton,
on proceeding to Paris, had left his first impression of 1537
to be disposed of, without any risk of loss or delay ; and
Crumwell in September put forth his first injunctions, in im-
mediate reference to that Bible. This he did, as " Viceger-
ent unto the King's Highness,"" — " for the discharge of the
King\s Majesty," and most providentially, he had issued his
orders before the arrival of Gardiner from France. What a
mighty advance had been made, since he left for Paris in
October 1535 ! Or, more properly speaking, since he had
been sent out oftJietcay, as Tunstal had been before, and Bon-
ner wall be, after him. Gardiner might depart, rejoicing that
Tyndale was at last in prison, and then, as perhaps he anti-
cipated, to be put to death. But now, Gardiner had been re-
moved once more out of the way, even from Paris ; the Bible
had been there printed before Bonner's own eye, and it was no
other than Tyndale*'s long-traduced version of the Sacred
Volume, w^hich was held up to public view, by injunctions, to
be " observed and kept, upon pain of deprivation.'"'
" Item — That ye shall provide, on this side of the feast of N. (Natalis,
Nativity of our Lord, 2.5th December.) next coming, one book of the whole
Bible, of the lanjest volume in English, and the same set up in some convenient
place within the said church, that ye have cure of, where your parishioners may
most comraodiously resort to the same and read it ; the charges of which book
shall be rateably borne between you, the parson and parishioners aforesaid, that
is to say, the one half by you, and the other half by them.JC
" Item — That ye shall discourage no tnan, privily or apertly, from the rcad-
ss There is now before the writer an exact copy oi ihe original broail sheet, entitled, — "In-
junctions for the ClerRe — Anno dni. jicccccxxxviii. In tlie name of God, Amen," — with the
blanks unfilled up. The feast of N. Natalis is marked in others.
VOL II. c;
:H I VN DALES TK.STAMliNT, KUKSIl KDITIUNS [bOOK II.
ing, or tl>o Ijcaring of the sjiitl IJiWo, but bIhiII expressly provoke, stir, and ex-
hort, eri-ru jifi-fon to rend tlio Haino, as that wliicli is the very lively word of
God, tiiat every Christian person is bound to embrace, believe, and follow, if
thev look to be saved ; admonishing them, nevertheless, to avoid all contention
and altercation therein, but to use an honest sobriety in their inquisition of the
true sense of the sjime, and to refer the explication of the obscure places to men
of higher judgment in Scripture."J7
These pointed injunctions to the country at large, bore solely
upon the Bible of the largest volume, the very first time this
phrase was employed, and as yet there was but one such edi-
tion, so that there could be no mistake/'^ They may have
been rendered more imperative from the rumour of which Graf-
ton had forewarned Crumwell, viz. that they would reprint
Matthew's Bible of 1537 in the Low Countries, so early as
1538. But this was only a rumour ; they never did ; as the
Bible marked 1 538 in our lists, from Lewis down to Cotton
and Lowndes, is a mistake.**
At home however now, Tyndale was not forgotten. There
were two editions of his New Testament in quarto ; one printed
in Southwark by Peter Treveres ; the other, which seems to
liave been finished by the beginning of summer, was printed
by Robert Redman, next-door to St. Dunstan's, where Tyn-
dale used to preach, " set fortli under the King's most gracious
license, — cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum." It is in
parallel columns of Latin and English ; the former, be it ob-
served, not the Vulgate, but the Latin of Erasmus, and the
»7 Wilkin's Cone. Mag. Brit., p. 815.
«» It may here be remarked, once for all, that " the great Bible" or " the largest volume, "and
" Cranmcr's Bible," are phrases which have been long and frequently misunderstood, or used in-
discriminately ; but the two former were distinctive epitlicts employed before the ftrsl of Cran-
mer's, or that of May l.WO was published. Here, " thf larflfst volume" was first employed by
authority, and for what reason could it be but to distinguish the Bible of Matthew or Tyndale
from that of Coverdale, which was two inches less in height ; as well as from the quarto editions
of Coverdale, reprinted by Nycolson, even though they had the words, — " Set forth with the
King's license," printed on the title? These injunctions were, in fact, another step in favour of
the predominant translation.
■'j!' However pointed Lewis was in describing it, there never was any such book. "The Bible
of l.Vt7," says he, " h.id been reprinted this year in the Low Countries. It is a small thick folio,
in which Tyndalc's prefaces to the I'entateuch, Jon.isand the Romans are included," lie. But
more strangely he goes on, till he adds— "among the curators therefore of this edition, I reckon
Archbishop Cranmer!" As if Cranmcr, though so fully engrossed with the German visitants,
and his official business, bad been patronising a tHrrt)itilioiit edition in the Netherlands, as Graf-
ton h.id deprecated, and to riv.il that of Crumwell his Vicar-Gencral, now printing in Paris!
The truth is, Lewis's book must have had >io title-paRe. and he may have beeJi misled by the
Colophon,— "To the honour and j>raiseof God was this Bible jirintcd in the yearof our Lord 1537,
and now ag.-iin reprinted." The very copy, we believe, from which Lewis took his descrijition is
now in the Museum at Bristol, and we have ]>articularly examined it. All the while Lewis was
describing a Bible |)rintcd in the time of Edward VI. or the reprint of Matthew's Bible, by Ray-
nnldc and Hvll in I.^4!l.
1.5.38.] COVEUDALK'S MiW TKSTAMENT. 35
latter that of Tyndale or ot" the PJnglish Bible, now enforced.
These books appear to be a set oft" in contrast to the Testa-
ments of Coverdale, about to be mentioned, and they explain
the injunctions of Cranmer, preceding those of Crumwell,
already mentioned.^
All compliant as Coverdale certainly had been under the unexpected
change which had taken place at home, it is curious enough that this
year an attempt was made at Antwerp to follow up his former exertions,
by reprinting his translation of the New Testament, but with Tyndale's
prologues. It is neatly executed, in small black letter by Matthew
Cromer, with numerous and well-executed wood-cuts, marginal refer-
ences, and glosses. Cromer even repeated this in a larger type, with
different cuts in 1539, leaving out the prologue to the Romans ; but it
abounds also with typographical errors. In 1537, the printer might not
be aware of the change which had taken place in England, but we are
quite unable to account for his mistaken zeal in 1539. Yet whatever
was the occasion of this foreign attempt ; at home Coverdale was still
more unfortunate than he had been, even with his Bible. In the early
part of this year, his friend Nycolson had proposed to print his trans-
lation and the indgate in parallel columns. And previously to Coverdale
setting off for Paris, he had drawn out another of his characteristic
dedications to Henry VIII., trusting to Nycolson's care for the correct-
ing of the press. When the book came out it was so incorrectly exe-
cuted, that a copy having come to Coverdale's hand in July, at Paris,
he saw that he stood even in a more awkward position than before.
Grafton, therefore, on the first of December, wrote on his behalf, and in
the following terms —
" Pleaseth it your Lordship to understand, that it chanced, since our coming
into these parts, that James Nyeolsou, dwelling in Southwark, put in jiriiit the
New Testament both in Latin and English. Which book was delivered unto
us by a stranger ; and when Master Coverdale had advised and considered the
same, he found his name added thereto as the translator, with the which he
nerer had to do? Neither saw he it, before it was full printed and ended ; and
also found the book so foolishly done, yea, and so corrupt, that it did not only
60 The injunctions of Cranmer, through his commission to Dr. Curwcn, the Dean, with reference
to the diocese of Hereford only, in the summer of 1.5.'18, are inexplicable, except we observe this
book. " That ye, and everyone of you shall have by the first day of August next cominf;, as well
a whole Bible, in Latin and English, or at the least a New Testament of both the saute laiujuages,
AS the copies of the King's Highness" injunctions,—" That ye shall everyday study one Chap-
ter of the said Bible or New Testament, conferring the Latin and English together, and to begin
at the first part of the book and so continue to the end of the same." All this too was in per-
fect character for Herefortl, soon after the death of such a man as Fox, the late Bishop. It was
like a tribute to his memory, as the reader may recollect his noble address in the Convocation of
l.'>;i6. Bonner, the arch-hypocrite and his successor, now in Paris, was then expected by Cran-
mer as well as Crumwell, to be equally zealous for the Scriptures. So he appeared to be, till
the ilai/ o( Cruinwcll's apprehension.
:W
tOVKUDALK'S NKW TICSTAMHN T.S [liOOK II.
grievo liiin, tliat the printer had so defiimed him and his learning, by addinf;
his nanjo to ho fond a thing, hut also tliat tlic common peoplL' was deprived of
the true and sincere sense of God's true Word, and also that such an occasion
was ministered to the enemies of God's Word, tliat rather seek occasions to
rail and slander, than to bo edified.
" And, therefore, at his most honest and lawful request, (although I had
enou"h to do beside,) I have printed the same again, translated ami corrected
by Master Coverdalo himself. Of the which hooks, now being finished, 1 have
here sent vour Lordship the first, (and so have I sent my Lord of Canterbury
another, and almost to every Christian Bishop that is in the realm ; my Lord
of Hereford, also, hath sent to Mr. Richard Crumwell one of the same,) the
which I mr>st humbly desire your Lord>hip to accept, having respect rather to
my heart, than to the gift, for it is not so well done as my heart would wish it
to be. I have also added, as your Lordshiii may perceive, these words, « Cam
fjratia et pririUijio i?<'(;ij."''I
This letter, to say the least, was certainly a very awkward one ;
since, wherever the blame lay, it was saying a great deal too much. It
by no means corresponds with Coverdale's own language, in the dedica-
tion of his Paris Testament, not now to Henry, but to Crumwell himself,
and actually forwarded v:ith this letter !
« Truth it is," says Coverdale, " that this last Lent, I did, with all humble-
ness, direct an epistle unto the Kimfs most noble Grace, trusting that the hook
whereunto it was prefixed, should afterwards have been as well correct as other
books be. And because I could not be present myself, by the rea.son of sundry
notable impediments, therefore inasmuch as the New Testament, which I had
set fortli in English before, doth so agree with the Latin, I was heartily well
content that the Latin and it should be together : Provided alway that the
corrector should follow the true copy of the Latin in any wise, and to keep the
true and right English of the same. And so doing, I was content to set my
name to it : and even so I did ; trusting that though I were absent and out of
the land, yet all should be well. And, as God is my record, I knew none other,
till this last July, that it was my chance here in these parts, at a strangei*'s
hand, to come by a copy of the said print ; which when I had perused, I
found that a.s it was disagreeable to my former translation in English, so was
not the true copy of the Latin observed, neither the English so coiTespondent
to the same as it ought to l)e : hut in many places both base, insensible, and
clean contrary, not only to the phrase of our language, but also from the
understanding of the text in Latin."
In explanation of this apology as to Coverdale's engagements in Lent,
and his " not being present because of sundry notable impediments,"
Crumwell would recollect, and perfectly understand him. In Lent he
was not in London, but down at Reading in Berkshire, in Crumwell's
service. He was there examining the Matin books in the county, to
see whether they had, in obedience to the Act of Parliament, yet ex-
punged the authority of the PotUiff from their pages, or were still using
6" Gov. State Papers, vol. t.. i> .Wl.
1538.J FAILED OF ACCEPTANCE. .37
liooks tjubversive of Henry's assumed authority.^ After this he had
been called up to town by the Lord Privy Seal, and sent with Grafton
to France.
But again, and as to the Latin text which had been used, and that
even in the Testament which had been printed at Paris, under his own
eye, in his preface to the reader, Coverdale expresses himself thus : —
" As toucliing this text in Latin, and tlie style thereof, wliich is read in the
Church, and is commonly called St. Jerome's translation, though there be in it
many and sundry sentences, whereof some be mure than the Greek, some lens
than tlie Greek, some in manner repu<jnant to the Greek, some contrary to the
rules of the Latin tongue, and to the right order thereof, as thou mayest easily
perceive, if tliou compare the diversity of the interpreters together, yet foras-
much as I am hut a prirate man, and owe obedience unto the higher jiowers, I re-
fer the amendment and reformation hereof unto the same, and to such as excel in
authority and knowledge."
And thus once more are we constrained to observe the important dis-
tinction which must ever be drawn between Tyndale and Coverdale,
whether as men, or as translators. They travelled in two paths, alto-
gether distinct. The latter chose to express himself, in his dedications
to Henry and Crumwell, as having a mind entirely at their disposal ;
while no sentiments could be more definite, and held with a firmer
grasp, than those of the first noble and indeijendeut translator. As for
the Greek original, he had kept a vigilant eye on the successive editions
of Erasmus, which Coverdale had not ; and with regard to the Hebrew,
after quoting his expressions respecting the Hebraisms to be found in
Matthew, it has been well said — " That a person who could thus write of
St. Matthew's Hebraisms, should be compelled by ignorance to translate
from the Septuagint, or the Latin Vulgate, is perfectly incredible ; and
that he would use the latter from choice, is inconceivable. We ought
to remember that this translator's troubles chiefly arose from his deter-
mination to resist the imposition of an authorised version, and that his
whole life was a series of hostilities against the defenders of the Latin
Vulgate."''^
As for the blind submission of his translation, therefore, to any man
living, but, above all, to those before whom Coverdale bowed so pro-
foundly, against this he had boldly published his dissent, above seven
62 They were still using the old hooks to such extent, that Coverdale supposes there had been
great and culpable nefilect in Lo.vgland, flislioji of Lhicaln, that steady disciple of " the old
learning;" and Coverdale desires to know from Crumwell, whether he ought not to burn the
books caugh^, and comirg in to him, at the Market Cross. See three MS. letters to Crumwell
as Lord Privy Seal, found in the Chapter-house, Westminster, but now in the State Paper
Office, dated Xewbury, the 7th and 8th of Feb.. and 8th of March, [15.3(1.] From tlie contents
of the letters, in one of which young Prince Kiluard is mentioned, it is evident that a mark in
the indorsation, viz. Ao xxx"., cannot refer to the year or date. If so, it is a mistake ; though
it may indicate the bundle, once in the Chapter-house.
63 " Historical and Critical Enquiry," by J. W. Whitaker, A.M., p. 4fi. He is repelling the
insinuations of those who knew no better, from old Fuller down to Bellamy.
38 TYNDALK'S TKXT KN FORCED. Qbook ll.
years ago, or five licfore his death, aiitl it hail circulatctl throughout his
native land.
" Under what manner,'' sjiid ho, " sliould I now Kuliniit tlii.s Iiook to be cor-
rcetcd and amended of them, whicli ean siiflVr notliiiij; to be will >. Or what
protestation sliould I make in such a matter to our Prelates, whieli so mightily
light against God, and resist his Holy Spirit, enforeing, with all craft and
subtlety, to (pieneh the light of the everliustiiig Testament, promises, and ap-
pointment between God and us."
Yet is this the very translation which has now prevailed ; so manifest
was the interposition of Providence, in every point of view.
But to proceed. Coverdale, good easy man, even tried to screen his
former friend, the printer, if not the corrector ; — " As for my part,
though it hath hcen damage to my poor name, I heartily remit it."
This distinct reprohation of Nycolson's Testament, did not however pre-
vent Nycolson from putting forth another impression, to which he affixed
the name of Johan Hollybushe.*''* After this it may naturally be supposed
Coverdale's countenance of the man must have come to an end. He
is said to have called in the copies with his name, and hence they are
so very rare.
The tide having so providentially and happily turned last year, this
was a state of things for which some remedy must be sought. And,
therefore, before Crumwell knew of the honour intended for him, by the
dedication of the I'aris production ; aiming after a f.red standard,
and that the translation sanctioned last year, an Inhibition had been
issued. It is curious that it should have reached Paris, the day before
that on which Grafton wrote his letter, and it was felt as if applying to
what t/ie>/ had done, though it could only have reference to Nycolson's
books, and to prevent more mischief.
" The day before this present,"' says Grafton, " came there a post named
Nycolas, which brought your Lordship's letters to my Lord of Hereford, with
the which was bound a certain inhibition for printing of books, and for adding
of these words, ' cum privilogio.' Then, as soon as my Lord of Hereford had
received it, lie sent immediately for Mr. Coverdale and me, reading the same
thing to us ; in the w hieh is expressed that we should add these words, ' ad
impritiif lid Hill gulum,' — which words we never lieard of before. Neither do
we take it that these words should be added in the Scripture, if it be truly
translated ; for then should it be a gi-eat occa.sion to the enemies to say, that it
is not the King's act or mind to set it forth, but only to license the printers to
sell such as is put forth.''-'' Wherefore we beseech your Lordship to take no
displeasure for that we have done, for rather than any such thing should hap-
pen, we would do it again, but I tinist the thing itself is so well done, that it
iM Not a fictitious name, but a man cmploycil liy Njrcolson, ami who seems to liavc Ronc to
C'olo(!nc. — Herbert's Ames, pp. 14.Vi-16!i,5.
"^ But Nycolson had taken upon him to print cxpres-sly even on tliif. Testament — " Set forth
Willi the Kind's most gracious license'"
1538.] DESTITUTION OF ENGLAND. 39
shall not ouly please your Lordship, but also the King's Highness, and all the
godly in the realm.6<5
" And whereas your Lordship has added in the said Inhibition, that your
Lordship, and all the King's most Honourable Coimcil, willeth no book hence-
forth to be put in i)riut, but that first it be allowed, at the least, by one Bishop,
wc most humbly beseech your Lordship to appoint certain thereto, that they
may be as ready to read them, as other good men be to put them forth. For
it is now seven years sitice the Bishops proinised to translate and set forth the
Bible, and as yet they have no leisure."
Having thus paid our last visit to the Continent for a number of years
to come, that is, so far as the printing of tlie Scriptures in our native
tongue is immediately concerned ; we gladly retiu-n to old England, and
enquire after its actual moral condition, and especially what effect the
Word of Life seems, by this time, to have produced.
In conclusion of this year, as a striking illustration of the
times, and as one proof that we have not been magnifying
the importance of the labours of our first translator of the
Sacred Volume, the miserably destitute state of England,
with regard to oral instruction by preaching, so far as men
nominally called to it were concerned, now deserves to be
specially observed.
The " ministry of the Word of God," so clearly enjoined
in Scripture, was a subject not comprehended by men in
official power ; and though it had, the men who were in
charge of what were termed benefices, or cures, glaringly
did not understand it ; nay, they were the determined ad-
herents of a system, diametrically at variance with that im-
perative commission which the Saviour at his ascension left
to be obeyed. Instead of taking up Christianity, therefore,
as a system of belief, to be drawn fresh from the Oracles of
God alone, and received into the heart of man — instead of
recognising the absolute necessit}^ of heartfelt repentance
towards God, and faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ, in
the first instance, and in all cases, but above all, in men de-
nominated Ministers of Christ : to enforce the readinjr of
what was not beloved, and the preaching (if they could preach)
what was not believed., the Vicegerent of Henry had conceived
to be the only expedient. It was not the public sanction of
the Scriptures last year, that would ever have induced these
official underlings throughout the Counties of England, even
Tlu'V liafi j>riiitc(l " Cum Rialia et i)riviIeBio Rcjiis."
+0 DESTITUTION OI-' KNGLAND. [uouK ll.
to have looked into the Sacred \'ohiiiie. To pray witli the
spirit and with the undorstandiiig also, was beyond their
power, and to preach that Gospel which they did not theni-
Belves believe or comprehend, nii<5ht have seemed a hopeless
task to enjoin.''"' Such, however, was the actual condition of
the country, with regard to the governors and the governed,
generally speaking ; and had there not been now, as we have
traced all along, a sacred cause independent altogether of
both parties, nay, in spite of them, there would have been no
reason whatever, in the year 1538, for any exultation over
the progress of events.
Meanwhile, the injunctions of CVumwell, already quoted,
as to the liible itself, (p. o3,) had been thought necessary, on
account of the indifference of these official men to the sanc-
tion of the Sacred Volume, and therefore the entire injunc-
tions were thus enforced at the close —
" All which and singular injuncticjns, I minister to you and your .successors,
by the King's Highness authority to me committed in this part, which I charge
and command you by the same authority to observe and keep, upon pain of
deprivation, sojue^tration of your fruits, or such other coercion as to the King's
Highness, or his Vicegfreut for the time being, shall seem conteni^nt"
When these injunctions, however, did come abroad, still it
is impossible to condescend upon any number, however small,
who were qualified to obey. Few they must have been, and
far between. But supposing, for one moment, that the orders
given had been literally fulfilled, and that all who were en-
joined to preach, had actually done so ; how far did the in-
junction itself reach i
" Item — That ye shall make, or cause to be made, in tjie said church, and
every other cure ye have, one sermon, ercry quarter of the year, at least, wherein
ye shall purely and sincerely declare the very gospel of Christ, and in the same
exhort your heari-i-s to the works of charity, mercy, and faith, especially pre-
scribed and commanded in Scripture, and not to repose their trust and affiance
in any other works devised by men's fantasies besides Scripture ; as in wan-
dering to pilgi'imagcs, offering of money, candles or tapers to images and re-
lics, saying over a number of beads," &c.
Such was the deplorable state of the people at large, and
such the miserable provision proposed for their instruction.
'7 This mclancholj state of things, it is well known, led. bi-rorc long, to two expedients ; viz.
the ai'tual selection of jtrayert, tor them to rfin-al ; nay, and to homilies or ditcourtet, which
Ihesie men were to jirfach .'
1538.] JOY IN RECEIVING THE SCRIPTURES. 41
when addressing those Bishops ; among whom we have seen
the deadliest enemies of a cause, which they could not destroy,
nor even retard in its progress.
Happily, however, there had long been certain other men
in the country, and readers not a few, besides these slumberers
whom Crumwcll was now striving to rouse ; nay, and other
listeners too, who, far from looking to official men, who could
not teach, and would not learn, had tarried not for Henry
the Eighth, nor waited for his Vicegerent. No sooner do we
turn to them, though long despised, than a very different pro-
spect rises to view ; the vivid contrast to four sermons in the
course of a year ! The free permission of the Scriptures
now rendered tliis scene more visible and striking. It is from
a contemporary document that Strype has drawn it.
" It u'as wonderful to see icith tchat joy this hook of God teas
received not only among the learneder sort, hut generally all Eng-
land over, among all the vulgar and common people ; and with
what greedi7iess God''s Word was read, and what resort to places
iL'here the reading of it teas ! Every hody that could, bought the
hook, or husily read it, or got others to read it to them, if they
could not themselves. Divers more elderly people learned to read
on purpose ; and even little boys flocked, among the rest, to hear
portions of the Holy Scripture ready
The modern reader may now once more very naturally ex-
claim— " Oh, could these men in power then have only been
persuaded to have let such people alone ! Could they have
only understood the doctrine of non-interference !" Yes, and
instead of encumbering a willing people with help, or torment-
ing them by interposition, have stood aloof in silence, and
permitted these groups or gatherings to have heard the un-
ambiguous voice of their God, and to have gazed upon the
majesty and the meaning of Divine Truth I
The Sacred Scriptures, however, were now to be printed in
England ; nor was there to be another foreign edition of the
volume entire for more than twenty years, or till the year
1560. We have come, therefore, to a memorable epoch or
point of time. The time when the line of distinction is to be
drawn between foreign books and those printed at home ; be-
tween the Scriptures printed beyond seas for importation, and
those to be prepared within our own shores ; and in that
metropolis, which, fifteen years ago, Tyndale had left in a
42 KKIUO.SI'KCT AT THIS KUA. [hOOK 11.
state of genonvl aii<l l)uniiiig hostility to any thing of the
kind.
JJut in ghmcing over all that we have witnessed, and before
entering npon a new era, with regard to the JJible itself, who
can forbear looking back, for a moment, to the dining-hall in
the mansion-house of Little Sodbury, in (ilouccstershire J
To the eager conversation or discussions there held, below a
roof still standing^ And to the deep-seated feeling of one
man at the table, when the mitred Abbots of Winchcombe
and Tewksbury were near at liand ? And the Chancellor of
Worcester " reviled liim, as though he had been a dog?"
And the hierarchy reigned triumphant, and Wolscy was in all
his glory I And not one such printed page of inspiration was
to be found in all England over ? The unbending resolution,
however, had been formed, and the memorable words in which,
on one occasion, it was expressed, will bear to be repeated at
such a time as this — " If God spare mtj life, ere many years,
I icill cause a boy that drives the plough to knoic more of the
Scriptures than you do.''''
Thus, before ever this Sacred Volume entire came to be
printed upon Enqlish ground, Tyndale's energetic efforts had
been signally crowned with success. His " labour in the
Lord" had not been in vain. That labour, indeed, once in-
volved nothing more than the solitary purpose of a single
Christian ; and viewed only in its bud, or budding, it has
had little else than a bitter taste ; but whether the flower has
been sweet, millions can testify.
It becomes, therefore, not unworthy of remark, that with-
out straining, this cause actually admits of a survey on the
widest scale. The three great monarchs of the day, were
Henry VllL, Francis L, and Charles V.; never forgetting
the Pontiff at Home ; but certainly they have not played
their several parts, beyond the verge of God's providence, in
his determined purpose towards this favoured Lsland. The
licentious and indomitable monarch, for whom Tyndale pray-
ed with his dying breath, though still wilfully blind, has been
overruled. His Vicegerent or Vicar-General, guided only by
expediency, and clothed with more power than Wolsey ever
possessed, must lend all his co7istitutional enei'gy, and go
along with the stream of the Divine purpose. Cranmer,
however timid and cautious, though too long silent, must
1538.] RETROSPECT AT THIS ERA. 43
speak out at last. On the other hand, we liave Cuthbert
Tunstal, after denouncing the translation jjt Paul's cross, and
tormenting all who possessed it, as far as he could reach them,
who being constitutionally silent, must be silent now. As
for Stokesly, the Bishop of London, the lion was bearded in
his own den ; for they have finished one Bible, and are pre-
paring to print many more in London itself, nay, in London
alone. And last, though not least, we have Stephen Gardi-
ner, perhaps the ablest politician of the age, completely out-
witted, but now come home, and just in time to see the final
triumph ; though, as Foxe says, he " mightily did stomach
and malign the printing of this Bible." But then Scotland,
as well as England, had been invaded, and from the begin-
ning ; nor was the triumph confined to the shores of Britain.
Even Charles V., by the way, had met with his greatest per-
sonal humiliation ; and as for the King of France, that in-
veterate enemy, and ally of Rome, he has been overruled in his
own capital, and the Inquisition itself is thwarted ; for now,
when the Bible is about to be printed in the English metro-
polis, we have printing presses from Paris, beside types in
store from the same city, nay, and Frenchmen, who " be-
came printers in London, which before,'" says John Foxe
truly, " they never intended.''''
In England, indeed, they may tamper injuriously, to a
limited degree, with the first translation imported ; and there
are battles still, which remain to be fought upon English
ground ; though after Henry VIII. has left the stage, the
version will be reprinted again and again, many times, and
precisely as Tyndale gave it to his country.
But at present, that is to say, in 1538, if the Emperor
Charles, and the French King, and the Pontiff himself, with
Cardinal Pole in his train, were all grouped together at Nice,
intending, among other business, to alarm or overreach the
King of England ; then it was fit, that all the while, certain
men from London should be busy in printing the English
Bible in the capital of France ; and after bringing over the
materials and Parisian workmen to England, proceed on their
way, and in far better style, than they could otherwise have
done.^ Such was the crowning achievement, in a series of
fi" At Nice, ill June. " the Pontift embraced the favourable fipportiinitv to sound the disposi-
44 tVENTFUL YEAR. [[bOOK II.
eoMaests. in favour of all that Tyndale had accomplished !
A m^n^ in resanl to whose character and exertions, the British
CkriatiaB capeeiallv may now well exclaim —
Tlune is a firagrance which can neTcr waste,
Thoagk lefk for ages to tKe chartered wind.
SECTION II.
KTKyrrcL rE^a — state of PAaTrE? — hexbt still a wtdoweu — i>r3-
TTBJIKD FttOX DIFFEttEST QUiaTEBS yOBFOLK BEGriLETS CBnTWELI.
QEaXiS STATES PAaLIAXEXT A5D COSTOOATTOJ BOTAL XESSAiJE
SOTBED ABBOTS DlSgOLCTIOy OF XoyASTEBIES S^EW ABTICLES BILLJs
OP ATTAETDEB ^THE SIX ABTICLES APPLtED FBC5TBATED CBAXJtEB
SAFE LATIXEB IXPBISOIKD— ALES ESCAPES C05STA5TTXE Vf DAJ&EB
THE TIDE TrB5I5G EXECmOS OF ABBOTS CBUXWEIX'S POLICY
KOJASTIC SPOILS.
THB SCBIPTTBES PBrSTUG ET TABI0C3 EDITI053 CBC~5IWELL's BKTf AB£-
4Rr.a EXE&&T EJ THIS DEPABT3CE5T ^THE KETG SWAYED 05CE MOBE
IHI CABSB U PBOGBESS CBASXEB BUSY tS PB06PECT OF HIS FIBST
MDinoy. JTEXT SPBI5G IT IS DISTINCTLY SASCTIOTED BY HESHY
BTJiirLAB PB0CLAJIATI05 HEXBY SOW C0H3tA3T)L5S ALL HIS SrBJECTS
TO rSB THE SCBIPTTBES EST E3rSLI3H.
As if it had been to render the triumph of last year still more
conspicuoua. the present stands distinguished in Henry's
reign, for the number of editions of the Sacred Volume entire.
Not fewer than four editions of the Bible issued from the
press, and a fifth was almost ready ; besides three editions
of the New Testament separately. The compositors and
printers in London had never before been so engaged, nor so
•f the tvo monarch-t relan-rdT to the condnct of Henry. From both he receiTed the *amg
; that if he would pablish his BoIL they voald send ambafwadors to Encland to protest
tiw ■riiiwn ; woaid reiiiae to entertain the r ' ..v.zrr with a prince who had
fimm tbe rafhotic Church ; and w rbid ail commercial inter-
betteutteir wi^eeta and Fngljiili merchant- — What waa doing in Paris
a:r the motnenc waa below this hisbirian's notice, bat i^^ Poc;i.f 3 day waa past. His awful
Boll proved nothing more than a bdbnr: and the reader will not fbnKt that this waa the self-
MiBe Panl III., who had v- -••■■■ —z^i to Henry VIIX. in 1j36 ; hut all the powers, in tnm.
— j«. gmaidy (sren to men' . this cose the Pontiff waa deluded by both mnnarchs.
of them would a: i receive Cardinal Pole into their dominiona. It wa.<*
, aAo wn meiilur Ui be tUlmkd «r nerrtac^ai Ay Me Kmg ^f Fntikee, or «re» Ou
I tot
1539.] STATE OF PABTIES. 45
hard at work in anv department, since the invention of print-
in? had been introduced into England.
All this too is the more worthy of notice, as Cranmer,
however busy with his first edition, did not make his appear-
ance before the public till next spring, or April 1540. Before
proceeding, however, to any detail, the state of Ensland, and
in its connexion with foreign parts, must first be understood,
as the account will then be read with that interest which
belongs to it.
Of this eventful year, we can scarcely fail to have one
luminous view, however painful ; if we now place CrumwelL
Cranmer. and Latimer, on the one side ; the Duke of Xor-
folk, Grardiner, and Tunstal, on the other : with Henry
standing between them, to hold the balance. Troubled about
manv thins:?, the waward monarch was but HI at ease, and
we shall see him make either scale preponderate, just as his
fear or his fancy suggested at the moment, CmmwelL it has
been affirmed, had some presentiment of his down&ll, for
nearly two years before his death, and made provision for his
dependents, which Wolsey had not. K this be eorreet, the
time harmonises with the return of Gardiner from France.
But. at all events, the last and deadly struggle for pre-emin-
ence and power, on the f>art of Cbumwixl, has now com-
menced, though he had still a year and a half to live. We
shall see him trembling for the ground on which he stood, as
well as for all his honours. At his outset, he had said to
Cavendish, his neighbour servant in Wolsey's hoosehf^d,
that, in going to Henry, he would either mak^ or mtar all ;
and the truth is, that, in one sense, he did both ; first the
one. and then the other. In many points, Wolsey and
Crumwell were extremely different characters, but in both may
be seen, as a warning to posterity, the rise and fall of pjlitical
expediency. With regard to Hugh Latimer, the onh man
who ever dared to speak out before the King and his courtiers.
he is about to retire from the tempestuous seene ; and to
sav nothing of cruelty. Henry, acting in the meanest style
imaginable, to the very end of his reign, will accommodate
him — with a prison I Like Festus of old. willing to show his
courtiers a pleasure, he will leave Latimer bound. Cranmer
will this year, in one instance, discover more fortitude than per-
haps he ever did in the course of his whole life. And as for the
Ui IIKNKY STILI. A W 1 1 )(i \V K l< . [boOK II.
al)lt' triumvirate in opposition, we shall see liow dexttjruusly
tliev wrought to eiicli other"'s hands against their tliree op-
ponents.
To commence, however, uiore particularly, and with the Monarch
himself. At the end of last year, we left him murmuring at the cold-
ness and delay of Charles V. ; (at which period the Pontift" had at last
issued his long suspended Bull ;) and now, on the 19th of January, he
repeats his complaint to Sir Thomas Wyatt. In " this weighty matter
of his marriage" with the Duchess of Milan, he requires a positive
answer ; and that " some barking preachers who had slandered him in
their pulpits might he punished."' On the 13th of February, he com-
mands Wyatt to advertise the Emperor that Cardinal Pole is coming to
him as Legate from Rome, (in connexion with the Bull now issued,)
requiring that, in conformity with the treaty of Cambray, he suffer him
not to enter his dominions, or expel him if he does. He then chooses
to add, that Pole " has conspired to murder him and his children, and
to take upon himself the whole rule."^
Presently, however, other adverse policy had transpired, as on the
9th of ^larch we find Wriothsley, the English ambassador at Brussels,
addressing Crumwell. He had asked leave to return, but neither the
Queen-Regent nor her Council would consent : they had even intreated
him to remain, the Queen herself adding — " the Emperor's ambassador
tarrieth against my commandment in England, at your master's instance,
and I am not angry that he so doth, to gratify him."^ To the royal
suitor, such procedure had been sufl5ciently provoking : it had roused
him, and opened his eyes ; for before the arrival of this letter, he had
got previous information. On the 10th, therefore, he had written to
Wyatt, desiring that he would thank the Emperor for refusing to receive
Cardinal Pole into his kingdom, and for his not sanctioning the Pontiff's
Bull. At the same time, his ^lajesty complains that " a sudden rumour
spread throughout Germany, Spain, and other parts, that the Emperor,
the French King, and other princes, by the instigation of the Bishop of
Rome, were forthwith to invade England" — " that the Emperor's am-
bassador, (Eustace Chapuis, just referred to,) in the height of these
rumours, had suddenly desired leave to depart, showing no letters, but
merely saying, that it was by commandment of Mary, the Princess -
Regent of the Low Countries — that for the indemnity of his English
merchants, whose ships had already been detained, and in return for in-
civilities shown to the English ambassador at Brussels, he had arrested
all ships belonging to the Low Countries, or to Spain, wishing now to
know w/tai the Emperor's intentions were. That since he, the Emperor,
' Harl. MS.. No. 2«2, fol. 4.t. » Idem. fnl. 47. s Gov. St.itc Papers, i., p. .W5.
l.>39.] DISTURBED FROM VARIOUS QUARTERS. 4?
will not proceed as to the marriage of the Duchess, without the Pontiffs
dispensation ; as the King's nobility daily press him to marry, and age
comes on apace, Charles must not think it strange, if he seek alliance
elsewhere !" He then informs Wyatt that he will soon be recalled,
and succeeded by Mr. Richard Pate."*
By the 12th, Crumwell had received the letter of Wriothsley, when he
immediately apprised his Majesty of its contents.^ No change in affairs
could possibly be more welcome to my Lord Privy Seal, who had never
courted alliance with the Emperor, and probably saw that his royal
Master had been befooled all along. At all events, the matrimonial
affair was now at an end, and Henry's personal negociations for a
political marriage, have entirely failed. To fail a second time, as a
Royal negotiator, and to be foiled, not only by two gentlemen, or Francis
and Charles in 1538, but by two ladies, in 1539, must have been mortifying
in the extreme. For it must be observed that though Henry continued
ever writing to Wyatt ; the Emperor, by his commission, had remitted the
negotiation for a wife, to his sister Mary, the Regent of the Low Coun-
tries ; and she had managed to gain time, with no inferior address. She
is said to have terminated the business, by declaring that the Duchess
of Milan was too nearly allied to Henry's first Queen, to admit of such
a union, without a dispensation from the Pontiff, a humiliation to which,
of course, his Majesty could never bow. The proposal he must have
viewed as an insult. As for the Lady Duchess-Dowager herself, the
daughter of Christiern King of Denmark, if she replied as has been of-
ten affirmed, Henry was also reminded of his second Queen, in no flatter-
ing terms. The words were — " If she had two heads, one should have
been at the service of his Majesty ; whereas having but one, she pre-
ferred to lead a single life." In the meanwhile, however, Crumwell is
taking special care, that Chapuis shall not be permitted to leave Calais,
till Wriothsley on his way home has arrived at that town in safety .^
But if his Majesty felt at all fretted by this rumour of invasion, and
the prose of these " barking preachers" on the Continent, he had been
not less annoyed by poetry, supjiosed to come from Scotland ; while some
fear was entertained that his nephew, the King, would unite with the
Continental powers against him. In the close of last year. Sir Thomas
Wharton, Warden of the West Marches, had written to Crumwell, in no
small alarm, about a " ballad" in satii-e of Henry ; inclosing a copy, and
adding that he had employed two several spies, to proceed to Edinburgh
respecting it ! His informer had affirmed that it " was devised by the
Bishops."^ Not satisfied with this, he writes to King James himself, in
4 Harl. MS., No. 282, ful. 50. P.itc is by mistake frequently named Taic in the Catalogue,
and occasionally so in tlic State Papers. He was appointed to succeed, but ultimately proved a
false man, was attainted, and remained beyond seas.
s Gov. State Papers, i., p. .")!t.i. " Idem, p. .">tl7. ? Idem, vol. v., p. I4.'>.
4S TiiK Kisa Disri'HUKi) [hook h.
January, ami on the 31st ; his Majesty replies from his palace of Liu-
lithj^ow, — that as he never had heard of "sic haUats" before, he
rather suspected them to be " imagined and devised" by some of Whar-
ton's own nation, and " lieges of our dearest uncle's.'" Three days be-
fore this letter, however, Sir Christopher Mores, one of the Berwick Com-
missioners, had informed Crumwell, that on Wetlnesday the 22d of Janu-
ary " in a place called the Queen's ferrj', amidst a great storm of wind
and weather, an ambassador out of France had arrived, and being re-
ceived by the King's Secretary, was conducted with thirty horsemen to
the Scotch Kinp, for what purpose, he could not yet show.""
Meanwhile the "ballat" was still the great affair : for Ilolgate, Bishop
of Llandaff, and President of the Council of the North had also written
to James ; so that it cost his Majesty another long letter, from his palace
of Edinburgh on the Sth of February.'" On the same day, also open
proclamation was issued, and directed " to be made at Dumfries and
other places, that no one should take, have, read, publish, or send copies
of ony si k famous, desjutefull and unhoneKt ballots, rhymes, or makings,
— to destroy all copies that could be found, and diligent search to be
made for any " who had made ballats or sangs in defamation and blas-
pheming of (the King) his dearest uncle."
The Council of the North too, by the 9th of March, had caught letters
passing from Ireland to the Pontiff, as well as to Cardinal Pole ;" and
in short nothing would satisfy Henry but that the Duke of Norfolk
himself must go down to the Northern borders, to ascertain the actual
state of things, and examine the means of defence. By his first letter
of the 29th of March, to Crumwell, the Lord Privy Seal, there were no
good news. The Castle of Berwick was greatly dilapidated, and the
troops of Northumberland miserably " ill horsed :" the only consolation
was, that he heard the Borderers of Scotland were " worse horsed than
they :" but there was now evidently something a great deal more for-
midable than a Scotch song, or any rhyming prophecy. James had
taken care to make the most of the " ballad ;" professing that he was
" not less heavy and thoughtful " than Bishop Ilolgate himself ; and
now he affinns that " he will never break with the King, his uncle,
during his life, with many more very good words." And yet Norfolk
has heard that on Thursday last, the 27th, proclamation was made at
Edinburgh, and in all parts of Scotland, for " every man between 16
and no to be ready, upon 24 hours' warning, on pain of death — that
there were new trimmed, and part of them new made, in the Castle of
Edinburgh, 16 great pieces, as cannons and culvcms, and 60 smaller
pieces for the field, all which were to be fullj- ready before the 26th of
• Cotton MS., CaliR. B. iii., fol. IPl. Oritrinal. » Gov. State Pai>cr«, vol. v., p. 147.
'0 Gov. State Papers, v.. UK, 14!l. " Idem. p. I.ll.
l.>39.] HV niFFERKNT I'ARTIES. 49
April ; and two ships bound for Flanders, were to bring as many hand
guns with them as they could." On the day before this proclamation,
" a friar, in preaching before the young Queen at Lithgow, had been
extolling the Pontiff's authority, the Bishops of Glasgow, Galloway, and
Aberdeen, being present, but no temporal Lords :" '^ and different indi-
viduals had said — " If ye (England) and France agree well, we and ye
shall agree well ; for as France doth with you, so will we do."
" By divere other ways," adds the Duke, " I am advertised that the Clergy
of Scotland be in such fear, that their King should do there, as the King's
Highness hath done in this reahn, that they do their best to bring their Master
to tlie war ; and by many ways I am advertised, tliat a great part of the tem-
porality there would tlieir King should follow our onsample, tcldck I pray God
{/ire him yrace to come unto." But his Grace of Norfolk, meanwhile, believes
that the Abbot of Arbroath, (David Betoun,) " is gone into France to know
what help his Master shall have, as well of the French King as of the Bishop
of Rome, if he break with us."
" Daily cometh unto me, some gentlemen and some clerks, which do flee out
of Scotland, as they say, for readinij of Scrijiture in Eiiijlish ; saying that, if
they were taken, they should be put to execution. / <jive them gentle words ;
and to Some, money. Here is now in this town, and hath been a good season,
she that was wife to the late Captain of Dunbar, and dare not return, for hold-
ing our ways, as she saith. She was in England and saw Queen Jane. She is
Sir Patrick Hamilton's daughter, and her brother was burnt in Scotland, three
or four years ago."
His Grace closes with a little spice of flattei'y — " Requiring your good Lord-
ship to have me most humbly recommended to the King's Majesty, making
mine excuse for not icriting to his Highness concerning the premises. And thus
our Lord have you my very good Lord in his tuition. Written at Berwick, the
29th day of March." 13
But are these actually the words of the Duke of Norfolk, and that so
late as the 29th of March 1539 ? They are ; and the reader must not
fail to observe with what artful craftiness he is here trying to impose
upon Crumwell, or put him off his guard, for now he would affect to be
the most zealous man of his age ; and, by way of finish, having once
subscribed his name, with his own hand he adds this postscript — " If
these ungracious Priests may not bring their King to war this summer,
I am in good hope that once ere Christmas, the King of Scots will take
much of their land into his own hands ; which to hring to pass shall lack
'2 It is curious enough that at the same time, only four days after, or the 30th of March,
Tuiistal was practising before Henry, by baldly preaching the opposite doctrine, and denounc-
ing Cardinal Pole in the severest terms. This was to mould the Monarch for all the advice
which that party intended soon to give, if it had not been already tendered.
!3 Cov. State Papers, v., ]>. 153-1.56. By the way, we have here positive evidence of the ex-
tent to which Tyndale's translation was prevailing in North Uritain, of which more in its proper
))lace. Though Norfolk could not be expected to be very accurate as to the martyrdom of
Patrick Hamilton ; he cared for none of these tliing.s. It had taken place precisely eleven years
before this.
vol,. II. D •
50 NORFOLK UEOUILINU CKUMWELL. [liOuK II.
no setting forth on mi/ (ttli'ilt'. if any ot' his .■icorct servants come hither
unto me !"
In short the letter thnnitrhovit was cjual to any thing from the pen
of his friend, Stephen Ouriliner ; for soon after the Duke's return to
Lonilon, the style adopted will appear to have been the highest essence
of hypocrisy. And he soon returned ; the last letter from him to Crum-
well seems to be from Richmond in Yorkshire, on the 9th of April. He
will be in very good time to unite vigorously with Gardiner and Tunstal,
in thwarting the Lord Privy Seal.
During these three months it certainly had been no very easy task for
Crumwell to manage his distui-bed Master, or ward oft' his fears ; and
the more so that, though a bold and determined man hitherto, he had
(juite enough to do with himself. Already he had his trembling mo-
ments, and his own anxiety is <iuitc manifest, even when he is striving,
so graphically, to cheer the King. Thus on the 17th of March he
writes —
" Many briiit<», rumours and reports be made, as well in and from Flanders,
as in and from some other parts, the grounds wliereof being unexpressed, and
all things well weighed, not like to be such indeed as is reported. Men may
sometime upon accumulation of suspicions and light conjectures, take a fantasy
indeed, that their suspicions be true ; or trusting some false reporters, which
might fortune hath shewed them some true things, may perchance be deceived
by them. Or marking the words of the inconstant and fickle people babbling
abroad, think the same cannot be so much in the people's mouth witliout some
ground, as smoke is not without fire. But for all this, some time such things
do vanish away as the wind. Yet nevertheless, 1 cannot but so to think, that
your Grace will not be further moved or pricked by such reports, or letters,
upon such unknown reports, suspicions, and talcs grounded, than the things do
appear: for assuredly, to my judgment, the things be more and further other-
wise bruited abroad, than the meaning and the deed is. Aasuredly, as it is
good to be ware and circumspect, so no less is to be avoided over much suspi-
cion, to the which if any man be once given, he shall never be quiet in mind.
These I do not write as thinking your Grace needeth any warning thereof,
being of so high excellent wit, prudence, and long experience ; but that I would
declare unto your Majesty, how I do for my part, take the things, and as I
think other men should take them ; and that no more celerity nor precipitation
of things should be used than of congruency. For undoubtedly I take God to
he not only your Grace's protector, but a marvellous favourer ; so that in mv
heart I hold me assured, altliough all the rest should have conspired against
your Grace, yet ye shall prevail through his grace, assuredly."'^
While, however, Henry had been so long and so busy negotiating to no
purpose ; the German States had not been forgotten, and Crumwell, ever
watching on the times, now found that his opportunity was come. After
their Ambassadors had been dismissed by his Majesty with Tunstal's
M rjov state P.ipcr». i., p GOI
l,)3l:».2 THK GERMAN STATES. 51
reply, last year, the Emperor had been solicitiug their aid against the
Tm"k, of whom he was afraid ; but they were as firm to their principles
with him, as they had been with the King of England. In these cir-
cumstances, as the English Monarch was not likely to make any pacific
agreement with the Court of France, especially while such a man as
Bonner was there, urging, after his own manner, the claims of his royal
Master, for the arrears of money long due by Francis ; and as it was
then uncertain how fiir the Emperor and the King of France would
second the official fury of the Pontiff ; Henry must bow to the humilia-
tion of sending Mount and Paynell once more to those very States, whose
ambassadors he had dismissed. After the return of those ambassadors
to Germany, last September, no letters arrived either to Crumwell or his
Master, and " fearing," says Strype, " lest these Gemians might comply
with the Emperor on some terms," Mount and Paynell had been des-
patched from England in December last to the Duke of Saxony, and the
Landgrave of Hesse."'^ The enquiry then to be made, whether these
German Princes remained stedfast in their faith as to their professed
religious principles, must have been a mere fetch to open up negotiations
of a secular character ; and so the Embassy merged into one such subject.
It is true that we shall find Bui-ghart, who had been in England last
year, arrive with the English Envoys upon their return in April, bring-
ing a long answer from Saxony and Hesse, as to those matters of faith,
with a letter also from ]\Ielancthou to the King ; but long before then
we have pointed evidence to show, not only that another Queen for
Henry was the main point, but that considerable progress had been
made, before his Majesty was told that he could not have the Duchess of
^lUan. It was a political marriage on which the Monarch was bent,
and he had been negotiating in two quarters at the same time. It has
been often affinned, that Crumwell recommended the Princess Anne of
Cleves to Henry ; but of this, no positive evidence has ever been ad-
duced, and the instructions given to Mount and Paynell, on such a sub-
ject, must have been not only with his Majesty's previous sanction, but
given directly by himself. There is, however, no question that Cnim-
well leaped at the proposal and urged it on. So early as the 10th of
March this is quite apparent,^'' and on the 18th, when addressing the
King, still more so ; proving decidedly that the one negotiation was pro-
ceeding, before the other was broken off.
"Please your most noble Majesty to be advertised, that this morning I have
received letters from your Grace's servants, Christopher Mount and Tlionias
Payne), written at Fi-ankford the 5th of this present month, tlie effect whereof
is that on the day of February last, the said Christopher had access to the
Duke of Saxony, to whom, all other being afar off, he declared the effect of his
IS Oov. State Paiiers, i., p. (J<i!>. -6 See Cotton XIS., Vitell. B. xxi., fol. l.'U.
r,2 CUL.MWKLl/S I'OLKJV. [booK II.
instruotiuns tlie Iji-st inuniior he could ; wlicrouiito the Duke; answered that hf
would with j^ood will endeavour himself to liis power, to do all thiiigH, and no-
thin;; t«i j)reterniit that might conduce to the perfection of this honest aHuir."
He trusted the I'rinees would meet shortly, and he would rather " break and open
this matter himself, than by any other person, because he trusteth to speak bet-
ter himsilf, anil the thing be kept more secretly."'" " The sjiid Christoplier,"
continues Crumwell, " instantly sueth every day the acceleration of the matter,
lest some other shall prevent it, and that in the meantime the jncttin: may In-
jf,'/i/." — " Every man praiseth the beauty of the same Lady, as well for the face,
a-s for the whole body, above all others ladies excellent." — " One sjiid unto them
of late that she exccUeth as far the Dnihe»$, as the ijulden »uh excelleth the
silrfrti muoH." — " Every man praiseth the good virtues and honesty, with shame-
facedncss, which ai)peareth plainly in the gravity of hir face. Thus sjiy they,
that have seen them MA.""'
Nothing, indeed, is now omitted by Crumwell's pen, to quicken Henry's
footsteps. Thus his Majesty is informed that the electors of Branden-
burg and Palgrave, with the Emperor's ambassador, Vesalius, the Arch-
bishop of Lunden, in Sweden, were at Frankford, employed in making
" a i)acification, and hope to speed" — that the Earl of Nassau, with
twenty French captains, had arrived two days before — that Mount dili-
gently sued for an embassy to be sent to England, but the German
princes " feel themselves aggrieved, and do detest the lon^ dilations of
our Court" — that one of the French courtiers dining with the Duke of
Saxony, he asked, " to what purpose were all these preparations of the
Emperor," adding, " the bruit is here that it should be against the King
of England." The only reply was — " then the King of England will
need to take heed to himself."
Crumwell then takes care to add — " if your Grace will have anything
written to the said Christopher, we have now good commodity of men
to convey letters ; wherefore I would be glad to know your gracious
pleasure herein." — " Your Majesty may be assui-ed, that your Highness'
affairs, in all points, can be no more accelerate, and more done to their
expedition, than we all do to our powers ; which undoubtedly be not
idle. Wherefore I beseech your Grace to pardon me, and take these
in good part, as I hope your Majesty, of your accustomed benignity,
will do." >3
Crumwell accordingly had received orders, as he wrote to ]Mouut and
Paynell, on the 22d of March, how to proceed in their negotiations.^'^
After not less than tliree years of prorogation, Henry had
now resolved to hold a meetin2[ of Parliament and Convoca-
>7 The Princes met on the 12th of Fcbruarr. so that nearly a month before Henry had said
to the Emperor that he must not think it straiiRu ;/' hu sou^lit alliuncc eUeirhcn; he was then
seeking it. Conip.ire his letter to Wvatt as <|uoted pp. 46, 47.
'" The lady referred to was Prinee.ss Anne, second daughter of John Duke of Cleves.
l» Gov. State Papers, i.. p. 6(14. -■" Cotton .VfS., Vitell., U. xxi., fol. 14".
153;».] PARLIAMENT AND .),S
tiou. The subserviency of both to his will was notorious,
and in this it appears that Crumwell cordially sympathised
with him. " Amongst other for your Grace's Parliament,"
says he on the 1 7th of March, " / have appointed your Ma-
jesty ""s servant, Mr. Morisson, to be one of them. No doubt
he shall be ready to answer, and take up such as would crack,
or face with literature of learning, or by midirected ways, if
any such shall be, as I think there will be few or none ; for-
asmuch as I, and other your dedicate counsellors, be about to
bring all things so to pass, that your Majesty had never more
tractable Parliament T^^ As for the Convocation, since it
had been summoned on the 12th of March, it is evident that
whatever articles shall be issued, by that time they had been
contemplated ; and Crumwell, at least, is either preparing to
swallow them, or, what is very improbable, must have been
profoundly ignorant of what was before him. At all events,
for these three years past, as there had been no such assem-
blies under our despotic monarch, they were always ominous
of some strong measures.
On the 30th of March, Tunstal, usually calm and still,
preached his flaming sermon before the King ; Gardiner was
preparing for Parliament and the Convocation ; Norfolk was
returning from the north ; and to announce his approach, by
way of firing the first gun, only about one fortnight after his
strange letter of the 29th of March, already quoted, he had
quarrelled with Crumwell on a subject of inferior moment. ^^
But by this time Crumwell had been taken unwell, and had
21 Richard Morysine, or Morison, now one of the gentlemen of the Privy Chamber, who was
afterwards knighted by Edward VI., we have heard of before. See anno 15i5. Last year he
had published his " Apomaxis," to which Cnchla?us replied; and this year, he printed his
" Exhortation to stir up all Englishmen to the defence of their country," and "an Invective
against Treason." He had left Padua in IS.Ty, where he was acquainted with Cardinal Pole ;
and now he sets himself right with Henry VIII. " Of the miracles and wonders of our times,"
savs he, " I take the change of our Sovereign Lord's opinion to be the greatest. There was no
prince in Christendom, but he was far liker to have changed than our Sovereign Lord. He wa.'*
their pillar, and Ijare them up a great while. They gave hint fair titles for his so doing, and
honoured his name in all their writings. Was it not a wonderful work of God, to get his Grace
from them to Him? To make him their overthrow, whom they had chosen for their Defen-
der?"— Thus it was, that every courtier abounded in the most fulsome flattery.
i- "I have received letters from my Lord of Norfolk, which I send herewith, to the intent
that your Highness may know how grievously he taketh the assignment I have made to Anthony
Rouse, of one of Sir Edward Ichingham's daughters ; who, by all the very true advertisements
that I can have, is your Majesty's ward, and to your Grace's use, appointed to the custody
of the said Rouse. I am sorry he taketh the matter so much to heart— I remit the resolution
and disposition of the whole matter to your Highness; not doubting but your most excellent
wisdom can, weighing the matter, weigh also therewith my said Lord, the Duke of Norfolk's
good merits, and determine the best in that matter, to be fulfilled accordingly." — Crumwdl to
Henrv. \Wh April. Gov. State Papers, i., p. Oil. This complaint, however, ((*■ it was put, ami
at such a finn; was probably far from being wise for himself.
54 CONVUCATION Ol'KNi:i). [boOK 11.
become so seriously. It was an attack of the agui;. Ou the
23d of April, or the Wednesday hefore Parliament was to
sit, he had made himself ready to wait on the King, when a
fit came on, " and held him in great heat ahout ten hours.''
'' The pain (»f the disease," said he, " grieveth me nothing so
much as that doth, that 1 cannot be as I should there
present, and employ my power to your Grace"'s afi'airs and
service, as my heart desireth to do,"^ On the eve of sucli a
battle, it was a great and bitter disappointment, and, no
doubt, his enemies were improving every hour of his absence.
Next day, however, he strove to do all he could, by address-
in"- a lonir letter to his Maiestv ; and still lamenting over his
state of health. In this communication it is observable, that
while he goes over all the points respecting foreign policy, he
says not one word now of what is projected to be done in
Parliament,-^ Poor man ! It is true that he will rally again
as to health ; the King, to serve his own selfish ends, will
assume a kindly aspect, and he has yet fourteen months to
live ; but liis frequent and direct, or familiar correspondence
with Henry is now near a close.
Meanwhile, and at the moment when Crumwell was writing,
Mount and Paynell arrived from Germany, accompanied by
Burghart, who had been dismissed in September last. The
Emperor, it was said, had now deprecated, above all things, the
German Confederates receiving any others into their league ;
when Crumwell did not fail to suggest, that " if his Majesty
would only join them, the other party, in his judgment,
would be half in despair." But what was Henry to do • He
was now falling in with the counsels of Norfolk, Gardiner,
and Tunstal ; Parliament must sit in five days hence, and
Crumwell, in poor health, is but ill able to attend !
Accordingly, on Monday, the 28th of April, Parliament
.sat down, and the Convocation opened on the 2d of May.
The Duke of Norfolk, as Prime-Minister, had been commis-
sioned to conduct the business in the House of Peers ; and
Crumweirs precedency as Vicar-General was recognised, but
he could no longer brandish his rod of authority over the
Bishops, as he had done at their last sitting, three years ago ;
and miK'h less send a deputy to claim his seat, above them
M Gov. Statr Papers, i., |>. (ill. ''* Clio].. E. v., fol. \^2. or Slrvpc, Kccords, civ
I.)30.] A ROYAL MESSAGE. 55
all. Not only were the majority his opponents, but tlie Head
of their Church had clianged his mind. For three years had
Crunnvell and Crannier enjoyed ample sway ; but Gardiner
and TunstaPs day had now come. They must aim at retalia-
tion for all the past, and no time was lost before the strength
of parties w-as ascertained.
On Monday the 5th of May, a royal message to the House
was announced by Audley as Lord Chancellor. His Majesty,
being greatly desirous of putting an end to all controversies
in reliffion, ordered a committee to examine the diversities of
opinion — to draw up articles for an agreement, and report !
Nine individuals Avere appointed, viz. Crumwell as Vicar-
(jrencral, and Archbishop Cranmer, with Latimer of Wor-
cester, and Goodrich of Ely, on the one side ; and Archbishop
Lee, with Tunstal of Durham, Aldrich of Carlisle, Clark of
Bath, and Salcot of Bangor on the other. While, therefore,
these men were left to warm and busy discussion at St.
Paul's, if we turn to Westminster, there we find the King-
engaged in reviewing the grand muster of the citizens of
London.
At this period the order and nature of events strongly suggest the
idea of a laid plan, on the part of Henry and one class of his advisers,
in which every movement was preparatory to measures already deter-
mined. They were measures relating to money and property of course ;
for as to faith and opinions, among men of such licentious habits, it
would be absurd to suppose one grain of sincerity, or any conscience.
To raise a false alann, was the object in view. Alarm as an expedient,
was altogether unnecessary in Crumwell's opinion, but he had taken
special care to obey all orders. Thus, on the 17th of last month, he had
assured his Majesty of there having been no lack of vigilant prepara-
tion for defence against all foreign aggi'ession.
" As for commissions concerning the beacons, they were sent moi'e than
three weelcs agone. Letters for the musters be also sent, and no doubt they
shall do their duty. As for tlie return of the musters, it is not appointed till
Easter, (8th April,) by the which time all, 1 trust, shall be done and certified ;
then upon the certificates thereof, shall other letters be ready to be sent in-
continent. In the meantime, I, and other of your Grace's Council here, do
study and employ om'selves daily, upon those affairs that concern your Gract\i
ParViament, and to prepense and prepare in the same, all that uv may think to
your Ilujhness' satisfaction." '^•>
25 Gov. State Papers, i., p. 602.
5(? Tllfc: MITUKL) AUliOTS. [book II.
The fiift was, that a muster, c<iually extensive with that in Scotland,
or of all men from 10 to 00, with the number of their liarnesses anil
weapons, hail heen onlcreil ; and to satisfy the Kin<^, London is now dis-
playing what she had done. Ilalle the old chronicler gives a minute de-
scription of the whole. On Thursday the 8th of May, every alderman,
with his ward in liattle array, came to the common place of rendezvous ;
so that all the fields from Whitechapel to Mile-end, and from Bethnal
Green to Ilatcliff' and Stepney, were covered with harness, bows, bills
and pikes, or men and weapons. By eight in the morning they were
all on the move, to appear before Henry, who " sat in his new gate
house, at his palace of Westminster, where he viewed the whole com-
pany." By nine o'clock, the first captain had entered Paul's Church-
yard, which the last had not done till four in the afternoon. The num-
ber was 15,000, besides a class named " wyfFelers and waiters."^ But
why all this alarm ? Forts and beacons erected — the fleet equipped,
and musters taken throughout the kingdom ! Where was the enemy,
whether by sea or land ? Lord Crumwell had informed the King that
he saw no cause for immediate apprehension ; and one author has told
us that " all this noise of an invasion was looked on as no better than
management and mystery, by a great many." " It was the strain,"
they said, " of a party to colour the practice, and carry on the one de-
sign in view" — the suppression of all the religious houses, including the
greater monasteries. " The King's necessities were too faint a colour
to discharge the imputation : the censure went deep, and the scandal
spread, notwithstanding this allegation." ^
At all events, it is very observable, that only five days after all this
bustle in London, the subject was introduced to the House of Lords.
To this Parliament all the mitred Abbots had been summoned of course,
and for the last time. It was to receive final judgment ; for however
courteously they had been spoken of three years ago, when the lesser
monasteries were dissolved, their day of doom was now at hand. One
hundred and fifty abbots, and other superiors of a lower grade, had sur-
rendered their houses and lands to the Crown before this year 1539 ; a
step taken on the same principle with that of the unjust steward in the
parable. They acted wisely, as they thought, for themselves, by mak-
ing the best compromise they could. Still all such transactions re-
quired to be sanctioned by Parliament ; and so now this most compliant
House will not only confirm all that had passed, but secure all that is to
come. On the 1.3th of May, therefore, a Bill was brought into the House
by Lord Chancellor Audley, vesting in the Crown all the property,
moveable and immoveable, of the monastic establishments, which either
had already been, or should hereafter be, surrendered or suppressed.
I.i3l>.] DISSOLUTION OF MONASTERIKH. "i?
According to Sir Edward Coke, both Houses were then entertainc<I
with a very pretty story, as from his Majesty —
" That no King or kingdom were safe, where the King had not three abili-
ties. First, to live of his own, and able to defend his kingdom upon any
sudden invasion or insurrection. Second! i/, to aid his confederates, otherwise
they would never assist him. Thirdlij, to reward his well-deserving servants.
Now, (/■ the Parliament would only give and confirm to him all the Abbeys
and Priories, the Friaries and Nuuneries, and other monasteries, for ever, then
in time to come he would take order, that the same should not be converted to
private use. But frst, thtit his" exchequer, for the purposes aforesaid, should
be enriched. Secondly, the kingdom be strengthened by the maintenance of
forty-thousand well-trained soldiers, with skilful captains and commanders.
Thirdly, for the benefit and ease of the subject, he nerer afterwards, in any
time to come, should be charged with subsidies, fifteenths, loans, or other com-
mon aids ! and Fourthly, lest the honour of the realm should suffer by the dis-
solution of the said monasteries, there being twenty -nine Abbots and Priors who
were Lords of Parliament, the King would create a number of Nobles !"
There can be no doubt that vice, in its vilest forms, was to be found
in many of these houses, from the highest to the lowest grade ; and as
little, that vice, in other forms, was practised by Crumwell's visitors,
when professedly engaged in their examination and exposure ; but if
immorality of conduct forms a sufficient ground for the forfeiture of
property to the Crown for ever, to say nothing here of such a Crown,
what would have become of property in England, at any period, from
that day to this 1 Had these houses been all of royal foundation, the
case would have been different, but this they notoriously were not ; or
had even the objects to which the proceeds were applied been of a laud-
able character, Henry, instead of adding to the disgrace of his character,
might have escaped the censure of posterity ; but every one knows that
the representation and promises here held out before Parliament were but
delusive mockery. Every one knows that the entire spoil was not suffi-
cient, as we shall find in one short year, when Crumwell makes his last
effort at procuring more money for his prodigal and unprincipled Master.
It deserves notice, that, at this juncture, almost all the disciples of
the " old learning" bowed to the King's lust after monastic property.
By yielding to him in one "w&j, they might calculate on his compli-
ance with their counsels in another. The mitred abbots in the House
made no counter motion. Gardiner was even forward in declaiming
against the religious houses, and commended the King for suppressing
them. His friend, the Duke of Norfolk, had already purchased the
monastery of Septon in Suffolk ; and there was now opened up to all
the nobility the inviting prospect of easy purchase, advantageous ex-
change, nay, of free gifts ; and as since, if war ensued, it was to bring
no additional burden, and even pauperism, as well as taxation, was to be
heard of no more I — the delusion served its purpose, and the Bill passed.
ryS TIIK NEW ARTICLES. [BOOK II.
To fliuooili the way for this result and jiucifj' the other party, another
Bill was iiitrutlucoil into Parliament on the 23<1 of May by Lord Cruni-
well. The House was to rise next day, till the 30th of the month, and it
is curious enough that this Bill, which was to enable the King liy his
letters patent to erect new Bishoprics, was read the same day three
times, and immediately sent down to the Commons. The preamble and
material parts of this act, drawn by the King himself, are still extant
in the British Museum, with a list of the Sees intended. But it is e4ually
well known that there was a failure here also. Thirteen are noted in
this list, and fifteen or sixteen were talked of : but the result was the
erection of only six ; Oxford and Bristol, Gloucester and Chester,
Peterborough and Westminster, the last of which was soon dissolved.
These two measures, however, were not only ones over which the
Members of both Houses, as well as the people at large, were called to
ruminate, till the 30th of May. There was a third, affecting the whole
country, and frauglit with personal violence ; for we must not forget the
Bishops who had been left to their discussions, while Henry was re-
viewing his London troops.
J3ut however bent his Majesty now was, upon what he chose
to style unanimity of opinion, it was soon manifest that the
committee of Bishops appointed, could never agree. In a
similar perplexity, just three years ago, his Majesty and Cran-
mer in union had, for the first time, framed certain articles for
the people of England to believe, enforcing them on all men
by the Sovereign's authority ; so that consistently, the Arch-
bishop cannot now object, should a similar course be followed.
In 1536 it was no doubt deemed a fortunate circumstance,
that (Jardiner was out of the tcaj/ ; but he has now returned,
and if he and his party can follow the precedent set them, and
Henry .should condescend to be on that side, then he will still
be equally iiattered, as the Lord of all opinions upon English
ground. His Majesty ""s subjects were not to think for them-
selves before, and the right to do so, was not to be conceded
now. At this moment, he imagined that his personal circum-
stances demanded a very different class of opinions, and they
were now to be enforced on pain of death. The former, that
is, the FIRST articles, were to msurc peace and contentation ; but
those about to be proposed, though directly in the teeth of the
former, were, according to the precious royal announcement, to
" establish tinanimitii and terminate all religious controrersies
amonn his people T This, it mu.st be c(mccded, wa.« giving to
153t».] THE SIX ARTICLES. 59
loth parties a fair opportunity of testing the eft'ect of " articles"
as bearing upon public opinion ; and as Cranmer had first led
the way, he must now abide the consequences, whether they
should first lead to tlie destruction of his own domestic happi-
ness, or, seventeen years afterwards, to his death. In other
words, the artillci-y which had been first framed by Cranmer,
was about to be seized, and planted against himself.
It was, as we have stated, on the 5th of May that this Com-
mittee of nine had been appointed. On every point, they
divided regularly, as five to four, Cranmer and Crumwell being
in the minority. Henry's patience was very soon exhausted,
and by Friday the 16th, Norfolk was ready with the intended
remedy for diversity of opinions. The King, and AMnchester
no doubt, had been preparing it, for the mouth of that Pre-
mier ; who on the SOth of j\Iarch last, had told Crumwell,
that ho had been " praying to God, that he would give the
King of Scotland grace to do, as Henry had already done !'"'
The Duke having therefore informed the House that no pro-
gress had been made, or could be, by the Committee ; pro-
posed six questions for their consideration. They referred to
1. The Mass, 2. Communion under one kind, or the bread
without the cup. 3. Private masses. 4. The celibacy of the
Clergy. 5. Auricular confession, and, 6. Vows of chastity.
Neither Audley nor Crumicell now took any part in the de-
bate, nor indeed any layman ; but Cranmer did, and with all
his powers : for it is certainly going much too far, for anv
historian, upon a single loose anonymous authority, to denv
him the credit of as much heroism as he then displayed.-"
For three days the discussion continued, and though Henry
himself had the effrontery to come down uuconstitutiouall}'^,
and join in the debate, and afterwards requested Cranmer not
to appear and vote, he appears to have resisted to the utmost
limits of his personal safety, and never gave his formal con-
sent. True, he did not act^ as Latimer did afterwards, for
that was not in the man ; but the only wonder has been that,
going as far as he did, the King was not mightily oftended.
This, however, will be accounted for presently.
It has been remarked that six questions were tabled, and
they ended in one act : frequently denominated afterwards
-^ Clcop. E. v.. p. 128, a* quoted by I,in};arrt.
fiO IMM-S OK ATTAINDKR. [book II.
" the bloody statute," and at other times, " tlie whip with six
cords.""' Such was tlie remedy of Henry VIII. for diversity
of opinions ; for now, as he .allowed his subjects no title to any
opinion of their own, they must all believe, or profess to be-
lieve in — 1 . TranBuhstaiitiation. 2. That communion under
both kinds is not necessary to salvation. 3. That Priests may
not marry by the law of God. 4. That vows of chastity are
bindiiig. 5. That private masses ought to be r^toewerf; and,
6. That the use of auricular confession is expedient and neces-
sary : while the penalties annexed illustrated the growing
brutality of the Sovereign. Denial of the first profane ab-
surdity subjected the individual to death by the flames, for
an authoritative stop was now put to abjuration. That could
now save no man's life ; and as for the other five points, for
the denial of any one of them, the party was to die as a felon,
or be imprisoned during his Majesty's pleasure. After the
Parliament resumed on the 30th of May. this bill was intro-
duced, though it was not read for the first time till the 7th of
June, the second time on Monday the 9tli, and passed next
day.^ On the following Saturday it passed the Lower House,
and receiving the ro3'al assent on the 28th, its pains and pen-
alties were to be inflicted from and after the 12th of July,
This, however, is not the full amount of the baseness of
this Parliament. At its opening, instructions had been
given to pass bills of attainder against Margaret, Countess of
Salisbury, the mother of Cardinal Pole, now 70 years of age ;
Gertrude, widow of the Marquis of Exeter ; and a young hoy.,
son of Lord Montacute ; Sir Adrian Fortescue, and Sir
Thomas Dingley. Exeter and Montacute, it may be remem-
bered, had already suftercd ; but great difficulty was felt in
proceeding with these two ladies, and especially the old Coun-
tess. After others had tried, Crumwell, who evidently thought
himself skilful at cross-examination, " assayed the uttermost of
his power," JJut he was still bathed by the Countess, who is
said to have been " more like a strong and constant man,
than a woman ;" after which, so eager was the sinking courtier
*» On the .THh of May, llic l-ords had n|i|i<iintcd two liills to he drawn, — one by Crannicr of
Canterbury, Ooodrich of Ely, Barlow of St. Davids, and Dr. Pclrc— the otlicr by tjv of York,
TuNSTAL of Durham, GAiinixER of Winchc8tor, and Dr. Tragonnft. Both wore submitted to
Henry of course, when of course also, the latter w.is preferred. .'«ec the orieinal draft in the
Cotton MS., Cleop. t. 31.1, with corrections in the Kixg's own hand-writin);.
l.")39.] " THE RESULTS. 61
to please liis Master, that he actually called up the judges
and enquired — " Whether Parliament might condemn per-
sons accused of treason, without anji previous trial or confes-
sion /" These servile and unprincipled men replied, " that it
was a nice question, and one that no inferior tribunal could
entertain, but there was 710 doubt that the court of Parliament
was supreme ; and that any attainder by Parliament, (and
of course by the present,) would be good in law /" Such a
bill, therefore, they immediately passed, condemning to death
all the parties, without any trial whatever ! What became
of the child no one knows. Fortescue and Dingley were
executed on the lOtli of July ; the Marchioness was pardoned
about six months hence, but the aged Countess was retained
in prison nearly two years, till another frenzy having seized
the monarch, she was dragged from her dungeon ; but plead-
ing innocence, and boldly resisting her very executioner to
the last, till her grey hairs were covered with blood, the head
was severed from the body on the 27th of May 1541.
Crumwell, in ambitious pursuit of his own standing, bad
now, with a witness, entered into the field of temptation, and
it becomes difficult to hold the pen ; but impartiality forbids
that he should, at such a moment, be the only man in view.
Among those significant " Remembrances^'' so strangely left
behind for the verdict of posterity, and to which we have
before referred, there is one item of awful import, suggesting
the idea that Henry, far from unconnected with this tragedy,
had been the director behind the scenes. Item, says Crum-
well, in his own hand-writing, "to remember specially the
Lady of Sarum'''' — Salisbury: but then a little afterwards,
" Item — what the King will have done with the Lady of
Sarumy This, it may be presumed, must have been written
before the judges were called ; and such a Minister ! such a
Monarch ! it may well be exclaimed. But we forbear all
comment, and more especially as, before the year concludes,
the reader has to witness other, if not greater, abominations.
It should, however, be observed that the step thus taken by
Crumwell, very strongly reminds one of the gallows pi-epared
by Hainan for Mordecai ; as next year, and therefore before
his victim, the aged Countess, he himself was the first who
fell under the axe, in strict accordance with the precedent he
had now introduced !
62 Tllfc: SIX AUTICLKS Al'lM.lKl). [liuOK II.
In coiu'lnsioM of tlioso iniserablr prococdini!:.-^, t'»^' Lower as
wi'U a.s tlic U|)|K'r House, seems to have been willing to eoni-
|»ly witli any thing which inigjit occur to the caprice or
passion of the reigning King. His Majesty had taken offence
at the manner in which some of his proceedinga, and par-
ticularly his proclamations had been treated, since the Last
Parliament in 1536. An act was, therefore, now passed,
which sets forth in the preamble, " the contempt and disobe-
dience of the King's proclamations by some, who did not
consider tchat a King by his royal power might do ; which if
it continued would lead to the disobedience of the laws of
God ! and the dishonour of the King's Majesty, who may full
ill bear it. Considering also that many occasions might re-
quire speedy remedies, and that delaying these might occasion
great prejudices to the realm — therefore it is enacted, tiiat the
King for the time being, with advice of his Council, might
set forth proclamations with pains and penalties in them,
which were to be obeyed, as if they were made by an act of
Parliament !" If any now so offended, and in further contempt
went out of the kingdom, they were to be adjudged as trai-
tors. To this bill, indeed, some opposition was evinced, but
it passed as well as all the others.
After doings so notable as these, and affecting so many
parties. Parliament rose on the 28th of June, amidst feelings
of exultation on one side, and indignation on the other ; but,
as far as " the six articles"''' were concerned, the pet measure
of the Premier and his friends, backed as they were by the
bloody statute, they were not slow in proceeding to action.
This statute was not to I'emain a dead letter. Commissioners
were instantly a[)pointed to act upon it ; that is, to seek out
victims ; and in the various jurisdictions, a Bishop was invari-
ably to be one of the commissioners. To witness the com-
mencement of operations, we require to proceed no farther
than the metropolis. The inquisitors, selected with satanic
discrimination, ignorant, headlong, and blood-thirsty, were
" such as had read no part of Scripture in English, or in any-
wise favoured such as had., or loved the preachers of it.""*^ The
commissioners sat in Mercer's Chapel, close by the old Jewry,
Cheapside ;^' and in fourteen days, there was not a preacher
"W Halle.
»' Why select this place ? Mercer's Chapel, formerly and for ages held sacred as Gilhcrt
1539.J THK SIX AUTICLES Al'PLIED. 63
or noted individual in London, known or suspected to have
spoken in any way derogatoi-y to one of the six articles, who
had not been harassed ; nay, overstepping their commission,
they enquired not only who came seldom to the church, but
who read the Bible in it; so that more than five hundred
persons had been indicted, and it became evident that the
prisons of the city could not contain all those whom they
tliought uuist be brought to trial.
Thus, if the character of Henry, of his Bishops, and his
nobilit}'- had been evolved in Westminster Hall, last Novem-
ber, at the trial of Lambert ; so we have now at least five
hundred witnesses to the tenets for which Lambert died.
But, besides these, it must be remembered that many a man
who could do so, had found it convenient at least to leave the
city; though as the facts stand, we have here one of the clearest
testimonies to the streno-th of that cause, to which the reisn-
ing authorities had been at heart opposed from the beginning.
The Bishop of the diocese, Stokesly, was here setting an
example to the country at large, worthy of his character in
past years. He was now indeed actually descending to his
grave, for he died on the Sth of September ; but the busy
scene, and the prospect of the moment, must have proved like
a reviving cordial to his drooping spirits. Beside the Bishops,
we know that the Premier, Norfolk, who had introduced the
questions, was in the highest spirits, because tiie act had
passed. In short, the preparations were finished, and could
have left not the shadow of a doubt that England was about
to become a field of woe, if not of blood. The whole scene is
worthy of record and particular notice, were it for no other
purpose than to show how remarkably a gracious Providence
interposed, and, overruling as before, " made the storm a
calm, so that the waves thereof were stilled."
Blind zeal has been compared to the haste of a man in the
dark, who knows not when or where to stop ; and shrewd as
were the leaders of the old learning, they had gone at least
one step too far. Both Tunstal and Gardiner had distinctly
overshot themselves ; for pride of understanding, and abund-
Beckel's house, the father of St. Thomas, and the spot where he had been born. His shrine had
been destroyed only last September— a deed which, at this moment, was denounced, abroad as
well as at home, from Rome to London. Did the commissioners intend to give some point to
their proceedings, by selecting this spot 'f
04 FUUSTKAIKl) AM) [huok II.
unoe of t'aj)rioL-, had rendered the uiuuurcli one of the most
ticklisli of all leadei-s. In the course of the discussions in
Parliament, it .s(» happened that on one single point the King
agretd with Cranmer. It was in reference to " auricular
confession," that notable device, for not only enslaving the
human mind, but preventing all .sense of direct responsibility
to (jiod alone. Cranmer had maintained that it was unneces-
sary, by any Divine precept, and in tliis Henry chose to
support him. Nettled at only one point out of six being con-
troverted, Tunstal, Gardiner, and Lee, urged, that the resolu-
tion of the House should declare auricular confession to be
''a command of Christ, and part of the sacrament of penance;"
but the monarch would not allow one jot more than the simple
declaration, that such confession was expedient, and necessary
to be retained. With this, they might well have rested
satisfied, but no ; Tunstal had the temerity to write to the
King afterwards, when he received a thorough set down for
his presumption. In reply, Henry expressed no little aston-
ishment at his writing now, after having been overthrown in
the House by Cranmer and himself, and here simply sending
to him a few texts, which " make smally or nothing to your
intended purpose." His Majesty closed with the following
sentence — " I think that I have more cause to think you
obstinate, than you me, seeing your authors and allegations
make so little to your purpose — And thus fare you well."
The same parties must have been guilty of still greater
precipitation in proposing their " Book of Ceremonies to be
used in the Church of England." They had pressed this
strange and superstitious farrago to be received and passed as
the act of Convocation ; but the project completely failed, and
the book was afterwards replied to by Cranmer.'''^
But even though neither Tunstal or Gardiner had ruffled
his Majesty's temper in the slightest degree, perhaps neither
of them foresaw that there was one point still, where their
whole procedure might be arrested, and prove a failure. Nor
<<> " The Bishop of Winchester, with his ou>n pen," savs Strype, " hath nn annotation in one
place of the l>ook ; and I stronRly suspect that he w.ns more than the reviser of it ; and that it
was drawn up by Uim and hi« party," <3cc. This is not correct. While Gardiner was absent in
France, by way of doinR something; in tlie meanwhile, the book was framed by Tunstal and
Stokesly, in conjunction with 8amps4in, Uishop of Chichester, a kindred spirit ; and it is still
extant in the Museum. — Clfop., K. v., fol. 2at-2fl«i. The niaruinal annotation referred to by
Strvpc. is in the hand-writing of &iiH/M</n, not (iardiner. But the subject, in conjunction with
all the parties, will come before us again, just before Cnimwell's downfall.
1.530.] IN WITAT MANNER. 65
let it pass unobserved tliart if relief be obtained, it must, in part
at least, be traced to the noble stand made by the immortal
Frtith. Hence the benefits which may ensue, lonp aftei\ from
only one faithful martyr "resisting unto blood, striving against
sin," As he was the first man certainly known to have died
upon English ground, xcithout ahjnration^ (which was not now
to be admitted,) so he was the last that had fallen under the
sovereign power of the Bishops ; and it may be remembered
that in the very next session of Parliament after his death,
that bill was passed, which took all reputed heretics, ever
after, out of the hands of these merciless men.*^ That act
had passed in Gardiner's absence^ and was now in force. All
the parties now apprehended, therefore, must be proceeded
against forthwith, by two witnesses, and in open court. A
Bishop, indeed, must be one of the Commissioners ; but then
every man accused is entitled to a trial by jury, and even
if found guilty, the King's writ must be obtained, before any
sentence can be executed. The case, in short, was so far a
civil one, and since these London Commissioners have run
after the prey, as if the Act passed had been positively a re-
trospectite one ; in the midst of their dilemma, application must
be made to the Lord Chancellor, Audley, in the House of
Lords, and before the royal disputant, had been silent, but
now that it came to his turn to speak, perhaps viewing any
selection as difficult, if not unjust, and the punishment of all
to be inhuman if not hazardous, so it was that he advised the
reputed criminals should be pardoned. Cranmer and Crum-
well and the Duke of Suflfolk (Norfolk's opponent) concurred,
and not one man was brought up to trial ! Though, therefore,
these six articles remained as a source of great misery, and
were employed afterwards, by stretch of law, as the occasion
of much bloodshed, at this momentous crisis " the wise were
taken in their o"wn craftiness, and the counsel of the froward
was carried headlong," The five hundred indictments fell to
the ground, and there was nothing more left for Stokesly, just
before going to render his account, than to reflect on his past
cruelties. He was to be far exceeded by Bonner, his succes-
sor ; and yet, if Foxe be correct, " at the point of death, he
•■'•■I Soe vol. i., pp. 381. 4iil. 40.3.
Cr, CUANMliK HM'E [uOOK II.
ivjou-L-tl, lioastini; that in the oourst' of his lifetime he had
hunied lifty heretics."
One wonder of the day was, that the King was not offended with
Cranmcr ; and as it has been a mystery to others since, some explana-
tion is necessary. Perhaps a key may be found, which will serve for
this and all similar occasions, in time to come.
Cranmer, it is allowed by all, reasoned much against the bill passing,
and objected to five points out of six ; whereas Tunstal had done so only
to one. And yet so far was the King from being enraged, that on the
day on which Parliament rose, or the 28th of June, he sent for the
Archbishop, and desired that he would put all his arguments in writing
and bring them to himself. More than this, and by way of check to
the premier, Norfolk, and his party, he ordered that he and the Duke
of Suffolk, with Crumwell and the other peers, should dijie with Cranmer
at Lambeth ; they were also to assure him of his Majesty's kindness for
him, and that though his arguments had failed of convincing the House,
they discovered great wisdom and learning I When the day arrived, it
was in July, upon delivering their mes.sage, Cranmer is reported to have
replied — " I thank his Highness for his regard, and you for your pains ;
and that my allegations and authorities may yet be admitted, to the
glory of God and the good of this realm, is my hope in God."
This curious, because constrained, meeting, was at best a hazardous
experiment ; and, accordingly, Crumwell sufiered by it, though, for a
season, it was of some value to Cranmer. Materials so discordant could
scarcely be expected to meet without some explosion. The guests were
sounding the praises of their host. " You, my Lord," said Crumwell,
" were born in a happy hour, I suppose ; for do or say what you will,
the King will always take it well at your hands. And I must confess
that in some things I have complained of you to his Majesty, but all in
vain ; for he will never give credit against you, whatever is laid to your
charge : But let me, or any other of the Council, be complained of, his
Grace will most seriously chide, and fall out with us ; and, therefore,
you are most happy if you can keep you in this state." Poor Crumwell !
he seems almost to have envied the place of the Primate ; but then,
unfortunately for himself, though he was merely following a previous
eulogist, Wohey^s character and bearing, in comparison with Cranmer's,
was introduced. " And that," said Norfolk, " know you well, my Lord
Crumwell, for he was your Master.'''' Touched at this allusion, Crum-
well acknowledged his obligations to the Cardinal, but immediately
added — " yet I was never so far in love with him, as to have waited
upon him to Rome, if he had been chosen Pope, as I understand that
you would have done, if the ease had so fallen out." Norfolk, who de-
1,5.30.] WlllLK HKNRV LIVES. 07
served all this, denied it, but Orumwell persisted, showing " what nuiu-
ber of florins he should have received, to be his admiral, and to have
safely conducted him to Rome." The Duke replied, with a deep oath,
that he lied, when great and high words rose between them. Cranmer
and other guests interposed to quiet them, and restore decorum ; but
though the embers seemed to be quenched, they were only smothered,
and were to burst into a flame before long.
To return, however, to the King and the Archbishop, and resolve the
mystery of this unequal dealing. Were thei-e any ground to rest upon,
one might seem bound to allow, that Henry had discovered, on this oc-
casion, some token of personal friendship ; but there was none whatever.
Of mutual benevolence, the monarch was almost altogether incapable,
and he was now merely saying to his Council —
" let your unseemly discord cease,
If not in friendship, live, at least, in peace."
The fancy of the moment might sometimes be favourable to an op-
ponent, or the oppressed, but, generally speaking, never did the King
spare any man, but for some reason personal to himself, and involving
either his passions or his safety. His clemency to Cranmer was con-
nected with both. Henry made but one Archbishop of Canterbuiy, and
in a very strange way ; but he could not have made a second, without
the greatest personal hazard. Had Cranmer been removed, Tunstal and
Gardiner stood in the way, and could not have safely been passed over ;
but though Henry has been listening to their insidious advice, he had
no confidence in either. Besides, Bulls could not now have been ob-
tained from Rome ; and though the King certainly had gone a great
Avay as Head of the English Church, an Archbishop of Ms making, with-
out them, would even yet have stood but a poor chance for acceptance
with the priests. In the King, therefore, it was nothing more than
policy, to uphold his Primate. In his official capacity, often had he al-
ready served his Majesty's purpose, and his services will yet be needed,
again and again. His official character was Cranmer's safeguard, and
this will preserve him through the bloodiest and most reckless scenes of
Henry's remaining life. It was his post, not his prowess, or his per-
sonal skill, which enabled Cranmer to ride out all the storm. Should
any doubtful reader request a farther proof, it is close at hand, and a
striking one — the King's inhuman treatment of Latimer.
Hugh Latimer in his day had the honour to stand alone.
Though not a faultless character, at this period there was
none like him in all England, more especially on the bench
of Bi-shops ; and he seems to have been literally the only man
who ever had the courase to face Henry VHI. Cranmer
(;s iir(;ii i.ati.mkk in contuast. [book ii.
Iiatl found it very cuiivoiiient to employ liiiii in 153G, to speak
out before that Convocation, as he had bohlly done ; but he
could not, or dared not, follow him in 1539. Latimer, it is
to bo observed, had not by any argumentation opposed the
King, as Cranmer had ; but after the bloody Act was passed,
he resigned his bishopric, on the first of July. Laying aside
his robes, he leaped for joy, and said — " I am now rid of a
great burden, and never felt my shoulders so light before."
Soon after, a bishop, supposed to be Gardiner, sent for him,
and expressed his surprise that Latimer should object to the
traditions then enjoined by the Council, as matters of belief;
when lie nobly answered — " I will be guided by God''s book ;
and rather than dissent one jot from it, I zcould be torn by wild
horses^ He then retired to the country, intending to lead a
quiet life ; but soon after, by the falling of a tree, he was
bruised so severely, that he was under the necessity of re-
turninc: to London for surfrical assistance. It was not diffi-
cult to vamp up a case against Latimer ; for certainly he had
said many things, which to all that party must have been
like irall and wormwood. There is no record of his examina-
tion extant, but there is reason to think that it took place in
the royal presence. However, whether it did or not, the
King well knew, and ultimately sanctioned, nay, directed all
that followed : for Latimer was committed to the Tower thus
unceremoniously, and there he lay till the accession of Ed-
ward VL** The conscience of Henry had constrained him,
on different occasions, to mark, if not revere the fidelity of
this man, whom he now unwittingly promoted to be a prisoner
of Jesus Christ ; but he could manage to get on well enough
without a IJishop Latimer, though not without his own Arch-
bishop of Canterbury.
It was now the month of August, when a lurid gloom
rested on the minds of many. In London, itself, there was
a pause ; the commissions under the persecuting act had not
84 " Touching Latinu-r, his Majosty would have liim yet to remain in the Bishop's house, till
hf may speak with yoti, and devise what is best to <io with him. His Majesty is also contented,
that my Lord Uroat Master illie Uiike of .Suffolk) shall have the use and keejiinRof the Bishop's
mule, for the time ; and if it shall so come to pass, that the Bishop's Roods shall be confiscated,
then his Majesty is content that my said Lord (ireat Master shall have the said mulf, of his
Highness' (-ift l^'—I'VyHi Saillcr to Cndiiiirll, in A|iril l">40, a few days after his being created
Karl of Essex, and within two months of his own arrest. The meahnets of Henry's cruelty is
beyond all comment, as well as the subserviency of Crumwell. See Gov. State Papers, i., p. fi27.
Bui by Latimer's testimony in l.',4(), Cinmwell's character will suffer still more.
1539.] ALEXANDER ALES ESCAPES. 69
been issued for the country at large, and they never were ;
but at present their issue was eagerly anticipated by some,
and dreaded by others, as we shall see presently. Burgharfs
return from Germany was not without its effect, and must
have galled the other party ; but still the needle of the beam,
in Henry's hands, oscillated in suspense, and no man could
tell which scale would rise. Various individuals had been
escaping, some to the Continent, and others out into the
country. We give a specimen of each, and more especially as
they refer to two characters already known to the reader, —
Alexander Ales and George Constantyne.
Ales, it will be remembered, had excited the wrath of
Stokesly to the highest degree, three years ago ; when no
man foresaw, or perhaps imagined, that the very next Convo-
cation would be of an opposite character. Since 1536, having
studied physic under an eminent physician well known, Dr.
Nicholas, Ales had begun to practise in London for himself,
and not without success ; but for him, above all men, it was
no longer safe to remain within Stokesly's jurisdiction. An-
ticipating what followed, he embarked for Germany once
more. Soon after his arrival, he wrote to Crumwell a letter
of thanks for all his kindness, and by this we learn, that the
recent doings in England were well known to all abroad.
" I returned to Wittenberg," says he, " the ,9tli of July, being most affec-
tionately received by all those who are chiefly in authority in the Academy,
and at the Court. Before my arrival, the decrees from your country were
dispersed at Nurenberg and everywliere in Germany ; and those addicted to
the interest of the Bishop of Rome make great rejoicings. They hope that
this precedent will very much obstruct the good cause which our friends here
profess, in common with myself. In some places they have been told that I
have excused the King, yourself, and the Archbishop of Canterbury, and that
I have laid all the blame on the Bishops, who are the enemies of the gospel.
I thought I did that truly."35
Of George Constantyne we last heard as being in London at
the time of Queen Anne's execution. Shortly after this he
had entered the Church of England, having obtained the
vicarage of Lawhaden, or Llanhuadaine, three miles north-
west of Narberth, in Pembrokeshire, under William Barlow,
Bishop of St. David's. His character to the end, was at best
ambiguous, and it requires to be borne in mind that he is
»5 Cotton MS., Nero. B. vi., fol. .Vi. Ori.t; Lat.
70 <a:oKUK constantynk {^dook ii.
MOW deprecating the displeasure of Crumwell, which gives a
turn to some of his expressions ; but in the information now
derived from him, we have a very shrewd and graphical pic-
ture of the state of parties at the moment. Many such con-
versations must have passed, both in the houses, and on the
high roads of England, but none perhaps more full of inci-
dent, and entering so deeply into public men and measures,
as the following : —
The times were, of course, full of perplexity and suspicion, and among
others, Constantyne had once more got into trouble. He had been in town,
and even at Court, so late as the 17th of August, but must have immedi-
ately, and in haste, left London, perhaps that evening, since he had reached
Westbury, beyond Bristol, on Tuesday the l*>th. There he met with John
Marlow, Uean of Westbury and Archdeacon of Carmarthen, (to whom he was
officially subject,) and Thomas Barlow, his brother, both proceeding into
Wales, whither Constantyne was now hastening. He was " very loath," how-
ever, to ride in the Dean's company, trying, by a day's delay in Bristol, to
avoid this, and no wonder. The truth was, that the Dean liad already been
representing him as a " Sacramentary," — " which is," adds Constantyne, " if
any thing can be worse, more heinous than treason." Nay, the Dean had got
Sir Richard Crumwell to write, and the Duke of Norfolk to speak to Barlow,
his Bishop, against him ; and even Lord Crumwell himself, he had heard
" note of him for heresy." Well might he escape from London, and be averse
from accompanying this man for several days into Wales. However, there
was no alternative, as the Dean waited for him at Aust, 'and they all three
crossed the Severn in company on Thursday the 21st. At their first meeting
on Tuesday, Constantyne had informed them of his having been at the Court,
on Sunday last, the 1 7th ; that the King was well ; that Dr. Barnes had just
returned from Germany ; that the Act of Parliament passed, required no sub-
scription, being of authority without that of any man ; but that in reference to
the country at large, he could hear of not one commission being yet issued,
adding, " nevertheless I will advise all my friends, to keep them out of dan-
ger." Landing at Chepstow, where they supped together, the Dean succeeded
in putting Constantyne so far off his guard. He made him such " hearty
cheer," that he " thought all malice was forgotten ; so that," says he, " I took
the man for whole changed, and that all was remitted, and was very glad it
was my chance to overtake him." Next day they all jogged on together to
.\bergavenny ; the Dean as distinguished for his loquacity or inquisitiveness,
as his brother was for silence ; but both marking every expression that
dropped from our Vicar. Constantyne, however, a shrewd fellow, seems to
have taken care to say several thiugs, which might operate in his own favour,
ait well as please Crumwell, to whom he afterwards sent the whole dialogue
" faithfully and sensibly," as we now have it.
With the dreaded act, they began this morning, both the Dean and his
brother professedly rejoicing that there was no general commission issued a.s
yet. Constantyne replied, that he had enquired, but could hear of none, and
trusted there would be a moderation in it : adding —
" Well, we know not the work of (Jod. If it be his pleasui'c, it is as easy for
him to overcome with few, as with many ; but I think verily that my Lord
I
1,)30.] IN GREAT ALARM. 71
Privy Seal (Crumwell) persuaded my Lord of Canterbury, and that for other
considerations than we do know." — " As I can hear, my Lord Privy Seal is
utterly persuaded as the act is." Dean, " It is marvel, if it be so." George.
« Wondei'ful are the ways of the Lord ; King's hearts arc in the hand of God ;
He turneth tliem as lie lusteth. How mercifully, how plentifully and purely
hath God sent his Word unto us here in England ! Again, how unthankfully,
how i*ebelIiously, how carnally, and unwillingly, do we receive it ! Who is
there almost that will have a Bible, but he must be compelled thereto ? IIow
loath be our Priests to teach the commandments, the articles of the faith, and
the Pater-Noster in English ! Again, how unwilling be the people to learn
it ! Yea, they jest at it, calling it the new Pater-Nostcr, and new learning ;
so that, as help me God, if we amend not, I fear we shall be in more bondage
and blindness than ever we were.3<> I pray you was not one of the best
preachers in Christendom (Latimer) Bishop of Woi'cester ? And now there is
one made that never preached that I heai'd, except it were the Pope's law.-'?
But, alas ! beside our naughtiness, cowardness and covetousness, is the occasion
of much of this. The cowardness of our Bishops, to tell truth, and stand by it
while they might be heard, and the covetousness of our visitors. For in all our
visitations we have had nothing reformed, but our pm-ses." 3S
The Dean then eagerly enquires whether there was any progress in ])rocur-
ing a Queen for his Majesty ; that step or hinge, on which they anticipated
everj' thing was to tm-n. Constantyne first cannot tell what to say, but, evi-
dently leaning to Crumwell's hope, wishes the King were married.39 There
were two spoken of, the Duchess of Milan, and Anne of Cleves ; and referring
to the latter, the Vicar goes on — " There is good hope yet, that all shall be
well enough, if that marriage go forward : for the Duke of Cleves doth favour
God's Word, and is a mighty prince now ; for he hath Guelderland in his hand
too, and that against tlie Emperor's will ; for the old Duke, that is now dead,
sold to the Emperor the reversion of it." He then, at last, informs the Dean
that " the matter is broken of Milan." — " She demanded two things, which
I trust shall never be granted, the one — the Bishop of Rome's dispensation ;
and they would have pledges, saying, that the King's Majesty was in so little
space rid of the Queens, that she dared not trust his Council, though she durst trust
his Majesty. For her Council suspected that her great-aunt (Queen Catherine)
was poisoned ; that the second (Queen Anne) was inuocently (though innocent)
3« George, it must be remembered, was here speaking of the country at large, and not only
BO, but of his own order, and of the circle in which he nfficially moved, and his account was too
true ; but by that numerous class who read and revered the Sacred page, Constantyne must
have long been regarded with suspicion, as a time-server. Being excluded from their confi-
dence, he was not aware of the numbers that were now reading. But, besides this, he was in
Wales, and no wonder than the fVdsh felt great aversion to the Emjlish Scriptures. Tliis sub-
icct is now better understood, for never till the Sacred Volume was given them in their own
tongue, was any progress made. Had Wales been all along treated as Ireland has been. In spitic
of England's vicinity, it had been much in the same state. But on this subject the Author
may be permitted to refer to another work — " Historical Sketches of the Native Irish ;" or, as
tlie third edition is entitled, " The Native Irish and their descendants ;" where ample informa-
tion may be found respecting the Scriptures, and their effects, in all the Celtic dialects.
37 Referring to John Bell, once Archdeacon of Gloucester, from 1518 to 1522.
38 This was rather bold language for the ear of Crumwell.
39 He speaks of Henry's age, 48, as no discouragement, and then curiously adds—" my father
might be granrlfalher to an older man than the King's Majesty, and yet is lusty, I thank God."
The Dean, of course, enquires his age, and George replies— "/oi»' score and tivdre, and yet the
last summer he rode thirty-two miles upon one day, before two o'clock, and said he was not
weary when he had done!" Born, therefore, in 1447, he ha<l lived under six sovereigns, from
the days of Henry VI.
72 (•(INSTANTVNK'S VIKW OF THIS CRISIS. [u.iitK II.
|>ut to dcutli ; and tlu- third lost, for lack of keeping, in lier child-bed." — " But
to say the tinith, I eannot toll whether this \va.s her answer, of Milan, or of
ClcvcH," — if the latter, " surely it was a great occasion of the late act." Over
this act he lainent.s, adding, " how can tiie Germans he our friends, when we
conclude them heretics in our acts of Parliament ?" The Dean suggests that
they may have been " better advised." — " I trust so," says the Vicar, " and
this may fortune is the stopping of the Commissions."
They dined at Abergavenny, and then rode on to Brecknock, when Gardi-
ner and Tunstal become the subject of convereation. Constantyne expresses
himself as charmed with a book against Gardijier's " De vera Obedientia,"
written by Ei-asmus Sarccrius, chaplain to Prince William of Nassau ; and
though he tliinks Erasmus too strong for him, wishes that Gardiner may reply,
as he thought him " the best learne<l of his faculty in England, a groat rheto-
rician, but of very cori-upt judgment." To which the Dean replies — " he hath
done much hurt, I promise you." To which we have the following answer —
" There is no man hath done so much hurt in this matter as the Bishop of
Durham, (Tunstal,) for he, by his stillness, soberness, ami subtilty, worketh
more than ten such as Winchester, and he is a learned man too : and a irouder-
fid thing my Lord Privy Seal brou<jlit him in."^ " But these two Bishops, if
they were as learned in God's word, as they be in the Pope's law ; and us
earnest to sot the word forth, as they be traditiom, they were Bishops indeed !
But alas ! by them, and such, we have nothing, in a manner, but ' translatio
imperii,' so that they make of the King, as it were, a Pope. And dispensations
be sold now dearer, by the half, than they were in the Popish time." He con-
cludes by saying — " I would not counsel my Lord Privy Seal to trust them too
nmch for all that. For I dare say this, that they will do the best thei/ can to
hare him out, if they can see him at au advantage. I would trust them, if I
could see one of them once promote or set forward but one that is suspected
to favour God's word."-*'
Having slept at Brecknock, on Saturday they proceeded to Carmarthen. In
the morning, Constant^Tie gave his account of Queen Anne Boleyn's execution,
to which we have already referred. He had derived no information whatever
from his master. Sir Hem-y Nonns, with whom he then was, nor from any per-
sonal observation all the time of his being in the house, unfavourable to her
character ; he merely speaks of what he heard, amidst the confusion at the
l)lace of execution. But as Cnimwell, to whom he was now writing, had
winked, and fallen in with the whole of that tragedy, and Constantyne, then
much afraid of him, was deprecating his displeasure, of course he durst not ex-
press himself as believing in her innocence. Yet he had given the Continental
opinion. •*-
*f If Cnonircrt had done this, it would have proved the decided commencement of an in-
fatuation >»hich soon overtook liini. And from this exi>ression, Linpard goes so far as to in-
sinuate that Crumwcll was now " lahoiirinp In procure proselytes amonij the Bishops, to avoid
the displeasure of liis sovereign." But of this there is no evidence. AVe have already seen that
it was the King's wish, not Crum well's, that had brought Tunstal in ; Gardiner denied that he
was then of the Privj Council, but still he had the car of the King, and hence the undermin-
ing of Crumwcll.
■•' Constantyne had sufTcred much through Tiinstal's subtilty, but nothing from Gardiner's ;
and this fully accounts for his comparison. His description of the former, however, is a com-
mentary on Tyndale's opinion of him—" that still Satan, the imaginer of all mischief." But
taking them both up, as to their whole lives, there is now no question that Gardiner was more
cruel, and the occasion of shedding blood to a far greater extent than Tunstal.
*3 This curious original manuscript, in the posses.sion of Mr. John Payne Collier, was never
printed till IR1I. in the Archa?«logia, vol. xxiii., pp. ."iOTB. The explanation thus given seems
to have served Constanl\ne'» purpo>e. «nd saved him at that time. Our Vicar, however, (then
1539.] THE TIDE HAS TURNED. 7-3
A contemporary dialogue over tlic times, and with such a
man as Constantyne, may be allowed a place among the train
of events ; but the suspense in which he and thousands were
involved was soon at an end. He needed not to have been
afraid either of Crumwell or the King, for one subject now
engrossed both. The month of September had come. The
men of the old learning had rejoiced over " the bloody sta-
tute," as passed into a law, and all was ready for general per-
secution ; when lo ! to their severe mortification, they find
that the spell by which they had bound the King, like Sam-
son's green withs, was broken. They must now stand aside,
and see Crumwell pursue his advantage. Anne of Cleves is
certainly to be Queen of England. On Tuesday the 16th of
September, Duke Frederick, the Count Palatine or Palsgrave
of the Rhine, had arrived at Windsor ; the Elector of Saxony,
and three other ambassadors from the Duke of Cleves follow-
ed, and got to London two days after. Crumwell immedi-
ately prepares the way for their audience, and wrote to his
Majesty on the 20th. After having waited in painful un-
certainty as to how far the royal favour would ever return to
him, W'ith what delight must he have received such a reply,
and on the same day ; while the King, all sweetness, goes so
far as to discover the most tender anxiety for the health of
his Lordship !
" His Majesty," says the Earl of Southampton, " willed me to signify to you
that he takes yoiu- letter in marvellous good part, being wonderful glad of the
contents thereof, and specially, that the Duke of Cleves' men have commission
apart ; most heartily desiring you to put all other matters out of yotir head, sav-
ing only this, his great weighty causes ; and sharp your wit to attend only unto
the same. And I assure your Lordship he said these words — ' I would for no
good his mind should be so troubled, that it should cast him into any disease' —
which words, to hear him speak them so heartil}', I assure you did my heart
good. Sir, he eftsoous desireth you, that he may hear from you, fi'om time
to time." 43
Although this was literally nothing more than a mere gust
of royal favour, a momentary emanation of selfish passion, its
official for two Archdeacons, &c.,) as well as his son-in-law, Thomas Young, appeared as wit-
nesses against Ferrar, Bishoj) of St. David's, as recorded by Foxe ; and when Kerrar was burnt
at Carmarthen in l.j.'i'), Constantyne had to escape once more to the Continent, where he is suj)-
poscd to have died, soon after. The sonin-law returned, married a second time, and died in
June 1568, as ylrchhishop of York, having thus occupied the same place that Cardinal Wolsey
himself had done ! Young was also President of the Council of the North, under Klizabcth.
■"3 fiov. State Papers, i., p. 619.
74 KXKCUTION Ol-" AUBOT.S. [book ir.
eflect on the cliaiactor ul" CruunvcU seems to have been melan-
choly and most injurious. The struggle to regain his Master's
confidence or approbation having thus far succeeded, the wildest
anxiety to please him, at all hazards, immediately ensued.
Any man's life which came in the way, was then of small
account, and actually involved very little else than a line or
two among the base items of the Lord Privy Seal. That book
of " Remembrances," that standing witness to the writer's
character, becomes fearfully illustrative of his progress in
blood shedding.
The Marchioness of Salisbury, as well as others, had been disposed of
in a very summary style of injustice ; but Crumwell is now ready to
go beyond even such proceedings. The monasteries being dissolved, the
abbots and priors had, in general, proved so compliant, as to excite
astonishment ; but " all that a man has, he will give for his life."
There were, however, three individuals, who either stood out, or stood in
the King's way ; the Abbots of Colchester, Reading, and Glastonbury ;
the two latter being Lords of Parliament. They had been attainted,
but to represent them as tried afterwards would be a prostitution of the
terra. No record exists, as in many other cases, and so there have been
different opinions as to the ostensible grounds of proceeding against
them ; though whether they were charged with aiding the insurgents of
the north, or stickling about the King's Supremacy, or both, is of little
moment. The tnen Avere inconvenient, but their incomes <j[uite the re-
verse ; and we may safely presume, that here lay the chief impelling
motive to action. The revenue of Colchester monastery is not known,
but excepting St. Peter's, Westminster, that of Glastonbury was the
largest in England ; or, calculating according to the irresent value of
money, above £50,000 annually ; while that of Reading Abbey was above
£30,000 a-year.
Only a week after CrumwcU had received this gracious message from
his Majesty, or the 28th of September, Messrs. Pollard, Moyle, and Lay-
ton, the visitors, were down at Glastonbury ; and busy selling the cattle
for ready money, letting out the i^astui-es and domains from Michaelmas
forward ; and, speaking of the house in which they were, they say, " it
is great, goodly, and so princely, as we have not seen the like." It was
not till four days after this, that they had " come to the knowledge of
divers treasons committed by the abbot."'*^ But it is altogether unneces-
sary to enter into any farther detail. We have only to glance over the
" Remembrances" of Crumwell, and there we find the following auto-
graph lines.
<< Gov. .Slate r.n|ici«. vol, j., p. ri2(>-6"-21.
1539.] CRUMWELL'S OBSEQUIOUS POLICY. 75
" Item — Certain persons to be sent to the Tower, for the further e.vaiuinalion
of the Abbot of Glastonbury."
" Item — The Abbot of Reading to be $eut down, to be tkied and executeo
AT Reading, with his coniplices .'"
" Item — The Abbot of Glaston to be tryed at Glaston, and also to he exe-
cuted THERE, irith his complices /"
" Counsellors to give evidence against the Abbot of Reading — Mr Hynde,
the King's Attorney." — " Counsellors to give evidence against the Abbot of
Glaston — Richard Pollai'd, Lewis Forscew, Thomas Moyle."
" Item — To see that the evidence be icell sorted, and the indictments ivell
drawn against the said abbots and their complices ["^^
These fixed and fearful purposes of his Majesty's Lord Privy Seal,
expressed in terms worthy of a Turkish Vizier, or the Grand Inquisitor,
were literally fulfilled. The abbots of Whalley, Gerveaux, and Sawley,
as well as the priors of Woburn and Burlington, had been executed
before ; but John Whiting, the abbot of Glastonbury, with two monks,
and Hugh Faringdon, the abbot of Reading, with two priests, all now
suffered as traitors, and in sight of their own abbeys, — the latter party
on Thursday the 14th, the former on Friday the 15th of November ;
and on the 1st of December, John Beach, the abbot of Colchester. Thus
died three of the richest men, just as if to mark the falling of the cur-
tain. The larger, as well as the smaller monasteries, were now no
more.
This unprincipled practice on the part of Crumwell, of appointing
men to be tried and executed, was, however, in perfect consonance with
the taste of Henry the Eighth, who, in all his ways, had a passion, ap-
proaching to extreme nicety, for doing every thing under the form of
law. The most avaricious or cruel deeds, must always appear robed in
legal attire, and be recorded scrupulously as acts of perfect justice.
Thus, in the whole process of dissolving these houses, the first step was
to obtain by some, or by any means, a surrender of the property, then
denominated a volitntary act ; the second was to vest the property, by
Act of Parliament, in the Crown ; or, in other words, first fill the Court
of Augmentation, and then secure the proceeds, thus received ; from
men who, strictly speaking, were not proprietors, but only tenants for
life. Hence, in the Act of Parliament now passed, there was no occa-
sion for the term dissolve, nor was it employed. There was only to come
to his Majesty, all that had been, or should be, " suppressed, relin-
quished, forfeited, or given up." To obtain the property by " for-
feiture," was, of course, an easy step to him, who could define treason to
be whatever might exactly serve his intended purpose.
This determined course of proceeding with the monasteries, from first
to last, involved the confiscation of property, amounting to nearly three
<■* Cotton MS., Titiis, B. i..415, &c.
70 MONASTIC SPOILS. [liOuK II.
7nillions annually of the present day ; besi<les a farther suui, in move-
ables, or money and plate, equal to more than tico millions and a quar-
ter ! The entire value, however, must have been more than this, as the
Visitors are understood to have helped themselves, wherever they could
do 80 with impunity ; hut, at all events, it could not be less, though an
exact estimate can never be attained.*^
That the Monks, as a body, should murmur and resent all this, was
no more than might have been expected ; but, considering that the
people had been so steeped into the existing system of things, as well
as that the property, moveable and immoveable, in the first instance at
least, all found its way into one royal reservoir, it may seem surprising
that they did not rise and rebel to a far greater extent. For this, how-
ever, at least two reasons may be assigned. Crumwell had taken special
care to shew to the people how they had l)een deceived, by exposing to
public view all the trickery and pretended miracles which had so long
drained their pockets. And, besides this, " it is quite certain," says
Mr. Taylor, " that in all populous jilaces, the masses, the offerings and
oblations were of greater value than the settled endowments of the
parochial chuiches, or else the ' religious' would not have been so
desirous of having them appropriated to their houses," — and these
" houses " were now dissolved. But, notwithstanding all, the compliance
of the people, and the servility of Parliament, were alike remarkable ;
for certainly, as yet, the country had gained nothing by the transfer-
ence of authority from Rome to London. In the earlier period of
Henry's reign, England had been occasionally twitted by the Continen-
tal nations, as being the ass of the Pontiff ; but the patience of that
animal was only a faint emblem of England's condition now, under the
burden of its bloated Monarch, so lording it over the minds as well as
the property of his subjects.
1
■*« Historians have differed widely in their estimates of the amount. We have relied on the
authority of one nf the lateKt and most accurate calculators— Mr. Richard Taylor, in his " In-
dex Monasticus, London. 1!I'2I." After noticinp the estimate of Speed, including 811 monas-
teries and abbeys, collcKes and hospitals, the gross revenue of which was i'lU(;,512, 8s. lid., he
adds,—" The i)rcscnt value of these revenues cannot be taken at less than fifteen times the
amount returned in l.l.'W-?. This proportion appears to agree with the comparative prices of
labour at the same periods. The daily wages of a h.iymakcr in the time of Henry VII., were
settled at ove jinunj, and in the reign of Henry VIII. never e.xcecded Uirec halfpence." " The
present rental or annual value of the estates, which formerly belonged to the abbeys and reli-
gious houses in England and Wales, may be stated at nearly three niillious."
With regard to the moveable property : In the account-roll of Sir John Williams, keeper of
the jewels to Henry VIII., we have the following inventory :—" From the monasteries, cathe-
drals and shrines ; of gold in ounces, 14,.">.'tl ; of silver in ounces, 67.'!<>f> ; of silver-gilt, 2(l7,(kVi."—
or a total of 2K!(.7'i8. This was sold for X'T-I.-Wl, l.'is. Id.; to which must be added f7!'.471,
.'is. !tM. obtained in money,— or, in all, .t.'l."«;i,(i(p.1, IS. Id^d. Thist-um, at fifteen times, is equal
to 4.'2,2i).'),()45 ; but there must have been jeweU and money which never got so far as t^ir John's
rt<ro«ii(-roll.
1539,] THK SACRKD SCIUPTURKS PRINTINU. 77
With regard to the express history of the English Bible,
the year 1539 is now to be added to all the past. But let
the movements of the time ; the tyrannical procedure of the
reigning Monarch ; the obse(][uious deeds of both Houses of
Parliament, lying prostrate at his feet ; the notorious com-
plexion of his Council, in hostile array against the progress of
Divine Truth ; the tottering influence of Orumwell, once so re-
solute ; with his sad and bloody footsteps as a Privy Coun-
sellor : let all these be surveyed in succession, and then the
general aspect of the year, with regard to the printing and cir-
culation of the Sacred Volume, must appear so extraordinary,
as to be almost unaccountable. The months seem to have
been so crowded with agitating occurrences, that one might
have imagined there had been not a day left for another, and
much less for a separate design — a design too, however un-
noticed by some, or hated by others, which had been proceed-
ing, step by step, to successive triumphs. Still, amidst all
other national aflt'airs, time must be found for this.
But at such a season, who shall, or who can, nay dare to
press forward, the printing of the Scriptures ? Above all
other men, Orumwell is the last, on which any one would fix,
as the urgent mover in such a course. He seems to have had
not one moment in reserve, and had he not been truly deno-
minated " an iron man," in regard to business transactions,
certainly he had not found one. Instead of this, however, the
sequel will show, that though he had been but in poor health,
and though he had winked hard, bowing assent to the six
articles, and stood ready to execute the King's pleasure even
unto death, nay and could order men to be " tried and exe-
cuted" in the same breath ; yes, even amidst all this, it comes
out, that he had been resolutely bent on multiplying copies of
the Bible ! Strange conjunction of pursuits, as probably ever
met in the person of the same human being ! For however
many were the subordinate agents, not one of them dared to
have so proceeded, at least in London, without his fullest
sanction.
It must now then be first observed, that in 1539 both Orum-
well and Oraumer stand before us, in the character of thwarted
and disappointed men ; severely disappointed, for above six
months of the year. Three years before, in conjunction with
the momentarv humour of the King, Gardiner being abroad.
78 THK KNKUCiY OK CKLMWKLL [boOK II.
thev liad introduced what were deiioiiiiuated "Articles ol"
Religiuir to the notice of tlie English people ; hut now they
found, to their hitter mortification, that this was assuredly
not the road to either " peace or contentation," or '' unity of
opinion." On the contrary, the mode which they had intro-
duced in 1536, furnished the precedent which their opponents
now followed ; or the ground on which they stood, and tried
to overawe the human mind. In the first Convocation, with
Crumwell as Vicar-General, so far as the King and Cranmer
had professedly meddled with Christianity at all, they had
made it technical and d/sputative. It was not the voice of
God, as contained in his Word, with which they began, for
neither Cranmer or Crumwell could get those Bishops to as-
sent to any translation of the Scriptures. Thus before the
authority of Divine Truth in the language of the people was
recognised, by these first articles a certain vocabulary had
been introduced ; and in the prospect of the present Convoca-
tion, Gardiner and his party were by far too shrewd, not to
take advantage of the precedent set. They fought and
baffled the Archbishop with his own weapons, while my Lord
Privy Seal, Crumwell, like a perfect politician, had bowed to
the storm. So now when the tug of battle came, and Crum-
well found that, as an expedient in his hands, " articles of
religion" must be given to the winds ; the7i it was that the
Bible, and the Bible alone, aftbrded him the only prospect of
turning the tide upon his political opponents. Thus singu-
larly shiit tip to this one object, he w'as not slow^ to improve
his powers ; for though he could no longer shake his rod over
the Bench of Bishops, his authority and precedence or rank as
Vicar-General had been distinctly recognised ; and this lie
could exercise still, very powerfully, without the doors of the
Convocation, though not within them ; while the dissolution
and consequent dispersion of that body, w^as analogous to the
breaking up of a combination against him.
The operation of the bloody statute being now also stayed,
and no commissions issued for the country at large ; Henry
too having been fully apprised of how odious that statute was
to his intended matrimonial connections, here was a favourable
crisis. To the printing of the Bible, therefore, amidst his
multifarious engagements, Crumwell lent all his energy, so
that not fewer than four editions of the entire Scriptures, with
1539.] MAV BK INTKRPRETED. • 79
which his personal influence was connected, now issued from
the press.
There is no concealing it now ; for by a comparison of dates,
it will be manifest, that the character of Crumwell when sink-
ing, and so near his end, presents to the reflective mind one of
the most painful contemplation, and in truth, one of a far
more melancholy hue, than even that of Wolsey himself.
Wolsey, the " man of pleasure," not to say boundless ambi-
tion, sinking under disgrace into his grave, yet breathing out
persecution against the Lutherans, and leaving this as his dy-
ing advice to the King, was a spectacle sad enough : yet is it
scarcely to be compared to that of Crumwell, the energetic
" man of business," himself stepping into blood, to please his
Master, or retain his favour ; and at the same moment push-
ing forward editions of the Scriptures, nay enforcing on his
countrj'^men the perusal of the sacred page ! Who can deny
after this, that the heart is " deceitful above all things," and
reckless beyond expression?
To proceed, however, with the proof. The Bible, described
last year, as commenced in Paris, and snatched from the
flames of the Inquisition, was finished in London by the
month of April, and ready for circulation under the following
title, before the meetings of Parliament and Convocation.
" The Byhle in EiujlysUe, that is to saye, the content of all the holy Scripture,
bothe of the olde and Neve Testament, truly translated after the vcryte of the
Hehrue and Greke textes, by the dylygent studye of diuerse excellent learned
men, expert in the forsayde tonges. flf Printed by Rychard Grafton and Ed-
ward Whitchurch. Cum priuilegio ad imprimendum solum." The Colophon
is — « The ende of the new Testamett and of the whole Byble, Fynisshed in
Apryll, Anno mcccccxxxix. A dno factum est istud."-*?
This title, as well as the representation round it, ascribed
to the pencil of Hans Holbein, it is now abundantly evident,
were alike in the teeth of history ; to say nothing of the pro-
fanity involved, in which the Almighty is represented as
saving of the King — " I have found a man according to my
own heart, which shall fulfil all my will !" But this served
to answer the purpose of Crumwell at the moment, in his
*y The italic words are in red letters. Of this Bible, Lewis ascribed a second edition to this
year, or the next ; and he thought he had confirmed this by a collation of the two. This lias
led astray ever since. There was no such reprint. Lewis confesses that his second Bible was
imperfect, and the book he had before him was actually Cranmer's edition of Apiil 154(1, the
next to be noticed.
.so DTIIKU KDITIUNS OF TIIK UIBLE. [uOOK II.
gross fhittorv of the rciLriiiiig iiionaivh. Cruiinvell liiinself, as
well as the King ami Cranniev, at full length, are here
distinguished also by their respective shields, or coats of
arms ; and this same engraving, finely cut in wood, will be
employed in subsequent editions, though the arms of Cruin-
well, after his fall, will then be found erased}^
This JJible, it is true, exhibits all the marks of a signal
triumph, as already described; but let the men in Parliament
or the Convocation be busy with what they might, this one
edition or reprint will not suffice to meet the zeal of the
Vicar- General. In chronological order, the next Bibles that
were ready for circulation, were two, if not three editions of
the entire liible,'*'' by other printers, as well as a new super-
intendent of the press.
And here it is not a little remarkable, that immediately
before entering upon those editions of the Scriptures, after-
wards set forth by Cranmer, we are summoned to look back ;
and back to the very connnencemcnt of this long and tedious
warfare. Just as though it had been intended to lend unitij
to the entire procedure since the year 1526, we are to be
reminded forcibly, of the deep and noisome dungeon under
Cardinal College, Oxford, and of the interesting young men
there immured, at the first burst of opposition, after the
arrival of Tyndale's Testaments in England. One of those
youths, it may be remembered, was named Richard Tarerner.
The son of an ancient family, born at North Elmham, in the
parish of Brisley, Norfolk ; he was one of those canons, chosen
by Wolsey, whom he had intended to employ in opposing the
" new learning." He had been selected from Benet College,
*8 It is to be rei;rcttcd that they had at all meddled with the translation while at Paris ; but
Coverdale had slijipcd into the I4tli Psalm his three verses from the I'lilpatc, which Rogers
had judicioHsly excluded. He was still too ready forcomiiliance with his authorities in London^
HUch aft they were. He durst not, indeed, meddle with rejicninncf, however long he continued
to plead for penance as synonymous. But still we discover the hand of some authority at least
in one passage—" I)es]>i.sc not the gift that is in thee, which was given thee through prophecy,
with the laying on of hands, h;/ the atithorilt/ 0/ pru'slliootl .'" This may have been Cranmer's
suggestion, for he was so far behind as to .idopt this reading. Parker, his successor, altered the
words in his edition to—" by the authority of the elilertliip." The Geneva translators, exclud-
ing the word " authority," as not in the text, say — " with the laying on of the hands of the rotn-
jian;/ of the (tilers ;" which was changed in our present version to — " with the laying on of the
hands o( the pyeshi/terii." Coverdale himself in l/VVi had said "the hands of the elilers." Tyn-
dale throughout had preferred-" and with laying on of the hands <\f an elder." We cannot at
present name the manuscript, or collate the successive editions of Erasmus, but that there is a
various reading in favour of the singular number, is well known ; and Tyndalc may have had in
remembrance 2 Timothy, i. C, iind 1 Peter, v. I.
■•'' See the collation of the two editions in Lewis or Cotton, and our I.ist at the end.
1)39.] BY RICHARD TAVERNER. 81
Cambridge, and brought to Oxford. Though deeply impli-
cated in 1526, as already mentioned, he was more gently
dealt with by the Cardinal on account of his voice, or skill in
music. He was then a layman, studying law, and abode by
his profession through life ; which renders his superintend-
ance of the Scriptures, and his subsequently being licensed by
Edward the Sixth, to preach throughout England, the more
remarkable.^" Having taken his degree of A.B. at Oxford in
1527,^^ and that of A.M. at Cambridge in 1530, he removed
to the metropolis ; and after passing through an Inn of
Chancery, then said to be oiear London, (or on the site
of the present Somerset House in the Strand,) he entered the
Inner Temple. To the Greek language he had paid great
attention, it being " his humour to quote the law in Greek,
when he read any thing thereof." He had become known to
Crumwell, and in 1534, after he was chosen principal Secre-
tary of State, and Chancellor of Cambridge University,
Taverner came into attendance upon him. In 1537, Crum-
well had recommended him to the King, when he was ad-
vanced to be one of the clerks of the signet in ordinary ; and
the clerk had now, in 1539, turned his learning to the best
of all accounts.^- For a considerable time past, he must have
been working under orders, and very busily engaged, as the
proof sheets of two, if not three editions, had been passing
through his hands. Taverner prefixed a dedication to the
King, telling him, that " he never did any thing more ac-
ceptable to God, more profitable to the advancement of true
Christianity, more displeasant to the enemies of the same,
and also to his Grace''s enemies, than when his Majesty
licensed and willed the most sacred Bible, containing the un-
spotted and lively Word of God, to be in the English tongue
set forth to his Highness' subjects." But to all this he had
been encouraged by his master, Lord Crumwell, as it will
appear presently that no man could publish the Bible at this
period, without his approving sanction. ^^
His first edition, in folio, and entitled — " The most Sacred
50 He used to preach at St. Mary's in Oxford, where the Bampton Lectures are delivered.
The pulpit then was of fine carved ashler stone, but this was taken away, and one of wood
substituted, when Dr. John Owen, as Vice-chancellor, used to officiate on the same spot, about
1G54. — IFood's Athena'. How, or by whom, it is occu))icd now, in our own day, we leave the
reader to enquire. 61 Wood's Fasti. 52 Wood's Athena?, by Bliss, i., 421.
53 " Crumwell is supposed to have encouraged him to the revision of the Bible, on account of
his especial skill in Greek." — Tuiiil — lA'iris.
\0\. 11. K '
82 KNKHGY OK (Kr.MWKM-. [hook il.
Uil>le,'' &c., \v;is " printed jit Loiiduii in Fleet Street, at the
sign of the Sun, by John IJyddcll, for Thomas Harthlett ;"
or Hertheh't, the King's printer; "Cum privih-gio ad im-
primcndum sohini.''"' Tlie next edition, in quarto, was exe-
cuted bv the same printer ; but there seems to have been a
third, printed by Nycolson, also in <piarto.'''^ These Bibles
were a correction of Matthew's, in which Tavemer adopted a
large proportion of the marginal notes, and inserted others of
his own ; yet so eager was Crumwell, that they were " allowed
to be publicly read in churches,"
In addition to these, that the effort now made was a bold
and dotermined one, appears from another printer still having
his hands filled, by two editions of the New Testament by
Tavemer. This was Thomas Petit, who also printed for
Berthelet, one in quarto, the other in octavo.
Now in the earlier part of this year, though the political
atmosphere seemed to portend nothing whatever, save tem-
pestuous opposition to measures such as these ; preparatory
work, it is evident, had been proceeding with great vigour
within doors ; and by the autumn, that same Monarch, who
had hurried the " bloody Statute" through Parliament, pro-
fessed to be all zeal for the printing of the Scriptures, and
even their perusal ! The prospect of connexion with Ger-
manij had wrought wondrously, and a change had come over
the spirit of the man. And as for Crumwell, though he still
stood upon slippery ground, he could scarcely now think so,
when, so far from frowning upon him, the King, on the 20th
of September, had expressed himself as so solicitous about the
state of his health.^ At all events, while he was in the act
of carrying through the negotiation respecting Lady Anne of
Cleves, almost any thing he might request, would then be
granted. Apply to his Majesty therefore he did, and suc-
cessfully ; although still, it is no hypothesis, to say that both
the one and the other, as it regarded the Scriptures, were
nothing more than overruled men. The King, by his conduct
in Parliament, had appeared in his real character ; while
Crumwell, by his conduct elsewhere, has positively forced us
SI Cotton's List, p. G.— It is partly described liv Dibdiii, iii.. p. 57. thoiiRh he inadvertently
falls into the popular mistake, and 8up|)0scsit to have been " set forth by Cranmer," who was
tberwise engafied, as will appear |irescnlly. and not yet ready with his fii'ft edition.
'>'■• See jiaKo 7'f-
lo3y.] THE KING SWAYED. S3
to place hiiu on the very lowest ground of political expediency.
The following document, however, will show that there was
no hazard, at present, of any of these Bibles not getting
into circulation.
" Henry the Eightli, &c. — To all and singular, Pi-inters and sellers of books,
within this our realm, and all other Officers, Ministers, and Subjects, these our
letters, hearing or seeing, greeting : We let you to wit, that being desirous
to have our people at times convenient, give themselves to the attaining the
knowledge of God's Word, whereby they will the better honour him, and ob-
serve, and keep his commandments ; and also do their duty better to us, being
their Prince and sovereign Lord : And considering, that as this our zeal and
desire cannot, by any mean, take so good effect, as by the granting to them the
free and liberal use of the Bible in our own maternal English tomjiie : so unless
it be foreseen, that the same pass at the beginning by one translation to be per-
used and considered ; the frailty of man is such, that the diversity thereof may
breed and bring forth manifold inconveniences ; as when wilful and heady folks
shall confer upon the diversity of the said translations. We liave therefore
appointed our right trusty and well-beloved Counselloi", the Lord Crumwell,
Keeper of our Privy Seal, to take for us, and in our name, special care and
charge, that no manner of person, or persons, within this our realm, shall en-
terprise, attempt, or set in hand, to print any Bible in the English tongue, of
any manner of volume, during the space of fire years next ensuing after the
date hereof, but only all such as shall be deputed, assigned, and admitted by the
said Lord Crumwell. Willing and commanding all Mayors, Sherijfs, Bailiffs,
Constables, and all other our officers, ministers, and subjects, to be aiding to
our said Counsellor, in the execution of this our pleasure, and to be conformable
in the accomplishment of the same, as shall appertain. In witness whereof —
Witness ourself at Westminster, the fourteenth day of November 1539. — Per
ipsum Regem."^
•The style of this public document, and at such a time, is
pointed and very observable. The reader cannot fail to be
struck with the absence of all reference to Henry's Church or
Convocation. The Sacred Volume, first printed abroad, it
will be remembered, had been sanctioned without any con-
sultation of that body ; and even now, after a flaming Con-
vocation, they are to be passed over once more. Above two
years ago, the King had been overruled to bow to the trans-
•"> Rymer's Feed., vol. xiv., p. 640. Herbert's Ames, iii., p. 1550. But then there is the con
junction of events : and that so fatal to the character of both Counsellor and King! We have
heard of Thursday the 14th of November before, and the reader may well be shocked, as soon as
he observes, that it was on this very day they were despatching the Abbot of Reading and his
Priests— on this same day that the Abbot of Glastonbury was going through the mockery nf his
trial, to be executed the next. " My Lord," says John Lord Russel, to Crumwell on the I6th,
" these shall be to ascertain, that on Thursday the 14th day of this month, the Abbot of Glas-
tonbury was arraigned, and the next day put to execution, with two other of his monks, (for the
robbing of Glastonbury Church,) on the Tor hill," &c. MS., Ckop., E. iv., fol. !)9, b. Original.
In other words, there were «J" men whom Crumwell and Henry had resolved should be exe-
cuted ; the mockery of a trial must precede, and forsooth be reported.
Hi TlIK CAUSK [nOuK 11.
hvtinii ; and last year, Crumwc;!! as Vicegerent had enjoined
the Bi.sliops, on pain of deprivation, to see to its circulation ;
but after the miserable display they had recently given of
their characters, they are to be addressed by liiiii no more.
No notice whatever is therefore now taken of Bishop or Arch-
bishop^ Priest or Parson ; unless the ambiguous term " minis-
ter" at the very end, be allowed, by courtesy, to include them
all. But it was the citil authorities on whom Crumwell now
called ; it was the Mayors, the Sheriffs, the Bailiffs, the
Constables, who were so pointedly enjoined, and by the King
liimself, to aid him ! After having been so treated by the
Bench, of whicli he was the Vicar-General ; as long as he
remains Lord Privy Seal, he was not to be insulted with im-
punity ; the hour for retaliation had come ; and as he had
given up " Articles of Religion" in despair, so it is now evi-
dent, that he had also, as a body, given up the Bishops.
Nor was such a document, " per ipsum Regem," now to be
treated with impunity. Little had they dreamt in Parlia-
ment, which would be the very Jirst statute brought to bear
upon his Majesty's subjects ; for " the bloody statute" had
been stayed in its operation ; but they had gone so far as to
pass a bill, showing, " ichat a King by his royal power miaht
do ,•" and " considering that many occasions might require
speedy remedies," they enacted that the King's proclamation,
writ, or letters-patent, were to be obeyed " as if they were
made by an act of Parliament ,-" nay, and if any after that
offended, they w^ere to be judged as traitors. If, therefore,
the men of the new learning had been terror-struck in April,
the men of the old, might now well stare with amazement,
but there was no remedy ; they must all stand aghast for
the time being, and make way for the Lord Privy Seal.
It is curious also to observe the efforts now made to place
Henry, if it had been possible, in a fair way, once more, or to
face him out, as the same man — notwithstandinjr his recent
aberration, or natural leaning to his beloved associates of the
old school. At this period, a long and strange justification
of his proceedings was written out. It is to be found in the
State Paper Office, and has been printed entire by Coliier.^^
The following statement taken from it, though far too strongly
27 Collection of Rcconls, No. 47-
\joD.2 IN FRUCiRESS. 85
expressed, clearly proves, that despite of Gardiner and all his
associates, the Scriptures already printed had not been laid
on the shelf.
" Englishmen have now in hand in every clnireh and place, almost every
man, the Holy Bible and New Testament in their mother tongue ; instead of
the old fabulous and fantastical books of ' The Table Round,' ' Launcelot du
Luke,' ' Hugo de Bourdcaux,' ' Bevy of Hampton,' ' Guy of Warwick,' and
such others, whose impure filth and vain fabulosity, the light of God has
abolished utterly." — " Englishmen stick fast to the doctrine of God in the New
Testament, and in the Old conformable to the New ; and do esteem that it is
' Fons aquw /alientis in citam eternam.''"
In short, the same ardour which had been displayed in
printing, seems to have been followed by a kindred zeal for
distribution and perusal ; and after such doings in Parlia-
ment, the opposite party, and all who loved the truth, liad
notable reasons for improving their time. Crumwell had yet
eight months to live before his arrestment, so that here was a
fine opportunity presented for vigorous exertion, to every man
who estimated the value of the Scriptures. How very unlikely
was such a season to have arrived, only a few months ago !
Here, then, terminated that class of sacred volumes, which,
with considerable propriety, may be denominated the first
series: reaching from Wolsey's " secret search at one time,"
in London, Oxford, and Cambridge ; or from the dungeon of
Cardinal College, down to one of its inmates publishing three
editions of the Bible, and two of the New Testament, in one
year ; when the long hostile Monarch had been made to de-
clare, that the free and liberal use of the Bible in our own ma-
ternal English tongue was the only mean by which his subjects
could comprehend their duty to God or man ; and when his
counsellor, the successor of Wolsey, to save his popularity
and retain his place, was so evidently urging the printers to
speed I The series referred to, now included above thirty
editions of the New Testament, and five of the entire Bible,
which for fourteen years had formed the spiritual nourish-
ment of all those in this kingdom who had been convinced by
their own experience, that " man liveth not by bread only,
but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of God."
What a contrast, therefore, is now presented between Wil-
liam Tyndale and all his contemporaries, who have generally
figured in the page of history, and so filled it, as to i)revent
86 (KANMEK Al'I'EAkS WITH [^BOOK II.
posterity from duly estimating, nay, almost seoiug, by far the
most eminent benefactor of jji.s country.
It is not here, however, that the year 1539 terminates.
Tvndale\s translation, or the ]3ible of lo37, had now been
taken up, personally, by anotlier individual, who has perhaps
been expected to appear before this time, and certainly for
some months before Henry's letter.s-patent (of tlie 14th of
November,) this year, lie had been engaged in his sphere, be-
liind the curtain, perhaps as busily as any of Crumwell's printers
had been. This, it may be anticipated, was Thomas Cranmer ;
but, although it has been often done, with no previous edition
can his name, with historical propriety, be associated.
The joy expressed by him, at the reception of the Bible in
1537, may have prepared the reader; but when lie first met
with Cranmer on the Continent, seven years ago, in company
with Sir Thomas Elyot, then charged by his Sovereign to
seize Tyndale, and next year beheld him with pain, when
sitting in judgment on the translator's bosom friend, Fryth ;
lie certainly could not have imagined that, six years after-
wards, the Primate himself would liave been so busily em-
ployed, in superintending an edition of Tyndale's translation.
But so it was.^ Cranmer, as well as Crumwell, had now
given up the Bishops in despair, though his chief opponent,
Gardiner, will not fail to cross his path presently, and try to
sway the King.
It is singular enough that it should have been on this same
Thursday, the 14th of November, to which we have repeat-
edly alluded, that Cranmer first certainly appears to have
been thus engaged. The edition he had been bringing for-
ward was a very fine one, and now nearly, if not entirely
finished ; but he had resolved, at this peculiar crisis, after
being foiled by the Bench, to prefix a preface to the reader,
of his own composition. This he had submitted, for his Ma-
jesty's approbation, and was now anxiously waiting its re-
turn, when he sent the following letter to Crumwell : —
" My very singular t^ood Lord, after my most hearty commendations, tliese
^hull be to signify unto yuiu* Lordship, that Bartelett and Edward Whitechurch
■'8 And as Cranmer was so indebted to Ti/nilalf for tlie Bible lie now watclicd through the
|>ress. Ml it liiiH been siiid, " when he wrote aK.tins>t tran^ubstanliation, in rejily lo fJardiner,"
he then acknowledged, !.evtiilten years afler, " thai he had received great liglit from Fri/lli't
writinKs, and drew mo^l of liis arRununts oul of Ihem."— VyW* Life "/ Croiiiiur. i., ji flfi.
rtiirnel-
l.')3!).] HIS FIRST KDITION. 87
hath been with me, ami have by their accounts declared tlie expenses and
charges of the printing of the Great Bibles ; and by the advice of Bartelett, I
have appointed them to be sold for 13s. 4d. a-piece, (one merk,) and not abovo.
Howbeit, Whitechurch informeth me, that your Lordship thinketh it a more
convenient price to liave them sold at 10s. a-piece ; which, in respect of the
great charges, both of the papei", which is substantial and good, and other great
hinderances, Whitechurch and his fellow (Grafton, his partner) thinketh it
a small price.W Nevertheless, they are right well contented to sell them for
10s., so that you will be so good Lord to them as to grant henceforth none other
license to any other printer saving to them, for the printing of the said Bible ;
for else tliey think that they shall be gi-eatly hindered thereby, if any other
should print, they sustaining such charges as they already have done. Where-
fore I shall beseech your Lordship, in consideration of their travail in this be-
half, to tender their requests ; and they have promised me to print in the end
of their Bibles the price tliereof, to the intent the King's liege people shall not
henceforth be deceived of their price.
" Farther, if your Lordship hath known the King's pleasure concerning the
Preface of the Bible, which I sent to you to oversee ; so that his Grace doth
allow the same, I pray you that the same may be delivered unto the said White-
church unto printing ; trusting that it shall both eucom-age many slow readers,
and also stay the rash judgments of them that read therein. Thus our Lord
have your good Lordship in his blessed tuition. — At Lambeth, the 14 th day of
November 1539."60
This Preface, however, demanded cogitation. Preferring
the words of John Chrysostom and Gregory Nazianzen, Cran-
mer had now ventured to go to the full extent of truth and
duty, as Tyndale, in his own name, had so often done, on be-
half of the people of England. Cranmer now at last pled,
but through his ancient authors —
" That every mau should read by himself at home, in the mean days and
59 So uvgeiit was poor Crumwell at the moment to push the Scriptures into circdation.
60 MS., in Crumwcll's Correspondence, orbj. The popular mistake of ascribing the Bibles
issuing from the press in 1539, to Cranmer, has led to the mis-placing of this letter among the
Government State Papers. Though there supposed to be 1538, it has been correctly dated by
Mr. Todd, and the date verified by Mr. Jenkyns, in his Remains of Cranmer, i., p. 289, note.
In commencing his Prffuce, we leave it to the reader, whether Cranmer had not Tyndale's
preface or " pathway to the Scripture" before him. Tyndale had said — " I do marvel greatly,
dearly beloved in Christ, that ever any man should repugn or speak against the Scripture to be
had in every language, and that of every man. For I thought that no man had been so blind
to ask, why light should be shown to them that walk in darkness, where they cannot but
stumble, and where to stumble, is the danger of eternal damnation ; either so despiteful that
he would envy any man so necessary a thing ; or so Bedlam viad to affirm that good is the natu-
ral cause of evil, and darkness to proceed out of light," &c. And what says Cranmer? " Neither
can I well tell, whether of them I may judge the more offender ; him that doth obstinately re-
fuse so godly and goodly knowledge, or him that so ungodly, or ungoodly, doth abuse the same.
And as touching the former, I would marvel nvteh that any man should be so mad as to refuse
in darkness, light ; in hunger, food ; in cold, fire ; for the Word of God is light, ' Lucerna pcdi-
bus mcis Vcrbum Tuum' — ' Thy word is a lantern to my /eel.' It is food—' Man shall not live
by bread only, but Vjy every word of God.' I would marvel, I say, at this, save that I consider
how much ' custom and usage may do.' And therefore I can well think them uwthy pardon,
which, at the coming abroad a/ .Scripture, doubted and drew back."
It is curious to see the Piimate here putting in a word in excuse of his oivn timidity ; but as
rustom and usage had such sway over himself, he could not possibly marvel to the same extent
as Tyndale had done. To him tmth custom and usage were as nothing, compared with the Word
of God.
H« DIsri.NCTLV SANCTIONKI) [buuK II.
time, between senuoii uiid seriiioii — that when they were at home in tlieir
houiM-s, tliey hIiduIJ <il>l>ly tlieniselves, from time to time, to tlie reaihiig of the
IIolv Scri|)tiires. For the Holy S])irit hath ho ordereel and attcmjiered the
Scriptures, tliat in them, as well ]>ul)licans, fisherH, and shepherds, may find
their editication, as great doctors their erudition. But still you will say, I can-
not understjind it. What marvel \ How shouldst thou understand, if thou
wilt not read nor look iipon it \ Take the books into thine hands, read the
whole story, and that thou understandest, keep it well in memory ; that thou
understandest not, read it a^aiu and again. Here may all manner of persons :
men, vomen ; young, old ; learned, unlearned ; rich, poor ; priests, laymen ;
lords, ladies ; officers, tenants, and mean men ; virgins, wires, widovs ; latryers,
merchants, artificers, husbandmen, and all manner of persons, of what estate or
condition soever they be ; may in this Book learn all things, what they ought
to believe, what they ought to do, and what they should not do, as well con-
cerning Almighty God, as also concerning themselves, and all others." " This
one place of John Chrysostom," said Cranmer, " is enough, and sufficient to
persuade all them that be not frowardly, and perversely, set in their own wil-
ful opinion." "l
These were sentiments, certainly by far too strong to pass
in high places, in those days, without murmuring and dispu-
tation ; nor in all probability would they have been allowed
to pass, but for the conjunction of circumstances, already so
far explained. Henry, as we have seen, had softened, even
towards Crumwell, and he was more likely to have done so
towards Cranmer. He had thwarted him in the Convoca-
tion, but then his official situation, as Primate, was not to be
trampled on ; and the King had therefore set him up again,
by commanding his highest counsellors afterwards to go and
dine with him. The wind, in short, had changed in the fall
of the year. Henry is now on the tip-toe of expectation as
to his intended Queen, and the Archbishop, of course, must
perform the intended marriage ceremony. No moment could
be more favourable for Cranmer asking any favour.
But then it so happened, that not only this preface, but
the Bible itself, had been brought before his Majesty, and
hence still farther delay ; for though Cranmer be almost
ready, and is now, in November, pressing the return of the
preface for the press, the volume did not appear till April
following. The fact was, that Henry had consulted certain
Bishops, not forgetting Mr. Stephen Gardiner.
•" There are many other fine sentiments of Chrysostom quoted. We have marked the words
al home in italics, witli reference to wljat follows presently. This jileadin;; for domestic reading
in England, however, will appear to have been six years behind that for Scotland, and very
powerfully put, by the native of I'dinburnh, of whom Cranmer was so much afraiil, in the Con-
Nor.ition (if I.Vtfi.
1539.] BY TllK KING. 89
« After the book was finished," says Fulke, " and presented to King Henry
tlie Eighth ; and by him committed to diverse Bishops of that time to peruse, of
which (as I remember) Steven Gardiner was one : after they had kept it long
in their hands, and the King was divers times sued unto for the publication
thereof, at the last being called for by the King himself, they redelivered the
book: and being demanded by the King what was their judgment of the trans-
lation, they answered that there were many faults therein. ' Well,' said the
King, ' but are there any heresies maintained thereby V They answered,
' there were no heresies that they could find, maintained thereby.' ' If there
be no heresies,' said the King, (in his own profane and impatient manner,) 'then,
in God's name, let it go abroad among our people.' According to this judgment
of the King and the Bishops, M. Coverdalc (who had been corrector of the
pi'ess,) defended the translation, confessing that he did now himself espy some
faults, which if he might review it once over again, as he had done twice be-
fore,''- he doubted not to amend : but for any heresy, he was sure there was
none maintained by the translation."63
Only six months ago tlie gentlemen of " the old learning,"
with the Duke of Norfolk at their head, had been in high glee;
but of late it had come to their turn, to feel no small disap-
pointment, if not alarm : and Gardiner is understood to have
exerted all his powers to influence the King, by persuading
him that it must be his duty not to allow the people to read
the Bible by their own fire-sides, or, as Cranmer expressed
it, at home. One day these two men met in the presence of
his Majesty, when he engaged them in discussion. After
descanting on the danger of allowing the people at large to
read the Scriptures, Gardiner chose to affirm that what were
called the Apostolic Canons, were of equal authority with the
Sacred Scriptures, and challenged Cranmer to disprove this.
Cranmer did so, and to Henry's satisfaction. The disputa-
tion is said to have lasted for some time, when the King ab-
ruptly addressed Gardiner, — " such a novice as you, had bet-
ter not meddle Avith an old experienced Captain, like my Lord
of Canterbury ;" and then remarked, that " Cranmer was too
experienced a leader, to be defeated by a novice."
The translation had been sanctioned, as we have seen,
above two years ago, in Gardiner''s absence, but it was a
double mortification, and one which he richly deserved, to
hear it thus defended and approved, while he was standing by,
and rated for a novice.
*2 That is, once in Paris, and now again in London.
«3 Fulke's " Defence of the English Translations of the Bible," l.'iH.I, p. 4, who himself heard
Coverdale speak, as reported, in a sermon at Paul's Cross. This anecdote has been very gene-
ratly misji!ncol in its application.
no |•RU«UE^SS MADE HV [hooK II.
As for Ci;inmer''s first edition therefore, since it did not ap-
pear till April next year, it will come before us in due time.
I3ut in the nioanwliile, and independently of all suchskirmish-
ini; before the King, the other editions which had been sanc-
tioned by Crumwell, without any formal reference to his Ma-
jesty, must not be forgotten, nor the New Testaments whicli
had been printed at home, nor the numerous foreign editions.
This is a period noted by Strype, as one in which " the people
greedily bought up and read the Holy Scriptures." The
truth is that, however other matters might proceed, whether
in Court or Parliament, the people had been all along reading,
without asking his Majesty's leave. He little thought that he
was led on by a current far too strong for his resistance. Yet
in the course of such a year as the present, in which the King
was so surrounded by hostile parties ever wliispering in liis
ear ; who would have imagined that he should liave so sanc-
tioned the reading of the Scriptures I This, however, he had
actually done, and done more emphatically than ever before !
Some complaints having reached him through the enemy, that
the reading of the Bible or New Testament in public, was of-
ten in a voice so loud, that it threatened to drown if not expel
the mass ; Henry by proclamation ordered a lower tone, and
that, while mass was going on, reading should be suspended ;
as well as that no man should " teach or preach the Bible,"
except such as were admitted by himself, or Crumwell, or a
Bishop. But then he added, what was of far greater moment,
though it must have been like an additional dose of wormwood
to the gentlemen of " the old learning" —
" Notwithstanding his Highness is pleased and contented, that such as can
and will in the Engliwli tongue, shall and may quietly and reverently read the
Bible and New Testament by tliemselves secretly at all times and places con-
rcn'wnt, for their own instruction and edification, to increase thereby godliness
and virtuous learning."
Finally, the Monarch must, in effect^ tell posterity that in
thus acting he was still nothing more than a man overruled ;
since, with mingled pride and profanity, he adds —
" His Highness signifieth to all and singular, his loving and obedient subjects,
that his Majesty was not, nor is compelled by God's Word, to set forth His
Scripture in English to his loyal subjects ; but of his own liberality and good-
n(>sa was and is pleased, that his said subjects should have and read the same
in convenient places and times — Wherefore his Majesty chargcth and com-
mandeth all his said subjects to use the Holy Scripture in English, according
1539.] . THE CLOSE OF THIS YEAR. 01
to his godly purpose and gracious intent, as they would avoid his most liigli
displeasure and indignation, beside the pain above remembered."
The hand of Crumwell is very visible in all this; and if the
proclamation " came out about May, being noic equal with
the law,"" as Strype has told us, it shows what confusion had
been shed into the Council of his Majesty ; but followed as it
was, in the close of the year, by the decided approval of Cran-
nier's preface, we have only one proof more of the truth of Solo-
mon's proverb — " The king's heart is in the hand of the Lord
as the rivers of water ; He turneth it whithersoever he will."
In conclusion, therefore, as already stated, we come to the
end of what may be styled the first series of Bibles and
Testaments. Last year, indeed, we looked at them as divided
into books printed abroad, and then begun to be printed at
home. But at present we allude to all that had issued from
the press before the first edition by Cranmer was put forth.
Of the whole array the reader may form a distinct idea, on
consulting our list of Bibles and Testaments at the end of
this volume.
Now, if it be observed that even by this early period, such
a number of editions of the New Testament, of all descrip-
tions, as well as of the Sacred Volume entire, had passed
through the press ; and that Divine Truth had obtained a foot-
ing in our land, from the moment of its entrance in 1526 ; he
will allow that in these fourteen years, a great work had been
accomplished; and greater still, when he comes to see all that
had been going on in Scotland, as well as in England. The
full effects, though no historian can ever detail them, must
have been far greater than has hitherto been supposed. Yet
is it but little more than two years since the adversary
lowered his colours, and gave in. Up to August 1537 in
England, we have witnessed only one uninterrupted battle,
without a solitary truce ; and since then, as far as Crumwell
was concerned, we have seen him, in his ardour, officially
pushing on the work. When once on a time, writing so
bitterly against Tyndale, he little thought that, in the very
height of his career, though loaded with the affairs of the
nation, he would tax himself, and strain every nerve, in the
fi-i Cotton MS., Clcui). E. v., fol. 303. This pioclamalion, as first drawn uii, had been sub-
mitted to Henry, and he corrected it with his vwu pen. Strype has given it entire, with tlie
• •orrcetions made.
!»2 I'OI.ITICAL AKl'AIUS. [[bOOK M.
very (liroction which tlio Translator liad so hmg pointed out;
no object appearing to himself, even as a politician, of greater
importance, lie is now, however, soon to be called away
from the field of action, leaving the cause to that unseen hand
which had guided it from the beginning, and which will em-
ploy or overrule others, as it had done himself. Crumwcirs
energetic influence is not, however, yet j)aralyzed. He has
six njonths to live, and the Bible, printed still more magni-
ficently, will be in circulation before then. In common
justice, therefore, to the only Vicegerent that Henry ever
had, and with regard to any of those volumes already pub-
lished on I'jnglish ground, including the Jiible which was
nearly finished in Paris, it should be observed, that when
Craumer's name has been associated with them, in any degree,
whether as to preparation or printing, this appears to have
been historically incorrect. We have seen him, for the first
time, engrossed with one book, but the publication of it be-
longs to next year.
SECTION III.
rOLITICAIi AFFAIRS — HENRy's FOURTH MARKIAGF. — JEALOUSY OF FRANCIS
ALLIANCE WITH THE EMPEROR GARDINER AGAINST BARNES AND
GARRET — PARLIAMENT OPENED CRUMWELL NOW EARL OF ESSEX — TIIK
USE ALL ALONG MADE OF HIM BY HENRY CRUMWELl's LAST DEMANDS
IN PARLIAMENT AND CONVOCATION HENRY HAS TAKEN OFFENCE
CRUMWELL APPREHENDED — PARTIES OPPOSED TO HIM — CRANMER's LET-
TER FIRST CHARGES — BILL OF ATTAINDER — HENRY's FOURTH MAR-
RIAGE ANNULLED — FINAL CHARGES AGAINST CRUMWELL HIS DEATH
AND CHARACTER — THE KINO AND HIS TWO VICARS-GENERAL IN REVIEW
MORE EXECUTIONS HENRy's FIFTH MARRIAGE THE OLD LEARNING
PARTY IN TRIUMPH.
RETROSPECT — COMMON MISTAKE AS TO THE CROWN — THE LARGE POLIO
BIBLES, IN SIX EDITIONS — THE FIRST OP CRANMER's — A DIFFERENT
EDITION THE SECOND OF CRANMER's — THE THIRD PREPARING, TO BE
ISSUED NEXT YEAR, BUT WITH A DIFFERENT TITLE ONE IN FIVE
VOLUMES, SMALL SIZE — QUARTO NEW TESTAMENT.
Tmk second series of Bibles and Testaments, commencing
with the first of Cranmer's editions, will roach to the end of
1.54.(>.] POLITICAL AFFAIRS. U3
the reign of Edward the Sixth, eiubracing the next twelve
years and a lialf, to July 1553. At the best, it will be a
strange and varied scene ; but at present our attention
must be confined to the first of those eventful years. It
was the year of Crumweirs downfall and death, a subject
which has been allowed to pass witliout due investigation,
and, consequently, has been misunderstood. In these cir-
cumstances, to see the cause of Divine Truth still triumphant,
and in such progress, will be far more impressive, after we
have carefully observed the general course of secular and poli-
tical affairs.
Possessed of absolute or uncontrolled authority, the victim, in quick
succession, of contending passions, of avarice and profusion, caprice and
obstinacy, Henry the Eighth stood but ill prepared for any vexatious
circumstances to increase his natural impetuosity ; and, yet, the first
six months of this year, he spent in a state of almost constant irrita-
bility. At the close of last year he seems to have been in fear of his
personal safety ; for, knowing what enemies he had abroad, and how
discontented certain individuals were at home, he had renewed his per-
sonal guard of fifty gentlemen-pensioners — a precaution with which he
had dispensed for thirty years, or since the first of his reign.
It will be remembered that, in September last, his Majesty had or-
dered Crumwell to " put all other matters out of his head, saving only
the negotiations for that great affair — his marriage ;" and, since then,
his impatience for the approach of his intended Queen had risen to its
utmost height. The Lady Anne of Cleves having arrived in England,
had reached Rochester on the .31st of December. Ui3on New Year's-
day, therefore, Henry, and actually in disguise, set off to obtain a sight
of his intended consort. The first glance was enough. He chose to
express himself as disgusted. It was, " woe that ever she came into
England," and he began to ruminate whether or how he could break oflf
his engagement. " But, considering again," says Lord Herbert, " that
this would make a ruffle in the world, and drive the Duke, her brother,
into the Emperor's, or French King's hands," he said, " it was too far
gone." Had it not been for this apprehension, Henry would have im-
mediately sent her back. On the 6th of January, therefore, after ex-
pressing, repeatedly, the strongest reluctance, he was married by Cran-
mer at Greenwich ; having resolved to confederate with the Princes of
Germany. The ceremony once performed, " as if in judgment," it has
been said, " for his cruel and capricious conduct to his first and second
Queens, Henry was now linked to one whom he abhorred," with only
this one feeling to counterbalance his emotion — a persuasion that he
94 MKNUVS KOUKTU MAKItlAdK. [hooK II.
ha»l at least taken a .stop to secure hiinscH' against the Emperor's power.
We shall see, presently, whether he was correct in his calculation.
While Ilenry ever had his eye on the Continent, he must have been
conscious that he was watched in return ; and one singular movement
of the Emperor's at this period, had excited such apprehension, that it
prohalily hastened the Royal nuptials. Last year the citizens of Ghent,
revolting against the government of Charles, offered to place the city
under the sovereignty of Francis. He declined this offer ; and the Em-
peror had resolved to reduce the people of his native city to subjection.
From fear of the Gennan States, he could not pass through in that
direction, and the fleets of Henry deterred him from hazarding a pas-
sage by sea. The only other road was through France ; .and upon
Charles proposing this route, the liberty was at once granted by the
French monarch. Ever since their interview at Aigues Mortes in 1538,
Charles had not failed to court the King of France, and even held up
the prospect of one day investing him, or one of his sons, with the
Dutchy of Milan ; a mere stroke of policy, to prevent alliance with Soly-
man, the Grand Seignior. In the vain hope that he should now gain
over the Emperor, he was received by the King, and conducted through
France with the greatest splendour. They entered Paris in procession
together, on the first of January; so that Charles was there at the
moment when Homy was allied to his despised consort, an event by no
means acceptable to the Emperor, and one of which he was not unmind-
ful throughout this journey.
Sir Thomas Wyatt, the English ambassador, following the Spanish
Court, writes, on the 7th of January, from Paris to his royal Master :
" The Emperor's demeanour has changed." One Robert Brancetour,
who had thrown himself on the imperial protection, was demanded by
Wyatt as a traitor ; but Charles would not deliver him up, saying he
knew of no treason of which he had been guilty, except it were " his
going along with Cardinal Pole ! " and when Sir Thomas complained of
certain preachers who had defamed the King and the English nation,
the only reply was—" Kings be not Kings of tongues ; and if men give
cause to be spoken of, they will be spoken of." After declaring the
Emperor's concealed designs, Wyatt tenders his opinion as to what
Henry should best do. '
Very impatient to be gone, Charles remained only seven days in the
French capital, and left it early in January, proceeding by Chantilly,
St. Quintin, and Valenciennes, to Brussels, having at once gained his
purpose, and completely deceived both Francis and his Ministers as to
Milan. Whether it was owing to Wyatt's advice or not, the Emperor
had no sooner left Paris than the King of England, all impatient to
' H.irl. MS.. No. 282, leaf ai.
1540.] IN JEALOUSY OF FRANCE. 95
prevent the consequences of this supposed friendship and alliance, des-
patched the Duke of Norfolk in embassy to France.^ His Grace was to
offer Francis assistance for the recovery of Milan — to offer the remis-
sion of all the arrears of pensions due to his royal Master, as well as of
the salt-money due annually — he was to employ all his poAvers in ex-
citing the jealousy of Francis as to the Emperor's ambition, and propos-
ing a strict league to the exclusion of the Pontiff; he was to inform
the French Monarch not only of his alliance with the Duke of Cleves,
but his expected one with Saxony and other German States. Norfolk
went, but all his representations were in vain. Charles had not as yet
thrown off his mask, and plainly said, as he did afterwards, that the
promise made respecting Milan he never meant to fulfil ; Francis,
therefore, at this moment, was not to be moved, and the Duke returned
to England by the end of February.
The Emperor, with his brother Ferdinand, King of the Romans, were
then about to leave Biiissels for Ghent. From the former city, on the
25th, Wyatt writes again, inclosing a letter respecting the affairs of
Germany, where many false rimiours were afloat as to his Majesty and
his recent proceedings, and suggesting that a refutation, in German,
should be dispersed.^ Twelve days more only pass away, when by his
next letter from Ghent, dated 9th of March, Wyatt hints that some
designs were hatching between Charles and Francis against his master
— that Ferdinand was advising the Duke of Cleves to submit to the
Emperor, and it was said that the Duchess of Milan would then be
given to him in marriage. He adds, however, that for a long time there
had been an affection between her and the Prince of Orange, the son of
Francis ; congratulating Henry, at all events, on his escape from that
princess.* On the 12th, he modifies this intelligence, by informing the
King, that the covintenance shewn to Cleves, was only a stroke of feigned
policy, to separate him from the other German States, and reduce him
to obedience.^
By this time, without any prospect of alliance with either of the
great powers, what must have been the feelings of the haughty English
monarch, as to his recent alliance with this petty German State ; and
more especially when, only two days after, tidings still more vexatious
arrived !
On the 14th, Sir Thomas wrote to the following purport — " That the
French King had communicated to the Emperor what the Duke of Nor-
folk had proposed to him, and what were his replies — that this token of
amity had greatly delighted the Emperor, who had dreaded the effect
of Norfolk's negotiation — that the amity between Charles and Francis
still stood, without the Emperor's parting with Milan — that the Germans
:! Harl. MP.. No. 282, IcafU;!. ■> Jdcm, 121. 5 lOcm, 126.
J>C ALMANCK WITH THE KMl'KUOU. [uuOK II.
wcro said to bo about agreement with the Emperor ; which, if concluded
without comprehending his Majesty and the Duke of Cleves in the same,
might prove prejudicial to them both, and es[)ecia]ly to the Duke his
ally — that a force of Spaniards and Italians were coming into Flanders,
and that possibly the Pontiff and the Germans might be reconciled, if
the fonner will own his power not to be absolute and usurped by Scrip-
ture, but taken as by consent."''
Had Sir Thomas sat down to invent a communication, he could scarcely
have succeeded in sending one more unwelcome to his already dis-
contented master. Some time also elapsed before Wyatt wrote again.
But, in the meanwhile, no intelligence could be more acceptable to the
gentlemen of the " old learning." And as Norfolk and Gardiner were
now at the King's ear, and ever busy, no doubt the juncture was im-
proved in practising on his feelings and apprehensions.
At last, however, by the 5th of April there was intelligence from
Wyatt, and addressed to Crumwcll, who, by this time, must have been
more ill at ease than even his capricious master. The Pontiff, in need-
less anxiety, had written to the Emperor respecting his promised dona-
tion of Milan to the French ; and Sir Thomas thinks the Emperor will
never part with it, but spend the year in " practices" with the French,
the Duke of Cleves, and others ; while the Prince of Salerno, one of the
chief persons from Naples, Avas desirous of proceeding into England to
see the King."'' Crumwell, of course, immediately despatched this
letter to the King, and he received an instant reply, through Sadler, his
secretary. His Majesty was relieved, and "liked well" this intelligence ;
and as Wyatt had expressed a wish to return home in company with
this Italian, Henry approved of his coming, and ordered Mr. Richard
Pate to be despatched as his successor.^
Here then was at least an opening for some change of policy. For
years it had 1)ecn Crurawell's aim to keep Henry and Charles apart,
that he might, in alliance with P'raucc and the German States, pursue
his own policy. Now, however, Henry was abundantly disgusted with
Francis, and no less so with his German marriage ; for all along his
Majesty had not the slightest natural leaning towards these German Con-
federates, except for political purposes. Parliament and the Convoca-
tion were about to meet, when, with all accustomed form, Henry can
easily relieve himself of his Queen ; and as for the Emperor, we shall
find the gentlemen from his court feasting at Westminster, even before
this present Parliament is prorogued !
Foreign affairs liaJ not been the only source of anxiety to
both the King and Crumwell. During all this spring, matters
0 Harl. MS., No. 282, IcaflZR. ' Idem, 243.
« Gov. Stale Papers, .s.idlcr to fnimwcll, i., \i. ()2-l.
154.0.] GARDINER AND BONNER. <)7
at lioine had been proceeding from bad to worse. Bonner,
who had returned from France in the early part of the
year, and was now Bishop elect of London, yet still professedly
eager to please Crumwell, had appointed three individuals to
preach, during Lent, at Paul's Cross — Dr. Barnes, Thomas
Garret, one of the first dispersers of Tyndale's New Testa-
ment, now Rector of All Hallows in Honey Lane, of both of
whom we have often heard before, and William Jerome, Vicar
of Stepney. Barnes was to commence on the first Sunday of
Lent, or the 14th of February. Gardiner, however, now in
high favour with Henry, sent a message to Bonner, his old
acquaintance, and with whom he had quarrelled so bitterly in
France, that he intended to preach there himself on that dav,
and this he accordingly did. " From an accomplished scholar,"
says Mr. Todd, "as Gardiner certainly was, one could hardly
have expected such worthless oratory. It might indeed be
intended as a sharp defiance to the men of the ' new learning,'
though they must have despised it."
" I gathered my wits to me," he says, " called for gi-ace, and determined to
declare the gospel of the Sunday, containing the devil's three temptations, the
matter whereof seemed to me very apt to be applied to the time, and good occa-
sion to note the abuse of Scripture among some, as the devil abused it to Christ :
which matter indeed I touched somewhat plainly, and, in my judgment, truly.
Alluding to the temptation of the devil to Christ to cast himself downward, al-
leging Scripture that he should take no hurt — I said — Now-a-days the devil
tempteth the world, and biddeth them cast themselves backward. There is no
forward in the iieic teachiiuj, but all backward. Now the devil teacheth — come
bacli from fasting, come back from praying, come back from confession, come
back from weeping for thy sins ; and all is backward, insomuch as he must
learn to say his Pater-Noster backward." Such was the puerile verbiage, first
uttered, and afterwards printed, by this learned Bishop.9
A fortnight elapsed, when Barnes ofiiciated at the same
place, and taking the same text preached the opposite doc-
trine ; but very foolishly descending also to low wit, he made
some unhandsome references to Gardiner's person, and even
played upon his name. Garret and Jerome also preached,
but made no personal reflections on any man. The friends
of Gardiner then complained to the King of the " insufferable
arrogance" of the first preacher. His Majesty, interesting
9 See " Declaration of such Articles as George Joye liath Ronc about to confute as false."
(iardiner calls this " a part of liis Sermon at Paul's Cross, the first Sunday of Lent, mdxxxix."
I. e. Uth February IWO; thouKh mistaken by several authors for the previous year.
98 paiujamf<:nt opknkd. [^dook n.
hiinsi'U" in the aOaii-, mWvd IJarncs hdun- Iiiin. ITowas over-
awed; sifjne*! a rciuiiifiatioii ul" the articles iiifoniied airainst
liiiii ; confessed that he liad overshot himself ; and promised
ever after to heware of such raslincss. In this lie was followed
bv Jerome and darret.'" Henry, however, commanded .all
the three to preach at the Spittle, and recant what they had
said ; while IJarnes there in public, and in (fardiner''s pre-
sence, must ask his forgiveness. This he did, on what they
called " Low Sunday," or the 4th of April ; but he, as well as
the other two, having reasserted or justified in one part, what
they recanted in another, his Majesty ordered them all to the
Tower, there to await his decision."
IJarncs, for years in the confidence of Crumwell, had not
only been before eniployed by him in Germany, but more
recently in the ill assorted negotiations respecting Anne of
Clevcs.'^ It was, therefore, positively presumed, that the dis-
grace of the one, might bring the other into disrepute or
suspicion, and the votaries of the old learning were indulging
hopes of Crumweirs fall. So confident indeed were they,
that his office of Vicar-General they had bestowed, by antici-
pation, on Tunstal Bishop of Durham, and that of Lord Privy
Seal upon Clerk, Bishop of Bath. At this moment, however,
they were comj)letely mistaken in their calculations ; nor is
there one particle of evidence that such an idea had as yet
entered into Henry \g mind, as that of the destruction of
Crumwell ; and fixr less that he eve7' intended to have another
Vicar-General, for he never had. On the contrary, Crumwell
is just about to be raised still higher, and actually to have
fresh honours and more power conferred upon him !
Upon Monday the 12th of April, Parliament was opened, where, for
the first time, there was no Ahbot or Prior present. After Audley, the
Lord Chancellor, had addressed the House on civil affairs, Crumwell
rose, as Vicar-general, and introduced a message from the King, lament-
ing the religious dissensions hy which the country was still agitated ;
'" Burnet. Records, iii., Nn. xii.
' ' This scorns to li.ivc been a very busy day with G.inUnrr ; for after tliis lie must have been
engaRi'd at the consecration of Jioiiiier. Yes, Edmi'ND Bonnkfi, with wlioni he was so enrafied
in France!— See under l.l.'m, p. 11. But as they were dear friends in l.');iG, so they will he
ai-ain, at least .is soon as Crumwell is removed out of the wav.
'2 C'onstantyne's Memorial. Arch.'eolnfiia, xxiii.. p..')". Constantyne had met him immedi-
ately after his return, last AupuKt. " Doctor Barnes told me that my Lord Privy Seal would
have had him tarried to have spoken with the King, but tliat ho prayed license, because of
his weariness."
l.UO.] CRUMWELL, KARL OF ESSEX. 99
so that neither the first " Articles" by Cramncr, nor the second l)y
Gardiner, had produced either "peace" or " contentation." His Majesty,
said Crumwell, " leaned neither to the right or left, neither to the one
party, nor to the otlier ! — but to remove or root out at once all evils, he
had appointed two sets of prelates and doctors ; one to reform the tenets,
and the other the ceremonies of the Church !" In other words, they
were to try and draw out another form of faith and practice for the
people of England, to be imposed upon them once more. They were to
sit thi-ee days entire in each week, and the half of the other three, and
proceed with deliberation. The whole address, from such a man as the
King, and to such a House, was literally nothing short of profanity ;
while amidst all, so strange was the mixture, the Scriptures themselves
Avere not overlooked — his Majesty demanding the aid of both Houses to
enact penalties against such as treated the Sacred Volume with irrever-
ance, or explained rashly and erroneously the Holy Scriptures. From
the men thus appointed by the King, we need scarcely add, that nothing
save gi-eater confusion and perplexity were the results. Their proceed-
ings ended in the publication of what they styled " The necessary Erudi-
tion of a Christian Man," above two years after. It was a confused and
heterogeneous compound, in which, says Burnet truly, " both parties
found cause afterwards for both joy and sorrow."
On Wednesday the 14th, the Convocation assembled, and at the close,
both Houses adjourned till Saturday the l7th, which was the last day
in which the Vicar-general sat as Baron Crumwell.
It so happened that last month Henry had been deprived, by death,
of two of his nobility. The first, Bourchier Earl of Essex, was killed by
a fall from his horse, on the 12th of March ; and within a week after,
died " the great Chamberlain of England," Vere, Earl of Oxford ; and
as if my Lord Privy Seal and Vicegerent were not already overloaded
with both honour and office, his Majesty had actually resolved to com-
bine those of both men in the person of Crvimwell !^^ After Parliament
rose therefore, on the 17th, or as Halle has it, next day the 18th, Sunday,
Crumwell was not only created Earl of Essex, but appointed Great
Chamberlain ; and on Monday he entered the House of Lords, where
his name stands at the head of the roll — " Vicesgerens Regius, Thomas
Essex comes." The former Earl having died without heirs, the King
gave him at the same time, all that fell to the Crown. He was now in
possession of all his honours, which in number, if not in emolument, far
exceeded even those of Wolsey !
13 " This shows," says Burnet, " that the true causes of Crum well's fall must be found in some
oWfCf tliinp than his making up the King's marriage; who had never thus raised his title, if hy this
time he had intended so soon to ])ull him down." Besides, in that affair, we have already seen
how cautiously Crumwell proceeded at the outset, nor was he the only man to be implicated.
When the King first saw him after being at Rochester, he cast the chief blame on the Karl qf
Snuthampton, and said, "when tie found her so far short of what reports and pictures had made
her, ht' should have sloped her at Calais, till he had given the King notice."
10(1 CRUMWKM. IN THE riKIOHT OF HIS POWKR [iioOK il.
In one (lay he had come into most intimate intercourse with his
Sovereign, and was almost immediately intrusted with state secrets. In
l.OSl, he was knighted and made master of the King's jewel-house. In
1532, he became Chancellor of the Exchequer. In 1/534, Principal Se-
cretary of State, and Master of the Rolls. In 1535, not only Chancellor
of Cambridge University, but Vicegerent and Vicar-general of Eng-
land. In 1536, he was created a IJaron, and appointed Lord Privy Seal,
when he gave up one office, viz. the Rolls. In 1537, he was made a
Knight of the Garter, Chief Justice of the Forests, and Dean of Wells ;
a military honour, a civil, and an ecclesiastical appointment, in one year !
In 1538, he became Constable of Carisbrook Castle, and was appointed
by Henry, Steward of ibrchbishop Cranmer's Liberties and Master of his
game. To all these must now be added, the honour of an Earldom, and
the office of Great Chamberlain. By this time he was possessed of pro-
perty in at least eight counties, viz. in Middlesex and Essex, in Sussex
and Kent, in Rutland and Leicester, Norfolk and Warwickshires.
There are said to have been about thirty manors and large estates ; they
were rewards from the King, in 1534 and during the last five years in
succession ; forming a goodly proportion of the spoil from the suppressed
Monasteries.
Possessed of eminent talents for business, Crumwell was equally dis-
tinguished for sagacity in managing it ; but with regard to himself per-
sonally, as that sagacity gradually forsook him, he stands out as one of
the most conspicuous proofs in English history of the blinding influence
of ambition. How could any man stand in slippery places, so loaded
with titles, and offices, and wealth ? Did he intend to be the only figure
among ciphers ? Why could he not have declined the ensnaring proffers
of his capricious Master, influenced, as he must have seen him to be, only
by the moment 1 But no ; never does he appear to have refused either
honour or emolument, although the half of all be held, might, in these
times, have plunged an abler man into ruin.
But what, it may be inquired, could possibly be Henrj's object, in con-
ferring fresh honours upon his Vicegerent at present ? Although this
never appears to have been pointed out, it may be conjectured if not as-
certained from the use which the King had made of him all along. Be-
fore Crumwell's elevation, but more especially since, his Majesty had
been torn by two contending passions, avarice and prodigality. They
seldom meet in the same breast ; but in his royal Master they reigned
predominant, and were alike insatiable. He came to the throne the
richest Sovereign in Europe ; for his father, proverbially distinguished
as the most sordid prince who ever sat on the throne of England, had
left him an immense sum.'"* In the days of his youth, Wolsey's example,
■< Rapin has stated that eighteen hniidred thousand ;M>t<nr/< sterling, were found in his father's
1540.] HENRY'S USE OF CRUMVVELL. 101
his cupidity, and compauionshij), instructed the jovial monarch into all
the delights, and the mystery of spending. The fortune left him was
soou dissipated, when the great talents of the Cardinal had to be exerted
in procuring large exactions, or " benevolences," from the laity. The
ingenuity of Wolsey, in this line, was literally exhausted at the moment
of his fall. Crumwell, bred under his eye, and already skilled in the
art of dealing with monasteries and their suppression, did not fail to
perceive what was fitted, not only to dissolve the royal prejudices against
himself personally, for they were very strong, but even to entrance the
thirsty monarch. There was wealth lying before his Majesty, it might
have been presumed, more than sufficient for any one King to spend
throughout a long reign ; but the difficulty of reaching property which
had been held for ages to be sacred and inviolable, must have seemed in-
superable to almost every man. Henry, however, had arrogated to him-
self a new title^ and one which his subjects had been constrained to ac-
knowledge as a sacred one. All-ambiguous as it was, and involving vast
claims, it conveyed not only additional power, but a new species of power,
unknown to any other sovereign. At the moment of its assumption, in-
deed, the daring and tyi'annical monarch could scarcely dream that this
new and highly -prized title, might not only gTatify his love of power,
but fill his exchequer ; yet having once assumed authority over the
minds, as well as the bodies of his subjects, he stood ready for the sug-
gestions of any man who should say — " What signifies property, if your
Majesty may not appropriate this also to your own use ?" The title of
" Supreme Head of the Church of England" was valued by Crumwell
chiefly as being able to gather to itself immense wealth. Thus, while
Henry, bereaved of his Cardinal, stood, like a second Midas, still wish-
ing that all he could touch might turn into gold, Crumwell craved an
audience ; and after having actually shed tears of despair down at
Esher, within twenty-four hours, as men say, he had made his fortune.
His Majesty never, it is true, made a companion of him as he had made
of Wolsey ; on the contrary, he would fall out with him, and chide
severely ; but from the day that he was first made Master of the King's
tTewe^-house, nay, and before then, down to his last honours, 'money was
the one grand object which his Majesty had in view by the employment
of Crumwell.
We have therefore only to glance at the present state of aflfairs and the
royal pui-poses. Though the monasteries had been dissolved, and most
of the spoil had come in ; and although only last year, or eleven months
ago, the King had solemnly promised, in so many words, " that for the
benefit and ease of the subject, he never afterwards, in any time to come,
coffers. Other historians have restricted the amount to JWrtrA-^. Either sum was immense. If
tlie latter only, it was equal to eighteen millions of our present coin, but if the former it was
equal to twenty-seven millions sterling !
1(»2 CULMWKLL'S LARGE AND LAST [uoOK II.
Mhould Ito cliiugcd witli subsidies, fifteenths, loans, or other common
aids !" Yet is he absolutely now about to ask for money from Parlia-
ment once more ; nay, and let it be H])ocia]ly observed, from the BiKhopit
in Convocation too ! This was sufficiently audacious ; but where was the
man who had the face to come to both Houses, and so soon, upon such
a subject \ Here was Orumwell. There had been none like him in all
Englantl fur gathering sui^plics. Already he was Vicar-general ; and
after the recent conduct of the Bishops, he must have been even more
than gratifyed in carrying suck a message to the Convocation ; and as
for the House of Lords — give him a higher place there. Let him walk
in as an Earl, and " Great Chamberlain" to boot, and he will be ready
to say or to do anything.
Nor was this all ; if Crumwell does not become more intoxicated, or
overbearing by his elevation, and altogether forget himself, there was
much business yet to be accomplished, which he could dexterously over-
take, and sooner than any other man ; so that should he fall, there must
be a pause in the cry of " Give, give." " There were still a great many
tempting morsels in the hands of Churchmen, which were full as liable
to seizure as the monastic lands ; such were collegiate churches, hospi-
tals, chantries, free chapels, guilds, &c., which were all endowed, and
were capable of fiu-nishing the excheijuer with an immense sum ;" nay,
and close at baud, there was a very large mouthful, in the priory and
possessions of the Knights of St. John. In short, the position and in-
tentions of the ever-craving Monarch fully explain the mystery of the
Earldom. The Chambcrlainship gave him still higher standing in the
King's household, and the Earldom in the House of Lords. Together,
they formed a retaining fee, and the Earl proceeded to business.
Thus, only four days after his elevation, or Thursday the 22d of April,
he introduced a bill into Parliament for the suppression of the Knights
of St. John of Jerusalem, once styled the Knights of Rhodes, and now
the Knights of Malta. They were the last remnant of Monachism, hav-
ing large property not only in England but at Kilmainham in Ireland,
and had firmly refused to dissolve their community. In the House of
Lords, their prior sat immediately after the abbots, and above the lay
barons. The pensions given after the dissolution of abbeys and monas-
teries were, in most instances, but small, in comparison of the property
obtained ; but as more than three thousands annually were assigned to
this body, it is evident that the property must have been of great value.
This bill, which was again before the House on the 26th, was read the
third time on the 29th of April. To Sir William Weston, the last prior,
out of the sum referred to, a thousand pounds annually had been award-
ed ; but as he died on the Sth of May, only a few days after the bill had
passed, " soul-smitten with .lorrow," says Fuller, and never received a
farthing, here was an annual thousand more to the King.
1540.] DEMANDS FOR THK KlNCi. 103
Before Parliament opened, too, in order to allay the clamours of the
people, to attach them to his interest, and bring- them to some cordiality
as to the dissolution of the monasteries, Crumwell had advised his Ma-
jesty to immediately sell the Abbey lands at twenty years' purchase ;
so that, on the 12th of March, he had been put in commission, Avith
others, for this end. '^ But, still, all that had been done in the way of
confiscation Avould not svifficc for his IMaJesty's present demands ; and
now, therefore, with a kind of wild desperation, the Earl entered at
once upon still more dangerous and exasperating ground.
It was only four days after this last bill had passed, or on the 3d of
May, that Crumwell proceeded with the business of the Crown, and
came to the House, demanding an enormous subsidy. It was not less
than " foui-tenths and fifteenths, besides ten per cent, on their income
from lands, and five per cent, on their goods from the laity." Again,
on Wednesday, Parliament not sitting, Crumwell, as Vicar-general, went
to the Convocation, and there demanded " a grant of two-tenths and
twenty per cent, on their incomes for two years." ^^ Here, then, in both
Houses, was room suflicient for the loudest murmuring and discontent.
The proposer of such unprecedented demands, and in a time of peace,
had overshot even his old master, Wolsey, and was preparing himself
for that l)urst of joy and indignation Avhich must certainly overtake
him, should he chance to fall. Referring to the subsidy from Parlia-
ment, says Lord Herbert, " this exorbitant demand laid on by Crum-
well, gained him an universal hatred among the people, and was one
reason of his sudden fall after it," though he was only obeying orders.
Ah ! but it was not the people only who were exasperated, for they could
not have reached him. He had entered the Convocation, too, and there
demanded a subsidy ; and though Henry may continue to make such
demands, Crumwell, the Vicar-general, never shall again. " The Convo-
cation," says Lingard, " continued to be summoned, but its legislative
authority was gone. Its principal business was to grant money ; yet
even these grants now owed their force, not to the consent of the gran-
ters, but to the approbation of the other two Houses, and tae assent of
the Crown. The first instance I find was in 1540." It was the first,
and, at the same time, Crumwell's last demand. He carried both sub-
sidies, the chief pretext being the expenses which had been incurred by
building forts along the sea-coast, and repairing fortifications which had
fallen into decay.
On Saturday, the 8th, in the House of Lords, so far as they were
concerned, the subsidy had been settled ; and, on the same day, we find
'5 Rymcr's Focilcia, xiv., p. 6.1.3.
'0 Wilkin's Concil., 8,50, H(3, Stat, of Ktaliii, iii., (112. Burnet and otlier historians have
s-tafod this subsidy at no more tlian one-tenth and a fifteentli from the Commons, and two-
tenths from the Convocation.
104 TIIK KING HAS TAKEN OFFENCE. [book II.
a Mil of permutation, or exchange of some property, between the King
and Crumwell, had been brought in and read a first time, so that every
thing seemed to be proceeding successfully — but — next morning arrived,
and wliat is this ? For some cause or another, his Majesty is now
seriously offended, and this is the first positive intimation. It was only
three weeks since he had heaped honour upon the man ; he has, since
then, carried through money matters, of which, perhaps, no one else
would have risked even the suggestion ; and, besides, this is SmiJxii/.
No matter, Henry must write immediately, and here is his letter : —
" Henry R. By tlie King.
" Right trusty and right well-beloved Cousin, we greet you well ; signifying to
you our ple.asure and commandment is, that forthwith, and upon receipt of
these our letters, setting all other afFaii-s apart, ye do repair unto Us, for the
treaty of such great and weighty matters, as whereupon doth consist the surety
of your person, the preservation of our honour, and the tranquillity and quietness
of you and all other our loving and faitiiful subjects, like as at your arrival
here, ye shall more plainly perceive and understand. And that ye fail not
hereof, as We specially trust you. Given under our Signet, at our Manor of
Westminster, the 9th day of May."l7
It is singular that i\ie first precise cause of offence, so strongly marked
in this letter, has never transpired ; though, after this, it must be evi-
dent that Crumwell could not have passed one easy hour. Still, upon
Monday, the Earl appeared among the Lords as usual, when his bill of
permutation with the King was read and passed ; but the very next
day Parliament was frorogxted till the 25th of IMay, and this was omin-
ous. On Wednesday, however, the Vicar-General attended Convoca-
tion, zxi<S. finished the business of the subsidy there also.
The displeasure felt all around, on account of these enormous levies,
joined with the displeasure of the King, which must have soon been
whispered, furnished, during the recess, a fine opportunity for getting
up the bill of accusations against Crumwell, which, no doubt, was skil-
fully unproved ; but Tuesday the 25 th arrived. Parliament sat, and the
Earl was there as before ! Bills of attainder without any trial, accord-
ing to the shocking precedent which Cnrmwell himself had introduced
last year, were passed again and again in this Parliament, against a
number of individuals ; and now, at last, he is himself about to become
the victim of his own measure ; though still, every day, or as duly as the
House assembled, there was the Earl, and so, generally speaking, was
Cranmer. Thus it happened on Thursday the 10th of June, and after
Parliament adjourned at Westminster, there was a meeting of the Privy
Council ; Crumwell was present, but not Cranmer. The Duke of Nor-
" Cotton MS., Titus, B. i., 406. Original. SiRncd by Stamp, which may have been in-
tcndfd as n mark of indiKiiity. <>i" fartlicr primf of displeasure.
131.0.3 CRUMWELL APPREHENDED. 105
folk and his party were now ready. The Duke, for particular reasons
then high in the King's favour, i» preferred against the falling Minister
the charge of high treason. His despotic Majesty, of course, had been
consulted, and had concurred ; and, therefore, Audley, as Lord Chan-
cellor, having arrested him, he was forthwith conducted as a prisoner
to the Tower.'^ Thus the man who had sat so high in Parliament in
the morning, by three o'clock was regarded as a traitor, and is said to
have been even insulted on his way to the Tower in the afternoon !
That very night one party " banqueted and triumphed together,
many wishing that that day had been seven years before ; while some,
fearing lest he should escape, though imprisoned, could not be merry.
But others, who knew nothing but truth by him, both lamented and
heartily prayed for him."^<*
The step thus taken has been long very loosely ascribed to Henry's
recent marriage ; but that event could oiever, of itself, have led to this.
Crumwell would have outlived that vexation of his royal Master, by at
once putting an end to it. A better key to the secret may be found.
Serving a capricious monarch, sometimes pleased and soon angry, the
eager and too ambitious servant must have been often at a stand. Hia
own course was erratic. To pull down an ambitious man with safety
suddenly. Lord Bacon has said, that the only way is the interchange con-
tinually of favours and disgraces, whereby he may not know what to ex-
pect, and be, as it were, in a ^voocl. Now although Henry, it is most pro-
bable, had no fixed intention only a month since, it is certain that Crum-
well had been first in favour then in disgrace, or first elevated, then de-
pressed, as his Majesty had both smiled and frowned, in the short com-
pass of three weeks. No wonder, then, if Crumwell had found himself
before now, but especially of late, " as it were, in a wood." Too much
elated by the favour of the King, his arrogance, in the possession of so
much power and authority seems to have increased. He has been said
to have treated all the men of the old learning, whether clergy or no-
bility with equal haughtiness, and even the Duke of Norfolk, his chief
rival, he had threatened with the royal displeasure. Though, therefore,
IB Henry was about to be married to his niece, Katharine Howard.
19 Lords' Journal, June 10, and of this Pari. 27°. " Hodk Vicesgerens Kcgius supradictus,
Comes Essex, in hora pomeridiana, per Dominum Cancellarium et alios doniinos de Arcano
Domini nostri Regis Consilio, ex Palatio Regio Domini Regis Westm. hora tertia pomeridiana,
super accusationem criminis Lcesce Hlojislatis, missus est in Arcem Londinens." p. I4.'i. There
have been few points on which historians have been so at variance as the day oi Crumwell's
arrest. Tytler and Lingard are correct ; but Halle, Stow, Herbert, Foxe, Burnet, Collier,
Mackintosh, and others, not only differ among themselves, but all are wrong. And what is
curious enough, even in the new edition of Foxe, after having corrected the mistake, vol. v., j).
3!)H, the editor, in a note, p. 461, inadvertently nullifies his own correction, by supposing that
Crumwell sat in the House of Lords till the Iflth ! The fact is, that his name remained on the
rull till the day after his attainder, when it was struck off; but he is no day marked ;). i)resent,
■iftcr the loth of June. Nor is this confusion as to dates during this year, in these last men-
tioned historians, confined to one. It would require a p.nge to rectify it. In the text we have
followed throughout, implicitly, the Journal of the House of Lords, in which, however, it re-
quires to be observed, that on some pages there is a misprint of 1539 for 1540. 20 Halle.
ll)(; I'AKTIKS (H'l'OSKD TO CRUMWELL. [liOOK II.
tho iuiiiicJiute occasion of ('ruiiiwcll'H arrest has ucvcr liccu pointed out,
it may now be very safely, if not clearly traced, to certain Biyhops,
headed hy his Grace of Norfolk.
Ahoiit the month of August last year, Crumwell had l)een incensed by
one of these men, Richard Sampson, Bishop of Chichester, as playing
false with the King, having a secret favour for the Roman Pontiff, with
special good will to the old learning and all its ceremonies. Correspon-
dence and personal communications had passed between them, but up to
the day of his own arrest, the tokens of Crumwcll's displeasure had not
been removed. The fact was, that the Bishop, in company with Dr.
Nicholas Wilson, he had committed to the Tower.'^' There, in trouble
and dejection, if not fear of his life, Sampson had made certain disclo-
sures— confessing a coml)ination between himself, Tunstal Bishop of
Durham, and Stokesly of London, lately deceased. They were to do
their utmost to preserve the old doctrines with all their appendages.
Upon this, Crumwell made no scruple to charge Tunstal with what he
had heard ; but he denied it. On Monday the 7th of June therefore,
only three days before the arrest. Dr. Peter and a Mr. Bellows, were sent
to Sampson to signify this, on which he sat down, and in writing ad-
dressed to Crumwell an ample and decided confirmation of all he had
confessed. To refresh Tunstal's memory, if not confound him, Sampson
pointed distinctly to a certain period, when they, the Bishops, were busy
with the Germans and tliC Uis/toj/s Book ; he described graphically the
doings of both Stokesly and himself — repeating that " Tunstal will not
say otherwise, but that he, and the late Bishop of London were fully bent
to maintain as many of the old usages as they might, and so they said it
was necessary to do." Here, in short, were the authors of " the Book of
Ceremonies," to which we referred last year. But this was not the whole
confession now. " Winchester," said Sampson, " was not then here, but
the encouragement he had given him was now, lateli/" — " not to fear to
help things forward, for the King's Highness was very good Lord in them."
Gardiner wished him to be diligent in ceremonies and to leave none.
Heath, too, whom Gardiner had just consecrated Bishop of Rochester, had
turned, and was of the same mind. In short, " Winchester told him
that they were all of one mind, very few excejited."^^
To be thwarted in Parliament as to their Book of Ceremonies had been
grievous enough, but to have its secret history thus fully exposed to
Crumwell, was more vexatious still. Tunstal and Gardiner, in their true
characters, stood fully before him. Now, all this happened on Monday,
or only three days before the aiTcst.
21 Wilson's is the last signature to the Cimvocation articlfs of l.'i.Tfi. He was Arcli-dcacon of
Oxfoul, and afterwards bclonned to the curious old church of Winiboruc Minster in Dorsetshire.
Uoth he and Sampson were notorious watchers on the times.
22 Cotton MS., Cleop. E. v., p. .'!oi) ; or see Strypc, App. No. xciii.
154-0.] CRANMER'S LETTER. 1(17
By this momcut, Ilcury was sick of all confabulation about Gonnany ;
being secretly, and to his dying day, a votary of the old ceremonies.
The niece of Norfolk had caught his eye ; while the alleged treason and
mal-administration of Crurawell were poured into his car ; and these were
charges to which his Majesty at this moment was all alive. Meanwhile,
the new-made Earl had already secured the subsidies, and would now in-
herit all the odium, or like the scape-goat carry it away from the King.
After such a pointed written disclosure on Monday, no wonder if high
words, for the last time, had again escaped from Crumwell on Tuesday
or Wednesday ; and on Thursday he was laid low.
Next day the event was known to all, when the time-servers were
busy in changing sides. Among others, Bonner, formerly no compliant,
so zealous for the Scriptiu'cs and full of promise, when at Paris, who
had been solely indebted for his elevation to the unhappy prisoner in
the Tower, had already wheeled round. " As soon as ever Crumwell
fell, the very next day he shewed his ingratitude, and how nimbly he
turned with the wind. For Grafton, the printer, (so intimate Avith Bon-
ner in France,) meeting him, said, he was very sorry for the news he
had heard of Crumwell's being sent to the Tower. Bonner answered,
' It had been good he had been despatched long ago.' So the other
shrunk away, perceiving the change that was in him." ^^
In short, of all the friends that once so courted the friendship of
Thomas Cnimwell, there was only one solitary individual left, and this
was Cranmer ; at least he was the only man who said any thing at the
moment. The certainty seems to be, that Cranmer was not present
when Crumwell was arrested ; that he heard this day, at the Privy
Council, the grounds of his arrestment, and on the morrow, or Saturday,
sent his letter to the King.-'* The following fragment, as given by Lord
Herbert from the original, is all that remains : —
" I heard yesterday in your Gi-ace's Council, that he (Crumwell) is a traitor ;
yet who cannot be sorrowful and amazed that he should be a traitor against
your Majesty ? He that was so advanced by your Majesty ; he whose surety
was only by your Majesty ; he who loved your Majesty, as I ever thought, no
less than God ; he who studied always to set forwards ichatsoerer was your
Majesty's will and pleasure ; he that cared for no man's displeasure to serve
your Majesty; he that was such a servant, in ray judgment, in wisdom, dili-
gence, faithfulness and experience, as no Prince in this realm ever liad ; he
that was vigilant to preserve your Majesty from all treasons, that few could
be so secretly conceived, but he detected the same in the beginning. If the
noble Princes of memory. King John, Henry the Second, and Richard II., had
23 Burnet.
24 Herbert, mistaking the day <jf arrestment for the l.'Jlh, sujiposes this letter to have been
written next day or Monday. liul the day of arrest is certain ; and as Cranmer says, i/ester-
ilay I luard. &c., it is evident he had not been jircsent, but hearing of the arrest on Friday, he
wrote next day-
108 TIIK FIRST KXAMINATION. [noOK M.
IkkI sut'h a councilor alioiit tlioin, 1 su|>i)osc tliat tliey kIiouIiI never liave l)eeii
8o triiitorinislv a)>aiiiliiiii'<l and ovi-rtlirowii, as tliose good jtrinces were:
" I loved him as my fririid, for ho I took him to he; hut I chieHy hived liim
for the love whii-li 1 thought 1 saw him bear ever towar<ls your liraee, singu-
larly ahove all other. But now, if he be a traitor, 1 am sorry that ever I loved
liim or trusted him, and I am very glad that his treason is discovered in time ;
but yet again I am very sorrowful ; for who shall your Grace trust hereafter,
if you might not tiiist him ? Alas ! I bewail and lament your Grace's chance
herein, I wot not wliom your Grace may trust. But I pray God continually
night and day, to send such a counsellor, in his jilace, whom your Grace may
trust, and who for all his (lualities can and will servo your Grace like to him,
and that will have so nmcli solicitude and care to preserve your Grace from
all dangers as I ever thought he had."
This letter has been described as remarkable for its " very earnest and
persuasive" tone ; but in truth this fcigiucnt conveys no request what-
ever on behalf of Crumwell ; and if any was made, the communication,
as addressed to such a man as Henry, was not likely to operate in his
favour. The remark made as to Cranmer's letter respecting Anne Boleyn,
is not less applicable here. The alternative is put in such a style as to
prove injurious ; the " hiU noiv, and if" were, at such a moment, almost
fatal to any escape, or equal to acquiescence. The quick eye of the
Monarch, already incensed, would at once fix on certain expressions —
lie is " very glad" he says, " that his treason has been discovered in
time," — nay he only heard yesterday, and is already " praying night and
day that God would send such a counsellor in his jilace !" Taken all in
all, to say the least, this was by no means the judicious effusion of a
friend " born for adversity," or bent on fair dealing.
It was on the day after his arrest, or Friday the 11th, that Crumwell
underwent his first examination. Though denied the benefit of a public
trial before his Peers, he seems to have been confronted with at least
one accuser, in presence of certain members of the Privy Council ; and
having thus far ascertained the accusations against him, the next day
he sent his first letter to the King, dated " Saturday, at your Tower of
London."^ Even this, however, he had not presumed to do without a
direct message from his Majesty, thi'ough the " Controller" of his house-
hold ; requesting him to wxite " whatever he thought meet concerning
his most miserable state and condition."^
Taken in connexion with the history through which we have passed,
this letter enables us to penetrate so far into the secrets of the cabal
*s The date is fixed by interniil evidence, from the style in wliich he refers to laxt Situdai/,
or the Gth of June, whicli was tlie last in wliich he was at large ; and as he also alhides to his
examination, it must have occurred the day before.
** The messcnficr sent was likely to be regarded as the forerunner of certain death, if the
Comptroller was no other than the often-dreaded Sir William Kinpston, Constable of the
Tower ! The very same man whose appearance instantly struck death into the heart of Cardinal
Wolsey, and whoso treated Anne Boleyn. lie was yet alive, but died this year, about three
months after Crumwell. Ho had been Governor or Constable of the Tower from 1524 to 1 j4(l,
and was succeeded by Sir John Gajjc.
1540.] THE FIRST CHARGES. 109
against Crumwell, as well as the charges preferred at first against him.
Treason was the first ; Injustice to the commonwealth, by winking at
combinations, conventicles, or such as were offenders against the laws,
was 'CixQ second ; Disclosing a state secret, which, in fact, was nothing
more than that Henry had resolved to divorce his Queen ! was the third.
This appears to have been the whole count on this first day ; and the
letter sent takes them all up, in order. The three charges he denies,
though in a style which it is painful to read. His imprecations on him-
self, if any one of these im])utatious were true, ai-e not only so frequent,
but so dreadful, that as in all such cases, one is at a loss to know whether
they wei'e well founded or not. At the same time, the most serious charge,
that of treason, so far as it was now laid, appears to have been base,
hollow, and incredible. In rebutting it, one or two singular circum-
stances are disclosed.
It will be remembered, that in the year 1536, by Crumwell's own sug-
gestion, a Court was formed, styled " the Court of Augmentations," to
register and secure the enormous sums coming in to the Crown, by
the suppression of monasteries. Here, it was affirmed, the treason had
been uttered or disclosed, and apparently in the summer of 1537. Why
then was not the present witness seized for concealment 1 Better men
had fallen in these days for no other crime. But who turns out to be
the accuser \ It was no other than a man already famous, or rather in-
famous, for ensnaring state prisoners. Richard Rich, the Chancellor of
this very Court. The blood of Sir Thomas More, if not also of Fisher,
Bishop of Rochester, was already upon him. He it was who at least en-
snared them both in one day ; so that Henry's Council had taken ad-
vantage of Rich's baseness before now ; though still it is remarkable,
that the first insinuations against Crumwell should have been laid in
the very Coui't which he had himself established.^ Rich, in his allega-
tion, referred to another person, named Frogmorton, for so Throgmorton
was then often spelt ; but he, very conveniently, could not be present,
either to confirm or deny the statement. If this was Michael Throg-
morton, of whom we have before heard, a gentleman of family, the con-
fidential agent and friend of Cardinal Pole, he was distant as far as Italy.
He had re-visited England in very critical circumstances, as we have al-
ready seen, and used to make it his high boast, ever after, that he had
then deceived or outwitted both Crumwell and Sir Richard Moryson in his
employ.^ If this indeed be the man, for we can find no other, Rich, in
2" See vol i. p. 480. Ricliaid Rich, who had been Speaker of the Commons, was Solicitor-
General, as well as Chancellor of Augmentations. Afterwards created Baron Rich of f.ceze, he
became Lord Chancellor, and was ever noted as a persecutor. Burnet, and even Strype, con-
found him with Sir John Baker, the Attorney-General, a different man, who was Chancellor,
not of Augmentations, but of the "tenths and first-fruits;" and was not even appointed to this
office till after Crumwell's death, or the 3d of August.— /?i/OTfr'* Fmdera, xiv., p. 7(12.
«8 See vol. i., pp. 528-5.30. Throgmorton had been attainted for treason in December I."i.m
110 TREASON UKNIKI). [noOK II.
the wickctlncss of liis lie;irt, well knew that he was now touchiii}; Henri's
tender too. Any thinji; ju the rtlightcst connexion with Pole, or any
friend of his, put him at once into a rage. No sujijiosition, however,
could be more preposterous, than that the shrewd, though fallen minis-
ter, should then especially utter one word, or do a single thing, border-
ing on treason against his royal Master ; much less in presence of either
Rich or Throgniorton. ]5ut what does Crumwell himself say in reply i
We except the imprecations —
" And now, most gracious Prince, to the matter. First, where I have boon
accused to your Majesty of treason. To that I say, I never, in all my life,
thought williugly to do tliat thing that might or Khould disiilcasc your Majesty.
Mine accusers your Grace knowotli ; God forgive thoni. Most Gracious Sovc-
roiijn Lord, to my rcnicinbranco, / jieeer fpakc vith the Cliaiiccllor of the Ang-
metttal'ious and Throgmorton together, at one time; but if I did, I am sure 1
spake never of any such matter. And your Grace kuoweth what manner of
man Throgniorton liatli over been, ever towards your Gi-acc and your proceed-
ings ; and what Ahistcr Ciiancellor Iiath been towards me, God and he best
knoweth. I will nc can (neither) accuse liim. What I have been towards
him, your Majesty right well knoweth. I would to Christ I had obeyed your
often most gracious grave eouusels and advertisements ; then it had not been
with mc, as now it is."^l'
With regard to the second charge, Ci-umwell speaks in measured lan-
guage, but as for revealing Henry's mighty secret, this he pointedly re-
futes. The minute style in which Crumwell dwells on this, the intended
dismissal of the Queen, only shows what a fastidiously tyrannical being,
and capricious even to childishness, his Master was. There was not a
single courtier, nor even any of the people who cared one straw about
the matter, who were not anticipating what he actually did so soon.
To call it a secret was ridiculous.
This first examination, therefore, if intended chiefly to ensnare, which
it probably was, seems to have failed of its eiFect. But it was only a
preliminary step to a far broader bill of attainder, without the trouble
S9 Cotton MS., Titus, B. i., fol. 2fi7, oripiiiiil, and printed in Ellis' Letters, second series,
vol. ii., p. I(K}-4. Jlichacl ThroRmorton, or Throckmorton, (a younper branch of one of the
most ancient existinp f.imilics in England, tmccd up by Dupdale to the middle of the 12th
century, and to this day the stcdfnst adherents of Rome.) was the second son of .Sir Robert
Throgmorton of Cougliton, in Warwickshire, who died in a pilgrim.nge to Jerusalem in l.i20 —
this son, then a youth, being at Florence. He remained in Italy throughout life, and fifteen
years afterwards became a devoted adherent of Cardinal Pole. In consequence of this, as al-
ready noticed, he and Fri.ir I'cyto had been attainted for eighteen months past ; and as the
mother of Peyto was a Throgmorton, they may have been related. In the chancel of the little
church at UUenhall. in Warwickshire, there is a monument for Throgmorton's son, on which
the following inscription was cut, as preserved by Dugdale— " Here lieth the body of Francis
Throgmorton, born in Mantua, son of Michael Throgmorton and Agnes Hedc — which .Michael
had lived many years in Italy, in good and great reputation, with bountiful hospitality, enter-
taining most of the noblemen and gentlemen in Engl.and, in the very beginning of Queen Mary's
reign- and received of her gift the manors of Honiley, lilackwcU, Packhurst, Winderton, UUen-
hall, and others, by letters patent. He is buried in St. Martin's Church in JIantua," having
died on the 1st of November VuM.—Dugtlalc'g Ifarieicktlihr, pp. 74J», (IIB.
1540.] BILL OF ATTAINDER. Ill
of any farther iiKjuiry, which was brought into Parliament on Thursday
the 17th. Cranmcr, who had hecn in the House of Lords every day
they sat since the 10th, was not now present ; but the Earl of South-
ampton entered and took his scat, and as Lord Privy Seal ! The bill,
therefore, was but a mere form, in iisual style, and Crumwell's certain
disgrace, if not death, was now apparent to all. On Saturday this bill
was read the second and third times, when Cranmcr ^cas ]iresent, and,
by his silence, acquiesced. It was then sent down to the Commons,
where, however, there must have been some hesitation or objections, as
it remained there for ten days. In the end, having drawn out another
bill, they sent both uji on the 20th. The Lords, more zealous than ever,
accepted the bill sent up, and having read it three times at one sitting,
the King also assented on the same day.
Envied by the nobility, hated by all the clergy, whether secular or
regular, and now, in consequence of these enormous subsidies, by many
of the Commons, this bill afforded the long-sought opportunity for dis-
playing the meanest and most ungenerous hatred. Against a man, so
loaded with office, and so engrossed in all public affairs, it was an easy
task to draw out a bill of attainder sufficiently long. Not that Crum-
well was such a notorious offender, compared with his accusers. To a
man they had all sinned, as far as their more limited sphere allowed ;
and proceeded with, after the same fashion, few, if any of them, could
have escaped with their heads on their shoulders. But Crumwell's day
was come, and these men took special care to vent all their spleen
against him. They rated him as " a man of very base and low degi-ee,"
who had " released persons convicted of misprision of treason" — had
" misused manifold sums of money" — had " ajjpointed many to be com-
missioners in urgent affairs, and granted passports to others, without
the royal assent" — and who, they repeat, " thovigh a person of as poor
and low a degree as few be within this realm, did declare that he was
sure of the King." He was, besides, " a detestable heretic, and en-
courager of heresy" — " had acquired by oppression, bribery, extort, and
power, innumerable sums of money and treasure" — and " being so
enriched, hath had the nobles of the realm in great disdain, derision,
and detestation, as by express words, by him most opprobriously spoken,
doth appear."
Their bill having passed, and the King assented, the very next day,
no doubt, these men were ready for Crumwell's execution, and would
have rejoiced in it ; but he is not to die for a month to come. On
Henry's part there must have been some wavering ; at least he had
sent Audley, the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Norfolk, and Lord
Russel, (whose life, by the way, Crumwell had once saved when abroad,)
with a message to the Tower, infonning the prisoner of the bill having
passed, and inquiring once more into circumstances connected with the
112 CRUMWELL IMPLOKING PITY. [book 11.
last marriage. From the minute rei>ly sent next day, or the last of
June, it appears that his Majesty had sent C'rumwcll money, and this
seems to have either encouraged the hope of life, or led him to plead the
more earnestly for it. At the same time he says —
« Sir, iijton my knees I most huniMy besoocli yoiir jp^cious Majesty to be
good and gracious lord to my jjoor son, the ^ood and virtuou.s woman Iiis wife,
(actually the sister of lleiiry's laxt (luen, Jane Seymour,) and their poor
children, and also to my servants ; and this I desire of your Grace for Christ's
sake." He closes in the following terms — " Written at the Trjwer this
Wednesday, the last of June, with the heavy heart, and trembling hand, of
your Highness' most heavy and most miserable prisoner, and poor slave,
Thomas Crumwull. Most gracious i'rince, I cry for mercy, mercy, mercy I"*^
For four weeks from this date did Crumwell remain in a state of
suspense, while at least two other letters had been addressed by him to the
King. According to Foxe. in reference to the first of these, on applying
to one of the commissioners to convey it, he refused, saying, that " he
would carry no letter to the King from a traitor." Crumwell then in-
quired if he would convey a message, when he assented, on condition of
its not being contrary to his allegiance. Upon this, Crumwell appealing
to the other Lords present as to the promi.sc, and turning to the man,
only said — " You shall commend me to the King, and tell him, by the
time he hath so well tried and thoroughly proved you, as I have done,
he sliall fiiul you as false a inan as ever came about him." If this was not
the Duke of Norfolk, who had so shamefully dissembled and deceived
him, it must have been Chancellor Rich, the Solicitor-General, and a
Privy Counsellor. The other letter was conveyed by Ralph Sadler, in
former days a clerk of Crumwell's, whose fortune he had made ; a letter
which it is said Henry commanded to be read to him three times.
The sphere in which the fallen minister had moved, was vastly more
extensive than that of any of his fellow courtiers ; and his temptations
being, therefore, more numerous, the ambiguity and inconsistency of his
character become at last quite confounding : but still, compared with
others, equally servants of the King, and near his person, it may be
allowed that, j)roj)Ortionalhj^ Crumwell was not worse than they. And
now, considering that he was a man who unquestionably had been of
immense service to his Majesty, during by far the most critical period
of his reign — that he had come to his master's aid, at a moment when
he was greatly at a loss — that he had been his chief counsellor and stay,
in many an exigency — and that, but for his holding such a tight and
steady rein, Henry himself might have fallen a sacrifice to the monks or
3n Cotton MS.. Titus, B. 1., fol. 2fi7. Tliis letter, though given hy Burnet as comi>lcte, is very
defective, as well as incorrect. Tlie omissions have been pointed out hy Sir Henry Ellis. See
" OriRinal Letters," second scries, ii., p. lOl. See also Otho, c. x., 241 240.
1540. J THE KING'S PRESENT PURSUITS. 113
friars — surely some consideration was demanded, and some pity for the
man's life, who pled so fearfully for mercy at his hands. But we should
greatly mistake, if we imagined that the King was much moved, or
rather at all aflfected, by all that had occurred. On the contrary, from
May downwards, nay, and dui'ing those very weeks of Crumwell's
misery, he was displaying the outrageous and increasing grossness of
his character, as well as all its heartless gaiety.
In the prospect of destroying Anne Boleyn, it may be remembered,
he must hold a tilt and tournament at Greenwich. So now, at Westmin-
ster, as late as the first week in May, he had been feasting sumptuously
with his Queen, Anne of Cleves, and all the Lords, on the very eve of
her divorce, and while that Parliament was sitting, which would soon,
with all due form, settle the business ! This feasting, too, was at the
close of a royal joust, tournament, and barriers, given by certain
knights.^^ Nor must these valiant knights pass unrewarded for all
their foolery ; and therefore large portions of the lands belonging to
the knights of St. John, were absolutely given away to divers of these
noble cavaliers.^ That priory, as we have seen, had been confiscated
on the 29th of April, or only two days before the joust began ! It was
on its last day, or the 5th of May, that Sir William Weston the prior
died of grief ! It was during their three days' play, or on the 3d of
May, that Crumwell, in Parliament and Convocation, was busy in pro-
curing his r«<;o?«e-tax, or those enormous subsidies, under the odium of
which he at last sunk ; and once sunk, Henry proceeded immediately
with the divorce. His last inquiries sent to the attainted Crumwell had
this alone in view ; after which the Parliament instantly went on to dis-
play its accustomed servility. Let the following scene bear witness.
On Tuesday, the 6th of July, his Majesty's ministers, no doubt under
orders, having consulted the House of Lords on his situation, they, with
the Commons, petitioned their Sovereign to allow the Convocation to try
the validity of his man-iage, and adjourned for two days to afi'ord time ;
Henry having profanely replied — " that there was nothing he held
dearer than the glory of God, the good of the commonwealth, and the
declaration of truth !" Cranmer, who had performed the marriage cere-
mony, concurred with this proposal, and was one of the commission ap-
pointed. Stephen Gardiner expounded the matter in order to the Con-
vocation, informing the assembly that his Majesty had never given his
inward consent ! Among the disgusting details, poor Crumwell's letter
from the Tower was produced in evidence ! The Bishops, with their
underlings, were then unanimoiis, and presenting the sentence of nulli-
31 Sirs Thomas Seymour, John Dudley, George Carew, Thomas Poynings, Anthony Kyng-
stone, (as cruel a man as his father. Sir William,) and Richard Cnimivdl, alias Williams, the
nephew of Crumwell himself! Harry Howard, the Earl of Surry, is also said to have been pre-
sent. They kept open house at Durham Place from the first to the fifth of May, and feasted
the King and Queen, and all the hozd.i.— Halle. 32 Lord Herbert's H. VIII.
VOL. II. H
III. HKNKY'S MAR1UA(JE ANNULLED. [bOOK M.
ticntion on the 9th, next day Crannier rejiorted to the House of Lords,
that tlie marriage which he had celebrated was contrary to the law of
both God and man ; when they sent h im and Gardiner down to the Com-
mons to report the same ! Overcome with fear, for it coiild not be argu-
ment, Cranmer consented with all the rest. The dread of Crumwell's
doom might be before his eyes. The Commons also having given their
assent, not an hour was now to be lost, as the King's business demanded
haste. The very next day, therefore, being Sunday, Norfolk, South-
ampton, and Gardiner were at Richmond, busy enough in laboiiring to
secure the Queen's consent, nay, her approbation ! They assigned to
her i!3000 annually, with the palace of Richmond as her residence ;
but this income was to depend on her living in England, and as
the King's sister. In conclusion, she agreed literally to everything
proposed, and, as it is well kno^vn, lived in this country till her death,
seventeen years after.*''
The whole of this drama, however, becomes a farce, when it is once
observed that it had been all arranged, even before that Henry was
petitioned by the Parliament ! " All the parts of it were cast, three
days before, at the Privy Council, who communicated them to Clerk,
Bishop of Bath, in a despatch of the 3d of July."** But it was even more
extraordinary, that this Bishop had left England by the end of June, to
inform the Duke of Cleves of the King's purpose respecting his sister ;
nay, and before going to the Duke, he was to take Bi-uges on his way,
where the Emperor then was, and convey the tidings to him \^ Charles
was so delighted, that he instantly availed himself of Henry's change
of policy. Before Parliament was dissolved ; before the royal assent
was given to the divorce of Anne of Cleves ; and more than a week be-
fore the death of Cnmiwell, here was a large and pompous embassy ar-
rived in London from the Emperor. There was the Prince of ^lace-
donia, Don Frederick Marquis of Padula, the Marquis of Terra Nova,
Monsieur de Flagy, and sixteen other gentlemen in their train.^^ Ac-
cording to Halle, on Thursday the 22d of July, at the Court at West-
minster, " they were highly feasted, well entertained, and, upon their
departure greatly rewarded." It seemed as if they had come in time to
grace all the doings of our tyrannical Monarch whatever these might
be. It was only two days after this, that, in person, Henry dissolved
the Parliament, sanctioning all the bills past, and among the number,
that for his own, his third divorce. Cranmer was not present, and as
for the poor Duke of Cleves, he could only pocket the affront. A gene-
ral pardon was then passed, with certain exceptions. Among these were
the mother of Cardinal Pole, for " the Lady of tSarum " was not yet dis-
posed of, though Crumwell had been eager enough : there was Crum-
33 She died at Chelsea, 16th July I.Vi7, under Queen Mary.
3* Herbert. Mackintosh. 3-. Hcrl)ert. 3« Hallc.
l.">4(».] FINAL CHARGE AGAINST CRUMWKLL. 115
well himself, and Sampson, the Bishop of Chichester, whom he had incar-
cerated. They were all alike, at this moment, prisoners in the Tower I
Such were the leading occupations of the King and his Court ; or a
strange mixture of the grave and gay, the lively and severe ; while
Crumwell, once so high, lay all the time trembling for his life. It was
not, however, that he had been suftered to remain without notice. On
the contrary, as if the bill of attainder, passed in June, had not been
sufficient, his enemies were not idle in furnishing farther proof against
him ; and it would have been well for his memory, if nothing more
tangible had ever transpired.
In one of those letters to which we have already referred, there is the
following passage : — " And, sir, that ever / have deceived you in any of
your treasure ^surely I have (not,) aHc/THAT God Almighty hest knou-eth .'"^
This, it may be remembered, had been one of the charges against the
attainted minister, and in these terms of denial he replied on Wednes-
day, or the day after the bill had passed against him. But, alas ! for
Crumwell's uprightness, nay, and now his veracity ; only eight days
after, when certain accounts came to be handed over to the Earl of
Southampton, as Lord Privy Seal, we have but too sad proof, that his
far too solemn assertion, was only making what was bad still worse.
There was a man who had acted under him in money matters, who,
from self-interest, or in self-defence, was now become a determined ad-
herent of the accusing party, or, rather, secretly, he had been so all
along. This was John Gostwyck, who had been appointed treasurer at
war in 1536, and afterwards treasurer to the King's Court of first-fruits
and tenths. Under Crumwell's eye, Gostwyck had disbursed many large
sums, and his accounts since November last, required the royal sanction
on delivering them up to Southampton, the new Lord Privy Seal.
Humbly requesting his ^Majesty's waiTant for all he had paid, by Crum-
well's orders, since the 7th of November, he now, on the 8th of July,
presented the entire amount, and the various items : but there can be
no question that he must have been shielded from the wrath of the
King ; since he actually proclaimed his ovra disgrace in the same sen-
tence with his implication of the attainted prisoner in the Tower. His
statement is entitled — " Accounts of the monies John Gostwyck, trea-
surer, had in hand, when the Earl of Essex, T. Crumwell, was appre-
hended, and of sums since paid by him, 1540."^ The first article, ap-
parently of set purpose, is expressed in the following extraordinary terms :
" May it please your most excellent Majesty to be advertised, tliat T, your
37 This is one of the important passages not given by Burnet, in his very imperfect copy of
the letter.— Co«Wi 3IS., Otlio, c. x. See Ellis' " Original Letters," sec. ser.. vol. iL, p. 165. It
is curious enough that the well known fire in the Cotton Library should have taken one mono-
syllable from the manuscript, respecting which, however, there can be no question, from the
following words. 38 Cotton MS., A])pendix, xxviii., fol. \-25.
no FINAL CIIARGK AGAINST CIIUMWELL. (^BOOK. U.
most huniblo servant, John Gostwyck, have in my hands, wliich I treasured
from fi»/i<; to tinii; uiiknuirn unto the Earl of Essex, wliich if I had declared
unto him, he vould hare caused me to disburse by commandment, withoit
WARUANT, AS HERETOFORE I HAVE DONE, xM. H.," J. «. ton thousand pounds ! or
a sum tMjual to about £150,000 of the present day.
Rich, the Chancellor to the Court of Augmentations, had been among
the first accusers, and now came this treasurer of the other Court ;
who, on the top of the next page, takes care to glance at the suViject
once more. " Memdm. — That there remained in the hands of John
Gostwyck, the 8th day of July, in read)/ money, ten thousand pounds ;"
a most acceptable intimation to Henry the Eighth.*'
Thus from those self-same money courts, which the fallen Earl had
himself established at an early period of his career, came the arrows
which must have pierced him through with sorrow, when near its close.
In attempting to account for Crumwell's execution, this material charge
has never been observed by any historian ;''*^ but of the injury he must
have sustained by it, more especially after such a solemn previous de-
nial, there can be no question.
There was no subject respecting which his Royal Majesty was more
jealous and severe, than that of property of any description, supposed
to be embezzled or concealed. He had disturbed the last hours of
39 The accounts after all are not distinguished for accuracy. He says, on the 8th of July,
that he had paid by Crumwell's orders, since 7th of November, £l5,828, 128. Od., for which he
now humbly requests his Majesty's warrant ; and, yet, when he comes to particulars, they
amount to not more than £l5,3;t4, 18s. 5d., which he sums up £l5,704, 18s. 9d. ! Several of
the items in this account are far too curious to pass unnoticed : " To William Gonson, for
transporting the Queen's Grace from Calais to Dover -t'SOd"— besides other sums amounting to
above £7'>", connected with Anne's coming. These, when added to others in Sir John Wil-
liams' Account-roll, raise the expense to above £4000. But, besides, we have here £()3<Xl, 2s. 4d.
for the great wardrobe already paid, and £2970, 18s. lid. still to pay— or, in all, £1.3,274. 3s. Id.
The entire expense, however, was more than this, which was a pretty good sum in those days,
for only one wrong step, or a political marriage followed by unmixed miser)'. In this same
account, however, we have items of a very different character. " To Benedict (Bciieilttto the
Florence artist,) and others, for workmanship upon the King's tomb, £l42. Us. lOd. And for
6600 weight of copper delivered for the same tomb, £77, 5s. 3d." " Item. To know whether I
shall pay for the workmanship of your Majesty's tomb monthly, which will amount to about
£20." All this was in pursuance of the design commenced by IFolsey, for which he had paid
Benedetto 42.')<i ducats for work done ten years ago ! The stately tomb was never finished, but
a hundred years after Henry's death it was taken down .ind sold by order of Parliament. Thus
in the shape of a monument to their memory, Henry rill., ff^olsey, and Crumtn'H, lie alike un-
distinfluisheJ ; but that such sums should have been paying now, and included in this last ac-
count under Crumwell's eye, is singular enough.
This unprincipled underling, Coftiryck. was bom at Willington. in Bedfordshire, and next
year was purchasing that lordship from the Duke of Norfolk, the main persecutor on the pre-
sent occasion. He was the son and heir of Sir John Gostwyck, Master of the Horse, and pome-
time after this, as member for the county, had the audacity to accuse Cranmer also, for heresy.
This being done openly in Parliament, it soon reached the King's ear. But allowed as he w.is
to escape now, he w.as not permitted to do so then. " Go," said Henry to one of his privy
counsellors, " and tell that varlfl Gostwyck, that if he do not acknowledge his fault unto my
Lord of Canterbury, and so reconcile himself towards him. that he may become his good Lord,
I will soon both make him a jioor Gostwyck, and otlwririse jmnish him, to the example of
others." The family, an ancient one, was afterwards ruined by electioneering contests, and the
property is now in the possession of the Duke of Bedford.— Cyson't Brit. Beds., p. 150. Strype's
Cranmer, folio, p. 12.3.
*' It was only first brought to light by Sir Henry Ellis in 1827-
1540.] EXECUTION OP CRUMWELL. 117
Wolsey by eager inquiries, through Kingstone, as to a sum of inferior
amount, which, after all, was none of his own.'*i And the eagle eye
with which he searched after the jewels, the money and trinkets, or the
stitf as they phrased it, belonging to all attainted persons, often ex-
hibited the strongest featiu'es of the perfect miser —
Sagjacious all to trace the smallest game,
And bold to seize the greatest.
Pity for either man or woman, high or low, at such a time, was en-
tirely absorpt in desire for theii- property. And well did Crumwell
know all this ; so well, that in his most earnest letter to his Majesty,
he had done the very utmost to make the string vibrate — " If it had
been, or were in my power," said he, " to make you so eich, as ye might
enrich all men, God help me as I would do it." Long, too long, had he
acted, and powerfully, as Purveyor-general to this prodigal Monarch,
and often had he fed this appetite for property and money ; but the
more he had done so, it had only increased in vigour, with various other
odious passions.
How long this man, Gostwyck, had taken to accumulate so large an
amount, unknown to his superior ; and when, or whether he intended
to disclose his strange course, he does not state ; but the style in which
he now expressed himself, left the mind of such a being as Henry, open
to unbounded suspicion. Intelligence far less astounding was more than
sufficient to have produced a tumult of rage ; and from some reference
made to Crumwell, by his impetuous master afterwards, as well as the
manner in which he acted towards his son, we have considerable evidence
that his death occurred at such a moment.'*^ Although, therefore, there
had been no other discovery, this alone, in connexion with the clamours
of so many of his coui-tiers, may serve to account for the final determina-
tion respecting the Earl of Essex and all his possessions.*'^ Only four
days after Parliament was dissolved, on the moaning of Wednesday, the
28th of July, he was beheaded in the Tower, and buried within its walls,
in the Chapel of St. Peter ad vincula, where so many victims had pre-
ceded him, and to which so many followed. All his property was, of
course, forfeited to the crown.**
41 Singer's Cavendish, i., J>. 316.
42 Henry is said to have wished for his Crumwell again, and even to have lamented his fall
after it was too late, but at all events, within five months after his death he created his only son,
Gregory, Baron Crumwell, restoring or conferring certain property, and summoning him, as Baron
to Parliament. See a letter from his lady, confirmatory. Cotton MS., Vespas. F. xiii., fol. 157.
43 Marilliac, the French ambassador, had said, what Le Grand took for granted, that among
Crumwell's correspondence with Germany, there was found evidence of his having betrayed tho
confidence of his Sovereign to these princes ; and upon this second-hand assertion alone, Lin-
gard hangs the irritation of Henry at the moment. But there is no substantial evidence of this,
though the Frenchman might hear as much and more, among the clamours to which we have
alluded. The bill of attainder, such as it was, carries no proof; but charges as to sums of money
arc there twice mentioned.
•I'l Crumwell's house in London was situate where the Hall of the Draper's Company now
118 CHAKACTKK UF CRUMWKLL. [book 11.
Upon a final .survey of the extraordinary course of Thomas
Cruinwell, it must he evident that lie was a man possessed of
very superior natural parts, and that they were employed
with extraordinary diligence and industry. As to worldly
affairs, his judgment is said to liave been methodical and
solid, his memory strong and retentive, and tliat no one was
more dexterous in findinfj out the desijjns of men and courts,
nor any man more reserved in keeping a secret. He has been
represented as mindful of favours bestowed upon him in earlier
life, as considerate of the poor in their suits, and bountiful to
those wlio were in greater need ; but if all this be granted, it
only lends additional regret to the positive transactions which
have been here recorded.
With regard to his state of mind, or whether he had anv
fixed sentiments at the moment of death, we are shut up to
the necessity of simply saying — to his own just and unerring
Judge, he then stood or fell. To draw any rash or positive
conclusion respecting the dead, in such a case as the present,
from what was uttered in the last moments of existence, is
not merely presumptuous ; it may injure the living, and
damage the improvement to he drawn by survivors, from the
contemplation of the entire character. Historians have dif-
fered in opinion, it is true, respecting Crumweirs exit, but
they had not sufficiently investigated his previous character,
which can be understood only by the leading transactions of
his administration, and his own letters. In tracing the one,
and perusing the other, though predisposed in his favour on
the whole, we have been compelled at an early period of his
public career, to rank him as a man but very low : and since
he has been so frequently held up as favourable to the cause
of truth, we have anxiouslv watched, and waited for a chan£:e
to the better, but have waited for this in vain. His progress,
even unto death, must ever be painful to every reflecting
mind, and his fall, as before observed, when duly considered,
is far more afiecting than even that of Wolsey. A man"'s
ambition, indeed, is generally in proportion to his capacity,
and that of both men was confessedly very great ; but then
Crumwcll knew much more of the theory of Christianity than
standi*, ID Throf>inoTton'g Street, near its junction with Broad Street, and was sold by Henry to
tliat Company in 1541. A curious description of its interior, as well as a sketch of its appear-
ance, may be seen in Herbert's History of the Livery Companies, vol. ii.. p. 471/2.
1540.J THE TWO VICARS-GENERAL. 119
his predecessor, and had enjoyed far better opportunities of
witnessing its influence. Unliappy man I at the close of his
transient career, and because ambitious, at hist infatuated, it
ahnost seems as thougli he had determined to wade tlirough
contempt, into posthumous disgrace, and confound the judg-
ment of posterity as to his real character. Hence the difter-
ent views which have been given of the same individual ; yet
the course pursued by him admits of explanation, though it
be one awfully illustrative of poor human nature.
The King, from selfish motives, is understood to have re-
gretted his death, and soon promoted his son. Norfolk and
Gardiner were the willing instruments of his ruin : between
the former and Crumwell there had existed a deadly hatred,
which M'ill be abundantly evident, as soon as the Duke comes
forward to his day of terror, and the exposure of his charac-
ter, when the vindictive cruelty of the Monarch was approach-
ing to its awful termination.
Such, at all events, was the end of Thomas Crumwell, the
servant and successor of Thomas Wolsey ; but it is with their
official, far more than their personal characters, that the his-
torian and posterity have to do. They were Henry's two
great men ; for he never had a third. At certain periods,
each of them possessed no small influence over him ; and
though the surrender of his own opinions at any moment, to
either the one or the other, was out of the question, still, by
their skill in suggestion, he was swayed to a degree, of which,
at the moment, he was not fully aware. With no succeeding
men did the King ever so act, and at this crisis, the change
is not only apparent, but striking. Both Wolsey and Crum-
well had enjoyed some resemblance to a premier. They were
consulted generall}^, and were the instruments employed to
execute almost all the royal commands ; but Henry, from this
moment, became more emphatically his own minister.
There is, however, another point of view, seldom if ever be-
fore pointed out, in which the Monarch and his two Ministers
demand grave considei'ation ; and the more so as it is one in
which posterity ever since has been concerned, and is con-
cerned still. These men formed a trio, altogether unprece-
dented in England ; nay, whether before or since, no three
men ever occupied the same position. The moral characters
of all the three are alreadv before the reader, and cannot be
120 HENRY AND HIS VICARS-GENERAL. [uoOK II.
lorgottoii :i.s sulliciontly melancholy ; but ot" the importaucc of
their position, as official men, any one is able to judge, as
soon as he observes that their influence continues to the
present hour. Wolsey and Crumwell were the only two in-
dividuals who sustained au office which had been unknown
before, and has been unknown since, in this country, or in
any other. This, it may be anticipated, was that of Vicar-
ae?ieral, and though it died with the last, the question is
whether its results died also.
The curious peculiarities of this ominous, and most event-
ful movement, have been already detailed. Wolsey, in gra-
tification of his own lofty ambition when in France, obtained
this ojfice from llomc ; and, upon returning home, thus afforded
to his royal Master, as it were accidentally, the first taste of
what was called spiritual power. Nothing could be more con-
genial to the palate of such a tyraimical and unprincipled per-
son as Henry the Eighth, and though the first Vicar-general
soon died, the thirst which he had first provoked, remained.
The dominion of our English Monarch ended, precisely where
that of conscience commenced ; but as the man sought only
the indulgence and gratification of his own evil passions, hav-
injr once encroached, and once tasted of the forbidden fruit of
that sacred domain, he soon determined to take full possession,
and prescribe to all his subjects not merely what they were to
pay, but what siirrende7\ and what believe ! The King saw
standing before him, nothing more than a commoner and a
layman, against whom also he had entertained strong personal
prejudice; yet, boldly resolving, he at once raised Crumwell
to be Vicar-General ; and strengthening the appointment by
still more authority, gave him also a civil office of equal alti-
tude, to correspond. He made him Vicegerent and Vicar-
general, or the shadow of himself, simply to gain his own am-
bitious and avaricious purpose ; and this once gained, there
were to be Vicegerents or Vicars-general in England no
more ! All the official men who remained, of whatever
description, let them wince as they might, were to be as clay
in the hands of the royal potter, and so they proved.
Thus, however licentious the Monarch was, his skill in
taking advantage of circumstances, and his being gifted with
talents of no inferior order, become equally manifest. These
two men had formed a bridge for him to pass over, and down
1540.] THE LONG PROTRACTED CONSEQUENCES. 12J
he sat, ill his usurpation of power, superior and unknown to
any King in Europe. The first Vicar-general, before his ap-
pointment to that office, had helped him to his title of " De-
fender of the Faith," no matter though it was the old learning;
the second fixed liim in his seat, as " Supreme Head of the
Church of England ;"' and though Henry died, after all, an
adherent of the Roman faith, still it is matter of history,
that both titles he bequeathed to his successors on the throne.
Confirmed by Henry's most tractable Parliament, in 1544, the
titles thus assumed have not only continued to be worn, but
they have extended in their application over a broader surface.^^
Here then is a link, or rather the first link of a chain, con-
nectinsr the last three hundred years with the existins: a^e ;
and it is this which entitles the past transactions to a degree
of deliberate reflection common to no other period, before or
since. That this was a point of time, pregnant with conse-
quences, is allowed by all, and so the steps taken were initia-
tory ; though to follow this line of connexion between the past
and the present, is a task from which we are relieved, by the
design of these pages. At the same time, it may only be ob-
served, that this is not necessary in order to evince the long-
extended bearing of this remarkable era ; for among all the
changes since, not one has neutralised the influence and ef-
fects of Henry ""s claims. In their own day, and after their
own fashion by the movements already described, neither
Henry nor Crumwell, with Cranmer to assist, accomplished
their end. The King and his Vicar-general, with the primate
in union, first proposed for the kingdom " peace and conten-
tation," and soon after "unity of opinion;" but they originated,
nay fomented the reverse, and the only solid acquisition of the
day was money — money for the royal exchequer. As for the
new titles, and the claims involved, there were two opinions
43 About July 1541, we have an amusing instance of Henry's jealousy as to one of those titles,
in his being so oflFended with James V. styling himself " Defender of the Christian Faith." This
is expressed by Wriothsley, in the following terms : " Upon the arrival of Mr. Sadler, there were
conveyed hither from Scotland, sundry little books imprinted ; and amongst others, one entitled
' The trumpet of Honour,' wherein, in the very titling, in the first front of the book, the King
your Master taketh upon him, a ))iece of the title of the King's Majesty ; the King your Master
being therein called ' Dr/tnsourofthe Christien Fciih,' whereby his Majesty should have great
cause to think more than unkindness, if he would willingly take his title upon him. And tlie
conjecture is the more pricking, because he added thereto the Christien faith, as though there
should be any other than the Christian faith ; which seemeth to have another moaning in it, than
one good Prince can think of another, much less a friend of his friend, or a nephew of his uncle,
if he would show himself to esteem his friendship."— Gov. State Pajiers, vol. v., p. I.')l.
122 OTHER EXECUTIONS. [book ll.
then, ami, without intermission, there have been two opinions
since. No nation upon earth lias, on the whole, been more
loyal to their Kin^s, or more submissive to the civil Magis-
trate, as a branch of that Uuty which Christianity enforces ;
and yet, at the distance of three centuries, far removed from
the iron and brutal reign which wo have been contemplating,
the same subject which so divided the people of Englaiid then,
still divides the nation ; and though possessed of ten-fold more
intelliirence, divides it far more thorouirhlv, than it ever did,
or ever could, in the days of Henry the Eighth.
Stranjre ! after the long and varied course of her eventful
history ; after the sun has risen and set upon this favoured
laud more than a million of times, that for every line, bearing
on this subject, which was printed then, at the present moment
there should be a thousand. One day, to our posterity, this
must of necessity appear passing strange.
But to return. The unwarrantable power in which Henry had now re-
solved, not only to reign, but direct and govern, appeared at this moment
in all its enormity ; for only two days after he had despatched the Earl of
Essex, an event occurred, full of perplexity to all parties in his kingdom.
The number of persons who had been impeached or attainted during this
Parliament, and according to the fashion which CrumAvell, no doubt
vfith the royal sanction, had so unconstitutionally and cruelly intro-
duced, amounted to not fewer than a round dozen : and six of these
were ordered for execution forty-eight hours after the scene in the
Tower. As if awfully to verify the expressions which Henry had or-
dered Crumwell to utter, at the opening of the Session — that " he
leaned neither to the right or left, neither to the one party nor to the
other" — three of each were to be put to death ; that is, three, for what
they called heresy, and three for denying the King's supremacy ! The
three former were no other than Dr. Barnes, and even Garret and
Jerome. The names of the latter were Abel, Featherstone, and Powell.
One of each class being placed upon the same hurdle, by way of e<|ually
vilifying both, thus they were dragged from the Tower to East Smith-
field. No person present, not even the Sheriff, could answer Barxes,
wherefore he and his companions were put to death ; but they all suf-
fered with great constancy at the stake, while the others were hung at
the same time, on the same spot I A foreigner, it has been said, who
had mingled with the crowd, exclaimed, " What a country is this ! on
the one side they are hanging the Pope's friends, on the other they are
burning his enemies." Both parties .seeing their adherents so dragged
to destruction, were alike shocked and disgusted.
1540.] HENRY'S FIFTH MARRIAGE. 123
According to the general voice and opinion, the man who was at the
root of this barbarity was Gardiner, originating iu his pique against
Barnes. The imputation he tried to evade, and in print ; yet in vain,
for it attached to him as long as he lived. But the cruel procedure to
loth parties had become successful, through the existing division among
Henry's courtiers. Both divisions equally disowned the right of j^rivate
judgment, they vied with each other in servility, and to a man they
had already sanctioned the assumption of mental supremacy by a
Monarch, who so far from having any command over himself, was
governed solely by his own unrestrained passions. Such, therefore, was
the first act of Henry, after he became, more signally his ovn minis-
ter ; and if only for the first fortnight we observe his coiu-se, it will be
found sufliciently characteristic.
On Saturday the 24th of July, the King had sanctioned the bill for
his third divorce, and then dissolved Parliament. On Wednesday the
28th, he had put Crumwell to death, and two days after, Barnes,
Jerome, and Garret, with three others. Only ten days after this, or
on Sunday the 8th of August, his Majesty was married once more, by
Cranmer, that is a second time within the same year, and to his fifth
Queen, Catharine Howard, daughter of Edmond Howard, and niece to
the Duke of Norfolk ; the marriage and presentation at Cotu't being on
the same day. The uncle and niece are understood to have had no
small share in these bloody catastrophes ; but Henry had obtained his
wishes, promising himself, in the sequel, no small enjoyment. Nothing,
indeed, it has been said, could exceed his matrimonial contentment ;
but a little time will shew how long it continued. In the meanwhile,
the gentlemen of " the old learning" seemed to have recovered all the
influence and favour they had lost, under the sway of Crumwell. In
the summer Lord Lisle had been recalled from Calais, and his place
supplied by Lord William Howard, the brother of the Duke of Norfolk ;
and in order to carry on his amicable connexion with the Emperor, in
the month of November, Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, was
sent as ambassador. He had not, however, come to any audience by
the end of the year, and we have yet to see what transpired during
his absence of eleven months. " The reigning Queen," says Lingard,
" first attracted the royal notice at a dinner given by the Bishop of
Winchester."
Such was the year 1540, so far as secular affairs, and esi^ecially those
of the Court, were concerned. They enable us to view, with greater ad-
vantage and effect, their striking contrast, in a separate, and widely
different department.
For the five first montlis of this year, the most powerful
subject in the kingdom had been rising to the top of liis am-
124 Till': SCRIPTURES— RETROSPKCT. [boOK II.
bition. It was CruinwcU, with all liis lionours tliick upon
liiii), and crowned witli an Earldom — an Earldom of a hun-
dred days, or by far the most miserable period of his exist-
ence.'"' He is now dead, and buried in that Tower, to wliich
lie had often sent others. IJut as lie had finally shown him-
self ardent in favour of the Scriptures being printed, we arc
now furnished witli one of the strongest proofs as to whether
the progress of this cause depended on the life of any such
man, or was at all affected by the death of the Vicegerent
and last Vicar-general.
The cause of Divine Truth, properly so called, it has been
our imperative duty to preserve from being injured or mis-
taken, by identifying it with any doubtful or disputable
human character, however conspicuous on the page of Eng-
lish history. Let every man occupy the place belonging to
him, but that cause, correctly speaking, can be associated
only with the consistent and sincere. In no other in this
country has the Almighty so reigned, and so conspicuously,
as an overruler. Even historically, therefore, to drag in any
man, as though it depended at all upon him, simply because
he, at some moment, happened to be in office or in power as
a political agent, is only betraying the cause to the common
enemy of Divine Revelation. This is an error which has
been committed too long, and by too many historians.
In reference to Crumwell, the noble warfare which has been
already detailed, had not only commenced long before he was
even heard of, but it had proceeded in spite of him, after he
was known and in power. Indeed, after the year 1537, he,
or any such man, be he who he may, cannot appear in any
liigher character, than that of " one who had tarried at home,
and now divided the spoil." Crumweirs warmth in sanction-
ing, at the decline of his career, or even pressing forward the
printing of the Scriptures, has been sufficiently accounted for,
as resulting from political expediency. Acting, as he has
been proved to have done in other respects, it could proceed
from no higher motive ; and when John Foxe, in his first
edition, compares his zeal to that of Jehu, in the days of old,
he is far more accurate, than in many expressions which he
substituted afterwards, in his long and confused eulogy or de-
♦e From the IRtli of April to tlic L'Hth of Jiilv.
154.00 GROSS MISTAKE AS TO THE CROWN. 125
fence. He lived too near the time indeed, to know as much
as we do ; but it would have been wiser had he, and others
after him, said little move than he did at first. This zeal,
too, does not appear to have involved Crumwell in any per-
sonal expense, except in the case of Coverdale's ]3ible, which,
as we have seen, did not succeed. If there Avas any in the
aftair at Paris, which is not likely, as he was acting under
Henry''s application to the French King, it could be but
trifling ; since the books were afterwards sold, the parson
paying one-half, and the people the other.
The truth is, that the events of the day, if fairly reported,
disentangle this glorious cause, and place it altogether out of
the way of being confounded, either with the state of Eng-
land in other respects, or the men who governed the country.
On the part of man, assuredly, it was neither by might or
power that Divine Revelation, in the language of the people,
found its way into our native land, or afterwards spread ;
for his might and power were leagued against it. Of this,
from year to year, we have already had proof all-sufficient.
Yet so egregiously inaccurate have been the representations
of subsequent historians, that mere official characters have
been brought forward, so as to overshadow those of humbler
name. The latter sustained the brunt of the battle ; they
bore all the burden and heat of the day ; they sustained the
entire expense ; they ran all the risk, and they must no
longer stand concealed behind any man. The former^ and
not until they could no longer resist the tide, tardily lent offi-
cial sanction at one time, and then capriciously, or rather
wickedly, withdrew it at another, although that sanction,
when offered, literally cost them nothing, or nothing worthy
of any notice.
But not only have historians erred egregiously, and led
their readers astray : men who ought to have searched more
deeply, and been fully informed, have, very boldly, founded
arguments, in our highest courts of law, upon assertions
which were grossly incorrect in point of fact ; and this, too,
when pleading on behalf of the Crown. Let one instance
suffice for the present, as the subject must afterwards be more
fully explained. Two hundred years certainly had afforded
time sufficient to have known and established the truth ; yet
more than two hundred years after this period, in 1758, when
12G ({ROSS MISTAKK CORRECTED. (^BOOK II.
tlie Solicitor-riioiU'ral ot" 10n<,fl:iii(l was pleading before Lord
MausficKl and other judges, and talking wildly of the King
having by prerogative several copy-rights, he actually stated in
open Court, as his third ground for so pleading, that " the trans-
lation of the Great Eiwlish Jiihie under Grafton^ icas performed
at the King''8 expense ! Although this was too bad, there was
no person present who was able historically to confront liini.'''
Henry's character, no doubt, involved the most singular
contradictions. He was avaricious and prodigal, at ditlerent
moments, in nearly equal extremes. He has been said to
have diced away the bells of suppressed houses, and to have
lost thousands of the spoil at play, but he certainly never
spent his money in printing Bibles. From all we have seen
already, of course it was impossible that the King could pos-
sess any heart-felt interest in the Word of God. As far as
he was concerned, upon every hand sin abounded, and thus
the high favour of God to this country became the more con-
spicuous ; but so distant was Mr. Solicitor-General Yorke
from the truth, that no evidence whatever has yet been ad-
duced of Henry the Eighth having ever been at any ex-
pense whatever, in printing one solitary copy of the Sacred
Volume. Hitherto, we may aver, we have made this suffi-
ciently plain ; and as for the future, we shall see presently
who was at the expense, when even the editions with Cran-
mer's or TunstaFs name on the title-page, came to be issued.
But with "regard to poor Grafton, so unceremoniously robbed
of all due credit and honour, after having, at the very begin-
ning, personally embarked so large a sum in the undertaking,
it inay here be observed, that he had received as yet no more
than a fair remuneration for his outlay of capital ; and that,
ere long, he found himself safely lodged in the Fleet prison ;
from whence the zealous Bishops, ever true to their character,
and under this self-same Henry VIII., would by no means
relieve him till he had given his bond for oClOO (equal to
i?1600 now,) that he would print no more Bibles, nor sell any
more, until a certain period — and when was that ? Not until
the King and the clergy should agree upon a translation,
which, as we have seen, and shall see, they never did.'*"
*^ Blackstone, i., pp. 105, US.
•"< Prynn's MS., Inner Temple. Foxe, Lewis, and others, by mistake, have raised the fine
to fWXt. It has been suggested that Whitchurch may also have been punished. He was, but
1540.] THi<: lak(;e folio bibles. 127
Here, however, we have at least one proof that as far as
Grafton and Whitchurch had been concerned in printings
these were undertakings in which no part of the royal money,
or that of the Exchequer, had ever been involved. Had
this been the case, had one farthing of Henry "'s property been
embarked, it would have been at the peril of these Bishops to
have so proceeded, and they never would.
We turn, therefore, to the real state of things, and take up
the second series of Bibles, or the result of Tyndale's exer-
tions, as still more visible in his native land, and in the
Scriptures which were printed and published before the face
of the notorious Bonner. It should not be forgotten that we
now, in fact, see the Bible of 1537, as already described, with
nothing more than certain verbal alterations here and there ;
some of which were not improvements, and others, though
now attempted, in the end did not prevail ; while, at the same
time, the first introduced Bible, and verbally, as first import-
ed, is to be reprinted, again and again.
But, first, and with regard to those large Bibles of different
dates, to which the name of Cranmer was affixed in the title-
page, or four in number, and other tico editions, with the
names of Tunstal and Heath, and not Cranmer's, or six dis-
tinct editions in all ; such has been the confusion, that they
have hitherto baffied the research of all our bibliographers.
Preceding authors having failed, Dibdin happens to be the
last who attempted an explanation, and he fairly gives up the
subject in despair. " After all," says he in conclusion,
" there seems to be some puzzle, or unaccountable variety, in
the editions of the Bible in 1540 and 1541. The confusion
itself, indeed, may be accounted for. All those largest black-
letter Bibles are most interesting relics, for such was the
ordeal through which they passed, first in Henry's reign,
and then under his daughter Mary ; such the havoc to which
they were exposed from the enemy, or, in other words, such
the enmity evinced by official men, that the only wonder is,
that any of them remain. Yet, upon the whole, the number
left, or surviving, is by no means the least remarkable fea-
ture in their history. The consequence, however, has been,
by no means to the same extent. Of the two men, Grafton seems to have been the most
zealous ; and thus Bonner, after so beguiling hira at Paris, ever afterwards hated him. Had it
not been for Audley, the Lord Chancellor, Grafton might have fareil mucli worse.
12S THE FOLIO IJIBLES. [hook ii.
that, before an oxperiencod eye, many of them are found to
be copies made w/?.""-"!' This remark applies generally to all
collections, whether in our universities, our puljli<' libraries,
or in the hands of private gentlemen. Such, therefore, is the
value of a perfect copy throughout, of these liibles, or so
highly have they been estimated by posterity, above those
who first read them, that they have been sold for above forty,
if not fifty pounds sterling. The original price was ten shit-
linfjs in sheets, or twelve, when bound with bullions^ clasps, or
ornaments ; that is, about seven pounds ten shillings, or nine
pounds, of the present day.
In this state of things, the first step which required to be
taken, was to obtain perfect copies of all these six large black-
letter Bibles, with their genuine titles and last leaves ; as all
the editions to which we now refer, happen to be very dis-
tinctly dated, first on the title-page, and then more fully in the
colophon. Even after this, at first sight, it might be pre-
sumed, and it has been, when the books were viewed separ-
ately, that there were here probably not more than two or
three editions, with difi'erent titles, and another date in con-
clusion. Such a thing, however dishonest, though it has
often been done with certain books since, seems to have been
then unknown, for upon farther examination, all the editions
are distinct. On observing, however, that the catchword at
the bottom of the page, and at the top of the next, are in so
many instances the same, the next supposition may be, that as
there might not be types in sufficient quantity, after the first
impression was thrown off, the forms, in succession, may have
been transferred to another press ; and thus, like the plough-
man overtaking the reaper, copies might follow each other at
the distance of only three or four months. But even this
supposition will not solve the phenomena; for upon examining
the body of the page, so numerous, or rather innumerable, are
the differences in point of spelling, contractions, and even
pointing, that no alternative is left but that of comparing the
six volumes page by page. The reason for our being thus par-
*^ That is, made up of two or more editions. There have also been instances of making up
copies, Yty facsimile, whether by the usual process, now in such perfection, or even with the
pen, so beautifully as to deceive every one, save an experienced judRe. Except this be ex-
plained on the book itself, or when it comes to be sold, the deception cannot be too severely
condemned.
1.540.] IN SIX EDITIONS. 129
ticular will appear presently ; but who, it may bo asked, will
ever be at the pains to do all this I He must possess the perfect
copies, or havethe genuine leaves of all the six Bibles before him,
and these were not to be found in ani/ public collection in the
kingdom ; nor was this sufficient, for the very pages of each
and all must be patiently examined to mark their curious and
minute distinctions. But the fact is that, at last, all this has
been accomplished, through the indefatigable perseverance of
one gentleman, though we must not say at what expense.
Yet he himself, thus carefully collating them, the result is,
that of these large Bibles, specially intended for public
worship or public reading, there were six distinct editions,
three dated in 1540 and three in 1,541 ; two of which were
issued this year, and four in the next. In all such labour,
however, there is profit, though it may not appear at first ;
for even at this stage, there was still some degree of mystery
in every one of these Bibles being dated from London.
One day, in the metropolis, a gentleman, no inferior judge,
remarked to the present writer — " I cannot believe that these
Bibles were actually printed in London." " Where then,"
it was asked, "do you suppose?" He replied, " I think most
probabl}'^ in Paris.'''' But why so ? " Because of the type ;
for at that time the London types, as used in all other books,
were inferior to that fine bold letter." Certainly they were,
it may now be added, and these, there can be little or no doubt,
were Parisian types. But as for their being so employed in
that city, after the violent interruption in the end of 1538 ;
when once the wrath of the Sorbonne against Robert Estienne,
that is Stephens the printer, is observed, and still more, the
state of feeling between the French and English Kings,
throughout 1540 and 1541 ; such employment of these types,
and to such extent in Paris., must appear to have been alto-
gether impossible. Thus then, in the end, are we brought
back to admire the energy of poor Orumwell's character, in a
step, hitherto but very slightly noticed in history. In bring-
ing over the very presses, the Parisian types and even French
workmen, he had done his business thoroughly, after his own
manner. Types to a greater extent certainly, if not workmen
more numerous had arrived, than has ever been before imagined.
He had seen that the Bible being speedily multiplied, and
generally read, was his best, his only main -.stay, against the
VOL. II. £
130 riUSr ItllJI.K (Ih CUAN.MKK. [hook II.
insidious .-iml powerful opposition ol" " tlu'olil learning'' party.
So that but lor what he had done, we are now led to infer,
that Crau/ni'i' would never have had it in his power, to have
put forth at least such and so many JJihles as these. It was
something for Crumwell to have drawn such spoil, if not from
the " Fonderie du Koy," yet from its immediate vicinity, for
it certainly appears now to be far more than pi'obable, that an
English folio Bible printing in Paris, once interrupted, had
ended in iv'.r others being printed in London I^*' The history
of the books themselves, will aflbrdsomc farther curious infor-
mation, and the more so when taken in the order of their dates.
The first of these Bibles which was finished in April with
Crannier's name, we have referred to under 15:j.9, as prepar-
ing. We have seen that it had been subjected by Henry to
the inspection of certain Bishops, though morelyas individuals,
but belonging to that body, which had all along shown such
hostility to any translation whatever. The determined aspect
and imperative tones of the Monarch had very soon made
these enemies yield their feigned obedience ; and his heart,
however capricious, being in the hand of God, here is the
book entire, and with Cranmer"'s preface attached, enforcing
" high and low, male and female, rich and poor, master and
servant," to read it, at home in their own houses, and ponder
over it !*' This, the first Bible, is entitled —
" The Byh/c in Englislie, that is to sayc the contct of al the holi/ Scripture, huth
of the Ohio, and New tcstamet, witli a proloije tkenhito made hy the reverende
father in God, Thomas, archbishop of Cantorhury, CT This in the Bj/l>/e (ipoi/nted
to the use of the Churches. 9\ Printed by Edward whvtchurche. Cum
privilegio ad inipriniendmn solum mdxl." The coloplion is — " The ende of the
new TestamCt : and of the whole Bible fynisshed in Apryll, Ainio mcccccxi..
A lino facta est istud."
Of this first edition printed on English ground, there is a
splendid copy on Vellum, with the cuts and blooming letters,
curiously illuminated, in the British Museum. It has, for
so Theieal of Francis I. for fine printing is well know-n, and the types of tlie Royal printing-
office, which he founded, have hcen celebrated ever since, though they veTC certainly never
then turned to such good account, as in the case liefore us. The beautiful Hible of Holiert Ste-
phens in l.'>4(l was not spared by the virulent Doctors of the Sorbonnc, but drew uiion himself
their violent indignation. The Hoyal printing-oftice to this hour stands very high. Under
Napoleon, when Ihe Pontikp, his obedient servant, was in Paris, he visited this fine establish-
ment ; when the Directors jiresented him with the Lord's prayer, printed in one huiidml and fifty
different langu.tges, and all of them slrmk iifldinin;/ his visit.
S' In all the following titles, certain words, and jHirts of words, are printed in italic letter.
This is to mark the rxlirirs, or red letters in the genuine title-pages.
I.34(t.] KIKST lilBLK OK C'UANMKk. 1 .'ll
some reason, recently been rebound, in three volumes; but
splendidly in niorocco. This fine book, once actually pos-
sessed by Henry VTII., is valuable, as one key to the party
concerned in the cwpense of the impression ; for so far from
this being the King himself, this copy was given to him as a
present. The first leaf bears the following inscription in legible
characters — " This book is presented tmto your most excellent
Highness., by your loving faithful and obedient subject and dayly
oratour, Anthony Marler of London, haberdasher, ''"'^^ " Who
this haberdasher was," said Baker, " I wish to know. He
must have been a considerable man that could make such a
present to a prince, and seems to have been a sharer in the
charge of the impression."^ Respecting this London gentle-
man, nothing more has been ascertained except that he was
a member of this Livery Company, whose records were almost
wholly destroyed in the great fire of 1666: but that he was
more than a sharer in the expense of this, and other impres-
sions, will appear presently, and before the Privy Council.
No sooner were copies of this large volume ready, than the
King's brief for setting up the Bible of the greater volume
was issued, ordering now that the decree should not only be
" solemnly published and read," but " set up upon every
church door — that it may more largely appear unto our sub-
jects. Witness myself, at Westminster, the seventh day of
May, in the thirty-second year of our reign," i. e. Friday
7th of May 1540.^-''
It is curious enough, however, that there was another Bible
in folio, also dated in April of this year. It has been fre-
quently mis-stated as being Cranmer's, as if it were the same
as the last. There are various distinctions. It is not only
without Cranmer^s prologue, and difters from his translation
in the psalms and elsewhere, but the New Testament is said
to be after the last recognition of Erasmus : that is, it is the
same version as that which accompanied the Latin and Eng-
lish Testament printed by Redman in 1538. The book,
therefore, is to be classed with Matthew"'s or Tyndale's trans-
52 Lewis has led into mistake, by affixinp; this inscription to the next Dihle alxiut to )>e men-
tioned. He also puts Marirr for Marler. ss Baker's MS., in liis letter to T. Hoarne.
^* Foxe, .rtr.«/ edition, p. H20. This, it may be observed, was only two days before the Kin^
took offence at Crumwell. Lewis, and others, eonfound this brief of 7th May 1A40, with the
proclamation of the Cth May I'lAl.
i:j-2 ANOTIIKU lUMl.K, BKSIDKS CRANMER'S Sf-X'OND. [boOK II.
latiun. It is on a sinallor typo and paper tlian the last, and
soonis to liavo hoi-n intended for tlio nse of families, — Entitled,
" The Jii/Uc ill Kuijllfhe, tliat is to sayo, tlie contont of all tlio liolye scripture,
both of tlio old and iVt'c-t- Tt'stament, triicly translated after the veryte of tlie
Hebrew and (Ireke textcs. Printed at London by Thomas I'etyt and Robert
Redman for Thomas liertliclet, printer unto the Kynge'w Grace, 1540." The
Colophon is — " The end of the New Testament, and of the whole Uyblc,
finisshod in Apryll, Anno mcccccxl,"
This book had been submitted neither to the King^ nor any
Bishop, even thou£;h it was executed for his Majesty's printer.
It was warranted by Crumwell, according to the privilege
given to him on the 14th of November last. By the month
of July, however, another of the great Bibles was ready.
4r " The Bible in Englyshe, that is to sayethc omiet of al the holy Scripture,
both of the oldo and nuwe TestamCt with a proloije thereinto, made by the
revcrende father in God, Thomas Archbishop of Cantorhury. CT Thin is the,
Byble apoynted to the use of the churches. tfT Printed by Richard Grafton,
cum privilegio ad imprimcndum solum, mdxl." The coloplion is — " The ende
of the newe Testament and of the whole Byble, fynished in July, Anno mcccccxl."
Trembling for his life, and imploring mercy from his inhuman
master for a month past, this Bible is remarkable for its being
finished at the very time of Crumweirs execution, and the
more so from its having still on the engraved frontispiece, his
shield or coat of arms ! This had first appeared last year, or
1539, and now a third time in tin.'?! book; but Crumwell is dead,
nay. was put to death on the 28th of this very month, and
any other undertaking must have suffered, in which he, or any
other disgraced minister, had taken such a prominent interest.
It has been asserted, indeed, that after his fall, the Bible
was complained of, as being heretical and erroneous ; nay,
that means were taken to persuade the King that the free
use of the Scriptures, which Cranmer had so strongly urged
in his preface, was injurious to the peace of the country. But
a crisis had come, for here, by the month of November, a third
folio Bible is ready for publication. Two editions with Cran-
mer's name on the title, and marked as appointed for public
worship, were already out, and what was now to be done?
Crumwell is gone, and Cranmer had not power sufficient to
command the Bishops ; but there is one alive who in a mo-
ment can command them all, or any one whom he is pleased
to select. This book, then, must not be lost, nor even sup-
1540.3 TUNSTAL BOWS AND SANCTIONS IT. 133
pressed, tliougli the Vicar-general be no more. Nay, an ex-
pedient must be adopted not only to silence all calumny, but
push the sale of the work, to which, it will appear in due
time, neither the King nor the Bishops had contributed any
pecuniary aid. Here, then, was Tunstal standing by, who
of all the rest had been so conspicuous as an opponent since
1526, and it was fit that the unbending heterodoxy of this
original enemy should now be put to the test ; and here was
Heath, who had recently gone over to TunstaPs party. Henry,
therefore, did what seemed to him the best thing that could
have been thought of in these circumstances. He commanded
these two men to sit down, and say what they thought of the
Bible now ready. The book was printed by November :
meanwhile Gardiner is sent out of the way to the Emperor's
court, and Tunstal and Heath must apply to their task.
As Gardiner and others had delayed Cranmer's first edition,
and then declared in the end that there were " no heresies in
it," why examine the translation again ? We may reply, be-
cause of CrumwelFs execution, and because it was jnuch
better, by way of confounding the enemy, to make these
opponents speak out. They took time, till the year to which
the book belongs was ended, or the 25tli of March, and then
out it came with a title still more pompous, declaring the
fact as now stated.
" The Byble in Englishe of the largest and grentest volume, auctoryed and
apoynted by the comniandemente of our moost redoubted Prynce and soueraygne
horde Kynge Henry the VIII., supreme heade of this his chiirche and realme of
Englande : to be frequented and iised in every churche in this his sayd realme,
accordynge to the tenour of his former /MJunctions giuen in that behalfe.
•T Ocersene and perused at the commaundinet oi the Kynge^s Hyghnes, by the
ryijhte rererende fathers in God Cuthbert Bysshop of Duresme, and Nicolas
Bisshop of Rochester. Printed by Ednxird Whitchurch. Cum priuilegio ad
imprimendum solum. 1541." The Colophon — " The end of the New Testa-
ment and of the whole Byble Fynisshed in November 1540," though not pub-
lished till 1541.50
This was in truth another triumph over the enemy, one of
55 There is an instance of this edition in the library of the University of Edinburgh. The
title-page and colophon are as above, and it might be su])poscd, at first sight, that all was
right ; but upon careful inspection it is found to be made up oi two editions, or that of this year
and the next in ir<41 ; and, what renders the book more remarkable, it is a yiilow paper copy,
having only the last leaf of Cranmer's preface, and therefore none of those urgent arguments
why all should read. We have never seen or heard of a similar book ; so that it may be re-
ceived as a proof that the lAnl was conveyed to the paper after the sheets were printed otl, and
not Vjcfore.
i;U I'lVK KDITIONS THIS VKAR. [book II.
most grievous annoyance to Master (Jardiner ; and this
lie will not fail to discover on the first occasion in which he
can lind his hrethrcn assenihled, after his return from abroad.
Some poor petty spite was indeed already discoverable. The
reader will recollect of the homage falsely imputed to Henry,
by an engraved frontispiece to the three last Bibles ; in
which Crumwell and Cranmer are represented at full length,
above, as receiving the Bible from the King, and below, as
giving it to the people. At the feet of each figure, it will be
remembered, was his shield or coat of arms. The frontis-
piece, esteemed a treasure of its kind, must not be thrown
away. But the arms of Crumwell were now erased I Still
there stands the figure intended for him, and so it continued
to do, throughout seven editions ! That is, three of them
with his shield and four without. But if this was the first
with the shield erased, it was the first also with Tunstars
name, and the figure of Crumwell, now so well known, stand-
ing by. And is Saul also among the Prophets ? might not the
people have exclaimed, and perhaps did ; though we have yet
to hear aiiain of Tunstal and Heath's feigned obedience.
There had been no time left for them to alter the translation.
The book was laid before them, no doubt, as it had come
from the press. A title was wanting to suit the moment, and
Henry now^ his own Vicar-general, commanded the present
one. It will make way for two other editions from Cranmer.
In addition to these four Bibles, it is said that there was a
fifth, and in five volumes as small as sexto-decimo, printed by
Redman ; ^ but, at all events, there was a New Testament in
(juarto, with Erasmus and Tyndale in parallel columns. Thus
amidst all the turmoil, and in spite of foes, the cause went
forward, and still from conquering to conquer.
^ti Dibtliu's Ty]K>e. Aiiliq., iii. p. 235.
1511.] THE EUROPKAN POWERS. 135
SECTION IV.
EUROPEAN POWERS VERCJING TO IIOSTIMTY — SCOTLAND — HENRY AT YORK,
IN VAIN QUEEN ALREADY IN DISGRACE NORFOLK FAMILY IMPLICATED
THE THIRD LARGE BIBLE, WITH TUNSTAl's NAME, BY COMMAND THE
FOURTH, IN MAY'^, WITH CRANMEr's NAME EXPENSE OF THESE LARGE
UNDERTAKINGS THE MEMORABLE PROPRIETOR, ANTHONY MARLER
BONNER's FEIGNED ZEAL EARNEST READING AND LISTENING THE
FIFTH GREAT BIBLE, WITH TUNSTAL's NAME THE SIXTH, WITH CRAN-
MEIl's NAME GARDINER RETURNED, TO WITNESS THE PROGRESS NOW
MADE DURING HIS ABSENCE.
After the fall of Crumwell, after tlie ro^^al marriage of last
year, and some degree of amicable intercourse commenced
between the Emperor and Henry ; the Norfolk, Gardiner,
and Tunstal party may be considered as at the height of their
power ; so that whatever shall take place with regard to the
printing or publication of the Sacred Volume, becomes the
more remarkable, and especially when viewed in coimexion
with civil affairs.
Although the spirit of the English nation was now so crushed, or
sunk, under the despotic sway of her King, in the mouth of April an in-
considerable reliellion broke out in Yorkshire, but it was soon sup-
pressed, and the leader, Sir John Neville, with several other gentlemen,
l)ut to death. This rising having excited fresh fear respecting the in-
fluence or intrigues of Cardinal Pole, " the Lady of Sarum," or Coun-
tess of Salisbury, his aged mother, the last of the Plantagenets, on the
27th of May was beheaded in the Tower. Though in her seventieth
year, owing to her lx)ld resistance of the sentence, and the bungling
barbarity of the executioner, every spectator must have been horrified.
At this period, all the powers of Europe, but ill at ease, were once
more verging towards a state of open war. No man, however, could
have divined, how all the parties would ultimately arrange themselves
into two hostile bands ; and we shall have to wait till the spring of
1543 before they have assumed their respective and memorable posi-
tions. We refer not to England and Scotland only, or to France and
Spain, but also to Germany. Italy, and even the Grand Turk.
In the meanwhile, from the steps that Henry had taken, Scotland,
for some years, had proved a very awkward neighbour. His Majesty
had often felt no small solicitude that his nephew, .Tames V., should
follow his example, for so long as the Scottish bi-sliops reigned pre-
136 SCOTLAND— HKNKV AT VOUK. [boOK II.
doniiniuit, and their abbeys and moiuibteiiesrcinaiiied entire, here was a
standing national testimony against all that he had done. Besi.les,
England and France were now far from cordiality, and though the
French faction in Scotland had been weakened ever since the battle of
Pavia ; at the present moment, if James were in league with PVancis, he
might operate not only in the way of diversion, but aggression. With
the ostensible purpose, therefore, of receiving the submission of his
subjects, and quieting the northern counties, but chiefly in order to ob-
tain a personal interview with James, the King of England proposed
to meet him at York ; and the Scottish monarch having at least ap-
jjcared not unwilling, Henry set forward in his progress.
During the King's absence from London upon this journey, it may
first be observed, that the ill-adjusted state of the European powers
became very evident. Although Henry and the Emperor were profes-
sedly at peace, considerable discontent was expressed by the English
Council respecting our King's intercourse with the Low Countries.
The Princess Regent there was harassing the English Merchant-Ad-
venturers, and even impeding supplies of coiqier intended for his I\Ia-
jesty's personal use.' Gardiner, too, though he had left England about
the middle of November, at the end of the year had not come to a per-
sonal audience with the Emperor. ^
As for Charles and Francis they were on the eve of a rupture. After
the former had been permitted to pass through France, and so deceived
her King, he at last came forward with the following proposal : —
" Of two daughters which I have, I am willing to bestow the elder in mar-
riage to the Duke of Orleans, and with her for dowry the State of Flanders,
witli the stylo and title of King ; so shall Francis have two sons, both kings
and neighbours. As for Milan, let them not think that I will ever part
with it, since it were nothing else than to disjoint all my estates. And let it
not grieve the King, for I had it by good and lawful succession, and possess it
as belonging to the Eni])ire. Take Milan from me, and you take away my
passage between Flanders and Spain, Italy, Sicily, and Germany. This is that
T had to say, and if it please you not, there is no occasion to speak more of
the business."
Francis at once in a passion and affronted, I'eturned this answer : —
" Since he might not have his inheritance, he would have nothing else ;
neither would he care to speak any more of peace."-' We shall find him
lief ore long trying to negotiate with England.
Meanwhile, Henry being on his journey to York, by the month of
August, he sends to Audley, the Lord Chancellor, but with special
charge of secrecy, for an ample safe-conduct to be sent for James and
' Gov. State Papere, i., i>. (j(w-074. Sec befori' also. p. lifi., iio(<- .'III.
- Acts of Privy Council, vii. p. HUl. Hi- was with tlic Kmjicror at tin- Dii-I of Ratisboii in
.March tills year. Mem, p. 152. ■' Htrbirt.
l.Ul.] SCOTLAND— HENRY RETURNED. 137
his train ; though he was still not quite certain of success.'' In Sep-
tember he was in the city of York, where he remained from the 17th to
the 26th of the month, but it was all in vain.^ Cardinal Beaton, then
the prime mover in Scotland, prevailed at last, and upon some frivol-
ous or rather fiilse pretext, James could not leave his kingdom.
Vexed with the disappointment, if not enraged with his nephew, and
determined never to forgive or forget Beaton, Henry could only return ;
and it may easily be supposed, but ill prepared indeed to meet with any
additional mortification. Still the King had no great occasion to regret
his journey. On his way north he had received not only the submis-
sion of his subjects, but from at least ten different quarters in subsidy,
above £2200,^ a sum equal to above thirty thousand pounds ; and the
Queen having accompanied him in his progress, helped to soothe him
under his felt affront. Gardiner, too, having arrived from the Emperor,
had reached his Majesty about 48 miles from London, at CoUiweston,
(Weston Colville,) by the 16th of October.'^ He had come home in
good time to sympathize with his party, whatever should happen.
In company the King and Queen had arrived at Hampton Court on
Monday the 24th, where Cranmer and Audley, or the London division
of his Council, first met his Majesty. In the course of the week Henry
visited Cheynies and Windsor, but had returned to Hampton Court by
Sunday the 30th, when the Council again assembled, and Cranmer,
Audley, Gardiner, and others, were in attendance. The Duke of Norfolk
was then in London, but the next day he addressed a letter to his Ma-
jesty, which, from its spirit and contents, canied unequivocal proof that
lie had no expectation of any impending storm.
What is curious enough, it relates solely to a proposed marriage. The
King of France, now broken with the Emperor, was practising on Henry
once more. The French ambassador had informed his Grace of Norfolk
that " there was never thing that his Master more desired, than a mar-
riage between the Duke of Orleans and Princess Mary of England !"
Only he thought that " the communing of the marriage and of the 2)eii-
sion (so far behind and long due by him) should go together." Norfolk
replies in a very prompt and summary manner ; and, on account of what
immediately happened, it deserves to be noticed, he writes in a cheerful
style, ending " scribbled at Exeter -place this Hallow even, with the hand
of &c. Norfolk." «
In further proof that in the mind of the King also, all things yet ran
smooth and quiet, in reference to himself personally ; next day, the first
of November, in public he returned his " most hearty thanks for the
good life he led, and trusted to live, with his wife,'' commanding old
Longland of Lincoln, " to give like thanks with him."" Whether he
* Gov. St. Papers, i., p. (580. s Herbert. « Halle. 7 Acts of Privy Council.
» Gov. State Paiicrs, i., ii. (ilJR. ^ J.cttcr of Council, in Herbert.
138 HIS QUEEN IN DISGRACE. [bOOK M.
mill Ojirdiiicr, also present, as well as Norfolk still in town, were all ulike
in the dark, does not positively ajipear ; but as to his Majesty, so far
from uneasiness, he had never in the course of his reign, so emphatically
announced that he was in the enjoyment of personal and domestic
hai)i)incss. It was next day that he was awaked from his dream of
fifteen months' duration. After licing at mass, Cranmer delivered into
his hands a paper containing information received during his absence,
or shortly before his return from York, and the high delight of his
Majesty was at an end ! To be impartial, the subject was a very jiain-
ful one, though it was to a man who had so often occasioned anguish to
many others. Ilcnry, contrary to his usual, was slow to believe what
he now read, but was ultimately overwhelmed. The Queen, it here
came out, had l)een of abandoned character before her marriage, and
even since, it was now affinned, had not improved. An inquiry into the
truth or falsehood of the charges was immediately ordered, and the re-
sult was, that the King, unable to utter one syllable in reply, burst into
tears, which, said his Council, " was strange in his courage." To Nor-
folk, the uncle of the Queen, to Gardiner, who had so fostered the mar-
riage, to the Earl of Sussex, and Lord Audley, as well as to Cranmer,
had been assigned the task of examining the Queen. On the lOth of
November, she first denied, but in the evening, to Cranmer, acknow-
ledged the truth of the charges, and signed a written confession.'" This
monarch, however, must ever and anon disclose his entire character to
posterity, and it becomes more difficult to hold the pen. In order to
obtain if possible a more complete disclosure of guilt, but under an ex-
press promise of extending " his most gracious mercy" to the Queen,
although her life had been forfeited to the law, the King employed
Cranmer to visit her. He conveyed the message, and visited her twice.
The object had been to prove a pre-contract of marriage with one Der-
ham, and Cranmer went so far as to declare that he thought the con-
fessions made might be so regarded ; but the Queen did not, and denied
to the last any guilt, since she had been Queen.
Not less than six weeks had thus passed away, when, on the 15th of
December, to the still deeper mortification of Norfolk, the old Duchess
Dowager (widow of the commander at Flodden Field,) Lord William
<o Idem. Dr. Lin(;ard after stating that ttie events wliicli led to tlic Queen's elevation had
made the reformers her enemies, had said — " while she accompanied the KinR in his jiropress
to York, (I jiliii wit iniviii bii llirir imliistrii, which hrouRlit the younR Queen to the scaffold !"
In his la-it edition, constrained to correct the press, he now says— "a <lisrov<ti/ which they made
during her absence with the King in his progress as far as York, enabled them to recover their
former ascendancy, and deprived the young Queen of her influence and her life." And then, in
a note ; " I am aware that there is no direct evidrnre of nny plot ; but if it be considered with
whom the following enquiry originated, and with tchni art it was conducted, it is diflicult to re-
sist the fiitpii-ion of a political inlriffne .'" It is, however it seems, more diflicult to confess a
mistake, or acknowledge calumny. Certainly no parly could be more mortified at the mo-
ment, and the historian of the party may be expected to feel this, even now; but is this can-
dour, or impaitialitr ?
1.541.] NORFOLK FAMILY IMPLICATED. 13i>
Howard, the Queen's uuclc, lately returned from Calais, with his Lady,
and various others, were indicted for concealment of the treason. The
Duke of Norfolk, who had retired from the scene, eighty miles distant, to
Kenninghall, was now at his wits' end, and on the 15 th of December
writes in the greatest extremity, " prostrate at the royal feet.""
The grief of the Royal tyrant being, however, by this time perfectly
assuaged, the thirst for such money, jewels, or other stuff as belonged to
the attainted parties, became the leading feature of his character. Six
days only had passed away when there were 5000 mcrks in money, and
a thousand pounds' worth of plate under the care of Wriothesly, the
King's Secretary. " Methinks," said he on the 21st of the month, " I
would slee}^ the better if it were delivered. "^^ And he was soon relieved.
On the same day, probably before he slept again, he had the reply from
Sadler — " As touching the money and plate, his Majesty being in doubt,
whether it be brought by you Mr. Wriothesly, to his Highness' palace at
Westminster, or to i/our oivn house there, hath resolved, finally, that ye
shall deliver the same into the hands of James, ]Mr. Denny's servant.
The money to be in bags, sealed up with your seed, and the plate to be
put in chests, also sealed by you — to remain there in his Highness' palace,
till his Majesty's farther pleasure be known." l^ There were to be no
more royal tears shed after this.
Henry, however, always in character, must now call another Parlia-
ment, and do every thing, as upon all dreadful occasions, under the form
of law. As Parliament ever went hand in hand with him in all his
ways, the opening of next year will show whether his promise of " most
gracious mercy" was sacredly kept ; as once given, it ought to have
been ; but thus closed the year 1541. At its commencement the gentle-
men of the old learning, in high spirits, were looking forward in hope ;
at its close, they were in the lowest deep, and knew not what might
come next. Should that cause, therefore, which they all so cordially
opposed, have advanced throughout these turbulent months, surely no
man can now ascribe this, save to that overruling hand which has been
so visible all along.
Considerable interest belongs to this year, as being the last
in which Bibles were printed under the present reign, even
though Henry had still five years to live. By his " com-
" Gov. State Paiiei-s, i., )>. 721. It seemed as if every man anioiiR tlicm, must, in liis turn,
I>ass tlirough Iiis tit of trcmb/iiiy. For only two days before this, Cranmer liimsclf was put in
fjreat perturbation, and to sueli a deRree that lie actually misdated his letter to the King by a
whole month, writing the l.'ttli of .Jii iiiiari/ I'ur December. As it was all over with Catharine
Howard, this was no other than an Ambassador from the Duke of C'leves, to try and reconcile
the KiuK to Anne his sister! Of course there was no reply ; but tlic distress of Cranmer arose
from the messenger coming to liiiii at all, at such a time, and on smh a subject. Fortunately he
had letters also to the Fail of Southampton.— Gov. Slate Papers, i., pp. 714-717-
'2 Gov. State Tapers, i.. p. 7iJ4. '^ Idem.
140 TIIIKI) AND FOLKTU LAKGK IJIBLES. [BOOK II.
iiKindmciit"'"' we liave seen both Tunstul and Ilcitli irivinir in
their lulhercnco to the translation, and in an edition certainly
finished in November last. It may therefore be presumed that
the order to look over it, had come after the book was finished
at press, since it did not appear before the 25th of March this
year. IJut this would not suffice for 1541.
By the end of May another edition was ready by Crannier,
thus provin<; that, for all practical purposes, the version was
precisely the same throughout, whether his name, or that of
its ancient foe, Tunstal, was affixed. This edition, as if
marked out for observation, is ])articularly dated in red on
the title page, as well as in black at the end.
" The Byble in Englysh,that is to saye the content of all the holy ScryjAure, both
of the olde and newe Testament, with a ]>rolo(fe thereinto made by the reuercnde
father in Crorf, Thomas urchehyi^hoin if ('a ntorhury. CT This is the Bybleappoynted
to tlio use of the Churches. Printed by Edwarde Whitchurcii. Cum priuilegio
ad imprimendum suhmi. Finished the .rxtiiidaye of Ma ye, Anno domini .mdxli."
The Colophon is — " The ende of the newe Testament : and of the whole Byble,
Fynysshed in May mcccccxli. a diio facta est istud."
Here then was not less than the fifth folio Bible completed,
in the short space of less than two years. Nay, four have been
completed in thirteen months ! We liave before us there-
fore, unquestionably, a magnificent undertaking. Means
must be taken for the disposal of these volumes, and provision
for this end may well be made by those who had been at no
expense, should they possess atiy influence. We dismiss, at
present, the expense of all other editions, and taking up those
only in which we find the names of Grafton or ^M^itchurch,
partners in business as the printers ; from that first edition
which was imported by them in 1537 down to only the pre-
sent moment, we have six editions. The impressions thrown
oft" have been rated at from 1500 to 2500 copies; so that if
we take the medium, here were twelve thousand volumes.
We now know, from Grafton himself that d£^500 had been
embarked by hiin in the Jirst edition, given to Britain ; but
those that followed after, were still finer books. Grantin<r
therefore that there had been here a sum of no more than
riT.SOOO incurred, though there must have been more, this,
according to the value of money in our day, was equal to
forty, if Jiot forty-five thousand pounds ! "History, though
warm on meaner themes," Jias hitherto " been cold on this;"
15 J- 1.] THE MEMORABLE PR0PRIP:T0K. 1 H
and the reader of the present hour, except the transactions
be explained, may pass without notice, the most memorable
feature of the times. In the midst of the preceding still nobler
struggle, respecting the New Testament only. Sir Thomas
More had expressed his astonishment, on account of the ex-
pense incurred, and so much the more that he could never
fathom from ichence the money came. But what would he
have said to this cause now, not seven years after his death ?
Ah, and what would he have said to his friend Tunstal, who
so led him on the ice, by granting him license to " play the
Demosthenes," in opposition to Tyndale? And who now, by
the command of their common Sovereign, is openly mixed up
in the whole concern, though not in one farthing of the expense I
The memorable edition of 1537, and that chieHy printed in
Paris and finished in London in 1539, are not to be forgot-
ten ; but we now only look to those volumes to which the
brief of the King on the 7th of May last year, and the names
of Cranmer and Tunstal on the title-page direct us, or four
editions. These, according to our very moderate calculation,
involved <^2000 in advance, or equal to thirty thousand
pounds now.
Here, then, was a work of magnitude, to which it would
have been quite worthy of any King, or of any Govern-
ment, to have contributed. But if neither the one, nor the
other, bore the burden; if neither had even advanced any
funds in the meanwhile ; then from this time forth, and ever
after, " let honour be given to whom honour is due,"" — and
posterity venerate the memory of the man, or the men, who
so befriended their countrymen and our forefathers.
The sale, therefore, of these large volumes, so long loosely
styled " Cranmer''s Bibles," must now no longer be neglected,
lest the noble proprietor, though to us hitherto little more
than an unknown private gentleman, should be, as he said
himself, undone for ever. It was a crisis, in the finest keep-
ing with our entire history. There was no application about
to be made by him to Government, for any pecuniary aid,
and far less to Henry VIII. personally; but it was at least
proper that his Privy Council should be reminded of tlieir
royal Master"'s imperative injunctions of May 1540; and so
they were in prospect of Cranmer's last impression.
After the death of Crumwell, Henrv's Council was divided
142 TIIK MKMOKAUI-K I'KOl'RIKTOU. [hOOK If.
into t\V(» st'jKiratt' sections ; of wliicli one s;it i)i Ijundun, tlw
other was with the King; and, what is curious enougli, then,
for the first time we have regular minutes of his Privy Coun-
cil.''* It is from this source, the most authentic of all others,
that we hear more particularly of that worthy citizen, y\}i-
thony Marler. Strange ! that for three liundred years he
should have been overshadowed, by the King on the one hand,
and the Primate on the other ; but they are now both cer-
tainly here present, to witness for themselves, and to be over-
shadowed in their turn. Thus it is that "time unveils truth.''
Minutes of the Priri/ Con iirU : at (rrcertincli '2^j April, X\ of Henry VIII.,
that is 1541, "It was agreed that Anthony Marlei* of London, merchant,
might sell the bililes of the Great Bible unbound for x s. sterling, (equal to
£7, lOs.,) and bound, being trimmed with ))ullyons for xii s. sterling ;" or
equal to £9. What then must have been the cost of that splendid illuminated
copy, printed on relhivi, which he had presented to the King ? But once more.
Ih'ut. at Greemrich, 1 May. " Whereas Anthony Marler of London, mer-
chant, put up a supi)lication to the foresaid Council, in manner following," —
" Whereas it hath pleased you, for the commonwealth to take no small pains
for the fui'therance of the price of viy houhs ; most humbly I beseech the same,
to have in consideration, that unless I have, by the mean of proclamation, some
charge or commission that every church, not already provided of one IJible,
shall, according to the King's Highness' former injunctions given in that be-
half, (7th ALay 1540,) provide them with a Bible of the largest volume, by a
day to be prefixed and appointed, as shall be thought most convenient by your
wisdoms, my great suit that I have made herein is not only frustrate and void,
but also, being charged as I am with an importune sum (troublesome number)
of the said books now lyiny on my hands, am undone for erer. And therefore
trusting to the merciful consideration of your high wisdoms, 1 humbly desire
to obtain the same commission, or some other commandment, and I, with
all mine," &c.
Now, in reply to this application, we have not one word
from his Majesty, then presiding, from Cranmer, then pre-
sent, or from any other, as to any advance of money ; nor
indeed any other mode of relief, except that which was so
reasonably requested. Therefore, " It was agreed that there
shall be another proclamation made, and that the day to be
limited for the having of the said book shall be Hallow-
masse,*" or 1st November.''"' Only five days, therefore, were
allowed to pass, when there was issued —
I* The Register or Book of the Council, docs not niipi-ar to have been continued for more
than a hundred years ! Tli.it is after 14.1'), or the l.'lth of Henry V. ; and. with the exception of
some original miinitcs. ordinances ami letters, nulhing is recorded of the proceedings «if llie
I'rivy Council until the latter part of the reign of Henry VUI. The Kegister begins on the Idlh
of August l.")4(), ^.SVj- A'. //. Kicoltis,) or twelve days after tlie ileath of Crumwell. Hence
the value of his sad, but curious " Ufmaiibraiices." They should nil be printed verbatim.
'i Minutes of ihe I'rivy Council, printed 18.17, pp. la'j, IIMi.
154.1.] ANTHONY MARLER. I .|,;j
" A proclamation by tlic King's Majesty, witli the advice of his Coun-
cil, for the Bible to be had in every church, &c., devised the sixth day
of May, the 33d year of the King's reign" — That is Friday, O'th May 1511.
This pi'oclaniation, after referring to the former injunctions, goes on :
" Notwithstanding many towns and parislies within this his realm have ne-
glected their duties — whereof his Highness marvelleth not a little — and mind-
ing the former gi'acious injunctions, doth straitly charge and connnand that
the cm-ates and parishioners of every town and parish not having already jn-o-
vided, shall, on this side of the Feast of All Saints (1st Nov.) next comiiv
buy and provide Bibles of the largest volume, and cause the same to be set up
and fixed in every of the said parish churches, there to be used according to
the former injunctions — on pain, that the curate and inhabitants of the parish
or town shall /y//t'i< to the Khiij forty shillings (equal to £30) for ereri/ month
after the said feast, that they lack or want the said Bible — one half to the King,
and the other half to him or them that first inform the King's Council. That
the sellers shall not take for the Bible unbonnd above ten shillings, or if bound
and clasped above twelve shillings, on pain of four shillings, (£3,) one half to
the King, and the other to the informei*." "5
This must have so far briglitened the prospect of our pa-
triotic proprietor, as we shall find another edition of the
Great Bible soon ready for publication, proceeding- from the
same quarter, nay, and another still, before the year is done I
But in the meanwhile it is now evident, that so far from
Henry VIII. being at any expense for the Bibles alreadv
printed by Grafton and Whitchurch, as our Solicitor-General
told Lord Mansfield, and as others, both before and after him,
have unwarrantably affirmed, the King was now rather in the
way of making a little money, by publications in which he had
no pecuniary concern ! At least e\ery Jine would bring him
£1, for a book which would have cost no more than 10s, ; or
in other words, the value of £15, for an article at £7, 10s.
But if the purchase had been neglected tu-o months, then his
Majesty would have .f'SO ; if three, £45 ! While, on the
other hand, for every overcharge he Avas to receive two shil-
lings, or equal to thirty.
But besides this proclamation, in five da^^s more, or Wed-
nesday, llth May, came a letter from no other than Edmund
Bonner, Bishop of London, (still obsequiously so far playing
the hypocrite,) for the execution of the King's orders, ad-
dressed to his Archdeacon ;''' and so eager must he appear to
secure the royal favour, that in September he also put fortli
>« Cotton MS., Clcop., R. v., fol. .LT?. Burnet's Records, B. iii., No. 24. Bonner's Refiister.
17 Dated, " xi die Mali, Anno Dom. l.")41, et nostra? translatioi:is ai.no sccundo." — Foxc,.//)*^
edition, p. dil.
lit BONNKK'S FHIGNKl) ZKAL. [uoOK 11.
an " Admonition to all readers of this JJible in tlie Englisli
tongue"" — " I'jverniore Ibrseeing that no ex|)osition be made
thereupon, otherwise than it is declared in the hook itself —
that no reading be used in the time of divine service — or,
iinally, tliat no man justly may reckon himself to be offended
thereby, or take occasion to grudge or malign thereat."'"
The reading of the Sacred Scriptures, however, it must
ever be borne in mind, had now been a practice, not in Lon-
don merely, but throughout England, and iox fifteen years ;
to what extent, indeed, it is impossible to say. But as we
have long seen, many of Henry's subjects had truly not waited
for his poor permission, whether to read or to hear : and in many
a corner, far and near, there w^ere those who knew far more of
Christianity, and to better purpose, than did any of the mem-
bers of Government. Even five years ago, the late Edward
Fox of Hereford, a vara avis among the Bishops, had boldly
told his brethren as much, and it was certainly no more than
the truth. On the return of Bonner from Paris, where he
had pretended great zeal for the Scriptures, to please Crum-
well ; and immediately after the King"'s brief in 1540, to
please both, this consummate hypocrite had set up six Bibles
in St. Paul's for public reading. The result at once proved,
liow far the people were a-head of these official men. T/iet/
came instantly and generally to hear the Scriptures read. Such
as could read icith a clear voice often had great numbers round
them. Many set their children to school, and carried them to
St. PaiWs to hear. It was, however, not long before the
language of our Saviour himself — " Drink ye all of it," struck
them, and very naturally led to discussion. The complaints
of some, in lack of argument, of which the adverse party took
care to avail themselves, were dexterously conveyed to the
King. In their eyes, this reading of the Scriptures by the
people, and hearing them read in public, was a sore evil;
and an opportunity must be sought and seized for putting it
down. Crumwell, the terror of the Bishops, was gone ; and
Gardiner is out of the country ; but Bonner, though always
false at heart, must still dissemble ; nay, moreover, here
"• Such public reading had been enjoined three years before. Kir^t by Crumwell in I5.'?8.
then by Henry in May l.ll'.', and now by lionnir in LMl, though h-: very soon not only changed
his mind, and bitterly quarrelled with such reading whether in public or private, but perse-
cuted to the death, when the futy and folly of Henry once permitted. .>^ce Uurnct's Records,
D. iii., No. 2.'), compared with No. 11, and Cleop.. K. v., XS"}.
].)(./. J Kirril (iKKAT lllliLK. M.;
actually come Tunstal and lloath once inoi'c, and with aiiotJicr
edition of the "reat ]}ibh% in Novend)er !
" The Byble in Englyslie of the largest and greatt;,f< roLiiine, auctoryscd and
apoynti'd by the coniniandeniente of our nioost redoubted Prynce and soueray<jne
Lorde, Kynge Ilenrye the VIII., supreme hcade of this his Church and realme
of Eiiglande : to be frequented and Jised in every Churche win this his sayd
rcahne, accordyng to the tenoar of his former /^junctions giucn in tliat behalfe.
^T Otersene and perused at the ooniniaundniGt of tlie Kynges Ilighnes, hy the
rytjhte rererende fathers in God, Cuthbert bysshop of Duresme, and Nicolas
bysshop of Rochester. Printed by liychard Grafton, 1541." The colophon is
— " The ende of the newe Testament and of the whole Byble. Fynyshed in
November, Anno mcccccxlj."'!'
Nor would even this suffice. Anthony Marler, the only
paymaster as yet named, or to be named, is still ready to pro-
ceed ; and a final edition was completed before this year was
done. It had been going on at press with other editions; and,
it is curious enough, /rom last year, but it was not finished
till the close of the present ; at the same time, it may have
been only nine months in the press, as their year extended to
the 25th of March. Cranmer was not to be outdone by these
two Bishops, and, therefore, as in May last, so he now follows
them up immediately with his usual title, and an emphatic
colophon^ as if he had been in wonder at the compliance of
Tunstal and Heath.
" The Byble in Englishe, that is to saye, the content of all the Aoly scryjjture
both of the olde and newe testament, with a prologe thereinto, made by the re-
verende father in God, Thomas archcbisshop of Cantorhury. .^ This is the
Byble appoynted to the use of the Churches. fiT Printed by llycharde Graf-
ton. Cum priuilegio ad imin-imendum solum. An. do. mdxl." The colophon >
is — " The ende of the Newe Testament, and of the whole Bible, Finysshed in De-
cember MCCCCCXLI. f A domino factum est istud. This is the Lordes doynye."2o
'9 In the Bible thus twice sanctioned by these two men, but especially Tunstal, we seem
to be reminded of one passage of Sacred Writ, of which diflcient renderings have been given.
We now have it, Ps. Ixvi. 3 -" Say unto God, how terrible art thou in thy works ! through the
greatness of thy power shall thine enemies submit Hicmschvs to thee." In the Bible then ex-
amnied, it is—" Oh ! how wonderful are thy works ; through the greatness of thy power shall
thine enemies he confounded." Parker, after this, translated—" Shall thine enemies be fovml
liars unto thee:" and Ainsworth says—" feignedly submit themselves, for fear, or other sinister
Te!i\>(;ct, opiiiiisl their tvill." But, certainly, one and ((W of these renderings, had iiou- biciiful-
JiU,-d in the persons of these two Doctors of the Old Learning. Tyndale had persevered unto
death, and triumphed : and these men, by Henry's command, were now humbled to the level of
the Gibeonites of old, who became hewers of wood, and drawers of water, to the congregation
of Israel. Tunstal himself now seems to deal out the water of life to the congregation of Eng-
land ! But wliat, in the end, will be thought of both these men, if, like the Gibeonites, they
told a deliberate lie to their royal master, and then printed their names so pompously on the
title-page- if, after all, they had not actually perused the volume! Such, there is reason to
believe, was the fact : at least the iicople of England were openly so told in print, before Henry
expired ! See anno I.i4(). The bold assertion was never contradicted.
2« This motto, taken from the Bible conimenced in I'uiis, was strikingly ai)piopiiate ; but
VOL II. K
im; sixth (jkkat uiiii.K. (^book m.
And tluis ended the year; so that we have lonr of these
hirge folios dated in 1541. It was certainly a strange move-
ment on the part of Henry VIIT., and one which must have
taken many by surprise, for him first to send Gardiner oft'
to Germany, and then, as soon as he was gone, command his
friends, Tunstal and Heath, to give in their adhesion to the
Bible, to which Cranmer had bowed ; and then also to place
their names in the title-page, in token of their full approba-
tion— a translation almost verbally the same in the New Testa-
ment, which the King himself, and Wolsey had first denoun-
ced, and Tunstal after them, consigned again and again to
the flames ! Such, however, was the fact. The undertak-
ing was not to be denounced, even though Crumwell, now rated
as a heretic and a traitor, had imported the t^'pes, and pushed
forward the printing, not only of these, but of other editions.
But lo ! here is Stephen Gardiner, returned in October,
and frone direct to the Kin"; from Charles V. \V^ith what
surprise must he have beheld the progress made ! On going
abroad, his party reigned triumphant; it was now in disgrace,
and the Queen, whose marriage he had fostered, is about to
ascend the scaffold ! But, especially, if he had not been in-
formed, with what feelings must he have gazed on the names
of Tunstal and Heath in the very title-page of these Bibles I
Tunstal was now in his sixty-eighth year, and appears to
have been in some degree softened with his years ; Gardiner
never was ; and now, though of these volumes there were
eight editions in regular series, to say nothing of others,
which had received Henry's approval, and two of these
carried the obsequious, but well-known attestation of Tunstal
and Heath ; still this Bishop of Winchester stood resolved to
put forth all his strength, in the way of cunning sophistry,
against the translation thus acknowledged, and now reading
in public, in so many places. Certainly he had owned to the
King before, that there were " no heresies in it." But an-
Cranmer thought it might be also applied to all that he issued. It is observable that Tunstal
and Heath le/l it out. In the final colophon he not only prints the motto without abbreviation
but gives it in English, by way of emphasis. He might have completed the sentence, by add-
ing, and it is mnrivUotu in our eyes : for, certainly, when the circumstances are observed, they
are marvellous still. Cranmer, being an Archbishop, took to himself the title of Reverend only,
not most Reverend ; and he had said years ago, that he " set no more by any title, name, or
style, than he did by the paring (if an ap)iU\" Not so Tunstal and Heath. They were only
Bishops, but they must not, on any account, abridge their title of Right lU'ivrend ! The differ-
ence of disposition or character, right or wrong, is often to be descried, even in such trifles.
15+2.] THE KNKMY ON TUK RACK. M.?
otlier Parliament is suniinoned, and another Convocation,
wlicre Gardiner anticipated that he might even yet work
wondrously. Let him try ; tliat he himself, and his brethren
may come to their greatest humiliation, and to their linal
discomfiture as a Convocation.
SECTION V.
THE ENEMY oN THE RACK PARLIAMENT OPENED THE FIFTH QUEEN
EXECUTED HENRY BENT ON WAR WITH SCOTLAND NEGOTIATING WITH
FRANCE AND SPAIN.
CONVOCATION MET — THE BIBLE INTRODUCED THERE FOR DISCUSSION AT
LAST SINGULAR DISPLAY — GARDINEr's GRAND EFFORT IN OPPOSITION
— CRANMER INFORMS THE KING — THEY ARE ALL DISCOMFITED, THOUGH
YET SITTING, OR BEFORE THE BISHOPS LEFT LONDON — PROGRESS OF THE
TRUTH IN ENGLAND.
By this year, such had been the progress made in the cause
of Divine Truth, that the imaginations of its enemies were
literally put to the rack. Oppose they must ; but how to
proceed, was a problem not of easy solution. Upon his second
return from the Continent, in October last, Gardiner had
found far greater occasion for regret, than he had done even
before, in September 1588. Then, he could step into his
fiery chariot, and bring Lambert to the stake ; he and Nor-
folk had been worming themselves into royal favour ever after ;
and upon setting off for the imperial Court, in November
1540, whether he should there fully succeed or not, every
thing at home seemed to promise other, and, as he thought,
better days ; now that Crumwell was gone, and his Majesty
so delighted with the Queen which had been furnished to him
by the old learning party. She was their first and only
choice, on whose sway depended anticipations not a few. But
now, that mainstay had fallen ; Gardiner's friend, the Duko
of Norfolk, had been trembling for his personal honours, if
not his life ; while, to crown all, that pillar of strength, Cuth-
bert Tunstal, had not merely given way, but his name had
been employed, by royal authority, as though he had person-
ally gone over to the other side. Still the party must rally
once more. By this time, it might have been supposed that
I IS TlIK I'inil C^l'KKN KXKCUTKI) [^HOOK II.
their arntws would liave been cxpciided and tlii-ir (juiver
t'lnpty ; but, subtle and ingenious in the extreme, their sophis-
try prevailed once more. If the peculiar situation of the
King be taken into account, it must appear surprising that
they should have been successful in swaying his mind now ;
though, in the end, we shall leave it to the judgment of the
reader, whether the whole proceeding, on the part of Henry,
does not carry very much of the appearance of a snare^ in
which, when caught, the Bishop of Winchester, from being
the most conspicuous character, became the most ridiculous.
JJe this as it may, these men will not stop till they have ex-
posed themselves to the derision of posterity ; and as soon as
we have briefly disposed of the civil events of the year, the
entire scene will come before us.
Parliament having assembled on Monday the 16th of .January, pro-
ceeded immediately to the loathsome and revolting affairs connected
with the royal household. Among the members present, was to he seen
the son of Crumwell, and sitting as a Baron ; so strange were the move-
ments of our capricious Monarch. Commissioners having been appoint-
ed to examine the Queen once more ; on the 28th, she repeated her con-
fessions, though to what extent is not recorded.' Both Houses declared
her guilty ; and in the Act passed, they petitioned the King, at once,
" not to be troubled, lest it might shorten his life ! " and that the Queen
and all the others attainted, " might be punished with death ! " The
bill was passed 1>y the 8th of February ; on Saturday the 11th, Ileury
gave his assent ; and on Monday the 13th, without any regard to his
express promise of mercy, blood was shed.^ That infamous woman,
Lady Rochford, had been an accomplice ; and thus, she who had acted so
dreadful a part towards her own husband, and his sister Anne Boleyn,
now righteously perished on the same scaffold with the Queen, to whose
ruin she had also contributed. The property of the other branches of
the Howard family being once secured in his Majesty's Palace at West-
minster and elsewhere, the public censure of such severity led Henry to
pardon those, whom Parliament in the perfection of its servility had
condemned to death, though some of the parties were left to linger long
in prison.
For shame, or rather some fear of consequences, Henry could not
come forward to demand a subsidy, and Crumwell was no more ; but as
he was now bent upon war with Scotland, he wished the Commons
would only condescend to meet his inclination, by offering him money,
' The Commissioners were the Duke of Siiffulk, the Earl of Sonthani)>t(in, Cmiimcr. .and
Thirlby. 2 Journals of P.irliameiit.
/.U2.J txARniNER IN THE CONVOCATION. UO
without its being asked. He gave them a broad hint ; but however
ready they were to bow to his sanguinary proceedings, this being an
affair affecting themselves personally, for once they feigned not to under-
stand him, and the House rose without voting one farthing. At the same
time, however, so far to please the ever-craving Monarch, they had con-
sented to pass an Act by which his JMajesty might possess himself of
the revenues attached to Colleges and Hospitals ; an Act which made
both Oxford and Cambridge tremble, and an aftair of which we shall
hear again in 1545, when Henry has farther advanced on the road to ruin.
All offence with the Duke of Norfolk at present, had been conveni-
ently passed over, as his services were demanded to head the army
against Scotland. A country so divided at the moment, whose nobility
were striving to secm-e their independence of the Crown, while the
power of Beaton and his adherents contended for the superiority, was
tjuite unable to resist. The expedition, in its results, so affected the
Scottish monarch, that he fell a sacrifice to his vexation. James sunk
into a low fever, and expired on the 14th of December, leaving his only
daughter " Mary, Queen of Scots," an infant of eight days old.
With regard to Continental affairs, it may only be observed that the
strange negotiations of Henry with the King of France, respecting the
marriage, of which Noi-folk had written in December, between the Duke
of Orleans and the Princess Mary, as well as the arrears of Henry's
pension, and even proposed war with the Emperor ; they were carried
on till so late as the 15th of May. But in the very same month Com-
missioners had been ajjpointed to enter into other negotiations with
Capuis, the Imi)erial Ambassador, at Stepney, the result of which will
appear with the ensuing spring. •*
A new Parliament liaving assembled, on the following
Friday, or the 20th, the Convocation also met ; and as it sat
till the 29th of March, of course it proved, as usual, though
only apparently^ a critical period for the Sacred Scriptures.
After so many storms, as all along there had been no real
danger, so there will not be any now\ At the opening,
Richard Cox, Archdeacon of Ely, had preached to the House,
of course in Latin, and if he had intended his text to be
satirical, he could not have been more .severe. It was " Vosestis
sal terrw,^^ — •' ye are the salt of the earth ! ! " — and no doubt a
very different sermon from that of Latimer six years ago.*
•^ Gov. State Papers, i., pii. IX^'W—nuUs.
* Latimer, who had pled so boldly for the Scriptures above eleven years ago, and in l.iHfi so
pointedly inquired ivTtal they had ever done, vfas now in the Tower. This Cox had been one
of the original canons in Wolsey's CollcRe, as formerly noted, and was preceptor to Kin^ Ed-
ward. His conduct at Frankfort proves that he was of a violent temper, and, as Chancellor of
Oxford, he has been greatly blanud. Somewhat softened by time, he lived to the advanced
ape of Rl.
\r>(\ DISCUSSING TIIK TRANSLATION. [bOOK II.
After being detained for .some time by the King's personal
unhappy aHairs in Parliament, these men proceeded to busi-
ne.ss ill the Convocation ; and at their third session, on Friday
the 17th of February, the Translation of the Scriptures, so
often di.scussed there without any result, must once more come
before them. The reader cannot have forgotten their former
abortive attempts, and may be the more curious to observe
what happened now. They appear ever to have been afraid
to look any farther than the New Testament, and it was of
this they felt most apprehension. Upon this day, there-
fore, Cranmer required the bishops and clergy to revise the
translation of the New Testament, and so successful had been
the votaries of the " old learning," that this was done in the
Kinrfs name. It must have been no welcome proposal to the
Archbishop, after he had so fully committed himself. How-
ever, as usual, he must obey ; and therefore having divided
the volume into fourteen parts, he allotted them to fifteen
Bishops, as follow : —
-Mattlu-w . . . . tt» himself, Cranmer of Canterbury.
Mark to Loiujland of Lincoln.
Luke to Gardiner of Winchester.'
John . . . . . to Goodrich of Ely.
The Acts .... to Jleath of Rochester.
Romans .... to Sampson of Chichester.
Corinthians, 1 and 2 to Capon of Salisbury.
Galatians to Ephesians to Barlow of St. David's.
Thessalonians, 1 and '2 to Bell of Worcester.
Timotliy to Philemon to ParJ'ew of St. Asaph.
Peter, 1 and 2 . . to Uohjate of Llandaff.
Hebrews .... to /!<A;i^; of Hereford.
•James to Judo ... to Thirlhy of Westminster.
Revelation ... to TF'«fc^?Han of Gloster andC'Aainter of Peterboro.
Here, let it be observed, were two notable and curious omis-
sions. What had become of Tunstal and Bonner — the former
once so outrageously zealous against the Scriptures in London ;
the latter as much &ofor them while in Paris ? Tunstal having
but recently committed himself to tico editions of the Bible,
by express commandment from the King, must have either de-
clined ; or, with his characteristic " stillness," perhaps ex-
pected to " oversee" once more the wished-for revisal. Bon-
* Poor man! He had been "bestowing a great labour" upon the very same Ciospil, scvtn
years hkh, lo no purpose. See vol. i., pP- 44fi. ■l.'iS.
1642.] DISCUSSING THE TRANSLATION. I.'il
ner, though a canonist and wily politician, was very probably
no scholar ; or, like his predecessor, John Stokesly, would
have no connexion with the attair.
At their sixth meeting Gardiner came forward, therefore,
with the fruit of his own counsel, and made a proposal per-
fectly characteristic, which he was sure to carry triumphantly
within the Convocation. It was at best a puerile design, and
to us now, a most contemptible one, with a view to keep the
people of England in their ancient ignorance. He then read
a list of not fewer than one hundred and two Latin words,
that " for their genuine and native meaning, and for the
majesty of the matter in them contained," might be retained
in the English translation, or be fitly Englished with the
least alteration. For the sake of illustration, only a slight
specimen will be sufficient.
Ecclesia, pceniteutia, pontifex, olacausta (so in the record) idiota, baptizare,
sacramentum, simulacrum, confiteor tibi Pater, panis, pro'positionis, bencdictio,
satisfactio, peccator, episcojnis, cisera, zizauia, confessio, pascha, hostia.
The bearing of the entire list is very apparent. Gardiner,
indeed, had talked of " majesty"" in the words, but there was
something else than majesty in view. " Witness," says old
Fuller, " the word ' penance,' which, according to the vulgar
sound, contrary to the original sense thereof, was a magazine
of will worship, and brought in much gain to the priests, who
were desirous to keep that word, because that word kept them.''''
Cranmer, however, being now at his post, and retaining in-
fluence with his Majesty, although he had once more dealt
out the books of the New Testament among his fellows, soon
observed from their discussions, what would be the result ;
and therefore determined to wait upon Henry, and inform
him how matters went. The Bishops, therefore, were now
relieved from their several tasks, and they were, moreover,
no more to be consulted on the subject ! They must be over-
ruled, to a man, though in Convocation assembled. After enter-
ing the House, on Friday the 10th of March, Cranmer informed
his brethren ''that it was the King's will and pleasure, that the
translation both of the old and the New Testament, should be
examined by both Universities'.'''' In vain did the House op-
pose, and in vain protest ; for all the Bishops present did so,
with only two exceptions, viz., Goodrich of Ely, and JJarhnv
I. '•,2 TIIK CONVOCATION OVKRKL'LKD [book II.
of St. Davids. Craniner, wlio saw that his hrothn-n ou\\ de-
.sired to get rid of the translation altogether, then linally told
them that lie " would stick close to the will and pleasure of
the King his Master, and that the Universities should examine
the translation." This, however, after all turned out as though
it had been simply an expedient adopted for putting an end to
the foolish proposal of submitting the Word of God to the
revision of any such men; for even the Universities never were
consulted ! !
To have ruined 3Jarlei\ the worthy member of the Haber-
dasher's Company, in the eyes of the Convocation, would have
been quite an achievement; but Anthony's precious property
was now safe, and it seems that something more nuist instantly
be said respecting it. It is singular i\\iiX forty-eight hours were
not allowed to pass away ! Cranmer must have immediately
informed the King of his final reply; and now, so far from look-
ing to any University, out came the following authoritativecouj-
munication, dated on {Sunday) the 12th of March 1542 ; thus
verifying the old proverb — " the better day, the better deed."
" Ilcnry the Eiglitli &c. — To all Printers of books within this realm, to all
our Officers, Ministers, and Subjects, these our Letters, hearing or seeing, greet-
ing. We let you wit, tliat we, for ccrtxiin causes convenient, of our Grace spe-
cial, have given and granted to our well-beloved subject, A vthuiiy Marler, citizen
and Haberdasher of our city of London, only to print the Bible in our Enijlish
tongue, authorised by us, himself or liis assigns. And we command that no man-
ner of persons within these our dominions shall print the said Bible, or any jiart
thereof, within tiie space of four years next en-uing tlie print'uxj of the said hook,
by our said subject or his assigns. And further, we will and command our true
subjects, and all strangers, that none presume to print the said work, or break
this our commandment and privilege as they intend eschewe oui" punishment
and high displeasure. Witness ourself at Westminster the xii day of March.
Per brere de prirato sigillo. j542."<>
But why could not his Majesty have shown a little more
delicacy i Why could he not wait, but a little while, till the
« Patent Rolls, .33, H. VIII. Rymcr"s Foedera, xiv., p. 7'*5. " Though," says the editor of the
PrivT Council Minutes in \KfJ, "a great deal has been written about the early editions of the
liible, much still remains to be said, and it would otherwise be singular that Marler's connexion
with those of l.'i40 and l.'m should now for the first time be )>ointed out, and more csiiecially as
the proclamation just cited w.is in Kymer above a century ago." Marler is indeed mentioned
by Kapin and Ames; but the eon mu ion has never before been fully ex]>Iained. The editor,
however, throws out a conjecture that Henry's letters iiitii/ have been issued in I.'i^l : but without
positive evidence, the Patent Holl must not be queslioned ; more esjiecially as the history now
given shows that in March l.">4'2. such letters hail become more im)>ortant than ever. After these
Bishops had attempted to disturb all that had been done since l.Vf7, it was far more necessary
for the King to be inipcialivc at llih crisis, and settle the business. The sanction to Marler
•lid so at once, and ell'ectually.
Iji2.] THE CONVOCATION OVERRULEP. 1 o-S
Convocation was dissolved, and the Jiishops had left the capi-
tal i They were still sitting, and continued to do so for more
than a fortnight, or till the 29th of the month ! Did his
Majesty intend to pour contempt upon them, and hold them
up to derision even while thus assembled? Whatever was
his motive, certainly no mortification could be greater — no
humiliation more complete. Their indignation, however, they
must suppress for the present ; though it will not be sur-
prising should it burst out with great violence, as soon as
they meet again. IJut let them do what they please, the
sacred text will never again be submitted to tkeir con-
sideration. They may rave about Tyndale, execrate his
name, wreck their vengeance upon his writings, and thus un-
wittingly, once more hold up to posterity the man to whom
the nation stood most of all indebted ; but his work will abide
and prosper, and long after they have gone down to the gi-ave.
As there were no more folio Bibles printed in Henry's reign,
it has often been supposed that this was owing to the strength
of the opposing party ; but the fact has now been accounted
for in a manner more satisfactory. Let it only be observed
that by the end of last year, or only four years and four months
from August 1537, of Tyndale's translation, and based on Tyn-
dale's, there had issued from the press not fewer than twelve
editions of the entire Bible, ten in folio, and two in quarto.
And it was well they had ; they were laid up in store, like
Joseph's com in Egypt, for the next four years. The im-
pression of each of those Bibles has been calculated as ranoino-
from 1500 to 2500 copies : but say that there were 2000
copies on an average, here were more than twenty thousand
Bibles, a most memorable fact, under all the circumstances.
Many of the copies which had been printed since 153.9 mav
have been yet for sale ; and Marler, it is evident was so over-
stocked, that he was afraid of ruin by his outlay. The Kin"-\s
letters in his favour now extended his privilege to December
1545, immediately after which we shall find that Grafton was
at work again, with an edition of the New Testament.
But independently of this ample supply in folio and
quarto, it must ever be remembered that there w^ere many
thousands of the New Testament long circulated, and read-
ing far and wide throughout the country. We shall take
the proof from one f)f the best of witnesses, and as if
I.*) I- THOMAS IJKCON. [boOK II.
(.•amo from the press in London, this very year. An ad-
mirer of Latimer's, who, in 1;j2(), when only sixteen years
of age, used to hear him preach, and George Staft'ord
read lectures, at Cambridge, had then received certain im-
pressions wliich were never to be erased from his mind. After
mentioning Latimer''s discourses, both in English and Latin,
he then adds — " at all of which, for the most part, I was pre-
sent ; and although at the time I was but a child of sixteen
years old, (anno 1526,) yet I noted his doctrine as well as I
could, partly reposing it in my memory, and partly commit-
ting it to writing. I was present, when with manifest autho-
rities of God''8 Word, and invincible arguments, he proved in
his sermons that the Holy Scriptures oiujht to be read in the
Efu/Hiih tongue by all Christian people,, whether priests or lay-
men, as they are called." " Neither was I absent when he
inveighed against empty works.*" " He so laboured earnestly,
both in word and deed, to win and allure others into the love
of Christ's doctrine, and his holy religion, that there is a
common saying, which remains unto this day : when Master
Stafford read and Master Latimer preached, then was Cam-
bridge blessed." Stafford, of whom we heard before in 1526,
had died soon after ; but Latimer was still in the Tower,
where he will remain till after the death of his ungrateful
Monarch.
This youth was Thomas Becon. Born about 1510, he was
now 32, and proved, throughout life, one of the most laborious
and useful men of his time. Last year, as well as this, he had
been busy at the press, even in London, and had published
three small pieces, two of which had, next year, already
reached a second edition. In one of these he says, —
" I think there is no realm throughout Ciiristcndom, that hath so many
urgent and necessary causes to give thanks to God, as we EngUsliinen Jiave at
this present. What ignorance and bhndness was in this reahn conceriiing
the true and Cliristian knowledge ! How many (speaking ironically) savourc<i
Christ aright ? llow many walked in the straight pathway of God's ordin-
ances ? How many believed Christ to bo the alone Saviour ? How many
trusted to be saved only by the merits of Christ's death, and the effusion of liis
most precious blood ? How many ran to God alone, cither in tlieir prospciity
or adversity ? How many aniplexed Christ for their sufficient Mediator and
Advocate unto God the Father ? How many felt the efficacy and power of the
true and Christian faith ? But noic — Christ's dcatli is believed to be a suffi-
cient sacrifice for them that arc sanctified. Tuk most SACREn Biblk is fukki.y
riCRMITTKn TO BK UKAD Of EVKUY MAN IN TlIK KNIiLISH TONGIE, ManV savonr
I.)13.] PARLIAMENT OPHNKD. 15.5
Clirist ariyht, and dailt/ the luiiiibtr incrijaaetli, thanks bo to God. Clirist is be-
lieved to be the alone Saviour. Christ is believed to bo our sufKcient Mediator
and Advocate. The true and Christian faith, which worketh by charity, and
is plenteous in good works, is now received to justify."?
Notwithstanding this attestation, however, let there be no
surprise, though the clouds should still be gathering, and
another storm await us soon.
SECTION VI.
PARLIAMENT OPENED THE CONVOCATION BAFFLED, ACKNOWLEDGE THEIR
INABILITY TO STAY TUE PROGRESS OF DIVINE TRUTH BY APPLYING NOW
TO PARLIAMENT PARLIAMENT DISGRACES ITSELF BY MALIGNANT BUT
VAIN OPPOSITION — BONNER WITHDRAWN OR SENT ABROAD — EXTRAOR-
DINARY ARRANGEMENT OF ALL THE EUROPEAN POWERS HENRY's
SIXTH MARRIAGE.
Parliament was assembled this year on the 22d of January,
and sat till the 12th of May.' The long-suftering of Heaven
with such a Government, was, by this time, eminently con-
spicuous ; but as the King on the throne had been overruled,
and the cause of Divine Truth had hitherto not only baffled
the Convocation, but laid it prostrate ; so if there were any
remaining branch of authority about to prove so infatuated as
to interfere, it was fit that it should be left to expose both its
folly and weakness to posterity, by so doing. Its interfer-
ence, however, may be traced to the infatuation and enmity
of the Convocation ; for these being once infused into Parlia-
ment, there was nothing so foolish and contemptible, which
they might not entertain and even enact. The Convocation
as such, could not, of course, cross the threshold of the Senate ;
but its leading members the Bishops might, being members
7 From " The Right Pathway unto Prayer, by Theodore Basille, 1542." Under this assumed
name Bccon now published, and under this name his books will enjoy the honour of beinK
condemned by Henry's final proclamation. There was a second edition of this tract ni\it year,
as if in defiance of the power vainly arrayed against the truth. In reading Koxe, it might bo
supposed that in ],>41 Becon, apprehended by Bonner, was compelled to recant and burn his
tracts, which had been much read ; but this, of course, could not have happened before they
were printed. The persecution of Becon has been more certainly ascribed to 1544, his writings
being denounced two years after.
' The session, therefore, began in the 34th and ended in the a5tli of the King's reJKn. If both
Parliament and the Convocation be about to grant subsidies to the King to pay him for his war
with Scotland, let us watch and observe how ho proceeded to treat his own English subject*
in return for the money.
I5R VAIN Oil FRUITI-KSS [i»ooK ii.
jil.so of the Upper House, or Ijoi-ds of l*;u'li;uiit'nt. Hence
the con.sequeiiee.s.
In opposing the Sacred Scriptures in the vernacular tongue,
the Convocation having so repeatedly discovered itself to he a
powerless hody, and more especially since the scene, or un-
ceremonious treatment of last year ; it had now seemed to the
Bishops that only one mode of attack remained. It was their
forlorn hope. They nuist admit, and now, in ctt'ect, acknow-
ledged their own inefficiency, as a body, by introducing the
subject into Parliament ; but they will try what could be ac-
complished there. Providentially, however, by this time
Tyndales translation had been printed under other names,
such as Matthew, Taverner, Craumer, Tunstal and Heath ;
for this translation having been retained in all the English
Bibles, with very little variation, it was now impossible to
reach it. It so happened, too, that there were, by this time,
various editions of the Bible printed tvithout note and com-
ment. Marler''s editions, as well as others, were of this
character, and, backed by the stern authority of the King,
tliere was no possibility of touching any of them. To show,
however, to what a low pitch the miserable spite of the enemy
was now reduced, as well as to display the servility of Parlia-
ment, now become proverbial, an Act was introduced which
was actually entitled — " An Act for the advancement of true
Jteligion /" — and what were its provisions, nearly ten years
after Henry had declared himself Head of the Church of Eng-
land, and seventeen years after the New Testament had been
introduced into our native land?
The name of Tyndale was the rallying point, and, in eflect,
the English Parliament must now furnish their tribute to his
memory and talents. Upon setting off, by this Act his
translation was branded and condemned as " crafty., false,
and untrue ;" although the translation actually reading in
the churches ! though the translation which Tunstal had
been constrained to sanction ! though the translation which
had been read with avidity since 152G, and that to which
the people had discovered such attachuient as to perish at the
stake, sooner than abandon itl^ Parliament durst not con-
2 To say iiothiiif; of its litiiifi llic very ti:iiiRlati(>i). wiiitli. in llu' P>;iliiis. many nl tlic |itii|i|r
ill England read t<> tin- /trrscnl hour, liulh in public and |>rivalc.
154;3."] OPPOSITION OF PARLIAMENT. l.-,7
ilenm the Bibles to which tlie names of TiiV(M-iicr or Crannicr
or Tunstal had been affixed, nor even that of Matthew by
name ; because this last had been so pointedly sanctioned by
his Majesty, and it had prepared the way for all that fol-
lowed ! But, once more roused by the name of Tyndale, it
was then enacted, —
" That all manner of books of tlie Old and New Testament in English, of
this translation, sliould, by authority of this Act, clearly and utterly be abo-
lished and extinguished, and forbidden to be kept and used in this realm, or
elsewhere, in any of the King's dominions." But it was provided, " that the
Bibles and New Testaments in English, not being of Tyndale's ti-anslations,
should stand in force, and not be comprised in this abolition or act. Never-
theless, if there should be found in any such Bibles or New Testaments, any
iinHotatlons or prcamblei^, that then the owners of them should cut or blot the
same in such wise as they cannot be perceived or read, on pain of losing or for-
feiting for every Bible or Testament forty shillings ; (or equal to £30,) pro-
^^ded that this article should not extend to the blotting any quotations or sum-
maries of chapters in any Bible."
It was farther enacted, — " That no manner of pei'sons, after the 1st of Octo-
ber, should take upon them to read openly to others, in any church or open
assembly, within any of the King's dominions, the Bible or any part of Scrip-
ture in English, unless he was so appointed thereunto by the King, or by any
ordinary, on pain of suffering one month's imprisonment ! "
But then " the Chancellor of England I Captains of the Wars ! the King's
Justices ! the Recorders of any city, borough, or town ! and the Speaker of
Parliament ! may use any part of the holy Scripture as they have been wont V'^
And " every nobleman or gentlewoman, being a householder, may read or
cause to be read, by any of his family servants in his house, orchard, or garden,
to his own family, any text of the Bible ; and also every merchantman, being
a householder, and any other persons, other than women, apprentices, &c.,
might read to themselves prirately the Bible. But no women, except noble
women and peHtlewomen, might read to themselves alone ; and no artificers,
apprentices, journeymen, serving-men of the degrees of yeomen, (officers in the
King's family between sergeants and grooms,) husbandmen or labourers, were to
read the Bible or New Testament to themselves or to any other, privately or
openly, on pain of one month's imprisonment."
The burning of the Alexandrian Library, and heating its
baths with the books, has been often reprobated as barbarous,
but the aim of Parliament was impious in the extreme. As
far as they durst venture, they intended to take the bread of
life out of the mouths of the common people. The Act has
been described as " a net contrl'eed, to catch or let go, whom-
■' It was usual, says Collier, for the Lord Chancellor, judges, recorders, &c., to take a text
for their speeches on i)ublic occasions; but that i\\c caphiins 11/ the tvar.i, adds Todd, thus
opened a campaign, or that the Speaker of the House of Commons thus regulated a debate, tiie
historian does not pretend.
IJ8 Ji-KriTI.KSS (HM'OSITION OK I'A lU,! AM KNT. [huuK H.
soever tlu-v ploascd ;"" but still it may well l)u iiiijuiri-tl, wIktc
was " tlie wisdom of their wiso men, or the uiulcrstandiiiij of
of the prudent," when they contrived it; Jis tlie folly displayed
was in cijual proportion to the malii^nity. It might have
been compared to an act framed to bind the wind, or intercept
the light of day ; and whatever may have been its vexatious
consequences, it was by far too late in being framed.
Observe its contents. It denounced the translation of
Tyndale, and enforced it almost in the same breath ; for not
only was it his translation, under another name, which was
to stand in force, but many of his New Testaments had no
such name attached to them. As to the second provision,
whether any copies of the Bible were so blotted or cut, is no-
where recorded. If they were, they must have been consumed
afterwards, for it is certain that scarcely any copies of all that
survive, bear the positive proof of having been so treated/
But the folly of the statute is still more glaring, when both
the manner and the degree of reading comes to be regulated
by an act of Parliament. While reading in the parish church
seems to be in part abridged, the reading at /iomg in thousands
of instances, is legalised if not enforced ; and reading in the
house, as being more deliberate and more retired, was better
than reading in the church. Every one knows with what
avidity men read, and will read, an interdicted book ; but
this was only half interdicted ! half in numerous families, and
half as it regarded the community at large. This was better
still. Thus, in the former case, as an^/ family servant was
authorised to read the Scriptures to Master or Mistress, of
course he might not only repeat what ho read, but could the
other servants be eflectually prevented from snatching a per-
usal in the morning or evening, or at midnight 1 And if every
nobleman and gentlewoman, every merchant, or any other,
being a householder, were fully authorised to possess, and
read the Bible, how were the leomen of the household, how
were the apprentices, and journeymen, or other domestics
to be guarded and prevented from looking between the
Sacred leaves ?
But beside these absurdities, there were certain clauses in-
troduced, in mitigation of severity, not unworthy of notice.
-> Thure arc indeed imperfect copies, but these do not convey such proof.
l.>43.] KRUITLIiSS OPPOSITION OF PAKLIAMKNT. I.')!)
Ortendors, if ecclesiastics, were not to sutier death till the
third offence ; and the punishment of any others was never
to extend beyond the forfeiture of i2;oods, and imprisonment
for life. The party accused also might bring witnesses, and
the accused must be tried within a year after the indictment,
while the Parliament, as usual, had to leave the act in the
King's power, to annul or alter it at his pleasure ! The bloody
statute of six articles was in fact thus invaded and softened.
Such a mixture of folly and contradiction demands some
explanation. Had Gardiner and his party obtained all their
wishes, the Scriptures had been suppressed, and wholly inter-
dicted : but it is curious enough that it was Cranmer who had
introduced this act, with the view no doubt of legalising what
he had enforced in his prologue to the Bible — the perusal of
the Sacred volume at home, and hence the mystery of its title
is explained. But once introduced into Parliament, and
thwarted in his endeavours, it had, in passing through the
house, assumed such a grotesque appearance, as to carry in
its various clauses, the evidence of two hostile parties fight-
ing with each other. To Cranmer, therefore, may be ascribed
the credit of obtaining as much as might be, and of then
stultifying the act, to disappoint the devices of the crafty, or
carry the counsel of the froward headlong. In short, the
passing of this act has been represented by Rapin, as a " mor-
tification'''' to the adverse party, which " checked their hopes."
That its vexatious operation was at least impeded, there can
be but little doubt, from what was taking place at the very
moment, as well as what soon followed.^
With rerard to the time when Parliament was thus acting ;
it cannot have escaped recollection that we have been called
again and again to observe, at certain critical periods, either
formerly, when the Scriptures were to be imported from abroad,
or since then, when those who prized them were in danger of
being molested, that one or more of the bitterest persecutors
were either put in check, or sent out of the kingdom, in the
character of ambassadors to foreign parts. So it had happened
5 The only tiling left for Gardiner to do was to infuse as much of the old leaven as he possibly
could, into what he delighted to style the Kini/s Book. This was the treatise already referred to,
" The necessary doctrine and erudition of a Christian Man," now coming forth. And here he
fully succeeded against Cranmer, who charged him afterwards, under Kdward's reign, with
having seduced the King. But never must such a man jiut forth his hand, and corrujit
the Scriptures .'
!(!(» I»()\XKK SKNT OUT Ol' I'lIK WAV. [bOiiK II.
with Tunstal ami (Jardinor, and .so it liappencd now. Tlie
focu.s of persecution liad ever been in London, ju.st as it was
in Jerusalem of old ; and of all men living, Bonner at this
moment was most blood-thirsty. He had been very bu.sy for
more than a year in his favourite employment of persecution,
and would have been so now. But no sooner had they begun
to wrangle in Parliament, than he was sent off the ground by
the Supreme Ruler.
The occasion of Bonner's removal must not pass unnoticed. It ha<I
ever been the policy of Crumwell to cultivate alliance with France and
the German princes, with the design of keeping the Emperor in check ;
but we have seen the first symptom of a change so long ago as 1540,
when the Imperial ambassadors suddenly arrived in London, in time to
witness his execution, if they were so disposed. I^ng before then, how-
ever, and ever since, the gentlemen of the old learning had been sighing
for full alliance with Charles. In such a case, they calculated that
their cause must eventually triumph. This year they were to obtain
their wishes, and we shall soon see whether the event answered their
expectations.
The spring and summer of 1543 exhibited the authorities of Europe
in one of the most extraordinary positions. It was a lesson of instruc-
tion, which could scarcely pass unimproved by those who thought at all.
So far as the power of Sovereign princes was concerned, there were
three systems of opinion before the world : that of the Pontiff — of Henry
the Eighth — and of the Grand Turk. Francis and Charles Avere, pro-
fessedly, alike votaries of the Pontiff, and by him Ilcnry the Eighth had
been branded for years as an anathematized heretic ; while they idl
agreed in regarding the Turk as an Infidel, with whom no alliance of
any kind, cotdd he formed. Now immediately before Henry determined
to espouse his sixth Queen, who was to lean decidedly to the side of the
neiv learning, the position of all these Powers, is well worthy of distinct
observation.
At the time in which Parliament was assembled, a very intimate con-
nexion between Henry and the Emperor was already agitated ; a circum-
stance which was the joy of Gardiner's party, in consequence of their
ultimate intentions, but most offensive to the Pontiff, who could not know
them. He, on the contrary, eager to prevent this step, proposed to buy off
the Emperor by an annual payment of 150,000 crowns, and a promotion
of Cardinals, such as Charles chose to name ! But then it so happened
that Charles longed for nothing more eagerly, than a league with the
English heretic. Henry's uniting with France and the German princes,
had been the Emperor's perplexity for years, as retarding the march of
his ambition ; but union with England would enable him to bring the
1543.] THE EUROPEAN POWERS IN STRANGE ARRAY. lO'l
King of France to his knees, and at once destroy all hope of ever reco-
vering Milan by force of arms. By the 11th of February, therefore, a
treaty was franaed in London, and Bonner, (the most furious persecutor
in England,) as ambassador, must be sent oft" and out of the way, as its
bearer. It was sworn to, says Lord Herbert, by the Emperor near Bar-
celona, on the 8th of April, " in presence of Edmund Bonner, Bishop of
London, our King's ambassador ;" and it was ratified by Henry on
Trinity Sunday, or the 20th of i\Lay, though, for certain reasons, it was
not made public till June. On the other hand, Francis, the adherent
of Rome, to strengthen his hands, had formed alliance with Solyman, the
Tiu'kish Sultan ; and though the zealous Cardinals took high offence at
this " most Chi"istian King," the old Pontiff' himself was far from being-
inimical to the Porte !
Here then was the King of France standing out in alliance before the
world, with the Pontiff on one side, and the Turk on the other I While
Charles, the im^jerial son of Rome, visibly stood in closest union, offensive
and defensive, with the condemned heretic Sovereign of England ! They
were now united to oppose and humble them all ! To finish the pictiu-e
it should be observed that while the Emperor had joined with Henry,
one of his grounds of complaint against Francis was thus distinctly
stated — that " he had not deserted the Bishop of Rome, and consented to
a reformation, as he once promised."'' No wonder than the Pontiff' was
enraged with the Emperor ; but then he had his answer ready — that he
might with more reason avail himself of the English King's assistance,
than Francis, could do of the Turk^s.
This singular array of parties may not last long, and the figures may
soon change their positions ; but it was sufficient that it should be ex-
hibited for ONCE, in the eye of the world, had it been for no other pur-
pose than to show, that there is one, who, as " He spreadeth abroad the
earth by Himself," so, at any moment, he can expose the hollow hypo-
crisy of nations, or more correctly speaking, of their rulers.
The wishes and long-cherished asjjirations of Gardiner and his adher-
ents were however now, at last, in part fulfilled. They had " set up
their rest^"" says Burnet, " on bringing the King and the Emperor to a
league, Avhich we may reasonably believe was vigorously driven on by
Bonner." But then this royal Master of theii-'s, who was " every thing
by turns, and nothing long," may, by only one movement, darken all
their prospects ; nay, he will soon, to their vexation, take his fii'st step,
and Gardiner himself must be called in to bow, and reverentially ac-
quiesce in it I
Parliament had risen on the 12th of May, and Henry having secured
an enormous subsidy,'' as well as settled his foreign affairs on the 20th,
« Herbert.
' To show their good will to the Imperiiil IcaRue, though the Pontilf was in opposition, the
VOL. II. L
1(;2 IlKNKY'S SIXTH MAKUIAUK. [houK il.
the inoutli of Jimu anivcd whcu the fact was announced ; l>ut thou at
the same time all was preparation for his sixth marriage ; and on the
loth of July, to Gardiner was assigned the unwelcome task of espousing
the King to Catharine Pnrr. The Queen, as already mentioned, favoured
the new learning ; and though she proceeded with caution so as not to
oftend Henry, and therefore could not prevent the burning of three
worthy men at Windsor, by Gardiner's instigation, only eighteen days
after her marriage ; yet happily, through one of the Queen's servants,
the plot which had already involved these men in ruin, and would have
swept away others of higher rank, was detected. The King was so
ottended as to degrade and punish the agents employed.
It was in the last month of this year that Cranmer's palace at Canter-
bury was destroyed by fire, when his brother-in-law and some other per-
sons perished in the Hamcs. This prevented him from entertaining
Gonzaga, the Viceroy of Sicily, who had arrived from the Emperor, with
a view to strengthen the league, and urge to greater exertions against
France. During the whole campaign between Charles and Francis, all
that Henry had done was to furnish a small army under Sir John Wallop ;
but vast preparations must now be made for this continental war, and
the English Monarch will now proceed, for the rest of his reign, to drain
the kingdom.
SECTION VII.
PAKLIAMENT ASSEMBLED HENKY's STYLE AND TITLE — LONGS TO BE KINO
OP FKANCE ! WAR WITH SCOTLAND HENRY IN FRANCE GARDINER
CRANMER henry's CONFESSION OF IMPOTENCE IN ALL HIS INJUNCTIONS
TO HIS BISHOPS — HIS INCONSISTENCY — NEW TESTAMENT OF TYND.A.LE's, A
FOREIGN PRINT.
That cause to which these pages have been specially de-
voted, had, as we have seen, been dragged into Parliament
last year, but we shall have the evidence before us presently,
that it continued to stand, as it had always stood, indepen-
dently of frown or favour. Parliament had disgraced itself,
it is true, as well as earned the contempt of posterity, by its
interference ; but as for any fury involved in its proceedings,
it will be evident that it could not this year be of much force,
Clergy had granted ten per cunt, on their income for three years, beside the deduction of the
tenths already vested in thcCrown, and the laity granted himataxon real or personal i)ropcrty,
ri-sinR uradually from 4d. to three shillings in the pound. All foreigners i)aid double rates.
SUI. M, Henry VIU. l7.
1j4.+.] HENRY'S STYLK AND TITLK. 163
in either burning, or blotting, or cutting the S;icred N'ohune.
A variety of circumstances, involved in the state of the coun-
try, will make this apparent, and prepare us for whatever may
have occurred in the cause itself; while a remarkable confes-
sion of impotence^ on the part of his Majesty^ as far as his pro-
clamations respecting religion were concerned, will also come
before us. So little had Royal authority to do with the pro-
gress of Truth, and that by its own recorded confession.
It was upon Tuesday the 14th of January, that Parliament had again
met, and it continued sitting till Saturday the 29th of March, when the
proceedings, as usual, assumed the shape of ivhatsoecer had occurred to
the fancy of the Sovereign. As the first Act introduced to the House
regarded the Crown, in which the possibility of Princess Mary's ultimate
succession was pointed at, the gentlemen of the old learning were not a
little pleased, to say nothing of the compliment thus paid to the Empe-
ror, who had long expressed his desire on the subject.' About the same
time, Henry was resolved not to forget his much-prized style or title as
King. An act was therefore passed, declaring that this should now be
— " King of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith ; and
on earth the Supreme Head of the Chm-ch of England and Ireland." Few
moments certainly could have proved more awkward for the assumption
of such a style. Its very sound, its grotesque appearance, as well as
palpable arrogance, must have afforded ground for many an observa-
tion at the time, since it has drawn forth remark from the historian ever
since. " King of England" Henry certainly was, as all his subjects
deeply felt ; and having smitten Scotland, after seeing his nephew sink
into an early grave, " his heart was lifted up ;" he might have *• gloried
in this, and tarried at home ; " but as for France, he was only girding on
his harness to fight her Sovereign, and, before long, this will have cost
him and his son a sum equal to about forty-five millions of our money
sterling, without any advantage whatever in return ! And with regard
to Ireland, this was the first Englishman who chose to style himself her
King ; but seven years before this, as " Lord of Ireland," he had inflicted
a vital injui'y, from which she has not recovered to the j^'i'^sent hour^
The rest of his Majesty's style has already come before us ; and it was
now finally confirmed by Act of Parliament, at the moment when Henry
1 Wriothesly, who had been created a Baron on the Ist of January, and is just about to come
into ]>ower, must have been not the least gratified. Lord Audley was fast declining in health,
after having held the seals as Lord Chancellor for above twelve years. On the 3ltth of April he
died, and on the 3d of May Wriothesly, a very different man, succeeded.— Gov. Stale Papers,
i., p. 7fi-'!, note.
2 His barbaric, though impotent, A(l for abolishing the luns/iiniii' of the native Irish, the abo-
rigines of that beautiful island— a language now sjioken daily to a far greater extent than it was
in Henry's reign. For one who then sjioke Irish, there are now nearly ^■».
Kli WAKWITIl SCOTI.AMJ. [booK II.
WHS Hi open w;ir witli Rome, and tiuarrelling witli the King of France
because lie luul not deserted the Pontiff. In other words, " Defender of
the Faitli," a title which the Court of Koine had conferred upon liini for
defending her claims, was now to be worn, in union with another, " the
Head of the Church of England," which usurped them aU. By this time,
however, it must he evident, that such a Parliament would have assented
to any style his Majesty had been pleased to dictate.
The session had not concluded before Henry was resolved to wreak his
vengeance on his nearest neighbour ; for, on the eve of a continental war,
Scotland must be prevented from giving any annoyance. Besides, his
Majesty's proposal of a marriage between young Edward and the infant
Mary of Scotland had been thwarted and opposed by Beaton. The osten-
sible object, therefore, was to extort a ratification of the matrimonial
treaty, or rather the surrender of the young Queen. The uncle of Ed-
ward, or Seymour Earl of Hertford, with Talbot Earl of Shrewsbury, and
Dudley Lord Lisle, the Lord Admiral, were dcs])atchcd with a fleet and
troops direct for the Scotish capital. Immediately on the Earl of Arran's
refusal, the troops were landed at Leith, on the 4th of May, and 5()(){»
horse from Berwick having joined next day, Edinburgh was attacked the
day following. The Castle defied all their efforts ; but after employing
four days in the plunder and conflagration of the city, the army, in re-
turning, consigned Haddington and Dunbar to the flames. On the other
hand, the fleet was employed against Leith, where, having burnt the
town, demolished the pier, and swept both sides of the Forth as far as
Stirling, Lisle returned with his ships to Newcastle.
But the expedition to the Continent, in union with the Emperor, was
to form Henry's grand exploit for this year ; and as he had just asserted
his right to the French throne, he must now go to make his title good.
Charles and he were to march direct to Paris. Before setting ofl", how-
ever, the English Monarch, now especially in want of the needful, must
devise some expedient for defraying all expenses. Afraid to risk the
refusal of last Parliament, after so large a subsidy, granted only the pre-
vious session, and for three years ; with equal disregard to the public at
large and his successor on the throne, as Henry was his om^h minister, he
at once raised the value of money and adulterated the coin ! A strange
preparation for a foreign war ; one, too, which will not meet his exigen-
cies, and a measure the results of which will be heavily felt for years
after the monarch is in his grave.
In June the first division of the English army had landed at Calais ;
and having appointed the Queen as Regent during his absence,IIenry set
off, sailing, on the 14th of July, for France, in a ship rigged with cloth of
gold ! The Duke of Norfolk was with the army, and Stephen Gardiner
had happily preceded, on his way to the Emperor's court ; for though
the King had begun to regard him with a jealous eye, his services as an
Ij^^-.] HENRY IN FRANCE. 165
jimbassador could not be dispcuscil with. Henry was now within the
French frontier at the head of 45,(.K)0 men, of whom 30,000 were English
troops, and the rest Imperial. The Emperor having been much the
earliest in the field, had commenced with sieges while waiting for his
ally, and three fortresses had already fallen before him. Henry must not
be beaten, and therefore resolved to commence after the same fashion.
Sitting down himself before Boulogne, he gave Montreuil in charge
to Norfolk.
It was while thus engaged, before performing any feat, and without
knowing whether he should succeed or not, that our English Monarch
began to feel that he must have more money still ! That he should ever
be King of France, yet remained to be decided ; but without delay he
must signify to his people from a distance, that he certainly was King of
England. Unfortunately for his oppressed subjects, the graduated tax
of last year had disdosed the value of every layman's estate, and thus, if
now disposed to make personal application, his newly created Chancellor,
Lord Wriothcsly, knew full well luhere to apply. In August, therefore,
came the royal letter, demanding the loan of a sum of money. It was a
regular circular, with blanks to be filled up ; a royal personal applica-
tion from the King direct, for a loan of money from the individual, not
one farthing of which was ever to be restored, although he now said
— " we promise you assuredly, by these presents, to cause the same to
be repaid again unto you, within after the date hereof !"
How much was gained in this way has not been stated ; it may have been
only like a drop in the ocean, but whatever was the amount. Parliament
will of co\u*se interpose and relieve the crown of all that was borrowed.
It had certainly been no small effort on the part of Henry to go
abroad, as he had become so corpulent, not to say feeble, through self-
indulgence ; so that should he not succeed to his wishes, the mortifica-
tion must be extreme, though as yet there seemed to be no reason to fear
the result. Charles had reached within two day's march of Paris, which
had taken alarm, and even Francis had begun to tremble. Meanwhile,
a Spanish dominican, in the service of France, had whispered to Charles
something about overtures of peace. The season was advancing, great
arrears were due to the Imperial army, and the Emperor could not
winter in France. An ambassador must be sent, for form's sake, to
Henry, requiring him to fulfil his engagement, and meet with Charles
before Paris. In the siege in which he was engaged, Henry's honour
was at stake, when Charles, who felt no scruple in breaking a treaty at any
moment, went on with his negotiation. It was soon signed. The Em-
peror found it perfectly convenient to make peace with Francis at Crespic
near Meaux, on the 19th of Sei)tember, leaving our English Monarch to
settle his own affairs, and return home as he best could ! It was oul}-
the day before that Henry had been riding in great triumph into
I fir; IIKNRY RKTURNED TO ENGLAND. [book ll.
Boulogne, auJ with this he must now he sutiHficd, instead of the capital
and crown of France. By the 30th of September he had rc-emharked
and returned, says Halle, " to England, to the great rejoicing of his lov-
ing suhjects !" lie had lost his Imperial ally, and was now embroiled in
a war with France l>y sea and land ! Great boast, indeed, was made of
his Majesty's siege and conquest ; but immediate consideration must l)c
given to the means by which even this was to be retained. As a proof
that the power of France was not impaired, and that even aggressive
steps on her part were anticipated, the rest of the year was busily occu-
pied in fortifying the coasts of England.
Several of the movements of Government this year natu-
rally lead to the conclusion that there could not be much, if
any time left, to attend to the business of persecution for the
Truth's sake ; although in the spring, while Parliament was
sitting, the House discovered, as usual, the discordant mate-
rials of which it was composed.
Their very first bill, involving as it did, the prospect of
Princess Mary'^s possible succession to the throne, seems to
have inspirited the gentlemen of " the old learning;" for al-
though Cranmer had triumphed over his accusers last year,
it was during this Parliament that the minion of Norfolk and
Gardiner, Sir John Gostwyck, of whom we have already
heard enough, as the accuser of Crumwell, ventured to ac-
cuse the Archbishop of heresy, openly in the House of Com-
mons ; but the knight, whom his Majesty instantly denounced
as a rarlet, had to repair forthwith to Lambeth, to humble
himself there, and crave forgiveness. On the other hand,
Gardiner was about this time placed in very awkward, if not
critical circumstances, by his kinsman, some have said nephew,
and secretary, Germain Gardiner. Once the feeble opponent
of John Fryth, having been apprehended for denying the
King"'s supremacy, he suffered the penalty of death as a
traitor on the 7th of March. However, the Bishop con-
trived, as usual, to make his peace with the King, and hap-
pily he was soon to be despatched upon foreign affairs ; though
still, if Gardiner failed in any way, he sunk ; while Cranmer
remained or rather advanced in royal favour.
To the latter, therefore, the present moment appeared to
be a favourable one for the farther mitigation of the bloody
statute, which had been already somewhat softened last year ;
and Cranmer succeeded in carrving a new Act this session.
1544.] HENRY'S CONFESSION OF IMPOTENCE. 1G7
By this, in future, no individual was to be brought to trial
under that statute, till after he had been legally presented,
on the oaths of twelve men, before such commissioners as are
mentioned in this Act, and referred to in another ; nor was
he, till then, to be imprisoned. No reputed offence of an older
date than otie year was to bo actionable ; nor was any preacher
to be indicted, if fortt/ days had elapsed after any sentiment
he had uttered in the pulpit. The accused might also chal-
lenge any juryman.^ These provisions formed so many very
important alleviations in the fury of persecution ; though
two years hence, as in the cases of Anne Askew and others,
they were most scandalously disregarded.
By the time that Henry departed from France, also, it will
be observed, that not only were Norfolk and Gardiner with-
drawn from the country, but the Queen was Regent ; and
with Cranmer at the head of her Council, the chief man
bent upon cruelty and mischief, or Bonner of London, must
have been under certain restraint. Nor was this all. Just
before his Majesty left, it deserves notice that prayers in the
English tongue were directed to be generally used. This fact
in itself was important ; but in reference to past times, and
royal influence, not so much so as another, which now comes
out incidentally —
" We have sent unto you,'' says the King to all the Bishops of his reahn,
" We have sent imto you these suffrages, not to be /or a month or tiro observed,
and after slenderly considered, as other our injunctions, to ovr no little martel
hare been nsed, but to the intent that as well the same, as other our injunctions,
may be earnestly set forth," &c.
Thus it was officially acknowledged that the King"'s former
injunctions had carried no powerful or prolonged influence.
Before this we have frequently had occasion to observe, that
the cause of God and his truth had been so peculiarly con-
ducted, as to have no leaning or dependence on him whatevei-.
We have seen, by many striking proofs, that it went on in
its course, first in defiance, and then independently of ro^'al
interference. But now, towards the close of his reign, lest
posterity should mistake, or not observe it ; as far as his
own name and authority had been employed, here is an artless
and very frank confession of impotence, on the part of his
•■' Sfatiilcs. at larRc. .-JS H. VHI., cap. •'•.
168 NEW TKSTA.MHNT OF TVNDALE'S. [boOK II.
Majesty, if not also of Cranmor, who is supposed to have
drawn up the injunction.
So far, indeed, from being a consistent friend to tlie pro-
gress of Divine Truth amongst his subjects, only last year
Henry had lent his authority to the reprobation of the origi-
nal translator, at whose death he had winked so hard ; and
frowned upon the poor for reading the Hacred Volume. His
injunctions, like himself, staggering from side to side, must
have confounded the public mind ; and considering what had
passed in Parliament last year, in reprobating the name and
writings of Tyndale, it was not wonderful that the indignity
should be resented. Tyndale"'s very name had become pre-
cious to many, and his translations of Scripture were now care-
fully preserved or hoarded in many a corner throughout Eng-
land, far beyond the ken of Bishop, or King, or any underling.
Meanwhile, there seems to be no account whatever upon re-
cord of the seizure or burning of the New Testament, though
there might have been, had foreign politics and prepara-
tions for war not engrossed attention ;•* but Lewis and some
others have gone too far when they have stated that Day and
Seres printed the Pentateuch this year. Day had not yet
begun to print at all, and the volume must belong to a sub-
sequent impression, or that of 1549. It is, however, curious,
and more to the purpose, that a foreign press was at work
even this year, and with an edition of Tyndale''s New Testa-
ment. This must have been in the face of the recent
anathema. A copy, once in the possession of the Earl of
Oxford, is mentioned in the Harleian Catalogue, with this
remark — " it seems to be a foreign print." ^ Indeed it must
have been so ; and it may be put down in these troublous
days, as a serenade from Antwerp or elsewhere, in answer to
the contemptible brawl in Parliament last year.
* It is tme tliat in Herbert's Ames, under 1544, (p. l.'i.'i.'i) there is mention made of one bnrn-
iiiK of the New Testiiment by Soniersand sixteen others; but this refers to an earlier period, in
Ihc days when the possessors were condemned to throw them into the fire prepared at Cheap-
Ride. "* Hibl. Harl., vol. i., No. 428.
L K'-^ ]
SECTION VIII.
WAU WITH FKANCE — EXHAUSTED STATE OP ENGLAND — UNDERMINING
OKANMER — niS ENEMIES COVERED WITH SHAME HENRY ADDRESSING
HIS PRIVY COUNCIL HIS OPINION OF IT — ADDRESSING HIS PARLIA-
MENT FOR THE LAST TIME.
We are now within two years of the King's death, and the
entire period was fraught with great misery to his subjects,
though, generally speaking, not after the fashion in which they
had been tormented in past times. His Majesty and the go-
vernment, with all the strength of the kingdom, were at present
fully occupied in preparing for self-defence. Such was the
consequence of Henry's visit to France !
France had not been so exhausted by the double invasion of last year,
as to be incapable of retaliation. Francis, having now only one enemy
before him, had resolved to attack Boulogne by land, to block it up by
sea, and even invade England. His army was to amount to above 50,000
men, and he fitted out a fleet of ships, large and small, amounting to
above 200 sail, besides twenty-five gallies. It was the greatest eiFort
that France had ever made by sea.
By the middle of July 136 sail had arrived within sight of Ports-
mouth, where the English fleet of only sixty sail lay to defend the king-
dom. The sands, however, proving their grand defence, the French
were unable to dislodge them ; though the contrast between last year and
the present, must have been striking in the extreme, to him who wit-
nessed both. Precisely a year ago, Henry having sailed in his ship
rigged with cloth of gold, was upon French ground at the head of 45,000
men, proposing to march to Paris : and now, at no small expense to his
subjects, he was standing on the shore at Portsmouth, the fleet of France
braving him to his face, and riding triumphantly in the British Channel !
One of the English vessels too, the Mary Rose, with her captain, Sir
George Carew, and seven hundred men on board, went down before his
eyes ; and though the ship was very partially recovered afterwards, all
on board perished !^ The skirmishing between the two fleets was in-
' The French insisted that they had sunk her by their fire ; the English s.iid she had gone
down from being overloaded with ordnance, and having her ports very low. We have said that
she was partkiV;/ recovered ; but who would have supposed that the remains, could liave been
brought to light in our own day, after lying for nearly three hiindretl wivfcv under water? The
timber and relics recovered from the M.ary Rose, sunk in 154.5, were recovered only in IH4(), and
being sold by auction in November, brought great ))riccs. The heel of the oak mast sold for £:H>.
Stone and iron shot, for from twenty to thirty shillings eaeli. Common glass bottles and warrior's
bows, from ten to fifteen shillings, and other articles in proportion. One brass and twenty iron
cannon have been recovered.
I7(» WAR WITH FUAN'CK. [noOK II.
significHUl ;it tliat nionicnt, but no time was to be lost in farther pre-
parations ; although no sooner ha<l his Majesty left the ground than
" many of his mariners and soldiers had fallen sick, and many were not
able to continue the seas."* Still, by the lUth of August, the English
fleet had amounted to 104 vessels of all descriptions, with 12,738 men
on board ; and reprisals must be sought for on the coast of France. On
the 2d of September about seven thousand men were landed in Normandy,
and after burning the seaport and Abbey of Treport, the fleet returned
in a condition sufliciently miserable, owing to sickness and disease.
Lord Lisle, the Lord-Admiral, in writing to the Privy Council on the
14th of September, tells them " of the number of the men who came
home with me, there were found in the musters, 12,000 sick and whole.
And because there was no nwney to pay the army at the said musters,
there was new musters taken the 13th of the said month, at which day
were mustered of whole and able men 8488 !" so that it doth appear there
were sick, dead, and dismissed by passport 3.512 !'
With the most savage barbarity, during all this month, the war in
Scotland had been pursued, under Seymour, Earl of Hertford, to which
some reference must be made at its close next year.
Throughout this busy year, and indeed ever since the death of Crum-
well, there had been no man at his jNIajesty's right hand, fruitful in ex-
pedients to supply his exchequer ; so that the state of his finances will
forcibly explain the condition into which he had now brought himself,
as well as the people under his sway.
When in France the King had procured money by " loans," never to
be repaid. He coiild not, within a few months only, solicit loans a second
time ; nor does he seem to have been willing to face Parliament at its
usual period of assembling in the beginning of the year. As for that
species of assistance, strangely enough styled leiiecohnces, time there was
when the spirit of the people of England put an end to their imposition,
and they had been declared by Parliament to be illegal ; but the iron
sway of this Monarch was such, that should any man dare to resist a
" benevolence" no2C, we shall soon see the consequences. Upon any
emergency whatever, and much more when money was wanted, law was
now a trifling hindrance. Ilenry had been in the habit of making and
unmaking laws for many a day, as to heresy, and why not, when his
coffers were empty ?
Early in the month of January, therefore, his Majesty coolly told his
subjects, that he had " forborne, at this time, to trouble Parliament with
their repair to the Court." lie now merely addressed a " Minute of a
letter to divers Lords," &c., for a benevolence ! In this he adverted to the
" importable charges" which he had " borne, upon the league with the
- riov. Plate Tiipcrs, i. vol. ■'' Idem. i. and v., i'fi.
1.345.] EXTORTION OF SUPPLIES. 171
Emperor for the benefit of Christendom, and for the recovery of his right
to the Crotcn of France f" He then calls on all those to whom the
letter was addressed to " contribute such sums of money as they conve-
niently/ may, by way of benevolence, as if the same were granted by
Pai-liament ! ! ""' Amongst others, of course the Lord Mayor and Alder-
men of London were not forgotten ; but two of the latter had not found
it " convenient" to comply. One of them, Richard Reed, before the
month was ended, had been sent off to join the ra)ih of the army in
Scotland. He was made prisoner in the very first engagement, and had
to pay a heavy fine for his ransom ! Sir William Roach, the other
Alderman, suffered a confinement of three months under a charge of
seditious words, and no doubt paid sweetly for his liberation. Such were
the consequences of resisting Henry's " benevolence, if it were conve-
nient."^ The sum thus raised amounted to £70,723, 18s. lOd., or equal
to above a million of our present money ; but this proved only a mere
driblet, when compared with the expenses incurred bythe war with France.
If the true condition of the country is to be known, and as descriptive
of the reign of Henry the Eighth, it is important. Without any historical
naiTation, the better way will be to repair to my Lord Chancellor Wri-
othesly, and inquire what he has got to say by the month of September.
In self-defence, he will tell us far more than his Majesty would have ever
chosen to disclose to posterity. He is wi-iting to the Privy Council, on
Monday morning the 7th of September, and the information will be new
to most readers of English history.
" My Lords, if I had my horses here with me, I would be with you this night ;
but the same standing so far abroad that I cannot conveniently so do, I shall
not fail to set forward on Wednesday, according to the King's Majesty's pleasure
and my fonner advertisement.
" As concerning the preparation of money, I shall do that is possible to be
done ; but, my Lords, I trust your wisdoms do consider what is done and paid
already. You see the King's Majesty hath, this year and the last year, spent
£1,300,000 or thereabouts, and his subsidy and ' benevolence ' ministering scant
three hundred thousand thereof." So tlie lands being consumed, the plate of the
realm molten and coined, whereof much hath risen, I sori'ow and lament the
danger of the time to come ; wherein is also to be remembered the money that
is to be repaid in Flanders, and what is as much, or more tlian all the rest, the
4 See Gov. State Papers, i., 789, note.
■'' fiy the 21st for June, while the French fleet was in the act of preparing to pay Henry their
visit, in return for his intrusion, we find t)ic Duke of Norfolk writing to Paget the King's Secre-
tary—"I have had here witli me the collectors of this sliire, Norfolk, and greatly hlanied tlieni
for that the iHtieivlfiice was not yet all paid. And their excuse was, that a great number of
peoi)le have lamentably complained unto them, that for lack of payment for such grain, «« is
takni of lliem for Ike Kir,p's Hk/liness' use, they have no moneij to jiay the same ; but noticiHi-
slniHlin/i, I have and shall this week, take auch order, that I trust it shall l)e shortly )>aid '."—Oov.
Shite Pollers, vol. i., p. 789, 7!K).
« That is, an amount, in our day, equal to nineteen millions and a half, of which four and a
half had been received, while he saw not where the remaining sum, equal to fifteen millions,
was to be found !
172 KXHAISTED STATK OK ENGLAND. [book II.
great warcity tliat \vc liavo of com ; wluat being, in all i>lacc-8, Norfolk except-
4'd, at '20s. titc (juartor, anJ a marvellous small quantity to l>e gotten of it.
And though the King's Majesty should have a greater grant than the realm
could bear at one time, it would do little to the continuance of these charges,
which be so importable that I sec not almost how it is possible to bear the
charges this winter, till more be gotten ; the great part of the subsidy being
paid, the revenue received lx;fore hand, and more Iwrrowed of the Mint than
will be repaid these four or five months !
" Wherefore, good my Lords, though you write to me still, ' /'t<y, }'<iy, JJi't-
yiirf fvr this and for ?^«?,' consider it is your parts to remember the state of
things with me, and, by your wisdoms, to ponder what may be done, and how-
things may be continued. I have done nothing in these matters alone.
You were all privy to the state of them, before and after the King's Majesty
came to Portsmouth, at which time things were considered and drawn to the
uttermost." 7
Among the other sources of perplexity, it will be observed that Flan-
ders is mentioned. It was a branch of Henry's pretensions to the crown
of France. In order to defend Boulogne he had hired 14,(t0() Germans,
who, having marched to Fleurines, in the district of Liege, found they
could advance no farther, the Emperor not allowing them a passage.
The want of occupation and of pay soon produced mutiny ; and money
not arriving at the time appointed, they seized the English Commis-
sioners as their security, and retreated. It was an ill-managed as well
as expensive armament. The only consolation was, that Ileniy was now
his own Minister, and no single man besides could be blamed. Wriothesly,
wc have seen, declined all personal responsibility .^
Nearly two months after this the Chancellor reports progress to the
King — " It may like you to declare to the King's Majesty that, against
Monday next, he shall have in a readiness to be conveyed, whither it
shall please him, the sum of .£20,000, which is gotten after this sort ; the
Mints, our holy atichor, doth prepare £15,000 ; the Augmentation,
£3000 ; the Dutchy, XlOOO ; and the Wards, A'lOOO. The tenth and
first-fruits hath >ioMi»^, the Surveyors nothing, nor the Exchequer above
£1000, which must serve towards the setting forth of your ships now in
preparing to the seas, to relieve the debt of the ordinance, and to help
other necessaries ! "^
By the 11th of November our Lord Chancellor is addressing Paget,
the King's Secretary, very much in the same strain. " First, touching
the Mint," {their holy anchor^ " we be now so far out with it, that if
you take any penny more of it these three months, in which I think they
shall be able to pay half the debt, you shall utterly destroy the trade of
it, and men shall clearly withdraw their resort thither ; which what it
would import ye know." And after referring to the Court of Augmeuta-
7 G«v. Slate Papers, i , p. 8.V. « Herbert. Ilunu
!> Idem, i., )•. H.XV
154.5.] KXUAUSTED STATK OK KNtiLAND. 173
tions — of tenths and first-fruits, and the Exchequer, ike, ho then adds —
" I assure you, Mr. Secretary, I am at my ivit's etui how we shall possibly
shift for three months following-, and especially for the two next. For
I see not any great liklyhood that any good sum will come in till after
Christmas, and then no more than the relevainthcs, whereof before I have
made mention which is no great matter. lo And yet, if ever I offended
men in any thing, I offend in this matter. I am, as some think, ioo sore
in it, but I serve him that I trust will sustain me, doing nothing but for
his service." — " I would I and all men were bound to drink water
twice a-week while we lived, upon condition that his Majesty might
compass all things to his heart's ease and contentacion ! "" These were
nothing more than empty compliments, but, no doubt, intended for the
royal eye.
This state of wretchedness and beggary had at last obliged his Majesty
to summon Parliament and the Convocation. They met on the 23d of
November ; and the last subsidy for three years being now far more than
expended, both Lords and Commons, clergy and laity, must come for-
ward once more. The Convocation granted fifteen per cent, on their in-
comes for two years, and the Commons two tenths and fifteenths. The
latter, indeed, added to this an additional subsidy from real and 2)ersonal
property, which they intreated his Majesty to accept, " as it pleased the
great Alexander to receive thankfully a sup of water of a poor man by
the highway-side."^^ To ward off, however, the recurrence or necessity for
another " sup of water," the House proceeded one step farther, to the
alarm of many who were not present to oppose, nor had ever been con-
sulted. To his Majesty's sovereign disposal they subjected all colleges,
chantries, and hospitals in the kingdom, with their manors, lands, or he-
reditary estates. From a monarch who never repaid his " loans," and
crushed his subjects to the ground if they declined a " benevolence,"
they were satisfied with a promise, that he would not now abuse the con-
fidence of his subjects, but employ the Avhole " to the glory of God, and
the common profit of the realm ! " Cambridge and Oxford, however,
immediately took the alarm, and approached the throne, craving mercy
and forbearance. By this time it has been extremely difficult for histo-
rians to find the slightest occasion for offering incense to the memory of
Henry, but several have seized the jjresent moment for want of a better,
and simply because he left these two Universities in full possession of
their revenues !
Among the acts passed at this time, there was one for conveying seventi/
manors to the Crown belonging to the see of York ; one for punishing
those who took above ten per cent, interest for money ; and a third for
10 R'levainthes—t\\e revenue derived from rclirfs ; fines pay-ablc by a tenant on the death of
his ancestor.
11 Gov. State Papers, i., p. it4(>. '2 Stat, of Realm, lOKi.
174 I'l.OT ACMINHT CKANMEU. [uuoK II.
settling tlic tithes in LuNDoN in projtoition to tliu kknts of the lioiises.it
On the -24111 of Deccml>ci railiainciit rose, when Henry delivcrcil the
last oration ho ever addressed to it ; a strange produetion, which will he
glanced at presently.
Ill the course of a year so pregnant with misery and con-
Ciision throughout the kingdom as this, it may appear difHcult
to ima<Mnc wliere one moment was left for tlie gentlemen ol
the " old learning" to display their hostility ; hut in the
autumn, after the King's return from the mortifying scene at
Portsmouth, such a moment was found.
Cranmor had not failed to improve the ahseiice of Gardiner
and Norfolk. Last year, as we have seen, the former had
been in Germany or Flanders, the latter in France ; and up
to this period the Duke had been very busy at home, surveying
the sea-coast, and harassed by the war of defence. But now
in September or October, a select number of the Privy
Council had found a little space to breathe and look round,
when an opportunity seemed to present itself, for trying their
skill once more. It was to be concentrated on the Arch-
bishop, and for the last time. The incidents are important,
not in reference to the accusers only, but as giving farther
insight to the character of the King himself, in connexion
with his precious Council.
In the afternoon of the 22d of August, Charles Brandon,
Duke of Suffolk, died ; perhaps the most powerful friend that
Cranmer now had.^* The companion of the King from his
earliest youth, and possessing throughout life considerable
influence over him ; Henry was sitting in Council when first
informed of his decease, and could not suppress his feelings.
He then declared that during the whole course of their friend-
ship, the Duke had never made one attempt to injure an
adversary, nor had ever whispered a word to the disadvantage
of anp person. " Is there any of t/ou, my Lords, who can
sav as much V When his Majesty had uttered these words,
>3 Sec the Supplication of the Poor Commons, under next year.
n Gov. State Papers, v., p. 4!)fi.— Siiftolk had been General of tlie English army in France,
ftnU was the first man who entered iioulogiie. lie it was who, in l.i2!), so incensed Wolsey, bv
exclaiming—" It was never merry in England whilst we had Cardinals araon^st us,"— and it
W.18 to him and Norfolk, tliat the Cardinal at last delivered up the Great Seal. The OukeS
last letter is dated from Portsmouth on the 7th of Au);ust, where he had remained behind the
King, deeply interested in tryinR to recover the hulk of the Mary Hose; so that lie had been
but a short time unwell.— See State Papers, I., pp. 7!^'-7!ltl. U"H.
154.5.] CRANMEK ACCUSED. 175
he looked round in all their faces, and saw them contused
with the consciousness of secret guilt,"^
Thus so emphatically checked, one might have supposed
that they would have been careful not to verify the character
which their Sovereign had seemed to insinuate ; but no ; it
was but shortly after the Duke''s remains were interred with
splendour at Windsor, that certain Privy Counsellors had
resolved to move. When the King gave his significant look
round the Council, there can be little or no doubt that his Grace
of Norfolk, Wriothesly the Lord Chancellor, and even Stephen
Gardiner were present ; for the latter had returned in spring,
and been ever since actively engaged. ^*' The fears of the
party must have led them to exaggerate ; but from the ex-
pressions employed, the reader will at least learn what was
their estimate of the progress now made, in a cause which they
denounced as heretical, and so detested. Another mistake
they made, not unwillingly, was their ascribing so much to
one man, and that one man the Archbishop ; but he was near
to them, and a perpetual eye-sore ; they hated him from the
heart fervently, and must play their last game, under Henry,
with a view to his ruin.
Being, as they imagined, now fully prepared to carry their
purpose into effect, the Privy Counsellors waited on his
Majesty, when they grievously accused Cranmer ; saying,
" that he, with his learned men, had so infected the whole
realm with their unsavoury doctrines, that three parts of the
land were become abominable heretics ; and that this might
prove dangerous to the King, as likely to produce such com-
motions and uproars as had sprung up in Germany." They
therefore " requested that the Archbishop might be committed
to the Tower, till he might be examined." To their mode
of procedure the King at once objected, when they told him,
" that the Archbishop being one of the Privy Council, no
man dared to object matter against him, unless he were first
'5 Coke's Inst., cap. ys.
'8 It has been stated in tlie British Biography and elsewhere, that Gardiner did not return from
Flanders till about Jan. 1540, but this is a mistake. As early as May this year, he had returned ;
and it is perfectly characteristic, that the first time his name appears again in the Privy Council,
is by his signature in reply to the jiroposed murder of Cardinal Beaton. Again, his name is at
the letter from Oking, 2iith Aug., to the Karl of Hertford down in the north, informing him of
the death of Suffolk on the day )ireceding. Sadler was with the Earl, and so was Tunstal, so
that /((■ must not be implicated in the scene about to be described. — Guv. State Pollers, v., pp.
4.51, 491-4!t6. The truth might be stated as — " Bishop versus Archbishop ;" for Tunstal had his
eye upon Beaton, and Gardiner his upon Cranmer, about the same momenta.
17(>' IIKNKVS OIMNION OK lllS OWN COUNCIL. [bOuK II.
coiniiiitteil tu (liininou ; but that il tlii.s wvw doiu', iiU'U would
bo bold to toll the truth, and deliver their con.'^eieiice.s I''
Yet Henry still would proceed no farther than ihi.s — that
Cranuier .should appear ncjxt day before the Council to be
exauiiiu'd by theuLSelves, and should they t/wn jud^e it to be
advisable, so commit hioi to the Tower.
His Majesty, however, knowing the men well, and rcflect-
inir on what he had done, about niidniirht ordered Sir Anthonv
Denny to cross the river to Lambeth, and command Cran-
nier''s immediate attendance at Whitehall. The Archbishop
was in bed, but, of course, instantly rose, and presented himself
before his royal Master, whom he found in the gallery of the
palace. Henry very frankly told him the whole, and what
lie had done in granting their request ; but concluded by say-
ing— " Whether I have done well or no, what say you, my
Lord f Cranmer, having first thanked his Majesty for the
information, went on to say, that he was well content to be
committed to the Tower for the trial of his doctrine, if he
might be fairly heard, not doubting but that his Majesty
would see that he was so treated. Upon hearing these words,
Henry, with a profane exclamation, immediately burst forth,
after his own characteristic manner —
" What fond simplicity have you, so to peniiit yoiir.self to be iniprisoiied,
that every enemy of youi''s may taloj advantage against you ! Do you not
know, when they have you once in prison, three or four false knaves will sooti
be procured to witness against you, and condemn you ; which else, you being
now at liberty, dare not open their lips, or appear before your face ? No, not
so, my Lord ; I have better i-egard unto you, than to permit youi- enemies .so
to overthrow you ; and, therefore, I will have you to-mon'ow come to the
Council, which, no doubt, will send for you ; and when they break this matter
unto you, require of them, that being one of them, you may have so nmch
favour as they would have themselves ; that is, to have your accusers brought
before you. And if they stjtnd with you, without regard of your allega-
tions, and will, on no condition, condescend to your request, but will needs
commit you to the Tower — then appeal you from them to our jjcrson, :uid give
to them this my ring, by the which they shall well undei-stand that I have
taken your cause frcnn them into mine own hand. This ring, they well know,
I use for no other purpose but to call matters from tlie Council into mine own
hands, to be ordered and determined." Cranmer having received tlic ring,
humbly thanked his Majesty, and withdrew for tlie night.
Next morning, and by eight o'clock, a message arrived
from the Privy Council requiring Cranmer's attendance. It
was immediately obeyed, but when the Primate made his ap-
pearance in the ante-room, he was not permitted to proceed
1545.] HIS ENEMIES COVKRKD WITH SHAMK. 177
anv lartlior. There he was kept waitiiio-, aniono' servants and
ushers, nearly an hour, while other members of Council were,
in the meantime, passing both in and out. Fortunately,
Ralph Morrice, the Archbishop's secretary, was with him ; and
indignant at this treatment, he slipt oft", and informed a warm
friend of his master. Dr. William Butts, the King's phy-
sician. He first came, and once witness to the fact, proceed-
ed to the royal presence. Having informed his Majesty
what a strange thing he had seen. What is that ? said Henry.
" My Lord of Canterbury," replied the physician, " if it
please your Grace, is well promoted ; for now he has become
a lackey or a serving man ; for yonder he hath stood this half
hour at the Council Chamber door among them." — " It is not
so," said Henry ; " the Council hath not so little discretion
as to use the metropolitan of the realm after that sort ! But
let them alone ; it is Avell enough — I shall talk with them
by and bye."
At length Cranmer was called in. Their Lordships then
informed him that great complaints were made of him, both
to the King and to them ; that he, and others by his permis-
sion, had filled the land with heresy ; and, therefore, it was
the royal pleasure that he should stand committed to the
Tower, there to await his trial and examination. As a Privy
Counsellor, the Primate first demanded that his accusers
should be immediately called before him, using many argu-
ments against their proceeding to such extremity ; but all was
in vain — he must go to the Tower, " Then," said Cranmer,
" I am sorry, my Lords, that you drive me to this exigent,
to appeal from you to the King's Majesty, who by this token
(holding up the ring,) hath resumed this matter into his own
hand, and dischargeth you thereof." The royal signet once
delivered, produced more than its usual effect ; the Council
were amazed, and the first man who broke silence was Lord
John Russell, afterwards Earl of Bedford : — " When you first
began this matter, my Lords, I told you what would come of
it. Do you think that the King will suffer this man's finger
to ache I Much more, I warrant you, will he defend his life
against brabbling varlets ! You do but cumber yourselves to
hear tales and fables against him. T know, right well, that the
King would never permit my Lord of Canterbury to have such
a blemish, as to be imprisoned, unless it were for high treason."
VOL. II. M
17H HENRY ADDRESSINU HIS PKIVY COUNCIL. QbOOK II.
Tlii.s, liowever, was no time for confabulation. The Coun-
sellors, to a man, must rise instantly, and carry both the ring
and the cause into the royal presence. Henry, of course, was
now fully ready for them.
" Ah, my Lords, I thought that 1 had had a discreet and wise Council, but
now I perceive that I am deceived. How have you handled here my Lord of
Canterbury ? What msvke ye of him ? A slave ? — shutting him out of the
Council Chamber among serving men ! Would ye be so handled yourselves ?
I would ye should well understand, that I account my Lord of Canterbury as
faithful a man towards mc, as ever was prelate in this realm, and one to whom
I am many w.ays beholden, by the faith 1 owe unto God, (laying his hand upon
his breast,) and, therefore, whosoever loveth me, will upon that account
regard him."
Something must be said in reply, when Norfolk answered for himself and his
fellows : — " We meant no manner of hurt unto my Lord of Canterbui-y, in
that we requested to have him in durance ; which we only did, that he might,
after liis trial, be set at liberty to his greater glory." Henry, however, was not
to be befooled, and only added — " I pray you, use not my friends so : I per-
ceive now well enough how the world goeth among you. There remaineth
malice among you, one to another ; let it be avoided out of hand, 1 would
advise you."l7
His Majesty immediately departed, when all the accusing
gentlemen, so stern of late, are said to have shaken hands,
hypocritically enough, with Cranmer, who was to be troubled
no more, after this fashion, for above seven years to come.
It has been thought difficult to say whether Henry, over-
persuaded by this junto, was at first in earnest, and afterwards
changed his resolution ; or Avhether he took this method to
check the forwardness of the Archbishop*'s enemies ; but let
this have been as it may, who does not see, and in the King''s
own language, a hideous picture of the past ? Here was the
base manner in which many precious lives had been sacrificed.
The Council, stript of its disguise, by its own Sovereign, ex-
hibits a shocking spectacle ; but above all, what can be said
as to the character of the Monarch himself, who, in amazement
at Cranmer's simplicity, was perfectly familiar with the un-
principled cruelty of his own Ministers ? " Do you not know,"
'7 Strype, Foxe. Though this stranRc affair Jerives not a little point from the time and
circumstances in which it occurred, it has been frequently misplaced. Strype, in his Life of
Cranmer, placing it in l.")44, and Burnet in l.'>4()— from both of whom, others have copied. It is
fixed by the death of Suffolk, and that of Dr. Uutts. Archbishop Parker informs us that the
Duke had died but a short time hi/ore, and we have seen the part which the King's physician
acted. He had been knighted by Henry VIII. before this, and dying on the l/th of November
1.54.1. lies interred in Fulliam Church. The scene must have occurred, therefore, in September
or October of that ve.ir.
1545.] LKCTURINU HIS I'AKLIAMKNT. 179
said Henry, " tluit irhen they hate you once in prison^ three
or tour false knaves will soon be procured to witness against
you V Such, no doubt, on many a melancholy occasion, had
been the tender mercies of both King and Council.
Having thus schooled his Prhy Council^ by the close of the
year his Majesty felt no less disposed to lecture his Parlia-
ment. We have already heard, from the Lord Chancellor
himself, what was the miserable state of Henry's finances ;
we have seen Parliament strain every nerve, and even exceed
their powers, in trying to improve them ; and as there was no
subject which made its way so directly to the royal heart, as
that of pecuniary supplies, the King professed to be uncom-
monly pleased with his most compliant House. He had,
indeed, no idea of blotting out from his style, the monosylla-
ble " France ;" but by this time, there is not only no more
loft}^ pretensions to that crown, but he very frankly charac-
terises the adverse turn which the war had taken — " not for
our pleasure, but your defence ; not for our gain, but to our
great cost.'''' Still the whole House had done its utmost, and
since they had laid at his feet all the Universities, as Henry
had no intention of levelling to the dust either Cambridge or
Oxford ; after taking full credit to himself for being a " trusty
friend, "" a " charitable man," a " lover of the public wealth,""
and " one that feared God," he proceeds —
" Now, since I find sucli kindness on your part towards me, I cannot choose
but love and favour you, affirming that no prince in the world more favoureth
his subjects than I do you, nor any subjects or commons more love and obey
their Sovereign Lord, than I perceive you do me, for whose defence my treasure
shall not be hidden, nor, if necessity require, shall my person be unadventured !"
The way being thus smoothed, his Majesty proceeds to
reprimand the whole House, and nothing will satisfy him
short of exposing to the public eye what he thought of them
all, as a body. If any benefit was to accrue to posterity, from
Henry's own opinion before quitting the stage, he now gives
it ; and the pith of his address must not be withheld.
He commences with quoting Scripture, and his text is
" Charity is gentle., charity is not envious., charity is not proud,
and .so forth in that chapter." But he had seen malice in his
Privy Council, and now saw it in Parliament, whether Lords
or Commons. Clergy or Laity.
180 IIKNKVS LAST ADDRKSS TO PARLIAMENT. [nOOK M.
" noliold, tlit'ii, wliat love and cliarity tliero is aiimiif^st you — 1 sec and Iioar
daily tliat voii of the Ci.kkuy preach one against another, teacli one contrary to
another, inveigh one against another, without cliarity or discretion — Alas ! how
can the poor souls live in concord when you prcaehei-s sow among them, in
your sermons, strife and discord ? They look for light, and you bring them
into darkness. Amend these crimes, I exiiort you, and set forth God's Word,
both by true preaching and good example giving ; or else I, vliom God linth
appointed liis Vicitr and high minister here, will see those divisions extinct,
and these enormities con-ected, according to niy very duty !
" Yet you of the temporality be not clean and unspotted of malice and envy
— And although you bo permitted to read Holy Scripture, and to have the Word
of God in your mother tongue, you must understand it is licensed you so to do,
only to inform your own consciences, and to instruct your cliildren and family.
I am very sorry to know and hear how imrevei'ontly that most precious jewel,
the Word of God, is disputed, rhymed, sung, and jangled, in every ale-house
and tavern, contrary to the true meaning and doctrine of the same."
Old John Foxe cannot permit his Majesty to escape with
such credit as he would here arrogate to himself. " Charity
and concord in Commonwealths, be things most necessary ;
but in matters of religion, charity and concord be not enough,
without verity and true worship of God. And wherein con-
sisteth all this variance, but only because God''s word hath
not its free course, but that those who set it forth are con-
demned, and therefore burned V " How are they permitted to
liear God's word, when no one is permitted to read it (as far
as Parliament had enjoined,) under the degree of a gentle-
man f^ Truth and error he regarded " as two mighty flints
smiting together, whereupon cometh out the sparkle of this
division," and " there is no neutrality, nor mediation of
peace, nor exhortation to agreement, that will serve between
these two.'"'
Parliament, of course, durst not reply — " Physician, heal
thyself;" but such language from such lips, has seldom if
ever been equalled. Some may conjecture that Cranmer must
have helped his Majesty to several of his expressions ; but if
this was indeed Henry's own unaided production, as he him-
self distinctly intimates, could we obliterate from our minds
all the cruelty and wrong, all the reckless and unprincipled
despotism of the past, then might we suppose that this was
merely the last exchange of civilities on the part of a benig-
nant monarch, concluding the whole with his final and faith-
ful counsel. But as the past cannot be forgotten, and the
speaker has yet another year to live, then does the language
aft'ord a display of the superlative deceitfulness of the human
lotC] WAR AVITII SCOTLAND. 181
heart, equal to any in English history. There was evidently
as niiioh need as ever for the dying prayer of Tyndale —
" Lord ! open the eyes of the King of England ;'' for this
exhorter of other men to " gentle charity," was himself not
yet done with the shedding of blood ! not yet done with
breathing after the blood of the living, nor with expressing
his enmity towards the original translator of what he now had
styled " that most precious jewel the word of God !" Such
blindness in any man as to himself, is deeply instructive, and
forcibly reminds one of the language of another King — " His
own iniquities shall take the wicked himself, and he shall be
holden with the cords of his sins. He shall die without in-
struction, and in the greatness of his folly he shall go astray."
To all this, the last year of Henry's life will lend but too
ample illustration.
SECTION IX.
WAR ■\VITU SCOTLAND PEACE AVITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND ENGLAND
EXHAUSTED AS THE RESULT OF WAR PERSECUTION REVIVED ANNE
ASKEW HER HEROIC CONDUCT UNDER ILLEGAL PERSECUTION SHOCK-
ING CRUELTIES INFLICTED — HER MARTYRDOM, ALONG WITH THREE OTHER
INDIVIDUALS LATIMER STILL IN PRISON ENMITY TO ENGLISH BOOKS.
THE IMPOTENCE OF HUMAN MALICE THE SUPPLICATION OF THE POOR
COMMONS THEIR GRIEVANCES TUNSTAL AND HEATH EXPOSED THE
QUEEN IN DANGER — GARDINER IN TROUBLE — NORFOLK AND HIS SON,
SURREY, ARRAIGNED DUKE OF NORFOLK AND HIS FAMILY EXECUTION
OF SURREY NORFOLK DOOMED TO DIE, AND ONLY ESCAPES BY THE
DEATH OF THE KING HIMSELF — HENRY AND HIS COURTIERS — HENRY,
FRANCIS, CHARLES RETROSPECT.
Notwithstanding Henry's earnest exhortation to " gentle,
unenvious, and humble charity," only a few days since, the
Monarch pursued a course, from which he never swerved, to
his dying hour ; but the miserable condition into which he
had now brought the kingdom requires first to be explained.
Down to the month of June, England was still embroiled in war both
with France and Scotland. To the latter we blightly alluded in 1544 ;
but as this war had proved so illustrative of the personal character of
his Majesty, it demands a slight review, and more especially after his
oration to Parliament.
182 ^VAK WITH SCOTLAND. [buOK II.
Kvor since the (iisaiJiKjinlinent at York in not meeting with James
V. Ilcury hail bnrncd with rage against Cardinal Beaton. Hit charac-
ter was certainly bad enough ; but whatever may be said of it elsewhere,
wc have now to do with that of Henry the Eighth.
Ui)on the Earl of Hertford first proceeding to Scotland in 1.544, the
following language is to be found in the commission then given to him
by the King, of which previous historians were not aware.
" You arc there to put all to fire and swonl ; to burn Edinburgh town, and
to raijc and deface it, when you liave sacked it, and gotten wliat you can out of
it ; as that it may remain for ever, a lueniory of the vengeance of God alighted
upon it, for their falsehood and disloyalty ! Do what you can out of hand, and
without long tarrying," (as he was going to France,) " to beat down and over-
throw the Castle, sack Holyroodliouse, and as many towns and villages about
Edinburgh as ye conveniently can. Sack Leith, and burn and subvert it, and
all tlie rest, vutting man, wuunin, and child to fire and sword without exception,
when any resistance shall be made against you ! This done, pass over to the
Fife land and extend like extremities and destructions in all towns and vil-
lages wlu^reunto yc may reach ; not forgetting amongst all the rest, so to spoil
and turn upside down the Cardincd^s town of St. Andrew's, as the u}<per stone
may be the nether, and not one stick stand by another, sparing no creature (dive
within the same, specially such as either in friendship or blood be allied to the
Cardinal. This journey shall succeed most to his Majesty's honour.''^
Shocking in the extreme as were these instructions, it will be remem-
bered that the Castle of Edinburgh had defied Hertforu. ^le never
reached St. Andrews ; and for the honour of humanity, it may be hoped
that the heart of man revolted at literal obedience to these dreadful in-
structions ; but great as was the misery inflicted, it did not equal that
which awaited other parts of Scotland in 1545, or last year.
For months, however, before Henry once more vented his vengeance
on the country, he breathed with ardom* after the death of Beaton, by
any means, foul or fair ; and the prospect of reward from his exchequer,
however exhausted, had begun to operate. The Earl of Cassillis, as
early as May last, 1545, had written to Sir Ralph Sadler, Avho, with
Tunstal and the Earl of Hertford, formed the Council of the North. In
this letter he very deliberately made " an offer for the killing of the
Cardinal, if his Majesty would have it done, and would promise, when
it were done, a reward !" In the guilt of such a nefarious proposal,
Henry's Northern Council felt no scruple in bearing a share, by im-
mediately transmitting the letter to Paget, his Majesty's Principal Secre-
tary ; and what was the answer from Greenwich by the 30th of May,
to the Earl of Hertford ?
«' His Majesty hath willed us to signify to your Lordship, that his Highness
I llamilloii MS- recently bioiiplil In lin'it '"' •'^'"■. Tytlcr.
154.6'.] WAR WITH SCOTLAND. 183
reputing the fact not meet to be set forward expressly by his Majesty, will not
seem to have to do in it ; and yet nut midikin<j the offer, thinketh good that
Mr. Sadler, to whom that letter was addressed, should write to the Earl, (Cas-
sillis) of the receipt of his letter containing such an offer, which he thinketh not
convenient to be connnunicated to the King's Majesty !" (this had been already
done, and here is his reply !) " To write to him what he thinketh of the mat-
ter, he shafl say, that if he were in the Earl of Cassillis's place, and were as
able to do his Majesty good service there, as he knoweth him to be, and think-
eth a right good will in him to do it, he would surely do what he could for the
execution of it : believing, verily, to do thereby not only an acceptable service
to the King's Majesty, but also a special benefit to the realm of Scotland ; and
would trust verily, the King's Majesty would consider his service in the same ;
as you doubt not of his accustomed goodness to them which serve him, but he
would do the same to him !"2
To say nothing of the falsehood and prevarication practised through-
out, it appears that every movement in this deliberate purpose of mur-
der, long carried on, was directed by the King personally. Hertford
made no scruple in writing to him direct, and was never left without a
reply ; while not fewer than twenty individuals were involved with
Henry in the same condemnation. They not only entered cordially
into the nefarious project, but gloried in the idea that they were doing
God service.-' Sadler, in particular, the mouth-piece of his royal Mas-
ter, made no scrujile in speaking out boldly. He is writing in July to
Crichton, the proprietor of Brunstain Castle, near Edinburgh.*
" I am of your opinion, and, as you write, think it to be acceptable service to
God to take him out of the way. Albeit the King's Majesty, whose gracious
nature and goodness I know, will not, I am sure, have to do nor meddle with this
matter touching your said Cardinal, for sundry considerations ; yet if you could
so work the matter with those gentlemen your friends, which have made that
offer, that it may take effect, you shall undoubtedly do therein good service to
God and to his Majesty ! Wherefore, like as if I were in your place, it should
be the first thing I would earnestly attempt — so I shall give you mine advice, to
travel in the same effectually with the said gentlemen, and to cause them to put
the matter in execution ; assuring you that I know the King's Majesty's honour,
liberality, and goodness to be such, (which also is not unknown to you,) as you
may be sure his Majesty will so liberally reward them that do his Highness
honest service as they shall have good cause to be contented. And if the execu-
tion of this matter do rest only upon the reward of the King's Majesty, I pray
you advertise me what reward they do expect ; and, if it be not unreasonable,
I will undertake it shall he paid immediately tipon the act executed, though I do
myself bear the charge of the same ! "5
- Gov. State Papers, v., p. 44!). 3 Besides tlic King, we find ten nublcincn, three knislits,
several commoners, and the two Bishops, Gardiner and Tunstal, (ttt alike conversant with the
affair. Sec the State Papers, vol. v.
■f Brunstain Castle, between Kdinburgh and Musselburgh, now tenanted by a private family,
and then the patrimonial tesidence of the Crichtons, was at a later period occiipicd by J<ihn
Jhike of Lauderdale. 5 Gov. State Pajiers, v., p. 471.
IS-l. WAK WITH SCOTLAND. QbuuK II.
An Englibhnum imuicd Thomas Forstcr had already been despatched
by Sadler to the Earl of Cassillis and Sir George Douglas ; and from the
latter he brought back the following message — " That if the King would
have the Cardinal ikad, if his Grace would promise a good reward for
the doing thereof, so that the reward were known what it should be, he
thinketh that that adventure would be proved.""
To (juote such language is no pleasing task, and we may well for-
bear ; but there can be no doubt that we have now before us above
twenty men, with his Majesty of England at their head, like " a troop
of robbers waiting for a man, to murder him in the way by consent ;"
and yet this is the very same King who, after all this, had the face to
come forward and complain of " malice" in his Privy Council, and want
of " charity" in his Parliament I
Meanwhile, and before Ilenry can obtain his wishes, the Earl of Hert-
ford must enter Scotland once more. At the head of an army, consist-
ing not only of English, but a great many mercenary troops, Irish and
Spaniards, Gemians, and even Italians, the Earl began to move on the
5th of September. After destroying the abbeys of Kelso, Dryburgh,
and Melrose ; plundering, by fire and sword, every village and farm,
castle, or mansion, on the beautiful banks of the Tweed, the whole
country had become a desert ! When, without a farthing to pay the
troops, and their own victuals being entirely spent, the army was ob-
liged to return. Hertford, in exultation, wrote to his royal Master
that more damage had been done by fire in Scotland, than had been
done for the last hundred years. In describing the hoiTors of war, the
Earl on his way homeward must discourse " such music as might suit
the Sovereign's ear."
" Yesterday, in the morning, sending the horsemen along the watci-s of Kaile
and Bowbent, ( Bowmont,) they forrayed, bmnit, and wasted a gi'eat part of
East Teviotdale ; and, for the better execution, I sent with them 100 Irishmen,
because the Borderers will not willingly burn their neighboiu's. Marching
with the army towards Wark, we burnt and devastated the country on our way
three or four miles on each hand, cast down sundi-y piles and stone houses, and
burnt and destroyed such a deal of corn, as well in towns and hing in the fields,
as also hid in woods and caves, that the Scots .say themselves that they received
not half so much loss and detriment by the last jomniey that was made to Edin-
burgh as they have done by this."
" Surely the country is very fair, and so good a corn country, and such plenty
of the same, as we have not seen the more plenteous in England. Undoubtedly
there is burnt a wonderful deal of corn ; for, by reason that the year hath been
so forward, they had done much of their harvest, and made up their corn in
stacks about their houses, or had it lying in sliokcs in the fields, and none at all
left unshorn. 18 tiep. The burning whereof can lie no little impovcri.shmcnt to
them, besides the burning and spoil of their houses. When the journey is
" (iov. Slate Papers, v., )>. iKJ.
lotO".] PEACE WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND. 185
ended, we sliall make unto your Majesty a full declaration of the whole that
hath, or shall be done in the same." 7
Some idea may be formed of all this misery, when it is stated, that by
the 23d of September, they had burnt, razed, and destroyed, in the
counties of Berwick and Roxburgh alone, 7 monasteries and friaries ;
16 castles, towers, and piles ; 5 market-towns, 243 villages ! 13 mills, and
3 hospitals. The Scots, in retaliation, had been doing what damage
they could in the north-east parts of England ; though the raids of the
Scots could by no means prove so wasteful as i\ie forrays of the English.
September thus spent, by the 6th and the 20th of October it comes
out that the project for murdering Beaton had been resumed, at the
very period when Henry was reproving malice in his own Privy Council ;
and though the Scotish Cardinal, by his cruelty and persecution, raised
up other enemies in his own country, and fell at last as the immediate
result of another quarrel, which we must not here anticipate, still the
transactions of this period bear immediately on the characters of both
Henry and his ministers.^ Upon his Majesty coming down to Parlia-
ment with his last oration, Hertford and Sadler, Wriothesly and Paget,
Gardiner and Tunstal, with all the rest, were present. To say nothing
of their being accomplices, what must they have thought of him, when
he bui'st forth and read the whole House a lecture ujaon charity ?
It was in the beginning of June this year (1546) that Henry was at
last informed of the murder of Beaton, on Saturday morning the 29th of
May, in his castle of St. Andrews ; but, worn out with this doiible and
expensive war into which he had plunged his country, he had begun to
long for peace. Negotiations had commenced, indeed, in April, when,
after " long debating, and divers breaches," peace was concluded with
France. The Emperor was comprehended by both Princes, and Scot-
land also was included, if no new occasion were given — the latter being
in fact, a hollow and crafty clause to serve for the fvitui'e ; but, to France,
peace was as welcome as to England.
It was professedly agreed that Francis should pay to Henry the arrears
of pension due by the treaty of 1525 ; that commissioners, mutually
appointed, should sit in judgment on a claim of debt due to England of
512,022 crowns; that, eight years hence, the King of England should
receive 2,000,000 of crowns, as a compensation for arrears of pensions, and
the charges of repairing and preserving Boulogne, which was to be
restored to France.
In the foolish hope that this treaty was to be literally fulfilled, the
peace was now proclaimed in London, and with great solemnity, on the
13th of June. It deserves notice merely on account of an incident per-
7 tJov. State PapciB, v., p. 523.
'' !5f c the scene iii the Trivy Council, under last year. pp. 17-1. >/"■
186 ENGLAND EXIIAUSTKD [UOOK II.
fcctly characteristic of Henry after his wars were ended. Un this occa-
sion, the richest silver crosses, and the finest embroidered copes, collected
from the different churches in London, were displayed ; but, the sight
onco over, it had proved too much for the envious eye of our ever-need-
ful monarch. They were to grace processions no more ! This was the
last time. His subjects, who ought to have been more cautious of dis-
playing their finery, might have anticii>ated the result ; for, soon after,
the whole of these splendid decorations, as well as the plate belonging to
the churches, were ordered to be deposited in the royal treasury and
wardrobe, Henry assigning no other reason than his will and pleasure.
This, however, was a mere trifle, caught in passing. If we desire to know
the true state of things once more, we may again first inquire what my
Lord Chancellor was saying, now that his Majesty had finished his royal
game. For above two years past he had sought diversion, both by sea
and land, and made the sorrows of mankind his sport.
The reader will not forget how much Parliament had done for the
King last December, and for which he had stretched a point and came
down, first to thank the House, and then charge all present with such
lack of charity ; but now, nine months after, Wriothesly is in no better
humoiir than before.
" As for money," says he to the Privy Council on the 4th of September, " all
the shift shall be made that is possible, but yet the store is very small. The
contribution cometh very slowly in, which we shall help with letters if it amend
not. The Mint is drawn dry, and much owing for bullion. The rest allege
that they have little, but they shall have little rest unless we see they bestir
them as appertaineth." Three days after this — " We cannot yet recover the
money of the Mayor and City of London, due for corn, wherewith to pay the
labourers at Boulogne. We caused ^5000 to be deUvered to the Admiralty
yesterday for the alleviation of the King's Majesty's charges that way." Only
three days later, or the 1 0th — " As touching the calling on the JIayor of Lon-
don (Sir Martin Bowes) for the money due, wc shall not fail to call, and cry till
we get it." — " The Exchequer is closed up, and will help with nothing till the
term come." 9
Day after day Wriothesly sings the same soug ; and a fortnight later,
or on the 25th of September, he is thus joined by Paulet and Gardiner
in writing to the Council with the King : — " Mr. Coferer hath declared
to us this day his great lack of money for the King's Majesty's hougehold ;
alleging that there is owing at this day above twelve thousand pounds,
besides two thousand six hundred pounds to be paid this Michaelmas
for wages, which men look certainly to receive herein." In short, they
add — " if the conduits be stopped, wc shall be driven, of necessity, to
tarry for the water !"^^
When Michaelmas-Even was come, to which they had alluded, Wri-
9 Gov. .'^tatc Papers, i., jip. RM, 8C1. W>:., H7« '" Idem, i., H7n.
154().]] OF HER RESOURCES. 187
othcsly was thcu in as great a passion as ho dared to utter, for he was
writing in reply to Paget, the King's Secretary.
" With our answer to your sti-auge lettei*s I have thought meet to require
you to consider that, travailing liere, as we do, in tilings displeasant to all men
whom we call before us, and devising how things may be answered, which must,
of necessity, be dispatched, tliis kind of writing was no small discomfort to us
all, whereby all our good will seemeth to be otherwise taken than we trust we
have or shall dfserve. What this matter of money importeth you know, and
how slowly it cometh in, do we what we can. Even now we be advertised by
Sir John Gresham that he shall not bo able, from the allum and fustians, to pay
Barth-Compain, but he must have £2000 by warrant. And in February we
have £80,000 to pay, which must be provided for, or your credit will bo in dan-
ger. It must be made of your half-yeai''s rent, the tail of the Contribution, and
some help of the Mint, for the subsidy is not payable till Easter, and the ' fif-
teenths' after. My Lord Great Master lacketh for victualling, and a great many
poor men in England would be holpen that have delivered their victuals lon<j
since, and remain yet unpaid ? I write this to you as to myself, that you may
the rather weigh things thoroughly : and remember that all things must in
time be foreseen, or else it may chance you shall lack suddenly, even when you
would fainest have. Would to God the King's Majesty had a sure present — to
rid us in this mean time of some of our care." n
Such expressions are far more significant of the real state of things
than any general description iu modern language ; but still they convey
no full idea of the extent of that expense and misery into which the
Monarch had now plunged his kingdom. The storm he had raised be-
sides was merely abated, not finished ; and although the King of Eng-
land be about to die, as well as the King of France, the burden which
the former entailed on his son and successor, Edward VI., must be taken
into account before we can judge of the merits or demerits of Henry
VIII. when acting as his 0W7i Minister.
If we only glance at his Majesty's oj:)erations as a financier, we refer
to a department entLrely his own ; and in the adulteration of the coin
we see a series of measures which could only have been pursued in obe-
dience to royal dictation. It was a course of proceeding by which, at
every step, Henry at once defrauded the public, created commercial em-
barrassments innumerable, and involved his successors on the throne in
serious diiEculties long after he was gone. At his accession the ounce
of gold and the pound of silver were worth forty shillings each. By his
successive proclamations they were raised to forty-four, forty-five, and
finally to forty-eight shillings. Contriving also, by apremiimi, to collect
the old, he issued a new coinage, with no small proportion of alloy ; and,
once begun, he had gone on debasing it, till, at this moment, after such
a ruinous war, the alloy exceeded the silver in the proportion of (wo to
one ! And what were the results to his successors ? The nominal value
fiov. iStatc Papers, i., HRl>, 8HI.
188 rilK UKSULTS OF WAR. [hook ii.
of his shillings h:ul to be iciluced, first to nim; jicuce, then to six pence,
and finally to be withdrawn. The corruptions which he had introduced
into English coia were not rooted out till the reign of Elizabeth !
Base as these operations were, they still but very partially explain
the extent of Henry's powers ; who, after all this, had come down,
and told Parliament, when taking leave of it for ever — " that no
prince in the world more favoured his subjects than he did." Even
since 1542, the indelible marks of his favour had cost his subjects, for
naval and military expenses alone, a sum equal to more than thirty-two
millions of our present coin. To this must be added, the amount in
which he involved his son by this war with France, and this cannot be
estimated at less than another million then, or fifteen millions more.
But, to crown all, what shall we say, when only three years after, or in
January 1550, Henry the Second of France not only disdained to fulfil
the treaty his father had signed, and to pay the sums to which he had
agreed ; but even the pensions alluded to before, must no more be
mentioned in his treaties ? So far from any mutual umpires sitting to
judge respecting debt due to England, the two millions of crowns for-
merly specified, have now sunk down to a fifth part of the sum, and
Boulogne must be restored, on payment of the last item of 200,000
crowns ! Thus, all the blood and treasure spent by his IMajesty to
secure a yearly tribute, in lieu of his foolish pretension to a foreign
crown, were spent in vain ; and Edward was left with the word France
in his style, and stamped upon his father's debased coin, as an ex-
pressive and disgraceful memorial to himself and to posterity, of the
closing years of Henry VIII.^-
In days of old, when in trying circumstances, a despised state-prisoner
once tendered his advice to a Roman centiu'ion — " Nevertheless, the
centurion believed the master and owner of the ship, more than those
things which were sjioken by Paul." And as Paul was reputed to be no
judge in regard to the weather or the sea ; so what, it must have been
thought, could such a man as Tyndale know about the policy of govern-
'2 The late war with France, says Lord Herbert, cost Henry £586,718 sterling, and the kcep-
iiiR of Boulogne ,£755,it33, or £l,.'M2,.')51, which is eqnal to above 20 millions. Strype and Rapin
affirm that the warlike expenses of Edward, by the year 1549, had cost him ,£ I,a^6,61t7, which,
added to those of Henry, would make £ifiV^),'2X\, or above forty millions. But in strict justice
both to Henry and his son, these statements admit of some correction. Among the Domestic
State Papers, hapi>ily, we have one authentic document on this subject, tictailhifl.from lM-2, the
entire Military and Naval expenses incurred by Henry VIII. and Edward VI. during their wars
with France and Scotland, with the exi>enses of both Calais and Boulogne ; and at the close we
read, — " The sum total of the charges contained in this book, i;{,4!M,47I, l!)s. 5d. : whereof in
the time of the late King £2, 134,7tt4, 12d., in the time of the King's Majesty that now is
£l,35C,fi87, 18s. 5d. and some fraction of a i)enny." It may have been from this document that
Strype took his sum ; but the MS. embraces the charges bri/ond 1.54!), or from September 1.J42 to
September l.V)2. It is grounded on this manuscript that we have spoken of Henry's expenses
from 1542, the sum of £\', 1.14,7114 being eiiual to £.'12,(121,760, of the present day. On the same
princii>le, the entire amount in this MS. of twenly-lhree large jiages, will be £.')2,.'}72,07.i, lis. ."id.
for .Military and Naval expenses.
1540.] THl<: UKSULTS OF WAR. 189
ment, or affairs of state ? As in the former case, however, so in the lat-
ter, it would have been well for Henry VIII. had he condescended to
listen to the advice given to him, in print, sixteen years ago. " We,"
said Tyndale, " having nothing to do at all, have meddled yet in all mat-
ters, and have spent even to the utter beggaring of ourselves. For the
Frenchmen, as the saying is, of late days, made a play, or a disguising
at Paris, in which the Emperor danced with the Pope and the French
King, and wearied them ; the King of England sitting on a high bench,
and looking on. And when it was asked, why he danced not, it was an-
swered, that he sat there, h^U, to pay the minstrels their wages only !
As one should say, we paid for all men's dancing." '^ This war, it is
true, had cost Francis also no small sum ; but his son refusing to fulfil all
previous obligations, there was no choice left to young Edward. He
must sustain the expense of his father's " minstrels," and could only
console himself with the reflection, that Calais was quite sufficient for a
landing-place in France. By and bye this also was lost, which led Mary
to say, that if they opened her body after death, they would find Calais
written on her heart.'''
By tliis, the evening of his life, it might seem that
nothing was now wanting to complete the character of
Henry the Eighth ; a character which, notwithstanding all
the past, it was customary to eulogise at the moment, and
strange to say, by far too common, to soften down, or even
eulogise, since. Some excuse may be pled for such writers as
Becon, and Udal, and Foxe, who stood, as it were, too near the
object, to be able to distinguish and define it : but the con-
founding of vice and virtue in human character, which is not
a venial offence against historical narrative, should certainly
be corrected as the truth comes out, so that some fixed opinion
may be at last obtained. Accordingly, the character of this
Monarch is far more correctly estimated now, than it has been
at any former period ; for notwithstanding all the verbiage,
not to say unconscious errors, which have been printed by
some historians respecting him, the stubborn facts of his reign
preserve a uniform and awful consistency to his dying hour.
It is idle to listen to what men may have said^ now that we have
'3 Tyndale's Practice of Prelates.
i< One of the most ridiculous features of Henry's pretensions to the French crown was this,
that it had become jienal to give Francis his own title! And hence, in the cud of next year, Ed-
ward's Parliament were obliged to enact, that " those who called the French King by the title
of Kinii of France, were not to he esteemed guilty of the pains of transkiling the King's authority
or titles on anv other !!"
lyO PERSECUTION UKVIVED. [bOOK II.
gained access to tlie Monarclfs own language, and almost all
that he did or sanctioned, until he breathed his last in blood.
Before that Henry was gratified by the death of Beaton at
a distance, there had been misery contemplated, of a darker
hue ; and after it, blood was shed of far greater value, in which
the Crown and certain courtiers were immediately concerned.
Wriothesly and Gardiner had sat at the Council table, advis-
ing as to the murder of the Scotish Cardinal ; but they, with
Bonner and Richard Rich, had since then been busy with
several victims nearer hand, and under their own eye.
One of these suggests the idea that there must be a climax
in human depravity. The first female martyr of rank or
family, tormented and burnt to ashes, for no alleged crime,
save stedfast adherence to the truth of Scripture, is liere
referred to ; and if justice be done to the entire narrative, slie
occupies a place all her own. Among recorded martyrs in
London, she had but one predecessor, and this was John
Fryth. As in his case there was to be no abjuration, no re-
cantation of the faith, nor any fear of the enemy ; so it was
with the devout and determined Anne Askew.
In noticing this unprecedented instance of female faith and
fortitude, it must be remembered that for about twelve years
past, the reputed heretic had been, by Parliament, taken out
of the hands of the Bishops as such, or the Archbishop"'s Court,
so that the case could not now resemble the course pursued
with Fryth. The accused party, by this time, if any regard
were to be paid to legal enactments, must be presented on the
oaths of twelve men, before any imprisonment could ensue. '^
There was indeed an Inquest in London, probably a standing
one, for the examination of the accused ; but the last year of
Henry's reign was to carry with it the highest possible de-
gree of illegality, and of Satanic rage against the Truth.
Witness the following narrative.
Sir William Askew of Kelsey in Lincolnshire, a gentleman of family,
had two sons, Francis the eldest, and Edward, who was one of his Ma-
jesty's body-guard.'^ These young men had three sisters. The eld-
16 See 1534, or vol i., pp. 403, 4i»4 ; and anno 1M4, or p. 167 of this volume.
iG "Whereas I am informed that this bearer, Edward Askew, my servanl, son unto Sir
William Askew, knight, is by some nobleman preferred unto the room of one of these new
spears in the Court, which because it isdone without my knowledge and his, I shall beseech yon
my Lord, inasmuch as I have no friend to sxie unto for me and mine, but only unto your Lord-
15i0'.] ANNE ASKEW. IfJl
est having died, after her father had ah'eady advanced money in pro-
spect of her union with a gentleman of opulence in the same county,
Mr. Thomas Kyme ; Anne the second, in obedience to her father's
wishes, was married to him, and became the mother of two children.'?
Her superior natui-al abilities had been greatly improved by education.
The English Scriptures engaged her serious and frequent attention, and
the result was, an earnest reception of the truths contained in them.
Iler husband, a devoted adherent of " the old learning," excited by such a
decided change, in the excess of his passion absolutely drove her from
his house ; and, thus harshly treated, she had repaired to London to seek
some redress, by suing for a divorce. Through her brother Edward, she
could have no difficulty in being introduced to those of her own sex in
the Court circle, who were in favour of the Scriptures ; but, by whatever
means it was, she became known to them all, including even the Queen
herself. It was not long, however, before one so ardent in the faith was
ensnared by the bloody Statute, or Act of six Articles ; and Cranmer was
now to witness a series of proceedings in gi'oss violation of the bill which
he had carried through Parliament two years ago.
It appears to have been on Friday the 12th of March, that this heroic
young woman was first examined by one Christopher Dare, of the Lon-
don Inquest, at Sadler's hall, Cheapside. The questions put, betrayed
at once the ignorance of her examiner and Anne's thorough acquaintance
with the sacred Volume ; but she was immediately conveyed to the
Lord Mayor, Sir Martin Bowes, a boisterous devotee.'^ Bonner's Chan-
cellor, Thomas Bage alias Williams, was there to record what passed.
After a few words on transubstantiation, in which, by her replies, his
Lordship was made to look very foolish, she was illegally committed to
prison.19 She offered sureties, but he would take none, and sent her to
the counter. There she remained eleven days, without one friend being
allowed to see her. At last, on Tuesday the 23d, a cousin, Mr. Brit-
ship, that you will, at this my request bear unto him your lawful favour and furtherance in the
same ; assuring your Lordship, that he, the young man, is of a very (7f'n<i7 nature, right forward,
and of good activity, sothatlthink he shall be meet to furnish such a room, and to do to the
King's Majesty diligent and faithful service."— CraHm«- to CrumwcU—tA Forde 28th December
1.539. MS. Chapter-house. This refers to Henry's personal guard, as before explained, p. !)3.
1" The third sister, Jane, was married first to Sir George St. Paul, and then to Richard Dis-
ney, Esq., of Norton Disney, ancestor of the present John Disney, Esq. of the Hyde, Essex.
18 But a famous man in his day, among tlie Goldsmith's Company. He was sub-treasurer of
the Mint under both Henry and Edward; and as the King can &o no wrong, so in 1.'50 was
granted to him a jjurdon of all treasons, trespasses, and contempts done by the said M.irtin con-
cerning the money and coin of the King's Majesty and his father's before the date of these pre-
sents ; and of all iinjuxt and false making of money and paymeids of the same, contrary to com-
mon law, or any statute, act, provision or proclamation. See Stri/pe's Ecel. Mem. 1550. Such
was the commentary on Henry, the original offender, and cause of all the injustice done. Sir
Martin left a sum for an Anniversary Sermon to be preached in St. Mary, Woolnoth, where the
venerable John Newton so long proclaimed such doctrine as the poor Mayor never heard. Bowes
lies there interred, under a close marble tomb.
19 Before this was done, by the Act o/ 1.'-|44, she ought to have been legally presented on the
oaths of twelve men.
\(\2 IIKUOIC ("ONDUCT [book II.
tayne, was admitted. He went to the Lord Mayor, who referred him to
the Bishop, and, next day, at three o'clock, was a])i)oiutcd for an ex-
amination before Bonner. The Bishop called for her at one, but this
noble-minded woman would never, from first to last, submit to any
private examinations, by any individual ; and, therefore, declined an-
swering till the hour appointed, when all interested would l)e present.
While waiting, Bonner's Archdeacon, John Wymmesly, began to con-
verse with her respecting a book he saw in her hand.^*^ It was no other
than one of Jo/ni Fryth's, for Anne had nothing to conceal. The eye
of these myrmidons had been upon her for some time, and Bonner, in
full possession of all the slander, began, when the hour came, by urging
her to know " wherein her conscience was burdened." She replied —
" My conscience, I thank God, is burdened with nothing — and to lay a
plaster to the whole skin, it might appear much folly." This arch-
hypocrite then pretended, l)efore her friends who stood ready as l)ail, to
be driven to bring forth the budget, gathered for his use ; and to which,
(according to his INIajesty's already expressed persuasion,) certain
knaves would easily be found ready to swear. After denying the first
expressions laid to her charge, having never uttered them, one mighty
offence came out. She had on one occasion, very appropriately, quoted
those sublime words — " The Most High dvelleth not in temples made with
hands,"" and this, in Bonner's esteem, militated against his profane figment
of transubstantiation ! The Inquest, she owned, had asked her — " whether
private mass did relieve souls departed V " To whom I answered,
" 0 Lord, what idolatry is this ! that we should rather believe in pri-
vate masses, than in the healthsome death of the dear Son of God !"
Then said Bonner, " what an answer is that 1" " Though it be but
mean," said she, " yet is it good enough for the question." The Bishop
then upbraided her, for having reported that there were " bent against
her threescore priests at Lincoln^ A noble testimony, at least, to Anne's
zeal and fortitude in her own county. " Indeed," she replied, " I said
so. For my friends told me, if I did come to Lincoln, the priests would
assault me, and put me to great trouble, as thereof they had made their
boast : and when I heard it, I went thither indeed, not being afraid,
because I knew my matter to be good. Moreover, I remained there
nine days, to see what Avould be said unto me. And oa / was in the
Minster reading upon the Bible, they resorted unto me by two and two,
by five and six, minding to have spoken, yet went they their ways again
without words speaking. There was one of them at last who did speak
to me indeed ; but his words were of small effect, so that I do not now
remember them." Bonner, who was as holy in his own estimation, as
his Majesty himself, replied — " There are many that read and know the
-0 This Wvmmoslv. ali.is Suvaiii'. was a natural hrotlicr of Bonner's.
l.')4.6.] OF ANNE ASKEW. 193
Scripture, who live not accorJiug to it," which was at least a confession
that the readers were numerous. At the close, a written declaration was
offered for subscription. " I believe," said Anne, " so much thereof as
the holy Scripture doth agree unto ; wherefore I desire you, that ye
will add that thereunto." They add, she wrote — " I, Anne Askew, do be-
lieve all manner of things contained in the faith of the Catholic Church."
Bonner was far from being satisfied ; but said, " she might thank
others, and not herself, for the favour found at his hand ; as he consi-
dered she had good friends, and also came of a worshipful stock." Still,
however, to show his spite, he remanded her, to appear at Guildhall next
day ; nor would this suffice, for the day after, or the 26th, she must
also appear at St. Paul's. He had now finished, and the bail-bond being
granted, so ended her first examination.^'
After this, three months had not elapsed when this young lady, of
about twenty-five, must be again molested. Her appearance now wa^ not
before any Bishops, as szic/i, but before the Privy Council at Greenwich.
It was on Saturday the 19th of June, when Mr. Kyme, as well as his
wife, Avere called before them. Wriothesly and Rich, Gardiner and
Tunstal, the Lord Great Master of the King's Household, Paget and
Sadler, with six others, were present ; but Cranmer was not here, nor
does he ever appear throughout. Kyme was " appointed to return to his
country till he should be sent for ;" but Anne, " for that she was very
obstinate and heady in reasoning of matters in religion, seeing no per-
suasion of good reason could take place, was sent to Newgate, to remain
there to answer to the law."^^
Her next examination was on Friday the 25th. Upon being asked as
to her husband, she declined, saying that the Lord Chancellor, Wriothes-
ly, already knew her mind. They said it was the King's pleasure that
she should now open that matter. She answered, " she would not do
so ; but if it were the King's pleasure to hear her, she would shew him
the truth." They said, " it was not meet for the King to be troubled
with her." She replied, " Solomon was reckoned the wisest King that
ever lived, yet misliked he not to hear two poor common women ; much
more his Grace a simple woman, and his faithful subject."
Wriothesly then inquired as to the sacrament. " I believe," said
she, " that so oft as I, in a Christian congregation, do receive the bread
in remembrance of Christ's death, and with thanksgiving, according to
his holy institution, I receive therewith the fruits also of his most
21 It was printed by November this year, at Marburg in Hesse. The account inserted in
Bonner's Register is unquestionably incorrect, or false, not only as to the substance, but, we
have presumed, the day of the mouth, viz., 2(lth of March. Its only value consists in its con-
firininn tlie time of \.\\e first examination. This was in March 1545 of Oicir year, i. e. 1546.
22 Harl. MS. 25fi, fol. 224, b. The seco)id examination was printed at MarburR, loth .Tanuary
I.MR.
VOL. 11. N
HI4 ILI-K<iAI. F'KltSECUTlON, AND SFl(K;KIN(t [noOK ii.
glorious jmssion." Gardiner then toKl her to f^ivc a direct answer ; but
Hhe " would not sing a new song in a strange land :" on which he re-
torted that she spake in parables. " I answered — it was best for him ;
for if I shew the open truth, yc will not accept it." He then said she
was a parrot : when she told him, " I am ready to suffer all things at
your hands, not only your rebukes, but all that may follow besides,
and that gladly."
The Council kept her before them for five hours, and, not satisfied,
next day commenced, once more, with the sacrament. Anne replied,
that she had already said what she could ; after which they put her aside
to confer among themselves. The Earl of Essex, the brother of the
Queen, with Lord Lisle, and Gardiner, then came to her, requiring that
she would confess the sacrament to be flesh, blood, and bones ! Lord
PaiT, the uncle of the Queen, then on the very brink of the grave, was
also standing by. With the character of all tfiese men Anne was well
acquainted, and for that of Gardiner she entertained due and merited
contempt. To the Lords Parr and Lisle, therefore, she seized that oppor-
tunity of saying, " that it was a great shame for them to counsel contrary
to their knowledge ;" but with Gardiner she declined to hold any separate
conversation, though he pressed it. He had said that he would speak
with her familiarly. She replied — " So did Judas, when he unfriendly
betrayed Christ." Then he desired to speak with her alone ; Ijut she
pointedly refused, adding, " that in the mouth of two or three wit-
nesses every matter should stand, after Christ's and Paul's doctrine."
Matt, xviii., 16 ; 2 Cor. xiii. 1.
Wriothesly once more began the oft-repeated subject, and Gardiner
followed, by saying " she should l)e burned." — " I have searched all the
Scriptures," said this intrepid woman, " yet could I never find that either
Christ or his Apostles put any creature to death. Well, well," she added,
" God will laugh your threatenings to scorn." Paget, the King's Secre-
tary, Cox, the tutor of Edward, and a Dr. Robinson, then spoke to her in
succession ; but, in the end, she was sent back to Newgate, and by this
time very unwell. This was on Saturday the 26th of June. " Then on
the Sunday," says Anne herself, " I was sore sick, thinking no less than
to die ; therefore I desired to speak with Mr. Latimer, (still in the Tower,)
but it would not be ; " and on Monday the 28th she once more had to
appear at Guildhall.
By Act of Parliament, Anne Askew was now entitled to a jury, and to
have challenged any one of them ; but instead of this, she, with two
other individuals, were at once condemned for the denial of the real pre-
sence ; or, in the language of the contemporary manuscript — " On Mon-
day, Mrs. Askew, Christopher White, and a tailor, (Adlam, or Adams,)
who came from Colchester or thereabout, were arraigned at the Guild-
hall, and received their judgment of my Lord Chancellor (Wri-
1.3^G.] CRUELTIES INFLICTED ON THIS LADY. 195
othesly) and the Council, to be burned, and so were committed to New-
gate again."^^
Had the illegal procedure terminated here, it would have been bad
enough ; but the brutal servants of this monarch must reach the climax
to which we have alluded. The examinations, tedious and frequent,
were now supposed to be over ; the trial was ended, and Anne had been
sentenced to the ilames. The sentence of death once passed, was it to
be imagined that examinations of any sort were to be resumed ? But so
they were indeed. Fifteen days after Wriothesly had pronounced sen-
tence, he must degrade himself below the vilest of men. On Tuesday
the 13th of July Anne was taken from Newgate to the Tower, alter-
nately the Bastile and the palace of Henry the Eighth. Having stopped
first at the sign of the Crown, there Bonner and Richard Rich, that tho-
rough-paced persecutor, awaited her, and spent their flattery in vain,
attempting to turn her from the truth. Nicholas Shaxton, too, having
now recanted and obtained his pardon, also came and presumed to
address her. After many faithful monitions, she closed by saying — " It
had been good for him never to have been born ! " Rich then sent her
on to the Tower, thus affording another specimen of his legal views ; but
at thi'ee o'clock commenced one of the most cruel and shameful scenes
on record. Rich, by that hour, had followed the prisoner, and he was
accompanied by no other than my Lord Chancellor once more. Some
device, full of Satanic malignity, was now in view. They began by
charging her to name any man or woman of her sect that she knew. In
the legal sense of the term she knew none. That interesting lady, the
Duchess-Dowager of Suffolk, the Countesses of Sussex, Hertford, and
Southampton, and Lady Denny were then named to her ; when she replied,
that if she should pronounce any thing against them, (in their estima-
tion,) she could not prove it. They then said, " The King was informed
(by themselves or Gardiner, no doubt) that she could name, if she would,
a great number of her sect." Here was employment for a Lord Chan-
cellor and a Privy Counsellor after sentence of death had been pro-
nounced ! But Anne only replied — " The King was as well deceived in
that behalf, as dissembled with in other 'matters.''''
Thinking to discover and ensnare the ladies, on whom their eyes were
fixed, they then tried another course. Little, if any, prison allowance
seems to have been granted for Anne's support, as they then commanded
her to show how she had been maintained. This was her answer — " As
for the help that I had in the Counter, it was by means of my maid. For
as she v^ent about in the streets, she nvxde moan to the prentices, and they by
her did send me money ; but who they were I never hiew''' Ten shillings
23 Otwell Johnson to his brother, 2d July. See also MS. Records in the Tower. Ellis's Let-
ters, sec. ser. ii., p. 177. After her condemnation, Anno addressed a letter to the King, and
another to the Lord Chancellor; but whether the former was ever delivered is uncertain.
196 CRUELTIES INFLICTED ON THIS LADY. [book II.
had been sent to her from Lady llcrhert, and eif^ht from Lady Denny ;
but as these examinators could not reach the ladies, the gentlemen came
next ; for they then said, (with an eye to Cranmer or some other,) " there
were of the Council that did maintain her." She only answered, " No."
" Then," says the heroic sufforer herself, " then they did putnie on tlic racA-,
because I confessed no ladies or gentlemen to be of my opinion, and tliereon
tbcy kept me a long time ; and because 1 lay still and did not cry, my Lord
Clianccllor and Master Rich took pains to rack mo inth their own handg till 1
was nigh dead ! Tlicn the Lieutenant (Sir Anthony Kncvct) caused me to be
loosed ; incontinently I swooned, and then they recovered me again.2-« After
that I sat ticu luiiij hvurs, I'easoning with my Lord Chancellor, on the bare floor,
where he, with many flattering words, persuaded me to leave my opinion. Then
was 1 brought to a house, and laid in a bed, with as weary and painful bones as
ever bad patient Job."
That two such human beings should have been found, and these two
sustaining the offices of Lord Chancellor and a Privy Counsellor, may
appear incredible : but Rich, as we have seen already, had shown him-
self, in point of baseness, capable of any thing ; and as for Wriothesly,
it is in vain, after this, to talk of his general character. Burnet allows
that he was " fiercely zealous for the old learning ;" and Rapin describes
him as " extremely ambitious, very conceited of his own merit, haughty,
imperious, and very angry that his advice was not always followed — but
he showed his heat and passion chiefly on occasion of religiovs matters."
The entu-e narrative of Anne Askew carries with it such verisimilitude,
that no candid reader can fail to perceive that far more agony was in-
flicted, than meets the ear. Let not Henry VIIL therefore sustain more
than his own share of blame, which was more than sufficient for a mul-
titude ; though " if a ruler hearken to lies, all his servants are wicked ;"
but there is reason to believe that when the King was informed of all
this, even he was shocked ; and Wriothesly, as well as Rich, somewhat
afraid of the consequences. The reader can feel no surprise, if, soon after
this, he should hear Henry designate this Lord Chancellor as a beast.
Let this horrible scene serve, in part, as a key to the epithet.^^
Three days after this, or on the 16th of July, the tragedy came to an
end ! The entire proceedings had fonned one continued series of deeds
of darkTiess, and in perfect consonance with this term, instead of the
morning of the day, as usual, they deferred the execution till night-fall,
2< ' ' The lady hath been racked since her condemnation, as men say, which is a strange thing in
my understanding; the Lord be merciful to us all!" Otwell Johnson, 2d July, as formerly
quoted.
a* By his Lord Chancellor indeed the King was repeatedly provoked. Thus on Wednesday,
or the very day after this horrid barbarity, he had condemned to the flames a gentleman of the
King's Privy Chamber, Sir Geor<ie niage, who had been committed to Newgate only on Sunday
last. He was rather a favourite of Henry's, and the tidings having reached his ear, Blage was
saved, and went immediately to the royal presence; but Wriothesly had greatly offended his
royal Master.
1546.] MARTVRDOM OF ANNE ASKEW AND OTHERS. 197
to make the sight more territic. Upon a bench, apart and elevated, sat
this man Wriothesly once more ; his Grace of Norfolk ; John, Lord
Russell ; Bowes, the Lord ]\Iayor, and others, as if they had come to see
a pageant. To the spot, Anne, her bones being dislocated, required to
be carried in a chair, and there, in the gloom of night, she was joined by
three companions ; Mr. Lascelles, one of the King's household, John
Adams from Colchester, ah-eady mentioned, and a priest named Belenian
of Otterdeu, Avho were all to suffer. Before the fire was kindled, it hav-
ing been whispered that gunpowder was to be employed in some manner,
several of these cowards sitting on high, l)egan to be afraid, lest the
faggots on fire should come whizzing about their ears ; but upon Lord
Russell informing them that the gunpowder was not deposited under
the faggots, but attached to the bodies of the martyrs, the murderers
sat still.
That wretched being, strangely named Bishoj^ Shaxton, who, after
seven years' confinement, had abjured, stood in a pulpit on the scaffold,
fronting this young woman, to preach. In full possession of her mental
powers, Anne listened, and whenever he uttered any sentiment inconsist-
ent with the Scriptures, she dissented. " There," said she, " he misseth,
and sjDeaketh without the book." Once finished, Wriothesly's last act
followed, that of presenting, and to her first, the King's pardon, if she
would recant. " I came not hither," said Anne, " to deny my Lord and
Master." Iler fellow-sufferers, greatly encouraged by her fortitude and
firmness, would not look on the instrument presented for their accept-
ance. Bowes, the ignorant and brutal Mayor, then called out with a
loud voice — " Fiat JvMitia !" and the flames were kindled.
A scene more disgraceful to the persecutors of the human
mind, had never before occurred, nor one in which the power
of Divine Truth was more conspicuous, A weak and unpro-
tected female, abandoned to all the furv of the enem}'^, stood,
like a pillar of brass, while other men were proving traitors to
the cause, and falling around her. On the day before her
trial, Crome was reading his recantation in public, and White,
tried on the same day with herself, had also failed and followed
his example. As for Shaxton, so refuted by her, only a few
moments before she went to the immediate presence of God,
he lived for ten years longer, but proved a miserable character
ever after. Lascelles, who suffered with her, having before
that night, expressed some anxiety respecting her constancy —
" O friend,"" she replied in writing, " most dearly beloved in
God — I marvel not a little what should move you to judge in
me so slender a faith as to fear death, which is the end of all
198 MAHTVKUUM OF ANNK ASKEW AND OTllKKS. [booK II.
misery. In the Lord, I dewire you not to believe in nie such
wickedness." The fact was that Anne Askew was in such
perfect self-possession, as even to become poetical in the prison,
amidst all the rage of her persecutors. It has been said that
she actually sang her stanzas at her death ; but be this as it
might, to say nothing of the simple beauty and sublimity of
the sentiment ; when compared with the rhyme of more than
a century later, even in point of euphony, they appear extra-
ordinary. The following specimen, in which Henry and his
Council occupy no enviable place, will speak for itself.
On thee my care I cast, Absorpt was righteousness,
For all their cruel spite ; As by the raging flood ;
I set not by their haste, Satan, in his excess,
For thou art my delight. Suck'd up the guiltless blood.
I am not she that ust Then thought I, Jesus Lord !
My anchor to let fall When thou shait judge us all,
For every drizzling mist ; Hard is it to record,
My ship's substantial. On these men what will fall —
/ saw a Royal throne, Yet Lord 1 thee desire,
Where jiistice should hare sit. For that they do to me.
But in her stead was one Let them not taste the hire
Of moody cruel v:it: Of their iniquity.
Before the flames of persecution for the Truth's sake, were
kindled for the last time, under this reign, the only thing now
to be desired was the testimony of some noble martyr to the
all-sufficiency of the Sacred Volume. And here it is from the
pen of Anne Askew, before she suffered.
" Finally, I believe all those Scriptures to be true, which He hath confirmed
with his most precious blood. Yea, and as St. Paul saith, those Scriptures are
sufficient for our learning and sal ration, that Christ hath left here icith us ; so that
I believe we need no unwritten verities to rule his Church with. Therefore,
look, what he hath said unto me with his own mouth in his Holy Gospel, that
have I, with God's grace, closed up in my heart ; and my full trust is, as David
saith, that it shall be a lantern to my footsteps."
As far as fire and faggot were employed, so ended that war
of opinion under Henry the Eighth, which, from the arrival
of Tyndale's New Testament in England, had now lasted for
twenty years.^^
sfi One artist has bcKun to pay the homage due to this the highest of all subjects; leading the
way, no doubt, to other efforts of the pencil.— In the beautiful historical painting by Harvey of
Edinburgh, now finished, " The fitfl rctidhifi o/lhf Bii;r,K, in lli,' Crypt o/OM St. Paul's, in 1540,"
just before the downfall of Crumwell. To Muiimouth, as the representative of Tvndai.k, then
gone to his reward, whom he had bo befriended, has bceu given, most deservedly, a very con-
spicuous place.— Str vol. i., p. IH/. Munmoulli, as one at the commencement, and the intreiiid
Aiinf Afkrtv. as one at the close of the sufferers under Henry VIII., lend a peculiar charm to
LVU).] THE LAST MAKTYRS UNDER HENRY. 19.9
The hardened cruelties of the monarch are, it is true, not
even yet at an end ; but these were the last martyrs under
his reign. The termination is very observable. To these
men it had seemed a most grievous offence, that even icomen,
and those of good families, had begun to have any fixed
opinions gathered out of Scripture ; and it was therefore
worthy of the majesty of Divine Truth, that, before the
tempest ceased, the savage fury of this final storm should be
braved by a female mind and frame. It was an eminent
instance of the Alnn'ghty choosing the feeble things of the
world to confound the things that were mighty ; and that
also, just before his blessed Word was on the eve of being
more generally circulated and read, than it had ever yet been.^
the entire gcpup, here listening with so much caserness to the Word of Life. This picture, now
in the hands of the London engraver, when once pubhshed, cannot fail to prove an appropriate
household ornament, not only in this kinf;dom, but wherever the English Bible is now being
read, whether at home or abroad. In the grand battle, however, ;»-t'i(0!(.?/^ fought and won,
there is yet to be found more than one heart-stirring scene, worthy of the pencil of our highest
artists. It is now more than time that Tvnd.vle and Fryth in England, as well as Ales and
Hamilton, about to be noticed in Scotland, should occupy that place, whether in painting or
poetry, which ought to have been assigned to them long before the present day, in the sober
prose of authentic history.
27 This revolting tragedy has proved rather an awkward subject for the pen of Dr. Lingard.
In his first edition, he had said of Anne Askew—" She was, after tvo recantations, condemned
to the flames by the same Prelate, (Cranmer ■') and several other Bishops!" Obliged to alter
this, in his fourth and last edition, after alluding to her case, he adds — " Numerous examina-
tions followed ; those who submitted to a recantation, were remanded to prison ; the more
obstinate were sent before Ike Eccltsiastical Court, of which the Archbishop was itrobahly the
chief judge ; and t)ial court excommunicated them as incorrigible heretics, and delivered them
over to the civil power. Among the former were Latimer and Crome himself, who by submis-
sion escaped the flames ; the sufferers were Askew," &c. That a historian, not indisposed to
research at other times, should make the first assertion, and by way of correction substitute the
second passage in explanation, seems to force upon us the conclusion, that there must here be
some secret invincible prejudice.
It was too much to expect that the Doctor should appear in any sense as a lady's man, except,
perhaps, in the case of Catharine Howard, on account of her party ; but we have a right to look
for some regard to impartiality, when he refers to a conscientious martyr, of either sex. The
double recantation has been given up. It was a calumny, which Anne repelled, in writing, at
the moment. " As the Lord liveth," said she, " I never meant a thing kss than to recant,"
and this all her examinators had felt ; but still Lingard is extremely reluctant to let Cranmir
go. He now talks ui an Eccksiaslical Court, of which Cranmer probably was the President !
Forgetting to observe, that these Bishops were not now standing on the high ground they too
often occupied before and after. The hand of Crumwell had been upon them in 1.')3j, and even
that of Cranmer in 1")44 ; and up to this moment no suspected heretic could le(jalty be brought
before any Bishop, as in former days. Mr. Todd, to extricate Cranmer, repels the assertion of
Lingard, by referring to Bonner as the Ordinary, and that the Archbishop therefore could not
descend to the court of a suffragan. But the fact was, that Anne was not, as in former days,
called before a suftVagan court at all. She was first before the Inquest, such as it was, for even
they acted illegally ; and of this Inquest Bonner was merely one member ; but when he at-
tempted to insinuate himself personally, the heroic martyr treated him as he deserved ; and
would say nothing till the hour fixed for all others to be present. In other days, Stokesly be-
fore, or Bonner, some years after, would have sent her to the Coal-house, or Lollard's Tower ;
but at this moment the Bishops were muzzled. It was the Lord Mayor or Inquest who com-
mitted Anne to prison under the first examination ; and the Lord Chancellor acting with thf
Privy Council, who, under the second, sent her to Newgate and the Tower. These were the
parties, not Bishops, who examined and condemned her to the flames. It is true that as Privy
Counsellors, two Bishops, and only two, were present ; and why could not the Dotlnr, when hp
2(10 HUGH LATIMER [book II.
Althouiili tliesc four wore the principal individuals now put
to death for opinions held, those gentlemen of the Privy
Council had been extremely busy with various other examina-
tions.-" Besides Crome who recanted openly; on the 13th of
May, say they, " we look for Latimer ; for the Vicar of St.
Bride''s, {i. e. John Taylor, who, eight years after, suffered at
the stake,) and some others of those that have specially com-
forted Crome in his folly.'"-'' When the first, or by far the
most illustrious of these appeared, they put him on his oath,
as to his intercourse with Crome, and presented him a string
of questions, which he was to answer in writing. Latimer re-
tired, and began to reply ; but he had not proceeded beyond
two or three queries, when the Council were informed, that,
without an interview, he could not go on. Tunstal of Dur-
ham, and Sir John Gage, the comptroller, were then deputed
to converse with him. In his own frank manner, he told
them it was dangerous to answer to such questions, and that
the course pursued was more extreme than it would have
been, if he had lived undei' the Turk. Besides, " he doubted
whether it were his Majesty ""s pleasure, that he should be
thus called and examined." He wished to speak with the
King himself, before he made farther answer, as he had been
once deceived in that way, when he left his bishoprick. It
had been intimated to him, by Crumwell^ " that it was his
Majesty's pleasure he should resign it, which his Majesty
faw their names in the manuscript which he quotes, have rather mentioned Hum ? These,
however, were Gardiiwr and Tunstal; and they must be passed over in silence, in order to
reach Cranmcr by a jirdbabilHii! But to erect an Archbishop's Court, and put Cranmer in the
cliair, was too bad. He hail quite enouKh to answer for, in the deatli of Joan Bochtr, under
the next rei^n ; but the present far nobler martyr was the victim of Gardiner's and Wriothesly's
malice. Cranmer had nothing to do with the shockinp; business, from beginning to end.
It is curious enough to see the caution of Dr. Lingard in questioning the fact of Anne having
been subjected to the i-aek, on the ground of its ilU'ijaVilii without an order from tlie Council!
and tliat under a Monarch who so sported with law, as will as humanity and common sense;
with a Council most of whose members were so virulent and cruel. But " the Archbishop's
Court," having had no existence here, we have nothing but the Council before us, by whose
authority poor Anne was tormented from first to last. As for illegality, the steps taken from
the beginning to the end, were in the face of two Acts of Parliament, one in 1.53.5, and especially
that of 1.544. This last, too, was carried througb^l'arliament by Cranmer; and had it been
obeyed, the life of Anne Askew bad almost to acertainty been saved. It hajjpens unfortunately
for the Doctor's last edition, that he has made what was incorrect, still more so ; while not satis-
fied, he must now, moreover, defame Latimer. As for his " recanting, and so escaping the
flames!" be will come before us presently.
2" According to Foxe, there was one other martyr, — " Like as Winchester , and other
bishops did set on King Henry against Anne Askew and her fellow martyrs, so Dr. Repps,
Bishii|> of Norwich," (a successor worthy of the old blind Bishop Nix,) " did incite no less the
old Duke of Niirfolk against one Hoi/ers, in the county of Norfolk; but within half a year,
both the King himself, and the Dnke's house, decayed."
»9 Gov. State Papers, i.. p. H4'i.
1546.] UNDER EXAMINATION. ^'201
a,iter denied, and pitied his condition."'"' In tine, " he thought
tliere were some who had procured this against him for
malice ;" and then he named Master Gardiner, the J3ishop of
Winchester ; specifying two instances of his ill-will in former
days : the first occurred in a conversation they had held, in
Henry ''s presence ; and the second was evident, in that he
had icritten to Cnimicell against his (memorable) sermon in
the Convocation ! On the latter he dwelt, as a grievous proof
of malice.''' By this time Latimer had been again introduced
before the Council, when Olardiner immediately replied, and
in a style worthy of his deep hypocrisy. " I declared plainly,""
says he, " how much I had loved, favoured, and done for his
person, and that he had no cause to be offended with me !
though I were not content with his doctrine."''' They then
repeated Latimer"'s allusion to Turkey — said that the interro-
gatories were not captious ; and told him that he spoke " as
though no credit or estimation should, now-a-days, be given
to his Highnesses Council or his Highnesses Ministers.'''' ^^ But
all was to no effect. Latimer, indeed, finished the writing he
had commenced ; but they were then obliged to report — " for
the purpose, we be as wise almost, as we were before !"'"' In
the afternoon of the day, they remitted him to Henry Hol-
beach, then Bishop of Worcester, (originally recommended to
the King by Latimer himself,) who, Avith the rest of the doc-
tors, and in the elegant language of the Privy Council, were
" to fish out the bottom of his stomach."'"' But as far as all
the official records go, they had fished in vain.''^ No more
mention is made of Latimer ; and although Liugard has
chosen to say that he now recanted, it is but a groundless as-
sumption. Once indeed, it is to be regretted, he did subscribe
certain articles, and crave forgiveness ; but this was fourteen
years ago, and the days of recantation were with him long
since past. Crome had fallen a second time, but Latimer
never again ; on the contrary, he was left in prison nine
months longer. Like one of old, who, " to do the Jews a plea-
se See under 15.'i9, \i. 68, iiutc.
31 Sec what a watchful eye Gardiner retained over England wliile in Fiance. No wonder
llian he diixlt on the sermon. It was now ten years since it had been delivered, and as a ser-
mon delivered in St. Paul's, addressed to bishojis, it stands by itself, to the jiresent day.
• iardiner did not himself hear it ; but it had been printed in Kniilish after its delivery in Latin,
and must have rung in the ears of these men for many a day. -Sv vol. i., pp. 4!)()-4f)I.
-■'- And this was very much in harmony with what his Majesty, in person, had already told
them. What he had said to Cranmcr respecting them was still worse. Sec before, pp. I7f! 17;)
■''••' Hov. State Papers, i., pp. a4« 84f).
202 KNMITV TO KN(iLIHH HOOKS. [BOOK U.
sure, left Piiul bound ;"" .so perliap.s to please others, Henry
loft this, the most faithful subject of his realm, in the Tower.
At least this much is certain, that to the man whom he had
so courageously warned in 1530, Latimer was not to be in-
debted for deliverance from durance vile ; so that every thing
conspired to tinge with a darker shade the evening of that
monarch's life. On Sunday the 20th of February 1547, or
the day on which Edward was crowned, a general pardon was
granted to all prisoners, except Norfolk, Pole, and Courtney,
the eldest son of the Marquis of Exeter, at home ; and Throg-
morton and Pate abroad. It was then that Latimer, released
from his honourable imprisonment of more than six years,
went to Lambeth, to live for some time privately, under Cran-
mer's roof.'*
In the very midst of all this fixed enmity to moral worth,
there was still time found for Henry to vent his final malice to
the dead, as well as the living; and among them all, special
reference must be made to by far the greatest benefactor of his
reign — William Tyndale. It seems to have been for the ex-
press purpose of lending additional terror to the night in
which Anne Askew and her companions were to illuminate
Smithfield, by being consumed in the flames, that a proclama-
tion had been devised and issued against books. Authorised
by the King's name, it was dated the 8th of July, just eight
days before the martyrs were burnt.
" From lienceforth no man, icumaii, ox* person, of what estate, condition, or
degree, he or tliey be, (to reach the highest ladies or gentlemen about the
Court,) shall, after the last day of August next ensuing, receive, have, take, or
keep in his or their possession, the text of the New Testament of Ti/ndafe's or
L'oTi-rdale'f, nor any other than is pei-mitted by the Act of Parliament made
in the session of the Parliament holden at Westminster in the thirty-fourth and
thirty-fifth year of his Majesty's most noble rcign.35 Nor, after the said day,
shall receive, have, take, or keep, in his or their possession, any manner of
•■" Tliere is, however, reason to suppose tliat the Vicar of St. Bride's recanted three months
after this. At Iciust Wriotlu »ly and Gardiner, on the lOth of September, tell the Privy Coun-
cil,— " It may like your Lord8hi))s to declare to the KiiiR's Majesty that Dr. Taylour, upon
further conference with Mr. Shaxton, hath subscribed all Mr. Shaxton's articles. He was
never indicted; whereupon he is put to liberty, with bond not to depart from LonAon."— State
Fiipers, i., p. Wi6. The editor there, indeed, supposes this to have been Tailour, afterwards
Bishop of Lincoln ; hut from what we have related, there can be little doubt that John Tay-
lour, aliiif Cardmaker, the Vicar of St. Bride's since November 154.'1, is the person now referred
to. See ff'iioci's Fatti, by Bliss., p. !>2, or Bonner's Register. He died at the stake, however,
on the .3()lh of May 1555.
•"'■'> As this rarliamcnt sat from .lanuary to May 1.142, it embraced both years. Henry's
rPRal year commenced with April 2l'.
154.G.] IMPOTENCE OF HUMAN RAGE. 203
books printed or written in the English tongue, whicli be, or shall be set forth
in the names of Fryth, Tyndale, Wldiffc, Joye, Roye, Basil (i. e. Becon) Bale,
Barnes, Corerdale, Turner, Tracy, or by any of them ; — but shall, before the
last day in August next coming, deliver the same English book or books to his
master, if he be a servant, or dwell under any other ; and the master or ruler
of the house, and such others as dwell at large, shall deliver all such books to
the mayor, bailiff, or chief constable of the town where they dwell, to be by
them delivered over openly to the sheriff, bishop's chancellor, or commis-
sary,— to the intent that they may cause them incontinently to be openly
burned ; wliich thing the King's Majesty's pleasure is, tliat every of them shall
see executed in most effectual soi-t, and thereof make certificate to the King's
Majesty's Most Honourable Council, before the first day of October next coming."
Providentially, however, once more, before " the jfirst of
October next coming," both Council and King will have widely
different subjects to engross their attention, rather than the
burning of books. During the month before, Wriothesly and
Gardiner will be worried out of their lives to provide the need-
ful, even to pay the ivages of the royal household ! The fiery
Lord Chancellor, at his wit's end, shall not know what is be-
fore him, and Gardiner be sinking, to rise no more in the
favour of Henry VIII. ; while the poor King, fractious and
full of disease, will be entering on the valley of the shadow of
death. Meanwhile, let it be observed, we have now a most
expressive intimation of the impotence of all former denuncia-
tions. The proclamation itself, indeed, at this late period, is
a proof of this ; but see the tameness of what follows. It is
like the giving up of the ghost in despair. Before Henry dies
he is constrained to crouch before the power of the new
learning.
" And to the intent that no man shall mistrust any danger of such penal sta-
tutes as be passed in this behalf, for the keeping of the said books, the King's
Majesty is most graciously covtenied, by this proclamation, to pardon that of-
fence to the said time appointed by this proclamation, for the delivery of the
said books ; and commandeth that no bishop, chancellor, commissary, mayor,
bailiff, sheriff, or constable shall be curious to mark who bringeth forth such
books, but only order and burn them openly, as is in this proclamation ordered."
With this proclamation, or immediately after it, there was
published a long list of the books interdicted. It was the last,
and is only to be found in the first edition of Foxe's Acts and
Monuments, where, with his too frequent indifference to the
order of time, he has inserted it under 1589 ! From the
books mentioned he micht have seen that it could not have
204 THE OPPOSITION REPROBATED. [noOK II.
been issued before the preceding proL-liiin;ition.*' The procla-
mation it.self is a proof of the spii-it wliicli was coiujuering
" the old learning,''"' and, in farther illustration, it is only ne-
cessary to glance over the publications in English from 1542,
as given in Herbert's Ames, while this list of books serves as
a commentary on the names denounced.-^
Alread}' sinking under the weight of mortal disease, such
was the last puldic manifestation of the monarch's malicious
folly. Not that the proclamation could have much effect, if
indeed any, beyond the precincts of London. The only re-
ported notice of books having been consumed at this period is
confined to that city, and this was probably to give some eclat
to the vain and expiring effort. A copy of the different pub-
lications having been obtained, " soon after this proclamation,"
says Collier, " the books of the authors mentioned were burnt
at Paul's Cross, by the order of (Bonner) the Bishop of
London."*'
Thus Henry, at the very close of life, and his Council, as
such, were drawing afresh the line of demarcation between
themselves and all the good that had been effected. As much
as to say, " let no future historian confound our names with
it ; or, above all, ascribe to us the commencement and pro-
gress of a cause against which we fought to our dying day !
The Bible of Tyndale had, indeed, been sanctioned ; " but in
this," might his Majesty have added, " I was little else than
36 This list may now be seen, under its proper year, in the octavo edition of Foxe, published
by Seeley and Burnsidc.
37 Among the dead were Wickliffe, Tyndale, and Fryth, Tracy, Barnes, and Rove ; but Cover-
dale and Joye, Basil, /. e. Bccon, Bale, and Turner, were alive. At the same time it is easy to
see the hand of Gatdhter in the parties denounced. Htbides his share in the deaths of Tyndale
and Fryth, that of Barnes was still ascribed to him ; while Joye, and Bale, and Turner were
his chief oiiponcnts in print at this moment. The name of Ificklijfcis here noted, probably be-
cause his " Wicket" had been printed tliis year at Nurenburg, along with Traa/'s Testament,
expounded by Ti/mluk. The name of Royc may have been owing to the republication of his
famous Satyre, and more especially as it was now made to apply to the bishops (;.7i/'n)%, instead
of its more powerful ai)i)lication to Wolsey at first. It is, however, more important to observe
that, at the very top of this list of interdicted bofiks, stands " The whole Bible, by Miles Cover-
ilak." He had been patronised by Crumwell, with whose name great liberties were now used.
The New Testaments only of Ti/itdule are denounced, in divers ]>rints, at the head of his other
publications ; but his translations entire were secure in those Bibles which no Gardiner, Tun-
stal, or Bonner dared to remove, and thousands of his Testaments, away down throughout all
the country, could never be reached. Indeed, in /our mo» Ihs oi\\y , after the 1st of October, they
were not seizable, but might be read in open day, and were so everywhere.
38 Collier's Ecc. Hist., ii., p. 211. As a signal proof that it was vernacular literature before
which the old learning party now trembled, we have, in the list already referred to, not fewer
than eighty-five items, or distinct publications in Kiiplixh, not one in Latin. Luthcranism, as
such, never prevailed in England, nor was Lutheran the name of terror now employed. In this
'ist, indeed, we have one small tract of Luther's, a translation ; but of the publications of Tyn-
dale and Fryth we have at least a score. Of Becon's small pieces about fourteen ; f>f Cover-
dale's, ten; of .love's, seven ; of Bale's, four ; and of Dr. William Turner's, two.
1546.] THE OPPOSITION REPROBATED. 20.5
a passive instrument — I was superintended — I was, to all
intents and purposes, only a man overruled."
The enmity now shown was not, however, suffered to pass
without notice, and that in a style and manner confirmatory
of that marked distinction Avhich wc have seen to prevail
throughout. So far from confounding the Government, or the
King and his advisers, with the progress of Divine Truth, that
cause appears to be now, as it had ever done, an entirely sepa-
rate concern. Accordingly, by one contemporary writer, and
in the name of many other individuals, the Government, in
its widest sense, of which Henry was the determined head,
was then placed in contrast or opposition to the Sacred Scrip-
tures, and their unfettered perusal by the people at large.
The reader cannot have forgotten what a commotion was
excited in 1526, just at the moment when the New Testament
of Tyndale had been introduced into England, by a very small
publication, entitled the Supplication of Beggars^ which Sir
Thomas More laboured to answer. But it is curious enough
that, as the commotion at first Avas thus distinguished, so its
close was marked by a second supplication, entitled, " The
Supplication of the poor Commons to the Kingy The au-
thor of this last has never been ascertained, but both supplica-
tions w^ere now published in one book, being alike distinguished
for the same boldness of style.''"
His Majesty well knew, having read for himself the former
publication — whether he ever saw the latter is uncertain — but,
in conjunction with the Government State Papers, it finishes
the picture of his times. While from these papers it has
appeared that the Lord Chancellor was "crying" to the Lord
Mayor and Aldermen for money, that the Mint was " drawn
dry," the Exchequer shut, the other courts of revenue able to
aftord but little, "• that the conduits being nearly run dry, his
Majest^^'s servants were tarrying for the Avater;"from this
last Supplication it is no less evident that the " Commons,"
and especially the inhabitants of the metropolis, were groaning
under certain burdens, and greatly exasperated by one mea-
sure relating to tythes in London, sanctioned by Henry's final
Parliament in November last. As the House had been so
39. This Supplication is not to be confounded with " An Information and Petition against the
Oppressors of the ))nor Commons," by Kobcrt Crowley, in ].")4(t.
206 SUPPLICATION OF [book ii.
liberal to his Majesty, perhaps he had winked at this bill, if
he did in)t intend it as a compliment in return to the Convo-
cation, and especially to the clergy then living in the imme-
diate vicinity of the throne.
This " Supplication," says the industrious Strype, " is a
notable piece, and it gives such a light into tiie affairs of those
days, that a better history can scarce be given thereof, being
writ in those very times." It was printed and published this
year, 1546; but in Strype's time, hardly to be met with.
Two or three extracts will here be sufficient. After alluding
to the first Supplication, circulated in 1526, and now repub-
lished, and to " the great and infinite number of ' valiant and
sturdy beggars' who then had got into their hands, more
than the third part of the yearly revenues and possessions
of his Highness' realm ;" and from whose exactions his
Majesty had delivered his kingdom ; still both the country,
and more especially the capital, were noto again suftering
from another quarter.
" Instead of these sturdy beggars, there is ci'ept iu a sturdy sort of extor-
tioners. These men cease not to oppress us, your Highness' poor Commons ;
in such sort that many thousands of us, which here before hved honestly upon
our sore labour and travail, bringing up our children in the exercise of honest
labour, are now constrained, some to beg, some to boiTow, and some rob and
steal, to get food for us, and our poor wives and children." — " Such of us as
have no possessions left to us, can now get no farm, tenement, or cottage, at
these men's hands, without we pay unto them more than we are able to make.
Yea, this was tolerable, so long as after this extreme exaction we were not, for
the residue of our years, oppressed with much greater rents, than hath of
ancient times been paid for the same grounds : for then a man might, within a
few years, be al)le to recover the fine, and afterwards live honestly. But now
these extortioners take of forty shillings fine £40, and of five nobles rent £5 ; yet
not sufficed with this oppression, they buy, at your Highness' hands, such
abbey lands as you appoint to be sold. And once full seized therein, they make
us, your poor Commons, so in doubt by their threatcnings, that we dare do none
other, but bring into their courts our copies taken of the convents and monas-
teries, and confirmed by your High Court of Parliament. They make us
believe that, by virtue of your Highness, all our former writings are void and
of no effect : and that if we will not take new leases of them, we must forth-
with avoid the grounds. Moreover, when they can spy no commodious thing to
be bought at your Highness' hands, they labour for, and obtain leases for twenty-
iine years, on such abbey lands as lie commodious, and then dash us out of
countenance, making us believe that our copies are void : so that they compel
us to surrender our former writings, whereby we ought to hold, some for two,
some for three lives ; and to take by indenture for twenty-one yeare, overing
both fines and rents, beyond all reason and conscience."
" Defer not, most dread Sovereign Lord, the reformation of these so great
enormities, for the wound is even unto death. We mean the great and mighty
1540'.] THE PODlt COMMONS. 207
abomination of vice that now roigneth within tliis your Higlmeps' realm.
Simony liath lost his name — usury is lawful gains. Last year they obtained
by their importunity (in Parliament) a grant, which if it be not revoked, will, in
continuance of time, be the greatest impoverishment of us your poor Commons,
and chiefly in the Citif of London, that ever chanced since the first beginning
thereof. They liavc obtained, and it is enacted, that every man within the
said City, shall yearly pay unto them sixpence ob. of every ten shillings' rent.
So that if the lord of the grounds please to double and treble the rents, as
they do indeed, then must the poor tenant pay also double or treble tenths, as
due increase of their riches. Have compassion upon us, most gracious
Sovereign ; suffer not these insatiable dogs to eat us out of all that we have.
Consider, that it is against all reason and conscience, that we, your poor Com-
mons, should be thus oppressed ; that where the landlord demandeth of us
double and treble rent, that then we shall pay also to the parson double and
treble tenths. But, most dear Sovereign, how craftily have they wrought this
feat ! They require not the tenths of the landlords, that have the increase,
but of the tenants, who, of necessity, are constrained to pay to the lords their
asking, or else to be without their dwelling-places ! They know right well, that
if they should have matched themselves with the landlords, they happily would
have been too weak for them at the length : but they were in good hopes that
we, poor Commons, should never be able to stand in their hands." — " If we
have not wherewith to pay them, they may, by virtue of the Act, distress such
implements as they shall find in our houses."
Throughout this Supplication, that the parties petitioning
were not now all of the same sentiments with those of whom
they complain, is manifest, and will soon be more so. This,
of course, rendered such exactions peculiarly grievous. They
saw their oppressors to be men of immoral conduct — they
complain of their not even " taking the pains to biny a
dead corpse, unless they had their duty, as they call it C and
thus proceed —
" Judge then, most victorious Prince, what an unreasonable sum the whole
and gi'oss sum of these enhanced tenths, with other \X\e\v 2)etty briberies, draweth
to. They receive of every hundred pounds £13, 15s,, and of the thousand,
£137, 10s. : then may your Highness soon be certified what they receive of
the whole rents of the city. No doubt, they receive of us yearly more than
your Highness did at any time, when you were beset on every side with
mortal enemies."
" Help, merciful Prince," they had said, " in this extremity. Suffer not
the hope of so noble a realm utterly to perish, through the insatiable desire
of the possessioners. Remember that you shall not leave this kingdom to a
stranger, but to a child of great towardness, our most natural prince Edward.
Employ your study to leave him a commomceal to govern, and not an island of
brute beasts, among whom the stronger devour the weaker. If you suffer Christ's
members to be thus oppressed, look for none other than the rightful judgment of
God, for your negligence in your office and ministry. Be merciful, therefore, to
yourself and us, your most obeisant subjects. Endanger not your soul by the
suffering of us, your poor Commons, to be brought all to the names of beggars, and
most miserable wretches. Let ns be unfa your flighness, as the inferior members
2(»8 THE GRIEVANCK8 OK [iioOK ir.
u/ lite bull 1/ unto llicir head. I{fm<iiil>rr that your limir hair* are a lnki'ii that
nature makfth haste to absolrc the cour»c of yotir life."
These pointed warnings, were n-ndfrcJ inucli more so, tVoiii
tlio petitioners having laid before liis Majesty their grievances
and coinphiints in reference to the Sciui'ti'hks. Indeed it was
with this subject tliej had be[/un ; and we have reversed the
order, simply to show, that these were not the mere ebulitions
of discontented or worldly men, who did not know their value ;
or of men who cared nothing about the recent base attempts to
take the Sacred Volume out of the hands of the useful orders
of society. This they placed in front of all their complaints.
Hear what they said to Henry on this subject —
" The remnant of the sturdy beggars not yet weeded out — tell us, that vice,
uncharitableness, lack of mercy, diversity of opinions, and other like enormities,
have reigned erer since vieii had the Scriptures in English. And what is this
other, than to cause men's consciences to abhor the same, as the only cause and
original of all this ? They say, it sufficeth a layman to believe, as they teach ;
and not to meddle with the interpretation of Scripture. And what meaneth
that, but that they would have us as blind again, as we were ?" — " They have
procui-ed a law, that none shall be so hardy as to have the Scripture in his house,
unless he may spend £10 by the year," (i. e. equal to £150 now.) " And what
meaneth this, but that they would famish the souls of the residue, withholding
their food from them ? — Hath God put immortal souls in none other but such
as be possessioners in this world ? Did not Christ send word to John the Ba])tist,
that the poor received the gospel ? Why do these men disable them from reading
the Scriptures, that are not endued with the possessions of this world ? Un-
doubtedly, most gracious Sovereign, because they are the very same that shut
the kingdom of heaven before men. They enter not in themselves ; nor suffer
they them to enter that would.
" But some will probably say, they were not all sturdy beggars, that were in
the Parliament, when this law was established : for many of them, and the
most part, were secular men ; and not of such ability, that this law would per-
mit them to have the Scriptm-es in their houses.^" Wherefore this law is in-
different (im]iartial) and taketh not the Word of God from us ; but we, with our
full consent, have committed it to them, in that said law limited. Whereunto
we answer, that if wc have given it over from us to the possessioners of this
world, we may be well likened to the Gadarites, (Mark v.) which desired Christ
to depart from their country ; and the lurking birds, which cannot abide the
brightness of the sun. If we have rejected this merciful ]>roffer of our most
merciful Father, to have the Scriptures, the declaration of God's will, if/(en he
used your Highness, as his instrument to publish and set forth his most lively
■*" Tlie ten-jimniil qualification must have been sonic popular version of flic Act of Parliament,
as no such sum is therein mentioned. Hut this, incidentally, is a curious disclosure, as to the M. P.s
of the day, and shows how far such a sum then went. It was an amount, it seems, not unworthy
of a King to bestow, as an annual pension ; for this was the royal annuity bestowed by Henry
VIII., through Paget, upon Koger Ascham. Hence the princely character of Hunijihry Mun-
mouth in giving the same sum to Tyndalc. on his setting off for the Continent to translate the
English nible. Put here were M.P.s who could not " spend f 10 by the year."
154.6.] THE POOK COMMONS. 209
word — let us fall down prostrate with rcpi ntaiicc of this contempt of his merci-
ful gift: most humbly beseeching him to behold the dolours of our heart, and
to forget our obstinacy therein — giving your Highness such desire of our salva-
tion ; and that you will as favourably restore unto us the Scripture in our Eng-
lish tongue, as you did at the first set it abroad. Let not the adversary take
occasion to say, the Bible was of a traitor's setting forth, and not of your High-
ness' own doing : for so they report that Thomas Crumwell, late Earl of Essex,
was the chief doer, and not your Highness, but as led by him.4l
" When your Highness gave commandment that the Bishops and Clergy
should SCO that there were in every parish 07ie Bible at the least, set at liberty ;
so that crcrijman m'ujht freely come to it and read therein — many of this wicked
generation, as well priests as others, their faithful adherents, would pluck it,
either into the choir, or into some pew, where poor men durst not presume to
come ; yea, there is no small number of churches, that hath no Bible at all.
And yet not sufficed with the withholding it from the poor of their own parishes,
they never rested till they had a commandment from your Highness, that no
man, of what degree soever^ should read the Bible in the time of God's service,
as they call it. As though the hearing of their Latin lies, and conjuring of
water and salt, were rather the service of God, than the study of his most holy
Word. This was their diligence in setting forth the Bible. But when your
Highuess had devised a proclamation, for the burning of certain translations of
the New Testament, they were so bold as to burn the whole Bible, because
tliey were of those men's, Tyndale's or Coverdale's translation ; and not the
New Testament only. 42
" We heard say that they proffered your Highness, that if you would please
to call in the Bible again, forasmuch as it was not faithfully translated in all
parts,''^/(c^ icoiild oversee it, and within seven years set it forth again ! Your
Bishops, most victoi'ious Prince, if they might have gotten in the Bible for seven
years, would have trusted, that, by that time, either your Highness should have
been dead, or the Bible forgotten : or they themselves out of your Highness'
reach ; so that you should not have like power over them, as you have now.
" When your Majesty appointed two of them, Tu.nstal and Heath, to over-
look the translation of the Bible, they said they had done your Hif^hness' com-
mandment therein : yea, they set their names thereunto : but vsdien they saw the
world somewhat like to wring on the other side, they denied it ; and said, they
never meddled therewith. Causing the printer to take out their names, which
were erst set before the Bible, to certify to all men that they had diligently
perused it, according as your Highness had commanded ! !"43
The outrageous advisers of Henry the Eighth, taking every
advantage of his failing strength, having run riot with the
o And he as led by Cranmer, then in despair of all official men ; though not until the New
Testament had passed through at least twenty editions, and had been reading in England for
above ^'H years., independently of all the three— King, Primate, and Vicar-general; nay, in
spite of all opposition. This flying report, however, accounts for Henry's command to Tinislrd
and Heath, and for their names inserted on the title-page of two editions.
■42 The whole Bible refers to Coverdale's, as "The whole Bible by Miles Coverdale," stood at
the top of the list of books, now prohibited and condemned.
■13 This bold and distinct statement, as to the two Bishops, published in open day, was never
met or contradicted by either the one or the other ; and what docs it import ? That Tunstal and
Heath had felt no scruple in thus falsely lending their names to Henry's mandate ; nor, what
was infinitely worse, no scruple in thus treating the Sacred Volume ! The printer, however, durst
not obey them, and so there the names remain, to the indelible disgrace of both the men.
throughout all time.
VOL II. O
210 THK QUKEN IN DANGEK. [bouK H.
body and blood of his subjects, were now liasteuing to that
rigliteous retribution, wljich, even in this life, so often falls on
the heail of the wieked. Too lon<j; hud they walked after the
lusts and devices of their own hearts. Neither Wriothesly nor
(rardiner, nor their ducal leader his Grace of Norfolk, must be
permitted to escape. The long-sufTering of God was now very
nearly exhausted. These men had walked in pride, and they
nmst be abased. As the enemies of light and of all moral
excellence, but especially of the Sacred Scriptures in the rer-
nacular toupiu\ and of all who prized them^ having now vent-
ed their malice, it was time that there should be some reaction ,•
and what must have rendered it peculiarly galling, was the
quarter from whence that reaction came. Instead of commit-
ting other people to the flames, they must now look after their
own personal safety ; and, instead of hunting after books to
burn them, the question will be, what is to be the term of their
own official, or even actual existence.
Perhaps the last occasion on which the King appeared in gorgeous
array was on the 24th of August, when he met the French ambassador,
d'Anncbaut, and the recent treaty of peace was ratified ; as from that
period he gradually sunk into a state of complicated misery. For some
time, however, this was a subject of such delicacy that no man near the
throne dared to commit himself in writing ; so that the first recorded
hint of failing health is from the pen of a foreigner, in crating to Paget,
as late as the 17th of September.'*'' The most partial historians have
allowed that Ilenry had been distinguished for sensuality, and that, as a
natural consequence, he became a mass of disease, so unwieldy as to be
moved from room to room only by the aid of machinery, llis temper,
always headstrong, now displayed itself }>y sudden paroxysms of resent-
ment or fury. From the state of his body, to approach and wait upon
him soon became a loathsome task, to which, however, the Queen herself
submitted, and with most commendable perseverance. Katherine's in-
fluence, in these circumstances, was considerable. She used to converse
freely with the dying man, and had ventured occasionally to express her
own opinion in distinction from his. One day, however, having, as his
Majesty thought, gone too far, he became irritated ; and Gardiner coming
in the way afterwards, of course chimed in with the King's humour ;
nay, at last, even pressed the propriety of some investigation into the
** Gov. State Papers, !., p. 868. Nicasius Yctsweirt to Paget. Nicasiiis became Clerk of the
Privy Seal under EIiz.ihcth. He and his son Charles were, in succession, her Majesty's Secre-
taries for the French tonRue. Charles and his widow Jane were also }trinter> under the same
reif-n.
151.G.] WIUOTHESLY IN TROUBLE. 211
opinions of her Majesty. The fracfcious j)atient, unmindful of his obli-
gations to his assiduous nurse, who had not unfrequently soothed his
aTiguish, actually complied ; and Wriothesly, as well as Gardiner, were
busy once more in their favourite sphere of action. But the tide was
now in the very act of turning against them, so that, so far from suc-
ceeding, their ready acquiescence in their master's frenzy only proved
the precursor of another storm against themselves. Most unaccountably,
the paper on which at least the imprisonment of the Queen hung, had
dropped from the pocket of Wriotliesly, and having been conveyed to
Katherine by one of her friends, she was overwhelmed ; and well she
might, as his Majesty's signature is said to have been affixed ! The King,
we are told, heard her cries ; and, being carried to the apartment, by her
manner of reply he was so soothed, that all danger was now past. Next
day, however, the Lord Chancellor must keep his appointment, and, with
forty guards, had arrived to convey Katherine to the Tower. The tem-
pest, averted from its former object, had changed in its ciu'rent the night
before, and now burst in fury on the head of Wriothesly. All that the
King said was not audible ; but the following terms in reply — " Arrant
knave ! beast and fool ! " uttered with a louder voice, wei-e heard dis-
tinctly, and even by the Queen. Henry then commanded him out of
his sight.
Ey Michaelmas Even, the 28th of September, there are some curiously
ambiguous expressions, fi-om the man thus designated, addressed to the
King's Secretary, Paget, which he had prefaced by saying — " I write
this to you as to myself." — " The world is so doubtfiiZ and dangerous,
whereof we have good experience, as I pray God we may put our trust
in him, and look loell to our own state, with good entertainment of the
rest, that our plainness be not deceived hy the double )iess of the world, as
it hath been of late days." But whatever he meant, the scene referred
to must have taken place about this very time. At all events, by the
11 th of October the name of Gardiner occurs for the last time before he
also had sunk in the royal favour, when the influence of the " old learn-
ing" party was gone.45 The three leaders, Gardiner, Norfolk, and Wri-
othesly, were on the brink of a precipice ; each of them, in succession,
will be in distress, as a few days only will begin to discover.
The Lord Chaiuellor Wriothesly appears first in hand. He was in
great alarm lest the proposed New Court of Augmentations should inter-
fere with the privileges, or rather the emoluments, of the Great Seal and
the Court of Chancery. He is most urgent, in writing to Paget, " to
■•5 Gov. State Papers, i., p. 880. It is strange that this letter from Gardiner should relate to a
negotiation respecting a proposed marriage between Philiy> Duke of Bavaria and the Princess
Mary, as well as a treaty between Henry and the Duke's uncle, the Elector Palatine. Of course
nothing took place ; but the idea'of Gardiin'r being so occupied, shows that he was willing to do
any thhui if he might only retain or recover his Majesty's favour. By him and his party every
such alliance had been dei>recated.
■212 UAKDINEK IN DANGKU. [uoOK 11.
move his Majesty to be good and gracious, and jjicscrvc the course of his
most ancient Court and Seal, with the poor estimations and livings of
his Ministers." " Surely, Mr. Secretary," says he on the ICth of October,
" to write frankly unto you, I shall have cause to be soiry in my heart,
during my life, if the favour of mi/ gracious Master shall so fail, that, partly
in respect of his poor servant, ho do not somewhat of his clemency tem-
per it."^*^ Whether Flenry hearkened to him or not, it is certain that the
old Court of Augmentations was dissolved, and the new one was esta-
blished.
Gardiner came next in order. After Monday night the 11th of Oc-
tober, when he wrote his letter, his name is never once mentioned till the
beginning of December. For some time he had sunk so low that he
durst not approach the royal i)resencc ; but on Thursday the 2d of that
month he presumed so far as to address one last letter to his royal mas-
ter, with another to Paget, begging him to deliver it. The former is
distinguished for its cringing and hypocritical style ; and so eager was
he with Paget about his restoration to favour, as to whine to him in ser-
vile Latin.'''' But the attempt was vain ; at least there is no reply in
existence, even from the Secretary.''^ By the end of the month his name
was known to have been excluded from the number of his Majesty's
executors ; a stej) on which, it has been said, Henry had resolved before
going to France in 1544. But, be this as it may, the exclusion now was a
loss, at once of honour and emolument. Sir Anthony Browne after this
had ventured to mention Gardiner's name to the King, when his Majesty
replied, that if he repeated it again, his own name would also be excluded.
This man never recovered Henry's favour, and during the reign of
Edward, of course, he bore no sway. On the contrary, he was deprived
of his See on the 14th of February 1551, as well as confined to the
Tower. Whatever of severity there might be in this, the measure seems
to have been adopted from fear of the public tranquillity ; and it formed
a degree of retribution by no means corresponding to the fearful and
bloody years of his domination. Immediately upon the accession of
Queen Mary, he was not only restored to all that he had lost, but
became Lord Chancellor of England, when he will cross our path for
the last timc.'»9
To return, however, to the present crisis ; that there was not one
«« Gov. state Papers, i., p. WIS. *7 Idem, p. H84.
<8 In this last letter to tlic King he refers to some refusal or misunderstanding as to an ex-
change of land with his Majesty ; but there is evidently much else involved, and more meant
than meets the ear.
<9 Some able writers occasionally labour under an unfortunate propensity, when sitting down
to vindicate a bad man in all, or almost all, that he ever did. Gardiner's life and character
have been treated too much after this fashion in the " Bingraphia liritannica." The article
was labour in vain before any record of his deeds approaching to accuracy, and the only
apology for Campbell, the reputed author, is, that he was bnt imperfectly informed of his hero,
and not aware of many facts which have been since brought to light, verified by Gardiner's
own correspondence, as well as that of others.
1546.] NORFOLK AND HIS SON ALIKE ARRAIGNED. 213
momeut left to listen to Mr. Stephen Gardiner, is now no matter of sur-
prise, since the entire Comt circle, with the King included, were en-
grossed, in prospect of an event which was to produce a sensation far
deeper than could have been occasioned by the disgrace and imprison-
ment of more Bishops than one. " Title and ancestry," says Addison,
" render an ill man more contemptible," and yet the pride of ancestry,
in the worst of men, has occasionally wrought their ruin. Tue Duke
OF Norfolk had for some time not spent all his wrath upon " the new
learning and its adherents." There was another source of irritation
which came much nearer home. In consequence of Heni-y having mar-
ried Jane Seymour, who left a son, now about to succeed him on the
throne, that family had been raised by the King to the honours of
nobility ; and Seymour, Earl of Hertford, the uncle of young Edward,
was, naturally enough, cherishing the prospect of being Lord-Protector
at no distant day. The honours bestowed on this " young" family, had
often grated on the ears of the ancient house of Howard ; and a bitter
rivalry had existed for years between the two parties. The old Duke
had a son, " the flower of the English nobility," Henry Howard, Earl of
SiuTcy, and certainly a very diiferent person from his father ; but a cir-
cumstance had occurred which highly inflamed his mind. He was a
man, according to Herbert, " of deep understanding, sharp wit, and high
courage," and therefore sure to be the more exasperated by any indig-
nity. He had been superseded in his command at Boulogne, and the
Earl of Hertford sent in his room. Surrey also had often expressed
great contempt of the neiv nobility ; but this step had been felt as such
an affi'ont, that he is said to have vowed vengeance on his successor in
arms as soon as the King should die. On the other hand, Hertford,
fully aware of the influence and disposition of both father and son, saw
that the chief obstacle to his promotion would be found in the old Duke,
or his accomplished and impetuous son, the Earl of Surrey.
The disease of the Monarch was in progress ; his mind naturally
leaned towards the family of his child, and to the Earl at the head of
it ; a man of inferior talent to Surrey, yet daring in his designs ; and,
however young in point of honours, having his own share of ambition,
as well as the oldest nobleman in England. To the public services of
both the Duke and his son, his Majesty had been often indebted ; but
with his natural temper, even in health, we are already familiar ; and
in his present state, if there was the slightest danger connected with
Edward's succession to the crown, nothing could be easier than to ex-
cite both his fear and jealousy. These once excited, no man was likely
to stand before them. Whatever, therefore, the King in his cruelty
may now sanction, it seems but equal justice to allow, that in the ambi-
tion, the jealousy and fear of the Hertford family, may be traced the
origin of what took place. At the same, time, and though he be in the
act of sinking into the grave, Henry will appear quite in character.
2li DUKK OF NORFOLK [book II.
Jt was upon Sunday the I'itli of December, " upon certain surmigcs of trea-
son," tliat the Duke of Norfolk and tlie Karl of Surrt^y were conveyed to the
Tower, the one by water, the other by land, and neither aware of the appre-
hension of the other. The only suHpicion of guilt of which the old man chose,
some time after, to express liimself as conscious, should be given in his own
words — " Undoubtedly," said he to the King, " I know not that I have of-
fended any man, or that any man was offended with me, unless it he such as be
(iiiijri/ with me for bctng quick against such as hare been accused for sacrauie.n-
tarlcs." Once upon a time, this language miglit have had its effect, but not so
now. Indeed, the indecent ha.ste of the proceedings is perhaps more marked
than it Iiad ever been upon any similar occasion. On that very Sunday night,
immediately after the arrest, we sec not fewer than three men, by royal autho-
rity, hasting after the spoil belonging to the merely suspected prisoners. Tliesc
three. Sir John Gate, Sir Richard Soutliwell, and Wymounde Carew, must have
travelled in good style for these days ; as they proceeded to Keiming Hall,
near East Harling in Norfolk, the principal seat of the family, distant eighty
miles, and ai'rived there by Tuesday morning at break of day, before the in-
mates were out of bed. The Duchess of Norfolk, for certain reasons to be
explained presently, was not there ; they only found the Countess of Surrey
and her children, with Mary the Duchess of Richmond, daughter of the
Duke, and widow of Henry Fitzroy, tiie King's natural son, and a Mrs. Eliza-
beth Holland.
The two latter were but " newly risen, and not ready to appear." Tliesc
three early visitors, " after order first taken with tlie gates and back doors,"
declared their desire to speak with these two ladies, " when the first news of
the Duke of Norfolk and his son" were communicated. The Duchess of Rich-
mond " perplexed, trembling, and like to fall down," having recovered, " ere
long humbled herself in all, unto his Highness." But the object in view was
not to convey intelligence. They saw the children of Surrey, " with certain
women in the nursery attending upon them," and they report that the Countess
was within six weeks of her confinement ; but grandfather's ])roperty was the
main look out ; they must proceed to business, and in the evening of the day
they all unite in reporting i)rogress "to the King's most excellent Majesty,"
direct by " the post in haste for his life !"
Tliey had looked most eagerly after the spoil, but were mortified in finding
so little ; though it was well if these gentlemen went through the search, and
left the mansion with clean hands. However, having got the keys from the
Duchess, they inform the dying monarch — " her coffers and chambers (be) so
bare, as your Majesty would hardly think — her jewels, such as she had, sold,
or lent to gage to pay her debts — we will, nevertheless, for our duty, make a
farther and more earnest search." This, let it be remembered, was the widow
of Henry's own natural child. They then proceeded with Mre. Elizabeth Hol-
land's " gear ;" wliere they found " divers girdles, beads, buttons of gold, pearls
and rings, whereof, with all other things, we make a book to be sent unto your
lliijhuess! And as we have begun here, at this head house, so have we,
presently and at one instant, sent to all his houses in Norfolk and Suffolk, that
nothing shall be eml)ezzled till we shall have time to see them. We do not
omit Elizabeth Holland's house, newly made in Suffolk, wliicli is thought to be
well furnished with stitff, whereof your Highness shall also be advertised. The
almoner here chargeth himself with all, or the most part, of the Duke's jdatc,
ready to be delivered into our hands. Money of the said Duke he hath none,
but supjtoscth the steward hath, on this last account, such as doth remain. By
our next letters, your Majesty shall be ascertained of the said Duke's jewels,
15 10,] AND HIS FAMILY. 2J5
here and elscwlierc, and of the clcai* yeai'ly value of all his possessions, and all
otliei- liis yearly revenue, as near as we can learn by his books of accounts, and
other his records."
Nor were they yet done. The Duchess and Mrs. Holland were taken into
custody, and to be sent on as witnesses to London next morning. The old
Duchess was found much nearer to the city ; and as for the Countess and her
children, those men on the spot at once actually " beseech his Majesty to signify
whether he will have the whole household continue, or in part be dissolved,
reserving such as unto his Highness shall seem meet to attend upon the said
Earl's wife" — " beseeching your Highness to signify to us when, and in what
place, your pleasure is to bestow her for the time. "5" — " Most lunubly beseech-
ing your royal Majesty graciously to receive these pi'emises as a commencement
of our doings !"51
And these " doings" were within forty-eight hours of the father and son,
unknowu to each other, having been appx'ehended upon " certain sunnises,"
a montli before even Surrey was brought to trial, and only six weeks before the
Monarch himself died. The writers of this letter, of course, had consulted hi
Majesty's well known taste upon such occasions, and must have expressed
themselves iu the way most likely to please : but, at all events, such was
Henry's personal concern in the business at its very commeuccineut, and such,
the not miusual modes of procedure under his reign.
Nor did the haste end here. The Lord Chancellor Wriothesly had, for
yeare, been the warm friend and supporter of both Norfolk and Gardiner.
What then must have been his mortification, when his Majesty ordered him
" to advertise the ambassadors in foreign parts, that the Duke of Norfolk and
his sou had conspired to take upon them the goverinnent of the kingdom during
his Majesty's life, as also after his death to get into their hands the Lord
Prince ! but that their devices were revealed, and they committed to the
Tower. "52 Willing or unwilling, the Chancellor had then also to turn his
hand towards framing the " chai'ges against the Duke of Norfolk and Earl of
Surrey," which afterwards were actually corrected by the King himself, in a
tremulous hand '.''3 And all this before the mockery of law was conmienced.
On turning away from this disgraceful course of proceeding, to the parties
in prison, and the interior of the Duke's family, we meet with auother scene,
aud in its way, not less revolting.
With the character of the Duke himself, the father of this family, the
first peer of the realm, and uow about seventy-three years of age, the
reader is already but too familiarly acquainted. He has seen him
personally engaged, or presiding, on the most cruel and melancholy'
occasions of i)ast years ; from the death of Anne Boleyn on the scaffold,
down to that of Anne Askew in the gloom of night, at the stake. lie
had sanctioned also the deaths of Fisher, and More, and Ciumwell ; and
now his own day of degradation and terror has come. A materia^
distinction, indeed, is to be drawn between the father and the son
although that son, it cannot be forgotten, then a youth of twenty, if not
50 Such was the treatment of Frances, tlie daughter of Vcre, Earl of Oxford, tlic late Lord
(ireat Chamberlain of Henry's household.
5' Gov. State Papers, i., )>. H88. *- Herbert.
35 For this document, widi Henry's corneliuns priulid in capitals, sec Gov. State Tapers,
I. p. flPl
216 DUKE OF NOKFOLK [bOOK II.
still younger, presided with bis father, at the decided commenceinent of
Henry's worst career of cruelty and legalised murder ; of which he him-
self was now about to become the very last victim. Both sat by, and
the lather not tamely, at the mock trial of Anne Boleyn, the niece of
the one, and cousin of the other.
Now in turning our eye to this family, notwithstanding all its pride
of ancestry, we sec a picture of human nature, such as no family in
humble life perhaps ever exhibited ; and it is only in consequence of
the conspicuous figure made by this Duke of Norfolk all along, that wc
are placed under the necessity of looking into it. For these twenty
years we have seen a party standing out in determined hostility to the
Word of God in the vernacular tongue ; and this man, from year to year,
has been the ducal head of it. Whether Christianity, therefore, or even
morality, be regarded, it is of importance to ascertain what were his
pretensions to be a leader. If he had been so severe upon Crumwell
and his character, it would be but blind partiality to pass by his own.
TIic bitter divisions under this domestic roof, had been of long standing ; for
after making every allowance for excited passions, for the warmth of jealousy
and wounded pride, if we follow the light afforded by existing original letters,
and merely record the facts, the pictui'e afforded is still of the darkest hue.
The Duke of Norfolk, who was born in the year 1473 or 4, while yet Earl of
Surrey, had married, for his second wife, Elizabeth, eldest daughter of that
Duke of Buckingham who suffered under Wolsey, by whom he had five child-
ren ; Henry Earl of Surrey and the Duchess of Richmond being well known.
In 1524 he had become Duke of Norfolk, but before then, there had been un-
pleasant feeling between him and his lady ; a servant of hcr's, named Hol-
land, having attracted his notice, and " she," says the Duchess, " lias bceu the
cause of all my trouble."''-* The Duke could have no complaint as to the age
of his wife, for slie was above twenty years younger than himself ; but such
was the animosity between them, that an entire separation had taken place so
early as the spring of 1533. The King himself was well acquainted with this
feud, and by way of quelling it, had commanded her to address the Duke by
letter. She obeyed, but there was no answer to this, though it was her third
letter. In 1537, we find the Duchess in earnest correspondence with Crum-
well, as Lord Privy Seal, not with any view to reunion, but in reference to her
very limited circumstances ; and to him, in six successive letters, she pours
out all her complaints.')-'' Crumwell had advised her to go home to the Duke ;
she had no inclination, and stated her fears. Norfolk then sternly addresses
Crumwell in a letter from Buntingford, Herts : — " It has come to my know-
ledge that my wll/iil wife is come to London, and hath been with r/ou yester-
night, to come to me to London. This I will never allow ;" but, again, he
adds, " if she write, confessing her slander, and then sue to the King, I will
never refuse the King's command. "5C And here the matter seems to have
dropped at that time.
5-« This woman, tliough orifiin.illy a lauiidry-maid, the Duchess allows to have been allieil to
Lord Hussy, who had been cxcc-ufed at Lincoln. She had ap]Kared in the jewels already enu-
merated, and occupied .nijartments in Kensington Palace.
S5 Cotton MS., Titus, b. i., aSS-aUT), and Vespa.s., F. xiil.. 79.
5« Idem, fol. .'W!fi. The wretched representations in these letters addressed In Crumwell, may
154G.] AND HIS FAMILY. 2)7
Tlie Duchess, it is true, has been represented as a woman of high spirit, and
vindictive temper, though the circumstances in which she was placed, have
generally been passed over ; but after making the very largest allowance for
resentment, if only a tithing of what she wrote to Crumwcll be admitted, it
is impossible to resist the conviction, that, as it has often happened, the perse-
cutor of others abroad, had been far from correct at home, and a tyrant there.
By the letter already quoted from Kenninghall, we have a separate testimony,
and from the place which llollaud there occupied, there was evidently no
room for the Duchess. If we turn away from husband and wife, to the father
and his children, there is still nothing to compensate for this long and deadly
dissension. The children had united with their father for years, against the
mother ; but by this time there had been some misunderstanding between the
Duke and his son ; for, wdiercvcr the fault lay, they had quarrelled ; and upon
Surrey being first criminated, the Duke felt no scruple in writing him down as
his " foolish" son ! As for the Duchess of Richmond, whose mild and fine
countenance would seem to have given the lie to any such thing, she was ready
to witness against her own brother !
At this alarming crisis, therefore, when both father and son were in separate
cells, what were the consequences of such a state of things ? A house divided
against itself cannot stand. The fire which had been kindled more than
twenty years ago, and been smouldering ever since, now burst out into open
violence, and to the disgi-acc of all concerned. The proceedings were against
the first peer of the realm, an old man about 73 ; and yet the first witness
examined was this woman Holland ! But then the wife was now ready, after
examinations held, to witness against the husband ! and the sister against the
brother, if not the father also ! In short they all came forward aud thus
acted, though their united testimony coidd not prove high treason.
As in a picture, sufficiently humiliating, here then stood the head of
" THE OLD LEARNING "^j«/"^y, and at the head of his own family. This was
the man, who, in his public and official character, had engaged with
such ardour in the war of opinion. The man who, to gain his own ends,
and, if possible, beguile Crumwell, could so basely play the hypocrite
in 1539 ; and who yet now, when under the fear of death, and referring
to Crumwell and himself in comparison, could say to the Privy Council,
— " he was a false man, and surely I am a true poor gentleman." •'•''
Above all, this is the same individual who, for twenty years, had been
so bitterly opposed to the English Bible, as well as to its being read
by the people, and who persecuted aU who prized its contents ; but it is
no mystery now, why he pursued such a com-se. No wonder now, that
he carried about with him certain persomd objections to the sacred vo-
lume. It was the Earl of Rochester, at a far later period, and after he
came to a sense of his own depravity, of whom it has been testified that,
laying his hand on the Bible, he would say — " There is true philosophy.
he seen in the avi'cndix to Nott's Life of Surrey. In the end of I.J37, the Duchess says she had
lieen married to him 25 years before, and that she was now past 40. This would make hei a
bride at the early age of fifteen or sixteen, when tlic Dul<c was about thirty-nine.
57 Cotton MS., Titus, b. i., fol. 04.
218 rJlKK OK NORFOLK AND HIS I AMILV. [noOK 11.
This is the wisdom that speaks to the heart. A bad life is tlie oixly objec-
tion to this bool:^'
These disclosures, so mortifying to family pride, were not without
their value. The friends of truth and righteousness could not be insen-
sible to their bearing, and they might now judge for themselves, and no
doubt did, whether they had any occasion to be ashamed because of their
titled opponent.'''*
Hut the King's business, not to say his rapid disease, demanded haste,
and there must be no delay. They first j)roceeded with Surrey, lie
had returned from France in April ; and, having spoken unguardedly of
Hertford, had been committed as a prisoner to Windsor Castle in July,
but only for a very short time. When the French amlmssador was enter-
tained with such great magnificence in August, the Earl, along with his
father and Craumer, had the most conspicuous places assigned to them
in all the ceremonies ; but it was with this pageant that the career of
Surrey came to an end.
68 We are now, however, let at least into oin' secret cause of the bitter liostility between Kor-
/olk and Cntmuvll, which lias never been pointed out. It was not sinii>ly because CrumwcU
politically leaned towards " the new learning," but Norfolk must have owed him a RrudRC — and
at last had his rcvenRc. The situation of the Lord Privy Seal was often difficult and critical.
The fact was, that, from LIS? to 153!), he had either got himself embroiled with this divided fa-
mily, or been drawn into the vortex. In l.'i,'}? we have seen him in corrcsi)ondence with the ba-
nished Duchess, and this was hazardous enough ; but in l.'i.'Ui he comes in contact with " the
Lady of Richmond," as she was often styled. Her husband, Henry's natural son, had died on
the 22d July 153C, when she was left pcnsionlcss ! She begs her father's aid, or to be allowed to
sue in person to his Majesty, in 1.5.311. Crumwell, then in the height of power, is apjilied to ns
Lord Privy Seal, when both Uair;/ titxl himsdf, as if not altogether unwillinR to evade her claim
by some technical question respecting the validity of the marriage, ai>])ly to Cranmer! He, how-
ever, affirmed it to be good ; but " as for the demand of the woman by the law civil," he pro-
fessed his ignorance, and referred to the lawyers. In June 153B the jointure had been granted.
AVhen Norfolk first saw his Majesty afterwards, he not only thanked him, but, professing to do
every thing according to his pleasure, craftily enough made an overture of his daughter in mar-
riage. For the young and beautiful widow he knew of hut two persons, one of whom was Sir
Tliomas Seymour, (afterwards Lord Seymour, who married Queen Katharine Parr, soon after
Henry's death ;) and the King, professing to be quite pleased, spoke to Seymour. But observing
both the King and Norfolk to be alike bent on the match, he referred to Cnimnvll, as bis good
lord, because Crumwell's son, Gregory, " had married Seymour's sister." He thought, there-
fore, my Lord Privy Seal " might the rather have the {mai/ninff) management of the matter."
All this Sadler communicates to Crumwell, by commuint of the King, on the 14th of July l.VSf,
adding, that as the young duchess was going into the country ne.vt day, " his Grace the King
Jiraycth you to take your time the sooner." Whether Crumwell managed the way for Seymour
to escape, or the duchess declined, it is evident that there could have been nothing but ill-will
on Norfolk's part, after such collisions regarding both wife and daughter, for the marriage never
took place.
In projmsing this match to the King, Norfolk's pride of ancestry is very observable. " Per-
ceiving," said he, " there cnsueth commonly no great good by conjunction of ffrcat bloods toge-
ther, he sought not, therefore, to marry his daughter in any fiit/h blooil or dcffrce." Most extra-
ordinary, as well ;ls foolish, language to be addressed to Henri/, when referring to the brother of
his own Queen, Jane Seymour ! To maint.iin the Norfolk sway in time to come, through his
alliance with the rising Seymour family, was unquestionably the Duke's real object, and the
craft involved was not forgotten. But will it be believed, after the part th.it the King had act-
ed, by Sadler's holoiiraph letter, that this very proposal was now interwoven, and in the most
disgusting language, with " the Charges " now drawn up, and, to crown all, actually in Henry's
own tremulous handwriting? As for that family which Norfolk had styled as " not of any
high blood or degree," they, with the King, were now determined on the death of both the Duke
and his .son. Compare Cotton MS., CIcop., F. xiii., (o\.'i:>; E. v., fol. 101, with Crumwell's
Corr., bundle S., holograph, once in the Chapter-Housc, and now in the State Paper Office. Or
sec Ellis's Lett., 2d Ser , ii.. R3 ; Cranmer's Remains, i.. p. 22(!-22f»; and Gov. Stale Papers, i.,
)'P :<H>-1, and 8!n.
15^0.] EXECUTION OP SURREY. 210
Richard Southwell, one of the busy se.archcrs at Kcnninghall and
elsewhere, had first offered to criminate the Pjarl ; when he vehemently
demanded justice, or, as an alternative, offered to fight his accuser in his
shirt. In addition to the members of his own family. Sir Edmund Kne-
vet, and, according to Herbert, one Thomas Pope, then appeared as wit-
nesses, but with trifling evidence.'"'' The depositions, however, such as
they were, were then sent down to the Judges, who were at Norwich.
By the 7th of Januaiy a verdict was returned, and Surrey was indicted
for high treason. A special commission was appointed to tri/ him, and
the Earl was put on his defence, as a commoner, at Guildhall, before
Wriothedy, as Chancellor, and Ilovcrthorn, the Lord Mayor, on the 13th
of January. It was then alleged that he had assumed the armorial
bearing of Edward the Confessor, which, they said, (falsely,) had been
hitherto exclusively used by his Majesty and his predecessors. The fact
was admitted, and the authority of the heralds adduced, but pled in
vain ; and as the legal ground was the sweeping section of more than
one statute, which made it high treason " to do any thing by word,
writing, or deed, to the scandal or peril of the established succession to
the crown,'' the Earl was convicted by a jury of twelve notable men of
Norfolk, eight knights and four squires, one of whom, by the way, was
named BoleynP Surrey defended himself with great boldness and abi-
lity : but what could any defence, however able, now avail ? It was on
Friday the 21st of January that the poetical genius of this young man
was extinguished for ever, and by the authority of a monarch now himself
" lying in the agonies of death." *^' Such a proceeding could not fail to
cover the Seymours with lasting odium.^^
'9 There was but one man of this name, well known— Sir Thomas Pope, the founder of Trinity
College, Oxford.
60 Ten years ago he had sat in judgment on his cousin Anne Boleyn.and now some connexion
of that family sits in judgment upon him. The knights were. Sirs William Paston, James Bul-
leyn, Francis Lorde, Richard Givsliam, Jiihn Gresham, John Clerc, Thomas Clere, W. Wood-
house. The squires— C. Haydcn, N. L'Estrange, P. Hubhcrt, and H. Btdingtield.
*" The 19th has been often stated as the day of execution ; but in the notes in Lord Burleigh's
handwriting, preserved in Murden's State Papers, there is this entry — " 1.547. 21 Jan- il. Co.
Surrcji decol." The Lords had passed their bill of attainder against Norfolk and his son the
day before, and did not sit on the 21st. The reason is not stated ; but this seems to have been the
day when Surrey was beheaded privately in the Tower.
•"2 Lord Surrey is said to have been about thirty years of age. Having been singularly unfor-
tunate in his biographers,' whether Birch, Lord Oxford, or Warton, Notts' Life of Surrey must
be consulted. In Chalmers' Biog. Diet., art. Henry Howard, the former inaccuracies or fables
.arc glanced at. The Countess survived him many years ; having had five children, and. from
the letter already quoted, one of them, not improbably, a postlnimous child. The mother mar-
ried, for her second husband, Thomas Stcyning, Esq. of Woodford, in Sufiblk, and was living
in LW-I.
It is pleasing to add that the young Duchess of Richmond turned out a very different woman
indeed. The children of Surrey were committed to her charge ; and. stung with remorse at the
jiartshe had acted, thanks to the iiav learning ! she admirably fulfilled her duty as aunt to the
fatherless children, training them up in a way very difierent from what tlicy must otherwise
have been. It is well known that John Foxe, the Martyrologist, was chosen as their jireceptor ;
and though the eldest, Thomas Duke of Norfolk, ended his days on the scaffold, through his in-
fatuated correspondence with Queen Mary of Scotland, his instructions to his children asa dyiiiB
man, arc well worthy of ]>crusal, and more especially as coming from the house of Norfolk.
220 NORFOLK DOOMED TO DII;:. [bOOK li.
As for the Duke himself, what with the gradual progress of that
" learning," which he hated, and contempt for the new nohility, as well
as fiiiiiily dissension, the spirit of the old man was greatly broken down.
Still his desire for life was extreme, and he pled for it, in language as
abject as that of Wolscy or Crumwell who had preceded him. I\Ien who
have sported with the lives of their fellow-creatures have often displayed
great cowardice as to their own. So it happened with Wolscy, Crum-
well. and the Duke of Norfolk in succession.
Tlirougliont life, Henry had been always very punctilious
respecting forms of his own devising ; and Norfolk, a peer,
could not be despatched after the same fashion with his son.
Parliament had met for one day on the 4th of November,
and before the close of that month the various parts of this
bloody tragedy were nearly cast. At all events, the House had
been prorogued, and was now to meet, very opportunely, on
the 14th of January; or the day after Wriothe.sly had
pronounced sentence on Surrey. On the following Tuesday,
the 18th, a bill of attainder against the Duke was brought in,
and, next day, it was read the second time. It was on this
day, or within two days after, that the fallen INIinister was
writing his letter to the King ; a most earnestly imploring
one for mercy. This had been preceded by one to the Privy
Council, begging for alleviations in his imprisonment, and
presenting four separate confessions with an eye to mercy.
As another precaution against his vast possessions being scat-
tered among his rivals, he conveyed them entire to Prince
Edward, and this perhaps with a view to mollify the King.
But all was in vain ; it was blood that was wanted, and that
once shed, every shilling must come to the Crown. On the
20th, the bill passed the Lords. The Commons were no less
expeditious : a Sabbath interrupted them, but on Monday the
24th they returned the bill to the Upper House. '•^ Thus the
very man who had made himself so busy in hurrying through
Parliament the proceedings against Crumwell, was served by
the House, as he had served others. Not a moment was now
to be lost ; but the custom hitherto liad been to reserve all
such bills to the close of the session, and so it had been done
"a " Hodic allata est Billa a Domo Conimiini pro aUinclura r/Hom- Ditcis Korf. rl lUnrici
Comilis Surrep, que cxpcdita est." Sec the Lords' Journals, p. 284-288.
154.6.] THE DEATH OV THE KING. 221
with the Lord Privy Seal. Yet if the King is to have his
last dying wishes, and if the Seymours are to gain their end,
wonted forms must be disregarded. Accordingly so they
were. The royal assent was given on Thursday the 27tli ;
Norfolk was ordered for execution nei't morning, and left to
count the hours till break of day. Such was the last act of
power on the part of Henry the Eighth I
But " there is no man," subject or sovereign, " that hath
power over the spirit, to retain the spirit ; neither hath he
power in the day of death, and there is no discharge in that
war." By that God, who had borne with him so long,
Henry's own hour of call was already fixed, and " about two
of the clock in the morning of Friday,"*"^ the 28th of January
1 547, he had been summoned to a higher tribunal, there to an-
swer for his long and weighty catalogue of cruelty and crime.
To die, as it were, in the very act of embruing his hands
in blood, was the close of the King''s existence on earth ;
while no subject had been so unwelcome to himself, as that of
his oicn dissolution. No man dared even to hint such a pro-
spect, till within a few hours of his ceasing to breathe. Even
then, some degree of courage was required, and it was Sir
Anthony Denny who told the dying man, in so many words,
" that the hope of human help was vain.'''' These were terms
which betrayed an eager clinging to life still. Henry, " visibly
disquieted," had to be informed that the intimation was
founded upon the judgment of the physicians. He was then
asked whether he wished to confer with any one. " With no
other," said he, " but the Archbishop Oraumer, and not with
him as yet ; I will first repose myself a little, and as I then
find myself, will determine accordingly." Determine, how-
ever, he did not for nearly two hours, when it was of little or
no moment who should come. Cranmer was sent for in all
haste, but he arrived only in time to receive one fixed look,
when Henry grasped his hand and expired ! He was in the
fifty-sixth year of his age, and within three months of com-
pleting the thirty-eighth of his reign.
Thus narrowly, or by a space of about six hours, did the
Duke of Norfolk escape with his life, though he must no more
preside at the public and disgraceful execution of his fellow-
64 So the Earl of Sussex informed liis Countess. Titus, b. ii., fol. 51, i>nntcd by Ellis.
222 DEATH UK TMK KING. [boOK 11.
lucji. Oil tlio contrary he, as will as (jiardiiier afterward.s,
must remain in durance for years.*"
To the close of this nionarcirs existence, we have toiled
througli the record of human depravity, certainly not on its
oic?i account ; but because of the moral lesson it now affords,
as well as its bearing on the main object of these pages. If
it be one of those laws by which God appears to govern the
world, that, " meti en</afjed in an evil cause, Jwtceter harmonious
they may he in the outset, shall, sooner or later, be at variance ,"
here we have an illustration of that law, well worthy of re-
membrance. Gardiner and Tunstal, Norfolk and Wriothesly,
had been the leading and uniform opponents of the progress
of Divine truth among the people, and often had they played
into each other's hands ; while the King, to say nothing of
his habitual depravity, having but one fixed principle, or the
love of power, had died as he had lived. Before that event,
however, he scowls on these men, by whose advice he had
been so often swayed. They were, to a man, his oldest coun-
sellors, the ablest men around him, and the very pith of " the
old learning" party. These recent events, therefore, cannot
loosely, or with propriety, be consigned to the gulf of human
passion alone, and there left. This was the breaking up of an
old confederacy, by its own leader, or, at least, the man on
whom it depended, and then he himself died. It was Provi-
dence, by degradation, and imprisonment, and death, " put-
ting down the mighty from their seats, scattering the proud
in the imagination of their hearts," and preparing the way
for a very different scene in the reign of Edward, especially
so far as the printing and free perusal of the Sacred Volume
was concerned.
The remarkable period which we have now contemplated, has been often
«s By the Journals, the House of Lords appears to have met on Saturday the 29th, and,
strange to say, sanctioned some (inferior) business. Next day was still allowed to jiass, and, on
Monday the 3Ist of January, Edward w.ts proclaimed Kinj;. The delay of three days would,
in our time, be censured as a daring assumption ; and if, as it li.is been supposed, the life or
death of Nor/ulk was discussed, it only shews that it was not Henry alone, who sought liis
death. The Duke's escape from the block, by only a far hours, added nearly eight years to his
existence ; most of which, however, he spent in jirison. The Duchess of Richmond did all that
she could to procure his relea,se, but in vain. On the accession of Mary, lie w.is not only de-
livered, and by herself personally, but his honours were restored, and dying at Kenninghall, in
September 1554, above eighty years of age, he was there interred. The Duke must certainly
have been softened in his character ; as he left jC.'jtH) to the Duchess of Richmond, not only
" for her cost and charges in making suit for my delivery out of prison," ll>ut also " in l/rinijhio
up til jj son of Siinrp't chilihm." Now as John /■V.iv w.->s the tutor, of this tuition he had
approved ; though poor Gardiner, semper iileiii, w:is then hunting for the tutor's life !
l.'itG.] HENRY ANU HIS COUKTIERS. 223
compared to a resurrection of the human mind, and certainly, since that
auspicious morning, it has never slept. But the Lords of the soil, so far
from bidding it welcome to life and activity, were filled with alarm, and
Mindly chose to confound its movements with civil revolt. In the three
leading princes of Europe, who have been ever in view, there was at
least this one point of resemblance. They all persecuted ; they all in-
terfered with the inalienable rights of the human mind. Charles and
Francis, in conjunction with the original and ancient usurper at Rome ;
but Henry in a path of his own. In his own proper person, he had
arrogated to himself the entire sovereignty. As an historical event, it is
of great importance to observe this. The step taken, so far from its
being with the concurrence of the nation, was one to which even the
majority of his Council were opposed, and it was, in truth, the Monarch's
own deed. The duties of his subjects, in body, soul, and spirit, were to
be summed up in one word — obei/ ; and so he died, leaving this his per-
sonal interference or usui'pation, as a species of leaven in his kingdom, or
his legacy to posterity. One eminent author of our own day, though so
tenderly alive to Henry's honour, and eager to soften the asperities of
former writers, is constrained to give way here. Had his Majesty, he
says, " confined himself to the mere official and temporal acts that be-
came necessary, only benefit would have resulted from the change. But
opinions, feelings, and modes of worship, came into question, collision
and alteration, as well as matters of revenue, dignity, and power : and
Henry conceived that he had not only the right, but was placed in the
duty, of guiding and ruling the faith and doctrines and religious reason-
ings of his people" — a conception which would never have occurred to
him, but for his odious lust of power. " A wide career of evil was
opened by this strange assumption, in which the most energetic mind,
especially if unchecked by the kind sensibilities, was sure to be the most
tyrannical, and from principle, uni'elenting."''''
As it regarded the King personally, the position which he had so
resolutely assumed, may be seen, in a very striking point of view, and
by way of warning, if we observe the language which that position
induced his courtiers to employ. Wolsey was a perfect mastei', in the
art of obsequious management, but it could never have entered even into
/lis imagination to frame expressions, such as his successors conspired to
'■<' Turner's Henry VIII., ch. xxxi. — We have not indeed quoted the last sentence entire —
" A wide career of ei'il," says the author, " was opened by this strange assumption, in wliieh
the most energetic mind, ivithiiul any had motives, and even from its ver)i best jiin-poses, especi-
ally if unchecked," &c. The italics we have omitted, for reasons we trust sufficiently obvious to
the reader. Can any such human character exist, as that of a man running "most tyrannically"
in " a wide career of evil," without an;/ bad motives ? No man, whatever be his station, can be
relieved from his personal responsibility to God, merely because he has placed himself in the
midst of temptation, or chosen to walk upon forbidden ground. The assumption was Henry's
own choice, and one which he cherished with ardour to his dying hour. Mr. Turner elsewhere
refers to the imperious and impelling circumstances by which he was surrounded ; but certainly
if nny man ever took the liberty of walking aceordintj to Ids own wilt, it was Henry the Kighth.
221. HENRY AND HIS COURTIERS. [book ii.
pour, on certain occasions, into the royal car. No, these, it should be
observed, were the luiturol fruit of his Majesty's assumption. Henry,
thougli affecting to hear adulation with indiH'crcnce, was olwerved to be
exceedingly fond of i)raise. Wolsey first applied to him the epithet
Majesty instead of " Highness ;" but it was left for his successors to add
the terms most sacred. Whenever these words were repeated before him,
in Parliament, all the Lords rose up, and, of course, the whole assembly,
bowing, in token of assent. We need not repeat the ill-timed language
of Cranmer to him, before Anne Bolcyn's death ;''7 nor the fulsome style
in which Crumwell wrote, immediately after the murder of Lambert,
when Henry had presided as Head of the Church of England ; on which
occasion he wished that all the princes of Europe had been present, to
witness the scene 1*^^ But on another occasion Crumwell said he was
unable, and " he believed all men were unable to describe, the unutter-
able qualities of the royal mind, the sublime virtues of the royal heart !"
Richard Rich, that devoted friend of " the old learning," and practised
persecutor, told him in public, that in wisdom, he was equal to Solomon,
in strength and courage to Samson, in beauty and address to Absalom J
Stephen Gardiner, addressing the University of Cambridge, wrote —
" The King's Majesty hath, by the insjnration of the Holy Ghost, com-
poned all matters of religion !" Audley, the Lord Chancellor, declared
in his presence, that God had anointed him with the oil of wisdom
above his fellows — above the other kings of the earth — above all his
predecessors ; that He had given him a perfect knowledge of the Scrip-
tures ! — a perfect knowledge of the art of war ! — a perfect knowledge of
the art of government !" In short, both parties were alike guilty, and
vied with each other in svich profane and disgusting flatteiy.
The assumption of supremacy over the mind, or despotic power over
the utterance of religious sentiment, was thus demonstrated to have been
mentally injurious not only to the usurper himself, but to all who drew
near him. It must have produced some characteristic species of delirium,
before Henry could have stood, with gravity, expressions such as these.
Any other man would have regarded them as the height of personal
insult. His Majesty, however, held fast by his assumed position to his
dying day, and continued to be hailed with frankincense upon every side.
On all public occasions, and before the world, it was —
Tlius they roll'd themselves before him in the dust,
Then most deserving, in their own account.
When most extravagant in his applause :
As if exalting him, tliey raised themselves.
Thus by degi'ecs, self-cheated of their sound
And sober judgment, that he was but man,
«■ Sec vol. i., ]i. iC". '8 See the present volume, p. 121.
154G.] HENRY— FRANCIS— CHARLPX 225
Tliey denii-deify'd and fuinod him so,
That in due season ho forgot it too.
Inflated and astrut with self-conceit,
He gulp'd the windy diet, and ere long,
Adopting their mistake, profoundly thought
The world was made in vain, if not for him.
Thenceforth they were his cattle : drudges, born
To bear his burdens, drawing in his gears.
And sweating in his service ; his caprice
Became the soul that animated all !
Such were some of the effects resulting from Henry's assumption of
absolute power, especially in the vicinity of his throne. The minds of
all, without exception, who came within the sphere of his personal in-
fluence, sustained serious injury. Even unprincipled men, tempted by
their love of pelf and power, became still worse in his service ; men of
better principles receive^ damage for life ; and we have seen one and
another, as it were, shivered to atoms on this rock of absolute power.
Well would it have been for the interests of humanity, had the assump-
tion died with him ; but, monstrous as it was, it gave a caste to the age —
nay, it produced a confusion in the minds of men for generations to
come, and one from which, even at this moment, many in Britain are
not exempt.
Upon the intelligence of Henry's death being communicated to his al-
ternate ally and enemy, the King of France, he became more pensive ;
and being already in bad health, he drooped and died, at Rambouillet, in
two months after, or the 31st of March. The aged Pontiff, who had so
thundered against the King of England, lived only two summers longer ;
and thus Charles was left sole survivor on the field in which they had
all fought so long.
In these cii'cumstances, and so far as these men were concerned, it is
certainly not a little singular, that the tumultuous scene may be said
to have closed with an act which astonished all Etirope at the moment.
It was the abdication of his throne, by the Emperor, three years before
his death ; and it deserves notice here, on account of one of its conse-
quences. Of these Sovereigns, he was the only one who is reported to
have at last seen the folly and futility of all such dictatorial interfer-
ence by civil rulers with the human mind, as they had all practised.
The Emperor " Avas particularly curious with regard to the construction
of clocks and watches ; and having found, after repeated trials, that he
could not bring any two of them to go exactly alike, he reflected, it is
said, with a mixture of surprise, as well as regret, on his own follij, in
having bestowed so much time and labour on the more vain attempt of
bringing mankind to a precise uniformity of sentiment concerning the
profound and mysterious doctrines of religion."^
O'J Robertson's Charles V. Ue Thou. Bayle.
VOL. II. P
220 HENRY— FRANCIS— CHARLES. QboOK U.
That there was any magnanimity of mind in the abdication of Charles,
has been denied, and ascribed simply to his declining health ; but, at all
events, this surjyrise came over him only after he had left his throne,
antl the rer/ret also came too late to Jiciicfit maiikiiul. That the chief
energetic actor throughout the whole of this remarkable period, should
have now seen that " all was vanity and vexation of spirit," is not im-
probable ; and granting that his cogitations were those only of a man
who had become incapable of wielding a sceptre he Avas reluctant to re-
linquish, still the inference drawn from his clocks and watches, was
more sound and important than any that he ever drew when reigning
in his full strength. Such is the difference between a man in such
power, and the same man oi/t of it.
But alas for the poor Emperor ! If the clocks and watches had made
any impression whatever, this soon passed away. For what else could
be expected from a man who delivered himself uji, body and soul, into
the hands of his confessor ? And what was the result ? " Two days
before his death, he added a codicil to his will, in which he exhorts his
son to inflict signal and severe punishment on heretics, without excep-
tion of any criminal, and without regard to the prayers or to the rank
of the person !" " It is dangerous," says he, " to dispute with heretics.
I always refused to argue with them, and referred them to my theo-
logians ; alleging with truth my own ignorance ; for I had scarcely
begun to read a grammar, when I was called to the government of great
nations ! ! " "'^
Yet after all, Charles was merely one of a species ; for how many
thousands are there still, and such men too as have never once felt the
intoxicating influence of power, who are yet far from comprehending
the incumbent docti'ine of non-interference ? It is saying but little for
poor human nature, that there has been no sentiment so tardy in its
progress. So long as men held fast by the dogmas of astrology with
regard to the heavens, and of alchemy as to the earth, the right of
private judgment in the arts and sciences was not understood. That
is a right, however, which has been long since conceded, and what has
followed ? The perfection of science as far as it has gone. But among
the nations of Europe, that right, which in any degree, is of all earthly
blessings the greatest. Christian liberty, or, in other words, the liberty
to be a Christian, like the loftiest trees of the forest, which spring from
very small seeds, has had to sustain the strife of many a winter. Yet
genuine Christian liberty, which these European nations have been so slow
to understand, is still the monarch of the woods ; and when once Chris-
tianity comes to be drawn fresh from the pure fountain of Revelation
alo'm ; when the Sacred Volume shall be elevated to its due place, by
70 Sir James Mackintosh, quoting from Llorentc.
\5iG.2 UETllOSPKCT. 227
the appeal direct, and no other appeal, then, and not till then, will this
subject, like many others, be better understood.
Thus teiTuinated by far the most important period thruugh which Old
England had ever passed. Important, as far as Divine and eternal truth,
introduced to the people, in their own tongue, through the medium of
the press, was superior to all the passing events of the day. That period
has proved, it is true, one continued ferment, one incessant turmoil of
human passion and depravity. The civil and political worlds have been
in perpetual agitation, or one storm has come in the neck of another.
Should we specially fix our eye upon Henry, surrounded by all his cour-
tiers, for these twenty years, from first to last, what have we witnessed ?
" The whole has been a scene of civil jar,
Chaos of contrarieties at war ;
Where Obstinacy took her sturdy stand.
To disconcert what Policy had planu'd ;
Where Policy was busy all night long
In setting right what Faction had set wrong ;
Blind to the working of that secret Power
Which balanced still the wings of evei-y hour."
But then, amidst all, have we not beheld a sepai'ate cause and interest,
which it was far above the power of kings, as conquerors, to control ?
Nay, one by which the King of England and his Counsellors have been
signally overruled again and again 1 A cause which, apart from the
tumults of worldly policy, still prospered in defiance of them all 1 Or,
in other words, have we not descried all along, for twenty years, an
under-current meandering through the country, in spite of all interfer-
ence maintaining its own separate and jDCCuliar channels, and, as it were,
disdaining to mingle with the waves above ? Though too much over-
looked by historians hitherto, it was cherishing at the roots all that has
been healthy, and vigorous, and praiseworthy in this kingdom ever since.
Whatever of Christianity has prevailed in England, from that time to the
present, its origin is to be found here, perfectly distinct from all the
councils and edicts, or the proclamations, whether for or against, of
Hem-y the Eighth. These, after more than ten years of positive hosti-
lity had passed away, when they once or twice happened to be in favour
of the vernacular Scriptures — these tokens of defeat, after the tug of war
had slackened, and after Henry, and all around him, had been obliged to
give way, had some influence. But even these, if we are to believe the
King, instead of all that party writers have chosen to afiirm, were con-
fessed by himself, as we have heard, and towards the end of his days, to
have been comparatively impotent. A month or two was the measure
of their power, while still the cause went on, under the hand of that
God who had been with it from the beginning, and is with it still.
With reference, therefore, to the history of the Engli.sh
22H RETROmPKCT [book II.
Uible, as far as we have come, and afUT such a detail as the
past, with all its iinperfectious, what, for example, can any
reader think when he finds one writer, in summing up the
reign of Henry the Eighth, express himself in such terms as
the following ? " HU largest claim to our gratitude is, that he
at last permitted the great fountain of religious truth and of
intellectual piety to be opened to the people, by sanctioning
the translation and circulation of the Scriptures in the national
language ; thus making fre^ to evert/ one what millions have
blessed him for ! "^ This is even exc^^ded by another modem
historian. " He resolutely maintained to the end of his life
the exclusive right of God''s undoubted \Vord to be the reli-
gious instructor of the rational creation. The assertion of this
fundamental principle is the brightest distinction of Henry s
reijm 1 1 ""
All this, and much more to the same effect, has been actu-
ally reported of a man who, above ten years after the Scrip-
tures of the New Testament had been introduced into this
kingdom, in spite of all his power, and the hostility of his asso-
ciates— a man who, after he bad been signally overruled to
sanction the very translation he had condemned, to say nothing
of his share in the guilt of leaving the translator to the flames,
did indeed at last inform his subjects that " it had pleased
him to permit and command the Bible, being translate into
their mother tongue, to be openly laid forth in every parish
church."" But then this is the same man who, in less than
six years after, enjoined that " no women but noble women,
•no artificers, apprentices, journeymen, servingmen, husband-
men, nor labourers, were to read the Bible or New Testament
in English, to themselves or to any other, privately or openly I "
And who, in three years after this, told all England, " it
ought to be deemed certain that the reading of the Old and
New Testament is not neceuary for all those folks that of duty
ought to be bound to read it, but as the Prince and the policy
of the realm shall think contenient to be tolerated or taken
FROM IT ! Consonant whereto, the politic law of our realm
hath now restrained it from a arectt many .'^^ This daring
profanity was crowned by Henry's last public act, within six
months of his dissolution — his endeavour, by proclamation, to
consifm to the flames above thirtv editions of the New Testa-
ment by Tyndale — denouncing the translation as " crafty,
1546.] RETROSPECT. 22f)
false, and untrue," though it was the very same with that
which was included in the liible he had sanctioned in 1537 !"'
All this contemptible spleen and fury, it is true, had been
lield in derision, and most remarkably thwarted and counter-
wrought, till at last God began to deal with the man in the
way of disease and death. Now if historians, at the distance
of three hundred years, will thug write of his Majesty the
reigning King, it may abate the surprise of some at the lan-
guage of his courtiers when crouching before him ; but, in the
name of truth, and of all that is honest in historical narrative,
why should we, in this age, be directed to a source of grati-
tude such as this ?" Man praises man, indeed ; and if a king,
however profane, or however hostile, is to enjoy the posthu-
mous fame or personal credit of all the good that was done
during the days of his mortal life, then, of course, no room is
left for any other individual ; but,
" Thus idly some men waste the breath of praise,
And dedicate a tribute, in its use
And just dii'ection sacred, to a thing
Doom'd to the dust, or lodged already there."
The worst effect of such language is, not that of its spoiling
one of the most deeply interesting and instructive chapters in
the history of our country, or its turning away the eye from
her real human benefactors. There is a far higher considera-
tion. For if man only is to be regarded here, when or where,
in the whole compass of English history, is God, by himself
alone, to be specially adored I After all that we have read,
may it not now, with reverence, be said of Him, that He had
trodden an uncommon, nay, unprecedented path I Other na-
tions, it is gi'anted, received the Scriptures, and by the kind
providence of heaven, but not after the same singular manner.
There is no passage in the history of Germany or in that of
any other nation, of a similar character ; though, strange to
say, this has never yet been distinctly explained, nor at any
time sufficiently observed.
" It is the glory of God to conceal a thing : but the honour of
Kings to search out a matter ,•" and perhaps there never before
had occurred a more striking commentary on that sacred pro-
'' The Epistles of which were then reading in public, and continned to be so for more than n
liiindrcd years after Henry was in liis grave, and the Psalms of which are read publicly in Eng-
land and Ireland to the present hour.
230 RKTROSPKCT. [book li.
verb. Let the reader of English historv, say, wliether there
lias been any one equal to it sinee.
JJet'ore ever the book arrived, AVolsey had been forewarned
by Cochlaeus, a service of which he boasted for years after, and
complained bitterly that our Kinj^ had never rewarded him.
It was only strange that ho could not give the name of the
Englishman, the translator, or that he did not, if he could.
The " concealment'''' of Providence had already commenced.
But still, and before the volume came, the Cardinal had pre-
meditated "a secret search and at one time," in London, Cam-
bridge, and Oxford, for all hated books ; and of this search^
his Majesty on the throne, warmly approved. Yet when the
set time was come for the Sacred Volume to be given to Eng-
land, here, accordingly, the book was ! But by whom trans-
lated, no one could tell, at least no one told ; and tchere it was
printed, is only now in discussion, at the distance of more than
three hundred years. The book was found in Oxford, at
Cambridge, in London, dispersed, they said, after a few months,
" in great numbers,"'' and it must be publicly denounced. But
still the author could not be named. Its continued transit
to this country, its introduction, its dispersion, far from the
cities and the court, were still involved in mystery : and
though Solomon adds in his proverb — " it is the honour of
Kings to search out a matter," here was one which baffled
the King, and all his searchers. Certain individuals, belong-
ing to another nation, and not speaking our language, were
moved to take up the " concealed thing," and one edition
followed after another, like " the ploughman overtaking the
reaper, and the treader of grapes him that soweth seed." Here
they were in England, aye, and Scotland too ; but the time
when, the channel of conveyance, or the places to which the
treasure came, were still so many mysteries. Wolsey and
Warham, Tunstal and Stokesly, not forgetting Sir Thomas
More, were shrewd and able men ; and probably every one
of them thought so of himself. Their days were spent in
searching. State secrets on the Continent, they penetrated,
detected, and counter-wrought ; but here was an affair by
which they were all entangled, as among the briars in a wil-
derness. They all searched out the matter, and groped their
way, blindly supposing it was for the honotir of their King;
but there was still a secret working, still a " concealment" in
1546 J RETROSPECT. 231
the business, by which tliey were all, individually and in suc-
cession, baffled and pei'plexed. Tlie moaning of Sir Thomas
More, in the sixth year of progress, at once a commentary on
the vexatious concealment, and a eulogium on the parties em-
ployed, is worthy of repetition even now.
" These fellows," said he, " that naught had hci-e, and therefore naught car-
ried hence, nor nothing finding there to live upon, be yet sustained and main-
tained with money sent them by some evil-disposed persons out of this realm
thither." — Such was the writer's random conjecture, for to fathom the matter
was beyond his power ; but then there were these books, and of them he could
speak by experience, — " which books albeit that they neither can be there
printed, without <;reat cost, nor here sold, without great adventure and peril :
j-et cease they not to print them there, and send them hither, by the whole vats
full at once : and in some places, looking for 710 lucre, cast them abroad by
night : so great a pestilent pleasure have some devilish people caught, with the
labour, travail, cost, charge, peril, harm and hurt of themselves, to seek the
destruction of others !"
Such was the language of the second baffled Lord Chancel-
lor of England ; but what was all this, save the writhing of
the mind, under the concealments of that God, whose highest
glory was concerned in thus giving his Word to England, in
spite of all her rulers? Here and there already, " the voice
of rejoicing and salvation was in the dwellings of the righteous.
The right hand of the Lord had done valiantly."
If, however, it be " the glory of God to conceal a thing,"
and many such things are with him ; in the course of his
providence, the curtain may, at last, be drawn aside ; and
then — what then? After rendering praise to Him, to whom
it is first, nay, and in one sense, only due ; yet, as far as
human agency had been, or was still employed, whether are
we to give the glory to the men whom God overruled, or the
man he employed ? the men He, all the while, controlled and
checked, and turned as the rivers of water ? or the man into
whose heart he had infused his determined purpose ? — the
men agitated by little else than wayward and tumultuous
passions ? or the man possessed by " the spirit of love, and
power, and of a sound mind V
But enough, and more than enough, of Henry the Eighth
and his courtiers in general. The heart now cannot but in-
stinctiv^ely recoil from looking in that direction. Other his-
torians, however, have directed the gratitude of their country
to other individuals. The renown of the contest has been
232 RKTROSPECT. [book II.
ascribed to corljiin nioii whom we liiive soon wait on tlic
times, till the battle was actually fought and won ; and the
credit of all that followed has been given to such as, led by
|)olitical motives, were overruled to lend the cause, since it
must advance, that countenance, which literally cost them
nothing. Our preceding history may be referred to in ex-
planation ; and whether his Majesty, as far as he was a patron,
did not even then " encumber them with help," we leave the
reader to judge.
Wc only repeat, as not the least remarkable fact in the
entire narrative, that the able, though unpretending man, so
evidently raised up by God to commence and carry forward
the war of truth and righteousness unto victory, has been
hitherto left in the background. With this never-to-be-
forgotten period, other names have been associated, so as
almost to overshadow him ; these have been repeated a
thousand times, and become familiar as household words ;
while there arc not wanting those who still inquire — And
who was Tyndale ? But if we mean to speak of the first per-
sonal and determined preparations for this groat contest — of
the man who, by first applying the art of printing to the
Sacred Volume in our native tongue, effectually placed the
" leaven" of divine truth in the heart of this kingdom ; if we
intend to refer to the first victories gained upon English
ground, to the brunt of the battle, or to the burden and heat
of the day, these wore not the men. Tyndale, with Fryth
by his side, occupy a place in the foreground of the picture,
from which they never can be moved by any impartial his-
torian. But we have not yet done with the influence of our
martyred Translator. The providence of God, under the reign
of Edward, will interpret how much more we owe to his
memory, and whether the people of England did not testify
their gratitude and veneration, as soon as they were let alone
to act for themselves.
THE HISTORY OF
THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
BOOK III-ENGLAND.
jfiom etiluartr Wh to tf)e CommonluealtO,
SECTION I. REIGN OF EDWARD.
A REIGN, HOWEVER BRIEF, DISTINGUISHED AS HAVING NO PARALLEL IN
BRITISH HISTORY, WITH REGARD TO THE PRINTING AND PUBLICATION
OF THE SACRED SCRIPTURES IN THE LANGUAGE OP THE PEOPLE.
^<L2s^¥i'2j HE storm has changed into a calm ; so that in re-
^^^^ viewing the Christianity of England from the six-
pif^M^ teenth century, there have been those, as there are
(^Vcw^.s?^ still, who prefer to begin with the reign of Edward
the Sixth ; while others repudiate every event before the reign
of Elizabeth. But whatever may be the inducement to either
preference, such parties must not expect to be acknowledged as
possessing much, if any, energy of purpose in tracing effects to
their cause ; or any measure of that disposition, which cannot
be satisfied without accounting fully for circumstances, still
existing before every eye. The reign of Henry the Eighth,
whatever had been his personal character, was, in many re-
spects, not only initial but germinmit. Every day since, has
so testified ; and the broad surface of the kingdom still bears
witness to the weight and pressure of his sceptre. He left
behind him certain marks, which are still acknowledged as
memorials of his power.
It, therefore, becomes only so much the more observable.
234 THE REIGN OF EDWARD. [book hi.
that the genuine or correct history of the English Bible has
never allowed us, as it never allowed him, to come down and
confound the Sacred Volume, either with the ecclesiastical
arrangements, so called, of his time, or with the fallible in-
terpretations of erring men. No historical line could be more
distinctly drawn, whether while the King and his advisers
were arrayed ar/ainst the Scriptures, or after they were over-
ruled to admit them into England. Then, indeed, his Ma-
jesty himself became the remarkable instrument in not per-
mitting the English ]}ible to be at all identified with the
ecclesiastical body he had set up and sanctioned. Not only did
he not consult it on this subject, but frowned upon his Bishops,
when once presuming to sit in judgment upon the tran.slation.
And now that the King is dead ; now that the New Testa-
ment Scriptures had been reading for twenty years, and the
Bible entire for nearly ten, not unfrequently in the face of the
flames, we are escaped from what may be regarded as the grand
tempest. One furious blast, indeed, under Queen Mary, we
have yet before us; but still with mere political, or any other af-
fairs, there will be less occasion for perplexing ourselves any more.
These might afford instructive warning and monition ; but the
leading design of these pages, now disentangled from the past,
may be regarded Avith an eye but occasionally diverted from
itself. That history can now be viewed throughout, under
successive reigns ; or in those of Edward and Mary, Elizabeth
and James, when we come to the version universally in use.
In other words, for the main practical purpose which we have
in view, from the beginning to the end, we no longer require
to proceed only year by year, as we have done ; nor is it any
longer necessary to notice the editions of the Scriptures in
regular succession. We have, it is true, all this time been
only laying the foundation, and in so doing feel perfectly con-
scious that we may have trespassed on the patience of certain
readers ; but more especially on that of any who have never
been before aware of what a superstructure has been reared
upon it. They have now before them the groundwork of
infinitely the laraest undertaking which Britain has to show,
whether to her own people, or those of surrounding nations.
When compared with it, every thing else without exception,
throughout this kingdom, is but local and limited.
At the close of this volume, however, will be found, at least
1547-1553.3 A SINGULAR CONTRAST. 235
SO far, one index to our history, in a List of the Editions of
the Bible, and New Testament separately, from the year 1525
down to our present version in 1611 and 1613; soon after
which the Scriptures in English actually become a multitude
which no man can number. At the same time this fact will
at last lend its assistance, in any attempt to estimate our
present most singular condition as a nation, as well as our
position in reference to the world at large.
In the reign of Edward the Sixth we are presented with a contrast
between father and son ; or between two men, seated in succession on
the same throne, such as England had never witnessed ; and this be-
comes still more striking, from the rights of conscience being now no bet-
ter understood, than they had been under the previous government. The
blame then, however, recoiled upon the King ; now it will fall upon his
Ministers. Of the father, it might in truth be said — " As the whirl-
wind passeth," so the man was no more ; but after the oppressive and
tormenting misery endured by so many, and especially after he became
" his own Minister," the reign of his son must have come to the best
of his subjects, exhilarating as the morning breeze over a beanfield to
the traveller. It was not indeed " a morning without clouds ;" but as
far as such a history as the present is concerned, it was like " clear
shining after rain." We speak only with reference to the Sacred Vo-
lume ; and, in this point of view, justice still remains to be done to the
brief reign of that youthful and amiable monarch — the Josiah of his day.
Henry VIII. being interred at Windsor on Wednesday 16th of Fe-
bruary, four days after, or upon Sunday the 20th, his son, then only in
his tenth year, was crowned. An incident occurred, indicative of the
change which had taken place, so far as the crown was concerned.
Upon that day, when three swords were brought before Edward, as
tokens of his being king of three kingdoms, he said there was one yet
wanting. The noblemen around him, not exactly catching his mean-
ing, inquired which that was ? He answered — the Bible. " That book,"
said the young Prince, " is the sword of the Spirit, and to be preferred
before these swords. That ought, in all right, to govern us, who use
them for the people's safety, by God's appointment. Without that
sword, we are nothing, we can do nothing, we have no power : from
that we are, what we are, this day : from that alone we obtain all
power and virtue, grace and salvation, and whatsoever we have of
Divine strength." After some other similar expressions, Edward com-
manded the Sacred Volume to be brought with reverence, and so earned
before him.^
I Hayward. Strype. Though the former mistakes the day of cnronatinn for the lOlh, and
the latter says Sunday the 21st, it was the 20th of February.
236 I'HK Nl'MIJKK OK EDITIONS [book III.
In the ch.angc which now conimcuccd, the attentive observer may
discover one feature of Divine interposition, often displayed in other
instances. In the wonderful works which our blessed Lord condescend-
ed to perform, when dwelling here below, a rule m.ay be observed, — in
his never doing, by miracle, more than was requisite, or whatever might
be effected by ordinary means. ^ And so now, the days of direct, — that
is, to our eye, of more striking interposition of Divine Providence, in
favour of the Sacred Volume, were not so frequent, and under this reign,
at least, they were but seldom demanded. The season forhuman agency
had come. Printers and publishers may do the rest, and purchasers will
not be wanting ; though, at the same time, the unseen, yet overruling
hand, is not withdrawn. That cause which we have already seen weather
many a gale, will continue to retain its own singular character for inde-
penilence, whether the reigning power smile, as under Edward, or frown,
as in the days of his sister, Queen Mary.
With regard to the various editions of the Sacred Scrip-
tures issued from the press in tlie brief reign of King Ed-
ward, we have already hinted that no justice has ever been done
to the subject. To say nothing of older historians, even so
recently as the year 1792, his readers were informed by New-
come, Archbishop of Armagh, nay, and as a proof of " ear-
nest endeavour that the Word of the Lord miglit have free
course and be glorified ;" that " during the course of this
reign, that is," said the author, " in less than seven years and
six months, eleven impressions of the whole English Bible
were published, and six of the New Testament ; to which
may be added, an English translation of the whole New Tes-
tament, paraphrased by Erasmus,"^ This only shews how
little attention has been paid to the subject, when a period so
heart-stirring could be thus reported ; but that the blunder-
ing statement should have been literally repeated up to this
hour, and in our best introductions to the study, or the
translations, of the Scriptures, is more surprising still.
We need not remind the reader that, instead of seven
years and a half, Edward did not reign quite six and a half ;
but how stand the facts under this brief period? Why, that
2 When He had raised Lazarns from the dead, he was " bound hand .nnd foot with Rravc
clothes," .lesus said to those who stood by, " loose him and Ul him fjo." When, and after hav-
jnfi been " lauKlied to scorn," the dead younH maid arose at his bidding, and her spirit came
aRain ; He " commanded Ihnn to pive her moil." As nuicli as to say, in both instances, that
thonRh raised by miracle, they were not to live by miracle.
•T Ncwcomc's Historical View of Knglish Biblical Translations, ]i. (14.
1. 547-1. ».").-5.] IN THE DAYS OK EDWARD. 237
SO far from only sir cHlitions of the New Testament, tlicre
were nearly t/tirtf/ more ; instead of eleven editions of the
Bible entire, there were at least fourteen ; and all these
within the space of less than six years and a half, for Edward
reigned no longer. In other words, instead of only nineteen
distinct issues of the Scriptures, including Erasmus, as often
so erroneously reported, wo have ascertained nhout/iftf/ ; and
as for the ]3ibles, all these editions issued from the press in
less ihan four years, or from August 1549 to July 1553.
Such a period, therefore, well deserves a better survey, fur-
nishing, as it does, several instructive and memorable results.
With regard to the printing and circulation of the Sacred
Volume in the days of Henry the Eighth, we have seen that
it was throughout, at best, but a troubled scene, and distin-
guished for bitter persecution ; the days of Edward the Sixth,
when properly examined, stand altogether unrivalled, even
by any subsequent reign, for non-interference with the Scrip-
tures. Nay, the truth is, that in the history of England, it
so happens that we have not another reign of a similar charac-
ter to exhibit; it stands alone. It is, however, curious
enough, that the reign of the most youthful sovereign that
has ever since reigned in Britain, should have made the
nearest approach, and promises before long to equal, and, it
may be, far excel it. We refer to the absence of monopoly, and
of course to our present benignant Queen Victoria. Mean-
while, even the present age would do well to look back and
acquire a little wisdom from this early period ; for, although
a strict regard to impartiality has left us no choice but to re-
cord other things of Cranmer, which must ever be condemned,
he will now be entitled to a meed of praise, which his most
partial admirers have either never observed, or, at least, never
marked, as they might have done.
As there was none of that arrogance and impiety on the
part of the Crown, with which Henry was ever insulting his
subjects ; talking to them, at one moment, as if they were
children, or were to have no mind of their own ; and at an-
other, as if they had no right to form any opinion whatever
for themselves ; so, on the contrary, groat liberty now pre-
vailed in printing any one translation already made. No
change for the better, could then be greatei-. The last act
of the father was to brand the name and memory of Tyndale :
238 A I'EKIOD inSTlNUL'ISllKD [UOOK 111.
in tin- first Pailiaineiit held hy lii.s sun, that act was repealed,
and diclaivd to ho " utterly void and of none cllect ;" nay,
the portrait of Edward will soon be seen and sold, in imme-
diate conjunction with the name and translation of Tyndale.
l*ossessed of such power of control as Cranmer now enjoyed,
one might have imagined that he would have pressed forward
his own correction of Tyndale's version, and in superiority to
all others. But there is no such personal leaning to be dis-
covered— quite the reverse. The people had been left freely
to make their choice, or declare their preference, and wo shall
soon see the result. Here, then, was one trait in Cranmer''s
character, and one which has never been pointed out, even by
those who have sought to justify other steps which cannot
be defended. True, it may be said that he was altogether
engrossed with " his Book of Homilies and his Catechism,
with King Edward's Service Book, his Book of Articles, and
the Reformatio Legum," to say nothing of his Parliamentary
and official engagements. This is granted, for such indeed
was the course he chose to pursue ; but still, had Cranmer
been disposed to have interfered with the printing of the
Scriptures, he certainly could have found time to have both
discovered and exerted his power. On the contrary, with his
name at the head of the Regency, and on such a subject
possessing great sway, he appears to have acted with a degree
of candour and liberality which has never been surpassed, nay,
never equalled by any man in power ever since.
One important consequence has been, that we are able now
to see at once what was the popular taste. Twenty-one
years after the New Testament of Tyndale had been sent into
England, an opportunity had at last presented itself, for the
people as such to speak out, and say what they wanted. The
printers were ready to print, and the stationers, as they were
called, to sell ; but, of course, theij would not press any one
translation except that which they knew beforehand was most
likely to remunerate them. As all the editions were indi-
tidual undertakings by men engaged in business, they, it
must be evident, would print chiefly that book which was
most frequently and eagerly sought after.
That zeal for the art of printing which burst forth in-
stantaneously after Henry's death, will prepare us for the
numerous editions of the Scriptures which immediately fol-
1547-1553,] FOR NON-INTERFERENCE. 239
lowed. This noble art had been introduced into England
under Edward IV., when there were three or four printers ;"
under Henry VII. there were five ; and four of these survived
to print under his son : but during his long reign of nearly
thirty-eight years, not fewer than forty-one printers had com-
menced business in London, or forty-five in all. Now, the
first importation of Tyndale's New Testament into England
had taken place, not till more than eighty years after the in-
vention of printing, and about fifty-eight after the art had
been introduced into the country ; but it is worthy of notice,
that from that period, of these forty-five printers not fewer than
thirt^'-three had started in business, and that eight of them
were ultimately connected with printing the Sacred Volume.^
Let us then now observe Avhat ensued, as soon as Henry
had " ceased from troubling," and Gardiner, Bonner, and
Tunstal, were bereft of the power. Of the forty-five printers
under Henry, fourteen survived when Edward came to the
throne. While his father, the subject of loathsome disease,
was sinking into the grave, and in less than twelve mouths
after his death, as many as eight new men had started in
business as printers. Next year, however, there were not
fewer than eleven more, and in the next two, eighteen, besides
six others in 155] and 1552, or forty-three in all ; raising
the number of printers under this youthful monarch to not
fewer than fifty-seven, in the brief space of six years ! Now if
it be inquired, Avhat connexion had all this with the diftusion
of the Divine Record ? it was no less than this — that out of
these fifty-seven printers, more than the half\ or not fewer
than thirty-one^ and these the most respectable, were engaged
either in printing or publishing the Sacred Scriptures.
As neither London itself, or the broad surface of England, has ever
since exhibited any thing similar to this state of things, it would be un-
pardonable to withhold the names of those printers and publishers, who
so adorned this reign, by their zeal and assiduity in forwarding the
interests of Divine Truth. The fourteen men first mentioned belonged
to Henry's reign, with four of whom we are already familiar, but seven
more of these now found employment in connexion with the Scriptures.
* Into Oxford 14(J8 ; Westminster about 14/4 ; London and St. Albans 148fl. See Cotton's
Typographical Gazetteer, second edition.
5 These were Bcrthelet, Nvcolson, Grafton, Wliitehurch, Redman. Treveris, Petyt, and
Bvddle.
2+0
TIIK rUINTKRS ()l<' TIfK TIMK.
[UOOK HI.
To these eleven we are now to add twenty more, or at the least t/iirti/'
otie, so engaged. We give the year of their commencing l)usines8, and
the names in italic mark the men who arc known to have been employed
in either printing or selling, in whole or in part, the Sacred Volume in
our vernacular tongue. Indeed many, if not most of them, both printed
and sold.
l.VK). Tho. liirlheM.
l.'>.{7. Hithnril Gm/laii.
\r,:rj. Kiltciml friiitchurrhe.
l.VK). Thoimis Pilijl.
LVJ?. John irai/ltiml.
IM». Tliiimns lUiiluaUl.
l.')41. Will. Middletoii.
).->41. RoImH Tvij.
\:A2. JVHliixm Ihinham.
1542. Kifhiird Ljuit.
I.'U.'t. Ryiniild irolje.
\r,U. .Iiihn llirfonk.
\r,Vu Rkhanl Kele.
KM.'). Michael Loblcy.
1-.4G-7. John Dayc.
154(r7. Nicholas Uyll.
1.540-7. -John fyalkif.
1.147. nil-hard Jii<iuf.
l.M?. Gualtir Lyiiiic.
LM?. lloRcr Madeley.
1547. Tlioma-s Powell.
1547. fyiUiam Powell.
1541). UoKcr Carr.
154H. Ifumiihri/ Pouvll.
154(1. Hicharil lyyer.
^:>^^\. IVHUam Hyll.
154H. Hobert SUiuRhton.
l.'>4fi. John Overton.
154H. John Osiccn.
1541). lyilliam Copland.
1548. fyilliam Seres.
154K. Antli. Scoloker.
1.541). Hnfih Sinfileton.
154!*. Herforde's Widow.
l.M!). John Harrington.
1549. tyilliam rille.
1549. William Baldwin.
I54!». Ilvhrri Crowley.
1.549. .fohn 3/yehell.
1.549. .lohn Cawood.
1.54.'). Anth. KytKon.
1550. Rich. C'harleton.
155(1. Harrington 's Widow.
1.5.5(t. John Wycr.
1.550. .^ndro llister.
1.5,50. St. Myerdman.
1.5.5(». Tho. Oiiallier.
1.5.50. Jolin Turk.
1.5.50. John KynH*^-
1.5,50. John Tysdalc.
1.55)1. Homjihrey Toy.
1.551. John Case.
1.551. Abraliam Veale.
1551. John Ifyijhte.
1.551. Hichard Tottel.
1.552. William Riddle.
1552. Gerard Dewes.
Had Edward lived, or the same course l)een pursued, it is impossible
to calculate what must have been the consequences. Of the men now
mentioned, three had already carried the art to Canterbury, Ipswich,
and Worcester, and a fourth to the capital of Ireland. In 1549, Mychell
at Canterhury was printing the Psalter ; at ^\'ol•cestel\ Oswen was print-
ing the New Testament in 1548 and 1550 ; Humphrey Powell, after
printing the Psalter for Whytchurch, had commenced business in
Dublin by the year 1551 ; while not fewer than twenty-eight other
substantial men were concerned with the Scriptures in the metropolis
itself. Though the printers in London may now amount to five hundred
in number, nothing wearing the most distant approach to this state of
things, has ever been exhibited since.^
But the editions of the Scriptures themselves will now
furnish us with another view of this memorable period. For
Bibles 'n\ folio, there may have been not so much need as yet,
considering the number which had been printed in 1540 and
•> One of the first printers who commenced business in prospect of Edward mounting the
throne, very well serves to mark the crisis. This was John Day, and his first publication, im-
mediately after the King's de.ith, in 1547, was—" The sum of Holy Scripture, imprinted by John
Day, dwelling in Scjiulchre's jiarish, at the sign of the Ucsitrreclion ;" alluding to the rebus or
device he had adopted and often employed, viz. one youth awaking another out of sleep, at the
moment of sunrise, with this motto — " Arise, for it is da v." Another man was Richard Jugge;
or two printers, with whose names so many editions both of the Uible entire, and the New
Testament, were now to be .associ.itcd. The latter will soon print two of the smallest and
most beautiful editions of Tyndale's New Testament, in 24mo, with the portrait of Kdward
himself prefixed !
1.U7-15j3.] the editions PRINTKI). 24.1-
1541 ; for althougli Henry had licensed Antliony Marler to
print for five years longer, he was then over-stocked, and the
sale must have tiaggod, as the wayward monarch only frowned
on the undertaking ever after. New Testaments, however,
were in great request, and the people will now discover which
translation they preferred.
To our List of editions at the close of tliis history we are now under the ne-
cessity of referring, both for ilhistration and proof. Should therefore any slight
discrepancy be discovered, between any general statement, and the editions
there put down, though in no case will it affect our argument on the whole, the
reader will find it safe to abide by the List. At the same time should any in-
stance occur it will be there noted. At present we confine ourselves to a cur-
sory survey. Looking at the entire period of six years and a half, there ap-
pear to have been about fifty distinct publications, whether of the Sacred Vo-
lume entire, or the New Testament separately ; that is, fifteen of the former,
and thirty-five of the latter ; though it is not improbable that one or two more
may yet bo discovered.
Of Coverdale's version thei'e was one edition though in two issues, first in
1,550 by Andro Hester, and in 1553 by R. Jugge. Of Taverner's version there
was one, in five volumes in 1549, and another, though this has been questioned,
in 1551. Of Cranmer's Bible there seem to have been seven editions. Of
Matthew's there were at least five ; but then one of these, about to be mentioned,
was so large an impression that it has been mistaken frequently for a number
of distinct editions. Allowing to each separate individual embarked, his own
Bibles, there were not fewer than eight distinct issues of this one edition. This
would make twelve in all, of Matthew's.
With respect to the New Testament, besides the English translation inserted
in the paraphrase of Erasmus in 1548, of which there was a second edition, at
least of the first volume, in 1551, and one edition generally ascribed to Sir
John Cheke ; of Cranmer's Testament there appear to have been eight editions,
but then of Tyndale's, whether under his own name or that of Matthew, there
were not fewer than twenty-four, besides one of Coverdale corrected by Tyn-
dale's version .7
On the whole, therefore, if the public demand had called for Cranmer's cor-
rection of Tyndale, fifteen times, it had done so for Tyndale's version, as it
stood, fully double that number ; and if six men were concerned in the former,
eighteen, at least, were in the latter.
The edition to which we have alluded, of Tyndale's or Matthew's
translation in May 1551, is worthy of special notice, as indicative of
the zeal now abroad, so unfettered by interference. In this Bible not
fewer than nine difterent respectable men, printers and booksellers in
Loudon, were concerned, and the impression, therefore, must have been
7 The first Testament of Cranmer, though dated in 1546, as their year ran on to the 25tli of
March, we place under Edu-ard, as it was most jirobably not published till after Henry's death.
So scarce is it, that we have known of thirty-five guineas beiuR offered for a copy. Unfortu-
nately fur Cranmer's next Testament, by Whitchurch as printer, not fewer than eleven verses
were omitted in one chapter, viz. Bev. i. i)-2(). It has been surmised that the book had been
called in, but at least one copy now exists in London, in the collection of .Mr. Offor.
vol.. M. Q
242 T"K EDITIONS PRINTED. [book ill.
a very large one. It may lie regarded as an ornament of its kind, pointing
to the reign of England's youngest monarch. With the exception of
one, to l)e noted, under Elizabeth, London ever since has never furnished
a parallel. The following is its title, with a colophon partly corrobo-
rative of the fact as now stated : —
" Tlie Bible, that is to saye, all the holy Scripture : In whiche are contayned
the Oldc and newe Testament, truly and purely translated into Eiiglishc,
now lately with great industry and diligence recognised," &c. Small
folio. Colophon — " Here endoth the wiiole Bilde after the translation of
Thomas Mathew. — Imjirynted at Lomioii hy Nycolas Ilyll, dvrelling in
Saynct Johii's Streete, at the cost and chanjes of certayne honest vienne of
the occujMcyon, xchose names be upon their bokes."
Separate titles were printed for each of these " honest menne," who
were at least eight in number, viz., John Wyghtc, Willyam Bonham,
Thomas Petyt, Thomas Raynolde, Richard Kele, John Walley, Abraham
Veale, Robert Toye. The first and last three books are in the Bristol
Museum ; and most of the others, if not the whole, have been seen by the
writer in other collections. The copies with the names of Wyghte and
Bonham are said to be printed by them, indicative of their being part-
ners in the expense with Hyll, the actual printer. The others have
Hyll's name as printer for each of them, or generally, as in the above
colophon for Robert Toye ; but the book is the same throughout, though
it may have been often mistaken for three, if not eight or nine, different
editions.^
Tyndale"'s Bibleswere published under tlic nanieof Matthew ;
but as for the New Testament separately, the name of William
Tyndale was now inserted in the front titles of fifteen editions,
if not more. At the same time it may be observed, in
farther proof of the freedom of the press, and of the absence of
all jealousy or interference on the part of Cranmer, that the
impressions of Matthew's Bible took precedence of his own in
point of time. That of the former, by Day and Seres, was
finished in August 1549, and that by Ile^'nolde and Hill in
October ; but Cranmer's, by Grafton and Whitchurch, not
till December of that year.^
» It was, however, more than could have been expected that such acourse should goon to the
end without some itching after a mono])oly. Richard Jigoe, when bordering on the last year
of Edward, began to discover his cupidity, and obtained a license from the Privy Council, dated
Idth June 1.552, " forbidding all other men " from printing the New Testament. But he did not
profit by it, and his son will be plentifully paid back in the father's own coin, by Christopher
Barker, in the reign of Elizabeth. AVHiTtHi'RCH, too, is said by Herbert to have applied for a
patent to jirint Crivimer't Bible for seven years ! But if so, it was inoperative. Nicolas Hyll
printed Cranmer in the face of any such thing, and the reign of iMary was at hand.
» The edition liv Dav and Seres has been mistaken for Tavenier's. It is Tyndale's version.
J. '547-1 553.] VERY OBSERVABLE CONTRAST. 243
Thus, if a version ever received distinguished marks of pub-
lic approbation, it was that of our first translator. There had
been certain verbal alterations in the text, whether by Cran-
mer, Coverdale, orTaverner — some of which were no improve-
ments ; and so it now appears the people at large had thought
throughout the days of Edward the Sixth. They had said, in
a manner not to be mistaken, " We decidedly prefer the ver-
sion of our original Translator, as he gave it to his country."
It is now, however, of importance to observe, that the pre-
ceding remarkable course of events with regard to Divine
Truth, so interesting in itself, becomes still more so, as prov-
ing that, when the people were let alone, they could act with
vigour for themselves ; and that they were acting well and
nobly, in a direction from which nothing but good could ensue.
But our interest is greatly increased upon observing two of its
peculiar features, namely, the dissimilarity of this course to
every other, and its marked independence of the reigning power.
There was actually no other train of things of a similar character un-
der Edward VI., but, on the contrary, quite the reverse. For, without
plunging into politics, no sooner do we turn our eyes than the leaven left
by Henry is to be seen in operation. There was free course for the Book
of God, but everywhere else constraint would now and then discover
itself. Whether we turn to the old learning, or to the official men pro-
fessing the neiv, or to heresy itself, properly so c?vlled, it was still the
same. No man in power conceived of any remedy save one. Instead of
reason, argument, and the exposition of Divine Truth being left with God
to their own eflfects, the only ultimate resort was personal constraint, and
even unto death. The reader of history need not be reminded of the
short-sighted policy pursued towards Mary, the presumptive heir, who
was siu"e to repay the restraint imposed upon her with double interest as
soon as she came to the throne. With respect to the characters of Gar-
diner and Bonner, there could be but one opinion as to their just deserts
in the sight of God. " Their hands were defiled with blood, and their
fingers with iniquity ; their lips had spoken lies, and their tongue still
muttered perverseness ;" but the policy pursued by their opponents was
sure to recoil upon themselves. By their course with Mary and these
two men they were for years preparing a threefold cord against another
day, or rather a scourge of three thongs, to be steeped in their own blood
and that of many more. The same blind zeal was displayed in the la-
mentable intolerance of Cranmer, and even Ridlej'^, towards the zealous
and learned John Hooper, when actually " forcing" him to be a bishop,
according to their own ideas of that office. Their conduct, too, appears
244 TllH SCKIPTUUKS IN CONTUAST [bOOK MI.
much more reprehensible when contrasted with that of their amiable and
youthful King. These old men could not learn a lesson of wisdom and
moderation, though tendered to them even by the lips of their youthful
Monarch. Hooper having objected to the oath imposed, as well as to the
old priestly garments, Edward himself erased the exceptionable words,
and was inclined to dispense with the garments also. But no ; ultimately
committed to the custody of Cranmer, Hooper was consigned to the
Fleet prison — although the dispute had to be settled at last by mutual
concession. Nor did they stop here — though, had Edward's feelings been
consulted, his reign had never been stained with blood. Even the tears
of the young Monarch were shed in vain ; heresy was to be punished
with death, and the names of Joan of Kent and of George Van Pare will
always recur to sully the character of this otherwise bloodless reign. It
may, however, be received as one redeeming point, that the blood of not
one disciple of the old learning was shed ; while the other events con-
spire to render the freedom enjoyed as to the Scriptures only the more
observable.
Nor is the dissimilarity of which we speak less striking, when, from
men and things, we turn to certain books, proposed to be enforced, during
this reign, by royal authority. In justice to the history of the Sacred
Volume, let that of two others, for a few moments, be observed. We refer
to what were styled " The Articles in Religion," and to the " Revision
of the Ecclesiastical Laws." These, it is well known, engrossed much of
the time and attention of Cranmer throughout the whole six years and a
half, while other men were busy, and left free to supply the demand for
Sacred Scripture itself. That there is an infinite difference between the
words of men and those of God, is a truth to which all subscribe ; hut the
question is, whether any palpable line of distinction was, by certain
occurrences, now drawn between them, and made perfectly apparent, as
a lesson or monition, to posterity. If there was, he can scarcely be said
to go below the surface of the times who does not observe and record it.
It was in the year 153G that " Articles of Religion" were first started
by Archbishop Cranmer in the Convocation. From the dexterous and
successful advantage which such a mode of procedure had afforded to
Stephen Gardiner and his party afterwards, one might have imagined that
Cranmer by this time would have discovered his mistake, and, but for his
situation, perhaps he might ; but the all-sufficiency or perfection of the
Divine Word itself was an idea which neither he nor any other man in
public understood. Cranmer, indeed, was now even far more bent upon
" Articles " than ever before. In 15.36 they were only nine in number,
but they had now grown under his hand to forty-two ! — thus enlarging
the debatable ground to nearly five times its original size. But then
" it is remarkable," says an intelligent writer, " that though much
promptitude was shown under Henry VIII. in drawing up formularies of
1547-1553.2 WITH OTHER BOOKS. 245
f-dith, fine i/ears were allowed by his successor without a>iy publication of
this nature." '** This extraordinary delay, indeed, went farther, even to
within a month of Edward's death ; nay, the royal mandate to procure
adhesion by subscription is dated only a fortnigld, and that by Cranmcr
only eiffkt da^sheiovG that event. The King's printer had only finished the
book at press, when all the labour, not to say all the expense, was in vain !
But how, it may well be inquired, could Cranmcr thus proceed with
the slightest hope of success / Did he not see the youthful Prince daily
and evidently descending to the grave ? No doubt he did, and the blind-
ing effect of what has been styled " politic handling" becomes strikingly
apparent. The Primate was dreaming on the edge of a volcano, in vain
expectation of another successor to Edward than the one appointed.
One obvious advantage, however, of Cranmer's long delay in printing
these Articles was this — that the public mind was much less diverted
from the sacred page itself ; and this delay is the more remarkable, as it
appears to have originated in little else than a mistaken flight of the ima-
gination. The most feasible explanation which can be given is the
following. For years, and in conjunction with Philip Mdancthoii,
Cranmer had dreamt of attempting " a Oeneral Confession of Faith " for
the churches or communities abroad, as well as at home. Full of this
intention, he had invited certain foreigners to visit England, as the most
suitable or safest place for conference at that period. Melancthon, Bul-
linger, and, it has also been supposed, Calvin were invited. Cranmer
continued, it is certain, to press the subject up to the spring of 1552,
when his final invitation to Melancthon, dated 27th March, was despatch-
ed. Not one of the parties invited, however, arrived ; and so Cranmer,
despaii-ing of success, proceeded at last with his own ideas, entitled
" The Book of Articles of Religion." In May 1552, it was laid before
the Privy Council, who retained it till November ; but the royal authority
was not signified till the end of June, when the King was nearly breath-
ing his last. Thus, it is very observable, the present " Articles," proposed
for " avoiding controversy" and establishing " concord," met with even
less notice than those first put forth under Henry, with the vain expecta-
tion of producing " peace and contentation." How much of mercy had
been involved in the people at large having all these years full and free
access to Scriptui-e itself, and the opportunity of drawing their faith
directly from that well of life or living water, it is impossible to say.
This, however, above all others, and beyond all question, had proved the
crowning mercy of the times.
The other book, to which we have alluded, the " Revision of Ecclesi-
astical Law," met with no better success, though noAv completed, and
that chiefly through the persevering exertions of Cranmcr. It was now
'" Cranmer's Remains, by Jcnkyns. Preface,
24.(> THE SCRIPTURES STILL PRESERVED [huoK 111.
above twenty years since this revision had been first projected in 1532 !
Two years after, in March 1.'j:}4, an Act was passed, enii)owering Henry
VIII. to nominate commissioners, and enacting that the canons approved
by them, if fortified by the Royal assent under the Great Seal, should
be kept and observed within the realm. This Act was renewed in 153(!,
and again in 1.044. After this, and at last, commissioners were appointed,
a body of what they called Ecclesiastical Law was digested, and a letter
of ratification prepared for the King's signature ; but this signature was
never affixed. Henry died, and the powers granted to the Crown died
with him. A fresh Act, therefore, under Edward, was passed in 1.049.
Commissioners are said to have been appointed shortly after ; but it is
certain they had done little, or rather nothing, as a new commission was
issued in October 1551. This was directed to eight bishops, eight
divines, eight civilians, and eight common lawyers, of whom eight were
still only to " gather up and put in order the materials." They had, of
course, now not been i)leased with the former " digest," under Henry,
which was only waiting for his signature ; and now, under Edward his
son, after all these preliminaries, the whole affair was intrusted by the
King to Cranmer, Avho employed three others, Taylor, P. Martyr, and
Haddon, to assist. From the manuscript copy, however, now in the Bri-
tish ]\Iuseum, it is manifest that Cranmer and Peter Martyr were the
chief labourers ; but what came of it all at last ? We need scarcely
add, they had laboured in vain I " Such," says Mr. Todd, in his Life of
Cranmer, " such is the unauthoritative code, often altered, it appears, in
its progress through the reigns of Henry and Edward ; in vain endea-
voured to be brought into use in that of Elizabeth ; merely reprinted in
that of Charles the First ; and at last ineff'ectually suggested to public
notice, with a view to its establishment, by Bishop Burnet."
In the providential history, therefore, of these two books, in compari-
son with that of the Sacred Volume, no line of distinction could be more
palpable — no contrast more bold and striking. The undertakings of men,
and these, let it be observed, men in power, though backed by royal en-
couragement, had not only dragged on heavily, but the ruler's smiles
turning soon away, they, with the ruler, died. We have heard of " the
voice of past years," and this is one, not without signification to the
present age.
The reader may already be disposed to regard the contrast as suffi-
ciently strong, but the unbroken or continued inde^yemlence of this cause,
as it regarded official men, as well as books, is now not less worthy of
particular notice. Under Henry VIII., the history of the Sacred Scrip-
tures in English, has appeared to be a separate or distinct undertaking,
carried forward by a succession of private individuals, at their own
proj)cr cost and risk : but so far from this being obsened to continue
under Edward VI., perhaps many, if not all, have been accustomed to
1547-1553.] AS A SEPARATE UNDERTAKING. 247
regard the course pursued as quite the reverse. The substantial pro-
cedure, however, even now, was neither suggested, undertaken, or pur-
sued at the instigation of either the King or Privy Council, the Con-
vocation, or the Parliament. It is true, that before even the first Par-
liament was assembled, the Privy Council, seizing time by the forelock,
and grounding their proceedings upon that outrageous Act of Henry's,
liy which the King's letters were to carry equal authority with an Act
of Parliament, did issue certain injunctions ; and by them, one chajiter
of the Old, and another of the New Testament, was to form a part of
public service ; the parish church, too, was to be provided with a copy
of the Scriptui-es, of which many of them were still destitute, and to
this was added the paraphrase of Erasmus on the Gospels. But still,
as in the year 1537, the Bible was introduced into England, indepen-
dently of the Privy Council, the Convocation, or the Parliament ; even
so now the Scriptures must be plentifully printed and circulated. No
injunctions were issued on this subject. There was no royal proclama-
tion. Nor must the Senate be permitted to have a voice with regard to
the reading of the Scriptm-es. On the contrary, in the very first year
of Edward's reign, or 1547, when a certain bill, bearing on the subject,
was introduced into Parliament, it failed, And when the capricious,
nay profane treatment of the Sacred Volume by that Assembly, as well
as by the Convocation, is remembered, every one must see the propriety
of their not being allowed now to interfere, in the way of hollow, though
professed favour. No, the cause had stood the battle and the breeze, with-
out their hypocritical friendship, before Edward was born ; and it will
do so again, when these men are either gone to the grave, or have basely
changed sides, as many of them did in a few years. This Parliament
may frown upon the sanguinary Acts of the late King, and especially
on that which so absurdly and cruelly restrained the useftd classes from
reading the Scriptui'es ; but they must proceeed no farther. They might
brand the deeds of the preceding Senate, by repealing the statutes they
had dared to pass ; but as for the positive perusal of the Scriptures, they
must not falsely enjoy any credit for enforcing it. They must not legis-
late. The subject was mooted, it is true, but it seems as if this had been
intended only to show more visibly to posterity, the independence which
we have observed all along. Upon Tuesday the 15th of November, in
the House of Lords a bill was introduced, by whom is not stated, though
Cranmer was present, "/or the reading of the Script^ires ;" but it actu-
ally never reached a second reading, nor was any such measui'e even
hinted throughout the reign." Legislation was once proposed, but it
must be abandoned ; and although there was no Act of Parliament — no
Act of Convocation — no imperative injunctions — no new translation —
"> Sec llie Lords" Journals, p. 2f)7.
2+8 HDWAltU'S I'EUSONAL KXAMl'Lfc:. []lioOK III.
)io new false title pages, similar tu the jnut'aiie mockery of Henry's
(lays, there was, so far as one individual youtli was concerned, something
of far dill'erent and better effect, and more congenial with God's own
glorious purpose and design — Edward's own visible and marked venera-
tion for the Siicred llecord itself.
The cause, therefore, continues to stand out before us, as
the spontaneous act of individual enterprise, in reply to the
voluntary and urgent calls of the people themselves, and
especially for the New Testament Scriptures. They were
anxious to proceed according to the good old French maxim,
" Laissez nous faire"" — Leate us to act; and the Government
was, providentially, strong enough to comply. For many
years, it is true, the votes or voice of Parliament could have
formed no index whatever to the consent or non-consent of
the people at large. From the way in which members were
summoned, or both Houses constituted, this was impossible ;
but then, at the same time, both Houses were most obsequi-
ous, and had wavered with the Crown. Now, in these cir-
cumstances, it is only the more obsei'vable, that the Parlia-
ment of Edward should become conspicuous for non-interfer-
ence, when the King himself was a sincere and ardent admirer
of the Scriptures. Thus, though unconsciously., the House
was witnessing to posterity the benefits which ensue from not
touching with this subject. Of these benefits, we have al-
ready given substantial evidence ; and the reader will be still
more struck, when he turns to the particular statement of all
these precious volumes, in our list at the close of this work.
Meanwhile, no one could desire more evident proofs, in long
succession, of a " separated cause," a sacred undertaking ;
and these, too, present themselves at a period, when the
unprincipled changes perpetually occurring, whether in the
Privy Council or the Parliament, were loudly saying of every
other department — " it is but the cause of men, of fallible
and chanijino' men."
Here, then, was the distinguishing feature of this brief, but
memorable reign ; and it certainh' becomes the more worthy
of notice from the facts already stated ; for in this one point
of view, there has been no reign, of a similar character, ever
since. In contrast, too, with Edward's immediate predeces-
sor, far from any thing to repel in the young Pi-ince, there is
mucli to invite our love and admiration. Whatever was ob-
\54'7-\ 553.2 "^"^^ DP:AT1I of EDWARD. 249
jectionable duriug his sway — of which there were more steps
tlian one or two — an enlightened judgment will ever ascribe
to his Ministers ; for, in the age in which he flourished and
faded so soon, he stood like an apple tree among the trees of
the w^ood, if not as a lily among thorns. To say nothing of
the precocity of his talents, which, no doubt, has been exag-
gerated, though he must have been more than usually intel-
ligent, there w'as his strong aversion to the shedding of
blood, which so painfully places Goodrich, and Cranmer, and
even Ridley, before us ; but, above all, his profound and often
expressed veneration for the Sacred Volume itself. It was
this that brought him so near to the character of Josiah of old,
though even yet so much younger than the Jewish monarch,
when the Book of the Law was found, and read before him.
But, lo ! the clouds are gathering ; the young King, to the
grief of many, and these certainly the best in the laud, is seen
to be slowly descending to the grave ; and all the enemies of
Divine Truth in the vulgar tongue, begin to rally and look
up. A lurid gloom begins to settle on the realm. A time of
trouble and vexation, of banishment and blood, is at hand.
But there was no wisdom, nor understanding, nor counsel,
against Him by whom all things were foreseen. We must
enter the storm, and there, even there, delight to trace once
more, the peculiar care of the Most High, over his own Word.
It was upon the evening of Thursday, the 6th of July 1553,
that Edward died of consumption. His favourite and inse-
parable friend. Sir Henry Sidney, had him in his arms, when
he suddenly exclaimed — " I am faint ; Lord have mercy upon
me, and take my spirit !" He instantly expired, at the early
age of fifteen years, eight months, and twenty-two days. Few
kings have fallen so soon ; far fewer still, as safe ; and per-
haps none in English history more sincerely lamented, by dis-
cerninof survivors. Lender such counsellors he mifjlit have
been corrupted. He was taken away from the evil to come.
Before King Edward was interred at Westminster, on the 8th of
August, there had already occurred gi'eat changes ; and that storm had
commenced, which was to end only with the reign then begun. Had
the short rule of the deceased Prince, been one of only unmixed good,
the judgment which now fell upon England for about five years, would
have been inscrutable. The reign of Mary having been so awfully
tempestuous, has always been designated as tyrannical and bloody ; but
2.')0 TMK CROOKED POLICY [booK HI.
since it (lid occur, the judgment, as a national one, must have been
righteous. God doth not afflict willingly, nor grieve the children of
men. Before leaving the present reign, therefore, the reason, or pro-
curing cause, must be sought for in the six years and a half which had
now passed away. By how much the following years were severe, the
l)rcceding only demand the more attention.
The Privy Council of the deceased King, therefore, on whom the
executive power had rested, and the nation, as such, equally require
notice. With regard to the first party, they had rendered themselves
notorious, as a set of men fighting for their own individual interests.
But whatever might be reprehensible at other times — and there was not
a little — it is curious enough, that if we fix our eye only upon fifteen
days, or even only three, at the commencement, and twelve, or only two,
at the close of their sway, we have sufl5cient evidence that all was not
right, in the sight of either God or man. Over the first three days,
there has long hung a degree of mystery which has puzzled all our pre-
vious historians. Sir James Mackintosh has remarked that the delay of
three days in officially announcing the death of Henry VIIL, would be
regarded, in our time, as a piece of daring presumption ; but what these
men, the Earl of Hertford and his associates, were doing, in the course
of these days has been the question, and no one could inform us till
very recently. The validity of Henry's will has been often canvassed,
but whatever was its character, it turns out that this State document
was in the Earl's private keeping, and that no Pri\'y Counsellor could
even see it, until he sent the key from Hertford, where he was, twenty
miles distant from London, and twenty-five hours after Henry had
breathed his last. The truth is, that as soon as the King died, early on
Friday the 28th of January 1547, Hertford had proceeded to this place,
as Edward was there ; and his letter to the other executors is dated
from thence " between three and four in the (next) morning. "'^ Forty-
four hours more pass away, and Hertford, at eleven o'clock on Sunday
night, is only at Enfield, still ten miles distant from town. Both Edward
and Elizabeth, (not Mary,) were under his care, and here he first in-
formed these children, of their father's death. Elizabeth was left in
the country, and it was not till three o'clock on Monday that Edward
had arrived at the Tower ; the decease of the monarch not having been
communicated to Parliament till they assembled that daj'. On Tuesday,
or the first of February, the greater part of the nobility arrived at the
Tower, to bow the knee before their young Sovereign ; and to hear from
'2 Though Parliament was of course dissolved by the King's death, it met next day, or Satur-
day, and proceeded to business) ! This not only pave time to tbe Junto, but PaRct seems to have
been tryinR to take care of himself. Besides other busincs-s there was a " Bill for assuring cer-
tain lands to Sir William Papet, Secretary to the King's Majesty,"— and the King's Majesty
ilfad. thirty Imurs before they met ! They then adjoi'Iinkd to lHoiidat/, whiclt was to eerve fo
carrying on the delusion.
1547-1553.] OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL. 251
Wriothesly, as Chancellor, the purport of his father's will and testa-
ment.''' The deed, as far as declared, of course exactly served the design
of Hertford and his party ; for what had they actually done 1 They had
ojiened the will, before either the King or the Parliament were informed
of Henry's death, and had held consultation what portioiis were to be
communicated ! Thus while Parliament and the nation believed, or
were left to suppose, that their Sovereign was still alive, all the intended
measures were already fixed, and by a faction to whom no resistance
could be made. In short, the Earl of Hertford was already regarded
as Protector by his fellows, three days before the accession of Edward
was announced.''*
There is no occasion here, however, for going on in detail. The pro-
ceedings of Hertford, who was soon created Duke of Somerset ; of the
Lord- Admiral Baron Seymour, his brother ; and of Dudley, Earl of War-
wick, afterwards Duke of Northumberland, are well known. The two
former had perished, and the last is now about to die, on the scaffold.
But if the first steps taken under Edward were wrong, the last were
much worse. If Henry's last will was valid, and it had been read as
their guide, great freedoms had been used with it, by these Counsellors,
at the beginning ; but they finished, by putting it aside altogether !
The duplicity practised in both cases, serves to show the ambition with
which they were filled.'^ To then- crooked and short-sighted policy was
then ultimately sacrificed, one of the loveliest, the best educated, and
most refined young women in all England — Lady Jane Grey, the illus-
trious daughter of the Duke of Suffolk, the Queen of ten days. She had
been married only in May to Lord Guilford Dudley, fomih son of the
'3 Here we may as well take leave of this unprincipled and cruel man, the Lord Chancellor.
Immediately after Henry's funeral, in consequence of the creation of Peers at Edward's coro-
nation, Wriothesly was elevated to be Earl of Southampton ; Fitzwilliam, the last Earl,
having died, s. p. in 1543. Pcrha])s the new Peer had been congratulating himself on being
through the storm, as through he was, had he not immediately brought another on himself; for
the first business of importance after the coronation was his fall. Retaining his office as Lord
Chancellor, he had, of his cnvti authority, appointed three deputies in the Court of Chancery to
act for him there. The Judges decided that he had thus forfeited his office, and become liable
to fine and imprisonment. His passion at this decision availed him nothing, and his insolence
to Hertford, then Duke of Somerset and Lord-Protector, completed his ruin. Crumwell had
)iossessed an Earldom little more than three months, but the new Earl of Southampton was in
disgrace by that day month on which Henry died. The Great Seal was taken from him, he was
put under arrest, and not relieved till the 2.0th of June, after entering on a recognizance of
^£'4000 to pay whatever fine should be imposed. Recovering his influence in some degree, he
became the hope of his party, but by the end of 154!) he precipitately left the Court ; and, ac-
cording to Poynet, Bishop of Winchester, " fearing lest he should come to some shameful end,
(loisoncd himself, or pined away for thought." From whatever cause, he died on the 3tlth
of July l.'i5(».
'4 It is to Mr. Tytler that we have been recently indebted for these particulars, in his " Eng-
land under the reigns of Edward VI. and Mary." Vol. i., pp. 15-19. The information is con-
tained in original manuscripts, only now first printed.
^^ The objections of the young and dying King to set aside his father's will, and so injure liis
sisters, are not upon record ; but he can only be regarded as the tool of Northumberland's
wicked ambition, and of sophistry no less wicked, on the l>art of tliosc who sympathised with
the schemes of the Duke.
252 A SEPAHATK I'KoPLR [book hi.
Duke of NortbumbeilanJ. When jtoor .Jane, like a devoted victim, was
carried in state procession, on Monday the loth of July, it was intended
that Law and Goverunient, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, the Nobility
and Clergy, should all appear to l)e in her favour ; but though the con-
course was great, it was merely to see the pageant ; there was only faint
j>raisc from the people, and but few acclamations ; nor had the feeling
of the better orders been at all consulted. At that moment, indeed,
Mary, little else than a lonely fugitive, and fled to Framlingham Castle,
might seem unlikely ever to be Queen of England ; but a few days only
passed away, when the enchantment of those who had sought to disin-
herit her was dissolved. In one week Il(Miry's eldest daughter found
herself supported by forty thousand men, foot and horse, at their own
expense, without costing her a crown piece ! The enthusiasm was ex-
cessive, and characteristic ; so that when Mary was proclaimed at Paul's
Cross, the very next week, or Wednesday the 19th, it was amidst accla-
mations from the multitude, which drowned the voice of the heralds !
If Cranmer, therefore, and Ridley too, as well as some others, would sit
in council with such men, and would " go in with dissemblers," they
must now abide the consequences ; but the manner in which the event
was hailed, forcibly points us to the peojjle at large, or the state of the
nation as such.
We have witnessed it is true, a very remarkable progress
iu the diflfusion of Divine Truth ; but we have also seen that
this was effected, not by the encouragement or sanction of
Parliament, nor, of course, with the consent of the nation as
such in any form ; — no : the cause itself, though in the king-
dom, was not of the kingdom ; since no rulers in Europe had
discovered greater hostility to Divine Revelation. The pre-
sent convulsion, therefore, though only the commencement of
a storm, served at once to clear the moral atmosphere, and
forcibly distinguish between the passions of men, and the
cause of God. It enables us, even now, to see, with far greater
precision, the actual state of things.
As there had been a separate undertakiu(j, which we have
descried all along, so it now appeared, as the consequence,
that there had existed a separate people, not to be identified or
mingled up with any intrigue of the times. So far as the human
mind was concerned, the changes which had ensued, from the
first step taken by Henry VIII, until now, were not national
changes. The nation, as suc/t, though so long and singularly''
visited by Divine Truth, cared not for it ; and still clinging
to its old ceremonies and habits, leaped at the prospect of
1553-1558.] REIGN OK MARY. 253
falling back into its long repose under the shade ot" llotnc.
As a warning to the age, therefore, and especially to posterity,
to distifif/uis/i things that differ^ some fearful lesson of instruc-
tion was demanded, and this must no longer be withheld.
Meanwhile, what the Almighty had so mercifully done for
England was analogous to that which, to use the words of
Scripture itself, was done by Him, " at the first," when Ho
did " visit the nations^ to take out of them, a people for his
name.'''' Such a people, however despised and trampled on,
we have beheld in England, in the days of John Fryth, and
before then. Some of the best among them we have seen by
the light of those fires, which the enemy had kindled; and they
had been increasing in numbers all along. Under Henry
VIII. the war had commenced against the Sacred Volume
itself, without even knowing^ the translator ; and it went on
against all who imported, received, or retained it. Under
the reign of his son, it had been plentifully printed, purchased,
and read ; and it will now become a decided proof oi progress,
however heart-rending in detail, that the persecution about
to commence was to be against all who had believed its con-
tents, and held its sacred truths to be more precious than
life itself. This, however, in the end, will materially further
the cause of Divine Truth, not retard it.
SECTION II. REIGN OF QUEEN MARY.
A REIGN, DISCOVERING THE ACTUAL STATE OF THE NATION, AS SUCH ; BUT
ONE, HOWEVER PAINFUL IN ITS DETAILS, WHICH SO FAR FROM RETARDING
THE PROGRESS OP DIVINE TRUTH, ONLY DEEPENED THE IMPRESSION OF
ITS VALUE ; AND AS IT BECAME THE OCCASION, SO IT AFFORDED THE
OPPORTUNITY FOR THE SACRED SCRIPTURES BEING GIVEN AFRESH TO
ENGLAND, MORE CAREFULLY REVISED THE EXILES FROM THE KINGDOM
PROVING, ONCE MORE, ITS GREATEST BENEFACTORS.
.PON the Oth of July 1553, at the age of thirty-six, Mary,
the eldest daughter of Henry VIII., succeeded to the
throne, and reigned as Sovereign alone for one year.
Afterwards, allied by marriage to Philip of Spain, the Queen
died in less than four years and four months, on tlie 17th of
251. PROVIDENTIAL CAUK OVKK [book III.
Novomber 1558. This reign throughout, has been all along,
and generally regarded as a portion of English liistory dis-
tinguished by little else tlian the shedding of blood. Few,
however, have sufKciently observed, that this blood-shedding
for opinions lield, did not commence till February 1555, or
more than a year and a lialf after Mary held the sceptre.
And if this fact has been but slightly regarded, fewer still
have ever noticed its bearing on the Sacred Volume, and those
who prized it.
That Volume, printed for a period of fully ten years on the
Continent^ had been very strangely introduced into England ;
or in a manner which must ever distinguish it, historically,
among all other European versions. Yet now, as if to fix the
eye upon it still more intensely, it was about to be carried
abroad, or back to that same Continent from whence it first
came, and by all such as valued the boon, above their neces-
sary food. Yes, now, when the first edition of the New
Testament was already twenty-seven years old, and the first
Bible printed on English ground had left the press fourteen
years ago, as many copies as could be, must be carefully con-
cealed at home, and even huilt up, as they actually were, and
the rest must be carried abroad ! For years that were past,
the people had read those Oracles of God on English ground,
which had been prepared for them on the Continent : they
must now, scattered all over that Continent itself, read the
volumes which had been printed in the metropolis of their native
island ! Formerly, they perused at home, what came from
abroad; they must now read beyond seas, what had been pre-
pared for them at home. No doubt, also, copies which had
been printed on the Continent, were then carried back to it.
Still, however, time must be aflforded for escape. The wind
of persecution being restrained, that it should not blow on the
land for fully a year and a-half, those who valued the truth
of God, carrying with them the Sacred Volume, as their
highest treasure, soon departed by hundreds, as best they
could. The clouds were gathering over England, a time of
trouble and rebuke to a nation, which, as such, had too long
" despised the Word of the Lord," was at hand ; yet could
those who fled, have seen only a few years before them, they
miirht have sunir in concert over the result, as thev were
sailing to the difterent seaports to which they fled for
1553-1558.3 THE SCRIPTURES ALREADY PRINTED. 255
shelter. But tlie prctace or introduction to this iicry trial
first demands notice.
The Privy Council of Edward had concluded his reign, as they began
it, by a course of dissimulation. But they were not now to succeed as
they had done before. They had placed double guards to maintain
greater secrecy, and then tried to conceal the King's death for two days.
But, what was much worse, they had sent a false letter to Mary, the
heir, at least by her father's will, which they formerly professed to
follow, siiying that " her brother was very ill, and earnestly desired the
comfort of her presence." This foolish expedient to inveigle the Princess,
and get her in their power, only served as a sure token to confirm her
suspicion of a plot. Under the impression of fair dealing, she had at
first actually set out from Hunsden in Hertfordshire ; but by the time
she was only eight miles on her way, or seventeen from London, she was
met at Hoddesdon by her goldsmith, sent direct from town. He in-
formed her distinctly of the hour of her brother's death. Somewhat
suspicious of the quarter from whence the information came, the Prin-
cess ruminated for a little while ; but the snare was broken, and, with
constitutional firmness of mind, she immediately bent her way towards
Sawston, near Cambridge.' Early next morning, and seated behind the
servant of the proprietor, Sir John Huddleston, Mary had left ; but they
were not out of sight of Sawstonhall, before it was in flames.^ Passing
through Bury St. Edmonds, she got to Kenninghall, which had been
assigned to her as a residence.^ From thence, next day, or the 9th,
she addressed the Lords of Council, claiming the Crown. Very foolishly
for themselves, and as full of infatuation as ever, they replied on the
evening of the same day. Although Mary was now to ascend the throne,
in terms of a will, imrts of which they could read aloud, as law, when
these answered their own ambitious views ; they now, in no measured
terms, addressed their correspondent, as an illegitimate daughter, by the
everlasting laws of God ; though Lady Jane Grey was certainly not even
proclaimed till next day. To this reply were affixed the names of
twenty-three members of Council, at the head of which stood Cranmer's,
for to all these proceedings he had been a party. If they thus yet
dreamt of intimidating the future Queen, never had men so reckoned
without their host. Destitute of money, without an army, or even ad-
' It is worthy of special notice, that Mary was indebted for timely warning, lutl to any
gentleman of the old learning, but to one professedly of the wcjc. Sir Nicholas Throckmorton ;
and it was this that made her hesitate for a moment. Sir N. was not only a friend to legitimacy,
but an enemy to Northumberland and all his ambitious projects.
2 The house was rebuilt for Sir John, at least the Queen, says Fuller, " bestowed the bigger
part of Cambridge Castle upon liim, with the stones whereof he built his fair house in this
county." This ancient family is represented at present by Richard Huddleston, Esq., High
Sheriff in 1834 of the counties of Cambridge and Huntingdon.
* The scat of the Duke of Norfolk, still in prison, but restored to him soon after this.
2r>(> MAKY I'ltoCLAIMKl) IN LONDON. [book mi.
vinerH, on tlie morning of the 11th, Mary, ou horsehack, with her foniaie
attendanta, set off for Framlingham Castle, twenty miles farther distant
from London, to be still nearer the coast, in case of any disaster ; but
the moment she entered it, she appears to have acted at least, as if the
undisputed Sovereign of England. A courage and self-possession were
displayed, on which the deluded Counsellors had never calculated. They
proclaimed Lady Jane to be Queen, in London, on the 10th ; it was but
the second day after, when Mary ordered her own proclamation on the
12th at Norwich ; and remaining where she was, immediately formed a
Council out of the gentlemen who had already resorted to her presence.
Finding herself before the end of July surrounded by an anny, which
had cost her nothing, so eager were the people to support her claims,
she moved forward from the old Castle on the 31st, towards London.
Her progress vvas but one continued triumph, for she had been pro-
claimed even in Loudon, so early as the 19th. Her grand opponent,
Northumberland, had joined the people in doing the same thing at Cam-
bridge ; and he, as well as the Lady Jane, with her husband, were now in
the Tower. On her way. Queen Mary had been met at Ipswich by Cecil,
the future Lord Burleigh, whose character has recently suffered so much,
as a time-server. As one of the Counsellors whose names were affixed
to the preceding letter, he was the first to approach. He secured his
own personal safety, and afterwards bowed to the magic of " the old
learning," but could never obtain office under the present Queen. On
the 3d of August Mary entered her capital, and going direct to the
Tower, at once a palace and a prison, she immediately released the Duke
of Norfolk, Gardiner, and Tunstal, or three men with whom the reader
has been long familiar. Gardiner was sworn into the Privy Council the
second day after, and the Queen remained in the Tower till after her
brother's funeral.
The lingering decline of Edward's health, who had never fully re-
covered the effect of small-pox and measles in the spring of 1552, had
certainly given timely warning of the approaching tempest ; but those
strange proceedings of his Council, so far as they were known, were
directly calculated to beguile certain parties into false repose. Even
Cranmer seems to have pleasingly deceived himself. For surely he
could never have issued those " Articles" of his for signature, by an
official mandate, only a few days before Edward expired, except he had
imagined that there was nothing but plain sailing before him ; and that
the present Queen would never ascend the throne. At all events, few
persons seem to have yet left the kingdom ; for the friends of Divine
* Of all the Counsellors who had so replied to the Qiioen, only two suifcred; Northumber-
land himself, and Sir John Gates. Cranmer, though arraigned, was pardoned, but retained in
prison. Some liinc cl.apsed before the execution of Lady Jane and Lord Dudley, the victims of
this ambitious Council.
1553-1558.] TIMK FOR ESCAPE. 257
Truth were now to be divided into two bands ; namely, those who were
able and inclined to escape persecution by flight, and those who cither
could not, or would not, leave the country.
Many, unquestionably, were taken by surprise ; and, in these circum-
stances, had this new made Queen immediately stepped into blood, the
consequences, dreadful as they ultimately were, would have been far
more so : but although she, without disguise, will soon discover her
political intentions, much, very much of the restraining mercy of God
was to be first displayed.
Communication must now first be held with Rome once more, the
ancient magazine of persecution ; and the last Cardinal that was ever
to visit England, must first arrive from thence, before ever blood will
begin to flow freely. In the meanwhile, Mary, though firmly fixed in
her principles as a Roman Catholic, and something more, found herself
placed in a singular and anomalous position, owing to the strange
movements and wild ambition of her father. In consequence of these,
the gentlemen of " the old learning," whatever they might say, could no
longer boast of their unity. They were now divided, very distinctly
divided, into two bands. There were those who longed for full alliance
with Rome : there were those who strongly deprecated this, and who,
though still drawing their faith from abroad, wished the Sovereign at
home to be their only Head upon earth. The very Sovereign herself en-
tertained scruples on this subject, but here was even Stephen Gardiner,
and about to be appointed Lord Chancellor, who expressed himself as
strongly averse from any re-union with the PontiiF, except simply as a
foreign prelate. Mary, who could refer to the Bible, when it answered
her views or inclination, pled Scripture in her favour. " Women," said
she, " I have read in Scriptui-e are forbidden to speak in the Church.
Is it then fitting that your Church should have a diimh head."
There were two measures now in prospect, in the way of alliance, to
both of which, in succession, the Queen was secretly, but firmly in-
clined. The first was full alliance with Rome ; the next, alliance by
marriage with Philip of Spain. To the first, a strong party stood op-
posed ; to the second, the nation entire ; and certainly her Majesty dis-
covered no inferior tact in accomplishing both, though to her own con-
fusion, or ultimate heart-felt vexation.
Thus, however, it was, that while waiting for Rome, a breathing time
was granted, for escape. Many in those days might well ponder, and
most probably did, over what had been said long ago, in reference to
another and different pause or crisis. " When ye shall see the abomi-
nation of desolation, spoken of by Daniel the prophet, standing where
it ought not, then let them that be in Judea flee to the mountains."
And although London was not Jerusalem, nor England Judea, the voice
of Providence was sufficiently distinct. . It was now heard and obeyed,
VOL. II. R
.ij» IMPRISONMENTS IN KNGLANI). [BOOK III.
■iis we shall see presently. But above all, whether this remarkable pause,
or restraint fri>ni )*erBonal violence, was not also a distinct demonstration
in faroxr of the Sacred Volume in our native tongue, we shall leave the
reader to judge, before the reign is ended.
Meanwhile, there were notable men who were not permitted to avail
themselves of flight, and although Mary had been so singularly indebted
to Throckmorton, a gentleman professedly of the new learning, for her
own personal deliverance from the snare laid for herself ; that learning
was not to obtain any favour from her, the moment she felt herself
securely seated. It was in fact only four days after her brother's inter-
ment, when she had very distinctly expressed to the Lord Mayor and
Recorder of London what were her sentiments and intentions ; and these
they delivered in the following terms — " Albeit her Grace's conscience is
staid (or fixed) in matters of religion, yet she meaneth graciously, not
to compel and constrain other men's consciences, otherwise than God
shall, as she trusteth, put into their hearts a persuasion of the truth that
she J> in, through the opening of his word by godly, virtuous and learned
preachers."^ At the same time the Lord Mayor was not to allow ant/
open reading of the Scriptures in the Churches, or preaching by the cur-
ates, without her special license, which, of course she never granted.
Upon leaving the Tower for her palace at Richmond, but
a few days had elapsed before Mary issued her " Inhibition^'
against preaching, reading or teaching any Scriptures in the
churches, and printina any books ! The Word of God in the
vulgar tongue, and the printing-press, being the objects of
special dread. But even two days before this, there were
certain men at large, who must be so no longer. On the 16th
of August, Bradford. Vernon and Becon, were committed to
the Tower ; while no other than John Ropers, alias Matthew,
the editor of the Bible received by Henry in 1 5.S7, was com-
manded to keep himself within his own house, and to have no
communication with any persons except those of his own
family. They had already taken certain steps, if not com-
menced proceedings against many persons, and by the 1 5th of
September, Latimer, and Hooper, as well as Cranmer, were
safe in the Tower. As for Bidleij, having preached at Paul's
Cross in favour of Queen Jane, he had chosen, however
s These irord* hare been quoted aa a proof that Marr acted with bad faith, bnt then the
word« in italic have heen left out. Nothing can so destroy the moral lesson to be drawn from
history as unfaimrtt to an opponent. The word* quoted arc from the Privy Council book itself.
5 •' Given at Richn^ond the 18th day of Aueust. in the first year of our most firotjtrrout reign."
She had been proclaimed only upon the 19th of July, and was not yet crowned. The 1st of Oc-
tober, was ihp day of her coronation, hv G.Trdinrr.
l.j;33-l.);>8.] KXILKS TO THE CONTINENT. 259
strangely, to proceed to Frainlingliaiu to salute Mary, where
he was instantly dispoiled of his dignities, and sent back to
the Tower, by the 26th of July, or only ten days after he
had preached his sermon. But still there were as yet no tor-
tures, no murder, nor any threatened martyrdom.
Most providentially, the Queen, though only thirty-six
yeai-s of age, was to reign no longer than five 3^ears and four
months ; but those fires which never ceased to blaze for three
years and nine months, were not kindled, as already hinted,
till February 1555, or a year and a half after she had come
to the throne.'' Gardiner and Bonner, as the leading dogs
of war, had not only been let loose, but reinstated as Bishops,
and there was the most cordial feeling in harmony with
Eome ; but still the arm of the oppressor was stayed, nor
must one stake be prepared, or fire lighted up, for more than
sixteen months after these imprisonments. Cardinal Pole,
also, must first come from Italy to England before the king-
dom could be formally reconciled to Rome ; while Gardiner,
now raised to be Lord Chancellor, Avas, from personal ambi-
tion, not a little anxious to retard his return, and, in the
meanwhile, seeking greater things, if possible, for himself.
Bonner, it is true, at once brutal and rash, was ready, at a
moment's warning, to plunge into his favourite occupation
with fury ; but a compass must be fetched ; and Gardiner
was there to guide it. Cautious, as well as vindictive, he
will steadily watch the time, and not fail to end in blood ;
when both he and Bonner will be in at the death of the best
men in all England.
It must, however, have very soon, and thus mercifully, ap-
peared, that good faith and clemency were out of the question.
Conscientious men, in considerable numbers, were bent upon
escape to the Continent, and facilities shall not be wanting.
All foreigners were to be allowed to depart without hinder-
ance. There were not only Germans and Frenchmen, but
Italians and Spaniards, Poles and Scotsmen, harbouring not
in London alone, but elsewhere, and enjoying a degree of free-
dom from molestation, unknown at the moment in any other
part of the world ! They must now seek safety by flight.
" Before this, it will be remembered, that the lovely victim of Edward's counsellors, Lady
Jane Grky, with her husband. Lord Guildford Dudley, had suffered on the scaflFold in Fe-
bruary 1.';.54 ; but we here speak of martyrs for opinion, condemned to the flames.
260 MANY PKKSONS E.SfAlMN(f [buOK III.
Early in the luuiitli of September, that interesting Polish
nobleman, John a-Lasco, the uncle of the King of Poland,
einbarkcd from London, carrying a considerable number of his
congregation with him." About the same time many French,
and other foreigners, left England. Orders were sent down
to Rye and Dover, that no impediments should be placed in
their way ; and to these orders, not a few of the English, the
salt of the land, were indebted for their escape. Many went
under the character of servants, and others, by what means
they could, till at last it has been computed that there were
8 This formed one of the most striking aud affuctitif; illuiitriitioiiB of the difference between
Ihe reifins of Edward and Mary. Creeds ami cvn/essiims had lieun the order of tlie day, abroad
as well as at home, instead of an immediate and patient appeal to the Sacred Record alone.
Notwithstanding this, Edward, with a nobility of soul peculiar to himself, among living
monarchs. and unknown to his very Council as such, had granted to this able and learned man,
John aLasco, and all who listened to him, as Superintendent of his congregation, the most
perfect liberty of conscience and worship. By Shjk) iiileiiiUiil was meant an office akin to that
of Bishop, as he had four ministers under him ; for it is well known that under this reign,
the title of Bishop had rather fallen into disuse ; and no marvel, considering the part which
most men sustaining it, had so long and so often acted. Edward's patent, dated :^4th July
15.50, is given at length by Burnet, in which he says,—" We strictly command and charge the
Mayor and Aldermen of our city of London, and their successors, » ith all others. Archbishops,
Bishops, and Justices of ours whatsoever— that they permit the said Superintendent and Minis-
ters, freely and quietly to enjoy, use, and exercise, their own rites and ceremonies, and their
ow^n peculiar ecclesiastical discipline, notwithstanding that they do iiut agree with the rites and
ceremonies used in our kingdom." " The care of our Church," said a-Lasco afterwards, " was
committed to us chiefly with the view, that in the ministration thereof, we should follow the
rule of the Dieiiie fVurd and Apostolic observance, rather than any rules of other churches."
" The King himself," he affirms, " was both the chief author uud defender of this measure ;
and Cranmcr promoted it also, witli all his might." Tlie King, too, had admonished them " to
use this great liberty, rightly and faithfully, not to please men, but for the glory of God, by pro-
moting the reform of his worship." What a contrast was here to the entire surface of Europe
at the moment ! And the only one found to read such a lesson to his country and posterity,
was an intelligent boy, not yet thirteen years of age! The step taken by young Edward has
been remarkably acknowledged up to the present hour, and the church of Austin friars, then
given by him to a Lasco, and styled " The temple of Jesus," still exists, to be occupied by
/oreiffners ; and to call up this, as well as some interesting /nevious recollections, for the reader
has heard of the building before. See vol. i., pp. 177, 333, iS:c.
But now, with the accession of Mary, these worthy strangers must depart, and whither shall
they go, to find such an asylum? They knew not. It was the publication of what was styled
the interim by Charles \'., tliat had driven them, and others, into England, where, however,
they can now no longer remain. Two Spanish ships were lying in the Thames, and on board of
them a-Lasco, with 175 of his friends, embarked. There were Foh's and Germans, Italians and
Spaniards, Freneh and Seats, anA all o{ one faith ; a most interesting and precious body of
passengers! They arrived on the Danish coast in the beginning of a severe winter. But they
had not signed, and could not sign, the Lutheran eonfession of faith.' They were more of the
opinion of Zuinglius, the spiritual father of their Superintendent— and what then ? They were
not suffered to land, nor even to anchor, above two days ! They then attempted Luln^ek— ff'is-
imir—Uaml/uryh.— hul with no better success! Thus men, women and children, were tossed
on the billows, through all these dreary winter months, and after many jicrils and |)rivalions, it
was absolutely not till the winter was long past, that they were permitted to disembark at
Emden, and finally settle in friesland. From September to March they had been driven about
on the seas, and flying from the wrath of one woman in England ; till the jiity so long and bar-
barously denied, was at last found in the breast of one female abroad. It was the good Countess
Dowager, Anne of Oldenberg ; a friend in former days of Johna-Lasco. How instructive as
well as affecting, is such a story ! Creeds or confessions imply belief, which, by imposition, can
never be produced. But once drawn up, and then im|iosed by men who were themselves as yet
but imperfectly acquainted with the tenets of Sciipture; such wasone among other palpable
results. Already they had become fountains of sorrow to Christians, as they were to be sources
of objection, by the intidel and unbelieving, to the pure fountain of Hcvelation itself
1,553-1558.]] TO THE CONTINENT. 201
from eight hundred to a thousand learned Englishmen, beside
those in other conditions, who were now to sustain the
honourable character of exiles from their native land, on ac-
count of their attachment to Divine Truth. There can be no
question that, as far as they could, they took their most
valued treasure, their hooks, with them, but, above all, their
copies of the Scriptures; and thus it was that the volume
which had been originally translated for England, upon the
European continent, was now to be read by more than a
thousand of her sous and daughters, and all over these coun-
tries, from Emden to Geneva I
These exiles, of whom their native land at the moment was
not worthy, found refuge at Eniden in Friesland, as a-Lasco
and his flock had done ; at Wesel on the Rhine in Prussia ;
at Duisbmy, a town of Guelderland in Holland ; at Strashurg
in France ; at Zurich and Berne, Basle, Geneva, and Aran in
Switzerland ; at Frankfort in Germany, and a few fled
to Worms, the spot where the first English New Testaments
had been completed at press. Many of these people had, in
the end, no great occasion to regret the storm that had driven
them from home, so far as they themselves were personally
concerned. The improvement and enlargement of their minds
was the result, in many instances ; while their being all alike
sufferers from one common calamity, gave occasion to a far
finer display of Christian sympathy and bounty, both abroad
and at home, than they ever could have experienced in other
circumstances, or ever left for posterity to admire. There
were at least three Ladies of title,^ at least six Knights,'" bcr
sides other persons of property, among the number who had
fled, and they regarded all the rest as brethren in adversity.
Many pious individuals too, chiefly in London, contributed
freely to their relief, by sending money, clothes and provisions.
Strype gives a list of twenty-six as the most eminent. Abroad,
the King of Denmark, Henry, Prince Palatine, the Duke of
Wirtenberg, and Wolfgang Duke of Bipont, with all the states
and free cities where the English sojourned, were very bounti-
ful to them. So were foreign divines, especially those of
!> The Duchess of Suflolk, cousin to Queen Mary, Lady D. Staflord, and Lady Elizabeth
Berkeley.
in Sirs Richard Moryson, Francis Knollys, Anthony Cook willi liis lcariu<l tUiiisliters. PoUr
Tarcw, Thomas Wroth, and John Chckc.
'i<i2 Till-: AIAKTVKS [bOOK III.
Zurich, whusr small stipeiuls scarcely served to njiiintain
tliuiiiselves, Peter Martyr''s house at Strasburg was filled,
where the iniuates, liviii<j at one common table, j)aid, if any
thing, easy charges for their diet. Several of the learned
exiles subsisted partly by their own exertions. John Foxe
had now leisure to comj)ose and jmblish tlie first edition of his
history in Latin, and Grafton the printer had time to write
his chronicle, to say nothing of other works ; but we shall
hear of labours infinitely more valuable, for which this tem-
j)orary banishment from their native land was to prove the
time appointed.
These may be regarded as an army of confessors ; but there
were many who could not, while others would not, avail them-
selves of safety by flight, and these formed a distinguished por-
tion of the noble army of martyrs. England, as we have wit-
nessed, under Edward VI. had proved an asylum for the op-
pressed among other nations : it was ere long to become an
Aceldama., or field of blood. In the first Parliament under
Mary at the close of 15o3, the statutes of the preceding reign,
as well as some of Henry VIII,, had been repealed. The
state machine was rolled back to its old position, and the
kingdom in 1554 was once more placed under the protection
of Rome. Her Majesty though not at all times a quies-
cent votary of the Pontiff, was, both from principle and past
circumstances, a persecutor ; while she could not have found
in all England two spirits more congenial with her intentions
than those of Stephen Gardiner and Edmund lionner. If they
led, others on the bench, and many unprincipled underlings
were ready to follow. All statutes which stood in the way
being entirely removed, as there was " a clear field," so there
was to be '" no favour." Men and women, of whatever cha-
racter, office, or condition, even the lame and the blind, and
from the child to the aged man, all who had any conscientious
opinions not in harmony with the " old learning," all were
appointed unto death.
From the 4th of February 1555, to within only seven days
of the Queen's exit, on the 17th of November 1558, a period
of only three years, nine months and six days, the number
burnt to ashes, and who died by starvation, slow torture and
noisome confinement in prison, can never be given with ac-
curacy by any human |»(ii. In reading through the details,
1 0.53-1.558.] UNDER THIS REIGN. 2f)3
as? the heart grows sick, so every one must come to the same
conclusion — that there is but one list, and that one accurate and
indelible — but it is one above. The highest point of human
guilt, is to be found in persecution for the trutJis sake, or in
violence done to conscience ; and when at last inquisition is
made for blood, the Judge of all will remember every drop
that has been shed, for " the Word of God and the testimony
of Jesus Christ."
The different calculations, however, which have been made
by Foxe and Burnet, by Strj'^pe and Speed, as well as an ac-
count by Cecil Lord Burghley, have been carefully collated :
and we have thus made out a distinct list of three hundred
and eighteen individuals. Of these, two hundred and eighty-
eight were consumed in the flames, eight or ten were positively
famished, and twenty more pined and expired in their dun-
geons. Of almost all these we have the names, as well as the
time and place of their last triumphs ; but the number of
deaths, without doubt, must have been greater, especially
from imprisonment." In a treatise often ascribed to Lord
Burghley himself, but certainly sanctioned by him, and com-
ing from authority, in 1583, we have the following passage —
" lu the time of Queen Mary, there were by imprisouraent, tormeuts,
famine, and fire, of men, women, maidens, and children, almost the number of
four hundred — lamentably destroyed. And most of the youth that then suffered
cruel death, both men, women, and childi-en, (which is to be noted,) were such
as had never, by the sacrament of baptism or by confiiniation professed, nor
were ever taught or instructed, or ever had heard of any other kind of religion,
but only of that which, by their blood and death in the fire, they did as true
martyrs testify."
Now, whatever may be said as to the precise number of
victims, the information conveyed by the closing paragraph,
which we are requested to note, is of eminent value. This
summary was given for a political purpose, and as for these
people not having heard of any other kind of religion, this
was merely a flourish of the pen, and a very absui'd one ; but
the statement, after all, may be received as a memorable
testimony to the source from whence these martyrs had
derived their faith and principles ; a testimony to the power
' I The number of those who suffered in each year, of whose cases we have any distinct ac-
count, appears to have been in 1655, IKi ; in 15o(i, 104 ; in I5."i7, 78 ; and in 1.'558, .50, or in all .'il«.
<H these were martyred in LM.'), 77 ; in l."».")S, K7 ; in 1557, 77 ; in 1558, 47 ; or ?88. Cecil's list, as
printed by Strypc, is incorrectly given.
2()+ THE MARTYRS [noOK III.
of the Sacred Oracles as read by the youth of the kingdom ;
for as to preach'uKj the truth, this had, with a few exceptions,
ever been at the lowest ehh.
If, therefore, the number who lost their lives by every
species of cruelty be stated at rj7o, this gives an average of
one hundred deaths annually, in three years and nine months.
Of the counties in England, 21 suffered, and 2 in Wales ;
but the persecution lay heaviest upon those parts where the
Scriptures were best known. In Essex and Middlesex the
victims were at least 114; in Kent and Sussex, 88; in
Suttblk and Norfolk, 32 ; in Gloucester and Warwick, 1 8 ;
so that in these eight counties alone, two hundred and fifty-
two had triuniphed at the stake. Nothing could exceed the
more than savage barbarity by which these, the most valuable
subjects in the kingdom, were put to torture and death. Of
the entire number, more than one hundred and fifty had been
consigned, in groups^ to one common fire I Thus we find of
such companies, that there were six instances of three indi-
viduals, at different times ; five oi four, and four of five ; six
instances of six, and four of seven ! There were two dreadful
cases of ten the same day ; the first at Lewis in Kent of six
men and four women, including the master and servant, the
mother and lier son, in one common conflagration ! The
second was at Colchester of five men and five women, six of
whom were martyred in the morning, and four in the after-
noon. Several of these must have been advanced in life, as
their united ages amounted to about 406 years.
But the most horrible scene of all, in point of number, was
at Bow, near London, when not fewer than thirteen, eleven
men and two women, were consumed in one pile, on Tuesday
the 27th of June 1556. The number of persons present was
estimated at tu-entij thousand ; " whose e7ids generally in
coming there," says Strype, " and to such like executions,
were to strengthen themselves in the profession of the Gospel,
and to exhort and comfort those who were to die." Yes, and
notwithstanding all the fury of the enemy, this disposition on
the part of the people went on to increase throughout tlie
years 15.57 and 1558, till upon this very day of the week, two
years hence, we shall see what happened. AVhen the present
martyrs appeared at the stake, a few words were all-sufHcient
to socure an echo. The short expressive ejaculation on the
1. 5.53-1 r)58.] UNDER THIS REIGN. 26;)
part of only one bystander, was replied to by an Amen,
which came upon the ears of their murderers with a voice of
thunder ; and such a voice had made them quail. These
noble confessors indeed actually triumphed at last, so far as
to paralyze the arm of Bonner, and banish the fire at least
from Smithfield, nearly five months before Mary was called
away by her final judge ! The very last time, when seven
martyrs were there consumed, on the 28th of June 1558,
was a memorable one, and as it has never been sufficiently
pointed out by any historian, must not pass unnoticed here.
The reader cannot fail to remember that there was a " Congregation''
in London, that had assembled in secret, many years ago. The term im-
plied organisation, and set times for Christian worship. He has heard
of it, as early as 1531, before the death of Bainham, and in 1533, before
the heroic martyrdom of John Fryth. For more than twenty-five years,
however harassed and perplexed, this Congregation, whose meetings
varied from eighty to two hundred, had never been broken up. Under
the present fearful reign, they had met not only in Bow Lane, Cheap-
side, but wherever else they could ; in Blackfriars, Battle Bridge, Aid-
gate, Thames Street, Ratcliff, Islington, and occasionally on board ship
in the Thames.'^ Strype, in one place, speaks of them as so many
separate congregations, and no doubt there were separate meetings at
the same moment ; but they formed but one community, devotedly at-
tached to each other — " a chosen generation, a peculiar people," in the
midst of a crooked and perverse generation. Of one ancient primitive
church, this is recorded to its honour — " I know thy works, and where
thou dwellest, even where Satan's seat is : and thou boldest fast my
name, and hast not denied my faith, even in those days wherein Antipas
was my faithful martyr, who was slain among you, where Satan dwelleth."
He who condescended thus to testify from heaven itself, is " the same
j-^esterday, to-day and for ever ;" and without doubt had his Sovereign
eye upon every movement in the metropolis of England ; though,
from first to last, how many of this despised congregation had received
the crown of martyrdom, in London, the head-quarters or seat of all the
persecution, no man can tell. But this month of June 1558, forming,
as it did, at once a crisis and a climax in its history, is well worthy of
observation.
'2 On the evening of New Year's Day, or Tuesday IMS, about thirty of their number, with Mr.
Thomas Rose their minister, were seized in Bow Church Yard, and all committed to prison.
Rose, well known to Cranmer, and once recommended by him to be Archbishop of Armagh,
was examined by Gardiner, but befriended by the Earl of Sussex and Sir William Woodhouse,
he escaped to the Continent. After this the Congregation met as they could, and often during
the night. " At these meetings they had collections in aid of those who were in prison, and
sometimes would gather Im jumnds at a night meeting, " or an amount equal in value to above
.I'lOOof the present ri.iv!
2r,l\ THE CONGREGATION LnooK III.
For some time the whole Church had been in inuninont danger ; and
how they had contrived to meet and worship so often and so long would
form a history, certainly of the most singular character. But Honner and
his spies seem as though they had recently resolved to exterminate them
in a body. The method adopted was one of ancient usage. " They
watched them, and sent forth .spies, which should feign themselves just
men, that they might take hold of their words, and so deliver them to the
power and authority" of this the most cruel of living men. Throughout
Mary's reign, this Chvirch, or Congregation, had been favoured with a
succession of pastors. First Mr. Rose, and then Mr. John Pullain, a
native of Yorkshire, both of whom escaped to the Continent. There suc-
ceeded Mr. Thomas Fowler, Mr. Edmund Seamier, and Mr. Augustine
Bemher, a Swiss, once in the service of Latimer. He was of great com-
fort to the prisoners, martyi'S, and exiles ; the widows and children be-
reaved by martyrdom looked to him as to their common benefactor, and
in this most honourable of all human occupations he had been occasion-
ally styled the " Angel of God." But their next minister had been a
character too well kno^vn in past years to remain long unmolested. This
was Mr. John Rough, a native of Scotland. In early life one of the
Black Friars at Stilling, he was afterwards chaplain to the Earl of Ar-
ran, when his eyes were first opened to see the truth. And this was no
other than the man who, ten years before this, in his own name and that
of his brethren at St. Andrews, had, with so much solemnity, called Jo/ui
Knox to engage in the work of the ministry. From this period he had
been known in England, and received, through Henry VIII. himself, as
chaplain of the garrison, ,£20 a-year. Since then he had been twice as
far distant as Rome, and there seen all that he had so often heard of be-
fore. During the time of Edward, the same annual amount having been
assigned to him, he had preached at Carlisle and Berwick, Newcastle and
Hull ; but, in the beginning of the present reign, he fled to Norden, in
East Friesland. Here he and his wife, an Englishwoman, had honour-
ably supported themselves by the humble occupation of knitting caps and
hose. Being destitute of yarn, he had ventured to England, in 1557, for
a supply, but hearing of this " Secret Society " of the faithful, upon once
joining them, he was immediately chosen minister and preacher. It was
not long before he witnessed more than suflScient to have alarmed any
timid disciple. On the 17th of September, four martyrs, sent up from
the country, had been burnt at Islington, the very place where this Con-
gregation occasionally met. Rough was there present, he afterwards
said, " to learn the way ; " and as there were three others consimied in
Smithfield on the 18th of November, he may have been there also, since
he had evidently resolved neither to leave his charge, nor yield one iota
of his faith. Such a man was not to be tolerated long. It was upon
Sabbath morning the 12th of December, when the Congregation had pur-
1J53-15.)8.] IN LONDON. 267
posed to meet for worship, that no less than Sir Ileury Jernyngham of
Norfolk, one of the first favourites of the Queen, her Vice-Chamberlain
and Captain of the Guard, appeared at Islington. He was led there by
Sergeant, one of the spies sent out. Apprehending Mr. Rough and one
of their most valuable members, a deacon of the Church, Mr. Cuth1)ert
Symson, they were both immediately carried before the Council, who, in
three days more, handed them over to Bonner for his disposal. The
Chui'ch had never before been thus bereaved of a pastor ; and the only
anxiety felt by him related not to himself, but to the flock he was about
to leave in the midst of wolves. Two days before he suffered, he sent
them a letter, alike worthy of his character and office, which is given in
full by Foxe.
" My dear sons," says he, " now departing this life, to my great advantage,
I make cliange of mortality with immortality, of corruption to put on incorrup-
tion, to make my body like to the com east into the ground, which, except it die
first, can bring forth no good fruit. Wherefore death is to my great advantage ;
for thereby tlie body ceaseth from sin — but after shall be changed, and made
brighter than the sun or moon." — " What a journey, by God's power, 1 have
made these eight days ! (from the 12th to the 20th December :) it is above
flesh and blood to bear ; but, as Paul saith, 1 may do all things in him which
worketh in me, Jesus Christ. My course, brethren, have 1 run ; I have fought
a good fight ; the crown of righteousness is laid up for me ; my day to receive
it is not long to. Pray, brethren, for the enemy doth yet assault. Stand con-
stant unto the end : then shall ye possess your souls. Walk worthily in that
vocation wherein ye are called. Comfort the brethren. Salute one another in
my name. Be not ashamed of the Gospel of the Cross, by me preached, nor
yet of my suffering ; for with my blood I affirm the same. I go before ; I suf-
fer first the baiting of the butcher's dogs : yet I have not done what I should
have done ; but my weakness, I doubt not, is supplied in the strength of Jesus
Christ, and your wisdoms and learning will accept that small talent, which I
have distributed unto you, I trust, as a faithful steward." — " The Spirit of God
guide you, in and out, i-isiug and sitting : cover you with the shadow of his wing ;
defend you against the tyranny of the wicked, and bring you happily to the port
of eternal felicity, where all tears shall be wiped from your eyes, and you shall
always abide with the Lamb ! ''
And this is the man condemned to be bui-ned alive, and for his senti-
ments ! Immediately before or after wi-iting this letter he was again
before the Bishop : and having once mentioned his being at Rome, with
what he had seen there, Bonner, rising up like a savage, laid hold of him
by the beard, and actually tore a part of it from the roots ! Delivering
him up to the secular power on the 21st of December, he was brought to
the stake next morning by half-past five o'clock, in company with another
determined female confessor.
That wealthy and generous citizen of London, Mr. Symson, who had
been seized along with Mr. Rough, was reserved in prison for three
months longer, and for far greater suffering. He had possessed a list of
2<)S .MANV I'l r ro DKATII, liur [book III.
all thu inomliers of the Church, and the great ohject with IJoiincr was to
get hold of this, or compel him to name his fellow-disciples. But they had
laid hold of a man whom no terrors could shake — no agony could move.
He was conveyed to the Tower, and there tortured actually three times,
upon which even Bonner himself could not suppress his astonishment.
" Ye sec this man," said he to his Consistory ; " what a pcrsonaldc man
he is. And furthermore, concerning his patience, I say unto you, that if
he were not an heretic, he is a man of the greatest patience that yet ever
came before me ; for I tell you he hath been thrice racked upon one day
in the Tower. Also in my house he hath felt some sorrow, and yet I
never saw his patience broken." After this testimony, from whatever
motive, still there was no mercy ; and Mr. Symson, with two other mem-
bers of the same body, all suffered in Smithfield about the 28th of March.'''
Thus bereaved of their pastor in December, of their deacon and two
other men in March, what were they to do ? To " forsake the assem-
bling of themselves together ?" No, by no means. Only two days be-
fore his death, Mr. Rough had encouraged them in these terms : — " God
knoweth you are all tender unto me ; my heart bursteth for the love of
you. Ye are not without your Great Pastor of your souls, who so loveth
you, that if men were not to be sought out, as God be praised there is
}io want of men, He would cause stones to minister unto you. Cast your
care on that Rock ; the wind of temptation shall not prevail. Fast and
pray, for the days are evil." And it is remarkable, that almost imme-
diately after, they had been supplied with another minister, although
he must come all the way from Switzerland. This was Mr. Thomas
Bentham, a man of learning, and of such courage as the moment de-
manded ; for the persecution still raged with unabated vigour, sharpened
by the hope of destroying the whole body. Bentham had been an exile
for years ; but either from his own motion, or pressed by the zealous
Thomas Lever, then at Aran, had arrived early this year.
A month, however, had not elapsed after the last fiery trial, when
about forty of this peoi^le, men and women, having assembled in the
vicinity of Islington for prayer, " were virtuously occupied in the medi-
tation of God's holy word," with their Bibles or Testaments in their
hands. First their books were demanded by the constable, and his as-
sistants coming in sight, they seized and secured twenty-two of this
number. They were all conveyed to Newgate, where they had remained
for seven weeks without being once called up for examination.
But now the more eventful month of June was come. On the (ith,
there was issued, in name of Philip and Mary, a proclamation against
'■I By Mr. Symson's own written statement, it apiirars that lie was first set in an engine of
iron, called .Sktvinston's Gyves, wliere lie rcinainct) ahoiit Mivc hniim.' And another day. be-
sides being otherwise tormented, he was racked twice, •'■'ee the " Letters of the Martyrs," p.
.■.'29, ed. iaT7.
l.').VJ-l 55S.] THK SCRIPTURKS NEVKK DliXOUNCEU. 2G9
certain books. Not Bihles or Testaments hy name, however ; for it is cer-
tainly a memoruhle fact, that throughout the ivhole course of this reign, from
whatever cause, there was not even one such proclamation as had been issiied
under Henry VIII. The present one was against books, not even named,
but said to be filled with " heresy, sedition, and treason." Foxe says,
they were such as were " godly and wholesome ;" but at all events,
" any person having or finding them, and not immediately burning
them, shall, without delay, be executed according to martial law^
Of the twenty-two individuals apprehended in the open field at Is-
lington, two had already died in prison ; and on the 14th, Bonner had
called the remaining twenty before him. In ten days he had condemned
thirteen to the flames, and seven, not without much trouble, hardly es-
caped with their lives. Of the former number, seven had been sen-
tenced as early as the 17th, and they were to be burned in Smithfield.
It so happened, however, that one of these seven martyrs was a Mr.
Roger Holland, a person evidently above the common rank. Lord
Strange, afterwards Earl of Derby, Sir Thomas Jarret, Eglestone,
Esq., a kinsman, Avith several other relatives and friends from Cheshire
and Lancashire, had earnestly intreated Bonner for his life. They were
present at his third or final examination. With an intrepidity not to
be shaken, and intelligence far superior to the Bishop, he answered most
distinctly for himself. Bonner, with all the meanness of his character,
tried, by flattery, to separate him from his Christian brethren. Calling
them " worse than hogs," he added — " But, Roger, if I did not bear
thee and thy friends good will, I would not have said so much as I have
done, but I would have let mine ordinary alone with you." Nothing,
however, could move the good man one point ; and so after he had
uttered several wholesome truths, Bonner read the sentence of condem-
nation. Holland heard the whole with patience ; but when the Bishop
rose to depart he then said — " My Lord, I beseech you suffer me to
speak two words." At first he would not, but one of Holland's friends
interposing, at last said Bonner, " Speak, what hast thou to say V
" Even now," replied the martyr, " I told you that your authority
was from God, and by his sufferance. And now I tell you, God hath
heard the prayer of his servants, which hath been poured forth with
tears by his afflicted saints, which daily you persecute, as now you do
us. But this I dare be bold in God to speak, which by his spirit I am
moved to say, that God will shorten your hand of cruelty, that for a time
YOU shall not molest his Church. And (turning to his friends) this shall
you in short time u^ell perceive, my dear brethren, to be most true ; for
after this day, in this place, shall there not be any by him jiul to the
trial of fire and faggot^
An intimation sufliciently pointed and solemn, as coming from the
lips of a man he had now doomed to death, and not unworthy of being
270 POWKR or THE KAITIIFI'L [book IH.
repeated here, since it was about to be ho exactly fulfillcil. At tlio
moment, indeed, nothing could seem to be bo unlikely as the announce-
ment made ; but now Tuesday the 2.Sth of June had arrived, when
Holland and his six comj)anions must suffer. And with this day came
the trial of strength — the victory of moral power over the brutal fury of
the King and Queen, as well as of Bonner and all his Vloody underlings.
To render this only the more conspicuous, there came down, in the name
of Philip and Mary, a proclamation, to be read first at Newgate and then
at the stake. It strictly charged and commanded, that " no man should
cither y^rfT^y /or, or speak to, the martyrs, or once say — ' God help them.' "
A great multitude had assembled by appointment ; but so far from
the first reading of this proclamation having any effect, no sooner did
the seven martyrs appear in sight, than a scene ensued, for which the
authorities had not provided. In the bosom of this multitude was " the
congregation, with its pastor ;" and both in union, with one general
sway, made towards the prisoners, so that " the bill-men and other offi-
cers" thrust back, could do nothing, nor even come nigh. There was
no attempt at any rescue, but once meeting the martyrs, embracing and
encouraging them, there they were at the place of suffering in Smithfield.
The people now left the bill-men and officers to act. The proclama-
tion in name of the King and Queen, enjoining profound silence, was
again read, with a loud voice. Mr. Bentham was there, and now came
his time to speak. Immediately upon seeing the fire kindled, turning his
eyes to the people, he cried out and said — " We know they are the people
of God, and therefore we cannot choose but wish well to them, and say
God strengthen them." Then more boldly — " Almighty God, for Chrisfs
sake, strengthen them ! " With entire consent, and one voice, all the people
followed with — " A men ! A men !" The noise was so astounding, and the
voices so numerous, that the officers did not know what to say, nor whom
to accuse. Holland then, embracing the stake and the reeds, closed his
life with these words —
" Lord ! I most humbly thank thy Majesty that thou hast called me from the
state of death unto the thjlit of thy hearenly word, and now unto the fellowship of
thy saints, that T may sing and say — Holy, holy, holy. Lord God of Hosts ! And
Lord, into thy hands I commit ray .spirit. Loi'd bless these thy people, and
save them from idolatry."
The whole seven died in joyful constancy, in prayer, and praising
God.>4
'* Bentham himself, in writing to his friend Lever, in Switzerland, on the I7th of Jnlv, says—
'■ A fearful and cruel proclamation being made. that, under pain o{ jircsrni (hath, no man should
cither approach nigh unto them, touch them, neither si)eak to nor comfort them ; vet were they
so mightily spoken to, so comfortably taken by the hands, and so godly comforted, notwithstand-
ing that fearful proclamation, and the present threatenings of the shcriffand sergeants, that the
adversaries themselves were asloitied." Harkian .MS., No. 41fi, p. 0,1.
1553-1558.] IN STAYING PERSECUTION. 271
Such a triumph well deserved to be traced, for it was a
decisive one. Mary had yet nearly five months to reign, but she
must no more burn a single martyr at the wonted place, nor
at any other, within her own capital. Bonner's occupation,
too, was gone ; for, as far as we know, he never personally sen-
tenced one individual to the flames, in any place, after being
thus addressed by Roger Holland. Six men, indeed, out of
the twenty-two seized, still remained to be disposed of, and, a
few days after Holland, they had been examined ; but all this
the Bishop had prudently left to Thomas Darbyshire, his ne-
phew, the Chancellor ; nor were they put to death till the
J 3th or 14th of July. But even then they cannot be burnt in
London ; they must be sent down to Brentford, and the writ
to execute come from the Lord Chancellor's office. All this is
distinctly stated to have been done in " post-haste," and at
night, either from fear or craft on the part of Bonner ; '^ but
never again must the fire blaze in Smithlield. Such was " the
Congregation of the Faithful^'' assembling for worship in the
days of Queen Mary ; and, with all its imperfections, there
certainly never was in England a body of Christians more
highly honoured by God, in " resisting unto blood, striving
against sin."
In adverting to the character of Mary's administration, owing to these
detestable cruelties some historians have consigned the entire period to
unmitigated or indiscriminate censure in every other point of view ; but
the fact is, that the odious character of persecution for opinions, on the
part of Government, is rendered much more so when the state of Eno-land
in other respects, is candidly observed.
The Queen herself, indeed, was very frequently, perhaps the most un-
happy living being in the kingdom, and certainly so for the last year of
her life ; but when we embrace the entire period, once exclude the war
of opinion, and turn the eye away from those ever-blazing fires of the
later years, the commercial interests of the country were not unprosper-
ous, at least up to January 1558, when Calais was lost. Her expulsion
of those worthy foreigners at the commencement of her reign, who with
an ingenuity they had brought with them, were naturalizing their arts
and manufactures in England, was at once impolitic and hurtful ; but
Mary concluded an advantageous commercial treaty with Russia, and
put an end to the injurious monopoly so long carried on by the Easter-
lings, or Merchants of the Steel-yard. One very intelligent foreigner was
IS Harleian MS., No. 41C, p. C,3.
272 I'JIK !STATK OF K.\(iLAM» [»0(»K III.
then living in England, Signor Giovanni Michele, the Venetian ambassa-
dor, who, of course, troubled not himself about the cruelties of the day ;
but he has left his own interesting survey of the country, as he reported
it officially to his native states, part of which it must be some relief to
peruse. Having mentioned a certain profusion which had struck him as
peculiar to the country, he thus proceeds : —
" I use the term profusion, as there is no nation wliicli, in its maimer of liv-
ing and ordinary expenditure, is more extravagant tlian thu Engli.sli ; because
they keep more servants, with a greater distinction of offices and degi'ees in
which these servants are placed. In this manner, to mention only one particu-
lar, in order to give an idea of other expenses of greater moment, the expense
of the Court in the mere article of living, that is, of eating and drinking, and of
what solely relates to the table, amounts to from fifty-four to fifty-six thousand
pounds sterling a-year, making 230,000 of our .scudi. It is a monstrous thing to
see the quantity of victuals usually consumed, with the allowances to attend-
ants and servants ; and yet not the fourth part is now expended of what was
spent in the time of Henry and Edward, the predecessoi-s of the Queen — her
Majesty having succeeded in correcting many abuses, and regulating superflui-
ties, partly by limiting, and partly by entirely abolishing, many tables, and
taking away all arbitrary supplies of provisions."
Among servants, the ambassador here evidently included that numer-
ous class of retainers, granted by the Crown to officers of the household,
and special favourites. A retainer was a servant, not menial, but wear-
ing the livery of his Master, and attending upon all special occasions.
The number had been diminishing from the days of Wolsey, and not-
withstanding her retrenchments, Mary far exceeded her successor, Eliza-
beth, in this source of expense. Stephen Gardiner, who was extremely
fond of style as well as of money, led the way under Mary, by contriving
to obtain for himself as many as tu-o hundred retainers ; the only other
man who then had as many being the Earl of Arundel. Elizabeth never
yielded more than one hundred to any person of the highest rank, and
that but rarely. Mary, in five years, had granted thirty-nine such
licenses of retainer ; Elizabeth will grant only fifteen in thirteen years.
With the general state of the country in other respects our ambassador was
particularly struck. " But the liberty of this country is really singular and won-
derful ; indeed there is no other country, in my opinion, less burdened and more
free. For they have not only no taxes of any kind, but they are not even thought
of : NO TAX on salt, %dne, beer, i-lolr, meat, cluth, and other necessaries of life,
which in all parts of Italy especially, and in Flanders, are the more productive
the greater is the number of inhabitants who consume them. But here every
one indifferently, whether noble, or of the common people, is in the free and
unmolested enjoyment of all he possesses, or daily acquii-es, relating either to
food or raiment, buying or selling, except in those articles which he imports or
exports by way of traffic."
The last exception, of custom, on every export and import, this in-
1553-1558.] IN THE EYE OK A VENETIAN. 273
telligent foreigner, had before explained, as well as the various other
sources of revenue ; but it becomes doubly striking now, that so much
as this, or any thing like it, could be asserted respecting the people at
large, at the very moment when, as we have seen, there was one excep-
tion, so cruel and profane. It was to be found in the case of all those,
whether high or low, male or female, who dared to thmk for themselves,
or who either read or believed the oracles of God! Our Venetian was him-
self a disciple of " the old learning," but he was far too shrewd to sup-
pose that the change enforced by this reign of terror would last long.
On the contrary, he regarded the nation as a vessel loosened from its
long accustomed mooring.
" Generally speaking," says he, " your Serene Highness may rest assured,
that with the English the example and authority of the Sovereign is every
thing, and religion is only so far valued as it inculcates the duty due from the
subject to the Prince. They live as he lives, they believe as he believes, and
they obey his commands, not from any inward moral impulse, but because they
fear to incur his displeasure ; and they would be full as zealous followers of the
Mahometan or Jewish religions, did the King profess either of them, or com-
manded his subjects to do so. In short they will accommodate themselves to any
religious persuasion, but most readily to one that promises to minister to licen-
tiousness and profit."
Such was the judgment formed by Michele, about eighteen months be-
fore Mary's death, for he had retm-ned to Venice in 1557 ; and no doubt
to some persons, at first reading, it will appear to be distinguished for
severity. But when it is remembered that in the mouth of such a man,
licentiousness might be only his epithet for " entire freedom from all the
superstitious trammels of the old learning," and by pro/it he may have
referred simply to the desire after commerce ; then the terms may be
allowed to pass, as no very inaccui-ate description of two leading senti-
ments or feelings which prevailed throughout the country. Already he
teUs us that " all eyes and hearts were turned towards the Lady Eliza-
beth as successor to the throne ;" and there can be no doubt that thou-
sands were now sick unto death of Bonner's brutal sway ; though at the
same time, even after noticing the final scenes at Smithfield and Brent-
ford, Mr. Bentham added — " And yet men, for the most part, were never
more careless, nor maliciously merry than they are now."^^
On the whole, the reader can now easily distinguish between
the people at large, and those who had been so shockingly
persecuted ; nor need he imagine that the English as a nation
had all of a sudden become more distinguished for cruelty than
'6 The report of Signor Michele, containiiiR many curious particulars as to this reign, may be
seen entire, in the letters printed by Sir Henry Ellis. Second series, vol. ii., p. 218-240.
VOL. H. S
27-4 I'KUSKCUTIO.V l''()|,I,<)\VKI) nV [hook III.
tlic lUMghbouring nations on tlio Continent.'" They had in-
deod, at first, asked for such a Queen as Mary, and obtained
their desire ; they had unwillingly submitted to such a King
as Pliilip, and to such Ministers; and under their united
sway that salutary horror was implanted in the nation, which
was not to leave it for generations to come ; but it was the
leaders of this people who destroyed them, but more especially,
as a body, the Bishops, who were now fighting with fury for
" their kingdom of this world," as they so manifestly had
done, ever since the Scriptures were introduced in 1526. For
these five years past they had been powerfully backed, and
occasionally goaded on, by both the King and Queen ; nor
had the diocese of Canterbury under Cardinal Pole formed any
exception to the raging cruelty.'^
'7 The same rampant fury against what they called heresy had raqed liorribly on the Conti-
nent. Paul Sarpi assures us, that from tlic first edict of Charles V. to tlie treaty of Cateau-
Canibresis, in l')58 fiflij thousaml had been hanged, beheaded, burned and buried alive for their
opinions ! And Philip, following his father's counsel, disposed of an equal number, during the
next thirty years! Grotius states the entire number at 1(IO.O(M) ! Such was the course run
first by the father-in-law, and then by the husljand, of our Mary the First! Lonk at S/xiiii, sow'.
'" That anxiety which has been often shown by biograiihers to exempt their hero from the
guilt of persecution, forms one powerful testimony against its wickedness. Tunstal and Pole
have been often so treated. The former appears to have been softened by his advanced age, for
under the M.irian persecution, be was now above eiiilitij, and died the year after it, aged eighty-
five : and Pole, in private life, might have been mild in his deportment, but what does this sig-
nify when we come to facts ? Phillips in his life, of the Cardinal, has told us, that he, the biogra-
pher, had "too real a respect for the public, to trouble it with wrangles on /cW* or dales or
rt!/(/ior(7/« of little or no consequence;" but this was after he had informed that public, as afacl,
that " not our was put to death in the diocese of Canterbury after Cardinal Pole was promoted to
that see!" Now, to say nothing of the diocese at large, Pole took his scat, the very next day
after Cranmer's martyrdom, by which time nineteen had been put to death in Caiiterbiirij itself,
and in the same city, tiiyiilii-Uinv more followed, five of whom had been famished in prison.
In truth, the very last burning was in Canterbury, when five perished at once, and only eight days
before the Cardinal himself died, all these had been delivered up to the secular arm in July,
by Pole's own written certificate to the Queeu. And what can be said in reply to the language
of Pole himself!' So late as the close of \.'t^>~, in writing to the Pontiff", he informs him, — "my
whole employment and labour is that 1 may daily gain more to the Church, and to cut o/fthosc
that arc obstinate as rotlfn nuitibers. Your Holiness hath reaped greater fruit of honour from
mi/ labours, than ani/ Pope, by aiii/ Legate, for vinnti ages ever did."
Even Gardiner's character has been mistaken, simply from want of attention to dates. Speak-
ing of this period. Sir .T. Mackintosh has said — " Justice to Gardiner requires it to be mentioned
that his diocese was of the bloodless class." But Gardiner was th-ad. He died only nine months
after the persecution had begun, and before then he had cordi.ally sanctioned the death of Rogers,
and Saunders, and Bradford ; of Hooper and Ferrar, Ridley and Latimer : men who might be
styled " the bead deer " of the whole liock afterwards sl.iin. No, Gardiner died in November
LWS, and hence it bears so much harder on the predominant counsellor who succeeded him,
who for threi' xiears after this, wilfully sanctioned persecution. This counsellor, it is well known,
wiis Reginald Pole, -whom Mary would not permit even to reside in Canterbury, that she might
have his advice on (j// occasions. Gardiner, however, had been concerned in the death of al-
most every rmitntit martyr, and these, with the exception of Cranmer, had all been cut ofi",
when Pole succeeded.
Fuller has survejed this persecution by looking to e^•ery liwct'KC in succession, as if the cha-
racter of its bishop were to be seen by such a survey ; biit the criterion is a very imperfect one.
Wherever dCiiisiiDi oft'ered, no bishop would have found it safe to resist ; and even Bonner him-
self was qnii'kened by royal authority. There is, however, an important and far more correct
key to l)hii)d being shed, or not shed, in any district, ^fo.<l blood was shed, and most misery
1553-1558.] TOKKNS OF RP:TRIBUTI0N. 275
111 return for all this violence and bloodshed, the moment of reaction,
of course, arrived at last. The day of retribution began to dawn. Our
Venetian ambassador had left England immediately before the period
which would have constrained him to modify his style. Persecution
employed by any Government, without recoiling on its authors, is un-
known to history ; and whether it did so now, let the reader judge.
Death and banishment and deprivation of office had been the leading
punishments inflicted, and although this be not the world where we are
to expect perfect retribution, there is always enough to prove, that
" Verily there is a God, who judgeth in the earth." The extent to
which those very evils fell upon the parties in power, is well worthy of
observation.
In the language of sacred writ, " Judgment had begun at the house of
God ;" and was there nothing to befall those who obeyed not the truth,
and especially those who had despised and rejected the Woi'd of God ?
Prevailing disease, by fever and ague, was nothing more than the pre-
face or introduction to other evils : but, by the summer of 1557, these
diseases are said to have gone to such extent as to endanger the produce
of the earth. " In some places corn had stood and shed on the ground,
for want of reapers ; and in others, they would have willingly given one
acre of corn, to reap and carry another." Disease too had fallen
especially upon " gentlemen and men of great wealth ;" but all this was
merely a preparation for the year 1558, or Mary's last.
In the spring of 1557, the Queen had been visited by her cold hus-
band, Philip, and for the last time. He, without difficulty, drew her
into war with France ; and by the 7th of January 1558. she had lost
Calais in seven days. It had cost Edward III. eleven months of siege,
the English flag having floated on its battlements for above two hundred
years. The loss was more deeply lamented indeed than it deserved ; still
it was felt, not merely as a national degradation, but by the mer-
cantile interests especially, as one which might prove of serious injiuy
to commerce, an object to which thousands had become much alive.
The summer and autumn of 1558 turned out to be more unhealthy
than those of the year preceding. Parker, afterwards Archbishop of
Canterbury, calculated that three parts out of four, throughout the
country, were sick. Gentlemen, who kept twenty or thii-ty servants had
not above three or four to help the residue. Even the harvestmen had
become so scarce that twelve pence were given for work, wont to be
done for three. And if it be recollected that all this misery occurred
at the close of five years of violence and injustice, of oppression and
slaughter, no Avonder if thousands were exclaiming with one of old —
endured, in all those districts where Ihe fl'nrd nf God had been moxt rrnd ; and wherever there
was but little or none, there the Scriptures, as yet, bad been but little known. Ilente the diftor-
ence butwecn the northern and some other counties, compared with others nearer to London.
27(; PKUSKCUTION FUlXOWKl) bV [^iiooK in.
What shall 1)0 the cud of these things t" The cud, however, was now
near at hand.
Parliament assembled on the 5th of November. Financial embarrass-
ments were disclosed, and pressed for consideration. A subsidy was
proposed, and might perhaps have passed the Upper House, but what
could this signify now I On the 14th, the Lord Chancellor, the Trea-
surer, and the Lords in a body, ccuiie down to the Commons to reason with
them, but they would not move, and came to no decision. The close of
Mary's life might well serve as a lesson of terror to all persecutors. At
the outset of her reign, she had paid no regard whatever to freedom of
opinion, and then remitted a subsidy in order to fix herself on the
throne. She then obstinately determined to espouse a Spanish husband,
not having the sagacity to perceive, that Charles V. and his son Philip
were only practising their ambition upon her. It was a step which the
nation never forgave. Then came that outrageous course of blood and
torture, with which thousands were now so thoroughly disgusted. The
rough physic of Providence had produced its destined effect. On the
fifth day after this Parliament sat down, five martyrs had suffered at
Canterbury. They prayed at the stake, that they might be the last, and
they were the last. And now, in five days more, the Government is at
an end ; the supplies are stopped ; pecuniary aid can be obtained no
more, and the Queen, full of chagrin and disappointment, has little
more than forty-eight hours to live. She had been attacked in summer
by the prevailing fever, then so fatal ; and early on the morning of
Thursday the 17th of November, she breathed her last, at the very mo-
ment when her own husband and Henry the Second, " the Spanish and
French Monarchs, were meditating the extension over all Europe, of
such a tribunal as the Inquisition had already shewn itself to be, by its
exercise of authority in Spain. ''^
The Queen herself, in conjunction with that body of men denominated
ecclesiastical, had been the responsible agents in the kingdom, and one
naturally turns to this quarter as to the moving spring of all that had
been perpetrated. Adverting to this period, the close of 1558, Mr.
Strype has told us that the mortality among the priests was such " that
a great number of parish churches, in divers parts of the realm were un-
served, and no curates could be gotten for money." But with the
Bishops, and their immediate agents, lay the chief responsibility ; and
if \vc can arrive at certainty as to their mortality, as this has never been
sufficiently observed, there may be enough to arrest attention even now,
at the distance of more than two hundred and eighty years.
The Bench of Bishops under Mary consisted of twenty-seven indivi-
duals. Now, besides the hundreds of martyrs whom they had consigned
'» M.ickintosh.
1553-15.58.] TOKENS OF RETRIBUTION. 277
to the flames, it is well known that they had put to death five of their
own number, namely Hooper and Fcrrar, Latimer and Ridley in 1555,
and Cranmer in 1556. How then had it fared with this order of men
throughout the reign 1 By the month in which Mary herself was in-
terred, twenty-four Bishops had expired, and in only thirteen months
after, six more had followed ; that is tkirti/ such men had died " by the
visitation of God." These included two Lords Chancellor, Goodrich and
Gardiner, and two Cardinals, Pole and Peyto. In the short space of
four years, from the death of Gardiner (the next after Latimer and Rid-
ley) in November 1555, to that of Tunstal inclusive, in November 1559,
twenty-four had died ; n&j, fourteen of these had expired in less than six-
teen months, before and after the Queen's own decease. Death has been
sometimes denominated " a great teacher :" but here was a lesson, which
surely could not fail to be the subject of frequent remark at the time. ^
Fuller, the old historian, had been struck with this mortality ; and, in
his own quaint manner, he has said " There were nine Bishops now dead,
who were the death-gihard of Queen Mary — as expii-ing a little before
her decease ; namely, John Capon or Salcot, Bishop of Salisbury ; Robert
Parfew, Bishop of Hereford ; Maurice Griffith, (Grijin) Bishop of
Rochester ; William Glynn, Bishop of Bangor. These were Queen
jNLiry's ushers to her grave. Or, as expiring a little after her departure,
as Reginald Pole, Archbishop of Canterbury ; John Hopton, Bishop of
Norwich ; James Brookes, Bishop of Gloucester ; John Holyman, Bishop
of Bristol ; Morgan, Bishop of St. David's ; these were Queen Mary's
train-bearers to the same."
But if the historian would take up the catalogue of the dead, from
Parfew to Morgan, and thus assemble them round the body of the Queen,
the funeral procession was far more striking than this. The following
would have been more correct ; and, placed in the order in which they
were called away by death, it exhibits a spectacle with which there is few,
if any, in history to compare. We have intermingled with the Bishops,
however, several other appropriate characters, as the proper place and
time, for announcing their decease.
2" Those statements arc fouiuled on the followinR table, in which the reader may at once dis-
cover in italic, the martyrs, or the number put to death by man, and the number consigned to
tlie^rave by the God of life and death. There died in 1554, Goodrich of Ely, 10th May; Sampson
of Lichfield, 25th Sep. ; Voisey of Exeter, Oct. In 15.55, Hooper of Gloucester, Pth Feb ; Ferrar
of St. DaficTs, 3<lth Feb. ; Latimer of fVorcester and Ridley of London IRth Oct. ; Gardiner of
Winchester, 12th Nov. ; Cotes of Chester, Dec. In 155(5, Aldrich of Carlisle, 5th March ;
Cranmer of Cantcrbimi, 21st March ; Bell of Gloucester, 2rt Aug. ; Day of Chichester, 2d AuR. ;
Man of the Isle of Man ; Chambers of Peterborough ; Bird of Chester. In 1557, Parfew or
Warton of St. Asaph, 22d Sep. ; Salcot or Capon of Salisbury, 6th Oct. ; King of Oxford, 4th Pec.
In 15.58, Peyto elect of Salisbury, April : Glynn of Ban?or, 21st May, Brookes of Gloucester, 7th
Sep. ; Bnsheof Bristol, 11th Oct. ; Pole of Canterbury, l/thNov. ; Griffin of Rochester, 2(llh Nov.
HopKm of Norwich, Nov. ; Holj-man of Bristol, 20th Dec. ; Christophcrson of Chichester, Dec. ;
Reynolds elect of Hereford, died in prison. In 1.550, Baync of Lichfield, Jan. ; Allen of Roches-
ter. Oct. ; Tunstal of Durham, llith Nov. ; Morgan of St. David's, 2.3d Dec. In 1.560, Oglethorpe
of Carlisle, 4th Jan. ; and White of Winchester, 11th January. Poinet of Winchester, died
:il)ioad nth April l.l.Wi.— See NiedUii Si/nopsis. ff'oofl's Mt. Oxon.
27S OKATil UY TIIK VIMTATlON OK tiOD. \_lun>K 111.
Takkku- of .s'. Atiiiih, '1-IA Sep., .'17.— SaU'ot of Salittiurt/, (Itli Oct.— Kinu of Oxford, 4tli Die.
William Wurliuiii, I'rebcnd, uiid neplicw of tlic Arclibiohop, Uc-t.
Sir Kicliard Kocliciitc'r, C'unipt roller of tliu Queen's liouae : a williii); perbecutor, Nov.
C'AHDIN.AL I'KYTo, Kleet of .Vu/l/i/KCi/, Apr. IMH.
Glv.ss of JUiiiiior, 2NI Muy. — Bhookks of (lldfler, 7tli Sep.— Himik of Uristnl. IHli Oct.
Tho. Clietlelmin, I'rebeml, the Miccensor of HoKern the I'rolo-Mnrlyr, Oct.
Edward Mowlc, I'reheiid uiid Arcliileucoii of Kkhex, Oct.
Tho. Uciinet, Treasurer of St. Paul's, 10th Oct.
QUEEN MARV, l/th Nov.
C'.\RDI.NAL Rkuinali) I'ol.K of Cunterbiirii, 18lh Nov.
UiiiFKlN of lliichiuli'); 2lllh Nov.— Hoiton of Karwiili, Nov.
Ituhcrt Johnson, Principal Kcgistcr of Honner, and Proctor-liencral of Canterbury, -JM Nov.
Basset, Esq. one of the Queen's Privy Chamber, 2(jth Nov.
GuliriH Diiniii; Prrbfiid, the Ijflratifr ufTymiale, Hlli Dec.
.^ir T. Cheync, Ma.ster-Treasurer to the Queen, Btli Dec.
Ihinh Weston, in disgrace, opponent of Latimer, Kidley and Cranmer, tjlh Dec.
Verney, Master of the Queen's Jewel-house, 12tli Dec.
Queen interred, in Westminster Abbey, l.'lth Dec.
lloLViMAN of lltislol, 2(ith Dec — Chriktophbbson of Cliiclieslir, Dec.
Rkv.nolds, Elect of Heirfunf, Dec. !'— Bavnk of Luhjiild and Covnilry, Jan. 1.J.VI.
Ai.i.KN of liodnskr, Oct.— Ti nstai. of Diiiliani, IHth Nov.— Morgan of St. David's, 23d Dec.
And only the next month afterwards,
OoLKTHORPK of Carlisle, 4tli Jan. — Whitk of ff'ineliester, lltli Jan.
Sir John Baker, Chancellor of the Court of Augmentations, Jan.^'
Beside the Queen herself, we see that not fewer than thhty-one con-
spicuous oflBcial individuals had been swept away by death ; twelve pre-
ceding, and nineteen following her Majesty to the grave — or five con-
nected with the Crown, and twenty-six ecclesiastics. Of these, four had
been Prebends, and nineteen Bishops ; two of whom were Cardinals.
The first, Peyto, was never allowed to enter the kingdom ; the second,
Reginald Pole, was the last Cardinal who set his foot in England.
Under the authority of these men, however, not only had blood been
shed, but deprivation of ofl5ce, and flight beyond seas, had ensued ; and
in the change which now took place, at least one hundred and ninety-
two of the most noted chamcters thus suffered. Of these, fourteen were
bishops, three of Avhom fled, and the rest, in free custody, shorn of their
office and emoluments, so died. Only one of the entire Bench, an old
man, was sufl'ered to remain — Kitchen of Llandaff, who conformed, and
died in 1566. But besides these, there were at least eighty Rectors,
fifty Prebends, fifteen Masters of Colleges, twelve Archdeacons, twelve
Deans, and six Abbots and Abbesses — all of whom were deprived, and
not a few fled.^
After all, there can be no question, that many a man who had em-
brued his hands in blood, or had been instrumental in the infliction of
unmerited misery, still survived, with apparent impunity ; hut this was
not without an end. " Slay thein not," said the sacred writer, " lest my
people forget^'' — but " scatter them by thy jiower, and bring them down,
0 Lord." Such petitions at least had been literally fulfilled. As a
SI Wood's Athena- and Fasti. Nicolas' Synopsis. Strype's Annals, aniiu l.'j.'in. Newcoiirl!
Kepertorium. By this time there were ?i\M\\\\ fourteen Sees vacant I
" Collon MS.. Titus. (• X. Cambden. Sirype.
1.553-] 558. 3 SURVIVORS, IN DlSGKAfE. 270
combiuatiou of humau beiugs against all righteousness aud truth, they
had been " brought down ;" the chief ring-leaders had been sent, in
quick succession to the grave, and the impious conspii-acy was at an
end. Every man who loved Divine Truth might say, '' Thou hast smitten
all mine enemies on the cheek-buue ; Thou hast broken the teeth of the
ungodly."
To some persons, however, after such a review, the greatest mystery
of all, may seem to be the comparative escape, aud long sm-vival, of by
fai' the most active agent in cruelty and blood — the man who appeared
almost to congratulate himself on the number of his victims. If his ori-
ginal name had been Savage, it ought never to have been changed. This
was Edmund Bonner, who survived almost all his contemporaries, and
his royal mistress nearly eleven years.-^ Elizabeth on her accession was
distinguished for caution in disclosing her intended course ; but of all
his brethren on the Bench, Bonner was the onlt/ man whom the Queen
marked out, by withholding her hand, when she gave it to the rest,
and not permitting him to touch it. Familiar with the Satanic work of
persecution from the earliest days of his appointment, under Hemy- the
Eighth, eighteen years ago, he was now a veteran in crime ; and well
acquainted with the Marshalsea prison, he was finally sent back to it
once more. Had he expired soon, with so many of his fellows, his ex-
ample might soon have been forgotten ; but Bishop qv.ondam, as he was
called, shall live, iu contempt, to excite most salutary recollections, and
keep in remembrance the flames of Smithfield. " A jail," says Fuller,
" was conceived the safest place to secure liim from the people's fury."
Had he thus died, by the hand of man, it must have been regarded as
nothing more than an act of private revenge ; but surviving iu disgi-ace,
as the most significant " memento" of past times, it was as if Providence
had '' set a mark upon him," that he might live as the standing object
of universal execration. As a living monument of Divine displeasure, he
died in prison, unchanged, on the 5th of September 1569, and was bm-ied,
under the cloud of night, among the condemned, in Southwark cluu'ch-
yard. 3Iidnight was ordered by Edmund Grindal, as the safest time, to
prevent any disturbance by the citizens.
A far (liftereut subject, or the history of the English Bible
during this reign, now claims our attention ; although it is
probable that not a few may be disposed to inquire, — " And
what can possibly be said at such a time as this C That •' all
things went backward,"' is an expression which has been often
23 " Cum tc Renueril Sacrifex Saviijiut ; Pic unde Boiuri, ropo. nornen tibi?" is !be e)>igrain
Riven by Parklmrst. The name of Sav.-ipe has been falhereil uiou liim even bv Aiilhony Wond,
but Stryjie denies it as a calumny, on the aulliority of a Baron Lccbraorc.
280 THE SCRIPTURES UNDER MARY. [BOOK III.
employed, it is true, in reference to the days of Mary the First;
but it is one, strictly speaking, far from being correct. There
was, to a certainty, one exception, and that one was worth all
other things put together ; so that for every feeling excited,
or rather harrowed up, by the recital of martyrdoms, cruelty
and bani.shmcnt, there is yet balm in reserve ; and as that is
to be found nowhere else, except in the positive progress
of Divine Truth, it only renders the history of the Sacred
Volume one of deeper interest.
The purpose of Heaven, in keeping the history of the
country, and that of the Divine Word, in our vernacular
tongue, perfectly/ distinct, has been made apparent, we presume,
in all that is past : but the distinction was now to be more
marked than ever. In other words, the Government having
fallen back into its old condition, the same singular course
which had been pursued at first, was now, as we shall see pre-
sently, to be repeated. As far as Divine Revelation in the
language of any people is allowed to be an infinite blessing,
it cannot be too deeply impressed upon every English reader,
that the history of no other European version aff'ords such
peculiar proofs of the fixed purpose of God. Let what will
take place, to the people of this insular kingdom were to be
committed these Living Oracles, and that independently, nay,
and in defiance, of all that could be done to the contrary.
Nor is there any other kingdom in Europe of which it can be
said, that the Scriptures were originally prepared for its inha-
bitants, and afterwards so perfected for their perusal, beyond
the boundaries of the country itself. Curiosity may therefore
well be excited to observe the progress now, when this glorious
design must appear to have arrived at what is familiarly
termed, a dead stop.
It is true that all the authorities, styled civil and ecclesi-
astical, were up in arms against it ; and now, banded together
as the soul of one man, they could officially alter or destroy
every thing else of human appointment or device : but they
might as well have expected to succeed rooting out in the violet
or the rose from the soil of England, as to do so in banishing
the Word of Life from the country, or in snatching it from
all the people who had already received and prized it, as their
only and all-sufficient guide to a better world.
No sooner, indeed, had January lo55 arrived, than it seemed
1553-1558.] ROGERS AND COVERDALE. 281
as if something of this kind had been meditated, by their hasty
attempt to brand certain persons with odium. There were two
individuals still remaining in England to whom the country
had stood indebted for the Scriptures — John Rogers and Miles
Coverdale ; and these were among the earliest victims seized
by Government. With both characters the reader is already
intimately acquainted ; the first, as the original editor of Tyn-
dale's Bible, which, after so many editions, was now in use ;
and the second, not only as a translator, but the diligent cor-
rector at the press, of several of these editions.
When Queen Mary entered London, and had reached the
Tower, on Tlmrsday, the Sd of August 1553, it is well known
that on the second day after, she released Gardiner, and Bon-
ner, and Tunstal, from imprisonment, styling them " her own
Bishops." The first of these she immediately appointed to be
Lord Chancellor. He had been distinguished as one of the
most eminent enemies of the vernacular Scriptures, and we
have seen him, many a time, vent his enmity. It will be recol-
lected that, in the year 1537, when the Bible edited by John
Rogers was introduced into England by Grafton, and with such
success, Gardiner was in France ; and that, after his return
in September ] 538, he did all in his power to thwart the cir-
culation of the Scriptures in the English tongue. Rogers,
tlien on the Continent, had remained for twelve years longer,
ministering to a German congregation. During the reign of
Edward, either attracted by the state of the country, or per-
sonally invited, he had returned to England by the year
1550, and afforded occasion for one of those singular scenes,
which had not unfrequently taken place under the roof of St.
Paul's. The reader cannot have forgotten one in 1536, while
Latimer was preaching his noted sermon to " the children of
liffht and the children of darkness." Both classes were con-
gregated here still ; but perhaps no discordancy had ever ex-
ceeded the following. At the risk of a little repetition we
present the picture entire. In September ] 549, Bonner had
been deprived of his office as Bishop of London, and who should
be officiating in his room for the following half year, but
Gabriel Dunne, as residentiary prebend 1 — the man who, with
Phillips, had ensnared Tyndale at Antwerp, and at Brussels
did his best to secure his death ! Dunne's official services,
as bishop ;:>ro tempore, bad ended by the appointment of Nicholas
282 TllK CRUEL TREATiMfclNT [nuuK in.
Ridley to the See of London in April 1550. and it is the very
next month that we have certain evidence of Rogers being in
London. He may have come earlier, but we are told that
" when he returned to England ho was admitted Rector of St.
Margaret Moyses, and after tliat, Vicar of St. Sepulchres,
Loudon, on the 10th of May 1550." The Rectory, however,
he resigned next year, on the 10th of September, having been
appointed by Ridley, one of the Prebendaries of St. Paul, on
the 24th of August preceding. Here then, we have Dunne^ as
prebend, sitting in the twelfth stall on the right side of the
choir, and liof/ers, as Pancrass prebend, in the sixth on the
left ; but this is rendered still more remarkable from its being
the very stall which had been occupied by Mobert Ridley^ the
uncle of Nicholas, once so furious in opposition to Tyndale and
his translation ! '■•
Any person can now clearly perceive, with what good will
both Gardiner and Bonner must have welcomed the day when
they should be able to triumph over both the Bishop and his
Prebend, Ridley and Rogers, and wreck their vengeance on
them both, Ridley, it must be confessed, by the warmth of
his zeal in favour of Lady Jane Gray, had hastened himself
into the Tower before his fellows ; having been sent there by
Mary, even before her arrival in the capital. It was the first
specimen of her power, and significant of all that followed.
But John Rogers had done nothing to call for any inter-
ference. He had occasion, it is true, to preach, in his turn,
at Paul's Cross, and then he warned the people against ido-
latry and superstition. This was after the Queen's arrival in
London. He was immediately charged with preaching erro-
neously, but he so defended himself before the Council, that he
was freely dismissed. At this moment, had he felt disposed,
he might have escaped abroad, and he had strong inducements
so to do. He had a wife and teii children, and in Germany
he must have been secure of a living ; but he would not de-
part. By the ISth of August 1553, a proclamation was is-
sued, forbidding all preaching ; after which, Rogers was or-
^■i Sec his memorable letter, and some farther account of this man, under 1.V27. vol. i. H
may be added, that in a corresjionding stall to that of Holers, on the right side of the choir' sat
John Uiiijisllild, the noted persecntor, who stepped into Dunne's seat, at his death, in lA.'ty ;
while .fdliii Drad/iird, the martyr, occupied the tenth stall on the same side. A house divided
.ti;ainst itself cannot stand ; bnt what a monstrous mi.vlure of character was here? And hence
the lanKuaRC of Nicholas Hidley in his/(OV(Ci7/ to St. Panl's. See vol. i., p. .Wfi.
l.'>.")3-la.58.3 OF THE I'ROTO-MARTYR. 283
dered to remain, as a prisoner, in his own house, and commu-
nicate with no one, save his own family. He happened to
live not far from Bonner himself, who, with the sanction of
Gardiner, as Chancellor, at last got him sent to Newgate, the
worst of all the prisons ; where, among thieves and mui'derers,
he remained throughout the whole of 1554, and there he is
said to have been of use to the prisoners. " My Lord," said
Rogers to the Chancellor, " ye liave dealt with me most
cruelly ; for ye have put me in prison without laxc^ and kept
me there now almost a year and a half. For I was almost
half a year in my house, where I was obedient to you, God
knoweth, and spake with no man. And now have I been a
full year in Newgate, at great cost and charges, having a wife
and ten children to find ; and I had never a penny of my
livings, which was against the law." They had, in short, left
him to pine or perish in prison, and there having been no spe-
cific charge, the whole course was illegal.
At last, however, Rogers was called up for examination.
The year 1555 was to be distinguished for persecution, and
on the 1st of January they had commenced in good earnest,
by the apprehension of thirty individuals. On the 22d, both
Rogers and Hooper were before Gardiner, and other members
of Council, as the Queen's Commissioners. The parties pre-
sent were perfectly characteristic. Besides Gardiner, there
was Tunstal, Heath, and Thirlby, Sir Richard Southwell,
Sir John Bourne Secretary of State, and others, evidently
eager to sit in judgment on such a man as this ; and as if it
had been to point out to posterity the precise animus or spirit
of the persecutors, as well as give still greater prominence
to the history of the Sacred Volume, Rogers must die first of
all. He must now lead the van in the army of martyrs, and
obtain ever after the honourable appellation of Proto- Martyr
in Queen Mary"'s reign.
Towards this good man, it is evident, that Lord Chancellor
Gardiner had behaved with peculiar harshness and cruelty.
He had, in fact, owed him a grudge for eighteen years, and
now illegally had imprisoned him, for nearly eighteen months,
tliough the martyr had frequently implored his release. Ro-
gers had married when abroad, and presuming that a female,
and a foreigner, and she not far from the time of her confine-
ment, might have some influence, he had sent her to Gardiner,
•2Sl THK CUUKL TREATMKNT [book III.
with certain feiualu companions, so long ago as Christmas
15r)3, and as hr as Kichinond, " humbly craving that ho
might be set at liberty," there being nothing laid to his charge.
The only answer to this was his being committed by Bonner
to Newgate ! From Newgate, Mr. Rogers had not only sent
two petitions to the Chancellor, but his wife many times, with-
out any effect. A Mr. Gosnold, and other benevolent gentle-
men, had also petitioned on his behalf, but all was in vain ;
and now that the prisoner is brought up for examination, it
seemed as if, in the first instance, it had been only to gratify
Gardiner''s spleen and passion.
He was called up once more, before a far more formidable
array of persecutors, on the 28th, and finally the next day, at
nine o^clock, when Gardiner read his sentence condemnatory,
giving him over to the tender mercies of Bonner and the
Sheritt". Not one word had been said respecting his publica-
tion of the Sacred Scriptures, but the Chancellor, in condemn-
ing him, had thought this ftir too fine an opportunity not to
east a slur upon the Bible, and thus hold up Rogers to the
terror of all its readers, at the very commencement of this fiery
day. In his sentence, when naming Rogers, three times, he
took special care not to omit, " otherwise called Mattheicy
We have no proof that this was the intention, but it served
such a purpose for the moment. Gardiner having finished,
gratuitously told him that he was now " in the great curse,"
and that no man was to speak to him. Rogers, who through-
out had spoken with great boldness as well as ability, and, as
we shall see presently, to Gardiner''s utter confusion, if not
dismay, then replied —
" Well, my Lord, here I stand before God and you, and all this honourable
audience, and take Ilim to witness, that I never wittingly nor willingly taught
any false doctrine ; and therefore have I a good conscience before God and all
good men. I am sure that you and I shall come before a Judge that is righte-
ous, before whom I shall be as good a man as you ; and I nothing doubt but
that T shall be found there a true member of the true Catholic Church of Christ,
and cverla-stingly saved. And as for your false Church, ye need not to excom-
municate me forth of it. I have not been iu it these Urcnly years — the Lord be
thanked therefore ! But now yc have done what ye can, my Lord, I pray you
yet grant me one thing ?"
What is that ? said Gardiner. '' That my poor wife,
being a stranger (a foreigner) may come and speak with me.
so Ions «^s I live — for she hath ten children, that are her's
15.)8-1558.] OF THE PROTO-MARTYR. 285
and mine, and somewhat I would counsel her, what were best
for her to do.''"' Will it bo believed, that, at once discovering
a mind of the vilest character, the solitary request, and so
touchingly put, was with disgusting barbarity denied ! And
Rogers, though he had told the Chancellor that he had been
married eighteen years, saw the man no more. The amount
of such wickedness, it is not for us to describe.
Hooper, Bishop of Gloucester, his honourable companion,
had been also condemned the same day, and both were to be
conveyed to Newgate. There was now, however, some cowardly
fear of the people. The sentence had not only been pronounced
with closed doors, but they waited till tii^kt, before their vic-
tims were sent off. Even then, they conducted them from
the Clink Prison to Winchester''s house, close by, and passing-
through it, along London bridge, officers had been sent before
them, ordering the costermongers, who sat at stalls in the
street, to put out their lights ! Why all this caution, if there
was no apprehension of a rescue ? Their coming, however,
had been anticipated, and pious householders appeared on
both sides of the streets, with candles. On their part, as the
prisoners passed along, there was nothing but salutations of
affectionate sympathy, thanksgiving for their constancy, and
earnest prayers for its continuance.
This was on Tuesday the 29th, and Eogers had only to
live till Monday following. Early that morning, the 4th of
February, not aware of what awaited him, like Peter of old,
he was sound asleep. The jailor's wife went and had some
difficulty in awaking him. She then warned him to make
haste, and prepare himself for the fire ! " If it be so," said
the good man, " I need not tie my points." Bonner was
already in waiting. Both Hooper and he were then, what
they chose to call degraded, by being bereaved of their eccle-
siastical trappings ; a process, which necessarily occupied
some time, as they had first to be arrayed, and then the seve-
ral parts were torn from them piecemeal. Hooper was to be
sent off next day to Gloucester ; but the stake was already
prepared for Eogers. Then once more, to Bonner he tendered
the same solitary request, he had done to Gardiner ; but it
was now reduced to this — " that before going to the stake, he
might be permitted to speak a few words to his wife." But
this, like his fellow, the inhuman monster denied ! Foxe
28(5 MAKTYKDOM (IK l<()(;KKS. [hook lit.
supposes that it was cliiclly to inform licr of" lii.s examinations
ami answers, in his own handwriting, which he liad left be-
hind him, concealed in the prison. IJut if it was, the Bishop's
denial went for nothing, as they were afterwards found.
Upon being delivered up to the Sheriff, Woodroff, before
they left the prison, urged Rogers to revoke his opinions.
" That," replied the martyr, " which I have preached, I will
seal with my blood."" — " Then," said Woodroff, " thou art an
heretic." — " That," replied Rogers, " will be seen at the day
of judgment." — " Well then," said the Sheriff, " I will never
pray for thee." — " J3ut," said Rogers, mildly, " I will pray
for thee^'' Thus they proceeded to the stake.
Upon entering the street, they found an immense crowd
awaiting them. In walking towards Smithfield, Rogers was
repeating a portion of that blessed book he had given to his
country — the 51st Psalm. The people were giving thanks
for his constancy ; but there among the crowd, there met him
the wife, whom neither Gardiner nor Bonner would permit
him to see. His wife, the foreigner, with all her children —
one of these, a youth named Daniel, if the eldest, now nearly
seventeen years of age ; the youngest, or the eleventh child, an
unconscious babe, now hanging at the mother''s breast ! In
the midst of this overwhelming scene, the husband and father
stood firm, and having got through it, the bitterness of death
was past !
At the stake they brought him a pardon, upon condition
that he would recant. This, of course, he pointedly refused
to do, and at last, washing his hands, as it were, in the flames,
he cried with his final breath, " Lord, receive my spirit."
We have referred to his examinations and answers, as they
were afterwards printed in full, from the copies left behind ;
and by John Foxe, who knew the martyr well. It so hap-
pened that Mrs. Rogers, with her son Daniel, had gained
access to the prison, and after looking in vain for these manu-
scripts, they were about to depart, wdien the youth, looking
round once more, spied his father's papers, deposited in a cor-
ner under the stair.
John Rogers appears to have been the son of a father of
the same name, and born, not in Lancashire, as it has some-
times been stated, but in Warwickshire, at Deritend, in the
ininiodiato vicinitv of Birmingham. Rogers had been mar-
15.>3-i:)58.] ESCAPE OF COVERDALE. 287
vied in 1537, or the same year in which he had completed the
Bible, to Adriana Pratt, alias de Weyden. She now returned
with her children to Germany, and the lad who had found his
father's papers was afterwards better known, as an Ambassador
from Queen Elizabeth to different countries.^-'
With regard to Miles Coyerdale, without farther expla-
nation it must appear almost incredible that, only fourteen
days after the death of Rogers, or on the 18th of February,
Queen Mary was writing a letter, of which he was to be the
bearer, to the Kino- of Denmark. He also had been in trouble,
as well as Rogers, since 1553, though not confined to prison.
This letter was written only on Monday week after the scene
at Smithfield, and the same day on which a splendid embassy
was leaving London for Rome ; and yet the very next day
Coverdale had his passport, " for himself and two servants,"
by which was most probably meant his wife and one servant ;
and so he left England for Denmark. Thus, if the one man
connected with the Scriptures nmst lead the van of martyrdom,
the other can easily be extricated from the grasp of Govern-
ment by the overruling providence of God.
The deliverance has been ascribed solely to the repeated and
very earnest interposition of his Danish Majesty ; and but for
this, humanly speaking, he might not have survived : but there
was a very curious concurrence of circumstances in favour of
Ooverdale's deliverance at thu moment, for King Christian's
2' Daniel Rogers studied at Wittenberg, under Melancthon, as mentioned in one of his let-
ters, and understood the German, Dutch, and Latin languages, as well as English. He then
came to England, and at Oxford had taken his degrees in July and August 1501. In the years
l.W8and69, he lived with Lord Henry Norris, as his secretary. Having married Susan, the
youngest daughter of Nicasius Yetsweirt, French Secretary to Queen Elizabeth ; and once intro-
duced to public notice, he not only became Clerk of the Council, but was afterwards enii)loy(il
as ambassador to Belgium in 1575, to Germany in 1577, and to Denmark in 1.50!!. Thus he be-
came the frequent correspondent of Cecil Lord Burleigh, as he was the valued friend of Camdtii
the historian. He died in February 1.592, and was interred close by his father-in-law, in the )ia
rish church of Sunbury, Middlesex. See Strype's Annals, anno 15«4. Wood's Athena? by Bliss,
i., 57(1. Tanner's Bibl. Brit., p. (OT. Wood, it is true, has sent Rogers, the fatherof Daniel, abroad.
and noticed the martyr .as though he were a dift'erent person ; and Chalmers in his Biog. Diet,
follows the Oxford annalist. But from Foxe we know the martyr's son was named Dairiil, and
from the son himself, the ambassador, that he added Alhi-movtanus to his name, as descriptive
of his birth in Germany. Now, though we are indebted to Wood for the name of the martyr's
father and his wife, nothing can be more improbable than that there should be two men ot
the same name, hoth of whom went abroad, and both returned, both in trouble at the beginning
of Queen Mary's reign, bulk married to foreigners, and both having a son named Daniel, about
the same age ! Strype, who had the manuscripts of the ambassador in his possession and ex-
amined them, positively afhnns him to have been the son of the martyr. This too he does in his
Annals, under 15.58, or Ini years after he had published his life of Whitgift, in which he had
only conjectured the fact. But besides Daniel, there is some ground for believing that an old
and eminent minister, Richani Batier.i of Wethevsfield in Essex, was another son. At least,
William .Tenkin, father of the expositor on .hide, was brought up under liix eye, and it is well
known, m.irricd the iinimliiaufiliter of Rogers the martyr.
288 SINGULAR CIRCUMSTANCES CONNECTED [UOOK ill.
second letter to Mary on his bilialt" was nearly five months
old. Why, then, should Coverdale, a married JJishop, and an
old offender in their opinion, be suftered to escape, and that
ininicdiatelv after the lire had been kindled for llofrers \ It
will certainly prove to have been a memorable fact if the exa-
mination and martyrdom of the one man should have contri-
buted to the escape of the other^ and more especially as llogers
could have had nothini; of the kind in view.
The circumstances, therefore, now referred to are the more
worthy of notice, as they not only stand in immediate con-
nexion with the examination of the Proto- Martyr, but disco-
ver not a little of the true character of these unprincipled men
in power. Taken all in all, they form the richest scene in the
reign of Mary, though scarcely, if it all, before observed.
The martyrdom of John Rogers, in February 1555, con-
nects itself with that of the heroic female, Anne Askew, in
March 1546. There had been no fires in Smithfield since the
memorable night on which she sufl'ered, almost nine years ago.
Considering tlie progress which had been made during the
reign of Edward, through the medium of the Scriptures, the
death of Rogers must have been regarded by many in London
with unmingled horror ; but, beside this, a large and promis-
cuous assembly had been present at his notable examination
on the 28th of January, when he caught Gai'diner and his
bishops in a snare, and the people marked it. The language
of Gardiner could not fail to have been in the mouth of thou-
sands ever since, and the excitement in a few days was such as
to frighten for a moment all these men of blood, from King
Philip downwards. The present juncture, embracing a space
of less than three weeks, will explain this.
It was on Tuesday the 22d of January that Rogers was first
examined. This was before Gardiner, as Lord Chancellor,
and other members of the Council, such as Lords Howard and
Paget, Sir Richard Southwell and Sir John Bourne, as Com-
missioners from the Queen.^ But on Monday the 28th, to
Wednesday the 30th, Gardiner and many more sat by com-
mission from Cardinal Pole ; and yet only the next week,
when six other men were examined and condemned, they were
28 Next day all the Bishops were down to Westminster, to receive the blessing and advick
of Cardinal Pole. Must not the advicb be inferred, from what followed ?
1,3.53-1558.] WITH COVERDALES ESCAPE. 2Sy
not brought before the same tribunal, but merely before Bonner
and his Consistory, with the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of
London. Here were three distinct forms of proceeding, within
the short compass of eighteen days. Then, to crown all, the
very next day, or Sunday the lOth of February, we have a ser-
mon preaching before King Philip, and by a Spaniard ; but
upon what subject I The sin of persecution for conscience sake !
Now, why this erratic course on the part of the persecutors ?
Why could they not go straight forward ? And if this sermon
was a base artifice, of which there is now no doubt, why was
it resorted to at the present moment ? The true character of
all the parties in power is here involved.
Stephen Gardiner, who plumed himself on his sagacity or
cunning, had, no doubt, imagined that if he once proceeded
against certain leading men ; or, in the cant phrase of the day,
if the head deer were only brought to the ground, the common
people would shrink with terror, and succumb to their autho-
rity. It was full of this idea that he commenced, in a high
tone, with John Rogers on the 22d of January ; but the very
man with whom he thus began, proved to be more than a match
for his proud and imperious temper. On the 28th, as soon as
Rogers entered, nothing daunted, we know from himself that
he remarked the change on the Court. Gardiner was there,
of course, as Chancellor and Bishop, and chief persecutor ;
but " there were," says Rogers, " a great sort of netc men, his
fellow bishops, of whom I knew few" — after eighteen months''
confinement. There were, in fact, not fewer than thirteen in
all, six on each side of the Chancellor, besides three notaries,
three noblemen, eleven knights, and a very great multitude.^
Gardiner perhaps never forgot himself so far as he did this
day ; but he could not stand the replies or remarks of his pri-
soner, and found it not so easy to examine these men as he had
anticipated. In his wrath he actually called King Edward an
tisurper, and then tried clumsily to recall the term ; but another
expression, in reference to the reigning Queen, turned out to be
vastly more awkward for him and all his order. Rogers had
intimated his persuasion that " her Majesty would have done
27 Gardiner being in the centre, on his right side sat Bonner of London, Ilcntfi of Worcester,
Tldrlbi) of Ely, Bourn of Bath and Wells, Brookes of Gloucester, and Ifoli/iixin of Bristol ; on
his left sat Tunsial of Durliani, Aldrichui Carlisle, A/ 'u/ion of Lincoln, iUo/yun of St. David's,
Jiopton of Norwich, and an/ne of Lichfield and Coventry. See here the result of Pole's a DV U.K.
VOL. 11. T
-•'<• niK I'EUSKCUTOK.S THRUWiN [BOOK 111.
Well tHou(fh but for liis (Gardiner's) counsel." When, in his
haste, in reference to the persecution now commenced, he
replied — '• The Queen icent before me, and it was fieu own mo-
tion .'" Thus affording another instance of persecutors wish-
ing to shift the blame from themselves ; though certainly, at
such a time as this, the assertion was very hazardous, whether
it was true or false. But Rogers replied — "• Without fail, I
neither can, nor will I ever, believe it !" Aldrich of Carlisle,
in name of himself and all his brethren, immediately said —
" They would bear Gardiner witness." " Yea,'''' said Rogers,
" that I believe tcell.'''' On which the laugh went round among
the crowd assembled. Upon this, even Sir Richard South-
well, the Master-Comptroller of the Royal Household, and
Sir John Bourne, Principal Secretary of State, stood up to
confirm the Chancellor's assertion. Never had men more fully
committed themselves. Rogers then said — " It was no great
matter ; but I think that they," the Bishops, " were good
helpers thereunto themselves^ Such a dialogue was easily car-
ried away, and every word nmst have told upon the people
throughout the metropolis ; but the assertion first made, in
open court, and before such a crowd, for " the thousandth man
could not get in," was felt, in the cool of the day, to have been
no light matter. If it was true, they had betrayed a state
secret ! Accordingly, next morning, when Rogers and Hooper
were brought up for condemnation, it was found convenient to
do so, as already hinted, with closed doors.
Gardiner, however, both this day and the next, was equally
nettled in the examinations of Tailour, Bradford, and Saun-
ders. From Rogers, to the last man examined, he had had
his own book, — " De vera obedientia," or " true obedience,"
quoted against himself, and his present conduct. To this
book, Bonner had affixed a preface, or high eulogium ; and
both having been translated into English, and printed abroad,
many had it in tlieir hands, many more in their mouths, and
it was now quoted, or referred to, before both the authors, by
men who had been long familiar with the original publication
in Latin. Tunstal also was forcibly reminded of his famous
sermon before Henry VIII., printed by Berthelet in 1539,
or sixteen years ago. It, therefore, could not fail to be no
small mortification, after his furious attack on the head deer,
when my Lord Chancellor found that here were six more men
waiting to be examined; one of them, indeed, a gentleman.
1.5.53- 1. '5.58.] INTO SINUULAU CONKUSION. 2!» I
Mr. Hawkes, but the other live precisely of that humbler
class on whose boldness and principle poor Gardiner had not
calculated. Hence, when these individuals came to be ex-
amined and condemned, neither the Chancellor nor eleven of
his Bishops were there ! The whole process was despatched,
and that speedily, by Bonner alone, as Ordinary, who had
called the Lord Mayor, Sir John Lyon, and certain alder-
men, to sit with him and his underlings.
Bonner had examined the whole number on Friday, and
condemned them all to the flames on Saturday the 9th of
February, or the fifth day after the Proto-Martyr had been
consumed to ashes ; and what, then, could the reader expect
to follow only next day I If it was a sermon — which, in
these times, was a great rarity, and therefore the more to be
observed — must it not have been a sermon in praise of the
Bishops, for their burning zeal on behalf of " the old learn-
ing V It was quite the remrse. The blundering assertion of
Gardiner to Rogers, only thirteen days since, confirmed as it
had been by all the Bishops present, and even two official
laymen, had neither been forgotten nor unfelt. It had cer-
tainly placed her Majesty before the country in one of the
most critical of all positions, as the sole and imperative per-
secutor ; and there can be no doubt, from what followed, had
made her tremble, not only for herself, but the husband on
whom, at this moment, she doated. The truth is, that public
feeling still ran very high against the Queen*'s marriage. She
had allied herself to a Spanish prince, and the people had been
foretold that, to a certainty, he would introduce the Court of
Inquisition into England. Nothing, therefore, could have been
more dangerous to the Queen than the positive affirmation of
Gardiner, before a large and promiscuous audience. So, at
least, it had been felt, but more especially by King Philip ; and
what was the miserable artifice to which he resorted l He
had brought with him into England, as his confessor, Francis
Alphonso di Castro, a Spanish divine, himself an author
against heretics ; and this was the man appointed by the King-
to preach before the Court, on the 10th of February, and
against religiovs persecution.^^
28 The first edition of his treatise " Dc H.-ercsibus," had been printed at Paris in I'M, and an
enlarged edition the year after this, or 1.55«. He died at Brussels, in February l.V.(l, soon after
having been appointed Archbishop of Compostclhi.
2!C2 TIIK TAMC CUN I'KIBL'TKS [uOOK III.
We ruj^ri't nut bt-ini^ ublc to Ihid out his text ; but iu the
course of liis sermon he enlarged on the sin of taking away
the lives of any for their religion — reprobated the practice of
burning men on account of their opinions — and affirmed that
the Bishops would search the Scriptures in vain for any autho-
rity to spill the blood of their flocks. The Scriptures, he in-
sisted, taught Bishops, in the spirit of meekness, to instruct
those who opposed them, and not to bur7i them for their con-
scientious opinions !
]Jut the Lord Chancellor of England, at the moment, was
a Jiishop, and President of the Court for burning ; Tunstal,
who, in former days, led the van of persecution, had sat on
his left hand, and Bonner on his right, who, only the day
before, at one sweep, had appointed not fewer than six men
to the flames. By the authority of these men, and ten others
of the same order, on Monday before, Rogers had been con-
sumed to ashes ; on Friday, at Coventry, Saunders liad
followed ; and only twenty-four hours before the sermon.
Hooper was in the flames at Gloucester, and Dr. Tailour at
Hadley !
As an exhibition, therefore, next day, nothing could have
exceeded this. A Spanish priest upon English ground, preach-
ing before the Court, and against the Bishops of England,
especially those in power ! Arraigning, nay denouncing them
in public, for having embrued their hands in blood ! While
there sat Philip to sanction the sermon, not without some
fear for his personal safety or favour; and, like Pilate of old,
he seemed " to take water and wash his hands before the
multitude,'" saying, " I am innocent of the blood of these
just men." The occurrence was a remarkable one; and the
more so, since it is evident, that nothing less than apprehen-
sion of some sort in the breast of the Monarch, could have been
the impelling motive. " It was believed," says Collier, " that
the Queen was overruled since her marriage, and that these
fires had been kindled by Philip : liowever, the King, it seems,
had no mind to lie under this imputation."
Where Gardiner and Tunstal were, or how engaged, at the
moment when the Spaniard was preaching, we are not in-
formed ; but certainly our exulting Lord Chancellor liad but
little imagined, that the Editor of Tyndales Bible would live
to come to England, and lead him, in the last year of liis life.
loSG-I.'ioS.] TO COVEROALES ESCAPE. 293
SO to expose the Bench and the Court, at one stroke ! Still
less could he have supposed that the same man would so hit
the mark, as to cause him eventually to shrink behind the cur-
tain, and retire from playing at the game of persecution ever
after ! ! Such at least was the fact, for " he never afterwards,"
says Lingard, " took his seat on the bench :" — " whether it
was," says the same author, " that Gardiner disapproved of
the measure, or that he was called away by more important
duties ! r The latter alternative is, to say the least, strangely
expressed; but neither the one nor the other will now serve the
purpose of history, in accounting for the Chancellor's non-ap-
pearance. " Gardiner," says Soames, " having kindled the
fires of persecution, left to others the hateful office of supply-
insr them with a succession of victims :" but we have no evi-
dence whatever of any change of disposition in the man. The
circumstances now related, alone and perfectly account for that
change of tactics which ultimately ensued. At present, how-
ever, there was a dead pause ; the execution even of the con-
demned prisoners was suspended ; and the crisis occasioned
farther debate in the Council itself.
Now, it was precisely at this moment that Coverdale was re-
leased, and sent out of the country. On Monday week after
this sermon, it had been thought advisable for the Queen at
last to write her letter. It might very conveniently seem
almost to contradict what Gardiner had said in open court,
that day three weeks before, and on Tuesday the passport was
also ready. It will, perhaps, therefore now be conceded, that
there was at least some connexion, between the examination
of Rogers, and the escape of Coverdale : though the interfer-
ence of his Danish Majesty must not pass unexplained.
It so happened that Coverdale, as well as Rogers, was a
married man ; and strange as it may appear, that which had
formed a source of such a";onizin2; distress to the one man, be-
came one of relief and safety to the other ; a circumstance the
more remarkable, as marriage, though " honourable in all,"
was alone sufficient, after the accession of Queen Mary, to
ensure the bitterest mockery, as well as privation and punish-
ment. So Rogers had felt, especially during the last ten days
of his life. It was to an excellent woman, Elizabeth Macheson,
that Coverdale had been allied for a number of years, and they
were botli at Exeter when he was summoned to appear before
2!»-i KING (»1' DKNMAUK INTERPOSKS. [houk ill.
tlie Council ;it Jliclinioiid, in August li)5li. From that time
he Iiad been committed, thougli as a prisoner at large.^-' JJut
then he and an exile from Scotland had married two sisters,
known, from monumental inscription, to be of Scotish ex-
traction, though they might have been bom abroad. This
exile, who had passed through England to the Continent, was
John Macbee, named in his own country Macalpine, and
known abroad as Dr. MaccabsBUS. Having retired to Den-
mark, he had been of great use to Christian II. ; was not only
one of his Chaplains, and professor of Theology in the Univer-
sity of Copenhagen, founded by the King, but had been one
of the translators of the Danish Bible, first printed in 1 560.**
It was through his intercession for his brother-in-law, Cover-
dale, that the King interfered, and himself wrote a letter to
Mary, so early as the seventh calends of May, or 25th April
1554. This drew forth a tardy and evasive reply, as if the
only cause of displeasure with Ooverdale had been, that he
was in debt to the Treasury, or in arrears with his tenths.
Taking advantage of this admission, his Majesty wrote a still
more urgent letter — " it was only a debt, and the bishopric
had not been enjoyed long enough to afford to pay anything
— he would not trouble her Majesty by repeatim/ the petition ;"■
but " we plainly hope for such an end, that Coverdale himself
shall shortly, in our presence, make declaration concerning the
benefit of his welfare obtained of your Majesty." In this let-
ter, dated from " our city of Otton (Odensee) the 24th of
September 1554," the case was actually so put, as if a refusal
might affect the good understanding between the two king-
doms; and yet we have seen that four months passed away, till
at last they came to the examination of Rogers and its conse-
quences. It may therefore be said, in conclusion, that to the
influence of two men, Maccabeus and Rogers, both of whom
had been connected with the translation of the Scriptures, the
third, Coverdale, was indebted for his deliverance !
After an absence of more than three years and a half, Coverdale re-
turned to England ; and though his name will occur once more, under
Elizabeth, since his labours in editing any edition of the Scriptures had
now closed, we here briefly notice his remaining days. He was now
29 So in May I.5.'>4, when Rogers, Hooper, Bradford, Philpot and others were in confinement, Co-
verdale subscribed his nameaftcr theirs,— " with these mine afflicted brethren, being prisoners."
■.w Froheri Tlicatnim, pp. 174. Dd:.. Townlev's Bib. I,it., vol. ii.. •I'SI.
1553-155S.] PEACEFUL DEATH OF COVEKDALE. 295
entering on his sixty-eighth year. It was in July IflSl that he had been
nominated as Bishop of Exeter, and in July 1553 that his appointment
came to an end — having sustauied the office only two years out of eighty-
one. During his incumbency, in 1552, Covcrdale had republished his
translation of Bullinger on " The Christian State of Matrimony," and
well might he print on this subject ; though not as yet aware that to his
marriage he was to owe his life, while to his bishopric he had now owed
his imprisonvient. Once released, on the 18th of February 1555, and his
passport signed next day, (though he was to be buried in London, hon-
ourably, that day fourteen years after,) with all despatch he repaired to
Copenhagen, and after expressing his obligations to his Royal benefactor,
he went to "Wesel in Fricsland, where, by this time, he met with at least
one hundred refugees from England. After a short stay he proceeded to
Bergzabern, at the request of Wolfgang, the Duke of Deux-ponts, where
he had a pastoral charge assigned to him. In December 1558, we find
him at Geneva, and next year he returned to England. Though urged
repeatedly to return to his office as a Bishop, he could not now accept of
it, nor assume the dress imposed. Grindal, however, in 1563, gave him
the small living of St. Magnus, near London Bridge, remitting the first
fruits, as he had nothing to pay them, and with respect to dress, he was
permitted to do as he pleased ; but in about two years more he either
resigned, or was obliged to do so. Still, however, he continued to preach ;
only he who so zealously preached against the sectaries, about seventeen
years before, was now called, at the age of seventy-eight, to experience
what was involved in being one. On a Saturday, his hearers used to
send inquiring where he was to officiate next day, but even this he at
last declined mentioning, lest it should give offence ! Yet, as long as he
was able he continued to preach, and died, most happily, in February
1569, in the eighty-first year of his age. His remains were honourably
interred in Bartholomew's Chiorch, behind the Exchange, on Saturday,
the 19th of Febi-uary, when a vast crowd attended.*^' Thus, in the end,
alas ! was left to England no ground for congratulation, with regard to
her treatment of cmy of the men concerned in her earliest editions of the
Sacred Volume ! Recently, after the Royal Exchange was burnt, Bar-
tholomew's Church being to be taken down, the supj^osed bones of
Coverdale were removed to the spot where he often ministered, St.
Magnus, and a marble tablet has been erected to his memory, dated
On account of the intimate connexion of Rogers and Cover-
s' " Miles Coverdale, doctor of divinity, was buried ano. I,5fif), the 1.0th of February."— Hcgia-
ter of Burials in the parish Church of St. Bartholomew's by the Exchange. The date here being
that of the olil style, was in our 15()9.
3- See our former reference to this tablet, vol. i., p. S-W, where the reader is requested to cor-
rect the misprivl of 1,5.77 instead of mi7.
'2l»(; THE PANIC SOON OVER. [nonK III.
dale with the Sacred Scriptures, it was to be expected that the
death of the one, and the (hllverance of tlie other, would here
be fully explained ; but before hastening to the history of the
Scriptures themselves, it is not less necessary to glance at the
events immediately following this crisis.
That the sermon of the Spanish friar was not merely a
shallow artifice, but a piece of profane mockery, appeared but
too soon. Lingard takes care to tell us, that " it made a
deep impression,^^ and providentially it was so deep, as to ad-
mit of Coverdale''s escape, like a brand from the burning ;
but as if to render that escape only the more observable, we
search in vain for one other happy result or lenient measure.
And if the impression was deep, it was little more than a mo-
mentary panic ; as perhaps no reader could divine how soon
the patience of the Court, the Council, and the Bench, was
exhausted. Only five short weeks had passed away, when
Philip and Mary, and the Bishops by their authority, and
that of Cardinal Pole, were once more fairly started on their
pursuit after blood. Six individuals, it will be remembered,
were under condemnation at the moment when dl Castro was
denouncing all cruelty. Five of these it was found expedient
to send to the country, and put to death in different places ;
one of whom, Mr. Hawkes, did not suffer till so late as the
10th of June; but even so early as the 1 6th of March, the
fire was first kindled for one of the six, Tomkins, and in
Smithfield itself. Only ten days after this step, an order was
sent to the Justices of Norfolk^ in which they had special in-
structions to look after all preachers of heresy and private
meetings ; and this order, let it be observed, was by no other
than the King and Queen .^ Nay, before the 24th of May
they had sent their " Letters unto the Justices within every
of the counties of this our realm," and even Bonner himself must
be roused and urged to proceed to extremities ; their Majes-
ties at the same time actually expressing " no little marvel"
that there had been such relaxation on the part of certain
Justices.** Pawlet, Marquess of Winchester, " the willow tree
and not an oak," who bent with every blast, was specially
vigilant in the Council, and Richard Lord Rich, a persecutor
from the days of Sir Thomas More, was no less active down
ssrotton MS. Titus, B. ii., 11(1. ••" Rugist. Bonn. fol. .'Ki.'i
1553-1 658.] DP:aTH OF GARDINER. 297
in the country ; but still, even to the close of this year, 15,55,
it was found necessary to proceed with caution in London.
Out of above eighty mai-tyrs before the 18th of December, not
more than seven appear to have suffered in the capital.
It was in January the next year, 1556, that the persecutors
set off in full vigour, Avhen seven individuals were committed
to the flames at Smithfleld, in one fire, and five at Canter-
bury, in another ! In short, Gardiner, unchanged, must go
the way of all the earth, and Cardinal Pole succeed as the
adviser ; when, what with his official authority, administered
with characteristic policy, and that of the King and Queen,
at certain convenient moments, Bonner, as " the chief slaugh-
terman of England," powerfully aided by his Satanic assist-
ants, and other persecuting prelates, contrived to perpetrate
all the cruelties, or the sickening enumeration, which has been
already given.
Throughout the month of September, 1555, the health of Gardiner,
Bishop of Winchester, had been declining rapidly. On Monday the 21st
of October, Parliament was opened. That day he was present, and the
next, for the last time ; when he spoke and exerted himself beyond his
strength. On Wednesday, or seven days after Latimer and Ridley's
martyrdom at Oxford, he was confined to his chamber, and after linger-
ing for three weeks, he expired at Westminster, early on the morning of
Tuesday the 12th of November. His body was immediately removed to
his house in Southwark, but not carried to Winchester for above three
months, on the 24th of February 1556. His true character we need not
now depict ; as it is to be read in the various transactions already re-
corded. In point of talent, he was certainly one of the most able men
of his times ; but this only increased an amount of guilt which the day
of final reckoning will disclose. Before his death he is generally under-
stood to have been in great trouble, if not agony of mind. At one time
he is said to have requested the account of the Saviour's last sufferings
to be read to him, and when they came to the denial of Peter, he de-
sired the reader to stop. " I have denied," said he, " I have denied with
Peter ; I have gone out with Peter ; but I have not as yet learned to
weej") bitterly, with Peter !"
As for Latimer and Ridley, they died, it is known and
confessed by all, triumphantly at Oxford, twenty-seven days
before this, on the 16th of October. Cranmer followed on
Saturda}'^ the 21st of March 1556, in the sixty-seventh year
of his age, and after the manner which has been so plentifully
2.'IS MAUTVItDOM OF CHANMKK [hoOK HI.
desci-ibed elsowlicre, by coiiHictiiig authorities. Whatever
imperfections were to be found in his character, the virulence
with wliich it has occasionally been attacked, only proves,
that for the part he acted as a wliolc, he is never, by certain
parties, to be forgiven. His enemies, even still, will scarcely,
if at all allow, that before his death he had learnt, what Gar-
diner had never done — " to weep bitterly with Peter :" even
though a spectator of the last scene, and he of opposite senti-
ments, has told us that he stood there with a heart bursting
with grief — " his face bedewed with tears, sometime lifting
his eyes to heaven in hope, sometime casting them down to
the earth for shame ; and to be brief, an image of sorrow.''''
His recantations assuredly were the more to be lamented, after
the firm and heroic testimony borne by his two precursors
four months before ; and whom, it is said, he saw from his cell
when they were on the way to the stake. But still the burn-
ing of his right hand — " that unworthy hand "^ — " that hand
hath offended," as he emphatically repeated, and as long as his
tongue would suffer him, was a testimony to the deepness of
his regret, as powerful and expressive, as it was then possible
for him to give ; and still more so, from its being the only one
then left to him.
In a history such as the present, however, the character of
Cranmer now comes before us, under an aspect altogether dif-
ferent from that which it may have done in any other histoiy.
To every impartial reader of the preceding pages it must be
evident that the present writer is not only relieved from en-
tering farther into its merits or dements, but that there is
high, because sacred ground, for his abstaining. The " Arti-
cles," whether nine in number, as in ] 536, or forty-two after-
wards ; the " Institution of a Christian Man," in 1537; the
English Litany, in 1544; the Primer in 1545; the First
Book of Homilies in 1547; the Liturgies or Service Books of
1548 and 1552; the Body of Ecclesiastical Law, with some
other pieces, are properly to be discussed in connexion with
Cranmer"'s character and principles. These productions have
been regarded as either his own, or nearly so ; but the trans-
lation of the Sacred Volume was the Avork of another. So far
as Cranmer followed up the subject, under Henry's reign, in
conjunction with Crumwell, we have endeavoured to do him
ample justice. LTnder Edward he never appears to have per-
1553-1558.] POSITION OF THE SACRED VOLUME. 2US>
sonally returned to the work ; but his abstaining from all
interference with any otliers so engaged, ought never to be
forgotten.
In a manner to which, in our English history, there is lite-
rally nothing parallel, the history of the English Bible, pro-
perly understood, had been preserved separate or aloof from
the possibility of its being identified with the imperfections,
the timidity, or inconsistency, of any one man living in Eng-
land. The volume was originally prepared beyond the boun-
daries of the kingdom, and ever since its very singular intro-
duction, no human being could as yet be at all regarded in the
light of what is properly styled a patron. Nay, what should
never be forgotten, in every instance of human agency, on the
part of official men, we have discovered, not what any man
can correctly style " only the pure and unadulterated love of
Divine Truth itself, or for its own sake." All official men,
without exception, have come before us, as either impelled by
circumstances, moved by political considerations, or overruled.
As to even the last of these, and at the very outset or begin-
ning, no man was more distinctly moved than Cranmer, and
moved from abroad ; but even then he appeared first in sight,
in the humble attitude of a petitioner without power. Nothing-
is more clearly or frequently marked in his correspondence,
than entire subserviency to Crumwell, when at the top of his
ascendancy. He sent an imploring letter to Crumwell, and
he petitioned Henry, and he was overruled ! The King's heart
was never more distinctly " in the hands of the Lord" through-
out the entire compass of English history.
Let, therefore, the history of the English Bible be still
regarded as altogether sui generis^ for certainly so it ought to
have been, all along. As yet, the general thread of our nar-
rative has never been broken, or even disturbed ; and what
shall we say, should an all-wise Providence continue to pre-
serve the Sacred Volume in the same high and singular posi-
tion, throughout the long reign of Queen Elizabeth, and oven
down to our own day. At present, however, we have first to
look at the reign of Mary, when there will be no risk of con-
founding this cause with any official person, whether at home
or abroad.
Upon the accession of Henry's eldest daughter, and with
immediate reference to the Scriptures, it need scarcely be re-
nOO NO Ol'KiriAl. DKNUNCIATION [booK III.
marked, tliat tlie country at large was in a veiy difl'erent
state from what it had been less than thirty years ago, when
there was neither a printed IJiblc, nor even a New Testament
in print, within its borders. Just before Mary assumed the
Crown, England seemed to be fairly on the way for becoming
a land as distinguished for the possession of the Sacred Vo-
lume, as God had appointed it should be, in the end. About
sixty-five editions of the New Testament, and thirty of the
entire Bible had passed through the press : but here now was
an opposing party, not only in full power, but determined to
exercise it. Resolved to carry every thing before them, it
might naturally have been supposed, that one of the very first
movements must have been a systematic attempt to destroy all
these Tolumes. Could the burning of the sacred hooks^ have
been a more obnoxious measure, than the burning of men and
women, old and young ? Was the seizing of the Scriptures,
and at once burning them in open day, not as easy as the
seizure and imprisonment of w^M? And yet, however mucli
blood was shed ultimately, and how^ever much cruelty inflict-
ed, on the part of Government there was, on the whole, a
most mysterious silence maintained, with regard to the Eng-
lish Bible, which has never been sufficiently observed.
In the days of Henry the Eighth, it was the hook by way
of eminence, the " pestiferous poison," as Tunstal prof;inely
styled it ; the " heretical fountain of all novel and dangerous
opinions ; " oi', the Sacred Volume, under various abusive
epithets, against which they gave forth their loudest thunder,
and after which, under orders, they daily hunted. The very
possession of it, or its distribution, whether by gift or sale,
were crimes denounced and punished. There were a thousand
copies in England now, for one at that period ; and yet, under
Queen Mary the great Iiue and cry had almost entirely
changed. Justification by faith, as a tenet of Scripture, but
above all, transubstantiation, as a chief corner-stone of " the
old learning," were the engrossing topics ; mixed up with an
endless measure of low and even obscene abuse on the part of
the examinators. But throughout these tedious and repeated
cross-examinations, the cautious abstinence from reference to
the Bible, as a book, or to the possession of it, is very remark-
able. The examinators never appear to have been enjoined to
abstain, and yet they did. Throughout the entire reign there
1553-1538.] OF THE SACRKD SCRIPTURES. 301
were three proclanuitions, and in the second only were any
books whatever specified by name. The first of these, 18th
August 1553, ah-eady mentioned, merely forbade the public
reading of the Scriptures. The second was not issued till
twenty-two months after, on the 13th of June 1555. In this,
twenty-five authors are distinctly denounced by name, or
thirteen foreigners,^ and twelve Englishmen %^ thus hinting,
by the way, a continued and powerful importation of books
from abroad, but nothing is enjoined as to burning the Scrip-
tures alread}' printed and possessed. The injunction related
solely to the books specified being imported from henceforth?^
The last proclamation was certainly the most dreadful. It
referred to books, in general terms, wicked and seditious, to
be delivered up on pain of death., without delay., by martial
late ! But this was not issued till three years after the for-
mer, on the 6th June 1558, or only five months before Mary's
death ; and still no mention is made of the Bible, or New
Testament, separately. It was a proclamation against books
of human composition only, not the Sacred Scriptures. '^
Under the reign of Henry, we have seen first the New
Testament Scriptures, and then the Bible entire, distinguished
by name., and condemned in royal proclamations. We have seen
the name of Tyndale in immediate connexioii with the Sacred
Scriptures, as well as that of Coverdale, distinctly branded ;
but it is material to observe that no similar proclamation is
upon record by Philip and Mary : nor was the Divine Ee-
cord, as such, in our language, whether as issued by Tyndale
or Rogers, by Coverdale, Crumwell, Cranmer, or Taverner,
once formally denounced by the throne ! Yet Tunstal, on
the borders of eighty, and having yet five years to live, one of
the earliest enemies, was now in power ; with Gardiner by his
side, for two years, and as Lord Chancellor. Cardinal Pole,
with powers unlimited, was in the country, for the express
purpose of bringing every thing back to its ancient position.
The Queen was so zealous as to urge even the Bishops, and
35 Luther, CEcoIampadius, Zuinglius, Calvin, Pomeraine, Alasco, Bullinger, Biiccr, Melanc-
thon, Ochine, Sarcerius, Martyr, and Justus Jonas. See Herbert's Ames, iii., p. Ifliio-T-
36 Tyndale, Fryth, Latimer, Barnes, Bale, Hooper, Coverdale, Cranmer, Turner, Becon, Roye.
and Halle's Chronicle by name, the only book specified.
37 One/mo/c importer, Elizabeth Young, was examined by these iii<iuisitors Wi/r/i.';; times,
of which Foxe records nine. After all she escaped martyrdom.
38 Strypc's Annals.
302 COl'IKS BURNT, HIT [nOOK IH.
Bonner, to tlicir duty ; having a Imshand lor King, the future
hero of the Spanish Armada, who w(nihl now have most wil-
lingly introduced the Inquisition into England. Why then
was even Gardiner's, the Lord Chancellor's pen so restrained ?
Why not now have come out, in round set terms, with all his
malignity to the Book against which he had wrought hard for
years ? And after him, why was the pen of the Lord Cardi-
nal fettered ? A royal proclamation could have been very
easily penned, and surely at some moment of wild exaspera-
tion, in the course of five years, the royal signature, or signa-
tures, might have been as easily obtained ?
But let us not be mistaken. Copies of the Scriptures no
doubt were consigned to the flames, though we can fix upon
no more than three occasions. The first is mentioned, three
years after Mary had been on the throne, when at least one
foreign author, Cabrera, has told us that " many of the Bibles,
chained to desks in churches, were burnt about this time ;*"
and again, in the opening of 1557, when the Universities of
Cambridge and Oxford were visited by Ormaneto, a furious
Italian, datary of the Pontifl^", or chief officer of the Court of
Rome. When the bones of Bucer and Fagius were actually
dug up and burned at the former. Bibles as well as other books
were also consumed ; and the same course is said to have been
pursued at Oxford, when the dead body of Peter Martyr's
wife was treated with such indignity. But still, in the midst
of so much Satanic opposition, and the royal denunciation of
other books and human authors, perhaps there has never been
a more striking line of distinction drawn, in reference to the
Sacred Volume. What renders the fact already stated still
more observable is — that the translations of the Bible by
Tyndale and Coverdale had been once pointed out, or referred
to, at least by the priests or clergy, and for destruction. In
an address by the Loicer to the Upper House, these were their
words — " We the clergy of the province of Canterbury do
humbly pray" — " that all suspect translations of the Old and
New Testament, the authors whereof {not however here named)
are recited in a statute made year of Henry VIII. &;c.
may be destroyed and burnt throughout this realm."*' These
few words are buried among twenty-eight other items, and
39 Parker MS. Col. Cor. Chr. Cant, or Burnet, book 2, Records xvi.
1553-lo5S.] OTIIEUS SINGULARLY PRESERVED. 303
the reference made must be to the Act of S-ith of Henry ;
but still no express law followed, nor was there a single pro-
clamation in compliance, or one in which the Sacred Volume
was pointed out for destruction, either by royal authority or
that of the Convocation, or that of Cardinal Pole. Why then
not acknowledge the Overruler ? " He maketh the wrath of
man to praise Him, and the remainder thereof He restrains."
Certainly neither Philip or Mary intended to draw such a
line of distinction between the words of 7nen and the " Word
of Godr When Henry's wrath was up, he drew no such dis-
tinction, and that he might shew that he imagined a vain
thing, and fought in vain, he was permitted : but thus far
Philip and Mary were restrained, and this, in connexion
with what follows, was progress.
Nor was this the only point worthy of observation under
this reign. Providentially, time was afforded for the preserva-
tion of the Scriptures, and by two distinct methods. One
was by their being carried abroad, beyond the reach of dan-
ger. The pause at the commencement of Mary"'s reign was
not unimproved as to personal safety, and the exiles unques-
tionably availed themselves of the opportunity as to that
which they valued above most fine gold. A single copy, if
more could be carried away, would not satisfy any one among
them ; and it was far more easy for them to carry books
away at the time they went, than it was afterwards for some
of these exiles to import their own writings. This, however,
they afterwards did, and to such extent, as to provoke the
royal inhibition of June 1555, which, after all, could not
stem the influx. The stern proclamation of death by martial
law, three years after, was a proof of failure; and the Queen
was thus, in effect, only declaring — what her father before his
death had done — that royal edicts, in certain circumstances,
if not nearly impotent, possess no sovereign power.
But the other mode of preservation was by co7icealment ;
and this was practised to no small extent, whether in the
crowded city or the hamlets of England. Even in the cot-
tages of the latter there are supposed to have been methods of
concealment so ingenious as to baffle all search —
" Fierce, wliisker'd guards that Volume sought in vain,
Enjoy'd by stealth, and hid with anxious pain ;
304 THE SCRIPTURKS CAREFULLY Mil). [^BOuK 111.
Wliile all around was misery and gloom,
This Hlicw'd tlio boundless bliss beyond the tomb ;
Freed from the venal priest — the feudal rod,
It led the sufl'rer's weary steps to God ;
And when his painful course on earth was nin.
This, his chief wealth, descended to his son."
This course, however, from its very nature, did not admit
of its being put on record, and yet we are not without evidence
of the fact. The liighly-prized treasure, read often in the
dead of the night, was concealed under the bed, in hay-lofts,
or in out-houses ; and we have one notable instance of another
mode. Mary had not dismissed from her immediate service
all who had any value for the Scriptures ; on the contrary,
Strvpe assures us, from manuscript, that the Gentlemen
Ushers of the Queen were " almost all favourers of the Gos-
pel." These had been in the service of Edward, her brother,
with the exception of others that she had appointed. Of one
of them the same laborious author gives a long account in his
" Memorials," — Mr. Underbill, a gentleman, who, though
imprisoned and molested, after all continued to receive his
pension, and outlived the present reign. At one period, " a
diligent search being made for all suspicious books," he was
then living in Wood Street, Cheapside. Underbill forthwith
" sent for a bricklayer, and built up a wall in his chamber,
against the place where all his books were, and so inclosed
them in security from the danger of being taken, preserving
them for himself against better times." Similar precautions
were, no doubt, taken by others ; and it is impossible to say
how many precious volumes, if not also printing materials,
were built up until Mary should draw her last breath.'"'
It may now, however, be observed that, of all the other
books printed up to this period in England, there are not a
few of which not a vestige remains ; while, in reference to the
Scriptures^ of which so many editions had been printed, nay,
and innumerable editions since, it is a most singular fact, that
there are very few, perhaps not above three or four, of which
we have not a copy, and of the great majority several copies,
either in England or Scotland. In this point of view, our
♦0 Unhappy woman ! the day before she expired was actually styled, and by the best of her
subjects, Uoi>e- H'cdnuday ■'
1.3,53-1.558.] THE NEW TESTAMENT REVISING. 305
list of editions at the end of this work becomes one of the
most remarkable in the entire range of English literature.
Returning, however, to the reign of Mary, it may be re-
marked by some that the writer has been only putting the
best face upon a gloomy period. Be it so. Then this need
not prevent us from looking round only once more.
Rogers, indeed, has been martyred, and Coverdale banished ;
(rrafton and Whitchurch, though imprisoned, and excepted
in the general pardon granted at Mary's accession, have es-
caped to the Continent. John Day, the spirited printer, and
above twenty more beside, can act no more as they were wont
to do, up to July 1553, when Edward died. Leaving, then,
the numerous editions of the Scriptures which had been
printed, to be preserved from the hand of tjie destroyer, whe-
ther at home or abroad, and as they best might, was there
absolutely nothing to be done, under this Queen's reign, in the
way of farther progress I With regard to printing the Scrip-
tures, however humbling to national vanity, we are obliged to
answer — in England, absolutely nothing. The press, we have
seen, was fettered or suppressed, and not a leaf could be issued.
The text of the translation also required to be reviewed with
far more leisure and superior skill than it had ever yet been
upon English ground, or since the first edition by Rogers ;
but this cannot be done, or rather, as Providence had deter-
mined, must not^ in any corner of our native land. The Go-
vernment has fallen back into very much the same condition
in which it was in 1523, when Tyndale found at the last, that
there was " not only no room in my Lord of London's house
to translate the New Testament, but that there was no place
to do it in all England."
But what did all this signify \ Providence had at the first
spoken to this Island, in a way not common to the other na-
tions of Europe, and there was nothing now to prevent a re-
petition of the same singular mode. There was, indeed, per-
plexity and confusion in the councils of England, and all
things were turning upside down ; but human nature, strained
to its highest pitch, in opposition to Divine Truth, presents
but a feeble barrier ; and " God's eternal thoughts moved on
— His undisturbed affairs."
An exile from his native country, first accomplished the
translation, and some how or other got the book introduced into
VOL. II. u
30G 'I'HK GENEVA REVISION [boOK III.
the kiniiduin, in spite of Henry VIII., and Z;/*' Cardinal Wol-
sey. Then, an exile shall do the same thing once more; by cor-
recting and printing the New Testament, and sending it into
England in spite of either Philip or Mary^ or their Cardinal
Pole. In every point of view this was no other than a similar
triumph ; and in both instances at a moment, when there was
nothing but opposition from the Crown and the bench of
Bishops, as well as a Cardinal, by authority from Home, trium-
phantly presiding in the country. It also deserves remark,
that, in both cases, the Testament was published anonymously^
without ostentation, or a dedication to any official individual
whatever. In the first instance, the name of the translator
was not known, nor till Tyndale was compelled by circum-
stances to disclose it. In the second instance, nothing having
occurred to compel the improver of this version to disclose
his name, it has been overlooked to the present hour. Both
books were prepared, and sent into England, when persecution
was the order of the day, and every seaport seemed to be shut
against them. No analogy could be more striking, or complete.
But was this second triumph eft'ected while Mary was yet
on the throne \ It was. The recension of the text must have
commenced not long after the time when the stake was first
prepared ; the book left the press on the 10th of June 1557,
one of the most awful months in the record of persecution ;^'
and it was perusing in England, for sometime before the
Queen''s death. By how many indeed, it is impossible to say;
but one authentic instance will be sufficient proof of the fact.
There was a priest of some learning at Auburn near Lincoln, who had been
appointed to the place by Old Longland the Bishop, Henry's Confessor in the
days of Wolsey. This man, named William Living, had married, and with his
wife had taken up his abode in London, where he seems to have tried to sup-
port himself, in the time of Mary, by the sale of buttons. One Cox, a spy, or
as they phrased it, a promoter, having lodged information against him, the con-
stable and his assistants soon came, and upon examining his books, they made
sure that he could not be a safe man. This happened to be in August or Sep-
tember 1558, when the Queen was far from being well. Among the books,
Dean, the Constable, had fastened his eye on one that was bound and ci'ilt,
which happened to be a work on Astronomy — the " De Sphcera" of Manilius.
On observing the figures, round, triangular and quadrilateral, this was enough !
Carrying this book open with liim in the street, along with its owner and his
■*' \\\ four dayt, from the 18tli to the 22d of this month, at least twcnty-«even martyrs died !
yiz. one in the diocese of Bath and Wells, two at Newington, seven at Maidstone, seven at Can-
terbury, and ten at Lewis ! Twenty^even were thus consumed to ashes in/oi'r days !
1.553-1.558.] ALREADY IN ENGLAND. 30?
wife, — " I have found liini at loiigtli," said the constable, " and it is no marvel
the Queen be sick, seeing there be such conjurors in privy cornel's ; but now I
trust he shall conjure no more !"
Delivering up both parties to Tho. Darbyshire, Bonner's relative and the
Chancellor of London diocese, after ascertaining who Living was, and charging
him with being a schismatic, he immediately ordered the husband to the
Bishop's Coal-house, and the wife afterwards to the Lollard's Tower. In con-
veying the former to his prison, however, the jailor can-icd him first to his own
house in Paternoster Row, and " there," says Living himself, " he robbed me of
my purse, my girdle, my Psalter, and a JVeic Testament of Genera."
Bringing his \'ictim to the nauseous Coal-house and to the stocks, — " Put in
both your legs, and your hands also," said the cruel and avaricious man, " and
except yon fine with me, " I will put a collar about your neck." " What is the
fine," it was asked. "Forty ,ShilHngs," said the jailor ; a sum equal in value
to at least twenty pounds of the present day ! " I am never able to pay it,"
said Living. " You have friends that be able," was the reply ; for well they
knew how to take advantage of the generosity and sympathy of the lovers of
truth. He then ordered both limbs into the stocks till supper-time, or six
o'clock ; when a cousin of the prisoner's wife, actually paid forty-pence (equal
to about two pounds,), to this monster in waiting, for one hour's ease to partake
of food ! Then from seven that evening to two the next day he lay thus con-
fined without any intermission ; the man waiting no doubt for another fee.
After this he also was carried to the Lollard's Tower, " having the favour,"
says the prisoner himself, " to put my leg in that hole which Master John
Pliilpot's leg was in ; and so lay all that night, nobody coming to me, with
either meat or drink." Next day, however, Living was delivered, on the pay-
ment of fifteen shillings for his fees. Thus, on the most moderate calculation,
the imprisonment had cost a sum equal to about eleven pounds of our present
money ; but had this happened one year earlier, or had the Queen even now,
been as lirety as the man himself, he certainly would not have escaped with his
life. The " Testament," of course, which he most of all valued, was gone.
His partner in life had been separately handled, and one of her repUes was
sufficiently expressive. " You be not ashamed," said Dale, a promoter, " to
tell wherefore you come hither." " No," replied the good woman, " that I am
not, for it is for ChrisVs Testament."^
But what was this Testament of which they spake ? It was
the book to which we have referred ; a very beautiful one,
and now of rare occurrence, printed with a silver type, and on
the best paper ; by far the best review of the Sacred text
that had yet been made, " diligently revised by the most ap-
proved Greek examples, and conference of translations in
other tongues." It is the first English New Testament,
divided into terses, and formed an important preliminary step
to the revision of the whole Bible.
<2 Foxe. — Herbert mentions, " Celius Secundus Curio to his dear friend Fulrius Morato," as
translated into English by W. Living. " Printed by John Aide, 1576." It is an epistle for the
godly bringing up of children, and concludes : " From Luce, 1542, the iiii. of the ides of June,
quoth fy. Lia»g,"^o{ Saint Swithen's by London Stone. Curio may be remembered as one of
the most interesting characters in M'Crit's Italy.
308 WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM [book III.
Few mistakes have been more common, and even up to the
present day, than that of ascribing the translation of the
Scriptures into English to a number of individuals. Thus
the name of Tyndalo has frequently been associated with
various other men : with even an amanuensis, Roye, who was
only about fifteen months in his service; with George Joye,
though never an associate; with Constantino, though little else
than one of those agents who, in early times, conveyed copies
of the New Testament into England. The same confusion
has prevailed, when referring to this " Testament of Geneva."
" This translation," it has been said, " was made by many
of the principal English Reformers." *•"' The translation, cor-
rectly speaking, is an improvement of Tyndale's, on compar-
ing it with the Greek original, once more : but so far from
many being engaged, the address to the reader at the begin-
ning incontestibly proves it to have been the work of only one
man ; and although it cannot even yet be very positively as-
serted who that individual was, we now offer some interesting
particulars respecting one, which will probably leave no hesi-
tation as to his being the person to whom his country stood
indebted.
WilUam Whittingham^ the branch of a family, not ex-
tinct in the male line, till so recently as 1758, was born in
the year 1524; at Holmeset, afterwards called Holmeside Hall,
six miles from Durham, in the parish of Lanchester.'*'* His
father, William Whittingham, Esq. of Holmeset, had sent
him to Oxford, where he became a commoner at Brazen-nose
College about 1540, and made such proficiency in learning,
that in 1545 he was elected a fellow of All-Souls. Anthony
Wood affirms that he was after this chosen one of the senior
students in Christ Church, formerly Cardinal College ;
" Henry VIIT. endeavouring to replenish it with the choicest
scholars in the University," precisely as, the reader may re-
member, Wolsey had first attempted. This is curious
enough, as Whittingham was thus following in the same
path by which John Fryth had been led, twenty years ago.
Whittingham, however, so far from being, like his predeces-
sor, confined in the dungeon below, in May 1550 had leave
<3 Lewis, Newcomc, Home, Lowndes, and others.
44 It is pcrlin]>s the name of this parish which has lid lo a mistake, not unusual, that lio w.is
Imtu in the city of Chester.
J553-155S.] OBLIGED TO LEAVE ENGLAND. OOt)
granted him, by the dean and canons, to travel for three
years. He embarked for France, intending to go into Italy ;
but being taken unwell at Lyon, he proceeded first to Paris,
and then to Orleans University, spending at least a year and
a half between these two cities. After having visited several
parts of Germany, his travels terminated at Geneva, where he
remained till about May 1553, when his three years had ex-
pired. But what a change awaited him on his return ! Ed-
ward died on the 6tli of July. Christ Church now, must
soon have proved as dangerous to him, as Cardinal College, or
the same spot, had done to Fryth. Whittingham, with a
mind now enlightened, had no idea of waiting till another
Cardinal should bear sway, and his agents at Oxford burn
Bibles, as Wolsey had treated the New Testament Scrip-
tures. Instead, therefore, of " leave granted" a second time,
just as if to make the parallel more complete, like Fryth or
Tyndale before that, he must now fly to the Continent, where
he arrived in safety, and at Frankfort, on the 27tli of June
1554, with the first exiles who there took up their abode.
Into the painful and unseemly dissensions which arose among the exiles ut
this place, in March, the next year, well known since by the title of " The
Troubles of Frankfort," it is happily not our province to enter. They come
befoi'e us in connexion with Whittingliam, only in passing, but it is in a light
hitherto but little, if at all, observed. The war of opinion in England was
rising to its utmost virulence, and the flames about to be kindled by it were to
blaze in every direction. Nothing, therefore, could be more himiiliating, than
to see a number of good and able men, who had fled in haste, and but narrowly
escaped with their lives, all at once discover so much pertinacity. Surely the
ground which both parties had previously occupied, must, in itself, have been
uutcuable, before such a scene could have occurred. There was no difference
of opinion, at least expressed, as to the way of a sinful creature's acceptance
before his Maker ; none as to repentance towards God, or faith towards our
Lord Jesus Christ ; none as to justification, or the necessity for a holy life, the
resurrection from the dead, or eternal judgment. But, strange to say, without
taking time to exchange sentiments on these fundamental truths ; without any
time to recognise and bow to them, as the only cement of any acceptable or
lasting union ; taking no time first to kindle up the spirit of individual devo-
tion, and of mutual love or esteem ; although no difierence of sentiment ex-
isted as to the obligations of social worship, they at once plunged into a vor-
tex, respecting its mere external form of display ! Had they been a company
of simple-hearted disciples, no such misery need to have occurred, nor pro-
bably would ; but they were not only possessed of learning, in a greater or less
degree, but mostly official men ; and, alas ! " the wisdom that cometh down
from above, which is first pure, then peaceable, gentle, and easy to be en-
treated," was not there. It had been usual to urge conformity to ceremonial
observances, from respect due to the rcijal authority ))y which they were en-
310 \VlirniN(iIIAM must LKAVK IRANKKoRT, [book III.
joiiud ; Ijiit licro there was no autliurity whatever, (juite the revei-se. Yet tlio
Service Hook, (hawn up by Cniiimcr, whieh hail been set fortli Vty the authority
of a Moiiareli, under age, Edward VI., now no more, net them unliappily wrong.
Neither party liad suftieicnt hght to take tlie liigh and sacred, the only safe
ground, and stand upon it. Tiiat is, ueitlier party saw, so as to adore, tlie/«//-
ncss and all-sujficleiicy of the Sacred Record itM'lf, as a Service Book, and Prayer
Book, and every thing else in the shape of a book ; and the contention actually
became so sharp between them, that in the space of less than one solitary fort-
night, or from the l.'Uh to the '2.5111 of March, they were divided into two hos-
tile bands ! Had both parties immediately died on the spot, no conseijuences
might have ensued, and the hasty contest might have passed away, as the
crackling of thorns under a pot. But Providence had appointed otherwise, and
that with immediate reference to Sacred Writ, as infinitely above all human
compo.sition. One party retired to Geneva and Basil, and the other, who had
conquered, and remained at Frankfort, were nerer united among themselves.
Their's was indeed a chapter of " troubles" from beginning to end ; thus afford-
ing to posterity a striking lesson of instruction and warning, from which it
might have learned much. At this distance, indeed, it may be ea.sy for many
to see the cause of this division ; and say — " it is perfectly evident that they
were too precipitate, too hasty or impatient, than which nothing can be so in-
jurious to Christianity ; but besides, they seem to have been mistaken altoge-
ther as to the essential origin of * social religion exemplified.' They w ere bent,
and at once, on ' the unifoi'raity of profession in the bond of ignorance,' in-
stead of ' the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace.' " Be it so, only it would
have been well for thousands since, had they not foundered, again and again,
on the self same rock.4.'j
Had Whittingliam not gone to Frankfort, or had he not
been a party concerned in this scene, we should have been
saved the necessity of any reference whatever to the subject ;
but as he was not only present, but deeply interested, and
then one of the retiring party ; in retiring with him we shall
now have occasion to mark the Avatchful care of the Almighty
over his own Word ; once more about to be given to a coun-
try, which was once more fighting against it. He, and let it
be observed, immediately after this, found out for this con-
fessedly eminent scholar, far different and nobler occupation
than that of fighting at Frankfort, about the words which
mans wisdom teacheth. Amidst all the war''s tumultuous
noise, God''s own revealed will, must not be neglected. Whit-
tingham had hitherto sustained only the character of a
Christian and a scholar. Having had no official, that is, no
ministerial character in the Church, he bore still nearer re-
semblance to John Fryth ; and in his own apprehension, we
<* For an account of " the troubles of Frankfort," anno I.'kM, see the original edition, 1.57.i, or
the reprint in the Phoenix, vol. ii., 46. Old Thoinas Fuller gives a very candid statement in his
characteristic Church History.
1553-1558.] AND REPAIR TO GENEVA. 311
know, that, " from his former travels and observations, and
his acquisition of several languages," he imagined " he had
fitted himself more for civil or state employment than any
other." No matter ; this, we presume, is the individual now
selected to sit down, with greater skill and more composure,
to the New Testament, than any man since Tyndalo himself;
and like him also, happily now unfettered by any human au-
thority whatever. Hitherto Whittinghara had lived a single
life, but after retiring to Geneva, where he had arrived in the
autumn of 1555, he was married to Catharine, the sister of
John Calvin.'*^ Whatever may have been the date of his
marriage, this was the time in which he must have applied
assiduously to the English New Testament, with " the most
approved Greek examples " before him. To his recension of
Tyndale's version, he prefixed two things. First, "an Epistle
declaring that Christ is the end of the Law, by John Calvin,"
his brother-in-law ; and then his own address, of three leaves,
" To the reader." In this, he speaks throughout in the sin-
gular number, taking the entire responsibility upon himself ;
and after the broil in which he had previously been involved
at Frankfort, his language becomes the more impressive. Ad-
verting to three distinct classes of men, he says —
'< Some are malicious despisers of tlie Word, and graces of God, who turn all
things into poison, and a farther hardening of their hearts : others do not
openly resist and contemn the Gospel, because they are stricken as it were in
a trance with the majesty thereof ; yet either they quarrel and cavil, or else
deride, and mock at whatsoever thing is done, for the advancement of the
same. The third sort are the simple lambs, which partly are already in the
fold of Christ, and so hear willingly their Shepherd's voice, and partly wander-
ing asti-ay by ignorance, tarry the time till the Shepherd find them, and bring
them unto his flock. To tkls kind of people, in this translation, / chiefly had
respect, as moved with zeal, counselled by the godly, and drawn by occasion,
both of the place where God hath appointed us to dwell, and also of the store
of heavenly learning and judgment, which so aboundeth in this city of Geneva.
... To these, therefore, who are of the flock of Christ, which know their
Father's will, and are affectioned to the truth, / render a reason of my doing
in few lines, &c."
**> Wood, in his Athena-, speaks, though with hesitation, of Whittingham having been mar-
ried at Orleans, on his first visit to the continent, and to Katharine, daughter of Lewis Jac-
quierre, near that city ; but we have no evidence whatever of his having been the husband of
more than one wife, and that he was married to the sister of Calvin is certain, from the words
in his epitaph—" Mariti Catharinse Sorroris Johannis Calvin thcologi."— Willis, i., p. 2.53,
where no mention is made of any other. Whittingham's name will occur again under the reign
of Elizabeth, but any account of him taken from Anthony Wood must he compared with, and
corrected by other writers. See Hulcliison's History of the C. Pal. of Durham, ii., 143, \M\ ,178.
Forbes State Papers, ii., 207, 418, 48?.
:U'2 TIIK GKNKVA NKW TESTAMKNT. [uooK III.
" Counselled,"" us he tells ua, by others, it is evident that
the writer had obtained the palm for scholarship among his
brethren : now as Whittingham will come before us, presently
as the c/iief person engaged with the entire Scriptures, or the
Geneva Bible of 1560, there can remain little or no doubt
that he is the man now speaking in this preface. Afterwards
ho will appear to have availed himself of the learning of some
other individuals, though by no means to the extent which
has been all along so vaguely reported.
This New Testament, in duodecimo, neatly printed in roniaii and italic
types, consists of 4.5(J leaves, including the title — " The Newe Testament of our
Lord Jesus Christ, conferred diligently with the Greke and best approued
translations. With the arguments as wcl before the chapters as for every Boke
and Epistle ; also diversities of readings and moste profiitable annotations of all
harde places ; whereunto is added a coi)ious table. — At Geneva, printed by Con-
rad Badius, m.d.lvii." And at the end, " Printed by Conrad Badius, m.d.lvii.
this X day of June." The date is worth notice on one account, that Whitting-
ham died only six miles fi'om the spot where he was born, or at Durham, on the
very same day, twenty-two years afterwards, the 10th of June 1.579. A copy
of this book, at public sale, li;us brought as much as £11, 5s.
Here, then, was one set-oft' for the reign of Queen Mary,
which she and her husband would have gladly di.spensed with.
Literally, in the time of " blood and fire, and vapour of
smoke," in a dark and cloudy day for England, that was ac-
complished which liad never been overtaken all the time of
King Edward. The New Testament did require revision,
but it must be done by an exile upon foreign ground, and be
printed much nearer to Home than London, while the book,
as we have seen, was already in the kingdom. More than
this, the entire Jiible, still more improved by a careful compa-
rison of the original Hebrew and Greek, was already com-
menced ; nay, during the last year of this Queen's reign, the
revisers at Geneva were engaged with it literally night and
day. Whatever, therefore, had been overturned or trodden
down in England, this cause had sensibly advanced. The
storm had only enlivened its progress, and actually brought it
into afar better state than it was before. We have yet to see
liow it fared with " the Exiles""" IJible, and what a blessing it
proved to the families of our native laud, for a period equal to
ten times the duration of Queen Mary's reign. The Queen
expiring on the 1 7th of November 1 .5.58, she was succeeded
by her sister Elizabeth.
L --^lo ]
SECTION III. REIGN OF ELIZABETH.
A BEIGN, EXTENDING TO MOKE TITAN FOHTV-FOUR YEARS, BUT HOWEVER
POWERFUL IN EVERY OTHER DEPARTMENT, HAVING NO ACTUAL CONTROL
OVER THE CHOICE OR PREFERENCE OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND, WITH
REGARD TO THE SACRED SCRIPTURES IN THEIR NATIVE TONGUE, AND
THUS PRESENTING THE ONLY EXCEPTION TO UNLIMITED SWAY.
fi^ HE second daughter and only surviving child of Henry
i VIII., or the last branch of the Tudor family, now-
ascended the throne, at the age of twenty-five. Born
with the finest natural capacity, the education of Elizabeth,
followed by the discipline through which she had passed, en-
abled her to hold the sceptre with a firmer grasp than that of
any of her family who had preceded her ; and throughout the
long period of above forty-four years, England had no occasion
to complain for want of what certain persons have styled a
strong government. The preservation of the Queen to the
present hour was very remarkable, and it proves, in the most
striking manner, that a nation can no more judge of what
may contribute to its stability, than any single man can tell
what is good for him all the days of his vain life, which he
spendeth as a shadow. Thus, the English people, when Mary
was proclaimed, had drowned with joy the voice of the heralds ;
but their hearts revolted at the very prospect of her marriage
to a Spanish prince, and the step once taken was never for-
given. Yet that prince must come into the country, and
enjoying, as he did, entire sway over his English Queen, thus
pi'ove one instrument, and in no inferior degree, of preserving
her sister from the block. The life of no heir to a throne
was ever worth less than that of Elizabeth at one period ; and
had Mary only remained single, with Stephen Gardiner for
her adviser, humanly speaking, her sister might have ended
her days on the scaffold. One providential purpose for which
Philip had come to England being answered, he may live
abroad, and another day, with his armada, seem to be bent
on the ruin of the princess he had saved ; but she will out-
live liim, as well as every storm that shall be raised against
lier.
,3 II- KLIZAUETII MKMLY RESOLVKU [BOOK III.
Without entering into politics, or the character of particular acts, it
is allowed by all, that capacity for ruling formed the leading feature of
the entire reign, whether we look to the Queen herHclf, or to the men by
whom she was surrounded. Under other nionarchs, it is by no means
difficult to fix upon one man, as minister, who was, in fact, the presiding
genius of the age, but Elizabeth, in her own person, formed a .striking
exception. Of all her ministers, it has been remarked, that they owed
their advancement to her choice, and that they were supported by her
constancy, but, with all their abilities, they were never able to acquire
any undue ascendancy over her. " In her family, in her court, in her
kingdom, she remained equally mistress." Inflexibly resolved never to
divide her power with any man living, and never to marry, her object
throughout life was to reign alone, a course which she pursued with
a sagacity which has seldom, if ever, been exceeded. Should there hap-
pen, therefore, to be one palpable exception to her imperative sway,
more especially should there be only one, and that one embrace the con-
tinued history of the Sacred Volume, this will not merely extend that
line of distinction between it and all other affairs, which we have beheld
as unbroken, throughout three successive reigns ; but it will show that,
as far as the current of events had any voice, the God of providence was
lending increasing energy to that course which He had maintained from
the beginning.
The first months of this able monarch were, however, remarkably dis-
tinguished by caution. At once she discovered a miind which seemed to
have been accvistomed to consult only with itself. As far as worldly
prudence could foresee, she had i-esolved to mark out her o^vn })ath,
and in the meanwhile to do absolutely nothing rashly. On this account,
her future course became the subject of deep solicitude and anxious spe-
c\ilation, rather than that of certain hope to either of the two parties,
into which her council, as well as her kingdom, was divided. Had
the Queen at once listened to either party, and implicitly followed
its advice, there can be no question that persecution must have been the
immediate result ; for notwithstanding all that had passed over both,
still neither the one nor the other understood how to separate power
from persecution, or the exercise of mental freedom from obedience to
civil authority. No more did Queen Elizabeth, or rather less, but deter-
mined, if possible, to make herself beloved by her people as a whole ;
some time was required, for a mind like hers, to trace out such a path
as she supposed was most likely to secure that end.
The caution, however, to which we have referred, has been noticed
here, on account of its having distinctly embraced the Sacred Volume.
Even this, also, must be regarded with what Elizabeth imagined to be
prudent expediency. It is tnic, that on Saturday, the i4th of January
1559, as has been often repeated, on proceeding through London, in public
1558-1603.3 TO PROCEED WITH CAUTION. 315
procession, when an elegant English Bible was presented to her majesty,
at the Conduit, in Cheapside, she received it with a grace peculiar to
herself, and kissing it, said, while pressing it to her bosom, that she
would " oftimes read that holy book." The Queen had just passed the
spot where the Scriptures had been often burnt ; and the present gift had
been adopted, no doubt, with the view of drawing forth some pointed
declaration ; but it went no farther, and then, the very next morning,
or that of her coronation, it was not to be understood that she had
already signified her approbation of either printing or circulating the
Sacred Volume !
" Queen Elizabeth," says Lord Bacon, " the morrow of her coronation, it
being the custom to release prisoners at the inauguration of a prince, went to
the chapel, and, in the great chamber, one of her courtiers, who was well
known to her, either out of his own motion, or by the instigation of a wiser
man, presented her with a petition, and, before a number of courtiers, besought
her, with a loud voice, — ' That now this good time, there might be four or five
principal prisoners more released.' It was inquired who they were, when he
replied, — ' These were the four Evangelists and the Apostle Paul, who had
been long shut up, as it were, in prison, so as they could not converse with the
common people, who were eager to see them abroad.' The Queen, however,
answered very gravely, — ' That it was best first to inquire of themselves,
whether they would be released or no.' " ^
The last Queen had now been dead two months, but nothing definite
had ever escaped from the lips of her successor. On the other hand, the
steps actually taken conveyed no certainty of signification, so that the
hopes and fears of two adverse parties were alike quivering in the beam.
Thus, in reference to her Council, Elizabeth had retained a majority of
professed disciples of " the old learning," some of whom had been active
in its defence, and all of them men distinguished either for capacity or
influence ; but to these she added eight others of opposite sentiments,
not exempting some who had suffered imprisonment or exile for their
opinions. Cecil, the Queen's principal adviser and Secretary, as well
as herself, had conformed under the late reign, and though it was under-
stood that they had merely bowed to the storm, from a Council so con-
stituted, it was impossible to augur anything. There was in fact a very
different, or secret cabinet, of much smaller dimensions, with whom
rested the power of control.
A number of steps had only prolonged the public uncertainty. Thus,
on the 14th of December Elizabeth had buried her sister, with all the
rites of the old learning, and on the 23d ordered a solemn dh'ge for the
sovl of the Emperor Charles : but then two days after, the prisoners on
account of religious opinion were released, while on the 27th all preach-
! ' This courtier, says Heylin, was named Rainsford, probably Sir John Rainsford, a Knipht
of Essex, said to have been the generous protector of George Buchanan on his flight from Scot-
land in 15.3!i.
310' KLIZABETIl STILL CAUTIOUS. QboOK III.
ing by any party was imperatively suspcndcil, till consultation was held
by the Queen with the three estates. She had passed through London
indeed with great eclat ; but the very next morning, as we have seen,
checked her too forward courtier. The Princess Regnant must be let
alone, to think out, and resolve upon, her own course, and to consult
farther with Cecil and Bacon ; but this is not to be done now, in open
Hall, and before the Crown has yet been set upon her head. Parliament
itself must first assemble, as it did in ten days after, when her Majesty
had no reason to be dissatisfied with the amount of power conferred upon
her. Its very opening however must be distinguished by the charac-
teristic ambiguity. It was on the 25th of January, when Elizabeth
assisted, in state, at a solemn high mass ; but after this followed a ser-
mon, and by no other than Dr. Cox, the tutor of Edward, and one of the
e.ciles just returned from banishment. Not a little business was done,
while a cautious expediency is still very observable. Certain laws of
Henry the Eighth were renewed, many of Edward's revived, and those
of Mary repealed : but in Parliament there must not be a single move-
ment as to faith of any kind. They were summoned to consult respect-
ing an uniform " order" of religion. Analogous to Cranmer's proposal,
twenty-three years ago, they must first decide upon the ceremonial or
external order ; only now no " Articles" in reference to doctrine or the
fundamental truths of Christianity must be once propounded. In the
Convocation indeed, also assembled, "and which, owing to the times,"
says Fuller, " was very small and silent," the adherents of " the old
learning," with Bonner for their leader, were broaching, for the last time,
certain articles, but though presented to Bacon, the Lord keeper, and
they led to a discussion afterwards, such subjects are not to be admitted
within the walls of Parliament.
The " Supremacy," however, must now be both discussed, and settled.
But here again, her Majesty had objected decidedly to a title, first as-
sumed by her Father, and one in which he gloried, — " the Head of the
Church." The world, it has been said, is ruled by names ; and so the
a])j)are7it rejection of a cherished title on the one hand, and non-inter-
ference, as to faith, at present, on the other, must have had their re-
spective objects. Abroad at least, the first movement might sound au-
spiciously for the moment, and the last, if it had no softening effect at
home, at least left the way still open for indulging a pleasing dream, or
the hope of amalgamating two hostile parties. INIeanwhile the title by
which Elizabeth chose to be distinguished was that of " Governor of the
Church ;" but according to P'uUer, complaints were heard still, " that the
simplicity of poor people was abused ; because while the Queen declined
the former title, and assumed the latter, though less offensive, it was
more exjrressive ; so that while their ears were favoured, in her waving the
word, their souls were deceived with the sense under another expression.
1558-1603.] CUSTOMARY ROYAL INJUNCTION. 317
There was now to be no Parliament or Convocation for
three years, bnt at last, and without therefore having con-
sulted either the one or the other, about midsunnner or the
autumn of this year we hear sometiiing respecting the Scrip-
tures ; and by virtue of Elizabeth"'s authority, certain injunc-
tions were issued. Among these were the following, left with
every parish visited.
" To provide within three months after tliis visitation, at the charges of the
parish, one book of tlie whole Bible of the largest volume in English, and within
one twelve months the paraphrases of Erasnms also in English, and the same to
be set up in some convenient place within the said Church, where the parish-
ioncre may most conveniently resort and read the same. All parsons under the
degree of A.M., shall buy for their own use the New Testament in Latin and Eng-
lish with paraphrases, within three months. Enquiry was to be made whether
any Parsons, Vicars, or Cui'ates, did discourage any person from reading any
part of the Bible, either in Latin or English."
No intimation was given, here, or any where else, as to how
or where suck volumes were to be found, and hence it has been
inferred by Lewis, that under the late reign they had not been
destroyed or burnt to any very great extent. At the same
time, it may be observed that this was nothing more than a
roi/al injunction ; buried too among not fewer than fifty
others, some of which are strange enough ; and if the effects
resembled those which resulted from Henry's voice, then there
would, in many instances, be a reluctant, in others, only a
tardy compliance.
As for the preparation of more copies, Elizabeth said not
one word, while the printing press, as we shall see presentl}^
far from approaching its freedom in the days of Edward, has
become more fettered than it had ever been, since the art was
first introduced into England !
All this, however, will only render the progress in printing
of the Sacred Volume still more remarkable. This was a
cause in which neither the reigning Prince nor the Privy
Council, the Parliament or Convocation, had ever been much
consulted, and never with a view to its essential progress. It
had commenced contrary to the will of all these parties, and
as certainly proceeded without taking orders from them. For
the progress, therefore, at this crisis, as we were accustomed
to do in the days of Elizabeth's father, we must now look
abroad. From thence the Queen requires to be pvt on her icay.
318 KKVISION OK TIIK HIBI-K [nOOK III.
and in a manner not unlike to Henry's reception and sanction
ol" the Bible at first, in 1537.
Before turning to her Majesty on the throne, however, we are met by
an old acquaintance still alive, in perfect keeping with our nairative ;
a man who, as an instrument, at least in this history, occupies a place
superior to that of any reigning Prince. We refer to no other than
Richard Grafton, the printer of the ^-»are?i^ Bible, and others following.
Before Elizabeth had done any thing, nay, when, as Jewel informs
Peter ]\Iartyr, she was " wonderfully afraid of any innovations," Richard
appears again in sight, and quite in character, as if summoning afresh
to their work, the friends of Divine Truth. But before he called, they
were answering, for they had been busy " night and day." Only, let it be
observed, that as it happened in the days of Henry, the answer or echo will
once more come from abroad. It was in IG.OfJ that Grafton began by a re-
print, first published at the accession of Edward in 1.547, after his father
had, only with his breath, ceased to frown. The title is, — " A godly invec-
tive in the defence of the gospel, against such as murmv/r and work what
they can, that the Bible should not have free passage, very lucessary to be
read of every faithful Christian." By Philip Gerrard, yeoman of King
Edward's chamber. "^ We are thus reminded of the "Supplication"
which preceded the New Testament, under the Queen's father, as well
as of the fine opening of King Edward's reign : but the reigning Prin-
cess is resolved to be as cautious as she was vigilant and powerful. We
shall see, therefore, whether these can prevent her from being overruled,
and to the end of her long sovereignty.
While Elizabeth was yet in jeopardy of her life, and under
the guardianship of Sir Thomas Pope, we have already seen
that an edition of the New Testament had been printed at
Geneva — that copies were finding their way into England, in
despite of all opposition, — and that an edition of the entire
Scriptures was already commenced, in the same city. The
exiles themselves inform us when this was begun. It was
when " the time was dangerous, and the persecution, in
England, sharp and furious." The fact is, that no sooner had
the New Testament left the press, than Whittingham, with
one or two others, were preparing for their larger undertak-
ing, and, at the latest, by January 1558 they had commenc-
ed. These men tell us that " they thought they could be-
stow their labours and study in nothing more acceptable to
2 MaunscH's Catalogue, p. .W. Herbeil's Ames, pp. 5S3-538.
1 558-1 G03.] PROCEEDING AT GENEVA. 319
God, and comfortable to his Churcli ;" and they add, — " God
knoweth with what fear and trcmblino- wo have been for the
o
space of two years and more, day and night, occupied herein.*'"'
The space referred to, therefore, was from Januaiy 1558 to
the 10th of April 1560, when the last sheet was put to press.
Considering the high character of this version, and the
number of editions through which it passed, it would have
been gratifying could wo have fixed, with more positive cer-
tainty, on the individuals to whom the nation stood indebted.
They were most probably not more than three in number, or
four at the most ; but whether it arose from modesty or mo-
tives of prudence, we are left to find out the real parties. The
revision has been often, it is true, and very loosely ascribed,
to six, and even nine, individuals, as though engaged in one
body: viz., William Whittingham, Anthony Gilby, Miles
Coverdale, Thomas Sampson, Christopher Goodman, Thomas
Cole, John Knox, John Bodleigh and John Pullain. This,
however, is doing nothing else than numbering up certain men
possessed of learning, who happened to be then living at
Geneva. It requires but a little investigation to reduce the
number to one-third, and then, we presume, the great burden,
if not the entire responsibility, will appear to have fallen
upon three of these scholars. It is true that all these men,
with many others, Avere intimately and affectionately con-
nected with each other. They were members of the same
Christian church, and a church, be it observed, who as a
body felt deeply interested in this edition of the Sacred Vo-
lume. The entire expense not only of this Bible, but of an
edition of the Psalms by itself was to be, and was defrayed
by " such as were of most ability in that congregation."
There was no application to their native country, no solicita-
tion of one farthing from without. Amidst the storm that
raged against the truth, they had been driven into a corner,
and thus the Church was employed. In the fullness of their
hearts, the sound learning of certain members, and the pe-
cuniary substance of others, being devoted to the cause of
their common Saviour, nothing could be a finer exhibition of
Christian zeal for the highest interests of their native land.
Thus, as the first translation of the Sacred Word, commenced
in 1524, had sprung from the devoted zeal of a solitary Chris-
tian exile, whose heart had bled with pity for his country ; so
320 TIIH TIIRKK REVISKRH AT ({KNKVA. [hOoK HI.
the next thorough revision of tlu! ciitin- Sacred text, must
come from the bosom of a small Christian community, also in
exile, " for the word of God and tho testimony of Jesus Christ."
The accession of Queen Elizabeth, however, in November
1558, naturally filled this entire circle with joy, and the
men we have named, as well as others, were as naturally
separated ; but then this was with the exception of those who
had devoted themselves to tho revision and printing of the
Bible. The good news had reached Geneva in December,
and at that moment, we are informed, that the greater part of
the book was not finished ; but " Whittingham, with one or
two more, did tarry at Geneva an year and a half after Queen
Elizabeth came to the CroMn, being resohed to go through with
the work? Le Long has affirmed that " the chief and most
learned" of the men already mentioned, were Coverdale,
Whittingham, and Gilby ; but Coverdale, now seventy years
of age, cannot be traced as at Geneva sooner than December
1558, and it is certain that he returned in 1559 ; how early
we cannot tell. He was preaching at Paul's Cross on the
12th of November.* In short, Knox had left Geneva as early
as January 1559 ; Goodman followed him to Scotland, where
we find him in September ; while it is as certain that Cover-
dale and Cole, Pullain and Bodleigh, returned to England in
the same year.^ The only three left, therefore, were AMiit-
3 Wood's Athenae, 4to, i., p. 447- '' Strypc's Life of Grindal.
'> Wood's Athena?, &c. That Coverdale and Knox, the most conspicuous of those who
now left Geneva, could not have been en{;agcd with this translation, may be made more
evident. Coverdale, as already mentioned, had left England in February 15.")'), and went direct
to Denmark, where the King would have sustained him ; but bent on being useful, he went
first to his expatriated countrymen at Wesel in the duchy of Clcves. Being, however, ac-
quainted with German, and having formerly ministered to a church at liergzabern, in Bavaria,
there he sojourned ; the first time his name is to be found any where else is at Geneva, on
the 1 jih of December lo.58. Now, as the Bible was bepun nearly a year before this, and as he
so soon took his departure for England, some casual or i>assing advice was the utmost that his
time afforded. The same thing is equally evident with regard to John Knox. He had gone to
Frankfort from Geneva in I.5.')4, where he first met with Whittingham. when by the unanimous
suffrages of his brethren he was chosen pastor of the church. It was in March following, that
he was unceremoniously ejected by Dr. Cox and his supporters, just arrived from England. By
the 12th of June l.'i.").'). Knox had returned to Geneva. It was then only, and on the borders of
.SO, that he./i'rW began li> stiiil;/ Hcbrciv ; but in August he left Geneva for Scotland, and was in
Edinburgh by November. In the spring of l.Wfi we find him in Ayrshire, at Edinburgh ag.iin
in Mav. which he left, with his family, in July, for France, proceeding by Dieppe to Geneva.
But by March I.').')7, he was anxious to return to Edinburgh, and had gone to Dieppe in Octo-
ber, where he remained two months, returning, however, to Geneva early in lill), when the
Geneva Bible was already undertaken. The English Church at Geneva had chosen two pas-
tors. Knox was one of them, and Anthony Gilby had ministered in his place when absent.
But even now, throughout LWH, Scotland still dwelt on his mind, as it was in thisye.irhe penned
his letter to the Queen Regent, as well as his Appellation .ind Fxhortalion. By November of
this year, indeed, letters from his native country had arrived, urging his return, and he left
Geneva for the last time in January 15.'i!); Whittingham having been ordained as his successor.
I.'>.5S-1608.] THE GENEVA BIBLE. 321
tinghain, Gilby and Sampson, and witli their names only the
transhition should have been associated ; since the men who
completed " the greater part," must have been those by
whom it had been begun. Many of their brethren, indeed,
they tell us, " put them on this work by their earnest desire
and exhortation ;" while others encouraged them " not to
spare any charge for the furtherance of such a benefit and
favour of God toward his Church/''
Although we cannot now notice every edition here, but
refer to our list, yet as the only English Bible distinctly
pointed out in any patent, from Elizabeth downwards, and
especially as the basis of so many editions for above eighty
years to come, this demands some farther notice.
Title " The Bible and Holt Scriptures conteyned in the Olde and Newa
Testament. Translated according to the Ebrue and Greke, and conferred with
the best translations in divers langages. With moste profitable annotations
upon all the harde places, and other thinges of great importance as may ap-
peare in the Epistle to the Reader." Beneath is a wood-cut, of the Israelites
passing through the red sea. " At Geneva. Printed by Rouland Hall, mdlx."
Collation — After a dedication to the Queen, and an Epistle to the Readers, about
to be noticed, we have the text from Genesis to 2d Maccabees, fol. i., 474.
" The Newe Testament of our Lord Jesus Christ," &c., with the same wood-
cut and imprint as before. " The Holy Gospel," &c., fol. ii,, cxxii. A table
of interpretation of proper names — of principal things — the yeai"s from Adam
to Christ — and the years from Paul's conversion. There is no Colophon. The
Sacred text is in Roman, the contents of chapters in Italic type. A full page
contains 63 lines.
Not at all aware, perhaps, of the cautious expediency by
which the Queen of England was now guided, they subjoined
a dedication to her Majesty, remarkably free from that ful-
some adulation, which had been far too common, and express-
ing with great frankness their zeal for further progress in the
cause of truth and righteousness. But there was a second
address or " Epistle," still more worthy of notice. In what
they had done, the translators now fixed an eye of sympathy
and love, not upon England alone, but, taking a nobler flight,
upon all those to whom the English language was vernacular.
Such was the happy effect of adversity and travel ; the one
softening, the other enlarging their minds. Their epistle of
explanation, therefore, as to this version, is addressed to no
Ri'turning by Dieppe, he landed at Leith on the 2d of May. To say nothing, therefore, of
Knox's but recent attention to Hebrew, it is evident from these movements, that, however in-
terested, he coiilf] never have been eng-tged with this new version of the Bible.
VOL. II. X
322 I'Hb; UENICVA IJIULK ANU US [houK Ml.
narticiiliir party; but — " To ouu uKi-OViio in the Loud; the
itiuciiiKKN 01' England, Scotland, and Ikeland." A most
judicious title, and if there must be any Epistle to the Chris-
tian Reader at all, it would have been well for the interests
of the United Kingdom had the words been preserved invio-
late from that day to this. Amidst all that has occurred
since, it is the onlt/ one to which no objection worth notice,
could, or can, be brought ; to say nothing of its being so akin
to the simple majesty of the Divine Record, and to that only
lif^lit in which God has regarded the entire number of his
people, in this highly favoured country, all along.
The last sheet of this Bible having been committed to the
press on the 10th of April 1560, Whittingham, Gilby, and
Sampson returned home immediately ; but of all the men
already mentioned, there was one, who had not only fostered
the translation when proceeding at Geneva, but was specially
interested in its circulation throughout England, immediately
afterwards, and he must not now be passed over. Bodeleigh
or Bodlev is a name that one should have imagined would
not have escaped notice, as it has generally done."
« Neither Foxe, Burnet, or Strype, Mr. Todd or Mr. Whiftaker, give us any information.
Lewis glances at him as one John Bodleigh ; and Mr. Townley, in his valuable " Biblical Litera-
ture," after some notice of all these men, closes by saying—" Of John Bodkigh no account has
been obtained." Of the three men who returned last, it may here be added, that they never
appear to have made any public statement respecting the good work in which they had en-
gaged ; leaving the translation to be estimated by its own merits. At one period or another, in
future life, all the three seem to have been befriended by Henry Hastings, Earl of Huntingdon.
As for Gilby, he lived and died at an advanced age, as Rector of Ashby-dela-Zouche, the gift of
this nobleman. Whittingha.'m's talents we have mentioned as of the first order. This partly
apjieared as soon as he returned home. He was immediately nominated to accompany the Earl
of Bedford on a mission to the Court of France, and on his return went with the Earl of War-
wick, through whose influence with Elizabeth he was chosen Oean of Durham. Soon after
this, his character and abilities being known and acknowledged, when Sir W. Cecil, Principal
Secretary of State, was made Lord Treasurer, Whittingham was thought of, and according to
A. Wood, (who was no admirer of course), actually nominated among others to succeed him.
Whittingham, however, was not in the least anxious for Court favour, and remained where he
was, at Durham. Neither he, nor his two friends, were ever reconciled to the dress im)>osed by
authority on the clergy, and in several things, like Coverdalc, never conformed ; but it was not
until near the close of his life that Whittingham was molested. This had reference to the va-
lidity of his ordhialion. He had, it is true, been only an eminent Christian scholar, till he
went to Geneva the second time, where he was called to the ministry by the unanimous suffrage
of his brethren, and was then ordained, precisely as John Knox had been before him. Edwin
Sandys, though himself once also an exile, was now Archbishop of York, and with .35 articles,
and 4!) interrogatories, he now fell upon the Dean ; but the chief charge related to his Geneva
ordination. Whittingham denied the power of Sandys to visit Durham at all, and ap|>ealed to
Elizabeth. But her commission being addressed to Hastings, Earl of Huntingdon, as Lord Pre-
sident of the North, and to Ilutton, Dean of York, (Sec, as well as to the Archbishop, the two
fonner were warm in favour of Whittingham. On one occasion, the Dean of York made no
scruple in teJhng Sandys, though his own superior, that Whittingham was " ordained in a
better manner than the Archbishop himself." After two attcmjits to visit, they alike failed,
and our transUator died soon after, on the Illth of June \:>7i> ; or twenty-two years after
his New Testament was finished at press. Sampson, after his return, was offered the See
of Ni)rwich by the Queen, hut he declined, and in .Vliehaelnias l.'iCl was elected Dean ol
1658-1003.3 MOST ARDENT I'ROMOTElt. 323
John Bodley, Esq., was a native of Exeter, according to the statement
of his own son. " In the time of Queen Mary," he says, " after being
cruelly threatened and narrowly observed, by those that maliced his re-
ligion, for the safety of himself and my mother, (formerly Miss Joan
Hone, an heiress in the hundred of Ottery St. Mary,) who was wholly
affected as my father, knew no way so secure as to fly into Germany ;
where, after a while, he found means to call over my mother, with all
his children and family, whom he settled for a while at Wesel in Cleve-
land, and from thence we removed to the town of Frankfort. Howbeit,
we made no long tarriance in either of these towns, for that my father
had resolved to fix his abode in the city of Geneva, where, as far as I
remember, the English Chui'ch consisted of some hundred members."
Here it was that the father first took that deep interest in the Geneva
Bible, which comes before us presently, and here too it was that this son
acquired that taste for literature and books, for which so many genera-
tions, ever since, have had such reason to revere his memory. For who
was this son ? No other than Thomas, afterwards Sir Thomas Bodley,
who, under his father's care, spent from his twelfth to his fifteenth year
in Geneva, and then studying Greek and Hebrew, as well as other sub-
jects under the best teachers. On returning home, his father in 1559
or 1560 placed him in Magdalene College under Mr. Laurence Hum-
phry, and in six years after, at the age of twenty- one, he was reading
publicly a Greek lecture in Merton Hall, or the College of Wickliffe.
The founder of the Bodleian, one of the most magnificent of all libraries,
at home or abroad, is annually remembered by a solemn speech in the
schools ; and certainly on the day when the visitation of the library is
held, all petty prejudice aside, Geneva may well be glanced at, as the
spot where the seeds of learning were first sown in the founder's mind,
and his taste for literature was first implanted. At all events, whatever
be done or said at Oxford, in the present day, let not the zeal of his
worthy Father be forgotten elsewhere, on behalf of the Sacred Volume
itself, and that in a translation which was read in the families both
of England and Scotland, for more than half a century to come.
Although, however, these exiles had completed their trans-
lation of the Bible, and borne the charge, it by no means fol-
lowed that the book should be forthwith admitted into Ensr-
Christ Church, Oxford. In the application to Elizabeth on his behalf, subscribed by twenty
men of letters, they say that they found " none to be compared to him, and it was very
doubtful whether there was a better man, a greater linpiiisl, a more complete scholar, or
profound divine." Yet in four years after he was removed, and simply for non-conformity
as to dress: the mere garb of the man being regarded as a superior consideration to all others.
On the 13th of September 1570, he was collated to the prebend of Pancras in St. Paul's,
tlius occupying to his death the same stall which Robert Ridley and John Ropers had done
before him. Though much disabled by palsy for the last fifteen years of his life, yet as
master of the hospital at Leicester, he was of great service; where he died 0th April 1580,
aged ^■2.
."{24 PATENT OF FMZABKTH [buOK ill.
land, ami more especially by autliurity. Tbey had laboured
" night and day," indeed, but though so zealous, this was a
point yet to be ascertained. The New Testament of 1557
had been secretly introduced, but it was then an interdicted
book — it had not since been recognised as lawful, and already
we have witnessed the extreme caution of the reigning Queen.
Besides, there was a translation under the name of Matthew,
and, above all, of Cranmer, both of whom had been once, or
already sanctioned ; while this new version had been accom-
plished by men, who, like Tyndale of old, had been obliged to
fly the kingdom. But, notwithstanding, the time had come
for the Geneva book to be admitted, and this was as soon as
it was finished ; only all these circumstances render its recep-
tion at the moment more worthy of notice. On returning to
our native land, while not one word has yet been said as to
any reprint of Cranmer^ and in the face of John Cawood and
Richard Jugge having been already appointed her Majedifs
prititers, the first distinct notice of the Geneva Bible having
arrived in England is by no less than a patent from the Queen,
granted in favour of John Bodeleigh already mentioned."
" Elizabeth, &c. — To all manner of printers, booksellers, &c. — We do you to
understand, that of our grace special, we have granted and given privilege and
license, and hy these pi-esents for us, our heirs, and successors, do grant, and
give privilege and license, unto our well beloved subject John Bodeleigh, and to
his assignes, for the term of fere n years next ensuing the date hereof, to imprint,
or cause to be imprinted, the Eiiglifh Bible, iciih An notations, faithfully translated
and finished in this present year of our Lord God, a thousand, fire hundred and
three score, and dedicated to us ; straitly forbidding and commanding, as well
printei-s and booksellers as other pei*sons, within our realms and dominions, in
any manner of wise, to imprint, or cause to be imprinted, any of the foresaid
English Bibles, that the said John Bodeleigh shall, by the authority of this our
license, imprint, or cause to be imprinted, or any part of them, but only the said
John Bodeleigh and his assignes ; and that every offender shall forfeit to our
use forty siiillings, of lawful money of England, for every such Bible at any time
so printed, and all such books to be forfeited, &c. In witness whereof, &c.
Rth Jan. 1560-1. 56 !."«
Whether this patent was of much advantage to the patentee
is at present of secondary moment ; but it forcibly reminds us
7 C.iwood had been appointed by Marr her printer for /(fr. Klizabeth siistnintd the appoint-
ment, but joined Richard JuK)!e along with him. to print either separately or together. Btit
fill the year I.IT", or sixteen years later, the printing of Bibles and Testaments was cnmmoti lo
all pi-inlrrt who took ont a license. Sec I nnsdowne MS. 4K, .Vo. 78. and the subsequent pages,
where the nibject will be more fully explained.
8 Their rear of 1 j«)0 ran on to the I'.'ith of .M.ircU.
l.JJS-lO'U-li.] FOR THE GENEVA VERSION. ;]2.')
of Heury VIII., in the year 1537. It presents Elizabeth
before us, now at the first call from abroad, and without any
hesitation, herself opening; the way for the general circulation
of this Bible throughout her dominions, for seven years to
come. Little did the exiles imagine, when flying abroad for
theirWyes, that one grand intended purpose was the improve-
ment of the Book oi Life itself, and that no sooner should that
be finished, than it should be at once, and so received !
]3oth Philip and Mary had thus, unconsciously, been pushing
forward the cause they wished to destroy, and Elizabeth, how-
ever imperative at other moments, or however cautious, must
not now stand in the way.
But is this the selfsame Queen who spake so warily before
all her courtiers, less than a year ago 2 It is the same. Her
reign was the commencement of a new era, in many respects ;
but, in the present case, one is forcibly reminded of another,
in the reign of her father, twenty-four years ago, and the
analogy is not faint. As only eleven months had elapsed
between Henry's winking at the martyrdom of Tyndale and
the royal sanction of his translation, so only eleioen months had
now passed between the evasive or cautious reply of his daugh-
ter and her royal patent. Both volumes had been prepared
upon foreign ground, and both in the face of clouds and dark-
ness, or the frown of the reigning government ; yet the second
is now come into England, as did the first, by the declared
consent of the Sovereign. Henry had not read the Bible he
sanctioned, nor had his daughter assuredly examined the pre-
sent volume. In this second instance, however, there is equal,
if not superior, emphasis. The present Sovereign, no less
arbitrary and inflexible, was far more quicksightcd and vigilant
than her father. It has been said that " her eye was every-
where," and as far as free inquiry through the medium of the
press was concerned, the reader may now form his own opi-
nion, as to whether it had ever been in a more singular state
or more guarded, since the introduction of the art into Eng-
land. One of the injunctions which the Queen's Majesty had
recently issued was the following : —
** Item, Becatise thei-e is a great abuse in the printers of books, which for co-
vetousness regard not what they print, so they may have gain, wliercby ariseth
great disorder, by publication of unfruitful, vain, and infamous books and papers ;
the Queen's Majesty straitly chargeth and commandetli,that no manner of per-
son shall print any manner of Hook or paper, of irhat sort, nature, or in %chat-
.•J2G TIIK PRKSS FETTERED, BUT [book III.
ioet^r laiiijiMijc it ie, except tlie same be fii-st licensed \)\ lier Majesty, \>y ex-
press words in writing, or by silr of her Priry t'oitnci/, or be perused antl licensed
by the yhrhbishops of Cuntcrbury and York, the Jii.ihofi of London, the Chancellors
of both I'nirersities, the Jlishop beimj Ordinary, and the Archdeacon also of the
place, where any such shall be printed, or by two of them, whereof the Ordi-
nary of the place to be always one, and that the names of such as shall allow
the same be added at the end of every such work, for a testimony of the allowance
thereof, inc. And touching all other books of mattei-s of reli<jion that hath
been printed, either on this side the seas, or the other side, because the diversity
of them is gi'cat, and that there needeth good consideration to be had of the jxir-
ticularities thereof, her Majesty referrcth the prohibition, or the permission
thereof to the order which her Commissioners within the city of London shall
take and notify.'' According to the which her Majesty strictly commandeth
all manner her subjects, and specially the Wardens and Company of Stationers,
to be obedient." l"
Under these circumstances, the patent granted to Mr. Bodley for the
Geneva Bible, with annotations, must appear, in its true light, as not a
little extraordinary. Here, as it had happened before under Henry
VIII., no reference could have been made, either to Parliament or to the
Convocation, for they did not assemble for two years to come ; nor was
there any reference to the Privy Council, much less to such Commission-
ers in London. As Crumwell formerly at once obtained Henry's admis-
sion of Tyndale's Bible, without the King being aware of what he was
doing, 80 some one now, perhaps Cecil, had gained the assent of Eliza-
beth. Such, however, was the fact. The Bible, completed by these
exiles, being intended for English eyes, the habitual caution of the
Queen must be laid aside, and her Ji/st oflScial act in reference to the
Scriptures, sanction its printing in England, and that without the slight-
est reference to any Bible previoxcsly admitted or sanctioned by her fa-
ther or brother.
As already stated, the expense of the Geneva Bible of 1560 had been
defrayed by the English Church in that city, but there had been an edi-
9 The supremacy now granted to the Queen, gave licr iiower to depute any persons to exer-
cise it in her name whom she chose to appoint, and this gave rise to a court, but too well
known afterwards— /Ac High Commission Court. It exercised the same power whicli had been
lodged by her father in the person of one man, Crumwell, as Vicegerent and Vicar-Gtncral. It
continued throughout the whole of tlie present reign, and for two in succession, or till its deeds
had rendered its very name odious. On being dissolved by Parliament, the Act declared that
" No such jurisdiction should be revived for the future in any court." But wliatever may be
said of the Commissioners now appointed, Elizabetli's I'atent was her mm deed.
10 The " Company of Stationers'" had reference to llie preceding reign, a creation of Philip
and Mary's. On the 4th May I5.''.fi they had appointed " the Stationers' Company," including
printers and booksellers in London, to the number of ninety-seven. The Company liad been
talked of loosely, from the days of Wynken de Worde ; but there was no charter granted before
this ; and what was the leading object in then doing so? To prevent " the renewal and pro-
pagating very great and detestable heresies against the faith and sound Catholic doctrine of
Holy Mother the Church." Under that reign, this language was perfectly iiitelligiblf ; but what
meant Elizabeth ? On the 10th of November, or two months before granting her patent to Bod-
ley, Elizabeth confirmed the Stationers' charter in these words:—" We ratifying and allowing
the foresaid letters, and all and rirry thing contained therein, do, as much as in us lies, accept
and apjirove them /or OMCiTf/iv'jt, our heirs, and successors, and do ratify and confirm them to
ourbeloved Bcynold Wolfe, now the master of the h^resaid mystery, "A-c- See Herbert's Ames,
vol. iii.,pr l.'>i"0 KK"'
1 558-1 ()(»3.] NOT THE SCRIPTURES. .327
tion of the New Testament in IGmo, suitable for the pocket, and in both
of these Mr. Bodley, as a member of that Chiu'ch, had borne his share.
By the day on which his patent was granted, however, a second edition
of the Bible, in folio, was far advanced at Geneva, and finished by the
10th of April 1561, or precisely one year after the former. For this
book he seems to have been personally or chiefly responsible ; and the
patent, applied for and obtained, would aid him in the sale. Rowland
Hall, the former printer, having returned home, had })y this time begun
business in England, so that he had no concern in this folio ; and pro-
bably, from prudential motives, owing to the critical state of the times,
no printer's name was affixed to it.
Such was the commencement of those numerous editions of
the Geneva version which followed, not only during the long-
reign of Elizabeth, but down to nearly the middle of the next
century. As for the present moment, placed in circumstances
the most critical, but surrounded by men of high renown as
politicians, a Prince more potent had never swayed the sceptre
of England ; only we have yet to see whether Elizabeth had
power sufficient, either to control, or in the slightest degree
regulate, the stream of Divine Truth which in a few years
flowed over the land ; or, in other words, whether the public
opinion and taste, as to the translation of the Sacred Word,
was influenced by regal authority or not.
After that two editions had been executed abroad, besides
two of the New Testament in a separate f(jrm, it was certainly
time for the English printers to bestir themselves ; and the
man who had printed for Queen Maiy all along, John Ca-
wood, must be allowed to take the lead. He had changed
with the times, and now came forward with an edition of
Cranmer's Bible in quarto ; while Richard Jugge, silent since
the days of Edward, now gave two editions of the New Testa-
ment, one of Tyndale's, and, it has been affirmed, one of Cover-
dale's. Richard Harrison, too, though ?iot printer to her Ma-
jesty, having obtained license, had printed an edition of Cran-
mer's Testament." Thus, and before the year 1561 had ex-
pired, it is curious enough, the people had Tyudale and Cover-
dale, Cranmer and the Geneva version all before them. Seven
' ' Whoever printed, it was necessary to obtain a license, of whicli. however, be it observed,
there were at present two descriptions, viz., one fiom the Crown, another from the StationerR
Conniany. Harrison, in I5(i2, printing a second Tcstamfiit, had disregarded even the latter.
" Hence," sajs Herbert, " it appears that lie printed two editions at least ol tin- Xnc Testament.
But doinc this withmit Hcensc. lie was fined viii. fli."
328 CRANMEK'S UIBLE HY IIAKKISON. [book III.
years must pass away before another coiiipetitor appears ; but
tliis will be no other than Parker's or the lii.shoj)s' Bible, and
the result remains to be seen. These, even including Parker's
Bible, it must be borne in mind, were, without exception, per-
sonal undertakings, or attains managed with certain stationers
— that is, printers or booksellers for the time being, the license
granted for every single edition being applied for to secure the
parties against loss by their outlay of capital. The difterent
versions were like so many candidates for public choice, or so
many feelers, put forth through an all-wise, overruling Provi-
dence, leaving time to discover which was to prevail, as esteemed
by the readers to be the best, or nearest to the Divine original.
But before referring to the Bible of Parker in 1 568, thei'e
were intervening events not unworthy of notice. In the year
J 562, an edition of Cranmer's Bible appeared, the first in
folio under Elizabeth : and it is worthy of notice, that this
came from neither of her Majesty's printers, but from the
press of Richard Harrison, already mentioned.'^
A pause of four years succeeded, before any other Bible appeared,
when Mr. Bodley comes before us, and once more calling attention to
the subject. The Geneva Bible, it must be remembered, was not much
read in public assemblies, or at least not understood to be so, so that
there could be but little demand from them ; but it had proved such a
favourite in family reading, that the two editions, already noticed, had
been exhausted. In 1565 Bodley was preparing for a new impression ;
and by March the next year, a careful review and correction being
finished, this zealous man, anxious to print upon English ground,
wished to renew his privilege beyond the seven years first granted.
With this view he applied to Sir William Cecil ; but Parker's Bible
being already in hands, the cautious Secretary suspended all reply, till
1* Lewis has led to a mistake sometimes made, that there were luo editions of Ihii year. Dr.
Gifford upon his copy now in the Bristol Museum, had written as follows:—" This seems to
have been the first Bible printed in folio, in Q. Elizabeth's reifin, and agrees with that edition of
the Great Bible printed in 1541, oversene by the Bishojis of Dureme and Rochester, which I
call the 6i.\th, seventh, or ciphth edition. Though it is the same date at the beRinning and end,
and the same printer, and has the same title-page, and has both the callender and prologue
with that described by Lewis, p. 2^, yet it is doubtless a (liferent edition— from its having
quite a different title-page in the AVic Testament." The title, says Lewis, of the New Testa-
ment runs thus:—" The New Testament in English after the last recognition and setting forth
of Erasmus;" that in Dr. Gifford's Bible being "The New Testament in English translated
after the Greek." But, says an intelligent correspondent of the author—" I have no doubt
that the copy from which Lewis took his description, had been made up with a New Testament
title, or perhaps more, from the Cranmcr"s Bible printed by I'etyt and Redman for Berthelet,
1540,— the title of which is the same with that which he quotes. Singularly enough, when I
bought my copy of Berthelet, 1.54(1, the first leaf of Matthew was from ' the edition of Harri-
»on, 156:?, with which it reads word for word,'" After this there can be no question that there
»a» only one edition of the Birle, though apparently two of the New Testament.
1 558-1 0'03.] PARKER'S ARTFUL PROPOSAL, IN VAIN. 320
he had consulted the Archbishop, and Grindal, Bishop of London. They
both replied ; Parker himself writing to the Secretary, that —
" He and the Bishop of London thought so well of the first impression of
this Bible, and the review of those who had since travelled therein, that they
wished it would please him to be a means, that twelve years' longer term, might
be by special privilege gi-anted to Bodleigh, in consideration of the cliarges
sustained by him and his associates in the first impression, and the review
since : that though another special Bible for the Churches were meant by them
to be set forth, as convenient time and leisure hereafter should permit ; yet
should it nothing hindei', but rather do much good to have diversity of transla-
tions and readings. And that if the liceuse hereafter to be made went simply
forth, without proviso of their oversight, as they thought it might so pass well
enough ; (and as it will be remembered every license had so done,) yet they
told the Secretary, that the// would take such order with the party, in writimj
tinder his hand, that wo impression should pass, 6i<f by their direction, consent,
and advice! Dated ' Lambeth, 9th March 1565,' l. e. 1566."13
The condition here proposed, was exactly the same for which the
Bishops as a body had panted all along. It was this " direction or con-
trol" which they had been aiming at, ever and anon, from the begin-
ning, though never permitted to enjoy it. As now offered for accept-
ance, and in such a singular style by Parker ; in the page of history it
serves for a striking contrast to the non-interference of Cranmer,
throughout the entire reign of Edward, when he possessed double the
power which Parker ever did. But if the condition or proviso itself ex-
cites notice, how much more the manner in which he proposed to enforce
it 1 The Queen is here understood to act, precisely as she had done
before, nay, as lihely to do so. Suppose then, that, without reference
to any Bishop, or any restriction whatever, Elizabeth, under her sign-
manual, granted the privilege requested. Then was to come the Arch-
bishop, and stepping between her Majesty and her patentee, he proposes
to " take order from Mr. Bodley, in meriting,'''' that no impression shall
pass, but by " the direction, consent, and advice" of himself and his
brethren ! Where, then, lay any advantage in applying to her Ma-
jesty ? Was the Archbishop about to make so little account as this of
the royal authority ? Or did he not perceive the illegality of his pro-
posed step ? Under a Sovereign so alive to her supremacy, he might
have found the course proposed, to have been rather dangerous — only
he was now saved all farther trouble. The idea of such a rider on his
royal privilege, once communicated to Bodley, seems to have been quite
sufficient, for after this date, we hear not one word more of the patent ;
and the Geneva translation must be printed again and again, without
one being either asked or granted ! After all that had passed in Eng-
land, the proviso specified was one, to which subjection could be yielded,
'3 Strvpe's Life of Parker.
330 liNULlSIl IJlllLK I'IUNTIN(i UOTil [hoOK 111.
no, not for an hour. Neither Matthew's Bihlc, when first imported, nor
Taverner's, or Cranmcr's afterwards, when first printed, had ever hecn
Kuhjected to the " direction, consent, and advice of the Bishops ;" and
Mr. Bodiey, however zealous, had no idea of the Geneva version l)eing
made an exception. By Cecil's caution, indeed, most cordial approba-
tion of the translation itself, as well as of the present " review," had
been drawn forth in writing, under the hand of both Parker and Grin-
dal, and so far all was well ; but if their " direction, consent, and ad-
vice" are to be imposed, then the " review," as it stood, must be sent
as far distant as Geneva, and the Bible be printed in the city from
whence it first issued. There was an ingenious and learned printer,
John Crespin or Crispin, who still lingered behind, and printed there
from 1556 to 1570.'^ Accordingly, as soon as Archbishop Parker was
ready with his Bible in 1568, if not before, another edition of the
Geneva Bible, from the press of this man, was finished, as well as an
additional impression of the New Testament, both in quarto.
This, however, was not for more than two years to come ; and the
printing of the Scriptures must not be suspended, no, not for one day.
Already indeed two j^rinting presses were fully occupied. An edition of
Cranmcr, in folio, for public reading was wanted, and it was time for the
Book to be brought into a more portable shape. Accordingly, we have
two other fine instances of individual enterprise, one even in France,
the other in London, and both of them equally independent of the Arch-
bishop, or either of her Majesty's printers.
About twenty-eight years ago, or in 1538, the reader can-
not fail to remember an edition of Matthew's Bible being com-
menced under Coverdale''s inspection at Paris, which however
had to be finished in London. But if the state of France
was unpropitious to such an attempt then, it seemed to have
been much more so now. There happened, however, to be a
short pause in the civil wars which for forty years had desolated
that fine country. The King of Navarre had been killed at a
siege, the Duke of Guise assassinated, and fifty thousand Hugo-
nots already slain. Elizabeth, for her own safety's sake,
had aided this people ; and in 1 56.S a peace was concluded
which lasted till 1567. A gentleman, then living at Rouen
in Normandy, belonging to the customs, and of good repute,
resolved to seize the opportunity here presented him ; and at
K Cri»piii, a native of Arr.ns in France. oriRinally clerk to diaries dii Moulin, and admitted
advocate to the i>arliament of Paris, having formed a friendsliiii with Beza, retired to Geneva,
where lie Rained reimtation by his printing, till his death by the plaRUe in I.'i72. He was anthor
i)f a fircek Lexicon, Cnieva l.'>74, reprinted in London I.IHI, Ito.
1558-1(503.] AT ROUEN AND IN LONDON. 331
his own cost and charges, committed to the press an edition of
Cranmer''s Bible in folio. This is a very fine book, on royal
paper, printed " at Rouen by 0. Hamilton, cum privUegio,
1566." This gentleman, Richard Carmarden, the frequent
correspondent of Cecil, as in the Lansdowne manuscripts, was
afterwards in the London Custom House, and living as late
as the year 1599.'^
The other instance referred to, at home, was no other than
the last edition printed by the same man, who in the midst
of actual pestilence, and with but doubtful prospect of success,
frst brought the Bible of 1537 into England, Richard Grafton.
He had weathered the storm in Mary's reign, and now saw
his old virulent enemy, Bonner, still living, but under general
contempt, and in prison. Though advanced in life, Grafton
ventured on an edition of Cranmer"'s Bible, evidently intended
for family use. It was the Jirst edition of the English Bible
in one volume octavo ; and seems to have been a very large im-
pression. At least there is a passage in the annals of Queen
Elizabeth, by Sir James Ware, the Irish Camden, which, if
correct, could bear upon no other than the present octavo
Bible. " In the year 1566," says he, " John Dale, a book-
seller, imported seven thousand copies of the Bible from Lon-
don, and sold the whole, in Ireland, within two years."
What a singular contrast to so many succeeding years ! But
it would be a circumstance no less memorable, if the very same
individual who first brought the Sacred Volume into England
in 1537, should, before his death, have been the first employed
in printing it even for Ireland itself. Accordingly, there does
not appear to be one copy left in the possession of any private
collector, or public library, on this side of the channel, nor
have we heard, whether there be one left in Ireland.^^
At last, in 1568, or the tenth year after Elizabeth had
•s In the Bibl. Harl. No. 172, there is an edition of this Bible dated 1562, which has been in-
serted by Herbert ; but this appears to be a clerical error for 1566, or it may have been ;>JC-
siimed from a copy without the title, as the Almanac prefixed, begins at 1561 .
16 This eminent printer, Grafton, as the first who brought the Bible into England, is never to
be forgotten. After which he continued to employ the press in London, at intervals, for nearly
thirty-five years. His fine printing may be traced on nearly 15fl distinct pieces ; of which about
65 were the chief, and of these the Bible in folio was \\\e first, and the Bible in octavo the last.
By a fall, when far advanced in life, he had his leg broken in two places, which ever after lamed
him. Of his sickness, death, and burial no account is left, nor is there any notice of him later
than the year 1.572. Eduard WniTriiincH, his partner from I.'>,'i7 to 1541, who afterwards printed
separately, is said to have married the widow of Crannur : but he is not to be traced later
than 1.560.
332 Tin: uisiioi-s uiulk [uook hi.
asceiuled the throne, tlic first edition of the Bible, superin-
tended by Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury, was published.
Great care had been taken in this revision of the text, by more
than fifteen learned men, Greek and Hebrew scholars, besides
Parker himself, who superintended the several portions, as
they came from the hands of those to whom he had com-
mitted them.
The Pentateuch was consigned to W. E. or William Alley, Bishop of Exeter ;
Joshua, Judges and Ruth, to R. M. or Richard Davies of St. Davids, who had
previously been engaged in translating the Bible into Welsh ; Samuel, the
Kings and Chnmkles were assigned to Edwyn Sandys of Worcester j Ezra,
Nehemiah, Esther and Job, to A. P. C. or Andrew Pearson, Prebendary of Can-
terbury ; the Psalms to T. B. or Thomas Bentham of Litchfield and Coventry ;
the Proverbs to A. P. C. ; Ecclesiastes and Solomon's Song, to A. P. E. or
Andrew Perne, Dean of Ely ; Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Lamentations to R. W. or
Robert Horn of Winchester ; Ezekiel and Daniel to T. C. L. or Thomas Cole,
once at Geneva, afterwards Dean of Lincoln ; the minor Prophets to E. L. or
Edmundo Grindel of London ; the Apocrypha to J. N. or John Parkhurst of
Norwich ; the four Gospels and the Acts, to R. E. or Richard Cox of Ely ; the
Romans to Edmund Guest of Rochester ; the Corinthians to G. G. or Gabriel
Goodman, Dean of Westminster. Mr. Laurence, a learned Grecian, was also en-
gaged, with one or two other individuals. From the majority of these men
being on the Bench, this translation has been styled " the Bishops' Bible,"
the initials above mentioned, being printed at the end of their respective parts.
Parker had now at last accomplished that which Cranmer
had attempted in vain, or a version of the English Bible, ge-
nerally revised from the preceding, in conjunction with certain
brethren on the Bench, and other scholars. It was a decided
improvement on the whole. They had watched Cranmer's or
Coverdale's leaning to the Vulgate ; they expunged the three
verses from the fourteenth Psalm, which the latter first in-
serted at Paris, and in Timothy, they altered Cranmer''s
rendering " by authority of the priesthood'''' to that of " the
eldership," besides other amendments of the text.
This Bible, as presented to the Queen, was by far the most splendid
that had ever been printed, containing not fewer than 143 engravings
in copper or wood, of maps, portraits, and coats of arms. The portraits
include one of Elizabeth on the title ; one of Dudley, Earl of Leicester,
at the beginning of Joshua ; and one of Cecil, afterwards Lord Burleigh,
at the Psalms. In short, Parker had left nothing undone to secure the
favour of his royal mistress ; and yet one is immediately struck with
several points of contrast between this book, and those large Bibles put
forth under Elizabeth's father. Parker had certainly paid far more at-
tention to this edition, than Cranmer had ever done to any, or to all of
1558-1603.3 NOT ORDERED BY THE QUEEN. 333
his put together ; but whether it arose from jealousy of prelatic autho-
rity in the reigning Princess, or any other cause, his name must not be
emblazoned on the title-page like Cranmer's, nor indeed anywhere else,
throughout the volume. The primate, indeed, had slipped his paternal
arms, empaled with those of Christ Church, Canterbury, into an initial
letter T at the genealogical table in the Old Testament, and at the pre-
face to the New ; and his brethren, by his orders, had placed their ini-
tials only, at the end of their several parts, as already noted, but there
must be nothing more. The book was beautifully executed by Richard
Jugge, with the customary addition to his colophon — " Cum privilegio
Regife INIajestatis," but without any token whatever of Elizabeth's pecu-
liar preference. There is here no dedication to the Queen Regnant, and
to crown all, the simplicity of the titles is a very marked feature of the
book. They are — " The Holie Bible, conteyning the Olde Testament and
the NewT " The New Testament of oibr Saviour Jesus Christe,^'' — nothing
more. In short, so far from the royal smile having been already obtain-
ed, some protection must be implored for Jugge, lest any one else
should print the version ! These circumstances only invite farther ex-
planation.
It has been long erroneously supposed that this revision was undertaken
by Royal command. Le Long had said as much, (and others have blindly
followed him), but it was on no higher authority than the mere asser-
tion of Arnold Boot, the Dutch physician. There is not only no direct
proof, but the evidence presented forbids any such idea. When the
book was finished in the autumn of 1568, Parker was in such poor
health, that he " dared not adventure" to wait upon the Queen person-
ally. He therefore addi^essed her by an inclosure, on the 5th of October,
directed under cover to Sir William Cecil, Principal Secretary to the
Queen's Majesty, &c., when, if Elizabeth had ever laid her commands
upon him, he could not have so expressed himself. He prays, through
Cecil, that her Majesty's " gracious favour, license, and protection to be
communicated abroad," may be extended to this " recognition of the
Bible," — " not varying much from that translation which was commonly
used by public order, except where the verity of the Hebrew and Greek
moved alteration, or where the text was, by some negligence, mutilated
from the original." He begs this gracious favour of her Majesty, " not
only as many churches want their books, as that in certain places be
pvhlicly used some translations which have not been laboured in her
realm ;^'' plainly alluding to the Geneva book, now being read, not only
in private but in public. When presenting this Bible, here bound in a
style fit for Royalty to accept, Parker intreats that Cecil will apologise
to the Queen for his " disability in not coming himself ;" informing him
that the initials of the assistants concerned was a policy of his own, to
make the parties " more diligent, as answerable for their doings." He
33+ THE UISHOPS' IJIIJLK I'UINTING [^BOOK III.
iutreats his houour to olitain of the Queen's llij^hness a license for this
version, " to be otdy coninicndeJ in public reading in churches, to
draw to one uniformity," and " that Jugge, only, may have the prefer-
ment of this edition ; for if any other should hirche him, to steal from
him these copies, he were a great loser in this first doing." '7
Such were the letters of Parker, to which there seems to have been
no written reply, at least there is none extant ; while subsequent
events prove that the requests as preferred were not granted. At the
very moment in which the requests were made, the same printer was
issuing Cranraer's version as " The Bible in English," having the words
— " according to the tratislation appointed to he read in the churches,''' on
its title, and his fellow printer Cawood did the same thing next year.
While, on the other hand, the same simplicity of title-page, as that
which we have quoted, continued on all the editions of Parker as long
as he lived. He expired on the 17th of May 1575, but on the editions
of 1569, 1570, 1572, or the second folio with only 30 engravings ; on
that of 1573 in quarto, of which there is a splendid presentation copy in
Lambeth Library, painted and richly bound in five volumes ;"' and
finally in the third folio of 1574 without engravings, there is no in-
dication of any advance in point of royal privilege or authority. Cran-
mer's version had been long pointed out in the title-page as " appointed
to be read" in public, but Parker's version never as yet. Moreover, in
this the very year of that primate's death, we have the decided evi-
dence that no exclusive privilege had been granted to the printer for
whom he had interceded. Jugge, it may be remembered, had been aiming
after a monopoly for printing the New Testament, under Edward, but
failed in it.'^ Now, however, he was actually " printer to the Queen's
Majesty," and that since 15G0 ; but this, then, as ever before, lent to him
no exclusive privilege, and hence the application of Parker through
Cecil.^ But if the Archbishop had failed in obtaining the royal autho-
rity for his revision of the Bible to be the only one used in public wor-
ship ; so neither had he succeeded in obtaining his request on behalf of
Mr. Jugge. The proof of this is to be seen in the edition of Parker's
version, printing at the season of the primate's death.
This Bible deserves particular notice, otherwise the book may be mis-
'7 See the letters hy Parker, amoiiR the collection of EccIcb. Papem in the State Paper Office.
They have been printed by Mr. PcttiRrew in the Sussex Descriptive Catalogue.
'8 The author is not aware whether the Hible first sent to Elizabeth be in existence ; but after
cxamininf; these volumes in the Lambeth Library, they seemed to almost w,irr.int the supposi-
tion of another effort on the part of the Archbishop. The book has been mistaken for an edi-
tion of Crmimer. I9 See before, jiage 242, note.
*" To Cecil's prurience indeed, he left the whole affair. " I havecauscd one booke to l)e bound,
an ye see, which I heartily pray you to present favourably to the Queen's M.ajcsty, with your
friendly excuse of my disability, in not cominR myself. I have also written to the Queen's Ma-
jesty, the copy whereof I have sent you. the rather to use i/otir niiiiorhiiiifi/ of delivery, if your
prudence shall )wl l?iitik them lolerahle." .\fter such lanKU-age, it is certain that there had been
MO royal command on the subject.
1 558-1 G03.] FOR VARIOUS INDIVIDUALS. 335
taken, as it actually has been, for so many as six separate editions, iu
the same year. It is a very pretty volume, in small folio. On certain
titles will be found " Printed by Richard Jugge," but on others '■'■printed
by Richard Kde" — by John Walley, by Lucas Harrison, hy John Judson,
or by William Norton. It was evidently a joint undertaking, Jugge
being able to bear nothing more than his own share, though most pro-
bably the printer of the whole impression. They are, without excep-
tion, the same book, having only different titles, and the last leaf an-
swers equally for them all. Here, it is curious enough, were printers
or booksellers, who had lived under four successive Sovereigns, all
grouped together. Kele, if not Walley, under Henry VIII ; Jugge, un-
der Edward; Judson, under Mary; Harrison and Norton, under Eliza-
beth, and all equally concerned in one book, one Bible. This edition, in
short, was analogous to that of 1551, under Edward. These five men
had home their proportions, along with Jugge, in the expense or cost
of this large imi:)ression, and their names, therefore, must be so inserted
in the title. At this moment a more striking instance could not have
occurred in proof, that, as yet, the prirUing of the Sacred Volume was no
EXCLUSIVE PRIVILEGE OF THE CrOWN PRINTER FOR THE TIME BEING, OB
OF ANT OTHER.
As far, however, as printing editions could carry it, all jus-
tice had now been done to the Bishops'* Bible ; and backed by
the influence of so many men on the Bench, personally inter-
ested, it must have been presumed that this book would at
last carry the palm of superiority, and put not only Oran-
mer's version out of sight and out of mind, but the Geneva
Bible also. Had not Parker completed his task, and even
his final corrections ? He was now deceased, a circumstance
which might be supposed to lend additional interest to his
labours ; and he had been succeeded by Edmund Grindal,
one of the translators actually engaged in the work. The
Queen, therefore, if she had any zeal, such as the Bishops de-
sired, seemed to owe it to the Primate''s memory^ that this,
and this alone^ should be the Bible in general use ; and so, it
may be supposed, certain parties anticipated. Besides, to
make this the more probable, there had evidently been some
hindrance, if not demur, about allowing the Geneva Bible to
be printed at all. We know not whether it was owing to
Archbishop Parker''s fixed determination to have it under his
control ; but it is certain that while he lived, no edition was
printed upon English ground. After Mr. Bodley's attempt,
there had, it is true, been three impressions, dated in 1.568,
33G THE GENEVA AND THE DISHOPS' [dook III.
ir)G9, and 1570; but all these had been printf^l at Grcneva.
Since 1570 tliere had been no reprint, and in 1575, the six-
teenth year of the reigning Queen had come. By this time,
complaint as to the long delay in printing it at home, had
been publicly and strongly expressed. " If that ]Jible," it
was said, " be such, as no enemy of God could justly find
fault with, then may men marvel that such a work, being so
profitable, should find so small favour as not to be printed
again ."^^
Such was the state of things in the year when Archbishop
Parker expired. With regard to that version of the Bible
frequently distinguished by his name, and that which had
been accomplished by his expatriated countrymen, matters
now stood ver}' much in the same position, as they had done
in the days of Henry and Edward, when Tyndale"'s and
Cranmer''s versions were before the people of England. The
reader, therefore, may be the more curious to inquire, whether
the present course of events bore any resemblance to the pre-
ceding. The former result under Edward's reign, as to the
public choice, we have seen ; and seen also Cranmer's memor-
able non-interference with the public press as to the Scriptures :
but Parker, as already witnessed, was a different man. He
had indeed very cordially expressed his approbation of the
foreign or Geneva production ; but this proposal of his, to
have every edition under his own " direction, consent, and
advice," had formed the boldest possible contrast to his pre-
decessor in the same chair. If, therefore, this " direction and
advice" were not now, or rather never to be, conceded, where
was there any prospect of the Geneva circulating far and
wide, compared with the Bishops"* Bible ? Besides, though
Cranmer had chosen to act with such superiority to all per-
sonal prejudice, the slightly altered version was only his own,
with Covcrdale to assist ; so that he had no other man's feel-
ings to consult on the subject ; but in the present case,
though Parker, the superintendent, be gone, here were at
least seven Bishops, and other learned men, possessing the
feelings at least of correctorship, and living in the favour of
their Sovereign. On the other hand, the version imported
from abroad, was the production of merely three or four
«' See " The Troubles of Frankfort."
1.j.)8-1(j03.] VBRSIONS in COMPARISON. 337
exiles, by no means ever popular with Government, after
their return home. Where then was even the shadow of suc-
cess for the latter, in comparison with the former ? Was
Queen Elizabeth, so resolute and so imperative on every other
subject, down to the merest trifle, to give way here, and on a
subject of such magnitude ? Was a sceptre so potent in
general, to be powerless here I To these queries, we merely
reply — We shall see, presently, and for more than a genera-
tion to come.
In the meanwhile, let it be observed, that her Majesty was
never applied to again, to license by patent the Geneva Bible.
Mr. Bodley''s, of course, had expired in 1568; and it may
have been on the strength of his expiring patent that the
book was edged into England, as it was also into Scotland.
If it was now to be printed in London, and far more frequently
than any other version ; if, after it begins to be so, scarcely a
year is to pass without one, or two, or three editions issuing
from the press, then this must be brought about in some
other w^av. But if under a government so rioid, so inter-
meddling, so imperative, there is to be one palpable deviation
from all other affairs, throughout the entire reign and beyond
it ; and one with which neither her Majesty, the Parliament,
or Convocation, must ever interfere ; it will only confirm what
has been so frequently pressed upon our notice — that the
history of the Bible had a character of its own, or one by it-
self, which it steadily retained. Of this before long, the
reader will be able to judge for himself; but in such a history
as the present, of all the events of the time, whether civil or
religious, we know not one that is more worthy of considera-
tion. However imperative in a thousand other things, great
and small, there was to be no force applied here. So far as
the Queen was concerned, and her authority was paramount
to all other, there were to be no " injunctions'" that Parker's
Bible was to be received into families, or alone read under the
domestic roof.^^ N^J? there had positively been none what-
ever as yet, as to its being read in public assembly. The
man too, styled " her Majesty's printer," and now, moreover,
22 The only a)>proacli to the domesiic circle was a curious one. It pointed only at the digni-
tnrii-s, and their own Bible, iliiVf years after its first aiipearance. In the Convocation of Ifl?!,
it was ordered, for it required to be ordered, that copies should be provided by all diynitarirs
for their private houses. ll'iU.his' Cone, iv., ]>. 2()3.
VOL. II. V
33H TliK t^lKKN NO I'AUIISAN H>l< [uuoK ill.
lio alone, shall continue, from year to year, to meet the choice
and wishes of the pcoph' : and thouj^h in many other things,
connected with their ideas as to the supposed ybrm of religion,
Elizabeth be determined to have her own way, and so to cross
their will ; one whisper of disapprobation as to the people's
HiBLE, or its domestic use, and almost universal perusal, shall
never be recorded to have escaped from her lips I If the
silence of her sister Mary, in issuing no denunciation of the
English Bible by name, was remarkable, considering the gene-
ral tone ^f Elizabeth's character, he?' silence was far more so ;
for tet it only be remembered that after Parker's decease in
1575, Elizabeth had yet twenty-eight years to reign, yet
this shall not prevent the Geneva Version from being now
printed either in folio or quarto, and being read in churches
also. Parker has already told us, that they were so read in
his days, and twelve years afterwards, we know they were.
For the proof of this fact we are indebted to the best of all
witnesses, then living in the kingdom, the Archbishop of
Canterbury, Wliitgift, himself. " Divers," says he in the
year 1587, " Divers, as well Parish Churches, as Chapels of
Ease, are not sufficiently furnished with Bibles, but some have
either none at all," (observe still !) " or such as be torn and
defaced, and yet not of the translation authorised by the synods
OF Bishops."-'' But the preference shewn, both before the sway
of Wliitgift, as well as under it, survived him for years. If
the Queen knew any difference between the two versions, it
must have frequently met her Majesty's ear, when present at
sermons before the Court ; and it might have met her eye, if
she deigned to look into what was printed around her. Thus
Gervase Babington, a pupil of Whitgift's, who preached his
funeral sermon, and had been successively Bishop of Llandafl',
Exeter and Worcester ; if we turn to his " comfortable notes
on the' Pentateuch," to his other expositions, or his sermons
preached before the Court at Greenwich, or at Paul's Cross in
1591, we find him uniformly quote the Geneva Bible, as well
as read his text from it. Thus George Abbot, the successor
of Bancroft, and predecessor of Laud, when Master of Univer-
sity College, Oxford, under Elizabeth and Wliitgift, not only
preached, but published in 1600, his sermons upon Jonah,
-•' CarilwelTs Dociinu-nlary Annals, ii. p. 11. This, hnwcvor. was not flovu/ authority.
l.)58-l ()();}.] ANV PARTICULAR TRANSLATION. * , 339
and throughout lie used the same version. Other instailces
might be adduced, but however striking, they would, taken
altogether, prove but a feeble indication of that decided pre-
ference which began to be shewn by the people at large, from
the year immediately after Parker's death.
Here then we are met by a course of events, and the moving
cause of that course, or two indelible, if not the most signal
features of Elizabetirs reign, which after all that has been
written, have been passed over by most historians, and never
fully explained by any. But are they, on this account, of but
inferior moment ? An extraordinary demand for the Sacred
Volume, and supplied by means not less extraordinary, can
never be unimportant in the estimation of many ; while at
the same time the caiise of this demand was of such a charac-
ter, as to form, in the history of the English Bible, one of its
brightest pages. To each of these in turn, therefore, the at-
tention of the reader is now solicited.
This eager desire for the word of life, and decided prefer-
ence for it, in the Geneva Version, were simultaneous, in the
year ].575. There are therefore several circumstances con-
nected with the times, as well as the character of Elizabeth's
sway, which here invite notice, and will reward it. If the
reader, however, will first turn for a moment to our List of
Bibles at the close of this work, he cannot fail to be struck
with one peculiarity in its appearance. For a period extend-
ing to fifty years, or from 1525 to 1575, he may observe what
a number of different men had been engaged in printing the
Scriptures; after which, or from 1577, one name alone meets
his eye, from year to year. That name is Barker, and since
the change, or rather the origin of the change, has never been
explained, so that great confusion still prevails on the subject,
it becomes of no little importance to understand it now.
Had the government of Elizabeth not been distinguished for economy,
and at the same time the advancement of several great national objects,
it could never have been endured. Frugal in her own expenditure, she
could carry measures in Parliament, with a higher hand than her father ;
and far from resembling him, in perpetually craving money from the
senate, she could there assume even a loftier tone of language. Her
unbending sway must be traced, in part, to her superiority to all extra-
vagance, as this alone lent her not a little power. Instead of contract-
ing debt, she discharged that of her deceased brother and sister, both
31-0 KXPKDIKNTS FOU MONKY [book III.
Ininoi|);iI and interest. She re-stored the deliased coin to its foniier
jmrity ; and so far from receiving any j)ension from France, like her
l>redecessors, or from any foreign power, she controlled foreign politics
\>y the money of England. But then, on the other hand, this deter-
mination of Elizabeth's to economise, led to different modes of procuring
supplies ; and among these, to one, which it might have heen supposed
such a Queen could never have deigned to stoop — moneys received for
granting monojiolies to her subjects.^''
For the word patent, as an adjective, or free to all, her Majesty
seemed as though she had entertained an instinctive dread ; but upon
the same term, as a noun substantive, or exclusive privilege, she almost
doated, for the better part of thirty years. The truth seems to be, that
up to this period Elizabeth had entertained no idea of granting patents
for nothinxj in return, even at the request of a Bishop, and he might be
her Primate ; but now, at last, if any thing may be gained, any debt or
obligation discharged, merely by her royal seal and signature, it became
by no means difficult to gain the royal ear. Iler's, in short, by way of
eminence, became the age of patents. In such a course she must have
been encouraged by her advisers, several of whom very largely shared
in the spoil ; but jealous to a proverb of her prerogative, the granting
of patents became one of the most cherished modes of displaying it.
Since, however, this potent Prince is about to lead the way in grant-
ing a patent such as will now be described, we have only to request the
reader's attention to the manner of its operation, not only at this crisis,
but dui'ing all the days of her mortal existence. Every one knows with
what a watchful eye Elizabeth regarded all the prelates in her kingdom
— that she was, with a high hand too, her own Vicar-General, main-
taining throughout life, both a tight and a steady rein ; nay, by this
moment even her Primate, Edmund Grindal, was in disgi-ace -^ and yet
this very year, 1577, as if in marked contrast to her rigidity in all such
matters, if any exclusive privilege be put forth with reference to the
Scriptures, the Queen will be no party to any one version in preference
to another.
This, it is freely gnintcd, could not justify the iutcrfercnce, and such
2< There wa8 still another mode. So early as 1507, the Queen, borrowinf; a hint from some of
the continental Rovernments, had recourse to the expedient of a State Lottkry, the.rfr.?/ ever
known in KuRland. In the ab.senee of niodern ]iufting, she adopted the mode of personal ap-
plication, throuf^h the Lords of the Privy Council, in her Grace's n.ime! The prizes wcie tar-
dily paid, if i)aid at all ! Klizaheth had recourse to a second in l.iai. The contrast to all this,
under her sister Queen Mary, only twenty years In fore, cannot fail to strike many readers.
See before, p. 27"-- At the same time, it must not he fiirnotten that M.iry had her com)iulsory
loans and arliitrary exactions ; that she had borrowed large sums of money, and died deep in
debt, leaviriR her sister to discharge it.
*'' The shameful treatment of this excellent man will come before us before long. But it
may tie stated here that Orindal had condemned the wicked and disfjusting marriage of Julio
Hergarucci, an Italian physician, to the wife of another man. .lulio was a great favourite of
the Earl of Leicester's. That nobleman interfered, and Orindal lost the Queiii's favour for
ever ' See Lodge's illustrations, l)vo, vol. ii., p. Ki.
1558-1603.] BY LOTTERIES AND PATENTS. .341
a step as a patent or monopoly applicable to the Sacred Volume, ought
to have received far more deliberate and serious reflection. To many,
no doubt, it might appear as nothing different from any other commer-
cial transaction, though upon second consideration, there was a distinc-
tion, demanding, before such a step, the deepest cogitation from any
Monarch, as well as in every age.
" The questioji itself," said tiie late Robert Hall one day, at Leicester,
" wliether the Sacred Volume was designed to be communicated to mankind at
large without distinction, or to a particular class, with a discretionary power of
conmumicating it at such times, and in such proportions as they may deem fit,
can only be determined by itself. If it bear decisive indications of its being
intended for private custody ; if it be found to affirm, or even to insinuate, that
it is not meant for universal circulation ; we must submit to hold it at the dis-
cretion of its legitimate guardians, and to accept, with becoming gratitude, such
portions as they are pleased to bestow. From the Word of God there can be no
appeal : it must decide its own character, and determine its own pretensions.
Thus much we must be allowed to assume ; that if it was originally given to
mankind indiscriminately, no power upon earth is entitled to restrict it ; be-
cause, on the supposition which we are now making, since every man's original
right in it was equal, that right can be cancelled by no authority but that
which bestowed it. If it was at first ])romulgated under the character of a
universal standard of faith and practice, we are bound to recognise it in that
character : and every attempt to alter it, to convert into private what wus
originally public property, or to make a monopoly of a universal (jrant, is an act
of extreme presumption and impiety. It is to assume a superiority over
revelation itself,"^''
Whether the " patent of privilege" first granted by Queen Elizabeth,
including as it did, the Holy Scriptures, did not come within the sweep
of this pointed and solemn language, we shall leave the reader to deter-
mine, after he has read a few pages farther. But, in the meanwhile, her
Majesty began and continued to abound in granting patents of various
descriptions, to the close of her career. After pursuing this course for
more than twenty years, we find the Lord-Keeper standing up in Par-
liament, in reply to the Speaker, when the subject was introduced. lie
said —
" The Queen hoped her dutiful and loving subjects would not take away her
prerogative, which was the choicest flower in her garden, the principal and
head iicarl in her crown and diadem ; but would rather leave that to her dis-
position ; promising to examine all patents, and abide the touchstone oi'
THE LAW."
But were they examined ? Nothing of the kind. Iler Majesty had,
in four years more, increased the number of such grievances, so that in
the Parliament of 1601, at the close of the session, a debate ensued, and
such confusion as the Secretary of State had never before witnessed. A
list, though imperfect, of such commodities, for the exclusive traftic in
2" Spoken at the Leiccstor Bible Socit-ty Aniiiveisarv. I.itli Ajiril 1(112.
342 VAKIKTY (»!<■ I'ATIiNT.S. [huok hi.
which, patents had been granted, was read to the House by Sir Robert
Wroth. These had been given away in certain cases, as rewards for
service done, or to be done — not a very princely mode of payment ; but,
in general, they had been sold to the parties concerned. Tliis list com-
prehended not only such important necessaries of life as salt and coal,
leather and cloth, but steel and lead, tin and glass, Spanish v:ool and Irish
yarn ; or, in short, above forty different articles, and certainly a suffi-
cient proof of the extent to which the evil had gone.^ After the list
was finished, a member of the House, and of considerable celebrity, Mr.
Hakewil, of Lincoln's Inn, rose and in<]uired — Is not bread there ?
" Bread," said one, — " Bread," said another, " this voice seems strange."
" Nay," said he, " if no remedy be found for these, bread will be there,
before the next Parliament." After four days of warm debate, the
Queen and Council at last taking alarm, a gracious message from the
throne was sent down to the House, which the Secretary of State,
Robert Cecil, improved by an assurance that the existing patents should
be repealed, and no more granted. The language in which the Secre-
tary insulted the House is worth quoting : —
" And because you may eat your meat more saxoury than you liave done,
every man shall have salt as good and cheap as lie can buy it, or make it,
freely, without danger of that patent, wliich shall be presently revoked. The
same benefit shall tliey have which have cold stomachs both for aijiiarifa' and
aqua rovi}i(j!<Ua, and the like : and they that have weak stomachs, for their
satisfaction shall have rlneqar and ahijar and the like, set at liberty. Train oil
shall go the same way ; oil of blubber sliall march in efjual rank ; bnnfKS and
bottles endure the like judgment. Those that desire to go sprucely in tlieir
ruffs, may, at less charge than accustomed, obtain their wish ; for the patent
for starch, which hath so nmch been prosecuted, shall now be repealed."
Nine other articles he enumerated which were to be tried at law.
The complaints of many years seemed as though they were to be imme-
diately redressed ; while her ]Majesty, who was never at a loss for choice
expression, now appeared as if to render assurance doubly sure.
" Gentlemen," said the Queen, addressing the deputies of the Commons, " 1
owe you hearty thanks and conmiendations for your singular goodwill towards
me, not only in your hearts and thoughts, but which you have openly expressed
and declared, whereby you have recalled me from an t'^vor, proceeding from niv
ignorance, not my will. These things had undeservedly turned to my disgi-ace,
to whom nothing is more dear than the safety and love of my people, had not
such harpies and horse-leeches as these been made known and discovered tome
by you. / had rather mi/ heart or hand should perish than that either wy heart
or hand should allow such pririlcijes to vionopolists as mai/ be prejudicial to my
people. The splendour of regal majesty hath not so blinded mine eyes that
licentious power should prevail with me more than justice. The glory of the
name of a king may deceive princes that know not how to rule, as gilded pills
-'" Sic Herbert's Histury of the I.iviry Ccmniniiies, vol. i.. ))ji. ]r>2-]'i.'^.
I5.)8-I()U;3.] PATENTS OK PRlVlLKCiE. '.) IS
may deceive a side i)atieiit. But I am none of those princi'S ; for 1 knoiv that
the commouwcaltli is to be governed fur the (jood and ad puiitaije nf those (hat arr
committed to me, not of mi/u/f, to whom it is intrusted ; and that an account is one
day to be given before anotlier judgment-seat." — " I beseech you, that, whatever
misdemeanoui-s and miscarriages others arc guilty of by their false suggestions
may not be imputed to me : let the testimony of a clear conscience in all re-
spects excuse me."
The subdued tone of this hmguage from the lips of this sagacious and
imperative monarch is remarkable, and it becomes more impressive from
its being addressed to her hint Parliament. The sentiments, so well ex-
pressed, may have been of value to posterity ; and they possess the ad-
vantage of iiever being unimportant as out of date. The only regret left
is, that the speech itself, in one point of view, bears so strong an analogy
to the extraordinary address of Henry VIII., the Queen's father, to his
last Parliament ; and that the fine language now employed must be taken
for no more than it was worth afterwards. These grievances had been
complained of and reprobated for many years ; and ignorance of almost
any subject, much less of this, was not one of Elizabeth's infirmities. Was
her ]\[ajesty ignorant also of her message in 1597, just quoted, and as deli-
vered by the Lord-Keeper to the House when the debate on monopolies
ran not so high ? When redress was promised, and, so far from being
performed, the evil increased 1 But, after all these last smooth, yet
pointed expressions, was relief at hand now ? Certainli/ not to any de-
gree worth notice, and that is but vague conjecture. With salt, perhaps,
something was done, as Sir Edward Hoby had asserted in the House that
it had been raised by the patent from 16d. to 15s. a bushel ! But still a
list of these very monopolies granted by Elizabeth, indorsed by the Earl
of Shrewsbury, is to be found unrepealed under the next reign. It is
dated 25th May 1603, or two months after the Queen had ceased to
live, and they were still about forty in number ! ^^
Among these patents, however, there was one class, styled, by way of
eminence or distinction, Patents of Peivilege — the privilege of some
one man selling a license, or licenses, to the highest bidder ; and these,
as affecting, not only the Livery Companies, but the Stationers'' Com-
pany, had pi'oduced great discontent. These were given to gentlemen
or courtiers, either as rewards or under the i^retence of at once benefiting
the public and filling the coffers of her Majesty. What then, meant the
poor old subdued Queen's plea of ignorance in 1601 ? Thus Lord
Mountjoy, in 1565, had a patent for copperas ore. Thus Sir Thomas
Gorges, in 1580, eager to be appointed " Ganger of Beer," brought the
wrath of the Brewers' Company upon himself. He was to put £200
a-year into the Treasury ; but the Company proving that he would make
2" Jcc tlic lihl ill LoiIhc's llliistialioiis, (Ivo, vol. iii , li. ^ lH.
;M.4 TllK PATKXT OK JMtlVII^KGK [boOK 111.
£lO,lK.t(> annually to himself, and the Queen nothing, no patent was
granted. Thus Sir Walter Raleigh had a patent, in 1588, to make
licenses for keeping of taverns and retailing of wines throughout all Eng-
land ! lie is said to have blushed in the House, under the debate on
monopolies ; but his patent was left unrepealed by Elizabeth. Edward
Darcy, Esq., a courtier, in 1590, succeeded, but for little more than a
year, in reference to leather ; as his privilege, brought up, in formidable
array, a swarm of more than thirteen dealers in the article, and his pa-
tent was revoked. Even an Italian had a license granted to him by the
Queen, and no doubt for some consideration, that he only should bring into
England " common and sallad oil," and to sell the same at his own beam;
against which the Grocers' Company remonstrated. After the same
mode we find one man dealing largely in tin, and Sir Thomas Wilkes,
about to be mentioned, in white salt. Nor should the Earl of Oxford's
case be overlooked, of which her Majesty could not plead ignorance. He
attempted an excise patent against the Pewterers' Company : but the
Privy Council, aware of the general discontent against those " pateiits
of privilege^' submitted the proposal to the Attorney-General ; and what
was the result ? The question was — " Whether sucn j^Ment might stand
ivith tlie laws and statutes of tlie realm, or not V He negatived the
application, when the Queen conferred the privilege on the Company
itself.^ In short, it was the age of patent-hunting ; and we have now
to see how far the Stationers'' Company had been affected.
To all who have only glanced at the history of patents it is well known
that the noble art of printing did not escape. On the contrary, it was
about the earliest of the arts which came under their power, whether
direct or indirect.
Under the reign of Elizabeth there were two gentlemen, Francis
Flower, Esq., a Justice of the Peace, afterwards in the service of the
Lord Chancellor, Sir Christopher Ilatton ;*' and Thomas, afterwards Sir
Thomas Wilkes, well known as Clerk to the Pri\^ Council, as an Am-
bassador of Elizabeth's to France, Holland, and Germany, and who, but
for Lord Burleigh's influence, would have succeeded Sir Francis Wal-
singham as Secretary of State."^' To the former was granted, in 1573,
one of those " Patents of Privilege" as " her Majesty's printer of the La-
tin ; " and to Six Thomas, about 1575, another as her printer of the Eng-
lish tongue. The foraier, of inferior value, was forthwith farmed out to
more assignees than one, Thomas Vautrollier, a Frenchman, being one,
if not the chief.
Wilkes, immediately after obtaining his patent, first bestowed the
2" Herbert's History of the Livery Coimmnics, i., p. 1,'J6. Strype's Stow, ii., 204.
;'" Lansduwno MS., (ill, no. la"). He is petitioning Bnrleinh that he may continue, afle
HaltonV Heath, to cnjny his profits in the First I'rnits Oflice, I.WI.
■11 See Cotton MS8., /Kis.sini : and Lodnc's lllustratinns of lirilisli History, nvn. ii,. p. 42ti.
1558-1 G03.] RECtARDED AS A GREAT GRIEVANCE. 345
chief part of it on John Jugge, son of Richard the printer, with whose
name we are already familiar. The evidence on which this fact is
founded is no other than a formal complaint, addressed to the authori-
ties, and subscribed by twenty-five stationers and printers, in the name
of one hundred and seventy-five, all members of the Stationers' Com-
pany. To this are adhibited the names of all in London who lived by
bookselling, being free of other Companies, but " also hindered by the
said privileges." This document, subscribed by forty-five men, in name
of not fewer than one hundred and eighty-five, being the first formal
voice raised in England, upon record, against what they conceived to be
the injurious operation of such privileges, is not only curious in itself,
but entitled to special notice by any who wish to understand a subject
hitherto involved in obscurity. Though it be above two hundred and
sixty years since these persons came forward in a body, as one man, and
subscribed their names, the ground of their complaint and their main
grievance cannot be uninteresting or of little moment even at the present
hour, since, in the united apprehension of the entire craft, accuracy in
printing, and the jurice of boohs were alike in jeopardy. Thus they ex-
pressed themselves : —
" The privileges lately granted by her Majesty, under her Highness's Great Seal
of England, to the 2:>ersons underwritten, concerning the art of printing books,
hath and will be the overthrow of the printers and stationers within this city,
being in number 175, besides their wives, children, apprentices, and families, and
thereby the kxcessive prices of books, prejudicial tu the state of the whole realm,
besides the false printing of the same.
" 1. John Jugge, besides the being her Majesty^s printer, hath gotten the privi-
lege for the printing of Bibles and Testaments, the which was common to all
the printers.3-
Thus, whatever may be said of this unanimous opinion, the language of the
complaint establishes two historical facts. First, That for a period of about
forty years, or from 153G, when the New Testament first began to be printed in
London, up to the present moment in 1576, the printing of the Sacred Scrip-
tures in England had been cummon tu all printers — that is, to any printer who
applied and secured a license for the edition, or to any gentleman, such as Mar-
ler and Bodley, both of whom had obtained one. Second, That the printing of
the Sacred Volume had never, all along, been regarded, as in any sense or de-
gree attached to the office or title of the King's or Queen's printei-. The pre-
vious history, indeed, as well as our list of editions at the end, alike demonstrate
this ; but still it is satisfactory to have it from the pen of the craft as a body.
Of the complaint recorded in the authentic manuscript now quoted, we have
here only to remark that, among the names subjoined to it, there is that of one
man, then a member of the " worshipful Company of Drapers," and not as yet of
the Stationers' Company, but, living as he did by bookstV/i«</, he subscribed
32 Lansdowne MS., 48, no. 78 This is dated, externally, by some person in 1582, confound-
ini; it with a following document oUhat date, tlioUnli it has been tal<i.-n for correct in tliu Av-
chaoh.Kia, xxv., p. 101. It is printed in Strype's St<iw. ii., p. 22;^, anno \:>^^,■, and this we believe
to be correct, only recollecting that such was lluir year till the i'ith March i:>7(l. Ikskia thite
175, ten more stihscritieil who lind hp booksellimj. or XKt in nil.
■HG THIS I'ATENT EXI'LAINKD [no(iK in.
JMJCordiiigly ; iirnl tliih is no otiicr tli;in <'liri»t.,j>lur Jiurkcr, a name wliicli tlu-
ivader may boar in niiuil till lie Hce wliat I'Dllowcd.
Joiin t'awood aii<l Ricliard Jngj^o, it will be rt'collecti'd, had been her Majes-
ty'H printers. The former died on the Ist of April l.j?-, and tiie latter, soon
after printing hin last edition of the Bishops' Bible, in 1.^77. Jnhn Jiii/je, of
whom all the stationers, inclnding Jidiker, here complained, lived but a very
short time, and, in fact, never ohcc exercised the privilege lield up as so inju-
rious. He never printed either a Bible or even a New Testament. On the con-
trary, from what soon followed, or so early as September 1.577, it is almost evi-
dent that he must have been dead before then. At all events, the consequences
deprecated by the printers and booksellers commenced not with him.
It was on the '28th Sejjtember 1.577 that an exclusive patent was purclia.sed,
not frovi her Majedy for this time, as has been all along supposed, but from Mu.
Wilkes, and of a far more extensive character than that of wliicli complaint
had been made, but very specially including the Old and 2iew Testament in the
English language ; nay, and of whatever translation, with notes, or without
them I !
In these circumstances, it is very curious to observe the last expiring effort of
Richard Jugge, and it may be seen now in his final edition of the Bishops' Bible
this year. He was still " Pi'intor to her Majesty," and though posses.sing no
exclusive privilege on that account, he had printed this version all along, no
one else interposing. Probably, after Parker's decease, Jugge had not the
means or the spirit to bring out ^ folio, but, at all events, the present Bible was
only in large octavo. To the simple title of all previous editions, however, he
now added the words — " ISetfoorthby authoritie." What he meant to convey by
this, more than his customary " cum privilegio,'' it is difficult, if not impossible,
to divine. If it was merely some limited authority from Primate Grindal or his
brethren, he was entirely out of royal favour by the month of June this year.
But, at all events, it was no direct authority from her Majesty, for that wa.s
already given away to Mr. Wilkes ; nay, nearly at the very moment when
Jugge was printing his Bible, a«t/^/i<.'r man was negotiating with Wilkesas to the
very extensive patent to which we have alluded. Moreover, as if to crown all,
Elizabeth at this moment actually appears as if she had entertained no more
taste or preference for the Bishops' version than she had discovered for the head
of the Bench. Certainly the Geneva version, in folio, of this very year, 1577,
had been presented to her, and as certainly the covers were embroidered by her
Majcsty^s own hand. This identical book was formerly in the Duchess of
Portland's museuni, and it is now in the »S«.vf.r Library, never, it is to be hoped,
to leave this kingdom.
But to proceed. — By whom was the purchase of this unwonted patent from
Wilkes secured ? By no other than one of the men who had conijilained so
lately and so loud — Christopher Barker I This was certainly not a very honour-
able connnencement of such business ; and the fact might have been questioned,
had we not Barker's own evidence at hand — for a few monllis only had .served
to change his tone. When jirotesting against a grievance likely to produce
" the overthrow of many entire families," he could speak as already expressed ;
but when once enjoying the fruits of that grievance, he will express himself in
very difl'erent terms.
It so happened, that, in the end of 1.5>i2, or about si.x years after his com-
plaint. Barker addressed Lord Burleigh, whether of his own accord or by re-
ijuest, does not appear. He gives, however, a " Note of the offices, and special
licenses for pi-inting, granted by her Majesty to divers persons," with his own
conjecture of their value. The selfish special pleading by which the whole do-
1558-1003.] HV THE FIRST PATENTEE. 347
cuinent is distinguislied, cannot fail to amuse the gentlemen printers of the jjre-
sent day throughout the kingdom.'*'' ]iut part of it, in relation to himself, is
essential to our present narrative, and must not here be omitted. He had spoken
of Mr. Flower, already referred to, and then he comes to himself.
" Christopher Barker. — Mine own office of her Majesty's px-inter, i/ire« to
Mr. Wilkes, is abridged of the chiefest commodities belonging to the office, as
shall hereafter appear in the patents of Mr. Seres and Mr. Daye ; but as it is,
T have the printing of the Old and New Testament, the Statutes of the realm,
Proclamations, and the Book of Common Prayer byname, and, in general
words, all matters for the Church." After complaining of inferior existing pa-
tents as preventing his gains, and speaking lightly of other privileges included
in his own, he comes to the Scriptures. " Te-itainents alone are not greatly
commodious, by reason the prices are so small as will scarcely bear the
charges ! The whole Bible together requireth so great a sum of money to be em-
ployed in the imprinting thereof, as Mr. Jugge kept the realm twelve years
without before he durst adventure to print one impression.3^ But T, considering
the great sum I paid to ]\[r. Wilkes, did, us some have termed it since, give a
desperate adventure to imprint four sundry impressions for all ages ; wherein
I employed to the value of three thousand pounds in the term of one year and a
half, or thereabout ; in which time, if I had died, my wife and children had been
utterly undone, and many of my friends greatly hindered by disbursing round
sums of money for me, by suretyship and other means, as my late good Mr.
Master Secretary for one. So that now, this gap being stopped, I have little or
nothing to do but adventure a needless charge, to keep many journeymen in
work, most of them servants to my predecessors." ^^
The reader may be ready to suspect that this man was now about to throw
up his monopoly as a losing concern ; but he indulged in no such dream. He
well knew what he was about, when he paid " the great sum " to Mr. Wilkes,
and as well, when he " gave a desperate adventure " to the public. He saw
clearly that whatever the Bishops thought of their Bible, it was never likely to
afford him any munificent return in the way of business, and, therefore, he had
taken special care in 1577, or five years befoi'e this, that the Genera version
should be fully embraced by his patent. What is still moi'e curious, the
33 For example, lie says to the Lord Treasurer—" There are 22 printing-houses in London,
where eiyhl or ten at the most would suffice for all Rncjland ; yea, and Scotland too ! But if no
man were allowed to be a Mr. printer but such whose behaviour were well known and aucto-
rised by warrant from her Majesty, the art would be most cxcelkntlij executed in England, and
many frivolous and unfruitful copies kept back which are daily thrust out in print, greatly cor-
ruptinj; the youth, and prejudicial to the commonwealth many ways." Such was the magnani-
mous proposal, and such the language of Christopher Barker, our, -first monopolist.
34 This innuendo was very unfair, to pay the least. Richard Jugge had no crcliishv patent,
as Barker had attested with his own ))en ; and Jolin, the son, against whom he had protested,
soon died. Why, then, could not Barker have left the grievance to die also, at least for consist-
ency's sake, so far as he was concerned.
35 MS. Lansdownc, 48, No. 82, and indorsed " December i5Si. Writt by Christopher Barker
to the Lord Treasurer." Wc know not why, but before he got his patent, this man spelt and
printed his name Harkar ; after that, Barker. He is understood to have been related to
Sir Christopher Barker, Garter King-at-Arms ; but, at all events, it is evident that he had been
in circumstances which may account for his having not barked in vain. He had once been in
the service of .S'/> Francis IValsitiijham.
Such was by far the largest slice of Wilke's " patent of i>rivileRe ;" but this was not the
amount of his gains. To John Dav, who must no more print Bibles as in young Edward's
reign, Wilkes sold a patent for j)rinting " the Psalms set to Music," " the Catechism,"— and
this at the suit of the Earl of Leicesler. To VVim.iam Serbs, a patent for printing the Psalter,
the Primer for children, besides several others, wliicli it is too tedious to enumerate.
;]1.8 rillS I'ATKNT KXPLAINED. [lioOK III.
liiMliops' lJiI)li', thougli published nine years before, was not there in his
patent, specified even by name, nor indeed e.eer vas throiif^hout tlie entire
reign ! Tiie terms of tlie patent, therefore, were — " All liibles and Testa-
ments, in tlie English language, of whntever translation, ttilh notes, or without
them." Thus, however unceremoniously, the Bishops' vereion was safely in-
cluiled, but the Geneva also, and on the same footing, as well as another, Tom-
son's, about to be mentioned.-'*'
By Barker himself, therefore, we ai-e now furnished with a key to the change
which took place in printing the Scriptures, even from the year 1575. There
was then, it is true, another Archbisliop of Canterbury, Edmund Grindal, and
certjiinly ho had no objections to the foreign version, nor had he now express-
ed any desire, like his predecessor, that it should be subjected either to his
" consent or direction." But though he had done so, this could not have ac-
counted for any change whatever, as he had already fallen under the displeasure
of his royal Mistress, Primate though he was, and his inttuenco cannot be esti-
mated at anything more than that of a neutral party. Here, however, was
Barker's " good Master," Mr. Secretary, l^ir Francis Wahinijham, s<j far con-
cerned in the business. " Hound sums " and " surety-ship" were at stake,
while Sir Francis was only one of " many friends," all alike alive to the suc-
cess of the new and unwonted patent.
On the road to favour, therefore, and hefurc the patent was secured, Parker
being once out of the way, and Sir Francis, Secretary of State, Barker had
commenced in 1575, by employing Vautrollier to print the Geneva Testament.
This was followed by editions of that Bible, both in quarto and octavo, in 1575,
and again in quarto in 157(). More than this, as the Scriptures had hitherto,
iu England, been printed only iu the black or German type, Barker had now
the credit of introducing the Roman letter ; an improvement which had com-
menced at Geneva. But iu 157G Barker brought out a beautiful edition of the
Geneva Bible, in folio ,- the text being in Roman, and the arguments in italic
type. This year, also, the under-Secretai'y of Sir Francis, Laurence Tomson,
had finished a translatiou of the New Testament, with Beza's notes ; the first
edition of which was now also printed " by Christopher Barkar — at the sign of
the Tygre's Head, cum privilegio." And well might he fix the sign of the
Tiger's head above his shop door in St. Paul's Church-yard : it was the crest of
Walsingliam, to whom also the book was dedicated, in a long epistle.
Now all this, as already explained, was done in the face of Richard Jugge,
her Majesty's pruiter for the time being, because no e.vclusirc privilege be-
longed to him, more than to his predecessoi's. Nay, it was also in the face of
3fi Barker, it is known to all, stands at the liead of a long list ; but since he chose to com-
mit himself even in addressing the Lord Treasurer, in common justice to the memory of
Richard JiKiOK, his hmguagc and condint ouglit to be understood. With the contemptible
view of exalting himself in the eyes of Lord liurleigh, lie had basely affirmed that Jugge " had
kei)t the realm Iwi/vc years before he durst adventure to print one im|)ression of the whole
Bible together." This, to say the least, was a notorious falsehood. By the luvlflh year of Eliza-
beth, Jugge had iirintcd /our Bibles, though even this is not a sufficient answer. R. Jugge,
though Queen's printer, never had an exclusive patent, much less an exclusive round and rov-
ing one, such as that in which Barker now gloried, without his yet being satisfied ; but even in
the third year of Elizabeth, Jugge's cojiartner, I'awood, had printed Cranmer's Bible, and
Jugge could not print the Bishops' version till it was ready in the ninth and tenth year of the
reign. And how did lie proceed then;' After the splendid folio of l.'Kill, he repeated the
version in I.Miil, 1.17(1, I.''>72, Vijli. \->1i, l-''7o, l;")7<>. l-''77. and then he died. While Barker was
thus defaming a pitce<ling printer /ii'f years after his death, he had printed this version, and
that by assignment, how often? Only <'/ii'f .' Of the Geneva version, however, he had given
four editions, for a reason sufheiently obvious -Oii- deimimi.
1. 358-1 ()03.] BY THE FIRST PATENTED. 34.!)
Jolm Jugge's cxclusivn patent, of whieli HarUei", among his lirctlircn, was theit
complaining to the authorities ! To the othin* printers and booksellers at that
moment, Barker must have appeared to be fighting manfully in their favour.
But September 1577 arrived, and though, according to the document he had
subscribed, not fewer than 175 families might be " overthrown," to say nothing
of the price of books, or incorrect printing, he had altered his opinion ! No
more sympathy was to be either felt or expressed now, for the " overthrow of
other printers, their wives and children," within this city of London ! Pity of
another character had taken full possession of the patentee. He now speaks
only of hit> own wife and children. A change had come over the spirit of the
man, and such as may remind some readers of the language which Cowper has
put into the mouth of his " Trader to the African shore," —
This pity, which some iieople self-pity call,
Is sure the most heart-piercing pity of all— Which nobody can deny.
Thus, however, it was that Mr. C. Barker, for " a pj-eat sum paid to Mr.
Wilkes," secui'ed his exclusive privilege. It included every version, whether
the Bishops', the Geneva, or Tomson's Testament, and whether with or without
notes, — a sweeping grietancc, as he had expressed it in 1576, or six years ago.
Barker then went on, and confessedly with great spirit, printing both ver-
sions of the Sacred Volume ; and for the best of all reasons, because there was
such an eager demand, esjiecially for the Geneva. Had the patentee himself
evinced any prejudice in favour of one version more than the other, it might
have so far accounted for what ensued ; but he was influenced by no such par-
tiality. According to his own shewing, he was regulated solely by the popular
taste, or the prospect of remuneration. He, as we have hoard from himself,
soon, and within the short compass of about eighteen months, advanced not
less than three thousand pounds in printing the Sacred Scriptures, an amount
but little short of thirty thousand of the present day ! In the entire range of
English literature at that period, there was nothing once to be compared to
this : and yet the demand under this reign was but begun ; it will be long before
it is satisfied.
Notwithstanding his artful grumbling to the Lord Treasurer Bm'leigh, in
1582, the occupation of the patentee growing under the privilege he had bought ;
a crisis arrived, of which he was not slow to avail himself most fully. If his
patent had proved only a poor affair, he had now a fine opportunity of throwing
it up, only he may have changed his mind, as he had done before. Exclusive
patents for life having been introduced, in several inferior cases, it will be Bar-
ker's object to secure one ; but as it is of the nature of all injurious desire to
rise in its demands, perhaps there may be something more obtained, than a
patent extending only to the day of his own decease !
Mr. Wilkes, the gentleman to whom Barker owed his license, had gradually
become a man of greater importance. As early as 1575, we observe he was at
Strasburg, and cori-esponding with the Earl of Leicester ; but in 1586, when in
Holland, he was writing not to Lord Burleigh only, but to the Privy Council
as a body, if not to the Queen herself. Having returned home, not satisfied
with Barker's " great sum," and wishing to resemble some others, he longed
for another monopoly, and began to dabble in one of the most important neces-
saries of life. One " patent of privilege " was not sufficient. Perhaps it was
in consideration of service done; but on the 24th of February 1587, Wilkes
had obtained another, for making white salt lit Hull, Boston, and Lynn. From
some cause, however, he got himself involved in trouble, and falling under the
displeasure of his Royal Mistress, it cost him nearly two years to weatlier tiie
■J.'iO TIIK PATKNT KKNKWKU, AND [hOOK III.
storm. 77(15 was Barker's opportunity. Her Majesty's I'riiitcr of tlie Enf^lish
toii^jiio, l)y tit/i', bfiiig in diirancc, it was time for tlie nrtiial printer to look out
for himself. A license from a man now in Fleet prison was wortli little or no-
thinjj.'C Accordingly, well known to Cecil, ami patronised by Walsingliam,
liis old master, if not also his supporter in business, he applied and obtained a
patent fronj the Qiwiu direct. Notwithst;inding the great sum paid to Wilkes,
in September 1,)77, Barker was now ready, no doubt, to pay another, if not a
greater ; but at all events he will contrive to secure a longer privilege.
lie had an only son, named Robert, then comparatively but a young man.
However, ho wa.s successful in getting him included in this new patent, dated
!tth August l.iiif) ; the extensive range of which was to continue for both lives.st
The father died on the '2.')th of November 1 .j.'».0, but the son survived him, for
the long i)eriod of forty -six years ; so that the interest now acquired was not
extinct till the twentieth year of Charles the First, or 1645 ! This, however
carrying us far beyond the boundaries of Elizabeth's reign, as the Barker
family will come before us again, we now return to the moment of the father's
success.
The exteiLsive patent of Christopher and Robert Barker
once secured, in regard to the Scriptures, it embraced " all
Bibles and Testaments whatsoever, in the English language,
of whatever tran.slation, with notes, or without notes, printed
3" In .luly of this year, 15H7, Wilkes landed in Fleet prison, from whence, on the 22d, he was
writinH to Cecil forhisenlarpcmciit. and more earnestly on the 22(1 of September. " I trust," he
says, " in respect that my case is no more heinous than that of others, who are in the /('Av predi-
cament, Ihoiiiih my belters, I shall not be refused, after two months' imprisonment, to stand in like
terms for my liberty as they do." It was not, however, till 1.589, that he was presenting his rea-
sons for his patent being continued, as involving "the best and chiefest stay of his mainten-
ance." So capricious, however, was flic royal favour, that before the end of next year, after
Walsingham's death. Wilkes had risen higher than ever. " The resolution for secretaries."
says Mr. Francis Needham to the Earl of Shrewsbury in l.')90, " licth between Mr. Kobert Cecil
and Mr. tyilkcs. Vour Lordship can easily judge whose creatures they are, and the choice
were happy if they happen to run in one course ; the one in respect of the great helps he shall
have from his fathrr ; the other a well experimental gentleman, of good understanding, and
great despatch, and no less courage." The j>laceof Secretary of State was, however, kept vacant
for six years after Walsingham's death, by the Earl of Essex's iiielTectual efforts to procure the
restoration of the unfortunate Davison. Sir Robert Cecil, who in the meantime conducted offi-
cial business, was at length appointed in July 1.5!»6. From l;"»9lt Mr. Wilkes was frequently em-
ployed on foreign embassies, on one of which he was kniiihlfd, but by the King of France, in
return for kindness shewn to him, when King of Navarre. At last, in March 15!I8, Cecil, the
Secretary, and Herbert, Master of Requests, having accompanied him to France, Sir Thomas
died there, as soon as he landed. See Lansilowne MS. .IJ, art. 54. and 71- Idem .')!), art. G6, (W,
fi!). Lodge's Illustrations, Hvo, vol. ii., p. 42(5. Cotton MS., Julius F. vi., fol. 04 : and Wood's
Fasti, anno \^>~-2. Mr. Wilkes, however, was not the only ambassador whom Elizabeth paid
with sail. There was another patent. And hence Wilkes had pled in 158!), " If the grant shall
he thought utilawfiil, because it seemeth a Dionojiobi, I beseech their 1-ordships to remember
that her Majesty hath granted others of the like nature ; as that for the brin;,Hng in of tuxit
tcinet, currants, ror/iiiifal, carils, making of starrh, printing of the common laws, i)raminars, and
such like— and of the same nature, viz., solt, one to Mr. Harborn of Yarmouth," i. e., once
ambassador to Constantinople. All these facts give a mo.st melancholy character to her Majes-
ty's last Sj/ecch. Uttered as it was within fifteen months of her death, the finely turned expres-
sions will not allow us to forget the deliberate falsehood contained in them.
38 It is quoted at length by Ames, p. 357. This patent, it is now of some importance to ob-
serve, commences with rccoiinishi<i the former one. dated 2tlth September 1577- That, however,
it will be recollected, was nothing higher than a liranrh of a Patknt of PRrviLKOE. We have
already seen what was already judged of such privileges as being illegal, nor can the reader
forget the terms in which Elizabeth had pledged her henrl and hand to Parliament on the sub-
ject ; and yet all subsequent patents in relation to the English Scriptures, take their rise from
Barker's first.
l.'i.^S-UJOo.] AT A MAUKKO PERIOD. 351
before then, or afterwards to be printed by our command."'''
The privileges are granted, professedly, in consideration of
Mr, Barker's great improvement in the art of printing.^' But
the most singular feature of the document at such a crisis, is
this, that no notice whatever is taken of any one translation,
as preferable to another, no, nor of any one as having been
either ordered or sanctioned by the Queen. This too becomes
more remarkable, when it is observed that the patent was
granted under the sway of Whitgift, Archbishop of Canter-
bury, the strenuous promoter of uniforynity in every thing
else, and whose decided preference of the Bishops' version,
had only the year before been strongly marked and enforced.
Burleigh, indeed, and Sir Francis Walsingham, maj^ be pre-
sumed to have acquiesced in a license so broad ; but at all
events, here, under one of the most powerful Monarchs that
had ever held the English sceptre, and as rigid a Primate as
had occupied the See of Canterbury, since the invention of
printing, if we look to what followed, it is not difficult to see
there, an overruling hand once more. Whatever may be
said of Queen Elizabeth, assuredly Archbishop Whitgift did
not intend to promote the perusal throughout all England of
any version of the Scriptures, save one, now sanctioned by
" the Synod of Bishops ;" but then here comes her Majesty,
with open eyes, and by her sign manual, she has left the peo-
ple free to choose, in the highest sense, when, so far as her
power extended, she would on no account allow it, in any other.
No one will stand up now, to justify the course pursued by
Barker from the beginning. It was a most mercenary aftair
from first to last ; and yet even when a man is so influenced,
the consequences, whether immediate or remote, by the hand
of God may easily be overruled for good. One consequence,
at all events, is here worthy of special observation. Even
under an exclusiv^e patent, granted by a Queen imperative
even to trifles, since the supply was after all regulated solely
by the demand, and only the sordid prospect of remuneration,
we are able to see, and as clearly as we did under Edward the
Sixth, Avhat was the taste or choice of the great body of Eng-
lish readers.
39 This was little else than a mere flourish, as there were equal, nay, superior printers. But
.It all events, Barker, from this date, actually printed only by deputy, the father retiring to liis
country house at Datchet, near Windsor, at the age of sixty.
352 SURVEY OF THE 8CRIPTURES. (^BOOK Ml.
In contemplating this long and powerful reign, with imme-
diate reference to the Sacred Volume, there are three distinct
points alike worthy of notice and recollection. The firgt is,
the number of editions on the whole, so very far beyond that
which has ever been observed. A second peculiarity is very
manifest, or the number of impressions in what is usually
styled the Geneva version, in comparison with others, or with
Cranmer's and Parker's versions taken together. But the
third point, as soon as our list at the close is glanced at, can-
not escape notice — the large number of Bibles^ as compared
w ith the editions of the Neic Testament separately.
Apprehension, approaching nearly to horror, had been ex-
pressed in Parliament, at the very idea of a patent for bread;
but here was a commodity infinitely above it, in point of im-
portance and value — the bread of Life ; and since it had been
delivered into the hands of one man, to deal it out in con-
formity to privilege granted ; this being the first movement
of the kind, every reader must be curious to observe the ex-
periment in its first operation and consequences. Here, then,
he may now do so, at the distance of two hundred and forty
years, and for a space of time equal to that of the entire
generation first so circumstanced.
The supply on the whole, cannot fail to occasion delightful
surprise, even in those who have been long, to the usual ex-
tent, acquainted with the subject, as it so far exceeds what
has ever been pointed out in history. Speaking of the Geneva
version only, Lewis conjectured that there had been " above
thirty editions in folio, quarto, and octavo, printed from the
year 1560 to the year 1616." And so very loosely has the
history of our Bible been regarded, that, although the editions
of Shakspeare have been scanned and counted with the most
vigilant scrupulosity, this vague estimate of the Scriptures
has been repeated in print, by Newcome and many others,
down to the present hour ! Lewis took great pains in his
day, and then spoke according to the extent of his research ;
but had he multiplied by three, and said ninety editions, in-
stead of thirty, and added thirty editions more of the New
Testament separately, he would have been not far from the
truth. We are here, however, confined to the reign of Eliza-
beth terminating in 1603, or thirteen vears before the esti-
1538-1603.] LNDER QUEEN ELIZABETH. 353
mate of Lewis ; and, referring to our list at the end for par-
ticulars, we can now speak only in round numbers.
From the rear 1560 to that of 1603 inclusive, there had
been certainly not fewer than one hundred and thirty distinct
issues of Bibles and Testaments, or about eighty-five of the
former and forty-five of the latter, which presents an average
of three issues annitally throughout the entire reign ; and not-
withstanding all the caution exercised for the first sixteen
years. With reference to the Geneva version, out of the
gross issues now stated, the number approaches to ninety
editions, thus leaving only forty for all others. Or if we
speak of Bibles alone, while the number of Cranmer's and
Parker's version put together, we state as ticenty-tite, that of
the Geneva Bible had amounted at least to sixty editions.
The very remarkable disproportion, however, between the
New Testaments issued as compared with the Bible entire,
demands more particular observation, and it will come before
us presently.
Here, it is granted, we have a subject which previous his-
torians have overlooked, as either below their notice, or un-
worthy of investigation. The imprisonment and death of
Mary Queen of Scots, the invincible Spanish Armada, and
the dominant power of Elizabeth, on the one hand ; or the
life and actions of Parker, Griudal, and Whitgift, of Bacon
and Leicester, Cecil and ^Valsingham, on the other, have so
engrossed the mind, that history on this subject has been cold,
nay, silent. But may we not leave it to the judgment of every
unbiassed reader, wliether there was any movement of the pass-
ing day to be compared to this, either in itself, or in its conse-
quences I What are the footsteps of men or monarchs, moving
like shadows o'er the plain, when compared with the progress of
Di^-ine Truth in any nation ; Editions of the Sacred Volume,
at any given time, rise in importance infinitely above those
of any human composition ; but at this period especially,
owing to peculiar circumstances, they formed the only unerr-
ing index to the thirst for Divine revelation, or the actual pro-
gress in Christian knowledge. This, it will be granted, is a
state of mind the most vital of all others, so far as Christianity
in its proper sense is concerned ; while, far from being a
transitory ebullition, it extended over a space of time equal
to more than a generation. This was a growing and pro-
VOI.. II. z
1/
354 DEMAND FOR THE SCKIPTURES [boOK III.
di<;iou.s purchase of tlie Sacred Scriptures, lor they were
ncitlier given away, nor sold at reduced prices, as in modem
times. In short, justice has never been done either to the
period as such, or to tlie people of the day, whether in England
or Scotland, who purchased all they read, nay, and paid ten
times the value of tlie present prices.
The CAUSE, therefore, of this remarkable demand for the Word of
Life, at such a time, is the problem to be solved : and in the page
of history, this is of equal, if not of greater, importance to us, than the
demand itself. There are tiro agencies, to which, in other circumstances,
such a result might have been ascribed ; more especially as either of
them, at another time, would have been equal to the effect produced.
We refer to the influence of the people themselves, providing for their
own wants ; or to the ministry of the Word, in the hands of God, excii-
ing in them such desire : in other words, the power of parti/, or the
power of preaching. Both of these may now be tried, by any who are
best acquainted with the times, to account for what we at present con-
template ; but they will be tried in vain. Neither the one nor the other,
nor both together, can correctly be assigned as the cause of such a
glorious result, at this particular period of English history. If, there-
fore, we look at each of these in order, it may afford another view of
this reign, than that which has perhaps ever before been presented.
In the days of Edward the Sixth, we have already witnessed an extra-
ordinary demand for the Sacred Scriptures, and now, under his sister's
reign, a second ; but there is a material difference between the two
cases. In the time of that youthful monarch, there came before us only
trro great parties, often styled the " Friends of the Old Learning" and
" Friends of the New." Under Elizabeth, on the contrary, and more
especially from the moment when Barker began to print the Scriptures,
the last of these were divided in opinion. The country, it is notorious,
was divided into three great parties ; and this occasioned all the restless
uneasiness of that, in other respects, powerful reign. Now, it is in these
new, or altered, circumstances, that we are called to observe the History
of the English Bible, and to observe it, as steadily maintaining its own
high ground, that is, ground far above that of any party, whether in
power or out of it. Under the reign of Edward, not fewer than thirty
men in business were engaged in supplying the thirst of the people for
the Sacred Word — a noble and animating proof of activity in the Friends
of the New Learning ; and had the same nimiber been employed at
present, these editions of the Geneva version might have been, and?//ow/(/
have been, at once ascribed merely to party zeal. Here, however, now,
her Majesty's own patent printer stands in the way, and he will at once
effectually prevent any such misconception. When parties have waxed
1558-1 G0;3.] DURING ELIZABETH'S REIGN. 355
warm, or party spirit run high in a country, should there be any one
thing proceeding at the same time as an index to the state of the
people, xchich cannot, with truth and accuracy, be ascribed to any party
as such, because not within its power, that Tcry thing may prove by far
the most important object for consideration by posterity. The doings of
Christopher Barker, then, shall now serve for such an index. He, and
no one else, is to satisfy the desire of the people for the Sacred Scrip-
tures ; and he is so far from being even tinged with zeal for a party, that
only one prospect regulates all his movements, and that is the prospect
of sale and remuneration. The sheets of both versions, whether the
Bishops' or the Geneva, must issue, indeed, from his press alone ; but he
will not wet a sheet of either, except simply as they are demanded.'"'
Now, had this man been a partizan in favour of the Bishops' version, or
the fine book presented to the Queen, from whom he had received or
purchased his patent, it must have been more frequently printed ; but
if she should never interfere, as she never did, then he would go with the
stream, that is, wherever the prospect of gain may carry him. On the
other hand, the readers of the Geneva Bible, as a body, cannot be dis-
tinguished by any opprobrious party epithet of the day, for that version
was to be found in all the families of England where the Scriptures
were read at all. In running down the list of Editions, it is one of
the most pleasing of all associations, that all these yrQVQ family Bibles ;
and in the eye of impartial posterity these people can be no otherwise
now designated than simply as " the readers of the Bible." But then,
to supply their own necessities was not icithia their poicer. Call them a
party, and as such they were the noblest of their time ; yet, as a party,
they could not help themselves. They might besiege the door of Barker,
and to this he had no objections, but then he icov.ld not vorl- as the
readers could have wished, of which he has left behind him most notable
evidence. Finding the desire of the people to be so strong, at a very
early period he had firmly made up his mind as to the most gainful vfa.j
of gratifying it. This he had done before 1582, or above seventeen
years before his death, — a lucrative business being the man's sole ob-
ject. " Testaments aloxe," said the poor mercenary monopolist, " Tes-
taments aloxe, are not greatly commodious, by reason the prices are so small
as icill scarcely hear the charges !"*^ Passing strange I After they had
been so comm/)dious in the days of Edward that so many diflferent men
had embarked in printing them I But it is curious enough that we
should now, in any degree, be obliged to this man for his complaint. It
was, indeed, never heard from the lips of any printer before the run of
an exclusive patent, yet it enables us to account for a very glaring ano-
*o Whatever English Bibles were printed in Holland will not affect our subsequent statement,
as the foreigners were working under hie sanction or control.
■•' As quoted before, see page 34".
a.")() THIS GUOWINU UKMANU [liOOK 111.
lualy ill our list of editions, which cannot fail to strike as souu as it is
pointed out, and one which, whenever observed before, could never have
li'cii, explained. We allude to the number of editions of the New Tes-
tament under Edirard, compared with that under Elizcibeth. In the
five years of Edwar<l there were above thirtij editions. According to the
same proportion, under Eliza))cth, there might have been nearly nine
times more, or approaching to three hundred editions. There were, how-
ever, only about forty-five ! However hard, therefore, this may now bear
on the patentee from 1577, one thing is clear : Barker himself had stood
in the way, preventing any man, however ])iassed, from ascrilnng those
numerous editions of the entire Scriptures to the energy of a pauty ; and
we are now as effectually prevented from such a supposition. This is not
the way in which such energy would have wrought. All we can say,
therefore, is, — such was the will of Providence at this period, that they
who desired to see a fart, must, in many instances, pay for their curiosity,
and jnirchase the entire volume ; and so they did, though generally in
quarto, and to this most remarkable extent. It was an ardent desire,
and to be gratified only at great personal expense.
In answering this demand, however, another singular circumstance
occurred ; and since the reverse of the truth has been generally stated,
and therefore believed, it must not be passed over. We have already
stated that the Geneva Bible was dedicated to Queen Elizabeth, with an
epistle prefixed, and one, in its title, certainly rising far, far above all
party spirit — " To our Beloved in the Lord, the Brethren of England,
Scotland, and Ireland.''' This was in the spring of 1560, soon after the
storm in England had drifted to leeward. Such a style of address was the
first flight of its kind that had ever occurred, holding out the same olive
branch to the three kingdoms ; and well would it have been for them all
could they have only accepted, retained, a>id cherished the sjiirit expressed
by it, up to the present hour. The title had at least this advantage —
that every Christian must or ought to approve of it, if any prefix what-
ever be necessary for the Sacred Volume. Like a foreign plant, brought
home into their native land by these exiles, if it should afterwards there
droop or be crushed, let not the " readers of the Bible" be charged
with the violence done. The Bible itself, as we have seen, was abund-
antly printed in England ; but it may very naturally be in<|uired how it
fared with each of these prefixes ? The dedication to Elizabeth, far
from being suppressed immediately, as it has been often erroneously
stated, was reprinted in every edition, uj) to the twenty-fifth year of her
reign — that is, to 1583, or in twelve editions, including that of 1560,
seven of which were ])rintcd in London. It was then withdrawn, and the
time will strike certain readers, as it was the first year of Whitgift's
orimacy. Whether this was done through his influence or not, to every
unsophisticated mind it will now appear to have been an improvement,
1.")58-1G'03.] TRACED TO ITS ORIGIN. 357
for the Bible was better without it, while the omission had not the
slightest effect in checking the sale. After this, and while the Queen
reigned, many more editions were printed, and, of course, by her own
patentee, without any dedication. As for the " epistle," with its ori-
ginal TITLE, it passed through ten editions up to nearly the same period,
or 1582, that being the last Bible in which it isfound.'*^ In the edition
of 1579, however, while the epistle itself remained, down to the period
of oiu' present version and beyond it, by some cold and narrow-minded
spirit the title was altered to the following terms : — " To the diligent and
Christian Reader ;'''' and then simply " To the Christian Reader.'''' A
change from the social to the personal — from a breathing of love intend-
ed to cheer three kingdoms, to the solitary reader, wherever he might be
found, was certainly no improvement ; but again, if there was 2^arti/ sjn-
rit here, let not these purchasers and readers of the Bible itself be
charged with this spirit. If the olive branch was crushed, it was not
them that crushed it ; though neither had this any effect on the circula-
tion. In the present day there are those who may remark, that, if there
had been no monopoly, the unobjectionable and expansive title would
have survived ; but, at all events, even incidents such as these throw
light on the times, as well as relieve the numerous readers of the Scrip-
tures from the charge of a narrow spirit. It must now, then, be appa-
rent that we are constrained to look for some higher cause than mere
party zeal. To the human eye all this was nothing more than one man
employed, under the royal sanction, to meet a desire which her Majesty
had no power, perhaps no disposition, to control. It was, however, a cur-
rent too strong even for Elizabeth, while her own printer must stand by,
to satisfy the demand.
But since the people were so eager for the Geneva version, as the
printer has proved, it may now be asked — Were they not excited by
addresses from the ftdpit ? They might have been, and the ministry of
the Word would have accounted for all that had occurred. No doubt they
who feared God then spake often one to another, and met as they might ;
but will any man, acquainted with the times, venture to trace the grow-
ing desire of this people to the energy, or the growing energy of
preaching 1 To the living voice of such a man as Luther, or such a
chosen band as his coadjutors ? No ; Britain, surrounded by her own
sea, is little to be associated with Germany, from first to last. From her
ovm Wickliffe until now, she has had a case of her own to be traced out,
and the direct dealing of the Almighty with this nation is yet to 1)6 more
42 For more than a century it has been said that the dedication and preface were hoih hnme-
iValfhi suppressed, or that, after the first edition of ISfJd, they were left out in all the subsequent
editions ! But there was more tlian enough, for which her Majesty was responsible, .and let not
the slightest injustice be done to her memory. The statement now made may he relied on, as
it hns ))ccn verified hy eom)iaiison with all the Bibles thcmselrcs.
358 THIS GROWING DEMAND [book hi.
carefully studied. Where, then, was there, throughout this long reigu,
extolled as so glorious, even one Apollos or Boanerges permitted to raise
his voice across the kingdom, and excite the people to read and live i
Or one Latimer in all England ? As for Bernard Gilpin, the Apostle of
the North and Friend of the Poor, to say nothing of his having heen once
on the road to martyrdom under Bonner, and often thwarted since, he
had died out of the way as early as the year 1584. Even in London,
where these Bibles were perpetually printing, what say the petitioners to
Parliament i
" There are in this City a great number of churches, but the one half of them,
at the least, are utterly unfurnished with preaching ministers. The other half,
partly by means of non-residents, which are very many, partly through the
poverty of many meanly qualified, there is scarce the tenth man to be found
that makcth any conscience carefully to wait upon his charge, whereby the
Lord's Sabbath is often wholly neglected, and, for the most part, miserably
mangled."
In one word, it is undeniable that, as far as intelligible preaching of
the Truth was concerned, generally speaking, the entire country was de-
plorably destitute. The people at large were living under a Sovereign,
who, throughout her entire reign, could never divest herself of api^rehen-
sion from two sources — the liberty of preachinff, and the freedom of the
press — both of which were under restraint, as far as her power could ex-
tend. As for the press, one requires to look no farther than the decrees
of the Star Chamber ; and, with regard to preaching, though historians
of the most opposite sentiments had not conceded the point, the Queen
herself has not left them to inform us what were her sentiments — for as
to hearing a sermon of any kind, she but seldom did so. In the course
of her reign she had three primates in succession, Parker, Grindal, and
Whitgift ; one of whom conscientiously dared to speak out on this very
subject. No language could be more respectful than that with which
Grindal approached her Majesty — none required to be more argumenta-
tive— nor, in the conclusion, more solemn. After warning the Queen, by
the authority of Scripture itself, he did so by her own mortality, the judg-
ment-scat of the Crucified — by Him who dwelleth in Heaven, who taketh
away the spirit of princes, and is terrible above all the kings of the
earth — at the same time tendering his resignation .
" Alas, Madam ! " said he, " is the Scripture more plain in any one thing
than that the Gospel of Christ should be plentifully preached, and that plenty of
labourers should be sent unto the Lord's harvest, which, being great and large,
standeth in need, not of a few, but many workmen. There was appointed to the
building of Solomon's material temple a hundred and fifty thousand ai-tificers
and labourei-s, besides thi'cc thousand three hundred ovci-seei-s ; and shall we
think that a few preachers may suffice to build and edify the spiritual temple
of Christ, which is his rimreh !" — " J'ubhe and continual preaching of God's
1558-1603.3 TRACED TO ITS OKIGIN. 359
Word is the ordinary meau and instrument of the salvation of mankind. Paul
calleth it the miiiiitri/ o/reconci/iatlon of man unto God. By preaching of God's
Word the glory of God is enlarged, faith is nourished, and charity increased.
By it the ignorant is instructed, the negligent exhorted and incited, the stubborn
rebuked, the weak conscience comforted, and to all those that sin of malicious
>*-ickedness the wrath of God is threatened. By it also due obedience to Chris-
tian princes and magistrates is planted in the hearts of subjects."
But the Archbishop, though he manfully discharged his conscience,
might have saved himself the trouble of writing, and»especially so long a
letter, with his oirn hand that she ahne might read it. In language, at
once daring and presumptuous, because arraigning the appointment of
God himself, the Queen had already told him, " that it was good for the
Church to have few preachers ; that three or four might suflSce for a
county ; and that the reading of the Homilies to the peopjle was suffi-
cient \ " Nor was this merely " a sudden sally," as, too much in the
spirit of sycophancy, it has been represented. Firm as a rock, Elizabeth
never relented. Too like her father, above all things else she could not
bear to be told the truth, however confidentially, by any man. It is, in-
deed, very observable, that, near the throne, in both courts, there seems
to have been a Micaiah, and in both instances he met with similar treat-
ment. The first referred especially to the Word of God itself ; the second
to the ministry of that Word ; and no unbiassed writer, when estimating
the character of either monarch, is likely to forget the long imprisonment
of Latimer under Henry, or the lengthened disgrace of Grindal under
Elizabeth. These were two palpable facts, evincing a disposition which
lasted from year to year, and which by no sophistry can be softened
down. As for Grindal, after this, if not for this alone, he enjoyed the
honour of never being admitted to the Privy Council, so that he necer icas
a member ; and though the Convocation entire petitioned for his resto-
ration to freedom and favour, the Queen remained inexorable, with her
primate in disgrace, and reigning, as Henry the Eighth never did, so
unquestioned and so alone.
Now, all this happened just before Barker obtained his first license to
print the Scriptures. In June, the Archbishop was sequestered from his
office, and confined to his house, by an order from the Star Chamber ;
and Barker got his license in September. Grindal, therefore, could have
had no influence whatever in promoting the sale, much less in creating
the thirst.'*-'' But, again, the patent was renewed, and verbally the same
in August 1589, at the very moment when Whitgift was at the height of
his power ; pleasing the Queen too, in spite of some others who were in
her confidence, and at her Council board. But it was, indeed, of but
♦3 No doubt, not aware of these circumstances, or not obseninc dates, the sale, or popularity
"f the Tersion, has been aecribed in drindM bv Dr. Cnrfltnll. in his Documextary A.vwAts.
3(;0 THIS GROWING DEMAND [nnoK ill.
little moment who was in disgrace at that court, or who in power. In
the midst of many conllicting interests and opinions, and much to do,
those numerous editions of the Divine Word were j)rinting throughout
the four seasons of the year, and the demand was rising progressively to
the glory of Ilim who so signally gave that Word, and at such a time, —
the Governor among the nations.
In conclusion, and on the whole, we enter not here into the
comparative merits of the Bishops'' and the Geneva versions,
nor should the attention at present be diverted to any such
point. Both went on to be printed, and they will, therefore,
come before us under the next reign. Suffice it to say, that,
as translations, — as instruments in the hand of God, both
were all-sufficient for His purpose ; but it is of more immediate
consequence, that the mind should rest on the remarkable fact,
that under the reign of Elizabeth not fewer than one hundred
and thirty distinct publications of the Divine Word passed
through the press, mainly to meet the desires of the people ;
while the di.sposition thus to purchase and to read must have
had a cause.
Unable, therefore, to point out any adequate instrumental
cause upon earth, why should there now be any hesitation in
all England, to refer immediately to Him " from whom all
good counsels and all such desires proceed V Considering the
people as a people, far from being any disadvantage or discredit
to them, that God himself should thus speak to them more
directly than usual, and by his own Word, it only placed them
in a higher state of responsibility. The number of its editions
has shed quite a new light, and in reference to the period
itself, it is questionable whether any people in Europe can
now produce a parallel ; but certainly there was, at that pe-
riod, no similar proceeding in any nation.
The Queen upon the throne might cast indignity upon the
ordinance of Heaven for saving the souls of men, or cai'e not
for it. For this the primate of all England, being of another
mind, might pine for years under her frown ; or, as ever after,
his successor, Whitgift, might carry every thing before him.
The Commons'' House of Parliament itself might propose to
meet for prayer, and to hear a sermon ; when being rebuked
by her Majesty for their presumption in not first asking
counsel of her^ to obtain her sanction, they gave up the inten-
tion, and never heard one. One lialf of tlio buildings called
1558-1 G03.] TRACED TO ITS ORIGIN. 3GI
cliurches in the capital might stand there, and no one faithful
voice be heard within their walls, while only the tenth man
of the remaining half possessed any conscience. All this, and
more might be, but the Word of Jehovah must not be bound.
Nor was it that the Almighty Redeemer undervalued the
ministry of his own appointment. Far from any mind be
such a thought. But He is a sovereign, " having no need
either of his own works or of man''s gifts," and for a season
might suspend their operation for a higher end, even the glory
and power of his Bevealed Word. True religion revived in
Babylon, when Jerusalem lay in ruins, as it had prospered in
the wilderness, before the temple was built ; and of that
favoured people, as the depositaries of the truth, it was once
said, " If they hear not Moses and the prophets, neither will
they be persuaded though one rose from the dead," — but a
greater than Moses was here.
All this while, the nation was seen rising, confessedly, into
far greater power, though often agitated ; and if without were
fightings, within were fears. The reign had been stained by
the blood of persecution ; and as liberty of conscience was
understood by no party, instances of oppression occurred with
a frequency which cannot be explained fully, till the State
Paper Commission has done the same justice to Elizabeth
which it has done to her father. But throughout all the
tumultuous scene — the zeal for what was styled uniformity
— the decrees of the Star Chamber, and the restrictions of
the press, the " still small voice" was there. In other words,
from year to year, and as with pointing finger, a benignant
Providence stood above the nation, directing it to the Bible
alone, as its only charter to the skies ; or God's own divine
grant, in the language of the people, to all the glories of life
eternal.
When the general character and proceedings, not to say
the superior acquirements or talents of her Majesty are calmly
reviewed ; since, officially, she never appears to have much, if
at all, concerned herself with one translation more than an-
other ; perhaps one of the most melancholy circumstances of
the time was this, that Elizabeth never seems to have un-
derstood or felt, that the circulation of the Sacred Scriptures,
was by far the most important feature of her entire reign.
We arc now, however, on the borders, not only of another
3G2 RETROSPECT SINCE THE [uoOK in.
reign, l)ut of a new dynasty, wlien our own venerated version
of the J{il)Ic will cn<i;ai;o notice; but as all that lias been re-
corded had taken place before it was commenced, one parting
glance is due to the past, before bidding adieu to the princes
of the house of Tudor.
To every unprejudiced mind, the high purpose of the Al-
mighty with regard to this nation had now become very ap-
parent. And may we not inquire, whether, througliout the
compass of four successive reigns, a period of seventy-seven
years, any other movement is to be discovered, which can be
either confounded with this extraordinary procedure, or once
compared with it, in point of importance ? To convey His
own J31essed Word to tliis island, now appears to have been
God's one fixed purpose, but such a path had been chosen as for
ever to defy any impartial pen from being able to identify the
design with any mere 'party — with any peculiar or any private
interest, within its shores. And precisely the same path we
shall find to have been pursued in Scotland. We have mingled
with the men, and with the rulers of successive governments.
There had been different opinions throughout the land, and
the volumes since written respecting these, cannot be num-
bered. Mental friction, in abundance, there had been, and so
there was still : but in regard to the Saci'ed Scriptures in our
native tongue^ and the possession of them by the people, all along,
if any mere circle, or any section of men, however privileged, or
of whatever name, had put in its claim for exclusive, or even
eminent honour and renown ; we can see now that it might
with equal propriety have arrogated credit to itself, for the
rain that came down, or the snow from heaven.
There had indeed been many changes, and there will be
many more: but througliout all we have yet beheld, a con-
trast, by way of relief, has been presented to the eye of pos-
terity. It has been one continuous or unhrohen design, nor is
there one other vein of English history, of which, on the whole,
as much can be said. Elizabeth is dead ; but from the days
of her father down to the close of her long reign, " the trum-
pet has given a certain sound." If Providence had spoken at
all, or rather had done so, from year to year, and to more
than two successive generations, has not the voice been un-
ambiguous ? the purpose invariable I the object one ] Such was
the self-moved and unmerited favour of God.
1558-l()03.] REIGN OF HENRY Vlll. 'Mi'^
The extraordinary number of the editions of the Sacred
Volume, in whole or in part, having never before been marked
or known, one is called away from every thing else, as of far
inferior moment to us now. What signify to the present age,
many other events, which have long since spent all their force or
influence on posterity ? But there is a voice here, which has
never died away in the ear of this country, nay, and one that is
sounding louder than ever at the present hour. Apart, then,
from all the turmoil of these successive reigns, let the eye
only noic be turned to those venerated monuments of the en-
tire period ; for it is not the least remarkable feature in these
volumes as a Avhole, that there should be copies still in exist-
ence, and, perhaps, without one exception, from the first edi-
tion to the last ! At least we have no account to present of
editions now no more. Now in such peculiar times as those
of which we have read, for more than seventy-five years past,
every fresh issue nmst be regarded as an event, while, upon an
average, more than tkt^ee times evevT/ year, the same event had
occurred — the same voice was heard. And is there then no
conclusion to be drawn from such a series of volumes ? A
series, printed and published amidst contradiction and blas-
phemy ; preserved and read in the face of denunciation and
the flames : a series, demanded and perused ever after, not
by the voice, or through the encouragement, of human autho-
rity ; for, generally speaking, they were read, as we have
witnessed, independently of all such influence : a series, not
given away, or sold at reduced prices, as in modern times, but
purchased by the people, and at such rates as at first re-
munerated the bookseller, and then the monopolist. When
the eye thus runs over the general current of these numerous
editions, and sees them now occupy in the record of impartial
history, a place so sacred and so high ; we need not ask
whether any thing else of human composition, is to be men-
tioned with decorum, at the same moment, much less placed
by their side. This, it is presumed, would now appear to be
profane. But the entire range, and especially in its historical
character, puts the same inquiry to every reader — " Whether
there could have been given at the time, or left for the grave
consideration of posterity now, a more pointed testimony to
this one all-important truth — "' The all-sttfficiency of the
Scriptures. ''^
.'{(fi ACCESSION OK JAMKS I. [liOOK lit.
Christianity, not an outw.ard conventional form, being es-
sentially a mental subject, addressing the heart and soul of
man, this first and fundamental truth — " the all-siifficlencij
of the Divine record," — it was worthy of its Divine Author
to repeat, so emphatically, in the car of the people, from
month to month, and from year to year, amidst all their wild
confusion and the strife of tongues. This was a consideration,
which, hhtorically^ had taken precedence of every thing else,
whether of the Ministry itself, or the /brm of godliness. Nay,
and it is a truth still, which if the heart and conscience of
this nation were once fixed upon it, the consequences would
surpass human foresight : Meanwhile this, and by way of emi-
nence, seems to be one main instruction to be drawn from all
that had yet occurred. By the man of mere party, it is true,
of whatever class throughout the kingdom, from Oxford all
round to the sea, the monition may not even yet be heard ;
and that simply because the subject is one which happens to
be above his customary sphere of judgment. ]iut should the
slightest hesitation remain in the mind of any reader, let him
read on. Upon this subject there is no ambiguity awaiting
him, in the sequel.
SECTION IV.
JAMES I. TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
ACCESSION OF JAMES — HIS JOURNEY TO LONDON — HIS STRANGE PROGRESS
THROUGH THE COUNTRY — HIS HEEDLESS PROFUSION — CONFEKEXCE AT
HAMPTON COURT EXPLAINED REVISION OF THE SCRIPTURES OUR
PRESENT VERSION CONSEQUENT LETTERS — THE REVISORS — INSTRUC-
TIONS GIVEN — PROGRESS MADE — REVISION OF THE WHOLE — MONEY
PAID, BUT NOT BY HIS MAJESTY, NOR BY ANY BISHOP, AFTER THE
king's application, BUT BY THE PATENTEE THE PRESENT VERSION
PUBLISHED NO PROCLAMATION, NO ORDER OF PRIVY COUNCIL, OB ANY
ACT OF THE LEGISLATURE UPON RECORD, ON THE SUBJECT DID NOT
BECOME THE VERSION GENERALLY RECEIVED THROUGHOUT ENGLAND,
SCOTLAND, AND IRELAND, TILL ABOUT FORTY YEARS AFTERWARDS — THE
LONDON POLYGLOT BIBLE PUBLISHED BY THE PEOPLE, FOR THE PEOPLE
1()03-1()50.] ACCESSION OF JAMES I. 305
THE LAST ATTEMPT TO INTKHFEHK WITH THE lONOMSU BIBLK BY A
COMMITTEE OP PARLIAMENT, KEPKESENTING ENGLAND, IRELAND, AND
SCOTLAND UTTERLY IN VAIN TUAT ACQUIESCENCE OF THE PEOPLE AT
LARGE IN THE EXISTING VERSION OF THE SCRIPTURES SOON FOLLOWED,
WHICH HAS CONTINUED UNBROKEN EVER SINCE.
1' to the present moment, the history of the English
Bible had maintained a character peculiar to itself.
Originating with no mere patron, whether royal or
noble, the undertaking had never yet been promoted at the
personal expense of any such party. But now in regard to
that version of the Sacred Volume, which for two hundred
and thirty years has been read, with delight, from generation
to generation, and proved the effectual means of knowledge,
holiness, and joy to millions ; it may be imagined by some,
as there was now another and a final change, that our history
must, at last, change, or in other words, forfeit its character.
If, however, the accounts frequently given of our present
version have been involved in as much inaccuracy of state-
ment, as they have been with regard to all the preceding-
changes, there is the greater necessity for the public mind
being disabused ; and that, too, whether in Britain, or
America, or the British foreign dependencies. This is a
subject which alike concerns them all, as they all read, and
prize, the same version.
If because that a dedication to James the First of England
has been prefixed to many copies, though not to many others ;
and if because not only historians at their desks, but lawyers
at the bar, and even Judges on the bench, have made most
singular mistakes — it has therefore been imagined by any,
or many, that the present version of our Bible was either
suggested by this monarch ; or that he was at any personal
expense in regard to the undertaking ; or that he ever issued
a single line of authority by way of proclamation with respect
to it, it is more than time that the delusion should come to
an end. The original and authentic documents of the time
are so far explicit, that, just in proportion as they are sifted,
and the actual circumstances placed in view, precisely the
same independence of personal royal bounty, and, on the part
of the people at large, the same superiority to all royal dicta-
tion, which we have beheld all along, will become apparent.
3(i(> THK .IDUKNEY TO LONDON. [huok III.
JaiiU'.s liiiihscir, liowevor vain, is certainly not so niucli to be
blamed for any different impression, as some others who have
misrepresented his Majesty. On the other liand, his charac-
ter was sucli that to many writers it has occasioned some
exercise of patience even to refer to it, liut since liis name
occurs in connexion with this final revision of the English
Bible, it is of the more importance to ascertain the exact
amount of this connexion. From the moment in which he
was invited to the throne, and to be King of Great Britain,
his own favourite term, down to the year in which our present
version was published, his " royal progress" is forced upon
our notice.
Elizabeth had expired on the •2Hh of March ] ()03, when the King of Scotland
succeeded as James the First, finally assuming the style of King of Great Britain,
France, and Ireland. Having left Edinl)urgh for England on Tuesday the 5th
of April, James proceeded by way of Berwick and Newcastle, through York to
London, where he did not arrive till the 7th of May. Throughout this journey
he had ah-eady furnished a strong contrast, in point of character, to his prede-
cessor. With regard to rewards, whether in point of honour or emolument,
Elizabeth had been so sparing, that she has been charged with avarice. But
James, having once procured from London such supplies as might enable him
to advance in befitting style, actually hunted most of the way, scattei'iug the
honour of knighthood with such profusion along the road, that by the day he
entered his capital, the number of his knights was about one hundred and fifty ;
and before one fortnight had passed, or by the 20th of May, they were " ac-
counted at two hundred and thirty-seven, or better, since the time he entered
Berwick " on the Gth of April. The Queen, with her children, having followed
in June, the coronation took place in July ; after which, his ALijcsty imme-
diately returned, with great ardour, to his favourite sport of hunting. Though
now entered into his thirty-ninth year, and having affaire to manage which had
demanded all the talents of an Elizabeth, never was a boy let loose from school,
more bent upon his amusement.
It was, however, but a few weeks, when matters all around began to assume
a very grave aspect. From the beginning of the year, indeed, there had been
symptoms of the plague in London, but in the summer it had raged with vio-
lence, and so far from abating afterwards, in one fortnight before the 13th of
September, there had died in London alone C3fi5 persons. The disease, at the
same time, was far from being confined to the city. One might have imagined
that this was sufficient to have made any man slacken his rein ; but no, sixty
miles distant from the metropolis, at Woodstock, one of the new made knights,
Sir Thomas Edmonds, on the 13th of September, informs the Earl of Shrews-
bury, " Since the time that your Lordship left us, we h.ive wholly spent our
time in that exercise" of hunting. The prevailing disease, however, paying no
respect to persons, by this time had reached the Court. In the same letter,
therefore, it follows, " The Court hath been so continually haunted with the
sickness, by reason of the disorderly company that do follow us, that we are
forced to remove from place to place, and do infect all places where we come.
We are now going within a few days to Winchester, to seek a purer air there ;
1 f)Oy-l ()-5(l.] THE ROYAL PROGRESS AND EXPENDITURE. 367
where," sa.ys tlio same writer, on tlie 1 7tli, " wo bliall stay till wo have also
infected that place, as we have done all others, whore we have come !" On
the same day, Robert, lately created Lord Cecil, writes to the Earl, « I assure
you our camp rolant, which every week dislodgeth, makes me often neglect
writing, otherwise my mind wishcth the body with you once a-week for an
hour." And why ? His anxiety docs not reier to the plague or its ravages,
but to somewhat else, which will come out presently. By the '24th of September,
the Court had reached Winchester ; it removed to Wilton about the middle of
next month ; to Basing and several other places in November ; when, at last,
the sickness in London having greatly abated, the King and his attendants, after
an absence of three months, had returned to Hampton Court by the 23d of De-
cember. A more hiarlltss " Royal i)rogress" through England, is probably not
upon record. The general mortality throughout the year must have been very
great, as in London alone it had amounted to not less than thirty thousand, five
hundred and seventy-eight !
But if the hand of God had occasioned perplexity to thousands, some other
men, ofKeially near the King, had found a different source of daily and growing
anxiety, in supplying the profusion of the monarch. Thomas Sackville, Lord
Buckhurst, the first Earl of Dorset, had succeeded Burghley, as Lord Treasurer,
under Elizabeth ; and as James had confirmed him in office, already the force
of contrast had frequently come in his way. He was now in his seventy-seventh
year, and though a hale old man, no situation in the kingdom could well surpass
his for anxiety. This was not owing to the expense of a coronation, in the midst
of the plague, in July, A\hich, by the way, had cost twenty thousand pounds ;
but to the rate at which the King went on. It was not two months after that
pageant, when Edmonds reported to Lord Shrewsbury — " My Lord Treasurer
is much disquieted how to find money to supply the King's necessities, and pro-
tested to some of us poor men, that were suitors to him for relief, that he
knoweth not how to procure money to pay for the King's diet. We do here all
apprehend that the penury will more and more increase, and all means be shut
up for affording relief 1 " Nor was this merely the language of some solitary
suppliant, complaining to a distant friend ; for very shortly we have farther ex-
planation. " The inconveniences that have grown by the late profuse gifts,
hath caused a restraint to be made of passing any new grants till there be a
consideration how to settle things in some better state, and to improve some
means for the raising of money for supplying of the King's necessities ; about
which, some of the Lords that are selected commissioners for that pm'pose, have
been all this week much busied, and all inventions sti-ained to the uttermost, for
the serving of that turn." On the same day. Lord Cecil tells Shrewsbury —
" Our Sovereign spends £100,000 yearly in his house, which was wont to be
£50,000. Now think what the country feels, and so much for that." Thus he
wrote so early as the 1 7th of September, after which, as far as James was con-
cerned, the monotony of hunting was only interrupted by the compliments and
congratulations of ambassadors at their first accesses, by the bestowment of
more grants, with " a royal and ample jointure to the Queen, his Majesty's
dearest wife," and the choosing of her household. On arriving at Hamjiton
Court late in December — " We are now," says Cecil, " to feast seven ambassa-
dors ; Spain, France, Poland, Florence and Savoy, besides masks and much
more ; during all which time I would, with all my heart, I were with that noble
Lady of yours, (Shrewsbury,) by her turf fire ; and yet I protest I am not re-
conciled thoroughly, nor will not be, till we meet at Parliament, from whence
whosoever is absent, I will protest they do it purposely, because the}' would say
3(;S THE CONFERENCE AT HAMPTON COURT. [uooK 111.
No to til,' Viiiuii. It is intoiiik'il thiit the I'arliaiiiciit shall hcgiii in March, if'tlio
sickihfst^Uiy." Ill one word, Juinos liatl licen led to consider tho treasure left by
Elizabeth, and the further resources of the kingdom, as an inexhaustible mine,
and, ignoitint uf the value of raouey,had become immeasui'ably profuse.'
We are now within only a few days of the time when the subject of a
new translation or revision of the Sacred Volume wa.s, unexpectedly,
first suggested before this monarch ; but every reader will anticipate,
that whether it related to suitable men, or the necessary expense, his Ma-
jesty must have been equally at a loss. Of the learning or talent to be
found in England, where he had done little else than follow the hounds
and the hares, James as yet could know next to nothing. Of Oxford and
Cambridge he was equally ignorant. lie had not called any circle of
learned men around him, nor indeed ever did. Such also was the state
of his finances, when necessity forced him to call a Parliament. " It
was," says Sir James Mackintosh, " his last resource. lie had exhausted
his credit with the money-dealers, both in London and Holland, to sup-
ply his prodigalities, before he issued his i^roclamation for the meeting
of Parliament on the 19th of March."
It was in the midst of his sport at Wilton, and his preparations for the
arraignment of Sir Walter llaleigh, that James issued a proclamation,
dated the 24th of October — " Touching a meeting for the hearing, and
for the determining, things pretended to be amiss in the Church."^ This
meeting, known ever since as " the Conference at Hampton Court," was
held in the drawing-room there, on Saturday, Monday, and Wednesday,
the 14th, 16th, and 18th of January 1604. The conference, it will be
understood, was not with ani/ official hody of men whatever ; and it should
also be remembered, that however exalted were the ideas of James him-
self as to his prerogative, or of his right and title to the throne ; strictly
speaking, or according to law, he was not yet King of England, nor could
he be, till the assembling of Parliament. That was the point to which,
as we have seen, Lord Cecil was looking forward. This was a conference,
therefore, of the King by courtesy, for the time being, with only nine
Bishops, eight Deans, an Archdeacon, two Professors of Divinity from
Oxford, two from Cambridge, to which one native of Scotland, Mr. Pa-
trick Galloway, formerly of Perth, was also admitted.^ Nor were even
all these parties present on any one day. On the first, the five indivi-
duals last-mentioned were not there ; and on the second, the Bishops of
London and Winchester, or Bancroft and Bilson, seem to have been the
only prelates present, but certainly the only two who spoke. It is with
a part only of what passed on this day, Monday, the IGth of January,
' See Lodf;e'8 Illust. of British History, for these letters. - Lodfic.
3 He was present merely as beiiii; one of the Kind's domestic chaplains (from l.T}i9 to 1C<)7)
for there was no eye to Scotland, in the version to be proposed. His son was created Lord
Dunkeld.
l(>03-lb\>0.] THE CONFERENCE AT HAMITON COURT. .%!)
that we have here to do. This was the time appointed for hearing of
things " prctendid to be amiss," as the proclamation had phrased it ;
and it was among them that the necessity for another revision or trans-
lation of the Bible was first mentioned. Although the subject occurred
among others of no comparative moment, yet as it was the only result
of the day, nay of the entire conference, of any lasting consequence to
posterity, the man with whom the proposal originated deserves our
grateful remembrance. Whatever might be the figure which others
made at this anomalous conference, it was fit that such a proposal
should come from an individual, of all others then present, best able to
judge ; and one, of whom the nation, ever since, has had no occasion to
be ashamed. Dr. John Rainolds, a man of high and unblemished
character, then in his 5uth year, was at that time nearly, if not altoge-
ther, the most eminent individual for learning and erudition in the
kingdom. His name has often been associated with that of Jewell and
Hooker, as they were not only born in the same county, but flourished
in the same College. And " as Jewell's fame grew from the rhetoric,
and Hooker's from the logic, so that of Rainolds arose from the Greek
lecture in Corpus Christi College, Oxford." He was now indeed the
President of that College, and the chief speaker on this occasion.
Having alluded to other subjects — After that, continues Dr. Barlow —
" He, Rainolds, moved his Majesty, that there might be a new translation of
the Bible ; because those which were allowed in the reign of King Henry the
Eighth and Edward the Sixth, were corrupt, and not answerable to the truth
of the original. For example ; first, Gal. 4. 25, the Greek word is not well
translated as now it is, bordereth ; neither expressing the force of the word, nor
the Apostle's sense, nor the situation of the place. Secondly, Ps. 105. 28,
' They were not obedient ; ' the original being, ' They were not disobedient.'
Thirdly, Ps. 1 0(5. 30, ' Then stood up Pliinehas and prayed ;' the Hebrew hath
it, executed judij me lit.
" To which motion there was at the present no gainsaying : the objections
being trivial and old, and already in print, often answered : Only my Lord of
London (Bancroft) well added — ' That if every man's humour should be fol-
lowed, there would be no end of translating.'
" Whereupon his Highness wished that some special pains should be taken
' in that behalf for one uniform translation (professing that he could never yet
see a Bible well translated into English ; but the worst of all, his RLijesty
thought the Geneva to be ;) and this to be done by the best learned in both
Universities ; after them to be reviewed by the Bishops and the chief learned
of the Church ; from tliera to be presented to the Privy Council ; and lastly to
be ratified by his royal authority ; and so this whole Church [of England] to
be bound unto it, and none other. Withal he gave this caveat (upon a word
cast out by ray Lord of London) that no marginal notes should be added —
having found in them which are annexed to the Genera translation (which he
saw in a Bible cjireu him by an Einj/hh lady) some notes very partial, untrue,
seditious, and savouring too much of dangerous and traitorous conceits. As for
example, the first chapter of Exodus and the 19th verse, where the marginal
note allowcth disobedience unto kings. And 2 Chron. 15. IG, the note taxeth
VOI,. II, 2 a
.{7(1 TJIK CONFERKNCK AT HAMPTON COURT [hook III.
Asii for ili'iiosiiig liis luotlier only, niul nut killinj; lier. Anil so lie concludtd
tliirt jioint, its all the rest, with a ^nive and jiulicious advice, — I'irbt, that errora
in matters of faith inif^ht he rectified and amended ; Second, that matters in-
different might rather he interpreted, and a gloss added."
It was at the close of this day's conferencir that Harlow, in thegenninc spirit
of sycophancy, repeats the exj)ressions of certjiin ])arties, hordering on profanity,
in praise of his Majesty ; and he himself, not willing to he far behind, nmst con-
clude the whole, though not in very elegant terms, by saying, that "all wlio
lieard the King might justly think him to be ' a living library, and a walking
study ! ' "
As this strange colloquy, or the substance of it, supposed by many to
have been at the expense of the Geneva translation of the Bible, has
been often retailed since, and even by the Oxford Clarendon Press up to
the present day ;■• it may not be improper merely to glance at the very
awkward light in which Barlow, perhaps unconsciously, had placed the
King and the Bishop of London, as well as himself.
To be impartial, it is evident, that neither Bancroft nor Barlow had
wished for ann revision of the text, so that the King, by himself, had the
undivided credit of acceding to the proposal of Rainolds and his friends ;
but as for the mistranslations quoted, not one of the three seem to have
been at all aware of what the proposer had already done. Had his
Majesty discovered only a little more patience, no doubt they might all
have been led still farther astray ; but as it was, Rainolds, (whether con-
sciously or not,) had in fact pitted the Geneva translation against Cran-
mer's and the Bishops'. All the three passages as objected to, were to
be found only in these. Even in Coverdale's and ^Matthew's version at
first, one of them was correct, but all of them were so, in the Geneva
Bible, all along. There, all was right ; and though Barlow tells us, there
was no gainsaying, it is curious enough that all the three mistranslations
continued to be read in the Church of England up to the year 1662, or
more than half a century after our present version of the Bible was pub-
lished ; nay, two of them in the Psalms, are still read, up to the present
hour ! So far then as the sacred text was concerned, the Geneva version
was, in effect, commended.
But the Notes wei'e obnoxious, or conveyed no music to the royal ear.
James condescended upon two, in proof, as being " seditious or savour-
ing of traitorous conceits." Why then, could Barlow sit down, and
deliberately so expose his Royal INIaster, in connexion with his Bible ?^
Nay, and why did Bancroft or Whitgift not detect this in the manuscript,
before it was printed, except, indeed, that both were acting as blind men ?
These notes, says Barlow, the King first " found in a (Geneva) Bible
* .Sec Cardwcll's Documentary Annals, with Notes. Oxford, 18.1!).
■■• For the Geneva Bible h.id been Ihr Bible of James. It had been dedicated to him as early
as the year l.'>7!', and six years after this, was to be so again, in Kilo.
1G03-1(;.50.] IJUIEFLY EXPLAINED. 371
given him by an English lady ! " Now the Geneva Bible was the very
book with which his Majesty at least ought to have been familiar from
his childhood, if with any Bible at all. It was that which had been
used at every sermon to which he had ever listened in Scotland for
thirty years ; and surely it was but a sorry proof of his Majesty being '
■" a walking study," if he had never observed these notes, till an English
lady chanced to give him this Bible !
But above all, if his IMajesty was chafed, and had also missed the
mark, why did not the Bishop of London, as in duty bound, set him
right ? Or are we now given to understand that he was as ignorant of
the notes in his own Bishops' Bible, as the King was represented to be of
those in his ? Why did Bancroft not explain — as he might or should
have done, and to the following eftect ? —
" Please your Majesty, you appear not to be aware that these, and other notes
of similar import, liave passed current, by royal sanction, in this our kingdom
of England for many years, and are by no means peculiar to the Geneva ver-
sion. As for the passage in Exodus, if their note allotc disobedience, in our
Bishops' Bible we have gone farther, and said — ' It was better to obey God
than man ' ; and as for that note in Chronicles, we have copied it to the vei-y
letter. It was adopted, long ago, by Archbishop Parker, when your Majesty
was not yet three years old ; nay, what is more, it was^^rsi inserted in ouv foiio
Bible of 1585, under your Majesty's illusti'ious pi-edecessor, Queen Elizabeth ;
and under our present Primate Whitgift, with whom your Highness conferred
upon Saturday. There too it has remained ever since, and you will find it in
our Bishops' Bible of 1G02, which had only left the press just before your
Majesty's arrival in this country ! <> The exiles, it is true, fnt made the re-
mark, but we have followed them these thirty-five years past !" Such, at all
events, were the facts, and which, in all fairness, ought to have been adduced
in reply."
Barlow's account of the entire conference has justly been regarded not
only as inaccurate, but chargeable with great omissions ; but as his
statement of what passed respecting the Bible is still referred to, we
have allowed him to tell his own tale ; and with what credit to those
he laboured to gratify and extol, let the reader judge. On the other
hand, the account given by Galloway, was corrected by the King's ov:n
hand. In this, the second of the articles, comprehended in the note of
such things as shall be reformed, and as presented by Rainolds, was the
following : —
" That a translation be made of the whole Bible, as consonant as can he to the
original Ilebreic and Greek ; and this to be set out and printed, without any
marginal notes, and only to be used in all Churches of England, in time of
8 The copy in the Bodleian has manuscript notes for the then intended version, and must have
belonf;ed to one of the Rcvisors.
' It is indeed not unworthy of remark tliat in the notes of the Geneva Version, loyalty is
sometimes enforced more strongly than in those of the Bishops'. See Titus, iii. 1.. at least in
the Testament hy WhittinKham, I'l.'i", .ind perhaps, some suhscrinent editions of the Bihie.
372 Tin: TUANS1.AT(»KS SELKCTEO. [bOOK III.
divine service." Now, by this version of the story, the exchision of all marginal
tiotet oumi.NATKt) with l^ainolds, as well as the proposal of a iicir tratis-
latlvn. u
The first Parliament held by the King assembled on the 19th of March
16(U, and the Convocation on the following day. The Primate Whitgift
having ex])ired on the 2!)th of February, Bancroft, the Bishop of Lon-
don, was appointed to preside. James had commenced these proceed-
ings with a speech longer than many a sermon, but at last, not being
in the best humour with his English Parliament, he dissolved it on the
7th of July, and the Convocation rose. Among all the business of either
House, not one word was spoken there respecting the Scriptures ; nor do
we hear of any movement in consequence of what had passed in Jaimary
at Hampton Court, tDl the end of June. Some time had been required
for the selection of suitable scholars, and before the end of that month a
list was presented to James for his acceptance. They had been selected
for him, and he of course ai)proved. To the intended translators, on the
30th of June, Bancroft notified his Majesty's acceptance of the names
given him ; and so to those at Cambridge he thus wrote —
" His Majesty being made acquainted with the choice of all them to be employed
in the translating of the Bible, in such sort as Mr. Lively can inform you, doth
greatly approve of the said choice. And for as much as his Highness is very
desirous that the same so religious a work should admit no delay, he has com-
manded me to signify unto you in his name that his pleasure is, you should with
all possible speed meet together in your University and begin the .same." Con-
cluding his letter in these temis — " I am persuaded his royal mind rejoiceth
more in the good hope which he hath for the happy success of that work, than
of his peace concluded with (Spain. At Fulham the last of June 1604." 9
" We have already remarked that Galloway, once minister at Perth, and afterwards at Edin-
burgh, had not been present, as representing any party in Scotland, or England. But being one
of the King's domestic chaplains, he had snbmittcd his manuscript to the King's own correction,
which is therefore far more worthy of credit than Barlow's statement.
'•> This reference to Spain was meant to be descriptive of Ja.mf.s, as it truly was; but unfor-
tunately it is left for any other man, except Bancroft, to reconcile his joy in the otic case, with
his joy in the other. The first meeting of the Spanish and English dei)Uties had been held on
the .'idlli of May, and by this date, the peace, it appears, was certain ; but, after holding sixteen
conferences, the day appointed for its solemn ratification was not till Sunda;/, the 29th of
August. It was upon this day that the joy of the King, if not also of Bancroft, had full vent.
"A most imposing pageant," we arc told, was exhibited by the procession in coaches and on
horseback, all the parties clothed in the most gorgeous attire. In the ro\al Chapel various
pieces of church music were performed, after which the peace was ratified by the King's oath,
on a copy of Jerome's Latin Bible, before the Duke de Krias, Constable of Spain, the Ambas-
sador, when the air w;is rent by the general acclamation. Then came the grand banquet and
drinking, which lasted about three hours. Meanwhile dancing had commenced in the drawing-
room, to which all repaired. The Prince of Wales opened the ball with a Spanish galUirda, and
after various other dances, it closed with a eorrenta danced by the Queen and Lord Southamp-
ton. Upon this, from a window they had a view of an amphitheatre filled with people, where
hears, the property of the King, were baited by greyhounds : a bull running about, tossing and
goring mastiffs let loose upon him, followed next : the whole scene concluding with rope-
dancing and feats of horsemanship." The Sunday thus spent, had been too much for the Spanish
Ambassador, as on Monday morning he found himself ill with lumbago. In the course of the
day, James himself came in person to see him, and aflrrwards, late in the evening, his Majesty
set o\it on a hunting expedition. See the full account in Ellis' Orig. Letters, second .series, vol.
1603-U;50.] LETTER TO THE BISHOPS. 373
As the primacy of Canterbury was now vacant, ou the 22d of July the
King addressed a letter to the Bishop of London, then acting for that
See, and soon to be chosen to it, equally intended for all his brethren ;
and to the same purport, Cecil, on the same day, as Chancellor of Cam-
bridge, addressed that University. By the 31st of that month, Bancroft
was ready, and the following is a copy of the letter which must have
been sent to all the Bishops, as in duty bound. —
" After my hearty commendations unto your Lonlsliip, I have received
letters from his most excellent Majesty, the tenor whereof followeth : —
" ' Right trusty and well beloved, we greet you well. Whereas we have
appointed certain learned men, to the number of four and fifty, for the trans-
lating of the Bible, and that in this number divers of them have either no eccle-
siastical pi-eferment at all, or else so very small, as the same is far unmeet for
men of their deserts, and yet. We o/ourself in any conrenient time cannot well
remedy it : therefore We do hereby require you, that presently you write, in our
name, as well to the Archbishop of York, as to the rest of the bishops of the
province of Canterbury, signifying unto them, that We do will, and sti'aitly
charge, every one of them, as also the other bishops of the province of York, as
they tender our good favour towards them, that (all excuses set apart) when
any prebend or parsonage, being rated in our book of taxations, the prebend to
twenty pounds at least, and the parsonage to the like sum and upwards, shall
next upon any occasion happen to be void, and to be either of their patronage,
or of the patronage and gift of any person jihaferer, they do make stay thereof,
and admit none unto it, until certifying Us, of the avoidance of it, and of the
name of the Patron, if it be not of their own gift, that We may commend for the
same, some such of the learned men, as we shall think fit to be preferred unto it ;
uot doubting of the bishop's readiness to satisfy us herein, or that any of the laity,
when we shall in time move them to so good and religious an act, will be unwill-
ing to give us the like due contentment and satisfaction ; We ourselves having
taken the same order for such prebends and benefices as shall be void in our gift.
" ' What we write to you of others, you must apply it to yourself ; as also not
forget to move the said Archbishop and all the Bishops, with their Deans and
Chapters of both provinces, as toxtching the other point, to be imparted otherwise
by you unto them.''' Furthermore, We require you to move all our Bishops to
inform themselves of all such learned men within their several dioceses, as,
having especial skill in the Hebrew and Greek tongues, have taken pains, in
their private studies of the Scriptures, for the clearing of any obscurities either
in tlie Hebrew or in the Greek, or touching any difficulties or mistakings in the
former English translation, which we have now commanded to be thoroughly
viewed and amended, and thereupon to write to them •, earnestly charging them
and signifying our plcasui-e therein, that they send such their observations
either to Mr. Lively, our Hebrew reader in Cambridge ; or to Dr. Harding, our
Hebrew reader in Oxford ; or to Dr. Andrews, dean of Westminster, to be im-
l)arted to tlie rest of their several companies, &c. Given under our signet at our
iii. 207-215. At the conference in January, Bancroft liad said that " his heart melted with joy
over such a King," and perliaps it melted still; but it was in this manner, that he, and some
others, upon all occasions flattered a prince naturally distinguished for vanity ; doin^ him fear-
ful injury, whether as a monarch or a man.
'" The nther point, which related to monrij. will cume out jircscntly.
•^Tt Till-: TUANSLATORS AND [iiooK III.
jialacu of WcBtiuinstcr, the two ami twentieth of July, in tlie second year of our
reijjn of En;j;Ian(l, Franco, and Ireland, and of Scotland xxxvii.'
" Your Lordship may see how careful Iub Majesty is for the i)roviding of
livings for these learned men. 1 doubt not therefore, but your lordsliip will
have a duo regard of his Majesty's reciucst lierein, &» it is fit and meet ; and
that you will take such order, botli with your Chancellor, Register, and such of
your Lordship's ofHcers, who shall have intelligence of the premises, as also
with the Dean and CJiapter of your Cathedral Churcli, whom his Majesty hke-
wise roijuireth to be put in mind of his pleasure herein ; not forgetting the lat-
ter part of liis Majesty's letter, touching the informing yourself of the fittest
linguists, &.C. I could wish your Lordshij) would, for my discliargc, return me
in some few lines the time of the receipt of these letters, that I may discliarge
that duty which his Majesty, by these his letters, hath laid upon me. And so
I bid your Lordship right heartily farewell. From Fulliam this xxxi. of July
1 COl— 7?. London."
But, before proceeding with our narrative, it is necessary to give here
the list of translators, with their respective tasks, to which a few par-
ticulars are subjoined, from the best authorities.
WESTMINSTER. Genesis, to II. Kings inchmve.
Dr. Lancelot Andrews, then Dean of Westminster, who is reported to liave
been such a linguist that he understood fifteen. Afterwards Bishop of Chi-
chester, 1 60.5 ; then of Ely in 1 609 ; and finally of Winchester in 1619. Died
21 Sep. 1626, aged 71.
Dr. John Overall, then Dean of St. Paul's, Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry,
1614. Of Norwich in 1618. Died 12 May 161.0, aged 60.
Dr. Adrian a Saravia, then Canon of Westminster. Of Spanish extraction ;
the friend of Hooker, and tutor of Nicholas Fuller. Afterwards Prebend of
Gloucester, and Canterbury, where he died 15 January 1613, aged 82.
Dr. Richard Clarke, then Fellow of Christ Coll. Cambridge ; Vicar of Min-
ster and Monkton in the isle of Thanet : died in 1G34, and a folio volume of
his sennons puljlishcd in 1637.
Dr. John Laifield, then Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, afterwards
Rector of St. Clements Danes. A Fellow of Chelsea College, which, however,
was never founded. Died in 1617.
Dr. Roisert Tighe, or Teigh, (^not Leigh as often misnamed,) then Archdeacon
of Middlesex, and Rector of All-IIallows, Barking. An excellent textuary
and profound linguist. He died m 161 6, leaving his son £ 1 000 a-year.
Dr. Francis Birleigii, then Vicar of Bishop Stortford, if not of Thoi'ley,
Herts, and died in 161.0 ?
Dr. Geoi try or Wilfrid Kino, then Fellow of King's College, Cambridge.
As Regius Professor of Hebrew in that Univei"sity, he succeeded Robert
Spalding, about to be menfioned.
Richard Thompson, M.A. of Clare Hall, Cambridge ; born in Holland of Eng-
lish ])arents ; an admirable philologer, but bettor known in Italy, France, and
Germany, than at home.
William Bedw ell, the best Arabic scholar of his time. The tutor of Erpenius
and Pocock ; (but not W. Bedell of Kilmore as has been conjectured ; he
was then at Venice.) " The industrious and thrice-learned," said Lightfoot,
" to whom I will rather be a scholar, than take on me to teach others."
1003-1650.] THEIR RESPECTIVE TASKS. 375
CAMBRIDGE. 1 Chronicles to Ecclesiastes inclusive.
Edward Livlie, Regius Professor of Hebrew for thirty years in this Univer-
sity ; an eminent linguist, in high esteem by Ussher and Pocock. His death,
in May 1 605, is supposed to liave retarded the work in hand.
Du. JonN Richardson, then Fellow of Emmanuel College. Afterwards Master
of Peter House, then of Trinity College. He is not to be confounded with
Ussher's friend of the same name. Died in 162.5.
Dr. Laurence Chaderton, distinguished for Hebrew and Rabbinical learning,
then frst Master of Emmanuel College. " If you will not be Master," said
Sir Walter Mildniay, " I will not be Founder." He was the tutor of Joseph
Hall of Norwich and W. Bcddl of Kilmore, who retained the highest vene-
ration for him, and died the year after him. Chaderton, who never required
the aid of spectacles, died, according to his epitaph, at the age of 103 ! Born
in 1537, he lived to 1 3th November 1640. His Ufe, in Latin, by W. Dilling-
ham, was published in 1700.
Francis Dillingham, then Fellow of Christ's College, an eminent Grecian. He
was Parson of Dean, and beneficed at Wilden, Beds. As an author, he, as
well as Overall, continued to quote the Geneva version years after our pre-
sent one had been published. He died a single and a wealthy man.
Thomas Harrison, Vico-Chancellor of Trinity College, was eminently skilled in
the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew tongues, as his own University has borne wit-
ness. Dyer ascribes to him a Lexicon Pente Glotton.
Dr. Roger Andrews, brother of Lancelot, then Fellow of Pembroke Hall, and
afterwards Master of Jesus College, and Prebendary of Chichester. Died in
1618.
Dr. Robert Spalding, then Fellow of St. John's College, and afterwards the srcc-
cessor of Livlie as Regius Professor of Hebrew, a sufficient proof of his skill
in that language.
Dr. Andrew Byng, (not Burge, as in Burnet and Wilkins,) then Fellow of St.
Peter's College. In 1606 subdean of York, and in 1618 Archdeacon of Nor-
wich. As Regius Professor of Hebrew, he succeeded King, who had suc-
ceeded Spalding, already mentioned.
OXFORD. Isaiah to Malachi inclusive.
Dr. John Harding, then Regius Professor of Hebrew in the University, and
afterwards President of Magdalen College, and also Rector of Halsey in Ox-
fordshire.
Dr. John Rainolds, President of Corpus Christi College ; or the man who
moved the King for this new translation. " The memory and reading of that
man," said Bishop Hall, " were near to a miracle ; and all Europe at the
time could not have produced three men superior to Rainolds, Jewell, and
Ussher, all of this same College." At the age of 58, he died •21st May 1607.
Even during his sicknei$, his coadjutors met at his lodgings once a week, to
compare and perfect their notes.
Dr. Thomas Holland, then Fellow of Balliol College, afterwards Rector of
Exeter, and Regius Professor of Divinity in Oxford. " Another Apollos,"
says Wood, « and mighty in the Scriptures." Died 1 7th March 1 6 1 3, aged 73,
Dr. Richard Kilby, the Rector of Lincoln College, highly esteemed by Isaac
Walton. He was afterwards prebendary of Lincoln, and Professor of Hebrew
in the University of Oxford. He left commentaries on Exodus, drawn from
the Rabbins and Hebrew interpreters. Died November 1 620.
•A:r> TMK TRANSLATORS AND [book III.
Du. Miles Smith, then Canon of Uoiefonl. A llelirtw an<l CImldec, Syriac and
Arabic scliolar. He is un<k'i"stoo(l to liavu bei'n tlic writer of the preface. He
and Hilson we sliall find to be the final e.xaminators of tlie wliole work. Bi-
sliop of Gloucester in 10'1'2.
I)u. RicnARi) UuKTT, then Fellow of Lincoln College. Imminent as a linguist in
Latin, Greek, aii<l Hebrew, to which he ailded Chaldee, Arabic, and Ethio-
pic. Rector of (^uainton, lUieks, where he died l.'>th April \U'.'>7.
lliciiARD Fairclouuii of Now College, 0.\ford ? The Rector of Bucknell, U.\-
fordshire, who died there in \6oli.
OXFORD. Matthew to the Acts inclusive, and the Revelation.
Dk. Thomas Rams, then Dean of Christ-Church. Afterwards on the 14th March
1G0.5, Bishop of Gloucester, and in 1(J07 of London, where he died 14th De-
cember 160!).
Du. Gkorge Abbot, then Dean of Winchester and Vice-Chancellor of O.xford.
Bishop of Litchfield and Coventry in IGO!) ; of Lon<lon in KJIO, and Bancroft
dying 2d November, Abbot became primate in Kil 1. Died 4th August KJS.'l,
aged 71.
Du. Joii.N AuLioNBY, then rrinci])al of St. Edmund's Hall and Rector of Islip,
and afterwards chaplain in ordinary to the King. " Accomplished in learning
and an e.xact linguist." Dr. Richard Eedes was indeed the first appointed,
but he died lOtli November 1G04 ; Aglionby died (Jth Febi-uary ICIO.
Dr. Gilks Tomson, then Dean of Windsor, afterwards in Mai-ch Hill Bishop of
Gloucester, but died 14th June next yeai\ " He had taken a great deal of
pains in translating."
Sir Henry Savile, Greek tutor to Elizabeth, and Provost of Eton. He was
knighted by James this year, and losing his son about that pci-iod, he devoted
his time and fortune to the encouragement of learning. He contributed seve-
ral rare books and MSS. to the Bodleian, besides Greek type and matrices
to the Oxford press. His fine edition of t'hri/sostom's Works, in Greek, with
notes by John Bois after-mentioned, and of which 1000 copies, in 8 volumes
folio were printed, is said to have cost him £oOOO. He died at Eton, 19th Fe-
bruary 16'22, aged 73.
Dr. John Pervn, Professor of Greek, and afterwards Canon of Christ-Church,
died J)th May 16 1.5.
Dr. Leonard Hi'tten, then Vicar of Flower, Northamptonshire ; an excellent
Greek scholar, and learned in other branches. He died at the age of 75,
1 7th May 16.'52. Dr. Ravens had been first appointed, but his place vacated.
Dr. John Harmar, had been Professor of Greek, Warden of Winchester Col-
lege. A noted Latin and Greek scholar. He published Latin translations
from Ciirysostoin, and his translation of Beza"s sermons into English, bespeaks
him an excellent writer of English. He died lllh October 1613.
WESTMINSTER. liomans to Jade inclusive.
Du. William Baulow, made Dean of Chester in December 1604, Bishop of
Rochester in 160.5, of Lincoln, 160!!. Died 7th September 1613.
Dr. Ralph Hitchenson, then President of St. John's College, Oxford. Wood's
Athena-, by Bliss, ii. p. .02.
Dr. John Spencer, Fellow of Cor|)us Christi College, and afterwards Chaplain
to the King. On the death of Dr. Rainolds he succeeded him as President
of Corpus Christi, and died 3d April 1614.
H)03-1G50.] THE INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN. 377
Dr. Roger Fenton, it lias been supposed ; if so, Fellow of Pembroke Hall,
Cambridge ; and Minister of St. Stephen's, Walbrook, London.
Michael Rabbett, B.D., was Rector of St. Vedast, Foster Lane, London.
Dr. Thomas Sanderson, of Balliol College, Oxford ? Archdeacon of Rochester
in 1606'.
William Dakins, B.D., then Greek Lecturer, Cambridge, and afterwards junior
Dean in IGOO". He had been chosen for his skill in the original languages,
but died February 1(J07."
To these men the King is repoi'ted to have given the following Instructions or
Rules :— 1. The ordinary Bible read in the Church, commonly called the
Bishops' Bible, to be followed, and as little altered as the original will permit.
2. The names of the Prophets and the holy writers, with the other names in the
text, to be retained as near as may be, according as they are vulgarly used. 3.
The old ecclesiastical icords to be kept : as the word church not to be translated
CONGREGATION, &c. 4. When any word hath divers significations, that to
be kept which hath been most commonly used by the most ancient Fathers,
being agreeable to the propriety of the place, and the analogy of faith. 5. The
division of the chapters to be altered either not at all, or as little as may be, if
necessity so require. 6. No marginal notes at all to be affixed, but only for the
explanation of the Hebrew or Greek Avoi'ds, which cannot, without some cir-
cumlocution, so briefly and fitly be expressed in the text. 7. Such quotations
of places to be marginally set down, as shall serve for the fit reference of one
Scripture to another. 8. Every particular man of each company to take the
same chapter, or chapters ; and, having translated or amended them severally
by himself where he thinketh good, all to meet together, confer what they have
done, and agree for their part what shall stand. 9. As one company hath dis-
patched any one book in this manner, they shall send it to the rest, to be consi-
dered of seriously and judiciously : for his Majesty is careful in this point. 10.
If any company, upon the review of the book so sent, shall doubt or differ upon
any places, to send them word thereof, note the places, and therewithal send
their reasons : to which, if they consent not, the diff'erenee to be compounded at
the general meeting, which is to be of the chief persons of each company at the
end of the work. 11. When any place of special obscurity is doubted of, letters
to be directed by authority, to send to any learned man in the land, for his
judgment in such a place. 12. Letters to be sent from every bishop to the rest
of his clergy, admonishing them of this translation in hand ; and to move and
charge as many as, being skilful in the tongues, have taken pains in that kind, to
send his particular observations to the company, either at Westminster, Cam-
bridge, or Oxford. 1.3. The Directors in each company to be the Deans of West-
minb.ter and Chester for that place ; and the King's Professors in the Hebi-ew
and Greek in each University. 14. These translations to be used, when they agree
belter with the text than the Bishops' Bible: viz., 1. Tyndale's ; 2. Matthew's ;
.'{. Corerdale's ; 4. Whitchurche's (i. e. Cranmer's) ; 5. The Geneva.
The authority, however, or the accuracy of these Rules is considerably
shaken by the account delivered in to the Synod of Dort on the 20th of
" AVood's Fasti and Atliense— Newcourf s Rcpertorium— Le Neves Fasti— Todd's Vindica-
tion—Whittaker, and several otlier authorities comiiared. In addition to these forty men, en-
RaRed on tlic Sacked tkxt, seven more, or the second chiss at Cambiidgc, were imt to the
Aiootipha; viz. Jolin Dujiort, Dr. Brantlnvailc, Jeremiah Kadclitre, Dr. Samuel Ward, An-
drew Dowries, the Greek Professor, Mr. Ward, and John Boys, who, however, afterwards was
ennanedon tlie Sacred text. N.B. Altlioush /'/;.»/-/ii(c were said to have been named, only
foil:/ sen n sat down to the work.
378 ins MAJESTY Al'l'LIKS TO [uoOK III.
November 1018. They state tliat only seven rules were ultimately pre-
scrilteil, jukI that after each individual had finished his task, hcelve men
(not six) assendjling together revised the whole. Their first, second, and
fourth rules coincide with the first, sixth, and seventh of the preceding
list.
It is of more importance to remark, that it has been imagined there
were other ironh, or a list, to the number of fourteen or sixteen attached
to the third rule, and specified by the Kino. But this, as well as that
the instructions were drawn up by him personally, strongly appears to
be a poj)ular mistake. At least, after minute inquiry, we have found no
such list. Meanwhile, the following statement most probably accounts for
the rumour. The learned Henry Jessey being engaged for many years
in critical inquiries, drew up an essay for the amendment of this last re-
vision of the Bible, and in conjunction with Mr. John Row, Professor of
Hebrew, the Principal of King's College, Aberdeen, he aimed after a new
version. In his Essay, he says that one Dr. Hill declared in open as-
sembly that Bancroft " would needs have the version speak the prelati-
cal language ; and to that end altered it in four(ee7i several places ; and
that Dr. Miles Smith, one of the translators, complained of the Bishop's
alterations, but said " he is so potent that there is no contradicting him."
But whatever dubiety may rest on the Instructions, such were the Men
appointed. Most of them were already in independent circumstances,
though "sundry" of them were not so, and the jjosts to which any of
them succeeded afterwards, are noted under each of their names. These
appointments, however, it will be obvious, had occasioned no personal
expense to his Majesty, as they were simply certain casualties, arising
from death or otherwise, which required to be filled up, at all events.
But in the King's letter there was another 2}oint urged by him, and
which, it may have seemed strange, he left Bancroft to exj/fain to all his
brethren. The fact was, that some mo7iei/ did appear to be requisite, in
the first instance, and his Majesty not choosing to signify in writing that
he had none of his own, or that the Lords in the Privy Council would
not agree to his drawing on them, or in other words, on the public purse,
he left another man to explain the dilemma ; and, through him, now
turned to the Bishops and Deans, in the hope that thei/ would furnish
supplies. The sum, which will be specified by Bancroft, was not large.
It was only a thousand marks, £660, 13s. 4d., or precisely the same
amount which he alone had spent in repairing his palace, since he had
been made Bishop of London. Less than the twentieth ]iart of this sum,
therefore, was all that could fall to his share, even should the Deans and
Chapters decline to a man. The Bishop, however, being under orders,
must, of course, immediately forward his circular as to this point, which
it seems he did, and on the same day with his other letter, already
quoted. The following was that which he sent to John Jegon, Bishop
1G03-1650.] THE BISHOPS FOR MONEY. 379
of Norwich ; and as he was to warn all the Bishops, it must he presumed
that they were all warned in tlic same terms.
" There are many, as your lordship pcrcoivctli, who are to be employed in
this translating of the Bible, and sundry of them nmst, of necessity, have their
charges borne ; which his Majesty was very ready, of his most princely dispo-
sition, to liave borne, bat some of my lords, ASxniNGS now oo, did hold it iucon-
renieiit. Whereupon it was left to me, to move all my brethren, the Bishops,
and likewise every several dean and chapter, to contribute to tiiis work. Ac-
cording therefore to my duty, I heartily pray your lordship, not oidy to think
Yourself, wliat is meet for you to give for this purpose, but likewise to acfjuaint
your dean and chapter, not only with the said clause in his Majesty's letter, but
likewise with tlie incauiiuj of it, that they may agree upon such a sum as they
mean to contribute. I do not think that a thousand marks will finish the work
to be employed as aforesaid. Wliereof your lordship, with your dean and
chapter, having due consideration, I must require you, in his Majesty's name,
according to his good pleasure in that behalf, that, as soon as possibly you can,
you send me word what shall be expected from you, and your said dean and
chapter. For I am to acquaint his Majesty with every man's liberality toicards
this most ijodly work. And thus not doubting of your especial care for the ac-
complishment of the premises, and desiring your loi-dship to note the date to
me of your receipt of this letter, T connnit your lordship to the tuition of Al-
mighty God. From Fulhani this 31st of July 1604."!^
Thus all the Bishops were warned, and no orders could be more explicit
or more peremptory. Jegon marked on his letter " Delibat apud Lud-
ham 16th August 1604," or Ludham Hall, a seat of the Bishop of Nor-
wich ; but when we turn to inquire for his reply, or indeed for that of
any other man, whether Bishop, or Dean, or of any Chapter, we search in
vain ! From the bench entire, we hear not one echo ; for if there was
even one reply, it has never been produced, nor has such a thing ever
been found among any of the manuscripts. The sequel will shew that
there probably never was one, but certainly, at all events, no monef/ con-
tributed ; so that Ave are thus left free to pvirsue our narrative. The
royal orders of Heniy the Eighth on this subject, he acknowledged him-
self, late in life, had but a very transient effect ; but this of James the
First, had none at all. One solitary letter he issued at the outset, for
he never wrote a second, and having once let the Bishops and Deans
alone, it was vain to expect any aid from himself. He was even now,
and far more so ever after, plunged in debt ; but so far as money was
12 The original has been j>rinted only by Lewis. Jkqon was formerly Master of Beniiet Col-
lege, afterwards Dean of Norwich and now Bishop, since January 1603. JSancroft, it will be re-
membered, was now only acting as Primate, but very soon to be elected ; and it is not unworthy of
notice, that only one instance has occurred before, of letters craving mciiiri/ having passed be-
tween parties occupying precisely the same situations. The reader may recollect that this was
when Archbishop Warham was addressing Nix, then Bishop of A'onrich. But then, it was
with a view to hurninp the Scriptures, when there was a ready and cordial response, with a con-
tribution, and great zeal displayed on both sides. We have now, therefore, to witness what
was the result of an application for an opjiosUc purpose ; only it is curious enough that in the
only recorded instance in hulh cases, it should be the Primate and the Bishop of Norwich. No
other having yet been found in any of our manuscript collections, the contrast is, as it were,
forced upon us.
3H0 TllK UKVISUKS ONLY WKKK I'AID, [liuoK III.
concerned, when we come to the actual publication of the Scriptuies in
]()1 1, that will be the proper time to observe how his Majesty had gone
on, from this year to that. Providentially, most of the translators were
already in situations, and with regard to some others, we shall find
Boys, one of the most able among them all, if not the most diligent,
eating his "commons" first at one College table, and then at another,
in Cambridge, during the entire period in which he was there engaged.
It has been questioned when these men sat down to their work ; whe-
ther immediately, or not till 1607 ; but to suppose that they did not
connnence till then, is out of the (juestion, and indeed Anthony Wood
gives 1(107, as the termination of their first revision. Livelie, afine and
ardent scholar answering to his name, would certainly not delay ;'^ and
above all, the original proposer of the work, Dr. Rainolds, was busy, as
we have seen, to his dying day, in 1607. The different parties might
not all commence at the same moment, but, on the whole, it may be pre-
sumed that, with the Hebrew of the Old Testament and the Greek of
the New before them all along, the first revision of the Sacred text, by
the forty-seven, occupied about /o?«' years ; the second examination by
twelve, or two selected out of each company, nirce months more, and the
sheets passing through the press, other two years, when the Bible of 1611
was finished and first issued.
In confirmation of this statement, we shall have occasion to refer to
the only manuscript memoir, known to exist, of any of the translators,
which affords information ; though before doing so, it may be remarked,
that we are now to be furnished with evidence in proof, that 7io money
had been paid to the forty-seven, or the six companies when working
separately, at Westminster, Cambridge, and Oxford. But upon the ter-
mination of their labours, when two out of each company, or twelve in
all, were selected, and met in London, pecuniary sujjply, to a moderate
extent, had become necessary. The entire Bible, as it came from the
forty-seven, was now before these twelve men, -who met at Stationers'
Hall, and were thus daily occupied in their second revision for nine
months ; or thirty-nine weeks. They were paid weekly, though certainly
not by his Majexty, nor by any of the prelates or parties, to Avhom he had so
urgently applied. A sum, however, of more than " a thousand marks" had
been at last required, and the only question will be, from whence it came.
The memoir to which we have alluded is that of John Bois or Boys al-
ready mentioned. Born at Elmset, near Hadlcigh in Sxiffolk, he was taught
the first rudiments of learning by his father, William Boys, rector of
13 Livelie or Lively, the Hebrew professor, living contented with his stipend, after many
troubles, and the loss of his wife, the mother of a numerous family, was ajipointed one of the
translators ; and taking a very deei> interest in the work, he was well jirovided for by Harlow,
not King James: but in May IfiOS he died by a (juinsey, after only four days' illness, leavinR
t-leivn orphans, " destitute of necessaries for their maintenance, hut only such as God and good
friends should provide." See his funeral sermon, lOth May Ifiti.'i, by Thomas Playferc, Lady
Margaret's professor in C'ninbridfie. Printed by Thomas Legat ; Ifill.
lfi03-lC50.] BUT NOT BY ANY OF THE CLKRflY. ,'381
West Stow in that county ; and even when yet a boy, his acquaintance
with Hebrew was remarkable, being able to read the Old Testament with
fluency in the original, as well as to write the language Avith elegance.
At the age of fourteen he was admitted of St. John's College, Cambridge,
where with Greek he became equally familiar ; and for ten years out of
the twenty-two, in which he resided in that College, he was the chief
Greek lecturer. Voluntarily he read a lecture in the same language, for
some years, at four in the morning, attended by many fellows, among
whom was the well-known Thomas Gataker. His life, at once curious
and interesting, by Dr. Anthony Walker of St. John's, is among the Har-
leian manuscripts, proving that his interest in the translation of the
Bible was conspicuous.'*
" When it pleased God," says the writer, " to move K. James to that excel-
lent work, the translating of the Bible ; when the translators were to be cho-
sen for Cambridge, he (Boys) was sent for thither by them, therein employed
and chosen one ; some University men thereat repining, (it may be not mox-e
able, yet more ambitious to have had a share in that service,) and disdaining
that it should be thought that they needed any help from the country; forgetting
that Tully was the same at Tusculum, he was at Rome." — " All the time he was
about his own part, his diet was given him at St. John's, where he abode all
the week till Saturday night, and then went home to discharge his cure, (at
Boxworth, about seven miles distant,) returning thence on Monday morning."
Not yet satisfied,—" When he had finished his own part, at the earnest re-
quest of him to whom it was assigned, he undertook a second, and then was in
' commons ' at another college." This last must have been the sacred text
itself, from I Chronicles to Ecclesiastes, a task more congenial with his mind as
a Christian. The representation then given in the manuscript, though incor-
rect as to the number of revisors and their paymaster, we first give entire —
" Four years he spent in this service, at the end whereof, (the wliole work
being finished, and three copies of the whole Bible being sent to London, one
from Cambridge, a second from Oxford, and a third from Westminster,) a new
choice was to be made of six in all, two out of each company, to review the
whole work, and extract one out of all three, to be committed to the press. For
the dispatch of this business Mr. Downes and he, out of the Cambridge com-
pany, were sent for up to London, where meeting their four fellowdabourers,
they went daily to Stationers' Hall, and in three quarters of a year fulfilled
their task. All which time they received duly thirty shillings each of them, by
the week, from the Company of Stationers ; though beforf. they had nothing,"
but (adds the other manuscript) " the self-rewarding ingenious industry. Whilst
they were employed in this last business, he, and he only, took notes of their
proceedings, which he diligently kept to his dying day."'^
The expression " a new choice was made of six in all, two out of each
company," contradicts itself. There were six companies, and there must
14 MS. Harl. 7053, in thirty-eifiht quarto pages. It has been once printed in Peck's Des. Cii-
riosa, from a copy among the Baker MSS.
15 A very strange mistake of Lewis lias been copied by many authors up to tlie present time.
Speaking of the revisors, he says—" All which time they received thirty jiounds each of them,
by the week !" This would have been above £"000, had there been only six, but as there were
twelve, .fl4,fiOO for nine mouths' work ! The manuscript is quite distinct, viz. ."iO-t.
382 Ills .MAJK8TV S INAlill.nV l<> 1)I;KUAV [uouK III.
have been two out of each, to represent the part traiishited. The mistake
is to be correcteJ, as already hinted, by the Knglish divines sent to Dort
in l(il8. Among them was Dr. Samuel Ward, himself one of the trans-
lators, and in giving their account to the synod, they stated that twelve
men met to review, and correct the whole work.
Twelve men paid at the rate of thirty shillings each, was ef]ual to
£18 weekly, and for the thirty-nine weeks, £7U2 must have been ex-
pended : but with regard to the Paymasters for this service, it is pre-
sumed that the reader is already fully prejiared to doubt, if not deny the
strange assertion, that this could have come from the Company of Sta-
tioners. Lewis has remarked that it " seems a confirmation of what was
before observed, that the proposal of raising a thousand marks on the
Bishops, (fee, was rejected by them." And of this there can be no ques-
tion ; but after the game played with the Stationers' Company by Chris-
topher Barker, and the state in which we left the parties, how could one
farthing be expected from that Company ? They had no interest what-
ever in the affair, from first to last. At the Hall, as a matter of cour-
tesy, these twelve men might be accommodated, but so far from the Com-
pany having any concern in the publication, we have already seen the
whole fraternity of printers and booksellers up in arms against the ar-
rangement by a monopoly.
But why then might not his Majesty be supposed to defray this trifling
amount ? Because that when only such a sum was anticipated at the
beginning, he himself informed us, it was " not convenient." And if it
was not so then, it was much more inconvenient now. As a source of
supply, James was more thoroughly out of the question than ever before ;
and, indeed, there is actually no evidence that he took any farther con-
cern in the whole affair, after the solitary letter in 1604, and a slight al-
lusion to the subject in 1606 ; except that when the Bible Avas finished at
press, he must have given his sanction, and was then praised to the skies.
But as for any money being ever paid by him since the time that he him-
self last spake, one glance at his progress will amply suflice.
Parliament having been opened on the 9th of November 1606, the chief busi-
ness of the session was the voting of a subsidy. As i-eported to the House, and
rceortlod on the journal of the Commons, the debts of the late Queen were
£400,0(»0, and £-20,0()0 for her funeral. Tlic entrance of James with his family
into England, and his coronation, had cost £30,000 ; upon ambassadors and their
entertainnn-nt, he had lavished £40,000 ; and tlic expenses of Ireland had been
£350,0(10. Thus the sum to bo reduced was £840,000 : the debts of Elizabeth,
at the close of her long reign, and tiiosc of James's first thrc 3ears, being uow
precisely oi equal amount, or £420,0(10 each ! By this time his Majesty could
neither pay his household, nor decently support his own table. In point of fact,
the Earl of Dorset, at the age of seventy-nine, his Lord Treasurer, had been
stopped on the street, by servants of the liousehold, claiming their wages, and
the purveyors had refused farther supplies. Within eighteen months after this,
U»03-1G50.] ANY EXPENSE, EXPLAINED. 383
on the 1,0th of April IGOit, the accomplished Sackvile, Lord Treasurer Dorset,
died suddenly, when actually sitting at the Council table ; and being succeeded
by Cecil, now Earl of Salisbury, he not only found an exhausted exchequer, but
that the King's debts had now risen to three times the amount already stated.
Amidst all this, the high tone of James's pretensions remained undiminished,
though the steps taken by him for supply, without application to Parliament,
served to disclose still farther the baseness of his mind. He was supporting
the heir-apparent, jiartly by a pension from the States-General ; for a certain
amount, he had sold to the Dutch a license to fish off the coasts of England and
Scotland ; and by his prerogative alone, he had levied duties on the import and
export of goods ! Salisbury had laboured hard, in every way, to reduce his
Royal Master's embarrassment ; but by the meeting of Parliament in 1610 how
stood his affiiirs ? The Lord Treasurer stated to the House that the Khig's debts
were still about half a million sterling, while his ordinary expenses wei'e ex-
ceeding his income by £81,000 a-year : but after all that his great purveyor
could say. Parliament voted no more than a subsidy, which amounted to not one-
s'hith part of the needy monarch's demands. " After the dissolution," says Hal-
lam, " James attempted as usual to obtain loans ; but the merchants, grown
bolder with the spirit of the times, refused him the accommodation. He then
had recourse to another method of raising money, unprecedented, I believe, be-
fore his reign, though long practised in France, the sale of honours. He sold
several peerages for considerable sums, and created a new order of hereditary
knights, called Baronets, who paid £1000 each for their patents. Two hundred
were intended, but only ninety-three were sold for six years to come." In this
race of royal prodigality, therefore, we need to run no farther, for by this time
the Bible of 1611 had been published. It has been affirmed of James that he
never did a great or generous action tliroughout the course of his reign ; but
certainly, with regard to the Scriptures, so far from his having personally con-
tributed towards the undertaking, it will be well if he ultimately escape from
having actually received money for allowing them to be printed !
Pecuniary aid, however, it is certain, had been required ; and so at last
after receiving no such assistance from any other quarter, we must turn
to the patentee and inquire how he had been proceeding all this time.
And well might Barker pay whatever was required. If £700 had already
been expended, the translation had still to be superintended through the
press ; a process which seems to have involved much more expense, as
well as attention, for nearly two years to come, under the eye of Dr. Miles
Smith, already mentioned, and Thomas Bilson, Bishop of Winchester, to
say nothing of other underlings. But whatever may have been the cost, we
have no evidence of one-farthing contributed from any quarter, save one.
The death of Christopher Barker, the first patentee, at the age of 70,
in November 1599, we have already noticed ; but fully ten years before,
(8th August 1589,) as soon as he had received his second patent, or the
first from Queen Elizabeth direct, for his own life and that of his son, he
had retired from the fatigue of business, and ever after printed the Scrip-
tures by deputies, or by George Bishop and Ralph Newbery, well-known
printei'S of other things. The son, Robert, pursuing his father's advan-
tage, by right of the running patent, first affixed his name to the Bible
HHi THE PATENTEE DEFKAVS [bOOK III.
of 1601 ; and by the time that James ascended the throne, he comes be-
fore us as Robert Barker, Es(j. of Southley or Southlee in Bedfordshire.
The King, however, had been little more than two months in England,
when Barker had secured from him a special license, dated the 19th of
July, for printing all the statutes during his life : and in two months
more he was again in contact with his Majesty. On the 28th of Septem-
ber, in consideration of the sum of £300 jjaid to the King, and an an-
nual rent of £20, he had granted him the manor of Upton for 22 years ;
but raising the rent to £40 in two years after. Barker, by this time,
being a married man, had a family growing up. II is lady, the daughter
of Day, Bishop of Winchester, the immediate predecessor of Bilson, now
engaged with the Bible, had died in 1607, leaving him at least four
children, Christopher, Robert, Charles, and Matthew. These, the grand-
sons of a prelate, were all to be provided for, and by an improvement on
the method by which Christopher Barker had at first secured a patent to
his only son. In the meanwhile, a considerable amount in money was
demanded to defray the expenses connected with the superintendence at
press of the new, that is, our j^resent version of the Scriptures. The en-
tire cost was defrayed, but certainly not by any Bishop, and much less
by King James himself.
One writer, in the middle of the seventeenth century, here comes to
our aid. Although Robert Barker had actually been fined for incor-
rect printing, in 1634, this writer strangely enough argues in favour of
the monopoly ; " lest in a book of so high importance, not only danger-
ous errors, but even pernicious heresies be imprinted, and the book of
life be undecently printed in letter and paper." " And forasmuch as
propriety rightly considered is a legal relation of any one to a temporal
good ; I conceive the sole printing of the Bible and Testament with
power of restraint in others, to be of right the propriety of one Matthew
Barker, citizen and stationer of London, in regard that his father j^id
for the amended or corrected Translation of the Bihle £3500 : by reason
whereof the translated copy did of right belong to him and his assignes."
Herbert, accordingly, ascribes this sum to the expenses of " making the
new translation. "'''
In perfect harmony with this payment, immediately after Barker had
printed the Bible of 1611, we find him on the 10th of May following,
1612, obtaining from the King a patent for Christopher, his eldest son, to
hold the same after the death of his father ; but with an additional
proviso, that if the son should die first, his heirs were to enjoy the bene-
fits, for four years after Robert the father's death .'7 Within five years
i« See "A briefe Treatise conceminK the re.qiilating of Printing, Humbly submitted to the
P.irliameiit of Enplnnd. By William Pall, Esq. London. Printed in the year 16.51."
17 This, by mistake, h.is sometimes been placed in 1()02, when Elizabeth was on the throne,
and in lfiO.3, only three days .ifter the arrival of .Tames in London.
I((()3-l(."30.] THK ENTIRE EXPENSE. 385
after this the son died, and so in the fourteenth year of his roign, or on
the 11th of February 1616-17, the King granted the same patent to
Robert the second sou, for thirty years, to commence after the death of
his father. Now at such a time, it might be fairly questioned, since
James was haunted by poverty to the day of his death, whether these
patents were granted for nothing ; and if not, then the parallel between
Henry VIII. and James I. is more complete. But be this as it might,
the Barkers, resolving not to trouble themselves any longer with press-
work, had on the 20th of July 1627, or the third of K. Charles, assigned
their rights to Bonham Norton and John Bill, which the King confirmed.
Robert Barker, the father, was however still alive ; and still not satisfied,
on the 26th of September 1635, he actually succeeded in obtaining the
same patent in reversion to Charles and Matthew, his younger sons, after
the expiration of the four years to Christopher's heirs, and the thirty to
Robert their brother !^^ Thus the interests and the emoluments of this
one family are seen to extend from the nineteenth year of Elizabeth,
through the successive reigns of James I., Charles I. and II., James II. ^
of William and Mary, to the eighth year of Queen Anne, or to the long pe-
riod of 132 years ! From 1577 down to 1709, not a single copy of the Sacred
Volume had issued from the press, in which this family, father, son, and
grandsons, had not a personal pecuniary interest.
In all this, it may appear to some persons, that, in the beginning,
Christopher Barker did nothing more than secure an inheritance to him-
self and his posterity, for the greater part of a century and a half;
though at this distance of time, no one who considers the subject would
stand up to justify the course, whether in its strange, not to say dis-
honourable commencement, or its as strange continuance. But in a
historical point of view, a family of three generations, so aggrandized,
presents a subject of grave consideration. They were the mechanical
agents employed in issuing out to their country, thousands upon thou-
sands of the Sacred Volume, the hook of the soul, intended by its Divine
Author to convey the knowledge of saving truth to every reader, or life
that shall never end. In the days of health, and in the hurry of mer-
cantile pursuit, the only considerations worth notice might seem to be
gain and successful returns ; but in a course such as this, there was a
personal responsibility involved, of no ordinary character. Less might
have been said, had the family appeared to have been benefited by the
volume itself, which they issued so long ; but there is actually nothing
upon record to encourage any such hope. On the contrary, the father
of these four sons had no sooner obtained the last patent for his youngest
children in September 1635, than, from some cause or other, he became
seriously involved in diflaculties, not indeed specified, but he landed in
'8 For this reversionary patent, Mr. B;ill inforniH n.'< that Mattliew Barker Iiad pairl I!r,w.
VOL. II. 2 IJ
380 NO HUMAN ALTHOKITV QbooK III.
prison. After he Iwul been there more than six years, a committee on
the suhject of printing having heen appointed ; on the 7th of March 1042,
the Printers of London i)rcscnted a petition before it " for the better
rcguhvting of the art of printing, and the calling in uf four several
patents, which they conceived to be monopolies." These four were that
granted to the Barkers, a second for Law books, a third for l)Ook8 in
Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and a fourth for printing all broadsides. The
three last died away, but the first, as it is well known, survived un-
touched. When first incarcerated, Robert Barker had yet ten years to
live, but there he lived, and there also he died! " These are to certify,
•whom it may concern, that Robert Barker, Esq. was committed a prisoner
to the custody of the Marshal of the King's bench, the 27th of Novem-
ber 163o, and died in the prison of the King's bench the 10th of January
1645."^^ He was buried in tivo days after, or the 12th, where, we are not
informed ; but such was the end of the man who printed the Jirst edition
of our present version, as well as many others after it. He must be
ranked only among the mere " hewers of wood and drawers of water,"
before and after him.
To return then for a few moments, and finally, to the Bible
of 1611 ; after neither his Majesty, nor the Bishops, nor the
Stationers"" Company, had att'orded a«y pecuniary aid, we
have found the money furnished, and very properly, by the
only party who was to receive the profits. The honour of
payment for the whole concern, so often ascribed to James
the First, is by no means to be taken from him, if one shred
of positive evidence can be produced ; but this, it is pre-
sumed, lies beyond the power of research. In this case, there-
fore, to speak correctly, we have come at last, not to an affair
of government, not to a royal undertaking at his Majestrfs ex-
peiise, according to the popular and very erroneous historical
fiction, but simply to a transaction in the course of business.
If we inquire for any single royal grant, or look for any act
of personal generosity, we search in vain.^"
'9 Certified by Thomas WigR, clerk of the papers to the M.irshal of the King's bench, IC Jan.
1679. See Ame>, p. 36;). Swilh's Obituary by Peck.
20 We arc not unacquainted with tlie InnKungc which has frequently been emjiloyed in our
Courts of Law; where it seems to have been taken for granted, merely as a matter of course,
that even Henry VIII. and, above all, James I. had acted as kings in this matter : but in the
absence of proof, to say the least, the terms employed both at the Bar. and from the Bench,
sound the more extraordinary. In the case of the Stationers' Company aR.iinst Partridge, the
Crown's «o?<' right to publish was /</i/»(/frf on /)>Y<;)fWy. Mr. Salkeld. in arguing for the defen-
dant, after denying any prerogative in the Crown over the press, or any power to grant any ex-
clusive privilege, said — " I take the rule in all these cases to be, that where the Crown mas a
property or right of copy, the king may grant it. The crown may grant the sole printing of
Bibles in the Knglish translation, because it was made at the Kiiia's cluiiye." "The King,"
1G03-10JO.] URGED OUR PRESENT VERSION. 387
There is, however, in conclusion, one other inquiry to be
made; and this, to some minds, may be not the least important.
It is this. By whose influence or authority was it, that our
present version of the Sacred Volume came to be read, not in
England alone, but in Scotland and Ireland \ This too, is a
question the more interesting to millions, as it is now the Bible
of so many distant climes — read not only in the Americas and
Canada, but in all the wide- spread and daily extending British
colonies.
The reigning King had indeed signified his approbation of
the undertaking, and when the Bible was published it bore on
its title-page, that the version had been " newly translated out
of the original tongues, and with the former translations dili-
gently compared and revised, by his Majesty^s special com-
mandment."" In a separate line below, and by itself, we have
these words, " Appointed to be read in churches." Now as
the Book never was submitted to Parliament, never to any
Convocation, nor as far as it is known, ever to the Privy-
Council ; James, by this title-page, was simply following, or
made to follow, in the train of certain previous editions. As for
Elizabeth, his immediate predecessor, we have already seen,
that under her long reign, there was another version, beside
the Bishops', and that the former enjoyed the decided prepon-
derance in public favour : so, in the present instance, that
there might be no mistake or misapprehension, in regard to
the influence or authority by which our present Bible came to
be universally received, a result somewhat similar took place.
Thus, for seven or eight years after the present version was published,
said Lord Chief Justice Mansfield, on another occasion, " has no property in the art of printing.
The King has no autliority to restrain the press. The King cannot, by law, grant an exclusive
privilege to print any book, which does not helonp to himself. The copy of the Hebrew Bible,
the Greek Testament or the Septuagint, does not belong to the King; they are common. But
the English translation he bought, therefore it has been concluded to be his property ! His
ujhok right rests upon the foundation of propcrli/ in the copy by the common law ! !" In a for-
mer part of this history we had occasion to quote the language of Solicitor-General York, in the
case of Baskett v. the University of Cambridge, who absolutely went so far as to assert that
" the translation of the great English Bible under Grafton was performed at the King's expense,"
meaning Henry VIII., " leliich /jaee him, the reigning monarch, another kind of right ! !" Both
the Bench and the Bar, the reader must be aware, here proceed on the delicate principle, that
the King never dies ; he only demises, and so the right, according to the popular fancy, remained.
It is certainly passing strange, that no pleader once thought of denying that either Monarch ever
paid one farthing. Going into his proof, he might have followed it up by a second, that after all,
our version of the Scriptures is not an original work. In point of fact, however, no historical
a-ssumptions seem to be greater than these. On the contrary, if we only look at certain fines
imposed by Henry in connexion with the Scriptures, and to these patents granted by .Tames, as
far as evidence goes, it rather appears that toW/ their Majesties have been brought in as debtors
TO THK Book, but nevkb the Book to thkm.
I
388 TiiK (;kai)ual introduction (^book hi.
wc fiiul IJiirker, or Norton and Bill, .still jiiinting the Geneva Bible, at
least in ten editions, besides four of the New Testament separately. The
fact is, that the royal patentee went on to print both versions to the year
1G17 or 1618.^' After that the Geneva Bibles, so frequently printed ia
Holland, were imported and sold, without the shadow of inhibition during
the entire reign of James the First, and longer still. As for Scotland,
from whence the King had come, that Bible continued to be as much
used there, as the present version, for more than twenty years after James
was in his grave. The influence or authority of James, therefore, can-
not once be mentioned, when accounting for ihcfnal result.
The Bible was indeed first published in Ifill, and being still farther
connected in 1613 ; but did James, as a king, take one step to enforce
its perusal ? Not one ; a fact so much the more notable, when the over-
weening conceit of that monarch, and the high terms in which he so fre-
quently expressed himself as to his prerogative, are remembered. " We
can assign," says one of the best living authorities in the kingdom, " we
can assign no other authority for using the present version of the Bible,
except that of the conference at Hampton Court."^^ But that conference
has been already described, and, in the circumstances, it actually
amounted to no authority at all in point of law ; James was not then
King of England ; though had it been otherwise, that conference cer-
tainly had not the slightest influence in recommending the version to
which it gave rise. However, immediately after his Majesty had been
recognized by Parliament, he had spoken once, as we have heard ; and
his solitary letter we have given at length. It was in part abortive, and
after that, it seems, he must speak no inore ; a circumstance more wor-
thy of notice, as James was notoriously so fond of speaking officially, and
especially by proclamations. In the first nine months of his reign, he
had issued at least a round dozen, but here there was nothing of the
kind. " After this translation was published," says one writer, " the
others all dropt off" by degrees,^'' that is, in about forty years, " and this
took place of all, though I don't find that there was any canon, procla-
mation, or act of parliament, to enforce the use of it."^^ " The present
version," says Dr. Symonds, " appears to have inade its way, without the
interposition of any authority whatsoever ; for it is not easy to discover
any traces of a proclamation, canon, or statute published to enforce the
use of it."
As for the " appointment," noted on the title-page merely, it is to be
borne in mind that this extended no farther than to pullic assemblies of
the people, here indefinitely enough styled" Churches ;" and taking the
translators themselves for our guide, they, in their dedication, looked no
21 We suspect tliere may still be found a later date.
-- The Rev. Dr. Lee in 1824. Now Principal of the University of Hdinhurgh.
23 Bihliothcca Literaria, No. iv., ji. 22. An. 1723.
J 603-1 650. J OF OUR PRESENT VERSION. 389
farther than Enghoid. Now, even tliere, while there had been a pro-
clamation and canons with regard to Matthew's and Cranmer's, and the
Bishops' Bible, in 1538, 1571, and 1603, it becomes very observable that
neither the one nor the other was ever issued as to our jyresent version.
It is true that in various " Articles of Inquiry" on episcopal visitation,
in succeeding reigns, such a question as — " Have you a large Bible of
the last translation ? " had been put to church- wardens. Such occasional
inquiries however, proceeded, in all cases, simply in vii'tue of the King's
personal authority over that Church of which he was recognized as
Head ; and they amount to nothing, as soon as we inquire for the cause
of universal usage, whether in Scotland, or even in England throughout.
As royal authority, therefore, had no influence in accounting for the
change, one circumstance, far more tangible, must be observed, and it is
well worthy of special notice. Our present version, on the whole, was
no doubt superior to its predecessors, but then besides, it had one
mighty additional advantage in its favour. It .was without note and com-
7)ient. On the other hand the Geneva of 1560, though an excellent ver-
sion, and, for the sake of comparison, well worthy of another fresh edi-
tion even now, had been almost always accompanied with these appen-
dages. Whatever may be said of the notes, no intelligent person can
speak lightly of the version itself ; but these notes proved the dead weight
which at last sunk the translation into an oblivion which, but for them,
the version might have longer sui'vived. Thus once more, or from Tyn-
dale's down to our present version, was Divine providence marking out
to this country the true and only path to universal usage of the Sacred
Volume, whether in this or in every other land. It was the Bible, hut it
must be ■without note and comment.
To these Geneva notes Archbishop Laud inherited far more hatred
than James had ever felt. The King after his one sally at the confe-
rence, seems to have let the matter alone ; not so the Prelate, and under
his sway the history of the English Bible had assumed a very singular
aspect. He comes before us in jiroof of the impotence of royal authority,
and even of the royal patent, whether for correct printing, or supplying the
pnMic demand. This was about the year 1632, when Laud, and very
properly, was fining his Majesty's printer. Barker, for incorrect printing
of the Bible at home.^'* But, at the same time, and with the strangest
24 Robert Barker and Martin Lucas, King's printers, having published a Bible this year, in
which, among other errata, the word nuL was left out of tlie seventh commandment, the impres-
sion was called in, and the printers fined £,')(l(l, not £3(10(1 as sometimes stated. With this
money a fount of fair Greek types was ])ruvided. Kobert Barker, sen., did not die till 11)45, and
could not have sunk into prison under such a sum as this. Indeed, when Charles I. referred to
the amount, thus he expressed himself, — " And our further will and pleasure is, that the said
Robert Barker and Martin Luca-*, our patentees for printing, or those which either now arc, or
shall hereafter succeed them, bciiui ijreat qaiiicrs hi/ their patent, shall, at their own proper coBt
and charges of ink, paper, and workmanship, jirint, or cause to be printed, in Greek, or Greek
and Latin, one such volume in a year, be it bigger or less, as the Right Rev. Father aforesaid,
(Augustine Lindsell, bishopof I'elerborough,) orourservant, I'atrick Young,' (King's Librarian,)
or any other of mir learned subjects, shall make readyfor the press."
300 AM. INTERFERENCE REPUDIATED, [boOK III.
inconaistency, he was labouring with all his might, to prevent the impor-
tation of liiblcs printed in Holland, chiefly on the acknowledged ground
of their superior excellence in every point of view ! When put on his
trial, some years after, and called to account for many other things, it
was one of the charges against him, that " one of the first hooks moat
strictly prohibited to be printed, imported, or sold by this Archbishop,
was the English Geneva Bible, with marginal notes and prefaces, though
printed hero in England, not only without the least restraint, but ctmi
privilegio regi(e Majestatis during all Queen Elizabeth and King James,
their reigns, by the Queen's and King's printers ; and since our printers
have neglected to print them, for fear of hindering the sale of the last
translation, without notes, they have been sold without any contradiction
till this Archbishop began to domineer." The following was part of Laud's
own curious reply, meant for defence.
" The restraint was not for the notes onli/ ; for by the numerous coming over
of Bibles, both witli and without notes, from Amsterdam, tliere was a great and
just fear conceived, that, by little and little, printing would ([uite be carried out
of the kingdom ; for the books that came thence, were better printjhctter bound,
better paper, and for all the charges of bringing, sold better cheap ! And would
any man buy a worse Bible dearer, that might have a better more cheap ? And
to preserve printing here at home, as well as the notes, was the cause of stricter
looking to these Bibles ! "
To this the Commons replied, " That tlic English Bible with the Geneva
notes was not only tolerated, but printed and reprinted during Queen Eliza-
beth and K. James's reigns ; and in the loth of James, (nay the sixteenth ?)
there was an impression of them printed here by the King's own printer ; since
which time the new translation , icUhout notes, bein(j most vendible, the King's prin-
ters forbearing to print them for their private lucre, not by virtue ofanyjiublic re-
straint, the Geneva were usually imported fi'om beyond the seas, and publicly
sold without any inhibition or punishment, till this Archbishop's time, who made
it no less than a hhjh commission crime to vend, bind, or import them."
Tims matters had goue on for a few years longer, till the
last official interferences with our present version of the Bible
took place. They become more worthy of regard, not only as
beins: the last ; but on account of several circumstances con-
nected with both the attempts.
Under the gradual disclosure of attested facts, in regular
succession from Henry the Eighth down to this period ; while
establishing the high independence of the English Bible as a dis-
tinct undertaking, and not to be confounded with other things ;
tlie present history may seem to liave borne hard upon some
men in high places ; since it has bereaved the reigning prince,
as well as some of his titled advisers, of an honour and influence
which have too often been falselv ascribed to them. But in
1603-1650.] PARLIAMENTARY AS WELL AS ROYAL. 391
never soliciting their patronage, and in no vital point admit-
ting of their control, it becomes a very observable circumstance,
that, at this crisis, when the question of our present ver-
sion of the Bible came to be settled for two centuries to come,
the history will effectually redeem itself from all imputations
as to anything invidious towards the Crown, as the Crown.
The course it held under monarchical government, will not
change when this is gone. Let executive human power be
held by whomsoever it might, if put forth here, in the shape
of control, it cannot be allowed, and like former attempts, it
must come to nothing. The proposal may be hinted, but it
will die away.
It happened about eight years after the death of Laud, and
four after that of Charles the First, that a Bill was intro-
duced into the Long Parliament, on the 1 1th of January 1653,
for " a new English translation of the Bible out of the origi-
nal tongues." Such a bill, it must be remembered, had never
before been laid before any previous Parliament in England.
Once upon a time indeed, under Edward VL, we have seen
that a bill was brought before the Senate referring simply to
the reading of the Bible, which was never mentioned a second
time, or heard of more ; but respecting any version, or revi-
sion of the Scriptures, as the consent of Convocation had never
been deemed necessary, so that of Parliament had never been
consulted. At a period, therefore, when there was no King
upon the throne, no Primate in existence, nor any House of
Lords, such a proposed Bill excites special notice ; while as an
attempt on the part of official power to interfere, it becomes
the more striking, as being of a new character. The Bill was
once mentioned, and only once ; but the Parliament of the
Lord-Brethren must no more invade the peculiar character of
this cause, than the parliament of royalty ; nor must the
sovereignty of the people be flattered, any more than the
sovereignty of the Prince. This Parliament had already sat
for more than twelve years, retaining the supreme authority
in their hands, so that this Bill sunk into oblivion by the
well-known dissolution of the House soon after. On the 20th
of April, Cromwell, surrounded by some of his officers and
several hundred men, repaired to the Parliament, and after
hearing them for a quarter of an hour discuss the question as
to the form of their own dissolution, he rose and peremptorily
;H)2 THE ENKKGY UK TIIK I'HOl'LK [book HI.
settled it. In the way wliieh has been so often described, lie
upbraided certain members, dissolved the Hou.se, ordering the
members to disperse, the mace to be taken away, and carrying
the keys of the House with him, in the afternoon of the same
day, he also dissolved the Council of State.
But though Piirliamcnt uiukr any regime must not interfere, there
was nothing to prevent individuals as such, from prosecuting any enter-
prize with reference to the Sacred Scriptures. On the contrary, the
incident just mentioned becomes far more observable from the time of its
occurrence. Only a few weeks before, certain individuals moved by ardent
desire for the promotion of sacred literature, with great zeal had already
embarked in an undertaking of the noblest character, involving great
expense. We refer to the London Polyglot Bible, by far the most im-
portant biblical work ever issued from the British press, which has ren-
dered immense service to the interpretation of Scripture, as well as
confen-ed imperishable honour on its projectors and its editor, Brian
Walton.23
Three works of the same nature had been previously published on the
Continent. The Complutensian Polyglot of 1517, at the charge of Car-
dinal Ximenes — The Antwerp in 1572, by Arias IMontanus, at the charges
of the King of Spain — The Parisian in 1645, by Michael le Jay, by
authority of Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin. All these v/ere by dis-
cii)les of the old learning, under the authority of Royal or Cardinal
patronage ; but the London Polyglot, by disciples of the iierr, originated
with the people themselves, and by them it was triumphantly earned
through. In 1652, it was first started ; and on the 11th of July the
Council of State had indeed signified their approbation, and allowance
of the work ; but that Council, as we have seen, had been sent adrift
by Cromwell, a circumstance, in reference to the Polyglot, of no moment
whatever, as the event will prove.^**
A prospectus and proposals being printed, they had said — " Whereas
the former editions, though less perfect than that proposed, and not so
fit for use, have been printed at the public charge of Princes and great
persons, and the charge of this work will exceed the ability of an ordin-
ary person, whereupon divers persons of worth have expressed their
readiness io join in the charge of the impression ; and it is hoped, that
others, who wish well to learning and religion, will assist — and whatso-
25 Nine langu.iRcs arc used in this Bible, Hrbrctf, Chaldee, Samaritan, Greek, Syriac, Arabic,
Kthiopic, Pfrsie, and Latin ; tliough by no means throufihout. The Pentateuch is in eiffht, the
Pialnis in seirn, other parts in .«*>, the New Testament in ^ir, and Kstlicr in two. The Ethiopic
is used in the Ps.alms and New Testament, but not in the Pentateuch.
*" When the approbation was signified, some hope was entertained that they would vole
.-t'lfKKi to encourage the work : but thcY certainly never did vote one farthing, nor w as it waiited,
ns wo shall see presently.
lO'()3-lGoO.] WHEN LEbT TO THEMSELVES. 393
ever monies shall be raised, shall be paid into the hands of William
Humble, Esq. treasurer, for this imrpose." Here then was one of the
finest tests for proving, to what extent zeal for such learning existed in
the country, or deep interest in the Original Scriptures. There was no
parade, nor one sounding title to usher in the day, but with Humble for
a treasurer, let us see how the design proceeded. " The work," said
they, " will not be begun, till there be enough to finish the first volume
containing the Pentateuch, viz. about £1.500 ; nor the other volumes
till a proportional sum for each be brought in, viz. about £1200." As
there were to be six volumes in all, it was then supposed that at the
least £7500 would be required, and the whole to be thus published
by subscription, if there was encouragement. Those that advanced
ten pounds, were to have one copy, or six copies for £50, and so for
any greater sum, to be paid by instalments — And what was the re-
sult ? Why that just before the English Bible had been once hinted at
in Parliament, where however it must not be touched ; or by the end of
that year (1552) in which the subject was broached, nearly four thou-
sand pounds had been subscribed, and in only four months after, or by
the 4th of May 1653, the subscriptions to the work had not only risen to
nine thousand pounds, but according to Walton's own words, much
more was likely to be added ! This noble undertaking then commenced
at press in the autumn of this year, and the first volume was delivering
to the subscribers in September following. The second volume was
finished in July 1655, the third in July 1656, and the three last volumes
by the end of 1657. Two presses were engaged from the beginning, and
afterwards more, but the whole work was completed in only four years ;
while the Parisian Polyglot had been seventeen years in the press.^
Thus the most complete collection of the Sacred Writings ever pub-
lished, and far surpassing all former works of the kind, was prepared
and published by the people for the people. The proposal was laid be-
fore them, and they answered in a style worthy of Araunah the Jebusite.
Above fifty eminent individuals, though of different sentiments, have
been mentioned by name, as, with one consent, deeply interested in the
stupendous undertaking ; and it is not a little remarkable, that, among
the innumerable works since published by subscription in this kingdom,
correctly speaking, this must ever stand at the to2) of the list. The
London Polyglot Bible, for the use of the learned, superior to all its pre-
decessors, and thus executed, is in perfect keeping with the entire history
of the English Bible for the use of the people at large.
It was just at the time that tlie Loudon press was occupied
with the last volumes of Walton's Polyglot, that the final
attempt to interfere with our present version occurred. Wal-
27 Todd's Life ol Walton.
394 PRESENT VERSION GENERALLY RECEIVED. [^BOOK III.
ton and a lew otliers appear as though they were about to
reconsider it ; that is, they were deputed to do so, but as they
conic before us under the orders of a parliamentary sub-com-
mittee, they were not allowed to proceed. Tlie existing par-
liament had been summoned by Cromwell, as the Lord-Pro-
tector, to represent England^ Scotland., and Ireland. They
had chosen what they were pleased to style " The grand com-
mittee for lleligion," but whatever else they liad done, or did
after, they nmst not interfere in regard to the Scriptures.
This Committtee assembled at the house of Lord Commis-
sioner Whitlock, who has himself recorded their fruitless
attempt in the following words : —
" Jan. I (J, Ifi.JC," (that is H)57) "ordered that it be referred to a sub com-
mittee to send for and advise with Dr. Walton, Mi\ Hughes, Mr. Castell, Mr.
Chirke, Mr. Poulk, Dr. Cudworth, and such others, as they shall think fit ; and
to consider of the Translations and impressions of the Bible, and to offer their
opinions therein to this committee ; and that it be specially commended to the
Lord Commissioner Whitlock to take cai-e of this business."
This Committee accordingly often met, from this date to
November following, when they gave in a Report. They
might say what they pleased, as to any existing impressions
of the Bible, but, as an official body, they must not touch
with the Translation itself. Accordingly they had occasion
to reprobate the incorrectness of certain editions, but particu-
larly one, printed by John Field for the Barkers, in 1653, or
twenty years after their father had been fined under Charles,
for the same crime. As for the Translation itself, they made
several remarks upon some mistakes ; while they agreed, that,
as a whole, it was " the best of any translation in the Worlds
In this testimony Walton, Castell, Pocock, Seldon, and others
concurred ; but with an eye on all the past, the reader may
anticipate, that official authority, of course, could not be ad-
mitted to proceed any farther.
Parliament was soon dissolved, and from about this period
the general acquiescence of the nation in that version of the Bible,
ti'hich has been read and revered ever since, may be considered as
having taken place. The reader cannot fail to mark the season
of this very important national occurrence ; but of this, we
nmst refrain from taking any farther notice, till the History
of the Bible in Scotland be brought down to the same period.
SCOTLAND.
INTRODUCTION.
BKIEF NOTICE OF SCOTLAND DURING THE FOURTEENTH AND FIFTEENTH
CENTURIES — THE OPENING OF THE SIXTEENTH BEFORE THE SACRED
SCRIPTURES IN PRINT WERE FIRST IMPORTED.
Before the Sacred Volume in our vernacular tongue, and in a
printed form, was brought into England itself, we had occasion to
notice the two preceding centuries ; and it would be doing injustice
to the northern part of our island, were we not now to glance, how-
ever briefly, at the same period.
The early connexion of Scotland with France, is distinguished by
the institution of the Scots College, or " Seminaire des Ecossais,"
in Paris, founded in 1325, by the Bishop of Moray ;^ and in the
revival of literatui'e during the fourteenth century, such as it was,
individual natives of Scotland must have taken an interest, if one
of her sons may be admitted in evidence. In furnishing a j^oetical
historian, contemporary with Wicklifle and Chaucer, of whom an
Englishman, even Wharton, has told us, that he " adorned the
English language by a strain of versification, expression, and poeti-
cal imagery, far superior to the age ;" Caledonia had so far ah'eady
proved herself to be no unmeet " nurse for a poetic child." "We
refer, of course, to John Barbour, Archdeacon of Aberdeen, the
author of " The Bruce " — a soothfast history of the life and adven-
tures of Robert the First ; for, independently of its poetical merits,
it is acknowledged to be a book of good authority. " Barbour,"
says Dr. Irving, " was evidently skilled in such branches of know-
ledge as were then cultivated ; and his learning was so well regu-
' This was David Moray, whose exertions were sanctioned hy Charles IV. of France; but
dyinn soon after, his succcss<ir, John Pilninrc of Dnndcc, took s'cat care to finish what Moray
had ljeKnr\. — Krith.
39G INTRODUCTION. [xiv. cent.
lated, as to conduce to the improvement of his iiiiud : the liherality
of his views, and the hiiniaiiity of hi.s Kontiinents, appear occasion-
ally to have been uncontiiicd by the narrow honndarie.s of his own
age." His apostrophe to Freedom, like the earliest lark of the
morning, though hailing a day which he could not anticipate, has
boon (juotod with atlniiration in hi.s own country, at the distance of
more than four hundred and fifty years.
Ah ! freedom is a noble thing ! —
Thoui,'li he that aye has lived free
May not know well the property.
nds work, finished about the year 1375, was written while Wick-
liffe was yet busy with his translation of the Scriptures; and we
notice them together, simply for the purpose of remarking, that as
there was but little diflcrencc in the phraseology of the Scotish and
English writers of this period, so the prose of Wickliffe must have
been as intelligible in North Britain, as the poetry of Barbour in the
south. " The obscure and capricious spelling," it h:is been said,
may, perhaps, deter some readers from a perusal of " The Bruce,"
(a supposition equally applicable to Wickliffe ;) " but it is very
remarkable, that Barbour, who was contemporary with Gower and
Chaucer, is more intelligible to a modern reader, than either of these
English writers." Nor was the language unfelt by those who first
read it. On the contrary, so highly was the work appreciated,
that, by Robert II., the author had a pension assigned to him,
which was punctually paid until the day of his death in 139.5.
Seventeen years, however, before that event, this man, along with
the rest of his countrymen, had taken part in that great controversy,
which agitated all Europe, when Scotland and England became
divided in opinion, and on a point of such vital importance as the
Pontificate itself. To this subject, reference has already been made,
in our introduction to the first volume ; but to understand it now,
so far as Scotland was concerned, we know not of a shorter method,
than that of exhibiting the two countries in the position which they
respectively occupied for nearly half a century.
KNOLISH PONTIFF. L'HOSBN. DEPOSKD. RESIGNED. DIED. srOTFSH PONTfFP. CHOSEN. DIED.
Urban VI. i:>7«. ••■• ■•• 1.38.^ Clement Vll. I37«. l3i)A.
Boniface IX. 1.TH9. • • ••• 1404. Benedict XIII. 13!M. 1424.
Innocent VII. 14(14. •■•■ ■ ■•• Hdfi.
Gregory XII. I4(K;. I4(>!». 141.'). 141?.
Alexander v. I4(«. ■••• •••• 1410.
John XXII. 1410. •••• Nl.-i. 1419.
Tlie Chair HOtr vacant, two years and five months.
Martin V. 1417. ••■ •■ 1-431. Clement VIII. 1424. 142!).
Thus strikingly had Providence .she<l confusion into the coun.sels of
Rome ; and throughout the whole period, there must have been a
XV. CENT.] SCOTLAND. 397
degree of mental agitation, such as the entire ishiud had not expe-
rienced for many a day, if, indeed, ever before. During all these
years, England had been bowing to seven different Pontiffs in suc-
cession ; but six of these Scotland would never acknowledge. On
the contrary, she abode by Clement and Benedict, two different
men ; and yet it was at one of the most perplexing moments of this
schism, or in 1411, that the first University in Scotland was founded
at St. Andrews.^ Then, there were three rivals before the world ;
Gregory, Benedict, and John ; and the grand question of the day
was, irhich was the true Pontiff. Two years before this, the Coun-
cil of Pisa, by way of allayiug all strife, had increased the confu-
sion, by deposing Benedict, the Scotish, and Gregory, the English
Pontiff; leaving both England and Scotland to make their choice
of Alexander Y., a poor feeble character. England acquiesced, but
Scotland had taken her ground, and was never to be moved; though
her Monarch, Janaes I,, was then a captive in England, unright-
eously detained. The consequence was, that when the University
of St. Andrews came to be founded, Henry Wardlaw, the Bishop,
who must have not fewer than six bulls to confirm the appointment,
obtained them from Benedict, dated at Paniscola in Arragon, 25th
August 1412.' Thus the first school of learning in Scotland
received its authority from Peter de Luna, then in his 80th year,
but a deposed Pontiff; while two other men besides himself, Gre-
gory and John, were fighting for the same chair.
Nor was this the only college established in Scotland under the
fifteenth century. The breach as to Rome once more healed, the
delusive idea, that the promotion of such literature would be able to
secure the prolongation of spiritual and temporal power, had taken
full possession of different Pontiffs, and especially of Nicholas V.
By his authority, therefore, and while they were running riot at
Rome, in keeping their noted Jubilee of 1450, the University of
Glasgow was founded ; a place then containing only about fifteen
hundred inhabitants, or not the one hundred and seventieth part of
its present population.^ A second college at St. Andrews, St. Sal-
vator's, followed in 1455, and King's College, Aberdeen, in 1494-5.
Thus, in Scotland, as well as in England, before the learning or
philosophy of Greece had reached either country, what was called
scholastic erudition was first permitted to put forth its powers, and
prove to postei'ity its utter impotence for doing good. The human
2 From Clement VII. also, in 1385, Walter Trail, the predecessor of the reigning bishop, had
received the See of St. Andrews, and by his authority alone, without election.
3 There was no Primate or Archbishop here till the year I46(), nor at Glasgow till 1488.
* Parliamentary Report of 1832, pp. 213, 226. In Mary's reign, more than a hundred years
after, Glasgow, at the taxation of the royal burghs of Scotland, rated only as the eleventh.
3f)8 INTRODUCTION. [xv. CENT.
iiiiiid, linwever, in Scotland, as well an in (.tlicr countries, was evi-
dently waking n[) ; though in all this it is not difKcult to perceive
only the first efrorts of " the old learning," to prevent the slightest
innovation, or the introduction of a better day. They were so many
feeble atteni])ts, akin to the grand exploit of "NVolsey at Oxford, in
the early part of the next century." Henry Wardlaw had been to
Avignon, and lived in friendship with Benedict. As it was from
him he had received his appointment to the Sec of St. Andrews,
from him he returned as his Legate for Scotland, with full powers.
This w:is in 1404, or the same year in which James the First, then
on his way to France, was seized by Henry lY. of England ; so
that for twenty years Wardlaw was left free to pursue his own
plans. The University was concocted in union with Benedict, and
when first set on foot, it was through the efforts of learned men,
who gratuitously afforded their services as professors, rather than
from any stipendiary patronage either of a public or private charac-
ter. For above sixty years the professors had no fixed salaries, and
the students paid no fees, so that we have before us rather a nur-
sery in favour of existing opinions, than a school of learning, in-
tended for the ultimate benefit of the people at large. Thus, on the
release of James in 1424, so far from any improvement in morals,
to check the licentiousness of the ecclesiastics, the king had to
labour in establishing schools, such as should be availal)le to all
ranks, as well as not hold the sword in A-ain. In short, it turned
out, that the Legate of Benedict, though proverbially a hospitable
man, was a far greater enemy to what he deemed heresy, than to
open immorality ; and the first bloodshed in Scotland for opinions
held, was shed not only under his sway, but in the city where he
had founded his University. Two men are well known to have suf-
fered by his authority ; and as neither of these were natives of Scot-
land, it only shews what a dread was felt, lest one ray of light from
abroad should disturb the surrounding gloom, or existing authority.
John Resby, an Englishman, was condemned in 1408 ; and in 1432,
Paul Craw or Crawar, a native of Germany or Bohemia, but cer-
tainly a disciple of Huss ; both being burnt to ashes, as the punish-
ment then affixed to the ojicrations of the human mind. The death
of this Bohemian, who is described, by one annalist, as having " first
displayed the bright beams of the Gospel in St. Andrews," must
have been regarded at the moment as a great achievement, since it
6 The discomfiture of Wolsey's atteni])t, as wc have already witnessed, was tlie first »ignal
triumph of " the new leaminf;" in England ; and we shall see presently how it fared with the
Metropolitan City of Scotland, on the one hand, and with its Archbishop on the otlier, as well
as with Kdinhurj;h, the seat of royalty.
XV. CENT.] SCOTLAND. 399
stands even now in strange association with the venerable remains
of Melrose Abbey. Very soon after, that JMonastery was given in
reward, to an abbot who had acted as the chief persecutor ! " This
year," 1 433, says Sir James Balfour, " the king, at the earnest
solicitation of the clergy, but especially Henry Wardlaw, Bishop of
St. Andrews, bestowed the Abbey of JMelrose upon a lubberly monk
of the Cistercian order, named John Fogo, who had written a blas-
phemous pamphlet against Paul Craw's heresy."
The reign of superstition continued to maintain its supremacy ;
but though the progress of knowledge was slow, the efforts of
genius in certain directions, during the latter part of the fifteenth
century, and the opening of the next, were not to be repressed.
The names of William Dunbar and Gavin Douglas, of Kennedy
and Ilenryson, of John Mair, Sir David Lindsay, and others, were
quite sufficient to allow of Scotland taking no inferior place in the
rising dawn of literature. Dunbar has been frequently styled, the
Scotish Chaucer ; and Douglas was the first translator of a Roman
classic into the English language ; his own original poetry prefixed
to the different books of the ^Eneid, having received the warmest
praise of the present day.
Still, however, the highest, or the eternal interests of the people were
neglected, nay, untouched, except it were by fragments of Wickliffe's
translation in manuscript. In England, we have seen that certain
small circles, or groups, were in possession of these, and were read-
ing them with the keenest interest ; but there is no reason to sup-
pose, even as to Scotland, that Wickliffe had translated in vain,
more especially as his language was equally intelligible with that of
Barbour or Dunbar. Indeed, very soon after his death, Wickliffe's
writings appear to have attracted the notice of Scotchmen.*' Resby,
already mentioned, was not the only, or even the first Englishman
who had travelled down to the north. As early as 1402, Walter
Skirlaw, then Bishop of Durham, was writing to the monks of
Kelso, by the Archdeacon of Northumberland, for the apprehen-
sion of three ecclesiastics, presumed to be fled into the north, who
had been accused of " unsoundness in the faith ;"' and before the
close of the century, or in 1494, it is well known, that from twenty
to thirty individuals, of good family, chiefly resident in Ayrshire,
were called before the Archbishop of Glasgow, for certain " new
opinions," and were reprimanded. George Campbell of Cesnock,
6 Robcrtus Hamiltonus, natione Scotus, frater ordinis Pra?dicatorum. Scripsit, Siimniant
lot/us Theoloyke. LccUunis scholusdcas. Contra fVicklcvistas. Claruit, an. 1.'j!)0. MS. Hatton,
Tan ner.
' Caitularium lU' K;i!chnn. .\1S. in llic .Advocnti^s' Library, E(liiiliurf;li.
400 I.NJKOIJUCTION. [xvi. CENT.
Adam Reiil of Bar^kimuiiii!^', John Cainphcll of Newniilns, ancestor
of the family of LoikIidi, Andrew Shaw of Polkemmet, with the
Ladies of Stair and Pokellie, and other persons of distinetion, were
ainoni; the nnmher.
Our information in regard to the vernacular Scriptures themselves,
has hitherto, it is granted, been vague and indistinct. The families
of Nisbet of Ilardhill and of Gordon of Earlston have been said to
have possessed copies of the New Testament, thus early, in manu-
script. The first instance, however, and on good grounds, has been
questioned, if the manuscript in the Auchinleck Library be the
book referred to ; and the second requires still farther proof. But
that t/ie New Testament in the vernacular t(jV(/i(e^ in manuscript,
was in existence, and in the best use, under the reign of James IV.,
we are now able to give one veritable proof, though never before pre-
sented to the English reader. It must be still more interesting, as
coming from the pen of a native of Ediidjurgh, born in the year
15(»0, who long before this ought to have been better known, and of
whom we shall hear more, after that the New Testament in print
had been imported and read. Arguing in favour of the reading of
the Scriptures, especially in families at home, and addressing James
V. in the year 153-i, he says —
" I will now add the decisions of princes, and that I may omit
others, I will relate to you a domestic example. I remember the
most excellent King, your Father, a very brave prince, by a re-
inarkable testimony, approved of this domestic practice. There was
in your kingdom a man, not only of rank, but also distinguished for
his exalted piety, John Campbell, (Dominus Sesnocensis,) Laird of
Cesnock. His house might have been an example of Christian in-
struction. For he had a priest at home, who read to him and his
family, the New Testament in their vernacular language ; and the
morals, both of himself and of his family, corresponded with the glad
tidings. He also assisted the poor in all kind offices, and although
he had learne<l from the Gospel that superstition and hypocrisy are
displeasing to God ; that he might not seem partial to any rank, he
was wont to receive also the monks into his hospitable abode.
There, when he at times would familiarly converse with his guests
upon Christian doctrine, certain hypocrites, as it happened, under-
stood that he attacked some of their superstitions. At last, his mind
having been often sounded, the monks violating the law of hospita-
lity, and, as it is said, " passing by the eating-table and the salt,"
they carried his name to the Bishop, and accuse him of heresy." In
0 He quotes the proverb to the King in Greek.
XVI. CENT.] SCOTLAND. 401
that suit, when, after long disputation, it appeared, that both he and
his wile were in danger of their lives, Campbell appealed to the
King. Although the monks were grievously offended that the King
should call the cause before himself, still he thought it belonged to
his good faith and humanity, that, to good and noble men, he should
not fail to do his duty. lie therefore graciously heard the cause on
both sides ; and when the husband, from natural reserve, and not a
little agitated by fear of the monks, answered with modesty, the
King commanded the wife to plead the cause. She then, quoting
the Scriptures, refuted the charges brought against them, so distinct-
ly and wisely, that the King not only acquitted the defendants,
Campbell, with his wife and the priest ; but also rising up, he ca-
ressed the woman, and extolled her diligence in Christian doctrine.
Having severely reproved the monks, he threatened, that if ever after
they created trouble of this sort, to such honourable and innocent
persons, he would punish them severely. To Campl)cll himself, in-
deed, he presented certain villages, that there might remain an hon-
ourable token of his decision, a,nd of his good-will towards him ; lest
there should be supposed to lurk in his (the King's) mind any suspi-
cion against Campbell, because of the accusation of the monks."^
This incident is not to be confounded with the occuri'ence in
1494, where Heid of Barskimming was the chief speaker. Besides,
we know that John Campbell of Cesnock was the immediate suc-
cessor of George, already mentioned. He appears to have been a
son worthy of his father, and as the King here referred to, James
IV., fell at Flodden in 1513, the occurrence must have taken place
at least thirteen years before the New Testament of Tyndale could
have arrived in Scotland, but most probably still earlier. At all
events, it forms one of the most apjjropriate introductions to the fol-
lowinghistory; nor have we been able to adduce an incident of deeper
interest before any part of the Sacred Volume, in print, was im-
ported into England itself.*"
'•> " Alexandri Alcsii Scotti Respoiisio ad Cochlei calvmiiias." 1534.
'0 This story is loosely referred to in a rare i)oera by John Davidson, Minister of Libberton,
afterwards of Prestonpans, and the founder of its grammar-school in ICdfi, for teaching the
youth Hebrew, Greek, and Latin. Tliis poem, written in 1575, is entitled—" A memorial of the
life and death of two worthye Christians, Robert Campbel of the Kinzeancleuf>h, and his wife
Elizabeth Canijtbel. In Knglish meter. Edinburgh, Printed by Robert Walde-grave, Printer
to the King's Majestic 15.')5. Cum privilegio Kegali." Davidson speaks of the death of Resby as
occurring in 141)5 instead of 1408, and in alluding to the house of Cesnock he appears to confound
father and son ; but as he refers fur confirmation to " a cunning clerk called ^Ikshis ; in a wark
written to James the fifth our King," the reader has before him the statement of Ales. The
two Christians here celebrated were evidently of eminent kindred character, the lady, indeed,
being a branch of the house of Cesnock; and to her daughter, the sole heiress of Kiiizeancleugh,
the poem is dedicated.
VOL. II. 2 0
402 INTRODUCTION. [xvi. CENT.
Such an anecdote is only in perfect liannony with the character
of thi.s monarch. Naturally gay and warm hcartc<l, he was by no
means disposed blin<lly to follow the |<rit'sts or monks of the day.
On the contrary, having so remarkably conciliated the afiections of
his nobility, had he not been cut off in the flower of his age, he
might have gone far to have rescued the crown out of the dictatorial
tyranny of the priesthood.
The king was also decidedly in favour of the progress of letters.
Witness only " The Thistle and the Rose," by Dunbar — a poem
full of picturesque beauty — presented to James, in 1503, on the
occasion of his marriage to j\Iargaret, the eldest daughter of Henry
VII. By the king's sanction also, and under his own eye at Edin-
burgh, the art of printing itself was introduced into Scotland. The
first patent was granted, in 1507, to Walter Chepman and Andro
Myllar, his workman ; and they set up their press accordingly in
"the Soutligatc."" But though the press was set up, the idea of
applying that art to its noblest end, or the printing of the Sacred
Scrij)tures, and in Edinburgh, wa.s not to be cherished for seventy
years to come. We are left, therefore, to inquire at what time any
part of the Sacred Volume, j>rinted in our native tongue, had first
reached the shores of North Britain.
11 This is understood to have been not far from the head of wliat has since been called the
Cowgate. Neither this, nor the Grassmarket, had yet been surrounded by the city wall.
I
THE HISTORY OF
THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
BOOK IV.-SCOTLAND.
4from Sames; tin ffitti) to t\)t Commonlwealtf)*
SECTION I.
REIGN OF JAMES V.
STATE OF SCOTLAND THE FIRST INTRODUCTION OF THE SACRED VOLUME IN
PRINT, THAT IS, OF THE NEW TESTAMENT IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE
EARLIEST ARRIVALS AT EDINBURGH AND ST. ANDREWS — SINGULAR CON-
DITION OF THE COUNTRY, AND ESPECIALLY OF ITS PRIMATE, AT THE MO-
MENT.
^?<!^i^|iiE first introduction of the New Testament into
v^^^ - England, by Tyndale, has been fully described, and
kt!%}'y^''i: it must have been felt how much the existing state
of the country deepened our interest, in that ever
memorable event : the state of Scotland immediately before, and
at the same moment, will complete the picture as to the entire
Island. For nearly eighty years longer, it is true, the inha-
bitants of both countries regarded each other with no amicable
feeling. Monarch and people considered the interests of the
two kingdoms to be perfectly distinct, and far from being dis-
posed to union, they viewed each other with proverbial jea-
404 SCOTLAND JUST BEFORE [book IV.
lousy, a,ml fought accordingly. In tlio year l">2f), thcroforo,
more especially after England liad gained such influence in
the north, the idea that the monarch of the inferior state
woidd ultimately become the sovereign of the whole Island,
must have been treated Nvith disdain ; but tliat the change,
when it did take place, whatever was the character of that
King personally, would be overruled for introducing to all
alike, that Sacred Volume, which has been read ever since, is
a result which would then have been regarded with equal scorn
by both parties. Yet thus early, and whatever might be the
feelings entertained, or sentiments then held, on either side
of the Tweed, it seems as if the Governor among the nations,
regarding them as only one people, had begun to act accord-
ingly. If it shall turn out that the highest gift which Ho
has ever bestowed upon both countries, was conveyed to them
both at the same period ; if the only effectual cement or remedy,
for all local and petty antipathies, w\as then first supplied to
both, however imperceptibly, and hitherto unnoticed, certainly
the fact well deserves to be traced out, and will, it is presumed,
fully rew^ard attention.
The condition of Scotland, however, should first be observed. In the
opening of the sixteenth century, the country was rising, both in wealth
and importance, under the energetic government of James the Fourth,
till the 9th of September 1513 ; when, through his own impetuosity, by
the fatal battle of Flodden-field, on that day, the nation was thrown
into a state which baffled all description. About ten thousand men
were left dead on the field, and among them, not only the king himself,
hut tte strength of his nobility, gentry, and yeomanry, were gone,
within the short compass of three hours ! Thirteen earls, fifteen lords
and chiefs of clans, the eldest sons of five peers, the primate of St.
Andrews and other ecclesiastics, the French ambassador, and the secre-
tary of the king, had fallen ! As for the gentry, there were but few
houses which did not mourn one relative ; some entire families were
swept away !
If ever a country demanded sympathy from its nearest neighbour, it
was then ; but this was a feeling, with which Wolsey might have truly
said, " I and the king have never been either annoyed or depressed."
On the contrary, following up their advantage, many long years of vexa-
tious intrigue on their part, awaited the north ; nay, within only three
years after the Flowers of the Forest were " a' wede away," Sir Christo-
pher, afterwards Lord Dacre, the Warden of the English borders, had
in his pay not fewer than four hundred Scots, outlaws, whose main occu-
I
152().] receivinct the scriptures. 405
pation consisted in exciting such tumults and jealousies as might dis-
tract the government under the Duke of Albany.'
That period, however, which elapsed from the year 1523 to 1528, was
peculiarly distracting. On looking over the criminal trials of the day,
as well as for many future years, we see but one continued series of
slaughter and theft, treason and deadly feud. The language of Sacred
writ itself might be applied — " In those times there was no peace to him
that went out, nor to him that came in, but great vexations were upon
all the inhabitants of the land ;" yet on account of what actually took
place in the very midst of such a scene, some farther explanation is
demanded. In 1524, while the power of the State was vested in Hamil-
ton the Earl of Arran, and the Queen-Mother, sister of Henry VIII. ;
on the one hand, there was a party under the Duke of Albany, now in
France, which was managed in his absence by James Beaton, the Arch-
bishop of St. Andrews ; and on the other, there was a powerful faction
in the -pay of England, the Douglases, under the Earl of Angus. Every
one of these three were struggling hard for the mastery. Next year, or
in May 1525, the King, James V., having reached his foui-teenth year,
according to Scotish law, must be recognized as major, be crowned at
Edinburgh, and nominally assume the government. The authority of
the Queen-Mother, as well as that of the Council, ought, therefore, then
to have ceased. This was Angus's opportunity. By Act of Parliament
he behoved to be one of the King's guardians, and so he gained the as-
cendancy ; a thraldom from which the youthful monarch was soon most
eager to escape. The hand of Wolsey in all this was very visible, and
Hem-y VIII., not a little gratified, had so pettled his royal nephew with
presents, that, in his youthful imagination, his uncle in England was
one of the finest men uj^on earth. In 1526, however, the tyranny of
Angus and his party had gained such strength, as almost to usurp the
royal power ; every post or place was filled by a " Douglas," and in the
summer months a crisis had come. In July, the great seal was taken
from Beaton, and Angus, no doubt, retained it in his possession, till he
was chosen Chancellor himself. Meanwhile, or in August, one of Bea-
ton's chaplains had set off with a letter from the young king to his uncle,
Arran, complaining, that " contrary to his will and mind, he is kept in
thraldom and captivity by Archibald Earl of Angus," so that the Arch-
bishop, Beaton, was indulging hope of being Chancellor once more.^ By
the end of this month, the Queen's party, now under Beaton, was gather-
ing strength, and among others, John Stuart, Earl of Lennox, had joined
it. They were all together at Stirling Castle. On the other hand, the
Ilamiltons, under the Earl of Arran, and notwithstanding a feud which
1 Ci.lton MS. Calig. B. i., i>- l-^O, or Ellis" Letters, i. \>. 13:?. August l.'jlfi.
- Gov. State Papers., iv., \t. 451, note. 4.52-454.
40B SCOTLAND JUST DEPLORE [uoOK IV.
had existed ever since the death of Sir Patrick Hamilton in 152(», had
united with the Douglas party under Angus, and they were then in
Edinburgh, with King James in their possession.-^ There was now no
alternative, except an appeal to the sword. On the 4th of September,
the Earl of Lennox, eager to emancipate the youthful monarch, if not
deliver his country from English interference, marched from Stirling
towards Edinburgh, having resolved to succeed, or die in the attempt.
On the morning of the same day, the tnimpet had sounded at Edin-
burgh, summoning all to the field.* In the course of a few hours, Len-
nox and Angus met near Linlithgow, when the battle commenced.
Lennox fell, mortally wounded, or rather, was murdered in cold blood
by Sir James Hamilton of Finnart, a natural son of the Earl of Arran,
who was a nephew of Lennox, and now mourned over his death for
many days. The young King, more deeply affected, never forgot, if he
ever forgave, the deed. Angus, the conqueror, immediately bent his
way to Stirling, fully resolved to seize not only the Queen-Mother, but
Beaton, who was understood to be the counsellor of the whole business.
Both, however, had fled ; the Queen herself had to remain in disguise
somewhere, for more than two months ; but the Archbishop especially
was compelled to provide for his personal safety, if not his life. He
then assumed the garb of a Shepherd, and remained on the hills for
nearly a quarter of a year !•' In this battle, we are told that Beaton had
lost " a brother and a nephew, the Abbots of Dunfermline and Melrose,
■with a great coimsellor of his, Stirling of Keir, and many other of his
kinsmen and servants ;"^ but disappointed in not finding himself, Angus
proceeded to Fifcshire immediately, where he dismantled not only his
Abbey of Dunfermline, but his Archiepiscopal Castle of St. Andrews.
The bird had flown, and now the nest was rifled.
On this intelligence being conveyed to England, though a primate
had fallen into disgrace, it was hailed with joy. On the 21st of Septem-
ber, Sir Thomas More, then with Henry at Stoney Stratford, informs
Wolsey, that their royal master " very greatly rejoiced " at " the pros-
perous success of the Earls of Angus (then appropriately spelt, Angtiysh)
and Arran against their enemies, and the disturbers of the peace and
quiet of Scotland ;" and " since the said earls have now sufficient open
proof that the Archbishop of St. Andrews putteth all his possible power
8 Gov. state Papers, toI. It., p. 456.
* The young monarch, who was fond of Lennox, and knew that he had t.iken arms from affec-
tion to his )ierson, advanced slowly, and with reluctance, On reaching Cor8tori)hiiic, the distant
sound of artillery announced that the battle had begun. Sir George Douglas, his conductor,
urged speed, and at last broke into passionate and brutal menaces. " Think not," said he
" that on any event you shall escape us— for even were ourenemics to gain tlie day, rather than
surrender your person, we should Ifar it in iiii-rrs .'" No wonder that the language of tliis mon-
ster made such an impression on the royal youth, that it was never forgiven.
'> lie is said to have actually tended a flock, on tlic hill then known by the name of liogrian
Knowe, in Fife. Litnlsai/'s Chrimiclts.
>' Gov. State Papers, iv., pp. 457-8-
1526.] RECEIVING THE SCRIPTURES. 407
to procure their destruction, and to rear broileric, war, and revolution in
the realm, to the no little peril of the young King, their master ;
the King's Highness thinketh it were good that they were advised
in this their victory, so substantially to provide for the safeguard
of their king and themselves, by the effectual repressing of their
adversaries, that the said Archbishop and his adherents, in any time to
come, should not be able, either by crafty practices to deceive them, or
open rebellion to distress them ; but, Avithout any trust or credence to be
given to the blandishing of the said Archbishop, which this adverse
chance shall peradventure drive him to use for the while, with purpose
and intent of revenging when he may find occasion ; they provide and
see so substantial order taken, that none evil weed have power to spring
up too high." 7
Archbishop Beaton having exchanged his palace or castle
for the hills, and his crosier for a shepherd's crook, it had been
well for himself, as well as the interests of humanity, had he
abode by his occupation to the day of his death. At present,
however, he could do nothing, and must keep as quiet as pos-
sible ; but it will not be out of place or uninstructive to observe,
what was doing in England at the same moment.
Wolsey, as a politician, was evidently playing one of his
double games with Scotland, as well as with the Continent ;
a proof of his consummate talents for worldly business all
round him, in every direction ; but he was now also enraged
at the existence of Tyndale''s Testaments, recently detected in
Antwerp, and straining every nerve to get them burnt ; while
Tuustal, Bishop of London, was not only authenticating the
book for this end, but he and Warham of Canterbury, in Oc-
tober and November, were thundering out their injunctions
against the Sacred Volume as " pestiferous poison." Now,
after all that we have witnessed in England ; while they were
thus up in arms, and while Beaton, the grand enemy in Scot-
land was laid aside — wrapped up in his shepherd's disguise, or
tending his sheep on the hills — it would certainly be a cu-
rious and memorable coincidence, if the same sacred treasure
was then arriving in Scotland at different ports, not excepting
St. Andrews itself; if indeed the earliest copies had not se-
cretly arrived in the course of the summer ! But we shall
see presently.
With regard to the first introduction into Scotland of the
Gov. State Papers, iv., ji. 458, note.
40ft NEW TESTAMENT— FIRST AKKIVALS [uoOK IV.
Sacred \'()limu' in a printed foi'in, llic historian has never yet
been able to proceed farther than a slirewd conjecture. It lias
been supposed that the translation of Tyndale may or must
liave found its way there ; but when, how early, or by what
means, we have never been told. If it can now be proved
that the book was conveyed to Scotland as well as England,
not only by the same method, but nearly about the same time,
and certainly within the compass of the same year, the reader
cannot fail to return with fresh interest to the period. This
would be sufficient to render the year 152G equally memorable
in Caledonia, as in Old England,
In their commercial intercourse with the Continent, Scot-
land and England were altogether independent of each other,
and the trade of the former with the Low Countries was of
equally ancient standing ; but it is of importance to observe,
that, by this period, and by the authority of Parliament, the
Scotish merchants generally tcent along icith their goods^ and
that none were allowed to do so, but persons " able and of
good' fame.'''' So much the better, or more in favour of what
was now to take place."
The reader can scarcely fail to remember what a battle was
fought in Antwerp respecting the New Testaments of Tyndale,
when first detected there, and how the Ambassador of Eng-
land, John Hackett, got himself so embroiled in the business ;
fl The commerce of Scotland with the Low Countries had existed from the reign of Robert
Rnice. At the bcRinning of the fifteenth century, in 1408, an amicable understanding existed
l)Ctwccn her merchants and the city of Bruges, wliere thi-y had a " Conservator" of their privi-
leges, and where they paid for goods or merchandize " in the same way and manner as the mer-
chants of Germany, or other foreigners residing in that dty." In 142(i, the ordinary merchants
of Scotland being very desirous to come to Zealand, and particularly to Middlcburg, Philip
llukc of Burgundy welcomed and highly favoured them. Campvcre as well as Middleburg,
(both in the island of Walcheren) were ports to which the Scotch traders occasionally resorted ;
but by the year 147.T they had full freedom to trade without being so confined. About 14K7 their
trade fluctuated from one town to another in the Low Countries, though still Bruges had a con-
siderable share, partly from the connexions and acquaintance many of the Scottish merchants
had in that city, owing to their long run of business with its inhabitants. By the beginning of
tiie sixteenth centurj-, when the office of Conservator became fixed, legal and established, by the
authority of P.-irliament ; the merchants generally went along with their goods, their trade was
wholly (or chiefly) in the summer time ; and by the law none were allowed to accompany their
merchandize, but persons able and of good fame. A voy.age from Scotland to Walcheren differ-
ed very little as to distance from one to Bruges; but, according to the weather or other accidents,
it was found that one might be made to the former, much sooner and with less hazard. This,
added to the flourishing commerce of A)itircrj>, so near at hand, contributed not a little to dimi-
nish, and at last remove the staple trade with l-'Ianders, and settle it at HlkidUhtir<i and Caiiip-
vetr. As a proof that the trade by this period and long before had been much more consider-
able than it has been imagined, " many houses in the large city of Bruges, cellars and other
places for merchandize, became not only emjity, but useless, and a burden to the proprietors."
The greatest ]iart of the Scotish trade being thus transported to Zealand, Campvere especially
gave it all the encouragement and favour in its power. See " An Account of the Scotch trade
in the Netherlands, and of the staple port in Campvere, by James Yair, Minister of the Scotch
church in Campvere." London, 177fi.
152fi.] AT EDINBURGH AND ST. ANDREWS. 409
Wolsey and Tunstal being not more fierce at lionie, than he
was abroad. Hackett's object was to " see justice done" upon
all such Enirlish books as were entitled " The New Testament."'''
By "justice done," he meant burning them ; and this he said
was for " the preservation of the Christian faiths Now it
was in the very midst of this, the first onset in that long war,
that we have positive information as to Scotland ; and while
it must be new to the reader, it happens to be fully as distinct
as any we have read in the history of England, if not more
so. Hackett was in busy correspondence both with Cardinal
Wolsey and Brian Tuke, the Secretary of State. It was to
the former he addressed a letter, dated from Mechlin, on
Wednesday the 20th of February 1526, that is, 1.527 ; from
which the followins; is an extract : —
" Please your Grace to understand that since my last writing to your Grace,
I have received none of your's. I trust by this time that your Grace has am-
ple information of such execution and justice as has been done in the towns of
Antwerp and Barrow (now Bergen-op-Zoom) upon all such English books as
we could find in these countries, similar to three such other books as your Grace
sent unto me, with my Lord the Bishop of London's signature.'
" By my last writing to Mr. Brian Tuke (4 January 1.527) I advertised him
how that there icere divers merchants of IScotland that bniujht many of such like
books, and took them into Scotland ; a part to Ed'mburyh, and viost part to the
town of St. Andrews.
" For the which cause, when I was at Barrow, being advertised that the Scotish
ships were in Zealand, for there the said books were laden, I went suddenly
thitherward, thinking, if I had found such stuff there, that I would cause to make
as good a fre of them, as there has been done of the remnant in Brabant ; but
fortune would not that I should be in time ; for the foresaid ships were departed
a day afore my comimj. So I must talce patience for all my labour, with leaving
My Lady Margaret's letters, and good instructions with my Lord of Bever, and
the Mr off... concerning the foresaid business."'"
Mons. de Bever, who was Lord of Campvere, and Admiral
of Flanders, had been in London only in March 1525, as Am-
bassador from Lady Margaret, Regent of Flanders, and must
have been fully aware of Wolsey's imperious temper, as he had
then insulted himself; but it is not a little remarkable, that,
at tliis very moment, confidence in the court of England was
9 Upon referrinR to our previous history, \^l2^}-•J, it will be seen tliat Hackett could not pro-
ceed to destroy the New Testaments til! lie had jirocured an authenticated copy of the edition
or editions aimed at. Here then were Ihm' distinct books, which, as formerly remarked, appear
to point at.Tyndale's first and second, and the first Antwerp edition by Christopher of Kndhoven.
li> MS. Cotton, Galba, JJ. vi., fol. 4. The <mly defect in this manuscript, tlic State Papers
enable us to supj>ly. Hackett refers to " Mr. .Mm Mnjfit, conservator of the nation of Scotland,
in Flanders," at the moment. See Cotton MS. Calin. li. ii., fol. 77 ; or Gov. State Papers, vol.
ir., p. .Wl.
HO THE YEAR ALIKE PKOPITIOUS [UOOK IV.
failing, if not gone ; the double dealing of the Cardinal on the
Continent had been detected, and for some time to come, no
attention will be paid to any request from that quarter. The
Lord of Cainpvcrc was not so likely therefore to quarrel with
the Scotish traders at their own staple port ; nor is there the
slightest evidence of Wolsey having conveyed tlie intelligence
he had received to Scotland, a circumstance the more remark-
able since he was so annoyed with the subject. He had, it is
true, far higher game in prospect. The sack of Rome itself
first, and then his own splendid embassy to France engrossed
him; but, besides, when these last ships arrived, Beaton lay un-
der his frown, and in concealment ! Hackett, however, certainly
refers to importations as already past ; and as more business
was done in summer than in autumn, the probability is, that
even these were not the first Testaments. At all events, here
the channel of conveyance was opened. Besides Leith and St.
Andrews, there were the ports of Dundee, Montrose, and Aber-
deen, who all traded with Zealand ; and as in Scotland there
were no official steps taken against the New Testament by
name^ for at least five years after this, the book nmst have ar-
rived, again and again, at all these ports. This is easily under-
stood, after the scene we have witnessed in England, in the
face of far greater, and more vigilant opposition. But farther
evidence awaits us.
Thus, although England and Scotland were washed by the
same sea, the one country was to be, in no degree, dependent
upon the other for theWord of Life ; either at first, or for years
to come. Into both, it was to be imported, and both were to
stand alike on the same humble ground, as recipients. Nor
when first conveyed, in cither case, was it to be by some one
man of great mental energy rising up, and rousing the atten-
tion of his countrymen to the truth of God. Quite the re-
verse. But having once made of the Scotish Primate a fugi-
tive, in terror of his life ; it was the God of providence him-
self finding his way into the very metropolis of superstition, as
well as other sea- poi-ts ; pouring contempt upon the crafty, and
saying, in effect to the people of Scotland., as well as England.,
at the same moment — " From henceforth let no man glory in
men ; let veneration for foreign names, or for that of any man,
who shall afterwards rise in either country, never be carried
to an undue, or idolatrous extent."
For a number of years the same providential course of sup-
1526.] TO SCOTLAND AND ENGLAND. 411
ply was steadily pursued; so that afterwards should any
boasting or vain-glory, in connexion with Christianity, ever be
heard, whether in the south or the north, a most singular foun-
dation had been laid, for replying as Paul once did to his Co-
rinthians, " What ! came the Word of God out from i/ou, or
came it unto you only ? For toko made thee to differ ? And what
hast thou which thou didst not receive .^" — among all the other
nations of Europe, by way of eminence, receive ? Petty or nar-
roM'-minded rivalry has too often been evinced between England
and Scotland, as to priority in smaller matters ; but there was
to be no room left for boasting in regard to the greatest of all.
That such coincidence should never have been observed before,
may indeed seem strange ; but once pointed out, it certainly
was not intended to be simply noticed, and so forgotten. Let
it rather be improved, even at this late hour, to the praise of
Him, who thus, in spite of every species of hostility, so signal-
ly conveyed his own word to the very camps of the enemy —
to the north as well as the south, about the same period — to
Edinburgh as well as London — to the mouth of the Eden at
St. Andrews, and no doubt other places, as well as to the mouth
of the Thames, or to Oxford and Cambridge ! In this point
of view, the year 1526 becomes by far the most remarkable in
the annals of our common country. The New Testament thus
conveyed to both countries, was dreaded and deprecated by
both alike, and as an evil of the greatest magnitude. More
than ten years passed away in England, before their greatest
national blessing was accepted or allowed by the sovereign ; it
was seventeen years before a similar allowance occurred in
Scotland. Where then, ever since, has there been any ground
for boasting ? It is excluded ; and that by the simple and
authentic history of the Sacred Volume itself.
The Scriptures, however, once introduced, one is curious to
inquire after the Archbishop. To an ambitious mind no
punishment could be more severe than that of retirement and
disguise, and Beaton was soon thoroughly sick of both ; but he
was very rich, and must now therefore try what money could
effect. The Queen first ventured from her concealment, and
approaching to Edinburgh on Tuesday the fourth of Novem-
ber, or two months after the fatal battle, was met on the road
at Corstorphine^' by her youthful sou, the King, and other Lords,
I ' A spot which the young Prince could never possibly forget, as that where he had been so
barbarously threatened by Douglas.
112 TIIK AUTIIOKITIKS IN SCOTLAND [u.OK IV.
who conducted her to Holyrood. This so far paved the way
for JJeatoirs release, but as Annus liad all men in his power,
" to line and ransom at liis pleasure," mere personal influence
was not to avail, and least of all that of the Queen Mother.
David IJeaton, therefore, the primate's nephew, the future
Cardinal, was now in Edinburgh, negociating for the fugitive;
and through the noted Sir Arehibald Douglas, Provost of the
city, an uncle of the Earl of Angus, he at last succeeded. To
the Earl of Arran the Archbishop had to present the Abbey
of Kilwinning ; to Angus himself, in money, two thousand
marks Scots ; to George and Archibald Douglas, one thousand
each, and to Hamilton, the murderer of Lennox, one thou-
sand. Five thousand marks and an abbey, was certainly no
triflini:: ransom in those davs. After all, thoun:h Beaton was
released by the end of the year, and was keeping Christmas
with the Queen in Edinburgh, he was but barely forgiven, and
not to be trusted. Soon after, both the Queen and he had to
withdraw from the seat of the Court, and to Stirling once
more.'^ Restored, however, to his Episcopal functions, we
shall see, only too soon, the base and ungrateful use which he
made of his power. But so ended the year io20'.
SECTION 11.
ANNO 1.527-1.'528 — CONSTERNATION OF THE AUTHORITIES IN SCOTLAND —
THE NEW TESTAMENT SOON FOLLOWED BY ONE LIVING VOICE, THAT OF
PATRICK HAMILTON HIS MARTTRDOSI ALEXANDER SETON, THE NEXT
WITNESS, PERSECUTED — HE ESCAPES TO ENGLAND — THE NEW TESTAMENT
GOES ON TO BE IMPORTED.
NCE more the analogy between England and Scotland
}/ is presented to our view. Under the English history
we had occasion to observe, that as early as 1.520, some
alarm had been felt respecting what was called Lutheranism,
the phrase of the day for any approach to Scriptural truth,
even though the party molested might never have heard of
Luther's name, or, at least, read a page of his writings. So Scot-
'2 Gov. fctatc Papers, iv., pp. •H">1. 4(^1, 4fKJ.
1527-8.] SEIZED WITH ALARM. 413
land was soon seized witli similar alarm, and by the 17tli of
July 1525, an act of parliament had passed, enacting, that " no
manner of persons, stranrfers^ that happen to arrive with their
ships, within any part of this realm, hrbir/ u'lth them any
books or works of the said Luther, his disciples or servants,"
on pain of imprisonment, besides the forfeiture of their ships
and goods. Now, whether what was taking j)lace last year as
to books imported was known, we have no positive evidence ;
but at all events, by the autumn of this year there was fresh
alarm, and that not owing to strangers. In the month of
August 1527, the Earl of Angus having got himself appointed
to be Chancellor, Avith Dunbar, the Bishop of Aberdeen and
uncle of Dunbar the Archbishop of Glasgow, to assist him ;
Angus and the Lords of Council added the followin2: clause
to the act of 1525 : — " And all other, the king's lieges^ assist-
aries to such opinions, be punished in seemable wise, and the
effect of the said act to strike upon them.'''' Thus, between
July 1525 and September 1527, as it Avas determined to
extend those penalties to natives of Scotland, we have suffi-
cient proof that importations by them had been going on ; but
while there were, very probably, some other publications, it is
not a little extraordinary, that the only books which can now
be traced, or distinctly specified, should be those of the New
Testament itself of Tyndale's version.^ Never, then, let it be
overlooked, that if the provisions of this act were followed
out, there existed a time in the history of our country, wdien,
if a vessel arrived at Leith or St. Andrews, at Dundee, Mon-
trose, or Aberdeen, with copies of the New Testament on
' It was certainly a high conipliment to the power of Luther's exertions, that his mere name
scrveil for years as a word of terror, both in England and Scotland. No w^riter, however,
acquainted with the times, can now, for a moment, be misled by the foolish expedient. Luther
had no connexion whatever with the English New Testament, nor did Lutheranism, as such,
ever prevail in either country. The necessity of repentance towards God, and of faith towards
our Lord Jesus Christ, or tlie doctrine of justification by faith, once broached, might be cun-
ningly called by that name ; but that such an idea as that Martin Lutlirr was the author of the
A'cw Tislaiitcnt should have ever prevailed in Scotland as well as England, must to some modern
readers appear passing strange. Vet prevail it did, and for years ; no doubt chiefly through the
wicked contrivance of the priests, and especially the monks. How early they had succeeded
in thus beguiling the people of Scotland, it is impossible to say ; but even so late as the year 1545,
when Cardinal Beaton and the Earl of Arran were proceeding through the country forsui)pres-
sing what they called heresy, they turned towards Diin(hc,aa they themselves declared, in order
to bring to x>unishment all thusc wlio read the New Testament : for in those days, that was num-
bered among the most heinous crimes. Nay, such was the general ignorance, that the greatest
part, or many of the priests, offended at the term New, contended that it tens a book Uttcly lorit-
Icn hy Martin Luther, smA they demanded the Old Testa.me.vt ! Buchanan, lib. 15, xxix.,
Spoltiswood, ]). 75
IN. PATRICK HAMILTON [book IV.
board, thc^ ship and cargo wcro liable to confiscation, and the
caj)tain to iinprisoniiiciit ! A battle was now to be fought
and won, in the north as well as in the south of Britain.
But again, as in England, serious and long continued per-
secution did not coninicnce till after the Scriptures had
arrived ; so it was in Scotland. Copies had soon found their
way, and not in vain, to the canons of Cardinal College,
Oxford ; but so they had to the canons of St. Andrews, as
well as other parties. The explosion at Oxford occurred in
February 1526, and by February 1528, at the very moment
when Tunstal and his vicar-general were sitting in severe
judgment on the book in London, the Neic Testament will
now be very pointedly referred to, and condemned, within the
walls of the Metropolitan Church in Scotland.
The occasion of this, the first storm, is well known. It
followed the arrival from abroad, about the autumn of 1 527,
and the subsequent exertions of one of the loveliest and most
interesting of all characters in early Scotish history — Patrick
Hamilton. Of the noble army of Martyrs on British ground,
during the sixteenth century, he was to be the youthful and
heroic leader.
Sir Patrick Hamilton of Kincavil, Linlithgowshire, a son of Lord
Hamilton's, brother of the Earl of Arran, and brother-in-law of James
the Third, had married a daughter of John Duke of Albany, brother to
the same monarch, by whom he had a family of two sons and a daugh-
ter, James, Patrick, and Katharine. By both parents, therefore, the
children were related to the royal family of Scotland. Bereaved of
their father^ seven years ago, or the 2d of May 1520, on the High
Street of Edinburgh, in a feud between the Earls of Angus and Arran,
when about two hundred and fifty were slain, and Archbishop Beaton
himself, then of the Hamilton party, very narrowly escaped with his life ;
these children were now destined to feel, by the loss of their father,
not only the forgetful ingratitude of Beaton's heart, but the power of
his wrath.
Patrick, the youngest son, born in the year 1504, and intended for
an ecclesiastic, had the Abbacy of Fearn conferred upon him in his
youth.-' Educated under John Major and others at St. Andrews, as
2 Ho is not to be confounded, as Keith and others have done, with an illegitimate son of Lord
Hamilton's of the same name, a strange and too common practice of those times. Thus another
Patrick, the Prior of St. Andrews, of whom we shall hear presently, had three sons, all of the
same name with their father — Patrick Hepburn.
3 An extensive Abbey, in a fertile spot of lloss-shire, founded by the first Earl of llo.'is, in the
A
1527-80 THE PROTO-M ARTY R. 415
soon as he had any knowledge of the pure word of God, he could not
conceal his sentiments, and consequently was involved in trouble.'' He
then went abroad, where he is said to have remained two years. Three
individuals went with him, one of whom, as a servant, abode by him to
the moment of death, having accompanied him to the stake. As there
is sufficient evidence that Hamilton returned direct from Marburg in
Hesse, and the University at that place was not founded till 1526, this
fixes his departure to the year 1525 at the latest, not 1526, as frequently
stated. The parliamentary act of 1525, already mentioned, may have
been in some degree connected with the first disclosure of his views ;
and, indeed, when his sentiments, as left by himself, in his latin treatise,
are considered, two years may well be allowed for his attaining to such
maturity of mind. Hamilton's name, like that of almost all who went
to the Continent about that period, has been associated with those of
Luther and Melancthon. He must have been eager to see these men,
and there is no reason to doubt of his having known them both ; but
the evidence of his intimacy with Francis Lambert, John Fryth, and,
of course, with Tyndale, rests on firmer ground.^ From Marburg, where
Tyndale and Fryth appear to have been, he last came, and embarked in
Holland for Scotland, thus following the very tract by which the New
Testament Scriptures had preceded him into his own country. His
mind was full of ardour, and though Lambert had affectionately and
strongly dissuaded him from rushing into such certain danger, if Fryth
once told him what had just happened in England, one can easily con-
ceive of this only adding oil to a flame already kindled.
But be this as it may, Fryth was the man who took up, with a warm
and kindred spirit, the exposition of his views, which Hamilton had left
behind him at Marburg ; and from it one may judge what his preaching
must have been, upon his return. His treatise consists of two books ;
the first entitled " Be lege et evangelio'''' — of law and Gospel ; the second,
'■'• Defide et ojjerihus^'' — of faith and works ; or parts of what were then
styled " common places " in divinity. They formed a sort of farewell
testimony to the course he intended to pursue in his native land. Thus
the first Scotish or British Martyr of the day, was the first person who
thirteenth century, under Alexanderll., apreferment of considerable value. The Abbey after-
wards answered as the parish church down to so recent a period as 1/42, when the roof fell on a
Sunday, during the service, and killed forty-four persons.
4 Hence in hisfinal sentence, we have these wordsof Beaton — " And he being under the same
infamy, (of heresy,) wc decerning him to be summoned and accused upon the premises, he, of
evil mind, as may be presumed, passed to other parts forth of the realm, suspected and noted of
heresy. And being lately returned," &c.
5 It must be presumed that not only Lambert, but also Buschiun, to whom we have alluded as
such an admirer of Tyndale, could not fail to take a deep interest in young Hamilton. Hi'rman
von Buschi\ the pupil of Rcuchlin, now the professor of poetry, history, and belles lettres, at
Marburg, is said to have been the first nobleman in Germany, who, in spite of the contemjit from
his own order, laboured as a teacher in the middle and upper schools. Sec also our former re-
ferences to MAHiii'RCi in vol. i., p)). IG7, 3!»7, noU:
11(1 PATRICK HAMILTON [uOOK IV.
exhibited ami maintained such positions in this infant scat of learning ;
which was the first University founded in Europe, without any reference
wiiatever to the authority of the Pontiff. Fryth, delighted with the
sentiments here expressed, says in the preface to his translation, —
" This treatise I have turned into the English tongue, to the profit of
my nation : to whom I beseech God to give light, that they may espy
the deceitful paths of perdition, and return to the right way which
leadeth to life everlasting." lie here also speaks of his friend, as " that
excellent and well learned young man, Patrick Hamilton, born in Scot-
land of a noble progeny, who, to testify the truth, sought all means, and
took upon him priesthood, that he might be admitted to preach the pure
word of God." This language seems to imply, that he had fully quali-
fied himself, and lieen admitted to the ministry abroad, or independently
of that community in which he was born. Hence said Beaton in his
sentence, " Being lately returned, he, not being admitted, but of his own
head, without licence or privilege, hath presumed to preach wicked
heresy." Not that this noble youth was not an official character, or
had not already passed through certain preliminary orders in the
Romish community, for he was about " to be deprived of all dignities,
honours, orders, and benefices of that church."
Hamilton, on liis arrival, had proceeded first to his brother's
house in Linlithgowshire, Sir James having succeeded his
father as Sheriff of that county ; and here, as the sequel
proved, he had preached, and conversed not in vain, as well as
elsewhere. On the one hand, it has been said of him, that ho
did not fail to lay open the corruptions of the Church, and the
errors by which the souls of men were ruined ; but, on the
other, that he had not attacked the hierarchy as an Establish-
ment, nor its claims to infallibility. He certainly had not
commenced with denunciation, but by preaching the truth it-
self, by enforcing the reading of the Scriptures, with the necessity
of repentance towards God., and faith in Christ in order to good
u'orks. His discrimination as to the Law and the Gospel, as
to Faith and its fruits, were evidently of the first order, very
far above the age in which he suffered ; and as to his mode of
procedure, it seems to have exactly corresponded with the
counsel which Tyndale gave to Fryth himself, five years after,
as already explained.'' The Bellum Sacramentarium, or the
bitter strife about ordinances, had commenced on the Conti-
nent in 1524, or before Hamilton's reaching Germany, and it
« See vol. i., pp. .'M;, .34H, X>\.
J
1.527-8.] THE PROTO-MARTYR. 417
was still raging there ; but the zeal of our first martyr was
not to be spent on the ceremonial or outward form of Christ-
ianit3^ His was a controversy with the heart, addressed to
the soul and spirit of man within him ; and for proof we only
need to observe the points which he regarded to be " un-
doubtedly true,'''' and from which all the terrors of the stake
could not, for one moment, move him. They were simply
these —
" I. That tlie corruption of sin remains in children after their bajitisni. 2. That
no man liy tlie power of his free will can do any good. 3. That no man is
without sin so long as he liveth. 4. That every Christian may know himself
to be in a state of grace. 5. That a man is not justified by works, but by faith
only. 6. That good works make not a good man, but that a good man doeth
good works ; and that an ill man doeth ill works ; yet the same ill works, truly
repented of, make not an ill man. 7. That faitli^ hope, and love, ai-e so linked
together, that he who hath one of them, hath all ; and he that lacketh one,
lacketh all." All others he denominated " disputable points," though such as
he could not condemn ; but the above he regarded as rital truths.
The youth of Hamilton, and his rank, his fine talents and
his views of divine truth, had all combined in producing an
immediate impression ; while the power of his family, of which
the Earl of Arran was the chief, and who had so resented the
death of Patrick's father, must have rendered any open hosti-
lity more difiicult. The recent union also of Arran with the
Earl of Angus, the present possessor of all power, to say
nothing of Beaton himself, so lately in disgrace and Lord
Chancellor no more, one should have imagined would have
still farther increased the difficulty. These circumstances,
however, clearly show the height to which alarm had been ex-
cited, or in other words, the powerful result of this young
man's exertions. After the Scriptures had come, it was like
a voice crying, " Arise from the dead, and Christ shall give
thee light." The panic among the leaders of " the old learn-
ing" must have been both great and general, before decided
steps were taken, and these, at last, were accordingly dis-
tingui.shed, not only by deep dissimulation, but Satanic haste.
Invited to St. Andrews by a special message from the Pri-
mate, who, with solemn promises of safety, said, he only
wished to converse with him, Hamilton went without hesita-
tion. Beaton received him with a hypocritical shew of kind-
ness, assigned him a lodging in the city, and so left him to be
fully ensnared by a Dominican friar, Alexander Campbell,
VOL. II. 2d
UN THE SHOCKING TKKATMK.NT [liOOK IV.
with whom ho had coino in contact before hiis departure tor
the Continent. Only a very short time was required to draw
from the ardent and zealous youth, ample ground for accusa-
tion to the Arehbi.shoj) ; more especially as Campbell, who
was the Prior of his order, had pretended to admit the force
of all that Hamilton advanced. In fact, lie had been only a
few days in St. Andrews, when, under night, he was appre-
hended in bed and carried to the Castle ; and the very next
day he was before Beaton, with thirteen different articles laid
to his charge, by the man who seems to have long thirsted for
his blood. Though drawn into some general conversation at
this moment, the youthful martyr, with the finest discrimina-
tion, separating the truths fi'om the errors, had evidently re-
solved to die for the confession of the former^ rather than the
denial of the latter, and therefore he abode by the seven points
already mentioned. So Fox informs us that " learned men
who communed and reasoned with him, do testify, that these
were the veTy articles for which he suffered." Meanwhile,
with a hypocritical show of moderation, Beaton remitted the
articles entire to the judgment of fourteen theologians, such
as they were, not forgetting, however, to include among
the number his base persecutor, Campbell. Within only a
day or two more, these men returned their censure, condem-
ning the whole articles as heretical, before a solemn meeting
in the Cathedral. This happened on Saturday the 28tli of
February 1528 ; and now, on the same day, the prisoner, after
all that had been promised by Beaton, was to be tried, con-
demned, and reduced to ashes, before the sun went down !
They trod in the footsteps of the Pharisees of old, for the
next day was the Sabbath ! ^
That no small sensation had been created by the youthful
and heroic martyr, we only need to glance at the mighty array
brought together to condemn him, after a mock trial. Beaton
7 It is strange that there should have been such disparity as to this too memorable dair. Wo
need scarcely mention Lindsay, who says it was in September \ri2a, or Beza, who as erroneously
places the martyrdom in ITi.Td. under Cardinal Beaton. All historians agree, that the condem-
nation and martyrdom were on the name day. and the sentence itself is dated " the last day of
the month of February, anno I5i7," which, by our )>resent reckoning, was of cours^e I'liV. Yet
Spotliswood says he was executed March 1. Petrie says March 2. Dr. M'Crie, observing that
this was leap year, therefore says February 20; but after all, this was Siindpti, and one cannot
suppose, that upon tliul day such a scene cnuld have occurred. Francis Lambert of Maiburg,
who so mourned over the event, has marked the day most accurately. Het-aysitwas Pi idle
Kaltndus .Vattii, and this was the 2Kth of Februaij, not the 2f»th. Notwithstanding the clerical
error in the sentence, therefore, Siitiirdaij must have been the day.
i
1527-S.] OF TIIK KIKST MAKTVK. 419
durst not send to the King, and s.ay, as Aniaziah the priest
did of Amos to the King of Israel, " The land is not able to
hear all his tcoi'dsf but it really seems as if he had sent
round, and said something of similar import to his brethren ;
for here we have more than twenty judges, and all assembled
to doom this vouns: man to death. Here there were the two
Archbishops and three Bishops, two Priors and four Abbots,
five Rectors and three Deans, a Sub-dean and a Canon, in-
cluding friars blaclc and friars grey.^
The trial, such as it was, formed but a very summary pro-
ceeding ; but we must not omit part of the brief dialogue be-
tween the Martyr, and Campbell his accuser, in presence of
his judges ; as it forms the first evidence on record that the
New Testament in English, by way of eminence had become a
subject of alarm ; the mere reading of it, involving all that
the hierarchy already feared and deprecated ! It seems as if
this Testament having arrived, Hamilton''s enforcing the read-
ing of it by all, had formed the head and front of his offend-
ing ; for, the articles being read over by his determined prose-
cutor, with this he commenced ; —
Campbell. — " Heretic, thou sajest it is lawful to any man to read the Word
of God, and in special the New Testament ?" Hamilton. — " I said not so (to
you) to my knowledge ; hut I said, and say it now, it is lawful to all men that
have a soul, to read the Word of God, that they may understand the same, and
specially the latter will and Testament of Jesus Christ, whereby they may acknow-
ledge their sins and repent of the same, whereby they may amend their lives
by faith and repentance, and attain salvation by Christ Jesus." Campbell. —
« If it be worth while to notice the individuals, they were as follow -.—James Beaton, the
Primate himself. Gavin Dunbar, Archbishop of Glasgow, ere long to be chosen Lord Chan-
cellor. George Creighton, Bishop of Dunkcld, the same man who eleven years after spoke
stoutly to another noble martyr, Forret, the Dean of Dollar, and said, " / thank God, that I
never knew tvhat the Old and Nciv Testament ivns .'" from whence it became a common proverb,
— " Ye are like the Bishop of Diinkeld, that knew neither the New Law nor the Old." jrilliam
Chisholm, Bishop of Dunblane, a determined enemy, and the strongest contrast to the immor-
tal Leighton. He was the second son of Edmund Chisholm of Cromlix, a pl.ice two miles dis-
tant, well known still as the seat of the mineral well. John Hepburn, Bishop of Brechin, a
branch of the Bothwell family. Pairiek Hepbtirn. the young Prior of St. Andrews, a most flagi-
tious character, of whom we shall hear again. John RoirU, Prior of Pittenweem ; sec Pitcairn's
Criminal Trials, vol. i., p. I'iG. David Beaton, Abbot of Arbroath, the notorious future Car-
dinal, the nephew of the Primate, and who is said to have been the moving cause of the present
martyrdom. George Durp, Abbot of Dunfermline; the last Abbot, who was also Archdeacon
of St. Andrews, yllexander lilUn, Abbot of Cambuskenneth, and in 1.532, the first President of
the College of Justice, or Court of Session. Jienri/, Abbot of Lundores. /f'Hliam Stetvart,
Dean of Glasgow. , the Sub-dean. Hugh Spens, Dean of Divinity, .and Provost of St.
Salvators College, St. Andrews. Thomas liamsay. Dean of the Abbey of St. Andrews. Allan
Meldrum, Canon of St. Andrews. Alexander Campbell, Prior of the Blackfriars; with the
Rectors of Stobo, Erskine, Carstairs, Govan, and Glasgow ; all of whom set their names to the
sentence, and, by way of giving greater eclat to the deed, they got the Earl of Cassilis to follow
their example, though then only a boy of thirteen years old !
420 TllK -MAltTVKDOM (^eOOK IV.
'• Now, lifi-t'tic, 1 see tliat tlnni aniniiost the words of tliy accusation." llrniiU-
ton. — "1 aflirm nothing, but tlie words wliicli I liave spoken in presence of
tliis auditory."
The aiulitory to whom he addressed these, and other like
words, all coiuleiiincd him to be guilty of death ; and deliver-
ing him over to the secular power, on the afternoon of the
same day, he was led forth to a stake placed, in terrorem, be-
fore the gate of St. Salvator's College. On the scaffold,
turning affectionately to the faithful servant, who had long
attended him, and slept in the same apartment, having di-
vested himself of his gown, his coat and his bonnet — " These,"
said he, " will not profit in the fire ; they will profit thee.
After this thou canst receive no commodity from me except
the example of my death, which, I pray thee, bear in mind.
For, although it be bitter to the flesh, yet is it the entrance
into eternal life, which none shall possess that deny Christ
before this wicked generation." When bound to the stake,
far from exhibiting any fear, he fixed his eyes towards heaven,
commending his soul unto God. The executioner setting fire
to the pile, it would not burn, but merely scorched the left side
of their victim ! In this excruciating state, obliged to send
some distance to the Archbishop"'s Castle for gunpowder, as
well as elsewhere for more combustible materials ; an immense
crowd having assembled, some of whom loudly denounced the
persecutors, while others implored the martyr to recant and
save his life, he thus addressed them : —
" As for my confession, I will not deny it for fear of your fire, for my con-
fession and belief is in Jesus Christ ; and therefore I will not deny it. I will
rather that my body be burnt in this fire for confession of my faith in Christ,
than that my soul should suffer in the un(juenchable tire of hell, for denying of
my faith. But as for the sentence and judgment pronounced against me t/iig
day, by the bishops aud doctors, I here, in the presence of you all, appeal
against the said sentences and judgment given against me, and betake myself
to the mercy of God." Then turning to Campbell, who had acted in the three-
fold chai'actcr of traitor, judge, and executioner, as he even now satanically
assailed his victim, and reviled him as an heretic ; Hamilton closed by adding,
" Wicked man ! thou knowcst the contrary ; to me thou hast confessed. I
appeal thee before the tribunal seat of Jesus Christ."
Amidst the noise and fury of the flames now kindled, and
the tumult of the multitude, his last words were distinctly
heard — " How long, O Lord, shall darkness cover this realm !
How long wilt thou sufi'er this tyranny of men ! Lord Jesus,
receive my spirit."
1527-8.] AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. 421
Thus gloriously fell, as far as we know, the first native of
Scotland as an unspotted martyr for the truth, for the Word
of God itself, as well as our right to read it.
The powerful consequences resulting from this martyrdom,
can never now be fully traced ; but if we follow them out as
far as they may be, it will be evident, that, hitherto, the event
has been greatly underrated. The New Testament Scriptures
had arrived in Scotland, and they had been reading in secret for
at least a year and a quarter. These were God's own provi-
dential gift, at a period when the country was full of strife and
feud, ferocity and murder. This it was which is to be re-
garded as the commencement of decided blessing from God ; and
now came the bold and loud summons from the believer''s lips,
to rouse the dead in sin, and embolden them to read, believe,
and live. A space equal to nearly three generations had
passed away since anything so truly horrible had occurred in
Caledonia, however stern and wild. Besides, in 1482, it was a
foreigner who had suffered ; but here was a native, of the most
amiable character, and high birth. The report of the martyr-
dom speedily ran through the kingdom, promoting a spirit of
inquiry into the cause, as well as the cause itself. For as truly
as Antipas, the faithful martyr of old, so God's most faithful
servant had now been " slain among them where Satan dwelt,
even where his seat was ; " and yet no place was so deeply af-
fected as the spot where the deed was done."
Of the extent of the sensation now produced, it is impossi-
ble to judge with accuracy, but of its depth there can be but
one opinion, since it actually so far changed the character of
this metropolitan cit}'^, the Rome of Scotland. From being the
stronghold of the Prince of Darkness, it became the seat of
deep inquiry and indomitable discussion, among not a few of
the students in the different colleges, the canons of the Cathe-
dral, and even the Friars. The sufferings endured will fur-
nish the evidence of this.
f It has frequently been said, that advantage was taken of the King's absence on a pU(jrima(ie
to St. Duthas, to perpetrate this murder ; but this must be a mistake, nor was there any occa-
sion for fearins him. Far from being as yet "every inch a king," he was, in fact, little else
than a prisoner in the hands of his jailor, the Karl of Angus ; and as young Casillis, who signed
the sentence, was under the guardianshi]) of Angus, he must bo regarded as having had no
objections to the cruelty. Besides, the King's mother, Queen Margaret, was married to Henry
Stuart aljout ten or twelve days after; and it was not till the H)th of March, that Angus, in
writing to Dacre, says— " The king has gone forth on his paslimf, which will keep him till
Kaster." See Caligula, B. vii., 27. Gov. State Papers, iv., p. 4H8.
4.22 ALEXANDER SETON, [book IV.
Another luinuin voice was now demanded ; but where shall
one be found ? Campbell, the prior of the order of St. Domi-
nic, or the Black Friars, had betrayed this heroic young man,
and who so proper to speak next, as a brother of the same fra-
ternity ? The Friar who had been appointed to preach through-
out Lent, in the Cathedral itself, it might seem far too much
to expect, but in truth it was no other ! He was the first to
sound again the trumpet of truth, and that almost imme-
diately after the Martyr had gone to receive his crown. Open-
ing his lips, they found he was no other than what they de-
nominated a heretic ! Standing on the very spot where the
murderers had sat in judgment, this, as the prophet once ex-
pressed it, was as if "the stone had cried out of the wall, and
the beam out of the timber had answered it."" Nor was the
preacher himself, from his official character, less remarkable.
The Archbishop, as well as all under his authority, were afraid
to touch him, he being actually the Father Confessor of the
King himself — that King whom Beaton had not consulted,
and who had therefore not consented to the counsel or deed of
these bloody men. This was Friar Alexander Seton, brother
of Ninian Seton, or Seytoun of Touch.
In discharging his duty, and following the example of his
deeply lamented predecessor, Seton now saw that in the truth
itself, there was enough to convict all its enemies, and produce
dismay ; and that no wise man will ever commence his labours
by merely attacking superstition, or pulling at prejudices, as
he would at a cart -rope ; an egregious mistake, into which
many have since fallen. Taking for his subject the law of God
itself, Seton insisted much on the following points —
" That the Law of God is the only rule of righteousness ; that if God's Law
be not violated, no sin is committed ; that it is not in man's power to satisfy
for sin ; that the forgiveness of sin is no otherwise obtained than by unfeigned
repentance and true faith, apprehending the mercy of God in Christ Jesus.
Of purgatory, pilgrimage, prayer to saints, of merits and miracles, the usual
subjects of the friar's sermons, not a word he spake." '"
It is remarkable that he should have been permitted to re-
peat his sentiments ; but having been appointed to preach
during Lent, this, together with his official character, may
have been his safeguard, until he had given his auditory line
1" SjMjItiswciod, fomth pilit., ]> (i4.
1527-8.] THE SECOND CONFESSOR. 423
upon Hue, and proof after proof. About the end of that season,
however, having occasion to go northward to Dundee, he was
tliere informed that a friar of his own order liad been set up
to refute his doctrine. He then returned to St. Andrews, and
the King's Confessor, not to be resisted, confirmed his former
positions, adding, from Scripture, the qualifications required
for a good and faithful bishop.
This last subject could not be passed over, and soon brought
him before the Archbishop ; but he, knowing Seton to be of
a bold spirit, dissembled his anger. Upon another martyrdom
he dared not venture so soon, a negative testimony to the
power of Hamilton''s death ; nor could the Primate resolve
upon trying any expedient, except that of first undermining
Seton's character in the estimation of the young King. This
was easily effected, and very soon after. Poor young prince !
His natural powers were of no inferior order, but these men,
whether nobility or clergy, had allowed him to grow up in a
state of comparative ignorance, and of self-indulgence, even to
licentiousness : the nobility, that they might rule him as a
puppet, which his high spirit could not endure ; the clergy, that
he might one day fall into their hands, and move only in sub-
servience to their designs. Now, at this very period a crisis
had arrived, of the King's emancipation from the one party,
and his falling under bondage to the other. His Highness had
groaned from day to day under the iron yoke of the Earl of
Angus, who, supported by the influence of England, was the
absolute governor of the nation still, though James had been
crowned in 1525. Next year the King had applied to some of
his nobles to relieve him from bondage, and hence the battle of
Linlithgow in 1526. On the watch ever after, at last, on the
22d or 23d of May 1 528, he himself dexterously succeeded, by
his escape from Falkland to the castle of Stirling; soon after
which Angus and the Douglas party were overcome and ba-
nished.^^ In part indebted for his escape to Archbishop Bea-
ton, at tliis moment the young monarch must have been
ready to listen to whatever he said, and hence it was no diffi-
cult task to destroy all respect for Seton ; while this was
rendered still more easy, not only from his having been the
Confessor of his Highness in the wearisome days of his thral-
II Gdv. state Paiieis, vol. iv. Tytli-r. riUaiin's Criminal Trials.
424 SETON ESCAl'ES. [hook iv.
doin, but because Seton, much to his credit, had warned liim
respecting his licentiousness.
From what had happened in February, and observing the
confidence or respect of the monarch to be on the decline, Seton
well knew what must ultimately await him, and seeing no
safety on the spot, he fled to Berwick. From thence, how-
ever, he wrote to his royal master, a faithful letter, warning
him of the men under whose influence he had now fallen. He
here explained that the authority of the Bishops, and by no
means that of his Highness, was what he dreaded.
Tluy bcliaved, lie said, as kings, and would not allow any man of wliatever
state or degree, if once they pronounced liini to be an heretic, to speak in his
own defence. Nevertheless, if he might but have audience before the king,
lie now offered to return and justify his cause. Like a faithful adviser, he
then informed James, that in duty he ought to see that every subject accused
of his life, should be allowed to use his lawful defences ; since the Prelates held
that such matters did not fall under the cognizance of the Prince, and if only
ence heard, he would ilemonstrate the contrary by their oicn laws. He then
besought his Highness not to be led any longer by their informations, but to
use the authority committed to him by God, and not to suffer these tyrants to
proceed against him, till brought to his answei-. This he would not refuse to
give, if once assured of the safety of his life.l^
At Berwick he waited for some reply, but waited in vain.
Before this time Angus had been banished, and his estates for-
feited ; Dunbar, Archbishop of Glasgow, had been appointed
Chancellor in August, as his successor, and Beaton, though
not yet in power, had been recalled to the Council by the end
of November.^'' Seton, therefore, retired into England, where
he became chaplain to Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk. As
if to show how equally balanced the two countries, England
and Scotland were, with regard to their progress in Divine
truth ; about thirteen years after, or in 1541, Seton was called
before Stephen Gardiner, and examined, but denied not any
point which ho had formerly taught.^'* He even continued to
preach the truths with which he had been charged, and died,
it has been said, next year, or 1542.
In the meanwhile, or before the close of 1528, it is pleasing
19 Sec the letter in Keith'b History, Apjieiidix, wliicli has been expressly aflirmed to be dated
ill l.V.'H. Several historians may have ltd their readers astray by saying, that all this occurred
ill the Lent /(illoici 11(1. No doubt, the greater part of Lent /olloiivd, as Hamilton died on the
Uiiid day after its commencement. Keith has accurately marked the time by s.iyinR " Divers
of the religious themselves did from llml liiiujhncard declaim— and particularly in Dial Lent—
one Seton, brother of Ninian Seton."
13 (Jov. Slate Piipor.i, iv.. pp. 476. ."MO. '* Koxe.
]52y-34.] TESTAMENTS IMPORTING. 42.'')
to find any information whatever, bearing on the Scriptures,
and their continued importation. The friars now were more
busy everywhere than they had ever been, since friars were in
fashion. The reader may recollect of one, under our history
as to England, Friar John West. Earnestly charged, by
Wolsey, with dispatches to Counsellor Herman Rincke of
Cologne ; their united cftbrts were to be employed in the ap-
prehension of Tyudale himself, and of William Roye, once his
amanuensis ; or, at all events, their books. With regard to
the men they entirely failed, but a number of what Rincke
calls " their books,'''' he had found out and secured. These must
liave included copies of the New Testament, as well as Roye's
celebrated Satyre on the Cardinal, a personal affair, which the
latter so deeply resented. One short passage in Rincke's re-
ply to Wolse3% d'T-ted the 4th of October 1528, and sent by
West, deserves to be repeated here —
" But these books, unless I had found them out and interjwsed, must have
been pressed together with parclinient, and concealed ; and enclosed in pack-
ages, artfully covered over with flax, they would in time, without any suspi-
cion, have been transmitted by sea, into Scotland and Encfland, as to the same
place ; and would have been sold as mei'ely clean paper ; but as yet, few or none
of those, carried away and sold, have been found."
Here then we have distinct mention of a continued traffic
going on, and of one of the asserted methods of transit, for
there must have been various ; nor is it less worthy of repeti-
tion, that the Jeit's are to be supposed as having had some
concern in these importations, whether " to Scotland or
England, as to the same place."^^
SECTION III.
FKOM 1.529 TO 1.534 all-important period, hitherto UNNOTICEp —
ALEXANDER ALES CRUELLY PERSECUTED BY HEPBURN, THE PRIOR OP
ST. ANDREWS AT LAST ESCAPES BY SEA, FROM DUNDEE, FIRST TO
FRANCE, AND THEN TO GERMANY HIS EPISTLE ADDRESSED TO JAMES
V. ; OR THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE FIRST REGULAR CONTROVERSY IN
15 Cotton MS. Vitelliiis, B. xxi., fol. 43. Thus Sculhind is oiit-e more mcMitiuiicd to VVol>ey ;
but tlic entire letter is well wortliy of perusal, and specially on account of some connexion
which the ./.'(W had willi these im)iortations. Sec the kltcr, for this and otlier i)articnlars, in
our Knj^Iish history, anno l.WS, vol. i., pp. 2(l.'J-2(i4.
l-2<< IMPORTANT PERIOD. [book IV.
BKITAIN RESPECTINQ THE 8CRIPTUBES PBINTED IN THE VULGAR TONQDB
THE ABUSIVE PUBLICATION OF COCHL^UH PU0FES8EDLV IN REPLY —
THE REPBE8ENTATION8 OF ALE8 CONFIRMED BY THE STATE OP TUB
COUNTRY, AND THE SECOND MARTYRDOM — ANSWER OF ALES TO THE CA-
LUMNIES OP COCHLiECS — ALES PLEADS, MOST EARNESTLY, FOR THE NEW
TESTAMENT TO BE READ — BUT ESPECIALLY IN FAMILIES EXTOLS DIVINE
REVELATION, AND AS TO BE FOUND IN THE ENGLISH VERSION NOW IM-
PORTING COCIIL^US, QUITE ENRAGED, ADDRESSES JAMES V. — AND IS
REWARDED — HAD MENDACIOUSLY AVERRED THAT THE WRITINGS OF ALES
PROCEEDED FROM MELANCTIION — THE PERSECUTIONS AND MARTYRDOMS
OF 1534 AGAIN CONFIRM THE STATESIENTS OP ALES — WHO IS NOW
STANDING BY HIMSELF ALONE IN DEFENCE OF THE TRUTH.
&iK are now arrived at a very memorable period in the
history of Scotland. It involves a space of live
years, from the year 1529 to J 534 inclusive, and
yet it has been treated by all our historians as a sort of chasm,
or calm in the annals of persecution. No author has informed
us that there was, at such a time, one fragment of distinct
information in existence, respecting the Sacred Volume ; its im-
portation into the country ; its being bought, or sold, and read
by the people ; or that such reading was being so bitterly op-
posed. This is the more surprising, since, upon this subject,
it forms one of the most interesting periods in the early his-
tory of the entire Island, Commencing seven years before
Henry the Eighth had decidedly broken off from Rome, and
while both the South and North were still under the domi-
nant power of "the old learning;" yet was it the season of
the first regular controversy in Britain, though carried on
with Scotland, respecting the Sacred Volume in our native
language ; as well as the undoubted right of every one " both
low and high, rich and poor together," to read the Scriptures
for themselves.
This topic has formed the frequent or fruitful source of
eulogy long since, and down to the present hour, as one of the
liighcst arguments which can occupy the pen or tongue of
man, for a greater has never engaged the attention of man-
kind ; and yet, strange to say, the first individual who argued
the point, and so ably led the van, has been as much over-
looked, as Tyndalc himself, the origiual translator, and even
more so. How it has happened that, above all other men, he
has been overshadowed, wlm fir^t contended with his own mo-
152!»-3J-.] ALEXANDER ALES. 427
narch in Scotland, for the immortal interests of his fellow-
countrymen, the Scots, and afterwards even before the assem-
bled prelates of England at Westminster, for the all-sufficiency
of the Scriptures, and the binding authority of the Word of God,
it is impossible exactly to account. Whether there has been
any studied or systematic attempt, in both countries, to con-
ceal from public view, our first, and therefore highest human
benefactors, that other men who only entered into their labours
might reap certain laurels, and obtain the praise of party, we
leave others to decide ; but one is certainly tempted to sup-
pose, that there has been something of the kind.
The name of Ales, it is true, does occur in our histories,
among some others, as that of a persecuted individual who fled
from his native land, and died a professor at Leipsic ; and in the
preceding pages, even under the history as to England, he has
already come before us ; but nothing has ever been said, to
distinguish him sufficiently from his contemporaries, and much
less to mark the obligations under which he laid his country,
to the lasting remembrance of his name. His havina,- been
born in a city, since so conspicuous for literature and research
as Edinburgh, and his having been the first, who, from fond
recollections in a foreign land, wrote a description of " his own
romantic town," only renders this neglect the more extraordi-
nary.^ It becomes therefore a grateful task to rescue from
oblivion, and render some account of this early native of the
Scotish capital ; but especially of his exertions in reference to
the Scriptures in our vernacular tongue, and the necessity for
their being read, under the domestic roof.
Alexander Ales, much better known on the Continent
than at home, and there by the name of Alesitis, was born in
Edinburgh on the 23d of April 1500.- His father was an
honest and substantial burgess of that city, and under his own
roof, the education of his son was so far perfected, as to fit
him for entering the University of St. Andrews, As for his
boyhood, the only particular known is one related by himself.
' It is curious enousli, tliat this dcsciiptiou should be the only fragment written by Alks
which has ever been reininted. This it has been, within these few years, by the fiannatvne
Club, and in elegant style, with explanatory notes.
s Written in Ihe Register of the University of Leipsic, by Ales himself.
428 ALEXANDKR ALES, [boOK IV.
in the preface to one of liis future publications on tlie Conti-
nent, his Exposition of Timothy : —
» Diverting himself, with other children, on the top of a hill, where there
was a high rock, as they were rolling themselves towards the i)rieii>iee, he had
advanced to the Very brink, when he felt himself snatched up and carried to a
place of safety, without knowing how, or by whom. .Some ascribed this," says
he, " to several portions of Scripture, especially from John, hung about my
neck, which was then a common custom of parents with children." In
certain parts of Ireland, it is a practice ft'tll, to operate as a charm. Ales had
ascribed his deliverance to the faith or prayers of his parents ; but many yeare
after, the recollection still chilled his blood.'*
Having gone to St. Andrews, finislieJ his education, and
taken priest's orders, he became one of the canons of the priory
or cathedral church in that city, then the largest in Scotland,
as containing from fifteen to twenty thousand inhabitants.'' We
hear nothing more of him, however, till he had reached the
twenty-eighth year of his age. Then, as a proof that the alarm
of the bishops and monks in 1525 and 1527, respecting the
introduction of " the new learning" into Scotland, was not
without grounds, it turned out that the canons and students
were, through the medium of certain books, studying the grand
controversy of the times. But whatever might be the object
of other young men, that of Ales was, that he might be qua-
lified to oppose all innovation. When Patrick Hamilton,
therefore, four years younger than himself, was " drawn unto
death" at St. Andrews, and now " ready to be slain," far from
disposed to " deliver" him, and confident in his own scholastic
powers, Ales actually undertook to reclaim the suspected
heretic. For this purpose he held several conferences with his
more enlightened junior, little dreaming that the attempt was
about to change the current of his whole life. But stainiered
bv the reasoning of that youno- <reutleman ; then hearin<r his
noble testimony, in a full house, or within the very walls
where Ales himself was accustomed to engage in services which
the Martyr had so exposed ; and finally, beholding the heroic
constancy with which he maintained his integrity in the
s I'rcfat. in .iltcrain ad Timothium, apud Jacobum Thomasium, iu Orat. de Alcsio. Bajle's
Diet., art. Alcsius. The spot is not mmlioned. whether the Castle, Calton Hill, or Arthur'*
Seat, f'lr it may liavc been any of the three.
* In the ye.ir that Ales was born, or 15iMi, the pdpulation of Edittburgh was about JKIOO, dwell-
ing in 7W house; or tenements. St. Andrews was the great city in tliose davR.
1 ,V29-3 1.] A NATIVE OF EDINBURGH. 420
flames, amidst the rage, and more than savage cruelty of his
enemies, the scene, as well as the sentiments, were never to be
forgotten. In short, the heart of Ales was pierced by convic-
tions, which ended in his conversion to the faith he had la-
boured in vain to destroy. St. Andrew's was not now to sleep
in quiet, after the smoke of Patrick's funeral pile had been
blown upon the spectators, and scorched the Benedictine friar,
his persecutor, Seton, as we have seen, was the first victim
soon after, but severer trials awaited Ales, the very next year.
The statements of the first, however, have already furnished
an important preliminary corroboration of all that Ales will ad-
vance as to the state of the country ; and especially of the posi-
tion then occupied respectively by the bishops and monks, the
priors and abbots, on the one hand, and young King James, on
the other. Considering the virulence and sophistry with which
Ales was about to be assailed by one man abroad ; the united
testimony of these two witnesses on the spot, will at once put
down the calumny of a distant and sycophantish brawler, such
as Cochlreus. Suflice it only to say here, that, after enduring
great trials. Ales had escaped from the port of Dundee through
the kindness of friends, both on shore and on board the ves-
sel, then ready to sail, about the close of 1531. Having landed
on the Continent, Avhither he first went it is impossible to say,
but certainly not to Wittenberg. By the loose manner in
which he has occasionally been referred to, he is of course sent
immediately to Luther ; but if Luther had indoctrinated or only
conversed, with all those Englishmen and Scotsmen who have
been consigned, by historians, to his personal acquaintance, he
must have had nothing else to do, from morning to night. On
the contrary, and as late as the year 1534, Ales himself in-
forms us that he had not yet acquired the German language,
and that he had not, even then, known Luther at all. He had
traversed, however, the coast of France, and proceeded into
some part of Germany ; where, as he understood only Latin,
he had assiduously applied to the Greek language. By the
year referred to, he seems to have been fond of quoting it.
After the escape of Ales, an edict or order of the bishops
had been promulgated, /??'o/«"62Ym_^ the Neic Testament in Eufflish
from being read or sold. To whatever extent this had gone,
the alarm of the enemy is one decided proof of progress made.
But the story entire, and so distinctly told, by this the first
i;j(t rilK Kl.\(i ADDKKSSKI) [bOOK IV,
advocate in Si'utlaiul, fur our liigliest national blessing, as well
as the sulVcrin<jj,s previously endured by liini, eannot be so well
conveyed, as in his own lan^uai^e. 'J'his will j)rove tlie more
interesting, as taken from publications which have never been
laid before the English reader, and filling up a period hitherto
passed over in silence.
From four different publications in Latin, and one in
English, scarcely known, our space will only admit of certain
extracts, though the whole be well worthy of republication in
our native tongue. It is, however, necessary to premise, that
as Ales had been deeply indebted to King James the Fifth for
his very kind interposition in his favour; as well as to that of
other canons of St. Andrews ; so he writes under the impres-
sion that his Highness was the same man in 1533 and 1534,
that he had been in 152.0. He was not aware of the Royal
youth sinking so rapidly under the baneful influence of the
hierarchy, till at last they brought him to sanction, by his own
personal presence, the burning of his subjects. In 1528, he
would have said — " Is thy servant a dog, that he should do
this thing ?"
Relying, therefore, on the character of the King, no sooner
had Ales heard of the doings of Beaton and his fellows, than
he resolved to address his Highness. We copy from the only
edition ever printed — " An epistle of Alexander Ales, ar^alnst a
certain Decree of the Bishops in Scotland, which forbids to read
the hooks of the New Testament in the vernacidar tongue.'''' " To
the renowned King of Scots, James the Fifth, Duke of Albany,
Prince of Ireland and the Orkneys, his most compassionate
Lord, Alexander Ales, S. D.*"^
" Seeing that, among other virtues, there so exists and shines forth
in you a certain distinguished and heroic goodness, that it is well known
to all throughout your entire kingdom, and on that account all good men
wonderfully love you ; I, however, especially when in danger of my life,
have thoroughly perceived this public praise of your goodness to be
strictly true, and that you utterly abhor all cruelty. For when certain
friends of mine explained to you that I was seized with violence, and
cast into a dreadful dungeon, by your Bishops ; although they contrived
s " Alcxantlri Alesii Epistnla contra ilccretum qiioililnm Episcoporum in Scotia, quod pro-
hibit legerc Novi Testament! lil)ri>9 lingua vernacnla." This letter is very neatly printed in
IHmo, filling thirteen leaves, besides the title as above. There is no place or printer's name
mentioned, but at the end it 19 dated, "Anno mdxxxiii.""
1520-34.] BV ALEXANDKK ALKS. 431
homble charges against ine, yet you sent to me honourable men from
your court, who signified to me that you were concerned for my safety.
And not long after, with the greatest kindness, you gave orders that
they should let me go, safe and free, out of prison, and that they should
cease to rage against me ; for which favour, I entertain towards you
renowned Sovereign, as much gratitude as the mind is able to con-
ceive.^ I would, however, that it had been in your power to complete the
benefit you had commenced ; for afterwards, when, on the business of
the State, you were absent in some other parts of your kingdom, since
the bishops could not do anything worse, they thrust me out of the
country, against law, and by violence.''
Trusting, therefore, to your lenity and kindness, which was shown to
me in my distress, I have not hesitated to write to you ; not concerning
my own personal injury, of which, however, I shall treat at another
time ; but that according to the duty which I owe to your Highness and
the country, I may warn you against a certain nefarious and impious
edict, which, without your authority, the bishops have published in your
kingdom, videlicet — ' That no one should read in his native language^ the
looks of the Neio Testament.''
" Although I saw in that affair how great was the fury of the priests
against all, who occasionally signified that they wished the churches
should be more purely instructed as to necessary matters ; yet this is
evidently a new and unheard of example, among those who style them-
selves Christians, to forbid, by an edict, the reading of the Sacred books.*
And I know that this device was managed, without your counsel or
authority, by the chief priests, or rather by the Monks, for they are, in
truth, the contrivers of this business. I thought it therefore my duty
to write to you, that you may interpose your authority, and consult both
the glory of God, and also the reputation of your kingdom. For what
kind of precedent is it, that men should be debarred from the oracles of
Christ 1 What else could the Tvirks, or other nations hostile to the
Christian name do, than to take care that the people touch not the
6 " The very dungeon which is still shewn among the ruins of the Castle or Episcoiial Palace."
" A low browed passage leads down to a low part of the interior, from which there is a small
doorway opening upon a dreadful dark cavern, cut out of the solid rock, and shaped like a com-
mon bottle. The neck of the orifice is seven feet wide, by about eight in depth, after which it
widens till it be seventeen feet in diameter. The depth of the whole is twenty-two. This fear-
ful tomb was once used as the dungeon of the castle, and recusant victims were put therein.
Some years since it was cleared out to serve as a powder magazine, when a great quantity of
bones were removed." — Chambers' Gazclecr. The reader, however, should be informed, that
Beaton's Castle, by an act of the Privy Council in 1547, was nearly levelled to the ground, and
that the present ruins are those of the pile afterwards erected by Archbi^hop Hamilton; but
this could not affect a jirison sunk in the solid rock, and we shall yet have farther evidence that
this must have been the very dungeon to which Ales was consigned.
7 He means, as it will appear presently, that by their cruelty, they forced him to provide for
his own safety by fliabt, as strongly advised by his friends.
8 He was not yet sufficiently actiuainted witli the Continent.
432 TIIK FIRST ADDRESS. [doOK IV.
Sacred 1)0oks — that they should not know the benefits of Christ, and his
most holy precepts, lest any one should form a firm and distinct opinion
with regard to divine things, from the very words of Christ, and the
testimonies of his uj)ostles ? What other tendency has this attempt,
but to ruin and extinguish true religion ? True religion cannot exist,
except the niiud be well established respecting the will of God, by
heavenly testimonies. On this account, Christ was sent by the Father
to teach, that he might disclose the secret will of the Father, which was
unknown to the world. This cannot, therefore, be known, except from
the Sacred books themselves ; certainly no firm opinion can l)e held,
unless these be inspected ; and so the Father hath commanded that we
should know the doctrine of the Son, when he saith, ' This is my beloved
Son, hear ye Ilim.'
" But if the priests and monks there, so think that morals can be
regulated without the sacred writings, and that religion is nothing else
save that discipline by which the public morals are governed, what
else thought Epicurus ? Truly, it is all over with the Church, if they
receive these Epicurean imaginations, which the bishops and monks
propagate. John saith, ' No man hath seen God at any time, but the
Son who is in the bosom of the Father hath declared Him to us.' John
denies that the will of God had been known to men, but that it was
unfolded and brought to men by the Son. The Father therefore com-
mands this Teacher to be heard, not philosophizing on common morals
only, but discoui'sing publicly of things mysterious and unknown to the
world. Hoio God desires to be worshipped — How He can promise the
forgiveness of sins — What hope He can hold out in all trials and afflic-
tions— What consolation He can promise to those who implore assistance
from Himself — lion: He desires to be invoked — How minds are to be con-
firmed against doubt or mistrust, respecting the will of God. These are
mysteries unknown to the world, on which Christ and his Apostles
reason particularly. Nor, verily, does God wish these mysteries to be
concealed, but to stand out above others, to be beheld, to be handled,
that the knowledge of God may shine upon us. To bury, or to obscure
the knowledge of matters so im^wrtant as these, is more injurious than
to remove the sun from the universe.
" Wherefore, I both warn and beseech you, for the glory of Christ,
that you would by your authority repeal that imjiious decree ; and not
countenance the madness of these Pharisees. You see the command of
God, which enjoins to hear Christ : you see also what punishment is
threatened against those who refuse to hear him. * In Deuteronomy
it is written concerning Christ — ' A Prophet will I raise up to them,
from the midst of their brethren, such as thou art, and I will put my
words in his mouth ; whosoever will not hear his words which he shall
speak, I will be the avenger.' Wherefore it is not to be doubted, that
l52l)-ok] THE KING WAUNED. i-Va
those who withdriiw the iieuplc from the doctrine of Christ, shall sufl'er
the most grievous punishment from God. I will not here complain of
other evils which cleave to the Church, the fault of the bishops, the
recollection of which is very painful ; only, since they are themselves
neither inclined nor able to teach, let the bishops grant us, that they
do not abolish the sacred books. When Antiochus attempted to destroy
religion in Judea, he commanded the books of the Prophets to be
sought out every where, to be burned. And he suffered, indeed, the
just punishment of his madness. With his ruined armi/, he himself ^cas
consumed with grief of mind. Nor was God satisfied with this punish-
ment, l>ut destroyed also his posterity, that he might set forth an exam-
ple of the punishment described in the decalogue, (Pentateuch,) where
God says, that punishment for iniquity should travel through all pos-
terity." What sort of end, then, the impiety of those shall have, who
drive the people from the doctrine of Christ ; who endeavour, as much
as in them lies, to overwhelm and destroy all religion, who cruelly kill
many who are guilty of no crime, and are lovers of piety, it is easy to
foretell.
" But they deny that they drive the people away from the doctrine
of Christ. They say it were safer -for the people publicly to hear the
learned in the churches, than to read at home, what they do not under-
stand, what no one can there explain, and where many things, not being
understood, produce errors. This one reason I think they have, by
which they defend their decree, and how much mischief it may contain,
it is easy to see. First, if it be so, that there are some among whom
reading may produce some inconvenience, why do they pluck the sacred
books from the hands of those whose minds cannot otherways be esta-
blished than by assiduous or continual reading ? Why should they not
be allowed to instruct and train their children at home, in the true and
proper knowledge of Christ ; especially since God commanded concern-
ing the law, that it should be written upon all the lintels, that it might
be always before their eyes 1 How much more necessary is it to have
the Gospel thus always in view ? Why, then, is the goodness of God
withheld from these, and that in opposition to the command of God,
although some others may, perhaps, have abused this benefit ? Why
do they not, for the same reason, drag away men from wine, from food,
from gold, because many abuse them ? That was rather to be done
which God commanded. The Word of God was to be presented to all ;
all were to be exhorted, that they should not only read with diligence,
but also handle with reverence, and compare plain sentences with places
obscure. Formerly, when not fewer heresies and sects rent the Church
" .Mark tliis story, of Antioclms and liis army, brought before the yoiinn Prhice James V.,
early as 1.53.J, and observe the close of his own life, in nine years after, or December l.')42.
VOL. II. 2 K
434 TMK lM<i:i>ATK.S AUKAIGNKD. [bOOK IV.
than even now, yet the Apostles commanded the sacred books to 1)6 read ;
for thus they thought then, that minds were to be fortified against here-
sies. These men have now found out another way."
" But, since the fact must be told, they do not forbid this reading on
account of the ohscuriti/ of the writings : something else agitates them.
Of those things in the Sacred writings that are most plain and clear,
they are afraid, which they see to be opposed to the impious and sacrile-
gious opinions that they themselves defend, through ambition, and the
love of their })ellies. Ilinc stmt Iuk lacltripnoe. From hence proceed
those tears. But of this matter I will not say more."
" There are also other reasons, still more weighty, why reading is
necessary, more than their public discourses. Because verily, from pas-
sages highly necessary to piety, they, in their sermons, either say
nothing, or deliver false opinions ; it is surely necessary for good people
elsewhere to seek for doctrine which may excite their minds to piety,
free them from doubting, and may instruct them as to true invocation,
faith, and hope. For what do they teach of these subjects in their ser-
mons t. These are spent, partly, in idle disputations, which they draw
out of some corrupt philosophy ; partly, in most foolish fables concern-
ing the saints, which they invent ; partly, in praises of their own cere-
monies, which, as regraters, (mangones,) they are wont to adorn with
surprising artifices, that they may be able to sell them at a higher price.
Some few among them say somewhat of morals, just as if no other doc-
trine were necessary in the Chui'ch. As to repentance and the favour of
Christ — that by faith we obtain freely the forgiveness of sins — that we may
please God freely, not on account of our own worthiness, hut by the faith of
Christ — that this faith ought to exist in incocation — that God is not
pleased to be worshipped with uncertainty or doubting — on the distinction
of a spiritual kingdom, and political affairs — of human traditions, as
they call them, and many other necessary things, they are either
silent, or inculcate dogmas contrary to the Gospel. And while these
Rabbies will have themselves held forth as teachers of good works, they
do not inculcate this species, which is the chief and peculiar concern of
the Chiu'ch of Christ. Since as to such {loci) common topics their ser-
mons are silent, what shall good minds do ? From whence shall they
seek sound doctrine, if they are not alloved at home to read or to hear the
books of the Gospjel ? Finally, the entire design of preventing this
species of reading has this tendency, that the people should, by degrees,
adopt heathenish opinions, the true knowledge of Christ being extin-
guished : and the priests imagine, that this ignorance of the people
would be for their advantage."
Ales then implores the King, as one to whom God had com-
mitted all departments of the state, to interpose — describes
i
1 r/iU-.'JJ..] TllK KING IMPLOHKD. 435
the advantages which must aoenie to the peoph", and especially
the children and youth, from heing trained up by such domes-
tic reading and instruction — they would prove better subjects
and better citizens, which otherwise they could not be. He
quotes the Scriptures to shew that this is an imperative duty,
as enjoined by God ; and warns his Highness of the evils which
must arise from the interdict. It would " take away the
most sacred exercises of piety ; remove from the well-disposed
the necessary guards of conscience ; scatter domestic discipline,
(Sec. Having " traversed part of the coast of France and many
other places,'' he informs the King that he had not heard of a
similar decree having ever been issued by the Emperor or the
King of France. They had published severe laws against dog-
mas, but not forbidden the reading of the Sacred Writings.
Then, before turning to himself, he says : —
" Wherefore I conjure and entreat also, that you would restrain the
counsels of the bishops, and turn them from cruelty and impiety to gen-
tleness, and a desire to show forth the glory of Christ. With a pious in-
tention, most gracious Sovereign, I have written these things to you,
which I pray that, of your clemency, yovi would take in good part. That
I might warn on a subject so exalted, I am constrained by the duty
which I owe, both to you and to my country, and lastly to the Chm-ch of
Christ among you. And I pray Christ that he may guide your counsels
for extending the glory of God, for protecting the churches, and for mi-
tigating the cruelty of the Bishops.
" As far as concerns myself, since, without your authority, while my
cause was yet unheard, I was charged to withdraw from my country ; I
ask nothing else than that which was not only written upon those tables
of the Athenians — " Hear both sides after the same manner," but even
nature itself teaches all, that you should examine the affair, before you
add your suffrage to the decisions of those who have condemned me,
without hearing my defence in law.
" I had prepared a defence, but afterwards discovered that, since my
departure, many articles were got up, which are falsely ascribed to me,
and have even been sent to Rome ; which, if the learned at Rome shall
read, they will rather laugh at the folly of my enemies, than approve
their diligence. For what else do these sycophants accomplish in all the
provinces, except that by their folly, they stir up dissensions and public
evils ? With a kind of Jewish pertinacity and fretfulness, they rage
without measure, and without judgment, while, if they would only for a
little incline their minds to equity, these agitations would much more
easily subside. They fight for their own dreams, as for their altars and
436 ALES DESIRKS TO PLKAD [book IV.
firesides ; tlicy infiaine the wrath of princes ; they put to death the best
men, wherever there is an opportunity. In conclusion, they arrogate to
themselves the title oi the Church, and roijuire themselves to 1)C held as
demigods.
" If any one study to shun the jjarticipation of this cruelty, he
is to them a schismatic, he is xatfa^/ia, and I know not what. For
truly it did not so injure me, that I glanced at certain opinions
of theirs ; for I did that modestly, hut something else provoked
them more. They were unwilling that we should mourn for Patuick,
a pioiis man, and bom in an honourable family ; whom when they had
cruelly put to death, they required of us that we also should condemn him
who was dead. When they could not obtain this from us, then indeed
they were enraged ; so that it might easily be understood, how, from con-
sciousness of guilt, they had not an easy mind. This was a principal
cause, why they seized also upon me.
" While many things of this sort are happening, everywhere, among
the nations, notwithstanding, as they persuade kings and princes that
they should render this kind of doctrine odious ; all the disturbances
arise from the other side. But God has delivered me from them, and
that chiefly, most gracious King, through your kindness. Wherefore I
give thanks to you, and interpret this favour on your part, to have pro-
ceeded from God. But I pray that, according to justice, you would
add this, that you would not subscribe to their judgments against me,
before that you yourself have examined my cause ; which I would, that
under a public safeguard, I might be allowed to plead, in your presence.
For I hope that I shall prove to your Highness, and to all good men,
those things which I have taught. They say that Alcibiades, in I know
not what contention, a certain old man having lifted his staff, forbade
him to speak, answered — ' Strike, but hear me.' ^" The same could I say
to my enemies, that if on that condition they pleased, as they might
strike, so they would also hear me. For hitherto they condemn me, and
those like me they proscribe, and would slay us, while our cause is yet
untried. Neither do they either fear or shun anything more than
a trial, which T earnestly desire ; not because contention delights me, of
which I have even a natural abhorrence ; but because it is not the part
of a wise man, to pass by those charges which they heap upon us. Then
the natui'e of the cause is such, that it would not be upright in us to
decline the defence of it.
" There is no duty more indispensable than the confession of the Gos-
pel, even as Christ saith — ' Whosoever shall confess me before men, I also
will confess him before my Father in heaven : but every o)ie who tcill deny
10 More correctly, the reply of Tlieniintoclri to Eurybiades, when he lifted up his staff, ready
to smite him, if lie would iifil bo siliiit.
1520-34.] BEFORE HIS KING. 437
'ine before men, I will deny him before mij Father in heaven.^ What folly
would it be, to draw down upon ourselves the hatred of the powerful,
and go through dangers of every description ; except by the Divine com-
mand, we were compelled to defend the doctrine of the Gospel ? I make
no account of all human things, nor have I ever esteemed anything more
than the good will of your Highness. Wherefore, I mean nothing less
than to lose the approbation of a prince, who is to be admired, not only
for his royal renown, but his distinguished virtues. So, therefore, you
may be assured that we do not contend through any lust or petulance,
but are constrained, by the command of God, not to abandon this man-
ner of doctrine.
" If, by any means, the enemies have injured me, in another
cfair,^^ although it would be very grievous to me, that your counte-
nance should be withdrawn from me, yet should I endeavour to bear
it with a patient mind, and forgive the State ; to which certainly we
owe this duty, sometimes to forget private injuries that the public con-
dition may continue more peaceful. That old precept, full of humanity,
is well known, ' Remember not injuries ;' nor has any one heard me la-
menting my exile so much as this cause for which I labom*. Nor do I
ask anything else than what Christ has enjoined — that his doctrine may
be acknowledged. Since this greatly concerns the Church, it was neces-
sary for the restraining of the cruelty of some who, without law, with-
out measure, and without end, now wander through the hoiises of all ;
for unless it be checked, without doubt God will avenge this rage and
contempt of laws and equity.
" The histories of all ages, of all nations, teach what end cruelty shall
experience, especially that against the pious and the priests or ministers
of a church. Wherefore, I shall not cease to beseech thee, most gracious
Sovereign, that you would carefully examine these matters, and not
grant this unbounded license to the chief priests and monks, which Christ
will not long endure ; and surely it is opposed to your justice and cle-
mency. This, therefore, I desire to obtain, if what I ask be equitable,
just, worthy of yourself, and profitable to the Church and the State.
May Christ preserve thee, and direct thy mind to the public welfare !
An7io 1533."
Thus it appears, at tliis early period, that Scotland was not
behind England in point of progress made. The New Testa-
ment had been given to her in the same year. — She could
already point to her proto-raartyr — and an advocate rising out
of his ashes, was now as earnest with her King, and against
her bishops ; as John Fryth now was with similar parties in
" Relating to himself personally, and to be more fully explained by himself afterwards.
■y.iH rilK I'lKST INSiDKlUS j^BOOK IV.
London. Had Ales khIv l)t'L'ii forthcoming, he li:i<l oxpiicd in
the flanios this year, as certainly as l^Vytli di<l in lOnghmd.
In rej)ly to this letter, as far as is yet known, there was not
one man in Scotland able to move his tongue ; but there was
one abroad, who, though abundantly ready in rcpli/, could
never answer any argument ; and who, when engaged in furi-
ous wrangling, was never so much in his element. This, the
reader may anticipate, was no other than Jo/m Coc/dccus, the
same who rai.sed the alarm respecting the New Testament, at
first, in 1 52.5. Stung with disappointment, at his having no
reward assigned to him by Wolsey, or Henry VIII. ; he now
did his utmost to procure notoriety and a pension, by address-
ing King James V. of Scotland. The epistle of Ales could
scarcely have been road in his own country, before this inde-
fatigable opponent must have been at the press, as his tirade
is dated on the 8th of June 1 533. There is nothing what-
ever, of sound argument in the book, though professing to
answer Ales, paragraph by paragraph. It abounds in dift'erent
parts with virulent abuse, and in others with blasphemy.
There is no lack of positive falsehood as to Luther, the writer's
perpetual eye-sore; and Ales, though unknown toCochla?us per-
sonally, comes in for his full share, upon one hundred and
sixty pages, in reply to twenty-six ! The object in view was
to mystify and alarm the young King ; and the title is per-
fectly expressive of the great point in hand — " Whether it be
expedient for the Laity to read the books of the New Testament
in the vernacular tongue^^^
At the commencement, Cochlseus owns that he was shoot-
ing in the dark, not knowing whether this name of Alexander
Alesius was a real, or only a fictitious one ; but though igno-
rant of his man, and equally so of the state of Scotland, he
artfully insinuates that the representation of the country, as
drawn by Ales, was altogether incredible. That the Bishops
of Scotland could act towards any subject whatever, in the
manner described, without the consent of his Highness, he
pretends to think impossible. The exile, he asserts, must
either falsely praise the King to stir him up against his
'2 " An fxpediat Laicis. Ic-Rcre iiovi TcKtaniciiti liliios lingua Vtrnacula? Ad bcrciiUsimum
Scotiae Rcntm J.acolmm V. Disputatio inter Alcxandrum Alcsium Scutum tt Juliannem Coch-
la'nm ffcimnnnni." Ilfilnl ■• Kx Difsda Afisnia- ad Albim. vi. Idus .Iiinii Mi/xxxrii.
A
1529-34.]] ATTACK OK J 1)11 1\ COCHLjEUS. 439
Bishops, or else feign the King's wonderful clemency to him-
self, to render hi7n suspected abroad, with regard to the ortho-
dox faith. Ales, too, he insists, must be a Lutheran, of
course, and the epistle itself must come from Wittenberg, the
common asylum of fugitives and apostates ; while " the whole
is concocted with such skill, that readers may believe that the
(/ospel of Luther is already propagated to the most remote
Scots, as far as Ultima Thulw.'''' It is here that Cochlaus
repeats, by way of warning, the groundless falsehood of Tyn-
dale and his amanuensis having come to Wittenberg, acquired
the German language, and then translated the New Testament
of Luther into English ; adding, what was true, that he found
them at Cologne, and forewarned Henry VIIL;^^ though he
takes care to conceal that he had received no thanks for his
pains, and now entertained a very bad opinion of the English
monarch.
Not aware of the English New Testament having been be-
fore introduced into Scotland, as early as 1526, and glorying
in his exploit of 1525, he proceeds : —
" As I see similar snares now preparing for your kingdom, I earnestly warn
your Highness, that you may carefully guard against this hostile attempt upon
your people, and that as to Alesius \vlio meditates this injury, you would not
rashly believe him, in opposition to your Bishops." He then praises the Scots
for their ancient piety, since to their zeal in coming to teach them, the Germans
were indebted, many centuries ago. There were still, he adds, Monasteries of
Scotsmen in the cities of Germany^ — at Erfurth in Thuringia, at Ratisbon in
Bavaria, at Vienna in Austria, &c. Therefore he felt nothing save the purest
gratitude and love in now writing. He neither desired nor expected " any
favour or reward from his Highness, nor from the bishops of his kingdom !" It
was " affection alone"' which impelled him, as he had " the most earnest desire
for the welfare of all !" But in justice to this enemy, we must let him be heard.
When he comes to the interdict, or decree against reading the Sacred Volume,
not a little hampered, he thus artfully proceeds : —
" It appears at first sight odious indeed, and quite opposite to Christian piety,
to i)rohibit the people from reading the books of the New Testament in their
own language : in which is the bread of life, the food of the soul, the discipline
of morals, the true knowledge of virtue, and the exact correction of vices ; and
in fine, the knowledge of the most exalted love, grace, and beneficence towards
t!ie human race, of Christ himself, and our God and Father. To prevent, by
an edict, so many people, and so great a multitude of the whole kingdom, from
the enjoyment of such great, and so many blessings, may seem to be an em-
ployment both of envy and cruelty towards those who are subjected to it, and
of gigantic impiety towards God. But assuredly, on the other hand, if any one
consider what an accuniulatiuu of evils has sprung up among us Germans,
'3 Stc before, vijl. i.. ]i. .l-l, <S:c.
4+0 TIIK KNMITV OT <'(»Clll,i1<:i'S [boOK IV.
witliin n few years, from nuch rea<ling, dinseniiimted by Luther, lie will, O
King, prt'sentiy coucliulc, tluit yuur BUhopi are jiious, right-hiartid, prudent and
faithful pa/toff, who arc desirous, hy a decree, to drive away their sheej) from
pasture /o iioj-ioun and so deadly!! But Alesius says — Are tlie gosjiels, the
words of Christ and liis Apostles, noxious and deadly pasture { However, let
him liearken a little. According to himself, indted, they are most salutary and
refreshing pasture, if they he well received ; hut if they are badly received,
they become not the pa.sture of life, but deadly poison to those who receive
them."
" 1 say nothing here of the loss of property which we have suffered from this
gospel, while for these most mischievous books, our people have sfpiandered,
spent and lost an incalculable sum of money, for so many hundred thousands of
copies printed and sold ! From these they have got no good, but a great deal
of harm ; learned artizans neglecting their shoj) and their work, from whence
they ought to procure a subsistence for tiieir wives and children. Nor will I
mention those evils, which many have endured in their body through this,
while, in opposition to the edicts of the magistrates, they read the prohibited
books ; and for this offence wire shut up in prisons, confined in towei-s, fined,
banished fromtheir country, and suffered other bodily inconvenience !"
lu this manner the New Testament itself, being mixed up
with all that ever issued from the pen of Luther ; Cochlseus
must now fortify the royal youth, originally disinclined to
deeds of blood, not only against all the cruelties which
might ensue in Scotland, and the counter advice of any of
his councillors, but against all the odium which was sure to
follow.
" But then they, the Bishops, will rightly take care, that they not only pro-
hibit books of that kind, by the bare words of a decree, but also follow up the
matter with efficacious diligence. For thus it will be, when they art against a
few transgressoi-s with jud sererity, that they will preserve the souls of many !
Even as the Bishop of Treves did among us, who, when he had taken care that
first one, and then another bookseller, who brought in Lutheran books, fhould
he cast into the Rhine, irith their noxious booh ; this punishment of the few ter-
rified others from bringing in more. By this he so preserved his people in the
faith and^unity of [the Church, and also in peace and civil subjection, that his
peasants remain quiet, while all those of the other Princes and Bishops rose in
tumults.'^ And if your councillors, (for there arc few courts of Christian Prin-
cesjentirely clear of this carnal leaven) shall suggest to your Highness the
in vidious__ words of the aposttites, in which they complain (as Alesius <f Witten-
hertj in his Epistle) that it is impious by a decree to forbid the reading of the
Sacred books, and that reproach will attach to your kingdom, if men are driven
from the oracles of Christ, lest the people should know the benefits of Clu'ist —
your Highness will be able to make answer with the greatest justice and truth,
that the New Testament of Luther is not the Sacred books, but execrable and
cursed, which will surely bring infamy on your kingdom and every evil_Thc
New Testament of Luther is not the gosj)el of Christ, but of .Satan ! I doubt
14 .-Sep wliiit Ales will reply to tliis presently.
i.j2!J-;m..] to all translations. 441
not tliat tlicre are in youi- kingdom also, not a tow Lntliorans in disgnise, who
will suggest to your Higluicss tliat tlio Word of (Jod ought not to be forbidden
to tiie Laity ; by wliich they wouhl be understood to mean t/ie New Testament
of Lttther ! than which nothing is more effectual for spreading abroad this
most abominable heresy, under the specious title of the Gospel, and the sweet
sounding pretext of the Word of God. If you have permitted this, you have
introduced ship-loads of the most pernicious merchandize. If you have prohi-
bited them, you will be accused privately of tyranny by the Lntherans, who are
desirous of change. They will call you a Herod — a persecutor of Christ — a
slave of the Roman Pontiff — a dependent of the Bishops — a patron of the
luxury of the clergy, and what not ?
" If therefore, 0 King, you desire to pi'eserve among your people concord in
the faith, and the unity of the Church, peace, unruffled tranquillity, agreement
in piety and divine worship, fixedness of faith, and all the benefits of ecclesias-
tical discipline; desist from this liusiiwss of translation, especially at this time:
because much more mischief and destruction will proceed from that source,
th.an good or edification !"
This poor infuriated zealot then at last informs the King-
that ani/ translation of the New Testament, " the best and
most undoubted," if it be " i?i the vul(jar tongue^'''' must pro-
duce all imaginable evil. He is even suspicious of Ales him-
self being so engaged, and that he will transmit copies secret-
ly, through merchants, by the Elbe to Hamburgh, which
looks over to Scotland !
" If therefore you desire to jjreserve your subjects from so many evils, which
will thence arise, use all care and attention to keep out these paper merchandize,
so destructive and poisonous, lest, while you know not, they steal into your
ports. It will be necessary that all merchandize brought from Germany be
diligently searched and examined, lest this schemer among the Saxons should
so be concealed that he may slay the unspotted ; according to that of the
Psalmist ! ! ' Under his tongue are labour and sorrow. He sitteth in hiding
places with the rich' — that is, with the merchants! — 'in secret places that he
may slay the innocent. His eyes look upon the poor' — that is, the simple people,
who know nothinfj more than their mother tongue! ' He layeth wait in his lurk-
ing place like a lion in his den ; he layeth wsat, that he may seize upon the
poor, to lay hold on the jjoor, when he hath enticed him.' This, 0 King, is the
forewarning of the Holy Spirit by the mouth of King David, to which, unless you
carefully attend, your Kingdom will be laid open to the same kind of snares !
The reader must now be more than satisfied, that this man
was " a blasphemer, a persecutor and injurious ;" and yet such
is only a specimen of the verbiage with which he was eager to
occupy the ear of the young and thoughtless Scotish monarch.
With Cochlseus abroad, and such men in power at home, both
bishops and monks, a Prince once averse to all cruelt3% and still
's But this they had hten doing with Tyndalt's translation for about seven years.
4I-2 IllK KINCi DKGENEKATING. [BOOK IV.
given to ducds ul" kiiidiies.s in regard to the bodies of liis sub-
jects,"* was driving on to ruin ; by yielding to the sophistry of
tlic hierarchy, witli respect to opinions, wliicli could neither be
gainsayed nor resisted. At the same time, let the; chief blame
rest where it actually did. Had the King, unmolested, been
allowed to pursue his pastime, humanly speaking, there had
been no such cruelty as still ensued. JJut the ecclesiastics led
on at present by Patrick Hephurn^ the young Prior of St.
Andrews, as they were afterwards by David Beaton, Abbot of
Arbroath, were perpetually insisting that heretical opinions,
as they styled them, did not belong to the King's jurisdiction ;
while, injustice to the Prince himself, there is reason to be-
lieve, that he by no means yielded without a struggle, and did
actually interfere again and again, as Ales has represented.
Even after he had fled, there is more than one passage left in
" the accounts of the Lord High Treasurer" worthy of re-
mark.'^ Ales, therefore, might well write as he had done,
and with considerable hopes of success. The King and the ec-
clesiastics had formed two parties quite distinguishable in the
estimation of many more than the writer of this epistle : but
soon after that Ales had done his best in addressing his former
benefactor, not only did Cochlffius follow, but it so happened,
that an ambassador or legate from the Pontiff", had been per-
ambulating the country in company with the King and the
Queen Mother. They terminated their journey by visiting St.
Andrews, where they were all entertained in style by Beaton
and Prior Hepburn. In short, the year ] 533 seems to have
been about the turning point in James's course and character.
He was even now only twenty-one years of age, but in early
life, " a stranger to pride, easy of access, and fond of mingling
familiarly with all classes of his subjects ; with a generosity
and warmth of temper, which prompted him, on all occasions,
to espouse with enthusiasm the cause of the oppressed;""'" what
wonder that Ales should have so addressed him ? The chanjje
was most melancholy not only for himself, but his kingdom.
The year before this, or 1532, he had been sinking deep into
16 See ill proof, Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, i. p. 27fi. Tytlcr's History of Scotland.
17 " May 17- LWi. — Hem, to David Heche, pursuivant, to pass with letters to the liisliop of
Saint Andrews to advertise him of the clunijiiiKj n/lhc Diil of the accusation of tlic Lutturont.. "
X >. " Sept. 27- /''''"• l"or carriaKC of the KiuKS hed to the liunlinK in Glenorchy. and for the
carriaRe of tlie same out of Kdinburgh to Saint Andrews, to thr imrdon, xx s." l.ord Treasurer's
Accoiinth. 18 Tvller.
l.")2!»-3-l'.] FORREST— THE SECOND MAUTYK. 443
the licentious course which he at'terwjirJs pursued, for to this
the hierarchy had no objection ; and now he is giving himself
up to the counsel of these unprincipled, and far more licen-
tious, ecclesiastical men.
Before the end of tlie year 1 533, and just as if to confirm every
word that Ales had so faithfully written, the second martyr-
dom took place at St. Andrews, and this also w'as but a young
man. Hamilton's death was suflScient to have roused both
priests and canons, which it certainly had done, but the monks
had also responded to the call. Seton was the first, Ales was
the second, but here was a third, who seems to have been
moved by Patrick''s earliest exertions on his return from
abroad, as well as his subsequent death. Henry Forrest of Lin-
lithgow, a Benedictine monk, had contracted such an admira-
tion of Patrick Hamilton as he could not suppress. He thought
that he had been wrongfully put to death, that the articles for
which he suffered were not heretical, and might be defended.
This much, however, they could not fully establish against
him, till they resorted to the same base method which they
had pursued with the first martyr ; and one Friar Walter
Laing was ready to act over again the same part which Camp-
bell had done. Another specific charge however was, that he
had in his possession a copy of the New Testament in English ;
now, of course, deemed to be a crime far more heinous after the
edict or decree. There must have been considerable hesita-
tion about proceeding to extremity, as Forrest had been for
some time kept a close prisoner " in the tower" or castle of
St. Andrews ; and at last the spot on which he died at the
stake, was at once expressive of the truth having extended far
beyond the bounds of St. Andrews, and of the fear entertained
as to its further progress. " He suffered death," says the
manuscript, " at the north church style of the Abbey church
of St. Andrew, to the intent that all the people of Forfar or
Angus might see thefire^ and so might be the more feared from
falling into the like doctrine which they call heresy."-'^ On
19 The best evidence of the Kiiifi's course is to be found in many of the ilcins of the Lord
Treasurer's Accounts.
-" Foxe. ex scripto testimonio Scotorum, and otlicr histories. We know not the origin, but it
is a curious fact, that looking in the direction from whence this fire was i)laced to be visil)le, tlie
name of Luther has been stamped on the soil. Hence, on the borders of Angus, in the parish of
Marykirk, we have not onlv the village of Luthermoor. Init the tributary stream of Lutlier. run-
ning into the North F.sk ; as well as Luther Bridge and Lutlur mill, named after tlie stream.
+44 Till'; (JALUMNIKS UK COCIIL/EUS [hooK IV.
isiK'li ;i iiumK- iIkv liad ;it last ventured, tliou<rli far from beiiii;
according to the counsel previously given by one John Lind-
say, a man of wit, familiar with the Archbitshoj). " If you
burn any more of them," .said he, " take my advice and burn
them in cellars ; for 1 assure you that the smoko of Patrick
Hamilton has infected all upon whom it blew."" The first
molestation of Henry I'^orrest aj)j)ears to have commenced
about the year 1530, but liis death cannot be stated earlier
than 1533 ; a circumstance which may account for his martyr-
dom being ascribed to both years.
Only a very short time, however, now elapsed, before there
arrived from abroad, an all-suflicient exposure of Cochlncus,
and of other men at home besides the calumniator. The
slander and falsehood which had been emitted, had, it is pro-
bable, not been seen by Ales for some months, but early in
158-t he was ready with his Response. It is entitled — '' The
answer of Alexander Ales^ Scotsman^ to the calumnies of Coch-
Iwiis.''''^^ It is addressed to the King as before, and as it has
been equally unknown to the English reader, with his first
letter, no apology is necessary for giving some account of this
very rare book. Among other information, it contains the
full account of his own personal treatment, besides some valu-
able particulars with i-egard to the Scriptures of the New
Testament, still read by stealth, and hid with anxious care.
Cochkeus had questioned the veracity of Ales — had insisted
that he was a Lutheran — had approved highly of the interdict
as to reading of the New Testament — had tried to terrify the
King by a bold endeavour to identify the translation of the
New Testament into German by Luther, with the indepen-
dent English version — had strongly deprecated the New Tes-
tament being presented to any man in the vernacular tongue,
however coi'rect^ and represented this as the only source of all
evil, national and domestic ; warning his Highness to succumb,
or by all means yield to the advice of his ecclesiastics, those
determined enemies of divine truth. Every one of these
points were now to be met by this first and able advocate of
the people. It is only necessary to explain that as Ales,
even still, could not be aware of any alteration in the King''s
ai " Alexandri Alesii Scotti, Rcsponsio ad Cochlei calumiiias." This occupies thirty-one
leaves IBmo, in asmalU-r type than the former publicatimi, and without any colophon.
l.'529-34.] REFUTED BY ALKS. 445
character and conduct, lie writes under the impression of these
being yet unchanged. Addressing the King once more, as his
most gracious Sovereign, he thus begins : —
" It is indeed true what the royal youth says of Euripides — ' In exile
itself there is more evil than can be expressed in words.' For in addi-
tion to other calamities, this evil has befallen me, that I have now met
with a slanderer, who is much more cruel towards me, though unknown
to him, than were any enemies in my own country. Cochlwris, whom I
know not, (personally,) has published a little book, in which, by the
most false accusation and surprising calumnies, he endeavours both to
inflame your mind against me, and to alienate from me the good of
those nations, whose hospitality I have hitherto experienced. He is
not in the least affected by the distress of a stranger, entirely unknown
to him, and who submits his cause to your examination. Nor is it diffi-
cult to judge with what conscience Cochlseus acts towards me, when, in
the very outset of his writing, a certain just and necessary duty on my
part is cruelly reproached. Because, in my former letter, I truly, and
from my heart, praised your goodness, this sycophant so perverts it, as
if by this commendation I wished to throw some little stain upon you.
But for how much I am indebted to you, most excellent king, I have
yourself as an ample witness. Wherefore, I doubt not, but that the
virulence of Cochlaeus will seriously displease you, when you see that
even gratitude is charged against me as a crime. When, at his entrance,
he slanderously perverts that which was my duty, you may suspect the
rest to be spoken from the same artifice, and with equal candour.
Wherefore, most merciful Sovereign, I again fly to your goodness, and
beseech you, with an unbiassed mind, to hear my defence.
" But that I may omit other matters, the very cause itself warns a
wise prince how great is the malignity of Cochlteus. I have not written
of some dogma ; I have handled no strange or obscure controversy. I
have only rehearsed an old sentiment, commended in all ages — ' That
the ■people are not to he driven from the reading of the Sacred Volume.^
What can any good man find fault with in this ? What is there in this
opinion which can give offence to any one 1 And yet, for this saying, I
am called to risk my life ; while many holy and learned men ever in the
Church have so often written the same ; while all people cherish it, and
even in Germany itself a great many who are most opposed to the
Lutheran name. Is it not wonderful, that in a cause so evident and
much approved, any man should be able to find any thing at which to
cavil 1 But so it is indeed. Mala mens, mains animus.
" Cochlaeus is now for a long time practised in sycophancy, and, indeed,
makes a trade of it. Therefore he every where seeks out quarrels for
himself; with incredible petulance he harasses not only men of our
J M; TIIK I'KIoU ok ST. ANDKI^WS, [buOK IV.
onler, l>iit even tlie must famous princes : anil seeing there is in him the
greatest folly an J ignorance, he undertakes no controversy to be ex-
plained— he only wishes to be a busy meddler in calumniating the writ-
ings of others. Just so he makes an attack upon me also, as I believe
that he may render himself famous among the Scots, and, indeed, he
exhausts upon me the whole art of slander. If, therefore, you will con-
sider the strife opposed to me, to move in a cause so evident, you can
easily judge of his intention ; and when you shall do this, I doubt not
but that you will hear me with a most unbiassed mind. For it becomes
princes both greatly to hate sycophancy, and to protect the innocent
against calumny.
" That I may therefore come to the cause, Cochlaeus says very little
on the matter itself ; but as he has other topics, in which he is wont to
vociferate, and to play the tragedian, and to show off, he employs a
great part of his book in railing at the Lutherans. Besides, he lays
exile to my charge, as a reproach. Of these two points, therefore, I
must first speak ; and once removing the suspicion of heresy and other
crimes, then of the controversy.
" As to the exile, your decision, most gracious Sovereign, frees me
from all suspicions, who not only ordered me to be released from prison,
but also to be restored safe to my former condition. Next, I appeal to
the testimony of our venerable College of St. Andrews in Scotland ; for
to all that assembly m}' history is not only well known, but my cause
so approved, that by their fidelity and constancy, my life was defended
and preserved ; whose piety and humanity I record with all my heart.
Then, truly, banishment to me is most grievous, as being torn away
from such brethren, who always shewed me the highest kindness, whose
fidelity towards me, in the greatest extremity, was known and remarked."
From these, as well as other expressions afterwards, it be-
comes evident that the progress of " the new learning" in
St. Andrews itself, had been much greater than has ever been
explained, or ever now can be ; and certainly, if in that city, so
also in other parts, which will be glanced at presently : but in
justice to the narrative of Ales, it is necessary here to premise
a few words, confirmatory of his interesting and graphic state-
ment— a statement of cruelties, no doubt practised upon others,
probably many others, but which have never before been
brought before the public eye. Almost all the inhumanity of
these times has been heaped upon David Beaton, the nephew
of the Archbishop and future Cardinal, but in this early stage
at least, the lasting odium was largely shared by another man,
of whom W(> arc about to hear. As one of the monsters of the
l.V2i)-34.] AND PKUSKCUTOK UK ALKS. 447
day, he should have stood out upon the canvass before now.
Ales, we have seen, had been a Canon in the Priory of St.
Andrews, of which the Superior was Patrick Hepburn. Named
after his father, the first Earl of Bothwell, and then frequent-
ly styled " the young Prior of St. Andrews,'''' he had succeeded
his uncle, John, in 1522. He soon became one of the most
wicked men of his time, as far as licentiousness and unbridled
passion could go. A veteran in crime, long before the prime
of life, the public registers bear testimony to his enormous
profligacy. Witness the legitimation of at least eleven chil-
dren, seven sons and four daughters. The man had gloried
in destroying the peace of many a family, and Ales informs-
us, that he could have mentioned names, but for the sake of
the families he would not. It is but an imperfect idea which
can now be formed of the immorality in which these official
men rioted life away ; but it is proper to understand that the
representation of Ales is in perfect keeping with historical fact.
No wonder that Hepburn should browbeat the Canons under
his authority, when he could war even with the Archbishop,
if he crossed his path ; but we are now prepared for what Ales
has to say, in reference to his own particular case : —
" But I also relate what cause inflamed the hatred of my Superior
against me. In the year 1529, I delivered an oration in the Synod of
Bishops and Priests, and that by the command of his reverence the Bishop
of St. Andrews, Primate of the whole kingdom of the Scots. As it was to
be pronounced in Latin, not for the common people, in such an assembly
it appeared to me that I should be acting out of my duty, unless I
exhorted in the Church, that is in an apostolic place, those who pre-
side over the churches (and who do not suffer themselves to be admon-
ished by private persons) to piety, to the study of Christian doctrine, to
good morals, and that they should teach and govern the churches piously.
I also distinctly pointed out debauched priests. As I said nothing
seditious, or more severe than I ought, nor did I mention any one by
name, that discourse did not at all offend good men. But my Superior,
a man otherwise both vehement and soon angry, svispected that he was
specially aimed at ; and as he knew his crimes to be marked by all, so
he interpreted my design, as if I wished industriously to traduce him in
that place, and to hold him forth, as in a comedy, to be derided by
others. These were the seeds of the hatred conceived against me ; this
the introduction of my story. Nor was it a new thing for him to con-
tend for the basest of characters ; seeing that he formerly made war
even against the Archbishop, by whom he was admonished, that he
i4S CRUKL USAGE OF ALES. [uooK IV.
should put away his unlawful companion ; and collectiuf^ their forces,
they would have fought, had not the Earl of Rothes and the Ahbot of
Arbroath (David Beaton) ])laced themselves between either party, before
they came to action, and so far settled the matter. . Xor have
I any jilea.surc in these satiric narratives, which I would have entirely
omitted, unless Cochlacus had compelled me to declare the caiiM of my
exile.
" Besides, it so happened, that the whole College, for many and
weighty reasons, resolved to complain to the King of the cruelty of the
Superior ; which, as soon as he (the superior) discovered, he came with
armed guards into the very consecrated hall of the chapter. There I
warned the enraged man, lest, in anger, he should aim at something
which did not liecome him. Having found this oi)portunity, as he was
most enraged at me before, on account of the sermon, he ordered me to
be seized by the armed men, drew his sword at me, and would himself
have run me through, had not two canons pulling him back by force,
turned aside the weapon from my body ! Afterwards, when I had thrown
myself at his knees, and, earnestly entreating him, begged my life might
be spared, he set his foot upon my l)reast, so that, having fainted, I for
some time lay senseless ! After that, when I lay miserable in prison,
again, at the very doors, he di-ew his sword at me, but the guards drew
him back, as they saw that, from anger and rage, he had not sufficient
command of himself. Afterwards, he seized all the other canons. The
noblemen, who were our friends, then related the matter to the King,
■who forthwith commanded iis all to he set at liberty. And we remember
your compassionate voice, most excellent King, with which you asserted,
that except the place were infected with the plague, you \\o\i\A yourself
come to take the priests out of prison. Such Avickedness did there ap-
pear to you in such cruelty. The rest were set at liberty, but I was shut
up in a certain sink (the dungeon before-mentioned) until the King ex-
postulated with the Superior respecting me by name. This man swore
sacredly that I had been set at large ! And when uiy friends already
began to despair of my life, and, as I struggled with bad health, a re-
port arose that I had died in prison — then, at last, after the twentieth
day, he dragged me up, emaciated, out of the sink into the daylight ;^^
ordered me to be washed, Jind cleanly clothed, and charged me not to
tell any one how he had handled me. Then he sent for the magistrates
of the town, and bringing me forth, showed me to them, that he might
refute the report concerning my death, which had now, out of prison,
become very prevalent.
" But as I knew that he would never be appeased towards mc, to these
magistrates, commanding me ])y royal authority, I related in full assem-
-- See note fi. p. 4.11.
152,9-34.] BY THE PRIOU OF ST. ANDREWS. t49
bly, how I had been treated. As soon as possible, the Superior pacified
the magistrates, assuring them that I should henceforth be at liberty :
but no sooner were they gone, than he challenged me, why I did not
conceal my ill-treatment, as he had commanded me. For that reason
he ordered me again to be taken into custody. So was I held a captive
almost a whole year ! I complained also to the Bishop, of my bad usage,
but the Superior returned for answer, that there was no protection for
me from the Bishop ; because, having heard my sermon, he understood
that I fiivoured the Lutherans, and he thought that I ought to be con-
fined and punished. In the meantime, when the Superior was absent,
the Canons got me out of prison ; and when at last the Superior returned,
by chance, sooner than we expected, he saw me standing at the altar,
and executing my office. Wherefore, as he judged that his authority was
despised, both by me and the College, in a rage he ordered me to be torn
from the altar, and again dragged to prison. The Canons deprecated the
violation of public worship, and obtained a truce for me, until the public
service was finished. After I had completed the worship, I was straight-
way carried ofi" in custody, to be thrown the iiext day into that dungeon,
once more. But as some of the Canons, who had heard that Jolui Hay,
the mass priest, Avas now appointed keeper of the prison, despaired of my
life ;" ^ when the first shades of night had already come, they drew near
and informed me, that horrible tortures and certain destruction awaited
me, except I consulted my safety by flight. When I wished to betake
myself to friends, they advised that I should rather escape alone, as the
Superior would instantly send horsemen, who would either seize me by
the way, or by force drag me from my friends.
" Although affected with the deepest grief, when I thought that I
must depart from my native land, than which nothing is more dear to
well constituted minds, yet I was induced to yield, both to necessity, and
to the advice of so many good men. They therefore took me privately
out of the house, and furnished me with provision for the journey. So
when, with tears, we had taken farewell of each other, and by the
kindest mention of illustrious men and saints, who, from tyrannij, had, in
like manner, left the country, they had somewhat alleviated my grief ; at
midnight, in the thickest darkness, I now entered upon my journey,
all alone !
In what deep distress I was, may be easily imagined. It was most
grievous to leave both my country and kindred, while, at the same time,
I knew that there was no safety for me, till I reached the ships. Be-
sides the thoughts of exile, I anticipated never so many evils, as I knew
no certain shelter or retreat, in other lands. I had no friend or ac-
23 Some man noted for cruelty, whom we have not hecu able to trace. Perhaps some relative
of James Hay, Bishop of Ross from 15i') to IS.!.'*.
VOL. II. 2 V
450 ALKS ESCAPES TO THE CONTINENT [book iv.
quaintancc among foreigners. Neither diil 1 know other hiuguagcs, ex-
cept my native tongue and Latin. Besides this, I tJiought that at this
time particularly, travellers were suspected ; because mnni/, on account
of their fanatical and seditious opinions, wandered about as aliens. In
the midst of these cares and griefs, I supported myself in courage, Ijy
Vie faith of Christ, and having that night finished a difficult journey, I
came to the ships ; on board of one of which, a certain kinsman of
mine, very affectionately received me, associated me with himself, and
afterwards, when I was sick, took care of me with the greatest kind-
ness."
Thus the most valuable life has often appeared to hang upon
a very slender thread, but though weeping had endured fur a
night, jov had come in the morning. Ales was about to leave
his much-loved native shores, never to return, and could any
one have now whispered in his ear, that he was on the road to a
far more enlarged spiiere of usefulness ; that he should not only
live for more than thirty years, but be the first to plead for the
reading of the Scriptures in his native land — should live to plead
for the all-sufficiency and supreme authority of the Sacred Vo-
lume, even in England, and before her Bishops assembled; when
not one of them should dare to touch him. as " tlie Kinor''s scho-
lar," although James of Scotland had cast him off; and that, at
last, he should die, greatly respected, in Germany, or in the very
country of his bitter opponent ; how incredible must all this
have seemed ? Meanwhile, he had left the spot where his eyes
were first opened to the truth, with a heavy heart ; and perhaps
the road leading from St. Andrews to Dundee has never since
been traced during the night, and the Tay crossed, by a mind
at once so anxious in itself, and of such value in future life. It
was at midnight he set off, and in thick darkness, but that is
certainly no reason why he should have been left by his coun-
try, in the shades, ever since.
" The next day, when wc had already left the harbour, there came to
the shore, horsemen sent by my Superior, who sought for me. When they
found me not there, the Superior called to him a certain citizen of Dun-
dee, who, he suspected, had provided a vessel for me. With him came
also to the Superior, the Provost of the town, a knight. When the citi-
zen denied that he had assisted me, the Provost said to the Superior —
' But if I had known that Alexander was preparing to depart, with the
greatest good-will I should have provided for him both a vessel and pro-
visions, that he might be delivered from i/otir cruelty : for if he had been
1.32!)-3i.] FROM THE PORT OK DUNDEK. 451
my brother, I should long ago have rescued him from these dangers and
distresses, in which he Avas involved by you.' " ^■'
It will be observed, that hitherto Ales has been alternately
addressing his opponent and the King. He therefore thns
concludes the introductory part of his narrative : —
" Thus you have, Cochkcus, the whole history of my departure from
my native land, in which, that I have falsified nothing, many of the
best men in the College of St. Andrews can bear witness. Now, if I
wished to enlaj'ge in your manner. How much wickedness was there in
that Superior of mine ? IIow unbecoming was this cruelty in an eccle-
siastical prelate ? How great was that fury, when he drew his sword
upon me ? In what extreme dangers was I a whole year ? How much
guilt was there, in raging against an innocent man and a priest, who
had done nothing save what the measure of his duty required 1 What
should be, I do not say the oration, but rather the tragedy ? What a
valiant representation of an ecclesiastic priest ? But I delight not in
the reproaching of others ; neither should I have brought forth this his-
tory before the public, except you had forced it from me ; though, in my
opinion, you would better consult the interest of those whom you defend,
if you would moderate your petulance, and not rashly provoke any one.
I now leave the decision to all good men, whether I have done anything
worthy of punishment ; and then, if I am free from blame, exile ought
not to be objected to me as reproachful. 1 hope that I have so
spoken of the cause of my banishment, that I have not only cleared
away the suspicion of guilt, but have even conciliated towards me the
affections of good men, that they may be touched with greater com-
passion for my misfortune.
" I come, then, to another point in which Cochlseus performs wonder-
ful tragedies, and, indeed, he scatters this argument through his whole
discourse. All this tumult of words aims at producing this one efi'ect —
that the readers may suspect that I am a Lutheran, and that I wish to
introduce the doctrine of the Lutherans into my native country. Tokens
of this he craftily collects from all quarters. He then adds amplifica-
tions, which, from his long experience, cannot be wanting to such an
old disputant ; and declaims, in general terms, against the Lutherans,
-^ The Provo.st here referred to was Sir James Scrymgeour of Dudhope, Heritable Royal
Banner-bearer to the King. The Superior or Prior 0/ SI. j4ndrews, who, on all high days, wore
the pontifical robes or ornaments, had the precedence in parliament of all other Priors or
Abbots in the kingdom. But Hepburn, who lived to an advanced age, was promoted to the
bench the very next year, or in 153.5, as Bishop of Moray, still pursuing the same licentious
career. -'He had found the see in good condition," says Keith, '• but he feucd out (feed) all the
lands, belonging to it," though he held also the Abbey of Scone to the day of his death. He died,
as he had lived, at Spynie Castle, on the 20th of June \'u^, having survived Ales eight years.
He lies buried in the quire of the Cathedral Church at Elgin.
452 ALRS IN CONVERSATION WITH [dOOK IV.
aa to how miicli wickedness and madness there is in that faction. When
I rcuil tliesc things, a certain hypochondriac mentioned l)y Galen comes
to my memory ; who, in the ahcrration of his mind, came to he seriously
alarmed, lest Atlas, (whom the Poets feign to bear up the heavens,) being
tired, should shake off his loa<l, and so being tumbled down, wc should
all perish together. Cochla^us, indeed, with a weak and foolish mind,
so rages against the Lutherans, that I cannot persuade myself he is
sane. He seems evidently to labour under the same kind of insanity as
he in Galen, and to fear lest the Sophists and the Monks, who pretend
that they support the heavens, should fall with their foolish and super-
stitious opinions ; for if they should be destroyed, he fears lest he should
be compelled to cease from the sycophancy in which alone he delights.
Among good men, these writings of Cochlacus do more harm to himself
than to the Lutherans, whom, if he would recover to the right way, he
must treat with sound reasoning, not with calumnies and reproaches.
lie seems, under some distemper of mind, to rage against them, for what
instruction does he, at any time, afford ? And although he is indeed
('7roXvy^a(pog) a voluminous writer, yet no where, as I understand, does
he unfold his sentiments upon Christian doctrine. Justly, therefore,
are these senseless and scurrilous writings derided by the learned.
" But that you may know, most excellent king, that I have a covenant
"only with the Church of Christ, not with any other factions, I do not
refuse, either before you, or in the presence of other good men, simply
and clearly to give a reason of my faith, as I have fomierly written to
you. I believe the writings of the Prophets and Apostles, and embrace
the consent of the holy Fathers, of whom the Church approves. I also
reverence the authority of the Church, and its judgment in doubtful
cases, as that Avhich chiefly I both do and will freely follow. Does
Cochlajus require anything more than this 1"
It is here worthy of remark, tliat the only place where we
can fix the residence of Ales about this period, is Cologne on
the nhine, the very spot which Cochlnsus, in 1525, had occa-
sioned Tyndale to leave, and a place sufficiently distant from
Wittenberg on the Elbe. Here our Scotish exile appears to
have been in familiar communication with Herman^ Count de
Wied, the well known Archbishop of Cologne ; and influenced
by the shocking cruelties then abounding, we must admit of a
digression, before the positive denial that he himself was then
a Lutheran, in the proper sense of the term.
" As I do not undertake the defence of Luther, so neither do I ap-
prove of all the dreams of the monks, which have been received, not
only in opposition to the sense of Scripture, but even against the autho-
], 529-34.] THE ARCHBISHOP OF COLOGNE. 453
rity of the ancient Church. Besides, I cannot approve of the cruelty
which is every where practised against those who, following the judg-
ment of Scripture and of the Fathers, reject or disapprove of any mani-
fest abuse or error. Such am I, Cochlivus, if you please to make use of
me. If the veiy unjust punishments of the pious are a pleasure to you,
the more miserable are you. I neither can, nor will knowingly, ever
load or defile my conscience with these aggravated murders.
" I saw in my own country the punishment of Patrick (Hamilton,)
a man born in an honourable station. I have seen at Cologne two very
good men burnt, pious and correct in their sentiments ; neither can I
express in words what grief I endured at that tragic spectacle. Nor
did I grieve only for their sakes who suffered, in whom a glory shone
through these very sufferings. Their exalted virtue and constancy
afforded some alleviation of my sorrow ; but much more was I grieved
for the Church, which such cruelty disorders in many ways. And I for
myself earnestly desire the moderating of some things towards the
Lutherans, to which they could be recalled if the matter were properly
examined.
" While lately conversing familiarly at Cologne with a certain man,
both of the highest learning and authority, as I understood him to be
much grieved on account of the confusion of the Church, I began to
exhort him that he should interpose his opinion on some matters, as I
hoped that the greater part of the things in dispute would become more
moderate among all ; if such advisers, pre-eminent both in learning and
authority, would use their influence on both princes and people. When
I had brought forward many arguments in favour of this opinion, sigh-
ing, he gave me no answer, only he desired me to hear an apologue.
" Once on a time, said he, the Lion, oppressed with old age, could not over-
take the wild beasts in hunting. By a new contrivance he invited them to him-
self, and commanded that they should come into his den, for the purpose of
saluting their king. There came together the Bear, the Wolf, and the Fox.
But first of all entered the Bear, whom the Lion received courteously, then
led him into his cave, and asked him politely — Whether the pleasantness of
the den were sufficiently agreeable to him ? The Bear, as he was vei-y unjjo-
lislied, and unskilled in courtly arts, simply said — ' Truly, he could not reside
in such an ugly chamber, and among heaps of carcases, the smell of which
would injure his health.' Upon this the Lion, enraged, quarrelling with the
Bear, because he despised his royal residence, tore him in pieces, and threw
him among the other carcases. The Wolf, as a spectator, stood at the door,
now understanding what danger he was in, yet warned by the example, thought
he must, by art, manage aud appease the proud mind of the Lion. He ap-
proaches, is received, and is interrogated, whether the smell offended him,
or these carcases, in a heap ? Thereupon the Wolf answered in a choice
speech — that he had never seen any thing more pleasant, because both the
grove afforded him a shade, and the winds breathed a grateful odour fi-om the
wood, so that the carcases could not at all have any unpleasant savour. The
artifice did not at all profit the Wolf, for the Lion treated him not more kindly
i.")l ALKS I'LHADS KOlt THE SUPREMACY [liOuK IV.
tlijiii lie liiul <lono tlio Hear, ami tore him in |>i(;eus also, bt«iuse lie liad oin-
lilovutl till- most iiiiiiuiliiit Hatti'ry. Tlie Fus saw the destruction of botli of
them. As tlie one fell before his simplicity, and the other by his adulation, he
was in {p-eat fear what answer he should make. He proceeded, however, and
saluted the king. He was led round, and interrogated after the same manner
as liis companions — Whether the smell of the cave was unpleasant \ The Fox
answers modestly, that ' he could not judaic, Ucause he Idhuured under a cold /'
When he had finished, and 1 waited for tlie moral, he desired me to leave off
this disputing. But, however, he seemed to intimate, that the prudent should
keep silence, because truth is greatly disliked, and impudent flattery injures
both the State, and the flatterera themselves."
The individual belonging to the church here referred to, is
represented as a man of tlie highest authority there, and there-
fore could have been no other than Herman himself, the Arch-
bishop ; more especially as he was the onb/ official person here
known to be anxious on such subjects ; for the canons of
Cologne were leagued against him. Ales, therefore, then ex-
presses his amazement as to what will be the future state of
the Church, " U Bishops will not do their endeavour that good
and learned men may sometimes converse freely on such im-
portant matters. For if any one, being secure, persuades him-
self that there is no fault, no abuses in the Church, he is as
sick, as Hippocrates says — " They are sick in mind, who are
not sensible of their disease." -^
" Nor do these bug-bears of Cochlasus aflfect me, when he cries out,
that if the Monks do not teach correctly, oiu- forefathers never have
2* This man of highest authority at Cologne was Herman, Count db Wibd, the Archbishop,
Duke of Westphalia, and a Prince Elector of Germany since 1515. The Senate of Cologne had
authority to imprison supposed offenders, but with the Archbishop resided the power of life and
death. Herman, while Bishop of P.iderborn, had denounced Lutheranisni to death, but lived
to be a very different man. This early interview, and earnest conversation of our Scotish exile,
at the age of 33, with such a man, now past fio, becomes the more interesting, when it is observed
to have hapi)cned years before he ventured to hold his provincial council, or to send for Buccr
and Milanclhon, as advisers ; and it becomes doubly so, if it be remembered, that Hkh.man h.id
the honour of being the_^cs^ sovereign prince in Germany, who lost his dignities and dominions
for the sake of conscience, when Charles V. gave iUc first specimen of the use he intended to
make of the unlimited power at which he aspired. The constitutional failing o* the Archbishop,
like that of Cranmcr in England, was limidily, as the Ujinhigite now spoken had plainly dis-
covered. But it is curious enough, that Ai.KS should have now advised, or stimulated to
action, the one man in Germany ; since he was so to stimulate the other in England, two years
after this. Sec vol. i. p. .'J04. HKh.MAN, however, in maturer life, rose above all fear, and
all earthly considerations ; made the most costly sacrifices, and braving at once the doctors of
Louvain, the archbishoiis of Germany, the thunder of the Pontiff, and the power of the Emperor,
he declared, that as he had been burn, so he would die, simply Count of lyifd— his family
would receive and support him, but he would continue to avow and defend pure doctrine ; his
anxious desire having been, that these provinces might receive " the right knowledge of Jesus
Christ." Excommunicated by the Pontiff on the 16th of Ajiril l.Mfi, and deposed by the Em-
lieror in l.'(47, his character shone still brighter in adversity ; and holding fast his integrity to the
end, he died in peace with God, at the age of fourscore, on the 1.3th of August I5.')2. His " Con-
sultation, *c., founded on God's Word," translated into English, and printed by Dayc iu 154/.
and .again by Dave and Seres in l.'iJH, contains scvuial fine pasSiigis on the Righteousness of
riirisl. fee.
1 529-3 i-.] OF THE WORD OF GOD. 455
been Christians. For although there was always some Church, yet the
Word of God has stood out, or been apparent, some times more clearly,
at other times more obscurely ; and the Scripture foretells, that a very
great multitude in the Church should perish by the fault of bad teachers.
In the meantime, even to the good and holy, some errors adhere, which
are forgiven to them if they hold the Head ; that is, if they acknowledge
that they are sinners, and entreat forgiveness freely for Christ's sake.
The Church flourishes sometimes more, sometimes less. The doctrine
is at one time more pure, at another time more impure. Examples of
this are set before us in the history of the Israelites ; among whom,
although there was a certain number of pious persons, yet the multitude,
for the most part, betook themselves to impious observances. So that
Isaias says, ' Except God had left us some seed remaining, we should
have become as Sodom.' Even the wicked among them flattered them-
selves under the pretext of this honourable title — that because they
were the people of God, they could not fall into pernicious errors.
Wherefore men mistake, if, on this account, they think there is no fault
in Church doctrine and worship, because it was once a Church. How
many prophecies are there, both by Paul and Daniel, which foretel, that
the Word of God should be {ohscuretur) obscured, concealed, little known 1
that good and pious teachers should be slain by impious high priests 1
By these prophecies the Holy Spirit fortifies us before hand against
those who set the title of the Church in opposition to the Word of
God ; who vociferate after the manner of Cochlseus — ' there had been no
Church for so many ages, if there had been any errors in the doctrine
of the Monks !' For there was some kind of Church, although the
Word of God was very obscure, and there were some few teaching and
thinking more correctly, than did the bulk of the Monks. For there
exist some writings of almost all ages, which smell sweetly of the pure
doctrine of the Apostles. I have seen in my own country some monu-
ments of this kind ; I have found them also in Germany. From thence,
when Cochlajus adduces the authority of the Church, why should not we
enquire what the ancient Chiurch thought V
Ales then gives some farther explanation of his own senti-
ments, showing that he was not only intimately acquainted
with the Scriptures, but with what the Fathers had said in
confirmation of his views. He quotes Augustine, Hilary, Am-
brose, Irenseus, Epiphanius. These men, he maintains,
" never teach that Christian perfection is placed in human
traditions ; never do they sell works of supererogation," adding,
" I could recount many other things, but ' the fox labouring
under a cold'' occurs to my mind." He is, Jiowever, far from
being done, and still bearing very hard upon the monkish order.
4J(i PLEADS FOR THE SCRIPTURES []bOOK IV.
" The Church, to every pious mind, is more truly his country, than
tliat place which received him at his birth, and which, by its civil regu-
lations, protects his life. Therefore both are alike criminal ; those who
stir up seditions against the Church, scattering impious dogmas, and
under this pretext disturbing that agreeable harmony of ecclesiastical
concord, overturn the power of the Church ; and those, on the other
hand, who, under the pretext of their ecclesiastical power, exercise
tyranny, propose impious adorations, and urge weak minds to the observ-
ance of them ; as the Jews were, by arms, compelled to worship the
statue of the Emperor in the Temple. If any gainsay, they put them to
death. In the meanwhile, those who, through weakness, do not with-
stand, yet endure in their minds, tortures more excruciating than any
punishments ; and of these at last, many perish through despair.
" Although, therefore, as I said before, I do not undertake the defence
of Luther, since in truth I have not knoicn Luther at all ; for I do not
know the German, in which language he has written much ; yet I think
we ought to be grateful to good men, whoever they be, who recall ua to
Scriptiire, and the true doctrine of the Church."
The subjects of repentance and faith ; of reliance on mercy alone,
and the forgiveness of sin ; of supererogation ; the invocation of saints,
" beclouding the glory of Christ ;" the Mass, " got up among the nations
for filthy lucre's sake ;" public idolatry and vows ; are then touched in
succession ; after which Ales aV)ly defends the civil governments of the
German States, with regard to " the new learning " having been the
cause of seditions, as Cochlasus had, with his usual effrontery, asserted ;
and then shrewdly concludes — " If the causes of that tumult were to be
collected, we should somewhere discover, that the minds of men were
provoked by the unrighteous crvAty of certain 2>ersons. Then after dis-
cord once commenced on account of religion, it is very probable that
many evils followed, which accompany civil commotions. Covetous
men, on either side, take advantage of the public disturbance for their
own purposes."
The sentiments of this writer, at this early period, and so
■well expressed, must occasion surprise to all those readers who
have never before heard of such a man ; but the chief import-
ance of this Response, as well as of the previous Epistle, con-
sists in that grand point, which, at this early day, and by him-
self alone, he urged with such zeal and ability, for the benefit
of his native land. Both England and Scotland owe every-
thing to the Bible, and if proof be still sought, we need not
look far to find it, so long as we see Ireland lying, as it were,
in the lap or bosom of Great Britain. The first translator,
therefore, and the first advocate, though alike standing at a
1529-34.3 TO BE READ IN EVERY FAMILY. 457
distance in a foreign land, and under the frown of tlicir respec-
tive countries, occupy such high ground, that they never can
be overshadowed by any other men who followed in their wake.
But if the countrymen of Ales be bound to cherish his memory
with becoming gratitude, as their first able intercessor for un-
limited access to the Sacred Volume in their own tongue ; ho
enjoys a second claim, which sets him before us as a man pos-
sessing wisdom or sagacity, very remarkable for his own time,
and but too uncommon still. He had evidently felt assured, that
in the melancholy condition of Scotland, jogrsoMrt/ religion could
not possibly be promoted, if the Scriptures were withheld, and
for this he first pled, as lying at the foundation of all that he
desired. What then, with him, was the next argument ?
What the next measure, which lay with such weight on his
mind l Was it an immediate refutation of all existing errors l
Was it a direct attack upon the existing hierarchy, as to the
ceremonial of their false and hideous system ? No ; neither
the one nor the other. Had he any plan^ as men now speak ?
Any scheme or platform to propose, or lay before the King,
which was to bring order out of confusion ? No ; nothing of
the sort. With a shrewdness and Christian simplicity far su-
perior to many since his time, he earnestly urged a more ex-
cellent way. For although public exercises of religion, when
properly conducted, possess a happy tendency to prepare the
mind for those of a more private nature, there were then no
public exercises, save such as were pernicious in the extreme.
Through them, as a regular system covering the land. Ales
saw that its baneful roots had struck into the bosom of every
family there. The ecclesiastical rulers, so called, were the very
curse of society, and especially of that " only bliss of para-
dise, that has survived the fall," domestic happiness and peace.
Every other social bond in which men were united, being but
loose and incidental, when compared to this, the heart of this
man now panted after the immortal interests of every circle
round the household fire. Nor did he, like some in modern times,
fix his eye upon children only, but M^on parents. That vene-
rable character in the eye of domestics, with which the read-
ing of the Scriptures is sure to invest them, he regarded as suffi-
cient to discomfit even the Prince of Darkness ! If every chim-
ney that smoked in his native land was liable to Peter''s pence ;
by this time he must have felt assured, that the simple exer-
158 DOMESTIC READING ESSENTIAL [boOK IV.
cise i)i domestic reading would di'livur Iruni the imposition, and
.soon cause the smoke to ascend freely to the skies. Only grant
him access to ihc families of his country, and ho saw that out
of these would rise the morning of a hotter day. And although
he now pleads for that which neither the King, nor, above all,
liis hierarchy will allow ; this was the path which an overruling
providence had alreadij opened, and aftericards pursued, and to a
fjir greater extent than can now be told. Evidence, indeed, pre-
sently, will not be wanting ; but at all events hero was the secret
him/e on which the future well-being of the entire Island was
then turning. At many a fireside, therefore. Ales ought to
have been not only better known, but highly respected, long
before this late day. AV^hat would the Scotland, which he left
with such reluctance, have been, but for the practice for which
\\G first pled ? After this, it is presumed no apology is neces-
sary for hearing him again, and following out his history.
" It remains that we say somewhat of the decree by which the reading
of the New Testament in the -native language is i^rohihited. But I think
there is no need of a long oration in a cause which is so plain. What is
this ncAV paradox in the Church, that Christians are to be prevented from
reading the Sacred Books ? God commanded the law to be written on
the lentils of the houses, and on the borders of their garments, to be al-
ways in view. Cochlasus orders the Sacred Books to be snatched out of
their hands ; though by frequent reading the mind be stirred up to the
fear of God, to advance faith, to invocation, and to other exercises of
that kind, which, without some meditation on the divine word, cannot
exist in the mind.
" In a matter so evident, the unhappy condition of the Church is to be
lamented, rather than any long disputation to be kept up. For even if
the preachers in the churches taught purely and piously, still the domes-
tic exercise of pious minds ought not to be inteiTupted. In Acts, xvii.
chapter, the diligence of those is commended, who, when they heard the
Gospel, yet daily searched the Scriptures, that by their testimony, they
might both confirm their faith and excite other spiritual affections.
This exercise Cochlaius derides and prohibits, because he does not under-
stand what power it possesses ; or what need there is to brace up weak
minds, and, from time to time, to stir them up, by the Word of God.
" But then domestic reading is necessary for the instruction of youth,
because that period of life cannot be sufficiently instructed in public
sermons, however good and plain they may be ; and yet we see few who
accommodate their discourse in sermons to the cajiacity of a tender age.
Domestic study is, therefore, by no means to be abolished, if wc would,
1529-34.] TO THE POWER OF CHRISTIANITY. 4.59
as we ought, train up children to piety from their tender years. The
Sacred history is to be committed to memory — the sayings and the ex-
ample of Christ are to be inculcated, that they may be in constant view,
and that they may be exhorted to faith and good morals. Certain
Psalms also are to be proposed, which, through all their life after, they
may use in prayer. The Scripture requires this diligence in the fathers
of families, as when in Deuteronomy, it so often charges them to incul-
cate the law upon their sons. What do you answer, CochUcus, to this
argument ? —
" The German translation has had this good effect, not only in those
countries which openly profess their attachment to the purer doctrine,
but even in the rest of Germany, hoys and girls, in almost all the more
respectable families read the New Testament, learn Psalms, and read other
useful books upon good morals, and by that discipline are happily trained
both to piety and good morals. I have seen these great examples, with
pleasui'e, in many places, which have no business with Luther.
And there is greater necessity in Scotland for books written in the ver-
nacular tongue than in Germany ; for so great is the darkness among
the Scots, that the people reckon it an atonement to repeat the Lord's
Prayer in their native tongue, from whence it may be judged how great
is the necessity there for books written in the native language.
" Hitherto I have stated of how much importance it is to permit domes-
tic reading, although preachers teach well. And that employment does
not at all offend good teachers, so that they greatly encourage the
churches to this practice, and so suit their discourses to the capacity of
the hearerSj that they aid and illustrate this same reading. But what if
preachers teach in such a manner, that their hearers are not sufficiently
instructed in certam things necessary to salvation, except they them-
selves read the Sacred Books % This is the very cause why the Monks
struggle so earnestly, that domestic reading may not be permitted to the
people ! Thieves, as it is said, hate noise. For you cannot suppose, most
excellent King, that there is any other cause why the monks are unwill-
ing that the Sacred Books should be brought out, than that they fear
their errors and abuses should be detected, if once compared with the Gos-
pel. Craftily concealing this cause, Cochlseus scares men from the Sa-
cred Books by this reproach — he pretends that all who relish reading of
this kind, favour the Lutherans, and I know not what other factions. You
see most excellent Sovereign, how bitter a calumny this is : for it is beyond
a doubt, that both in your kingdom, and many other nations, there are
many who, loving the peace of the Church, yet consider this domestic
reading necessary, that they may knoAV the power of religion, by exami-
ning the fountains of it for themselves ; since, upon many important mat-
ters, unskilful teachers have not given them proper satisfaction.
4G(> DEFENDS THE VERSION [liOOK iv.
" Moreover, how miserable is the state of the Church, when it neither
has proper teachers, nor is permitted the use of the Sacred Books ! I
wish the authors of this decree would consider how much they offend
God. They themselves do not teach, nor do they take care that the
people are rightly taught, and this negligence occasions abuses not to be
endured. To this carelessness, with which God is already greatly dis-
pleased, they now add the decree by which they forbid the reading of the
Gospel. The patience of God is indeed too much tried : but I wish not
longer to deplore those things, though I can scarcely restrain my grief.
For although my former letter made very few complaints, yet Cochlacus
reproaches me because I wrote these things, as incensed with hatred of
the Bishops ; but I neither hate them, nor any order in the Church. At
the same time, I cannot help lacing grieved, when I consider Avith what
horrible darkness Christian doctrine lies buried ; what torture distresses
pious minds, who by force are compelled to attend impious observances.
This just grief of mine, which / hioiv to be common to me, with viany de-
vout men, Cochlueus slanderously interprets to be hatred. —
" But I return to the cause, in which, when Cochlaeus is destitute of ar-
gument, he begins to declaim about Luther's version. He pretends that
I am about to translate that version into the Scotish language ; although
I do not know the German, and speak of that version which noio,for some
time 2^ast, exists in the country^ and against xohich that decree was made.
Then the other reproaches which he tacks together, are not so much
against Luther, as against the Sacred Books, seeing he alleges this ver-
sion to be the cause of the seditions. But though he chiefly wishes to
accuse either the sermons, or the more vehement writings of the Luthe-
rans, surely the books of the New Testament are not to be called in ques-
tion. Neither is it likely that they are perverted by any Lutheran
scheme, when this very version is read, with such great approbation of
the learned, over all Germany. What folly would it be to corrupt the
reading, when, presently, all the learned would have detected the fraud 1
But they all commend it, even those who are inimical to Luther. Why
did Bmser, while at the first as a critic, he had published a censure upon
the version of Luther, afterwards become a ji^affiarist ? For, with the
change of a very few words, he published Luther's translation for his
own; nor did he mark any place in which a candid reader could judge
that Luther wished to deceive the unlearned.^" Wherefore, I think no
good man could with composure read this horrible blasphemy of Coch-
licus, when he says that the translation of the New Testament published
by Luther is the gospel of Satan, not of Christ ; for this reproach is di-
sc This reference must have lieen felt as a liomc-thrust, since CocliliCiis liad been sent for by
Duke Ucorgc of Saxony, to assist Krascr, in defence of their cominuu system.
1529-34.] ALREADY IN CIRCULATION. 461
rectcd not against Luther, but against the Word of God. But I have no
occasion to dispute respecting Luther's version. I speak of the Scotish, or
whatever way it may have been transhxtcd by any learned bishop or monk.
" You see, therefore, most excellent King, that this entire topic has been
added by Cochlajus, not that he thinks it is to the point, but that he
may humour his own hatred, and overpower me with the odium of the
Lutheran name. So great is his desire to injure me, that he pleads not
only what is foreign to the cause, but even absurd ; for I have nothing
to do with Luther's version. And then there is no one so impious as to
conclude that the German commotions have not arisen from very different
causes, rather than from the reading of the New Testament. Rather,
most excellent Sovereign, be persuaded of this, that from whatever cause
these commotions may have arisen, the reading of the Gospel has great-
ly contributed to the mitigation of them. For good men, admonished
by the Gospel, as to their duty towards civil government, have defended
the authority of the magistrates against violence and seditious persons ;
and I think nothing at this time so contributes to the tranquillity of
Germany, because, by the authority of the Gospel, men are restrained.
" But Cochlaeus sometimes departs from Luther, and slanders other in-
terpreters, that he may weaken the authority of the Gospel itself. He
denies that there is any certain interpretation, because, on some passages,
interpreters differ from each other. By this argument he endeavours not
only to snatch the Gospel from the Scots, but also to abolish entirely all
Divine writings, among all nations ; for all the nations at this time use
translations. Neither to the Hebrews, nor to the Greeks is the ancient
language vernacular. Moreover, if, on this account, translations are to
be rejected, not the writings of the New Testament only, but also the
decrees of synods, and all the constitutions of the Church, will be un-
certain : nor, indeed, can the authority of religion be weakened more,
than if all things should be esteemed doubtful. Still it is easy for gram-
marians to loose this knot. The ancient languages have not been so ut-
terly lost, but that upon ancient writings and monuments, there is an
agreement among the learned, though in a few places there do exist
grammatical controversies. In the Scotish version, certainly no Bishop,
no Monk, ever attacked the fidelity of the translation, or charged any
passage as being likely to be dangerous to religion. / have heard even
the chief among our j)reachers declare, that this same version gave them
much more light than the commentaries of many. If we follow the judg-
ment of Cochlscus, among other devices, all translations ought to be
rejected ; and some misanthropes would easily endure that all learning,
all honourable arts, all languages, nay, the very Gospel itself, should
utterly perish, rather than that any opinion of theirs, however absurd,
should be confuted. For this cause, many are very much opposed to
languages and learning, because they regard them as guides for purify-
+(;2 I'l-KAIKS \'OK SCHIPTURK [[bOOK IV.
ing the doctrines of religion ; hut respecting languages, and the fidelity of
translations, other men, of the greatest erudition, have written copiously.
" At length Cochlasus himself sometimes gives way and softens the
Decree as to Books, flying to dialectics, from whence he borrows an inter-
pretation. They debar men, he says, from reading the Gospel not simply,
non simjdiciter, seJ secundum quid. I applaud his discernment, and accept
what he gives, that I may amuse myself with a dialectic man. I will
readily allow that men shall be prohibited, seciuidura quid, that is, pic-
tured men ; for so, in the schools, arc such men interpreted. IJut with-
out jesting, Cochhcus gives an interpretation to the Decree of such a
kind, that if he will maintain it publicly, will deliver many good men
from danger. He denies that nolle men and honourable citizens are
prohibited ; but only some certain inquisitive people, who read, not that
they may be made better, but that they may bring into question received
opinions. Although it be not easy to discover with what intention
every one reads the gospel, yet if the law is published only against
trifling and curious dispositions, I myself would regard it as good. But
the deed itself declares who they are, who are chiefly aimed at in this
decree ; for severity is exercised not so much against vain persons as
against the best men of cdl ranks. Then the most atrocious injunctions
are set abroad, \ih.\ch. jyrohibit the books of the Nev) Testament from being
IMPORTED INTO THE ISLAND.^'' Bcsidcs being sought out in book sho2)s,
they are burnt. If it be lawful for reputal^le men to purchase them in
book shops, why is it not lawful to sell them there ? Why does the
law threaten all without exception, and even the books themselves 1^
You do an injuiy to the Church, Cochlaeus, if you judge all men to be
light and over cui'ious, who desire to study the fountains of Christian
doctrine. Nay, men of trifling dispositions, if also without books, are wont
to be busy-meddlers.
" Cochlaeus orders the sermons to be heard, nor do I disapprove of this,
and I wish the Church had many j^'i'oper teachers. But in these last
times, I think, hath hajjpened, much more than ever, that which
Matthew writes — that Christ saw ' the multitudes faint, and scattered
abroad, as sheep which have no shepherd.' And said, ' The harvest
indeed is abundant, but the labourers are few.' For truly now the
lambs of Christ, fainting, wander without shepherds ; as the chief priests
are not affected with care, for correcting the doctrine ; and the instruc-
2* These, of course, could be no other than Ti/ndale's editions ; and the reference is to impor-
tations which had been Roing on since the year 1526, and which went on after this for many
years notwithstanding. The merciful visitations of Scotland and England were simultaneous.
2» Anno 1532, Aiigust 8, Rnbi'rt Likptrvick, banished, by warrant of the king, furth of the
kingdom of Scotland. He was sworn in judgment to remove within forty days, under pain of
death.— .l/.S. Aduocalcs' Library. " Probably the Scotish printer. It is likely that his crime
was printing, and selling heretical books."— Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, i., p. Kil. And certainly
it is probable, that among others, he may have been selling, what Sir Thomas More was Ihcii
denouncing as thofuimlain of all heresy— Tyndale's New Testament.
d
152y-34.] AS A PERFECT RULE. 46'3
tion of the Monks, what fodder is it \ Labyrinths they are of inexplic-
able opinions, and human traditions, such as the libraries themselves
testify. For sec, how great is the mass of commentaries upon opinions,
and then the summaries, which enumerate and provoke human tradi-
tions. To these add the fabulous histories of saints, and many other
things of this sort. In such confusion of doctrines, it is not to be won-
dered at that pious minds demand something more substantial and plain.
Therefore all are not overcurious in judging, who long after the reading
of the New Testament ; but they are sluggish rather, if in such great
confusion of opinions they demand nothing certain." —
Having now deprecated tlie excess of authority, whether in
prelates or tlie Pontiff liimself; praised the all-sufficiency of
the Divine Word, and its infinite superiority above all collects
and manuals and breviaries ; he asserts that Cochlaus had
brought forward all his calumnies with a design " to frio-hten
not the common people only, but you also, most excellent
King, from the sacred books. There is no need to refute them
all. To them all we oppose one sentence of Paul — ' All Scrip-
ture, divinely inspired, is profitable for teaching, S,-c., that a man
may he perfect and furnished to every good worky —
" Since Paul confessed himself to be a debtor both to Greeks and Barba-
rians, to the wise and to the unwise, without doubt he adapted himself
to the capacity of either description. But this I will grant to Cochlaeus,
that no where in Scripture are praised, the hypocrisy of the Monks,
their coicls, their wooden shoes, the masses for the dead, and other stick
things of recent invention. On this account, they fear the Scriptures
should be read, lest people begin to despise those splendid works, which
delight so many idle and unlearned Mass Priests and Monks.
" Scripture proposes to us great and honourable works for all ranks of
life, useful for assisting and protecting the' society of human kind. It
teaches nothing respecting those trifles, which the monks sell under the
most specious pretences. For this cause they do not wish the Gospel to
shine forth, as they are afraid both for i\iQ\r character &ndL their kitchen.
Therefore, we must explode those calumnies, unbecoming for Christian
ears, by which the authority of Scripture is weakened, and good people
are scared from reading it. If any one bring a dutiful mind, let
h i'ln understand, that not only in the greatness, and the sweetness of the sub-
jects which the Scriptures teach, but also in 2'>^rspicidty , they far excel the
rhapsodies of modern divines.
" Such is the force and power of their sentences, that they inflame the
readers more than frigid disputations, and leave in their minds stings more
poignant, than even of itself could the thunder and lightning eloquence of
Pericles. As for myself, this experience frequently accrues, so that when
404. ALES FINALLY WARNS THE KING. [BOOK IV.
/ raid over again passages, fioipever well known, I return to the reading as
if they were quite neie. For either the signification is made more plain,
and some co)isideration which I had not be/ore regarded, or I carry away
some pious emotion. For the Holy Spirit commands our minds to be stir-
red vp hy the handling of the Wordof O'od, as Paul saith, ' Jk filled with
the Spirit, sjteaking to one another in j'sal/ns and hymns and spiritual
songs.^ "
" I have now spoken to the cause, concerning the decree, and have
refuted the principal cavils of Cochltcus ; for it were tedious to refute
them all, nor is there any necessity for it. Nothing, therefore, remains,
except, perhaps, that testimonies are expected from me : but I have
already related some opinions which commend to us the study of the
Word of God, and particularly the domestic use. — Paul commands us,
as standing in battle array, always to l)e fortified and armed by the
Gospel, to ward off the fiery darts of the devil. Peter commands us to
])ehave ourselves, so that we may be able to render a reason for our
faith. That we may acquire a substantial knowledge of the Gospel,
some domestic exercise is necessary both for oui'selves, but especially
for the young people ; but what of this can there be at home, if books
be wanting ? David, describing the happy man, says — ' His delight is
in the law of the Lord, and in his hivo doth he meditate day and night^
But what meditation can there be, if books are taken away by force from
the people ?"
By way of peroration, Ales had reserved what lie regarded to
be a powerful " argumentuni ad hominem," in a reference to the
father of the King, upon one memorable occasion, and wliich
we have already quoted.^ ]3ut that example, though as yet
unknown to Ales, had lost all its influence, through the vicious
counsel and conduct of those to whom, unhappily, the young
Prince now bent his ear, except only when his personal feelings
and interest were concerned. He then concludes —
" You have thus, most excellent king, a very grave decision of your
father, which it will be highly honourable for you to follow, especially
since it agrees with the divine ej^istles, and the testimonies and opinions
of the holy Fathers. I again beseech you, for Christ's sake, that you
would not sanction that Decree about forbidding books ; that you would
not, by your authority, strengthen and assist the sycophants and hypo-
crites, who, on account of their own lusts, cannot bear the light of the
Gospel ; and carry on every where a horril)le warfare against those who
are pious, and who desire to shew forth the glory of Christ. They are
!i!' Sec tilt Introduction to Scotlaml. ]>P- ■""'• 4<il.
1.V2})-;M.] COCHLiEUS still MOUK INt'KNSKl). IM.')
not all turbulent and seditioiis who love the purer doctrine. 1 have
treated more briefly of these matters than their importance demands,
and therefore oblige myself to render a reason of my faith more fully,
whenever you command me. I cannot now longer debate with Coch-
loeus, though I should have been ashamed in a better cause, not to have
spoken better than him. But I commend myself to your clemency, and
wish that God may guide your mind to the glory of Christ, to your oavu
salvation, and to that of the Church."
Naturally impetuous, and delighting in war, Cocliheus was
now in a perfect rage, and though evidently confounded by the
talent displayed against him, as he could, at any moment,
make lies his refuge, he lost no time in replying to Ales, by
ajrain addressing the King.'"^
He connnences with one of his bold shifts or assumptions,
which he reiterates as a fact, throughout his quarto pamphlet.
It was no less than this, that Ales was not the author, either
of the Epistle or the Response ! He now ascribes the whole
to no other than Philip Melancthon ; a very plain proof of
the ability displayed, and an unwitting eulogy upon our Scotish
exile, then and even still, so little known.
" I shall not here speak, O king, of those calumnies which Philip, under the
name of Alesius, published through Germany, in his well known letter to your
majesty last year, which I formerly answered !^ ^What especially grieves
me in this Scotsman, Alexandei-, is, that he gives up and changes his name to
this vilest of heretics, by \\ horn he vents his abuse so wickedly and maliciously,
to the injury of the entire kingdom and nation : for which one act of wicked-
ness, Alesius deserves, as the traitor of his country, never to be i-ecalled from
his exile again."3i
30 This is entitled—" Pro Scotiae Resiio Apologia Johaniiis Cochlei, Adversus persoiiatum
Alexandrum Alesium Scotum. Ad Sereniss. Scotorum regem. 1534." In this strange pieec,
the author treats, after his own fashion— Of the decree of the Scotish Bishops; the exile of Ales ;
the otfences of P. Melancthon against the Scots ; of Lutheranism in general ; and that of Ales
in particular, as he insists. At the end wc have this colophon — Ex Dresda Misnie, Idibus
Auguste MDxxxHii. Excusum Lipsia? ai)ud Michaelem Blum. Leijisic w.is the very city in
which Ales was afterwards established as a Professor, for many years.
3' Tliis falsehood was about two months in growing to maturity. Tluis, on the 2d of June,
Cochla^us had been as busy in writing to Puland, and in the very same strain as to i-'cotlanU in
August. Tln'ii he writes to the Polish Archbishop — " Melancthon having got Alesius the
Scotsman, he published, as I have heard from many, and the very style makes it evident, a
most hateful letter to the King of the Scots." This similarity of stiile, however, had never once
occurred to him in his former lucubrations. Again, on Ihefllh of August, to Poland once more he
repeats the falsehood, "as I have known by many evidences and arguments." But now, with-
out hesitation, he roundly asserts the calumny as a fact of his own knowledge. See the
" Velilaiio." or Skirmishing of Coihla'us against Mclanctlion, ad June, and his " Philipica;"
8th August, compared with his " Pi" SroliiT," 1.1th of August 1.0.14. This Shiimisliing, or
bickering in words, was not an una[>))ropriate title for the commencement of a series of lies
printed by CochhTus at tliis l)eriod. " I have resolved," says he, in his Pliillipic, " to denounce
them by small publications, which can be exported by booksellers into your kingdom." that is,
Poland ; for as to Scotland, he will not confide, at least one jiarcel, to a bookseller. Poor miser-
VOL. II. 2 <;
466 KALSELV ASC'ltlUKS TO MKLANCTllON [ikmik IV.
Ill wiitiiii^' his Rewponso, liowever, tliis year, it so happened
tliat Ales had informed liis readers that lie was not as yet ac-
quainted with Luther personally ; and it corroborates his state-
ment, that as for Melancthon, there is not one shadow of
evidence that he had become acquainted with him, till a/te?'
his answer to Cochkeus had been sent to Scotland. It is not
at all improbable, that the calumny now raised might bring
them into contact ; which appears to have happened about the
close of 1534, perhaps the spring of 1535. But be this as it
may ; formerly, Cochlajus had no idea whether Alexander
Ales was a real or supposititious character : now, that this
will no longer serve him, both compositions must, it seems,
be the production of Melancthon, to whom, as well as to
Luther, Cochlnnis bore such invincible hatred ! The traducer,
of course, could not foresee, that in two years hence. Ales would
display equal talent upon En()lish ground, and before all the
bishops assembled ; when he was far removed from the ear of
Philip Melancthon. Nor could he foresee, that seven years
hence he would meet with Ales, and at the same time, appar-
ently, be afraid even to address him.
But our German canon was equally dexterous, whether in
making facts, or in feigning ignorance of what he must have
known. Thus, after even the Doctors of Louvain, in a body,
had made such boast, and sent such congratulations to Scot-
land in 1528, over her proto-martyr Hamilton, he pretends
to be profoundly ignorant of the event, nay, and still of the
state of Scotland, as well as of the facts now stated by Ales
with regard to himself. He must therefore set himself to spy
out some discrepancy between the Epistle of Ales to the King,
and his liesponse to the calumnies already published. In
this, however, he signally fails, and it would be an easy task
to expose at once his ignorance and his folly. There are,
indeed, not more than two or three sentences worth quoting,
and merely on account of what is involved in them.
" What may be true of all this, illustrious King, I cannot divine, for I was
not in Scotland that I should know. But this I know, that a few months ago,
say three or four, one of your subjects, by no means of the common rank, nor
able man ! They were exported into Poland, when he soon had reason to complain " of great
loss and evil fortune," as no man would (wetesave) rnuchsiife to read Iheiii. The truth is, that
Cochlaeus was writing to Scotland and Poland, having the same objects at heart, viz.. luilorielii
mid tiKiiici/. and we shall see presently how far he sncrceded.
I.)2y-a4..] ALL THAT ALES HAD WRITTEN. IT)?
of small authority ami trust with your majesty, appointed to England ; whoii he
began to read througli that Epistle, said, that more than half of it was pure
falsehood, nay, what I have never heard asserted before of any book, that it
was but one continued lie. If your majesty does not believe me, you may ask
himself, for you can easily remember whom you sent into England. Being
ignorant of Scotisli affairs, and at a great distance from your kingdom, I am
unable to dispute on the facts ; but on the words, how they agree with those
which he afterwards writes in his book against mc, latcli/ pitblished, 1 shall be
able to determine without injustice."'i2
Again — " These are the crimes, illustrious king, which I chiefly detest in
Alesius ; otherwise I bear no malice or hatred to his person, with which, indeed,
I have nothhuj to do. But for those acts of deceit or impiety by which he has
delivered up his country to be lauglied at by heretics, and to be traduced among
foi'eigners, if I were able to send him back to his Country, with his hands tied
behind his back; to be whipped icilh rods by yotir children, I should think, that in
this I bore a more striking resemblance to the noble Camilla, rather than to
the barbarous Cyclops. "33
No sooner than he had finished at press, OochlEeus afforded
a striking proof, not only of his fury, but liis thirst after
some remuneration for all this gross scurrility. His book
was finished on the 13th of August, and by the following
month, his confidential servant was safely arrived with copies
in Edinburgh itself. The man " of no small authority and
trust," of whom he had spoken, had gone as Ambassador into
France ;^^ but there were those under him, who were not
slow to welcome the servant with his master''s production.
Of this we have full evidence in the Register Office of this,
the native city of Ales, or in the accounts of the Lord High
Treasurer himself. Thus, the indefatigable opponent of the
Scriptures in our native tongue, has, at least, discovered to
us, the grave importance which was then attached to the
single-handed efforts of Alexander Ales.*^
32 This piece of information turns out to be not only curious, but of some value ; the man of
"great authority and trust with his majesty " being so distinctly pointed out. It was the Lord
High Treasurer of Scotland. On the 27th of February ir).'i4, we have the letter of James V.
accrediting Bislwp JVin. Stewart of Aberdeen, and Abbot Robert Reid of Kinloss, to Henry
VIII., with full powers to conclude a peace between England and Scotland. The treaty was
signed on May 12, and ratified at Holyrood with great joy, June 30. — Gov. Slate Papers, iv.,
pp. 665, 673. Steivart was the man, for he was not only Bishop, but Lord High Treasurer. As
Dean of Glasgow, he had sat in judgment on Patrick Hamilton in l.i28-, and no wonder if he
had spoken as represented. At all events, Cochlasus had well understood what he was about,
when makiug these references to the Lord Treasurer.
33 In so slandering the character of one entirely unknown to him, Ales had charged his adver-
sary with more than Cyelopean barbarity.
^* Accompanied by Lords Murray and Erskine, he had proceeded into France on the 5th of
August. — Cot). Slate Papers, vol. v., p. 6.
35 From the Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, September l.'j.34— " Item, lo
aiie Servand of .... Coeleus,qululk lirnclit/ra his .miister an Ixnjk, hititutat
To Ms reward 1. li." The blank may now be filled up with " Pro Scoti.T," &c. Put .'-ucli
was the reward, .£."<0 Scots, not a trifling sum in those days ; yet paid, no doulit, with great good
K)8 TllK FLAMES OF PERSECUTION [book IV.
All this verbiage of Cochlaeus, however, goes for nothing,
when compared with the melancholy facts, wliich were attest-
in;; at tlie moment, the truth and importance of all tliat Ales
had written ; and this tlie servant, if lie was not as blind as
his master, must have seen, immediately on reaching the end
of his journey to Scotland. It was while this man was actual-
ly on the road to Edinburgh, that the flames of persecution
had been kindled for the third time. The martyrdom of last
year confirmed the Epistle of Ales ; those of this year his
Ilesponse. The flames had hitherto blazed at St. Andrews ;
now, for the first time, they had done so at Edinburgh. Those
of the year 1 .533, in eftect, told us that the truth was extending
beyond the boundaries of the metropolitan city ; and we shall
now have proof, by the flames of 1534, that it had reached far
beyond tliose of the capital. The former were kindled, to be
seen at a distance, as a terror to the people of Angus ; those
of this year, so as to be seen by the inhabitants of Fife. One
martyr at a time had served hitherto, but now two men were
consumed at the same stake, on the afternoon of Thursday the
27th of August 1.534. There w^ere two, also, out of a name-
less number, who had been summoned, from various quarters ;
and, as if the death of the proto-martyr, so lamented by Ales
and many others, was now to be followed up, and the family
exterminated, his brother and sister had been ordered to ap-
pear. In short, here was a band of selected witnesses ; and un-
questionably we are to regard them as the representatives of
many other individuals, not only in Angus and Fife, Clack-
mannan, and Linlithgow-shires, but in Edinburgh and Leith.
On Tuesday the 7th of July, Parliament had met at Edin-
burgh, and by Wednesday the 26th of August, an ecclesiasti-
cal court, of unwonted solemnity, assembled in the Abbey of
Holyrood.''^ The infatuated young King, in the face of re-
peated warning and entreaty, from an Exile, whom he had once
will, as well as afterwards sanctioned, by my Lord High Treasurer Stewart, and merely to the
servant! Why another entry shews us that the wages of a seaman, even when waiting on his
majesty for a whole month, were only £2 Scots; so that thit Servant had received as much as
the wages of such a man for above two years, or of twenty-five such seamen for a whole month !
This item has been noticed by Dr. M'Crie ; but the sum is stated at £lO only. The above is
copied from the manuscript itself, and it is given correctly in I'itcaim's Criminal Trials, i.,
p. 284. Such being the reward to the Servant only, what shall be done for the iMastcr? The
next time that Ales speaks, he will inform us. See page 477-
36 A magnificent building, of which the ruins of the Chapel Royal only remain, and not to be
confounded with the palace.
1529-34.] NOW KINDLED AT EDINBURGH. 46'.')
rescued out of the paws of the persecutor, was now about to
take his first ominous step. To lend greater importance to
tliis occasion, he had agreed to preside, and clothed in scar-
let ; the judicial Scotish dress, in matters of life and death,
down to the present day. A number of persons had been sum-
moned, and among them there appears to have been more than
the following —
Belonging to Edinbinyh — Mr. William Johnstone, Advocate, Mr. Henry
Henderson, Master of the Grammar School ; but the " Dim-nal" adds, " with
sundry others, baith men and women in Edinburgh." From Lcitli — Henry
Cairns, Skipper, Adam Daycs or Deir, Shipwright, John Stewart, indweller,
and a married woman. From St. Andreirs, Gavin Logie,37 John Fife, John
M' Alpine, M'Dougal. Yvom Angus-^hire, Mr. David Sti'atoun. ¥vom Lrn-
Uthgoxc-shire — Sir James Hamilton, the hereditary Sheriff, and Katharine Ha-
milton, his sister, besides Norman Gourlay and William Kirk, two priests, whose
residence is not mentioned by any historian. With the exception of Hamilton
and his sister, all these were disposed of before the Court rose. Several had al-
ready fled, and others abjured ; but Mr. David tStratoun or Straiton and Nor-
man Gourlay were I'eserved for execution.
The martyrdom itself took place next day. Of Gourlay we
know nothing more than that he was a man of " reasonable
erudition,"" having been abroad. He said there was no such
state as purgatory, denied the authority of the Pontiff in Scot-
land, but he had also married a wife, and this was an unpar-
donable crime. Mr, Straiton's was a far more interestino- case.
He was a gentleman of landed property at the confluence of
the North Esk with the sea, in the parish of Ecclesgreig, (Ec-
clesia Gregorii,) now called St. Cyrus, in the shire of Angus.
His property included the seat of a productive fishery ; and
whether one refers to the present proprietor of the soil, to the
present fishermen of Milton, or to the limestone quarrymen
there, in the history of their predecessors above three hundred
years ago, they have not a more interesting subject for re-
membrance than the present. Laurieston Castle, built in the
tenth century, where Straiton was born, and part of which still
remains, had, before and after his day, continued in the same
family for four hundred years. The martyr appears to have
been brother to the last laird or baron of Laurieston, and uncle
to the present, then a young man. The Straitons, for several
generations, were equally distinguished for stature and strength,
3' His nairiu is not indeed mentioned among those who were summoned, but that he liad fled
out of the country, in 1.'.33, is. staled by Caldcrwinid ; MS. i., H2.
1-70 TlIK MAKTVRUOAIS (»l<" ^BOOK IV.
and the martyr's temper liad unce botn both rough and impe-
rious. In former days, he had resohitely resisted one tythe
claimed by the vicar, Robert Lawson of Ecclesgreig ; who ex-
acted the tenth fish from those which his servants liad taken
out at sea. Straiton had said, " if he would have them, he
must go and take them where the stock was taken ;'' and this
had given great offence.^ " Before," says Calderwood, " he
had been very stubborn, and despised all reading, specially of
good purposes ; now he delighted in nothing hut reading, al-
though he could not read himself, and exhorted every man to
peace and concord, and contempt of the world. He frequented
much the company oi John Erskine, Laird of Dun," (the Pro-
vost of Montrose, who had recently returned from the Conti-
nent) " a man marvelously enlightened in respect of these
times." One day " when the Laird of Laurieston, being then
a young man, was reading to our martyr the New Testament,
(so much hated by many,) he chanced to read this sentence of
our Master — ' he that denieth me before men, I tcill deny him,
in the presence of my Father and before his angels.'' At these
words, as one revived, he suddenly cast himself upon his
knees, extending his hands, and looking constantly with his
visage to the heavens a reasonable time, he burst forth at
length in these words — ' 0 Lord, I have been wicked, and
justly mayest thou abstract thy grace from me ; but, Lord, for
thy mercies"' sake, let me never deny Thee, nor thy truth, for
fear of death, or bodily pain I'"
It becomes evident, that Straiton was fully prepared for such
a time as the present. When brought before the King, on the
26th, great pains Avere taken to move him, and procure his re-
cantation ; but all eftbrts failing, he was adjudged to the fire.
He then applied to his Highness, but the Bishops answered,
proudly, that " the King's hands w^ere bound, and that Aehad
no grace to give to such as were by law condemned." It was
after dinner next day that Mr. Straiton and his companion
Gourlay were led forth to death. The spot was evidently
chosen for effect whether near or afar oft", on the northern brow
3B III almost all our common liistorics, Hepburn, the Prior of St. Andrews, and a.« Bi!;)i()|) of
Moray is stated to have been the man who quarreled with Straiton about tythcs. But he was
not Uislio)) of Moray till hVU, and though he had been now, lie liad nothing to do with tythe on
the shores of --*»(»<.?. Old John Foxe is eorrec-t as to Lawson beiiifj tlie man, and he cojiiedfrom
the Seolish MS.
1529-o-i.^ STRAITON AND GOURLAY. 471
of the Oalton hill, above the rood or cross at Greenside.*''^ The
stake was planted so far up the hill as that not only the sur-
rounding croAvd from the city, whether below or above, might
see ; but " to the intent," says Calderwood, " that the inhabit-
ants o( Fife, seeing the fire, might be stricken with terror and
fear, not to fall into the like."
Not satisfied Avith these flames, the ecclesiastics, with the
King at their head, assembled at Holyrood once more, on the
28th or next day, and by way of conclusion to this headstrong
burst of cruelty, brought forward the persons of highest rank ;
Sir James Hamilton and his sister, both of whom were related
to the King. By advice of his Highness, however, the for-
mer had fled, so that the scene closed with the appearance of
the lady, his sister. The Bishops gathering courage by their
progress, neither her rank or sex could shield her. Mr. John
Spens of Oondy, the lawyer, and future King's Advocate, or
one of the men who had sat in judgment on her brother
Patrick in 1528, held a long discourse respecting works, telling
her there were divers sorts ; " works of congruity and works of
condignity r Katharine, disturbed with the length and nicety
of the argument, at last out of all patience, cried out before
them all, the King also sitting by — " Work here, work there,
what kind of working is all this l I know perfectly that no
works can save me, but the works of Christ my Saviour.'" His
Highness, amused with the very brief manner in which she
had disposed of the lawyer's tedious harangue, interposed, and
saved her from death.'*"
3!' At this place a monastery of Carmelite Friars had been founded in 152(i, and being dedica-
ted to what they styled strangely enough, the Holy Cross, a large rood or cross had been erected
there. In 1591, the monastery was converted into an hospital for lepers.
■"' Sir James and his sister sought safety in England. On tlie 3d of March 1535, Sir Adam Ot-
terburn had written to Cruniwell respecting Sir James, and in August we find Cranmer Intro-
ducing him to Crumwell as a gentleman who had left his country for no other cause but " that
he favoured the truth of God's word." His proi)erty had been confiscated, and on the SGth Feb.
1536, Cranmer again addresses Crumwell, " to move the King for somewhat to be given him to
live on here in England." On the 24th of April, Sir James sent to Crumwell a copy of the .sen-
tence given against him by the Bishops at Holyrood, praying that Henry would write to the K^ing
his nephew, on his behalf. Crumwell, therefore, in the name of his royal master, applied to
James, and on the 19th of May, we have the reply, but it was from Stewart, the Lord Treasurer,
and amounted to no more than this— " that while the lady of Sir James and his children wanted
nothing necessary for their maintenance, his Higlmess (though his relation) cotild not help him,
neither direct tior iiulircet, icithoiil damjer to his conscience, ejceept the (jentleman be first rccon-
eileil to awl by the Pontiff/'' See Gov. State Papers, vol. v., pp. 21, 41, 49, and Cranmer's Re-
mains, by Jenkyiis, vol. i. Such was the precious tyrannical power of the priesthood in those
days. Sir James, however, after all, did return, though not till 1540, when he informed the King
respecting that base character of whom we have heard before, of tlie same name wiDi himself;
Sir James Hamilton, a natural son of Arran's, the murderer of the Earl of Lennox. This man.
wlin liad been a (•on'-|iirator against the King's life in 15_'!t, and nohiriims for cviiclly ever since,
472 TllK ESCAl'E BEVUNU SHAS. [book IV.
The visible and decided progress of Divine truth is, how-
ever, to be observed, not only in those who suffered, but in the
character and station of those who had fled. The teacher of
the graniinar-school, and the advocate, Johnstone of Edin-
burgh, must have been men of some talent and influence. The
fctrmer died in England. His house forfeited, was given to
James IJannatyne, \V.S. The property of the latter, also
falling to the King, was sold for a trifling consideration,
chiefly to Reid, abbot of Kiuloss, afterwards President of the
Court of Session, and Bishop of Orkney, and partly to another
individual. Johnstone, however, returned some years after,
when he was permitted to live in a single chamber of that
house which had been once his own ; though, at his death, his
body was not allowed to be interred in any churchyard !
But the refugees from St. Andrews, the former associates
of Ales, were among the most eminent for literature then in
the country ; and they prove that the disciples of " the new
learning," far from being iceak men, as some one has grossly
asserted, were duly appreciated elsewhere. Of Logie we know
nothing afterwards, but having been the Rector or Principal
of St. Leonard's College, he had so embued the minds of the
students, that when any of them was suspected, it was said
that " he had drunk of St. Leonard's well."'*' M' Alpine, who
changed his name to M'lice, or Maccabseus, as he was called
on the Continent, became a favourite of Christiern, King of
Denmark, Professor in the University of Copenliagen, and
one of the translators of the Danish Bii)le. He was the
brother-in-law of Miles Coverdale, and to this expatriated
native of Caledonia and translator of the Danish Scriptures,
that of the English was indebted for his life, as already ex-
plained.'*^ Fife accompanied Ales to the Continent, though
not when he first fled from Scotland, but afterwards from
England, in 1539 ; as soon as "the bloody Statute," or that
of " the six articles," had passed. At Leipsic he continued
to teach as a professor for years ; but he returned finally to
ended liis days ;it last on the scaiTuId. Tyllcr, vol. v., p. :.'HI. Kalliaiiiir Hamilkm, from the
Lord Treasurer's accounts, appears not to have left Scotland before November l.'i.Vi. Proceed-
iiiK to England next year, she had Ijten introduced to Queen Jane Seymour, and was residing at
Berwick in l.Wl. She was then a widow, having: liecn married lo the late Captain of Dunbar, as
mentioned by the Duke of Norfolk to Crnmwell. See p. -Jri of tlii>. volume, where that artful
letter is placed in its true light.
11 CaliUrwoed MS. i.. p. Hi. ■•- See i>agc lW.
l52!»-ol-.] EMBASSY KROiM EiNGLAND. 473
his own country, acted as a minister, and died at St. Leonard''s,
soon after the year 1560, or about live years before Ales.
Henry VIII. could certainly have no objections to King James thus
sanctioning this shocking martj-rdom of his subjects, for in the same
condemnation he was deeply involved himself ; nor would he now press
upon him the i-eceptionof the>S'c?v)!;<«re«,for these, both alike still as stoutly
resisted. But, uni]^ucstionably, if any embassy has been sent to Scot-
land at this period, the King of England must have had reasons, and
personal to himself. With him the year 1534 was an anxious one, as
formerly explained. Suffice it to say here, that this was the critical
year in which Henry had been denouncing all political preaching — pub-
licly proclaiming against the supremacy of the Pontiff, and declaring it
to be treason to question his own. The proclamation against the autho-
rity of Rome had been published in June, and soon after the King
discovered his earnest anxiety, that his Nephew should go along with
him in his opposition to that court. It was with this view, that shortly
before these cruelties in the North, Lord William Howard, as English
Ambassador, had arrived in Scotland. This formed the first of a
series of intrigues, in order to secure a ][>^rsonal interview with James.
Henry had flattered himself that if he could only obtain this, he should
be able to mould his nephew to his will ; and once separated from his
counsellors, or those ecclesiastics into whose hands he had now fallen,
since the youthful monarch was so bent upon pleasure and pastime of
every description, perhaps he might have succeeded. But although
Henry perseveringly pressed this one request, at intervals, for eight
years, the two monarchs never met ; James and his council continuing
to blow hot and cold all that time. Through the influence of the Queen-
Mother, David Beaton being now in France, the present might seem to
have been a favourable opportunity, and not to be neglected.
For this first attempt, Lord Howard was not exactly the man to have
sent, no more than Dr. William Barlow or Thomas Holcroft, who fol-
lowed him. They all proved rather too ardent in their Royal Master's
service, notwithstanding the very cautious instructions drawn up for
their guidance, in a minute, corrected by Crumwell. These instructions
were curious enough. After making his best bow to the young King, to
the Queen-Mother, and to the Lord High Treasurer, Bishop Stewart,
Lord William was, " as soon as he had convenient opportunity, to obtain
measure of the Kiny''s j^erson, and cause such garments to be made for
him, of such stuff as he shall have with him for this purpose, in the
best fashion that could be devised, by such a tailor and broiderer, as he
shall have icith him, for that intent ; which garments s^jeedily furnished,
■1:1 C'ald. .\is. i., p. -,n.
-1.7 !• SCOTLAND AND KNGLANi) ALIKE [buOK IV.
he ahall, with audi /lo rues as he shall have assigned to him, make prescut
to the said King of Scots." Having thus paved his way, he was upon this
occasion to inform his Highness that his uncle the King " was greatly de-
sirous, and nothing more coveteth, than to see his person, and specially to
have conference with him, in matters that should undoubtedly redound to
both their honours and glory, and the weal of their realms and subjects."
Lord William, " in right loving wise," was then to salute the Bishop
Lord Treasurer, " and declare that as an interview was like very shortly to
ensue between his uncle and the French King," Henry would be "right
joyous and glad" to have his nephew present ; would willingly pay all
the expenses of his Highness and his retinue ; and then in France they
should all three consult for the wealth of their three realms. Mean-
while, Howard was to imjjlore that no encouragement should be given to
any Irish rebels against Henry, and that the royal favour should be re-
stored to the Earl of Angus and his brother Sir George ; proposing that
James should receive " the honourable order of the Garter," which the
Emperor, the French King, and Ferdinand King of the Romans, had
already accepted.
To all this, however, Henry added his " Ambassiate and Declaration
concerning his own supremacy," exciting his nephew to follow him, and
vindicate his own authority from the encroachments of Rome.'*'*
The apparel and the horses, James, of course, accepted ; but unfortu-
nately for the " declaration," so far from considering it, all that his
Highness did was to hand it to his clergy, for their perusal ! The idea
of the three Sovereigns meeting together, if we were to believe Margaret,
the Queen-Mother, was not so lightly treated, down as late as Decem-
ber ;*5 and yet it is difficult, if not impossible to reconcile this, with
Stewart, the Lord Treasurer, travelling through England to France in
the previous August, where Beaton, the Abbot of Arbroath, was residing,
in great intimacy with Francis, the reigning Sovereign. The probability
is, that Scotland, as well as England, had already commenced that
double game with each other, which they continued to play for years.
It is, however, certain, that in the month of December, the two govern-
ments and their respective chiefs, were distinctly at variance on one
+4 Gov. State Papers, v., p. 1-6. Our historians in general have supposed that some liook was
sent to James at tliis period, for his grave perusal. Pinkerton, and recently, Tytler, have gone
so far as to name it,—" The doctrine for any Christian man," or " the King's Book ;" hut that
was not published till nine years after, in I.')4.'J; nor the " Institution of a Cin-istian man," or
" the Bishop's Book," till LW/. Lingard has conjectured that it might be " the true obedience"
of Gardiner, which was printed this year, or tlic " Vera differentia Hegia; Potcstatis, tt Eccle-
siaaticic," ascribed to Kox of Hereford, now also iiublished. But in those days it is well known
that a Letter or Address, though not above a sheet, was frcciucntly styled " a book," and there
apjiears to have been no book sent, iirojierly so cilled. .^uch is the representation of t^tryjie.
and he has given the document, or the " Amba'-siate and Declaration " from the original manu-
script, in the Coltonian collection. Compare Clrop. 1'. vi., fol. 2;'>!). with i^trype's A]>))ciidix,
No. l.xiii.
•IS Gov. State Pnptr.s. vol. v., ).p. \0-]2.
lo29-34.] OPPOSED TO THE SCRIPTURES. 475
subject — the authority or power of the Pontift' and his underlings ;
though James is still represented as determined to " keep his kindness
and treaty of peace, without any inclination to the contrary."'"'
Such, then, was the state of Scotland and England at the
close of 1534. In one sense, directly opposed to each other,
and in another, exhibiting precisely the same aspect. Scot-
land profoundly attached to the rule of the Pontiff', and Eng-
land proclaiming throughout the country hostility to Rome :
but amidst all the turmoil of political affairs, both govern-
ments had found time to be alike enraged, and for the same
cause ; both alike imagining a vain thing — that they should
be able successfully to stem the introduction of the Divine word.
Again, both countries had furnished their respective martyrs in
this single-handed struggle, though neither of them at home
could show even one open, bold, and determined advocate for
the Scriptures. John Fryth, it is true, had come home from
abroad, and shewn the people of England how to die, rather
than deny the truth ; as Patrick Hamilton and others had
nobly done in Scotland. But the present was distinguished
as the moment when Tyndale on behalf of England^ and Ales
on the part of Scotland., occupied a position all their own,
and one which was singular throughout Europe. " Say not,"
said Tyndale upon one occasion to England, " Say not that
ye be not warned ;" and so might Ales have now said to his
King and countrymen. With a nation on one side, and a
solitary exile on the other, in reference to both countries ;
while the Sacred Volume had been actually reading in both,
and for eight years, in spite of their respective rulers ; per-
haps no cause was ever more evidently exhibited to be that
of God, and not of man. No exact resemblance to this, was
then to be found in any land.
•IS Idem, p. 14. York was the city fixed on for a personal interview, though Newcastle was
broached at one time. The meeting was proposed after this, putting France out of view, in
the years l."..'», \:>3Ct, and 1542.
476 ALi:>> UKI'AIKS TO ENULAM). [bOOK IV
SECTION IV.
FiioM 1535 TO 1537 — the future exektioxs and wkitinos of ales,
TILL HIS DEATH IN 1565 STATE OF SCOTLAND PROVINCIAL COUNCIL
OF THE PRELATES — AGITATION — READINQ OF THE NEW TESTAMENT FOR-
BIDDEN BV PROCLAMATION — PllOGHESS OF THE CAUSE.
fN the course of our English history, tliese tliree years,
from lo^Jo to 1537, abounded with interesting details,
as including the year before and after Tyndale"'s martyr-
dom ; the first being that of his irnprisonmoiit, the second
that of his death, and the third so distinguished for the
arrival of his Bible in London. On turning to Scotland, the
interest is deepened. We there discover throughout, increas-
ing alarm at the progress of " the new learning,'' and deter-
mined opposition to the Sacred Volume, as translated by
Tyudale, and already so powerfully enforced by Ales.
Before proceeding farther, however, since Ales, as well as Tyndale,
never retained to his native land, the reader may naturally wish to
know, at once, what became of him. Owing to the noise made by
Cochlaeus, he required soon to remove from his place of residence.
Wherever that had been, his next abode, for a short time, was Antwerp
itself ; but as Tyndale had already been seized and removed to Vilvorde,
they never could have enjoyed the pleasure of meeting each other in
this world. For some time before his removal to this city, Ales had
become intimately acquainted with Melancthon ; and this intimacy
seems to have paved the way for our Scotish exile being invited into
England. At the same time, the existing state of things in Scotland,
as already explained, with the anxiety of Heniy VIII. to interfere
respecting them ; probably not unconnected with the talents, the attain-
ments, and sentiments of Ales, may account for the courtesy with which
he was received. At all events, instead of " the dreadful dungeon " at
St. Andrews, he was now accommodated at Lambeth Palace ; and before
long, though out of favour with his own sovereign, he was known and
distinguished in London by the title of " the King's Scholar." In Eng-
land he remained upwards of four years, where his first occupation was
akin to that of Professor of Divinity at Cambridge. " I was sent," he
says, " to read a lecture of the Scripture there." But the heads of that
University, not being yet able to bear such doctrine, he had to withdraw
again to London. We have already seen him, in 1536, discussing the
" authority and all sufficiencj^ of the Word of God," with the Bishoi>s in
Uy5-[J7.] COCHLiEUS REWARDED FROM SCOTLAND. 4??
convocation, at the request of their Vicar-General, Criunwoll.' Having,
however, paid some attention to the study of physic while on the Conti-
nent, on leaving Cambridge he had turned his attention to that science,
and before escaping to Germany in 1539, he had commenced practice in
London. But the year before this, the times, as already interpreted, had
become very critical, when Stolcesly and his brethren were beginning to
regain their lost authority ; and Ales had felt himself called upon to
put pen to paper once more. The tract is entitled — " Of the Aiithority
of the Word of God, against the Bishop of London, wherein are contained
certain disputations had in the Parliament House (convocation) between
the bishojjs, about the sacraments and other things, very necessary to
be known, made by Alexander Ales, Scotsman, and sent to the Duke of
Saxony. "2 As the author here refers to this period of his life — to his
communications with his own sovereign, James V. — and to the malicious
interference of Cochlajus, now so richly rewarded for all his villany,
Ales must be permitted to speak for himself.
" About five years ago I wrote to the noble King of Scots, the father
of my country, complaining of a certain decree, wherein the Bishops
had forbidden the Holy Scripture to be read in the mother tongue. I
answered also to certain slanderous lies of Cochleeus, whom the Bishops
had hired to vomit out all his poison against me. For I was at Ant-
werp, when a countryman of mine, whose name was John Foster, did
send a sum of money unto Cochla^us, by a merchant, from the Arch-
bishop of St. Andrews, who giveth him, so long as he liveth, a certain
stipend. And it happened by the goodness of God, whereby he dis-
closeth the wickedness of these hypocrites, that an epistle of Cochla3us,
which he sent to a certain Bishop of Poland, came into my hands ;
wherein he complains, that he hath great loss and evil fortune in setting
forth of books, forasmuch as no man will (wetesave) vouchsafe to read
his books ; and he beggeth an yearly stipend of the Bishops of Poland,
saying, that he hath been nobly rewarded by the King of Scots, by the
Archbishop of St. Andrews, and the {A.T:c\x)bishop of Glasgow.^
" Were it not for the love of my country, and of the king's grace, I
would cause his epistle to be printed, with the copy of the king's letter,
which he sent to a certain Bishop of Poland ; but because he shall know
that I have a copy of the king's letters, the king doth write manifestly,
that Cochlaeus' book did more please him for the commendation of King
Ferdinand and of Erasmus, than for any study or diligence of the author.
" I will not utter other things contained in the said letters, neither
would I have disclosed thus much, but that I wish the King were
' See vol. i., pp. 451, 4!)8.
2 The original title is—" De authoritate Verbi Dei Liber Alexandri Alesii contra Episcopnm
Luiidinensem. Argentorati apud C'ratoncni jVIyliuni, mdxlii." / was written however in l.Ml.
3 .lames V., James Beaton, and Gavin Dunbar.
if 1* caali tni||^ il i» lasHy wikk Bj
i ■• ; fiv «&aek ni— I tmjy. I cMt ia m^ miaA i»
wftoelmv; eqp«mBjr aaan^ Iftafe I was
[^ Ae i^gii BoUe Lad QnaBveEL uid t&e Ardir-
MAny 't CMatham^m^fw- \ j jgf^ Fijiirr f^Thimm iM f hinfj TnfnT thitit hir
«■» aoKgnBicd vidLmev tar Avdbg: aatiak fboe vkroe I «Ki re-
. Aattiftmas wxdii aujr natta^ <■- -widb »jr •Ao' iiiii^ cbe ; Iaa»-
dac Ckrot sKwe pfaee aomciBiMs to Afr ^naooBBcaB of Ae Jcav;
aai a^ain tbak enr <iag9f 'wMek axe deti a£ hlol's gases ta ba^ w&en: ■•»
■■■t IB by AoBv Am Aiy deeny »n«i majce oo^ hnnmi<Mt at aA. And
AnABc^ to svwi his ™3iiig »gr4mpt, 1 ihiiini^Tit ii» ncuis aii> hkQ^ as
aas SBiao^ BBOofei wsfc oif <rf dto jIiAUA^, and 4rf^ Ae iHHHAie
lori tf!inmii.ll lot c«ck of Ae ligbt ■olife: Kiis lam^ aboiT
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leaed^iiiaaBiaiCahBBadliBartf CBOBfincl^aiwiia eauadm aiA Ae ac-
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. to' ^Aaeane^ Aat aatwsAatomrfia^ Ae onel taoAiBcaft be leeoved
fbrmaBeAaaLajear b^Be, Ae UnrwaMty badcaptaneii ifb atftarfcrii
to Mnw^ aiirt biT wrniaiinrii fliiaiMi I Ifmr to AimmiiHi lit nf bwfiHi^iiinw T&e
I (^iBBiPdi atgMifcii FiAee, a» €ax-
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aarrval qf A lea in Fngiand to Ae rearj oifikali fetiod f£ tfriag 1§33l
Be bad been, sent to Cambridge^ ^ eamamamt^ Saaj^ to wbiA, of
eaaBe, fiAeroB fEnnav nmrtaanr jieM eaaaeBt ; bait it waa at Aat
jJBBcteBfr lAea. Ae Fnrnomtf «aa aibaat to lose iia dkafiHrHHwa^ aad Ae
vtaoe aaa scnK n^ a """i"— 't^ BB^asctavs! Bsbt b tummmat^'^
"^ I vaa,'' wifnMga Ak% "^ sent ^mto ramhriiai^ to read a fiatfair «/
d^ Seriftmrt Aen. bat Ae ooob a^avjcB fiift:^ ioctna^
wiifwiMniii it gooi. amd Ae derS evs baA -. :; Aaaiiil
bvi« 9mj ant ; £» ev^ai m. Ae aTifdemeafly be amuld ast Botier Han to
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<^BBed lait Ae Tm, Ftafifliy abeni I poceivcd mj oiaujr ^aiBig^ aiboat;. to
am^ ne ia owiiiwi Aaw ; aftaA atAwigb I bate naiOB^, Md ka.Te
ataaBwi aJI ia mj poa«9r to anmi Aem, jet I ner^ aribmitted niTaelf.
li»>^T-3
OF ETffifiiTt
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poB sKJE^lf Bi^ lac Aft flhmiHIiy «f
* *T -t^Tic mrr~->^ T,s "s: — '-JT
■E S-JTi -J7.»)r TK3E * i St±~i£r
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S2=r!sc 3* was -'-^^^ Ii3F3a!s_ "waii aczHraiSE
1 ll^ ■ .
■VHO ALKH KSCAPES TO (iKKMANV. [uOuK IV.
of things at the luoiutMit in whicli !ie wrote, or aljovc two years after,
and it was only a few niontlis after this that he ha<l found there was no
safety for hiui in all England. It has been vaguely stated that he went
abroad in the year 1540 ; but bis first letter, addressed to Cruniwell, is
dated in July 1530, and this, let it be observed, thougli a})Out eif//d years
after he had left Scotland, and nigh to three after the death of Tyndale,
is (/le first reference which Ales has made to Witte7ilerg. There is no
evidence of his having been there l)cfore.
"To Lord Thomas Ci-umwi-ll, Lonl I'l-ivy Seal, &c. Wittenberg, 153f).—
Altlioiifjli I liope my mind is sufficiently clear to your Highness, yet I greatly
entreat that you may be persuaded, I shall always retain, with the highest
gratitude, the remembrance of your favours; for you were nearly the only port
to me, when living in exile. For the sake of your virtue, piety, as well as kind-
nes.s, 1 love England itself, though absent from it, and I declare that I am very
nmch indebted to it. Thus shortly have I spoken of my good will, which when
I shall have got a sure abode, I shall declare in such offices as shall be within
my^power. I returned to Wittenberg the .9th day of July, being most affec-
tionately received, &c. — Farewell, your most devoted Alexander Alesius."^
At Wittenberg Ales remained but a very short time, the Elector of
Brandenburg having in a few months appointed him Professor of Divi-
nity at Frankfort on the Oder.^ It is however rather remarkable that
before his present arrival in Germany, Providence had signally provided
for his safety. Duke George of Saxony, that old and inveterate oppo-
nent of " the new learning," and the decided patron of Cochlaeus, had died
at the age of 68, on the 24th of April 1539. Henry, his successor, being
equally ardent on the other side, had invited Myconius, Jonas, and
Luther himself to Leipsic, and they were preaching to great crowds of
willing auditors, in the open air. " Many," said Ales, in his letter just
quoted, to Crumwell, and without once alluding to his old enemy still
alive, " Many of late have sent for pious teachers into the territory which
was under Duke George of Saxony — the churches are now repaired —
many towns in Bavaria, and even in the Palatinate, begin to profess the
pious doctrine, and now indeed Germany is quiet." It was so, for a little
moment, but meanwhile, on the other hand, Cocklceus had come into
trouble ; and instead of his sending Ales back, hand bound, to the
Bishops in Scotland, his own time for flight and exile was now come !
From Meissen (Misnia) where he was a Canon in the Cathedral, not far
from the Duke, his wonted patron, and from whence he had so traduced
the Scotish exile, he was now expelled. He first fled across the Elbe to
Budissin, (Bautzen) in Lusatia, where the printing press was still his
7 Cotton MS. Nero, B. vi.. fo. 50. This was three davs before the cruel " statute of six ai ti-
des " was to take effect in England. Seethe former reference to this letter, page 6!) of this
Tolume.
8 See his oration, " Alcsius de Reslituendis Soholis," dated Frankford in .May 1.140; a few
leaves, which have repeatedly fetclicd a {;uinca and a half.
J.)3o-37.] HIS ENGAGEMENTS THERE. 481
refuge, and there, throughout 1530, he continued to rail against different
opponents, and among others against Luther in Germany, Sir John
Moryson in Enghind," and Henry Duke of Saxony, who had occasioned
his removal. Hear how his tone is altered, and how he himself lamented
over the change : — " Lnthcr's sect, by public command, is introduced
into all the lands of Misnia, Thuringia, and Saxony. And in the Cathe-
dral Church of JMisnia, where formerly by divine service and divers
chantings, God was praised night and day, at all hours, without inter-
mission, the ancient appearance of religion is entirely changed." So
fared, at present, the bitter enemy of the Sacred Volume, in our native
tongue, first in England and then in Scotland, though alike in vain. At
Bautzen, however, Cochlieus could not abide. He must move farther
cast into Silesia on the left bank of the Oder, where he found refuge, as
a Canon, in the Church of Breslaw, to the day of his death, in January
1552-3. As for Ales, in about two years he was called westward from this
about two hundred miles, to Leipsic ; and as a Professor in that city, after
an honourable residence of about twenty-three years, he died in peace
on the 17th of March 1565, aged sixty-five.
When the public conferences at which Ales spoke, or where they were
afraid to let him do so, and the numerous works he published, are taken
into account, it is evident that he must have continued an active and
influential character, to the very close of life.
Thus, so early as December 1540, Ales was present in the Conference
at Worms, being sent there as deputy from the Elector of Brandenburg.
Granville, the Chancellor of the Emperor, in name of Charles V., pre-
sided, when Ales was both ready and eager to engage ; but the Chan-
cellor would not suffer him to speak. He appears to have been afraid
of the consequences. " He was prevented," says Camerarius, " by order
of the president, who knew that Ales had come prepared for the combat."
" Such a management of the affsiir," he observed, " would be wrong."
At this conference, however, our exile must have received considerable
gratification from meeting with his brother deputies. The divines pre-
sent, says Sleidan, " were Melancthon, Ca^nto^ Bucer, Osiander, the
uncle-in-law of Cranmer, Brentius, Ales, a Scot, sent from the Elector of
Brandenburg, and Calvin.'^ It was young Calvin, at the age of 31, pro-
ceeding next year to Geneva the second time, where he arrived on the
] 3th of September. Ales was nine years older, and not improbably one of
the first Scotsmen who had formed his acquaintance, at least we read of
no one earlier. On the other hand, if CochlaBus was not at Worms in
s Now in distress, and ruminatinf; over all his troubles, Cochlaeus even still cannot forget or
forgive the ingratitude of Henry VIII. and Wolsey, in not rewarding him, for his first alarm
sent respecting Tyndale's first Testament, in quarto, printing at Cologne in l.'i25; but as to
Alexander Ales, against whom he had so raged, worldly prudence or fear had imposed silence
at this moment. Of liim, though now so near him, he speaks not one word.
VOL. 11. 2 II
482 ALES MEETS COCHLiEUS AM) (iAKDINKU. [iiouK iv.
December 1540, we know full well that he waa at the I>ict in Ratisbon
the following March, ami still imhlishiiifx his tracts. At either of these
places, if not both, he must have met, face to face, with Alen, as well as
l\Ielancthon. The former, he now saw, was no fictitious character, as he
hail craftily insinuated ; while both were proceeding on their way, but
little caring cither for his raillery or small shot.
Since Ales was now meeting both with friends and foes, we must not
omit tStephen Gardiner. It may be remembered, that this Bishop was
not present in the celebrated Convocation of 1536, and that Ales had
since written his account of what happened to himself there. Gardiner
had come to Ratisbon at this time as chief ambassador to the Emperor,
who now presided in person ; Contarini, the Legate from Rome, being
there also. One day Bucer and Ales had a long discussion with Gardi-
ner on various topics. The Bishop denying that there were any princi-
ples and certain way by which the true doctrines of religion might be
demonstrated, and the contrary refuted. Bucer quoted 2 Tim. iii., 10,
17 ; and the conversation went on. The Bishop was no Scripturist, and
could not stand argument. " How the veins in his hands," said Bucer
afterwards, " did leap and tremble, as often as I said any thing that
gave him offence ; specially if he heard any such thing spoken by that
learned and truly pious divine, Alexander Ales, whom I brought with
me to Bishop Gardiner at this conference." '*'
Once more, and fourteen years later in life, when the Christians of Nu-
remberg in 1555 inifjlored a visit from Melancthon, to compose the divi-
sions which had been occasioned there by the dogmas of Osiander, Ales,
and Camerarius accompanied him as his assistants. The former, it is
stated, performed his part well ; for " Melancthon knew him to be very-
capable of this ; he had had him for his assistant the year before, in the
conference at Naumburg, which was held to appease the theological
troubles of Prussia."'^ By this time, Luther had been dead nine years,
Melancthon was to follow in five, and Ales in ten, when Camerarius pub-
lished at Leipsic in 1569 his well known life of Philip. In this, he says,
when referring to the Scotsman who had been exiled on account of the
Word of God, and his ardent attachment to it, for more than the half of
his life : " He was thoroughly versed in Divinity, had an excellent
talent at disputation, and was famous for his extraordinary merit and
learning."^^
By all this, it is not to be understood that Ales had frittered away his
time, either in being present at conferences, or in printing tracts. On
the contrary, he has himself told us, that to controversy as such, he pos-
sessed a natural aversion, and the works he left behind him, when taken
in Sec " Gratulati Buccri," p. 55. Strype's Memorials, anno 154".
" Be7.aiii Icoiiibu!^. Bavle. '^ C'amerar. in Vita Melanct.
l.>3.J-3?.] THE EXPOSITIONS OK ALKS. 483
;vll in all, fully prove this. lie had retired to his Bible, and there, for
many years, laboured to expound it. Ilis publications, chicHy froinLeip-
sic, amounted to at least twenty-three in number, almost every one of
which remain yet unknown in his native land ; but we can do nothing
more than simply notice his last effort for Scotland, and his subsequent
expositions of Scripture.'"'
Before concluding, however, we are unable to refrain from a few sen-
tences, in the dedication to his Commentary on John. They will at least
show the spirit of the man, when arrived at the age of fifty-two, or full
twenty years after leaving Scotland. He is addressing Augustus Duke
of Saxony, Marquis of Misnia, &c., the same country where Duke George,
and his agent Cochlaius, once bore such sway, and from whence he had
been so traduced by the latter, who was now dead.''*
" To the truly pious man, whose desire it is perfectly to know and observe
the Christian doctrine, nothing is more delightful than the reading of the Gos-
pel of John. For consoling anxious minds against reproaches, hatred, per-
secutions, the I'agings of the world and of Satan ; nay, against the alarms of
conscience, the fear of wrath, the judgment of God, and of eternal death, nothing
is more grateful than the very delightful discourses of Christ, which are inserted
in this Gospel alone. Nothing is more profitable, or more necessary for re-
futing all heresies, and all the sophistry of the Devil, than those most solemn
disputations of Christ iu opposition to the Jews, who slandered his doctrine and
miracles. For, in this Gospel, the first and principal article of the Christian
faith, namely, that concerning the Divinity of Christ, on which the others hang,
and by which they are proved — that upon which the Church is founded, as Paul
says, " otlier foundation can no man lay than that is laid, which is Christ
Jesus ; " that which idolaters deride, Jews and Mahometans hold to be a re-
proaching of God, and heretics have, at all times, most bitterly opposed, is hei-e,
by many powerful reasons, clearly and copiously demonstrated.
" To himself at the beginning, John proposes this to be proved — That Christ is
0 Xoyos, the Word who was from eternity with the Father, of a distinct person
from Him, and by nature God. To establish this are principally to be referred
all that is here narrated, respecting the creation of all things by the Word re-
specting light and life imparted to the mind of man at creation, and restored
again after sin, by the promise given forth in paradise concerning the seed that
was to come, who bruised the head of the serpent, and by the faith yielded to
the doctrine of the cross, through which men become the Sons of God all
things concerning the incarnation of the Word — His glory, seen in the miracles
'3 It was in 1544 he published " De Scotorum Concordia," or " Cohort, ad concordiam pie-
tatis, in Patriam missa." Sent from Leipsic, after the Scriptures had been allowed by autho-
rity in his native land. It was repeated in 155.0, and is dedicated to the Governors and Nobility,
not forgetting the Bishops, and " the people entire" of the kingdom of Scotland. After a pause
of six years, then came, in one year l.iSO, " Expos, libri Psalmorum Davidis, juxta Hebrjeo-
rum ;" " In omnes Ep. Pauli ;" Expos, ad I Tim. et Titus. In 1551, " Posterioris ad Tim."
In 155.3, " Disi)utationes ad Romanos;" " Commentarius in Evangelium Joannis." Besides
which, we find various other pieces, and among them, " De utilitate Psalmorum," so early as
l.''>42. See Tanner's Bihl. Britannica, Sechendnrff. The " Descriptio Edinburgi," already noticed,
p. 427, note, is in Munsteri Cosmog., p. 51.
14 Cochla?ns died at Breslaw 10th January 1552-3. The Exposition referred to, was printing
about the same time, and was finished at press in March. "Basileap, ex othcina Joannis Oporini.
.MOLiir. Mcnse Martio."
kS|. ALKS ON TIIK (i()S|'i;i, <)l' JOHN. QbOOK IV.
iiiiil tlic ilcscciit iif ilic I Idly Spirit ii|iiiii liini when lli- was liaptiscd — -the V(iic<' of
flu- l''a(lirr, wliicli was heard— tin- U^tinionics of Jolin tlic IJaptist — tlie tuni-
iiij; of wat<T into wine — tlic licalin;; of the centurion's serviint — the nobleman's
son— the |)aralytic — the satisfving five thousand nun with five loaves — the man
horn blind — and Lazarus, wiioni he recalled from death to life. The Evange-
list .saw that upon tliig article being weakened, the others concerning the pro-
cession and mission of the Holy Spirit from the Father and the Son — the sanc-
tlHcation of the Church by the forgiveness of sins, and the resurrection of the
dead, would fall of course ; and on the other hand, tlmt being established, these
htind firm ; and that it is abimdantly sufficient for the proving of them, that the
Son of God had taught these things. —
" And what does the Evangelist do, in that longest and sweetest of the dis-
courses of Christ to his Apostles at the Supper, but introduce the Son of God
opening up the abvss of Divine love, and allowing all the veins of the love of
his heart to flow into the bo.soms of liis disciples ? That the Son of God
washes away our stains with his own blood — was aftiicted with the deepest grief
for the destruction of his own betrayer — endeavoured to draw him back from
his wickednes.s — that he comforts those who grieve for his sufferings, by the
consideration of the glory which was presently to follow upon them, and com-
mands them to embrace one another with that love wherewith he follows each
of them ! Arc not these clusters of love, by which he raises up the desponding
in mind, and commands them to trust in Him I that by faith in God, and con-
fidence in his aid, they might follow Him thither, where, owing to the infirmity
of the Hesh, it was impossible for them then to come ; nay, that he now went
before, that he might prepare for them mansions in the hou.se of his Father.
He promises to return, that he might take them to himself — He shews them
the way by which they may follow, and teaches that He is the way, the truth,
and the life ; and that no man comcth to the Father but by Himself. Philip
he recalls from his error, when desiring to see God, and in.structs him, that
God is known only by the word of the Gospel. He says, the Divine nature
and will are to be seen in his sermons and miracles as in a mirror. He pro-
mises, that he would do what.soevcr they should ask — that he would not leave
them orphans, but ask the Father, that he would give them the Holy Spirit,
by whom, as their Teacher, they should understand that He was in the Father,
and interchangeably the Father in Him ! Does He not lay open the fountains
of Divine love, and, as it were, from the opened flood-gates of heaven, rain
down into human hearts the love of God, when he promises for the keeping
of the doctrines of the Gospel, Jits own lore and that of his Father? Nay,
that He should come, together with the Father, and abide with him who shouM
maintain his purity I
" Against doubting of these most abundant promises, on account of our un-
worthines.s, there is the sweetest and strongest consolation. That consolation
which renders the Church a.ssured respecting the Divine presence of Jlim wha
(forerun her — hearing every one of them who call upon Him — assisting the
weak membci"s, that they nia\- grow in faith and good works. In conformity
to which, He compares himself to the Vine, and us to the brandies ; and In's
Heavenly Father to the Vine-dresser, who jn-uneth every branch which bears
any fruit, that it may bring forth more fruit.
" Now, what do the pious desire to know more earnestly, than which is the
true Church, and which the f'lthc ? H is that which He himself, in this simili-
tude, jjroperly and pci-siiicuously expresses ; describing those to be the Church,
who are united to him by faith, and in whom his words abide ; that is, they
hold the Gospel uncorrupted. To such as these belong the very ample pro-
I j;].j-37.] DEATH OF ALES. 485
inises made to the Cliurch ; and, on tlio ntlior liand, tliosc wlio (Id not retain
the purity of the doctrine, but suffer it to be polUited by liniiiuti traditiuiiii, are
tlie false Cluirch, and as withered branches, remain to be consumed with fire.*'
All this, and much more, he addresses to Augustus, before commencing his
Exposition ; and liaving made all due acknowledgment for favours received,
hi! concludes — " For these so great kindnesses, and the hospitality shewn to
the Church and the teachers of the Church, and, among others, to me, a
stranger, even since the year 1,543, may Christ, the Son of God, adorn you
with eternal rewards and inunortal glory."
Ales, it appears, had married, probably while resident in England,
and this rendered it the more necessary for him to return to the Conti-
nent at the time he did. lie had three children, a son and two daugh-
ters. One only of the latter survived him. For his son, who expired
at Leipsic, parental affection found a stoue and inscription to mark his
grave : but as for the Father, his ashes lie — no marble tells us where !
In conclusion, it will now be generally admitted, that Alexander
Ales was not a character to be consigned by history to oblivion for
tluee hundred years. The first man in Scotland, nay, and next to
Tyndale and Fr3-th themselves, the first in Britain, who, in her highest
places, pled so boldly and so well for the all-sufficiency and supreme autho-
rity of Scripture. The first in Scotland who argued so earnestly for the
perusal of the Sacred Volume at every household fire within her shores ;
and therefore the man who struck the first note in giving a tone to that
character, for which she has since been known, and often commended.
The people of North Britain assuredly have no occasion to feel ashamed
of this early native of their capital — the convert of her first martyr —
the student and the prisoner of St. Andrews — the friend of Melancthon,
and the Professor at Leipsic. Had his countrymen only known him
before, some stone of remembrance might have been found even in Ger-
many ; but the memorial of his birth and death ought to have been in
Edii}burgh. There, in reference to the cause he advocated, no inappro-
priate emblem would have been, a Father and his child reading the same
Sacred Volume, and, for a motto, in remembrance of his position at the
moment, perhaps his own memorable quotation of the Athenian —
" Strike, but hear me."
Is it now too late to propose such a thing, and for our children's sake I
Certainly not. It was against this inestimable privilege the storm was
still raging — into which we must still inquire ; and what — we repeat it
— what had been the state of Caledonia up to the present hour, but for
the right and boon, on account of which he first pled, and long before
ant/ other voice was heard ?
Yet although the memory of Tyndale, as well as Ales, has been allowed
lo sleep almost in oblivion throughout their native land, it would be
unjust to Scotland entirely to forget the grateful recollections, and in
Latin verse, of one man, who flourished in the sixteenth century, and
iSd MKKITS AIM'KKCIATKl) AITKU DEATH. [hook IV,
(lied iiH early aa October 1<!12. John Johnston, the intimate friend
and colleague of Andrew Melville — a classical scholar, and Professor of
Divinity at St. Andrews in l.V.VS, amidst his eulogies on other men,
appreciated the efforts of Ales, and assigned to the labours of Tyndale
their own aj»])ropriate place. His tribute to the memory of Ales, whom
he associates with Machabajus, is well known, as inserted in the Appen-
dix to M'Crie's Life of Knox ; but as the lines on Tyndale, T/te Ezra of
Britain, have never been printed, we subjoin a copy, taken from the
Manuscript in the Advocates' Library. The labours and martyrdom of
our Translator he first briefly records, to which Johnston then adds
his own high and heart-felt acknowledgments —
" nil' Dei vates sact-r, Estlras ille Britaiinu.s,
Fida inaiius sjjcri fidaquc mens Codici.s,
Trans Sacras qui duxit opus Sermone Britaniio :
Quique nova iniustrans, quiqiie vetusta di-dit,
Iiiceduns vetenim nova per vestigia vatiim,
Oc'cidit, externis victinia sacra focis :
Scilicet innunierls nieritis lioc ilcfuit umiiii,
Vatibus ut priscis par sit hoiiore novo."
We now return to the noble warfare in which Ales so ably,
and without compromise, had led the van. We have seen
the state of Scotland and England at the close of 1 534 ; nor
in 1 535, while Tyndale lay in prison, as ardent and busy as
circumstances would admit, was there any change in favour of
the Scriptures in either government. As nations, far from
being on sound terms with each other, they were firmly
united in hostility to the Word of God ; while in reference
to Scotland, the cruelties of last year seem to have only
strensrthened the determination to obtain the Sacred Volume.
The hollow device of representing the English New Testament
to be the production of Luther or his disciples, which Cochlaus
had done all in his power to promulgate, continued to be fos-
tered by the priests for years to come : but by this year it
must have been well known, both by friends and foes, in
Scotland, that Tyndale was the author. In the Castle of
Vilvorde, he was now contending for the truth, with the Doc-
tors of Louvain, who, since the days of Patrick Hamilton,
had their eye on Scotland. Ales, it is true, all along, and
with great propriety, had mentioned no names. But how is
this to be accounted for, that we now sec Dr. Buckingham,
Prior of the Blackfriars at Cambridge, a most determined
en(Mny to the Scripture.'^ in the vulirar tongue — the man whom
>53r)-3T.] INCREASING ALARM IN SCOTLAND. 487
Latimer so successfully opposed, and who had for some time
been living with his brethren in the Monastery at Edinburgh,
leave that city, with a brother friar as his companion, and
direct for Louvain i This occurred at the close of March
lo35; and the object of this hitherto mysterious movement,
we have already explained. We have seen how he wrought,
in conjunction with Gabriel Dunne and Phillips, in the perse-
cution of Tyndale, throughout this very year. Buckingham,
unquestionably, would not leave his old friends, the friars in
Edinburgh, ignorant of what was going on, whether at
Louvain or Brussels, as to the prisoner in Vilvorde, with
whom all the doctors now wrangled, though in vain.
Meanwhile, the alarm of the Scotish government shews
that books were still coming into the country. The Act of
Parliament in 1525, against all importation by strangers, had
been strengthened in J 527, so as to apply to the native im-
porters ; but by the language of Ales, it seems as if there
had actually been attempts at selling the New Testament in
book-shops ; and certainly if the Act was now to be repeated, and
with greater severity, it lends countenance to all his remon-
strances. Parliament, at all events, opening in the summer
of 1535, and on the 8th of June, farther degraded itself by not
only repeating the Act, but now all persons having any such
books, were commanded to deliver them up to their Ordinary
within forty days, under the penalty of confiscation and im-
prisonment. As a decided evidence of no small progress
made, even ^'■discussion of opinions'''' was now sternly prohi-
bited by the Parliament ! Happily, how'ever, there was an
exception, or, as some would say, a flaw in the act, as there
has often been since, in many such feats of human legislation.
An exception was made in favour of clerks in the schools^ who
mif/ht read, in order to refute. The consequence was, that a
number of these clerks, by reading and discussion, sincerely
embraced the same sentiments, or the reverse of those which
were intended by the indulgence.
In the year 1586, with regard to the Scotish monarch him-
self, now sinking under the power of licentious habits, and to
which the clergy oftered no objection, his situation was one
which might well excite pity. The language of Ales has
clearly shewn, that, as a youth, there were generous and
humane feelings within him ; and the banishment of the
iSS CONDITION OK THK KINU. QbooK IV.
Douglas I'aiiiily. witli Aii^u.s at their head, was owing to a
burst of eniutioii perrectly natural. Jjut now the King was
be.set by no less than throe parties. The family of Angus,
though not in Scotland, were ever on the watch, having sold
themselves to England. James, still unmarried, and without
a direct heir, had the Ilamiltons near him, not without an
eye to the throne ; while, as the clergy ""s kingdom of this
woi-ld seemed to bo in danger, the guidance of the monarch
had become, with them, a subject of supreme and intense
interest. The erratic course of the king's uncle, Henry VIII.,
had also raised Scotland in the scale of importance in the eye
of Rome; so that, in conjunction with the hierarchy, James,
being the man he was, had no chance of escape from vexatious
thraldom.
On the one hand, Henry's eager desire to have a personal
interview with his nephew, must be thwarted. The Queen-
Mother, Henry's sister, in conjunction with Lord William
Howard, strove for this at present, but in vain. At the same
time, in the spring of 1536, the needle seemed to be still
quivering in the beam, as to what course the King would pur-
sue. In 1.534, the clergy, with the concurrence of the Pon-
tiff, Clement VII., had granted a tenth part of their revenues
to James for three years, to encourage him, it has been sup-
posed, in following their advice with regard to the suppression
of heresy. Clement had ceased to live in September 1534, and
this grant would expire in 1537. But whatever was the cause,
the monarch appears to have been dissatisfied, and especially
with the exactions of the priests at large. The clergy were
in motion throughout the kingdom, and from the 11th to the
1 7th of !March 1536, a provincial council of the Prelates was
held in Edinburgh. Once assembled, they received a message
from the King. Of its purport, we have one account from the
Earl of Angus. He was then at Berwick, not daring to
approach nearer; but in writing to his brother. Sir George
Douglas, he says —
" The King is not in the town himself, and \cvy J'cic tenipoi-al lords. At the
making of this writing, (certain articles,) the King was at Crawfurd-John in
Clvdc'sihile, and sent liis writing to Edinburgh to the clergy. The beai'ers were
Sir .James Hamilton, Nieol of Crawfurd, and Mr. .James Fowles. These were
the points of the King's charge, as I was advertised — bidding the clergy give
over the curps-pirsent and tlie n/miost c/oth throngh all Scotland, that tlu^y should
be no more taken ; ami that every man should ha\e his own t< ind, (tulie,) pay-
1530-37.] DISSATISFIED WITH THE PRIESTS. 489
ing for his tythes, such like as he pays to his landlord of liis maills (rents,) and
no more, for his whole tythes. Sir James and the other two said to the clergy,
if tliey granted not that, at the King's eonunand, that there should be a charge
laid to them, that he would (jer (make) them set all the temiiorais that tlie kirk
have, to feu (fee,) and to have for it, but the old rent, such as tlie old rentals
bcai\ The Kirkmen of Scotland were ncrer so ill content. The word is now
through all Scotland that the Kings iclll meet (Henry and James) ; for them
that were farrest against it in Scotland, say, that the King will meet his uncle,
by the grace of God, and trust nought else. For these tidings that 1 now write
to you, the man that showed me them, came from the King to Edinburgh, and
heard the charge given to them by these three that I wrote of before. Written
at Berwick the 24th of March [1530"] — IShjned. Ar"- Erl of Angus." 15
If this intelligence was substantially correct, it was cer-
tainly indicative, thus early, of very general dissatisfaction on
the part of the common people throughout the country ; al-
though the grounds of complaint were not removed for twenty-
four years after this, or eighteen after James was in his
grave. The King himself, however, was evidently ill at ease,
and it might seem, at the moment, as if he were on the point
of following his uncle's footsteps. How he became pacified,
does not fully appear, though it be evident that the power of
the hierarchy — the counsel of the chief priests had prevailed.
The Queen-Mother was writing to her brother in England,
while these prelates were yet sitting, and she informs him on
the 16th of JSlarch, that the King, her son, had got counsel
of the Kirkmen to desire of him these points : That he will
promise not to desire his nephew to take his new constitutions of
the Scriptures ; not to labour for the Earl of Angus ; to desire
the meeting-place should be Newcastle, not York.''' In April
Lord Howard finds also that the time of the meeting had been
prorogued to IVIichaelmas ; he had had an interview with the
King himself, at Stirling, on the subject, and being disgusted,
wished to return home. In May, Henry expresses to his
nephew his surprise at their meeting being changed, both as
to place and time ; when James, on the 20th of that month.
'5 Holopraph. State Papers, Scotland, in the Cliapter-Housc, Westminster, but jilaced, by
mistake, under the year l.").')4 in tlie Gov. Papers, iv., W/. Compare the correction, vol. v., p. .'W.
The ciiriise-jinspiit was a forced payment, as it was not due by any canon of the Kirk in Scot-
land. The best cote, or the best of other property, beloMKing to the deceased, must then be given
up ; and as for the clotii, the uppermost covering of the bed, or of the body when alive, was also
demanded by the Vicar. This exaction applied to every man, woman, and child, as often as death
visited the family, while lUe iion-ejcactioii by any vicar, gave great oft'encc to his fellow robbers.
The efi'ect, in many instances, was ruin, and even beggary to the family. The King had no ob-
jections to the severe satyre on this, and other delinquencies, by Sir David Lindsay, the poet of
Ids reign. See Chalmers' Lindsay, iii., p. HK'j.
"' Gov. State Papers, vol. v., p. ;»!.
-l-UO COUNCIL OF THE I'RELATKS. [hook IV.
by way of" prolonging the game, replies in a letter, .sweet as
.summer. " Dearo.st uncle, tru.^t ilrmly, that it .shall not be
in the |)owcr of any wii'ked per.son to make us bulieve anything
of you, but to repute and hold you our most faithful and kind
uncle, and wo to be semblable, an hcartful and true nephew,
ever ready to do unto you all honor and Immunity to us pos-
sible."'^ In short, the entire communication is pregnant with
hypocrisy, as it was not pos.sible for James to be ignorant,
that already John Thornton, the protonotary apostolic, had
passed through England on his way to Rome, for the PontifTs
brief, charging the Scoti.sh King to have no meeting whatever
with the King of England. Of this fact, Henry had been in-
formed a week before, so that on receiving his nepliew''s letter,
he could only learn with what celerity he was following his
own footsteps, in a course of perpetual dissimulation.
But we have not yet done with this council of prelates.
Both IIoica7'd and Barlow were present at their discussions and
sermons ; and whether the latter had, or had not, been the
author of the Satyre on Wolsky, or " The Burial of the Mass;"
his language now certainly borders on it, in point of violence.
He was still Prior of his monastery, and did not resign till
next year ; but he had recently been made Bishop of Asaph,
and was extremely anxious to try his powers for the first time
in Scotland. '** Having alluded to the troubled state of the
borders, when writing to Crumwell, he adds —
" Also, I am sure that the Council, which arc only the clergy, would not will-
ingly give such advertisement to the King, for due execution upon thieves and
robbers ; for then ought he first of all to begin with them, in the midst of his
Realm, whose abominable abused fashion, so far out of frame, a Christian heart
abhorreth to behold. They show themselves, in all points, to be the Pope's
pestilent creatures, vei'y limbs of the Devil, whose popish power violently to
maintain, their lying friars cease not in their sermons, we being present, blas-
phemously to blatter against the verity, with slanderous reproach of us, which
have justly renounced his wrong usurped papacy. Wherefore, in confutation
of their detestable lies, if I may obtain the King's license (otherwise shall I not
be suffered) to preach, I will not spare for no bodily peril, boldly to publish the
truth of God's Word among them. Whereat though the clergy shall repine, yet
many of the lay people ic III ijladly gire hearing." 19
17 Gov. St.itc Papers, vol. v., p. 51.— "20tli day of May, the 2.3d year of our regime."
18 Barlow had come down as Prior of Bisliam, on the Thames, o)>posite Great Marlow. The
manor-hmisc, partly formed out of the priory, where (juccn Elizabeth for some lime resided,
is still in existence.
i!> HoloKrajih. Cali^., b. iii., fol. I!M. Gov. State Papers, vol. v., p. .•17.
1335-37.] THE HEADING OF SCRIPTURE FORBIDDEN. 491
Such was the state of things in Maufh 1536, at least in Bar-
low's estimation, and his testimony on behalf of " the lay
people" may be received as evidence that they already knew
much more than such clergy had either told them, or knew
themselves.
Nor was this all. In only two months more, a more im-
portant fact, because referring to the manifest progress of Di-
vine truth, comes out, nor is the name of Luther or Luther-
anism mentioned in connexion with it. In May 1536, the
reading of the Sacred Volume in the vulgar tongue was publicly
prohibited. Lord Howard and Barlow, in their joint letter of
the 13th, give this information —
" Though we liave not brought to such final pass the contents of our instruc-
tions, according as we had confidence, to the King's Highness' pleasure, j'et tliere
wanted in us no diligent endeavour, which nevertheless is not so in vain, but
that we have necessarily tried out the Scotish dissembling mutability ; which
known and mistrusted, can do little displeasure, whereas their feigned luitrusty
amity inteudeth us no farther pleasure but their own jjrofit : except hereafter
God give them a more faithful heart, grounded on knowledge of his Word,
ichich, to be read in their vulgar tongue, is lately prohibited, by open proclama-
tion "'2^'
Now, in our English history we have already always found,
that every such measure as this, within the country, was only
indicative of still greater pressure from without, and so it must
have been in Scotland. Thus, then, before Tyndale expired,
so powerful had his exertions proved, that his translation liad
been publicly denounced by the authorities in the north, as
well as in the south; while all the time it was making its way,
in unknown directions, and in both countries.
But why, it may now, with all propriety be inquired, should
William Barlow, perhaps inflated by his elevation, assume so
high a tone, at this early day? Was he not himself a prior
still, and why then, thus hastily, be so severe on the clergy \
Was it to please Crumwell and the King ? Why then use
language actually at the expense of both., as well as of all the
English Bishops, of whom Barlow was now one? Did the
whole of this talk, so far as it concerned the Scriptures, carry
very much the appearance of a farce on both sides ? So it
should seem ; for why molest James V. about the Scriptures
at present ? In April and May 15SG, what had Henry VIII. ?
20 Gov. State P.ipcrs, vol. v., ]i. 4.'l.
■I!t2 CKOOKIH) I'OLICV ()!•' KNULAN'D. [hook IV.
What liad Criiiiiwcll, tj""i,i;l» N'icar-Cuiicral '. What had tho
Hciich of JJi.shops tlu-re yet done, in roforeiice to the Sacred
Volume in the vulgar tongue i Had they yet found a trans-
lation and agreed respecting it, and made open pHJcIamation
(hat all might read, believe, and live i iV<jthing of the kind.
On the contrary, Henry and his authorities had been lighting
against it exactly ten years ! And what was the English
government doing at the moment? Were its members not in
the guilty act of leaving the translator to perish, witlnjut one
solitary or solemn remonstrance from either the King or Crum-
well, to whom earnest application had been made, and by no
connnon man i Nay more, at the nsoment when Howard, the
brother of the Duke of Norfolk, and Barlow were thus writing
their joint letter, in what a shameful and bloody trageily,
in reference to Anne Boleyn, the King and Crumwell, and all
around them were engrossed, we need not repeat.
iiarlow remained behind Howard for ten days longer, when
he signified that it would be " no more displeasant for him
to depart, than it was for Lot to pass out of Sodom !" Ihit
he was twt aware of Latimer being in the very act of preparing
his Latin sermon for the prelates then occupying the English
bench ; and in which they were to have small credit over the
bishojjs whom J3arlow had left behind him. He could not be
aware that Fox of Hereford was about to tell his brethren that
they were " in danger of being laughed to scorn by the com-
mon people, (who knew more of the Sci'iptures than they did,)
as having not one spark of learning or godliness within them."''
Above all, he had not anticipated that a native of that same
Edinburgh was on the point of adjusting the balance more
correctly between the English and the Scotish bench, when he
put Stokesly the Bishop of London in a rage; though simply,
yet boldly, pleading for no more than the authority and all-suffi-
ciency of Scripture ; when Cranmer himself was afraid to let
him jjo on, and fitrht the battle out ; or in other words, when the
Archbishop of Canterbury would discover as nnicli timidity as
the Archbishop of Cologne had done, and before the mine man !
These equal reminiscences are imperatively due to tlie present
history. They show how hostile the men, called ecclesiastical,
in eit/ier aouutry were, and at the same momi^nt, to the highest
favour which Heaven had ever bestowed on them both. It was
certainlv too soon foi- anv such men to throw a snow-ball at
1535-37.]] I'HE MAKUIAUK ()K THE KIN(I. 493
their next neighbours, while" the lay people'''' in Scotland, as
well as England, were alike so far a-liead of them. Barlow,
however, had now set out on his hunt after preferment^ and a
more dangerous course it is not possible for a man to pursue.
Whether it was in reward of his services, or in preparation for
the noted Convocation about to be held in June ; even before he
left Scotland, he was translated to St. David's, in which cha-
racter he sat, and heard all that we have hinted, as in prepa-
ration for him.^^ What must Barlow have thought or felt,
when he saw a native of Edinburgh so encounter his brethren,
and try their temper ? But, at all events, we are indebted to
him for the information he has given us, respecting those lav
people in the north, for whom Ales had already so powerfully
pled.
Under the iufluence of his ecclesiastical advisers, James was now bent
on a matrimonial alliance with France. A regency was appointed, of
which James Beaton was the head ; and taking his nephew, the Abbot of
Arbroath, with certain noblemen in his train, he left the kingdom in
September, and after an absence of fully eight months, returned with a
queen for his royal master, an accomplished princess, Madeleine, the
only daughter of Francis I.
During the absence of his nephew from Scotland, Henry VIII., ever
intriguing, had sent down Ralph Sadler to his sister, the Queen-Mother,
as early as February ; and from thence he proceeded with instructions
to King James himself at Amiens in March, professedly in reference to
his mother, Henry's sister. The visit, in both instances, no doubt, had
a double object in view ; and hence the Scotish King was scarcely landed,
with his bride, on the 19th of May 1537, than Sadler was down once
more, charged with long and particular instructions. Henry, under-
standing that the gentlemen of " the old learning" were very much alike
every where, and judging also by those who stood round his own person
to the end of his life, again must this ambassador whisper in the ear of
James, his uncle's sayings in reference to the clergy.
They were " commonly held by the affection they have to their maintenance,
and to their authority in pomp and pride." If Sadler actually went as far
as his Master instructed him, he was to say that James was " not to think
of himself, as perchance some of his clergy would have him to be, as hrtitf as a
stock, or to mistrust, that his wits, which lie had received of God, be not able
to perceive Clu-ist's word, which his grace has left us, common to be understood
bv all Christian men." Henry farther advised his nephew to try these clergy
21 See the account of the Convocation, to which he was so soon summoiKil, vol. i., pp. 4)«i,
■!!M-.'jllt.
ifU TIIK yUliKN SOON OIKH. [liooK IV.
" by their works and di'fds" — f(ir " that would iiKhicc hiiii tu loan to the puro
word of Liotl, and to pass hj^ht njion droanis of men ahiiM'd hy sii[>ii"slition, to
Idiud ])rincos, anil otlicr ])c'rsoiiK of much sinipUcity." Sailh-r was tlicii to pray
Henry's ^ood nophow " not to conceive any evil opinion of his uncle, from false
and lyiuf; reports, only because his Highness, sticking to the word of God, had
abolisheil certain Roman abuses and superstitions in his realm ;" with many
other such words.--
The entire document is in perfect keeping with the deep hypocrisy of
Henry's character ; but if this was a specimen of his policy, not to say
the refinement of his language, it was not likely to have much effect on
such a Prince as James, at the age of twenty-six, recently married to
the only daughter of the French monarch ; and immediately after he had
been accustomed, for so many months, to a very different style of ad-
dress. Henry's nephew was not now to be rated like a school-boy, and
Sadler, of course, had to return as he came. In pursuance of the same
policy, he had brought a present of ,£200, by way of fee, to the Queen-
Mother, and she, as in duty bound, acknowledges receipt, to her brother,
in June, when she trusts that the King, her son, is sending to him David
Beaton. She prays him to talk kindly with the Abbot, as he was a
great man with his master .^3
The young Queen, however, had but a short time to live, having in-
deed been ill of consumption before her marriage. Upon landing at
Leith, she had " knelt upon the beach," says INIr. Tytler, " and taking up
some portion of the sand, kissed it with deep emotion, whilst she implored
a blessing upon her new country, and her beloved husband." It says
much for her character that in so short a period she had so endeared
herself to all classes ; as within fifty days after her arrival she expired.
The deep regret of many was shewn by their putting on mourning, a
custom, till then, altogether unknown in Scotland. James, however,
recovering from this shock, retained his purpose of sending Beaton to
England. In the month of August we find him as far as Stamford,
there soliciting an audience, through Crumwell, with the King, then at
Dunstable. ^'^ He had gone, no doubt, as an esjnal, rather than an
ambassador, in return for the visit of Sadler in James's absence. But
there could be no cordiality between the countries at this moment. On
the contrary, the life of .James had been twice threatened by secret con-
spiracy, through the intrigues of the Douglas family, who were living
under Henry's protection. The clergy Avill continue to advise or pro-
mote alliance with France.
22 Gov. St. rapors, vol. v., pp. HI, 82, note. 2.1 Idem. p. !m. «* Idem. )>. <f.t.
1538-1-2.] THE STATE OK THE COUNTRY. 495
SECTION V.
PROM 1538 TO 1542 — state op the country — BEATON A CARDINAL AND
PERSECUTION REVIVED — THE MARTYRDOMS OF 1538 — DEAN FORRET —
THE CAUSE OF ALL THE TUMULT IN OPPOSITION TRACED TO THE NEAV
TESTAMENT IN THE NATIVE TONGUE ANOTHER MARTYRDOM MEN ESCAP-
ING THE CRUEL PROGRESS OF CARDINAL BEATON DEATH OF THE KINO
JAMES V. GLOOMY STATE OF THE COUNTRY AS TO ITS GOVERNMENT AT
THIS MOMENT.
^S^^HROUGHOUT tliGse fivG jGars ensuing, or from 1538 to
^^£ ] 542 inclusive, just as though it had been intended by
"^ """ divine providence to be the more observed by the
people as such, and at all events, by posterity, the only cause
that looked upward, was that which was most hated ; the only
progress towards improvement, in any department, was in
that of Divine truth. At the close of this period the King is
to die, and even now, whether in relation to himself or the
country at large, every movement was from bad to worse.
All things went the downward road.
In justice, however, to James V., it must be remembered that he
was called to contend with more than Henry VIII. ever had to encoun-
ter. The English Barons had been brought low by Henry VII., before
his son came to the throne ; but in Scotland, although in 1513 the
" Flowers of the Forest" had died away, another race had sprung up
since then. The clergy, too, had a David Beaton among them, as licen-
tious and ambitious as Wolsey himself, and far more unrelenting in his
dispositions than the English cardinal ever was. Besides, James, younger
than the English King when he came to the throne, had been watched
and swayed by interested parties from childhood ; so that having to cope
with the Barons as well as the Clergy, it discovered no small force of
character, that he proved so much of a sovereign as he did. In early
life, amiable in his dispositions, he had evidently endeared himself to
the people of his kingdom ; and afterwards, in being dragged into such
cruelties by these ecclesiastics, it only shews to what fearful extent a
man may go, whether from profligacy or mistaken political motives. In
short, among all these public men, the King is the solitary individual
who draws on our pity. At one moment, indeed, he will be seen to sink
himself to the lowest depth, by compliance with his bishops, in the
burning of his subjects for their attachment to divine truth ; but before
1!m; TMK KING'S SKC'OM) jMAUKIAGK. [uook IV.
ii year {i;oos round, we shall not only (joc him .sit for hours, and hoar the
c'cclcsia.stical order lashed with the severest Hatiro for their vices ; but
he will turn round afterwards, and acquiescing in the justice of the ex-
hihition, rate the whole order severely to their faces, as the root of all
evil. Both Henry and James vainly iniaf^ined that they themselves
might live as they listed, though neither of them were Mind to the scan-
dalous lives of the priests and their superiors.
But to proceed, David Beaton having gone to France once more, and to
negociate for another Queen, returned in May 1538, (only ten months
after the death of Madeleine) with a woman of a widely different cha-
racter— ]\I.\uv of Grisi: — an alliance perfectly agreeable to the clergy,
though ere long to prove most injurious to the best interests of the
country. Beaton, like Wolsey in past years, looking out for his own
advancement by the way, had contrived to be made Bishop of Mirepoix
in Languedoc, with not less than ten thou.sand livrcs of annual revenue ;
and though not yet a bishop in his own country, his French appoint-
ment will strengthen the ladder to higher promotion. Sharpened, no
doubt, by his visit to England last year, and having now furnished so
trusty a checkmate for his Sovereign, no time Avas to be lost in proceed-
ing against all the insinuations of his uncle, by strengthening his own
jtcrsoual authority through the court of Rome. He was indeed, as yet,
nothing more than an Abbot in Scotland ; but with his French see in
addition, Beaton had applied to the Pontiff" for one of his highest honours.
Of course this was represented as by no means on his own account, but
merely for the benefit of the kirk, and to meet the signs of the times.
This, however, was no usual demand, no common step in advance, yet
through the vigilance of his agent in Italy, the able and aspiring Abbot
succeeded, and was actually raised, by Paul III., to the powers of a
Cardinal, on the 20th of December 1538.
Throughout the year 15S8, the new learning having made
very manifest progress, the disposition to persecute was about
to be fully gratified. The secret of Beaton's zeal for power
could not long remain hid, and since James was both so mar-
ried, and too far gone to jirofit by any warning ; his character
as a man must " smart for it,"" as Henry, his uncle, had pre-
dicted. Nothing improved by his former visit to France,
gay, licentious and thoughtless, James was as nnich in want
of money as his uncle always was, and money he must have.
In vounc;er life he had shrunk from the sheddin"- of blood, but
now, in order to beguile him fi-om an eye to clerical wealth and
tlie accumulated treasures of the monasteries, the property
of all who should either die for their opinions, or ahjure, was
1538-42.] BITTER PERSECUTION REVIVED. 497
held out as the base incitement to the enslaved and infatuated
monarch. If, therefore, among the subjects of James there
were those who would " take joyfully the spoiling of their
goods, knowing that they had in heaven a better and an en-
during substance," and if their attachment to the word of
God as such, should thus become apparent, a better evidence
of progress made could not be wished. At the same time, the
course about to be pursued by the enemy, is worthy of notice,
on another account. It was the choice plan of Stephen Gar-
diner in England to hunt after such as he styled " the head
deer ; """' and as the persecutor in Scotland is about to not merely
gratify his own malice, but supply the King's necessities ; the
poor believer, who had nothing to forfeit or leave behind him,
not being a subject suitable to the miserable end in view, must
have been, most providentially, passed over. The poor, often
the richest in faith, were below notice, merely because not
worth the trouble and expense.
Before however noticing any instances of persecution, it
must be remembered that " the New Testament in the vulgar
tongue^'' had been pointed out since May 1536 by public pro-
clamation. There may have been some other English books
suspected of heresy already in Scotland, but even still, no
other book is expressly named. The presumption therefore is,
that in all these proceedings, the Scriptures chiefly, if not
solely, were now aimed at, and all opinions grounded on the
Sacred Volume.
It was in the very month in which Beaton was made a Car-
dinal at Rome, that the persecution in Scotland had already
revived. No one had suffered death since August 1534; but
after four years had elapsed, an early, if not the lirst arrest-
ment, afforded rather a curious illustration of blind fury.
Martin Balkesky, a burgess of Edinburgh, had been thrown into con-
finement in the Castle, as early as December 1538, for " breaking our
Sovereign Lord's proclamation against using and having such books as
are prohibited by Parliament." He first complained therefore to the
King, who referred him to Beaton, only a few days before he was made
a Cardinal, or about a month before he could hear of the appointment.
Beaton still only an Abbot, but coadjutor of St. Andrews, referred the
burgess to the Lords of the Privy Council. Balkesky then supplicated
them, and they promised enlargement on condition of his finding caution
to the Justice-Clerk, Thomas Scott of Pitgorno. The caution he de-
VOL. II. 2 [
498 CONFISCATIONS OF PROPEKTV. Qbook IV.
manded was not less than a thoumnd pounds. On the 28th of February,
the very thiy before a dreadful martyrdom, which Biilkesky may have wit-
nessed from the Castle, the caution was found and ottered ; but now not
satisfied, on the 7th of March, Sir John Campbell of Calder, Archibald
Williamson, burgess of Edinburgh, and Robert Ilopringill, l)urgcss of
Peebles, had to become sureties for tiro thousand pounds more, that the
prisoner should "abide the King's Grace's pleasure and will ;" no slender
proof that they had already got one substantial citizen by the hand.
Only five days elapsed, however, when they were obliged to let him go,
" remitting to him the escheat of all his goods, &c. for having and using
certain English heretical books." A letter of remission was granted to
him on the 12th of March ; his professed defence being, that he had
merely " refused to deliver up his Matin-hook to the official of Lothian
at his first command."
But if this proved a blank, they had caught a richer prize in the per-
son of Walter Stewart, son of Lord Ochiltrie. He was fined in his whole
estates, or possessions moveable and immoveable, " by reason that the
said Walter was abjured of heresy."
Beaton, however, once a Cardinal, there was no farther occasion for
troubling either the Lords of the Privy Council, or those of the Justi-
ciary. Wherever his cross was borne before him, there he reigned as
lord paramount over the conscience, and other gentlemen will not now
so easily escape. By the 10th of January 1539, we find Robert Forres-
ter, brother to the Laird of Arngibbon, William Forrester, son of John,
burgess of Stirling, Walter Cousland, David Graham, and James Watson,
all of Stirling, were seized for hooks, suspected to be heretical ; " for
breaking his Highness' proclamation, in having and using such books as
are suspected of heresy, and are ])rohihited hy the Kirk." Observe the
altered phraseology, or how soon and slyly they were interposing their
own authority. The caution at once exacted from these parties amounted
to no less than 3100 marks, so that the entire property must have been
considerable. The first gentleman, we shall find die at the stake ; the
second and third, as well as another, a burgess of Edinburgh, Robert
Cant, were all entirely forfeited in March. Similar forfeitures extended
to Perth, as well as to Stirling, where John Stewart, son to Henry,
Lord Methven, was among the number ; and so far as the seizure of
property was concerned, the persecution lay very heavy upon Dundee.^^
Two parties had now fully engrossed the iniud of Beaton,
namely, the Kirk and the King. The former was to be de-
fended by fire, the latter to be cajoled by fines ; and this
month of March served to unfold his character, as equally
2* See the Criminal Trials.
J53S-42.] KIVE MARTYRS IN EDINBUKGH. l!)i»
busy ill both departments. The most fearful week was the
first in this month, and Saturday the 1st its most sliocking-
(hiy. The country hitherto liad witnessed no scene so out-
rageous. Tlic trial, such as it was, and the sentence to death
being all overtaken before the sun went down, it must have
been intended to strike with terror, not Edinburgh alone, but
every other place. Not fewer than five diflerent men ap-
peared ; John Keillor and John Beveridge, two Benedictine
monks or Blackfriars, not improbably from the same monas-
tery in Edinburgh where Prior Buckingham had lodged till
1535, when he set off" to the persecution of Tyndale ; Sir Dun-
can Simpson, so called as being a priest, from Stirling ; Mr.
Robert Forrester, notary, a gentleman of the same place ; and
last, though not least, a Dean of the Kirk, Thomas Forret,
canon regular in the Monastery of St. Colm's Inch, and
Vicar of Dollar. Having been summoned before Beaton, and
Chisholm, Bishop of Dunblane, men equally notorious for
licentious habits, and bigoted attachment to their system, no
mercy was in store for any of the five, while the last was
treated with characteristic reproach and barbarity. The trial,
soon over, the fire was prepared on the esplanade of the Castle,
visible at once far and near, to two counties, Mid-Lothian
and Fife.
The King, too, must proceed one step farther on the pre-
sent occasion. In 1584 he had presided in a red dress at the
trial of Straiten, but his authority on the bench was now not
consulted. It had, in fact, been superseded by that of this
Cardinal, but still his Majesty must sanction all. He must
follow the footsteps of his father-in-law Francis I., in 1535,
and himself be present to see the red flames on the Castlehill,
when five of his best subjects were consumed to ashes before
his eyes, on the 1st of March 1539.26
Dean Forret, Avho, with his four companions, died so nobly this day,
was a son of the Master Stabler to the King's father, James IV. He
had perfected his education at Cologne, from whence, however, he had
26 " 1 March 1538-39. Accusatio haereticorum et eorum combustio, apud Edinburg Bege
prcsente." Household Book of King James V. The King left the city, next day, for Lithgow,
perhaps to escape odium ; but it was in perfect keeping with the whole affair, that on the day
itself, the Searcher was gone after the property! Slarcli 1, Item. " Delivered to Archiliald
Hcriot, Messenger, to pass and search their goods, who were al)jured and declared lierctics in
Edinl)urgh and Stirling," 16 sh. Lord Treasurer's Aeeounts. Independently of the cruelty and
deep depravity of pcrsecntiori, it is generally accompanied by a meanness most detestable.
500 DEAN FORRKT CONDEMNED KOH [boOK IV
returned as blind as he went, with respect to the Word of God. But
after his return, a dispute arising between the Abbot of St. Colm's Inch
and these Canons, they had obtained the book of foundation, to examine
into their rights. To induce them to part with this book, the Abbot
offered them a volume of Augustine's works ; and this it was which led
Forrct to study the Scriptures for himself. The epistle to the Romans
engrossed his attention, and he became useful to a number of the canons.
From six in the morning till noon he was engaged in study, and com-
mitting three chapters of the Bible every day to memory, he made his
servant hear him repeat the whole before night. Once appointed Vicar
of Dollar, he preached every Sunday to the people, a practice then un-
known to any other Dean, Dignitary, or Bishop, in all Scotland ! This
practice, joined to his determined opposition to the sale of indulgences,
and his declining to accept of the usual clerical exactions, had rendered
him so obnoxious, that he had been frequently called before the Primate,
Beaton's uncle, and Chisholm from Dunblane, at St. Andrews. But
whether warned or threatened, by the Abbot of his Monastery, by Bishop
or Archbishop, he had persevered, till at last, having fought a good fight,
he had finished his course.
In a history such as this, however, the place, the very conspicuous
place, which was this day given to the Scriptures of the New Testament,
as translated by Tyndale, must not pass unnoticed.
The official accuser in court on this occasion was a servile creature of
Beaton's, Mr. John Lauder, when the following dialogue took place : —
Accuser. " False heretic ! Thou sayest it is not lawful to Kirkmen to
take their teinds (tythes) and offerings and corps-presents, though we have
been in use of them, constitute by the Kirk and King, and also our holy
father, the Pope, hath confirmed the same ?" Dean Forret. " Brother, I
said not so ; but I said it was not lawful to Kirkmen to spend the patri-
mony of the Kirk as they do, as on riotous feasting and on fair women,
and at playing at cards and dice ; and neither the Kirk well maintained
nor the people instructed in God's word, nor the Sacraments duly ad-
ministered to them as Christ commanded." Ace. " Dare thou deny
that which is openly known in the country ? That thou gave again to
thy parishioners the cow and the upmost clotJis, saying you had ' no right'
to them ?" Dean. " I gave them again, to them that had more mister
(need) than I."^ Ace. " Thou false heretic ! Thou learned all thy
parishioners to say the Paternoster, the Creed, and the Ten Command-
ments in English, which is contrary to our acts, that they should know
what they say.'''' " Dean. " Brother, my people are so rude and ignorant
they understand no Latin, so that my conscience moved me to pity their
ignorance, which provoked me to learn them the words of their salvation
*7 Sec- Note 111. \<. 4H!I.
1538-42.] USING THE ENGLISH NEW TESTAMENT. 501
in English, and the Ten Commandments, which are the law of God,
whereby they might observe the same. I teached the belief, whereby
they might know their faith in God, and Jesus Christ his son, and of
his death and resurrection. Moreover, I teached them and learned them
the Lord's own prayer, in the mother tongue, to the etfect that they should
know to whom they should pray, and in whose name they should pray, and
what they should ask and desire in prayer ; which I believe to be the pattern
of all prayer." Ace. " Why did you that 1 By our acts and ordinances
of our holy father, the Pope 1" Dean. " I follow the acts of our Master
and Saviour Jesus Christ ; and of the Apostle Paul, who saith in his
doctrine to the Corinthians, that he had rather speak Jive words to the
understanding and edifying of his people, than ten thousand in a strange
tongue, which they understand not." Ace. " "Where finds thou that 1"
Dean. " In my book here, in my sleeve."
Upon which, the Accuser starting, wdth a bound, to the Vicar, pulled
the book out of his hand, and holding it up to the people, said with a
loud voice — " Behold, Sirs, he has the book of heresy in his sleeve, that
makes all the din and play in our Kirk !" " Brother," said the
Dean, " God forgive you ! Ye could say better, if ye pleased, nor to
call the book of the Evangel of Jesus Christ the book of heresy ! I
assure you, dear brother, that there is nothing in this book but the life,
the latter will and testament of our Master and Saviour Jesus Christ,
penned by the four Evangelists for our wholesome instruction and com-
fort"— The Accuser interrupting him — " Knows thou not, heretic, that
it is contrary to our acts and express commands, to have a New Testament
or Bible in English, which is enough to bum thee for V Then the
council of the clergy gave sentence on hun to be burnt, for the having
and using of the same book — the Nev; Testament in English. For these,
and the like sentences, was he taken up to the Castlehill in Edinburgh,
and most unmercifully burnt." The bodies of these five men appear to
have been strangled, before they were consumed to ashes.
No attestation could be raore distinct than that which was
here given by those unprincipled and wicked men. No other
book is once named. All the healthful and life sivins: com-
motion is ascribed to one source, and that the book of God.
This alone, it is confessed and deplored, was that which gave
such great annoyance, and, in their style, occasioned all the
din and play throughout the country!
Not satisfied with this horrible scene, Beaton must look
westward, where it seems to have been resolved there should
be another martyrdom by way of terror. Here, however,
he was to meet with some temporary obstruction from Gavin
Dunbar, who was not only an Archbishop, (of Glasgow) but
502 .MARTYRS IN (iLASCiOW AND CUl'AK-1'II- K. [book IV.
iit the saiMo tiiiu j)osses8ing the liighost c/r// authority, as the
Lord ChancoUor, The fact was that Beaton, thougli nomi-
iKilly a Cardinal, had not even yet received the " instrument
of possession"' to his titk', nor did he do so till October; but
though he had been in full power, Glasgow as well as Ross
would have deniurre«l to his authority, and objected to his
cross being borne there. He will provide f(^r all this present-
ly, but now, being still only an Abbot in Scotland, if resolved
to push his way over the head of Dunbar, it will only display
the arrogance and fury of this man's ambition.
Two individuals having been apprehended in the diocese of Glasgow ;
Jerome Russel, a Franciscan or Greyfriar, and a young man, Ninian Ken-
nedy, only eighteen, of good education, and possessing " an excellent in-
gync (genius) for Scotish poetry ;" they were immediately brought to trial.
This myrmidon of Beaton's, John Lauder, and two other willing agents,
Mr. Andrew Oliphant, as notary, and one Friar Mertman, were sent off
to Glasgow in commission, to assist, or rather secure success. The Arch-
bishop, not so bloodily inclined, hesitated. " I think it better to spare
these men," said he, " than to put them to death." " What will ye do,
my Lord ?" said the commission from Edinburgh. " Will ye condemn
all that my Lord Cardinal, other Bishops, and we have done ? If so, ye
do shew yourself enemy to the Church and us, and so we will report you,
be assured !" Dunbar became afraid, having no relish for coming into
collision with this new-made Cardinal. The King had conceded his
ov:n authority, and his Lord Chancellor now as meanly followed ! Ad-
judging both the martyrs to death, they died in triumph. In addition
to these tragedies there was a third, at Cupar in Fife, in order to awe
that part of the country, where, by the Lord Treasurer's Accounts, one
man, not named, also suffered at the stake.
During a season of confiscation and murder such as this, the victims
pillaged must have been numerous ; we could name more than we have
mentioned, and it is manifest, that they were not only men of intelli-
gence, but of considerable substance. But among those in imminent
danger at this moment, there was one, the most eminent scholar of his
age. We need scarcely name George Buchanan. His Somnium or
Dream, his satire ralinodia, as well as his Franciscanns, all of which
had been so deeply resented by the whole fraternity of " the old learn-
ing," rendered him the most desirable of all victims, and he was actually
in close custody at St. Andrews. The Cardinal, it is said, offered the
King a sum of money as the price of his blood. Once apprised of this,
Buchanan made his escape from the window of his prison, through Eng-
land into France, and before the close of this year, he had been chosen
Latin Professor in the College of Guiennc. Bourdeaux. But besides
l538-*2.3 'fHE ESCAPE BY FLIGHT. 503
him, iu the coui'se of this mouth of March, many others had fled. The
tires had produced their desired consternation. Thus, if we look to Ber-
wick aloue, as aheady quoted under our English history, on the 29th of
that month, the Duke of Norfolk informs Crumwell — " Daily cometh
unto me some Gentlemen and some Clerks (priests) which do flee out of
Scotland, as they say for reading of Scripttire in English, saying that if
they were taken they should be put to execution. I gave them gentle
words, and to some, money." So did this determined enemy of the Sacred
Volume in English write, and act, at the moment, merely from vile
political motives. But the enemy himself has often, throughout, corro-
borated the truth of this history.
Such, then, was the result of the influence and title, newly
imported from Italy, but at the same time the storm has again
cleared the moral atmosphere, giving decided proof that a
great and unwonted power had been introduced into Scotland,
In other words, we have before us the veritable progress of all
the Scriptural Christianity which has been in the country ever
since ; and however feeble and unpretending in its commence-
ment, the work, since 1526, was now of thirteen years standing.
With such a second Queen as the Cardinal had procured,
and with this increase of tyrannical power to such a man, it
was to be expected that James's uncle, the King of England,
would take alarm. Through his own rude violence of language,
however, to say nothing of his licentious character, and the
undermining policy he had pursued, all influence over his
nephew was now gone ; but for his own sake, he must try the
efi"ect of warning, through his herald or ambassador, once more.
Two or three sentences will explain the general purport.
" Forasmuch as it is most certainly come to the intelligence of the King's
Majesty, that the Abbot of Arbroath should be chosen of late and elected to be
a Cardinal in this your realm of Scotland. Then, should the Bishop of Rome
creep into jour own very bosom, know all your secrets, and, at last, imless you
will be yoked, and serve their pleasure in all points, your Grace is like to smart
for it. The thing perchance, in the beginning, shall seem to your Grace very
honourable and pleasant : but wisdom would, to beware of the tail, which is very
black and bitter. His Majesty's father, and grandfather to your Gi'ace, had a
Cardinal, (Morton,) whereof he was weary, and never admitted others after his
decease, knowing the importable pride of them. In like manner also his High-
ness, by the experience of one, (Wolsey), hath utterly determined to avoid all
the sort : so well his Grace hath known and experienced their mischief, yoke,
and thraldom, tliat thereby is laid upon princes."
Henry's letter might be regarded as a commentary on the
;,0|. BEATON NOW A CARDINAL. QlJOOK IV.
limning month, but it was too lato, and lie might have saved
himself the trouhlc Jamos had already " .smarted" in his
character, by yielding to Jieatou ; who wa.s by no means to
bo interrupted in his career after higher authority still. In
the autumn of 153f), by the death of his uncle, he had be-
come Primate, but even this, and the red hat of a cardinal to
boot, would not satisfy. The western Archbishop, the Lord
Chancellor, still sitting, like Mordecai in the King's gate, must
bo fully, or without question, overruled. The primate's mind,
by this time, was soaring after all power, whether over the
King or the country, as he will prove before long. Meanwhile,
he felt, at this moment, that there was still a technical flaw
in the authority for which he panted. He must carry his
cross triumphantly over broad Scotland, and no man shall
gainsay or plead exemption. In short, though both an Arch-
bishop and a Cardinal, he must not only be Legate a natus,
which, as primate, he was already, but Legate a latere, or
plenipotentiary, and enjoy as much or more power than any
primate had done before him. Hence Oliphant, his most wil-
ling agent, who had been to Glasgow, was then dispatched to
Rome, and by the 16th of November 1539, we have Beaton
writing from Kelso, urging him on to " diligence and to labour
at his power."
" Attour," says he, or, " Besides, ye shall incontinent get us a brief, that we,
as Pi'imate of the realm, may bear ourcros.s before us, throuc/h the whole kingdom
of Scotland, both in the diocese and prorince of Glafgov,and all other jd aces irhat-
soerer exempt. And again, in December from Edinburgh, he adds — " Make the
best and most honourable persuasions ye can, or may, to induce his Holiness to
the granting of the said legation. "2ft
The fact was, that the Pontiff himself faltered and hesitated,
but, at last, Beaton's agent was successful ; and since he was
the last individual in Scotland to be clothed in such hifjh and
shocking authority, we can now see a propriety in the Pontiff
being permitted to put forth all his power, and lift his head
as high as he possibly could in the person of this man, a little
before his authority in Scotland was to be broken for ever.^
28 Sadler's Letters, 4to, i. p. 14-1".
2!> There is, however, some obscurity as to the precise time of liis confirmed elevation. In the
State papers this is spoken of as not taking place till 1545. One bull is dated .') Kal. Feb. 1544,
that is, 27th February I.it'. Oov. St. papers, v. p. 143.
1538-42.] THE INTERLUDE AT LITHGOVV. 505
It will be remembered, that precisely the same thing had
been permitted to take place in England.
Whether, however, it was infiituated policy, or rather pro-
fligate extravagance, in the Scotish King, there could be no
excuse for the guilt of persecution ; though still we are not to
imagine that James was a true sou of the Kirk. He did not
care one straw for their system, and held the persons of his
ecclesiastics in profound contempt. In the drollery and satyre
which was played oft' against them, he would himself indulge, and
even listen to it for hours, with the keenest pleasure. An in-
stance had occurred at this very time, on the 6th of January
1540 at Lithgow, and it is referred to by a veritable wit-
ness, Thomas Bellenden of Auchnoull, recently appointed Lord
Justice-Olerk.^ Happening to be at Coldstream in commu-
nication with Sir William Eure, the latter writes to Crumwell
on the 26th of the month.-''^
" I had divers communings with Mr. Thomas Belleudeu, one of the Council-
lors for Scotland, a man of estimation, appearing to be of the age of fifty years
or above, and of gentle and sage conversation, specially touching the itay of the
spirituality in Scotland : and gathering him to be a man inclined to the sort
used in our Sovereign's realm of England, I did so largely break with him in
those behalves, as to move to know of him, of what mind the King and Council
of Scotland was inclined unto, concerning the Bishop of Rome, and for the re-
formation of the mis-using of the spirituality in Scotland. Whereunto he gently
and lovingly answered, and showing himself well contented of that communing,
did say, that the King of Scots hiiHse/f, with all his temjwral Council, was greatly
given to the reformation of the misdemeanours of Bishops, religious persons,
and priests, within the realm. And so much, that by the King's pleasure, he
being privy thereto, they have had an interlude played in the feast of the Epi-
phany last past, before the King and Queen at Lithgow, and the whole Council
spiritual and temporal. The whole matter whereof concluded upon the decla-
ration of the naughtiness in religion, the presumption of Bishops, the pollution
of the courts called the consistory Courts in Scotland, and misusing of p)riests.
I have obtained a note from a Scotsman of our sort, being present at the playing
of the said interlude, of the effect hereof, which I send to your Lordship by
this bearer. My Lord, the same Mr. Bellenden showed me that, after the said
interlude finished, the King of Scots did call upon the Archbishop of Glasgow,
being Chancellor, and divers other bishops, exhorting them to reform their
fashions and manners of living ; saying that unless they so did, he would send
six of the proudest of them to his uncle of England, and as those were ordered,
so he would order all the rest that would not amend. And thereto the Chancel-
lor answered and said to the King, that one word of his Grace's mouth should
suffice them to be at commandment ! The King hastily and angi'ily answered,
" that he would gladly bestow any words of his mouth, that could amend them !"
Bellenden went so far indeed as to intimate, that James was " fully minded to
"" 26th December 1539. 31 Gov. St. I'apers, v., p. 16:>.
506 TlIK CARDINAL I'UKDOMINANT. [liOOK iv.
expel all «'i-cleHiastlcH from haviiif; any authority l»y oHice, in lii« liousilioM, or
t'lsewlicrc."
JJut tlu'u upon such an occasion as that of this play, what
has become of Ijcaton 'i He was not there, and as lonf,^ as he
carried his cross so high, all this was nothing more than idle
talk. James might amuse liimself, but ho must live and die,
the mere shadow of a King. This scene at Lithgow, however,
was not a solitary or unwonted affair. Such plays and poems
and satires were repeatedly acted, and though Buchanan had
to fly, there was another man, who never did, and whom the
Cardinal never was allowed to touch. Here was a second Mor-
decai, far more obnoxious than Gavin Dunbar had been, who
was long to survive all the fury of this period, and write his
" Tragedie of the late Cardinal," after he had gone to his ac-
count. This was no other than the Lord Lyon King at Arms,
Sir David Lindsay of the Mount, Fifeshire. He had been
the ofHcial keeper and companion of the King, in the days of
his infancy ; and now, the author not only of the interlude re-
ferred to, but of other satirical pieces, bearing with such force
and effect on the superstition of the day, and especially on the
ignorance and immorality, or vices of the kirk, as to render its
officers, both high and low, most contemptible in the eyes of
many. Yet must he never be molested, nor Beaton ever wave
liis cross over his head. So far from it, the Queen having been
lately crowned. Sir David had been not the least conspicuous
fiffure. We find a sum of not less than a thousand marks
had been actually paid to him and his wife, for their official
services on that occasion.
Mary of Guise was scarcely crowned Queen, when Sir Ralph
Sadler was down once more to vi,sit the King. He tried, but in
vain, to shake the confidence of James in his Cardinal and Le-
gate ; at least so the King pretended, by the manner in which
he continued to rally Sadler in reply. But in May, clothed
in all his honours thick ujion him, Beaton, as Legate a latere,
proceeded in grand entrance to St. Andrews, with an unwonted
array of nobility, and there delivered his first oration.
It w^as on the 22d of this month, from his Abbey of St.
Andrews, that the King informed Henry of his having be-
come a father, by the birth of James his eldest son : but from
this period, it may be added, the gay but enslaved monarch
was hasteninir rapidly to his ruin. One cause of molestation
1.J38-42.] ENGLAND PROCLAIMS WAR. r>07
or perplexity now followed the other in quick succession. By
the sudden death of Thomas Scott, the predecessor of Bellen-
den, as Lord Justice-Clerk, the King had been not a little
disturbed, but the execution of Sir James Hamilton of Fin-
nart, already mentioned, for high treason, appears to have
shaken his nervous system. Jealousy of his nobility preyed
on his mind, and there were those who were ever ready to
promote the feeling.
Hence it was that, soou after his death, we find individuals arraigned
before the Justiciary for " consulting with and frequently giving false
information to the late King for the purpose of deceiving him ; thereby
occasioning vehement suspicions between him and his Earls, Barons, and
lieges ; and for causing in him great apprehension and fear for his
slaughter and destruction." ^^ In April 1.541, James's second son Ar-
thur was born, but he survived only a few days, and in a few more his
eldest son and heir followed his brother to the grave ! In July the King
writes to his uncle, and sends Lord Justice Bellenden desiring " peace,
amity, and kindness to stand between them ; " but then in the autumn
of this year, he committed his unpardonable offence.
After his uncle had long strived to secure a personal interview with
him, Henry set off to York in secret hope of success. Like a reed shaken
by the wind, James wavering, never appeared ; and the enraged uncle
never forgot or forgave the affront. In December, the Queen Mother,
Henry's sister, died at Perth ; and her son had now only another year
to live. The sequel is soon told. The storm which had been gathering
for some time, must have vent. The reign of discord between England
and Scotland commenced, and open violence, between parties on the
borders, was but the precursor of other quarrels. The first movement
was from the English lines, and on the 24th of August 1542, the skir-
mish at Halidon Rig took place. James, not knowing this, wrote the
next day to Henry, asking passports for ambassadors, intimating that
he had sent the Earl of Huntly to prevent farther feuds ; but Iluntly
had scarcely arrived in England, when the battle of Halidon had taken
place, in which the English were beaten. As this was in resistance of
the Earl of Angus and Sir George Douglas, many years banished from
Scotland ; on the 1st of September James wrote again, with a justifica-
tion of the defence, and specially of Iluntly ; still desiring peace. But
Henry will not permit the ambassadors to advance farther than York ;
and now resolved for war, on the 3d of October his Privy Council desire
Lee, the Archbishop of York, to search his registers respecting Henry's title
92 Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, i., p. 32it. There can be no doubt by whom such men were hired
and ujOuld.
liOH WAU WITH ENGLAND. [book IV,
to the realm of Scotland ! Having first proclaimed that the Scots were
the aggressors, Henry then publisheJ his niunifcsto, in which he claimed
the socereigntij of Scotland ; and, hy the end of October, the Duke of
Norfolk having crossed the borders, was destroying the country. Lords
Iluntly, Home, and Seton, continued to watch him only, while James
was assembling his army. On the Borough Muir, near Kdiuljurgh, thirty
thousand men had gathered round him ; but by this time they had as-
sembled from various motives, and gave another proof of the divided state
of the realm. Some leading men, sick of " the old learning," felt no ob-
jection to a change, or an escape from the iron yoke of this new-made Car-
dinal and Legate. Some felt hereditary attachment to the Angus or
Douglas family, who were with the enemy ; while others, foreseeing the
inequality of the contest, wished to act only on the defensive. The last
were the wisest men, but their advice was not to be taken. With this
anny James set off, and having halted at Fala, reviewed his troops. He
was then bent upon pursuit of the English, now in full retreat, and dis-
tressed for want of provisions. He proposed to follow them, but he pro-
posed in vain. To his bitter mortification, almost every chief refused !
He upbraided them with cowardice, and threatened. They pled the late-
ness of the season, the difficulty of obtaining provisions, and that the
King must not expose himself to the same man as his father had done
at Flodden. The real obstruction lay in the different sentiments of his
nobility ; and the loss of his authority as King, was now too manifest.
Indignant, yet deeply depressed in spirit, James rode back to Edinburgh.
One final effort, however, was made, to raise the spirits of the already
sinking monarch. Robert, the fourth Lord Maxwell, with ten thousand
other men, proposed to burst into England from the west, and obtain re-
prisals for the violence done by Norfolk. With this little army the King
rode out, and as far as Caerlaverock, the ancient castle of the Maxwells.
But here, once more, this jealousy of his nobles having become like a
fixed disease, the infatuated monarch must now himself take the final
step towards his own ruin. For no sooner had Lord Maxwell and his men
reached English ground, or Solway Moss, than a minion of the King's,
Oliver Sinclair, produced a royal commission, appointing him to the com-
mand ! Disorder and mutiny were the immediate consequences, and in
the midst of this confusion, three hundred of the English horse came up
to reconnoitre. The Scots mistaking these for only the vanguard of
Norfolk's army, were panic-struck, and fled in every direction. Prisoners
of title and substantial wealth, to the number of nearly one thousand,
were taken, including the Earls of Cassilis and Glencairn ; Lords Max-
well, Somerville, Gray, Oliphant, and Fleming ; the sons of Lord
Erskine and Lord Rothes, to say nothing of Sinclair, the cause of the
disaster. Thus the foolish commission of the King had been obeyed ;
but, ruined by his own favourite, who was afterwards called to account,
1538-42.] BIRTH OF MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS. 509
James, dumb and disspirited, could only a second time return to Edin-
burgh, far more unhappy, and with deeper mortification, than even the
first time.
On returning to Holyrood, however, farther misery awaited him.
Something else had occurred during his absence. On the 14th of
November, John Ponde, Esq., Somerset Herald, and Henry Ray, Ber-
wick pursuivant, had arrived in Edinbuigh, with a letter from the Duke
of Norfolk to the king. Beaton affirmed, that he was gone " hawking in
Fife." He then opened the letter, and in ten days after returned an
answer, little aware of what had happened on the day he did so. Pre-
senting the herald and pursuivant Avith twenty crowns, Beaton told
them, that " as they came from the king, their master's lieutenant, this
was a lieutenant's reward ;" officiously adding, that " if they had come
from the king, theii* master, they should have had a better reward, and
an answer from the Scotish king, their master." This was on the 25th,
or the fatal day of Solway Moss. Four days before this, Ponde and Ray
had been warned by a Scotish pursuivant, named Dingwall, to take care
of themselves on the way home, on which they solicited and procured
his company on the road ; but on the evening of the 25th, as they were
approaching Dunbar, Mr. Ponde was attacked by two men, and bar-
barously murdered. This, of course, was a most serious offence, and the
more so at such a moment, as far as James was concerned. On hearing
of it, Henry " vowed, that he would have a revenge for the same." In
this frame, we are told, he sent a herald to his Nephew, informing him,
" that he would j)ut such order to him, as he had done to his Father,
having the selfsame wand in keeping that beat his father ;" referring to
Norfolk, who, as Earl of Surrey, had commanded at Flodden. But be
this as it may, the poor unhappy monarch, on amving at Holyrood, had
to sit down, only five days after the disaster at Solway, and pen his last
letter to his uncle — probably the last time he put pen to pa2)er — assuring
him, " that there was no prince living, that would be more loath than
he was, that such an odious crime should remain unpunished ;" at the
same time offering to send two ambassadors, two heralds, and other
twelve lieges, to explain " the unhappy and cruel enterprize." But the
king did not live to receive an answer. Having remained not more than
a week at Holyrood, he then retired to Falkland Palace. Only in the
thirty-first year of his age, in his full strength, with a vigorous constitu-
tion, he had scarcely ever known what sickness was. But now a slow
fever consumed him, and he sunk into a state of distraction, accompanied
by the deepest melancholy. Beaton, not far off, was soon present, chiefly
to look after his own interest in the event. The queen at Lithgow
was on the point of being confined, and if a son were born, it was hoped
that this might rouse the father. On the 7th of December, she was
delivered of a daughter — '■'■Mar}) Queen of Scots" — but the intelligence
.'ilO DKATU OK TllK KING. [BOOK IV.
had the ojjposite eft'ect from that whioli had been anticiijated. Rci'er-
rin;^ to his kingdom, said the dying man — " It came with a girl, and it
will go with a girl." Then giving hin hand to those near him, he turned
himself on the bed and expii'ed, on Thursday the 14th of December.
The body was brought to Edinburgh, and interred at llolyrood on Mon-
day the 8th of January 1.043 ; when the Cardinal appeared once more,
to preside at the last ceremony, over the remains of a prince to whose
calamities he had so largely contributed ; and now he will " mimic sor-
row with a heart not sad."
Often has it been said, that James V. died literally of a broken heart,
and, in Scotish history, certainly he presents the most impressive illus-
tration of that p.assage in holy writ — " The sorrow of the world worketh
death;'" though in retiring from the melancholy scene, one question
immediately presents itself — Whether the king was most sinned against,
or sinning ? He had been profligate as a man, and as a king profuse
in expenditure, more especially in his later years ; and, consequently,
was for ever craving money. Naturally gay and thoughtless, having
no fixed principles of his own, and, at last, no honourable sense of equity,
he was equally ready to have accepted supplies from his barons, as from
his clergy ; while the latter partj"^, simply through their being by far the
most dexterous masters of deceit, carried the day. They, said Sadler
in 1540, " They be the men of wit and policy that I see here ; they be
never out of the king's ear." Thus, like a man placed between two
fires, James, of a warm temperament, was often most wretched, a feeling
which returned with increasing violence for the last ten years of his life.
One vice, or burst of folly, led to another, till, in the end, he stood
ready for the highest bidder. For all his actions he had been respon-
sible, and was now gone to his account ; but how had he been trained
up when a boy ? And by whom surrounded ever since ? In this point
of view, he must ever remain as a victim, held up for a warning to
rulers. There were ever near him two men — Sir James Hamilton, the
murderer of the Earl of Lennox ; but, above all, David Beaton, the mur-
derer of more valuable subjects ; and since the king chose to lend his
ear, these alone were quite sufficient to have ruined any man who would
not fear God and think for himself.
Hamilton, however, was put to death in August 1540, so that from
that moment especially, Beaton, by himself alone, had the largest share
in the king's ruin. Ever since his promotion, his aim was one which
involved the destruction of his sovereign as a civil ruler ; while, at the
same time, his ambitious eye was fixed upon many other men, both of
wealth and power, who would not bow the knee to his cross, or crosier,
legate extraordinary though he was. It will be remembered, that before
he had even obtained the red hat of a cardinal, he had no sooner heard
of his title, than he stepped into blood, in the close of 1538 ; and brought
1538-42.] BEATON'S PROJECTED CRUELTY. 511
the king to sanction him, by gazing on a scene more revolting than any
which Scotland had ever witnessed : and as soon as he had reached the
pinnacle of human depravity, by obtaining the highest power which
Rome so presumptuously dispensed, he seems to have felt as though his
arm were hampered still.
In May 1540, to which we have alluded, when he had once entered
St. Andrews with such a cavalcade, he must commence with some busi-
ness worthy of his office as legate. Sir John Borthwick, Provost of Lith-
gow, said to be "of Nenthorn, and brother of Lord Borthwick," must be
first denounced as a noted heretic ; when the Cardinal delivered his
long oration to the prelates, noblemen, and priests assembled, lamenting
over the increase of heresy, as having reached even the neighbom-hood
of the throne ; the king also, though not perhaps present, being then
in St. Andrews. He at that time urged resistance to Henry VIII.,
and intimated his determination to act with vigour in his own sphere.
Borthwick, whose trial may be read in our common histories, having
been cited, and not appearing, was condemned, his property forfeited to
the crown, and his effigy burnt at the market cross of St. Andrews on
the 28th of May ; a ceremony which was repeated in Edinburgh a few
days after. This, however, was a trifling affair, by way of giving some
point to the legate's oration. Property for the king, was, by no means,
the solitary object in view ; the mere smell of fire, by way of terror, was
not to satisfy the persecutor ; and if he fails of burning men themselves
to death, if be miss his mark, or his fury be restrained, it will be only
in consequence of his disclosing too soon his heartfelt and full intentions.
The fact was, that before Sir James Hamilton's death in August that
year, Beaton had fully anticipated his zealous offices as a coadjutor, and
had he lived, they would have proceeded hand in hand. There was to have
been a court of Inquisition by way of cure, and Hamilton had actually
been appointed as prosecutor, with the king's concurrence. He is said
to have even been engaged in preparations for the fiery day, when, it is
very observable, in consequence of information lodged by the brother of
Patrick Hamilton, the illustrious martyr, the very prosecutor himself
came to an ignominious but apj^ropriate death for high treason, of which
he had been guilty years before. Nothing daunted, however, Beaton
now longed to wield his cross, with a vigour yet unprecedented in
Europe, and strike down, at one blow, the best subjects of his sovereign
to please himself, and these the most substantial in point of property,
to supply the king ! He had nerve sufficient to contemplate this once
and again. A list of the proscribed had been drawn out, at the head of
which was the Earl of Arran, Beaton's own cousin, and presumptive heir
to the crown, the Earl of Cassilis, the Earl of Glencairn, and his son,
the Earl Marishal. The number of intended victims has, it is true, been
diff'erently stated. One author tells us they amounted to seventeen
r>l2 MAiNY PEUUSING THE SCRIPTURES. QboOK IV.
score, or throe liundrecl and forty ; another specifics, that " there were
more than a hundred hmded gentlemen, besides others of meaner de-
gree ;" while Sir Ralph Sadler says there were " a great many gentle-
men, to the number of eighteen score, (or three hundred and sixty,)
because they were all well miiuled to God's Word."
IVIercifuliy, however, this dreadful proposal was by far too much
so for the nerves of the king. Even after Hamilton's death, he had
been haunted by dreams, and now he could not stand even the sight of
the roll. As soon as it was laid before him he revolted, and with strong
marks of disapprobation. It has been said, indeed, that before the rout
at Solway moss, the measure was proposed a second time ; but whether
or not, for all the jnirposes of history this is of no moment. Once was
quite sufficient, since that once has discovered a state of things which
would never have been so distinctly known, or even conjectured. That
already in Scotland, any change of opinion so very extensive as this had
taken place, could not have l>een imagined from any other events yet
recorded in history. Much more, indeed, has now been authenticated
in the preceding i>ages, than has ever been before known ; and allowing
that the Word of God, like secret leaven, had been in silent operation
since the year 1526, or nearly fourteen years, still, after all that we have
yet read, a measure so very formidable in its range comes upon us with
surprise, as almost incredible. Taking the very lowest number, such a
roll would have more than satiated even Bonner of London with regard
to all England.
Of course it would be a violation of all historical propriety, to repre-
sent all these proscribed, or marked men, as Christians, simply because
they were opposed to the Cardinal's politics, principles, or procedure ;
nor among them all, do we know of a single individual, either at that
moment or ever afterwards, who understood the rights of conscience, or
who, when in possession of power, would have refrained from persecu-
tion ; nor is there much room left for our boasting over them, since too
many such men exist even in our own day. But conceding all this, still
we have before us one striking proof, that a great change had already
taken place in Scotland on the public mind. Let the twofold object of
the proposed persecution be only borne in mind. It was to seize on
2)roperti/, as well as destroy or expatriate certain impracticable men,
who now stood in the way of the Cardinal and legate. But then below
the rank of these men, as formerly hinted, there were others, and it
should seem wwn^ others, throughout the country, less sophisticated,
and more devout readers of the Sacred Volume, whose names, though
not mentioned, were already recorded in another roll, on which the eyes
of God not rarely look. Including the entire community, it is in refe-
rence to this very period, that Buchanan goes so far as to speak of
" many thousand men who did not hesitate to peruse the hooks of the Old
1538-4.2.] THOUGH STILL IN SECRET. 513
and Neio Testament." Farther evidence, too, awaits uy, whether in rela-
tion to men, or the Sacred Scriptures ; but the more important question
now is — How, or hy what instrumentality, had this mighty change already
been effected 1
Seven years after the Scriptures of the New Testament in
Englisli had been first conveyed into Scothmd, there had,
indeed, been an able and well sustained controversy, though
hitherto buried in oblivion, as to the right and duty of the
people to read the Scriptures for themselves, and at home in
tiieir own dwellings ; but there had been no ministry of the
word, properly so called. One man, Forret, in a very limited
district, for a short time had spoken out ; but he was almost
immediately silenced, and then burnt to ashes. There had
been no son of thunder lifting up his voice, nor had any such
means been employed as to account for this confessedly great
change. Two or three men from England may come down
afterwards, and make some impression ; but we now speak of
the past, and of what had been already eff'ected. Putting
the presumptive heir to the crown entirely out of view, as a
weak and vacillating man, have so many round about him been
so shaken in mind, as to involve themselves, by Beaton's casu-
istry, in the deadly sin of what he called heresy ? Then, as
far as the art of printing, or English books were concerned,
nothing can be ascribed to either cause : and of books im-
ported from abroad, we find not upon, record a single title-
page, save one. But that one has been proclaimed in open
court, by Lauder, in 1538, as having been the great, nay,
the only source of annoyance. He denounced it as heresy.
" God forgive you," said Forret, " that ye should call the
book of the Evangel of Jesus Christ heresy." But he insisted
that it was, and that it was this which had occasioned " all
the din and play in their Kirk,'''' or throughout Scotland.
Certainly it was intended, that posterity should observe this,
and no event of the day has been more distinctly marked, if
so much so.
The ministry of the word, though of Divine appointment,
has again and again, throughout this history, been presented
by God as entirely subordinate to his own word — the living
voice of man, to the voice of the living God. In the scale of
human depravity, or the profanation of divine things, besides
the neglect or perversion of the ministry, there is a lower
VOL. II. 2 K
514. BKATON ANTICII'ATES THE REGENCY. [BOOK IV.
depth, or greater sin. This had been shewn in Scotland as
well as England, in the treatment of the Divine Record itself
— in the wilful concealment of the Word of God — in the
denial of it to the people — nay, in the denunciation of it by
the prolligate rulers of the darkness which reigned around
them. This was the greatest of all crimes. The force of
systematic depravity could no farther go. They had rejected
the Word of Jehovah, and what wisdom was in them ? The
Sacred Scriptures, therefore, and more especially those of the
New Testament, standing in the same relation to the Christian
Church, which the law, when lost, did to the Jewish, and
which, when found, became the means of its revival ; so the
Sacred Volume must now take precedence. We leave other
nations to examine for themselves ; but in the course pursued
by Divine Providence towards this island entire, and by way
of eminence, this fact is worthy of more reflection than it has
ever obtained. The Word of the Lord, as an instrument in
his own hands, and conveyed into the island in spite of all
opposition, was to be first, and to be thus glorified. So it
had happened in England, as already explained. But here,
in the north, as well in the south, in Scotland as well as in
England —
Jeliovali had resolved to show
What his own Sovereign Word could do.
And vet, after all that can be said, at this moment, what
was now to be done? nay, what to be expected I We have
come to December 1 542. The King is dead, and Beaton has
reached the highest point of his ambition. Before his sove-
reign was even laid in the grave at Holyrood, /le has usurped
the government ; and look wherever the people might, every
thing seemed to portend success in favour of such a move-
ment. With regard to his own crafty brethren, he sits, like
a sovereign Pontiff, over every one of them. The king has
left for his heir only an infant, whose mother is favourable to
all the intentions of Beaton. The pi-esumptive heir to the
crown, the Earl of Arran, is not merely a weak man, but he
seems to be quite indisposed for action ; while, in point of
talent and activity, there is no other individual to be com-
pared with the Cardinal and legate. As for the nobility at
large, their power is broken ; such of them as possessed any
1.538-42.] CRITICAL STATE OF THE GOVERNMENT- 515
authoritative influence arc either dead, or in exile ; and the
best of them have been carried out of the way, from Solvvay
Moss to London. The neighbouring powerful monarch, elated
by his victory, threatens war ; and it may be one of conquest
or of extermination. In short, according to Buchanan, " the
considerate foresaw a tempest overhanging Scotland, dark and
gloomy beyond conception ; for the king had not made a will,
and left a girl, scarcely eight days old, as his heir."
From all these circumstances, it must have been quite im-
possible for any man to see before him a single day, or to
foretell what awaited either himself or his country. The only
certain thing was, that Beaton had resolved to be both " king
and priest " for the time being ; having, it is said, caused the
will of the king to be proclaimed on Monday after his death,
and this, it is understood, pointed to him as the future regent.
But let what will take place, nothing shall prevent the pro-
gress of Divine truth ; and, as in nature, the darkest hour
precedes the day-break, so it may be even now.
REIGN OF MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS.
THE YEAR 1543, A MEMORABLE ONE — CRITICAL STATE OF THE GOVERN-
MENT— REMARKABLY SUDDEN CHANGE — THE PRIMATE OF ST. ANDREWS,
THOUGH A CARDINAL, IN PRISON — HIS CLERGY IN MOURNING, AND ALL
THEIR CHURCHES CLOSED, WHEN PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED, AND BY A
BILL AND PROCLAMATION THROUGHOUT SCOTLAND, SANCTIONED THE
GENERAL PERUSAL OF THOSE SCRIPTURES, WHICH HAD BEEN READING
IN SECRET FOR SIXTEEN YEARS CONTRAST WITH ENGLAND AT THIS
MOMENT EXTENT TO WHICH THE SCRIPTURES HAD BEEN POSSESSED,
AND THEREFORE PERUSED IN SCOTLAND — THE EARL OF ARRAN, THE
GOVERNOR, VERY SOON ABJURES, AND FALLS UNDER THE POWER OF
BEATON, NOW ENLARGED THE SINGULAR EXISTING POSITION OF ALL
THE EUROPEAN SOVEREIGNS, WITH THE PONTIFF AND THE TURK IN-
CLUDED— MORE MARTYRDOMS BY HANGING, DROWNING, AND THE FLAMES
THE DEATH OF BEATON PECULIARITY IN THE HISTORY OF THE BIBLE
IN SCOTLAND.
ll^HE year 1 54.3 was a memorable period, and deserves to
stand by itself, whether we allude to Scotland or Eng-
land. In relation to both countries, it was a crisis ;
but as viewed in conjunction, we are furnished with matter
r,\G IIKNKY THE KIGHTM IN MOTION. [book IV.
well worthy of notice, and in close connexion with the Sacred
Scriptures. In Scotland, the opening of the year will dis-
cover how insignificant is the power of any human party,
however ahly led, when the moment arrives in which the
Supremo Ruler begins to deal with it. IJeaton we have just
left, in great power, and fondly anticipating a higher place than
Wolsey himself had ever reached. He may be allowed, for
a few days, to dream of reigning over the kingdom, at the
head of a regency, of which the Earls of Argyle, Iluntly,
and Murray, were to be chief men ; and as for the pre-
sumptive heir to the crown, the Earl of Arran, he must be
neutralized or overruled. If we can rely on the deliberate
testimony of Arran himself, Beaton exhibited a will of the
King, appointing hi7}i to be puardian of the infant Queen, as
well as Regent, or Governor of the realm.
Henry VIII., his determined enemy, was now dreaming
also, as well as Beaton, though in very different strain. The
death of James V. instantaneously gave fresh impulse to his
ambition. If possible, and immediately, he is to reign over
Scotland. He is to get possession of Beaton, as well as the
infant Queen Mary, who, as he now proposed, should in due
time be married to his son Edward. Once awake, however,
both the King and the Cardinal must, like other men, follow
with the tide of events ; but the question between them at
this moment being one of time, the sequel will explain which
of them gained his object. No sooner had Henry been in-
formed of his nephew''s death, than he sent for the Scotish
lords and gentlemen, the prisoners from Solway, who, only a
few days before, had been marched, as in disgrace, through
London, and then they had been only upbraided. The King
now sounded them, with a view to his intentions, when, with-
out exception, they bowed to his terms, and without gainsay-
ing ! Henry exacted pledges, which they left behind them ;
and they engaged, that when Queen Mary came to be ten
years of age, she should marry Prince Edward, On Friday
the 29th of December, the prisoners were allowed to depart,
and coming down by way of Darlington, they had reached
home by Wednesday the 24'th of January.' Arran now
found himself in circumstances to act with decision ; and no
' Gov. Slate Papers, vol. v., pp. 234, 242, notes.
1.U3.] BEATON, THE CARDINAL, IN PRISON. 517
sooner do we turn to Scotland, than we find, that not one
day had been lost by the Governor.
Upon Monday the 8th of January, the King, as abeady
mentioned, had been interred ; but on Wednesday the 1 0th,
not more than forty-eight hours having elapsed, the Earl of
Arran was proclaimed Protector and Governor of the king-
dom.^ Thus far successful, still the Governor was not suffi-
ciently strong to take any step against Beaton. On the con-
trary, slow to forego all secular power, it appears that Beaton
actually snatched at the chancellorship, and obtained it, for
one solitary week I With such an office in addition to those
he possessed, if he had eftectually ousted Dunbar, the Arch-
bishop of Glasgow, he no doubt intended ultimately to over-
rule the Governor according to his pleasure.^
Here, then, at last, it becomes evident, that Henry VIII.
had overreached his greatest opponent in the North ; for
though already in possession of the great seal, by Friday the
26th of this month, the Chancellor and Cardinal, though
Legate, was in safe keeping at Dalkeith ; only two days after
the arrival of the Scotish barons from England ! The will
exhibited, pronounced a forgery, had been of no avail. But
whatever obscurity still hangs over the precise charges against
Beaton, he was put in prison on the day now mentioned.
From Dalkeith he was removed to Seton House ; from thence,
under the charge of Lord Seton, to Blackness Castle on the
Forth ; and finally, to St. Andrews, from whence he was not
released till April, or more than a fortnight after Parliament
had transacted all their business.^ Thus are we left free to
inquire what this business included.
In the meanwhile, however, was the arrestment of such a
man as this to pass without notice? So far from it, all the
disciples of " the old learning" were immediately in mourn-
ing, and struck with horror. " The public services," says Mr.
Tytler, " were instantly suspended ; the priests refused to
s " Diurnal of Occurents."
3 On the 18tli of January, "David the Cardinal was now Chancellor and Keeper of the Great
Seal."— Scotish Acts of Pari, vol. ii., p. 424. "I asked Sir George Douglas," says Lord Lisle,
" who was Chancellor now in Scotland ? He said the Cardinal ; for he caused the Governor to
take the seal from the Bishop of Glasgow, and to deliver it to himself." They had intended to
appoint the Earl of Gk-ncairn to this office, but had not then sufficient power, not to say that he
was still only a prisoner at large.— Gov. State Papers, vol. v., p. 250, note. The Great Seal was
therefore refiirncil to Dunbar, and he held it till towards the close of the year.
* Gov. State Papers, vol. v., p. 242, note.
518 THE MOURNING loK TIIK CARDINAL. [boOK IV.
adininistor cither baptism or burial; the churches were closed:
an universal gloom overspread the countenances of the people,
and the country presented the melancholy appearance of a
land excommunicated for some awful crime. The days, in-
deed, WQve past when the full terrors of such a state of spirit-
ual proscription could be felt, yet the Catholic party were still
strong in Scotland; they loudly exclaimed against their oppo-
nents for so daring an act of sacrilege and injustice ; and the
people began, in some degree, to identify the cause of ]3eaton
with the independence of the country." The barons also
were far from being unanimous on the subject. Four days
only after the imprisonment, or on Tuesday the 30th of
January, the Earl of Argyle had left Edinburgh for his
estate in the west, where, gathering his clan, he might stand
ready for any future emergency. The Earls of Iluntly,
Murray, and Bothwell, had offered to be sureties for the Car-
dinal's libei'ty, but in vain. Mass might be suspended, while
the priests and monks, having little or nothing to do, had
more time for politics and intimidation ; but still there was
no enlargement of their Cardinal. At this early period, and
in reference to the clergy, such an instance of inflexibility
was analogous to that of the Venetian government ; and it
becomes the more observable, when the two cousins are viewed
in contrast. Between the Earl of Arran and Beaton there
was the greatest possible distinction, in point of strength of
mind and firmness of purpose. It was therefore fit, that at
this peculiar crisis, the weakest individual in authority, or
the most vascillating, not to say treacherous, should be in-
strumental in putting aside by far the most acute and power-
ful man in the kingdom. All that the Pontiff could possibly
convey to him from Rome, had previously been bestowed ;
and if any words are about to be spoken in Parliament regard-
ing the Sacbed Volumk ; if any thing was about to be done,
which was never to he undone ; it was certainly something to
say in future years, that all this power had gone for nothing !
Parliament having been summoned to meet on Monday
the 12th of March, throughout the month of February, the
Earls of Argyle and Huntly, Bothwell and Murray, were
straining every nerve to rally and invigorate their adherents ;
so that the week immediately before the opening of Parlia-
ment exhibited two parties in hostile array, one assembled at
1543.] THE AGITATION OP THE KINGDOM. 519
Perth, the other in Edinburgh. At the former, besides the
earls ah-eady mentioned, there were other noblemen, with a
great number of bishops, abbots, and knights. They com-
menced with negociation, sending certain articles to the
Governor and his council. The very first of these stipulated,
that the Cardinal should he set at liberty ; the second, that the
New Testament in the native tongue shoidd not go abroad.
They then requested that the Governor should be counselled
by them in all the aftairs of the realm, and that other ambas-
sadors to Henry VIII., than those which were intended,
should be sent to England ! ^
There was not a moment's delay at Edinburgh in returning
a most decided answer. The Governor and council would listen
to no such terms. On the contrary, they immediately dis-
patched a herald of arms, charging all these lords at Perth,
under pain of treason, to repair to the capital and serve the
Governor, according to their allegiance. At the same time,
or upon Friday the 9tli of March, by way of making their
intentions doubly sure, Archibald Beaton of Capildra was
committed to ward at Dalkeith, as his relative the Cardinal
had been in January, he being now in safe keeping at a
greater distance.*' The party at Edinburgh was now ready
for business.
The appearance of the herald at Perth had proved quite
sufficient. The Earl of Huntly immediately gave in. As
for the clergy, while they could not extricate the Cardinal, if
they had any thing to say against the Scriptures, it was pro-
per that they should be mustered on the spot. Since Beaton
only is put out of the way, let the fraternity assemble and put
forth all its strength. As a body, therefore, whether bishops
or abbots, they now followed Huntly's example ; and they all
arrived in Edinburgh on Sunday, or the day before Parliament
was opened. By Monday, the Earl of Murray, and on Tues-
5 These articles were sent by the hands of a bishop and a knight, Robert Reid, Bishop of
Orkney, tlie first Lord President of the Court of Session, and Sir John Campbell of Calder, uncle
of Argyle.— Goi'. State Papers, vol. v., p. 2G3.
6 Four thousand pounds were exacted in security for this man remaining at Dalkeith, from
whence he was to send no writing, or any manner of person to Edinburgh, on pain of treason.
His sureties were Sir Walter Scott of Branxholm and James Douglas of Drumlanrig. Nor was
it till the day after Parliament had risen, that he was allowed to leave tlie spot, and cross the
Forth. Even there he was to remain in ward, having found security that lie would not go
beyond the sherifi'dom of Fife ; thus placing the Cardinal and his friend on oi)posite sides of the
water.— See Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, i., p. .'fc8
620 I'AULIAMKNT MET AND DISCUSSING [book IV.
day, the Earl of Bothwell, sent, craving tliat they might serve
the Ciovornor. The only baron absent was the Earl of Argyle,
who pled sickness ; but on Thursday he sent his procurator
and his two uncles to make his excuse. In short, and on the
same day, the Earl of Angus and his brother. Sir George, in
their joint letter to Lord Lisle, describe the assembly as " the
most substantial Parliament that ever was seen in Scotland
in any man's remembrance, and best furnished with all the
three estates ; the multitude, including their serving men,
being as much as Edinburirh and Leith could lodjje."''
This " substantiar' Parliament having: assembled on Mon-
day the 1 2th, on Tuesday they proceeded to business, and in
three days only dispatched the whole ; for though it did not
rise till Saturday, after Thursday there is nothing recorded.
On Tuesday, as James, the Earl of Arran, had been chosen
by an inferior number of Lords only, he was now ratified and
confirmed by all the three estates, as Governor and second
person in the realm. On the same day, Dunbar, Archbishop
of Glasgow, and as Lord Chancellor, made a motion as to the
treaty of peace with England, and the marriage of Mary to
Edward. By Wednesday they had reinstated the Earl of
Angus and his brother. Sir George Douglas, in their honours
and estates, after having been kept in banishment by the late
King for fifteen years. But Thursday, the fifteenth, was re-
served for by far the most memorable transaction, or rather
the only one, worthy of our notice.
On that day a bill having been presented by Lord Maxwell
for allowing the Scriptures to be read hy all icithout any limita-
tion, the Lords of the Articles found, because there was no
law shewn or produced to the contrary, that the same may be
used by all the lieyes of this realm in our tulyar tojigue ; and
therefore in full Parliament allowed the bill to be read.^ The
proposer of this measure was the same man who had been so
disappointed of command at Solway Moss, through the folly
or infatuation of the late King. He was one of those de-
scribed by Arran as " well minded towards God's word,"
which, under the sway of Beaton, he " durst not avow ;" but
little could he have imagined that in less than three months,
his Sovereign in the grave, and the mighty Cardinal in prison,
^ State Papers, vol. v., p. 2M. « Scotish Acts, vol. ii.
1543.] THE READING OF THE SCRIPTURES. 521
his next, or first important step, would be to move in Parlia-
ment on such a subject. Maxwell's visit to England has been
loosely conjectured to have had some influence on his mind ;
but his mind, as well as that of many others with him, had
been influenced for years before they had seen England ; and
at all events, his present movement could not have been in
obedience to any previous instructions received there, much
less any engagement. No, when he departed from London,
leaving pledge for his return, if called for, ]Jeaton was in full
force as chief ruler of the country, and no such speedy result
could have been either foreseen or conjectured. The truth is,
that many others in Parliament were of Maxwell's opinion,
and hence his success.
But was such a proposal as this to pass, and grow into the
shape of an Act of Parliament, without any opposition 1 Cer-
tainly not ; and this, at the moment, formed part of its value,
as a memorable occurrence. It was not within the power of
these men, though they had been unanimous, either to retard
or greatly further this cause. That cause was now nearly
seventeen years old, independently alike of their aid or opposi-
tion ; and it will go on, when this pusillanimous and unprin-
cipled cousin of Beaton's, the Governor, has turned his coat,
and is sanctioning the bloody deeds of the Cardinal, again
ruling over him. But in the meanwhile, the opposition was
well fitted to instruct the people at large, as to who were not^
and who tcere^ the determined enemies of the will of God being
made known to his creatures. There was therefore a select band
of men in Parliament now in alarm, though only one, but that
one unanimously. We need scarcely name the Bishops and
their brethren ; for though the body of the Cardinal and
Legate had been placed at a convenient distance, the animus
of his party was present, and in its full strength.
Accordingly up rose Dunbar, the Archbishop and Lord
Chancellor, " in his own name, and in name of all the prelates
of the realm that were present, and dissented simpliciter.''''
They now opposed the measure at least " unto the time that
a provincial council might be had of all the clergy of this
realm, to advise and conclude thereupon, i/the same be neces-
sary to be had in vulgar tongue, to be used among the Queen's
lieges or not ; and thereafter to shew the utter determination
what shall be done in that behalf; and thereupon he craved
522 READING THE SCRIPTURES DECLARED [BOOK IV.
instruments." Tlius spake one of the three estates in Parlia-
iiit'iit to a man, but upon this day altoLrcther in vain, as the
bill was immediatt'ly pas.sed into a law, and in these terms: —
" It is statute and ordained that it shall be lawful to all
our Soterc'if/u Lai)y\s lief/es to have the holy writ. Loth the New
Testament ami the Old in the vulf/ar tongue, in the English or
Scotish, of a good and true translation, and that they shall incur
no crimes fur the having or reading of the same ; providing al-
ways that no man dispute or hold opinions, under the pains con-
tained in the Acts of Parliament.''''
The party in opposition might complain, and still decline to
say mass, nay even refuse to bury the dead, but as soon as Par-
liament had risen on Saturday, no time was lost in proclaim-
ing to all the people what had been done. On Monday an
order came from the Governor to the Clcrk-Rcgister, Mr.
James Fowles of Colinton, and proclamation was made at the
market-cross of Edinburgh ; but this was not sufficient. Let-
ters were sent off by special messengers, ordaining the Act to
be proclaimed within the jurisdiction of the protesting Arch-
bishop, in the icest — also in Dundee and Aberdeen, in Elgin,
Forres, and Inverness ; in Dunfermline and Perth ; in Lanark
and Dumfries, Kirkcudbright, and Wigtony^
It is interesting to observe from the reasonings in Parliament, that the
EngHsh Scriptures in print had been produced before the Assembly ; when the
friends of " the old learning" did not deny but that they might be read, provided
the translation were true. It was then demanded what fault could they find
with it ? When much search was made, nothing worthy of reprehension could
be found, but that lore, they said, was put in the place of charity, as Tyndale
certainly had ti-anslated from the beginning. When it was asked, what differ-
ence there was, and if they understood the nature of the Greek word Agape,
{AycfTi) they were diDub. At length the commissioners of burghs and part of the
nobility required " that it might be permitted to every man to use the benefit of
the trauslat'ton «f the Old and New Testament uhich then they had — till the pre-
lates and kirkmen set forth a translation more con-ect ;" but which, it is well
known, they never did. The clergy still opposed and for a long time ; but the
number of voices prevailed against them, and so by the Act of Parliament, it
was made free to etery man or woman to read the Scrijytures in their own or the
English tongue, and all acts made to the contrary are aholished.^o
There was certainly no ambiguity in this parliamentary de-
9 Lord Treasurer's Accounts.
I" See Caldcrwood, anno 1543. An old Scotish Chronicler, Sir James Balfour, has reported
one Friar Gwilliams or Tliomas Williams, as liaving now translatid tlic New Testament into the
vulgar tongue; but this must be a mistake, jTohablv arising from his being zealous in the im.
jwrldliim of tlie Sacred Volume. At the same time tliiic is not a vestige of proof. By other
historians he is mentioned only as a prtaelier, who was silenced and soon departed for England.
I5i3.] LAWFUL BY GENERAL PROCLAMATION. 523
cision, nor any want of vigorous dispatch in sounding it out,
through the length and hreadth of the hind. All of a sudden,
the trumpet had given a certain sound, from Wigton to In-
verness, nor should it pass unnoticed that the voice of the
Scotish senate never was recalled. The act was never repealed,
nor was there any haggling with the subject in Parliament,
amidst all the turmoil of many subsequent years. The step,
taken, however, considered as a Parliamentary one, becomes
doubly striking, as soon as we observe what was doing in
England at the same moment. In the northern part of the
island, in one single day, they had discussed and settled a
subject, on which Henry's obsequious Parliament were deli-
berating and disputing for weeks, if not months, together.^' If
the Bishops of " the old learning" were discomfited and down
in Scotland, at the same precious moment they were up and
doing in England. The English Convocation had, it is true,
been made to feel and confess its own impotence, again and
again, before this period ; but at last, having, through its
organs in Parliament, for once got the subject before the
Senate, the}' succeeded eflectually in befooling it. All their
proceedings, however, it is freely granted, recoiled on the head
of Henry himself, who did what he pleased, in a Parliament
prostrate at his feet ; nor in referring to him, as the sovereign
agent, is it possible to forget his course of intrigue, in Scot-
land, year after year. Had he not been prompting his nephew,
James V., for the last seven years to compliance ? Nay, teas-
ing him to admit the Scriptures to be read in his kingdom ?
How often he had anxiously felt his pulse on this subject, we
need not recount ; but now the Scotish monarch is gone, and
the very first Parliament after his decease has thus deter-
mined, and so promptly. And what is the still surviving
uncle, Henry YIIL, now doing, or what does he say? Why
his Parliament, after abundance of wrangling between Gardi-
ner and Cranmer, have only now discovered that " the Lord
Chancellor of England, the Captains of the wars and the
King's Justices may read the Bible ! — That any nobleman, or
gentlewoman, or merchantman, being a householder, may fol-
low the example ! But that 7io woman-servant, no artificer,
" It was the longest session in Henry's reign, Parliament sitting from the 22<1 of January to
the 12th of Mav.
.■>24 SCOTLAND AND ENGLAND IN [boOK IV.
710 apprentice, no journeyman, no husbandman, no labourer,
was to read either the New Ti'stament or the Old, by them-
selves, or to any other, privately or openly, on pain of one
month's imprisonment ! !"
And were these two l*arliaments within the compass of the
same island, thus acting, and at the same moment? They
certainly were ; and for additional proof, the reader has only
to refer to the preceding volume, under the year 1543. But
from the singular coincidence in point of time and theme, with
the striking contrast in regard to treatment ; if it was intended
that posterity should learn a lesson ever after, as to the folly
of Parliamentary interference on such a subject, we ask if it
be possible to conceive of one more decisive ? Nor does the
lesson terminate here, Henry the Eighth has an ambassador
on the road to Scotland, and in proceeding with our narrative,
we find him arrive on the evening of Sunday the 18th of
March, or the day after the Scotish Parliament had risen.
It was Sir Ralph Sadler once more. That evening he saw
the Governor at Holyrood, and heard of all the doings of the
preceding eventful Aveek. Next day, when proclamation was
made, he had his first deliberate interview, and on Tuesday
commenced his first and long letter. By his correspondence,
so far as the readinfj of the Sacred Volume was concerned, he
will certainly not add to the consistency of his Royal Master's
character. For whatever they were deciding in his English
Parliament, as a part of the best news Sadler could convey,
he informs his Royal Majesty personally, not indeed one syl-
lable respecting the distinction now making in the south,
between gentlewomen and maid-servants, between noblemen
and labourers, or captains of the wars and husbandmen ; but
that in Scotland, " the gospel was now set forth in English,
and open 2iroclamations made that it shall be latcfulfor all men
to read the Bible or Testament in the mother tongue^ and special
charge that no man preach to the contrary on pain of death .'"
And by the 10th of April, that same Monarch, who was on
the point of endeavouring to restrain the Bible, threatening
to punish every soul among the useful or working classes in
his kingdom for daring to look between its leaves, was, in
order to accomplish his ambitious designs upon Scotland,
urging his ambassador there, respecting " the setting forth of
the Scriptures!" Nor was this newly-appointed Governor
l.Vl,3.] CONTRAST THIS YEAR. 525
in Scotland far behind tlie English King. His fickleness had,
by this month, excited the suspicions of Sadler ; but we shall
hear of him presently.
These gentlemen, however, having now chosen to say that
it was lawful for " all men to have the holy writ, and to I'ead
it, whether in the New Testament or the Old ;" the only ques-
tion is, rchere were copies, either of the one or the other, to
be found, sufficient to satisfy the demand ? Not a single edi-
tion was ordered to be put to press, nor was there any Bible
to be printed in Scotland for fully thirty-five years to come.
Sadler, it is true, had written, at the Governor's request, for
certain copies to be sent, but this was not till a fortnight after
Parliament had risen, nor can this render the proclamation
intelligible. The Governor had ordered open proclamation to be
made, not in Edinburgh alone, but in all the principal towns
of the kingdom ; but was this to be regarded as no more than
a liberty to read what was no u'here to be found ? This would
have been nothing short of a piece of mockery. Here, there-
fore at last we meet with a sudden, but certainly no slight or
ambiguous confirmation of our previous history. Long before
these parliamentary men had thus spoken, human authority
for such liberty had never been consulted. It was now above
sixteen years since the English New Testament at least had
been in Edinburgh and Leith, as well as St. Andrews and
Dundee. Maxwell, who had spoken in Parliament, was then
a much younger man ; and it is curious enough that at that
time, the Archbishop of St. Andrews, the uncle of Beaton,
should have been a fugitive tending sheep, under the disguise
of a shepherd ; while, at the present moment^ the nephew,
though clothed with the highest pontifical authority, was now
a prisoner in safe custody.
At the same time, it should be observed, that but for what
had just occurred, no one could have imagined that the import-
ation of the Scriptures had been going on to such extent ; and,
in a historical point of view, it is this which lends any im-
portance to the step taken in Parliament. It was like the
drawing aside of a curtain, to let us see what had been accom-
plished, without any human sanction, either asked or given ;
and without the agency of even one conspicuous character, to
be known in future years. These proclamations were like so
526 EXTENT TO WHICH THE SCRIPTURES [book iv.
many invitations for the Sacred Volume to be produced, if it
was already in tlio country. The precious l)ook wliich for so
many years had been read in secret, or at midnight over the
houseliold lamp, might now be held up at noon day.
In such a history as the present, therefore, nothing could
be more desirable than to ascertain the precise extent of the
circulation of the Sacred Volume, or by whom, at this early
period, it was actually and already possessed. Our authority
for this, is one which will not here be disputed, although he
was a man of whom, till now, we have had no occasion to speak.
Even at the present moment, indeed, he had not yet declared
himself to be in favour of the Scriptures, About seventeen
years must elapse before he will take up his abode in Edin-
burgh, and at least a few more before he described the fame of
1543 ; for though born in the year 1505, he had nearly reached
his fortieth year before his mind was ripe for any decisive
step. It has been conjectured, indeed, that about the year
1535, some favourable change in his sentiments had com-
menced ; but whatever these were, he had not possessed suffi-
cient fortitude openly to profess them, nor to act with decision
till about ten years after that period. We now allude, it may
be anticipated, to the well known John Knox,
If it has hitherto been imagined by many, that there had
been no vital and important movements in Scotland before his
appearance, the previous history is left in explanation, and Knox
himself will now so far draw aside the curtain. The positive
importation of the Sacred Volume in the language of the
people, for at least seventeen years past, and that till the men
in power were constrained to bow and acknowledge it ; or its
importation for about seventeen years more before his settle-
ment in Scotland, he has not interpreted ; but when sitting
down to review the past, he had a distinct and lively remem-
brance of the memorable occurrence in 1543, Indeed, such
an event was well fitted to stimulate even the timid and the
wavering mind.
About six or eight years had elapsed after Knox''s settlement
before he commenced that history, the wdiole of which passes
under his name ; and since by the year 1543, though not yet
decided in his views of Divine truth, he must have become no
unobservant spectator of his country, no man was more able to
1543.] HAD BEEN ALREADY POSSESSED. 527
narrate with fidelity what liad been so visible to many eyes.
Looking back, therefore, about twenty-five years,'- and speak-
ing of the freedom, then at last proclaimed, for all to read the
Scriptures, he says — " This was no small victory of Christ Je-
sus, fighting against the conjured enemies of his verity ; not
small comfort to such as before were holden in such bondage,
that they durst not have read the Lord''s prayer, the ten com-
mandments, nor articles of their faith, in the English tongue,
but they should have been accused of heresy. Then mkiht have
been seen the Bible lying upon almost every gentleman s table.
The New Testament teas borne about in many mens hand sT''^^
Now, these volumes, of course, had been in Scotland before,
and most of them long before this period ; otherwise such a
display could not have been made, for a very considerable time
to come ; so that, up to this period, the progress of Divine
truth had been entirely independent of human approbation, or
rather in spite of human authority ; and the cause will now
proceed as it had done, whatever should occur, or whatever men
in power may yet either say or do to the contrary,'*
The present crisis had served to show that Beaton was
nothing more than as " clay in the hands of the potter ;" but
after all, the triumph in its full extent, was little more than a
gleam of sunshine. The parliamentary " liberty" granted, was
very much akin to the present Russian idea of that term.
There was unlimited freedom to have and to read the Sacred
text, but none whatever to form any opinion, or, at least, ex-
'2 From an expression of Knox himself, Dr. M'Cric, in one place, supposes liim to have been
engaged with his history in the year 1568.
13 Knox"s History; the first book of which was written by himself, the second, third, and
fourth from his papers, by Richard Bannatyne, and the fifth by Mr. David Buchanan.
14 It has been said that John Knox was at St. Andrews as early as 1528, nay, and a spectator
of the martyrdom of Patrick Hamilton. Of this, however, he has not himself informed us, and
the fact yet remains to be ascertained. But whether he was at Glasgow or St. Andrews, neither
the death oF our proto-Martyr, nor the voice of Scton, nor the cruel usage of Ales, had made any
favourable impression. We have already explained his earliest movements in connexion with
(ieneva, (see before p. 320, note,) and as connected with his native land, we now subjoin other
particulars. Called to the work of the ministry at St. Andrews, in the year 1.547, he was soon
after carried out of Scotland, and did not return to it for above eight years. Remaining only
nine months, or from November 155j to July following, he embarked for the Continent, and did
not return till the 2d of May 15.5!). In 1560, he was settled as minister in Edinburgh. Thus, it
appears, that as the Scriptures had been reading for about eighteen years before he declared
himself, so they continued to be read for sixteen more before he took up his abode in the coun-
try. In other words, for a space of time equal to an entire generation, the Divine record had
been, first in secret, and then more openly fulfilling its purpose, at the bidding of Him alone,
who thus, so providentially, first gave it to Xorth Britain. After his final return, Knox i)reached
his first sermon at St. Andrews, in June 1559 ; but it is never to be forgotten, that this was about
thirty-three years after the first copiesiin print of the Sacred Volume had arrived in that City, as
well as at Edinburgh ; nay, and twenty years after it had been publicly announced that it was
this which then occasioned all the din andj^la;/ throughout the kingdom.
.028 SINGULAR KXHIBITION THIS YEAU. [bOOK IV.
press it I In strict propriety of speech, the terms of the Act
were a mixture of presumption and cruelty, or of j)rofanity and
persecution : of presumption in any men taking it upon them
to legislate on a subject so sacred ; of cruelty, in resolving to
punisli their fellow-subjects for their opinions, and, according
to the report of Sadler, with death itself.
The most memorable circumstance however was, what we
have already hinted, that the Act never was repealed. As
it was therefore " lawful for all men to have the holy writ,"
it never could be illegal to import it, and we have to witness
presently the extent to which this importation must have
gone. Meanwhile, and just as if to render all future progress
only the more observable, the Regent of Scotland, the self-
same governor who had sent out these proclamations, in less
than six mouths had entirely changed his politics I Indeed,
the very next month after Parliament rose, he had begun to
betray symptoms of wavering ; and though he, and some
others, had sold their country for English gold, since Beaton
was once more at liberty, as well as in great wrath at what had
been done while he was in confinement, it will not be long be-
fore the Earl of Arran will be entirely at his command. In
short, the Lords of the " substantial" Parliament were soon
at variance, and though the treaties both of peace and marriage
with England, concluded at Greenwich on the 1st of July,
were ratified by Arran on Friday the 25th of August, and at
the same time he proclaimed Beaton a traitor ; in ten days
after, or Sunday the 3d of September, he threw himself into
the arms of the Archbishop ! They met at Callender House,
went together to Stirlin*;, where, in the Franciscan convent,
the Governor abjured in favour of " the old learning," and from
the man he had imprisoned in January, received absolution in
September for all that he had done !
The year 1543 is indeed a marked and conspicuous one, as having
been fatal to the reputation of every sovereign in Europe, with the Pon-
tiff in the midst of them all. Without exception, their characters suffer-
ed shipwreck in open day ; for wherever we turn our eye, hypocrisy, how-
ever shallow, and want of principle, are conspicuous. Under our English
history, we had occasion to glance at this spectacle, but it is not un-
worthy of being looked at once more, now that Scotland also must be
included. These rulers being all gathered before us, as into one focus,
and at the same time, renders the lesson more striking. It is one which
was well fitted to convey some lasting instruction to posterity.
154.3.] OF ALL THE EUROPEAN POWERS. 520
On looking abroad, we sec the King of France standing before us, with
the I\mtiff on one side, and the Turk on the other, in closest political
alliance ; and if we ask for a fellow to this picture, we have it in the per-
son of our English monarch. There he is, with the Emperor, Charles V.,
on one hand, and the Regent of Scotland on the other. At this moment,
from political motives, and however the Cardinals at Rome might profess
to be scandalized, even to the Turk, the Pont iff h.\\Xis,c\i was far from being
inimical ; while he was enraged with the Emperor, now in alliance, offen-
sive and defensive, with the condemned or anathematized heretic sove-
reign of England. The Emperor, that steady enemy of all change, or
of every opinion denounced as heretical, was, professedly, no less angry
with Francis, because, as Charles himself expressed it, he " had not de-
serted Rome, and consented to a reformation according to his promise !"
Henry, greatly incensed with Francis, for his desertion of himself, was, to
serve his own ambition, courting alliance with the Regent of Scotland. He
had been urging him, as he had done James V., to " set forth the Scrip-
tures " throughout all Scotland, while, at the same moment, he was not
only restraining their perusal, within his own kingdom, as far as his feeble
power went ; but was taking them from all those who had as much need
to be saved, and were as likely to profit, as any " nobleman, or gentle-
woman, or captain of the wars," in all England. This was class legisla-
tion with a vengeance, which soon fell upon his own head. As for the
Governor of Scotland, who had first signed a treaty with England, de-
nouncing Beaton as a traitor, and in ten days afterwards espoused his
cause and the French interest, he was now preparing, with his cousin,
the Cardinal, to resist the incensed ambition of his former ally. Henry's
voice was now for war, and in Scotland war to the knife ; so that the same
English monarch who, this year, had been professing to Scotland such
zeal for the Scriptures, by the next had given orders to " beat down and
overthrow the castle of Edinburgh, to burn and sack the capital, with
Holyrood and Leith, and the villages around, putting man, woman, and
child to the sword, without exception ! To overthrow St. Andrews so as the
upper stone may be the nether, and not one stick stand by another !"
To lay waste the country with fire and sword !
Thus, glaringly, did all those men, whether at home or abroad, re-
move everything sacred or praiseworthy far from them, and probably
the most consistent man among them all was the Grand Turk ; but cer-
tainly it has been a strange perversion, in too many historians, to men-
tion the sacred name of Christianity, or the Sacred Volume, in connexion
with any one of these rulers ; as though he cared for either the one or
the other. No injury to the reader can be greater than that of con-
founding the history of the Sacred Scriptures, or the Christianity of the
Scriptures, with such-men. It was God ruling in the midst of his ene-
VOL. II. 2 L
.-■,30 THE MARTYRS AT PERTH. [UOOK IV.
mics, uikI, with logard to his own cause, most evidently holding them all
in derision.
Turning away from this conspicuous display of liunian de-
pravity, there is hut little more to add, than that the King in
Euirland, and the Cardinal in Scotland, who hated each other
with a perfect hatred, were now alike hastening to their ruin,
and to die within eight months of each other. Beaton once
more in possession of unlimited power, was sure to take ad-
vantage of the word opinions^ so strangely inserted, like a sting
in the tail of the late Act of Parliament ; and with this pre-
cious Governor at his feet, he took him forth in 154o, as he
had formerly done James V., to witness and sanction his mur-
ders. To say nothing of those who were hanished, these
amounted to at least seven in number, and through theCardi-
naFs influence, it is worthy of remark, partook of a new cha-
racter. It had been the practice of that community to which
he belonged, to burn people to ashes for their opinions ; but
whether it was cowardice in Beaton that he durst not do this,
or rather cunning, that he might identify the State with what
he did ; yet so it was, that of five persons put to death at
Perth, four were hanged, and one was drowned. The last was
a female, the first and only martyr of that sex of which we
read. She was the wife of one of the sufferers, with an infant
at her breast, who, before she was thrown into the water, gave
the infant to another, and expressed great joy in following her
husband to a better world.'-' A sixth individual, a priest, John
Rogers, is said to have been dispatched within the Castle of
St. Andrews, or thrown over the wall, so as to occasion his
death ; but the only instance of death by ^r^ was, conspicuous-
ly, Beaton's own act, shortly before his own murder. This was
George Wishart, whose martyrdom, on the 1st of March 1546,
is to be found in our general histories, taken in connexion with
the Government state papers and manuscripts, but recently pub-
lished. One point only is deserving of notice here, as illustra-
tive of the pinnacle on which Beaton stood, just before he was
thrown down or slain within his own strong castle, while in the
act of rendering it stronger still. This is to be seen in the inso-
'5 The names ofthcse worthy citizens of Perlli were— William Anderson, Robert Lamb, James
Ronald, James Finlayson, and his wife Helen, formerly named Stark.
1543.] THE DEATH OF CARDINAL BEATON. 501
lence with which lie tratnplecl on his victim, the (jrov(;nu)r, ;iii(l
now treated his authority. Arran had advised delay, and tliat
the cause of Wishart should be thoroughly examined, intima-
ting that if the Cardinal acted with precipitation, the blood of
this man would be required at his hands. However deeply
chagrined at this message, Beaton coolly replied, " that he had
not written to him about this matter, as supposing himself to
bo any way dependent upon his authority, but from a desire that
the prosecution and conviction of heretics might have a shoio
of public consent ! But since he could not obtain it, ho would
proceed in that way which to Mm appeared to be most
proper I"^^ He did proceed, and shortly after followed to his
own judgment in another world. His death by violence, which
took place on the morning of the 29th of May 1-546, may be
traced to the long cherished desire of Henry YIIL, so well
known by his agents at the time ; or to the violent existing
quarrel between Norman Lesly, Master of Rothes, and the
Cardinal, respecting a piece of land, heightened, no doubt, by
his treatment of Wishart ; but the event was nothing more
than might have been expected, while it is impossible to over-
look the circumstance, that the man who would not allow
another to be deliberately and legally tried, was himself put
to death, without trial or ceremony of any kind.
To return, however, from this slight anticipation of our nar-
rative. It is here that the necessity for following out the his-
tory of Scotland, in any point, save one, comes to an end.
To many readers this assertion may appear not a little extra-
ordinary, but such is the fact ; that thus early, in North Bri-
tain, so far as the Sacred Scriptures are concerned, we are re-
lieved from all necessity for any reference to politics or political
men, or almost any allusion to what has been styled either
Church or State. This is a peculiarity in Scotish history, as
yet observed by very few readers of the Bible, either there or
elsewhere, and it remains to be explained.
'6 And therefore without any " show of public consent." Could he only have obtained this,
he mipht have yielded to the Governor so far as to have hanged Wishart, instead of committing
him to the flames, just as he had already done with the victims at Perth ; but in such acourse,
the Governor, advised, or rather overawed by the advice and solemn warning of David Hamil-
ton, the Laird of Preston, would yield consent to Beaton no longer.
>S2 SCOTLAND SINGULARLY SUPFLIKl) [book IV.
QUEEN MARY, JAMES VI., TO THE
COMMONWEALTH.
FROM 1543 TO 1050 — SINCULAK IIISTOKY OF THE SCUIPTURF.S IN SOOT-
LAND, DUniNO THIS ENTIRE PERIOD — NOT SUPPLIED FROM ITS OWN
NATIVE PRESS, BUT BY IMPORTATION, FOR MORE THAN A HUNDRED
YEARS — STATE OF LITERATURE AND EDUCATION — THE APOOUYPHA.
THE PRESENT VERSION OF THE BIBLE BECOME THE ONLY ONE IN USE, AND
AT A PERIOD INDISPUTABLY SIGNIFICANT OF DIVINE SUPERINTENDENCE
OVER THE ENTIRE KINGDOM.
>HOM the year 1543, and for more than tliree sueces-sive
generations^ the history of the English Bible north of
the Tweed, is of a very marked or memorable charac-
ter, and peculiar to Scotland among all the other nations of
Europe. Certainly not one of them has the same story to tell.
Throughout, it forms a remarkable continuation of that inde-
pendence of human patronage, which has been so steadily
repudiated from the beginning ; while no country has been
more signally indebted to the gracious providence of God.
In 154)3, when it was first proclaimed to be lawful to peruse
the Scriptures, although they had been reading in secret for
fully sixteen years, it is to be observed that no edition of the
Bible entire, or of the New Testament separately, was ordered
to be printed. Cardinal Beaton having immediately regained
his authority, such a proposal was not to be whispered for a
moment. But as he was removed by death only three years
after, this will not account for its being, not three, or five,
but thirty-five years, before any Bible was issued from the
Scotish press ! This, too, was in folio, nor did a second
edition follow, and of the same unwieldy character, till 1610,
or above thirty years more had passed away. Nay, only the
third edition, and at last in the octavo size, did not appear
till the year 1633 ; or ninety years from the day on which it
was said to be lawful to hare and to read the Bible in Eng-
lish ! There was then also a fourth edition, in 1637, and
one in duodecimo next year. Thus it was, that for more
than a hundred years, or a space of time equal to that of
three jjenerations, there were no more than five editions of the
lo'1.3-l(iJ0.] WITH THE SACRED SCRIPTURES. 533
Bible issued from the printing presses in the country ; not to
say that tAvo of these were in folio, no size even approaching
to that which the people required, having made its appear-
ance till so late as 1633. The first pocket Bible was not
printed till 1638.
Such then was the condition of our Scotish ancestors, so
far as their own natite press was concerned. No Bible, even
so convenient as that of an octavo size, had been printed in
Scotland, for the use of the community, till one hundred
and seven years after the New Testament of Tyndale had
been first conveyed to Edinburgh and St. Andrews, as well
as other ports. ^ What then had become of the people at
large ? Had they been left destitute of the book of life to
such an extent as this, and for an entire century after it first
reached their shores I Far, very far from it. In proportion
to its population, perhaps in no other country had it been
more generally possessed, if not eagerly perused ; and the ex-
planation will afi'ord us now in review, one of the most signal
displays of the goodness of God to our northern ancestors.
Once pointed out, it certainly will be difficult for the present
generation to escape from the obligation to send the Sacred
Volume over sea and land to other nations.
The very commencement of this long period was auspicious
for Scotland. It should not be forgotten, that, as soon as the
Earl of Arran was overruled to make his proclamations
throughout the country, no trifling display was given of the
Scriptures having been already there, and to an extent which
could not have been imagined. But at the same moment,
Henry in England had frowned on the general perusal of the
Sacred Volume, because, as it has been said, " he being now
to go abroad, upon a weighty expedition to France, thought
it convenient to leave his subjects at home as easy as might
be." This frown, though it was disregarded by many, even
in England, must have been quite in favour of Scotish usage.
Whatever supernumerary copies there were, might have been
sent down to the north, where Henry had no objection that
the subjects should be as little at ease as possible. The prin-
ters in England must have been perfectly aware of the crooked
1 Ouc edition had been printed, it is true, but at Dort, by Hart and Charteris, expressly for
Scotland, in ICUl, to be afterwards mentioned, but this ranks with the other imported editions.
031- TllK I'KOI'LK DISTINGUISHED [hook IV.
policy ol' tlieir Sovereign, iiiid, from solt'-intorcst, would act
ai'C()i(liii<;ly. Not only the Bible, but what Sadler styles
'' lu.s Majesty's books of religion," Henry was eager should
now be road in the North, and by the month of August, or
just before the llegent liad turned his coat, his Majesty had
been personally anxious to know hotc they were " liked" there.
The distinction drawn, in reply, between them and the Scrijj-
tures, should not be overlooked. Although the gentlemen of
the old learning were, says Sadler, " well pleased with the
restraint of the Scriptures in England, and yet would have
liked it much better, if it had been generally restrained from
all sorts," there was another class " much offended with the
same ;" while, at the same moment, the " books of religion,"
so called, the ambassador confesses were " not much liked by
any party," and as for the Governor or Regent, he did not
desire " to have any more of them."
Beaton, it is granted, might prevail with the Regent to
discountenance the circulation of the Scriptures, but Provi-
dence soon found him enough to do, whether in maintaining
his seat, or providing for his own safety. Besides, he died in
the short space of three years ; and as the first Bible printed
on Scotish ground was not published till the year 1579, or
seven years after the death of Knox ; not to say that this was
in folio, and appointed to be sold for the sum of oC4, 13s. 4d.,
or seven marks ; how, all this time, had it fared with the
people, or the thousands who, even now, could afibrd no such
sum ? It may indeed appear scarcely credible, but by even
this early period it comes out, that the Sacred V olume in tho
vulgar tongue, was almost in every house I A better testimony
to the truth of this fact could not be desired, since it is to
be found in the Dedication to James VI. of this first Bible.
After acknowledging the " great occasion" they had " to
glorify the goodness of God towards their country," the
Assembly addressing the King exclaims —
" 0 what difference may be seen between these days of light, when almost in
every private house the Book of God's Law is read, and understood in our ridijar
tonr/ue, and tliat age of darkness, when scarcely in a whole city, (without the
cloisters of monks and friars,) could tho 13ook of God once be found, and that in
a strange tongue of Latin, not good, but mixed with barbarity ; used and read
by few, and almost understood or cxponed by none ; and when tlie false named
clergy of this realm, abusing the gentle nature of your Highness' most noble
goodsire, of worthy memory, made it a capital crime, to be punished with the
1543-1050.] AS NEW TESTAMENTERS. 535
fire, to have or read the New Testament in the vulgar hvnguagc ; and to make
them to all men more odious, as if it had been the detestable name of a perni-
cious sect, they were named New TestameiNteus."- And certaiidy, with the ex-
ception of Clirhtian itself, a more honourable appellative, by way of reproach,
was never bestowed on the people of any country.
The fact was, that the folio Bible now published was in-
tended chiefly " to the end, that in every parisli kirk there
should be at least one kept, to be called ' the common book of
the kirk,"* as a most meet ornament for such a place, and a per-
petual register of the Word of God, the fountain of all true
doctrine, to be made patent to all the people of every congre-
gation, as the ONLY ri^ht rule to direct and govern them in
matters of religion, as also to confirm them in the truth re-
ceived, and to reform and redress corruptions, whensoever
they may creep in."
But still the question returns — How had the Sacred Volume
found its way into so many private families ? There was no
word of command from rulers, no voice of human authority,
and yet still, from the beginning, or for fifty years past, from
time to time, the Word of God had, it is evident, come into
the country. There was no such thing once thought of then
as gratuitous distribution. The people desired to have the
Book of God, and must have gladly paid the price, but it came
to them actually terra marique, over land, nay, and over sea.
They were supplied not only from England, but from the
printing presses of Holland, as they continued to be from both
countries, for more than half a century to come. Hence the
next edition executed in Scotland was still a folio, and not
printed till 1610, or only a few months before our present
version ; the first edition of that version not appearing till
1633, and the first pocket Bible not till five years later. In
2 See the dedication to what is commonly styled Bassandyne's Bible, for the original ortho-
graphy. While this Bible was printing, or in 1578, the Assembly had come to the following
among other conclusions, which were inserted in their records the second year after it was pub-
lished, or in 151il. — " The power ecclesiastical floweth immediately from God and the mediator
Jesus Christ, and is spiritual, not havlmja temporal Head on the cartli, but only Christ, iha onli/
spiritual King and Governor of his Kirk." — " Therefore this power and policy of the Kirk should
lean upon the Word immcdiatcli/, as the only ground thereof; and should be taken from the
pure fountains of the Scriptures, the Kirk hearing the voice of Christ the only sjiiritual King, and
being ruled by his laws."—" It is proper to Kings, Princes, and Magistrates, to be called lords
and dominators over their subjects, whom they govern cii'illt/: but it is proper to Christ only to
be called Lord and Master in the spiritual government of the Kirk ; and all others that bear
office therein, ought not to usurp dominion, nor be called lords, but only ministers, disciples, and
servants. For it is Chuist's proper office to command and rule his Kirk universal, and every
particular Kirk, througli his Spirit and yVord, by the ministry of men.
Jim lUL MUST lillil.K [book IV.
this point of view, certainly no utiicr j)C'(t|)U' in Europe can
look hack to such a century.^
After this wo need not repeat that the course pursued hy
an indulgent Providence was one, in no sense relying on the
patronage or power of the authorities in Scotland ; hut this
fact will become still more striking if we now glance at the
history of these two folio Bibles, printed in the country itself.
The first intimation of any printer in Scotland obtaining a direct
license to publish any part of the Scriptures in the vernacular tongue
is dated 22d March 1064. This license was nothing more than what
was customary with relation to every other book, but there is not even
the shadow of proof that any part was ever put to press, a circumstance
rendered next to certain from what followed. Four years after this, or
14th April 15G8, Robert Lekprevik, the printer referred to, was licensed
to print the translation commonly called the Geneva Bible ; and as this
right was declared to be for twenty years, although importation was not
prohibited, since, from printing the Bible, every other person in Scot-
land was, what hope was there that there would be an edition by
Lekprevik, or by any other man, before the year 1588 ? Certainly none.
Lekprevik, too, let it be observed, had been constituted " King's Printer"
three months before his license ; and in the course of business printed
3 How many editions of the EiiRlish Bible were thus printed beyond seas, whether for South
or North Britain, it is impossible to say, as, with a few exceptions, they had the iMtidon imprint,
and can only be detected by an experienced eye, but that there were many thousands is well
known. At first, some of these editions may have been undertaken with the concurrence of the
English patentee, if not at his expense, but, in the end, the Dutch were reading a severe lecture
to this country, on the superiority of cumjielition to monoiioly. The workmanship in Holland
had become of a superior character, and threatened to carry the printing of Bibles out of the
kingdom. Hence the language of Laud already quoted:— "<Ae books that came from thtna
tare better print, better bound, Ixtter iiaper, and for alt the charges of bringing, sold tietlerclicap."
A free pressat home would have effectually met this grievance, while at thesame time the course
pursued by Holland, in this, as in every other department, may well serve as a warning to any
people against aunnc*. The object of her people was to acquire, never to dispense; and thev
sought to gather wealth in every possible direction. Though they grew no timber, yet they, at
last, used more ships than almost all the rest of Europe put together, and certainly never any
country traded so much, and consumed so little. They had no_/f<Jur of their own growth, yet made
the finest linen in the world ; grew no tvaol, yet made immense quantities of good cloth. " Thev
are," said Sir William Temple, " They are the great masters of Indian spices and Persian silks,
yet wear plain woolen, and feed on their own fish and roots. They sell the finest of their own
cloth to France, and buy coarse cloth out of England for their own wear. They send abroad
the best of their own butter, and buy the cheapest out of Ireland and the north of England for
their own use. In short, they furnish infinite luxury, which they never practise, and traffic in
pleasures which they never taste." And what ensued after all ? Why should the " High and
Might)/," as they styled themselves, ever come to petition as " the jioor and oppressed States
of Holland ?" Let a nation fall into the |>arsimonious and hoarding course of the solitary miser,
its downfall is certain. Of nations, as well as individuals, it is true that "there is that scattereth,
and yet increa.seth ; there is that withholdeth more than is meet, and it tendeth to poverty."
If the cyesof England, <i* a nation, therefore, be open, she must sec that her only safety now
depends upon herbeing not only just, but ginerous — generous as a nation towards other nations.
Sympathy is a talent, and when possessed by a nation, one of the strongest guarantees for its
own prosperity and peace, when laws, and human policy, or grasping avarice, arc alike in vain.
1543-1650.] PRINTED IN SCOTLAND. 537
books at Edinburgh, St. Andrews, and Stirling, but still, from whatever
cause, and although licensed, he never printed a Bible at all ! What
was the precise value implied in the title or office of " King's Printer"
at that period has never been ascertained, but whatever it was, the
Scriptiu-es were to be printed independently of that office. It so hap-
pened, that in 1574, this King's printer had published, without license,
" A Dialogue between a Clerk and a Courtier, in verse, to the reproach
and slander of our Sovereign Lord's Regent." He fell under the dis-
pleasure of the Government, and for some time was confined in Edin-
burgh castle. He may then have forfeited his office, though he con-
tinued to print for many years after. But, at all events, soon after Lek-
previk had lost favour, the printing of the Scriptures was to be taken
up in good earnest, and by a man who was not now the King's printer,
nor ever was.
This first Bible, therefore, and in folio, appeared at last. It is a verbatim
reprint of the Geneva translation of 1 561, or that book which we have
already referred to as promoted by the father of Sir Thomas Bodley,
only it is more correct. Like the first Bible of 1537 for England, by
Grafton and Whitchurch, this, therefore, was a personal enterprise, ori-
ginating with two men, burgesses of Edinburgh, Thomas Bassandyne and
Alexander Arbuthnot ; the latter, it should seem, the man of most sub-
stance, the former, a printer by profession. Bassandyne, a native of
Scotland, had gone first to Paris and then to Leyden, where he acquired
the art of printing, and returning to his own country, had already begun
business for some time, in the Netherbow of Edinburgh. He commenced
now with the New Testament, which was finished, and dated 1576, but
its issue had been hindered or delayed till the Old was completed, in
three years after, or 1579. By about this time Bassandyne died, and
the book was published with Arbuthnot's name only at the beginning.
It had been finished in July, and in six weeks after, having applied
to the Pri^^ Council for a license, as it was necessary for all other books,
he obtained one, and at the same time also the title of King's Printer.'
It is therefore entitled
" The Bible and Holy Scriptures contained in the Old and Newe Testament.
Printed at Ediubm'gh be Alexander Arbuthnot, Printer to the King's Majestic,
dwelling at the Kirk of Field. 1579. Cum gratia et privilegio regia; Majes-
tatis."^
It will be remembered that this was a Bible not for general use at
home, but for the " Kirk," wherever it was ; and it deserves notice, that
a large proportion of the money requisite for the work was furnished
< Hence it appears as if Lekprevik liatl lost the office in 1574.
s This last phrase is not to be understood as denoting any privilege either peculiar to the book
itself, or to Arbuthnot. It was common to other books, to almost all, as well as used by the
other printers.
r>3H THE SECOND IJIULK [boOK IV.
white it was printing ; not, however, out of the public purse, but by con-
tribution of the parishioners, through their ministers, whether bishops,
superintendents, or visitors. It was, in fact, a present from the people
to their respective places of worship, and tvs a proof of their zealous de-
sire it deserves to be recorded, that in many, if not iu most instances,
the money was furnished about three years before the Bibles were fully
delivered.
It was not till thirty-one years after, as before mentioned, that the
next, or second Bible printed in Scotland, appeared, from the press of
Andrew Hart, dated 1610. This much admired folio carries equal evi-
dence of its being an independent personal undertaking. Hart, as already
stated, was not the King's printer now, nor ever was ; but it is curious
enough that he published this book in the face of Robert Charteris, then
printer to his INIajesty, who, in June 1606, had received a special license
for twenty-five years, to print Bibles in the vulgar tongue ; but, like his
predecessor before Bassaudyue's time, he ucver printed even one solitary
edition.
Here, then, was an exact repetition of what occurred before, as to
Lekprevik, the royal printer. In this final instance, like many preceding
throughout this history, it must now appear that the Sacred Volume was
a subject, with which royalty, for the sake of its own consistency, should
have been cautious of intermeddling. Touching with it had invariably
elicited j^ersomd character. Thus, the solitary Bible printed in his
own country, while James VI. was yet a boy of thirteen, had been the
Geneva translation, and under every sermon to which he had ever
listened, for more than twenty years, this was the Bible from which the
text was read ; but once so elated with being James I. of England, of
this version in 1 603, he had chosen to express his opinion very contempt-
uously. Now, however, it comes out, that three years afterwards, and
while the Scriptures were actually under revision in England, like
Ilenry VIIL, who, at the same moment, could speak one way in England
and another in Scotland, James followed his example ; and Robert
Charteris, the royal printer, and Thomas Finlason, were licensed at
Edinburgh, on the 17th of June, 1606, to print Bibles in the vulgar
tongue, where only the Geiuva would sell. So far as James's license
went, indeed, this signified nothing, for nothing followed ; neither Char-
teris or Finlason ever printed the Scriptures, while Hart, well knoAv-
ing, though the sovereign had spoken out, that his customers in Scotland
thought for themselves, published his Bible. So admired was it, and for
so long, that a veiy fine edition was printed by an Englishman, Thomas
Stafford, at Amsterdam, as late as the year 1040, claiming this distinc-
tion on its title, " conform to the edition printed by Andrew Hart."
This book was no doubt intended for the British market, being folio, and
it conveys a proof that the Geneva was still reading even in public
1543-1()'J0.] PRINTED IX SCOTLAND. 539
worship, thirty years after our present version had been issued, and
fifteen years after James was in his grave. So thoroughly free and in-
dependent, all along, so separate or disengaged from all other national
affairs, has been the history of the English Bible.
The evidence of this, under our history in England, has been already
completed, and placed in such a light as, it is presumed, can never be
refuted. The same character has been discovered in Scotland, nor does
the proof close even hei'c, although we are now arrived at the period
when our present version was first published in London. The folio Bible,
therefore, finished by Hart only a few months before, still invites notice.
It was not a reprint of the preceding, or Bassandyne's, throughout. In
the Old Testament it was, but the New was similar to that published
in England, by Laurence Tomson, almost the same with the Geneva
text, but having what were styled the Notes of Beza in the margin.
S^o license whatever for printing this book has ever been found, though
there may have been one; but, at all events, the next year, or 1611,
when the first edition of our present version had come forth in England,
we find the following enactment by the diocesan Synod of St. Andrews.
" Forasmuch as it was thought expedient that there be in every kirk a com-
mon Bible, it was concluded that every brother shall urge his parishioners to
buy one of the Bibles lately printed by Andro Hart ; and the brother failing
either to cause buy one, as said is, or else to give in his exact diligence, shall
pay at the next synod 6 lib. money ;" that is, ten shillings sterling.
Thus, although James had been acknowledged as supreme governor
in the south of the island, and a iiew translation had been published there,
here was the Geneva required to be used in all these Scotish places of
worship.
If it should now be asserted that the people of the north might not
even yet have been fully apprised of the new Version being out, more
especially as no proclamation was ever issued, even in England ; there
can be no question that by 1612, all parties were fully aware of the
fact ; but what had occurred in Scotland by this time ? In the mouth
of June, Charteris, the King's printer, through some misconduct, hav-
ing forfeited his office, Finlason had succeeded to it, and obtained a
new license, extending for twenty-five years from the 17th of June
1612, but not one word is mentioned respecting the new Version ! He
was licensed indeed, though not to the exclusion of others, to print
" the books of Holy Scripture, containing the Old and New Testament,
in all languages ;" but he did nothing more than prolong the mockery
of such grants, which had now been practised for more than fifty years.
He nei-er printed the Scriptures in any language whatever. Lekprevik,
Gibson, Charteris, Finlason, had all been King's printers in succes-
sion ; every one of them had been licensed to print the Bible, but not
640 SCOTLAND SUPPLIED WITH SCIUPTUKE [boOK IV.
one of them ever did ho/' Our history, in its progress, disengages
itself from all these men ; but the last license hestowed, becomes by far
the most ol)scrvablc, owing to an unprecedented clause inserted. IJy this
clause, it becomes evident, not only that the Scriptures might be legally
imported, as for nearly seventy years, since 1543, they had been ; but
now, by the express terms of this license, any printer, bookseller, or
other person, might le(j<dhi jirint the Scriptures, or cause them to be
printed, either in Holland, in England, or at home. The prohibition
clause is expressly and entirely abrogated.'' The observant reader will
mark this fact. " What then," he will say, " could possibly be the in-
ducement, and in the year after our present version had been published
in England, to make this exception in favour of Scotland, the effect of
which was to leave the printing of the Scriptures eiriirely free ? If even
a license were at all necessary for any one edition, it was open to any,
or many, to apply, but the probability is that Hart had printed his last
impression without any thing of the kind. Nothing similar to this was
doing, or done, in England." No, nor ever has been done there, since tlie
days of Edward tlie Sixth, iq) to the present hour. By leaving the path open
to all, was it intended to induce or invite some individual in Scotland,
from preference, and of his own free choice, to print the present version
of the Bible, then recently published ? So it might seem, but no man
can tell ; the motive is no where stated. Such, however, are the facts
of the case, and at this juncture they are of historical importance.
That the propriety, necessity, or wisdom, of non-interference, should
have been made to appear, and at this pieriod, is worthy of special
notice. It was nine years after James is represented to have spoken,
and so wildly, at Hampton Court, respecting the English translations of
the Bible, especially that which he had read from his childhood ; and a
full year after our present version, with such a fulsome dedication to
himself, had made its appearance. Thus in the north, as well as in the
south, the people were left to choose the present version of the Sacred
Volume — ivhen they weee so disposed.
In reference, however, to Scotland, that her sons should
have been supplied, and so richly, with the book of God, in a
way altogether independent of her native press, not to say her
reigning government, and for more than a hundred years, is
one of the most singular points in her liistory. From the
s For most of the facts relating to these Scotish patents, the author has followed the accu-
rate information given by the Kev. Dr. Lee in 1824-6. As the first memorial hai)pencd to be
interdicted at the time, and the second was not printed for 8ale, the contents of both are
not known beyond a select circle. Founded on orifjiiial documents, printed at the end of each
memorial, the inquisitive reader will there find many other curious particulars.
6 " Exce}>lhi() ulways the Bible, the New Testament and the I'salm-book, which shall no
ways be comprehended under this present Rift, but hpecially reserved and excepted forth
tlicrcof, under the pain of five hundred marks money of this realm."
1543-1650] ALMOST SOLELY BY IMPORTATION. 541
year 1526 down to 1633, and even later, the people at large
liad been supplied entirely from without. The Neio Testa-
menters acquired their lionourable distinction from reading an
imported book. Their liibles, after this, were prepared for
them at a distance, with paper and types foreign to their
country, and yet as early as 1579, the book was " almost in
every house." The tide of importation, however, was then
only setting in with a stronger current, for after that it rose
to a far greater height."
After these statements, it cannot but appear passing strange
R Xor let it be imagined that the !>cripturc9 onhj thus arrived. Food for the mind, speaking
generally, came from a distance, and so spirited was the importation, so numerous the editions
of some other books, that, including England itself, the disposition to read could scarcely have
l)cen stronger in any other country at the time. This becomes very evident throughout the last
thirty years of the sixteenth century, during the whole of which time, Elizabeth of England
was so apprehensive of the power of the press, that, at last, books were printed in Edinburgh,
which the i)rintcrs upon English ground were afraid to risk. But first, in proof of importation,
so earlv as June 1573 we find a license for one Hooper to carry books from England down to
Scotland in the way of regular business. By 1580 a native of France, and printer well known
in London, Thomas Vautrollier, had obtained liberty to import books there, and he himself was
probably in Scotland next year; but in l.'i84 he had come down from London to live in Edin-
burgh. Obliged to decamp, it has been said, for having printed the Spaccio of Jordano Bruno,
a profane Italian writer, though the Genera! Assembly asserted that he was " banished for re-
ligion," he yet continued to print in both capitals, having left his wife to negotiate his business
in London. One of his first productions at Edinburgh was " The Temporise?; or he that
ehangeth with the times, I5f>4 ;*' and in the same year he printed for King James, then in his
eighteenth year, the first edition of his " Essays of a prentise." In 1.5ft7 John Norton of Lon-
don, in conjunction with Andrew Hart of Edinburgh, were bringing books from Germany, to
Scotland equally with England, from " whence Edinburgh was supplied with better books
than heretofore, as cheap as they were sold in London." Hart, indeed, was one of the most
useful and respectable men of his day, and deserved well of his country. But a short time
elapsed when he petitioned the Privy Council, on the 8th of February 1580, i. e. 1500. Repre-
senting to them the hurt sustained by the scarciti/ of books, and the exorbitant j>Hces paid for
those brought from England, which were thus sold at ttdrd hand, because brought there from
the continent ; he petitioned that books should be imported direct from abroad, duty free.
He succeeded, not only for himself, but others. The Lords ordained the officers of customs
at " Edinburgh, and the other burghs, to desist asking custom for any books or volumes
brought, or to be brought, within this realm." We need not exclaim — What a contrast to the
proceedings of Queen Elizabeth and her counsel at the moment ! But at the distance of more
than 25<) years, we ask, if as much can be said now? Here, however, was proof powerful of
thirst for reading, and the liberty granted becomes more observable from the King, under some
temporary alarm, having, in July 1587, procured an act of Parliament against the sellers or
dispersers of erroneous books. Thus, at all events, not only Bibles but other books were pro-
cured at far less expense and trouble from Holland and France than from England, and the
eflTects soon became evident. It was shortly after this that John Norton, already mentioned,
having, in June l.ifll, obtained a separate license from the Privy Council, his factors received
" full power, liberty, and license, from the King, to use his traffic of importing and selling all
sorts of books, in all languages ;" upon which Norton opened a shop in Edinburgh for vending
by retail. Not being a freeman of the city, this was complained of as an infringement, though
no objection was made to his wholesale trade. Again, however, in 1597 Hart, for some reason,
finding it necessary to petition the Lords of the Exchequer against the Custom-house, they
ordained, as the Privy Council had done before, that ho duty should be asked, or taken, for
any book brought, or to be brought, in anp time coming, into this realm. Accordingly, impor-
tation continued. Books were printing abroad expressly for the Scotish market, and also for
Scotish authors, in Holland and Paris, to an extent now but little known. As for the Scrip-
tures, we find Hart printing at Dort, in conjunction with the heirs of Henry Charteris, an edi-
tion of the English Geneva Bible in KiOl ; a New Testament in 1G03 ; and finally in Edinburgh ,
his folio editions of 1010 and lffl3. The first New Testament of our piesent version printed in
Scotland, was by his heirs, in 1628.
542 TIIK KKADKKS NUMEKOU.S. QbOOK IV.
that it slnmld liiivo heon supposed, nay asserted, and in print,
even in our own d;iy, tli:it from the time wltcn the people of
Scothmd (in 154.S) ol da hied leave to read the liible, very few
peopUf in those days could read at all ! ! And that very few
copies were introduced into Scotland, till after the year 1 oGO! !
Such is the ignorance still betrayed respecting one of the most
heart-stirring periods of her history, and which, as the earliest,
ought to have been regarded with the deeper interest. These,
however, are only like the assertions of a man, who never all
his lifetime enquired what was then doing, or done. Why,
for sixteen years, without asking leate^ the people had been
reading the New Testament, at least to this extent, that, their
enemies themselves being judges, they declared, it was this that
occasioned all the din throitrihout the land. IJefore l.')43 also,
or before one word was spoken about leave., they had been
reading the Bible entire ; only they could then carry in their
hand, w'hat formerly they had read in concealment. Nay,
after leave was proclaimed, and after the man by whose orders
this was done, had changed his tone, reading went on as be-
fore, and to an extent not only as to the Sacred Scriptures,
but even as to other books, with which many in the present
day are but little acquainted, and but too few have ever ob-
served.''
After the opening of the seventeenth century, not only im-
portation of books from abroad, but printing of books at home
having proceeded with accelerated progress, we have the surest
index to the art of reading having advanced with equal steps.
Indeed, some time after this, it is by no means difficult to
prove that anxious attention had been bestowed upon educa-
tion down to the humblest rank, and the art of reading had
become very general. It may be thought by some a picture
too highly coloured ; but according to Kirkton the historian,
by the time that our present version of the Bible was prcvail-
9 AccordinR to the statements of Dr. Lee ; of Buchanan's version of the Psalms, from VtGCt to
Kiln, there had been l/iirliz-oiie editions, printed at Paris, Antweqi, and London ; to say nothinj;
more of his history, than that there had been four editions from 15H2 to 1.5!l4. Not to mention
many editions of the separate pieces of Sir David Lindsay in the course of only fifty-six years,
from 15.58 to 1G14, there had been fourteen editions of his entire works ; nine at least printed in
Scotland, besides three in London and two in Paris, cliiefiy for importation into the north. Of
Principal RoUoc's works, who died in l.'iiW, at least sixteen volumes were ])ublishcd before lOirt,
all of which passed rapidly through successive editions. In short, the books printing in the
country had now proceeded from nine or ten dilfercnt presses, and as the booksellers of Edin-
burgh were about the same number, some of them importing foreign publications, and all sell-
ing the productions of their own country, of course the purchasers and readers corresponded.
1343-l()o0.] THE APOCRYPHA. 54.3
ins; throucrhout the kiiiirdom, or before the restoration of
Charles II., he alHrnis that " every village in Scotland had a
school, every family almost had a Bible ; yea in most of the
country all the children of age could read the Scriptures, and
wore provided with Bibles either by their parents or the
ministers.'''' Whatever deductions from this statement can
be proved, may be freely allowed, but after all, we presume
that a very remarkable degree of moral cultivation had cer-
tainly been attained, and beyond this period wo do not at
present proceed.
tS^c ^jjocrapT)a.
Although our present version of the Bible was now gaining general
acceptance throughout Britain, there was still one serious incumbrance
from which it behoved to be delivered, and with which it ought never,
for a moment, to have been associated. We allude to the Apocrypha.
The clear and very decided views of divine truth held by Tyndale, forbid
the idea that he would have ever associated it with the Sacred Volume,
and at all events, of its introduction, in the vulgar tongue, into this
country he stands innocent. But Coverdale, who, as we have seen, had
so lent himself to Crumwell, entertained no such scruples. The books of
the Apocrypha were then indeed placed by themselves, as in distinction
from the Sacred Canon, but their insertion, between the Old and New
Testaments, like the term ijenance adopted in Coverdale's text, was a
sacrifice made at the altar of expediency ; that baneful doctrine by
which the Vicar-General was at once ruled and ruined. Sir Thomas
]\Iore, constrained to bow before the power of Crumwell 's influence, never
having once denoixnced Coverdale, might well let the book pass without
open censure, or wink at the progress of a version which was to contain
both penance and the Apocrypha.
Penance had been so far, and at once banished from public approba-
tion, by the adoption of Tyndale's version in 1537, and in preference to
that of Coverdale. But John Rogers having included the Apocrypha,
from Coverdale, that was now to be dealt with, and in no measiu-ed
terms. Even before our last revisers began, great dissatisfaction had
been expressed in print as to the Apocrypha.^*' But it deserves our
notice, that when our present version was preparing, and as early as
1604, the King was warned by a voice even from without the kingdom.
Among others, see " The Plea of tlie Innocent," by Josias Nichols, 1G(p2.
.1+4 THK AHJCRVPHA DENOUNCED. [bOOK IV.
in very decided terms. This referred at once to the contents of the
Apocryphal books, but especially to their Ijeing read in public worship —
" Because the canonical Scriptures are ahnie sufficient for the Cliurch ; and
have tills prerogative and excellency above all other writings whatsoever."
" Else should errorf, faUet, ma<jic, Unfphnny, and contr/ulictinn of the cnnoniccd
Scrif'titr€» be brought into the Church ; for such are found in the AjMHiryplia
l>ooks. As, for e.vample, see Error* in Ecclesiasticis and 2 Machaiiees ;
Fabl'f in Esdras, 2 Machabees, and Tobit ; Ma>iir and Blasphemy in Tobit ;
rontrad'ict'ion to canonical Scripture in Jidith, Esther, and Ecclesiasticls."
" Else should many still Ije nousled in their ignorance and error, to think that
the Apocrypha books Ije the Word of God and part of the Bible, as well as
the books of the Old and New Testament." J '
No attention baring been paid to this remonstrance, and the Apocry-
pha having been printed along with our present version, the Parliament
was now to be addressed in bolder language, not as to its being read
merely, but in reference to its place within the boards of the Bible. In
1642, to Bartholomew's Church, behind the Old Exchange, London, an
individual had been chosen minister, who was about the most learned
man of his day, and in rabbinical learning too, but certainly no advocate
for the Apocrypha holding such a place in the Sacred Volume. Having
been appointed to preach before the House of Commons on the 29th of
March 1643, which happened to be his birthday at the age of 41, he
took for his text Luke i. 17.
" The words of the text," said he, " are the last words of the Old Testament
— there uttered by a prophet, here expounded by an angel ; there concluding the
law, and here beginning the Gospel. ' Behold,' saith Malachi, ' I will send you
Elijah the prophet ;' and ' he,' saith the angel, ' shall go before him in tlie spirit
and power of Elias.' And ' He sliall turn the hearts of the fathers to the chil-
dren,' saith the one ; and ' the disobedient to the wisdom of the just,' saith the
other. Thus sweetly and nearly should the two Testaments join together, and
thus divinely would they kiss each other, but that the irrctcfied Apocrypha doth
thrust in between. Like the two cherubims in the temple oracle, as with their
outer wings they touch the two sides of the house, from ' In the beginning,' to
' Come Lord Jesus ;' so with their inner, they iroidd touch each other — the end
of the Law, with the beginning of the Gospel — did not this patchery of human
inrtntion divorce them asunder.
" It is a thing not a Uttle to be admired, how this Apocrypha could ever get
such a place in the hearts, and in the Bibles, of primitive times, as to come
and sit in the very centre of them both. But to this wonderment there may
be some satisfaction given — namely, because that these books came to them
from among the Jews, as well as the Old Testament and the New ; and because
that the Jews alone, and alone so long, had had the knowledge of divinity and
" "An apology or defense of snch true Christians, as arc commonlv, but unjustly, called
Brownists." Amsterdam, 1604, pp. 65, G6, where the texts are specified in proof of their asser-
tions. This is addressed to the King by " the English Church, at Amsterdam in the low coun-
tries, exiled for the truth of the Gospel of Christ •," and from which we shall find his English
subjects soon taking their departure to a more distant abode.
1 543-1 G50.] THE APOCRYPHA DENOUNCED. 545
religion among them, the converted Gentiles could not but give their writings
extraordinary esteem. But it is a wonder, to which I could never yet receive
satisfivction, that in churches that arc reformed — that have shaken off the yoke
of superstition, and unpinned themselves from off the sleeve of former customs,
or doing as their ancestors have done ; yet in such a thing as this, and of so
great import, should do as first ignorance, and then superstition, hath done
before them. It is true, indeed, that they have refused these books out of the
canon ; but they have reserved them still in the Bible ! As if God should have
cast Adam out of the Mate of happiness, and yet have continued him in the
}>lace of happiness."
This was no other than the well known Dr. John Lightfoot ; auJ it is
curious enough, that he was then preaching weekly on the very spot to
which the body of Coverdale had been consigned in 1568, or seven ty-
tive years before ; the man who Jtrst placed the Apocrypha in English
between the Old Testament and the New.'^ The present preacher,
indeed, had long felt as he now did, and fourteen years ago, at the age
of twenty-seven, in his earliest publication, had spoken out in a similar
strain. The figure he employed with the Commons must have been a
favourite one, for he had employed it before, and was now only quoting
his matiu'e sentiments before Parliament on a public fast day, in the
probable hope that they might have some practical effect. Speaking,
in 1629, of those who had put in the Apocrypha between Malachi and
Matthew, he had said —
" What do they, but make a wall between the seraphim, that they cannot
hear each other's cry ? What do they, but make a stop between the cherubim,
that they cannot touch each other's wings ? What do they, but divorce the
marriage of the Testaments, and so are guilty of the breach of ' that which God
hath joined together, let no man put asunder ?' " In short, he earnestly longed
for its being banished from the Bible ; and therefore, once more, on the •26th
of August 1 645, when again officiating before the House of Parliament, he was
not less eager for " a review and survey of the translation of the Bible ;" and
that they, as a body, would " look into the oracle, if there be anything amiss
there, and remove it " — refen-ing, no doubt, especially to the Apocrypha.
Lightfoot, however, it should seem, was not aware that the Almighty
had never pennitted any such body, in their official character, nor, in-
deed any other, as such, thus to " look into His oracle." No, and as Par-
liament was never allowed to touch the Sacred Text itself, so, however
12 The long-suffering of God towards Israel of old, was often displayed in liglitening their
burdens, when, though they had destroyed their idols, their groves were not cut down, nor their
high places demolished ; and the same long-sufftring had here been displayed. But, we repeat
it, well might Sir Thomas More pass over Coverdale in silence, when about to give along with
his translation, prayers for the dead— the intercession of saints— the heroism of suicide— the doc-
trine of xiurgatory— atonement by alms-giving— Justijicaiion t>y the teorks of the law— as taught in
the Apocrypha ! Lightfoot seems to have thought that a greater insult could not be offered to
the Majesty of heaven, than to read any portion of this, on the same day, and at the same place,
with the oracles of the li%ing God-
VOL. II. 2 il
54(J THE PRESENT VERSION HAS [iioOK iv.
urged, neither was the voice of their authority to remove the Apocrypha
from its place. That was to he removed hy Ilim who moves the human
mind ; and so, as far as the Bible generally was concerned, the Ajtocry-
pha sunk at last from that place to which it should never have been
raised. It disappeared from Bibles as l>y common consent ; it sunk
under the power of general opinion. From that jjcriod the Christians
in Britain have stood, and for many a year, beckoning, as it were, to
the surrounding European nations to follow in the same safe and law-
ful, or incumbent career.
Thus the history of the IJiblo in Scotland, has been brought
down to the same point of time with the previous detail re-
specting England. Since the commencement, in 1525, or of
the Scriptures entire, in 1537, there had been a fivefold revi-
sion of the original translation, an advantage altogether pecu-
liar to itself, and doubly valuable from that circumstance.
Consetjuently, there had been jive different versions printed,
and these had proved in succession the means of salvation, and
the source of comfort to four successive generations ; but now
there came to be but one version. Entertaining no supersti-
tious reverence for that one, as though it were already perfect,
or never destined to be yet improved and corrected, we cannot
but pause over this general consent, as a very memorable his-
torical event. The last rival competitor for general acceptance
had been the Geneva book, a version in several passages pre-
ferable to our own, and especially in translating " love^ not
" chariti/ ;'''' but it had been generally encumbered with notes
or glosses ; and it is observable, that so late as the year 1649,
an attempt was made to saddle our present version with those
notes, but it was in vain. One or two editions of the Bible
were thus printed, but such additions to the Sacred Text must
not continue. Notes and comments must be withdrawn. Since
the year 1611, however, these two versions of the Sacred Vo-
lume had been before the people in both countries ; our present
translation, from the beginning xcithout notes, the other very
generally icith thcra ; so, at last, and about the middle of the
seventeenth century, our present venerated Bible had nearly
arrived at that state of prevalence which it has ever since
maintained. ^Vhatever opinions have since prevailed, or died
awav, from that time to the present, and in any part of the
1543-1650.] BECOME UNIVERSAL. 547
United Kingdom, the sanio version, without a single inter-
ruption, has continued to be the Bible of Great Britain and
Ireland, or wherever the language is spoken.
In looking back, however, from the commencement, even
down to this period, it must be very evident, that no space
whatever is left for self-complacency. No inhabitant of Britain
can now say, that the Revelation of the Divine Will was re-
ceived by his forefathers generally, with any ready or cordial
concurrence. On the contrary, the point to which the Sove-
reign disposer of all events had now brought our country, was
precisely that with which he had begun so long before. It
was the Bible, but icitliout note and comment^ which was now at
last received, whether in England or Scotland ; but, then, such
had been the original movement of Divine providence. This
it was, which Tj^ndale had laid down to Henry the Eighth, as
the sole or exclusive terms of combat, above one hundred and
twenty years ago ! Through the medium of his Word, the
Almighty had been striving with the nation ever since, and
" the long-suffering of God had waited^ and long it had waited,
as in the days of Noah.''"
The season and circumstances, therefore, in which this ge-
neral consent took place, it would be criminal to overlook, or
ever forget. The event was one of moment to unborn genera-
tions, and every one must be eager to mark the time. Both
the season and circumstances, it is true, may be humbling to
our national vanity, but for this we have been fully prepared ;
after having had such frequent occasion to observe, that inde-
pendence of human authority, patronage, or power, has been
one distinguishing feature of this history throughout. By far
the most remarkable display of this, however, was reserved to
the close. There was a moral significance, others will say sub-
limity, in the season chosen. It was at a crisis altogether
sui generis, when God, by his providence, as all agree, was
speaking loudly to every corner in Great Britain and Ireland.
It was at a period when there was no earthly throne in the
island to invoke ; no King in Britain to enjoin such consent. It
was when there was no primate of Canterbury, or St. Andrews,
to enforce it, or any House of Lords in being. Even the office
of " Licenser of the press''" had been abolished, nor must the
existing legislature of the day for once interfere. No voice of
human authority was raised, when a nation, in other respects
548 THK ONLY PERMANENT EVENT. [BOOK IV.
greatly divided, became of one consent, and a consent unbro-
ken to the present hour ; nor did any one thing in wliich man
was then engaged, concur to produce an cfl'cct, then first felt
by the whole kingdom, and since enjoyed for nearly two hun-
dred years !
In those unprecedented and tumultuous times, certainly
the main consolation of those who feared God, and loved the
Scriptures, must have run in very much the same channel ;
and perhaps at no preceding era in this country, had they
more frequently closed their mutual communications in the
same expressive terms — the Lord reigneth. ]3ut we who
live, though at such a distance, can now see this event in
greater perfection, as by far the most conspicuous proof that
He did reign, as still He does. It was the solitary eminent
public occurrence, which was to admit of no mutation for two
centuries to come.
The kingdom itself may yet be moved, from its centre to its
shores, and be greatly agitated. The civil power may change
its aspect. The monarchy may be restored, only to be dealt
with providentially, as the Pontiff had been. The line of
succession may be broken, and the existing dynasty even be
banished from the soil. Yet better days are coming, and no
weapon, though employed by a future Sovereign, shall pros-
per against the Bible of his subjects : though among the
causes of removal from his crown and kingdom, should hos-
tility to the Sacred Volume be discovered, this is not to be
buried in oblivion amongst other provocations.
THE HISTORY OF
THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
BOOK V.-GREAT BRITAIN.
jfrom tf)e Commonluealt!) to (Bxmn Victoria*
SECTION I.
THE COMMONWEALTH TO GEORGE III.
BRIEF SURVEY — DOWNWARD PROGRESS OF THE STUART DYNASTY — OPPOSI-
TION AT HOME INEFFECTUAL LEAGUE, IN WHICH EVEN THE PONTIFF
AND GERMANY CONCURRED AND ASSISTED — THE LINE OF SUCCESSION IN
BRITAIN BROKEN — THE REVOLUTION OF 1688-9 PRECEDING OPPOSITION
TO THE SCRIPTURES BY JAMES II., AN ADHERENT OP THE OLD LEARNING
CONSEQUENCES OP THE REVOLUTION STATE OF THE BIBLE PRESS IN
ENGLAND — CANNE's BIBLE — GUY's BIBLES — BASKERVILLe'S — BLAYNEY's
BIBLE STATE OF THE BIBLE PRESS IN SCOTLAND — JAMES II. EQUALLY
BUSY IN OPPOSITION THERE — THE NUMBER OF BIBLES IS NOW PAST ALL
HUMAN COMPUTATION THE RESULTS, IF BUT TOO FEEBLE IN BRITAIN,
MUST BE LOOKED FOR ELSEWHERE.
c-i:^ ■--■'■ HIS period, extending to one hundred and thirty
f^^^Wfj years, from 1650 to the twentieth year of the reign
^^^ft of George the Third, or 1 780, involved many changes
(S^^&^f^ in the sovereignty of the kingdom, namely —
The Commonwealth, 1649-1660. Queen Anne, . . 1702-1716.
Charles II. . . 1660-1685. George I. . . . 1714-1727.
James II. . . . 1685-1688. George II. . • 1727-1760.
William and Mary, 1689-1702. George III. 1760-1780.
550 THE PROGRESS OF [book V.
The new title given to our native land \vc have not before employed,
but since, after a season of misrule and dc[tres8ion, occasioned by its own
sovereigns, it was about to assume a position quite worthy of its name,
it becomes the more appropriate. By the way, it is nothing more than
a vulgar mistake which ascribes the invention of this title to the first of
the Stuarts. Before that James had set his foot in Jlnglaud it had been
mentioned by a monarch of far superior powers. In the month of August
IGOI, it was expressed, and i)erhapa not for the first time, by the lips of
Elizabeth herself, in conversation with Rosny, afterwards Duke of Sully,
when she disclosed such views of Continental politics as filled even him
with astonishment, and, of course, such as were far above the comprehen-
sion of James the First. " Neither the whole, nor any i)art of these (Low
Country) states need be coveted," she said, " by either herself, the King
of France, or the King of Scotland, who would become one day King
of Great Britaiti."^
Glancing back for a moment at the commencement of the
Stuart dynasty, though there was some expression of apparent
momentary interest by James I., in reference to tlie Scriptures,
as this was never followed up by any substantial or recorded
proof of continued zeal, it was ominous of all that followed in
the times of his son and grandsons. That king, it is notori-
ous, in his latter years, had discovered a decided leaning to-
wards the gentlemen of " the old learning ;" and, at all events
under the successive reigns of his descendants, we witness such
neglect in the printing and publishing of the Sacred Volume,
not to say open contempt ; that if the eye has once fixed on this
history throughout, one cannot help anticipating the approach
ofsome great national crisis. Whatwere dignified with the title
of " public aflairs'" had frequently in this kingdom, before now,
been treated as subordinate to one other. Among the elements
of our national changes, it is true, any reference to the Sacred
Oracles, though first given to us after such an extraordinary
manner, has seldom, if ever, found a place. And yet, in re-
ference to the Scriptures in the language of the people, a con-
trast is forced upon us between the house of Tudor and that
of Stuart. The princes of the former, from Henry to Eliza-
beth, had been overruled, and to tliis they submitted — those
of the latter were at last banished from the soil. Among the
' " It surt'ly iiiighl not to have been forgollen that it was Queen Elizabeth, herself, who gave
to that j>rohpective empire the uaine of Oreat Urilain."- See .Miss b'trickland'!) Elizabeth, vol ii.,
1<\>. 271 272
16'50-17«0.] THE STUART DYNASTY. 561
impelling causes of this final step, the treatment of the Divine
Record may have had more to do than has hitherto been ob-
served. But the state of the kingdom first demands our
notice.
One of the earliest indications of the downward progress of the Stuart
kings became very evident, in their contributing so plentifully to emigra-
tion from the entire kingdom, whether to the American colonies or even
to Poland, where about thirty thousand families from Scotland had taken
up their abode. This might operate for a season as a safety valve, but
in the end the entire kingdom was but ill at ease.
In the course of the reigns of Henry VIII. and two of his children,
the deliverance of this country from foreign mental despotism had been
accomplished and prolonged, through the sovereign disposer of all events.
Yet, after this, Britain was to suffer at the hands of her own kings. Not
only religious but civil liberty were to be alike in jeopardy, and amidst
the perils of the nation at that period, he must be blind as a sceptic
who cannot distinguish the hand of Providence raised in favour of our
country once more. It wears much more of the character of a final
measure, or finishing stroke, than any thing which had occurred in the
days of Henry VIII. The despotic power of monarchy had then been
overruled in favour of oxnYjirst deliverance ; but now, if Britain is to be
favoured with a race of constitutional monarchs, limits must be set to
the power of the monarchy itself. A period being fixed for abolish-
ing absolute power in the temj^oral order, as had already been done in
what was styled the spiritual ; it was at last glaringly evident that the
princes of the house of Stuart were not the men who could ever be
moulded to any such desirable end. But if, in order to confer on this
already favoured kingdom the consolidation of its liberties and welfare,
there was not sufficient power within its shores, then what was to be
done ? The whole of the adjoining continent itself must be moved. For
sooner than Britain shall not inherit her greatest national blessings,
namely, civil and religious liberty, even the power of Rome itself, from
which she had withdrawn, or against which, others would say, she had
rebelled, nay, and that of Romish votaries with whom Britain was at vari-
ance, shall not be wanting to concur in establishing her government on
a far more solid, and even on an unprecedented basis. Nothing is more
worthy of observation in the Revolution of ]689 than this, and especially
when it is once remembered that the prejudices of the last two Stuart
kings were so recklessly in favour of " the old learning." How the last,
especially, would have rejoiced in bringing back the nation to the days
of Mary the First, or even of her grandfather, Henry the Seventh ! The
prejudices and infatuation of these two monarchs, however regretted by
some authors, were the preludes to that memorable change which was
r,52 niK LAsr of tiik sti'akts. [book v.
80 hastened to its eommeuccmcut iu the year l()8b, aud to its completion
iu tlic month of February 1G8!).
Iu the days ol' the first of this dynasty, so far from meddling with the
balance of power in Europe, as Henry the Eighth had so often done,
James was eagerly bent on alliance with Spain. On the other hand,
during the reigns of his grandsons, the King of France was stretching
after the possession of all power, and by the year 1G78, Louis the
Fourteenth had already regarded himself as the arbiter of Europe.
Fully resolved after universal sway, he had at last raised his power to
such a height as to endanger the jicace and independence of all neigh-
bouring states. To him, the concurrence of this country he had felt to
be indispensable, and such was the miserable condition to which two suc-
cessive kings had brought it, that, to all intents and purposes, England
was at the disposal of France. But the day of her deliverance, under
James II., the last of his race, was near at hand. There is no occasion
here to dwell on his progress to ruin — his new-modelling of corporations
— his filling the army and navy with his partizans — his expulsion of the
Fellows of Magdalene College, Oxford, hard by the spot where Tyndale,
in early days, had expounded Scripture ; liut where now mctss was once
more said and sung in the chapel, and every thing of another character
was forcibly excluded. The King himself, a determined and open dis-
ciple of " the old learning," was earnestly looking far beyond the free
exercise of his own opinions. Through the agency of Lord Castlemain,
then in Italy, he had been courting alliance, and sighing, though in
vain, after a resident cardinal of Rome, in the person of Father Petre,
his confessor. Before his accession he had had the meanness to accept
of 500,000 livres from Louis the Fourteenth, to carry on his designs.
His afterwards drawing l)ack, and, from pride, no more courting that
monarch, while engaged in a double game by treating with Spain, were
among the proofs of that infatuation which was to terminate only in the
memorable Act of Settlement and the Bill of Rights.
Meanwhile, it is curious to observe one quarter from whence resistance
arose. At the opening of the reign, the men of Oxford could expatiate
on the rights of monarchy, and boast of an obedience which knew no
bounds. They now became most determined opponents of the reigning
king, and ultimately ranked among the instruments of his overthrow ;
but some power from abroad must be called to the rescue. Mean-
while the ambition of France had become the subject of general
apprehension. They were the footsteps of Louis, which had pro-
duced a far spread reaction. The league in opposition was headed
by William Prince of Orange, and such was the ten-or felt at the pro-
gress of " the Grand Monarch" that the Emperor of Germany, and even
Innocent XI. of Rome, suj)ported him. The couseiiuences of William
stepping ashore at Torbay arc known to all, and they have been well
10'50-178U.] THE REVOLUTION SETTLEMENT. .'iSS
expressed by an able French anthor of the present day, who is at this
moment in the government of that kingdom.
" The league against Louis was so powerful that many sovereigns en-
tered into it, either publicly, or in an underhand, though very eftective
manner, who were rather opposed than not to the interests of civil and
religious liberty. The Emperor of Germany and Innocent XL both sup-
ported William against France. And William crossed the Channel less
to serve the internal interests of the country than to draw it entirely
into the struggle against Louis. He laid hold of this kingdom as a new
force which he wanted, but of which his adversary had had the disposal
up to this time against him. So long as Charles II. and James II.
reigned, England belonged to Louis XIV. He had the disposal of it,
and had kept it employed against Holland. England then tvas snatched
from the side of absolute and universal monarchy, to become the most power-
ful siqyport and instrument of civil and religious liberty. This is
the view which must be taken, as regards European civilization, of the
Revolution of 1688-9. It is this which gives it a place in the assem-
blage of European events, independently of the influence of its example,
and of the vast effect which it had upon the minds and opinions of men
in the following centiu-y."
" Thus, I think, I have rendered it clear that the true sense, the essential
character of this Revolution is, as I said, an attempt to abolish absolute
power in the temj/oral order, as had already been done in the spiritual.
This fact appears in all the phases of the Revolution, from its first out-
break to the Restoration, and again in the crisis of 1688 ; and this not
only as regards its interior progress, but in its relations with Europe in
general."
But certainly, at such a crisis, and among the entii'e group, by far
the most observable personage before us, was the Pontiff of Rome !
Will he come to the rescue of that kingdom by which his predecessors
had been so humbled to the dust ? The power which had thi-own him
ofi" for ever ? He might not indeed be in direct or personal communica-
tion with William, for this would have been contrary to the usual
policy of remaining behind the curtain ; but his Ministers were fully
acquainted with the entire movement, the Pontiff promised considerable
subsidies, and his Secretary of State knew before the close of 1 687, more
than James the Second had ever dreamt ; that the object was to de-
thi-onc him, and transfer the Crown to the Princess of Orange. But
what is even still more remarkable, it was actually from the secret
papers in the cabinet of this same secretary. Count Cassoni, that the
Courts of England and France derived their Jirst knowledge of the
whole design I " Strange complication ! It was at the Court of Rome
2 General History of Civilization in Kurope. by M. Gnizot, Second Edition, p. 3!)fl.
5.3 1 OPPOSITION TO THE SCRIPTURES [bOOK V.
that the threads of a machination wore destined to meet, which had for
its aim and result, to liheratc the West of Europe from the last great
danger that threatened it," and to secure to the English throne for
ages to come the inestimable blessings of Civil and Religious liberty !'
Thus the line of succession was broken, and though this was long
lamented by not a few, the principles and j)roceeding8 of the late King,
taken in connexion with his ultimate design, admitted of no other re-
medy. The headstrong ardour displayed in his rooted attachment to
" the old learning," was such as to offend and alarm even its votaries.
The Spanish ambassador one day remonstrating with him, the King
became highly incensed. " Is it not the custom," said he, " in Spain,
for the King to consult on such subjects with his Confessor ?" " Yes
Sire," was the reply, " and that is the very reason that our affairs suc-
ceed so ill." Even the reigning Pontiff had gone so far as to remon-
strate with James on his precipitancy, but in vain. Unwelcome and
even blunt language had been spent upon him without any effect. The
obstinacy and infatuation of that Monarch, were among the means
through which were to ensue our highest national blessings. For two
months, or from the 23d of December 1688 to the 1.3th of February
1689, the Monarchy was lying in abeyance ; but from that day com-
menced the reign of William and Mary.
It may now be inquired — What possible connexion can
ever be traced between this great national change, and the
possession of the Divine Record in the language of the
people ? It is true, that many instances might be adduced
of the very slovenly manner in which the privileged printers
had been executing their task. This, however, the long-suf-
fering of God had endured, and will continue to do, so that it
may be glanced at afterwards. ]3ut now tlie supreme autho-
rity of the Sacred Volume having been unblushingly im-
pugned under the immediate sanction of the Crown, there
nmst be a change. The very jirst year of the reign of James
II. was marked by several noted events, indicative of direct
hostility to Divine Truth, as aftccting its devoted adherents
at home and abroad. From the year 1670, indeed, the sen-
timents of this Prince had created uneasiness, aaitatino- Par-
liament again and again, and his doings in Scotland from 1679
were known to all. But once crowned, in February 1685, he
then pledged himself to be a disciple and adherent of " the
3 Sec llankc's SoverciRns and Nations of Southern Europe. Pp. 318 319.
IG50-1780.] BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 555
old learning." In June, Charles the Elector Palatine dying
without issue, was succeeded by the house of Ncwburgh, no
less ardently devoted to Rome. In October, Louis the Four-
teenth revoked the edict of Nantes ; and in December, threa-
tened by the Court of France, the Duke of Savoy had re-
called the edict that his father had granted in favour of the
Vaudois. All these were indications of some general storm,
and the King of England will hasten its approach. Ere long
a select junto of persons in favour of the old learning and its
re-establishment, with Father Edward Petre, the King's
confessor, as a privy councillor at their head, took the
management of many affairs, the too evident proof of some
concerted scheme being in progress.
And now when the King was down at Oxford, for the last
time in 1 687, he might " be presented in the name of the
University with a rich Bible, printed there," which his Ma-
jesty, as a blind, said he would accept ; and he might after-
wards talk of establishing toleration by an Act of Parlia-
ment ; but it is of far more importance to observe, both be-
fore and after this, how he had been acting elsewhere, both
at London, and in his former abode at Edinburgh.
The reader has already heard much of the Barkers, as the
printers of the Bible, but long before their rights expired,
Charles II. had granted a reversionary patent to Thomas
Newcome and one Henry Hills. Sooner or later this last man,
whose moral character seems to have been far from correct,
had actually been employed in printing the Scriptures, and,
according to report, shamefully incorrect.'* But no sooner
was James upon the throne, than Hills had come into closer
confidential contact. He then styled himself openly, " Prin-
ter to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, for his Household
and Chapel." This might serve for whatsoever was to be
done in London, but there was another man sustaining the
same office and title down at Edinburgh, and the question
will be, how were they engaged ? Was the press about to be
employed in hostility to the Word of God, and by printed
sanction of the King ? In both capitals the design was the
•» See "The Loiulon Printer's Lanu'iitation, or the Press Opi>rebt and Overprcst," ItiCO.
the reprint in the Harlcian Miscellany.
5.">() A VKIty DIMCERNIDLK FEATURK [boOK V.
aaiiie. So early as October IG80, the .servile Privy Council
in Edinburgh had issued orders to every printer and book-
seller, forbidding the j)rinting or selling any books which re-
flected on the faith of the King. Among these, however,
there was at least one bookseller of Kome spirit and con-
science, named James (Jlen. He explicitly stated that he
had one book which he was resolved to sell at all hazards,
though it was the worst enemy the Church of Rome had ever
seen ; and that one book was the Bible. But still the progress
downward went on. The King's yacht had arrived at Leith
from London in November 1686", with an altar and vest-
ments, images and priests, to be accommodated in no other
place than Holyrood. A college of Jesuits was there estab-
lished— a printing press was set up, and among its fruits we
need only to mention one production : —
" The Catholic Scripturist, third edition, more correct, by Joseph Mumford,
priest of the Society of Jesus, Holyrood House. Printed by James Watson,
printer to his Most Excellent Majestie's Royal Family and Household, 1G87.
Pennissu fupcriorum."
In this book the reader was told in so many words — " Scrip-
ture alone cannot he the rule of faith. ''''^ So determined was
the opposition shewn to all this, that ere long blood had been
shed, and cruelties inflicted ; though these doings in Scot-
land were merely a branch of the same wild design, which
was driving with unblushing vigour in London itself. Hence
from the press of Hills, who had just served the office of Mas-
ter of the Stationers'* Company, we have more than one pub-
lication, full of monstrous and daring profanity in reference
to the Sacred Scriptures. Witness the following —
" The Question of Questions, which, rightly interpreted, resolves all other
questions. By James Mumford, priest of the Society of Jesus. Permissu
supenoruui. London, j)rinted by Heni-y Hills, Printer to the King's Most
Excellent Majesty, for his Household and Chapel, 168C. There was also
another edition in 1 G88, said to be by " Optatus Ductor," but, slyly, without
either place or printer's name."
Now in this book the running title for more than 260
5 To this man James II. liad acrtually nssi^nc-d a salary of £'I0<) annually ; nor was he flie
only man employed with the same title. No sooner had Watson died in 1()87, than Peter
Bruce or Bruschii, a German, was afipoinfed as printer " to his Majesty's Household, Chapel
and College." What salary the King assigned in London wc have not ascertained.
1()50-1780.] IN THIS REVOLUTION. 557
pages was in these words — Thr Biblk is not our Jupge.
And as many more were employed in telling the reader
that " The lioman Church is our invalliulr Judrje?'' Tlie
false and violent abuse of our Translators, commencing
with Tyndale, we cannot pollute the page by quoting.
But enough has been stated to shew the propriety of such
impiety on the part of the Crown being no longer per-
mitted on British ground. James might now call secret-
ly for the Great Seal, and throw it, as he did, into the
Thames, and at last retiring to France, he may, in little
trifles, faintly imitate the style of Louis the Fourteenth, or
visit the monks of La Trap ; but he must no more conduct
himself towards the Word of God in the way which, through
his printers, he had so presumptuously, or, by the laws of his
country, treasonably done. The displeasure of the God of
Truth he had brought upon himself, and in the great change
so remarkably wrought in favour of Britain, the indignity
thrown upon the Sacred Volume was avenged.
Such, at all events, was the Revolution of 1688-9, and what were the
consequences ? These we prefer to express in the language of one of
our best constitutional wi-iters : — " The assertion of passive obedience
to the Crown, grew obnoxious to the Crown itself. Our new line of
sovereigns scarcely ventured to hear of their hereditary right, and
dreaded the cup of flattery that was drugged with poison. The laws
were not so much materially altered, as the spirit and sentiments of the
people. Hence those who look only at the former, have been prone to
underrate the magnitude of this Revolution. The fundamental maxims
of the constitution, both as they regard the king and the subject, may
seem nearly the same ; but the disposition with which they were re-
ceived and interpreted was very different." But where shall we find a
secret leaven, which had been operating directly on the disposition of
the people, if we exclude from consideration all reference to that Sacred
Volume, recently indeed so slighted by the Crown, but which had been
reading by both rich and poor throughout the families of the land %
What the Revolution did for us was this ; continues Mr. Hallam,
" it broke a spell that had charmed the nation. It cut up by the roots
all that theory of indefeasible right, of paramount prerogative, which
had put the Crown in continual opposition to the people. A contention
had subsisted for five hundred years, but particularly during the last
four reigns, against the aggressions of arlntrary power. The Sovereigns
of this country had never patiently endured the control of Parliament ;
nor was it natural for them to do so, while the two Houses of Parliament
558 NOTICES RESPECTING VARIOUS [BOOK V.
appeared historically, and in legal language, to derive their existence as
well as privileges from the Crown itself.""
To enter with any minuteness into the history of tho
Eni^lisli IJiblo throughout tliis h)ng period, from IGoOto 1780,
couhl answer no vahiable or j)rcsent i)raetical purpose ; but this
work would, confessedly, be incomplete, did we not put upon
record certain particulars, in reference both to the Scriptures
themselves, and the vast number of editions printed.
With regard to the IJibles themselves, and especially their
style of execution, the history is too often so very unwelcome,
that we have no disposition to go into more detail than is ne-
cessary. Classics, and almost every species of mere human
composition, not only beautiful, but sometimes almost fault-
less, were teeming from the press, or at least in the best man-
ner which could then be executed ; while the Sacred Record,
in the most miserable style, both as to paper and printing,
was issued by printers, who, to crown all, were proclaimed to
the nation as privileged to do so. This, however, let it be
ever remembered, was mans department in the affair, and the
slovenly, the penurious manner, in which he too frequently,
and so long performed his task, left to his posterity nothing
whatever save the blush of shame. There were, it is granted,
many most creditable editions, and the English Bible consi-
dered as an instrument of infinite good, still continued, by the
favour of God, to be sufficient for its purpose, or intended end ;
but a minute detail of the incorrect manner in which it so often
came from the press, would serve to illustrate only the for-
bearance and long-suffering patience of Heaven.
We have already alluded to the King's printers in London as having been
fined for incorrect printing of the Scriptures in 1C34, but this did not prevent the
repetition of a similar offence soon after in 1G.'}8. As if to show that the privi-
lege wherever gi-anted, was, to say the least, no security against the same defect,
this instance came from the press of Buck and Daniel, the privileged printers
of Cambridge, in the reign of Charles I. In the Acts, vi., 3, they had printed
" Wherefore, brethren, look ye out among yourselves seven men of honest re-
port, &c., whom ye may appoint over this business" — instead of " ire may ap-
6 " Hallam's Constitutional History of EnRland." Since that time, adds the same author,
''it seems equally just to say, th.it the predominatinp character has been aristocratical ; the
royal prerORative being in some respects too limited, and in others too little capable of effec-
tual exercise, to counterbalance the hereditary peerage, and that class of great territorial pro-
prietors, who, in a political division, arc to be reckoned among the proper aristocracy of the
land.
1G50-1780.] EDITIONS IN ENGLAND. 559
point." Tliis careless error of the press, for, from the iri'egularity of its occur-
rence, it was nothing more, and without the shadow of design, continued to infest
many eihtions from the days of Charles I. down to those of William and Mary.
Such, however, was the virulence of party spirit, that instead of the blunder
being visited on the six or eight guilty parties in succession, throughout half a
century, not only no fine was imposed, but the blame was thrown on those who
had no control over the press. At one time the foolish mistake was fathered on
the printers during the Connnonwealth or Protectorate ; and, at a later period,
it was ascribed to the Presbyterians, which they solemnly disclaimed. The plain
facts of the case were only a glaring and repeated proof of the carelessness of
successive patentees. Although the mistake began as we have stated, it has
been erroneously ascribed to John Field, who, though he unwittingly followed
Daniel, in two or three editions, was ultimately the printer of some of the best
Bibles then in the kingdom. An old and very good judge has said of him — " The
correctness of a book is that which makes it valuable and delightful to the
reader ; yea, registrates honour to the memory of the printer. How much in
these nations are the true editions of the Bible, printed by Field, sought aftei".
It was only the correctness of them gained their reputation, for the Dutch coun-
terfeits, generall}', far exceeded them in beauty and clean working." Many of
his editions read a severe lesson to other patentees ; for if the blunder referred
to was committed three or four times in the time of the Protectorate, it has been
traced in thirty-three editions under Charles the Second and his brother James.
It will be remembered that to her exiles for conscientious opinion, fi'om
Tyndale downward, Britain had been all along under far greater obligations
than to any of her subjects living at home. About the middle of this century,
she was indebted to another, who was living at Amsterdam. The first English
Bible, with Scriptural references on the margin throughout, was prepared and
printed in that city, by John Canne. He proceeded on the principle, that
" Scripture was the best interpreter of Scripture," and his parallels, therefore,
are parallels oi sense and not of soimd, as too many have been since his day. Of
this Bible there were various editions, at home as well as abroad, viz. :
1644. Amsterdam, 4to. 1682. Amsterdam, London title, 12rao.
1647. London, 2 vols., 8vo. 1698. London, Bill and Newcomb.
1662. London, 12mo. 1700. London, ditto, in quarto.
1664. London, 2 vols., 8vo. 1720. Cambridge, Basket, quarto.
1671. London. 1727,1754. Edinburgh editions.
Several of these books are but too incorrect, and many of the later have been
corrupted by additional texts. After a careful collation of these pi'eceding edi-
tions, a good reprint would prove a very valuable and saleable book.
Though rather an eccentric character, we must not omit notice of Thomas
Guy, as a printer of Bibles from 1680. The English Bibles being so badly
printed, Mr. Guy engaged with others in printing them in Holland, and then
imported them. Upon this being prevented, he contracted with the University
of Oxford for the privilege of printing there. For many yeai's, to his own ad-
vantage, he carried on a great trade ; and thus began to accumulate vast wealth,
though he engaged in other speculations. The Bibles he printed, though cer-
tainly not elegant, were, as books, by no means contemptible. At his death in
1724, he left as large an amount of property as any commoner before him had
ever done. Though personally of penurious habits, he must have given away
during his lifetime, at least £1 0,000, if not more. At the age of seventy -six, he
resolved to erect the hospital in London, so well known since as Guy's or St.
5(;(( NOTICES HESPECTINCJ VARIOUS []u00K V.
ThomoH's Hospital, ami before his dciitli, four years after, at an expense of above
Xl!»,0(l(), ho saw it roofed in. Ily the year 17:i2, the Hospital had carried to
the account of liis executors for its endowment, £2'2i),\'M, 2s. 7d., forming a
total of £'J-lfl,i:54. To the almshouses and library at Taniwortli, ho devoted
about £-2(l(KI ; to Christ's Hospital, from £«(tl)() to £in,no(» ; and there were
£)tO,(t(tO still romaininj^, for any who could prove themselves to bo related to
liim. Whatever was the character of the deceased, therefore, it may be said,
that among printers of the Bible, Thomas Guy stands by himself. Ilis property
must have been above £.'5:S(),0()0.
After the Revolution, the very first monarch who took any cognizance of the
carelessness of the privileged printers of the Bible belonged to the House of Ha-
nover. George I. having informed himself on the subject, issued the following
orders to the patentees — 1. That all Bibles printed hereafter shall be upon as
good paper, at least, as the specimens they exliilntcd. 2. That they foi'thwith
lodge four copies in the two Sccretai'ies' offices, in the registry of the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury and Bishop of London, ."i. That they shall employ such
coiTCctors of the press as shall be approved of by these two bishops. 4. That
they print in the title-page the exact price at which each book is to be sold to
the booksellers. These orders, dated 2ith April 1724, must have had some ef-
fect, though they could not possibly reach the root of the inaccuracy.
There was, however, considerable improvement, and in the reign of George
XL, a folio Bible was produced, said to be the most beautiful ever yet printed.
This was by John Baskerville of Birmingham, the printer and typefounder, in
1763 ; though once more the country had been indebted, as it had often been be-
fore, not to any privileged or incorporate body, but to individual genius and
enterprise. Baskerville, indeed, had to pay a considerable premium to the Uni-
vereity of Cambridge for permission to print his Bibles, and after his death his
types, which lay a dead weight for want of a purchaser, were carried out of the
counti'y.7 The reign of George II. was also distinguished by one of the most
careful revisions of the Scriptures which had yet been made. In 17G9, a Bible
in folio and quarto was edited by Dr. Blayney, the subsequent Professor of He-
brew at Oxford. Professedly, in this edition, the punctuation was thoroughly
revised ; the words in italic were examined and corrected by the Hebrew and
Greek ; the jjroper names were translated and entered on the margin ; the
heads and running titles were corrected; errors in chronologij were rectified ;
and marginal references were corrected and considerably increased. This lias
been referred to often since as the standard edition. Yet even then, there had
not been sufficient vigilance in superintendence, as more than a hundred errors
have been detected since, and it was reserved for our own age to make a nearer
7 In 1765, Baskerville applied to Benjamin Franklin, then at Paris, to sound the literati as
to purchasing types. The answer was, that the French, " reduced by the war of l/Sfi, were so
far from being able to pursue schemes of taste, that they were unable to repair their public
buildings." After the death of iMrs. Baskerville in 1777> many efforts were used to disjjose of
the stock of types, but in vain. The London booksellers preferred the types of Caslon and Jack-
son—the University of Cambridge rejected any offer. In two years after, they were purchased
by M. de Beauraarchais of Paris, and very soon em))loycd in printing the works of Voltaire,
with the advertisements and notes of C'ondorcet ! This edition of Voltaire, printed with the
types of Baskerville, consisted of ii'twi/.v volumes in handsome octavo. This man's vast projects
and incessant activity in paper-making and printing at A'W(7, near Strasburg, were worthy of a
belter cause. At last, however, they terminated in the loss of one million of livres, but nothing
could cure his thirst for speculation. Ingulfed in the delirium of the approaching French Re-
volution, ho finished by importing sixty thousand st.ind of arms in 17!>2, though he survived to
his seventieth year in \70i).
ir)."iO-17SO.] EDITIONS IN SCX)TLAN1). .j(> 1
approach to an inmiaculatf voluiiu'. lUit enough has bcon said of tht; Enghsh
press. It remains only that we h)ok to North Britain.
With reference to Scotland, were it not tliat the inhabitants
liad been constantly receiving the Scriptures both from
England and Holland, their condition would have been de-
plorable, so far as their nativ^e press was concerned. During
the Commonwealth, and down as far as the twenty-fourth year
of Charles II., or from 1649 to J 672, there is understood to
have been no Bible printed in Scotland, and perhaps the people
had better have remained dependent on foreign supply for
forty years longer.
It was in the year 1G71, that a privilege was obtained by one Andrew Ander-
son from Charles II., which continued for forty years, to the great disadvantage
and molestation of the country, and most dishonourable to the King. At his
very outset, Anderson had Ijcen convicted by the Privy-Council of gross inac-
cui-acy in printing a New Testament, yet still this man, and especially his widow,
were permitted to harass the trade on one hand, and the country on the
other, with their productions ; this woman actually accumulating very consider-
able wealth at the expense of both. Anderson's 8vo Bible in 1679, was, in-
deed, very well executed, but all the subsequent editions, down to 1 7 1 2, waxed
worse and worse. The privilege thus granted by Charles II., was of such
shameful extent, that it has been said of it by one who felt its effects — " By
this gift the art of printing in this kingdom (of Scotland) got a dead stroke ;
for by it, no printer could print anything from a Bible to a ballad, without An-
derson's license." Bibles the most illegible and incorrect that ever were printed
in the world came from this press ; the patentee persecuted all the other prin-
ters in Scotland, and at last went so far as to seize a number of Bibles brought
from Loudon by the booksellers. Still the patent was never revoked, and when
it came to an end, it will scarcely be believed, that this woman " left no stone
unturned to procure a new one !"" But the Stuart kings were gone, and under
Queen Anne such an avaricious pest was no longer to be endured. Watson
from whose history we have quoted, became priuter under Freebairn, the pa-
tentee, and a better day succeeded. For ten years, from 1713, he printed a
number of most excellent editions in folio, quarto, octavo, duodecimo, and
twenty -foui's. His editions of small size in 1715, 1716, 1719, and 17"22, as well
as his folio of 1 722, are still deservedly esteemed. The assignees of Watson were
not so careful, but by this time the Scriptures were printing in Edinburgh by
two or three other houses. One merciful peculiarity, however, in regard to Scot-
land, and during the whole period under review, must not be forgotten. It was
this : importation was never interdicted, and the consequence was, that long
before 1650, and beyond 1780, the Scriptures had been imported during the run
of all the home patents. Such Bibles ai'e still in existence, and to be found
there, ranging in point of dates throughout a period of above two hundred years.
More than half the Bibles used in Scotland throughout the eighteenth century,
are supposed to have been printed in England or Holland.
But we must not omit to glance at the number of Bibles
8 Watson's History of tlic Art ot rrintiiiK; Fdinlnirgh, ITI-''.
VOL. II. '2 y.
5f;2 TlIK KDITIONS I'UINTKD [boOK V.
and New Testaments printed in England, Holland, and Scot-
land on the whole. At the very threshold of this period,
and so forward, we meet with one circumstance, which, to
every reflecting mind, must immediately convey an idea of
personal, and, of course, national responsibility, rising to a
height beyond all accurate calculation. It is simply this —
The Books cannot be numbered! Hitherto, we have numbered
the editions printed. This is now impossible. From the
commencement of this period to its close, no one can say how
many editions of the English Bible have been published, much
less inform us how many copies on the whole. On attempting
this, one is soon lost, as in a wilderness ; but it is one un-
known to any other part of the world, or any other language
upon earth ; and all is vague conjecture. The printers them-
selves have left no data, nor can those now living lend any
assistance. Both in England and Scotland, it is long since
they have left off numbering even the editions.
That there should be one ever-watchful eye, and only One,
who knows this secret, and the number of them all, is a con-
sideration of no light import ; the amount of which will only
be known, when another book is opened, which is " the book
of life." But we have noticed this circumstance here, chiefly
in order to point out its bearing upon every thing else printed
in the English tongue. Even long before 1780, no other book,
in the annals of printing, occupied such a place. Of no other
book, in the history of our country and its literature, can any
thing approaching to this be asserted. As far as the English
language and the art of printing were concerned, every thing
else in the form of human composition, or in the shape of a
book, was reduced to a thing of comparative insignificance.
Even before the close of the last century, notwithstanding the
countless multitude of publications by men issued from the
press, how triumphantly had the Sacred Volume redeemed
itself altogether out of the usual category of books ! This it
has already done, by our simply following out only its his-
tory. Nor is this all. From the place it thus occupied even
then in this land, it never will be, never can be, superseded
as to its number, by any book of human composition in the
shape of print. With all safety, at the present moment, we
assert as much, not blind to all the approaching wonders of
the steam-press itself.
1(>."')0-17S0.] NOW CANNOT MK NUAIBERKD. 563
It is, however, with the times that passed over Britain
during these one hundred and thirty years, that we have now
to do ; and the all-important inquiry remains to be answered
— What were the results ? To record all these, would, of
course, demand a volume. The days of burning the Sacred
Volume, or those who possessed it, had long since passed
away. And whatever the beneficial consequences now were,
wliile, we repeat, that there had been many most estimable
editions of the Divine Word, the slovenly and imperfect style
in which man had too often fulfilled his part, only render the
results so much the more observable. On the whole, how-
ever, at home, or within the shores of Britain, it must be
confessed, there was by far too much ground for the genuine
patriot to hang down his head. Thus, in finishing his Avell
known " History of the Translations of the Bible," in 1738,
one cannot but observe, that good John Lewis seems to have
been in but very low spirits indeed with reference to the
subject on which he had bestowed unprecedented research.
" This is the account," says he, " wliieh I have been able to give of the seve-
ral translations of the Bible and New Testament into the ancient and modei-n
English tongue, and of their most remarkable editions in print. From whence,
I suppose, any one will infer the great honour and esteem that these holy boolcs
were always held in by our Christian ancestors : since they were so very desir-
ous to have them, and to know and understand their contents, as to spare no
cost or pains, but to run the hazard of even their lives and fortunes, and not to
count them dear, so that they might but procure the free use of these books,
and have the advantage of perusing them. The great number of the copies of
them in manuscript, before printing was invented, and the many editions of
them since printing came into use, is a demonstration of the gi-eat value put on
them by the Christians here in England ; and that every one who could read
took care to purchase a Bible or Testament in the tongue wherein he was born.
This, no doubt, will be thought a very great reproach to the professed Chris-
tians of the present age, and but too good an argument of their having lost their
first love, and being nowise earnest for the faith delivered to the saints in
these holy books. Since — to our shame be it spoken — whatever reputation the
Holy Bible has been had in, it is now treated with the utmost slight and ne-
glect, and is scarce any wliere read but in our churches ! So far, too, are many of
our modern Christians here in England, from reading this book, meditating on
it, and letting the sense of it dwell richly or abundantly in them ; that, every
body knows, the writings of the most silly and trifling authors are often pre-
ferred, and read with greater pleasux'e and delight. What surer sign can be
given, that we have a name that we live, and are dead ? And, consequently,
that unless we remember from whence we are fallen, and i-cpent, and do the
first works, the great Author and finisher of our faith will come unto us quickly,
and will remove our candlestick out of his place. Sed Deus avertat omen."
Mr. Lewis, no doubt, spake as he felt at the moment, and
5G4 NEW MOVEMENT IN FAVolK [boOK V.
must havo had too much reason for all that he expressed.
Yet such is the history of our English ]3ible, when /«% fol-
lowed out, that it will be sure to raise any man far above his
own vicinity, his own community, or connexions. From the
bofjinning to the then existing moment, our Sacred Volume
had been the counsellor of all departments throughout this
nation, the partizan of none ; and immediately after the
author had penned these lines, by many who had never read
them, considerably revived attention was given to the Scriptures
of truth. JJut as we have now to raise our head, and survey a
century and a half, we shall obtain a more enlarged view of
the progress made ; and it is not for us to present so sombre
a picture of the times as that of Lewis. True, indeed, we
have been accustomed all along to look to our own favoured
island only, as embracing the soil where the seed was sown ;
but we have come to another, and more advanced stage of
this stupendous cause ; and in tracing it out, if we simply
follow the Sacred Volume, we are invited to depart, or to
look far beyond the shores of either England or Scotland.
SECTION II. — NORTH AMERICA.
THE REIGN OF JAMES I. TO GEORGE III.
NEW MOVEMENT IN REFERENCE TO THE ENGLISH SCRIPTCRES THE BIBLE
FIRST BEHELD BY THE NATIVES IN AMERICA, AN ENGLISH ONE COPIES
CARRIED AWAY TO NEW ENGLAND BY THE REFUGEES AND FOLLOWING
SETTLERS NO INDIVIDUAL EVER SPECIFIED AS PARTICULARLY ZEALOUS
IN THE TRANSIT OF COPIES — YET WERE THEY SENT ACROSS THE ATLANTIC
OCEAN FOR ABOVE A HUNDRED AND SIXTY YEARS ! — A MOVEMENT SUCH AS
NEVER DISTINGUISHED ANY OTHER EUROPEAN VERSION, AND NOW NEVER
WILL — THE EXTRAORDINARY RESULTS DURING THIS LONG PERIOD WIL-
LIAMS, ELIOT, MATHER, EDWARDS, BRAINERD, AND MANY THOUSANDS BE-
SIDE THE RESTRICTIVE AND UNNATURAL POLICY OF BRITAIN — SHE MUST
BE OVERRULED, AS HER MONARCHS HAD BEEN IN ENGLAND — IN JUSTIFICA-
TION OF ITS CONTINUED INDEPENDENCE OP ALL HUMAN AUTHORITY, THE
ENGLISH BIBLE IS AT LAST PRINTED IN AMERICA — NO CONSULTATION OF
THE MOTHER COUNTUV — THK FIRST KPITION ONLY IN 1782 THE INDE-
i 620- 17 80.] OF THE ENGLISH SCRIPTURES. 565
PENDENCE OF AMERICA ACKNOWLEDOUD BY BRITAIN, lIOLIiANl), ETC.
THE B^IRST BIBLES IN OCTAVO, QUARTO, AND FOLIO, PRINTED THERE IN
17i)l — THE SECOND IN DUODECIMO NOT TILL 1797.
.V to this period, or the middle of the seventeenth cen-
tury, we presume it will be admitted, that the history
of the English Bible, in comparison with that of the
Sacred Volume into every other European tongue, had sus-
tained a character all its own. This peculiarity may now
undergo a change in its general appearance ; but the singular
distinction of character will remain, nay, and be more strongly
marked than ever before.
In the opening of the seventeenth century, England and
Scotland, once united under the same crown, had received the
appellation of Great Britain from her overjoyed monarch,
James the First — a title peculiarly flattering to his personal
vanity. In connexion with the Sacred Volume, his kingdom
exhibited the aspect of an island which had been invaded from
without, and which, after long resistance at first, had been
ultimately subdued by the Word of God. The Scriptures in
the vernacular tongue, which were now happily printing both
in England and Scotland, had, from the beginning, been often
also imported., nay, and from Holland, copies were importing
afterwards. But if perfect liberty not only to read, but also
to judge of their contents, is not to be here obtained, Divine
Providence has now another, and a greater lesson in reserve.
The inestimable gift, or deposit, is not to be always, or even
long, confined within the shores of Britain.
Of course, it could not then have crossed the imagination
of any man, that the same unseen hand, which we have ob-
served all along, was already in motion, and actually prepar-
ing for the population of a neiv world, where a freer life and a
fresher nature were to be enjoyed ; and even at the present
day, few individuals may, at first, be disposed to trace the
populating of the American wilderness, in any degree, to the
consequences of reading the English Bible in Britain. At all
events, the time had arrived, when, as it was carried out of
England to the European Continent in the reign of Queen
Mary, so under that of James, nay, and of seven sovereigns
in succession, it was to be carried farther still. If the liberty
to form opinion of its dictates, was a blessing denied to many
JbO' THE ENGLISH SCRIPTURES TO BE QboOK V.
uiultT tlie Tiulur family, so it happened iiiulcr tliat of the
Stuarts ; and tlie same cause pro(hiced the same etiect, only
to a far greater extent. Under (^uccn Mary I., all that had
occurred, was an affair of little more than five years'* duration.
It might bo compared to the migration of those birds, who,
in summer, return again to gladden the land, for at that time
many returned ; but now, from the American " Pilgrim
Fathers," and so onward, the people in general who hurried
across the Atlantic, like the passengers to eternity, were to
return no more. For this sinjiular movement of the British
people, in the civil department of the British constitution,
there was not to be found even the shadow of a cause ; but if
the existing government of the mother country, generally
speaking, was either so framed, or to be so conducted, as to
charge itself with the vain task of regulating the mind, as
well as that of ruling the bodies of its subjects, then was there
no relief or remedy, but in another arrangement beyond seas.
Hitherto, we have long, and not uufrequently, seen the
Almighty overruling individuals of the highest authority
within this kingdom ; but, if necessary, it was as nothing with
Him to overrule the realm itself. The only question will be.
What connexion had all this with the perusal of the Sacred
Volume in our native language, and in our native land ?
With reference to America at large, it is well known that both Si)ain,
Portugal, and France, were upon the alert, before Britain, just as the
Portuguese, the Dutch, and French, were in the East Indies. But in
regard to North America, although there were no mines of silver and
gold, as in the South, no tempting immediate prospects of wealth or
pleasure, nor indeed any thing whatever so inviting in the unexplored
wilderness of the North ; still, if the delusion that it was possible to
set boundaries to the mind, or that knowledge was to grow up only to a
certain fixed point, must prevail in England ; then shall the Sacred
Volume, so wondrously bestowed on the mother country at first, and
60 long afterwards, be read also beyond the ocean, on the banks of un-
known rivers, amidst the sylvan grandeur, or in the deep recesses of a
new world. Long had the Divine Record in our native tongue been
imported into both England and Scotland. It was now to be exported,
or rather first carried away, by all who knew its value. Since 1526 it
had been sent home ; it was now to be sent abroad, but for a period
longer still, and to more than ten times the distance it had ever come.
The very first Bible that was ever beheld by the Indians of North
America, was, unquestionably, an English one, and so early as the year
1(J20-17S0] CARRIED ACROSS THE ATLANTIC. 567
1585. That part of the Continent then visited, Queen Elizabeth had
just named Virginia, and, in the expedition sent out, there happened
to be one Heriot, an eminent mathematician, and apparently a kind-
hearted Christian. Feeling deeply interested in the artless and hospit-
able Indian natives, he took advantage of the impressions made by the
sight of their instruments, whether marine or mathematical, perspective
and burning glasses, clocks and books. This led many of them to give
credit to what he said respecting God. " In all places," says he, " where
I came, I did my best to make his immortal glory known, and told them,
though the Bible I showed them contained all, yet of itself it was not of
any such vii-tue as I thought they did conceive. Notwithstanding, many
would be glad to touch it, to kiss and embrace it, to hold it to their
breasts and heads, and stroke all their body over with it.'"
These merely mercantile and scientific adventurers, however, as gene-
rally known, did not succeed. Twenty years after Sir Walter Raleigh
had planted the first colony in Vii-ginia, not a single Englishman re-
mained alive, and the colonization of America had to await the energy
of a widely diflferent impulse, to be followed by far other results.
Although America had been discovered to England, by Cabot, in
1497, under Henry VII., the first permanent colony on the coast of Vir-
ginia did not arrive till 1607, Avhile our present version of the Bible
was preparing ; but this was still nothing more than a mercantile ad-
venture under James I. It was in the year 1620 that the refugees
from England to Holland embarked on board the Mayflower, and touch-
ing, by way of farewell, at the land of their birth, proceeded across the
ocean. On the 12th of November that year, these " Pilgrim Fathers"
as they have been ever since styled, having their Bibles with them, kept
then- first Sabbath on the shores of Neio England. The name thus given,
by Prince Charles, a few years before, seemed to send its echo back to
the country which they had left for ever. The Sacred Volume in their
native tongue, which these people prized above life itself, was now within
the shores of a new Continent ; but this was in the year 1620, whereas
the first Bible with an American i77iprint was not published till the year
1782, that is, above a hundred and sixty years afterwards, or little more
than only sixty years ago ! Yes, such is the remarkable fact.
From the first reception of the English New Testament by Britain, it
was about a hundred years before the Bible, so singularly conveyed to
the island at first, began to be carried away, never to return. But what
must now appear in retrospect far more extraordinary, for a hundred and
sixty years the authorities at home would never permit of a single edition
being printed, except within this island ! To speak still more correctly
is humiliating to our common nature. The British authorities, in fact
1 Smith's VirRiiiia, !>• "•
568 THIS MliMOKABLK KXPOKTATION [book V.
tiever did give any permission, but at the end of this long period, the
English Bible was then printed, four thousand miles distant, wit/tout
authority or liberty being either asked or granted by any man. As if
the singular history of this version must still retain the integrity of its
character, down to our own day, and exhibit to the world, once more,
the same independence with which it was first presented to us at home,
the American edition was printed in defiance of all British restrictions,
in the year 1782.
The simple announcement of this fact, though never pointed out or
contemplated, as it has deserved to be, at once gives birth to a crowd of
remarkable associations. Here was a period of more than a century and
a half, in all which time no man, or set of men, is represented in history
as particularly zealous in the business. Nothing similar to a society, con-
federacy, or association, was formed ; the idea of either cheap or graUu-
totis circulation had never once entered the human mind, to any known
extent ; and yet, by the good providence of God, through the usual
channels of commerce, fro7n the reign of James the Fii'st, dozen to that of
the eighth sovereign in sticcession, or the midyear of George III., vms the
Divine Record in English uniformly carried all the way across the At-
lintic ! It belongs to the Christians throughout Ameriv^a at present,
along with those now living in Britain, devoutly to mark this as by far
the most remarkable sign of those times. It was the zeal and long-suf-
fering patience of God which thus ministered his Word to those who lived
and died at such a distance from the spot where it was prepared ! Odi-
ous, indeed, and humiliating must this spirit of restriction or monopoly
now ajipear ; but as to the event itself, never were any people upon
earth so singularly supplied, and for so long a period, with the Word of
Life. As one step in the path of Providence, it even still suggests the
idea that something far more powerful and extensive is intended, through
the medium of this version, than it has ever yet accomplished.
The greatness and importance of this movement, however,
can only bo estimated, by observing its results ; or, in other
words, by adverting to the trans-atlantic events of that
period, or the men who lived and died in America, through-
out these years, and this would require a volume. But for
our present purpose a very few names may suffice, and these
are mentioned simply in the order of time, as they come be-
fore us. The first was born in Wales, the second in Eng-
land, and the three last in America itself.
RociKR Williams, Ijorn in ]o'J9, diod in 16^3. Aged 8-1.
Joii.N Eliot, born in IGOJ, died in 16!)0. Aged iiH.
Cotton Mather, born in 16'6'3, died in 17"2S. Aged (j.').
1G20-17SO.J VIEWED IN ITS CONSEQUENCES. 569
Jonathan Edwards, born in 1703, died in 1758. Agod 55.
David Brainerd, born in 1718, died in 1747. Aged 30.
It is not a little singular that, in point of time, among the first con-
spicuous moral characters, connected with such a history as the present,
there should be found Roger Williams, though his principles have
frequently been misunderstood or mis-stated. At all events, his case
stands in history as if intended to explain at least one cause of the
emigration, and its current for many years. Perhaps he was the only
emigrant who ever happened to come into personal contact with three
of the Stuart dynasty — James I., his son, and grandson. The founder
of Rhode Island, he was the first legislator in the world, who effectually
provided and established a government of free, full, and absolute liberty
of conscience. A native of Wales, he had been first bred to the law in
England, under the immediate eye of Sir Edward Coke. He had once
conversed with King James himself, procured his first charter in 1644
from Charles I., and the second in 1 663, with the full consent of Charles
the Second. The latter gave his promise, under his hand and broad
seal, that " no person in Rhode Island should be molested, or ques-
tioned for matters of conscience to God, if so be he was loyal and kept
the peace." This charter once granted, the high ofiicers of State were
startled, but " fearing the Lion's roaring, they couched, against their
wills, in obedience to his Majesty's pleasure." " Sir," said Williams,
when writing to Major Mason (of New Hampshire 1) in 1670, " Sir, we
must part with lands and lives before we part with such a jewel. I
judge you may yield some land, and the government of it to us, and
we, for peace sake, the like to you, as being but subjects to one King ;
and I think the King's Majesty would thank us, for many reasons.
But to part with this jewel, we may as soon do it, as the Jews would
have done with the favour of Cyrus, Darius, or Artaxerxes. Yourselves
pretend liberty of conscience, but, alas ! it is but self, the Great God
self, only to yourselves. The King's Majesty winks at Barbadoes, where
Jews, and all sorts of Christian and Antichristian persuasions are free ;
but our grant, some few weeks after your's sealed, though granted as
soon, if not before your's, is crowned with the King's extraordinary
favour to this colony, as being a banished one ; in which, his Majesty
himself declared, that he would experiment, whether civil government
could consist with such Liberty of conscience."^
Thus was insured to this small State almost entire exemption from
all Indian hostility, and although their quiet was interrupted once in
1686, under James the Second, by Sir Edmund Andros, who dissolved
theii' government, and broke their seal ; after the Revolution in 1688-9,
* See the account given by Williams himself, dated " Providence, 2'2d June lil7<', tdvulyo,
in the Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, vol. i., jip. iTt^-'^d'i.
.070 EXPORTATION CONTINUED ABOVE [book V.
Rhode Islaud and Providence resumed their charter, on the ground that
an act extorted by terror might be justly recalled when restraint no
longer remained. With the exception of these three years, therefore,
the Government, on which King Charles was experimenting, has now
consisted for two hundred years.
Next comes Joun Eliot to meet us, and carrying his Bible in the
language of the North American Indians, completed in the year 1G63 ;
for though the emigrants to America might not print their own Bible,
they might print the Indian, or any other they pleased !
" Though there be in this western World," said Eliot, when address-
ing Charles the Second, in 1663, " though there be in this western
World, many Colonies of other European nations, yet we humbly con-
ceive no Prince hath had a return of such a work as this ! — The South-
ern Colonies of the Spanish nation have sent home from this American
continent, much gold and silver, as the fruit and endoi their discoveries
and transplantations : that, we confess, is a scarce commodity in this
colder climate. But suitable to the ends of our undertaking, we pre-
sent this, and other concomitant fruits of our poor endeavours to plant
and propagate the gospel here ; which, upon a true account, is as much
better than gold, as the souls of men are more worth than the whole
world. This is a nobler fruit of Columbus's adventure, and, indeed, in
the counsels of All-disposing Providence, was an higher intended end."
In the same year that Eliot published his Bible, Cotton Mather
was born, and here he comes with his singular " Ecclesiastical History
of New England." For passing over all its strange credulity, he brings
his " Essays to do good," to which Benjamin Franklin, and many others,
have acknowledged themselves so much indebted ; to say nothing of his
three hundred and eighty publications beside.
Lest, however, any inquiry be made after strength of mind, here is
Jonathan Edwards, not only with his " Notes on the English Bible,"
and his " History of Redemption," but all his profound writings. Per-
haps no man was held by him in higher admiration than David
Braixerd, that prince of missionaries to the American Indians, whose
example has been of such value ever since.
The time would now fail to tell of many other venerable,
laborious, and useful characters ; but though they were all
before us, or all mentioued by name individually, one of the
most notable circumstances in their lives was this — that not
one of these men ever possessed any other than an imported
English Bible! And all who ever heard them, a^/ who read
the book from which they preached, were using volumes which
had come to them, thousands of miles, across the sea, from
tiie land of their ancestors ! A similar track, or lengthened
] 020-1780.] ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTV VEAK8. 571
train of proceeding, of course cannot be pointed out, with
relation to any other European version of the Scriptures ;
and, with refci-ence to any Bible in any language whatever,
we may safely say, that the same remarkable course will
never again occur in the history of future times. Meanwhile,
if the path pursued has lent additional emphasis to the his-
tory of the English Bible, so it ought, assuredly, to the obli-
gations of those millions, far and near, who now all read tho
same version.
To return, however, to the history itself, the first proper Ame-
rican imprint, as already stated, was not before 1782; though in
the course of this long extended period, there was one attempt
at what has been styled piracy, in a small edition of only
800 copies of the Bible, in quarto, by Kneeland and Green
of Boston. But it certainly casts no honourable reflection on
the monopoly so long maintained in England, that this was
done only by an evasion of the patent. Carried through the
press as privately as possible, about the year 1752, it bore
this imprint — " London : Printed by Mark Baskett, Printer
to the King's most excellent Majesty." A similar expedient
Avas resorted to with a solitary edition of the New Testament,
by Rogers and Fowle of the same place. The principal man
concerned in both, was Daniel Henchman, a spirited book-
seller, who had built one of the first paper mills in New Eng-
land. The fact is, that the printing press had been set up as
early as 1639, and its noblest fruit had been the Indian Bible
for the natives ; other books they were at liberty to print ;
they had a newspaper as early as 1704, and were making
paper from one generation to another ; but owing to their
connexion with Britain, they must not print the English
Bihle ! The very few Scriptures now mentioned — such was the
humiliating apology — were thus put forth, " in order to pre-
vent a prosecution from those in England and Scotland who
published the Bible by a patent from the Crown, or ' cum
privilegio,'' as did the universities of Oxford and Cambridge."
Nor, alas ! for Old England, was the liberty ever granted !
At last it was wrested from her, nolens volens, so that the
first English Bible, with an American imprint, was not pub-
lished till the year already specified. In connexion with this
fact, one should have imajrined there could scarcelv have been
572 TIIK FIRST KN(JLISI1 lUliLES [UOOK V.
another more lunniliatin<; to national vanity ; and yet there
was one, which must not be nuppresseJ, as it may be of some
value even still. During this lon<T period, no other nation in
Europe had so treated its vernacular Bible. There never
was any monopoly of the Sacred Scriptures, as to printing
them, in Germany, similar to that in England; no patents
from the beginning, to compare with JJritish policy. And
therefore the first Bible in any European language, printed
in our oini America, was in German. This was in 1743,
after having been three years in the press, by Christopher
Sauer at Germantown, near Philadelphia. He ))rinted a
second edition in 1 7G2, and a third in 1776. It was only
her oicn Bible, as already stated, that England held in chains,
thus painfully reminding us of the language of one of her
own poets —
" oil ljri;;ht occasions of dispensing good !
How seldom used, liow little undci'stood !
To give Relif^ion her un))ri(lled sco|)e,
Nor judge by statute a believer's hope."
Still, however, and as if to link the two countries, even theti.,
more closely than ever in Christian bonds, this first American
Bible is the more worthy of notice, as not having been the
work of a native American. It was a year equally memorable
in both countries. Political ties might be snapt asunder ; not
so those of Christianity ; and at the very moment in which
American independence was acknowledging by Britain, there
had been printed, by a native of Scotland, on the American
shore, and in the city of Philadelphia, a practical acknowledg-
ment, that we were still the readers of one common Bible, and
equally bound by the same Divine authority.
Robert Aitken, bom in 1734 at Dalkeith, had served a regular ap-
prenticeship to some bookbinder in Edinburgh, and afterwards perfecting
himself in the knowledge of the book trade, at the age of thirty-five he
sailed for America. Having seen the country, he came home, and in
1771, with a stock of books, embarked for Philadelphia. Three years
after this, having commenced printer, and in 1775, a magazine, it was
in 1782 that he published, in small duodecimo, his edition of the Bible
in brevier type — " Philadeli)hia, printed and sold by R. Aitken, &c.,
MUCCLXXXii." Mr. Aitken died only in 1802, having survived his son,
but he left a daughter, who continued the business ; and she has had
1(?:iO-1780.] PRINTED IN AMERICA. 573
the honour of printing the only edition of the Scptuagiat that ever had
been translated into English.^
When formerly treating of Scotland, it must have appeared strange,
that it should have been so singularly supplied with the Scriptures from
without, and for so long a period ; but, in point of distance from supply,
as well as length of time, here in America had been a course stran-
ger still. Both cases, however, and in succession, thus form essential
features in the history of our common version ; and it is in perfect keeping
with this retrospect, that the first printer of the English Bible openly in
America, should be taken away from the mother country, and in that
country from Scotland. It was fit that such a man should be the first
to do that for his adopted country, which had been so remarkably done
for his own. Nor is it less observable that he should do this in such
a year, when there came the acknowledgment of that independence by
Britain and Holland, to which so soon after Sweden and Denmark, Spain
and Russia fully acceded. At the end of the Old Testament, in Aitken's
edition, was printed a resolution of Congress, recommending it to the
people at large, " as a pious and laudable undertaking, in the existing
state of the country."
Into the history of the printing of the English Scriptures by native
Americans, we here enter no farther than to mention, that the first
English Bible, in folio, was published at Worcester, Massachusetts, by
Isaiah Thomas, in 1791 ; and the first, in quarto, with a concordance,
also that year. At the same period, ihQ first edition of the English ver-
sion in octavo, was printed at Trenton, in New Jersey, by Isaac Collins.
The second, in duodecimo, was not published till 1797, by Thomas at Wor-
cester, Massachusetts, which seems to prove, that Bibles of this size, at
least, if not others, were still importing from Britain. Farther than this
we need not now proceed, under this head.
Thus, as far as we have come, and before we proceed to our
final section, we may be permitted to assert, it has been de-
monstrated, that for more than two hundred and fifty years,
or from 1526 to 1782, the Sovereign Disposer of all events had
proceeded invariably, and with infinite long-suffering, after the
same manner, whether in England or Scotland, or finally in
America. The same mysterious and unwearied footsteps, are
now visible throughout. First, in braving all the hostility of
3 " The Old Covenant, commonly called the Old Testament, translated from the SeptuaRint,
by Charles Thomson, late Secretary to the Congress of the United States. Philadelphia, printed
bv .tane Aitlvcn, 71, North Third Street, )8()H." Forming, with the New Covenant, or Testa-
ment, four volumes 8vo. It is singular, that the Septuagint should never have been translated
or printed in Britain tiU only the other day. We have for years jiossessed the first translation,
lint know not as yet the comparative merits of the two versions.
.")? I. T1!K LAST MOVK.MKNT []bOOK V.
the authorities in succession, at home, as in Britain, and then
ahroad, as in America; thus overruling the narrow policy of
England towards her distant colonies, with regard to that
blessed book which had been so undeservedly bestowed upon
herself. Conveyance from a distance had been adopted, first
in the one case, and then in the other. There was printing in
one country, and reading in another ; first for a hundred, and
then for above a hundred and sixty years ! Importation was ever
and anon pursued, and for so long a period. As if to elevate
every mind conversant with this language, to a higher tone of
veneration for the Divine will and record, than it has eter yet
obtained ; it was in this lofty and independent manner, that
Divine Providence had now proceeded throughout the space of
two centuries and a half! No other nation upon earth had
been so visited at first — no other people so favoured and fol-
lowed ever since — no race of Adam so frequently addressed.
III.— OR FINAL SECTION.
REIGN OF GEORGE III. TO QUEEN VICTORIA.
The lad Sixty-four Years.
THE COMMENCEMENT OF A GREATER MOVEMENT THAN EVER BEFORE — TO
BE UNDERSTOOD ONLY BY FIRST LOOKING ABROAD— THE REVOLUTIONARY
MOVEMENT IN FRANCE THE AOITATION EXTENDS — NEITHER BRITAIN
NOR HER COLONIES REMAIN UNSCATHED THE SAGACITY OF ENGLISH
AUTHORS IN EVERT FORM OP COMPOSITION IS EXHAUSTED, WITHOUT
AVERTING OR EVEN ALLAYING THE STORM — ACTION IS CALLED FOR BUT
THE OBSTACLES TO UNITED ACTION APPEAR TO BE INSUPERABLE — THE
SOVEREIGN DISPOSER OF ALL EVENTS, AS A SECRET MOVER, UNOBSERVED
IN SECRET HE MUST BE ACKNOWLEDGED — THE FIRST FEEBLE MOVEMENT
TAKING ITS NAME PROM THE BIBLE — THE SECOND — ITS ENTIRE FAILURE
NO GROUND FOR DISCOURAGEMENT — TEN TEARS BEFORE, DIVINE PROVI-
DENCE HAD FIXED ON ONE YOUNG MAN — READING THE ENGLISH BIBLE
IN OBSCURITY, HIS MIND IS RIPE FOR ACTION — A NEW FEELING, OR SPIRIT
OF ENLARGED BENIGNITY IS IMBIBED — IN MATURER YEARS, HIS HISTORY
1780-184.4.] GREATER THAN ANY PRECEDINCt. 575
AND EXERTIONS GRADUALLY INTERPRET THE BENEFICIAL REFLEX IN-
FLUENCE OF FOREIGN OPERATIONS — TWO OTHER MEN GO TO HIS AID
THESE EFFORTS MUCH IMPRESS A FEW POWERFUL MINDS AT HOME —
THE BIBLE WITHOUT EITHER NOTE OR COMMENT DRAWS MORE ATTEN-
TION— THE DESTITUTION OP IT IN WALES THE BRITISH AND FOREIGN
BIBLE SOCIETY WITH ITS AUXILIARIES — THEIR EXERTIONS UP TO THE
PRESENT DAY — THE UNITED KINGDOM AND HER COLONIES EMBRACE
ABOVE FOUR THOUSAND SIMILAR ASSISTANT OR INDEPENDENT UNIONS —
THESE FORM ONLY AN INFERIOR DIVISION OF THE VAST FIELD OF
ACTION — AFTER A DISTRIBUTION AND SALE OF SO MANY MILLIONS OF THE
ENGLISH SCRIPTURES, THERE OCCURS AN EXTRAORDINARY AND UNPRE-
CEDENTED FALL IN THE PRICE OF THE SACRED VOLUME — THUS LENDING
TO THE PRESENT HISTORY, ITS LAST PROVIDENTIAL MOVEMENT, OR A
CONCLUSION AS CHEERING AS IT WAS UNANTICIPATED.
BRITAIN AT THE HEIGHT OP A RESPONSIBILITY NOT EASILY CONCEIVED, AS
IT BAFFLES ALL ADEQUATE DESCRIPTION ON THE SUMMIT OF HER
HIGHEST PRIVILEGE THERE IS NO REPOSE — THE PRESENT HISTORY IN-
DICATES A COURSE OF ACTION, IF NOT THE ONLY ONE, WHICH INVOLVES
HER FUTURE WELFARE AND STABILITY A PATH OF DUTY WHICH CAN-
NOT, WITH IMPUNITY, BE EVADED.
@3p.N the first year of this period, or 1780, we discover the
^[t first feeble symptom of a great movement, and one with
" '^ regard to the Sacred Volume, more especially the E?i(jf-
lish Bible, greater than this nation, or even the world had
ever witnessed. But it cannot be duly appreciated, nor its
true bearing understood, if we at once begin here.
While the Scriptures were in the course of translation into
English, when they were first printing abroad, and importing
into our native land, the state of the Continent, as well as that
of Britain, invited our attention, and that, alternately, for a
series of years. And now, in the last division of this history,
now that these Scriptures had been read and enjoyed for so
many generations ; now that they, and they alone, are to be re-
garded as the means, under God, of having given to Britain her
distinguishing character among the European nations, we are
constrained to look across the Channel once more, but only
once. It is to France.
It is long since we have looked particularly in that direction, and, in-
deed, since the days of Francis the First, we have had little occasion so
to do. But now, and with immediate reference to Divine Revelation,
and to that, vre hesitate not to say, above every other object whatever,
the last sixty years are to be regarded in the light of a critical period or
.'iTH SIATK OK FUANCH AND BUITAIN [liodK V.
crisis, not even yet oxhausteJ ; anJ williout a l)riuf retrospect, the exer-
tions now makin;jj, 'AwAijet to lie madf, cannot l)e properly unrlcrstood.
Speaking general!}', for these three hundred years, there has hcen one
feature of distinction between this country and our next neighbour on
the Continent. It here invites observation, and the more so, that it
scarcely, if ever has been followed out. A marked distinction, confessed
by all, has long existed, and it has appeared so palpable, that the British
people have been described as " living in a sort of moral separation from
the rest of Europe, analogous to their physical insulation." An eminent
French writer, M. Guizot, has lately said as much, and then he traces
this to " the development of the princijiles, the different elements of so-
ciety taking place in some measure at Wi^&saiiutime^ at least much more
simultaneously than upon the Continent." There is much of truth and
beauty in his subsc<iucnt explanation, but in searching for an adequate
cause of distinction, must wc not go farther, or deeper than this ? Must
we not inquire whether there was not some appliance, or pjowerful
agency within this country, which France, as a country, had repudiated,
or of which she has been, for ages, comparatively destitute ? And if we
do find something among the people here, but not there, the operation
of which, in its influence on society, may be compared to the irresistible
influence of secreted leaven, are we not called to watch and observe it ?
To observe it too, in its operation upon every element of society, let that
society, as a whole, be found in whatever condition it may ? Now it is
notorious, that the Sacred Volume has never been received so as to be
calmly and deliberately enjoyed in France, as it has been in Britain.
Civilization, indeed, in the popular sense of that term, has proceeded in
both countries, and so much the better for all the purposes of compari-
son. There is, indeed, no necessity for our nicely balancing which has
been foremost in that race, but we are certainly bound to observe how
one people, with the Divine record in their hands, have gone on ; and
then to observe the other, who have advanced in what is styled civiliza-
tion, without it. Their respective careers aff"ord one great moral lesson,
in which the incidents on the road, and the progress of the journey,
become alike impressive, and full of instruction ; while, at the same time,
it is not to be forgotten that such has been the place ^hich France and
Britain have occupied in the eye of the world, that all Europe has looked
on — all Europe has been engrossed, and even affected ; nay, such is the
actual position of these two kingdoms at the present moment.
The history of Britain, in connexion with the Scriptures, we have al-
ready given ; and, in this comparison, let all justice be done to her po-
tent neighbour. There wrn^ a time, in the sixteenth century, when France
bade fair to have followed in the same career. Like England, and
especially Scotland, she was highly favoured from without. In the course
of only fifty years, or from 1.5.50 to IfiOO, there were printed not fewer
] 780-1 844.] THK MONARCH V OK FRANCE. 5 77
than ninety-eight editions of the French Bible, and fifty-nine of the New
Testament separately. Again, when in IGOO, Lertoui-t had printed his
edition in folio, it was followed by thirty-five editions in various sizes,
besides fifty-six separate editions of the New Testament. To these we
may add thirty-six editions of the Catholic version, and seventy-four of the
New Testament, from 1600 to 1700. Here, then, of the Scriptures in the
French tongue, we have not fewer than three liundred and fifty-eight dis-
tinct issues from the press !' Oh, what an afiecting retrospect, if all this
was not to prevail ? If all this was to be resisted from within the kingdom
at large ? For of these 358 editions, not fewer than 205 had been print-
ed, not in France, but chiefly at Geneva, on the one hand, and at Amster-
dam, on the other. Yet so it happened, for then came the reign of Louis
XIV., with a brilliancy of a far diiFerent character. Were any one to
take the hundred years which preceded his being declared of age in 1651,
and compare it with the century which followed his death in 1715, few
historical contrasts would be more striking. In the former, Ave should see
the truth of God combating superstition, and promising, if only let
alone, to make the vine-covered hills of France rejoice in the possession
of the true vine ; in the latter would be seen but little or nothing else
save infidelity, undisguised and unblushing, in frantic rage against Di-
vine truth itself.
For our present guidance, however, all that is requisite is only a
brief survey of the two last, or the seventeenth and eighteenth cen-
turies. Throughout the former, our attention is perpetually drawn to
the government ; throughout the latter, it is more irresistibly fixed on
the French ^:)i?o/j>^^.
During the seventeenth century in France, but more especially from
the year when Louis the Fourteenth was declared of age, all eyes were
fixed on the Crown, and for sixty years despotic monarchy was the
order of the day. This long reign has not unfrequently been compared
to that of Augustus. Poets and orators, philosophers and lawyers,
painters and architects, were not merely allowed to play their several
parts, but they were fostered and stimulated by the royal bounty, while
at the same time arts and commerce were brought into a flom-ishing
condition. But was this all ? Not to mention the licentiousness of this
Monarch and his Court, how did he conduct himself towards the human
mind and the Sacred Volume ? After hearing Massillon on more occa-
sions than one, well might he go away, as he confessed, " very much
displeased with himself ;" but he was the slave of his own passions, and
so died. It was the same man who persecuted the Port- Royal of which
Pascal was the head, who banished Fenelon, but to crown aU, revoked
'the Edict of Nantes, in 1685! And what then? More than fifty
' See "Le Long-Biblia Gallica Genevens." &c., although he has not marked all the edition*.
2o
.•j78 THK people of FRANCE [ikiok v,
thousand families, nay, it has been said eight hundred thousand indivi-
(1u;iIh Hod the kiugJoni, and they are not in this history to be called by
any mere nickname. Correctly speaking, they were the people who pled
for the Hcriptures, or possessed them ; and prizing them from principle,
above life itself, left all behind. They were the salt of the land, as the
pestilential exhalations which followed, most fully proved. No, the
condition in which a Monarch leaves his country, has been well described
as the key to his character and to his reign ; and in what condition was
France when Louis the XIV. died in September 1715 ? Dying at the
age of seventy-seven, after a reign, in full sovereignty, of more than
eixty years, several provinces were left less powerful than they were
even at the beginning. The insatiable thirst for splendour at Court
had beggared the kingdom, and another Versailles would have com-
pleted its ruin. The people possessed no rights ; the Royal authority
was restrained by no limits. And how did the people behave, when
their King died ? They insulted his funeral procession, and the Parlia-
ment cancelled his will. He had carried despotism to its utmost height,
violating laws both human and divine ; but the eyes of Louis Le Grand
once closed in death, his entire system was levelled to the ground.
Such was the termination of brilliant despotic monarchy in France.
Twenty-seven years before the death of this man, it was well that the
surrounding nations, Britain included, had taken alarm. His aim ap-
pearing to them to be nothing short of universal monarchy, that league
was formed, of which we have already spoken .^ As a providential inter-
position in favour of the best interests of this island, it is ever to be
ranked next in importance, to its deliverance from Rome at first. To
this apparently chosen land was then presented a fairer prospect of its
becoming " an asylum for freedom of thought."
But if after this period, French government as such had little or no
power to annoy, the eighteenth century was to prove of a far more
serious or searching character. A storm which had been long gathering,
amidst the elegant gaiety or external polish which reigned at Paris and
Versailles, was, in the end, to break over the country at large ; and occa-
sion not a few, even in Britain, to stand in doubt whether she should be
able to weather it. Properly speaking, this was a question, not respect-
ing government of any kind, but society at large. It was not any single
monarch which now filled the eye, all over Europe, but the people of
France, in full resolve, to throw off every restraint, human and divine.
It was a development, of what was styled " public opinion," working for
unlimited display, and for many years. The closing ten years of the
eighteenth century only interpreted a process which had been in con-
stant operation, ever since the days of the Grand Monarch. The death
- i^ce licforc. pp. 552-.').'i4.
17S0-IN + i.] LED ON BY A CONKEUEKACV. 579
of Louis the Foui'teenth had been the signal for action. In patronizing
genius, he had been all along inviting intelligence and opinion, and the
next century was to explain to all Europe, as had been done in ancient
times, " that science may flourish amidst the decay of humanity, and
that the utmost barbarity may be blended with the utmost refinement."
Under Louis the Fifteenth, the French in general were at a loss to
comprehend how a narrow channel of seven leagues sufiiced to separate
a country where the people were every thing, from one in which they
were nothing : but there were philosophers, falsely so called, busy night
and day, and they had sternly resolved to make " something" of the
people. It was not an error into which these men had separately fallen,
and which they separately avowed, but a deep laid understood design.
A powerful confederacy had been formed, at the head of which all his-
torians agree in placing Voltaire. His disciples or associates are
known to all. There was Toussaint and Helvetius, D'Alembert, Diderot,
Condorcet, and many others of the same school. The vain design,
which was carried on for many years, with great subtilty, was to sap
the foundations of Christianity, and destroy the authority of Scri'ptuTe.
Before these men, there was nothing so inviting in their own apprehen-
sion as the triiunph of Reason, the perfectibility of the human race.
By this time, the mind of man, they said, sighed for its native home,
and well it might ; but they fearfully mistook their way, when they
confounded Chi'istianity with superstition, and cast away the word of
Jehovah. There was, however, to be no Temple, save the Temple of
Reason. As it were, in the inner court of this structiu-e, the league had
been formed against all who looked higher than Nature, for the object
of their veneration and confidence. They had banded together, and
theii' Dictionnaire Encyclopedique contained the entire poison of the sect
— Scepticism, Materialism, Deism, and unblushing Atheism. Carefully
enlisting the lusts and passions on their side, against every species of
restraint they had vowed vengeance ; but, above all, the Sacred Volume
excited their implacable hatred. Voltaire, their hoary ringleader, was
bom in 1694, and at the age of 81, was full of the hope of success.
Upon Louis the Sixteenth ascending the throne, in 1775, when writing
to Frederick of Prussia, the philosopher King, for such was the title in
which they gloried. — " I know not," said he, " whether our young King
will imitate your example, but I know that, with the exception of one,
who is a bigot, he has taken philosophers for his ministers ; one of
them, M. Turgot, is worthy of your Majesty's conversation. The priests
are in despair. This is the heginning of a great revolution'''
This vain and miserable apostle and high priest of infidelity had
now for half a century vented all his malice, especially against the
Scriptures. With learning, such as he had cultivated and possessed,
with genius and wit, he had daily, year after year, put forth all his
580 THK FRENCH I'lllLOSOl'll V AL'KECTS [uouK V.
strengtli. Both Jews and Christians, the Old Testament and the New,
he had assiiilod, as if hil)ouring under a virulent species of black in-
spiration. At this moment he was within three years of his death, as
he expired at Paris on the 30th of May 1778, it is generally understood,
in mental agony, not to be described. It was only three years after,
when one of tlic best of our English poets placed him in contrast with
an English Christian cottager — " never heard of half a mile from home,"
and in verse which will never die.
" The Scripture was his jest-book, whence he drew
' Bon mots' to gall the Christian and the Jew ;
An infidel in health— but what when sick ?
Oh — then a text would toucli him at the quick :
View him at Paris in his last career. "
The votaries of this school, it is well known, died miserably, almost
to a man. Condorcet swallowed poison, when, in the depth of wretched-
ness, he was pursued by the myrmidons of the Revolution at that time
raging. The scene was then, if it be not still, indescribable. There was no
inundation of surrounding nations from without, no earthquake or pesti-
lence from within, but a ferocity more terrible than them all in union,
which spared no age, nor sex, nor rank. With all its horrors, however,
it was nothing more than the natural or necessary result of those prin-
ciples which had been diffused throughout France, for many years ; and
with a zeal which had never, in modern times, been exhibited by the
believers in Chi-istianity. As if to keep them humble, and rouse them
to activity, in all time to come, and especially in times like the pre-
sent; never let it be forgotten, that before the Revolution of 1792, the
promoters of infidelity in France are stated to have raised among them-
selves and spent, a sum equal to nine hundred thousand potmds in one
year, nay, again and again, in purchasing, printing and dispersing books, to
corrupt the minds of the people, and prepare themfor desperate measures !
Amidst a frenzy, so peculiar in its character, and certainly unknown
to any former age, while France was driving on in misery, neither
Britain, nor even her colonies, remained unmoved. To say nothing of
older sceptics, from Herbert to Hobbes, England had now her Edward
Gibbon ; Scotland, her David Hume, who by the way had first lighted
his taper in France, with a view to his own country ; and then finally
came home, an Apostle to the common people, Thomas Paine from
America. In Britain the sentiments of Gibbon and Hume had infected
the higher classes, and it is well if many of them be not infected still ;
but for the people at large, Paine, though obliged to leave his native
land, sent into it fourteen thousand of his deistical publications, and
these were followed by large and cheap editions printed on British
ground, and most industriously circulated.
After all this, and on both sides of the Channel, certainly never more
1780-1811.] BOTH BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES. 581
could infidelity complain of want of time or space, to put forth all her
strength. The tree was one of a hundred years' growth, and now it stood
like the deadly upas, in great vigour, spreading its branches all around-
Philosophy, falsely so called, had actually done her " perfect work," and
to what now did it all amount ? The mass of a mighty neighbouring
nation was reduced to the rank of atheism ; one of the most current of
all languages had become the language of infidelity ; the most polished
people upon earth had become the most profligate, and even ferocious ;
the burning lava of French principles was overflowing the Continental
nations, and Britain was now more than threatened : she had been
scorched, and begun to suffer. Her very colonies were aff'ected. Not
only was the baneful influence felt in America, but even in India, almost
all Europeans were of the infidel school. There, said Sir James Mack-
intosh, " every form of religion was tolerated, except the Chi-istian."
Some English writers went so far as to apply to the times one passage of
Sacred writ : " And the fourth angel poured out his vial on the sun ;
and power was given unto him to scorch men with fire : and men were
scorched with great heat, and blasphemed the Name of God, which hath
power over these plagues : and they repented not to give him glory."
They remarked, at the same time, that this " heat " could not be under-
stood of the persecution of the faithful, because they would not hlas-
pheme under it. But all prophetic or ambiguous language apart —
" The very spirit of the world was tired
Of its owTi taunting question, asked so long,
' Where is the promise of your Lord's approach V
The infidel had shot his bolts away,
Till, his exliausted quiver yielding none,
He glean'd the blunted shafts that had recoil'd,
And aim'd them at the shield of Truth again."
Such a scene Europe had never before witnessed, so that if the dormant
energies of all who believed in Divine Revelation had not been awakened,
never could they have said that burning zeal had not been displayed by
the enemy — zeal sufficient to have roused the soul of every one in this
country, who rested all his hope for time and eternity on the Sacred Vo-
lume alone. To this, therefore, and to this alone, and loitlioxit note or
comment, must they not finally turn ?
In these cu-cumstances, however, and only thus far, we may be per-
mitted to remark one notable distinction between France and Britain.
Both coimtries, it will be said, had produced their respective infidels,
and where then lay any difierence % In France had they not enjoyed
elegant writers in Fenelon and Pascal % Ecclesiastical and civil histo-
rians, as in Dupin, Fleuiy, and Rollin % Nay, celebrated preachers, as
in Bourdalouc and Massillon ? True, nor do we forget among them all,
ITnubigant, living till within about thirty months of being an hundred
rjH-2 HARMONIOUS ACTION TO BK DK.SIKKD. [book V.
jfcaraold, from 1686 to 1783. Shut out, by deaiucss, from society around
him, for more than eighty years of study, he had jiut forth his Hebrew
Bible in four volumes folio in 1753 ; and borrowing strength from Eng-
land and Scotland, translated Charles Leslie's tracts against Deism, and
President Forbes's thoughts on Religion, natural and revealed. But
still, throughout the eighteenth century, there had risen not one French
mind, of sufficient power and skill to gainsay and resist, so as to check
the tide of infidelity. No, it spread over the people, and swept all before
it into one common ruin. And why ? The people in France had not
READ THE Scriptures for TiiEJiSEiiVES. A ceremonial religion, though
supported by immense wealth, had proved to be no barrier. On British
ground there was a difference. Her sceptics in succession, had, every
one of them, been looked hard in the face. From Herbert down to Hume
and Paine, they had been fully met, exposed and. overthrown ; while
Deism, false philosophy, and boasted human reason were not only tried
by appeal to the oracles of God, but scrutinized as to their moral ten-
dency, and found wanting. But Avhy all this, or rather why successful,
to whatever degree ? We hesitate not to reply, that there is but one
answer. The people in Britain had long read the Scriptures for
THEMSELVES.
Such a storm as this, however, was not to be drifted to leeward by
the breezes of controversy. Man might do his utmost, and seemed to
have done so ; but the sky had not cleared, nor, to human apprehen-
sion, had the tide turned. At last, towards the close of the century,
Richard Watson, who had so meanly crouched to Gibbon in 1779, after
having wi'itten against him in his " Ap>ology for Christianity," put forth
a second apology. It was no other than an " Apology " for the Bible ! !
This able publication was of great use, so far as the audacious and
vulgar sophistry of Paine had imposed on such as had not previously
examined for themselves ; although the advocate of divine truth could
not have descended loiver, in adopting such a title, in reference to such
a creature ; but still there was actually nothing done by man, such as
the times demanded. Disentangling the sophisms of infidel writers, or
resisting the scurrility of licentious and profane men, was but like fight-
ing in the fire for very vanity. Hvunan composition of any kind was
but of little avail. It was not a time for writing hool:s. The season
called for action — united action.
Here, however, obstacles deeply rooted, and of long standing, presented
themselves, and especially in Britain throughout. That there were
myriads of Christians within her shores, all reading the same Bible,
could be questioned by no man ; but how to bring those myriads to-
gether, or how to make them act in union, were questions more difficult
than that which Columbus proposed with respect to the egg. Diffe-
rences, professedly conscientious, had kept British Christians asunder
for ages. A.s bodies of men, they had been living in a state of estrange-
1780-I844.J BUT THE TIMES UNFAVOURABLE. 583
inent from each other, from father to son. It seemed as if there were
even a degree of hereditary alienation from each other. The writer is
old enough to remember all this distinctly, and more than this. Not to
mention prejudice, selfishness, or easy indifference, there was the spirit
of nationality, as seen, not merely in the different forms under which
Christianity was professed, but in the five different languages spoken
within the realm. Among them all, there were those who read and
revered the sacred page ; but hoio they were to be brought together ;
how they were ever to put forth their energy in union, no man had yet
said, because no one had yet seen. There was the spirit of monopoly
affecting every interest, whether sacred or civil ; or, what was many
years since designated by no common miud,"^ that " nasty little corpora-
tion spirit," which not only tied up the hand, but froze the heart, and
made self the centre and circumference, whether of feeling or desire.
All these things had given such a tough and unaccommodating charac-
ter to Chi-istians, on the whole, that union to any great extent was cer-
tainly not premeditated. By the generality, it was not then expected !
Long had Britain boasted of her " Institutions " — far too long. But,
though formed professedly both for defence and safety in time of dan-
ger, to which of them could she, or did she, now look for help, against
the common foe of divine truth 1 She stood, indeed, like a stag at bay,
and withstood, as no other nation had ; but it is not now to be concealed,
or to be forgotten, that not one of her corporate bodies, not one of her
" interests," or her long-established institutions, stepped forward, as
such ; nor would the strongest of them all have been of any avail in
turning the tide of infidelity, much less in driving it back. The fact
was, that a spirit ef scepticism had more or less infected all ranks and
all parties ; and yet the union of all was demanded, a united phalanx, a
larger Chiistian circle than Britain had ever witnessed, and, ultimately,
than the world itself had seen. Yet how was such a thing possible ?
Meanwhile, the enemy had been united, and united only for purposes
of vengeance or disorganization. The enemy was at the gates, and
had spoken with a voice which had made the nations quail — our own
included. But in regard to this country, it is most of all remarkable,
for we are now at sufficient distance to see it as soon as pointed out,
the real state of things was perceived by no man in it. In the very
heart of this crisis, as in every other such, or just when the tide of infi-
delity was rising to its height. Providence was first, and the first mover.
The names of a very few men then moved, remain unknown to this day ;
nor was a single individual among this feeble band then aware of the
work he had begun. The enemy was certainly coming in like a flood ;
but the finger of God had already at least pointed to a standard against
him. It involved but a single, but a simple idea, in proof of the quarter
^ Wilbcrforcc.
1S+ THK FIRST KEKBLt: MOVEMENTS [buoK \.
from whence it came ; yet nearly a quarter of a century passed away,
before it was Itmrtih) taken up by man. God had spoken once, nay,
twice, yet man perceived it not. The first time he did so, a remedy was
pointed out, applicable not to one class in this nation alone, or at such
a season, but to the world at large, though this was not yet obsers'ed.
The second time was in reference to France itself, and at the very
moment in which their fearful Revolution was about to burst out ;
though that was not a soil where such an idea could then be expected
to ripen into action. " The still small voice," however, already uttered,
and on both sides of the channel, was not to be ultimately drowned in
the roar of infidelity.
But in addition to those incidents, which will be explained presently,
it will also appear that, though it was in the shades of obscurity, God
had ab'eady infused a spirit of deepest sympathy into, one human breast
in England. It was sjTnpathy for his country, though not for it alone,
but more especially for foreign and distant, or heathen nations. In
modem times, it was the commencement of a xew feeling in the human
heart, and of more value to the best interests of Britain, than, as a
nation, she has even yet perceived. Such, however, will turn out to be
the first s>/mptoms of that great movement to which we have alluded,
and now turn.
In the year 1 780, while England was in a state of v,-arfarc
not only with America and France, hut with Spain and
Holland, the first association of individuals knoAvn by a title
taken from the Scriptures themselves, without note or com-
ment, took its rise. " The Bible Society,'''' and nothing more,
was the name chosen. With whom the idea originated, has
never been clearly stated ; but at such a period it wa.*: the
more singular, as being intended solely for the benefit of
soldiers and sailors. It had been resolved to put into their
hands the words of Him of whom it is said, " He shall judge
among the nations, and rebuke many people, and they shall
beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into
pruning hooks — neither shall they learn war any more." It
appears to have been simply the idea of their frequent expo-
sure to death, whether by land or sea, that suggested the
movement.
This Society was supported by " voluntary individual subscriptions,
and collections at difi"erent places of worship." Within two years they
had expended upwards of £1500, having distributed more than eleven
thousand Bibles among difiFerent regiments and ship's crews. The very
first ship to which they gave the Scriptures, it is singular enough, was
one, tke hulk of which Major-General Paslev, with such laborious in-
1780-1844.] PAYIXCt HOMAGE TO THE BIBLE. 585
genuity, has been raising out of the deep in our own day, at the distance
of sixty years after she had sunk.
" It was not in the battle ; " A land breeze shook the shrouds,
No tempest gave the shock ; And she was overset ;
She sprang no fatal leak ; Down went the Royal George,
She ran upon no rock. With all her crew complete."
It must have been about eighteen months before this that a Bible
had been given to every couple of seamen ; and " by letters from some
on board, written before the sad and sudden event, there was sufficient
ground to believe that the Holy Scriptui-es had made some of that crew
wise unto salvation." There were 400 bibles on board, " when Kempen-
felt went down, with twice four hundred men." At subsequent periods
we read of many thousands of the Sacred Volume having been distri-
buted ; for it need scarcely be mentioned that this is the same institu-
tion which exists at the present day, under the title of the Naval and
Military Bible Society.
It was not till ten years later, or May 1792, that we hear
of another kindred association. A certain number of indivi-
duals in England, chiefly in London, had met, and assumed
the title of " The French Bible Society^ Their object was to
furnish those persons in the French nation who were destitute,
with copies of the Scriptures in their native tongue.
They had opened correspondence with some gentlemen in Paris, who
had expressed an intention of forming a similar Society. A printer at
Paris had been engaged, and four thousand livres remitted in advance,
while they in England recommended the formation of societies in dif-
ferent parts of this country. But all this was in vain : it was all too
late, whether on this side of the Channel or on that. Over France, in ge-
neral, and especially throughout the summer of 1792, there was louring
nothing save the sulkiness of a thunder-storm before it opens, and the
Revolutionary war put a period to all communication between the
countries. The funds remitted were lost. " We have lived in times,"
said the printer, still alive in 1801, " which have destroyed every thing,
overturned every thing, and all must begin afresh." But nothing then
could be either begun, or carried on ; so the money collected in England
had to be spent in circulating English Bibles in Ireland, and the Society
was then dissolved!
Nor, in this failure was there any thing to discourage the
historian of the times. No work of any magnitude eter took
its first rise from an assemblage, or confederacy, whether large
or small. Of this fact we have abundant illustration in Scrip-
ture itself; it is reiterated with great power, especially in the
:>Se THE SECRET ORIGIN OK [book v.
eleventh chapter to the Hebrews ; and our previous history
from the beginning throughout forms a running attestation to
the same efibct. An association of any kind, involved too
many for God to begin with. At all events, we do not hear
one word more of a Bible Society, nor was one spoken of,
for more than ten years to come.
These years, however, even from 1780, were pregnant with vital
importance in regard to all that have followed since. And though
even now but imperfectly understood, in other days, when tracing
the footsteps of a gracious Providence, not in our Island alone, but in
lands distant " far as the sea-fowl in a year can fly," they will look back
to this period, or before the existence of any modem efforts, styled mis-
sionary, when the Church at large lay in a state of sad and criminal
repose. But in doing this, every one will have to be alike content, should
he meet with scarcely more than one human agent, or no more than one
man, wherever he was, and however unknown at the time.
If, therefore, throughout these years, there was any thing else in pro-
gress, however secretly, — if there was one individual mind loaded with
one subject, and if, instead of any community of whatever description,
that individual attract notice, it will only be in perfect keeping with the
entire history through which we have passed. Now, from the year 1780
down to 1792, when he fully declared himself, and in the very same
month, when certain men, of whom he knew nothing, were thinking of
France, their next-door neighboui* only ; we are informed of one who,
when all that he accomplished before death is taken into account, can-
not be overlooked without doing injustice to the present history. If his
mind had been, for years, engrossed, — if his heart had been, in truth,
oppressed by a sense of pity for mankind, and of imperative obligation
to convey the Volume of Inspiration to every land, we have found at
least one appropriate link in the chain of our narrative with regard to
the Scriptures, nor have we been able to find any other.
It was in the year 1779, when he had only completed his eighteenth
year, that this young man was brought to a heartfelt persuasion of the
truth of Christianity, and, in justice to the English Bible, in the first
instance, let it be observed, that in little more than three years, " with-
out reading any thing material on Christian doctrine, besides the Scrip-
tures, he had formed his own system." The same version, for many
generations, his countrymen and forefathers in succession, had been
perusing ; but certainly never since it was first translated, had it been
read with the same ultimate effects, for his mind was already bent upon
action. These early impressions were the more remarkable, in that they
were cherished, and grew, amidst a most singular conflict of opinion,
respecting the dvty of all to whom the Gospel is proclaimed, to believe
17801844.] SOME APPROACHING CHANGE. 587
it — so very low had Scriptural Christianity sunk ! At the same moment,
senior ministers of the truth, around him, were saying, — " The time is
not come ; the time that the Lord's house should be built ;" and those
in younger years responded, — " There is more than enough to do at
home." Certainly, no one was more ready to admit, that much, very
much, remained to be accomplished in his own country ; but of this
young man it requires to be particularly observed, that it was rather the
dark and immoral state of the Avorld itself, and upon the largest scale,
which had taken possession of him, and so preyed upon his spirits. It
is now an established fact, that for years together he had no one who
could fully sympathize with the deep and peculiar frame of his spirit.
From a personal acquaintance with circumstances, even the writer is
able to attest as much. All that time he emphatically belonged to hhn-
self. A persisting and unquenchable efficacy of piu'pose dwelt in him,
night and day.
As this took place, however, above sixty years ago, it is not impro-
bable that certain readers may be disposed to inquire, and say, — " But
why should such a state of mind have been found in all England, and,
as if he alone were to blame for the darkness which had brooded for
ages over heathen nations V We need not answer this question by
asking another, — " Why should Thomas Clarhon, in England too,
have but one gloomy subject before him, from morning to night 1 or
why in the day time be uneasy, and in the night have little rest, before
he knew even of a single step taken to destroy the slave trade, or saw
how it could ever be possible to destroy it ? But apart from this ana-
logy, we may now ask every one to look back, and consider, how long
ago it was since England had been put in possession of the Oracles of
God, and by such singular means, in spite of herself 1 How long she
had enjoyed the unmerited boon ? We ask, too, whether the Christians
within her shores had, for two hundred years, cherished the gift so be-
stowed with becoming gratitude ? But, above all, whether they had
remembered their Redeemer's own unrepealed commission, by taking
pity on other nations, and striving to convey the light of heaven to
other lands ? Certainly they had not. With the exception of the
never-to-be-forgotten eflForts of the truly honourable Robert Boyle, in
the seventeenth century, in promoting the translation of parts of the
Scriptures into the jNIalayan, Turkish, and Irish languages, and some
translation of the New Testament into Arabic, by the Society for Pro-
moting Christian Knowledge ; the greater part of the last or eighteenth
century but too strongly reminds one of that parable of the Virgins,
where it is said, " they all slumbered and slept."
Why, then, should it ever have been, or be now,_matter of surprise,
that infidelity had prospered, and grown up, and threatened to become
rampant, throughout even this country, in the destruction of the Sacred
.'iS8 EFFECT OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [bOOK V.
Volume itself, and of all civil liherti) 1 Had not the Almighty, of old,
twice destroyed his own Temple ? France, in full view, was now posting
on to its own dreadful crisis, and there was a moral propriety in our
being most severely handled. The sins of more than two hundred
years' neglect lay at the doors of the righteous in the house of God, and
it was fit that judgment should awake them, or there begin. Had we
received the " Oracles of God," that we might either reverence or neglect
them at pleasure ? Or that, worse than the Jews of old, we might keep them
to ourselves, and say of every or any other nation, " This people that
know not the law, are cursed ?" But surely, if judgment was averted,
it becomes us to inquire in what manner ? If the plague was stayed,
how much is it now to be admired, if a long-suflFering and yet gracious
Providence had already been preparing for its assault, though in a way
altogether unobserved by the nation, and but too sparingly acknow-
ledged since ?
By tlii.s time there may be not a few who suspect or anti-
cipate that we have been alluding to Carey — the Tyndale, in
our own day, not of an island only, but of a continent, or not
of Bengal alone, with its thirty millions of a population, but
the first translator of the Bible entire into the parent lan-
guage of India, as well as several of its dialects, and of the
New Testament Scriptures into others, not a few. As a
reader of the English Bible^ in the first instance, and with such
effect, he comes to fill his appropriate place in such a work as
the present ; and although half a century may yet pass away
before his position in history will be properly understood,
having now gone to his reward, we are permitted to speak of
him with a little more freedom than his own innate modesty
before allowed.
William Caret, who, in point of resolute determination, may well be
ranked as akin to William Tyndale, is supposed to have been a descend-
ant of James Carey or Cary, the curate of Paulers Pury, near Towcester,
from 1624 to 1030. But if so, the family had undergone a gradual de-
clension with regard to circumstances. His grandfather, Peter Carey,
appears to have been well educated, from the very free and even elegant
style of his signatures in the register as parish-clerk. His father, Ed-
mund Carey, was originally a journeyman Tammy weaver, and lived in
a very humble cottage, at a spot in this village called Purycnd. Here
WUliam, his eldest son, was born on the 17th of August 1761. When
he was about seven years of age, his father being appointed parish-clerk
and schoolmaster, removed to the school at Church End. These united
offices he continued to fill in a manner which gained him the respect of
1780-1844.] THOUGH READ IN OBSCURITY. 58^
all his fellow-parishioners for nearly half a century. The elementary in-
struction imparted to William by his father, constituted the first educa-
tion of the future learned linguist and botanist. But if there were any
tokens of genius then apparent, circumstances would admit of no other
course than that of his being bound as an apprentice in 1775, at the age
of fourteen, to a shoemaker at Hackleton, a hamlet in the same county,
about five miles from Northampton. The change, however, which took
place in 1779, already noticed, proved to be the turning-point in his exist-
ence. After that, while he derived certain advantages from residing at
Olney, in Buckinghamshire, he is to be regarded, in an eminent degree,
as self-taught, and we are now prepared to observe what became of him.*
The truth, as far as we have been able to ascertain it, seems
to be this — that from the year 1783 to 1786, the bondage of
the human mind, as well as that of the human hody, had come
up in remembrance before God ; and however arduous was to
be the struggle, not only the chains of superstition and idola-
try, but the chains of the slave were ultimately to be broken.
To retain the Scriptures in our own possession, we must give
them to the heathen ; to preserve whatever of Christianity
existed at home, it must be sent to the ends of the earth ; and
if we were longer to retain our own civil liberty, we must make
others ^gg .' With a view to these immense and glorious pur-
poses of infinite wisdom, God had already looked down upon
our native land. With all its faults, not to say heedless in-
gratitude, most of Christianity, and most of civil liberty, were
yet to be found there. But for these great ends, in the first
instance, so far as indefatigable perseverance and amount of la-
bour were to be concerned, little or nothing more seems to have
been requisite than that the hearts of two men only should be
touched. They were equally unknown to each other. The
first so moved, was William Carey of Paulers Pury, North-
amptonshire ; the second, Thomas Clarkson of Wisbeach,
in the county of Cambridge ; and having once pronounced
4 See the elegant county history of Northamptonshire by Mr. Baker. It is, perhaps, worth
mentioning, that the only event which had ever before distinguished this rural parish, was the
birth of another learned man, in the 17th century — Edward Bernard, born in 1C38. A scholar,
astronomer, and critic, he was master of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew ; and to these he added Sy-
riac, Arabic, Persic, Coptic, and Kuss. Succeeding Sir Christopher Wren as Savilian Professor
of Astronomy at Oxford, he was the author of various learned productions. On the dispersion
of his library after death, his Polyglot Bible, iuWoi coWsXwns, notes, and scholia, was purchased
for £20 by Olaus Wormius, and carried to Denmark. Dr. Bliss thinks it most probable that his
father was not the rector, but the curate of Paulers Pury in 1638. If this be correct, he had suc-
ceeded Carey's supposed ancestor. fVood's Athena, by Bliss, vol. iv., pp. 701, 2, 3.
590 IMJIVIDUAL A(fKNCV [dOOK V.
thoir names, as they will bo, hy successive ages, there can be
little doubt that we have referred to by far the most instruc-
tive and important reminiscence in the present age. The
bondage of the mind, as an intolerable grievance, had already,
as it were, seized upon the spirits of the one ; the bondage of
the ho(h/, upon those of the other. Carey was up, indeed,
earliest in the morning ; Clarkson rose next, and almost im-
mediately after him ; but, in point of time, the coincidences
between them were so very remarkable, that it would even here
be unpardonable to pass them over ; and the more so, as we
are not aware of their having ever before been pointed out.
Here were two young men, who never met ; who nevoi- exchanged one woi*d
with each other ; who were entirely ignorant of each other's feeUngs, however
painful at the same moments. They were not only alike natives of the same
coimtry, and born witliin seventeen montlis of each other, but the mental con-
flict, which each, under his own burden, endured, was literally contemporane-
ous !^ Carey, as already hinted, was first in distress, simply because he was
firat awakened from that bed of easy indifference, on which millions lay asleep
around him. This had begun in 1784, if not a little earlier, but next year
Clarkson rose after him, and to his own gloomy subject of African slavery,
from morning to night, or from day to day. By November 1785, he had given
himself up to his subject. So, as it respected anxiety and a painful sense of
obligation, it had been and now was, with Carey ; while his eye roved over a
slavery more ancient, and spread over a wider surface ; sighing and praying
for the extension of a liberty, which U]) to that moment had remained unsung —
" unsung
By poets, and by senators unpraised,
W^hicli raonarchs cannot grant, nor all the powers
Of earth and hell confederate take away :
A liberty, which persecution, fraud,
Oppression, prisons, have no power to bind ;
Which whoso tastes can be enslaved no more."
If these lines, however, were written then, here was a third individual, though
lie also was " Retired from all the circles of the gay — and all the crowds that
bustled life away." But he had laid hold of his lyre, and he too had begvm to
sigh after liberty, both in the sense of Clarkson, and in that of Carey. Little
did Cowpcr imagine that, at the very moment when he was penning the whole
of this beautiful passage for the press, there was then actually living in quiet
and peaceful Olncy, within the sound of his voice, and nearly the sight of his
own parlour window, another man of equal modesty, with the same initials as
his own ; and that too such a man as the future translator of the Sacred Volume
into 60 many Oriental languages. But so it happened.^
s Clarkson was bom on Friday, 28th March 1760, and still lives in his 85th year, after devot-
inp fifty-nine years to the cause of the oppressed. Carey was bom on Monday, 17th August
1/61, and fell asleep on Monday, 9th June 1834, with a mind which had been fifty years under
one governing principle.
6 The progress of that enchanting performance, '" The Task," was this. The first four books
and part of the fifth, were written by the 22d of February 1784 ; the final verses of the poem in
September following. The work being sent to the press in October, the poet wrote to Mr. New-
ton on the 3nth : "I mentioned it not sooner, because almost to the last, I was doubtful
1780-1 8 J.4. J TO BE FIRST EMPLOYED. 591
Througliout the whole of the following yeai-, or 1 786, it is impossible to say
of Carey and Clarkson, which was most painfully engrossed with his appropriate
subject. The latter, to interest the public mind, was translating into English
his Latin poem, for which he had obtained the first prize from Dr. Peckard,
Master of Magdalene College, Cambridge, the year before. The former was
actually taking account of the four quarters of the earth, and had begun his
" Enquiry into the Obligations of Christians to use means for the Conversion
of the Heathen." The latter began to think " that the finger of Providence
was discernible," but the former still met with objections, on the gi-ound of
" so much needing to be done at home." Before the close of this year, Clarkson
imagined " that the day star of African liberty was rising, and that probably he
might be permitted to become a humble instrument in promoting it ;" but to
Carey neither sun nor star for many days appeared. His object being of a
deeper character, he must sustain still longer ment^il suspense. The fact was,
that Clarkson had been more than surprised, to hear of the labours of Gran-
ville Sharp, and that some six individuals in London had been associated for
tlie purpose of enlightening the public mind ; while, at the same moment, Carey
also had at least three stanch friends, to whom he had applied with great ear-
nestness. These, it is well known, were Fuller, Sutcliff, and Ryland. He
this year had urged any one of them to take up his subject, but they, knowing
well how much and deeply he had thought, devolved it on himself. When the
extent to which he pushed his " Enquiry " is observed, and the circumstances
of the writer at the moment are taken into account, if we consider it simply as
a literary production, it would be difficult to find a parallel. Ungainly in his ap-
pearance, absorpt in thought, he was regarded by some otliers as phlegmatic, and
how could he be otherwise than dull ? Independently of the subject Nvith which
his mind was loaded, he was now preaching regulai'ly at Moulton, a village four
miles from Northampton, for an income much below twenty pounds, and he
was teaching a school as an additional moans of support ! These were circum-
stances not likely to elevate the spirits of any man, and which certainly augured
anything but future influence and power ; save in the eye of Him who " draws
from human littleness, his grandeur and renown." But still, he was now read-
ing the Bible in three, if not four languages, and every incidental circumstance
only contributed to deepen the impression on his mind, as well as his sympathy
for the most distant nations. Among other branches, when instructing some
of the village childi'en in geography, of which he was very fond, he had resolved
to inform them, as he pointed out the different countries on the map, or rather,
on a globe by himself constructed of leather, the religion professed by each of
them. Going over these, as he had to do, again and again, saying — " These are
Christians, and these are Mahomedans, and these are Pagans, and these are
Pagans, and these are Pagans .'" The thought would as often return upon him
— " Why they are almost all Pagans, and I am now telling these children as a
mere fact, that which involves a truth of tlie most melancholy character." But
so passed away 1786 and longer still.
The Abolitionist, it is well known, then sped on his way, with an immensity
of bodily toil, and intellectual effort, which have been amply described ; and
whether I should ever bring it to a conclusion ; working often in such distress of mind, as while
(7 simrred me to the work, at the same time threatened to disiiuallfy me for it." Here then
was a triumvirate ; equallj' unknown to each other, but individually sombre or sad, like Nehe-
miah of old. Such, at the commencement of great moral changes, are the ways of infinite
wisdom, and so they have been from the beginning. Carey, in 1784, not yet called to the minis-
try, was then living with his venerated tutor, Sutclifl'. within hail or sight of Cowper's dwelling-
house.
592 THK REFLEX INFLL'EXCK [book V.
fio (lid tlio Traimlator of tlie Divine Word on lti>, with whom wo have here
more es|)ecially to do. Painful reflections about the same time nmst have
pa.ssed through a few other minds ; but with reference to these two men, in
tlifir distinct walks, or the arduous couree which they took respectively ; as
the fii-st who were absorpt or overwhelmed with a sense of obligation ; the
first who put their shouldei-s to their different objects, and personally accom-
plished so much ; posterity can never mistake the place of either the one or
the other. The farther it recedes from the times, this will only become the
more apparent. In tracing our past and present obligations to individuals
whom God had so distinctly moved, the analogy, in point of mental conflict,
and coincidence, in point of time, appear to have been so remarkable, that it is
difficult to say whether we have much digressed. But we have done.
Heartfelt sympathy, or conscientious obligation with regard to the
moral condition of Heathen nations, or distant lands, Avas unquestionably
a new feeling, which had now sprung up within the shores of England. For
more than two centuries and a half she had enjoyed the light of Divine
revelation, but had never yet acted fully in character, or almost, in any
degree, worthy of the high favour bestowed upon her, whether in 1526,
or in 1537.
The feeling, however, now to be found in the bosom of one man, was not to be
cherished only, and then to die with him. For several yeare still, indeed, this
deep impression had to be maintained amidst feeble hopes of success, or rather
many discouragements. Thus, partly owing to straitened circumstances, and
to his own modesty, the " Enquiry" of Carey was not published till 1 792.
But the same year he enjoyed one special public opportunity of unburdening
his mind of the convictions and impressions of previous years. Having read
Isaiah liv., 2, 3, lie remarked in his introduction, that the Church was here
addressed as a desolate widow, dwelling in a little cottage by herself ; that the
command given, to enlai'ge her tent, contained an intimation that there should
be an enlargement of her family ; and that to account for so unexpected a
change, she was told that her " Maker was her husband," so that another day
he would be called " the God of the whole earth." He then enforced what he
conceived to be the spirit of his text, in two exhortations. " Expect great
things — from God." " Attempt great things — for God." " If all the people
had lifted up their voices and wept," said Ryland, " I should not have wondered
at the effect ; it would only have seemed propoi'tionate to the cause ; so clearly
did he prove the criminality of our supineness, in the cause of God." To all
he then uttered, the preacher soon gave the force of his own example, by leav-
ing his native land, with the fixed intention of laying his bones in India.
It is worthy of remark, that while the audience he had addressed, was so
deeply moved at the moment, there is certainly no discourse in modem times,
which has been so frequently alluded to since. The two leading remarks have
been repeated, as a sort of " key-note;" then first struck ; and repeated also,
as an instigation to exertion, ever since, for these fifty years, in England,
America, and the East. And why ? Within the compass of an hour, the man
was expressing the deep feeling of eight or nine years.
Upon embarking for India next year, it might have been supposed that
England would have enjoyed the favour of sending to her own colonial posses-
sions, one of her own sons, so bent on conveying the word of life and truth to
the Heathen ; but, as a nation or government, she could no more enter into
the design, even in 1 7.02, than she had done when she herself was about to be
so mercifully visited, through Tyndale, in 1.526. The analogy between the two
1780-1841-.] OF FOREIGN OPERATIONS. 5D3
cases was but too strong. If on the part of autliority, in the early part of the
sixteenth century, there had been fear of England receinmj the Sacred Volume
in her native language ; so in the close of the eighteenth, on the part of cer-
tain authorities, there was also fear as to the consequences of cjirinfi it, and
that to her own Eastern possessions ! ! The second jjsalni, after having been
read upon British ground, for above two hundred and fifty ycai-s, was not yet
understood ! The honour, therefore, of conveying Carey to his appointed field
of action, was given to a Danish vessel, and he left his native land, never to
return, as Tyndale had done, so long before.7 Nor did the resemblance here
terminate. Our translator was never quite secure of permanent residence, in
his adopted continent, till he had sat down upon Danish ground at Serampore,
and for a short period, when it was taken by the British, scarcely even there.
Still it was from this spot, as from a little sanctuary of only six square miles,
that the Sacred Volume was to issue forth in so many of the Oriental lan-
guages. In the modern, as well as the ancient instance, the undertaking must
appear to be, not a national, but a providential one.
Carey having arrived at Calcutta, in November 1 793, as there was no de-
cided movement in his native laud with regard to the English Bible, or any
other, for more than ten years to come, the space can only be filled up by his
progress in the translation of the Scriptures into Bengalee and other tongues,
and in their printing, as commenced in the year 1 800.
Possessed of a mature acquaintance with Christian doctrine, in his thirty-
third year, and in the spring of 1794, Carey had begun to translate the New
Testament into the language of Bengal, and by 1797 it was finished, and nearly
I'eady for the press, as soon as types could be cast, and a printing press pi'o-
cm-ed. These were the days when every thing was to bet/'ui, and far different
in their character from those of following years ; but thus labouring in India,
there was time sufiicient given, if not appointed, for the character and exertions
of our Translator to make a deep impression upon individual minds at home, and
this they certainly did. Thus, the venei-able John Newton was fully acquainted
with his progress, and so early as August 1797, in his own playful style, he in-
forms his intimate friend. Dr. Ryland, — " Mr. Carey has favoured me with a
letter, which, indeed, I accept as a favour, and mean to thank him for it. I
look to such a man with reverence. He is more to me than bishop or arch-
bishop : he is an apostle. May the Lord make all who undertake missions
like-minded with brother Carey ."8 Far separated from all Christian society,
and literally alone, in the midst of the most ancient idolatry in the world, meet-
ing only with Europeans more than tinged with infidelity, they told him that
it was impossible to convert the natives ; but nothing could either damp his
zeal, or at least affect his determined perseverance. His dearest friends at
ho7tte, in feeling for his situation, had become more alive to their own. Thus,
in April 1798, Fuller informs him, — " The spark which God stirred you up
to strike has kindled a great fire, not only here, but in America. I received a
letter lately from a society in New York, who are endeavouring to station mis-
sionaries all along their frontiers. There is a good understanding among Clu-is-
tians of all denominations on this subject. Dark clouds overshadow us as a
nation, but we are happy in God. Infidelity threatens to swallow up C'hristi-
7 He was not, however, solitary and alone. Mr. John Thomas, who as surgeon on board an
Indianaan, had been in Bengal before, and deeply concerned for the state of the natives, had
now found in Carey as his companion, and as a messenger to the East, all that his heart de-
Bired. There were devoted friends at liome too, never to be forgotten, who " helped thera over
the sea," as Munniouth had served Tyndale. * M.S. letter.
594 THE REFLEX INFLUEN'CK [book V.
anUif ; but iiowcvcr those wlio arc intcreated in its emolument:) may tremble,
we have no ajiprehensions. Instead of waiting for tiie attack of the enemy, we
are aetin;; offensively. The Christian world is almost laying its account with
notiiing but victory, and commencing its operations against the strongholds of
heathenism. So we have nothing to do but to pray and preach. Our worthy
friends IIahdcasti.e and Rey.ner feel ujterested much in the work, particularly
the trangliitiuii. I have just now received a letter from the former, full of in-
quiries as to what can be tlone to promote it."'' Thomas Scott, the well known
expositor of Scripture, had early conceived high expectations of Carey, and in
171*3 had written to Charles Grant, Esq., in his favour, who expressed the most
cordial desire to serve him in his purpose. At that period, however, and without
an atom of patronage, the translator must and did proceed to India, as already
described. The son of Mr. Scott, the late minister of St. Mary's, Hull, had felt
with his father, and, in writing the life of that venerable and useful man, alludes
to Carey and these early days. " He is," says he, " perhaps, better entitled than
any other individual to the praise of having given the first imjnihe to the extra-
ordinary exertions of the present age for the pro|)agation of Christianity in the
world. I well remember the late Rev. Andrew Fuller reporting, at my father's
house, m the year 171*2, the impression wliieh had been made upon an a.ssocia-
tion meeting of his own denomination, by Carey's sermon on the addi-ess to the
Church, Isaiah liv., 2, 3," &c. Mr. S. then refers to various institutions as spring-
ing up in succession, " all, we trust, destined to contribute their share to that
great and blessed consummation, by pi'ophccy's unerring finger mark'd, to
faith's strong eye." But in these pages we are necessarily restricted to the
ScRiPTDRES themselves, and the progress here made, till the period when that
subject was taken up, in good earnest, by the mother country.
By the close of 1 799, Marshman and Ward having arrived in India, the three
men so well known ever since, had met, and settling down at Serampore, on the
16th of May, 1800, the Bengalee New Testament was put to pres.s, and in less
than nine months it was finished, on the 7th of February 1801. Upon copies
being sent home, one was conveyed by Fuller to the late Earl Spencer, on whose
property Carey had once lived. He immediately sent a cheque on his banker
for £50, to be applied to the translation of the Old Testament into Bengalee,
recommending that a copy of the New should be presented to George III. as by
his request. This was done, accoi'dingly, by the late Mr. Bowyer, one morning,
at Windsor. In the address presented along with this volume, desire was
expressed that his Majesty might live to see the principles it contained univer-
sally prevail throughout his eastern dominions, when some doubt was whispered,
by the lord in waiting, as to whether this book had now come through the pro-
per channel. The king, however, replied immediately, — " The Board of Con-
trol has nothing to do with it ;" and turning to Mr. B., — " I am greatly
pleased to find that any of my subjects are employed in this manner."
In 1801, Carey having been appointed, by the lately deceased Marquis Wel-
lesly, to one of the Chairs in Fort-William College, his views as to translation,
in conjunction with those of his colleagues, were, throughout 1802, ripening into
a plan for embracing others. " We have it in our power," said Carey, in 1 803,
" if our means would do for it, in the space of about fifteen years, to have the
Word of God translated and printed in all the languages of the East. Our situa-
tion is such as to furnish us w ith the best assistance from natives of the different
countries. We can liave types of all the different characters cast here, and
9 Fuller's Letters, .MS.
1780-184'!..] OF FOREIGN OPERATIONS. .595
about 700 rupees per month, part of wliicli I liope (tv shall be able to furnish,
would complete the work."
An undertaking of such growing magnitude as this, in the Eastern World,
but in constant correspondence with the mother country, could not fail to have a
powerful iiiHucnce upon certain individuals at home. It not merely affected
but vastly enlarged the mind. Instead of being cooped up within the limits
of its native island, or only brooding over its own private personal concerns, a
habit of feeling for the masses, of pity for nations had been induced ; and it ex-
pressed itself in language lofty as the Sci'iptures alone could furnish. So at
least were deeply affected, the immediate correspondents of Carey, Marshman,
and Ward.
" If," said they, " the Gentiles had been called in the cai'ly ages of the
world, there had been no such proof afforded of the necessity of divine grace,
by the manifest insuflicicncy of human wisdom to lead men to God : and if
they had not been called when they were, and the blessings of the Gospel had
been nearly confiued to the Jews, the spiritual pride which abounded in that
people might have become intolerable. But by things being thus wisely
balanced, the favour of God appears to be what it is, altogether free ; and both
Jews and Gentiles may each see enough of themselves to humble them in the
dust. First, the world is provoked to jealousy by God's calling and blessing
Israel ; next, Israel is provoked to jealousy by His calling and blessing the
world ; and He will at last have mercy upon both, and perhaps by means of
one another. At least the " receiving" of the one, shall be a kind of moral re-
sm'rection to the other, so gi'eat in extent, that all which the " casting away"
of them has hitherto occasioned in our favom*, will be little, it seems, in com-
parison of it. Reflections like these may preserve us from impatience and
despondency, though but little fruit should appear for years."
" Something analogous to this," added Fuller when writuig to India in 1804,
" has lately struck me, iu respect of the Eastern and Western parts of the
world. For two thousand years and upwards after the flood, learning, govern-
ment, I'eligion, and every distinguished favour, was conferred on the East, and
our fathers in the West were mere barbarians. For the last two thousand
years, learning, government, and religion, have been in the West, yea, have
extended beyond the Atlantic ocean. Before the end of the world, and per-
haps before many years, the East and West shall both accede to the Church of
God. I think this is predicted iu Isa. Ix., 6, 9. Premising that the geogra-
phical descriptions of Europe and Asia are given by way of synecdoche, those
parts of each which lay nearest to the Holy Laud, being put for the whole —
' the dromedaries of ^lidian and Ephah,' ' all they from Sheba,' ' the flocks of
Kedar and the rams of Nebaioth,' will signify the accession of Asia ; and ' the
isles and the ships of Tarshish,' may denote Europe and all the western world."
" One great cause of mercy to the western world was the Roman conquests,
which, whatever were their motives, were overruled for the introduction of the
gospel among the European nations : and who knows but the extension of the
British conquests in the East, may be designed for a similar purpose. Even
that miquitous traffic in the persons of men, seems already to have been over-
iTiled for the salvation of thousands. A goodly number of those poor people
have been torn from their relations, connexions, and native shores, that they
might be brought into the gospel net. While their masters are basking m
wealth, rolling in filthiness, neither entering into the kingdom of Heaven
themselves, nor suffering those who would, to enter, God is gathering to him-
self a people from among these despised outcasts. ""J
'0 Fuller writing to the East. MS.
596 'IHE RKFLKX INFLUENCE [book V.
StMitiim-iits of sucli onlargfcl ciniipass a« these, ever met with coiigeiiiiil minds
at Serami>()re. In truth, tlie " Enquiry" of Carey lia<l si>road out before them
the four quarters of tlie earth with tlieir various countries, in all their destitu-
tion of the Word of God, or knowledge of Christianity.
But we have now arrived at that most ilceply interesting jieriod, 18114, when
there was a movenx-nt at home in this our native land. That is, one more
worthy of the exalted favour so long bestowed upon it, as a distinguished store-
house or depository of Divine Truth ; more worthy of the place which it had
long held among the European nations, and of a country whose commerce had
extended to the ends of the earth. Before, however, turning to this event, the
formation of the BiiiTisn and Foreign Bihle Socip;tv, as we have been pre-
engaged, it would be unpardonable to break ofT here, and not follow to his
grave, the man who had been so deeply moved on this subject for twenty
years before.
Carey, in the close of ]7'.>!^, as already hinted, having been joined by two
others, Murshman and Ward, who laboured with him, they all in union pur-
sued the same course. Ward, though he had been called to the ministi'y, was
a finished printer, and under his eye all printing was conducted. When upon
his voyage to the East he happened to write in his journal these words, by
way of anticipation, — " Unto me, who am less than the least of all saints, is
this grace given, that I should j^rint among the Ileatlien the unsesirchable
riclies of Christ," — though he little knew to what extent this favour would be
gi-anted him ; otherwise he might have added, " and in twenty of their lan-
guages." The twentieth version of the New Testament had advanced to the
book of Revelation at the press, by the day of Mr. Ward's decease, Friday 7th
Marcli 1823. It was the twenty-fourth year of his residence in India.
In Marshman, our first translator had met with a mind no less determined
than his own ; but as he had taken up India, Marshman had sat down to the lan-
guage of the largest associated population upon earth — the Chinese. " Four or
five persons in our family," said Carey in February 1806, " are labouring
hard at the Chinese language." It was about the beginning of that jcar that
Marshman, with two of his own sons and one of Carey's, had commenced the
study of this peculiar tongue, and through their persevering efforts, within
two years they had attracted notice.
" I am in truth strongly inclined," said Lord Minto, on the 27th February lOOfi, as lisitor of
the ColleRe of Fort-William, " whether rcRularly or not, to deal one encouraginR word to the
meritorious, and I hope not unsuccessful effort, making, I may say, at the door of our College,
though not admitted to its portico, to force that hitherto impregnable fortress, the Chinese
language." "A Chinese press, too, is established, and in actual use. In a word, if the founders
and supporters of this little College have not yet dispelled, they have at least sent and admitted,
a dawn of day through that thick impenetrable cloud ; they have passed that oceanum ilitso-
ciubilcm, which for so many ages has insulated that vast Jimpire from the rest of mankind."
By 181 1, not only was the Pentateuch translated as far as Numbers, but two
of the Gospels were printed off, and the others at press. Ere this time, how-
ever, as Mai'shman could translate from Chinese, when advancing, with more
caution, in translating tutu it, he had completed a translation of the first vo-
lume of Confucius, with a preliminary dissertation. And this gave occasion for
the Governor-General to break silence once more.
" I cannot," said he on the 15th September 181(», " omit the opportunity which this singular
publication presents of ofTcring the homage which appears to me to be due to this laudable
effort of modest genius and labour. This commendable design has advanced, however, silently,
without aid or notice, by the innate jiowers of strenuous, though humble and unassuming
energy of mind, directed by liberal and virtuous views. What Mr. Marshman has already ac-
complished, both in the tuition of his young but distinguished pupils, and in works, the produce
of self-instructioii, would have done honour to institutions fostered by all the aids of munifi-
1780- 184k] OK FOREIGN OPERATIONS. 597
fence and power. To liave risen, in the shade, ij>sc siiis jMlUns oi>il>iis, renders liis successful
labours only the more worthy of admiration." ' '
But it should seem as if the time to favour China, yea, the set time had come,
since another laborious and persevering man had now boon engaged with the
same language. Robert Morrison of Morpeth, in Nortliumborland, had landed
at Macao in September 1807, and in li!08 had commenced his studies. By
1811 and 1812, he too had printed the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, and Luke.
Ne.Kt year, William Milne, a native of Aberdeenshire, also arrived at Macao,
and was no less diligent in the cultivation of Chinese. In short, here at last
were two translations of the entire Scriptm-es in Chinese left by these three
men. The Ciiinese Bible entire, by Marshman, was completed at press in April
1822. Upwards of a year after, or in the summer of 182.3, that by Morrison
was ready for publication. As first versions they remain, just as all our first
European versions did, to be greatly improved. But as divine truth makes
progi'ess in China, as unquestionably it will, another day, when contemplating
the infancy of Scriptural Christianity there, these devoted men will never be
forgotten as the first and best friends of that vast Empire.
To proceed, therefore, no farther than the tenth, or last
memoir of translations before the decease of Carey on the 9th
of June 1834, the entire Scriptures of the Old and New Tes-
taments had been printed and circulated in seven languages,
" See the "Disputations" at Fort-William College, 1808-lftlO. We have quoted this lan-
guage, however, not for the sake of Marshman, or Carey, one of its Professors, but for a special
reason. Although Marquis Wellesley, as the first founder of the College, and Marquis Hast-
ings, L,ord Bentinck, and others after, had expressed cordial approbation of both these men,
the language of Lord Minto is deserving of being put on record, because it was uttered through-
out a period actually by far the most critical in the history of these exertions. Before his arrival
in India, not a little had been said and printed, calculated to prejudice any Governor-General
on the wrong side, and even poison his mind. But though Lord Minto began his administration
with consummate caution, no ruler of India ever expressed himself in terms more decidedly
favourable. Nor was this approbation unprecedented. In 1804, or forty years ago, the noble-
man first mentioned, with his brother. General Wellesley, the Duke of Wellington, were
present, when Carey addressed the Governor-General in a speech, which, with the exception of
his own pupils, no European present understood ! It was in Sunpskrit, the parent language of
India. The compliment was felt at the moment, and after its translation into English, still
more so. Both in writing, and afterwards verbally. Lord Wellesley acknowledged it ; but it
was in such a style, as Carey's modesty never would allow him to comprehend. " I am truly
pleased with Carey's original and excellent address. 1 would not have a word of it altered.
Such praise, from such a man, I esteem above the applause of Courts or of Parliaments."
— Wellesley.
In his address, Carey had quoted the hanguage of the Brahmins as to Sungskrit learning. " It
was like .an extensive forest, abounding with a great variety of beautiful foliage, splendid blos-
soms, and dehcious fruits; but surrounded by a strong and thorny fence, in ilie language itself,
which prevents those who are desirous of plucking its fruits and flowers from entering it."
Jones, Wilkins, and others were then glanced at, as having broken down the fence in several
places, but by the College now founded, a high- way had been made into the midst of this forest.
" This ancient language, which refused to disclose itself to the former Governors of India, un-
locks its treasures at your command, and enriches the world with the history, learning, and
science of a distant age." " W^cre the Institution to cease from this moment, its salutary eti'ects
would remain. Good has been done, which cannot be undone. Sources of useful knowledge,
moral instruction, and political utility, have been opened to the natives of India, which can
never be closed ; and their civil improvement, like the gradual civilization of our own country,
will advance in progression for ages to come."
FiJLLEu's interpretation of all this, though never printed, need not now be withheld. "I
rej^.ice," said he to Mr. Ward in 1809, " in all your literary attainments, as they afford not only
a mean oi sprcndiiif) the ff^onl, but a shelter to you. Had you been a comiiany of illiterate raen,
humanly sjicaking you must, ere now, have been crushed. God gave Daniel and his companions
irisdom in Babylon, for a prk.servative."
598 THE REFLEX INFLUEN'CE Qbook V.
that is, ill .six Oriental tongues besides the Chinese ; the
Now Testament had been printed in twenty-three languages
more ; tlie Pontateucli, and other parts of tlic Old Testament,
hatl been also printed and circulated in several of these lan-
guages last mentioned, and portions of the Scriptures had been
printed in ten others. In other words, more than two hun-
dred and ticehe thousand tolumes of the Divine Word, m forty
different languages, had issued from the Serampore press.
The population of China has been rated as low as one hun-
dred and fifty, and as high as three hundred and sixty-five
millions ; but should we reckon it at no more than two hundred
millions, these languages embrace the vernacular tongues of
three hundred and eighty millions of immortal beings ; of
whom about one hundred and forty millions are either our
fellow subjects, or living under the immediate eye or influence
of our rule. It is curious enough, that upon an average, we
have here a distinct language issued from the press where he
was sitting, for every year in which Carey had been so en-
gaged.
Thus it happened, and before the death of this indefatig-
able translator, that as far as the translation and printing and
circulating of the Sacred Scriptures were concerned, or in re-
ference to that object on which his heart was daily bent for
forty years, there had been expended above ninety-one thousand
fire hundred pou7ids. Of this sum, more than sixty-five thou-
sand pounds, in congregational collections, donations, or sub-
scriptions, from the year 1798 to 1833 inclusive, had been
furnished by the Christian public at large in Great Britain
and Ireland, America, and India itself; and from the year
1809 to 1826, also inclusive, there had been voted by the
British and Foreign Bible Society, twenty-six thousand two
hundred pounds, besides two thousand reams of paper, to re-
pair, in part, the loss sustained by fire in 1812.
That an undertaking of this magnitude, to say nothing of
its infinite importance, should have been accomplished at an
average annual expense of less than two thousand four hundred
pounds, is not the least extraordinary feature belonging to it ;
and to all who have paid any attention to such business, it
can only be accounted for by certain memorable circumstances.
The translators, Carey and Marshman, had not merely sup-
ported themselves, but translated, from first to last, without
1780 1844..] OF FOREIGN OPERATIONS. 590
salary or reward from any man, whether abroad or at home ;
not forgetting the printers, whether Ward or Marshman
junior, Avho had followed their footsteps, and also executed
their part, all along, at the lowest rate. Nor would even this
account for an average amount so very low. The great ex-
penditure of these men in founts of types, cut on the spot, and
in the improvement of paper made in India, impervious to
the worm, to which every sheet was before exposed, is not here
included. '-
That these translations of the Sacred Volume should have been de-
precated, and assailed, can be no ground of surprise, for so it has hap-
pened from the beginning. We say nothing of one attack, no less im-
potent than arrogant, made upon them all, which was so ably demolished
by the lamented William Greenfield. But it is neither to be concealed
or to be forgotten, that by certain gentlemen in England, who live at
home at ease, some of these translations have been spoken of lightly, as
being of little value, when referring to those first versions least of all un-
derstood by Europeans. Such language, however, can proceed only from
minds but ill informed in relation to first foreign versions, and more
especially as to the history of their own English. It cannot be but with
an ill grace that any Englishman, with Ms Bible in his hand, can ever
so speak. He either knows not, or has forgotten, that he is reading a
translation from the original, five times derived ; and one, invaluable as
it is, and has been, for its purpose, in which, after all, even grammatical
errors and unnecessary supplements, have been suffered to remain for
more than two hundred and thirty years ; while no version upon earth
of the Sacred Volume has, in former times, been printed in a manner
12 This average annual expense may be farther explained. The entire amount contributed
appears to have been £91,046, lis. 4id. From this wo may first deduct i'lO,61I, Is. lid., of
which, in about three months only, £8148, Os. 6d. was raised in England, and £24C3, Is. 5d. in
Scotland, to repair the loss sustained by fire in March 1812, thus leaving £81,035, 9s. 5id. for
work done. Of this sum there had been furnished in money, through the translators, or at Se-
ramporc by India itself, £5439, Os. 2id. ; by America, £4701, Os. 3Jd. ; by Scotland, £26,332,
19s. 8id., of which £19,832, 19s. 85d- had been raised by the Christian public, and £(i500 by the
Edinburgh Bible Society, and by England, £44,502, 9s. 3d., of which £ 18,302, 9s. 3d. had been con-
tributed by the public at large, and £26,200 voted by the British and Foreign Bible Society, mak-
ing in all £81,035, 9s. 5Jd. ; the average for thirty-five years being £2315. But as the damage
sustained by fire was less than the sum raised, the average may be taken at somewhat less than
£2400. The very deep interest in this undertaking discovered by the Christian public individu-
allij, both at home and abroad, is a very memorable feature in its progress. It was individual
Christians, and not any single or exclusive hodi) of them, considered as such, who had carried
forward the enterprise, and with a measure of cordiality and union never surpassed. Thus, even
in England alone, though the British and Foreign Bible Society, about to be noticed, had voted
altogether £26,200, the individual subscriptions and congregational collections had exceeded this,
being £26,4,50, Os. 6d. But in Scotland, while the Edinburgh Bible Society had voted £6500, the
personal subscriptions and collections had been not less than £22,296, Is. IJd. On the whole,
the public at home and abroad had contributed nearly £59,000 out of the total sum of £91,646 ;
these Bible Societies having voted £32,700. The impulse, in short, was a preiiotis one, and this
shows the extent to which it had gone.
(!00 THE RKFLEX INFLUENCE [booK V.
so sluveiily and incorrect. The first trauBlations of Tyndale, and the
English IJihles of the aixteenth century, are jiattcrns of correctness, when
compared with thousands in the seventeenth and eighteenth. Modesty
and patience are alike suggested by the history of our own country.
But waving all these considerations, have such cool and easy, if not
envious, ohjcctors, ever adverted to what the first translation of their
own English New Testament, and by far the most abused, actually ac-
complished for the country in which they now breathe so freely ? No ;
every first version from the original has been, and, from the infirmity of
our common nature at its best estate, must be imperfect ; and yet it is
an incontrovertible historical fact, that every such version, the produc-
tion of a scholar, drawing from the original fountain, and himself ac-
quainted with Christianity as there revealed, has been owned and
honoured by the great Author of truth in a manner peculiar to itself.
Witness only the translation of Tyndale, and that of Carey's very first,
into Bengalee. It was under the influence of the fonner that the power
of Rome was broken in this country, not so much by Henry the Eighth,
although Shakspeare thus sung ; and so it has happened in India, with
the most ancient idolatrous thraldom in the world. It was under the
existing power of Carey's first version that the chain of the cciste was
broken in Bengal. This is an honour peculiar to each, and one of which
no subsequent version can bereave them. It is a memorable fact, and
worthy of repetition, that the man who first broke caste, and who was
afterwards a useful native minister, for many years, could scarcely ever
overcome his peculiar attachment to the first version, even after it was
revised again and again. It was by the first that he had been en-
lightened, and came to the knowledge of the truth. At the. same time,
no man in our day was ever so much, if half so much, impressed with
the importance and necessity for carrying forward every version to per-
fection, as was Carey. His last revision of the Bengalee Bible entire in
one volume, was finished in June 1832. Time, however, will show, and
in a very singular manner, that every version, without exception, which
came from his hands, has a value affixed to it, which the present gene-
ration, living, as it were, too near an object, is not yet able to estimate
or descry.^"* Fifty years hence, we repeat, the character of this extra-
ordinary and humble man, will be more correctly appreciated.
'3 Only ten months after he was gone to his reward, this he^an to appear, and prove how far
he had lived above his age. In 1819, the New Testament had been printed in the Kunkun lan-
fiuagc. Some time after, certain missionaries in the Bombay Presidency wrote to the effect that
there was no such language in existence, and even a Brahman betrayed his ignorance by pro-
nouncing it no language at aH— thus seeming to make Carey a more extraordinary man than he
had been ever before supposed to be. However, fifteen years after the book had left the press,
and the next after Carey's death, a civilian, two German missionaries, and two Scotish, began to
speak very differently. These were F. Anderson, Esq., Messrs. Lea|>old and Lehner, as well as
Dr. Wilson and Mr. Mitchell of Bombay. " The translation,'" said the first gentleman, "is good,
and understood bv the iiundits." " It h inrnlitnhl,' a^ the ground work of an improved vcr-
1 780- 1 84 k J OF FOREIGN OPERATIONS. 601
The venerable friend of Carey survived him only three years and a
half, and though " he bore the separation with more firmness than was
expected, the dissolution of such a union, cemented by the noblest of all
undertakings, and sanctified by time, made a deep and visible impression
on his mind." The activity of that mind, however, continued, with
some interruptions, till it was worn out, and on the 5th of December
1837, in the seventieth year of his age, Marshman sunk to rest, without
pain, in the lively enjoyment of that hope which is full of immortality.
In merely glancing over the past, it seems impossible to resist the
evidence that these two men were born for each other, in the highest
sense of the term ; the former on the 17th August 1761, the latter on
the 20th of April 1 768. Brought into existence within six years and
eight months of each other, they met in India on the 10th of January
1800, after Carey had been six years and one month there ; and de-
votedly attached, they were permitted to act in union for the long
period of thirty-five years. It is also worthy of being now known that
in their early mental struggle upon English ground, the one had fol-
lowed the other, in exact correspondence to the distance at which they
were born. Even from childhood, so keen a reader had Marshman been,
that from 1778 to 1786, or from his tenth to his eighteenth year, he
had devoui'ed the contents of at least five hundred volumes. In 1783,
at the age of fifteen, this thirst for knowledge appeared to be in the
course of having more ample gratification, from his being sent to Lon-
don by his father, where, in the shop of Mr. Cator, bookseller in the
Strand, he expected to have enjoyed tbe opportunity of reading vo-
lumes, which he had never before beheld : but the intellectual drudgery
of carrying parcels of books which he could not read, while it whetted
his appetite, embittered his prospect of acquiring knowledge. Thus, at
the same moments in 1784, while Carey, down in Northamptonshire,
was sighing over the state of the heathen, Marshman in London, un-
known to him, was toiling in anxiety after the improvement of his own
mind. One day having been sent to the Duke of Grafton's, with three
folio volumes of Clarendon's history, and several others, he was over-
come with fatigue, and walking into Westminster Hall, he laid down
his load, and began to weep over the drudgery to which he was sub-
jected. " But the bitterness of his feelings soon passed oif ; the asso-
ciations of the place, with which his reading had made him familiar,
crowded into his mind, and filled him with new energy." From that
sion." And as for the unknown language — " It is," said Dr. W., " the medium oi ordinar>/ in-
tercourse among the lower orders, (the very classes whom Dr. Carey so longed to reach,) in a
place no less celebrated than Goa, in general use IG miles to the North, if not farther, and the
language daily spoken by thousands of Goandese cooks and butlers in Bombay itself;" just as
Welsh is spoken in Liverpool, or Gaelic in Glasgow, where they have the Scriptures and places
of worship in their respective languages. The seat of this language had, however, been pointed
out for years before, from Scramporc.
C()2 THE REFLEX INFLUENCE [BOOK V.
tiiuo ho (lotermincil, in however humble a situation, to continue storing
his mind with knowledge, till the opportunity might come for his
emancipation.
In the same year that Carey began to write out his " Enquiry,"
already mentioned, the attention of IMarshman had been turned earnest-
ly to Divinity, in which, without any regard to the narrow limits of
a sect, he made himself familiar with the best authors ; and as for lan-
guages, little aware of what was before him, by his school at Bristol,
and especially superior pui)ils taught at private hours, he was the more
thoroughly prepared for investigating other tongues.'* In one word, if
upon leaving England, Carey was reading the Scriptures in Hebrew,
Greek, and Latin, French, Italian, and Dutch ; in doing the same thing,
Marshman had followed him in the three first languages, adding Arabic
and Syriac, till he was greatly above mediocrity.'^
Thus it was that three men, including Ward already mentioned,
brought together, and placed by Providence in the Eastern world, in
situations where they might easily have amassed wealth, and as easily
retired to England to enjoy it, in the evening of their lives ; with one
heart and soul, chose a very different, — an unfrequented path to im-
mortality. And having once girt their loins with lowliness, and walked
the pilgrimage of Christ, at the end of their days, they successively en-
joyed the honour and glory of djmg poor. Most of Carey's library was
sold, literally to fulfil his dying bequests ; and as for his surviving col-
league, he left not behind him more than a single year's income of his
seminary in its former days. But throughout a long life, both having
been equally " rich in good works, ready to distribute, willing to com-
municate," and that even the word of life ; with equal foresight they
had " laid up in store for themselves a good foundation against the
time to come, having laid hold on eternal life." Had they lived in
ancient times, like Jehoiada of old, the fraternal triumvirate might
have been " buried in the city of David among the Kings, because they
had done good in Israel, both towards God, and towards his House."
Two of the number. Ward and JMarshman, had revisited Europe, but
there was great propriety in their being laid to sleep in one spot, within
the little Danish settlement, in which they had lived so long in har-
mony, and as in a sanctuary. The British dominions, large as they
are, certainly contain not a deposit more precious, nor one to which
they have been so deeply indebted. In generations to come, their
graves will be visited by many a native ; and as for any who succeed.
'* One of those pupils was Mr. Rich, the British Resident at Bagdad, and author of the well
known works on Babylon and Nineveh.
'•■' While at Leicester for four years, Carey's constant hahit was that of reading carefully
one cliapter of the Scriptures every morning, first in EniiUsh, and then in all the languages
with which he was acquainted. These were known to he at least six.
1780-1844.] OF FOREIGN OPERATIONS. (?03
it will be well if, iu poiut of fidelit}', perseverance, and the noble de-
votion of their substance to the cause of God and his truth, they
should ever attain to the first three. But if not, let the aim be to fol-
low them.
The great object they had in view was not indeed understood by many,
and as it was deprecated by others, they did not through life escape
obloquy and reproach ; but still they were the wisest in their generation,
nay, and lived above it, whether for themselves, or the best interests of
millions around them ; and providentially, the successive rulers of India
became of the same opinion. The deceased Marquis of Hastings, one
day in conversation, thought proper to assure them, that, " in his
opinion, the freedom of resort to India which missionaries then enjoyed,
was owing, under God, to the prudence, the zeal and the wisdom they
had manifested, when the whole weight of government in England and
India was inclined to the extinction of the missionary enterprise."
With regard to the first mover in all these proceedings, however, the
people in India, among whom he had lived for upwards of forty years,
will be regarded as the most competent and impartial judges of his
character and attainments, nor did they fail to express their opinion.
Thus, among others, three weeks after his decease on the 9tli of June,
and at their first meeting, 2d July 1834, we find the following : —
" The Asiatic Society cannot note upon their proceedings the death of the
Rev. William Carey, D.D., so long an active member and an ornament of this
Institution, distinguished alike for his high attainments iu the oriental lan-
guages, for his eminent services in opening the stores of Indian literature to
the knowledge of Europe, and for his extensive acquaintance with the sciences,
the natural history, and the botany of this country, and his useful contributions,
in every branch, towards the promotion of the objects of the Society, without
placing on record this expression of their high sense of his value and merits as
a scholar, and a man of science ; their esteem for the stei'ling and surpassing
religious and moral excellences of his character ; and their sincere grief for
his irreparable loss."
We only add, that they were the literary exertions of his colleague
and friend Marshmau, which led to his connexion with the Royal Insti-
tute of France, as an honorary member of the third division — or " Aca-
demic des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres." In 1826, at a meeting of the
Institute in Paris, it was a gratifying sight to witness such a man sitting
in company with more than one venerable head that had passed through
and survived all the tumults of the Revolution.
In conclusion, therefore, and under all the circumstances,
however imperfectly glanced at, we presume, that in this un-
dertaking, as a whole, it is impossible not to recognise the
hand of God, and much more so, when it is to be traced, as
it has been, and must be, to the anxiety felt by a single human
spirit — to a solitary young man reading his English Bible, or
CdJ. TIIK lllUTl.SH AND FORKIGN |^BOOK V.
artirwiird.s cxpouiKliii^ it in ;in lOiigli.sh village, lor Ics-s than
twenty pounds a-year, and teaching a village school to eke
out his support. IJecausc that tlii.s man " received not the
bt'iu'lit of what they call rer/ular instruction in the dead lan-
guages during the course of his early life ;" nay, and belonged
to a connnunity " which is supposed to hold out no peculiar
encouragement to the cultivation of literary attainments" —
all that followed has appeared to some one of our Journalists
at home, to he no other than an incomprehensible riddle, or
story incredible ; but whatever imperfections there were, every
well-informed mind will naturally revert to what was said
long ago — " God hath chosen the weak things of the world to
confound the things that are mighty, and things which are
despised hath God chosen, yea, and things which are not, to
bring to nought things that are ; that no flesh should glory
in his presence." Nor will ho forget that it was the same
man, though inspired from heaven and miraculously endowed,
who said of himself and his coadjutors — " So then neither is
he that planteth any thing, neither he that watereth, but
God, that giveth the increase."
Such an enterprise, so warmly supported from home, could not pos-
sibly fail to have a powerful reflective influence on the mother country,
and more especially on the healthiest minds throughout Britain, who
grounded their chief hope of permanent good on the Sacred Volume
alone. To the Scriptures themselves, however, in these pages we are,
of necessity, confined, and cannot be expected to notice various delight-
ful proofs of the mind having become quite alive to foreign operations,
as a duty imperative on British Christians. The inclination to look far
beyond the limits of our own Island had shown itself, for ten years, in
the formation of one institution after another, wearing ?i foreign aspect.
But still the honour of an amount of union, and of union at home
throughout, such as Britain had never witnessed, or any other nation
known, was reserved for the Bible alone, without note or comment. We
turn therefore to that movement, which marked the early years of the
present century.
The British a.\u Foreigx Bible Society had been contem-
plated, and spoken of, by a few individuals, for above fifteen
months before any step was taken. Its origin may be viewed
in (»ne simple incident ; but this incident occurring within the
kingdom, it becomes more worthy of observation. Had the
first proposal of this institution referred to the Bible in English
only, it is impossible to conceive how such warmth fould have
17KU-1844.] BIBLE SOCIETY. (505
been immediately displayed. It was understood by all, that
no country upon earth was already so richly supplied, and
certainly not one had more uninterruptedly enjoyed, the free
perusal of the Sacred Volume. It had even been supposed,
that the English Scriptures then in existence, were equal, if
not superior in point of number, to that in all the other
languages of the world put together.
How then was it possible to make out a case in 1804, which
should lead to any great result i It could not have been by
immediate reference to the English Bible only, if at all. Cer-
tainly it was not. But then, within the shores of this king-
dom, there had been spoken, from time immemorial, not fewer
than four languages, very different from English. They all
belonged to the Celtic or Iberian tribe, viz., the Welsh and
Manx, the Gaelic and Irish. And what then ? From the days
of Henry VIII., had they not all been regarded as so many
barriers to improvement, nay, as so many nuisances, to be
swept away before the reigning power of our own English
tongue 1 So they certainly had, by some men, not over-wise ;
but could any event have been more unlikely, not to say more
humiliating, than that three hundred years after they had been
so regarded, the Enplish Bible should owe any collateral benefit
to them ? Had not two of these dialects, the Gaelic and the
Irish, been denounced by the ruling power? And the Avhole
regarded with feelings of contempt, as altogether unworthy of
consideration ? Not one of these vernacular dialects had ever
been included in any one of the calculations of government,
moral, political, or professedly religious ; and as mediums of
intercourse, they had long remained among " the things that
were despised " throughout the kingdom. What then was to
be expected, from the partiality, however natural and enlight-
ened, of any one Welshman for his mother tongue ; and
though he should happen to meet with another man in Lon-
don, of Welsh extraction, what could possibly ever come out
of that ? INIeanwhile, there is to be no consultation of any
human authority on the subject ; nor did this signify. All
these circumstances were now to form no objection, or any
obstacle before an all-wise and invincible Providence. Quite
the reverse. Among " the things that are despised" had
been often found, " the hiding of his power," and so it hap-
pened here. One of these very dialects shall prove the occa-
601) TllK H1UTI8H AND KOKKIGN [uOOK V.
sion (if iiiurc Kualigh Bibles being printed tiian then- had ever
been from the day tliat any Englislinian had first beheld one ;
or, in other words, far more is.sued from the press in about
thirty years only, tlian tiiere had been for above two centuries
and a half before ! A striking proof, by the way, to all l^ig-
lishmcn especially, whether at liome or abroad, whether in
India, in Britain, or Ireland, that solanguacie, though spoken
by only half a million of people, is a proper or j)rolitable
subject of contempt. Let the gentlemen, wherever they
dwell, who, without due observation of the past, happen to
be smitten with the Aiir/lo-mania, never overlook, or slightly
rejrard, this memorable occurrence on their native soil.
The language alluded to was the Welsh, for it is generally
known as an established fact, that the institution of the
British and Foreign Bible Society grew out of this one inci-
dent— the scarcity of Welsh Bibles throughout the Princi-
pality. It is curious enough, that it was not the Celtic tribe
which had been, all along, so grievously neglected, which now
at last engaged notice. The destitution of the native Irish,
was almost like the destitution of life itself. They had then
no one to speak for them, and Britain, like the hard-hearted
Levite of old, had ever passed by on the other side. On the
other hand, the scarcity so complained of by the Welsh, was
actually the result of previous supplies. But upon enquiry
respecting these, we are led back, not to any authoritative or
national movement, but simply, as in other cases, to indivi-
dual benevolent exertion.'*'
"> Had the native Irish, or aborigines of Ireland, at this moment excited sympathy, it would
have been nothing more tlian common humanity at last rising into exercise, after whole cen-
turies of gross ncRlect. But their native tongue had been for 267 years under the ban of a pre-
cious Act of Parliament passed by Henry VIII. in the year 1537. It is a circumstance never to
be forgotten, that this Act was passed in the very same year in which that tyrannical Monarch
was so singularly overruled to sanction the Knglish Bible of Tyndale. The cruel, or rather
soul-less policy, then first applied, has never been frankly and ex))licitly repealed to the present
hour. Bent on the wild and fruitless policy of sup]>lanting the Irish by the English language,
the moral and religious instruction of millions had been sacrificed from age to age, leaving to
the philanthropist of the day the eighth or ninth generation in succession, and in what a
mournful state of destitution, as to the !?acred Volume in their mother tongue! In a similar
strain did Kkoi.vald Hkber lament over this policy, before going out to India. But if the
mania within the shores of this kingdom for the last three hundred years, has been followed
by such miserable consequences, let not the same disease now retard the progress of the
human mind in other lands, and especially in any of the British dependencies. Let not souls
be blindly thrown to the winds in India, as they have been in IreUiitd, through bigoted and
stupid neglect of the tongue which their mothers gave them. Let theorists say what they will,
but with {hi! people as such, in every laud, to begin the art of reading with God and nature, is
no more than the imperative dictate of humanity and common sense.
USU-KSli-.] BIBLE SOCIETY. 607
There liad been a scarcity of the Sacred Vohime in the vernacular tongue
of Wales, deeply felt and long huncntcd, but if any one search for the cause of
this feeling, he will soon find himself, from the sixteenth to the eighteenth cen-
tury, among the hills and dales of the Principality. During that period there
had been dispei'sed, one hundred and two thousand copies of the Welsh Bible
entire, chiefiy in octavo, and at least eighteen thousand five hundred of the
New Testament ; but in accounting for this dispersion, three or four instances
of individual exertion chieHy engage notice.
To say nothing of the New Testament in Welsh, first given to his country-
men, by William Salisbury in 15G7 ; of the Bible entire in 1.588 by Dr. Davies
and others ; or of the Standard Vei'sion in 1620 by Drs. Richard Parry, and
John Davies ; for the multiplication of copies, there was first, the well known
Thomas Gouge of London. Once ejected fi'om his pulpit in the Metropolis,
he betook himself to works of benevolence and mercy. Though possessed of
independent property, or a good estate of his own, after he had lost much by
the great fire in 1 666, had settled his children in the world, and been bereaved
of his wife, he had but one hundred and fifty pounds a year left. Thus cir-
cumstanced, and now about sixty-five years of age, it was then that he began
to compassionate the condition of Wales. For the next ten years of his life,
he visited that country annually. His objects were to preach the truth, to
educate the children, and disperse the Scriptures in their mother tongue. He
preached, till they persecuted him from place to place, and at last he was ex-
commimicated from the Church of which he had been so long a minister ; but
nothing could prevent his travels in Wales, nor his spending regularly, tico-
thirds of his annual income, and living on the remaining /yVy pounds ! To his
bounty and personal solicitations, the editions of 2000 of the Welsh New Testa-
ment, in 1672, of 8000 of the Welsh Bible in 1678, if not also that of 16.00,
are chiefly to be ascribed. But he had to die, before justice was done to his
character, when a funeral sermon was preached for him by no other than
Tillotson, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury.
Then there was Griffith Jones of Llandourer, with his delicate state of
health, who in the next century, from 1737 to 1760, was the superintendant in
teaching at various schools, above one hundred and fifty thousand of his coun-
trymen to read their native tongue, when more than thirty thousand of the
Welsh Bible were printed and circulated. And then, at last, after a long in-
terval, came Thomas Charles of Bala ; or three men whose memories are still
fragrant throughout the Principality. Thus it is, that in reviewing the past,
relative proportion in the way of indindual effort should never be forgotten.
These were labours of which subscribers to a Bible Society, in these easy days,
know little or nothing.
It was in December 1802, that Mr. Charles happened to
be in London, lamenting, as he had often done, the scarcity
of Welsh Bibles throughout the country. On Tuesday, the
7th of that month, at a meeting of the Tract Society, of which
the Rev. Joseph Hughes of Battersea was Secretary, Mr.
Charles was present, and the subject was introduced. Mr.
Hughes, a member of the same community with Carey, had
been acquainted with every step of his progress from the be-
ginning, ten years before. After a long conversation, he stood
COS THE BRITISH AM) FOREIGN [bOuK V.
up, and suggested whether it wouhl not be desirable to awaken
the ])ublio mind towards a general dispersion of the Sacred
Scriptures in all languages, or throughout the world. The
proposal was warmly greeted, and at the request of all pre-
sent, Mr. Hughes drew up his tract or pamphlet of thirty
pages, on " The excellence of the Holy Scriptures, an argu-
ment for their more general dispersion." Of this tract, two
editions were circulated throughout 1 803, and, after various
consultations, the result was, that on the 7th March 1804,
that institution was formed, with whose title not a few are
perfect!} familiar in the four (juarters of the globe.
In the first instance, it will be understood that it is mainly
in its connexion with the English Scriptures that we are now
called to notice the operations of the British and Foreign
Bible Society ; while, at the same time, the reader need
scarcely be apprized, that the field now opening before him,
in the history of the English Bible, embraces a far larger
surface. Before and since the formation of that Society, the
printing of the Sacred Volume in our vernacular tongue has
proceeded to an extent which was never foreseen, never once
contemplated, and that extent has now reached a point, of
which but very few persons are at all aware. This extent,
indeed, may, at first, be viewed by some with astonishment,
but unlike many other events, it never can be with regret ; not
only as having been ordered by more than human wisdom,
but because in conclusion, we shall find there is a moral in-
volved, which will be found to demand the notice of the Chris-
tian community, individually and entire ; and in the present
day especially, more than any other to which it can be di-
rected. The sphere occupied by the British and Foreign
Bible Society, in the English department has been delight-
fully large, and this has been dwelt upon in a variety of ways
so frequently, that it is in danger of diminishing the rate or
pace of exertion, if not of filling the whole field of vision.
But as it regards the English Scriptures printed within the
last forty-four years, the field we now contemplate is far
greater. Independently of whatever number of English Bibles
and Testaments may have been dispersed through that one
medium, we have to include those which have been printed
in Scotland, and the general sale throughout the kingdom
from 1800 to 1844. From these three sources we come to
1 780-1 84.^-.] BIBLE SOCIETY. 609
the following aggregate of English Bibles and New Testa-
ments separately : —
The British and Foreign Bible Society have issued, . 9,400,000
There have been printed in Scotland, independently, ahove 4,000,000
The general sales, besides these, have been considered to
be more, but cannot have been less, than . . 9,000,000
or above twenti/-tico millions in round numbers ! Now, where-
over these volumes have gone, whether throughout England,
Scotland, or Ireland, or to the British dependencies at the ends
of the earth ; we have here to do at first simply with the re-
markable fact, and it may well serve to regulate exertion for
years to come. But having once pointed it out, we are the
better prepared to take up the institution referred to, as not
merely an important subject of review, but as forming one in-
dex to the plain path, or the special course o^ future duty.
To those who are old enough to remember, with any in-
terest, the formation of the British and Foreign Bible Society,
and its immediate eftects, the recollection must ever prove one
of the most pleasing in their past lives. Its simple or exclu-
sive object being to circulate the Sacred Volume; " the Bible,
without note or comment," being its only motto, the effect
was such as should be pondered still. Well does it deserve,
and in these days demand, reconsideration ; for no proposal on
British ground had ever gone so directly to the heart, nor to
the hearts of so many, throughout the empire. Founded on
a principle so simple, so intelligible, so unexceptionable, the
formation of the Society produced an effect altogether unpre-
cedented ; indeed the mere announcement ran through every
denomination in the kingdom, and conveyed an impulse, at
once the most powerful and the most extensive under which
the Christians of this country had ever come.
Unquestionably it was the most powerful, in its visibly drawing to
itself parties who, ever since their origin, had lived in estrangement
from each other, if not in a degree of prejudice ; though in their appre-
hension, of conscientious or consecrated separation. Many wondered
why the proposal had never been before made, since it was one to which
there was but one response. The most estimable and useful membera
of every community discovered the same cordiality, and vied with each
other only in their zeal to advance a cause, which they all alike felt
to be their privilege and duty. Upon British ground there never had
vol.. u. 2 Q
CIO IIIK BKlTISll AM) FOKKK^N [BOOK V.
been au association of greater moral power. There might, indeed, be
many others drawn in, as by a vortex ; but still they were Christians,
and these the most eminent and consistent, who led the van and formed
the strength of the institution. No combination ever so earned for
itself the title of British, for although the proposal first emanated from
Loudon, the Bible Society has never been a local, or merely a metropo-
litan institution, up to the present hour, and less now than ever it was.
Its resources have been drawn from every corner of the empire ; its
strength has ever lain in its auxiliaries ; forming, on the whole, the
largest Christian circle that had ever existed in this country. To that
circle, its single but sublime object conveyed a degree of invigorating
warmth, which, as separate bodies, the Christians thus united had
scarcely, if ever, before enjoyed. It was the discovery of a nev) influence.
It was as if a finer sun had risen. Nor was this all. The institution
had assumed the name of " The British and Foreign Bible Society j"
and this one word, charged as it was with more disinterested feeling,
brought with it a degree of animation greater still ; and one beyond any
thing of the kind, ever since Christianity had an existence within the
shores of this favoured Island. But for this word, which, at that time,
came like a refreshing breeze over the whole land, the number of con-
tributors, the collections made, and the sums subscribed, had never been
what they were, then or since. Hence it was that the most powerful
impulse became the most extensive.
The title assumed was, in short, tantamount to this, — that
the Sacred text, the Divine Record, standing by itself, as it
always ouijlit to have done from the beo;inninjr, and ought
in due reverence to do, in all time to come ; or, in other
words, that the Bible, without note or comment, was not
only all-sufficient for the people of Britain, but for every otuku
nation tinder heaven, or for all the world, far as the curse was
found. British Christians had seized at last, upon a simple
principle, of imperative and infinite value to our common
humanity, in all its dialects ; and in these days, by solemn,
public, and often repeated acknowledgments, they were never
to stop short of its universal application.
The men who then lived are now rapidly passing away, but
those early friends who yet survive certainly owe it to them-
selves, in connexion with the generation they are so soon to
leave, to inform it fully of the deep sensation then felt, and
the joy with which this simple proposal respecting the Sacred
Volume was then hailed throughout the kingdom. They can
explain to their families to wliat extent this proposal was
I7S()-JS4i.] BIBLK SOCIETY. (,11
felt by every denomination of British Christians, as conveyin^^
life to themselves and sympathy for the world ; how it
smoothed the asperity of discordant sentiment, and absorbt
the best feelings of the heart in favour of the Oracles of God.
They can tell them, that no sooner were the terms simply
announced, than they were felt as a summons from on high,
far above the regions or spirit of party ; for all right-hearted
men came out to obey the call. But why need we thus
speak? The palpable results are now before us, and with
these the existing generation of Christians have to do. They
speak in language which our countrymen, less than forty
years ago, would have regarded but as some visionary pros-
pect or pleasing dream. Of these results then^ they had
no more expectation than they had of those of steam-power,
or of the benefits about to spring from the atmosphere
around them, by the discovery of gas light. We repeat,
therefore, that there is no subject to U'lilcli the attention of all
Christians can be more profitably recalled ; none upon which,
in the present state of our country, and of the world, it can be
more profitably fixed.
To give any history of the British and Foreign, or of any
other Bible Society, is here altogether unnecessary ; but there
are several statements which are now essential to our knowing;
with some degree of accuracy the present position of this
cause, whether in relation to this Island, or its very singular
connexion with the rest of the world. Independently of the
general sales, as there has been already expended in money,
even by these Bible Societies, considerably more than three
millions sterling ; it is time to report progress, and far more
than time to mark the relative proportion, or rather dispro-
portion, between home and abroad ; or between the Scriptures
printed merely in the languages of Britain or Ireland, and
those in the languages of all other nations put together.
There has been received by the British and Foreign Bible
Society, from every source of supply, up to May 1844, the
total sum of ^£'3,083,436, 18s. 8|d. ; of this amount, not less
than .£^3,036,698, Os. 8d., have been expended, according to
the last or Fortieth Eeport, leaving a balance, upon which
the Committee were under engagements to the amount of
0^41,469, 12s., 7d.
Before, however, turning to the expenditure, and especially to its
612 THE BRITISH AND FOREIGN [book V,
connexion with the English Bible, the various items of this large re-
ceipt are not only observable in themselves, but they are of value in
retrospect, with ppccial reference to that broad path now opened up,
and still opening, before this country, as well as to all future exertions
in that jiath. The parent Society itself, therefore, independently of all
its auxiliaries, claims the first notice. The amount received by it, on
the whole, has been, £537,831, 5s. 5f d. ; and it should be remarked as
a proof of zeal on the part of the early subscribers and friends, that the
largest aggregate amount of pecuniary aid has come from them. At
the same time, this becomes apparent, not so much in their contribu-
tions when alive, as in what they left behind them ; though, when these
are taken together, we have striking evidence of their deep interest.
The legacies have amounted to .£193,222, 4s. 5d. This forms, in fact,
by far the largest item of receipt, but it comes like a voice from the dead
to the living ; for it is not only far more than all the donations from
the living, but it is more than double the amount of all the annual
subscriptions from first to last ! Had this singular disparity been
diminishing, it might have been allowed to pass, but, on the contrary,
it has ever been upon the increase, and especially of late. Thus, since
1830, or for the last fifteen years, the annual subscriptions have come
to no more than £28,763, 9s. 5d., whereas the legacies in that period
have amounted to iil35,83G, 4s. 7d. Nay, during these fifteen years
the entire amount aiforded by the living, whether in subscriptions, do-
nations, or congregational collections, only comes up to £l06,794, 18s. 4d.,
BO that still the deceased friends have contributed £29,041, 6s. 3d. more !
Or, finally, if we look back only at the five last years, and allow the
living to have the credit of all that they have done, they have yielded
£29,726, 163. 9d., but the legacies have been £38,339, 13s. 7d., so that
those who survive have fallen short of the departed by more than
£8500, or £8612, 16s. lOd. It must not, indeed, be forgotten, that
legacies have come to the parent Society from various quarters, and in
regard to the annual subscriptions, that powerful auxiliary societies have
been formed in London and Middlesex ; and if these circumstances
would account for this disparity or decay, it is well ; but we suspect that
they will not, at least fully. These remai'ks, however, may be of some
service to the cause. At the same time, there are but very few per-
sons, eager for the diffusion of the Scriptures throughout the world, who
will not be startled when they once observe that the annual subscrip-
tions to the British and Foreign Bible Society, properly so called, though
existing in by far the richest city in the world, have not, for these last
fifteen years, averaged two thousand 2)ounds. The average has been
£1910, 17s. 4d., and last year these subscriptions amounted to no more
than £1854, 10s. Id. In reference, also, to the entire amount received,
it will be observed, that after deducting what has come by legacies, we
1780-1844.3 BIBLE SOCIETY— RECEIPT. 613
have only £344,609, Is. 0|d. to account for ; and even of this, there
turns out to have been no more than £202,054, 3s. 2|d. in money
proper, or considerably below the half of the whole receipt ; nearly
£82,000, or £81,954, 17s. lOd. having been derived merely from interest
on stock and dividends, draw-backs, and insurance received, or Reports
sold.
These few particulars, while they demonstrate the deep interest felt
by old and early friends, can scarcely fail to rivet attention, and the fol-
lowing abstract may be of use in farther explanation of the preceding
remarks.
Legacies to the Parent Society,
Donations received.
Annual subscriptions,
Congregational collectious,
Negro special fund,
Interest on stock and dividends,
Drawbacks and insurance received, .
Reports and abstracts sold.
But of the large amount received, from whence then has the remain-
der been derived % In proof of this being no local institution, it has
come from the auxiliary societies. They have contributed not less than
£2,545,605, 13s. 3d. Of this amount, however, it requires to be ob-
served, that £112,657, 13s. 3d. have come from abroad, in return for
Scriptures sent ; and of the remainder, the auxiliary societies have
demanded no less than £l, 117,373, 15s. for Scriptures at home !
Leaving not more than £l,315,574, 5s. at the free disposal of the
Society.
For all the purposes of comparison, therefore, the entire receipt may,
we presume, with sufficient accuracy, be thus stated, viz. —
Received by the Parent Society, . . . £537,831 5 5|
„ from auxiliary Societies,' . . . 2,432,948 0 0
„ from abroad, chiefly Europe, . . 112,657 13 3
£193,222 4
119,119 3
95,855 9
31,518 3
16,161 7
5
64
1
2i
5
£455,876 7
54,693 1
25,432 18
. 1,828 18
n
7
1
2
£537,831 5
5|
£3,083,436 18 8|
But whatever else might be said respecting the amount re-
ceived, it is to the declared expenditure that every one must
look as to the guide for all future operations. Gathered as
the supplies have been from the kingdom at large, it may be
supposed, that not only in the character, but the direction of
their outlay, the contributors at large will now be interested.
(111. I HE BRITISH AM) FOREIGN [book V.
Tho entile expenditure, according to tlie last, or fortieth
Report, has been i?3,03(),6l)8, Os. 3d. Naturally enough,
one of the first questions will be ; " how much has been
spent in the British and how much in the Foreign depart-
ment?" Or, in other words, "how much has been spent
upon the Scriptures in the languages of Great Britain and
Ireland onhj^ and how much on the Sacred Volume in the
languages of all Foreign nations, whether in Europe, Asia,
Africa, or America V To these questions the following may
be received as the first reply : —
Expenditure in tiie British department, on the languages) £., qq, -c,g p, |q
spoken within Great Britain and Ireland, . . \ ~' ' ~ "
Ex])enditure in the Foreiijn department, upon languages \
spoken throughout all the rest of tiie world, no moi-e > 1,031,971 7 5
than ......]
£3,036,6.')8 0 3
At an early stage in these exertions, it may be remembered that a
cry was heard, not unfrequently, though from no friendly quarter, as to
the follj/ of collecting and sending such large sums out of the country,
and that more attention ought to be paid to our own. But although
such a cry was rather intended to divert from any effort whatever, it
must now be confessed by all, that the British Lion has, all along, en-
joyed the Lion's shareJ^ Such a disparity as this, however, courts en-
quiry, and, for futurity's sake, it may be supposed to interest the great
body of contributors.
It is not then to be supposed that these two sums entire have been
spent upon the Scriptures themselves. The expenses of management
and distribution, of course, remain to be deducted, and these involve a
material reduction of the total amount.
For if the whole amount of expenditure has been £3,03(),G98 0 3
The expenses refei'red to, turn out to have been . 433,284 8 7.i
Leaving for the Scriptures, whether at home or abroad, | ^o fio"? 41 "{ 11 "]
not more to be accounted for than . . ^ -> ' j i.
Before proceeding to the relative expenditure, therefore, it becomes
necessary to explain the relative expenses, and the following Abstract
will serve in explanation of the particular items, as taken from the
annual reports published.
17 A very foolish proverb, too great a favourite with the penurious, was then often quoted —
Charilp hcrjina at home— y!\i\c\i it never docs, anil novor can. /Jh/.v reigns there, nnquestioncd
and alone, not charity. In the sense attached to charily, it can only bfc/in abroad, and
Brttain it is hoped, warned as she has hccn l)y the States of Iloi.LA.sr) and their descent,
never inlends to follow snch an example, i-cc p. .Vlfi of this volume. Xolc .1.
1780-184.4.] BIBLE SOCIETV— EXPENDITURE. fil5
Depository aud wareliouse, clerks, porters, and taxes, £54,981 5 6
Geueral disbursements and postages, fire and light, . . 23,806 19 10 4
10,993 4 4
4,664 1 11
789 16 1
2033 14 5
4613 6 2
78,056 11 0
32,236 4 10
38,394 13 6
13,608 13 24
Insurance of depository and warehouse, with stock,
Stationery, account-books, and stamps,
Society's library of bibles and testaments, &c. .
Expenses connected with the annual meetings, .
Poundage for collecting annual subscriptions in Lond
Salaries paid in London,
Travelling expenses in England and Wales,
Salaries paid throughout Europe,
Travelling expenses throughout Europe,
Salaries paid in Asia, South America, Canada, and West Indies, 1 6,052 9 6
Travelling expenses in Asia, S. America, Canada, and W. Indies, 5044 7 II4
Freight, sea insurance and j)acking, chiefly for abroad, . 47,398 6 3
For annual reports and monthly extracts, . . . 100,610 14 1
£433,284 8 74
The disproportion between our own country, only, and all the world
beside, is no less significant in these items than it was before ; but the
difference between home and abroad, may be more briefly stated, thus —
Depository, warehouse, and library, with general disbursements and postage,
stationery, and insurance, ...... £95,235 7 84
Salaries, poundage, and travelling in England and Wales, 114,906 2 0
Annual reports and monthly extracts, circulated chiefly at I iat<?jj o r.
\ -ii xi i- 1 X- r 103,644 8 6
liome, with the expenses 01 annual nieetmg, . j '
£312,785 18 24
Salaries, and travelling in Europe, Asia, America, &c. . 73,100 4 2
Freight, sea insurance, and packing, as chiefly for abroad, 47,398 6 3
£433,284 8 7,i
To whatever reflections these figures may in future lead the friends
of this great cause, certainly no person can charge them with parsi-
mony. No individual engaged here, remains to be thanked for what
he has done, as there can be no question now, that every man has been
paid, and well paid, for his time and labour, whether when stationary
in the capital, or travelling through England and Wales. At the same
time, whenever we advert to the size and population of our own Island,
as compared with the four quarters of the earth ; even in this sum of
£433,000, the disparity between home and abroad, deservedly merits
consideration in time to come.
To the positive expenditure on the Scriptures themselves, however,
we now turn. The sum total, as now reduced, and to be explained, is
£2,603,413, lis. 7^d. ; of which there appears to have been spent
On languages spoken in Great Britain and Ireland, £1,691,940 14 7^
On all others spoken throughout the world, only 911,472 17 0
GIG TIIK ALXILIAUY AND C)THP:U QndOK V.
As Boon as this is observed, the extraordinary disproportion, will pro-
bably excite regret in those who are truly interested, that so very
little, comparatively, has ^et been done, for destitute foreign nations, or
the world at large ; and the question, the important question, as to
whether this disparity shall be suffered to continue any longer, is one
which will certainly come upon us with great force, before we have
done. But, at this moment, the eye must on no account be diverted
from the history of the English Bible. Let that subject, above all, be
here^rs^ fully understood, and then no mystery will remain as to the
imperative obligations of British Christians for many years to come.
We have not yet before us the whole field of action. Far from it.
The7i, every English Bible will prove a monitor.
Before, however, looking at the broad surface of England and Wales,
it would be doing injustice to London and its immediate vicinity, as
the centre of action, were we to pass unnoticed, the sum sjicnt upon
the Scriptures by the auxiliai-y Societies even there. What share have
they enjoyed in this general expenditure ? It is only twenty-eight
years since the distinction was drawn between money contributed, and
Bibles received in return, but since then more than seventy-six
thousand pounds, or £76,704, 15s. 8d. have been expended by them, in
the distribution of the Sacred Volume, and at the reduced prices. This
upon an average throughout has been jE2739, 9s. l^d. annually, and
so far from this diminishing, the issue is greatly upon the increase.
Thus, in the last fourteen of these years, JE43,841, Is. lOd. have been
actually thus spent, which presents an annual average of £3131,
10s. l^d. Nay, within the last five years, the annual average has been
£3398, 3s. lid. ; Bibles and Testaments, separately, to the amount of
£ 16,990, 19s. 8d. having been put into circulation by these auxiliaries,
and all within the compass of London and ]\Iiddlesex alone ! In other
words, in the first fourteen years, Scriptures to the value of £32,863,
13s. lOd. were disposed of; in the last fourteen, the amount has been
not less than £43,841, Is. lOd , or together, £76,704, 15s. 8d. What a
contrast is presented here to Paris, Vienna, Madrid, or indeed any
other city in Europe ! Nor must we forget that those expenses of man-
agement, already noted, which have been paid on the spot, has been an
advantage in favour of the capital, inciting, as it ought, to greater
exertion. These, when added to the sum now mentioned, form a total
sum amounting to ,£436,889, Os. l^d., which has been expended in the
British metropolis.
If we now turn from the Parent Society and these London auxiliaries,
to the kindred Societies throughout England and Wales, we find that,
independently of their free contributions, or £1,128,762, 7s. 8d., they
have spent on the Sacred Scriptures, in their various localities, not less
than £962,863, 3s. 8d. Additional supplies for England, Scotland,
1780-1844.] INDEPENDENT BIBLE SOCIETIES. 617
Ireland, and the British Colonies, will account for the entire amount
defrayed by the parent institution, in its British or home department.
But the general reader must be perfectly aware, that there are many
Bible institutions, in Scotland and Ireland, which, during almost all these
years, have been exerting themselves independently of the British and
Foreign ; while, at the same time, their main strength has been spent
upon our native land and colonies, through the medium of the English
Scriptures ; so that, look wherever we may, in regard to money spent,
precisely the same echo is heard.
And even still, justice is not yet done to the subject before us ; nor,
in comparison with all other nations, can either its magnitude be seen,
or its importance felt, except we turn from pounds sterling, to the
Scriptures themselves. Confining the statement, therefore, only for a
few moments longer, to this British and Foreign Society ; in their Re-
port for 1844, they tell us that they have issued fifteen millions, nine
hundred and sixty-five thousand, and twenty-five, volumes of Bibles
and Testaments. But then of these, how many have been in the lan-
guages of our own diminutive country alone ? More than ten millions
and a half ; or 10,523,157 ! Thus leaving for all the world besides, not
equal to five millions and a half, or 5,441,868 ! And even with regard
to the home department, or the languages spoken within this kingdom,
what proportion of these Scriptures have been in the English tongue
alone % Not fewer than nine millions, seven hundred and thirteen thou-
sand, seven hundred and sixteen. Bibles, Testaments, Psalms, and Gospels.
In addition, moreover, to the disparity exhibited by these millions, as
compared with the scanty and inferior supply yet sent to all other na-
tions ; it is greatly heightened by another consideration. Every one
must be aware that an English Bible or New Testament has never cost
so much, as almost all in foreign languages ; and that, consequently,
every single pound has gone much further at home, than it could by
possibility have ever done abroad.
Thus, at the distance of not less than forty years from its
commencement, or more than the space of an entire genera-
tion, it is now evident, that the formation of the British and
Foreign Bible Society, with that of all its auxiliaries, as well
as all the kindred institutions in Scotland and Ireland, was a
movement, not so much with regard Xa foreign lauds. It was
one, up to the present hour, mainly, though not foreseen, with
reference to the Scriptures in the English language, through-
out the United Kingdom and its colonies. It was, in truth,
the same gracious Being, whom we have beheld from the be-
ginning, still pursuing his own wondrous way towards this
(.18 IIIK KNTIRE FIELD OF I'AST [boOK V.
country, which he had pursued so long; and stirring up a
part of tlie population to accomplish that of which not one
amo)i(t them had the sllfihtest intention at the outset ! So en-
tirely providential, because above the purpose of the original
movers, has the result been, that if any one man, in the room
at London, on the 7th of May 1804, had proposed to do, what
lias actually been done ; whatever might have been thought
of the state of his judgment or reason at the moment, the
proposal must have been viewed, as not only the height of ex-
travagance, or selfish policy, but altogether absurd. Had any
person risen and said —
" Gentlemen, you have met to make a commencement indeed, but it is
mainly in order that you should print the Scriptures in your own English
tongue, and that not for sale at their original cost only, which they never have
been before, but for distribution at a reduced price, and to the extent of more
than nine millions of Bibles and Testaments."
Would not such an announcement have been fatal to this,
the very first meeting, and consequently to the design of the
secret mover of them all ? Is it to be imagined, that the
speaker would have found any person present ready to
second him, since no one there or elsewhere had any such
purpose in view ? Meanwhile, all were unanimous, cordially
unanimous, as under one impulse, and they obeyed it, having
no conception whither it would lead them, and thousands
more. They began, but least of all imagining that they had
combined to do more for their native land onlif, than for all
the world beside !
Such an amount however having been expended on the
whole, it is evident that the proportion of Scripture in the
English tongue has been immense ; and yet though many
may wish that a larger share had fallen to nations in far
greater need, let this only operate the more powerfully after
we have done ; but in the meanwhile actually no room is left
for regret as to the English proportion, when the entire sub-
ject, or field of operation, comes into view. This money is
gone, it is true ; it has been so spent, and yet considered as
an event past, perhaps its most extraordinary feature is this,
that it is an event, for which, as no particular person is to be
blamed, so no one can be applauded, since not a single indi-
vidual either foresaw, or ever intended it ! It may be true,
that there is absolutely nothing precisely similar to this in
1 780-1 84 k] KXERTIONS AT HOME. 61&
the history of British expenditure, during the last forty years,
if ever before ; for certainly it is not usual for an institution
to work in a direction, by no means originally contemplated ;
and more especially to such an extent as to swallow up the
great proportion of its funds. This, however, should only
win for the event itself now, the more deliberate consideration.
For let us suppose only once more, and on the other hand,
that by any means such a course as has been taken, had been
contemplated or proposed from the beginning, certainly the
astonishment must have risen higher still, could any zealous
friend have addressed them, and said —
" Go on, Gentlemen, and with growing enei'gy, by all means — let your So-
ciety now foi'mcd do its utmost, through the length and breadth of the land —
but the multiplication of the Emjllfh Scriptures will still proceed, and even to
a far greater extent than nou will ever be able to overtake, and that loithout
any Society at all. Go on, he might have added, and exert yourselves, print,
and put into circulation, more than nine millions of Bibles and Testaments in
your own vernacular tongue, but this will not prevent thirteen millions moi-e
issuing from the press ! At the end of forty years' exertion, the sales, united to
the efforts of other congenial parties, will far exceed your circulation !
In relation to the Scriptures in English, therefore, let it
now be specially observed, that, in the operation of these
Bible institutions, there has been actually nothing which can,
correctly speaking, be denominated excess ; since, all along,
in the usual current of national affairs. Divine Providence
has been going far beyond it, and effecting far more by men
separately., than by men combined. The latter, it is true, have
issued above nine millions of English Bibles and Testaments,
but the former, without its being annually noted in any way,
have produced a larger number. The men combined may
have spent a million and a half sterling, and in the English
tongue alone, but this is far from approaching even the half
of what has actually been expended on the whole. Besides,
in the latter case, the Scriptures have been sold, they have
been purchased at a price, yielding to the bookseller his pro-
lit ; in the former, they have been dispersed at reduced rates ;
but when both methods are combined, they form a retrospect,
certainly of the most commanding character. The Divine
blessing has, without doubt, rested on these united voluntary
efforts ; but still the hand of Him who " instructs the plough-
man to discretion," has been upon the printer, and the pur-
chaser also, and even to greater extent all the time ! There
(120 IMMENSE REDUCTION OF PRICE Qbook v.
is a vast difference between even ten or eleven millions of
volumes issued according to the former method, and above
twenty-two millions on the whole, as already explained. In
conclusion, if we look at this subject with reference to money,
how few persons throughout the kingdom have ever observed,
or been aware of the fact, that since the present century
commenced, an amount equal, at the least, to four miUiom
sterling has been spent upon the Sacred Volume in the English
tongue ?
Such might have been the conclusion of the present work,
and, but little more than four years ago, probably must have
been, but for an event, altogether unprecedented, which then
took place. Happening without any previous intimation, it
took every man by surprise ; though now it forms, if not the
top-stone to the present history, that which, in a few years
hence, will be regarded as the stone next to it. But even
now, or rather every moment since it took place, it has added
more than double emphasis to all that has been stated, re-
specting that immense mass of English Scripture printed and
circulated in our day. The event conveys a meaning, from
which there is no possibility for any Christian, or even the
nation, to escape.
Long before this time, the reader is perfectly aware, that
for many generations back, the English Bible has been printed
by the authority of what has been styled a Patent from the
Crown. Now, whatever may be said respecting the merits or
demerits of patents in general, or of the benefit or injury re-
sulting from such royal grants ; it will certainly be singular
enough, if, on looking back, it should be found that all these
Bible Patents have taken their rise from what was once dis-
tinctly understood, and pronounced to be illegal. In other
words, if it shall be found that these Patents actually rest
upon one granted by Queen Elizabeth in 1577, and then
styled a Patent of privilege. It was upon the strength of
this that Christopher Barker first printed the Bible for nearly
twelve years. But that was a description of patents, which,
when submitted to the Attorney-General of the day, he dis-
tinctly ruled that they could not stand with the laics and sta-
tutes of the realm. Various such patents, therefore, fared
1780-1814-.] IN THE ENGLISH SCRIPTURES. 621
accordingly. They became null and void, though by way of
marvellous exception, this of Barker's remained untouched !
But more strange still, Elizabeth, either not recollecting, or
not adverting to the distinction already drawn, but quoting
the patent of privilege by way of precedent, granted anotlier
with her own hand in 1589."' Thus, the course began, which
has been discussed, and re-discussed, in courts of law, not un-
frequently, at great expense, both in England and Scotland,
again and again.
In our day, liowever, this Patent for printing the Bible, must be somehow
made to stand out in distinction from all others that had ever been issued, or
indeed any other Patent now in existence. The history of the English Bible
has been peculiar for its providential character all along, and in this final
event, that character is fully sustained. Look at the ex'isthuj English Patent.
No legal steps are to be taken to destroy it. There is to be no formal appeal
to Parliament, or to the Crown, in the matter. But as this patent is the last
which, it is next to certain, will ever be issued, it appears as if it had not been
fit that it should maintain its strength, to the end of its appointed existence ;
nor fit that it should die suddenly, by either regal or legal hands. It must
rather expire, as it were, by a lingering consumption. In the order of events,
it must be neutralized, long before the time fixed for its duration. Yet who
could have anticipated that the Patentee himself would come forward, and sud-
denly do as much ; or that he would appear before his brother patentees in all
other departments, as though he had laid violent hands on his own vested
rights 1 Yet so it has come to pass.
But certainly it is something to be able to record, at the close of such a his-
tory as the past, that her Majesty's Printer, in the spi-ing of 1841, came for-
wai'd and reduced the value of his patent, to such a degi'ee as to create asto-
nishment. It would be saying too much, that it became of no more value than
waste paper, or a piece of old parchment ; for still he is secure of certain ad-
vantages, with relation to the Scriptures, in large size. But in regard to many
smaller editions, as it appears now that as he could, so he actually did, neai'ly
merge the trade in the nation, by placing them almost on the same footing.
There is no occasion for any minute detail here, in proof of a fact so
very well known to many. But by way of brief illustration, it may be stated ;
that in the close of 1840, the Patentee advertising five different sizes of
the_Bible, viz., twenty -fourmo, duodecimo, octavo, quarto, and folio ; and thus
presenting a Bible in twenty-four distinct editions, the united price charged was
£20, Is. 6d. Early in 1841, he came forward, and by a list of prices, offered
the whole for £9, 14s. 5d. ! The largest, or folio Bible, for which before he
charged £4, he had now reduced to £], 10s. ! The smallest, formerly charged
8s., was now only 3s. That which before cost 5s. 6d., was now to be no more than
one shilUng and twopence ! A similar reduction was advertised upon nineteen
editions of the New Testament. Single books, gospels or epistles, printed
separately, which had been charged sixpence, were now to be sold for three
half -pence .' So much for February 1841, but even this would not suffice for
the very next month of March. The surprise and satisfaction felt at the for-
'0 See the more particular cxjilanation, pp. 343-350 of this volume.
G22 IMMENSE REDUCTION OF PIIICE [nOOK v.
iiicr reductions had not Hiib^idcd, wlien there came farther reduction still, and
upon ten different books. Tlius, the edition which iu January was nine shil-
lin};s, and in Fehniary only six, was now down to four shillings and sixpence !
And so in proportion with various other editions of the English Hihle.
In England, however, not only does Mr. Spottiswoode possess a patent for
printing the Scriptures, but the University presses of Oxford and Candiridge
enjoy what are styled concuirent rujltts, to do the same. The exhibition made
by these thi-ce parties was such as could not fail to attract the notice at least
of the discerning few, who were deej)ly interested in the charges hitherto
made. These were three very powerful houses of business, and it is worthy of
observation by those who arc not aware of the fact, that Oxford did more busi-
ness than Cambridge and London united. In other words, and in our own day,
no city in the kingdom, or on the face of the earth, has been so distinguished as
Oxford, or the spot whei-e Tyndale first flourished, for the jwinting of the
Scriptures. The Queen's printer and Cambridge united, were doing but little
more than two-thirds of their business. Only, as there was something not
right, common to them all, it was not surprising, if at this crisis, they were not
all of the same mind. Oxford was said to have turned Queen's evidence
against the other two presses, and more than hinted a gi'eat reduction of prices,
but the largest establishment faltered, and confidence in her prices was
shaken. Tiiis, however, like every thing else, when the time arrives for 'any
great change, was of no moment. Her Majesty's own patentee came forward,
and, as already detailed, prodigiously reduced his charges.
In the history of English literature, there never had occurred any event at
all approaching to this, nor could any thing similar erer have taken place in
any other branch of printing. Of course, it showed to demonstration, that all
along, and especially iu our own day of unwonted zeal for the circulation of the
Scriptures, there had been something passing strange, in the relation which
had subsisted betwen the purchaser and the printer of the Sacred Volume ; and
yet the Englishman, through many years, had passed on, without adverting to
the fact, that he was paying, and especially for the largest Bibles, far more than
double price ! And even when the change did take place, and the extraordinary
inferior prices came to be made known, would that we could have added, what
Cowper said of the Bastile —
" Tliere's not an English heart that did not leap
To hear that they were fallen at last."
This, however, should only secure for the subject, in all its bearings, the greater
attention now. For though unknown to millions at the moment, unobserved
afterwai'ds by far too many, and, alas ! a point of perfect indiffei-ence even still
to many more, an event had occurred, which, in one day, doubled at once the
ability and the responsibility of every man throughout the kingdom, at all con-
cerned about the diffusion of Sacred writ. It enabled him to do more than
double the good, at the same cost.
Enquire not hoic this could possibly be done. The patentee himself best
knows this. He had, indeed, accomplished that, which no other man in the
kingdom could have done, and did it in the style already described ; but every
one else knows also, that he could not be bent upon his own ruin. For our
present purpose it is sufficient to record the fact ; and, when looked at in its
consequences, it is by far the most memorable deed of the day. ^Vhy it was
done, is another question, and since the reader may w ish to be informed, and
the question admits of a brief historical reply, perhaps the present will suffice.
It was in the year IR.".! that Parliament began to inquire into the working
1780-184.4..] IN THE ENGLISH SCRIPTURES. G23
of this patent, and abundance of evidence was taken, jet all this died away, or
was permitted to sleep for years. It was aftcrwai'ds to be of value, but this was
to be in other hands, and of tliese but very few. By way of preserving inviolate
the integrity of the history of tlie English Bible, already so distinguished for
its independence of character. Parliament, as such, was to accomplish nothing.
Thus, let it be observed, at the very close of our narrative, are wc reminded of
all previous authoritative interferences with respect to the Sacred Volume ;
and the present instance comes to us, very appropriately, by way of peroration.
The patent of Mr. Spottiswoode was not to expire till the year IfiCO, but that
gi'anted for Scotland was then near its end. Evidence was, therefore, called
for in reference to it ; and wise, at last, in the doctrine of »jo?<-interference, but
without foreseeing what were to be the very remarkable results, that patent
was allowed to expire, without renewal, on the l.Oth of July HVS9. This print-
ing establishment being at the moment in possession of many advantages as
such, to her Majesty's former printers for Scotland was thus transferred the
honour of being the first free-traders in that part of the kingdom since the days
of Andrew Hart, or two hundred and thirty years ago, nay, and the first in
Britain since the reign of Edavard the Sixth. if> As, then, when any i-espect-
able house applied for a license to proceed, it was forthcoming, so it came to
pass now in Scotland, simply by an application to the Lord Advocate ; a mode
of procedure of which other printers immediately availed themselves. A board
had been appointed, of which he was the official organ. Perhaps out of charity
to England, or care over her vested rights, this might be considered as the
utmost extent to which, at that moment, it was expedient to go ; while the par-
ties in Parliament could have no conception of what would be the effect of their
expedient, for it was nothing more.
Only a few months had elapsed when the Committee of the British and Foreign
Bible Society began to wonder at an impulse, for which, they informed their
subscribers, in May 1840, they "could scarcely account." It arose from an
earnest desire for the Scriptures, and at a more moderate price. This led to
an offer on their part, of a Bible and a New Testament, separatelj-, at a much
lower rate than they had ever been presented ; but the step they had taken
showed, ind in a very short time, that if persisted in, it would, at the prices
then paid to the English patentee, soon swallow up their free income entire.
In six months, by this single step, they had thus spent, or lost, £1 3,000 ! They
paused, and suspended the offer. Meanwhile, the free-trade prices in the north
could not remain a secret, and before the close of the year, the people of Eng-
land were paying for their Engfish Bibles, from one hundred and fifty to two
hundred per cent, more than those in Scotland.
In England, however, all parties still remained actually dormant. The
pressui'e from without happening not to have originated there, so long as no
voice was raised against the enormous difference between the two sides of the
Tweed, the English patentee held fast by his prices, affirming, in print, before
all his countrymen, and that even so late as November 1840, that " equal
efficiency and cheapness could not be obtained upon any other system." The
people of London, also, or of the south generally, still appeared as though they
believed this, even though her Majesty's Board for Scotland were reporting
19 Three years, however, before the Scotish patent expired, and precisely three hundred years
since the martyrdom of Tvndalk, it is singular enough that this name appeared in the imprint
of the title pa;;e of the English Bibles printed in Scotland; but the circumstance is the more
worthy of notice, in that the respected gentleman referred to, (O. Tvndall Bri-cb, Esq. of
Falkland,) claims some affinity with the most conspicuous of all our British martyrs.
C24 IMMRNSK REDUCTION OF PRICE [nnOK V.
till! rciiiK'tion of prices tliero, ami tlie advaiit.igcH whicli liad arisen from tlie
liajipy chanijc. " IJcsides," saiil tliey, " it is not merely a <|uestion as to the
amount of reduction, but wliether a vast nunil)er of individuals arc, or are not,
to be put in possession of tlie Sacred Serijitures ?" " The difference of a single
penni/ in the jirice of a Hihle, detemiines, year after year, whether the Word of
God is, or is not, to enlighten and gladden thousiinds of families."
Now, had any other of the perishable commodities of this transitory scene
been at stake, or in similar circumstances, the masses would have been in
motion, and there would have been requisitions in all our Cities, numerously
signed, and public meetings lield, till the press had groaned under the account.
But there were to be no such proceedings ; no petitions to Parliament respect-
ing the enormous i)rice charged for the " broad of life," in one part of the king-
dom as compared with that in another ; nor did any Member rise, in either
House, and for once advert to the very singular existing disproportion between
the Scotish and English market. Nor was it at all reiiuisite that he should, or
that there should be any connnotion. At all events, thei'e were to be no more
mere Committees of inrjuii-y in the Commons' House of Parliament ; nor was this
necessary. The Secretaries of the British and Foreign ISible Society, too, at this
crisis, came forward, antl begged " most distinctly to say, that they woidd not
touch the question of the monopoly at all." Nor was it necessary that they
should. The Bible Societies throughout the kingdom amounted, Ijy this time,
to three thousand four hundred, of which number there were two thousand five
hundred in England and Wales. Every one of them jirofessed to be, or rather,
as far as funds were concerned, positively were, interested, in a cheap Enijlixh
Bible, and, when taken on the whole, to an immense amount. If ?//ry did not
feel and act as one man, it may appear altogether unaccountable to posterity,
since to many it already does now. But they did not. Not one, even in Lon-
don, Edinburgh, or Dublin, moved. Nor was it necessary that they should. In
this most mechanical age, when so much is ascribed to the " million" in union,
these Societies altogether had formed the too fond boast of many a-s the gi-andest
machinery of the day ; but though they had assisted materially in supplying the
nation with the Scriptures, as a larger number had been furnished in the usual
course of a benignant Providence, they were not now employed. Although evei'y
one of these institutions was just on the point of being placed in a position en-
tirely neiF, every thing was to be done /or them, and nothing hij them. Though
to see the whole, without exception, stand by, silent, as if paralyzed, and at such
a time as this, was a sight to which there has been nothing similar in the usual
current of human affairs. These, in short, and all other bodies, seem to have
been too main/ for Him, who once so spake to Gideon of old : and upon looking
back thi'oughout the present history, the reader will see at once that any multitu-
dinous jiroceeding would have been indecorous. It would have been inconsis-
tent, or not in perfect keeping with the usual procedure for these three hundred
years. If the Majesty of the thi'one, and that of Parliament, had been declined
and kept aloof, so also must the majesty of the people.
The royal Patentee, it is true, might speak, or even print, as he had done in
November, but without saying more, he was to act very differently, and in little
more than eight weeks, or in February 1841, as already stated. When review-
ing, another day, what will appear very remarkable, the sudden and prodigious
fall in the prices of the Sacred Volume, posterity, if not iufoi'med, might be apt
to conjecture that the monopolist nnist have been roused to act so by the nation
at large, — but no ; nothing more was requisite than that three individuals only
should move, and the unprecedented reduction followed. — Followed also very
17.S0-1844..] IN THE ENGLISH SORU'TUUES. 02 J
quietly, and, contrary to all custom in this advertising age, without any boasting,
or the slightest ostentation on the part of the Patentee himself. Since the day
that business of any moment was done in Britain, such a thing, in business, was
never so done. One Englishman, indeed, with two natives of the north, must,
it is granted, feel deeply interested in the subject, and to many now it may be
unnecessary to mention their names, — Mr. Childs, of Bungay, the Rev. Dr.
Thomson, of Coldstream, and the Rev. Dr. Campbell, of London. The fii-st
gentleman had coi-respondcd with the second, but, without farther detail, it so
happened, that into his mind had come the idea, that as these " Living Oracles"
had been originally committed in charge, as a sacred deposit, to the people of
God as such ; so it ought to be an object with them to present the Scriptures to
any, or to all, at no higher price than the simple cost of their production ; or, in
other words, that they ought to be redeemed out of the usual channels of com-
merce altogether. But in these days, when it seems as if no individual ex-
pects to accomplish any enterprise single handed, what was styled a Board
must be formed. In the present instance, but for the artificial state of society
into which Britain has wrought herself, this might have been dispensed with,
and it appears to have been of no other moment than that of directing atten-
tion to the efforts of an individual. The prices of Bibles and Testaments, then,
thus advertised, were so low as to appear incredible ; while the London patentee
became so adventurous as to affirm that under the whole affair there lurked
some fallacy. Meanwhile, all that became necessary was that this gentleman
should move from the banks of the Tweed to visit the north of England, where,
having once explained his views, and exhibited certain specimens of Bibles and
Testaments, at their affixed prices, many eyes were opened. The reception
given was cordial, nay, enthusiastic ; nor did he require to visit the metropolis
at all. The third individual, however, who was residing there, was now re-
quired, and both meeting at Liverpool, and elsewhere, both spoke and wrote,
and both were listened to, and read. Nothing more was requii-ed, and though
neither of these friends to the cause they advocated could expect to meet with
that applause which, in our day, has been so often awarded to men for doing
little or nothing, an impulse more powerful had been felt than either the one
or the other had anticipated. The royal Patentee evinced penetration and
wisdom to a degree seldom, if ever before, exhibited in such circumstances. He
had spoken out once, as already mentioned, but proceeding no farther, he pre-
sently issued his delightful and most extraordinary reduction of prices. The
patent itself, it will be remembered, has not been abolished, but, sixteen years
before its natural termination, it has been, to a great degree, effectually neutra-
lised. Ever since, competition has been at work, and all in favour of the pur-
cliaser. Into the merits or demerits of this competition as to price between
the patentee and the free-trader, there is no necessity for us to enter hei-e ;
though it must be evident to all, that so long as the patent, and these concur-
rent rights of Oxford and Cambridge continue, the sales throughout the Kingdom
cannot arrive at a healthy or natui-al and desirable condition. Meanwhile, the
public at large is happily left to judge for itself ; but that such an immense cir-
culation as that which had taken place should have been suddenly followed up
by such a vast and unprecedented reduction in price, is an occurrence far from
being the least remarkable among the multitude of events which it has been our
aim thi'oughout impartially to record.
Such then have been the mysterious, and, compared with
every other nation under Heaven, the majestic outgoings of
VOL. II. 2 n
C2{> POSITION OK BRITAIN [flOOK V.
Iliiii who luis been with this cause, all along and so evident-
ly, from the beginning ; and who having now brought it to
this stupendous height, will, to a certainty, not leave it in its
present state or position, or ever be turned aside from his
own high purpose and ultimate design. ^Ve have said, mi/s-
terious outgoings, because the cause as such, may bo com-
pared to a path without an end ; that is, an end worthy of
the path ; an end in unison with the present condition of a
nation, where the number of the copies of the Sacred Record,
actually outnumbers the souls that are in it, but where
thousands still contemn the proffered gift ! The reader of
the previous history, it is true, has travelled a very singular
and eventful journey, and all the while, for more than three
hundred years, ho has been ascending to the eminence, on
which he now stands ; so that according to this time, he may
be exclaiming — " What hath God wrought /" Yet the ex-
clamation is no sooner uttered, than it seems to excite in
every considerate mind but one question — what is he about
TO DO?
Were the public mind in this kingdom once brought to
such a state of watchful enquiry, although to answer such a
question is not within the province of human foresight ; yet
there is one point connected with the present position of our
English Bible, and only one, to which we may advert, before
bidding adieu to the history itself. Whatever Providence
intends to accomplish, and whatever obscurity may rest on
the future, it is already evident that an Almighty hand has
been, and is now proceeding, on a scale far beyond the limits
of our sea-girt island. Some of our legislators have recently
begun to ruminate over what they call systematic emigration ;
but that Providence, which perfectly foresaw what would be
the condition of the inhabitants of Britain for some years
back, in which every time the clock has struck twelve, another
thousand has been added to our population — that Providence
has already and long been at work, with His own word, for such
as go away, or have gone, never again to see their native
land ; and the printing press, which is now more busy than
ever it was, both in England and Scotland, can very easily
keep pace with the emigration, let it increase as it may. Now
this, it is confessed, so far as the Scriptures in the English
tongue only are still to be concerned, may be the next legiti-
1780-18+4.] AS TO THE ENGLISH SCRIPTURES. 627
mate sphere of action ; but, at the same time, every one must
perceive, that this can never involve more than a traction, or
not so much as approaching to a tithe of our future and im-
perative obligations.
In point of responsibility as a nation, we have been exalted
into circumstances of which many before had little or no con-
ception ; nor had they been at all aware, that we have been
placed in a condition, involving duty and obligations, from
which there is no escape. The very rich supply of Sacred
Scripture peculiar to our country even before this century
began, will be held in remembrance ; more than twenty-two
millions of volumes have since been added to the number, and
still the printing press is as urgently plied as before ; so that an
amount of above four millions sterling has been spent upon our
otcn version ! After an entire generation has been thus so
peculiarly distinguished, that there is nothing approaching to
it, on the face of the earth ; to rouse us from slumber, as but
too visible, in our unequal dealing with the world at large ;
all at once, and in the quarter where it was least of all, or
last of all, to be expected, there comes, in one day, a great,
an immense reduction of price with regard to the Sacred Vo-
lume in English^ and let it be particularly observed, in English
ALONE. What though no real voice, no sound, was heard !
No man accustomed to think at all, will presume to say that
in an event so unexpected, and altogether so unprecedented,
there was nothing intended for the ear, or rather the heart of
those who are daily deriving light and counsel from the sacred
page. Taking the entire previous history into account, and
the broad field of action now full in view ; is it not, to say the
least, as if Providence had sounded a pause ? — an authorita-
tive pause, calling upon us to do the same ; and, at last, re-
view his footsteps ? Calling upon us to observe, more de-
liberately. His procedure, and then putting the all- important
question — " Hoic^ or in xchat manner^ will it become the Chris-
tians in Britain to act now ?
We are perfectly aware, that some of our men of " profit
and loss " may be disposed to detain us, by fretting over this
prodigious fall of price. Something, indeed, may be mooted
in reply, as to a gradual fall in the price of paper, if not other
materials, but this will, by no means, satisfy others, who have
looked more deeply into the circumstances. " Why, at these
G28 THE ULTIMATE QUESTION. [book V.
present prices,"" says one, " we'niight have dispersed more than
double the number of Bibles and Testaments, and is there any
man who can now deny it?" " But what is more to be de-
plored," says another, " at these prices, wo might have been,
all these years, expending upon destitute/or^iV^w nations, eight
or nine hundred thousand pounds, more than ice hare done ! "
While, independently altogether of these former high prices,
a third party meets us with his complaint, as to the expenses
incurred at home, throughout England and Wales, and more
especially within the last twenty years. But weighty as these
murmurings may appear to some minds, they are actually of no
consequence^ when compared with the solemnity of our present
obligations, or that momentous position in which Providence
has now placed us. In truth, tliey only press our one ques-
tion with greater urgency. Besides, standing, as we do, in
the midst of a nation, which has but recently paid twenty
millions of money, for the liberation of not nearly one million
of men in bondage ; it would be idle to suppose that, as a
people, we have been thus strikingly summoned to pause,
merely for the purpose of murmuring over the past. Cer-
tainly they are not to be envied, who exacted such prices
from the benevolent public ; but as for those who have paid
them, every moment now is lost, if spent merely in lamenting
over the outlay. The supremely important, the urgent, and
the only question at present is — How, or in what manner, and
to what extent, will it become the Christians of Britain to act
NOW
7?
At the close of the present history, therefore, it so happens
that there are several points left for deliberate and general
consideration, every one of which will be found to bear with
accumulating force on this one question.
620
CONCLUSIONS,
DRAWN FROM THE PRECEDING HISTORY.
There is a frequent propensity in the mind of man to run
every thing into one thing. But even after all that has been
said, it will not be supposed that the renovation of man is an-
ticipated by the present author, from the mere multiplication
and dispersion of the Sacred Volume throughout any country
whatever. If but one native of Britain has ever so dreamed,
the present state of his own land may now awaken him to the
painful reverse. No nation has ever enjoyed such opportu-
nities of discovering its devotion or hostility to the Book of
God, and in none is there to be found the two extremes in
greater strength. Yet, if the past history has referred to only
one subject, it has been because of its supreme importance as
the basis or ground-work of all moral improvement. To pre-
vent confusion, we have proceeded on the principle that it is
necessary to consider only one thing at a time ; and that in
applying the same incumbent remedy to the world around us,
it is of importance to understand what has been the history of
Divine Revelation in our own tongue, and what is the existing
condition of our native land.
In survevino^ the cause to which these volumes have been
devoted, from an origin of the most unpretending character,
it has grown to a magnitude as already explained, which meets
us in the very threshold to all reflection. One leading feature
of the history itself will then invite some notice. After this,
the visible and uninterrupted progress, or efi'ect produced, must
not escape observation. Thus, as a community, however dis-
persed, yet the most important, because most influential upon
earth, — " the present readers of the English Bible"'' naturally
come before us ; for here, and in these times most happily,
they must be regarded in the light of but one body. Though,
after this, the responsible position of this wide circle, but espe-
cially at its centre, on British ground, cannot fail to lend a
tone of deeper solemnity to the unwearied footsteps of that
gracious Providence, which so visited at first, and has so
r,30 CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FROM
watched over this land ever since. In conclusion, only one
question will remain, — How, or in what manner, shall becom-
ing gratitude to God bo expressed and proved, by far more
vigorous action ?
T/ie Magnitude of this Came.
Considered in the light of a conspicuous public undertaking, if there
be any thing in the iiiagnitxule of an object fitted to attract or interest
and fix the mind, it is found here. The cause of Divine Revelation ad-
mits of no superior authority in any land ; but in ours, it has assumed
an appearance visible to any, if not to every eye. As such, this cause
has reached a height more than sufficient to silence any opponent. Of
infinite importance in itself, and, at the same time, by far the largest
movement in our day, possessing all the attributes of a fixed or invin-
cible Divine purpose, the difficulty lies in duly apprehending or grasping
it. In casting our eye upon only one of these millions of volumes, every
page of which is the voice of God to man, and every man is interested
in its meaning, it would here be out of place to dwell upon the Scriptures
themselves — upon the majesty of their style — the solemnity of their
matter — their comprehensiveness — their correspondency to the spirit of
man, whether as corrupt and depraved or regenerated and renewed — on
their peculiar efficacy, or obvious design. By all who duly prize them
they are confessed and regarded to be the only standard of unerring
wisdom — the only means of rousing effectually the human mind — con-
taining the only ground of hope before his Maker for the burdened or
wounded spirit — the unfailing source of solid comfort, peace, and joy — the
only effectual medium of strength for sustaining the trials or performing
the duties of life. Nor let it ever be forgotten, that this Sacred Record,
in our vernacular tongue, wherever it be found, near or afar off, whether
in Britain itself, or, as it actually is, at the ends of the earth, enjoys
this unspeakably glorious privilege — there its diviiie Author is present,
specially present , with it I
But when, instead of one book, we turn to those millions of volumes,
as all given to one people, and look upon the whole, in their only true
character, that of a deposit — a deposit, given in custody, and in every
instance to be accounted for another day ; and when, from these volumes
themselves we turn to their actual dispersion, till we are lost among
the numbers that are now reading the same book in the same language,
every hour of the day and every hour of our night, in the four quarters
of the globe ; then, in point of magnitude, as well as importance, there is
no other object, as an object, to which the native of Britain can direct
his eye, that will allow of any comparison. When one contemplates his
Country, as thus " exalted to heaven" in the midst of the nations, as by
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. «31
far the most conspicuous custos, or keeper of Divine Truth, and in a
language upon which the sun, as already explained, is ever shining, it
seems next to incredible that the great body of British Christians should
not have been more alive to this, as, by way of eminence, the sign of the
times. If they had been found gazing upon it, and watching every step
in advance ; suffering no inferior, no local, no limited party interests, to
divert them away ; this would have been nothing more than its supreme
character has long demanded ; and the more so, as there can be no question,
that as a sign, it is an undoubted " token for good," approaching good,
in more senses than one, and of good extending far beyond the narrow
limits of our island of the sea.
Nor should the singular manner in which this cause has risen to its
present majestic height now pass unnoticed. This, however, is matter
of history, and however briefly reviewed, it will be found to deserve
corresponding attention from all who revere the sacred page, whatso-
ever may happen to be their own particular views of social religion
exemplified.
One leading feature in the preceding History.
Whatever imperfections may be detected in the preceding pages, there
is a peculiarity of character belonging to the history as a whole, of which
it is not likely ever to be bereaved. This feature of distinction is now
visible in a long and uninterrupted series of provable events. Whether
any importance will be attached to the disclosua-e and proof remains to
be seen ; but as there was a commencement made, in spite of all human
sanction at first, and an unceasing progress, in superiority to all human
control ever since, it seems as if there were still some special homage to
be paid to the sacred Volume ; and more, much more, than there has
ever yet been. The very imperfect and scattered notices hitherto given
of the English Bible, have been too often bloated with unwarrantable
assertions of a species of interference, direction, and control, which the
authentic history disowns.
For some years past, a very strong, or insatiable, curiosity has been
felt and displayed, in searching into the origin and character of all
British interests, whether sacred or civil ; and hence the reprinting ver-
batim, of what have been styled, by way of courtesy, writers of authority,
has proceeded to an extent altogether unknown in any preceding age.
Whether this revival of all these old writers, for once, in an improved
form, be any thing more than a prelude to their descending again, in a
more decent dress, into oblivion, time will show ; but it is no disparage-
ment of all human authors, without exception, to affirm, that a revived,
a superior, or rather a supreme, attention to Divine authority, as first
issued from the press in our native tongue, and so wondrously continued
(i:V2 CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FROM
ever since, would be found of infinitely higher benefit to the Nation at
large, and especially in its present condition. During a crisis, or that
moment of time Avhen affairs have come to their destined height, the
most important point of all has not unfrcqucntly been neglected ; and
whether the present era, but especially the condition of Britain as full
to overflowing with Divine Revelation, docs not very loudly call us from
men to the Divine Being himself, it now remains for the reader to con-
sider, and resolve for himself.
Wc have seen that the history of the Sacred Scriptures, as printed in
the English language, for more than three hundred years, has a character
of its own, and such a one, as even common reverence suggests, ought
to be observed and studied hi/ itself. Hitherto it has been considered
by historians as a theme which scarcely came in their way, and when it
did, it has either been loosely glanced at, or treated as a subject with
which they had but little or nothing to do. On the contrary, we have
looked upon the first entrance, and singularly continued possession, of
these Scriptures, as involving by far the highest point of national in-
terest and responsibility, while the history itself seems to invite, or rather
demand, attention and remembrance, both as to its commencemetit and
its continuance.
With reference to the former, taking its rise at a period before the existence
of any denomination of Christians afterwards known in Britain, the history
comes before us with an exclusive claim to primary consideration, whether in
England or Scotland. Hitherto, indeed, but little has been known of this period,
but if additional light has now dawned upon us, from original and authentic
sources, it seems to be here alone that we can lay hold of our subject, as Lord
Bacon has said, by " the right handle." The principle of combination, of
action by joint forces, or associated numbers, so common in our day, no doubt
has its value, but if it be imagined that such union alone is competent for a
great purpose, we look for it here in vain. To those who have been born, and
now dwell, in the midst of what are styled " institutions," and who but too fondly
ascribe every thing to their power, to begin otherwise may not be so inviting,
but there is no remedy. To all who speak our mother tongue the commence-
ment of this history employs the same language. " Never forget this origin.
Look to the humiliating condition in which your entire country once lay. For-
get not the darkness and superstition wliich then reigned, without a rival ; and
should any one section of your countrymen ever swell out into any foolish pre-
tensions, or fancied superiority over their brethren ; but, above all, should any
party have the aiTOgance to talk of this Bible as theirs, by way of eminence, or
of their production, your answer is ready at hand, and perfectly explicit.
You have only to point to the genuine history of the volume itself, and then
inquire, —
Who brnught the lamp, that with awakening beams
Dispell'd thy ):loom and broke away thy dreams?
No, all alike, without any exception, must be perfectly satisfied to begin after
the actual manner, and that is, with the interposition of the Almighty, through
the medium of only one man. In the midst of darkniess, as darkness itself, and
in the most thoroiighly Italianised part of England too, where it was least of
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. 633
Jill to be expected, wo found certain discussions arise at only one spot, and
carried on witli but one man. Tiio disputants never could agree, and parted ;
but this man, full of compassion for his Country, remaining firm as a rock,
and fixed in his opinions, no power on earth could turn from his purpose. The
result, then, was nothing more than the premeditated design of a solitai'y indi-
vidual ; but once so rooted in his heart, the consequences were to extend to many
generations, or, as in our day, literally to the four quarters of the globe. In
this point of view, the indomitable purpose once formed, the resolution once
taken, must now be regarded as the greatest national event of the day ; though
it was then but a secret infused into a single mind, and that the mind of a man
wlio had been " rated as a dog," in the county where he dwelt. Here, however,
it was, tliat we first met with a hidden or secret spring, which began to well
out, and from the manor-house of Little Sodbury, in Gloucestershire, it has
never failed us, down to the present day. Time there was, it is true, when the
cause, like the water of Siloah, went softly, and even after that, it might be com-
pared to nothing more than some little tinkling rill, which any man could step
across, without heeding it ; but it has grown and swelled into a place of broad
rivers and streams, a river that cannot be passed over. No man can now sound
its depth, or tell the nation whithei', or how far, it will go and yet gladden the
wide earth !
Resolutely bent on the execution of his purpose, we beheld Tyndale leave
his native country, never to return ; and some time after, we saw his earliest
production, the New Testament in English, arrive on these shores. We had
heard the bitter foreign enemy of divine truth, in every vernacular tongue,
Cochlceus, forewarning Wolsey and his Royal Master to stop every inlet, to lay an
embargo on every seaport, and prevent its enti'ance : yet have we not observed
it, coming to our ancestors across the sea, before there was any fixed form of
opinion, save that of hostility, either in England or Scotland ? And long be-
fore there was an Institution of any name, professing to bow to its authority ?
Yes, come it did, and with powerful effect ; but what was its reception from
many, and especially from men of authority, for more than ten years ? Can
any other Nation be now specified that discovered equal, or such persevering,
hostility ? And if in this hostility Britain stood pre-eminent, so much the more
ought never to be forgotten, the first presentation of the Divine Record. It is a
feature in her national history, which so enhances the self-moved goodness of
God, as to render all that has occurred since, worthy of the profoundest adora-
tion. ^Ve have witnessed, very distinctly, that the most deadly opponents
were men who had arrogated to themselves, exclusively and by way of emi-
nence, the title of " the spirituality." Have we not beheld those individuals,
moved with mingled terror and indignation ; and united, as one man, from
their Primate downwards, however vainly, to purchase, and then destroy the
New Testament of our Lord and Saviour, because it was in the language of our
common counti'y ? In their heartfelt alarm, have we not observed them apply to
a civilian, the phoenix of his age, that he might put forth all his strength, and
his power of sarcasm, in opposition ? In the north as well as the south, a com-
mon sense of danger had prevailed. A general call to arms was, as it were,
the order of the day. The masses, with their leaders, were banded together in
hostility. But still, month after month, nay, year after year, we have seen the
di-eaded Book arrive, in many ways, though by channels inexplicable, and then
brave every species of opposition. Authority could not command it awaj\
Neither could skill devise an antidote, nor power banish it from the land.
Terror proved itself to be impotent, and all the threatenings of vengeance were
in vain. Siu'cly this strange commencement, this early and emphatic page in
634 CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FROM
the history of our own English Bible, is never to be forgotten, much luss,
consif^ned to oblivion.
Tiie reader may liave perused Foster's powerful Essay on Decision of Cha-
racter, at the close of which he has said — " I am sorry, and I attribute it to
defect of memory, that a greater proportion of the iilustratiuns which I have
introduced are not as conspicuous for goodness as for jjotrer," Martin Luther
abroad, and John Howard at home, are there indeed not forgotten, and let
them ever enjoy deservedly their own high place ; but let England, at last, do
justice to one of her own sons ! For goodness and power united, now that
his history is better known, we may be permitted to hesitate, whether this
Country ever produced, or even Europe at the moment, a more valuable, be-
cause influential instance of decision of character, than that of William Tyn-
dale, who died in triumph at the stake, above nine years before Luther ex-
pired on his bed ! Luther, it will bo remembered, was never expatriated,
never from under the kind protection of his Elector ; and in his literary under-
takings he ever enjoyed the benefit or assistance of scholars, at least equal to
himself. He had Melancthon, Justus Jonas, and others, with whom to consult
and advise. Tyndale stood alone, literally alone, whether at the outset, or at
the close of his career. Generally speaking, he was destitute of every support
or encouragement. " The lonely individual was placed in the alternative of
becoming the victim or the antagonist of the power of the empire." He never
had a patron, and when hunted by English spies, or English ambassadors, he
had no Electoral authority to shield him from his Monarch's wrath, or the
vengeance of his Ministers. His Melancthon was taken from him, and slain
upon the high places in England, when he might indeed lament over him, as
David did over Jonathan ; yet still he must plough through the deep as before,
or fight on — and live — and die alone ! Though one of the noblest of mankind,
he expired at the stake, as an outcast from all human society. The world was
not his friend, nor the world's law. Leaving, however, his labours to be
gathered up into the Bible of 1537, he had effectually laid the foundation of
all future versions or editions of the English Scriptures ; and these ten long
years, from 1526 to 1536, now appear to be unquestionably, among the most
important, as influential, in the subsequent history of this Island.
But if these years stand distinguished by a commencement and early pro-
gress altogether irresistible ; an extended course began, not less worthy of
observation when the Bible entire arrived. Tyndale and his translations,
whether of the New, or of the Old Testament, had been bitterly opposed,
though in vain. The hostility was distinctly and frequently expressed by the
King and Cardinal, by the Vice-Gerent or Vicar-General, by Primate and
Bishop, with all their underlings, by his Majesty in person, by his Privy Coun-
cil as a body : but now, though the Translator be gone to his reward, his
labours having been preserved, incorporated into a folio volume, and imported
into his native land, it was meet that all these adverse authorities, without ex-
ception, should be signally overruled. The course thus begun was never to bo
abandoned. Intermeddling there was. A shew of nominal Royal authority,
though never of any other, might and did occur ; but, substantially, all parties
must either stand aloof, or be overruled, down to the present day. Henry
VIII., indeed, might waver, but not until as many Bibles had been printed, as
might serve, somewhat like Joseph's corn in Egypt, during the famine. His
adverse policy, too, then had but little power, nay, the capriciousness displayed,
was only calculated to whet curiosity. Every one can now see that a book
half interdicted, must have been looked at with the keener avidity in private.
The King talked of his power to give and to restrain the Scriptures, but these
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. 635
were only vain words. He confessed his impotence before he died, and this
was the on?y department in which Henry ever did so. In the reign of Edward
VI., liowever friendly in his own person, as neither the Convocation or Par-
liament of the Father had ever been permitted to banish the book entirely, so
here they must not interfere at all. Divine truth having free course was
glorified ; and though Mary succeeded with her husband Philip, we have seen
that neither the one nor the other were ever allowed to issue any official de-
nunciation of the book of God. No doubt the Scriptures were then consumed,
Jis they had been under the father of the Queen, but the great majority seem
to have been preserved. Many were carried away ; many were concealed,
and even built up, till a better day. Besides, these few years were the season
appointed for revising the translation, and once revised, the English monarch
was once more to be still more signally overruled. Elizabeth who i-uled over
every thing else, in every other department, must yield here, and never,
throughout her long reign, speak one word to the contrary. Her own patent
printer, too, shall be the instrument for supplying the people with that version
of the Bible for which they called, and which they continued to read, both in
England and Scotland, long after her successor, James VI., was in his grave.
To the proposal of our present version, that monarch had acceded, at an
anomalous conference, with a few men, before he was recognised by Parlia-
ment, as King ; but though fond, even to ostentation, of proclamations, as he
then never issued one respecting the Bible, and did not live to witness its
general adoption, nor his son either, the same character for independence is
stamped upon the version ever since in use. That version, as already noticed,
only became the Bible of this island entire, at a period of all others the most
impressive and significant, as to all the authority residing in poor human
nature. It was when there was no king within our borders, and many other
authorities were for the time extinct ; but the Sovereign Disposer of all events,
the Unseen Ruler, was there. King and Convocation, Lords and Commons,
for the moment set aside or laid low, surely He intended that his hand and
power should have been then observed, nay, and remembered, from that time
forward. And, finally, to come down to our own day, when so much has been
done, and so much said, respecting the circulation of the Scriptures, it has not
been at the bidding of any human authority whatever, whether civil, or what
is called ecclesiastical. At a period when combination, or association under
patronage has been all the rage, and the highest that could possibly be pro-
cured has been aimed at, as a great affair ; still, of the Bible Society, out of
fom* Sovereigns in succession, on the throne, not one of them has been a mem-
ber, nor has any Primate, or Prince of the Blood, ever presided at its annual
meeting. It has been a movement of the people, as the people, irrespective of
all their divisions ; and yet, on the whole, God has been accomplishing far
more by men separately, than by men combined : more in the customary
course of his kind Providence, than by what has been called the Bible Society.
With regard to legislation, it is true, that as Britain has been charged
with excess of interference, in almost every thing, successive attempts
we have witnessed, even here ; and there have been patents for print-
ing, of which due notice has been taken ; but still, all along, the inte-
grity of the history of the English Bible has been most singularly pre-
served, and the distinct line of an overruling Providence has been quite
visible, from first to last. In holding on, throughout its entire course,
99$ CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FSOM
erer tBdepcadaat of ail maBoeated bodies, u •mch, erea th« kiMmy ef
oar S»cred YofanM eoaei dodi«d with a prerogatiTe, or sorereign au-
thoritr, abore ererj thng dM^ in the altape <rf rdigknis history.
Irresp«ctiTe of all iciiMB»c» to intenal erideDee m the Scriptnxes, ve
point simpij to the proridential hi^teiy of the hook hsdf. It haa heen
kept distinct, or, as it were ab^^re, jet among, this people, for ntore than
three hundred years ; and nerer was the highest &Toar which God has
bestowed so kag note eon^eeooas and abondant, than at the present
■iMitnt li^ st sack a tim^ then akonld he anj, or too many who seon
to be iriboDy w^owinl, wkeyMr by frrkwiMtinl aelf^i^teoasness, or
Mefe pwrty spirit ; still, it is altogether in rain for any Community, as
rackj within the shores of Britain, to talk of its strperior importance
kere. All other qnestkasj are abeohitety local, and snhosdinate. All
fwimiticn^ offEr to tke ^e, hoi a aectioB of the pecfl^ or an inferior
cirde. ETOjoae of tkem is kere not only ^oken to direct, but all alike
m kere prvfidcBtially ofer-aidied. Hot osm;, withoot exception, can
riM and lay daim to the gkay of dmt Imr m Ae eUmds.
CSanees in snUhiBarj tking;^ there have been many ; •iiviiioni and
; as to ita meaning, hot never has it been permitteil to fall
' tibe povei^ mnidk kas into the keeping of any one circle. Nerer
has fb heetx aDoved to become the badge, or the partimn of a single
party. Not one eoold erer addicas anotiher in the style of the Yenedans
to tke Soman ponlil^ and aaj — Hat Boat i» wm. An kistosieal erent,
Aerefiare, e \ ieiwliii^ oxer three centuries^ wiik immediato reference to
our Tonaeaiar BiUe, may certainly be prestaned to carry mme signifi-
eanee beyond tke external fatk. But if soi, that cannot be any tking of
trrnal moment, wkiek sqpeaks to all alike, and fiir so loi^ a period. It
is tnie, only one anafde pnneqile may be all that is inTolred, though
it met he one worthy of this kigk and k)og-continued ojurse of proce-
dare. Afber all this then, aonae^ if not erery ratelligent obserrer, may
nov he di^oeed to pause a little^ kavii^ verified this anomaly in our
natknal kislosj. The boon bestowed ke has long felt to be BritairCa
lot h»pe, thoog^ never hefiore pseaented exactly in this light ; and if the
peace and tanquillitj of kis country kas been supposed to depend upon
the harmony and stability of die Inatitntions withia ha shores, he may
begin to apfaekend diat season, if not pns^ may be passing away. But
again ke turns to die hi^best gift bestowed on aD aUke. In its history
it now appears as if it had been unintermptedly «^nfng upon eray cir-
cle, withoot exeepdcm, to look up for superior light ; or in waiting for
its own peculiar place in tke wide coonnnnlty below — waiting for a
■iijei mwy to wkiA it kas been all akiy entitled.
Wky dien skoold not flodi a long and patient so^Mnaion of tkis Sacred
Record, held beyond the grasp, or abore the head of a whole commTinity
BtiQ doTided in opinion, not now lead to a more tkoo^itfnl consideration
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. 637
of that place which Infinite Wisdom seems to be determined it shall one
day occupy ? This might prove to be an end worthy of the long w<ty to
it ; since, in the suflBciency and explicitness of the Holy Scriptures, the
sovereignty of God is alike involved. Beyond all question, a writing U
capable of being so complete, that it needs no addition, and shall this
completeness be any longer denied even to the Divine Record 1 One man
in this country, it is granted, has long and frequently been lauded as
immortal, simply because of his having said, that " The Bible, and the
Bible alone, was his religion." But from his lips, as well as from thou-
sands who have quoted him, what has this been more than a mere say-
ing ? Or more than a proof that even thousands may be governed in
speculation, by a theory, which in practice they reject ? It is quite pos-
sible that here may have lain the real secret of ouj Sacred Volxmie hav-
ing been so long locked up in what is called a Patent. Perhaps we
have not been tnisted with it, and are not to be, tiU we are able duly to
estimate its character and value as a perfect standard of faith and
practice.
It has indeed been frequently said, that the Christians of Britain can
never be one people, till they become a people of only one Book. But
unquestionably, if they do insist upon having two centre-points in a circle,
all the lines drawn from both, must of necessity cross each other. And
so it ever must be till the day when, as one man, they contend for the
Sacred Scriptures as the common centre against aU. antiquity.
We are now, however, able to account historicallj for the
majestic height, or the magnitude of this cause. That Sove-
reign Book, in addition to the supreme authority of its con-
tents, has become visibly the Sovereign also, even in point of
number and dispersion ; an event, which may never have
been sufficiently regarded, as containing in itself some distinct
and very significant meaning to all who read this version,
whether at home or abroad.
Three hundred years ago, in many parts of Europe, but
particularly in this country, both in England and Scotland,
the high and keen dispute was, whether what they called the
Church, or the Sacred Scriptures were uppermost, or which
was to be regarded as supreme in point of authority. For
ages preceding, it had seemed to be the former. At least, a
body, usurping that name, had long wantonly reigned over
them ; and the use they made of that daring assumption is
well known. It brought on that night of pitchy darkness
which so long brooded over Europe. They had taken away
the kev of knowledse. and substituted other kevs. Thev had
638 CONCLUSIONS DKAWN FROM
not only closed or contemned the Sacred Volume ; they de-
nied to the people at largo the use or even the possession of
it. But the time to favour Zion, the sot time was come. The
Almighty vindicated his own cause in this our native land,
by way of eminence ; and after a peculiar manner, by the
power of his oxen word, rescued it out of the liands of those,
the profane rulers of darkness. This was His first note of
interpretation, which, for illustration"'s sake, we ventured to
compare to the key-note in music ; and it really seems to
vibrate in the ear now, as distinctly as it did in August 1537.
Now, in this kingdom, where so much has been said about
the Church, ever since, perhaps more than in all the world
besides, at present it becomes worthy of universal observation,
that God, by his high providence, has all along, never permitted
his Word, in a single instance, to fall into, much loss under,
the power of any Church, so called, of whatever form, or what-
ever name. The supreme authority of the Scriptures he has
visibly demonstrated, before the eyes of the nation at large,
by canning them, in point of numbers and dispersion, far,
very far above the capacity, and beyond the narrow bounds,
of any Church so named, or of any single community within
our shores. The supremacy of the Divine Word, though still
far from being understood even on British ground, a w'atchful
Providence has not left to expositors, to spell out or explain.
God has been his own interpreter, and he has made it plain.
This is one great lesson, which the Sovereign Euler has been
reading to this kingdom entire, for more than three hundred
years.
Hence it is, at the present most eventful crisis, whatever
may betide the country as a whole, or whatever may await
any of its more limited interests, that His own cause stands
out before us, healthy and strong, and in vigorous operation ;
far more vigorous than at any previous period, and by far the
highest undertaking of our (\^a,y. Forming, therefore, as it
does, such a commanding providential event, or a voice so
significant and so loud; there may be impending danger to all
subordinate interests throughout the land, in disregarding it
any longer, or in its not occupying that high place in the
national mind, to which it is entitled.
We need not to be informed, that, under the influence of
the present low estimation in which some appear to hold the
THE PRKCEDINO HISTORY. 63y
Scriptures themselves, they may reply — " But what is all
this array at the best, save an array of means f'' It is even
so, though we might first sa}' ; but look again and consider ;
it is such an array, and of such means ! After perusing such
a history of the past, let us have a care how we estimate the
divine provision for millions. Substitute or exchange all these
volumes for men, right-hearted, and what are styled able meriy
and then point out the difference. What would they be, though
full in view, but an array of means ? Or before God, only so
many ciphers, without an unit, or the root of numbers, before
them r' ^' For who is Paul, or icho Apollos, but ministers by
whom ye believed, even as the Lord gave to each of us? I have
planted, Apollos watered, but God gave the increase — These
things brethren, I have applied to myself and to Apollos for your
sakes ; that ye might learn in us, not to esteem any one, any
teacher, above what hath been icrittenr No, every thing is
beautiful in its own time and place. The minister of truth
is never to be undervalued ; but the Word of God is the
sword of the Spirit, and that is a sword, which is only to be
wielded with eftect, by the arm of conscious weakness. In
both instances, whether of the Sacred Volume, or the man of
God, the life-giving Spirit is all in all. Meanwhile, at such
an array of means, it will not be safe to wink. The event is
auspicious, and calls for deeper reflection.
The uninterrupted progress, or effect produced.
In the year 1526, Tyndale's first editions of the New Testament had
reached both England and Scotland, and to enumerate some of the visi-
ble consequences of the arrival on these shores of this blessed book, has
been the object of the preceding pages ; but there is oiie effect by way of
eminence, which, even in our own age, and in the present state of Great
Britain and Ireland, imperatively demands notice.
Almost immediately after the introduction of the Sacred Volume in
our native language, we saw it at once divide the people, whether in
England or Scotland into ttoo bands. Scarcely a month seems to have
passed away, before this result became visible. At first, indeed, one of
these divisions embraced but few in number, and an appearance so
feeble as to be doomed to destruction. They were despised, as Benha-
dad of Syria did the Israelites, and the words once employed of old,
might seem not inapplicable. " The children of Israel pitched before
them, like two little flocks of kids : but the Syrians filled the country.''^
It will now be remembered, that in those early days the names given to
640 CONCLUSIONS DRAWN KHOM
these two parties were, " the Friends of the Old Learning" and " Friends
of the Xew." Tliuy are titles, to which, without entering into any petty
controversy, wc had not only no ohjection, but adopted them, and for
certain reasons, we prefer them still. They convey nothing violent, no-
thing offensive in sound, and if their actual import be understood, they
serve perfectly well to indicate by far the most momentous division of
this empire. In observing it, we need to fetch no compass, for in a
straight and uninterrupted line, we have still the two parties standing
before us. They are, as they have ever been, for and against the Sacred
Scriptures in the vulgar tongue, and their being given to all, without
note or comment. This division, as being the first, and therefore the
most ancient, is one from which the public mind ought never to have
been diverted. It possesses the advantage of great or perfect simplicity,
nor throughout the long war of opinion, is there any other by which a
more distinct understanding can bo obtained.
In the beginning, or from the first moment, the friends of the old
learning were opposed to the importation of the Scriptures in the verna-
cular tongue, and above all things deprecated their being given to the
peoi^le. They hunted after them, as wc have often witnessed ; they
ordered them to be given up ; burnt them, and even those who read
them, or possessed them and refused to surrender. Right or wrong, the
first translator traced the misery of the day, chiefly to this opposition.
On the other hand, the friends of the nevj learning, eagerly sought after
the hated book ; they read it with insatiable avidity, and cleaved to
it in the face of threatening, cruelty, and bitter death. By them it was
prized, as the book of life and salvation, as the voice of God, as the book
of the soul ; and still it went on to prove, as it had declared, " mighty
in operation." Even its first arrival had served to shew its power,
though we need not now to say any more of its having so agitated the
men of the Metropolis, and both the Universities ; of its rendering alto-
gether abortive the magnificent and deep-laid scheme of Wolsley, at
Cardinal College, Oxford, to set " learning against learning ;" or of its
having so moved the students at Cambridge and Oxford, as to cause the
Primate of England to wail over the change. We have only to remem-
ber the many other minds, on which divine truth took so deep a hold,
and these belonging to no professed seat of learning. The thirst seemed
as if it never could be satisfied. The common people heard, or read
gladly.
In process of time, however, the gentlemen of " the old learning,"
finding that all threatening and denunciation were in vain ; having
failed to exterminate the Scriptures themselves, and failing in power to
consign their opponents to the flames, it was not long before they had
brought forward what they styled other authorities to be obeyed, be-
side that which was daily proving itself, and so powerfully, to be
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. 641
SUPREME. In fear of losing their influence, and with it their emoluments,
other weapons must be employed. They talked learnedly about anti-
quity. They mooted the authority of the Church, even such as it had
been in their own hands, and the authority of ancient doctors, styled
the Fathers ; upon which, far too many of their opponents with blind
simplicity followed them ; whether by way of argument or in the way of
compliance, to prove their skill in polemics. Certainly these, though the
professed friends of the " new learning," had never intended to weaken
or betray the rising cause for one moment, and much less for genera-
tions to come ; but in thus acting, they but little knew what they were
about, or what they had done. As yet far, very far from being suffi-
ciently grounded in the paramount, the exclusive authority of the Word
of God, they were not alive to the fact, that there, and there alone, they
were impregnable. Had they but firmly maintained, that the testimony
of God was the exclusive basis on which belief, as an imperative or reli-
gious duty can rest, the only evidence by which the truths there re-
vealed can be established, and that all obedience must be regulated by
the same divine and unerring standard ; then might they, in a state of
perfect serenity and assiu'ance, have waited patiently for Jehovah, as
being his own interpreter. Then and there, all the darts of the enemy
must have proved as stubble, and they might have smiled at the shaking
of any spear. But once drawn aside, once moving away from this first
principle, whether for the mere sake of argument, or in vain hope of
conquest, they were ut^oto. forbidden ground ; and every act of comj)liance
proved to be an instance, not of child-like, but of childish simplicity,
only far worse in its consequence's. Had they possessed no more than a
just apprehension of the Divine Majesty, that is, of his supremacy in
power and efficacy, they must have remembered, that of nothing is He
more jealous than of his sovereignty ; but that by such a course the Sa-
cred Volume was virtually dethroned. " The only book left us of Divine
authority, not in any thing more Divine than in its all-sufficiency,'''' was
thus not treated with reverence due. And what then ensued ? Have
we not seen gentlemen, leaders, or professors, of both " learnings," met
at one common table, and discussing these several authorities ? And
have we not witnessed too many following their example 1 The Sacred
Volume, it is true, had been given to the people providentially, and in-
dependently of all these men, and its progress to the present hour has
been conducted after a similar fashion ; but it is to this sad, this heed-
less and mistaken movement, that we are to ascribe in a great degree
the history and mystery of these two classes within this kingdom. Thus
it was in the beginning, that, vmder the shew of argument, the adherents
of the old learning contrived to maintain their ground, nay, and prolong
the existence of their " learning ;" for precisely so have they acted,
from time to time, as occasion has offered, ever since. The party, indeed,
VOL. ir. 2 s
fi42 CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FROM
cannot now boast that they are one and indivisible, any more than their
opponents, for it is under more names than one, that the old learning
has still lingered throughout the land. From generation to generation,
its votaries have survived, and certainly they have been over-ruled to
serve one valuable purpose ; that of ever and anon recalling, if not
driving, the friends of the new learning, to their first fundamental prin-
ciple. That princij)le was the supreme authority and all-svfficienci/ of
the Sacred Volu7ne ; and had this only been regarded as the pole-star, and
followed fearlessly, long before the present day, though not upon a sea
which knows no storms, the natives of Britain must have been under a
clearer sky. On the contrary, too many of the adherents of the new
learning, though never done with repeating their favourite maxim re-
specting the Bible, and the Bible alone, have ever since treated it chiefly
as a sheet anchor, and as if it were to be resorted to only when assailed
by a storm ; though it was given them also as a chart to guide through
all the perils of the deep. A grand and fundamental first principle,
nay, the very highest, carrying with it more than the certainty which
characterizes the principles of any science or art, has never yet been duly
revered or followed out. On the contrary, there seems to have been for
ages a secret dread of its being brought into use ; although never till the
authority and completeness of Divine Revelation be better understood,
can there be less than two opinions, or parties ; and these two, as main-
tained hitherto by not a few who have received the Scriptures, leading
to many more. Such, however, was the first great controversy in Britain,
and as it took precedence of all others in point of time, so, as first in
point of im20ortance, even in oui- o^vn day it is abundantly manifest, that
all subsequent, all subordinate points of difference, submissively icait
upon its progress, and upon its decision even still.
On looking back throughout these three hundred years, it now becomes
worthy of careful observation, that whenever the question of authority has been
revived, aside from that of Scripture itself, or whenever the authority of what
is called Antiquity, Tradition, the Fathers, or the Church has been brought
forward, with whatever appearance of modesty, and in language however im-
posing ; this has uniformly turned out to be no other than either a disparage-
ment of the Sacred Volume, or a covert attack upon Divine Revelation itself.
Had the friends of tlie new learning, instead of too often slumbering or sleep-
ing, not merely brandished their first fundamental axiom, but in good faith,
and as in duty bound, acted upon it ; the mere mention of such authorities
would have roused them. Instantaneously, they must have augured tliat the
gentlemen of " the old learning" were nigh, that the hand of their ancient
enemy was upon them. Or in other words, that the all-sufficiency or supre-
macy of the Sacred Volume, was about to be impugned. The votaries of the
old learning, it is time, have long left this designation behind them ; they have
often since also made their bow to the Bible, and spoken of it in terms of ap-
parent respect ; but he must be but a novice in tlie tactics practised, so often
and so long, who does not at once perceive tliat the profane idea of the in/uffi-
riencv of the Sacred Word to settle every point of faith and practice is cherished
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. G^S
still. Indeed, whenevci*, .it any pei'iod, this controversy has been revived, this
bad and baneful sentiment has not merely been cherished, but expressed with
ns much bold impiety, as it was in the sixteenth century.
Of this early and mistaken movement, and its former injurious consequences,
many proofs might be adduced, for we must still, at this hour, rigidly insist
upon our iiro-fold division of the people, whether in England or Scotland.
Whatever names, professionally, subsequent disputants might and did assume,
whenever they symbolized with the gentlemen of the old learning, to prevent
all mystery or mistake, and see clearly how the nation has stood, or stands at
the present moment, they must, in historical propriety, ever be ranked under
the same geuei-al title.
Perhaps one of the most learned and able Conferences between the old and
new learning party, was held in 1584, by the very same man who proposed our
present version of the Scriptures at Hampton Court in 1 (j03.-0 But to pass by
intennediate instances, if we come down to the next century, or more than a
hundred yeai"s after the reception of the Sacred Volume, it was with this perni-
cious confusion, of Divine with human authority, that Milton, among others in
his day, seems to have been so much annoyed. " As if," said he —
" As if the Divine Scripture wanted a supplement, and were to be eked out,
they cannot think any doubt resolved, and any doctrine confirmed, unless they
run to that indigested heap and fry of authors, which they call Antiquity.
Whatsoever time, or the heedless hand of blind chance, hath drawn from of
old to this present, in her huge drag-net, whether fish or sea-weed, shells or
shrubs, unpicked, unchosen, those are the Fathers. Seeing, therefore, some
men, deeply conversant in books, have had so little care of late, to giA'e the
world a better account of their reading, than by divulging needless tractates,
stuffed with specious names of Ignatius and Polycarpus ; with fragments of
old martyrologies and legends ; to distract and stagger the multitude of credu-
lous readers, and mislead them fi'om their strong guards and places of safety,
under the tuition of Holy Wi*it : it came into my thoughts to persuade myself,
setting all distances and nice respects aside, that I could do religion and my
Country no better service for the time, than doing my utmost endeavour to
recall the people of God from this vain foraging after straw, and to reduce
them to their fimi stations under the standard of the gospel ; by making ap-
pear to them, first the insufficiency, next the inconveniency, and lastly the
impiety of these gay testimonies, that their great Doctors would bring them to
dote on."
Such confusion in debate, howevei', such departure from our " strong guards
and places of safety under the tuition of Holy writ," it is well known, was not
20 " The Conference between John Rainolde and John Hart "—first published in 1588, again
in 1610; and attested by his opponent to be " the faitliful report of that which passed in con-
ference between them." Rainolde maintaining the supreme authority of Scripture, as well as
its being the only touchstone of truth in religion ; and once bowing to this authority as revealed
in Scripture, its believers, he insisted, were a free people, having neither visible altar or visible
sacrifices to lay thereon. But " with their spiritual sacrifices of praise, they may nowsing the
songs of the Lord in all places. To them no land is strange ; no ground unholy. Every coast
is Jewry, every town Jerusalem, every house Zion, and every faithful company, yea, every
faithful body, a temple in which they may serve God." What then would Rainolde have said,
had he lived in our day, and witnessed the wondrous dispersion of the version he proposed ? In
his view, at this moment, he would have had every one of the devout readers of his f;nglish
Bible, whether abroad or at home, near or afar off, to have felt his true elevation, and all to
hare united in one chorus —
" To me remains nor place nor time ; My country is in ev'ry clime,
1 can be calm and free from care — On any shore, since God is there'
C4+ CONCLUSIONS DRAWN PROM
tlu'ii to dio away. Tlic " mistress island of ull tlic Britisli," as Milton styled
it, has had its share of panics, and for two hundred years, has been more or
less so agitated ever since. The living heirs or representatives of the gentle-
men of " the old learning," still survive, and though under other designations,
not only hold the precise sentiments of their forefathers with as finn a grasp,
but with as much of spcciousness, as they ever displayed. Never, at any pre-
vious period have they succeeded to such extent, in beguiling away the mindfl
of many from the main question, so held up by God for ages before this
nation, and from that vital ^jco-fold division, which has existed down to the pre-
sent hour. In proof of this, it may only be observed, that, in refci-ence to
Christianity itself, there is a point, which, in these eventful times, has been
supposed by thousands, and even of the " new learning party," to have no supe-
rior. It has therefore been frequently referred to by them, as " the question
of questions," relating to what is called the Church. A short time now, may
discover the mistake, for there is a point superior, and being one where God
alone is specially concerned, sooner or later it must have the precedence, and
the sovereignty belonging to it, by itself alone. Throughout all Europe, but
especially in this country, there is a j^rerious question, and if so, it must be
first settled, before confusion can cease. After a controversy of more than
three hundred years, standing upon British ground may we not cherish the
hope that Ho will " magnify his word above all his name !"' Here seems to be
the question, which must be more fully met, than it has ever yet been, and
in a far different manner, before the general surface of this kingdom can
exhibit any thing superior to " the working of the sea before a calm," rocking
itself to rest.
On glancing backward, we have already witnessed, for about forty years, all
the heart-stirring activity displayed in circulating the Bible, without note and
comment, more especially in the English tongue ; while those who were thus
employed have been very slow to believe that there would be, or could be, any
reaction, in such a country as this ; and now that it is bubbling up, and rising
to the sui-face, many have expressed great astonishment, that such a thing
should be found in all England. They must have been slumbering, however,
nay, sleeping, for even still their eyes are far from being fully opened. Our
own particular interests, our own religious circles, have seemed to be all in all.
" It is especially necessary, in the present day," says one party, " that we
should look to our oien Church as our divinely-appointed guardian and instruc-
tor ; as light, and as, consequently, refuge !" And so, too many appear to
have felt, till the enemy is actually at the gates ; nay, and within the gates.
The truth is, that, after their own ancient fashion, the gentlemen of " the old
learning" have been up for yeai"s, and working with unprecedented activity.
Whether unobserved, or not rightly understood by the friends of Divine Reve-
lation, the reaction in this kingdom is now of above tirenty-seren years' standing,
and in regular progi'cssion.
As long ago as the year 1817, a learned and acute disciple of the old leai-n-
ing, though living on the continent, then foresaw the rising of this cloud, and
hailed its appearance with joy, as certainly to advance in the direction of
Rome. " O noble England," said he, " you formerly were the first enemies
of unity ; today the honour of bringing it back in Europe devolves upon
yoM."2l Without entering into the grounds of his prescience, a few leading
ii Count lie Maittre in his work entitled 'Du Pape". 1817, pp. 4iT-42«. The Count died in
1B21.
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. 645
facts may be left to speak for themselves. Only three years before this, it is
true, the cause of Divine truth appeared to wear a very different aspect, at
least in the eyes of one man, Herbert Marsh, the late Bishop of Peterborough.
" I have long since," said he, " abandoned the thought of opposing the Bible
Society. When an institution is supported with all the fervour of religious
enthusiasm, and is aided by the weight of such powerful additional causes, an
attempt to oppose it, is like attempting to oppose a torrent of burning lava
that issues from Etna or Vesuvius." Yet but a very short period had elapsed,
when three English Bishops, Tomline of Lincoln, Law of Chester, and Good-
enough of Carlisle, had declared their sentiments, as adverse to this mode of
circulating universally the English Bible, without note and comment. What
would these parties have said, had they been aware of the fact, that Divine
Providence, at the moment, was accomplishing as much, or more, in tlie way
of dispersing the English Bible by sale, icithout any mode at all different from
the usual current, for centuries ?
It so happened, however, that the opposition fi'om abroad was simultaneous.
Since the year 181G three pontiffs, out of four, in succession, have not failed to
speak out, again and again, rallying the votaries of " the old learning" to
action.22 At the same moment in which Count de Maistre was publishing his
sentiments, another English prelate, Sparke of Ely, had spoken out, besides
other men of inferior grade, both in England and Ireland. This leaven must
then be left to ferment and fester for years, till, at last, the good people of
England were to have their attention very gradually directed to specious
TRACTATES oncc more. In these, too, as in Milton's age, the names of " Ignatius
and Polycarpus," with many others, were to be introduced in due season. The
garb of great ceremonial sanctity was to be assumed, and the danger of being
polluted by the touch of the cei-emonially unclean was to be explained. The
prevailing irreverence of the age was to be condemned, and none of the popular
and bad ways of the world were ever to be theirs. We employ only such
terms as thej* have themselves afforded ; and yet with singular inconsistency,
all these years have they been carrying on their cause anonymously, through
that once hated, and often much abused engine — the printing press. They
commenced cautiously, with no more than four pages, at the easy charge of
one jienny, rismg by degrees, in quantity and price, as their readers were able
to bear them, till they reached to more than five volumes octavo, in the course
of ten years. Editors of newspapers and proprietors of reviews, have been in
constant requisition, to say nothing of poems and travels, nay, and even novels
and books for children. Though resident in England, in the nineteenth century,
nay, understood to be friends of the new learning, but certainly living on its
emoluments, it is curious enough, that these writers actually moan over their
situation, as analogous to that of " the Jews in Babylon ;" while it is worthy
of notice that they have been in constant anticipation of some great approach-
ing conflict. For the ten years referred to, they have been mustering their
forces under this expressive motto — " If the trumpet give an uncertain sound,
who shall prepare himself for the battle ?" Such, in our day, are the gentlemen
of the old learning.
Now, notwithstanding this singular motto, in the entii-e compass of the Eng-
lish language it would be difficult, if not impossible, to find any five volumes
octavo, so fully charged with sentences of uncertain or ambiguous meaning, to
M The Cardinals Chiaramonte, Delia Genga, and Capellari, iiassiiiR iiiidci the titlts of Pius
VII., Leo XII., and Gregory XVI., as to be mentioned presently.
(M-n CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FROM
sav nothing here of other qualities. Wliatever may bo thought of the trumpet,
" uncertainty of sound " has been the perpetual eomplaint of readers not a few.
Tiiis, however, need to have awakened no surprise, now that these writers, in
their fifth volume, have, at last, divulged that in their system — mystcrtj and
reserve arc two cardinal points.
So far a-s Christianity itself is concerned, the confusion which reigns through-
out these Tracts, between what is external and internal, between bodily service
and the operations of the mind ; between repentance towards God, or faith
towards our Lord Jesus Christ, and obedience to revealed positive institu-
tions ; between the rest, the perfect rest to the conscience which the Saviour
ei'ires, upon believing in Him, and the rest to the soul which the obedient be-
liever finds in his service ; the radical distinction between objective and sub-
jective religion, or between the glorious work of the Redeemer wTought/wr us,
and the glorious work of the Spirit to be perfected in us — On all these vital
points, so far from any certainty of sound, the confusion is so frequent, so uni-
form and complete, that no more than one question can present itself to the in-
telligent Christian. What is the cause ? For after ten years' labour, some pre-
siding cause there must be.
Their long-drawn lucubi-ations, pai-taking so much of the darkness of the
night, on all other subjects, are only effects, while it is with the cause alone
that the nation, as the nation, has been concerned from the beginning. Posterity
may, and probably will, enquire with surprise, what had become of the friends
of " the new learning" all this time. Were it not to substantiate that infinitely
important point with which the admiring readers of the English Bible have to
do, no consideration whatever could have induced us to quote one sentence ;
but if the sickening sentiments of these writers have made such progress
from the heart of England, and in the middle of the nineteenth century, it
would be doing injustice to the history of the Sacred Volume, were we not to
verify all that we have asserted. Uncertainty of sound, may have perplexed
many readers, in reference to other points ; but there is unhappily no am-
l>iguity whatever with regard to the Oracles of God.
" It is enough," say they, " It is enough that Scripture has been oveiTuled
to contain the whole Christian faith, and that the early Church so taught,
though its form at first sight might lead to an opposite conclusion." " Yet,
while we admit, or rather maintain, that the Bible is the one standard of faith,
there is no reason why we should not suppose the overruling hand of God to go
farther than we are told it has gone." " Both the history of its composition,
and its internal structure, are against its being a complete depository of the
Divine Will, unless the early Church says it is ! ! Now the eai'ly Church does
not tell us this. It does not seem to have considered that a complete code of
7)wrals, or of Church (lovernment, or of rites, or of discipline, is in Scripture ;
and therefore so far the original improbability remains in force ! !"
The reader will mark here the artful though absurd distinction, di-awn
between faith and 'practice, or between what we are to believe and " how we
are to behave oui*selves ui the house of God," or even anywhere. But, again,
and as if they had admitted too much, even respecting faith, they say —
" These extracts show not only what the Anglican doctrine is, but, in par-
ticular, that the phrase * rule of faith,' is no symbohcal expression with us,
appropriated to some one sense ; certainly not as a definition, or attribute of
Holy Scripture. And it is important to insist upon tliis, from the very great
misconceptions to which the phrase gives rise. Perhaps its use had better
BE avoided altogether. In the sense in which it is commonlv understood
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. 64?
at this day, Scripture, it is plain, is not, ou Anglican principles, the rule
of faith ! !"
Thus, with a degree of boldness which might well have startled all England,
so much do these men take it upon them to say, on Anglican principles, only
lamenting over the " very great misconceptions" and " common understand-
ing," which do not comport and agree with their pernicious sentiments. But
this is not all. The Sacred Volume itself has been disparaged by them, nay,
arraigned and spoken of in a style as dangerous to the community as any which
has ever been employed these three hundred years. The oi'iginal burners of the
Bible spoke out, and were not misunderstood. There was neither " mystery"
uor " reserve" in them j nor did they, like our modern friends of the old learn-
ing, plead hard for any. War ham and Tunstal denounced the New Testament
in English as " pernicious poison." Gardiner, Bonner, and others, raved against
the Scriptures in the \'ulgar tongue as " dangerous," but these writers, in our
day, have had the profanity to assail the very style and structure, the explicit-
ness and adorable fulness of Divine Revelation itself. Like purblind men, out
of humour with the stars in the firmament of heaven, for want of system, they
are so much so with the Volume of Inspiration itself, that it is impossible they
can sing, we do not say without reserve, but without hypocrisy, even the nine-
teenth Psalm. Levelling the Oracles of the most high God with the opinions of
frail men, what is the language they have presumed to hold in the ears of their
countrymen ? In love to adoration of their " Fathers," they tell us, —
" If the Fathers contradict each other in words, so do passages of Scripture
contradict each other ! !" Nor will this suffice, " I have above insisted much
upon this point," says one of these men, " that if Scrij^ture contains any religious
SYSTEJi at all, it must contain it covertly, and teach it obscurely, because it is
altogether most m^iETBO'DiCA.L and irregular in its structure J" Nay, pinched
by an expression, which even Tunstal and Gardiner, in their eax'ly day, had
allowed to pass, viz. — " Scriptm'e contains all things necessary to be believed
to salvation ;" this insidious, but withal weak writer, cannot permit it to stand,
without this profane comment. " Doubtless," says he, " Scripture contains all
things necessai'y to be believed; but there may be things contained, which are
not on the surface, and things which belong to the ritual and not to belief. Points
of faith may lie under ihe surface, points of observance need not be in Scrip-
ture AT all ! ! "
After language such as this, spoken and printed in England in the nineteenth
century, and much more to the same awful effect, and after beti'aying egregious
ignorance of the meaning of many passages of Scriptui-e itself, is it marvellous
that these anonymous writex's, by good words and fair speeches, should have been
ti'ying to deceive the hearts of the simple I They liave been more than artfully
insinuating that the free circulation of the Sacred Volume among the people is uk-
NECESSARY or INEXPEDIENT, Hay, CTcn o/ DANGEROUS CONSEQUENCE ! ! Here, then,
beyond all question, we have before us no other than the gentlemen of " the Old
Learning" once more. They have been overruled, upon British ground, in past
days, to liasten forward the cause of God, and they will be so again, but to a more
glorious extent than ever. For above ten years they have been sounding their
tioimpet, far as their feeble breath could carx'y it, and the only marvel has been,
where ax-e the friends of " the New Learning ?" Here there need to be no mis-
take. There is now no mystex'y, no reserve, no uncertain soimd. To tux'n aside
after any subordinate point, to linger with such opponents, on any subject what-
evex', relating to the credenda or agenda, to faith or px'actice, would be not only
time lost, but worse than wasted, or out of place. This was, in fact, the ox'iginal,
the old and sad mistake committed in England, as already explained ; and these
C<-\H CONCLUSIONS DUAWN FROM
mystical writers, for u little season, may have euceecded in misleading a few abler
men away from " tlieir strong guards and places of safety under the tuition of
Holy Writ." There they might hav(; exposed the old enemy, and the root of all
confusion, and have " recalled the j)eople of (»od from this vain foraging after
Htraw." But our present and main inquiry is after the vcritahle line;il descend-
ants of the early " Friends of the New Learning." Let them only give once again
the ancient and " ccrtiiin sound," and let it be clearly seen who they are that are
" prepared for the battle." The first was for the possession of the Book itself,
and a more memorable one was never sustained upon British ground ; let the
last, and far more noble contest, bo for the absolute, the sole and supreme
AUTHORITY OF THE WoRD OK GoD.
Meanwhile, it is evident that Count de Maistre, in 1817, had not been alto-
gether without data, when he hailed Old England as his forlorn hope. The
sentiments of these writers had afforded some gleams of comfort, and for some
years past they have occasioned moi-e heart-felt joy to Old llome than her pon-
tiffs and cardinals have tasted for ages ; but, strange to add, far more than she
has received from any other European nation of the day ! And if so, what have
been the sentiments issuing from that quarter for moi*e than twenty-eight years
past ? The pontiff's themselves will explain.
The first man who sounded the alami as to the dispersion of the Word of
God, was Cardinal Chiaramonte, or Pius VIL A prisoner of France till his
enlargement in 1814, in two years after he began to speak out. By his papal
brief, dated 1 st June, 1 8 1 G, the Bible Society was " a most crafty invention, by
which the very foundations of religion were undermined," — that is, it is here ac-
knowledged, of his religion, — " a pestilence " he adds, " and defilement of the faith,
most imminently dangerous to souls!" This is precisely the same language which
the reader heard coming from the pens of Old Warham and Tunstal, three hun-
dred and eighteen years ago. On the 5th of May, 1 824, out came an Encyclical
(circular) Letter, from Hannibal dclla Genga or Leo. XIL, his successor, de-
nouncing all such institutions as " strolling with effrontery throughout the world,
contemning the ti-aditions of the Fathers," though not speaking one word about
them. But then the Bible Society was " labouring with all its might to trans-
late, or rather pervert, the Holy Bible into the ruhjar language of erery nation."
And now, only last year, or the 8th May, 1844, Cardinal Capellari, or Gregory
XVL, has issued his zealous Encyclical Letter, following up his predecessors.
" We confirm," says he, and by Apostolical authority renew, the aforesaid direc-
tions already issued, concerning the publication, distribution, reading, and reten-
tion, of the Holy Scriptures, translated into the vulgar tongues." — " At the same
time it will also be your duty. Venerable Brethren, to seize out of the hands of
the faithful, not only Bibles translated into the vulgar tongue, published contrary
to the directions of the Roman pontiffs, but also proscribed or injurious books
of every sort, that the faithful may be taught by your monitions and authority,
vhat sort of pasture they should consider salutary to them, and irhat noxious and
deadly !"
Nor is this all, — see votaries of " the Old Learning," in our own Country,
joined hand in hand with this old man, just verging on the grave, at the age of
seventy -nine, in the " Association" for the propagation of such sentiments, under
his own immediate patronage, and in conjunction with his vicars in Britain.
" The bond of union amongst its members is simply to recite a very short prayer
every day, and to subscribe one half-penny a week to the funds ;" in the distri-
bution of which, " Scotland and the English colonics have largely participated."
Or witness "the College for Foreign Missions" established in Ireland, and now
taken under the wing of the Propaganda at Rome. Ma.s3 is offered up every
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. GiO
day for the subscribers, living and dead, and they are all promised a special share
in all the masses, the prayers, and conversions, which may bo the fruit of this
institution. They are looking as far as the wide world for their field of action,
and talk of five hundred millions of their fellow creatures as " buried in the
darkness of idolatry /" In one word, at no former period in the history of the
western world, have the gentlemen of the Old Learning been more upon the
alert after one object. To a man, they all fight under the old banner, though
by no means after the same fiery fashion ; but the inscription unfurled is precisely
the same as it w-as three hundred years ago. — " No Bible is to be tjlren to the people
of any nation npon earth in their rernacular tongue." To give it, say [they, would
not only be " profane eff"rontcry," but uniting to spread " pestilence" and " de-
filement" through the earth" I ! Let the words be noted down and remembered,
for when all this is taken into account, as coming from the puny lips of dying
men, the long-suffering of God with Europe, at this late day, is certainly by far
the most marvellous featm-e in his government of the world. If men will go
on after this fashion, as ripe for judgment, they must be left to their inevitable
doom.
It is with our own countrymen, however, that we have mainly to do,
and when, in conclusion, one is constrained to turn his eye to that par-
ticular quarter, in England, from whence this sympathy with " the Old
Learning" has proceeded, what associations are these which crowd upon
the mind ! It seems as if the spot had been selected, in order to rouse
the public mind. Among all the cities in Britain, was this that one
which became the seat of the yerj first printing press set up in this king-
dom ? So it has been affirmed ; but be that as it may, there are other
associations more than sufficient to awaken the mind and rivet the eye
of every reader of his Bible in the land. Here it was that the morning
star first rose in England, and so, over Europe ; when our own Wick-
liffe first opened to the people of his country the treasures of Divine
Truth in their mother tongue. Here it was where the immortal Tyndale
first gave his lectures on Scripture, and then proceeded on his way.
And not to mention others, here it was where, a hundred and eighty
years ago, there was one resident at Oxford who so nobly met the so-
phistry of his own day, in disparagement of that Sacred Volume, which
he regarded with such intelligent and profound reverence. All that
profane and sophistical verbiage which has been repeated since, he seems
to have more than answered, by anticipation.
" It has," said he, " been a common saying among the ancients, that even
Jupiter could not please all. But by the objections I meet with against the
Scripture, I find that the true God himself is not free from the imputations of
his audacious creatures, who impiously presume to quarrel, as well with his Re-
velations as with his Providence, and express no more reverence to what He
hath dictated than to what He doth." — « For some of them are pleased to say,
that Book is too obscure ; others, that it is iinmetkodical ; others, that it is con-
tradictory to itself ; others, that its neighbouring parts are incoherent ; others,
that it is unadorned ; others, that it is flat and unaffccting ; others, that it
abounds with useless repetitions. And, indeed, so many and so various are the
faults and imperfections imputed by these men to the Scripture, that my wonder
G5() CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FROM
at tlu'in would be almost as great as my trouble, if 1 did not also consider how
much it is the interest of the great Adversary of mankind, and especially of tho
Church, to depreciate composures, which, IJ duly rcrcrenced, would prove so
destinictivc to his kingdom and his designs."
In oppositon to the polluting and profane sentiments so arrogantly put forth
by these more modern objectoi's, O, how different was the view taken of his Bible
by this illustrious man !
" He that shall attentively survey that whole body of canonical writings we
now call the Bible, and shall judiciously in their system compare and confer
them witii each other, may discern upon the whole matter so admirable a con-
texture and disposition, as may manifest that Jiouk to be the work of the same
Wisdom which so accurately composed the Book of Nature, and so divinely con-
trived the vast fabric of the world."
" When I reflect on the Author and the ends of Scripture, and when I allow
niyself to imagine how exquisite a symmetry Omniscience doth, and after ages
probably will, discover in the Scripture's method, I think it just to check my
forward thoughts, and am reduced to think that economy the wisest that is
chosen by a Wisdom so boundless that it can at once survey all expedients, and
so imbiasscd, that it hath no interest to choose any, but for its being fittest,"
But notwithstanding " the Bible loses much by not being considered as a
system.'" " And as the Word of God is termed a Ihjlit, so hath it this property
of what it is called, that both the i>lainest rtistics may, if they will not wilfully
shut their eyes, by the benefit of its light direct their steps ; and the deejiest phi-
losophers may bo exercised, if not dazzled, with its abstruser mysteries. Thus,
in the Scripture, the ignorant may learn all requisite knowledge, and the most
knowing may learn to discern their ignorance.
And I use the Scripture, not as an ai'senal, to be resorted to only for arms
and weapons to defend this party, or to defeat its enemies, but as a matchless
temple where I delhjht to be, to contemplate the beauty, the symmetry, and the mag-
nificence of (he structure, and to increase my awe, and excite my devotion to the
Deity there p>r cached and adored "^^
To that of Robert Boyle, we might have added, for the last age, the testimony
of one of the most eminent Oxonians that university ever produced. We refer to
Sir William Jones, who would have started with horror at some recent expres-
sions said to have come from that quarter. But every reader must be familiar
with his language, and his devoted admiration of that Inspired Volume, at which
men of far inferior information and attainment have sneered. After one of the
largest surveys which has, perhaps, ever been taken by one mind, he regai'ded
the Scriptures to be the very Key of Knowledge.
It would, however, be doing great injustice to Oxford, and that
throughout our own times, did we not discover something there in
which there is neither " mystery" nor " reserve," nay, something happily
far superior to any testimony from men. If sympathy Avith " the Old
Learning" has been oozing out from a certain class, through the medium
of the press, and though the friends of the Nexv may have been bordering
upon slumber, has there been no overwhelming echo from the Oxford
»a See that admirable book,—" Considerations on tlie Style of the Holy Scriptures, by the
Hon. Robfrt lioylc. Bvo., 16C3. A Latin translation of it was printed, intended most probably
for the students at Oxford. Oxouia?, Typis W. II . Impensis Kic. Davis. 16(35.
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. 651
press itself ? If, in times long since, that City stands distinguished by
deeds so memorable in the history of the English Bible, and sentiments
so due to the majesty and perfection of the Sacred Volume ; in coming
down to the present day, has there been no busy, no perpetual, no palp-
able proceeding there ? Has there been no course of action, regular
as the rising sun, and reminding us of that Providence which we have
so often observed, in such varied forms, for three hundred years 1 Let
us look, and see.
It is in this locality, for more than ten years, that certain anonymous
writers have been very busy ; but has nothing been doing there, in multi-
plying the Sacred Record of which they have thus dared to speak ? On the
contrary, and above every other spot upon earth, has there been a work
proceeding, from week to week, in favour of those Scriptures 1 As-
suredly there has, and even future generations will be exulting in the
effects, when writers on the times are mouldering in the grave. Among
the cities of this kingdom, or of the world, the point of distinction at
Oxford is confined to one, and that one connected with the English
Bible, xcithout note or comment. During these years it has been affirmed
to be within the power of its noble printing press, that they could print
a Bible entire, in one minute ! But be this as it may, the power pos-
sessed has been employed in giving existence to the Divine Record, in
oiu: native tongue, and to such an amount, that it has exceeded that of
the presses of all the cities in continental Eurojie put together ! Even
London and Cambridge, with all their myriads of copies, have not been
able to keep pace with Oxford alone !
If, then, there has been an enemy in this quarter, threatening, how-
ever feebly, to come in like a flood, is no significance to be attached to
the singular fact now stated 1 Or rather, in the very camp where he
has been so long sounding his trumpet, has not a standard every morn-
ing been lifted up against him ? In the conflict to which his motto has
so often invited, although he intended but a local and far inferior one,
since the stress of battle, before long, must bear on this one point — the
Sacred Volume and its all-sufficiency, whether for " the plainest rustic"
or " the deepest philosopher ;" then will it be remembered, as at least
some encouragement, that no spot on the face of the earth has been so
distinguished as Oxford, the school of Wickliffe and Tyndale, for the
multiplication of the English Bible.
If, however, the ancient contest between the Old Learning and the
New is ever to be revived, not only must all " mystery" and " reserve"
1)0 dismissed, but all other consequential points be lost in the grand one.
By the New Learning, as in days of old, is to be understood, — tlie Bible,
without note or comment, in our vulgar tongue ; and surely, if the history
of the past is admitted to be any guide for the future, and if there be
any tide, or any voice, in human affairs, the Ruler of nations appears to
n;.2 CONCLI'.SIONS DRAWN KKO.M
he suiumouiiig the mind of Britain, and above every other nation, to his
otoi highest movement. If, then, this summons is ever to he obeyed, if the
devoted admirers of Divine Revelation are once more to be favoured to
engage in this, the highest of all warfare, might it not, as a preliminary,
prove to be the exercise of a sound discrimination or discerning wisdom,
if, turning away from all inferior or subordinate sources of tunnoil and
confusion, the liritish mind were afresh directed, with unmitigable en-
ergy, to that one division of the people which has in reality existed
throughout all the past, or from the beginning ? Sometime after the in-
troduction of the Sacred Volume in our native language, other divisions
of the community in Britain there were, and others since, far too many,
but all these with only one exception, have been transitory or evanescent,
as far as this life itself is transitory. To all these divisions, the people at
large, and in succession, have bid a final adieu, upon the silent solemn
shore of that vast ocean we must sail so soon. Nay, by living survivors, all
these have been often laid aside at the mouth of the grave. Not so the
one uninterrupted, the permanent division, to which we have all along
adverted, and now allude. Amidst the times that have passed over us,
and many changes, this has alike concerned every generation, and the
people entii-e have passed away in succession in one of only two charac-
ters,— " Those xclio had received, and those who had not received, the love
of tlie truth, or the truth in the love of it." At first, in the sixteenth cen-
tury, this division soon became palpable or visible to every eye. As if
it had been expressly intended to explain to all posterity its infinite im-
jiortance, to save from all delusion or mistake in time to come, it was
marked in a manner never to be forgotten. It was a division of the
community then accompanied by distress in every form of persecu-
tion, of imprisonment, and death l»y fire. It seemed meet to Infinite
wisdom to jjermit, that this line should be drawn in Hood, by the awful
instrvmientality of the rack and the stake, by the flames and their ashes,
or pining death in prison ; and though all these horrors have passed
away, this line now stands out, thus glaringly, in authentic history, as a
division of the entire community, from which the eye of Omniscience
all along has never removed, nor ever will.
To this, the original division of the nation entire, we are, by the pre-
sent narrative, happily confined : and if, to he understood, even the
history of our Bible requires to be studied by itself, in distinction from
all other things in the shape of a book ; so unquestionably does this
momentous division of our countrymen, as their individual highest
concern.
In these circumstances, as far as the history of our Vernacular Scrip-
tures is concerned, to the existing generation the last half century ap-
pears to form but one season, and one now calling for no transient retro-
spect. An impressive period it has been, not merely full of importance.
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. G53
or distinguished for its awakening character, but teeming with events,
many of which have been fraught with consequences. They have been
germinant or prospective events, and the present result is, in those who
think at all for their country, a disposition to look forward, and in not
a few, to look after what is, or may be approaching. Now, with imme-
diate reference to Scriptural Christianity, and far apart from all party
considerations, one cannot fail to be struck with a remarkable change
of feeling in the reflecting community, as prevailing throughout the
Jirst ten or fifteen years of this period, and the last ten. The feeling has
been the same, and may be described as one of thoughtful expectation
in all. In some over-anxious and undisciplined minds, it amounts to a
feeling of apprehension as to what mai/ transpire, and they have been
looking round about to consider what has been, in time past, the only
sheet-anchor of their native Island.
During the first ten years, the over-anxious eye turned to France,
during the last ten, strange to say, it has done the same to Italy, Du-
ring the first ten, Rome then so depressed, and by France about to be
laid lower still, excited no apprehension whatever for a single moment ;
but every post from Paris was regarded with anxious avidity. Infideli-
ty, associated with a species of fearful immorality, formed the subject
of general apprehension then : the revival of what we have all along
styled " the Old Learning," with its pernicious cloud of superstitious
observance, is deprecated noiv. The first ten years, therefore, with those
which immediately succeeded, may afi'ord to the existing age, some in-
valuable lesson, in reference to the last ten. Some safe and deep in-
struction may, at present, be drawn from that emphatic summons of
awakening. For instance, it cannot fail to be distinctly remembered,
that it was not any of our " Institutions," endowed or unendoM^ed,
the imagined guardians or bulwarks of public virtue, nor all of them
leagued together, which were able to roll back the tide of infidelity, or
prevent its incursion then ; and to every discerning mind it must be
evident, that they are even less able to deliver the nation, if in any
crisis now. Without exception, they are engrossed in looking after their
own stability or existence. Deliverance, therefore, or a brighter day,
must now arise from some other quarter, as it did then. The human pen
also, from the year 1792, was no less busy in trying to stem the progress
of infidelity and foreign manners, than it has been in our own day, to
meet certain blind, though, to some minds, specious propensities. But it
will be remembered also, that the writings of men, however able and
triumphant in reply, were but of little avail then, and so they have
proved nov:. No, after more than ten years of serious apprehension of
infidelity, and its invariable consequences, as well as able discussion
against both, after apologies for Christianity, nay, an Apology for the
Bible, and after the rights of man had been confronted with " the rights
G54 CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FROM
of Qod " — it was no ingenious theory, no new device, no Essay of com-
manding clociucncc, that brought relief, l)ut the mere fulfilment of a
plain and incumhent duty. It was action alone, or, proi)erly speaking,
the Bible alone, that gained the day. The simple proposal to dittjyerse
the Scriptures ^oithout note or cominent, at home aiul abroad, followed hy
the active aiid harmonious zeal in doiiig so, brought deliverance. Provi-
dence also, as we have seen, has been working wonderfully, in the same di-
rection, without calling for any one to look on, or'applaud. By men com-
bined, has been accomplished, what not one among them ever contem-
plated from the beginning ; by men separately, what they were led on
to do in the course of business. By both agencies in combination, the
mighty purpose has been effected ; but perhaps the most striking view
to be now taken of the whole is this — that one 'main intention of that
crisis was the ■multiplication of the Scriptiires in the English tongue, not
in foreign languages. Such, at all events, has been the result. Here
we arc, with a mighty and altogether unprecedented amount of the
Divine Word in our native tongue, dispersed throughout the kingdom
and its foreign dependencies ; and yet at the same time also, here wc
are, as a nation, once more in circumstances so peculiar as to be felt by
many, if not confessed by all.
At such a crisis as the present, therefore, when not one intelligent
Christian, of whatever persuasion, can imagine that his party, as it
stands, like Aaron's rod, will ultimately swallow up all others ; what
can be the existing purpose or intention of an overruling and ever
watchful Providence ? Full, to overflowing, with Divine revelation, the
mere multiplication of the Scriptures in English cannot possibly be the
main intention now. The identical course pursued from 1804 caymot
now be pursued. We have been brought forward to an advanced stage,
but it is a stage only in preparation for what is to come. We may look
back, but must look forward. It is only a breathing time, which now
calls for some vigorous and corresponding exertion, but it must be else-
where. At this point, also, let it not pass unheeded, that the whole
of the adjoining continent, with France included, is in the act of rous-
ing us to duty. They are as eagerly bent upon the advancement of
their " old learning," as France herself once was upon the spread
of her philosophy. Abroad, even still, and though it be one of the
darkest marks of a pernicious system, to make religion emanate from
man himself, the old figment of an universal Church founded on tradi-
tion, is again held up, imblushingly ; and before the eye of a nation
that for more than three hundred years has ])een in the uninterrupted
possession of the " living oracles of God." Nay, and the land of their
chief deposit, certainly for some specific reason, has providentially be-
come the main point of attack. Naboth's vineyard was " hard by the
palace," but though so far distant from the palace of tlie Vatican, this
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. €^55
Island, like that little vineyard in the eye of Ahab, seems to be coveted
above all other possessions. What can possibly have been doing in this
kingdom, to excite a cupidity, too fondly imagined to have been long
since extinct 1 Have we lost, in any degree, the pertinacity which ad-
heres to its purpose ? In the dispersion of the Scriptui'cs Britain has
been distinguished for thirty years, both for persistauce and persever-
ance. There has been no lack of ^jemstonce in her continiud efforts, as
to the English Bible. But has there been any relaxation of fersever-
ance in her sejmrate efforts, throughout her own foreign dominions, or
the world at large 1 We must, of necessity, immediately inquire.
So far, however, as the present history is concerned, the actual state
of things appears to be this : There is no sectarian movement now
before us, nor does any thing which can be so denominated come in our
way. But with all her imperfections in the administration of the affair,
and, confessedly, there have been many imperfections, and far too many
tokens of self-applause ; still Britain, by her activity in multiplying
and dispersing the Sacred Record, has drawn the eyes of the world
upon her, or, happily, far more than the eye of old Europe. With
what have been styled " missions," therefore, conducted by whomsoever
they may, the Pontiff, personally, does not see7n to interfere. These he
may counter- work, he imagines more effectually, without a bull. Not
one does he hold up and denounce by name, except it be one, though
little more than proposed, to Italy itself. But it is the Sacred Volume
in the vernacular tongue, any where and every tohere, upon which, in our
own day, he discharges his gall of bitterness entire. Thus it is, whether
British Christians become more alive to the fact or not, that three dif-
ferent Pontiffs, out of four, in regular succession, have been permitted
to signify to them, above every other people, where lies the strength,
the best or the chief hope and mainstay of Britain, and the only ground
of security as to her vast dominion.
Time there was, when the thunder of one bull would have sufficed to
fix attention in this country, but though three in succession have failed
to excite much notice, and many have never heard of one ; still, if there
be any relaxation, if any thing bordering on mere party-spirit, within
our shores, these documents may well be regarded as so many distinct
intimations, that we are neglecting the highest of all duties, and one
which ought to be common, as well as dear, to every circle in the land .
There may be those, it is true, whether few or many, even within this
country, who are sympathising with the enemy of truth beyond seas ;
others, for the sake of pelf, or blinded by superstition, ready to sell the
best interests of their native soil ; and even some but too much re-
sembling that Roman Emperor, who is said to have been amusing himself
with his violin, when his capital was in flames ; but in reality the friends
of Divine truth may feel obliged to these three successive Pontiffs ; and
656 CONCLUSIONS DRAWN KllU.M
as tho preacnt one, from his age and infirmity, must soon cease to live,
tlicre may be a fourth frown on the same cause presently. It is allow-
a))le to derive instruction even still from the old Euroj>can enemy. Ilis
opposition once contributed to the supply of Britain herself, and why
may it not now help to the supply of even the world in general ?
No believer in Divine revelation, it is true, need to feel any undue ap-
prehension at these things, but it is strictly within his province, to ob-
serve the signs of the times. Ilis only question must ever be, — " what
is the duty of the day ?" And if he tread only in the footsteps of the
Word of God, he need not to fear any mere ripple in the waves, any
apparent reflux in the advancing tide.
In the meanwhile, since the reigning Pontiff, unlike his predecessor,
Paul II., is no more wandering into the printing office at Rome for his
amusement -^^ but as it is the vulgar tongue in every land, which
is now, as it has ever been, the grand object of dread in the eye of the
enemy, let us first turn to its actual aspect, as it regards the Sacred
Scriptures in our own native language. As a preliminary to renewed,
but far greater exertion, this is so animating, that every reader of the
English Bible should be made thoroughly aware of it ; and more espe-
cially, as the sight may prove to be of value, many days hence, in re-
gard to all future and foreign operations.
To the present Readers of the English Bible.
After such a history as the past, and in the existing state of our Coun-
try and its dependencies, the writer must own, that he is drawn, irre-
sistibly, and with deep respect, to those, upon whose shoulders, as instru-
ments, all hope for future exertion must depend. Of course he alludes
to the admiring and devout readers of our common version, whether at
home or far distant. At present we regard them all as but one com-
munity, and the most united upon the face of the earth ; possessing
certain points of attraction to each other, for which we search in vain
throughout the world. Although the most widely diffused branch of
the family of man, except the Jews, yet they alone are in firm possession
of the entire Sacred Volume ; and once contemplated as a community
^Ijcfore the eye of Ilim who never slumbers, it cannot be said, at any
o-iven moment, that its members have ceased to peruse or to search the
same Divine Record. At any hour of the twenty-four, or rather any
minute, the eyes of some among this body are in the act of resting on
the same Book of Life, and that, from the beginning of the year to the
end of the year ! To be found in the midst of a people of the same
tongue, now approaching to fifty millions, and in possession of Divine
M See Iiilroiluctiori to Ihc first volume. pi>. !\iii., lix.
TITE PRECEDING HISTORY. f;.>7
Rcvehition to an extent which ycrvcs jis <'i contrast to the worhl ; these
favoured individiuUs, of l)oth sexes, from youth to old aj;;e, are hourly
drawn to the same heavenly centre of attraction ; and however far
apart, there alone they all alike find their best and their hapjiiest
moments.
The present age, with all its faults, has been designated " the age of
Bibles ;" but then, in the Readers we now address, having this divine
and sovereign authority before their eyes, every page has reached the
heart ; and no people upon earth so feel the necessity for the Author's
presence ; or in other words, for special influence to accompany and
sanction their reading. Already, however, the Divine Spirit has been
with His AVord, and as a 2)reliminary to every other step, the observance
of which is fitted to diffuse a friendship, or mutual interest, never yet felt ;
let us, whether at home or abroad, near or afar off, turn to that more
distinguished iceekh/ homngo paid to the Volume we alike revere. Here
is the point, the one point, in which we all meet, and it is enough. Even
in times such as the present, it is all-sufficient. Our common centre of
attraction, is the only immovable centre of repose. It has been said and
sung in Britain, in reference to the world at large, but merely as one of
the blissful visions of futurity — " The time of rest, the promis'd Sabbath
comes." To us, however, one has already come. As one Community, we
may turn to it, one day in seven, and in the view now to be presented,
the results of doing so it is impossible to foresee or calculate. Perhaps,
in future, the season should never pass unnoticed as a day b^ itself — a
day which we shall here distinguish as —
THE SABBATH OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
A modern French writer, much in rapture with the world of nature,
and anxious to interest his readers, has thus inquired —
" Is it not wonderful, that while you are admiring the sun plunging
beneath the western waves, another perceives him rising from the re-
gions of Aurora ? By what inconceivable mystery is this ancient lumi-
nary, which retires to rest weary and glowing in the dust of the eve, the
same youthful orb that awakes, bathed in dew, behind the white cur-
tains of the dawn ? Every moment of the day, the sun is rising, glow-
ing at his zenith, and setting on the world ; or rather our senses deceive
us, and there is no real sun-rise, noon, or sun-set. The whole is reduced
to a fixed point, from which the orb of day emits, at one and the same
time, three lights from one single substance. This triple splendour is
perhaps the most beautiful incident in Nature ; for while it affords an
idea of the perpetual magnificence and omnipresence of God, it exhibits
a most striking image of his glorious trinity."
But before the eyes of the vast Community we now address, though scat-
tered over all the world, there has already been presented a superadded
VOL. II. 2 T .
C.58 CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FROM
and a superior light, a gift inestimable, where the orb of day, and the
firmament he inhabits, is celebrated in language infinitely surpassing
this. There also the boon bestowed is spoken of, and before going fai'-
thcr, as no unsuitable introduction to the Day, now supposed to be
dawning, in succession, upon us all, let us listen to what is there said of
itself, and of its infinite value to man.
" The law of the Lord is iitrfect,— converting the soul ;
The testimony of the Loud is sure, — making wise the simple.
The statutes of the Loni) are right, — rejoicing the heart :
The commandment of the Lobp is pure, -enlightening the eyes.
The fear of tlie I.okd is clean,— enduring for ever :
The judgments of the Loud are true, and righteous altogether.,
More to be desired are they than gold, yea, than much fine gold ; sweeter also than honey,
and the honey corah. Moreover, by them is thy servant warned : And in keeping of them there
is great reward."
Or take only one description from the New Testament, against which
our ancestors fought so furiously for more than ten years complete, and
to the force and beauty of which, many in our own day are still alas !
but too blind —
" From a Child thou hast known the Holy Scriptures, which are able to make thee wise unto
salvation, through faith which is in Christ Jesus. All Scripture is given by inspiration of God,
and is profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness ; that
the man of God may be perfect, thoroughly furnished unto all good works."
In our world, men of letters have sometimes sighed after an universal
language, as the medium by which the contemplative or thinking men
of all nations might obtain possession of every new discovery, and trans-
fer them, in succession into their own tongue. But here, as yet, is the
nearest approach to it, and it is the more to be observed and revered, as
being the language not of man, but of God. Situated as we are, on the
morning of this day, what though oceans wide do roll between us ? We
are but one peojile, looking to one common Standard, one unerring
Guide — the only Standard, and ultimately to be so in all tongues. To
us it has been given to be the first, and, as yet, the only people, repair-
ing to it, on one day, in every quarter of the globe we inhabit. Below
the heavens, we know no aspect of humanity more touching and signi-
ficant than this. Surely it is more than sufficient to awaken some
deeper sympathetic feeling, and feeling for good, than there has ever
yet been cultivated.
That period of time to which w"e now advert, as recui'ring at every
seventh revolution of the sphere, embraces one day and night entire ;
and once begun, to the admiring readers of the English Bible, considered
as a body, in some resemblance to the sun in the firmament, there is no
twilight ; no evening shade. Before the Sovereign Author of this ex-
traordinary distribution of one people, in possession of the same Sacred
Record, it can in truth be affirmed — there is no night there. Nor is He
ever more present with them all, than when they look to Ilira through
this divine medium.
It will, of course, be understood, that we now cast an eye not at
TlIK PRECEDIxVG HISTORY. ti5!)
Britain alone,— a light in which no intelligent man of the present Jay
shoukl ever regard this kingdom. We look also at her dominions, now-
held hy but one imiierativc condition, or that of being subservient to
the designs of Providence. And here, as the day we contemplate is a
day of rest and reading, of worship and inquiry, it has no parallel in
any other tongue. The great majority of reflecting admirers is, no
doubt, to be found in Britain, Init long before they have ceased from the
cares of business, at the end of the week, the Lord's-day has already
begun ; and long after they have once more drawn the curtains and re-
tii-ed to rest, there are many in the far west, who are yet to go on for
hours, exploring the same sacred page. We have traced the English
Bible as being certainly in perusal above an hvmdred and seventy degrees
east, and about an hundred and eighty west of Greenwich. The half-
hour out of twenty-four, which may yet easily be ascertained, is, for the
present, of no moment.
Should this very memorable day, however, be thus taken into fre-
quent consideration, there is another which will not be forgotten, and
it is of equal length. It is the day before. This is perfectly well
known, and even to the most influential members of this singular com-
munity. With them it is a day of research as well as of reading the
same common standard. Here there is a positively ascertained effort
of mind, of twenty-four hours' duration, an uninterrupted mental aim
after " rightly dividing" the same " word of truth." The object in
view is that the trumpet may give one certain sound, for these men are
to lead the devotion of myriads on the following day. The ascertained
fact, therefore, is this, that for a space equal to not less ih-Mi forty-eight
hours, every week, the devoted attention of the same people is directed
to the same Sacred Volume.^^
23 But confining ourselves to the Lord's-day itself, within the British empire : any Saturday
evening, were we to place ourselves in England, at London, Oxford, or Cambridge, or iu Scot-
land, at Edinburgh or St. Andrews, we can see what is sure to occur. To these Cities the reader
will first remember how singularly were conveyed the Scriptures of the New Testament in 1526,
as well as that from that time to the present there has been no interruption to this great work.
And what is one of the ascertained consequences in our day ? At the close of the week, and
some time before the dead of the night, the eye of the English reader, not only from England,
but America, is already fixed upon our Sacred Volume, and, as if it were in echo to the mother-
country, it is at a spot but recently taking its name from our reigning sovereign, Victoria, in
Hong Kong, on the coast of China. Reading the Scriptures, and worship in the language of the
largest associated population in the world, the Chiiwse, will not fail to follow ; but from the mo-
ment they commenced with Kntilish in the morning never will many eyes be removed from the
same sacred page, till the orb of day passing over India, the Cape, Greece, and other parts of
Europe— Britain rises— then America, and the same blessed Book will not be laid aside till the
Sabbath-Sun has reached the far west, beyond another London or Oxford, or Toronto, in Upper
Canada. By that time our great Metropolis has resumed the business of the ensuing week ! An
hundred such heart-stirring recollections might be added. But wherever this far spread Record
is perused in a Fatii ill/ it might answer some valuable ends, not only interesting the young, but
stimulating the old, were there drawn out a distinct Horolooe of the Knfilislt BihU; embracing
night and day, or the twenty-tour Iioursentire. The numerous localities being accurately ascer-
tained and marked, with a moving centre-liicce, or sun, attached to the card, the eye might
turn at any hour, and know, almost to a certainty, one day in seven, how others were engaged
all over the World! Once furnished with the materials, we have no doubt that some London
artist is ready to take the liint, as well as to execute the thing in his hefct style.
(i<;0 CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FUOM
Now, it cannot be that such a community, whom it is possible thus to
select, and thus address, has yet fulfilled the providential purpose of
its wide extension. By no means ; for here may already be descried the
twilight of a brighter day than Britain has ever witnessed. Whether
they be in Old Kngland or New England, in Scotland or Nova Scotia,
in Middlesex and Braidalbin at home or Middlesex and Braidalbin
abroad, in Canada or the Cape of South Africa, in India or Burmah, in
the Indian Archipelago, the Pacific, or on the coast of China, this
favoured people of one language, have been thus scattered, certainly not
in wrath, but in mercy to mankind. " Thou hast scattered us among
the heathen" was the mournful complaint of the ancient Jew to his
God, because this was the token of his frown — the ruin or the death of
Judaism ; but this unprecedented dispersion of one Gentile nation may,
and probably will, prove the life of Scriptural Christianity. It was the
])rovidcntial dispersion of the first community at Jerusalem of old which
gave birth to the very name of Christian ; and in this vastly greater
dispersion of one people, why may not untold or unprecedented good
be involved ?
There is only one circumstance which remains to be glanced at, in
reference to this select day, so observed by one people on both sides of
the globe. Theii- common language happens to be the only one in
Eui-ope in which the doctrine of the seventh part of time, as well as
the joyful occasion of its observance, has been so fully comprehended
and observed. For these three hundred years the day has been difter-
ently regarded by all the nations on the Continent ; so that, with all
our faults, there has been, as remarked by Guizot, a moral as well as an
insular separation. Let us hold fast by the distinction, and improve it
now in both hemispheres. The neighbouring nations may have smiled
at these Sabbaths, and wondered at our weakness or simplicity in having
so multiplied the vernacular version of our Bible ; but they will not
deny, that to a people remarked for these peculiarities, there has been
conveyed an empire far more extensive than any that has ever
existed. But for these, there had been no such singular community as
that which it has been our object to address, and our desire to interest
more deeply in each other, and then, in the world around them. After
this, would it not be well for the adjoining Continent, were these nations
now to take both the Volume and the Day into more thoughtful consi-
deration ? — The circulation of the one ? — the observance of the other ?
To many, it is true, probably to many thousands even in this country,
the remarkable existing facts to which we have alluded may be alto-
gether new. Even among such as are, and liave been, interested, it may
seem as if a mist had risen and dispersed, exhibiting an assemblage of
their countrymen hitherto unknown. Yet we have dealt in no vague
suppositions. This is no imaginary pioture. It may be viewed by
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. fidl
any one, with equal precision, at the greatest distance or near at hand,
every week throughout the year. We have thus dwelt upon it, simply
from a desire to promote this habit. It is moral iniiuence especially
which is now demanded, and we cannot regard such a habit as a mere
gratification or soothing reminiscence. It would recall absent friends
and stimulate to action. Out of its indulgence would spring a thou-
sand benefits, such as cannot at present be foreseen, and need not be
described although they were.
It is now not unworthy of notice, that the nation which, with all its
faults, has been most distinguished for the observance and the mental
occupation of the Christian Sabbath, has proved to be the most energetic
and enterprising upon earth. It has lost nothing by resting one day in
seven. In its own place, that day has ))cen found to be equally in-
vigorating with nocturnal repose. So far from any interruption to busi-
ness, it has proved itself to be the economist of time, nay, of human life
itself ; and they are but superficial minds who hav« not frequently ob-
served this. By the season, however, that the Sabbath of the English
Bible has come to its termination in the west, business has already
commenced in Britain for the ensuing week, and the printing press is
once more in requisition. For many years no Monday morning has
i-eturned in which the compositor has not repaired to his wonted occu-
pation, and certainly not the least observable result has been this —
though the book, and even its readers, have been dispersed over an
area of such vast extent, that, compared with it, the whole of Britain is
but an insignificant island in the western seas, a mere speck amidst the
waves, yet in that Island have almost all these volumes been prepared.
With the single exception of those but recently put forth in America,
in Britain alone have all those English Scrij^tures been printed, and
here the great mass or majority are now to be found.
It is the fact as thus stated, which lends such a commanding voice
to all who have been so engaged, but especially to those in this country,
who have this cause at heart. The high and 2:)eculiar ground on which
Providence has placed the British Christian, calls for some correspond-
ing reflection at any moment, but for supreme consideration, should
there be any thing ominous in the times themselves. The highest
character he sustains is not that he belongs to this or that community,
but that to him have been committed " the Oracles of God." No object
whatever whether civil or even sacred, can justify his attention being
withdrawn, diverted or allured, from the highest design of the Almighty
in lending to this country its wide and commanding influence. But the
history of His Word in our native tongue having never before been his-
torically made o\it, the peculiarity of its character must now Ite added to
(>('<2 CONCLUSIONS DRAWN KKoM
tlu- iiimicnse iiuniher of its existing copies ; anJ those together appear to
1)0 more than sufficient to justify the supremo attention of all Chris-
tians in this kingdom, being invitctl at the present moment to a recon-
sideration of the entire sul)jcct before them.
THE FINAL QUESTION, OR PATH OF DUTY.
Our existing circumstances as a nation, in connexion with
the Sacred Volume, whetlier relating to the height of privi-
lege, or the amount of duty, we have all along felt our in-
ability to describe, or express in words. There is a certain
crisis in the history of nations, as well as in the life of n)an,
fitted and intended to provoke or draw forth the activity and
force of every agent. That our present circumstances are
critical, is the persuasion of all thinking men. IJut then
they are the critical circumstances of a strong and favoured
nation, when so far from repose, or even relaxation, the con-
dition of other countries never so favoured, must be taken into
consideration, after another manner than they have ever yet
been.
The present times are distinguished by a number of pecu-
liarities. The nation most happily has imbibed an aver-
sion from all war; its enterprising spirit has sought and
found vent in peaceful and profitable directions. This, it has
been said, is " the age of improvement' — the age of social ad-
vancement,— it is a mercantile age, and the wealth of the
world is poured into the lap of Britain, while its inhabitants
are living in the midst of discoveries which have almost given
life and breath to material nature." In all this the en-
lightened Christian patriot cannot but feel and take an in-
terest. But still, in his sober and deliberate judgment, by
far the most momentous and significant point in the state of
this country, consists in the abundant possession of Divine
Revelation, however lightly it may be regarded, and the pro-
digious reduction in price of the Sacred Volume. Conse-
quently, the question which he desires to be resolved is this
— What is the present duty ? What are the obligations
thus imposed on British Christians'
This subject of enquiry, as the final question, is one which,
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. ()63
on the part of the author, it is here confessed, has never been
absent from liis mind for years past. And though it was to
be amidst a thousand interruptions by professional engage-
ments, it seemed to be above all things else desirable, to
ascertain the actual state of our country ; not as containing
t/iis or that particular form of ecclesiastical polity ; but the
state of Britain as the distinguished depository of Divine
Revelation : and consequently the paramount duty of a people
so enriched by the possession of the Sacred Volume. It then
occurred to the writer that there was no other method so
likely to present in their due force, the imperative obligations
of his country to the rest of the world, as a distinct and im-
partial record of what had actually been done for it, from the
beginning. Out of the wide and wonderful wilderness of
" religious privileges" so called, in the possession of which so
many seem to be satisfied to live and die, there appeared to
be no way of escape, but by fixing upon the Sacred Volume
itself, without note or comment ; and following it rigidly as
the day-star, or surest index, far above all party, all local,
narrow, or limited considerations ; following it, till one could
see clearly, and look round on the state of our native island
as such. A more certain clue to the responsible condition of
its inhabitants he did not know, and he may now, perhaps
without presumption, be permitted to suppose, that, in this
point of view, our real position among the nations, has never
before been fully understood.
It is now twenty years ago, since it was said of this Kingdom, that
" no cloud in summer was ever more fully surcharged with electricity,
than it was with moral energy, and that it needed but a conductor to
issue out in any given direction." It was described as having become
'' the capital of a new moral world — the eminence on which intellectual
light strikes, before it visits the nations — the fountain-head of the Rivers,
that are going forth to water the earth." It was then affirmed to be
" in the option of Britain, to have well-wishers in every country." If
such Avas its condition then, what shall we say, and esjaecially of its re-
sponsibility, now ? For ever since, the Sovereign disposer of all good,
has been pouring his precious Word in far richer abundance upon
Britain. When the language now quoted, was employed by its intelli-
gent author, Mr. Douglas, not above one-third of these Sacred Volumes
had been issued fi-om the press. Hoio then, ive repeat, will it become
British Christians to act 7iow 't
';fi4 CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FUOiM
In suekinj^ for u wide ami imi>eiiitive liekl of future exertion, there is
no neceii.xity, in the first instance, for going even out of the Empire.
Hut iu passing beyond seas, instead of proceeding to action within the
wide compass of our own dominions, there has been a tendency, amount-
ing to infatuation, to go elsewhere, and intermeddle. That our ances-
tors should have been inveigled by their nearest neighbours on the ad-
joining Continent, is not so marvellous ; though the utter fruitlessness,
not to say the expense of doing so, was early perceived. It was lament-
ed even by the original translator of our Bible. " We," said he, " hav-
ing nothing to do at all, have meddled yet in all matters, and have
spent for our prelates' causes, more tlian all Chrinteiuhm, even unto the
utter beggaring of ourselves ; and have gotten nothing but rebuke, and
shame, and hate among all nations, and a mock and a scorn thereto, of
them whom we have most holncn." But this language, at the distance
of more than three centuries, will bear to be repeated even now ; for
this tendency toward the European continent was not then to cease.
Taking possession of even the Legislature, and with all the strength of
a natural principle from age to age, it had burst forth in all its power
within our own times ; and that also during a period when an over-
turning and over-ruling Providence seemed to be calling, not only the
Friends of divine truth in this country to depart, and go far hence to
the long neglected, but the nation at large, to mind her own business,
within her own foi'cign possessions.
It was, indeed, an old mistake, into which, as a people, Ave had fallen ;
an infatuation not without precedent. The only wonder has been its
long continued prevalence. Ancient Babylon is said to have been " a
golden cup in the hand of Jehovah, intoxicating all the earth." The
nations that had drunk of her wine are descril)ed as taking balm for
her pain, if so be she might be healed. Constrained at last to confess
— " We would have healed Babylon, but she is not healed ;" they then
immediately said, " Let us go every one into his own country — come
and let us declare iu Zion the work of the Lord our God."
In our case, therefore, to posterity it cannot but ai)pear strange in-
fatuation, after the snare was broken, and Ave had escaped ; after the
battle of divine truth Avas fought, and the victory so decidedly given
in our favour ; that instead of continuing to strengthen our indepen-
dent position, Ave should have gone, simply to be embroiled in fighting
the battles of these continental nations. But it Avill appear stranger
still, Avhen it comes to be observed, that in this course avc had incurred
a debt, amounting to hundreds of millions sterling — at the self-same
period that an Empire four times the extent of our natiAe Island, Avas
gradually coming under our SAvay ; and one, Avhich Avhen the subject
is properly understood, in point of money, has absolutely cost us no-
thing. Such a contemporaneous contrast bctAveen mistaken hmnan
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. 005
policy in Europe, ami the footsteps of an over-ruling Providence in
Asia, is not to be found in history.
This infatuation, however, as a national fooling, happily seems to he
on the wane, and let us hope that it may have expired for ever, with its
last prodigious eiForts. Its revival, at all events, has been often of late
most earnestly deprecated. " This country," says the author last quoted,
" appears to be intended by Providence for the enjoyment of perpetual
peace. There is, at least, every thing in our situation favourable for
the pennanence of our tranquillity, and for preserving uninterrupted
amity with every other country. If we would give up that vain idol,
the preservation of the balance of power in Europe, that Moloch which
we have been besmearing for a century past with human blood, we
might sheath the sword for ever, as far as Europe is concerned. A cer-
tain number of changes are necessary there : uo arm of flesh can prevent
them ; but these changes, if we remain quiet, will tvirn out for our
benefit, and for the advantage of the world."
Foreign wars, however, once laid aside, times of general and profound
peace having come, but Europe still being the favourite and fashionable
resort, it was not to follow that no traces of our prolonged confabulation
with that continent were to remain behind. " Evil communications cor-
rupt good aianners," and the leaven of this long intercourse was found
to be lurking within the kingdom ; though it had not occurred to many,
that battles abroad once over and gone, they were then to be invited to
skirmishing at home. It was not anticipated, that British Christians,
already so richly furnished with the Scriptures, were to be called upon,
and for years in succession, to return and travel over ground which had
been fought and won, decidedly won, centuries ago : or that they were
to be challenged to come once more forsooth, and fight over again " the
battle of the old learning." Now, had the?/ only been more fidl^ bent
upon conveying Divine Truth itself to the nations afar off, v/hile a gra-
cious Providence was even pouring it over their own land, they at least
might have safely remained deaf to all such idle and endless interrup-
tion. But the fact is, that zeal for diffusing the Oracles of God through
foreign lands had declined — decidedly declined, as Ave shall see presently.
Meanwhile, so far as the public mind became entangled by certain
votaries of " the old learning," it was a descent indeed fi-om the high
ground which British Christians, as such, ought to have maintained. To
every such call or challenge they were in possession of a reply —
" Wc can aflbrd time no longer to occupy such low ground as that of merely prote.sting
against error. We admit the operation of positive principle, and miis/ pro|)agate the thuth.
Once, indeed, we were entangled in our progress by your Apocrypha, but the single object to
which our utmost energ)- must now ever be devoted, is the Sacred Volume without note or com-
ment. Too long have we neglected this imperative duty, though we have not, of late, been un-
mindful of Furope ; having there already spent more than clovlli' of that we have done, even on
.\sia. Africa, and America combined. Meanwhile, gn back first, and atlimj't a conclusive an-
liffffif
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CCN CONCLUSIONS DRAWN I'KOM
viilouce is introducing us to the wiiic earth, or causinj; tlic WorUl to chaw
near and come, but especially to thiri island. Its position is altogether un-
precedented, and enough to rouse the most unthinking stupidity. Domi-
nion so vast, and brought so near at hand, the world has never witnessed.
In all previous history there is no reseml)lancc. Space and time were
never so abridged to the hand of any earthly power. Every other ac-
quisition of territory or dominion by any nation, shrinks before it. The
conquest of South America by Spain was not equal to a fourth of the
extent, in which more of human blood was shed in a short time, than
there may have been in India from the beginning. The Roman or Ma-
hometan conquests will not bear comparison. To this vast field of action,
over which an overruling Providence has given us influence, not to men-
tion other frequent o])portunitics of intercourse, we shall soon have
twent)/-four direct or stated channels of communication every year.
These, like so many distinct incitements, call us to go out, or send out,
and double our diligence in conveying to all these populous regions,
certainly not the peculiarities of our different indigenous religious systems,
upon which some are so blindly bent, but the unsophisticated book of
GoP, without our notes or comments, but in translations, if possible, at
least equal to our own. This, we cannot but imagine to be the highest
end for which such wide dominion has been bestowed, and the duty, by
way of eminence, assigned to this country.
By some individuals, however, it may now be said, — " But why all this ?
Where is the shadow of necessity for any such pleading ? Are we not already
thus engaged, and hus'ilij ? So, no doubt, many liave imagined, hearing it said,
but too frequently, how much had been accomplished. Why have we not been
told annually what has been done for the circulation of the Scriptures abroad,
as well as at home, nay, and from month to month, what is doing ? Certainly we
have, and it appears now that nioi-e than One hundred thousand pounds liave
been spent on the infoi'mation. And was there ever an object I'cspccting which so
much has been spoken, as well as printed ? Perhaps never. Yet, though the de-
gree of activity displayed has cbeei-ed many a heart, there may have been some
great and even general mistake as to its amount. Besides, upon a deliberate
review of the whole, it turns out not only that the public mind, from some
cause, has been weakened, and that the inqictus has declined, l)ut that many
are in danger of turning away to other and far inferior ol)jects, under the de-
lusion that all things are going forward to a triumphant issue. Whether this
may, in any degree, be traced to the manner of reporting progress, we know not.
But if, instead of dwelling chiefly on what was already done, thei'c had been
an animal and improved exposition of the deplorable stale of other nations, de-
monstrative of what remained to hi- aeconqilished, perhaps a different result
might have followed.
Meanwhile, having now eonie forward to a new era, a retrospect is due to
future effort, and though it should afford nothing to cherish the vanity of a
single mind, nor any ground as yet for mutual congi'atulation, nay, though it
may surprise not a few to find how little has been accomplished out of Britain ;
all this may warn us in future of being too easily diverted from what was ori-
ginallv proposcxl to he done, as well as preserve us from turning :iwn_v our eyes
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. 669
from the regions of the blind and the weary-hearted. We have styled the pre-
sent an era, partly because of the extraordinary and happy change which has
taken place in the price of the English Scriptures, since the time in which the
Bible Society held out certain priri/cges to their subscribers of otie (ininea.-^
And it may well be styled an era, and a happy one, because, if we except only
one language within the kingdom, the British division of the Bible Society is
rapidly approaching its termination.-!' The object of this Society was originally
declared to bo that of " circulating the Scriptures through the British domi-
«/o«s, and, according to its ability, extending its influence to other countries,
whether Christian, Mahomedan, or Pagan."
First, then, there is reason to apprehend that far too high an idea has been
entertained, and even expressed, in regard to the sum total that has been ex-
pended, from the beginning to the present day. We have not confined the
attention of the reader to the British and Foreign Bible Society, but taking it
as unquestionably the largest index to the past, the entire expenditure at the
close of forty years, has been upwards of three millions sterling. This may be
considered as the main strength of British Christians combined in favour of
the Sacred Volume, both abroad and at home. Yet is it now extremely doubt-
ful whether this sum be equal to the amount which was collected and spent,
not in forty years, but in about one-tenth part of the time, by our neighbours
the French, in spreading the tenets of their baneful philosophy before the Re-
volution of 17.'^"2. If this be anything near the truth, then Latimer's text be-
fore the Bishops in 1.536, may even still be quoted — " The children of this
world are in their generation wiser than the children of light." But at all
events this is more than sufficient to put an end to any more out-bursts of self-
applause and mutual congratulation.
Of the three millions, however, now expended, there must have been not a
few perfectly astonished to find that about tico-tJtirds of the whole sum have
been exhausted in the home department, and only one-third in the foreign ;
or in other words, that the former have been spent upon our own languages,
chiefly English, and no more than one-third upon the tongues of all foreign
27 Formerly a pocket Bible, which had cost the Society 5*. 2d,, and this was below the cost
to a bookseller, was oflered as a favour to subscribers of one guinea, at 4^. 2(1., and a New Testa-
ment which had cost \s. 7d. was offered at 1,5. 3d. But without subscribing one farthing any
where, a pocket Bible may now he j.iircliascd by any person for 'Jd. and a New Testament for 4d. .'
28 One language under the British division of operation has required long and earnest plead-
ing to obtain for it the requisite attention. Even the duty of preparing and printing the Sacred
Volume for this people, though admitted, is ever and anon meeting with some sad interruption.
Of course we allude to the vernacular Irish tongue. If the benevolent in Ireland itself be at-
tending to this, in however small a degree, it is well ; but by the Reports of the British and Foreign
Bible Society, it may be observed that there has again occurred some unaccountable, because
unexplained, hindrance in printing the Word of God for the Irish people. By their Report of
1839, they told us that nearly 1()(),00() (99,400) Bibles and Testaments had been printed in the
native Irish language, whether in the Exglish character, as at first, or more appropriately in its
own character afterwards. Now, since 1539, they have reported above 2,.320,(i(iO as printed for
the English ; and even for the Welsh above 109,000 ; but for the Nativk InrsH, of Bibles or
New Testaments, not otie copt/. Whatever may have been the hindrance it cannot be insuper-
able, and we are persuaded that the disparity only requires to be pointed out, and will not be
forgotten. At present the Wklshman has his choice of Jive editions of the Bible; and the pea-
sant may purchase one for Is. Cd., or a New Testament for (id. The Englisum.an may purchase
a Bible for 9(/. or a New Testament for id. The Irish Bible, in its own character, costs 7s. Gd.
and the New Testament 1.?. 3rf. to Subscribers of one guinea ! Vet, of the diti'crent classes through-
out the United Kingdom, there is not one that has discovered a more ardent attachment to the
Sacred Volume than the tialive Irish. The work going on there is an exact parallel to what
took ))lace in England and Scotland,— but that was above llirce hundred years ago! See also
p. OKj of this volume. Note 16.
(.'Ttl CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FUOM
nntiuns ! If any fact may be supposed capable of stopping tlie inoutli of caliiiniiy,
tills one is (juite sufHcient to put an end, in time coniin;;, to all vague and un-
founiK'd statements, as to larf^e sums of money liaving yet been sent abroad, to
any nation whatever. Nor is this tlie only use that may be made of the fact.
For if the expenditure of IJritisli Christians, at the close of /ortif years in
spreading; the Oracles of God among all other Nations has been a million ster-
ling, this is but little more than there was raised and sjieiit in the short compass
*of oHC year in spreading error and delusion through France alone.
But again, looking at the four quarters of the globe, and after all that has
been rung in the car respecting Heathen nations, in what pro|)(n'tion have tkei/
shared in this money collected and spent? It is particularly observable, that
when we look at what has been transmitted to Old Europe, and add that to the
amount exhausted on and in Britjvin or her dependencies, wo find that the
far greater part of these three millions sterling is gone ! Divide the entire
sum into thirty parts, and how stands the expenditure ? Why, that by the
languages of our own Country, of course including the management of the whole
concern, we have engrossed full tn-eiitij parts out of these thirty ! Nearly six
and a half have gone over to Europe ; while with regard to the other three
continents, Asia, Africa, and America, there have not been assigned to them
all, three parts out of the thirty, not a tenth of the entire amount !
No doubt, it will now be pleaded — " But is the zeal of British Christians, and
of the^>rt'st'«< day, to be tried by only one standard ? Or is it to be mea.sured
only by this single de])artment ? Have not all conmiunities been engaged in
propagating Christianity according to their several views of that subject ? Cer-
tainly they have, and their interest in the dispersion of the Sacred Volume is
only to be judged oi pruportionalty. But then what has been called the Bible
Society is one to which they have all presented the homage of their warmest
regard, and one to which they have all been, and now are, indebted. It is one,
therefore, which has been long understood to embrace the strength of them
ALL in union ; and we are now in the act of contemplating the result of their
united efforts, at the close of forty years. Unquestionably, the last half cen-
tury has been happily distinguished by greater zeal in this our counti-y for the
propagation of Christianity. But upon a wide and impartial survey, it is a very
grave consideration, and one more than sufficient to arrest attention. — That, as
far as the Bible Society in the widest sense is concerned, that is the British
and Foreign and all its Auxiliaries, with all others, whether in Scotland or Ire-
land ; more, far more has been expended by the several communities in pro-
pagating their own particular riews of Christianity, than by the whole put to<jether,
in conveying to other nations the Sacred text, the Word of God itself, which alone
lies at the foundation of all jiermanent spiritual good 1 Surely such extraordi-
nary disproportions as all these, only require to be pointed out for the better
adjustment of Christian zeal, in a course which all alike profess to hold sacred.
But perhaps the most material, because humiliating, circumstance of all, is
one at which we have only hinted. We have said that zeal for diflusing the
Oracles of God through foreign lands has declined — deridedly declined ; and
are we now reading, or RAxnER reaping, the consequences ? British Chris-
tians, " careful and troubled about many things," have in this, their highest
walk, " grown weary in well-doing." This is so painfully evident, that it only
requires to be exhibited in figures. We give the amount of money spent on
the Sacred Scriptures at home and abroad. The first column, almost wholly
English, includes also the Celtic Scriptures. See how it holds on, nay, rises in
amount. Obsei've how sadly the last column declines.
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. 671
From 1820 to 1829 inclmive.
HOME DKPARTJIE.VT. KUROPK. ASIA, AFRICA. AND AMKntCA.
£48-2,502 11 5 £192,784 14 2 £117,7HO 7 10
From 1830 to 1839 inchisive.
£528,819 17 6 £189,950 13 « £57,909 IG 4
Thus, while more than one million, cloven thousand, and three hundred
pounds were absorpt at home ; and above three hundred and eighty-two
thousands wore sent into Europe ; all that Asin, Africa, and America received,
was only about one hundred and seventy-five thousand pounds ! But in the
latter column, there is that which is far more distressing, than even the prodi-
gious inequality. The last ten yeai's did not amount to the half oi' the former !
And then observe, the last five years, when, notwithstanding the inuuense fall
in the jn-ice of the English Scriptures, the defalcation becomes still more pain-
fully striking.
1840, £53,513 4 10 £26,719 1 4 £13,981 12 8
1841, 81,524 10 5 24,556 1 11 11,574 10 8
1842, 46,068 7 4 22,137 12 11 8,000 2 9
1843, 44,856 18 1 20,996 5 7 6,818 3 11
1844, 38,330 9 10 24,464 4 4 5,942 18 0
The latter column embraces all that has been doing for the Heathen and
Mahometan nations ! For Asia, Africa, North and South America, and the
West Indies combined I We have often read of " ten thousand times ten
thousand, and thousands of thousands," safely landed in a better world. Here
we have a larger number in this vale of tears. Of them more tlian nine thou-
sand myriads are actually, as under the same sceptre, our fellow subjects, but thus
they all, and many more than they, come before us, and for the space of twentv-
five years past ! Far be it from us to intercept the compassion of the humane,
towards the destitute of any nation under heaven ; but it will now be evident,
that up to this hour, we have been expatiating chiefly on the fairest portions of
what is called the cirilized World. Those nations, whether Idolatrous or Ma-
hometan, ai'e yet, comparatively speaking, to be pitied. The Heathen have been
permitted to draw upon our sympathy, only to a very small extent. But
this becomes far more worthy of universal attention, if a single fact be only
once understood and remembered. It is this. In our dealings with the more
civilized nations of the West, we have incurred a debt, while the heathen have
laid us under tribute ! In dispersing the Sacred Volume throughout Europe,
the British Christian has never, for one moment, been impeded by the debt, or
even thought of it, nor will he be impeded, in time to come ; but, at the same
time, he is not at liberty to forget the tribute. That it should have come
to this, is one of those arrangements which lay beyond all human anticipation
or foresight. But with Asia, Africa, and North America, Britain is more or
less immediately concerned and connected, rather than with her next door
neighbour Europe. With the Eastern World there is a connexion which has no
parallel, nor ever had. Thus, for example, at the close oi forty years, in which
something has been effected for these Eastern Nations, putting the advantages
and luxuries of commerce with them entirely out of the question, all that has
been sent or spent there upon the Divine Record, in their several tongues,
has not been more than a fifteenth part of what accrues to this country from
India in pui'e money, in one year ! If it should be said that those Gentlemen
(i72 CONCLUSIONS DUAWN I' ROM
at Immc, who ilcrivc |ifciiiiiary IxTicfU from (jur ^ovcniiiif^ Inilia,oi* tluwo who
liiivi' ivtiinu'd to spi'iid tlit'ir fortunes in tlicir native laud, take no interest in
the subject before us ; this would, by no means, be correct. Hut suppose they
did not, nay, that not one of them did, never let it be forgotten that both classes
t'utire arc siieuthng their means upon British ground, among tliose who are,
or profess to be, interested. And tliat hap])ens to b(! in a Land where there
is not now one single county, which is not deriving pecuniary advantage, in
couse(|uence either of India being governed from home, or of gentlemen having
returned to end their days in Britain, and then leave their wealth to othei-s.
Independently, it is granted, of the British and Foreign Bible Society, another
hundred thousand pounds may have been spent u{)on Asia in Oriental transla-
tions, most of which we have already mentioned.-"' But what is three or four
hundred thousand jmunds in /oW^ years, compared witli our (i;/»?/a/ obligations,
or even with the sums we have rejjorted as spent at home, and elsewlicre ?
At the same time, our local position on the coast of Europe is never to be for-
gotten, as either unimportant or without a meaning. It is one which, in reality,
only the more augments our res])onsibility,both to God and man. Living, though
detached, in the neighbourhood of an ancient, subtle, and i)ei-nicious power,
which has so long beguiled these western nations, we owe it the more to man-
kind at large, to go out and preserve the World from being led away to its
ruin, by her delusive influence. No other nation having such command of the
sea, the duty appears to be specially delegated to us. The duty, certainly not
of conveying to other \\a.i\m\ii jiroti'stations against her errors, which would be
by far the most likely mode of spreading them, but the high and imperative duty
of filling the earth with truth, or " the incorruptible seed of the Word."-"'
Thus, whether we look to the favour already bestow-ed on Britain, to her in-
sular position, or prodigious dominion, all this her believers in Divine Revela-
tion appear as though they had been very specially selected, and were now
enjoined, to do. Yes, and British Christians may be so far favoured as to take
the lead in this high calling, though apparently only upon one condition. Lay-
ing aside all narrow, all party considci'ations, they must abide faithful to that
simple but sublime ensign, which was first raised to the eye of the world forty
years ago. Justice, has by no means, ever been done to it, and it is well if too
many who, but a few years since, professed flaming zeal in its favour, have not
grown weary in the right direction. Yet still that ensign or standard, round
which so many have warmly rallied, has more to do with our stability as a peo-
ple, tlian some who live around us may lie willing to allow. It can never again
29 We now include Aimf.rica, which has been acting so nobly and so well, as to the Scriptures,
and where she has no dominion, or revenue in return, whither in Burmah, the Sandwich Islands,
or elsewhere.
30 Nor need it ever be imagined that there is so much danger from the Nations in our imme-
diate vicinity. In the volume so wonderfully and richly <"onfcrred upon us, there is much to en-
courage the very opposite conclusion. Tor thongli the following instance may seem peculiar,
the Divine procedure, in ancient time, may well be observed by this distant Island, in its present
momentous condition, as He is the same God still. Three times a year he charged his people to
resign their native land to his own invincible protection. Then they had to leave tlie defence-
less—the aged— the women — the children, behind thein. They were far from compliant in many
things, yet frequently they put this Divine care to the proof; and throughout the entire history,
there is not one instance of their enemies, or the neighbouring nations, ever invading the land,
when they had left home for .Ikrusai.k.m. Indeed, the Almighty had assured them that while
t)nis engaged no man should even ilcsirc their land, and tio man did. See a beautiful analogous
proof under the reign of Jehoshaphal, 2 Chron. xvii. 7-1(1. If engaged, .according to our ability,
in conveying the Oracles of God to other lands, we shall not be forsaken by Him at home ; where
there is a remedy for every evil, rxrcftt the loss nf Die J>ivincfitv(nir.
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. 673
be lowered with safeti/ to the nation. Ever since the year 1804, " The Bible,
witliout note or comment," has been by way of eminence a Buitisii motto, one
whieli her Christians as a body have proclaimed to the ends of the earth, as of
infinite moment to all nations ; and though the peojjle who did this, had not
possessed one rood of land beyond their own shores, they would have been held
bound to fulfil their often solemnly promised purpose and engagement. Our
native Island, however, stands before the world, in very different circumstances,
and fully connnittcd. With arms extended by navigation on either hand, both
east and west, to a degree never granted to any human power, all that she
holds, is held only by one imperative condition — that of fulfilling, as an instru-
ment, the sovereign purpose of Heaven. The sceptic, indeed, may smile in
scorn ; her selfish sons, regarding all these foreign climes as only so many in-
cumbrances, may wish that their native Island had never been Mistress of the
Sea-s, and so never been connected with them ; her covetous and narrow-
miudcd may shrink from all vital obligations ; and the great mass scarcely
know, or care to know, what these things mean ; but if regions so linked to this
richly favoured kingdom be neglected, especially in that point for which the
Sovereign Ruler has lent them to its sceptre, nothing can insure the stability
of the ruling State. Even the tree now growing within our own dominions
may serve as a monitor. In the Eastern World the branches of the Peepul
tree, or Banian, striking into the ground, have been known, in process of time,
to unsettle the original stem from whence they grew. And certainly there
have been possessions by conquest long before now, which have passed away
like a dream, the season granted for securing them by moral dominion having,
through criminal neglect, closed for ever.
With regard thou to far more being effected in future throughout the
world in general, in this the highest path of Christian duty, and parti-
cularly within the vast and extensive domains of heathenism ; after
observing the facts already explained, it may, before this time, have
been presumed, that our attempt to promote the diffusion of the Sacred
text in foreign countries cannot as yet have occupied its natural or appro-
priate, that is its incumbent channels. To speak in the gentlest terms, the
disproportions pointed out, shewing the defect of zeal as to foreign lands,
may have been the result of oversight. There may have been some defect
in the manner of operation. Were there only one mode of action, one mode
of bearing upon distant nations, there might be less hope of great increase ;
but be this as it may, up to this period, only one mode has been chiefly
pursued. A Parent institution was formed, having then a number of
affiliated societies throughout the kingdom, which, we have seen, con-
stitute its strength. When these come to observe the present state of
things, they may at first begin to think of the Parent institution, or
those whom they had deputed to act for them abroad. But this is a
crisis calling for the consideration not of any one society, but of every
one, or rather of every subscriber throughout the kingdom. The subject
invites personal reflection. The principle of centralization, as far as
Britain is concerned, which was adopted in the infancy of this attempt,
in order to secure unity of design, has been pursued ; but since it
VOL. 11. 2 u
t;7+ CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FROM
has produced no more for the destitute foreign nations, room is now left,
and abundant reason presented, for reconsideration. Hitherto, the
parent society alone being in direct correspondence with all other parts
of the world, through that one channel, have all, or almost all, commu-
nications been received and transmitted, at certain times, to their con-
stituents throughout the kingdom. IJut it is known to every one, that
a great internal alteration has come over the face of this country, which
is still in rapid progress. Our native Island already is no longer what
it was, when the present mode of action, and these efforts, commenced.
Britain, considered as the scat or centre of benevolent operations, is
not in 1845 what it was even in 1815. A change of the most beneficial
and benign character has overtaken us, which admirably fits every City
in the land for direct benevolent exertion to the ends of the earth. Now,
if our field of action be indeed the world, as it is professed to be, and if
the power of steam be changing the whole Island into one vast city ;
ought not the world generally, in more ways than one, to be made to feel
the benefit thus bestowed on ourselves ? At this time also, after such
a fall in the 2)ric€ of our own Scriptures, the call upon British Christians
is imperative. This event alone, speaks so directly to every Reader as
to evoke but one natm-al expression — " What can be effected now for the
benighted, and the viany yet unvisited, farts of our earth V
If, therefore, much more is to be done, and certainly ought, by British Chris-
tians, still it would be preposterous that the great majority should continue to be
comparatively inactive, and only a very small minority busy ; or that other men
should be eased, and those in London or elsewhere burdened. It cannot harmo-
nize with the benign purpose of Heaven, that " the sameearnes^ care" for the state
of the world around us, as to Divine Revelation, which is incumbent upon all,
should press upon the shoulders of only a few mdividuals, and these few located
in one spot of the kingdom. On the part of the country at large, this would be
exacting a vast deal too much from two or three square miles, where too much
has been exacted already, and some will say, too long. Over the broad surface
of our land, British Christians are transacting other business daily and directly
with foreign parts ; although to tliis moment, generally speaking, every thing
relating to the Volume of Inspiration itself, they have left to be done by a few
other individuals in their name. In this course, as there is something so un-
natural, that it would not be tolerated for one day, with regard to the perishable
commodities of this life, some great and beneficial improvement is most proba-
bly at hand.
Take an illusti-ation of our present position, from commerce itself in general.
At tliis late hour, what would be thought of a proposal that Britain should re-
turu to the days of the " coasting trade ? " To the days when communications
with all foreign parts, and all returns, were confined to the Thames ? But if
such a proposal would seem absurd ; if the men of Manchester and BLrming-
ham, of Liverpool and Glasgow, of Edinburgh and Newcastle, of Dundee and
Aberdeen, of Dublin and Belfast, would smile and say —
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. 675
" We would rather not. We remit to, and receive returns from foreign
parts. Already we trade direct with India and China, the Cape, and North
America. Nay, feeling our strength, we at least wish to do so with all the
world. It is our interest thus to act, and it is a duty which we owe, not to
ourselves alone, but to our families. Meanwhile, beside the mental gi'atifica-
tion enjoyed in thus acting, we find an hundred ways of getting forward, and
doing business in foreign lands, which might not have occurred to a deputed
agency, but more especially to only one outlet from this kingdom, for years to
come. Much in the same strain it was that one of our best poets sung, more
than sixty years ago —
' 'Tis thus reciprocating, each with each,
Alternately the nations learn and teach ;
While Pi'ovidence enjoins to every soul
A union with the vast teiTaqueous whole.' "
And is there then nothing whatever in all this, urging to similar exertion in
a higher walk ? The friends and professed believers of Divine Truth are in
the rear of the sons of commerce, more than a century ; though but for com-
merce, let us never forget it now, how should our own ancestors, above three
hundi'ed years ago, have come into the possession of the Sacred Volume in
theu' vernacular tongue I How had England, for years together — how had
Scotland, for more than a century, been supplied ? Or America, for more
than a century and a half ? No Christians upon earth are so bound, in common
gratitude, to avail themselves of such a medium, and to its utmost extent.
To all it must now be evident, that there is an additional mode of action
ready to our hand, and of a character extremely favourable to greater accu-
racy in translation, as well as dispatch of business. Were the British and
Foreign Bible Society from this moment, to be relieved from a burden, and
rising from the humble ground of merely turning over, and over again, a mass
of English Scripture, from year to year ; to bend all its strength, as now in
duty bound, and in a manner beyond all exception whatever, towards foreign
enterprise ; still, in the present position and peculiar circumstances of this
Country, there is a loud, an imperative call for the opening of other channels
of conveyance. Individuals throughout the provinces, residents in our various
cities and seaports, will not continue much longer to sit down, satisfied that
they have fulfilled their duty in this cause, towards foreign lands, by simply
transmitting a little money to the Metropolis.
With regard to such a mode of action, in which, however, great prudence
and perseverance are equally demanded, it is material to observe that there is
an energy, as yet almost dormant in this country, which is to be associated
with great simplicity of procedure. This is its charm. It seeks not for public
favom", it declines patronage. It thirsts not for the applause of any. It under-
takes no more tlian it can accomplish, and what it does, it does well and kindly,
with a warm heart. Its progress, without precipitation, and no tumult, is not
marked by discussion or dispute, for these it alike repudiates.^! However
urgent, therefore, we may appear to some readers to have been, now that we
31 In other days of foreign Christian enterprise, about forty years ago, said an intelligent man
at home, engaged in fostering a distant cause—" When our friends meet for business, and any
matter demands counsel and deliberation, we allow of no motions." " Why so. Sir?" " Be-
cause you know. Sir, a motion is always a signal for a debate, and we have no debating." " But
how then do you ever get through your business?" " Why, Sir, in such a case, with us, no
one speaks except he has something to say, and then we talk over the matter till we agree, and
ive do agree."
M7n CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FROM
have come to the close of all, wo have actually notliinj; of what is called sploii-
ilid, nothiii!; i^raiul <n" iin]i()siii<^, nothing opcroso to suggest. Wo can jiropoRo
no now Societies, no aihhtional Hoards, no largo Committees. It would he no-
thing short of going in the face of the entire pn-vious history, did we now sink
so low as to helieve only in the charm of associated numhers. All along our
narrative has heen I'cading to us a very difterent lesson. It ha.s been pressing
on our notice one great historical truth —
" Not to the many doth the earth,
Owe wliat she hath of good —
The many would not stir life's depths,
And could not, if they would.
It is some individual mind — that moves the common cause ;
To single efforts Britain owes — her knowledge, faith and laws."
But this is all in favour of the course of action at which we have hinted, and
no slight encouragement. Tenfold more energy is now greatly to he desired,
and the cause before us calls for more ; but energy here, if we are to be guided
by the past, is not to be found only in tiie parade of mei*e official arrangements.
We deprecate new social trammels. Tiiey arc far too numerous already. In
the present artificial state of Society, reliance must be upon principles, not
plans — upon individual men of fixed principle, acting, and conlinuino to act,
not from any external or foreign impulse, not from mere sympathy with a
crowd. " In all probability," no common observer has said, " in all probability
the improvement of mankind is destined, under Divine Providence, to advance
just in proportion as good men feel the responsibility for it, resting on them-
selves, an individuals, and are actuated by a bold sentiment of independence
(humble, at the same time in refei-ence to the necessity of celestial agency) in
the prosecution of it." But when two such minds meet in harmony, what may
not be expected ?
Now, only two such men in our various Cities, having easy access to the out-
ports, (and which of them have not ?) is all that is requisite for incalculably
more being accomplished. If there should liappen to be three, they need not
inquire for a fourth. Already they are a specified, a sacred numbei", coming
within the express intimation of the Divine presence and co-operation. It is a
moving, a sublime assurance, of the most wonderful condescension in Sacred
writ. Matthew, xviii., 19, 20.
Having once read this immutable promise, and in possession of a Sacred
Volume, which we hold imder an imperative Law of Diffusion, who will say
that there is any thing of the mere ideal, any thing romantic, in supposing that
two such men are to be found in all our cities ? Two men, eAgcr that all other
nations should possess, in their several tongues, the boon which they enjoy, so
plentifully, in their own ? In these times especially, and should these pages
have met their eye, we can very easily conceive of two or three men of en-
larged philanthrophy, in Manchester, Birmingham, and Liverpool ; in Gla.sgow,
Dublin, and Belfast ; in Edinburgh, Newcastle, and Dundee, nay, and other
places ; men who are in frequent or almost daily intercourse with foreign lands,
being stimulated by the examples already recorded. Nor is it any great stretch
to suppose them all smitten with the admiration of such a character as that of
Richard IIauman, the Merchant Adventm-er of Antwerp, in the sixteenth
century ; or of their resolving, like him and his partner in life, to attempt
something for the world, similar to what those two did for our own ancestore,
and, like them, prove the intermediate agents of enlightening the mind, and glad-
dening the hearts, of those they never saw, till they met in a better world.
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. 677
In such a mode of action, porhaps it is noiio of tlio least rocomraendatious,
tliat the last thing of which one should hoar any notice is money, if, indeed, it
wore ever mentioned. These men would undertake no more than as much as
they could accomplish. They might accept, but would never, on any account,
Solicit aid from any one, and the consequence would be, that others, conscious
of their inactivity, would go and do likewise. Men of such minds would first
institute in<[uiry for themselves, first interest themselves in the particular foreign
parts to which they have access, and with which they transact other business.
Direct personal inquiry, not what is called official, or individual heart-felt in-
terest in the people of distant lands, is what is wanted at home ; and once em-
ployed, many an echo would be heard in return. There are now even English
parties all over the world with whom to corres])ond first ; and should that day of
calm reflection on our highest privilege and incumbent duty, the Sabbath of the
EihiUsh Bible be borne in mind, and be improved as it deserves to be, a thou-
sand hearts, though far apart, would soon be drawn into co-operation.
In this manner, not to specify other benefits, why might not many transla-
tions of the New Testament, at least, or of the entire Bible, 'n\ foreign lan-
guages, be now printed upon British ground, as the Malay was, so long ago,
by the Dutch in Holland, or as the Persian, which is now printing in this
country ? No sight could be more gratifying to the Christian at home ; and
thus, as our English Scriptures first came to us in bales of flax and other
merchandize, what could be more appropriate than that our men of commerce
should have it in their option to do for many distant lands, without the slightest
risk, that which was so dexterously, and with such hazard, effected for their
own ?
Such lias been the history of our English Bible, and such
appears to be the paramount duty imposed upon all, who have
so long and so richly possessed it. If to thousands around
them that Sacred Volume be of no more utility than a sun-
dial in the dark, — if others esteem those lines not worth read-
ing, which God himself deemed worthy of his inspiration, and
if many more are eager after the adjustment of merely certain
local interests upon British ground ; all this only forms a
more powerful proof of the necessity for invoking the Divine
Spirit, and, in present circumstances, a stronger argument
need not, perhaps cannot, be adduced. But nothing whatever
can weaken our obligations to go forward in this high path,
or justify the hands hanging down, in a single instance. The
all-sufficiency of the Divine Record, and now, especially the
Ministration of the Spirit, form the two great themes, calling
for universal and supreme regard throughout our native land;
but, at the same time, not unmindful of the beneficial reflex
influence oi foreign operations, before the commencement of this
century, and duringa season of great national peril, we have thus
written ; as well as from a full persuasion that the permanent
interests of this country, her surest protection and best de-
n7S CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FROM
fence against all aggression, arc now in a state of dependance
upon the general diffusion of Divine Truth, properly so called.
Separate from all systems of human opinion, removed from
the din of disputation and the strife of tongues, this appears to
be the pre-eminent duty to which the Christians of Britain are
now invited, as by a voice from above. They have been favoured
beyond those of any other nation, but this should only lead
them the more to remember that there is a favour higher still
than that of being blessed, nay, blessed by God himself. It
consists in their being made a blessing to others. His object,
in the first instance, is to be adored, but let us beware, above all
things, of forgetting his intention, or, as it were, retarding the
flow of the Divine benignity to mankind. His fixed purpose,
uttered again and again, in the face of open rebellion, dissen-
sion among his professed followers, and even the people at large
labouring in the fire, or wearying themselves for very vanity,
is still the same, — " The earth shall be Jilted mth the knowledge
of the glory of the Lord^ as the waters cover the sea!'"' The Divine
Record, therefore, by itself considered, must visit every laud.
In the various languages of our world, here is the highest object
to which the human mind should address itself; and were the
collective zeal in this kingdom, now, at last, to awake and take
this one direction, through all our principal sea-ports, it would
be nothing more than the very extraordinary procedure of the
Almighty towards this nation, for more than three hundred
years, and the aspect of these times, demand.
At a moment when, in every other walk pursued by British
Christians, the seeds of mutation are so thickly sown, — a sea-
son, in which Divine Providence is in the act of bringing down
the self-importance of all collective bodies, — drawing with
unwonted solemnity, over the entire kingdom, and to be more
deeply venerated, the line of distinction between his own re-
vealed Word, and all the opinions of men respecting it ; and de-
monstrating to the humblest capacity that no Church, yet in
existence, is to prove the ark of this nation. — Even at such a
period, whatever these signs portend, or come what may, what
is the actual state of this greater cause? Its prospects were
never, by half, so encouraging, its claims never so imperative !
Thus strikingly, by every calm intelligent observer, may this
undertaking be seen at present, rising far above the regions of
party, or of mere party zeal.
THE PRECEDING HISTORY. 679
Meanwhile, if every thing in the condition of mankind in-
dicates the approach of some great crisis, is it not more than
observable, that in this our eminently favoured land, all things
else appear as though they had conspired, chiefly to render
more conspicuous or glaring, and certainly far more invit-
ing, one solitary path, left open by God to British Christians
as such I A path, indeed, to which, as far as they regard
their common standard, they appear to be now very nearly
hedged up, just as they were above forty years ago, by the
fear of infidelity. A path, however, in which they may pro-
ceed in the largest body, and by the smallest groups, or rather
by both methods, in perfect harmony. That path, in which
those who revere Divine Revelation as their common charter
to the skies, or their sheet-anchor in every storm, can still
meet ; and meeting with success their common foe, however
divided on some points, can only the more triumphantly repel
the charge of sectarianism. That path, where, as the aspe-
rities of discordant sentiment can have no place, so every ac-
crimoneous or noxious controversy is left to wither down to its
root ; and where, though they confute no heresies, they may
effect what is better still, cause them all to be neglected or
forgotten. In that plain path, where diffusion seems to be the
one idea that cometh out from the Divine throne daily ; dis-
pensing with a bountiful hand " the sovereign balm for every
wound," through other and distant climes, the parties so en-
gaged are in the way of being twice blessed : and there, while
working in the rear of the Almighty's most determined pur-
pose and highest end, ultimate success is no less certain, than
in the course of nature. " For as the rain cometh down, and
the snow from heaven, and returneth not thither, but watereth
the earth, and maketh it bring forth and bud, that it may
give seed to the sower and bread to the eater : So shall my
Word be that goeth forth out of my mouth : it shall not re-
turn unto me void, but it shall accomplish that which I please,
and it shall prosper in the thing whereto I sent it."
What, then, although many things around us say, or seem
to say, Trust not in man I Let the heart of no Christian
fail him for one moment. With more profound reverence
for the Divine Word as the appointed instrument, a clearer
perception of its adaptation to its end, a firm reliance on
the Divine veracitv, and a habitual reference to the Holy
fiH(» CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FROM THE PRECEDING HISTORY.
Spirit of (J()(I, lot this pjitli only be pursued as its supreme
importiuiot' (It'iiiands, it must end in consequences which are
not left to human conjecture, and such as the earth we in-
habit has yet to enjoy. — " For ye shall go out with joy, and
be led forth with peace ; the mountains and the hills shall
break forth before you into singing, and all the trees of the
field shall clap their hands. Instead of the thorn shall come
uj) the fir tree, and instead of the brier shall come up the
myrtle tree : and this shall be unto Jehovah for a memorial,
for an everlasting sign, which shall not be abolished."
APPENDIX.
The Family of Tynclale. See Vol. /., p. 18-20.
Fro:\i the history already given, it must have been evident that the name of Tyndale was not
uncommon. We have met with four conttmiioraries, named William Tyndale, but not one of
them apjicars to have had any connexion by family ties with our martyr. One of these was a
merchant in Bristol, and the other three were members of the dominant Church, two of whom
are mentioned in Kcnnet's MSS. Thus, on 21st April 1493, by the Buckden Reg. James Mallet
succeeded to the Church of Irby in the Marsh, diocese of Lincoln, by the death of William
Tyndall, the former incumbent. Again, another William Tyndale of Lambley Abbey, in the
diocese of Carlisle, was ordained in London as a presbyter or priest to the Benedictine Nunnery
of Lambley-upon-the-Tyne, according toWarham's Reg. on the 11th March l.')()3, (. t'. 1504. Dr.
Bliss happening to insert this last appointment at the close of Anth. Wood's account of our
Tyndale, in the Athena^, it has led others astray. We have read also in St. Paul's Library a
memorandum on the Sermons of Herolt, signifying that one John Tyndale, the owner of tliat
volume, had given it to the Monastery of Greenwich on the same day that his son William entered
it as a Brother in 15(18. Although our Martyr had not told Sir T. More that before he went
over the sea he had sworn no oath, neither had any man required an oath of him, it is evident
from his writings that he had held monkery in abhorrence. See also Vol. I., j>. 137, note 3,
There is, in short, no traceable evidence of any one of these men being in the slightest degree
related to the family in Gloucestershire. The following appears to have been the family of our
Translator.
Thomas Tyndale, the son of John, and grandson of Hugh Tyndale of
Stinchcombe, married Alicia Hunt, daughter and sole heiress of Thomas
Hunt, of Hunt's Court, North Nibley, Gloucestershire, and by her had
five sons, viz., Richard, William, Henry, Thomas, John, and one daughter,
Elizabeth. The father died some time about 33d of Heni-y VIIT., (1541,)
as appears by a deed of that date, to which Edward Tyndale of Pull Coiirt
in Worcestershire was a witness. See Rudder's Gloucestershire, p. 695,
and for this witness, see Burke's Commoners, IV., p. 547.
RicnARD, the eldest son of Thomas, had a son and heir of his own
name.
Richard, married, and had a family of eight sons and four daughters.
Besides Thomas, the eldest son and heir, we can name three others,
Richard, his fourth son, born 6th September ] 585 ; Arthur, born October
1591 ; Samuel, born November 1593, and one of the daughters, Katha-
rine, born February 1597. — From Stinchcombe P. Reg. In 1561, or 3d
Elizabeth, the father had purchased Melkshain's Court, Stinchcombe, of
Lord Wentworth.
Thi.'MAs, married Catharine, daughter and sole heiress of John Harris,
Gent., by whom he had a son and heir of the same name, and two
daughters, Sarah and Lydia. The father was born in June 1582, and
II APPENDIX.
died in 1G38; the probate to his will being dated 12th October 1637.
Catharine, his wife, having died in 1031. — See Stinchcomhe lleg. where
Thomas is designated clothier. Sarah, his daughter, married Robert
Theyer in 1G37, and died 1698. Ltdia married John Roberts of Sidding-
ton, near Cirencester, in 1646, of whom more afterwards.
TuoMAS, son of the last, had one son, William, born 1C68, and one
daughter, Esther, born earlier in 16G2. The father, who now lived at
Stinchcombe, under Charles I., was not in favour of the King's cause.
He fled from his house at the approach of the Royalists, and hid himself
for three days and nights in a large yew tree at the top of Stinch-
combe wood (standing in 1779,) whence he saw his house, and that of a
Mr. Pinfold, burnt to the ground. He then sold his estate in North
A^ible>/a.nd. purchased Bobbing Court in Kent. — See Hasted's Kent, II.,
C37-8, " Col. Robert Crayford, Governor of Sheemess, under King Wil-
liam, sold to Thomas Tyndale of North Nibley, in the Co. of Glo'ster,
Bobbing Court, Milton-hundred, Kent ; whose son, William Tyndale,
Esq., dying on the 20th Aug. 1748, aged 80, left no issue." See the
next paragraph. Esther, his sister, had removed to Dursley, where
she died in 1742, in her 82d year.
William Tyndale, son of Thomas, married daughter of Sir Thomas
Seabright, by whom he had an only child, a daughter, who died before
him. Dying in 1748, in his 80th year, he was buried in the south chan-
cel of Bobbing Church, leaving this manor in taiUe mail to his collateral
kinsman, the Rev. William Tyndale, Rector of Cotes, Gloucestershire.
Thus the family of our Martyred Translator became extinct in the direct
male line. But how was this Rector the collateral kinsman ? See
below.
Richard Tyndale, fourth son of the last Richard, born in 1585, mar-
ried, and had a son named Daniel. He married Katharine, daughter
and heiress of John Wilkins, by whom he had two sons, Richard, who
died unmarried, and John. This John Tyndale, born in 1097, married
Mary, daughter of Thomas Lodge, Rector of Newington Bagpath, Glo's-
tershire, by whom he had four sons, William, of whom presently, John,
Richard, and Daniel. The father having died 3d March 1746, the pro-
jierty of Bobbing Coiurt was left to his son William, the rector of Cotes,
which he enjoyed till his death in 1765. His son, who succeeded, was
designated
Thomas Tyndale, Esq. of North Cerney, Glo'stershire and Bobbing
Court, in Kent. In 1791 we find him styled j'/'csent proprietor of Bob-
bing Manor. Upon his death. North Cerney was sold to Lord Bathurst.
We can proceed no farther.
APPENDIX. iii
But the descendants of Tyndale in the female line are not even yet
extinct. Thus — John Roberts married Lydia Tyndale, already men-
tioned, in 1640. That ornament of his country, Matthew Ilalc, the Lord
Chief Justice of England, was her kinsman, and drew the marriage-
settlement. They had five sons and one daughter. John Roberts died
in 1683 ; and Daniel, his youngest son, married to Rebecca Axtell, died
in 1726. Axtell, their sou, Avho married Ilanna Loveday of Painswick,
died 1759. John, their son, married Mary Olifte, daughter and sole
heiress of Thomas Oade, Esq. of Bristol, and merchant in London. Daniel,
their son, married Ann Thompson of Nether Compton, Dorset. They
had two sons, John, Oade, and one daughter. Oade, the youngest, the
correspondent of Lysons, as mentioned in oui- History, died in 1821.
The sui'viving descendant, therefore, is John Roberts, Esq. Temple,
London.
TyndaWs Fixed Determination to Translate the Scriptures.
In the preceding history, vol. i. p. 33, we have quoted Tyndale's own lan-
guage in proof of his earliest intention of ti'anslating the Scriptures into English,
and especially the New Testament ; nor is there yet upon record any evidence
of a previous date. There is, indeed, a manuscript, with an ornamented border,
having the initials W. T. upon it, and dated 1502, two specimens of which have
been given by Mr. Offer, one in fac simile, and one iu print ; but such a trans-
lation, at a date so early, very soon excites suspicion. It is well known, that
to serve some sinister purpose, manuscripts have been antedated ; and as con-
nected with the Scriptures, even in print, we must not forget the notorious in-
stance of one Thornton imposing upon the Duke of Lauderdale an entire Bible
with marginal notes and cuts, as if printed in 1520, which was no other than
Matthew's edition of 1537 ! Of this very book, or its remains, we believe Mr.
OfFor is now in possession, and it appears as if his predecessor in possession of
this MS., the Rev. H. White of Lichfield, had also been imposed upon, if he
imagined that he owned such a version actually drawn out in the year 1502.
Even the orthography of certain words evinces a much later period ; but another
circumstance is fatal to the date affixed. This is a translation not from the
Vulgate, and, to a certainty, no man in all England, so early as 1502, had
passed a single thought of any version in English taken from the Greek original.
One may judge of the entire maimscript by the brief specimen given, viz. Luke
vii. 36-50. In this single passage of only fifteen verses, it conforms, in seven
places, to the Greek against the Vulgate, and accords with the latter only in
three. Whether the date may ever have been 1562, it is not for us to say, but
the MS. would better correspond with that year.
At a later period, it is true, any man might amuse himself by copying ex-
tracts from Tyndale, and affix his initials in honour of his name ; though, if these
letters were intended to mark the writer himself, they would harmonize far bet-
ter with William Tracy, Esq. of Toddington, or with Dr. William Turner, both
of whom had ample reason for offering such a supplication as that which is in-
ter-woven with one of the marginal ornaments. — " Defend me, O Lord, frome all
the that bait me."
The mind, therefore, naturally recurs to the interesting discussions upon
Little Sodbury Hill, which led to the expressive terms employed by our first
translator : — " Which thing only moved me to translate the New Testament."
TYNDALE'S COMMENCEMENT WITH THE NEW TESTAMENT.
Xo. I — Fac Simile of ]iin Prolofju^.
If tlicrc he a peculiar charm in coiitcmplatinj; the veritable origin of a groat
undortaliing, by many readers tlie following page in black letter cannot fail to
be valued. It is the more worthy of inspection as being a pleasure denied to
most of our ancestoi-s, the edition to which it is the prologue or preface having
fallen into utter oblivion for more than three hundred years. We need only
refer to its history, (see Vol. I., p. 74, &c.) in proof that this was the page
immediately following the title, with which Tyndale commenced his Testament,
in quarto, at the press of Peter QuentcU in Cologne, anno 1 525.
Xo. II. — Fac Simile of the Xew Testametit in quarto.
Cochlseus having artfully interrupted Tyndale at Cologne in 1525, and got
into the same printing-office ; in the large wood-cut of the Evangelist Matthew,
the Reader has now one curious proof before him. Cochla-us having left Co-
logne early in 1526, one of the first works he engaged Quentell to print was
" Rupcrti in Matthajura," &c. a folio volume of 325 pages. At the end of this
we find him addressing Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, as early as 20th April,
and the work was finished at press on 12th June 152G. But at the very com-
mencement of this folio, on p. 2, we find this identical wood-cut which Quentell
had formerly used for Tyndale's Testament ; only there, it will be observed,
the block has been pared down, two-eighths at the bottom, and left side, so as
to deprive it of the white ground below, and at the side to encroach upon the
angel's wing. This was to fit it for his folio page ; and it being a work ou
Matthew, and this a favourite device, he inserted again on the title-page. Con-
sequently, the cut, as it is now to be seen, entire, must have been the prior
publication, or in 1525. Again the same block, as thus cut down, was used by
Quentell in printing the Latin Bible of Rudelius in 1527, at the beginning of
Alatlheic; and in the beginning o( .Tuhn we have his letter Y, with which this
prologue commences, which letter in fact first led to the discovery of what this
fragment is, and where it was printed. See the Uislory, Vol. I. pp. 52-64,
112-1 ID.
Xo. III. — Fac Simile of the smaller Xew Testanient.
The fii-st two pages of the New Testament commenced and finished at
Worms, in the same year, is here exhibited. The only perfect copy in exist-
ence, now at Bristol, it will be observed, has manuscript notes, neatly written
on the margin by a former possessor. It is scarcely necessary to add, that the
word " married " in the second page, Tyndale altered to " betrothed," the tei-ra
which was adopted by Beck, by Whittingham, in 1557 ; the Genevan transla-
tors in 15G0 ; and Parker in 15G8. Coverdale, who had used the first term,
never altered it, at least it is in his Bible of 1550, 1553, and Cranmer had fol-
lowed Coverdale. Taverner adopted eq^oused from Wickliffe, the term pre-
fen-ed by our last revisors, though in point of pei-spicuity Tyndale's corrected
term has been considered the best. ISfe the History, Vol. I. pp. 67-74, 112-119.
Cl)rcinolo0iral hxHtv %i^t
ENGLISH BIBLES AND NEW TESTAMENTS.
EXPLANATORY NOTE.
The best account of English Bibles and Testaments, with their
proprietors, which has ever been published, is that which was
priutod at the Clarendon press, Oxford, in 1821, by the Rev.
Henry Cotton, D. C. L. In the following Index-List will be found
about an hundred editions not there specified. Under the descrip-
tion column, the quotations marked are taken verbally and literally
from the title page or colojdion, which may assist other possessors
to identify their imperfect copies. More proprietors might have
been added to some books, but these are suflBcient to authenticate
all the editions mentioned, and put an end to a degree of uncer-
tainty respecting these precious volumes, which has too long pre-
vailed. The number, on the whole, will be found to corroborate,
and even strengthen, the statements in the preceding History.
In the following pages Ty. denotes the translation of Tyndale —
Co. that of Coverdale — Ma. that of Rogers, alias Matthew, or that
of Tyndale's, left for publication — Cr. denotes Cranmcr's — Ta. that
of Tavernor's — Ge. the Genevan version — Bps. that of the Bishops,
and To. that of Laurence Tomson.
CORRIGENDA.
Vol. I. The New Testament mentioned p. 133, with leaves uncut, is not that of 152C, hnt that of
Zurich in 1 iWi. The book of 1526, after witnessing such a battle resiiccting it, re-
mains to be identified, and it may even yet be found.
P. .W.l, for the misprint 1537, read 1837.
Vol. II. p. 2.'i, for George read, Edward Whitchurch.
im.
1
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tlje baunfler of ctemafiPbommacion / otbet* fobcfp>^i(i)tfu{P
t^otb^itoolbcenvyemymart (j^fpcafenott ^is b:ot[)er) fo
neceffarf ci t\>in$i/ orfo bcblent mabbc toa^ytmc t\}ctt 0o?t>
t0 t^c natural caufeofi?neK'/Anbberftte0 to procebc oute of
ty0l)t / anb ttjat XyinQt f ^ulbe begrounbeb in trou^tl; an^
tjcr)?tie /anb nott rat||er cPene contrary/ t^af [v^\^t be(h*o ^
)>et^bercFtte0/attb »erittcreprovet{) afiPmannerfprnife.
a*
VARIOUS EDITIONS
OF
THE NEW TESTAMENT AND THE BIBLE
in Ofuglislft,
WITH CERTAIN PUBLIC LIBRARIES AND INDIVIDUAL PROPRIETORS
IN POSSESSION OF COPIES.
SERVINCx AS AN
INDEX TO THE PRECEDING HISTORY.
F IFTV-FOUR EDITIONS, VIZ. THIRTY-NINE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT AND FIFTEEN OF THE BIBLE,
Printed in twenty-two years, or from 1.525 to the 28th January 1547.
DESCRIPTION. PRINTER. PLACE.
Matthew and Mark — printed " as written by the Evange-
lists," with marginal notes, stitched together and separately.
Sec the preceding History, Vol. I. pp. 51, 153, 156, 183, 1H9. Hamburph ir,2i
1. T. The New Test, with glosses and a prologue, — only one frag-
ment remains, and that not discovered till 18.34. See pp. .52-04. P. Quentall Colorpic
Now in the Library of the Rigid Bon. Thomas Grenvilh: Ty. P. Schocft'er fVorms 4o. LW.')
2. T. The New Test, wanting only the title, and the only copy in
this state now known. Seepp.G7-69. Befiueathed, with many
other volumes, by Dr. And. Gilford, to the Bristol Museum Ty. P. Schoeffer fVorms 18o.
3. T. The New Test., thefirst surrep. ed., of which no copy has yet
been properly identified in any collection. See pp. 127-133 Ty. Endlioven Aidwerj/ \:>-2G
4. T. The New Test, the second surreptitious ed. See pp. IG.I-IOS Ty. Ruremund Antwerp Iu27
j. T. The New Test, the third surreptitious edition. See p. 240 Ty. Antwerp 1528-9
G. T. The New Test, supposed reprint by Tyndale himself, with his
prologue to the Romans. See pp. 265, 2*»7 and 305, HOte Ty. Hans Lu ft Marhurg? \'j3t\
Genesis, Deitero.vomv, in separate books. See pp. 2fl9, 235 Ty. Hans Lu ft Marfnmi
Pentateuch, with a general preface, and a second edition of
Genesis, dated 17th Jan. l.").3fl,/.(;. 1531. See p. 242,— a perfect Various Different
copy in the G««iv7/f i/?/. Imp. Ihilish Miis. Bristol Mus. Ty. printers pl.aces l.Wl
VOL. II. 2 X
VIII
INDEX— LIST OF BIBLES AND TESTAMENTS. [15.14-1530
I2o.
l2o.
/tnlirfrp
\2o.
Aniircrp
12o.
AnluKrp
4o.
Marburg
12o.
Anticcrp
12o. 15.15
Anttccr}!?
12o.
fol.
DBSCRIITION. I'RINTEn. PLACE.
7 T. " The New Test. (W it wan writtni," Ate, altered by Geo. Joye,
witli only the Vulnatc hrforc him, datcil " »i.<Trrr.xxxiiii., Widowc of
in Aupist." The only copy certainly known to exist i« in the Tjr. ChristofTcl Antwerp
Grenrilk Library. Sec History, pp. .lilS-XK), and 415, note of Endhouc.
0. T. The New Test. dyljKt'ntly corrcctod and compared with the
Oreke, by Willvam Tiiidalc,— fynishcd in .md.xxxiiij., in Nor.
See p. .IM. Ilrilith Miueum. SI. Piiiirs. Britlol 3luieum. Marten
Lea fFilton, Kiq. Chr. Anderson. Ty. Empcrowr Anlin-rp
U. T. Unique copy on vellum. " Anna KeRina Anglis." Sim|>ly
the sacred text. Sec the History, p. 41.'). Brituh Miueum Ty. Empcrowr Anhrerp
Jonah, with a prolofiuc. See pp. 288- 2U!)
10. T. New Test. anno. .MD.xxxmt. surrcpt. p. 415. E. of Pembroke Ty. G. H.
11. T. New Test. anno, md.xxxiiii. gur. p. 415. lA'a f/'i/ton, Etq. Ty.
12. T. New Test, dated on the back IS.'H, p. 415. liritlol Mutcum Ty.
PK.VT.\TErriT, corrected. .S7. PauFt. Bristol .Museum Ty.
1.3. T. New Test, from Tyiidalc's corrected ed. p. 455. Bodleian Lib. Ty.
14. T. " The New Testament dylygcntly corrected,"— peculiarortho-
graphy, p. 455-456. Perfect. Cumfc. tVi. t/6. \va-p. Kx. Col. Ox. Ty.
15. T. The Ne we Test. — but imperfect— date wanting. Cotton's list Ty.
1. B. BiBLiA. The Bible, that is, the holy Scripture of the
Olde and New Testament, faithfully and truly translated
out of Douche and Latyn in to English. See the Hist. p. Not Zurich
553-S63. Earl(ifLeicetter's—\\l\e l.')35. Bodleian. British Frankfort?
Museum. Cambridge University Lil/rarii. Bristol Museum. Cologne f
Lea Wilson, Esq. Earl of Jerse(/'s, dated \53li Co. Lubecf fol. 1535
" TheNewe Testament yet once again corrected." Fine copy.
Duke of Newcastle's, lG7fi, Earl Spencer. Lea fVilson, Esq. Ty. Anluxrji l2o. 15.1C
The Newe Testament, in many points similar, but quite dis-
tinct. The second title is md.xxxvi. Lea IVilson, Esq. Ty. Antwerp 12o.
Tl»e Newe Testament, also similar, but evidently on colla-
tion a different edition— same year. Le^ Wilson, Esq. Ty. Antwerp
The Newe Test, quite distinct from the 3 last. Bristol Mus. Ty. — Antwerp
" The Newe Testament, yet once agayne corrected by Wil-
liam Tyndale. Lea Wilton, Esq. Ty. Vosterman ? Antwerp
" The Newe Testament yet once agayne corrected,"— longer
paper and distinct edition. Lea Wilson, Esq. Ty. Vosterman ? Antwerp
"The Newe Testament yet" — a block in the cut of the
Apostle Paul, preceding the Epistles, is only one distinguish-
ing mark of these three editions. Lea Wilson, Esq. Ty. Vosterman ? Antwerp
23. T. New Test, by W. Tindalc. A thick pocket vol. smaller than
any of the preceding— a fragment jiossessed by C O^or, &5. Ty. Antwerp? l2o.
24. T. " The Nbwk Testa.me.vt yet once agayne corrected by W.
Tyndale," &c. This is from the last corrected edit, and the T. Berthelet
first Sacred Volume printed on English ground. Seep. 549. Ty. Printer to London fol.
Bodleian Lil/rary. John Fenwick, Esq. the King
25. T. The Newe Testament, with Tyndale's prologue to the Romans
only, but Coverdalc's version. Tlie first edition separate from
the Bible? Lea Wilson, Esq. Co. Antwerp? 12o.
8. B. " The Byble. that is, the Holyc Scrypture of the Olde
and NcwTestamente, faythfuUy translated in Englysh. and
newly ouersene and correcte, MV.xx.KVif." Dedicated "to
Henry VIII. & his Queen Jane." — " Myles Couerdale nnto
' Christen reader." Correcting p. fiG'i. Earl Spencer.
[j-n Wilson, Esq. Co. J. Nycolson Southwarke 4o.
16.
T.
17
T.
18.
T.
19.
T.
20.
T.
21.
T.
22.
T.
12o.
12o.
40.
40.
4o.
l.V37-1.5i.O.] INDEX— LIST OF BIBLKS AND TESTAMENTS.
IX
.hitwer)! ?
DESCRirXION. PRINTER. PLACK. YEAR.
3. B. " The Byble, that is.tho ouldc and newe Testamct, faith-
fully Traunslated into Enslish, ami newly ouerscen and
corrected, md.xxxvii." Dedicated as before, and both " Sett
forth with the Kynges most gr.icions license. Sec p. 5(!5.
Bristol AVuscum. Lincoln Cathedral. Lea ffiUon, Esq. Co. J. Nycolson Soutlncail{C fol. 15.17
4. B. "THK BtBLB, WHICH IS THB HoLY SCRIPTURE, I.V
WHICH ARK CONTAYNED THE OlDK AND NkWB TKSTA-
MK.NT, TRURLY AND PURKLY TRANSLATKD I.NTO E.S'GLYSH.
By Thomas Matthew." Dedicated to Henry VIII. " Set
forth with the Kinge's most gracious license." The basis
of all subsequent editions. See p. H'JGiiOy. British Urns. Grafton
Lambeth Lib. Boilliian. Bristol Mus. Earl of Pembroke. Tj. and
Onyit\\o\f\ta.\ieT, Earlqf Bridgewaler. Lea fVilson, Esq. Ma. 'Wliitchurch Ilamhorof
26. T. In Latin after Erasmus, and in English after Matthew, " un-
der the King's most gracious license." See the History, Vol.
II., pp. 34, 35. «o?€. Royal Institution. Exeter Coll. Oxon. Ma. Redman London 4o. 1538
27. T. New Test, of Coverdale, but with all Tyndale's prologues,
by Crom or Cromer. Bristol 3Iuseum. St. Paul's Library. Co. M.Cromer Antwerp 12o.
28. T. " of our Sauioure Jesu Chrisfe,— in to Englysshe."
Library 0/ the late Duke of Sussex. Mr. G. DIason Ma. Treveris
29. T. " The newe Testament, both Latin and Englyshe, after the
vulgar texte, by Myles Couerdale." See p. 35-37.
Bodleian. Lea lyilson, Esq. Co. Nicolson
3(1. T. " The newe testament both in Latine and Englyshe"—
" FaythfuUj-e translated by Johan Hollybushe." See p. 38.
St. PauVs. Lea JJ-'ilson, Esq. Clir. Anderson Co. Nicolson
31. T. " The new Testament both in Latin and English,"— title red
and black. Dedicated to Lord Cromwell, by Couerdale.
St. Paul's. Bristol Museum. Lea fyHson, Esq. Co. Regnault Paris 80.
32. T. "The new Testament"— with a true concordance in the
Margent— printed in the yeare of our Lorde Mcccccxxxviir.
Herbert, p. 1549. Co. London? I60.
3,1. T. The Paris edit, with Ded. and new title. C. C. College, Oxford Co. London? 80. KWil
,34. T. " of our sauiour Jesu Chryst— for Thomas Berthelet," p. 82.
St. Paid's Library Ta. T. Petyt
3,1. T. " after the Greeke Exemplar"— for T. Berthelet.
Herbert, p. 553, 1550. Ta. T. Petyt
3G. T. Rep. of 1538, very incor. See p. 35. Herbert, p. 1549, 1550. Co. Cromer
5. B. " The Byble"— an undertaking of Crumwell's, with Co-
verdale as corrector of the press. See pp. 23-.32, 43, 44, and Grafton
79. British Museum. St. Paul's. Lambeth Library. Ma. and
Southwark 4o.
Soutlncarke 4o.
Southwarke 4o.
London
Loudon
Antwerp
Pur is
and
Bristol Museum, perfect co\iy— Lea ffilson, Esq. AVhitchurcli London
6. B. " The most sacred Bible," by Taverner. See p. 80-82.
British Museum. St. Paul's. Bristol Museum. Cam-
bridge Un. Library. Balliol Col. Oxon. Lea fVilson, Esq. Ta. J. Byddell London
7. B. " The most sacred Bible," by Taverner. See p. 82. But
no third edit, by Nycolson, as stated by Herbert and Dib-
din. See Bible, No. Cotton's List T.-i. J. Byddell Lvulon
8. B. "The Byble in Englyshe" — " Fynisshed in Apryll Edward
Mcccccxi.." See p. 80-92, 127-1.30. The first of Cranmer's. Cr. Whyt- Ijotdon
Vellum, British Museum, perfect copy— iea fVil-on, Esq. churchc
4o.
80.
80.
xii INDEX-LIST OF BIBLES AND TESTAMENTS. [ 1. 54^-1. 05 1 .
DESCRIPTION. I'KINTEU. VEAIl.
211. n. The Bjrblc in EnRlishc, a reprint of 1541. DcinR n joint con-
cern, some titles have "Grufton and Wliitchurcli." Jlrittiil Milt. Cr. Grafton 4o. 1549
21. H. in five vols, dated 154J), 155(», KWl. " I'rinted in sundry partes
for these pore— that they which nr not able to bic the liole, may
bieapart." This copy wants only the first vol. Lea fyilton, Ktq. Ta. Day and Seres 12o.
(53. T. The Newe Testament, " Imprinted the xir. Daye of January. Anno
Do. MCCCCCL. At worcetcr by Jhon Oswen," Cum Kratia, iic.
lialllul CulU-yc, Uxon. Ua misoii, Klq. Ty. Oawen 4o. \.VA>
W. T. " The New Testament of our Sauiour Christ,— after the best Copie
of William Tindale's Translation— the vi. day of February."
Ml Souls College, Oxon. Lea fyiUon, Es'j. Ty. Day and Seres 12o.
()."). T. '• The Newe Testament,— by Miles Couerdale, conferred with the
translaciou of VVillyam Tyndale," dated " anno 15511, in June."
Ltimbdh Library. L<:a H'ilsun, Ksq. Co. R. Wolfe 12o.
CO. T. " The Newe Testament of our Sauiour Jesus Christ." Should have
a port, of Kdw. VI. A full i)aBe 34 lines. St. Paul's Library.
A copy imperfect. Lea tyilson, Esq. Ty. R. Jugge 24o.
(j7. T. "The newe Testament faythfully translated by Miles Coverdal, anno.
155<»." First so " Imprynted at Zurich, by Christoflel Froschouer" —
by unaccountable mistake for William Tyndale. British Miiseitm.
Zurich L'brary. British Museum. Lea fFilson, Ksq. Ty. Froschovcr lUo.
CO. T. " The new Testament in Englislie after the greeke traslation," &c.
Red and black title, " in officina Thoma; Gaultier pro I. C." i.e. for
John Cawood. " Pridie Kalcndas Dcccmbris anno mdl."
Limbeth. Bodleian. Bristol Museum. Lea Wilson, Esq. Cr? Gualticr Ho.
22. B. " The Bible in Englishe— the translacion that is appointed to
be rede in the churches." St. Paul's Library. Lea tyilson, Esq. Cr. Whytchurche 4o.
23. B. "The whole Byble,— by Mayst. Thomas Mathewe!" First so
" Imprinted in Zurych by Chrystoffer froschower— finished " the
XVI daye in the moueth of August," by strange mistake for Cover- Froschovcr
dale. The correct London title,— " Prynted/yrAndrewe Hester." Co. and 4o.
British Mus. Bodleian. St. Paul's. Bristol Mus. Lea JVilson, Esq. A. Hester
CD. T. The New Testament, with Erasmus' paraphrase, i. volume.
Sion Cvlkge. All Souls College, Oxon. var. Whitchurch fol. 15.51
70. T. The Newe Testament, by William Tyndale. Bristol Museum Ty. Day and Seres 12o.
71. T. " The Newe Testament, with certayne Notes folowynge the chapters."
Preface by Tyndale, and margin references, sidli. St. Paul's Lib. Ty. J. Daye fol.
24. B. " The Byble, that is to saye all the holy Scripture,"— Printed
by Nicolas Hyll, vi. May ihdli. and for eight " honest mcnne."
See the explanation given p. 242. Bristol Museum Ma. Jo. Wyghte fol.
Besides the issues here iden- Ma. W'm. Boiiliam fol.
tified there are other copies Lea fyilson, Esq. Ma. Th. Pctyt fol.
in the British j^ruseiim. St. Ma. T. Kaynalde fol.
Paul's. Lambeth. Trinity Ma. H. Kele fol.
College and All Souls Col- Bristol Museum Ma. J. Walley fol.
legc,Oxford. Christ's Church, Bristol Museum Ma. Ab. Veale fol.
Canterbury. Bristol Museum Ma. Ro. Toye fol.
2.'i. B. " The Byble, that is to say al the holy Scripture." Revised
by Becke. Mostly Taverner's, with the New Testament of Tyndale, Ta.
dated xxirr. of Maye iviDLi. British Museum. Laml>eth Lil/rary. Jhon Day fol.
St. P<iiil's. Budlaan. Bristol Museum. Lea Ji'ilson, Esq. Ty.
1 552-1 5G1.] INDEX— LIST OF BIBLES AND TESTAMENTS. xiii
DESCRIPTION. I'RINTKH. YEAR.
7:?. T. "Tlie Newc Testament of our SauiourJosu Cliriste." Port, of Edw.
and large woodcuts, with a license, dated 10 June, forbidding others
to print. See the Hist. p. 240. Note tt. Brilish Museum. Lamhclh.
St. Paul's. fVaMam C. 0.ioh. Uristol Museum. Lea lyilson, Esq. Ty. H. Jugge 4o. 1552
73. T. The Newc Test, in Englyshe,— scp. copies of the following Bible, — Cr. Nich. Hyll 4o.
20. B. The Byble, &c. " London, by Nycholas Hyll, for Abraham
Veale, anno, mdljj." Has been ascribed to Nicolson of South wark
by mistake. See Dibdin's Ames, vol. iii., p..'>7. Lea IVilson, Ksq. Cr. Nich. Hyll 4o.
74. T. " The newe Testament of cure Sauionr Jesus Christe." This and
the edition of 1552 fixed by the King to be sold for 22d. = 22«. now.
British Museum. St. Paul's. Bristol Museum. Lea fVllson, Esq. Ty. R. Juggc 4o. 1553
27. B. "The byble in English— the translacio— to bo read in churches.
MDLiii." St. Paul's. /Worcester Col. Oxon. Earl o/Bridgcwater.
Lea fyilson, Esq. Cr. Whytchurche fol.
28. B. " The whole Byble," by Coverdale, — a new issue of the Zurich
edition, with new title. St. Paul's. Balliol College and Exeter Froschover
College, Oxon. Bristol Museum Co. Ri. Jugge 4o.
2!(. B. " The Bible in Englishe, according to the translacion of the
great Byble." Very small skeleton Saxon letter. Some copies
have Grafton and Whitchurch.
St. Paul's Library. Bristol Museum. Lea JFilson, Esq. Cr. Grafton 4o.
(Bxittn i^flarp*
ONE EDITION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT, PRINTED ABROAD.
Under this rcigu of five years and four months, from VMh July 1553 to Ylih Novencbcr 1558.
' The Newe Testament of our Lord Jesus Christ." 10 June. The Geneva
translation of William Whittingham, in exile at Geneva. See the by
History, p. 3tl5-312. British 31>is. Lambeth Lib. Bodleian. Bristol Conrad
Mus. Balliol College, Oxford. Lea Jf-'ilson, Esq. Chr. Anderson. Badius
I80. 1557
(Bmm eii^atietf)*
ON'E HUNDRED AND FORTV-TWO EDITIONS, VIZ. FORTY-EIGHT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT AND
NINETY-FOUR OF THE BIBLE.
Printed duriny forty-four years and four months, from \7th November 1558 to 24tk March 1C03.
30. B. " The Bible and Holy Scriptvres." The first Genevan, the first
in Roman letter, and first Bible in verses, Kith April 1560. Dnd.
to the Queen, and addressed to " the brethren of England, Scot-
LA.ND, and Ireland. See the Hist. p. 318-324, 356, 357. Lambeth.
Balliol College, Oxon. Rev. Dr. Cotton. Lea Wilson, Esq. Oe. Rou. Hall
76. T. The New Test. —the same version. No printer's name. Lambeth. Ge. Geneva
77. T. " The newe Testament, EaythfuUy translated out of the Greke."
Dedicated to Edward VI. forbidding all others to print, and by his
former privilege still! All Souls, Oxon. Lambeth. Lea JVilson,Esq. Ty. R. Jugge
78. T. " The Newc Testament," same version, but perfectly distinct dated
edition. Both books perhaps kept up in safety during Mary's reign.
Lea Wilson, Esq. Ty. R. Juggc
4o. 1560
I60.
12o. 1561
12o.
Xiv INDKX— LIST OK UIBLES AND TESTAMENTS. [15G1-1.")7<>.
DESCRIl'TIO.X. IMllNTKK. VKAU.
79. T. The New Test, without liccnuc— fined lU. Sec Herl).aH.1. Cotton's lJ>t Cr. U. Harrison 4o. IMl
.'II. B. "The Hible." Second (Jenevan. Dedicated as before, but
dated Kith April ia;i. The New Test, in 1.V31, the first title \M2,
Bodlcy's editisn, Roman. Sec p. .■)24-.327. Brazen Nuse ColU'ije.
Oxford. Geo. Offbr, K»(/. Lea ff^itton, Kiq. Oc. No name fol.
;B. B. " The Bible," in small black letter. " Imprinted at London,
in Povvlcs Cliurchc-yarde, l)y Jlion Cawoode. I'rynter to the
Qucnes Maiestle, Anno mdlxj. Cum priuilenio RcgiaiMaiestatls."
BrilM SItueum. Lambeth. Lea fyUimi, Eiq. Cr. J. Cawoode 4o.
33. B. " The bible in Englishe— apointcd to be read in churches."
'* Imprinted at London, in white crosse strcle, by Uicliarde Harri-
son, Anno Dorai. 1.5.0.2." Human. Sec Hist. p. 320, and note.
Bristol Muteum. Earl of Bridgeicaler. Lea fyilton, Esq. Cr. Harrison fol. iaj2
(Ml. T. " The Ncwe Testament of our Saulour," in red and black. Still for-
bidding others to print. liaUiol ColUye, Oxford. Bristol Mtucum.
Lea fVilson, Esq.'Jiy. R. Jurrc 4o. laW
34. B. The Bible in Englyshc— " At Rovcn, (Rouen,) at thccoste and
charges of Richard Carmarden," by Hamillon, not Hamilton, as
in the History, p. 3;il. Brili.tU Museum. Bodleian. LamlKth.
fVorcester Colltye, Oxford. Bristol Museum. Lea IVilson, Esq. Cr. Hamillon fol.
33. B. The Bible "In oflBcinaR. Grafton." Thefirst edit, in onevol.
ilvo. and the last he printed, probably sent to Ireland. See Hist,
p. 3,31. //tTficW, p. 538. Cr. R.Grafton Ho.
30. B. " The Bible," third edit, printed at Geneva, by John Crispin.
See Herbert's Ames, p. IG24, and tlie previous History, p. 33li. Gc. J. Crespin 4o. 1568
(II. T. The Newc Test., printed to sell separately. Bodleian. Geo.OJlhr, Esq. Ge. J.Crispin 4o.
37. B. " The . holie . Bible . contcyning the olde Testament and the
newe." Tlie first edit, of Parker's, with 143 cuts and engravings.
See the Hist. p. 332-334. British Museum. Bodleian. Bristol Mus.
St. Paul's. Caml/ridrje University Library. Lea ff'ilson, Esq. Bps. R. Juggc fol
38. B. The Bible, by R. Jugge and J. Cawood.
Trinity College, Cambridue. All Souls College, Oxon. Cr. Jo. Cawood 4o.
3U. B. " The Bible in Englyshe. Imprinted— Cum privilegio Regia;
Majestatis." See tlie Hist. p. 334.
Lambeth. Bristol Musewn. Lea fyilson, Esq. Cr. Cawood 4o. 1561)
40. B. The Bible,— another edit. It may be distinguished by "THE
NEWE TEStamcnt in English." — Cum priuilegio."
Lea ff^ilson, Esq. Cr. Cawood 4o.
41. B. " The Bible. Entirely distinct edition, though the same year.
Like an effort to uphold Cranmer's version. Lea fVilson, Esq. Cr. Cawood 4o.
42. B. " The holi Bible." Portrait of Elizabeth, and the Archbishop
below, preaching. See Strype's Annals and Lewis, p. 254. In two
columns, the verses intermingled with tlie text.
Late Duke of Sussex Library. T. Thorpe, Esq. Lea fVilson, Esq. Bps. R. Jugge 4o.
43. B. " The Bible and Holy Scriptvres conteyned."— " At Geneva,
printed by John Crispin, mdlxix." The New Test, is mdlxviii.
—Roman. Lea fyilson, Esq. Ge. Crispin 4o.
44. B. The very same book as the last, though styled second edition.
It was, however, a second or fresh issue this yvar,— Roman.
Bodleian. Ua ffilson, Esq. Oc. Crispni 4o. 157^
45. B. " The Holie Bible,"— second edit, in 91/aWo of the Bishop's ver.
Once in Herbert's collection, but at present we know not where. Bps. R Jugc<' 4o.
ISTO-lrjTG.] INDEX— LIST OF BIBLES AND TESTAMENTS. xv
DESCRIPTION. PUIN'riCK. YKAU.
It?. T. The New Testament, very similar to Nos. 77, 7U, but a dilTerciit edit,
evident from the wood-cuts in the Revelation, and other marks, —
black letter. Lea irdson, Ksq. Ty. 11. Jugge li>o. IJln
113. T. The New Testament,— title wanting,— extremely small black letter,
— not paged. The letter-press measures two inches by three and a
quarter. Printed in Ifl/O or IS?!. Lea ff'ilsoii, Ksi/. Dps. U. Jiigge 24o. IS?'
4(J. B. " The Holie Bible." Second folio edit, with only 30 cuts and
engravings, many ornamental initials, wildly taken from Ovid's
Metamorphoses ! A double version of the Psalms. British Jl/iis.
Bodkian. Kxdcr Colkijc,Oxon. Bristol I\I us. Lea fnison, Ksq. ]i[>a. U. J U!;c,c fol. I57'2
47. B. " The Holie Bible." The third in quarto. A splendid copy,
bound in five volumes, is in fAimbetli Liljrarij. See the Hist. !>.
334, and note. St. Paul's. Lea fFilson, Esq. Bps. R. Juggc 4o. l.l?;!
48. B. " The Holy Byblc, conteyning the olde Testament and the
newe. Set forth by aucthoritie," i.e. of the bishops. See the Hist.
p. 338. The third folio, with cuts, dated " the fifth of July 1574."
Bristol Museum. Lea JVilson, Esq. Chr. Anderson. Bps. R. Juggc fol. 157
fi4. T. " The Newe Testament," Genevan version, with Epistle of Calvin, as
in the edit, of 1557. Imprinted at London, by Tho. VautrouUier, for
Christopher Barkar. Lea fVilson, Esq. Ge. VautrouUier 12o. 1.575
[15 T. " The Ncwc Testament," the same, in quarto. Herbert, ^.IdOl^ Ge. VautrouUier 4o.
49. B. " The Holy Byble, conteyning," &c. " Set foorth by auctho-
ritie," (.t*. of the bishops. 1575. Thin paper, and not well printed,
asif he needed capital. Hence the next edition. Lea Jf-'ilson, Esq. Bps. B. Juggc 4o.
50. B. " The holy Byble, conteyning, &c. Set foorth by aucthoritie,"
as before, "finished the xxini. day of Nouember." For^/ifC others,
besides himself, as in the History, p. 334, 335. Earl Spencer. Bps. R. Juggc fol.
The same, but titled, " Imprinted at London, by Richard Kele."
The Bodleian.
The same, ■' Imprinted at London, by Lucas Harison."
Lea JFilson, Esq.
The same, "Imprinted at London, by John Walley."
Kiny's College, Cambridge.
The same, ■' Imprinted at London, by John Judso.v."
Mr. Herbert.
The same, " Imprinted at London, by William Nor-
1 TON." Lea fnison, Esq.
31. B. " The Bible." Genevan. Thejirst printed on English ground,
and by Tho. VautrouUier, for Christopher Barkar. Bristol Mus. Ge. VautrouUier 4o.
52. B. " The Bible," of the same version, for the same, in small size. Ge. VautrouUier 80.
Ki. T. The New Test. 'of the Bishop's version,— no date. St. Paul's Library. Bps. R. Jugge Itio. 1570
17. T. " The New Testament," the first edition said to be from Beza, but
simply a revision of the Genevan version, with Notes by Beza, Came-
rarius, &c. by Laurence Tomson, undersecretary to Sir Francis Wal-
singham, differing in some parts from subsequent edits. Dr. Cotton.
y SionCollege. fVadhamCol.Oxon. Lea Wilson, Esq. Chr. Anderson. To. C. Barkar f'o.
53. B. "The Bible." The text in long primer, Roman, the arguments
in Italic letter. " Imprinted at London, by Christoidicr Barkar —
Cum priuilcgio. In the late Sussex Librari/.
The Earl 0/ Bridgewatcr. Lea fFilson, Esq. Gc. C. Barkar fol.
54 B. " The Holy Byblc, conteyning " In a very small type, very
xvi INDEX— LIST OK BIBLES AND TESTAMENTS. [157G-1581.
DKSCUIITION. rillNTKIl. YKAU.
well printed, nnd on a thick tine pnpcr, running title Roman, con-
tents in Itiilic. A'xf Cranmer'it.aaliatibc-cnittutcd. LeaiyUnun, Ksit. l\\n. K. Ju^^^i' 4o. l.^i;
55. O. Tlic Dililc. (icnevan vcinion, neatly printed, in long primer
Koman nnd Italic arguments. Herbert, \t. MfJT. Cutlon't List. Ge. C. Uarkar 4o.
IMI. T. " The NewcTestiiment of ourSaviovr JesvsChriste." Small quarto.
l^-a lyilton, KS'i- Bps. It. Juggc 4o. 1J77
It). T. " The Nevv Testament of ovr Lord." Tomson'g rersion.
(;. Otl'iir, Ksq. Ua WiUon, Ktq. To. C. Uarkar 80.
5(5. " n. The Bible. That is, the Holy Scriptvrcscontcined/'&c. De-
dicated and Addressed to " the Brethren," Ac. See the Hist. p. 34G.
Lea IVilson, Ksii. Orivl CvlUye, Oxford. fyHliam Pickerhuj, Esq. Ge. C. Barkar fol.
The lust is the copy presented to tj. £liz. once in the Sustejc Lib.
57. B. " The Holie Bible," the last printed by him, in large 8vo.
See Hist. p. 346. St. Paul's Library. Lea fVilson, Esq. Bps. R. Juggc Ho.
9(». T. " The Newe Testament of our Sauiour. — Cum privilegio— *o/«m,"
between the privilege of Juggc, and the jiatent of Barker. Not in
lOX), as in Herbert, nor 1505, as in Cotton. Cambriili/e Unit'. Lib. Bps. Ri. Walking 4o.
01. T. " The Nevre Testament of our Sauiour," in black and red, same
version. Rich. Jugge, now deceased. Lea fVilsun, Esq. Bi)s. VautrouUicr 12o.
!B. T. " The Newe Testament of ovr Lorde." Extremely small type, by
Barker, now printer to the Queen. Lea ffilson, Esq. Ge. C. Barker 24o. 157B
5U. B. " The Bible." Two versions of the Psalms. Gen. and the
Bps'. Ded. to Eliz. and the address now " to the diligent and
Christian reader." The verses by Greshop, in many editions, here
first appeared, — " Here is the spring where waters flowe." Sec
Hist. p. X)], where for 1j79 r. 1578. British Museum.
BoiUeian. Lambeth. Bristol Museum. Lea fyilson, Esq. Ge. C. Barker fol.
59. B. " The Holy Bible, conteyning," &c. " Imprinted— by the as-
signcment of Christopher Barker, printer to the Qucenes Majestic,
1578." Merton College. Lea fVilson, Esq. Bps. C. Barker fol.
93. T. " The Newe Testament." The Bishops' version. Earl Siiencer. Ti\)s. C BAxker 1 Go. 157.0
C(>. B. "The Bible," with double Psalms again. " Imprinted at Lon-
don, by Christopher Barker, Printer to the Queenes most excellent
Majestic." The Zurich Library. Lea ffilson, Esq. Ge. C. Barker 4o.
61. B. " The Bible." Entirely different edit. The New Test, and last
leaf are dated 158(1, besides other distinctions. Lea fVilson, Esq. Ge. C. Barker 4o.
62. B. " The Bible and Holy Scriptvres contcined," &c. Ti\c,first
Bible printed in Scollaiul. See the Hist. p. 537. iJom«)t letter. Basscndcn
Finished at press in July this year. Earl 0/ Morton. Ge. and fol..
Advocate's Library, Edinbur(i)i. Earl .Spencer. Lea fVilson, Esq. Arbuthnot
94. T. " The Newe Testament." Tomson's revision. Lea fVilson, Esq. To. C. Barker 80. 15«()
O'l. T. " The Newe Testament." The same version. Lea fVilson, Esq. To. C. Barker 24o.
63. B. " The Bible," with Dedication, and the address " To the
Christian reader." Large paper. See Hist. J). 357. Lea fViUon,Esq. Ge. C. Barker 4o.
64. B. The Bible, no Dedication, & a distinct edit. Lea fVii-sun, Esq. Ge. C. Barker 4o.
65. B. " The Bible." The Genevan version. Cotton's List. Ge. C. Barker fol.
96. T. The Newe Testament of our Sauiour Jesus Christ." A clean
black letter, Italic contents, notes in Roman. Lea fVilson, Esq. Bps. C. Barker li'o. l.JHI
97. T. "The Newe Testament," of Tomson'srevis. lUrbert. Cotton's List. To. C. Barker 12o.
.581-1588.] INDEX— LIST OK BIBLES AND TESTAMENTS. xvii
DESCRIPTION. PRINTER. YEAR.
G(). B. " The Bible." Genevan ver. Gfo. Offvr, Ksq. Lea jyUson, Esq. Gc. C. Barker 4o. Liai
07. B. " The Bible," of the same version. Cotton's List. Ge. C. Barker fol.
fift. B. " The Bible," of the same, bound in four vols. Eai'l Spencer. Ge. C. Barker llo.
i. T. " The Newe Testament ofourLordJesus Christ." Tomson's revision.
Lea TVilsm, Esq. Earl of Bridgewatcr. To. C. Barker «o. 1582
Gi). B. " The Bible." Genevan version, with the customary Dedica-
tion to Queen Elizabeth, and once more still — " To the brethren of
England, Scotland, and Ireland." See pp. 3JG-7. Lea ff'ilson, Esq. Gc. C. Barker fol.
70. B. " The Bible." The Genevan version. Geo. Offor, Esq. Ge. C. Barker 4o.
71. B. '■ The Bible." The same version. Ge. C. Barker Oo.
). T. " The Newe Testament." Tomson's revision, best edition, with the
royal arms, large 4o. Exeter Colk<jc, Oxfo^rd. Rev. Dr. Cotton's is
yellow paper. Lea frUson, Esq. To. C. Barker 40.1583
H). T. The Newe Testament of our Sauiour. In \.\\c\:dc Sussex Library. Bps. Bynneman 4o.
il. T. " The Newe Testament." Tomson's revis.l. 4o. Lea Wilson, Esq. To. C. Barker 4o.
13. T. The New Testament. Genevan version. Herbert. Cotton's List. Ge. C. Barker 12o. ■
13. T. The New Testament. Tomson's revision. St. Paul's Library. Ge. C. Barker 32o.
72. B. Portion, entitled "the third part of the Bible." St. Paul's Lib. Ge. C. Barker ZCo.
73. B. " The Bible and Holy Scriptvre," in red and black, splendidly
printed in large folio, margin nearly three inches broad, and pai)cr
emulating vellum. Bodleian. Lambeth. SI. John's Coll. Oxon.
Pemltroke College, Oxon. Bristol Museum. Lea fVilson, Esq. Ge. C. Barker fol.
74. B. " The Bible and Holy Scripture." The Same version.
Lea jyilson, Esq. Ge. C. Barker 4o.
75. B. " The Holy Bible, conteining the Olde Testament and the
Newe," in a fine new black letter : contents in Roman. Fre-
quently mistaken for the Genevan version. Lea fFilson, Esq. Bps. C. Barker fol. 15(14
76. B. " The Holy Bible." This and the last edition contain the
Psalms of Cranmcr's version, " to be sung or said in churches."
Lea fVilson, Esq. Bps. C. Barker 4o.
77. B. " The Holy Bible." This and the last edition, " a bigger and
a less," printed by order of Whitgift, as the translation " autho-
rised by the Synod of Bishops." See Hist. p. .S38. Lambeth.
S ion College. Bristol Jlluseum. Earl Spencer. Lea fyilson, Esq. Bps. C. 'Barker fol. 1585
78. B. " The Bible and Holy Scripture." Genevan version.
Lea JVilson, Esq. Ge. C. Barker 4o.
U. T. The Newe Testament. Tomson's revision.
Cotton's List. Lea fVilson, Esq. To. C. Barker 12o. 15fiG
79. B. " The Bible." Genevan version. Exeter College, Oxford.
Lea ff^ilson. Esq Ge. C. Barker 4o.
80. B. " The Bible." Same version. King of fVirtemljeyg .
Lea fFilson, Esq. Gc. C. Barker 80.
81. B. " The Bible." Same. Roman. With Tomson's New Testa-
ment. Lea fVilson, Esq. Ge. C. Barker 4o. 1587
82. 1!. " The Holy Bible." Black and red title, the first " Imprinted
by the Deputies of Christopher Barker," or G. Bishop and R.
Niwbcry. See the Hist. p. 350, 383. Lea fVilson, Esq. li\>s. D.o{Ba.rki.r fol. ].j;a
83. B. " The Bible." Genevan. Geo. Offor, Esq. Lea fVilson, Esq. Ge. D. of Barker 4o.
xviii INDEX— LIST OF UIULES AND TESTAMENTS. [ I. >«!)-! j!»7.
DESCUIPTlON. I'Rl.NTliK. VKAlt.
10.'). T. " The New Testament." HUc firtt printed nt CamhrUUjf ; and by
Julin I.cKalc, Hon-in-law of C. Darker, and printer to tlie Univer-
sity, from 2(1 Nov. l-'iIHI. Cnlton't List. Mr. T. UradUi/. Oc. J. LcRatc 24o. ISaO
KKi. T. The New Testament. Oenevan version. Utinbeth Librar'i. Oc. D. of Barker Mo.
ll>7. T. The Now Testament, tlio Bishops' and Rhemish version, jn columns,
by VV. Kulke. ChriiVi Church CulUye, Oxun. Uristul Muicum. Bps. D. of Barker fol.
tM. B. '• The Bible." The Genevan Torsion. Lotmide'i List. Ue. D. of Barker fol.
U5. B. " The Bible." The same version. Ua fFilson, Esq. Ge. D. of Barker 4o.
(Mi. B. " The Bible." Same version, distinct edit. Oeu. Offor, Ksq. Gc. D. of Barker 4o.
lull. T. " The Newc Testament of our Lord Jesus Christ." Roman pearl
type, at C'am^rWyc again. /A;a fyUson, Esq. Oe. J. Leg-ite 4flo. l.'-Wt
l(t!). T. The Newc Testament. Genevan, in Uvo. Cotton's List. Ge. D. of Barker 80.
Ity. B. " The Bible." On yellow paper. Imperfect. Sussex Lib. Gc. D. of Barker 4o.
1 10. T. The New Testament. Genevan version. Cotton's List. Ge. D. of Barker 12o. I.Wl
(Ml. H. " The Holy Bible." Large folio. Siuii Cut. Uajyilson, Esq. Bps. D. of Barker fol.
W- n. " The Bible: That is, the Holy Seriptvres— Anno do. 1591,
Maij. 2!)." The first Bible known to have been printed at Cam-
bridtjc, and in a beautiful lioman letter. Lea fyilson, Esq. Gc. J. Legate 80.
90. B. " The Bible," of the Genevan version, with Tomson's revision
of New Testament. Lea fVilson, Esq. Ge. D. of Barker fol. 1592
91. B. " The Bible." Genevan version throughout. There is s.aid to
be a copy of this at S<M»pard. Kingo/fVirtcmberg. Ge. D. of Barker 4o.
1 1 1 . T. Tlie New Testament of the same version. Rev. Dr. Lk Ge. D. of Barker 4o. ISD'J
112. T. The New Testament. Cotton's List. Ge. D. of Barker 24o.
92. B. " The Bible." Genevan version. Rev. Dr. Lee. Ge. D. of Barker 4o.
93. B. " The Bible." Gen. ver. Geo. Offor, Esq. Lea fTilson, Esq. Ge. D. of Barker 80.
11,1. T. The New Testament. Same version. Brazen Nose College, Oxford . Ge. D. of Barker 4o. 1594
94. B. " The Bible." Same version. Cotton's List. Lea IVilson, Esq. Ge. D. of Barker 4o.
114. T. The New Testament. Library of the late Granville Sharp, Esq. Gc. D. of Barker 80. 1595
95. B. " The Holic Bible." British Museum. Lambeth Library.
St. .John's College, Oxford. Lea IVilson, Esq. Bps. D. of Barker fol.
!K:. D. " The Bible." Lambeth. Bal. Col. Oxford. Lea Wilson, Esq. Ge. D. of Barker fol.
97. B. The Bible, with Tomson's revision, Roman letter.
Brazen Nose College, Oxford. Lea fyilson, Esq. Ge. D. of Barker 4o.
1 15. T. " The Newe Testament," of Tomson's revision.
LamMh. Bristol Mu.ieum. Lea rViLmn, Esq. To. D. of Barker 4o. I.'i9:i
110'. T. Tlic New Testament. Same version. Printed abroad. Cotton's List. To. ilolland? fol.
98. B. " The Bible." Genevan version. .S7. Paul's Lihrari/.
Bristiil Museum. Lea fyilson, Esq. Ge. D. of Barker 4o.
117. T. The Newe Testament. Tomson's revision, ilomau letter.
Pembroke College, Oxford. To. D. of Barker 4o. 15.';7
118. T. The Newe Testament, of the same version. Lea fyilson, Esq. To. D. of Barker 12o.
99. B. " The Bible," printed at Middlcburgh. Geo. Offor, Esq. Ge. Schilders 80.
IOC. B. " The Bible," with Tomson's revision of N. T. but even this
has the Ded. and address—" To the brethren of England, Scotland,
Ireland, &c." British Mus. /Ill Souls, Oxon. Lea ff'ilson, Esq. Gc. D. of Barker fol.—
5!»7-lG()2.] INDEX— LIST OF BIBLES AND TESTAMENTS. xix
DESCRirXION. PUINTKH. YKAU.
101. R. "Thcnil)lc."Gcii.vcr. entire. Rowrt/i type. Lea tril.inii,Kii<i. (Jc. 1). of Daikei -lo. \m^
The Bible, printed by R. Field, son-inlaw and successor of Vau-
Iroullier, in Cotton's List, was the " Biblia Sacra."
l!l. T. The New Testament. Printed by .John Windot, tor the assignees of
Richard Day. Sir Jolni IJairkliis. Cottuii's List. Go? J. WinAct 24o. I.Wil
!(t T. The Newe Test. Genevan vei-sion. <:ottnii's List. Geo. Offor, Ks'i. Gc. D. of Barker 4o.
l(y. B. " The Holy Bible." JJarhiaii Lit). Xo. 184. Coltoii's List. Bps. I), of Barker fol.
loa B. "Tlie Bible." Genevan vereion. IlomanM. Gco.Offor,Ks<i. Ge. D. of Barker 4o.
104. B. " The Bible," with Tomson's revision of the New Test.
rembrokc College, O.t^ford. Lea JVilson, Esq. (Jc. D. of Barker 4o.
10,-. B. " The Bible." Genevan version. Geo. Offor,Ksq. Ge. D. of Barker Ilo.
1(H). B. " The Bible." Genevan version.
Bodleian. Lamheth. Lea fJ'ilsoii, Ks<i. Ge. D. of Barker 4o. I.''.!)!)
107. B. " The Bible," with Tomson's revision of New Testament.
This edition may be distinguished by a black line round the page.
Lea JVilson, Esq. Chr. Anderson. Gc. D. of Barker 4o. ■
108. B. S/.r other (Zi«<iHf< edit, exist, dated, i.e. Lea /Filson, Esq. Ge. D. of Barker 4o.
1(19. B. an^cdaffd, 1599, though printed above Lea JVilson, Esq. Gc. D. of Barker 4o.
110. B. fft/r^.vyearslater! TheColophonofone Lea JVilson, Esq. Ge. D. of Barker 4o.
111. B. — " Amsterdam, for TiiomasCrafoorfJi, Lea JVilson, Esq. Ge. D. of Barker 4o.
112. B. 1633," with our History, pp. .380, 390, Lea JVilson, Esq. Ge. D. of Barker 4o.
113. B. and 53G, note, solve the mystery. Lea JVilson, Esq. Ge. D. of Barker 4o.
114. B. "The Bible," as before, without date, place, or printer's
name. Figure of a (joosc on the title of the psalms. Supposed
from the Uort press. Lea JVilson, Esq. Ge. Dort 4o. IGOo?
115. B. " The Bible." Genevan version. C. Barker, now dead, after
printing by deputies for twelve years. His son's name first a)i-
pears. See the History, pp. 383, 384, where for 1601 r. 1600.
King of JVirtcmberg. Lea JVilson, Esq. Ge. "R. Barker 4o.
21. T. The New Testament. The Bishops and Rhemisb versions, by W.
Fulke. Lincoln, JVorcester, Queen's Coll. Oxon. Bristol Mxtseum. Bps. R. Barker fol. I611I
116. B. The Genevan version, with Tomson's revision of New Testa-
ment. King of JVirfemberg. Lea JVilson, Esq. Ge. R. Barker 4o.
1 17. B. The Genevan version, entire, black letter. Ge. R. Barker 4o.
118. B. " The Bible," of the Genevan version. Lea JVilson, Esq. Ge. R. Barker 80.
119. B. "The Bible," of the same version, " Imprinted by Isaac
Canin, at the expenses of the aires of Henrie Charteris and An- I. Canin
drew Hart in Edinburgh." Rev. Dr. Lee. Ge. at Dort 80.
22. T. The Newe Testament. Genevan version. Cotton's List. Ge. R. Barker 4o. 1602
23. T. The Newe Testament, of Tomson's revision. Lea JVilson, Esq. To. R. Barker 80.
120. B. " The Bible," with Tomson's revision. Roman type.
Bodleian. Lea JVilson, Esq. Ge. R. Barker fol.
121. B. " The Bible." In Roman type. Genevan version.
King of JVirtcmberg. Lea JVilson, Esq. Ge. R. Barker 4o.
122. B. " The Bible," of the same version. King of JVirtcmberg. Ge. R. Barker 80.
123. B. " The Holy Bible." Christ's Clmrch Col. Triniti/ Col.
JVorcester Col. Queen's Col. Oxford. Lea JVilson, Esq. Bod-
leian. This last has MS. corrections in reference to the intended
revision of the Sacred text, forming our present Version. Bps. R. Barker fol.
XX
INDEX— LIST OF BIBLES AXD TESTAMENTS. [ 1003- 1 Gl 0.
liing SamfS^
THIBTT-TWO KDITIO.NSjTIZ. EIGHT OF THE .NtW TESTAMEXT, A>D IWKXTT-FOLR OF THE BIBLF-
PtvOed/rom 1603 to fie year o^omr present rersiom 161 1.
DESCRIFTIOX. PRINTER. VEAU.
IM- T. *' TheNerrTeatanieBtofoiir Lord Jesas Christ." Tomson'sreTisaon.
" At Dort, printed by Isaac Canin, 1603.'
Dtike <if trirUmbarg. Lta fTiUcn, E*q. To. J. Canin 13d. lOTO
X.B.— The Xe» Test, by Smoa (Strafibrdi Stafford, in the Cot-
ton Li«t. seems to be the Briti»h or /t'eith New Testament,
corrected by Morean, Bishop of St. Asaph.
134. B. " The Bible." GeneTSB. CoUm't List. Tko. Harris, E*q.
Lm frilttm, Esq. Ge. R. Barker 4o.
12S. B. The same, vith Tomson's Ttrnaaa of Xev Testamoit.
Lta fVilstm, Rsq.
ise. B. " The Kble." Geoeran rersion, entire. Gto. Offor, K*q.
127. B. " The Kble.~ The same, io Roaum letter.
CanUrlmrf L9>rarf. L*a Wilson, Rsq.
125. T. The Ne-w Test, of Tyndale, as by Jngge, •with port, of Edvaid VL
printed by the assignee of Robert Barker. St. Paufs Ltbrcwji.
128. B. " The Bible.' Genevan rersion. Kinp of ffirlemUTp.
Lta frUson, Esq.
129. B. " The Holy Bible." The Bishops' version. Lite Sussex Lib.
130. B. " The Bible." The Generan rersion. Late Sussex Librarf.
131. B. " The Bible." Generan rersion. Kiitg(>fWtrtemi)erg.
Lta Wilscm, Esq.
132. B. " Tlie Kble," with Tomson's rerision. Lea fFUstm, Esq.
13X. B. " Tbe Bible." Generan rersion, entire. Lea fFilson, Esq.
134. B. " The Bible." Bomatt type. Tomson's rerision of Xew Test.
Oriei Cotltpe, Oxford. Skm CoUtpe. Lta mlton, Es-j.
' The Bible." The Generan, entire. Coticn's List.
Lta WiUcm, Esq.
' The Bible." Generan. Distinct edit. Geo. Qfor, Esq.
' The Bible." UcDeran rersioo. BalUd Ccliepe, Oxford.
126. T. The New Testameat. Bfahops' reniOD. Cctton's List.
127. T. The New Testament. Geaeiaa Ternmi. Ber. Dr. Lee.
13a. a The KUe. The Geaeran. BaUiol CoOtpe, Oxford.
Bristol MHSfum. Lea fTilson, Esq.
^XS. B. " The KUe," with Tomson's reriaon of the New Testament.
Lta mUom, Esq.
\¥i. B. " The Bible," of the Generan, entire. BowtoH.
Lea JFUson, Ep].
ISS. T. The New Testament, Generan. this year, bnt dated also at the
tnd 16ia CoUom's List. Earl of Bridpewater.
129. T. The New Testaasent. ToaMOB** lerinoB. Kiitg of fTirtemberg.
141. B. " Tbe Khfe." Btman letter, with Tomson's revision of New
TritiTPt Lea fTilsom, Esq. Ge. R. Barker
13S.B.'
13S.B.
137. B.
Ge.
R. Barker
40.
—
Ge.
R. Barker
4o.
Ge.
R. Barker
80.
Bps.
D. of Barker
I2n.
I0r«
Ge.
R. Barker
4o.
Bps. R. Barker
fol.
lt3i»:
Ge.
R. Barker
fol.
Ge.
R. Barker
4o.
Ge.
R. Barker
4o.
Ge.
B. Barker
80.
Ge.
R. Barker
fol.
IftT
Ge.
R. Barker
4o.
Ge.
R. Barker
4o.
Ge.
B- Barker
80.
Bps.
R. Barker
80.
ior«
Ge.
R. Barker
13o.
Ge.
R. Barker
4o.
—
Ge.
R.Rarker
4o.
—
Ge.
R. Barker
80. ■
—
Ge.
B. Barker
4o.
ido
To.
R. Barker
80.
—
1610-161 1.] INDEX— LIST OF BIBLES AND TESTAMENTS. xxi
DESCRIPTION. PRIXTER. YEAR.
142. B. •' The Bible. That is, the Holy Scriptvrcs. At Edinburgh,
Printed by Andro Hart, and are to be sold at his Baith, on the
North side of the gate, a litle beneath the Crosse." Roman.
See before, pp. 538, 539. Queen's Col. Oiford. Lea IFiUon, Btq. Gc. A.Hart fol. 1610
131. T. The New Test, of this edit, sold separately? Geo. Cltalmert, Eiri. Ge. A.Hart fol.
143. B. " The Bible," with Tomson's reTision. Earlo/BridgeireUer.
Lea IFilson, Esfi. Ge. R. Barker fol.
144. B. " The Bible," Rmian type, but the same rersion.
yill S-wU Col. Oxford. Lea fTilton, Esq. Ge. R Barker 4o.
145. B. " The Bible," of the Genevan, entire. Lta JVilton, Etq. Ge. R. Barker «o.
146. B. " The Bible." The Generan, with Tomson's revision of
the New Testament Bodleian. Lambeth. SU>n College.
AU SouVs College, Oiford. Lea H^Uon, Etq. Ge. B. Barker fol. IGll
147. B. " The Bible." The Genevan version, entire.
British Museum. Lambeth. Lea Wilson, Esq. Ge. B. Barker 4o.
I.v the preceding List, it may have been observed, there are no questionable books, and yet in the
course of eishty-six years, or np to the period in which our present Version was first published, there
had been 378 editions of Bibles and New Testaments separately. This gives an average of more than
three editions annually. Could, however, all the editions, particularly of Tyndale's New Testament, be
verified, of which, to a certainty, a number exist, still unascertained, we are now fnlly persuaded that
the average would, at the least, amount to /'our editions every year. All the volumes preceding the
year 156l1. must be contemplated as one would so many ancient Warriors, after a long and severe con-
flict. Even their mutilated remains are to be venerated, after having in their own day and generation.
proved so many witnesses for the truth ; but having sustained the loss of their title page, or colophon,
they could not be called up to the present muster. Though, therefore, we have, with some research,
brought about an hundred more into the field than ever were before, their number may yet be
increased.
An average, however, is not the only view which shonld be taken of the entire period. Each reign is
considered by the historian as having a character of its own. Thus, in the reign of Henrij, from 1525 to
1541, after which he began to frown, the average of publication was fully three editions annually. Be-
fore ever he listened, or before he was over-ruled, of the New Testament there had been at least 24 edi-
tions '. During the long reign of Elizabeth, the average was about the same, or above three issues annually.
The brightest period was that of Eiiwtird T1., when there were about eight editions for every year he
reigned. For the striking disparity between this brief reign, and that of his sister Elizabeth, as to the
New Testament, see the preceding history, vol. ii., pp. 355, :156.
We have ascertained a larger number of the Bishops' Version than has ever before been mentioned,
or 32 distinct issues. But it may now be observed, that instead of thirty editions in folio, quarto, and
octavo, of the Genevan Version, printed from 15fi<> to 1616, as Lewis reported, and Newcome, with
manv others, have repeated down to this day, we may now very safely assert that by that year there had
been at least one hundred andfi/li/ editions of Bibles and New Testaments, of which the reader has the
proof before him of one hundred and twenty-nine editions, even by the year 16II.
The Bible of Parker, or the Bishops' Version, was never again printed after that year, though of the
New Testament there were editions by Barker in 1614, 1615, 1617. and 16ia But the Genevan Bible still
continued to be issued, and by the King's printer, as well as at Edinburgh and Amsterdam. Thus, be-
sides four editions of the New Testament, we have the Genevan version in 4to. reprinted in 1613 both at
London and Edinburgh. Again at London in 1614, and two editions in 1615. Again in folio, and by Bar-
ker still, in 1616. In quarto, at Amsterdam, in 1633, and six other editions, all antedated, as if in Lon-
don, and in 1500. Again in folio, at Amsterdam, 164t), and two editions in 1654. In 1649 the i>res<-nt
Version was printed with the Geiteran notes by way of pushing it into favour, but aluut this period it
INDKX— LIST OF lilBLES AND TESTAMKNTS. I 1 (J 1 I
The first edition of our present Version.
It. "TlicIIoly I!il)Ic, Coiitoyniiigtlic Old Testament, and the New. Newly Translated out of theOrigtnall
Ioiiriu'h: and with the former Tran»latii>ns diliKently compared and revised, by his Maicslies Rjieciall
COniandement. Apiiointcd to be read in churches. Imprinted at London by Robert Harker, I'rinter
to the KiiiRs most Kxccllent Maiestie. Anno Doni. Kill."— N.U. It Iww been Raid that the Hritisli
Mnsenm has two editions of this year ; but this is a mistake. The </Wt' of Ifill hag been aflixed to
the editions of 1(!I.% l(!17, ICH, and even 1640, to make apparently fine copies of the first, but there
certainly was no second edition in 101 1.
T. " The New Testament of our Lord and Sauiour Jcsvs Christ. Newly translated," fic. Our present
version in the same year, very rare. An. IGll. 12mo.
The Translators to the Reader.
" Wc arc so far off from condemning any of their labours that travelled be-
fore us in this kind, either in this land, or beyond sea, either in King Henry's
time — or Queen Elizabeth's — that we acknowledge them to have been raised
up of God, for the building and furnishing of Ilis Church, and they deserve to
be had of us, and of posterity in everlasting remembrance."
of the preceding volumes, the Reader may now trace above two hundred editions as having been
translations of men who had fied beyond sea, remaining in exile from their country, and the rest to those
who were resident in this land.
" Therefore, blessed be they, and honoured be their name, that brake the ice,
and gave the onset upon that which hclpeth forward to the saving of souls !
Now, what can be more available thereto, than to deliver God's book unto
God's people in a tongue which they understand."
" Truly, good Christian Reader, we never thought from the beginning, that
we should need to make a new Translation, nor yet to make of a bad one a
good, but to make a good one better ; or out of many good ones, one principal
good one, not justly to be accepted against ; that hath been our endeavour,
that our mark. To that purpose there were many chosen, that were greater
in other men's eyes than their own, and that sought the truth, rather than
their own praise."
It is well that these translators so expressed themselves, as they could not consistently have spoken
otherwise. For whatever were the instructions ^iven to them, such was their adherence to the language
of the former Versions, that very happily, the translation is not in thcirown style. It is not the language
of their own preface, nor of the reifin of James I. The style they found in their prototypes, the diction
and phraseology they adopted from their predecessors in translation.
For the origin and completion of this Version, the progress since, and the
history in general throughout Scotland and America, see the preceding Volume
from page .3G5.
THE K\l>.
^ietortcal 3?ntiejc
THE ANNALS OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
" It is a very striking circumstance, that the high-minded inventors of this great art tried at the very
outset so bold a flight as the printing an entire Bible, and executed it \rith astonishing success. We may
see, in imagination, this venerable and splendid Volume (though in Latin) leading up the crowded myriads
of its followers, and imploiing, as it were, a blessing on the new art, by dedicating its first-fruits to the service
of Heaven."— /AaW«)«. For its description, see our Introduction, liv, Iv.
" Truth is the daughter of time, and time is the mother of truth. And whatsoever is besieged of truth,
cannot long continue ; and upon whose side truth doth stand, that ought not to be thought transitory, or that
it will ever fall. All things consist not in painted eloquence, and strength or authority. For the Truth is
of so great power, strength, and efficaciti/, that it can neither be defended with words, nor be overcome with
any strength : but after she hath hidden herself long, at length she putteth up her head— and appeareth ! "
—Edward Fox, tiic Kind's Almoner, and Bishop of Hereford, anno 1536 ; this being the first diocese in
England in which the daily reading of the Scriptures in English was enforced on the vicars and curates,
through Dr. Curwen, the Dean of that day, and afterwards Bishop of Oxford under Elizabeth. See vol. i.
pp. 502, 367 ; vol. ii note, p. 35.
PRELIMINARY NOTICE.
Certain statements as to the English Scriptures have been given in past times by
.John Bale, in his Centm-ies of AVriters, and John Foxe, in his Acts and Monimients ; by
Father Sijion, in his Critical History, and Le Long, in his Bibliotheca Sacra ; by Strtpe,
in his Memorials of Cranmer, and Anthony Johnson, in his Historical Account of Trans-
lations. To these may be added the accounts given by Lewis and Newcome, by Macknight
and Herbert IVLvrsh, by Cruttwell, in his preface to Wilson's Bible, and Gray, in the
introduction before his Key to the Old Testament. Not to mention others, an eye has been
kept on them all ; but then- statements, on the whole, are so defective and contradictory,
that they, and those who refer to them as authority, require to be read with caution.
The confusion and inaccuracy which have reigned throughout the whole, may be traced
to one cause. The respective authors had not the Books before them, and probably not
one had ever seen, much less inspected, the tenth part of the volumes at which he pointed.
In the preceding History and Index-List, on the contrary, all the books have been seen
and examined. No reliance has been placed on any loose previous statement, since
there occurred such frequent reason to distrust every one of them ; and as yet, from all
that the Author has learned or read, he has had no occasion to question the general
accuracy of either the History or the List of Bibles. No authentic addition has been
discovered to the latter, but in the following Index, advantage is taken to msert several
items, illustrative or confirmatory of both. It may be added, that in the last edition of
" The Introduction to the Study and Knowledge of the Scriptures," by Mr. Hartwell
Home, he has corrected his notices of the English Scriptures by the preceding Annals.
Another subject, by way of addition to this history, has been suggested, but the Au-
xxiv HISTORICAL IXDKX.
far as man is concerned, imperfection attends liini at eveiy step, and the shamefully
incon-ect manner in wliich the Scriptures were too often printed, especially in former
days, as well as the tardiness to correct remaining minor imperfections in the Sacred
text itselfi greatly illustrate the forbearance of Heaven : but in these volumes we
have the past and present state of Britain, and British Christians with the Scriptures
in theii" hands, before us, such as they have been, and now are ; and these, for the pre-
sent, demand deliberate and exclusive respect. One very important result, indeed,
as far as the general Reader is concerned, and never to be forgotten by him, will be
glanced at below ;' but to have entered on the verbal differences, whether in the English
Bible, from Tyndale's down to our present version, or tliose which have been observed
in manuscripts of the Sacred text since examined, would have been only diverting
away the mind to a subject altogether foreign to the nature and design of this work.
Here, the past will be allowed, as in some other histories, to form the best indication
or discoverer of the future. Now in tracing out a series of authenticated events,
extending over more than three Centuries, the writer was early struck with a tein
in the histoiy peculiar to itself, and the more so, as it firmly continued to exhibit
this characteristic down to the present daj- — a species of commanding supremacy,
amidst various attempts to control, and peculiar to this Kingdom. On the whole,
therefore, it is presumed, the mind cannot escape from ft-equently observing a distinguish-
ing feature, wliich, at the close, among other reflections or inquiries, leads so forcibly
to one —What does this history portend ? So secretly imported from abroad, as the.se
Scriptures were, into England and Scotland, at the beginning, (vol. ii. pp. 229-231,) and
since preserved so independent of control from every section of the British community,
(pp. 686, 637,) multiplied as they have been, (pp. 609-620,) and now so widely dispersed,
(pp. 657-662,) the entire narrative can-ies every appearance of steady and determined ap-
proach— but it is to some one point, never yet gained. Has then some great moral lesson,
not yet learned, been thus patiently held up to riew, from age to age, but especially to
the present ? Has some cardinal piinciple, not yet understood, been waiting for adoption ?
AVhatever that be, as it is not, for a moment, to be imagined now, that such a cause as
tliis, is ever to wear the aspect of an abortive enterprise ; it remains for reflection,
whether the History itself be not pressing forward, irresistibly, towards a period, when
Sacred Scripture will have become the only authoritative source of Christian know-
ledge, faith, and practice ? — a period when the old principle, hitherto little else than the
boast of Chillingworth and of Hurd, as well as of many others, respecting " the Bible
and the Bible alone," will be held consistently and with a tenacious grasp — or in other
words, when the Sacred Volume will have gained that throne of Supremacy, to which
many incidents in every stage of its providential history have been pointing so long ?
Meanwhile, in the history of the transuiission of ancient Books to modem times, there
is absolutely nothing, in our language, to be placed in comparison with the introduction
and conveyance of the English Scriptures to our times ; thus lending not only deep
interest to all the past, but such ample ground for anticipation as to the future.* In all
ages, according to the magnitude and importance of its ultimate object, has been
the compass fetched by the all-wise providence of God.
HISTORICAL INDEX.
XXV
ADDRESS or PROLOcrE — foviuiiig the frH
langiiage of Tj-ndalc, in print, to the
people of God in Eughiml — unknown to
history for above three hundred years,
and but i*ecently discovered, 74 for a
fac-s^hiiile of the first page, and of the first
New Testaments, sec Appendix.
(Address and admonition or warning of Tyn-
dale to Henry Till., to his Nobility, and
his subjects, 246, 247. — to Sii- Thomas
More and parliament, 284. — to his reader,
or the people at large, 286, 287. — to his
country, 288, 289. — his final warning to
Sir T. More, 354, 3-55. — followed by More's
Apology, 383. See Tyndale.
Vlarm, the very great and simultaneous, in
London, Oxford, and Cambridge, on first
receiving fi"om abroad the New Testament
in the English language, 89-103 the first
alarm in Scotland from the same cause,
ii. 413. — the panic among the bishops in
Edinbvu'gh, and all their chm-ches dosed,
■when the English Bible was first pro-
claimed as free to all readers, 518-522.
Vldus, the prince of Venetian printers,
Introd. Ix, n. 25. See Venice.
iLES or Aless, Alexander, {Ales'ms,) his
history and exertions hitherto unknown ;
born April anno 1500, and in Ediubiu'gh,
ii. 427 — from fond recollection wrote a de-
scription of it at this early period, id. — stu-
dent at St. Andrews, 428. — cruelly used in
the dungeon there, still in existence, 430,
431,449. — escapes toDimdee,450. — shield-
ed by the Provo.st there, 451 embarks
for the Continent, 429, 450, 452.. — the au-
thor of i\\& first printed controversy in Bri-
tain as to reading the Scriptures — his me-
morable letter to his King, James V., 430-
437. — attacked by Cochlteus, 438. — was
triumphantly answered by Aless, 444. —
who explains his cruel usage in Scotland,
447. — his curious and significant interview
with Herman, the Archbishop at Cologne,
453. — Aless, the first man, by manj- years,
who pleaded for the Scriptures to be read
at home round the household fire in Scot-
land, 457-459, 485 where the New Testa-
ment, in MSS., had been read before his
day, 400. — he became intimate with Me-
lancthon, i. 451. — invited to England by
Crumwell and Cranmer, was coui'teously
received, and stvlod " tlif> Kinw's Sflmlnv"
him into the Convocation, 498. — the fir.st
man, therefore, who, on British ground,
argued for Baptism and the Lord's Sup-
per to be the only ordinances under the
New Testament, 502, 503. — Cranmer and
the bishops afraid of his coimsel, 504. —
by the King's order sent to Cambridge, to
expoimd Scripture, ii. 478. — prevented, he
studies medicine in London, 479. — escapes
again to Germany, 69 made professor of
divinity at Frankfort on the Oder, 480. —
often employed in discussion, 481. — the
first Scotsman who met with Calvin, id. —
published various expositions of Scripture,
n. 483. — his wife and children, 485 Pro-
fessor for twenty-three years at Leipsic,
and where, in 1565, he died in peace, 481. —
taking the precedence of all other eminent
Scotsmen, and pleading for his Country
long before any other voice was heai'd,
some suitable Memorial is now due to his
character and exertions, birt more espe-
cially in Edinburgh, his native city, 485.
America, North, the Bible first seen by its
natives, an English one, ii. 566. — after-
wards carried there by the Pilgi-im Fa-
thers, 567 but pruiting it there, not
permitted by Britain, 568, 570. — all must
use an imported Bible, for more than 160
years! 568, 571. — the first open imprint,
in defiance of Britain, by a Scotsman
there, 571. — the first in folio and quarto,
not till 1791, 573. — conveyance /row and
then to a distance, a very notable peculi-
arity as to the English Scriptures, for
above two centui'ies and a half! 574.
Antwerp, the emporium of the world, w.l24. —
first English New Testaments burnt there,
131 — persecution, through the English
Ambassador, for printing an edition there,
124, 125 or importing them to Bi'itain,
196. — nobly resisted by tlie citizens, 125-
130, 195-200.— Tunstal's visit to buy up
Testaments, 213 a new English Ambas-
sador sent, 269. — his bold remonstrance
with Crumwell against persecution, 309.
— various editions printed there, 549.
Arrival, the first, of the English New Testa-
nient in London, Oxford, and Cambridge,
88-103 the first in Edinburgh and St.
Andi-ews, ii. 408, 409.
Askew, Anne, her heroic behaviour under
i»vnmin.it.inn_ ii 190-19,5 lipr faithful
HISTOKICAL INDKX.
flicted, 196. — her eminent character, and
testimony to the all-stifficiency of tlie :
Scripture before death ; her martyrdom, I
forming the cliinajr of cruelty under Henry
VIII., lUT-litU.— the mistakes of Lingard
rectified, n. 199.
Authority of Scripture, supreme and exclu-
sive, migiit have been the pole-star of
Britain for three centuries past, ii. 042. —
but afraid to follow it, G42.— whenever
pleaded as yet, one baneful eflfect has en-
sued, G42-647 though this be the liighest
of all sacred social questions, G44 — and
must be settled, if even the providential
liistory of the English Bible itself be any
gxiide, 651, 652.
Bainliam, his examination, 332. — confession
before tlie Congi-egation in Bow Lane, 333,
(see Congregation.) — his martyrtlom, 334.
Barbo, Peter, the Venetian pontiff, — See
Paul II.
Barker, family of, as patentees, ii. 339, 346-
351.
Barnes, Robert, 101. — the first recantation,
105, 106. — escapes to the Continent, n.
108 a Lutheran, and therefore not to be
classed with Tyndale and Fryth, n. 348. —
returns, and sent as envoy to Germany,
424, 449 in trouble, ii. 97 recants
again, 98. — cruelly executed, 122, 123.
Bayfield's liistory, 302 zealous importer
of books, 303-305. — his cruel usage and
martyrdom by Stokesly, 304.
Beaton, Archbishop, in disgrace and con-
cealment at the moment when the English
New Testament frst arrived in Scotland,
ii. 406-412. — the mover of Sir Patrick
Hamilton's death, the proto-martyr, 417.
Beaton, Cardinal, Henry VIII. enraged
against him, ii. 182. — aims after unlimited
authority in Scotland,51 4-516 — inprison,
when parliament proclaimed the Sacred
Scriptm-es to be free to all men, 517-522.
his cruelty, 530. — his own death by
violence, 531.
Bible — the frst ever printed was in Latin ;
long unnoticed and imknown, till disco-
vered by Dc Bure in the Mazarine Library
at Paris; and hence it has been some-
times called the Mazaiine Bible, Introd.
liv, Iv.
Bible in English, without note or comment,
Fryth, and tliese two men, thus early,
stood alone, the purest martyrs for tlio
Word of God, 71, 345. 363, 519.
Bible alone, witliout note or comment, the
perfect rule of faith and practice — the only
system of perfect symmetry, ii. 650 —
though never yet fairly tested, 641, 642.
Bible without note or connuent, the mere
proposal so to circulate it in all languages,
at once conveyed an impulse, the most
powerful and extensive which British
Christians have erer felt, ii. 609, 610, 654.
Bible in English noic, the only version in
existence on which the sun never sets,
preface, xi. — it has arrived at this extent,
not by any united effort so much as by
regular sale and di.spersion, ii. 609, 619.
— since the present century began, at
least four millions sterling have been
spent upon it, 620. — rapidity of its issue
fi'om the press, preface, viii ; ii. 661.
Bible in English, the only version in exist-
ence which is studied one day, and read
or used the next, in the four quarters of
the globe, that is, without intermission,
for foi-ty-eight hours every week, ii. 657-
661 no other event, no sign of the times,
is so eminent or so germinant as this,
preface, xi; ii. 661 a Sabbatic /ioro/o^«
of the English Bible, as explanatory of
this, is desirable, ii. n. 659. See the con-
trast to the last four articles, under Rome.
Bible in Latin '-jujcta Ileb. et Grcecam veri-
tatem," the first by Rudelius, and prior to
Pagninus, n. 167; jippendii; iv.
Bible, tlie Loudon Polyglot, a voluntary un-
dertaking, in perfect keeping with the
leading feature of tliese Annals, ii. 392,
393. See Feature.
Bible Society, the first, ii. 584 the second,
585 the thia-d, or British and Foreign,
604-617. See Sacred Scriptures.
Bilney, his conversion, 99-101 — first en-
snared, 121. — he recants, 161. — preaches,
299. — died a genuine martj'r, 300.
Bishops of England — they denounce as poi-
son, and order to be delivered up, the first
printed New Testaments in English, 118,
119. — they had before been burning them
in public, after a sermon, 106, 107 they
are arraigned by Tyndale as the very
foimtain and spring, or well-head of all
HISTORICAL INDEX.
XX\ll
up English New Testaments for destruc-
tion, and at considerable expense, 158,
159 — Tunstal of London, two years after
this, purchases more copies at Antwerp,
213. — tlieir second grand burning at Paul's
Cross, Tunstal of Durham presiduig for
Stokesly of London, 2(52, n. 263 Henry
Vin. prefers an indictment agauist the
whole body, and after judgment, he ex-
tends pardon, on condition of their paying
him a sum equal to a million and tlu-ee
quai-ters of our present com, 292. — but
they must now also bow to liis assumed
supremacy over them, and their chui'ch,
293 at their first Convocation, the for-
mer cement of tlie Bishops mutually
cleaving to each other having lost its
power, they di^•ide, as nine to nine, 494-
499. — but they are all at last signally
oveiTided to receive that Bible, the New
Testament of which, and even the owners
of it, they had so often denounced and
burnt, 583-586, 591, 592 four years
after, certain bishops, led on by Gai-dinei',
were longing to discuss and alter the Sa-
cred text, ii. 150, 151.- — once assembled
and wrangling over it, the King takes
the English Bible out of their hands, and
wliile they ai'e yet sitting in Convocation,
he publishes his decided sanction in ftivoiu'
of a citizen of London, who had nobly ad-
vanced the great cost of many already in
print, 151-153 that version frequently
styled "the Bishops' Bible" was never
ordered by Queen Elizabeth, 333. — nor
ever mai-ked by any public or formal
sanction of the Crown, 334. — the authority
it can-ied being that of the bishops only,
338. — the bishops under King James,
though applied to for some pecuniary aid
in regard to oui- present version, retui-ned
no answer, 373, 379 if tliey wei'e un-
willing, the King himself was unable,
379, 382, 385 thus the English Bible of
our own day, stands as independent of
all such aid from authority, as it had
done, since its origin, of all Royal or ec-
clesiastical control, 386, 387. — and thus a
version, which is now reading in every
quarter of the world, came, in about forty
years after its first publication, into ge-
neral usage throughout Britain, but at
Bishops of Scotland— in alarm, ii. 413. —
equally hostile to the Scriptures as in
England, 475. — all reading of them pub-
licly denounced, 491 but in vain, 512 —
they oppose in parliament, 521 — but alike
in vaui, 522-525. See Sacred Scriptures.
Bishops' Registers — a peculiarity to be ob-
served in them, n. ^ 263.
Blayney, his corrected eilition of the English
Bible, ii. 560.
Bodley, John, father of Sir Thomas, great
promoter of the Genevan version of the
English Bible, ii. 322, 323.— a patent
granted to him, personally, by Queen
Elizabeth, 324-327 Parker's proposal to
interfere with this version was all in vain,
329. See Genera.
Boleyn, Queen Anne, readTyndale's writings,
219 her marriage, 359. — she justifies the
importation of Tyndale's New Testaments,
410 no man ever dared so to speak out
wliile the translator lived, 411 — her own
coTpj, now in existence, 413. — base con-
spiracy against her, 460. — her noble letter
to the King, 468. — her cruel death, 476. —
the next event, 477 the mystery of her
inhuman treatment explained, 479-482. —
her life, education, and character, 483-488.
Bomberg, Daniel, of Antwerp, printer, next
to Aldus, the ornament of Venice— an
early printer of Hebrew Bibles, having
about one hundred Jews as correctors of
the press, n. 25. He died in 1549, not
1540, as there misprinted.
Bonner, Edmund, the pontiff enraged, threat-
ens him, 378. — he is sent to Spain, ii. 8. —
Gardiner's bitter quarrel with him, 11 —
Bonner in Paris, and now a bishop, 28-
30. — he throws off the mask on Crumwell's
arrestment, 107.— his vile hypocrisy, 144.
— sent abroad, 160 after disgi-ace imder
Edward, reinstated by Mary, 259 — he and
Gardiner now in union, 282. — Bonner the
slaughter-man of England, 265-270, 297.—
Ids cruelty singularly arrested, 271. — a
living monument of general execration,
he died in prison, and had to be bui'ied
under the cloud of night, 279.
Bourbon and Wolsey, leading men at one
jimcture, 40, 77 Boui-bon's march to
Rome, and death there, 143-145.
Boyle, Hon. R., his testimony to the perfec-
\
WVlll
HISTOUICAL INDEX.
Britain — for the early history, sec England
and lScotlan<l ; the most extensive move-
ment as to the Scriptures began, ii. 584,
618, 019 immense reduction in price,
620-G25.— conse(iuent peculiar obligations,
626-628 magnitude of the object, 6o0 —
leading feature in their iiistory, 631, 639.
— friends and foes down to the present
day, 630-654.
Cambridge, great alann there, on frd re-
ceiving the English New Testament in
print, from abroad, 99-104 the first
Testament known to have been printed
there, see Index-List, No. 105 ; the first
Bible, No. 89.
Canne, John, his editions of the English
Bible, ii. 5r,9.
Cardinal College, Oxford, by AVolsey, his
original and insidious design, 42, 4.3
rendered abortive by the perusal of Tyn-
dale's New Testaments, 95-99.
Cauey, the most eminent reader of the Eng-
lish Bible, as to the effects resulting, ii.
586-588, 603. — proved by his sub.sequent
history and exertions abroad, 588-604.
Carondelet, Archbishop of Palermo and
President of the Brabant Council, 429
presided as such at the time of Tyndale's
imprisonment and mock trial before liis
martyrdom, 516, 517.
Centenary, the tliird, of our English Bible,
held by mistake, 590 had it been ob-
served in Britjiin on the sauie day that
Thorwaldsen's statue of Gutenberg was
opened to view at ilentz, vi/. 14th August
1837, this would have been strikingly
correct ; as the fourth centui-y of the in-
vention of printing, and the third of the
arrival of the English Bible in London
were coeval, almost to a day, 578, 579,
590, 691.
Challenge of Francis to the Emperor led to
the cowardly and hoi'rid practice of duel-
ling in Europe, n. 149, 540.
Charles V. Emperor, defiance of him by
Henry YIII., or rather the presumptuous
step of Wolsey, which led to his fiill, 170,
172 negotiations Avitli Charles, in vain.
249, 250. — the Emperor's greatest per-
sonal hiuniliation, 539-541. — he seemed
disposed to union, ii. 7 but he and Fran-
cis I. overreach Ilenrv. 7-12. — alliance
Churcli. our own Church, of whatever form,
not the highest point to which, for three
centuries, proridence has been inviting
the supreme regard of British Christians,
ii. 638, 644.
Clement VII. the Roman pontiff, the sack of
Rome, 143-147 his misery wliile in pri-
son, 172. — tormented by Henry's question
of divorce, 173. — Henry and Clement iji
collision, 330, 331 he is enraged with
Bonner, 378 vexed with England's sepa-
ration, 402, 403 sui-vived only six
months, 406. — the folly and misery of Ais
supremacy had been demonstrated to all,
yet was it now declare<l to be treason, by
Henry VIII. for any subject to deny his,
406 death and character of Clement,
400, 407. See Paul III.
Cochlreus, the grand continental opponent
of Scripture, 53. — interrupts Tyndale at
the press in Cologne, 55, 02. — alarms the
English Govemment, 58. — angry with
Henry YUL. for not rewarding him, 527.
— enraged at Alexander A less, and writes
to James V. of Scotland, ii. 438. — actually
sent his servant with his tract to Edin-
burgh, who was richly rewarded, 467, n.
467, 468 and lumself also, 477.— tri-
umphantly answered by Aless, 444-468,
477 in trouble, 480.— his death, 483.
See Aless.
Congregation in Bow Lane, Cheapside — was
it the earliest resemblance, even \mder
Henry ^'UI., of a Christian Church found-
ed on the Scriptures ? 334, 344, 346.— see
it again, under Queen Mary, ii. 265-271.
Constantinople, its capture and fall, an era
in Iiistory, Introd. lii, liii.
Constantjne, George, a very zealous im-
porter of Tj'ndale's New Testament, 188,
206 — caught and put in irons by Sir T.
More. 306 escapes to Antwerp, 308, 313.
— in England again, 462, n. 463 becomes
a vicar, ii.69 in great alarm, he graphi-
cally describes the state of England, 70-
72. — his father then alive, at the age
of ninety-tWD, n. 71 Constantyne dies
abroad, but his son-in-law became even
Archbishop of York, and President of the
Council of the North ! «. 73.
Covei'dale, Myles, his first appearance, 105.
— preacliing in Essex. 185 shielded by
HISTORICAL INDEX.
XXIX
238-240 his version of the English Bible,
450. — compared with Tyndale's, 552-5G7,
687. — Coverilale in Paris, editing the se-
cond edition of the latter, ii. 35-39. — after
Cruniwell's death he escaped abroad, and
was absent eight years, as minister of
Bergzabern, from 1540 to 1548; returned,
and made bishop of Exeter, but only for
two years, 295. — liis second and singular
escape to tlie Continent, under INIary, 287-
294 he again returns to England, but
now a Nonconformist, a laborious man,
he expired in peace in his 81st year, 295.
Cowper the poet, Carey, and Clarkson, un-
known to each other, all under similar
impressions, at the same moment, ii. 590.
Cranmer first employed, 221 . — sent to Rome,
249. — sent to the Emperor, with Sir T.
Elyot, then in pursuit of Tyndale, 323-
326. — made Ai'chbishop, 364 and in what
manner, 365 his mode of procedure in
divorcing Queen Katharine, and crown-
ing Queen Anne Boleyn, 366-369 — Fryth
stands before him and other bishops, 369-
874. — refers to the death of Fryth by fire,
375, 376. — fully informed of Tyndale's
imprisonment at Yilvorde, but does no-
thing, 422-426, 512. — sent for, to sanction
the death of Anne Boleyn, 465. — he is
overruled to receive Tyndale's version of
the Bible, 570-578, 585 ; his first edition
of it was in 1540, ii. 86-89, 130 — in his
preface he refers, though covertly, to Tyn-
dale, H. 87. — his official situation proved
his safeguard imder Henry, 66, 67. — ac-
cused by the Council but in vain, 175-
178. — had no share in the death of Anne
Askew, as Lingard asserts, n. 199. — one
valuable trait in his procedure, 238, 242.
—his martyrdom, 297-299.
Crumwell, Thomas, his early and only visit
to Rome, 7i. 293. — not pi-esent at its at-
tack and foil under Bourbon, n. 144. — a
steward in the employ of Wolsey, 186. —
his bold effort to rise in the royal favour,
223, 224 — first elevation to power, 225
his pursuit after Tyndale, 240, 269-278.—
all in vain, 279 — sent to Convocation to
humble the bishops, 291. — fully informed
of Tyndale's imprisonment atVilvorde, but,
like Cranmer, he does nothing to shield
him from the persecutors, 422, 512. —
constrained at last to seem interested.
accedes to the persecution of Anne Boleyn
unto death, 460, 475. — presides as A'ice-
gercnt and Vicar-General in the first con-
vocation under Henry, 495-510. — he is
overruled to accept of Tyndale's version
of the Bible, 577, 591.— his treatment of
royal blood, ii. 6, 7. — his base subserviency,
21, 53, 75. — his first injunctions enforc-
ing, not Cranmer's, but Tyndale's Bible,
33, 34 — his headlong cruelty, to please
his avaricious master, 60, 61, 75, 102. —
his zeal and energy as to the Scriptures,
admits of but one interpretation, 79, 82,
129.— at the height of his power, 99, 100
Henry's use of him, 101. — his being made
Earl of Essex explained, 102 his last
effort on the King's behalf, 103 the
King offended, 104. — Crumwell appre-
hended through the Duke of Norfolk, 105,
106. — who had tried to put him off his
guard recently, 49, 50, 503 the charges
against him never before explained, 109-
116 — he implored pity, 112 but is put
to death, 117. — his character, 118 espe-
cially as "Mcegerent and Vicar-General,
and its consequences, 118-122.
Dedication of the Genevan English version
to Elizabeth, was not suppressed, as it has
often been asserted, but frequently re-
printed, ii. 356, 357. See Epistle.
Dignitaries of the English Church, so late
as 1571, had to be enjoined to provide
copies of the English Bible for their own
dwelling houses, ii. w. 337.
Dispersion of Sacred Scripture, a new
method, ready at hand, never yet tried,
though quite practicable to individuals,
in various cities and sea-ports through-
out Great Britain, ii. 675-677.
Distance, conveyance first from, and then to
a distance, a mai-ked feature in the history
of the English Bible, for above 250 years !
ii. 574.
Divine Revelation, or the voice of God to
man, however unheeded, knows no pause
by night or day, in the English language,
preface xi ; ii. 657-660.
Division of the people in Britain, one that
is infinitely the most important, and for
more than three centuries down to the
present hour, ii. 640-642, 652.
Dominion of Britain, its highest import, or
what it involves of imnf>rn.tivp diifv. ii
aw
HISTORICAL INDEX.
Donne, Gabriel, the Monk of Stratford
Abbey, and the basest betrayer of Tyn-
dak", his strange and hitherto unknown
history, 418, 426, 533-538 seated in con-
vocation, and as Abbot of Buckfaster,
even before Tyndale had breathed his last
at the stake, 535, 536.— afterwards raised
to be a jircbend of St. Paul's, 536, ii.
281 nay, acted in room of the Bishop of
London, by Cranmer's appointment, i.
536.— Ridley's opinion of him, 53G-537 —
his death, apparently without any re-
morse, twenty-two years after Tyndale's
martyrdom, 537,538; ii. 278.— buried in
St. Paul's, i. 537.
Edinburgh, its state, when the reading of
the Scrii)tures was first freely allowed, ii.
518-522 though reading them in secret
had been the habit of not a few in Scot-
land, for about sixteen years, 513, 525,
«. 527.
Edward VI., the contrast to his ftither, ii.
233 Scriptures printed under his reign,
236-243.— but still an undertaking sepa-
rate from the reigning authorities, 244-
248, 252. — Edward's personal character
and death, 248, 249 his noble conduct
towards John a-Lasco, formed a contrast
to the entire surface of Europe at the
moment, n. 200.- the painful result of
creeds and confessions, idem — the disre-
putable and perverse policy of Edward's
Council on and after his death, 250,
255.
Elizabeth, Queen, her cautious policy at first,
extending even to the Scriptiu-es, ii. 313-
317 yet, by a distinct patent, sanctioned
the Genevan vei-sion of the Englisli Bible,
321. — and singularly compliant here, 326.
— Parker's proposal to interfere with it,
in vain, 329 the English Bible printing
at Rouen as well as in London, 331 —
Parker's version not ordered by the
Queen, 333. — never authorised, nor even
specially noticed by her, n. 334, 337, n.
•)38. — printed by different printers, 334,
335 patents, their strange origin and
history, 340-351. — Bibles under Eliza-
beth's reign, far naore numerous than ever
before imagined, 352, 353, 361 — the cause
of this explained, 354-360 — though the
press was, in other respects, so fearfully
trospect from Henry to Elizabeth inda-
sive, 362-364.
Elyot, Sir Thomas, employed in pursuit of
Tyndale, by the King's order, though still
in vain, 322-327.
England, at the opening of the sixteenth
century, 5 state of literature, 9. — condi-
tion of the west of England, 11-15. — hos-
tile to Tyndale's design, 41-43. — and to
divine tinitli, 43. — state of England im-
mediately before receiving the Scriptures,
77-86. — the first amvals and effects, 88-
105 the first burning of books, 106 —
political state, 114 England and Spain,
170. — and Italy, 172 persecution, 178-
192. — arrested by pestilence at home, 192,
193. — WoLscy's pursuit after Tyndale, in
vain, 194-208. — persecution again, 211. —
the King, parliament, and bishops, alike
Aostile to the truth, 230-237, 257 — op-
posed by Latimer, 260-262.— warned by
Tyndale from abroad, 288-290.— fresh pur-
suit of him, 322. — persecution at home,
331-335 Fryth's arrival fi-om abroad,
339.— strange state of England, 364.— Eng-
land and the Continent, 377-379. — key to
the commotion at home, 435. — parties in
Henry's new Convocation, 494. — state of
England at Tyndale's death, 541.— rebel-
lion in Yorkshire, 544 — sudden change,
Henry and his counsellors signally over-
ruled to receive the Bible,583-5S6.— Crum-
well's policy -with the King while a
widower, ii. 4, 5.— the leaders of the ' Old
Learning' party met after long separation,
14. — character of the King's parliaments
and convocations, 53. — alliance with the
Emperor Charles, 96.— all the European
powers in strange array or alliance, 161,
529.— war with Scotland, 164, 182 — peace
with France and Scotland, 185.— England
now exhausted by war and the results,
186-189 death of Henry, 221.— the Khig
and his courtiers, 223-225 — retrospect of
Henry's reign, 227-232 — England under
Edward the Sixth, 233-253.— under Mary,
253-312 under Elizabeth, 313-364 — un-
der James I. to the Commonwealth, 365-
394. See Scutland and Britain.
Epistle prefixed to the Genevan English
version, with its memorable title, " To our
beloved m tlie Lord— the Brethren of
HISTORICAL INDEX
XXXI
from 1561 to 1582, ii. 350, 357 — nay, and
as late as 1597. Compare Index-List,
B. No. 100.
Era, at the present, a retrospect is due to
futiu'c exertion, ii. (308-071.
Erasmus, born 1405, )iot 1407 : at the age
of 32, came into England, 23 his Now
Testament, Greek and Latin, in 1510, 24.
— subsequent editions of it in 1519, 1522,
1527, 1535, «. 38. [The paraphrases of
Erasmus did not appear in Eiijlish till
1548-9, though in the original Latin he
publislied them, in twelve separate books,
from 1517 to 1524. These lie dedicated
in distinct addresses — the gospels to four
Sovei'eigns, Charles, Francis, Henry, and
Ferdinand ; the Acts of the Apostles to
the pontiiF, Clement ! and the epistles to
five cardinals and an archbishop, includ-
ing Wolsey. This style of proceeding
might influence Tyudale's reference,
though Tunstal's name is nowhere men-
tioned; but in the preface of the New
Testament in 1527, Erasmus expressly
names him, and as bishop of London.] The
New Testament of Erasmus, the instru-
ment of Bilney's conversion, 100. — See p.
281, penultimate line, /or latter, readfov-
mer. — Erasmus describes the character of
the Brabant Privy Council, imder whom
Tyndale suiiercd, 517 and about foiu-
months before that martyrdom, Erasmus,
nvt in liis 09th, but in his 71st year, ex-
pired at Basil, where he lies interred in
the Cathedral, n. 517. See Uallam.
European sovereigns without exception, in
strange and imprincipled alliance, ii. 101,
529.
Ezra — the Ezra of Britain — a poetical Latin
tribute, of the sixteenth century, in me-
mory of Tyndale, ii. 480.
Feature conspicuous in the character and
conduct of Tyndale, 351-353 — one other,
in the whole of the preceding liistory of
the English Bible, ii. 031-039.
Fisher, bishop of Rochester, preaches in
1520, before the first burning of books
seized, 100. — denounced by Tyndale for
then burning the New Testament, 107
his violence in pai-liament, 228. — deemed
. guilty in not bowing to Henry's suprem-
acy,402.— attainted along with Sir Thomas
More, 400 — cruelly beheaded, 430, 437.
as to the Sacred Scriptures, ii. 577. — its
state for two centuries past, 577-584. —
the French Revolution, and its effect on
Britain and her colonies, 580-582.
Francis 1. deceives the King of England, ii.
7-11 — Henry foolishly invades his coun-
try, 105 — war with it still, 170. — peace
at last, 185 — death of Francis, 225.
Frankfort fair, searching for Tyndale there,
in vain, 202-205 — the troubles of Frank-
fort, ii. 309. — mistaken principle, the
cause of all that happened, 310 the
troubles overruled for good, as to the
English Scriptures, 310, 311.
Froschover, Christopher, printer of Zurich
— was certainly not the printer of Cover-
dale's Bible of 1535, as ascertained by the
present author when at Zurich ; and that
Grafton was the printer of it, a gross
mistake; but in 1550, Froschover printed
both a Bible and a small New Testament
in English, unaccoimtably reversing, on
the titles, the names of the authors. See
our Index-List, T. 07, B. 23. This year
a nephew, of the same name, came to
England, to perfect liimself in learning
for his calling. The uncle or nephew
afterwards boarded twelve of the exiles
in Clary's reign. See the Zurich letters.
Fryth, John, born at Westerham, Kent,
108 — scholar at Eton, and Khig's College,
Cambridge, 108 — chosen a canon of Car-
dinal College, Oxford, 95. — a B. A. of both
Universities, n. 108 escapes from the
dungeon below Cardinal College, 97
reaches Tyndale abroad, though ambassa-
dors could never find him out, 135, 107. —
Fryth's first printed tract, imder the name
of Brhjhtii-ell, 210 comes to England,
321 — he is in peril, 339 in the Tower of
London, 343. — for the word of God, 344. —
Tyndale's letters to him, 347, 357. — who
writes and publishes in his defence, 350,
353 — Fryth's noble heroism, 302, 371
his martyrdom, the first in England, with-
out one syllable of recantation, 370, 377.
—signal effects, 380, 392 ; ii. 05.
Fysh, Simon, his " Supplication of Beggars,"
89. — its very powerful effect, 91 he es-
capes abroad, but returns, 188 is hunted
after by Sir T. ISIorc, but sees the King,
and soon after died of the plague in Lon-
don, 205, 200.
\
X X X 1 1
IIISTOIIICAL INDEX.
firet introduccil Cranmer to tlio King,
221 lie and others denounced Scripture
in the hinguajjc of the people, 258, 250
thirsted after the death of Fryth, his for-
mer pupil, 308 and after the destruction
of Tyndale, 417. — the bishop is out of the
royal favour, 445. — says now that he is
translating Luke and John into English !
44(3, 447. — sent out of the way to France
as ambassador, 44'J. — recalled, ii. 11. —
when persecution is advised, 1 7 and soon
resumed, 19. — Gardiner's cm-ious colloquy
■with the King and Cranmer, 89 preach-
ing at Paul's Cross, 97. — his virulent op-
position to Scripture, 151.— in vain, 152. —
he marries Henry to his last Queen, 102
whom he was (juite ready to have sacri-
ficed, had not Henry relented, 211 Gar-
diner himself in trouble, 211 quite out
of Henry's favour, 212. — he is restored
by Queen Mary, 256. — completely foiled
by Tyndale's fi-iend, John Rogers the
martyr, when under examination, 284,
289-293 Gardiner's unhappy death,
297.— his character, «. 308: ii. «. 274.
Geneva, the English New Testament revised,
and first printed there, different from the
version in the Bible following, ii. oil, 312.
— three members of the English Church
in exile at Geneva, revise the English
Bible, and print it there; one other mem-
ber bearing the chief cost ; it became the
household Bible of Britain for about eighty
years, 318-327 patent for printing it
in England, 324. — dedicated to Elizabeth,
and addressed to " the Brethren of Eng-
land, Scotland, Ireland," &c., 322 but
see 356, 357, and one as late as 1597.
See Index-List, B. No. 100.
Government, spiritual and temporal, distin-
guished, 141, 142, 317-319.— ruflicd and
tangled together, 316.
Grafton, Richard, fii-st printer of T_yndale's
Bible, 568, 575, 682 and of the second
edition in Paris, ii. 24. — of others, with
his usual partner, Whitchurch, 1 27-1 4(5. —
he printed even under Elizabeth, 318
his last Bible was the first in 8vo, 331. —
some account of him, and his death, n. 331.
Greek Church, Introd. xxxvi. — more cor-
rectly, it had not, in so many woi-ds, in-
terdicted the Scriptures, but it had added
barbarism, and greatly fallen under the
power of the Latin Cliurch.
Grenville, RigJit Hon. Thomas — the rarities
under this name, in our Index-List of
Bibles and Testaments, are now in the
British Museum ; his valuable Library
being there deposited, as bojueathed to
the nation.
Grindnl's fidelity, cmelly resented by Eliz-
abeth, ii. 358, 359.
Gutenberg of Mentz, inventor of printing,
Introd. liv.
Hamburgh, where Tyndalc first aiTived
from England, 45 remained for one year,
where he had already been at the printing
press, 48-51. — moved to Cologne, 52.
Hamilton, Sir Patrick, the protomartyr for
the word of God in Scotland — his history,
and death by fire, ii. 414-420 the power-
ful eflfects, 421.
Harman, Richard {not George,) a memorable
importer of the New Testament by Tyn-
dale, 89. — Wolsey very eager to seize him,
194. — he and his lady imprisoned at Ant-
werp, 196 — released at last, 198. — the
English ambassador in trouble for his
paiu.s, 199 and he must remove to ilech-
lin, 200. — five ycai's after. Mi-. Harman
restored to favour in England by Queen
Anne Bolcyn, 409-411.
Hebrew and Greek original Scriptm-es have
never been restrained by any Government,
however absolute, 25.
Henry VIII. the richest prince in Europe at
his accession, 5 — position of his kingdom,
5-8. — first visit to France with Wolsey as
almoner, 6 hostile to the entrance of
divine truth, 42, 43. — his wrath, and de-
nunciation of the first English New Tes-
tament, 111-113. — his divorce, 217, 250. —
liis parliament ho.stile to the truth, 230
the bishops, with Henry, cordially agreed
in this, 234, 235. — the King and prelates
imite in persecution, 257, 207. — this is fol-
lowed up after the same temper by Crum-
well and his royal master, 208. — the su-
premacy question, 293-295. — tlic King
recovers from the bishops, through Crimi-
well, more than Wolsey had carried to
France, w. 292 — the friars of Greenwich
attack Henry from the pulpit, 307. — he
then exchanges heresy for treason, as the
HISTORICAL INDEX.
XXXIII
liontifl"s bull against Ilcnry after Fisher's
death, 440. — his dark plot against Queen
Anne Boleyn, 400-470. — lier memorable
letter to him, 468. — marries a third time,
and the day after liis second Queen's mur-
der, 470 immediately after, Pole's book
is shown to Mm, 477 — the artfidly altered
tone of the pontitf, Paul III., who was
aware, and before her death, of the plot
against Queen Anne, 481 — Henry over-
rules his first and unprecedented Convo-
cation, 505. — but he liimself, as well as
all aroimd liim, overruled to receive tlie
£ible of Tyndale, as soon as presented,
583-586, 591, 592.— death of the third
Queen, 591 character of the King's par-
liaments, ii. 53-57. — he is married, the
fourth time, to Anne of Cleves, 73, 93. —
his address for the free use of the English
Eible, 83 liis marriage annulled, 114. —
his fifth marriage, to Catharine Howard,
to whom he was first attracted when at
dinner in Gardiner's palace, 123 gross
historical mistake as to the Crown, in con-
nexion with the Bible, 124-127 the fifth
Queen justly in disgrace, to Henry's grief,
138. — the King's avarice, 139 his Queen
executed, 148. — Cranmer had all along
married the Iving, but to Gardmer, who
had rejoiced in aiding the fifth, was now
assigned the task of completing the sixth
and last marriage, 162. — Henry assumes
the title " Kmg of France ! " 163-1G5
his injunctions as to religion, so called,
now owned by himself to have been dis-
regarded, or of no effect, 167, 203. — his
war with France, 169. — he exhausts Eng-
land, 172. — lecturing first his privy-coun-
cil, then his parliament, 178, 179. — war
with France and Scotland, and the results,
184-189 displeased with members of his
coimcil, or AVriothesly and Gardiner,
Norfolk and Surrey, 211-213 — liis miser-
able death, 221. — his court surveyed, 223.
— liis contemporaiies as sovereigns, 225-
— retrospect of his reign, 227-232.
Holland, states of, their former policy a
waniiiir/ to Britain, ii. n. 536.
Holland, Roger, a memorable martyr, by
Bonner, ii. 269. — its powerful effect in re-
straining that cruel per.secutor, 271.
Horologe of the English Bible, as noAv read-
ino- dosii'iililo. ii » (in'l
without note or comment, in tlie 16th ccn-
tur}', first enlightened and saved Britain,
tliough for years she resisted the remedy,
vol. i. passiiii. — the savie potent cause
might have produced the same effects in
Ireland ; but ! see Ireland.
Index-List of Bibles and Testaments ; see
B. No. 4, the date affixed is, of course, a
mis-print for 1537. — T. No. 10, of this rare
book the author has since seen a second,
similar to Lord Pembroke's, in the library
of AVm. F. How of Aspley, Beds.— T. No.
32, of tliis exceedingly rare volume, he
has examuied one copy in Trinity College
Library, Dublin. — Of the present version
in 1611, he still cannot assent to there
having been positively more than one
edition ; yet, it is very singular, that a
distinct text of the same size type exists,
with the date of 1 61 1 on the Neic Testament
title, and without the line, " Appointed to
be read in Chm-ches ; " but out of ten such
coi^ies, one of which the writer has parti-
cularly examined, not one has a printed
title of the Old Testament dated 1611.
The copperplate title carries no proof;
but of these ten, six have no title, and
four have printed titles, dated 1613. All
this only confirms the correctness of the
history already given, that the English
Bible of 1611 was a book in the hands of
the patentee.
Intermeddlmg with the luiropeau Continent,
an old, expensive, and fruitless policy of
England, ii. 664-666.
Ireland, her tvr«act(?((/- tongue, barbarously
proscribed by Henry YIII. in the vei-y
same year ui which he was so signally
overruled to receive and sanction the
Bible in the vernacular tongue of Eng-
land, ii. n. 606 the difference between
the two coimtries, as to the present prices
of the English and Irish Bible and New
Testament, is but one melancholy result,
n. 669. — yet the work kowi proceeding
through the Irish tongue is an exact paral-
lel to that by wliich England and Scotland
were /rs< enlightened, so that thi-ee cen-
tin-ies have been lost! ! irf. The Irish Scriji-
tures are lately rather lower in price.
James, his accession to the throne of Eliza-
beth, ii. 365. — his expenditure, 366, 367.
f-nrifi>rf>npf> witli liim nf I/ninntnn (^nurt.
HISTORICAL INDEX.
the BibU- iliil nut (irljimite with him, 372.
— tlie bishops rcMjucsted by him to leml
pccuniiirji' aid for its execution, 373-o70. —
but none ever came from any one, 379. —
nor from the King himself, 379-382, 384 —
tlie revisers of the Bible, 374-377 — the
expenses of the revisers, properly so
called, were defrayed by the patentee,
384. — whose patent had been purchased
from the King, 385. — the entire procedure
being shn]>ly a business transaction, as far
as the Crown Avas concerned, 38G, 387. —
there was no proclamation, no royal orders,
388. — and the version, though finished at
press in 1611, did not come into general
acceptance and usage tln-oughout Britain
till nhout fort 1/ years after, 389-394 — the
very singular period when it did so, by
no human authority whatever, 394, 547.
Jews emjiloyed as agents in forwawliug the
first En<iHsh New Testaments into Eng-
land and Scotland, 203-205 ; ii. 425.
Joye, George, 358. — some account of him,
393 his imgracious and ignorant inter-
ference with Tyndale's version, 394-399.
— Ills attestation to Tyndale's learning
in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, 397.
Judges of England, their repeated and sin-
gular Judgments, with regard to the Eng-
lish version of the Bible, founded on mis-
take, ii. 71. 38(5, 387.
" King's own Book " — a phrase wliich has
been strangely applied to the English
Bible fiom sheer ignorance, and even in
coui-ts of law, though in no sense correct
or true, from Henry VIII. down to King
James, inclusive, ii. 126, 142, 143, 386,
n. 38G, 387.
Kingdom of Christ, Tyndale's sentiments
in regard to the, 316-319.
Knox, John, the mistake, that he had any
concern in the Genevan version of the Eng-
lish Bible, corrected, ii. n. 320. — when he
first began to study Hebrew, n. 320
he bears witness to the importation of the
English Scriptures into Scotland long be-
fore his own day, 526, 527 having been
read for an entire generation, or above
thirty years before he settled in liis na-
tive land, n. 527. — the English Scriptures
in use during all the lifetime of Knox,
were imported, 532. — the first Bible print-
I Lanilnrt, a convert of Bilney's, hisshamefid
jK-rsecution, mock trial before Henry, and
martyrdom, ii. l!t-22.
La.scaris, Janus, agent of Cosmo de .Medici,
Introd. n. liii. N.B. — His Greek grammar,
i\\Q first book printed in that tongue, and
to him the introduction of Greek Capitals
is ascribed.
Lasco, John a-, the uncle of the King of
Poland, a minister in London, liis escape
and subsecjuent troubles, ii. n. 260. See
under Julirard YI.
Latimer, Hugh, called before Wolsey, 120. —
licensed by him to preach, 121 — preach-
ing before Henry, 259. — fiilsely spoken of
by Henry Wharton, w. 259. — his bold and
faithful letter to the King, 200 pleads in-
trepidly for Scripture in Eixjltsh, and al-
ludes to Tyndale's New Testament and Pen-
tateuch, 261 summoned before Stokesly,
334. — he faulters, 335. — preaching again
before the King, 441. — favoured by Queen
Anne Boleyn, 486 made bishop of Wor-
cester, 487 — liis ever-memorable sermon
before the bishops in St. Paul's, 490-493
he lays aside his i-obes as a bishop, and
among all his fellows stands alone, ii. 68
imprisoned and most shamefully treated
by Henry, 68. — under examination again,
200. — but no recantingnow, 201 . — released
by King Edward, 202. — under Mary he
died in triumph at the stake, 297.
Le Fevre, the venerable French translator
of Scriptui'e, his great age and atlecting
death, 3, n. 154.
Literature, Early English, 23-26 — eariy
Scotish, ii. 395-402, n. 541, n. 542.
London — great alarm there on first receiving
the English New Testament, in print,
from abroad, 90-92 the first New Testa-
ment in English pruited there, after full
ten years of bitter and burning opposi-
tion, 549-551 and after another year the
English Bible received there, 575-586. —
state of London at the moment of its re-
ception, 570-575.
Longland, Bishop, his notable letter as to
AVolsey's insidious designs, 41-43.
Luther — Tyndale did nvt repair to Mm on
leaving England, 45, 46. — nor went to
Wittenberg, «. Ill, ii. 210.— but he entered
Worms four years after Luther, and there
HISTORICAL INDEX.
to Tleniy VIIT., 111. — never sent, bj' him
to the King, 112. — and not replied to by
Henry for some time aftei", n. 113 the
copy caught hold of by Sir T. More, was
tlie fir.st that met the King's eye, n. 113
the trials of Luther in comparison with
those of Tyndale, 3; ii. 634.
Magnitude of the cause involved in this
history, ii. 630.
Marler, Anthony, the ever-to-be-remcmbered
citizen and haberdasher of London, pre-
sents Henry ATII. with the English Bible,
printed on rcUum, ii. 131 a generous, \
though unnoticedcharacterin history, 131.
— because hitherto overshadowed by the
King and Cranmer, 142 yet he it was
who bore the expense of these large folio
Bibles, in six distinct editions ! neither
the King, Cranmer, nor Crumwell being
proprietors, or even contributors, 142-145,
1.52.
Marshman, Joshua, visited the spot where
Tyndale was martyred, 526 reflex in-
fluence of Marshman's life and labours
abroad, ii. 594-603.
Mary Queen of England — bloodshed pre-
vented for a year and a half, ii. 254 thus
there was time for escape, 257. — exiles
to the Continent, 258-261. —martyrs, 262-
268 but the Scriptiu-es wonderfully pre-
served, 254-269, 303-305. — and never, even
under this reign, denoiuiced by name, as
tliey had been imder Henry, her father,
269, 300-303 martyrs again, 269-271
the retribution following, 274-279 — mar-
tyrdom of R(j<jcrs, and the singular escape
of Corerdale, explained, 281-294 the
martyrdoms of Latimer, Ridley, and Cran-
mer, 297, 298 hut the New Testament
had been again revising and printing
abroad, 306. — nay, already it was coming
into England, under Mary, 307 the
revision was by Whittingham, then in
exile, at Geneva, 308-312. — a triumph
analogous to that of Tyndale, over Henry,
306.
Matthew's Bible is not a new translation,
but made of Tyndale's, with part of the
Old Testament of Covcrdale, though
with various amendments of the latter, by
John Rogers, the reviser and superin-
tendent of the whole, 569, 570. [See
and iho first in which we have any certain
accoimt of Grafton being engaged. See
Herbert's Ames, pp. 511, 539.]
Maxwell, Lord, who moved in the Scotish
parliament that the Scriptures in English
should be open to all, ii. 520.
Milton, Ids estimate of the Fathers, the value
of their authority, and that of the writers
of tracts, in his day, ii. 643 he recalls
the nation to the tuition of Holy Writ
alone, ident.
Mistake, a gross historical, as to the Eng-
glish Bible, ii. 126, 142, 143, 386, n. 386,
387.
Monks or Fi-iars, that Tyndale ever was a
member of such a fraternity, a gross
modern mistake, n. 137, n. '^ 263.— his
writings repeatedly showing how much
he had held Monkery in abhorrence, Ap-
pendix, i.
Monopoly, to make one of a universal grant
from heaven, the extreme of presumption
and impiety, ii. 341.
More, Sir Thomas, at Cambridge, 23 cu-
rious licence granted to him, 183 cross-
examining Scriptm-e readers, 187. — sent
to France, 213. — appointed Lord Chan-
cellor, 223, 226. — produces articles against
AVolsey, 229 he advises persecution, 230,
233-230. — he has been ovei--eulogised, 245.
— he denounces the writings of Tj'udale,
257 Tyndale answers his calimmies,
279-285 — More writing again, 336. — re-
signs the great seal, but remains Chan-
cellor for some time, 360 he is assailed
by Saintgerman, 383-385 liis prodigious
efforts in writing against Tyndale, 387 —
he is finally overcome in argument, and
not read, 389, 390 constructive treason,
not heresy, being now the reputed crime
of the day, he falls before the sui)remacy
question, 405. — and is cruelly beheaded,
437-439.
Napoleon, the Emperor, and his prisoner,
the pontiff, Pius \\l., visiting the roj'al
printing office at Paris, ii. n. 130 — but
see the latter, once at large, or only two
years after, take the lead in denouncing
the Sacred Volume in every living tongue,
648.
Navarre, Margaret of Valois, Queen of,
sister of Francis I., n. 485.
Mnnfiillr rinVo f\f ovwe^Wv iiqpq Onof^n Anno
\
HISTORICAL INDEX.
to deceive Crumwell, ii. 49, 503 his party
dominnnt, 135 — his family iinplicuted,
139 he and his son tho Karl of Surrey
arrnigiifd, 213. — the interior of his family,
Avhilc the leader of ' the (Jld Learning'
party, 214-lil8 narrowly escaped the
block by tlie King's deatii, 221.
Norwicii, bisiiop of, cheerfully contributes to
buying up the New Testament for destruc-
tion, 158. — he thinks the English Scrip-
tures will ruin the hicrarcliy I 256, 257.
Obligation of British Christians, now to
convey Di\'ine Revelation to other nations,
at once primary and momentous, ii. C62-
6G8 has their zeal declined? 070. 071
a new mode of action, i-eady at their liand,
075-077.
Ockham, William of, liis noted tract re-
printed, w. 271.
Operations of British Christians, in foreign
parts, their powerful reflex moral influ-
ence, in promoting zeal at home, exem-
plified, ii. 592-004.
Oxford, the great alarm there, on first re-
ceiving the English New Testament, in
print, from abroad, 93-97 the printing
press there of the present day, a lesson to
be drawn from it, not of encouragement
only, but of warning, ii. 045-051. Sec
Tracts.
Paris and London, at one era, in contrast,
ii. 23 the second English Bible, pruiting
in the former, and finished in the latter,
25-32.
Parker, Archbishop, his version of the Bible,
ii. 332-335 ho< luidei-takeu by royal com-
mand, nor ever peculiarly sanctioned by
Elizabeth, so that " Queen Elizabeth's
translators," a phrase used by Horsley
and others, is incorrect, 333, 334, 338. —
Parker's editions of the Bible compared
with those of the Genevan Version, 335-
339.
Patents or Monopolies, for printing the Bible,
peculiar to this countrj', their origin and
history, ii. 340-351 the "Patent of pri-
vilege,'" seems to vitiate all that have fol-
lowed it, 343, 344, n. ^ 350.
Paul and James, the Apostles, hanno-
nized by Tyndale, 282, 283.
Paul II., or Peter Barbo, the Venetian, and
reigning pontiff", blindly amusing liimself,
I quence.sof thoart, /h<<W. Iviii, lix. Eleven
pontiff"s succeeded, and a century elapsed,
before the first " Index Expurgatorius"
under Paul IV. See liouie.
Paul III. Farnese, made Fislier a Cardinal,
430 but soon professed to regi-et thi.s,
481. — liis noted bull against Henry VIII.,
440. — his servile sycophancy, and anxiety
to conciliate the King, after this, 480, 481.
— his curious and unprhicipled position,
ii. 101, 529.— his death, 225.
Philips, Henry, tlie hired betrayer of Tjm-
dule, at /Antwerp, and his more guilty
associate Gabriel Donne, 418-428. — he re-
mains at Brussels, to persecute him, ami
raging also against Ids King, was evi-
dently an agent of " the Old Learning"
party, 511, 512 his future history and
death, 527-533. See Bonne.
Pole, Cardinal, cousin of Henry VIII., and
educated by him, ii. 421 his famous book
against the King, and when presented,
477 — Henry indignant, takes vengeance
on his mother and brothers, ii. 15, 10
the cruelty of Pole in England under
Mary, n. 274 died next day after that
Queen, 277, 278.
Pontiff's during the ^i-eatschhrn, ii. 390, 397.
Poyntz, Thomas, the noble and disinterested
friend of Tyndale unto death, 418-421
his earnest letter in his favour, 420-428.
— his personal exertions to rescue him,
429. — obliged to escape for his own life,
432, 511. — hLs futui-e history, his family,
and his tomb in North Okendon Church
in Essex, 522-525 why not now another
memorial"? 525.
Poyntz, genealogy of the family of, n. 525.
Previous question of our day. See War of
Opinion.
Printing, invention of, Introd. liii. — Bible,
the first book printed, liv, Iv no one ad-
verted to the ultimate results of the art,
Ivii not even the pontiff" or cardinals,
Iviii, lix. — nay, one cardinal, and the
Librarian of the Vatican, particularly
zealous, Ivii, Iviii near a thousand works
printed at Rome, including Lyra's Com-
mentary on the Bible, but all in learned
languages, befoi-e anno 1500, lix, (see
Paul II. Rome.) — the restrictions of the
press un<ler Queen EUzabeth, ii. 325, n.
HISTORICAL INDEX.
by Wolsey through Ilackett, the English
envoy at Antwerp and others, 194-197,
204-208 then by the King and Crum well,
through Vaughan. a second ambassador,
2G8, 271-279 alludes to some other out
in pursuit, 270, 271. — tinally by a third,
if not fourth, or Sir T. Elyot, and by the
King's order, 322-327. — all these attempts
having failed, our Translator of the Bible
is at last ensnared, and basely betrayed,
through two agents of the Bishops in Eng-
land, 410-418. See Tyndah:
iuentel, Peter, of Cologne, the first man
emijloyed by Tyndale to print the New
Testament, 55-63.
ilamolds, John, who first siiggested onr
present version of the English Bible, to
wliich King James, at Hampton Court,
agreed, ii. 369, 370, 375 liis noted con-
ference with John Ilart, n. 643.
headers of Scripture, the earliest, 176-177.
— cross-examined and persecuted, 178-
192. — the English Bible now reading,
without intermission, night and day,
throughout the woi'ld, preface xi ; ii. 658,
659 these readers addressed, 656-662.
Elevolution, the French, and its results, ii.
577-584.
Ridley, Robert, the imcle of Nicholas, who
educated hun, but not to be confounded
with his nepliew, h. 152.— his violent letter,
the first mentioning Tyndale by name :
he is very hostile to the English New
Testament, and urges most determined
opposition, 152-156.
Rincke, Herman, of Cologne, the coadjutor
of Cochlteus against Tj^ndale, 56, 60 — em-
ployed by Wolsey to apprehend Tyndale,
Roye,Coustantj-ne, &c., 201. — he is search-
ing for them at Frankfort, in vain, 202. —
buys up Roye's Satire from Scott of
Strasburg the printer, but can find neither
Tyndale nor Roye, 202-205.
Roger?, John, the convert, the disciple and
friend of Tyndale, 519 the reviser and
superintendent of his Bible, 568-570 — ap-
prehended under Queen Jlarj' and cruelly
treated, ii. 258 his wife and ten children,
282, 284-286 liis memorable examina-
tion, when Stei)hen Gardiner was so com-
pletely foiled, 283,289-293.— the martyr-
dom of Rogers, 286. — his son, n. 287.
in all vernacular tongues prohibited by
her, as early as an7w 1229, Introd. xxxvi.
— especially from the first list issued by
PaulIV. in 1559,enumerating 48 editions;
but still more pointedly in our own day,
and for the last thirty years, by four pon-
tifl's, including the present Pius IX., ii.
645, 648, 649. — while tlie unblushing pro-
fanity expressed by these four men, has
been finding its sad, if not loudest, echo,
even in this land of the Bible, at Oxford,
645-647.
Rough, J., a native of Scotland, the man
who called Knox to the ministry, a me-
morable martyr in London, and shock-
ingly treated by Bonner, ii. 266, 267.
Royal injunctions as to the Scriptures, their
impotence is at last frankly confessed by
Henry YIH. himself, ii. 167, 203.
Roye, AVilliam, the amanuensis of Tyndale,
49 dismissed by liim, 137. — Wolsey bent
on seizing Roye, 194 for his stinging
Satire, 136, 204. — the printer of it not
before known, n. 205 Roye wrote some-
thing else, n. 136. — and revisited England
even in Wolsey's lifetime, but escaped
and died abroad, 207, n. 136, 137.
Rudelius, John, professor at ftLarburg in
Hesse, author of the first edition of the
Vulgate corrected by the Hebrew and
Greek, and published at Cologne, early
in 1527 before Paynimis, n. 167. Rude-
lius, who died at Lubeck in 1534, dedi-
cated his Bible, not to the Pontifi", as Pag-
niuus did, but to the Senate of Frankfort.
Sabbath of the ilnglish Bible — a day without
night — by far the most auspicious event
or sign of the times, ii. 657-660 the
Sabbath of Britain happily distinguish-
able from that of the Continent, 660, 661.
Sacred Scriptures, the, as jjrintedin EugUsh,
not the production of any Church, as such,
in Britain, and never allowed to hinge on
the authority of any, either in England or
Scotland, preface, xviii, vol. i. ^^assim —
that thus printed, and viewed historically,
they stand conspicuously above the
sphere of all churches, or bodies styled
ecclesiastical, in Britain, is proved by
their liistory from first to last, preface,
xviii, xix; vol. ii. 636, 637. — in this histo-
rical event, though never before explained,
t.lipre is .1, nriiicinle involved, which dp-
\
xxxvm
HISTORICAL INDEX.
Christians, 036-039, 0 J2.— millions having
received that Sacred Volume without once
adverting to what, or how much, has
been all along involved in its supreme
and exeluwive authority, 041-044, 048,
650.
Sacred Scriptures, printed in EiK/lish, the
origin by Tyndalo at Hamburgh, 51.—
progress at Cologne, 52-54 — thwarted by
Cochlteus, who alarms the English Go-
vernment, 54-02 — progress at Worms, 04-
73 the first arrivals in England, 80, 90.
—first alarm in London, 92 — first alarm
in Oxford, 93 first in Cambridge, 99 —
first burning of books, 100.— Warham of
Canterbury in fear, 109 the King's
wrath. 111.— Henry's denunciation of Tyn-
dale's quarto Testament, 112 — Tunstal's
injunction as to the first two Testaments,
lis Warham's mandate, 119 — all in
vain, the Testaments they judge must be
■ bought up, 157 this first undertaken by
Warham himself, and as primate, 158 —
still in vain, as more copies arrived from
abroad and in the most singidar way,
103.— early readers, 1 70.— cross-examined
and persecuted, 178-192. — importers
caught and punished, 195-200 — Tunstal
going to Antwerp, must now buy up New
Testaments, 213, 214 — this only helped
forward the cause, 264, 307 — parliament
and the bishops arrayed against divine
truth, 230.— the King cordially imites,
234 the Pentateuch by Tyndale now
ready, 241 the rage of the King and his
prelates, 257, 207 bishop of Norwich in
great alarm, 250 Latimer's bold remon-
strance, 200, 201 second public burning
of Scriptures, 202, n. 203 — rich importa-
tion of books, 305 — persecution once
more, 331-334 one chief importer re-
stored to honour by Queen Anne Boleyn,
409-411 her own English New Testa-
ment, in vellum, unique, 413 — the first
New Testament printed on English
ground, 549, 550 Coverdale's version of
the Bible, 552-500 remarkable and sud-
den change in favour of Tyndale's Bible,
507, 568 the state of England at the
moment of its introduction, 573-575 — its
arrival, 570 cordially received by Cran-
mov ■■^77 tlir. Kino- nnfl liis COUTISellors
is piinted in Paris ! ii. 23-30 the In.|ii
sition interferes, 29 but is foiled, 30.-
nay, their interference gi'eatly contribul
ed to the jirinting of more English Bible
in London, and by French tyjies and ai
tists, 31, 32. — ^joy in England on receivin
the Bible, 41 — retrospect here, 42, 43.-
particulars as to various editions, 79-89—
but after the Bible had been thus receive
independently of the bishops as a bodj
it is now brought before the Convocatior
as they imai/ined, to be discussed, 150.-
Gardiner's wild and wicked attempt t
corrupt the version, 151 but by sue!
men it was not to be judged, 152 th
Convocation, though yet sitting, ver;
signally condemned and overruled by th
King, as he himself had been, and stil
was, 152, 153 next Convocation stil
wickedly opposed to the Scriptures, 15G
159 — enmity to the truth once more, 20S
— but in vain, and Henry at last con
fesses even his own impotence in all hi
injunctions or denunciations, 107, 203.
Edicard VT. under his brief reign, th
numerous editions of the Sacred Scrip
tures, ii. 230-243. See Edward.
Mary, Queen, the Scriptures wonderfull;
preserved, ii. 254, 303-305 and never
even under this reign, denoimccd by name
as they had often been under her father
269, 300-303 New Testament reviset
abroad once more, and sent into Englant
before her death, 306-312. See Mari/.
Elizabeth, very cautious at first, and evei
as to the Scriptures in English, 315. — hei
first injmiction, 317 — yet she at onc<
sanctioned the Genevan English version
and by special patent, 321. — singular^
compliant here, 326 Parker's proposcc
interference with it, in vain, 329 — Park
er's or tlie Bishops' version, was not or
dcred by the Queen, 333, 334 — nor evei
specially noticed by her, n. 338 — it wa;
printed by various printers, 334, 335.—
Elizabeth's patents, their strange origii
and hi.story, 340-351 Bibles under this
reign, especially the Genevan version, fai
more numerous than were ever befor<
imagined, 352, 353, 301 rctro.spect fron
Henry to Elizabeth inclusive, 362-364.
James I. Conference at Hami)ton CourJ
HISTORICAL INDEX.
latos, 372 the bishops lent no pecuniary
aid, 378, 379 nor tlie King himself, 379-
SS'2, 384 — the revisers, 374-377 the en-
tire procedure a business transaction, 386,
387 no proclamation, no royal injunc-
tions, 388 our present version became
the general one, but through no royal,,
no human authority, and not till about
forty years after it was first printed, 386-
388, 394, 547.
Sarrcd Scrijttures in Eixj/M, sent from the
Continent into Scotland. Tyndale's New
Testaments, their first arrivals, ii. 409-
412 — the authorities in alarm, 413. — they
are equally hostile with those in Eng-
land, 475 reading the Scriptures de-
nounced, 491 but though contrary to
theu- law, not a few persist in reading
secretly, and for sixteen years, 512, 525 —
state of Eilinburgh at the moment of
general allowance, 518-521 — the Scrip-
tui-es proclaimed to be free to all, a step
never revoked, at least as it was in Eng-
land, 522-525 proof of this, 524, 527,
compared with 157 the Scots, to their
honour', called New Testamenters, 535
the Bible first printed in Scotland, 536 —
tlie money fui'nished by the peojde before
the Bibles were delivered, or even finished
at press ! 537, 538 the second Bible, 538.
— the supply fi'om abroad trixly remark-
able, 540-542 at what period the present
version became universal, 394, 547.
Satire, the severe poetical, on Wolsey, by
Roye, 201, 204, 205 John Scott of Stras-
bui-g, the printer of it, n. 205.
Scotland, brief notice of, in the 14th and
15th centuries, ii. 395-402 state, imme-
diately before receiving the Scriptm-es in
her own tongue, 404-407 her commerce
with Flanders favom-able to their intro-
duction, n. 408. — the first arrivals, 409
in the same year as in England, 410-412
authorities in fear, 413 — first martyr,
414-420 the consequences, 421 — Seton,
Aless, and others escape, 424, 450, 472
other martyrs, 469 — England and Scot-
land then equal It/ opposed to the Scrip-
tures, 475 reading them in Scotland in
1536 proliibited by open proclamation,
491 bitter persecution, 497, 499, 502
yet the Scriptures had been read in se-
cret and for sixteen ycars,512, 513, -525 —
allowed to all, 518-521 the general pro-
clamation, 522 — thus Scotland, at the
moment, liad advanced before England,
524,525 — Sir Ralph Sadler then gives the
proof, 524 — and in process of time, near-
ly twenty years after — John Knox comes
forward with evidence, 527 Bible first
pi'inted in Scotland, 536 the second,
538 — the supply of Scriptures imported
from time to time very memorable, 540-
542 the era when the present vei'sion
came into general usage, 394, 547, 548 —
the last of the Stuarts, 552 — the Revolu-
tion settlement, 553 hostility to the
Scriptiu'es by James II. strikingly
evinced before that event, 554-557. See
Britain.
Secret search, and at one time, for booki<, in
London, in Oxford, and Cambridge, 43,
89-103.
Stokesly, bishop of London, hand in hand
with Sir- Thomas More, 296, 306, 331 he
denounces books, 305 opposed to Lati-
mer, 334 — resists Cranmer officially, 443.
— and most resolutely as to the Scriptures,
454 in the Convocation he is incensed
with Alexander Aless, 502 though when
Tyndale's Bible arrived, he must be si-
lent, 585 — yet he pei'secutes again, ii. 18.
— his death, 63.
Style of Tyndale and that of Sir T. More
compared, 245-248.
" Supplication of Beggars," 89-91; Suppli-
cation of the poor Commons before Henry's
death, u. 205-209.
Symson, Cuthbert, a memorable martyr in
London, u. 267, 268.
Taverner, Richard, an elere of Ci'umwell's,
his editions of tlie English Bible, ii. 80-
82.
Testament, the English New, the first, 53-
65 — the second, 66-69 the third, 65,
122-133 — part of the first two bm'nt in
London, 106, 107 and abroad in Ant-
werp, 131 i)artly also bought up, 156-
158 the fourth edition, 165 the fifth,
240 singular importations, 162, 163
the first New Testament printed on Eng-
lish ground, 549, 550 the first divided
into verses was printed in Geneva, in tlic
reign of Mary, ii. 307, 311. Sec the
] ndex-List, ptn^sim. Scrij)tures. Bible.
Theobald, the confidential agent of Cranmer
xl
HISTORICAL INDKX.
dale being in prison, 422-425 but no-
thing was done by cither to rescue him,
420, 515. — the second visit of Theobald to
the Continent after Tyndalc's martyrdom,
527 he describes the misery of Pliilips,
one of the betrayers, 530-533.
Tracts, by men deeply conversant in books,
in the time of Milton, ii. C43. — those of
our own day in striking resemblance, or
nothing new, 645-647. See Oxford.
Translations of the Sacred Scriptures. Why
might not many m foreign tongues be now
more economically printed m England
and Scotland? ii. 677 and why might
not the expense be now defrayed directly
by two or three individuals resident in
the principal cities and sea-ports of Bri-
tain ? 676 why fall behind Richard Har-
man, in the sixteenth centui-y ? i. 410.
Translators and Revisers — nearly seventy
ai'C mentioned in the preceding pages who
had less or more to do with our English
Bible ; but among them all Tyndale stands
as the Patriarch, the facile priiiceps ; his
New Testament, in fifteen editions, having
been in circulation full ten years, beside
parts of the Old, before any other attempt
appeared. See Index-List. And liis ver-
sion, though so often branded and burnt,
maintaining an extraordinary ascend-
ancy, even after a five-fold revision, and
terminating in o\ir present Bible, 27,285,
397.
Tunstal, Cuthbert, bishop of London ; Tyn-
dale's significant inter^^ew with him before
going abroad, 38 Tunstal was not in
England when the first New Testaments
arrived, 87, 113 his injunction denoun-
cing them, and calling them in, as poison,
after his retiirn from Spain, 118. — he en-
tangles Bilney, 161 — cross-examining and
persecuting the readers of Scripture, 1 78-
192 busy at Antwerp in buying up Eng-
lish New Testaments, 213 burning them
at Paul's Cross, 262, 263 professedly
rejecting the Roman pontiff's supremacy,
he objects to that of Henry YLII., 294 —
he, Norfolk, and Gardiner, tlie leaders of
the " Old Learning " party, now meet,
after long separation, ii. 14 — Tunstal
feignedly sanctions the Bible, 133, 140,
n. 145 this conduct exposed in print in
TvNDALB — Ids proper contemporaries, 2, 3,
«. 28 — bom in Gloucestershire, 15. — his
family ancestors, 15-22 his education at
Oxford and Cambridge, 20, 27 had been
exjjounding Scripture at botli Universities,
26-28 — returns to his nativejcounty, 29, —
tutor in Little Sod))ury Manor, 29-31
preachuig there, and as far as Bristol, 30.
— discussions at the dinner-table, 32. —
Tyndale now translating tlie Christian Sol-
dier's Manual, by Erasmus, but resolves
to translate the Scriptures into English,
33. — he is summoned before liis Chancel-
lor, 34 — his defiance of the pontifi", and
firm resolve as to translation, 36 leaves
Sodbury for London, 37 his abode there
in Munmouth's house, and after his signi-
ficant interview with Tunstal, the future
enemy, 38, 39 all England hostile to the
fixed design of Tyndale, 40-44 he em-
barks for Hamburgh, 45 there, he is al-
ready at the press, 49-51 — proceeds to
Cologne, 52 — engages Quentel as his
printer, 52, 55, 56. — basely interrupted
by Cochlaeus, 53-58 liis actual com-
mencement at the press, not ascertained
till very recently ! 62, 63 proceeds to
Worms, with his printed sheets, 64 his
fii-st two New Testaments, 53-73 — his
first language in print to the people of God
in England, 74 — the first ari'ivals of the
New Testament in England, 90-102 the
first in Scotland, ii. 409-412 Roye, an
amanuensis, soon dismissed, i. 135 Tyn-
dale's " Parable of the Wicked Mannuon,"
135-140 — his " Obedience of a Christian
man," 141-143 it is read in the King's
palace, 219 — Tyndale first mentioned
by name in England as translator of
Scripture, 153 marked out for per-
secution, 195 Wolsey's pui'suit after
liim, 194-197 in vain, 208. — Cover-
dale sent to Hamburgh to sound Tyn-
dale, 238-240 their first and last in-
terview, and its real intent, 239, 240
the Pentateuch by Tyndale published,
241, 242 his "Practice of Prelates,"
242-248 his fine description of the rise
of the Bishop of liome to the pontificate,
243 — his address and warning to his na-
tive country, 246, 247 the King and
CruiuwcU's pursuit after him, 268-279 —
OOA OO^
HISTORICAL INDEX.
xli
283 the scholarship of Tyiulale, 27, 285,
397 — his adilrcss to Eugland iu the pro-
logue to Jouas, 288, 289 his brother
John, 297 — specimen of Tj'udale's Aaews
of the Ivingdom of Chi-ist — of Chui'ch and
State, so far above his own age, and even
of the present, 316-319 liis sentiments
regarding persecution for conscience, 320.
— he is again pursued, at the King's re-
quest, by Sir T. Elyot, 322-827 his first
letter to Fryth, now in the Tower of Lon-
don, 847. — writing in his aid, and against
Su- T. ]\Iore, 850, 356. — the Lord's Supper
as in Scriptui-e, 856 one distlnguishimj
feature in Tyndale's character and con-
duct, 851-353 his second letter to Fryth,
357. — the interference of George Joye ex-
plained, 394-399.— corrected edition of the
New Testament, 394 the latest printed
words, while yet the translator was at
liberty, 399, 400 the apprehension of
Tyndale at last, 417 his two hired be-
trayers, 418-428, 526-538 Cranmer and
Crumwell fully apprised, but they take
not one step for his relief, 422, 426, 515,
516 Poyntz is Tyndale's zealous but
solitary friend, 426-482, 522-525 Tyn-
dale in prison at Vilvorde, 432, 433. — his
martyi-dom there, 519 his New Testa-
ment, in folio, printing in London, and
by the Eling's printer, about the same
moment ! 549 being the first printed
upon English grovuid, 550 a mystery
which can be solved only by the language
ascribed to Queen Amie Boleyn, w."^550. —
Tyndale's character, 520,521. —his reward,
521 his Bible entii-e, arrives in London
next year, or about ten mouths after his
death at the stake, 508-570, 576 it is
immediately sanctioned, the King and his
council being alike overruled to accept of
it, 583-586 the second edition printing
in Paris, a signal second triumph, ii. 24-81.
but Ills translation, as such, again de-
nounced, 156, 202 though it was actually
now in wide circulation, under the names
of Matthew, Cranmer, Taverner, and even
Tunstal, 156,1 57 of course this frown was
all in vain, as it ever had been, 208 — the
New Testament of Tyndale then printing
with the portrait of Edward W. affixed,
«. 240 tiibute to his memory by an early
Scotish Latin Doet, 485, 486 — fftu-siv
and about fourteen issues of the Bible
entire. See the Index-List. Tyndale's
trials and exertions in comparison Avith
the tlien existing age, 633, 634. — the Eng-
lish Bible is his Monument ; but should
any other be ever erected to liis memory,
it cannot with propi-iety be less than a
national one, i. 519.
Underbill, a gentleman-usher of Queen Mary,
who built up his books, to preserve them
till better days, ii. 304.
Unprincipled position of Europe, or its So-
vereigns, at the moment, in their true
colours, ii. 161, 529.
Vaughan, Stephen, the English ambassador
to Brabant, 269 searching for Tyndale,
270 — eager at the first to please his royal
master, Henry VIII., 270 alludes to some
other person out in pursuit, 270, 271. —
singular interview between Tyndale and
Vaughan, but not until it was offered
by the former, 271 Crumwell incensed,
and rates the ambassador for being too
favom-able to the translator, 275 the
second interview with Tyndale, 278. —
Vaughan's bold remonstrance, as to the
procedui-e of Crumwell, the King, and
Sir Thomas More, or the extreme folly of
persecution, and of Tyndale in particular,
309-314 — yet on his recall in 1586, per-
haps afi-aid to speak out once more, he
leaves our Translator in prison, 515
final notice of Vaughan, as survivmg till
1550, ».515.
Venetian ambassador in Mary's reign, his
opinions as to the state of England and
the English people, ii. 272, 273.
Venice — distinguished for early and beauti-
ful printing: before the year 1480, that
city contained above sixty printers, and
before the year 1500, they had increased
to 198, having produced nearly three
thousand distinct publications ! at the
head of his profession stood Aldus, who
first used italic types, Introd. be, n. 25.
Vicars-General in England — the only two,
in conjunction with Henry VUI., form a
very notable point in English history, as
some of the effects remain to this houi',
ii. 119-122.
Vulgate or Latin Bible, translated into Eng-
lish by Wickliffe, Introd. xxxvi. — why it
had the precedence of the original Hebrew
HISTOKICAL INDKX
the Vulgato, corrected by the Hebrew and
Greek, \>y Ruihlius, ii. 107.
WiildfiLses, their s|)irited exertions were the
special occasion of the earliest interdic-
tion of the reading of Scriptm-e, Introd.
XXV, xxxvii.
Walsh, Sir Jolni ; Tyndale tutor to his chil-
dren, 29 under his roof he first resolved
to translate the Scrijjturcs into English,
29, 30 tlie manor-house and family, n.
37 — Sir John sui'viving to seethe tutor's
translation triumphant and in use long
before liis own death in 1540, idem — the
manor-house still standing, 29, 31, 35.
War of Opinion ; the firft great conflict in
England and Scotland was simply for tlio
possession and perusal of the vernacular
English Bible — see vol. i. throughout ; the
lust, and far more important contest, for
the suj)reme and exclusive authority of
Sacred Writ, has yet to be fought and
won, ii. G48 this impregnable gromid
having never yet been clearly understood,
041. — though all other pomts have been
but local and subordinate, and visibly
now wait for the decision of tliis one prin-
ciple, 030, 041, 042.— thus, the actual /^re-
Tioits question of our day must, sooner or
later, have its due precedence, before con-
fiiision or disunion can cease, 044. — mean-
while Biitain, by multiplying and dis-
per.sing the Sacred Volume to such extent,
has drawn the eyes of the world, and the
common enemy, upon her, 055. — time, the
Oxford BibU- press plies incessantly, Ool.
— but in its vicinity, the multiform " Ox-
ford movement," so called, scatters tlie
tokens of inevitable conflict, 645-049, 051.
— the old and inveterate, or invariable,
enemy at Rome, still impiously frownmg
on the Sacred Volume in the dialect of
Kiiy nation, n. 045, 048, 049, 055, 050. —
has given repeated challenge to the com-
bat, and has already met with an echo of
upi>robation or encoui-agement even from
England, 640-649, 055.— though there be
one standing, practical rejoinder from the
same spot, 050, 651 . — during the last forty
years, the over-anxious eye, which, for the
first ten years, turned to France, has, for
the last ten, been turned to Italy, 053. —
but after such singular providential su-
specially on British Cliri.stian.s, not only
to vinilicate iXKpuifsenMoii, and assert the
mjjremari/, of tlie Sacred Volume against
all antiquity, but if possible to convey it
to the world at large, or in every tongue,
witlumt note or comment, 000-008. — if all
party considerations be laid aside, they
may, a.s in duty )>ound, tike the lead,
072. — this, the solitary path, left open to
British Christians, on the jjursuit of which
hangs, at once, the secret of their union,
and their surest prugperUy, 008, 078.
Warham of Canterbury, Lord Cliancellor be-
fore Wolsey, 7. — liis anxious letter about
Oxford to the Cardinal, 109. — his mandate
to deliver up the New Testament, 119. —
ilrn first man who was busily engaged in
buying up TjTidale's New Testament for
destiniction, 158. — at a cost of nearly a
thoasand pounds of our present money,
n. 158. — but the other bishops aided
him, 158, 159. — his curious protest and
death, 329.
Wliitcliurch, Edward, the piinter, see liis
partner Graftvn, 508; ii. 130. — said to
have married Cranmer's widow, n. 331 .
Whittingham, William, his family, ii. 308.—
leaves England, 309.— at Frankfort, 310.
— retired to Geneva, and the hapj)y conse-
quences, 310 — he there revises the Eng-
lish New Testament, and publishes it,
with a preface by his brother-in-law, John
Calvin, 311. — he, withCilby and Sampson,
revise and edit the English Bible entire,
the Esile English Churcli at Geneva bear-
ing the whole cost, 320. — his future life
and death, n. 322.
Wilson, Lea, Esq. In consequence of the
lamented death of this indefatigable col-
lector, it is to be hoped that his most ex-
traordinai-y liln-ary of Bibles and Testa-
ments will be foimd at last in its appro-
priate resting-place — the British Museum.
Wolsey, Thomas, the Cardinal, Lord Chan-
cellor, &c., liis elevation and first risit to
France, 6, 7. — liis artful project to exclude
the knowledge of Divine truth. 41-43. — he
is greatly alarmed, 91. — liis secret seareh
for books, and at one time, in London,
Oxford, and Cambridge, 92-1 03 in gi-cat
pomp burning them at St. Paul's, and
Fisher preaching, 100, 107. — Wolsey's
HISTOltlCAL INDEX.
xlii
— at the height of his glory, 150 first
token of lus decline, 151. — his presumption
ill dcfymg the Emperor sealed liis fnte, 1 70-
17i (see Charlis V.)— he is eager to seize
Tyndale, l'J4-204 — but m vain, 208.— the
Cardinal's career, 21 8-220._liis fall, 222,
229. — his crooked policy exposed by Tyn-
dale, 246. — descending into ruin, 251,
252. — his faiUng health, and melancholy
fiial message to the King, 253. — his death,
254. — his gi-ave unknown ! in the ruins of
Leicester Abbey, 255.
Word of God only, or exclusive supremacy
of the Sacred text, the watchword of oiu'
greatest impending contest. See Bible.
Works of Tyndale ; his New Testament, 53-
74,394.— Pentateuch,241,242.— exposition
of 1 John, 285-287. — Jonah, with a pro-
logue, 288, 289.- — oui- Lord's sermon on
the mount, 315-320. — liis Bible by Eogers,
\mder the name of Matthew, 568-570. —
" Parable of the Wicked INIammon," 135-
140. — " Obedience of a Chi'istian Man,"
141-143, (for a translation of this, in MS.,
even into 7 ?« /jaw, by S. Roccatagliata, '^<?(ho
1550, see Casley's Cat. 14. A. vi., British
Museum.) — " Practice of Prelates," 242-
248.— answcrtoSirThomasMorc,280-284.
^Vornls, where Luther appeared before the
Emperor, and from whence he retired to
translate tlie New Testament — the same
place where Tyndale stood — within five
years after him, and completed at press
his fii'st two editions of the English New
Testament, 64-67, 69.
Zeal for diffusing the Scriptm-es in forehjn
tongues, is it not on the decline m Bri-
taui ? ii. 671, 672. — though her Christians
be such debtors to foreign lands, and es-
pecially to those imder her sway, 672,
673. — though their country has been rated
as " the Capital of a new moral World,"
663 and though there be another and
most productive mode of action for iliffus-
ing Divine truth, never yet employed, now
i-eady and at hand, 675, 677.
Friends of " the Neic Learning" was the phrase at first frequently employed to describe
the ardent readers, or even possessors, of the Scriptures in om* Native tongue. Friends
of •' the Old Learning" were theh' determined oj^ponents ; and though theii- tactics have
been changed long since, the enmity seems to be hereditary. Throughout this History,
therefore, these terms have been preferred, to denote the Friends or the Enemies of the
English Bible, down to our own day. See vol. ii. 640, 641.
•■ Hah ! 'twas a priestly fallacy, to think
That burning flesh could bum out heresy,
Whereas in truth they only burnt it in :
And like esperienc'd enatnellers,
By this encaustic process so contriv'd
To Tivify the colours of their deeds
As to perpetuate their own disgrace." — Anon.
The FIRST great conflict in England and Scotland, was simply for the possessiun and
perusal of the Scriptui'es in our Native tongue, see vol. i. passim. The l.\st and fur more
important contest for the all-sufficieiicy and ixclusire Supremacy of Sacred Writ has yet to
be fought and won. Demanding even greater mental energy, it hastens on apace. See
before, under " War of Oijinion."
The biographical, historical, and bibliographical memoranda, amounting to more than 1300 Notes, at tlio
foot of the pages throughout this work, contain many incidents of curious additional interest. " To extract
and group these," one Reriewer, at the distance of half the globe, has been pleased to say, " would be as
gratifying as instructive, but our limits will not admit of this ; while so minute and unbroken, though ap-
parently fragmentary, go isolated and yet dependent are the features of this singular history, so striking in
its details, and comprehensive in its bearings, that it is utterly beyond our reach to attempt it. ^^'e remit
our readers to the Work itself."
To accommodate, therefore, an inquisitive Reader, the longest notes have been incorporated with tlie
nrftrpHinc 1iii1*'t • nnrl nnv Athpr IVicf fir inridpnt, i^-nffi nhserved wh«r,hGr in the text or maririn. mav <^fij;i)v
gnDejc of principal JEames*
INTRODUCTION.
Adolphus of Mentz, Iv, Ivi
Eugenius IV. .
1
Lancaster, D. of, xxxviii, xlii
Alfred the Great, . xxv
Fabricius,
xlvi
Martin IV. . xxix
Andreas, John, . Iviii
Felix V.
1
Martin V. . . 1
Ann of Luxembui-g, xlii
Fitzralph,
xxxiv
Mentz, . liv, hn
Arundel, Archbp. xliii, xliv
Fust, John,
liv, Iv
Nicholas de Cusa, . Ivii
Aungervillc, xxxiii, xxxiv
Gregory XI. .
xxxviii
Nicholas dc Lyra, . lix
Barbo, Peter, . Iviii, lix
Gregory XII. .
xlix
Nicolas V. . xh-iii, 1
BasU, . . . 1, li
Grossteste,
xxxiii
Panzer, . . Ix
Benedict Xm. . xlix
Gutenberg,
liv
Paul II. . Iviii, lix
Boccaccio, xxxi, xxxii, xlv
Henry de Knyghton,
xli
Petrarch, xxxi, xxxii, xlv
Bracciolini, . . xxxiii
Henry HI.
xxviii
Pius II. Silvias, . li
Bury, Richard de, . xxxiv
Henry VII. .
Ixii
Richard II. . xlii
Caxton, Wm. . Ix
Henry VIH. .
Ixii
Richard HI. . .Ixii
Charlemagne, . xxv
Honorius IV.
xxix
Rivers, Earl, . . Ix
Charles VII. . li
Humphrey of Glo'ster, Ix
Rotne, . . Ivii, lix
Clement VII. xxxviii
Huss, John,
1
Schoeffer, . . Iv
Clement VIIT. . 1
Jerome of Prague, .
1
Urban VI. . . xxxviii
Chrysoloras, . lii
John of Gaunt, xxxviii, xlii
Venice, xxvii, xxix, xxxi, Ix
Constantinople, . lii
John, King, .
xx\-iii
Waldenses, xxv, xxxvii
Cossa, Balthasar, . xlix
John XXIU. .
xlix
WiCKLIFFE, XXXvi, xlvi, 1
Dante, . xxviii, xxxiii
Koberger,
Ix
Worcester, Earl, Ix
THE ANNALS.
Abbot, Archbp. ii
338, 376
Balkesky, . ii. 497
Adrian VI.
8
Barbo, Peter, Paul H. ii. 656
Aglionby,
ii. 376
Barker, Chr. ii. 346, 350,
Aitken, Ro.
ii. 572
355, 383, 385
Aless, Alex. Hist.
Index.
Barker, Ro. ii. 384, 386
Allen, Edm.
ii. n. 479
Barklay, Alex. 204, n. 206
Amos, Joseph,
67,68
Barlow, Jerome, 50, 195,
Anderson, Mrs.
ii. 561
204, n. 205
Andrews, Dr. L.
ii. 374
Barlow, Bp. ii. 370, 376
Andrews, Ur. R.
ii. 375
Barlow, Dr. ii. 473, 490-493
Angus, Earl of.
ii. 413
Barnes, Ro. Hist. Index.
Arbuthnot, A. .
ii. 537
Barton, Eliz. 401, 402
Arran, Earl of, .
ii. 405
BaskerA-ille, . ii. 560
Askew, Anne, ii
190-199
Bassandyne, ii. 537
Au.lley, 228, 3G0,
462, 478
Bayfield, . 302-305
Babington, Gerv.
ii. 338
Beaton, Archbp. ii. 405
Bacon, Lord,
ii. 315
Beaton, Card. Hist. Index.
Tto.i;..o r'^,,^n,i
;; Qi •}
T>„ i,„;„ ;: ceo
Bedwell, Dr. . ii. 374
Bellcnden, . ii. 505
Benedict XHI. ii. 396-398
Berthclet, n. 550 ; ii. 82
Bilney, 99-101, 121, 160, 299
Bodley, John, . ii. 323
Bodlcy, Sir T. . ii. 323
Blayney, Dr. . ii. 560
Bois, John, . ii. 380
Boleyn, Anne, Hist. Index.
Bomberg, . w. 25
Bonner, Hist. Index.
Boot, Arnold, . ii. 333
Borthwick, Sir J. ii. 511
Boui-bon, D. of,40,77,l 43-145
Boyle, Hon. R. ii. 587, 649,
650
T> li- 1 T>.,1_1_1. TIC
INDEX OF NAMES.
xlv
Brandon, Duke of Suffolk,
462 ; ii. ii. 174
Brett, Dr. . . ii. 376
Bucer, 30-5 ; ii. 302, 482
Buchanan, Geo. ii. «» 315,
502, 506, n. 542
Buckingham, Prior, 102,
424, 482, «. 535 ; ii. 486
Bugenhagius, n. 239, 305
Burghlcy, Lord, ii. 263, 346
Burleigh, Dr. . ii. 374
Buschius, Ilerm. 397 ; ii. n.
415
Byng, Dr. ; ii. 375
Calvin, . . ii. 311,481
Campeggio, 193, 217, 220,
441, n. 486, 487
Canne, John, . ii. 559
Capito, Wolf. . 305, 529
Carey, . . ii. 588-604
Carondelet, 429, 516, «. 517
Castro, Alphonso di, ii. 291
Catharine, Queen, 360-369,
459
Cawood, J. . ii. 346
Chadei-ton, Dr. . ii. 375
Charles, Tho. . ii. 607
Charles V. Hist. Index.
Cliilds, Tho. . ii. 625
Christopher of Endhoven,
122, 128, «. 164
Clarke, Dr. . ii. 374
Clarkson, . ii. 587-590
Clement YII., Hist. Judex.
Cochlseus, Hist. Index.
Cologne, Archbp. of, ii. 452
Collet, ... 9
Constantyne, Hist. Index.
Cousturier, P. . n. 154
Coverdale, Hist. Index.
Cowper, . . ii. 590
Coxe, Leonard, n. 340
Cracherode, . . 413
Cranmer, Hist. Index.
Croke, ... 23
Cromwell, Oliver, ii. 391
Croydon, Vicar of, 573
CvmnvfcWfT. Hist. Index. |
Cm-wen, Dr. 367 ; ii. 35
Dakins, W. . ii. 377
Darcy, Edw. . ii. 344
D'Aubigne, 2, 3, », 49, 485
Dclaber, Ant. . . 94
Dillingham, F. . ii. 521
Disney, . . ii. w. 191
Donne, Gab. Hiiit. Index.
Dunbar, Archbp. ii. 521
Edward \i. . ii. 233-253
Edwards, Jon. ii. 569, 570
Eliot, Jolm, ii. 568-570
Elyot, Sir Tho. 322-327
Endhoven, C. 122, 128, n. 164
Erasmus, 23, 24, n. 206, 516,
«. 517
Fairclough, Dr. ii. 376
Fisher, Bp. 106, 107, 228,
402, 406, 436, 437
Fitzralph, . .174
Fitzwalter, . . 462
Flower, Fr. . ii. 344
Forrest, H. . ii. 443
Forret, Dean, . ii. 499
Fox, Ed. of Hereford, 502
Foxe, John, . 520, 521
Froebairn, . ii. 561
Fryth, Hist. Index.
Fuller, And. ii. 594, n. 597
Fysh, Sunon, . 89, 265
Gardiner, Bp. Hist. Index.
Garret, 92,120; ii. 98, 122
Gataker, Dr. , ii. 381
George III. . ii. 594
Ghinucci, n . 249, 441,486,487
Gifford, Dr. . . n. 68
Gilby, . . ii. 320
Glaston, Ab. of, ii. 75
Golde, H. . . 153, 402
Gorges, Sir T. . ii. 343
Gostwick, Sir J. ii. 115,106
Grafton, Hist. Index.
Graphoeus, . .516
Grenville, Hon. T. . 64
Grey, Lady J. ii. 251, 252
Grindal, . ii. 358, 359
Grocyn, . . 9, 10, 23
Guiklibrd, Sir H. . 38
Guizot, . ii. 553, 576
Guy, Tho. . u. 559
Hackett, J. 124, 16-5, 200
Harrison, T. . ii. 375
Hart, Andro, . ii. 538
Hastings, Marq. of, ii. 003
Hepbiu-n, Prior, ii. 447-451
Herbert, Lord, 43, n. 249
Herman of Cologne, ii. 452
Herris, Sir S.
. 182
Holbein, .
. ii. 79
Holland, Rog.
. ii. 269-271
Holland, Dr.
ii. 375
Hollybushe,
. ii. 38
Hooker, .
ii. 369
Hoopei", .
ii. 243, 244
Houbigant,
ii. 581
Hughes, Jos.
ii. 607
Humble, Wm.
ii. 393
Hutchinson, Dr.
ii. 376
Hutten, Dr.
ii. 376
Hyll, Nich.
ii. 242
James I. .
ii. 365
James U. .
ii. 555-557
Jegon, Bp.
ii. 379
Jerome, friar, 50, 195, 204j
205
Jessey, H.
ii. 378
Jewell, Bp.
ii. 369
Johnston, Jo. .
ii. 486
Jones, Griffith, .
ii. 607
Joye, Geo.
393-399
Jugge, Jo.
ii. 345
Jugge, Ri.
ii. 346, 348
Julius II. .
6, n. 293
Kilby, Dr.
ii.375
Kmg, Dr. G. ,
ii. 374
mngston, 187, 253, 464, 475
Kingston, Lady, . 488
Knox, John, ii. 320, 526, 527
Laifield, Dr. . ii. 374
Lambert, Fr. w. 167 ; ii. 305,
«.418
Lambert, J. . ii. 19
Lascelles, . . ii. 197
Lasco, John a, . ii. n. 260
Latimer, H., Hist. Index.
Latimer, Wm. . 23, 36
Laud, ii. 389,. 390, n. 536
Hakewil, . . u. 342
Le Fc\Te,
3, n. 154
Hall, Ro. . . ii. 341
Lekprevick,
ii. n. 462
Hallam, H. . ii. 557
Le Long, .
ii. 333
Hamilton, Pat. ii. 414-418,
Lewis, Jo.
ii. 563
421
Lightfoot, Dr.
ii. 554
Harding, Dr. . ii. 375
Lilly,
9
Harman, R. Hist. Index.
Linacre,
. 9, 10, 23
V
xlvi
INDEX OF NAMES.
Lingard, (5, 7; ii. >i. 138, n.lOO
Li^'ing, Wm. . ii. 80t»
Livlio, Ell. . ii. 375
Lome.JcflF. . . 100
Longland, . . 41-43
Louis XIV., ii. 552, 577, 578
Loyola, Ignat. . . 43
Lurt, ILans, . .106
Luther, Jlist. Index.
Macalpine, . ii. 472
Maccabieus, Jo. ii. 472
Mackintosh, Sir Ja. «. 152,
245
Macknight, Dr. n. 285
ManstieUl, Lord, ii. n. 387
Margaret of Valois, h. 485
Marler, Ant. Wis*- Index.
Marsh, Bp. 285, 289 ; ii. 645
Marshman, Dr. 526 ; u. 594,
604
Mary of England, ii. 253-312
Mary of Scotland, ii. 149,
509, 515
Mather, Cot. . ii. 568
Maxwell, Lord, ii. 520
M'Cric, Dr. ii. n. 418, 486,
«. 527
Melancthon, 451 ; ii. 245,482
Melville, iVnd. . ii. 486
Michele, . . ii. 273
Milne, AVm. . ii. 597
Minto, Lord, . ii. 596
More, Sir T. Illst. Index.
Morrison, Dr. . ii. 597
Mountjoy, Lord, ii. 343
Muniford, Ja. . ii. 556
Munmoutli, Hum. 39, «. 46,
181,187; ii. n. 198
Munster, Seb. 528, 529
NavaiTc, Queen of, «. 485
Necton, Ro. . 188-190
Nix of Norwich, 158,256
Norfolk, D. of, Hist. Index.
Nun of Kent, . 401,402
Nycolson, J. 564, 567; ii 34
Ockhani, W.- . «. 271
CEcolampadius, 305
Overall, Dr. . ii. 374
Oxford, Earl of; . 462
Oxford, Ilarley, Lord, 07
Packington, .\. 214, 264
Pagninus, . n. 167
Patmore, Tlio. . 297,404
Paul IL Hist. Index.
Paulett, Wm. . «. 462
Petrc, Dr. . 495
Peyto, Friar, 367, n. 530,
II. 531 ; ii. 278
Philip, Tho. . 403
Philips, Hy. llixt. Index.
Pole, Cardinal, Hist. Index.
Pouieranus, n. 239, 305
Poyntz, Anne, . . 31
Poyntz, John, 428, n. 522
Poyntz, Tho. Hist. Index
Poyntz, family of, «. 525
Pykas, John, . 182
Quentcl, Peter, 55, 03
Raiuolds, John, ii. 369-375,
n. 643
Raleigh, Sir W. ii. 344-308
Ravis, Dr.
Reading, Abb. of,
Rcgnault, .
Reuchlin, .
Richardson, Dr.
Ridley, Dr. R.
Ridley, Nich,
ii. 376
ii. 75
ii. 27
. 25
ii. 375
153, 208
536, ii. 297
Rincke, Hist. Index.
Robinson, Friar, . 307
Rogers, Dan. ii. n. 287
Rogers, Jo. Hist. Index.
RoUock, . ii. n. 542
Rose, Thomas, ii. «. 205
Rough, Jo. . ii. 206
Roye, Hist. Index.
Ruremimd, Jo. . 164
Ryland, Dr. . ii. 591
Sadler, Sir R. 542 ; ii. 524
Saintgerman, . 384-386
Sanderson, Dr. . ii. 377
SaraA-ia, Dr. . ii. 374
Savillc, Sir II. . ii. 376
Scott, John, . 202-205
SchoefFer, Peter, . 69
Scr^-mgcour, Sir Ja. ii. 451
Selling, ... 23
Seton, Alex. . ii. 422
Seymour, Jane, 591
Shaxton, Bp. 441 ; u. 197
Smith, Dr. Miles, ii. 376, 378
Spalding, Dr. . ii. 875
Spencer, Earl. . ii. .594
Spencer, Dr. . ii. 376
Strype, . . ii. 41
Suffolk, D. of; 402; ii. 174
Surrey, Earl of, ii. 213, 219
Sutcliffe, Jo. . ii. 591
Sutor, Peter, . «. 154
Sym.sou, C. . ii. 207
Taveruer, 95-97 ; ii. 80-82
Tcwksbury, . 211, 300
Theobald, 422-425, 511-527-
533
Thcophylact, . n. 5U0
Thompson, R. . ii. 374
Thomson, Dr. . ii. 625
Thi-ogmorton, ii. 109, n. 110
Todd, H. J. n. 119, «. 584
Topley, Tho. . 185
Tracy, Sir Will. 35, 433
Treveris, . ii. 34
Tuke, Brian, . 125, 207
Tunstal, Hist. Index.
Tybal, Jolm, . .183
Tyxdale, Hist. Index.
Tyndale, Jo. . 297, 298
Undcrhill, . ii. 304
Vaughan, St. Hist. Index.
Voltaire, . ii. 579, 580
V^ulgarius, . n. 590
Walsh, Sii- Jo. . 30, 37
WaLsingham, ii. 348, 351
Walter, Prof 285, 289, 564
Walton, Brian, . ii. 392
Ward, Wm. ii. 594-604
AVellesley, Marq. ii. n. 597
AVest, Friar, 202, 206-208
Wharton, Geff. . .182
AATiarton, H. . n. 259
Whitchurche, 568, ii. 130
Whitgift, ii. 338, 351, 372
AVhittakcr, J. W. . 564
AVluttingham, Hist. Index.
Wickliffe, Introd. 289, «. 433
Wied, C. de, ii. 452, n. 454
Wilks, Sii- T. ii. 344-346, 350
WilUam III. . ii. 552
Williams, Roger, ii. 568, 569
Wiltshii-e, Earl of, 249, 462,
482, 485
Wishart, Geo. . ii. 530
AVoLsey, Card. Hbt. Index.
Wriothsley, 543-545 ; ii. 163,
211,251
Yorke, Solic.-Gen. . 126
INDEX OF PROGRESS. xlvii
testimonies of ^b^ercncc in Succession
tu the power and <(ll-ftijficieiici/ of the Vernacular Scriptures, during) the precedimj history,
illustrative of the gradual progress towards a brighter day.
" i do mar\t.l gukatly that ever any jian should repugn, or speak against the
Scripture to de hap in eatery language, and that of every man." But " if all the
WORLD BE AGAINST US, God's WoRD IS GREATER TII.VN THE WORLD." TyNDALE.
l\'stimony of Tyndalc to Fryth, then in England.
" I call God to record, against the day we shall appear before om- Lord Jesus, to give
a reckoning of om* doings, that I never altered one syllable of God's Word against my
conscience ; nor would I this day, if all tliat is in the earth, whether it be pleasure,
honoiu', or riches, might be given me." See vol. i. p. 349.
Tyndale on the ere of hii< apprehensioii and imprinonment.
" As concerning all I have translated, or otherwise wi-itten, I beseech all men to read
it, for that purpose I wrote it : even to bring them to the knowledge of the Scripture.
And as far as the Scripture approvethit, so flirto allow it; and if in any place the Word
of God disallow it, then to refuse it, as I do before our Saviour Chiist, and his Conirre-
gation." See vol. i. p. 400.
Anno 1530. — Latimer to Henry VIII.,
in the fourth year of the New Testament circulation, and frst of the Pentateuch.
" As concerning this matter, other men have showed your Grace their minds, how
necessary it is to have the Scripture in English. For what marvel is it that these
worldly men, being so nigh of your Coimcil, and so familiar with your Lords, should
provoke both youi' Grace and them to prohibit these books, which before, by thcii- own
authority, have forbidden the New Testament, under pain of everlasting damnation ?
For such is their manner ; to send a thousand men to hell, ere they send one to God :
and yet the New Testament, and so I tliink by the other (the Pentateuch,) was meekly
offered to every man that would and coidd, to amend it, if there were any fault — Where-
fore I pray that youi- Grace may es^iy, and take heed of their worldly wisdom, which is
foolishness before God— that your Grace may be foimd a faitliful minister of liis gifts,
and not a defender of His faith; for He will not have it defended by man, or man's power,
but by His Word only, by the which He hath evermore defended it ; and that by a way
far above man's power or reason, as aU the stories of the Bible make mention.
" Wherefore, gracious King, remember yom-self Have pity upon your soul, and think
that the day is even at hand when you shall give account of your oSice, and of the blood
that hath been shed by your sword." See vol. i. pp. 261, 262.
Anno 1533. — Fryth from the Toaver op London,
before his martyrdom ; and after the New 2'estament had been secretly inqwrted and read
in England, for seven, and the Pentateuch for three years.
" This hath been offered you, is offered, and shall be offered. Grant that the Word
of God, I mean the te-rt of Scripticre, may go abroad in our English tongue, as other
nations have it in their tongues, and my brother William Tyndale and I have done, and
will promise you to write no more. If you will not grant th t condition, then will we
be doing while we have breath, and show in few words, that the Scriptui'c doth in many ;
and so, at the least, save some." See voL i. p. 363.
Anno 1533. — Aless, in exile from his Country,
to James V. ; after the New Testament translated by Tyndale, had been imported, and
reading in Scotland, secretly, for seven years.
" They say that Alcibiades (Themistocles,) in I know not what contention, a certain
xlviii INDEX OF PROGRESS.
might itrike, so they would also hear mc." — " I have heard even the chief among our
preachers declare, that this same version (of Tyndale) gave them much more light
tliau the commentaries of many." See vol. ii. pp. 430, 4G1.
Anno 1538. — Strype, the Historian,
after the English New Tentament had been importing iiita England fully tvelte years,
and the Bible at laM came to be read openly.
" It was wonderful to see with what joy this book of God was received, not only
among the more learned sort, but generally, all England over, among all the common
people, and with what greediness God's Word was read, and what resort to jjlaces
where the reading of it was ! Every body that could, bought the book, or busily read
it, or got others to read it to them, if they could not themselves." See vol. ii. p. 41.
.liNNO 1543. — ICnox, as Historian.
The Scriptures having been read for 1 7 years in secret, and for 1 7 more, openly in Scotland,
btfore his settlement thre ; thus, about 15G0, he records the great event o/'1543.
" Then might have been seen the Bible lying on almost every gentleman's table. The
New Testament was borne about in many men's hands. Thereby the knowledge of God
wonderfully increased, and God gave liis Holy Spirit to simple men in great abimdance."
So remarkable had been the previous secret importation ! See vol. ii. p. 527.
Anno 1597. — Hooker.
" We do not think that in Sacred Scripture God hath omitted any thing needful to
his purpose, and left his intent to be accomplished by our derisings." — " 1 would know,
by some special instance, what one article of Christian faith, or what duty required
necessarily unto all men's salvation, there is, which the very reading of the Word of God
is not apt to notify."
Anno 1641. — Milton.
" We shall adhere close to the Scriptures of God, which He hath left us, as the just
and adequate measure of truth, fitted and proportioned to the diligent study, memory,
and use, of every foithful man ; whose every part consenting, and making up the har-
monious symmetry of complete instruction, is able to set out to us a perfect man of
God. And with this weapon, without stepping a foot farther, we shall not doubt to
batter and throw down Nebuchadnezzar's image, and crumble it like the chaff of the
summer threshing-floors And this is one depth of God's wisdom, that He could so
plamly reveal so great a measure of it to the gi'oss distorted apprehension of decayed
mankind. Let others, therefore, shun the Scriptures for their darkness ; I shall wish I
may desei-\-e to be reckoned among those who admire and dwell upon them for their
clearaess." See vol. ii. p. 643.
Anno 1G62. — Stillingfleet.
" Men might still have bewildered themselves in follo\ving the ignes fatui of their own
imaginations, and in lumting up and down the world for a path which leads to Heaven ;
but could have found none, imlcss God Iiimself, taking pity of the wanderings of men,
had been pleased to hang out a light from Heaven, to dii-ect them in their way thither ;
and by this Pharos of Divine Revelation to direct them so to steer their course, as to
escape splitting on the rocks of open impiety, or being swallowed up in the quicksands
of terrene delights." — " The things contained in Scriptiu-e do not so much beg accept-
ance as command it — That word is like a telescope to discover the gi'eat luminaries of
the world, or the truths of highest concernment to the souls of men ; and it is such a
microscope as discovers to us the smallest atom of our thoughts, discerning the most
secret intent of the heart. And as far as this light reacheth, it comes with power and
authority, as it comes armed with the majesty of that God who reveals it — whose autho-
rity extends over the soul and conscience of man, in its most secret and hidden
recesses."
Axso 1698. — WmcncoTB.
INDEX OP PROGRESS. xlix
that any wcll-mirnled man, that takes up the Bible and reads, may come to understand-
ing and satisfaction. And to this piu-pose, there is the Divine Spirit still, to wait upon
this instrument of God."
Anno 1758. — Lowtii.
Referring to " the liidden treasures of Divine wisdom contained in the Holy Scrip-
tures " — '• Much hath been done in tliis important work ; and much still remains to be
done. Those heavenly stores are inexhaustible : every new acquisition leads on to
farther discoveries ; and the most careful search will still leave enough to invite, and
to reward the repeated searches of the pious and industrious to the latest ages. This
is a work that demands our first and most earnest regard ; the studies and assistance,
the favour and encouragement of all. This is the most worthy object that can engage
our attention ; the most important end, to which our labours in the search of truth can
be dii'ected."
i\joio 1758. — Edwards.
Wlien every English Bible in America required still to he sent from Britain !
" It seems to be evident, that the Church is not as yet arrived to that perfection in
mderstanding the Sci'iptures, which we can imagine is the highest that God ever in-
;endcd tlie Chiu'ch should come to. There are a multitude of things in the Old Testa-
nent, which the Church then did not imderstand, but were resei"ved to be unfolded in
:he Christian Chiu'ch. So I believe there are now many subordinate truths that remain
;o be discovered by the Chm^ch, in the glorious times that are approaching. A Divine
ivisdom appears in ordering it thus. How much better is it to have Divine truth and
ight break forth in this way, than it would have been to have had it shine at once to
!very one, without any labour and industry of the understanding ? It would have been
ess delightful, less prized and admired, and would have had vastly less influence on
nen's hearts, and would have been less to the glory of God. — It is the manner of God
0 keep his Church on earth in hope of a still more glorious state." See vol. ii. 568-570.
Anno 1762. — Taylor.
" You may rest fully satisfied that om* English translation is a pure and plentiful
ovmtain of Divine Knowledge, giving a clear and full accoimt of the Divine Dispensa-
ions, and of the Gospel of our Salvation : insomuch that whoever studies the Bible,
he English Bible, is sure of gaining that knowledge and faith, which, if duly applied
0 the heart and conversation, will infallibly guide him to eternal life."
Anno 1800. — Fuller.
" It might be proved, that every system of Philosophy is little in comparison of
Christianity. Philosophy may expand our ideas of creation ; but it neither inspires a
ove to the moral character of the Creator, nor a well-gi'ounded hope of Eternal Life,
'hilosophy, at most, can only place us at the top of Pisgah : there, like Moses, we
oust die : it gives us no possession of the good land. It is the province of Christianity
0 add — ALL IS YOURS ! When you have ascended to the height of human discovery,
here are things, and things of infinite moment, too, that are utterly beyond its reach,
levelation is the mediimi, and the only medium, by which, standing, as it were, ' on
latm'e's Alps,' we discover things which eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, and of which
t never hath entered into the heart of man to conceive."
Anno 1815. — Cil\lmers.
" It is the office of a translator to give a faithful representation of the Original. Now
bat this faitlifiil translation has been given, it is our part to peruse it with care, and
0 take a fair and faitliful impression of it. We must bring a free and unfettered mind
0 the exercise. It must not be the pride or the obstinacy of self-formed opinions, or
be haughty independence of him who thinks he has reached the manhood of his imder-
tanding. We must bi-iug with us the docility of a child. There must be no garbling
f that which is enth-c, no darkening of that which is lummous, no softening down of
iiat which is authoritative. The Bible will allow of no conipromisc. It professes to be
\
0
lii VAKIOUS READINGS IN
acquainted, ami almost literally with every word in the Hebrew, Chaldee, and Syriac
Scriptures, thougli he did not succeed in publishing his intended e<lition of the Greek
New Testament, he again and again gave to the world the fruit of all his own experience
as far as he had gone. On one occasion, it was in these expressive terms : —
" The 30,000 various lections, then, are allowed and confessed ; and if more copies
yet are collected, the sum will still mount higher. It is good, therefore, to have more
anchors than one ; and another Manuscript would give more authority, as well as
security. It is a good providence, and a great blessing, that so many Manuscripts of
the New Testament are still among us ; some procured from Egypt, others from Asia,
others foiuid in the Western Churches. For the very distance of tlie places, as well as
numbers of the books, demonstrate, that there could be no collusion, no altering, or
interpolating one copy by another, nor all by any of them. Not frighted, therefore,
with the 30,000, I, for my part, and, as I believe, many others, would not lament, if
out of the old Manuscripts yet untouched, 10,000 more were faithfully collected ; some
oi" which, without question, would render the text more beautiful, just, and exact ; thowjh
of no consequence to the main of Religion ; nay, perhaj)s wholly synonymovg in the view
of common readers, and quite insensible in any modern rersion."
Since the days of Bentley, however, far greater progi-ess has been made, and still
ampler opportunities for examination have been enjoj'cd ; and what, then, is the deli-
berate judgment at wluch our most distinguished Scholars have now arrived ? The
conclusion of the whole matter, we prefer, on several accounts, to give in the language
of an Author recently presented to the public.
" We may well enquire," says he, " what has been the result of this laborious and
acute research, — of this toilsome collation of Manuscripts of every age, of the many
theories for classifjing critical documents ; in fine, of all the years which able and
learned men have dedicated to the zealous task of amending and perfecting the Sacred
Book ? Why, truly, if we exclude the great and important conclusions which we have
at present in view, the result is so trifling, that we should say there had been much
unthi'ifty squandering of time and talents thereupon. Not, indeed, that there has been
lack of abundant differences of readings ; on the contrary, the number is overpowering.
Mill's first efiFort produced 30,000, and the number may be said daily to increase.
But in all this mass, although every attainable source has been exhausted ; although
the Fathers of every age have been gleaned for their readings ; although the versions of
every nation, Arabic, Syrian, Coptic, Armenian, and Ethiopian, have been ransacked for
their renderings ; although ^Manuscripts of every age, from the sixteenth upwards to the
third, and of every Country, have been again and again visited to rifle them of their trea-
sures ; although, liaving exliaustcd the stores of the West, critics have travelled, like
naturalists, into distant lands, to discover new specimens, — have visited, like Scuolz,
or Sebastiani, the recesses of Mount Athos, or the unexplored libraries of the Egj^ptian
and Syrian deserts — yet has nothing been discovered — no, not one simjle tarious reading
which can throw doubt upon any passage before considered certain or decisive in favour
of any important doctrine. These various readings, almost without an exception, leave
untouched the essential parts of any sentence, and only interfere with points of second-
ary importance, the insertion or omission of an article, or conjunction, or the forms
rather than the substance of words.
" This result is precisely the same as has been obtained from the critical study of
the Old Testament But once more returning to the New, and the critical attention
paid to its text, the advantages which this has procured to us are far from stopping at
the assurance, that nothing has been yet discovered which should shake our belief in
the purity of owe Sacred books. This advantage was but the first step gained by it, in
the earliest labours of Mill and Wetstein. Gklesbacii, with whose name I closed my
list, went much forther : he gave us, in addition, a security for the future — and this im-
THEIR FINAL RESULT. Hu
drawn from documents already in our possession, but has given us full security against
any t/iat mai/ be yet discovered ; and has, at the same time, placed in our hands simple
and easy rules for deciding complicated points of diiference. And these results will bo
still more within our reach, when a new edition {tke Codex Vaticanus,) now preparing,
shall have appeared, in which only select readings, examined with great care, and
given with great accuracy, shall have been completed."
How memorable and contirmatory is this beautiful summing up of evidence from the
lips of such a man ! And yet why should we, by the same pen, be so painfully reminded
of the ancient Bishop of Durham, Ricuakd de Bury, as far back as the fom-teenth cen-
tury, of whom an old Annalist has said, that " he is somewhat to bee remembred for
example to other;" but who, while lamenting the total ignorance of the Greek language
among his bretlu-en, yet scrupled not to affirm — " Laici omnium librorum communioiie
indigni sunt" — regarding the laity as unworthy to be admitted to any commerce with
books. To his select audience in London, it is true, and we are to presume in Rome
also, our Lectui-er concludes by presenting the following testimony : —
" The study of God's Word, and the meditation upon its truths, surely forms our noblest occupation.
But when that study is conducted upon severe jirinciples, and ^vith the aid of deep research, it will be found
to combine the intellectual enjojuient of the mathematician, ^vith the rapture of the poetj and ever to open
new sources of edification and delight."
This witness is time ; nor is there one word of limitation here. Yet, alas ! it appears
elsewhere, that this noble satisfaction he would not, even in a humble degi-ee, extend to
all. But thus it is, and ever has been, that God rules and overrules all things and all
men, even men of research, for his own glory. We have used the tenn overrule, as the
Reader, if he be not already aware of the fact, will scarcely credit us when we tell him,
that the testimonies last given are in the words of an Author, in a delightful work on
" The Connexion between Science and Religion," who is opposed to the general cu'cula-
tion of the Bible in any tongue intelligible to the people ! Recently, under the mistaken
notion, that the present wide dispersion of the Scriptures has been the effect merely
of men combined for that end ; yes, and of men under the strange impression that the
mere distribution of the Bible is God's appointed way of conversion ; he regards the entire
procedure as altogether in vain, if not unwarrantable ! ! Of course no such impression
exists, as our readers have been perfectly aware, nor has any combination, any united
body of men, effected the dispersion of the Sacred Voliune, at least in English, to its
present extent. To this mistaken idea we must again allude presently ; but who can
suppress the sincere and earnest wish, that this AViiter may be induced to reconsider
the entire movement of our age, as a moxement, in all its bearings, and be led at last to
adopt the motto inserted at the close of some of our ancient folio Bibles — " A Domino fac-
tum est istud." Few such able men existed in the days of our first Translator, though
if there had, this would have only increased liis astonishment over those who spoke
against the Bible " to be had in E^'ERY tongue, and that 0/ evert man."
In regard to the Hebrew and Greek original Scriptures, we formerly glanced at the
memorable fact — that no Government on earth, however absolute, has ever been permitted
to restrain them ! But when to this we now join the result of all the deep research
into both texts, and remember, as Bemley has insisted, that the same thing cannot be
asserted of any other species of ancient Manuscript, may we not exclaim — " Who is so
great a God as our God!" When the quantity of writing contained in every single
manuscript is considered, this conclusion becomes not only wonderful in itself, and
greatly welcome to the general Reader, but it may lead him to look with still greater
veneration on the Divine Word so prov-identially watched over, and of which so many
myi-iads now possess such an excellent translation in their hands — beyond conception
the most weighty and valuable of all deposits.
VERBUM: DOMINI MANET IN STERNUM.
Hv CONCLUSION.
TDispcrsion of tibc ^crtpturrs in (Snglisf)
Up to JaaiMrij 1848.
Tiioroii no reliance can ))c placed on the twre dispersion even of the Divine Word, ex-
cept as the mean to an eml, nearly tliree years ago tlic Author of this work presumed
that a more accurate rc\'iew of the past and present state of our vernacular Scriptures
was duo to the Sacred Volume itself, and to all wlio were interested in it. As it then ap-
peared that the more recent and unprecedented dispersion in our native tongue was not
the fruit of any human purpose or device, nor even of anticipation, and that as no indivi-
dual liad ever contemplated, so no united body of men had effected it, the obligation to
consider the subject seemed to be imperative. Tluit dispersion liad l)ecome an event — an
event by itself — if not tlie leading one of the present age, and no longer to be disre-
garded. In all otlicr cases, the sale of a book forms an imlex to iha desire after it, and
though this vast movement has by no means yet produced the benefits to be expected,
still, the leading feature of the dispersion has been that oi male. Widely different views,
indeed, have been taken of this " sign of the times." The enemy of all circulation has
been labouiing hard, and in this country, to prove that as to any moral or beneficial
effect to be anticipated, the dispersion itself is already mocking expectation. Others
there are who look no higher than to what are called Bible Societies, and the competi-
tion of trade, but to all who have duly considered tlic subject, an unseen hand is ap-
parent, an influence superior to man may be contemplated.
The last gi'eat movement, wluch properly belongs to the present century, has been
going on with accelerated speed. As already reported up to 1845, (vol. ii. GOO, 617-G20,)
it was i^erhaps imagined to have reached its meriilian, and must decline. But so far from
tliis, the culminating point seems to be more distant than ever. The last three years
have been, above all, remarkable. The dispersion of Bibles and New Testaments in
English, wliich had then amoimtcd to fully Twenty-two, is now to be regarded as ap-
proacliing with increased rajndity, to Tirenty-seren miUioiis of Volumes! Such is the
provision made for Britain, as well as all her wide-spread Dependencies ; and by this,
the first half of the nineteenth century will remain distinguished in history. If the
enemy is actually smiling upon all this as an empty Tision, let every believer in his
Bible both watch the progress, and look for the effect. The dispersion itself may be
freely conceded at pi-esent as being but little more than " seed sown," or as " the pre-
paration of the ground for the shower ;" but every intelligent Christian, knowing that
the instrument of regeneration is " the word of truth," and that the Volume cannot be
sent where its Sacred and only infallible Intei-preter is twt present, to attend upon its
devout pemsal — he will not#ail to mark this wide and gi'owing dispersion, not only as
the most important, but, in the proper sense of the terms, infn'itelij the greatest move-
ment of our day. He will never, indeed, confound tlie word wliich is to be read with
that which is to be spoken, or ever imagine that any thing can relieve from the imperative
obligations involved in the Redeemer's last Commission to his Servants : but still it is
not in him, with a vacant or indifferent eye, to bcliold such a dispersion of the
Word of God. It is spoken of, too generally, only as a Book, but to him it is the Voice
of the living God. lie regards it as a Rule, in the sense both of a Law and a Standard
— perfectly sufiicient for its purpose — touching every principle of human action — and
admitting of no appeal. " This dispersion, too," he says, " is altogether unprecedented
— and therefore, certainly never before, suice theh- English Bible was in existence, nenr
were the Christian peojjle of this language so loudly called upon, and individually, to
mark the words of their conunon Mediator, and, on behalf of their Country and the
world, to act accordingly." Luke xi. 13; Matthew vii. 7, 8, 12.
BS455 .A54 v.2
The annals of the English Bible.
Princeton TiiFological Seminary-Speer Library
1 1012 00081 1887
* lie. 1. K/«