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ANNALS OF SALEM.
BT
JOSEPH B. FELT.
Omni* tntiquiuti* mooumeatk colligo.— Ciecra d* S4nutuU,
H«ae mtrium e«M, ut memof esMi i\iL—.Tertntii Andria,
YOL. I.
SECOND EDITION.
SALEM:
PUBLISHED BY W. & S. B. IVES.
BOSTON :— JAMES MUNROE & CO.
1845.
.SI M
'Si
Entered, according to act of Congress, in the year 1842,
By Joseph B. Felt,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District oJ
Massachusetts.
Reprinted by Higginson Book Company
Derby Square
Salem, Mass. 01970
TO
THE CITIZENS OF SALEM.
Among the endowments of our nature, are
the affections and sympathies, which have a
large share of their purest and happiest exer-
cises in relation to the home of our birth or
adoption. This is a wise provision of divine
economy. It is well for the benefit of families,
that every man should cherish a special regard
for his own household. So it is well, that all
should entertain a particular attachment to the
place, where their domestic ties exist and their
civil rights are secured. The operation of this
principle is mostly experienced by those who
are called to distant sections of their own or
other countries. Seldom can any person so
sunder the common bonds of humanity, as to
feel alike in every clime. Justly has a departed
genius doubted whether a man could be found,
"Whose heart hath ne'er within him burned^
As home his footsteps he hath turned,
From wandering on a foreign strand."
The author would acknowledge his particular obligatioD to the fol*
lowing gentlemen for assistance in the materials of this work.
Benjamin F. Browne, John Chapman, Joseph Cloutman, Thomaa
Cole, Caleb Foote, John Howard, sen., Henry K. Oliver, Charles W.
Palfray, Robert Peele, George D. Phippen, Perley Putnam, John
Stone and Henry Wheatland of Salem ; Abiel Chandler, Jonathan P.
Dabney, William B. Fowie and David Pulsifer of Boston; William
Gibbs of Lexington, and George A. Ward of New York. The three
laflt persons favored the author with the use of manuscripts. He
would, also, mention his indebtedness to the publication of the late
Rev. William Bentley, D. D., for aid in describing the face of Salem
territory. A few others, who have kindly atforded him help, are de-
signaled under their communications.
The facts in this volume extend no further than 1843, except in
some instances, which are accordingly stated.
The New Style, as to years before 1752, is used in this work.
ANNALS OF SALEM.
No faculty of mind has been divinely given us
without some appropriate and beneficial end. Our
reflection may be as fitly applied to look upon ages
elapsed, as our observation on those passing, or our
prospection on those to come. By the aid of reflec-
tion, we are privileged to call back the by-gone scenes
of our native or adopted habitations, and derive from
them lessons of experience to satisfy rational curiosity,
supply materials for useful conversation, correct error
and vice, confirm truth and virtue. Thus employed
in the work before us, — it will not be adjudged as a
j->erverted talent, but as improved in its proper sphere.
NAME.
A word, as significant of mental associations, is often
the source of recoUectious, feelings and actions, which
exhibit character in its most decisive aspect. Such
undoubtedly was the efl'ect produced by the term
Naumkeag, when heard by the aborigines, who once
owned and occupied the territory which encircled this
city and its adjacent towns. When abroad, enduring
the hardships of the chase or amid the perils of war,
it was to them the talisman of their home ; around
2
Q NAME.
which their strongest aflfections were entwined, in
which centered their highest earthly hopes and their
dearest enjoyments, and for which they were ready to
endure the utmost privation and suffering.
On the map ^ of Massachusetts and part of Maine, as
described by Captain John Smith, in 1614, and as hav-
ing its different portions subsequently named by Prince
Charles, the location of Salem was called Bastable.^
It is not unlikely that the abundance of Bass, former-
ly in our waters, was the origin of such a name.
But an alteration of this kind had little influence on
the natives of our soil, to surrender their own Naum-
keag. Not until after the arrival of Mr. Higginson, is
any attempt known to have been made by the Coun-
cil, on the premises, to have the word substituted by
another. He mentions, in his communication to
friends at home, that, before the date of his writing,
which was July 24, 1629, such a change had taken
place, and that the settlement was then called Salem.
While thus speaking of what became the permanent
appellation of our city, he observes: "Here is plen-
tie of marble stone in such store, that we have great
rocks of it, and a harbour hard by. Our plantation is
from thence called Marble harbour." It appears from
this, that a term, afterwards applied exclusively to
Marblehead, was used to designate not only the latter
place, but also the whole town of Salem, to which it
then belonged.
The Planters' Plea,^ in adducing proofs that the
Indians here had anciently some knowledge of the
'Smith's Pathway, etr.. Mast. 'Printed in London, 1030, and
Iliat. Coll., B. "J, V. 3, pp. 20, 34. supposed to have been written by
Rev. John While, p. 14.
NAME. 7
Jews, makes the ensuing remark : " It fals out, that
the name of the place, which our late Colony hath
chosen for their seat, prooves to bee perfect Hebrew,
being called Nahum Keike ; by interpretation, the
bosom of consolation ; which it were pitty that those,
which observed it not, should change into the name
of Salem, though upon a faire ground, in remembrance
of a peace setled upon a conference at a generall
meeting betweene them and their neighbors, after ex-
pectance of some dangerous jarre." In this paragraph,
there appears more of fancy than fact, as to the Indian
name. It is very probable, from the custom of our
early historians, that if ten persons had undertaken to
spell such a word, without any consultation with each
other, and as pronoimced by the natives, they would
all have varied some, and that not one of them would
have mado the exact number of letters, and those of
the same kind, contained in Nahum Keike.
On the same subject, Hubbard' remarks: "In this
place, soon after by a minister, that came with a com-
pany of honest planters, called Salem, from that in
Psalms, Ixxvi. 2, was laid the first foundation, on
which the next colonies were built." The minister
here referred to, was, most likely, Rev. Francis Hig-
ginson.
Cotton Mather** writes : " Of which place I have
some where met with an odd observation, that the
name of it is rather Hebrew than Indian ; for Nahum
signifies comfort, and Keik signifies an haven ; and
our English not only found it an haven of comfort,
'Hubbard'i New England, p. 'Mather's Magnalia, edition of
102. 1820, V. 1, p. C3.
g SITUATION AND EXTENT.
but happened also to put an Hebrew name upon it j
for they called it Salem, for the peace, which they had
and hoped in it."
To the few aborigines whom the plague had spared,
such an alteration could be of no material consequence.
Still it was fraught with the depressing knowledge,
that the dominion of their soil had passed from them
and fallen to the hands of strangers.
SITUATION AND EXTENT.
As a Sagamoreship, Naumkeag had limits nearly
like the following: Its northwardly line was Salem to
Andover ; and its southwardly, Medford to Massachu-
setts Bay. As occupied and denominated by our an-
cestors, it originally comprehended Marblehead, Bev-
erly, Manchester, "Wenham, Danvers, part of Topsfield
and of Middleton. For information of the stranger,
its present boundaries are given ; northwardly by Bev-
erly and Danvers, southwardly and westwardly by
Lynn and Lynniield, and eastwardly by Marblehead
and the aforesaid Bay. Its territory, including Islands,
contains^ 5,429 acres. As calculated at the Marine
Hall, its latitude is 42° 31' 18"tVV N; longitude, 70°
53' 53"T:^;y W.
INCORPORATION.
With regard to the incorporation of places in the
curly years of the Colony, there was no settled rule,
no such formal enactments, as have existed for over a
century and a half. Respecting some towns, there is
much obscurity as to the time and mode of their be-
' Re7. Dr. Benlley.
INCORPORATION. 9
iug SO constituted. Of this class is our own city. In
looking over the circumstances connected with the
date at which its incorporation has been generally set,
the writer is of opinion that chronologists, since 1700,
intended to reckon it so as to keep in remembrance
the arrival of Rev. Francis Higginson, and those with
him. If so, they seem to have drawn their authority
from Mather's Magnalia, which puts it on the 2-lth of
June. But this was a mistake, probably made, like
others, by the publishers in England. The truth,
however, is, that Mr. Higginson's journal records it as
the 29th. Hence, in this view, the incorporation of
Salem should stand the 29th, and not 24th of June,
1629.
In another aspect, it is more likely that if the origi-
nal settlers here had chosen one of two dates for cal-
culating such a privilege — namely, either at the said
arrival, or change of the Plantation's name, they
would have preferred the latter. A reason for this
conjecture is, that the Colony records, when describ-
ing certain towns as having their Indian names ex-
changed for English ones, seem to regard the com-
mencement of their corporate capacity as more at such
periods, than at any others of their mentioning them.
It is, also, observable, that a large portion of the an-
cient towns have, by a later consent, their age of
incorporation beginning when this alteration was
made. Had the manuscript proceedings of the ad-
ministration here, under Governor Endicott, come
down to us, light would dawn upon our search. But
they are gone, and it is feared irrecoverably so. Still,
Hubbard was a neighbor and cotemporary of Conant,
2*
1() INCORPORATION.
and other founders of this community, and he wrote
not unadvisedly on matters of this kind. He informs
us, that Naumkeag was altered to Salem, by a cler-
gyman ^ soon after his coming hither, and circumstan-
ces denote that this divine was Mr. Higginson, more
than another. These considerations, with the fact
that such a change was prior to July 24, lead us to
conclude that it was in the early part of the same
month. Thus examined, the incorporation of Salem
would come in July instead of June, Still, as it has
been so long placed in the latter month, though with-
out any other known authority than the mere fancy
of some individuals under the second charter, it had
better stand, with the 24 substituted by 29.
There is no intention, in what has been said, to set
lightly by the occasion, at the date of which our in-
corporation has been usually placed. No. It was one
full of importance to this infant Commonwealth, and
richly deserved any such commemoration.
.In the preceding observations, we have one of not
a few instances, wherein data have been fancifully
assumed, and thence accounted as the basis of indu-
bitable truth. Though, in some cases, the remark,
"where ignorance is bliss, 'tis folly to be wise," may
hold correctly, yet it does not possess so much force
as to deny the propriety of the foregoing explanation.
INCORPORATION AS A CITY.
Before closing this section, we are called from its
doubt to the certainty of fact. After the continuance
* Probablj be proposed it to the Council, of which he waj a member.
INDIANS. 11
of Salem uearly 210 years, it became incorporated^ as
a City, March 23, 1836. During such a period, it saw-
various changes, experienced many trials, and enjoyed
numerous blessings. Its course of existence, having
been planned and commenced on the noblest princi-
ples of human action, was kept from the baneful irregu-
larities which have marked the way of all commu-
nities, begun and continued in motives of vicious
ambition and debased selfishness. Could the judicious
Conant and his companions, when making this place,
as their retreat from the trials of unsuccessful experi-
ment, have looked down through the prospect of ages
and directed their vision to such a change, under all
its hopeful circumstances, their hecurts would have
risen to heaven in the warmest aspirations of gratitude.
Could they commune with the thousands dwelling on
the foundations of their hands, they would utter the
counsel of wisdom — See to it that you cherish the
deepest sentimenls of dependence on the divine aid,
which has preserved your inheritance. " Except the
Lord keep the • city, the watchman waketh but in
vain."
INDIANS.
Before entering on the full narration of events
which relate to our city, it may be desirable to look at
the natives, who anciently owned its territory. Great
interest has long been taken in searching out the abo-
rigines of various parts in the old world. Many of
the most inviting chapters in American history bear
upon the same subject. This will be increasingly so,
' The leal adopted u the reault of tbb act, U impreiaed on the title
page.
12 INDIANS.
as our country advances in age. It is not then a busy,
barren idleness, to cull the facts which concern the
red men, who formerly planted on the sites of our
towns, ranged over our fields, hunted through our for-
ests, gazed from our mountains, and fished in our
waters. No. There may be intellectual and moral
improvement derived from the relics of a people, once
familiar with our own localities, but long since extinct.
Among the principal Indian nations ^ of New Eng-
land, were the Massachusetts and Pawtuckets. The
former held sway over the tribes of Weechagaskas,
Neponsitt, Punkapoag, Nonantum, Nashaway and some
of Nipmuck. One of their Sagamores, who lived be-
fore the plague,-had Mount WoUaston^ "cleared for
himselfe," and it was called " Massachusetts fields."
The Pawtucket dominion was northwardly from Bos-
ton, and embraced the " Pennakooks, Agawoames,
Naamkeeks, Pascataways, Accomintas," and others.
Before the desolating sickness,^ it could raise 3,000
warriors, but after that only a few hundreds. When
Captain John Smith visited our coast before its settle-
ment by Europeans, he found that the Penobscots"*
were at war with their neighbors, the Tarrentines j
that the former were in alliance with-various tribes,
among whom were those of " Augawoam and Naum-
keek."
While comparing these two places, as they were in
1614, he observes: "Naiemkeek, though it be more
> Gookio in Man. Hiat. Coll., HI<rginion, 1G17 ; Wood's N. E.,
■. 1, V. 1, pp. 147—149. lUlU.
*Wood'a N. E. Prospect, p. 36. * Smith in Mqh. Hist. Coll. •.
'Gookia Myi 1612 and 1G13; 3, v. 3, p. 23. Sinith'a Hutorj' of
Virginia, t. 2, p. 11)3.
SQUAW SACHEM AND SONS. 13
rocky ground, for Augoan is sandy, not much inferi-
our neither for the harbour, nor any thing I could per-
ceive, but the multitude of people." It appears from
this, that Naumkeag had then less inhabitants than
Agawam ; but, as the latter had a large population,
the former may be calculated, from the phraseology,
to have had its hundreds, if not thousands.
Speaking of the allies just named, Captain Smith
observes: "All these, for any thing I could perceive,
differ little in language or any thing, though most of
them be Sagamos and Lords of themselves, yet they
hold the Bashabes of Penobscot, the cheife and great-
est among them."
However, in the years of their strength, the Naum-
keags may have been greatly sought to unite in a
couimon league against the inroads of a powerful foe,
they were so dwindled away by fatal disease, when
our fathers entered upon their soil, they could do little
for turning the scale of victory and conquest to either
side.
Relative to such of them as survived when the
Rev. John Higginson came hither, his testimony^ is of
the subsequent tenor : " To y* best of my remem-
brance when I came ouer with ray father to this place.,
being then about thirteen yeares old, there was in
these parts a widow woman, called squaw Sachem,
who had three sons. Sagamore John, kept at Mistick,
Sagamore James, at Saugust, and Sagamore George,
here at Naumkeke. Whether he was actual Sachem
here, I cannot say, for he was young then about my
age, and I think there was an elder man y' was at
' Essex Coanly Records.
14 TOWN. NANEPASKEMET. FORT.
least his guardiau. But y* Indian towne of Wigwams
was on y* North side of y* North river, not farre from
Simondes and y" both y* North and South side of
that river was together called Naumkeke."
- The squaw here named was the relict* of Nanepa-
shemet, who was. killed about 1619, and left five chil-
dren ; of these were James, Abigail, John, and George.
He was probably slain by the Tarrentines. It is most
lilcely, that the Indian town, from its adjacency to the
river, bearing the name of his nation, was one of his
principal residences. Mourt's Relation states, that the
party from Plymouth in 1621, while ranging through
some of his territory, met with two of his forts.
Wherever these fortifications were located, it is certain
that there was one,^ like them, on Marblehead neck,
near Forest River, remaining in 1658, and called aa
"old Indian fort." - • —
This Sagamore's jurisdiction was more extensive
than generally supposed. By the deposition of John
Devereux,^ the three sons who succeeded him claimed
"all y" lands in these parts, as Salem, Marblehead,
Linn, and as far as Mistick."
For a second husband, the squaw Sachem married **
Wappacowet or Webcowet, a priest. With him she
grants land, 1639-40, lying against Mistick pond, and
reserved by her from Charlestown and Cambridge, to
Jotham Gibbons, son of Edward Gibbons, of Boston,
for benefits of the latter towards them. The land so
given was to be possessed by the former at her decease.
* Lewis' Lynn, p. 16. in 1030, and, in 1G!)4, was nged 80.
• Essex R,egi»try Records. * Drake's Book of Indians, b. IL
'Came from England to Salem p. 4U— •I'J.
SQUAW SACHEM. TOWN. J 5
la the deed ^ of this conveyance, she styles herself
squaw Sachem of Mistick. In 1644, she with several
Sagamores, submits^ to the goverament of the Colony,
and agrees to have the children of her subjects taught
the Bible. If, as has been supposed, she ruled over
some of the Nipmuk Indians, she may have been the
Squaw, who, as they related,^ being blind, died in
consequence of ill treatment from a party of Narragan-
settSj who came, as enemies, in 1667, and robbed their
fort.
Speaking of the questions asked by his Indian hear-
ers, the apostle Eliot says, in 1647, that Webcowet
inquired why the English had not attempted sooner to
make sufficient exertions to evangelize the natives ?
In reference to the town beyond North River, Mr.
Dudley, in his letter^ of 1631, may have intended it
in the following extract: "Neere to Salem dwelleth
two or three families, subject to the Sagamore of Aga-
wam. . This Sagamore hath but few subiects and
they and himself tributory to Sagamore James, hav-
ing beene before the last yeare, in James his minority,
tributory to Shicka Talbott." * If he meant the
Northfield town, he did not think it contained so many
people, as Mr. Higginson's language, more likely than
his to be correct, seems to have signified.
The James just mentioned, was, as before stated,
one of the Squaw Sachem's sons, was named Monto-
wompate, and was Sagamore of Lynn and Marble-
head. When Mr. Dudley wrote, it appears that James
* Mass. Archives, Indian, v. 1, * General Court Records.
p. 1. Pier mnrk was a bow with 'Mass. Archives, Indian, v. I,
an arrow nn its string, and bia, p. 133.
an oblung figure. *To the Countess of Lincoln.
* The aachem of Mass. Indians.
16 SAGAMORES JAMES, JOHN . AND GEOxlGE.
had recenti/ assumed his jurisdiction, and held author-
ity over the Indians of Salem and Ipswich, as tribu-
taries. This chief thus came into possession of part
of his father's territory, formerly under the Sagamore-
ship of Naumkeag. He and most of his people died *
of the small pox in 1633.
His elder brother, John or - Wonohaquahara, and
most of his subjects, died of the like disease, near the
same date. Mr. Maverick buried above thirty of them
in one day. He is spoken of on Charlestown records,
as giving leave for the emigrants from Salem to settle
that place, calling him a chief " of gentle and good
disposition." He " desired to be brought among the
English, and promised, if he recovered, to live with
the English," and serve their God. He left one son,-
which he disposed to Mr. Wilson, the pastor of
Boston, to be brought up by him. He gave to the
Governor a good quantity of Wampompeague, and to
divers others of the English he gave gifts, and took
order for the payment of his own debts, and his men's.
He died in a persuasion that he should go to the Eng-
lishmen's God." His wilP was, that all the wampum
and coats left, should be given to his mother ; and his
land about Powder Horn hill to his son, and in case of
his decease, to his brother George. -
Thus was George left as the only survivor of his
brethren. It is likely that he was the chief men-
tioned by Mr. Eliot, in his letter^ of 1649: *f Linn
Indians are all naught save one, who sometimes com-
eth to heare the word, and telleth me that hee prayeth
> Winlhrop, v. 1, p. 119, 120, 'Mass. Archives, Indian, ?. 1,
mentions this under Dec 5. p. 11).
'Dated Nov. 13, in Mass. Hist. Coll. b. 3, v. 4, p. 88.
SAGAMORE GEORGE. 17
to God, and the reason why they are bad is partly and
principally, because their sachim is naught, and careth
not to pray unto God." If so, he had failed to imi-.
tate the commendable example of his mother and eld-
est brother ; that it was thus, seems to be implied by
subsequent events. The son of John had died before
May 11, 1651, when his uncle George petitioned Gen-
eral Court, that he might possess the land, condition-
ally left him by his brother. The inhabitants of
Chelsea, then Rumney Marsh, argued against his claim ;
said it would disturb the right to their township, and
likewise that to Lynn. By this time, it is evident
that George had attained to all the remaining rule of
the Indians from Naumkeag river to Mystic river ; and
thus supplied the place of his father as to territorial
limits, but not as to the number of his subjects.
Though nothing is left us on record, except the impli-
cation of Mr. Higginson's relation, to show that when
he came of age, he was acknowledged to be Saga-
more of the few Indians about Salem, yet there can
be no reasonable doubt but that such was the fact.
George's Indian name was Winnapurkitt. He was
also called George Rumney Marsh, and No Nose.
For a considerable period, little is known of his
course. But he still held fast his claim to the fee of
all his father's domain. He lived to survive'- the aw-
ful conflict between Philip and New England. .He
appears to have sided with the foes of our fathers.
The testimony ^ of two Christian Indians shows, that
he returned from Barbadocs. No probable reason can
be assigned why he should have been in that foreign
> EsMz County Recorda, in 1686.
3
IQ SAGAMORE GEORGE.
port, unless, like a considerable number of Indian cap-
tives, he was transported to the West Indies, and sold
as-a.slave, for being engaged in the rebellion. On
coming home, he lived and died at the house of his
relative, James Rumney Marsh, of Natick, who had
been, very active and seviceable for the English in
their- struggle with Philip. His decease occurred
1684, when he was 68 years old. George, married ^
loane or Ahawayetsquaine, the daughter of Poquan-
num, or Dark Skin, who lived on Nahant. He left
two daughters,- Cicely Petaghuncksq and Sarah Wut-
taquatinnusk, and three grand-children, David Nonnu-
panohow and Sam Wuttaanoh, both children of his
son Nonnumpannumhow, and John Tontohqunne, the
son of Cicely.
These relatives, in 1686, lived at Chelmsford. He
had other connections, who resided at Natick and else-
where. However Sagamore George died from the
home of his fathers, yet he never surrendered his
claim on their territory, from our North River to Mys-
tick. As one of his dying injunctions, he left all
such country to his worthy kinsman, James Rumney
Marsh, on condition that he would use exertions to
have his fee in it acknowledged and a consideration
for it allowed. A leading characteristic of the Naum-
keag Sachem, thus called to sleep with his ancestors
from the feverish scenes of life, which ho had expe-
rienced in large proportion, was his indomitable pur-
pose. Had he turned this inclination so as to have
had it under Christian, influence, his passage to the
grave would have been less rough, and more accom-
* Lewis's Lynn, p. 18. 'Salem Indian Deed.
NAUMKEAGS. 19
panied with the alleviatious of usefulness. His ex-
pectatioa that a price would be paid to his relatives
for the fee of his Sagamoreship, was not altogether
ideaL The very year of his decease, Marblehead sat-
isfied such a demand for their premises. Two years
afterwards, Salem did the same.
Thus closed all further presentations of demand for
the domain, once populous with the -race of the red
man. Thus terminated the regal sway of a house,
which, if it could speak, or its annals had been writ-
ten and preserved, would probably reveal many chan-
ges of. thrilling interest ; many deeds of state for the
weal or wo of multitudes ; many demonstrations of
policy, approved or condemned by the decisions of
equity. Here is one of the numerous responses of
experience to the truth of a master orator, " Whai
shadows we are, what shadows we pursue."
However the kings of Naumkeag ceased to be elect-
ed and proclaimed as lords of its soil and subjects,
still it continued to be trodden with the feet of wan-
dering natives. Credible tradition relates, that down
to 1725, and subsequently, a company of them paid
an annual visit to Salem, and encamped on a side of
Gallows Hill. It is very likely that some, if not all
of them, were descendants of those who once occu-
pied the territory thus frequented. No doubt, from
the sympathies of human nature, these pilgrims walked
among the sepulchres, stood upon the houseless sites,
gazed on the mementoes, mused on the changes, re-
peated the traditions, and dwelt on the exploits of
their departed ancestors. So occupied, the heaving
sigh, the falling tear, the expressive countenance, told
20 INDIAN TOWN.
the deep workings of their soul, and its mysteriotia
imagery, which portrayed the fancied glory of the
past in contrast with the melancholy present and the
hopeless future. When returning to the homes of
their adoption, though unskilled in the harp, and it
hung not on the willow, still the grief of Israel was
theirs, and they had little heart to join in the songs of
a strange land. With regard to the Indian Town in
North Fields, there is evidence that many of its in-
habitants were buried in the vicinity of its location,
from the quantity of human bones thrown up, as the
earth there has been disturbed by the operations of
improvement.
In a former account ^ of Salem it is observed : " The
natives had forsaken the spot before the English
reached it. On the soil they found no natives of
whom we have any record. No natives ever claimed
it, and the possession was uninterrupted." This pas-
sage contains a mistake. It is noticed not with a
spirit of pretended infallibility, for in nothing more
will the searcher for any truth find such a spirit se-
verely rebuked, than in his own hability to err. It is
adduced to show that, notwithstanding highly respect-
ed authority to the contrary, the evidence already pre-
sented substantiates the position, that there was a
remnant of the Naumkeags still lingering around this
settlement when first occupied by our fathers.
Relative to the composition of the Indian claim for
the territory of Salem in 1686, it seems to denote that
this matter was not virtually cancelled before. But
there are various facts which exhibit a diflferent view.
* Mass. Hist. Coll., s. I, r. G.
UiDIAN CLAIM. 21
William Dixy,^ who landed here in 1629, testified,
" "When we came to dwell heare, the Indians bid vs
welcome, and shewed themselues very glad that we
came to dwell among them, and I vnderstand they
had kindly entertained the English y' came hether
before wee came, and the English and the Indians had
a feild in common, fenced in together, and the Indians
fled to shelter themselves vnder the English oft times,
saying they were afraid of theire enemy Indians in
the contry : in particular, I remember sometime after
we arrived, the Agawam Indians complained to IMr.
Endecott, tliat they weare afraid of other Indians,
called, as I take it, Tarrateens; — Hugh Browne was
sent with others in a boate to Agawam for the In<
dians' releife, and, at other times, wee gaue our neigh-
bour Indians protection from their enemy Indians."
To the same import was the evidence of Humphrey
"Woodbury,^ who came with DLxy. After stating that
the Naumkeags welcomed them and fled to them for
protection against the Tarrantines, he remarks, " Wee
had theire free leaue to build and plant where we
haue taken up lauds."
Of a like signification is the following passage from
the Planters' Plea,^ of 1630 ; "In times past the Tar-
entines (who dwell from those of Mattachusetts bay,
neere which our men are seated, about fifty or sixty
leagues to the North-East,) inhabiting a soile unfit to
produce that countrey graine, being the more hardy
people, were accustomed yearely, at harvest, to come
down in their canoes, and reape their fields, and carry
>Eitez Coonty Recordi. He 'His age was 72, in 1680-1.
wu aced 73, ia 1680-1 . > Page 27.
3*
22 INDIAN CLAIM.
away their come, and destroy their people, which
wonderfully weakened and kept them low in times
past From this evill our neighbourhood hath wholy
freed them, and consequently secured their persons
and estates, which makes the natives there so glad of
our company"
From writers of that period it was a general im-
pression that no objection should be arrayed against
the right of our ancestors' occupying this settlement,
because the natives did not merely consent, but were
even glad to have them do so, as the great means of
preventing their own extermination. In the minds of
Indians, situated as they were, there could have been
no other thoughts than that it was much for their ben-
efit to exchange land which they could not improve,
for a protection which enabled them to use the abun-
dant surplus with feelings of security.
Besides, in two letters from the Company's Court,
in London, to Governor Endicott, they were particu-
lar in desiring him to satisfy every just claim of the
^ natives, made to the territory of Naumkeag. From
his known promptitude and high sense of equity,
there can be no rational doubt but that he fulfilled
every iota of such instructions.
Such legislative care continued in various modes
and instances. At a session of General Court, Oct.
19, 1652, there were several enactments ^ concerning
Indian titles to land. " That what lands any of the
Indeans, within this jurisdiccon, have by possession or
improvement," shall be theirs. That whenever qual-
ified and disposed to live among the English, the In-
* Colony Records, r. 4, p. 96-7.
INDIAN CLAIM. ^3
dians shall have grants of land, or, to be incorporated
by themselves, they shall be allowed townships, and
participate in all civil rights, as the English do.
While security is thus rendered to the natives, it is
not withheld from the Colonists. " It is enacted, that
all the tract of land within this jurisdiccon, whether
already graunted to any English plantaccon or persons,
or to be graunted by this Courte, not being vnder the
qualification of right to the Indeans, is and shall be
accompted the just right of such English, as haue or
hereafter shall haue grant of lands from this Courte
and the authorietye thereof from that of Gennesis 1,
28, and the invitacon of the Indeans." These pro-
visions approve themselves to every candid mind.
They give no indication of a wish to lose sight of
rectitude in the application of power. They repeat
the argument of Indian presentation, as though it
were "known and read of all men."
The subsequent demand of George, the Naumkeag
Sachem, may have been based on some incident of
this kind ; that, being a minor when the affair was
compromised with his guardian, it did not receive his
mental consent, and, therefore, he would not hold to
it as valid. The numerous instances of thus taking
fidvantage of occasions, even among highly civilized
communities, indicates that such policy in the Saga-
more was no strange event in the circle of human
conduct.
There is one fact which bears on this point. Ips-
wich was bought by John Winthrop, Jr., in 1638, of
Masconnomet, for £20. In 1701, Topsfield paid £3
to one of this Sagamore's heirs, for the part originally
included in the very same purchase of Mr. Winthrop.
24 INDIAN CLAIM.
This shows, that a demand's being brought against
Salem for its territory by descendants of its former
Sachem, does not decide but that every such claim
was, at first, considered by both parties as settled.
Our position is further confirmed by the worthy
Higginson, whose word, at any time, was as good as
a bond. In a conversation ^ of his with Sir Edmund
Andros and friends, he made the ensuing remarks :
"I did certainly know that from the beginning of
these plantations, our fathers entered upon tbe land,
partly as a wilderness and Vacuum Domicilium, and
partly by the consent of the Indians, and therefore
care was taken to treat with them, and to gain their
consent, giving them such a valuable consideration as
was to. their satisfaction; and this I told them I had
the more certain knowledge of, because having learned
the Indian language in my younger time, I was at sev-
eral times made use of by the government, and by
divers particular plantations, as an interpreter in treat-
ing' with the Indians about their lands, which being
done and agreed on, the several townships and propor-
tions of lands of particular men were ordered and set-
tled by the government of the country."
By such evidence, the question whether the Naum-
keags had full satisfaction for the soil of our city —
even before the deed — is, as we believe, settled in the
afiirmative. Still, even aside from the political mo-
tives, which then urged the measure, it was well to
deal kindly with the descendants of the chiefs, who
were once able to maintain their authority over the
soil, from our own North River to the Mystic, and
' Revolution ia N. E. justified, p. 19.
DESCRIPTION OF THE NAUMKEAGS AND OTHERS. 25
thus obtain a quitclaim from them so as to silence all
subsequent demands.
Before bidding adieu to a subject which is one of
the shades that " more sweetly recommends the light "
of historic lore, we will view a description^ of the
Naumlceags and their neighboring tribes, from the elo-
quent pen of our patriarch Higginson. " For their
governors, they have kings, which they call Sagga-
mores, some greater and some lesser, according to the
number of their subjects. The greater Saggamores
about us cannot make above three hundred men, and
other lesse Saggamores have not above fifteen subjects,
and others neere about us but- two. Their subjects,
above twelve years since,^ were swept away by a
great and grevious plague, that was amongst them, so
that their are verie few left to inhabite the country.
The Indians are not able to make use of the one
fourth part of the land, neither have they any settled
places, as townes to dwell in, nor any ground as they
challenge for their own possession, but change their
habitation from place to place.
" For their statures, they are a tall and strong limmed
people, their colours are tawney, they goe naked, save
onely they are in part covered with beasts' skins on
one of their shoulders, and weare something before
their privities ; their haire is generally blacke, and cut
before, like our gentele women, and one locke longer
than the rest, much like to our gentelmen, which
fashion, I thinke, came from hence into England.
" For their weapons, they have bowes and arrowes,
» Maai. Hist. Coll. •. 1, y. 1, pp. • 1617. Other authorities speak
122, 123. of like pestilence at dates different
from this.
Us DESCRIPTION OF THE NAUMKEAGS.
some of them headed with bone, and some' with
brasse. I have sent you some of them for an exam-
ple.
*.* The men, for the most, live idely ; they do nothing
but hunt and fish. Their wives set their come and
do all their other work. They have little houshold
stuffe, as a kettle and some other vessels, like trayes,
spoones, dishes, and baskets. Their houses are very
little and homely, being made with small poles, prick-
ed into the ground, and so bended and fastened at the
tops and on the sides, they are matted with boughs
and covered on the roof with sedge and old mats; and
for their beds that they take their rest on, they have
a mat.
" They doe generally professe to like well of our com-
ing and planting here ; partly because there is abun-
dance of ground, that they cannot possesse nor make
use of, and partly because our being here will bee a
meanes both of relief to them when they want, and,
also, a defence from their enemies, wherewith (I say)
before this plantation began, they were often indan-
gered.
" For their religion, they do worship two Gods, a
good and an evil God. The good God they call Tan-
tum, and their evil God, whom they fear will doe
them hurt, they call Squantum.
" For their dealing with us, we neither fear them nor
trust them, for fourtie of our musketeeres will drive
five hundred of them out of the field. We use them
kindly ; they will come into our houses sometimes by
half a dozen or half a score at a time, when we are
at victuals, but will ask or take nothing but what we
give them.
INDIAN DEED. 37
«
"We purpose to learn their language as soon as vre
can, which will be a means to do them good."
In connection with so comprehensive a view of the
aborigines, Mr. Higginson states that, in their business
concerns, they sold beaver to the English for corn.
But we are admonished, after so long a converse with
the original occupants of our soil, that we should take
our leave of them. Note the bright streak, curved on
the sky before the break of dawn. Once it was full
orbed. Now rapidly fading away. Fit emblem of
the Naumkeags, when first seen by the Pilgrims.
They were fast in the wane. As a nation, they
speedily disappeared. But that extinguished curve is
to be re-illumined. Not so with them. Their only
place of action is eternity. There they move amid
the fixed laws of the moral universe. There we
shall shortly behold them. That the sight may be
blessed, we must improve the lesson of their adver-
sity, so as to prosper in the attainments of spiritual
elevation.
INDIAN DEED.
From circumstances of the period, it is evident that
there was one particular reason among others, why
the succeeding document was obtained. It was the
purpose of James II. to enforce his claim for the terri-
tory of our Province, on the plea that the Charter by
which it had been held, was already forfeited. In
connection with an argument of this kind, our ances-
tors well knew that diplomatic practice would call up
every incidental query which could strengthen the
regal pretension. They were aware, that however
satisfaction had been rendered to the natives, at first,
og INDIAN DEED.
for their right to the soil, yet, in all cases, wherein no
written evidence of it could be adduced, there would
be an attempt, by agents of the crown, to play off
such an omission against the rightful proprietors.
Hence the need of Salem and other like corporations,
to procure formal conveyances of their lands, as a
safeguard against the encroachments of the Usurpa-
tion.
33eetr.
To all people to whom this present deed of sale shall come.
David Nonnuphanohow, Sum Wuttaannoh and John Tontch-
qunne, Cicely's son, grandchildren of George Sagamore, Cicely
Petagbuncksq, Sarah Wuttaquatinnusk, both daughters of
George Sagamore aforesaid, Thomas Vkqueakussennum, alias
Capt. Tom, all of Waymessick, alias Chelmsford, in y* County
of Middlesex, within His Majesties territory and dominion of
New England in America. James Quanophkowuatt, alias
James Rumuey Marsh, Israeli Quanophkownatt, son of said
James, Joanna Quanophkownatt, relict, widow of old John
Quanophkownatt, Yawataw, relict, widow of John Oonsumog,
Wuttawtinnusk, wife of Peter Ephraim, all of Natick, in
y* county Middlesex within His Majesties Territory and Do-
minion of New England in America aforesaid, send greeting.
Know ye, that we, y' above said, David Nonnuphanohow, Sam
Wuttaanoh, Jn"Tontohqunne, Cicely's son, Cicely Petagbuncksq,
Sarah Wuttaquatinnusk, Thomas Vkqueakussennum, alias Capt
Tom, James Quanophkownatt, alias James Rumney Marsh,
Israeli Quanopbkownatt, Joane Quanophkownatt, Yawataw,
Wattawtinnusk, for and in consideration of y* full and just
summe of twenty pounds, currant money of New England, to
them in hand at and before y* ensealing and delivery of these
presents, — By Jn" Ruck, Jn" Higginson, Samuel Gardner, Tim-
othy Lindall, William Hirst, Israel Porter, Selectmen and Trus-
tees for the town of Salem, in y* county of Essex, within His
Majesties territory and dominion of New England, in America,
well and truely paid the receipt whereof, they do hereby ac-
knowledge, and themselves tbei'ewitb to be fully satisfied and
INDIAN DEED. 29
contented, and thereof and of every part thereof, doe hereby
acquitt, exonerate and discharge y* said Jn" Ruck, Jn' Higgin-
son, Samuel Gardner, Timothy Lindall, William Hirst and
Israel Porter, as truatees— above said, their heirs, executors and
administrators, as also all y* rest of y* Purchasers and Proprie-
tors of said township of Salem, and each and every of them
for ever by these presents, have given, granted, bargained, sold,
aliened, enfeoffed, and confirmed, and by these present:^ doe
fully, freely, clearly, and absolutely, giue, grant, bargain, sell,
aliene, enfeofie, and confirme unto them, y* said Jn<» Ruck, Jn<>
Higginson, Samuel Gardner, Timothy Lindall, William Hirst
and Israel Porter, as trustees abovesaid, and to their Heirs and
Assignes, for ever, to and for y* sole use, benefitt and behoof of
the Proprietors in and purchasers of y" township of Salem
aforesaid — All y* said township of Salem, viz. all that tract and
parcell of Land lying to y* westward of Neumkeage river,
alias Bass river, whereupon y* town of Salem is built, so pro-
ceeding along to y* head of Neumkeage river, called by y* Eng-
lish, Bass river, so comprehending all y^ land belonging to the
township of Salem, according as it is butted and bounded with,
and upon y* towns of Beverly, Wen ham, Topsfield, Redding,
Lynne and Marblehead, down to y* sea, which said land is a
part of what belonged to the ancestors of y* granters and is
their proper inheritance ; or howsoever y* said township or any
part or parcell thereof is butted and bounded or reputed to be
bounded, together with all houses, edifices, buildings, lands,
yards, orchards, gardens, meadows, marshes, feedings, grounds,
rocks, stones, beach, flatts, pastures, fences, commons, commons
of pasture, woods, underwoods, swamps^ waters, watercourses,
dams, ponds, head wares, fishings, fowlings, wayes, easements,
profitts, priviledges, rights, commodityes, emoluments, royal-
tyes, hereditaments, and appurtenances whatsoever — As also
all mines, mettalls, minerails, with all islands, and priviledges
of Neumkeage river, alias Bass river, which the ancestors of
said Granters heretofore rightfully possessed with all and singu-
lar their appurtenances — to y* said township of Salem and other
y* premises, belonging or in any wise appertaining or therewith
now used, occupied, or injoyed as part, parcell or member
4
30 INDIAN DEED.
thereof, and also all rents, arrearages of rents, quitt rents,
rights of all things abore named, as also all rivers, creeks, coves
'whatsoeuer, with all their priviledges and appurtenances (noth-
ing excepted or reserved) and also all deeds, writings and evi-
dences whatsoeuer, touching and concerning y* premises, or
any imrt or parcell thereof — To have and to hold all y* said
township of Salem, butted and bounded as obovesaid, with all
other the above granted premises, with their and every of their
rights, members and appurtenances, and every part and parcell
thereof hereby granted, bargaiued and sold, or meant, men-
tioned or intended to be hereby granted and sold unto y* said
Ja<* Ruck, Jn" Higginson, Samuel Garduer, Timothy Lindall,
William Hirst, and Israel Porter, as trustees above said, and to
their heirs and assignes for ever, to and for y* sole vse, bcnefitt
and behoof of y* proprietors in and purchasers of y* said town-
ship of Salem — And y* said David Nonnuphanohow, Sam
Wuttoanoh, Jn' Tontohqunne, Cicely Petaghuncksq, Surah
Wuttaquatinnusk, Thomas Vsqueakussennum, alias Capt Tom,
James Quaoopbkownat, alias James Rumney Marsh, Israeli
Quanophkownatt, Joane Quanophkownatt, Yawataw, Wattaw-
tlnnusk, for themselves, their heirs, executors, administrators,
joyntly, severally and respectively, do hereby covenant, promise
and grant to and with y* said Jn" Ruck, Ju" Higginson, Sam-
uel Gardner, Timothy Lindall, William Hirst and Israel Porter,
as trustees above said, their heirs and assignes on behalf of y*
proprietors and purchasers of y* said town of Salem in manner
and form following, (that is to say,) that at y* time of this pres-
ent bargaiue and sale, and untill y* ensealing and delivery of
these presents, they aiid their ancestors were y* true, sole and
lawfull owners of all y* afore bargained premises, and were
lawfully seized of and in y* same, and every part thereof in
their own proper right, and haue in themselves full power, good
right, and lawfull authority to grant, sell, conveigh and assure
y* same unto y* said Jn« Ruck, Jn" Higginson, Samuel Gard-
ner, Timothy Lindall, William Hirst and Israel Porter, as trus-
tees abovesaid, their heirs and assignes for y* vse abovesaid,
as a good, perfect, and absolute estate of Inheritance in fee
simple, without any manner of condition, reversion, or limita-
INDIAN DEED. -31
tion, whatsoever, so as to alter, change, defeat, or make void
y* same, and y' y* said Jn" Ruck, Jn" Higginson, Samuel
Gardner, Timothy Lindall, William Hirst and Israel Porter, as
trustees abovesaid, their heirs and assignes, for y* use and bene-
fitt of the purchasers and proprietors of y* aforesaid township
of Salem, shall and may by force and virtue of these presents,
from time to time, and at all times for ever hereafter, lawfully,
peacably and quietly have, hold, use, occupy, possess and injoy
y« above granted premises, with their appurtenances and every
part and parcell thereof, free and clear, and clearly acquitted
and discharged of and from all ond all manner of former and
other gifts, grants, bargains, sales, leases, mortgages, joyntures,
dowera, judgements, executions, forfeitures, and of and from all
other titles, troubles, charges, and incumbrances whatsoever,
had made, committed, done, or suffered to be done by y* said
David Nonnuphanohow, Sam Wuttaanoh, Ju" Tontohqunne,
Cicely Petaghuncksq, Sarah Wuttaquatinnusk, Thomas Vsque-
akussennum, alias CapL Tom, James Quanophkownat, alias
James Rumney Marsh, Israeli Quanophkownat, Joane Quanoph-
kownatt, Yawataw, VVattautinnusk, or either, or any of them,
their or fiirher or nny of their heirs or nssignes, or by their or
either or any of their ancestors, at any time or times before
y* ensealing hereof — And farther, that y* said David Nonnu-
phanohow, Sam Wuttaanoh, Jn» Tontohqunnc, Cicely Petag-
huncksq, Sarah Wuttaquatinnusk, Thomas Vsqueakussennum,
alios Capt. Tom, James Quanophkownatt, alias James Rumney
Marsh, Israel Quanaphkownatt, Joane Quanophkownatt, Yaw-
ataw, Wattawtinnusk, their heirs, executors and administrators,
joyntly and severally, shall and will from time, and at all times
for ever hereafter, warrant and defend y* above granted prem-
ises, with their appurtenances and every part and parcell thereof
unto y* said Jn* Ruck, Jn' Higginson, Samuel Gardner, Timo-
thy Lindall, William Hirst, Israeli Porter, trustees as above
said, and to their heirs and assignes for ever, to and for y* sole
vse and beneiitt of y* proprietors and purchasers in and of
y* said township of Salem, against all and every person and
persons whatsoever any wayes lawfully claiming or demanding
y* same or any part parcell thereof— And lastly, that they y* suid
David Nonnuphanohow, Sam Wuttaanoh, Jn" Tontohqunne,
32 INDIAN DEED.
Cicelf PetaghuDcksq, Sarnh Wuttaquatinousk, Thomas Vsquc"
akussennura, alias Capt. Tom, James QuanopLkownatt, ulias
James Rumoey Marsh, Israeli Quanophkownatt, Joune Quan-
ophkownatt, Yawataw, Wattawtlnousk, or either or any of
them, their or any of their heirs, executors or administrutors,
shall and will from time to time and at ail times hereafter when
thereunto required at y* coat and charges of y* said Jn" Ruck,
Jn" Higginson, Samuel Gardner, Timothy Lindall, William
Hirst and Israel Porter, their heirs or assignes, or y* purchasers
and proprietors of y« said township of Salem, do, make, ac-
knowledge, execute, and atiffur all and every such farther net
and acts, thing and things, assurances and conveighances iu
y* law whatsoever for y" further and better surety and sure-
making of y* abovesaid township of Salem, with y* rights,
hereditaments and appurtenances above, by these presents,
mentioned to be bargained aud sold vnto y* said Jn<> Ruck,
Jn' Higginson, Samuel Gardner, Timothy Lindall^ William
Hirst and Israel Porter, trustees as abovesaid, and to their heirs
and assignes for y* vse aforesaid, as by y* said Jn" Ruck, Jn'
Higginson, Samuel Gardner, Timothy Lindall, William Hirst
and Israel Porter, trustees as above wiid, their heii-a or as-
signes or said proprietors, or by their counsel!, learned in
y* law, shall be reasonably devised, advised or required. In
witness whereof, the said David Nonnuphonohow, Sam Wut-
taanoh, John Tontohqunne, Cicely Petaghuncksq, Sarah Wut-
taquatinnusk, Thomas Vkqueakussennum, alias Capt. Tom,
James Quanopbkownatt, alias James Rumney Marsh, Israel
Quanophkownatt, Joane Quanophkownatt, Yawataw, Wattaw-
tinnusk, have hereunto set their hands and seals, the eleventh
day of October, anno domini, one thousand six hundred eighty
and six, annoque regni regis Jacob! II. Anglite, Scotite, Francice
et Hybemise, fidei defensoris secundo :
Tb« mirk of Tho rearka of The mark of Tho mark of
David J^\^ ^*"" / "'°'"* f^ ^'"'' V t ^^
Noanapbanohow. Wuttaaoooh. Toatobquooa. PeUghuacksq.
The mark of
Thomaj
INDIAN DEED.
Tho mmrk i of
33
Tho nurk of
0 '"" 4 <^ r^^ """X
yiqaekkuM«aniMD, Quuiopbkoxraat,
alia* Cape Tom. alioa llumoey Manh.
QaanophkownaL
Tba mark of
Thfl mark of
Tba mark of
Joan*
<^ O vi
QaanophkownaC
Yawataw.
Wattawtiaauik.
Sifoed, sealed and delivered by David Nonnupbaaohow,
Cicely Peiagbaocksq, Tboauis Vsqueakusseonuro, alias
CapU Tom, James QuaDopbkownat, alias Rumney Marsb,
Lraell Quanophkawnat, Joane Quaoopbkownai, Yawataw,
Wattawtiouusk, as ibeir act and deed ia y presence of
us, aAer y same was read to ibem :
ANDREW ELLIOTT, senior,
THOaiAS WEST,
JOHN HILL, senior,
SAMUEL HARDIE,
WILLIAM WOODBERY.
This iTutrument was acknowledged by David JS'onnxtphanohow, Cicely
PetaghuruJuq, Thomas Vsqueakussennum, alias Captain Tom, James
Quanophkoxonat, alias Rumney Marsh, Israel QuaTiophkoxonat, Joana
QuanophkoteTiat, Yaieataw, Wattawtinnusk to he their act and deed, Uns
eleventh day of October, 1G86, before me, Bartholomew Gednty, one of
his Majesties eouneHlfor his territory and dominions of JS'ew England
in ATneriea.*
* It is 10 on the deed, but James
evidently wrote his name. There
is want of uniformity in the or-
thography oflhe original deed, par-
ticularly as to the Indian names.
* Though Sam Wuttaanoh sign-
ed this deed, he is not named
among those who acknowledged
the signing of it before ii. Ged-
4*
ney. In the deed, all the Indiaa
signatures are on one horizontal
line. In comparing the copy of
this document with that in the
Mass. Hist. Coll. a. 1, v. 6, vari-
ous discrepancies will appear. But
great pains have been used to have
the former of these two correct.
34 SETTLEMENT — CAUSES.
SETTLEMENT.
Before we give our attention to particulars, it may
be well to look at the general causes which gave rise
to this community.
Prior to the elevation of Bishop Abbot in 1610,
some of his predecessors in office had turned the tor-
rent of their influence against the Puritan conformists
as well as the separatists from Episcopacy. But he
suppressed such treatment towards the former denom-
ination, because they were more exemplary than other
members of the national church. He continued to
exercise this leniency till his ejection by Charles L, in
1627. Then Laud was promoted by royal favor. He
was a strenuous advocate for the tenets of Arminius,
and a powerful opposer of the Puritans whether in or
out of the established pale. Through the exertions
of him and his supporters, the condition of such
Christians became exceedingly oppressive. They
prayed, hoped, and looked for brighter days ; but the
prospect gathered darkness. They were reduced to
the hard necessity of either relinquishing conscien-
tious worship, or be subjected to continual disquietude
in person and estate, or else expatriate themselves for
rest in some foreign clime.
So situated, the leading promoters of a settlement
here felt themselves obligated to prepare it as a refuge
for all of kindred faith and practice, who chose to
escape hither. Those of them and others, who first
emigrated to our shores, had been brought up in the
Episcopal order ; nor did the most of them secede
firom it till after their arrival."
^ WORTHY ORIGIN. 35
Hence, we perceive, that a purpose to be free from
the sufferings of persecution and to enjoy an undis-
turbed attendance on sanctujfry duties, led our ances-
tors to forsake the endearments of native home, and
to adopt this soil, fraught with perils and afflictions,
as the abode of themselves and their descendants.
While such was the leading motive, they connected
another with it of like exalted nature. This was to
endow the aborigines around them with the teachings
of Revelation, so that they too might be brought
under its elevating, improving and saving efficacy.
Hence we discern that few communities can claim
a nobler origin, as to the motives and character of
their founders, than our own city. Her commence-
ment w£is not in giving free scope to the baser pas-
sions of man, but in bringing them under dutiful
subjection, and overcoming them by those of loftier
aims and more blessed tendencies. It was to spread
the best influences of education, as conducted and
controlled by the gospel, and thus to lay the broad
basis of philanthropy, liberty and religion. Let other
codes of morals, other nomenclatures of opinion, cast
reproach on such a beginning. But what can they
avail ? They are nothing more than the figments of
diseased fancy ; than the offspring of perverted con-
science. They are doomed to degradation. What-
ever may be laid to her charge, Naumkeag, compara-
tively viewed, has no cause to blush at her infancy,
childhood, youth and maturity. So far as she has
departed from the righteous policy of her ancestors,
may she return and sit undismayed and unharmed
under the branches which were nurtured by their
36 PREPARATORY STEPS.
toils, and are still verdant and fruitful through the
genial influence of their principles and examples.
By the term settlement, it is intended to embrace
various occurrences which relate to Salem, from
its beginning until the removal of the government,
under Mr. Winthrop, to Charlestown.
Salem was indebted, for its first settlement, to the
failure of a planting, fishing and trading enterprise at
Cape Anne.^ For this place,^ the company in Eng-
land, for New Plymouth, had obtained a charter, by
the date of January 24, 1624, as a fit location for
profitable business. From them leave ^ appears to
have been soon given to merchants in the west of
England, who had traded in and about the same terri-
tory for several years, to employ emigrants there for
purposes of gain. These merchants "* and others, raised
a stock of more than £3,000, as an earnest of some-
thing to be done in this quarter. In such an undertak-
ing, they were zealously and efficiently prompted by the
Rev. John White ^ of Dorchester. His eagagedness,
in this matter, arose chiefly froiii his benevolent desire
to secure a retreat for his countrymen, who, while
still adhering to the government of the national
church, could not approve of what they deemed its
* Hubbard's N. E. p. 105, sajs, the Patriarch of Dorchester, where
that Tragabizandi, a name girea he was for many years minister,
by Capt. John Smith, was ez- and wbeie he showed an excellent
changed by Capt Mason for Cape faculty in the clear and solid in-
Anne, ia honor of the consort of terpretalion of the Holy Scrip-
Jamea I. tures. He was a man of great
* Hubbard's N. E. 105. gravity, presence and influence,
' Smith quoted by Prince, 151. in his party, for several years, and
* Planters' Plea, 68-9. one of the Assembly of Divines,
* Echard's History of England, where he proved himself one of
p. 653 " Mr. John White, a fa- the most learned and moderate
moua Puritan divine, usually called amongst them."
PREPARATORY STEPS. 37
faults, and were consequently subject to severe trials.
He ^ had learned that individuals of the Plymouth
plantation were gone thence with their families and
resided at Nantasket.
The occasion of such a separation was their siding
with the Rev. Jno. Lyford,^ who was ordered to quit
the former settlement, chiefly for endeavoring to pro-
mote Episcopacy among its inhabitants.
Of those thus seceded, Roger Conant was chosen.
Governor, and also to take charge of the planting and
fishing instead of others ; John Oldham, of the Indian
trade,, which he declined; and Mr. Lyford, of the
ministry, — at the Cape. For a choice of this kind Mr.
White appears to have been favorable, but especially
as to. Mr. Conant.
Governor Bradford relates,^ that such was the con-
cern which the proprietors of his plantation, who
were at home, had in this election, that it was one
occasion of dissolving their body and inducing two
thirds of them to forsake him and his friends, under
heavy responsibilities. The party"* so withdrawing,
had been disaffected more than two years with the
people of New Plymouth. They had approved of
Mr. Lyford's measures while he was in that colony.
They evidently resolved to sustain him and his adher-
ents at the Cape, and hoped to succeed here though
they had failed there. But they were soon to be dis-
appointed.
In about a year from the going of Mr. Conant to
> Hubbard, 92, 93, 102, lOG, 107. cnpal cliurch, the most of ihe peo-
•" Master Layford vvati, at the pie there ejected him. New Lng-
merchanu' chardje, sent to Pli- lidh Canaan.
moutJi Plantation to be their pas- ' Prince, 154.
tor." But as he refubcd to ijive * Prince, 155; Hubbard, 93.
up bis conformity with tJie Epis*
38 NAUMKEAG- OCCUPIED.
that place, and two and a half years ^ from its being
occupied, it was relinquished by its proprietors as the
place of a disastrous speculation. Nearly all the capi-
tal, previously mentioned, was sunk before the settle-
ment was abandoned.
1626. The people ^ collected at Cape Ann, were of
divers sentiments and from various places. The land
raen,^ except a few of good character, embarked for
home. Others, from the west of England, resorted to
Naumkeag. Such an event seems to have taken
place early in the fall.
The location,"* so chosen, had been previously re-
garded by Mr. Conant as a suitable refuge for such
as desired to escape from religious intolerance. He
had acccn-dingly written of it to his friends in Eng-
land,
Among the settlers of this place, besides himself,
•were Mr. Lyford, John Woodbury, John Balch, Peter
Palfrey, Richard Norman^ and son, William Allen
and Walter Knight.
In the mean while, Mr. White, " being grieved in
his spirit " for the relinquishment of the Cape, wrote ^
and urged Mr. Conant and his lay-associates, not to
forsake Naumkeag. He encouraged them to expect a
patent for their greater protection, additional emi-
grant, supplies for their own wants, and for trade
with the natives. They returned him answer, that
they would comply with his proposals. The most of
them, however, became discontented with their new
abode. The dread of Indian hostilities and present
» Planler'i Plea, 73, ♦ Prince, 157.
* Gorges Description of New * Deposition of Richard Brack*
England, 28. enbury.
» i'lantera' Plea, 73. • Hubbard, 107.
CONANT'S STATEMENT. 39
necessities, seriously affected them. Besides, they
had an invitation to accompsmy their pastor to Vir-
ginia. Being partakers of his trials and strongly
attached to him, several expressed a wish to go with
him. But through reasoning and persuasion they
were induced to continue.
On this subject let Mr. Conant speak bis own lan-
guage : ^ " Being one of the first, if not the very first,
that resolved and made good any settlement, under
God, in matter of plantation, with my family, in this
Colony of Massachusetts Bay, and haue been instru-
mental both for the founding and carrying on of the
same. When in the infancy thereof, it was in great
hassard of being deserted. I was a meanes, through
grace assisting me, to stop the fiight of those few
that then were heere with me, and that, by my vtter
deniall to goe away with them who would haue gone
either for England or mostly for Virginia, but there-
upon stayed to the hassard of our lives." He adds,
that the first house of the settlement was his. Thus
successful in preventing the desertion of Naumkeag,
Mr. Conant and his companions were left by their
minister, who went to Virginia, where he soon died.
The plantation, so formed, received increasing
attention * and sympathy at home. Others were there
besides Mr. White and his friends, who earnestly
seconded his views, purposes and exertions.
1627. With reference to the patrons thus rising
up. Governor Dudley wrote to the Countess of Lin-
coln : " About the year 1627, some friends, being
together in Lincolnshire, fell into discourse about New
* Mate. ArchiYet, Towns, yol i. * Hubbard's New EngUnd, p.
pane 217. 108.
40 CHARTER.
Eagland and the planting of the gospel there ; and
after some deliberation, we imparted our reasons by
letters and messengers to some in London and the
west country, where it was likewise deliberately
thought upon, and at length, with often negotiations,
so ripened, as to have proposals made for a charter."
While light was thus dawning on the strangers of
Naumkeag, they thought it well for one of their num-
ber ^ to cross the ocean and explain their condition to
those interested in their prosperity. For this ofSce,
they selected John "Woodbury. He went and gave
the information, sought and needed by proper inquir-
ers. His visit to the relations and scenes of his
nativity, being for six months, extended to the former
part of the succeeding year.
1628. Mr. White and his coadjutors made applica-
tion for State license, privilege and protection. They
obtained a grant from the council for New England.
This body, by a written document of March 19, 1628,
new style, conveyed the soil, then denominated Mas-
sachusetts Bay, to Sir Henry lies well, Sir John
Young, Knights, Thomas Southcoat, John Hum-
phrey, John Endicott^ and Simon Whetcombe, gen-
tlemen.
These grantees were from and about Dorchester.
The bounds of their colony, so granted, were " be-
tween three miles to the northward of Merrimack
river and three miles to the southward of Charles
river, and in length, within the described breadth,
from the Atlantic ocean to the South Sea." As well
* Hamphrej Woodbury'a depo< spelt liis sarname with an e in the
aition. becond syllable instead of an t.
' GoTernor Endicott invariabl/
ACCESSION OF FRIENDS TO THE COLONY. 41
known, these limits were so indefinite, as to become
the source of much subscqnent litigation and cost, on
the several frontiers.
An interest ^ in the plantation, so tolerated by the
sovereign, spread in various parts of his kingdom. It
was regarded as the final resort of Christians, not yet
departed from the jiale of the national ciiurch, but
who were grieved for its lack of purity, and oppressed
for non-compliance with its abuses. Mr. White, still
acting on his beneficent rule for providing good for
others, though not permitted to share in it himself,
introduced the patentees to other persons of and about
London, who possessed respcctabihty, property and
piety.- He was well aware that to attempt great and
durable things in a wilderness, without such builders,
w£is indeed a Babel-like enterprise. Among the recent
supporters of the colony, were Messrs. Winthrop,
Saltonstall, Johnson, Dudley, Cradcck and Goffe.
Soon after so hopeful a junction of kindred sym-
pathies, purposes and motives, Matthew Cradcck was
chosen Governor, Thomas Gotte, Deputy Governor,
and others, Assistants.
While the prospect'' of the colonists was becoming
brighter in their native land, it was not without its
clouds in their immediate view. Like the rest of
well disposed settlers, from Piscataqua to Plymouth,
they were much alarmed by the course of Thomas
Morton at Mount Wollaston. He and his associates,
sold arms and ammunition to the Indians, indulged
themselves in dissipation, and otherwise imperiled
> Hiil.hard's N. E , 108, 100. clmselH Historical Colleclion.I s.
' BraUlbrd'd lullcra in Maasa> 3 v. li:^, 3, 4, U.
5
42 EWDICOTT CHOSEN GOVERNOR.
the peace and welfare of New England. The prin-
cipal men of the places within the range men-
tioned, requested Plymouth to send an armed force
and apprehend Morton. Thi.s was done. The cost
of the enterprise was £12 7' of which Naiimkeag
was assessed £1 10». The chief persons of these
plantations wrote to his Majesty's council, June 9,
and specified the leading charges against Morton,
who was sent home for trial, under the care of
John Oldham, in the vessel which bore the letter.
They also wrote by the same to Sir Ferdinando
Gorges on the like topic. In both epistles, they state
their fear that the Indians, being supplied with fire
arms by Morton and other traders, aie purposing to
attack them ; and that unless such English offenders
are punished, they shall be forced to quit America.
To prosecute their purpose more fully, the com-
pany, however having reason to think highly of Roger
Conant's integrity, as the Governor of their planta-
tion, thought best to select one of their own number
for such an office. They accordingly chose John
Endicott. Governor Bradford called him "a worthy
gentleman ;" and the author of the Planters' Plea thus
wrote of him, "a man well known to divers per-
sons of good note."
Due preparations being made for the voyage, it was
no longer deferred. Mr. Endicott, with his wife and
company, sailed * in the ship Abigail, Henry Gauden,^
master, from Weymouth, June 20, for their contem-
' The billi of ladings for this * This name, Ganden, ia also
vessel wrro signed June 20, which spell Goddoo, ua ihe records of
has been supposed In be the dale the compaay.
of her sailing, though it may have
been later.
GOV. ENDICOTTS ARRIVAL. 43
plated home in a new world. They reached their
destination the sixth of September. Striking must
have been the scene on this occasion. The islands
and main shores are covered with woods, thronged
with their wild inhabitants. The harbor abounds
with sportive fish, far exceeding the wants of adja-
cent settlers. The new Governor, with his wife and
friends near the strand, which they had ardently
wished to behold. On one side, the old planters, with
the benevolent Conant at their head. On another,
the Indians, with their minor Sagamore and his guar-
dian before them. Those on the land gaze intently
on the new comers as they approach. Every one
receives a silent impression of the stranger, as he
looks upon his face. The thoughts and feelings of
the whole company are out of the common course.
The doings and emotions of that day were never
eflfaced from their memory. It was no ordinary theme
for the pencil of an artist. Its well drawn sketch
would deserve to be classed with that of the pilgrims
at Plymouth rock.
Mr. Endicott wrote, on the 13th, an account ^ of
their arrival, 10 Mr. Cradock. The " good report he
sent back of the country, gave such encouragement
to the worke, that more adventurers joined with the
first vndertakers. Uniting his own men with those,
which were formerly planted in the country, into one
body, they made up in all not much above fiftie or
sixtie persons."
Shortly after Mr. Endicott came over, he visited
the residence of Morton,^ to rectify abuses among his
remaining associates. He caused their " May-pole to
' Haxard, 7. i. p. 25G. * Morton's Memorial, 137, 138.
44 INDIAN CONSPIRACY.
be cut dow:n and rebuked them for their profaneness,
and admonished them to look to it that they walked
better, so the uaiiie was again changed and called
Mount Dagon."
■ Among the emigrants who came in the Abigail, -were
Richard Brackenbiiry, Richard Davenport, Charles
Gott, Ralph, Richard and William Sprague, and Wil-
liam Trask. Their motives were various. Some
were mainly actuated by desires for religious liberty,
and others by hopes of gain. Still the prime movers
for settling the colony purposed, as already signified,
to prepare it as an asylum for those on whom the
hand of prelacy was too heavily laid.
Mr. Endicott brought with him goods of the com-
pany in order to tralBc with the natives for beaver,
otter, and other furs. }j.e stated to the planters ' who
preceded him, that he and his associate patentees had
purchased all the property and privileges of the Dor-
chester partners, which were here and at Cape Ann.
Near this date there was an incident of no common
interest to the colonists. The relation of it^ by a
credible person,** follows: "About y* yeare 1028,
when those few y' came out with Collonel ludecot
and began to settle at Nahumkeick, now called Salem,
and in a manner all so seek of y* journey, that though
they had both small and great guns, and powder and
bullets for y", yet had not strength to manage y™ if
suddenly put upon it, and tidings being certainly
brought y" on a Lord's day morning y' a thousand
\
' KicLard Brackeiibury'a Oepo- that he hnd it frnm nn nid mnn,
sition. niiiiied Biiitun, who dii-d at fla-
• Hev. Thomatt Cobbet of Ip- verliill, l(i7"<i, nnd who wiis sit Sa-
■wich. wrote the accDunl tn Rev. lein, lUvid, when the event inok
Jocreaae Mather in IU77, and bays, place.
GORGES' TERRITORY. 45
Indians from Siigust were coming against y" to cut
y" off; they had much adoe amongst y'all to charge
two or three of y" great guns and traile y" to a place
of advantage where y* Indians must pass to y" and
and there to shoot y" off, when they heard their noise
they made in y* woods, y» y* Indians drew near, y*
noise of which great artillery, to which y* Indians
were never wonted before, did occasionally (by y*
good hand of God) strike such dread into y", y' by
some lads, which lay as scouts in y woods, they
were heard reiterate that outcrie (O Obbomock) and
then fled confused back with all speed, when none
pursued."
After Mr. Endicott arrived at Naumkeag, he com-
missioned Messrs. Ralph, Richard and William Sprague
and others,^ to explore the country about Mishawum,
now Charlestown. Here they met with a tribe of
Indians, called Aberginiaus. By the consent of these,
they commenced a plantation. They were followed
by other respectable colonists the next year. Mr.
Endicott was glad to have that territory so occupied,
in order to prevent its coming into the hands of others,
who should disclaim the authority of the Massachu-
setts corporation. While he was on his voyage hither,
John Oldham was on his for London, to negotiate
about the same land. This wtis part of a large grant,**
extending from the east of Charles river, made to
Robert Gorges in 1622, by the council for New Eng-
land. As claimed by Oldham and John Dorrell,'
(through purchase of John Gorges, brother to said
• Charlestown Records. ' Hazard, 7. i. p. 263.
> Miu«. Arch. Landa.v. i. p. 1.
5*
46 DISCORD BETWEEN PLANTERS. DISTRESS.
Robert, deceased,) the company, by the April next
after its being occupied by the Messrs. Spragues, sent
orders to Mr. Endicott, that he cause it to be inhabited,
so that such claimants might not have the additional
plea of pre-occnpancy.
As would naturally be anticipated in view of the
circumstances, there was not perfect harmony ^ be-
tween the first planters of Naumkeag and their suc-
cessors. A principal question at issue between them
was, that the former wished to raise tobacco,'-* as requi-
site for their maintenance, while Mr. Endicott and
council deemed such a production, except for medi-
cine, as injurious to health and morals. It is very
likely that there were other main sources of alienation
between these two classes. One, the sale made by
the Dorchester proprietors of their patent of the colony
to the Massachusetts corporation. Another, the com-
mimion, in sentiment, of Mr. Endicott and his friends
■with the Plymouth church, and thus promoting a
separation from Episcopal formularies.
The colonists who remained at Naumkeag, were
called to endure severe afflictions.^ Their refuge from
civil and religious oppression, presented a scene of no
conimnn calamities. Some had scarcely a suitable
place to lay their head on, or food to satisfy the crav-
ings of their himger. ' A large proportion of them
died with the scurvy and other diseases. As an
enhancement of their distress, while sickness was
making its ravages among them, they were destitute
of regular medical assistance. To supply so fearful
» Hubbard's N E.. 109, 110. t*r« in Mass. His. CoU, a. I, v. i.
* Huznrd, v. i. p 'JSH. p. UU. Mr. Dudlt-y'a letter.
> Hubbard, 110. Uradford'a Let-
EMIGRANTS. SUPPLIES. CARGO. ^ 47
and dangerous a deficiency, Dr. Samuel Fuller of
Plymouth, like a good Samaritan, came among them.
1629. While the people of Naumlceag were called
to endure the sufferings common to new colonies, they
were not without the benevolent remembrances of
their countrymen.
LETTER FROM THE GOVERNOR IN LONDON.
Feb. 16. Matthew Cradock wrote ^ to Mr. Endi-
cott in the most friendly and encouraging terms. He
expressed much satisfaction as to his motives and
conduct, and an interest in the welfare of his wife,^
who was in ill health after she came hither, and to
whom he sustained the relation of cousin.
He mentioned, that the company had been enlarged
recently, and purposed to send over two or three hun-
dred emigrants with two ministers, and one hundred
head of cattle ; that they had bought one ship of two
hundred tons, and hired two more, each of two hun-
dred tons, one of ten and the other of nineteen guns.
He desired Mr. Endicolt to prepare houses for the
passengers, and return cargoes for the vessels, such as
fish, two or three hundred firkins of sturgeon, timber,
sassafras, sarsaparilla, sumach, silk grass and beaver.
With regard to the intluence of the colonists on the
natives, he remarked as follows : " Wee trust you
will not be vnmiudfull of the mayne end of our plan-
' Mnss. Colony Rpcordji Mr. • This Indy had probably died be-
Cradiick did not rfcj'ivr Mr. Eii- fure llie epiaile oj' Governor Cra*
tlicotl'a li-Uer, datt-d St'piember dock reoclicd Naunikfu>r. Ilia
]:{, till I3tii of n<-xl hVliMiary. new K.n<rli:ii> Canaan piiys, that
He niiide a niiniile at the boitoni her decense I'tuk place tu one uf
of his letter as follows: " From l)c. Fuller's visits iieie.
my howse in Switln-nit lane, neere
London e>ioiie. tins IG of fTcbru-
arye, l(i28. Slilo Anglis."
48 MINISTERS. CAUTION.
tacon by indevoringe to bringe y* Indians to the
knowledge of the Gospell, which y' it may be y*
speedier and better effected, y* earnest desire of our
•whole company is y' you have a dilligent and watch-
full eye ouer our owne people ; that they live vn-
blameable and without reproofe, and deraeane them-
selves iustlye and curteous towards y* Indians, thereby
to drawe them to affect our persons and consequentlye
our Religion, as alsoe to endevour to gett some of
their children to trayne vp to readinge and conse-
quentlye to religion whilest they are yonge ; herein to
yonge or olde to oraitt noe good opportunity y' maye
tend to bringe them out of y' woefuU state and con-
dicon they no we are in, in which case our predeces-
sors in this our land sometymes were, and but for y*
mere ye and goodness of our good God, might have
continued to this daye. But 'God, whoe out of the
boundless ocean of his mercye hath shewed pitiic and
compassion to our land, he is alsnfficient and can
bringe this to passe, which wee now desire in y' coun-
trye likewise, onlie let vs not be wautinge on our
partes nowe wee are called to y* worke of the Lords,
neither havinge put our handes to the plowe let us
looke back."
He mentioned that Hugh Peters, then in Holland,
had been expected to come over, but had not returned,
and that the clergymen, engaged to emigrate hither,
had been approved by the Rev. Messrs. John White
and John Davenport. He advised that the first set-
tlers be allowed a short time longer to cultivate to-
bacco. He cautioned Mr, Endicott not to have too
great confidence in the Indians, lest they should act
the perfidious and bloody scene of ^Virginia.
DOhNGS OF COURT. 49
Mr. Cradock towards the close of his letter gave
this benediction : " The God of heaven and earth
preserve and keepe you from all fforayne and inland
enemies, and bless and prosper this plantacon to the
enlai-ginge of the kingdome of Jesus Christ, to whose
mercifull proteccon I recommend you and your asso-
ciates there, knowne or vnknowne." Fit words for
the author and occasion. Not only in its adverse
commencement, but also in its prosperous continu-
ance, should every Commonwealth feel and express
its dependence on the arm of Infinite goodness.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE COURT OF ASSISTAiNTS IN
LONDON.
Desirous to strengthen the planters, the company
devised means for sending to them a reinforcement of
emigrants, caifle and stores. From the tattered relics
of their journal we learn various particulars of their
proceedings. They collect for exportation the subse-
quent articles:^ 2 loads of chalk, 10 m. bricks, 5
chaldron of sea coal, 1 tun of iron, 2 fagots of Steele,
1 fodder of lead, nails and red lead, — apparel for 100
men, 400 pair of shoes, 300 pair of stockings, 200
of which to be Irish at 13'^ a pair in Dublin, and
100 pair of- knit at 2/4., 10 dozen pair of Norwich
garters at 5/. a dozen, 400 shirts, 200 " sutes, dublett
and hose, of leather lyned with oiled skin leather, y'
hose and dublett with hooks and eyes ; 100 sutes
of Norden dussens or hampsheere kersies lyned, the
hose with skins, the dubletjs with linen of gilford
or gedlyman ; sergeyes 2/10 to 3/ a yard, 4i to 5
* This was about February. Mass. Colony R«rcorda.
50 SUPPLIES FOR THE COLONY, ETC.
yards a sute ; 400 bands, 300 playne falling bands ;
100 wastcoates of greene cotton bound about with red
tape ; 100 lether girdles ; 100 munmouth capps, about
2* a peece ; 100 black hatts, lyned in the browes with
lether ; 500 redd knit capps, milled about 5** a peece ;
200 dussen hookes and eyes, and small hookes and
eyes for mandillions; 16 dussen of gloues, whrof 12
dussen calf's lether, and 2 dussen tand sheep's
lether, and 2 dussen kyd ; sheine lynen for hand-
kerchers ; ^ a decker ^ of leather of the best bene
lether ; 50 matts to lye vnder 50 bedds aboord
shippe ; 50 ruggs; 50 peare of blanketts of Welsh
cotton ; 100 peare of sheetes ; 50 bed tykes and
bolsters, with wool to put them in ; Skotch ticking ;
lynnen for towels, and tableclothes, and napkins. Sea
chests J 4 cwt. hopps. Agreed ^ the apparell to bee
100 mandillions, lyned with cotton, 12** a yard ;
breeches and wastcotes ; and 100 lether sutes dub-
letts and breeches of oyled lether ; 100 pr. breeches of
leather drawers to serve to weare with boeth there
other sutes." Guns and gunpowder and cattle, were
enumerated among the articles for the emigrants.
« Men skylful in making of pitch and salt, and vyne
planters," were to be sent over. The Assistants or-
dered that ministers, a patent under seal, and a seal,
be provided for New England.
They required the succeeding items to be obtained
for the same direction : wheat, rye, barley, a hogshead of
each in the ear, beans, peas, stones of all sorts of fruites,
as peaches, plums, filberts, cherries, pear, apple, quince
kernels, pomegranets, woadseed, saffron heads, liquor-
' Dicker is ten hides. - * March 16.
SUPPLIES FOR THE COLONY. 61
ice seed, madder roots, potatoes, hop roots, hemp seed,
flax seed, conies, currant plants, tame turkies, shoes,
linen cloth, woollen cloth, pewter bottles of a pint
and quart, brass ladles, and spoous, copper kettles,
oiled skins ^ of leather and madder seed.
Feb. 23. Continuing their judicious preparations
for the colony, the same court ordered^ £100 to be
paid in part for the charge of passage and diet for
Governor Endicott, his wife and company, and goods
on freight, being 46* tuns, from "Weymouth to Naum-
keag.
Feb. 26. They mentioned various articles as need-
ful for the plantation : 5 pieces of ordnance to be
placed in the hands of Samuel Sharpe, who was to
have carriages made for them ; arms for 100 paen ;
3 drums to each 2 pair of heads ; 2 ensigns ; 2 par-
tizhens, i. e. commander's leading staves for captain
aild lieutenant ; 3 halberts for 3 Serjeants ; 60 bastard
muskets with snaphaiices, 4 feet in the barrel without
rests; 6 long fowling pieces with musket bore, G J feet
long; 4 do. with bastard musket bore, 5J feet loug ;
10 full muskets, 4 feet barrels with match cocks and
rests ; 90 bandeleers for the muskets, each with a
bullet bag ; 10 horn flasks for the long fowling pieces
to hold 1 pound a piece ; 100 swords and belts ; 60
corslets, 60 pikes, 20 half pikes, 12 barrels of powder,
8 of them for the fort and 4 for small shot, 1
pound of shot to a bandaleer ; 8 pieces of land ord-
nance for the fort whereof 5 were already provided,
namely, 2 demy culverings 30 cwt. weight apiece,
* In the company's letter of letiier ia not of oyle ^kinn<, for
April 17lh, \Ci2d, thoy leiiiark : wee found them over deere."
" Wee haue ninde our st-ry^ntK' * Maad. Colony Recctda.
apparell ofclolhand k'lher, which
52 SUPPLIES FOR THE COLONY.
3 sackers, each weighing 25 cwt., aiid 3 to be pro-
vided, being 1 whole culvering "as long aa uaay be,"
and 2 small pieces, iron drakes, a fit proportion of
great shot for the ordnance.
From the military they proceeded to enumerate
other things. A seine to catch fish. For the Talbot,
if having 100 passengers and 35 mariners, 45 tinis of
beer, "whereof 6 tuns 4/. and 39 tuns 6/.;" Malaga
and Canary casks 16/. a tun ; 6 tuns of water ; 12 m.
of bread after ^ cwt. to a man ; 22 " hheds of bieffe ; "
40 bushels of peas, a peck a man for the voyage ;
20 bushels of oatmeal ; 4 cwt. " haberdyne," or dried,
salted cod ; 8 dozen pounds of candles"; 2 tierces of
beer vinegar ; 1^ bushel of mustard seed ; 20 gallons
of oil "galli|-olis or mayorke ; " 2 firkins of soap;
2 rundlets of Spanish wine, 10 gallons a piece, 4000
of billets; 10 firkins of butter; 10 cwt. of cheese,
and 20 gallons aquavitae. *
An agreement was made with John Ilewson, to
make neat's leather shoes, for men, some at 2/1 and
others at 'ZjA.
March 2. Still intent on business for advancing
the colony, the court assembled. They were the
Governor, Deputy, Messrs Wright, Vassal, Harwood,
Cowlson, Adams, Nowel, Whetcombe, Perry and
Johnson. They agreed to em|;loy James Edmonds,
a sailor, being a cooper and fisher, who required £10
the first year, £15 the second, and £20 the third
year ; and Sydrach Miller, a cooper and cleaver, with
his man, for £45 the first year, and JL50 the second
and third year, " to be at charges with all."
" Also for Mr. John Malbon it was propounded, he
hauinge skyll in Iron works and willing to put in
IRON AND SALT WORKS. BOSTON MEN. 53
£25 ^ in stocke, it should bee accepted as £50, and
his charges to bee. bore out and home from New Eng-
land and vppon his returne, and report what may bee
done about Iron works consyderacon to be had of
proceeding therein accordingly, and furder recompence
if there be cause to intertayne him."
- "Towching making of salt, it was conseaued ffytt
that commoddetty should be reserued for the generall
stocks benefitt,yeet with thisprouiso, that euery planter
or brother of the company should haue as much as he
might aney way haue occasyon to make vse of, at
as cheape rate as themselues cowld make it, prouided
if the company bee not sufficiently prouided for them-
selffs, then particuler men may haue liberty to make
for there owne expence and vse aney way, but not to
transporte nor sell."
The Governor was empowered to confer with John
Oldham, so that the company be not injured.
"Also it beeing propounded by Mr. Coney in the
behalfe of the Boston men, whereof dyuers had prom-
ised, though not in our booke vnderwritten, to adven-
ture £400 in the joint stock, that nowe there desire
was, that ten persons of them might vnderwrite, £25
a man, in the joint stock ; they withall promisinge
with theiso shippes to aduenture in there particuler
aboue £250 more, and to prouide abell men to send
ouer for njanadging the buissines, which though it
bee preiudiciall to the generall stock by the abate-
ment of 30 much money thereout, yeet appearing
realley to conduce more to the good of the Plantacon,
which is most desired, it was condiseiided vnlo."
' The sign to 25 ia like s, but £ was piobably intended.
6
$4 DIVISION OF LAND. ENGINEER.
Mai:ch 3. " It was debated howe some good course
might be setteled for the deuission of the lands, and
that all men intendinge to goe in person or to send
ouer,, might vnderwrite and scale some instrument to
bcQ made, whereby euery man to bee tyed to such
orders as shalbee agreed vppon here ; and that a cop-
pey of this agreement be sent to Dorchester ffor all
men to vnderwrite and scale that intend to take theire
passage in the Lyons Whelpc, or ells order to bee
taken that the shippe proceede without them."
A contract had been made with Samuel Sharpe for
three years, at £10 a year, " to haue the ouersight of
the ordnance to bee planted in the fort to be built
vppon the plantacon, and what ells may concerne
2u:tillery busines to geeue his advize in. But ffor all
other implyments was left to bee interlayned by any
particuler brethren of the companie, who for other
occasions hath intertayned him alreddy, and held not
fytt to bee at furder chardge in that kynde."
CHARTER CONFIRMED.
1629. March 4. On petition of those who re-
ceived a grant of Massachusetts from the council for
New England, nearly a year before, King Charles
confirms^ the same to them and other associates.
The names of this new company were Sir Henry
' As proof Ihat this charter was Ralph Freemen, upon direction of
not surrepliliouslv obtained, as tiie lord keeper of the great real ;
strongly asserted during the reian sub-cribed by Mr. Attorney Gen-
of Charles II. we have the sue- oral ; procured by the lord vis.
ceedini; note, from a docket in re- count Dorchester; February. 1628.
lation to it, and amon*; the New Tlieir ch/irler piiHsed 4lli Mnrch
England papers in the Privy Seal following." Clialmcr'a Pulitical
office at Whitehall: "His Ma- Annals, p. 147, d.
jesty's pleasure, siijnified by Sir
PRIVILEGES. COURTS. SS
Rosewell,^ Sir John Younge, Thomas Southcott,
John Humfrey, John Endecott, Simon Whetcombe,
»Sir Richard Saltonstall, Knight, Isaac Johnson, Sam-
uel Aldersey, John Yen, Mathew Craddock, George
Harwood, Increase Nowell, Richard Perry, Richard
Bellingham, Nathaniel Wright, Samuel Vassal, The-
ophiliis Eaton, Thomas Goffe, Thomas Adams, John
Browne, Samuel Browne, Thomas Hutchins, William
Vassal, William Pinchion and George Foxcrofte. For
these and all such as should be admitted to the free-
dom of their association, the charter made various
provisions, with part of which, as giving a cast and
complexion to our colonial policy, it is deemed advisa-
ble to connect some passing remarks.
Among the privilges granted to the patentees were
the following : They were to be a body corporate and
politic, called the Governor and Company of Massa-
chusetts Bay. Their Legislature was to be composed
of a Governor, Deputy, and eighteen Assistants.
These officers were to be of the freemen, and elected
every Spring, on the last Wednesday of Easter term,
by the General Assembly, which embraced all mem-
bers of the company. They were authorized to hold
each year, " four great and general courts on every
last Wednesday in Hilary, Easter, Trinity, and Mi-
chas terms," and also other needed courts.
As specified in the charter, his Majesty appointed
the ensuing officers of the corporation : Mathew
Craddock, Governor,* Thomas Goflfe, Deputy, Sir
* The aix first were Dorchester ' Mr. Cradnck took bis oath of
patentees, to whom the preceding office before Charles Ceesar, Nfa-v
charter was granteti. Their sur- ler in Chancery, March Id, 1629.
names are spelt here as the second There are several notices of him
charter has them. on the Colonj Records. One of
56^ FREEMEN. LEGISLATURE.
Richard Saltonstall, Isaac Johnson, Samuel Aldersey,
John Ven, John Humfrey, John Endicott, Simon
Whetcombe, Increase Nowell, Richard Perry, Na-
thaniel Wright, Samuel Vassall, Theophilus Eaton,
Thomas Adams, Thomas Hutchins, John Brown,
George Foxcroft, William Vassall and William Pyn-
chon, Assistants. These authorities were regally em-
powered to appoint rulers and make laws, consistent
with those of the realm, for the colony. They were
permitted to admit individuals to be free of the com-
pany, who were deemed fit and desired the privilege.
From these pzirticulars, it is perceived, that the
charter gives the outlines of legislative rule, adopted
by the company in London, delegated to Mr. Endicott
and others in the colony, and practiced after the re-
moval of the patent to Massachusetts. It is also
observed, that the mode of admitting freemen, or
members of such a corporation, and their privilege of
voting in general courts, is laid down in the same
document. Hence it was, that freemen, denominated
the Generality by the London records, and Commons
by those kept here, embracing all the voters for legis-
lative authorities, constituted, with other branches of
government, the "Great and General Court ^' or As-
sembly. This they did till 1634, when deputies
became a part of the legislature, and it was ordered,
that the whole body of freemen be excused from
attending the four annual general courts, except that
for election of the Magistrates ia May, when they
thein dated November 7, 1032, dock, was subsequently married to
runa thus : " Mr. Malhew Cra- Benjamin Wliilchcnt, D. D. Aa
dock fined iiii lb. for his men be> the liberal promoter of liie colony's
ing absent from training dyvera interests, be left a claim upon it,
times.". His widow, IWbecca Cra- which ia 1G48, waa j£U7U Ca. iii.
ELECTION DAY. COMMERCIAL PRIVILEGES. 57
continued to assemble for such a purpose. This prac-
tice remained till 1663, when a vote passed, that the
freemen should choose a part of their number to
assemble at the court of election and choose a gov-
ernor and other magistrates. But this change was so
unpopular, that it was. repealed the subsequent year.
The people were apprehensive, lest, by such a restric-
tion, power would pass from the many to the few, so
as to endanger their political heritage. The deputies,
with other departments of the legislature, have, ex-
cept in the usurpation of Dudley and Andros, with
unessential variation, been called the General Court.
In a charter, with features of this kind, so promo-
tive of rational liberty, when allowed its own legiti-
mate guidance, connected with the influence of Con-
gregational order in church, and untrammelled by the
immediate restraints of the crown, we have the subf
stantiaJ pattern of our long continued government.
Were the whole community, in the exercise of their
constitutional franchise, to resolve themselves into
one great generality or commons, and unite with the
branches of legislation, except that of the representa-
tives-, they would resemble, in principle, an assembly
of our ancestors, which in the first years of their
incorporation were seen in the capital of England, and
in ancient towns of our commonwealth. But it was
well, that our fathers, when in the smallnesa of their
population, loaned, for short periods, their power to t\
few, and vastly better, that their numerous successora
have not slighted their example.
As well known, the election day, appointed by the
charter and so precious to the colonists as the time for
maintaining their privilege of liberty, has been changed,
6*
58 COMMERCIAL PRIVILEGES. SEAL.
after long continuance, in our time, apd is thus swept
away with its associations of the past, which its suc-
cessor can never wholly revive nor replace in " the
city of our solemnities."
Not only did the patent thus favor the corporation
politically, but also commercially. It permitted the
colonists to be free from all duties to the national
exchequer, on their commerce, for seven years, and
after this to pay only five per cent, on importations
into England for twenty-one years, with proper re-
strictions. However, Charles I. freely consented to
the ecclesiastical policy of his bishops, which bore
hard on the emigrants to New England ; yet truth
requires us to confess, that his release of them, for a
considerable period, from taxation and customs to the
national treasury, was kind as well as liberal. " Ren-
der unto Caesar the things which are Cassar's."
Another provision, made by the charter in behalf
of the company, was, that they should possess and
use a common seal. This seal was of silver, and was
sent over to Governor Endicott in 1C29. It was
used by our colonial authorities till 1686, resumed
1689, and suspended from 1692 till 1780. At the
last date it was partly revived, as to the Indian,
much more civilized in his appearance than his prede-
cessor, and with the adjuncts of an English Ameri-
can's arm,^ brandishing a sword, and different inscrip-
tions. So resuscitated, it has continued to our day,
and we hope will be preserved as long as the liberty
of our Commonwealth shdl exist. That so valuable
a relic of what once denoted the sanction of State
> Thia was part of our Seal from 1775 to 1780.
SEAL, FISHERY.
59
policy, as under colonial jurisdiction, may be kept in
remembrance, the ensuing likeness of it is here pre-
sented.
Besides the privileges, which the patent conferred
on the corporation, it made certain requsitions of them.
It required the fifth part of gold and silver, which
might be discovered in the colony, and which was
demanded of the council for New England by King
James, as well as by this body in the first Masschu-
setts patent, to be reserved for the crown. But these
minerals, so located, have ever since profl"ered their
revenues merely in fancied prospect.
Another condition of the new charter was, that the
subjects of England should be allowed to fish on our
shores ; to set up wharves, stages, and houses, and use
needed wood without molestation. This was in con-
formity to previous and repeated resolutions of the
aO PUBLIC RESPECT FOR RELIGION.
•
House of CommoDS. It seems that such a condition
WEis acted on sO as to produce complaint. William
Walton and other inhabitants of Marblehead, presented
a petition^ to General Court, in 1646, as follows:
" Where as there come yeerly into our plantation
many fishermen y' are strangers, and haue formerly
don vs very much dammage in y* consuming of our
fire wood, stage timber and flake stufle." They de-
sired that an order might be established on this sub-
ject.
Thus dealing with the company, upon a generous
scale, in their political and commercial afiairs, the
charter rises to the higher and nobler concerns of
morality and religion. It enjoined on the patentees,
that the planters should be so controlled, "as their
good life and orderly conversacon male wynn and
incite the natives of the country to the knowledge
and- obedience of the onlie true God and Sauior of
mankinde and the Christian fayth." Continuing to
speak by the mouth of kingly authority, it adds,
" which is our royall intencon and the adventurers'
free profession, — is the piincipall end of this Planta^
con." Verily, this is advice worthy of the palace as
"well as the cottage. Whenever man correctly appre-
hends and appreciates the wisdom, which so bears
the bright and broad seal of divinity, he knows and
feels the relations of his being and blessings ; he lives
up to the purpose of his existence, and to the best
interests of his nature. The shame, which scouts
appeals to the precepts and principles of piety from
the halls of justice and legislation, from the domestic
> Date, Maj G, found in 1 r. of Maritime, 35 p. Mas«. Arciiirei.
ASSISTANT AND GENERAL COURTS. 61
altar, the social circle and the intercourse of commu-
nity, is false, and betokens a moral poison in the soul,
which may produce temporary exhilaration, but is
followed with irretrievable perdition. It is but a poor
compliment which any community or nation pay
themselves, in view of what experience has lonjj
taught and their own best good demands, when re-
joicing that they are so far delivered from the tram-
mels of restraint, as to ornit, in their State documents
and proceedings, much of the reference made to the
Christian religion in laying the foundations of New
England.
In passing from the charter, there will be fre-
quent occasion to notice transactions of the Asids-
tant and General Courts, as held in England on vari-
ous concerns of the colony. Though having an im-
plied application to the whole soil of our Common-
wealth, yet these transactions had particular reference
to Naumkeag. As giving us, in a business-like style,
details of the basis on which the colony began, as to
several of its important relations, they deserve to be
presented with more than a stinted measure. Espe-
cially with regard to the conditions on which the
landed interests of the emigrants depended — to the
company's commercial investments, and the transfer
of the principal patent and government to this coun-
try— they will not be too sparingly quoted. Liberty
of this kind would have been neither desired nor
taken, but for an apprehension, lest a further abridge-
ment of them would mar their signification and make
erroneous impressions. It is hoped that the worth of
the matter in question, will carry its own recommen-
dation, so as to be a sufficient apology for extending
62 OLDHAM. SIR WILLIAM BREUERTEN.
our subject of settlement further, than would other-
wise have been needed or permitted.
COURT OF ASSISTANTS IN LONDON.
1629. March 5. Among the members belonging
to the Court aud now present, were Sir Richard Sal-
tonstall and Capt. Yen.' A new proposition from
John Oldham was deferred. The nomination of John
Washborne for Secretary to the Company, was left
undecided. '*A proposicon beeinge made by Sir
William Breuerten to the Gouernor, of a Pattent
graunted him of lands in the Massachusetts bay, by
Mr. John Gorges, and that if this companie would
make him a promise so as he could (come) to vnder-
write with this company, it might not bee preiudiciall
to his pattent, it was resolucd this answere should be
geeuen him, namely, that if he pleased to vnderwrite
with vs without aney condicons whatsoeuer, but to
come in as all other adventurers doe, he should bee
welcome vppon the same condicons that wee haue."
"A proposicon beeing made to intertayne a sur-
geon for the plantacon, Mr. (John) Pratt was pro-
pounded as an abell man vppon theis condicons,
namely. That £40 should bee allowed him, viz' — for
his chist £25, the rest for his own sallery for the first
yeere, prouided he continue 3 yeeres, the Companie
to bee at charge of transporting his wiffe and (ser-
vant), haue £20 a yeere for the other 2 yeeres, and
to build him a howse at the Companie's chardge and
to allott him 100 acres of ground. But if he stay but
one yeere, then the Companie to bee at charge of his
' Colooj Records.
SURGEONS. LANDS. T. GRAVES. 63
br'mgiog back for England and he to leaue his ser«
iiant and the chist for the Companie's seruice."
"Agreed with Robert Morley, seruant to Mr. An-
drewe Mathewes, late barber surgeon, to serue the
Companie in Newe England for three yeeres, the first
yeere to haue 20 nobles, the second yeere , the
third yeere 20 markes, to serve as a barber and a sur-
geon."
March 5. A committee of the Governor, Deputy,
and several Assistants, who were to advise with Messrs.
Graves and Sharpe, were chosen to consider the sub-
ject of dividing the lands, as proposed the 3d instant,
and " to sett downe in writinge what course they
conseaue fytt to bee held herein, whereby an equallety
may be held to avoyd all contention twixt the aduen-
turers." " Mr. Thomas Graues was propounded to
goe ouer with the Shippes nowe bound for Newe
England, to haue his charges borne out. and home,
aud beeinge a man experienced in Iron Workes, in
salt workes, in measuring and surveyinge of lands,
and in fortificacons, in lead, copper and allum mynes,
OS hauinge a chardge of witfe, 5 children, a man and
maid seruant, after some conference with him, he
tcndring his implyment to goe and returne with one
of our shippes to the Companie's discression ffor his
sallery in that time. It was thought fytt, that he
should consyder twixt this and to-morrow what to
demand in case he doe returne presently with the
shippe he should take his passage in, and what his
demands would bee if the Companie should con-
tyneue him there and be at chardges of the transporta-
coii of his wiffe and ffamely thether in their next
64 ARMOUR. SUPPLIES.
shippes, if he take lyking to contyneue in New Eng-
land." Mr. John. Oldham was -desired to consider
what further he had to offer relative to his proposition
of the 2d instant.
March 6. " Agreed with Mr. Thomas Steevens
Armorer in Buttolph lane ffor 20 armes, viz' corslelt,^
brest, back, culet, gorgett, tasses and hed peece to ech,
varnished all black with lethers and buckles at 17' ech
armour, excepting 4, which are to bee with close hed
peeces and theis 4 armours at 24' a peece." An
agreement was made with John Weste, shoemaker in
Marke lane, for 10 dozen of shoes, 8 and 9, at 2/6 ;
10, 11, 12 and 13, at 2/7 a pair.
March 9. John Washborne was elected Secretary
of the Company for one year. A contract was made
with John Gace of London for 40 bandeleers,^ " neates
lether, broad girdles ech with 12 chaiges," at 2/.
apiece ; and 10 dozen of shovels and spades at IS/, a
dozen.
Provision specified for 120 men, 120 flitches of
bacon, 120 gallons of sweet oil, 150 quarters of meal,
30 do. of petis at 2G/., 15 do. of groats at 4/., fully
dried, 20 firkins of butter at 17/., 60 quarters of
malt 17/6, 30 cwt. of cheese.
March 10. Thomas Graves, gentleman, who was
of Gravesend, in the county of Kent, agreed with
the company on what terms he would visit Naumkeag
and ekercise his scientific qualifications in the colony,
' Coralett, to defend tlie fore der and hanging down under the
part of lh<t body ; gorgett, to cover left arm, for sustaininir fire arms
tlie throat or neck, and taasea for and for the carringe of muKket
the thighs. charges, whicli, being put in liux-
* Bandileer, " a large leathern es, were hung to the nuaiber of
belt, thrown over the right ahouU 12 to each bandileer."
GRAVES. SHARPE. C5
as circumstances might require. As additional to the
services which he might render and which were speci-
fied on the 5th, he was acquainted with finding lime
stones, planning aqueducts, drawing maps, and archi-
tecture. The terms on which he engaged to exert
his utmost ability for the benefit of liis employers,
were, to have the charges of his outward and home-
ward passages paid, his diet and £5 a month while
employed in New England, if for six or eight months ;
but in case he should be engaged there three years,
the expense of transporting his family thither, their
support till harvest after their arrival, a house, 100
acres of land, £50 a year, and a proportion of such
land as should be granted to families who were to
sail with him, though his own would be left behind
for a time— were to be granted him. As to any fur-
ther compensation he left it to the discretion of the
company. As a remnant of Iiis own hand-writing,
the subsequent likeness of it, in his name, is here
given.
/^: C7ytwdim0^
Samuel Sharpe was allowed, at his particular re-
quest, £20 to provide himself with clothes, on account
of his salary, as engineer for three years, it being £10
annually. He suggested, that in case of his decease
before the close of the period for which money might
be advanced him, the sum should be offset by the
apparel which it purchased. The question as to divi-
sion of lands in the colony, was left to the decision
7
66 JOHN AND SAMUEL BROWN.
of a committee. A further sum of £20 was paid to
John Humphrey towards charges for the patent.
March 12. As persons of note, on account of their
ecclesiastical difficulties in the short period they abode
at Naumkeag, John Brown, a lawyer, seeming to be
of London, and Samuel Brown of Roxwell, in Essex
County, agreed to take passage for this country. They
were to have lands, as if subscribers for £50 each in
the general stock, and to have equal privileges with
others. As some memento of them, fac similes^ of
their names are subjoined.
March 12. Richard Claydon of Bedfordshire, aged
about 34, carpenter, desirous to transport himself, wife,
one daughter, his sister, aged 14, brother Barnaby,
aged 23, and his brother-in-law, Thomas Hanscombe,
for the colony,' makes an agreement with the com-
pany. He is able to pay £40 towards the expense of
such transportation, and the company are to supply
the rest on condition that he and his two brothers,
after coming hither, shall each have board and 3/. a
day until the debt is discharged, and in this time he
shall learn any of the company's servants in the trade
of a "plow Wright." He is also to have land for him-
self, and his family, as usual for such emigrants.
Though Mr. Claydon could not come in the first ves-
> Taken from the Colony Re* deficiency is supplied by the like
cords. The termination of the which precedes, except the final e.
•urnames is worn away, but the
SUPPLIES. ESTIMATE FOR THE TALBOT. 67
sels which sailed eifter his contract, yet he did in one
which followed them.
March 16. Messrs. Durbridge and Harret agreed
to furnish 14 dozen pair of shoes, from 10 to 13, larger
part of neat's leather at 2/7 a pair. Mr. Maio engaged
to furnish 20 bed ticks and bolsters of Scotch ticking,
11 yards for a bed and bolster, at 10 J** per yard. The
following estimate was recorded :
" 100 men, there chardge 15 lbs. a man, £1,500
Freight of the Shippe Talbut 5 monthea, 80 lb. pr. mo. 400
Victualls and wages, 32 men, 70 lb. a monthe,' . . . 350
The Lyons Whelpe sett to sea, 500
20 Cowes and Bulla, 4 lb. a peece, 80
10 Mares and Horses, 6 lb. a peece, 60
Charges of theis, 470
£3,300"
March 17. A contract was made for 100 swords
at 4/6 each, all to have chapes or plates at the points
of the scabbards, and for 10 short swords at 2/6 each,
and Polonia hilts at 3/4. Purchase was made of 25
more swords. Ralph White agreed to furnish 12
gallons of aquavitze at 2/6 a gallon. John Gladwing
delivered 12 sides of bacon, being 74J stone, each
stone 8 lbs. at 2/5 a stone. It was ordered that pay-
ment be made for 110 burrs at 2/. each for making
millstones, and 14 cwt. of plaster-of-Paris at 18*^ per cwt.
March 19. Warrants were drawn for payment of
2 coppers, £12 12», and 1 bale of French cloth £18,
both for the Lyon's Whelpe ; and 30 quarters of malt
to go in the ships, £25 15».
March 23. . Information was given by letters from
Isaac Johnson, " that one Mr. Higgeson of Lester, an
68 MR. HIGGINSON. CONTRACT.,
able minister, proffers to goe to our plautation, who
being approved for a reverend, grave minister, fitt for
our present pccations, it was thought by thes present
to entreat Mr. John Humfry to ride presently to Les-
ter, and if Mr. Higgeson may conveniently be had to
goe this, present viouge, that he should deale with
him. First, if his remooue from thence may be with-
out scandall to that people, and approved by the con-
sent of some of the best affected amonge them, with
the approbation of Mr. Heldersham of Ashely," de la
Zouch ; secondly, he may leave his wife and family
till Bartholmew, so that they may be better accommo-
dated with a passage, or not, as he prefers ; thirdly,
relative to his support, the items of which, as specified
under this date, are lost ; but happily they are con-
tained more at large in the subsequent paragraph.
MR. HIGGINSON'S CONTRACT.
April 8, 1629. A contract ^ was fonncd between
Rev. Francis Higginson and the company. He was
allowed £30 to buy apparel and other articles for the
voyage, and £ 10 more for books, a free passage for
himself, wife, and children,^ and furniture. His salary
for each of three years, commencing from his arrival
at Naumkeag, was to be £30, a house and land, fire-
wood and diet. The dwelling and appurtenances
were to be a parsonage for the use of himself and
successors in the ministry. At the expiration of three
years, he was to have 100 acres of land assigned to
him, and of seven years, 100 acres more. Towards the
' Hutchinson's Collections, p. mentioned, yet Ihey were evi*
24. dently implied, as included in liie
* Though his family were not same privilege.
REASONS FOR ENCOURAGING THE COLONY. 69
support of his household, he was to have the milk of
two cows, and half the increase of their calves ; the
other half, with the cows, the company were to re-
ceive at the end of three years. In case of his de-
cease, his wife while remaining his widow, and his
children, if the former and the latter continued in the
plantation, were to be supported at the public charge.
Should he not like to dwell longer here, than the
period agreed on, there was to be no charge for a pas-
sage back for himself and family.
Similar contracts ^ were made with Rev. Messrs.
Skelton and Bright.
REASONS OF MR. HIGGINSON FOR ENCOURAGING
', , . THE COLONY.
About the time that Rev. Mr. Higginson engaged
to embark for America, he published, " Generall Con-
siderations- for the Plantation in New England, with
an Answer to several objections." Such sound judg-
ment and elevated motives abound in this production,
and so immediate was its reference to Naumkeag, that
we cannot refrain from giving its thoughts a place
among the memorials of our city. Mr. Higginson's
considerations were of the ensuing tenor: First, it
would be for the prosperity of the church in general,
to have the gospel planted on these shores, and would
« raise a bulwarke against the kingdom of Antichrist,
which the Jesuits labour to rear up in all places of
* Hazard's Collectioos, ▼. i, p. Similar considerations are con>
{J56. tained in the Planter's Plea, print*
* Hatehinson's Collections, p. ed in London, lt330, and in Capt.
27. Tlie same authority decidedly John Smith's Path-way to erect a
declares this production to be from Plantation, printed there 1C3L
the pea of Mr. Higginson, p. 24.
r*
70 REASONS FOR ENCOURAGING THE COLONY.
the world." Second, the churches of Europe had
been desolated, except that of England, and there
was just fear lest this might be similarly judged; — and
who could know but that God had provided the
colony as " a refuge for many, whom he meanes to
save out of the general destruction." Third, England
grew weary of her impoverished population ; and,
sixth, why should they remain and starve, when
there was land enough and to spare, in the plantation,
for their sustenance. Fourth, " Wee are growen to
that excess and intemperance in all excess of riot, as
no meane estate almost will suffice to keepe saile with
his equals, and he that fayles in it, must live in sor-
row and contempt. Hence it comes to passe, that all
arts and trades are carried in that deceitful manner and
unrighteous course, as it is almost impossible for a good
upright man to maintayne his chardge and live comfort-
ably in any of them." Fifth, the literary and theo-
logical schools were inordinately expensive and were
» perverted, corrupted and utterly overpowered by the
multitude of evill examples and licentious governors
of those seminaries." Seventh, " What can bee a
better worke and more noble and worthy a Christian,
than to helpe to raise and support a particular chmch
while it is in its infancy, and to join our forces with
such a company of faithfuU people, as by a tymely
assistance may grow stronger and prosper, and for
want of it may be put to great hazzard, if not wholly
ruined ? " Eighth, " If any such as are known to bee
godly, and live in wealth and prosperity here, shall
forsake all this to joyn themselves with this church,
and runne in hazard with them of hard and meane
condition, it will be an example of great use, both for
OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 71
the removing of scandall and sinister and worldly
respects, to give more lyfe to the faith of God's peo-
ple in their prayers for the plantation, and also to
encourage othei-s to joyne the more willingly in it."
From these premises, Mr. Higginson proceeds to
state objections and answer them.
. First, " It will be a great wrong to our owne chm-ch
and country to take away the best people ; and we still
lay it more open to the judgments feared. — Reply.
But a small proportion of the most exemplary will
emigrate. Many of them will have greater opportu-
nities for usefulness in a new settlement, and thus
promote the welfare of the church, as a whole. It is
the purpose of God to have all nations receive Chris-
tianity, and whether the natives in the colony accept
it or not, all who proffer it to them discharge their
duty and glorify him."
Second. - Though we have long feared judgments,
yet we are safe. It is better to remain till they come,
and then we may flee, or, if overtaken by them, we
should "be content to suffer with such a church as
ours." — Reply. " It is likely that this consideration
made the churches beyond the seas, as the Palatinate,
Rochel, etc., to sit still at home, and not look out for
shelter while they might have found it j but the wofuU
spectacle of their ruine may teach us more wisdom to
avoid the plague while it is foreseene, emd not tarry as
they did till it overtooke them. If they were now at
their former liberty, wee may be sure they would talie
other courses for their safety. And though most of
them had miscarried in their escape, yet it had not
been halfe so miserable to themselves, or scandalous
to religion, as this desperate backsliding and abjuring
72 OBJECTIONS ANSWERED.
the truth, which many of the antient professors
among them, and the whole posterity that remayne
are plmiged into." •
Third. "Wee have here a fruitfull land, with
peace and plenty of all things." — Reply. " Wee are
like to have as good conditions there in tyme ; but
yet we must leave all this abundance, if it bee not
taken from us. When we are in our graves, it will
be all one whether we have lived in plenty or penury,
whether we have dyed in a bed of downe or lockes of
straw. Onely this is the advantage of the meane
condition, that it is a more freedom to dye. And the
lesse comfort any have in the things of this world, the
more liberty they have to lay up treasure in heaven."
Fourth. " Wee may perish by the way or when
we come there, having hunger or the sword, etc. j and
how uncomfortable will it be to see our wives and
children and friends come to such miserie by our
occasion ? " — Reply. " Such objections savour too
much of the flesh. Who can secure himselfe or his
from the like calamities here ? If this course be war-
rantable, we may trust God's providence for these
things. Either he will keepe those evils from us, or
will dispose them for our good and enable us to beare
them."
Fifth. " But what warrant have we to take that
land, which is and hath been of long tyme possessed
of others, the sons of Adam ? " — Reply. " That
which is common to all is proper to none. This sav-
age people ruleth over many lands without title or
property ; for they inclose no ground, neither have
they cattell to maintayne it, but remove their dwell-
ings as they have occasion, or as they can prevail
INDIAN CLAIMS. 73
against their neighbours. And why may not Chris-
tians have Uberty to go and dwell amongst them in
their waste lands and woods, leaving them such places
as they have manured for their corne, as lawfully as
Abraham did among the Sodomites ? For God hath
given to the sons of men a twofold right to the earth ;
there is a naturall right and a civil right. The first
right was naturall when men held the earth in com-
,mon, every man sowing and feeding where he pleased.
Then, as men and cattell increased, they appropriated
some parcells of ground by _ enclosing and peculiar
manurance, and this, in tyme, got them a civill right.
Such was the right which Ephron, the Hittite, had to
the field, of Machpelah, wherein Abraham could not
bury a dead corpse without leave, though for the outer
parts of the countrey, which lay common, he dwelt
upon them and tooke fruite of them at his pleasure."
There is more land than is sufficient for both the
Indians and colonists. A plague has swept oflf most
of the natives. The survivors of them welcome set-
tlers to their soil. — This question about occupying the
land of the aborigines was the subsequent occasion of
much controversy, through Roger Williams, both at
Plymouth and Salem. It was one which received
much deliberation from the original proprietors and
colonists of New England. Whatever may have
been thought, said, or^ written of them, on this sub-
ject, they were evidently disposed, as before stated,
and even anxious to satisfy every fair claim of the
Indians for the territory which they settled.
Sixth. " We should send our young ones and such
as can best bo spared, and not the best of our minis-
ters and magistrates." — Reply. " It is a great worke
74 PURPOSE OF EMIGRATING HITHER.
and requires more skilful! artificers to lay the founda-
tion of a new building, than to uphold and repayre
one that is already built. If great things be attempted
by wcake instruments, the effect will be answerable."
Seventh. " Wee see that those plantations, that
have been formerly made, succeeded ill." — Reply.
" The fruit of any public designe is not to be dis-
cerned by the immediate success. It may appear in
tyme, that they were all to good use. There were
great fundamental errours in others, "which are like to
be avoided in this ; — for their mayne end and purpose
was camall and not religious j they aymed chiefly at
profitt and not at the propagation of religion ; they used
too unfitt instruments, a multitude of rude and ungov-
erned persons, the very scums of the land ; they did
not stablish a right forme of government." This clos-
ing answer is one of the clear evidences, which prove,
that the great aim in peopling Massachusetts, was, like
that as to Plymouth, the spread of "pure religion."
The head which dictated and the heart that felt
the preceding opinions and sentiments, were of no
ordinary texture. Indeed, for the occupancy of this
soil, Mr. Higginson gave ingenious and forcible rea-
sons. It required great physical strength to cast down
the pillars of Dagon's temple ; but a greater moral
energy to surmount the impediments cast in the way
of our pilgrim ancestors, when tearing themselves
from home and kindred, to embark for the inhospita-
ble coast of a distant and unsubdued wilderness.
EMIGRANTS AND SUPPLIES.
April 16. According to the Lord Treasurer's war-
rant, 60 married and unmarried females, 26 children
FAVOR TO THE COLONY. CHARTER, ETC. 75
and 300 men with supplies of food, arms, clothing,
tools and 140 head of cattle, are permitted to be em-
barked ^ for Massachusetts colony.
LETTER FROM THE COMPANY TO MR. ENDICOTT.
April 17. A letter,^ dated at Gravesend, is written
by the Governor and Deputy of the company in Eng-
land to Mr. Endicott. It relates to him what was
like glad tidings from a far country, that there was an
increased purpose to sustain the plantation. It gives
information of the charter's being confirmed, and that
a duplicate of it, with the royal seal, was about to be
sent over by Mr. Sharpe.
The writers of this epistle and their associates,
were fully aware, that every human enterprise, unin-
fluenced by religion, would soon fall to the ground.
They well knew that, let temporal prosperity be ever
so great for a season, still, if destitute of divine influ-
ence, it would draw in its train abounding corruptions
and become an instrument of ruin to its 'possessors.
Thus properly impressed, they sought for men worthy
to bear the ark of God. Their choice fell on the
Rev. Messrs. Francis Higginson, of Leicester; Sam-
uel Skelton, of Lincolnshire, and Francis Bright.
These were among the Calvinistic clergymen of Eng-
land, who were reduced by its laws, while they lived
in the kingdom, to the hard alternative, either to with-
hold some of their opinions and read in time of public
worship the Book of Sports, which encouraged an
open profanation of the Sabbath ; or submit to prose-
cutions, fines, imprisonment, and deposition from the
> Prince's New England, p. 183. * Suffolk Deeds, Liber 1.
76 , ' MINISTERS.
ministry. With the way for a satisfactory disci large
of their duty so hedged up, and with a sphere of use-
fulness opened for them, where spiritual freedom was
proffered, they felt obligated to turn from the one and
move in the other. In reference to them, the preced-
ing letter holds the subsequent language : " And for
that the propagating of the Gosple, is the Thing wee
doe profess aboue all to bee our ayme in setling this
Planiacon. Wee haue bin carefull to make plenty full
provision of godly ministers, by whose faithfull preach-
inge, godly conversacon and exemplary lyfe, wee
trust not only those of our owne nation wilbe built
vp in the knowledge of God, but also the Indians
may, in God's appointed tyme, bee reduced to the
obedyence of the Gosple of Christ ;— one of them is
well knowne to yourselfe, viz : Mr. Skelton, whom
wee haue the rather desired to beare a part in this
worke, for that wee are informed your selfe hath for-
merly received much good by his ministory ; he com-
eth in the George Bonaventure, Mr. Thomas Cox.
Another is Mr. Higgeson, a graue man, and of worthy
commendacons ; hee cometh in the Talbot. The
third is Mr. Bright, sometymes trained vpp vnder Mr.
Davenport, who cometh in the Lyon's Whelp. We
pray you accommodate them all with necessaryes as
well as you may ; and in convenyent time lett there
bee houses built them according to the agreement wee
haue made with them." The letter proceeds to re-
mark, that there is prospect of harmony among these
ministers, which will be promoted by impartiality
towards them and all others ; that the manner of their
preaching to the colonists and Indians, is left to their
■DISCONTENT OF OLD PLANTERS. 77
own discretion ; and that for their labors to be appre-
ciated, they mnst be duly honored.
It informs Mr. Endicott, that a government, called
" the * Council of the Massachusetts Bay," had been
appointed to reside in the colony, of which he was
the head. The particulars of this information * are
under a subsequent record of General Court, in Lon-
don, the 30th instant. The letter — having ordered
that, if Roger Conant and his associates declined
being represented in this council, this body might
supply their own vacancies, so caused — uses expres-
sions, which denote that a part- of the first settlers
hero considered themselves as injured, by having the
colony taken from their immediate control. The
language on this topic follows: "And that it may
appeare as well to all the worlde as to the old planters
themselues, that wee seke not to make them slaues,
as it seems by your letter some of them thinke them-
selues to bee become by meanes of our patent, wee
are content they shalbe partakers of such priviledges,
as wee, from his Majesty's espetiall grace, with great
cost, fauor of personages of note, and much labor,
haue obtained; and that they shaJbe incorporated into
this Socyetie, and enioy not only those lands, which
formerly they haue manured, but such a further pro-
porcon" as the civil authorities think best. "Be-
sides, it is still our purpose, that they should haue
some benefitt by the common stock, as was by your
first commission directed, with this addicon, that if it
' ThiB title is more brief than the colony, had been elected be-
the one under April 30th. fore the 30lh of April, and ua
' It Beemd from the above letter, early sls the 17th.
that the Governor and Council for
8
78 PRIVItHGES. CULTIVATION OF TOBACCO.
bee held too much to take 30 per cent, and the fraight
of the goods, for and in consideracon of our adven-
ture and disbursement of our moneyes, to bee paid
jn Bevor at 6* per lb., that you moderate the said
rate," — as equity requires. " Our further order is,
that none bee partakers of any of the aforesaid priui-
ledgesand profitts but such as bee peaceable men, and
of honest lyfe and conversacon, and desirous to line
amongst vs, and conforme themselues to good order
and government." Thus careful to give the old
planters the respect and favor which their seniority,
as to the first occupancy of the soil, seemed to re-
quire, the letter desires Mr. Endicott to gi*ant them
further indulgence in the cultivation of tobacco. At
the same time, it forbids all others here to raise this
article ; to sell or use it, " vnless vpon vrgent occa-
sion, for the benefitt of health, and taken privately."
It also states that there is very little profit to be
gained by the exportation of such a commodity to
England. As much excitement had been sustained in
that kingdom for a scries of years, concerning to-
bacco, by Sir Walter Raleigh's first introduction of it
into polite circles, and especially by the proclamations,
excises and phillipics of King James against it, aa
contained in his Counter Blast, there is no great mat-
ter for surprise, that the company should feel and say
so much on such a subject. Would it not be well, if
more antipathy of this kind had come down to our
day, and infused its influence into every walk of life ?
The letter informs Mr. Endicott, that John Oldham
had made various proposals to be connected with the
company in speculations of trade, but that they
avoided an acceptance of them ; and that he was fit-
GORGES TERRITORY. REV. RALPH SMITH. 79
ting out a vessel to come and take possession of tlie
territory in Massachusetts, conveyed to him by John,
brother of Robert Gorges. Of tliis claim, the author-
ities in London say, " which woe are well satisfyed,
by good Councell, is voyde in lawe." Still they
had strong apprehensions, lest he should draw disaf-
fected colonists to. his side and form a settlement
within their bounds, independent of their jurisdiction.
Hence, they were solicitous that Mr. Endicott should
contract with Mr. Conant and his associates to have
neither part nor lot in the projects of Oldham. They
proposed, that, if nothing less than severe measures
would arrest the progress of this individual, they
should be adopted ; though anxious to avoid any col-
lision with him, " wishing rather there might be such
an vnion as might drawe the Heathen by our good
example to the embracing of Clirist in his Gosple,"
They desired Mr. Endicott, that, as soon as emigrants,
about to embark, should arrive here, he would dis-
patch forty or fifty of them to take possession of the
soil on which Oldham had fixed his eye. They also
requested him to encourage such planters as were
already there, so that they might wish to be under
his authority ; and even, if requisite for this end, to
allow them " more than ordinarie preuiledges in point
of trade."
The letter notices Ralph Smith, a minister, as hav-
ing engaged a passage hither, before he was known
to differ in some points from the three other clergy-
men in the same fleet. It represents him as honest in
his creed, and hopes that he will be no occasion of
discord ; but if he should be, leave may be granted
him to depart. From what is here suggested of Mr.
80 SALT. VINEYARDS. FORT. CAPITAL.
Smith,^ and from his being employed by the Plymouth
church soon after his coming over, he appears to have
been more Congregational in his views of ecclesiasti-
cal pohty than Mr. Cradock and other membei-s of the
government at home, and this was probably the
source of their objection to him.
The letter alludes to a request made by Governor
Endicott for the assistance of Frenchmen to make
salt and plant vineyards. It says, that, however none
of such a nation could be obtained, Mr. Thomas
Graves,^ amply qualified for services of this sort, had
been engaged to reside in the colony. Besides the
scientific attainments of Mr. Graves, as specified i^i
his contract,^ the letter observes of him : " he hath
bin a traveller in divers forraigne parts to gain his
experience." The same epistle desires Mr. Endicott
to consult this gentlemen, in these words : " Wee
pray you take his advise touching the premises, and
where you intend to sett down in, to forty fio and build
a Towne, that it may bee qualified for good ayer and
water, according to your first instruccons, and mayhaue
as much naturall helpe as may bee, whereby it may
with the less labor and cost bee made fitt to resist an
enemie." This passage, taken in connection with the
facts, that Governor Endicott, under his first commis-
sion retained the emigrants at Naumkeag, and fortified
it under his second, shows that it was the purpose of
his heart to make this place the capital of the colony.
'After prcachinif at Plymouth Rcyncr. He dieil in Boston, March
leveral years, he did ll»o samo at 1, KG2.
Manchester; was at llie former * Groves in I. B. of SulTolk
place in 1641 ; had sold his house Deeds.
and land there to John Dow, ' Made with the Court of As-
before September "27, 1042, when Bi.-tanU.
it was conveyed to Rev, John
GOV. CRADOCK'S BENEFICENCE, 81
The letter promises, that an account of names and
laud for each of the settlers in the first allotment, should
be forwarded to him. It asks him to accommodate
servants and cattle, about to sail, either at " Nahum-
keeke or in the Mattachusetts Bay, or in both places."
It recommends part of such persons and stock to his
care, as belonging to Sir Richard Saltonstall and Mr.
Isaac Johnson. It desires attention to the interests of
"Matthew Cradock, who with some particuler breth-
ren of our company, haue deepely engaged them-
selues in their private adventures in these shipps and
those to come ; and as wee hold these men, that thus
deepely adventure in their priveate to bee, vnder God,
spetiall instruments for the advancing and strength-
ning of our Plantacon, which is done by them with-
out any charge to the Company's generall stock,
wherein notwithstanding they are as deepe or deeper
engaged then any other, soe being contented to bee
debarred from all priveate trading in Furrs for 3
yeares."
It mentions, that the common seal is to be sent
over by Mr. Sharpe. It observes, that if swine are
needed in the plantation, six of them may be had of
New JPlymouth for £9, towards what they owe Mr.
Goffe ; and that 42 goats will be immediately shipped
for Naumkeag.
As to various articles, previously ordered by the
council in London, the letter furnishes the ensuing ex-
tract ; "Wee haue followed your advice and sent most
of our guns, snaphance, bastard inuskett bore ; and
wee haue also sent store of powder and shott ; grayne
for seede, both wheat, barley and rye in the chaff,
etc. As for fruit stones and kernells, the tyme of the
8*
82 TRAINING. FAMILY DISCIPLINE.
year fitts not to send them now, soe wee purpose to
doe it per our next. Tame turkyes shalbe now sent
you if may bee, if not, per other shipps." It adds,
" Wee are disappointed of. the provisions ordered to
haue bin sent you for yourselfe and Mrs. Endecott,
but God willing, they shall come by the next."
It orders, that every individual who sells arms and
ammunition to the Indians, and teaches them how to
use these things, shall be sent to England for punish-
ment according to the regal proclamation. It cau-
tions Mr. Endicott, as he had been previously, against
excessive reliance on the good faith of the natives.
It proposes to him, that, as a defence against foreign
and domestic foes, the colonists have set days for mil-
itary discipline, and that he may expect aid, in this
concern, from Messrs. Graves and Sharpe, Of the
last, it remarks : " Mr. Sharpe is by vs entertained to
bee Mr. Gunner of our ordnance, in which service he
is to employ soe much of his tyme as the charge of
that office doth require ; and in the rest, hee is to
follow other imployments of our governors and others,
for whose employment hee is particularly sent over."
. It states, that a memorandum of the provisions,
shipped for this place, and of the emigrants' names,
employed by the company, would be forwarded with
them. Of the people, thus coming to our shores, it
speaks — "Amongest which wee hope you will fynde
many religious, discreete and well-ordered persons,
which you must sett over the rest, devyding them
into famylies, placing some with the ministers, and
others vnder such as beeing honest men, and of their
owne calling as neere as may bee^ may haue care to
see them well educated in their generall callings as
TREATMENT OF INDIANS. RELIGIOUS DISPUTES. 83
Christians, and particuler according to their severall
trades, or fitness in disposicon to learne a trade." It
allows, that if any of the inhabitants here transgress,
they shall be punished ; and if irreclaimable, be sent
home, with certificates of their mal-condiict, as a terror
to others.
• It gives special caution against injury's being done
to the natives, and advises Governor Endicott to pub-
lish a proclamation of this import, with the common
seal impressed on it, and posted up " in some eminent
place for all to take notice." To avoid mischief by
too great intimacy with the Indians, it orders " that
they bee not permitted to come to your Plantacon,
but at certaine tymes and places." As expressive of
honest purpose towards these natives, it observes : "If
any of the Saluages pretend right of inheritence to
all or any part of the lands, graunted in our Pattent,
wee pray you endeavour to purchase their tytle, that
we may avoyde the least scruple of intrusion."
It desires the council, that in case any theological
controversies should arise here, to " suppress tliem,
and bee carefull to maintain peace and vnitie." It
proposes, with regard to having either Mr. Bright, or
Higginson, or Skelton, preach at Charlestown, that, if
they fail to agree on this subject, it shall be decided
by lot, and whoever is selected shall dwell there with
his family.
It commissions Messrs. Skelton and Samuel Sharpe,
in case they found Governor Endicott dead, on their
arrival at Naumkeag, or if he should die before all the
vessels reached here, to take the lead of the council
and rule according to order.
. It recommends several of the emigrants to the au-
'84 MECHANICS. CATTLE. CARGO. FISHERY.
thorities of the plantation. Of Lawrence Leech it
says, "a carefull and iJainfuU man, lett hirh haue
deserving respect ; " of Richard Waterman, with like
approbation, " whose chiefe employment wilbe to
gett you good venison." It mentions six shipwrights,
»' of whom Robert Molton is chiefe," to be paid two
thirds by the general company and one third by Mr.
Cradock, and employed for them in similar propor-
tionsj and Richard Ewstead, a wheelwright, approved
by Mr. Davenport as " a very able man," engaged to
the same parties on like conditions ; and William*
Ryall and Thomas Brand, coopers and cleavers of
timber, to be compensated one half by each of these
concerns, and to labor for them accordingly. The
last mechanics are required to get staves, etc., in read-
iness for part of return cargoes. One Norton, a car-
penter, is named among these emigrants, for a kind
reception.
The letter specifies horses, mares, cows, bulls and
goats, shipped by Mr. Cradock, and to be divided into
two equal parts after their arrival, one for him and tho
other for the company. It expresses the hope, that
Governor Endicott had exchanged the goods he took
out with him, for beaver, otter, and other furs, and
that these, with other suitable lading, may be dis-
patched in the Talbot, which was at £150 charges a
month.
It requests that fishermen — of whom six, from Dor-
chester, are coming over — may, with part of the crews,
take fish, and that this be cured in hogsheads or other-
wise, with salt on board of the Whelp and Talbot,
and sent home in either of these vessels. It permits
that the Whelp, being owned by the company, may
CHIRURGEON. THE SABDATII. 85
be detaiued a while, if she can be profitably employed.
It relates, that the George Bonaventure is to land her
passengers and goods, and immediately sail for New-
foundland.
The letter shows the care of the authorities in
London, that the colony should have t'urlher medical
assistance. It gives their language on this point ;
" Wee haue entertained Lambert Wilson, chirurgion,
to remaine with you in the service of the Plantacon,
with whom wee are agreed, that hee shall serve this
companie and the other planters, that live in the Plan-
tacon for three yeares, and in that tyme apply him-
selfe to cure, not only of such as came from hence
for the generall and particuler accompts, but also for
the Indians, as from tyme to tyme he shall be direc-
ted " by the council. " Moreover, he is to educate
and to instruct in his art one or more youths, such as
you and the said Councell shall appoint, that may bee
helpfull to him, and if occasion serve, succeed him
in the Plantacon, which youth or youths fitt to learne
that profession, lett bee placed with him, of which
Mr. Huggeson's sonne, if his father approue thereof,
may bee one, the rather because he hath bin trayucd
vp in litterature ; but if not hee, then such other as
you shall iudg most fitt."
The letter msmifests that the company were fully
aware, that the great interests of society depended
much on a dutiful observance of the Lord's day. It
thus recites their words : " To the end the Sabotli
may bee celebrated in a religious manner, wee ajipoint
that all that inhabite the Plantacon, both for the gen-
erall and particuler imployments, may surcease tJieir
labor every Satterday throughout the yeare, at 3 of
86 CHARTER. SEAL. FAMILY ORDER.
the clock iu the afternoone, and that they spend the
rest of that day in catichising and preparacon for the
Saboth, as the ministers shall direct." This order
furnishes a striking and ominous coutrast to the pres-
ent general practice.
April 21. To the letter of the 17th, the Governor
and Deputy appended another to Mr. Endicott. The
former, with the charter and the company's seal, was
committed to the care of Samuel Sliarpe, on board of
the George Bonaventure, which was supposed to be
still riding at anchor for a fair wind. As to the char-
ter, there is a very good likeness of it in the collec-
tions of the Salem Athenaeum. It has the remains
of the party-colored cord, which once held the royal
seal. It has no record of Governor Cradock's official
oath, as there is on the charter in our State archives.
It appears to have been the document, sent over to
Mr. Endicott by order of the Company's Court in
London. It now reposes in the very settlement, where
it was once the magna charta, on which the council
of Naumkeag made their laws and grounded their
authority.
The last communication observes : " Wee haue
devyded the servants; belonging to the company, into
seuerall famylies, as wee desire and intend they
should Hue togeather, a coppy whereof wee send you
here inclosed, that you may accordingly appoint each
man his charge and dutie." The accomplishment of
this order was left to the discretion of Mr. Endicott. In
this connection, it is perceived how deeply the com-
pany were impressed with the established truth, that
as the discipline and morals of families, so the eleva-
tion or depression of the community, state, or nation,
JOHiN AND SAMUEL DROWN. 87
which they constitute. Their language follows :
" Our earnest desire is, that you take spetiall care in
settlinge these families, that the chiefe in the fami-
lie, at least some of them, bee grounded in Religion,
whereby morning and evening famyiie dutyes may
bee duly performed, and a watchfull eye held over all
in each familie, by one or more in each famyiie to bee
appointed thereto; that soe disorders, may bee pre-
vented, and ill weeds nipt before they take too great
a head. It wilbe a business worthy your best' en-
deavors to looke vnto this in the begiuninge."
They advise, that if any in their employment are
idle and disobedient, they must be chastised, adding
" that coneccon is. ordained for the fooles back, as
necessary as food and rayment." It is plain, that
they were among the class of ancient disciplinarians,
who could scarcely be convinced that reason and
persuasion were enough for the reformation of the
spoiled and dissolute. They duly appreciated the
beneficial effects of industry, and thus urged it for
the colonists : " Wee hartely pray you, that all bee
kept to labor, as the only meanes to reduce them to
civill, yea, a godly life, and to keepe youth from fall-
ing into many enormities, which by nature wee are
all too much enclyned vnto."
Towards the close, of their epistle, they introduce
John and Samuel Brown, of the emigrants, as " breth-
ren of our company, who though they bee noe adven-
turers in the generall stocke, yett are they men wee
doe much respect, being fully perswaded of their sin-
cere affeccons to the good of our Plantacon ; the one
Mr. John Browne is sworne an assistant here, and by
vs chosen one of the Councell there — a man experi-
88 GORGES TERRITORY. LEYDEN EallGRANTS.
enced in the lawes of our kingdom, and such an one
as wee are perswaded will worthylie deserue your
favor and furtherance, which wee desire he may haue,
and that in the first devision of lands there may be
allotted to ether of them 200 acres." Thus these
gentlemen left for the new world, under favorable
auspices. But discrepancy of views, as to ecclesiasti-
cal forms, was soon to cause their compulsory return.
The bow of morning often terminates in the storm of
evening.
The letter is closed by one, probably Governor
Cradock, with particulars of Messrs. John Oldham
and John Dorrell's patent from Mr. Gorges. He re-
lates, that this grant extended five miles up Charles
river, N. W. from the border of Massachusetts bay,
and three miles up Abousett river, from its mouth, and
contained all between such lines of these two rivers,
with reserves of royal mines and 12** on every 100
acres of occupied land, and that William Blackstone
and William Jeffries were empowered to grant the
premises to Mr. Oldham on his showing them the
charter. The writer again authorizes Mr. Endicott
to take possession of this territory, as a means of ex-
cluding Oldham.
Among the passengers ^ in the Talbot, were some
of Mr. Robinson's people, from Leyden. Their emi-
gration to Plymouth, had been prevented by former
members of the company, in England, for that plan-
tation.
GENERAL COURT IN LONDON.
April 30. They order ^ " that thirteene of such as
• Shirley's letter. Mass. Hia. Coll. s. L v. iii. p. 66. « Col. Rec.
COUNCIL FOR THE COLONY APPOINTED. 89
shalbe reputed the most wyse, honest, expert and
discreete persons resident vpon the said Plantacon
shall haue the sole managing and ordering of the gou-
ernment and our affaires there, who to the best of their
judgments are to endeavour soe to settle the same, as
may make most to the glory of God, the furtherance
and advancement of this hopeful Plantacon, the com-
fort, encouragement and future benefitt of vs and
others, the beginners and prosecutors of this, soe
laudable a worke. The said thirteene persons soe
appointed, to bee entytled by the name of the Gou-
ernor and Councell of London's Plantacon in the
Mattachusetts Bay in New England. And having
taken into due consideracon the meritt, worth and
good desert of Capt. John Endecott, and others lately
gone over from hence with purpose to resyde and
continue there, wee haue with full consent and au-
thoritie of this Court and by ereccon of hands, chosen
and elected the said Capt. John Endecott to the place
of present Gouernor in our said Plantacon." They
also chose Francis Higginson, Samuel Skelton, Fran-
cis Bright, John Brown, Samuel Brown, Thomas
Graves and Samuel Sharpe, for seven of his council.
To these, power was delegated to choose three other
counsellors, and to the old planters for electing* two
more. On this subject the General Court remarked :
" That the former Planters there may haue noe iust
occasion of excepcon, as being excluded out of the
priueleges of the Company, this Court are content
and doe order by ereccon of hands, that such of the
said former Planters, as are willing to line within
the lymitts of our Plantacon, shalbe enabled and
hereby authorized to make choice of 2 such, as they
9
90 COLONIAL GOVERNMENT.
shall thinke fitt to supply and make vpp the number
of 12 of the said Councell, one of which 12 is, by the
Goueraer and Councell, or the maior parte of them, to
bee chosen deputie to the Gouernor for the tyme
beinge." The government of the colony, or greater
part of them, were authorized to choose a Secretary
and other needful officers. Each of them was to take
an oath " in a publique Court, and not elsewhere,"
for being faithful in his station, when elected or ad-
mitted to office. They were to continue a year, or
till others were appointed. The whole, or greater
part of them, were empowered to fill vacancies in
their body, occasioned by death, incompetency, or
immorality. The Governor, or, in his absence, the
Deputy might call courts at pleasure, who, or a ma-
jority thereof, among whom the Governor or Deputy
must be always one, had power to enact laws not
opposed to those of England, and punish offenders
according to their deserts. The court here were re-
quired to furnish the court in England with copies of
their transactions. Such was the model of a govern-
ment which was located at Naumkeag, and which
the best friends of this place earnestly wished might
be long continued within its limits.
The court in London ordered that a copy of their
acts, imder'this date, in relation to the settling of gov-
ernment in Massachusetts, with an impression of the
Company's seal and signed by the Governor and
Deputy, should be sent hither immediately. Messrs.
Walgrave, Pelham, Humphrey and Nowell, were de-
sired to draw up the form of an oath for Governor
Endicott, his Deputy and Assistants.
OATHS. 91
COURT OF ASSISTANTS IN LONDON.
May 7. Of their number, at this session, was
Thomas Pulyston.
The forms of oaths for Governor Eadicott and his
council, were ordered to be sent to them. These
forms, with those for other officers of the government
here, made the ensuing requisitions for substance.
The Governor's oath, — that he should be loyal to the
king, faithful to the company, and to the laws,
" made by y" authority of y" Assistants and Gener-
alitye," and punish " transgressors and brekers of y*
same " with impartiality.
The Deputy's was similar, with the addition of
pledging aid to the Governor.
The Assistants' — that they should give their " best
advice for supportinge y* Common Welthe," — allow
none " to be admitted into y* freedom of this fellow-
shippe contrarye to the true meaningc of the Charter."
The Treasurer's — that he should honestly discharge
the evident duties of his trust.
The Secretary's — that he should be " obeydient,
diligent and attendant to Mr. Gouernor and y' Depu-
tye and Companye ; faithfully set doune, wright and
register in the Companye's book y*" acts, ordinances
and constitutions of the said Fellowshippe ; not give
out any coppie of the same actes without y* consent
of a Courte of Assistants ; keepe secret all matters,
talke or conference, the disclosing whereof may bee
preiudiciall to the Companye," and give notice of all
he knows, who attempt to injure the "Fellowshippe."
The Beadle's — that he should '*' warne the Companye
to come to Courtes and Congregations to be appoynted
92 HUGH PETERS, JOHN OLDHAM. DR. FULLER;
by the Goueraor or his Deputye, as often and when
willed and required " by these officers ; " suffer no
hurts to the Company ; stand or be within the hear-
inge of y* said Companye when they are sett at any
Iheire Courtes, nor come in before called for by the
Gouemor or his Deputye."
Letters were ordered for Governor Endicott about
allotments of land for adventurers in the common
stock ; a mill for Francis Webb ; and punishing such
as sold guns.
- May 11. At a Court of Assistants, Hugh Peters
was present. "This daye Mr. Ouldum propounded
vnto Mr. White, that he would have his Patten ex-
amined, and its agreed by the Courte not to haue any
treatye with him about it, by resone its thought, he
doth it not out of loue but out of some synister
respect."
A Warrant was delivered unto Mr. Scale for 10
dozen and 2 hats,^ at 2/ pr dozen.
MR. ENDICOTTS LETTER TO MR, BRADFORD.
Having medically administered to the wants of the
colonists, for a few months. Dr. Fuller returned to
Plymouth, with the elevated enjoyment which benev-
olent action always affords.
May 11. By him Mr. Endicott wrote to Governor
Bradford. In this epistle, the former exhibits the ex-
panded views and feelings ever legitimately flowing
from Christian principle. He speaks of the union in
sympathy, motive and action, which should be cher-
ished by disciples of the same Divine Master. He
> TboDgh this price may seem incredible, it is so recorded.
JEALOUSY OF THE PLYMOUTH SETTLERS. 93
mentions tlie necessity of this, in order to establish a
religious commonwealth. To this import he remarks,
" bending all our hearts and forces in furthering a work
beyond our strength, with reverence and fear, fastening
our eyes always on Him, that is only able to direct and
prosper all our ways." He expresses gratitude to Mr.
Bradford for promoting the visit of Dr. Fuller to
Naumkeag. He touches, with prudence, on the need-
less jealousy which had existed between the respec-
tive friends of Plymouth and Massachusetts colonies,
in reference to ecclesiastical discipline. Here, it may
not be inapposite to observe, that the latter Associates
suspected the people of Plymouth as leaning too
much to Brownism, though in fact they had learned,
under the judicious Robinson, to embrace and prac-
tice Congregational order. Such a suspicion explains
•why Mr. Lyford and his followers, when expelled
from the jurisdiction of Gov. Bradford, were otfered
an asylum at Cape Ann and then at Naumkeag. In
the same letter, Mr. Endicott also refers to the time of
his own religious reformation. The instrument of
such an alteration — the most important man can ever
experience — was the Rev. Samuel Skelton, to whom
he was ardently attached, and whose society he was
soon to enjoy.
GENERAL COURT IN LONDON.
May 13. The following persons were chosen^
members of the Court in London, " by the consent
of the generallity of y* Company : " Matthew Cra^
dock, Governor, and Thomas Goffe, Deputy. Of the
' CoIoDj Records.
9*
94 PUNCTUAL ATTENDANCE.
18 Assistants named in the charter, 16 were con-
firmed, and instead of the other two, John Endicott
and John Brown, " beeinge out of the land," John
Pocock and Christopher Cowlson were elected. Wil-
liam Burges was chosen Secretary,^ George Harwood,
Treasurer, and Humphrey Seale, Beadle.
May 13. " Ordered, that whensoeuer any Court of
Assistants shalbe summoned, whosoeuer of the Assis-
tants comes not, twixt 25 March and 29 of Septem-
ber, before eight of y* clock in y* morning, and from
29 September to 25 March, before 9 of y« clock in y'
morning, shall forfett twelue pence for euery such
offence ; and if he comes not within towe houers after
either of the said houers respectyvely, then towe shil-
lings for euery default, ech man to fforffett and pay,
and for want of payment within dales after de-
mand made by the officer, to the Company, the fyne
doble to bee sett vppon his accounte." " It is also
agreed,^ that for aney y' shall haue pryuat conference
after y* Court is summoned by the Gouernor or liis
Deputy, knocking of the hammer thrice on the table,
to sitt downe and attend y" Court, that six pence by
euery person for euery such offence shalbe payd." .
COURT OF ASSISTANTS IN LONDON.
May 18. Messrs. Humphrey and Adams were au-
thorized to obtain supplies for being forwarded to Mr.
Endicott and his family. "The names of all the
adventurers to bee sent over, with the seuerall somes
by them vnderwritten." " It is ordered, that the
Gouernor and Coimcell there shall haue power to
* The Secretary's salary waa 20 * This paragraph is obscure in
m&rkfl. the origioal as well as here.
DIVISION AND ALLOTMENTS OF LAND. 95
allott vnto every particuler adventurer, that shall de-
sire the same by himselfe or his assigness, 200 acres
of land vpoa the some of £50 adventure in the gen-
erall stock in the first divident, and proportionally for
more or less according to their severall adventures."
May 19. Concerning this subject, " it is thought
fitt that letters bee writt to the Gouernor to sett out
and allott vnto them after the proporcon of 200 acres
of land ffor £50 adventure, and after y' rate for more or
less ; to build their houses and to improouo there labors
thereon ; and if within 10 dayes after their arrivall
and demand made, the same be not soe allotted, that
each man being an adventurer, is heereby permitted
flfree liberty to build in aney plase where himselfe
shall thinke most convenient, with reseruacon not to
build or manure that alredy built on or manured,
prouided y' if- the plott of ground whereon the Towne
is intended to bee built bee sett out, y' it bee pub-
liqueley knowne to bee intended for that purpose,
that then noe man shall presume to build his howse
aney where else, (vnless it bee in the Massachusetts
Bay,^ and there according to such directions as shalbe
thowght meete for that plase,) but in case his allot-
ment be not sett out within the Towne where he
shall build, and hauing in his owne name, or in the
behalfe of his master, made request to the Gouernor
to haue the same assyned to him, if it bee not done
within 10 dales after his arryuall, it shalbee free ffor
nney in such case, beeing an adventurer in the com-
mon stock, to build his howse within the foresaid
plott of ground, sett out for the Towne to bee built
' MauachusetU Bay waa then accounted so as not to include ter-
htorj northwardly from Boston.
06 ALLOTMENTS OF LAND. OATHS.
on, and to impale to his owne vsse proporconable to
halffe an aqre of ground for £50 adveuter in y* com-
mon stock, vnless a greter or lesse proporcon be for-
merley determyned of by the Gouernor and Counsell;
in which case that proporcon is to bee made vse of and
appropriated to ech man within y' Uberties of y'
plott, sett out ffor the Towne to bee built on, and it is
ordered, that Conueyance bee made in the Companies
name, with the common scale of the Companie to it, to
aney y' shall desire it, for ech man's peasable inioying
of y' land he holds, at the chardge of the Companie."
" It is further thought fitt and ordered, that all such
persons as goe over at their owne charge and are ad-
venturers in the. common stock, shall haue lands
allotted to them for themselues and their families
forthwith 50 acres of land for each person ; but being
noe adventurers in the common stock, shall haue 50
acres of land for the Mr. of the familie, and such a
proporcon of land more, if there bee cause, as accord-
ing to their charge and qualitie, the Gouernor and
Councell of N^w England shall thinke necessary for
them, wherby their charge may bee fully and amply
supported, vhless it bee to any, with whom the Com-
pany in London shall malte any other particuler agree-
ment, to which relacon is to bee had in such case.
And for such as transport servants, land shalbe allotted
for each servant, 50 acres to the Mr., which land the
Mr. is to dispose of at his discresion ; in regard the
servant's transportacon, wages, etc., are at the Mr.'s
charge."
May 21. A committee were to consult "Mr. White,
the Councellor to bee satisfied concerning the ad-
ministering of othes to the Gouernor and Councell in
LANDS. CARE FOR THE INDIANS. 97
New England." They made the subsequent addition
to the order of the 18th of May, about allotment of
land: "If within 10 dayes after arrivall of these
shipps, and demand made by any person, adventurer
in the common stock, or his or their servant, of their
allottment of land, the same not being done, that
then each person be permitted to seate himselfe in a
couvenyent place, not formerly built nor manured,
and build his house and inclose the same to his or
their vse, not exceeding the one halfe of that propor-
con, which by the former order of this Court is
allowed and when the devydent is made, to bee free
to make his choice within the said allottment, if hee
dislike what hee had formerly chosen." It was or-
dered, that the Company's seal shall be kept by the
Governor of the plantation, and, in his absence, by
the Deputy. A committee were empowered to pre-
pare letters and the orders for establishing government
and allotting lands in the colony, signed by the Gov-
ernor, Deputy, and six Assistants, with the Company's
seal affixed, so that they may be sent over in the sliips,
ready to depart.
LETTER FROM THE COMPANY TO GOV. ENDICOTT.
May 28. Another valuable letter ^ is dated in Lon-
don from the Company's Court to Mr. Endicott. It
repeats the desire to him, that an edict, with penalty,
might be passed and published, in manuscript, here,
against injury to the natives. It informs him, that the
election of himself, as Governor of the plantation, and
» Suffolk Deeds, Book 1. Not 28th. lu last date ia June 3, at
a few parta of this "letter were Gravesend.
written continuousl/ after the
08 COLONIAL COUNCIL. PAPERS. REGISTERS.
of his council, had, since the Company's last commu-
nication to him, been established by a full court ; that
forms of appropriate oaths, for such colonial authori-
ties, were now forwarded to them, who were empow-
ered to compose suitable oaths for their Secretary and
other officers. It mentions, that a list of adventurers
and the suras of their subscription, and of their ser-
vants, and other emigrants, alreadly sailed at their
own charge, is now sent, and orders that lots of land
be allowed to them, according to an act of the court
at home, impressed with their seal. It says, that
copies of agreements with servants and others, em-
barked in the three last vessels, accompany the pres-
ent epistle, and desires Governor Endicott to keep a
register of all persons, who have or may come to the
colony, as to their names, quality and age. Precious
indeed would such documents as this be, for throw-
ing light on the biography of many individuals, who
visited our goodly city in its earliest being. But they
have long since disappeared with all the papers of
Governor Endicott's first administration. Unless dis-
covered in the plantation office of London, or some
such depository there, scarce a possibility exists that
they will ever greet the vision of'Naurakeag's de-
scendants.
The letter proceeds to specify the ships, on the
point of sailing for the plantation : the Mayflower, of
Yarmouth ; the Four Sisters and the Pilgrim, both of
London — the first commanded by William Pierce, the
second by Roger Harman, and the third by William
Wolridge. It repeats the injunction to Mr. Endicott,
that he, with advice of his council, make a fair settle-
ment with the natives for their claim upon the terri-
REPORT. HOUSE OF CORRECTION. ^9
tory. It calls for semi-annual reports of daily labor
performed by every individual of each family. As
expressive of the Company's pvurpose to carry out their
system of colonial discipline, it remarks : " For the
better goueming and ordering of our people, espetiaUie
such as shalbe negligent and remiss in performance of
their dutyes, or otherwise exorbitant, our desire is,
that a house of correccon bee erected and set vpp,
both for the punishment of such offenders, and to
deterr others by their example from such irregular
courses."
The letter commends Richard Claydon,^ wheel-
wright, Richard Haward and Richard Inkersall.
These two had families, and were from Bedfordshire,
as well as the former. Proposal was made that Mr.
Claydon teach his art to some of the plantation, and
that his brother, Barnaby, work for Mr. Sharpe, as
agent of ]\Ir. Cradock. The last gentleman had en-
gaged two gardeners to come over, and he offered
that one of them should assist the colonists.
The letter makes request for the Rev. Mr. White,
that attention may be shown to a number of passen-
gers in the Lyon's Whelp, from the counties of Dor-
set and Somerset ; that William Dodge, a skilful hus-
bandman, may have the " charge of a team of horses ; "
that Hugh Tillie and William Eedes may serve Sir
Richard Saltonstall ; that Francis Webb may have
encouragement in setting up a mill ; and that all per-
sons, sent over by the same clergyman, may be in the
employment of the Company. It states, that the ex-
pense of fitting out the three last ships, was assessed,
> See his contract of March 12, 1629, wherein he was denominated
a carpenter.
100 SHIPWRIGHTS. UR. CRADOCK. CATTLE.
one half on the general stock of the Company, and
the other part on the private stock of Governor Cra-
dock and his associates; and that whatever stores
remained after the discharge of these vessels at Naum-
keag, they were to be accordingly divided, and that
the proportion of the private stock be handed over to
Mr. Sharpe as the agent. It gives information, that
two thirds of articles for ship-building in the planta-
tion belonged to the Company, and the rest to Mr.
Cradock and partners, and that the charges for George
Farr, a shipwright, now coming over, are to be alike
borne by the same concerns ; desires, that a store-
house may be erected for the shipwrights, of whom
Robert Moulton was principal ; that they may be
assisted by other colonists ; that, as soon as three
shallops are finished, they be owned by the preceding
bodies, be equipped and perform voyages on their
account in the proportions just specified. It says, in
the language of the Court, " as our Gouernor ^ hath en-
gaged himselfe beyond all expectacon in this business,
not only in his particuler, but by great sorames dis-
bursed for the generall, to supply the wants thereof;-
soe our desire is, that you endeavor to giue all fur-
therance and friendly accommodacon to his agents
and servants." Such is the representation of one,
who stands among the foremost promoters of Naum-
keag's settlement and advancement.
In reference to cattle,^ now and previously shipped,
one half on account of this benefactor and the other
for the Company, it proposes a division of them after
their arrival by Messrs. Endicott and Sharpe, but, if
' Matthew Cradock. ' Including the horse aa well as homed kind.
TOBACCO. FISHERY. COST OF SHIPS. IQl
the latter be absent or sick, Henry Haughton is to
take his place.
The same communication renews the topic about
tobacco, "As in our former, soe now againe wee
espetially desire you to take care, that noe Tobacco
bee planted by any of the new planters vnder your
government, vnless it bee some small quantitie for
meere necessitie, and for phisick for preseruacon of
their healths, and that the same bee taken privately
by auncient men and none other ; and to make a
generall restraint thereof, as much as in you is, by
perswading the old planters to employ themselues in
other business, according to our example, and not to
permitt that any Tobacco bee laden there vpon our
shipps." Could the givers of this injunction have
looked down to our day, they would not only have
been greeted by cooperation, but also perceived that
medical practice, for the most part, excluded such a
vegetable from its pharniacopceia, as pernicious rather
than beneficial to health.
The letter mentions that, for carrying on the fishery,
as additional to the six on board the Lyon's "VThelp,
three ^ more ju^e now sent by Mr. Cradock and asso-
ciates, who are answerable for a third of their charge
and are to receive a like ratio of their gains, and the
Company the remainder of their cost and profit. It
estimates the expense for freight, wages, and stores of
the three ships ready to sail, £2,400 ; that this is far
greater than what they can make on their outward
voyage, and asks that, to lessen such difference, due
' Two of these three were dismiaaed before sailing, because the/
were dlflcovered to be immoral mea.
10
102 SHIP BUILDING. MECHANICS.
care may be taken in sending -back fish and other
articles, with all possible dispatch. It enumerates
quantities of salt, with lines, hooks, knives, boots and
barrels, for the fishery, as shipped in these vessels. It
leaves the fishermen to be employed either " in har-
bour or vpon the banko," as may seem best, and
refers to Capt. William Pierce for advice in the mat-
ter, as he had been acquainted with the places. It
adds, " if you send the shipps to fish at the Banck,
and expect them not to returne again to the Planta-
con, that then you send our Barke, that is already built
in the coimtry, to bring back our fishermen and such
provisions as they had for fishing." We perceive
from this, that a vessel had been built, most probably
at Naumkeag, and that the Desire, afterwards launched^
at Marblehead, was not the first vessel built in the*
colony, as some have supposed. It is very likely that
Robert Moulton and company erected many a ser-
viceable craft for its watery element, before the tim-
ber of the one, just named, was even levelled in the
forest.
The letter requests Mr. Endicott, that besides the
building of a storehouse for the shipwrights, there
may be another for the fishermen. It commends to
him Thomas Beard, a shoemaker, and Isaac Hickman,
who are each to be maintained at the public charge
for £10 a year, and to be under his guidance for their
place of employment. It states, that Beard had hides
in the Mayflower for the manufacture of boots and
shoes, and was to pay, for the freight of them, in. the
ratio of £4 a ton. It goes on to observe : " Wee de-
sire also the said Thomas Beard may have 50 acres
» In 1636.
LANDS HELD BY TENURE OF SERVICE. 103
of land allotted to him, as one that transports him-
selfe at his owne charge, but as well for him as all
others, that shall haue land allotted to them in that
kinde, and are noe adventurers in the common stock,
which is to support the chargo of forty ficacons, as
also for the ministrie and diuers other ailaircs, — wco
hold it fitt, that these kinde of men, as also such as
shall come to inheritt lands by their seruice, should
by way of acknowledgment to such, from whom they
receive these lands, become lyable to the performance
of some seruice certaine days in the yeare, and by
that seruice they and their posteritie after them, to
hold and inherite these lands, which wilbe a good
meanes to enioy their lands from being held in capite,
and to support the Plantacon in generall and particu-
ler." How long this order was complied with, is not
left on record. Its execution, which called for a
part of the colonists to be employed at certain times,
as the tenure of holding their fields and farms, which
thus showed, that they were not of the number who
derived their landed possessions from the head, or
king, by a law, abolished under Charles II. must
have produced distinctions in community, which
would be strange to our observation and experience.
Still uttering the fulness of their heart, the Court,
at home, renew their caution against idleness as a
bane of society. " Wee may not omitt out of zeal
for the generall good, once more to putt you in mynde
to bee uery circumspect in the infancie of the Planta-
con, to settle some good order, whereby all persons,
resident vpon our Plantacon, may apply themselues to
one calling or other, and noe idle drone be permitted
to Hue among vs ; which if you take care now at the
104 PUNISHMENT. PROFANENESS. SERVANTS.
first to establish, wilbe an imdoubted meanes, through
God's assistance, to prevent a world of disorders, and
many greuious sinns and sinners."
. While solicitous to promote industry, they were
equally so to have justice executed upon transgressors.
On this subject they say : " Wee hartely pray you to
admitt of all complaints that sbalbe made to you, or
any of you, that are of the Councell, bee the com-
plaint never soe meane, and pass it not sleightly over,
but seriously examine the truth of the business."
Our early records of a judicial character, closely ad-
hered to such advice. Hence the charge, not unfre-
quently made against our ancestors, for being exces-
sively particular. Still, however they had faults like
the worthiest of their kind, they well knew, that
omission to notice small offences, leads to the com-
mission of great crimes ; that, as the barriers against
vice are lopped away, so those which remain are more
easily borne down.
Intent upon having the plantation rest on the basis
of strict moral principles, far better than the mines of
Potosi, the Company proffer another request ; " Wee
pray you make some good lawes for the punishment
of swearers, whervnto it is to bee feared too many
are adicted that are servants sent over formerly and
now." They urge compliance with this, as a means
of securing the divine benediction. As evidence,
that they sincerely preferred godliness lo gain in the
affairs of the colony, they remark : " Wee haue disr
charged diners servants heere, that wee had entertained
and bin at great charges with some of them ; yett
fearing their ill lyfe might bee preiudiciall to the
Plantacon^ wee rather thought fitt to dismiss them
STRONG WATERS. 105
and loose our charges/ then to burden the Plantacon
with them." While careful to crush the first risings
of iniquity among the colonists, the Company seem
not to have understood the true method to prevent
and eradicate intemperance. They went with the
great mass of the world, in supposing, that strong
drink was so needed to sustain man in his toils and
cure him in his sickness, it might innocently be dis-
tributed among any portion of their race. Not unlike
a person, who should scatter firebrands amid goodly
habitations, and cautiously surround them with appa-
ratus to preserve such of them as the flames had not
too far devoured. On. this point, let the Company
speak for themselves: " Wee pray you endeaver,
though there bee much strong waters sent for sale,
yett soe to order it as that the saluages may not for
our lucre sake bee induced to excessive vse, or rather
abuse of it ; and at any hand take care our people
giue noe ill example ; and if any shall exceede in
that inordinate kinde of drinking as to become drunck,
-wee hope you will take care his punishment bee made
exemplary for all others. Lett the lawes be first pub-
lished to forbidd these disorders, and all others you
feare may growe vp, whereby they may not pi-etend
ignorance of the one, nor priuiledg to ofiend, and
then feare not to putt good lawes, made vpon good
ground and warrant, in due execucon." The spirit,
which dictated this passage, would probably have
induced its possessors, if living at this day, to re-
nounce their error and take rank among the foremost
in the reform, which has broken asunder many bonds
of inebriation.
10*
106 MR. ENDICOTT FIRST GOVERNOR OF MASS.
The foregoing communication was directed to
"Captain Jo: Endecott Esquire, Gouernor," and
others of his council. This address is thus particu-
ticularly quoted in order to notice an error of rank.
Various authorities have placed Mr. Winthrop, as first
in the series of chief magistrates for our common-
wealth. But the same body, who conferred on him
this station, did no less previously for Mr. Endicott.
Besides, the latter was alike empowered by the Dor-
chester patentees, before the former had any connec-
tion with the settlement of this soil. The rule, which
required John Carver to be accounted Governor of
Plymouth colony prior to William Bradford, gives Mr.
Endicott similar precedency to Mr. Winthrop. The
quotation just made from the Company's letter, shows,
that they who elected both of these gentlemen," had
no doubt but that such order of rank should be ob-
served. True, these worthies, conversant with reali-
ties far above those of earth, cherish no anxious
thoughts on this question.^ Still, mistakes in the
record of their temporal honors should be corrected
and stand out on the page of history. -
Of the emigrants, on board the Mayflower, were a
niunber of the Leyden congregation, formerly under
Mr. Robinson, bound for New Plymouth. They^
had been delayed, like others in the Talbot, in such a
voyage, by unfriendly adventurers in London, who
controlled the affairs of that colony.
Before taking our leave of the Company's two let-
* Ai Cape Ann is in what has have preceded both Messrs. Endi-
been long^ called Massachusetts, cott and Wiothrop in sucii ofCce
and Roger Conant was Cover* for a part of this commonwealUi.
nor for me Dorchester merchants ' Shirley's letter. Maas. His.
there, he may be truly said to Coll. s. 1..T. iii. p. 65.
^ COMPANY'S DEBTS. SUBSCRIPTIONS. ORDERS. 107
ters of April 17th and May 28th, it may be remarked,
that they have been largely drawn on, as to the morals
of the colony. This has been done, in part, to pre-
sent the foundation, on which the heritage of our
pilgrim fathers rested. If the survey taken of it
lead their descendants to examine and perform the
needful repairs, it will be neither unpleasant nor un-
profitable to them.
GENERAL COURT IN LONDON.
June 11. Au order ^passed that, for considering
demands against the Company, the whole of them
" bee summoned by ticketts " to meet the 17th inst.
June 17, Wednesday, at the Deputy's house. A
note was returned concerning Leicester men. For
the purpose of raising £ 1,500 to meet demands on the
Company, continued partly by the slack payment of
some subscribers, it was proposed for the prompt mem-
bers to increase their former subscriptions, and for the
corporation to borrow money on interest.
" Xanus of those
" Sir R. Sallonstall, . .
Matthew Cradock, Gov.
Thomas Gofie, Dep. . .
Richird Perrie, . . .
Thomas Addanu, . . .
Increace Noell, . . .
George Harwood,. . .
Richard Whyte, . . .
Samuel AldersejT) • •
in Court that vnilerwritt to lend."
£100
. 150
. 50
. 25
. 5U
. 5J5
. 50
. 25
. 50
£525
Mr. Clarke, . . .
Simon VVlietcomb,
Thomas Hutchins,
Edward Cooke, .
Daniel Ballard,
Edmund Whyte, .
Joseph Caiou,*
Thomas Aodrewes,
£25
25
25
50
25
20
25
25
£220
525
£745 "
* Colony Records.
* It may be Caron.
108 ORDERS. MORTON AT NAUMKEAG.
Auditors of accounts were appointed. Among a
committee, for reducing previous orders into method^
was Mr. Darby. These orders were "to bee entered
into a faire booke to bee kept fdr that purpose, accord-
ing to the Tsage and custome of other companyes."
MEETING OF PLANTERS AT SALEM.
Soon after Mr. Higginson's arrival, Governor Eudi-
cott issued warrants ^ to all, within his jurisdiction, to
appear at a session of the Council in Salem. The
object waa, for the old and new planters to sign cer-
tain laws for the regulation of the colony. These
rules were based on the general position, that all
questions, relative to political or ecclesiastical order,
should be decided according to the word of God.
Thomas Morton, from Mount Wollaston, says, that
he was present and refused to subscribe, because the
Council declined to adopt his proposal of obedience to
their acts, so far as in conformity with the statutes of
England. He relates, that, on the same occasion, the
colonists, except himself, formed a company for the
beaver trade, and agreed to share the profits, if any,
at the close of a year, according to what each adven-
tured in the general stock. He informs us, that this
speculation was not profitable, while his owa gain in
such a trade was " sixe or seaven for one." Having
thus kept himself aloof from the authorities, it was
not long before they commissioned some persons to
visit his residence and endeavor to break up his quar-
ters there. Hearing of their approach in a shallop,
he secreted his ammunition and other articles in the
' Hew Engluh Canaan in Force't Tracts, 7. ii. p. 105.
MINISTERS ELECTED. 109
woods. They took what goods were left, principally
. corn, and brought them to Salem, as sequestered pro-
perty. Still Morton refused submission. But no dis-
tant arrest awaited him. He supposed himself called
to contend for civil and religious liberty, and was
therefore ready, on every occasion, to run a tilt with
the powers of Plymouth and Massachusetts. Thus
impressed, he cherished an insatiable purpose of retri-
bution upon them. But his experience, like that of
all similarly impelled, taught him, when too late, that
such a spirit, however sweet at first to a perverted
taste, turns upon itself with tenfold evil.
EMIGRATION TO CHARLESTOWN.
Nean-thia Jime Mr. Graves,^ and a considerable num-
ber of the late emigrants, go to strengthen the settle-
ment of Charlestown, and thus throw greater impedi-
ments in the way of its being occupied and retained
by Mr. Oldham. Here he soon had call for his talents
as an architect and surveyor.
July 20. In order to secure a primary object of
their emigration, our fathers began to take meaisures
for the regular establishment of a church and minis-
try among them. Without these, though an Eden of
jiatural advantages might have smiled on them, they
would have felt spiritually-impoverished and fearfully
expected a blast on all their purposes and efforts. At
this date, Mr. Skelton was chosen pastor and Mr.
Higginson teacher, and they were consecrated to their
respective offices. Brethren were also nominated for
a ruling elder and deacons, but were not ordained.
> Charleatown Records.
110 PURPOSE OF THE COLONY. SHIPS.
Of such services ^ Mr. Charles Gott gave a graphic
description to Governor Bradford.
Having perceived that Messrs. Skelton and Higgin-
son did not "use the book of common prayer," and
were otherwise disposed to non-conformity, Messrs.
Browns and others, about this time, set up^ an Epis-
copal church.
HIGGUNSON'S JOURNAL.
July 24 The Rev. Francis Higginson dates the
journal ^ of his passage to Naumkeag, — for sending it
to many of his friends in England, who had desired
him thus to gratify their wishes. It has the ensuing
introduction : " The Company of New England, con-
sisting of many worthy gentlemen in the city of Lon-
don, Dorchester, and other places, ayming at the
glory of God, the propagation of the Gospell of
Christ, the conversion of the Indians, and the en-
largement of the King's Majesty's dominions in
America, and being authorised by his royal letters
patents for that end,- at their very great costs and'
charges^ furnished 5 ships to go to New England, for
the further settling of the Euglish plantation, that
they had already begun there." Though these are
ideas before presented, yet, as containing a corapend
of the agents, means and ends in the promotion of
the colony, we thought them worth the repetition.
Mr. Higginson gives an account of the ships. The
Talbot* of 300 tons, 19 guns and 30 men. She
' For a more particalar account ' Morton's Memorial, p. 147.
of doings now and on Aug. G, see ' Hutchinson's Collecliona, p. 32.
Ecclesiastical. Bradford'a Letter * Couimanded by Thomas Bee*
Book. Mass. His. Coll. s. 1. r. cher.
iiL p. 67, 8. .
DARB7 AND ARBOR LOT FORTS. J]l
"carried about 100 planters, 6 goates, 5 great pieces
of ordinance, with meale, oatenieale, pease, and all
manner of munition of provision for the plantation
for a twelve monthe."
The cannon on freight for a fort here, and to be
under the care of Samuel Sharpe, as engineer, were
very probably soon placed in some fortification. Pa-
pers of the Lynde family mention a fort, as having
been in "Arbor Lot," on or about the premises of the
Methodist meeting-house,^ and built nearly as far
back as 1633, and called the first fort of Salem. But,
from the fact, that heavy cannon for a fort and a can-
noneer were transported hither in 1629, and the ex-
pressed desire of the Company in England to have
the plantation well defended against enemies, both
inland and foreign, may not the conclusion be fairly
drawn, that the fort, on "Arbor Lot," unless it 'was
there before 1633, was not the first built by the colo-
nists ? Wood's New England Prospect ^ seems to
settle the question. He sailed for England August
15, 1633. Before this he wrote for his book, that the
winter harbor of Salem " lyeth within Derbies Fort."
Thus he mentioned this place of defence, not as a
thing of the passing year, but well known as of
longer continuance. It is very likely, that one was
erected as soon as 1629, and was the Darby ^ fort on
Marblehead side, a part of Salem till 1649, though
long supposed to have been on Beverly shore. Still
from the cause, which the colonists had to fear the
Tarrentines, as well as other Indians, it is to be ration-
' On Seir&ll street. . the Company's records as one of
* Page 43. their members, in 1C2D.
' A Mr. Darby la mentioned in
112 VESSELS. GORGES'S TERRITORY.
ally supposed, that Mr. Conant and his followers biiilt
aa inland fortification on their first occupation of
Naumkeag, and that it was continued by Mr. Endi-
cott. If so, such a place of defence may have been,
from its favorable location there, the identical one on
Arbor Lot,. and that instead of its erection being set
at 1633 it should have been about 1626.
But Mr. Higginson's narrative calls us from this
digression. It mentions the other vessels in the fol-
lowing course : The George,* of 300 tons, 20 guns,
and about 30 men. " Her chiefe carriage were cattell,
12 mares, 30 kyne and some goates, 52 planters and
other provision." The Lyon's Whelpe,^ of 120 tons,
8 guns, " carrying many mariners and about 40 plan-
ters, specially from Dorcester and places thereabouts,
\vith provision and 4 goats." Four Sisters, of about
300 tons, " carried many cattell, with passengers and
provisions." The Mayflower, freighted with emi-
grants and supplies. Mr. Higginson relates, that there
was special reason for the George's sailing before the
rest. It is not unlikely, that this reason was, in part,
to notify Mr. Endicott of Oldham's intention to oc-
cupy a section of Massachusetts, and advise him to
make immediate settlement of the tract so claimed.
Mr. Higginson narrates, that the Talbot sailed from
Gravesend 25th of April, and had reached no further
than Cowes 5th of May. Here, he says, " I and my
wiffe and my daughter Mary, and 2 maids and some
others with us, obtained of the master of the ship to
go a shoare and refresh us, and to wash our linnens."
On the 6th, " betyme in the morning, the shalope
' Called also George Bonaven> ' CapU John Gibbs.
tare, Capt. Tliomoa Cox.
DEPARTURE FROM LAND'S END. SMALL POX. 113
was sent from the ship to fetch us to Yarmouth,"
being eight miles from Cowes ; "but the water
proved rough, and our women desired to be sett oa
shoare 3 miles short of Yarmouth, and so went on
foote by land and lodged at Yarmouth that night."
Here they were detained. On the 10th, being Sab-
bath, " we kept the ship, where I preached in the
morning ; and in the aftemoone was intreated to preach
at Yarmouth, where Mr. Meare and Captain Borley
entertained us very kyndly, and earnestly desired to
be satisfied of our safe arrivall in New England, and of
the state of the country." The next day, the Talbot,
accompanied by the Lyon's Whelp, sailed with a fair
wind. On the 12th,. " we came as farre as the land's
end, and so left our deare native soyle of England
behind us." Hard must have been the parting. But
while the Pilgrim endures the pang of separation, —
Gad speed thee — as the voice of his faith — sooths
his heart -and renews his hopes, inimitably higher
than the topmost wave of ocean, than the loftiest
mountain of earth.
Having had worship on the Sabbath of the 17th,
as usual, Mr. Higginson relates, — that two of his
children, Samuel and Mary, were taken sick with the
" small pocks and purples together, which was brought
into the- ship by-one Mr. Browne, who was sicke of
the same at Graves-end, whom it pleased God to
make the first occasion of bringing that contagious
sickness among us, wherewith many were after af-
flicted." On the 19th, his daughter Mary, died, an
event of grief to her parents, and " terrour to all the
rest, as being the beginning of a contagious disease
11
114 SEA FASTS. APPEARANCE OF THE COAST.
and mortality." On Thursday, 21st, in view of their
afliictions, a season of fasting and humiliation "wa*
observed. Messrs. Higginson and Smith performed
the services. The former notes, " I heard some of
the mariners say, they thought this was the first sea-
fast that ever was kept, and that they never heard of
the like perfourmed at sea before." Tuesday, June
2d, — as the ship was delayed by contrary winds, —
some of the men sick with the scurvy and others
with the small pox, — another like occasion was
solemnly kept. With the varied interest, arising
from first impressions of ocean scenes, made on a
mind of disciplined taste, Mr. Higginson notices the
appearance of hostile vessels — the whale, and other
tenants of the deep — storms — floating ice — bank fogs
—death of a profane sailor-— of another child as well
as his own — sea funerals, and the exhilarating sight
of land. He remarks, " We received instruction and
delight in behoulding the wonders of the Lord in the
deepe waters."
On the 26lh, he writes : — "By noon we were
within 3 leagues of Capan, and as we sayied along
the coasts, we saw every hill and dale and every
island full of gay woods and high trees. The nearer
we came to the slioare, the more flowers in abun-
dance, sometymes scattered abroad, sometymes joyned
in sheets 9 or 10 yards long, which we supposed to
be brought from the low meadowes by the tyde.
Now what with fine woods and greene trees by land
and these yellow flowers paynting the sea, made us
all desirous to see our new paradise of New England,
whence we saw such forerunning signals of fertilitie
afarre ofi"." Thus, having his imagination all lighted
BLOWN FROM THE HARBOR. H$
u}i With early summer's beautiful scenery, he and his
coaii-anions were to experience a bitter, though short
disappointment. Having neared the entrance of the
harbor, it was night, and they tacked for sea room.
About 4 o'clock, next afternoon, they reached the
place which they left the evening before, and, on the
point of entering the desired haven, a squall, accom-
[lanied with rain, thunder and lightning, drove them
back. Fearing to try the passage into jN'aumkeag, as
mght drew on, they put into Cai)e ^Vjin. Tlie fol-
lowing day, being the 2Sth, and the Sabbath, was
religiously kept there. As Mr. Eudicott saw the
colors of the Talbot on Saturday, he then sent a
ihallop with two men to pilot her. But as these were
blown out with her, they attended worship at the
Cape. By their aid, Mr. Higginson observes, and
'• God's blessing, we passed the curious and difficult
eiuiauce into the large spacious harbour of Naimkecke.
And iLs we passed along, it was wonderful to behould
ij many islands replenished with tliicke wood and
hii:h trees and many fay re greeiie pastures." He
<tates that the George arrived seven days before them.
lie proceeds, — " We rested that night with glad and
thankful hearts, that God had put an end to our long
aud tedious journey. The next morning, 30th, the
Governour came aboard and bade us kindly welcome,
and invited me and my wiffe to come on shoare and
take our lodging in his house, which we did accord-
ingly."
In one of his reflections on the voyage, he gives
this paragraph :— " We had a pious and Christian-like
passage ; for I suppose passengers shall seldom find
a company of more religious, honest and kynd seamea
116 SABBATH KEPT AT CAPE ANN. ARRIVAL.
than "we had. We constantly served God morning
and evening by reading and expounding a chapter,
singing and prayer. And the Sabbath was solemnly
kept by adding' to the former, preaching twise and
catechising. Besides, the ship master and his comr
pany used every night to sett their 8 and 12 o'clock
"watches -with singing a psalme and prayer, that was
not read out of a booke."
Thus terminates a joiurnal, which deserves a dis-
tinguished rank among the records, that perpetuate
the. acts of our primitive clergy, — who, like Apostles,
Tn«^«^ great sacri^ces to spread the doctrines and ben-
efits of Christianity. The same exhibitions of moral
beauty and sublimity in the character of Paul and his
coadjutors, are manifested in the principles and deeds
of those, who first ministered at the altars of New
England. When all the splendid creations of per-
verted public opinion shall have passed away, the
monuments of real excellence, erected by these con-
secrated leaders of the church, sliall stand with inde-
structible strength and abounding brightness, — as
spectacles of admiration to the moral universe.
HIQGINSON'S LETTER,
Prom a letter * of Mr. Higginson to his friends in
Leicester, we have the following items. Notice had
been sent to Governor Endicott by sixty families in
" Dorcettershire," that they intended to sail next
spring, with their ministers, for the colony, and they
desired him *' to appoint them places of habitations."
'} Many families are expected out of Lincolnshire and
1 Hatohinaon'a ColIecUoni, p: 47. S«nl aboat July 24, 1C29.
EMIGRANTS. CATTLE. SUPPUES. 117
a minister with them, and a great company of godly
Christians out of London." Those, intending to come
from Leicester, are advised to do it soon, lest they
lose the opportmiity by delay, and because the first
comers **r speed best and have the priviledge of
choosing places " of residence. The rich would do a
good work to send over poor families to the plantation,
^" where th^y may live as well both for soule and
body as any where in the world." "Mr. Johnson
out of Lincolnshire and many others have helped our
godly Christians hither to be employed in their worke
for a while, and then to live of themselves." There
are forty goats, as many cows, six or seven mares,
and one horse in the place. More of these animals
are daily expected- They who «migrate are request-
ed to bring as many of them and also of sheep, as
possible. Carpenters are much needed. As trans-
portation is high, being £5 an adult, £10 a horse,
and £3 a ton of goods, — it would be judicious econ-
omy for the richer emigrants to purchase a ship for
the accommodation of themselves and the rest. Some
of the colonists had been mistaken in supposing, that
when they put money into the common stock, they
were entitled individually to a house, besides a portion
of land. It is necessary for those, who purpose to
make their home here, to come with provisions for a
year, — " till they can gett increase of com« by their
owne labor." Such should bring " woolen and linnen
cloath, and leather for shoes, and ail manner of car-
penters tooles, and a good deale of iron and Steele, to
make nailes, and lockes for houses and furniture, for
ploughs and carts, and glasse for windowes^ and many
11*
|19 FISH ABUNDANT. MEHIT. HUMAN DEPENDANCE.
Other things, which were better for you to think of
there than to want them here." As an indication
how abundant a species of fish, before named, were, — •
which are now seldom seen in our waters, — Mr.
Higginson says, " Whilst I was writing this letter my
wiffe brought me word, that the fishers had caught
1600 basse* at one draught, which if they were in
^England were worth many a pound." It is docu-
jnents, like the preceding, which exhibit the incipient
character of society in some of its most impressive
features. They give us no ordinary lessons of di-
minished reliance on the factitious distinctipns of
prolonged success and luxury,— on noble birth with-
out desert,— on fortune without justice and generos-
ity,— on elevation without merit ; and of enlarged
confidence in the sterner energies,— the higher aspij-a-
tions and efforts,-r-and' the more exalted virtues, —
when community begins its career, puts forth its ut-
most strength to sustain its tottering interests, and
holds its course onward to a prosperous issue. They
command the emphatic responses of consent to the
mutual dependance of our race, — to the folly of turur
ing away with scorn from any useful portion of them,
and to the sacred obligation of imitating the benevo-
lence of Heaven, as emblazoned on the face of nature
and on the pages of revelation, — in all our deportment
towards the human family.
*- . • • ■ . . . ■
- HIGGINSONS NEW ENGLAND PLANTATION, .
As another contribution of friendship, made for the
information and pleasure of many in England, deeply
interested in the welfare of him and of the Plantation,
BRICK KILN. . SOIL. VINES. ANIMALS. 119
Mr. Higginson gives them An account^ of^its soil,
climate, location, productions, natives, and condition.
While he describes the colony in terms, corresponding
.with his attachment for it, as the home of his adoption
and the object of his ardent hopes,— he docs not fail
to be impartial in the confession of its disadvantages.
,Thoug]i some, induced by his representations, to em-
igrate hither, complained, that they could not find so
xnany favorable realities, as he believed that he had, —
Still the integrity of his reputation forbids the suspi-
cion, that his motives were in the least deceitful. On
this very subject, he remarks, " The idle proverbe is,
travellers may lye by authorite. Yet I may say of
jny selfe, as once Nehemiah did in another case, shall
such a man as I lye ?" This accoimt says,—" We
are setting a brick-kill on worke to make brickes and
til^ for the building of our houses." It mentions,
.that the soil is exceedingly fertile and produces abun-
dant crops of hay, corn, vegetables, and fruits. This
is as would be expected from land, that had not been
exhausted by agriculture, but continually enriched by
the decay of its own growth. The account relates,
" Excellent vines are here up and downe in the
woods. Our Governour hath already planted a Yine-
yard with great hope of encrease." Much expectation
of profit from the raising of our grapes, was indulged
both here and in England. But they disappointed
those, who made an experiment upon them. The
description, after designating fruit and forest trees,
proceeds. " For beasts there are some beares, and
they say some lyons ; for they have been seen at
.,, > Called New Engl&nd'i PlaoUlion, printed in Mau. Hijt. Coll.
1. 1, ?. 1, p. 117.
120 LIONS. FISH. '■■
Cape Anne. Here are several sorts of deere. Also
wolves, foxes, beavers, otters, martins, great wild cats,
and a great beast, called a molke, as bigge as an oxe."
Mr. Higginson has been charged with excessive cre-
dulity for supposing, that lions had beeo. discovered
in this climate. But it was not strange, that he, re-
cently come to the country, told that it contained
such animals, and not had time to examine for him-
self, should place a degree of confidence in the report.
It is by no means improbable, that his mind was
influenced by authorities,^ Hke that of the noted
traveller, Capt. Smith, — who, on his map, representing
Massachusetts, as he knew and supposed it was in
1614, gives an impression of the same creature. It
is likely, that the molke is what is commonly called
a moose. When the Zoologist compares the animals
designated by Mr. Higginson, with those of the pre-
sent day for the same region, he readily perceives,
that no small part of them have disappeared before
the spread of population.
The account goes on, — " The aboundance of sea
fish are almost beyond beleeving. .1 saw; store of
whales, and crampusse,- and such aboundance of
mackerils, that it would astonish one to behold, like-
wise codfish in aboundance on the coast. There is a
fish called a basse. Of this fish our fishers take many
hundreds together. Wee take plentie of scate and
thornbacks, and aboundance of lobsters, herring, tur-
but, sturgion, cuskes, hadocks, mullets, eeles, crabbes,
muskles, and oysters." We perceive from this list,
that the quantity of all fish in our waters, has con-
■ * Wood, Josseljn, and Jobnion, mention LiooA a« amonj (be am«
nub of New England.
WILDFOWL. WOOD. -UGHTS. WINTERS. 121
siderably diminished, aa would be naturally supposed,
and that some species of them are very scarce, if not
entirely disappeared. Mr. Higginson's description
states, that wild turkies and geese were plentiful as
well as pigeons, ducks, and other fowl. " A great
part of winter, the planters have eaten nothing but
roast meate of divers fowles, which they have killed."
Among the comforts of a cold winter, it specifies a
liberal supply of wood for the poor as well as rich.
" All Europe is not able to afford to make so great
fires as New England." Speaking of lights, it re-
marks,— " Although New England have no tallow to
make candles of, yet by the aboundance of the fish
thereof, it can afford oil for lamps. Yea, our pine
trees, that are most plentiful! of all wood, doth allow
us plenty of candles,, which are very usefull in a
house. And they are such candles as the Indians
commonly use, having no other, and they are nothing
else but the wood of the pine tree cloven in two little
slices, something thin, which are so full of the moys-
ture of turpentine and pitch, that they burne as cleere
as a torch. I have sent you some of them, that you
may see the experience of them." Though this
present was undoubtedly welcomed as a memorial of
friendship, and a curiosity to denote the custom of an
uncivilized people, yet neither the giver nor receivers
imagined, that it would wia its way to the parlors of
wealth and taste, and ' extinguish the more costly
lights of fashion;
Among objections to an abode here, the narrative
speaks of the winters, as more severe than' in En-
gland,—of the troublesome musquetoe, the poisonous
rattlesnake, — and the want of more emigrants of good
122 EMIGRANTS. MIL JllGGINSON'S HEALTH.
character, accompanied with horses, kine, and sheep,
to improve the land. With regard to the lost item, it
says,—" Great pi tty it is to see so much good ground
for come and for grasse, as any is under the heavens,
to ly altogether unoccupied, when so many honest
men and their families in Old England, through the
populousnesse thereof, do make very hard shift to live
one by the other." It states, that the health of Mr.
Higginson — quite infirm before he came hither — was
much improved. Therefore, it recommends the tem-
perature of the country ; " for a sup of New En-
gland's aire is better than a whole draught of Old
England's ale." -
1629. July 24 Relative to the present condition ^
of Salem, the same production^ furnishes the succeed-
ing quotations. " When we came first to Naimkecke,
now called Salem, we found about half a score houses
built ; and a fayre house newly built for the governor,
and we found also abundance of come planted by
them, excellent good and well liking." According to
the deposition of Richard Brackenbury,^ the mansion,
here spoken of, was made from materials of another,
first erected at Cape Ann, under the Dorchester Asso-
ciates. It probably served for the residence of Roger
Conant, while Governor of that Plantation. Part of
its timber is said to be contained in the dwelling,
formerly a tavern, on the corner of Court and Church
streets. The account continues, — " We brought with
us about 200 passengers and planters more, which
now by common consent of all the ould planters, are '
all now combyned together into one body politique
> Suppowd to be ftbout July 34. * Of Beverl/, M. 80 in 1680-1.
- ' Alra ia HutebiaMos's CoUecUooa, p. 46.
UNION OF OLD AND NEW COLONISTS. 123
under the same governor." Here is an allusion to a
schism, which threatened to arrest the progress of the
Colony, and which existed between the Conant and
the Endicott settlers. The first appear to have dis-
liked subjection to the Massachusetts Company,
though several patentees of this body had belonged
to the Dorchester Corporation. Hence, when Mr.
Endicott arrived, there was want of harmony in
opinion and action between the old and new colonists.
But through a judicious compliance with the Com-
pany's instructions, he was enabled to restore una-
nimity. One great inducement for effecting this re-
conciliation, was to counteract the plan of Oldham,
who had been a fellow sufferer with Conant at New
Plymouth.
The description proceeds,—" There are with us in
all, ould and new planters 300, whereof 200 are
settled at Naimkecke, and the rest plant themselves
at Massachusets bay, being to build a towne there
called Charleston or Charlestowne. We that are
settled at Salem, make what haste we can to build,
so that within a short tyme, we shall have a fayre
towne." It is observable, that Mr. Higginson refers
to Charlestown and its immediate vicinity as within
Massachusetts Bay, while Salem and its neighborhood
were excluded from such a circuit. This accorded
with former views and conversation, though contrary
to subsequent and present impressions. Not aware of
such a fact, some have had their thoughts occasionally
confused in perusing the early records of our Com-
monwealth. The narrative adds, — " We haue great
ordnance, whereof we doubt not but to fortifye our-
124 RELIGIOUS PRIVILEGES. . SHIP EAGLE.
selves ia short tyme, to keepe out a potent adver-
sarye."
3 Rising above the temporal prospect of the planters,—
however one, on which he loved to look, — the writer
comes., to his still more favorite theme of spiritual
concerns. " But that which is our greatest comfort
and means of defence above ail others, is, that we
have here the true religion and holy ordinances of
Almighty God amongst us. Thanks be to God, we
have plenty of preaching and diligent catechising,
with strict and carefuU exercise of good and com-
mendable orders to bring our people to Christian con-
versation, which whilst we do, we doubt not but God
will be with us ; and so Rom. 8, 31, what shall. we
then say to these things ; if God be with us, who
can be against us ? " Such a conclusion is what would
be expected from one, who had drank deeply of
* Siloa's Brook ' — who had well scanned the immu-
table conditions, on which society can be prospered
and immortality be blessed. . .
. GENERAL COURT, OF THE, ASSISTANTS AND GENER-
ALITY, AT THE DEPUTY'S HOUSE IN LONDON.
July 28. ■ Governor Cradock motioned^ that the
ship Eagle, of 400 tons and " of good force," should be
purchased for the use of the Company. As the funds
of the Corporation were low, individuals, as follow,
agreed to take the most of her.
MG
1-16
1-8
1-10
i-d
Matthevr Cradock,
Thomas GoSe,
Thomas Adams,
Nathaniel Wright,
Theopbilus Eaton,
Symon Wbetcomb,
1-8 Mr. Revell,
1-16 Samuel Aldersey,
1-8 Mr. Milburne,
1-8 Thomas Hcwson,
1-lG The Company,
MG
«
' Colony Records.
ILLICIT TRADE WITH INDIANS. PHYSICIAN. 125
The Governor also proposed that the Company
employ other ships, offered by their members, " of
less defence for transport of their cattle and other
commodities soe long as they shalbe willing to furnish
such shippinge." .
"A letter of the 27th of May from Mr. John
Endicott was now read, wherin, amongst other
things, hee coraplaiaes of the prophane and disso-
lute living of divers of our nation, former traders to
those parts, and of their irregular trading with the
Indians, contrary to his late Majesty's proclamacon,
desiring that the Company would take the same into
their serious consideracon, and to vse some speedy
means here for reformacon therof, whervpon the Pro-
clamacon, made in anno 1622, was read, and it is
thought fitt, that suite bee made to his Majesty or the
Lords for renewing therof with addicon of such ben-
efitiall clauses, as shalbe needfuU for reforming so
great aiid vnsufferable abuses, and Mr. Gouernor, Mr.
Aldersey, Mr. Wright, and Mr. Eaton are desired to
repaire to the lo. Keep ^ and Mr. Secretary Coke to
acquaint their Honors herewith, and afterwards a
peticon to bee presented to the Councell Board ac-
cordingly." John Betts, saying that " hee is able to
discouer divers things for the advancement of the
Plantacon," — a French physician — "well qualified,
of godly lyfe and couversacon, who is desirous to goe
ouer," — and ''^one Mr. Gardner, an able and expert
man in divers facultyes," — were named as candidates
for employment in the Colony. It was " ordered,
that letters bee written to those in the country to pay
' Probabl/ means Lord Keeper of Uie Great Seal.
12
126 TRANSFER OF THE GOVERNMENT.
in what they are behinde vpon their subscripcons,
and that some tradesmen, heere in London, that haue
occasion to trauell into any of those parts bee desired
to receive the money on the Company's behalfe."
" Mr. Gouernor read certaine proposicons conceived
by himself, viz : That for the advancement of the
Plantacon, the inducing and encouraging persons of
"worth and qualitie to transplant themselues and faray-
lyes thether, and for other weighty reasons therin
contained, to transfer the Gouernment of the Planta-
con to those, that shall inhabit there, and not to con-
tinue the same in subordinacon to the Company
heere, as now it is. This business occasioned some
debate, but by reason of the many great and consid-
erable consiquences therevpon depending, it was not
now resolued vpon, but those present are desired pri-
vately and seriously to consider hereof and to sett
downe their particuler reasons in wryting pro and
contra, and to produce the same at the next Generall
Court, where they, being reduced to heads and ma-
turely considered of, the Company may then proceede
to a fynall resolucon thereon, and in the meane tyme
they are desired to carry this business secretly, that
the same bee not devulged."
CHURCH FORMED.
1629. Aug. 6. According to appointment, the or-
ganization of the church was finished. Its platform
of rule, covenant, and articles of faith, were adopted.
The two last were professed,^ for substance, at the
Savoy, by the Congregational churches of England
in 1658.
' Bostoa AUieneum Tracts, Book 764
PLEDGE FOR PROMOTION OF THE COLONY. 127
COMPACT.
1629. Aug. 26. As an important step for the ad-
vancement of the Colony, a contract^ is made at
Cambridge, by certain members* of the Company.
Its premises follow : " Upon due consideration of the
state of the plantation now in hand for New England,
wherein wee have engaged ourselves; and having
weighed the greatnes of the worke in regard of the
consequence, God's glory and the churches good ; — as
also in regard of the difficultyes and discouragements,
which, in all probabilityes, must be forecast upon the
execution of this businesse ; considering with all, that
this whole adventure growes upon the joynt confi-
dence we have in each others fidelity and resolution
herein, so as no man of us would have adventured it
without assurance of the rest." Then comes an
engagement, " in the word of a Christian and in the
presence of God," on the part of the subscribers, that
they would settle their afiairs so as to be ready for a
voyage hither by the first of next March. This was
done on several conditions. One was, that the Gen-
eral Court should vote to transfer " the whole govern-
ment together with the Patent," to the Plantation and
here remain. Another was, that if any one of the
contractors should be prevented from compliance, and
such prevention was deemed sufficient by three-
fourths of their number, he should be excused from
embarking so long as' his impediment continued. It
* Hutcbinaon't Coll. p. 25. phrey, Thomas Sharp, Increase
■ Richard SaltonsUli, Thomas Nowell, John Winthrup, William
Dadl«j, William Vassail, Nicholas Pynchon, Kellam Browne, and
West, Isaac Jobosoo, John Hum- VVilliaxn Colbroa.
128 TRANSFER OF THE CHIEF GOVERNMENT.
was also agreed, that if either of them failed to be
ready, he should forfeit £3 a day for detaining them.
Various have been the covenants formed by individ-
uals of different nations and for diverse purposes. But
none of them has exceeded this of our" fathers, in
purity of motive, in denial of selfishness, in firmness
of purpose, and in nobleness of end. The Achaean
league, long celebrated, sought and obtained civil
liberty. But its nature and results would not equally
compare with those of this and other compacts,
formed by our ancestors.
GENERAL COURT AT THE DEPUTY'S HOUSE IN LONDON.
. Aug. 28. " Mr. Deputie acquainted ^ this Court,
that the especiall cause of their meeting was to giue
answere to divers gentlemen, intending to goe into
New England, whether or noe the chiefe Gouernment
of the Plantacon, togeather with the Pattent, should
bee settled in New England or heere. Wherevpon it
was ordered, that this afteruoone, Mr. Wright, Mr.
Eaton, Mr. Adams, Mr. Spurstowe, and such others,
as they should thinke fitt to call vnto them, whether
they were of the- Company or not, to consider of
arguments against the setling of the cheife Gouern-
ment in New England. And on the other syde, Sir
Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Johnson, Capt. Venn, and
such others as they should call vnto them, to prepare
arguments for the setling of the said Gouernment, in
New England, — and that tomorrow morning, being
the 29th of August, at 7 of the Clock, both, sydes
should meete and conferr and weigh each others
. ^ Maat« Colony Records*
TRANSFER OP PATENT AND GOVERNMENT. 129
arguments, and afterwards, at 9 of the Clock, (which
is the tyme appointed of meeting for a Generall
Court,) to make report thereof to the whole Company,
who then will determine this business."
Aug. 29. As an important session, the names ^ of
members present are given.
" Mr. Thomu GoOe, DepxUy,
Sir Richard Saltonstall.
Mr. laaac Johnson.
Mr. John Davenport
Mr. Samuel Aldersejr.
Mr. John Humfrej.
Capt. Waller.
Capt. John Venn. ,
Mr. Thomas Adanu.
Mr. Tbeophilni Eaton..
Mr. Samuel Vassal.
Mr. Nathaotrl Wright.
Mr. Christopher Colsloa.
Mr. John f ocock.
Mr. Geo. Harwood, Treasurer.
Mr. Richard Perry.
Mr. Geo. FoxcrolL.
Mr. Oauys.
Mr. Ironayde.
Mr. William Pincbon.
Mr. William Vassal.
Mr. Rowe.
Mr. Dan. Ballard.
Mr. Increase No well.
Mr. Webb.
Mr. Symond Whetcombe.
Mi. Colbraod."
, ' " This day the Committees which were appointed
to meete yesterday in the afternoone to consider of
arguments pro and contra, touching the selling of the
Gouemment of the Companyes Plantacon in New
England, being according to the order of the last
Court, mett togeather, debated their arguments and
reasons on both sydes, where were present many of
the Assistants and Generalitie, and after a long
debate, Mr. Deputie put it to the question as fol-
loweth ; — As many of you as desire to haue the
Pattent and the Gouemment of the Plantacon to bee
trjmsferred to New England, soe as it may bee done
legally, hold vpp your hands. Soe many as will not,
hold vpp your hands. Where by erecon of hands, it
appeared by the generall consent of the Company,
* Surnames spell as recorded.
12*
130 DIFFICULTY QF MESSIIS. BROWNS. .
that the Gouernment and Pattent should bee settled
in New England, and accordingly an order to bee
drawne vpp."
Sept. 19. " At this Court letters were read from
Capt. JEndicott and others from New England, and
whereas a diflference hath falne out, betwixt the
Gouemor there and Mr. John and Samuel Browne, it
was agreed, that for the determinacon of those dif-
ferences, Mr. John and Samuell Browne might choose
any 3 or 4 of the Company on their behalfe to heare
the said differences,— the Company choosing as
many." The Referees were accordingly selected.
Among those for Messrs. Browns was Mr. William
Piuchon, and those for the Company was Mr. John
Winthrop. Order was taken as to unloading the
Lyon's Whelp and Talbot, arrived from Naumkeag.
The Court agreed to take advice how they should act
relative to five boys, sent back in the Talbot, for
enormous immorality.
Sept. 29. The Court say as to the transferring
their government to New England, — " That business
being of great and weighty consiquence, is thought
£tt to bee deferred for determinacon vntill Sir R.
Saltonstall, Mr. Johnson and other gentlemen bee come
vpp to London." " It was propounded, that a com-
mittee should bee appointed to take advice of learned
Councell whether the same may bee legally done or
noe ; by what way or meanes the same may bee done
to corispond with and not to preiudice the Gouern-
ment heere ; to consider of the tyme when it wilbe
fitt to doe it; — to resolue on whom to conferr the
gouernment and divers other circumstances." " The
next thinge taken into consideracon was the Letters
LETTERS FROM MESSRS. BROWNS. SHIPS. 131
from Mr. John and Samuell Browne, to divers of their
priveate freinds heere in England, whether the same
should bee deUuered or detained, and whether they
should bee opened and read or not, and for that it
was to bee doubted by probable circumstances, that
they had defamed the Country of New England and
the Gouernor,and Gouemment there, it was thought
fitt that some of the said Letters should bee opened
and publiquely read, which was done accordingly,
and the rest to remaine at Mr. Deputye's house and
the partyes, to whom they are directed, to haue notice,
and Mr. Gouemor, Mr. Deputie, Mr. Treasurer and Mr.
Wright, or any two of them, are entreated to bee at
the opening and reading therof, to the end the Com-
pany may haue notice if ought bee incerted therin,
which may bee preiudiciall to their Gouernment or
Plantacon in New England. And it is also thought
fitt, that none of the Letters from Mr. Samuel Browne
shalbe delivered, but kept to bee made vse of against
him as occasion shalbe offred." The care of unlading
the two ships, lately come from Naumkeag and of
paying off the crews, — is committed to the Deputy
Governor. ^' It is also thought fitt and ordered, that
the Secretary shall wryte out a coppy of the former
grant to the Erie of Warwick and others, which was
by them resigned to this Company, to bee presented
to his Lordship as hee having desired the same."
The Court concluded, that the persons, who agreed,
July 28, to buy the ship Eagle for the use of the
Company, — might do so. " It was resolued on, that
this shipp, being of good force and bought for the
safety and honor and benefitt of the Plantacon, shall
alwayes bee prefered in that voyage before any other
132 BEAVER, TRADE WITH INDIANS. BOYS.
shipp, and to baue some consideracon in her fraight
aboue other shipps accordingly."
Sept. 29. The Court set a price on the beaver
skins, recently brought from Naumkeag, of 20/ a
pound. They appoint Mr Wright to sell " the clap-
board and other wood" from the same place. Men-
tion was made of petitioning the Lords of the Council
at the request of Mr. EndicoU, relative to an illicit
trade with Indians in his jurisdiction ; — but it was
deferred.- A list of delinquent subscribers to the
common stock, was ordered. It was decided that
cows and calves, mares and foals, — bought for im-
portation to the Colony, — should be sold, — because
the keeping of them over winter would be too
expensive. "-Concerning the fine boyes, returned in
the Talbot, Mr. Whetcombe and Mr. Noell are desired
to acquaint Sir Henry Martyn with their misde-
meanor, and to advise what punishment may bee
inflicted vpon them, and how the Company may bee
legally discharged of them." A copy of accusations
against Messrs. John and Samuel Brown, — forwarded
from Naumkeag, — is allowed them, so that they may
give an answer. " Letters from Robert Moulton, the
shipwright, and from the cowpers and cleavers of
wood, were now read." To these persons, being in
the Plantation, replies were to be sent by the next
ships.
Oct. 15. " The espetiall and only occasion of this
meeting beinge to consider and resolue of the selling
the trade in New England (now vpon transferring the
Gouerment thither) for the incouragment as well of
the adventurers in the ioynt stock heere, as of those,
who already are, and of others, who intend to goe
COLONIAL TRADE. FORTIFICATIONS. 133
over in persoa to bee planters there, and for their
mutual corispoundence and behoofe and the advanc-
ment of the Plantacon to the end, which was at first
intended, — the Court tooke the same into due and
mature consideracon. And after a long debate and
sundry opinions given,, and reasons why the ioynt
stock (which had borne the brunt of the charge
hetherto and was likely to beare much more) should
haue certaine comodityes appropriate thervnto for re-
embursment and defrayment therof, and divers ob-
iections being made to those reasons, all which was
largely discused and well weighed. The Court on
conclusion for accommodacon of both parts fell vpon
a moderacoQ as followeth, viz : That the Companye's
joynt stock shall haue the Trade of Beauer and all
other ffurrs in those parts soly for the tearme of 7
yeares from this day, for and in consideracon of the
charge, that the joynt stock hath vndergone already
and is yett annually to beare for the advaucment of
the Plcuitacon. That for the charge of tlortyficacons,
the Companye's ioynt stock to beare the one-halfe,
and the Planters to defray the other, viz. for ordnance,
munition, powder, etc. but for laborers in building of
flforts, etc. all men to bee employed an equall pro-
porcon according to the nomber of men vpon the
Plantacon, and soe to continue vntill such fitt and
necessari works bee finished. That the charge of
the ministers, now there or that shall hereafter goe to
resyde there, as also the charge of building conve-
nyent churches and all publique works vpon the
Plantacon, bee in like manner indiflferently borne, the
one-halfe by the Companye's ioynt stock for the said
tearme of 7 yeares, and the other halfe by the Plant-
134 GOVERNMENT. THE MESSRS. BROWNS.
ers. That the ordnance, already provyded for forty-
ficacon, bee rated as they cost, as also all powder and
munition whatsoever concerning armes, soe as the
same bee deliuered there for publique vse, and this to
bee accompted as part of the ioynt stock of the Com-
pany. All which, beeing seuerall tymes read, was
by Mr. Gouernor put to the question and by generall
consent by ereconof hands, was agreed and concluded
on and ordered accordingly.
"And forasmuch -as by former order the Pattent
and Gouernment is to bee transferred to New England,
a committee is appointed, part of the Adventurers
heere, and part of those that intend to goe over, viz :
Mr. Dauenport, Sir Ri : Salstonstall,
Mr. Wright, Mr Johnson,
Mr. Ferry, Mr. Winthrop,
CapL Waller, Mr. Humfry,
Capt. Venn, Mr. Dudley,
Mr. Adams, Mr. Vassal,
Mr. Whelcombe, Mr. Pinchon, and
Mr. Younw, Mr. Downing,
Mr. Spurstowe, and
Mr. Revell.
who are desired to meete to-morrow morning to
confer of and drawe fitt and convenyent clauses to
bee inserted in articles of agreement, which may bee
comodious for ether part, and to prepare the same for
a Court of Assistants appointed that afteruoone to
determine therof."
A LETTER FROM THE ASSISTANTS IN LONDON TO
MESSRS. SKELTON AND HIGGINSON.
Oct. 16. Anxious as to the result of John and
Samuel Browns' expulsion from Massachusetts^ the
Company's authorities address a letter ^ from London
» Haxard, V. 1, p. 287. "
THE STATE. 135
to Messrs. Higginson and Skelton. They mention
that the Messrs. Browns had recently arrived, being
sent home by Governor Endicott, who charged them
with factious conduct ; — that, since their arrival, they
had " raised rumors of divers scandalous and intem-
perate speeches," as uttered by one or both of Messrs.
Higginson and Skelton in their "publique sermons or
prayers," and of some innovations attempted by them.
The matters, here alleged, probably arose from the
compliance, made by the Salem church with the
Congregational discipline of Plymouth. The letter
remarks,—" Wee have reason to hope, that their re-
ports are but slanders ; " and then cautions the cler-
gymen here to be careful of their ministry, — and, if
having said or done aught to justify the censures
passed on them, to correct their course ; — and bear in
mind, that the Company in England would tolerate
no such severity, as' was laid to their account. It
proceeds, — " Wee desire that this only may testyfie
to you and others, that we are tender of the least
aspersion, which ether directly or obliquely, may bee
cast vpon the State heere, to whom wee owe soe
much duty, and from whom wee haue received soe
ranch fauor in the Plantacon where you now resyde."
A literal adherence to every part of this advice was
hard for such men as Higginson and Skelton. In a
new sphere, where they were unexposed to the ap-
prehension of a pursuivant at every turn, it was
-'natural for them to preach and pray so as to express
their disapprobation of crown-oppression to the Pu-
ritans, as well as their gratitude for charter privileges.
They felt obligated not to cover up the repulsiveness
of the one with the fair mantle of the other, in
136 DIFFICULTY OF MESSRS. BROWNS. THE STATE.
their high intercourse with the Judge of the universe,
as well as with the mortals who were to stand before
Him for retribution. They did not feel justified to
deal with the State as if needing no physician. The
same conscientiousness, which led them to brave the
inflictions of misdirected power at home, would not
suffer them, while exiles abroad through its influence,
to speak of it by any other name than its own.
Thus actuated, they knew, that they were watched
by those who honestly differed from them, and who,
driven from their soil, and landed upon the shores of
England, would as honestly proclaim their clerical
course in no measured or commendable terms.
A LETTER TO MR. ENDICOTT.
. Another communication ^ from the same hands and
of the same date as the preceding, is forwarded to
Governor Endicott, on a similar topic. It relates,
that Messrs. Browns had spoken against him and
the ministers, "concerning some rash innovacons
begun and practised in the civill and ecclesiasticall
gouernment." It takes for granted, that their resent-
ment at being sent home, would lead them to make
representations in very strong terms ; but still, it adds,
there is a possibility "some vndigested councells haue
too sodainly bin put in execuccon, which may haue
ill construccon with the State heere, and make vs
obnoxious to any adversary." It then urges on Mr.
Endicott to be careful about introducing any laws,
"which may have such a tendency, — and to watch
over social and religious concerns so that they lead to
» Hazard, y. I, p. 238.
GOVERiNMENT IN LONDON AND IN THE COLONY. 137
no such end. This magistrate has had a greater
share of blame for excluding Messrs. Browns from
the Plantation, than actually belonged to him. Others
were active as well as -himself to ensure their depart-
ure. For what he did in that affair, he had £uiiple
authority. But whether it was expedient to exercise
his power, as he did, is a question which religious
toleration, as generally understood in his clay, would
answer in the affirmative, — but, as understood in
ours, would answer in the negative. Men should be
judged according to the light of the age in which
they live.
COURT OF ASSISTANTS AT THE DEPUTY'S HOUSE IN
LONDON. •
Oct. 16. " This court ^ was appointed to treat and
resolue, that vpon the transferring of the Gouernment
to New England what Gouernment shalbe held at Lon-
don, whereby the future charge of the ioynt stock may
bee cherished and preserved, and the body politique
of the Company remaine and increase. What persons
shall haue the charge of the managing of the ioynt
stock both at London and in New England, wherein it
is conceved fitt, that Capt. Endecott continue the
Gouernment there vnless iust cause to the contrarie.
These and other things were largely discussed, and it
was thought fitt and naturall, that the Gouernment of
persons bee held there, the Gouernment of trade and
marchandize to bee here. That the ioynt stock being
mutuall both here and there, that some fitt persons
bee appointed for managing therof in both places."
• Colony Records.
13
138 DEBT. REV. MR. WHITE. CONTRACT. OFFICERS.
A committee werfe designated to report means' for
paying the large debt due from the joint stock, before
the transferring of the Government to New England.
" The shipp Eagle is to bee fraighted from Bristoll."
Letters, addressed to Messrs. Endicott, Skeltou, and
Higginson, were read and signed.
Oct. 19. " A meeting at Mr. Deputies house on
Monday." Mr. White, the preacher, and Mr. White,
the counsellor, were there. Articles of agreement,
between the Planters and Adventurers, drawn up by
Mr. White, the counsellor, were approved.
GENERAL COURT IN LONDON.
Oct. 20. The Contract (received 19th) was placed
in the hands of a Committee, for particular consider-
ation. Of this Committee, Sir R. Saltonstall, Messrs.
Winthrop, Dudley, Johnson, and Humphrey, were on
behalf of the Planters, and Messrs. Cradock, Aldersey,
Wright, Hutch ins, and Capt. Venn, for the Adven-
turers. Provided they or a majority of them could
not agree, Mr. White, the lawyer, and Rev. Messrs.
White and Davenport, were to act as umpires. As
the government was to be transferred to New Eng-
land, Governor Cradock remarked, that new officers
for it must be elected. Accordingly, of four put in
nomination, namely, Messrs. Winthrop, Saltonstall,
Johnson, and Humphrey, the first was chosen " with
full consent by ereccon of hands." Of him, so hon-
ored, the record of the occasion says, — " having re-
ceived extraordinary great comendacons, both for his
integritie and sufficience, as being one very well fitted
and accomplished for the place." " In like manner
and with like full consent, Mr. John Humfry was
DEBT. MESSRS. BHOWNS. CHIRURGEON. 139
chosea deputie Gouernor,"- and Sir R. Saltonstall,
Messrs. Is. Johnson, Tho. Dudley, Jo. Endicott, In.
Noell, Wm. Vassal, Win. Pynchou, Sam. Sharpe,
Edw. Rositer, Tho. Sharpe, John Revell, Mat. Cra-
dock, Tho. Goffe, Sam. Aldersey, John Venn, Nath.
Wright, Theoph. Eaton, and Tho. Adams, were
chosen to be Assistants. The most of these officers,
being present, took their respective oaths.
COURT OF ASSISTANTS IN LONDON.
Nov. 20. A representation of the Company's pe-
cuniary concerns, showed, that they owed upwards
of £1,200 for seamen's wages and freight of the ships
Talbot, May Flower, and Four Sisters. It was or-
dered, that this demand be paid before other debts.
Mr. Cradock was the chief agent for the Company's
commercial interests. Messrs. John and Samuel
Brown petitioned, that as some of their goods at
Naumkeag were undervalued and others not appraised
at all, they may have relief. It was concluded, that
if they could prove their statement, they should be
compensated iu London, — but, if not, Mr. Winthrop
would examine their case after he reached America.
" Mr. Beecher, Mr. of the shipp Talbot, desired to
haiie in a bond, which he entered into, to Mr. Pratt
for wages or allowance to a chirurgion to the Lyon's
Whelpe, who was to haue 2/6 for every person in
the shipp according to an agreement made with them,
the nomber of tlie persons being about 125, of which
Mr. Beecher had formerly deliuered a particuler note
to Mr. Goffe. The -Court conceiving the said allow-
ance to bee exorbitant and more than is vsuall in like
cases, doe desire that the chirurgion bee appointed to
140 CAPT. REVELL. CONTRACT. MONEY NEEDED.
bee beere the next Generall Court and then such
conclusion is to bee made with him as shalbe fitt."
According to representation of Mr. Smith, the ac-
countant, some of the subscribers to the general stock
had paid nothings and others but a part. It was
ordered, that " ticketts should bee sent vnto them to
desire them to send in the somes by them vnder-
written."
GENERAL COURT IN LONDON.
Nov. 25.. This was a quarterly General Court, as
appointed by Charter. A letter of 5ih September
"from Mr. Endecott, the Gouernor, and others in New
England, was now read, as also, Mr. Gouernor ac-
quainted those present with certaine testymonyes sent
over against on Wm. Revell, Mr. of a shipp, con-
cerning some insolent and misbcseeming speeches
vttered by him in contempt of the Company's priui-
ledges and gouernment, which is to bee taken into
further consideracon, and hee proceeded against when
other certyficates are come, which are expected con-
cerning that business." Governor Winthrop stated,
that the Committee on the contract, between the
Planters and Adventurers, were not yet prepared to
report, "by reason of the greatness of the business
and the smalness of the supplyes;" — that they had
only " reduced it to certaine proposicons to bee repre-
sented to the consideracon of the Company to receive
their resolucon therin." The accountant produced
an estimate, viz :
" The ioynt stock appeares to bee in arreare £3,000
and vpwards; towards which £3,000, ther is 1,900
STOCK.- MAGAZINE. 141
in subscripcons not yett brought in, and about 8 or
£900 vpon fraight of shipps. There wilbe a neces-
sitie for supply of necessarys —
for the Companye's servants 1,000
for marchandizes for trade 500
for munition and Artillery for ffortificacon 500
soe as there being an inevitable necessitie of supply
of mony ether to revyve the old stock or to raise a
new, the proposicons were now expressed, viz : —
1. That all the former adventurers should double
their former subscripcons. 2. That the servjints,
cattle, and all marchandizes or provisions belonging
to the ioynt stock should bee sold, and the vnder-
wryters bee paid their proporcons of what shall accrew
or arise therof. 3, or lastly. That the old stock bee
putt over to certaine vndertakers vpon such conditions
as can be agreed on, and they to goe on with the
worke and manage the business ; to beare all charges
and to stand to profitt and loss, and to pay the vnder-
wryters their principall by them brought at the end
of 7 yeares, and this to bee vnderstood not to exclude
any who haue aiTeccon to this business, but that they
may come in vnder those vndertakers for such somes,
as they shall think iitt to adventure, but that for the
better furtherance and facilitating the business, the
same to bee managed by few hands. And for the
incouragment of such vndertakers, the Committee
haue thouffht of certaine inducements, viz : That
they shall haue the one halfe of the beauer, — the sole
making of salt, — the sole transportation of passengers,
servants, and goods, to bee transported at resonable
rate, — to bee allowed a resonable profitt vpon all
13*
142 CHAPLAINS. CLERICAL ADVICHL
such provisions, as they shall keepe in magazine
there, for the vse and reliefe of the inhabitants." To
consider these premises, "a spetiall Court is appointed
on Monday next, and the whole Company to be sum-
moned by tickets to bee present." " To the end that
this business might bee proceeded in with the first
intencon, which was cheifly the glory of God and to
that purpose, that their meetings might bee sanctyfied
by the prayers of some faithfuU ministers, resident
heere in London, whose advice would bee likewise
requisite vpon many occasions, the Court thought fitt
to admitt into the freedome of this Company 'Mr. Jo.
Archer and Mr. Phillip Nye, ministers heere in Lon-
don, who, being heere present, kindly accepted therof.
Also Mr. Whyte did recommend vnto them Mr. Na-
thaniel Ward of Standon."
Here the commendable custom of having legislative
business preceded by daily intercession for the divine
blessing, is first noted by the Company's records. As
ministers previously attended their sessions, it is very
likely, that they had performed similar service.. This
is one of the ancient usages, not yet discarded by our
political authorities* Recreant indeed to the memory
of its founders and to a safeguard of its public in-
tegrityj must the State be, if ever so degraded in
moral sentiment, as to exclude devotion from its
councils.
Here, too, is a purpose of the Court to ask the
opinion of ministers on questions, which may come
before them. As well known, this was continued
under our Colonial Charter. The origin of it was
iwith laymen, which implies that the clergy were not
so officious in thrusting themselves, into civil afiairs,
FREEMEW. JOINT STOCK. ADVENTURERS* LOSS. 143
as some would have us believe. Though preachers
of the gospel have enough, to occupy all their ener-
gies, yet New England is greatly indebted to their
predecessors for much salutary advice. We hope,
that she may never have less disinterested advisers,
than they, as a class, have been.
. Here, also, we perceive the reception of freemen.
This must have been done before, as specified by the
Charter, and was afterwards, in our Colony, for a
considerable period. ^
Nov. 30. The Governor, Deputy, Treasurer, and
eleven Assistants, and twenty-five of the Generality
were present. The Court agreed that five of the
Planters and. five of the Adventurers, "should take
the ioynt stock at the true value, and take vpon them
the engagements and other charges, for which there
should bee appropriated to the ioynt stock for 7
yeares " — the privileges specified at the last meeting.
A Committee was appointed to value the joint stock ;
among them was Rev. Mr. AVhite of Dorchester.
Dec. 1. This Committee reported, " That wheras
divers somes had bin disbursed in publique charges
as transporting of ministers and their families, amu-
nition, etc. which were not now to bee valued to the
vndertakers, as being to remaine alwayes to the Plan-
tacou, and wheras many of the servants which were
transported at extraordinary charge, doe not prove soe
vsefull as was expected, and soe will not yield the
vndertakers any such benefitt as may answere their
charge, divers of the cattle and provisions likewise
miscarryinge through want of experience in the be-
'gininge of such a worke, they could not fynde the
said stock to remaine cleere and good, (the debts dis-
144 LAND. NEW SUBSCRIPTIONS. UNDERTAKERS.
charged,) aboue one-tHird part of the whole some,
which hath bin adventured from the £rst to this pre-
sent day, which vdue vpon due examinacon and long
debate was allowed by all the. Court. Wherevpon it
was propounded and agreed by the whole Court, that
the old adventurers, in lieu of this abatement of two-
thirds of their adventures, should haue an addition of
a double proporcon of land according to the first pro-
porcon of 200 acres for £50, and that they should
haue libertie to putt in what somes they pleased to
bee added to their former adventures, soe as they
subscribed the same before the first day of January
now next following, and such as liue in the country
remote from the cittie of London, to enter their sub-
scripcons before the second of Februaiy next, and
that any of the said adventurers may take out their
adventures after the aforesaid rate. And further, that
it should bee lawfull for all other persons, with con-
sent of any three of the vndertakers, to put in what
somes of mony they please to bee traded in the ioynt
stock, — vpon such allowance to the comon stock for
publique vses, in regard that they shall beare noe part
in the former losses, as the said adventurers or three
of them shall agree with them from tyrae to tyrae,
and that all adventurers shall pay in their adventures
in such time and manner, as shalbe agreed between
them and the said vndertakers or any three of them.
It was also agreed by the Court, that in regard the
vndertakers should beare the greatest charge and
burthen, and all other adventurers should haue equall
part of the gaine, if any did proceede, that therefore,
they should haue £5 in the hundred cleere gaiues of
the said ioynt stock, both in and out, all charges
TERMS OF TRANSPORTATION. 145
being deducted. And that the ioynt stock, being
thus managed, at the end of 7 yeares, to bee ac-
compted from this day, as well the said stock, as the
proceede and profitt therof, to be devyded to every
man proportionably, according to his adventure, and
all the said preuiledges then to cease, and all persons
to bee at libertie to dispose of their parts in the ioynt
stock at their owne pleasure. Herevpon the Court
thought filt to desire the gentlemen here vndernamed
to vndertake the ioynt stock vpon the tearmes before
propounded, viz : Mr. John Winthrop, the Gouernor,
Sir Richard Saltonstall, Kt., Isack Johnson, Esq., Mr.
Thomas Dudley, Mr. John Revell, Mr. Matt. Cradock,
Mr. Nathaniell Wright, Mr. Theophilus Eaton, Mr.
Thomas Goflf, Mr. James Young<; — which gentlemen,
vpon much entreaty of the Court, did accept of the
said charge and accordingly were chosen to bee
vndertakers, to haue the sole managing of the ioynt
stock, with all things incydent for the space of 7
yeares, as is aforesaid," Mr. Samuel Aldersey was
chosen Treasurer for this company of undertakers.
» It was also ordered by the Court, that the vnder-
takers should provyde a sufficient nomber of shipps
of good force for transporting of passingers at the rate
of £5 a person, and £4 a tonn for goods, which
shalbe ready to sett sail from London, by the first day
of March, and that if any passingers bee to take shipp
at the Isle of Wight, the shipps shall stopp there 24
bowers, and that all such as intend to pass over, shall
giue in their names, with 40/ towards their fraight, to
one of the said vndertakers abyding in London, on
the Michaes tearme. before the 20th of Febr. follow-
ing, and shall giue securitie for the rest of their
146 MAGAZINE. TRADE.. .
firaight, as they can agree with the said vndertakers,
ether for mony to bee paid heere, or for comoditie to
bee deliuered in the Plantacon: tfurther, it was agreed,
that for the transportacon of children, this rate shalbe
kept, viz : sucking children not to bee reckoned; such
as vnder 4 yeares of age, 3 for one ; vnder 8, 2 for
one, vnder 12, 3 for 2. And that a shipp of 200 tonn
shall not carry aboue 120 passengers compleate, and
soe of other shipps after the same proporcon. And
for goods homewards, the fraight shalbe for beauer
£3 per tonn, and for other comodities 40/ per tonn,
and such as will haue their goods assured shall pay
£5 per C. Concerning the magazine, it is likewise
agreed, that the vndertakers should furnish the Plan-
tacon with all such comodities, as they shall send for,
and the Planters to take them off and retaile them at
their pleasure, allowing the vndertakers £25 in the
hundred aboue all charges, and the Planters to haue
liberty to dispose of their part of the beauer at their
owne will, and every man may fetch or send for any
comoditie for his owne vse, where or how hee please,
soe as hee trade not with interlopers, soe long as hee
may bee furnished suffitiently by the adventurers at
the rates aforesaid." As to other regulations, the
Court empower the undertakers to make such, as
need may require, which are to continue at the plea-
sure of the former body. " Provyded alwayes, that
if those, that intend to inhabite vpon the Plantacon,
shall, before the first of January next, take vpon them
all the said engagments and other charges of the
ioynt stock, then the power and priueledges of the
vndertakers to determine, and all trade, etc., to bee
free."
JOINT STOCK. DISCUSSION. REFEREES. 147
Dec. 15. "Mr. Deputie caused to bee read the
acts and orders, made at the last Generall Court of the
30th of November, which beinge of great consiquence,
as, namely, for setling the joynt stock and managing
of the whole business, it was desired the same should
receive confirmacon by this Court ; vpon debate
wherof, some excepcons were taken by those who
had doubled their adventures, conceiving themselves
to bee wronged in hauing both their somes drawne
downe to soe lowe a rate as one-third part, alleadinge
that the second some was paid in vpon a proposicon
of trade, which went not forward, and not as vnto
the ioynt stock for the Plantacon. This business
received a large discussion, and Capt. Waller and Mr.
Yassall were content to giue the first £50 to the
Plantacon, soe as their other £50 might goe on wholy
in this new stock ; but forasmuch as this concerned
divers others, who were in the same case, and that it
could not bee done without alteracon of the act made
the 30th of November, which was done by a Generall
Court vpon mature and deliberate consideracon, and
the vndertakers would not continue their said vnder-
taking but vpon the same conditions, which were
then propounded and concluded on, — this Court in
conclusion, put it to the question, and by ereccon of
hands, every particuler of the former Court was raty-
fied and confirmed. And the matter in difference
with them, who had doubled their adventures, being
noe more to each of them then between £50 and
£33 : 6 : 8, was by mutuall consent referred to the
three ministers heere present, Mr. Davenport, Mr. Nye,
and Mr. Archer, who are to reconcile the same be-
tw'eene the new vndertakers and them."
148 MORTALITY. JOINT AND COMMON STOCK.
• Though the colonists here had reason to be en-
couraged by movements of the Company at home ;
still the signs among themselves were cheerless and
depressing. As the winter approached, disease ^ and
mortality continued their dreadful work. Nearly
-one-half of their number^ died. Among them was
the Ruling Elder, Henry Haughton. Such a re-
peated event was enough to have driven ordinary
adventurers from the shores, which breathed pestilence
and death. But the afflicted survivors continued firm
and hoped for better days. While they looked, in
imagination, to the more healthy residences of Eng-
land, others were earnestly engaged in preparing to
move thence, and become partakers with them in the
trials of a new country. Many are glad in the Tieri-
tage purchased by their hardships. Few would pay
its price.
GENERAL COURT AT MR. GOFFE'S HOUSE IN I^ONDON.
1630. Feb. 10. " forasmuch as the furtherance
of the Plantacou will necessarylie require a great and
continuall charge, which cannot with convenyence
bee defrayed out of the ioynt stock of the Company,
which is ordained for the maintenance of the trade,
without endangering the same to bee wasted and
exhausted, it was therefore propounded, that a com-
mon stock should bee raysed from such as beare good
aflfecon to the Plantacou and the propagacon therof,
and the same to bee employed only iu defrayment of
publique charges, as maintenance of ministers, trans-
•y
^ Thii sicknen appears to have been imparted to the inhabitants by
the passengers, who arrived in the summer. Prince, p. 1U3.
' Governor Dudley's letter to the Countess of Lincoln.
LAND FOR MONEY SUBSCRIBED AND PAID. 149
portacoQ of poore famylyes, buildeing pf churches
and ffortyfycacons, and all other publique and neces-
sary occasions of the Plautacon, and the Court doe
thiuke fitt and order 200 acres of land shalbe allotted
for every 60 lb. and soe proportionable for what somes
shalbe brought in by any to this purpose. And Mr.
George Harwood is chosen Treasurer for this accompt
of the common stock, which he accepted of, who is
to. receive all such money as shalbe by any sent in,
and to issue out the same vpon warrant vnder the
hands of any 2 or more of the vndertakers. And
it is further agreed on and ordered, that an order bee
drawne vpp and published vnder the scale of the
Company, to signifie and declare to what vses all
such mpnyes, as are giuen to the common stock shalbe
employed, and what land shalbe allotted to each man,
that giues thervnto, as well for the satisfaccon as the
incouragment of others to soe laudable and charitable
a worke, and it was further taken into cousideracon
and ordered, that this allottment or deyision of land
shall not preiudice the right of any the adventurers,
who ore to haue land and haue not yett the same
allotted out vnto them, nor vnto those, whose land is
already sett out according to the former order and
direccon of this Court, yett nevertheless, it is further
agreed, that if for good and weighty reasons and for
the benefitt of the plantacon in generall, there shalbe
occasion to alter any particuler man's allottment, the
said party is to haue such due recompence for the
same as in the wisdome of the Gouernor and Com-
pany there resident, shalbe thought reasonable and
expedient. Mocon was made on the behalfe of Sir
14
150 SIR WILLIAM BREWERTON'S CLAIM.
William Brewerton, who by vertue of a late Pattent,
pretends right and tytle to some part of the land with-
in the Companye's priuiledges and Plantacon in New
England, yett nevertheless hee intends not to contest
with the Company, but desires, that a proportionable
quantitie of land might bee allotted vnto him for the
accomodacon of his people and servants now to bee
sent over, which request the Court taking into due
consideracon, doe not thinke fitt to enter into any
particuler cappitulacon with him therin nor- to sett
out any ailottment of land for him more than 600
acres, hee is to haue by vertue of his adventure in
the ioynt stock, nor to acknowledg any thing due
vnto him as of right by vertue of his said Pattent nor
to giue any consideracon in case hee should relinquish
his pretended right, but they are well content hee
should ioyne with them in the prosecucon of this
business according to their Charter and doe promise
in the meane tyme that such servants as hee shall
send over to inhabite vpon the Plantacon shall receive
all courteous respect and bee accomodated with land
and what els shalbe necessary, as other the servants
of the Company ; which answere was deliuered vnto
those, that were sent from him and the Court desired
also that Capt. Waller and Mr. Eaton would signifie
the Companye's affection and due respect vnto him,
hee hauing written to them about this business."
The Court agreed to the settlement of Messrs. John
and Samuel ^ Brown's claim for damages in their
* In the former etiltion of this work, p. 38-0, tlie Messrs. Browna
w^re supposed to have come back and lived here. One reason for
this was, thai a Joha Brown resided in Salem a few years after their
ditlicuilies. But from other considerations, it is hkely, that this person
was not one of tJiem and that they did not return hither.
THE BEADLE'S SALARY. SIR BRIAN JANSON. 151
property at Naumkeag, — by meaus of two referees.
" Mr. Roger Ludlow was now chosen and sworn aa
assistant in the room of Mr. Samuell Sharpe, who by
reason of his absence had not taken the oath."
Twenty Nobles were ordered for Humphry Scale,
the Beadle, as his salary ending at Christmas, to be
paid from the joint stock.
COURT OF ASSISTANTS AT SOUTHAMPTON.
March 18. " It was ordered and concluded by
ereccon of hands, that Sir Brian Janson, Kt., Mr.
William Coddington and Mr. Simon Bradstreet, gent.,
shalbe chosen in the roomes and places of Assistants
of Mr. Nathaniell Wright, merchant, Mr. Theophilus
Eaton and Mr. Thomas Goff, of London, merchants."
Sir Brian Janson took his oath before the Governor
and Mr. Dudley the same day, and Messrs. Codding-
ton and Bradstreet on the 23d, before the Governor,
Mr. Dudley and other assistants.
COURT OF ASSISTANTS ON BOARD THE ARBELLA.
March 23. " Mr. John Humfrey in regard hee
was to stay behinde in England, was discharged of
his deputyshipp, and Mr. Thomas Dudley chosen
deputy in his place."
Here close our records of Massachusetts Company's
Courts * on the other side of the Atlantic. They
have been adduced to throw light on the beginnings
of this community. Con them. They bear no im-
press of peculation, which soiled the registers of the
• Aeenrdln^ to the deposition of Richard Brackenbury, these Courfs,
when Mr. EndicoU was about to embark for lliia country, were held
" in Coraeweil silreete in London."
152 REPORTS— DESIGN OF THE COLONISTS.
South Sea Corporation. They exhibit more attractive
traits of humanity, higher aims of moral obligation,
and ar further reach into endless realities, than the
commercial acts of the far-famed East India Associa-
tions in Europe. They contain transactions, which
—however wearing, when first penned, the aspect of
uncertainty, attendant on every new enterprise — have
given rise to results of momentous relation to the
temporal and eternal interests of our race. Like the
scroll of Israel's covenant to them, — they should be
precious in our eyes.
PARTING ADDRESS.
April 7. An address* from Governor Winthrop
and others,^ on board the Arbella, at Yarmouth, is
made to their brethren in the Church of England.
The object of it was to request the prayers of such
Christians for a divine blessing on the Colony, and to
remove suspicions from their minds, concerning the
motives and purposes of the emigrants. It appears to
have had in view the reports of Messrs. Browns and
others, as though the design of the Colonists was to
counteract the civil and ecclesiastical authorities of
England. Its language is, " howsoever your charitie
may have met with some occasion of discouragement
through the misreport of our intentions, or through
the disaffection, or indiscretion of some of us, or
rather amongst us; for wee are not of those, that
I Hubbard'a New England, p. Flnea, and Georj^e Phillips, — with
126, which imputes thia Addresa two etceteras in the printed ac-
to the pen ofthe Rev. John White, count, which are niobably substi-
' Their names were Richard tutes for more subscribers to the
Saltonstoll, Isaac Johnson, Thos. original address.
Dudley, Wm. Coddington, Cbos.
APPEAL TO THE CLERGY. 153
dreame of perfection in this world ; yet wee desire
you would be pleased to take notice of the principals
and body of our Company, as those who esteeme it
our honour to call the Church of England, from
whence we rise, our deare mother, and cannot part
from our native Countrie, where she specially resideth,
without much sadness of heart and many tears in our
eyes." This is the expression of patriotic and Chris-
tian affection, which adorns character in any period,
clime and condition. - Though the consequent, as
well as previous action of its authors was made the
target of strenuous conformists, no doubt it was a
sincere oblation on the common altar of benevolence.
The address appeals to the Clergy ; — " It is an usuall
and laudable exercise of your charity, to commend
to the prayers of your Congregations the necessities
and straights of your private neighbours. Doe the
like for a Church springing out of your owne
bowells." This was a proper request. Hard as it is
for human selfishness to call down blessings on any
body,— -who break over its restrictions, — the duty
should be done against all the cabals of its resisting
propensities. The communication engages, that its
signers will do for their brethren in England, what
they so ask for themselves, when, as their words
are, " we shall be in our poor cottages in the wilder-
nesse, overshadowed with the spirit of supplication,
through the manifold necessities and tribulations,
which may not altogether unexpectedly, nor, we hope,
unprofitably befall us." These thoughts shadow
forth the anticipation of exceeding hardships and a
noble purpose to meet them in the only way o(
14*
154 CONSPIRACY. DUTIES OF COLONISTS.
duty— of peace and benefit to the soul— and of se-
curing the elevated objects of the enterprise.
f, INDIAN CONSPIRACY.
April and May. The colonists, here and elsewhere,
are alarmed by the report,^ that most of the Indians,
from Narraganset to the eastward, had laid a plan to
destroy the English. John, the Sagamore at Mystic,
exposed their design. The first point of their in-
tended attack was upon Plymouth. Governor Brad-
ford dispatched a boat to Salem for ammunition. The
people of Charlestown built a fort to defend them-
selves. Their records say, in reference to the un-
friendly natives of this quarter, " the people at Salem,
shooting off their great guns to clear them, the report
so terrifies the Indians, that they disperse and run
away. This plot obliges us to be in continual arms."
GOV. WINTHROP ON BENEVOLENCE.
On his passage to Salem, Governor "Winthrop em-
ployed his thoughts in penning an excellent treatise *
on Christian Charity. His chief object in so rational
an employment, was to prepare himself and associates
for the duties and trials of their pilgrimage. Having
discussed the properties of so elevated a virtue, he
applies it to the enterprise of the colonists. Relative
to this undertaking, he considers the persons, work,
end and means.' Of the first, he remarks, — " Wee
are a company, professing ourselves fellow members
of Christ, in which respect onely, though wee were
absent from each other many miles, and had our im-
> Charlestown Records. • Mass. Hist. Coll. 3 s. 7 y. 33 p.
PRINCIPLES OF BENEVOLENCE. 155
ployments as farre distant, yet wee ought to account
ourselves knitt together by this bond of loue, and liue
in the exercise of it, if wee would have comforte of
our being in Christ." Of the second, — ''It is by a
mutuall consent, through a speciall overvaluing ^
Providence, and a more than ordinary approbation of
the churches of Christ, to seeke out a place of co-
habitation and consorteshipp under a due form of
Government both ciuill and ecclesiasticall. In such
cases as this, the care of the publique must oversway
all private respects, by which, not only conscience,
but meare civill poUicy, dothe binde us. For it is a
true rule, that particular estates cannot subsist in the
ruin of the publique." Of the third, — " The end is
to improve our, lives to doe more service to the Lord;
the comforte and eucrease of the body of Christe,
whereof we are members ; that ourselves and posterity
may be the better preserued from the common cor-
ruptions of this evill world, to serve the Lord and
worke out our salvation under the power and purity
of his holy ordinances." Of the fourth, — " They
are two-fold, a conformity with the worke and end
wee aime at. These wee see are extraordinary,
therefore wee must not content ourselves with usuall
ordinary meanes. Whatsoever wee did, or ought to
have done, when wee lined in England, the same
must we doe, and more allsoe, where wee goe. That
which the most in theire churches mainetaine as
truthe in profession onely, wee must bring into fa-
miliar and constant practise." Noble sentiments;
strictly in accordance with the necessities, obligations,
and interests of men ! When will the whole of our
• Probablj nemding In tlie original.
156 ' ARRIVAL OF THE ARBELLA AT SALEM.
race imbibe their lofty spirit — and act more for
heaven than earth ! The principles, so inculcated,
and the practice of its author upon them, deserve, in
the eye of real desert, as explained by Omniscience,
a richer crown, and should receive a higher reward,
than all other temporal greatness. Common consent
may array the deeds of unsanctified genius, and the
success of vicious ambition, with its brightest robes,—
but the hand of everlasting truth will tear them
away, and expose the deformity which they attempt
to cover.
-ARRIVAL OF EMIGRANTS.
June 12. After a long passage, from the 29th of
March, the author of the preceding sentiments saw
Salem,^ as the port of destination, and reached an
anchorage inside of Baker's island. He came in the
Arbella^ of 350 tons, 52 seamen, and 28 guns, com-
manded by Peter Milborne. Three ^ other ships
sailed with her, leaving seven "* more at Hampton.
"While at anchor, the Arbella Avas visited by the noted
Captain, William Peirce, of the ship Lion, then in the
harbor. The call of this Palinurus of our colonial
eeaa, must have been welcome to the newly arrived
emigrants. He soon came ashore and carried off
Messrs. Endecott, Skelton and Levett, to take psirt in
the mutual congratulations of the occasion. On the
return of these, after a few hours, they were accom-
• W'mtbrop's Journal, v. 1, p. the first, commanded by John
25—27. Lowe, second by Nichola:* Hurls*
* Slid by Johnson to have been ton, and third by Thoa. Beecher.
the Eagle, and named in honor of ^ Cliarlea, Mayflower, William
lady Arbella Johnson. Wonder and Francis, Hopewell, Whale,
Working Prov. ch. 14, p. 2!). Success, and Trial.
' Ambroae, Jewel, aud Talbot,
EMIGRATION. SOCIAL FREEDOM. 157
panied by some of the passengers. Speaking of this
visit, so full of novel impressions and kind greetings,
Governor Winthrop thus expresses himself: "We
that were of the Assistants and some other gentlemen,
and some of the women, and our captain, returned
with them to Nahumkeek, where we supped with a
good venisou pasty and good beer, and at night we
returned to our ship, but some of the women stayed
behind." He adds, — " la the mean time, most of
our people went on shore upon the land of Cape Ann,
which lay very near ns, and gathered store of fine
strawberries." Pleasant introduction to a new coun-
try.
June 14 After the solemnities of the preceding
Sabbath, the Arbella was warped into the harbor.
Most of the emigrants left her under a parting salute
of five cannon. Happy exchange of confined ship-
board for the green earth and true welcome of coun-
trymen. The Jewel, which arrived on Sunday,
added her appearance with that of her busy crew and
passengers, to render the scene still more varied and
pleasing. These vessels were the precursors of
others, which landed passengers at difilerent places.
It was not long ere the tide of emigration, so hope-
fully setting towards our shores, received a check.
Having finished his voyage, Mr. Winthrop entered
on his duties, as chief magistrate of the colony.
Though the civil power thus came to his hands, yet
the principles of his administration were like those,
which had directed the course of Mr. Endicott. The
spirit of liberty, contained in the charter brought by
the former, was the same, which breathed in its tran-
script, previously received and followed by the latter.
158 CAPITAL. SICKNESS. WANT OF FOOD.
The commencement of legislation, which was to
have an important part in promoting the social free-
dom, that has spread and is still spreading in the
world, began at Naumkeag under Endicott, and was
continued by his worthy successor.
No doubt, on the arrivalof the new government at
Salem, there was a strong desire of its inhabitants,
that it might be continued as the capital of the colony.
But it was soon evident, that they would be disap-
pointed.
DISTRESS OF THE COLONISTS.
June 14 The last emigrants ^ found the inhabi-
tants here in a wretched condition. They saw a
large number of them weak and sick. They came
in season to relieve them from the horrors of ap-
proaching famine. Even provisions, by such a sup-
ply, was far from being abundant. There was only
enough for a few weeks. Of ISO servants in the
colony, whom the Company had sent over two years
before, at great cost, the remainder carne to those,
recently arrived, and entreated for food. But, how-
ever so affectingly addressed, the latter were con-
strained to deny, lest their own stores should be
consumed. The supplies, put up for these suffering
settlers, had been left behind. The authorities, being
unable to maintain them, were under the necessity of
ordering, that they have their liberty and provide for
themselves.
The settlers who came last to Salem, were dissat-
isfied with it, as their permanent place of abode.
They consulted accordingly. A party were sent ^ to
' Goyeraor Dudley's Letter. - ' June 17.
ANOTHER CAPITAL SOUGHT. 159
discover a more suitable location. Oa their return/
they spoke highly of a situation on Mystic river.
There was a dissent from this, which terminated in
the decision to settle on Charles river.
LETTER OF DR, FULLER.
June 28. In a communication '^ of Dr. Samuel
Fuller to Mr. Bradford, he remarks, that Governor
Winthrop and others, lately arrived at Salem, "are
resolved to sit down at the head of Charles river."
He states, that some individuals are unfriendly to
Plymouth. His language denotes, that these persons
endeavored to prejudice Mr. Winthrop against the
same colony ; — but that he still appeared well disposed
towards the authorities there. The cause of such
alienation was probably the suspicion, that the Ply-
mouth church had too much of Brownism in its polity.
Dr. Fuller represents Mr. Endicott as giving no coun-
tenance to management of this kind. He calls him,
'I my dear friend and a friend to us all ; is a second
Burrow ; the Lord establish him and us all in every
good way of truth." Well for the union of two
religious colonies, destined to exert a great and salu-
tary influence, that there were leading men in both
of them, who calmed the fomentations of bigoted
zeal, and promoted the course of truth on a peaceful
current.
HENRY WINTHROP DROWNED.
While many of those recently arrived, were busy
in preparing to live amid new scenes, they receive a
> J. ne 19.
■ B.adford'i Letter Book. Mass. Hist. Coll. ■. I, y. 3, p. 74.
160 GOVERNOR WINTHROP'S SON DROWNED.
solemn monition ^ of their mortality, in the sudden
death of a promising young man. This was a son of
Governor Winthrop. He had been prevented from
coming with his father. But as soon as practicable,
he followed. Among the objects which caused his
bitterest sorrow in leaving his native land, was the
wife of his ardent affection. Prompted by duty, he
forsook the dearest attractions of home, to brave the
perils of distant, savage climes.
He reached the harbor of Salem, July 1st, in the
ship Talbot. Though he had witnessed the sea-
burial of fourteen among her passengers, yet he little
thought, that, with the promised enjoyments of land-
ing and living on the soil of his intended residence
just within his grasp, they would utterly elude his
touch. , The day succeeding his arrival, he hastens on
shore. His eye already dances with delight, as it
falls on the gathering to welcome his approach. But
it soon closes, in a watery grave, no more to gaze on
human or earthly concerns. His afflicted parent, in
writing to his wife a fortnight after, thus gives vent
to his chastened grief " We have met with many
sad and discomfortable things, as thou shalt hear
after \ and the Lord's hand hath been heavy upon
myself in some very near to me. My son, Henry !
my son, Henry ! ah ! poor child ! Yet it grieves me
more for my dear daughter. The Lord strengthen
and comfort her heart, to Lear this cross patiently. I
know thou will not be wanting to her in this distress.
Yet for all these things (I praise my God) I am not
discouraged ; nor do I see cause to repent or despair
> Winthrop's Journal, v. 1, p. 29, 372.
THANKSGIVING. REMOVAL. LADY ARBELLA. 161
of those good days here, which will make amends for
all."
July 8. In view of relief, afforded by the last
emigrants, to their brethren in distress, and of the
preservation, experienced by the former on the ocean,
a day ^ of general thanksgiving is observed. To-
gether they mingled their oblations of gratitude to
Him, who was able to make all their changes termi-
nate in good.
In accordance with their purpose to relinquish
Salem, as the seat of legislation, Governor Winthrop
and others have their goods reshipped and brought*
to Charlestown. Here news was related, that the
French intended to attack the colonists. Many of
the emigrants were sick with fevers and scurvy so
that the ordnance and baggage could be carried no
further. These considerations led to a change of
purpose, and to a dispersion of the company, who had
concluded to form a town three leagues up Charles
river.
While things remained so unsettled, " the lady
Arbella and some other godly women aboad ^ at
Salem."
REASONS FOR CHANGE OF CAPITAL.
At this juncture, varied was the prospect of the
eolonists. But clouds, far more than a clear sky,
hung over them. Had mere earthly aims brought
them thus far, they would have turned back and for-
saken the coasts of toil, difficulty, peril and distress.
* Winthrop, 1 v. p. 29. ' Johnson, part 1, p. 37.
•This waa before July 16.
15
162 REASONS FOR CHANGE Of* CAPITAL.
But their vision pierced the heavens and rested on
immutable promise and divine approbation. Tlius
they were each enabled to gather strength, far more
essential for their enterprise, than all the physical
power of a Hercules. So upheld, they looked at the
question of relinquishing Naumkeag, as the capital, with
an eye of conscientious duty. For the decision, given
to it, there were evident reasons. The comparative de-
ficiencies of this settlement in high and airy location ;
in soil for extensive and thrifty agriculture ; in water
for numerous and heavy ships, and in centrality of po-
sition, were of such a class. To these were probably
added, the desire to obtain a place of greater capability
for safe fortification and one nearer the disputed terri-
tory of Gorges, so that it might be retained by Massa-
chusetts proprietors. However satisfactory arguments
of this kind may have been to those swayed by them,
still the separation, in view of its results, was far from
being pleasant to those, who remained upon the pre-
mises. The latter emigrants had selected their quotas
of land and their sites for domicils, with the hope,
that this spot would be continued as the metropolis of
the colony. The recent arrival of the principal
charter and many passengers, — the assurance, that
the two administrations of the Company were amal-
gamated, for ought they knew, would give a powerful
impulse to their own community. But their expecta-
tion was disappointed, and their accession proved
diminution.
When informed that those, who had gone out from
them, were disconcerted in their plan by reports of
foreign invaders, the thought may have risen in their
minds, that such adversity would repair their loss.
FIRST SETFLERS. 163
But the dawn of a better experience, was evanescent.
No movement was made to readopt this town as the
seat of legislation. Hence Conant and his fellow
pioneers, who selected it as highly favorable to sustain
such a relation, and Endicott with his friends, who
alike responded to its being so constituted, were con-
strained to give up their fond wishes, that it might
long be the radiating point of emigration — the source
of trade, wealth, law and influence. Still, knowing
that obligation demanded individual predilections and
interests to be waved for the greater public benefit,
they bowed in submission, and continued their efforts
to advance the common weal. They needed no
Charistian festival to reconcile them with dissenting
countrymen. Worthy example ! To those of other
aims, it gives the severe rebuke —
" What wretched ends on curst ambition wait."
To those of congenial motives, it issues the in-
junction—
" Ne'er from the golden mean of virtue bend."
May the like manly thought, the same elevated prin-
ciples and noble purposes of our pilgrim fathers, be
equally influential over every successive generation
of their descendants.
FIRST SETTLERS.
For the satisfaction of those who love to review
the names of such emigrants as took part in the early
concerns of Salem, and knew, from experience, the
difficulties attendant on a new settlement — the en-
suing lists are presented. Before, however, we pro-
ceed to give them, it may not be amiss to look further
164 ORIGIN OP NAMES. DU CANGE.
back on some facts with which they have a connec-
tion. In the former periods of the world, each person
had but one name. Subsequently, as occasion seemed
to require, this number was increased. In nations,
both ancient and modern, names were applied to in-
dividuals, as expressive of parental good wishes for
children ; of some particular event, place, office, and
trade ; of physical, intellectual and moral qualities.
Names were, also, thus appropriated, as significant of
the winds, colors, animals and other things. The
Romans and other nations considered a ])erson's name
as having much influence on his course and experi-
ence of life. Hence their proverb, " a good name, a
good omen." The Christian name, as is well known,
was so designated, because applied to children when
christened or baptized. It was used to distinguish
an individual. Surnames began to be adopted in
England about 1050. They were not popular among
the great mass of the inhabitants there till about
1307. Tillet maintained, that they were given as
sobriquets or nicknames. But Camden, with much
more argument, held that they were applied for the
reasons just mentioned. Du Cange stated, that the
term, surname (the s«r meaning over) was so denom-
inated, because, when first used in Europe, it was
placed above the Christian name. Such a term was
employed to signify families. The diflerent masters
of England — as the 'ancient Britons, who used per-
sonal appellations to express the colors of the paint,
put on themselves ; the Romans ; the Anglo-Saxons,
who introduced German names ; the Danes, and the
Normans, who increased the German vocabulary, —
left their respective words to be preserved or not, as
TITLES OF MR. AND GOODMAN. 165
their successors preferred. Soon after the Norraaa
conquest, the English, for the most part, dispensed
with the Roman and Danish names, and incorporated,
with their first names of German origin, those from
the Scriptures. In accordance with this custom, tho
settlers of Salem had their Christian names chiefly
derived, and their surnames mostly, from the occasions
previously specified. But the practice of assigning
personal appellations was observed by them, in gen-
eral, as by their descendants, without any particular
attention to the causes of their being originally em-
ployed. The lists of our ancestors show, that a por-
tion of their surnames have ceased from the first
bounds of Naumkeag, while many others have suc-
ceeded them. They also furnish the fact, that no
middle names had yet been chosen by them. Many
of the ancient surnames have undergone no small
change in their orthography.
The titles of Mr. and Goodman, as applied by our
fathers, call for a passing notice. They were derived
from England. A writer ^ makes the ensuing obser-
vations. " As for gentlemen, they be made good-
cheap in England ; for whosoever studieth the laws
of the realm, who studieth in the universities, who
professeth liberal sciences, and to be short, who can
live idly and without manual labor, and will bear the
port, charge and countenance of a gentleman, he shall
be called Master, foe that is the title which men give
to Esquires and other gentlemen." " Yeomen are
next to the nobility, knights and squires. This sort
> Smilb'a Commonwealth of England.
15*
166 ADMISSION OF INHABITAICTS,
of people are not gentlemen, but for the most part
farmers to gentlemen, and by grazing, frequenting
markets, etc., do come to such wealth, that they are
able to buy the lands of unthrifty gentlemen, and
after setting their sons to the universities, to the laws,
etc., do make their sons gentlemen. Yeomen are not
called masters, but to their sirnarae, men add good-
man," and in law, they add yeoman. In our colony,
the title of Mr. or Master, was applied to captains, and
sometimes mates of vessels ; to military captains ; to
eminent merchants ; to schoolmasters, doctors, magis-
trates, and clergymen ; to persons who had received
a second degree at college, and who had been made
freemen. .The wives and daughters of masters, were
called Mrs. To be deprived of the Mr. was considered
a grievous loss of cast. An instance of this kind
occurred in 1631, when the Court of Assistants took
such a title from an individual for immoral conduct.
Goodman was prefixed to the surnames of such as
were not denominated masters. The help-meets of
these persons were called goo'd wives. Such appella-
tions were less frequent after 1650 than before.
Both parties, in order that their example and titles
might harmonize, must have felt bound to walk up-
rightly.
Another item lays claim to our attention. It refei*s
to the admission of inhabitants. Salem authorities,
like those of other ancient towns, were more -strict,
in this particular, under the first charter than subse-
quently. Some who applied for residence among
them, were denied and warned away. Others were
accepted on trial, on condition of bringing their wives
irom abroad, and of obtaining satisfactory credentials
FIRST SETTLERS.
1G7
as to their membership in churches, or good moral
character. Fines were not unfreqnently obtained of
individuals, more hospitable than observant of legal
restrictions, for entertaining strangers without leave
from the municipal officers.
ABBREVUTIOnS.
The first of our propo8«d lists will contain names not found
on the church records, down to 1651. For the convenience of
noting particulars relative to individuals mentioned on the lists,
— a collection fur more laborious than entertaining to an en-
tirely romantic taste, — some abbreviations will be employed.
Namely, a. signifies arrived at Salem ; b. resident here before
the year given ; c. c. came with Roger Conuut ; e. e. came with
Mr. Cudicutt; c.f. came in the fleet of Hi2U ; </./. desired to be
freemen in 1630 ; g*. I. granted laud by Salem authorities ; g. I. e.
grant of land confirmed ; m. mentioned as of this place ; m. c.
member of the first church ; m. f. made freeman ; mr, made
freemen subsequent to the years standing on a line with the
names, and r. i. received as inhabitants. The numerical years,
to the right of the persons designated, are the dates when tliey
are known, or appear to have begun their abode in this settle-
ment. It is probable that not a few of them lived here befure
the time assigned to them as being of SuIimu. Had our town
records given details of names prior to JGi]4, there would bo
less uncertainty on this point.
Abby, John g. I. 1037
Adaina, Richard m. 1G37
Adaini, Robert g. I. lOia
Aimedoune, Roger g. I. 11137
Alford, Win. mr. UuVi
fiabion, Iitabel g. I. 1(kj7
Baker, Robert g. I. 1037
Barhi>r, Wm. g. I. KUJy
Bailoll, John m. 1C4»
Buxter, Daniel g. I. l&tD
Bay ley, Guydo g. I. 1&14
Bay ley, Henry g. L 1G38
Beard, Thomas, Mr. e.f. 1C29
Beaumont, John m. 1640
Beere. Philip g. I.e. lG:i7
Belknap, Joseph m. 1644
Benian, Wm. m, 1G37
Bennet, Henry m. 1G30
Beniiet, John m. l(>3n
Bennet, Richard g. l. 1G36
Bennet, Wtn. g. t. 1637
Berry, Christopher
licut, jolni
Uixby, Tliomns
liianclier, (widow) g
Ulomfifld. Henry
Uoggii!>l, Juiin
Bourne, John
Rowditch, Wm.
Bon'en, Thomas
Brand, Thomas
Brately, Juiin
Bridgeman, John
Krittell, John
Brown, Hugh
Brown, John
Brown, Samuel
Bryan, (widow)
ItrvMOl, Thomas
Buifum, Robert
Bullock, Henry
Buxdet, George, R«t.
771.
1G40
7«.
)(i.-id
77i.
iiiM
I.e.
1G;W
m.
H,-M
771.
1G30
e-i'
1G37
g-i'
1043
771.
lG4d
C.f.
1029
m.
ig:{8
v%.
1(J.37
gi-
1G37
e. t.
lG2d
c.f.
1U29
c.f.
1(>-V9
g.l.
l(i39
in.
1642
711.
1(..-W
g.l.
1G43
}.i.
l(i35
1G8
FIRST SETl'LERS.
BurdsDil, Henrj
Burrows, John
Burstow, Anthony
Burton, John
BurwcKxl, Thomas
Bushnell, Juhn
BuHhneil, Francis
Buxton, Antliony
Buxton, Thomaa
Canterbury, William
Gary, Nicholas
Chad wf II, Thomas
Charles, William
Chickering, Henry
ChiUun, Walsingham
Chin?, George g
Chubo, Thoiuas
Chuauiore, Richard
Clark, Arthur
Claik, William mr.
Claydun, B.trnabos
Claydon, Richard
Clud, ttoodurife
C<ick, Richard,
Codinan, Robert
Cnite, John §
Colbourne, Samuel
Colo, Robert mr.
Cole, Thomas
Collins, John g.
Comyiis, William mr. g.
Concklin, John g.
Conant, Roj/er, Jr.* g.
Con vers, Allen mr. g.
Cook, Henry g.
Cornish, Samuel g.
Cornish, Samuel, Jr. m.
Cornhiii, Samuel m.
Corwin. George mr. m.
Cory, Gyles g. I.
Colta, Robert m.f.
Cromwell, Philip m.
Curtis, Zacheus g- I.
Curwilhen, Uuvid m.
Daliber, Joseph g I.
DanieU, Alice, Mrs. g. I.
Davis, Isaac m.
Davi:ii, William g. I.
Devoreux, John m.
Dike, Anthony m.f.
Dike, (widow) m.
Dill, George g. I.
Dixy, Thomas g. I.
m.f.
g. I.
m.
in,
m.
m.
8 I-
m.
g.l.
g. I.
m.
.l.e.
a.
m.
m.f.
d.f.
c.f.
C.J.
m.
m.
.I.e.
g I-
d.f.
g-i-
g.i-
g.i.
g.i.
g. I.
I.
1638
11)37
1637
lti:J7
ItMO
1U37
1631)
Uy.M
1631)
1()39
16:J7
ll«7
1637
164U
1648
1638
1636
1636
164U
1630
16-.'U
16i>«>
1W7
164.'>
1637
HWa
1637
1636
KUll)
1«43
1637
KMU
1(>4()
163U
16:w
1637
16;W
\M\
16:18
161!)
ltia">
H147
ll>4(i
1614
164(1
16:17
1637
1639
l(>3()
1631
HWU
1637
• Tba lint bora ohiid in Salem.
Dod<;e, William, Mr. e.f.
Downinv, I'heopbilus g. I.
Draper, iNicholas g. I.
Drettser, Samuel m.
Easty, Jrflry g. I.
Eburne, Samuel g. I.
Edes, William c.f.
Edmunds, James c.f.
Edson, Sumuel g. I.
Edwards. Rice g, l.
Elford, John m.
Elslon, John m.
En- stead, Richard e.f.
Fairfield, Daniel m.
Forr, Gi'orge mr. c.f.
Fellon, Beiij. * mr. g. I.
Fernis, lienjamin rn.
Fisk, John mr. g. I.
Flatman, Thomas mr. g. t.
Flint. William m.
Foole. Pascha g. I.
Franklin, goodman m.
Freeman, mr. m.
Friend, John mr. g. I.
Fryar, Thomas g. I.
Fuller, R<ibert mr. m.
Gaily, John g. I.
Garilner, John g. I.
(inrdner, Juueph g. I.
GaidniT, Richard g I.
Gardner, Samuel g. [.
Gatulicll, John m.
Gatcliell, Samuel g. I. c.
Gerry, Henry m.
Golilxmith, Thomas ^. /. b.
Goodall. Robert g. I.
Gott, Clirtiles mr, m.e. c.e.
(irallon, Joseph g.i.
Gruflon, Jn«*tiua tr.
Gransjrr, Bryan m.
Graves, lliciutd g. I.
Graves, I'lioinust </./. e.f.
Groy, Thouius I e. c.
Gri-enfield, Samuel g. I.
Greenwoy, Richard g. I.
G rover, Edward m.
Guppy, Robert vu
Hackfurd. William g. I.
Hojr^elt, Henry g. I.
Hail, John vu
1C29
1643
1637
1633
16:}7
1639
1629
1629
1639
1643
16.36
1631
1629
1(343
1629
1636
)64U
1637
I6:J7
1(>45
1637
1645
1636
1637
1639
16:19
1637
liJ43
1649
1613
16-19
16:{7
1638
1648
1643
16:57
l(i28
1637
16-19
1637
l(i;l7
1629
1626
i(;:i7
16:17
163.1
1647
1637
1642
1637
• Sod of Mrf. Ellen Fellon.
t Soon Went to Cbkrieitown.
I SuppoaiHl to b« tlie owner of Nia-
taakal la i(i3X
FIRST SETTLERS.
1C9
Hanscomhe, Thomu c./.
Harbcrt, Juhn g. I.
Flardy, John t» /.
Hardy, John, Jr. g. I.
Harris, George m.
Harris. William m.
Haskfll, Roller g, I.
Haughlon, Henry m. c. e.f.
Howard, Ricliurd c.f.
Hawkes, Tlmmaa m.
Hayward, Nicholas g. I,
Herson. Christopher g. I.
Hewlett, Mr. m.
Higjfinson.F., Rev. m.c. c.f.
Hiffginson, J. mr. m c. c.f.
Hi(T(Tins, Alexand'r vir. gl.
Hill, John g. I.
Hulliiiian, Ezekiel g. I.
Hollini;worth, Richard^'' I,
Hull, Ju!>eph m.
Hulltne, Obadiah g. I.
Huflon. William m.
Ingersoll, Richard e.f.
Ingersoll, Geiirge g. L
Inversoll, John m.
Ingersoll, Nathaniel tn.
Ingraham, Edward g. I.
Isabell, Robert g. I.
James, Erasmus g,
James, Rn!ia(nond g. L
James, William d.f. g.
James, Thomas g
Jarrelt, John m
JeflFrey, William* mr.
Jetrgles, Daniel ir
JeiTijIes, Thomas
Johnson. Richard
Keene, William g
Kelhnm, Austin mr.
Knijfht, Waller t
Kiiiirht, Ezf kiel
Knight, William
Laml>ert, Richard
Langruni, John mf.
l.alhrop, Mark g. I.
J^avit, Capt. m.
Leech, John g. I,
I.
e.
I.
I.
/.
b.
. I.
m.
I.
c,
I.
e,
I.
I.
l.
J(k}7
loi
ig:i7
1G21}
1GI8
i(;:!fi
KiiiD
KioO
iGa?
1U35
KiU?
Kiay
1U3I
ll>2<)
1G39
l(i3J»
1(>44
16:W
1G37
IVM
KVIO
16J8
iG.VJ
l(i47
1««7
](i;{8
]G37
JG:<7
]G:i7
lli37
1645
U!4a
lG3li
1G37
• William JcfTroy prohnlily oecupiail
JolTroy'g frwik. nowr Manclictler, beluru
tiM arrivtti or Air. KnUieutt.
f WuliiT Kni;;lit iIc||(imiI in 1653, when
ho wa* ^ Ui, ihai i'luKnHi <;r.iy Imil re-
ecivoU Nanintkvt by ICii, from IMiicka-
itllxa, t^guoMira uir tlio Mu«iucliUMi(a
luiitaof.
Leech, John, Jr. * g. I.
Leech, Rohi-rt mr. g. I.
Leech, Kichurd g. I.
Leed.i, Rich.ird mr. g. I.
Legge, Juhn vi.f.
Liiisey, Christopher m.
Listen, Nicholas g. I.
Lockwood, (Si'urjeaht) m.
Ixjvell, Thomas
Lovelt, Juhn
LufF, John
Lylbrd, John, Rev
Lyon, John
Mulbon, John-
Manning,
Muriott, Nichols
Marshall, William
Marston. William j,. .
Mason, Emma (widow) g.l
Mason, Elias g, I.
-Miller, Sydrach c.f.
Mooie, Ann t g. l.
Moore, VVilltam g. I.
Moulton, Robert mr. e.f.
in.
g.l
c. c.
S. I. c.
c.f
m.
g. I
Mousor, John g. I
Neal, John m.f.
Nichols, William g. I.
Nicks, Matthew g. I.
Nixon, Matthew <r. I.
Noddle, (William) m.f.
Notnj.in, Richard c. c.
Norman, Ricliard, Jr. c. c.
Norman, John o- I,
Norris, Edward, Jr. m.
Norton, John m.f.
Oliver, 'J'hoinas g. /.
OIney, Tliomaa mr. g. I.
Pajre, Robert mr. g. I.
Parminler, Benjamin g. I.
Patch, Edmund g. I.
Patch, James g. I.
Patiin, Thomns g. I.
Pauly, nenjaiiiin m.
Pniue, Thomas mr. g. I.
Pi'ach. John vt.
Pfos, Jiihn tr. I,
Peas, Robert, g. I.
Peirre, Anthony m.f,
Pi'irce, William, Mr. t/».
Penny, Robert g. I.
Percie, Marmaduke <r. I.
Perry, Francis m.
1637
]G:J7
1G3U
1G37
1G35
lG4d
1(137
1637
1(:40
lti3I)
1G:J7
1(;::JG
K^W
1G31
1G36
1G33
1G37
1G37
iGjy
IGiiO
1G37
1U.39
1629
16:10
1G42
l<i38
1639
1(139
IG.iO
IGiGj
lG-^6'
1(;37
1G30
1<,37
1(.37
ii;:j7
1637
1G37
lii39
l(i43
IM7
1637.
1(;.30
16:i7
1G37
l(i:{4
lG3n
1(;:I8
i(i:;7
1G31
• Woi lirothpr of Lfi\irrr<ne« (.^ecli.
t \A'i«Jow of Tliuma* Mooro.
170
FIRST SETTLERS.
g-
Perry, John in.
Pester, William, Mr. g. I.
Petfi»rd, Pfier m.
Phillips, (John) Rev. m.
Pir.keiinir, John g. I.
Picktun, Thninua
Pickworth, John
Pitman, Nathaniel
Pitman Thomai
Piaise. William"
Pollard, George
Porter, Nathaniel
Porter, George
Pride, John
Prince. Robert
Pryor, Matthew
Ray, Daniel
Raymond, William
Reevea, John
Reynolds, Henry
Rickinan, Isaac
Ringe, Thomas
Robia'4, Thomas
RooU, Joshua
Routs, Thomas
Ropes, Georsre
Rowliind, Richard
Ruck, John
Riiniball, Daniel
Russell. John "
Ryall. William
Sullowes, Mich.'^l
Sallowps, Benjamin
Sams, Thomas \
Snndon, Arthur
Sawyer, William
Scarlet. Benjamin
Scarlet, Robert
Scuddi-r, Thomas
Scudder, William
Seale, Edward
Seares, Richard
Shepley, John
Silaby, Heiiry
Simeon, Francis
Sinzleiary, Richard mr. r. i
g. I
e.f.
m.
in.
g.l
g,l.
I
L
"m.
'i:
m.f.
m.
g.l.
- • •
g.l
VI. f.
m.
g.L
g.l
c.f.
TO.
g.t
g.l.
g. I.
"g.l.
m.
vu
g I.
mr. TO.
cf
g.l.
TO.
g. I. e.
g.l.
a.
TO.
g.l
g.l.
m.
g. I. c.
g. I.
gl.
TO.
Skelling, Thoinai*
Skelion, Samuel, Rev.
SknUon, Benjamin
Skeltnn. Nathaniel
S.'iinll, John
Smith, Edith (widow)
1637
l(j:i7
1G4I
1G:«
1G37
iii:r7
1(;3D
1618
](i37
164U
1().37
1647
1():J7
1049
l()3d
IG:M
l(;4d
1M3
lli42
16i)
1U37
ir>5<)
1637
1637
1037
1(>4H
i(;3y
1G44
lt>3d
16-29
16;}5
16:57
16:^8
163!)
1643
1635
l(i:»
1648
liioO
1638
16:«
1637
163U
U^4d
16:17
1643
1()U9
l(i.3:)
11)48
1643
1637
g. I.
g.l.
g. I.
g.L
g.l
cf.
c.f.
c f.
Smyth, George
Smyth, James
Smyth, Matthew
Smyth, (Samuel) mr.
Smyth, Thomas vir.
Sprsigue, Ralph* d.f.
Siirague, Richard
Sprat;ue, Wiliiaiu
Stackhouse, Richard g. I. c
Slacy, Hugh g. I.
Stone, John g. t.
Slralton, John mr. g. I.
Sweet, John mr. m.
Sweet, (widow) g. I.
Tiilby, John m.
Taylor, Thomas r. i.
Temple, Abraham g. I.
Temple, Richard g. I.
Thatcher, Anihony m.
Thomas, John to.
Thomas, James g. I.
Tliorndike, John mr. to.
Thro<riiiorton, John to.
Thurston, Richard g. I.
1'hurston, John g. I.
Tidd, Joi«hua r. i.
Tillie, Huuh c.f.
Tomkins, John mr. g. I.
Tompkins, Kalph vi.f.
Tootp-ion, (widow) b.
Tomson, Aiohibald in.
Townde, William b,
Tiacie, Thomas g. I,
Trew, Henry g. I.
Tuck, Thomas g. I.
Tuck. Robert m.f.
Tucker, John to.
Turland, Ann, Mrs. t g. I.
Turner, Charles g. I.
Vanderwood, James to.
Vnssal, William m.
Veriii, Joshua g. I.
Veriiiaise^(Alire)wid*w^. /.
TO.
g.l.
. I. c.
g.l
g.l
rr. I.
TO.
•Called ««olJ Mr. William Plaice," in
1637.
Vicary, Gt-orsje
Wake, William, Mr.
Wnkffield, John g
Wnlcot, William, Mr.
Walker, Richard
WalliT, Matthew
WHllor, William
Waller, Christopher
g
I.
6:15
637
637
637
«;ay
629
6y9
633
640
6.37
1)37
631
637
i>35
637
()37
644
6:15
646
649
633
639
G37
G40
637
(;'>9
037
638
(.38
(137
()40
6:i7
649
637
6.39
(i44
635
643
637
640
6:15
6:w
6:18
637
6:}8
(U17
6:»7
637
1^15
649
* Tim Metiri. Pprnguet looo wont to
Cliarlciluwn.
f Daughter of Jervat Guifunl.
FIRST SETTLERS.
171
Walton. Wm., Rot. g. I. e. 1G38
Ward, Jotin, Mr. g. L 1G41
Warren, Abraham g, I. 1G37
Warren, Ralph g. L e. lU:i8
Watermnn, Richard e.f. 1G'<29
Wateis, Richard rnr. g. I. 1U37
Watkina, John a. 1C4I
Watson, John m.f. 1(333
Webb, F.-ancis e.f. \6i9
Webb. Henry mr. g. I. 1G37
Webster. John g. I. 1G38
Weeks, Thomaa r. i. UW
Weacot, Slukei/ m. l(i:!G
West, Thomas g. I. IG-JO
Weston, Frnncis m.f. 1(>33
Wheaden, Robert g. I. c. 1638
Wlieeler, Thomas m.f. l(J4'i
White, James rn. 1(>:{3
White, John ^. /. lUJt)
Whitchaire, Abraham
Wickenden, William
Williams, Roper, Rev.
Williams, William
Wil.«on, Lambert, Dr.
Wilson, Kdward
Wincoll, Thomas
Wiiilhrop, John, Esq.
Wintlirop, Stephen, Mr
Wood, William •
Woodbury, Nicholas
Wolcs, Richiird
Wright, (leorgo
Young, Christopher
Young, Joseph
Young, John
* William Wood, tlio liialorinn, who
flr«t oanio over in \CM, niay liavu been
th« jwriun bete noted.
m.
1G38
TTl.
i6;iy
in.
1G31
g.l.
1G.17
c-f
1629
m.
1U47
m.
1631
gl-
1639
g.l.
1038
I I.
1638
gl-
l(i38
I'l-
1(;37
g-l-
l(i37
I'.L
ig:j7
gi-
1039
e-i-
1040
In further showing the original settlers of Salem,
it is deemed needful to adduce the members of the
First Church, as found recorded, to 1651, though this
place is not under the ecclesiastical head. Those of
them who remained in 1636, when the record of them
only was made, of course excluded all who had de-
ceased or taken up their connection previously. The
names of these, so far as known, are on the preceding
list with m. c. subjoined. An alphabetical account of
the members in 1636, will be given under that date,
and so of others who united with them, under the
successive years of their making a profession of re-
ligion. The years placed on a line with the names,
refer to some particulars denoted by abbreviations
used in the foregoing list.
1 030.
A Merman, Jane
Alford, Mary
A ller», William d.f. e. e. 1G526
Allen, Elizal)elh
Archer, Samuel d.f. lOnO
Auger, William m.f. 1031
Auger, AUice
Balch, John d.f. c. e. 1G26
Balch, Margery
Barney, Jacob m.f. 1034
Batter, F.ditiund mT. g. I. 10.'15
Batter, Sarah
Bishop, Townsend m.f. 1C35
Black, John m.f. JO.iS
iJiuckleacii, John m.f. 1035
172
FIRST SETTLERS.
Bownd, William mr, g. I.
Bownd, Anne
Brackenbury, Rich'd mr.e.e.
Brackenbury, Ellen
Bright, Margery
Conant, Roger J./.*
Conant, Sarah
Colta, Joanne
Davenport, Richard mr. c.e.
Davenport, Elizabeth
Diiy, William
Dixy, Anne
Eborn, Thomas
Ellerd, Gertrude
Endicntt, John
Endicott, Elizabeth
Feiton, Ellen
Fogg, Ralph
Yogg, Susannah
Gardner, Thomas mr. g. I.
Giles, Edward m.f.
Herrick, Henry d.f. c.f.
Herrick, Edith
Holgrave, John
hJolgrave, Elizabeth
Horn, John
Horn, Ann
Hutchinson, Alice
Inj^rsoll, Anne
Johnson, Francia
Johnson, Joanne
Kendall, Presca
King, VVilliam
Laakin, Hngh
Lathrop, Thomas
Leach, Lawrence d.f. c.f.
Leach, Elizabeth
Massey, Jeffrey
Maurie, Roger
Moore, Samuel
Moore, John
Moore, Hannah
Norton, George \
Palfray Peter
Palfray, Edith
Pope, Joseph
Rnynienl, Richard
Rayment, Judith
Reade, Thomas
Roots, Richard
e.f.
m.f.
mr.
m.f.
m.f
m.f.
mr.
mr.
g.l.
mr
d.f
m.
m.f.
m.f
m.f.
m.f.
e. c,
m.f.
m.f.
mr. 'a.
m.f
1637
1C28
1G26
1G28
I6i9
1634
1628
in37
16J4
1637
16U4
1620
1633
1631
m.f. 1631
1637
1G36
ICU
1620
1631
1631
16: J2
1633
1634
1626
1637
1634
1630
1637
* IL CoDSOt detirod to b« a frMman lo
1630.
t \ Mr. Norton wm to •miMrk for
Sakm ia 16891
Saunders, John m.f.
Scruggs, Thomas mr, e. e.
Sharptf, Samuel mr. e.f.
Sharpe, Alice
Sibly, John mr. e.f.
Skarlet, Anne (widow) g. I.
Stileman, Elias mr. e.f.
Traak, William mr. e. e.
Veren, Philip vi.f.
Veren, Dorcas
WaUon, Joanne
Williams, George m.f.
Wolfe, Peter " m.f.
Wolte, Martha
Woodbury, JoLa d.f. c. e.
Woodbuiy, Agnes
S-
I.
163T.
Alderman, John mr. £
Amyes, Joan * £
Banks, Lydiat
Bartholomew, Henry mr.
Brayne, Agnes (widow)
Brown, John m.f.
itrown, Ales
Browning, Tho's m,f. g. I.
Garfurd, Ann
Gedney, John m.f.
Geilney, Mary
Goldthwait, Thomas
Goudwyne, Susannah
Goose, William mr. _
Hart, Mary
Hathorn, William mr. g. I.
and wife.
Hol^rave, Joshua g. I.
Holme, Deboiah
Humphrey, John t 77ir. g.l.
Jeggles, Mary
Lord, Abigail
Marshall, Edmund m./. g.l.
Mar:jhall, .Millesent
Maverick, Moses m.f.
and wife.
Moore, Ann (widow)
Moulton, James mr. g. I.
m.f
a. I.
1636
1628
1629
1629
1637
1629
162ti
1635
1634
1634
1626
1637
1637
1635
1638
1637
1638
1634
1637
1636
1636
1636
1637
1634
1637
* fn 1637, tba Genarai Court "gava
£40 10 Mri. Ames, iha wi<luw of Doctor
Ainca, of fumoui niumory."
t After being abianl twenty-two Tears,
she was dinmiMeU, in I(3fi4, lit the cliurch
uniler ibo Kiiv. Mr. Nye, of L^ondua. la
1055, her land of 400 acp;s, called Plain
Farm, was sold for £ 133.
X Mr. llumjibiey was of Ljrnn ta 1634.
FIRST SETTLERS.
173
s-i-
1G37
e-i.
1GU7
S'l-
1G37
Norman, Arabella
Norton, Mary
Peters, Hugh, Rcr. g.l, 1C35
Rav, Belhiah
Robinaon, Anne (widow)
Robinson, Isabella
Skerry, Francii mr, g. I. 1637
Turner, Elizabeth m. lUUG
Willionu, Eleozer m. lGli5
1 G38.
Amyes, Ruth
Avery, Thomas m.f. 1G43
Bachelder, Joseph mr. g.l. 1G37
Barney, Anna
Blociileach, Elizabeth
Burdsall, Henry
Downin{r,EinunueIm/.j^./. 1038
Downing, Lucy
Hart, John
Hindes, James
Jacl(»OD, John mr
Jackson, Margaret
Marrit, Triphene
Aloulton, Mary
Norman Arabella
rickworth, Ann
Robinson, Wm. mr. g I.
Shafflin, Michel mr. g. I.
Skerry, Henry mr. g. I.
Spooner, Thomas mr. g. I.
Spooner, Amy
Standish, Sarah
Syrnond:j, John mr. g. I.
Syinonds, Mary
Vcnner, Thomas" mr. g. I.
1C30.
Antrum, Thomas mr. g. I. Ki37
Barnardistone, Catherine
Batchelder, John mr. g. I. 1631)
and wife.
Batchelder, Mary
Boachainp, Edw'd mr. g. I. 1037
Bishop, Uicliard mr. m. I(i:i5
Coiicklin, Ananias mr. g.l. 16.18
Dixy, Catherine
Dunton, Elizabeth
Edwards
* Ho WM hunf, drawn and quarteroil
in LonduQ, lUUl, — aa a fil'ih mooaicby
inaai
16
mr. b. 1035
JG37
1G37
1G37
1G37
1G37
1037
I.
I.
Fairfield, John mr, g.
Gardner, Tho's, Jr. mr. g
Gardner, Margaret
Gartbrd, Jcrvas
Gascoyne, Sarah
Golt, William
Green, (widow)
Uarbert, Mury
Harnett, Sicilla
Hi^^inson, Francis c.f.
Holgravu, Lydia
Hoiiiie, Obrfdiaii g, I.
lloliiiv, Catherino
Kcncstonc, Dorothy, Mrs. m.
/.
I.
I.
l.
i.
I.
I.
1039
1037
1638
1038
1629
1039
103G
1GU9
1636
1G37
1036
1G3U
1&40
1638
Kitcheriil, Joseph
Lemon, Mary
Lord, William mr. g.
Marsh, John g.
Moore, Thonitts* mr. g.
and his wile Martha r.
Norris, Ed word, Rev. g.
Oiborn, William mr. g.
Page, Lucy
Pease, (widow)
Picket intr, Elizabeth
Porter, Mary
Robinson, John mr. g. I. 1639
Shalllin, Elizabeth
Skarlel, Mary
Southwick, Lawr'e mr. ^. i. 1639
and ills wile Cassandra
Standish, James mr. g. I. 1037
Stephens, William mr. m. 163G
Slileman, Elias, Jr. m.f. ]G-i2
Swan, Henry mr. g. I. 1639
Swinncrton, Job mr. g. I. 1637
Swinnerloii, Elizabeth
I'ompson, Edmund g. I. 1637
Trusler, Thomas mr. g. I, IG38
Trusler, Eleanor
Vermayca, Mark mr. g. I. 1638
Ward, Miles mr. g.l. 1640
Walker, Prescis
WaUon, Thomas mr. g. I. 1037
Weeks, Alice
Williams, Ann
Woodbury, Wm. mr. g. I. 1037
1040.
Barber, goodwife
Barnett, Alice
* Sod of widow Uooraw
lU
FIRST SETTLERS.
m.f.
g-
1642
1C42
S'
m.f.
TTir, 771.
g-l-
1639
1639
I. 1G37
1641
1636
1633
1637
Bartholomew.Rich'd mr.g.l. 1638
Beacbarn, Mary
Bowditch, Sarah
Bulfinch, (John)
Byam, George
Cook, John's wife
Cornin?, Samuel mr. g. I. 1638
ana wife.
Curwin, Elizabeth
Eastwick, (widow)
Estick, ?oodwife
- Geere, William mr. g. I.
Glover, Charles mr. g. I.
Good, Abigail
Graves, Richard's wife
H»pcott, Sarah
Howard, Rose
Lawes, Francis mr,
and wife.
Marston, John
Marston, Thomas
Moody, Deborah
Moulton, Robert, Jr.
Peters, Deliverance
Porter, Jonathan mr.
Read, Alice
Reed, Esdras mr. g. I. 1640
Reeves, Jane
Rennolls, William
Ruck, Thomas m./. 1640
and wife.
Sanders, Elizabeth
•• i. e. Kitchen."
Scudder, Elizabeth
Veren, Jane
Veren, Jane
Verniayes, Abi^l
Ward, Margaret
Woodbury, Elizabeth
1641.
Bacon, Rebeeknh
Blanchard, William mr. m. 1637
Boyce, Joseph mr. m. 1639
Biiifinge, Ann
Cleark. Arthur m.f. 1640
Concklin, Susan
Cook, John mr. g. I. 1637
Pevini8h,']'liomasTnr. g. I. 1639
Devini^h, Mary
Dickerson, Philemon mr.g^./. 1639
Fairfield, .Mr.'s wife
Fenn, Deborah
Fisk, James m./. 1642
1638
1641
1637
Fisk, Phineas mr. g. I. 1C41
Fisk, William mr. g. I. 1637
Gardner, George mr. g. I. 1637
Glover, Elizabeth
Gutcb, Robert mr. g. l.
Harwood, goodwife
Hunt, Mary
Kelly, Abel m.f.
Lemon, Robert mr. g. L.
Maury, Elizabeth
Monsall, Ruth
Norcross, Nathaniel m.f. 1643
Osborn, Frezwith
Pacy, Catherine
Perry, Jane
Peltingall. Richard m.f. 1641
Putnam, Priscilla
Rabbe, Catherine
Read, Sarah
Shattuck, (widow)
Veren, Philip, Jr. TTir. g. I. 1637
Ward, Alee
Waters, Joyce
Wathen, George
Wright, Elizabeth
1G42.
Allen, Robert g. I. 1637
Rarber, John g. I. . I(i;i7
Brown, William mr. g. I. 1637
Button, Robert c. t. 1628 •
Kenniston, (Allen) TTir. g. I. ia38
Moore, Richard mr. g. I. 1638
Price, Walter mr. m. 1641
and wife Elizabeth
Prince, Richard mr. g. I. 1G39
Putnam, Thomas mr. g. I. 1641
Ropes, Mary
Scarlett, Margaret
Shattuck, Samuel
Tonikins, Catherine
Vermayes, Benjamin m.f. 1642
1G43.
Bacon, (William) mr. m. 1640
Uennet, Jane
Blanchard, Ann
Corwillien, Grace
Dixy, Thomas's wife
Edwards, Thomas mr. g. I. 1(537
Kl well, Robert m.f. 1640
Goyte, Mary
Harnett, Edward g. I. 1639
Harwood, Henry mr. g. I. 1638
FIRST SETTLERS.
175
H&thom. John g. I.
Kilclien, John mr. g. L
and vfiCv Elizab«lh
Pea«, Robert g. I.
]C43
1G43
1C37
Piiinaia, Eliza
White, Joha
s-i-
1C39
1044.
Bourne, John
Do4J|re, Richard
llaUiorn, Siirah
Porter, Mary
1G37
lG3d
10 4 5.
m.
Bishop, Edward
Uodjrc, Elizub«tb
Siicrry, Bridget
Yaile, CalLenoe
1040.
Gaaooyne * Edward
Grovcr, Margaret
Harnett, Edwardj Jr.
Hibberd, Robert
aud wife Joan
104T.
Allcrton, Isaac
Charles, Sarah
Downing, Lucy, Jr.
Ellenwood, Ralph
Hutchinson, Richard
Loofe, Uridj^et
Mason, Jane
Montauiie, Abigail
Neal, Mary
Neave, (widow)
Putnam, John mr. g. I.
Scudder, John g. I.
and wife.
Smith, Ralph
Veren, Mar/
8-1-
vu
S'l"
1048.
1G39
1C37
1639
1C33
1637
1G37
l&ll
lU4t2
m.f. 1649
Brown, William
and wife Sarah
Dickeraon, Mary
Eborne, Catharine
Ellenwood, goodwife
Emory, George, Doct. g. I.
* SonMiioMs ealls4 CssksIL
1637
1633
1642
m.
m.
1644
1G44
1637
Felton, Nathaniel e.
Field, Alexander mr. g. l.
and wife.
Giles, Bridiict
Haines, William m.
Hardy, JoMepli g. l.
Jeggles. William g. I.
Leech, Sarah
Leech, Sarah
Mursh, Sii'^Hnnah
Massey, Ellen
Pigketl, John g. I. 1G48
Porter, Unico
Prince, Mory
Putnam, Elizabeth
Putnam, Nathaniel m. 1641
Rootes, Josiah
Stiickhouse, Susannah
Towne, jjoodwife
Vercn, Ililliard
Waller, Sarah
Weston, John
Wheeler, Mary
Woodbury, Humphrey
1040.
Concklin, Elizabeth
Corwithin-, David
Gardner, Hannah
Haynes, Sarah
Pope, Gertrude
Porier, John mr. m.
Read, Mary
Scudder, Rachel
1623
1648
1643
1050.
Brideman, ElizabeUi
Chicliester, Mary
Cole, Ann
Cooper, Rcbeckah
Curtis, Sarah
Felminehaui. Fioocia g. L 1G37
Gray, Elizabeth
Hardy, goodwife
Loveit, Mary
Maskall, Ellen
Moore, Christian
Morgan, Robert g. L 1637
Pacy, Nicholas g. I. 1C39
Palch • Nicholas g. I. I(i39
Payne, Elizabeth g. I. 1640
* A Pateh familr was in Salara u eaily
a< 1699.
176
COMMON LANDS.
Payne, WllUam
Rix, Thonioa
Smith, Mary
Soatbwick, Mary
m.f. 1650
Vincent, William vir, m.
and wife.
Woodbury, Hugh
1C35
COMMON LANDS.
Such estate of any communities, in their early
settlement, as well as in later periods, holds a high
place among their chief dependences. As cultivated
on the sea-board, or in its vicinity, it is the right arm
of fisheries, commerce, manufactures, education, and
arts. So thought and acted the wise and pious coun-
sellors, who, in troublous times, laid the foundations
of New England. As a prominent part of this wilder-
ness domain, once denominated North Virginia, the
whole soil of Massachusetts, as chartered to its pa-
tentees, was accounted their common propriety.
Such territory was adopted by this Body, as a prin-
cipal constituent of the basis, on which they made
their judicious calculations, though not wholly real-
ized, to meet the charges of planting our shores with
a population, sifted and purified by the trials of per-
secution. For the proper disposal of their landed
domain, they deliberately and prayerfully passed and
published several ^ resolutions. These they held as
essentially binding on themselves and successors so
long as their Patent should continue. In proof of
this position, various applications were made to our
Legislature, prior to the usurpation of James II., for
the granting of lands as a liquidation of sums, ad-
vanced in England to promote the commencement of
our Commonwealth. A number of them was allowed,
* See them on pages t)5— 97 of this work.
PETITION OF JOHNSON. CONAN'I^S ISLAND. 177
while others were rejected. Of the latter class was
one from Francis Johnson, an early and respectable
settler of Salem, afterwards of Marblehead. In 1660,
he petitioned that for £50, placed in the common
stock by his uncle, Christopher Coulson, deceased, he
might have a corresponding quantity of land. But
as he had only a verbal order, and this of 22 years
standing, his request was disallowed.
The principles, laid down by the Company in
London, were recognized by our colonial and muni-
cipal authorities, in relation to territory, with such
variations, as the necessity of subsequent periods
required. Such conformity answers the inquiry, why
some settlers of Salem were granted two, three, four,
and even five hundred acres — while others received
less quantities. The planters under Mr. Conant had
certain lots for cultivation. So did the emigrants
under Mr. Endicott. . But a fuller distribution was
afterwards made in reference to these two classes, and
others, who came to share in the perils and toils of a
new country.
As one specimen of the jurisdiction that our govern-
ment exercised over the soil, about which there were
conflicting claims, the following is presented. The
Court of Assistants ordered, July 5, 1631, that all
islands within their limits, should belong to the
Colony. Among the islands named on this occasion,
was Conant's, afterwards Governor's Island. The
former name denotes, that the earliest leader of the
settlers in Salem, may have been its previous owner.
The order, thus cited, is also adduced to show the
ground, on which the Legislature subsequently voted
16*
173 GRANTS TO MESSRS. ENDICOTT & SKELTON.
to our ancestors their principal islands. As another
sample of the mode in which our colonial authorities
applied the rules of the Company, we have the ensu-
ing items. It is, also, given for the sake of keeping
in remembrance some Indian names, too many of
which have been suffered to sink in oblivion.
" 1632. July 3. There is a necke of land lyeing
aboute 3 myles from Salem, cont. about 300 ac. of
land graunted to Capt. Jo: Endicott to enioy to him
and his heires foreuer called in the Indean tonge
Wahquamesehcok, in English Birchwood, bounded on
the Southside with a ryvere call in the Indean tonge
Soewarapenessett, comonly called the Cowe howse
ryver, bounded on the North side with a ryver called
in the Indean tongue Conamabsqnooncant, comonly
called the Ducke ryver, bounded on the East with a
ryver leadeing vpp to the 2 former ryvers, which is
called in the Indean tongue Orkhussunt, otherwise
knowen by the name of Wooleston ryver, bounded
on the West with the maine land."
" There is another necke of land lyeing aboute 3
myles from Salem cont. aboute 200 ac. graunted to
to Mr. Sam"' Skelton to enioy to him and his heires
for euer, called by the Indeans Wahquack, bounded
on the South vpon a little ryver, called by the Indeans
Conamabsqnooncant, vpon the North abutting on
another ryver called by the Indeans Ponomenneuhcant,
and on the east on the same ryver."
These places, so assigned, suggest various interest-
ing reminiscences. Particularly is it so with the
allottment to Mr. Endicott. Among his hired men
was Edward. Grover. This individual testified in
1678, that the farm was formerly called Orchard.
ENDICOTT PEAR TREE. 179
So signifies an extract from a letter of its owner to
Governor Winthrop, 1G43-4, which reads thus : —
" The maid is now going along with vs to Orchard,
where your sonne shall be hoartilic welcome." It
would not be the strangest phantasy to suppose, that
there was more than common sympathy between the
aflfections of the youthful couple so introduced.
Grover further deposed relative to the farm, that, in
1633, I "did helpe to cut and cleaue about 7,000
pallisadoes and was the first that made improvements
thereof by breaking vp of ground and plan tinge of
Indian come." Such evidence, with the date of the
grant, goes to confirm the position, that the soil was
not cultivated till about the last date. This indicates
rather than otherwise, that no fruit trees -were pre-
viously planted there. Here, then, the question
occurs, how shall we meet other conflicting testimony
concerning the noted Pear Tree ? An unbroken tra-
dition of Governor Endicott's descendants afBrms,
that this last survivor of the orchard, planted in his
day, was brought over with his dial in 1G30. This
is not unlikely. So imported in the shoot, and not
in the seed, the tree may have found a place on the
premises of his town residence. But there is another
supposition, that, since transported, it has occupied
only a single spot. Against the probability of this,
is the time of the land's being granted and cultivated.
That so venerable a relic of antiquity — which is fast
yielding to the pressure of years, and ere long must
mingle with the dust, like the many, who have looked
on its verdure, been cooled by its shade, and refreshed
with its fruit — may not be forgotten as to its present
appearance, the succeeding impression is given.
180
ENDICOTT PEAR TREE.
Before paying our cordial and parting respects to
this aged inhabitant of our soil, regard for information
of the stranger requires us to state, that, in 1757, it
became a tenant of Danvers, then set off from us and
incorporated. Whoever hears, as well as "sees
tongues in trees," may derive a moral from the steady
compliance of this representative of other ages with
the end of its creation and continuance, which teaches
him so to discharge his obligations, that reflection
may hang the rich fruits of usefuluess around the
autumn of his life, and shed its peaceful rays on his
passage to the tomb.
In passing, with regret, from so attractive a point,
we come to one use of the common soil. This was
much employed for grazing. Nor was this alone so
occupied by our early planters. William Trask de-
posed, that he, John Balch and others had leave, in
1632, from Thomas Dexter, one of the purchasers of
Nahant from Black William, to put their cattle on
that romantic island.
As having an important reference to the estates of
Salem and other towns, the succeeding orders of the
COURT ORDERS ABOUT ESTATKS. 181
Assistant Court, April 1, 1031, arc hero given. " It
is ordered, that if any man, tliat liatii any greate
quantitie of land grauntcd liim and do'eth not build
upon it or improue it within three yeares, it shalbe
free for the Court to dispose of it to whonie they
please ; " that the constable and four other chief in-
habitants of every Town, do make a record of all
houses and lands improved, enclosed or granted by the
Court, belonging to freemen, and a transcript thereof
to be lodged with the Court, which " shalbe a suffi-
cient assurance to euery such free inhabitant, his and
their heires and assignes of such estate of inheritance,
or as they haue in any such howses, lands, or franke
tenements." From the disposition of common lands
by our colonial government, we turn to that of our
town authorities. The first notice of so absorbing a
subject in all newly settled communities, as found in
our records, is of Jan. 9, 1635. It runs thus : " After
discourse about deviding of 10 acre lotts, its ordered,
that the least family shall haue 10 acres, but great
familyes may haue more." The reason of this as-
signment is obviously just. The subsequent regula-
tion of Aug. 22, led to the recording of each man's
grant on the town books. " It is ordered, that all the
inhabitants of this towne of Salem y' haue fearmes
greater or lesse, or any quantitye of land granted to
them, or any ten acre lott medoes or marshes, be they
more or lesse in quantity, shall repaire to the men
appoynted to lay out bounds, and by the last of y» 3
mo. to haue all y' ten acre lots bounded, and all other
that haue fearmes, or meadoes, or marshes, by y^ first
of y* 9 mo. next ensueing, and all y' land being
bounded, to make such marks or bounds either by
182 TOWN GRANTS.
staues or deepe holes. And that euerie man's bounds
may be recorded vpon y* penallie of x*, provided that
those deputed to lay out bounds, be paid for y'
paines." For the labor of laying out lands, the price
was set, Nov. 16, at 4'' an acre for small lots, and 10/
a hundred for large lots. Among the most interesting
assignments of soil, were 1,000 acres, Jan. 25, 1035-0,
to John Balch, Roger Conant, Peter Palfrey, William
Trask, and John Woodbury. This land lay in what
afterwards became Beverly, extended from the head
of Bass river, and ran by " the great pond " mostly in
Wenham. It was divided among the grantees in farms
of 200 acres each. It was an additional compensation
to a portion of the primitive planters here, for their
large share of toils incident to the founding of this
community, and of disappointment in having the
Dorchester interest transferred to the Massachusetts
Company. It was a tangible earnest of tlie benevo-
lent concern which the latter body professed to cherish
for them. The amount of grants recorded together
1636-7, was 8,930 acres. A condition on which
various appropriations of this kind were made, was,
that the grantees, if about to dispose of them, should
make the first proposals of sale to the town. The
freemen who had disposed of commons by vote in
general session, delegated their power, in this respect,
to the Selectmen, who continued to exercise it till
1664-5, when, by order of the former, it was returned
to them. In accordance with a trust so committed,
the Selectmen adopted the ensuing rule of Dec. 4,
1637, which occasioned a valuable account of every
father and the number of his family, within the limits
of our settlement. " It is agreed that the marshe and
DEACON'S MARSH. RAIL ROAD. 183
mcdow lands that liauc formerly laid in common to
the townc, shalbe appropriated to the inhabitants of
Salem, proportioned out vnto them according to the
heads of y families. To those y' hauc y" greatest
nomber, an acre thereof; and to those that lianc least,
not above half an acre thereof; and to those that are
betweno both, 3 quarters of an acre. Alwaycs ])ro-
vided and it is soc agreed, that none shall sell away
y proportion of medow, more or lossc, nor lease them
out to any above 3 yearcs, vnlcss they sell or lease
out y' howses with theire medow." According to
this agreement, tiierc were various ap[)niiuiations.
Of them, five acres were voted, Juno 25, 1G3S, to
Charles Gott and John Ilorno, which was long since
called the Deacon's Marsh. Its location is in South
Fields, near Castle Hill. Circumstances have thrown
around it more than ordinary interest, while many
other lots of even greater worth have been forgotten.
This is an emblem of distinctions and neglects, which
have often betided multitudes of our race. Such
land was in question between the First Church and
what is now called the Tabernacle Church, from
1735 to 17G2. An amicable adjustment was made
by paying to the latter £13: G: 8, for their proportion
of the Deacon's Marsh. Thus entirely under the
control of the First Church, it was steadily improved
till the rail-road ran through it and occupied two
acres. Compensation of $212, clear of charges, was
allowed for such damage. In all probability, it will
never undergo another so remarkable a change, from
being a sequestered spot, to the affording of a way for
the daily developments of human genius in the ex-
periments of steam travelling.
184 FIELDS. NORTH FIELD.
FIELDS.
Among the divisions of our once common territory,
which invite a casual notice, were certain Fields. In
1640, there were ten of these partitions. They were
occupied for planting and grazing. Each of them
had been allotted by our municipal authorities, to in-
dividuals in different sections of the town, who had
them severally enclosed. By the same authorities,
surveyors were designated to have the fences kept in
good order, and thus prevent the disturbance of peace-
ful neighborhoods by intruding animals. As there
had been much difficulty among the owners of such
territory in various towns, as to the mode of im-
proving it. General Court ordered, in 1643, that when
they could not agree how to cultivate and have it for
grazing, the Selectmen, and, if none of these officers,
the Freemen should decide. Among the appropria-
tions of this sort in Salem, was the North Field,
found so denominated in 1642. As well known to
those acquainted with our localities, it is situated on
the north side of Naumkeag river. It contained 490
acres. It embraces what has long been termed the
Horse Pasture, of much less area than its namesake,
formerly of the Great Pasture. At the time last
mentioned, as the deposition of Nathaniel Felton sig-
nifies, the proprietors decided to have it protected by
a four-rail fence from the head of Cowhouse river to
the head of North river. Six or seven years after-
wards, they agreed to have the fence divided to each
share of ten acres, containing the carved initials of
the owner's name. Though the possessors of this
Field had power to make regulations for its concerns,
BRITISH FORCES. SOUTH FIELD. 185
yet, by a town vote of 1G83— 1, they were of no force
unless sanctioned by the Selectmen. This section
adds much to the attractive view of our city. Of its
rural and pleasant resorts in the season of verdure, is
the part called Paradise. It is remembered as the
position to which a British force under Col. Leslie, in
1775, directed their march in order to seize some
artillery. While they were held in check at the
bridge, then belonging to owners of lots on the Field
side, the Colonel protested against the hindrance, and
asked why he was not allowed to advance in the
King's highway. A Mr. Darr rephed, this is not the
King's highway, but the way of proprietors. Though
the bridge, on this stirring occasion, had not ceased
to be a propriety, the Field to which it led, had so
ceased about a quarter of a century.
Another similar division was South Field. Our
records mention it by such a name, 1643-d. Lying
between Forest and South rivers, it measures 600
acres. It presents some of the most attractive scenery,
and affords some of the plensantest prospects within
the bounds of Salem. It is truly a very desirable
suburb. Prior to 16GG, there was a gate-path through
it from Marblehead to this j>Iace. In 1673, the pro-
prietors received a hill, near John Holmes's, from the
town, as compensation for the widening of such a
way. As a specimen of business which came before
them at their meetings, the ensuing vote of 1702-3
is presented. " On the 14th of October the proprie-
toi*s haue liberty to put into the Field, that is to say,
6 cowes, or 4 oxen, or 3 horses, or 12 yearlings, or 24
calues to ten acres of land, and noe proprietors shall
17
186 GLASS HOUSE FIELD.
cut there Indien corn stolks after they gether there
com." Not only, .as this intimates, were creatures
fed there in the fall, but a portion of l£uid was also
used for them in the grazing season. Their gates,
convenient for travellers, were kept up, one towards
Forest river, and another at South Mills, after 1714.
Other gates were continued till their dissolution.
They closed their association soon after 1742, when
a meeting was called " to see if the Proprietors will
dissolve the Body as a propriety." Thus they gave
opportunity for individual talent and industry to im-
prove the inheritance derived from their municipal
ancestors. Only one more of such divisions will be
particularly designated. This is the Glass-house
Field. It was so named from the following allot-
ments. In 1639, there were two acres set oflf for
each of the persons, Ananias Concklin, Obadiah
Holmes, and Lawrence Southwick, and thus were
"granted to the glassemen seuerall acres of ground
adioyning to their howses." The next year, five
acres more, bordering on these lots, were appropriated
to John Concklin, of the same occupation. Such
apportionments made up the section, which, on our
town records of 1661, is called Glass-house Field.
Here glass was manufactured for a considerable pe-
riod. This place was located on the commons con-
nected with the Horse Pasture, and in the neighbor-
hood of what is now termed Aborn street. It appears
on a plan of Great Pasture, as drafted in 1723. It
has peissed through the hands of various individuals,
as private property. Once regarded as a situation of
consequence for aiding to promote the manufacturing
interests of an infant Commonwealth, it has long
PRICE OF LAND. PARTICULAR GRANTS. 187
descended to a level with its adjoining territory, and.
its title only remains to give it more than an ordinary
remembrance.
Turning to the track of the common soil, we notice
a vote of 1641, on our town records, relative to Mar-
blehead. It allowed, that they might grant lots ad-
joining their district and formerly assigned to others,
by the consent of one of the Salem Selectmen.
With regard to the price of land, it was sold, in 1643,
for 5 1 an acre, in the principal part of this town ; and
in 1645, on the outskirts and being unimproved, for
1/ an acre ; and a farm of 100 acres, previously of the
commons and adjacent to Spring pond, was ex-
changed, in 1656, by William Trask, for a cow val-
ued at £5. In the exercise of discretionary power,
as justified by practice of the colonial authorities,
Salem granted lots of different measurement, for spe-
cial reasons. Among these was one to Mr. William
Hathorne, 1638, "in consideracon of his many im-
ployments for towne and countrie." Another was in
1639-40, to a son of Roger Conant, as the " first
borne childe in Salem." With regard to modes of
conveying landed estate, originally of the commons,
there was one, which, however simple, was very
interesting from its being a relic of ancient usage.
In 1695, John Ruck, one of our respectable inhabi-
tants, in granting a homestead to his son, Thomas,
before witnesses, took hold of a twig in the garden
and said, " Here, son Thomas, I do, before these two
men, give you possession of this land by turffe and
twigg." Palgrave, in his English Commonwealth,
remarks on such a custom, " Even after writing be-
came known, the deed or record was often only col-
188 TURF AND TWIG CONVEYANCE. NEW LAvV.
latteral to the form and ceremony." To illustrate
this observation, be relates a story in the life of St.
Birlanda. " The unkind maiden refused to consort
with her leprous father. Oidelardus revenged Tiim-
self by disinheriting the undutiful child, and trans-
ferred all his domains, with all the villains thereupon,
to St. Gertrude, by placing all the symbols of property
upon her shrine, a turf, a twig, and a knife, indicating
that all his estate was alienated to the monastery."
That the ceremony of Mr. Ruck was no strange
thing in Essex County, we have the fact of a like
conveyance, made at Bradford in 1700, by a descend-
ant of the Agawam Sagamore.
As a relief to tliis and other of our oldest towns
who were apprehensive, lest they should have a
troublesome excess of claimants to their soil. General
Court enacted, 1660, that no cottage or dwelling
house should be admitted to the privilege of com-
monage, " but such as already are in being or here-
after shall be erected by consent of the town." This
law was confirmed in 1692, so that no dwellings,
except those before 1661, could have any such claim,
unless they had been or might be allowed it by mu-
nicipal authority.
In 1678, the commoners began to break away from
restraints of the town, as to the regulation of their
territory. This, like every such innovation upon
common practice, raised up its advocates and oppo-
nents,—some who plead for it on principles of right
and liberty ; others, who construed it as a dark omen
of misrule, contention and injury. The commoners
instructed Thomas Oliver to notify all of their class
according to law of 1660, to assemble for the trans-
EXTENSION OF COMMONAGE. 189
action of business. The Selectmen positively forbid
such a meeting as disorderly. During the same year
of such difficulty, an application being made to this
town by Beverly and Wenham, for an enlargement of
their bounds, the answer was, " Salem has already
granted away so much land, they cannot spare any
more without much straitening themselves." Still,
however good their reasons for this denial, they con-
tinued to give and sell lots occasionally, though with
much less frequency than prior to 1664. In the year
of the collision above-mentioned, fields of considerable
extent were leased to companies, part of whom paid
7d an acre per annum. Perceiving that it would be
for their greater harmony and advancement to extend
the advantage of sharing in the unappropriated soil,
our fathers, in 1702, passed the ensuing order. " For
y" incouragement and growth of this town, that all
freeholders of this town, viz. every one y' hath a
dwelling house and land of his own proper estate in
fee simple, shall have and is hereby admitted unto y«
priviledge of commonage." Conformably to this and
previous rules adopted by the inhabitants here, they
chose, March 12, 1711, a committee to ascertain the
number of legal commoners. A report was made,
which thiey rejected the next October. Notwith-
standing impediments of this kind, the commoners
organized, June 29, 1713, and admitted Messrs. Jo-
seph Green, Benjamin Prescott, and Samuel Marble,
as members of their body. However thus assuming
the control of their particular aSairs, they did not
ungratefully forget the origin of their existence, nor
the means of exercising their power. They voted,
17*
190 ' GRANTS MADE BY THE COMMONERS.
the succeeding Nov. 16th, that the highways, burying
places and common lands within the town bridge and
the block houses, at neck gate, should belong forever
to the town. Still disposed to exhibit a generous
policy, they agreed, Nov. 22, 1714, that every dwell-
ing house, erected from 1702 to this time, should be
entitled to a right in the commons. To be prepared
for incidental claims, they reserved 400 acres at Dog
Pond rocks. But what more particularly marked
their benevolent intentions, were the subsequent
grants. Five acres for the ministry of the village ;
the same for the middle or Brooksby precinct ; ten
for a like purpose in the two lower parishes, to which
five more in 1722-3 were added, so that the First
Church might have ten ; and sixty acres for the poor
and others who were not commoners. These appro-
priations were located, one above the other, on the
left of the old Boston road, as you go to Poole's
bridge, and between Glass-house Field and the Sheep
Pasture. The East Parish lot was sold in 1S22 for
$146. That of the First Parish was disposed of in
1819 for $565. This sum was added to the fund for
supporting their ministry, except enough of its income
to purchase twenty bushels of potatoes annually for
the clergyman then their pastor, which had been the
amoimt of its rent. Thus have these mementos of
the old parsonage system ceased, and aiTorded another
lesson of the mutations induced upon society by the
change of opinions, conveniences and practices. With
reference to the charitable land of sixty acres, it was
let according to circumstances. In 1732, five rights
were used without price, and the rest at 15/ each. It
was sold by the town in 1834, for $600. This was
NECK. WINTER ISLAND. CUT. 191
*
a justifiable sale, as ample and judicious provision had
been made to support the impoverished, for whose aid
it was originally intended. When the commoners
made the preceding donations, they voted, that the
town should retain the Neck for pasturage, and Winter
Island for fishery. These two divisions have under-
gone more than usual alteration in the uses to which
they have been applied. The Neck was occupied by
some of our earliest inhabitants at a place called
Watertown, on the point of rocks, and at another on
Abbot's Cove. Their chief business was to carry on
the fishery. Ornamented with a natural growth of
trees, the Neck was employed for grazing. An an-
cient record of 1635, says, " Its agreed that the
townes neck of laiid shalbe preserved to feed the catle
on the Lords dayes, and therefore particular men shall
not feed theire goates there at other tymes, but bring
them to the (hill), that grasse may grow against the
Lords dayes." Here, lots were granted to individuals
in 1637, for buildings and the fishing trade. To
prevent the depredation of animals, it was voted,
1644, "that the doggs at Winter Neck shall be tycd
vp in the day tyme, and if any doggs there spoile
fish, that they shall either be sent away or killed."
This place appears to have had a water course made
through it for expeditious communication with Winter
Island. In 1667, " voated that the passage that was
cut vppoD the neck to goe over to Winter Hand, is to
be stopped, and a sufficient waye to be made over to
the Hand." Before 1677, it had supplied the inhabi-
tants with clay, when only the hither part of it was
ordered to be for such accommodation. A vote passed
1690, that the lower part of it, " below Ram's home
192 . EXCHANGE FOR ROACHE'S POINT.
coue, may be planted by some poor persons." In the
same year, the land /brmerly belonging to Richard
HoUingworth, was ordered to be laid out. As he
was a noted ship carpenter, it is likely that he built
and launched vessels from this spot, now in possessiou
of the Hathorne family. It was voted, 1702, " that
no sheep shall go or be kept on y* towns neck of land
beyond or to y* eastward of y* block housen, on y"
penalty of Qd per sheep to him y' takes them up and
impounds them for each time." In 1728, the Neck
contained above 102 acres, exclusive of Col. John
Higginson's pasture of over 23 acres, besides abou't
20 acres of other land. It then allowed 2^ acres for
a cow, and 4 acres for a horse. The former was
assessed 20/, and the latter 32/ a season. For that
year, 30 cows and 12 horses were fed there and in
Higginson's, or, as previously called. Abbot's pasture.
Benjamin Ives, having recently bought the latter
property, proposed, in 1730, to hire about two acres
towards Watch-house Point. His request was allowed,
the next year, to continue a century. He offered,
in 1739, to exchange Pignal's or Roache's Point
for an equivalent at the Point before named. The
town agreed to allow him, on such an offer, two
acres for three. On Roache's Point, a Pest-house was
ordered, 1747, to be erected. As to its martial ap-
plications, the Neck, in 1758, had long been guarded
by two block-houses, at the gate, and another at
Watch-house Point. Besides these defences, it had a
Fort on its heights, called new, to distinguish it from
the old one on Winter Island, and reconstructed in
the last war with England. In 1765, the town
Treasurer was instructed to let this Island and the
FORTIFICATIONS. ALMS HOUSE. 193
Neck together, as they had been, for 72 milch cows
at 10/8 each ; but, if he had not so many applied for,
to admit riding horses at 21/4 apiece. A lease was
gmuted, in 1799, for a Rope Walk on the upper part
of the Neck. Like a patient beast of burden, subject
to varieties of carriage, this portion of our public soil
was ordered, in 1805, to have no more bricks made
within its limits. The same year, an inetfcctual ex-
ertion was made on the pcution of John Baker and
others,, to sell a portion of its western soil for the
purpose of erecting houses. Among its multifarious
accommodations, it supplied the inhabitants with
large quantities of rock for building, and so continued
till enclosed for agriculture. In the last contest with
Great Britain, commencing 1812, a lot on the hither
end was appropriated for an artillery deposit of the
United States, which still remains, a sad proof that
human benevolence is far from having reached the
highest point of its destination. But while there was
unhappy occasion for such care, our townsmen gave
evidence that there was a redeeming influence among
them, which, though unable to sheathe the sword of
nations, could provide a more convenient and hopeful
abode for their poor. On the premises of the old
Pest-house, where lie the silent remains of many a
respectable tenant, swept away by contagious disease,
they erected an Alms-house in 1815, and connected
with it the larger portion of the Neck, for agricultural
purposes. The former estbalishment had been discon-
tinued, except for indigent families, and another pre-
pared in 1799, on the north-east point. A small pro-
portion of the Neck is still employed in conformity
with its ancient use, for the pasturage of cattle.
194 WINTER ISLAND. FISHERY. TAVERN.
Thus have we looked at some details of a donation
from the commoners, which may serve to aid the
mind as it roves back and compares the present with
the past aspect of our suburbs. From the Neck, we
pass to Winter Island. The caption of a recjuest
presented a century and nearly a. half since, ran thus :
" Whereas Winter Island hath been improved for y*
making of fish ever since y" first settlement of this
towne." This shows us again the great purpose as
well as the occupancy of the place. Another use of
it, as tradition relates, was ship-building. In 1G36
and the succeeding year, lots were granted there for
the fishery. For the preventing of injury to the fish,
made on it, an order passed, 1640, for its enclosure,
" vnless such as haue goats doe fence in the flaks."
In 1644, Capt. Thomas Breadcake was permitted by
General Court, to take two small guns from " Winter
Island by Salem," for his cruise against Turkish
pirates. In 1645, a way thither was ordered to be
made. Its income was applied in 1655, to support
the Fort there. Permission was given, 1669, to have
it secured " from all cattell, except sheep and wen-
linge calfes, which shall haue liberty to goe ther at
any tyme." So many were the people hero in 1679,
that Jv>hn Clifford was licensed to keep a victualling
house for their convenience. This may have been
the origin of the " Old Blue Anchor Tavern," famed
in traditionary story. In 1684, several merchants
had leave to build wharves on its flats. The ensuing
year, it was recorded, " The Selectmen to decide any
difference that may arise between aney persons con-
cerned at Winter Island in pitching of flackes, setting
of presses, houses, etc., by which means they obstruct
street: rooms for fishery, lease. 195
each other in their fishing concearns there." In
1698-9, the Island had not merely its paths, but even
a highway, as the description of a wharf impHed,
" adjoyning to y* place known by y" name of Fish
Street." The following order was made in 1701 :
"that y* shoremen shall have liberty to fence in
Winter Island, keeping a sufficient gate for passing of
men and carts, and to keep out all creatures y' may
damnific y* flakes and fish." Conditions of its being
granted by the commoners, 1714, were, that each
shoreman, who belonged to the town and did his
business there, should pay 5/ a year for room to ac-
commodate his vessel and flakes, and every person,
not an inhabitant, similarly employed there, should
be charged 20/ for the same privilege. From a con-
tract made in 1731, the Island had convenient places
for forty vessels and their fares of fish. As the busi-
ness previously transacted there had been removed, it
was let, 1739, with the Neck, for the pasturage of
horses and cows ; the former at 40/ each, and the
latter at 25/. A part of it, called Obear, or Palmer's
Head, was leased, 1755, to Richard Derby, for 1,000
years, at 1/ a year. One object, as his application for
this relates, was not merely to benefit himself, but
also to improve the commerce of the town. While
our relations to France were threatened with a rupture,
a vote passed, 1794, that the Selectmen cede to the
United States the land where the old Fort stood, and
as much more on the Neck and Island as might be
needed for fortifications. In 1799, the ship Essex, of
32 guns, built by order of Congress, was launched
from this place, and then first floated on the element
where she was to win naval renown. The lease to
196 CONCLUSION OF DERBY'S LEASE. MALL.
Mr. Derby has curiously terminated. Where his
wharf and warehouse loug stood, there appears an
establishment for the storing of powder. This was
bought by Mr. Oliver M. Whipple, who occupies it
with the proceeds of the Chelmsford Powder Factory.
Having purchased of the Derby family, their right in
the premises, for several hundred dollars, a few years
before, he in 1839, paid Salem $152 83, being an an-
nual rent of 1/ for the period remaining of the 1,000
years. Here close the remembrances of an Island
which has witnessed no trivial revolutions in human
purposes and pursuits. Like the adjacent Neck, it
has long ceased to be traversed by the busy crews
and companies who cured their fish upon its soil.
A few days after their last gift, the commoners, on
16th of November, 1714, voted, that the spot "where
the trainings are generally kept, before Nathaniel
Higginson's house, shall be forever as a training field
for the use of Salem." The measurement of this
lot, in 1784, was 7^ acres. As this was less by three-
quarters of an acre, than its present estimate, there is
a probability that an allowance was made for water
in its hollows. Down to 1770, portions of it were
leased for various buildings. Then it gave room, on
its northern bounds, for a new Alms and Work-house.
Liberty was granted, in 1793, for land connected with
the east part of the common, to be enclosed with the
cove, for the building and accommodation of a wind-
mill. During the same year, a section of this military
field, lying south of a street laid out by Nathaniel
Richardson, was ordered to be sold. Its surface now
weais a very different aspect from what it did prior to
1801. Then it had quite a rural appearance, having
n
9
03
.9
V
e
V
IMPROVEMENTS ON THE MALL. 197
several ponds and hillocks. Among the former, were
Flag, Cheever's, and Mason's ponds. Of incum-
brances on the mall, were buildings for a public
school, a fire engine, and artillery. Towards the
close of the year, last mentioned, a number of our
generously disposed inhabitants applied to the town
for leave to have it levelled at their own charge.
The request was allowed. The work was energeti-
cally advanced and well done the ensuing Spring.
It was under the superintendence of General Elias
Hasket Derby, who gave his services, and a large
portion of its pecuniary cost. There were elevations,
on the premises, sufficient to fill the hollows. The
expense of evening the surface was about $2,500.
At the same time trees, chiefly poplar, were planted
on each side of the walks, which were taken up,
18 17, and their places supplied by elms. So changed,
the common was called, by order of the selectmen,
1802, Washington Square. In 1S05, contributions
were made by individuals and the town, for the erec-
tion of its eastern and western gates. Being de-
signed, arched, and ornamented by Mr. Samuel Mcln-
tire, a noted architect, they do much to honor his
taste. A contract was made, 1817, for a substantial
railing to succeed the one which had enclosed the
mall. Thus altered, this portion of the common
lands adds much to the worth and beauty of its envi-
rons. It confers an obligation on this community, to
remember the promoters of its improvement with
sentiments of esteem.
Returning to the position of the Commoners, we
find them disturbed in their progress by demands of
18
198 DISCORD OF COTTAGERS AND COMMONERS.
the old cottagers. This class of our population based
their claim on the rights of cottages built before 1661.
They considered themselves as more entitled to the
undivided territory than others, who erected dwell-
ings here after that time. Charges were paid by the
commoners, in 1714, for a lawsuit with them, on ac-
count of such discrepancy. While the former were
so troubled, they had renewed evidence, that all
around them were not so honest as they should be.
They order prosecutions for the cutting and carry-
ing away of wood and timber from their land. As
before, so afterwards, such measures were not wholly
effectual. Besides, the commoners were often called
to notice, from an early period, that individuals made
too broad a distinction between mine and thine.
A singular record is preserved, to this import, show-
ing a prevalent fashion as well as a public vigilance.
Aug. 21, 1637, "John Gatchell is fyned tenn shil-
lings for bordering vpon the Towne ground without
leaue. And, in case he shall cutt of his lonng har of
his head into a seuill frame iu the mean time, shall
haue abated fine shillings of his fine."
The lack of harmony between the commoners and
cottagers continued to 1716. Each party had its
separate meetings, officers, and policy. The cotta-
gers proposed. May 23, to unite with the town far the
choice of referees, who belonged to the county, to
settle their difficulties ; but the majority of voters,
on the 25ih, did not consent. Thereupon the select-
men, on the 30th, petitioned General Court to inter-
pose and prevent the alarming evils of so warm a
contest. How such an application was received, is
not left recorded. The controversy so far subsided,
DIVISION OF THE COMMONS. DWELLINGS. 199
that the commoners, Oct. 30, 1721, made large parti-
tions of their pasture. With regard to this, as situ-
ated in 1640, the subsequent action was taken by the
freemen: "Ordered, that none of the land within
the Catle's range shalbe granted henceforward to any
man for any particular vse. And the range of the
■ Calle at the Forrest river head where fieshe water
fails in and where salt water floweth at high water
marke, shalbe a lyne sowthard vp to Mr. Hum-
phryes farme and from thence to the pond and soe
about to Brooksbye." Before proceeding to divide
such territory, part of which had been located for the
poor and the ministry among the parishes, the com-
moners prudently made other reservations to meet
claims which might be presented. They reserved
300 acres, clear of abatements, between Spring and
Heading Ponds, and the plains on the north side of a
road from Butts brook to Strong Water-brook bridge.
So prepared, they had three lots set off — one for the
Village and Ryall Side or north precinct, another for
the middle precinct, and a third for the two lower
parishes. According to a computation, in 1723, there
were 284 cottagers and other commoners within these
limits. Of them, 214 belonged to the two lower
parishes, and 70 to the other sections. In the circuit
of all such commoners, 459 dwellings, mostly huts
or cottages, were erected, from the first settlement to
the close of 1660. Of these, 226 were built before
or about the first of 1638, and 233 subsequently.
There were, also, 583 houses, from 1660 to June 16,
1702, and, from this date to November 22, 1714, 107
houses erected. The whole number thus built were
1,149. The contents of appropriations, previously
200 LAND FOR CATTLE. PASTURES.
specified and clear of abatements, were as follow :
138 rights for the Tillage and Ryall Side, equal to
460 acres ; 204 rights for the middle precinct, equal
to 680 acres ; and 790 rights to the two lower par-
ishes, equal to 2,630 acres. Inclusive of the abate-
ments, there were 3,773 acres. To the rights, 28
more were afterwards added. These partitions have
shifted hands and undergone various modifications
with the progress of time. Particularly the great-
est, as retained by residents in what is now our city,
calls for a relation of its incidental occurrences.
Its usual denomination has long been that of the
Great Pasture. The general manner of holding ter-
ritory as this has been, was not peculiar to our colony
or country. Palgrave informs us, that every Anglo-
Saxon "Township contained common fields, of which
the usufruct was shared between the lord and the
men of the community." Relative to the pasture,
rules were adopted, 1723-4, as follow : One right for
a cow, or 3 calves, or 2 yearlings, or 3 sheep and 3
lambs; one and a half for an ox, or 2 heifers of 2
years old or steers, or 5 sheep and 5 lambs ; and two
rights for a horse. The clerk of the proprietors was
to have J"* for each calf or sheep, and 1** for the other
animals, as his compensation. This body have al-
lowed those changes which the increase and con-
venience of our f)opulation and the improvements
of time required. For the accommodation of some
among them, who lived above the town bridge, and
others wishing to unite wiih them, they agreed, in
1737-8, that about one third of their commons, being
west and southwest from the town, should be a distinct
propriety. This oflfset comprised the North and Sheep
' PLANTLNG OF LOCUST TREES. 201
Psistures. The former of these, containing over 190
acres, became a separate lot in 1740. It has been
variously transferred, and now has not far from eight
rights. The latter was appropriated to its owners in
1740-1, and then had an area of 730i acres or 194^
rights, each at 3JJ acres. It has been so bought and
united with farms, as to retain only 16 rights. As
another curtailment of the Great Pasture, its proprie-
tors voted, 1741-2, that the subscribers for the Horse
Pasture should have 3A acres for each of their rights.
They accepted and con firmed, in 1749, a list of these
associates. An old map describes tjiis partition as
having 88 rights and 340 acres. The difference of
calculation here may be owing to abatements for
quality of soil. The land, thus newly named, was
subdivided in 1784 One of the lots, being 134
acres and embracing Gallows Hill, was assigned to
Benjamin Goodhue and others ; it still remains en-
tirely in their possession. Two other lots, then made
over, have mostly passed into private hands for culti-
vation. Among the less public transactions of the
commoners, was that of having trees planted. Per-
ceiving that the woods, which once abounded on
their premises, were not enough to afford sufllcicnt
shade for herds on the highlands, they made a propo-
sal in 1747-8. It was, that whoever would set locust
trees there, should have 2/6 old tenor for each of
them, and, if it lived fifteen months, 2/6 more. Called
again to give up another large section of their terri-
tory, the commoners, in 1749, consented to the loca-
tion of rights so as to constitute Pickering's Pasture
of 274 acres. This land, though long used, after
18*
202 REMAINS OF GREAT PASTURE.
being so allowed, for the feed of cows, has been
united for a considerable period, with farms composed
of its own and other soil. The commoners con-
sented, in 1773, that four rights be given by any of
their company to accommodate a. hospital. They
parted with 125 acres, 1786, for the Pickman,and
Fitch farms. As the town had purchased the hos-
pital, the commoners, 1794, granted such an estab-
lishment more of the pasture. Among the interrup-
tions of their pastoral concerns, none had produced
more public ^attention, than the passage of the turn-
pike through a portion of their limits. In 1808, they
set off the Great Swamp to Samuel Putnam, Esq.,
and 40 acres to Benjamin Pickman, Esq. Some of
these rights were purchased as high as $100 a piece.
Such are now sold for $50 each. Then the com-
moners had only 520 acres left ; of this they have
since relinquished 41 A acres to the Ware farm, which
leaves but 47SJ acres in the possession of about
twenty-two proprietors. Should the question arise,
On what conditions did they permit their bounds to
be so much reduced ? The answer is, as may be
gathered from their transactions, that whenever one
or more individuals petitioned to have a certain num-
ber of rights, either inherited or purchased, located
together on acceptable terms, the request "was con-
sidered and soon granted ; or, if such a proposition
required an order of court, they settled it in that way.
The territory, so diminished, asks for a glance at part
of its present rules. It admits 80 or 90 cows annu-
ally : each of them occupies IJ right, and is assessed
$1 50 for entrance, which includes the herdsman's
pay. Among the "coming events" which "cast their
TERRITORY SET OFF. WENHAM. 203
shadows before," may we not place the one, that
this chief remnant of common land, this memorial of
ancient privilege and custom, of long and varied
counsels and mutations, will, ere the lapse of many
years, cease as a propriety and become mingled with
the private estates of our corporation ? Transitory is
the nature of all earthly interests.
. It is well known, that our oldest towns were liber-
ally allowed by the legislature to extend their bounds.
Salem was numbered among them. After having
protected her more distant inhabitants, and they felt
able to stand alone, she received applications for re-
lease from municipal bonds. The general reasons
assigned for changes of this kind, were the incon-
veniences of attendance on town meetings, on ser-
vices of worship, and on privileges of education for
children. As our corporation advanced in population
and resources, as its land rose in value and its charges
increased, such separations were less willingly and
expeditiously granted.
m
WENHAM. ,
. The first branch of the parent stock, thus parted
with, was Wenham. There are no sufficient data
to show precisely the period when this place began
to be inhabited. Though land there does not seem,
from Salem records, to have been assigned before
1637, still some of it may have been improved sooner.
The next year, Francis Felmingham was allowed
200 acres at Great Pond, which designated Wenham.
Leave was given by the General Court, 1639, for the
settling of a village near Ipswich river. This grant
•was urged by Topsfield, in a controversy of 1698,
204 HUGH PETERS. PETERS* HILL.
with what is now North Danvers, as being exclu-
sively intended for Wenham. The reason advanced
for it was, that, on the margin of the original record,
there was this note, " Lands granted to Salem Yillage,
now Wenham." But such a remark was written, at
least four years after the order was passed, and per-
haps many more. It was also in a hand different
from that of Increase No well, who entered the grant.
The renewed permission of the legislature, in 1643,
for such a settlement, evidently shows, that in both
instances they intended it for Topsfield, and not for
Wenham in either of them.
Tradition informs us, that, in the first occupancy
of the latter place, Hugh Peters favored the inhabi-
tants with one of his sermons. The spot, then se-
lected for his stand, was the top of a hill, near what
was recently the stage-road and the margin of the
spacious pond. His text, according to his frequent
custom, .was strikingly suited to the localities of the
situation. It was, " At Enon, near to Salim, because
there was much water there." The eminence, thus
used as a natural pulpit, still bears the name of this
noted but unfortunate divine. Like most mementos
of human actions, it is gradually diminished before
the iuroads of inventive convenience.
This town was incorporated May 10, 1C43, accord-
ing to the simple record of General Court, " It is
ordered, that Enon shalbe called Wenham."
MANCHESTER.
As a division of Naumkeag, this place was an-
ciently known as Jeffrey's Creek. It appears to have
been thus called from William Jeffrey, who probably
MANCHESTER. MARBLEHEAD. 205
occupied it, as well as a neck of his surname in
Ipswich, for trade and fishery, not later than 1628.
la a general assignment of territory, 163ti-7, lands,
located there, were granted by Salem to some of its
inhabitants. General Court, at their session of May
13, 1640, allowed a company of seventeen persons,
chiefly grantees at the Creek, to erect a village there
with suitable enlargement, under the direction of
Syraon Bradstreet and John Winthrop, Jr. William
Walton, who headed the petition for such permission,
expected to remove thither, but he continued to
preach at Marblehead. The legislature, at a session
of May 14, 1645, exchanged the name of Jeffrey's
Creek for Manchester, whence the town dates its
incorporation, though the act was in July. To facili-
tate intercourse between this place and its parent
town, the same legislative body order, October 26 of
the next year, that a committee " forthwith lay out a
way between the ferry at Salem and the head of
Jelfryes Creeke, and that it be such a way, as men
may travell on horse-back or driva catle, and if such
a way may not be found, then to take speedy course
to sett vp a foote bridge at Mackrell Cove."
MARBLEHEAD.
This settlement was so denominatpd from its abun-
dance of rocks, anciently called marble, and from its
high and bold projection into Salem harbor. Its
bounds included Naugus' Head, which, in 1629, be-
came the site of the noted Darby Fort. It was
selected about this time, as well adapted for carrying
on the fishery. Mr. Cradock, the first governor of
the Massachusetts corporation, had one of his compa-
206 MAROLEHEAD.
nies here in this business, not later than 1631. Isaac
Allerton, and Moses Maverick, his son-in-law, the for-
mer among the first settlers of Plymouth, were here
as soon as 1634, with their servants similarly cm-
ployed. Wood gives the ensuing description in 1633:
" Marvil Head is a place, which lyeth 4 miles full
South from Salem and is a very convenient place for
a Plantation, especially for such as will set upon the
trade of fishing. There was made here a ship's
loading of fish the last year, where still stand the
stages and drying scaffolds." At their session of
May 6, 1635, the Legislature order, that '• there shalbe
a Plantacon att Marblehead ; " that the people there
"plant and improue such ground" as they need;
and, according to their increase, the inhabitants of
Salem, who own land thereabouts are to let them
have it, on condition of " being payd for their labor
and cost." John Humphrey was allowed to im-
prove "the land betwixte the Cliftc and the For-
rest Ryver ; " but, if the necessity of Marblehead
population required it, he was to part with it on
terms similar to those last named, and they were to
retain it unless proved to be property of Salem. None
were to reside at Marblehead without leave from the
Court or two of the magistrates At their session of
March 3, 1635-6, evidence was laid before the Legis-
lature, that Marblehead neck belonged to Salem. The
same authorities order, 1643-4, that, "in regard of
the defect of freemen at Marblehead," a person, not
so politically qualified, but lit for a constable there,
be nominated by Salem and sworn by the Deputy
Governor. They vote, that " Marblehead hath leave
granted to fortify itself by breast workc or otherwise,
MR. HUMPHREY. TOPSFIELD. 207
and two guns to bco delivered unto them with con-
venient ammunition suitable thereto." The next
May, the Legislature require them to choose one of
their inhabitants to give them military instruction, so
that they may be ready for "speciall occations." It
was agreed by Salem, March 12, 1648-9, that " Mar-
blehead, with the allowance of General Court, shall
be a'towne and the bounds to be the utmost exteut
of that land, which was Mr. Humphries farme and
soldo to Marblehead, and so all the neck to the sea,
reserving the disposing of the ff.-rry and appointing
of the ferry was to Salem." Such permission was
confirmed by the. Legislature, at their convention of
the 2d of the succeeding May. At the time of this
separation, Marblehead contained forty-four families.
Its territory was claimed by the Sagamore George a3
a part of his father's inherited domain. As stated
previously, the heirs of the former disjiosed of their
claim to the soil in 1684, and thus quieted a demand
perse veringly made by their deceased relative.
NEW MEADOWS.
This place was assigned by General Court, at their
session of November 5, 1639, to the inhabitants of Sa-
lem for a village. The same authorities intended that
others of Ipswich, who made like application, should
share in the privilege. They rectified the omission
in 1643. They also voted, at the first date, farms
for Messrs. Bellingham, Bradstreet and Endicott, in
or about the same territory. It was not long ere a
question arose whether the line of Salem, contained
in such land, reached Ipswich river. While this
subject was pending, the name of New Meadows
209 BEVERLY. PETITION.^
•was exchanged for that of Topsfield, October 18,
1650, and was thus incorporated. This accorded
with the wish of some proprietors, while others peti-
tioned that it might be called " Hempsteed." The
Legislature decided, in 1658, that Salem should ex-
tend from their meeting-house six miles " into the
woods " towards Topsfield, and that the latter in-
clude such lands as were beyond this limit and
granted by the former, but to be owned by the indi-
vidual proprietors. Still a severe and protracted dis-
cussion was continued between parlies of the two
places till 1700, when it was closed. The appoint-
ment and report of surveyors, employed on this occa-
sion, show the rareness of scientific qualifications for
such a trust. William Bowditch and William Ged-
ney were chosen by two justices " to be y" Aitists
for y* stating and selling y* West line."
BEVERLY.
This place was originally called Cape Ann Side
and Bass River. Its early associations and interests
rendered it more nearly allied to Salem than any
other of the seceded corporations. lis soil was occu-
pied by the adventurous colonists about 1628. To
this conclusion is the deposition of Richard Bracken-
bury, who spake from personal knowledge : " The
sanie yeare wee came oner, it was that wee tooke a
farther possession on the north side of Salem ferrye,
comonly caled Cape An Side, by cutting tliach for our
houses, and soone after laid out lolls fur tillage land
on the said Cape An Side, and quickly after sundry
houses were built on the said Cape An Side." Hav-
ing " borne the burden of the day " with Salem, and
MASON'S PATENT. WILL HILL. 209
been released from ecclesiastical engagements to them,
the people of Bass River petition General Court, in
1659, to be made a separate town. Their request
was suspended till 1608, when it was allowed, and
they received the appellation of Beverly. But this
name was far from being one of sweet sounds and
sensations to Roger Conant and his neighbors. They
besought the Legislature in 1671 to save them from
so unpleasant experience by permitting them to be
denominated Budleigh. They had two reasons for
such a request : one was, that the desired name was
that of the market town of Devonshire in the west
of England, whence he and his fellow planters came ;
another, that the imposed appellation subjected them
to the nickname of beggarly. Still the arguments
failed to compass die object. In assuming a distinct
municipality, the people of Beverly subjected them-
selves to a claim sustained by the patent of John
Mason. On this account they were disturbed in
1680, and many years passed before a settlement
was eflfected. A further demand was made on them
by descendants of the Agawam Sagamores, for a title
to their soil. This they compromised in 1700, more
as a matter of charity than of justice.
WILL HILL.
The grant of a farm to Richard Bellingham, in
1639, was " on the head of Salem to the N. W.,
there being in it a hill with an Indian plantation."
The eminence here mentioned went by the name of
Will Hill, which was also applied to its vicinity. It
was probably so called from old William, an Indian.
19
210 ' RYALL SIDE.
This individual had given a considerable tract of
land to John, son of Governor Endicott, before 1660,
as an expression of gratitude for the kindness shown
by the father to the impoverished natives. From
motives of policy the Legislature did not confirm
this gift, but they assigned to the grantee, in its
stead, a similar one of the colony. Bray Wilkins
and John Gingle, having purchased Mr. Bellingham's
farm, petitioned General Court in 1661, that it might
be under the jurisdiction of Salem. This was al-
lowed. As the people of Will Hill were more ac-
commodated to worship with their immediate neigh-
bors of other towns, they were released, 1723, from
ecclesiastical charges at Salem village, when the min-
istry should be established among them. After sev-
eral attempts to be set off, they, with parts of An-
dover, Boxford and Topsfield, were incorporated,
June 20, 1728, by the name of Middleton.
RYALL SIDE.
This division of our soil has been spelt variously.
Some have written it Ryal, supposed to be from the
surname of William Ryall, who came over in 1629 ;
and others, Royal. On the town records we find, in
1646, " Royall Side," and in 1650, " Rial's Neck."
It is probable that both of these nominal adjectives
refer to the emigrant's surname, just mentioned. As
the exact mode of spelling this name is not known to
have been continued in New England, and as a family
of Royals resided early in Maine, it is supposed that
Ryall was changed to Royal. Still we have thought
it well to retain what is likely to have been the
original appellation of the Side, that is Ryall. In
LEASED LANDS. DANVERS. 211
1679, commons, located there, were let to indi-
viduals and were denominated " the leased lands."
These were sold to the lessees, soon after the final
separation of the premises from Salem, for £146 13* 4*^.
A vote was passed here, 1711-2, that the inhabitants
of Ryall Side be allowed, with some of the village
and Beverly, to associate as a religious society, some-
times termed the Precinct. The consent of Salem
having been obtained, the Legislature enacted, Sep-
tember 11, 1753, that Ryall Side be united with
Beverly.
DANVERS.
Settlers were here as early as 1633. They annu-
ally increased and spread. Connected with a large
grant of land made by the Legislature, in 1635, to
John Humphrey, was "a fresh pond Avith a little
Ileland, conteyning aboute two acres." This spot
lies mostly within the bounds of Dangers. The sub-
sequent condition was annexed to its being possessed
by the grantee : " The inhabitants of Saugus and
Salem shall have liberty to build stoore howses vpon
the said Ileland, and to lay in such provisions, as they
iudge necessary for their vse in tyme of neede." As
the north-westerly part of Salem was regarded as a
suitable place for considerable population, the follow-
ing movement was made, December 31, 1638, by the
people of this town : " Agreed and voted, that there
should be a village graunted to Mr. Phillips and his
company vppon such conditions as the 7 men ap-
pointed for the towne aftaires should agree on." This
appears to have been the origin of what was long
called Salem Village ; sometimes the plantation and
212 WATCH-HOUSE. DISTRICT.
its inhabitants were also denominated the farmers.
The Mr. Phillips, before named, was probably John,
who preached at Dedham and elsewhere. He was
received here, as a townsman, January 21, 1640, and
assigned land on condition of his remaining in the
country. Not long after this, he and his wife united
with Dedham church and returned to England in
1642. The people of the village were released,
1671-2, from parish charges to the first congregation.
As usual with such settlements, they very probably
kept up worship among themselves, either by laymen
or preachers, from their beginning. As a protection
against the devastations of Philip's forces, they had,
in the fore part of 1676, garrisons prepared, by order
of the town's military committee, and manned from
among themselves. In 1696, they dismiss from their
church some individuals, who, with others of Ipswich,
emigrate to South Carolina. They long had a place
of defence on " Watch-house hill," where they agreed,
in 1700, to erect their second meeting-house. Their
contest with Topsfield, as to bounds, has been spoken
of, and their still severer trials of witchcraft and other
concerns will be elsewhere presented. After long
continued applications of the village to become a
separate town, a vote is passed by Salem, October
23, 1751, that they and the Middle Precinct, with
consent of the Legislature, be thus privileged. When
they brought their petition, for such an object, before
the General Court, this body so modified it as to con-
stitute them a district instead of a town. The act,
thus incorporating them, was of January 28, 1752,
and gave them the name of Danvers. There was a
political reason for such disappointment. Royal in-
CAUSE OF THE NAME, DANVERS. 213
structions had been sent to the governor of our Prov-
ince to restrain the increase of representatives by
preventing the formation of towns. The party, both
here and in England, who favored the Parliamentary
taxation of our colonies, perceived that the popular
branch of our government gained strength to resist
such adverse policy. Hence they were sustained by
regal prerogative, to circumvent the power whose ad-
vance would cause their retreat. As to the name of
Danvers, it was so called through the influence of
Lieut. Governor Phips, from gratitude to one of his
patrons. While this district was connected with Sa-
lem, it had one of the representatives to the Legisla-
ture at its own charge, and the latter had another.
So soon as a favorable opportunity presented, the sub-
ject of its becoming a town was brought before the
General Court. The end of such a movement was
accomplished June 16, 1757, and thus one means
secured to enlarge legislative privilege and throw
weight in the scale of freedom. On this occasion,
however, Mr. Hutchinson of the council and subse-
quently governor, entered his protest. The substance
of the document dated the 9th, is of the ensuing
tenor: First. Excessive increase of representatives
retards business, burdens the people, and gives the
House undue proportion to the Board in joint ballot.
Second. As no governor nor lieutenant governor is
present, so important a matter should be deferred.
Third. The Board by passing the bill, as the second
branch of the government, immediately bring it be-
fore themselves, for consent or refusal, as the first
branch, thus directly opposing the King's orders to
19*
314 PLAN TO OVERTHROW CHARTERED COLONIES.
the chief magistrate, in a case unnecessary for the
public good. The failure of this effort indicated,
that the political views of its author were less accep-
table to the greater portion of the community than
they had been.
MASON'S CLAIM.
When this city was settled, the whole portion of
it beyond the North River was claimed by John Ma-
son. This gentleman predicated his demand on two
patents, which preceded that of Massachusetts Com-
pany, but were destitute of legal sanctions. Still,
these were adduced at various periods, with another
of 1635, as proof of his propriety in the soil from
said river to the Piscataqua. In the year last men-
tioned, it was the purpose of the anti-Puritan party
in England, to make him governor of the same terri-
tory, and others to sustain a like office in ditfcrent
divisions of our colonies, and all of them subject to a
president. But the project failed, and with it the en-
forcement of Mr. Mason's demand was suspended.
At his decease, in the same year, he left a widow,
Ann, and an only child, Jane, the wife of John Tuf-
ton. The children of the latter, besides two daugh-
ters, were John and Robert. These sons, on coming
of age, were to assume the surname of their grand-
father, as a condition of being numbered among his
principal heirs. The first, John, seems to have had
part of his bequest within the present Essex county
bounds. How long he lived is unknown to us. He
left no issue. His grandmother, Ann, through her
agent, Joseph Mason, sent a transcript of her hus-
band's will, copied 1653, to Massachusetts author!-
ROYAL CORRESPONDENCE. 215
ties, as an indication of what was expected from
them. His brother, Robert, as opportunities pre-
sented, urged their ancestor's claim. In 1660 he
brought it before the lately restored monarch. No-
tice of this and other matters was communicated to
our General Court. They soon fonvarded a loyal
address to the King. He sent them a friendly an-
swer of February 15, 1660-1, with the promise of
protection to our people in all their charter rights.
Mr. Mason still continued the agitation of his landed
inheritance here. In 1668, William Trask agreed to
give him 15/. a year for the use of his house and
land. Payments of this rent were to be "on the day of
St. John Baptist's nativity and on the feast-day of our
Lord's nativity." Such renewal of a vexed question,
was probably encouraged by the augmented prejudice
which the King cherished against our rulers, for their
late rejection of his uncompromising commissioners.
While our fathers were almost crushed with the bur-
den and afflictions of the Indian war in 1676, a com-
mand came from his majesty for them to dispatch
agents for his court to answer the complaints of
Gorges and Mason. Accordingly Messrs. Stoughton
and Bulkley were sent over. They were heard,
1677, before two lords, chief justices. These de-
cided, that as the ter-tenants of the soil, from Pis-
■cataqua to Naumkeag river, had not been summoned
to prove tb£><' titles, they could give no conclusive
opinion on the subject. They however reported, that
Hampton, Exeter, Dover, and Portsmouth, embraced
in such limits, should belong to New Hampshire, and
the rest, making ten towns, should be contained in
Massachusetts. They also gave their judgment, that
216 MARIANA. SIR WILLIAM JONES.
Mr. Mason ought not to be allowed the right of gov*
ernment over either of these two divisions. Relative
to the latter partition of territory, this gentleman in-
tended to have it denominated Mariana, and be sub-
ject to the jurisdiction of himself and descendants.
Thus it was his purpose to revive a favorite plan of
his ancestor, and it was his lot to experience a like
disappointment. The decision of the preceding ju-
rists received the Royal confirmation. Thus, with
respect to the fee of their lands, the inhabitants of
an early section of Salem, as well as of other places,
were left in anxious suspense. As some alleviation
to their fears, Sir William Jones, in 1679, gave his
opinion that such a demand was illegal. Still, Mr.
Mason was active at home, for what he deemed his
just inheritance in New England. He so gained the
ear of the King to his petitions, that a letter of Sep-
tember 30, 1680, came from His Majesty to our rulers.
It ordered, that the people of the intended Mariana
transmit proofs of their real estate, with colonial
agents, to the crown. Individuals were elected for
such an embassy. Among the instructions, prepared
for them, February 28, 1680-1, our civil authorities
made the ensuing remark: "With reference to Mr.
Mason's complaints and claime on the South side of
Merrimack River, you shall truly enforme his Majes-
tic of our ready obedience to his commands in pub-
lishing his letter to those Ter-tenents, who will make
their application to his Majestic, as he has been
pleased to direct." The persons designated for this
purpose declined, and the agency was delayed, much
to the displeasure of the King. Such an occasion
brought out valuable depositions from several of Sa-
PETITION OF BEVERLY. 217
lem's primitive planters, and thus preserved historical
facts which otherwise would have shimbered in the
grave with them. It also produced interesting peti-
tions from towns immediately interested. One from
Beverly, of February 22, 1680-1, furnishes the subse-
quent details: We have our juste titles to the soil ;
every proprietor expects a legal trial ; have had posses-
sion above 50 years. We "entered vpon the place
with good likeing of the Indians ; haue aduentured
our lines and estates and worne out much time and
strength in the subduing a wilderness for the increas-
ing his Majesties dominions and customs. And in
the late warrs with the heathen, haue carried our
liues in our hands to defend our possessions with the
loss of about twelve English liues of our towti, and
expended some hundreds of pounds to maintain our
lands." In all this period, Mr. Mason has done noth-
ing for the defence or improvement of the territory.
We hope his Majesty does not mean, that we shall
send our original deeds and evidences 3,000 miles to
rebut his plea, and that the case may be heard on tlie
contested premises. We rely on his Majesty's prom-
ise of protection to the colonists, made in his first
letter to our civil authorities after being restored to
the throne, and that he will intercede for them if the
cause of Mason be brought before him in council.
The succeeding June 2, the assistants order £100 to
assist the defendants of the several towns in contro-
versy; but the house non-concurred. Probably the
reason for this dissent was, lest it should commit the
Legislature as avowed opponents to the regal plea-
sure, already bent on vacating our charter. On the
3d of the same month, both branches of the govern-
<218 TERTENANTS* COMMITTEE ANO ADDRESS.
ment make a remark in their letter to the King, re-
specting the occupants of Mariana. It is, " We are
in hope, that what may be presented to his Majesty
on behalf of said inhabitants, will obviate the clamour
and groundless pretence of the coraplainers." Cer-
tain expenses of Ipswich, January 9, 1682, denote
that a committee of these persons, so accused, had
assembled to consult on expedient measures for re-
lief. The legislative authorities, February 15, peti-
tion the King to protect the same individuals. These,
comprising the people of Gloucester, in their address
to the crown, repeat the leading arguments of the
Beverly document. They also say, We were con-
firmed in our rights by law of 1057, for settling in-
heritences. They mention the destitution of legal
forms in the first patents of Mason. They pray,
that whatever trial may be had in the case, it may
be in courts of justice within the disputed circuit.
In order for due attention to these documents in Lon-
don, a bill of exchange for £10 was sent to John
Hall. However careful to make such provision, yet
the last appeals to the throne were necessarily de-
layed. The magistrates, March 29, propose that the
occupants of Mariana re-write their petition, and omit
styling themselves " tertenants," lest their use of the
term should be implicit evidence against their cause.
As proof how much the possessors of the land in
question were opposed to any acknowledgment, that
their titles lacked in vzdidity, we have the ensuing
fact: The people of Ipswich, at a town-meeting,
November 27th, say, as Thomas Level, a selectman,
has been to Mr. Mason about a compliance, and advised
others that it would be best to comply, voted, that
GOV. BRADSTREET. SEC. JENKINS. 21J>
he be excluded from his office. The General Court,
at a session of February 15, lG82r-3, appoint magis-
trates, unconcerned in the property so contested, ta
hold a Court in Essex County, for hearing its respec-
tive claimants. Governor Bradstreet addresses a let-
ter to Secretary Jenkins in London, March 24th, on.
this topic, which was embraced by the advocates for
regal prerogative, as a call for the nullification of our
colonial patent. He states, that the King's communi-
cation of June 23, about Mason's demand, did not
reach him till the end of November, and that, on
January 26, he had another from this claimant, re-
quiring that he should be put in possession of Ma-
riana, according to the royal injunctions, and be al-
lowed to prosecute forthwith the holders of such
territory. He also writes, that he communicated
Mason's request to the Legislature, and that they
wished this person to be informed, that he might
have been accommodated with a trial here long before,
and may still be so, by giving a month's notice, for
the purpose of selecting impartial judges and jurors.
He further relates, that after an answer was forwarded
to Mr. Mason he visited Boston, but made no motion
for a legal investigation of his case. The impracti-
cability which this gentleman had experienced in
New Hampshire, to obtain a verdict against the re-
tainers of his land there, and the fact, that similar
and even greater difficulty would attend his suit in
Essex County, was probably the chief cause why he
delayed to commence an action. The following
order of our government, at their session of May 16,
very likely referred to the same subject : " In answer
to the petition of John Wales and Content Mason,
220 CLAIM INCREASINGLY REVIVED.
his daughter, relict of John Mason, humbly desiring,
that the like power of making sale and confirming
deeds, as was formerly by y» Court granted to John
Mason and no otherwise, may be by this Court
granted to them, being administrators of the said
John Mason's estate. The Court grants their request
and impowers them hereby accordiugly." If this
has the application supposed, one of the petitioners
must have been the widow of John Tufton Mason,
deceased, and grandson of the patentee, and his
brother, Robert, may have allowed her, as a party
concerned, to secure, by private compromise with
those whom he considered as ter-tenants, what there
was no prospect of his obtaining by any judicial pro-
cess. Still, when James II. came to the throne in
1685, and increasingly leaned to despotism and pa-
pacy, and thus against the free institutions of New
England, Mason had encouragement to expect, that
events would so occur as to accomplish his long de-
ferred purpose. So revived were his hopes, that some
land holders deemed it advisable to comply with his
requisitions while moderate, lest, with the enlarge-
ment of his influence, they should be raised. One
of our most respected inhabitants, Rev. John Higgin-
son, by May 28, 1686, had taken a lease of him for
700 acres of land, granted by General Court, 1661,
and bordering on Haverhill. The condition was, that
Mason, or his heirs, should have 2/. for every house
subsequently erected on the lot. Being of Andros's
Council and about to repeat the trial of his demands
in Boston, 1688, he finished his varied and perplexed
career.. His was an inheritance of protracted and
continual disappointments. His two sons profited by
CLAIM RELINQUISHED. PENNICOOK. 221
his adverse experience and sold their right to Samuel
Allen of London. The same was confirmed, 1691,
to this person, by our province charter. After sev-
eral unsuccessful efforts to enforce his demands on
the individual and common lands of towns in New
Hampshire, he died 1705. His son, Thomas Allen,
similarly failed, and deceased 1715. With so poor a
prospect before them, his heirs gave up the contest.
A descendant of Capt. Mason revived his claim, 1738,
and had it afterwards allowed in England. By his
sale of lands in Salisbury, and other of our north
towns, to Massachusetts, about the year just specified,
he implicitly relinquished all right to Mariana. Thus,
after long suspense, the inhabitants of this contested
section were freed from any further charge as intru-
ders, and left to the undisturbed use of their soil.
Though the euphony of the name, applied by Mason
to their territory, must be allowed, yet, from its asso-
ciations of perplexity and cost, it could not bring
harmony to their views and feelings.
TOWNSHIPS GRANTED.
Among the multitudes of Salem, gone out at vari-
ous periods, to people other territories, are some who
had grants of townships from our civil authorities.
PENNICOOK.
This was an Indian name for a large tract of land
on the Merrimack River. It was generally applied
to the bounds of Concord, N. H. This seems to be
the location, or nearly so, for which our townsmen
made an early movement. "The Selectmen were de-
20
222 CONDITION OF SETTLEMENT. INDIAN TRADE.
sired, September 27, 1662, to petition the General
Court for Pennie Cooke as a Plantation, and to ingage
for the planting of the same." This was done May
28, 1663, through our deputies. The reasons pro-
duced for it were, that the town had parted with so
much of their soil as not to have enough for the com-
fortable support of all its population ; and whoever
of them should have a new settlement allowed them,
would be more "helpful to Church and Common-
wealth." The deputies agree to the request, but the
magistrates defer the subject. Such delay may have
arisen from applications made by Maiden the preced-
ing June, and b^ individuals of Newbury and else-
where in 1659, for a plantation in the same quarter.
It was, however, continued no longer than the session
of October 20, when the wish of our townsmen was
gratified. They were assigned a tract of six miles
square, on condition of having it occupied with not
less than 20 families in three years. The record of
this grant states, that it had been made previously.
In the same vicinity, Governor Endicott, in 1664,
was allotted 500 acres, 36 of which were on an
island in the river. One mile square, in that neigh-
borhood, was voted for William Hathorne, 1073, in-
stead of 500 acres, which had been ordered for him
elsewhere. So large a lot was probably allowed him,
in part, to encourage a post for Indian trade, set up
by enterprising individuals of Salem, in 1674, which
must have been interrupted, as to its object, by the
disastrous war soon after waged with the natives.
It appears that the purpose for advancing the settle-
ment of Pennicook was long suspended. In 1714,
Salem repeated their application to the Legislature,
ARROUSICK ISLAND. N. YARMOUTH. 223
that the place might be confirmed to them. They
remarked as if it was first appropriated to them
ia 1661. Their plea for being renewedly heard was,
that the wars had prevented a requisite number from
emigrating thither according to contract ; their losses
in late hostilities ; the reduction of their bounds, and
part of their inhabitants needed land for support.
There is no record that the General Court allowed
this petition. The territory for which our fathers
thus made repeated efforts, had become occupied, in.
1727, by emigrants from Ireland.
SOUTH-END OF ARROUSICK ISLAND.
This place lies in Maine. By September 6, 1676,
it had become the refuge for about 60 persons, who
were driven by an Indian enemy from adjacent settle-
ments. Among such a distressed company were emi-
grants from Salem. At the date already mnntioned,
they were privileged to become a town, by Edmund
Audros, then governor of Sagadahoc, which had come
under the jurisdiction of the Duke of York. Ia
1689 the settlement was called Newtown, and subse-
quently made a part of Georgetown.
"SWEGUSTAGOE" PLANTATION.
A company, mostly from Salem, are allowed by
General Court, at the session of May 19, 16S0, a
plantation at the bottom of Casco Bay. The order
contains various particulars. It says, that "fiue miles
square to be allotted out for a Touneship and two of
the Islands adjacent ; " that a committee " be im-
powered for the enterteyning of inhabitants and grant-
224 BEAVER SKINS FOR A TITLE. ENFIELD.
ing of allottments, and laying out the bounds of the
sajd Towne. And no Indian purchase, formerly or
hereafter to be made, shall give interest to any person
in sajd land, but by the approbation and allowance of
the sajd committee, refering to the Gouernor and
Company the royalties and priuiledges, due by Char-
ter to the cheife Lord Proprietor, and a farme of 300
acres, in any place where the President of the sajd
Province shall appoint and choose, and all this vpon
condition that they settle 20 or 30 familjes, with an
able minister, within two yeares. Also, they shall
allow as an acknowledgment of the Gouernor and
Company or^'the cheife proprietors by his Majestjes
Charter, after the first seven yeares are expired, five
Beauer skins per ann." Bartholomew Gedney, one of
our distinguished townsmen, was a large owner of
territory in this quarter, 1674, where he then had a
saw-mill erected. He was appointed on a committee
to superintend the settlement of the foregoing grant,
and the erection of a fort for its defence. This loca-
tion was permitted to be a township, 1C84, and was
incorporated 1713, as North Yarmouth.
FRESH-WATER BROOK.
This was the name of territory which anciently
belonged to Springfield. It was set off by the parent
town 1681, and was mostly settled by emigrants from
Salem. Among these, were Capt. John Pease and
son. They were allowed to be a township 1683, and
were then called Enfield. The inhabitants of the
place seceded from Massachusetts, and, in 1752, be-
came annexed to Connecticut.
WINDHAM. AMHERST. ^EW SALEM. 225
NEW MARBLEHEAD.
This place, being in Maine, was granted in 1724,
and the plan of it accepted by the Legislature, 1735.
It was settled by individuals from Salem as well as
Marblehead. It subsequently received the name of
Windham.
SOUHEGAN WEST.
Among the survivors of the battle at Narraganset
in 1675, or their heirs, were some such of our own
town. To these a tract of land, with the above title
as one of its names, was assigned by Massachusetts.
A plan of it was approved in 1728, when it was de-
nominated " Salem Narraganset, No. 3." It after-
wards fell within the bounds of New Hampshire, and
has been long known as Amherst.
NEW SALEM.
This place was assigned to Joseph Andrews and
others of our inhabitants 1729, according to inci-
dental evidence. It was confirmed to them and re-
corded, 1734, among the proceedings of the Legisla-
ture. The conditions were as follow : Sixty homelots
were to be laid out in a defencible manner. One of
them for the first settled minister, another for the
support of the ministry, and the third for the use of a
school. Each proprietor was to pay £5 on admission
for surveys and other public purposes. He was to
give a bond of £25, that his lot should have a house,
7 feet stud and 18 feet square ; 7 acres fit for cultiva-
tion or mowing of English grass ; " settle a learned
20*
226 LTNDEBOROUGH. TRADE PLANTATION.
and orthodox minister, and build a convenient meet-
ing-house," within five years. Whoever failed to
comply with the terms, lost his right and it reverted
to the Commonweallh. These were the common
stipulations on which townships were granted. The
meetings of residents and non-residents, were held in
Salem till 1753, when it was agreed to transfer them
to the premises of the former.
SALEM CANADA.
This was among several tracts, assigned by our
government for service in the disastrous expedition
to Canada in J.690. It was granted, in 1736, to
Samuel King and others of our townsmen. It W£is
afterwards called Lyndeborough in compliment to
'Judge Lynde, one of its chief proprietors. Like
many other townships, it came, by Royal decision of
1740, under the jurisdiction of New Hampshire.
TRADING PLANTATION.
For carrying on the fur- trade, which other compa-
nies had done, several of our inhabitants became asso-
ciated. The names of these were William Hathorne,
William Brown, George Curwin, and Walter Price.
They, with seven more, lay their request, 1659, be-
fore the Legislature. They ask for a tract of ten
miles square, 40 or 50 miles from Springfield to the
westward, and two thirds of the way to Awrania,
afterwards Albany, on condition of commencing its
settlement in 18 months. In October of the next
year they were allowed their desire, if a house be
erected and ten men located there in two years.
FACE OF THE TERRITORY. HILLS. 227
They were styled the Company of the Western
Plantation for trade. They were permitted, 1GG2,
two years longer for effecting their object. Then a
report of their concerns stated, that they had expended
£250 towards running the southern line of our colony
" in meere charges on seuerall persons in a jurney by
land to Forte Auriania and one voyage to y« mana-
tees by sea. In prosecution of the General Court's
orders, besides other disbursmenls, to y" valine of
£150 and upwarde more in and aboute y* same."
The object of such an enterprise was long ago relin-
quished, as the forests gave place to our settlements
and the aborigines disappeared by the progress of our
population.
FACE OF THE TERRITORY.
As Salem has advanced in years and extended its
improvements, the appearances of nature have given
place to those of art. Though it lacks the varied
scenery of its ancient bounds, still it possesses inter-
esting features. While its main body lies nearly
level, its additional portions have their pleasant emi-
nences and valleys, with other original trails.
Hills. — Among these mute survivors of numerous
revolutions around them, the following may be num-
bered : Bellyhac, Lord's, Monument, Pickering, Pine,
Rail, Spring, Thistle and Timber. These are all
located in what was formerly the Great Pasture.
Lorcl^s, is so denominated from its ancient proprietor.
It overtops the rest. It furnished accommodation for
a house and garden of its owner. Long since its
habitation of social enjoyments fell in ruins, and its
fruitful field was covered with the wild herbage. The
228 BEACON AND CASTLE HILL. INDUN CASTLE.
height nearest to the turnpike, soon after entering on
this road, at the right as you go to Lynn, was called,
1749, Norman's rocks. Another, Brown's, is located
eastward of Marblehead road. Besides these, is
Legg's hill, near the upper bridge of Forest River.
It seeras to have been so denominated from John
Legg of Marblehead. It rises 119.4 feet above high-
water mark. It commands a fine view of Massachu-
setts bay and the adjacent country. — Beacon Hill,
1698, a place for signals, is -supposed by some to
have been the height of land on the neck. — Castle
HilL. This is so called on our records in 1636-7.
As well known, it forms a part of the Derby farm.
It was ancignily owned by Ei-asmus James, who
sold it to William Brown. This gentleman be-
queathed it, 1716, to his daughter, the wife of Judge
Lynde. For a long period, it had an elegant sum-
mer-house on its top. This building, 40 years ago.
was suffered to decay. Afterwards, it was repaired
and raised for the additional purpose of an obser-
vatory. In a few years it was blown down, and
its ruins cleared away. No vestige remains to tell
where once the admirers of nature assembled and
discoursed on the beauties of the landscape around
them. The eminence furnishes an interesting specu-
lation. Mourt, in 1621, visited the territory of the
Naumkeag chief. While here he saw an Indian fort,
apparently the one on Forrest River, and said of a
second, " About a mile hence, we came to such an-
other, but seated on the top of a hill. Here Nan-
epashemet was killed, none dwelling in it since the
time of his death." This remark probably applies
to Castle Hill, whose situation was favorable for pre-
SWAMPS. MARSHES. CREEKS. 229
venting a surprise from the hostile Tarren tines. The
early name of the height also denotes, that it was a
place of defence, which our first planters are not
known to have occupied for any such purpose. — Gal-
lows Hill. This spot is well known as located in
the vicinity of town bridge. It is associated with
sad remembrances. It is the site where the victims
of witchcraft delusion made their exit.
Swamps. — Of these, which have disappeared and
are gradually disappearing from our soil, we may num-
ber Ash, Blueberry, Cotton, Great, Long, Pine and
Round. The chief of them, as situated in our south-
west lands, is Great Swamp. This, 40 years ago,
contained 55 acres. It measured a half mile, nearly
N. and S. It used to be passed at Chip bridge, near
Lynn line, and empty into Forrest river. It was pur-
chased' by Judge Samuel Putnam in 1808, and cost
him from $20 to $25 an acre. He soon had it pre-
pared for grass. It has since proved very fertile for
hay and vegetables.
Marshes. — Among these, which have become much
diminished, the Planters' Marsh has long been noted.
It is crossed by the lower part of Bridge Street. Its
name was derived from several of our primitive set-
tlers, to whom it was assigned. It continues the
memorial of departed worth.
Creeks. — ^There were not many such places in the
original limits of Salem. Within its present bounds,
there was a principal one which has undergone much
change. Its course was from the South River, below
the mills, and up between Norman and High Streets.
It contained a place called Sweet's cove, being near
the house of John Sweet. In the first years of our
<230 GREAT CHANGES IN SOUTH CREEK.
settlement, it afforded accommodations for a principal
part of our commerce. When it was allowed to be
crossed by Mill Street Bridge, 1726, the subsequent
provision was made : " That the passage be 30 feet
wide, so that the proprietors of the lands above and
others, may not be stopped from bringing down or
carrying up any vessels or rafts, etc., that they may
have occasion for." The privilege of thus using the
creek continued for a long period. A century since,
boys would go in boats from its waters to a swamp
in Crombie Street, and collect eggs from black birds'
nests. After this, small vessels passed up to the
bottom of the middle of Norman Street. Britton's
hill, running from Summer Street, formerly had a
ship-yard, whence vessels were launched into the
creek. An Octogenarian vividly remembers a brig
of 150 tons, which was built on a margin of the
same waters. It has been a common tradition, that
the name, "Knocker's Hole," applied to High Street
and vicinity, arose from the noise of the ship-carpen-
ters at work on different parts of such premises.
Until 45 years ago, small craft went through the
draw and lay by the wharves above. You look now
and the whole creek is covered with earih. All
maritime indications have passed away.
Coves. — The ancient indentations of our shores
formed a considerable number of coves.^ Some of
them will be noticed. Great Cove, 1637, is in North
River, and now crossed by the Eastern Rail-road.
CoUins's has its entrance from Beverly harbor. It ex-
' When any particular year, in figures, follows these and succeeding
features in the face of our soil, it deuutes the dale whea their oames
vren found oo our towo records.
COVES. POINTS. STAGE SEQUESTERED. 231
■tends from Roache's Point to the Planters' Marsh,
near Essex Bridge, and includes the waters within
this line. Below the last is Rams-horn Cove, 1G90.
The causeway, which unites the Neck and Winter
Island, makes two such inlets. The outer is named
Abbot's and the inner, Cat Cove, 1G39, which had
been called Winter Harbor. Hardy's, 1677, or Jeg-
gles', on the South River, was noted as a location
for ship-building. More remain, much lessened, by
the intrusion of the shores, while others, known and
named by our fathers, have ceased to appear.
• Points. — Spooner's on the upper part, Orne's on
the north side, Horton's and Windmill on the south
side of North River. The last point was probably
where John Horn moved his windmill, 1639, after
having a lot granted him, 1637, for such a building
on or near the burial place. It had a mill on it of
this kind, for grinding corn, in 1771. There was
another Orne's point, which was taken for the south
end of North Bridge. Symonds' Point was opposite
to it, and was used for the other end of the same
bridge. Pignal's, 1739, and Bar Points on the N.,
Juniper on the N. E., and Point of Rocks, anciently
Woodbury's Point, on the S. of the Harbor Neck.
Butt's Point seems to have been about the lower part
of Turner's Lane. Long and Pickering Points in
South Field. Stage Point, 1640, in the same quar-
ter. It was owned by the Brown family. William
Brown was its possessor at the commencement of our
Revolutionary difficulties. He went to England and
such property was confiscated. The town purchased
it for a careening location and ordered it to be paid
for, 1781. They let it, 1788, for £7 per annum;
232 SCALE Of PRICES. NECKS. SPRINGS.
1797, for $30 ; 1802, for $35, and 1837, for $40. In
1803, the following prices for graving and sheathing
vessels on this point, were adopted :
OBATIIfO. tHZATHINO.
Under 50 tons 25 eta. a too. 10 eta. a too per day.
From 50 to 100 " 50 « " 15 " "
" 100 " 150 « 75 " « 20 " "
«« 150 '* 200 " $1 00 " '« 20 " "
•« 200 " 300 " 1 10 «* " 25 " "
" 300 " 400 " 1 25 " " 30 " "
Thus occupied, such estate was sold by our city au-
thorities, 1841, for $1,000.
Necks. — Aucient*ly the term neck, was applied to
the main body of Salem, as lying between its two
principal rivers. This has led to a mistake of some,
who have supposed that our earliest and chief settle-
ment was made on what is now commonly designated
the neck. The latter, on our eastern bounds, has
already been noticed. The "Great North," 1637, has
been assigned to Danvers. South, 1659, Darling's,
adjacent to Legg's Hill, Holmes's, between Claybrook
and Forrest River, are still with us. No doubt, many
an interesting incident connected with them, is buried
in oblivion.
Springs. — ^In the first occupation of the town, there
were various springs on the seaboard. But their natu-
ral situation has been so altered, as to become wells
or hidden by incumbent earth. Cold, Conconut, Fiat-
rock, Lord's, Monument, Split-rock and Spring-hill,
in what was formerly Great Pasture. Goodale's in
Northfield. These have long been the welcome re-
sorts of the young, released from school and uncou-
BROOKS. RUNS. PONDS. DUCK COY. 233
sciously contributing to their sound health, in pursuit
of berries and other wild productions.
Brooks. — Acorn, Clay, Cold Spring and Frost Fish,
1638, flow into South River. Spring Pond Brook
receives the name of But Brook, 1G39, as it crosses
the Boston road and empties into North River.
Runs. — Allister and Ash Swamp Runs, in the pas-
ture. It is thought that the former bears the name
of a propiietor long deceased and forgotten.
Ponds. — Coy, Deep, and Silver, near Legg's hill.
They are of the hollows in the same premises, which
are called Dungeons. This term has long been one
of mysterious speculation with boys, before they
adventured to examine thera. As to Coy and Deep
Ponds, we have the ensuing facts. General Court
passed the subsequent resolve, 1038. " Whereas
Emanuell Downing, Esq. hath brought over, at his
great charges, all things fitting for takeing wild foule
by way of Duck Coy, this Court, being desires to
encourage him and others in such designs, as tend to
publike good, do give him full liberty to place the
same Duck Coy in some convctnent place within the
bounds of Salem, as the towne can agree, and that it
shall not bee lawfull for any person to shoote in any
gunu within a halfe a mile of the pond, where such
Duck Coy shallbee placed, nor shall vse any other
meanes for disturbance of the Foule there," on pen-
alty of being fined, or, if such an offender be un-
known to the servants of Mr. Downing, who attend
at the Coy, " it shallbee lawfull for them to make
seisure of his peece and detaine the same till the
cause be heard and determined." It appears by a
21
234 RIVEKS. MASHABEQUASH OR FOREST RIVER.
record under the same date, which heads the fore-
going order, that Mr. Downing bought of John
Humphrey, two ponds and high ground about them,
sufficient to have the Duck Coy free of disturbance
from "plowmen, herdsmen, or any others passing
that way." He was allowed to enclose the ground,
if not more than 50 acres of upland. The two
ponds which he purchased, were Coy and Deep ponds.
The name of the former was evidently deyved from
the use to which it was so applied. The latter,
though of small compass, is about 28 feet in depth.
The origin of its name is evident. Silver Pond
is dry most of ^ the year. It may have been so
denominated from some legend of piratical plunder
hidden beneath its surface. Besides the preceding,
we have Long, 1639, or Spring Pond, in the S. W.
division of our township. It is not far from the
eastern side of the old Boston road. It measures
above CO acres and helps supply the city aqueduct.
The scenery around it is beautiful and romantic.
Though a part of South river, the water above the
mills on this stream, has been called Mill Pond. In
1795, it contained 56 acres. Its being divided by
the rail road, greatly changed its long continued
and pleasatit aspect.
Rivers. — Forest, 1639, between Salem and Mar-
blehead, was denominated Masliabcquash by the
Indians. In 1795, it measured 29 acres. Its English
title is likely to have been given from the abundant
woods with which it was formerly skirted.. North,
1637, was originally called Naumkeag, from the
aborigines who lived about it, and were, as a tribe,
so named themselves. Nathaniel Felton, who came
RIVER3 PASSED IN CANOES. 235
hither 1633, deposed in 1705, that this stream began
"at Bar point and so nining to the Ferry, is divided
into fine seiicrall brandies." South, 1G30, has, as a
cause of deep regret, lost the name, by which it was
known to Nanepashemet and his subjects. Tradition
relates, that the cove next above the mill bridge on
the left, and opposite Broad-field, was anciently a
common wintering place for vessels. Relative to the
two last streams. Wood notes them, 1G33, in his New
England Prospect. He mentioned the manner in
which our fathers passed them to and from their
farms in north and south fields. " There they crossc
these rivers with small Cannowes, which are made of
whole pine trees, being about two foot and a half
ouer, and 20 foot long." He adds, " In these like-
wise they goe a fowling, sometimes two leagues to
sea. There be more cannowes in this town than in
all the whole Patent. Every houshould having a
water house or two." With respect to such river
vehicles, there was an order issued, 1G3G, by the
Quarterly Court. It runs as follows : " It was agreed,
that all the canooes of the North syde of the Towne,
shalbe brought the next 2*^ day, being the 4"* of 5"*
mo. about 9 o'clock, A. M., imto the cove of the
kommon landing place of the North River by Georgo
Harris his house. And that all the canooes of the
south syde, are to be brought before the port house
in the South River, att the same tyme, then and
there to be viewed by J. Halgrave, P. Palfrey, R.
Waterman, R. Conant, P. Veren, or the greater num-
ber of them. And that there shallbe noe canooe
used, upon penalty of 40/. to the owner thereof, than
such, as the surveiors shall allowe of and sett their
236 LOTTERY. HOCKS. ISLANDS.
mark upon, and if any shall refuso or neglect to
bring their canooes to the said places att the tyme
appointed, they shall pay for said faulte 10/." The
price of a good canoe with two paddles was £3.
But bridges succeeded canoes, as a better method to
cross our waters. The town voted, 1789, that the
legislature be asked for a Lottery to pay the cost of
clearing out the North and South Rivers. It was not
granted. It was one of like applications, long made
from different quarters, till reform of the right sort
gave them a check.
Passing from our inland streams, we come to
objects of remark in our sea-board waters. Among
the spots perilous for the approaching and tempest
beaten mariners, are Johnson's Haste, 1G97, Black
and Grey Rocks, within, and Halfway Rock, without
Baker's Island.
Islands. — It is likely, that an injunction of our
Assistant Court, 1631, that all Islands within tho
limits of our Commonwealth, should be public pro-
perty, was a precaution to quiet various conflicting
claims about such territory. Our legislative authori-
ties seem not to have noticed the smaller Islands.
These, in our own bounds, first call for attention.
Gegles is above the harbor, near Forest River Mills.
There is scarce a doubt, but that Jeggles is its proper
orthography. Another, named Jeggles, was situated
in the South River, lying " before the door of Joseph
Hardy, Sen." It was granted, 1684, to Thomas
Gardner. It was allowed by the town, 172G-7, to
become the foundation of the present Union Wharf.
Winter Island has been particularly noticed. Couey,
in 1795, measured HO poles. It was sold to Capt,
INCOME FROM THE ISLANDS. 237
I
Stephen Sewall, 1G93-4, for £6, with a reserve to
the town for ballast stones, below high water mark.
Eagle, of 100 poles, has a productive soil. Whether
so denominated from one of the Company's large
ships, or from its being a resort for '' the king of
birds," is not known. Ram, of 115 poles, is covered
with a wild growth, and is crossed by the line be-
tween Lynn and Salem. Tinker, of two acres and
seven-eighths, has some good ground. Repeated
motions have been made to sell these two spots, but
ineffectually. They let together, 1775, for 48/. a
year, and, 1797, for $4 50, and in general since,
for $6 a year. Not aware that Salem claimed Tinker
Island, John Prince, of Marblehead, planted trees
there, 1806, for land marks. The former town, in
connection with the latter, petitioned the legislature,
1822, to grant the United States jurisdiction over two
acres on the S. W. part of the same Island, and also,
over Cut Island and Marblehead Rock, to preserve
similar guides for seamen. Our legislative acts show
no decision on this subject. The Gooseberries, are
high rocks with little earth on their summits. One is
designated as the Eastern, another the Western, and
the last as Pope's Head. However sterile as to vege-
tation, they afford large supplies of ballast stones.
On this account, they have yielded greater rents than
any Islands which have belonged to Salem. In 1832,
they brought $32 a year ; 1836-7, $82 50 ; 1837-8,
$175 ; 1838-9, $212 50; 1839-40, $250 ; next year
the same ; 1841-2, $125 ; 1842-3, $135. The town
voted, 1768, to sell the N. W. Gooseberry, with
Eagle, Tinker, and Ram Islands. It was well, for
21*
238 COTTA GRANTED TO GOV. ENDICOTT.
their subsequent profit, that their purpose did not
succeed. All of the various isles, dotting their mari-
time waters, which still remain as their property, are
the Gooseberries, Ram, and TiuJcer. Let us now
survey the larger Islands. Cat contains over 9 acres,
and has springs at its S. E. termination. It was.
granted, 1655, by General Court, to Gov. Eiidicott
and his heirs. It was bequeathed, 1684, by Z. En-
dicott to his daughters, under the designation of
Cotta. This was its proper name, which was after-
wards contracted to its present form. Proprietors
of Marblehead erected a hospital here, for innocu-
lating with the small pox, which was burnt, 1774, bjr
a mob. This outrage led to other threatening dis-
turbances. House, is so denominated from a rock on
it, like a building. It measures 5 acres, and is a half
mile eastward of the Miseries. These two, and
Baker's, of the remaining Islands, are the principal
ones. There can be little doubt, but that they were
improved, more or less, while in the hands of the
Colony. Salem appears to have had the direction of
them. They instruct the selectmen, 1658-9, to
ascertain if payment had been made for Moulton's
Misery. This was so named from a disastrous ship-
wreck. In October of the same year, several of our
townsmen petitioned General Court for leave to plant
corn on it, where they had already set up a fishing
stage. Their request was not allowed. At the first
session of the legislature in 1660, Salem applied to
them for a grant of the three Islands. Part of their
application ran thus : " Whereas ther are certayne
Hands neare our towne, comonly knowen by the
names of the Miserys and Baker's Band, fit for fish-
ISLANDS GRANTED TO SALEM. 239
inge imploymenls, a great part of our imployment,
our humble request to this honored Court is, tliat they
would be pleased to grant the propriety of those Hands
to y" towne of Salem, and you shall further ingage
your pettioners to be thankfull to you, desiringe
Almighty God to inable you with his presence and
blessinge in all your waighty occasions." An alfirma-
tive answer was delayed till the next session. This
was thus recorded : " Vpon a motion made in the
behalfe of the inhabitants of Salem, this Court
judgeth it meete to graunt to them certaine Islands,
knowne by the name of the Miseries and Baker's
Island, lying in the mouth of theire harbor, provided,
that it shall be lawfull for any fishermen to make vse
of them in making fish, and whatever conduceth
thereto, as building houses, stages, etc. as also wood
and flaking in all fishing seasons." Here we have
another instance of provision, made for the fishery,
as ordered by the Charter. As to the Miseries, the
Great one contains almost 64 acres, and the Little
between 3 and 4. They are united by a bar, which,
at half tide, is above water. John Lambert and
others petitioned the town, IG62-3, that they might
plant there, in the course of their fishing season.
The request was negatived. Thomas Tyler of Mar-
tha's Vineyard, son of Masconomet, the Ipswich
Sagamore, sold his claim on these Islands, 1673-4, to
Bartholomew Gale. Salem, who, of course, dis-
countenanced such a sale, leased the same property,
1678, to George Curwin, for 1,000 years and 1 day,
at £3 a year. This sum was appropriated for the
grammar school master. A condition of the lease
was, that the paving stones and other ballast on the
240 MISERIES LEASED AND SOLD.
shores, should be kept for our inhabitants, and that
they should have the refusal of the wood and timber.
In 1731, Benjamin Marston, into whose possession
the lease had come, agreed to purchase the town's
fee in such Islands, as he and their committee should
agree. The reservation about the ballast, below hiijh
water mark, was continued. TI.e contract was made,
but the price not found on our records. Mr. Marston,
at his decease, 1754, left part of the income from the
Islands, to a proposed Society in New England for
Propagating the Gospel among Indians. But, in a
few years afterwards, the King refused, from political
motives, to sanction the act for this association. In
1770, the Miseries were offered for sale by Benjamin
Marston of 'Marblehead. Then they had a good
dwelling house and barn, a well, and a pond, useful
for watering the land. They were divided into six
parts by strong stone wall. These Islands have been
some cultivated, but their principal use has been for
the pasturage of sheep. They have passed through
various hands, and have been the source of more
benefit than their name indicates. Relative to Baker's
Island, it was so denominated as early as 1630. Its
measurement is 55 acres, and its distance from Win-
ter Island, about 4 miles. In compliance with a
petition from the selectmen, it was granted, 1660, to
Salem, under the restrictions on which the Miseries
were at the same date. Still covered with the primi-
tive forest, complaints were repeatedly made, that its
woods suffered from depredators. As a check to such
trespass, our municipal authorities issued, 1670, the
ensuing order. " Francis C. llinse haue liberty to fell
20 trees for to build his son, John Brown, a house, and
BAKER'S ISLAND LEASED AND SOLD. 241
himself a house, vpon Baker's Hand, and ther to take
what he wanteth, and is apoynted to take care, that not
any cutt timber or wood without leave of Selectmen."
Tiie same evil continued, 1G73, when a committee was
empowered to have wood, illegally cut down there and
on Moulton's Misery, brought away, and to use suita-
ble means to prevent similar intrusion. So perplexed,
the town thought best to lease Baker's Island to John
Turner, as they did the Miseries to George Curwin.
This took place 1678. The conditions, as to pay-
ment, time, and reservation, being the same in both
cases. A son of the first lessee, purchased, 1731, the
fee of Salem in the premises, thus let to him. For
this right, and also for that in the Miseries, John,
Turner and Benjamin Marston, offered £ 100, which
was not accepted, and the price was left to further
consideration. In 1759, a son of the former gentle-
man, held, as tenant, three-fourths, and Timothy
Fuller of Middleton, one-fourth of the Island. A
question then existed between them whether the last
put on more cattle than he ought. It was laid
before the legislature. After beiug long appropriated
for pasturage, the Island was selected, 1797, as tho
location for a Lighthouse. The two lights of so
needful an edifice, were first shown January 3, 1798.
Thus applied to benefit the mariner and the herdsman,
the soil presents an aspect very different from what it
did when our ancestors first descried it and sailed by
its shore to reach the wilds of Naumkeag.
Harbors. — Of these. Wood remarked in 1633 : Sa-
lem "hath two good Harbours, tho one being called
Winter and the other Summer Harbour,' which lyeth
within Darbies Fort." The former, as previously
242 HARBORS. WOOD'S ACCOUNT OF SOIL.
Stated, is what has long been called Cat Cove. With
reference to the complicated access to the latter and
other havens, the elder Pligginson observed ; " They
are the better, because for strangers there is a verie
diiJScult and dangerous passage into them, but unto
such as are well acquainted with them, they are easie
and safe enough." Had our chief harbor proved
suitably commodious for modern vessels of the largest
burthen, as our primitive settlers strongly desired, it
would have converted their beloved plantation into
an emporium.
SOIL.
We have a passage, in the New England Prospect,
of more than two centuries old, which gives us the
subs^etjuent description : Salem "stands on the middle
necke of laud very pleasantly, having a South river on
the one side and a North river on the other side. Upon
this neck, where most of the houses stand, is very bad
and sande ground. Yet, for seaven yeares together,
it hath brought forth exceeding good corne, by being
fished but every third yeare. In some places is very
good ground and very good timber, and divers springs
hard by the sea-side. Although their land be none
of the best, yet beyond these rivers is a very good
soyle, where they have taken farmes and get their
hay and plant their corne." Though this descrip-
tion accords not with scientific terms, yet it gave a
correct account of our territory. A large portion of
our unsettled land on the south and west, is of rocky
ridges. Such of these, as have not come under the
hand of cultivation, are mostly unproductive. The
vallies between them are capable of being made fer-
PLOUGHING. GEOLOGY. 243
tile. As to the means of reviving exhausted soil by
fish, as above mentioned, it was a common practice
in all our plantations. Captain John Smith made the
ensuing remark : " In Virginia they never manure
their overworn fields, which are very few, the ground,
for the most part, is so fertile ; but in New England
they do, striking at every plant of corn a herring or
two, which cometh in that season in such abundance,
they may take more than they know what to do
with." After fish became scarce, through abundance
taken for food of the inhabitants and for exportation
to foreign ports, the supplies of the barn-yard and of
the sea-shore, were of course more depended on to
strengthen our lands. Relative to the breaking up of
our fields, such employment seems not to have been
generally understood by our land-holders. The fol-
lowing vote of our townsmen, 1637, bears upon the
opinion. It was agreed, that if Richard Hutchin-
son " set up ploughing," he should have 20 acres of
land added, within two years, to his previous grant.
Graliam observes, that there were but thirty-seven
ploughs at this time in all Massachusetts. As John
Blackleach, 1638-9, had " not sufficient ground to
mayutaine a plough," on his farm of 300 acres, " the
towne for the furthering of his endeavours in plowing
and for his incouradgement therein," allow him more
land.
With reference to the geological properties of our
bounds, they are of several sorts. Our western sec-
tion is mostly of greenstone, with some bowlders of
granite. Our eastern is chiefly of sienite, with some
porphyry between Lynn and Marblehead. Prolessor
Hitchcock, in his Geology of Massachusetts, a work
244 GEOLOGY.
which will long direct the memory to the period of
its being patronized by our legislative authorities, as
an Augustan age of our Commonwealth, describes
two noticeable localities within our limits. He says,
" It is in Essex county that we find the most abun-
dant and remarkable examples of dikes and veins."
He then instances Johnson's Haste : " The island is
only a few rods in extent, and is a naked rock of
sicnite, which is traversed by several distinct veins
and dikes of granite and greenstone. Over a con-
siderable part of the surface, it seems as if the green-
stone, in fragments, had been thrown into the sienitc
"while in a soft state, aiid then the whole had been
consolidated. We have, at this place, rocks of at
least five, and perhaps more epochs." He then speaks
of the other place : " By far the most remarkable
case of dikes and veins that I have found, occurs in
the north part of Salem, on the left hand of the
bridge that passes to Beverly, and only a few rods
west of it." He proceeds to specify the varieties of
■which the rock is composed, as greenstone, reddish
granite and feldspar. He continues, " The whole
space represented is 36 by 27 feet, and the lower part
of it is covered by the ocean at high tide, and the '
upper part by soil. I have spent a good deal of time
in examining this complicated and very interesting
net work of veins and dikes ; and I cannot see why
•we have not evidence here of the extraordincury fact —
unique so far as I know-— of eleven successive erup-
tions of granite and trap rock."
CORN. PRICES. 245
PRODUCTIONS.
These, of the animal and vegetable kifids, have
been raised in various quantities, according to the
extent of our soil and the pursuits of our population.
We shall speak of them mostly in familiar language.
Grain. — When our ancestors first reached these
shores, they discovered corn cultivated by the natives,
and hence they called it Indian Corn. They had a
field of it in common with the Naumkeags. They
correctly appreciated it as among the principal com-
mendations and supports of the settlement. In a
letter of 1631, from Gov. Endicott to Gov. Winthrop,
we have the ensuing passage ; " I thought further to
write what my judgment is for the dismissing of the
Court till com be set. It will hinder us that are afar
oflf exceedingly, and not further you there. Men's
labour is precious here in corn setting time, the Plan-
tation being yet so weak." To prevent the scarcity
of such grain, the magistrates order, that no person
should feed his swine on it, except such as is exam-
ined by two or three of his neighbors and by them
accounted " unfit for man's meat." Its price, 1634,
was 4/6 a bushel; 1636, 5/; and fell to 2/6 before
1643. At the date last mentioned, corn became so
scarce, that, as Winthrop relates, " Many families, in
most towns, had ftone to eat, but were forced to live
of clams, cataos, dry fish, etc." Then, as in all such
emergencies, human selfishness was on the alert for
gain, and benevolence cast into the back ground.
From 1642 to 1694, corn generally averaged from 2/3
to 3/. a bushel. In that period its highest valuation
22
246 SQUIRRELS DESTROY CORN. GRAIN.
for colony taxes was 3/6 and lowest 1/2. Before
the farms, so called, became a part of Danvers, they
furnished liberal supplies of so valuable an article.
There and in other divisions of our township, it has
suffered occasionally while on the stock, from different
animals. An instance of this sort is told, 1711, in a
diary of the Rev. Mr. Green : " Killed grey squirrels
that devour the corn exceedingly. They have eaten
one quarter of my corn. It is said there are millions
of them in this village." Of other enemies, with
which such productions have had to contend at vari-
ous periods, there are divers accounts. Gov. Win-
throp remarked, July, 1646 : " Great harm was done
to corn, especially wheat and barley, in this month,
by a caterpillar, like a black worm about one and a
half inch long." So it was 1666 and 1685. In
1770, canker-worms, having spread through a large
section of New England, appeared in July at Salem.
To prevent their ravages, some of our farmers dug
trenches round their corn-fields. With regard to bar-
ley, rye and wheat, it is very likely that Mr. Conant
and his associates endeavored to raise them on our
soil. Such an experiment had been successfully
made, before 1629, at Plymouth colony. At this
date, fresh seed of such articles was imported to
Naumkeag from London. Then they were denomi-
nated, by our emigrants, English corn — a phrase used
to the present day, in Great Britain, to the exclusion
of maize. The statement of Johnson, 1633, that " a
small gleane of rye was brought to the Court, as the
first fruits of English graine," seems to indicate that
previous efforts to cultivate such grain were unsuc-
cessful. But this indication is not sustained by facts.
CARGO OF WPIEAT— STAPLE. 247
At the same period, Wood says, that however "no
great tryall " had been made to raise wheat, still it
was found to " grow well in gardens." In 1630, the
Planters' Plea, having spoken highly of our corn, says,
" If wee like not that, wo may make use of our owne
Graines, (in Massachusetts,) which agree well with
that soyle." The General Court order, 1641, that a
deputy from Salem and other towns, inform Captain
Gibbons how much wheat may be ready the follow-
ing March, as an adventure for England, and to be
exchanged there for needed commodities. In con-
nection with this, the same authorities remark, tliat
wheat is likely to become a staple commodity of
Massachusetts. That the intended ship-load of it
might not fall short, they forbid all persons to malt it
and to have its flour baked for sale, except for the
use of vessels. For taxes, at. the colonial treasiuy,
1642, wheat and barley passed at 4/., rye and peas at
3/4 a bushel. As our ancestors drank beer instead of
other beverages common since their day, they thus
used no small quantities of barley. Peas were classed
by them under the general term of com. One of our
early residents described beans as well as wheat, un-
der the head of grain. Both peas and beans, being
indigenous, were raised by our first settlers. As these
made considerable use of oat-meal, it is likely that
they began to cultivate oats not long after their arri-
val. Among the productions, paid for public rates,
1680, were oats at 1/8 a bushel. Concerning this
sort of grain, and rye and wheat, as being injured
by barberry bushes, Salem, 1747, issue an order, that
these shrubs should be destroyed. An act of our
248 HAT. HAT SCALES.
Legislature was passed, 1758, for a like purpose.
While narrating the manner in which the proscribed
plants did the work of desolation, it uses terms hardly
consonant with those of botanical science in the pres-
ent age. It says, " By the steam's flying off from
them, they are found by experience to blast." From
1642 to 1694, wheat was generally from 4/. to 6/. ; as
low as 2/9 one year ; barley from 4/. to 5/G — its least
price 2/6 ; rye, 3/4 to 5/. — Kjnce 2/. ; peas 3/4. to 5/. —
lowest estimation 3/. a bushel. On the province and
state valuations, the subsequent returns of grain, as
raised by this town, are given. No doubt, peas and
beans are excluded from the account, however our
fathers may have classed them. 1768, 3,113 bushels
of grain ; 1771, '1,820 bushels. The number of bush-
els is not given in the three next returns; but they
may be calculated more or less correctly. In 1771,
there were 86i acres of tillage. ' Give this in subse-
quent years as the ratio to 1,820 bushels, and we have
not far firom the fact. In 1779, we had 500 acres of
tillage; 1781, 299, and 1791,323 acres. In 1801,
we had 9,020 bushels of corn ; 1811, 6,735 bushels;
1821, 1,450; 1831, 7,035, and 1840, 1,940 bushels.
In 1821, we had 215 bushels of barley. By a return
to Congress, 1840, Salem raised in a year, 530 bush-
els of barley, 100 of oats, 80 of rye, and 2,600 of
buckwheat.
Hay. — On coming hither, our settlers found abun-
ance of grass to cut and dry. They soon introduced
the English grasses from their "father land." As
their limits were restricted, their crops of such fodder
were consequently less. In 1747, Joseph Buffum
SCARCITY OF HAY. ITS QUANTITY. 049
was allowed by our municipal authorities, to ''erect
an engine for weighing hay," according to rules from
the selectmen. The diary of Doctor Holyoke in-
forms us, that in 1749, the crop of this product was
less than usual by 9-lOths through the province, and,
1762, that it was very scarce and was sold for $20 a
ton. The inhabitants here voted, 17G8, to have hay
scales built near the first alms-house, and the income
of them for town use. The charge for weighing
such an article, 1772, was ^'^ a cwt. for loads of above
8 cwt., and 4'' for each load of a less quantity. John
Elson, at the same date, was allowed all fees from
the public scales by paying £3 6* 8*^ a year for them.
Having been moved twice to locations westward of
the present grammar school, they were exchanged
1826, for patent balances. These were discontinued
there 1831. At this date a new place for weighing
hay was appointed on Forrester road, which, to ac-
commodate the new court-house, was supplied, 1841,
by another, on the same way, at the side of Howard
street burial ground. A vote passed, 1789, to have
hay scales made near the work-house, by the com-
mon. They were finished and let for a yearly rent
of £13 19' ; in 1797, for $30, and 1799, for $102,
and afterwards for a higher price. They were or-
dered, 1826, to be united with those of Broad Street.
The one, so composed of two, has yielded an annual
average profit of $91, for the last eight years. For
the financial year just closed, it has cleared $177 09.
Amount of hay weighed at the city scales is as fol-
lows: From 1839 to 1840, 165 tons; 1840 to 1841,
1,640 tons J 1841 to 1842, 1,330 tons ; 1842 to 1843,
22*
250 VEGETABLES. :
1,502 tons. In the province aod state valuation lists,
we have the following returns as to this commodity,
raised in Salem :
1768, English, . 3d5| tona, Meadovr, . 10 Salt, . 60^
mi, «• 518i " " 3 " 51
The two ensuing decades give us only the acres :
1781, Eoglish and upland, 434 Meadow, 37 Salt, 123
1791, '• " 192i " 8 •• 44
The remaining decades show the tons of hay:
1801, English, . 2\fih tons, Meadow, . 00 Salt. . IB
1811, «« 7751 " '« 5 " 35i
1821, " 559 " " 4 " 4G
1831, " 877 " «« 17 •' 70
1841, •• 1,007 " •* 17 " 59
It is observable, from the preceding and other data,
that while an acre of English mowing ground, before
1811, yielded but little above a half ton of hay, then
and since it has averaged over a whole ton. This
shows a hopeful advance in one department of agri-
culture. Though the meadow lands occasionally ex-
ceed the marsh in crops, yet both of them have gen-
erally yielded from a half to a ton per acre.
Garden Vegctables.-^Besides beans and peas, men-
tioned under grain, our ancestors had nearly all the
same kinds of vegetables which we have. Mr. Hig-
ginson wrote, 1629 : " This country aboundeth natu-
rally with store of roots of great varietie and good to
eat. Our turnips, parsnips and carrots are here both
bigger and sweeter than is ordinary to be found in
England. Here are store of pumpions, cowcumbers
POTATOES— RAISED IN LONDONDERRY. 251
and other things of that nature." He adds to these
leeks and onions. Some species of the squash were
natural to the soil. Whatever culinary commodities
were not found hrre by the emigrants, or if found,
were degenerated, were soon supplied or improved by
imported seed. As among their common sauce, Jos-
selyn, on his second visit to New England, 1663,
spoke of asparagus, beets, cabbages, lettuce and rad-
ishes. That the cultivation of all such things might
be properly and profitably understood, Mr. Cradock,
as before stated, had sent two gardeners for this place,
ere the foregoing extract was written. The company
ordered, 1629, that potatoes should be transported to
our plantation for the purpose of being cultivated. It
is very likely that this was done. In 1636, Bermuda
potatoes sold in our colony for 2"^ a pound. Whether
our fathers cultivated such a vegetable at first or not,
they seemed to prefer turnips, that were long used
with all the freeness with which we now use pota-
toes. Such preference began to give way about 1733,
in this vicinity. From that period, potatoes, deserv-
edly called by Donaldson, ** the bread-root of Great
Britain and Ireland," became increasingly popular,
till many families would almost as soon do without
meat for dinner as without them. It has been re-
peatedly stated, that the Irish, who descended from
Scotch Presbyterian's, and settled Londonderry, 1719,
were followed by their friends before 1722, and that
these last introduced the potatoe, " till then unknown
in. New England." This statement does not entirely
agree with the preceding remarks. Nor does it fully
harmonize with the fact, that potatoes were first car-
ried from this country to Ireland, £md there cultivated
252 FLAX AND HEMP.
by order of Sir Walter Raleigh. It is not unlikely
that such a vegetable was known to the Naumkeags
and to our primitive settlers, who declined to raise it
abundantly, because another was more acceptable to
their taste. A report to Congress of 1840, makes an
annual produce of potatoes in Salem, 11,200 bushels.
It also gives the value of a year's produce by our
market gardeners, at $400. Among the modern in-
troductions of agriculture to our fields, we have the
Swedish turnip.
• Flax and Hemp. — Besides hop-roots, ordered by
the company for this plantation, 1629, was the addi-
tion of flax and hemp seed. The Planters' Plea ob-
serves, the soil " being naturally apt for hempe and
flax, may promise us linen sufficient with our labor."
The authocitics of Salem allowed Samuel Cornhill,
1641, an acre of land for the cultivation of the for-
mer. The same year our' Legislature required mas-
ters to instruct their children and servants to work on
wild hemp, " growing all over the country." As
evidence of continued interest about these products,
our townsmen were warned, 1645-6, to assemble and
consider the subject of sowing hemp and flax seed.
To encourage the raising of such articles, the Legis-
lature, 1731, oflfered liberal premiums for five years.
This was renewed. Among our municipal oflicers
of 1735, were surveyors of the same commodities.
These were so generally cultivated in our province,
that they were taken at the public treasury for taxes,
1737 — flax at 6'* and hemp at 4'* a pound. This was
done for sieveral years. Messrs. Joseph Blaney and
Samuel Barton, Jr., in a letter from Salem, dated
January, 1765, to Edmund Q,uincy, Esq., state their
FRUITS. DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN GRAPES. 253
experiment in raising hemp. They say, that each of
the ten acres of land, planted by them for this pur-
pose the preceding Spring, yielded from 7 to 10 cwt.
They remark, that such a plant was as easily culti-
vated as flax, and might be very profitable. They
express their wonder that it is no more extensively
produced.
Fruits. — Of these Mr. Higginson related, 1629,
"Mulberries, plums, raspberries, corrance, chesrnits,
filberds, wa'niits, smalnuts, hnrtleberries, and hawes
of white thorne neere as good as our cherries in Eng-
land, they grow in plentie here." He before spoke
of wild strawberries as abundant in the plantation.
Among other indigenous fruits were black, blue, crane,
goose and thimble berries, and the oil nut. About
1663, Indians sold chesnuts for 1* a bushel. Mea-
sures were taken in London, 1629, to supply our
colonists with stones of the cherry and peach, and
with seeds of the apple, pear and quince. In 1648-9,
William Trask exchanged 250 acres of land with
Governor Endicott, for 500 apple trees of three years
growth. In the valuations of Salem, were the fol-
lowing barrels of cider returned, with the year pre-
fixed: 1768, 140 barrels; 1771,39; 1791,9; 1811,
32, and 1821, 31. A statement of the judicial mar-
shal, 1840, sets the value of our orchard products for
a year, at $1,730. Respecting grapes, as the descrip-
tion of Mr. Higginson states, they were plentiful and
much was expected from them. It was supposed
that they would furnish wines for the European mar-
ket. Means were used to raise the foreign grape here.
Mr. Herbert Pelham, 1635, sent over diflerent species
of vines to Governor Wiuthrop ; but the coldness of
254 REGULATIONS FOR CUTTING TREES.
our soil appears to have discouraged the long cul-
tivation of them, though within twenty years, parts
of the same territory have been successfully applied,
to a considerable degree, for such a purpose. The
unprofitableness of our native grapes put an end to
the vineyards in which they were planted.
Trees. — The account of Mr. Higginson, 1G29, re-
marks : " For wood there is no better in the worlde,
I thinke, here being foure sorts of oke. There is
also good ash, elrae, willow, birch, beech, saxafras,
juniper, cipres, cedar, spruce, pines and firre, that will
yield abundance of turpentine, pitch, tarre, masts,
and other materials for building both ships and houses.
Also here are store of sumacke trees. They are good
for dying and tanning of leather. Likewise such
trees yeeld a precious gem called wine benjamin, that
they say is excellent for perfumes." The list, here
quoted, may be enlarged by other trees, natural to
our soil, as the aspin, bass, locust and maple, with
such as bear fruits, specified under the last head.
However the forests, composed of the preceding
varieties, once spread over our territory, they have
scarcely a remnant here and there. Our garden fruit
trees are of foreign origin. With regard to our orna-
mental trees, they were chiefly of the elm, mulberry,
pine, spruce and willow till nearly a half century ago.
Then came the Lombardy poplar, which was in great
vogue, till suspected of breeding a poisonous asp.
This with its liability to speedy decay and its injury
to the soil around it, proved its rejection in less than
twenty years. Like descending fame, its degradation
was speedier than its elevation. Weeping willows,
regaining their former favor, horse-chesnut and moun-
SHIP TIMBER. 255
tain ash succeeded the poplar. About ten years since
the cataipa was introduced.
While the forest was gradually diminished in our
borders, frequent rules were adopted by our townsmen
for its regulation. In 1635-6, " Whosoever hath or
shall cutt any trees and leave them in the paths about
the towne to the disturbance of carts, catle or pas-
sengers, not being removed within fiftene dayes,
shall forfeit 5/. for each such offence. Informers,
with evidence, to haue halfe of the fynes." After
several months an additional order was made. It was
voted that if any tree remained in the way, when cut
down on the town commons, for one month, any
person might take it " to his owne proper vse." It
was ordered, 1640, " That such as have timber trees
within twoe miles of the towne of Salem, and any
timber trees within one mile of Marblehead, that are
fitt for shippinge, that such as haue felled them, shall
be paid for theer labour, either for theer felling, which
is done already, or for sawinge, if they will bestow
that labor vppon them for plank for shippinge, to be
paid by such ship carpenters, as are willing to imploy
them for that vse. And that none shall cleaue such
trees vp to clapboards or pipe staues. And if the ship
carpenters shall refuse the said plank, so sawed, at the
rate of the Countrie, then it shall be lawfull for them
to sell rhem to any other." Thus careful, that our
forest trees, fit for the erection of vessels, should not
be employed for less^appreciated purposes, our fathers
again endeavored, 1642, to arrest an increasing prac-
tice of cutting them down, on our commons, without
proper liberty. Their injunction ran thus : " There
shall noG more trees be felled by any man within the
256 FUEL. LUMBER.
lytnits of Salem, vnless it be in men's proprietyes,
vppon the payne of 20/. for everie such tree felled by
any man, whither inhabitant or stranger, and that this
order be presently published and notice given to such
as sett them on work, provided, that this order extend
not to any that shall fell any tymber for his owne
building, or fencing, or building of ships here, within
the lyraitsof our towne, without spetiall lycence from
a magistrate." Admonitions of this sort came long
and often from the lips of our authorities. Then, as
ever, conscience was generally far less scrupulous
about public injury, than private detriment. The
temptation which so tried it, has passed away. With
the preceding interdicts, came some permissions.
Leave was given, 1670, to cut fire wood "lying
deepa vppotf the ground in swamps." The same
year, William Lord was appointed " corder of wood,"
and to have 3* a cord, paid by the purchaser. The
period has long since gone by when our own soil
furnished us with abundant fuel. The diary of Dr.
Holyoke informs us, that in February of 1757, it
being very cold with much snow, wood was sold here
for £4 to £4 15' per cord. The only specific returns
of our wood land to General Court, as found on their
documents, were 70 acres in 1811, and 14 in 1S21.
Our dependence for fire materials, is on other places.
Besides abundance of coal, the wood and bark brought
to Salem market from adjacent towns, were 1,860
cords from 1838 to 9 ; 1,792.^—1839 to 40 ; 1,8 19^
—1840 to 1; 1,540^—1841 to 2 ; 1,460—1842 to 3.
This is but a small proportion of what is annually
imported into our city from more distant fjarts, chiefly
from Maine. The judicial marshal of our Commbn-
JOSSELYN'S ACCOUNT OF PLANTS. 057
wealth, in 1840, estimated that 30,000 cords were
sold in Salem during a year. In lieu of exporting
lumber and timber from our own limits, we have long
had it brought to us, principally from the last men-
tioned State. The following quantities, which came
by water, were landed here and surveyed : 1840 to
1841—538 10-40 tons of hewed timber; 4,102,686
feet of pine, spruce, and hemlock lumber and timber;
45,983 feet of hard wood lumber, board measure, and
6,696 feet of scab, ranging timber. 1841 to 1842 —
577 3-40 tons of the first among these articles ;
4,090,081 feet of the second ; 82,970 feet of hard
wood and mahogany timber, board measure. 1842
to 1843—709 38-40 of the first ; 5,611,869 of the
second, and 37,506 of the third, except mahogany,
with the addition of lumber, in the last year.
Before leaving the productions of a vegetable kind,
it is thought advisable to give a general outline of
the plants, not previously enumerated and anciently
known as the growth of our soil. In his Rarities of
New. England, Mr. Josselyn described the plants
which were natives of our territory and still common
in Old England. The following is a list of this class
in his own orthography. Alder's tongue, (probably
adder's,) autumn bell flower, alexanders, angelica,
arsmart, avens, brakes, catmint, chickweed, cinkfoil,
clivers, clotbur, columbines, catstail, daflfodill yellow,
dewgrass, dogstones, dovesfoot, dragons, earth nut,
egrimony, fearn, flower de luce blue, fuss balls, glass-
wort, hedghog grass, hellibore white, herb Robert,
knobby cranes bill, lilly convalie, lilly red, lilly water,
liverwort, matweed, mouse ear, oak of Capadocia,
23
258 ANCIENT BOTANY.
oak of Hierusalem, pellamount, penniroyal, pimpernel,
purcelane, rosepennywort, rupterwort, St. Johnswort,
St. Peterswort, sea plantane. of three species, small
water archer, Solomon's seal, of three species, sorrel,
speedwell, spurge lawrel, spurge lime, stitchwort,
tormentile, violets, of three species, watercresses, wild
mint, woodbine, woodwax, and yarrow. Tiie same
author gives an account of plants which grew here
and not in England. Briony, or rather scammony,
hollow leaved lavender, Homer's molley, live forever,
loosestrife, maiden hair, marygold, mountain lillie,
mustard. New England daysie, pirola, of two species,
pooke, sarsaparilla, of two varieties, sea tears, solar
plant, sweet fern, sweet flag, true love, tree primrose,
and wild damask roses. Mr. Josselyn then described
several of our native plants, as having no name. Of
such were the noli me taugere, skunk cabbage, small
sun flower, and snake head. He also gave a list of
plants, having " sprung up since the English planted
and kept cattle in New England." Some of this
order are previously mentioned. Black henbane,
blood root, cheekweed, clotbur, compherie, couch-
grass, dandelion, groundsel, knot grass, mallows,
mayweed, mullen, nettles stinging, night shade, pa-
tience, plaintaia, " which the Indians call English
man's foot, as though produced by their treading,"
sharp pointed dock, shepherd's purse, sow thistle,
wild arrach, and wormwood. As his final head on
this topic, the same author narrated the plants .of
England which grew well in our territory. Of this
class are the following. Annis, bayes, burnet, cherval,
coriander, dill, English roses, enula campana, fennel,
fetherfew, gilly flowers, ground ivy, holly hocks,
VARIETIES OF FLOWERS AND FRUITS. 259
hous leek, rauschata, musk raellon, parsley, pepper-
•wort, purslain, sage, smalledge, spearmint, summer
and winter savory, sweet briar or eglantine, tcmsie,
and white satten. As our pasture lands have come
under cultivation, so, of course, accommodations for
our wild plants have diminished. The period will
soon elapse, when the quantity and number of them
must be less than even now. The most of those
which find no protection in our gardens, will, ere
long, cease to appear within our boundaries. It is
readily perceived, that the foregoing arrangement and
expression of Mr. Josselyn, differ considerably from
Ithe mode of modern botanists. Still it contains the
substance of knowledge, which is always science,
though less regularly presented than subsequent ex-
perience would dictate. It aflfords an opportunity to
institute comparisons, which show that the products
of our territory were investigated many years ago,
and that there is cause for congratulation, that much
progress has been made in this department of human
study. •
In some respects, marked is the contrast between
our ancient and modern productions. The founders
of a -community struggle to introduce and continue
the necessaries of subsistence, and leave to their
posterity the advancement which results from well-
applied age, wealth, and leisure. The annual display
of flowers and fruits in our own city and other places,
discover such difference. Many of our yards and
gardens give similar testimony. Of late years, much
attention has been paid, by a portion of our citizens,
to the culture of the dahlia, geranium, rose, tulip,
verbena, and others of the floral order. The last
260 TOMATO. ANIM/.L PRODUCTIONS.
year's exhibition of the Natural History Society,
whose exertions deserve high praise, presented 60
varieties of the geranium, 150 of the rose, 200 of the
dahlia, and so liberally of other kindred specimens.
A like enterprise is manifested with reference to fruits.
The same Association showed, last autumn, 300 va-
rieties— 10 of the grape, 30 of the peach, 70 of the
apple, 150 of the pear, and the rest of various samples.
As a newly adopted vegetable among us, is the to-
mato. Being a native of South America, it was
carried to Europe and raised in England before 1600.
Still, for a long period, it was no favorite in our
northern States. For twenty years, it has been rising
in the estimation of our larger towns and cities. It
is now extensively used by the people of Salem. It
bids fair to hold a long reign among the fashions of
the esculent kingdom. Like the potato, slow in its
rise, it is likely to be slow in its fall.
ANIMAL PRODUCTIONS.
These have been generally mentioned on pages 119,
120, 121, according to the relation of Mr. Higginson.
Fowl. — Of these, the same- writer remarked, 1029:
" They are plentifull here and of all sorts, as we have
in England, as farre as I can learn, and a great many
of strange fowls, which we know not." With regard
to one kind of them. Gov. Dudley speaks in a letter
of 1631, to the Countess of Lincoln : " Vpon the 8
of March, from after it was faire day light untill
about 8 of the clock in the forenoon, there flew over
all the towns in our plantacons soe many flocks of
doues, each flock conteyning many thousands, and
some soe many that they obscured the light, that
FOWLS. 261
passeth credit, if but the truth should bee written."
This author, not having before wittiessed any such
sight, thought it porteuded some great event. But
Gov. Winthfop noticed, 1643 and 1648, two vast flocks
of similar birds, which afforded the colonists abund-
ance of acceptable food. Besides the wild ducks,
pigeons, geese and turkies, noted by Mr. Higginson, he
also spoke of the partridge, eagle and various hawks.
The birds of different species, which the plan of his
description did not allow him to designate, have still
descendants in our bounds. Among birds of prey,
are the buzzard and owl. Of the omnivorous, are
the black-bird, blue-jay, bobolink, cedar-bird, chicha-
dee, crow, hang-bird and lark. Of the insectivorous,
are the blue-bird, cat-bird, king bird, pewee, phoebe,
and other fly-catchers, robin, thrush, yellow-bird, war-
bler and wren. Of the granivorous, are the gold and
other finches, indigo-bird, snow-bird, snow-bunting
and sparrows. Of the zygodactyli, are varieties of the
woodpecker. Of slender-bills, are the creeper and
humming-bird. Of the halcyon, is the king-fisher.
Of the swallow tribe, are several species, including
the martin and whippowill. Of wading-birds, are
the bittern, curlew, godwit, heron, plovers, sander-
ling, sandpipers, snipes, tattlers, turnstone, yellow
shanks and woodcock. Of the lobe-footed, are the
coot and grebe. Of the web-footed, are the cormo-
rant, divers, gull, coon, puffin, razor-billed auk, shag,
stormy petrel and tern. While the diminution of our
woods has greatly reduced those of the feathered
tribe which love not to come around our habitations,
others of them, differently inclined, please the eye
23*
262 ORDERS AS TO ROBINS AND GEESE. FISH.
with their plumage and the ear with their songs.
Who " can forbear to join the general smile of na-
ture,— while ev'ry grove is melody ?"
Salem, not having been so agricultural a place as
others, has issued less orders for destroying the more
injurious among this class of animals. They voted,
1818, that the act of the Legislature, in their last
session, to prevent the killing of useful birds, at un-
seasonable times, be so far suspended, as to permit
the shooting of robins, between June 20 and July 4
of the same year. With regard to our domesticated
pigeons, ducks, hens, geese and turkies, they were
early brought from England. Speaking, 1G33, of
eggs, probably those of the hen. Wood stated the
price of them at S** a dozen. It seems that while
the poor geese thought creation made for them as
well as man, they became the objects of proscription.
An order is given here, 1681-2, that such creatures
shall be kept from going on the common lands after
the last of June, and " y' it shall bee at the liberty of
any man to kill them, if found vpon y* common after
y* abouesayd time."
Fish. — As additional to the " herring, turbot, stur-
gion, cuskes, hadocks, mullets and eeles," as well as
" bass, whales, crampuse and mackerils," mentioned
by Mr. Higginson, we have others in our waters. The
alewife, which is the aloof of the Indians, and hard
heads, both used for bait. Those in general use are
the cod, halibut, perch or Conner, pl-.iice and smelt.
Others, less plenty, are cat-fish, coal-fish, frost-fish,
hake, pollock and shad. The black-fish is a nevr
comer to our shores. Of our fresh water fish, once
abundant but now seldom taken, are bream, perch,
BASS. COD. PORPOISE. SEA-SERPENT. 203
pickerel], pike, pout and trout. The stickleback,
sucker and tom-cod, of salt water, and the minnow
of the brook, are of little account. So it is with tiio
bull-heads, dog-fish and sculpin. With regard to
other fish which swarmed our coast when our lathers
came hither, the bass, salmon, and sturgeon, whose
sounds were made into isinglass, are seldom caught.
In reference to the boss and cod, the Legislature,
1639, forbid them to be used for manure, except their
heads and offal. As an indication of the profit which
the latter kind of animal has been to our State, and
also of its abundance, we have the following : An
indenture for a new draw over our North River, 1755,
has a circular stomp on its top, which besides II pence
at the bottom, has a cod in the middle, and, round
the fish, " Staple of the Massachusetts." The last
year a sturgeon was taken here and excited much
curiosity. Occasionally an adventurous seal enters
our harbor. Varieties of the porpoise still sport in our
offing. The ancients assigned them more intelli-
gence than the moderns. Pliny the elder, relates,
that one of these fish bore a boy on its back, across a
sea, to and from school. Having never witnessed
such a scene, we must withhold credence from the
philosopher's story. Among the monsters of the deep,
the thresher and mackerel-shark, are not unfrequently
seen, but the whale, whose plentifulness once gave
employment to our fishers, rarely shows itself. While
on this topic of monsters, we are reminded of one
which might properly be classed with reptiles. It is
the sea serpent, which for a considerable period has
crossed our outer waters at pleasure. Of this crea-
ture, Josselyn gives a remarkable account. He says
284 QUANTITIES OF FISH CAUGHT.
that some gentlemen, who called on him, 1639, gave
him the ensuing relation : " They told me of a sea
serpent or snake, that lay quoiled up like a cable upon
a rock at Cape Ann. A boat passing by with Eng-
lish aboard and two Indians, they would have shot
the serpent, but the Indians disswaded them, saying,
that if he were not killed outright, they would be all
in danger of their lives."
Respecting mackerel, 2,394 barrels of them were
packed 1836, having been taken by vessels from Bev-
erly and Salem. It is to be regretted, that in this
and many other instances, the exact number of com-
modities for each town, has not been given from the
custom house. Perspicuous and satisfactory statistics
very much need a change in so long continued a
practice of putlmg these two places together, in our
maritime reports to. the public. As a clearer source
of information, we have a statement of our assessors
to the Secretary of Massachusetts. It is, that for the
year from April 1, 1836 to 1837, there were 5,464
quintals of cod and 2,569 barrels of mackerel, caught
by our fishermen. In returns made to the State
department of Congress, 1840, Salem is represented as
having cured in one year 7,500 quintals and pickled 10
barrels of fish. Relative to ale wives, they have been
an occasion of much municipal and legislative action.
Coursing up the streams of different communities,
they have been subjected to unsteady rules. For a
long period, this city have chosen a committee to
look after these fish. Among their various orders, is
one of 1748, which requires individuals to execute
the laws " for the preservation of fish called ale wives,
to appoint proper places for the taking of such fish
SHELL-FISH. REPTILES. INSECTS. 2C5
in scoop nets, and to limit the particular times and
days for talcing tho same in town, for the ensuing
year." Concerning other kinds, they appointed, 1769,
persons to superintend "salmon, shad and such fish,
as usually pass up into the natural ponds to cast their
spawn." Respecting shell-fish, we have no small
variety. Of the crustaceous, are the crab, horse-shoe,
lobster and shrimp. Of the testaceous, are the clam,
muscle and quahaug. As to one of these, Salem
adopted an order, 1724, " that muscles shzdl not be
used for making lime, or for any thing else, except
for food and bait to catch fish." Of our land and
water shells, about 150 species have been collected.
Reptiles.— rOuT resorts for this class of animals, ex-
cept that of the house adder, are continually dimin-
ishing. We have varieties of the turtle, frog, newt
and toad ; of the chequered and water adder, black,
brown, green, rattle and striped snakes. The rattle
snake, anciently adduced in England against emigra-
tion hither, has always been dreaded by ihose who
have known and crossed its haunts. Its number,
as a kind arrangement of Providence, has been com-
paratively small and is continually on the decrease.
Insects. — Of these, constituting a large proportion
of all the animal race, we have a common share.
Neither our plan nor space allows an enumeration of
them. We have some to try the patience, the bee to
cater for the taste, and the glow-worm to please the
eye with its nightly illuminations. The musketoe,
which pays no respect to condition or character in
search of its nourishment, is much lessened in its
numbers. This is owing, in one respect, to the clear*
in^ and raising of our low lands,
266 FOX. MICE AND RATS. BEAR. DEER.
WILD QUADRUPEDS.
Reverting to such animals as dwelt in our original
forests, we perceive that some of their species still
remain. These are the bat, fox, mink, mole, musk-
rat, rabbit or hare, racoon, skunk, squirrel, weasel
and woodchuck. With regard to sly Renard, he
seems to have been detected in some operations
against the poultry of our ancestors and suffered the
extremity of punishment. In 1656, our town au-
thorities paid 10/. for the killiug of ten foxes. Simi-
lar severity was exercised before this and afterwards.
The mice and rats, which give our good housewives
so much annoyance, and would be enough, if they
were to entirely disappear, have different accounts given
of their origin. Some authors have represented them
as brought hither from Europe. One work says, that
our present rats came over about the commencement
of our Revolutionary war. But Josselyu, on his re-
visit to us, 1663, remarks, "the rat hath been brought
in since the English came, but the mouse is a native,
of which there are several kinds." Of those which
have forsaken our borders, are the bear, beaver, deer,
moose, otter, ounce or wild-cat, and wolf. The diary
of Rev. Mr. Green, of Salem Village, says, 1700,
" killed a wild-cat." Our Legislature passed an act
to encourage the destruction of such creatures, 1728,
because they had done much damage. Of this dread-
ed animal, we occasionally hear as in our vicinity.
With the deer, for its utility, and the wolf, for its
destructiveness, our fathers had much to do. Be-
fore attending particularly to these two animals, we
notice the bear. This creature, though not so hurt-
"WOLVES. WOLF-HOOKS. ogy
ful to our flocks as the wolf, was far from being a
safe neighbor. Like the other ferocious beasts, its
numbers decreased as its woody habitation became
circumscribed by our population. In September of
1699, the woods were much infested with them.
They did not entirely leave our outskirts for sixty
years after this abundant appearance. With regard
to the deer, it lingered long on our borders. For the
taking of them, as before observed, an individual
came over, 1629, who was acquainted with such em-
ployment. For an extended period, committees were
chosen annually from our inhabitants to enforce the
province law for their preservation. This was done
as far down as 1767. Among the beasts which most
tried the patience and called forth the vigilance of
our fathers, was the wolf. This creature, from their
first landing here, made frequent contributions on
their flocks. Hence, their repeated consultation, orders
and efforts to hinder such perilous devastation. Win-
throp informs us, September 30, 1630, that Salem
lost six calves by wolves, and killed but one of these
destroyers. Such repeated losses led the Court of As-
sistants, the succeeding November 9, to adopt the sub-
sequent order : " Every Englishman who kills a wolf,
within this Patent, shall have l** for every beast and
horse and 1 farthing for every weaned swine and goat
in every plantation." Such a requisition showed deep
concern for the safety of edible animals in our own
and the other few infant settlements. Among our
early suflTerers from the deadly visits of the wolf, was
Mr. Skelton. As additional means of combatting
this animal, William Pynchon, colonial treasurer, de-
livers Salem, 1635, twenty-five wolf hooks. At this
268 PREMIUMS FOR KILLING WOLVES. HOUNDS.
date, our first records mention " the great Pen." This
was probably made soon after the arrival of our
primitive settlers. It was the resort of cattle, morn-
ing and evening, when the herdsmen drove them to
and from the pastures. It seems also to have been
intended as a safeguard for such creatures, against
the wily attacks of their besetting enemies, while
kept waiting for their drivers and owners. Of the
repeated rewards, offered by our authorities, several
will be given as specimens. Their public notice of
1640 is, " that if any man within the towne of Sa-
lem, shall take any wolfe within the precincts of
Salem, and bring him to the meeting-howse alive,
hee shall haue for euerie such wolfe 15/. and for
euerie wolfee hee kille, hee shall haue 10/. to be paid
vnto him by the towne." They had previously of-
fered a higher premium for the heads of such ani-
mals. They issue another proposal in 1644 : " It is
ordered, that whosoever shall take any wolfe by
trapes or falls, within the lyraits of Salem, shall haue
for euery such wolfe, so taken, 30/., and for euery
wolfe that is killed by gunnes or peeces, there shall
^be 15/. paid vnto him that killes any wolfe with his
peece." .To increase the means of warring success-
fully against such depredators, it was voted by our
people, 1645, that a " halfe a dozen or 4 braches ^ or
hounds, shall be brought out of England, and the
chardge borne by the Towne." Continually did our
annual accounts show, that the promise to wolf him-
ters was punctually redeemed. An order of 1660-1,
indicates a liberal advance in their compensation. It
' In old Frpnch, Rack means the dog-hound, and Brache, the fe-
male. Mr. Winthrop, 1633, received lium Londoa four Irish grey<
hounda.
CATS AND DOGS IM POUTED. 200
runs thus: Ordered, that all that have killed any
wolves formerly are to haiie 15/. pr wolue, and for
the yeare ensiiinge 2/10 pr wolue." The succeeding
year, our Legislature co-operated with the towns in
this work. The price was reduced to 40/. in 1664-5,
with a condition, that its claimants "bring the heads
and nayle them on the meeting-house." Our records
notice more wolves, for which recompense was le-
gally asked, for ten years immediately previous to
1670, than at any other equal period. The premium,
in 1680, for each of these creatures was 30/. In
1710, a townsman was awarded 20/. for killing a full
grown wolf, " y* head of which being presented to
one of the constables and one of the selectmen, and
the ears cut off, as the law directs." The last trans-
action of this kind, seen on our records, was eight
years afterwards. For more than a quarter of a cen-
tury from this date, our precincts were not entirely
cleared from so persecuting a foe to our flocks, which
would have its prey in despite of the watchful dog
and the deadly implements of the husbandman.
DOMESTICATED QUADRUPEDS.
Of these, kept to prevent the depredations of other
animals, are the cat and dog. Our ancestors so knew
the use of such appendages to every agricultural
household, as not to refuse them a passage to this
country. Wood, relating the means, which our plan-
ters used to arrest the spoiling of their grain by squir-
rels, observed 1633, " they are constrained to carry
their cats into the come fields." Josselyn, on his
second visit here, says : " Catts and dogs are as com-
24
270 CATS AND DOGS KILLED.
mon as in England ; but our dogs degenerate ; the
Indians store themselves with them, being much bet-
ter for their turn than their breed of wild dogs."
With all the favoritism which many of such creatures
have had with their kind owners, they have not been
without the sufferings of proscription. In 1756, a
war of extermination seems to have been carried on
here against the race of poor puss. Then an indi-
vidual was appointed to bury them at I/, apiece.
This was probably done to hinder the spread of the
small-pox. If gifted with sufficient knowledge and
speech, they might have justly said. Oh ! for the
days of Howel the Good, who had our lives and
liberties protected by the strong arm of law. Dogs
have been subjected to much greater trial. When
they guarded the flocks, the barn and the house,
against the intrusion of ferocious beasts and the vin-
dictive savage, their value was much greater. Still
the misdeeds of some brought them into difficulties.
As before stated, those on Winter Neck were early
doomed to have each a leg tied up, so that they
should get no taste of the fish laid upon the adjacent
flakes. A more public notice was taken of the canine
tribe, though not more agreeable to their feelings.
The Legislature ordered, 1648, that if any one of
them should kill a sheep, it should be hung and its
master be fined. At the time when the cats were
ordered to be buried, so were the dogs, apparently for •
the same cause. A similar precaution was used in
the reign of Charles II. Defoe's account of the
plague in London, relates, that an immense number
of these animals were killed there, lest they should
spread so dreadful a pestilence. The dogs here have
BY-LAW FOR DOGS. SWINE. 271
endured several hot persecutions, lest their maddened
bile should prove the horrible death of our inhabi-
tants. An order was issued, 1831, that if found with-
out collars around their necks, containing the names
of their owners, they should be destroyed. It also
required, that during the warm months, they should
appear with wire muzzles, which was repealed in
1833. It assessed two dollars a year on each holder
of a dog for keeping it ; specified fines for neglecU.of
the regulation, and made provision for a registrar to
keep an account of all such animals as should be
Licensed. To enforce the by-law, a bounty of one
dollar was appointed, 1840, for every person who
should kill any one of these creatures, found in the
city,destitute of the prescribed appendage to its neck.
Thus our canine friends arc necessarily subjected to
hard measure, for the calamity which their disease
may inflict on our citizens.
Among the edible quadrupeds brought over by the
settlers of this community, were swine, goats, sheep
and cattle. To prevent the intrusion of these crea-
tures into tilled lands and the consequent evils of ani-
mosity, the ensuing rule was adopted : " It- is deter-
mined, 1637-8, that all home fences for cornefields
and gardens, be sufiiciently made vp by the IS^** of
the first month vpon y" penalty of tenn shillings."
Smne. — Dy all the records of ancient plantations,
much attention seems to have been given to this
class of animals. To keep them and their owners
in proper order, hog-reeves, were long chosen among
the annual officers. In modern times, individuals
were elected to such a trust, sometimes for sport, but
more often to gratify private pique. While these
272 HOG.DRJVERS TO BLOW THE HORN.
creatures were abundant in our limits, various regula-
tions were made and practised. In 1638, " it is or-
dered, that all swine shall goe vnder keepers or be
kept vp, and that all swine taken abroad without a
keeper, it shall be lawfuU for any man to pound them,
and to haue for euery swine 2/6 before they be taken
out of the penn, and all damages." Two persons
were appointed such keepers, 1640 ; were to have 6**
fo6 each one they drove, and continue their labor
from 6th of April to 15th of November. Their in-
structions follow : " They are to blow their home
and the townes men to bring their swine out to them,
as they goe alonge by their homes. They are to
driue them out" at 6 o'clock in the morning and
back at sunset ; "and every one is to receaue his
owne swine and keepe them in all night. And the
keeps shalbe (answerable) for any swine that are lost;
but for such swine as are kiled by wilde beasts and
they bring home the" remains, they shall not be
responsible. " That the Lord's day may be improued
by such as are the keeps, it is ordered, that the said
keeps shall one, one Lord's day, and the other, the
other Lord's day, by turns, keepe them. And it is
agreed that euery such two families, as are named by
the said keeps, shall prouide one man for the helping
one of the keeps to keep swine vppon the Lord's
day." This was care, worthy of the public senti-
ment which then honored the Sabbath. It was re-
quired, 1644, that every hog, above ten weeks old,
should " be sufficientlie ringed," or its owner be fined
2/. The following year such creatures were yoked.
With these indications, that they so used their liberty
as it appeared licentiousness to the injured farmers,
GOATS—TIIEIR VALUE. 273
the swine contiuued along till some of tlicm did more
alarming ovil. Tlion, 108 1, it was ordered, iliat
whereas while loose they are dangerous to the life
and limb of young children, any person may kill
them, if found at large, from the bridge to the point
of rocks, and have one half of the body and the other
be for the poor. With regard to such restriction of
these creatures, there was here, as well as elsewhere,
an instability of purpose. Some years it was voted,
that they might roam abroad, and in others that they
should be closely confined to their pens. Parties on
a hog question could be rallied as fully as on one of
political importance. This shows that zeal to carry a
point, is not a sure sign that its motive is proportiona-
bly worthy. Our State valuations give the ensuing
returns of swine from Salem : 9 swine in 1768 ; 77,
1771; 93, 1781; 49, 1791; 118, 1801; 110, 1811;
70, 1821 ; 109, 1831, and 254, 1841.
Goats. — These animals being more able to endure
the privations of a passage to our shores than the
cow, did our planters good service. Jossel yn remarks,
that they "were the first small cattle they had in the
Countrey ; he was counted no body, that had not a
trip or flock of goats." h\ 1629, there were 40 of
these in Naumkeag. Our neck was a considerable
resort for creatures of this kind. As previously stated,
they were ordered away from such commons, 1635,
so that the grass might grow six days and then be
cropped by the cattle on the Sabbath, and thus holy
time be as little intruded on as possible, by the latter
animals requiring less attention and keepers than they
did at other times, when driven to the great pasture,
24*
274 GOAT-HERDS. SHEEP.
The goat-herd was allowed, 1637, for a year's attend-
ance, 2/. for each milch goat. There were two per-
sons who held this trust, 1639. Together they were
to have £32 annually, in quarterly payments. Their
instructions say : " The goates are to be driuen out
an hower after the sun is vp, and brought into the
pen neer the pownd an hower afore sun settinge.
The chardges of the pen to be borne by the owners
of the goates." When any of these strayed and were
impounded, the price for such durance, 1644, was 2'*
a head. The value of a ewe goat, 1633, was £3 to
£4, and 1638, £5, In the colonial valuation for
taxes, 1646, a goat, above a year old, was estimated
at 8/. ; 1694, 4/. ; 1727, 3/. With the cessation of
the need for such creatures, their value lessened and
the pains to rear them discontinued. It is long since
they formed a prominent part of our farming stock.
Though on the valuation list of our Commonwealth,
1784, Salem has a return under the long standing
column of sheep and goats, yet of the latter there
must have been then very few, if any at all, among
our agriculturists. Like many other possessions, once
highly appreciated for their utility, they have gone
down and disappeared from the accounts of modern
chattels. The sight of the goat-herd, pursuing his
beaten track with his well known flock, to our wild
highlands, no longer enlivens the lover of rural scenes,
nor throws around our prospect some semblance to
the pastoral portions of Europe.
Sheep. — Of these useful animals none appear to
have been in our plantation, 1629, when Mr. Higgin-
pon wrote to his friends in England. He desired that
persons intending to emigrate hither, would bring
SHEEP NOT TO BE EXPORTED— DISEASED. 275
over some of them. Very likely this request was
soon grauted. In 1637, when a contract was made
with the goat-herd of Salem, he took charge of sheep
with goats. Then might be seen the latter animals
taking the lead of the drove and thus keeping the
former in their rear, according to their instinctive
desire and habit. Even the goat knew the pains as
well as pleasures of ambition to be at the head. The
goat-herd agreed to take care of each wether for 1/. ;
of every ewe lamb, after weaned, for the same ; and
every wether lamb for Q^, the year round. As woollen
cloth was scarce on account of the European wars,
the Legislature, 1645, recommended to this and other
towns to preserve and increase their sheep. In 1654,.
the same authorities, to promote a supply of the like
commodity, forbid the transportation of such animals
to foreign ports, and the killing of any, under two
years old, except for the owner's family. The ensu-
ing votes, of 1702, were passed by our townsmen :
" That no shepherd shall take or keep any sheep of
any person who is not an inhabitant of this town, on
Salem common, on penalty of 3/. for each sheep so
kept, one half to y* informer or prosecutor, the other
half to y* poor ; that all sheep y' go on y* common,
shall be kept by the shepherds between a line running
from y* Butts to y* head of Forrest River and Lynne
line." Vigilant for guarding our live stock against
contagion, the General Court, 1709, inform this and
other towns, " that the sheep on the islands and necks
in or near Boston, have an infectious disease, called
the scab, lately brought from beyond sea." As com-
merce extended among our population, and our agri-
cultural precincts were separated from us, our enu-
276 PRICE AND RETURNS OF SHEEP. CATTLE.
meratlon of these creatures was lessened. la public
taxes, those of a year or more old, were estimated as
follows: 1646, £1 10'; 1657, JCl 5»; 1662,10/.;
1687, 8/ ; 1694, 4/. ; 1727, 3/. ; and of the last price
down to 1776. In accounts to the Legislature, sheep
are so coupled Avith goats that we cannot ascertain
how many there were of each sort. No public statis-
tics should ever thus mix up distinct items. It never
satisfies the subsequent searcher for specific facts.
The probability is, that when such accounts were
handed in, we had few or no goats. We quote the
column as it stands, in reference to this place : 1768,
46 sheep and goats of a year old and upwards ; 1771,
44 ; 1781, 51 of six months and above. The return
of 1840 to Congress, assigns 12 sheep to our city,
and thus can furnish but very slight materials to the
poet for a pastoral. A considerable period prior to
1768, the fewness of such animals could not support
a distinct keeper. The professional occupation of a
shepherd among us was discontinued. The crosier
was laid aside, the watch-dog dismissed, and the
beaten walks grown over with grass.
Cattle. — As the emigrants fi'om Cape Ann to Naum-
keag had such stock there, they very probably brought
part of them hither. In 1629, our inhabitants num-
bered forty cows. With reference to moose, as a
substitute for oxen, Wood observed ; " The English
have some thoughts of keeping them tame and to
accustome them to the yoake, which will be a great
commoditie." The same author also stated, that a
wolf would attack a red calf sooner than a black one,
because the former looked more like a deer, and that,
from this, a red calf was cheaper than its black mate.
NEATHERD3. 277
With what anxiety the expected loss of kine was
viewed by our ancestors, because an essential means
for the sustenance of community, is manifested in the
subsequent passage. It is in a letter of 1631, from
Gov. Eudicott to Gov. Winthrop. "There are at
Mr. Hewson's plantation five or six kine very ill and
in great danger. I fear they will hardly escape it,
whereof two are mine, and all I have, which are
wo^s^ than any of the rest. I left mine there this
winter to do Mr. Skelton a pleasure to keep his for
him here at Salem, that he might have the benefit of
their milk." This article was sold, 1633, at l** a
quart. Such animals being so valued, there were
frequent and particular rules for their preservation.
In 1637, "its agreed that Roger Morie, neatherd,
shall begin the keeping of all the Towne cattle, 1»*
day of 2'* month next, and to continew his help with
the help of another snffitient man, during the space
of 8 months compleat. And that euery two cattle
shall fiud one for the careful! looking vnto them on
the Lord's days. And that the neat herd shall be
ready at the penn gate an hower after sun-rise each
morning, to take all the Towne catle to feed, and
■whoso shall not haue their catle ready att that tyme,
are either to bring them after the heard, (i. e.) to the
heard, or else the losse y* acrews to their catle
through such neglect, to lye vpon themselues, and in
case llie neatherds faile on either of iheir parts, it
not taking them forth, bringing them home, or care
fully looking vnto them, that y" the said Roger Morii
is liable to further examinacon, and being found faul
tie, to the sensure of the Towne. And in liew o
their service, the said Roger to have 7/. per head o
278 LIEUT. DAVENPORT. REGULATIONS.
all, excepting bulls, to be paid them by fower equall
portions, always one quarter beforehand." Lieut.
Davenport contracted, 1637-8, to perform this service
for £36 a year ; " to keep his man constantly about
the same and put in another man, such as the Towno
shall approue off." The cattle to be driven from the
pen a half hour after sun-rise and returned a half hour
before sun-set. In 1638-9, the ensuing regulations
were adopted : " Ordered, that the drie caile shalbe
put out to the farmes round about, and that noue
shall goe with the milch cowes in the common this
year. Euerie man shall prouidc for their owne calues."
The seven men are to agree with " keeps of the
milch kine. All the kine that are kept vppon the
cow pastures shalbe paid for by the owners of them
to the keeps of the heard ; and if any farmers doe
put their cowes to eat vp the cow pastures, then they
also shalbe lyable to pay for their kine to the keep of
the heard, according to the tyme they keepe them
there." The herdsmen, 1641, had charge of about 90
cows, besides those which the farmers took care of
themselves. Cattle for being impounded were tiued,
1644, at the rate of 2^ a head. Robert Pease was
employed, 1655, to keep 100 cows, being a part of
the town drove, and to have help so that he might
attend worship every third Sabbath. This provision,
that the neatherd might partly cease from his work of
necessity to enjoy the privileges of the sanctuaiy,
was long continued. Thus the desire of employers
for gain was so controlled, as not to debar their ser-
vants from the bread of spiritual life. Better founded
would be ihe hope of community, had such a prac-
tice, in public concerns, equally prevailed to our day.
HERDSMEN'S PAY. 279
It was ordered, 1655-6, that the cows " from the
bridge and so downward, and one the great neck,"
should form one herd. The neatherd, 165G-7, had
dC24 a season, providing a suflicicnt man or boy to
assist him. He had his pay, one quarter in butter,
one quarter in wheat, and the rest in Indian corn.
lu 1662, all who would not put their kine under the
driver and suffered them to feed on the common,
were required to pay 12** a cow towards his compen-
sation. We might quote further from the oft repeated
contracts with the herdsmen ; but as the subject pre-
vents them from containing variety of tiiought, there
is little need of a fuller reference to them. In that
of 1695, however, we have the mention of a custom,
which was welcome, at least to the younger part of
society, and not altogether without interest to the
worthy housewife, desirous to see the supplier of her
dairy well off in the morning, and especially well
back at night: it was, that the cow driver, as he
called for his charge and brought them home, should
"sound or winde a home at the end of each cross
street in the Towne according to former vsage."
From 1663 to 1700, the herdsman received for each
cow of his drove from 3/3 to 4/6. Sometimes the
terms of his compensation were, one third in money
or butter, and the remainder in pay, such as grain
and goods. As no long period after this, concerns of
the preceding sort fell into the hands of the common-
ers or owners of great pasture, other like particulars
are mentioned under the description of that propriety,
and of the Neck and Winter Island. Concerning an
incident to our cattle, Mr. Green of the village, noted
May 2, 1701, that many are lost in a storm of rain and
280 CATTLE— VALUE AND NUMBER.
hail of three days. With regard to the price of cattle,
they were formerly much higher than in later years.
In 1633, a cow was worth from £20 to £26 ; 1636,
£25 to £30 ; a pair of oxen, £40, and 1040, a cow,
£6. In the appraisal of such stock for taxes to the
Commonwealth, we have the following : In 1646,
oxen of 4 years old and above, each £6 ; cows and
bulls of 4 years and above, £5 ; heifers and steers,
between 3 and 4 years, £4 ; between 2 and 3 years,
£2 10», and between 1 and 2 years, £1 10*; 1657,
the first in this list was £5, second, £3, third, £2 10*,
fourth, £2, fifth, £1 ; 1686-7, the same price for all
the series of 1657; 1694 to 1775, first, £2, and cows
of 3 years and above, £1 10*. In the Province and
State valuation lists, Salem had the ensuing numbers
of cattle : 1708, oxen, 42; cows, 248. 1771, oxon
of 4 years and above, 61 ; cows of 3 years and above,
247. 1781, cattle of 1 year and more, 82 ; cows of 4
years and more, 325. 1791, oxen of 4 years and
above, 53 ; cows and steers of 3 years and above, 261.
In the four next decades of years, these two species of
animals are calculated, as of the same age and order,
as in the last, except otherwise expressed. 1801, 56;
362. 1811,68; 373. 1821, 58; 360. 1831, 74;
426 of one year and more. 1841, 44; 346, with the
addition of 37 of one year and above.
Horse. — The freight of such animals from England
to our shores, was so high as to prevent large imjx)r-
tations of them hither. In 1629, there were 7 or 8
of them, male and female, belonging to this place.
Before the elapse of many years, they were sufficient
to answer the purposes of drawing and travelling.
Though carriages were known and used in Europe
TOWN-riORSE. PRICE AND NUMBLil. 2S1
before New England was colonized, yot it was long
ere they were commonly employed by our stutlcrs.
HencQ journeying, when not oti foot, was on horse-
back. Horses were so much left to range about, tliat
persons, not their owners, would catch and use them
without liberty. The Legislature, 1047, passed a
law against this practice. As the most of these ani-
mals were turned out in the winter as well as sum-
mer, to sustain themselves, they were much reduced
ill value. They were taken for colonial rates, 1047,
being ol" l years old and above, at JC7 each ; H'lC/i,
at £10, anil aflerwards for two thirds less. 'J'liero
was oi]u of more than ordinary interest in Salem,
because ho was called the "town-horse." Such u
station probably subjected him, not only to compli-
cated and oppressive service, but to the discordant
criticisms of his many owners. Tins very likely
brought him under the hannner. lie was sold, 1055,
to John Gedney for £10 11*, payable in barley at
4/0, peas, 4/., wheat, 4/0, pork 3"' lb., and beef, 20/.
cwt. As some persojis were in the habit of racing
these animals, to the hazard of people's lives, and of
driving tbem last to and from Sabballi worslii|>, tlie
quarterly Court, 1072, forbid such doings. From
returns made to the Legislature, the horses of this
town numbered, as in the subsequent extract : 1708,
130 horses; 1772, of three years old and above, 103;
1781, of two years and upward, 200 ; 1701, of three
years and more, 175; 1K0I,371; 1811,410; 1H21,
308 ; 1831, of one year and above, 531 ; 1841, 300.
Since carriage by steam-cars began among us, tlieso
animals have lessened in number, value and demand.
25
282 BOG-ORE. COPPER MINE.
MINERALS.
None of these has been so far discovered in our
present limits as to be manufuctured here. Of the
bog ore, there are evident indications in the low wet
ground of our great pasture. Formerly several of
our adjacent towns had factories for working up this
article. John Ruck of Salem and others contracted,
1674, with Nathnniel and 'JMiomas Leonard to carry
on this business at Rowley Village. The enterprise
proved unprofitable. Governor Winthrop wrote to
liis son John, 1G4S, that Mr. Endicolt had found a
copper mine on his own land, which had been tested
by Mr. Leader, overseer of the Iron works at Lynn.
Governor Endicott, in a petition to the Legislature,
1651, says: "Your petitioner hath been at some
charges already for the finding and melting of copper
ore, and is still in prosecution' of bringing it to per-
fection, by sending over from Sweden and Germany,
workmen that are skilful in that art ; and that the
place where it is to be wrought, is not sufficiently
stored with wood to go through with such a work,
petitions for 300 acres of woodland near where he
intends to set up the works, named Blind Hole, near
a farm formerly granted to your petitioner." His
, request was allowed. The place, here designated,
was about the northernmost bound between Danvers
and Topsfield. The mine did not yield enough to
meet the expectations and accomplish the plans of its
proprietor. Before 1700, there were much higher
anticipations, in both Old and New England, of find-
ing mines of various ores, in territory of the latter,
than subsequently. A Company for working "mines
ipHms)
THE MAIN AND IIIVKR ROADS. 283
of copper and other minerals " here, were to meet, May
1G92, in London, to consult on carrying out their
plans. For the passing time, rich minerals are ex-
ceedingly desired ; but they have universally proved
less beneficial to communities than the well cultivated
soil. Before we leave this section, the remark occurs:
even within the circumscribed range of our bounda-
ries, we behold enough of its diversified productions
to commune in spirit with the proper sentiment,
" or skill divine what siiiiiing marics appear,
CxeitUng power is all around e^cprest."
WAYS.
Before the commencement of our remaining records,
no doubt that various tracks, most needed for the
intercourse of our inhabitants one with another and
with the adjacent towns, were struck out and used.
These passages of our own settlement, like similar
ones in other ancient plantations, were made more for
accommodation at the time, than for future looks and
convenience. Within the main body of our present
limits, there were three primitive courses for travel,
easlwardly and westwardly. The chief thorough-
fare was by the first meeting-house, which, so far as
it went, had the general direction of our Essex Street.
It was called Main Street prior to 1727. Its westera
entrance into Salem, was originally from Boston round
Gallows Hill, where it passed a house of entertain-
ment to the back of Norman's rocks and eastward of
Pickering's Pasture ; continued to the premises near
the powder-house, thence down through Wood's gate
into Broad Street, which led to Essex Street. With
respect to a part of the last pass, as is supposed, it Avas
284 THE MAIN AiSD RIVER ROADS.
ordered in 1635, that the " lott next to the end of
Captain Endicotts lott to be an higli way." At the
corner of this rout " ouer against the mceiing-house
on the north side," Hugh Peters had land, being a
quarter of an acre, which his agent, 1G52, sold for
40/. to John Horn. The second and third passages
were up and down on the banks of our north and
south rivers. A confirmation of them, as well as of
like communications on the other sides of the same
streams, is in the following order of 1644-5 : " Or-
dered, that all such as haue howscs and lotts next
the water side in any place of this to wne, shall mayu-
tayne a good way both for horse and man of 8 foote
broade at least, vpon paine of presentment and such
fyne, as the towne or Court shall impose on such as
are defective." William Allen deposed 1664, that it
had been a resolve of our inhabitants, that when land
was granted on these rivers, a reservation should be
made for a passage between the top of the banks and
the water side. The original road to Marblehead
was a continuation of the one which entered Salem
through Wood's gate. Its direction was from the
neighborhood of the powder-house, up to Flint's,
afterwards Metcalfs field, over Clay Brook and to
Forest River road. From the preceding ways, in
the chief part of the town, individuals had their
cross paths, as they wished and the authorities al-
lowed. . With regard to the north and south fields,
when their lots were laid out and cultivated, they
were accommodated with necessary openings for ac-
cess. It was ordered, 1642, that " an high way be
laid out through Daniell Ray his lott and he to haue
the old way laid out before over in the ten acre lotts
REPAIRS. CUT. RUCKS VILLAGE. 2S5
on the Norlli field." As samples of enrly practice in
repairing our roads, wc have the ensuing items. A
warrant of 1G37-8, for mending highways, requires
"euery working man vpon the 7"' day of the monetli"
to appear, " vnder the penaltic of 3/." It was or-
dered, 1647-8, that " who soever shalbe warned to
the mending of any bridge or high way and mako
default, shall allow the surveyors 3/. a day to procure
another in his place and take ihe 3/. by distresse."
In 1645, a way was laid out to Winter Island.
Relative to this section, a vote passed, 1667, that the
"cntt vppon the neclc to goe over to Winter Hand is
to be stopped and a sufficient waye to be made over
to the Hand." '• Mordecay's Cut " was mentioned
on our records, 1673. The consistency of these par-
ticulars could be better explained formerly, than at
present. In 1651, a highway is spoken of as between
the lots of Thomas Oliver and Thomas Watson.
The ensuing rule was adopted, 1660, that timber,
wood and other lumber be cleared from all the town
ways, " that there may be sufficient p-issage for carta
and foote and horse." A report was made, 1663, for
a road to the cove by the house of John Ruck, and,
1664, for another from the one near Bartholomew
Gedney's to the new mill over South River. JellVey
Massey deposed, 1664, that there had been and was
a way between Mr. Ruck's house and the- river,
which led over stepping stones across Sweet's cove,
to the south fields. There was a cluster of dwellings
near the one just named, in 1678, which was called
Ruck's Village. It was agreed by Salem and Mar-
blehead, 1666, to have a highway between their
25*
386 POTTER'S LANE. CAUSEY.
bounds, "as the common cart waye now lyeth," and
to enter this place by the mill last mentioned. The
same year, it was agreed to have a road come to us
from Will's Hill. In 1669, a way was opened from
Ebenezer Hathorne's house to the burying place ;
one, 1673, by the widow Cook's through commons
and other ways in North fields : another, 1678,
through lots in South fields to Stage point. Poller's
Lane is mentioned on our records, 16S0. It led to
Potter's field, from which its name was derived. It
seems to have been made many years before the year
last named. After having been let from 5/. to 10/.
a year, it was sold to William Brown, 1739, for £20.
An opening of 12 feet wide was made, 16S6, from
that which led from Doctor Emory's or Tawley's
house towards John Norman's, and thence over the
mouth of the Creek to the south mill, and another
from Ingersol's Lane to the house of Francis Morey.
A lane from Samuel Beadle's to Rev. Mr. Higginson's
and the common, was ordered, 1698, to be surveyed.
In this connection. Prison Lane was mentioned. After
several attempts for having a new avenue to Beverly
Ferry, one was made 1701, from the entrance on
•Francis Skerry's land through the premises of John
Smith, to, near and by the north-west corner of Johu
Massey's house. This was called Ferry Lane, prior
to 1754. On petition of James Symonds and his
Northfield neighbors, a Causey is allowed, 1705, at
their own charge, from Symond's Point, not to be
ihigher than dead low water, for horses and carts.
This was about the track of the subsequent North
River bridge. A highway by land of Philip English
to Point of Rocks, is allowed in 1710. Complaint
SURVEYING. BLOWING ROCKS. 037
was entered to the selectmen of obstructions in the
" ancient and usual high way for carts, horses and
men, between Joseph Allins, Philip Hills and Mi-
chacll Bacon and the wharfe, and so along by Mr.
Sanders' ware house and Mr. Bartholomew's ware
house, now Mrs. Lindall's and to the pitch of y*
Burying Point." Mr. Bacon had a ship on the stocks
too near the warehouses, which he was to launch
and then build no more in that spot. Benjamin
Ashby had two vessels on the stocks at the pitch of
the Burying Point. A committee were instructed to
have the passage one rod wide. There was the re-
turn of another street, 1711, to the Burying Point.
The manner, in which the following entry, before
noted, is made, 1713, on our records, confirms our
opinion, that the knowledge of surveying by a com-
pass was anciently much more appreciated than at
present :
" We, the subscribers, being appointed by Benja-
min Browne, Esq., and John Iligginson, Esq., and
ye selectmen of Salem, to be artists for y stating
and settling y* West line formerly granted by y"
Towne of Salem to y* village, we having tried by
art what is y' variation of y* compass in this Lati-
tude, do find it to be, at least, ten degrees, and hav-
ing set a due west course at y* bridge by Mr. Phillips,
allowing ten degrees vaiiation, have stated a west
line," etc.
Signed by William Bowditch and William Gedney.
As the specimen of a perilous practice, we find a
charge of 1724, thus expressed ; " For blowing up
y'rock for y* bettering y* way by Threshers." In
1727, a way was laid out from the Main Street to
283 DISCONTINUANCE OF EIGHT FEET WAY.
Union Wharf, which the next year was denominated
Union Street. Town-house Street is raeniioned,
1729. Residents in Love Street, leading from Cur-
win's Lane to Town-house Street, have leave, 1735,
pursuant to a vote of 1723, to set up posts before
their fences and houses. We meet, 1742, with Robin's
Lane, to be leased, and 1749, with School-house
Lane. Holmes Lane, near the farm of Benjamin
Pickman, Esq., is spoken of, 1754, and also Beckford's
Lane, in 1758. A way of two poles wide is allowed,
1762, fronf Daniel's Lane to Becket's Lane. After
various trials for a road from Curwin's Lane to the
street leading from Buffum's corner to Town Bridge,
and up through the lots between Main Street and
North River, one, 176G, was accordingly laid out,
accepted aud called Federal Street. This name ap-
pears to have been selected as a sign of the union of
feeling for such a passage, between the parties for
and against the discontinuance of the eight feet way
on the bank of North River. With regard to this
ancient line of communication, it was, as already in-
timated, the occasion of much protracted division
among our inhabitants. In 1755 an attempt was
made to have it closed, which seems to have suc-
ceeded by the next year. The advocates for its being
reopened, tried their strength again, 1758, but failed.
While the matter was thus in suspense, the old men
were called to state what they knew of its history.
Miles Ward, aet. 87, deposed, 1761, that he had been
one of its travellers for more than 70 years. In 1765,
the people, living above Curwin's Lane, were greatly
dissatisfied, that the River Path was shut up, and
they had no convenient avenue to the north ferry.
PAVING. LOTTEUY DESIRED. 289
Under these circumstances, they proposed to have a
way in which all might harmonize. Tliis seems to
have resulted in the couchision to make Federal
Street, and, in 17G7, to a final disuse of the eight-feet
track. In the last year, we find that a street from
the house of Robert Allen to the Burying-point Lane,
was opened. A way was laid out, 17G8, from a disiil-
house to the homestead of Dudley Woodbridge, and
we meet, 1769, with Ives and Gerrish's lanes. A
road was opened, 1772, from Main Street to the one
from the alms-house to the great pasture, through
land of John Dean and others. Subsequent to sev-
eral efforts of public spirited individuals for paving
the Main Street from West's to Britton's Corner, they
succeeded 1773. They tried for it 1731, and, with
their subscriptions and the town's appropriation, they
nearly attained it 1754. The selectmen were in-
structed, 17GS, to petition General Court for a lottery
to do the work. Not allowed this application for
what has long been contrary to public sentiment, but
then a popular and oft tried measure, our townsmen
very properly relied on their own resources. They
soon found, that the chief difficulty in this, as well
as in most public improvements, was more the want
of a disposition than the means. A committee re-
port, that there were 2,250 yards to be paved, at 1/. a
yard, which, with other charges, would make a total
of £192 3' 4"*. They state, that it is supposed that
the manure saved on the pavements at Charleslown
and elsewhere, is equal to the interest on the cost of
them ; that King's Street here is so narrow, it carmot
be kept in repair otherwise than by pavement ; that
many of the market productions, which go to Marble-
290 REPORT OP NAMES FOR STREETS.
head in a wet season, would como to the centre of
Salem, if this street were in good condition. A^
£80 had been subscribed for this enterprise, the town
voted £100 more. The distance paved was 740 feet
in length.
Having gone over so many courses, by no means a
romantic excursion, we now reach a breathing pause.
It is plain, that there must have been some streets,
made and used, of which there are left no particular
data. That we may have a condensed view of what
has been adduced on, and what relates to this sub-
ject, we present the substance of a report from a
committee for naming the streets, offered, 1773, to
our inhabitants. They applied the term, street, in all
the instances, except where lane stands in the sub-
joined list :
I
Assemhly Court, from Pike's corner to Assembly HaJl.*
BecktU's Lane, " Lainbeil'a corner in How St. to ^outh River.
Bow, " east end of King St. to Neck Gale.
Broad, " West's corner to Alms-house.'
Brovm's Lane, " Geo. Peal's corner to Water St
Burying-point Lane," Lynde's corner to Water St.
Bush Lane, " Capt. John Hodges in Bow St. to Derby SL
Church, *' Saint Peter's Church to the Elms.
Dean's Lane, *' Dean's corner to North River.
Derby, " east end of Winter St. to Rnpe-walks.
English's Lane, " Touzel's corner to South River.
Epes Lane, " Centre School St. to Sjinl Peter's church.
Essex, " Town-house' to Norman SL
Fish, ** Mill St. to Norman St.
Flint's Lane, " MelcalPs corner to South St.
Front, •* Fish Street to Woodbridge corner.
> On the premises of South ' Then located on a corner of
meetinit-hiiuso. the present Easex Street.
* Where tho building, lately
occupied Tor the Registry office,
Btaiida.
ACCEPTANCE OF REPORT DEFERRED.
291
Hanover,
fro\
Hardy Laiu,
«
HaakcU's Lane,
«
King,
i(
Lynde,
41
Middle,
<«
MUl,
<l
J^orman,
((
fforth,"
l(
JfoTlh Bridge,
. <l
Pope's Lane,
1<
Prison,
(1
Queen,
II
School,
«
SovUi,
II
Spring,
II
Tuvn Bridge,
II
Turner's Lane,
<l
Union,
it
Ward's Lane,
II
Water,
It
Winter,
from Kinir'a Arms' to South River.
Phippen's corner in Bow St. to Derby St.
Jolin White, Jr.'s, in How St. to Derby St.
Town-house to Ciipt. Jonathan Gardner's.
North Church to School St.
Buflfuni'd corner to West's corner.
Alms-house to the Mills.
Broad Street to Essex St.
Friend Hacker's to Spra^ue's distillery.
Clark's corner to North Bridge.
East Church to South River.
Osgood's corner to North River.
West's corner to llrilton's corner.
Town-house to North River.
South gate to Alms-house.
Daniel's corner in Buvv St. to South River.
Danvers to Buffam's corner.
Murray's corner in Bow St. to Sonth River
Mr. Watson's corner to Long Wharf.'
Lowder'a corner to Water St.
Bottom of Hanover round the wharves to
Ijong Wharf.
Cole's corucr to North River.
However needful for imparting a correct knowledge
of our naunicipal topography, the foregoing report
was, still its acceptance was deferred. Whether there
was a desire to suspend the formal confirmation of
Royal names, in the preceding list, until tiiere should
be more certainty, as to our connection with Great
Britain, and thus a decision was made to put off the
whole matter, is not known. The Court of Sessions
order, 1774, that a road be opened, " near the way
by South River between the bottom of Hanover
Street and by a high way leading from the court-
house to Marblchead.'^ A street was accepted, 1775,
from one by Miles Ward's, to another which went from
* A public house.
■ Had been called Federal-st.
» Union Wharf.
292 OBJECTION TO ESSEX BRIDGE WAY.
the town-house to Cabot's Wharf. The same ycdr a
way was laid out, called Front Street. A passage
was opened, 1785, from School to North Street,
though not accepted till several years afterwards, and
Quaker Lane, from Henry Rust's house to the jail,
was mentioned. In 17SG; a road by George Ervin's
to the mill granary, was allowed. Anolhcr, opened
this year, from D. Woodbridge's to Long Wharf,
was accepted 1789. In 1787, a passage between Mr.
Prince's meeting-house and Rust's store is mentioned.
It was ordered, 1789, that there be a road on the
east side of Essex bridge, for landing and taking
away goods, 'and that the new one, laid out by an
injunction of the Court of Sessions, to Essex bridge,
be put in good repair. . Against the lattcr's being
surveyed by county commissioners, the year before,
our selectmen protested in the name of the town ;
because the common way had served for more than
80 years, and Salem had lately put down costly ferry
ways, which the bridge would render useless. A
street through Kitchen's field is allowed, 1790.
There was an appropriation by the town, 1792, for
£300, including pave-stones behind the court-house,
to pave Main Street from the corner of Henry Rust
to that of Mr. Andrews, and as much further east-
wardly, as this sum, with subscriptions, would sus-
tain. The work was done the same year. A com-
mittee were appointed, 1794, to name the streets
and have boards with each name, put up in some
conspicuous place. The same year a way was ac-
cepted from South meeting-house to the hay-market,
and another from such new way eastwardly to the
south-east corner of Benjamin Daland's land. An
STREETS PAVED AND NAMED. 293
opening by the store of William Marston, to land of
Joseph Hen field, was accepted. This is now included
in the road by the railway. A way from North
Bridge road to Quaker Pastiuo and to Danvcrs
through land of Thomas Mason and others, was pre-
sented, 1794, for acceptance, but it was not tiien re-
ceived. In 1795, a street through land of Rctiah
Becket and others was reported, and in 179G, one,
afterwards called Chesnut Street, from Cambridge
Street to Flint Street, was accepted. Three more,
were accepted, 1797, first from north part of Pleasant
Street to Bridge Street ; second, through land of
Henry Williams to North River, and third, Webb
Street, near south-east corner of Cliirord Crownin-
shield's land. Two were allowed, one, 1798, in
North field by Capt. Dennis's to Danvers line ; an-
other, 1799, from High Street to Gedney Court. In
1799, Neptune and Liberty Streets were paved. The
same year IngersoU Street was accepted. Land, for
widening Chesnut Street, 1801, was valued at $12 a
pole. Various ways are recorded ISOl, viz., from
Chesnut Street to Broad Street ; from Chesnut to
Essex Street ; from Federal to Essex Street ; from
Neptune to Water Street j and, 1802, from North
Bridge to the iron factory. The last was laid out by
county commissioners. The town thought that the
old road would do with suitable alterations. The
following streets are first mentioned, Bath, 1802,
south of the mall ; and, 1803, from EngUsh to Dan-
iels' Streets ; from Essex to Chesnut between Flint
and Cambridge Streets ; from Mill through Creek
Court to Summer, and Green from Flint to Picker-
26
294 STREET LAMPS. LAND VALUED.
»
ing Court. Some of our inhabitants, who were far
from feeling that benefactions for public good were
like treasure cast into the sea, set up street lamps,
1803, and oflfered them to the town. Their present
was accepted on condition, that the cost of lighting
and keeping the lamps should not exceed $1,500 a
year. Such aids to prevent midnight crime, have
had their periods of not being used, because supposed
to be of less utility than the burden of maintaining
them. In 1835, they >vere ordered to be relighted,
and to the 60 then up, 5 more were added. It was
estimated that each lamp with its fixtures cost $5 75,
and for being lighted, $14 a year. An appropriation,
1838, for lighting the lamps, was $500. The ensu-
ing roads were accepted — from Marblehead road to
South River, at the charges of Ezekiel H. Derby,
1805, called Lafayette, 1825, in honor of General
Lafayette, who came over it the preceding year on
his visit to Salem ; Warren and Pine, from the west
end of Essex to Warren Street, 1806 ; and one from
Mill Street to Palmer's Hill, 1807. Land, taken to
widen Broad Street, 1808, estimated at $25 a pole.
A street from Essex to Lynde Street, was allowed,
1810. 1820, the following streets were named — from
Essex to Federal, Munroe ; from Chesnut to Broad,
Pickering ; from Essex to Chesnut through Wailis'
land, Hamilton ; from main road in North fields to
Fry's Mills, Mason ; from Bridge Street to North
River, Saunders ; from Brown to North River, by
new burying ground. Branch; and Market Street
changed to Central Street. 1820, Peabody, Northey
and Andover Streets reported. 1822, Harbor ; 1824,
Pickman; 1825, South and Crombie Streets, accepted.
LIST OF STREETS. 095
The town voted, 1825, to furnish edge stones for
inhabitants, who will have a brick walk in front of
their land. 1827, a way in South Salem from Mill
Hill, running southwardly, reported, and con firmed,
1829. Mall Street accepted, 1829. County commis-
sioners allow the road by North River, if made by
1831. This was done, and, 1832, was called For-
rester Street. 1832, Lynn Street accepted. 1833,
Oliver Street reported, and Front Street ordered to be
paved. 1834, March Street reported ; 1836, Ash ;
1837, Briggs; 1840, Porter, Cherry and Cedar; 1841,
Dearborn and Haihorne ; and, 1842, Everett Streets,
were accepted. Thus we reach the end of miscella-
neous particulars about our city streets. Such a ter-
mination is far from being unwelcome.
For a full list of our present ways, being 134, the
valuable Directory of Salem may be consulted. The
preceding accoimt may catch the glance of some, and
from their habit of viewing such objects, may start
the question. Why not omit and leave its items to the
vicissitudes of time ? But the future inquirer will
have valid claims, in this respect, that there should
be a garnering up and not a scattering to the winds.
Vzu-ious views and inclinations must be met in diver-
sified forms. Taste can read, with patience and plea-
sure, a description of ways in ancient cities, on which
the lines of desolation have been long and deeply
drawn. Shall it cherish neither thought rior wish for
the registry of those passages in its own community,
which furnish the means of easy intercourse to its
living population, as they pass on different purposes
of exercise and diversion, business and worship ?
296 TURNPIKE.
INCORPORATED ROADS.
Turnpike. — ^When turnpike speculation prevailed,
much for public convenienco, but generally to private
loss, many of Salem and vicinity partook of its influ-
ence. With their usual forecast, however, they de-
vised and acted judiciously. And still would their
investment have yielded good dividends, had not
steam travel, then scarcely suspected as likely so soon
almost to supersede toll roads, become extensively
successful. A petition was presented, January 2G,
1801, by Dr. E. A. Holyoke, and 52 others, for leave
of Salem to have a turnpike made through their
limits. The town^ approved this undertaking, June 1,
and desired their representatives in the Legislature, to
assist in having it allowed. Before this was accom-
plished, individuals of Newburyport and elsewhere,
moved for a turnpike from that place. Our inhabi-
tants, February 3, 1803, instructed their representa-
tives to oppose this project as unnecessary and injuri-
ous to their own. On the 26th of the same month,
General Court granted an act of incorporation for a
turnpike from Salem to Charles River Bridge, being
a distance of 12 miles and 256 poles. When the
work on this avenue began, and while continued,
being a novel sight in the vicinity, it was visited by
multitudes of different ages and residences. It was
opened for travel, the 22d of September in the year of
its becoming chartered. Its stock consisted of 1,200-
shares, each of which cost about $200. For six
years previous to the opening of the railroad, the
dividend was from $9 50 to $1^ 25 a year per share.
For four years since, it has been from $4 to $4 50.
EASTERN RAILROAD. 297
A single share now sells for about $40 to $A5. This
is one of the depreciations in concerns, once exten-
sively popular and useful, which have continued to
occur through the alterations of public improvement.
While regretted in behalf of those who suffer, it is
not divested of all alleviation, in the thought, that
what has brought disaster on some, will confer ad-
vantage on many more.
Railroad. — The inhabitants of Salem desir.e, Feb-
ruary 15, 1836, that their selectmen, representatives,
and the Essex senators, would advocate a petition to
General Court for the Eastern Railroad. The com-
pany, for this enterprise, were incorporated the 14th of
April, to carry their way as far as the New Hampshiro
line. They also proposed to have it reach, under
other authority, to Portsmouth. They received an ad-
ditional act, April 12, 1837, to alter the course of their
survey so that the road might run, as it now does. At
this juncture, the Commonwealth extended the hand
of seasonable aid. This was enlightened and noble
policy. The public treasury will be no poorer for it,
and the people at large will be increasingly and greatly
benefited. On the ISth of the last mentioned month,
the State Treasurer was authorized to loan the Eas-
tern Railroad proprietors $500,000 in State scrip, at 5
per cent., payable in sums of $100,000, as their work
advanced. The , track from Boston to Salem was
opened August 27, 1838, when stockholders and in-
vited guests tried the speed of its cars. It was a day
of unusual interest to thousands who wished well to
the enterprise. The proprietors resolved, September
22, to proceed with the road further eastward. Oa
26*
298 INCOME. TUNNEL. MARBLEHEAD BRANCH.
the part, from this place to the metropolis, there was
an income of $37,422 36, and expenses of $17,818 19,
for 108 running days, to February 1, 1839, Sundays
being excepted. It would have been well for the
repute and the profit of the whole concern, had so
commendable an exception never been violated. Thus
grasping after riches over the down-cast pillars of
community's highest good, always tends more to loss
than gain. This is an established law of Omnipo-
tence. Neither human sophistry can destroy its na-
ture, nor human wishes and efforts prevent its efficacy.
At the date, last mentioned, the merchandize cars
began to run. S^ch a two fold mode of transporting
passengers and goods, was at first daily gazed on by
throngs, as one of the greatest triumphs of mechani-
cal genius, ever witnessed in this quarter. Nor, even
after the lapse of years, has curiosity, though much
satisfied, closed its eyes on the sight. Every princi-
pal train still attracts its company of spectators. In
1839, a work of uncommon skill, labor and cost, was
finished in furtherance of the company's plan. It was
the tunnel of 650 feet long under Washington Street,
accompanied with walled excavations at both ends,
which, together, extended about the same distance.
This was done in a style, ornamental to the city, and
honorable to the corporation. Besides, a pile bridge
of 1,800 feet was made across North River to Beverly.
On December 10, a branch railroad was opened from
Salem to Marblehead. This passed Forest River,
by a pile bridge of 350 feet long. On the 18th of
the same month, the cars commenced their course to
Ipswich depot. They ran to Newburyport, June 19,
1840, south of High Street ; to the other depot there,
DIVIDENDS. PASSENGERS. FERRIES. 299
August 28 ; to New Hampshire line, November 9 ;
and then continued on the railroad of that Stato to
Portsmouth. Thus a rout of 63 miles was termi-
nated and an enterprise, chiefly promoted, at the be-
ginning, in this city, was successfully accomplished.
This is an achievement which demonstrates the oft
proved fact, that, while individual strength can do
comparatively little, the combined energies of the
many may perform wonders. The cost of the whole
way from Boston to Portsmouth, has been computed
at $2,289,286. The income before July, 1840; was
taken to meet assessments'. Since, the whole number
of shares, being 20,000, and each at $100, have paid
6 jier cent, a year in semi-annual payments. In
1842, 431,260 passengers were carried on the main
road, who paid $232,342 83, and 37,443 on Marble-
head branch, estimated at $4,680 39. There was
also an income, from the carrying of merchandize,
$16,082 98, and from that of the mail, $11,040 43.
Thus, jn a short period, from small and doiibtful be-
ginnings, have arisen large revenues, a hopeful system
of reasonable income, and a source of wide-spread
convenience and benefit.
FERRIES.
Being easy to commence and of little cost, ferries
ate among the first means of intercourse between in-
habitants, separated by rivers and harbors. Our town
records furnish us with several extracts concerning
them. 1636, December 26, " It is agreed, that John
Stone shall keepe a ferry, to begin this day, betwixt
his house on the neck vpon the north point and Cape
Ann side, and shall giue dilligent attendance thervpoa
300 BEVERLY AND MARBLEHEAD FERRIES.
dureing the space of three yeares, vnless he shall
giue iust occation to the contrary, and in consideracon
thereof, he is to haue two pence for a stranger and one
penny from an inhabitant. Morcouer, the said John
Stone doth promise to provide a convenient boat for
the said purpose, betwixt this and tlie first month
next coming after the date hearof." This is the first
notice which we have of Beverly ferry. 1636-7,
January 12, Richard Inkersoll is to have l"^ for every
person he may carry over the North Ferry, during the
town's pleasure. 1637, September 25, George Wright
is granted half an acre of land on the neck for a
house ; five acres at " the Forrest side to plant on
and to keepe a ferVy between Butt point and Darby
fort." This is the first mention of Marblehead
Ferry. The point designated, appears to have been
at the bottom of Turner's Lane. The fort was on
Naugus' Head. In 1639, William Dixy succeeds
John Stone, and takes a lease of Beverly Ferry for
the same period he did. He " is to keep an horse
boate ; to haue for strangers' passadge 2** a peice ; for
towne dwellers l"* a peice; for mares, horses, and
other great beasts, 6** apeice ; and for goats, calves
and swyne, 2'* apeice." When Marblehead was in-
cor|x)rated, 1649, Salem reserved to themselves the
right of the ferry and the appointment of the ferry-
men. For the relief of Richard Slackhouse's family,
he was allowed, 1653, the profit of the ferry " towards
Ipswich," if he should find boat and men. This
was the Beverly Ferry, which was variously desig-
nated. The individual last named, continued in the
same station till the fore part of 1686. He was suc-
ceeded this year by John Massey, the oldest town
FERRIAGE. ANNUAL INCOME. 301
born child then residing in Salem. The Beverly
Ferry, like that of Marblchead, was retained by our
municipal authorities, with all its privileges. They
let the former for a yearly rent of jC2, 1678 ; jC3,
1679; £5, 1682; dC6, 1694; £7, 1705; £10, 1708;
£3,* 1749, and £10, 1769. They leased the latter
at the annual price of 5', 1678; 18*, 1699; £3, 1704;
£5, 1714 to 1734. The income from both of these
sources was applied towards the support of the gram-
mar school master. In 1690, Massey conducted the
Beverly Ferry on the south side, and Roger Haskins
on the north side, where he resided. The latter was
followed, 1694, by Edmund Gale, one of his towns-
men, for seven years, when his own widow assumed
the charge. They agree to have two good boats
afloat constantly, one on each side. In the year of
1701, while Mrs. Ruth Haskins entered on her duties,
John, the son of Mr. Massey, did the like for the
Salem department. Her son Roger, united with the
last person, 1708, and they took a lease of the whole
ferry for 20 years. In 1742, the rates for passengers,
in old tenor, between this place and Beverly, were 3*^
for a person ; 9** for a horse ; and 3* for a chair or
chaise. The next year, Beverly remonstrated against
the rules concerning fares. Salem justified them-
selves and claimed the right to lessen the ferriage for
strangers, as they had done, or even to charge them
nothing,, and at the same time to take l** of Salem
and Beverly passengers, according to an agreement of
1639. By vote of our inhabiiants, the selectmen
raise the fares of North Ferry, 1748, computed in old
* Sterling in this ooe inalance.
302 COMPLAINTS. LESSEES OF THE FERRIES.
tenor, to 8* a person ; 10* a horse ; 3» a chaise or two
wheel carriage; and G« a four wheel "chaise or
chair." The same year, a complaint was made to
the Legislature by gentlemen of the county, that this
mode of conveyance was not fitly conducted ; that
the lessees of it said their rent was so high, they
could not keep suitable boats and assistants ; that
carriages and goods had, by carelessness, fallen into
the water; and that the ferrymen helped to lighten
vessels in the river and thus occasioned vexatious
delay to travellers. In 1749, Robert Hale, of Beverly,
hired the ferry, at £3 sterling annually, as aforesaid,
for seven years. A reason why he had it at a lower
price than usual for the period, was, that he agreed
to repair the ways and landing there, and leave them
in good order. The fares in 1756, were l** a person ;
" two English half-pence for a horse ; 4 English half-
pence for a man and horse ; 5^ for a chair ; 7** for
a two wheeled chaise ; 9*^ for a four wheel chaise."
Benjamin Waters, of Salem, and Ebenezer Ellinwoodji
of Beverly, 1769, hired the ferry for three years, at a
yearly rent of £10. This way of passing to and
from our community, continued, as is well known, to
the opening of Essex Bridge. Then, after having
fulfilled a long and useful service, it gave place to a
safer and more convenient substitute.
Relative to the South Ferry, it was hired, 1699,
by Philip English for three years. After him, Capt.
John Galley, of Marblehead, had it for ten years. His
successor and townsman was John Dixey, who took a
lease of it, 1714, for the same period as the last. For
Salem people he was to have 2** each, and for others
what the Court of Sessions should appoint. His boat
CLOSE OF THE FERRIES. 303
was to be sufficient for horses and carriages. Timothy
Day, of Gloucester, contracted, 1725, to find mate-
rials, except iron, and malcc a causey for the passen-
gers, "on y" flatts by Coll. Turners," for X40. John
Dixey, who was still ferryman, said, 1720, that un-
less more was done for the causey, ho could not sus-
tain himself. The selectmen inform him, that when
a greater outlay is made for such a purpose, they must
advance his rent, and he must increase the ferriage.
As the causey by Col. Turner's was out of order and .
allowed passengers to land with not less than half
tide, it proposed, 1730, to move the ferry to English's
flats south of the neck. This plan seems not to have
been executed. The small-pox prevailing in Marble-
head the latter part of 1730, the ferry thither was
stopped for a few months. In 1734, it was leased,
for seven years, to Joseph Willard, who requested,
before the period was out, to be discharged from his
obligation. The lower road to Marblehead must
have taken away many of his passengers. It seems to
have interrupted the ferry so that leases were not made
as previously. Another subsequent reason for similar
interruption, was that, in 1774, there was a coach
ready to convey passengers from our School Street to
Marblehead. We are informed by those, living at the
time, that the ferry was much used during the Revo-
lutionary war and the first year of the ensuing peace,
but ceased to be so employed altogether about 1785.
Thus in one direction, as well as in another, the for-
mer scenes which presented travellers, with hasty
steps, approaching the boatmen's range, " and press
for passage with extended hands," have vanished
from the view of curious and amused spectators.
304 TOWN A^ND TOWNSEND BRIDGES.
BRIDGES.
These were made soon after our settlement began.
In that period of doubtful, though determined ex-
periment, the most consulted in reference to them
was use and economy. Our records do not imme-
diately speak of them, though when they do, it is of
several as already decayed. In* 1G44, one of our
most skilful mechanics agrees to keep " the bridge "
in repair for 16 years, at 20/. per aimum, the town to
find materials. This appears to have been what was
long denominated town bridge, which was often cited
as a noted boundary. Its erection has been thought
not to have been ^rlier than 1647 ; but this is likely
to be a mistake. An order passed, 1645-6, that the
bridge at " Townesend " be pulled down, " or so
much of it as shalbe needfull when the causeway is
begun to be made, and shall serue to pile and plank,
as farr as it will goe, the causeway next to the sea."
Overseers of this work were designated. They had
power to select individuals for doing it, each of
whom, if refusing, was to pay 3/. for a day. The
same fine was imposed on any person, who would not
let his " beast " be employed in this labor. The
bridge, so named, seems to have been one, which
united the Neck and Winter Island. A new bridge
is mentioned, 1648, but not its location. It has
been supposed to have passed over Forest River. As
there were three, out of our present bounds, ordered
the previous year, to be finished, one of these may
have been the same. Besides, " the old bridge," at
the head of that river, was standing the year after.
Mr. William Brown was permitted, 1656, to have a
HUMPHREY, MILL, CREEK AND NORTH BRIDGES. 305
lock bridge erected at or near the head of Forest river,
where Mr. Humphrey's bridge stood, and to support
the same for foot passengers. The Quarterly Court
ordered, 16G1, " that the bridge, or causeway at the
Western end of Salem, be sufficiently repaired and a
stone walk to be built against the side thereof upon
the County's charge." The Mill bridge, over South
river, was finished about 1664 Leave was granted,
1712, to John Trask and Joseph Boyce, Jr., to move
their mill, on the upper part of North river, down to
Spooncr's point, if, within three years, thoy made and
supported a way across the samo stream. This, of
course, included a bridge for men and teams. Pur-
mission was given to Lt. Daniel Bacon and others,
1726, to build a bridge, at their own charge, near
"the stepping stones where it hath been usual to go
over the Creek in South river." It was to be " a
swing or draw bridge," to have 30 feet passage under
it, so that vessels and rafts might be conducted to and
from several places above. As the land, in process of
years, intruded on the waters of the Creek, the bridge
became less used for vessels. In 1S21, its wooden
materials were exchanged for stones, leaving merely
a drain where once the proceeds of fishery and com-
merce had a free course. Liberty was allowed, 1735,
for John Gardner and Jeremiah Gatchell, to construct
a mill bridge, fit for carts, over Forest river, on the
lower road to Marblehead. Being found too narrow,
it was widened 1798.
In the history of our bridges, we are called to no-
tice one, which was considered a great undertaking
at the period of its commencement. James Lindall,
27
306 NORTH BRIDGE FORFEIT^ID.
and other proprietors of the North Fields, petitioned
the town, May 17, 1742, for leave to build a bridge,
at their own charge, over North river, from Orne's
point to Symonds's point. Their request was grant-
ed the 14th of June. A proposal was made for the
same object, 1696, but it was deferred by vole of the
inhabitants. The bridge, so permitted, was to be, at
least, 18 feet wide, and its draw 18 feet long. It was
required to be kept in good order by the proprietors,
or else forfeited to the Town. Our inhabitants were
to have free passage over and under it, and their ves-
sels to lay at the bridge and land goods without any
expense. It was finished prior to March 12, 1744,
though two years w^e granted for its completion. It
was afterwards styled, " the great bridge." The en-
tire length of the causeway and bridge was 860 feet.
Thus made, on conditions which were to meet con-
flicting interests in the same community, the concern
could not promise long continued harmony. Soon
objections arose and were repeated at different peri-
ods, that the bridge came short of what it should be.
At length, the proprietors thought the public demands
too extravagant and ceased the necessary outlays.
The Town declared the bridge forfeited, and, in
1765, conveyed it to others, except the draw and two
adjoining piers. The new company took the rest
with the flats, on the specifications, that tiiey would
keep it in order for travelling, or, if they did not, to
surrender the whole back to the Town with the
wharves, warehouses and other buildings, erected on
the premises. But this new plan did not proceed
without its perplexities. On the subject of repairs,
ESSEX BRIDGE PROPOSED. 307
the o-wners did not look with the same eyes as others.
Several withdrew from the partnership and their
shares were sold, 1768, by order of the Town. Still
difficulty did not cease. At last, the Town agreed,
1789, to widen and repair the south part of the bridge,
if the remaining proprietors would do likewise, as to
the north part, on the condition, that, after doing this,
the latter be entirely excused from any other such
demands. This contract was fulfilled, and so the
bridge became the public property of Salem. Thus
closed an experiment, with a result, always likely to
accrue from every similar concern. It demands too
much of individuals and too little of community.
With the progress and necessities of population,
enterprise, for the performance of greater projects,
made an advance. A question was agitated in Salem,
1787, whether it was best for a bridge to be erected
over North ferry. The principal mover of it was
George Cabot, an eminent merchant of Beverly. It
was debated in our public meetings. A small majori-
ty opposed its adoption. It enlisted divers interests
and prejudices. It gave rise to strong party feeling
and much excitement. Mr. Blyth, a limner, who
was noted for his ingenious play on words, said, on
the occasion, that he never knew a bridge built with-
out railing on bdth sides. When a petition for it was
presented to General Court, a vote passed here, that a
committee and the representatives from Salem oppose
its allowance, and that adjacent towns be invited to
unite in such resistance. In case the petitioners gain-
ed their object for a new bridge either from Orne's
point or the Ferry ways, the holders of estate, on the
p08 LEMUEL COX, ARCHITECT. ESSEX BRIDGE.
North Fields route, determined to apply for being in-
corporated, so that they might have a toll bridge from
the same point to EUenwood's head. Among the
reasons assigned, why Mr. Cabot and others should
not have their petition granted, was, that the naviga-
tion of North river would be destroyed, where there
were 40 vessels of different tonnage. But the oppo-
sition, though various and energetic, did not prevail.
An act passed, Nov. 17th, authorizing the plan to be
executed. The bridge began to be travelled over
Sept. 24, 1788, an event, which many assembled to
witness. The chief architect of the work was Lem-
uel Cox,^ afterwards similarly employed in England
and Ireland with distinguished success. It rested on
93 piers, was 32 feet wide, 1,484 feet long, all of
wood. Considered by its friends as particularly bene-
ficial to most of the County, it was called Essex
bridge. Its cost was about $16,000, to be remuner-
ated by tolls, for 70 years from its being first opened
for passengers. This sum was divided into 200 shares,
which, prior to 1830, were worth five times their orig-
inal value. Such stock, however still yielding divi-
dends, is continually on the decline. This deprecia-
'tion, though caused considerably by the rail road just
nbove the bridge, is mainly owing to the obvious rea-
* Ooe of hii name, a wheelwright, of Boston, and supposed to be
the same indiTidual, was in Ipswich prison, Deo. 29, 1775, for his at-
taohment to the British government. In 1796, he had a grant of 1,000
ncres of land in Maine from our legislature, for being the fir«t inventor
of a machine to out Card wire, ihe first projector of a Powder Mill in
iVIassachusetts, the first suggestor of employing prisoners on Castle
Island to make nails, and for various other discoveries in meohauical
«rt«.
SOUTH BRIDGE. 309
son, that the property will, ere long, revert to the
Commonwealth. The owners have paid Salem an
annuity of £40 and another of £10 to Dan vers, for
injury to their navigation of North river. So inter-
ested in the appearance of this bridge was General
Washington, on his tour of 1789, that, when he had
passed it, he dismounted and returned to the draw,
which was hoisted for the purpose, so that he might
examine its structure. Notwithstanding the violence
of party motives, counsels and exertions, which ralli-
ed against the execution of this work, experience has
long ago shown, that it was one of those enterprises,
which should commend themselves to general appro-
bation. When its opponents saw, that their resist-
ance to its erection was ineffectual, they had another
built over Frost fish river, which has been commonly
denominated " Spite bridge." Though this spirit of
retaliation fell far short of its design, yet it has result-
ed in the long accommodation of the public.
As promotive of convenience to many of our popu-
lation and for easier communication with Lynn and
Marblehead, a bridge was built over South river,
1805, in a line with Central and Lafayette streets.
The plea for this improvement, was like that for its
predecessor, allowed to be made above, on a branch of
the same stream, seventy-nine years before. As usual
with such works, the South bridge, so named, has
greatly diminished the maritime business of the wa-
ters, which it encloses. It was done at the expense
of Ezekiel H. Derby and others. It was accepted by
the Town, 1810, and rebuilt, 1821, at their charge.
However the several free bridges, over our North and
27*
plO FOOT BRIDGE.
*3outh rivers, were erected by individuals for their
own accommodation, still, while thus acting for them>
yielves, they conferred benefit on our community. As
we pass the avenues, opened by the hand of their en-
terprise, and consider the facilities of intercourse,
which they have promoted, such deeds should come
to our grateful recollection.
Before closing this section, we notice a Foot bridge
of about 6 feet wide, over North river, from Dean
street to Q,uaker pasture, so called. It was chartered,
March 23, 1843, for Jonathan T. Carlton, an enter-
prising carpenter, as its sole proprietor. He made it
to accommodate a village of fifteen houses, built by
.himself, within a few years, on land of the aforesaid
pasture.
Looking back on the various bridges of our corpo-
ration, some of which have disappeared by the intru-
sion of land upon their waters, we perceive, that they
all have been of the simpler architecture. Still the
two principal ones, over our North river, were consid-
ered as works of much magnitude, when undertaken.
In 1696, when the legislature decided, that the
bridge, which crossed Charles river, near the College,
should be repaired at the charge of the Province, they
styled it " The Great Bridge." But 140 years ago, the
project of erecting such a structure over the Ferry of
Charles river, was publicly ridiculed, as the offspring
of distempered fancy and ruinous extravagance. The
progress of the arts, however, have proved, that this
•opposition rose from mistaken views and inexperienc;-
ed efforts, and that mechanical genius is capable of
far greater achievements. Hence, a change has been
■-I*' J AiAAinjrK
.•-^.^i^;.-,"
PRIMITIVE MODE OF JOURNEYING. 3H
wrought in the public mind so that what it once re-
garded among our river passages, as s|)ecimens of
superiority, it now ranks as of the common order.
: Thus it is, that improved inventions throw their pre-
. decessors into the shade, and administer to the gratifi-
cations of ourintellectual nature, wiiose bent is ever
. onward.
I ., ■ .
TRAVELLING.
Neither the wish, nor the means of our primitive
: settlers, as a body, allowed them to indulge in costly
modes of Journeying. At the commencement of their
pilgrimage here, they had few horses and none of
■' them to spare from domestic work. Hence, they
were under the necessity of visiting adjacent planta-
' tions either on foot or in boats. Some instances of
this plain custom, in the practice of our principal char-
acters, are handed down to us. In a letter of 1631,
Mr. Endicott wrote to Mr. Winthrop as follows. " I
did expect to have been with you in person at the
Court, and, to that end, I put to sea yesterday and
was driven back again, the wind being stiff against
us. And there being no canoe or boat at Saugus, I
must have been constrained to go to Mystic and thence
• about to Charlestown, which, at that time, durst not
be so bold, my body being at present in an ill condi-
. tion to wade or take cold, and, therefore, I desire you
to pardon me." The excuse, so given, in view of
the difficulties then attendant on the route from Sa-
lem to Boston, was amply sufficient." This being in
:April, the Governor, with several officers, on the suc-
ceeding Oct. 25th, came " on foot to Saugus and the
312 USE OF PILLIONS ON HORSEBACK.
next day to Salem, where they were bountifully en-
tertained by Capt. Endicott, etc. and, the 28th, they
returned to Boston by the ford at Saugus river and so
over at Mistick." However strange it may strike us,
at first thought, that so much time was taken to go
from our settlement to the metropolis, yet a second
thought teaches us, that all the hours mentioned,
must have been spent in diligent progress, because
their course was through streams unbridged, and
through forests infested with voracious beasts, and
explored only by rough and devious paths. A tradi-
tion has been long accredited, that, soon after Boston
was settled, a few persons from Salem visited it ; that
they were four days in going and coming ; that their
perils and hardships, on the journey, were deemed so
great, they put up a note of thanks, in our first ciuirch,
the next Sabbath after their safe return.
In 1637, Governor Winthrop passed through Snlem
to and from Ipswich. The next year ho visited our
people by water and returned by land. In both of
these excursions, he was escorted by some of our
townsmen, out of respect for him, as well as for the
protection of his person. It appears, that he and his
attendants were all on foot. The rates of our ferriage
mention only persons till 1639, when they begin to
include the transportation of horses. From this pe-
riod, the mode of travelling on horseback, gradually
increased. The animal so used, often carried two
persons. Most usually, they were of both sexes. A
saddle served for the gentleman and a pillion for the
lady. The latter, when riding alone, had a side sad-
dle. As a sample of the fashion, we have a passage
SLOWNESS OF TRAVELLING. 313
from DuQton's journal of 1C86. It refers to his de-
parture from this Town, after a hospitable reception
"by his friends here. It says, that, his landlord's
daughter of Boston, having taken a scat behind him
to visit her relatives at Ipswich, " I rid to the river
that parts Boston from Ipswich, which thougii it bo
often and usually crossed in a canoe, yet I ratiier chose
to cross it in a ferry, having my horse with nio."
Sucii a custom continued for a long period, in our in-
land towns. Tlie writer recollects a good old deacon,
who, till 25 years ago, look his " Subbuth day's jour-
ney " to tho house uf worship, in this maimer, wiiii
tho no less worthy companion of his youth and ago.
Some of our country villages still show tho large, llat
and elevated stones, closo by their sanctuaries, where
the couples alighted and again took their seats on the
horse. Such a use of the pillion by ludius, can be
traced far back. Uucon Eiizabulh, in tho beginning
of her reign, was thus carried to tho House of Peers.
As a specimen of the comparative slowness in trav-
elling here and elsewhere, a considcrublo period after
our first settlement was made, we have the extract
from a letter of Jonathan Dickenson to William Smith,
dated Philadelphia, Feb. 1697. It runs thus, " I'' any
occasion presents, write me by way of New England.
We have the Post go there. In 14 days, we have an
answer from Boston ; once a week from New York ;
once in three weeks from Maryland, and once in a
month from Virginia.'' From 20 to 25 miles a day,
was accounted good travelling. A principal cause of
such slowness was the want of bridges and good roads.
The people from this quarter, made repeated com-
314 ■''•'■ CARRIAGES.
plaints, that they were delayed ia their access to Bos-
ton. The ferrymen were empowered not to cross
when they thought there was danger from wind or
ice. Some of our principal men were engaged in a
petition to the Legislature, 1710, on this subject.
They desired, that a bridge " be built over to Noddle's
Island to the main, at northeast side," or that " there
be three boats kept plying betwixt Winisimet and
Boston, that the Q,ueen's subjects may not be so long
detained to their great detriment and hindrance, as
now too often they are." With regard to their more
distant travelling, a statement was laid before the
General Court, 1700, which said, that the road to
Connecticut, especially between Worcester and Brook-
field, was " much incumbered with trees fallen and
many rocky swamps and other impassable obstruc-
tions to travellers, drovers zmd others, and hazarding
life or limb of both men and horses and other crea-
tures, to great losses and damages."
Relative to what was considered, in Essex County,
a great degree of travel, a representation was made,
in 1663, when a question was agitated in Newbury
about a new way there, so as to improve the great
Eastern road. The document remarked, " in winter
time, betwixt a dozen and twenty horsemen besides
foot, come over the bridge in a day, and twenty or
thirty cattell in a day, in one company."
One of the earliest notices, which we have of a
carriage, belonging to Salem, was in 1701. This
was called a calash and was owned by Henry Sharp,
an innholder. He let it for carrying a Mr. Bulkley
home, who had just arrived here sick, but who was
LADY ANDROS. SNOW SHOES. 315
unable to proceed any further than Lynn. The driv-
er came back with the calash on the Sabbath. This
was deemed a violation of holy time. Mr. Sharp was
called to answer the charge, but was cleared on the
plea of necessity. However carriages of various sorts,
were used in England before the settlement of our
country, but few, even of the simpler forms, appear to
have been owned either in Salem or other towns, ex-
cept Boston and probably Dorchester, at the time of
the above case. When Lady Andros arrived at the
metropolis, in 1687, she and her husband, the Gov-
ernor, rode in a coach. It seems to have been the
policy of our legislators to discourage the use of car-
riages, as well as foreign fashions of costly dress, lest
they should bring luxurious habits on the people and
so prevent the advancement of our Colonial interests.
Still, at the date last mentioned, such vehicles were
making their Way to popular favor, and thus propor-
tionably reduced the practice of journeying on horse-
back. How they had increased by 1732, is indicated
by the remark, then made, that, at the funeral of Lt.
Governor William Tailer, "a great number of gentry
attended in their coaches and chaises, etc." As car-
riages came into vogue for the milder seasons, so, of
course, would sleighs be adopted for winter. One of
the latter was advertised, 1724, for sale, in Boston.
When the snow blocked up our roads, it was com-
mon for persons, whom necessity called abroad, to use
snow shoes or rackets. A newspaper of the metrop-
olis, in 1705, says, " there is no travelling with horses,
especially beyond "Newbury, but with snow shoes."
Dr. Holyoke's diary of 1748, notices a similar fact.
Z16 TAX ON CARRIAGES. THEIR NUMBER.
• In order to derive benefit from the increase of car-
riages, the General Court, in 1737, laid a tax on them.
A coach was assessed at 50/, a chaise of four wheels
30/, and every other chaise, calash or chair 20/. For
the purchase of land and the erection of an edifice in
Boston, where linen might be manufactured, the leg-
islature, in 1753, sdopted a similar measure. The/
allowed every town to send, at least, one person for
the purpose of learning such an art free of expense.
The charge on each coach was 10/, chariot 5/, chaise
3/, calash 2/, and chair 2/. This excise was collected
for five years. It was assessed the first year, on 6
coaches, 18 chariots, 339 chaises and 992 chairs and
calashes, being all of the Province. At the same
time, Salem had 10 chaises and 40 chairs, apparently
including calashes. Here we have a definite idea of
this town's journeying accommodations, by means of
carriages, for that period.
The first notice we have of a vehicle, for the carry-
ing of passengers, our way, was in 1761. Then "a
large stage chair " or curricle, drawn by two horses,
came from Portsmouth through Salem on its route to
Boston, and returned, once a week. In this respect,
our fathers were much behind the people of Boston.
These, as early as 1716, had a carriage, for the like
purpose, go and come from Newport, R. I., once a
fortnight "while the ways were passable." Benjamin
Coats of Salem began to run a stage, in 1766, be-
tween this town and Boston. Such conveyance from
the eastward was greatly hindered, 1768, by the
horses having an "epidemical distemper." Two years
afterwards, Mr. Coats advertised, that he had purchased
STAGES THROUGH AND FROM SALEM. 317
"a new stage chaise," which would be placed on
the line from Salem to Boston, April 29, "so that he
will then, with the one now improved in that business,
be able to carry and bring passengers, bundles, etc.,"
every day, except Sunday. He also stated, that he
had five fall back chaises, one fall back curricle, six
standing top chairs and three sulkies to lot. He had
a noted sleigh, called the Vengeance, and remembered
by the aged of our day,, which was drawn by four
horses. Mr. Coats notified his customers, Feb. 1774,
that he intended to reside in Boston. The next April,
Ezra Lunt, of Newburyport, informed the public, that
he ran a four horse coach from that place to the me-
tropolis through Salem, on Monday, and had it return
on Thursday. The ensuing July, Joseph Hovey, at
the sign of the King's head in Danvers, on the Boston
road, kept by William Jones, gave notice to our in-
habitants, that he had a coach to carry passengers to
Winisimet ferry for 3/ a-piece. He, also, proposed, if
suitably encouraged, to carry them daily from our
Ship Tavern in School street, to Marblehead, at 1/4 for
each person. The following August, an individual,
supposed to be a Mr. Very, who is said to have suc-
ceeded Mr. Coats, advertised a post chaise to ply be-
tween Salem and Boston, to goon Wednesday and re-
turn on Thursday, for passengers, letters and bundles.
His price was 3/4 a seat to Winisimet ferry. It must
be confessed, that there was occasion for the curiosity
of our observing people to dwell some on these un-
common changes of travelling, as well as much on
those of the political world around them. We are
told by several, who lived in those perilous times, that
28
318- NUMBER OF HORSES.
thera was an occasional suspension in the running of
our carriages, while the Revolutionary war continued.
The number of horses in Salem, employed here, was,
as previously stated, 130 to 196, from 1768 to 1781.
Ezra Burrill of this place, gave notice in 1782, that
by the middle of April, he should begin to run a stage
coach to Boston. The same year, as an article of un-
common sale in this community, the widow of Judge
Lynde advertised, that an elegant family chariot might
be purchased at her house in Liberty lane. In 1784,
Thomas Newhall published, that, on 13th of Decem-
ber, he should have a stage pass from Salem to
Charlestown one day and returu the next. On the
14th of the same month, Mr. Burrill stated, that he
had made an alteration in his line so that one of his
coaches would go every alternate day through Med-
ford to Charlestown, and another thus come from Bos-
ton by Winisimet route, and, in this manner, till the
ferry closed, when both of the carriages would follow
the Charlestown course. Whoever went and came,
paid 6/ each way ; but if taking one passage, he was
charged 7/6. In 1789, Mr. Burrill, as a means of re-
viving patronage to his line, lowers the fare, so that
passengers both ways, should each pay 4/10 to, and
the same from Charlestown, through Medford ; but, if
they only went or returned, it was 6/ a seat. By an
■ excise act of our Legislature in 1790, which continu-
ed several years, carriages were taxed as follows.
Every coach, chariot and post-chaise, £6 ; phaeton
and four-wheeled chaise, £3 ; fall back chaise, 10/,
and other chaise 0/ ; sulkey and riding chair 4/ a year.
'Though a stage was driven by Benjamin Teyler
MARBLEHEAD AND GLOUCESTER STAGES. 319
from Marblehead to Boston, as far back as 1768, and
one possod occasionally from Salem to the former
town in 1774, yet it was not till 1794, that such a ve-
hicle was run from Marblehead to our own city.
Michael Dasset was the proprietor of the last carriage.
He came twice a day for three times a wcclc, and, in
1797, he came daily at 1/6 a scat. So convenient aa
arrangement was continued in dificrent hands and
with partial interruptions, for a considerable period.
In 1817, the fare was raiscdTfrom 25 cents to 31 ; but
the change met with so decided a rebuff from the
public, that it was reduced in a few months to the
old price. This was so in 1828. About this date,
another concern ran a coach at 12^ cents a passenger.
Subject to such vicissitudes, a line was sustained till a
short period after the cars, in 1839, became its too pow-
erful competitors. When the Mashabcquash was thus
passed by means, so strange to its waters, it was not
likely to be again crossed by a regular stage. But in
the course of 1843, Lot Peach removed the improba-
bility by running one at 12J cents a seat..
For securing an easier communication on the rough
route between Salem and Gloucester, Jonathan Low
began to run a coach on it in 1796, thrice a week, for
the summer season. There had been a "Stage Wag-
gon " from and before 1792, on the same course. Mr.
Low gave notice, .1806, that his carriage would make
its passage daily. This line has been continued by
difierent proprietors. In 1843, it ran twice a day.
Besides the stages run at different periods, begin-
ning 1796, from Beverly through our city to the me-
tropolis, a daily commenced, 1828, between Sal^m
320 • • HACKNEY COACHES.
and" the first town. • A similar convenience was afford-
ed, 1833, at 12^ cents a seat. These accommodations
were but temporary.
As an unusual event among our community, more,
accustomed to -carry, themselves thsm to be carried,
John Femald, in 1805, took his stand with a hackney
coach near Stearns's building. An accommodation
of this kind, has slowly gained on the patronage of
the public. The location, assigned the next year by
the town authorities, for such coaches, and also sleighs,
was south of the Court house.
A stage, from Salem to Haverhill, was commenced,
1810, by Morse and Fox, once a week, through Tops-
field, Boxford and Bradford. Soon it went twice a
week. Previously, travellers were only accommodat-
ed, on this route, by carriers who had a spare seat or
two in their chairs. Robert Davis was in this service
as far back as 1774 Of the preceding firm, Richard
Morse, in 1811, took a new direction to Haverhill
through Andover. To the latter town his charge was
$1,12^, and to the former $1,25. The Post-chaise
was succeeded, 1819, by a mail coach, which ran three
times a week, the fare being $i. This new establish-
ment belonged to one of the Manning companies, who
contined it as far down as 1839. It appears to have
run daily for several years. Ephraim Corlis, Jr., gave
notice, in 1823, that he should run a coach three times
a week, from Haverhill to Salem. During the year
last named, another stage was driven from this place
through Haverhill to Concord, N. H. In 1828, an
opposition company set up a coach here for Haverhill
at a fare of 75 cents. The two last enterprises were
• ANDOVER, LOWELL AND DANVERS STAGES. 321
not of long continuance. A line thither has been sus-
tained amid clashing interests and change of proprie-
tors. The present one, which goes thrice a week, is
conducted by Isaac Pinkham, at $1 a passenger.
In 1819, a coach began to run twice a week, for
the South Parish of Andover. It continued several
months. The next year, another was set up on the
same route, but it was not permanent.
The manufacturing interests of Lowell, had risen
so much as to justify the'enterprise of extending its
conveniences of travel to our own town. In 1826, a
coach came thence every other day. The fare was
$1,25. The succeeding year, Samuel Manning set
up a mail stage, which went thither the like number
of times, at $1,50 a seat. This line is continued by
Thomas Adams. It seems to have been a daily for
several years. In 1842, Simon Pindar began to drive
a coach to Wilmington, every alternate day, so that
his passengers might take the cars for Lowell. Should
this Manchester of New England be fostered by the
protective policy of the General Goviernment, its in-
tercourse with our citizens will be proportionably
increased.
To facilitate communication with our neighbors of
Danvers, a coach, in 1828, began running thence to
Salem; twice a day, at 12^ cts. a passenger. Its route
included the north part of that town. An opposition
coach commenced soon afterwards, but it was not per-
manent. The line, in 1836, extended to Beverly.
Not long after, it was restricted to its original bounds.
At present, it passes twice a day, on each course.
Morse 6c Steele, in 1838, put an Omnibus on the road
28*
322 IPSWICH, ESSEX, LYNN AND BOStON STAGES.
from South Danvers. It was called the Transport.
This carriage, so pertinently named, appeared in our
streets soon after another of similar construction,
which plied on the way to Boston. Like its compeer,
it failed not, as a huge novelty, to attract many eyes
and occasion many remarks. In 1841, it ran hourly
and so continues. Then a new line commenced here,
to compete with the other, but it continued only a few
weeks.
About 1833, a coach came daily from Ipswich to
this place. It was under the direction of Frederic
Mitchel. It continued after 1836. But the Railroad
dispensed with the need of such accommodation.
Thomas Nurse, in 1833, commenced a stage from
Essex to Salem. It ceased in several months.
• A coach has run from Lynn to this city since 1832,
over Forest river road. At present, Benjamin Pierce
continues one in the same direction. Fare 25 cts.
Having attended to the public conveyances for
passengers on several of the avenues to Salem, we
"will resume those between it and the metropolis. In
1798, Badger d& Blake set up a stage there for this
route. William Manning and Joseph Cross commenc-
ed herQ, in 1801, a similar enterprise. These two
persons became noted for their activity in so useful
an employment. Particularly has the first, in con-
nection with his brothers, secured such repute by ex-
tending the facilities of travel, more than any other
individual of Essex County. The fare, on the Boston
line, was $1,25 in 1817, and, in 1821, it was reduced
■to $1. In 1819, Robert Manning and company be-
gan to run a stage through Danvers. In 1827 and
OMNIiJUSKS. 323
1828, several new coaches were driven at 50 and 75
cts. a seat. Simon Pindar run one, 1831, over For-
est river road. He commenced with the last price,
but, in several months, came down to the first. There
was a varying from one of these rates to the other un-
til the Railroad was opened for travel. Since, a half
dollar has been the fixed price.
As a matter of much attraction and speculation,
eflTorts were made, with an ^apparent prospect of suc-
cess, in 1832 and 3, to form a company for running
steam carriages on the Turnpike, from Salem to Bos-
ton. This project was encouraged by experiments,
which had been made in England. But the conclu-
sion subsided finally in the more practical method of
running cars on the Railroad. Unable to compete
with this new mode of travelling, the Eastern Stage
Company, Feb. 12, 1838, advertised all their joint
stock for sale. Their enterprise was well conducted.
It greatly accommodated our own and other commu-
nities. When undertaken, it bid fair to have a long
and profitable continuance. But it was met by an
overwhelming trial, disastrous to them, though bene-
ficial to the public. Such is the frequent experience
in human calculations. Among the different vehicles,
conducted on the ways to Boston, an Omnibus appear-
ed, in the year last named, as an object of much curi-
osity. It was driven by Adrian Low for two years.
It reminded us, as to room for passengers, of the
wagons called caravans, in Old England, 1565, and
named on our colony records, 1645, each of which, as
fashionable conveyances, would hold 25 persons.
With regard to the amount of travellers from our
324 AMOUNT OF TRAVELLERS. FARES.
city to the metropolis,- we may form an idea by a gen-
eral statement of the coaches at (liferent periods.^
These carriages, of course, do not include many oth-
ers, which passed the same course through our streets
for the eastward. Nor do they embrace extras, which
were neither few nor unfrequent. Prom 1802 to
1823, there were four and five ; from the last year to
1834, there were six and seven ; from this to 1836,
eleven and twelve. In 1837 there were eight ; for a
portion of 1838, twelve, and the other portion, six. —
In 1839 there was one carriage, and this number has
continued at a fare of 50 cts. to tally with that of the
cars. We have a particular account, which bears on
the point before us. On Dec. 6th of 1831, the Salem
and Boston Stage Companies had 19 coaches run hith-
er with 219 passengers. For a week, ending the 3d
of the same month, their carriages brought us 1,031
persons. In view of our Stage history, we may say,
seldom are the instances, in which so sudden and ex-
tensive a change occurs, as it now lays before us.
The many have at once become few. Such alterna-
tions are likely to take place in all great thoroughfares,
wherever a Railroad is established. This, in point of
absorption, is the rod that swallows up the rest.
As the roads to the metropolis were altered, so, of
course, were distances varied. Formerly the direc-
tion was over Charlestown ferry, through Medford,
Maiden, Lynn and Danvers, making about 20 miles.
Then, over the new road, including Maiden bridge, it
was 17 miles, and afterwards, over the Turnpike, 15
miles. This is one of the many varieties, in which
HORSE WAGONS. CABS. 325
human inclination always leans to the saving of time
and toil.
Though it is high time that we had done with
travelling, still there is one or two more of its con-
cerns, which will not suffer us to quit the track, till
they appear in the review. The wagon, though more
homely than the coach, is no less useful. The 'kind
carried by a single horse, appeared about 1810, and
gradually increased. Most of our townsmen, engag-
ed in laborious occupations and owning horses, ceased
to ride these animals on the back and used them in
such vehicles. Wagons of this sort have been em-
ployed to bring produce to our market, which had
been borne hither either in carts, or in wallets and
panniers, thrown across the backs of horses.
" The last call we have here, is from the Cab.
Though this handy, but not easy article, has been
long used in Europe, yet mauy years have not passed
since its appearance in our cities. The first notice
we have of them ia Salem, was in the spring of 1842.
Then William Lovejoy and Joseph Smith advertised,
that each of them had provided one to accommodate
the public at the rate of 12^ cts. a seat. However
such carriages have been multiplied in other places,
yet they have not so won upon the liking of our citi-
zens as to be increased among them. Though a third
was subsequently set up, it did not long survive.
The present name of this conveyance is undoubtedly
the first syllable of the French Cabriolet. The last
word is from Cabriole, which signifies a goat-leap, by
no mesuis an inapposite expression of the motion of
the caniage.
32.6 POST MASTERS AND POST RIDLRS.
MAILS AND POST OFFICES.
However letters from a far country, may be partic-
ularly acceptable to the scattered settlers of a new
world, yet years must elapse before the progress of so-
ciety there will be" enough for the regular establish-
ment of mails and post oOices. Such was the expe-
rience of our ancestors. Not till 103U, did our Gene-
ral Court, according to their records, take any steps in
a matter of this sort. Then they ordered, that all
who chose, should deposit letters, " brought from be-
yond seas," with Richard Fairbanks of Uoston. llo
was to dispatch them according to their direction.
For his care, he was allowed 1*^ a letter. In 1074,
the same authorities required, that post-men, on pub-
lic service, should have '3*^ a mile, as their full com-
pensation, and that no innholder should charge them
more than 2/ a bushel for oats, and 4"* for iiuy, during
day and night. A petition was laid bcfuru thum,
1677, by a number of merchants, that, as letters of
importance had been frequently lost, because " thrown
upon the exchange" in Boston, they would pass a rule,
for the {Mrevention of so great an evil and for the rates
of postage. Accordingly, they designated John Ilay-
ward, the scrivener, for such an ofUce in the metropolis.
With the repeal of our Colonial charter, the immedi-
ate power to control these concerns, was taken from
the Massachusetts legislature. They passed a law, in
1693, which complied with the appointment of Thom-
as Neal, as post master general of British America,
and Andrew Hamilton, as his deputy, by the Xing in
Council. The same act allowed, that, for Massachu-
THE LETTER CASE CARRIED BY JOHN NOBLE. 327
setts, a " general letter oHice" should be located in
Boston, and its keeper be designated by the latter of
the two lost named gentlemen. It set the postage of
a single letter, from the capital to Snlcm, at 4*'. It
couHncd the carriage of letters for hire, to the regular
post men. These facts, with the situation and size
of Salem, indicate, that a post oHlco hud then boon
established hero.
In 1704, the carrier of tho mail had his route from
Boston to the eastward, through this town. There was
particular mention made, in 1711, of u po^itonicunmoiig
our popuUitiot). Tradition ailirms, that Joiialhuu I'ul-
mer, wiio died at Newbury, 1720, in his GUlh year, was
post man, for many years, on tho course last specified.
The earliest name of our post musters, which has
come to tho knowledge of the writer, was Edward
Norris, in 17G8. Among tho most noted carriers of
the mail, with whom he had to do, was John Noble.
lu tho discharge of his duties, tho huit ])crson rode
between Boston and Portsmouth. Bonjumin Hart,
engaged in similar employment, advertised, 1770, that
ho had left riding the post horse, and taken " the same
post stage, lately improved by John Noble." This
indicates, that Mr. Noble had rolincpiishcd his charge
of the mail by the year lust expressed. The article,
in which he used to carry letters, is deposited in tho
Portsmouth Athenmum. " It is made of tin, and is
only four inches wide, four inches high and ten inches
long ; about double the size of a common cartridge
box." A contrast indeed, when compared with the
large, bags of tho eastern mail, in our day, which are
transported six times oftener, tiian so interosiing a
328 RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF MAILS.
relic of former years. A communication, of March
28, 1774, from the Boston committee of correspond-
ence, is received by a similar cooimittee here, on the
subject of establishing post offices and post riders, in-
dependent of the Crown. When the struggle for
freedom had commenced, our Provincial Congress
took the concern, within their jurisdiction, into their
own hands. Among the post masters, whom they
appointed. May 13, 1775, was Mr. Norris, who thus
received a confirmation of the trust, previously con-
ferred on him. They raised the postage of a single
letter, from 4^ to 5^^, for not above 60 miles, and so
in proportion. Then there were only three other
post offices in Essex County, besides our own, which
was kept in the shop,^ now No. 43, Washington street.
The succeeding July, our National Government as-
sumed the control of this business for all the States,
and elected Benjamin Franklin, post master general.
They allowed his deputies 20 per cent, of what they
paid to him, not exceeding $1,000, but on what was
above this sum, only 10 per cent. Thus a concern,
■which had been regulated, under the second charter,
by officers of the Crown, was broken from such a re-
lation and incorporated among our free institutions.
Congress required, Aug. 30, 1776, that " there be
employed, on the public post-roads, a rider for every
25 or 30 miles, whose business it shall be to proceed
through his stage three times in every week." In
1779, Muscoll Williams was the keeper of our post
office, in a shop, now No. 290, Essex street. He
seems to have succeeded Mr. Norris. He gave notice
> Letter from Caleb Fool, Esq., on Salem post office.
LOCATIONS OF POST OFFICE. NUMBER OF MAILS. 329
in 1788, thatirom May 1, to Nov. 1, the eastern and
western mails would come three times a week. At
the other portion of the year, their arrival was one
third less frequent. By 1792, there were carried in
the course of a week, two mails to Gloucester, four to
Marblehead, and one daily to Boston. The last was
transported by " Burrill's Stage Wagon." The Mar-
blehead mail was then carried by Mr. Fabens, on fcot,
who had lost one of his arms. Besides such convey-
ances, there still continued to be a carrier of letters
and other things to Haverhill weekly.
Having succeeded Mr. Williams, after Aug. 21,
1792, John Dabney kept the office at the comer of
Essex and Washington streets. In 1800, he was at
the comer of Essex and Central streets. In the spring
of that year, he moved to a new building at the foot
of the Market street, called Concert square. His last
location was on the premises occupied by Bowker
Place. Three mail stages, from Boston on the east-
ern route, in 1802, arrived daily at Salem. The en-
suing year, the mail was carried twice a day to Mar-
blehead, by the stage. In 1805 it was sent thrice a
week to Gloucester. Joseph E. Sprague succeeded
Mr. Dabney, 1815. He moved to Franklin building ;
to the corner of Court and Essex streets in 1817; to
the comer of Essex and St. Peter's streets in 1818,
where he remained while in such official capacity.
In 1826, there were six daily mails, three thrice a
week and one weekly arrived at our Post Office, and
as many of like order departed. Two years after, the
dailies had increased one and the tri -weekly one.
After the accession of Andrew Jackson to the Presi-
29
330 l*Ar OF POST MASTERS.
dency, Mr. Sprague was succeeded, 1829, by Eben-
ezer Putaanx. The latter gentleman remained a while
in the apartment hired by his predecessor, and then
moved to the East India Marine Buildings, where
the office has continued. As a novel event in corres*
pondence by letters, Mr. Putnam, after the Banks had
stopped specie payments, received an order from the
General Post Master and published it May 30, 1837,
not to take any other money than hard, for postage.
This measure, enforced through the country, was very
unpopular and did not remain long. In 1841, there
were ten daily mails, and two tri-weekly, which arriv-
ed here, and, 1843, eleven of the former and four of
the latter. This, in comparison with ancient data,
shows a great increase of correspondence. The
amount of such intercourse is more than twenty times
greater than it was 68 years ago, without taking into
the account the proportionate addition of offices in our
vicinity. With regard to the compensation of the
Post Masters, within a half century, it has been vari-
ous. Mr. Dabney's commissions ranged from $200 to
$1,000 a year; Mr. Sprague's from $1,000 to $1,600
and over. The last sum has not varied much since.
Though there has been an enlargement of correspond-
ence, yet the new offices of the neighborhood have
been enough to prevent an increase of postage in this
city.
The question whether there may be private convey-
ances of letters on regular post routes, has been some-
times discussed in our community. The practice has
long existed here in a greater or less degree, and has
occasionally been checked by our Post Office authori-
""CARRIERS. 331
ties. Still it has never assumed the open attitude
here, which it has recently in our largest cities. The
matter is before our highest judicial tribunal. All
must confess the need of national Post Offices, and
that whatever plainly jeopardizes their continuance,
should be suppressed. Few privileges, secured by
public supervision, exceed well regulated mails. These
have a large share in the promotion of intellectual in-
tercourse, in the advancement of literature and the
cultivation of social affections. These are among the
most efficient means that
" Speed the soA intercourse from soul to soul,
Aod waA a sigh from Indus to the Pole."
CARRIERS.
Prior to the facilities of intercourse between differ-
ent portions of our country, by means of established
post roads, and of stages sustained by private enter-
prise, necessity required that there should be carriers of
letters and packages. Hence, the ancient practice
of our Colonial authorities in employing expresses.
Their example was undoubtedly followed by individ-
uals, as they had occasion. But the lack of news-
papers, in our community, till modern years, prevents
our knowing much of such business. In 1774, Robert
Davis set off every Tuesday, at 9 o'clock, in his chair,
from the printing office of . Messrs. Halls, with their
Gazettes, and also, with letters, packets and bundles,
on his way to Haverhill. The manifest welcome of
many to his arrival, in the several towns of his course,
so that their desire for news and family supplies might
be satisfied, must have continually imparted a lively
interest to his employment.
332 VARIOUS LINES OP WAGONS.
^ la 1781, John Rea of Danvers was similarly ea«
gaged by our inhabitants on the way from Salem to
Boston. The next year, Benjamin Diamon, one of
our townsmen, is found concerned in the like busi-
ness. He went, three times a week, from this place
to the metropolis. He yet vividly lives in the re-
membrance of our aged citizens, who have associated
him with the pleasant scenes of their childhood. On
the Eastern Route, Mr. Akerman, as successor of No-
ble and Hart, appears, 1785, occupied in so conven-
ient a calling. As stages rose and their drivers as-
sumed the duties of such carriers, so did the latter,
for the greater part, disappear. Since the steam cars
have run, the class last named, have gradually increas-
ed, so that there are several now on the track from
this city to the capital. The carrier, in the like di-
rection, on the Turnpike, is Adrian Low. He began,
1840, to run a light wagon, with one horse, for the
transportation of various articles. This concern is
called " the Package Line," and has proved itself wor-
thy of public patronage. .
BAGGAGE WAGONS.
. Among the diversified inventions to meet the calls
of our business community, are the carriages, specified
at the head of this article. We meet with one, ad-
vertised, 1804, by John L. Matthews of this place.
He ran it twice a week to Boston and then back, for
the purpose of transporting goods. It appeared in his
jiame till after the fore part of 1808. The use he
applied it to, shows, that it resembled a baggage w£ig-
on.. ..But he called it a " stage wagon." If this name
MR. rULLER, A WAGONER, KILLED. 333
really signi6ed baggage wagon, then one was employ-
ed, on the same route, as early as 1792, by Mr. Burrill
of Salem, and another by Mr. Lowe, before 1792, from
Gloucester to this town. James Young notified,
1805, that he had commenced running a baggage
wagon from Salem to Boston. But dying before the
year closed, his concern was taken by George Wig-
gin. Philip Wells stated, 1808, that having been in
this business for several years, on the same routes, he
still proposed to have it continued. The following
yejir, his charge for the carriage of one hundred, was
75 cts., and, for a less weight, 1 ct. a pound. John
Todd established, in 1815, a daily wagon in the like
direction. The next year, Jesse Puller gave notice,
that, having been similarly employed, for several
years, from this place to the metropolis, he should ex-
tend his line to Newbury port. In 1818, H. and D.
Merritt & Co. ran a wagon to the last town, through
ours, from Marblehead, where they were then located.
Merritt and Ashby, in 1822, had a daily from Salem
to Boston. During the same year, as Mr. Fuller was
killed by- the overturning of his wagon, in the upper
part of Essex street, Stephen Towne, who had been
in his employ, succeeded as proprietor of the line.
Short of two years afterwards, this concern came into
the hands of Peter Edgerly and others. In 1831, H.
Noyes was engaged in such employment. David
Merritt, having taken an office in Boston, 1833, still
had lines continued from Salem to that city and to
Cambridge and Newburyport. In 1839, he gave no-
tice, that he should keep up his wagon to our city
over the Turnpike, while he transported goods hither
29*
hy th^ Railroad cars. Experience, as to business of
this kind, has shown it to be of much toil and of no
great profit, . . - ,, . ..
AQUEDUCT.
It was perceived by those, provident for others ben-
efit as well as their own, that there was increasing
need for our population to have a greater supply of
wholesome water. A movement was accordingly
made in 1796, The next year, March 9, subscribers
to the object, were incorporated, under the title of
" The Proprietors of the Salem and Danvers Aque-
duct." Spring Pond was used as the head source for
furnishing the fountains. The stock consisted of 100
shares at $600 each. It yielded 6§ per cent, for a
considerable period. At length, so many of the in*
habitants were dissatisfied with the annual charge of
the corporation, that a new company associated, seve-
ral years since, and proceeded to the purchase of iron
pipes. But a compromise was made by a large reduc-
tion of the price, and the rival concern was dropped.
Such a diminution and a large outlay on the works,
has, for some years, allowed but small income, and,
for others, not any. A share now is worth about
$400. The terms are $4 for a family of three mem-
bers, and 50 cts. for every additional one. Among
various obstructions in the pipes, one has been found,
not originally anticipated. It is from the roots of trees,
which, while mere filaments of a hair's size, have en-
tered the logs and filled the bores. Near the Danvers
burying ground, it was observed, that two trees, of
similar size when planted, grew with diferent degrees
TOWN GOVEKNMENT AND OFFICERS. 335
of rapidity. One lifted and spread its branches much
more than the other, without any visible cause. At
length, a part of the adjacent aqueduct refused to per-
form its office. An examination was made and, lo, a
root of the luxuriant tree was found to have perforated
a log and entirely occupied its passage. The secret
was explained. The craving tree was left to the
natural resources of its more honest neighbor.
MUNICIPAL AFFAIRS.
. The government of towns in New England, like
that of her Congregational churches, promoted Re-
publican liberty before fully, secured, and has done
much for its continuance since it was gained. The
honor and happiness of every community depend on
the righteous administration of its concerns. For the
accomplishment of so desirable an end, rulers of in-
telligence and integrity must be elected. This was
especially so in the first establishment of our ancient
plantations.
Town government. — ^The General Court allow in
1636, that the freemen of every plantation, shall not
only be empowered to grant lands within their bounds,
but also, to adopt rules for their government, not op-
posed to those of the colony ; to assess and collect
fines for offences not above 20* and appoint their seve-
ral officers.
Town officers. — ^The different classes of these, as
belonging to>$alem, will be named at the first dates,
when seen by the writer, or known to have been re-
quired by laws of the Commonwealth. As the records
of this corporation, now extant, are several years later
836 ■--: CONSTABLES. WATCHMEN.
than its beginning, sorae of such trusts, in the gift of
its freemen, must hare existed prior to the years
placed before them. Until the removal of the colo-
nial government from Naumkeag, in 1630, the mem-
bers of it probably did for this location, all, which was
necessary, so that the choice of others, for the same
purpose, was inexpedient. From such a change, mu-
nicipal authorities were needed.
1630. Constables. — ^John Woodbury was appoint-
ed, as one of these officers for Salem, by the Court of
Assistants. Our records of 1646, read, " Its agreed y^
two black staues of 6 feet long or thereabout be pro-
vided for y* Constables and Edmund Batter is to
speak to Francis Perry to have them made." A few
months afterwards, the legislature required such staves
to be tipped on the upper end with five or six inches
of brass. As a like order had existed in England, it
appears to have been the origin of the expression, "tip
staff," as applied to Constables. The same year, such
an order was adopted, by our General Court. They
impowered Constables, where no magistrate was, " to
signe and put forth persuites, or Hue and Cryes," after
certain offenders. In 1687, there was a vote of our
inhabitants, " that Timothy Lindall should write to
Capt. Gerrish at Boston, to gett this town six Consta-
bles' staves."
1634. Watchmen. — Two of these were ordered
by the Assistants, to guard each plantation every night.
It is likely, that such nightly protectors were chosen
from the first settlement of Naumkeag. In 1636, the
duarterly Court order, that the watchmen, warned to
serve, shall appear half an hour after sunset, to receive
BELLMAN. 337
iDstnictioDs and not return home in the morning with-
out permission. The legislature require, that every
town shall provide accommodations for watchmen.
Two classes of these were spoken of in 1640 ; one
named the Conslablos' watch, because regulated by
such police oHicers, and the other, military, because
appointed by military ofUcers. They were composed
of males, aside from exempts, who were above 15
years of age, and who were notified to take their turns.
The succeeding contract was made Nov. 10, 167G.
"Agreed with Arthur Hughes to bee bellman for y*
towne from this present time to y" first of May next,
viz., that y" said Hughes shall begin to take his walk
about 10 o'clock att night from y" bridge to Henry
Moises his house, passing through all y" streets and
lanes within the circumference of y* towne, to give
notice of y" time of night, what weather, etc. accord-
ing to custome, and take special care to prevent fire
and any disorder in y" night by giving timely notice
thereof and to continue y' said perambulation until
break of day. In consideration whereof y* selectmen
have agreed to pay y* said Hughes £5 out of y*
towne rate and, in case he manage y* business to sat-
isfaction, it is left to y* selectmen to give him more
not exceeding 20*,". Tradition used to tell wonder-
ful sights, said, to have been seen by our ancient bell-
men. It related, that one of them, while passing his
solitary rounds, wa9 surprised at the appearance of a
funeral proc^ion, in all its solemnities, passing from
the door of a particular house. Of course, this spec-
tral scene was extensively interpreted as the omen of
speedy affliction.
338 BELLMEN.
•-1678. -May 1. "Agreed the Constables' watch
shall be sett of six men every night with arms and
ammunition according to law, and that they begin at
Deacon Prince's corner and goedowne eastward." It
appears that such a watch was kept til! the fall, when
the bellmen did their service till the spring, when it
was resumed by them. In October, Hughes began
his duty at the small compensation of 12<^ a night, in
" Town pay" or produce.
1679. Notice was given to one of our Constables,
as follows : " You are hereby required in his majes-
ty's name to warne 13 men euery nig,ht to watch and
bee exact to see the full number appeares and attends ;
the one halfe, att least, to bee sober honest men and
householders, to one of which you shall commit the
charge and care of the watch, and warne them to bee
very carefull to examine any night walkers, strangers
or others, who are abroad att unreasonable hours and
to secure any suspitious persons, that cannot giue a
good account of theire business and to the vtermost
of theire endeaver to bee careful to prevent fires be-
ing made or sett unto the towne by evil instruments,
that may seek our ruin." As successor to the last
bellman named, Walter Skinner agreed in 1680, to
serve from Oct. to May, when the Constables' watch
began, for £7 and "carsey sufficient to make him a
coate." . ' / .. .
- Walter Skinner having faithfully done the duty of
It bellman, was followed by John Simpson, who, in
Nov. of 1699, contracted, for 36/ a month, "to walk
y* towne" from 10 o.c. " till break of day and to doe
his endeavor to prevent fire, or mischiefe any other
BELLMEN. 339
way, and to preuent any disorders in y" towne." As
an object of great attraction to the younger part of
community, and as significant of its use, the watch-
house was surmounted with the image of a watch-
man, which, in 1725, received a coat of paint, a rare
covering for that age. The location of this specimen
of our sculpture was in "school house lane." By
1727, a bellman was the only watch for the year
round. John Meachem then served, and, for this pe-
riod, had £30, probably the depreciated currency.
Two years afterwards, several men were hired to
watch with the bellman on election week. The rea^
son was, " to prevent all disorders, that may arise from
so great a concourse of people, as usually there are
on such publick occasions." r? . .•!:;.
• After the employment of a bellman, and the sus-
pension of the " Constables' watch" for a long pe-
riod, the latter was revived, 1774, and consisted of 10
persons. This number was drawn, as usual, from
lists of taxable inhabitants, who took their respective
turns each night. The same year, a new watch«house
was erected on land, southward of Joseph Henfield's
warehouse. The great fire occasioned these changes.
The customary arms of the watch were specified,
1784, as being a spear and hook. Having dispensed
several years, with such nightly guards, and with even
the lone bellman, whose ofiice seems to become ex*^
tinct prior to 1774, a vote passed, 1790, to hire watch-
men at 48* d^nonth, for each of them. A temporary
provision of this kind had been recently made to al-
lay the fear of our inhabitants because of frequent
thefts in town. Suck a mode of providing for the
340 WATCHMAN'S CRY AND COMPENSATION.
safety of our population and of their property, hsa
continued aa a substitute for its predecessors. Among
the reminiscences of this service, least likely ta be
forgotten, was the watchman's voice, which broke
the stillness of midnight, and often disturbed slumber
while it relieved the weariness of the wakeful, pro-
claiming the " all's well," the hour and the weather.
This custom, which seems to have begun with our
early settlement, was required, 1795, among the du-
ties of the watchmen. About 22 years after this
date, it was laid aside. Though its omission may be
better than its observance, for the detection of nightly
transgressors, yet there is regret to leave it among the
past realities, which no longer mark their pleasant
traces on the memory of childhood, as they once did
on that of other days. As a safeguard to our commu-
nity, a number of its public spirited members formed
themselves, 1811, into a voluntary watch. This has
been done several times. On one occasion, like these,
some of the young men, attached to the watch, would
frequently pass Dr. Bentley's door, and in tones not
altogether unlike those of Stentor, would give the
watchman's cry. He, perceiving that this was done
more for their merriment, than his comfort, came out
in a newspaper and inquired, "if it would not be bet-
ter to cry out when all was. not well and let well
enough alone."
• The charge for watchmen, 1820, was $1,700, and
1843, $2,234 Their wages, in 1836, was 75 cts. a
night for each of them, except their captain, who had
87i- cts. They are the same now. This, however
much greater than in ancient times, is no extravagant
THIRTEEN MEN. 34 1
compensation, though when viewed in the aggregate,
it sometimes brings over the public mind such an
earnestness for retrenchment, that it is zealous to vote
down the whole concern as of Uttle or no value. But
a well regulated watch, in a series of years, besides its
prevention of disorder and immorality, which is better
than money, it preserves far more property than all its
charges.
1035. " Overseers and Layers out of Lotts of
ground."
1G30. The Thirteen men, called, on our records,
the "Towne Ropresentalivcs." This phrase has led
to the mistake of supjxjsing, that such individuals
were members of the General Court, instetid of having
only the oversight of our town oiTairs. Their number
was equal to that of the colonial government here
prior to the arrival of Governor Winthrop. It is like-
ly, that they were elected soon after the Court of As-
sistants left Naumkeag, and that they were as many
from that time to the year which heads this paragraph.
Such authorities were twelve and seven, sometimes
called " the Townsmen," " the select Townsmen,"
and, at others, "twelve men," and "the seven men,"
from the former part of 1637 to 1649. From the last
year to 1654, they were, for part of that period, de-
nominated selectmen and afterwards entirely so styled.
During a long series of years, they discharged the
duties of Assessors and Overseers of the Poor. In
1643, the selectmen agreed to meet punctually once a
month ""vpon the penaltie of 10/, to be levied on the
whole, or vpon such of them, as are absent without
30
342 TOWN CLEPi.^ TREASURER.
sufficient ground." Each of them, was allowed, 1722,
for doing the work of an Assessor, 2* a day.
- 1636. Town Clerk, — There can be but little
doubt, that the varied calls of the selectmen, required
ft scribe to record them so soon as such authorities
were chosen. Still, the words, Town Clerk, were
seldom used in our early records, nor do we meet with
them till 1666. From this date, such an officer, was
called, interchangeably, Recorder and Clerk, for some
years ; but since, the last term only has been applied
to him. His salary, in 1695, was £4 and "benefit of
the records," and, in 1795, £9,
1636. Hog Reeves, — One ordered for every plan-
tation, and to be "a discreet man."
1637. — Aiiditors of accounts.
Treasurer. — Ralph Fogg is mentioned, this year,
in such a capacity. The Treasurer, 1696, had 1** on
JCl of all the town's money, which passed through
his hands, as compensation for his service. In 1711,
he had £8 a year ; 1748, £50 depreciated currency ;
1800 $35, and 1808, $100. A vote passed, 1806, to
allow $100 salary to Benjamin Pickman, sen., then
holding the trust, but he declined to take more than
$30.
Keepers of Cattle or Neat herds. Goat Herds,
Shepherds. Surveyors of high ways. Fence Viewers,
1639. Receiver of things lost. — Our freemen voted
" that Ralph Fogg receive such goods as none doe
owue and send a note of them to the marshall att
Boston." A trust of this kind was assigned, by the
legislature, 1647, to Constables, who were obliged to
keep a written account of what was committed to
OFFICERS. MARRIAGES. 343
their charge and to cry them at the uext Lecture, or
general town meeting on three successive days. If
an animal was found, the finder was required to put
about its neck, as a sign, " a wyth or wreath." It
would be well for many a loser, if such a custom was
more fully observed in. ail our towns and cities. It is
one of the <' good old ways," whose neglect docs not
indicate' the wisdom of tlio present ago.
1G40. Swine keepers,
1641. Gagers and Paclcurs. Clerk of Writs.
■ 1642. Toton Crier. — Ho had 2** for every article
he cried. Leather Searchers.
1642. Clerk of ihu Market. — " Joflbry Muaaoy is
chosen clarko of the market." As we had a market
•1634, a clerk of it was probably then elected.
.: 1644. Pound /Cflepor.— The Icgialuturo passed a
law 1635, that there shall be a pound in every planta-
tion.
1647. Commissioner^ called the eighth man, to
join with the selectmen in assessing taxes. IIu was
to look out for the interest of the Commonwcullh.
Such on odlco was long continued. The Icgialuturo
would occasionally appoint a committee in each town,
OS in 1639, to value its property.
1646. Fish Viewers.
1647. Sealer of weights and measures.
1648. Measurer of Salt.
1655. Commissioners for small causes in compli-
ance with law of 1647.
. Commissioner for marriages.-— William Ilathorne
was elected by the town to oHlciate on such occasions.
The choice was not valid till confirmed by General
344 '■-■■ OFFICERS. . -
Court: Such a triist accorded with a law of 1646|
which was contrary to the law of England and sanc-
tioned a prior and similar custom here of none but
laymen's performing a service of this kind. Lechford,
who left our Colony, 1641, said of it, " marriages are
solemnized by magistrates and not by ministers."
The duty was confined to laymen till 1686, when it
was extended to clergymen, who were impowered by
act of 1692, to continue its performance.
1658. Commissioner n to carry votes to the Coun-
ty Commissioners, for nomination of magistrates. —
This accorded with an act of 1647.
1670. Inspector of strangers.
Corder. — " Thomas Oliver is chosen corder of the
wood, that is sold in the towne." Persons of his sta-
tion were called " measurers of wood," in 1783, when
•they had " three coppers a cord." Now they have 5
cts. a load for wood or bark. .
1677. Tythingmen. — Twenty-five Tythingmen
were chosen to supervise the families, supposed to be
ten, assigned to each of them respectively. Such an
appointment was, in that period, a strong check on
social irregularities. It was an imitation of English
custom, introduced as long ago as the reign of Alfred.
1683. Cullers of Fish.
1685. Valuers of Wheat for Bakers.
1687. Inspectors of Bricks.
- 1693. Collectors of Taxes.— Constables had dis-
charged their duties.
1694 Field Drivers. — Their service had long
been done by individuals under other names.
1 .1712. School Committee. — Selectmen had served
in such a capacity.
. OFFICERS. 345
1718. Measurers and Surveyors of Lumber.
1727. Executors of Bye-laws.
1731. Committee to prevent the destruction of
Alewives.-r— Their care was afterwards extended to
other River fish.
. 1735. . Surveyors of hemp and flax.
... 1740r Deer Reeves. — ^To see the law for the pre-
servation of Deer, enforced.
1747. Viewers and Cullers of staves.
1750. Overseers of Poor, whose duties had been
discharged by the selectmen.
. 1753. Pire Wardens. — Five chosen according to
law of 1744 Their place had been supplied by the
selectmen and others united with them.
I7&^,i/ Wardens. — They were to see that the Sab-
J}ath was properly kept. The wards were then six,
which had one warden for each of them. In 1756,
there were four wards.
1790. Inspector of the Police.
Board of Health, whose duties had been performed
by selectmen.
1793. Inspectors of Tobacco.
. Thus have we looked over the various offices,
which arose and continued in this place, before the
close of its long existence as a town. They denote
interesting changes of society, and manifest how in-
cidental exigences call for like alterations. Whatever
motives may have actuated the occupants of any
among them, these persons, for the most part, have
)}een summoned from all earthly scenes and influen-
ces. The rupture of the tenor, by which such trusts
were formerly held in their respective lives, neither
30*
84:6 CITY GOVERNMENT ADOPTED.
wakes their reposing dust nor disturbs their waiting
spirits. But while so inoperative on those, who have
passed away, it was properly a subject of attention
and action with their surviving successors. It came
before the population of Salem as far back as 1805,
when it was dismissed. Having gained on their fa-
vor, it was approved by them February 15, 1836, and
an act of the legislature was obtained for its execu-
tion, the next March 23d. Thus broken from long
continued associations, connecting the deeds of the
fathers with their children, our inhabitants subjected
themselves to the authority of a city government.
This was organized, May 9, in the Tabernacle church.
The ancient practice of prayer at our Spring meetings,
was continued, on the occasion, by Rev. John Brazer.
The official oath of Mayor to Leverett Saltonstall,
was administered by David Cummings, Esq. Mr.
Saltonstall then did the like service for the Aldermen
and Common Council. He, also, delivered an elo-
quent and pertinent Address. Similar proceedings
have been annually observed.
As a matter, more for the information of those, who
shall come after us to take their part in life's drama,
than of our cotemporaries, the succeeding items are
stated. The several branches of our present govern-
ment, consist of a Mayor, six on the Board of Alder-
men and twenty-four in the Common Council. The
charter divided the city into six- wards, which were
diminished to four in less than a year. . In these di-
visions, each of which makes an annual choice of a
warden, clerk, and two assistants, the Mayor, Alder-
men and Council are as often elected. Of the last
CITY OFFICERS. 347
body, every ward chooses an equal proportion. The
Mayor and Aldermen have power to appoint police
officers, as the Marshal and Constables. The three
branches, in convention, being called, in this collec-
tive capacity; City Council, elect, by joint ballot,
Overseers of the Poor, School Committee, Treasurer
and Collector, Fire Wards, City Clerk, Assessors and
their Assistants, Commissioner of Streets, and other
officers. As men cannot live by promotion alone, it
is needful and just, that they be compensated for their
labors. Among the diferent salaries of our present
officers, we give the following. Mayor $800, Treas-
urer $600, City Clerk $500, Commissioner of Streets
$300, Marshal $200, and Assessors each $200. Be-
sides the above trusts in our city, are those of the
Clerk of the Common Council, Messenger, Board of
Health, Visiting Physician, Sealers of Weights and
Measures, Superintendent of Burials, Fish Committee,
Fence Viewers, Surveyor General of Lumber, Meas-
urers of Wood and Bark, Culler of Hoops, Culler of
Fish, Pound Keepers, Tythingmen, Field Drivers
and Keeper of the Powder House. In running the
eye along the several offices of this corporation, it
beholds some, which our fathers would hail as old
acquaintances, however clad in a more formal livery,
than -was seen in their age. Though the ancient
voice was for a simple mode of government, yet the
modern has rightly decided, that the population and
interests of our community should be controlled by its
present system of authority.
^48 CITT SEAl.. . TOWN MEETINGS. '
' CITY SEAL.
.. Though Salem was incorporated as a city in 1836,
yet their seal was not adopted till March 11, 1839.
To meet inquiries, which may naturally arise about
the signification of the symbols, presented on the face
of this instrument, which is intended to seal the pubr
lie documents of our corporation, so long as it shall
stand, — we have the following items. Within the
shield is the view of a coast, located in the East In-
dies, with the figure of an inhabitant there in the
dress common to the Asiatics ; of trees indigenous to
the soil of that country, and of a ship, from our own
port, entering one of its bays. The whole was de-
vised to represent this city as a place, distinguished
for its commerce with the most distant, as well as the
nearer portions of the globe. The dove, drawn above
the shield, with an olive branch in her mouth, is typi-
-cal of peace, which is the original signification of
Salem.
~ ■''.".'."" TOWN MEETINGS.
-. The conventions of our towns and cities carry much
of their likeness and infiuence into our State and
Congressional Councils. Much of weal or woe, de-
pends on the mode of their being conducted. As an
eficient means to keep our liberties from perversion
and our public conscience from hardness and debase-
ment, constant care should be exercised to preserve
such assemblies from the outburst of poUtical ani-
mosities, and to have them regulated by justice to the
PLACE OF MEETINGS. 349
rights of the minority, to the claims of the general
good, and to the demands of Christian rectitude.
These meetings, on a small scale, probably com-
menced in the year of Conant and his company's re-
moval to Naumkeag. Mrs. Pynchoa used to relate,
that the first General Court of the Freemen was under
a tree of the field, which was afterwards owned by
major Stephen Sewall, her grandfather, near the Aque-
duct reservoir, on the height of land in Sewall street.
Tradition, also, informs us, that Governor Endicott
and his Council met in a fort on the same premises.
It is likely that their first town meetings were held
there.
Before 1655, there had been a building erected for
them. «>:When- such places of accommodation were
under repairs, or pulled down to be supplied with new
ones, the people usually resorted for their public busi-
ness, to the house of worship. For nearly four years,
from 1774 to 1778, they convened in the meeting
house of the first congregation, where many of their
most interesting resolves, on the subject of the Revo-
lution, were discussed £md passed. Afterwards they
returned to the court house. When this was taken
away, 1785, they met sometimes at Jeffry's Insurance
Office, but generally at Joshua Ward's brick store, till
1787. ' Having been rebuilt, it was occupied by them,
till the Town Hall was prepared, 1817, which they
used to 1836. At this date, the different wards began
to assemble in their respective ward rooms and they
have so continued. The City Council met at the
Court house till 1838, when the City Hall became
the place of their convention and has thus remained.
350 MODE OF CALUHQ MEETINGS. STTLE.
ir* From the religious character of our primitive setf
tiers, we have no cause to doubt but that all such as-
semblies were opened with prayer. So reasonable a
service was, in all probability, continued from that
period, though the writer has not seen it, on our re-
cords, till 1756, when it was incidentally noticed.
Since that year, the same duty appears often on the
pages of such authority and the practice has been an-
nual, at our spring meetings, to the present day. Af-
ter this service, at different periods, acts of the legis-
lature, against prevailing immoralities, were read to
those convened.
The style, applied to our inhabitants in their col^
lective capacity for public business, was expressed
variously. It was, in 1636, " granted by the Free»
men," and "at a generall Court or towne meeting."
In 1656, " at a generall towne meeting of all the free^
men."
Particulars as to the manner of calling the inhabi-
tants together^ may be worth the recital. In 1644,
Goodman Auger was allowed 9* for twice warning
the freemen from house to house, which took him
four days and a half. "Ordered and agreed, 1646,
that all the towne 's. men and freemen shall meet euer
rie second day for four weeks together, now follow-
ing, to consider of the public good of the towne."
Ordered, 1650, " that for all publique meetings, that
concerne the towne in generall, or the freemen of the
towne, warning being given on a lecture day, by the
Constable, of the day and tyme, shall be a legall warn-
ing." The inhabitants voted, 1719, that "the town
meeting be always warned on the lecture days whilest
J.M.3%Mff^rd A Cm\t Liik. BtUm.
('•irr«:( Ukantu fram tfu copf uf 4B. Ofa^inal kt ftu CoAixatt fttViUy.
NOTICE OF TOWN MEETINGS. . 351
and when there is a lecture, by a public reading of
the wan-ant in the meeting house, immediately after
the lecture is ended, according to the ancient customs
of this town." In 1732, the voters within the Bridge
were to be notified of a town meeting, from " house
to house," and those beyond, by written notices on
tha Precinct and Village houses of worship and on the
dwelling of William Porter. So great a degree of in-
fluence did such assemblies of the towns in Massa-
chusetts, exert against the royal cause, they were for-
bidden, from August 1, 1774, by act of Parliament,
to be summoned, except for the bare election of oiH-
cers and representatives to the legislature, without the
permission of the Governor, then General Gage.
Earlier, in the same year, than the last date, this offi-
cer ineffectually endeavored to prevent a political
meeting of our inhabitants, by the parade of an armed
force.
The regal mode of heading warrants for such con-
ventions, as well as of all public commissions, was
abolished June 1, 1776, in our Commonwealth. In-
stead of being, as they were under the second char-
ter, "in the name of his majesty," they were, "in
the name of the government and people of Massachu-
setts," and, of being, as to date, "in the reign of any
king or queen," they were, " in the year of our Lord.''
By our State Constitution, adopted 1780, such docu-
ments were issued " in the name of the Common-
wealth of Massachusetts," which has been used to
this time.
In 1787, notice of town meetings was given by
Constables to persons of their respective wards, and
363 TIME OF ASS£MBLI£3. VOTING.
was, also, posted up in these sections. The latter
part of this service is now practiced with a publica-
tion of the same, by the city clerk, in all the news-
papers of Salem. • ;.■-;
- Among the rules, for conventions of this sort, we
have the following. In 1639, over six freemen made
a quorum, after they had waited an hour for the rest
to come. In 1654, whoever did not seasonably at-
tend, on such occasions, either in person or by proxy,
after due notice, was fined IS"*,
Time of annual assemblies.- — Before Oct 19, 1652,
these meetings appear to have been in the last week
of March. Then the legislature ordered them to be
the second week of the last named month, in order to
have votes for magistrates and associates of County
Courts, which had been laid over from Nov. to the
annual meeting of towns, sooner confirmed. In 1738,
our inhabitants voted, that " the second Monday in
March be the time for this town's yearly meeting."
The rule, so adopted, was long in operation. The
city charter appoints the date, for such a convention,
" the Tuesday next preceding the second Monday in
March." Though the " old things " of our municipal
polity have passed away, they discover an inventive
mind judiciously scrutinizing the exigences of com-
munity, as they rose to view, and putting them under
the checks of experience and wisdom.
Voting. — ^The ballot box, under the control of intel-
ligence and virtue, is a more efficacious auxiliary for
) the overthrow of oppression and the continuance of
freedom, than all the fortresses, navies and armies of
the most mighty nation. It was dearly prized by our
QUALIFICATIONS FOR VOTING. 353
fathers. They watched it with untiring vigilance.
They threw around it all the safeguards, which dis-
cerning minds, patriotic hearts and strong hands could
provide.
Qualifications. — For a considerable period from our
first existence as a town, none, in conformity with
usage and law of the colony, was permitted to sustain
any public trust, unless he was a freeman. Every
such individual was required, by order of 1631, to be
the member of a church till 1664. Then, to comply
with an order of Charles II. given in 1662, the Gene-
ral Court enacted, that others " orthodox in religion
and not vicious in their lives," who were 24 years
old and paid a tax of 10/, in a single country rate,
should be alike privileged. No inhabitant was allow-
ed, under the first charter, to vote in military and civil
concerns, if not freemen, with the following excep-
tions. In 1636, it was ordered by the legislature, that
individuals, attached to a train band and who had taken
the oath of fidelity, though not freemen, might vote for
-their officers. In 1647, the same class were allowed
to be chosen on juries and vote for selectmen, if a
majority of the latter were freemen. They were
privileged, 1670, not only to vote for the board of
selectmen, but, also, to be members of it, if there was
a similar majority and they were 24 years old and
rated for £80. In 1673, as an essential qualification
for their voting, eight persons presented themselves at
Salem town meeting, and took the oath of fidelity.
Voters, under the first charter, paid 1/8 a poll, 1*^ on
£1 of property, to the Commonwealth. Such a rule
appears to have been continued under the Usurpation
31
354 VARIETY OF VOTES.
and afterwards to the second charter. This docu-
ment, which greatly abridged the liberty of the peo-
ple and permitted them to have a voice in their gov-
ernment only by choosing Representatives, required,
as a condition of this privilege, that they should have
a yearly income of 40», or estate of £40 sterling.
With regard to voting in town affairs, this rule was
altered in 1742. Then whoever paid a poll tax and
owned £20 where he lived, was thus privileged. As
one of the most welcome and important changes in
ballot qualifications, our State Constitution of 1780,
provided, that all might vote for concerns of Town,
Commonwealth and Nation, who paid their County
and State taxes. The like privilege was confirmed
by the Revised Statutes of 1836. But, according to
their charter, Salem now requires, that for a man to
be such a voter, he must pay his City as well as Coun-
ty and State taxes whenever assessed. The forego-
ing items furnish us with views, both ecclesiastical
and political, which are prominent features in the as-
pect of our history.
Different sorts of Votes. — The term vote, is from
the latin votum, and signifies the wish of electors for
particular persons to be chosen for places of trust. It
is called suffrage, a word used by Justinian to signify
money. It is denominated ballot, from the French
ballotte, a small ball cast in the election of men to
office. As well known, the practice of voting by
black and white balls is very ancient. With these
significations before them, our fathers did not confine
themselves to one mode or material for the expression
of their desire as to candidates for official promotion.
VOTING BY PROXY. 355
It is evident that they, at first, were in the habit of
raising the hand as significant of approval. In 1630,
a question was brought before the commons, from the
several plantations, assembled in Boston, whether they
should choose the assistants and these elect the Gov-
ernor and his deputy, and the whole body so chosen
should make the laws and have them executed. The
legislative record of this matter says, "this was fully
assented vnto by the generall vote of the people and
ereccon of hands." There was another practice, call-
ed in our time "polling the house," or having voters
for opposite candidates collected by themselves. A
General Court, of 1631, agreed, that when the free-
men proposed assistants, and "it be doubtfull whether
it be the greater parte of the commons or not, it shall
be putt to the poll." As attacks were apprehended
from unfriendly Indians, the General Court of 1636,
ordered, that part of the freemen, in towns at some
distance, should be excused fronii coming to the seat
of government and taking part there in the choice of
magistrates. That those who should so stay at home
to protect their settlements, might not lose their share
of influence in the higher branches of the legislature,
they were permitted to exercise it by proxy. They
met in Salem, as well as elsewhere, gave in their
votes, which the deputies had sealed up, carried to
the legislature and there counted. In 1643, the ma-
terial, with which they so expressed their opinion,
was denoted in what follows. It was ordered by
General Court, that " if any freeman shall put in more
than one paper or beane, for the choyce of any officer,
hee shall forfeit £10 for every offence." This phrase-
^5^ VOTING BY BEANS AND CORN.
ology iatimates, that the ballots, here meDtioned, had
been in commoa use. la 1647, it was. required by
the legislature, that the Governor, his Deputy, Treas-
urer, Secretary aud CoDimissioners of the United Col-
onies, should be voted for by electors, who staid at
home, with papers, and the assistants, with " beanes,
onely the white to be for election." The last clause
suggests, that colored beans were cast for the negative.
Our Colonial authorities, in 1680, made a law, that
while the former class of officers were to be chosen
as before,, the latter should be with " Indian corn."
The language of such enactment utters not a syllable
about beans, and thus implies that they had been dis-
pensed with in the election of assistants. These facts
distinctly show, that the latter magistrates were set
apart to their station at one period with bean votes
and at another subsequently by those of corn. When
however we depart from the original records and con-
sult our printed laws of former ages, we there read a
different version. Such enactments inform us, that
in all three of the last years named, corn and beans
were thrown as proxies, the former affirmative and
the latter negative. How such discrepancy took place,
is difficult to be explained at this late day. In a di-
lemma of this kind, the judgment naturally leans on
the manuscript evidence, as the stronger authority.
It is likely that corn proxies for assistants were used
to the Usurpation of 1686. While our townsmen
gave them for such a purpose, and paper ones for an-
other, as previously described, it is probable that they
\Lsed the latter sort as well as raised the hand, or, on
occasions of excitement, polled the assembly, in all
ORDERS ABOUT VOTING. 357
Other voting respects. As one exception to this, they
resolved, 1776, when great care was needed in the
selection of Representatives to the General Court, to
have them chosen with differently colored balls. It
seems that there was a speedy reversion to the old
forms. These, however liable to abuse like every-
thing human, have come down to our times, approved
by experience as the most convenient for large assem-
blies. . ;
Orders about Voting: — These were adopted by our
legislative authorities. One of 1670, ran thus: "If
any man shall behave himself offensively at any town
meeting, the rest then present, shall have power to
sentence him for such offence so as the penalty ex-
ceed not 20?." Another of 1680, that, as a resident
of Salem had manifested a factious and litigous spirit,
he should be debarred from giving his vote in town
affairs, as well as from holding any office, and from
bringing any case before judicial tribunals.
MUNICIPAL REGULATIONS.
Strangers. — Perceiving that this Colony was in
peril, as to its social and religious interests, by the
intrusion of troublesome strangers, the General Court
ordered, in 1637, that none from abroad should be
allowed to reside in any town, except by leave from
"one of the counsell or of two of the magistrates."
The fine of disobedience to this law, was £100. Our
Selectmen cautioned the people here, 1657, to comply
with such an act, on the penalty of 20* a week, during
its violation. With respect to this subject, as one of
long standing, Palsgrave gives us the subsequent in-
31*
358: FINES FOR ENTERTAINING STRANGERS.
formatioa. Among the Salick Franks, "avillawaa
entirely the property of the inhabitants, and no stranger
could settle within its boundaries unless with the
consent of ihe whole corporation. If a stranger re-
mained in the township without challenge, during
twelve months, he was thenceforth allowed to dwell
m peace and security, like the other neighbors of the
community." These two principles of habitance
were recognized in the polity of our New England
towns, and were more strictly observed in ancient
times, than they have been since. The authorities
of Salem were called to act on them at different pe-
riods. Benjamin Balch and Henry Herrick were fined
here, in 1660, for entertaining a stranger. Nicholas
Dree kan, who was the occasion of such forfeit to the
latter, was immediately after received as an inhabitant.
Samuel Robinson and Samuel Shadocke were amer-
ced, 1669, 20* apiece, for " entertayninge of Thomas
Maiile." The last person, being a Quaker, was
warned to depart. But he persevered then and sub-
sequently, amid much opposition, in retaining an
abode, here. William Trask was required to send
John Turland out of town, and give security that he
be no charge to our corporation. For enforcing the
law on this subject, Thomas Oliver was instructed,
1670, " to goe from house to house aboute the towne,
6nce a moneth, to inquire what strangers are come, or
haue priuiiy thrust themselues into towne and to giue
notice to the Selectmen in beinge, from tyme to tyme,
and he shall haue the fines for his paynes or such
reasonable satisfaction as is meet." Francis Skerry
and William Lake were fined for non-compliance with
such an order.
FRENCH W0M£N. EMIGRANTS. 359
,' General Court, in 1673, require that the inhabitants
of Salem as well as of Boston, Charlestown and Ports-
mouth, shall not entertain strangers, except by leave
of the Governor or his Deputy, or two magistrates.
The same year, our town records have the following
entry. " Expenses for the French women brought
intotowa.by Mr^Pipon in his ship." The feinale,
named in the subsequent extract from the same book,
was probably one of these strangers. " Samuel Wil-
liams doth acknowledge Rebecca Outen to be his
servan.t for one whole yeare, and the Selectmen doe
settle her with him, as a servant for that time, and
hee to find her with things needfuU for such a ser-
vant." Owing to the perils of war in Maine, a num-
ber of families who had lived there, fled hither. Our
record of 1676, concerning them, says, they " being
driven from their habitations by the barbarous heathen,
are added as inhabitants of the town, most of them
affirming they have provision for themselves and
families a year." In 1679, the ship Hannah and
Elizabeth, Capt. Lot Gouding, arrived here from
Dartmouth with 47 passengers, among whom was
Doctor Barton. Several of our 'people were summon-
ed, this year, to answer the charge for permitting non-
residents to abide in their houses. Henry West, sen.
and John MascoU, Jr., were empowered, 1693, to in-
spect the families of Salem and " take an account of
all inmates or strangers, that are now in or may here-
after come into the towne and returue their names to
the selectmen every moneth, and, if need be, to warne
them to depart." In 1695, Clement Goady, a jersy-
man, who had served six years in this place, but had
360 NON-RESIDENTS WARNED AWAY.
been gone over the two last years, was warned away.
Such notices were frequent for 25 years from this
time. It was ordered, in 1721, that as "there are
many families of the Irish people, that were affrighted
from their new settlements in the Eastern parts, come
into this town, that their circumstances be inquired
into and how many persons of them there are and
whether they intend to remove hence or not." In
1729, Capt. William Cash brought into this port, from
Ireland, 161 passengers. According to law, he fur-
nished the Selectmen with a list of their names and
circumstances. An order, relative to them, says,
" many of them, being men with their wives and
children and under good circumstances and others of
them, able bodied men and women and indented ser-
vants and of good report, and because there is one or
two on board sick, the well have liberty to go on
shore at Winter Island and the Fort and cleanse
themselves." Capt. Cash and Robert Boyce, the
merchant, gave bonds of £500 to our Town Treasu-
rer, for any charges, which might arise from 19 of the
passengers, who were not exempts by law. Similar
precaution was continued. As in 1790 and 1791,
there were several hundreds of people in Salem, both
white and colored, not regular inhabitants, they were
warned to depart. However such messages may have
appeared to wear a deep scowl, and sometimes affront-
ed a new comer of honest purpose and thrifty habits,
but not acquainted with their design, yet their neces-
sity to prevent an undue imposition of expense in the
support of paupers, needs no explanation. Being a
matter, which not merely affects our monied relations,
OKDERS. 361
but, also, our political and moral institutions, it has
received diversified attention from our legislative
authorities. To conform with their act of 1837, two
of our Aldermen were then appointed to see that its
provisions were not violated.
...1635.1 .Orders. — "All orders, as the towne shall
think meet to be published, shalbe published one the
next lecture day after the towne meeting."
1637. " Ordered that all the land along the shore
on Darby's fort side vp to the hog-sties, and to run
20 poles into the land, shall be reserved for the com-
mon of the towne to serve for wood and timber."
" Whereas diners orders are made and agreed on by
the inhabitants of the towne of Salem, for the better
fulfilment of resolves and for want of a print howse^
or some other meanes whereby to publish them, not
only to the present inhabitants but to others, that may
hereafter, set downe amongst vs, — these are therefore
to certifie all, whom it may concerne, and for his
avoyding of the breach of any of the said orders and
consequently the penalties of them, that they repaire
to Mr. Ralph Fogg, who keepes the records of said
orders, where they may satisfie themselues in every
particular order as aforesaid." This shows a great
difference between the means then and since we have
had our. " print bowses," of acquaintance with such
bye laws. >...t. ::....
.Mr. Fogg is to have for entering grants of land, Q**
for 20, 12'* for 30, 15-^ for 40, and IS-* for 50 acres and
upwards. He is to have 2** for each warrant to lay
out land.
1647. Ordered, " that William Auger shall take
362 SPORTS. CONTESTS BETWEEN BOYS.
notice of. births and deaths and marradges." This
conformed with the law of 1639.
i.1666. Required that all wells, between Thomas
Cromwell «md Richard Gardner's to the head of Mr.
Brown's cove, be repaired and secured against danger,
by raising them 2A- or 3 feet above ground with curbs
or hogsheads, or else be filled up.
1762. Bat and foot ball, throwing snow balls and
stones, in public places, are forbidden. Such injunc-
tions have been repeated at various periods. Every vio-
lation of them, as to casting snow balls in anger, brick
bats and' stones, was, in 1824, to be fined $1. This is
wholesome policy. For a long series of years, boys,
in different divisions of the town, and particularly
those of the east and west, had arrayed themselves,
ini-winter, against each other and frequently with dan-
gerous missiles and exasperated feeling. Each of the
sides engaged in these perilous affrays for no higher
prize, than to have it thought and said, that they
gained the mastery. Seldom could a boy, who had
distinguished -himself on such occasions, venture into
the lines of his opponents, without receiving abuse
^^ld blows. Thus early alienation was cherished be-
tween " up-in-towners and dowu-towners," which, for
the most part, was continued in manhood. In this
manner, a wound was inflicted on the spirit of harmo-
ny, which should be constantly encouraged among
the young as well as old, of the whole community.
Whatever boys think of such restriction on what they
wrongly call liberty, men judge aright and come up
to the claims of society upon them, when they put a
stop to all these breaches of the peace, these facilities
PASTIMES. 3C3
of indulging the passions of hatred, cruelty and dis-
cord. However collisions of this kind may be said
to discipline the lad for bold daring and brave exploits
against invading foes, traits, which may be cultivated
in other proper exercises, still their damage to pure
morals and social welfare, far outweighs all their im-
aginary benefit. .
- The three first pastimes, which stand at the head
of the preceding paragraph, remind us of additional
ones with hand and foot balls, as well as of others,
which have been practiced, in ancient and modem
times, by our Salem boys. It may be for the satis-
faction of our juvenile friends hereafter, to have a
passing notice of most among the latter class. For
them and all else, whom it may please, the succeed-
ing brief is given. Beating the hoop, blind man's
buff, bow and arrow, cricket, dropping the handker-
chief, duck, fiying the kite, French and English, hide
and seek, hop frog, hunting the slipper, king of the
castle, jumping, jumping the rope, leaping, leap frog,
and marbles. With regard to the last, though the ad-
vice has been given so often as to seem needless, boys
should be cautioned against playing with them in
order to win from each other. If they indiilge in this
lighter species of gaming, they are likely to do the
same with " props " or " paw-paws," " coppers " or
cents, dice and cards. A small leak, unchecked, may
prove a large one and sink many a valuable ship. As
to the two last implements of diversion, our Court of
Assistants, in 1631, ordered them to be destroyed,
and, 1645, ordered the keeper of a tavern to be fined
for having a shuffle or shovel board. In resuming
364 VARIOUS ORDERS.
our list, we come to puss in the comer, quoits, sliding
with sleds, skating, sling, thieves and robbers, swim-
ming, spinning top, threading the needle, touch or
tag, walking on stilts and wrestling. As for the rest
of such amusements, too great care should be taken
not to engage in any of them, like that of ponds or
forfeits as generally played, which tend to debase
moral feeling and yield naught but discontent in re-
flection. With regard to in-door amusements, as
checkers, fox and geese, morrice and back gammon,
they are useful to quicken the memory and invention
while kept from the abuse of staking on the issue. A
habit of such perversion cannot be too soon resisted.
1793. Truckmen and bakers were forbidden to
drive rapidly through the streets. By authority of
the Quarterly Court, as long ago as 1672, horse racing
and riding fast to and from worship, were prohibited.
1801. The long repeated nuisance of comparative-
ly few persons and particularly youngsters, standing
at corners of streets, sitting on steps of houses, gath-
ering at places of worship on Sabbath evening, whose
appearance, speech and action are an outrage on de- '
cency,— was renewedly interdicted. Scarcely a habit
among the class, who thus debase themselves in their
own consciousness and in the eyes of all, who observe
them, tends more to weaken the common respect for
good manners, and to cast reproach on the society,
which shields their rights and interests. Public vigi-
lance cannot be too prompt and active in staying every
such spot of leprosy on the body politic.
1819. In imitation of former and repeated exam-
ple, the constables were ordered to patrole the streets.
ORDERS. FIRST ENGINES KNOWN HERE. 36S
on the Sabbath, from 9 A. M. to 9 P. M. Their spe-
cial duty then, was to hinder assemblages of boys and
young men at corners of streets and other places ; their
sea bathing and other accounted disorders.
1839. Passing from what aflfects character, "we
come to a matter of public comfort. It was ordered,
that the machine for watering the streets be under the
direction of the street committee. This item is ad-
duced, partly, as a specimen, that economy now al-
lows conveniences, to which it would once have given
no quarter.
FIRE DEPARTMENT.
A comparative view of this department, shows that
its improvement has kept pace with the progress of
social arts. As a means of extinguishing fire, it was
ordered, 1644, that each of our inhabitants be supplied
with a ladder on penalty of 5*.
1663. Chimnies were ordered to be swept once a
month from October to April, and once in two months
the rest of the year, on penalty of 12*' for each neg-
lect. If a chimney should burn out of the top,
through an omission of the rule, 10* were to be paid.
John Miike was appointed the sweeper. Ho was to
have 4** a chimney, if in money, wheat or butter, but
if in other pay, 6*. Any might clean their own
chimnies, or hire it done by whom they pleased.
1679. The selectmen and two others were author-
ized to take the command at fires, to blow up and
pull down buildings, as need may require. This ap-
pears to have been much more common before the use
of fire engines than subsequently. Hooks and other
32
366 A FIRE CLUB.
instruments for such a purpose, with two or three
dozen cedar buckets were to be purchased.
1689. Smiths, shops, inside of town bridge, and
dwelUng houses, within ten poles of each other, are
to have chimnies of sufHcient material and height.
1729. Besides buckets, hooks and poles, two lad-
ders were kept in the town housed
1744 A fire club was formed here. Its number
was 28 and not to exceed 30. One of its articles was,
" we will have a watchword, whereby to know one
another; every member to whisper it to the Clerk at
each quarterly meeting, and to any other member,
when challenged, on penalty of 1* o. t." A law was
passed by General Court empowering towns to choose
firewardens. Each of them was to have " for a dis-
tinguishing badge of office, a staff of five feet long,
painted red and headed with a bright brass spire, six
inches long."
1749. On petition of Capt. Richard Derby and
others, they were to be excused from all town offices
as soon as they should purchase a good fire engine.
If any of the members should move away or die, and
leave sons, these might be their successors in the
company. The engine was approved by the select-
men next year. It still remained the property of its
purchasers. Its shares were sometimes sold. Though
almost a centenarian and laid aside for newer ones, it
is still carefully preserved, and highly appreciated, as
an old servant, which has done much good in its day.
Whether our townsmen had any engine, on a simpler
model, than this, first meutioned on our records, is
unknown. There were two of the former, kind in
Boston prior to 1711.
- THIRD ENGINE. 307
1751. Another engine, having been bought by
Benjamin Lynde and others, was accepted. It was
larger than the preceding. As tv/o novel objects of
public attention, they went by the names of '< the
small " and " the great " engines.
'1753. There were five fire wardens. Their duty
had been done by the selectmen and others united
with them. ^
1754 The engine men had an additional privilege
of being excused from juries.
" 1767. The town sent to London, through Benja-
min Pickmau, for an engine, which cost them £73
4* 4*. The company, approved for it, were Clark,
Gay ton, Pickman and 6fteea others. It was voted to
have buildings made for the engines. One by the
Court house, another near Nathaniel Andrews', and a
third on land of Edward Kitchen, deceased.
1771. Among the requests of the firewards was
that women and young children would stay at home,
when there was a fire. Sympathy for the distressed
as well as curiosity to witness a scene, uncommon for
small towns, must have been the occasion for so plain,
but still expedient advice.
1772. After several efforts to have cisterns made
at the public charge, one was finished in School
street;''-: ■■'■ ■ -. -i;'..' ■ .
• 1773. As a preventive of fires, Benjamin Peirce
Beech was appointed swee^^r of chimnies. His fees
were 1/2 for a chimney in each house of three stories,
crowned roof, and !• for it in the same with flat roof;
10* for it of two stories, crowned roof, and 8^ flat roof,
and for chimnies of other houses, 8** apiece. In 1813,
368 EXERCISE OF ENGINES AND. THEIR LOCATION.
the price for such work was 50 cts. for three, 40 for
two and 30 for one story chimnies.
J 1774. An order to pay for axe helves and fire fork
bandies. A vote passed to procure another engine.
Among several things recommended by a committee
«oon after a great fire, we have the following. " Each
engine be furnished with a framed canvas screen in
three or four leaves about eight feet high utid a Iiandy
mop to each screen." Every owner of a house should
provide himself with one or more leather buckets.
On cry of fire, in cloudy nights, the people should put
lights in their windows. i3oys should be so placed in
lanes by the fire wards, as to hand only empty buck-
ets. "That the iuhahitunts ought to attend, us often
as possible, at the monthly working the engines with
their buckets, to learn to form lanes and work the en-
gines." The time for this " to be at the breaking up
the schools." These suggestions were accoptcd.
The most of them were long continued. The o.vor-
cise of an engine company in former years, drew to-
gether a great concourse of people. Of these a large
and the merrier part were boys, released from their
afternoon instruction. The idea, that the exhibition
waited for them by public authority, aided to render
them very punctual and happy attendants.
1786. The selectmen were authorized to purchase
an engine. The managers of fire hooks, axes and
buckets to be exempted, from civil duties, like engine-
men. A committee were appointed to sink needed
cisterns.
.. 1788, One of the engines was named the Gloucea-
Xot and another No. 1030.
SMOKIWG TOBACCO FORBIDDEN. 369
1789. An agreement was made with William
Stearns and others, that they pay for half the cost of
a new well and pump, near George Osboru's fence.
1793. A cistern was made on the south western
part of the Mall.
1794. The selectmen were empowered to buy a
new engine.
1797. Benjamin Goodhue, a nicnibor of Congress,
purchased one in Philadoiphiu, for Sulom. Titnolliy
Pickering supcrintoiidud its cructiotj. The nmnufuc-
turer of it was Sauiiiul JiriKgi'j a (.^iiiilvcr. It was so
injured, on its pussagu hilliur, that it would uul work.
The maker sent uu an agent to 6ou it ropuired. Nauius
and locations of engines in this town, wuru as follow.
The Union, of small size, N. of the Court house ; bu-
leni, on the Conuuoii ; Uuliuncu, made iu I'hiladulphia,
near head of Long ^Vharf; Friend, near Bull'uni's
corner ; Essex, N. of Court house ; Fudural, near the
Episcopal church ; l']xchango, now, in Essex street,
near Mrs. Rebecca Cabot's; the four last were import-
ed from London; and the Alert, old, in Washington
street, near Mr. John Duland's store. To prevent
one occasion of fnes, the selcclniun forbade the smok-
ing of segars in the streets. A similar |)rohibilion was
issued, in 1812, setting the fine, for each ollence, at
$3. Some of our earliest colonial laws were against
the use of tobacco in any j)laco or manner. It has
long triumphed over the natural repugnatice of human
taste, over many resolutions to deny its created appe-
tite, over the fretpicnt protestations of cleanliness, over
the strong appeals of injured health, and over the
positive laws of community. It has imposed an iron
33*
370 CISTERNS. BUILDING WITH BRICKS.
servitude on multitudes, who would suffer no man to
deprive them of liberty. Without interfering with
its private use, the authorities of this and other places,
are often constrained to raise their voice against its
being smoked in our streets, lest it kindle a conflagra-
tion .to sweep away the habitations of our citizens.
What more reasonable requisition ! No one should
be so reckless as to " take an enemy into his mouth to
steal away " his reputation for order, and rob others of
their property.
A condition of the town's permission for an Aque-
duct, was, that a conductor should run from it to the
cistern at Buffum's corner, to be used if needed in tires.
. 1798. Contracts were proposed to sink eight cis-
terns. The places reported for them, were Court, Es-
sex, Derby, Neptune, Market, Mill, Boston and Fede-
ral streets. It was ordered, that if an engine did not
appear at a fire, its company should be fined $2.
1800. A question came before the town for having
bouses and stores built with brick, as a preventive of
fires. It was decided in the negative. Time will
show, though we earnestly wish that the demonstra-
tion by flame may never come, whether this decis-
ion should not have been entirely the reverse.
1804. The report for a cistern in High street, was
accepted ; 1806, $400 were allowed for another . on
Mill hill ; 1817, voted to have one near the corner of
Liberty street, and, 1823, another in North Salem.
1824 Voted to supply the section, last named,
with an engine, and, 1825, to buy another instead of
cthe ancient Alert. Thus an old acquaintance of many
a. school boy, whose daily track was along by its
OLD TOWN PUMP RELINQUISHED. 371
lodgement, who once delighted to see it equipped for
trial, aud to race through its monthly sprinklings, and
whose bright locks had grown grey in the period of
its services, was laid aside, as no longer fit to arrest
the threatening conflagration.
1826. The first congregation were granted the
use of the land, on which the tenement of the Alert
stood, if they allowed room, for similar occupancy, in
the west porch of their new meeting house. This
place, being inconveniently small, was relinquished in
a year or two, and another substituted.
. 1833. A cistern, with two pumps, was ordered for
English street. .
1835. An engine to be made for No. 9 company,
and located in Bridge street. .
1836. Voted to have a well in Creek street.
1837. The town agreed to have the Daland well,
in the rear of house No. 2, Chestnut street, cleared
out aud furnished with two pumps, if its owners give
up all control over them.
1S3S. It was ordered, that a cistern, partly dug in
Broad street, be filled, and a substitute for it made at
the junction of Green aud Pickering streets.
1839. It was agreed to have a cistern prepared for
Marlborough street, in the place of one relinquished to
accommodate the railroad. Little was it expected
when this fountain was opened aud fitted for use, that
locomotives, like some monstrous leviathan, would
sweep over the bed of its waters, and pour out fire
and smoke, instead of the element designed to subdue
them. A cistern was ordered for Park street in South
Salem, and another near the first church, in lieu of
372 EXPENSES OF FIRE DEPARTMENT.
♦'the old town pump," which Mr. Hawthorn, one of
our city's gifted sons, has given a prominent place
among his eloquent and impressive tales. ■
■ 1841. It was voted, that Forrester street should
be supplied with a cistern.
• 1842, The fire clubs here were as follow : Active,
Adroit, Boston street. Enterprise, Nuumkcag, Relief
and Social.
After thus coursing over diversified facts of our Fire
Department, we perceive u marked dillureuce between
its present and tmcient condition. Li 1843, thero
were 20 public cisterns with two pumps, and 8, with
one pump; nine operative engines, with as many
houses and suitable apparatus ; and 350 men, attach-
ed to the hose, hook and ladder, engine, and tiiroe
sail companies. These associations do not include
axemen, as a distinct body and as they formerly did.
Still two axes are attached to each engine to be used
by any of its company when needed, and, ihe hook
and ladder company, also, have axes. . With regard
to .the sails, used at fires here, they have been found,
by our inhabitants, for a long period, to be excellent
means, when thoroughly wet, to prevent the spread
offiames. It is singular, that there is no company,
in the metropolis, to carry them to their fires, nor in
any other place, known to the writer. The expenses
of the fire department, for a year, to the spring of
1843, were $1,481 38, a sum judiciously appropriated
and economically expended. This accords with the
truth, more allowed, in various respects, than prac-
tised, that it is better wisdom to prevent evil, than to
amend it, with increased charge, after its occurrence.
CIUDOCK'S HOUSE. 373
FIRES.
Among the calamities, which forcibly teach the ia-
security of oorthly pobscssioiis, utid which strike terror
through the heart of man, arc the coiiUagratiuns, that
often threaten communities and sometimes spread
desolation through them. This is fur more no in
those sections of the world, where the training of
firemen and the iniprovuniunts uf their maciiinury are
much in the rear of hucIi advuncomcnt, us many of
our principul ])lacus may ju^lly claim. Our means of
informulion on ihu subject of lirus in this city, {trior
to our regular lilus of newspapers, preserved by u few
careful hands, who thus conferred great benotit on
thoir successors, ure very Umited. A Hst uf tliuse
events, BO fur ua known, huru follows, it muy bu un-
d(ir.ston(l, dial whoro nauglii Ih htiid to the uonUury,
the buildings were entirely consumud.
lG3d. Mr. Crudock's house at Murbluheud about
midnight. Mr. AUerton and many lii>hurme]i, whom
he employed, were in it, but were saved with most of
his goods. A taylor, who worked lute ihut night,
looked out and suw the building on ilre "above the
oven in the thuicli."
. 1030, Oct, Julm Jacksou's house with considera-
ble property.,! .. .1 , .
. 10<1. , "Mr. Humphrey sufTered much by fire at
Salem."
1040, April. A farm house of Emuimel Downing,
then ill Cnglund. Loss JC200.
.', 1047, June. A burn with corn and hay. It was
caught by lightning. This "fell upon the tiiatch iu
the breadth of a sheet."
374 THE GREAT FIRE.
1666, Sept. 10. A house, owned by Capt. Thomas
Savage. A woman, who se^ fire to it, was sent to
Boston jail for trial.
• ''1698, June 28. At 9 P. M., a fire was discovered.
A ware house of Mr. Lindall. The dwellings of
majors Pilgrim, Hurst, William Brown and Mr. Sam-
uel Prince. One of Eli Hathorue was blown up to
arrest the flames. Damages £5,000, of wliicli major
Brown owned £3,000. The premises of ihoso build-
ings, were partly covered by Essex Coilee house.
This was called the great fire till thut in 1774.*
1714. Among claims for common land, this year,
Thomas Maul presented one for a place, where his
two shops were burnt.
1737, Sept. 3, At 5 in the morning, fire in Brit-
ton's hatter shop. Most of the hula and fur:j buvcd.
Loss about £100.
1774, Aug. 24. Alarm 2 A. M., five shops and a
warn house below the town house, then on Essex
street. Loss 7 or £800.
^ 1774, Oct. 6. Rev. Or. Whitaker's meeting house,
custom house, eight dwellings, fourteen stores, shops
and barns, besides sheds and other out houses. The
town house caught but was saved. An aged lady,
mother of Mr. Samuel Field, wliile attempting to es-
cape from her residence, struck her head, felt and was
burnt to death. This was the greatest fire, with
which Salem was ever before aiilicted. As usual with
communities, suspension from such a trial, hod in-
duced our townsmen to be slack in discipline and de-
ficient in implements, required for the emergency.
Its occurrence waked their vigilance, consultation and
THANKS TO MARBLEHEAD. 375
action. It led thom to adopt rules and make provis-
ion, so that they might be better prepared to encoun-
ter a like event. Grateful for tlio seasonable aid, uf-
forded them byr adjacent inhabitants, they voted, lOlli,
that their thanks "be given to our brethren from the
neighbouring towns for their kind assistance at the
late distressing fire ; and that the most grateful returns
are duo. to our brethren from Murblehuud, by whose
timely arrival with liiuir engine and vigorous exer-
tions u great [mrt of this town was rescued from de-
vouring llamos." The following niiniiio, from our
records, shows, that while hosjiiluliiy was e.Mended
to benofactors, thu lessons of leniperanco were lilllo
studied. *< Allowed Jonathan Webb un order for
£a 19* d-*, for 132 breakfasts, 3 gallons of W. I. Hum
and 3 gallons of Gin, for the Murblehead people, who
assisted us at the groat fire."
L7U5, March 30. Early in the morning, Mr. Dun-
lap's barn in Hardy street.
The Gazette of Tuesday, Sept. 8, says, «• last Mon-
day " there were repeated alarms. At 3 A. M., one
in tiie hay loft of the Sun Tavern, not much damage.
At night, u barn of Thomas Brooks, on Palfray's
wharf, with four horses consumed. 'I'he same paper
mentions a firo, which broke out lately in the barn of
Capt. John Derby, "near the barn burnt last week."
1795, Sept. 18. In the night, an attempt to burn
a building of Mr. J. Dunlap, who iuid recently suffer-
ed from a like cause. A malicious lad was suspected
of it and committed to the Alms house. The fires of
this year wore supposed to havo been the work of in-
cendiaries.
376 SCHOOL HOUSE. MAN BURNT.
^ 1798, Jan.'Sl. Afternoon, the Grammar school cham*
berin centre school house, was destroyed. Much dam-
age done to the books of the library, kept in an adjoin-
iog room. The cause of it was the anxiety of a boy,
who was sweeping the floor, to destroy a rat, which
he saw run to its hole, by throwing a live coal down
its hiding place. No doubt, this was undivided at-
tention to one object without a thought for conse-
quences.
Feb. 5. Monday morning, the ship Aurora was
seen on fire. She was owned by William Gray, an-
chored in the harbor and partly laden with valuable
merchandize for Europe. A considerable company of
men put off in boats, accompanied with an engine,
and saved her without much loss. Mr. Duncan, a
ship keeper, who had lost an arm, was burnt to death
in the cabin, where the fire commenced.
April 4 In the morning, Nehemiah Adams' cabi-
net shop, with all its stock and tools, in Newbury
street.
May 10. At 6 P. M., an apartment connected with
Mrs. Elizabeth Orne's house, Essex street, was dis-
covered to be on fire, but soon extinguished.
1799, July 13. In the morning, an alarm, that the
warehouse of Elias H. Derby, on his wharf, was afire.
No great injury was done to it or its contents. Sup-
posed to have been caught by a lighted segar.
- Oct. 2. At 9 evening, shop of Mr. Jefferds, brass
founder, was seen in flames. It was partially saved.
Nov. 4 About dark, Capt. Peter Lander's bam
and Mr. Chadwick's barn, filled with hay, and near
each other, on Essex street.
FIRST FIRE INSURANCE COMPANY. 377
: 1800, Sept. 27. A schooner at Union wharf, Capt.
Silrer, ready to sail for Alexandria, took fire. Caused
by the unheading of a barrel of rum and its running
on some casks of lime, which ignited. Cargo much
injured.
1801, Jan. 24 A part of William Carlton's house,
occupied for printing, caught fire, but was extinguish-
ed with little damage. The next night an attempt
was made to burn the shop of Jonathan Archer, which
succeeded only to a small extent.
1802, IMarch 27. In the evening, a smith's shop,
opposite Creek Court, was discovered on fire ; but it
was soon put out. While the people were returning
from this, there was an alarm from the Alms house.
Two buildings which wore connected with this estab-
lishment, and contained oakum and grain, were con-
sumed. The fire was kindled by a colored boy
about 11 years old.
April 13. In the evening, a house, inhabited by
colored people, at the bottom of St. Peter's street. A
woman perished in the flames.
15th. About 10 A. M., Josiah Woodbury's house,
in River street, caught fire, but was extinguished, with
considerable damage.
1804, June 13. In the afternoon, a shop in Water
street, owned by Mr. Dow and occupied by Mr. Hook,
a cabinet maker. The stock and tools of the latter
destroyed.
During this year, the first office in Salem, for insur-
ance against fire, was established here.
1805, Sept. 8. On Sunday night, a Twine Facto-
ry, carried on by Mr. Fisher, owned by the widow of
33
378 '•'- • -' • FIRES.'.: .-.n :. i- .
Capt Daniel Rust, and- situated back from County
street. The deed of an incendiary.
1806, Jan. 16. In the evening, three houses of Jo-
seph Edwards, Mr. Chaplin and Deacon Lamson, in
Carpenter street. They were all three stories high.
Caught, in the first, among shavings.
- 28th. Early in the morning, a building, occupied
by Messrs. Cushings, for a book bindery and printing
office, on Essex street.
March 10. While the workmen were at dinner, a
cabinet maker's shop of Nehemiah Adams, near the
Mall, took fire and was much injured.
1809, Oct. 6. A shop of the same person just
named, was nearly consumed.
1811, June 21. Near midnight, Foye & Tuttle's
rope walk, in eastern part of the town, with a large
amount of stock.
1812, May 26. In the morning, the corn mill on
South river. The family there scarcely escaped with
their lives.
1813, Jan. 26. In the evening, the tobacconist
shop of Niles Tilden, English goods store of Mr. Con-
vers, a grocery of Mr. Goodhue, and a barber's shop
of Mr. Mottey.
1813, July 24. Near midnight, Thomas R. Wil-
liams' cabinet maker's shop, in Williams street.
Dec. 1. At 10 P. M., a currier's shop of Benjamin
Cheever, Boston street, with its contents. Loss above
$4,000.
1814, Sept. 24. About 3 A. M., a barn in Mill
street. Supposed by design.
1815, Aug. 6. On Sunday, A. M., divine service
BENEFIT OF BRICK WALLS. 379
was interrupted by an alarm, because Jerathmel
Peirce's house iu Federal street and two others near
it had their roofs on fire from a chimney in the first
one. Though the: peril was great from a high wind,
the fiames were extinguished with but little damage.
-. Dec. 20. About midnight, a brick store occupied
by Hinman.^ Stodder for the sale of crockery and
dry goods, next door east of Essex Coffee house, was
consumed, except the walls, with its contents. Loss
about $8,000. Other stores iu the same block, sepa-
rated by brick walls, were not injured by the fire,
though the owners of goods, taken out for safety, suf-
fered by theft. Such preservation proved the superi-
ority of brick over : wood^ especially in buildings for
merchandize. > i i ."
; 1816, Aug. 22. At 4 A. M., a fire broke out at the
corner of Liberty and Water streets. Eleven build-
ings were destroyed on the east side of the former
street, as follow. One dwelling house, three stories,
of the Salem Bank ; one of E. &. J. Norris, with a
Distill house and store of theirs, containing much pro-
perty ; two of Mr. Ball, one used, in part, for a bake-
ry, with a barn and store, which, also, belonged to
him ; one of Nathan Peirce ; one tenanted by a Stan-
ley family, and a bam of Stephen Philips. Another
bam of William Procter, was pulled down. Two
houses of. Samuel Buflfum, on the same side, were
greatly injured. On the west side of Liberty street,
four buildings were destroyed. Namely, a dwelling
bouse and shop of Messrs. Sauls (S& Martin ; one of
Josiah Parsons, part of which was a store, and a shop
280 .•"!.:; LARGE yiRES.
owned by him and Jonathan Neal, the chambers oc-
cnpied as a rigging loft by Thomas Farless and the
cellar with several hundred barrels of tar, which made
a great flame. . On Vine street, a shoe maker's shop of
Samuel Gray was pulled down and a dry goods store
of John Scobie nearly so. Thus were sixteen build-
ings destroyed and three much damaged. This was
the greatest conflagration, except that of 1774, ever
experienced by the people of Salem. It still leaves
that to be chronicled, in our calamitous history, as
"the great fire." May no sad reality ever give occa<^
sion for the change of such a comparison.
• 1817, Jan. 29. In the forenoon, the upper part of
a school house, near the first Baptist meeting house,
was considerably injured. The next evening, a me-
chanic's shop, at the bottom of Market street, was
some damaged.
. April 11. At noon, the house of Dr. B. L. Oliver,
at the corner of Essex and Liberty streets, received
some injury. The . next evening, Col. Hawthorne's
barn in North field was consumed. It took fire from
burning woodwax. .1 .:..:. .'itt ..... . : ;^w.
>^ . 1818, Feb. 2. In the morning, through a defect in
the chimney, Rev. Thomas Carlisle's house, in Bartoa
Square, was some damaged and his furniture, by be^
ing mov£d, much more so. .
li 1819, Jan. 3. Sabbath morning, a house at the
corner of Summer and Essex streets, was some in-
jured. Caught from ashes in a wooden vessel. Near^
ly at the same hour, a currier's shop of Capt. Hawes,
i^ Boston street, was slightly burnt.
STORE CAUGHT BY LIGHTNING. 381
• 25th. The South mills were set on £re, by a col-
ored boy, but were soon extinguished.
;: Juue 30. A small building, back of the court house,
occupied by colored people, much burnt. .
1820, Feb. 1. In the night, a brewery of James
Stearns, in the rear of Boston street, received some
damage.
1821, Jan. 21. Afternoon, a store, kept by Mr.
Norris, at head of Union wharf, was some burnt.
28th. In evening, the chair maker's shop of Mr.
Ames, Essex street, caught iire, but was speedily put
out.
June 23». A parcel of lumber, owned by Messrs.
Burrill &> Robbins, in Water street, was kindled by a
cigar's being. thrown there, but was soon extinguished.
..Oct. 4. Afternoon, house of widow Whittemore,
in Bridge street, took fire, but it was soon put out. '
1822, Jan. 16. Between 1 and 2 A. M., a fiame
burst through the side of Nathaniel West's house. It
was speedily extinguished.
1823, March 12. The cooper's shop of Mr. West,
on Winn & Whittredge's wharf, was damaged, in the
afternoon, by sparks from a chimney.
April 6. At 11 A. M., a 4 welling house of Mrs.
Hilliard was much injured.
24th. At 8 P. M., another, owned by John How-
ard, in Brown street, was some damaged.
1824, Aug. 10. In the morning, a store on Derby
wharf, supposed by lightning.^ Much of the mer-
chandize in it, was saved.
1825, Jan. 18. About midnight, a dwelling house
of James Bott, Essex street, was badly burned.
33*
ggjj: .D/.:,-i^iiii.^i FIRES. '
• March 26. A store of Robert Cogswell, in Frank-
lin building, some damaged.
Nov. 22. Cooper's shop, occupied by Benjamin
Gardner, on Orne's wharf, owned by Savary 6c Ray-
mond. Loss $500.
1826, June 14. At half past 1 P. M., a building at
the lead factory in South Fields.
1827, Jan. 14. About 11 A. M., a house of Thomas
Hunt, on the old Boston road, was considerably in-
jured. •
Nov. 29. At 7 P. M., the house of Ezekiel Sav-
age in Broad street, received some damage.
1828, Feb. 8. Late in the evening, a house, at
the heEid of Crowninshield's wharf, nearly consumed.
1828, Feb. 28. Between 1 and 2 A. M., Horatio
Perry's shop, at the head of the same wharf, was
some injured.
April 15. Soon after midnight two buildings in
rear of the custom house. Supposed work of incen-
diaries.
1829, April 15. At half past J2, in the night, a
store house of the United States.
20th. A sloop at Derby wharf. A building partly
burnt.
June 28. A barn of Elijah Sanderson's estate in
Federal street.
1830, March 5. A bam of Joseph Frothingham,
upper end of Boston street, by an incendiary.
1831, Oct. 11. An eastern schooner laden with
lime at Pickering's Point,
1832, March 28. Afternoon, house of Ephraim
Emerton, some damaged.
. . i AN AGED WOMAN BURNT. 383
\ JuDe.18. Small house, near the Turnpike, nearly
destroyed.
-. July 8. In the evening, a twine factory, owned by
Joseph Fisher, and occupied by Thomas W. Gwinn,
with a house of the former, another house of Dixey
Morgan, and a barn, adjacent to the Pratt house.
Several other buildings were much injured. Loss
about $4,000. The usual disposition of some ani-
mals, on such occasions, was exhibited. A horse tak-
en from the burning barn, was kept from going in
again by main force. A hog, driven out, rushed back
and perished; No insurance.
Oct. 28. A building, attached to Joseph Lovejoy's
stable, in St. Peter's street, while inflames, was pulled
down.
Dec. 7. Interior of a brick building, occupied by
soap aud candle makers, Rugg 6c Hildreth, in Boston
street, was destroyed in the forenoon. Much of the
stock and tools was lost. Insured.
13th. Office and stable of Mr. McMullen on Hawkes'
wharf. The fire communicated to lumber of Mi.
Gushing, which was partly destroyed. This year had
an unusual number of fires.
1833, Feb. 7. In the forenoon, store of Isaac New-
hall, Essex street, was some injured.
13th. At half past 3 in the morning, a one story
house, near Collins' cove, owned by James Dalrymple.
Mrs. Nichols, an old lady, the only resident in the
building, of 88 years, perished in the flames.
June 6. In the evening, a twine factory of Thomas
Gwinn, in March street.
1834, March 12. The chamber of a house, in Wa-
384- BENEFIT OP BELONGING TO A FIRE COMPANY.
ter Street^ owned by Samuel Brooks, was slightly
burnt.
Dec. 28. Afternoon, a building attached to the
chemical labaratory in North Salem. Another there
partly burnt. . Loss about .$600.
. 1835, Sept. 4. About 2 in the morning, a three
story dwelling house, owned by Joshua Loring, in
Marlborough street. Another, near it and belonging
to Jonathan Holman, was nearly destroyed, and the
rear of David Pulsifer's house was burnt. The first
was partly insured, and so with the others. The loss
was not above $7,000, though the most destructive
fire here, for 19 years. An instance of the benefit
derived from membership in fire companies, was man-
ifested on this occasion. The house of Mr. Perkins,
so associated, was in danger. His brethren of a com-
pany, entered his dwelling, carefully moved his furni-
ture, and, when the peril had passed, safely replaced
it, even to a bowl of milk, with a silver spoon in it,
left there the evening before. This was, indeed, the
verification of benevolent pledges.
1836, March 6. An engine house, No. 7, in Boston
street, was some burnt.
July 6. On Wednesday night, a barn of Joshua
Pope in Boston street, with hay, leather and other
commodities. His house was nearly consumed. Sus-
pected to have been done on purpose.
Sept. 24 Nearly 11 o'clock, Sunday night, three
houses of Israel Woodbury, and one of Joseph Noble,
in Northey street. Another building of the former
was injured. Loss $3,900. Insurance $2,700. Sails
of the sail company were very serviceable in prevent-
ing the spread of the fiames.
FIRES CAUSED BY INCENDIARIES. 385
:, 1837, Feb. 4. After 10 Saturday night, a barn of
Solomon Yaroey and another of William F. Nichols,
in Boston street.
17th,. At 4 P. M., rope walk and spinning housa
of William Stickney, and a rope walk of Joshua Saf-
ford. Loss towards $30,000. , About half insured.
Thought to be the deed of an incendiary.
-June 3. In the night, a building, at the bead of
Charles' Parker's wharf, took £re from lightning, but
was not much burnt.
.: Aug. 29. At half past 9 P. M., an uninhabited
house in South Fields, of Mrs. Wyman.
31st. At half past 10 P. M., two brewery buildings
of Mrs. Stearns, in May street.
(..Sept.'5. . A barn with hay, near the upper part of
Broad street, which belonged to the lady, last named.
-^Dec. 22.. In the moruing, distillery ^f John Norris,
in Water street, took, fire by the bursting of a still.
Some damaged.
^. 26th:. Shortly before 2 in the morning, oil and
candle manufactory of Caleb Smith, at the end of
Harbor street. Loss $6,000. Partly insured.
. 28th. A shed, at the corner of Federal and Beck-
ford streets, was caught by, a segar, but soon extin-
guished. .. oi ,
1838, Jan. 31. In the night, a bam in North Salem.
April 23. A ' tenement in Church street, partially
burnt.
1839, May 9. A house, in County street, injured.
' June 16. At 10 A. M., a house of Mr. McCloy was
greatly injured, and a shop of William Peele, and
Aaron Perkins, was destroyed on Union wharf. Loss
about $700.
386 ^-w.M./ 1 .FIRES. ■
•ii^July 20.' -At 2- A. M., the brass foundry of- John
Waters on North street, estimated at $800. '
Oct. 18. At 9 P. M., a barn with hay, belonging
to the estate of J. H. Andrew, on Flint street. Loss
about $500. : : - '
.^1841, Oct. 3. An eastern schooner, at Derby wharf,
slightly damaged. ...
• 1842, Oct. 19. In the evening, the East India Ma-
rine building took fire from the bursting of a camphine
lamp, but was soon put out.
- Dec, 8. At 2 A. M., a large building, near Frye's
mills, attached to the tannery of Elijah A. Hanson.
Loss $2,600.1 - . :. .. .
Thus we have run through with a detail of fires so
far as they are known to the writer. There were a
few alarms in 184.S, and many in some of the preced-
ing years. It is remarkable, that our city, with so
large a proportion of wooden buildings, has been no
more visited with destructive fires, especially since the
crime of arson has fearfully prevailed through our
country. But past exemption should neither lead us
to forget the source of our protection, nor slack in the
accustomed vigilance of this community. The max-
im, " fore-warned, fore-armed," is always applicable.
* Though thia work proce«da no farther than 1843, yet it maj b«
well to notice a fire of Dee. 18, 1844, beginning shorUy before 11 at
night Buildinga totally deatroyed, were seven on Front, four on La>
fayette, including a long block of wood tenements, and nine on Fiah
fitreeu. Over 20 out>buildinga were pulled down. Losa $100,000. A
greater aum than ever before known to be loat here on ao diaoatroua aa
occaaion. - '■ • ■
BELL SOLD TO HARVARD COLLEGE. 387
TOWN BELLS AND CLOCKS.
Before bur fathers obtained a " church going bell,'/
they were probably summoned together by the sound
of a horn, as was anciently the custom. It seems,
however^ that they were not long without the former
means of notice. It was agreed, 1638, that Nathaniel
Porter " shall haue for the sweepinge of the meeting
howse and ringing of the bell, fiftie shillings per an-
num." The town were rated, 1657, for "a new bell
and hanging," £18. This, of course, must have been
of moderate size. The bell was rung, 1673, from
spring to fall, at 5 o'clock in the morning, and 9 o'clock
in the evening, as an admonition to improve the light
of day and keep good hours at night. Such an order
has been repeated down to our time. In 1685, a new
bell is mentioned on our records.
It was ordered, 1695, that one be purchased for the
town house.
In 1772, David Northey agreed . to take care of the
town clock, in the tower of the first church, for £3
10* 8'^ a year.
;. During the same year, Capt. Stephen Higginson
brought hom^ a bell of about, 900 lbs, for the North
church and another of 590 lbs. for the East church.
The latter sold their old bell of 2 17 J lbs. to Harvard
College at 1/6 lb. and it was transported thither.
The next year, a clock, made by Samuel Luscomb,
was put in the tower of the East meeting house, and
it was kept in repair by the town. The bells of the
North and East churches, 1774, were to be rung at 1
o'clock and 9 o'clock P. M. For this service each of
388 TOWN HOUSE. KING'S ARMS THERE.
the two sextons, in 1793, had £5 8* a year. The
clock in the tower of the first church was transferred,
1826, to the tower of the North church. The loca-
tion of the dial, in this new place, as it was not gifted
even so much as Janus with two faces and thus could
not show its hands to the four winds, was much fault-
ed by some, from whom it was compelled to look
away. Ten years afterwards, the clock was put in
the tower of the South church, where it remains.
It will be seen that this notice of our time tellers is
confined only to those, in which our corporation had
some immediate concern. Others of them have been
placed in our sanctuaries as they have arisen from one
period to another. ';
PUBLIC BUILDINGS.
As the style and condition of a community's public
edifices, so is their taste appreciated by strangers, who
pass through their streets. So far as practicable, in
this respect, the general concern should be the private
care, that the name of the whole do hot suffer. Some
of the buildings, now in view, will be noticed here,
and others under sections, which relate to their special
purpose and use.
TOWN HOUSES.
These have accorded with the models, prevalent in
the periods of their erection. When the first of them
was built here, is unknown. It was probably where
the (Quarterly Courts began to hold their sessions at
Salem, in 1636. If so, the king's arms, as the insig-
nia of royal authority over the commonwealth, were
. • TOWN HOUSES. 399
ordered by our legislature, to be placed there, in the
same year, above the seat of justice. It is something
more than mere imagination to have a reflective view
of this edifice, as presenting an exterior generally sim-
ilar, in style of architecture, to the Curwen and Brad-
street mansions. Though uncertainty rests on the
commencement of such a building, yet fact shows,
that it needed repairs in 1055. Its location appears to
have been on the west side of Washington street,'
several rods south of Essex street. From the follow-
ing of 1G74, a now one seems to have been pro[)osed.
" Agreed that the town house shall bo sot up by the
prison." Thus was the old place of municipal and
judicial assemblages dispensed with, as worn out with
diversified service. Within its walls, cases were tried,
common in that age, but singular in ours. Iluru were
Baptists and Quakers summoned to answer for absence
from worship in the Congregational meeting house.
Here wearers of long hair, great boots, large sleeves,
lace, silk and tiflany were arraigned. Here scolds and
railers were, sentenced to wear their tongues in cleft
sticks, liable to be gagged or have a threefold ducking,
and other transgressors to be fastened in a cage as
public spectacles. Here, too, lovers, for shewing signs
of the tender passion without precaution in consulting
parental authority, were fined according to their ad-
judged trespasses.
In June of 1677, it was ordered, that the town
house be moved near about John Ropes' dwelling. As
Joshua Buffum contracted to raise the materials of the
former, it must have been taken apart for its situation
to be so altered. Then Daniel Andrews was engaged
34
590. QUEEN ANNE'S ARMS,
to build its chimnies, one below and another in the
chamber, fill its walls and lath them and lay the un-
derpinning. John Snelling was to shingle and " cla-
board " it and make the floors, windows and stairs.
The latter had £20, one third in money and two
thirds in provisions, for doing the carpenter's work.
The building, so transferred, stood in the middle of
Washington, anciently School street, and in front of
the late John Derby's mansion, n»^w owned by Robert
Brookhouse, having its front towards Essex street..
Its upper part was to be fitted up, 1G79, for the ac-
commodation of the Court. The delay about it, from,
the time it was begun to the last date, was, no doubt,
chiefly occasioned by the Indian war and its results
by way of exceedingly heavy taxes. A vote passed,
1695, that a turret be made on the town house and
a bell purchased and put therein. The year after, in
compliance with a petition of our selectmen, the court
of sessions decided, that one half of " y" reparation of
said house be discharged from time to time by y*
county,!' and the other by Salem. The rule, so adopt-
ed, continued in force over a century. In 1702, it
was ordered that the court chamber be repaired " plais-
tered over head and white washed, and the Queen's
arms to be procured and handsomely placed over the
seat of justice." Thus was Anne honored by our
fathers as her royal predecessors were before her reign.
As the chamber of the second town house was too
small for the court, our people voted, Feb. 9, 1718-19,
to have a new one, 20 feet stud, 20 broad and 40
long, the second story to be for judicial and the lower
for municipal concerns. Its cost was £622 6*, which
IMPRESSIVE SCENES. ^91
"was discharged by the two parties. It was situated
'on Essex street, next to and westward of the first
church. From a subsequent reference, it appears to
have been painted, a care, so seldom bestowed in that
period, as must have attracted no small degree of no-
tice.
- Thus again we are called, in thought, to part with
an object, deeply engraved on the mind of those, who
beheld it and were sharers in its transactions. Here
was anxiously agitated the question of submission to
the Commissioners of Charles II. ; of relinquishing our
revered charier to the presidents of his successor ; of
concerting measures to meet the contingencies of the
consequent revolution and of forming a provisionary
government till the arrival of another charter. Here,
too, was the tragic scene, exhibiting innocent victims
of delusion, from the child to the aged adult, charged
with the crime of witchcraft, and a number of them
doomed to suffer the extremities of the law. Seldom
can descriptions, either of political or judicial charac-
ter, be drawn in bolder relief of truth, than those,
which veritably apply to this ancient, but departed
edifice.
Credible tradition relates that the building, connect-
ed with such prominent events, stood over 20 years
after its successor was erected. The lower part of it
served for ^ school, while the floor of the old court
room above was mostly taken up, except where the
seats of the judges and juries were located. Here the
boys would sometimes collect, before master came,
and play over the scene, once acted there in dread re-
ality, of trying witches. Mr. Northey, afterwards a
392 SCENJiS IN THE TOWN HOUSES.
teacher here and long since deceased, was a pupil
there at that time. He used to state, that, in one in-
stance, while the boys were>^in grave, judicial con-
clave, and examining a poor wight, of their compan-
ions, who consented to personate a wizard, their teach-
er, not in his " most blessed humor," appeared sudden-
ly among them, laid on his right and left, exclaiming
to the affrighted group, " I'll teach you how to try
witches."
The new town and county house continued, for a
considerable period, to answer its purposed design.
Like its predecessor, it had part of its lower story for
a jsort of exchauge, where men might collect and
transact business. It had a long bench in front, which
seldom wanted occupants when people were abroad.
Here news was related, questions discussed and, not
milikely, scandal retailed. In 1773, Henry Standley
liad the use of the fodder on the burying point, val-
ued at 48* a year, for taking care of the house and
ringing its bell for the same period. The next year
this , building had a very narrow escape in the great
£re. AAer various counter motions and resolves, a
final vote was taken, 1785, to have it relinquished and
supplied by another..
, Could the building, thus laid aside, but relate the
^enes, which it witnessed, its story would be of the
piost thrilling interest. Could its walls present the
eloquence, whose sound reverberated against them, it
.^puld appear in characters of living light. Here was
the Stamp Act, in 1765, held up with all its train of
.impending evils. Here was justified, in 1766, the ad-
^dre^, issued by the Massachusetts house of represen-
• SCENES IN THE TOWN HOUSES. 393
tatives to all the colonies so that they might rally their
energies and stand in the breach against parliamentary
taxation. Here, in 1769, was the wresting away of
our trial by jury in the admiralty court, and the impo-
sition of foreign troops on the inhabitants of Boston,
manfully discussed as omens of still greater evils.
Here, in 1770, did our townsmen resolve, with patri-
otic self-denial, neither to import nor purchase the
goods, subjected to crown duties. Here, in 1774,
did the house of representatives appoint the first Con-
tinental Congress, and designate our proportion of its
delegates for the most efficient resistance to British
encroachments. Here did they eloquently portray the
wrong of closing the port of Boston and the need of
S3rm pathetic aid for the relief of its oppressed popula-
tion. Here, in order to finish their present strike for
liberty, did they keep their chamber door locked
against the Secretary, who was ordered by governor
Gage to declare their dissolution, and who, unable to
gain access, delivered his message in the entry. Here,
contrary to the proclamation of the chief magistrate,
did they form themselves into a Provincial Congress to
regulate the heaving elements of our disorganized
Commonwealth, and then adjourned to Concord, where
they won imperishable renown.
The location of the last town and county house was
altered from that of the preceding. For such a change,
Elias H. Derby engaged to give the town £100. It
was placed on the premises of an old brick school
house. For information of those, who come after us,
vre would state, that it stood in the middle of Wash-
ington street, with its west side facing the Tabernacle
34*
p94 DESCRIPTION OP TOWN AffD COURT HOUSE.
churchy and its front towards Essex street. It wa^
planned by Samuel MclDtire, and built under the di«
fectioa of Daniel Bancr^t, two ingouious architects,
Jt was two stories high, 02 feet lung, and 363 feet
broad. It was finished in 1786. Its cost was $7,145,
paid, one moiety by the town and the other by the
county. Its walls were of brick and its roof surmount-
ed by a cupola. On the front or southern end of it,
was a balustrade, opening into the second story, sup-
ported by a row of Tuscan pillars. Under the balus-
trade were wide stone steps, which could accommo-
date a large number of persons and which led into a
door of the lower hall. On the east side of this hall
were several offices and the rest was left open for pub-
lic assemblies and the exercise of military companies.
The part, thus occupied for the last purposes, was too
often appropriated by unruly boys to their boisterous
sports and destructive propensities, until loud lulls of
authority sounded in their ears and drove them from
the premises. A sketch and description of the build-
ing may be found in the Massachusetts Magazine of
1790. This work remarks, " The Court hall is said
to be the best constructed room, for the holding of
courts, of any in the Commonwealth. In the ceiling
is a handsome ventilator. Back of the judge's seat is
a venitian blind, highly finished in the Ionic order."
Its architecture was prevailingly Grecian ; its model
and execution were much admired.
Salem, having provided other accommodations in
Derby square, disposed of their share in this court
liouse to the county, in IS 17, for $1,823 10, who ex-
pended on it, the same year, $6,071 28, to make the
PRESENTATION OF WASHINGTON. 395
lower story fire proof for the preservation of judicial
papers, and the court room above more commodious.
This was a judicious improvement, which had been
contemplated for several years. For the demolition
of such an edifice and the land it occupied, the rail-
road corporation allowed $3,300 to the county.
Before we take our leave of this edifice, around which
many agreeable remembrances yet linger, we prcsaut
^ view of it and of the street, at wliose head it stood,
^ they appeared in 1839.
So passed from the immediate concern of our cor-
poration, the court house still stood, as the safe deposit
of the county's evidences of its real estate and judi-
cial history, until its subversion, in 1839, to atibrd
ro.om.for the- railroad. Thus did justice, with her bal-
ance, quit the position, which she had long retained
and give place to the experiments of science and pru-
dent, speculationj^ ; Before, however, we once more
tenant her, it may be well to state one reminiscence,
for which the edifice, so dispensed with, was remaik-
able... This. was the presentation of Washington on
its balustrade to a congregated mass in front, wiien he
made his northern tour. Here many a kindling eye
£rst caught the glance of his form, which enshrined
thpse noble excellencies of head and heart, that large-
ly contributed to free our soil from mighty invaders
and lay the foundation of our national freedom and
fame. To this point were directed the acclamations
of thousands, bidding the father of his country the
most grateful welcome and bearing above the devout-
est aspirations for his highest welfare. Sculpture
might group, painting draw and eloquence rehearse
396 - NEW COURT HOUSE.
the scene, but it would fall far below the real impres-
sion, made on the memory o^ that great multitude on
so sublime an occasion.
Though the substitute for the edifice, thus render-
ed memorable, alL belongs to the county, yet, as a ten-
ant of our soil, it here calls for a passing notice. This,
of course, is not needed for those, who have seen it,
but for others, who may be as glad to receive particu-
lars of us, as we are from any of our predecessors.
The edifice, in view, is made of well wrought granite.
Its dimensions are 55 feet broad, and 105 long and
two stories high. Its four columns, two at each end,
are a species of the Corinthian order. Their flutes
and capitals are mostly copied from those in the Tower
of Winds, at Athens. Each of them is 3 feet 10
inches in diameter, and 32 feet high, including the
base and capital. The land was provided by our city
and cost them $4,000. The first breaking of ground
for the work, began July 8, 1839. The building was
erected in 1840 and 1841. The cost of it to the coun-
ty was $80,000. It was first opened for public use,
March 21, 1842, when the Court of Common Pleas
convened there and commenced a session. Its archi-
tectural correctness and beauty being chiefly Grecian)
may be ranked with those of the best edifices in our
country. It would have been a worthy specimen of
taste even in the age and city of Pericles. May its
career of usefulness, in sustaining the rights of the
people, the purity of law, morality and religion, '* un-
awed by influence and unbribed by gain," be as suc-
cessful, as its design was liberal, its model excellent
and its appearance an honor to our own corporation
and county.
TOWN HALL. 397
TOWN HALL AND MARKET HOUSE.
Having paid our tribute of respect to the pale of the
judiciary, which had long been connected with our
municipal concerns, we once more return to the line
of our town houses. True, what is about to be spoken
of, is only, in part, of such a class. Still as no better
position for it can be found, it may be presented here.
When the separation, just alluded to, was contemplat-
ed, our public spirited inhabitants looked around so
that the people should not be destitute of a resort for
the transaction of their general business. Among our
liberal devisers, on this occasion, were Benjamin Pick-
man Jr., and John Derby. They had recently pur-
chased of their brother, general Elias Hasket Derby,
the estate, which had been owned by his father, the
noted merchant. One of their propositions in 1816
was, that if the tawn would erect a suitable building
on such premises, in the centre of the spot, which, in
the same year, those two gentlemen called Derby
square, they would convey to them the fee of suffi-
cient land. This was accepted June 4, and a commit-
tee appointed to carry out the plan. Operations began
on the site at the end of the same month. An incident
of a-sympathetic kind occurred while the earth was
removing for the foundation. . About six feet from the
top, a gold mourning ring was found. On the inner
surface, it contained the following inscription. " W.
B. Esq. ob: 23 Feb. -E 77." This referred to the
former owner of the soil, William Brown of noted and
worthy memory.
398 CITY HALL:
' The lower part of the building was opened as a
Market, Nov. 26.
' The town hall was first used for the introduction of
President Monroe to our principal men, July 8, 1817,
and, in the evening, to a crowded assembly of ladies.
On this occasion it was tastefully decorated. At the
■" north end was a chair from Mount Vernon, with the
name of Washington inscribed on it," for the use of
the President, surrounded with beautiful designs.
Portraits of our distinguished countrymen were hung
on the walls, lighted by a profusion of lamps of vari-
ous hues. Out of respect to this distinguished guest,
some proposed to have it called Monroe hall, but a
preference for the name it bears, prevailed. It was
made of brick, two stories high, 40 feet broad and 100
feet long. Its cost was about $12,000. Though
utility was consulted in its construction, yet its model
is regular and its appearance very respectable. It was
improved for the exercise of military companies and
public meetings of the inhabitants, till the organizar
tion of the city government. Since, it has been simi-
larly occupied, except that the first ward convene
there, on municipal affairs, instead of all the citizens.
Being the last hail, provided under our town adminis-
tration, may its uses be so regulated, that it may be a
pleasant remembrancer of the past £md an acceptable
monitor for the present.
CITY HALL. ; , , :i ...
• It having become the prevsdent impression of our
population, that the city authorities needed accommo-
dations in their several departments, steps were accord-
CITY HALL. 3Q9
ingly taken. Having been less than a year in being
erected, the Hall was occupied, in the evening of May
31, 1838, for the first time, by the City Council. Ac-
cording to the wise example of our ancestors, the edi-
fice was dedicated by prayer and an address was de-
livered on the occasion. Its front is granite, whose
general style is Grecian. Its other walls are of brick.
Its height is about 32, breadth 45, and its length 68
feet, its cost was $25,000. This sum was the great-
er portion of the surplus revenue, derived from the
national treasury, as the average of Salem. Such
windfalls are not likely to be realized again. Should
they occur, they may be well applied to repair the
breaches of our public credit, as caused by the repudi-
ating States. The whole appearance of the building
exhibits economy combiued with strength, and con-
venience with chasteness of architectural taste. As
a precaution of wisdom, an order passed, Aug. 27,
1837, that it be insured for $15,000. Situated on the
east side of Washington street and immediately to the
north of Stearns' block, may its continuance and util-
ity be so prolonged, that none shall hereafter have
occasion to search for its foundations and ask for the
place it occupied. Whatever other changes may come
over it, imagination can furnish no probable advance
in human inventions, which may demand the spoiling
of its fair proportions and the subversion of its sturdy
materials.
REGISTRY.
..I •
Among the proper devices for good, was that to
have an edi6ce,;a part of which should be fire proof
400 REGISTRY.
for the depositing of county papers. That it might
not rest ia mere fancy and desire, our townsmen voted;
Aug. 22, 1806, that such a project should be accom-
plished. The succeeding March 10th, a committee
were designated to proceed with the work. It was
then, also, concluded, that the occupant should pay a
rent of about $200. This was subsequently lowered.
On the 23d, $4,000 were voted for the object. It
was placed on land, at the corner of Broad and Sum-
mer streets, which formerly belonged to the first Alms
house. Thus the soil, which once aided the poor,
became the situation of better security to the rich.
It is made of brick, and two stories high. Its struct-
ure, though built at a price, not allowing it to be very
permanent, was adapted to its purpose. It was among
the hopeful signs, that communities were not content-
ed with committing the documentary evidence of their
estates to repositories, whose chief barrier against de-
vouring flame, were wooden materials, on which it
most readily fastens. The registry department was
moved to the present court house, Oct. 1842. The
whole has been lately leased at a low rent.
DWELLINGS.
' Civil architecture, in an improved state, is not only
the result of civilization, but, also, a great contribu-
tor to its advancement. The materials, which it em-
ployed in ancient nations, are used in modern, accord-
ing to their locations and productions. When our
fathers came to Naumkeag, they adopted it here in
general, as they left it in England. The first house,
erected on the soil of Salem, belonged to Roger Co-
COTTAGES. THATCHED ROOFS. 401
nant. Up to 1660, the greater part of our dwellings
were cottages. These, as would be expected, were of
different value. Some had thatched roofs, wooden or
catted chimnies. It W2is usual for ancient towns to
have certain lots, between the salt marsh and low water
mark, where thatch grew, assigned for the purpose of
supplying roofs to their humbler abodes. One of the
places where this article was cut, 1628, for our set-
tlers, lay in what afterwards became Beverly. The
chimnies, spoken of, were no very safe accommoda-
tions. They, of course, had their fire places of stone
or brick, but above was wood, or catted, being sticks
with ends over one another at right angles, and plais-
tered with clay. One of them is spoken of, 1656, as
follows. George Norton took a lease of Emanuel
Downing's farm, near Mr. Endicott's, where he was
to build a house like Mr. Treadwell's of Ipswich, ex-
cept "brick chimneys, instead whereof he is to make
sufficient catted chimneys." They were among the
expedients, which prevalent practice often imposes on
new communities, when a little resolution to look at
customs, as they are, — to relinquish the dangerous
and adopt the safe, would be far better for present and
future benefit.
With reference to the combustible materials of
dwellings, which have been mentioned. Governor
Dudley, while speaking of late fires, in 1631, wrote
the subjoined passage. " For the prevention whereof
in our new towne, intended this somer to bee builded,
wee haue ordered that noe man there shall build his
chimney with wood, nor cover his house with thatch,
which was readily assented vnto, for that diverse other
35
402 BETTER; SORT OF H0USE3.>, *
howse^ haue beene burned since our arrivall (the fire
allwaies begininge in the woodden chimneys) and
some English wigwams, which haue taken fire in the
roofes covered with thatch or boughs." Abodes of
this kind, though diminished with the progress of our
plantation, continued over a half century. With such
perils, our fathers needed their restrictions £uid provis-
ion of the nightly bellman, which, like the curfew of
their native country, might prevent the devastations
of a devouring element.
We wilL now look at the better dwellings of our
ancestors. They did not build their habitations with
bricks, as we apply the phrase. Still they had these
for chimnies in their better houses, ^nd, also, placed
one over another, on their narrow sides, plaistered
with clay inside and out ; between the timbers and
joists, and then covered externally with clayboards, aa
sometimes pertinently v/ritten, and, at others, clap-
boards. Such buildings were not at all lacking in the
best of white oak for their frames. Their proportion
of it would be made to go three times further in our
day.
The difierent apartments had a large portion of the
beams in them, projected so as to be seen. They
were usually of two stories. The upper jutted, out-
side, a foot or two over the lower and the attic over
the second story. Such extension, as the fabulous
would sometimes have us believe, was contrived to
afford apertures for guns to be discharged on hostile
Indians. It may have been accommodated for such a
purpose, but it was originated long before the settle-
ment of our country. In the native land of our primi-
APPENDAGES OF DWELLINGS. 403
ti7e emigrants, it was carried so far as to shelter ladies
from the raia before the introduction of umbrellas.
Some have supposed, that such projection was first
intended there partly to protect the outside of houses
then usually plaistered, from the weather. The roofs,
being of the gable or triangular form and shingled,
were high and steep to throw off the rain rapidly.
A part of them may have been covered with tiles, aa
these were made here in 1629. They were relieved
by dormer or luthern windows, each of which had
another roof to correspond with the main roof. The
places for these lights, on each side of a house, con-
tained sleeping rooms with peaked fronts.
WtTidows.—WhWe oiled paper lighted the cottage,
glass did the same for more convenient abodes. The
latter material was named, 1629, as needed for this
place. It was cut in diamond form, set in lead lines,
from three to four inches long. The windows, con-
taining it, were from 2^ to 3 feet in length, and li to
2, in width. Sometimes they were made in halves.
They opened either outwardly, or inwardly, on hinges.
They were fashionable over a century. Such formed
and sized glass was succeeded by those of 4 by 6
inches measurement, these by 6 and 7, these by 6 and
8, these by 7 and 9, these by Sand 10, set with putty
in wood sashes. When, fifty years ago, the 10 and
12, 12 and 14 squares came into vogue, they were
viewed by many persons of the old school, as an ex-
travagant advance on the dimensions of former times,
and almost likely to make our habitations literally
glass houses of peril and expense. The passion for
such brittle enlargement, is far from being satisfied.
404. . iCfJIilNIES^ riRE: PLACES. . .
Of tbe various articles, exceedingl/ .scarce ia the Rev-.
olutjoD^was glass. A petition from Groton to the
Council of Massachusetts, 1779, stated, that the win-
dows of their school and meeting houses were much
broken, and they could find no glass to purchase at
private stores, and, therefore, prayed to pay for some
out of the public depository.
Chimnies. — There was one, and sometimes two
brick chimnies in each eligible house. They were of
much greater size than in modern times. Their tops,
above the roof,< were nicely worked. As an appen-
dage to chimnies, unknown to our ancestors, is the
lightning rod, invented by Franklin about 1747. Af-
ter this came into use, but comparatively few houses
had it either here or elsewhere. A large portion of
community considered it as opposition to Providence.
Prior to 40 years ago, aside from its appearance on
some of our public buildings, it only raised its forky
head above the chimnies of our more wealthy abodes.
Since, they have come more into vogue, and, particu-
larly within a dozen years, have .they bristled with
a greater' number of points than formerly, along the
rod from. its top iiownward. .
;• Pire Places.— -These were of larger, dimensions
anciently than in our day. Those of the front rooms
would be sometimes ornamented with Dutch tiles,
presenting scriptural sketches. Those of the kitchens
took up much space. In cold seeisons, they were well
occupied with great logs and other fuel. Two large
seats, one in each corner, would accommodate no in-
considerable family. As evidence, that our fathers
did not altogether depend on their £re places, in win-
' FRONT DOOR. ROOM WALLS. 405
ter time, for comfort, we have the succeeding extract
of 1652, from our legislative records. Mr. Joha
Clark's " invention for saving of fire wood and warm-
ing of rooms with little cost." He was allowed an
exclusive patent of it for three years. Whatever
family used it were to allow him 10'.
. Front Door. — This was deeply recessed and had
an arched weather board above. It was sometimes
marked with lines so that the figures, thus made,
might agree with the form and size of the diamond
lights for the windows. It had brass nails driven in
at the points where the lines intersected. It was sup-
plied with a knocker outside, generally of iron, to
warn the inmates, that a caller wished admittance.
This was instead of the knob, attached to a bell for
like use and of recent introduction in our community.
The door often had a large porch before it, with a
seat on each. side for the accommodation of the family
and social visitors. In 1655, Edward Wharton had
leave to put up an addition of this kind.
. Room Walls. — These, in the common sort of
dwellings, were made of clay mixt with straw. But,
in others of greater cost, they were of lime, manu-
factured from shells, and mixt with cattle's hair, sand
and chalk. With regard to walls made of other lime,
the succeeding items are given. Among various par-
ticulars, which Thomas Graves, who came to our
colony in 1629, was commissioned to do, wa^ one
<< in fynding out sorts of lyme stone and materials for
building." On the scarcity of lime, in New England,
Josselyn wrote, 1663, as though no stones had been
found, that would " run to lime, of which they have
35*
406 PAPER HANGINGS. TLOOR COVERINGS.
great want." > But, as prior to 1681, this substance
had been discovered abundantly in Pennsylvania, our
vessels could bring it thence, if our own people did
not meet with it, in this quarter, soon after 1663.
Whenever thus supplied, our ancestors could more
easily and economically set off their rooms with lime,
walls, and give them occasional coats of white wash.
This was used, for a long series of years, in the most
of our chief mansions. Still, from the subsequent
order of 1724, there was then a continuance of using
shell lime. " Ordered that muscles shall not be used
for making lime or any thing else, except for food and
bait to catch fish."
- Such was the policy of our rulers, under the first
charter, to exclude luxuries from their jurisdiction, it
is not probable, that the tapestry or paper, hung up as
ornaments to the rooms of houses in England, had
much encouragement here for that period. Afler the
government was wrested from their hands in 1686, it
is likely that such articles began to make a less con-
fined appearance. Among the earliest notices, which
we have of them in newspapers, is one of 1737. Some
were sold, 1761, in Boston, for a house at Roxbury
from 4/9J to 6/ a roll. They have long been called
paper hangings, though pasted on the walls, evidently
from the ancient custom of hanging up such kind of
appendages so as to take them down at pleasure. A
quantity of them, from India, captured by one of our
privateers, was advertized in a Salem Gazette of .1781.
Still they were not generally seen in our dwellings
till after 1800.
. Floor Coverings. — Though in the first occupation
SANDED FLOORS. PAINTING PROSCRIBED. 407
of our soil, a few of the more distinguished brought a
stinted store of carpets with them, these articles were
not seen in the far greater portion of our better houses.
Down to even 1800, but a small part of our common
livers had their parlors ornamented with them.
-..Every Monday, after washing, the floors would be
scoured as white, as pine would allow them, in all
regular establishments, and then the light blue sand,
from the beaches of Gloucester and Ipswich, would
be thrown on, in handfuUs, so as to make circular and
spotted figures. James Burr notifies our population,
1770, that he should like to supply them with such a
commodity. The building where this article was
stored and whence a horse cart daily departed with
its loads, stood, having the boards inside of the frame,
on a wharf S. E. of North bridge. Among the
charges of William Baker, paid by the State, 1777, .
was sweeping and sanding the Council chamber,
" against General Court came to town." When our
tidy house- wives had so prepared their floors, they
were lothfuUy crossed, for a day or two by orderly
children, who hated to erase the handy work of their
mothers. Especially, if their little heads got inside
of the front room door, did the whole appearance seem
to salute them, — ' kept for show, — keep oflf, — make no
tracks- here.'-
-: Painting.— -This vraa an art scarcely practiced
among our early inhabitants. They had so much ex-
ertion to make for the essential, they could do little
for the ornamental. Rev. Thomas Allen of Charles-
towh was called in question, 1639, al^out a concern of
this kind. A minute of the Assistant Court says, he
408 ;:;..PAlNTERSi COLORS.
" appearing was discharged the painting, being before
his time and disliked of him." With the face of chief
authority, so set against paint for buildings, it could
hardly become popular. In a list of mechanics, 1670,
as given by our General Court, no painter was desig-
nated. But such persons as the latter were in Phila-
delphia 1681. Among the most ancient notices of
painting, as an ornament for any edidce in our limits,
was one of 1705, when Queen Anne's coat of arms
was ordered to receive, a colored covering in the Court
house chamber. Painters' colors were for sale in Bos«
ton 1714 Down to the Revolution of 1775, the ad-
vance in using such materials was slow. As confirm-
atory of this, we have an instance not long prior to
the year last mentioned. A thriving cooper, who
wished to excel his neighbors in the appearance of his
house, painted one of its rooms. The report of it soon
spread. Several acquaintances, being met on a wharf,
one told the news to the rest, in the following singu-
lar style, " Well, Archer has set a fine example for us,
he has laid one of his rooms in oiL" From the con-
sequent peace, the progress of painting was much
more rapid. Now. many of our wooden dwellings are
painted inside and out and thus give an aspect of at-
traction to the city.
Having attended to the minutiae of ancient habita-
tions, we now take a general view of some among
them, which yet continue to afford us visible speci-
mens of'style, strikingly different from that of the
more modem ones, which are fast crowding the former
* out of sight and out of mind.'
After Koger Conant and others had houses erected
ENDICOTT AND CURWIN'S MANSIONS. 409
at Naumkeag, Governor Endicott ordered the materi-
als of another, at Cape Ann, to be brought liither,
1628, and rebuilded for his own abode. This man-
sion, so transferred, was prevailingly of the model, in
England, first called Tudor,- and, afterwards, the
Elizabethean, which was essentially Gothic. It was
two stories high and generally resembled the cuts,
which will, be presented in this connection. Portions
are still contsdned in the building at the corner of
Court and Church streets. It has undergone different
alterations and passed through hands of various occu-
pations. V
Among the most tasteful of such edifices was that
of George Curwin. He had it built in 1642. From
him it fell to his son, Jonathan. This person was a
judge and had several examinations of individuals,
charged with witchcraft, in one of its apartments. It
was the premises of a noted robbery, in 1684, which
resulted, as to its perpetrators, in the bitter experience
that iniquity, not only in the lashes of conscience, but,
also, of the body, brought its own punishment.*
Though it has gone through several transformations,
still a part of it looks like the production of a bye-
gone age. That we may have a correct impression of
its original appearance, on the spot, now known as the
west comer of Essex and North streets, its likeness is
presented on the next page.
Our attention is next turned to the, French house,
so called, because, at one period, it was tenanted by
French families. It stood on the corner of two lanes,
known as Gedney court, which leads from High street
to Suinmer street. It was of the form, which char-
410
THE CURWIN MANSION.
ANCIENT HOUSES. 41 ^
acterized the preceding. It was built, 1645, by Rich-
ard ClaydoQ, £ind was occupied 34 years, as a Custom
house, when commerce centered principally on the
upper part p( South riyer. It was razed about eight
years ago and. the position, which it long held, tells
not that it ever had being. Another of similarly con-
structed mansions, which invites our passing notice, is
the Henfield house. This was situated on the east
side of Washington street, near to and southward of
the first church. It was formerly the residence of
Billiard Yeren and is supposed to have been built in
1650. A part of its first proportions and much of its
oak" frame remained till its subversion, in 1839, to ac-
commodate the Railroad. Under the like class, we
have the dwelling, situated in Broad street, opposite
to the western end of the burying hill. It occupies
the pleasant premises, which once belonged to Eman-
uel Downing. It was built about 1650, by John
Pickering, who was its owner, and whose descendants
have ever since retained it in their possession. Its
present proprietor, who bears his name, has, within a
few years, restored two of the three peaks, which
formerly belonged to its front.
' We might speak particularly of others, as that of
William Pickering at Wood's gate; another of the
Pickering family, facing Pine street ; of Metcalf at
the corner of Flint and Essex streets ; of Deacon Hol-
man, formerly Thomas Maule's ; of the Clark family,
erected by Deliverance Parkman, on the corner of
North and Essex streets and opposite the Curwin
house; of Dea. Hunt, on the. corner of Lyude and
Court streets ; of William Brown, razed so that its lo-
412
BRADSTREET MANSION.
cation with the large garden might accommodate the
Lafayette Coffee house, and of Philip English at the
comer of Webb and English streets, built 1685, and
torn down in 1833 ; but we must leave them with the
cursory notice, just taken of them. A few words are
required for the Bradstreet mansion. This appears to
have been owned by Joseph Gardner, who fell in de-
fence of the Colony, when threatened with extermin-
ation. After his widow married Governor Bradstreet,
it was called by the name of the latter. It was pulled
down about 1750. It occupied the site of the house,
erected by the late Joseph Augustus Peabody. Its
proportions and appearance are exhibited by the sub-
sequent drawing.
As our eye runs over such representations, we per-
ceive their resemblance to the many " cottages ornate,"
which are making their appearance in the vicinity of
our metropolis and thus reviving a style of architect-
HOUSES OF A NEW MODEL. 413
ure, which has been long disused in our communities.
When we catch a glance of the remnants, which be-
longed to edifices, thus portrayed, we are carried back
to the scene, when they began to peer above the cot-
tages around them, attract the gaze of the untutored
Indian, and renew, more impressively, the emigrant's
associations of domestic art in the land of his fathers.
After the fashion of dwellings, like those of Cur-
win's, began to wane, another, of course, was in the
ascendant. The new form was adopted in the man-
sion, owned by Benjamin Pickman, recently deceased.
It was particularly manifested in the roof, called man-
sard from the name of its projector in France, who
died 1666, and commonly denominated gambrel. It
was, also, noticeable for dropping the lattice-like win-
dows and the jutting upper stories of its predecessor.
This house was erected under the superintendence of
an English, carpenter, 1743, who, also, directed in
the building of the Cabot house on the same street
up in town. Like specimens of model were exhibit-
ed in the dwelling, said to have been made for Timo-
thy. Lindall and now owned by heirs of John H. An-
drews, deceased ; in that of master John Ford and at
present of Rev. Dr. Emerson, and of others, whose
names we should like to s[>ecify, if space would perr
mit, A form different from the preceding was, also,
used. It was applied to the house, erected for Bil-
lings Bradish, now owned by William Dean. In this
building, the roof presented four sides, rather steep,
without any gable ends. On our houses, made some
over a half century, such roofs have had less angles of
- 36 *
414 . BRICK BUILDINGS.
descent, and thus conform with the Grecian model.
So modified, the four sided roofs predominate in Salens,
With regard to the height of our houses, there were
few of them three stories prior to the close of our
Revolutionary war. Down to 1800, these gradually
increased. Since, their ratio of advance has been
much greater.
Among the most superb mansions of Salem, was
that of Elias Hasket Derby. It was finished in 1799,
was of wood and three stories high. Its cost was
$80,000. Its location had been occupied by a three
story, mansard roof house of Col. Samiiel Brown. Its
worthy proprietor lived but a few years to enjoy so
fine a specimen of architecture. It came to his son,
Hasket, and finally was taken away before the erec-
tion of the Market and Town Hall, which occupy its
premises.
As to tho materials of structure, down to 1774, our
dwellings, with very few exceptions, were all of wood.
This fact applied, in almost as great an extent, to
Other buildings. Of the first brick houses, known in
Salem, was Benjamin Marston's, mentioned 1707, as
having been made by George Cabot, a mason, of Bos-
ton. Its location is occupied by the Lee house, at
the corner of Crombie and Essex streets. It was an
elegant edifice for its day. It had free stone capitals
for its front corners, which were subsequently placed
on posts, before the Kitchen mansion at the corner of
Essex and Beckford streets. Tradition relates, that
the wife of Mr. Marston persuaded him to have the
bouse pulled down, because she supposed it was damp
and injurious to health, and that this circumstance
NUMBER OF BRICK BUILDINGS. 415
created a strong prejudice here against brick dwellings.
-The next in order of age, so far as known, are several
iu Essex street. These follow. Tho Haraden house,
erected for Francis Cabot, 1768 ; the Lawrence house,
built for Doctor Prince by the order of his wife's fa-
ther, Richard Derby ; the Appletou house, built 1772;
the Haihorn house built for David Cheever, and the
Rust house, built for David Britton, and the one,
nearly opposite the market, built by order of Timo-
thy Pickering for his son Gardner. Then another
in Summer street, erected for Matthew Mansfield,
as a store, 1768, and, since 1800, raised a third story
and much altered. In Washington street, near the
Railroad depot, is the two story house, formerly
belonging to Joshua Ward and made before the
Revolution, and the Rea house to the north of Essex
street," was built for Samuel Field soon after the fire
of 1774 la Derby street is the house of Henry
Ropes. It was built about 1761 for Elias H. Derby
by order of his father, Richard Derby. Among other
brick buildings of this class, was the school house in
Washington street, made 1760, and taken down many
years ago, Very probably our forts, built over two
centuries since, were of brick. With reference to the
number of buildings, made of such materials, and
standing in 1805, it was as follows. Those entirely
brick were 25 houses and 14 stores, and there were
10 others for additional purposes. Besides these there
were 12 more composed of brick and wood. Since
the year last designated, there has been a considerable
addition to our brick edifices, though far less than
comparative safety demands. If our granite be not
416 ;>-;. PCBUC HOUSES,
^e. or popular enough, brick kilns should, at least,
have more frequent and heavier draughts on them for
our habitations, stores and warehouses.
' TAVERNS.
.As a distinct class of buildings, public houses, of
different sorts, may claim our observance at this
stage of our progress. By introducing them, however,
persons and particulars, with which they are associat-
ed, ask for a like attention. That both may be con-
nectedly presented, the succeeding method is adopted.
Such establishments were anciently called ordina-
ries and inns. Several requisitions were made of them
by our early laws, of the ensuing tenor. They who
kept them, were obliged to get licenses, and have
" some inoffensive sign obvious for direction to stran-
gers." They were not to suffer " any to be drunke,"
nor to tipple "after nine of the clock at night." They
were required to clear their houses, " where week day
lectures^ are kept," of all persons able to attend meet-
ing..-,..,,; I::- ...... .,•..,. ^ ■
1633. " Noe person that keepes an ordinary shall
take above 6^ a meale for a person and not above 1<*
for an ale quzirt for beare out of meale time vnder
I In the first edition of this work, p»ge 61, taverns are said to have
been places for lestures ia 1633. This is a miatake, oocasioned as fol«
lows. The legislative records, ia the State Library, speak of such 8er>
Tices, as performed at " Ordinary Houses." This phrase coold meaa
nothing else but taverns, in its moat obvious sense, according to such
aathority, which was all the writer then bad to consulL But the orig-
inal records have the words, '* alt the ordinary howres," which evi*
denlly mean time and not houses. The last aathoiity is decisive.
CAKE AND BUNS. 417
penalty of 10* for eqry such offence, either of dyet or
beare."
1637. . Jphn Holgrave, at the earnest request of the
town, "hath vndertaken to keepe an ordinary for the
entertaynement of strangers." Relative to persons of
his calling, as well as others, the subsequent order
wa^ passed by the General Court. " No person shall
sell any cakes or buns either in the markets or victu-
alling houses or elsewhere vpon paine of 10* fine, pro-
vided, that this order shall not extend to such cakes
as shalbe made for any buriall or marriage, or such
like speciall occation."
1G39. John Gedney succeeds Mr. Holgrave, but
they reversed the change the next year.
1645. William Clarke is chosen for a similar em-
ployment. His widow, Catherine, with a family of
children, takes his place the ensuing year. She was
granted a license for £10 per annum, if " she provide
a fiit man, that is godly, to manage the businesse."
1646. John Bourne is allowed to keep a cook shop.
His petition craved to " sell such meate, as shall be
by him provided and also beeare both in his own house
^d also abroade."
1648. As Mr. Downing's farm, on the road be-
tween Lynn and Ipswich and next to the Endicott
farm,. was convenient for an ordinary, a servant of the
former was allowed to keep one there.
1651. The legislature forbid dancing at taverns.
1653. Ellas Stileman had kept a house of enter-
tainment in Salem, but, finding it unprofitable, he de-
sired to sell wine.
1661. A house was erected for John Massey, which
36*
418 FERRY- TAVERN.
became noted, as a tavern, on this side of Beverly
Ferry. It was thus employed till the erection of a
bridge there and was torn down in 1819. It was
long called " The old Ferry Tavern." As founded
on the soil, connected with lots of our primitive plant-
ers, as erected for one among their first born, as the
retreat of travellers over a century, it is associated in
our memories with incidents pleasant, sad and moni-
tory. Both it and its former possessors are passed
away and its premises are trodden by the feet of
strangers. ,•
1663. John Ruck is allowed to be a tavorner and
next year, a vintner.
1668. Richard Waters has leave to sell beer and
ale.
1670. Anthony Ashby has like liberty with the
addition of cider. Beer, of the best kind, was 1 J** a
quart. A horse's fodder for a day and night, was 4'*
in summer and 6*^ in winter.
1671. Joseph Gardner is elected to keep an ordi-
nary and sell wine.
1673. "Nathaniel Ingerson is allowed to soil bear
and syder by the quart for the tyme whyle the farm-
ers are a building of their meeting house and on Lord's
days afterwards."
1674. As Capt. More is reduced, ho is permitted
to keep " a publick howse of entcrtaynment for y'
selling of beer, wine and syder." Two years after,
Daniel King has the same privilege, George Dorland
and William Lake, also, with reference to beer and
cyder.
1678. The selectmen return to the County Court,
BLUE ANCHOR TAVERN. 419
as fit persons to be licensed for keepers of public
houses, John Gcdney, Daniel King, Capt. More, Wil-
liam Luke, Mrs. Eleanor Hollingworth and Ilichard
Croade. It is likel/, that tliu lady, on the list of
those, so recommended, may have kopt the IJluo
Anchor tavern, near the uituation of tiio I'iiigliiih man-
sion. Such a public house was formed like our bust
ancient dwellings, with its 2jtoop pouks and other cor<
res[)onding appendages. It was a noted resort for
Marbluhcad parties, who came over the South i'orry.
It was torn down about 1751.
1079. As previously stated, John Clillbrd has leave
to open a victualling house' at Winter Island.
lOtil. The widow Aim Lake and John Bullock
are approved for similar busiuuss, in which the latter
was [iroviou^ly engaged, ilu undurluok it llio year
before, because crippled in the late Indian war. Of
five individuals, including Mrs. Hollingworth and Mrs.
Lalco, thus occupied, each of them is to " provide for
the accommodation of the Courts and jurors, likewise
all other matters of a publicke couccrno j)ropor for
them.'' Kichurd Croade was added to them in course
of the same month and Nathaniel Ingersol for the
village.
1683. Samuel Beadle, who lost his health in the
Narragansot expedition, is allowed to take the place of
Mr. Stephens, as an innkeeper.
1085. Samuel Shattuck is recommended to succeed
Daniel King, who had resigned his ordinary.
- 10S9. Daniel Weob and Thomas Beadle are alike
' Thii doei not urum to have b<*en (lie ori{fin of iho lilue Anchor
Tarern, ■• lUf^j^'iitud on pa;;c li)4.
420 . -.'SHIP..TAVERN.
approyed, and Walter Phillips, sen., for the village.
The next year, Gilbert Tapley and William Trask ar«
recommended.
1692. John Stacy was occupying the Ship Tav-
ern, as a successor to John Gedney, who had been its
proprietor and keeper, and who had died a few years
before. The establishment had, very probably, long
retained such a name. This year, twelve peisons
were approved as innholders and seven to dispose of
liquors out doors.
1693. Francis Ellis is allowed to take the Ship
Tavern and Mrs. Ann Stevens, Joshua Ilea and Thom-
as Haines to engage in similar business.
1697. Widow Collins has leave to keep a public
house.
1700. Henry Sharp, from Boston, is pormilted to
take the establishment of Prancis Ellis.
1701. A late act, which required the venders of
liquor, to take oath how much of it they bought so
as to pay excise on it, occasioned great discontent.
Among the innkeepers from Essex County and else-
where, who applied to General Court to have the law
altered, were Walter Phillips and Nathaniel Ingersol.
1707. Thomas Waters is approved to keep a
house of entertainment, which belonged to Philip
English, and which Mr. Ellis had recently vacated.
This building was probably the Blue Anchor, which
has been supposed as kept by Mrs. Ilollingworth, the
mother- in-law of Mr. English.
'1712. Samuel Goldthwaite is appointed as a tav-
erner. The name of Mr. Pratt first appears among
our innholders, though he had evidently been con-
GLOBE TAVERN. 421
nected with them before. Tradition iaforms us that
he fong tenanted the Ship Tavern.
' 1713. Mrs. Mary Gedney has permission for the
like calling, and, also, Elisha Odiin from Boston.
The next year, Samuel Goldthwaito Jr., Benjamin
Houlton and Joseph Tapley are similarly allowed.
• 1715. Benjamin Ropos ; 1716, Lomon Beadle;
1719, Jonathan Nurse and Aduniram Collins ; 1720,
widow Ruth Fowls; 1721, Benjumiu Purnel, and,
1722, widow Elizabeth Lindsoy are approved as keep-
ers of public houses.
1727. The Globe Tavern is first met with by the
writer. As we proceed from this date to the time of
our first newspapers, we have loos means of informa-
tion as to such establishments. Atnong our innhold*
ers, 1742, we find Abigail lOlkins.
1748. Asa Putnam {petitions to keep a tavern on
the upper road from Boston to Ipswich, where James
Phillips kept till two or throe years past, and, for a
great number of years, John Porter, now dro])sical,
was of liko employment in his own house.
Several months after, Walter Smith petitions to
open a public house at the village.
1749. William Becket, John and Edward Britton
are allowed to follow such employment.
1750. Mr. Pratt moved to a large house,' which
resembled the Bradstreet mansion, and was located on
the east corner of Washington and Essex streets, whore
the Stearns building is situated. There ho continued
to entertain travellers and others, as usual.
In 1752, Benjamin Waters, being connected with
422 KIJ^G'S ARMS. TAVERN.
the Beverly ferry, obtains a license to entertain trav-
ellers in the Massey house.
.1759. The Governor forbids any taverner to sell
spirituous liqors, wines, coffee, tea, ale, beer and cider
OQ the Sabbath.
1768. The King's Arms tavern is mentioned. It
was of the ancient form and tho residence of Col.
Benjamin Brown a century since. Subsequently
William Goodhue occupied it for a public house.
When the Revolution began, its royul name was dis-
pensed with and exchanged for that of Sun.
1773. Jonathan Webb states, that there is only
one public house, near the centre of Salem and do-
sires, that he may open another, which is granted.
His advertisement says, that he had taken the house
on the corner of what are now Washington and
Church streets. It remarks, that this location was
formerly the noted tavern of Mr. Somerville and af-
terwards tenanted by Benjamin Coats. It further
informs us, that the house had received the name of
Ship, which, as will be remembered, had been long
applied to the Gedney establishment. . .
Abraham Saflbrd gives notice, that he had opened a
tavern in the upper part of the town, with an elegant
sign of King George the third, on what is now Fede-
ral street.
The London Coffee House is opened by Ephraim
Lignlls in what is now Central street. He engages
that " English magazines and a variety of newspapers
will be procured for the amusement of his respectable
customers."
1774. Salem Coffee House is commenced by Da-
EAGLE TAVERN. 42a
vid Ropes, Jr.',' near the Episcopal church. William
Goodhue kept the Sun Tavern.
~ 1782. The latter olTers to let his situation. It
was located at the head of Central street. His sue-
cessor was Samuel Robinson.
David Masury notifies, that he has opened the Es-
sex Codce Iloube, next to the Ship tavern.
^ 1702. Zadoc DuIIiiitnu hud begun to occupy tlio
last of these two establishments. Ho had recunliy
married Dcbornh Snhmurvsh, who had boon an assistant
in the fumily of IJuiijamin Webb, had bought the estate
for Jl'300 und, lor u whilu, iuid been its landlady.
1794. Jacob Bacon kept a public house with the
sign of an Eagle, on the south side of Essex street,
not fur below the head of Bockford street. '
Before William Gray had the Sun tavern lorn
down, about 18UU, to uccomniodate his brick house,
it was occupied by Jonathan Webb, son to a former
keeper of the Ship tavern. After Mr. Gray moved
to his new mansion, his old one was tenanted by Mr.
Webb, who continued to have his u.stial sign.
The dwelliui,' thus changed from one of our most
noted private abodes, was erected for Samuel Brown.
He left it to his son William, who advertised it to be
let, iti 1700. Then it had brick ends and sides, "rulF
cost," or plaistored with lime and glass and gravel
thrown upon them so as to adhere. As Mr. Brown
was a loyalist, this estate was sequestered. After be-
ing made a tavern, it so continued, tilt taken down to
accommodate the Manning building, but now Bowkcr
Place.
424 LArATETI^E TAVERN.
1800. There were two public houses ia town, the
Suo, just meatioaed, and the Ship.
;.; 1803. Benjamin Crombie opens the Lee house as
a tavern and adopts the sign of a ship, being, at least,
the third by such a name. The ship did not appear
long, and in its place, is now seen nothing more than
City Hotel, in large letters, being the present name of
the concern.
, 1807. Thomas A. Breed advertises, that he has
commenced a public house where Mrs. Buffiaton
formerly kept, which was the second Ship tavern.
1808. John Grant opened a public house, with'the
sign of an anchor, at the west corner of Essex and
Beckford streets. It did not continue long.
1814. Prince Stetson occupies the elegant man-
sion of William Gray, and has it called the Essex
Coffee House. The sign is a well drawn likeness of
the edifice. When Lafayette made his last visit here,
the name was changed to that of this noble friend to
our country, which continued till within a year or
two, and thence it has been Essex house. Its first
name was the second of the kind, which has been
applied to Salem hotels.
1833. The dwelling of Nathaniel West is leased
for a tavern and called the " Mansion House." Its
sign is a drawing of itself. It occupies the situation
of the first Ship tavern. Soon after this was torn
down, about 90 years ago, that was erected for John
Turner. Thus its premises, after being long retained
by some of our most respectable families, have revert-
ed to their ancient use.
Besides several victualling concerns and restorators,
INCREASE OF HOUSES. 42S
Salem has only three public places of entertainment.^
These are the Essex house, the Mansion house and
City hotel. As well known, the term hotels is of recent
application to such establishments.
'-The persevering exertions, which are made to have
such resorts under the control of temperance and puri-
ty, are worthy of real benevolence and of the best re-
gard for public and private welfare. These houses
should never be otherwise than judicious legislation
would have them, resting places for the sick and wea-
ry, affording comfort to every rational want of the
traveller and boarder, and never placing before them
the stimulants of passion, as a stratagem to draw from
their purses, all that avarice can grasp. Gain from
the depravation of another, is recompensed to the
gainer with moral debasement and pangs of guilt.
,, NUMBER OF HOUSES.
Before leaving the subject of dwellings, it may be
well to glance at various enumerations of them. For
an estimate of cottages and houses, erected in Salem,
within the first century of its settlement, reference
may be made to page 199. In that period an isolated
account is given, which, unless explained, leaves a
vague impression. It is, that in 1678, when our ter-
ritory was much more extensive than now, there were
only 86 houses for a population, whose polls number-
ed 300. The fact is, that cottages were more numer-
ous than what were called, by way of distinction,
houses, so as to conform with laws, respecting the di-
vision of common lands. Probably, at that date,
there were not less than 200 cottages in addition to
37
426 MUMBEH or HOUSES. :
the houses, for the accommodation of our inhabitants.
More than once has the writer seen such bare state*
ments, with regard to the latter abodes, which imme-
diately, on being seen, excite the inquiry, were the
people so few as the limited number of their residences
imply^ or, if more, did they crowd these habitations
excessively ?
A list, showing the number of dwellings in Sulcm,
inclusive of both small and great, after the first item,
with the year prefixed, is as follows :
1629, U besides cottages; 1732, 520; 1754, 372;
1762,473; 1771, 465; 1781,646; 1791,725; l§01,
1,017; 1811,1,313; 1821,1,328; 1831,1,494; 1810,
1,637. The diiforenco between the numbers, sufiixed
to 1732 and 1754, arose from the incorporation of
Danvers, as a district, between such periods.
Thus we have surveyed the habitations of Salem,
from its being first occupied by Pilgrims, in senrch of
a quiet home, to its present ample accommodations for
their numerous descendants. Such ancestors sought
not only for. habitations of earth, but far more for man-
sions, "not made with hands, eternal in the heavens."
Constant imitation of their example will render us
happier tenants here and partakers with them of an
imperishable heritage.
EDUCATION.
- From the views, habits and relations of our primi-
tive settlers, they must have been careful, that the
younger part of their families should not be destitute
of instruction. As Governor Cradock recommended
to Mr. Endicott, in 1628, that he train up some of tho
PROPOSED COLLEGE. 427
Indian children to reading and religion, no less atten*
tion could have been given to the children of the col-
onists. It would be very gratifying to have the first
proceedings of our ancestors, on this subject, in a fair
hand, ' before us. But such as they were, thoy are
lost.
Among the early objects of education in this placo,
there was one of high reach, tiiough nnobtainod.
163G, May 2. An application of Mr. John Hum-
phrey for land, in the limits of Sulcm, was introduced
by Mr. Endicott. Among the ars^Mimcnts, on the oc-
casion, in the negative, was this, " Iciatit y' siioiild hin-
der the building of a Cultudgo, which would bu niaino
men's' losse." The question was referred to a com-
mittee. William Trask gave up his farm to Thonmy
Scruggs, who took it for his beyond Furest river, so
that Mr. Humphrey might bo accommodated. This
was the spirit of kindness for a noble purpose. It
seems to have left the lot desired, unincumbered and
thus ready for the erection of a college. TIio loca-
tion, so worthily intondod, was a boaiitiful ])lain, usu-
ally denominutud Marblitheud farms.
Of our fii-st school masters, whoso names have conio
down to us, was the Rev. John T'lsk, who appears to
have commenced his duties hero in 1G37. liusides
teaching, he assisted Mr. Peters in the pulpit, and so
continued over two years. lOdO, Jan. •< A goncrall
towne meeting,— yong Mr. Norris chose by this as-
sembly to teach schoole."
1641, March 30. At the (Quarterly Court, "Col.
Endecot moued about the tfences and about a Ifrco
' A ohtrtot«r \» uacd hero, which probably «l|riiirioii men.
428 .;: TREE SCHOOLS. .. i
skoole aod therefore wished a whole to woe meeting
about it ; therefore, that goodmaa Auger wariie a,
towne meeting the second day of the week." This
applied to Salem. It is the first written intimatiouj
that we have of instruction, without price, among our
settlers. Still, the nature of the case requires us to
conclude, that whatever children could not be taught
without the aid of the plantation, they were thus pre-
viously assisted. How the measure, so proposed, was
carried into effect, may be learned from the succeed-
ing quotation. 1644, Sept. 30, ".Ordered 'that a
note be published one the next lecture day, that such
as have children to be kept at schooje, would bring ia
their names and what they will giue for one whole
yeare and, also, that if any poore body hath children
or a childe, to be put to schoole and not, able to pay
for their schooling, that the towne will pay it by ^a
rate." The latter clause shows what our ancestors
understood substantially by a free school. It was not
to have the teacher paid entirely by tax on the inhabi-
tants, hut to .be so compensated only, for ; such of his
pupils, as could not otherwise attend on his instmc-
tions. This continued more or less so, among our
population till 1768. . Such was the practice, to a lim-
ited degree, in. the metropolis, and, to a considerable
degree, in other places of the Commonwealth. So it
still is in such States, as Connecticut and New York.
Though the laws of Massachusetts, from its infancy,
required, that schools should be sustained among its
inhabitants, yet, until the year last named, they left
them free as to the mode of paying for the tuition.
Then they began to assume a more imperative style
FREE SCHOOLS. 409
as to such compensations being raised by assessments
on property. From that period, the idea of a free
school, in Massachusetts, seems to have been general^i
ly, that its teacher was entirely paid by a towrn tax
where no funds existed, and, not as before, partly by
tax £md partly by the pupils. Hence, the ancient
signification of free school was not so extensive as in
modern years.
Passing over the first free school in our Republic,
founded 1621 and located in Virginia, we notice the
order of such institutions in three of our towns. The
first notice of one, among the regular entries of Boston
records, is in 1042. But on the last leaf of the first
volume, is a list, dated 1636, of subscribers and their
donations towards a school of this kind. Had that
leaf been lost, not long after it was written on, Boston
would have been deprived of its best evidence to prove
the honor of having preceded every settlement of our
Colony in so honorable an enterprise. Such a fact
intimates, that other towns may have made similar
provision years before it appears on their common
records. According to these, however, so far as they
have come to the writer's knowledge, Salem takes the
second stand, 1641, in so commendable a work, and
Ipswich, the third, in 1642. If each of seven illustri-
ous cities contended, that it was the birth place of
Homer, no less might these three ancient corporations,
if the subject were clad with obscurity, vie with one
another for the name of having given life to the first
free school of our Commonwealth.
That the purpose of instruction might be applied to
all suitable subjects in this and other places of their
37*
430 SCHOOLS BY CONTRIBUTION.
jurisdiction, the General Court, in 1642, passed a law.
This follows : " Forasmuch as the good education of
children is of singular behoof and benefit to any Com-
monwealth and whereas many parents and masters
are too indulgent ; It is ordered that the selectmen of
every town shall have a vigilant eye over their brethren
and neighbors, to see, first, that none of them :>hall
suffer so much barbarism in any of their families as
not to endeavor to teach, by themselves or others,
their children and apprentices so much learning, as
may enable them perfectly to read the English tunguo
and knowledge of the capital laws. Also, all muijtcrs
of families do once a week, at the least, catechise their
children and servants in the grounds and princi[)lus of
religion. And, if any be unable to do so much, that
then, at the least, they procure such children and ap-
prentices to learn some short orthodox catechism with-
out book, that they may be able to answer unto ques-
tions, that shall be propounded to them out of such
catechism, by their parents or masters, or any of the
selectmen, when they shall call them to a trial of
what they have learned in that kind."
To elucidate the progress of education among our
fathers, we may attend to the following items in detail.
1645. " Ordered and agreed, that all such as God
■tirres vp their hearts to contribute to the aduance-
ment of learning, for the maintayninge of poore skol-
lers at the Colledge, at Cambridge, that they bringe
into Mx. Price, within one moneth, what they please
to giue, and to enter their names with Mr. Fogge and
■what they giue or contribute." On a subscription
paper, supposed of the same year, in the State Archives,
IMPORTANCE OF THE BIBLE. 431
for this purpose, Salom, among other towns, say they
will " answer in two months."
At this point we are reminded of another legiulutive
order, passed .1647, which was intuiidcd to have tlio
Bible more fully taught among pupils so timt thoy
might ojcercise greater vigilauco against the iuliuuuco
of Papacy and be led to a fuller pruclico of Protest-
antism. It runs thus : '< It being one chielu ])ruic'ct
of y^ ould dcludor, Sutuu, to kcu|>e muu I'ruui the
knowledge of y' iScrifitiircs, as in foruior Umo.a by
keeping y'" in mi uuUnuwn lotiguu, no ia (liusu lullur
times, by persuading from y" use uf tougiies, y^ no at
least y" true senco aud meauing of y" origiimll might
be clouded by false globsea of suiut suumiug deceivers,
y* learning may not be buried in y grave of our
fathers in y" church and Comrnonweullh, y" Lord as-
sisting our iudouvurs : It is therefore ordered y^ every
towneship in this jurisdiction after y" Lord liuth in-
creased y" to y number of 50 houbholders shall llicn
forthwith appoint one within their towno to teach all
. such children, aa shall resort to liini to write and reade,
whoso wages shall be paid either by y' parents or
masters of such children, or by y" inhabitants in geno-
rall by way of supply, as y" maior part of those y* or-
der y prudentials of y' towno shall appoint, provided
those y^ send their children be not oppressed by pay-
ing much more y" they can have y'» taught for ia
other townes. And it is further ordered y^ whore any
towne shall increase to y" number of lUU families, or
househoulders, they shall set up a grmnmer sclioule,
y* master thereof being able to instruct youth so farr
' as they may be litcd for y* university, provided y' if
432 GRAMMAR SCHOOL. COLLEGE.
any towne neglect y* performance hereof above one
yeare, y" every such towne shall pay £5 to y* next
schoole till they shall performe this order."
We will now resume the series of facts on the sub-
ject before us.
1654 ,Our legislature forbid persons of unsound
doctrine and immoral conduct to instruct scholurs.
1655. Our school was kept in the town house.
1G56. A committee are empowered to have " the
schoolehouse repayred."
1657. " A bill came to hand to make a rate for the
Coledge" for £5 6. 1663. Tax for the same, £6 12.
1668. Voted £3 to Edward Norris so that ho may
have a chimney built in his school house, and £5
" for his incouragment for teaching of children for tho
yeare ensuingo." £8 to the College.
1660. Business to be done " about a school for the
towne."
1670, Feb. 21. A meeting of inhabitants ordered
in March, to consider "of a grammer scoole maistcr."
April 5. " The selectmen shall take care to prouide
a Grammer scool maister and agree with him for his
raayntenance."
July 5. A committee are to agree with Daniel
Epes, Jr. 18th. He was to have £20 a year from
the town " in such pay as may be sutablo for him ;
to haue, besides, halfe pay for all scollcrs of the towne
and whole pay from strangers." His salary was £60.
1671. " Colledge money" £6. Tho expression,
"where the scoolhouse formerly stood," was used in
an account. " Yoated that the selectmen shall take
care to provide a house for. Mr. Epps to keep skoolo
SERMON OW EDUCATION. 433
in." <* Edward Norice shall haiie jCIO oliowcd him
for the year ensueing, towards hia muiutuiiiuace uud
this to be paid out of the towuo rate."
. 1 072, Jan. 16. Bill granted by selectmen to i)ay
Daniel Andrews '* for keeping bkooiu in his house und
mending the skuolo house, that now is." XI 18.
That wo may havq a general view of education, at
this time, in Mossuchusults, und thus huvu some idea
of what it then was in Saiuni, the subsuquunt uxrruct
is given from the election sornion of Uuv. 'riionius
Shepnrd, delivered in thu suniu yuar. "O that infe-
rior schools wore uvury whuru so bclliod and ciicuur-
aged, as that the CuUogu (which ihu Lord hath made
to bti u spring of blessing to the land) might nut now
languisU for want of u sulUciont supply of young onus
from them ! There is a gruat decay in inferior schools,
it were well if that, also, wcru examined und the
cause thereof removed, und foundations luid fur Free
schools, where poor scholers might be then uducuiud
by some public stock."
.1073, Jan. 4. The town records show, that Mr.
Norris resumed the Grammar school, the |)rcci!ding
July 17, for one year, und ^thut a rale of XIU is now
ordered for him accordingly. Thuy, also, spcuk of
bills, due Mr. Cppes for similar service <* till he went
out of towno," This implies, that the latter hud left
his employment here and gone elsewhere. How long
be staid, is unknown. It will be seen, under 1077,
that he was invited to take the school, and in so furmul
a manner, as to indicate, that he may then have been
about to return. If so, Mr. Norris may have superiu-
434 'SCHOOLS. COLLEGE.
tended^'the school, during his absence, though such'
was the distressed condition of the whole Colony, on-
account of the Indian war, that it is likely there was'
not so great a call, as usual, for such service for about
two years. •
In Nov. of 1676, the town allowed Mr. Norris £3
for the use of his house, 15 months, which time, it is
likely, he spent in teaching the Grammar scholars.
1673, Dec As five men neglected to have their
children instructed and brought up to some useful
calling, our selectmen advertised that such children
would be put out to service.
1675. At the May session. General Court ordered
letters for all town clerks, in which the ministers wore
desired to promote the payment of contributions, due
for the new College building, and the subscription of
more for its completion.
1677, April 7. " Voted by y« towno y' Mr. Danioll
Epps is called to bee a grammar sclioolo master for y*
towne, soe long as hee shall continue and pcrforme y*
said place in y« towne, prouided hee may haue w^
shall bee anually allowed him, not by a towne rate,
butt in some other suteable way."
June 28th. The selectmen " agreed with Mr. Eppes
to teach all such scholars, as shall be sent to him from
persons in town in y" English, Latin and Greek tongue
soe as to fit them for y* Yniuersity, if desired and they
are capable ; alsoe, to teach them good manners and
instruct them in y* principles of Christian Religion."
He is to receive for each scholar 20/ a year, and if
this is not enough to make £60, the selectmen will
SCHOOLS. COLLEGE. 435
make up (his sum ; or, if more than enough, to have
it and the price of tuition for scholars out of town
and a right to commonage, and be free from all taxes,
trainings, watchings and wardinga.
1678, Feb. 17. Mr. Eppes had received from his
scholars, towards a half year's salary jC17 ID 10.
Tbo balance he was to have from rent of certain com-
mons, of Dakcr's and Misery Islands, as the proportion
from the town.
May U. Joseph Brown, son of William, who had
preachud sovorul years at Churlustown, left £50 to-
wards [myiuQ fur uduculiou at the Salom Grainnmr
school.
1060, April 5., A return is made from Salom to iho
committee in Boston, " concerning y* colludgo money
and Lt. John Pickering chosen and sent for that end."
For this udiHce our townsmen gave XI30 2 J, of
which llev. John Iligginson gave £5, Messrs. Ed-
mund Batter £20, and William Brown, Jr. £40.
.1082, Doc. 18. £25 5 3, a donation' for the
Grammar school, by William Brown, son., was loan-
ed on interest.
, 1084, March 8. Having appropriated annually from
£10 to £15, for the use of Mr. Edward Norris, from
the first and last resignation of his oilice in favor of
Mr. Eppes till the present, the town once more voted
him the latter sum, which was the last of the kind
he lived to receive and enjoy. Thus to smooth the
passage of so worthy a man to the grave, was an act
of justice, as well as of kindness to him, who had
> A report on Uis icliooU, in lti35, iiji, £21 5 3.
436 ANCIENT -SCHOOL BOOKS.
expended the vigor of his life and intellect to enlight-
en this comniunity with useful instruction. Such
expressions are among the redeeming traits of fallen
humanity and lead us to feel, that there is some flesh
in mortal hearts.
1687, Feb. 7. We hear again from the family of
noble views and liberal hands. William Brown, sen.,
gave to the Grammar school the remainder of a farm
which had been granted to him by Salem, but not
surveyed.
' 1688, Jan. 20. Breathing his last amid the influ-
ences, which crowned his life, the same benefactor,
besides his other literary bequests, left £50 to the
same school. This donation was made to lesson the
charge of tuition.
1691. An interesting notice is contained in a Bos-
ton Almanack. It relates to the New England Primer
of a second edition then in press. The purpose of
this little book in our schools is denoted by its name.
It is represented as being enlarged with more directions
for spelling, the prayer of Edward VI., and the verses
said to have been written by John Rogers, the martyr.
One edition of it, issued at Providence, 1774, has a
likeness of George III., another at Hartford, Conn.,
1777, has the portrait of Samuel Adams, and a third,
at Boston, of the same year, has a profile of John
Hancock. As well known, such a work, of far more
ntility than size, contained the catechisms of Joiin
Cotton, printed 1656, and of the Westminster Assem-
bly. How far it resembled the Primer of Great Brit-
ain, which existed before our fathers came to America,
is not known to the writer. Locke, the philosopher,
ANCIENT SCHOOL BOOKS. 437
mentions a book of this name, in his writings. One
called the Royal Primer was common hero in 1759.
In one form or another, it was probably used in the
primary schools of New England from its first settle-
ment till within a half century.
• Here we are reminded of other books, once consid-
ered indispensable, but long since laid aside. The
Horn book seems to have been of a simpler plun than
the Primer. It was so called because of its horn
covers. Shakeapcaro Kpake of it as the teacher of
boys in his day. It waa employed, for a like piir[)oso,
in Mutjsuchusutts, UU years ago. It gave rise to an
ancient remark, ixa expressive of ignorance, " hu (loot
not know his horn book." This is equivalent to a
more modern saying, *Mio does not know his letters."
Another book, easily imported, was "the ICuglish
Schoolo Master," a ICih edition of which was i)riulcd
in London, 102'1. Its main object was to teach cor*
rect reading. The Psalter was long employed for a
similar purpose. Under dill'erent modifications, it was
known in l^urope prior to the colonization of our ter-
ritory. One, styled the New Mngland Psalter of 1784,
has the psalms of David, the proverbs of Solomon,
the sermon of Christ on the Mount and the Nicenu
creed. It was advertised in Salem, 1771. It wa^i
read, in some MiLvsachusctts schools, to 1703. The
Testament and Bible appear to have been read in our
schools, for the most part, from their first formation.
A bare hint to exclude them from this use would
have alarmed our fathers, as treason, to say the least,
against the claims of Protestantism.
Among our earliest Arithmetics was James Ilod-
38
438 ANCIENT SCHOOL BOOKS.
der's. . A 28th edition of his was printed in London,
1719. Of the aids to study Geography were the
works of G. Meriton, printed in London, 1679, of
Laurence Eachard, issued there in a third impression,
1693, and other authors.
-Of our ancient English Dictionaries was E.
Coles's, published in London, 1692, and another of
John BoUoker, the ninth edition of which was printed
in London, 1695.
For the Latin language, there was John Brinsley's
Accidence, by question and answer, first issued 161 1-12.
Another called, "Directions for young Latinists," print-
ed in London, 1639. An American publication by
Ezekiel Cheever, called the Accidence, and printed
about 1650, was long noted for such a study. Hoolo's
Accidence, 1681. For the Greek, there was the West-
minster Grammar of 1671, and other like works. In
the Hebrew, was the grammar of VVillium SchicUarU,
issued 1623, and of Buxtorf, printed before 1629.
With this view of some books for ditlerent branches of
education within the first century of our Common-
wealth, we pass on to a later period.
,. 1694. Each able scholar of the town paid 15/ a
year at the Grammar school ; 1697, paid 12/ in mo-
ney, and, 1698, paid IS/.
1698, March 15. The village ask aid in support of
their school.
1699, March 1. Samuel Whirman, who came from
Hull, succeeded Mr. Eppes in the Grammar schoul.
, May 9. The town iu their communication to the
selectmen, said, " you shall giue y" Cramer school-
INCOME FOR SCHOOLS. 439
master such instructions and directions, as you shall
think needfuil for regulation of y* schoole."
June 26. The selectmen ordered that Mr. Whit-
man have £60 salary in money, each scholar to pay
12<^ a month, and what this lacked should bo made up
to him out of the funds " sett apart for y* Crammer
school."
Aug. 25. Thoy concluded to call John Emerson
of Churlestown as successor to Mr. Whitman ; to
teach Greek and Latin, writing, cyphering and " to
perfect such in reading, as can reud u chapter compo*
toully well." Thoy wore to give liim £50 mlury o«U
of the funds, and what these full short, was to bo
" proportioned on y* scholars by y* soloctmou." A
contract was made with Mr. Emerson, Sept. 23.
1700, Feb. 9. As a sample of the income for this
school at the date hero given, tho subsequent items
are presented. . . ' .
Ryall Side £22 5 G
. . Dakar*! Island 3
Mi»ery [ilanda 3 *
Uovorljr Forry (i 1
Intoroit on Wm. Brown'a Irgaoy or Ju^tO 3
Intrrcslon JoM9|>liUrown'rilut;ucyorjCG0 3
' Morblebetd Ferr/ .... 18
Amount, iMl 3 G
The school bell was to be rung at 7 A. M., and 5
P. M. from March 1 to Nov. 1, at 8 A. M. and 4 P.
M. from Nov. 1 to March 1, and " y* school to begin
and end accordingly." The selectmen, in order to
proportion the balance, due Mr. Emerson, gave tho
ensuing facts. He had 20 scholars. For the first
440 LEGACY FOR-THB BENEFIT OF SCHOOLS.
quarter of his tuition, each scholar was to pay 3/, and,
in future, when the pupils are 20 and under, 3/, whei^
^$y 2/6, when 30, 2/, and wjien 40 and more, 1/6.
If any surplus, from this source, it should be for the
use of the school.
, 1700, May 20. Voted that the inhabitants, without
the bridge, have £15 annually, for three years, to-
wards " learning their children to read, write and
cipher." Grants, in this direction, as comprising
Ryall Side, Middle Precinct and the Village, wore
continually made. John Cromwell, who died this
year, indicated his judicious and benevolent regard for
our community, in a bequest of JC20 in money, for a
writing and cyphering school. He ordered this sum
to be laid out in land and increased until such a school
should be set up. . .
. 1701, May 30. The village had chosen a commit-
tee to hire a school master for their children.
1708. Among the several gifts of Boiijamiii Brown,
who closed a useful life this year, was £60, the in-
come of which was to pay for indigent boys at the
Grammar school. This money was estimated at 8*
for an ounce of silver.
1712, March 10. As Mr. Emerson had died, a com-
mittee are chosen " to procure a suitable Grammar
school inaster for y* instructing of youth in Grammar
learning and to fitt them for y* CoUedge and also to
learn them to write and cipher and to perfect them in
reading." Thus we have notice of the first Board,
who were kept distinct from our selectmen, to super-
iotend the concerns of education. Then commenced
the separate records of such a new organization. It
RESOURCES FOR THE SUPPORT OF SCHOOLS. 44 1
was composed of Samuel Browne, Josiah Walcot,
Stephen Sewall, John Higginson, Jun., and Walter
Price. Their duties are among the highest of society
and, properly discharged, contribute to some of its
best interests. The election of a similar body hud
been " some time practiced " in Boston, "agreeably
to usage in England."
June 16. It was voted, that the old watch house
should be used for a writing school.
25th. John Barnard of Boston began to keep tho
Grammar school at jC5() a year.
Sept. 1. Nuthaniul Higginson commenced thu
school for reading, writing and cyphering " in tho
north end of thu town," at X30a year. Boys, in each
of tho schools, except those unable, jMiid 8' apiuuo for
a year's instruction. In looking over u lii>t of ilium,
wo arc reminded, that a larger prupnrtioii of the indi-
gent scholars became distinguished than of the ullicrs.
24lh. Under this date, we have an account of our
resources towards the supi)ort of the two schools with-
in the town bridge.
Latin Sciiool.
Rent of Ryall tido £22 5 0
Dixvy's Ferry .... U
Maa«uy'« *' 10
l)aker'« Itlond .... 3
l'blpp«n dt. Flokvring for land at Ouryinj;
Point 8
Monny at Inlervnt, £2:j0, (U G ^Mir cent . 15 10 04
Rent of Mi««rioa 3
£:,7 A ai
38*
442 TEACHER'S SALARY.
Writiko ScnooL.
Rent of 70 acrra to Fellon
'* Land adjoining (o it . . .
" of Mr. Hurst for Thraither'a house
" " Jonepli Souliiwich .
«« " Gamaliel llndgca for land
•* '• Thomas Ucll . . . . 2 G
" •• Mihill Uacon for IJiiryiiijj Point . 1 ti
" " TarU'll and I'uttiam's land by IMicipa'a I'J
John Cromwell's money, jCr>0, at inlorc^t at
G per cent 3 0
£1 15 3
1 4
£6 rj y
It will be perceived, that the Cromwell bequest bad been considera-
bly enlarged.
Dec. 16. The people at the village, voted £5 to
" widow Catherine Dealland," for teaching school
among them, and invited her to do the same service,
another year, for the like sum. She accepted.
1713, March 9. The committee, perceiving that
2* a quarter for each boy of the Latin and English
schools, in the body of the town, was insufficient,
agreed that it should be 2/6 in money, payable at the
commencement of the term. Every " scholar that
goes in the winter, to find three feet of wood, or to
pay to their masters 4/6 in money, to purchase wood
withal."
Sept. 25. Obadiah Ayres succeeded Mr. Barnard
in the Grammar school at the same compensation.
The latter took another school in Boston.
1714, Nov. 8. Samuel Andrews gave a receipt as
an instructer at the village.
Dec. 23. Francis Drake was approved by the
selectmen " for teaching y* mathematics, writing, etc."
io Salem.
SUPPORT OF SCHOOLS. 443
• 1710, Teb. Id. Duj)arting this liftj, William Brown
left jCIUU U) lliu G^aiIlIlla^^«ciluol. TIiu inlurcst of tliis
sum was to bu used fur Icssuning llio price ol' tuition
tlicru.
171G, March 12. Allowed jCd, for ilio year, to-
wards tlio snp|)ort of a ruadiug, writing and cyphering
sciiool at Will Hill, now in Middlelon.
April 2. John Swinnerlon began, 25lh ult. to keep
tiic English sciiool by the town house, at the usual
compensation.
June 23. Samuel Andrews commenced teaching
the Grammar school, on the terms of his predecessor.
1717, Feb. G. To accommodate the former school
with a stove, the town paid £8 2 1.
1718, July. As the Grammar school was destitute
of an instructor, and the town liable to prosecution
therefor, they sent off Mr. Pratt, on horse buck, to Cam-
bridge, so that their deficiency might be supplied.
On this emergency. Col. Samuel Brown, of the kin-
dred whose benevolence always throbbed quick and
strong for the honor of Naumkeag, lent 18' to meet
the expenses.
23d. The result of this flurry in the concerns of
our education, was, that John Nutting took the place
of Mr. Andrews. At this time, there were 54 pupils
under Mr. Swinnerton.
1719, April 14 John Brown deceased and left
£25 for the Grammar school.
June 16. The will of William Pauldon was proved
and designated £5 for the same object.
1724, Jan. 10. The village school master was to
instruct, one month at a time, in four different places,
444 SCHOOL TEACHERS.
namel7, at Will Hill and three positions " in the plan-
tation."
April 18. Receipt of John Gerrish for teaching
three months at the village, £6.
May 18. Daniel Wilkins paid for a month's simi-
lar duty at Will Hill, £2.
June 9. Order for John Maul to pay £8, which his
father left as a bequest to the town, £3 of which were
specified for the writing school.
1725, March 15. John Gerrish succeeds Mr. Swin-
nerton in the English school. A grant was made to
the latter of £10 annually, for three years, from the
' school funds.
1727, Nov. 6. Ordered by the selectmen, that
£17 10, be granted to Mr. Gerrish for two years, end-
ing March 15 of this year. These sums were paid
him besides his stipulated salary.
1729, March 13. Mr. Nutting had an addition of
£20 annually made to his compensation for five years
to come. This with the £70, which he previously
had, made his salary £90. The average number of
his pupils, for a year, was 39^. The town meeting,
on this day, was unusually propitious to the cause of
education in Salem. The influence, which chiefly
presided over those convened, emanated from a mem-
ber of the family, who had often shed pleasure through
the hearts of their townsmen, by generous words and
deeds. Samuel Brown was the moderator. He pre-
sented the several articles for discussion, with the
consciousness and mein of a man, whose purposes and
actions are of an elevated order. When he reached
the line of his docket, where his eye caught the topic
DONATION FOR THE USE OF SCHOOLS. 446
of schools, a chord was touched in his soul, -which
discoursed in tones, that harmonized with the best
sympathies of himself and audience. He spoke of
the duty, incumbent on the inhabitants to make ready
and cheerful provision for the instruction of their chil-
dren and of what the good laws of the Province en-
joined on them for such a purpose. Then, as a mani-
festation of his own views and wishes on the subject,
he desired the town to accept of £240 for three spe-
cific objects. These were particularized by his in«
strument of gift, in the following terms. "Samuel
Brown grants unto the Grammar school in Salem, to
be kept in or near the town house street, £120 passa-
ble money,^ to make the same a free school, or to-
wards the educating of eight or ten poor scholars,
yearly, in the Grammar learning or the mathematics,
viz: the mariner's art; the interest thereof to be im-
proved only for that end forever, as a committee, chos-
en by the town of Salem, for the taking care of said
school may direct, with the advice of the minister or
ministers of the first church and myself or children or
two of the chief of their posterity." Mr. Brown then
stated, that he gave £60 to the English school so that
its income might be applied " towards making the
same a free school, or for learning six poor scholars ;"
and a like sum "to a woman's school, the interest
thereof to be yearly improved for the learning of six
very poor children their letters and to spell and read,
who may be sent to said school six or seven months
in the year." He required, that the two last dona-
> A* passable money is supposed to mean current bills, it was then
worth Idi. for 1 oz. of silver.
446 DONATIONS FOR THE USE OF SCHOOLS.
tioQs should be managed by the same trustees as the
first. When Mr. Brown had announced his intention,
the selectmen, for themselves and the town, " did im-
mediately signifie their gratefull acceptance and hear-
ty thanks for so generous and honorable a gift."
Judge Lynde expressed his obligations and asked
" liberty to call for a vote of thanks from he whole
assembly, which accordingly was done, by a very
cheerful lifting up of hands, none excepted."
In keeping with the part, so agreeably performed,
Benjamin Lynde, Jr., gave substantial proof of his
good will to the place of his residence. Having been
voted £12 for a year's service, as Town Treasurer,
he returned this with the addition of £8, so that the
interest might help sustain the Grammar school.
Such an act was met with the return of grateful feel-
ings and expressions. No one, as he retired to his
home from such transactions and pillowed his head
for the repose of night, could be disturbed with the
reflection, " I have lost a day." The doings of that
annual assembly, were worthy of a life's recollection.
1731, March 15. It was voted, that whatever
Messrs. Curwin and Turner should pay for the town's
fee in Baker's and Misery Islands, should be for the
use of the Grammar school. For such a considera-
tion, each of these persons paid £ 130 in bills of credit,
then at 19* for an oz. of silver.
May 16. Mr. Brown, living but a few years after
his last gift to our schools, now closed his days. Still
he kindly remembered these nurseries of knowledge
among other objects of his beneficent regard. He
bequeathed £150 to them, on the conditions of his
MONET RAISED. BY TAX. 447
preceding donations. This sum was appropriated, as
follows: £50 for the Latin, £50 for the English and
£50 for the woman's school.
1733, Jan. 24 The Grammar school had 36 and
the English school 30 scholars.
March 19. The avails of land, leased to John Tar-
bell and now sold to Joseph Orne, were set apart for
the use of the writing school.
1734, March IS. A principal reason, assigned by
the village for their frequent proposal to be set off
from Salem, was their " want of power to raise mo-
ney for keeping a school " among them. A report
was made, " that the town raise by a tax so much
with the annual income, appropriated to the Grammar
and Writing schools, as shall amount to £250 in Pro-
vince Bills of the present value, exclusive of the be-
quests of particular gentlemen," and that the middle
Precinct, Ryall Side and the Village shall draw from
this sum according to their Province tax. Thes(» par-
ticulars were accepted. The value of the papep-mo-
ney, here mentioned, was in the ratio of 24* for an
oz. of silver.
1738, Feb. 13. Of £250, raised on such terms,
Ryall Side' had £12 9, Village £36 15, and Middle
Precinct £44 18, and the two schools, within the
bridge, £155 18.
1743, May 11. Voted that the Latin and English
schools be united under a master and usher, which
was revoked in three years. Each Latin scholar paid
5* a quarter and each English scholar 2/6 a quarter.
> The particular suina varj from those of another account.
448 SCHOOL TEACHERig.
. 1746, May 24 Mr. Nutting had £140, paper cur-
rency and Mr. Gerrish £40 a quarter. Such money
then passed at 37' for an oz. of silver.
1747, Sept. 27. Peter Frye succeeds John Nut-
tmg in the Grammar school, at a salary of £75, law-
ful money.
1748, March 25. John Gerrish is succetled in the
English school by William Gale. When the former
left, his salary was about £S0 lawful money.
Aug. Mr. Leavit's church had lately contributed
money towards the tuition of our poor children.
1751, June 24. Jonathan Sewall takes the place
of Peter Frye in the Grammar school.
July 26. Mr. Gale had 57 scholars under his care,
and Mr. Frye, the preceding Feb. 11, had 56.
1752, March 9. After the first of May, all boys,
who go to the Grammar school must study Latin as
well as read, write and cypher. Each of them was
to pay 6/ a quarter. Abijah Hart chosen to assist Mr.
Gale and begin May 4, at £40 salary.
1753, Aug. 12. Mr. Gale leaves his place. Mr.
Hart succeeds him, and, 28th, William Jeffry becomes
his assistant, for £26 3 4, a year.
1755, Aug. 9. Mr. Jeflfry resigns, and, Sept. 16, is
succeeded by Nehemiah Northey.
1756, July 12. Mr. Sewall relinquishes the Gram-
mar school, and, 19, his situation is taken by William
Walter.
1757, April 30. Mr. Northey declines longer ser-
vice, and, May 9, is succeeded by James Ford, at
£53 6 8 salary, who, next day, receives Ebenezer
Bowditch, Jr., to help him, for £40 a year.
SCHOOL TEACHERS. 449
1758, Sept. 6. Mr. Walter gives up his station,
which, Oct. 8, is supplied by Daniel Eppes.
1759, Sept. 7. The latter retires and has his place
filled by Nathan Goodale.
1760, Feb. 21. Mr. Ford's pay is enlarged to
£66 13 4 for twelve months.
May 19. A school house is to be erected, not on
the same spot of the old one, in "school house lane."
This new building stood where the late Court house
did, and was made of brick.
1761, Nov. 10. Mr. Bowditch leaves the English
school.
1762, Aug. 28. He is followed there by Ames
Cheever at £10 a quarter.
1763, Jan. 27. Mr. Cheever relinquishes teaching.
June 20. His place is filled by Samuel Gale.
1764, May 16. Order for $50 to be drawn from
the Treasury to pay for learning the poorest children
to read at women's schools.
1767, March 9. A committee of the English
school are empowered to expend the same sum for a
like purpose. Persons are appointed to inquire how
many such children have been instructed by female
teachers, within three years, with an expectation of
being paid by the town. Mr. Goodale is to have
£13 6 8 quarterly from the town and 6* from each of
his scholars.
May 18. By this date, Samuel Gale, as usher of
the English school, had left, and Edward Norris, Jr.,
appears to have become his successor. Messrs. Ford
and Norris petition, the next year, for an increase of
their compensation.
39
450 TIME FOR COMMKNCING SCHOOLS.
1770, Jan. 1. Daniel Hopkins, afterwards settled
here in the ministry, has leave to open a private school
for reading, writing and arithmetic. A teacher in one
of the public schools, recently taught in the evening
on his own account.
Dec. 6. Town schools to begin in the morning at
7 o'clock in summer, and 8 o'clock in wu ter ; at I
o'clock all the year round, and leave off at 5 o'clock
in summer and 4 in winter. Vacations at general
election, commencement day and rest of that week,
fasts, thanksgivings, trainings, Wednesday and Satur-
day afternoons. Among the regulations of the town
for their instructors, is one on the subject of punishing
scholars, which has always perplexed teachers, com-
mittees and parents. It judiciously observes of each
master and his pupils, "that when he is obliged to
correct them, he do it calmly and endeavor to make
such correction dreaded more on account of the shame,
than the pain attending it."
7th. Mr. Goodale, having resigned the Grammar
school yesterday, is succeeded by James Diman, Jr.
The former of these two individuals, is represented,
in a letter of Deacon Timothy Pickering, 1765, as a
talented man and an ingenious preacher.
1771, Feb. 12. Widow Abigail Fowler, a noted
"school dame," finished her earthly labors. She was
in her 68th year and began to teach children before
she was 18, and continued so to do till her decease,
with the exception of a few years after she was mar-
ried. Though humble her calling, yet its effects on
the numerous minds committed to her care, must have
been incalculable.
BRANCHES TAUGHT IN SCHOOLS. 451
1772, July. Charles Shimmin advertises to instruct
children and youth in the rudiments of English, with
book-keeping, geography, astronomy, etc. The next
December, besides his proposal to keep an evening
school, he offers the free instruction of geometry, for
an hour each day, to all who will punctually attend,
*' demonstrating the propositions with the greatest
perspicuity, chiefly by a new and easy method of rea-
soning by proportional quantities." This gentleman
died in Boston, 17S9, set. 40, eminent as a teacher.
Oct. 19. Antipas Steward, from Harvard College,
follows Mr. Diman in having charge of the Grammar
school, at £66 13 4 a year.
1773, March 8. One or more stoves to be obtained
for the town schools.
2Gth. Mrs. Mary Gill is the keeper of the girl's
school.
April 5. John Watson notifies, that he shall open
school, in a few days, where he will teach reading,
writing and cyphering.
20th. Mr. Norris, one of the town instructors, ad-
vertises to commence a school for young ladies, be-
ginning at the hours of 11 and 5 o'clock, where they
will learn to write and cypher.
27ih. Elizabeth Gaudin opened a school yesterday
in Derby street, to instruct young ladies in plain sew-
ing, marking tent and Irish stitch. She also proposes
to take some misses as boarders.
27th. Notice is given, that applications will be
received for the instruction of nine poor boys by
the income of the Brown fund.
June 7. The boys, of indigent families, who attend
-152 PRIVATE AND PUBLIC TEACHERS.
the masters' schools, but are not fitted, are to be placed
under the care> of female teachers, with other children
of hke condition, so that the whole expense of them
shall not exceed £30. This is a small sum indeed
compared with what our community now generously
and wisely pays for its primary schools.
1773, Dec. 18. Mr. Steward will teach, at tho
Grammar school house, from the next Jan. 1, to April
1, six poor youth the ''mariner's art," and as many
indigent lads to write and cypher, every Monday,
Wednesday and Friday evenings. His compensa-
tion to come from the Brown donations. Such pa-
rents, as desire their children to improve the privilege,
are requested to call on the school committee.
1774, July 18. Samuel BIythe proposes to keep
a boarding school for females, near the Episcopal
church, where will be taught the branches, which
had been common, with French and dancing.
1775, Oct. 14. The town, depressed by adversi-
ties of the Revolution, had voted, that the amount of
the school masters' salaries should be reduced to
£133 6 8 L. M. Mr. Steward's portion £48 9 4,
Mr. Ford's the same, and Mr. Norris's £36 8 4.
1781, Dec. 12. Timothy Dawson teaches one of
the English schools. He appears to have taken the
place of Mr. Ford, who died the preceding June 27.
1782, June 17. Belcher Noyes succeeds Mr.
Steward in the Grammar school. John Gray is em-
ployed by the town as an English teacher.
Oct. 3. Mr. Bartlett states that he shall instruct
young ladies in spelling, reading, writing, arithmetic,
composition and history.
NEW SCHOOL HOUSE. 453
Nov. 4 John Nutting, Jr., intends to begin a
mathematical school.
1783, June 12. Nathan llccd has commenced a
school near tiic town house, for youni^ ladies, for read-
ing, writing, arithmetic, l^nglish grammar, elocution,
comjiosition and geography. This gentleman became
noted for his mechanical science and inventions, lie
is still living in Maine. When he resigned his school,
it went into the hands of the late Judge Jeremiah
Smith of L^.xcter, N. H., while a student at law under
Mr. Fynchon.
17S1, Sept. 17. David Walch is an instructor in
one of our public schools for English.^
17S5, March 14. The inhabitants voted, that the
Centre school house should be 24 by 36 feet, and that
the members of the Library pay for such a proportion
of its cost, as they shall occupy room.
July 22. The school committee are empowered to
hire places for the Grammar school, and for the Eng-
lish schools at the centre, east and west sections of
the town. They are, also, authorized to have the
brick school house taken down to accommodate the
new Court house.
Nov. 18. Edward Norris is continued over the
centre, John Watson is appointed for the eastern and
Isaac Hacker for the western schools. Mr. Watson
accepted, but continued for a short time. His associ-
ations had been long with a private school and lie
* As llie former book of records kept by the school commiltee are
again missing, the writer is unable to have tlie benefit of them from
1784 to ltiU3, if they proceed so far.
39*
464 MEANS INADEQUATE FOR SCHOOLS.
found, that his predilections for it were so strong, as
to render the oversight of his new one very irksome.
Jlr. SneUing, who was an apprentice in a store, was
employed as his assistant. This gentleman has long
been noted as the writing master in the Latin school
of Boston. For several months after Mr. Watson re-
turned to his private school, Mr. Snelling and Rev.
William Bentley had charge of the east school. The
latter person, with his accustomed benevolence and
regard for the general welfare, offered his services, un-
til another principal could be obtained. The fore part
of next year, Edward Lang, who had established
himself as a silversmith, took his station.
1786, Jan. 9. John Gray advertises, that he has
begun a school for reading, writing and arithmetic,
near Mr. Prince's meeting house.
1788, Feb. 15. Messrs. Noyes, Norris, Lang and
Hacker address a petition to the town. It says, " the
exhausted state of the Treasury, for these three years
past, has reduced us to the necessity of selling our
orders from 10 to 15 and, sometimes, from 20 to 25
per cent below par." They remark, that, as a conse-
quence, their salaries are insufhcient to support them,
and desire allowance for such depreciation. The low
credit of our municipal scrip, was chiefly occasioned
by the taxes, imposed on this and every community
of the nation, to help reduce an immense debt for the
Revolutionary struggle. Men of all avocations in life
were called to endure heavy burdens.
An anecdote of about this date illustrates the scar-
city of money. A noted school mistress seldom re-
ceived aught for her trying labors but family stores
COMMON SCHOOLS. 455
usually called truck. Hence, when purchasing coun-
try provisions, she was obliged to offer what she had
in exchange. For this object, she placed one of her
pupils, being females, at the window, every Saturday
forenoon, to look out for the market people, and ask
them if they would take truck for their produce. One
of the scholars told her mates, that she would no
longer serve in this manner after her next turn.
They questioned her, but she said time will show.
Accordingly she was located at the window with ex-
press orders, to put the usual inquiry. Soon a farm-
er, on horseback, with paniers of articles to sell, hove
in sight. The miss hailed him and asked, have you
any butter, mister .'* Yes, was his answer. Then,
instead of conformity with the Dame's command, she
said, do you take cash? Oh, yes, he quickly rejoin-
ed. On hearing this strange colloquy, the mistress,
with no measured step, hastened and pulled the of-
fending pupil from her station of honor, and declared,
that she should no more be intrusted with such a
commission.
June 9. James Scollay begins to instruct boys and
girls in arithmetic and book-keeping.
Dec. 2. Samuel Bingham intends to commence a
school for both sexes, at 9* a quarter.
1791, Jan. 18. I. Fraser proposes to begin a school
for common branches of education, and, also, to teach
these in private families, with book-keeping, naviga-
tion, geography, mathematics, Latin and Greek lan-
guages.
Dec. 6. William Gray notifies the public, that he
456 PROGRESS OF EDUCATION.
will teach both sexes, reading, writing and arithmetic
in Mr. Blaney's chamber.
1792, July 3. Butler Fogerty had recently given
up a school to become clerk of Essex Bank ; but
March 25, 1794, he gives notice, that he shall resume
the business of instruction in the common branches
and, also, book-keeping.
1793, March 11. The inhabitants authorize the
school committee to provide at the writing schools or
elsewhere, for the tuition of girls in reading, writing
and cyphering. This appears to be the beginning of
the additional service, useful but onerous, long requir-
ed of our English masters.
April 16. Mr. Frye has begun a school for misses
in Court street, to instruct them in writing, arithme-
tic, English grammar and geography.
1794, April S. A merchant has offered to pay for
teaching sixty young seamen of Salem, the art of
navigation, while the embargo lasts. Three well
qualified instructors have been selected for this pur-
pose. Such charity bespoke a heart, that felt its ob-
ligations to a class, too much neglected, and a mind,
that had clear views of commercial interests.
May 20. Price of teaching French, is $5 a quarter.
1796, March 14. Voted that each English master
have" a salary of £150 and find ink, and, April 4th,
that the Grammar master have £130.
July 19. A notice of the town schools having
been examined, speaks of John Gray as master of the
centre school and of Nathaniel Rogers as master of
the Grammar school, who had succeeded Thomas
Bancroft. As if more than a usual outlay for the free
PROGRESS OF EDUCATION. 457
instruction of females had been recently made by the
town, it states that schools for young girls have been
oponed.
1797, Feb. 14. Mr. Rogers advertises, that he will
open a private school, in Liberty street, for the Eng-
lish, French, Latin, and Greek languages, etc. at 18»
a quarter. His place in the Grammar school, was
supplied by Uavid Kendall, who resigned 1798, and
Daniel Parker was his successor.
June 23. William Biglow proposes to open a
school here. On the list of studies, under him, were
grammar and geography. He was long distinguished
for his able and successful labors as a teacher in this
comminiity.
1798, March 27. Mr. Jackson notifies, that he
shall have a morning school, from 6 to 8 o'clock, for
young ladies, in the common and higher studies.
Thus far, notices of the various sorts of schools,
have been particularly given, so that an idea might
be formed as to the progress of education in this com-
munity. Collectively viewed, they show, that, even
down to this period, what was once untaught among
our predecessors, had become common. Relative to
the modes of instructing the young, whether full as
the pecuniary condition of our fathers might have al-
lowed, whether suited to the intellectual and moral
wants of tlie teachable class or not, the facts will en-
able each person to judge for himself The subse-
quent remarks on private and public schools,- in seve-
ral respects, must be more general.
1800, July 11. Among the appendages of Mr. Big-
low's school, was a military company, who now ap-
458 . PUBLIC SCHOOLS.
pear, called the Trojan Band, whose uniform was
nankeen and whose discipline was superior. This
was a very popular concern with all the boys in town.
1801, April 13. Notice is published, that writ ng,
arithmetic, English grammar, composition and geog-
raphy are to be taught in the Grammar school, besides
Latin and Greek. A similar improvement was adopt-
ed in 1796 under Mr. Rogers.
May 2. The inhabitants are informed, that three
public schools, for children of both sexes and not less
than five years old, are opetied. The alphabet, spell-
ing and reading are taught in them. Mrs. Holman
has one in Lynn street, Mrs. Lamperel, another in
Church street, and Miss Carlton, a third in the East
school house. A fourth mistress appears to have been
employed. This was a needful and wise advance.
Sept. 17. Mrs. Brown from London, intends to
open a Female Academy for the common and higher
studies.
1802, March 30. Mrs. Abigail Rogers proposes to
establish a similar institution. Her enterprise was
eminently successful.
Desirous to afford their sons the privileges of a
school with few pupils, inider a teacher of high char-
acter and attainments and subject to their immediate
control, and willing to pay for so valuable an object,
William Gray, Benjamin Pickman and others con-
cluded to have such an establishment. Accordingly
it was opened,^ January 1, 1803, under Jacob Knapp.
He taught first in a chamber of Joshua Ward's brick
store. Early next summer a school house was built
' LeUer from Jacob Knapp, Esq.
PRIVATE SCHOOLS. 459
for hira, placed on Mrs. Biiffinton's garden, Church
street, and, about four years after, was moved to a
spot, near the Mall, now occupied by the mansion of
John Andrew, deceased. The concern, so commenc-
ed, continued, with much success, till Mr. Knapp's de-
parture in 1811. The number of scholars was limited
to 30. For the three first years, his salary was $1,200
and, afterwards, $2,000. This enterprise might seem
too exclusive for our Republican institutions. Still,
while it made greater room in the public schools, and,
consequently rendered them more useful, it promoted
the cause of education and required no more for its
undertakers, through their children, than they had a
right to obtain with their own property. According
to the gifts of Providence, so are we bound to make
the best use of them in all our relations. Want of
wealth should never render us unwilling, that its pos-
sessors should make a good investment of it in the
furtherance of instruction. The school, thus consid-
ered, was the forerunner of similar ones, which have
terminated by revolutions in our system of public ed-
ucation.
1S03, April 15. Each of the four school mistresses,
employed by the town, to instruct children, is to have
a salary of $100 and 4 cords of wood.
Aug. 29. Boys, in the public schools, taught by
masters, number 213.
1804, March 14. The Latin master's salary is
placed at $700, though settled for at $085 49, and
that of each English master at $650. Their pay for
a year, and $400 for the four mistresses was $2,2S5 49,
A comparison of their compensation with that of the
460 PRIVATE SCHOOLS.
clergy in town, made the latter individually, receive
on aa average, $685 49 a year.
Aug. 26. The school committee decide, that four
of the best scholars in each public school for boys,
shall have some token of approbation. This was car-
ried into effect a few years. The number in these
schools was 228, who were examined together in the
Court house.
1806, Aug. 28. In connection with some remarks
on an examination of such schools, it is stated, that
"the number of private schools greatly exceeds that
of the public schools." With regard to private Eng-
lish schools, aside from those for singing, French, etc.
which were advertised, for several years, as about to
commence, they were as follow. Not less than two
male and one female in 1801, three and one 1802,
two and two 1803, three and two 1804, three and
three 1805, and five and three 1806. Though a large
part of these were temporary, yet with the permanent
ones, previously established, they confirm the state-
ment just quoted.
1807, March 23. A report is made for a school
house in North Fields.
May 12. William B. Dodge, who opened a private
school three years before among us, is chosen master
for this section of the town. Such a division of our
city had seen various changes, since the days of its
being a propriety, but none more promising for their
children, than the planting of public instruction on
their premises.
A committee are appointed to confer with Rev.
Joshua Spaulding about commencing a school for col-
PRIVATE SCHOOLS. 461
bred children. So just a provision was made and
Chloe Minns was long the teacher.
That the western section of the town might com-
mand privileges for the tuition of boys, whose parents
could meet the cost, equal to those in the eastern, a
school, named the Salem Private Grammar School, on
the plan of Mr. Knapp's, began October 7, 1807, under
Benjamin Tappan, His salary was $900 the first
year and $1,050 the next. The scholars ranged from
25 to 30. The school house was two stories and
pleasantly located mid-way between Chesnnt and
Green streets, on a lot, now in the garden of Stephen
C. Phillips. It had a library and some philosophical
apparatus. Its other preceptors, in succession, were
Josiah W. Gibbs, Abiel Chandler, John B. Davis,
Samuel B. Walcott, Walter R. Johnson and John
Balch. Their compensation, generally, was $1,000.
Mr. Chandler taught from IS 11 to 1817, a longer pe-
riod than the rest. His compensation was $1,200 the
first year, and $1,600 annually for the rest of his time.
The school, after sustaining a high reputation for its
usefulness, was closed March 22, 1822. Such a ter-
mination was caused chiefly by the excellence of the
public Latin school.
Besides these two schools, there were several others
on a similar plan. The eldest of them had different
locations near the Mall and was instructed by Messrs.
Robert Rogers and Benjamin Tappan, Abiel Cliand-
ler, Samuel Adams, Joseph E. Worcester, Joseph B.
Felt and Richard Gardner. The rise of our public
education was their decline and close.
A further notice of all the private schools, as they
40
462 PRIVATE SCHOOLS.
Iippcar in our public prints, would be well, if our
space allowed. But it must be omitted, with the re<f
gret, that leave is not asked for their commencement
of our city authorities, as formerly, so that a record of
them might stand on our public books.
1808, March 8. The amount paid for the town's
teachers, one year, is $3,462 11.
June 6. As more than common advantages had
been secured for boys in private schools in town, this
led to the conclusion that similar provision should be
made for the other sex. Accordingly, an institution
for young ladies, was opened in Marlborough street,
under the charge of Thomas Cole. Its particular
name was, " The Salem Female School." It was
under the direction of proprietors, who limited its
number of pupils to twenty-five. So superior was
the furniture of its building, and of so high an order
were its studies, that it was the subject of general
conversation and by some, who regarded it as too
aristocratic, it was called " The Girl's College." The
salary of the preceptor, at first, was $1,000 and after-
wards, $1,200 permanently. Several months after he
took this school, in 1834, on his own account, his
health being much enfeebled, he transferred it to the
present General Oliver. This was a laudable experi-
ment, never before equalled in Salem, for the advance
of female education. The high promise, which it
gave, was long realized.
1810, Aug. 2. Mr. Lang resigns the East school,
which he had taught over 23 years. His place is
supplied by Dr. Daniel Berry.
PRIVATE SCHOOLS. 463
22(1. In the five masters' schools of the town there
are 359 boys.
Dec. 6. Moses Stevens is elected to instruct the
Grammar school, relinquished by Daniel Parker.
The latter gentleman soon began a private school in
town.
1812, June 11. In the four public schools for Eng-
lish, there are 465 boys, and 295 girls. The latter
attended, as usual, an hour at noon and another in the
afternoon. The Grammar school has 40 pupils. The
ancient custom of having prayers and an address from
clergymen, at the annual examination of the town
schools, is still continued. A practice most likely to
promote education by motives of duty in teacher and
taught. There, appear to have been seven women's
schools supported by the town.
1813, Dec. 10. The decease of Mrs. Mary HoU
man, ast. 71, is contained in one of our newspapers.
She had spent many years as a school mistress. Use-
fulness was her merited fame.
1814, June. Salem Female Charitable school is
set up by an association of young women. It was
open for girls from all the religious societies.
Aug. 23. As Mr. Hacker was out of health, and
wished to relinquish his employment, the school com-
mittee speak highly of his instruction, in the west of
the town, for the long period of 29 years. He had
ample opportunity to test the remark, that the care of
scholars either lessens or increases a man's patience.
The result was favorable to his reputation. Edward
Sawyer is elected to sustain the trust, which he so
creditably laid down.
464 GREATER REQUIREMENTS IN SCHOOLS.
1815, July. Another Charity school is formed by
females of the first and north parishes. Its privileges
were equally wide as those of its predecessor.
1816, April 18. As an addition to the spelling,
reading, writing and arithmetic of the English schools,
under masters, employed by the town, grammar and
geography are required to be taught. This was an
improvement, highly beneficial to many boys, who
were to come forward, exert much influence, and have
a large share of the management in our municipal af-
fairs. It bespoke a wise oversight in the gentlemen,
intrusted with our public instruction. Before an ad-
vance of this sort, the larger portion of our prominent
townsmen, educated in the public schools, betrayed,
in their speech and composition, a want of grammati-
cal acquaintance with their native tongue. This was
more their regret, than of those, who perceived such
deficiency. It did not induce them to confine the
younger portion of community in the same bounds,
to which they had been accustomed, but to throw
ppen the gales pf knowledge wider, so that the mind
of their posterity might be more enlightened.
A deficiency of this kind had existed, to a great
extent, in the free schools of New England. Since it
has begun to be supplied, the wonder is, that it was
ever suffered to exist. Next to the acquisition of read-
ing, should be that of grammatical acquaintance with
our vernacular tongue. As prior to such reform, the
English language was allowed, on all hands, to have
been spoken and written witli greater purity in New
ISngland, than in any other division of our Republic,
TEACHER'S SALARY. 455
we may well hope, that, since it has taken place, this
compliment will be full as much deserved.
1817, Aug. 26. In the public schools for boys,
there are 406 scholars.
Sept. 1. Amory Felton takes the place of John
Gray in the Centre school. The latter gentleman
had held this station over twenty years. In this pe-
riod, he faithfully performed much service for the
benefit of hundreds under his tuition. He soon open-
ed a private school.
1818, March 24. Mr. Stevens being about to leave
the Latin school, advertises that he shall open another
the next month, on his own account. His station, in
the former, was filled by James Day, at $1,000 a year.
April 25. It is ordered that each of the mistresses,
to be chosen for the two vacant schools, have $150
salary. James S. Gerrish is selected to supply the
place of Samuel Preston in East school.
June 16. Voted to erect a school house in Broad
street on land of the former Alms house.
29th. Agreed to purchase the Duck Factory, on
the spot needed for this building, and the remaining
lease of its premises.
July 1. Regulations for the public schools allow
vacations as follow ; one week at Election, another at
Commencement, and a third at Thanksgiving, a day
at Regimental muster, one at Christmas and another
on Independent day, besides the customary Wednes-
day and Saturday afternoons. This was a very liberal
allowance to the scholars, compared with what their
predecessors had enjoyed. It must have been a memora-
ble change with the boys who passed into its liberties.
40*
466 INTERMEDIATE SCHOOLS.
:. July 28. Aa Mr. Sawyer wished to retire from the
West school, Frederick Emerson is chosen in his stead.
Aug. 22. At an examination of the public school
for boys in the Town Hall, the Latin had 39, East
149 ; Centre, 120 ; West, 90, and North, 92 ; equal
to 490.
1819, April 19. The Latin school, transferred to
the building prepared for it in Broad street, com-
mences there under James Day, as principal, and
Moses Clark, as usher. Its whole appearance indicated
a more favorable era for education in our community.
The edifice, so appropriated, is of brick, 33^ feet
broad and 50 long. It cost $10,000. Its model is
pleasant to the eye of taste, and its purpose cheering
to the heart of philanthropy.
April 30. An order passed for a school house
to be erected in South Fields.
May 8. Scholars in the Latin school 86, in the
West, 132; North, 100; Central, 160 ; and East, 165;
equal to 643.
June 3. As Mr. Clark had desired to be released,
Thomas Henry Oliver' succeeds him at $600 salary.
21st. Daniel Parker is chosen as an additional as-
sistant to Mr. Day. A remonstrance of the English
masters on the subject of intermediate schools for girls
is presented. With such a burden, there is no won-
der that they prayed for its removal. They had a
task with their many male pupils, enough to wear
down iron constitutions. Not that the females should
have less of such tuition but more, though in a differ-
ent mode.
. > Cb*ng«d by act of Legislature in 1821, to Henry Kemble Oliver.
LANCASTERIAN METHOD, 4(}7
July 23. Joseph Lancaster^ delivers a lecture in
the evening, at the Tabernacle, to a large and grati-
fied audience, on his system of instruction. He lect-
ured a few times more, not all in immediate succes-
sion, on the same topic, which he greatly appreciated
for its benefit in imparting a knowledge of elementary
instruction to many, at small expense.
Aug. 23. William Games, who had taught a pri-
vate school, is elected instructor of the South school.
Thus a section of our city, once appropriated to agri-
culture and pasturage, had so altered its condition, as
to afford population enough for a large collection of
scholars. Instead of bars and gates, it presents a
building to accommodate many buds of intellect, save
them from the blasts of ignorance and aid them to
bear fruits of useful knowledge. This is a change
worthy to be welcomed, especially where talent, vir-
tuously cultivated and employed, leads to eminence.
23d. At^the annual exhibition of the public schools,
the West had part of its exercises on the Lancasterian
plan, which are to be continued.
Nov. 6. James Gale is appointed successor to Dan-
iel Parker, in the English department of the Latin
school, at $500 a year, and Edwin Jocelyn for Centre
school, which Mr. Felton resigns, at $650.
1820, March 27. As the effort to advance our sys-
tem of instruction, was viewed by some, as likely to
embarrass the town finances, a reaction is produced.
Oar debt was brought forward to prove the peril.
Movements of this sort, being addressed to the more
» Mr. Lancaster waa ran oyer and killed in the chy of Now York,
Oct. 22, 183a.
468 LANCASTERIAN METHOD.
selfish feelings, most generally prevail. Sometimes
the consequence is beneficial, but ofteuer detrimental,
because it proceeds more frequently from a mistaken
judgment of what is general good, or from sinister
motives, than from any real necessity of curtailment.
Accordingly, the vote, which had been passed to have
a new West school house erected, for the accommo-
dation of 250 pupils on one floor, after the plan of
Lancaster, is revoked and another taken for the old
one to be repaired. This change seems to have been
made more from doubt of the proposed form of in-
struction than from other causes. The school com-
mittee are desired to inquire about the expediency of
introducing the Lancasterian method.
30lh. A vote is passed for retrenchment among
the public teachers. From each of the masters in the
English schools, $50 is to be taken, making $700
for the East and $600 for the rest. From the $150
of every mistress, $20 are cut off, which ought to
have been spared. The charge for public instruction
the past year, is about $6,600.
May 4. A committee on the Lancasterian mode,
report, that it will do for spelling, reading, writing and
the first rules of arithmetic, but they can recommend
it no further. An account of scholars gives the Latin
school 113; the Centre, 120; West, 130; North,
100; South, 130; East, 100, equal to 753, of whom
638 regularly attended. Seven primary schools are
kept by women. Their scholars are of both sexes
from four years old and number 490, of which 150
are boys. The globes are used in one of the Eng-
lish schools. There are 2,750 children in Salem from
PRIVATE SCHOOLS. 469
4 to 15 years old. If taking half of them to be boys,
there are 788 of these who usually attend public
schools, leaving 587 who do not. Of the last number
472 do not claim to belong to any of these schools,
of whom probably 225 are members of private schools.
This makes 250, who are not sent to school. There
has been an increase of one third in the attendants at
our public schools within a few years. This speaks
distinctly in favor of the improvements, which vrere
made at the beginning of such a period.
About 1S20, black boards were used in our com-
mon schools, for arithmetical calculations. Manu-
scripts of sums, set for the pupils by their masters,
which had been continued for a long period, began to
be laid aside. Thus instructors were relieved from a
burden, almost useless after printed books abounded
among us, and their scholars put on a course of ac-
quiring a more thorough knowledge of figures.
Sept. 7. James Gale becomes the successor of Mr.
Carnes in the South school.
21st. A new school house for the west district is
to be built at a cost not above $3,000.
Oct. 18. Daniel A. Poor is chosen as an assistant
in the Latin school.
To the close of 1820 from 1806, there were not
less than 75 advertisements for private English schools.
Of these 40 were by masters, a few of whom taught
girls, 35 by mistresses. In 18 IG, the year when the
studies of the pubhc schools for English, were enlarg-
ed by geography and grammar, there were seven mas-
ters, who set up private schools, but there were only
eight of such for the next four years, while there were
470 PRIVATE SCHOOLS.
eleven begun b7 mistresses in the same period. This
indicates, that the town schools, so improved, had ren-
dered private ones for boys, far less in demand than
they had been. It has indeed been so ever since in
an observable degree. The fact is thus established,
that, notwithstanding the high schools for larger girls,
the most of our families of easy condition, while dis-
posed to have their sons instructed at the public
schools, send their daughters to private schools. This
preference rests in a great degree, on the probability
that where there is a smaller number of pupils, as
under private instructors, there will be less contact
with faults in principle and deportment. For the sake
of such expected benefit, the privilege of free educa-
tion as to daughters, is thus properly foregone.
1821, Aug. 23. A return of pupils in all the pub-
lic schools, being 14, eight of them taught by mis-
tresses, and the rest by masters, estimates them at
1,395, of whom 1,144 are regular attendants. Of the
former teachers was Mrs. Lawrence, who weis colored
and had long instructed the African school. She had
been married. Her former name was Minns. She
had 40 pupils.
Sept. 12. The town vote to have a new school
house for the east district.
1822, Jan. 12. Samuel Burrill is elected to instruct
in this building. Mr. Gerrish of the other school, in
the east ward, proposes to resign the 15ih of March.
He soon opened a private school for boys.
March 7. The new town school, in Williams
street, is opened under Mr. Burrill. Thus another
AFRICAN SCPIOOL. 47 1
auxiliary is impressed into the service against the
power of ignorance.
July 22. The successor of Mr. Gerrish being Mr.
Peirson, leaves and is followed by Jacob Hood.
Sept. 22. Mr. Oliver, assistant in the Latin school,
has $150 added to his salary from 1st of next month.
Oct. 1. Mr. Poor who had been usher of the same
school, opens a private one on his own account.
Nov. 22. Each of the mistresses, who teach inter-
mediate schools, has $33 33, additional compensation,
for the term to 1st of April.
1S23, April 26. Theodore Eames succeeds Mr.
Day in the Latin school.
Aug. 9. Mr. Emerson, having resigned the West
school, Oliver C. Felton takes his place.
Nov. 29. The African school to be discontinued
after the close of the current year. This appears to
have been the one, long kept by a colored mistress.
Dec. 13. Mr. Hood is allowed $75 for an evening
school, to instruct young men above 15 years old,
whose education has been neglected. This is one of
the cares for bettering the condition of society, that
are out of the common course and thus the more de-
noting a benevolent vigilance and a wise application
of the public money.
1824, March 26. Ira Cheover is elected to take
charge of the South school, which Mr. Gale had relin-
quished. Mr. Cheever began a school here for young
ladies April 15, 1822.
June 4. The salary of Mr. Eames to be $1,200
and of Mr. Oliver $900.
1826, March 4. Mr. Hood leaves one of the cast
472 " PUNISHMENT.
schools and takes the place of Mr. Cheever, who was
about to engage in a private school.
15th. Alfred Greenieaf is appointed to occupy the
station of Mr. Hood.
18th. Richard Gardner is chosen to supply the
place of Mr. Burrill, who was in a consumption.
April 8. A committee are to inquire about the abo-
lition of corporal punishment in the Latin school.
This has always been a perplexing subject. Most
teachers, having charge of boys, in considerable num-
bers, some of whom are habitually disobedient, and
refuse to mind at home without the rod there, know,
that when once the latter are assured, that no such
penalty abides their misconduct in school, its strict
order is soon impaired. Still it is very desirable, that
an evil of this kind, often more repulsive to the mas-
ter than to the scholar, might cease wherever it can
consistently with proper discipline. If it cannot be
laid aside entirely, discretion, learned from patient ob-
servation and experience, should direct its application.
' A vote passes to have a master's school for colored
children.
- May 2. To remedy a great inconvenience in the
toils of public instruction, which had long existed
here and elsewhere, in the want of books, suitable for
the several classes, notice is given, that a deposit is
open where the scholars who needed, must be sup-
plied with them at the prime cost, with a provision,
that those, unable to purchase, may be furnished at
the expense of the town. This was in compliance
with an act, lately passed by our General Court.
July 18. A report of the schools in Salem, fur-
NUMBER AND EXPENSE OF SCHOOLS. A72
niahes iis with the ensuing facts. There are 17 publia
schools. One of these is called ihe Latin or Grammar
school, and seven of them/are usually denominated
writing schools; one of which, containing 40 colored
boys and girls, is kept by a colored man. They have
639 pupils. There are seven primary schools, taught
by mistresses, composed of children from five years
and upward, who number 457. Two other such
schools, under females, are instructed the principal
part of the year, one beyond Tapley's brook on the
old Boston road, and the other in the upper part of
Boston street. The cost of teaching our public schools
'is $S,592 89 a year. The number of our private
schools is 69 and the scholars in them are 1,686.
The amount of tuition for the latter, is $ 18,836 a year.
One fifth of this sum is paid for boys and four fifths
for girls and small children of both sexes. While in
Boston three fifths of the money, laid out for instruc-
tion, is for that of public schools, less than one third of
the sum paid in Salem on a'similar account, is expend,-
ed for schools of this sort. The report states the need
of a classical school for boys and a high school for girls.
It mentions, that one of the former sort had been coa-
nected with the Latin school, but had failed after two
or three years' trial. ....
Aug. 10. Agreed that ^30 shall be distributed, fot
prizes to scholars of the Latin school, and the like
amount for those of the English schools, kept by masr
lers. Similar encouragement was given the last year.
It was of short duration^;' .." •
. Nov. 25. A Gymnasium had been lately establish-
ed on the premises of the Latin school, for the exer-
41
474 GYMNASIUM. -
cise of its members. Such a mode of amusement
vras adopted by high schools aud colleges far and near.
It soon went down, and its disordered machinery was
seen, for a time, here and there, exposed to the wast-
ing effects of the elements.
1827, March 3. As Mr. Greanleaf had resigned,
Herman Bourne of Watertown is to serve in his siead.
The former begins a private school the 2d of April.
May 12. As the primary school for colored chil-
dren had been terminated, and efforts were made for
its restoration, a committee report, that it should not
be revived.
26th. Mr. Hood, having resigned and intended to
commence a private school for young ladies, is to be
succeeded by Jonathan Fox Worcester. As the town
had sanctioned the formation of two high schools for
females and one for males, accommodation, for the lat-
ter, is to be prepared in the Latin school house. Such
an addition to our privileges of instruction was im-
portant. Already has it raised the standard of thought
and conversation among those, who have come under
its influence. Such provision for the young is among
the richest gifts, which a community can confer upon
them.
June 16. Mr. Oliver is appointed principal of the
boys' high school at a salary of $ 1,000. The studies un-
der him were reading, grammar, geography, Colburn's
sequel, algebra, history, declamation, rhetoric and com-
position.
July 7. Henry I. Hamilton is elected to keep the
West High School for girls, in Beckford street, and
Rufus Putnam, Jr., of Beverly, the East for the same
HIGH SCHOOLS FOR GlItL^. 47$
sex, in Bath street. Each of their salaries, $500, to
begin 1st of October. The buildings for these schools,
are estimated at $1,475 apiece. Thus two of the first
high schools, ever established here for females, com-
mence their operation. Were justice rendered to the
" better half " of our community ; did the succession
of persons, whose influence controls our municipal
course, comply with a correct view of the power, ex-
erted over every age by the position and example of
females, there would be, this moment, as many public
schools and of as high an order, among us, for girls as
for boys. When the day comes for such an amend-
ment of past mistake, there will be as much wonder
that it was left so long uurectiGed, as there is now,
that what has been done towards the reform, was not
done before.
At this time, the tuition of females for an hour each
day, during part of the year, at the masters' schools,
seems to have been relinquished. Such an omission
was well for those teachers and better for the girls, as
it was accompanied with the substitution of schools
for them all the year round.
1828, Aug. 16. Abner Brooks of Medford is elect-
ed to supply the place of Mr. Bourne.
26th. The first public examination of the Female
Jiigh schools. It gave proof, that however our sisters
are the weaker vessels physically, they are not so
much so intellectually as some would have us believe.
1829, March 11. Corporal punishment to be dis-
continued in the Latin and English high schools.
The cost of the public schools for the past year, is
$10,000.
430, .> COLOJIEO CHILDREN. ;;:
Ci^ept. 19. Jacob Hood is to succeed Mr. Worces-^
t^r, who. engaged ia private instruction.
: Oct. 31. Voted that Col. Kodriquez instruct the
pupils,, under Mr. Oliver, in French and Spanish.:
This he did for six mouths. :;v.-
i 1830, April 1. Mr. Eames closes his connection
"vrith the Latin school, , He did not think, as the
committee did,, ahout the order for the exclusion of
dorpi^ral punishment.
•.3d. George Nichols takes his place for one month.
C.May 1.5.. The Latin school to be discontinued till
a- teacher can be obtained. After waiting, the com-
mittee employ Amos D. Wheeler to fill the vacancy.
, July 9. Mr. Oliver resigns the English high school.
He engaged in a school Sept. 1st, on his own account,
which he taught with great repute to himself and;
ixCuch benefit to his scholars.
10th. On the question of admitting a colored fe-
male to the high school for girls, it was decided affirm-
atively. .... . , , . .
i..Augr;2X.. Eljsha Mack, is. chosen to take the place
of Mr. Oliver in the English high, school, at $1,000 a
year. ,: ',.: .
Oct. 19. His health not being sufficient, he relin-.
quishes the station, to which William H. Brooks is
appointed aV. the same rate.
1831, March 28. An efi'ort is made to abolish the
high school for boys, because of its expense. But a
majority prevail to have it continued.
. May 7. So sensitive was the mind of most in Sa-
lem> on the admission of colored children , with the
whites to our public schools, and as there was a doubt.
ENCOURAGEMENT OP SCHOOLS. 477
of it9 legality, the school committee designate some of
their body to obtain counsel relative to the subject.
This was done, and the advice was fully iu favor of
granting such permission.
1833, Jan. 14 Mr. Hamilton's connection with
West school for females, ceases.
March 26. John E. Dearborn, who had taught one
of our public schools, two years, will succeed Mr.
Fairfield in his private school.
July 27. Oliver Carlton is elected to succeed Mr.
Wheeler in the Latin school.
1834, March 31. For the encouragement of edu-
cation, our Legislature pass an act of the subsequent
tenor. " Be it enacted, that from the first day of Jan-
uary next, all monies in the treasury derived from the
sale of lands in the State of Maine, and from the
claim of the State on the government of the United
States for military services, and not otherwise appro-
priated, together with fifty per centum of all monies
thereafter to be received from the sale of lands in
Maine, shall be appropriated to constitute a permanent
fund for the aid and encouragement of common
schools." From this, called " The Massachusetts
School Fund," there have been annual grants to Sa-
lem. The sum, so received, in 1836 was over $500,
1839, $431 76, and in 1842, $519 72. Since the
Colonial gift of Baker's and Misery Islands, appropri-
ated for education, this community has not had cause
to remember a benefaction of the Commonwealth, for
a similar purpose, until the present. Such provision
tends to cherish benevolent sympathies and ties of
strength between the State and its towns and cities.
41*
478 '^ : COMMON scHOQLg, ; . -
',^Jupe7^ A remonstrance is presented against. havi
ing colored girls in the East high school.
, July 24. The tow^n empower the school commit-
tee to establish separate instruction ibr the African
children.:-. : -j .: ; ... , : . :
Aug. 5. William B. Dodge^ who had taught in
North: Fields, is chosen to instruct such scholars.
The place provided, for them, was the chamber of th§
Central school house, where the Latin school was
formerly kept.
30th. Albert Lackey of Danvers is to take Mr.
Podge's former place.
; Nov. 13. The publiq schools are allowed four days
tQ hear Mr. Mulkey on his new ;systen; of orthoepy.
Tbere are 19 town schools, with 783 male, and 528
j(^Tfia\e scholars, from 4 to 16 years old. The cost of
their instructors for a year, is $8,450.
.1835, May 16. A report is made on donations by
,S,amuel Brown and others, for the benefit of our com-
njipn schools. It states that, however such gifts have
Jong cea$e4:to heau^qqunted, for, yet. the intention of
i^^em has b^en essentially complied with in our annual
appropriations for education.
. . Qc,t. 12. . William Leavittis elected to fill the place
pf Mr. Hood in the South school. The teacher of
the Latin school has $1,100, of the High, $1,000, each
.9^ the nine other masters, has $600, and each of the
.^ight mistresses has $150 salary.
./; 1836, May. The school committee now receive
i|;^heir authority from the city council, instead of the
]Vhpl9 cprporatipn, Though there is this turn in the
tidejjof our ailaii^, yet there is the same bearing to-
wards improvement.
NORMAL SCHOOL. 479
Oct. 10. Daniel P. Gallop of Beverly is to take the
West school, which was under Mr. Felton.
3 1st. An addition of $200 is made to each salary
of the town masters, and $50 to that of every mis-
tress in the primary schools, to begin the first of next
year.
-, 1837, March 20. There are 70 private schools in
Salem, mostly taught by females, having 589 males
and 1,001 females, supported at an annual charge of
$22,700. The town schools have 1,23G pupils, being
756 males and 480 females, at the yearly cost for
teachers of $8,877.
. 1839, Jan. 6. The annual compensation for each
master of the common schools is placed at $750, and,
the next quarter, it was reduced $50. Such diminu-
tion seems to have come from the late and continued
embarrassment in business.
March 8. Mr. Towndrow had been lately employ-
ed to teach writing in the public schools. He con-
tinued in this capacity a year.
May 31. Richard Gardner of Williams street
school is succeeded by Mr. Felton, formerly of the
West school.
Aug. 19. Joseph Hale is instructor of the East
female school, which had been under Mr. Putnam.
Sept. 26. A committee, appointed to consider the
Normal schools, lately established by the State Board
of Education, and the introduction of libraries into
public schools, as proposed by the same body, report
in their favor. Theyj also, reconimend, that two
girls, from each of the female high schools, be selectr
9d and placed at the Lexington Normal institution,
480 VACCINATION OF SCHOLARS.
and fitted to instruct children here, at the expense of
the city. This was partly carried into eflfect. One
young woman, chosen the next February, was thus
educated.
Oct. 7. The new, but judicious practice of employ-
ing female assistants in our public schools for boys,
under the charge of masters, commences. The com-
pensation for each of such assistants was $150.
1840, Jan. 20. It is ordered, that no child shall be-
long to any public school without a certificate of hav-
ing been vaccinated. The utility of this regulation,
if perseveringly adhered to, is evident to all.
May 17. The school committee agree in a remon-
strance to General Court, against the abolition of the
State Board of Education and Normal schools. The
object, for which this document was forwarded, was
secured by a majority of the Legislature.
Sept. 14. Amos Choate proposes to give the city
$120 annually, for three years, as prizes to six of the
best scholars in the Latin school, and to nine of like
merit in the high school, and not less than $10 for a
boy in each of these schools, who has the highest
mark for good conduct. This generous and useful
gift was accepted.
1841, Feb. 15. Voted to have a school house of
wood erected in Aborn street, for $1,500.
April 3. Mr. Lackey is transferred from the North
school to the East female school, resigned by Mr.
Hale.
5th. Charles Northend is appointed to the North
school.
19th. It is voted, that a site, for a building after-
SCHOOL FESTIVAL. 481
wards called tho Unioa school house, be purchased
between Bath and Essex streets, known as the Uruwn
lot, instead of the one, previously contracted for, be-
tween St. Peter and Forrester streets.
. May 17. It is decided to have a new building for
the North school. Mr. Lackey is to take this again
and Mr. Northend to teach the Aborn street school.
Mr. Jocelyn is to succeed Mr. Lackey in the East fe-
male school. Messrs. Brooks and Felton are designat-
ed for the Union school, composed of the Central, Wil-
liams street and East schools for boys. So many
changes at once, never before or since occurred in our
department of instruction. The female assistant in
the West school has a salary of $175.
- Aug. 7. Mr. Dodge relinquishes the African school
after a long and useful service, as one of our public
instructors, of 34 years.
16th. Thomas B. Perkins of Lynn is elected to
succeed him.
Oct. 11. A school house for colored chililren, is
ordered to be erected on the city land, opeuiiig into
Mill street, and called Gravel Pit. .
- 1842, March 1. . There i$ a, festival to celebrate the
opening of the new school houses. A procession move,
in the forenoon, from the East school house to the Me-
chanic hall. 1,900 scholars are present. There are
prayers, singing by the pupils, and addresses. Invited
guests partake of a collation in the lower rooms. In
the afternoon, the Mayor relates the operations of the
school committee and speeches are made. In the
evening, Horace Mann delivered a valuable address.
Among the strangers present, is the Nestorian bishop,
482 NEW SCHOOL HOUSES.
Mar Yohannan, who attracted much notice. This was
a novel, but highl/ interesting scene for Salem.
3d. It is concluded that the donation of $2,400 by
Stephen C. Phillips to Salem, shall be expended for
improvements on the school house in Broad street.
The language of the school committee, subseqently^
expressed towards this gentleman, is justly applicable.
« Resolved that this Board tender their sincere and
grateful acknowledgments to the Hon. Stephen C.
Phillips for his generous liberality, his untiring indus-
try, as a member of this Board and as chairman of the
standing committee, for the great amount of labor,
which he has voluntarily performed, for his valuable
suggestions and the deep interest, which, for several
years, he has constantly manifested to |)erfect our sys-
tern of public instruction, and to which, in a high de-
gree, we are indebted for the present elevated condi-
tion of the public schools."
The chief of these two school houses, situated on
Essex and Bath streets, is of brick, two stories high,
50 feet wide and 136 feet long. Its cost was $17,500.
It is calculated for two departments, which together
comprise 176 scholars. This and the present Gram-
mar school house are well adapted for their purpose,
and the best ever before in Salem.
April 18. At a late session of the legislature a re-
solve was passed, that $15 be paid from the school
fund to every school district, which show, that they
have appropriated as much for a district library.
1843, April 17. Of 3,910 pupils from 4 to 16 years
^ March 21, 1844.
SCHOOL BOOKS. 433
of age, 972 are in 49 private schools, at an annual
expense of $13,594 75. Of the same number, 2,256
belong to 2S public schools, taught by 10 males and
41 females, though but about 2,000 are regular attend-
ants. For the teachers and fuel of these schools one
year, the city paid $14,816 86.
Oct. 17. Our colored population are and have been
dissatisfied with the separate school for their children,
as too distinctive in point of complexion. Hence, the
school had greatly declined in numbers. The result
was, that it was closed the next spring to the no small
stir among those, who differed in opinion as to the
mode of its termination and the reason for its contin-
uance.
Defore closing the subject of education, it may be
well to look back on a portion of the manuals, by
which learners of the past century acquired the rudi-
ments of their knowledge. The following books, ad-
ditional to others, named under 1691, are presented
as the means for so commendable an attainment.
Their use appears to have commenced here and in
other sections of Massachusetts, as convenience "^nd
preference dictated, about the particular years, which
accompany them. This reference of them, as to time
and place, is more vague than desired. But the want
of data, for the greater part, forbid it to be otherwise.
Such books, as refer to branches above those of spell-
ing, reading and cyphering, were confined, chiefly, to
private schools and were not used in any of our pub-
lic English schools, till 1816, as previously stated.
Spelling Books. — Dyche's, Dil worth's, 1750, the
latter continued in use till after 1800; Fenning's,
484 SCHOOL BOOKS. READING THE BIBLE.
1755; British Instructor, 1768; Perry's, 1780, pub-
lished by Thomas, 1808, and used here 1834, as edit-
ed by Alger ; Webster's, 1802; Aldeu's, 1812; New
York spelhng book, 1818 ; Murray's, 1819; Picket's,
Cumraings's, 1820; Emerson's, 1835, and Fowie's,
1842.
Reading Books. — Several English spelling books
had lessons for reading, which were used, for this pur-
pose, as well OS the Bible and Psalter, for a long pe-
riod. Webster's selections 1785 ; Morse's Geography,
abridged ; Youth's Preceptor, 17SU ; American Pre-
ceptor, 1792; Economy of human life, 17U3 ; Colum-
bian Orator, from which pieces were spoken by hoys
at their public examinations; Dana's selections, iScuit's
Lessons, 1800; Sampson's Beauties of the ]3ihlo,
1802; English Reader, 1805; Now York Reader,
1818; American First Class Book, 1825; National
Reader, 1828 ; Sullivan's Moral Class Book, 1835 ;
Story's Constitutional Class Book ; Young Analytical
Reader, 1838; MountVernon, 1839; Leavitt's, Por-
ter's, 1840, . The period is not known when the
Scriptures were ever excluded from our public schools.
But instead of being read by the scholars as previous-
ly, they have been read for not less than 24 years,
either by the teacher, or, at his direction, by one of
the pupils, at the opening of the school in the morn-
ing. In one mode or another, they have been gener-
ally used in our private schools. If the reading of
them by instructors has proved sufCcient to command
.the attention of scholars so much as the old custom,
it may be the means of gain in point of reverence for
their sacred contents. Still the subject is open. for
SCHOOL BOOKS. 486
consideration and the way should bo pursued, which
is best to bring the mind of our youth under the sway
of Christianity and thus render them fit to love and
sustain the principles of the reformation.
Arithmetics.— leak's, 1713 ; Fisher's Young Man's
Companion with lessons of spoiling, reading, etc.,
1727; an edition of this work, enlarged, was printed
by Dr. Benjamin Franklin, 1748 ; an Arithmetic, vul-
gar and docimal, printed in IJoston, 1720 ; Hill's,
1752; School Master's Assistant, 1770; Perry's As-
sistant, 1777; Pike's, 17SG; Tomplu's, 17UI); VVuLsli's,
1801, continued in 18:J8 ; Adjun.s's, 1802; Wololi's,
calculated in Federal money, 1813; Duboll's, 1814;
Bonnycaatlo's, Staniford'a, 1818; Colburn's First Les-
sons, 1820 ; Colburn's Sequel, 1820 ; Robinson's,
1834; Emerson's, 1835; Groonloars, Smith's, 1838;
and Leonard's, 1841.
Stoi)ping over the studies of Algebra, Geometry,
Surveying, Astronomy and History, taught in (ho
higher schools and of which tlicre was a convenient
supply, we come to other branches.
Book Keeping. — Besides OUlcasilo and Collins, pri-
or to 1700, there have been Snell's, 1710; Mair's,
1738; Perry's, 1777; Booth's, 1780; Turner's, 1800;
Stanifurd's, at the end of iiis Arithmetic, 1818, and
Robinson's, 1835.
As many sons of " our Zebulon " have, from its first
settlement, chosen tho pursuits of the Ocean, we must
not omit Navigation. Jones's, 1702 ; Ilalley's Tables,
1701 ; Wilson's, 1703; Hutchinson's, 1777; Moore's,
1800 ; Bowdiich's, 1807, which is still used.
Geographies. — Gordon's, 1708; Rudiments, 1712;
42
486 SCHOOXi BOOKS.
Bohun's, 1713; Salmon's, 1756; Guthrie's, 1785;
Morse's, 1790; Dwight's, 1795; Cumraing's, 1813;
Adam's, 1815; Worcester's, 1825; Boston School
Atlas, 1829; Carter's, Field's, 1834; VVoodbridge's,
1835; Olney's, Parley's, 1838; Smith's, Smiley's,
Hale's, Child's, 1839 ; Fowle's, 1830, and Mitchell's,
1842.
English Grammars. — Salmon's, 1759; Lilly's, 1761 ;
British Grammar, printed in Boston, 1784; Lowth's,
Ash's, Webster's, 17S5 ; Bingham's Accidence, 1790;
Alexander's, 1797 ; Murray's, 1806 ; continued, 183-1 ;
Teacher of Youth, 1807 ; Slaniford's, 1815 ; Smith's,
1838; Parker's, 1839; Goold Brown's, 1842.
English Dictionaries of Dailey, 1745 ; Dyche,
1750; Johnson, 1759; Entick, 1770; Perry, 1783;
continued, 1834; Walker, 1806, used, 1843; Web-
ster, 1807, and Worcester, 1835.
Of the various productions in Belles Lettres, for
teaching young ladies, was Dodsley's Preceptor, two
large volumes, 1748.
Latin Grammars of Garretson, 1704 ; Rules of Syn-
tax, 1712; Bailey's exercises, 1720; Burr, 1757; In-
troduction to the Latin tongue, 1789 ; Adam, 1800 ;
Biglow, 1809; Smith, 1813; Andrewsand Stoddard,
1839.
Latin Dictionaries of Ainsworth, 1736; Cole, 1743;
Young, 1762 ; Entick's Tyro Thesaurus, 1608 ;
Leverett, 1836, and Gardner, 1840.
Pissing over a variety of French, Italian and Span-
ish Grammars and Dictionaries, which have been
studied in our high schools, we come to the Greek
Grammars. Vossius, used after the year 1700, as well
SCHOOL BOOKS. 497
as before ; Institiitio, etc., 1730 ; Wettenhal's, 1739 ;
Milner's, 1761 ; Glocester, 1800, the chief successor
to Westminster Grammar ; Valpy's, 1808 ; Smith's,
1810; Fisk's, 1830, and Sophocles's, 1835.
Greek Lexicons of Schrevelius, editions prior to
1700, and down to 1774 and afterwards, an edition of
it by John Pickering, with an English translation,
182G ; Donnegan, 1832, and Grove, 1834.
Thus we come to the close of bibliographical de-
tails. Viewed independently of their relations, they
are dry and uninteresting. But look at them as the
signs, set up on the long course of education, and
they soon change their appearance and tell us of what
occupied the early days and attention of our ancestors
as well as of their descendants. They also show us,
that the facilities, for instruction, in the diiferent pe-
riods of our community and commonwealth, were
more than is generally supposed.
Though beyond the common bound of this work,
yet the present is an instance wherein we may be al-
lowed to step over and notice the books, studied in all
our public schools. True, such an addition may in-
crease the tedium of looking through what has been
just offered. Slill, not a few, who may come after
us, will be glad to know the studies of our childhood,
as we are to ascertain those of the multitudes, who
have preceded us. The thought of thus preparing
satisfaction for them, should add to our own pleasure
and impel us to endure so as to- prevent their disap-
pointment. '
Text books used in the schools of Salem in 1844.
Latin Grammar school. — Andrews's Latin Lessons and
488 SCHOOL BOOKS.
Reader, Caesar de bello Gallico, Cicero's Select Ora-
tions, Virgil, Andrews and Stoddard's Latin Gram-
mar and Exercises. Greek Delectus, Felton's Greek
Reader, Sophocles's Greek Grammar, Classical Read-
er, Emerson's Arithmetic, Totten and Slicrwiu's Al-
gebra, Brown's English Grammar, Worcester's Ancient
and Modern Geography.
English High School. — Tower's Gradual Reader,
Scholar's Companion, Brown's Grammar, Walker's
Dictionary, Smith's Geography, Gray's Chemistry,
Pictorial Natural History, Hitchcock's Geology, Way-
land's Political Economy, City Charter, CoustiUiliou
of Massachusetts, Bayard's Constitution of the United
States, Emerson's Arithmetic, 3d part, Clark's Book-
keeping, Sherwin's Algebra, Ingram's Mathematics,
Olmstead's Natural Philosophy, Wilkins's Astronomy,
Wayland's Moral Science, Palcy's Natural Theology,
and Dick's Christian Philosopher.
English Grammar Schools. — Fowlo's Improved
Guide, Scholar's Companion, Parker and Fox's Pro-
gressive Exercises, Frost's Exercises in Composition,
Young Reader, Worcestipr's Third Part, Mount Vernon
Reader, American First Class Book, Tower's Gradual
Reader, Child's Own Book of American Geography,
Smith's Atlas, Emerson's Outlines of Geography and
History, Fairfield's Map (Questions, Wilkins's Astron-
omy, Frost's History of the United States, Col burn's
First Lessonsand Sequel, Bailey's Algebra and Grund's
Geometry.
Primary Schools. — My Little Primer, My First
School Book, Spelling and Thinking combined, Wor-
SCHOOL liOOKS. 489
cester's Second Book, Mount Vernon Junior Reader,
Emerson's Arithmetic, first part.
Wo have reached the end, designed for considering
the chief brunch of school education in this commu-
nity. Tiio course, so pursued, covers a long period
of various incidents. It shows the views, inclinutiuns,
and changes of the public mind us to one of its most
vital concerns. Its light has iucrea:>ud, us its distaucu
hua lunglhonud. Uut success should not blind our
eyes. It should never disarm us of caution. A vig-
ilant care should bu coiKslaully exercised, lest the in-
tellect of the yuiuig be cultivated to thu uxclu.sion of
conscience. Earthly learning without the buianco
and direction of heavenly wisdom, is like an orb of
thu ilrmument, drawn from its proper sphere, undun-
gcring itself and every object it approaches. As a
poet bus observed, '-It is not the whole of life, to
live," so wo may rcmurk, it is not all of lourning,
to learn. There are important consociuencos. If the
faculties and affections be trained under a correct im*
pression, that, for whatever ideas they bring to the
soul so as to bias its motives and actions, there is an
inevitable accountability at the bar of Omniscienco,
it will have a salutary inlluenco. The pupils of u
teacher are neither so dull nor so forgetful hearers of
such precepts, as niany suppose. 'IMie more our schools
are thus instructed, the more this city may continue
to point them out, us the Roman matron did her well
disciplined children, — " '^I'liese are my jewels."
42*
490
GRADUATES.
COLLEGE GRADUATES.
Since the commendable efforts of our fathers to
found a College on the plain, subsequently known as
Marblehead farms, great has been the increase of lite-
rary privileges. Had success crowned their exertions,
the first institution of this kind, in New England,
would not, of course, have derived its origin as that
of Harvard has. As it is, we proceed to give a list
of the individuals, who have taken their first degrees,
while residents of Salem. To those, who have made
the experiment, this is no easy task. The dilliculty
arises mainly from a lack of records in the different
colleges of Masseichusetts and the adjoining States.
So far as such deficiency arises from keeping no regu-
lar entry of the students, it should be forthwith recti-
fied. So far as it comes from the unavoidable loss of
records, it is matter of much regret.
Harvard Graduates.^
As the entries made of scholars who joined this University down to
1728, &re lost, we have not so sure information of them aa is necessary
to know all of their number who hailed from this city. The graduates
having d subjoined, were of that section of Salem aflerwards called
Donvers.
George Downing,
Joseph Brown,
Nathaniel Higginson,
Peter Ruck,
Benjamin Marston,
Walter Price,
Timothy Lindall,
George Curwin,
John Rogers,
1642
Samuel Phillips,
1708
16G(J
John Tufta, d
II
1070
Benjamin Marston,
1715
1685
Samuel Plaisted,
II
1689
John Higginson,
1717
16i>5
Daniel Putnam, d
II
n
Benjamin Lynde,
1718
1701
Mitchell Sewall,
II
1705
Theophilua Pickering,
1719
' Letters from Hon. Josiah Quincy, President of Harvard College,
and from Rev. John Fierce, D. D.
GRADUATES.
491
Joseph Greeiif d
John VVolcott,
Stephen Sewall,
Williuin Osgood,
Thomoa Lee,
Samuel Jeiferds,
John Gardner,
James Oagood,
Marston Cabot,
Jolm Cabot,
Benjamin Browno,
Samuel Browne,
William Browne,
Nathaniel Lindall,
Richard Clarke,
John Barton,
Sanmol Gardner,
William Lynde,
Benjamin Gorrish,
Joseph Orne,
Sanvtel Curwin,
George Curwin,
Benjamin Prescott, d
Peter Clark, d
Samuel Orne,
Ichabod Plaisted,
Andrew Higginson,
Nathaniel Ropes,
James Putnam, d
William Browne,
Thomas Toppan,
Benjamin Pickman,
John Pickering,
Nathan Goodale,
Samuel Gardner,
George Gardner,
John Barnard,
John Cabot,
Timothy Pickering,
Jonathan Goodhue,
Henry Gardner,
Joseph Orne,
Nathaniel Ward,
William Pickman,
Henry Gibbs,
Thomas Barnard,
Jacob Ashton,
1720
17ai
It
It
1722
It
1723
1724
II
1725
1727
n
1728
1729
l7;w
1732
1733
>i>
II
1735
II
173G
1731)
17-^0
1745
174G
1755
1757
175SJ
It
II
17G2
1763
1704
17G5
II
17GC
II
II
It
Benjamin Goodhue, 17GG
James Diman, 17Gd
Timothy Orne,
William Goodhue,
Joshua Dodge,
Edward Kitchen Turner,*
Thomas Fitch Oliver,
Joseph Blaney,
Samuel Williams,
Samuel Orne,
John Saunders,
Benjamin Pickman,
Timotiiy Williams,
Samuel Gardner Derby,
Kbonczcr Putnam,
John Derby,
Samuel Pickering Gardner,
John Gibaut,
William Mason,
Joseph Cabot,
Ezekiel Horsey Derby, '
Thomas Pickman,
Nathaniel Cubot Lee,
John Sparhawk Appleton,
George Gardner Leo,
WUlard Peele,
Joaepii Sprague,
John Pickering,
Francis Williams,
John Hathorne,
Timothy Pickering,
William Rufus Gray,
John Prince,
John Forrester,
Benjamin Peirce,
Ichabod Nichols,
Charles Saunders,
Simon Forrester,
Benjamin Hodges,
Samuel Orne,
Benjamin Ropes Nichols,
17fiD
1771
1775
1778
1780
1781
1784
II
1785
178G
1787
1788
171)1
17D2
170G
II
1708
17'J9
1800
It
1801
II
1802
>i
1803
1804
* Though the town, whence lie
came, is not placed against iiis
name, recorded on the Colio^'e
book, when he entered, yet lie wod
evidently from Salem.
492
GRADUATES.
Joseph Sprague Stearns,* 1804
Ebenezer Hunt Beckford, 1805
Benjamin Binney Osgood, 180G
Daniel Oliver, "
Nathaniel West, 1807
Henry Peirce, 1808
Francis Galley Gray, 180U
Jonathan Peele Dabney, 1811
Samuel Gilman, "
Robert Hawkins Osgood, n
Clarke Gayton Pickinan, "
William AufruBtua Rogers, >'
Richard Derby, 1812
Francis Gerriah, "
Andrew Dunlup, 1813
Charles Forrester, "
John Foster, "
Thomas Savage, "
George Derby, 1811
Josepli Peirce Nichol*, "
Edward West, "
Henry Felt Baker, 1815
Joseph Sebastian Cabot, "
William Fairticld Gardner, /»
Richard Manning Hodges, //
" Now Joseph Emeraon Spraguc.
Of those who catered llurvuni
Collegu frocu Salem, down to ItiUG,
but did not graduate, are the fol-
low in v. Zecliariuh Hickes 175U,
Stephen Goodhue, and Ely Justin
]7r>5, Josepli Cabot 17UI, Georjre
Cobot 17U7, Jonalhaa I'cple 177'2,
died, I'aul Ma^carcne 1774, John
I'ynchon 17dO, RicJjard Dtrby
nm. Elio* llasket Derby 17fJ,
Stephen Cleaveland Ulylii 17d<>,
Johii Fink 17'J4 and tienry Gray
1798.
Uf those numbered by Mr. Dab-
ney arnon;; Salem ^raduales, in
the Aiiterican Qiiarleiiy Register
of November, ld42, but who be-
longed elsewhere, arc Uenjuntin
Maralon of Marbichead, entered
174r», John Pape of New Salem,
1757, and Joseph Dowso of Uoslou
17G2.
Charles Lawrence, 1815
Joseph Orne, //
Gayton Pickman Osgood, "
Hasket Derby Pickman, "
Samuel R. Putnam, «i
Ebenezer Putnam, /'
Richard Gardner, 181G
Nathan Ward Ncal, »
Joseph Augustus Peabody, »»
Joseph Gilbert Waters, /»
Stephen Wheatland, /»
Thomas March Woodbridgo,//
Satnuel Burrill, 1818
William Paiuo Cabot, "
Ezckiel Hcrscy Derby, »»
George Osborn, "
Richard (.ioodliuo Wheatland,
Thomas Cook Whitlrudgu, "
Oliver Fryo, 18 PJ
Stephen Clarendon Phillips, "
Joseph Hardy Prince, "
Benjamin Wlieatland, "
Gideon Tucker, IH'20
Beniamin Tucker, 181:21
Nath. Ingersoll Bowditch, It^'i'i
William Putnam Eadicult, "
Horatio RubiiiMuii, »
Sam'l Mclunclhon Worcester,
Augustus Choute, lbx!3
Stephen Webb, »
Joseph Osgood, 18*24
Samuel Adams Cooper, "
Edward Pickering, »»
David Roberts, »»
Ciiarles Gideon Putnam, "
George Thomas Saunders, »
Natlianiul Silsboe, »
Jeremiah Chaplin Sticknoy, "
Augustus Torrey, »»
Stephen Pallrcy Webb, /»
George Wheatland, »»
John Goodhue Treadwell, IH'll
Nehemiah Adams, l^'iU
Henjamin Cox, »»
Nathaniel Phippen Knapp, »<
Wuj. llathoriie Brooks, 18x;7
David Mighill Pcrley, "
GRADUATES.
493
Benj. Varnum Crowiuflhield,
Cliarlca Dabbidfje, 1828
Ephraiiii P'liut Miller, "
Goorjjo Nicliola, "
John Lewia Rustdcll, "
NulliaiiicI Fotjter Derby, »»
Niciioliuj Devcruux, "
Gcorj^o Humphrey Devcroiuc,
JuhIiuu lloiyoke Ward,
Wiliiain Aiidruwd,
John While iJrowno,
Uiciiard I'ulliii<; JmikH,
Sainnul Mc iliirncy,
Fruncia llunry SiUhoo,
IkMijainiii II(mI},m'h SiUhoo,
lliih'V l'\irn*«l«'r HiirHtnw,
(/hurfea Tiinolhy Itnxikri,
(i«'<)r;,'0 William Cleveluud,
VVillittin l''ub«nH,
William I'rettcuU Gibbit,
CharleH (irulluii I'u^mj,
Jonalltau Arcl)>ir Ropes,
John nuardiiiuii Silnbee,
Wiiliaiii Silsljco,
John lli-nry Silabuo,
Au^tibluu Slory,
William llonrv Went,
Henry Wlicatland,
Samuel I'a^'e Andrews,
William Mack,
11
idUO
IH.T.»
n
lt«KJ
John Osjjood Stono, 18:33
Gideon Forreator Jlarstow, 1834
William Putnam Uicharduon,
Natlianiel Wc»t, »»
Jatncs Freeman Colman,
Francia Cummin^'u,
Fnincia All'red Fabena,
Edward Lander,
Charlea Warwick Palfrey,
Jaiiiea Chiaholm,
Daniel (Juuk,
Jjinea Very,
Thomas Harnard WcmI,
William Hurley lluwua,
John (ialliHon Kin^,
Willinm ileiiry Prince,
lirnry Orno St«)nc«,
(•«!orj;o l''ran«:iH Clu'fver,
Kdward DriMtka Pcin^ju,
William Ornu While,
Wm. Hu Agnon Slearnii,
Henry ()H<;o()d Stdno,
Henjamin IlarMlow,
hVedericU Ilowoa,
Hamuel Juhn^^on,
Stephen Henry IMiillipa,
Horace Putnam Farnuin,
Jamua Henry Triuik,
Waahin<^'ton Very,
Henry Orno Whiio,
It
1835
II
II
II
laatj
(*
II
II
l8:Jti
II
1810
1H41
II
18W
i8ia
Tho fullowiiiK (tni«luii(vd wrro imlivri. but nut nt!«iil('Mla of Sali-m,
when lakinjf ihcir dvyrcoM. Joiiutliun Wliiiukor, I7!»7, fciaiiiucl (.'ulley
Uray buiI John Cliipninn (iruy.lbli, Wiihttiii IJickhnt; I'icacuH l»\l,
William Ward IHIK, lloiucu (iruy It^l'J, MtMijninia ^>w(al ln:JJ. Khun
llaakct Derby ltW4, Kdwnrd CohlHborou^'li PrcHcutl |H'jr», lli-nry
Inu(>rw)ll Ilowdilcli and William Gruy tiwvit IH>^, lU-njiimin l'i«'rcu
IHiiil, John i'ickerinjj 1BU(). Henry While Tiokfrinj? IMMI, JoiK-j)h
Wliitc and (Minrlon Honry j'ierro 1H:UI, Kdward Auj{Ui»lu» Crowiiiii*
•biold IH:Kj, Will. liiKoritull lluwdilih uiid Win. Wcliiioru titory IKtd.
Joweph liunl Uuum:!!, uf thu cIum of lb 11, died while a nivmbur of
College.
Yale Graduates.
Joaioli Willard Gibbn, 1800 I Edward Womer, l&K
Henry Gibba, 1814 |
Jowph Hardy Towne, thouph o{ Salcni when hp prepared to ootur
Yale, WM not «o when ho |rruduulcd, ldX'7.
494
George Phippeiif
Thomas Rusaell,
John Mosely Mori arty,
Lucius Stillmon Bolles,
Samuel Lamson,
Stephen Phippen Hill,
Benj. Herbert Hathome,
Joseph Moriarty,
GRADUATES.
)wn Graduates.
1811
Joseph Farnum, Jr.,
1832
II
Samuel liaudall,
II
1827
Stephen Osjjood Shepard,
1836
1828
Thomas Perkins Shepard,
it
//
David Abott Putnam,
1837
1829
William Hathorne Bott,
1840
1830
Ebenezer Dodge, Jr.,
*/
II
Tracy Patch Cheever,
1843
Dartmouth Graduates.^
Robert Crowell, 1811
Joseph Barlow Felt, 1813
Ebenezer B. Caldwell, 1814
Joseph Torrey, 1816
Samuel Haraden Archer, 1818
George W. Punchard, 1820
Jonathan Fox Worcester, 1827
Loammi Sewall Coburn, 1830
Daniel Hopkins Emerson, '/
Charles C. Webster, "
Rich'd Manning Chipman, 1832
Edward B. Emerson, «
Charles D. Juckson, 1833
James M. Dodge, "
Nathaniel F. Satford, Jr., 1835
Frederic W. Choate, 183li
Edward D. Very, 18;J7
William W. Morland, 1838
Frederic Foster, 1840
The followinij persona entered Dartmouth Colleire, but did not
graduate. Stephen Caldwell 1807, died, iicnry S. SatT.rd ISfld,
Samuel L. Driver 1825, John C. Tread well ;m(l FianciM Cuiuiuin<'s
1830, Robert W. King and Edward Warner 1831.
Bowdoin Graduates.
John Barton Derby,
1811
Nathaniel Hawthorne,
1825
Edward Orne,
1814
George W. Cleavelaud,
1837
Ebenezer Shillaber,
•
1816
Amherst C
rraduates.
Joseph Howard, Jr.,
1827
Wm. Charles Treadwell,
1836
Stephen Caldwell Millet,
1830
Alden Burrill Robbins,
1839
John Lawrence Fox,
1831
James Locke Batchclder,
1840
John Northend Goodhue,
II
George Baker Jewett,
II
Albert Samuel Payson,
1833
John Herrick Stratton,
II
George Phillips Smith,
1835
Daniel Kimball,
1841
> Letters from Rev. John Richards of Hanover, and Mr. Mellca
Chamberlain, of Concord, N. H.
GRADUATES. 496
Waterville Graduates.
James Upham, 1835 I Stephen Ilervey Herrick, 1838
JaincB Stone, " \ James Oliver, "
' Should (here be deficiency of names In the preceding liaUi, the
writer would be glad to have infornialion of them.
SABBATH SCHOOLS.
These institutions have probably existed, to a lim-
ited extent, in one form or another, at different periods
of Christiamiy. Among the most prominent pro-
moters of them in ancient times, was Charles 13orro-
meo, by some written Boronia, bishop of Milan, in the
16th century. They were adopted by a Synod of
Germany in 1G95. But the man, whoso example has
exerted an influence among Christians of both hemis-
pheres, for carrying on so valuable an enterprise of be-
nevolence, is Robert Raikes. To reclaim dissolute
children, who trampled on the Lord's day, in Pains-
wic of Gloucestershire, England, Mr. Raikes had
them collected into a Sunday school. Such an essay
has met with the signal blessing of Providence and
bids fair to be an increasing auxiliary for the advance-
ment of the world's spiritual renovation. It is a richer
memorial of him, than Westminster's costliest monu-
ments of its sleeping heroes.
The first movement for a Sabbath school in Salem,
which has come to the notice of the writer, is the
following. In 1807, S. Cleaveland Blydon, who
taught school here, gave notice, that, on Sept. 6, he
would begin to instruct any children every Sunday,
from half past 6 to 8 A. M., and from half past 4 to
496 FIRST SABBATH SCHOOL.
6 P. M., free of all charge, except for Bibles and
blank books.
1813. A school of this sort was taught in the
Tabernacle during the summer, one hour prior to the
afternoon service. It continued to be liius kept pe-
riodically till 1818, except one summer. Another was
commenced, 1813, in the South Congregation/ by
Miss Susan BulUnch, afterwards the wile of Daniel
Poor, a distinguished Missionary in Ceylon.
1816, Jan. 25. A school of this kind, had just bo-
gun at the South meeting house, for indigent boys,
unable to attend instruction on other days. They
learned from the spelling book, Testament and liiblo.
At the same place, a school for boys, in better circum-
stances, then commenced.
1817, May 17. A Bible class began under the in-
struction of Rev. Samuel Worcester.
1818, April 19. A Sunday school for colored fe-
males and children, is opened by a number of ladies,
who soon took the name of the Clarkson Society.
June 9. This association had another such school
lately commenced for colored males. A similar school
had recently begun ia the Branch Congregation.
Schools] of this kind were becoming general in the
towns of Essex County.
Aug. 13. A Sabbath School Society is organized
in the first Baptist church. They had a school pre-
viously in operation.
1819, The Society for the moral and religious in-
struction of the poor, open such schools in diiferent
' Letter from Rev. Michael Curlton.
SINGING. 497
sections of the town. Those, in the summer of 1822,
contained 475 childron. At tho same time, the col-
ored school numbered 114 children and adults. In
1823, the schools, under tho last society named, wero
supplied with Libraries. On Oct. 12, of this year,
they were addressed, in tho South mueting house, by
llov. Dr. Price, of Hampden Sidney Colluyo.
1825, Oct. 27. There had boon oij^ht of these schools
in town the [xizt summer, of 7CUscholur8. Their anni-
versary wns observed in the same meeting house. Mr.
Upham preached a scirmoa on the occasion. A colluc-
tion of $50 was tnlcen.
1828, Juno. A Sabbuth school is opened in tho
North church. Others were commenced, 1830, in
the rest of the religious societies. As new congrega-
tions have been since fonned, they have adopted such
schools. From llie year last specified, tho schools
have been continued, for tho most part, through tho
year. They are generally furnished with good libra-
ries. It is a hopeful sign of our day, that iui>litutions
of this sort Imvo risen and spread among our p()j)ula-
tion. Wherever their legitimate inllueuce is allowed,
they will open the spiritual vision of man to his moral
necessities, and thence guide him to the revealed sup-
plies of his Maker.
INSTllUCTION IN i3INGING.
This art, which, when properly exercised, contrib-
utes so much to the refuicd pleasure of social inter-
course and to tho chastened enjoyment of religious
worship, has had its changes of depression and eleva-
tion. Though the primitive settlers of our soil de-
43
498 SINGING.
clined the use of organs in their sanctuaries, they were
no haters of vocal music. While they survived, this
gift of the voice was cultivated according to the tunes,
contained in such versions of the Psalms, as Ains-
worth and others. After their departure, a disposition,
to learn more from memory than rule, extensively pre-
vailed. This probably arose from a scarcity of suita-
ble books, occasioned by the adversities of war with
the Indians and of severity from the Crown, as well
as from too much indulgence to bad taste.
By 1714, the need of reform was greatly felt by
men, who desired that their children should make
" sweet singers," as well as true followers of rectitude.
Among such reformers were Rev. John Tufts of New-
bury and Rev. Thomas Symmes of Bradford. The
former published a singing book, about the year last
named, with 24 tunes, taken from Ravenscroft, at 6^.
The latter issued, in 1720, a witty, sensible piece, styled
" joco-serious dialogue on singing," which adduced
and answered the various objections, made against the
use of notes. He too, preached and wrote on this sub-
ject. For his exertions in this behalf, he encountered
frequent opposition.
As a specimen of the deep feeling, which such an
effort produced, the society of what was then the
south part of Braintree, under Mr. Niles, may be ad-
duced. In 1723, several members of his church were
excommunicated, because they advocated the propos-
ed amendment. Shortly after, a council called to set-
tle their difficulties, decided, that they should have
singing by note and rote, so that each party might, in
turn, be gratified. This was a conclusion more sig-
SINGING SCHOOLS. ' 499
nificant of kind wishes than of adopting the best
means to promote peace. The contest, so carried on,
in a greater or less degree, in many parishes, gradual-
ly subsided in favor of truth, and the musical jargon,
if not bowlings, of our temples, became far less popu-
lar. Still, however victory was declared for notes,
there remained too much inclination to neglect the
"grave tunes" of our fathers, or more modern ones
like them, and substitute those of greater jingle, but
of far less impressiveness. Such a taste, though par-
tially corrected, was widely indulged till about
thirty-five years ago.
Having thus adduced the preceding facts, which
have a bearing on our own town in common with
other parts of New England, a few particulars will
DOW be presented.
As a common concern in this department of instruc-
tion, an act was passed by our legislature, July 14,
1772, " for granting William Billings of Boston the
sole priviledge of printing and vending a book by him
composed, consisting of a great variety of Psalm tunes,
Anthems, and Cannons, in two volumes." Though
this appears to be the first copy right of the kind, re-
corded among the transactions of our General Court,
yet there had been, for many years, various books of
such tunes, for sale in Massachusetts.
The first published information, that we have met
with of singing's being taught in Salem, though it
very probably was long before, is of Sept. 14, 1773.
Then Mr. Munson advertised his purpose to give such
instruction.
1774, April 19. Youth of both sexes, who had
500 SINGING SCHOOLS.
been under the tuition of Mr. Ripley, meet at one of
the houses of worship and sing psalm tunes and an-
thems. The next day, more of them from Mr. Mun-
son's scholars, belonging to this and other towns, as-
semble here in another meeting house and make a
like exhibition.
1783, Aug. 12. An advertisement 'states, that a
singing school will be opened in the brick school
house.
1796, March 2. Rev. Mr. Law notifies, that he
continues to teach sacred music in this town, lie
did much to promote a correct taste and practice in
such a department.
Nov. 2. Of the scientific tuaciicrs of the same art,
is Samuel Plolyoke. He propuiics to teach it among
our population. Since this time, such instructors have
appeared, sufilcient to meet the calls of community.
The Essex South Musical Society, formed 181-1 ; iho
Handel Society, 1818, and the Haydn Society in
1821, exerted a beneficial iniiueuce on the singing of
our religious congregations, through their members,
who resided here.
1825. About this date, the Mozart Association is
formed. They had stated meetings to practice in vo-
cal and instrumental music. Occasionally, they gave
concerts. They continued six years.
1832. A society, denominated the Glee Club, com-
mences. They assemble once a week to improve in
singing English and German glees. Of those they
have 36 volumes by the best masters. Instrumental
music accompanies the vocal. Ladies, though not
members, sometimes take part in the performances.
MUSIC. 601
Merriment, as the name of th^ society is sometimes
taken to mean, is not their object, but rational amuse-
ment in the cultivation of musical taste.
1839. There is a reorganization of persons, who
take the name of Union Social Singing Society.
Their main purpose is to advance in the art of sacred
music. They are assisted with several of the orches-
tral instruments.
As among the salutary novelties of late years, we
have the 6ubi>cquent items.
1842, Sept. 1. A tonciior of vociil music is to bo
employed by our city, for $150, in nil our public
schools, under. masters, except the ouo for Lulin.
1843, April 17. For a like purpose, $3UU are vot-
ed. This was paid to three instructors for u year's
service. The proper use of the voice in this and
other respects, is nut half utiougii apprecialud as to its
power, in accordance with the purpose of its Creator,
for harmonizing the discordant ])a.sbions and improv-
ing the better atlections of our nature.
'* Tho boti\^ inatrucU Uiu ttuul and cliuniitf (ho utir."
INSTIlUMliNTAL MUSIC.
The settlers of New England, when coming hither
to found colonies, left behind them the instrunieiKs of
music, employed in the churches of their native land.
Not that their ears were insensible to the harmony of
sounds or their hearts unaffected with its strains. No.
They judged, from past experience, that by sucli de-
nial, they and their children should be less likely to
cherish an excessive reliance on the forms of religion,
which prevailed among their countrymen, and thus
43*
502 FIRST ORGANS.
lose its spirit and power. A decision of this kind
long exerted an efficient influence over our Common-
wealth.
The first organs, we know of, in Massachusetts,
were noticed, 1711, by Rev. Mr. Green of Salem Vil-
lage. He said of them in his diary, " I was at Mr.
Thomas Brattle's, heard the organs and saw strange
things in a microscope." It is probable, that one of
these instruments was that, which Mr. Brattle gave,
in 1714, to the King's Chapel of Boston. A strong
objection made by some persons, 1720, against the
revival of singing by note, was, lest it should bring
instrumental music into our churches. In 1743, an
organ of John Clark was put in the Episcopal church
of Salem. When they had another made by Thomas
Johnston of Boston, 1754, they presented their old
one to the Episcopal church of Marblehcad.
With regard to other musical instruments, they
were seldom advertised in the public prints, before the
Revolution of 1775. One of the instances, when
they were, was in 17G4 Then a gentleman from
London offered several for sale in Boston, as flutes,
violins, a harpsichord, hautboys, and a bass viol. Rel-
ative to the harpsichord, so named, it as well as the
spinnet, was not in general use at this date. The
piano forte, being an improvement on them, was grad-
ually coming into use by 1795, and has since become
quite conmion among our citizens.
1771. A pamphlet is published here, entitled, "The
lawfulness and advantages of instrumental music in
the public worship of God." A similar production
had been issued in Philadelphia, 1763.
ORGANS IN CHURCHES. 503
1772. Robert and George Virat propose to give
musical lessons in Salem.
1774 A concert of instrumental and vocal music
is given at the Assembly Room.
1783. The Massachusetts Band, from Boston, per-
form at a concert in Salem, for the benefit of our poor.
About 1799, several young men of Salem form a band.
They were much noticed for their skilful performances.
1800. An organ is made in London for the first
church. It came over in a ship of Ilasket Derby.
Its cost was $1,800. It is among the best of our
country.
Prior to this time, orchestral instruments, particu-
larly the bass viol, had been played in our Congrega-
tional societies, for many years. They were thus em-
ployed in eacii of such sociutics as has boua sup-
plied with an organ, till it was so accommodated.
They are still used in our congregations which have
no organs.
180G. About this time, some of our musicians
unito and rocoivo the namo of Brigadu Band, under
the auspices of General Samuel G. Derby. Thoir
career, while so connected, was of few years, but very
respectable.
1808. The North church supply themselves with
an organ, made in New York by John Giobo, at
$2,800.
1825. The Independent church aro alike accom-
modated. Theirs wos manufactured by Thomas Ap-
pleton of Boston for $1,C00. It' is creditable to its
architect.
1828. The Tabernacle church have an organ of
504 ORGANS IN CHURCHES.
Messrs. Hooks, natives of Salem, but residents of Bos-
ton, for about $800. Convinced, that the purchase of
a low priced article at first, is not good economy in
future, they are about to obtain another of better
quality.
1832. The East church purchase one of Mr. Good-
ridge of Boston for $1,700.
The South church buy another of Messrs. Hooks,
at $1,200. It has recently had the addition of a sub-
base at $300.
1833. The first Baptist church have an organ of
Mr. Appleton at $1,600. It is a superior instrument.
About 1835, a new Brigade Band is constituted.
Its repute is deservedly high. One hopeful feature in
its character is, that its members are ail temperance
men. This is a virtue, which has been too much dis-
regarded by such associations. The more skill in
music is exercised with a salutary influence on its
possessors and hearers, the more it complies with the
purpose of its being given as a talent for improvement.
1838. Howard street church procure an organ from
Messrs. Stevens &; Gayelte of East Cambridge. It is
accompanied with a sub-bass.
1839. The Universaiist church obtain an organ.
Besides the preceding, there are two organs, of small
size, in the Crombie street and the Catholic churches.
More thEUi a century since, one reason assigned why
organs would not find a place in our Congregational
churches, was the expense of them. But this objec-
tion, as well as others of a religious nature, has given
way so much, that, in less than fifty years, nearly all
our houses of worship, though still unconformed to
the usages of Episcopacy, are supplied with such in-
DANCING, 505
<
struments. This denotes a rapid change in pecuniary
circumstances and ecclesiastical sentiments.
DANCING SCHOOLS.
This subject may appear to some, at first sight, as
hardly a fit companion for other branches of educa-
tion. But whatever may be its repute in minds of
different inclinations, it has long been accounted, by a
portion of our community, suitable to hold such a
place. Though the far greater number of emigrants
to these shores, were, in purpose and example, oppos-
ed to dancing, yet there were continually individuals
about and among them, who would participate in the
exercise. This was so, in the outset of our colony, at
Merry Mount. It is evident from the early interdicts
against it, as contained in our legislative records.
The first information, which the writer has seen
relative to instruction in dancing, at Salem, was in
1739. Then our selectmen allowed Charles Brad-
shaw to teach this art in connection with French, "so
long as he keeps good order." Henry Sherlot, pro-
fessor of the same art, as well as of fencing, was or-
dered, 1681, to leave Boston, because of his immoral
deportment.
In 1755, Lawrence D'Obleville, a native of Paris
and a Protestant, was employed in Salem and other
towns, " teaching children and youth to dance and
good manners."
Robert and George Virat,' whom remarkable adver-
sity had thrown on our coast, gave notice, in 1772,
that they would take scholars to learn dancing as well
' In 1773, Monsieur Viart, of the same employment, is mentioned,
who may iiaTS b«eo one of tbew two, with bu name ditrurentlj tpelU
506 DANCING.
as fencing, music and French, in Salem and Marble-
head. Their price was $2 a quarter for either of these
branches. Among other subsequent iustructors of
dancing in this city, were William Turner from Lon-
don, 1774, James Boyd 1781, and Mr. Olive 1785.
Of the places occupied by them, was the " Assembly
House," standing next to the north side of the South
church and used by the congregation of Rev. Daniel
Hopkins, 1774, afterwards the Putnam Mansion in
Federal street, and the Hall over Safford's store, re-
cently consumed. As well known, there has long
been a question on dancing, because of its results.
Could it be practised, without an abuse of time and
morals, it would be as proper as calisthenics or any
other amusement for physical health. But whenever
its fascinations are such, whether in the mansion or
ball-room, as to encourage extravagance in apparel,
intemperance in feasting and drinking, and absence
from home at late hours, then it infringes on man's
duty to his Maker and to community.
Thus we have looked at various departments of in-
struction. If training the intellect and affections to
love the knowledge and practice the duties divinely
imposed on us, then it ranks among the most valuable
privileges of society. So coming up to its great end, it
is followed with results of good, which reach through
life and commingle with endless realities.
'* 'T ia lo with man. Hia talenU reat
• Miashnpen embryos in hia breaal;
Till educalion'a eje ezplorea
The sleeping intellectual powers,
Awakes tiie dawn of wit and sense,
Aod lights them into excellence."
APPENDIX.
Page 6. Perhaps it would be more correct to say that Mar-
ble harbor waa partly and not exclusively applied to Marblehead.
P. 8. Salem bouodary took in a small i)ortioa of Lynn.
P. 11. Indiana. Desirous to preserve facta relative to the In-
dians, who once occupied the soil of Naumkeug, or of those
who had particular concerns with our inhabitants, the succeed-
ing items are presented, as additional to those from page 11 to
1639, June 25. Hope, a servant of Hugh Peters, was sen-
tenced to be whipped fur drunkenness and running away.
1632, April 17. Ned, or Peckanaminet, an Indian residing at
Ipswich, mortgages to Henry Bartholomew, for £30, land of
eight miles square. It was about ten miles above Audover, on
the Merrimac river, between lands of his uncle William and
brother Humphrey. The conditions were, that Ned should pay
the sum in merchantable beaver before the 10th of Juno next, or
forfeit the security.
1G57, June 30. George Sagamore, and Sagamore of Aga-
wam, depose, that duke William sold Nuhant to " farmer Dex-
ter," for a suit of clothes. But, as these were returned, the [)ur-
chaser gave two or three coats for the same Island again. The
mark of George was a bow and arrow. William was his cou-
sin.
1661, March 29. John Bourne, tet. 49, now of Barbadoes,
sells to Henry Harwood, five acres in South Fields, called " In-
dian Corn Hills."
1GC8, July 8. The following is an order of Salem selectmen.
" Vpon the complaint of severall persons about the North Neck,
concerninge the Indians residinge thereabouts; It's ordered,
that if the inhabitants desire a wutch there, the constable shall
sett the watch by the inhabitants of the North Neck there."
1676, July 18. Benjamin Felton, keeper of our prison, had
kept two Indians, oue confmed 17 weeks, and another 24 weeks.
The Quarterly Court allowed him 2a. a week for each of them.
It is likely that they were concerned in Philip's insurrection.
Oct 9. According to an examination of John Flint, l>c-fora
William Hathorne, the former shot a hostile Indian at the end
of Spring pond, next to Lynn.
608 APPENDIX.
1679, Aug. 13. No Indian is to lodge in the town over night.
He ia to depart by sunset, and not return till sunrising. Any
Indian breaking this order, ia to be secured in prison, and in the
morning carried before authority and punished.
1721, July 1. An inquisition had been Intoiy hold on the
body of Betty Thomas, *' an Indian squaw in Suleni." Verdict,
that she died a natural death.
1793, March 26. Muny bones of huninn bodies had been
lately dug up near the water side, '* in tliu S. E. ]iart of tho
town." Thoy were concluded to bo tho remains of liio ubori-
gines.
1803, Oct. 25. Nino hiimnn skeletons woro lately found in
Mr. Buflum's grouml, in N. Piolils, many parts of which, par-
ticularly tho teeth, wero very souiul. Two hUelotons were (bund
there about three years belbro. Thuru can be littlu doubt but
that they wero remains of somo Nauinkeags.
1801), Dec 4. While persons are niuking an excavation in
South Salem, thoy meut with tun human skol<;ions, two or
three feet from tho surfucu of the ground, which aru supposed
to have been those of Indians.
1829, Sept. 16. While workmen nro cngogod in lovolliiig a
yard of Francis Peobody's factory in South Salem, they diMturb
the remaitis of Indians. These were depo.Hitud in groups of
three or four, reclined on one side, in u north and south lino,
with their faces towards tho cast, emblematical of the rosurrec-
tion morn. Most of tliu bodies were those of adults, and only
three of children. Their knees wero towards the brojint, tlitiir
bands against their faces, except one, who seemed to have been
interred at full length. Tho bones of animals lay near their
beads. Upwards of 4,000 people went to see them, and turn
back their sympathies on the race, entirely swept from our soil.
The relics of so sad u remembrance, wero decently reburiud in
the evening, two days after their being discovered.
P. 31. line 20. Foru in tho second syllable of Wittautinnusk,
read to,
P. 31. 1. 29. Aller time supply to time,
P. 32. L 26. For Vk road Fs.
P. 41. List of Subscribers. To understand more fully tho
persons and particulars of tho company, who laid the foundation
of Mossacbsetts, we have tho following and two spocilic con-
tracts with Messrs. Bright, Iligginson, and Skelton.
In the name of god. Amen. London, May, 1628.
Sundrie men owe vnto the general stock of the adventurers
for plantacon intended att Massachusetts Bay, in New England,
APPENDIX.
509
in America, tbo somo of tovr thousand ono hundroth and fiAie
pound. And ia fur aoo much vndurtukon by tho pticulor por-
80uti moncoucHl houreailor, by thoro HuuoraJI and gonunill btock
for tbu forctMiid pluntacou. Subticri[>cons, to be by thorn aduon-
tured Ju tbb Joint, whuruvnto thu Ahnighty grant proHjierouii
and happiu SvccotM, that thu aomo may rutluund to liia glorio,
tito propagation of tho GoHpoil of Johuh Chrint, iind tho puriicu-
lor good of tho iiouorall Advimturure, that now aru or horuaikr
tthailio IniuruHtud tiiuruin. Tiiu pontoUH nowu to bu nmdo dubt-
ont to thu gunuruU ijtock boiiig as followulh :
Hr.UiittM Hiilloiutoll, Kut. owutli £100
Mr. Iiim-ku Jtiliimoit, KiM|r. 100
Mr. tiuinuul Alilurtwy M
Jului Vriiii(l)
IIukIi I'ricr
Joliu liiiiiirroy
'rillMIKU .SlCCIIVIl.t
(]i<urfrii liurwuuU
Juliii (iliiiuir
Aluilraw l/'ruduckq
Uiiiiuii Wliuli'uitiUi
irritiici WrdU)
iiiorvtuu NuwvU
Mr. A. C.
llichiirti 'riiHiivulo
Kicliuril I'crrio
Jukcpli Ollfiia
Julia Whiiu
Ju>o|ili Carun
Tlioiiiku Ailuiii)
Kichurii i)uui«
Aliruliiiiii i'ulinur
Williii Darliiu
Joint I'liitlt'cull
Diiiiii'll IliuUrti
KdwiiriJ ll<Hir«l<i
l)>iinrll Itiillara
'J'Imi : lii'WMiii
Aiiilriiw AriKilil
llU'iiiird HitnlKiril
Uiclinrd Young
tltmrno Wiiyo
UirlinrtI DiilliiiHlmia
Jult ItrntUlhiMo
Ji>-Mi|>li ttraiUliiiwo
lluryo Durliiyu
'I'lio : liiilrliiiu
Cliurlct U'liKclK-olJg
<i<>iir)(a lloxcroll
Williii L'rowiliiir
Mathuiiicll Aituisiroyo
Coorgo TTurwooil, Troafluror for tho pinntncnn of tiio Afatta-
chiitHitttt ih(y, owutli vnto Hundriu ucconipit*, lur Munuyua Ucd
by hiui of Huiidriu udvoutururtt, vizu
To Sr.Uicli'd tjultoiutuil, 10il.r«cdj::iU
Jaucku Johuaoii, L«i.
Juliii Glovur
IiicruuMi INowull
Mullicw Crudock
Uicliurd I'orruy, Eliq.
llu);tt«i lV-(cr
JoMi|>li Ulc-ild
Cu|i(uiuc Joliu Venn
Abruliuni I'uhnur
Suinucl Aldursay
Simon Wlwlconibo
llicliurd Yuuiigu
Juavpliu Ciirrun
Id
Rdwarti lliiortlo
'riitiniuM tli'WHiin
l)uniull Kullurd
'J'liuniiut fSicvcnt
Juii llnidklmwu
JuM'ph HradNliiiwu
Aiidruw Ariiiiit
Nudiuiii<-ll Miuioiroyo
A. C.
Cii*iirp« lliirwoud
— ^ Alifio
Juliu Uiiiydi, ]>cr (uw paimU
W)
7W
(1) Tb« •ulMCiiben IVom S. AldurMy (it,'D«a«Mii jCM.
u
510 APPENDIX.
P. 47. Mr. BrigMs Contract " The coppie of the mastors
agreement with the compauie."
^ I, firancifl Bright, of Roily, in Elasex, Clark, have thia prcaent
2th ffebr. 1628, agreed with the compn of aduenturere for New
England, in America, to bee ready wth my wyf 2 chiidron and
one maid servant, by the bcgining of Mrch next, to take our
passage to the plantation at or neare MafwnchuHntta Uay, in Now
England, as aforesaid ; whear I doe promise, God uparing inuo
lifo and health, to serue tliu said cociipany in tlio work uf the
minititery, by my true and faiihiull cniluiiuiini for thu upacu of
three years, for and in coiiHidurution wliuruuf, lliubu auuurall par-
ticulars are tliis day agreed vpon, by the nil company, and by
me accepted, namely.
'* 1. That twenty pounds slialbo fuurthwitli paid moo, by tlio
companies Treasurer towards charjjes of filling myself wth ap-
parell and other necossaris for yo vuiadgo. 2. Tliut tun pounds
more shalhe paid moe iiy him towards providoing of buokus,
which said bookcs, vpon my death or removall from the cliardg
DOW intended to bee tnuisferrad vpon mco, are to bo and ro-
maine to such minister as ahull succeed in my place fur thu uaitl
company, and beforo my departure out of Kngland 1 am lo do-
liver a particuler of the suiti bookes. 3. That twenty pounds
yearly slmlbeo paid meo fur three yeares, to begin from the tymo
of my first arrivall in New England, and so to bee accuuulod
and paid at the end of each ycaru. 4. That dtiroing lliu said
tyme, the company sliall provide for mcu and my fatiiily afore-
mentioned, nccrsHarius of clyot, lioiisiii;;, (iri'wood, and Miiallioo
at the chardgo of the transportacon of vs into NS3w England,
and at the end of the said tliree yeun^, if 1 sbal not like lo oon-
tinew longer there, to be at charges of transporiing us back for
England. 5. That in convenient tyme u house shalbe built,
and certeine lands aloted their vnto, wch during my stay in the
country and continuing in thu ministerie, shalbe fur my vse, and
after my death or removull the »ime to bu fur succeeding min-
isters. G. That at the expiracon of ihe said throe yearn, onu
hundred acres of land shalbe nssignecl vnio mo, for mre and my
heirs for eucr. 7. That in case I shal depart ihi.s lifo in lliat
country, the said company sliall take care funny widow (liu'eing
her widowhooil nndaboad (in that) country and plantation; the
like for my children whilst they remain on the said plantaiiun.
8. That the milk of twoe kino sliullieo appointed mee toward
the chardg of dyct, for mo and my family as aforesaid, and half
their increes dtu'cing the said three years to be likewise nutie,
but the said twoe kine and thu other half of the increase lo re-
turne to the Compnny att tlu! end of thu said three years. I).
That I shall haue liberty to carry bedding, linnen, bnisse, yron,
pewter of my owne, fur my necessary vse durcing the said tyme.
APPENDIX. 611
10. That if I continow seaven yeors vpon the said piuntation,
that tlieu ouohuudrud acroHoflund moru niiulbo allotted to uiua
for me aud tny heirs forovur. "
P. G8. Muan, lUi^gimon and Skellon^a Contract. '* Thu 8
of At)ril, 1U2U. Mr. U'runciH Ui^guHuii and Mr. ijuiiiiicil Skciiou
ititutiduii tniniitluni for thin pluutJicon, and it Ihjiiik tiiuii^'iit
luuutu to coiiHider of thuir unturtuiiunuiit, who uxprcHttiiiK ihuir
williiigiiutw, toKutlior albo witli Mr. Uruiiciit Dri^hi, liciii^' now
proaoiit to dou liinir oiidoiivoiir in lliuir piuuua of lliu niiiiiMiorio,
ait wull ill pruaciiinfT, cutochiaingu, utt alHu in lunching or ciitix-
ing to Ijo taught thu ConipanyM HtTvanttt and thuir rliildrun,
ait altfo liio HalviigcH and tliuir cliildmn, whorliy to ihuir vilcr>
moat to fiiriiiur tliu inainu und of iliia itiuntiiliun, huing hy iliu
aHaistanuo uf Ahuighty (lod the convurtion ofiiiu ttalvagi^M; lltu
Iiro|MiHitinna und (igromnuntH conoiuiUid on witli Mr. tlranri*
tright liiu Huoond uf lluliruiiry hiHt, wrro rocipriiruiliu aciurpiud
of by JMr. il'rancia lliggcmni and iMr. SanuKtlt SkoUnn, wh«> aru
in uuurv ruiipuui to liaiiu tliu liku condiiitinn na Mr. Itrighi huth,
oidy whoruaiiMr. liigguHon hath uight childrun, it ia inicnduti
tliat jCIU moru yuarly Htialhu allowud liini lowardo ilnnr cliardg-
utt ; Aud ia agruud that thu incruanu to hu imiiroviid id' all ihuir
grounds during tlio firnt 3 vuarrs Hhnlliu alt thu CtmipaniiiM dia-
poouingu, who aru to lind ihuir dyut during that tymu;and XIU
luoro to Mr. Iliggubon, towarda hia prusunt litting him and hia
for thu Yoyagu."
n-MlANClS IIKKJKSON.
aAMULIL tiK ELTON.
** Furtiier, though it waa not montioncd in thu iigruumont,
but forgottuu, Mr. lligguHon waa promised a man Ncriiani to
taku caru and lo«ik to hia thingH, and to catch him linh and fonlu
und providu othur tliinga nuudfull and alao two maid auruantJi
to look to hia family. "
That we may have a particular knowledgu of tho arlicloH for
dotnuHiic U80, ami thuir pricua, fur a clurgyman'a family at iSa-
lum, in ita liuginning; ua wull aa othur faciei; thu aubbc<iuunt
documunt ia pruauntud :
A coppie of an Jlccompie of Monies Mr. Skclton u Cr. viz.
Aug. lU:^. liy ao nmch which ahonld hanu Imicuu
paid him in Knglantl tuwarda fit-
ting him l(tr yu voyadg £20 0 0
Chargua at Tilthurv (Jowca and IMi-
moth buing wind bound S 10 0
Twenty pur annum fur U years GO U U
One buahull of whuat tluwor 15
u u u oal moole 10
512
APPENDIX.
1 bolland & 2 ordenary cheese
XXlb. of powdered sugar
One sugar loafe cone 71b. at Is. 6d.
u u u u 511), Qi la. 7cL
61b pepper
Nutmegs 4oz.
loz. of cloves and 1 of mace
31b. of starch
12ib. Rice
Gib. of untried suet
1 gall, of aquavites
1 flitch of bacon
Castile soap 91b. at dd.
Raisins, currants and prunes
2oz. saflron
5 qu. of strong water.
21b. almonds at Is. 2d.
ISlb. tried suet at 8d.
1 gall, of " sallert oyle" •
61b. candles
5 geese & 9 ducks
1630 121b. Butter
6 pots of butter, each of 71b.
2 Cheeses about 101b. apiece
halfa firkin of butter
i of barrel of white " biskett "
71b. honey
1 pot of butter
101b. currants
. Bacon
1 dozen of candles
2 Cheeses of 6d. lb.
Q U U J U
1 "porkett"
' 421b. tried suet
6 geese Si, 12 ducks
61b. powdered sugar at 20d.
5 ♦* ** I8d.
101b. Loaf "
Cloves & mace
2oz. nutmegs Is. & Cinnamon 16d.
Workmens wages for cutting and
bringing home wood for winter
So much paid Mr. "Pearce" for
provisions of meal, peas, canvas,
kersey, and " elce" with £3 Ss. 9d.
adventure aAer 25 per cent and
freight
8
8
10
13 9
10 6
7 11
12
1
2
1
6
3
3
14
6
14
5
8
2 4
10
6
3
8
8
1 8
11 8
17 6
10
7 10
3
5.
10 . .
. 8 -
11 3
17 9
1 5
8
14
10
7
1
1
2
6
12 15 I
APPENDIX. 513
3 quarts of aquavites
3
9
]0lb.Riceat5d.
4
2
101b. liutter
G
8
41b. Cheebo
1 a
4
10 pieces of pork
11
8
281b. Butter
10
4 bushels of Virginia corn
2
4 galls. Vinegar 8s. 1 gal. 2s.
17»
2 pecks of wt. salt
3
£1S4 13
7
** Now (le Increase
Tbe tirst yeare next aAer tho receipte of the two heifers, Loth
the calucs niiscariod, one about a quarter ould dyed, th' othur
neare vpon a yeara old lost by the wolves.
The second ycaro there was a heiflur calfe and a bull calfe,
wch heiifer is now in my hands and the bull calfe Mr. Skelion
sould att one year and tliree quarters ould for eight ]>ouuds.
Tbe tberd yeare was 2 bull calues which the begiuing of win-
ter weare both, eaten with the wooluea.
Now since the three foresaid yeares the next year aAer was
two bull calues and an heifier calfu, the springe before Mr. SkeU
ton's death. And this yearo since was three bull calues, two
wherof are dead, the one when it was about twenty 6c twoo
weeks ould, the otijer since winter did begin. Now for the
keeping of tbe catle wch should haue been at the Companyg
chardges, bath wholly lyen vpon vs."
Mr. Skdton^s Account coniinutd. 14yds of Dutch serge £259;
17 yds Fustian £1 7 ; II yds of wt English Jeans 13 9; 12 yds
of red p-petuana£I 16; 12 yds of green, say I 13; 12 yds of
yellow, say 1 13; 12 ells of blue linen 14s.; 14 ells of course
holland £1 17 4 ; 20 ells of course Lockerum 1 5 10 ; 23 yds of
striped Linsey Woolsy 1 9 4 ; 7 yds buckerum 5 3 ; 1 piece of
"Noridg serge" 2 5; 20 ells of Lockerum 1 5 10; 15 yds Flan-
nel ISs.; 20 ells of course canvas 1 4 ; lib of whalebone ;
91bs Iron at 3d. 2 3; one syth 3s.; one fishing line 3s.; 3.0lhs oak-
um 7 6; 2000 nails 6d. 10s.; (360 nails lOd. 5 5 ; 1 ream of paper
lOs. ; 7 yds of " bays "26 yd. ; 2i yds of yellow
"carsey "34 yd. ; 2 galls, of melheglin Ss.; Articles
mentioned ; cambrick ; 6^ yds of loom work ; 2 drinking horns ;
thread; 2000 pins; 6 awls; one web of blue gartering; one
leather Jack; 2 tubs; 1 wooden hand bowl; 3 pewter quart
bottles and 1 pint do.; 1 bat ; 2 knots of tape.
44
* EvidnaUy • mUtoks.
514 APPENDCS.
P. 88. AboQsett River ia the same as Saugus Rivei'.
P. 91. One entry of the Court of Massachusetts Company,
in London, us to oaths for officers of Goveminoiit, in not so
clear as to make ua sure wheiiier they refer to 8uch authorities
in New or in Old England. Hence, when stating the requisi-
tions of these officers, which were alike in both udininistrutious,
based on the same charter, the writer rotnurkcd, that they were
made of Governor Endicott and hid coudjutora in authority, " tcr
substance." The writer rucollcctud tliiit ho had muou among
the transactions of the London Court, other outha, more distinct-
ly applied to the Chief Mugiiitruto und othenj, ut Nuurnkeug. lie
looked for them, but as thuy were bound in a vuluiiiu out of
their proper place, he did not tind them in cieayon lur the preud.
He soon discovered tliem, und bus concluded to have them
printed here.
The Oath of the Gouenutr in JVew Enf^laiul. "You Khal-
be fuithfull und Lyull vnto our Soueruignu Lord the Kiiign
maiestie and to his heires and SuncestHura. You hIiuII Huppurt
and mainiaiue to your power the Guuornment un«l Cum|Huiiu of
the Mottuchusetts Uuy in Now Knglund in Amerien, und the
priviledgcs of iho sumo, huuing nuu singular regard to your
selfe in dorogacon or hinderunce of the Commonwealth ol'thu
Company, and to every person vndor your uuthurilie yuu hliull
administer indiflercntun<t cquall iuulice, stulutett and ordinances
shall you none make, or without th' advice and conmMit of the
Councell for the Gouernnient of the IMattar.liUHetts iSay in New
England. You shall udmitt none into the iVeeduiito of this
Company, but such us may cluyme the namo by vertiio of priu-
iledges therof. You shuil not bynde your selfe to enter into
any business or process for or in the name of this Compunio
without the consent and agreement of the Councell aforcHuid,
but shall endeavor faithfully undcurcfully to carry your selfe iu
this place and office of Gouomor as long as you shall continue
in it, and like wise you shall doe your best endeavor to draw on
the natiuea of this country called New England to the know-
ledge of the true God, and to conserve the Planters und others
coming hether in the same knowledge and feuro of God, and you
shall endeavor by all good meuncs to advance the goud of tho
Plantacons of this Companie, and you shall endeavor the rais-
ing of such commodities for tho bonofitt and oncourug<;m(Mit nf
tb' adventurers and IMuntors as through Gotl's blessing on your
endeavors may bee produced for the good and service ot the
kingdome of England, this Company and their Plantacons ; nil
these promises you shull hold anil keepo to tho vttcniiost of
your power and skill soe long us you shall continue in tho
place of Gouernor of this fellowship. Soe help you God."
AI>PEMDIX. 515
This form was applied to the Deputy Qovornor, by prcfiziog
the word " Deputy" to the word ** Governor. "
The Oath of the Councell in JV*eu> England. You swcoro to
boo fnitlifull and loiull to our ijoucmigne Lord the Kingti Mu<
icHtio nud to hiii lioireH and aucceuaoRi, you sitall from tyino to
tyiiiu giuu your bu^it udvicu uiid councull fur Huppurttiig uud
iimiutuiintige lim Comtnuriwcaltli and Curporucon ot'iliu Gnu-
cnior and Conipiiny ot* the MnttacltUHutlH Hay, in New Eng>
land, not u|)aring for louu uor druad, fur fauor nor niucdv, but
according to thu tftatulcH and ordinancuH niadu and to lieu niado
by vurtuu ol'lhu charier uC lliu t>aid Conipaiiie, Hhall utVcctually
asniat liiu Gunurnor, or iiin dtt|iiitiu and Cunnccll, uf iliu baid
Cutnpanio, in cxcrnling ibu Mii<i .Statutus and OrdinancfN, liau-
ing nou ningular regard to yonrNcif'o in dcrogacon ortlio Cuni-
inonweallli ul'tin) Marne. All iIicmo proniiMt-N you .shall iuild and
tru«:ly kri'pu, lu your powrr, ho«i Uhih an yon .shall conlinnu
in thuplacu or uilicu ul'unu ol'lhu wiid Uounctill. tSou htilpu you
God. »
I*. 1(i(}. AHur tlio rettnniptiott of our Colonial govtTnniont in
IGtiU, lliu cuntuni ofinakinif rrcenien by (lunrral Coiu't, a»4 he-
foru tliu UHurpation in !(>(<(>, wan continued into u portion ui'
1*. 1()7. John lionnut caniu to New I'Ingland IG^O.
I*. IGd. I'Vaneid CollinH, in lUd7, had lived in Saloin over
nny yeartk
P. IGl). A John llill, John I'ick worth, and Daniel Kay, liad
leA I'lyrnouth by Kilj'^ aHU letter ut'Gov. liradford alaled.
V. 170. Ihnijamin Scarlett, who waH aged .'il in 1(178, caniu
to Salem Uui5, when hu wait bound hy hi:* mother to Governor
Endicnit.
There should have lioen Hullixed to each of the threu MutMra.
Spraguo, e. e. l({2tj, inutead ofc/. ItiXiU.
John Throgmnrton arrived Itk'iU.
Jnrob Towiio lived here, in North FiehlH, 1(!.'17, and bo con-
tinnuil twelve yearn Itefore hu went lu ToOMtield.
William Vaosal was brother to Sanniel VaHHal.
P. 171. John White, who moved to Lancaciter, itt tho samo
08 on p. 175.
P. 172. Ellen Felton probably camo hither in 1G3U, when
bor 8on Nathaniel did.
P. 173. Calharinu Ilernardiatono ia ttuppomid to have liecn a
connuctiuu of iSir Nathaniel Iternardialone, u knight, of I'ariiu-
516
APPENDIX.
ment for Suffolk, who was a friend of Governor Winthrop, and
mentioned by the latter, April 5, 1G30, as desirous to be a sub-
scriber in the joint stock of the Massachusetts Company.
P. 175. Isaac Allerton had estate in New York, as well as at
New Haven, Marblehead and Plymouth.
P. 167 to 176. Among the names in Hon. James Savage's
Gleanings for New England History, published in the 8 v. 3 s.
of the Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, the follow-
ing are such as are found on lists of the first settlers in Salem.
The persona so denoted, were about embarking from Great
Britain for New England. The wives and children and ser-
vants of some will be mentioned with them.
1635.
Feb. John Best, taylor, from Can-
terbury
March. Jobii Reeves, aet 19
April. Francis BtishneiJ, carpenter 26
- ' " ■ 26
1
21
23
Marie Busbnell.
Martha Dushoeil
John Bushnell, glazier
Joha Bcamond
Jane. Henry DuUock, husband-
man, from Su Lawrence,
in Essex
Susan Bullock
Ilonry 8, Mary d, and Tho-
mas Bullock, "2.
John Harbert, from North-
ampion, shoemaker,
Richard Adams, bricklayer,
of the same town
Susan Adams
Kichard Graves
, WiUiam Vassall
Ann Vassall
Judith 16, Francis 12, John
10, Ann 6, Margaret 2, ic
Mary Vassail 1
John Jackson, fisherroaa
Margaret Jackson
July. Richard Hoilingwortta
Susan Hollingworth
\Vm. 7, Richard 4, Elizn-
belh 3, and Susan Hul-
lingworth 2
40
42
23
29
26
23
42
42
40
36
40
30
27
24
50
6a
28
Sept. William Wood, husband-
man
Elizabeth Wood
Ralph Tomkins, husband-
man
Katharine Tomkins
Samuel 22, Elizabeth 18,
Marie Tomkins 16
. Ralph EUwood
A group of names, showing that their
possessors were of New aaram, and
were near sailing for New England.
1635.
April. Edmund Batter, malster,
John timale, his servant
Miciiael Sboihin, taylor
Jotihua Veriii, roper
1'honias Autram, weaver
Thomas Browne, his servant
George tsmyihe, taylor
Phillip Varren, roper
John Green, surgeon
The last person is supposed to have
been the husband of the vidow
Green, named among our first set-
tlers.
1636. Joseph Bachelor, of Canterbury,
taylor
Elizabeth, his wife, and one
child
Alarmaduke Peerce, of Sand-
wich, taylor, his wiifc, and one
servant
P. 1U4. Blue Anchor Tavern was near the site of the Eng-
lish house.
P. 193. There was fear of a war with England as well as
with France.
APPENDIX. 517
P. 196. Tbe part of the mall disposed of in 1793, was sold
to Mr. Richardson mentioned on this page.
P. 207. Rev. Dr. Bently related, that he had seen men who
owned rights in the mall, cut flags and hoops there, and that it
was called the Town Swamp.
In 1802, proposals were made for 60 to 100 elms, and in 1818
for 200 of them, to be planted on the mall.
P. 211. Salem and Saugus had leave, in 1635, to build four
houses for provisions on the Island in Humphrey's pond.
P. 225. A township was granted to John Higginsou and
others, in 1718, located between Dunstable and Lancaster. The
legislative discussions respecting this grant, denote that it was
in or about Townsend. But tbe people there have no know-
ledge that it was so.
The {grantees of Salem Narragansett, No. 3, were 29 from
Salem, 27 from Lynn, 14 from Topsfield, 14 from Beverly, 9
from Andover, 7 from Marblehead, 5 from Gloucester, 4 from
Wenhara, 4 fronfi Boxford,2 from Reading, 2 from Falmouth, 1
from Bradford, 1 from York, 1 from Scarborough, and 1 from
Chatham.
P. 227. In'1776, Ebenezer Porter, a native of Salem, peti-
tioned the Council of Massachusetts that ho might remove his
furniture from Yarmouth, in the bay of Fundy, " inhabited
chiefly by people from Salem and Beverly, and some from Ips-
wich and Wenham. "
P. 228. The summer-house on Castle Hill was blown down
in the gale of Sept. 23, 1815.
P. 231. Brown's Cove was at the bottom of Derby Square.
Stage Point was entailed to the eldest male heir of the Brown
family forever. In 1781, General Court allowed it to be sold
and deeded to the purchaser.
P. 234. Long pond is distinct from Spring pond. The for-
mer was anciently called Curwin's pond, from its proximity to
his farm. Now it is known as Brown's pond; is in Danvers,
near the Lynn and Salem boundaries.
P. 241. The price poid for Baker's Island, was £130, in
bills of credit, at ISs. Gd. for 1 oz. of silver. A like sum was
paid for Misery Islands.
A description of Baker's Island, in 1783, said that it wns of
the best soil for grass; great quantities of superior butter and
cheese had been made there from the milk produced on its fod-
der; always had a supply of fresh water, and was *' never
518 APPENDIX.
known to be infeated with fliea, musketoea, or other insects to
disturb ** the cattie.
P. 251. Among several credible authors who mentioned po-
tatoea in their works, before IGOO, was lloliushed. In his du«
Bcription of England, 1577, is the passage: '^Of the i>oiato and
such venerous roots as are brought out of Spiiiuu, I'urtiiigulo,
and the Indies, (America,^ to' fumidh vp our bunkuts." Tliu ill
name which potatoes had m England, ufbuing great blimuluuts,
may have partly rendered them uo un[)opulur among our I'u-
thers as they were for over a century.
P. 254. Wo are informed that the willow tree was first raised
in Great Britain, by Alexander Popo, the poet, lie received a
basket of figs, as a present, from Turkey, which had u twig
ready to bud. lie placed this in the groiuid, and it hecumu thu
parent of such trees in England and America. This species of
the willow was called by Liunujus, Dubylonica, in rufureuuu to
the 137th Psulm. The buttonwoud tree, which iius fur over a
century been placed before some of our houbos, began to fail
here and throughout New England about four years ago. A
disease is upon them, which gradually diminishes their vitality.
P. 2GG. A wildcat was killed, Jan. 1821, in Front street, of
this city, having come from Ornu's Point.
P. 270. An act was published in the News Letter of March
4, 1756, having been passed by the Legislature then in uessiun.
It related to dogs, cuts, and other creatures. It ordered, that, ua
such animals had died of u distemper, in great mimbers, through-
out the province, and lying uuburicd, were likely to create a
dangerous contagion, they siiould be put two feet under ground
on penalty of 40s. for every neglect. It required all selectmen
to appoint buriers, who should have their foes from owners of
the animals so buried.
P. 296. The turnpike to Chelsea bridge cost $162,063, and
this bridge cost $55,469. The par value of a share in the road
part was $178. The directors ordered, May 4, 1802, that Lorn-
Lardy poplars be planted each side of the road.
P. 303. For fraiard read HUliard,
As some intimation of the carriages which may have been
used here, and in the vicinity, we give the following. Moses
Prince, brother of the New FiUgland annalist, wrote in his diary,
1717, that he visited Gloucester, saw a carriage there of two
wheels, for two horses, which Cupu Uobinson, who first gavo
the name of schooner to a vessel, had built for his wife. Mr.
APPENDIX. 619
Prince gavo a hoodsomo drawing of it, which looked much iiko
onuorour rnodurn cubn.
Tliotigh I'ruHidcnt Dwight romarkod, iii hiu Travoln, thnt in
17U(i no Ibur-whutil curriago for privaio uuo waa owned \>y uny
faniilv liure, yet Much curringoti hud buun thuu uwnod in iSuluni,
long bel'oro. Tho iioavy tuxuH luid on (liuin iintl uihur ]iru|H]rty,
to inuot liio ruvuiutiuuury dubt, liud kupt ihuitu vubicluH fruni
making thoir ruap|H3uraucu among uoinu of our wuulihy fuini-
P. 827. Aa atdtod in tho flnit edition of thiit work, Mru. Ly-
din Hill preceded Mr. NorriH, uiuny yeuru, un a kuei>er of lliu
pout oUice.
P. 3'Jd. Tor MiucoU renil MokoU,
P. 3*11. An indopondent letter oHlco wtut set [up In Salem
about the (iret of July, Iti-M.
P. 331). Thu wntch-iinuHo Htuod in lliu middle of School
Btreet, about na fur north uh the north end uf titeuruH'a buililing.
It hud u Holdier, in fUU uniform and armed, on the tup of it,
which waa carved by Leamon iieudlu.
P. 3G7. Aa Clark Gay ton Pickmnn refera to ono person,
tliore ia no need of conunaa between the numea.
P. 407. For Uurr reuil liarr.
P. 4'^\. The firat William Brown, hnru mentioned, upncars to
hove been the peraon wiiu died 17G3. Thu aecond vVilliuni,
who fullowa him, waa hia aun.
P. 429. Compeiualion ahould have hud the aign of ilie pua-
aoaaive case.
P. 430. For thu hoading, " Sclwola hy conlribxUion, " read
ContribtUioiia /or poor adiolara.
P. 438. A Urinalov'a Accidence, with tho name of Johu
Swinnurton, auppoHcd to be the phyaiiuan, of Salem, written in
it 1G52, came into the |)OiMieaaiun of Uev. Dr. Uentley, who letl
it to William U. Fowlu, Faq. of Doaton.
INDEX
TO THE PRINCIPAL MATTEKS CONT.AINED IN THIS VOLaME.
When levenl pA«et, referring to the ume thing, are denoted by tena or huadreda,
theaa fi(uxea will Im axpreaaed but ooce, ezcupt wliea iolervened by worda.
Aberginians, 45
Abigail, ship, 42
Abouseu or siaugus river, 88, 514
Adveniuxers, 134; losses, 143
Agatvams, I i *, numerous, 13
Agriculture, 60-1, C>6, 81*2; two gar-
deoers to come over, 99, 1 19, 24s
AlmalMuses, 193,6
Ambroae, ship, IbS
Amherat, N. n. granted to persons ol
Salem and other towns, 2»
Andover, 517
Animals, 1 19, 20, 32, 2G0-82; wildcat
killed, 518
Aaueduct, 334-5
Arbeila, ship, 151, 2, 6, 7
Armour. 9^^
Arrousick Island partly settled by Sa
lem people, 223
Baker's Island, 156 ; petition for, 238*9 ;
leased, 241 ; income, 439, 41, 77 ; no
flies there, 517
Bands, Krigade, Masaachusetts, 503
Barberry bushes hunful to grain, 247-8
Beadle, salary, 151
Beaver trade, 84. 108, S2>3, 2S6
Bellman. 337-339
Bells, one sold to Harvard College,
387.8
Beveriv. incorporated, 208*9 ; petition,
217,617
Bible, importance, 431
45
Births, marriages, and deaths, 362
Blowing up houses at 5res, 365
Board of Education, 480
Book of Sporti, 75
Books for Rev. F. Higginson, 68: for
schools, 436-8, 433-9
Boston Men, 53
noiaiiy, ancient, 257-9
Boiford, 517
Boys sent home, 132 : contests, 362-3
Mradford, 517
Bradstreel mansion, 412
Brick buildings, 370, 414-16
Hrick-kiln, 119
Bridges, 3(H-iO
Brooks, 233
Buildings, public, 388-400; private,
400-416; taverns, 416-425; number
of houses, 425-6
Burying-point, 287.
Cabs, 325
Cakes and buns not to be sold, 417
Canker worms, 246
Canoes much used, 235
Cape Ann, 36-8, 44; Sabbath kept
there, 115
Cape Ann side, 208
Capital, 80. 158 ; another sought, 159 ;
reasons for chang^ing, 161-3
Cargoes, 47, 84, 102
Carpets, 407
522
INDEX.
Carriages, 314; tax and number or,316,
618, 19
Carriers, 331-2
Caiecbism to b« taught, 430
Cats. HCiii-lO
Cattle, 67, 75, 84. 100, II, It, 17, 32;
pastum^, 191-3,276-80; wolves at-
tack red calves sooner ihau the black,
276 ; prices and number, ';!80
Causey from Simoiwl's poiul, 2S6
Chaplains, Wi
Charles, ship, 156
Cliarlestown settled, territory of RobL
Gorges, 45. 123
Cbarteis, 40 ; confirmed, 54 ; privileges
65 ; confirmed, 7.'> ; sent over, in ;>a-
lem Athenaeum, 86, 130
Chelsea, or Kumney Marsh, 17
Chimnies. to be swept. 365, 7-8, 404
Church, formed, 126 } list of members^
171
Cider, returns, 256
Cisterns, 367-72
City government, 31G,7
City Hall, 398-9
Claims, Indian. 21-4, 73; Brewerton's,
150; Mason's, 214-21
Clarkson Society, 496
Clocks, 387-8
Clothing for emigrants, 49, 50, 1 17
Coast, appearance, 114
Colleges, one propose<l, 427 ; contribu-
tions, 430, 2, 4-6 ; graduates, 490-5
Colonies, plan to subvert them, 214
Colonists, union of old and new, 123;
designs, parting address, appeal, du-
ties, I5i-4j disuess, 158. see Emi-
granu.
Colony, settlement, 38-40; accession
of IrienHs. 41 ; main end, 47 ; sup-
plies, 49-52, 64-7; reasons for en-
couraging, 69-70 ; objections an-
swered. 71 -4; favor, 75 ; capital, 80 ;
regulations, 82, 6-7; council, 89;
debts, 107; purpose, 110; descrip-
tion. 118 24; pledge for promotion,
127-^; plan for iu subversion, 214
Commemal privileges, 57-8, 78. See
Maritime.
Commonage, new law, 188; extension,
189
Commoners, difficulty, 188-9; grants,
190; discord with cottagers, 198
Commons, division of, 199
Company of Mass. 47-9. 75-88 ; debts,
107 ; onlers, 108, 10, 34-7 I40-I
subscriptions, I4t; joint stock, 147;
subscriptions, 149
Concord, N. H. granted to S.-ilem, 221
Constables, 336
Cootraru, 138; of planters and adven*
turers, 140
Com, destroyed by squirrels, 245-6
Cottagers, 198
Collages, thatched, 401-2; number,
425^
Court House, 393-6
Courts of Assistants in London, 49-55,
61-8, 91,4-7, 137,9; prayer before.
142 ; at Southampton, ana on boara
the Arbella, 151
Courts, general, in London, 55, 88-90,
93 ; summoned bv tickeU, 107, 124-6,
128-34, 138, 140^1
Coves, 205, 30-1, .517
Creeks, 204-5,29-30
Curwin mansion. 410
Custom-houses. 235, 411
Cut, ftlordecay's, 191,285
Dancing Schools, 505-6
Danvers, 8 ; incorporated, 211-14
Darby fort, 1 1 1 , 205. See Forts.
Deer, 2C6, 345
Deer Reeves, 245
Defoe, plague in London, 270
Derby mansion. 414
Diet, social, 157
Dorsetshire families, 116
Duck coys, 2.33-4
Dunstable, 517
Dwellings, number, 199, 400-16
Ecclesiastical, 37, 9, 47, 8, 60, 7-9, 70-
6 ; disputes. 1)3 ; ruling elder and
deacons. 109; Kpiscopai church for-
med. 110; "gospel to be preached to
Indians, 110, 13, 16, 24; religious
privileges, 124; church formed, 126;
diilicully with Messrs. Brown, 130-7,
9 ; chaplains, 142 ; design of the co-
lonists, appeal to the clergy, 152-4;
Plymouth church. 159; church mem-
bers, 171-6; Quakers, .358; prayer
at town meetings, 316, 50, 463 ; im-
portance of the Kible, 431 ; salaries
of ministers, 460; Scriptures read,
484 ; dissension altout singing, 498-9.
Education, 426 ; colleges, free schools,
427-9} contributions for the college,
43(>; importance of the Rible. 431 ;
grammar schools, 432 ; state of
schools, 43'<; coutribuiions for col-
lege, donations, 434->5 ; books for
scholars, 437-8; Income, 439; lega-
cy, school committee, 440, 1 ; income,
441, 2; donations, number of schol-
ars, school money for other parts of
INDEX.
523
Salem, 445-7 ; women's schools, pri-
vate schools, 4^9, 5i ; schoolmasters'
orders depn^ialed, 464 ; intenne<li-
ate schools for girla, merchant's otfer
to have youor seamen taught, 4iif> ;
proems of edticaiion, 467 ; pmprie-
ton' schools, colored schools, -UMfii ;
number of pupils, 463; rreater re-
quirements m schools, 4ol; vaca-
tions, 4^; Lancasteiian method,
467-9 ; African school, 471 ; punish-
ment, scholars supplied with books.
47'2; number ana cost of schools,
473; symnasium, 474; high schools
for gins, 475 ; colored schoUn, 476 ;
school fund of the state, 477 ; Nor-
mal schools, 479, 80; vaccination ofl Grain, 245-8
scholars. 480 ; festival. 481,2; school
books, 483-l>. See Salaries and Tu-
ition.
Election day, 57, 8
Emigrants, 38, 4S, 3, 6, 7, 74, 5. 8?, 3 ;
from Leyden, 88; list of. 98, 106;
to Charlestown, 109, II. IS; depart-
ure from Land's Fnd, 1 13, IG ; char-
ges of, 1 17, it, 39 ; arrival, 156, 8 ;
to South Carolina, iM, 359, 60
Endicoit pear-tree, 179-80
En^eld settled mostly by Salem peo-
ple, 224
Engines for fire, 366-72
EInon. See Wenham.
Essex, ship, 195
Essex, South, musical society, 500
Estates, order, 181
Face of the territory, 227
Falmouth, 517
Family orders, 82, 6, 7, 430
Fasu ai sea, 1 14
Females employed as teachers in pub-
lic schools for boyis, 480 '
Ferries, 207, 99; fare, income, com
plainu, 300-2, 439, 41
Festival of srhonU, 481
Fieldi, North, Glass-house, and Soulb,
184-7
Fire club, 366 ; benefit, 384
Fire department, 365-78
Fires, 373-86
Fish, used for manure, 243; returns,
264 ; orders as to alewives, 264, 5
Fishery, 69, 60, 84, 101 . 2, 1 18, 20, 91-
6, 205. 62, 3 ; shell, 266
Flax and hemp, 262. 3
Forts, Indion, 14,54; Darhy, Arbor
lot, II 1 , 23, 4, 33, 94, 5,205; Auria-
nia. 227
Fortified town, 80
Four Sisters, a ship, 98, 1 12, 39
Fowl, tame and wild, 82, 121, 260-2, 5
Freedom, social, 157,3
Freemen, 55,. ii, 142, C6, 514
French women, 359
Fniiu, 119,253,4,60
Geology, 243, 4
George Bonaventu/e, ship, 76, 85, 6,
112,6
Glee club, 500
Gloucester, 218, 319, 33, 517
Goats, 81 , II 1 , 12, 17, 273 ; price, 274
Goatherds, 274
Goodman, goodwoman, titles, 166
Graduates Irom colleges, 490-5
Grapes, 253. See Vineyards.
Gymnasium, 473
Hackney coaches, 320
Hair, long, unfashionable, 193
Handel Society, 500
Harpsirhord, 5U2
Hay, 24«-.'50
Haydn Society, 500
Hayscales, 249
Hills, 201. 27-9, 517
Hogdriver to blow the torn, 27J
Hopewell, ship, 156
Horses, 112, 17, 280 ; town horse, ntim-
berand price of, 281,313
Hospitals, on Koach's Point, 102; in
Great Pa.sture, 202 ; on Cott^'s isl-
and, burnt, 238
Hounds, 268
House of Correction, 99
Houses, 122, D9, 400; ancient. 409;
new model, 413; number of, 425,.^
Idleness, 103
Incendiaries, 374, 5, 85
Indian claims, 21-4, 73
" cornfields, 507
" conspiracies, 44, 154
" deed, 27-33
" town in Northfield, 14, SO
Indians, 1 1-33; to be taught Christiani-
ty, 48, 60, 82, 3, 92-7; trade, 222;
watched, skeletons, 507, 8, 9, 11, 14
Inhabitants, admission, 1G6
Insecu, 265, 517
Insurance for fire, 377
Ipswich bought, 23, 218, 517
Iron works, 52, 3, 282
Islands, Baker's, 156; Conant's, 177;
Winter, '91, 4-6 ; one for siore-hous-
es,2ll,23. 36; income, IT?; Cotla,
Baker, and Miseries, 238^1, 617
524
INDEX.
Jewel, ship, 156,7
Kin^s amu, 388
Lamps for streets, 291
Lancaster^ 517
Lancastenan mode of teaching', 'UTT-S
Laads, divisioo, 5*, 63, 'J3-7 ; held by
tenure of service, 103, 44 ; [ormoaey
subscribed, 149 ; commoD, 176-84 ;
grants to Endicott and Sjkcilon, 178 ;
franu, 18'2, 3; fields, pastures, etc.
84-^i03; leased, :2I 1 ; price, °2i}i
Latin school-house, 406
Legislature, colonial, its features, 55-7
Leicester families, 1 17
Letter-case of John ISobie, 327
Letters, to Gov. Cradock, 43; to En-
dicott, 47-9, 75-88 ; to Bradford, 92 ;
to Endicott. 97 ; from Hig^iiison.l I(i
•18 j from Endicott. 130 ; from Moul-
too, 13S ; to Skelion, Hif^nsoo, and
EndJcoU, 134-7; from Dudley and
Fuller, 158,9; from Endicott, 178;
from Blaney and Barton, 25SS ; from
Endicott, 31 1
Library, 4o3 ; for schools, 482
Lighthouse, 241
Lightning, buildings burnt, 373, 81, 5
Lights ofpiich-pLne, 121
Lime, 40j
Lincolnshire families, 116
London families, IIG
London's plantation, 89
Lottery, 236, 89
Lumber, amount, 257
Lyndeborough, N. H. granted to Salem
men, tiS
Lynn, 8, Id, 517
Lion's Whelp, ship, 54, 67, 76, 84, 99,
101, 12, 1^, 20
Magazine, 141-6
MaTb, 326-31
Mall, 196,7,517
Manchester, 8 ; incorporated, 204
Maoufacuires, 50, 2, 3, 8<), 4; glass-
house, ISG. 93 ; duck factory, 405
Manuscripts in schools laid aside, 4G9
Marblehead, 6, 7, 14, 15 ; incorporated,
205-7, 25 ; thanks to, for aid in the
great fire, 375, 517
Maritime, 47 ; outtil of vessels, 67, 76,
84, 98, 9, 100 ; cost of ships, 101 ;
ship-building, 102, 6, 10-16.24, 30, 1,
2,8,9,45.6,61,2,6,7,94,5,231
Mariana, 216
Market-bouse, 397
Marriages, 343, 4
Marsha. Deacon's, 183, 229
Masou claim, 214-21
Masiutbequash, or Forest river, 234
Massachusetts lields, 12
Massachusetts Indians, 12
Alassarhusetts buy, extent, 123
Alester uud uiislrcas, 165, 6
Mayflower, ship, 98, 102, 12, 56
aiechanics, 52, 66, 84, 99, 100,2, 17, 92
Alerry Mount, 505
Middleton, 8; incorporated, 209, 10
Military, 14, 34, 64, 7, 80, 1,2; fortifi-
cations. 103, 1 1 , 33, 4, 41 , 85, 92, 3,
4. 5, 'i05, 6, 7, 12, 27, 419
Mill, 92, 9
Afinerals, bog ore, copper-mine, 282
.Ministers, 48, 75, 6, 109, 42
ftliseries, islands, petition for, leased,
238, 9 ; income, 439, 41, 7, 517
Mishawum, 45
Mortality. 148
Mount Wollaston, 12
Mozart Association. 500
Municipal alTairs, 335-73
Music, iiisirumenial, 501-6
" vocal, 497-501
Naumkeeks, 12, 13,25-7
Name of sjaiem, 6-8
■Names of persons, 164, 5
Narragansetts, 15
Natural History Society, 260
Naumkeag occupied, 38
Neatherds, 277, 8, 9
Neck, for pasturage, 191-4, 232
Nepuiisetis, 12
New Meadows, or Topsfield, 207
New Marblehead. See VViu<lham
New Salem granted to Saiem mea,
225,6
Nipmucki, 12, 15
Nonantums, 12
Non-residenU. 360
Normal schools, 479, 80
North Yarmouth partly settled by Sa-
lem people, beaver skins to chief
propnetors, 223,4
Oaths, 91, 6, 514, 15
Omnibuses, 323
Organs, 502-4
Painting, 407, 8
I'aper-bangings, 406
Pascataways, 12
Pastures, 200-3
Patent, transfer of, 129
Paving main str<;et, 239
Pawtuckets, 12
INDEX-
625
Peltry 84, 100, 32, 3
Pcnnaiooks, I'i
Petuiicook, or Concord, 221, 3
PcuobscoU, 12
Piajio fortes, 502
Pil^nm, sbip, 1)8
PilliuiM, ui«d, 312
Piacaiaways, It
Pilch, 60
Pla^e, iDilinn, 12, 25
PlauiatioD, N. E. 118
Planters, discord, distress, 46 ; discon-
tent, privileges, 77, 8 ; meeting, lOQ
Plants, account of, St57-9
Plymouth settlers, jealousy of, 93
PoinUoriand, I<J2, :;>3I,2, 517, 18
Ponds, 199, '-!03, 33, 4, 317
Population, 123; mortality, 148
Port- house, probably a custom-house,
235
Post offices, 326-31, 619
Post riders, 3*20-9
Potatoes, 251,2, A 13
Potter's lane, 2a6
Prayer at town-meetings, 34€, 50
Price of articles, 49, 60,2,67, 190,2,3,
6, 2U2, 37, 46-50, 2, C, 62, 74, 6, SO,
81,511-13
Prizes for scholars, 473^ 80
Proclamation against injuring the In
dians, 83
Productions, vegetable, 245-CO; ani'
mal, ::C0-82
Profanity, 104
Public houses, 194; 4IG-24. 51G
Punishment, 104} m schools, 472, 6
Punkapoags, 12
Quadrupeds, wild, 1 19, 20, 266-9 ; do-
mesticated, 269-82
Quakers, 358
Reading, 617
Register of emigrants, 94, 8
Regisuy,399,400
Reptiles, 2tS5
Ring, mourning, 397
Rivers, passed in canoes, 234-6
Roads, to Manchester, 205, 283-96;
incorporated, turnpike, and rail road,
296-99,518
Robbery, 409
Rocks, 236 ; blowing, 287
Ruck's ViUage, 285
Runs, 233
Ryail side, 210, II, 439, 41, 7
Sabbath, 05, 6; at Cape Ann, 116, 91,
272,8,98
Sabbath schools, 49fi>7
StiJarics of icarliers, 432, CI, 2, 6, 7, 8,
71,5, a, y, UO, 1,3
Saicm, name, 6-8 ; situation, 8 ; incor-
jNiratiitu us town and city, 8-11;
deed of, 27-33 ; settlement. :^IGI ;
relinquished as the capital, lGl-3,
607
Salem Canada, 226
Sulein Female School, 462
Salick Pranrks, as to strangers, 358
Salt works, 50, 3, 80
Sanded floors, 407
Saugus, 517
Scarborough, 517
Scholars, number, 463, 6, 9, 70, 3, 9,
481,2,3
Schools, 427-89, 95-506. See Educa-
tion.
School committee, 440
School donations, 435, 6, 40, 3-7, 482
School fund, 477
Seal, Colonial, 58, 9, 86
City, 1,3-18
Sea serpent, 263, 4
Selectmen, 341
Se^^•ants, 104
Sevennien, 341
Settlement of Salem, 34-1 G3
Settlers, list of them, IG7-76
Sheep. 1 17. 92. 274-6
Ship building, 100, 2, 12, 94,231, 5, 87
Sickness, 12, 16, 25,44, 113, 68,238,
303
Sinking, instruction, 497-501
Small pox, 16, 113,303
Snow shoe;!, 315
Soil, 119,242
Souhegan West. 225
Sports of boys, 3G2-4
Springs, 2,12
Squaw sachem, 13-15
Stages, 316-23
Stock. 141,3.7.8,608, 16
Strangers, 357-61
Streets, one on Winter Island, 196, 283-
95
Strong waters, 105
Success, ship, 156
Subscribers to the Company's stock,
508
Supplies, 47. 9-51, 64, 7, 75,81, 2, 117,
Swamps. 229
Swine, 81 : bora to be blown for them,
271-3
Tarrentines, 12, 13. 21, 229
Taverns, one al Winter bland, 194,
416-24, 516
536
INDEX.
Territory »ei off, 203-U
TertenauL'i, il6 ; addrau, 218
Tbanksgiviog, ICl
Thirteeumen, 341
lilies ol Ur. aad Mrs. 165, 6
Tobacco, culiivauon, 78, 101 } smoking
forbidden, 3C9
Tomato, "idO
Topsfield, 8 : set off, 204, 7, 8, 517 •
Town, I*, 15; goveramenl, 335-45;
meetioss, voiin», reeulaiions, 348-C5;
bells, houses, hail, 387.y8
Townships, eic. settled by Salem peo-
ple, 2il-7. 517
Trade, with Indians, 125, 32; colonial,
133,41.3,6
Trading plantation, 225, 7
TragRbizandi, 3G
Transportation, terms, 145
Travelline, 303, 11-26
Trees, 179; locusu, 201 ; culling, 254;
willow, buttonwood, 518
Trial, ship, 156
Trojan band, 458
Tuition, 438, 9, 40, 1, 2,7-9, 55-7
Turf and twig conveyance, 187, 8
Turkish pirates, 194
Tyler, Thomas, son of Masconomet,
239
Tytbingmeo, 344
Undertakers, 144
Union Siocial Singing Society, 501
Vacations, 465
Vaccination of scholars, 480
Vegetables, 250-2
Vessels, Arst buill, 102. 12
Vineyards 50, 80, 1 19. 253, 4
Voting by erection of hands, beans and
corn, 89, 352-7
York, 517
Young men, instruction, 456, 71
Wagons, 325, 32-4
Warning out of town, S57-6 1
Washington Square. See &lall.
Watch bouse liill, 212
Watchmen, their cry, 336-40
Ways. See Streets.
Wecchagaskas, I'i
Wenham, 8 ; set off, 203, 4, 517
Whale, a ship, 156
Will Hill. See Middleion, 209, 10
William and Francis, ship, 156
Windham, 22^
Windows, 403
Winter Island, 194-6
Winteis, 121
Wolves, 2G6-'J, 513
Wood, 121, 256
IND£I OF NAMES OF FEBSONS.
This win eontaia saeh nam**, aieapt tboM of the first Mttlart, from (t. 1S7 to p. 176,
and oircollagti iraduatai from p. 4iMI lo AM. Tha remark, uiulur ioUsx of subjocU,
■• to tsoa Of baodiMls, whicii liMW Um pa|es, will b« otwerveU h«r«.
Abbot, Bishop, 34
Abigail, an Indian, 14
Abne, Mr. 509
Accomintas, 12
Adam, Alexander, 486
Adams, Uaniei, 485, 6
Nehemiah, 376, 8
Richard, lG7,51b
Samuel, 436,
Samuel, 461
Adams, Susan, 516
lliomas, 52, 5, 6,
94, 107, 124, 8,
9,509
Thomas, 134-9
Ahawayeksquaine, 18
Ainsworib, Henry, 498
Robert, 486
Akerman, Mr. 332
AJden, Aboer, 484 <
Alderser, Samuel, 55, 6,
107, 124, 5, 9, 138, 9,
145,509
Alexander, Caleb, 486
Alger, Israel, 484
Allen, Robert, 289
Samuel, 221
Thomas, 221
Rev. 'I'homas, 407
Wm., 38, 171, 284
INDEX.
587
AUerton, Tsaae, 175, 20G,
373,516
Allin, Jos«pb,387
Ames, Joaufl, ITS
Theodore, 471,6
Rev, Wm. 172
Mr. 381
Andrew, R. A. 486, 7, 8
Andrew, John, 46*J
Aodrewa, Daniel, 389, 433
John II. 386,413
Joseph, ti5
Nathaniel. 367
Samuel, 44S, 3
Thomas, 107
Mr. 21/2
Androf, Sir Kdmund, 24,
l.ady, 315
Antrum. Thomas, 173, 5IC
Appietoo, Thomas, 503, 4
Archer, Kev. John, 14^-7
Jonathan, 377
Mr. 408
Arminiua, 34
Arnold, Andrew, 5Q9
Asfa, John, 486
Ashby, ADihony, 418
Benj. m
Air, 333
Aurer,\Vm.l7I,350,6l
4!28
A>res, Obadiab, 442
Bacbelder, ElizAheih, 516
Jos. 173. 516
Bacon, Lt Uaniel, 305
Jacob, 4i1
Michael. 287
Badeer, Mr 3S2
Bailey, Nathan, 486-8
Ebenezer, 488
Baker, John, 193
Wm. 407
Balcb, IWnj. 3.<i8
John, .*«, 171,80-2
John. 461
Ball. Mr. .T79
Ballard, Daniel, 107, 9
BancroA, Daniel 394
Thomas, 456
Barnard, John, 441 , 2
Barr, James. 407, 519
Mr. 185
BarthoJnmew, Henry,172,
287. 507
Bartlet, Mr, 452
Barton, John, Dr. 359
Samuel, 252
Basset, Michael. 319
Uai(er,Cdaiuud, 171,336,
435,516
Bayard, James, 488
Ueadle, Lemon, 421, 519
SaiHiid, 286,419
Thomas, 419
Beard, Thomas, 102, 167
Keaumont. Jolm, 167,516
Becket, Wm. 421
Mr. 283
Beech, Bern. Pierce, 367
Beecher, Thos. 110,139,
56
Bellingham, Richard, 55,
207, y. 10, 309
Beniiet, John, 167,515
lieniley, Kev. William, 8,
34U; teacher of fc^asi
school. 4,54,517, 19
Bemardi»tone, Catharine,
173, 515
Bemardistune, Sir Nath-
aniel, 515
Berry, I )aniel. 462
Bttst, John, 167. 516
Beits, John, 125
Biglow, Wm. hia school,
457, 86
Bingham, Caleb, 486
Samuel, 455
RillinjTS. William, 499
Black, William, an Indian,
ISO
Rlackleacb,John,l7I,24.')
niacLitnne, Wm. 88
Bliike. Mr. 322
Ulajiey, Joseph, .252, 456,
91
BIydon. S. Cleaveland,
492,5
Blyth, Samuel, 452
Air., limner, 307
Bohun. 4H6
Bolloker, John. 438
Roimyca.Hile, John, 485
Booth, 485
Borley, Capt. 113
norom«>o. Charles, 495
Bott. James, 381
Bourne, Herman. 474, 5
John. 167,75,417,
507
Bowdilcb, Ebeneier, Jr.
448,9
Nath. 485
Wm 208.287
Boyee, Joseph, Jr. 305
Robert, 360
Boyd, James, 506
Brackenbury, Kicliard,38,
44,122,51,72,208
Bradford, Wm., Gov. 37,
41,2,92,3,106-111,154-
9,515
Bradiiih, Billings, 413
BnuUiaw, Charles. 505
Job, 509
Joitepb, 509
Bradstreet, Simon, 151,
205, 7. 19, 412
Brand, Thomas, 84, 167
Hratile, Thomas, 502
Brazer, Kev. John, 346
Itreadcakc, Thomas, 194
Breed, Thomas A. 424
Brewerton. Sir Wm., pro-
positions as to Gorges's
patent, G2, 150
Briggs, .Samuel, 369
Bright, Rev. Francis, 69,
76. 6, 83-9} bis con-
tract,5IO-ll
Brinsley, John, 438, 519
Britton, David, 415
Edward, 421
Jolin. 421
Mr. 374
Brookhouse, Robert, 390
Brooks, A bner, 475-81
Samuel, 3Q4
Thomas, 375
Brown, Benj.bis douation,
444)
Benj 287.422
Goold, 436-ii
Hugh, 21, 1117
John, a lawyer,
55, 6, 66 ; re-
commended, 87
-9, 9t, no, 30,
1, 2.4. 5,6,9,
50.2,67
John, 172, 2M)
John, 44.1
Joseph, bis dona-
tion, 435, 9, 490
Kellam. 127
Mrs. 458
Mr. 113
Samuel, 55, 66 ;
recommended ,87,
9, 110,30, 1,2,4,
5.6,9,50.2.67
Samuel, 414. 23,
41.3,4; his dona-
tion, 445-6. 78
Thomas, 443
528
INDEX.
Brown, Thomas, 516
Wm.. 174, •426^,
31, 304, 74 ;
his dooatioD,
435.6
Wm. 175,374,97,
435, 43
Wm.28r>
Wm 411,423,519
BufBntoo, Zadoc, 4:23
Mrs., 4'24, 59
Budum, Joseph, 243
Joshua, 389
Samuel, 379
Mr, 508
Bulfinch, Susan, 496
Bullard, Uaiiiel, 509
Bullock, Henry, 167,516
Henry, 516
John, wounded,
419
Mary, 516
Susan, 516
Thomas, 516
Bulkley, Peter, "ilS
Mr., 314
Barges, Wm., 94
Burr, Aaron, 4S6
Burrill, Ezra, 318-333
Samuel, 470, 2,
92
Mr , 331
Bushnell, Fran., 168. 516
John, 168. 516
Marie, 516
Martha. 516
Bushord, Richard, 509
Button, Robert, 44, 174
Buxlorf, John, 438
Cabot, Francis, 415
George, 307, 8,492
George. 414
-Caesar, Charles. 55
Galley, John, 302
Camden, Wm., 164
Carli«lc, Rev. Thos , 380
Carlloo, Jona.T., 310
MichMti, R«v.406
MlM, 458
Oliver, 477
Wm.,377
Games, Wm., 467-9
Caron, Joseph, 107, 509
Carter, 486
Carver, John, 106
Cash, Capu Wm. 360
Chadwick, Gilbert, 376
ChaJmers, George, 54
Chamberlain, Mellen, 494|ComhiU, Samuel, 252
Chandler, Abiel, 4431
Cliapliu, Mr., 378
Charles I., 6, 34, 54, 8
II., 64. 103,215,
70, 363, 91
Cheever, Ames, 449
Benj., 378
David, 415
Ezekiel, 438
Ira, 471,2
Chickatalbot, Sagamore,
169
Choate, Amos, 480
Cicely, an Indian, 18, 28-
33
Clark, Catharine, 417
John, 405
John, 502
J. G.,4«8
Moses, 466
Mr. 107
Wm., 168, 417
Claydon, Barnaby, 66-99,
IG8
Rich'd , bis con-
tract, 66^99,
168,411
Qiflbrd, John, 194, 419
Coats, Belli., 3 16, 317,422
Cobbeit, 'rhos., Rev., +1
Coddiji^on, Wm., 151-2
Co^well, Robert, 3S2
Coke, Sir Kdward, 125
Colbron, William, 127, 9
Colburn, Warren, 4&5-8
Cole, Thomas, his school,
462
Coles, Elisha, 438. 86
Collins, widow, 420
Adouiram, 421
Francis, 240, 515
John, 405
Colston, Christopher, 129
Conaut, Roger, 9, II, 37,
8 ; statement, 39, 42,
77, 9, lOfi, 12, 22, 3,
63, 77, 82, 7 : peti-
tion, 200, S6, <iC, S'iU,
400,8
Conant, Roger, Jr., 167
land granted to him,
187
CoQcklin, Ananias, 186
Obailiah, 186
Coney, Mr. 53
Coovers, Augustus, 378
Cook, Edward, 107
Corlis, Ephraim, 320
Cotton, Kev. John, 436
Countess of Lincoln, 39,
148,260
Cowlsoo, Christopher, 52,
94, 177
Cowther, William, 509
Cox, Lemuel, (architect,)
308
Thomas, 76, 1 12
Cradock, Matthew, 41,
3, 7, 9, 52, 5, 6, 63,
75,88.90, 3, 101,7,
24-6,31, 8, 9.43,5,
205, 6, 373, 426, 609
Cradock, Rebecca, 36
Croade, Richard, 419
Crombie. Benj., 424
Cromwell, Jomi,dooation,
440
Thomas, 362
Cross, Joiieph. 322
Crowninshield, Clifford,
293
Cummings, David, 346
Jacob A., 484-6
Cufwin, George, 226, 39,
46, 409
Jonathan, 409
Mr.. +16
Gushing, Messrs., 378
Air, 383
Dabney, John, 329,330
Daboll, ftlr. 435
Daland, Benj., 'J92
Jolm, 3(i9
Dalrymple, James, 3&3
Dana, Mr. 484
Daniels, Mr , 288
Darby, William, 108, 11,
309
Dauys, Mr., 129
Davenport, Rev. John,43,
76, 84, 129, 34, 8
Richanl.44, 172,278
David, an Indian, 18, 28-
33
Davit, John 0., 461
Richard, 509
Robert, 320, 331
Day. James, 4r>5, 6,71
Timothy, 303
Dawson, Timoihy, 452
Dealland. Catharine, 442
Dean, John, 289
William, 413
Dearborn, John E., 477
Dennis, Capl., 293
INDEX.
529
Derby, EliaiH., 376, 393.
414, 15
Dert)y,EliasH,, 197,397,
44«,5aj
Ezekid li.,294, 309,
491
John, 375, 390, 397,
491
Richani, 195, G, 36C,
415
Samuel G, 491, 503
Oevereux, John, 14, U>3
Dexler, Tbooias, 180,507
Diamon, tienj., 33fi
Dick. Tboma:!, 4^8
DickuiHou, Jouailiaj), 313
Dilworili, rhoioas, 433
Dimao, James, Jr., 450, 1,
491
Dizv, John, 302, 3
William, 21, 17:2,300
D'Obleville, Lawrence,
505
Dodre, Wm., 99, IG8
Wm. a., 460, 78
81
Dodaley, Robert, 4£6
Donaisou, John, ^51
I)uoae°ao, James, 487
Dorland, George, 418
Dorrell, John, 45, 88
Dow, John, 80
Mr. 377
Downing, Emanuel, 134,
73,233,4,373,401,11,
17
Drake, Francis, 442
Samuel G. 14
Dreckan, Niiholas, 358
DuCange, 164
Dudley, Joseph, 57
'rliomas, his letter, 15,
39, 41-6, 127, 3t-«,
45; letter, 148,51,
t. 8, 9, 260. 401
DukAorVork. 'J23
Duke William, an Indian,
507
Dunlap, J. 375
Duncan, Mr., burned to
death, 376
Dunton, John, 313
Durbridge, Mr 67
Durieye, Henry, 509
Dwight, Mr. 4S6
Timothy, 519
Dycbe, '{"homas, 4S3-6
Eames, Theodore, 471, 6
Eaton, Theopbilus, 55, 6,
124,5,8,9,39,4.5,50,1
Echard, Lawrence, 26,438
Edgeriy, Peter, 333
Kdiaoud*, James, 52, 168
Edward VI 4o6
EdwardM, Joseph, ^3
Eedes. William, *J9, 168
Eliot, Uev. John. 15, 16
KIkins, Abigail, 421
EUinwood, Eheiiezer, 302
Kalph, 175,516
Elliot, Andrew, 33
Ellis, Francis, 4^0
El^ii. John, 249
Emerson, Kenj U. 4S4, 8
liev. Drown, 413
Frederick, 466, 71,
85, 8, y
John, 439, 40
Emerton, Kphraim, 382
Emory, Ur. George, 175,
286
EIndicott, Anna, 42; her
death, 47, 51,82
Gov. J.ilm, 9, 21,2,
40, 2, arrivHl, let-
ter, 43-8, 51,5,6.
8, letter lo, 75, 7,
8, 9, 80, 2. 4. 6, 8.
9,90,2,4,7,8, 11)0.
2. first Guvcriicirol'
Mass. IO«i, 108, 12,
15, 16, 23,5, 3U, 2,
5, 9, 40, 51, 6.8,
72, 7, grants, 178,
9, \?>, 2U7, III. 22.
.'J8, letier, -.'15, 53,
77, 8J, 4, his letter,
311,12,49,409,26,
7,509, 15
John, 2 ID
Zeruhbabel. 538
Epes. Daniel, 432, 5, 8
Daniel, 449
Elntrliih. I'hilip, S86, 30S,
412, 20
Entick, John, 436
Ervin, George, 29?
Kwstead, Uicbard, 84, 168
Fabens, Mr .129
Fairbanks, Richard. 326
Fairheld, John U. 488
Mr. 477
Farr, George, 100, 68
Farless, Ihomas. 380
Felniingham, Francis, 203
Felt, Joseph U. 461, 94
46
Felton, Amory, 465, 7
Heiij. 168,507
Cornelius C. 488
Ellen, 168,72.515
Nathaniel, 175. 84y
234
Oliver C. 471, 9^ 81
Fenniiig, D 483
Feniald, John, 320
Field, Barnum, 436
Mrs., burned to death,
374
Samuel, 374, 415
Fisher, George, ^85
Joseph, 377, 83
Fisk, Rev. John, 168, 427
Filch. Mr. 202
Flint, Jolin, 507
Mr. 2K4
Fogeriy, Butler. 456
Fugg, Ralph, 172,342, 61,
rM
Foord, Edward, 509
Foote, Caleb, 328
Font, James, 413, 48.9,
52
Fowie, Wm. B. 484, 6, 8,
5i9
Fowler, Abigail, School
dame. 450
Fowls, Ruth, 421
Fox, Charles, 488
Mr 320
Foxcrafte, George, 65, 6,
r:9, 509
Foye. Mr. 378^
Franklin, Ucuj. 328, i(A.
35 '
Eraser, \. 465
Freeman, ^jir Ralph, 54
Fru»l, John. iHS
Fruthiiiifham, Joseph, 383
Frye. Mr.456
I'eier, 448
Fuller, Dr. Saml.- 47, 92,
3, 169
Jcsso, 333
•jimothy, 241
Gace, John, 64
Cage, Gen. Thos. 351,93
Gale. Rariliolomew, 239
Edmund, .301
James, 467, 9, 71
Samuel, 449
William, 448
Gallop, Daniel P 479
Gardner, Ikiijamin, 382
Francis, 486
630
INDEX.
Gardner, John, 305
JoMuh, 41:2, 18
Mr. Ii3
. Richard, IGR, 3G2
< Richard, 461, 7«, 9,
Samuel, 28-2%
'l^oinas. 'i36
Garreuon, Mr. ■UiG
Gatchell, Jeremiah, 305
Jubii, Ili3, i)8
Gaudeu, Clizab«ifa, 451
1 leary, -ii
Gayetie, Mr. 504
Geduey, |}aribolomew,33,
tn, «a
John, 172, '281, 417,19
Mary, 172, 4'2I
William, :;t>8, 87
Geor?e Riimuey Marsh,
17, 18
Saearaore, 13, 19,!23,
III. 436
Gerrish, CapL 336
James .S. 4<".5, 70, 1
Juhu. 444, 8
Mr. -2>:9
Gibboiw, Edward, 14,247
Jotliam, 14
Glbbs, Johu. 1 12
Giebe. John, .V)3
Gill, Mary, 451
Gingle, John. 210
Glauwing, John, 07
Glover, Jolui, 5U9
Goady, Ctemeul, 359
GofTe, Thomas, 41,62, 5,
8 1, y3, 107,21,9,39,43,
8,51
Goldihwait, Samuel, 420
Samuel, Jr. 421
Goodale, Nathan, 449, 50,
91
Goodhue, Henjamin, 201
Jtenj. 369, 491
Joba, 378
William, 422, 3
Goodridgc, Mr. 504
Gookin,l>aniel. 12
Gordon. Mr. 4><5
Gorges, Sir Ferdinando,
38,42,215
John, Vi, G2, 79, 88
Robrri, his territory,
4f>, Ct, terrilory to l>e
settled, 79, 9i, IG2
Gott,Clias.44, II0,G8,83
Goudiof , Lot, 359
Graham, James, 243
(•rant, Joliu, 424
Graves, Uichard, 1G8, his
Wile. 174, 5 IG
Thoma<4,lii!i contract,
C:i. 4, 5, had been a
traveller, 80, 2, 9,
109, GH, 403
Gray, Alouzo, 4«8
John, 45.', 4, G, long
Hu inNlrucior, 405
Samuel, 3K0
Th.imas, IG8, 9
William, ;i7G, 423, 4,
68
William, 455
Green, Julio, .--urgeon, 5IG
Ucv. Joseph, 189,
24r., CG. 79, 302
Greenlcaf, Alfred, 472, 4
Beiijamiu, iHd
Grove, John, 487
(Jrover, Kdward, 1G8,78
Gruiid, Francis J. 488
Giiijine, William, 4.SG
Gwyuu. Thomas W. 383
Hacker, Isaac, 433, long
a teacher. 4G3
(laines, Thomas, 420
Hale, Joseph, 479, 80
Nathan, '»i6
Itobcrt, 302
ilall, Jului,2l8
Messrs. 3dl
Halley, Kdniund, 4B3
Hamilton, Andrew, 3^G
Henry I 474, 7
Hancock, JdIiu, 43G
llanscumhe.l'hits. i^i,IG9
Hanson, Klijnli A .'Kili
llarbcn, John, I(i9 5IG
llardie, SaniuH, Z:i
Hardy, Joseph. l7.i,23G
Haraian, Koger 98
Harret, Mr. (i7
Harris, (Jeorge, 169,235
Hart. Ahijah, 448
Benjamin, 327
Harwood, (u-orsje, 52, 3,
94, 107,29,49,309
Henrv, 174, 307
Haskins. Uoger, 301
Kuih, .'{01
Flalhome. F.ben, 286
Kli, 374
Joliii,.-<80
William, 172,87,222,
6,343,507
Haugbton, Henry, 101, his
death. 148, 6>j
Haward, Kichard, 99, 169
Hawes, Caut. 380
llayward, John, 326
J lazard, Ebeiiezer, 43, 5,
6, G9
Hildersham, Arthur, G8
Hcnfield, Joseph, iUS, S39
Herrick. Henry, ,172, 338
llew>on, John, 3z
Thos. 124, 277, 309
HigginNon, Kev Fiancis,
G, 7, 9, 10, 12, 23,
7, 67, contract, G8,
reasons lor encour-
aging colony, 69,
oujections answer-
ed,7l-4,3,6,>3.9,
109, his journal and
letter, I ll>-24, 33,
8,69,212,30,3,4,
Co, I, 2, 74, con.
tract, 31 1
Rev. Johu, 13,13,17,
24. 83, 1 69, pays
rent for land under
M<-i3on's claim,220,
UG, 4:)o
John, 28.33, 287
John, 192, 441, 517
Alury, her death, 1 13
Naihaiiiel, 1%, 441
.Slephin, .'187
llildrelh, Mr. 3.'<3
I lilliard, Joseph, 303,518
Margaret, 381
Hill, John, sen., 33, 167,
315
I.ydia. 619
Mr »«.>
J'hilip 287
Hirst, William, 28-.12, 374
Hitchcock, Kdw. i43, 488
Ho<lder, Jain<>s, 437
Hudson, Daniel, 3<i9
Hol^rave, Johu, 172, 235,
417
Hollingworth, Eleanor,
419.20
Elizabeth, 316
IJichard. Ili9,92, 516
Richard, 316
Susan, 316
Susan, 316
William, 316
Holman, Dea. 411
Jonathan. 384
Mary, 458, 63
INDEX.
531
Holmes, John, IU5
Obadiah. I7J,I8G
Holyokc, Edward A. i:49,
m, 9G, 313
SajnufI, 5U0
Hood, Jacob, 471, 2, 4, 6,
8
Hook, Elias, 377
Messrt 5U4
Hopkiiu, Paniel, opens a
school, 150, 50G
John, 172,83, 5>31, 84
Houltob, Benj. 4'2I
Hovey, Jotiech, 317
Howard, John, '^8i
Howel, 'i7i'
Hubbard, Rev. William,
7,9.30-9,41,6, Ijii
Hughes, Ariiiur, 337, 8
Humpiirey, John, 40, 35
6, 6G, 8, 9<», 4, li'7, 9,
34, 8, 51, 7:!. 99. '20^,7
11,34,303,73,427,309,
17
Hunt, Dea. 41 1
Thomas, 382
Hutchios. Thomas, 53, G,
l(f». 38, 309
Huichioson, Kichard, 173.
•243
Mr 483
Thomas, 68,9, 110
16, at, 7, protes:
a^i^inst incorporau
ill' Danven, 213
HurlstoQ,Micbolas, 136
Ingalls, Ephraim, 422
Ingersoli, INaihaniel, 169,
418, 19, 20
Ricbani, 99, 169,300
Ingfram, Mr. 488
Iroaside, Mr. 129
Israel, an Indian, 28-33
Ives, Benjamin, 192
Jackson, John, 173, 373,
6IG
Margaret, 173, 516
Mr 437
James, Rrasmus, 169, 228
I 36.- 78
H. 27, 220
Rumney Marsh, 18,
28-33
Jansen. Sir Rrian, 131
Jeak, IVIr. 483
Je^Terds, Samuel, 376
Jediray, Wm. 88, 169,201
Jeffry, \Vm. 448
Jenkins, Secretary. 219
Joaue, an Indian, 18, 28-
33
Jocclyn, Edwin, 4C7, 81
lohu, an Indian, 18,28-33
Johnson, Lady Arbella,
136, at Salem. 161
Edward, 120,36,61,
216
Frajicis, 172, his pe
tiiion, 177
Isaac, 41, 32, 3, 6,
67, 81, his beiieA-
ceuce, 117, 27, 9,
30, 4. 8, 4.5, 32, 309
Samuel, 486
Walter K. 461
Johnston, Thomas, 302
Jones, Mr. 4.S3
Sir William, 216
William. 317
Josselyn, John, 120, 237,
8, 9, 263, 6, 9, 273, 403
Kendall, David, 437
K'mg, Daniel, 418, 19
Samuel, 226
Kitchen, Edward, 367
Kuapp, Jacob, his school,
438,9,61
Knight, Walter, 38, 169
Lackey, Albert, 478, 80, 1
Lafayette, Gen. 294, 424
Lake, Wm. 338, 418, 19
Ajin, 419
Lambert, John, 239
Lamperd, Mrs. 438 •
Lamson, Thomas, 373
Lancaster, Joseph, killed,
467-8
Lander, Peter, 376
l.aug, Edward, 43t, 62
Laud, Bishop Wm. 34
Law, Rev. Andrew, 300
Lawrence, Cliloe, 470
Leader, Mr. 282
Leavil, CapU 136,69
llev. Dudley, 448
William, 478
I-eavitt, Mr. 484
Lech ford, Thomas, 344
Leach, Lawrence, 84,172
Legg, John, 169, 2-J8
Leonard. George, 483
Nathaniel, 282
Thomas. 282
Leslie, Col. 183
Leverett, Frederic P. 486
Lewis, Alonzo, 14, 18
Liudall, James, 305
Timodjy, 28-33, 336,
7+
Timothy, 413, 90
Mrs. 2o7
Lilly, William, 486
Lindsey, Elizabeth, 421
Lord, William, 173, 236
Loring, Joshua, 384
Lovejoy, Joseph, 383
William. 325
Lovel, Thomas. 109, 218
Low, Adrian, 323, tHi'i
Jonathan, 319, 33
Lowe. John. 136
Lowih, Robert, 486
Ludlow, Roger, I3i
Lunt, Ezra, 317
Lusconib, Samuel, 387
Lylord, Rev. John, 37, 8,
93, 169
Lynde, Benjamin, 226, 8,
318, 446
Benj. .'567, 446, 90
iVlxs. 228, 318
Mack, Elisha, 476
Maio, Mr. 67
Mair, William, 483
Malbon, John, 32, 169
iMann, Horace, 481
Manning, Robert, 322
Samuel, 321
William, 322
Mansfield, Matthew, 415
Manstrcye, Nathaniel, 309
Marble, Samuel, 189
Marston, Benjamin, 414
Benj. 241,490
Ben|. 240
William. 293
Martin, Mr. 379
Martyn. Sir Henry, 132
Alar Vohannan, 482
.Mascoll, John, Jr; 339
Masconnomet, 23, 23D
Mason, Ann, 214
Content, 219
Jane, 214
John, 36, 209, his fa-
mily, 214, 21
John r. 214, 220
Joseph, 214
Robert, 214,15, 16,20
Thomas, 25>3
Massey.Jeflrey, 172,235,
343
533
INDEX.
Mass«y, John, Jr. 301
Joha,::86. 300,1,417
Masujy, David, i'tS
Mather, Cotton, 7, 9
Alatibews, Andrew, 63
John L. 3^
Made, John, 444
TIromas, 358. 74,411
Maurie, Roger, 172,277
Alaverick, Aiuses, 173,:!0C
Samuel, 16
McCloy, Mr. 385
Alclniire, Samuel, 394
Samuel, IU7
McMulleo, Mr. 383
Meachem, John, 339
Meare, Mr. 1 13
Meriton, G. 438
Merritt, H D. & Co. 332
Milborne, Peter, 156
Milbume, Mr. 124
Milke, John, 365
Miller, Sydrach, 52, IG9
Milner, Mr. 4tf7
Miims,Chloe, 461,70
'Mitchel. Frederic, 322
Mitchell, S. Augu:itus,4£^
Aloises, Henry, 337
Monroe, President James,
in Town HaJI, 3'J8
Monlowampaie, 15
Moore, J. l^lamilton, 485
Mordecay, his cut, "35
More, Capu 418, 19
Morey, Francis, 286
Morgan, Uixey, •'^83
Morie, Koeer, 277
Morley, Robert, barber
aurgeon. 63
Morse, Jedediah, 4S4, 6
Richard, .T20
Richard, 321
Morton, Nathaniel, 43,110
Thomas, 41, 2. 3, 108,
at Salem, lOU
Motley, Mr. 378
MoultoQ, Robert, 84, 100,
2, 32, 69
Mourt, Georee, 14, 228
Mulkey, Mr. 478
Munsoo, Mr. 4<j9, 500
Murray, Lindley, 484, 6
Newhall, Isaar, 383
1'bomas, 318
Nichols, George, 476, 493
M rs. , burned to death ,
383
William F., 385
Niles, Rev Samuel, 498
Noble, John, 327, 32
Joseph, 384
Nonnumpauumhow, 18,
28-33
Norman, John, 1C9, 286
Richard, 33, 169
Richard, Jr. 38, 169
Norris, Edward, 169, 4i7,
32,5
Edw. 328, 449, 51,4
E. &, J. 379
John, 3:i5
Mr. 381
Northend, Chas. 4.T0, 1
Nonhey, David, 387
Nehemiah, 392. 448
Norton, George, 172, 401
Mr. 84
Nowell, Increase, 52,5,6,
90. 107. 27, 9, 32, 9,
204,509
Noyes, Belcher, 452
H 33J
Nurse, Jona. 421
Thomas, 322
Nutting, John, 443, 4, 8
John, Jr 453
Nye, Rev. Philip, 142-7
Naaepasbemet, killed,
children, forts, 14, 228,
35
Neal, Jonathan, 380
TbomaK, .126
Med, aa ladiaa, 507
Odiiu, Elisha, 421
Ofleild, Joseph, 509
OldcasUe, Mr. 485
Oldham, John, 37,42,5,
63. 62, 4, 78, 9, 88, 92,
109, 12, 23
Olive, Mr. 506
Oliver, Dr. Benj. L. 380
Heni7K.462,6,47l,
Thomas, 169,88,285,
344,58
Olmstead, Denison, 488
OIney J. 488
Oonsumog, John, 28
Orne, Eliznbeth, 376
Joseph, 447
Osbom, George, 369, 493
Outen, Rebecca, 359
Paley, William, 488
Palsgrave, Francis, 187,
200,357
Palfrey, Peter, 38, 172,
82,235
Palmer, Abraham, 509
Jonathan, 327
Parker, Charles. 385
Daniel, 457, 63, 6, 7
Richard G.,486,8
Parkman, Deliverance,
411
Parnel, Benjamin, 421
Parsons, Josiah, 379
Pauldon, William, his do-
nation, 443
Peabody, Francis, 508
Joseph A. 412, 92
Peach, Lot, 319
Pease, (Tapt. John, 169,
224
RolTert, 169, 278
Peele, William, 385
Peirce, Jerathmel, 379
Nathan, 379
Peirson, Mr. 471
Pelham, Herbert, 90, 253
Percie, Marmaduke, 169,
516
Perkins, Aaron, 385
David, 384 •
Thomas, 384
Perry, Francis, 169, 33G
Horatio, 332
Richard, 52, 5, 6, 107,
29, 34, 509
William, 484, 5, 6
Peter, Ephraim, 28
Peters,Hugh, 48,92, 173,
sermon, z04, land, 284,
5(n,9
Philip, King, 17, 18, 212
Phillips, George, 152
James, 287, 421
Rev. John, 170,211,
12
Stephen, 379
Slephra C. 461, 8S,
Phips, Spencer, 213
Pickering, John, 170,411
John, 4:i5
John, 487
Timothy, 415, 50
Timothy, 369, 491
William, 41 1
Picket, Albert, 484
Pickman, Benj. 288, 342,
491
Benj. 202, 397, 413,
58,91
Clark G. 367, 519
INDEX.
533
Pickworth, John, 170,515
Pierce, Bejijainin, 32^
Rev.JobD, D D.490
William, 98, 102, 56,
69
Pike, Nicholas, 485
Pilgrim, John, 374
PiDcbioo, William, 55, 6,
1*7.9,30,4,9,267
Mrs. 349
Mr. 453
PiDckham, Isaac, 321
Pindar, tiimoa. 321,3
Pipoo, John, 359
Pocock. John, 34, 129
Poor, Daniel A. 469,71
Rev. Daniel, 436
Pope, Alexander, 518
Joshua, 384
Porter, Ebenezer, 517
Kbenezer, 484
Israel, 28, 33.
John, 421
Nathaniel, 170, 387
Poqaanum, 18
PraU, John, sureeoo, 62,
139
Mr. 4«), 1,43
Prescou, Benjamin, 189
Preston, Samuel, 465
Price, Hev. Dr. 4^7
Walter, 174,226,430
Waller, 441,90
Prince, John, 237
Dr. 415
Samuel, 374
Thomas, 37, 8, 75,
14a
Procter, William, 379
PuUifer, David, 384
Pulyston, Thomas, 91
Punkapoags, 12
Pulnam, Asa, 421
Ebeuezer, 330, 492
Rufus, Jr. 474, 9
Samu«l, 202, 229
Pynehon, see Pinchion
Ray, Daniel, 170,284,615
Raymond, Mr. 382
Kea, John, 332
Joshua, 420
Reed, Nathan, 453
Reeves, John, 170, 516
Revell, John, 124, 39, 45
William, 140
Reyner, Rev. John, 80
Richards, Rev. John, 494
Richardson, Naih'l, 196
Rickman, Isaac, 102, 170
Kipley, Mr. 500
Robbins, Mr. 288
Mr. 381
Robinson, Andrew, 518
James, 485
Rev. John, 88,
93, 106
Samuel, 358
Samuel, 423
Rodriquez, Col. 476
Rogers, Abigail, 453
Rev. John, 436
Nathaniel, 456, 7, 8
Robert, 461
Ropes, Benjamin, 421
D^vid, 423
Henry, 415
John. 389
Rosiler, Edward, 139
Koswell, Sir Henry, 40, 55
Uowe, Mr. 129
Ruck, John, 28-3.1, 170,
87, 8,-2C2. 5, 418
Thomas, 187
Rugg, Mr. 383
Rust, Daniel, 378
Henry. 292
Ryall, William, 84, 170,
210
Queen Anne's arms, 390.
408
Quaeo Elizabeth, 313
Quincy, Edmund, Esq.
252
Josiah, Hon. 494
Raikes, Robert, 495
Raleigh, Sir Waller, 78,
252
{UveqscroA, Thomas, 498
SafTord, Abraham, 422
Nathaniel, 506
Joshua, 385
Sagamore of Agawam,
15, 188, 20y, 507
George, 13, 4, 6,7
his death, 18, 28
207,507
James, 13, 14, 15
John, 13, 14, bis will,
16, 17, 154
Philip^ 17
Salmon, Thomas. 486
Saltmarsh, Deborah, 423
Sallonstoll, Levered, 346
Sir Richard, 41, 55,
6, 62, 81, 99, 107,
27, 9, 30, 4, 8, 45,
52, 509
Sam, an Indian, 18,28-33
Sampson, Ezra, 484
Sanders, Mr. 287
Sanderson, Elijah, 382
Sarah, an Indian, 18
Saul, Mr. 379
Savage, Ezekiel, 382
James, 516
Thomas, 374
Savary, Mr. 382
Sawyer, Edward, 463,6
Scarlet, IJenj. 170, 515
Schickard, William, 438
Schrevelius, Cornelius,
487
Scubie, John, 380
Scullay. James, 455
Scon, William, 484
Scruggs, Thomas, 172,427
Scale, Humphrey, 92, 4,
151
Sewall, Jonathan, 448
Stephen, 349, 441
Shadocke, Samuel, 358
Shamin, Michael, 173,516
Sharpe, Henry, 314,5, 420
Samuel, 51, his con-
tract, 54, 63, hii
contract, 65, 6, 75,
CI. 2, 3, 6, 9,99,
100, 11,39,51
Thomas, 127, 139
Shailuck, Sam'l, 174, 419
Sliepard, Rev. Thomas,
Sherloi, Henry, 505
Slierwin, I'homas, 483
Shickaialbot, 15
Shimmin, Charles, 451
Silver, CapL 377
Simpson, John, 338
Skeiion, Rev. Samuel, 69,
75,6,83,9. 93, 109, 34,
5, 8, 5G, 70, laud granu
ed, 178, 267, 77,. con-
tract, account, 511-13
Skerry, Francis, 173,286,
358
Skinner, Walter, 338
Small, John, 170, 516
Smiley, Mr. 486
Smilh, Caleb, 385
Jeremiah, 453
John, 6, 12, 13, 36,
09, 120, 243
John, 286
Joseph, 325
534
INDEX.
Smith, Mr. 165
Mr. 140
Rev. RHlpb, 79, 80,
114,75
Roswell C. 485, 8
Waller, 421
William, 313 '
Smyth, John, 509
Soell, Mr 485
Saeiling, John, 390
Joiiaihan, 454
Somerviile, Mr. 422
Sophocles, Evangelimus
A. 487, 8
Souihcoat, Thomas, 40,
55
Southwick, Lawrence,
17:5, 86
Spauldtu?, Rev. Joshua,
460
Sprague, Joseph E. 329,
30, 492
Ralph, 44, 5, 6, 170,
5lo
Richard, 44, 5, 6, 170,
515
William, 44, 6. 6, 170,
515
Spunlowe, Mr. 128,34
Siackhouae, Richard, 170,
300
Slary, John, 420
Siajiiford, VVm. 4P5, 6
Slaiidley, Henry, 392
Slearns, James, 38 1
Sarah \V. 385
William. 369
Steele, .Mr. 321
Slephena. Mr. 419
Stetson, Prince, 424
Stevens, Ann, 420
Moset, 463, 5
1'homas, 64
Thomas, 509
Mr^4l9
Mr 504
Steward, Aotipas, 451, 2
Slirkney, William. 335
Slileman, Elias, ITZ, 417
Stoddard, S. 486, 8 •
Stodder, Mr. 379
Stone. John, 170. 299, .300
Stoii^iton, William, 215
Story, Joseph, 484
Sulhvau, Wm. 484
Sweet, John. 170, 229, 83
Swinnerton, Dr. Johu,5l9
John, 4 i3, 4
Symmes, Rev. Thoa. 498
Symonds, James, 236
Tailer, William, 315
Tapley, Gilbert, 420
Joseph, 421
Tappan, I5eitj. 461
Tarbell, John, 4*7
I'awley, Mr. 286
Temple, .Samuel, 485
Teyler, Henj. 318
Thomas, an Indian, 28, 33
Thomas, Isaiah, 484
Beiiy, 508
Thresher. Mr. 287
Throjjraorton, John, 170,
515
TiUlen, Niles, 378
Tillet, John. 154
rill.e, Hugh, 99, 170
I'odd. Jutin, 333
I'omkins, Catherine, 174,
516
Elizabeth, 516
Marie, 516
Kalph. 170,516
iSamuel, 516
Totten, a 488
I'owers, Mr. 488
I'ownn, Jacob, 170, 515
Stephen, 333
Towndrow, Mr. 479
I'rask, John, 3115
William, 41,172, 80,
2, 7, 215, 53, 358,
427
William. 420
Treadwell, Mr. 401
ruflTiieale, Richard, 509
Tufion. Jaue, 214
John, 214
Tufts, Rev. John. 490, 8
Turland, John, 353
Turner, John, 241
John, 241, 303, 446
John, 424
Mr. 485
William. .'M6
Tuttle, Mr. 378
Tyler, Thomas, son of
Masconomet, 239
Upham, Rev. Charles W.
497
Valpy, Richard, 487
Variicy, Soloman, 385
Vassal, Ann. 516
Ann, 516
Francin, 516
Vassal, John, 516
Judith, 516
Margaret, 516
Mary, 516
Samuel, 52, 5, 1S9,
515
William, 55, 6, 127,
9, 34, 9, 70, 252,
615
Venn. John. 55, 6, 62, 128,
9, 34, 3, 9, 509
Verin, Billiard, 175,411
Jo!>hua, 170,516
Philip. 172,235,516
Very, Mr. 317
Viral. George, .503, 5
Robert, 503, 5
Vossius, Gerard J. 486
Walch, David, 453
Walcot, Josiah, 441
WalcoU^'Samnel B. 461
Wales, John. 219
Walgrave, Mr. 90
WaJkcr, James, 486, 8
Capt. 129,34,47,60
Walsh, Michael, 485
Walter, William, 448, 9
Walton, Rev. William,
60, 171,205
Wappacowei or Webco-
wei, 14
Ward, Joshua, 349,415,58
Miles, 2S», 91
Rev. Nathaniel, 142
Warwick, Earl, 131
Washborne, John. C2, 4
Washington. (Jeorge, 309,
presentation of, 395
Waterman, Richard, ven«
ison hunter, 84, 171
Waters, IJenj. 302, 421
John, 386
Richard, 171,418
Thomas, 420
WaUoo, John, 451, 3, 4
'i'homas, 173, 285
VVatUwtinnusk, 28-33
VVaye, George, 509
Wayland, Francis, 488
Webb, Benjamin, 423
Fraitcis, to have a
mill, 92,9, 129,71,
509
Jonathan, 375, 422
Jonathan, 423
Webcowei. 14, 15
Webster. Noah, 484, 6
VVeeb, Daniel, 419
INDEX.
535
Welch, Mr. 485
WelU, Philip, 333
West. Wenry, 359
John. r>4
Nathaniel, 381, 424
Nicholas, 127
Thomas, 33, 171
WhartuD, Edward, 403
Whetcomhe, Simon, 40.
62,5,(5, 107,24,9,
32 4 5<i9
Whipple,' oiiver, M. 196
Whiiaker, Kev. Naih'l,
374
Whiirhcolls, Charles, 509
Whiicbcot, Rev. Benj. 56
While, Kev. John, (), 36,
7,8.9.40, 1,8,99,
138, 42, 3, 52
John, 92, 6, 138, 509
John, 171,515
Kalph, 67 *
Whitman, Samuel, 438
Whitleniore, (widow) 381
Whyle, Kdmund, |07
Hichard, 107
Wiffffin, George, 333
WiJkms, liny, 210
WUkins, Daniel, 444
John H. 488
William, an Indian, 209,
10
WUIiams, Henry, 293
Mascoll,328, 9, 519
|{oger, 73, 171
Samuel, 359
Thomas K. 378
Wibion, Kev. John, 16
II. ■iSh
Lambert, chirurgeon,
85, 171
Winnapurkitl, 17
Winihrop, Henry, drown-
ed, 15^
John, 16,36,41, 106,
27, 30, 4, 8, 9, 40,
5, 9, parting ad
dress, 152, 4, on
benevolence, 154,
6,7, 59,60, 1,79,
245. 6, 53, 61, 8,
77,82, 311, 12,41
John, Jr. 23, 171, 205
Siephen, 138
Wolridpe, William, 98
Wood, Elizabeth, 516
Wood, Wm. 12, 111,20,
71, 206, 35,42,7,
6y. 76
William, 171,516
Woodbridge, Wm. 486
Woodbury, Huinplirey,
21, 40, 175
Israel, 384
John, 38, visits Eng-
land, 40, 172,182,
336 . .
Josiah, 377 " '
William, 33, 173
Worcester, Joseph E.461,
86, 8
Rev. Samuel, 496
Wright, George, 171,300
Nathaniel. 52, 5, 6,
124, 5, 3. 9, 31, 2,
4, 8, 9, 45, 51
Wymaii, Mrs. 385
Vawalaw, 28, 33
Young, Rlr. 486
James, 145
James, 333
John, 40, 55, 134
Richard, 509
ADDENDA TO INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
£a^, ship, 124, 31, 3, called Arbeila,
Government of Colony, 42, 54, 5, 6, 7,
75, called council of .Massacliu
sella Uay,77,o8, called govcru-
inenl and council of London
plantation, oliicers, 89-90, oaih^
of officers, 91, 3, 4, pa|)ers, 9H,
Uau«lcr, 126-SO, vole for remo-
val, 134, ia Loatloa and iu
Colony. 137, Wblfarop succeedj
Eiidiouil. 157
Goveninieui of Town. S')5-46
of City, »16-4a
I'est House, 192, 3
Physicians, 85, 125, 39
Talbot, ship, 67, 76, 84, 106, 12, 3, 5,
39,60
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