The annals of Tacitus. P. Cornelii Taciti annalium ab excessu Divi Augusti libri

THE

ANNALS OF
TACITUS

EDITED BY

HENRY FURNEAUX

SECOND EDITION

Revised 6y H. F. PELHAM
andC. D. FISHER

VOLUME I • Books i-6

il

THE

ANNALS OF
TACITUS

Edited by
HENRY FURNEAUX

Volume II : Books 11-16

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THE ANNALS OF TACITUS

FURNEA UX

VOL. I.

Oxford University Press, Ely House, London W. i

GLASGOW NEW YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE WELLINGTON

CAPE TOWN SALISBURY IBADAN NAIROBI LUSAKA ADDIS ABABA

BOMBAY CALCUTTA MADRAS KARACHI LAHORE DACCA

KUALA LUMPUR HONG KONG TOKYO

p. CORNELII TACITI

ANNALIUM AB EXCESSU DIVI AUGUSTI LIBKI

THE

ANNALS OF TACITUS

EDITED

WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES

BY

HENRY FURNEAUX, M.A.

FORMERLY FEI.LOW AND TUTOR OF CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE, OXFORD

VOL. I: BOOKS I — VI

SECOND EDITION

OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

First edition 1883
Second edition 1896

Printed lithographically from the sheets of

the Second Edition

1934, 1956, 1962, 1965, 1968

PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, OXFORD

BY VIVIAN RIDLER

PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.

In sending out, after nearly thirteen years' interval,
a new edition of this portion of the Annals, much of the
Preface of 1883 has to be repeated, with additional
acknowledgment of new sources of information since
that date.

The text is now that of Halm's fourth edition (1883),
which has, however, been departed from in several places,
for reasons griven in each case \ In accordance with
several suggestions, I have now added brief critical
notes, which, it is hoped, will sufficiently show the
actual Medicean text, wherever it has not been retained,
and the originator of that adopted in its place, as well
as a few of the other emendations proposed. For all
fuller information on this subject, the apparatus criticus
of Baiter (in Orelli's edition) and Ritter (1863) must be
consulted ^.

The sections into which the chapters are sub-divided
will be familiar to those acquainted with the Oxford
text (Parker, 1869) : they have been also specified in

' See notes on i. lo, 3; 11, i ; 29, 2; in the ' editio princeps.' Where Baiter

32, 3 ; 34> I ; 2. 8, 4; 13, 3; 22, 3; 24, and Ritter differ in their citation of the

.S ; 30> 2; 3. 18, I ; 19, 2 ; 20, 3; 61, 2 ; MS. I have generally followed the latter,

4- 33i 4 i 37) 5 ; 44, 5 ; 59> 5 > 71, 5 > 6- hut I have sometimes been able to correct

II, 7 ; 19, I ; 41, I. both by means of Andresen's Programm

^ I have omitted notice of many faults ' De codicibus Mediceis Annalium Taciti,'

of spelling, or other unmistakable cor- Berlin, 1892.
riiptions in the MS., corrected once for all

\-i PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.

all references to other parts of Tacitus ; which will, as
it is hoped, greatly lessen the labour of consulting
them '.

In preparing the commentary all the principal editions
have been freely used. Among earlier ones, especial
obligation must be acknowledged to Walther's full
summary of the chief textual criticism down to his
own date (Halle, 1831), and the valuable edition of
Ruperti (Hanover, 1834), in which all the Excursus of
Lipsius, and the chief results of the labour of other
commentators down to that time are brought together.
Amonor later editions those most consulted have been
Ritter (Cambridge, 1848), Orelli (2nd ed., by Baiter,
Zurich, 1859), E. Jacob (2nd ed., Paris. 1885), Draegcr
(5th ed., Leipzig, 1887), Pfitzner (2nd ed., Gotha, 1892),
and Nipperdey (9th ed., by G. Andresen, Berlin, 1892),
also the editions of two American scholars, that of Pro-
fessor Holbrooke (London. 1882) and that of Professor
Allen (Boston, 1890).

To these, most especially to Nipperdey and Andresen,
I am repeatedly and constantly indebted ; and it is the
more necessary for me here to acknowledge my general
obligation in the most emphatic manner, inasmuch as
the special sources of each note are often too complex
to be easily stated.

Among separate works bearing on the criticism and
interpretation of the text, those most used have been
tlie old ' Lexicon Taciteum ' of Potticher (Berlin. 1830),
and as much as has appeared of the complete and ex-
haustive new Lexicon of Gerber and Greef (Leipzig,
1877-1895)", also Draeger's valuable treatise ' Ueber

' Similar sections .are given, in citations four 'fnsciculi' had appeared ; I have now

of Livy and other prose authors, from the been able to use twelve, containing 1,376

Teubner texts. P'tge^, down to ' ieli(|iius.'

" At the date of my fust edition only

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. vii

Syntax und Stil des Tacitus' (3rd ed., Leipzig, 1882),
Pfitzner, ' Die Annalen des Tacitus kritisch beleuchtet '
(Halle, 1869), Johann Muller, ' Beitrage zur Kritik und
Erklarung des Cornelius Tacitus' (3rd section, Ann.
I-VI, Innsbruck, 1873), and dissertations by Ritter
(Rheinisches Museum, 1861, 1862)', and E. Wolfflin-.

In illustration of the subject-matter much use has
been always made of Mommsen's ' Romisches Staats-
recht,' and of his ' Res gestae Divi Augusti,' or edition
of and commentary on the ' Monumentum Ancyranum/
also of Marquardt's ' Romische Staatsverwaltung,' Fried-
laender's ' Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms '
(5th ed., Leipzig, 1881), Otto Hirschfeld's ' Untersuch-
ungen auf dem Gebiete der Romischen Verwaltungs-
geschichte'( Berlin, 1876), and Dean Merivale's 'History of
the Romans under the Empire.' New editions of some
of these works have appeared since the date of my first
edition ^, and many additions and alterations had con-
sequently to be made in statements based on them ;
also since then the two parts of the third volume of the
' Staatsrecht ' have appeared (Leipzig, 1887, 1888), and
a flood of light has been shed on the whole condition
of the Provinces by the fifth volume of Mommsen's
'Romische Geschichte ' (Berlin, 1885) \ Various obli-
gations to a large number of other works, which have
been consulted for more special purposes, will be found
mentioned in their places.

' See Intiod. i p. 8, n. i. from the second (Berlin, 1R83), Mar-

' For full references to these see Introd. quardt's 'Staatsverwaltung' from the

V. p. 38, n. 5. References to many other second (Leipzig, 1 881 -1885).

works bearing on special points will be * In citing this I have given refer-

found in various places in the Introduction ences both to the original work, and

and notes. also to the English translation, ' The Pro-

' The first nnd second volumes of the vinces of the Roman Empire' (London,

' Staatsiecht' are now cited from the third 1886).
edition (^Leipzig, 18S7}. the ' R. G. D. A.'

viii PREFACE TO THE SECOXD EDITION.

The first edition had also derived vakiable assistance
from two unpubHshed sources.

Mr. T. F. DalHn, M.A., late Public Orator in the
University of Oxford, and formerly Fellow and Tutor
of Queen's College, had originally undertaken an edition
of this portion of the Annals for the Delegates of the
University Press ; and the materials collected by him,
unfortunately far less than could have been desired \
were entrusted to me after his death, to be used as
I thought fit -.

Most kind and valuable assistance was also rendered
to me by the Venerable Archdeacon Edwin Palmer, D.D.,
then one of the Delegates of the Press, not only in the
shape of numerous suggestions tending to improve the
substance and form of a large part of the Introduction
and notes examined by him, but also by permission given
to study and use the materials collected for lectures given
on these Books of the Annals during his tenure of the
Corpus Professorship of Latin, which were most helpful
on a number of points of scholarship throughout the
volume. I deeply regret that his lamented death pre-
vented my receiving any additional advice from him in
the present revision.

On the other hand, the improvement of this edition
has been very greatly assisted by the criticisms made on
its predecessor. The reviewers of the work, while most
indulgent to its shortcomings, have very much helped
me in removing them ; and due attention has been also
paid to many most valuable suggestions and corrections
privately received. Among those friends who have thus

' This would be fully accounted for by the Excursus on the 'Lex Papia Poppaea,'

his untimely death, and by the pressure of and several notes or parts of notes, especi-

other occupations in the years immediately ally on some of the early chapters of Book

preceding it. iii, which are duly acknowledged where

^ I have taken from them the chief part of they occur.

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. ix

assisted me I must make special mention of Mr. F.
Haverfield, who has called my attention to many points
requiring reconsideration, and has directed me to many
inscriptions and special treatises of which I should other-
wise have been ignorant.

Thanks to such aid, it will, I hope, be found that this
edition, whatever its present demerits, shows a consider-
able advance on the former, both as regards the cor-
rection of errors, and the recognition of later means of
information. In the Introduction, especially, large por-
tions have been altogether re-written, and the whole
carefully revised, and few pages of the notes are without
more or less important additions and alterations ; while
the amount of minor errors to be removed has proved
to be far beyond what my critics had noted or I had
myself expected to find.

Under these circumstances the size of the volume has
been perhaps unfortunately increased ; and some apology
seems due for an addition of about fifty pages to an
amount of commentary which many may have already
thought excessive. It was, however, hardly possible to
bring the book up to date without some increase in bulk ;
and I may say that the new matter would have consider-
ably exceeded the amount mentioned if it had not been
compensated by omissions and curtailments wherever it
seemed possible to make such without loss of usefulness.

To any who have carried their studies deeply into the
vast array of literature on Tacitus enumerated in the
* Bibliotheca Scriptorum Classicorum ' of Engelmann and
Preuss (8th ed., Leipzig, 1882) \ such a list of works

* Nearly forty pages, most of them and the list of separate treatises on special

closely printed in small type, are taken subjects or questions. Several pages more

up with enumerations of editions or trans- would be required to complete the cata-

lations of the whole or parts of Tacitus, logue to the present date.

X PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.

made use of as is given above, or to be gathered from the
whole of this vohmie, will seem meagre in the extreme ;
and even if only well-known writers be taken account of,
I fear that the most competent critics will be -mainly
impressed by the omissions. But whatever hopes I had
formed that the book would give more assistance than
has been hitherto easily accessible to the general student
of this portion of Tacitus have been far more than
realized by the reception given to it, and by the demand
for a new edition at an earlier date than I had expected.
The defects still evident in it will not, I hope, be set
down to negligence, but will be excused as those of an
editor who has long since lost the experience which those
engaged in teaching acquire of what is most likely to
interest or perplex intelligent students.

Classical authors are mostly cited from the texts of
the Teubner series ; and it is hoped that the abbrevia-
tions used in referring to them, or to editors or other
modern writers, will generally explain themselves. As
regards Latin inscriptions, the ' Monumentum Ancy-
ranum' (Mon. Anc.) is cited from Mommsen's edition
above referred to ; the ' Oratio Claudii ' from the Appen-
dix to Book XI, in vol. ii. ; most others from the ' Cor-
pus Inscriptionum Latinarum ' (C. I. L.) or the collections
of Orelli and Henzen or of Wilmanns ; Greek inscrip-
tions are cited from Boeckh's ' Corpus ' (C. I. G.) or the
'Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum ' (C. I. Att.) ; a few
more in both languages from the 'Ephemeris Epigraphica'
(Eph. Epig.) : any others given are usually cited at
secondhand. In numismatics references are made to
Eckhel (' doctrina numorum veterum ') and to Cohen
(' Medailles Imperiales,' 2nd ed., 1879) ; on other works
of art, mostly to J. J. Bernoulli ('Romische Iconographie,'
Stuttgart, 1882-1894), sometimes to the 'Iconographie

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. xi

Romaine ' of Visconti and Mongez ; on questions of
Roman topography, mostly to Professor Middleton
('The Remains of Ancient Rome,' London, 1892), some-
times also to Mr. Dyer and Mr. Burn. In references to
Dr. Smith's Dictionaries, the authors of the articles are
mostly cited by name ; on questions of general Latin
Lexicography it is to be understood that the Latin
Dictionary of Messrs. Lewis and Short is usually
referred to.

It hardly needs to be said that, out of the large
number of references given, whether to ancient authors,
to inscriptions, or to modern works, a vast majority had
been already given in previous editions or lexicons, and
are due to no research on my part. I may, however, say
that, with some allowance for possible oversights, I be-
lieve that I have verified all which are not expressly
cited at secondhand, and that I have also verified and
consulted a very large number more, which, for various
reasons, it did not seem necessary to insert.

Oxford, A/ay, 1896.

INTRODUCTION.

Chapter I. On the life and works of Tacitus ; and on the first Medicean MS.

Chapter II. Genuineness of the Annals.

Chapter III. On the sources of information open to Tacitus for this period, and their

probable value.
Ch.^pter IV. On the use made by Tacitus of his materials, and the influence of his

ideas and opinions on his treatment of history.
Chapter V. On the Syntax and Style of Tacitus, with especial reference to the Annals.
Chapter VI. On the constitution of the early principate.
Chapter VII. On the general administration and condition of the Roman world,

at the death of Augustus, and during the principate of Tiberius.
Chapter VIII. On the estimate in Tacitus of the character and personal government

of Tiberius.
Chapter IX. Genealogy of the family of Augustus and of the Claudian Caesars, with

notes.

CHAPTER I.

ON THE LIFE AND WORKS OF TACITUS; AND ON
THE FIRST MEDICEAN MS.

The personal history of Tacitus is known to us only from allusions
to it in his own works, and from the letters of his friend, the youngfer
Pliny ; from which sources, scanty as tliey are, we yet learn something
more of his biography than is known of that of many other great
writers.

A few fixed dates help to determine others. He was betrothed in
marriage during the consulship of his father-in-law, in 830, a.d. 77 ';
he was praetor at the ludi saeculares celebrated by Domitian, in 841,
A.D. 88 '^. It is also stated that his ' dignilas ' or career of office began
with (as is generally assumed) the quaestorship, under Vespasian, and
reached a second step, presumably that of a tribunate or aedileship, under
Titus \ He would thus have filled these offices respectively not later
' See Agr. 9, 7. * See Ann. J i. ii, 3. ' See II. 1. i, 4.

2 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. I.

than in 832 and 834, a.d. 79 and 81; and would have been, on this
supposition, at least twenty-five years old at the earliest of these dates.

On the other hand, Pliny, who must have been born in 814 or 815,
A.D. 61 or 62^, speaks of Tacitus and himself as ' aetate propemodum
aequales ; ' adding, however, that the oratorical reputation of his friend
was already established when his own professional career began ^ It
appears to follow, that the birth of Tacitus, while it cannot be placed
later than 807, a.d. 54, can hardly have taken place much before that
date. In other words, he must have been born in one of the last years
of Claudius, or in the first of Nero ^

His parentage and family are unknown. We can assume the nobility
of no ' Cornelius,' as such, since the extension of that name to the
10,000 freedmen of Sulla*; and the cognomen is one of those which
appear to indicate a servile origin *. Even if this be so, most of the
equestrian, and many even of the senatorial, families in this age could
claim no higher origin"; and although the Cornelii Taciti are unknown
in the Fasti, one of them at least had reached the ' equestris nobilitas'
of a procuratorship in the time of the elder Pliny ' ; and, as the name
is rare, may probably have been related to the historian. It is again
to be inferred that he belonged to a family of some consideration, from
his admission to the quaestorship and senate, at the earliest, or almost
the earliest, legal age.

Throughout the letters of Pliny, in the allusions of Tertullian, Vopiscus,
Jerome, and Orosius, and in the second Medicean MS., he has no fuller
name than ' Cornelius Tacitus.' The praenomen ' Gains ' is given to
him by Sidonius ApoUinaris, a scholar of the middle of the fifth century ",
but that of ' Publius,' given in the first Medicean MS., is now shown to
be correct by an inscription ^

Assuming the genuineness of the Dialogue ' de Oratoribus,' we may
suppose him to describe in it the studies of his boyhood, and their

' See Epp. 6. 20, 5. ^ Epp. 7. 20, 3, 4. what long) betweerr his tribuneship or
^ It is suggested by C. L. Urlichs aedileship (^which could thus be placed in
(De vita et honoribus Taciti, Wiirzburg, A.u. 83) and his praetorship. It seems,
1879) that the ' dignitas inchoata' by however, doubtful whether 'dignitas in-
Vespasian may have be.n no more than ad- choata' could properly be used of any-
mission to the ' ordo senatorius' as ' tri- thing less than his admission to actual
bunus militum laticlavius ' (see Momms. magistracy and to the senate.
Staatsr. i. 545), and that tlie quaestor- * Appian. B. C. i. 100.
ship and actual admission to the senate ' See Merivale, Hist. ch. Ixviii, p. 605 ;
may have been granted by Titus, and the referring to Zumpt, Bevolkerung im Al-
furiher steps by Domitian. This would terthum, p. 37.
allow Tacitus to have been born as late * Ann. 13. 27, 2.
as 809, A.D. ^56, which would bring his ' PI. N. 11. 7. 17, § 76.
age nearer to that of Pliny, and would ' Sid. Ap. Epp. 4. 14 (22 Baret).
diminish the interval (otherwise some- * See below, p. 4.

Chap. 1.] LIFE AND WORKS OF TACITUS. 3

defects \ corrected in his own case by an ardent study of the great
classical models of Roman eloquence, particularly Cicero. He lays
the scene of this Dialogue in 827, a.u. 74 ^ when he would be not more
than twenty, possibly not more than eighteen years of age ; and repre-
sents himself in it as even then on terms of friendship with the leaders
of the Roman bar^ There is considerable probability in the suggestion
that he was also at some time a pupil of Quintilian *,

Three years later, Cn. Julius Agricola, who had already reached the
first rank in the state, and established the reputation which he was
afterwards to extend, selected him, a young man of from twenty-one
to twenty-three, as his son in-law *. The rank, and the personal char-
acter of Agricola, justify us in assuming, that the chosen husband of
his daughter would be a young man not only of moral excellence, but
of already assured position and promise.

Some two to four years later, he entered the senate as quaestor *. By
the age of thirty-two or thirty-four, he had attained, besides the praetor-
ship, a place among the ' Quindecimviri sacris faciundis',' one of the old
priestly colleges, the members of which were generally men of good rank
and family.

Up to this time Tacitus may be assumed to have lived in Rome,
employed chiefly in the forensic practice, his eminence in which has
been described by Pliny ; perhaps also occupied in such literary work
as could be safely pursued, or in collecting material for greater things in
contemplation.

During the next four years, from 842 to 846, a.d. 89 to 93, he was
absent from Rome ^ probably in command of some Caesarian province
of the second rank^ That of Gallia Belgica has been suggested, as
a position in which he may have acquired such personal knowledge as
he shows respecting the German peoples.

' Dial. 30-33. His assumption of the * Agr. 45, 4., Some make his absence

'toga virilis ' would about correspond begin and end a year later, but he would

with the beginning of the reaction under appear to have left Rome nearly four

the Flavii, which extended not only to years befoie the death of Agricola (Aug.

morals (,3. 55, 5) but also to literature, as 23, A.D. 93).

seen in the' dethronement of Seneca (^see '^ For a list of such see below, ch. vii.

on 13. 3, 2). p. 116. He could also have been a' legatus

^ Id. 17, 2 : see Peterson and Gude- legionis' in one of the greater provinces,

man, ad. loc. but such a military post would have been

=> Id. 2, I. less suitable to him. As proconsul of

* See Urlichs, 1. 1. Peterson, Introd. to any of the senatorial provinces held by
Dial. xlv. ex-practors, or as legatus to a proconsul,

* Agr. 9, 7. He calls himself ' iu- he would only have been absent for one
venis' at that time, and describes her as - year, nor would the 'sortitio' for such
' egregiae spei.' a piovince have come so soon after his

^ See above, p. i. ' Ann. 11. 11, 3. praetorship.

4 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. I.

The reign of terror during tlie last three years of Domilian, from 846
to 849, A.D. 93 to 96, he appears to describe as an eye-witness '.

Hitherto he must have been acceptable to the princes under whom
he had lived ^ ; and even in these last years he appears, by his own
confession, to have shown no more courage or independence than the
rest of the senate, with whom, in his self-reproach, he identifies himself ;
but the lasting influence on his mind of the memory of this period will
be found traceable in all his writings, and strengthened, rather than
weakened, by the force of time *. It is hardly to be wondered at, that
one who had lived through such scenes should be haunted through life by
the spectre of Domitian.

In 850 or 851, A.D. 97 or 98, he attained consular rank, as ' suffectus,'
and in that capacity dehvered the funeral eulogy on L. Verginius Rufus,
the famous legatus of Upper Germany of a. d. 68 ■'.

In 853, A.D. 100, he was associated with Pliny in the prosecution,
more successful in apparent than in substantial results, of JNIarius Priscus,
proconsul of Africa*. It is on this occasion only that any particular
cause pleaded by the great orator is recorded, or the grave dignity of his
oratory especially mentioned ''.

Our only further knowledge of his personal history is given by
a recently discovered inscription showing him to have been proconsul of
Asia^. The date, which is not given, would be in the usual course some
twelve or fourteen or possibly sixteen years after that of the consulship,

^ Agr. 45, 4. other hand, E. Klebs argues (Rhein. Miis.

* His language (in H. i. i, 4) seems to 44, 1SS9, pp. 273-279) that, as Trajan
imply that in his offices he had been gave several third consulships, Nerva may
a ' candidatus Caesaris.' also have done so in more than the one

■' Agr. 45, I. instance known to us : and it is certainly

* See beiow, ch. viii. p. 157. difficult to suppose that the ' princeps
•' See n. Epp. 2. I, 6. The question optimus atqiie amicissimus' whom

of date turns on that of the death of Verginius left living was other than the

Verginius, who has been generally sup- one nearest to him in age. to whom

posed from this letter to have died in the he owed his third consulship, and to

lifetime of Nerva ; but most recent au- whom he was returning thanks in the

thorities have followed Asbach in making senate when he met with the accident

him still living in 98. Pliny elsewhere which after some interval caused his

(Pan. 58) says to Trajan, 'erat in senatu death.

ter consul, cum tu tertium consulatum *■ PI. Epp. 2. 11 ; Juv. .Sat. i, 49.

recusabas.' The third consulship refused ' PL Epp. 2. 11, 17.

by Trajan must have been that of A.D. " See Bull, de corrcsp. Hellenique,

99, and his refusal must have been made 1890, p. 621, No. 21. The inscription,

known at that time in 98 when he would with others t-here given, is from Mylasa in

have been designated to the office. There Carin. 'Kaiwoi 'lilna {Av9v" Tlo. Kopvr^Xiai

was therefore a senator living in tliat year Ta/ctrij) (some names follow'). Tiie peo-

who had been three times consul ; and pie are the kolvuv of the Asiatic lonians,

the rarity of this distinction, coupled and the name of the i-)roconsnl is inserted

with the fact that Verginius was certainly to give a date, the dative being used (as

cos. iii in Jan. 97, leads to the supposi- often instead of a genit. to express the

lion that he must be referred to. On the Latin abl. abs.

Chap. I.] LIFE AND WORKS OF TACITUS. 5

or about a.d. 110-114. It would thus fall before the pubHcation of the
Annals, and adds to the interest of accounts there given of affairs in that
province. Among his friends, besides Pliny, were the latter's friends,
Justus Fabius' (probably the consul of a.d. 102) and Asinius Rufus^;
and his name appears to occur with other literary men in the will of
Dasumius, dated a.d. 109^.

There is no evidence that he outlived Trajan, nor is he known to have
left any children, but he was claimed as an ancestor by the emperor
Marcus Claudius Tacitus, in the third century *, and by Polemius, a friend
of Sidonius Apollinaris, in the fifth*. It was probably at the earlier of
these dates that the people of Interamna (Terni), the birthplace of
Tacitus the emperor, claimed the historian also as their citizen ; and
erected a tomb to him, which remained till the latter part of the
sixteenth century, when it was destroyed by order of Pius V, as that of
an enemy of Christianity ".

The date of completion and publication of his various works rests on
internal evidence.

The Dialogue ' de Oratoribus ' is, by most critics, accepted as his, and
as his earliest work. It professes to have been written some time after
the discourse was held ', but can hardly be dated later than the earlier
part of Domitian's rule *.

The ' Agricola ' belongs to 850 or 851, a.d. 97 or 98. Some expres-
sions in the beginning best suit the time when Trajan was associated
with Nerva. At the end Trajan is styled ' princeps V

The ' Germania ' is also to be assigned to the latter of these years,
from a computation of time to the second consulship of Trajan '°.

The ' Histories ' must have appeared after the apotheosis of Nerva, but
probably early in the principate of Trajan, before the ' Annals ' were even
contemplated ",

This last work must have been completed when the conquests of
Trajan had reached their highest point, in 868 or 869, a.d. 115 or 116,
and before the retrocession under Hadrian ^'^.

' See Dial, i, i. ' See Peterson, Introd. to Dial. ch. i.

' See PI. Epp. 4. 15, I. Prof. Gudeman thinks it cannot have been

' Wilm. 314, p. loi ; C. I. L. vi". 1350. written after the death of Tilus : the dif-

The names . . . ' Secundo Cornelio' . . . ference of style requires an interval of

are taken to be "Plinio Secundo Cornelio several years between it and the Germania

Tacito.' That of Fabius Kusticus see or Agricola.

below, p. 16^ also occurs. ' Agr. 3, i ; 44, 5.

* Vopisc. Tac. c. 10, 3. '" G. 37. 2.

* Sid. Ap. Epp. 4. 14 (22 Baret). " H. i. i, 5. They were in course of

* Angeloni, Hist, di Terni ;Rome, composition when the Agricola was writ-
1616), p. 51 (cited by Ruperti). ten. See Agr. 3, 4.

' Cp. Dial. 1, 2, and j;, 2. '- Ann. 2. 61, 2 ; 4. 4, 6.

VOL. I B

6 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. J.

There is no evidence that his intention to write the history of Nerva
and Trajan ^, or his later project of writing that of Augustus ", were ever
carried out.

The titles assigned to the two greater works require some remark.
In the second Medicean MS., both ' Annals ' and ' Histories,' without
any distinguishing title, are numbered continuously as the ' Books of
Cornelius Tacitus.' The latter, however, are called ' Historiae ' by
Pliny', and are definitely cited, as a separate work under that title, by
Tertullian *.

For the title ' Annales ' there is no earlier authority than the edition of
Rhenanus (1544), who thought that he found it in the text. Tacitus
does indeed, in one place, speak of his work as ' Annales nostri •\' and,
in another, of his general purpose to relate events in their chronological
order *. But there is no evidence that he intended the title distinctively
for this work ; and he elsewhere uses ' annales ' as a general term for
'history'.' It is with equal generality that Jornandes speaks of him as
' annalium scriptor *.' In the first IMedicean MS. the books are entitled
' ab excessu Augusti,' a title analogous to that of the Histories of Livy,
' ab urbe condita.'

Of the manuscripts, it will be sufficient here to notice the first Medicean,
comprising only the Books contamed in this volume and forming the
sole authority for them '.

Ruodolphus, a learned monk of Fulda in Hesse Cassel, writing in
the ninth century, cites Tacitus as speaking of the Visurgis, and would
therefore appear to have known a manuscript containing these Books '".
The next intimation is from Poggio Bracciolini, who writes in 1425
on a communication made to him from Germany, respecting some
unknown works of Tacitus said to be preserved at Hersfeld, near Fulda.
Nothing further is known till 1509'', by which time the MS. now

' H. I. I, 5. facts. In this sense it is distinguished

^ Ann. 3. 24, 4. The testimony of from 'historia' in Cic. de Or. 2. 12, 51.

.St. Jerome (see below, p. 12) would show * Jornand. de Rebus Goth, i, 2.

that no such works existed in his time ' The information here given is chiefly

^ Kpp. 7. 33, I. Tacitus himself re- derived from the Preface to Kilter's edi-

fers to them simply as ' libri.' (Ann. tion of 1864 (Leipzig), partly also from

11.11,2.) Orelli and Baiter. An account of the

* ' Is enim '^Cornelius Tacitus'; in quinta second Medicean MS. will be found in

liistoriarum suarum bellum Judaicum Introduction to vol. ii.

exorsus,' &c. Tert. Apol. adv. gentes, '" The First and Second Rooks of the

c 16. Annals contain the only mention of this

^ 4. 32, I. river in the extant works of Tacitus. His

' 4. 71, 1. For exceptions, see below, MS. probably contained a good deal more,

oh. iv. p. 27, n I. as he certainly shows knowledj;e of the

' 3. 65, I ; 13. 31, I, &c. In one place Germania : see Introd. to that work, p. i.

(Dial. 22, 4^ he usea the term in a more " A letter by Card. Soderini, dated

restricted sense, of a dry chronicle of Jan. i. 150^^ (see F. Philippi, in Philol.

Chap. I.] LIFE AND WORKS OF TACITUS. 7

existing, purporting to be only the latter half of its original bulk ',
appears to have been brought to Rome to Cardinal Giovanni de' Medici
(afterwards Leo X), who a few years later entrusted its publication to
Beroaldus, in whose edition, published at Rome in 1515, these Books
appear for the first time among the works of Tacitus ^

There are some discrepancies as to the circumstances of its acquisition,
and neither Fulda nor Ilersfeld, but the monastery of Corvey, in West-
phalia, is mentioned as the place of its discovery '. Bandini had assigned
it to the eleventh century, but recent scholars think it as early as the tendi
or even the ninth *, though there seems to be no evidence for Ritter's
view th^t it is the same MS, known to have existed at Fulda. An
excellent facsimile of ihe first page of Book III is given by Vitelli and
Paoli *, and a photographic reproduction of the first page of Book I in
M. Hochart's work *.

The text, at various stages of its derivation, has sometimes suffered
from a misleading half knowledge, and more seriously, at a later date,
from complete ignorance of Latinity, added to carelessness of eye or
ear, in its copyists, whereby words have been mutilated and wrongly
divided, letters mistaken or transposed, syllables dropped or assimilated
to those next to them, glosses have crept into the text, or ' lacunae '
have passed unnoticed''.

These errors had not wholly escaped the old revisers, whose erasures,

linear and interlinear corrections, and dots placed above or below letters

to be expunged, are now carefully noted ".

45, 1S86, pp. 376-.:^8o, and F. Ritter, of Leo X (see Philippi, 1. 1. Ritt. p. xii),

Praef. p. viii"), describes it as a recent in which it is stated that the MS., which

arrival, quoting to a friend the mention of had reached him through several hands,

the Florentini in I. 79. had originally been stolen from Corvey.

^ The 'fasciculi,' comprising 137 leaves He mentions, as an argument to induce

in all, are numbered xvii to xxxiiii. The another monastery to entrust a literary

missing portion, or part of it, probably treasure to him, the amends which he

consisted of a MS. of Pliny's Epistles, had made in this ca«e for the fraud of

now separated, but in the same library his agent: the reparation had, however,

(l.aur. 47, 36), of the same form and consisted not in the restoration of the

handwriting. It is thought by Ritter and stolen MS., but in the gift of a bound

other editors that it may also have con- copy of the printed work, supplemented

tained the 'exemplaria,' now lost, from by a grant of perpetual indulgence,

which the existing MSS. of the minor * See \V. Studemund (Hermes S, 1874,

woiks (.see Inlrod. to Germ, and Agr.) 233) and F. Ruhl (Rhein. Mus. 36, i88r,

were derived. 25). also Vitelli and Paoli (see next note).

^ Two editions had already appeared * CoUczione Fiorentina di facsimili pa-

without them; that of Vindelinus de laeographici, Firenze, 1SS4, Fasc. i.

Spira (Venice, 1470), and that of Fran- ° See below, p. S.

ciscus Puteolaiuis .Milan, cir. 1476), be- '' See Ritter, Praef. xxvi-xxxv, where in-

sides some live reprints of one or other of stances of such errors are given, as well

these, down to 151 2 ^Ruperti, Praef cxiil. from this MS. as from those of other

^ See Ritter, Praef. viiii xiii. The parts of the author,

mystery respecting its discovery is suffi- * See the critical treatise of Pfitzner,

ciently explained by a subsequent letter p. 2, foil.

8 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. II.

The MS. has also a considerable number of marginal corrections,
which are cited by some editors as possessing authority, but which
Ritter considers to be generally no more than the conjectures of
Beroaldus or of later critics.

From the necessary, many editors have been naturally led on to
more questionable corrections. The tendency to imagine an error
wherever the language is exceptionally harsh or unusual culminates in
the edition of Ritter above mentioned ; whose multitudinous excisions,
insertions, and corrections, have mostly failed to meet with general
acceptance, notwithstanding the ingenuity with which he has advocated
them\ But on the actual state of the MS. text, his work is generally
the best source of information ^.

In spite of its errors, the first Medicean is generally considered to
be the best, as well as the oldest, MS. of any part of Tacitus ; and its
orthography is for the most part adopted by Halm throughout his
whole edition of the author \

CHAPTER II.

GENUINENESS OF THE ANNALS.

It h IS not hitherto been thought necessary for any editor of this
work to establish its genuineness ; but the recent attempts ■• to prove
it to be a forgery by Poggio Bracciolini in the fifteenth century, while
they cannot be said to have found such acceptance as to necessitate
a full discussion ^, may make it desirable briefly to subjoin some ex-

' Of his reasons in support of his Tacitus himself See below, ch. v. § 85.
changes, the portion affecting this MS. * 'Tacitus and Bracciolini. The Annals

•will be found in the Rheinisches Museum, forged in the fifteenth century' [Ross],

vol. xvi. pp. 454-469 ; and xvii. pp.99- London, 187S. ' I)e I'authenticite des

137. Criticisms on them will be found Annales et des Histoires de Tacite,' par

in Pfitzner passim), and in Wolfflin's P. Hochart, Paris, 1890; also a second

dissertation, in Philologus xxvi. p. 96, volume, 'Nouvelles considerations,' &c.,

foil. Paris, 1894. Mr. Ross considers the

'■^ Andresen has, however, shown in a Histories to be genuine, M. Hochart

recent treatise (de Codicibus Mediceis rejects both works, presumably also the

Annalium Taciti), that the collation of other extant treatises ascribed to Tacitus.

Baiter, though earlier, is often more ac- and " apparently several other classical

curate than that of Ritter, and that in works.

some cases both have mistaken or over- ^ Those who desire a more full state-
looked the real reading. ment and examination of the theory of

'■* Where the orthography of the same the first of these works may be referred

word is not uniform, it may often be to an article in the Edinburgh Review of

supposed that the variation is due to October, 1878.

Chap. 11.] GENUJNENESS OF THE ANNALS. 9

ternal evidence to show that it is at least the work of an ancient
author.

We have no reason to suppose that any scholar of the time of
Bracciolini had access to historians of this period who are lost to us.
Even those whom we have must have been known to him only in
manuscripts. The inventor of a Tacitean history of the principate of
Tiberius or Nero must act as any scholar would now have to act who
desired to compose a Tacitean history of that of Gains or Domitian. He
must make the best use of Dio Cassius and Suetonius, and of whatever
could be gleaned from other authors, and must invent the rest of the
material, as well as the form and language. Any careful comparison
of the Annals with these sources will show how large a proportion
of the whole narrative as it stands will have to be set down thus to
invention ; and in testing such a theory, the details become important,
almost in prop)ortion to their intrinsic unimportance.

If it can be shown that even a moderate number of facts, such as
would be unlikely to occur to an inventor, stated in the Annals, and in
no other extant author, are confirmed by coins and inscriptions, most
of which were certainly, and all of them probably, unknown in the
fifteenth century ; the supposition of so many felicitous accidents will
be generally conceded to pass the bounds of reasonable probability.

In the Books comprised in the first Medicean MS., the following con-
firmations, most of which are already well known to editors, will be
found : —

1. Germanicus is stated to have been augur', fiamen ^, and im-
perator^; and all these titles are confirmed *.

2. His eldest son Nero is stated to have been espoused to the
daughter of Creticus Silanus^. An inscription gives the name 'lunia
Silani [/., spon^sa Neronis Caesyaris^ *.'

3. The honours decreed to Germanicus at his death are enumerated '',
and in another place it is stated that those decreed to Drusus were in
the main the same *. The remains of tablets recording these decrees,
though extremely fragmentary, appear to suggest confirmation of some
of the details, such as the insertion of the name in the Salian hymn,
the exhibition of the effigy at the ' Circenses,' and the erection of arches
(Jani) at three different places*.

4. L. Apronius, and P. Cornelius Dolabella, stated to have been at
different times proconsuls of Africa '", are shown to have been so by

»i. 62, 3. 2 2. 83, 2. »2. 43, 3. « C. I. L. vi. 914.

^ I. 58, 9. '2. 83, where see notes. "4. 9, 2.

* Orelli, Insc. 3064; Wilm. 885; C. I. ' Insc! Henzen, 5381, 5382.

L. f- 1415- '" 3- 21. I ; 4- 23. 2-

lO INTRODUCTION. [Chap. II.

coins struck there under their permission '. Tlie same fact, and the
year of office, are shown respecting L. Asprenas by an inscription ^
Another shows M'. Lepidus to have been proconsul of Asia ^

5. It is stated that the tribunitian power, though never given to
Germanicus, was afterwards given to Drusus, about a year before his
death*. This title, absent on all records of Germanicus, appears on
coins of Drusus, but without record of more than a second year of
office '.

6. It is stated, that in the inscription of a statue dedicated by Julia
Augusta to Augustus near the theatre of Marcellus, her name was
placed before that of Tiberius ^ The Praenestine Calendar gives (with
a date) the fact, and the locality of this dedication, and places the names
in this order, thus apparently following the original inscription ^.

7. An inscription * confirms the statement that Drusus, son of Ger-
manicus, held the honorary office of praefectus urbi '.

8. The statement, that Smyrna was chosen as the site of the temple
to be erected by the cities of Asia to Tiberius, his mother, and the
senate '", is confirmed by a coin of that city, with a representation of
the temple, and having all three names on the superscription ''.

9. The title of pontifex, given to L. Piso, better known as praefectus
urbi '^, is confirmed by the ' Acta Arvaliuni '^.'

10. The statement, that Theophanes of Mytilene had received divine
honours from his countrymen ", is confirmed by Mytilenaean coins bear-
ing his effigy, with the word Qeo^ added to his name ''\

A few instances of less direct confirmation may here be added : —

1. A soldier named Rufus Helvius is mentioned as having received
a civic crown '*. An inscription bears the name of ' M. Helvius Rufus
Civica, prim(us) pil(us),' suggesting the assumption of a cognomen re-
cording the distinction''^.

2. C. Silanus is slated to have had a sister, Torquata, ' priscae sancti-
moniae virgo '^' Inscriptions mention '■Itinia, C. Silatii /., Torquata' as
a Vestal virgin, and as chief of that body ''.

3. Julius Indus, one of the Treveri, is mentioned as in command of

' Eckhel, iv. 139, 142. '" 4. 15, 5; 56, 3.

^ See I. 53, Q, and note. The criti- ^' Kckhel, ii. 547; Mionnet, iii. 219;

cisms of M. Hochart on this inscription S vi. 330.
(the only one which he in any way notices) ''^ 6. 10, 3.

.ire not convincing. " C. I. L. vi. i, 2023.

^ .See on 4. 56, 3. * 3. 56, i. '* 6. 18, 5.

" Eci<hel, vi. 203, &c. ' " Eckhel, ii 504 ; Mionnet, .S. vi. 36.

* 3. 64, 2. '* 3. 21, 4.

' Insc. Orell. vol. ii. p. 388. '^ Insc. Murat. 476, 11 (Borghesi).

' Insc. Orell. 667. " ^ 69, 9.

» 4. 36, I. 19 C. I. L. vi. I, 2127, :i28.

Chap. II.] GENUINENESS OF THE ANNALS. ii

a ' delecta manus '/ subsequently called an 'ala^' His name appears
to suggest the origin of an ' ala Indiana ' mentioned in several in-
scriptions '.

4. Caninius Gallus is mentioned as one of the quindecimviri, and as
' scientiae caerimoniarumque vetus *,' a description suitable to a person
who can be shown to have existed at that time, and to have been
* magister fratrum Arvalium ','

Other instances might, no doubt, be added, but the above will pro-
bably be considered sufficient.

Another curious apparent confirmation will tend, if admitted, to
carry back the date of these Books nearly to that of their reputed
author. In the account of the Parisian rebellion occurs the sentence
' ad sua lutanda digressis rebellibus ^' Ptolemy, writing in the gene-
ration next to that of Tacilus, in his list of towns in north Germany
inserts 'S.uiTovravba as the name of a place ^ ; which certainly looks
as if he had the passage of the Annals before him, and misunder-
stood it.

In the later Books of the Annals, the principal inscription to be con-
sidered is that containing parts of the speech of Claudius, which indeed
from its dissimilarity in many respects to that given in the Annals has
been cited as evidence on the other side. It must here suffice to refer
to the reasons shown elsewhere * for thinking that the composition in
the Annals was based on a knowledge of the original speech, though
much freedom was used in dealing wiih it.

Whatever may be thought of this, there are other and more indisputable
confirmations of statements found only in these Books, similar to those
above noted in Books I-\'I. We may ask from what source Bracciolini
could have ascertained, or by what felicity he could have imagined that
Cadius Rufus was governor of Bithynia ', Eprius Mai cellus of Lycia '",
Tarquitius Priscus of Bithynia ", L. Antistius Vetus of Asia "^, that Clodius
Quirinalis was ' praefectus classis ",' and Gavius Silvanus tribune of a prae-
torian cohort '*, that Silanus had a daughter Lepida'^, that the names of
lulius Aquila'", Sextius Africanus '^ Verulanus Severus'^ Funisulanus

' 3. 42, 3. ^ 3. 46, 3. editor, C. Miiller, cites Ledebur as con-

' Insc. Orell. 4039; Henzen, 6722. sidering that the name may possibly be

* 6. 12, 2. that of a real place.

^ C. I. L. vi. I, 2025, 2027. ' See vol. ii. p. 208, foil.

* Ann. 4. 73, I. • * 12. 22, 4. '" 13. 33, 4.
' Geog. 2. II, 27. Orelli refers to " M- 46> '• " '6. 10, 2.

Herm. Miiller (Die Marken des Vater- " 13. 30, 2, " 15. 50, 3.

landes, i. p. 118) as first calling attention " 16. 8, 2. '° 12. 15, i.

to this. The MSS. of Ptolemy, however, '' 13. 19, 2.

vary greatly in the word, and the latest ''' 14. 26, i ; 15. 3, i.

INTRODUCTION.

[Chap. II.

Veltonianus ' are names of persons employed in public service at a time
agreeing with that of their mention. None of these facts could have been
derived from any other literature known to us ; all are confirmed by coins
or inscriptions of which Bracciolini and his contemporaries must have
been ignorant ^.

It seems hardly worth while to pursue this subject further. If it is
thus clear that the ' Annals ' must have been written in ancient times,
when sourcv s of information now lost to us were in existence, and are
likely to have been written before the date of Ptolemy, we are entitled to
quote the testimony of Jerome, that Tacitus did write, in thirty Books,
the history of the whole period, or, as he expresses it, ' the lives of the
Caesars,' from the death of Augustus to that of Domitian ^ ; an arrange-
ment of books answering to that of the second Medicean MS., which
contains material purporting to be transcribed from an original of the
date A.D. 395, or contemporary with Jerome \ Also on this view the
resemblances in Sulpicius Severus ^ .\mmianus ^ and other writers will
rank as copies not as originals, and such knowledge of these Books as
is shown in the Middle Ages becomes relevant '', especially the grounds for
thinking that a .MS. answering generally in contents to the second Medicean
was known to Boccacio, who died before the birth of Bracciolini *.

' 15- 7. 2.

^ See notes on all these places. An
inscription also confirms the mention of
the exile of (jlitius Gallus and his wife
Egnatia Maximilla, by showing them to
have lived in Andros (see on 15. 71, 7).
Another seems clearly to refer to the
Vestal virgin Vibidia (see on 11. 32, 5).

^ Hieron. in Zach. B iii. c. 14: 'Cor-
nelius Tacitus, qui post Augustiim usque
ad mortem Domitiani vitas Caesarum
triginta voliiminibus exaravit.' The state-
ment undoubtedly involves a difficulty,
that of supposing the remainder of the
Histories to have been written on so
much less ample a scale than that of the
extant portion.

* See Orelli, Praef. p. xv. This date
is appended to the Apuleius part of the
MS., and may not belong also to the
Tacitus part.

'' See on 15. 37, 8 ; 44, 2.

* These are fully given in an interesting
treatise by E. Cornelius (Marburg,! 888) :
Quomodo Tacitus, Hisloriarum scriptor,
in hominum memoria versatus sit usque
ad renascentes litteras.

' Besides Ruodolphus of Fulda (see
above, p. 6) several others are cited by
Cornelius. It is interesting to note that

the old scholiast on Juvenal, besides
referring to Tacitus (the Histories) by
name i,on 2, 99; 14, 102), shows very
close verbal resemblance to the Annals
in relating the death of Seneca (on 5, 109),
possibly also in the account of the death
of Thrasea (on 5, 36), where he perhaps
preserves words lost in Tacitus.

" Cornelius has shown (1. 1. p. 42) that
Boccaci:) ^Genealogia dcorum, 3. 23)
cites Tacitus by name in respect of his
account of the Paphian worship of Venus,
and transcribes, almost verbally, his de-
scription of the symbol of the goddess
(il. 2. 3, 5). Also in his de Claris mulieri-
bus he mentions Agrippina the younger,
Poppaea Sabina, Epichnrjs, Ponipei.i
Paulina, and Triaria, and takes words
and expressions respecting them from
12. 67, 2~3; 15. 23, I ; 57, 3; 64, 2;
H. 3. 77, 4. Also in his commentary on
Dante (i. 333 and 400; some knowledge
is stated to be shown of A. 15. 57 and 60.
Also he speaks of his copy of Tacitus in
a letter to a friend, and it appears to have
once formed part of a library in Florence.
I should add, however, that M. Hochart
contests the genuineness of several of
the treatises and documents above re-
ferred to.

Chap. III.] TACITUS' SOURCES OF INFORMATION. 13

CHAPTER III.

ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION OPEN TO TACITUS FOR
THIS PERIOD ; AND THEIR PROBABLE VALUE.

Note. — H. Haupt, writing in 18S5 (Philol. 44, pp. 132-163) on the portion of Die
which goes side by side with Tacitus, reviews some twenty-seven treatises up to that
date, bearing on this subject or connected with it. The study of his abstract of them
tends rather to bewilder than to instruct. A full and clear exposition of the whole
subject is given in a recent work by M 'Philippe Fabia (Les sources de Tacite, Paris,
1893), the larger part of which, however, deals with the Histories.

I. Written narratives of the general history of the period or of
parts of it.

It is not the habit of Tacitus to name his informants; and in the
first six Books he has done so twice only, citing the history of the
German wars by C. Plinius ', and the memoirs of the younger Agrip-
pina^, in each case for an incident relating to the elder Agrippina. It
is stated in the latter case, and apparently implied in the former, that
he is taking from a less usual source something overlooked by those
whom he generally follows. In the later Books we have references
to the general history of Pliny ^, to Cluvius Rufus *, to Fabius Rusticus ^
and to Domitius Corhulo".

General references are far more common ; and give evidence that
there were many such works, and that his history was mainly drawn
from them ''.

' I. 69, 3. ^ 4. 53, 3. ' secutus plurimos auctorum * (4. 57, 2),

' 13.20,3; 15.53,4; perhaps also 13. expiessions which, when compared, seem

31, I. to presuppose not less than some five or

* 13. 20, 3 ; 14. 2, I. six such narratives. In the later Books it
^ 13. 20, 2 ; 14. 2, 3 ; 15. 61. 6. has been inferred from 13 20, 4 that only

* 15. 16, I. Cluvius, Rusticus, and Pliny were known
' In the fir>t six Books, besides general to him, but in 14. 2, 4, after mentioning

references to ' scrijitores' '2. 88, i)' scrip- the two former, he adds, ' ccteri quoque

tores annalium' (4. 53, 3), ' auctores ' (\. auctores.' We have also general plural

81, 1), 'auctoresrerum ' (3. 3, 2), 'temporis expressions as ' temporum illoriim scrip-

eius auctores' (5. 9, 3), and negative ex- tores' (12. 67, i) ' plerique eorum tem-

pressions as 'nullo auctore certo' and porum scriptores' (13. 17, 3), 'sunt qui

' neque quisquam scriptor ' (4. 11, i, 5), . . . sunt qui' (14. 9, i), 'plerique tra-

we have ' quidam tradidere' (i. 13, 3; 53, didere' (15. 54, 4") 'quidam tradidere '

9; 2. 17, 7; 29, 2 ; 40, 3),'ferunt' (3. 73, (16. 3, 2), 'sunt qui tradant ' ^14. 37, «),

2), also 'tradunt plerique'. . . 'alii' (i. 'sunt qui ferant ' ^14. 59, 2). Jo^ephus

29, 4; cp. 2. 70, 3 ; 6. 7, 6), 'alii' (so. plainly states (Ant. 20. 8, 3) that many

'tradunt') '. . . quidam . . . sunt qui (TroWor) had written the history of Nero,

existimcnt ' (i. 80, 3), and even 'quae and divides them, like Tacitus, sharply

plurimis maximaeque fidei auctoribus into two classes, and holds both to be

memorata sunt rettuli' (4. 10, i), and alike untrustworthy.

14 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. III.

Of these many, a few names only can be now supplied. In extant
literature, our only contemporary accounts of the time of Tiberius are
contained in one or two passages of Valerius Maximus^ and in the
work of M. Velleius Paterculus, who, besides considerable notice of
the earlier life of Tiberius, gives, in the last nine chapters, a slight
sketch, without any regular narrative, of the first sixteen years of his
principate'^, published in 783, a.d. 30, and dedicated to M. Vinicius,
then one of the consuls^.

If any others published, during the Hfetime of Tiberius, any account
of his government, their names as well as their writings are lost to us ;
but some works produced soon afterwards are on record : amongst
which a stock of material, of most questionable value, is contributed
by the imperial family itself.

Tiberius himself composed a brief summary of his life*, which, like
that of Augustus, may probably have been appended to his will, and
intended for inscription on his tomb. It must, however, have lacked
the skill of tlie famous ' Marmor Ancyranum,' for our solitary reference
to it cites it only as containing a glaring and audacious falsehood^.

The memoirs of the younger Agrippina have been already mentioned.
We have also a stray reference to them in Pliny the Elder *, but by the
time of Tacitus they seem to be a forgotten book ''. It is impossible
to estimate how far they had already done their work by influencing
intermediate writers, or how much of the court scandal, in which
Suetonius revels, and which even Tacitus does not always disdain,
flowed originally from this polluted source *.

Claudius is also recorded to have written an autobiography in
eight Books, ' magis inepte quam ineleganter ; ' and a general history
from the close of the civil wars, of which two Books were written in
his youlh, at the suggestion of Livy and with the assistance of Sulpicius
Flavus, and the remaining forty-one Books during his principate *. It
is not known whether it extended beyond the lifetime of Augustus,
though the apparent length of the work may make it probable.

* See Val. Max. 2. 9, § 6 ; 5. 3, § 3, ^ The chief defenders of Tiberius dilate

and the apparent allusion to the con- greatly on the influence of these memoirs,

spiracy of .Seianus, 9. 11, § 4. and a treatise on them in 91 pages has

^ Veil. 2. 126, I. been written by R. Kaffay (Wien, 1884),

^ Dates of events are often computed but the evidence is very slender to sup-
by him from this year, as i. H, i, etc. port any general theory. If they were

' ' Commentario quern de vita sua published as late in her life as there

summatim breviterque composuit,' Suet. seems some reason for thinking probable

Tib. 61. (see note on 4. 53, 3), they arc hardly

^ Suet. 1.1. See below, ch. viii. p. 151, 7. likely to have been used by writers of the

' Plin. N. H. 7. 8, 6, § 46. date of Nonianus or Bassus.

' See 4. 53, 3. * Suet. CI. 41.

Chap. III.] TACITUS' SOURCES OF INFORMATION. 15

Turning from these to more neutral authorities, we find first in date
the name of M. Seneca the rhetor, whose history, from the beginning
of the civil wars to the last days of his own life, would seem, from an
expression used by his son, to be intended as a con'ective of prevalent
untruthfulness ' ; and was therefore probably anti-Caesarian in its tone.
He is believed to have died early in the principate of Gaius, so that his
work must have been mainly composed before that time, and the death
scene of Tiberius, which he described ^, may have been its closing point.

Next to him, we have two names more distinguished, apparently the
best known writers of this period *.

M. Servilius Nonianus, who was consul in 787, a.d. 35 S and died in
812, A.D. 59, after a successful forensic career, wrote history in his
later years •\ We hear that Claudius himself came to one of his recitals ^
The elder Pliny once calls him the first man in the state''; and Quin-
tilian, who had heard him, blames only his want of conciseness*. The
period covered by his historical works is unknown, but he is supposed
to be the ' vir consularis ' cited by Suetonius, as the authority for an
incident in the later years of Tiberius ^

Aufidius Bassus, though somewhat older than Nonianus'", seems
to have died a year later ". He wrote, besides a separate work on the
German wars '^, a general history, to which a continuation in thirty-one
Books was written by the elder Pliny ", who also wrote another work,
in twenty Books, on all the Roman wars in Germany '*. Some at least
of the work of Bassus, in which the death of Cicero was described,
must have been extant in the lime of M. Seneca '", but it was probably
afterwards continued to a later date, perhaps 10 the time of Claudius,

' 'Ah initio bellorum civilium, uncle ipso, probabilis in omnibus, sed in quitms-

primum Veritas retro ai)iit, paene ad dam siiis ipse viribus minor.' Also Tacitus

mortis suae diem,' L. Seneca, Fr. 15 liimself (Dial. 23, 2) makes Aper contrast

(Haase). the 'eloquentia' of these two v/ith the

^ Suet. Tib. 73. The words 'Seneca ruggedness of old writers. These criti-

scribit' could refer to some lost work of cisms relate only to style, and of their sub-

L. Seneca, and some consider that M. stantial value as historians nothing what-

Seneca, who states (Controv. i . Praef. ) that ever is known,

he could have seen and heard Cicero, * 6. 31, i. ' 14. 19.

must have died before Tiberius. He was, * PI. Epp. i. 13, 3.

however, certainly alive in A.D. 34 (see ' ' Princeps civitatis,' PI. N. H. 28.

note on 6. 29, 4). 2, 5, 29.

^ Quintilian (lo. i, 102-103) selects * Quint. 1. 1. ^ Suet. Tib. 61.

these for special mention among the '" Quint. 1. 1.

successors of Sallust and Livy; 'Servilius '^ L. Seneca, Fp. 30.

Nonianus . . . et ipse nobis auditus est, " See Quint. (1.1.), who jerhaps speaks

clarus vi ingenii et sententiis creber, sed only of those parts of his general history

minus pressus quam historiae auctoritas in which this subject was prominent,

postulat. Quam paulum aetate prae- '•' PI. Epp. 3. 5, 6.

cedens eum Bassus Aufidius egregie,utique '' Id. 3. 5, 4.

in libris belli Geimanici, praestitit genere " M. Seneja, Suas, 6, 18, 23.

l6 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. III.

as Pliny speaks of his own continuation of it as a ' history of his own
times ^'

The combined works of Bassus and Phny would cover more than
the whole period included in the Annals ^ Many facts are also known
to us through allusions in the Natural History of the latter author and
in the works of Seneca and of Josephus, and in the interesting contem-
porary view of Gaius given by Philo'. But the chief authorities used
by Tacitus in the later Books must have been those alluded to by him *.
Of these, M. Cluvius Rufus is known to us as a consular before the
death of Gaius ^ the companion of Nero to Greece \ legatus of Spain
under Galba'', and as one of the train of Vitellius^ His work has
been thought to have begun as early as the time of Gaius ; it would
appear to have gone down to the death of Vitellius', whom the historian
outlived by about a year. From a remark addressed by him to Verginius ^"
we should gather that he had a high view of the obligations of a historian.
Pliny, though no doubt diligent, would seem to have been somewhat
uncritical " and accumulative '^. The third, Fabius Rusticus, is described
as too partial to his patron Seneca, but as being in eloquence and
brilliancy the Livy of his age ". As he described Britain, his work
probably began not later than the time of Claudius". We have no
allusion to it later than the time of Nero, but he appears to have been
still living in the midst of the principate of Trajan '^ These writers do
not quite belong to the same generation. At the death of Nero, Cluvius

1 N. H. Praef. 19, 20. The fact that would be included in the 'sunt et alii
prodigies are noted in the last five, but scriptores boni.' We should infer that
not in the earlier Books of the Annals, they were less remarkable for style, but
has been taken to indicate that Tacitus Cluvius is called ' vir facundus ' in H. i.
here begins to follow an authority more 8, 2, and 'eloquenlia clarus' in H. 4.
careful to record those reported, such as 43. i.
Pliny. Also Pliny, in speaking of his ^ Jos. Ant. 19. i, i.^.
history as beginning 'a fine Aufidi Bassi,' * Suet. Ner. 21 ; I)io, 64. 14, 3.
has been thought to imply that the latter, ' H. i. 8, 2. * H. 2. 65, 1,4.
like Livy, broke off abruptly at some uu- ^ The evidence of H. 3. 65, 4 is doubt-
important point. ful, but he certainly wrote of Otho. See

" The history of Pliny extended to Pint. Oth. 3, and the discussion noticed

the time of the Flavian Caesars. See below (ch.iv. p. 23, note i) as to the source

N. H. 1. 1. of Tacitus i,in that part of the Histories)

^ We have no means of knowing and Plutarch (in tho^e ' Lives'),

whether Tacitus made any use of Philo. "!, 'See PI. Epp 9. 19, 5.

and there are no traces of his having con- " See 15. =13, 5.

suited Josephus. '^ See note on 13. 31, i.

' See above, p. 13. None of these are '^ Ann. 13. 29, 3; Agr. 10, 3.
mentioned in the ' Dialogus,' the assumed '* Agr. 1. 1. The description may how-
date of which is perhaps too early for ever have belonged to his account of the
them. In the passage of Quintilian rebellion under Nero.
following that cited above, the historian '' He is generally identified with the
whom he strongly praises, but does not Fabius Rusticus mentioned in the will
venture to name, is thought to be Rusticus. of Dasumius, dated 862, A.D. 109. See
Pliny and Cluvius are not mentioned, but above p. 5, note 3.

Chap. III.] TACITUS' SOURCES OF INFORMATION. 17

must have been nearly seventy, Pliny was forty-five, Rusticus probably
younger, so that, if their date of publication answered to their age, the
second could probably have used the first, and the third both the others.
The work of Cluvius, if the long account given by Josephus of the death
of Gaius was taken from him, must have been voluminous, and the
thirty-one Books of Pliny cover the history of probably not more than
twenty years.

It has been shown* that Tacitus has referred to the special history
of Domitius Corbulo'^; and he may also have used that of Suetonius
Paulinus ' : but with these our definite knowledge of even the names of
original authorities for this period ends. Bruttedius Niger, aedile in 775,
A.D. 22 *, was a writer of history, but our only reference is to his notice
of the death of Cicero ^ ; also Tuscus, the accuser of Scaurus, appears to
have written a foolish history of some sort^ The references to
Lentulus Gaetulicus, the poet and epigrammatist", and to Licinius
Mucianus^, hardly prove them to have been historians; Cremutius
Cordus appears to have left off at an earlier date "; Vipstanus Messala "*
to have begun at a later.

Further contemporary materials would no doubt be found in separate
notices of famous men, not only in the form of funeral orations, but
also in that of more detailed biographies, such as those of Thrasea and
Helvidius by Arulenus Rusticus and Herennius Senecio, and such
other precedents as Tacitus alludes to for his own biography of
Agricola'\ The fulness of detail found in the description of all the
actions of Germanicus, and even of the progress of his remains to
Rome, and of the proceedings after his death, appears to suggest the
existence of some such special source of information*'^; the more so

* See above, p. 13. 2), the popular misgivings at the triumph

* Allusion is also made to it in PI. X.H. (2. 41, 5), oracular presage of Germanicus'
2. 70 (72), 180. death (2. 54, 5), &c. If, as Asbach

' See Id. 5. I (i;, 14. argues, a similar vein of romance per-

* Ann 3. 66, 2. vades the whole account of both the
' M. Seneca, Suas, 6. 20, 21. Pannonian and German mutinies this also
^ See note on 6. 29, 4. is more likely to have been found in some
'' Mart. Praef. i ; PI. Epp. 5. 3, 5 ; source than invented by Tacitus himself.

Suet. Cal. 8. Probability is certainly strained in the

* PI. N. H. (several places). revulsion of feeling ascribed in the one
" Ann. 4. 34, I ; cp. Suet. Tib. 61. case to the eclipse and storm, and in the
1" H. 3. 25, 3; 28, I. other to the departure of Agrippina, and
11 Agr. i,'&c. Dio, while not wholly ignoring such
*^ That we trace here some source of agencies, appears to preserve traces of

a different kind from that of the main a more ordinary and matter-of-fact version

narrative, seems suggested by the element if;, 4. 4; 5, 7', in whicli the firmness of

of romance entering into the account (see all in command is the main cause of their

2. 9, I ; 17. 2; 23, 3, 24, 6, and notes), success. The narrative, though partly

the apparition of Varus to Caecina (i. 65, belonging to Drusus, tends by comparison

l8 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. III.

as he is known to have been accompanied in Germany by Pedo Albi-
novanusS and at the time of his death by another man of letters,
Vibius IVIarsus ^.

It was perhaps from such biographies that Tacitus enriched his
record of the scenes of the last years of Tiberius with cases unknown
to or unnoticed by his usual authorities ^.

Collections of letters, similar to those of the younger Pliny, may
also have been made by public men; and the distinguished orators
of the period, such as Q. Haterius*, L. Arruntius^, Domitius Afer^
and others, were probably in the habit of revising and publishing their
speeches ''. The speech of P. Vitellius at the trial of Cn. Piso ' is
referred to by the elder Pliny'.

2. ' Acta senatus,' also called ' acta patrum ^°,' or ' commentarii
senatus".' The composition, or at least the publication of a record
of proceedings in the senate was instituted by Julius Caesar in his
lirst consulship''^. Augustus is said to have suppressed the publication
of this journal ". By the time of Tiberius the senator superintending
the ' acta ' was appointed by the princeps '\ which suggests the pos-
sibility of garbling the record. Some account of proceedings in the
senate, probably much abridged, appears still to have been made public
in die 'acta populi'^;' and the archives of the senate themselves would
presumably have been open to a senator. Though Tacitus refers to
them at a later date 'S it has been thought that for the earlier period he
was for some reason unable to consult them ". It is certainly remarkable,
that in places where we should most expect a reference to them, other
authorities are cited '^ We have on the other hand references to extant
speeches or letters addressed by the princeps to the senate '*, which
might more naturally be supposed to exist in the register of its pro-
ceedings than in a separate form ; and throughout the narrative, nothing

to the exaltation of Germanicus, who ^ N. H. ii. 57 (7i\ 1^7-

orders no executions, is made personally " 5. 4, I. On these records generally

responsible for none of the severities, and see Staatsr. iii. pp. 1015-1021.

plays a more dramatic, though really less '' i^. 74, 3. '^ Suet. Jul. 20.

resolute part generally. " .Suet. Aug. 36. " 5. 4, i.

^ See note on 1. 60, 2, and Appendix to '^ 16. 22, 6; PI. Epp. 7. 33, 3. See

Book II. Staatsr. 1. 1. 1018, i.

* See 2. 74, I, &c ' 6. 7, 6. '* 15. 74, 3. This passage and Suet.

* 4. 61, I. ' See on 6. 7, I. Aug. 5 are noted by Mommsen (1. 1. 1021,

* 4. 52. 7; Dial. 13, 3; 15, 3, &c. 1) as the only distinct references to
^ The collection made by Mucianus, these documents in ancient literature.

of eleven Books of 'Acta' (probably The attempt to alter the text of i. 81. i,

speeches) and three Books of ' Epistles,' so as to make it also refer to them has

was evidently known to Tacitus (Dial. not been generally followed.

37, 2), but seems to have been compiled " See Nipp. Introd p. 24.

from authors who were then ancient. " See i. Xi, i ; 2. 88, 1.

" 3- 13, 3- " ^ee i. 81, i; 2.63,4.

Chap. III.] TACITUS' SOURCES OF INFORMATION. 19

is more apparent than the large proportion of space given to debates in
the senate, and the fulness of detail with which they are recorded.
Often ', the minute relation of somewhat dry particulars would suggest
that, if Tacitus had not himself consulted the ' acta,' his informant had
done so ; yet jierhaps even this record can be otherwise accounted for,
and certainly much else that is given, especially the representations
of the feeling in the house and the impression produced by speakers ',
could have come from no official register, and would most probably
be sought in the personal recollections or published letters or other
memoranda of senators of the time.

3. 'Acta populi,' called also simply 'acta\' or 'acta publica^,' 'acta
diurna urbis V ' diurna actorum scriptura *,' ' diurna populi Romani '','
or 'libri actorum V This gazette also began with the first consulship
of Julius Caesar', and contained much of the matter of a modern
newspaper. It was a court journal, and contained the names of those
present at the levee of the princeps^"; also the proceedings in the law
courts, taken down by ' actuarii,' appeared in it ", and probably obituary
notices of eminent men. A caricature of its contents may be seen in
the mock journal of the estate of Trimalchio '^ It seems to have been
a bare record of the events of the day, often of such as the dignity
of history would despise ^', useful only to check or supplement a de-
scriptive narrative.

4. ' Commcntarii principum,' the private journals of the princeps,
handed down to his successors, could only be a source of history as
far as the princeps chose to make them known. Among their contents
would be the secret history of the delations ; a statement relating
to these is made from them by Nero"; a vain request for their publi-
cation is part of the reaction against informers at the accession of
Vespasian '^ but even then their secrecy was preserved. A question
asked by the younger Pliny is answered from them by Trajan'*. It
is thought that Suetonius, as ' magister epistolarum ' to Hadrian ", may

' E. g. I. 79; 2. 47; 3. 60-63; 4. '" See Staatsr. ii. 813. Offence was

14; .SS. taken at the insertion in it of the names

^ E. g. 2. 38, 7 ; 3. 17, 2 ; 59, 3 ; 69, of those payinjj similar respect to Livia

7 ; 4. 9, I ; 31, 2 ; 70, 4; 6. 24, 4. In- or Agrippina (Dio 57. 12, 2 ; 60. 33, i).

stances in the later Books are fewer, but " Suet. Jul. 55. " I'etron. Satyr. 53.

cp. 12. 5-7; 53; 13. 4-5; and especially » 13. 31, i. » 13. 43, 4.

16. 27-32. " H. 4. 40, 6.

3 Juv. 2, 136; Suet. Cal. 8. " PI. Epp. ad Trai. 71; 72 [65 ; 66

* 12. 24, 4. * 13. 31, I. Keil]. Pliny desires to test the accuracy

* 3. 3, 2. ' 16. 22, 6. of the copies of imperial edicts or letters

* Juv. 9, 84. current in the province. It a]jpenrs that

* Suet. Jul. 20. We should suppose even privileges granted to individuals
that copies were preserved in public were registered in them.

libraries. " Spart. Vit. Hadr. c 11.

20 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. hi.

have had access to them. It is stated that Gaius burnt at his accession
an important part of the journals of Tiberius, containing the record
of the condemnation of Agrippina and her sons, and made solemn
profession that he had never read them\ However this may be,
other journals of this prince are said elsewhere to have been preserved,
and to have formed the favourite study of Domitian -.

5. Public Inscriptions. It is needless to speak of the multitude which
must have been at the time in existence, or of their manifold value to
historians. Tiberius is stated to have taken great pains early in his
principate to preserve and restore ancient documents ^ We have, how-
ever, no evidence that Tacitus was in the habit of consulting inscriptions,
though he makes mention of decrees so recorded*, and once refers to
such evidence of the letters added to the alphabet by Claudius °.

6. Pamphlet literatm-e, chiefly satirical. Probably, in spite of repres-
sion, this existed in considerable amount®, and may have been the
ultimate source of much that we find in Suetonius.

7. Tradition. The Ufetime of Tacitus was not so far removed from
the days of even Tiberius, but that many traditional anecdotes were
still current. He states a report of this kind, for what it is worth, in
his account of the trial of Cn. Piso"; he mentions, in order to refute
it, an idle tale respecting the death of Drusus, son of Tiberius^; he
seems to refer to oral testimony of living persons on the reality of the
Pisonian conspiracy^; and elsewhere contrasts 'fama' with ' auctores '",'
and some of his vague expressions, such as ' traditur,' ' ferunt,' ' memoriae
proditur,' may in some cases designate such floating stories.

It will thus be seen that as far as the mere amount of material is
concerned, the resources at the command of Tacitus were as ample as
are found at most periods of ancient history.

Much, however, of this abundant material must have been untrust-
worthy. The first fundamental defect to notice is that which has been
prominently put forward by Dio, at the transition point in his narrative ".

^ Suet. Cal. 15. Dio states that Gaius 'publica acta' of 12. 24, 4, are probably

only pretended to burn them (59. 4, 3 ; inscriptions.

10, 8) but that Claudius really diid so (60. ^11. 14, 5.

4., 5). * We have mention of the lampoons

* ' Praeter commentarios et acta Tiberi of Cassius Severus (i. 72, 4; 4. 21, 5%'
Caesaris nihil lectitabat' (Suet. Dom. Antistiusv^i4.48,i), Veiento(i4.5o,i),&c.
2o\ ' ?,. 16, I. ' 4. 10, I.

' Dio, 57. 16, 2. The expression 5?;- ^ See 15. 73, 3. He may also have

fioaia ypa/j.fj.aTa may include records in learnt from some such soiirce the words

sculpture as well as in writing. of Subrius, spoken of as ' non vulgata '

* 3- r7. 2; 63, 7; 12. 53, 5. For (15.67,4). '" 14- 2, 4-

a knowledge of the decree noted in the " See the whole passage, Dio, 53. 19,

last passage he may have been indebted arid the comment in Merivale, ch. xxxiii.
to his friend Pliny : see note 1. 1. The p. 67, &c.

Chap. III.] TACITUS' SOURCES OF INFORMATION. 21

He, with all the materials before him which we have, and much more
which we have not, finds himself, at the establishment of the principate,
passing from daylight into comparative darkness, deepening, no doubt,
towards his own time, as publicity was more and more suppressed.

In former days, public affairs were discussed before senate and people,
by persons of every shade of opinion ; now the forum was silenced, even
the minutes of the senate were no longer published, and the vast depart-
ments centred in the princeps received their intelligence and transacted
their business in private, and communicated no more than they thought
fit. What was divulged could not be tested, and those who disbelieved the
information had only surmise to substitute for it. Sometimes, no doubt,
light was afterwards thrown on a dark place, through the record of their
own transactions by public men ', or authentic private communications
which found their way into history, and exposed the falsifications of an
imperial bureau. Tacitus, for instance, or his informants, seem ,to have
had means of knowing that the official report of Tiberius on the Gallic
revolt was no more nor less than truth ^ ; and that, on the other hand, he
had concealed the extent of the losses inflicted by the Frisii ^ It must be
plain, to take no further instances, that our full narrative of the Pan-
nonian and German mutiny, and of the German wars, can be no mere
transcript of the report laid before the senate *.

But as regards all matters not forcing themselves by their magnitude
on public notice, much of the most interesting history must have been
buried for ever in the archives of the prince. To illustrate this, we may
compare the information, scanty as it is, which we have in the Annals, of
the grievances, deputations, inner life of a senatorial province such as
Asia, with the absence of even any similar accounts of any Caesarian
province during this period. We should have known little enough, from
official, or indeed from any purely Roman sources, of the grievances
brought by Philo before Gaius, or of the oppressions which goaded
Judaea to desperation ^.

Many again of the state trials which form so large a part of domestic
history were either before the emperor's private court ^ or cases in which
the senate merely registers a sentence, passed on receipt of a letter or
notes of evidence from the prince or even his minister '^.

Authentic information thus was scanty, but Tacitus notices a further

* Such as the memoirs of Paulinus, ' Note the meagre account which suf-
Corbulo, and Mucianus, already noticed. ficed for a Roman, of all the relations of
Possibly Sallustius Crispus was authority Rome with the Jewish nation i^Hist.
for the matters in i. 6 ; 2. 39-40. 5. 9-10).

^ 3. 47, I. ^ 4. 74, I. * 6. 10, 2 ; II. 3, I (where see no;es).

* I. 52, 2. ' 4- 70. 1 ; 6. 47. 4. &c.; Dio, 5S. 21, 3.

VOL. I r

22 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. III.

defect in his authors, from the faint interest taken even in what they
might have known. Men were ' ignorant of politics, as being no business
of theirs ' ' but that of their rulers. Whoever has taken notice of the
' indiligentia veri ' possible, even now, under circumstances of the utmost
publicity and fullest extension of public responsibility, even among poli-
ticians and political writers, on such public affairs as do not touch them
immediately, will appreciate the profound truth of this remark of Tacitus,
at a time when neither such publicity nor responsibility existed.

Lastly, Tacitus divides all the chroniclers under the principate ^ or at
least all the successors of the great historians of Augustus ^ into two
sharply-contrasted classes, the one, of those who wrote to flatter the
ruling prince, the other, of those who poured out their pent-up rancour
after his death.

We need not assume that each prince had his chroniclers of both these
classes. In the case of Tiberius especially, it has been already noticed *,
that (except the few pages of Velleius already mentioned) no historian
is known even by name to us, as having published any account of the ' res
Tiberii,' ' florente ipso ^' Without assuming that none existed where
none are known to us, we may reasonably suppose that few, if any, cared
to publish contemporary history under a prince whose aversion to
flattery is stated to have been at least as great as his fear of freedom ® ;
while the subsequent rule of the son, brother, and grandson of Ger-
manicus left abundant opportunity for the multiplication of virulent
attacks on the great reputed enemy of that house.

We are really no less in the dark as to those who may have written on
Gains, Claudius, or Nero, ' florentibus ipsis ' ; but it is obvious that the
same historian may have belonged to both classes in different parts of
his narrative ^ even if he could not change sides on the same prince with
the versatility of Seneca ^

' 'Inscitia reipublicae ut alienae' (Hist. (see vol. ii. Introd. p. 23) to Claudius,

I. I, 2). Lucan (Id. p. 76) to Nero, Quintilian,

- Hist. 1. 1. ' Ann. i. i, 5. Statius, Silius Italicus, and Martial to

* See above, p. 14. Domitian.

' Bruttidius and Tus.us (see above, "^ 2. 87, 3.
p. 17) if they wrote any contemporary ' If, for instance, Nonianns and Bassus
history at all, no doubt belonged to this published under Claudius, they would
class. The work of Velleius is criticized have wriiten of that prince as courtiers,
below (ch. viii. p. 155). The general tone and of Tiberius probably as enemies,
of such writers may be inferred from the * Compare the ' Consolatio ad Poly-
language of literature in general towards bium' written in the lifetime of Claudius
the ruling prince; as from that of with the ' Ludus ' published a month after
Vergil and Horace to Augustus, Seneca his death: see vol. ii. Introd. pp. 23, 45.

Chap. IV.] TACITUS' USE OF HIS MATERIALS. 23

CHAPTER IV.

ON THE USE MADE BY TACITUS OF HIS MATERIALS, AND
THE INFLUENCE OF HIS IDEAS AND OPINIONS ON HIS
TREATMENT OF HISTORY ^

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.

PACE

Use made by Tacitus of his materials ..... . . .23

His professed purpose in writing history . . . . . . . .27

His general view hardly affected by his fatalism ...... 29

His apparent pains to ascertain truth and preserve impartiality ... 31

The Annals, nevertheless, generally charged with unfairness • • • • 33

General defects of Roman historical criticism ....... 34

Political sympathies and antipathies of Tacitus ....... 35

Influence of the tendency of the age to satire ....... 36

The question of the use made by Tacitus of the sources open to him
has been of late chiefly discussed as regards the Histories, and in relation
to the close resemblance of portions of that work to Plutarch's Lives of
Galba and Otho^, which, on the supposition that neither author has
used the other-', would show that both had closely followed some
common source, that not only the substance, but sometimes the form,
and even an epigrammatic turn of expression had been adopted as it
stands by both *, and that in some cases even a citation of discrepancies
between authors is given at second-hand ^ Portions of Livy can be
shown to stand in a similar relation to Polybius, and it is contended that
such close following of a single author is very general among ancient
historians, and that the reputation of great writers rests more on literary
skill than industrious research.

The question respecting the Histories, which cannot here be dis-
cussed, turns, it should be remembered, only on a small portion, and
probably in the author's opinion a less important portion of that work";

* In the first part of this chapter * E. g. * cum timeret Otho, timebatur '

several obligations have to be acknow- (H. i. 81, 1), 'flagitia invicem obiccta-

ledged to the work of M Fabia (see p. 13.) vere, neuter falso ' (,11. i. 74, 2).

^ Many of the works spoken of above ' Cp. H. I. 41, 6, with Plut. Galb. 27.
(ch. iii. Introductory note) turn on this Mr. Hardy notes (^Introd. p. xxxvi) other,
subject. The most generally known is but somewhat less clear instances. See
Mommsen's Essay ('Tacitus und Cluvius') below, p. 24, note 5.
in Herm. iv. (1 870) pp. 295-325, and the " Speaking roughly, the First Book, and
most complete in English is Mr. Hardy's first half of the .Second Book : but a con-
Introduction to his edition of these two siderable portion even of this part lies
' Lives.' outside Plutarch, and the first half of the

' This supposition is by no means im- hitter's Life of Galba is outside the His-

contested, and can hardly be called estab- tories.
lished.

24 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. IV.

in the later and principal part of which Tacitus is not known to have
been preceded by any general historian, and is known to have taken
pains in- collecting material and to have had a reputation for ' dili-
gentia '.' It is thus evident that he had formed a habit of research before
he came to the composition of the Annals.

As regards this work, we have only its own evidence to go upon ;
but it seems no more than bare justice to suppose, in the absence of
clear evidence to the contrary, that when he expressly states that he has
consulted an author or other source, he has done so, and such references
could hardly be second-hand without some literary dishonesty. This
would apply in one instance to the memoirs of Agrippina ^, in another
to the 'acta publica ^,' in another to the ' commentarii senaius*,' and in
a few cases to authors not named ^

It should also take positive evidence to make us believe that strong
and general negative expressions ^ are made wholly without verification,
or that the general imputations of servility or malevolence made against
previous historians as a whole ' do not presuppose some wide reading
and personal research ; and although in the great majority of references
words are used not inconsistent with the supposition of second-hand refer-
ence ^ even these would oftener than not be a matter of personal observa-
tion, if we credit him with any comparison of his predecessors at all ^.

In the earlier and larger part of the Annals ^^ he may probably have
made chief use of Nonianus or Bassus, but we can hardly suppose that
his narrative would have been as many-sided as it is if one of these had

' Pliny's account of the eruption of * E. g. ' nullo auctore certo firmantur '

Vesuvius is written in answer to a re- ... 'neque quisquam scriptor ext'tit*

quest: ' petis ut tibi avunculi mei exitum (4. 11, i, 4), 'a scriptoribus annalium

scribam,quo veriustradereposterispossis.' non traditum' (4. 53, 3).

Elsewhere (Ep. 7. 33), in desiring that ' i. i, 5.

some notice of his part in the trial of * E. g. ' tradunt auctores,' ' traditur,'

Baebius Massa should be recorded, he &c. : see above, p. 13, note 7-

assumes that what was to be found in the " Pliny, who is more likely to under-

' acta publica' would not have escaped rate than to exaggerate the difficulties of

his research (' demonstro ergo ; quam- a study only known to him as an outsider,

quam diligentiam tuam fugere non possit, says of the writing of history already

cum sit in actis publicis.') Also Oro^ius treated by others (Epp. 5. 8, ^2^, ' parata

(7. 10, 4) cites as the chief authority on inquisitio sed onerosa collatio.' Tlie latter

the Dacian wars of Domitian ' Cornelius term, while plainly distmguished froiii

Tacitus, qui banc historiam diligentissiuie original research for facts hitherto un-

contexuit ' collected, seems at least to presuppose

^ 4- 53> 3- ^ 3- 3) 2. a careful comparison of existing narra-

* J5-74>3' tives. Nor could the obligations of the

* 2. 88, I ; 3. 3, 2. I should include historian of a special period, like Tacitus,
with these the ' invenio apud quosdam be measured by those of a writer like
auctores' of H. 2. 37, i, which has been Livy, whose work covered many centuries,
claimed as a second-hand reference, *" Probably the first twelve Books (see
but which the resemblance in Plut. Oth. p. 15), but for the latter part of this
9 does not seem sufficient to prove to portion Cluvius and Rusticus (see p. i6)
Le so. may also have come in.

Chap. IV.] TACITUS' USE OF HIS MATERIALS. 25

been followed to the exclusion of the other \ or both to the exclusion of
all besides them. Contemporary history has to be gradually built up
by incorporating fragmentary narratives into systematic treatises, and
only by degrees attains completeness. Nonianus, a pleader and senator
of long standing, would have had much personal knowledge of a limited
kind ^ : Bassus, who may not have been a senator at all ^ might easily
have had greater experience elsewhere, and in his turn may have had
shortcomings^ which Pliny and others could supplement.

Nor are we without positive evidence that Tacitus had noticed omis-
sions in his chief authorities for this period. They had cut short the
dreary recital of state trials and left him to search elsewhere to complete
the record •''. No previous writer, Greek or Roman, seems to have done
full justice to Arminius^ No one earlier than Pliny had preserved the in-
cident turned to such account by Seianus against Agrippina '; her important
political move in seeking a second husband would have been unknown
but for her daughter's memoirs %• the presage respecting Galba's future^
would have been recorded by no one who wrote before its fulfilment.

Of the three leading authors named for the Neronian period^**,
Cluvius alone is never quoted with disapproval. Still, if he were the
main source, the references to the others could hardly be second-hand ",
and they may have known much that he did not. He would represent
the best element in the ' comitatus ' of Nero '^ ; Pliny, besides being the
man of widest reading, would have had most knowledge outside Italy ^^ ;
Rusticus, with whatever reserve his statements were to be received,
would have known most of Seneca's life and policy ".

^ The allusion to them in Dial. 23, 2 '" In what remains of that of Claudius,

would indicate acquaintance with both, no authority is cited by name,
but preference for neither. " It has been suggested above (p. 1 7) that

* The record of senatorial proceedings, he is likely to have written before them,
occupying so much space in the first six '^ He had never stooped to be an accuser
Books, and showing so many traces of an (H. 4. 43, i), but had taken part in Nero's
eye-witness (see p. 19), or the notice performance in Greece (Suet. Ner. 21),
of the interference of Tiberius in the and would have no doubt strongly de-
praetors' courts (1. 75, i), or the tumult scribed the pressure put on men of rank
round Claudius (12. 43, 2) might well to act thus (cp. 14. 14, 5, &c.).

have come from him. " He is known to have been in Africa,

^ He is thought to have been of lower Germany, and Spain. Many notices iu

rank, as no notice is taken of his death, the later Books of the Annals are such as

which probably occurred before the Annals it would have been characteristic of him

break off. to collect, as the prodigies (12. 43, i, and

* He had certainly written on the Ger- later): cp. also 12. 63, 2; 13. 24; 58;
man wars (see above, p. 15), yet Pliny 14. 22 ; 47, 3 ; 15. 18, 2; 22, 3; 32, 2 ;
thought it needful to rewrite that subject, 34, i ; 16. 13, i.

and seems to consider himself the first to '* He is cited for an incident in relation

do justice to Drusus (PI. Epp. 3. 5, 4). to Seneca's end (15. 61, 6), and may well

* 6. 7, 6. have been the authority for the last scene
^ 2. 88, 4. ■' I. 69, 3. (c. 62-64), and other facts (as c. 45, 6),
' 4- 53- 3- ^ ^' 20j 3- evidently from a laudatory source.

26

INTRODUCTION.

[Chap. IV,

Speaking generally, we find that Tacitus disdains all notice of adula-
tory writers ; the contrasted opinions being generally more or less hostile ;
that he only names his chief authors where they disagree \ but that he
sometimes checks them by other sources '^j and does not always follow
the same authority in his earlier and later works ^.

The points of contact between Tacitus and Suetonius, more numerous
in the earlier^ than in the later Books of the Annals*, and far more so in
the Histories than in either *, do not decide the question whether the latter
author used the former or both followed a common source ''. On the
whole, the differences are far greater than the resemblances, as might be
expected from the individualities of the writers, and from the different
point of view of a biographer and a historian. Suetonius probably used
more numerous sources *, but took only what suited him from each.

In the case of Dio, even where some direct use seems indicated ", the
question is complicated by the long interval of time, allowing the sup-
position that he may have known Tacitus through intermediate works '".
We should not suppose that the writer of a complete Roman history
could use many sources for any one period, but it is to be noticed that
he ofien gives particulars omitted by Tacitus and sometimes adopts
a different scale of proportion ".

* See the general rule laid down early
in the history of Nero (13. 20, 4) : ' nos
consensum auctorum secuturi, si qui di-
versa prodiderint, sub nominibus ipsorum
trademus.' It is there applied only to the
three leading authors, and apparently not
always followed.

^ The solitary reference to the * acta
publica ' (3. 3, 2) proves no further use of
them. He had noticed an omission in his
authors, and looked to see if it was an
error. The references to other sources in
I. 69, 3 ; 4. 53, 3 ; 15. 74, 3 are different.
He had found something in each case,
and cannot be sui)posed to have specially
searched for it. This would argue some
general, but not necessarily extensive,
study of the source referred to.

^ The account of the relations of Nero
and Otho with I'oppaea differs materially
from that in the Histories (see on 13. 45,
4), and that oi the llritish rebellion from
the version in the Agricola ^vol. ii. Introd.

PP- I43-I44''-

* See notes on i. 6, 5; 11, i; 72, 4;
6. 25, 4 ; also the verbal resemblance of
4. 36, 2 to Suet. Tib. 37, and above all the
letter of Tibeiius ;6. 6, i ; Suet. Tib. 57;.

* III these very few are noticed, such as
the words on the dedication of the gym-
nasium (14. 47, 3; Suet. Ner. 33) and

some points in the account of the death of
Britannicus (13. 15-17; Suet. Ner. 33).

* See the very full citation of parallel
passages in Lehmann's Claudius, pp.
40-47.

' The latter view has been generally
taken, but E. Cornelius (see p. 12, note
6) argues from scattered Tacitean ex-
pressions in Suet, as ' inpatiens secreti '
i,Ner. 12 ; H. i. 17, 4), ' spiranti adhuc '
(Cal. 12; 1.5,5"), 'vergentedie'(Oih. 7; '3-
38, 7), &c., that he had directly used him.

^ Lehmann collects (p. 49, note 7) a
long list of autliors cited by him and un-
known to us, but almost all of them
belong to the first two ' Lives.'

* The chief passage is that on the case
of M. Terentius, in which Dio (58. 19, 3)
closely agrees with Tacitus (,6. 8\ and
which the latter tells us was omitted by
previous historians. In the presage re-
specting Galba ^see above, p. 25) he shows
strong verbal agreement with Tacitus, but
with some difference of date and circum-
stances (see nole).

'" It is suggested that he may have used
the kxaTovTafTia (history of the century
from Actium to Vespasian) of Appian,
who could himself have used Tacitus.

" For instance, the campaigns in Ger-
many, occupying so large a part of Ann.

Chap, iv.] TACITUS' USE OF HIS MATERIALS.

27

In closing this part of the subject, one on which, notwithstanding all
that has been written, certainty of any kind is rendered impossible by
the loss of all the sources which our historian could have followed,
attention should be called to what at least is undeniable, the literary art
with which the heterogeneous material is arranged and handled, espe-
cially the skill with which a framework mainly annalistic ' is adapted to
dramatic effect, so as to make each successive Book unfold a scene in
the tragedy ^, and, in spite of much monotony of subject ^ to sustain from
beginning to end the reader's interest.

It is of more importance to note the historical purpose of his
work.

The chief aim proposed by him as a historian is the elevation of
public morality, by leading those who study the judgment of the present
on the past, to attach value to that of the future on themselves, ' I hold

I and 2, are dismissed by Dio .57. 18, i)
in one or two lines. He must have fol-
lowed a source in which small space was
given to them and in which (sec above,
p. 2i) Arminius was almost ignored. Also
we have very scanty record of the events
belonging to the latter part of Ann. 4, but
here probably some of Dio's work is lost
to us. On the other hand the funeral and
other posthumous honours of Augustus
occupy far more space in Dio (36. 31-47)
than in Tacitus. With the later Books of
the Annals comparison is difiicult, as Dio
is there .1 bridged or in fragments ; but here
we should judge that he gave more space
(62. T-12) than Tacitus to the Bntish
rebellion. It is unfortunate that in some
places where he gives most detail, as on
the fall of Seianus (58. 8-16) and the last
days of Nero (63. 22-29), ^^ are unable
to compare them.

' See above, p. 6. In one place (6.
38, i) a departure from chronological
order has been introduced to break the
monotony of the domestic record, in an-
other (12. 40, 8) to impress detached
events more on the memory, in another
('3-9. 7j it is noted without reason given,
in many others it is left to be seen from
the narrative itself (cp. ir. 8, i; 13. 53,
I, &c.). Sometimes a previous or sub-
sequent event is brought into connexion
with one mentioned in its proper place
(2. 27, 1 ; 63. 5-7; 88, 3; 3. 55; 12.
5^~b7'> 13- 32, 5, &c.), sometimes ap-
parently misplaced by error (2. 32, 5 ;
'5- 45) 3' '"^'"i notes). Such departures
are far more numerous in the later than

in the earlier Books, and the two chief
instances, the narratives of Eastern and
British affairs, are thereby very difficult
to reduce to any chronological order.
See vol. ii. Introd. chaps. 3 and 4.

^ The Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Books
give each a descending stage in the history
of Tiberius ^to whose first arid best period
the three earlier Books are allotted^, and
eacli leads up to an important crisis, the
retirement to Capreae, the fall of Seianus,
the death of the empeior himself. The
close of the Eleventh and Twelfth Books
are similarly marked. In Nero's case,
one Book describes his first and best five
years, the next begins and ends with his
two chief domestic atrocities, the next and
only other complete Book centres in his
triumph over the first attempt at his over-
throw. Often a concluding sentence leads
up to what is to come : the last words of
the First Book point to the growth of an
iron rule out of the show of freedom, those
of the Fourth to the imminent fall of
Seianus, those of the Eleventh to the fatal
marriage with Agrippina, those of the
P'ourtecnth foreshadow the impending
conspiracy, those of the Fifteenth give the
first hint of the rising of \"index and the
fall of Nero. Where there is no such
purpose, as in the Second and Third, the
Book ends with a sonorous sentence such
as would enhance the effect of oral recita-
tion.

' See the complaints in 4. 32-33; 16.
16. This monotony is often broken by
skilful digression, as in 3. 26-28 ; 4. 5-6 ;
6. 22 ; 28; 12. 24, &c.

28 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. IV.

it the chief office of history to rescue virtue from oblivion, ar^d that base
words and deeds should have the fear of posthumous infamy \'

Even his own age, he feels assured, is not without noble characters
deserving of such record. The operation of traceable causes, or even
the revolution of a kind of cycle, can again bring good after evil, as
fertile succeed to barren seasons ^. An Agricola is as worthy of imita-
tion as the heroes of antiquity, and, by being recorded for posterity, may
receive the imperishable statue erected by those whose lives are formed
on his ^

We may compare with this the nearly similar moral purpose professed
by Livy ; to lead men to avoid the evil and choose the good, by exhibit-
ing the intrinsic character and consequences of both. ' This it is that is
so salutary and fruitful in historical study, that you see specimens of
every type of character conspicuously displayed ; and may hence take
models for yourself and your country to imitate, or instances of what is
vile in its beginning and issues, to avoid *.'

Side by side with this runs another, but a closely connected purpose,
that of being the means of teaching a political wisdom suitable to the
times. He reminds the reader, that as men had of old to study the
tempers of the aristocracy or the people, so, under a virtual monarchy,
even the apparent trifles which he collects and puts on record will
have their use, as men learn what is advantageous or pernicious more
readily from the examples of others than from any forethought of their
own ^

This purpose, though apparently less exalted than the other, aims no
less in result at elevating the character of public men. For the lesson
which he desires to teach is that ' even under bad princes there can be
good citizens ®,' and that the most admirable is generally also the most
successful; neither the base courtier who, by any reaction, or even by
the mere desire for a new instrument '', is unmade in a moment by the
breath that made him, nor the proud and impracticable ' irreconcileable,'
like Helvidius Priscus, who ostentatiously flings away his life *, but the
dignified reserve and moderation, ' removed alike from perilous disrespect
and loathsome servility,' which sustained the position of a Maniois Lepidus
under Tiberius °, a Memmius Regulus under Nero^", and an Agricola
under Domitian ".

^ Ann. 3. 65, I ; see also Agr. i, i. * Livy, Praef. lo. ^ Ann. 4. 33, 2.

His idea of virtue, as Von Kanke notes ® Agr. 42, 5. ' Ann. 4. 71, i.

(.Weltgesch.), is the Roman idea, con- " Agr. 1. 1. ° Ann. 4. 20, 4.

sisting in courage, resolution, fidelity. '" Ann. 14. 47, i.

' 3- 6.S, (' ; ^;p. 2. 88, 4. *' Agr. 42-44. This idea is on the

^ Agr. 46, 3. whole consistently maintained, but his

Chap. IV.] TACITUS' USE OF HIS MATERIALS. 29

It is with tliese pur])oses that we are to suppose him to have dealt
with his materials ; on these that his sense of historical proportion, in the
topics made more or less prominent or wholly omitted, may be taken to
be mainly grounded'. Even granting the defects incident to history
thus written for a purpose ; his aim and range of subject elevate his
work above mere biographies, such as those of Suetonius. Much as all
history at such a time must dwell on the personal qualities of the prince,
he has never made these his subject in themselves ; but always in some
subordination to their effect on the personal government and admini-
stration of the empire. The designation of his work by St. Jerome,
as ' Lives of the Caesars ^' needs but to be mentioned, to show its entire
inadequacy.

Yet again, the purpose in view alone justifies to himself, and is expected
to justify to the reader, the monotony of his theme ; the weary record of
' cruel mandates, perpetual accusations, treacherous friendships, destruc-
tion of the guiltless ' ; forming in his mind so painful a contrast to the
roll of foreign conquests and great domestic struggles which his prede-
cessors were privileged to unfold ^. Much indeed that would have been
far more interesting to ourselves has thus been sacrificed, but he is at
least entitled to the credit of having adhered steadily to his plan *.

The apparent inconsistency in the profession of a didactic purpose by
an author who inclines to fatalism, is to be met by showing that the
opinions of Tacitus on this subject are neither so prominent nor so
definite as to make such inconsistency palpable, and that the saving
clauses in his creed evidently sufliced to prevent his being himself
perplexed by it.

The principal passage on the subject do,es not directly treat of the
freedom of human action, but raises the question whether prosperity and
adversity and the chief occurrences of life are due to chance or fate ^.

earliest manifesto (see Introd. to Agr.) is praised (see vol. ii. Introd. p So), the trial

the most strongly directed against the and death of this great leader of opposition

Republican extremists who evidently de- are described with unstinted admiration,

nounced his own and his father-in-law's and the imputations against the Stoic

acquiescence under Domitian. In the creed are only put into the mouth of the

Histories, Helvidius is on the whole ad- accusers.

mired, but his defects are noted (H. 4. * Reasons for the prominence given to

4-9, &c.), and the historian's sympathies particular topics are staled in i. 73, i ;

are rather with the ' modestissimus quis- 2. 27, i ; 3. 65, 1 ; 4. 32-33, &c.

que' who ignored his ' sententia' (4. 9, 3' ; * See above, ch. ii. p. 12. ' 4. 33, 3.

nor is the disinclination of the senate to * Many such Omissions as those noted

proceed to extremity against the tools of by Mr. G. A. Simcox ^Hist. of Latin

Nero (H. 4. 44, i) exjiressly censured. Literature, ii. p. 175^ seem due to the

In the Annals, although moderate men limit which Tacitus thus imposes on

are strongly commended (see above , and himself.

Thrasea is by no means indiscriminately * 6, 32 (where see notes).

30 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. IV.

The latter would imply the agency of the gods, who are elsewhere
recognized as originators of destiny \ and rulers of man and nature^,
sometimes as caring at least to punish^, if not to protect*, sometimes as
those who would bless us if our sins permitted them^, sometimes as
pursuing their purpose with sublime indifference to our good deeds
or evil^

The Epicurean doctrine, that the deity cares for none of us, that good
or bad are fortunate or unfortunate as blirid chance may guide, is briefly
dismissed in this passage. In an atheistic form it was no doubt un-
acceptable to Tacitus and to general opinion, though popular enough,
as Pliny has shown'', when brought into apparent harmony with religion
by the elastic theology which worshipped Fortune as a goddess * and
reconciled opposites by the apotheosis of a negation.

The Stoic theory, as stated in the same place, besides repeating the
well-known doctrine, that the good are never really miserable nor the
wicked happy, reconciles destiny and freewill by supposing that after
man has made his ' choice of life,' its consequences are determined, not
by planetary influences but by natural causation. A more extreme, and
apparently more popular theory, to which Tacitus evidently inclines,
would hold that our destiny is fixed from the moment of our birth, and
could be foretold from our horoscope, were we sure of our interpreter ;
but that the true professors are few, and the art discredited by the
multitude of quacks.

Believing in astrology, he believed also in prodigies and omens ' as
means whereby the future was revealed ; but here again he would say
that misinterpretations were rife '°, and that many prognostications were
only recognized as such after the event '^

Elsewhere he often uses popular language in which fortune and

' Thus ' fatalem rabiem ' is explained ' Tacitus often personifies ' fortuna,' as

by ' deum ira' (i. 39, 8). Cp. also 2. in3. 18, 6; 11.2. 1,1; 4. 47, 2, &c. The

^l, 2. mixture of scepticnl and theological ideas

^ See 12. 43, 3 ; 14. 5, i, &c. in the first of these passages is nole-

' 4. I, 3 ; 16. 16, 3. worthy.

* See H. I. 3, 3, where he appears to * See above, p. 16, note i, also 12.
follow Lucan, 4. 807. 43, i ; 64, i; 14. 32, 1; 15. 7, 3; 47,

' Cp. ' propitiis, si per mores nostros i, &c. The miracles of Vespasian are

liceret, dels' (H. 3. 72, i). viewed as omens, H. 4. 81, i. He

* Cp. 'aequitate deum erga bona mala- makes no such apology as that of Livy
que documenta' (16. 33, 1). (43. 13, i)-

' See N. il. 2. 7 (5), 22, where he looks 1° Cp. 'quae adeo sine cura deum eve-
on such a goddess as a mere invention niebant' (14. 12, 4); 'quod in pace
(cp. Juv. 10. 366), but as the only deity fors seu natura, tunc fatum et ira dei
popularly worshipped. He adds that the vocabatur' (H. 4. 26, 2). Similar mis-
alternative of astrological fatalism sup- interpretations are hinted at in 13. 17, 2;
poses the deity to have ordained once for H. 2. 91, i.
all, and then to rest for ever, " See H. i. 10, 7.

Chap. IV.] TACITUS' USE OF HIS MATERIALS. 31

destiny are mingled and confused \ and the latter appears often to mean
no more than the operation of some inexplicable cause ', or sometimes
onl\' that which would happen in the ordinary course of nature if men
made no cfTort to supersede it^. When he has to explain the steady
career and position of a Manius Lepidus, he feels that it must be due not
altogether to destiny, but in part at least to his own personal qualities *.

On the whole, his doctrine has thus neither the precision nor the
embarrassing consequences of a philosophical theory, and is rather such
as would be expected in one who held that, while a tincture of deeper
studies formed part of necessary culture ^, it was not well for a Roman
senator to go too far in them ^ His creed serves him at limes to point
a moral, rather than affects his general view of historical events ''.

Writing with a moral purpose, it is needless to say that Tacitus holds
himself bound to tell the truth without prejudice or favour ", That he is
no careless follower of previously written narratives has been already
shown ^; while the accuracy in detail, both of himself and his informants,
is in no slight degree evidenced by confirmatory inscriptions, such as those
already cited '° ; and by the paucity and insignificance of such errors of
fact as have been clearly brought home to him ". What is probably the
weakest point in his narrative, the want of precision in its geography "^,
is a defect which he shares with Livy, Sallust, and other authors, who
have had to describe military movements on an extensive scale without
the aid of maps ''.

Two points may here be noted, in which this obligation to veracity is
consciously relaxed.

Firstly, in the account of battles, at least of disastrous battles, he

* See notes on 6, 22. " E g. i. 41, 3 ; 2. 52, 8 ; 3. 29, 3 ;
^ Cp. 3. 30, 7; 55, 6; 13. 12, 2. So 4. 44, 3; 12. 23, 5; 16/17, 2.

when the blindness of Varus, and the power ^'' See notes generally on the cam-

for evil wielded by one so mediocre as paigns of Germanicusand Corbulo, the in-

Seianus, are referred to fatality or wTath cursionsofTacfarinas, British expeditions,

of heaven (i. 55, 4; 4. i, 3), it is meant &c.

that no traceable cause can account for '■■ See the defects noted even in Poly-
them. bins (Arnold, Hist, of Rome, vol. iii.
' Cp. the use of ' fatum,' of natural note F.). The defects in the militaiy
death (,!. 3, 3 ; 2.42,5; 71, 2), implying narratives of Tacitus are, however, not
that a man baulked his destiny by icilling confined to want of geographical precision,
himself or by being killed. So Tiberius The whole scene is conceived in the
left to ' fate ' what it was too great an spirit of an orator, and rhetorical de-
effort to settle 1^6. 46, 5). scriptions of battles or episodes illus-

* 4. 20, 5. * Dial. 19, 5. trating the personality of the leader take

* Agr. 4, 4. the place of any intelligible account of
' On the whole subject, see Nipp. In- campaigns. If through these defects he

troduction, pp. 17-20. is not, as Mommsen calls him (see vol. ii.

* Ann. I, I, 6; H. i. I, 4. Introd. p. 144^, 'the most unmilitaiy of
' See above, pp. 25, 26. historians,' it is because Livy might well
'" See ch. ii, throughout. dispute the palm with him.

32 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. IV.

considers it a point of patriotism to conceal the number of Roman
slain. This reticence, observable throughout his narrative, especially in
the account of the campaigns of Germanicus, appears to have been
deliberately adopted as a principle, and grounded on precedent, in a lost
part of the Histories \

The second exception relates to the practice, so common among
ancient historians, and never regarded by them as a breach of truth,
of composing imaginary speeches purporting to be historical ^. There
is, however, reason to believe that Tacitus recognized some limit in
this respect, as may be seen by the comparison elsewhere made between
the speech assigned to Claudius on the concession of full citizenship to
the Gauls ^ with the extant fragments of the actual speech *, which would
lead us to conclude, that in such documents as the recorded letters and
speeches of the princeps to the senate, Tacitus while feeling at liberty
to condense, rearrange, and generally to deal with the form as he
thought fit, and to assimilate the style and language to his own for the
sake of literary homogeneity ^ does consider himself under an obligation
to preserve the substance of what was really said, and that such passages
are, to this extent, historical " : though a much smaller measure of truth
may be supposed -in less known or less famous senatorial speeches'';
and still >less, or rather none, in such orations as those of Calgacus to
his countrymen ^, or in the address of Germanicus to the mutinous
legions, or that to his friends around his death-bed ^.

Besides the emphatic profession of the historian's obligation to impar-
tiality, we have to note ihe full belief of Tacitus that he has the means

* Orosius (vii. lo, 4\ speaking of the from some speeches more closely (Tib.
defeat of Fiiscus by the Dacians, says, 67). Shorter quotations of the substance
'Corn. Tacitus, qui banc historian dili- of letters, &c., are very frequent,
gentissime contexuit, de reticendo inter- ' See 3. 33-.^4 ; 14- 43-44, &o. The
fectorum numero, et Sallustium Crispum speech of Lepidus (3. 50) much resembles
et alios auctores quam plurimos sanxisse, that given at a later date to Thrasea
et seipsum potissimum elegisse dicit.' (14. 48), and both express the more
See Merivale, Hist. ch. Ixi. p. 105. For politic attitude of the opposition: while
exceptions, see 14. ?.'], 5; Agr. 37, 6. the defence of Cordus (4. 34-3.';) has (as

"^ It is noted that this is the form in Asbach notes) the character of a mani-

which motives for actions are commonly festo of the historian's own sentiments,

traced, with the idea (see Time. i. 22, 1) * Agr. 30-32. Even here the historian

of making the speaker say what appears speaks as if he was following a tradition

to the historian most suitable to the case. (' in hunc modum locutus fertur'). As-

'11, 24. bach notes that rhetorical commonplaces,

* See Appendix to 13. xi. as the aspiration lyr liberty, resolution to
' lie himself describes such adaptation conquer or die, &c , enter largely into all

by the word ' invertere ' (15 63, 7). these speeches (cp. 2. 15, 4; 4. 35, 4,

^ This would probably apply to the &c.), but that all have a local colouring

speeches, edicts, or letters of Tiberius thrown over them.

(3. 6; 12; 53; 4. 37') as distinct from ' 1.42; 43; 2.71. The former speech

the one passage in which his actual words shows imitation of one in Livy (see note

are quoted (6. 6, i). Suet, seems to quote on i. 42, 4).

Chap. IV.] TACITUS' USE OF HIS MATERIALS. 33

of reaching truth, by weighing in the scales of justice the indiscriminate
praise or censure of earlier writers. He is more conscious of the difficulty
of writing on the Flavian Caesars, to whom he was personally indebted',
than on the period covered by the Annals, one in which, as he believed,
' the grounds of resentment or partiality were far removed from him".'

In one case, when he discusses and rt-jects a scandalous tale, he begs
the reader to take it as a specimen ^, implying that he has rejected many
other such ; which a comparison with Die or Suetonius will sufficiently
confirm, A single instance may here deserve notice, from the attempts of
commentators to force it into compatibility with his narrative. Suetonius
tells a story, partly perhaps derived from Seneca* and the elder Pliny*,
that Tiberius, when already princeps, spent thirty-six hours in a con-
tinuous drinking bout with L. Piso and Pomponius Flaccus, both of
whom were rewarded for their boon companionship — ' alteri Syriam
provinciam, alteri praefecturam urbis confestim detulit^' But according
to the text of Tacitus in the IMS., Piso, at his death in 785, a. d. 32, had
been twenty years praefect, and had therefore held that office under
Augustus ''. This is got rid of by the supposition that twenty years
is a round number, or that in some earlier IMS. in which numerals were
used, 'xx' and ' xv ' have been confused. But the story limps elsewhere,
for the appointment of Flaccus to Syria cannot be dated before 785,
A. D. 32 ^ This again is met by referring 'confestim' to Piso alone;
which, if open to no odier objection, spoils the point of the story by
destroying the plausible connexion of cause and effect, and by making
Suetonius gravely connect this appointment with a debauch of some
fifteen years before it, when the consulship® and the governorship of
Moesia'" had intervened. The suggestion is surely more probable that
Tacitus was aware of this story, saw its inconsistency with facts and dates,
and rejected it without even noticing it.

In spite, however, of his diligence, his firm conviction of his own
impartiality, and his belief that he treads on firmer ground in describing
times further off from his own, it has been the general verdict of modern
criticism, that ' the Histories of Tacitus are more to be relied on than his
Annals",' and the latter are even maintained to be 'almost wholly
satire '^' The very excellences of the book are also noted as its defects.

' H. I. I, 4. ' Ann. i. 1,6. but it becomes an undoubted I'act with

' 4. II. ' Ep. 83, 14. Suetonius.

•'' N. H. 14. 22 28), 145. ' See notes on 6. ii.

* Suet. Tib. 42. Seneca mentions only ' See notes on 6. 27.

that i'iso had a habit of drinking ; I'liny ' 2. 41, 2. '" 2. 66, 3.

gives the part relating to him' of this " Merivale, Hist. ch. Ivii. j). 467.

story as a mere ' belief of some persons ;' '■' Id. ch. Ixiv. p. 343.

34 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. iv.

It is not in the bare facts, which, as stated above, are rarely known to
be erroneous, and not often suspected of being so; but in the artistic
treatment of the facts, the brilliant colouring, the effective contrasts, the
dramatic situations, above all, in the subtle interpretation of motives, that
the injustice is mostly conceived to lurk.

Again, the further he recedes from his own time, the greater, instead
of the less, becomes the suspicion of unfairness. His portraiture of
Claudius and Nero is less assailed than that of Tiberius, which, although
the most elaborate analysis of character in all his writings, is also most
often attacked as untrustworthy.

It will be the work of other chapters to follow him in detail through
the whole period, and to point out such inconsistencies and unfairnesses
as may seem traceable : but we may here notice such general considera-
tions as make it probable that he has dealt less than justice to the early
Caesars.

One chief cause will be found in the fact that in the Annals generally^
and in the early portion especially, he is beyond the limits of his own
knowledge, and forced to depend on written authorities ; and in the
defects of his own and their methods of dealing with historical evidence.

The Roman critical faculty, never so keenly on its guard against
inaccuracy in substance as against solecisms in language \ seems
generally to have spent the force of its historical judgment in dealing
with discrepancies between informants, without recognizing the in-
sufficiency of even their united testimony to establish what was beyond
their means of knowledge. Such is the general attitude of Livy
towards his chroniclers ; such again appears to be that of Tacitus
towards his ' auctores.' He could firmly reject a floating tale which
they had never recognized, and which was otherwise improbable "^ ; he
could supplement their defects in detail, judge freely between their
differences; we can imagine him to have rejected, even in the face of
testimony, a statement evidendy inconsistent with itself or exaggerated :
but where a story was generally accepted, and did not bear plain marks
of overstatement or incredibility ^, we cannot suppose it to have occurred
to him to ask whether its subject was one on which his authorities
were competent to speak. For instance, the details of a private cor-
respondence between Tiberius and Seianus are given without expressed
or implied suspicion *, though it appears to, us almost impossible to
imagine authentic evidence of them.

* See the remarks of Merivale, Hist. (H. 2. 50, 3) is capable of a general ap-

ch. Ixiv. p. 305. plication, ' volgatis tradiiisque demere

^ 4. II. fidem non ausim.'

^ His sentiment in relating a prodigy * Ann. 4. 39; 40. In a similar case,

Chap. IV.] TACITUS' USE OF HIS MATERIALS. 35

Any such misleading effect of a 'consensus auctorum' would be
aggravated, if, as has been seen to be probable in respect to the prin-
cipate of Tiberius, the original authorities belonged almost wholly to
the hostile section'. The critic might feel that he had made a con-
siderable deduction for their prejudices, and might naturally consider
that this was sufficient.

It is also noteworthy that he treats the testimony of his authorities
as evidence not only for an act but for a motive^; and only with diffi-
dence suggests an explanation of his own'. Here it is probable that
the discrepancy of his witnesses left him much room for choice, and
enabled him, without going beyond the alternatives suggested by them,
to interpret the acts in accordance with his general conception of the
character.

Further explanation must be found in the personal opinions of
Tacitus, and in the circumstances of his life.

His political attitude to the early Caesars could not really be one of
indifference; for the revolution which they accomplished and con-
solidated was with him the main cause of the degeneracy of his own
age. Loyal as he is to the emperors under whom he wrote ; who had
' combined monarchy with freedom * ' and brought about ' an age of
rare felicity, in which men might think what they would and say what
they thought ' ; ' he could see that the remedy worked far more slowly
than the disease*, and feel the more resentment against the supposed
authors of the latter.

His political sympathies are those of the idealist rather than the
statesman ; his golden age is before the dawn of history '', and his
golden age of Rome, the old Republic seen through the mist of ages,
the time when 'equitable legislation was crowned by the Laws of the
Twelve Tables*;' or, at latest, the days before the fall of the great
foreign powers had developed the dangers of security and peace".
Himself probably no more connected with the old families than was
Cicero, he yet cannot divest himself of the reverence inspired by their
glories in the history of the early period '°. Blind to the misgovern-
ment which alone made revolution possible, he can see only the in-
trigues of ambitious men who brought about the fall of ' liberty.'

the alleged letter of Lentulus Gaetulicus ' H. 2. 38, 2.

is cautiously given as a mere 'persistent "* As instances of his sympathy may be

rumour,' 6. 30, 4. noted his tone in speaking of the men-

' See above, ch. iii. p. 22. dicancy of Hortalus ^2. 37 j or the crimes

^ Cp. I. 80, 3, &c. of Lepida (3. 23); and the aggravation

^ See 4. 57, 2. * Agr. 3, i. in his eyes of the guilt of Livia by her

* H. I. I, 5. * Agr. 1. 1. adulterer being no more than a 'munici-

' Ann. 3. 26, I. 8 3. 27, I. pal ' (4. 3, 4).

36 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. IV.

Gracchus with him ranks no higher than Saturninus ' ; not even Sulla
or Pompeius had disinterested aims ^ ; the dictatorship of the first Caesar
seems only to form part of the twenty years of anarchy ^. There are in-
dications enough that his view of Augustus was as different from that
of Vergil or Horace as his Tiberius from the Tiberius of Velleius*.
The ' weariness of civil strife ^ ' which had followed Actium was em-
ployed by Augustus first to ' secure his own ascendency,' and then to
give ' laws which we were to enjoy in peace and under monarchy '','
f'rom this time ' the old morality disappeared in the revolution ; men
cast aside their position of civic equality and looked for orders to the
j)rince '' ; ' hence begins the servile age of sycophants and courtiers.
The restoration of the Republic is still so far conceived to have been
possible ", that Germanicus and his father are imagined to have contem-
plated it ", and popularly held to have been victims of their love of
liberty '". The vices of the senatorial rule, the improvement of pro-
vincial administration under the empire, are ignored even at the mo-
ment when they are admitted " ; and the first Caesars are assumed to
be mainly responsible for the degradation which had changed the
senate that confronted Pyrrhus or Hannibal to that which had dragged
its own members to prison at the bidding of Domitian '^

Our estimate must also take account of the author's literary ten-
dencies. In one sense, not the Annals alone, but all the works of
Tacitus are satire ; for satire, in the various forms which it took under
Persius, Petronius, Martial, Juvenal, was the chief literary force of the
age"; and a writer out of harmony with the times of which he wiites
had a whole armoury of sharp-edged maxims ready to his hand. ' In-

' Ann. 3. 27, 3. ^ H. 2. .^8, 3, 4. and Trajan, but because he is speaking of

^ Ann. 3. 28, 2. earlier limes, when, as at the death of

' See especially the prominence given Augustus, there were yet those living,

to the hostile opinion (i. 10). however few, who had seen the Republic

' I. I, 3. ' 3. 28, 3. (i. 3, 7), and survivals of liberty were

* I. 2, I. more frequent (i. 74, 6), and its restora-

" On this the testimony of his writings tion was conceivably feasible, had the

is hardly uniform. In Agr. 42, 5, the En pire passed into the hands of one who

Republic is the 'inlicita' which some ad- favoured such an idea. It is unfortunate

mired : monarchy is essential to peace that we have not his view of the time

and order (H. i. i, 2); Galba is made to when such restoration of the Republic

affirm the same necessity, and to speak in was discussed at the death of Gains, or

the terms of Nerva's policy (H. 1. 16, O: fought for (as some think) by Vindex

good rulers with liberty of thought and (see vol. ii. Appendix iii. p. 635).

speech are all that can be desired (Agr. ^ i. 33, 4. *" 2. 82, 3.

3, I ; H. I. I, 5), and even if this ideal is " i. 2, 2.

not realized wise men make the best of '^ Agr. 45, i. The ideal of the senate

such as they get (H. 4. 8, 3). If a differ- is described in Otho's speech (H. i. 84,

ence is noted in the passages of the Annals 6-Jo).

here cited, it is perha]is not because the " This is well shown by Mr. Simcox in

author changed his opinions as he grew the History of Latin Literature already

older and lost faith in the ideal of Nerva mentioned.

Chap. IV.] TACITUS' USE OF HIS MATERIALS. 37

mitior quia toleraverat ' :' ' acerrima proximorum odia^ : ' 'causae in-
imicitiae acriores quia iniquae ^ : ' ' proprium humani generis odisse
quern laeseris*' — these and a hundred such are the forms in which
the stern and bitter experiences of the historian's life express themselves.
There are no such arrows in the quiver of Augustan literature ; they arc
hardly so barbed even in Juvenal. Again, we have the satiric tendency,
prevalent especially in the Annals, to take extreme acts as typical of the
man, and extreme men as typical of the age. Not, however, chat such
exaggerations are on one side only : the great literary artist knows too
well the effect of a heightened contrast to neglect the opportunities held
out to him. Even on such neutral ground as the subject of the
' Germania ' this is thought to have affected the historical fidelity of
Tacitus ; and in the portraiture of Rome under the Caesars, the tempta-
tion was far more irresistible. Hence the effort to idealize a Germanicus,
a Corbulo, or an Agricola, and others who might be mentioned ; and the
tendency to surround with glory the death-scene of the martyrs.

Between this sharply-drawn contrast of hideous vices and heroic
virtues, the neutral multitude of ordinary men on the dead level of
average mediocrity of character in all ranks of life, however deeply
interesting to those who would truly trace the general tendencies of an
age, fade as completely out of sight as the shadowy rank and file of
the Homeric armies.

' Ann. 1. 20, 2. ^ H. 4.70, 3. ■' Ann. i. 33, 3. * Agr. 42, 4.

VOL. I

38 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. v.

CHAPTER V.

ON THE SYNTAX AND STYLE OF TACITUS, WITH ESPECIAL
REFERENCE TO THE ANNALS.

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.
General Remarks pp. 38-42

Syntax. sections

I. Nouns and Pronouns . . . . . . . . .1-9

II. Cases of the Noun io-37

III. Verbs 38-43

IV. Moods and Tenses 43-53

V. Participles 54-55

VI. Prepositions 56-63

VII. Adverbs and Conjunctions •• 64-68

S/yle.

I. New words or new senses of words ....... 69-72

II. Rhetorical and poetical colouring

III. Influence of the study of brevity

IV. Influence of the study of variety in expression
V. Influence of imitation ....

73-79

80-84

85-94
95 97

The Lexicon Taciteum of Botticher^ the Excursus of Roth on the
Agricola "^j and the ' Index Latiniiatis ' in Ruperti's edition ^, represented
ibr some time the chief results of the labour of scholars on this subject ;
but the literary activity of recent years in Germany has superseded those
by a large number of treatises, mostly on special points, many of which
are gathered up into and supplemented by the valuable treatise of
Dr. Draeger*, still the most complete and systematic work on the
subject, from which far the greater part of the substance of what is here
given has been derived, and to which all who desire further information
are throughout referred ^ In the necessarily limited selection here made,
it is intended to illustrate not only such points of usage and style as are

' I'erlin, 1830. ^ Niirnberg, 1833. logus (xxiv. 1 15-123 ; xxv. 92-134; xxvi.

' Hanover, 1834. 92-166; xxvii. 1 13-1491, and in l]ursian's

* Uebcr Syntax und Stil des Tacitus, Jahresberichte (iii. 756-787) ; also of

3d ed., Leipzig, 1882. Those who desire the third and fourth parts of Joh. Miiller's

a more concise treatise may be referred to Beitrage zur Kritik und Erklarung des

Gantrelle's Gramm.iire et Style de Tacite, Corn. Tacitus (Innsbruck, 1873), and of

2(1 ed., Paris, 18S2. the notes of Heraeus on the Histories,

•'' Much use has also been made of the and of Prof. Gudeman (1894J on the

valuable dissertations by Wolftlin in Piiilo- Dialogus.

Chap. V.] THE SYNTAX AND STYLE OE TACITUS. 39

wholly peculiar to Tacitus, but also the most remarkable of those which,
though adopted from earlier writers, are used by him with characteristic
boldness and freedom.

Among the features of the Latinity of what is called the silver age,
one of the most prominent is the introduction into prose of words and
forms of expression from the great classic poets, who had by that time
become the text- books of every grammar-school '. Tliat this extended
to all kinds of prose composition, may be illustrated from the fact that
out of a list, gathered from Tacitus, of nearly 100 words, more or less
frequent in Augustan poetry, but absent from Augustan or classic prose,
more than half had already won a place in intermediate prose literature,
mostly in the plain, matter-of-fact descriptions of the elder Pliny ^
Another such list might easily be framed from Livy, to show by a com-
parison with Caesar, or even Sallust, the influence of poetic diction on
historical prose, in the latter part of the Augustan age itself.

Partly through this adoption of poetic language, partly through the
increasing taste for what was Greek, as such ^ Latinity had also become
more tolerant of Greek words and grammatical Graecisms.

In Tacitus, the first of these general tendencies is abundantly pro-
minent * ; the latter he may probably have looked upon as a corruption,
as he shows no disposition to add to the Graecisms or Greek words
already in use \ His earliest treatise, the ' Dialogus,' shows even
a reaction in the direction of Ciceronian Latinity"; his later writings,
while showing less and less trace of Cicero'', have acquired so marked
an individuality of style *, that even a fragment, long lurking unsuspected
in the pages of Sulpicius Severus, has been claimed for Tacitus with
good grounds on internal evidence alone '^.

The special qualities of his style are no doubt due, in no small
measure, to his professional career. As the first forensic orator of the
day, we might assume that he had perfected such gifts as were pre-
scribed to a pleader by the prevailing fashion ; and he has himself
described to us the difference between the rolling periods of Ciceronian
eloquence and the style demanded in his own age, when jury and

' Juv. 7. 226. that he is hardly less strongly contrasted

* See Draeger, § 249, i. with Pliny and Ouintilian than with Cicero
' See Juv. 3. 61, &c. and Sallust. These writers represented

• See below, §§ 70, 72^ and several the more simple and colloquial style of
others. ^ See § 95. the silver age, which stood to earlier

° See Dr. § 259, i, also Peterson and Latin somewhat as modern English to

Gudeman. that of Johnson.

■' The chief instance is found in the ' See Sulp. Sev. Hist. Sacr. 2. 30, 6 ;

reminiscences of De Orat. 3. 2, 3, in Agr. Jac. Bernays, Uber die Chronik des Sulp.

44, 45. " Sev., Berlin, 1861 ; Milman, Hist, of the

" Prof. Allen well notes Introd. xxxii; Jews, bk. xvi. p. 366, note.

40 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. v.

listeners soon wearied of a long harangue, were impatient of the
speaker's preamble, and recalled him peremptorily from a digression ;
so that brevity had become the soul of wit, rapidity and incisive bril-
liancy the qualities most sure to reward the pains taken to acquire them.
He tells us of pupils listening eagerly, and reporting to their friends
at a distance the last pungent epigram, or glowing poetic passage.
' For poetic grace is now demanded of the orator, not marred with
the rust of Accius or Pacuvius, but fresh from the treasury of Horace,
of Vergil, or of Lucan '.' Tacitus was thus under influences both
general or literary and also special or professional, in adopting the
poedcal colouring so characteristic of him ; but it is perhaps due to
individual taste that the poetical element in his writings is almost wholly
Vergilian ^

Besides carrying much of his habitual style into the composition of
history, he evidently studied, as modes of historical writing, his chief
predecessors in that field, for whom he expresses such genuine ad-
miration. Of this kind, the chief influence on him known to us, is
that of Sallust and Livy, who, though rarely expressly mentioned ^,
leave their traces in a number of forms of expression throughout his
writings * ; the former being naturally his model of terseness, the latter of
eloquence ; with his own taste to blend and modify ihem ^

He has himself told us of his own painful consciousness of the dull
monotony and repulsive sadness of great part of his narrative, compared
with the range of subject and free treatment of the old historians ".
Hence, in the true skill of an advocate with a tedious case, he would

' See the descripuon given by Aper pecially in G. Schoenfcld's treatise De

(the chief representative of the modern Taciti studiis Sallustianis, Leipzig, 1884.

school) in Dial. 19-20. It is most prominent in the Germania

^ Tlie debt of 'I'a^itus to Vergil will be and Agricola isee Introductions to those

apparent throughout this chapter (see treatises , but is also evident in the Annals

especially §§ 70; 72 ; 97) and from the in many words and senses of words ^see

notes passim, and is much more fully set notes passim and many of the syntactical

forth in the treatise of H. Schmaus, usages noted below, as well as in, the

Tacitus ein Nachahmer Vergils, IJani- imitation of actual expressions (see § 97),

berg, 1884. It is there shown that of in the descriptions of the characters of

319 words apparently originating in Ver- Seianus and l^oppaea (,see on 4. i, 4; 13.

gil, 57 are found in 'lacitns ; inost of them 45^ 2), and in some speeches (see on 3. 50,

liaving,however, found their way into inter- i; 14.43,1). If the influence of Livy is

mediate prose) and lliat such usages as lest apparent, it is because he also has

those noted in §§ 4; i 2 ; 33 e ; 40 ; 41 ; frequently followed Sallust, and the re-

43, appear very often to be derived from semblances in Tacitus could often be as-

him. signed to either.

^ 'C. Sallustius rerum Komanarum * The instances in which he is thought

floientissimus auctor ' Ann. 3. 30, 3 ; by Zimmermann and others to have fol-

' Livius velerum, Fabius Rusticus recen- lowed Seneca in the Annals do not seem

tium eloquentissimi auctores ' Agr. 10, 3. strong : see notes on 3. 26, i ; 4. iS, 3 ;

* The influence of Sallust on Tacitus 6. 6, 2; 10, 2.
has been shown by several writers, es- ' Ann. 4. 32.

Chap, v.] THE SYNTAX AND STYLE OE TACJTUS. 41

the more studiously seek to create variety, and stimulate the flagging
interest of the reader, even by ever so short an episode ' ; by a de-
pai ture from his usual order of narrative "^ ; by multiplying, artificially
and even fancifully, the expressions for constant occurrences ^ ; by
a hundred small variations in the structure or arrangement of sentences^;
by straining more and more after novelties, or by occasionally reviving
archaisms in vocabulary or phrase'''; by anything to break the weary
sameness of his chronicle of tyranny.

The old criticism, tracing the characteristics of the style of Tacitus
to poetic colouring, and to the study of brevity and of variety ^ will be
seen to be well founded, and to be capable of explanation from the
circumstances of his life and nature of his subject ; and to show the
natural gifts, not unmixed with the natural defects, of the most finished
pleader of an age which required above all that its orators should be
terse, brilliant, and striking.

Historical style was all the more likely to be rhetorical, owing to the
custom of oral recitation. From many instances in which the effect
on the ear seems to be studied, and others in which oral emphasis
would have removed an ambiguity, it is not improbable that Tacitus
may have adopted this general practice.

To these should be added the most truly personal of all his traits
of style, the elevation and dignity {affiptWrji) known to have characterized
the orator ^, and which, in the relation not only of great matters, but
also of what is trivial, or even revolting, appears never to be lost sight of
by the historian.

The following instances are almost wholly restricted to the Annals,
not only on account of the limits of the present work, but also because
these are the most truly Tacitean of all the writings of Tacitus ; many
uses and expressions, rare or even unknown in his earlier writings, being
in them frequent and even habitual -.

The arrangement of Draeger, whose sections are cited throughout, is
far more elaborate and scientific than that here given, which has been
simplified for convenience of general reference. It will be evident that

' See above, p. 27, note 3. ' Plin. Epp. 2. 11, 17.

^ .Seel. 1., note 1. * This has been very fully shown by

^ See § 93. * See §§ 85-92. Wolfflin (Phil. xxv. 95-127). See also

•'' This increasing preference ot unusual below, §§ 22 b, 31, 36, 37, 40, 64, 69, 77,

or even obsolete expressions is shown by 89. The style and language of the ' Dia-

Wolfflin (Phil. xxv. ]i. 95 foil.) to be the logus ' are exhaustively treated by Gude-

true key to the difference between the man, and more concisely by Peterson ;

earlier and later writings. those of the Germania and Agricola briefly

* IJotticher (Proleg. Ixvi, &c.), whom in Introd. to those treatises ; and material

I have followed in arranging much of the for similar treatment of the Histories is to

subject under these heads. See §§ 72-9^. be found in the notes of Heraeus.

42 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. v.

many obligations are also due throughout to the Grammars of Zumpt,
Madvig, Kennedy, and Roby, especially the last.

Syntax.
I. Nouns and Praii.^iiHs. ,

A. Substantives.

1. Abstract Nouns. The use of such in the plural is hardly more
frequent in Tacitus than in Cicero or Livy, but is extended to new
instances, sqch as aemulatus {an. dp.) 13. 46, 6 ; auditus 13. 5, 2 ; dig-
nationes [an. dp.) 2. 33, 5; and to such as are elsewhere very rare, as
infamiae (Plaut.) 4. 33, 4 ; simulationes (PI. min.) 5. 54, 2 ; 6, 45, 6, &c.

His use of abstract for concrete is somewhat more characteristic :
as amicitia = ' friends,' 2. 27, 2 ; 77, i ; consilia = ' advisers,' 4. 40, 2 ;
iura = ' charters,' {an. dp.) 3. 60, 4; liberalitas = ' gift,' 2. 37, 2, &c. ;
matrimonia = ' wives,' 2. 13, 3 ; origo = ' ancestor,' (Verg.) 4. 9, 3, &c. ;
regna = ' kings,' (Stat.) 3. 55, 3. Dr. § 2. 3.

2. Bare singular forms are found, as angustia (PI. mai.) 4. 72, 2 ;
verbere (poet, and Sen.) 5. 9, 2; 6. 24, 4. Also singular and plural
are often interchanged, as patres eques i. 7, i ; 4. 74, 5 ; eques pedites
3. 46, 5, &c. ; cp. 2. 56, i; 60, 4; 15. 48, I, &c. Such instances are
also found in Livy. Dr. § 4-5. Also rhetorical plurals (as in i. 10, 3)
are common in all his writings.

3. The adjectival use of substantives in apposition is frequent,
as in poetry. Thus imperator populus 3. 6, 2 ; mare Hadria 15. 34, 2 ;
mare Oceanus i. 9, 6; H. 4. 12, 2 ; sidus cometes 14. 22, i, &c. This
usage also is found in Livy (Dr. on Ann. 3. 6, 2). Dr. § 76.

On the accusative in (so-called) apposition to a sentence, see below,
§ 12 a; on the nominative in parenthetical apposition, see § 82.

B. Adjectives.

4. The substantival use of adjectives is more frequent than in
the classics. Dr. § 7 ; Gudeman, Introd. to Dial. civ.

{a) Masculine, as equestres 12. 60, 3 ; militares 3. i, 2 ; nulli 2. 77,
6 (where see Nipp.) ; also in sing., as equester 13. 10, 3. This usage
is extended to participles, as praesidentium 3. 40, 4; vincentium 14.
36, 2, &c. Gudeman cvii.

{b) Neuter singular, without the usual classical restriction to pre-
dicates and to the usage with such verbs as 'dicere,' ' facere,' 'postulare'

Chap, v.] THE SYNTAX AND STYLE OF TACITUS. 43

(see Nipp. on 6. 24, 3). Thus cgregium 3. 70, 4 ; 6. 24, 3; honestum
3. 65, I ; triste . . . providum 15. 34, i, &c. ; also often with prepositions,
as in lubrico i. 72, 3 ; in barbarum 6. 42, i (see § 60); and as a simple
abl. of place where (see § 25), and with genit. following (see § 32 a),
{c) Neuter plural, often in place of an abstract substantive, as falsa

2. 82, 8, &c.; incerta 2. 39, 5; occulta 2. 88, \ ; obscura, vera 4. 58, 3 ;
and very often with a genit. following (§ 32 b). See Nipp. on 2. 39.
Here may also be noted the frequent application of neuter adjectives to
masc. or fern, substantives, as i. 46, i (where see note). Dr. § 30.

5. The adverbial use of neuter adjectives is extended from the
more regular (as multum, nimium, poslremum, polissimum, summum)
to more distinctly poetical usages, as aeternum 3. 26, 3, &c. ; inmensum

3. 30, 2, &c. ; pracceps 4. 62, 3 ; recens 2. 2r, i, &c. (on their use in the
accus., see § 13). Dr. § 22, Nipp. on 3. 26, 3. Also the adverbial use
of an adjective as secondary predicate (Roby 1069), as diversi 2. 73,
6, &c. ; occulti 4. 12, i, «S:c. ; properus 6. 44, i,&c. ; rarus 2. 57, 4, &c. ;
is more common than in classical prose. Dr. § 8.

6. The brachylogical uses of an adj. for an objective genit. as

externo metu 2. 44, 2 ; ambitionem miliiarem 3. 14, r, and of adjectives
of iaU genders for a subordinate clause (see § 55 (J^), should also be
noted. The latter usage is especially frequent in Hist, and Ann. Gud.
on Dial. 5. 23.

7. New forms of comparison, both of adjectives and participles,
had been freely introduced by Cicero and,Livy. Besides adopting such,
from them and others, Tacitus appears to have added analogous forms,
such as curatissimus i. 13, 7; flagrantissimus i. 3, 2, Sec; inplacabilius

1. 13, 5; inprovisior 2. 47, i ; instantius 6. 35, 4; obaeratior 6. 17, 4;
probably vulgarissimus {an. elp.) 13. 49, i. Many others are rare or
poetical. Dr. § 9.

C. Pronouns.

8. Tacitus omits with unusual frequency pronouns belonging to
the third person, especially in the accus., sometimes even so as to
involve harshness or obscurity. Among the more notable instances are
those of the omission of se in i. 35, 5 ; 2. 71, 8 ; 83, 4 ; 4. 59, 5 ; 13. 2,

2, &c. ; and of eum in i. 69, 3; 3. 49,1; 4. 58, 4; 7i. 5 5 ^5- 3°. i,&c.
Also an abl., such as iis, or quibus, is constantly omitted in concise uses
of the abl. abs. (see below, § 31 c). Omissions are found of the genit. of
such pronouns, as in 4. 70, 4 ; or dat., as in 4. 7, 4, A few instances
occur of omissions of pronouns of the first or second person, as

44 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. v.

nos I. 22, 3 ; me 4. 38, i ; 12. 21, i ; nobis 3. 54, 5. See Joh. Miiller
on I. 27, 2; Pfitzner (die Annalen des T. Kritisch beleuchtet), p. 113;
Nipp. on I. 29; 5. 10; Gud. on Dial. 32, 8.

9. The use of quis for quisque in the constant form ut quis,

e. g. I. 69, 2 ; 2. 24, 6 ; 73, 6 ; 83, i, &c., appears to be strictly Tacitean
(Botticher). Other usages, though rare, are not without earlier pre-
cedent ; e.g. quis for uter i. 47, 2 ; 3. i, 4 (Livy); quis ille, hie ille (with
brachylogy) 1 1. 7, I ; 12.36,2; 14. 22, 4 (Cic.) ; quidquid istud i. 42, 2 ;
eius for suus 4. 67, i (Caes. and Cic); suus for eius 4. 36, 3, &c.
Dr. § 10-20.

II. Cases of the Noun.
A. Accusative.

10. The accusative of place towards which motion takes place

(Roby 1 108), as used of the names of countries or large islands, is
generally confined in classical prose to Greek names with the Latinized
ending in '-us,' as Aegyptum 2. 59, i (JSIadvig 232, Obs. 4), but is also
used by Tacitus, as by poets (e.g. Verg. Eel. i. 64) with greater latitude,
as perhaps Hiberos 12. 51, 4 (where see note), &c. : analogous to this is
campos propinquabant 12. 13, i; and the accus. with proximus 15. 15, 6.
Such accusatives, though always rare, are not unexampled in earlier
prose. Dr. § 38.

11. The poetical or Greek accusative of the part concerned
(Roby iioi, 1 102), as contectus humeros 2. 13, i, is used more freely
by Tacitus than by any prose writer except Apuleius, not only in its
more usual application to the bodily members, but in such expressions
as clari genus 6. 9, 5 ; adlevatur animum 6. 43, 3 ; and in the military
phrase frontem . . . tergum . . . latera . . . munitus i, 50, 2. Dr. §. 39, Wolfflin
(Phil. x.xv. 115); Madv. 237 c.

12. Transitive accusatives. Dr. § 40.

{a) Tacitus often expresses the effect or purpose of an action by an
accusative clause in (so-called) apposition to the senienccy i. e. explanatory
of the notion contained in the verb and its adjuncts ; such verb implying
some general notion of doing or suffering on which these accusatives
depend. See i. 27, i (and Nipp. there); 49, 5; 74, 3 ; 2.64, 6; 6. 37,
2, &c. Instances are found in Sallust and Livy and in poets. Dr. § 77 ;
Her. on H. i. 44, 12. For other parentheses see § 82.

{U) The poetical accusative with verbs expressiitg affections is not un-
frequent in Tacitus, and is extended by him to some instances not found

Chap, v.] THE SYNTAX AND STYLE OF TACITUS. 45

in earlier prose, as pavescere i. 59, 7, &c. ; expavescere H. 2. 76, 3.
Cp. Madv. 223 c, Roby 1123, Kennedy 127.

(f) A full list is given by Dr. of compound verbs used by Tacitus ivHh
iO simple accusalive tvhere a repetilion of the preposition or a dative would be
regular. To verbs previously so used in prose he would appear to have
added several, as adcurrere 15. 53, 3 ; advehi (with ace. pers.) 2. 45, 4 ;
elabi i. 61, 6, &c.; erumpere 12. 63, 2 ; exire 6. 49, 3 ; intervenire 3. 23,
I ; inrepere 4. 2, 3 ; praecellere 2. 43, 7; praeiacere 12. 36, 4; praeire
2. 83, 2 ; praeminere 3. 56, 2, &c. His chief characteristic in this respect
is the number of verbs so used by him. On the general usage, see
Roby 1 121, Zumpt 387, note.

{d) The Graecism, introduced by Vergil and occasionally found in
prose from Sallust, of an accusative of the object, after middle and passive
verbs, generally confined to induor and similar verbs, is used by Tacitus
with more latitude, e.g. falsa exterritus 4. 28, 4 ^MS.); arguitur plera-
que, . . . quae revincebatur 6. 5, 1,2; casus . . . expressam H. 3. 74, 2.
This must be carefully distinguished from the usage above (§ 11); as
' indutus vestem ' is a wholly different accus. from ' indutus humeros.'
See Roby 11 26, 1127, Kennedy 123.

1 3. The poetical or Greek adverbial accusative of a neuter
adjective is adopted, as falsum renidens 4. 60, 3. To this head belong
several of the adverbial adjectives noted above (§ 5). This construction
is akin to that noted above {\ 12 d) ; as is also the quasi-cognate accus.
with evincere 12. 60, 5, and pervincere 12. 59, 4. Dr. § 41, Roby 1096,
1 1 00, Kennedy 123, 5.

14. Other adverbial accusatives, such as id aetatis, id temporis
(both in Cicero), are adopted, and similar new expressions added, as id
auctoritatis 12. 18, i ; idem aetatis 13. 16, i. Also the day of the
month is put in the accus., 6. 25, 5; 50, 6, &c. Dr. § 44, Roby 1092,
Kennedy 123, 4.

B. Dative.

15. The dative of indirect object, with implied local relation
(literal or figurative), where the abl. wiih prep, would be more usual
(Roby 1 144), is adopted chiefly from poets and Livy. Among verbs
with which it is used are abslrahere 2. 5, i, &c. ; excusari i. 12, 3, &c. ;
eximere i. 48, 2, &c. ; extrahere 6. 23, 5 ; proripere 4. 45, 4. Dr. (§ 46)
refers other instances to this head (see 4. 72, 2 ; 13. 42, 4).

16. The Greek attracted dative {dovXofitvois ^f), elsewhere restricted
in Latin to volenti and volentibus, is extended to invitis aut cupientibus

46 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. v.

erat i. 59, i. Dr. § 48. The ordinary usage whereby, in expressions
such as cui nomen est, the name itself is attracted to the case of the
pronoun, is restricted by Tacitus to adjectives (as i. 31, 2 ; 2: 8, i, &c.) :
the nominative (as i. 45, i, &c.), or, rarely, the genitive (see note on
4. 59, 2), being used of substantives. (Nipp. on 2. 16.) Cp. Madv. 246,
Obs. 2. 3.

17. The 'dativus commodi' is extended to such usages as sibi
. . . procubuisse i. 59, 4 ; sibi . . . firmabat i. 71, 5 ; ut mihi informis, sic
tibi magnifica 12. 37, 2; perhaps non referre dedecori 15. 65, 2.
Dr. § 49.

18. The dative of the agent or subjective dative is used, without
restriction to the gerundive or to passive participles or adjectives in
'-bills' (Roby 11 46), and without any notion of the interest of the agent
(Madv. 250 a), in more than thirty places, e. g. sibi . . . adspici i. 17, 10 ;
propinquis . . . removeretur 2. 50, 4. Cp. 2. 57, 5; 3. 3, 3; 20, 3, &c.
It is not easy always to distinguish this dative from such ablatives as are
noted in § 27. Dr. § 51, Nipp. on 2. 50, Her. on H. i. 11, 8, Gud. on
Dial. 4, 8.

19. The dative of a noun so closely connected with another
that a genitive would be expected (Roby 1154), frequent in poets, is
also frequent in Livy, and still more in Tacitus ; e.g. rector iuveni 1.24,3;
paci firmator 2. 46, 6 ; and very many others. Dr. § 53.

20. The dative of the thing as object, often used with adjectives
or participles, as promptus i. 2, i, &c. ; intentus i. 31, 2 ; facilis 2. 27, 2,
&c. ; appears to be an extension of the usage with persons. See Nipp.
on II. 21, Madv. 247.

21. The dative after compound verbs, where accus. with prep.
would be usual, is also poetical, as pectori adcreverat i. 29, i (where
see note); penatibus induxerit 5. i, 3, &c.

22. Dative of work contemplated. Roby 1156, 1382.

[a) Gerund. Such expressions as restaurando sufficeret 3. 72, 4;
testificando vulgabat 13. 11, 2 (cp. 15. 16, 2); appear to be exten-
sions of the classical phrases solvendo esse, scribendo adesse. Dr.
§ 206 A.

{h) Gerundive. It is characteristic of Tacitus to employ this usage
with increasing, and latterly with great frequency : only three instances
being found in the minor works, and thirteen in the Histories, while it
abounds in the Annals more than in any other Latin author. It is
used with more than twenty adjectives (see i. 23, 5; 37, i ; 2, 57, 3,

Chap, v.] THE SYNTAX AND STYLE OF TACITUS. 47

&c.), and much oftener with verbs; ofien so as to Jje fully equivalent to
a final clause: e.g. with deligere 2. 4, i, &c. ; digredi 11. 32, 2;
eximere 3. 22, 6; immiltere 11. i, i ; miltere i. 60, 2, &c. ; praemittere
15. 10, 6; venire 6. 43, 3, &c. Dr. § 206 B, Wolfflin, Phil. xxv. 114,
Madvig 415, Obs. 2, and S. B. Platner, Amer. Journ. of Phil. ix. 4.
Compare the genitive below, § 37.

(r) Apparently by an extension of such usages as ' receptui canere/
&c.. a simple dative is used with transitive or often with intransitive verbs,
with the force of a final clause ; as morti deposcit i. 23, 6; incessit
itineri et praelio i. 51, 4; factum est senatus-consultum ultioni iuxta et
securitati 13. 32, i. For other instances, see Dr. § 52, Nipp. on i. 51.

23. The dative expressing that which a thing (or person) serves
as or occasions, or predicative dative (Roby 1158), most frequent in
the case of forms in ' -ui,' and especially used with the verb esse, is
common in Tacitus. Roby has collected (Pref. xxv-lvi) a list of about
180 words so used by writers not later than Suetonius, of which thirty-
eight are used by Tacitus, about five by him alone. It is still more
characteristic, that out of only eleven instances collected of the use of
such a dat. in apposition, eight are from Tacitus, who thus uses usui
and ostentui twice (Ann. 11. 14, 5; H. 3^ 20, 6; Ann, 12. 14, 6, and
probably H. i. 78, i), and dehonestamento, documento, obtentui, subsidio
once each (12. 14, 6; 15. 27, 2; H. 2. 14, 6 ; 12. 29, 2). On the dis-
tinction between this dat. and that m § 22, see Roby 1. 1.

C. Ablative.

24. The ablative of place whence, which, as used of countries or
large islands (Roby 1258), is not unclassical (though styled a solecism
in Quintiiian i. 5, 38) in the case of Latinized Greek names in '-us'
(cp. § 10, and Nipp. on 2. 69, i), is used. more freely by Tacitus than by
any other writer; e.g. Armenia i. 3, 3 ; Etruria Lucania et omni Italia
II. 24, 2; Suria 13. 35, 2, &c. A similar abl. of common names is
used, without the ordinary restriction to domo, rure, humo (Madv. 275),
as fuga impediverat i. 39, 6; progrediuntur contuberniis i. •41, 2, &c. ;
often by exerting the force of a prep, in composition, as in the extension
of the usual phrase abire magistratu to abire sedibus 2. 19, 2 ; and in
the abl. with abhorrere i. 54, 3; deportari 14. 45, 4; depromere 6. 40,
I ; effundere 2. 23, 2; emergere i. 65, 2 ; eruere 2. 69, 5 ; extrahere i.
39, 4, &c. Analogous is the abl. with recens i. 41. 5, &c. Dr. § 56.

25. The ablative of place at which (Roby 11 70) is used with the
same freedom as in poetry (Id. 11 73, Madv. 273, Obs. 2, Kennedy 155,

48 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. v.

2), whether as expressing direction, in a quasi-instrumental sense analo-
gous to 'via,' as porta triumphali i. 8, 4; finibus Frisiorum i. 60, 2 ;
litore Oceani i. 63, 5 ; or, much oftener, position, as structis molibus
2. 60, 4 ; toro 3. 5, 6 ; saxis et aere 4. 43, 2 ; campo aut litore 4. 74, 6 ;
tumulo 14. 10, 5; foro ac templis 14. 61, i, &c. ; also neut. adjectives,
as medio i. 61, 3; 2. 52, 6, &c. ; piano H. 3. 19, 3; vicino Id. 38, 2,
&c., often with a genit. following. Dr. § 57. Many instances are
collected by Nipp. on i. 60; 2. 52; 3. 61.

2(). The ablative of time throughout which, almost wholly post-
Augustan (Roby 1 1 84, 1 1 85), is found not only in such expressions as
quattuordecim " annis i. 53, 6 (Cic.) ; but also such as triumviratu 3.
28, 3; bellis civilibus 6. 11, 3; triumphis, votis 15. 45, 2. On the other
hand, Tacitus often uses ' in ' to express time when, or in the course of
which (Roby 1180, 1182), as tali in tempore 2. 84, 3; eo in tempore
II. 29, I, &c., whence later authors (as Lactantius) even say 'in hieme,'
' in aestate.' Dr. § 58, Zumpt 596.

27. The extension of the instrumental ablative to personal agents,
though poetical in its free use, is not without classical precedents (Roby
1220), as centurione comitatus (Cic.) 14. 8, 5; cp. legionibus petitum 2.
46', 2; corruptoribus tenlare 2. 79, 4; Artabano perculsus 6. 44, 3;
and other instances in which the personality is not prominent. See
Nipp. on 2. 79 ; 6. 44. Such ablatives might often be taken as datives
(see §18). Dr. § 59.

28. The ablative of manner is employed with unusual boldness,
without the addition of an adjective (Rony 1236, 1239), as spe vel
dolore i. 59, i; clamore et impetu i. 68, 4; ordinibus ac subsidiis 2.
80, 6; catcrvis 4. 51, i ; multis milibus 6. 37, 4; convivio 13. 20, 5,
&c., often in the gerund, as excusando i. 10, 7 (see Gud. on Dial. 11, 6).
Some instances in which a single word has the force of an abl. abs.
are perhaps best thus explained, as visu 3. 14, 3, &c. (see Nipp. on
4. 51, i). In some instances, as leviore flagitio i. 18, 5, such an abl. is
a condensed sentence. Dr. § 60. This abl. is often very near in mean-
ing to those noted in §§27, 30, and is sometimes interchanged with such :
see Her. on H. 2. 12, 11 ; 3. 10, 13.

29. The use of the ablative of quality (as of the corresponding genit.
see § 34) of persons, without the addition of a common name (see Madv.
287, Obs. 3), rare in Caesar, Cicero, and Livy, is common in Tacitus;
as artibus egregiis i. 13, i, &c. Cp. i. 19, 2 ; 4. 29, i ; 6. 48, 7; 16.
18, I. Often it expresses any circumstance attaching to a person or
thing, as legionariis armis 3. 43, 2; mercennario milite 6, 34, 5*; pro-

Chap. V.] THE SYI^TAX AND STYLE OF TACITUS. 49

fectio arto comitalu 4. 58, i ; lestamenlum multo rumorc 3. 76, 2 : see
also notes on 14. 23, 3; 15. 29, -4; 54, i. Sometimes the adj. is
represented by a genit., as mariti animo i. 57, 5; pacis ariibus H.
I. 8. 2. Dr. § 61. See Nipp. on 3. 43; 76; Joh. Muller, Beitr. 4.
39 foU-

30. Tho causal ablative is used rarely in the Histories, often in the
Annals, in cases where the use of a prep, or of a genit. with ' causa ' or
' gratia ' would be expected ; both of subjective motives, as iactantia
gloriaque !. 8, 2; caritate aut reip. cura i. 10, 6; conscientia i. 57, 2
(cp. I. 76, 6; 3. 44, 4); and also of objective causes, as dissensione
ordinum 3. 27, 2; atrocitate 11. 28, 3; defectione 12. 10, i ; fervore
13. 16, 3; claritudine 13. 23, i; cohortationibus 14. 30, 3; uiilitate
15. 44, 8 ; adflueniia 16. 18, 4. See notes on 2. 75,' i ; 3. 24, 5 (and
Nipp. there), Ruperti on 14. 5, Dr. §64, Roby 1228, Madv. 256, Obs. 2,
Zumpt 454.

31. Some characteristic uses of the ablative of attendant circum'
stances, or ablative absolute, are to be noted.

{a) The use of a participle in this case as predicate, with a sentence as
subject {Wohy 1252). This usage, very rare before Livy, occurs never
in the minor writings of Tacitus, only six times in the Histories, but
repeatedly in the Annals. Among the participles which Tacitus appears
to be the first so to use are adiecto 4. 70, 7; credito {an. tip.) 3. 14, 4 ;
distincto {an. dp.) II. 38, 2 ; intellecto i. 49, 3 ; pensitato 3. 52, 4 ; 12. 17,
3 (only); praedicto {an-, flp.) 16. 33, 3; qiiaesito 2. 9, i ; 6. 15, i (only);
repetito 3. 33, i {an. up.); scripto {an. dp.) 13. 56, 4, &c. Dr. § 213.

(d) The neuter adjectives similarly used, as periculoso i. 6, 6 ; libero 3.
60, 6, are probably to be taken, with Botlicher, as following the Greek
usage with the (not always expressed) participle of *(/"': thus iuxta peri-
culoso = 6pL(na>i (niKivbvvov {ovros). Substantives are also so used : see
on II. 12, 3.

{c) An adjective or participle often stands concisely in this case by itself,
when the subject has been recently expressed, as cohibita 3. 33, i; conce-
dente 6. 16, 5; invalido 6. 47, 4; or even when a subject, whether
definite or indefinite, can be supplied from the sense, as orantibus i. 29,
2; subitis H. I. 7, 4; requirentibus H. i. 27, 3, &c. (see § 54); such
instances are found also in Caes. and Livy, but are not always clearly
distinguishable from datives. Dr. § 212 a, b, Nipp. on i. 29 ; 5. 10.

{d) The transitive use, in this case, of deponent participles, as secutus
6. 17, 4; II. 25, I ; ausus 12. 32, 2; adgressus 13,43, 8; transgressus

50 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. v.

H. 2. II, 5, is an extension of the use of omnia pollicito in Sallust, Jug.
103, 7, and gratum elocuta in Hor. Od. 3. 3, 17. Dr. § 212 c, Wolfiflin
(Phil. xxvi. 134).

D. Genitive.

32. Partitive or quasi-partitive. The abundance of such genitives
is characteristic of Tacitus, as also the frequency wiih which the partitive
idea is almost or altogether lost sight of, and the genit. equivalent to
a simple adj. as in poetry. Cp. strata viarum (Lucr. and Verg.).

{a) After neuter singular, without the usual restriction to an adj. or
pron. in the nom. or accus. (Roby 1296): thus umido, lubrico paludum
I. 61, 2 ; 65, 6. The ute of such a gen. after an adj. or pron. governed
by a preposidon is especially rare (Madv. 285, Obs. i), as in prominenti
litoris I. 53, 7 ; post multum vulnerum 12. 56, 5. Dr. § 66 a, b.

{b) After ttcuter plural, still more frequent : as cuncta curarum 3. 35,
I ; cuncta scelerum 14. 60, i ; tacita suspicionum 4. 41, i ; simulationum
falsa 6. 45, 6 ; ardua Alpium H. 4. 70, i, &c. Dr. (§ 66 b) gives a full list
of words so used; cp. Her. on H. i. 10, 14, Madv. 284, Obs. 5,
Kennedy 172, 8.

(c) Also very common afttr juasculine or femtmne, as with pauci,
multi, alii, &c., and in such expressions as quinque consularium 3. 28,
6; leves cohortium 3. 39, i; cunctis civium 11. 22, 4. See the full
list given by Nipp. on 3. 39.

(d) With adverbs. Tacitus adopts freely Livy's extension of the
Ciceronian usage with ubi, ubicunque, longe, to eo, and hue : as eo
furoris i. 18, 2, &c.; hue adrogantiae 3. 73, i, «fec. Dr. (§ 67) notes
with this the gen. after rponie 2. 59, 3, &c. (Luc. and PI. mai.).

(e) The gem'twus appositionis (Dr. § 74), as uligines paludum i. 17, 5,
though more propeily to be styled a defining gen. (Madv. 286), is akin
in meaning to those mentioned. The gerundial genit. is so used in
3. 63, 5; 4- 2, 4.

(/") The expression pensi habere in Dial. 29, i (where see Gudeman);
H. I. 46, 4 ; Ann. 13. 15, 5, adopted from Sallust, Livy, and Quintilian,
and perhaps misunderstood in its construction by Tacitus (Roby 1301),
as also the phrase nihil reliqui facere (i. 21, 4), are referred to this head
by Madvig (285, Obs. 2) ; by Dr. (§ 73) to the gen. (or locative, Roby
1 186) of price.

33. Objective Genitive (Roby 131 2).

(a) The genitives mei, sui, ^r., are used freely for the possessive pronoun,
Ulthout the usual restriction to cases of special emphasis (Madv. 297 b,

Chap. V.] THE SYNTAX AND STYLE OF TACITUS. 51

Obs. 2), as nostri origine 2. 54, 3; sui incessu 4. 24, 2, &c. In this
usage Tacitus is surpassed perhaps only by Apuleius. Nipp. on 12. 37,
Dr. § 68 a.

{b) Wi/h verbs, such a genitive is used, by Tacilus alone, with monere i.
67, I (as in classical i)rose with its compounds); with adipisci 3. 55, 1 ;
and apisci 6. 45, 6 (on the analogy of potiri). The ute with egere (4. 20,
4, &c.) and indigere (6. 46, 9, &c.) is more common. Dr. § 68 b.

{c) The elliptical genitive, so constant with verbs of judging or accusing,
is extended by Tacitus to some new examples, as postulare i. 74, i, &c. ;
perhaps urguere (an-. €»p.) 6. 29, 3. Dr. § 69.

{(i) With participles. This usage is more common in Tacitus than in
any of his predecessors, though perhaps no participle is first so used by
him. A list of thirteen is given by Dr. (§ 70), many of which occur
frequently, as cupiens i. 75, 4, &c. ; inpatiens 2. 64, 4, «S:c. ; iniolerans
I. 31, 4, &c. ; retinens 2. 38, 9, &c. ; sciens i. 64, 6, &c. ; and others.

{e) With adjectives, also characteristic of Tacitus as regards extreme
boldness and frequency. Dr. § 71, Zumpt 437, Gudeman on Dial.
13, 22.

(a) Expressing direct object, like the participles above {d), where
a participle with accus. might be substituted (Roby 1312) : as with formi-
dolosior i. 62, 3; pavidus 4. 38, i; praescius 6. 21, 5; providus, 4.
38, I, &c.

(S) Expressing a remoter object, where the abl. with prep, would
be usual (Roby 1318) : so exitii certus i. 27, 3 ; incerta ullionis 2. 75, i ;
potentiae securus 3. 28, 3 ; and many others, and gerundial genit. as
ambiguus imperandi i. 7, 4, &c., noted as a characteristic usage of the
Annals by Platner (see on 22 b).

(y) Expressing the thing in point of which a term is applied
to a person; an especially poetical and Tacitean usage (Roby 1320),
but occasionally found in Sallust. A very frequent example is the
(perhaps) locative animi (Roby 1168), as i. 32, 5 ; 69, 2, &c. (often also
in Verg. and Liv.); also the genitives with atrox (an. dp.) 12. 32, i;
manifesius 2. 85, 3, &c. ; mclior 3. 74, i ; modicus 2. 73, 3 ; occulius 4.
7, 2 ; pervicax 4. 53, i ; praeclarus 4. 34, 4 ; praestantissimus 6. 6, 2 ;
procax {an. dp.) 13. 46, 5; segnis 14. 33, 4; spernendus 14. 40, 3;
validus, 4. 21, 5; vetus i. 20, 2 ; and others. Sometimes two genitives
are concisely used where accusatives with inter would be expected, as
with ambiguus 2. 24, 6 ; 40, 2 ; and trepidus 6. 21, 4. The anomalous
genit. pers. with aequus in 6. 36, 5, may have some affinity with these.

52 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. v.

34. The genitive of quality is used with the same hrachylogyas the
corresponding abl. (§ 29) : so Leiitulus senectutis exlremae 4. 29, i ;
velut eluctantium verboium 4. 31, 4; effusae clementiae 6. 30, 3;
ademptae virilitatis 6. 31, 3. Such brachylogy is also found in Caesar
and Livy. Dr. § 72.

35. Such genitives as morum i. 80, 2 ; flagitii 3. 20, 2 (where see
Nipp.) ; sui muneris 15. 52, 4 ; consilii G. 6, 6 ; also concise uses of the
gen. of sort, as Vannius gentis Quadorum 2. 63, 7 (where see Nipp.) ;
may be taken as qualitative, or may be referred to the class noted in § 32.

36. The elliptical genitive of the gerund is an idiom without real
parallel in any other author. The only instances are in the later books
of the Annals : nee grave . . . retinendi 13. 26, 4 (where see Nipp.) ;
penitus infixum erat . . . vitandi 15. 5, 3; maneat . . . potentiam , . .
ostentandi 15. 21, 3. The gerund qualifies the substantival notion of
a burden (implied in ' grave ') or a custom (implied in ' fixum ' or
'maneat'). Dr. § 204, Kennedy 185. Some editors consider all three
passages corrupt.

37. The gerundive genitive (see the corresponding dat. § 22 b) is
used more frequendy by Tacitus than by any other writer, and, in its
most remarkable forms, is especially characteristic of the Annals (Wolfflin,
Phil. XXV. 1 13). The usages may be thus classified : —

(a) In i/s simplest form^ it is part of an ordinary definijig genitive : the
expressions ' oratores pacis ' and ' oratores pacis petendae ' being equiva-
lent (see Roby. Pref. Ixvii).

(/>) The gerundive becomes a m.ore essential part of the expression,
and, with the noun, has the force of a genitive of quality : as b^Uum
abolendae infamiae i. 3, 6; pecunia omittendae delationis 6. 30, i. Cp.
3. 27, I, &c.

(t) The expression above might be used predicaiively with ' esse '
expressed (Liv.) or implied (Sail. Jug. 88, 4), or with ' videri,' as quae
conciliandae misericordiae videbantur 11. 3, i.

{d) The genitive qualifies the whole sentence (Roby 1288), as Aegyptum
proficiscitur cognoscendae antiquitatis 2. 59, i. Cp. 3. 9, 2 ; 41, 4 ; 13.
II, 2, &c. This usage, though found in Terence, Sallust, and Velleius, is
distinctly Tacitean by reason of its comparative rarity both before and
after him. It may be best taken as a Graecism, like r« Xvo-tkcoi/ naOf^pft,

Tov TOf hpocr<ibovs fiuKKov uvai avrw (Thuc. I. 4). Wolfflin WOUid Supply

the idea of a substantive, as * proficiscitur, quod (sc. proficisci) cogno-
scendae antiquitatis erat.' The gerundial gen. is rarely thus used,- as in
3- 27, 2.

Chap. V.] THE SYNTAX AND STYLE OF TACITUS. 53

Nipp. (on 2. 59) gives a some\v}iat (liffcrent classification of ihcse
usages. See also Plainer, as quoted on § 22 b.

III. Verbs.

38. {a) Verbs 0/ speaking or ihinking are omitkd more frdly than ly
classical ivriters (see IMadv. 479), when the language clearly shows itself
to be that of a speech, or when the thought or speech has been indicated
in the context : as i. 9, 4 ; 38, 3; 2. 5, 3, &c. ; also especially in lively
descriptions, as i. 41, 2 ; 14. 7, 2, &c. Dr. § 34, Nipp. on i. 9, Oiul. on
l)ial. 10, 33, Roby 1441.

{])) Verbs of moving and ac/itrg are also off en omil/ed, especiall\- in vivid
description or rhetorical passages, as in i. 43, i ; 4. 38, 5 ; 14. 8, 4, &c.
Verbs of moving are frequently omitted in Cicero's letters, but such
ellipses are rare in historical narrative. Dr. § 35, Nipp. on 4. 57.

In several instances belonging to {a) or {b), the reading is questioned.
See notes on 4. 12, 6 ; 57, i ; 14. 61, 3. &c.

39. So?He omissions 0/ parts of the verb 'esse' are characteristic of
Tacitus by their frequency. Dr. § 36. For the general rules, see Roby
1442-1444. (In several places, some editors insert the verb.)

(a) In the indicative, the omission of ' erat,' ' erant,' &c., as i. 34, 1 ;
2. 6, 2 ; 3. 65, 2 ; 6. 35, 2; &c. (rare in Cicero, more common in Sallu^t
and Livy, still more in Vergil), especially the omission in rela.ive or
dependent clauses, as la cuius manu i. 7, 9; and with ubi 2. 83, 3
(Sallust) ; donee 4. 74, 6; ut quis i. 69, 2, &c. See Wolfiflin (Bursian"s
Jahresberichte, i^i. 759).

{b) In the subjunctive, the omission when another subjunctive follows,
as I. 9, I ; 35, I ; 65, i, &c. ; very rarely without it i. 7, 2 ; H. i. 85,
5; also in imlirect speech, as i. 11, 2; 4. 39, 4; 13. 55, 5; rarely-(as
II. 35, 2 ; 15. 49, i) in the perf. tense (Gud. on Dial. 18, 12). A few
instances occur in Cicero, &c., but the usage appears to be rare in prose
at all times. See Nipp. on i. 7 ; Iler. on H. i. 21, 10.

(r) In the infinitive, the omission of 'fore,' as in 2. 15, 3; and of
' fuisse,' with participles, as in 2. 31, 4 ; 73, 4 ; 3. 16, i ; 17, i ; 22, 6,
&c. ; when the context makes it plain what tense is meant. A few
instances occur in Sallust and Livy. All these ellipses of verbs are
treated very fully by G. Clemm (see on § 80).

40. The poetical use of simple verbs for compound, occasional
in earlier prose, is rare in the minor works, not common in the Histories,
but abundant in the Annals. Dr. (§ 25) instances thirty-nine; of which,

VOL. I E

54 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. v.

in Book I alone, may be noted ardescere 73, i ; asperare 72, 5; firmare
71, 5; gravescere 5, i ; notescere 73, 3; piare 42, 2 ; ponere ( = propo-
nere) 7, 5 ; solari 14, 4.

41. The intransitive use of verbs usually transitive, as circum-
fundeie 3. 46, 5; flectere i. 34, 5, &c. ; movere 15. 46, 3; mutare 2.
23, 4; rumpere 2. 17, 6; turbare, 3. 47, 2; vertere i. 18, 3, &c., is
rather more common than in earlier prose. On the other hand some
verbs usually in prose intransitive, as festinare and properare, are very
often transitive : see Nipp. on 13. 17.

42. Some oth.er uses are more or less peculiar. Dr. § 26.

{a) The poetical personal passive of intransitive verbs, as triumphari 12.
19, 3; regnari 13. 54, 2 ; dubitari 14. 7, i.

(3) Coepi is used freely not only (as in classical prose) ivith passives
having a ?Jiiddle force (as fieri, haberi, duci, augeri, movcri), but without
such restriction, as i. 34. 2; 4. 63, i; H. i. 16, 2, &c. (so Livy and
Curtius) ; so also desino, as i. 13, 6. Tacitus also uses coeptus actively,
as in I. 65, 3, &c., and never uses the passive form coeptus sum.

ic) Some rare or poetical passive uses of deponent participle forms, as
ausus 3. 67, 4 (nrr. ti/7.) ; the substantival ausum 2. 39, 3, &c. ; and
inausum i. 42, 3 ; and the adjective inexpertus i. 59, 7, &c.

{d) The use of a plural verb as predicate to two distinct singular personal
subjects, as i. 68, 6; 2. 53, 3; 3. 18, 3; 62, 3; 11. 32, 2, &c. See the
full list in Nipp. 2. 42, and his appendix on 12. 12, showing the contrary
use of a singular predicate where a plural would be expected. See also
Gud. on Dial. 42, 6. A few instances are found in Livy.

(e) The plural predicate with collectives, as proximus quisque 14. 18, 2,
&c. ; pars 2. 24, 2; vexillum 3. 21, 2, &c., has ample precedent in
Sallust and Livy, but is otherwise rare in earlier prose: see Her. on H.
!• 35. 5; Gud. on Dial, i, 17. For a very strong instance, see 14.
26, 3.

IV. Moods and Tenses.
A. Infinitive.

43. The simple infinitive (inf. of direct object, Roby 1344) is often
used by Tacitus, as by other prose writers of that age and earlier poets, with
verbs not usually taking this construction in classical prore ; such as
those which contain a complete idea in themselves, or which figuratively
denote an inclination or effort (Madv. 389, Obs. 2), or such as denote an
influence over others and take an accus. or dat. (Id. 390, Obs. 4, 5, 6)

Chap, v.l THE SYNTAX AND STYLE OF TACITUS. 55

Dr. (§ 145) gives a list of more than fifty such words so used by Tacitus,
of which the great majority are used by him only in the Annals. In
respect of the following, the usage is altogether confined to him : aemulor
H. 2. 62, 4 [an. (1)}.) ; ambio Ann, 2. 43 3 ; amplector H. 3. 84, 3 ;
compono Ann. 3. 40, 3 (nTr. «*>.) ; induce 12. 9, i (an-. €t/».) ; inlicio 2. 37,
2; 4. 12, 7; nuntio (to command by messenger) 16. 11, i (an. ftp.);
perpc'llo 6. 33, i, &c. ; scribo (to command by letter) 12. 29. 2; 15. 25,
6. Several others appear to be so used in no earlier prose author.

44. The accusative with infinitive (inf , as oblique predicate, Roby
1351) is used, with considerably more freedom than that of earlier writers,
with verbs more or less analogous to those falling under the usual rules
(see iVIadv. 394, &c., Roby 1. 1.). New in Tacitus is the extension of
this construction to adnectere 4. 28, 2; illacrimare 2. 71, 4; impetrare
12. 27, I ; urguere 11. 26, i ; also to some verbs of accusing, as incu^are
3. 38, 4 (all an-, flf).). Many others are elsewhere very rare. Of the
whole list of more than twenty given by Dr. (§ 146) by far the larger
number are from the Annals. Tacitus follows Livy in extending this
construction to negative expressions of doubt, as 2. 26, 2 ; 36, 2 ; 43, 4;

3. 29, 2 ; 4. 70, 7, &c., with which it is used only once by Cicero (ad
Fam. 16. 21, 2), never by Caesar or Sallust. On the Graecism by which
it is used in a hypothetical clause in oratio obliqua, see notes on 2. 33, 5.
For other remarkable uses of this construction, see notes on i. 69, i; 72,
2; 79, 3; 14. 18, I.

4'i. The so-called nominative with infinitive (inf. as direct
secondary predicate, Roby 1353) is used in some cases where the im-
personal construction would be usual in classical prose. See Madv.
400 c, Obs., Zumpt 607, note. Among such may be instanced this con-
struction with adnotor 13. 35, 6; dubiior 3. 8, 4 ; intellegor i. 61, 3;
speror H. 2. 74, 3 ; and especially with tenses compounded of the past
participle, as creditus est 6 50, 6 ; 14. 65, i, &c. On the other hand,
we have also the impersonal forms creditur 2. 69, 5, &c. ; traditur 4. 57,
4; narratur G. 33, t ; and others. Tacitus appears to prefer the per-
sonal construction where a single personal subject is spoken of, and the
impersonal in other cases, but even this rule is by no means without
exceptions. The personal construction is used generally with verbs of
accusing (see § 44), as with accusor 4. 22, 4 ; arguor 2. 50, 3 ; convincor

4. 31, 5 ; deferor 2. 27, i ; incusor 6. 3. 3. Dr. § 152 a, Nipp. on 2. 69 ;
3. 8; 6. 50; 13. 23.

4G. The Historic infinitive (inf. as primary predicate to a subject in
the nominative, Roby 1359) is naturally frequent in lively descriptions.

56 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. v.

{a) In place of the principal verb, e. g. six times in i. i6, ten times in
Agr. 38. Even this is surpassed by Sallust, Jug. 66, i, where it occurs
eleven times ; and by Apuleius, Met. 8. 7, where it occurs twelve times in
one period. Tacitus has it also in the passive, as vitari, deseri 4, 69, 6 ;
70, 4. Dr. § 28 d.

(b) In temporal clauses, when the time at which a state of things began
has been already specified by a finite verb (Madv. 392): thus wiih cum
2. 31, I ; 40, I ; 4. 50, 6 ; 6. 44, 3 ; with ubi 6. 19, 4 ; with donee 13.
57, 6. This usage is found, but very rarely, in Sallust (as Jug. 98, i).
and Livy (as 2. 27, i). See Dr. § 172 a.

(c) Tacitus alone uses it with such particles in the first clause of a
protasis ; but only ivhen a clause with a finite "'.erb depending on the same
particle folloivs ; thus with ubi 2. 4, 4 ; 11. 37, 3; 12. 5[, 2; with post-
quam 3. 26, 3 ; with donee 13. 57, 6 ; with ut H. 3. 31, 6. Dr. § 172 b,
Nipp. on 2. 4.

47. The epexegetic infinitive (or inf. as genit., or ablat., or ad-
verbial accus.) is used, as by poets, where gerund, or gerundive, or other
construction, would be used in classical prose (see Roby 1360, 1361).
It is so used by Tacitus with several adjectiv-es or participles ; as with
certus 4. 57, I ; properus 4. 52, 2 (an. tip.) ; manifeslus 2. 57, 4 ;
factus . . . et exercitus 14. 56, 5. Among earlier writers, Horace most
frequently uses this Graecism. Dr. § 152 b, Roby 1361, Kennedy
180, 2.

B. Indicative and its Tenses.

48. The Historic present is extremely frequent. It is so far treated
as a past tense as to be once coupled with the perfect, H. 3. 16, 4 mis-
cetur inlulitque ; and to be coupled with an imperfect in a dependent
clause, as nihil reliqui faciunt quominus . . . permoverent i. 21, 4 ; especially
(as in Cicero, &c.) when such a clause precedes it, as ut omitteret maritum,
emercatur 13. 44, i. Dr. § 27 c.

49. Tacitus carries much further the usage, very rare before Livy, of
inteiT)08ing, in the midst of * oratio obliqua,' a parenthetical or
explanatory relative clause in the indicative. Parenthetical clauses
are found chiefly with dum, as 2. 81, 3 ; 13. 15, 7; 14. 58, 4 ; 15 45,
6; 59, 6, &c. (see Gudeman on Dial. 32, 33); also with quia 3. 6, 5 ;
4. 25, I, &c. ; with sive i. 10, i ; with postquam 4, 10, 3 ; with quotiens
14. 64, 5. Among the relative clauses are qui fecere i. 10, i; quae
petiverant i. 36, 4; quae expresserant i. 39, 3; and many others. Dr.
§ 151, Nipp. on I. 10. On other parentheses see § 80, and on other

Chap. V.] THE SYNTAX AND STYLE OE TACITUS. 57

changes from ' obliqua ' to 'recta oratio,' see § 94. I'fitzner (Die
Annalen krili^ch beleuchlet, p. 178) shows rules by which this usage
appears to be Hmited.

50. The rhetorical use of the indicative for subjunctive in the

apodosis of conditional sentences, when the leading proposition is con-
ceived as inde{)endent of the condition (see Madv. 348, Zumpt 519), is
remarkable in Tacitus for its frequency.

{a) In tht pn-fcct or historical present, with suppression or contraction
of the proper apodosis, as bellum . . . mandat, ni deditionem properavissent
2. 22, 3 (as though ' et bellum iis illatum asset' had been added). Cp.
16. 28. 3 ; II. I. 64, 4 ; Agr. 4, i. Dr. § 199.

{U) In the imperfect.

(i) Ofan incomplete action or tendency, to show vividly what
was on the point of happening ; the protasis almost invariably (an ex-
ception is noted in i. 23, 3) following the apodosis, and being almost
invariably introduced by ' ni,' as ferrum parabant, ni i. 23, 6; defcrebat
. . . , ni 35, 5 ; trudebantur . . . , ni 63, 3 ; and very many others. Dr.
§ 194, Zumpt 519 b, Roby 1574. An ellipsis may be supposed here as
in the case above.

(2) To express what might, would, or should have been, in
forcible contrast to what actually is; as si . . . aspernaretur, tamen
indignum erat i. 42, 5 (where see Nipp.). Roby 1535 c, Rladv. 348 e.
Here the protasis always precedes, except in H. 4. 19, 4.

(c) In the pluperfect. Either to express a state of things which had
already existed for some time, and would have continued to exist ; or,
in a vein of rhetorical exaggeration, as if what would have happened,
had happened ; as impleverat 4. 9. i ; contremuerant 6. 9, 6 ; oppressa
6. 43, I ; exstimulaverant 15. 50, 6. Also, without any expressed pro-
tasis, to express what is no longer possible, as malueram 15. 2, 3 (where
see Nipp.). Dr. §§ 28, 194, Madv. 348 c, Roby 1535 d, 1574, 4-

C. Subjunctive or Conjunctive.

51. The Hypothetical subjunctive, with condition not formally
expressed, or Potential subjunctive (Madv. 350, Roby 1534, toll.),
and some forms of the optative or jussive subjunct. (Zumpt 529, Roby
1584, foil.), are used with characteristic freedom in various tenses, and
with various meanings.

(a) Present, as mereare . . . recipias i. 28, 7, &c.

{b) Imperfect, as discerneres 3. i, 5 ; requireres 13. 3, 6, &c.

(r) Aoristic perfect, very frequently, in modest assertions, and in ncga-

58 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. v.

tions of possibility, as with sufFecerint 3. 50, i ; abnuerit 4. 3, 3 ; adpu-
lerit 4. 67, 2, &c. ; in expressions of prohibition even with the third
person, as nemo . . . contenderit 4. 32, r. The usage is not common
except in Cic. (Gud, on Dial. 35, 6). See a full list in Dr. § 28, who
notes the rare use of this tense in such dependent sentences as ut sic
dixerim 14. 53, 4 ; ne . . . abierim 6. 22, 6 (where see notes, also Gud,
on Dial. 34. 7).

(d) With these may be mentioned the use of this mood with quamquam,
frequent in Tacitus (e.g. i. 3, 5; 24, 4 ; 3. 55, 4 ; 4. 67, i, &c.), as in
other post-Ciceronian prose and in poetry. Dr. § 201, Roby 1697.

52. The subjunctive of cases frequently occurring, very rarely
found in Cicero, Caesar, or Sallust, but oftener in Livy, &c., becomes
more common in and after Tacitus (see Dr. §§ 159, 165, Madv. 359,
Roby I 716): with cum, as i. 7, 8; 2. 48, 2 ; qui 6. 8, 4 ; quo 4. 70, 3;
quoquo 3. 74, 3; quotiens 2. 2, 5, &c. ; seu 4. 60, 3, &c. ; ubi i. 44, 8 ;
unde 13. 45. 3; ut quis i. 27, t, &c. ; and many others. See Dr. 1. I.
and § 192, Nipp. on 1.44; 3. 74.

Analogous probably to this usage is that of the subjunct. with quan-
tum, apparently peculiar to Tacitus, and found only in 6. 19, 5 ; 21, 4 ;
13. 42, I. Dr. § 159, Nipp. on 6. 19.

53. Tacitus follows Livy and others in using the subjunctive of
facts with donee, both in the present and imperfect tenses, as
donee . . . misceatur 2. 6, 5; donee . . . deterrerentur i. i, 4 ; oraret i.
13, 7 ; dederetur i. 32, 4, &c. Roby 1670, Dr. § 169. For a complete
list of passages, see Gerber and Greef, Lex. s. v. The subjunct. is also
used to denote a fact, with quanivis, as i. 68, 7 ; 2. 38, 10 ; i. 20, 3, &c. ;
as also very often in Suetonius and later writers. Dr. § 201.

V. Participles.

On the usage of the ablative absolute of participles, see § 31 ; on the
genitive with participles, § 33 ; on the frequency of participial clauses,
§ 81 ; and on the implied idea of a participle of ' esse' § 31 b, Gud. on
Dial. 9, 20.

54. The frequent concise expressions by means of participles

are noteworthy.

{a) Aoristic present, often with substantival force, as trucidantium . . .
exturbantium 2. 2, 4 ; accusante 6. 18, 2, &c. ; hortante 6. 29, 7 ; prae-
monente 11. 25, 3; cognoscens 12. 48, i ; and others. A few instances

Chap. V.] THE SYNTAX AND STYLE OF TACITUS. 59

are found in Sallust, Livy, Vergil : also in Greek, as eVayo/utVoty Thuc. 2.
2, 5; Xafx^dvot'Tts Xen. Hell. 2. 4, 25. Dr. § 207.

{l>) Aon's/ic perfect, not only, as in classical prose, of deponents, but
also of passive verbs, as occisis, i. 77, i ; missis 4. 55, 7 ; deusto 4.
64, I ; cxactus 6. 3, 3; spoliatis 15. 45, 2; interfeclo 16. 21, i; and
others. Dr. § 209.

{c) In 3. 13, 2, convictum and dcfensum are used with the force of
condensed conditional clauses.

((/) The future participle is constantly used (often wiih tamquam or
quasi: see § 67) to express purpose, as invasurus i. 36, 2 ; certaturus i.
45' 3 \ ^^dfuturiis 2. 17, i, &c., or result, as mansurae 4. 38, 2, &c. The
dat. or abl. absol. of this part, has still more distinctly the force of a con-
densed clause, as tracturis i. 31, i; cessuris i. 46, 3; pugnaturis 2.
80, 4, &c. This usage is net unfrequent in Livy and Plin. min. and
abundant in Curtius. Dr. § 208, Roby 11 15, 3, Zumpt 639, note.

00. Participles are constantly used, for brevity, in place of
abstract verbal substantives or equivalent expressions, especially as
subject of a verb.

(a) Present, rarely, as Agrippina . . . tegens 4. 12, 2 ; Caesar . . . ac-
cipiens 4. 34, 2. Dr. § 210, i.

((5) Perfect, very frequently :

(i) Where an abstract noun followed by a genitive would
be expected: as occisus Caesar i. 8, 7 ; mutatus princeps i. 16, i;
fama dediti Segesiis . . . rapta uxor i. 59, i, 2; and very many others.
This usage is mostly confined to Livy and other historians, and espe-
cially common in Tacitus. Adjectives are also constantly thus used, as
gnarus . . . hostis i. 36, 2 ; and others. Dr. § 210, 2, Madv. 426, Roby
1410.

(2) In the neuter nominative, with or without a substantive,
where a sentence with quod would be expected. One or two
such instances are found in Cicero, none in Caesar or Sallust. Livy has
several r.uch, as degeneratum, perlitatum, tentatum, &c. So Tacitus
has nihil occuUum 3. 9, 3 ; cuncta . . . composita 2. 57, i, &c. For
the participle may stand a substantive (as i. 19, 5 ; 33, 6), adjective (as
H. 3. 64, 1), or jironoun (as 6. 47, 4). Dr. § 211, Madv. 426, Obs. i,
Roby 141 1, Nipp. on 3. 9 ; 6. 47, Her. on H. i. 51, 21.

VL Prepositions.
56. Many usages connected with these have been already noticed,
such as their omission (§§ 5, 10, 12 c, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27, 30), and the

6o INTRODUCTION. [Chap. v.

substitution of other expressions, where constructions with prepositions
would be usual (§§ 15, 18, 20, 33 e, 37). On the anastrophe of preps.,
see § 77. See also Nipp. on 2. 68; and, for other usages not noticed
in the following sections, see Dr. §§ 80-105.

57. Apud is used, never in the minor writings, rarely in the Histories.
and very often in the Annals, with the names of places and countries, or,
analogously, with general names, where a simple locative, or the ablative
with tn, would be usual, as apud urbem Nolam i. 5, 5; Misenum apud
et Ravennam 4. 5, i ; apud Rhodum 6. 20, 3 ; arae apud quas i. 6t, 5 ;
apud paludes i. 64, 3. A few instances are found in earlier prose. For
a peculiar figurative sense, see i. 31, 5, and note. Dr. § 82, Roby 1858.
Nipp. on I. 5, Her. on H. i. 49, Gerber and Greef, Lex. s.v.

58. Circa has the metaphorical meaning of ' concerning,' or ' in
relation to' (like dftcfyi); as circa artes bonas ir. 15, i ; circa necem Gai
Caesaris 11. 29, i ; circa scelera 16. 8, 3. This meaning is found in
Seneca and Pliny mai., and is very frequent in Quintilian. Dr. § 86,
Roby 1867, Gud. on Dial. 3, 17.

59. Erga has the sense of 'against,'. or 'in relation to,' as fastus erga
. . . epuias 2. 2, 5 (where see note) ; erga Germanicum 2. 76, 3 ; fama
erga . . . e.xitus 4. 11, 3; anxii erga Seianum 4. 74, 5, &c. These uses
are very rare before Tacitus, and prominent in his works. Dr. § 98,
Roby 1931, 1932. See the full list of instances in Gerber and Greef,
Lex.

60. In

{a) Wi'lh ablative singular, often used with neuter adjectives, like eV, in
adverbial phrases expressing circumstances attending an action or person ;
as in levi 3. 54, 6; in arto 4. 32, 3; and many others. Some such
phrases are found in Cicero and Sallust, and many in Livy. Other uses
are noted on 2. 37, i ; 41, 5, § 26. Dr. § 80 a ; Roby 1975, 1976.

{h) Wiih accusative. The most characteristic usage is that adopted
chiefly from Sallust and from Greek usages with tU, em', or tt/joV, whereby
this construction expresses the effect intended or resulting; as in the
phrases in mains vulgare, credi, audiri, &c., 3. 12, 6; 44, i.; 4. 23, 2;
aucta in deterius 2. 82, i ; in falsum 3. 56, 6. So also in incertum
I. II, 4; in lacrimas i. 57, 5; in speciem ac terrorem 2. 6, 3; in
mortem 4. 45, i; in eundem dolorem 6. 49, 3; in agmen 15. 71, 10.
Roby 1974, Nipp. on 2. 13. Also to be noted is the use of this
construction with almost the force of a simple dat., as i. 76, 5 ; 2. 39, 3 ;
48, i; 4. 2, I (see notes in each instance); 9, 2 ; 6. 22, 2; 12. 32, 4;

Cmah. v.] the syntax and style of TACITUS. 6i

and the use of cedere in aliquem i. i, 3. For more isolated usages, see
I- N. 3; 55. 2 ; 2. 47, 3; 80, 7; 4. 25, 2; 56, 2; 12. 6, 5; 25, I. Dr.
§ Sob.

01. Juxta is often used metaphorically, both as an adverb, in the
sense of 'pariter,' as iuxta periculoso i. 6, 6, «S:c. (Sail, and T.iv.); and as
a preposition, in the sense of ' next to,' or 'close upon,' as iuxta sediiio-
nem, iuxta libertatcm 6. 13, i ; 42, 3 (a few instances in Sail. Liv. PL
mai.). Dr. § 100, Rohy 2014, 2016.

02. Per. The accus. \vith this prep, has constantly the force of an
instrumenlal, causal, or modal abl., as per acies i. 2, i ; per nomen
I. 17, 5; per superbiam i. 61, 6; per ferociam 2. 17, i ; per occultum
4. 7T, 7; per opes 6. 22, 4 (where see note). Hence it is often inter-
changed with such constructions, as in i. 2. i; 7. 10; 11, 7; 56,6;
4- 55. 7. -^c. See § 88. Dr. §§ 89, io-„ G. and G. Lex. pp. 1092-1097.

G3. The following preps, are rare, and apj arently in no earlier
j)rosc : —

Abusque 13. 4'^, 2; 15. 37, 5 (Verg.).

Adusque 14. 58, 4 (Verg. Ilor. Ov.\

Simul 3. 64, 3; 4. 55, 3; 6. 9, 5 (Hor. Ov. Sen. trag. Sil); ap-
parently a Graecism founded on the usage of a^a. Dr. §101.

Among various uses of preps, noted in their places, are those of ab i.
26, 2; 3. 69, 2; 4. 20, 4; 16. 9, 5; ad I. 40, 3; 16. 23, 3; ante i. 27,
I ; citra'i2. 22,3; de i. 12, 5; 15, 3; ex i. 24, i ; 29^ 3; inter 1.50, 7;
intra 3. 72, 5; penes 4. 16, 3; post i. 68, 6; 4. 40, 2 ; and note on
I. 27, I ; sub 3. 68, I.

VII. Adverbs and Conjunctions.

64. Comparative sentences, though almost always fully expressed
in the minor writings, are abbreviated, not unfrequently in the
Histories, and very often in the Annals ; w ith but few precedents in
Sallust and Livy.

(i) By supplying magis or potius from a following quam
(as in Greek ^dXXov from ^), as pacem quam bellum i. 58, 2; consilii
quam formidinis G. 6, 6 ; cp. 3. 17, 7 ; 5. 6, 5 ; 14. 61, 6. The omission
of quam in 4. 63. 2, is also a Graecism.

(2) By the use of a positive, with quanto, in the relative
clause, without the addition of magis, as quanto inopina, tanto
maiora i. 68,5. Cp. 1.57, i; 3. 5, 4 ; 46, 4; 4. 48, 5 ; 6. 21, 4; 45, 2 ;
12. II, 2. Sometimes comparative and positive are joined, as 2. 5, 2 ;
3- 43. I-

62 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. v.

(3) By the omission of tanto or eo magis in the apodosis,
as quanto incautius efferverat, poenitenlia patiens r. 74, 7 ; cp. i. 2, i ;
4. 69, 4; 6. 19, 5; 26, 3. In 3. 8, I, tam is similarly omiited. The
rule of Nipp. (on i. 68, see also Roby 1205), that in all such cases the
clause so marked is to be taken absolutely, seems hardly to be established.
Dr. § i8t. Her. on H. 2. 99, 7.

With these usages may be compared the abbreviation of adversative
sentences by using, after non modo, either sed without etiam, as i. 60,
i,&c.; or etiam (or quoque) without scd, as 3. 19, 2; 4. 35, i; or
omitting sed after a negative clause, as in 4. 54, 4. This usage is found
also in Livy. Dr. § 128, Nipp. on 4. 35, Gud. on Dial. 6, 19.

65. The omission of conjunctions (asyndeton) is very frequent,
either in lively narrative, as inserunt . . . offerunt . . . intendunt i. 28, 5 ;
amplecti adlevare hortari 12. 51, 3 (cp. 41, 4; 64, i ; 70, 4, &c.) ; or
in enumerations, as senalus magistratuum legum i. 2, i (cp. i. 3, 3 ;
35, i; 60, 3, &c.) ; or in summing up, as legiones provincias classes,
cuncta I. 9, 6 (cp. i. 68, 7; 12. 65, 4, &c.); or to point a climax, as
manu voce vulnere 2. 17, 5; sanie odore contactu 4. 49. 4; tempus
preces saiias 6. 38, i, &c. ; or an aniiihesis, as lacrimas gaudium questus
adulationem i. 7, 2 (cp. 4. 49, 3 ; 60, 3 ; 6. 19, 3 ; 15. 27, 4, &c.). Such
asyndeta are more or less common in rhetorical writings, as in the
orations of Cicero, in Sallust, Livy, &c. See Ritt. on 11. 6, Nipp. on
4. 43; 12. 19, Her. on H. 2. 70, 15, and a full account in Dr.
§§ i33-»38-

66. Tacitus adopts from Livy, but employs oftener, the concise
Greek use of adverbs as attributive adjectives, as circum 4. 55,
8, &c. ; superne . . . comminus 2. 20, 3, &c. Dr. § 23, Madv. 301 c,
Obs. 2.

67. The frequent use of tamquam, quasi, and velut, in ex-
pressions of the alleged or imagined reason or purpose of an
act, or the grounds of a charge or belief, like that of cLy with participles
or prepositions (see L. and S. Lex. s.v. C. i. 11), has been very fully
examined by Wolfflin and others (see below). It would appear that the
distinctions which some have attempted to draw between the force of
these words can hardly be sustained ; that the question of reality or
pretence is on the whole left open, though the latter view is not un-
frequently suggested by tamquam, and still oftener by quasi or velut ;
and that the chief distinction between the two latter is that velut is
preferred in the earlier writings, quasi rarely used except in the Annals.
On the use of tamquam, cp. i. 12, 6 ; 2. 84, 3 ; 12. 39, 5 ; 13. 43, 7 ;

Chap. V.] THE SYNTAX AND STYLE OF TACITUS. 63

14. 41, I, &c.; on that of quasi, i. 35, 4 ; 6. 1 1, 5 ; 12. 47, 3 ; 52, i ;
13. 18, 3 ; 14. 65, I, &c.; on that of velut, 6. 50, 4; 15. 53, 3 ; 16, 2,
I, &c. A similar use of ut may be noted in r. 47, 5 ; 3. 74, 5 ; i 2. 52,
I ; 14. 8, 2. Nipp. on 3. 72 ; 6. 11, Dr. § 179, Wolfidin, Philol. xxiv.
1 15-123, Pfitzner 160-165.

68. Among various uses may be noted thore of adeo non 3. 34, 3,
&c. ; adhuc 3. 26, i, &c. (Dr. § 24): aeque quam 2. 52, 5, &c. (Dr.
§ 176); an (in indirect questions) i. 5, 4; 2. 9, i ; 3. 12, 3; 15. 16, 2
(Dr. § 153); am I. 55, 2; 3- 34. 8; 13. 21, 7, &c. (Dr. § 129); cetcrum

1. 10, I, &c. (Dr. § 21); diu 4. 69, 4; donee i. 68, 6; dum (causal)

2. 88, 4, &c. (Dr. § 168); et (in negative clauses) i. 4, i; 38, 4 (see
Nipp.); 70, 5, &c. (Dr. § 107) ; et (with simul in temporal clauses) i. 65,
5, &c. (Dr. § 110); et alii (= alii . , . alii) r. 63, 7, &c. (Dr. § 117); et
. . . quoque 4. 7, 4 (Dr. § 121); impune (as predicate) i. 72, 3, &c. (Dr.
§ 33); non saltem 3. 5, 5 (Dr. § 24); perinde 2. 88, 4, &c. (Nipp.);
perinde quam 2. i, 2, &c. (Dr. § 175); perinde quam si i. 73, 5, &c.
(Id.); quatenus 3. 16, 5; quin 6. 22, 5; 12. 6, 2; 13. 14, 4; 14. 29, i,
&c. (Dr. § 186); quod 3. 54, 6 (Dr. § 141); quominus i. 21, 4, &c. (Dr.
§ 187); quoque non 3. 54, 11 (Nijip. and Dr. § 122) ; si r. 1 1, 5 ; 48,

1, &r. (Dr. §§ 191, 193); sive and seu i. 6, 6; 2. 24, 6, &c. (Dr. § 129);
ut (^dep. on placitum, sino, subigo, &c.) i. 36, 4; 43, 3; 2. 40, 5, &c.
(Dr. § 142) ; ut (conditional) 4. 38, i ; ut (restrictive) 4. 62, 4 ; utcumque

2. 14, 4, &c. (Dr. § 24); vel (= aut) 14. 35, 5 (Dr. § 129). See also
§§ 46b,c, 49, 51 d, 52, 53.

Style.

I. New Words or new Senses of Words.

69. Even where he follows other writers, Tacitus, especially in the
Annals, constantly prefers unusual forms of diction, e. g. clariiudo
and fumiiudo to die forms in ' -as ; ' cognomentum and levamentum to
the forms in '-men;' medicamen, fragmen, tegumen to the forms in
'-menlum' (see Wolfflin, Philol. 25, pp. 99, 100). The same tendency
leads him to innovate on his own account, and the following words in
the Annals, many of which are an. tip., appear to have been invented by
him : —

(i) Verbal Substantives.

{a) in -/or, -sor, and -/n'x, adcumulator 3. 30, 2 ; concertator 14. 29,
2; condemnator 4. 66, i ; cupitor 12. 7, 4, &c. : defector i. 48, i, &c. ;
detractor 11. 11, 6, &c. ; exstimulator 3. 40, i, &c. ; patrator 14. 62, 3;

64 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. v.

profligator i6. i8, i; regnatrix i. 4, 4; sanctor 3. 26, 6; subversor
3. 28, I. See Dr. § 6.

{b) in -?/j (genit. -us), aemulatus 13. 46, 6, &c. ; distinctus 6. 28, 3 ;
escensus 13. ^9, 6; provisus {only abl.) i. 27, 2, &c. ; relatus 15. 22, i,
&c. ; subvectus 15. 4, 4. Tacitus uses nearly 200 words of this form,
most frequently in the ablative.

(t) in -menlum, imitamentum (only in Annals) 3. 5, 6, &c. ; medita-
mentum 15. 35, 4, &c. ; vimentum 12. 16, 3. jNIore than sixty words of
this form are found in Tacitus, many of which are elsewhere rare.

(2) Negative words formed with 'in,' incelebratus 6. 7, 6; in-
prosper 3. 24, 2, &c. ; inreligiose 2. 50, 2; inreverentia 3. 31, 6 (see
note); iniurbidus 3. 52, i, &c.

(3) Words with the prefix 'per' and 'prae,' peramoenus 4. 67,
3; perornare 16. 26, 3; perseverus 15. 48, 5; persimplex 15. 45,6;
perstimulare 4. 12, 7; pervigere 4. 34, 6; praecalidus 13. 16, 3; prae-
colere 14. 22, 4 (see note); praegracilis 4. 57, 3; praerigesccre 13. 35,
6 : praeumbrare 14. 47, i.

(4) Frequentative verbs, appellitare 4. 65, i ; auctitare 6. 16, i.
A general preference of such verbs to the simple forms is noticeable.

(5) Not classified, adulatorius 6. 32, 7; antehabere i. 58, 6, &c. ;
adpugnare 2. 81, i, &c. ; binoctium 3. 71, 3 ; concaedes i. 50, 2 ; de-
lectabilis 12. 67, i; deprecabundus 15. 53, 2; emercari (only in later
books of Ann.) 12. 14, r, &c. ; genticus 3. 43, 3; 6. 33, 3 ; gladiatura
3. 43, 3 ; hibtrionalis i. 16, 4, &c. ; immunire 11. 19, 3 ; infensare (only
in Annals) 6. 34, i, &c. ; libitum (subst.) 6. i, 5, &c. ; lucar i. 77, 5;
postscribere 3. 64, 2 ; prodigentia (only in Annals) 6. 14, i, &c. ; pro-
fessorius 13. 14, 5; properato (adv.) 13. i, 4; propolluere (?) 3. 66, 4;
provivere 6. 25, i; quinquiplicare 2. 36, 5; sacrificalis 2. 69, 3; ses-
quiplaga 15. 67, 8; superstagnare i. 79, 2; superurgere 2. 23, 4.
Dr. § 249, 2.

70. The following poetical words in the Annals appear to be
among those first introduced by Tacitus into prose : — adolere (to
kindle) 14. 30, 4 (Lucr. Verg.) ; adsultus 2. 21, i (Verg.) ; advectare
6. 13, 2 (Val. Fl.); ambedere 15. 5, 4 (Verg.); brevia (= shoals)
I. 70, 3; 6. 33, 5 (Lucr. Verg.); celerare 2. 5, 2, &c. (Lucr. Verg.);
densere 2. 14, 4 (Lucr. Verg.); didere 11. i, 2 (Lucr.); eburnus 2.
83, 2; 4. 26, 4 (Verg.); evincire 6. 42, 6, &c. (Verg. Ov.); exspes
6. 24, 3 (Hor. Ov.); honorus i. 10, 7, &c. (Val. Fl. and Stat.); in-
clementia 4. 42, 3 (Verg. Stat.); incustoditus 2. 12, 5, &c. (Ov. Mart.) ;
indefessus i. 64, 5, &c. (Verg. Ov.) ; insatiabiliter 4. 38, 6 (Lucr.);

Chap, v.] THE SYNTAX AND STYLE OE TACITUS. 65

intemeratus i. 42, 3 (Verg. Ov.); inviolabilis 3. 62, i, &c. (Lucr.Verg.) ;
lapsare i. 65, 6 (Verg.) ; livere 13. 42, 4 (Ov. participle Verg.) ; mer-
sare 15. 69, 3 (Lucr. Verg. Hor.) ; notescere i. 73, 3, &c. (Cat. Prop.);
penetrabilis 2. 61, i (Verg. Ov.) ; praescius 6. 21, 5, &c. (Verg. Ov.) ;
prolicere 3. 73, 4 (Plaut. Ov.) ; properus i. 65, 4, &c. (Verg. Ov. but
only in Tac. with genitive or infinitive); provisor 12. 4^ i (Hor.); re-
clinis 13. 16, 5, &c. (Ov. &c.); secundare 2. 24, 4 (Verg. &c.) ; sonor
I. 65, I (Lucr. Verg.); transmovere 13. 35, 2 (Ter. Mart.); trudis
3. 46, 6 (Verg.); valescere 2. 39, 5, &c. (Lucr.). Dr. § 249, i; see
above p. 39.

71. The following words in the Annals, besides many of the meta-
phors noted below (§ 74), are used by Tacitus in a. sense peculiar to or
originating with himself: advertere (in aliquem = to punish) 2. 32, 5,
&c. ; amovere (to banish) i. 53, 6, &c.; auraria (= aurifodina) 6. 19, i ;
cone.xus (of relationship) 2. 50, i ; 4. 66, 2 ; gnarus (=notus) i. 5, 4,
&c. ; inauditus 2. 77, 5, &c. ; proicere (to defer) 2. 36, 3; novissima
(the extreme penalty) 6. 50, 8, &c. ; repens (=recens) 6. 7, 4, &c. ;
suspectare 15. i, &c. ; Dr. § 250.

72. The following are used in senses hitherto exclusively poetical : —
abitus (outlet) 14. 37, 3 (Verg.); circumfluus (surrounded by water) 6.
37, 4 (Ov. Sea.); cura (a written work) 3. 24, 4, &c. (Ov.) ; demissus
(descended) 12. 58, i (Verg.); ediicere (to build up) 2. 61, i, &c.
(Verg.); evictus (prevailed upon) 4. 57, 5, &c. (Verg.); intentatus
(untried) i. 50, 3, &c. (Verg. Hor.); sistere (to build) 4. 37, 4, &c.(Sil.).
See Dr. § 250, and full lists in Botticher, Lex. Proleg. p. xlv., liii.

Besides these are to be borne in mind the very numerous syntactical
usages introduced by Tacitus into liierature, or into prose, mentioned in
previous sections.

IL Rhetorical and Poetical Colouring.

To this head really belong a great number of the words and usages
already mentioned. Instances of artificial rhetorical structure, such as
chiasmus (see i. 63, 4 ; 3. 53, 3; 12. i, 4; 10, 2, &c.. Dr. § 235, Gud.
Dial, cxvi), also the pathos of such passages as 6. 24, 2 ; 39, 2 ; 13. 17,
3 : 14. 64 &c., should be noted.

73. Tacitus often adds emphasis by rhetorical repetition (ana-
phora) of a word common to more than one member of a sentence, not
only in speeches, but in narrative; as non i. i, 3; ad (three times)
I. II, 5; ut I. 62, I ; statim 2. 82, 7; ilium 4. 15, 5; quos 4. 49, 4;
and many oliiers. Nouns are thus repeated in contrasted parallel sen-

66 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. v.

tences, as miles i. 7, 7; piavis i. 10, 4, &c. Dr. § 240. Such repeti-
tions, as also the accumulation of syiionyms (see 12. 57, 3, and note,
Dr. § 242) are far more common in the earlier works. See Introd. to
Germania, p. 10, Gud. Introd. to Dial, cxvi, cxvii, Peterson, do. li.
Pleonasms (see 11. 7, 4; Dr. § 241) are never frequent, but are mostly
found in expressrions of beginning, as initio orlo, &c. (see Gud. on Dial.
II, 8, Her. on H. i. 39, 10).

74. Metaphors. A full list and classification of these is given in
Dr. § 248. Among the most characteristic are some of the metaphorical
applications of verbs expressing

(i) Movement; so vergere is often applied to age or time, as 2.
43, I ; 4-8, 5; II. 4, 4; 13. 38, 7, &c.

(2) Clothing or stripping; so induere i. 69, 2, &c. ; exucre
1. 2, I, &c. See note on i. 69.

(3) Burning; as ardescere, of passions, 3. 17, 2; 54, 2 ; 11. 25, 8;
16. 29, I, &c. ; or of a sharpened dagger, as 15. 54, i (Lucan, and
' ardentes sagittae ' Hor.).

(4) Breaking; as abrumpere 4. 50, 3 ; 60, 2 ; 16. 18, 6 ; perrumpere

3. 1 5, 4 ; 4. 40, 7 ; rumpere 1.42,4; 6. 20, i, &c.

(5) Binding or entangling ; as veneno inligare 6. 32, 3 (ott. tip.)\
innexus 6. 36, 5 ; consiliis permixtus 3. 38, 2.

(6) Revolution; as volvere (to ponder) 1. 64, 7 ; 3. 38, 2, &c. ; re-
volvere 3. 18, 6; 4. 21, 2; provolvere (to dispossess) 6. 17, 4; and (to
degrade) 14. 2, 4 (htt. dp.).

(7) Swallowing, &c. ; as hauriri, not only of perishing by water,

1. 70, 4 ; 2. 8, 3, &c., but also by fire, 3. 72, 4.

(8) Loosing; as exsolvere, of opening veins, 4. 22, 4, &c. ; of
raising a siege, 3. 39, i ; of simplifying legal intricacies, 3. 28, 6.

We may also note metaphorical senses of adjectives ; as aestate adulta

2. 23, I (cp. II. 31, 4; 13. 36, i); angusta et lubrica oratio 2. 87, 3;
tumidi spirilus 4. 12, 7; also adverbs, as colles clementer adsurgentes
13- 38, 5; and substaniives, as moles 2. 78, \, &c. ; saevitia annonae
2. 87, I ; locorum fraus 12. 33, 2; locorum facies 14. 10, 5; modestia
hiemis 12. 43, 3.

75. Personification is implied in many of the bold figures used ;
such as seditionis ora vocesque i. 31, 5; vestigia morieniis libertatis
I. 74, 6, &c. The Tiber is personified i. 79, 4 ; lux i. 70, 7 ; also fre-
quently dies, e.g. 14. 41, i; nox, e.g. i. 28, i; 2. 14, i; 13. 17, i;
annus (as sometimes in Cic. and Liv.) very often, e. g. i. 54, i ; 2. 53, i ;

4. 14, I ; 15, i; 23, I ; 6. 45, i, &c. Dr. § 257.

Chap. V.] THE SYNTAX AND STYLE OE TACITUS. 67

76. Hendiadys, or the coordination of two words, of which one,
usually the second, defines the other like an adjective or genitive (see
Madv. 481 a), appears to be used by Tacitus, after the example of poets
(as Verg. G. 2. 192), more frequently than by earlier prose writers; and,
though many of the examples usually cited (see Ruperti, Ind. iii.) are
hardly genuine, many remain ; e.g. tempus atque iter 2. 34, 6; gaudio
et impetu 3. 74, 6; famam et posteros 11. 6. i; testamenta et orbos
13. 42, 7, &c. Inlrod. to Germania, p. 10, Dr. § 243.

77. Anastrophe of prepositions, though restricted to the usual
limits (see Madv. 469) in the minor works, and rarely extended beyond
them in the Histories, is used with more poetical freedom in the Annals,
than in the work of any other prose author.

(i) After a substantive withou t an attribute; e.g. abusque
13. 47, 2, &c. ; coram i. 19, 3, &c. ; extra 13. 47, 2; infra 11. 20, 4;
inter 6. 41, 2, &c. ; intra 3. 75, 4, &c. ; iuxta 2. 41, i, &c. ; propter
4. 48, I, &c. ; super 16. 35, 2 : sometimes even after a genit. as 3. i, i ;
13. 15, 8; 14. 9, 3.

(2) Between two coordinated substantives; e.g. inter 4. 50, 3 ;
59, 2 ; 69, 2, &c. This and the above usage do not extend to mono-
syllabic preps.

(3) With substantive preceding and attribute following;
e.g. ab 3. ID, 4; in II. 3, 2; 12. 56, i, &c.; intra 11. 36, 4.

(4) Between a substantive and dependent genitive; e.g.
ab 4. 5, 4 ; ad 3. 72, 2, &c. ; apud 6. 31, 4 ; inter 4. 16, 6, &c.

(5) Between two substantives in apposition; e. g. ab 2. 60, i,
&c.; apud 4. 43, 6; in 15. 53, 3.

(6) After two coordinated substantives; e.g. inter i. 60, 5;
coram 4. 8, 7, &c. ; simul 4. 55, 3.

Of these, all except (2) are used by Tacitus only in the Annals, and few
instances occur in earlier prose. Dr. § 225, Wolfflin, Philol. xxv. 115,
Nipp. on I. 60 ; 2. 60 ; 3. i ; 10 ; 72.

78. Anastrophe of conjunctions is also very common ; among the
stronger instances is the position of si as fourth word 14. 3, 3; ut as
fifth 12. 49, 3; quasi as seventh 14. 52, i ; cum as tenth i. 63, 6. But
such instances, as well as those of anastrophe of relative pronouns, as in
4. 33, 2 ; 12. 61, 4 ; or of adverbs, as adeo 13. 35, i, &c., are not
without classical precedent. Dr. § 227, 228, Nipp. on 12. 51 ; 15. 39.

79. The occurrence of metrical lines, or parts of such in
Taciius requires notice chiefly because it has been noticed (Bolticher,
Proleg. p, xcvi., Ruperti Ind. iii., Dr. § 255, Nipp. on i. i). Most of

68 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. v.

the instances are trivial (see the so-called hexameters in 3. 44, 4 ; 15.
9, I ; 73, 4; Agr. 10, 4); one only is noteworthy for its rhythm
(aiiguriis patrum et prisca formidine sacrum G. 39, 2), and one other
for its position, as forming a complete period, and as .the opening
sentence of the Annals. The hexameter with which Livy begins is,
as far as it goes, much more rhythmical, and he has many more such
verses or parts of verses than Tacitus. No more can be proved, than
that the ear of neither of these historians was so sensitive in avoidance
of such cadences, as that of Cicero (see de Orat. 3. 47, 182 ; Orat. 56,
189) or Quintilian (see 9. 4, 72).

III. hifluencc of the Study of Brevity.

80. Ellipses, and similar abbreviated expressions. By far the

most important of these are found in syntactical usages already noticed,
in a large proportion of which the desire of brevity of expression appears
prominent; especially in the omission of pronouns (§ 8), of verbs (§§ 38,
39), of prepositions (see references on § 56), and other particles (§§ 64,
65) ; in the fondness for concise constructions with the infinitive (§§ 42,
43, 44, 46), with gerund and gerundive (§§ 22, 36, 37), with in and the
accusative (§ 60 h). with nisi and ni (§ 50). A few other ellipses are
noted by Dr. § 238, such as omissions of pars (4. 20, 3), annus (11. 11,
i), dies (4. 45, 4^, lex (3. 25, i), uxor (4. 11, 4), filia (12. i, 3), &c. ;
many of which would be common in any approach to colloquial forms,
as in comic poets and in the letters of Cicero, as well as in inscriptions.
See Gud. Introd. cxviii, and the special treatise of G. Clemm ' De brevilo-
quentiae Taciteae quibusdam generibus,' Leipzig, 1881.

81. The frequent use of participial clauses tends to conciseness
(see §§31, 54, 55), and is characteristic of Tacitus ; as is illustrated by the
comparison made by Draeger (§ 238) between simple narrative passages
of the same length, in Caes. B. G. 2. 1-2; Sail. Jug. 6-7 ; Liv. 21. 5 ;
and Ann. 2. 11-12; in which, respectively, the participial clauses are 5,
10, 16, and 24. Instances of such participial and also of adjectival
clauses are given by Nipp. on 3. 55 ; 4. 64.

82. Parentheses. Besides the explanatory accusative already noticed
(§ 12 rt), Tacitus frequently has a parenthetical word or expression in
apposition in the nominative, equivalent to a complete relative clause ; as
vix credibile dictu i. 35, 6; mirum dictu 2. 17, 4; incertum is thus
used by Livy, &c. ; dubium by Ovid, &c. ; rarum by Tacitus alone, and
chiefly in the Annals, i. 39, 7 ; 56, 2 ; 6. 10, 3 ; 13. 2, 2 ; also H. 4.
12, 3. For more complete parenthetical sentences, see 4. 55, 6; 12.

Chap. V.] THE SYNTAX AND STYLE OE TACITUS. 69

42, 4; and for parentheses inserted in oratio obliqua, see § 49. Dr.
§ 139, Wolfllin, Philol. xxvi. 107, Nipp. on I. 39 ; 12.42; 61; Her. on II.
I- 62, II ; 3. 31, 20.

83. Zeugma, or the reference to two objects of a verb slricdy applic-
able only to the nearest, is also an effort at brevity, even with the risk
of harshness ; and is more common in Tacitus than in any other writer.
See the use of redimi i. 17, 6 ; probabam i. 58, 2 ; permisit 2. 20, 2 ;
appellans 2. 45, 4 ; intentarent 3. 36, 2 ; fore 6. 21, 5 ; nequibat 12. 64,
6 ; and very many others. Akin to this is the frequent use (by Syllepsis)
of a verb with two objects in different senses, as i. 71, 5 ; 2. 44, 3, or of
a noun exclusively masculine for persons of both sexes, as filii 11. 38, 3;
fratres 12. 4, 2 ; privigni 4. 71, 7; pronepotes 5. i, 4. Dr. § 239, 3, 4.
Also akin to this is the supplying a plural verb from a singular, as in
3. 29, 5; or an affirmative sense from a negative, as in 12. 64, 6; 13.
56, 3-

84. Pregnant constructions ; many such have been mentioned under
other heads (see references on § 80) : to which may be added such expres-
sions as ius legationis . . . miseratur i. 39, 8 ; proruunt fossas i. 68, 2 ;
pericula polliceri 2. 40, 3 ; ad principem distulerant 3. 52, 3 ; iniurias
largiri 3. 70, 2 ; permoveor . . . num 4. 57, 2, &c. ; also pregnant mean-
ings of words, as venenum 3. 22, 2 ; 4. 10, 2 ; aegriiudo 2. 69. 4 ;
senecta 11. 26, 2; infantiam 11. 34, i; gratia 12. 7, 4; Chaldaeos 12.
22, I ; ferrum 15. 55, 3, &c. Dr. § 239, 2.

IV. The Study of J'ariciy in Expression.

85. Besides aiming at novelty through the introduction or adoption of
unfixmiliar words or senses of words (see §§ 69-72), Tacitus constantly
seeks to avoid monotony by varying forms of the same word.
Thus Artaxata is twice feminine, five times neuter (see on 2. 56, 3) ;
Tigranocerta four times used in each form (see 14. 24, 6): the form
Vologeses is perhaps sometimes changed to Vologesus (see on 12. 14, ^^).
So also we have alioqui and alioquin; anteire and antire ; balneae and
balneum ; dein and deinde ; grates and gratias agere ; inermis and
inermus ; senecta and senectus, &c. In many other cases such variations
have been treated by editors as errors of copyists. See WolfHin, Philol.
XXV. 99-106; 121-127.

86. Names often mentioned are varied. Thus we have Galkis,
Asinius Gallus, and Gallus Asinius, &c. ; or the cognomen alone
repeated, when the name has been given more fully above, as Trionis
2. 28, 4; Lepida 12. 64, 5, &c. ; also the names of relatives mentioned

VOL. I F

70 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. v.

together are often varied, as hunc [Gracchum] pater Sempronius . . . tulerat
4. 13, 4; pater Scriboniani Camillus 12. 52, 2; Crispum . . . C. Sallusf.ius
3- 3°' 3! Valerius Messalla, cuius proavum . . . Corviniim 13. 34, i, &c.
Nipp. on 4. 13, Joh. Miiller, 4, pp. 15, 16. Sometimes general terms are
thus varied to avoid repetition, as nomen . . . cognomentum . . . vocabu-
luni 2. 6, 5. Dr. § 234.

87. Prepositions with similar meanings are often interchanged,

a in ... ad I. 28, 7, &c. ; inter . . . apud 3. 40, i ; in . . . apud 6. 22, 2 ;
per ... in 4. 55, 7, &c. Several such instances are found in Livy, few in
other works of Tacitus than the Annals. Dr. § 104.

88. Cases with prepositions are interchanged with simple

cases : as for instance a dat. with accus. after ad or in ; e.g. with oppor-
lunus 2. 6, 4; promptus 4. 46, 4; referre 14. 38, 5; and such an accus.
with gerundive dat. 2. 37. 6 : see also § 62. Dr. § 105.

89. Copulative conjunctions are constantly varied in different
clauses, especially in the Annals, sometimes no doubt to graduate the
connexion (see on i. i, 5), but at other times apparently for elegance.
Cp. the change of et and ac 4. 26, 4 ; ac . . . que . . . et 15. 25, 6 ; que . . .
et . . . et . . . ac 2. 60, 4. See Dr. §115, Nipp. on 4. 3.

90. After as^^ndeta (see § 65) conjunctions are introduced; as

classes regna provinciae . . . aut . . . et . . . ac i. 11, 6 ; inlustres ignobiles
dispersi aut aggerati 6. 19, 3; see also 12. 64. 3; 15. 26, r. Dr. §§ 106,
140, Nipp. on I. II ; 2. 81 ; Her. on H. i. 51, 25. Here again different
degrees of connexion are often intended to be expressed.

91. A large number of miscellaneous variations of expression in corre-
sponding clauses are brought together by Draeger (§ 233), from which the
following are selected. In a few of them Tacitus has followed Divy.

(i) Change of case or number: Spartanorum . . . Atheniensibus 3.
26, 4 ; clari genus . . . summis honoribus 6. 9, 5 ; effusae clementiae . . .
modicus severitate 6. 30, 3 ; sec note on 2. 3, 2 ; on change of number
see § 2.

(2) Active and passive: omissa sunt aut . . . oblitteravit 2. 83, 5 ;
cp. 6. 44, 2 ; H. 4. 65, 3 ; Nipp. on 3. 21, Gud. on Dial. 8, 24.

(3) Ablative and participle: metu . . . diffisus 2. i, 2; metu . . . an
ratus 2. 22, 2; cp. 15. 36, 6; 38, 5; 56, 3.

(4) Preposition and participle or adjective: ad gradum . . .
procedentibus i. 64, 2 ; procaces ... in spe 14. 15, 8.

(5) Adjective and genitive : Parthorum . . . Romanas 2. 3, 2.

(6) Present participle and gerundial ablative (only in the

Chap. V.] THF. SYNTAX AND STYLE OF TACITUS. 71

Annals): adflictando . . . ciens 2. 81, i; Irahcns . . . interpretando 1,].
47, I ; adsurgens . . . popuhindo 15. 38, 4.

(7) Gerundive and ut or neu: appellandam . . . ul adscribereiur i.
14, 2 ; habenda . . . utque 2. 36, i ; cp. 3. 17, 8 ; 63, 7 ; 4. 9, i ; 20, 2.

(8) Noun and subordinate clause, with quod or quia, &c. :
amicilia . . . et quod 4. 18, i ; gnarus meliorum et (juae 4. 31, 2 ; alii
modestiam, muUi quia diffideret 4. 38, 4 ; and many others; as 2. 63, 4 ;
3. 44, 4; 4. 24, 2; 13. 44, I, &c. Sometimes an infin. answers to a
noun, as 3. 22, 2 ; 4. 3. i. &c.

(9) Adjective or parti ci pie and final clause : as rati ... an ne 3.
3, 3; sive fraudem suspectans sive ut 13. 39, i.

92. The effort for variety, added to that for brevity, is found
sometimes to result in considerable complication of periods ;

as for instance in the passages beginning ' igitur Tac farinas ' 4. 24, i ;
'nam postulato Votieno ' 4. 42, 2; 'at Sabinus' 4. 47, i: sometimes
even in anacolulha, as 12. 52, 3; 14. 9, i (Dr. § 254). On the general
structure of periods in Tacitus, and on some passages of exceptional
complexity, as i. 2, i ; 6, 6 ; 13. 54, 5, see Dr. § 232 ; also the notes
on I. 8, 4; 4. 33, 4 ; 44, 3; and Joh. Muller on those passages.

93. It is extremely characteristic of Tacitus to introduce the utmost
possible variety into the expressions for facts that have to be very often
stated. A large collection of such is made in Botticher, Proleg. Ixvii-lxix,
and Dr. § 252. Among them may be noted the following: —

(i) Death: about fifteen various expressions are found, as obire ;
oppetere ; finire (6. 50, 9 an. dp.) ; concedere ; excedere ; vita cedere ;
vita concedere ; &c.

(2) Suicide: ten or more expressions are found, as se vita privare ;
vim sibi afferre ; finem vitae sibi ponere (6. 40, 4) ; &c.

(3) Suicide by opening veins: more than ten forms of expression
are found, as venas exsolvere, resolvere, abrumpere, interrumpere, &c.

(4) Suicide by stabbing: ferro incumbere; se ipsum ferro transi-
gere ; suo ictu mortem invenire ; &c.

(5) Suicide by starvation: vitam abstinenlia finire; egestate cibi
perimi.

(6) Interdiction of fire and water: aqua et igni interdicere,
arcere, prohibere.

(7) Approach of evening: about eight distinct expressions are
noted. See i. 16, 5; 65, 9 ; 2. 21, 4; 39, 5 ; &c.

(8) Contrast between what is shown and concealed: palam

72 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. v.

...in octulto I, 49, 2: palam . . . secreto 2. 72, 2, &c. ; cp. 4. 1,4;
6. 7, 4; 12. 7, 6; 13, I, &c.

94. The monotony of reported speeches in oratio obliqua is
often varied (as also noi unfrequently in Liv.) by an abrupt transition
to oratio recta; as 2. 77, 2 ; 3. 12, 4 ; 46. 3 ; 4. 40, 5; 11. 30, 5;

H. 3. 2, 8. The transition has also the eflect of a rhetorical climax (Dr.
§ 256). On smaller parenthetical suspensions of oratio obliqua, see
§ 49-

IV. hifliience cf Imitation.

95. Graecisms. Nearly all of those found in Tacitus appear to have
been already more or less naturalized in Latin. Most of them have
been already noticed (see §§ 1 1, 12 r/, 13, 16, 18, 37 rt', 54, 60 b, 63, 64,
66, 67 '. To the>e may be added the use of si with exjiressions of fear,
&c., as I. II, 5; such a genitive as diversa omnium i. 49, i ; the con-
struction nisi forte . . . plures curas, &c., 2. 33, 5 ; and the phrase ut
quisque audentiae habuisset 15. 53, 3. The list of Greek words used
by him (see Nipp. on 14. 15, 6) is not large, and consists wholly of
terms more or less technical, and which have no strict Latin equivalent.
Dr- §§ 67, 147, i9i> 258.

96. Latin archaisms. The desire of novelty in diction appears to
have led Tacitus sometimes to revive obsolete words and forms from old
writers, in preference to employing those which were usual (Wolfflin,
Philol. XXV. 106, &c.). Among such may be noticed dissertare 12. 11, i
(Cato and Plaut.) ; mercimonium 15. 38, 2 (Plant.); perduellis 14. 29, 2
(Enn. Plaut., &c.) ; truculentia 2. 24, i (Plaut.); also the accus. with
fungor 3. 2, 2 ; and with potior 1 1. 10, 8. Dr. § 258.

97. The debt of Tacitus to previous historians, and to the
great classic poets, is chiefly to be seen in very many of the syntac-
tical usages already mentioned, and in the lists of poetical words and
senses of words (see §§ 70, 72). Many other instances will be found
noticed in the notes throughout : a few of the more striking are here
selected from the fuller lists given by Dr. (§ 259) and Wolfflin (Philol. xxvi.
122-134), and in special treatises.

(1) Sal lust (see also above, p. 40, note 4). Aunah.

Cat. 6. I urbem Romam habuere initio Troiani . . 1.1,1

Fr. inc. 92 D, 60 K, 37 G. genua patrum advolvuntur . i. 13, 7

Jug. 51,1 fors omnia regere . . . . . . i. 49, 3

Cmap. v.] the syntax and style of TACITUS.

73

Vv. H. I. 48, 3 D, 51 K, 144 G. se e conlempto metuen-

duni effei il ....... .

]ug. 80. 5 quis omnia honcsUi atque inhonesta vendere

mos est .
Fr. H. I. 71 D, 69 K, 99 G. cornicincs occanueie .
Jug. 6. 3 studia Numidariiin in lugurtham accensa .
Fr. H. I, 61 D, 61 K, 81 G, suopte ingenio (of things)
Fr. H. I. 88 D, 98 K. 63 G. neque animo neque auri-

bus aut lingua competero ....

jug. 45, 1 magnum et sapientem viruni fuisse compeiior
Jug. 20, 7 cum predatoria manu ....
Jug. 4, 9 ad inceptum redeo .....
Fr. H. 3. 67, col. 4 D, 77 K, 76 G. iu.xta scditionem

eraiit ........

Fr. inc. 55 D, 21 K, 24 G. more equestris proeli sumpiis

tergis atque redditis .....
Jug. 21, 2 uno die . . . coeplum atque patratum bellum
Jug. 70, 2 carum acceptumque popularibus suis
Fr. H. I. 18 D, 20 K, 19 G. in tempore bellaturi .
Fr. H. 3. 41 D, 53 K, 40 G. vis piscium
Jug. 73, 5 in maius celebrare .....
Jug. 47, 2 frequentiam negotiatorum et commeatuum
Jug. 25, 3 bonum publicum . . . privata gratia devictum
Cat. 2, 3 aequabilius atque constantius .
Fr. H. 2. 30 D, 36 K, 66 G. advorsa in pravitatem de

clinando .......

Fr. H. 4. 31 D, 56 K, 33 G. volentia plebi facturus
Jug. 5, 3 pauca supra repetam . . .
(2) Livy.

7. 5, 6 stolide ferocem viribus suis ....

8. 32, 13 extrema contio et circa Fabium globus

28. 27, 3 ne quo nomine quidem adpellare debeam, scio

&c

3. 49, 3 si iure ageret — si vim adferre conaretur
3. 53, 2 liberatores baud dubie ....
2 7- 33' 5 prosperam pugnam fecerunt .

6. 8, 2 senecta invalidum . ' .

3. 27. 7 puncto saepe temporis maximarum rerum mo-
menta verli .......

7. 37, 14 velut indagine .....
7, 17, 3 the whole description sacerdotes eorum, &c.

Attfia/s

I. 74.

2

2-38,

7

2. 81,

•-»

3- 4.

3

3- 26,

2

3. 46.

I

4. 20,

4

4- 24,

3

4- 33.

6

6. 13, I

6.

35.

2

12.

16,

4

12.

29,

I

12.

50,

4

12.

63,

2

U-

8,

I

14.

33.

I

T4-

38,

4

IS-

21,

5

IS-

26,

3

15-

36,

6

16.

18,

I

I.

3.

4

I.

35,

6

t.

42,

4

2

80,

4

2.

88,

3

3-

21,

6

3-

43-

4

')

4

2

13

42

7

M

30.

I

74

INTRODUCTION.

[Chap. V.

(3) Horace. Annals.
Ep. I. 11,6 odio maris atque viarum (cp. Otl. 2. 6, 7) 2. 14, 6
Od. 2. 16, 25 laetus in praesens . . . . . 11. 15, i
Od. I. 37, 9 contaminato cum grege . . . • '5- 37) ^

(4) Vergil (see also §§ 70, 72, 74. 76, 77 and above, p. 40,

note 2).

Aen. 4, 15 fixum immotumque . . . . . i. 47

„ 6, 103 laborum . . . facies . . . . . i. 49

„ 10, 308 rapit . . . aciem . . . . . i. 56

„ 10, 850 vulnus adactum . . . . . i.6i

,, 9, 137 exscindere gentem . . , . . 2. 25

„ 3, 176 tendoque . . . cum voce manus . . . 2. 29

,, 3, 651 omnia conlustrans . . . . . 2. 45

,, 2, 15 instar montis , . . . . . 2. 61

„ 9, 763 ingerit hastas . . . . . . 2. 81

„ 2, 75 quae sit fiducia capto . . . . . 3. 1 1

„ I, 359 argenli pondus et auri . . . • 3- 53

„ 9, 73 tum vero incumbunt . . . . . 4. 24

„ I, 2^)4 populosque . . . conlunckt . . . . 4. 46

„ I, 167 vivo . . . saxo . . . . . •4-55

,, 4, 388 sermonem abrumpit . . . . . 4. 60

,, 10, 630 manet . . . gravis exitus . . . . 4. 74

„ 2, 129 rumpit vocem . . . . . . 6. 20

„ 6, 423 fusus humi . . . . . . . 11. 37

,, 10, 669 expendere poenas . . . . . 12. 19

>' 9> 397 fraude loci . . . . . . . 12. 33

,, 2, 374 rapiunt ( = diripiunt) . . . . . 13. 6

„ 6, 55 funditque preces . . . . . . 14. 30

„ 10, 532 belli commercia ..... 14. ,33

,, 3, 55 fas omne abrumpit . . . . . 15. 2

,, II, 335 rebus succurrite fessis . . . ■ 15. 50

,, 2, 369 mortis imago . . . . . . 15. 70

„ 8, 579 abrumpere vitam . . . . .16. 28

(5) Ovid.

Trist. 2, 127 citraque necem tua constitit ira . . . 12. 22, 3

Chat, yi.] CONSTITUTION OF THE EARLY PRINCIPATE. 75
CHAPTER VI.

ON THE CONSTITUTION OF THE EARLY PRINCIPATE.
SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.

PACE

Powers and titles acquired by Augustus jirior to 72-, h.c. 27 . . . -75

Constitution of the principate in that year ........ 77

Subsequent changes during and shortly after his tenure . . . . '79

Magistracies comprised in the principate —

1. Proconsulare iniperium .......... 8'

2. Tribunitia potestas ........... 83

3. Other magisterial powers ......... 85

Legislative and judicial powers .......... 86

Relation of the principate to the people and aristocracy . . . . -89

Functions left to the magistrates of the state ....... 9°

Functions left to the senate ........... 92

Means taken by the princeps to control the election of magistrates, and, thereby,

of senators ............. 94

His modes of influencing the choice of a successor ...... 97

Power of the senate daring vacancy of the principate, and in respect of the deposi-
tion of a princeps ............ 9^

Importance with Romans of apparent respect for constitutional forms . . -99

Note. — The greatest part of the material of this portion is derived from Mommsen's
' Romisches Staatsreclit,' vol. ii. part 2 ; part also from his commentary on the ' Marmor
Ancyranum,' and from Professor Pclham's article ' princeps' in Diet, of Ant.

The constitution of the principate is dated most properly from the
acts of Jan. 13, 727, b.c. 27, and from enactments in the preceding
year ; but account must be taken both of powers held by the first
* princeps ' before that date, and of those which he subsequently acquired.

Gaius Caesar Oclavianus, in his nineteenth year, had raised forces on
Iiis own authority ' ; and his position was legalized by a decree of the
senate proposed by Cicero on Jan. i, 711, b.c. 43, by which he acquired
the rank of propraetor, with a military imperium - which during the rest
of his long life never left him ; so that his ' dies accepti imperii ' is either
reckoned from this', or from the consulship, which on August 19 in the
same year followed it ■•, and was his first actual magistracy.

His permanent imperium, however, during these years comes through
the irregular and mainly usurped powers of the triumvirate ; a plebiscite
having been hurried through the comitia on Nov. 27 of the same year

' 'Private consHio' Mon. Anc. 1. i ; ' He assumed the fasces on Jan. 7

cp. 13. 6, 4 ; Staatsr. ii. 654. (C. 1. L. x. 8375).

" Cic. Phil. 5. 17, 46 ; Mon. Anc. i. 5. " See note on Ann. 1.9, i.

76 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VI.

by the tribune P, Titius, creating ' triumviri reipublicae constituendae/
with consular power, for five years ' ; at the emi of which they assumed
another five years of power by tiieir own act, without any formal vote ^.

At some eaily date during tliis period Caesar had assumed a title
of permanent importance, the ' praenomen imperatoris^.' Suetonius
ascribes this praenomen to the dictator ■* ; who, however, appears from
inscriptions to have borne the tide immediately after his family name,
before his titles of office**. It is suggested that the title, in this position,
became a kind of additional cognomen, such as his heir might adopt ;
and that, in usage, he might be styled indifferently ' Caesar Imperator '
or ' Imperator Caesar,' as men might speak of ' Aemilius Paullus ' or
' Paullus Aemilius*.' However this may be, this praenomen is hence-
forth always assumed by Octavianus, his proper praenomen and gentile
name drop out of sight, and he becomes ' Imp. Caesar, iii vir R.P.C.''.'

From this must be distinguished the ' nomen imperatoris,' which also
he now began to assume as a permanent title ^ This was given, as in
old times, by acclamation on the field of battle ®, and was received by
Augustus twenty-one times in his life '", for victories gained in person
or through lieutenants " ; of which he had already numbered seven in
725, B.C. 29 '^

Also it appears that, in some form, he had received in 718, b.c. 36,
a tribunician power '*. Whether we take the authority followed by
Appian and repeated by Orosius, stating that he was in that year
chosen tribune for life ** ; or that followed by Dio, according to which
the sacrosanctity and seat of a tribune were decreed to him in this
year, and the power itself in 724, b.c. 30 '^ ; he will in either case have
held it before 731, b.c. 23, from which daie the )ears of its tenure as
a title are numbered ''.

' App.. H. C. 4. 7. Tacitus declines to sainted after Mutina (Ap. 15,71 1, B.C. 43^ :

call their forces • publica arma' Ann. i. see Dio, 46. 38, i.

2, I. '" I. 9, 2. Tiberius received it eiiiht

- App. B. C. 5. 95. times jsee eh. ix, note 2S), Claudius

^ See the Fasti of 71 4, u c. 40, and twenty-seven times (vol. ii Introd. p. 38).

the Inscr. C. I. L. v. 525; Orell. 565; " See 2. 18, 2; 22, i.

W'ilm. 878. 4 '■■' See below, p. 77, note 6.

^ Suet. Jul. 76. Dio speaks of it only '^ On this power as held by the cHctator

as a permanent title ('43. 44, 2). Caesar, see on 3. =,6, 2.

' Inscr. C. 1. L. i. 620; Orell. 582. '* App. V>. C. 5. 132 ; Oros. 6. 18, 34.

• Staatsr. ii. 769, 5. Dio (53. 32, 5) makes this take place

' E.g. Inscr. Orell. 594. This form in R.c. 23, but it is an error to sup-
appears in the Fasli from 714, n.c. 40: pose that he was ever formally tribune.
Staatsr. ii. 766, 3. For the distinction between such office

" This appears thus on the coins of all and the tribunician j^ower, see below,

the triumvirs. Those of Antonius bear p. 83.

latterly 'Imp. iiii.' '* Dio, 49. 15. 6; 51. 19,6.

" See on 3. 74, 6. He was first so '* See below, p. 79.

Ch^^. y\.] CONSTITUTION OF THE EARLY PRI NCI PATE. 77

By the end of the second 'quinquennium,' at the close of 721, b.c. 33,
Lepidus had been deposed, and war with Antonius was imminent.
Hence, though Antonius appears to have styled himself ' triumvir ' till
his death ', Caesar (at least in his retrospect) limits the formal term of that
'office to the ten years'^; and then claims a power quasi-dictatorial, or
a virtual concentration of the whole triumvirate in himself, not, apparendy,
by formal vote, but by general consent. ' luravit in mea verba tola Italia
sponte sua, et me b[ello] quo vici ad Aclium, ducem depoposcil '.' ' Per
consensum universorum [potiius rerum omnjium ' ({^^[pdTjr)? ytvotuvoi

navTUiv Tu>v npaynaTui') *.

Also, after a short second consulship in 721, b.c. 33, he enters on
a continuous series of nine consulships, his third to his eleventh, 723-731,
B.C. 31-23 ^.

The following inscription of the year 725, -B.C. 29, shows the tides
which he then bore, but makes no mention of the Inbunician power:—
'Imp. Caesari, Divi |uli f., cos. quinct., cos. design, se.xt., imp. sept^'

We come now to the ads of 726, 727, B.C. 28, 27, the tendency of
which is described from very different points of view. Caesar himself
claims to have then restored the Republic : ' Rempublicam ex mea
polestate in senat[us populique Romani ajrbitrium transluli '.' This
statement is echoed by writers near the time \ and a coin of this date
describes him as ' libertatis P. R. vinde.x '.' On the other hand, Dio
alludes to this time as the date of a re-established monarchy "*, and
Tacitus as the period when the ascendency of Caesar was secured".
The reconciliation is simple : the extraordinary dictatorial and con-
stituent powers surviving from the triumvirate, after spending their
force in these enactments ^'^ are surrendered, and all the arbitrary acts
of that period cancelled"; but the permanent consuiution of the prin-
cipate begins. The senate and the comitia resume their regular func-
tions ; and, after an ostensive restoration of all the provinces, armies,
and revenues '*, the unarmed provinces are actually given up, and those

' Staatsr. ii. p. 718. ' Mon. Anc. vi. 13. See Staatsr. ii.

^ T,p(]ttii' avbpujv (y(vunr]\v 5]r]fio<Tiav 745 foil. ; Rushforth, Insc. p. 4.

vpnyfiaTcuv KaTopdwTi)s avvfxic^'' (Tfffiv * Ov. tast. I, 589; Veil. 2. 89, 3.

S(Ka Mon. Anc. Gr. iv. i. Some power ' Eckhel, vi. 83; Cohen, i. p- Q-2.

' reip. constituendae ' must be conceived to '" 'Ek Si tovtov novapxti^Oai av9ts anpi-

have survived to B.C. 27; see below, jScoj ^pfarTO 52. i, 1.

note 12. " ' Potentiae securus, dedit iura quis

' Mon. Anc. v. 3. pace et principe uteremur' 3. 28, 3.

* Id. vi 13, and Gr. xvii. 19. " It is thought by Mommsen that

* Mommsen shows (870, 2) that Suet. the expression ' c.edit iura' (Tae. 1. 1.) im-
(Aug. 261 is probably in error in re- plies autocratic legislation without the
presenting several of these as held for comilia.

parts of the year onlv. " Dio, 53. 2, 5.

« C.I.L. vi. S73 ; Orell. 596; Wilm.879. " Id. 53. 4, 3 ; 9, 6.

78 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VI.

requiring military force ', with the legions stationed in them, are retained,
professedly for ten years only ^ ; ' while, in his home government, Caesar
' claims only to be consul, and to be satisfied with his Iribunician right to
protect the people '.'

It is claimed as proof of his moderation or discretion, that his con-
stitution made him not king or dictator but 'princeps*;' and he is
careful to stale that, while thus holding the first rank in the state, he
had no more power than his colleagues in any magistracy *. This
appellation has been commonly identified with that of ' princeps senatus,'
which had been some thirty-three years dormant ; an honorary rank,
conferring no other privilege than that of being asked first, when the
consuls designate were absent. That Caesar was 'princeps senatus'
from the census-list of 726, b. c. 28, to his death, is affirmed by him-
self*: and such designation is the natural mode of reminding senators
at each revision of the list that he was one of themselves ''. But, from
the earliest date, he is always spoken of not as ' princeps senatus,' but
as simply 'princeps*;' and speaks thus of himself ^ Also a saying
quoted of Tiberius makes him express by that title his relation, not
to the senate, but to the citizens'"; and the earlier Greek writers render
the words by ijyf/ncoj'^'. It is therefore probably to be considered as
a separate designation, originating at the same date, which had become
confounded with ' princeps senatus ' {vrpoKpiTOi t^s ytpovalai), by the time
of Dio '^. Such a term would seem to convey no more than the fact
that Caesar was the foremost citizen of Rome "; and had been so used
of Pompeius by Cicero ^* and Sallust '^ Even long after it had become
distinctive, it is still used informally by the elder Pliny of Servilius
Nonianus '* ; and at all times so far refused to pass into a definite title,

' At this date, these were the Gauls, ' Cp.thelanguageofVitellius,H. 2.91,5.

Spain, and Syria, but many modifications " K. g. Hor. Od. 1. 2, 50.

of the arrcingement subsequently took ' ' Me principe ' Mon. Anc. ii. 45 ; vi. 9.

place ^see below, ch. vii). Also Eg)pt '" AfonoTrji i^tv tcvu SovXojVjavTOKparaip

was never under the senate. 5^ tou/ arpanwTwv, tSjv 6* 5^ Koi-nwv -npu-

^ Dio, 53. 12, 2 ; 13, I. Kftn6s flpi Dio, 57. 8, 2.

^ Ann. I. 2, I. Tlie absence of any " Mon. Anc. Gr. vii. 9, &c. ; Strab. 7.

uord like ' mox' with ' tiibunicio iure' is 5, 3, p. 314, &c.

evidence that Tacitus knew this power to '^ L. 1. He also speaks of this title as

have been held by Augustus contempo- given to Fertinax (73. 5, i), but as excep-

raneously with his consulships. tional.

• I. 9, 6. '^ See Staatsr. ii. 774; Prof. Pelham, D.
^ Mon. Anc. Gr. xviii. 6. of Ant. ii. p. 483.

* UpuiTov d^iwfuiTos TUTTov ioxov T^f '* Ad Fani. 1.9, ii.

avyK\T]Tov axpi ravTr}s ttjs -qixipas, ^s '* H. 3. 61 D, 82 K, p. 152, 23 G (speech

raiira (ypa<pov, inl (ttj rtaaapaKovTa of Macer).

Mon. Anc. Gr. iv. 2. The years are '° ' Princeps civilatis' N. H. 28. 2, 5, 29.

reckoned from 726. B.C. 28 (Dio, 53. i, 3;, Cp. the expression of Tacitus in Ann. 3.

to 767, A.D. 14, not inclusively, 75, i.

CuAP.V].] CONSTITUTION OF THE EARLY PRINCIPATE. 79

that it never appears in the regular list of those borne by the Caesar,
and when used at all in inscriptions, has almost always some personal
term of honour accompanying it, as ' princeps optimus,' ' princeps el
conservator ',' &c.

His new position is, as it were, consecrated by the title of Augustus,
decreed by the senate^, and assumed on the i6lh of January 727.
B.C. 27^; a title expressive of sanctity, and a step to the divine honours
paid to him, even during life, in various parts of the empire *. This
title is always distinctive of the ' princeps,' and, until the division of the
empire in later limes, is shared with no one.

In the middle of 731, B.C. 23, Augustus closed his series of consulships,
afterwards holding this office twice only, each lime for a few days, on the
introduction of his grandsons to public life ■\ Some of the most essential
privileges of that office are still reserved to him ", but increased stress is
now laid on the iribunician power, which from this time is assumed as
a title and reckoned annually from June 27^. There is no trace of
annual re-election, and the object of the change seems to be merely to
substiiute some other computation of his years of rule for that supplied
by his consulships. It has been thought that a nominal change was
made from ' ius tribunicium' to ' tribunicia potestas ',' and that ihe power
was further defined and amplified.

A further step is marked by the offer made to him in 735, B.C. 19, of such
censorial power as belonged to the ' regimen legum et morum *.' It is
also stated by Uio that he received at the same time lor life the consular
power, with its insignia, the regular attendance of twelve lictors, and
a curule chair between those of the consuls of the year ". This is now
generally treated as an error, except so far as relates to the mere
assumption of the insignia '\ Augustus himself mentions two facts
only that bear upon the point. Firstly, that in 732, B.C. 22, he refused
the dictatorship, and also both the annual and perpetual consulship'^.
Secondly, that twice in the latter part of his life he held a census with

' Inscr. Oiell. 25; 617; (C. I. L. ii. to his colleagues, Germanicus, Drusus,

2048 ; Wilm. 906 . Seianus. Subsequent emperors held the

^ A(57/iaTi avyKXrjTov Xf^acToi irpola- office much oftener (see Staatsr. ii. 1095

rjyopfveT]^ Mon. Anc. Gr. xvii. 22. foil), and almost always in the first year

^ Kal. Praenest. Orell. ii. pp. 382, 409 ; after their accession.

Staatsr. ii. 847. '' See below, p. 81.

' See on i. 10, 5. These honours are ' Fasti, 731. '[Augustus postquam

very sparingly assumed by Tiberius. See consu laiu se abdicavit, trj^ib. pot. annua

4. 37-38, &c. This sacredness is quite facta est] ' Staatsr. 795, note i.

distinct from the personal sacrosanctity " See note on i. 2, 1.

conferred by the Iribunician power. ' See below, p. 85, note 8.

' 749, 752, B.C. 5, 2. Tiberius assumed '° Dio, 54. 10, 5.

the consulshi]) only three times during his '^ Staatsr. ii. 872, note 2.

principate, and in each case to add honour " Mon. Anc. Gr. iii. 2, 9.

8o INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VI.

'consulare imperium',' censorial power being, in the theory of the con-
stitution, inherent in the consular, before the existence of the censorship
as a separate office. It is inferred, both from what he says and from
what he appears to imply, that this 'consulare imperium ' was used for
this purpose only, and that no general or permanent consular power was
ever assumed ^

During the remainder of this principate the chief points to notice are
the successive quinquennial or decennial renewals of the 'imperium^;'
the assumption, on the death of Lepidus in 742, b. c. 12, of the office
of ' pontifex maximus * ,' always henceforth held by the princeps until in
the fourth century it came to he refused by Christian emperors and
passed to the bishops of Rome^; and the formal acceptance, on universal
acclamation, of the title ' Pater Patriae ' in 752, b. c. 2 ^

The following inscription gives his titles nearly at the close of his life :
' Imp. Caesar, Divi F., Augustus, Pontif. Maxim., Cos. xiii, Imp. xx,
Tribunic. Potestat. xxxvii, P.P."'

The first succession to the principate must have been modified by the
fact that the successor was alreadv ' collega imperii,' and had the tri-
bunician power", and afterwards numbered his years of this office
without recognizing any change at the death of Augustus. He also
dropped the fiction of periodical renewal of imperium, though a decen-
nial festival was held ®. He must have at least received by decree the
title of 'Augustus' which, though he affected some reserve in its use'",
appears on all his coins and inscriptions ; but he never allowed himself
to be called ' pater patriae".' It is also noteworthy that neither Tiberius.
Gains, nor Claudius, uses the ' praenomen imperatoris'^.' The titles
borne by Tiberius at the close of his life are seen from an inscription
quoted elsewhere ".

Gains appears, from the account of Dio, to have been the first to
receive all the powers of the principate by a single decree '^ ; while

' Mon. Anc. I.at. ii. 5, 8. ' Mon. Anc. vi. 24; Gr. xviii. 9. He

^ The same inference is suggested by is called 'pater' many years earlier in

what appears to be a temporary assump- Hor. Od. i. 2, 50.

tion of consnlar power by Claudius to ' Insjr. Orell. 604. Prof. Pelham

hold games (Dio, 60. 2.^, 4). In the case contrasts such an inscription with the

of Augustus the language is less explicit, long list of titles accumulated on later

and could be understood of calling into emperors,

action an inherent power. ' See on i. 3, 3.

^ Dio, 53. 16, 2, &c. See Staatsr. ii. ' Dio, 57. 24, i ; 58. 24, 1.

1088, 2. ' '" Suet. Tib. 26 ; Dio, 57. 2. i.

* Mon. Anc. Lat. ii. 23-28 ; Gr. v. 19 — " 1. 7^, 2 ; 2. 87, 2.

vi. 6 ; Kal. Praen. March 6. " Staatsr. ii. 769.

^ See Staatsr. ii. iioS,c,. The princeps '^ See ch. \k. note 28.

was also member of all the other priestly " Dio, 59. 3, 2. For later instances see

colleges, but generally without their recog- 12. 69, 3, and note, H. i. 47, 2 ; 2. 55, 3 ;

nition in his titles. 4. 3, 4.

Chap. VI.] CONSTITUTION OF THE EARLY PRINCIPATE. 8r

Claudius was the first to lake the name of ' Caesar,' to which he had no
family claim, as a name of the princeps and his house.

It has been seen that the term ' princeps ' in itself implied no
monarchy, or even magistracy ; but in fact stood for a combination of
magisterial powers, so as to be contrasted as a kind of greater magistracy
with the office of consul, praetor, or aedile *. The boast of Augustus, that
his eminence in rank gave him no more power than his colleagues in
any office ^, can only apply, even in the letter, to such a case as that of
his consulships, and has no meaning in relation to the most essential
powers of the principate, the * proconsulare imperium ' and ' tribunicia
potestas,' in which he had, as a rule, no colleague. Nor were these
powers confined to their original limits, but received great successive
extensions by steps not now always traceable.

I. The 'imperium,' commonly called 'proconsulare^,' is the most
essential element of his power. ' Imperium ' had always necessarily
belonged to some definite magistracy, and at the first settlement in 727,
B.C. 27, and for four years afterwards, Augustus was continuously
consul ; whence it is probable that the power exercised by him during
this period was no other than the ancient supreme ' imperium ' of the
consuls over all other authorities at home and abroad*, coupled with the
assignment of a ' provincia ' embracing all the most important portions
of the empire. On his permanent deposition of the consulship in 731,
B.C. 23, a more formal definition of the 'imperium' still reserved to him
was required, and we find from enactments passed in this year and
shortly afterwards ^, that besides the command, which would have
become proconsular, of the Caesarian provinces, certain powers, differing
from those of ordinary proconsuls, and distinctly consular, were expressly
reserved to him, namely, an ' imperium maius ' over all governors of
provinces, even those appointed by the senate, and the retention of his
' imperium ' in Italy and even within the pomerium of Rome ^ besides

' 3- 5.^1 4- iuie et imperio debent esse provinciae '

' Mon. Anc. vi. 21. See above, p. 78. (Phil. 4. 4, 9*. In recognition of the

' For the view here taken, so far as it consulnr or proconsular imperium of the

differs from Mommsen's, I have been in- princeiJs, the governors o( his provinces,

debted to an I^ssay by Prof. Pclham in even when of consular rank, were only

Journ. of Philol. xvii. pp. 27-52. ' Icgati August! propraetore,' while sena-

* Prof Pelhnm ap)iears rightly to argue toiial governors, even when not of con-

ihat, though from the time of Stilla the sular rank, were styled proconsuls.

consulship had in fact become an urban * Die, 53. 32, 5 ; 54. 3, 3; ip, 5. The

and domestic magistracy, its foreign and enactments here grouped together belong

military powers were rather in abeyance to 731, 732, and 735, B.C. 23, 22, and 19.

than abolished. Cp the language of * On the limitation 'extra urbem ' in

Cicero, ' consules quibus more maiorum the case of other holders of tnis power,

permissum est omncs adire provincias ' see below, p. 98, note 6.

^ad Att. 8.15,3); ' omnes enim in consulis

82 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. vr.

what appears to be a consular, as distinct from his already existing
tribunician power of convoking and consuUing the senate, the presidency
at its debate, and precedence of others in bringing one subject before
it at each sitting \ as well as the consular insignia of twelve lictors, and
a curule chair between those occupied by the consul of the year.

It is plain to see that he had no reason for desiring or accepting either
the consulship itself, or any general or titular consular power ^, and that
his position caused other privileges to attach themselves to it ', not
perhaps definitely based on powers expressly conferred, but conceived as
having been generally inherent hi the chief magistracy of Rome, when it
embraced in itself the functions afterwards subdivided, as among censors,
praetors, and aediles. The powers, as originally assumed by Augustus,
might seem only a step beyond several republican precedents *, and his
action in b. c. 27 and 23, bore the appearance of surrender rather than
aggrandizement ; but in result the whole power of the sword was sur-
rendered into his hands. He has supreme command over all troops,
wheresoever stationed ^ with him rest all ordinances respecting their levy,
payment, and dismissal, the appointment of officers and regulation of
the military hierarchy : senatorial proconsuls had not power over the life
of a soldier ^; and even in their provinces he has the right to collect fiscal
revenue ''.

He levies war, makes peace or treaty *, and represents the state in
relation to all foreign or dependent powers. Again, he is the high

* This would appear from Dio's words, membered that a consular power, distinct

in which, after xP7A"»'"'C"'' '"^P'- ^''^^ rivoi, from the actual consulship, was the form

Kad' (Kd(7TT]v PovKrjv, he adds k&v fir) vna- under which the triumvirs had ruled (see

T(vri. This ' ius primae relationis' was above, p. 76). and Augustus would hardly

no doubt consular, and subsequent em- wish to revive this memory,
perors obtained right of precedence for ' Some of these are specified below,

as many as five ' relationes ' at a sitting. to which may be added that of ' nomina-

Prof. Pelham appears rightly to identify ting ' candidates ior magistracies, which

this with the privilege ' relationem facere,' appears in some sort to assume that the

given in Lex de imp. Vesp. 4, which princeps was personally holding the co-

Mommsen had formerly (but not in Staatsr. mitia (see below, p. 94), which (in the

ed. 3) explained of submitting motions in case of elections to the greater magistra-

writing, without being present. This the cies) would be a consular function,
princeps could no doubt do, and Tiberius * See below, p. 99.

often did so ; his letter being apparently ' Thus the proconsul of Africa reports

by a fiction treated as an ' oratio ' (see 3. on military matters to the emperor as his

57, I, compared with 56, i). It is to be superior officer, not to the senate: see on

noticed that when Caesar put the question, 3- 3^, i-

the magistrates, even the consuls, were so *" Dio, 53. 13, 7. For an exception,

far ' privati ' as to be asked their 'sen- see on 3. 21, i.

tentia' (3. 17, 8).. It appears also that ' See on 4. 6, 5 ; 15, 3, and below,

he could dispense with some legal for- P- 92, note i.

malities in summoning the senate (Lex. ' ' Foedusve cum quibus volet facere

de imp. Vesp. S). liceat' Lex de Imp. Vesp. i. See below,

' See above, p. 79. It may be re- p. 84.

Cha7>.v\.-] CONSTITUTION OF THE EARLY PRl NCI PATE. 83

admiral of the empire, m ith fleets near at hand ' ; and, besides the troops
attached to these, not only the praetorian guard, his proper household
brigade, but even the police and night-watch of the city, owned no
allegiance to any magistrate of the republic, but only to Caesar and his
praefects, and formed no insignificant force at his disposal on the spot - ;
while the validity of his imperium within the walls explains his power to
put to death citizens even of senatorial rank': and he is so far the
'imperator' of the whole Roman world, that the whole senate and
people, and even the provinces, take the ' sacramentum ' in his name,
binding themselves in the most solemn terms to maintain his authority
against all enemies, and not to hold even their own children dearer^.
Naturally, in time the ' imperator ' and ' princeps ' became synonymous ^,
and this power was held sufficient in itself to constitute a principate ;
and, although formally given by senatorial decree, retained an ominous
memory of the old popular or military origin of an ' imperator's ' title ^
and of the irregular democratic command of Augustus ' by universal
consent '',' out of which this form of ' imperium ' had risen ; so that even
a constitutional ruler like Vespasian takes the salutation and 'sacra-
mentum ' of the soldiers as a valid tide, and reckons from it, not from
the senatorial decree, his ' dies accepti imperii \' Hence the revelation
of that ' state secret' so fruitful in subsequent history, that ' a " princeps "
could be made elsewhere than at Rome';' and hence the 'imperator,'
even in profound peace, felt that ' he held a wolf by the ears ^°,' and
was safe only as long as the soldiers were contented.

II. The tribunician power, which had belonged, as we have seen, in
some form to Augustus from a very early stage of his career, and to the
dictator before him, still more emphatically recorded the democratic
character of Caesarism, and was not, like the formal office of tribune,
untenable by a patrician. Gracchus and others had shown the formid-
able political strength of the tribunate, not only as regarded its wide and
indefinite coercive powers, but also in its. legislative initiative. Experience
had no less shown its inherent weaknesses, the liability to paralysis by
the veto of a colleague, the annual tenure with a doubtful chance of
re-election, and the want of armed support in case of the last appeal to

* 4. 5, I. ^ 4 5, 4. ceps; but the ' praenomen impcratoris,

* Dio, 53. 17, 6. though originally unconnected with this

* 1- 7> 3; 34> I- The form of oath power (see above, p. 76), may in later
may be seen from a Lusilanian inscription times have been taken to denote it.
(Orell. 3665, Wilm. 2839, C. I. L. ii. 172) ' See on 3. 74, 6.

of the date of the accession of Gaius. See ^ See above, p. 77, and Mon. Anc.

Staatsr. ii. 792. vi. 14.

^ The 'imperium proconsulare' does " Suet. Vesp. 6. " H. i. 4, 2.

not appear among the titles of the prin- '" Suet. Tib. 25.

84 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VI.

force. But from the tribunician power of the Caesar all these weaknesses
were removed. The tribunes of the year were in no sense his colleagues,
and their voice was powerless against his' ; the ofTice was held for life ;
and the power of the sword was known to be in reserve. This office
fully retained memory of its poj^ular origin ; for the decree of the senate
conferring it was only preliminary to a ratificatory ' lex ' or * plebiscite,'
which survived even the general abolition of the comitia "^J A fragment
still remains of the so-called 'lex de imperio Vespasiani',' which, while
apparently conveying in form the tribunician power, specifies far more
prerogatives than such as belong to the conception of that office, and
must either be taken to show an almost indefinite extension of its idea,
or to include other distinct powers vested in the princeps, perhaps all
such as were considered to require a ' lex ' to define and ratify them *.
That this power would of itself give full right to convoke and consult
the senate, is matter of course *, and the special privileges mentioned
above* as belonging to the princeps in doing so, if they are not rightly
viewed as part of his ' imperium,' must be taken to belong to his
tribunician power. It is at any rate in virtue of that power that he had
absolute control of its proceedings when convoked, and we find it his
habit either to guide their decision by speaking first or to reserve him-
self to the end^, so as either by formal veto* or less formal modification"
to amend the proposals of others. No less complete and no less
indefinite in its extension must have been his tribunician power of
controlling the action of other magistrates, and it appears that the ' ius
auxilii, ad tuendam plebem> and general coercive power even originally
extended a mile beyond the pomerium '*', and must ultimately have been
unrestricted by any limit of distance ". If we look at this unlimited consti-
tutional power of iniiiation, revision, coercion, and the formidable elasticity
with which it might be made to apply on almost any and all occasions,

* E. g. in I. 77, 3, it is mentioned that that the ' imperium' itself, .is well as the
a tribune uses his ' inlercessio,' hut that ' tribunicia potestas,' was ratified and
it was valid only because Tiberius per- defined by the ' lex.'

mitted it. See also p. 91, note i. It * It is expressly stated (i. 7, j^i to have

is probable that the tribunician power been so used bv Tiberius, before his lor-

of Caesar was defined as a ' potestas mal acceptance of the principate.

maior' to that of the tribunes of the * See p. 82. ' See 1. 74, 6.

year. ' As 3. 70, 2 ; 13. 43, 7, &c. : cp. r.

2 This is shown by several references 13, 4; 14. 48, 3, &c. Tiberius is de-

to the 'Acta Arvalium.' Staatsr. ii. 875, 2. scribed as rescinding decrees already

The words of Dio (53. 32, 6) seem to passed (Suet. Tib. 33).

show that such a 'lex' was first passed ^ As 3. 18, i, &c.

in B.C. 23. '° Dio, 51. 19, 6, speaking of the year

* C. I. L. vi. 930; Wilm. 917; Orell. 724, B.C. 30.

i. p. .S67 ; Staatsr. ii. 877 ; Kushforth, 70. " Tiberius, when associated in this

* Staatsr. ii. 881. Prof. Pelham (1. 1. power, is said to have exercised it at
p. 45, foil.) argues against Mommsen Rhodes. Suet. Tib. 11.

Chap. VI.] CONSTITUTION OF THE EARLY PRINCIPATE. 85

and the personal sacrosanctity attached to it, we can readily under-
stand that it was regarded as in some respects more important than even
the imperium, and is described by Tacitus as a ' title of supremacy
devised by Augustus, to make him pre-eminent over all other authorities,
without assuming the name of king or dictator'.'

III. The remaining magisterial functions are in their character chiefly
censorial or consular- censorial ^. The censorship itself fell into abeyance
from 730, B.C. 24, till it was assumed temporarily by Claudius^ and
Vespasian *, and for life by Domiiian ^. But Augustus makes use on
one occasion (726, b. c. 28) of his consulship, and twice (746 and 767,
B.C. 8, A. D. 14) of an ' imperium consulare ^, to hold a ' census populi,'
with which, on each occasion, a formal ' lectio senatus' appears to have
been joined '' : he also, though he refused the actual office of ' corrector
morum ' no less than three times pressed upon him, certainly exercised
under another form, as did his successors after him, some substantial
functions of a ' cura ' or ' praefectura morum * ' : it is also clear that in
particular, from and after 745, b. c. 9®, he revised annually the 'album
senatorium,' and either then or as occasion offered, expunged names,
though perhaps only of those who had lost their qualification for that
rank '". We also hear, during and after this principate, of similar regular
revision of the ' decuriae equitum ' for judicial purposes", and of the
' lurmae equitum equo publico '^ ; ' besides special gifts or withdrawals

* 3- 56, 2. See Pelham, 1. 1. p. 50.

* See above, p. 79.
3 Suet. CI. 16.

* Suet. Vesp. 8-9.

* Dio, 67. 4, 3.

* .'^ee above, p. 79.

' See the whole passage, Mon. Anc. ii.
i-ii.

* It has generally been assumed, on
the testimony of Suet. ."^ug. 27, and Dio,
.S4- i°> 5 ; .^O; ij '^'"it Augustus was ap-
pointed, at first for periods of five years
and then perm.inently, (wiiJ.f\r]TT]s kqi
inavopOaiTr^s twv rpuiraiv, but his own
words as now read in tlie Greek version
(iii. 1 1-2 1 ) of the Monumentum Ancyra-
num seem decisive the other way. After
stating that tliis office was otfered to him
in 735, 736, and 743, B.C. 19, 18, 11, he
adds : apxiiv ovOffiiav irapa to waTpta tOrj
bihofxivriv (IvtSf^dfirjf & 5( t6t( Si' ifwv
17 oii'fKKrjTOi inKvvofjtfiadai i^ovKtro. T^y
STj^ap^iKfji f^nvaiai wv iriKtaa (another
proof of the elastic nature of that power
above nottd . His 'cura morum' is
alluded to by Horace (Od. 4. 15, 9; Kp.
2. I, 2) and Ovid (Met. 15, 834; Trist. 2,

233)- See Mommsen, R. G. D. A. 1. 1.
and Staatsr. ii. 706, 1098 foil.

' Dio, 55. 3, 3.

'" The ' publica morum correctio ot
Tiberius is spoken of in Suet. Tib. 42
(see Staatsr. ii. ic6o, n. 3), and he
is mentioned as striking off the names
of some who had become poor by
extravagance (2. 48, 3) and of one who
had not sworn to the 'acta' of Augustus
(4. 42, 3). A similar action of Claudius
(12. 52, 4) is to be distinguished i\6m
the more general power of expulsion
exercised when he was actually censor
( II. 25, 5\ and by his colleague Vitellius
(12. 4, 4). Dio, in speaking ot the
emperor's general power of enrolling
and expelling senators (53. 17, 7) is really
referring to his own time.

" PI. N. H. 33. I, 30; Suet. Aug. 32;
Tib. 4 , 51 ; CI. 15. This was originally
the function of the praetor. See Cic.
Chi. 43, 121.

'^ Suet. Aug. 38. We find ' censoria po-
testas,' for the time being, conferred on
senators to whom this duty was delegated.
See 3. 30, 2.

VOL. I

86 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. vi.

of equestrian privileges ', and the creation from time to time of new
patrician houses ^. These functions, as well as various minor censorial
duties, such as the regulation of public buildings, of the course of the
Tiber, &c., or aedilician, as the * cura annonae,' were undertaken or
delegated by the princeps ^, whether as possessed of any general quasi
consular power*, or as in some way conceived as the chief magistrate of
the state. "

In describing the growth of the power of Augustus from its modest
beginnings, Tacitus says that he gradually engrossed more and more of
the senatorial, magisterial, and legislative (or comitial) functions ®. His
encroachments on the senate and magistrates of the Republic will be
readily understood from the sketch already given of his powers ; other
magisterial encroachments may be seen in the multiplication of his own
officers, to whom he delegated duties either purely military, as to the
' praefectus praetorio ; ' or of a mixed character, as to the ' praefectus
urbi ' or ' praefectus vigilum ; ' or purely civil, as to the ' praefectus
annonae,' by whom he was assisted in superseding a function of the
aediles *, and in discharging what Tiberius stated to be his most arduous
and unremitting duty ''. Besides all these, we find, certainly from the
time of Claudius, if not earlier, a constantly increasing staff of imperial
procurators either of equestrian rank or freedmen, in Italy and the pro-
vinces, whose functions tend more to supersede those of senatorial officers ^

In respect to the laws, Caesar assumed extensive powers both legis-
lative and judicial.

It is obvious that in right of his tribunician power he could initiate
legislation; and the 'leges luliae ' of 736, b. c r8, were proposed
by Augustus in person in the forum ' : but such instances appear to
be very rare. On the other hand, there are abundant instances of
direct legislative action, even by the earliest principes, through ordi-
nances'", forming part of their 'acta,' and having the force of law".
Such power is derivable from that exercised in old times by those

' H. I. 13, 2 ; 2. 57, 4. vol. ii. Introd. p. 35, and on the whole sub-

* II. 25, 3 and note; Agr. 9. i ; Mon. ject, Hirschfeld, Untersuchungen, passim,
Anc. ii. I. and his summary, p. 289.

' Suet. Aug. 37. See Staatsr. ii. 1044, * Sen. de Benef. 6. 32, i : see Staatsr.

1 100. ii. 832.

* See above, p. 82. '" Gaius i 5 'Constitutio principis est
' I. 2, I. Prof. I'elham {J), of Ant. quod imperator decreto vcl edicto vel

ii. p. 486) has fully traced the gradual epistula constituit : nee umquam dubita-

growth of the powers of the princ( ps, turn est, quin idlegis vicem obtineat, cum

summing up the changes under four ipse imperator per legem imperium ac-

principal heads. cipiat.'

* See Liv. 10. ii, 9, &c. " On the oath to the 'acta,' see on i.
' 3- 54' 8. 7^ I ; 4- 4-^j 3. &c.

' See 4. '5, 31 12. 60, i, and notes.

Cmap. VI.] CONSTITUTION OF THE EARLY PRINCIPATE. 87

who held the ' imperium ' of the state, and the authority of the senate
to 'give laws' in its name ^ Many such imperial 'leges datae ' are
mentioned, and fragments of some are preserved "^ ; many of them giving
colonial or municipal rights ^ or ordaining statutes for such com-
munities *. Again, the citizenship, formerly given, as a rule, by plebiscite,
but often also through authority committed to commanders, as Marius,
Pompeius, &c. '', is now formally given by the princeps, both to in-
dividuals ", usually as the reward of service in the auxiliary forces '',
and also to whole communities ^ The legal force of these edicts and
rescripts, though strictly limited to the life of the princeps, was in most
cases permanent through confirmation of his ' acla ' after his death.

Again, by his indirect and direct judicial power, he became practically
the sole fountain of justice. Besides framing the lists of ' iudices
selecti',' and regulating their duties'", Augustus had, in 726, b. c. 28,
'and often afterwards,' selected the 'praetor urbanus,' 'extra sortem".'
The princeps frequently sat as assessor at the praetor's side ^^ and even
in absence appears to have been treated as present by the fiction of
a ' calculus Minervae ' deposited in his name ". Tiberius constantly
presides in person at the senatorial high court of justice '*, influencing
it by his manner'" no less than his v6le ; and exercises his power of
intercession, whether in refusing to admit the case '", or in modifying
the sentence, either at the time "■, or before its formal enrolment ''. The
power of pardon, vested in some form and to some extent in every
magistrate '", and substantially reserved by the old constitution for the
people ^, has now, so far as it exists, passed directly or indirectly to
Caesar '^^, as in some sense their representative.

1 Cic. Verr. ii. 2. 49, 121 ' Quas leges " Dio, 51. 19, 7, on the year 724,

sociis amicisque dat is qui habet imperium B.C. 30. See Staatsr. ii. 958.
a populo Romano, auctoritatem legum '* See 3. 12, i, &c.

dandarum a senatu, hae debent et populi '* See 4. 34, 2, &c.

Romani et senatus existimari.' '® See 3. 70, 3, &c.

* E.g. ' Aes Salpensanum,' ' Aes Ma- *' As 3. 18, i, &c. " See 3. 51, 4.
lacitanum,' belonging to the time of "* See Plin. Epp. ad Trai. 31 ; 32 ; 56,
Domitian. See Henzcn, p. 524. 57.

^ E.g. 14. 27, 2. '" By 'leges Valeriae de provocatione '

♦ See Plin. Ep. ad Traj. 79. Liv. 2.8; 3. 55 ; 10. Q.

'' See Cic. Balb. 8, 19 ; 20, 46. ^' See Staatsr. ii. 884, and an essay by

• S°e I. 58, 2 ; 3. 40, 2 ; 6. 37, 4, &c. Mr. A. H. Greenidge in Class. Rev. viii.
^ See ihe 'diplomata militaria' or 429-437. There does not appear to have

'tabulae honestae misiionis,' C. I. L. iii. been in the imperial constitution t. formal

p. 843, &c., and Wilm. 904, &c. or regular sovereign power of pardon,

* E. g. H. 1.8, 3. but as regards the revision or rescission
" 'Adlectus inter selectos ab Imp. Caes. of senlences, it is clear that the princeps

Aug.' Henzcn, 615S. hnd direct power over those of his own

'" Suet. Aug. 32. court or tliose of his vicegerents, and that

" Dio, 53. 2, 3. the senate had not, according to Tacitus

1^ I. 75, 1. (see 3. 51, 4), any power of revising its

88 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VI.

The most peculiar judicial prerogative, consisting in the right of the
princeps to try offences of all kinds in a private court of his own, is
traceable as early as the time of Augustus ^ This court, usually, but
not invariably ^ restricted to cases of criminals of rank, probably arises
from the validity of the ' proconsulare imperium,' and consequent power
of life and death, within the pomerium^. Its exercise was optional,
at the request of the accuser or accused ; thus Tiberius was asked
to try Cn. Piso, and, after preliminary investigation, exercised his power
by ' remitting ' the case to the senate * ; upon which it was his usual
practice to devolve judicial responsibility, even in cases most natur-
ally belonging to^ his personal jurisdiction ^ We find instances of
such private trials after his retirement to Capreae *, though even then
he more commonly calls in the consuls and senate to pass sentence on
the record sent to them ''. After him, these private courts became such
an engine of tyranny* as to lead to a reaction at the accession of Nero^
and again under the first Flavian Caesars '". From this high criminal
jurisdiction flows that delegated to others, as to the ' praefectus urbi '
at home ^\ and ' legaii " in the provinces, who however were obliged to
allow the appeal to Caesar, in capital charges affecting a Roman
citizen "^.

The civil jurisdiction of the princeps sitting personally, whether as
a court of first instance or of appeal, is also found as early as the time
of Augustus " and Tiberius '*. This also might be, and was delegated,
with appeal from the delegate to the delegant. On this subject most of
the information comes from jurists of much later date "*.

We also trace an informal board of assessors as well as delegates,
from the earliest date '° till the retirement to Capreae, and again under

own sentences, and that any subsequent is a special privilege of the princeps. Lex

decree of restitution must have been, like de Imp. Vesp. 5. Cp. Plin. Epp. 4. 9, i

all other decrees, subject to the emperor's 'accusatus ... ad scnatum remissus diu

permission, if not actually originated by pependit.'

him. For instances of pardon, see 4. 31, ■' E. g. 4. 15, 3. * See 6. 10, 2.

1 ; 12. 8, 3 ; 13. II, 2 ; 14. 12, 6 ; H. 2. '' See 6. 47, 4, &c.

t2, 3. In saying {C\. 12) that Claudius ' For instances under Claudius, see ii.

restored no exiles vvfithout authority of 2, i, &c.

the senate, Suet, seems to note something * See 13. 4, 2.

exceptional (cp. Vita Antonini Pii 6, 3;, '" Suet. Tit. 9; Dio, 67. 2, 4.

however the action without it might be " 6. 11, 4. A collision of his juris-

a stretch of power. diction with that of the praetor is noted

' Suet. Aug. 32. Staatsr. ii. 959. Some in 14. 41, 2.

consider this meant by the power t«'KA»;To;' ^■■' Acts 22, 24; Plin. ad Trai. 96, 4.

hiKa^fiv, given in 724, B.C. 30 (,Dio, 51. '^ Val. Max. 7. 7, 4 ; Suet. Aug. 33.

19,7). '* 2.48, I. Forthe practiceofCiaudius,

^ Suet. Aug. 51. see 12. 43, 2, and note.

' See above, p. 83, and cp. H. 3. 68, 3 ; '^ See Staatsr. ii. 974 foil.

Dio. .^3. 17, 6; 32, 5. '* Suet. Aug. 33 ; Ann. 3. 10, 6 ; Dio,

* See 3. 1O46. ' Kelationem remittere' 57. 7, 2.

Chap. VI,] CONSTITUTION OF THE EARLY PRINCIPATE. 89

Claudius * ; which passed, at a later lime, into a permanent body of
salaried jurists *.

This body is distinct from the more definite political committee of
twenty senators, regularly appointed in virtue of magistracy or by lot '',
for discussion of questions to be afterwards submitted to the full house * ;
though these persons might also occasionally act as judicial assessors*.
These again must be distinguished from the confidential advisers of the
princeps, as Sallustius Crispus, Seneca, &c., and from the cabinet council
of * proceres ' summoned on emergencies ".

Notwithstanding these powers, the early ' princeps ' has no such
monarchy as that of Diocletian or Constantine ; nor, on the other hand,
does the piincipate follow the democratic lines traced by the dictator
Caesar, whose memory Augustan literature seems to have been instructed
rather to obliterate than to glorify ''.

The popular assemblies, suspended by the triumviri, restored, but
gradually controlled by Augustus*, are practically abolished at his
death ". From this time, whatever share they may have retained in the
forms of legislation '", their most important function, that of electing
the magistrates of the state, survives at most in the plebiscite, following
a ' senatus-consultum,' by which tribunician power is conferred on the
j)rinceps or his associate"; or, in other elections, in a mere formal
' renuntiatio ' of the choice made by the senate "^. The importance of
this change is only paralleled by the ease with which it appears to have
been effected.

While the people thus cease to have any direct share in government,
and find their only representation in the democratic side of imperialism,
the Caesars have made their peace with the aristocracy, and in outward
form share a dual government with it. There are two sets of magis-
trates; on the one hand, the old republican and senatorial hierarchy of
consuls, praetors, «&c. ; on the other, the praefects and other delegates
of the princeps : the former, as of old, elected to olhce, grouped in
' collegia,' partitioning duties by lot, with annual tenure : the latter

' Dio, 60. 4, 3. ^ Staatsr. ii. 989. by Gaius Suet. Cal. 16) hardly needi

* Dio, 53. 21, 4. mention.

* Suet. Aug. 3i. * Dio, 1. 1. '" ' Senatus consulta ' and ' leges' are

* See 15. 25, 2, and note, and the mock still formally distinct (see 4. 16, 4, &c.),
representation of such a 'concilium' as but the former often take the place of the
summoned by Domitian in Juv. Sat. 4, latter (see 12. 7, 3, and note): the mode
where it consists of the praef. praetorio, of enactment of the few ' leges ' cited as
praef. urbi, and seven leading senators. belonging to the time of TiL)erius, such as

' The silence of Horace, and reserve of the ' le.\ lunia Norbana' and ' lex \'isellia,'

Vergil, respecting him, have been often is unknown. For a few later 'leges' see

remarked. D. of Ant. s.v. ' lex,' p. 34.

" Suet. Aug. 40, 56 : see Staatsr. ii. 916. " See above, p. 84.

* 1. 15, I. The shortlived restoration ^' Dio, 58. 20, 4; Suet. Dom 10.

90 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. V[.

appointed by Caesar, having no colleagues', with duties specifically
assigned by him, and holding office during his pleasure.

The old magistrates are indeed styled 'mere names'^;' still it is
admitted that, in the best days of Tiberius, ' consuls and praetors had
their proper state, even the lesser magistrates had their powers in
exercise ^ ; ' and this admission can be supported by detail.

The office of consul, though no longer, as a rule, tenable throughout
the year, and lowered as a distinction by the multiplication of 'consules
suffecti,' or of ' consulares ' who had received only the ' ornamenta,' yet
shares such dignity as remains to the senate ; with whom the consuls are
the official chaanel of communication *, and its regular presidents when
it meets either as a deliberative ^ or judicial ^ body. They can also still
issue edicts to the people '', and a survival even of their old summary
power of life and death is yet traceable *. It is indeed probable that the
other magistrates, both through increase of their number, and through
transference of many of their duties to imperial officers, must have often
had merely honorary functions ; still, of the twelve praetors, the two
foremost have their old ' iurisdictio ^' and others preside at the ' quaes-
tiones perpetuae '° ; ' also the important charge of the aerarium ", and the
' cura ludorum,' transferred from the aediles '', belonged to this body.
The aediles, of whom probably two were curule and four plebeian,
though no doubt relieved of their ' cura annonae ' by the ' praefectus,'
retain a certain ' cura urbis ' with power to regulate markets and prices '',
to control places of public resort ", and to impose fines '°.

The ten tribunes of the people appear still to have retained their seat
of honour in senate '* and theatre ''', their viatores '*, and also their ' ius
relationis '^ and some coercive powers ^*', and, on suffi^rance, even their

* A solitary exception is shown in the ' See Ann. i. 15, 5 ; Ayr. 6, 4.
' praefectura praetorii,' usually shared '" See Staatsr. ii. 201.

between two. " i. 75, 4; Suet. Aug. 36. For sub-

- ' Eadem magistratuum vocabula ' 1. sequent changes under Claudius and Nero,

3, 7. see 13. 29, 2.

" 4. 6, 3. " Dio, 54. 2, 3. See Ann. 1. 15, 5 ; 77,

* See I. 73, 3 ; 6. 39, 2, &c. 2, &c.

' See I. 13, 4, &c. They could initiate '^ See 3. 52, 3, &c. ; Suet. Tib. 34 ;

without the princeps, but generally shrunk Claud. 38.

from doing so: see 13. 26. 2 ; 14. 49, 2. '* As baths (Sen. Ep. S6, 10), popinae

' See I. 73, 3 ; 2. 28, 4 ; 50, 2 ; 3. 10, (Mart. 5, 84, &c.), and lupanaria (Ann. 2.

I, &c. 85, 2).

' 6. 13, 3. •' See 13. 28, 4, and on their office to

' See 2. 32, 5. Even the powers con- burn books, 4. 35, 5.

ferred by the old 'ultimum senatus con- '* Suet. Claud. 23.

sultum ' are still, by a fiction, treated as '^ Dio, 49. i.s, 6.

inherent in their office, 4. 19, 2. On the '' Ann. 16. 12, 2. '^ 6. 12, i.

connexion of these powers with the '" On the powers of this kind still left

criminal jurisdiction of the senate, see to them, see 13. 28 and notes; Plin. Epp.

below, p. 93. T. 23, 2 ; 9. 13, 19.

Chav.vi.] CONSTITUTION OF THE EARLY PRINCIPATE. 91

' intercessio '.' Of the quaestors, two are charged wiih communication
bct-ween Caesar and the senate "^ ; four, until the time of Claudius, have
'provinciae' in Italy'; one is attached to each consul*; one accom-
panies the proconsul to each senatorial province ". This office would be
always keenly sought ^ as admitting to the senatorial rank with all its
duties and privileges ; the practorsliip and consulship, again, would be
the highest objects of senatorial ambition, not only as adding to the

• nobilitas ' of families, but as stepping-stones to provincial governments ;
the praetorship to those of the second rank, the consulship, both to the
greater Caesarian provinces and to the great senatorial prizes of Asia
and Africa''. On the other hand, the offices of acdile and tribune,
though one or other seems usually to have formed part of the ' cursus
honorum *,' had so far fallen into disrepute, that properly qualified
candidates were apt to be wanting'. The lesser magistracies, held
before the quaestorship, and often collectively designated as the ' viginti-
viratus '^' consisted of four separate boards, (i) The ' tresviri capitales '
were still charged with the duty of executing capital sentences, burning
books, &c."; but their summary jurisdiction at the Moenian column''^
soon probably wholly or mainly passed to the praefectus urbis. (2)
The ' tresviri monetales,' or ' tresviri acre argenlo auro flando feriundo '
must have had their office restricted to the copper coinage still struck by
the senate. Their names disappear from the coinage from and after
the later years of Augustus". (3) The ' quattuoiviri viis in urbe pur-
gandis ' appear to have been subordinate officers to the aediles '*. (4)
The ' decemviri stlitibus iudicandis,' a very old separate board, became
now presidents of the centumviral courts ". It is evident that all these
greater and lesser magistracies filled considerable departments of the
home government ; and it is also known that the concurrent, and, ulti-
mately, encroaching functions of Caesar's ' praefecti ' at home and

1 See above, p. 84, also 6. 47, i, and ' See Agr. 6, 3, &c. Probably patri-

n. 4. 9, 2 (accoriling to Mommsen the ci.-ins, who could neither be tribunes nor

last known instance). On an attempt to plebeian aediles, passed at once from

make the intercession a reality, see 16. quaestors to praetors.

26, 6. " This is stated of the tribuneship (Suet.

'' The 'quaestores Caesaris' or ' Au- Aug. 40 , and of the aedileship (iJio, 55.

gusti.' See 16.27, 2, and note, Suet. Tib. 6. 24,9). An attempt was made to ennoble

^ See on 4. 27, 2. this office by its tenure by Agrippa, ai-

* See 16. 34, I : perhaps two (cp. Dio, ready a consular ;Dio, 49. 43, i ), and
48.43.1). Marcellus(Ann. I. 3, I . On the tribune-

* I. 74, I ; Agr. 6, 2, &c. ship, see also Flin. Epp. i. 23.

' This is implied in 11. 23, 3, &c. '" See 3. 29, i ; Dio, 54. 26, 6.

' The mere ' omamenta consularia ' or " 5. 9, 3; Agr. 2, i.

* praetoria," which might be given to non- '^ Cic. Div. in Q. Caec. 16, 50.
senators (see 12. 21, 2, and notes', would '■' Staatsr. ii. p. 602.

be honorary only and would not be a title " l.ex lulia mun. 50 ; Staatsr. ii. p. 603.

to provincial governments. " Suet. Aug. 36 ; Dio, 54. 26, 6.

92 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VI.

procurators abroad began by being far less than they ultimately
became \

Thus the two classes of magistrates coexisted ; and a similar duality
pervades the whole government. We have the two classes of provincial
governments; the senatorial proconsuls, appointed by lot, with annual
tenure ; and Caesar's legati and procurators, specially designated, and
continuing during his pleasure. There are two judicial systems ; on one
side the consular-senatorial high court, the tribunals of the praetor and
iudices, and of the centumviri ; on the other, the personal court of the
princeps and those of his delegates. There are two treasuries, each of
which receives and expends public money ^ ; even two coinages, as the
princeps coins gold and silver, and the senate copper '.

In some departments, indeed, of the thus divided government the
senate has, in outward show, more even than its old constitutional
power *. In form, since the abolition of the comitia, it elects the magis-
trates of the state, who, through such election, themselves become
senators ; and its decrees gradually take the place of formal laws ^ In
form, again, even the choice of a princeps rests with it. In several other
departments, its formal powers, if not increased, are yet retained ^ The
domestic history of this period is still mainly a record of its debates and
decisions ; nor is the right to express opinion limited strictly to the
question before the hou^e''. Formally, again, it is still the fountain of
honour; triumphs* and triumphal insignia^, days of public rejoicing^"
and other compliments to the ruling family '\ public funerals '^ and
other memorials to the dead ", are awarded by its decree. By its decrees,
again, vices '*, disorder '^, unlawful religions '®, are repeatedly rebuked or
dealt with.

Still more remarkable is the institution and development at this time
of the senatorial high court of criminal judicature *\ whose proceedings
occupy so large a space in the history of this period. It may not im-

• On the praef. urbis, see 6. ii ; on the * See the distinction of departments
praef. praetorio, 4. 2; on the original laid down in Nero's opening speecli (13.
functions of procurators, 4. 15, 3; on a 4, 3), and the subjects mentioned in 13.
later assignment of jurisdiction to them, 49, 2.

12. 60, I. ' See 2. 3^, 2; 38, 3; 3. 34, I, &c.

^ The fiscus is probably not recog- " i. 55, i ; 3. 11, 1.

nized as a public treasury before the • i. 72, i ; 2. 52, 9, &c.

time of Claudius: see vol. ii. Introd.
p. 28.

' .See Staatsr. ii. 1025, &c.

* On the whole subject of the senate
under the emperors, only a general refer-
ence can here be given to Staatsr. iii.
1252 foil.

' See on 4. 16, 4.

2- .^2, 3 ; 3- 47, 3, ^'^■

I- 14. 1 ; 3- 57, 2; 64, 3, &c.

3. 48, I ; 4. 15, 3; 6. II, 7, &c.

2. «3. 2 ; 4. 9, 2, &C.

2. 33, I ; 85, I, &c.

I. 77, 5; 4.' 14 4; 6. 13, 3, &c.

2- 32, t ; ^.'^. 5. &c.

^ See Staatsr. ii. 1 18-125.

Chap. VI.] CONSTITUTION OF THE EARLY PRI NCI PATE. 93

probably have arisen out of a survival of the old criminal jurisdiction of
the consuls ', the senate being conceived as his assessors, as the 'iudices'
were those of the praetor'^; and cases could be biou<;ht before either of
these courts or the personal court of the princeps '. In practice, the
senate becomes under Tiberius by far the most important criminal
tribunal of the state, dealing generally with the greatest*, especially
with political, offences, and with criminals mostly of senatorial or eques-
trian rank or family ''. The court is competent to refuse to receive
a case*, and has some discretion in respect of sentence on the accused ^
or amount of recompence to the informer ", but is described as powerless
to reconsider a sentence once passed *.

Abroad, though no longer controlling the greater provinces, it formally
retains its old power over those remaining to it. To these it appoints
governors, as of old, by lot or otherwise '° ; from these it receives all
deputations for redress of grievances ; one such scene, that of the
audience of the many embassies on the right of asylum, being described
as unusually impressive ". Petitions, at other times, are addressed to it
for relief of burdens '^ and for erection or restoration of temples '* ; and
judicial questions of boundary '^ or property '\ We have even survivals
of the old correspondence with foreign princes ^^ and, embassies of honour
to such as have deserved well of Rome ".

The princeps keeps the senate constantly informed by reports of all
the more important occurrences in the provinces " ; and it surprises us to

' See above, p. 76, note 4. prince^ 2. 42, 5 ; 67, 3, &c., also slaves

^ The magistrate presiding appears no 1^14. 42, 2) or ireedmen (Plin. Epp. 8. 14,

less bound by their decision, which was 12) of senators,
sometimes, but not as a rule, given on * 4. 21, 4 ; 13. 10, 3.

oath (see i. 7^, 5 ; 4. 21, 5\ The process ' 3. 50, &c.

is called technically 'cogiiitio patrum,'as ' 4. 20, 3, &c.

distinct from the ' iudicia ' of the pr.-ietoi's ' 3. 51, 4. See above, p. 87, note 21.

court. See i. 75, i. '' See 3. 32, 1 ; 35, i ; 58, i, &c.

' This may be illustrated by the trial " 3. 60, 6.

of Piso, who at first assumes or alTects to '' i. 76,4; 2. 47, 3; 4. 13, i ; 12. 58;

assume that tlie process will be the or- 61 ; 62, &c. On such questions the

dinary ' quaestio de veneficiis' before the initiative appears usually to rest with

praetor (2. 79, 2). Trio lays a charge Caesar.

before the consuls, when by another move *' 4. 15, 5 ; 37, i ; 43, 6 ; 55, i,

it is carried before the princeps, who '* 4. 43, i. ''4- 43. 7-

after an informal hearing 'remits' it to ' 2. 88, i. Embassies from foreign

the senate (3. 10), choosing this couise powers, though addressed to the princeps,

rather than that of sending it to the are sometimes heard by him before the

praetor (3. 12, 10). It is implied that sen.tte : see 12. 10, 1, and note,
any of these three tribunals could have " 4. 26, 4.

heard the case. " On the constant consultation of the

* That it was not restricted to these senate l<y Tiberius, see .Suet. Tib. 30

would appear from 3. 22,1; 14. 40, i ; Dio, 57. 7, 2. He reports to it on the

H. 4. 45, I, &c. : see Staatsr. ii. 120. suppression of the mutiny (i. 52, 2), the

' Criminals of lower rank are mentioned state of the east (2. 43, i), the Gallic

in 2. 32, 5; 15. 20, I, &c., also foreign rebellion (3. 47, i), &c. Subsequently

94 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VI.

find, that even on purely military questions, though their unasked inter-
ference is resented \ they are represented as sharing a responsibility '^.

To maintain such double government in true equilibrium would be
impossible, even if honestly attempted ; but the hollowness of this ap-
parent duality is clearly seen, not only in that the power of the sword is
wholly excepted from it, but also in the securities taken by the princeps
to ensure a subservient senate.

Admission to this body, as well as promotion to its higher ranks, was
ordinarily gained through magistracy ; and the abolition of the comitia
would have left the senate self-elective, were not the choice of candidates
influenced in two distinct modes by Caesar.

(i) Any influential citizen in the old Republic might informally com-
mend a candidate, by introducing him to the tribes, and canvassing for
him. Augustus originally supported his friends in this manner * ; but in
and after 761, a.d. 8, a formal written ' commendgtio ' is substituted*.
Henceforth in each election we have ' candidati Caesaris ■^' in respect of
whom the comitia, and afterwards the senate, have a mere conge d'elire^;
and this right of ' commendatio ' is strictly guaranteed in the ' lex ' con-
ferring the principate at each succession ' The proportion of such
candidates is definite, and not large ; in the quaestorship apparently only
two* out of twenty ^, in the praetorship four out of twelve"*; with some
unknown proportion of tribunes and aediles ^'.

(2) The presiding magistrate at the old comitia could always refuse to
receive the name of, and reject votes tendered for, an unqualified candi-
date ■'^. Out of this grew a right, claimed by Caesar as chief magistrate,
to ' nominate ' candidates, as well as to ' commend ".' Such ' nominatio,'
made by publishing a list of candidates, implied no more than that they
were qualified to receive votes, and might contain any number of names;
but it was the interest, and probably a common practice, of the princeps,

such reports become rare except where number. There was also right of commen-

request is made for a decree of triumphal dation to priesthoods: see on 3. 19, i.

honours. See Staatsr. ii. 957.' ' ' Quaestores Caesaris ' and ' quaestores

' 6. 3, I. candidati Caesaris 'are generally identified,

'' I. 25, 3; 26, I. The words are Staatsr. ii. 529.

probably insincere. Tiberius also re- ' 11.22,9. Thedoublingof the number

presents the senate as partly responsible by the dictator. Caesar (Dio, 43. 47, 2) was

for the choice of Cn. Piso as legalus of probably not permanent.

Syria (3. 12, 2). '" 1. 15, 2. The number 12 is sometimes

^ Suet. Aug. 56. exceeded. See on 2. 32, i.

* Dio, 55. 34, 3. A return to the prac- '' As to tribunes and aediles, it is only
tice of the dictator (Suet. Jul. 41): see known that some were 'candidati Cae-
Staatsr. ii. 921. saris.' See Staatsr. ii. 926.

' Veil. 2. 124,4. Cp. Ann. I. 15, 2, &c. '■ E. g. Liv. 7. 22 ; 9.46. The phrase

* 'Sine repulsa et ambitu desigiiandos ' is 'accipere nomen ' or ' rationem habere
Ann. 1. 1. alicuius.' See also Veil. 2. 92, 3.

' The lex de Imp. Vesp. 12, fixes no " See Dio, 53, 21, 7 ; 58. 20, 8.

Chap. VI.] CONSTITUTION OF THE EARLY PRINCIPATE. 95

to name no more nor fewer candidates than there were vacancies ^ ; and
thus to reduce the whole election to a sham ; for, though the presiding
consul had probably power to publish a supplementary list ^, those
'nominated' by Caesar would be sure of preference. In the choice of
consuls this mode of influence seems to have been adopted. There is
no trace of formal ' commendatio,' or of special ' candidati Caesaris ' for
ihis ofiice, but care seems to have been taken always to control the
elections by nominating only two candidates".

Again, candidates for the quaestorship, which gave admission to the
senate, must have been ' tribuni militum,' or have served on the * viginti-
viratus *,' and had usually filled both positions. Of these qualifications,
the first, as a military rank, could clearly be only obtained with consent
of Caesar ^

Besides those entering the senate through magistracy, others are men-
tioned in inscriptions, as early as the lime of the censorship of Claudius
and ihat of Vespasian, as * adlecti a principe *,' and names were no
doubt added at the ' lectiones senatus' held by Augustus''. Such
• adlecti ' have usually a rank assigned as if they had been qualified by
ofiice ^ The exclusion of senators on the annual revision of the list
has been already mentioned, as well as the constant control of that body
by the rights of ' relation ' and ' intercession * ; ' to which may be added
the power of preventing obnoxious senators from drawing lots for
provinces'".

The duality of government is thus shown to be fictitious ; but it was
the policy of most principes, especially of Augustus and Tiberius, to lay
' public affairs and the most important matters relating to individuals '
before the senate, ' to allow the chief men to debate, and even to check
their servility ".' Besides the formal share of government already men-

* See I. 14, 6. ' Henzen, Inscr. 6005, &c. Stantsr.
"^ The lanj^uage of Plin. Pan. 69 appears ii. 939. After the time of Domitian,

to imply that those who were neither * adlectio ' is maue without any special

'commended ' nor ' nominated ' by Caesar, censorial power.

had yet hope of election. See Staatsr. ' See above, p. 85, and Mon. Auc.

ii. 918, I. ii. I.

^ See on i. 81. Afterwards they seern ' 'Inter tribunicios,' ' praetorios,' &c.

more directly appointed by Caesar. See Orell. Inscr. 1170, &c. 'Adlecti inter

H. I. 77, 2 ; 2. 71, 3; Staatsr. ii. 924. consulares ' are not found till the third

* See on 3. 29, 1. . century. Staatsr. ii. 942.
' In form, some are still 'a populo,' ' See above, p. 84.

others 'Augusti.' See Marquardt, Staatsv. '" Ann. 6. 40, 3. Another means of

ii. p. 365. Another mode by which em- control over the senate consisted in the

perors designated young mei; of senatorial appointment by Caesar of the registrar

families for a senatorial career was by the of their 'acta ' (5. 4, i), so as to ensure

bestowal of the ' latus clavus' (Staatsr. suppression of obnoxious records,

ii. 920) before or at the time of the mi- *' 4. 6, 2. See especially Suet. Tib.

litary tiibuneship ^see above, p. 2, note 3). 30.

96 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VI.

tioned as left to them, we find, as an additional recognition of their
dignity, that even the commanders of the legions, and the governors of
the greater Caesarian provinces, in whose choice the senate has no
share, are yet always chosen from its ranks '. The subsequent gradual
decay of its power is due to its own increasing incapacity, as well as to
the encroachments of the emperors ^

Similar prudent moderation marks the position and demeanour of the
early Caesars in other respects ; notwithstanding that Oriental ideas of
monarchy could not fail to modify the professed idea of the Augustan
constitution, whereby the princeps was but the first citizen of Rome '.
The sacrosanctity not only of his person, but of his effigy ■•, the reverence
paid to it and to his name, could not long remain dissociated from ideas
of royalty. The vast patronage at his disposal would of itself surround
him with the atmosphere of a court and its crowd of petitioners for
favour^. His daily levee was thronged by magistrates and senators of
highest rank, as those of other Roman nobles by their humble clients ;
while the assemblage on greater occasions approached a national
gathering *. The ' cohors amicorum,' though an old Republican insti-
tution, acquires a new significance, and has its hierarchy of grades,
grounded partly on th.e rank or official position, but chiefly on the actual
personal intimacy of the friend ". The interchange of presents on gala
days ^, the invitation to occasional banquets ', the selection of a person
as a companion in travel '", were valued as marks of special favour ;
the formal renunciation of friendship was tantamount to a sentence of
banishment ". Yet, on the other hand, the early princeps disclaims the
public title of ' dominus "^ ;' nor has he throne or diadem, but the familiar

* Senators were altogether excluded from * See Dio, 56. 26, 3, &c.

the provinces (increasing in importance ' On the distinction 'primaeet secundae

after Augustan times) held by procurators, admissionis ' and the republican prece-

and from the still more important govern- dents, see Friedl. 1.1. p. 119, who also

ment of Kgypt. gives a full list of the friends of the

' See Vol. ii, Introd. 35, Hirschfeld, Caesar, from the timp of Augustus, p.

283 foil. We can thus understand Nero's 182 foil.

threat (Suet. Ner. 37) to abolish the * Especially on the ist of January. See

senate and govern the empire wholly Dio, 54. J5, 2, &c.

through knights and freedmen. ^ ' Solcnnes cenae' (Suet. Tib. 34).

^ For a full account of the court of the '" The 'comitatus' usually included

princeps and its ceremonial, see Fried- senators and knights, and others of

laender, Silteng. i. ch. 2, Staatsr. ii. 833 neither rank, who are rather 'grati' than

foil. The subject belongs chiefly to a ' amici.' See note on 4. 58, i ; also Suet,

later period. It may here be mentioned Tib. 46.

that Tiberius prohibited the daily kiss, '' See 3. 24, 5. The banishment of
apparently introduced from the East by Ovid was more formal, but apparently
Augustus, and limited the gilts ('strenae'). by mere command, without judicial pro-
See Suet. Tib. 34. cess.

* See 3. 36, I, and note. ^* 2. 87, 2 (where see note). On the

* See the reasons for retirement, pressed use of this title in ordinary life, see
on Tiberius by Seianus (4. 41, 4). Friedl. i. p. 393 foil.

Chap, vl] CONSTITUTION OF THE EARLY PRINCIPATE. 97

curule chair, the laurel-wreath and lictors '. His household troops keep
the old title of ' cohors praetoria.' Nor is Die right in representing him
as ' legibus solutus ^ ; ' his special exemption from some laws '' implying
that he is bound by all others. Again, his family have no dignities
except by special decree. Livia, the type in early times of exceptional
female privilege, received tribunician sanctity, and was made ' sui iuris '
in her husband's lifetime * : her honours at his death were strictly
limited * ; her deification at the time of her death refused ' ; her political
influence was only personal: not till after Domitian does 'Augusta'
become a regular title'': only Agrippina seems substantially to share
the power of husband or son, and to be in very deed an ' empress ** : '
the association of the sisters of Gains in the oath * seems a mere freak
of power : sons of the ruling house are no more than, and are not
always, ' principes iuventutis '" ' in youth ; and are afterwards enabled
only by special decree " to forestall the lawful age for magistracies : the
households of Caesar are at first no greater than those of other eminent
citizens ^^ ; his secretaries, accountants, &c., no higher than freedmen.
It was however inevitable that the extreme importance of the office
should exalt its holder, and we find by the time of Claudius that his
three principal freedmen, especially the chief treasurer of bis ' fiscus,'
have become the most important functionaries in the state ".

Nor could the princeps formally name a successor ; much as he could
do indirectly to guide the choice of one. The person left heir in his
will had a position of vantage by succeeding to the ' fiscus,' in which
public money was mingled with the ' res privata principis : ' yet neither
Livia ^* nor Tiberius Gemellus '^ acquired by heirship any share of
empire. An act of adoption by the princeps is figuratively called by
Tacitus ' comitia imperii ^®; ' but such adoption was not limited to one ",

' See Staatsr. ii. So6. ever from 14. 7, 5, that the praetoriani

" Dio, 53. 18, I. were ' loti domui obstricti' in Nero's

^ See Lex de Imp. Vesp. 24. For the time,
language of later jurists see Staatsr. ii. *" See on i. 3, 2 ; 12. 41, 2.

751. It is noted that the emi^eror had " See on 3. 29, 1. '^ See 4.6, 7.

no constitutional i)Ower to depose a '^ See vol. ii. Introd. p. 38, Staatsr.

magistrate except by passing a 'lex:' ii. 836 foil., Hirschfeld, passim. V'i-

see H. 3. 37, 3; 4. 47, 2, Staatsr. ii. tellius (H. i. 58, i), and after him

930. Hadrian, showed a recognition of the

* Dio, 49. 38, I (719, B.C. 35). Octavia importance of these offices by giving them
received the same privilege with her. to knights.

■'* I. 8, 2 ; 14, I. On subsequent marks '* See i. 8, i ; Suet. Aug. loi.

of respect, see 3. 64, 3; 71,1; 4. 15, 4; '' Suet. Tib. 76. In this case the will

16, 6. was set aside.

* .^. 2, I. '« H. I. 14, I.

' Staatsr. ii. 821. " Gains and Lucius were adopted to-

" On Agrippina's ascendency, see gether (?ee on i. 3, 2^, as were afterwards

vol. ii. Introd. p. 43 foil., 53 foil. Tiberius and Agrippa Postumus (Suet.

* Suet. Cal. 15. It would seem how- Tib. 15).

98 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VI.

and hardly receives its full significance till the adoption of Trajan.
Similarly the title of ' princeps iuventutis,' though somelimes taken to
mark out a successor', might be shared by more than one '^j and was
usually dropped at manhood. Far more influence would be exerted
by the association of an intended heir in the ' proconsulare imperium,'
or ' tribunicia potestas,' or, as was the cai^e with Tiberius, in both '\
But this step was rarely taken, and might even be dangerous, for not
every heir could be so trusted *. ' Proconsulare imperium ' seems indeed
capable of degrees, and was given to Germanicus •\ probably to Drusus ",
probably also to Seianus ^, in a lower form than the full ' consortium '
held by Tiberius * with Augustus. The tribunician power seems to be
treated as more significant, and is shared still more sparingly; with
Augustus only by Agrippa and Tiberius, with Tiberius only by Drusus ';
never again, till shared by Titus with Vespasian '" : and even Tiberius,
when first admitted to share that power, must have felt that others stood
nearer to the succession than he.

But whatever the position of the expectant successor, the formal
choice lay w^ith the senate, and its ratification with the comitia ", and
the powers were again defined at each succession ". In any case, the
principate is no monarchy in which ' the king never dies ; ' there is
always an interval, during which its character as an excrescence of the
revolution reappears, in that no ' interrex ' is needed as if the republic
had been left without chief magistrates. The competence of the consuls
still survives ; to them a living princeps can pretend ^^ or even off"er '*
to resign ; and at his death they carry on government during the
interval ^^ and the form of the constitudon is still complete.

The senate again at these epochs may assert itself by ' condemning
the memory " ' of the dead, whether by omitting his name from the list

1 Gaius Caesar is called 'iam desig- an enactment ' ut provincias cum Augusto

natus princeps' in the cenotaph of Pisa, communiter administraret, simulque cen-

Orell. 643 ; Wilm. 8S3. sum ageret,' but the command of the

^ As by Gaius and Lucius. guard, taken at once by Tiberius after the

' See on i. 3. 3. death of Augustus, appears to show that

* See on 3. 56, 3. he had also imperium within the city.
'- See I. 14,4. It was not valid in the The words of Velleius (2. 121,3), 'aequum

East without a fresh decree (2. 43, 2). ius in omnibus provinciis exercitibusque '

* It is probable (see i. 14, 5) that would probably imply the right to com-
Drusus had it after his consulship ; but mand the praetorians.

it was not valid within the pomcrium " See 3. 56, 5, and notes.

(see 3. 19, 4). So that of Nero under '" Suet. Tit. 6.

Claudius was only 'extra urbem' (12. " See above, p. 84.

41, 2). *'^ As in the Lex de Imp. Vesp.

' Seianus is called ' adiutor,' not ' col- " As Tiberius, 4. 9, i.

lega' (4. 7, 3). The term in 5. 6, 2, is '* As Vitellius, H. 3. 68, 3.

of doubtful meaning. ^^ Ann. i. 7, 4; Dio, 60. 1, i.

' Suetonius ;Tib. 21) only speaks of " See Staatsr. ii. 1134.

Chap. VI.] CONSTITUTION OF THE EARLY PRINCIPATE. 99

of precedents in the ' lex ' of his successor \ or by the milder art/iia of
refusing deification *. Among other formidable ' secret principles of the
constitution ' revealed in 821, a. d. 68, was also this, that the senate could
even unmake and outlaw a living princeps, through the old formula,
invoked by Tiberius against his own natural heirs ^, of declaring him
a public enemy *.

Without doubt the early principes owed much of the stability of
their rule to their subtle manipulation of republican ideas. Not even
'the extinction of the bolder spirits by proscription and battle'*, and the
growth of ' a generation bent on slavery V helped them more than
the homage paid at least in the letter to constitutional forms, the respect
for which, even in the character of fictions and survivals, is so marked
a trait of the Roman mind ; especially at a time when demoralisation
and its remedies were alike felt to be burdensome '', and men could
neither bear complete bondage nor complete hberty *. If Julius Caesar
might have pleaded that he had but gone a step further on the path of
Sulla ; Augustus, with far more prudence, made a show of imitating
the great autocrat of the aristocracy only in his wish to abdicate ; while
ruling under more skilful disguise, and with more complete precedents.
Men might recollect, and were, no doubt, industriously reminded, that
even his more irregular powers were severally such as their fathers had
acquiesced in : that there had always been a constitutional right to com-
mend and to reject candidates for a magistracy ^ : that the senate had
been always in theory no more than an advising body : that a ' cohors
praetoria' was as old as the days of Scipio Africanus'": that Gracchus
had contemplated, and partly realised, a continuity of ' tribunician
power : ' that Marius and Sulla, and still more Pompeius, and yet more
recently Cassius ^', had held an ' imperium mains,' embracing more than
one province : that Pompeius again, most dangerous innovator of all, had
been admiral of the state, with power to send his fleets where he would " ;
and had even been consul at home, while holding ' proconsulare im-
perium ' abroad, administered by legati in his name ". It was by

' Thus the names of Gaius and Nero, * i. 2, i. * 3- 65, 3.

Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, are omitted ^ 'Nee vitia nostra nee remedia pati

from the Lex de Imp. Vesp. The 'le- possumus ' Liv. Praef. 9.
scissio actorum ' rested rather with the ' Imperaturus es hominibus qui nee

successor. See Suet. CI. 11, Staatsr. ii. totam servitutem pati possunt nee totam

1 1 29. libertatem ' H. i. 16, 11.

* Tiberius, though his name was not " See above, p. 94.
omitted like those mentioned above, '" Festus, s. v.

was not deified, nor were his 'acta' in- '^ See Cic. Phil. 11. 12, '30.

eluded in the aimual oath of maintenance. '* 'Omnes terras Cn. Pompeio atque

See Dio, 59. 9, i. omnia maria esse permissa ' Cic. Leg.

' Suet. Cal. 7. Agr. 2, 17, 46.

* Suet. Ner. 49, Staatsr. ii. 1133. " See Staatsr. ii. 870, 3.

lOO INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VI.

a strange irony of fate that, not only demagogues, but even the last great
champions of the ' optimates,' supplied the leading political ideas of the
Caesars; and that it was by weapons drawn mainly from its own
armoury that the senatorial rule had perished.

CHAPTER VII.

ON THE GENERAL ADMINISTRATION AND CONDITION OF THE
ROMAN WORLD AT THE DEATH OF AUGUSTUS, AND DURING
THE PRINCIPATE OF TIBERIUS'.

8UMMABY OF CONTENTS.

Topulation of Rome and its classes— (a) senators, 'Ji) knights, {c) plebs,

{d) slaves loo

I'olice and general condition of the city and people io6

Condition and population of Italy 107

The Provinces —

Boundaries of the empire at the death of Augustus 109

List of senatorial provinces, and further account of the two principal

ones, Asia and Africa 112

Caesarian provinces . . . . . • . • • .116

General administration of provinces during this period . . . . iiy

Dependent states and principalities . . . . . • • .120

Military and naval forces . . . . . . . . . • .121

Consolidation of the empire 129

Approximation to unity in language, status, religion . . . . . • • .^o

Ix the selection of what can here be said on tliis great subject, chief
5-tress must be laid on the information furnished by Tacitus himself.
Among modern works, especial obligations must be acknowledged to
Mommsen, Romische Geschichte, vol. v, JNIarquardt's Romische Staats-
verwaltung, and Friedlaender's Sittengeschichte, to which those who
seek further information must be referred.

The People of Rome.

Towards the aristocracy the policy of Augustus and Tiberius was

eminently conservative ; and though many noble houses had perished in

the revolution, many others were saved from decay by imperial gifts ^

sufficiently frequent to be almost regarded by a Hortensius as his right '.

* The chnnges in administration in- ^ See i. 75, 5; 2. 37, i; Suet,

troduced l)y Claudius and Nero are Aug. 41.
noticed in vol. ii. Introd. ch. 3. "' 2. 37, 7.

Chap. VI I.] ROME UNDER AUGUSTUS AND TIBERIUS. loi

Tiberius is aho specially recorded to have considered nobility of ancestry
in his award of honours '. Consequently, we still find under him not
only the Aemilii Lepidi '^ and Calpurnii Pisones ^ holding their heads
almost as high as under the Rejiublic, but also many other time-honoured
names frequent in high positions, such as those of Aurelius Cotta*,
Cassius Longinus^ Cornelius I>entulus^, Cornelius Sulla Felix', Do-
mitius Ahenobarbus^, Furius Camillus'-", Junius Silanus'", IMamercus
Scaurus", Scribonius Libo ''^ Sulpicius Galba '^ Valerius Messalla ", and
others. Such families showed their {)ritle of ancestry in the host of
ancestors surrounding their atrium '"' and paraded at their funerals '" ;
and even their unworthy members seem to have retained no small share
of popular reverence ". Side by side with these are the houses that had
come to the front in the revolution, as the descendants of Agrippa '",
Pollio '', and Taurus-", or those since ennobled, as the Vitellii -\- while
a Sulpicius Quirinius "^ under Augustus, or a Curtius Rufus "' under
Tiberius, are examples of men of the people rising to rank by personal
energy. Such decay of old families as belongs to this stage, seems thus
to be traceable to little else but their own hideous gluttony and luxury \
and ruinous ostentation ^"' ; to their vast parks and villas which helped to
make the food of Italy dependent on wind and wave ^^ and which had
seemed, even in the time of Horace, to be crowding the fish out of the
sea and leaving on land few acres for the plough".

It must be borne in mind that senatorial families must have ranged in
wealth from the bare census of a million H.S.^"*, exceeded by many
knights and even freedmen, to the 400 millions of an augur Lentulus ■''.
The greatest, with their vast estates and slave-gangs in Italy and the
provinces, and often with great sums employed in trade and usury,
through indulgent administration of prohibitory laws '", lived on a
princely scale, and rewarded their host of retainers with almost royal

' 4. 6, 2. " I. 77, 3, &c. His descendants by

^ .See 3. 22, I ; 6. 27, 5 ; and notes. Julia are not here meant.

' 2. 43, 4. '* I. 12, 6, &c.

* 3. 2, 5, &c. ^ 6. 15, I, &c. ^" 2. I, I.

' 4. 46, I, &c. ' 6. I's, 1, &c. *' See Suet. Vit. 2.

"4. 75, I,&C. 9 2. 52, 5, &C. " 3. 48, C!.

'" 2. 59, I, &C. " II. 21, 3.

"^ I. 13, 4, &c. He is said to have '* 3. 55, i. See Vol. ii. Introd. p. 69.

been the last of his house. .See note on -^ ' Studio niagnificentiae prolabe-

6. 29, 7. bantur ' 1. 1.

" 2- I, I, &c. '« 3. 53, 5; 54, 7; 12. 43, 4.

'^ 3. 52, I, &c. ''" Cp. Hor. Ud. 2. 15, I ; 3. i, 33.

" I. 8, 5, &c. *' See note on i. 75, 5.

" 2. 27, 2, &c. '* 3. 76, 4. &c. -* See note on 3. 59, I.

' Sympathy is shown on this ground ^^ ' Neque enim quisqiiam tali culpa

to the undeserving Lepida. Sec 3. 23, i. vacuus' 0 16, 5.

VOL. I

I02 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VH.

munificence '. On the other hand, the amount of state and style of life '^
imposed even on the poorest would make many anxious to lay down
their rank^, and many outsiders of moderate means well-satisfied not to
enter it *. On the whole, however, such a position was the great object
of ambition, and admission to its ranks or a rise in them was sou2;ht by
fair means or foul. The base side of senatorial character is abundantly
brought before us by Tacitus ; on the other hand, it is but fair to recol-
lect that from this class come the series of provincial governors, of
whom few are unequal to their place, and many show high qualities of
the soldier and statesman, while even so low a nature as that of L. Vitel-
lius rises above itself under the responsibilities of power'. At home
again even the pliant Ateius Capito shares with his nobler rival Antistius
Labeo the glory of founding the system of jurisprudence which forms the
greatest legacy bequeathed by Rome to the world *.

The second or equestrian order had also undergone many changes
under Augustus''; who, besides reconstituting the judicial body into four
decuriae each about looo strong, of whom the first three were essentially
equestrian *, had also reorganized and frequently revised the list of
' equites equo publico,' who, as a more select body within the mass, are
alone properly called * equites Roman!.' Their solemn processions were
revived **, and the expectant heirs of the empire. Gains and Lucius,
became their heads, under the title of ' principes iuventutis '^' The ' ius
anulorum,' still, as would appear, not permitted beyond this select body",
was further subjected in the ninth year of Tiberius to stringent regula-
tions respecting birth as well as census "*. Within this body again we
find from the time of Augustus a still more select equestrian aristocracy

' Messalinus Cotta fsee on 2. 32, 2) as rejirescntativcs of the plebs, his fourth

■was long remembered for his munificence 'decuria' practically corresponded; but

(,Juv. 5, 109 ; 7, 95") ; which is illustrated formed his first three ' decuriae ' of senators

by an insciiption (C. I. L. xix. 2298^ and knights mixed; and that, when the

recording repealed gifts of 400,000 H.S. senate itself became a judicial body,

to a freedman, and oiher bounty to his senators probably censed to sit on the

family. See Friedl. i. 220. 'decuriae iudicum,' which thus come to

'^ In the time of Tiberius, a house be called 'decuriae equiium' (3. 20, 2;

rented at 6000 H.S. would be almost 14.20,7; Suet. Tib. 41). See Marquardt,

too mean for a senator. Veil. 2. 10, i. Hist. Eq. Rom. p. 50, note. Subsequently,

^ 1- ?.'>' 5- the fouith 'decuria.' originally plebeian

* Cp. the sentiment of Horace, Sat. (Suet. Aug. 32), became equestrian, and

I. 6, 100-109. a fifth was added by (Jaius. See Staatsr.

•'■ 6. 32, 6. iii. ci25 foil.

» See 3. 75. 9 "See on 2. 83, 5.

' On the position of this body under '* i. 3, 2.

tiie early empire see .Staatsr. iii. 489 foil., " Pliii. 1. 1.

and Prof. VVilkins in D. of Ant. i. 757. '" Plin. 1. 1. 32. The regulation was

• " ^ce PI. N. H. 33. 1 (7), 30. It would futile, as freedmen and the sons of such

appear that Augustus did not really re- constantly attained this rank ; see 13. 27,

constitute the ' tribuni aerarii,' to whom, 2, &c.

Chap. VII.] ROME UNDER AUGUSTUS AND TIBERIUS. 103

under the title of ' equites inlustres ' or other similar names'; men of
senatorial census, or even among the wealthiest in the state '^, who
remained within the equestrian rank from choice. Of these the most
famous was Maecenas, and those who filled similar positions in imperial
confidence after him, as Sallustius Crispus ^ and Seianus, and many
others who by filling such offices as the important ' praefecturae ' in
Rome^ and that of Egypt'' held a posiiion superior to most senators ''.
The equestrian order was thus a gainer by the revolution, both through
the relative depression of the order above ihem, and through the special
career of emolument and distinction held out to them. Throughout
the empire, the ' societates ' of persons qualified for this rank farmed the
revenue '', and the residence of their superiors at Rome left them the
aristocracy of municipal Italy and the provinces, and many might pass
from the lower to the higher rank of their order by the emperor's favour.
The gift of this higher rank, that of ' Eqiies Romanus ' in the proper
sense, tenable for life, and always kept by the princeps in his own hands,
opened a public career of continually increasing dignity and importance,
starting with officerships in the army ^ and leading up, through one civil
appointment after another, to what were in fact the most influential posts
in the state '. Thus had the emperors set up beside the old hereditary
senatorial nobility a personal nobility of their own creation, and turned
to their advantage and the public service the long-standing rivalry of the
orders '".

The resident senators and knights with their wives and children, and
many of the families of those absent on foreign service, formed an upper
population in Rome, variously estimated at from 10,000 to nearly 50,000 ".
To these wealthy classes belonged most of the ' domus ' or palaces '^,
filling, with their gardens and grounds, so large a portion of the city ;
which, with the great addition made by Augustus to the public buildings

' See note on 2. 59, 4. leriiis Proculus (Wilm. 1256), who was

^ Vedius PoIIio (^see on i. 10,4) was successively praefectus cohortis, legionary

a knight of enormous wealth, of freedman tribune, praefectus classis, procurator of

parentage. Dio, 54. 23, i. five provinces rising in importance, prae-

^ See 3. 30, 4. feclus annonae, and lastly praefectus

* The 'praefectus urbi ' was a senator Aegypti. See also \\'ilm. 1249 b. Tacitus
of consular rank, but the ' praefecti prae- calls a procuratorsiiip 'cquestris nobi-
torio,' 'annonae,' and ' vigilum,' were litas' (Agr. 4, i), and the vast number
knights. and variety of such offices, in and after

^ H. I. II, I. the time of Claudius, will be seen from

" See the account given of Seneca's Hiischfeld, Untersuchungen passim,

brother Annaeus Mela in 16. 17, 3. '" Staatsr. iii. 495.

' See 4. 6, 4, and note. ^' See Marquaidt, Staatsv. ii. p. 124;

' Those below equestrian rank could Friedl. i. p. 52; Dyer, Diet, of Geog.

not rise above the position of centurion. ' R<nTia,' p. 747.

* The equestrian ' cursushonorum' may "* On the distinction of 'domus' and
be illustrated by the inscription to Va-' * insulae,' see 6. 45, i, &c.

I04 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VII.

and open spaces, must have compressed into closer and closer quarters
the vast crowd occupying the chambers in the ' insulae ' or blocks of
buildings, towering often seventy feet high ', where the ' plebs' found such
lodgings as they could afford, and, in the labyrinthine streets of ' vetus
Roma ' before the fire of Nero '-', lived in probably even greater dis-
comfort than in the time of Juvenal ^. The plebs, however, had its
many grades of position within its ranks. Many must have been only
barely below the equestrian census*, and many others, if not, like the
senators and equites, great capitalists, must have earned in various ways
large incomes, in the thousand callings and trades of Rome. To this
class also belonged vast numbers, among freeborn or freedmen, of what
are now called the liberal professions. The schoolmaster, as Orbilius '
or Verrius Flaccus ^ ; the rank and file of advocates '', who managed
cases beneath the dignity of the great senatorial pleaders; many, if not
most of the teachers of rhetoric*'; lawyers even of such reputation as
Masurius Sabinus^ were still plebeians. Such again, probably not so
often freeborn Romans as freedmen or foreigners, were the architects,
sculptors, painters, and other artists, the musicians and players'", the
physicians ", and practitioners of the forbidden arts of astrology '* and
magic. Another large class would include the inferior officials in the
public service, scribes, apparitors, attendants on magistrates, and many
other walks of middle-class life which cannot here be specified.

Below all these lay a great mass of poverty, ranging from those who
had more or less scanty or precarious earnings down to the beggars who,
as now, infested the public places. For all this poorer section, one so
large as to call itself as a whole the ' plebs urbana '^' such provision as
would answer to a modern poor law was made by the monthly corn dole
and other occasional subsidies '*. Also large numbers of the poorer and

' Augustus had fixed this limit Str.ib. was the first knight who ever adopted

.S- 3> 1 ■ P 235), which would be far this profession. See note on 6. 27, i.

below the height of many houses in the ^ He was made a knight by Tiberius,

old city of tdinburgh. Probably this but not till he was fifty years old. On

restriction was not always observed : see plebeian lawyers, cp. Juv. 8. 49.

note on 15. 43, i. '" The singer Tigellius was a Sardinian

'' 15. 38, 4; Liv. 5. 55. (Hon Sat. i. 3, 3); most of the ' his-

' Juv. 3. 193-225. triones ' were freedmen. See notes on i.

■• Hor. Ep. I.I, 58. 54, 3. &c.

* Id. Ep. 2. I, 70. '^ Antonius Musa, a freedman, was

• A freedman, whose reputation as made a knight (Dio, 53. 30, 3). On do-
a teacher induced Augustus to employ mestie physicians, see on 4. 63, 3.

him to teach his sons, and who became '•' As Thrasyllus ^6. 20, 3).

a famous grammarian. Suet, de 111. Gr. '^ Mommsen notes (Staatsr. iii. 461, 2)

1 7. that in Mon. Anc. ' plebs quae friimentum

^ 'Cogitaret plebem quae toga enite- accipiebat,' 'plebs urbana,' and 'plebs

secret' II. 7, 7. In the lime of Juvenal Romana' are synonymous.

(7. 106, sqq.) they were an ill-paid order. " It is generally supposed that these

" Blandus, in the time of Augustus, distributions rested on the basis of the

Chap. VII.] ROME UNDER AUGUSTUS AND TIBERIUS. 105

many also of the better classes got what they could from the position of
clients of noble houses. On the 'clientela' under the empire most of
our information is of later date ; but it would seem even from Horace
that the old ideas ^ and old personal relation of clientship * had passed
away, and that already great men had their ostentatious crowds ' of such
dependents. Still Augustan literature knows nothing of the scramble for
the ' sportula,' or the ignominious position of a Trebius at the table of
a Virro.

Side by side with the rapidly diminishing ' plebs ingenua * ' was the
swarm of freedmen. Most of these were probably still outside the pale
of the tribes *, and none had yet the political and social position in which
this class are found a generation later ^. Even at this date there are
those whose wealth at least might vie with that of the nobles '', and great
numbers must have belonged to professions or callings requiring high
education and earning high payment. The remainder probably swelled
the ranks of the client-class. Augustus endeavoured both to limit
manumission by enactment and precept *, and also to utilise freedmen in
the service of the state ; in which they formed the bulk of the ' vigiles '/
and were even drafted wholesale into the legions after the catastrophe of
Varus'"; while under Tiberius a large number were deported to be
made useful or left to perish in Sardinia", and a law was passed to define
the status of a class of this order ''.

Any numerical estimate of the 'plebs urbana' with their wives and
families rests almost wholly on guess-work. We cannot tell how many
of the suburban or even nearest rural population may have helped to
swell the numbers of the 200,000 recipients of public corn under
Augustus", or the 250,000 to 300,000 sharers in his occasional ' con-
giaria'*.' It is therefore not surprising that calculations from such

tribes (the richer 'tribules' being '' The wealth of Licinus under Augustus

excepted), and that it was mainly for is proverbial (see Juv. i, 109, and Mayor,

this purpose that the tribal organization ad \oc.) ; and under Tiberius we hear of

was kept up: see Staatsr. iii. 445, and a freedman temporarily praefect of Egypt

Mr. Hardy in D. of Ant. s. v. ' tribus.' On (Dio, 58. 19, 6j ; and of others, Thallus,

the distincliun between the cheap sale Euhodus (Jos. Ant. 18. 6, 4, 8), and

and gratuitous assignment of corn, see Nomius (Plin. N. H. 13. 65, 94), as rich

on 2. 87, I. and influential.

' ' Clienti promere iura ' Ep. 2. i, 104. * He restricted those to be manumitted

^ Horace gives a picture of friendly by will to 100, and advised his successors

clientship in the later Republic, in the to be sparing in the practice. Dio (Xiph.)

i-tory of Philippus and V'olteius (F^p. i. 56. 33, 3.

7, 46 foil.). ' Strab. 5. 3, 7, 235 ; Dio, 53. 26, 4.

* ' Turba clientium' Od. 3. i, 13. '" ' Vernacula multitudo ' i. 31, 4.

* 4- 27, 3. ''"■ 2. 85, 5.

* 'those who received corn must ap- '^ 'Lex lunia Norbana,' in 772, A. u.
parently have been enrolled, and later the 19. See on 13. 27, 4.

tribes were full of them J3. 27, i . '' Mon. Anc. iii. 21.

* bee Vol. ii. Introd. p. 38, &;c. '* Id. iii. 14-16.

I06 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VII.

data give a result varying from more than a million to less than half
that sum '.

Similar uncertainty attends the attempt to estimate the mass of public
and private urban slaves. They are generally called a vast multitude - ;
the 'familia' of Pedanius Secundus alone numbers 400 '' ; still the
majority of the plebs must have had none or next to none, and many
poor knights or senators very few. A reasonable estimate takes them at
800,000 or 900,000, who, with perhaps 60,000 peregrini, and a garrison
of 20,000 *, may make up the million and a half to two millions of souls
in Rome ®.

To this vast crowd the chief gift of Augustus was a fairly efficient
organization of police. The city was partitioned into fourteen ' regiones/
each allotted to the charge of one of the magistrates for the year ^
Under these were grouped the 265 ' vici '',' or quasi-parochial corpora-
tions, choosing each their four wardens or ' vico-magistri ^' whose duties,
though mainly religious, were also in part constabulary ^ at least till the
institution in 756, a.d. 6, of the ' vigiles '",' who were so distributed that
each cohort, 1000 strong, had watch and ward of two regions ", to guard
from fire and robbery; both of which were still rife enough in crowded
districts, and streets lit only by the poor passenger's lamp-wick, and now
and then by the rich man's torch train 'I Besides the ' vigiles,' the urban
and praetorian guards were in reserve, if needed, and the police magis-
tracy, beyond such powers as remained to aediles and other magistrates '^
rested with the city praefect '*.

The principate of Tiberius seems on the whole to mark the period
when the populace are least considered ^\ They take the oath of allegiance
at his accession '^ and then seem to retire from prominence. They have
no votes to sell", the general tie of clientship had thereby become
more unmeaning, and the rabble are not yet the ' clientela Caesaris.'

' See Marquanll, ii. p. 124; Friecll. i. » Dio, 1. 1. See Marquardt, iii. p.

p. 52; Merivale, Hist. c. xl. p. 495, &c. ; 205.

Dyer, 1. 1. p. 747. '" Dio, 55. 26, 4: see Staatsr. ii. 1055,

2 3. 53, 5; 4. 27, 3. Purser, D. of Ant. s. v. ' exercitus,' p.

^ 14. 43, 4. 79.=;.

♦ I.e. the vigiles, urban cohorts, and, " Paulus, Dig. i. 15, 3. See Mar-

from the ninth year of Tiberius, nine quardt, ii. p. 4S4.

praetorian cohorts. '- Juv. 3, 197, foil. ; and 27S,foll.

' See the authorities above cited. " See above, ch. vi. pp. 90. 91.

« Dio, 55. 8, 6, under the year 74S, '< 6. 11. It seems probable (see Staatsr.

H.C. 6. On the organization of Rome ii. 103^, HirschfeUi, 143, 2841 that the

generally by Augustus see Rushforth, administration of the city of Rome was

Insc. p. 28 foil. modelled on that of Alexandria.

' Plin. N. H. 3. 5, 66. " See above, p. 89.

« Suet. Aug. 3o;"Dio, 55. 8, 6. " i. 7, 3- " J^^^. 10, 77.

Chap. VII.] ROME UNDER AUGUSTUS AND TIBERIUS. 107

Their only interest is in their bread and their amusements ', and in both
they seem to have their grievances. To keep famine at bay is indeed
felt by the princcps to be his most arduous task ^ and to require efforts
far exceeding those of Augustus*. Still, the cry for bread, finding
expression at the great popular gatherings of the games, is fierce and
even menacing * ; in the general poverty even a small tax seems burden-
some ' ; and, beyond doing his utmost for the food supply, Tiberius
keeps them at a distance. The legacies of Augustus are paid grudgingly *,
' congiaria ' are infrequent ^ ; and, though the people have the cheap
daily lounge of their public baths, thanks to Maecenas and Agrippa, and
their ' circenses ' and new ' ludi Augustales * ; ' yet the presence of the
princeps at their games, if vouchsafed at all, is no longer genial', and the
sanguinary excitement of gladiatorial shows so rare, that crowds flock
to one given by private speculation in the neighbourhood'". Their
moods are schooled " and rebuked '^ by edicts, their murmurs treated as
vapour '^ their compliments declined '\ One genuine enthusiasm, that
for Germanicus and his house '^ seems left to them ; otherwise those for
whom none care, care for none ; and find it their one sound instinct to
side with fortune and to hate the fallen"; worthy parents of those who,
half a century later, looked on civil war in the streets as only a more
exciting gladiatorial combat ".

Italy.

Few changes of importance in the administration or condition of Italy
belong to this period '^ Augustus was but recognising facts already
accomplished, in fixing the western frontier of Italy at the line of the
Varus (Var) '' and of the small province of the maritime Alps "^^ : a small
semi-independent state being reserved in the district of the Cottian Alps
round Segusium (Susa) near Turin '^^. On the east, Istria was included,
the Arsia (Arsa) being fixed as the boundary towards Illyricum -^

' Juv. 10, So. are descrilied as 'novarum rerum cupiens

^ 3. 54, 8 ; 4. 6, 6. ' 6. i^. 2. pavidusque.'

* Ann. 1. 1. " I. 78, 2. '' H. 3. 83, 1.

* Dio, 57. 14. 2. '* The restoration and extension of the
' See 2. 42, I ; 3. 29. 3. great Italian roads is mentioned below,

* '••.S. 3; .S4. 3- * i-54i3; 76)6. p. no. Kor a general summary see
'" 4. 62, 3; Suet. Tib. 47. Rushforth, pp. 33-42.

" I. 8, 6; 3. 6, I ; 4. 67, i. '^ Plin. N. H. 3. 5, 44; Luc. i, 404.

'^ 6. 13, 3. '3 i_ jj_ 2, &c. ^^ Ann. 15. 32, i ; H. 2. 12, 5.

'* As the title of pater patriae ' i. 72, ^' The native prince, Cottius, ranked

2 ; 2. 87, 2. as ' praefectus.' Insc. Orell. 626. Under

'^ See I. 33 ; 2. 41 ; 82; 3. 1-6; 11 ; Nero it became a province. Suet. Ner.

.5-3-.';- 18.

'* Juv. 10, 73. In 15. 46, I, the rabble " Plin. N. H. 3. 5, 44.

Io8 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. vit.

Augustus had also given the peninsula its first organization as a whole,
by mapping it out into the eleven regions recorded by Pliny ' ; an
arrangement which, though probably intended only to facilitate a census,
became the permanent basis of its administration, which in other respects
appears to have undergone little change till the second century a.d. ^

The probable population of Italy at this time can be barely guessed
at ^ ; but there is abundant evidence that the free rustic people, rapidly
diminishing as early as the time of the Gracchi *, and further thinned by
civil wars, had sunk far below the number that could have been employed
or supported ; probably even below the ^nvr) oKiyavdpwnla " of the time of
the dictator Caesar. Strabo attests the depopulation of southern Italy":
Livy is no less explicit on that of the central districts, and is amazed that
the country which once sent forth the Aequian and Volscian armies could
now barely recruit the household troops of Rome, and would be a desert,
but for the slave-gangs ' : the most eloquent words ascribed by Tacitus
to Tiberius dwell on the scanty produce of a soil that cannot have been
cultivated to its best ^ Pliny traces the evil to the ' latifundia,' which
had extinguished all careful and energetic husbandry*; the words of
Tiberius point scornfully to the tracts made wholly unproductive by the
noble mansions with their parks and pleasure grounds '". Probably the
rich and fertile Transpadane district, less devastated by civil war, and
apparently more free from the curse of the chained slave-gangs 'S may
have formed a contrast to the general state of the peninsula, in which the
huge city, and many flourishing towns '^ must have made the desolation
of other towns and of the rural districts only more evident.

Love of country life, with its frugal simplicity and healthy habits, is
undoubtedly genuine in Horace ; and the ideal of such a life, or of that
of a retired Italian town, is professedly admired by many a Roman who
knew as little of it as the money-lender Alfius^\ or who had little real
intention to take refuge at Cumae with Umbricius", or to change the

' N. H. 3. 5, 46, &c. See Marquardt, " PI. Epp. 3. 19, 7.

Staatsv. i. p. 219. ''^ Augustus, though apparently unable

^ Spart. Hadr. 22, 13. to deal with rural depopulation, must

3 Merivale (ch. xxxix. p. 432) would have materially strengthened the Italian

estimate it as high as thirteen millions ; townships by the twenty-eight colonies

which, when all the towns are allowed which he claims to have founded, and to

for, and the rural slaves, would still have left populous and flourishing at the

leave the free rustic population scanty end of his rule (^Mon. Anc. v. 36). For

for the area. But probably this total the list and the difficulties respecting it,

is far too high. see Mommsen ad loc. His political sa-

* Plut. Ti. Gracch. 8. gacity led him to change the established
■'■' Dio, 43. 25, 2. custom of sending the veterans of a single

* E. g. 6. 1, 2, 253; 3, 5, 281. legion to one and the same place: see
^ 6. 12, 5. 1 4. 27, 4, and note.

" 3' .54» 7 '• cp. 12. 43, 4, and note. '^ Hor. Epod. 2, 67.

» N. H. 18. 6, 35. '" 3. 54, 7. " Juv. 3, I, sqq.

Chap, vh.] ROME UNDER AUGUSTUS AND TIBERIUS. 109

l)erilous distinctions of Rome for the simple duties of an aedile at
Ulubrae '. As a fact, the tide still set from Italy, as from the rest of the
world, to Rome : nor do sober critics in any age take the ideal pictures
of retired life as altogether serious. However the contrasts drawn by
Roman writers are so far substantiated, that Vesjiasian not only learnt,
in a municipal home, the habits which trained him to be the reformer of
imperial extravagance; but was also enabled, by a stream of new men
of similar origin, to recruit the effete Roman aristocracy with an infusion
of healthier blood '^.

The Provinces.

The great work of Augustus in the enlargement and settlement of the
empire can be here but very slightly glanced at. There appears to be
substantial truth in his boast that he had advanced the limits of every
province which had independent nations on its frontier ' ; and if we
were to compare the dominion as he left it with that existing at the dale
of Actium, we should see to how great an extent the coherent ' Imperium
Romanum ' of our maps was his creation. The conquest of Gaul had
indeed already pushed the frontier to the ocean, but this was flanked on
either side by an imperfectly subdued Spain and a wholly free Germany ;
a vast independent tract surrounded and isolated Italy itself, IMacedonia,
and the subdued portion of Illyricum ; in the east the provinces of Asia,
Bithynia, Cilicia, have a similar isolated and patchwork character. Nor
in the earlier part of his sole rule, and the years preceding it, were the
dangers of even foreign aggression in various parts by any means
visionary. Germans from beyond the Rhine ravaged Gaul * ; a Dacian
horde swept over Illyricum as far as Apollonia, and the Bastarnae over
large parts of Thrace ^ ; Parthia had taken advantage of the dissensions
of the triumvirs to hold Syria, Palestine, and Asia Minor for two years
at its mercy*'; in Eg)pt, Roman territory was invaded by the troops of
the Nubian queen Candace "^ ; in Africa the Garamantes and others had
to be kept at further distance ^

Of all the problems presenting themselves, the most important was
that of the central European frontier, and it cannot be matter of surprise

' Juv. 10, T02. ^ Momnis. 1.1. ii, E. T. i. 13.

^ Suet. Vesp. 2 ; Ann. 3. 55. 4. ^ In 713-14, B.C. 41-40: see vol. ii.

^ ' Omnium provinciaium populi Ro- Introd. 97.

mani, quibus fmitimae fuerunt gentes quae ' In 730 or 731, B.C. 24 or 23: see

non parerent imperio nostio, fines auxi ' Momms. 1. 1. 594, E. T. ii. 275.

Mon. .^nc v. 9, where see Mommsen. * Successes were g.iined against these

* The 'clades Lolliana' (seeon I. 10, 3) by L. Cornelius Balbus (73.=;, B.C. 19)

is the most important of these incuisions. and others. See Momms. 1. 1. 630, E. T.

See Momms. Hist. v. 23, E. T. i. 25. ii. 315.

no INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VII.

that so cautious a ruler concentrated his attention here, and disregarded
the Parthian and British projects of his uncle \ It is here that we find
his chief achievements, balanced it is true by his one disastrous failure.

When the empire came into his hands Rome had not full access even
to the Alpine passes ; on the southern slopes of which were slill
mountain tribes who plundered the Transpadana ^ and when pressed fell
back on their brethren on the northern side ; in the Greek peninsula the
Romans were hardly masters of the Balkan (Haemus) and had little
more of Illyricum than the borders of the Adriatic ^

It is impossible here to trace the steps by which, mainly through the
instrumentality of his trusted friend and son-in-law Agrippa, and of his
stepsons Tiberius and Drusus, this state of things resulted in a succession
of new provinces, Vindelicia and Raetia, Noricum, Pannonia, Moesia,
all resting on the natural frontier of the Danube, now for the first time,
and almost for its whole course, made a Roman river.

Westward, the aim proposed, and with some exaggeration claimed as
realised, was the establishment of an ocean frontier from Cadiz to the
mouth of the Elbe ■*. The main portion of this was completed by
Agrippa's slow subjugation of Spain *, and it is undoubtedly true that for
twenty years a province of Germany from the Rhine to the Elbe was in
existence, which, notwithstanding the disaster of Varus, Augustus still
affects to regard as ' de iure' Roman soil. Even after its abandonment,
it is the military rather than the political frontier which recedes to the
Rhine ^ and considerable territories on its right bank still are Roman ^ ;
and it is possible that the debateable land * called the ' agri decumates,'
afterwards enclosed in the well-known ' limes ' connecting the Rhine and
the Danube, may have begun at an early dale to be occupied by Gauls
under some sort of Roman protection *.

Upon the conquests followed a great work of organization and
settlement, which can be only briefly glanced at. The great roads
of Italy, themselves thoroughly restored and extended '", are connected

' See Vol. ii. Introd. pp. 97, 127. * All the standing camps of the legions

* Momms. 1. 1. 14, IL T. i. 15. On the are on it.

reduction and organization of the Alpine ' The Batavi between the branches of

region, see Rushforth, p. 36 foil. its bifurcation (2. 6, 4) and the Frisii

^ Momms. 1. 1. p. 178, E. T. i. 105. (4. 72, i) and Chauci (i. 38, i) altogether

* ' Gallias et Hispanias provincias et beyond it are subject, and the outpost at
Germaniam qua includit Oceanus a Gadi- Aliso (2. 7, 4) and ' limites ' beyond the
bus ad ostium Albis fluminis pacavi' river (1. 1. and i. 50. 2) are still kept up.
Mon. Anc. v. 10. ' 'DubiaepossessionissoIum'(G. 29, 4).

^ This was substantially completed in ° See G. 1. 1. and notes.

735, B.C. 19, but the country still required '" Augustus himself (B.C. 27) undertook

a strong garrison : see Momms. 1. I. 58, the restoration of the via Flaminia to

E. T. i. 65. Ariminum and required several ' trium-

Chap. VII.] ROME UNDER AUGUSTUS AND Tl BERIUS. in

with the Alpine passes opening out regular communication with Gaul
and the Danubian provinces, secured by important towns, among which
Augusta Praetoria (Aosta), at the meeting point of two great roads,
may be specially mentioned'. In the newly won territory, Augusta
Vindelicorum (Augsburg) is an important centre of traffic with friendly
Germans in the time of Tacitus '^. Gaul owes to Augustus its organi-
zation', the systematic census on which its tribute was permanently
based*; the constitution of the diet of the sixty-four cantons', and the
supreme position of Lugdunum, and the worship of the emperor there
established ^

In the eastern portion of the empire we have no important conquests.
Thrace was still left in what proved to be an unsatisfactory position of
vassalage ^ but the empire in Asia Minor by the annexation of the
dominions of the Galatian king and of Pa})hlagonia became a compact
territory extending to the Halys and Mount Taurus ^ while the great
province of Syria, except where it touched the Euphrates, was flanked and
protected by vassal kingdoms ^ To make the statement in the ' Monu-
mentum Ancyranum " ' correct, we should suppose also that the frontiers
of Egypt had been advanced at the expense of the Aethiopian aggressors,
and those of Cyrenaica and Africa at that of the INIarmaridae and
Garamantes.

In the statement that at the death of Augustus the empire was
bounded by the ocean or by distant rivers", these provinces are left out
of sight ; but we know that in the time of Tiberius Egypt ended at
Elephantine and Syene ^■^ and that the other African provinces must have
been always limited to the strip possessed by Hellenic, Phoenician and

phales ' to restore other roads from their ' On the north were Cappadocia and

' manubiac.' Mon. Anc. iv. 19 and Momm- Commagene ^annexed to the empire in

sen ad loc, Suet. Aug. 30. 771, a.d. 18: see 2. 66, 4), and others

' See Momms. Hist. v. 17, E. T. i. 19. mentioned in 4. 5, 4, and note. On the

" G. 41, I. south, besides Judaea, the city and state

' The subdivision of Gallia Comata into of Palmyra, and the Nabataean kingdom,

three provinces dates probably from 738- of which Petra is the capital, though out-

741, B.C. 16-13, or earlier. See Momms. side the actual empire, were in a de-

Hist. V. 76, E. T. i. 84, foil. pendent position. See Momms. 1. 1. 423,

* See I. 31, 2, and note. 47^1, E. T. ii. 93, 148.

5 Momms. 1. 1. 84, E. T. i. 93, Mar- *" See above, p. 109.

quardt i. 268, Rushforth, Insc p. 16 foil. " See i. 9, 6. Taking these to be the

« Momms. 1. 1. The foundation of the Rhine, Danube, Halys, and Euphrates, it

colony itself dates from 711, B.C. 43 (Dio, has been shown that this is inexact as

46. 50, 5). regards the first of these rivers, and it can

' See 2. 64, 3, and note. On the sub- be only true of a very small part of the last,

sequent annexation by Claudius, see vol. ii. After the incorporation of Cappadocia

Introd. 31. and Commagene, the Euphrates becomes

* Within this area the small independent the frontier for some three degrees of
state of Lycia was the only exception (see latitude.

«" 13- 33. 4'- " 2- 61, 2.

112 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VII.

Libyan (or Berber) peoples ^ as distinct from the abode of the Aethiopian
and Gaetulian races.

The most permanently important change dating from Augustus in the
administration of the provincial empire is the division of it between
himself and the senate*. Out of the distinct governments, about thirty
in number ^, subsisting at his death, only the following, and these not at
all times, remain in the hands of the senate: i. Sicily; 2. Sardinia and
Corsica * ; 3. Hispania Baetica ; 4. Gallia Narbonensis ; 5. Macedonia ;
6. Achaia-"^; 7. Asia; 8. Bithynia (with part of Western Pontus);
9. Cyprus; 10. Crete and Cyrenaica •"' ; 11. Africa (with New Africa or
Numidia). It has been mentioned above '' that the governors of these
provinces were appointed usually by lot, with annual tenure ; Asia and
Africa being reserved for consulars, the others, as a rule, given to
' praetorii ; ' but that both classes of governors are properly styled pro-
consuls ^ and have, as in old times, each his attendant quaestor ; and
also, in praetorian provinces one, in consular three ' legati * ; ' who are
styled 'legati propraetore **,' though sometimes even consulars^'. The
proconsul received a salary from the treasury '' and had also the lictors
and other insignia of his rank, except the military dress and sword,
withdrawn to denote that he had no longer power to execute a soldier".
Some further check was placed on him by the presence of a Caesarian
officer, the ' procurator fisci,' whose functions, originally strictly limiied ^*,
received such extension as to encroach considerably on those of both
quaestor and proconsul '®.

Some illustration of the mode of appointment to and tenure of these
proconsulates may be drawn from such lists as can be compiled of the

* On these see Mommsen, Hist. v. * Macedonia and Achaia were trans-
ch. 13. The most ancient account of ferred to Caesar from 768 to 7m7» A.l).
them is in Hdt. 4. 145 foil. In the 15-44- Seel. 76, 4; Dio, 60. 24, i.
time of Claudius this part of the empiie ' See 3. 38, i ; 70, i.

was completed to the Straits of Gibraltar ' See ch. vi. pp. 92, 93.

by the annexation of Mauretania : see * See note on 1. 74, i.

vol. ii. Introd. 30. * See on 4. 56, 3.

* See chap. vi. p. 77, &c. '" Staatsr. ii. 246. The quaestor has
° The combinations or subdivisions of also the title ' pro praetorc'

provinces at various times make the " As Vitellius, Suet. Vit 5.

number variable. At the death of Trajan, ^^ ' Salarium jiroconsulare '(■'^S''- 4^' 3) »

when the empire stood at its highest cp Dio, 52. 23, i.

point, there appear to have been forty-five '" Dio, 53. 13, 6. The exceptional

provincial governments. See Marquardt, position of the proconsul of Africa, in

i. p. 489. this respect, is noted below. See 3. 21, i.

* These were counted as senatorial in '* 4. 15, 3; Dio, 57. 23, 5.

the original division, but, as a fact, were *' The great increase in the nunibcr

under Caesarian governors from A.D. 6 and importance of these officers begins

to 66. See on 2. 85, 5; 13. 30, i; to date from Claudius : see 12. 60 ; Suet.

Marquardt, Staatsv. i. 248. CI. 12.

Chap. Vii.l ROME UNDER AUGUSTUS AND TIBERIUS. T13

proconsuls of Asia and Africa in the lime of Tiberius. In Asia the
following can be made out ' : —

1. L. Valerius Pot. f. Messalla VoleSus, cos. 758, a. n. 5 ; procos. about

765, A.D. 12 "^

2. Q. Poppaeus Q. f. Q. n. Secundus, cos. suff. 762, a.d. 9 ' ; procos.

about 772, A. D. 19*.

3. C, Junius C. f. M. n. Silanus, cos. 763, a.d. 10; procos. 773-4,

A. D. 20-21 ■\

4. INI. Aemilius L. f. I.epidus, cos. 759, a.d. 6; procos. 774-5, a.d.

21-22 ^.

5. C. Fonlcius C'apito, cos. 765, a.d. 12; procos. in some year before

778, A.D. 25''; perhaps substituted for Ser. Cornelius Malu-
ginensis (cos. suff. 763, a.d. id), who was disqualified to be
procos. in 775, a. d. 22 ".

6. M'. Lepidus, cos. 764, a.d. 12; procos. 779-780, a.d. 26-27'.

7. Sex. Appuleius, Sex. f. Sex. n., cos. 767, a.d. 14 "* ; procos. probably

between 780 and 783, a.d. 27-30".

8. Sex. Pompeius, Sex. f. Cn. n., cos. 767, a.d. 14''; procos. also

probably between 780 and 783, a.d. 27-30".

9. P. Petronius'^ P. f., cos. suff. 772, a.d. 19; procos. probably for

six years, from 782 to 788, a.d. 29-35 '^
10. C. Asinius, C. f. C. n. Pollio, cos. 776, a.d. 23 '"; probably not procos.
till the time of Gaius ".

The proconsuls of Africa can be less fully made out, and appear to
have oftener exceeded the limit of annual tenure :—

1. L. Asprenas, cos. suff. 759, a.d. 6; procos. 767, a.d. 14".

2. L. Aelius Lamia, cos. 756, a.d. 3; procos. probably between 768

and 770, a.d. 15 and 17 '^

3. M. Furius P. f. P. n. Camillus, cos. 761, a.d. 8; procos. 770-771,

A.D. 17-18^".

' These names are taken from the Hst attests the fact of his proconsulate, but

in Waddington's Fastes des Provinces the date is conjectural.
Asiatiques. '^ i. j-, 7,.

'"■ See 3. 68, i ; Sen. de Ira, 2. 5, 5. " Val. Max. 2. 6, 8. The date is con-

' Dio, 56. 10, 3. jectural.

* Coin of Pergamum with heads of '* 3. 49, 2; 6. 45, 4.

Augusta and Tiberius. '^ For the evidence, see Waddington,

'•" 3. 66 69. p. 119, foil.

* See on 3. 32, 2. '' 4. i, i.

4- 3^; 4- " Medal at Sardis commemorating

' 3- 5^> ' ; 7'> 3- Drusus and Germanicus (,\N'addington).
' See on 4. 56, 3. »« See note on i. 53, 9.

'• 7' 3- " See note on 4. 13, 5.

" An Inscr. at Assos (C. I. G. 3571) '^ 2 52.

114 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VII.

4. L. Apronius, C. f. C. n., cos. sufF. 761, a.d. 8; procos. for three

years, 771-774, a.d. 18-21 '.

5. Q. Junius Blaesus, cos. suff. 763, a.d. 10 ; procos. extra sortem, in

774 and 775, A.D. 21, 22^.

6. P. Cornelius Dolabella, cos. 763, a.d. 10; procos. 777, a.d. 24^.

7. C. Vibius Marsus, cos. suff. 770, a.d. 17; procos. three years,

probably 780-782, a.d. 27-29*.

8. ]\I. Silanus, cos. 772, a.d. 19^; piocos. apparently for six years,

785-790, a.d. 32-37^

Augustus had re-established the rule enforced by Pompeius, prescribing
an interval of five years between the tenure of magistracy and the ' sor-
litio provinciae ''.' It is however plain from the above lists that the
interval in the case of consular provinces was now usually much longer.
This would be the natural consequence of the increased number of con-
sulars resulting from the frequent appointment, especially after 742, B.C.
12 ^, of ' consules suffecti ; ' which would tend to produce an increasing
5-fagnation in the succession to proconsulships. This again was remedied
in various ways. Some consulars were disqualified ^, others set aside bv
the senate '° or by Caesar ", others declined the ' sortitio '''.' The lists
also show that the order of seniority was not always adhered to ; being
probably modified by the preference enjoined by the ' Lex Papia
Poppaea ",' and probably also by a postponement of the turn of any
who, when their time came, were absent from Rome.

A few words may be added on the extent and resources of these two
provinces, the great prizes left to the senatorial award.

Asia on the north was bounded by the line of the Rhyndacus, on the
south by that of the Calbis; the two lines enclosing a kind of triangle,
having its apex near Philomelium, and comprising, with nearly all
Phr3gia, Mysia, Lydia, and Caria, the Aeolian, Ionian, and Dorian Greek
cities, with most of the adjacent islands, inclusive of the Cyclades ^*. The
chief city and residence of the governor was Ephesus ; but several others
are entitled /iJjTpoTro'Xfty, two have the rank of coloniae, at least nineteen
that of 'civitates liberae ^^ ' ; and it is stated to have contained in all five
hundred urban communities, of whose constant rivalries we have a glimpse

' See on 3. 21, I. 'As Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis, 3.

^ 3- 35. 2; 58, I. '4.23,2. 71,3. '" Sec 3. 32, 2.

* Eckhel, iv. 148; Mionnet, vi. 589. " As C. Galba, 6. 40, 3.
See note on 2. 74, i. '■' As Agricola, Agr. 42, i.

* 2. 59, I. '^ See 2. 51, 2 ; Appendix to B. iii.

' n. 4 48, 2; Marquardt, i. p. 468; '* On these boundaries, see Waddington,

C. I. L. xiv. 3665; Henzen, Scavi, p. 11. Fastes des Provinces Asiatiques ; and

' Dio. 53. 14, 2. Maiquardt, Staatsv. i. p. 334.

* See C. I. L. i. p. 546. " Marquardt, i. p. 347.

Chap. VII.] ROME UNDER AUGUSTUS AND TIBERIUS. 115

in the contentions for right of sanctuary and respecting the temple to
Tiberius '.' Only a passing reference can here be made to the exceptional
knowledge possessed by Tacitus of this province ^ to its prominence in
the business before the senate ^, and to the evidence of its great resources
and high civilisation at all times *, as well as of its gradual recovery from
the ravages of war and extortion ^ ; and the general qualities which, in
spile of imperial vigilance, made it in the lime of Nero, hardly less
than in that of Cicero ^ a snare to governors.

Africa was bounded on the east by ' Philaenorum arae V at the eastern
recess of the Great Syrtis, near Muhktar ; while on the west, during the
independence of Mauretania, the boundary between them was fixed at
Saldae*, identified with Bijdjaya (Bougie). It had thus a coast line
extending some fifteen degrees of longitude, and comprising the greater
part of modern Tripoli, the whole of Tunis, and a considerable portion
of Algeria. In the time of Pliny it contained thirty ' civiiates liberae,'
fifteen ' oppida civium Romanorum,' and six coloniae ' ; the most famous
towns in these two latter classes respectively being Utica and
Carthage".

Our record of African events at this time mentions only the predatory
warfare of Tacfarinas " ; but there is abundant other evidence that Africa
was in many respects the most important senatorial government, and
therefore with reason the most jealously watched by Caesar. Next to
Egypt it was the most important source of the corn supply of Italy '- ;
and, probably on this account, the proconsul was assisted or controlled
not by one, but by two or more ' procuratores fisci '^' Again, here alone
the senatorial proconsul has regular command of a legion'*, and the
chance of winning military renown ; an exceptional position which Gaius

' See 3. 60-63 ; 4. 55-56. ■' Strabo, p. 831. On the formation of

* On his proconsulaie, see above, p. 4. the provinces of Mauretania, this became
' E.g. 2. 47; 66, &c. ; 4. 13; 14; the western limit of Mauretania SitifensJs ;

15 ; 36 ; and above, n. i. which reached eastward to the Ampsagas,

* E.g. Cic. Leg. Man. c. 6; Ep. ad which is thus the western limit of Africa
Q. F. 1, I. Its famous orators are alluded in I'lin. N.. II. 5. 4, 29.

to in Ann. 3.67, 2. ^ i'lin. N. H. 5. 4, 29. He numbers

^ Their giatitude finds expression in on the whole 516 communities, mostly

the prominent worship of Emperors, as Phoenician towns or Libyan tribes. See

of Augustus at Pergamum, Tiberius at Mommsen, 1. 1. 646, E. T. ii. 331.

Smyrna. The recovery was not shared by '" Plin. 1.1. § 24.

the islands, which are chiefly known as '* 2. 52; 3.20; 32; 73; 4. 23. See

places of exile. On the general condition Mommsen, Hist. v. 633, E. T. ii. 317.

of the province it is only possible here to '" Its fertility is often extolled by

refer to Mommsen, Hist. v. ch. 8. Horace, e.g. Od. i. i, 10; 3. 16, 31 ; Sat.

* ' In provincia tam corruptrice ' Crc. 2.3,87. See Mommsen, Hist. v. 651, E.T.
ad Q. F. I. 1,6, § 19 ; ' provincia dives ii. 336.

et parata peccantibus' Agr. 6, 2. '^ H. 4. 50, 3.

' Plin. N. PI. 5. 4, 29; Mela, i. '* The presence of a second legion is

7» 33- exceptional. See note on 4. 6, 3.

ii6

INTRODUCTION.

[Chap. VII.

removed by introducing a co-ordinate ' legatus Augusti,' who had command
of the troops, and perhaps also some territorial government '.

The Caesarian provinces* can be classified in three ranks, of which the
two first answer to the two classes of senatorial provinces ; the legati
being in the greatest provinces always of consular, and in those of the
second class, of praetorian rank'; although, in recognition of the ' pro-
consulare imperium ' as vested in Caesar, all have the uniform title of
' legati Augusti propraetore,' and the same insignia of five fasces, with the
military dress and sword ''; their difference of rank being only noted by
the addition of their titles of ' vir consularis *,' by those who were such.
To the highest class belong all those provinces involving important
military commands; of which the following had been established at the
death of Augustus * : i. Hispania Tarraconensis ; 2. Germania superior ;
3. Germania inferior '' ; 4. Pannonia ; 5. Moesia ; 6. Delmatia (or Illyri-
cum) * ; 7. Syria (with Cilicia) '. The second class, as constituted at the
same period, will comprise : i. Lusitania, ; 2. Aquitania ; 3. Gallia Lug-
dunensis; 4. Gallia Belgica '" ; 5. Galatia '^ ; 6. Pamphylia. A third class
of provinces had no higher officer than the ' procurator Augusti,' who
appears as a subordinate officer in greater provinces '^ To this class
belong at this time " : i. Alpes Maritimae ; 2. Raetia ; 3. Vindelicia '^ ;

' H. 4. 48, 2 ; Dio, 59. 20, 7. Pio,
who is perhaps describing what existed
at his own time, indicates the creation of
a separate province, which might possi-
bly Be that of Nnmidia. Tacitus speaks
of a divided command within »the same
j)rovince analogous to the ' Germaniae.'
(See note 7, Rushforth, Inscr. p. i.^o).

^ On the administration of these pro-
vinces generally, see Staatsr. ii. 1087-1095.

^ See the distinction between these two
grades ol governors in Spain (Strab. 3. 4,
20, 166).

* Dio, 53. 13, 6.

* Or ' consularis legatus,' as H. i . 56,
I ; 2. 86, 4.

* From the time of Claudius, Britannia
would be added to this list.

' The two ' Germaniae ' were not at this
date strictly provinces, but ' exercitus ' under
separate command within the limits of
Gallia Belgica, with (at first) a supposed
right in abeyance over further Germany
(see above, p. no). See Mommsen,Hist. v.
108, E. T. i. 118; Rushforth, Latin Inscr.
p. 108. They became, however, fully dis-
tinct provinces, and Tacitus, while some-
times speaking more strictly (i. 31, 2 ; 6.
30, 2:13. 53, 2,&c.), sometimes calls them
such (3. 41, 3; 4^ 73. I ; 13- 53>4)-

' See 4. 5, 5, and note.

* On the union of Cilicia with Syria,
see Ann. 2. 78, 3 ; 80, i, &c.

^^ During most of the time of Augustus
and the first three years of Tiberius, some
eminent person, as Agrippa, Drusus, Ti-
berius, or Germanicus, in charge of the
German war, governed also the three
Gaulish provinces, with legati under
him. See Marquardt, i. p. 267.

" With ' I'ontus Polemoniacus,' from
Nero's time. Marquardt, i. p. 360.

'^ It is very probable that flirschfeld is
right in maintaining (Unters. p. 287, foil.)
that no province except Judaea was go-
verned by a procurator before the time of
Claudius, and that to the other provinces
of this class only military ' praefecti
of equestrian rank were sent ; the civil
administration devolving on the staff of
some neighbouring province.

'^ To these were added Thracia and
the two Mauretaniae in the time of
Claudius, and the Alpes Cottiae in the
time of Nero. See H. i. 11, 3; Suet.
Ner. iS. Also Cappadocia belonged to
this class from the time of Tiberius to
that of Vespasian, who placed it under
a consular legatus. Suet. Vesp. 8.

*^ Vindelicia was perhaps at this time

Chap. Yii.] ROME UNDER AUGUSTUS AND TIBERIUS. 117

4. Noricum; 5. Judaea (when not under native princes) \ The procurator
(if Judaea was certainly in some cases responsible to the legatus of Syria",
and perhaps all such governors were at first subordinated to their
nearest ' legati.' An exception to all these classes is the position of
Egypt, which although recognised in terms as part of the Roman Empire^,
and equal in population and military force to a Caesarian province of
the highest rank *. was held by the emperor not as part of his dyarchy
with the senate, but as part of his own domain and as representative of
its kings, with an equestrian pniefectus as vicegerent*; senators being not
only excluded from all office in it, but even forbidden to enter it ^

The governors appointed by Caesar held office during pleasure and
for no fixed term \ though a period of from three to five years seems
usuaP. Tiberius is especially noted for continuing them in office during
periods of indefinite length ' ; as may be illustrated from such lists as
can be made of the governors of important provinces during this period.

In Syria we find only the following '** : —

1. Q. Caecilius Metellus Crelicus Silanus, cos. 760, a.d. 7 ; legatus

Syriae from at least 763-4. a.d. io-i i ", to 770, a.d. 17 '^

2. Cn. Calpurnius Piso, cos. 747, b.c. 7 ; legatus 770-772, a.d.

3. L. Aelius Lamia, cos. 756, a.d. 3 ; leg. Syr. for many years end-

ing in 785, A.D. 32 '*, and possibly even the next regular successor
to Piso ^^

4. L. Pomponius Flaccus, cos. 770, a.d. 17 ; leg. Syr. 785-786, a.d.

32-33 "•

5. L. Vitellius, cos. 787, a.d. 34; leg. Syr. 788-792, a.d. 35-39"-

separate from Ractia (2. 17, 6), but ence of Egypt from other Caesarian pro-

afterwards certainly joined with it. H.i. vinces.

II, 3; 3. 5, 4,&c. ' Dio, 53. 13, 6.

' I. e. 759-794, a.d. 6-41 ; and again ' Dio, 52. 23, 2, where this is repre-

after 797, A. D. 44. sented as the advice of Maecenas.

2 Thecases in 12. 54, 5 ; Jos. Ant. 18. 4, " Ann. i. 80, 2.

2, seemrather exceptional. SceMommsen, '° See Zumpt, Conim. Epigr. vol ii.

Hist. V. 509, E. T. ii. 185. pp. 125-135: and the full list in Mar-

^ Cp. ' Aegyptum imperio pop. R. quardt, i. 418.

adieci,' Mon. Anc. v. 24. " Mommsen, Res gestae Divi Avg.

' See 4. 5, 4, and note. (Mon. Anc), p- 166.

* Tec H. I. II, 1, and on his then 'ex- '^ 2. 43, 6. '^ 2. 43-69, &c.

ceptiojial juiisdiction, 12. 60, 3. '* ' Administiandae Suriae imagine tan-

' See 2. 59, 4, and note. Mommsen dem exsolutus,' as having been kept in

(1. 1. 555, E. T. ii. 233 illustrates the Rome, 6. 27, 2.

position by supposing such a case as '' The irregular appointment of Cn.

that the colonies were governed by the Sentius intervened for a time : see 011

Empress of India without any account 2. 74, i. "'6. 27, 3.

taken of ministers or Parliament ; a com- '' .See 6. 32,5. Probably the office had

parison which hardly expresses the differ- been vacant since the death of Flaccus.

VOL. I I

Il8 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VII.

In Lower Germany we have only record of three legati : —

1. A. Severus Caecina, legatus probably from about 767-772, a.d.

14-19 ^

2. C. Viscllius Varro, cos. suff. 765, a.d. 12 ; mentioned as legatus in

774, A.D. 21^.

3. L. Apronius, cos. suff. 761, a.d. 8; legatus in 781, a.d. 28^; and

appearing still to be so in 787, a.d. 34 *.

The long tenure of appointments under Tiberius is further illustrated
by the fact that in Upper Germany C. Silius (cos. 766, a.d. 13) was
legatus from 767 to 774, a.d. 14-21''; and C. Lentulus Gaetulicus
(cos. 779, a.d. 26) from 782 to 792, a.d. 29-39 *=; while L. Arruntius
was nominally legatus of Spain for at least ten years "^ ; and Poppaeus
Sabinus had charge of important provinces for no less than twenty-four
years *. The procuratores also were constantly retained in office '.
Among the higher class of such, it is known that Valerius Gratus '" and
Pontius Pilatus " were respectively eleven and ten years procurators of
Judaea; 768-779, and 779-789, a.d. 15-26, and 26-36.

The legati and procurators had fixed salaries from the treasury''; and
the former were assisted by their ' legati legionum ' as vicegerents ", while
in financial matters the procurator corresponded to the proconsul's
quaestor ".

These vast provinces cannot be here described ; by far the most
important were the ' Germaniae ' and Syria '^ In each of the two former,
the legatus and his four legions lived as in a camp, confronted by warlike
tribes, and also liable to furnish troops for a not impossible Gaulish
rising'", and were well aware of the fatal truth that the existence of
the empire and dynasty depended on their fidelity ". In Syria, the
garrison of similar strength, if actually enervated by peace, had yet the
whole prestige of Rome in the East depending on it ; while the tact and
firmness of its ruler would alike be exercised in controlling the mixed
crowd, Greek, Phoenician, and Jewish, made subject to him, especially in
his vast capital, Antioch : which, in population surpassed only by Rome and

1 I. 31, 2, &c. ; 3.3.^, I. vinces bcem of later date i.Marquardt,

2 3 ^i^ 3. 1'^. -3, I i. p. 551), but there may probably have
46.30,3. '4.18,1. been now some such officers in great
* 6. 30, "3 ; I)io, 59. 22, 5. provinces such as Syria.

■' 6.27, \. ' 6 39.3. '* Marquardt, i. p. 556.

9 5ee 4. 6, 5. " Biitain would alierwards fully rank

" Jos. Ant.18. 2, 2. with either of these.

1' Id. 18. 4, 2. '* See 3. 40, &c. ; also the great rising
'- Dio, 52. 23, I. For the various of Vindex in 821, A.D. 68.

amounts, see Marquardt, i. p. 416. '' Cp. ' sua in roanu sitam rem lioma-

'■" The 'legati iuridici ' in these p o- nam,' i. 31, .«.

Chap. VII.] ROME UNDER AUGUSTUS AND TIBERIUS. 119

Alexandria, and in area and magnificence rivalled by neither', would, by
its seductions, as well as those of its famous suburb of Daphne ^, be fatal
to many a soldier's discipline '. Next to these, Egypt, with its vast
granaries, strange fanaticisms *, and the motley crowd of Alexandria, prob-
ably greater, and certainly far more turbulent than that of Antioch ■\
with its vast granaries, and terrible power of menacing Rome itself with
famine ; must have been the chief object of solicitude to Caesar.

The amount of provincial revenue was probably not reduced, but the
mode of assessment reorganized*; and, in general terms, it is admitted
even by Tacitus, that the provinces were better off under the principate
than under the Republic'', and were treated with marked justice and
moderation during at least the early years of Tiberius"; and that the
Caesarian provinces were so far more economically governed than the
senatorial, that a change from one to the other was a virtual abatement
of tribute ^ In both classes of provinces, extortion was severely checked '°
instead of being criminally connived at ; and governors were warned to
shear, not flay, their .sheep ", whose prosperity had become the common
interest of ruled and ruler.

Nevertheless, it is easy to exaggerate the beneficial results and to
overlook the still existing evils ''^ Conviction of the guilty did net
necessarily imply restitution to the pillaged '^ ; and the punishment
must have been often inadequate '■•, and have failed to deter others.
In the last years of Augustus, the atrocities of Volesus Messalla in

' SeeMomm=en, 1. 1.456, E. T. ii. I 26, B.C. 27, and probahly revised every five

foil. It was the only city of antiquity years. See note on 6. 41, i, and Prof,

whose streets were lighted .nt night. Wilkins in D. of Ant. i. p. 403.

^ Ann. 2. S3, 3. For a description, see ' See i. 2, 2.

Gibbon, ch. 23. * 4. 6, 7.

^ See the descrii)tion of the Syrian ' 1.76,4. The longer tenure of office

legions in Corbulo's lime (13. 35, 1-3). by Caesarian legati, even if excessive under

^ SeeH. I. II, I, &c. ; Mommsen, 1. 1. Tiberius (i. 80, 2) must have generally

579, E. T. ii. 260, foil. The popul.ition worked better than the annual change of

of the whole country is estimated at about proconsuls in senatorial provinces,

seven millions. '" This is shown by the numerous con-

* See Mommsen, 1. 1. 581, foil., E. T. victions mentioned below. It is noted
ii. 262, foil. This vast mass of Greeks, that provincials themselves are encouraged
Jews, «c., was as alien to the Egyptians to appear as accusers (3. 67, 2 ; 70, i ;
proper as the English in India to the 4. 15, 3, &c.); and if influential, are even
natives. It is noticed by Friedlander courted by governors (15. 21 , 2 '.
(Sitting, ii. p. 124) that Alexandria is far " Suet. Tib. 32 ; Dio, 57. 10, 5.
more celebrated than Antioch in thcTitera- '^ Juvenal's advice to a provincial go-
ture of the first and second century A.I). vernor (8, 87-139) gives a sufficiently
See his description of it (,Id. p. 133, foil ). dark picture of the cruelty and extortion
For the probability that it furnished to still practised in his time.
Rome a model of civic administration, see '^ See 4. 20, i. Cp. ' tu victrix pro-
above, p. 106, n. 14. vincia ploras ' Juv. i, 50.

' By means of the great provincial '* As that of Marius Priscus, Juv. i,

census [uwo-^paipTj} commenced in 727, 49.

I20 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VII.

Asia^ were such as could hardly have been exceeded under the Re-
public :. in the same province, within the next ten years, another pro-
consul '^ and a procurator ' are convicted of extortion ; and proconsuls
of two other provinces* are condemned on equally serious charges:
nor does Silius come with cleaner hands from Germany '" : in Spain
a legalus is assassinated through some money grievance, of which we
have only the Roman version ^ : the Frisii are goaded into rebellion
by the exactions of a subordinate officer '' ; and the chief GauHsh tribes
driven to the same course by a load of debt *, probably not uncon-
nected with ruinous requisitions for the wars of Germanicus * : Pontius
Pilate was allowed ten years of misgovernment in Judaea '" : and fuller
records from the provinces themselves would probably have shown
many other such blots on the administration, un^r even one of the
most frugal and vigilant of the Caesars".

With the provinces should be enumerated the semi-independent states
and kingdoms, whose position must have varied greatly. Some were
small free states, as Samos ^^ Rhodes '^, Lycia" ; analogous to the many
free cities within the provinces. In others the prince had the title of
' praefectus ' (as Cottius '*), or the position in fact (as Herod and his
sons) of a procurator^® ; or may have been under a similar control to
that exercised over the Thracian princes ". Juba and his sons in
Mauretania '*, and the princes left in Cilicia'", may have been free
from other obligations than to furnish troops on demand^". The Cap-
padocian king was even liable to be brought before the bar of the
senate '^^. The relation of Commagene is unknown '^'^. Beyond this
the Armenian kingdom and the smaller Caspian principalities '^'^ seem
to have accepted a kind of Roman suzerainty as their best protection
against Parthia. In all these, complications were apt to arise demanding
the interposition of the Roman government. Rulers set up by Rome were
naturally unpopular, and their subjects showed their insubordination as

' 'Cum trecentos uno die secuii per- government in the later years of Claudius,

cussisset, incedens inter cadavera superbo see vol. ii. Introd. 39, and for the salutary

vultu . . . Graece pioclamavit : O rem re- action in the early time of Nero, id. 56.
giam.' Sen. de Ira, 2. 5, 5. " N. H. 5. 31 , 135. '^ See on 12.58, 2.

'■' 3. 67,2. ^ 4. 15, 4. '* See on 13. 33, 4.

* 3. 70, I ; 4. 13, 2. ■' 4. 19, 5. '^ Inscr. Orell. 626.

* 4. 45, 5. '' 4. 72, ]. '* .See Marquardt, i. p. 408.

' 3. 40, I Heavy tribute, cruel and " Part of Thrace at least had to furnish

haughty governors are complained of troops. (4. 46, 2), and the prince in his

(§ 4). minority had a Roman tutor (2. 67, 4).

" Offerings, represented as wholly vo- '' His kingdom is distinctly ' donum

luntary (i. 71, 3), are yet admitted to populi Romani ' (4.5,3).

have exhausted their means. See 2. 5, 3. " 2. 42, 7 ; 6. 41, i, &c.

'" Jos. Ant. 18. 3 .ind 4. ** 2. 7S, 3 ; 4. 24, 3. " 2. 42, 5.

" For the corruption of j>rovincial -^ 2. 42, 7. *^ See 4. 5, 4.

Chap. VII.] ROME LWDER AUGUSTUS AND TIBERIUS. 121

best ihey could. Thrace is more than once disturbed by internal conflict ',
similar accounts are given from Cilicia ^ iMauretanian bands join Tac-
farinas ', the Nabataean prince carries on small hostilities on his own
account with Judaea ^ and the whole Roman policy in the P^ast turns on
the dynastic troubles of Armenia ^ ; so that from one quarter or another
there were rarely wanting causes of anxiety to emperors most of all
anxious for the maintenance of existing settlements ^.

Many of these kingdoms were subsequently incorporated into the
empire'; but the conquest of Britain is the principal departure, prior
to Trajan, from the cautious advice of Augustus *. The campaigns of
Germanicus did but avenge the fate of Varus, and secure the frontier by
spreading terror beyond : though visions may have passed before his own
mind of a frontier on the Elbe ', which he never really reached'", and which
fades more and more out of Roman knowledge ".

ThK MlLllAKY AND NavaL ForCES.

The vast army which had come under the command of Augusius,
through the addition of the legions of Lepidus to his own and the
subsequent union of as much as he retamed of this combined force
with the legions of Antonius, was reduced by him after Actium to
a standing army apparently not exceeding eighteen legions ; of which
twelve, numbered consecutively, had been always his own, and six, also
bearing .numbers below twelve, had belonged to his colleagues'^ Eight

' See 2. 64, foil. ; 3. 38, foil. ; 4. 46, the Illynan rebellion, but it is argued that

foil. twenty-two existed before that date, and

- See i. 42, 7 ; 6. 4I, i. that perhaps ihe original reduction never

' See 2. 52, 3 ; 4. 23, i. wtnt below that number. All the legions

* See Mommsen, Hist. V. 478, E. T. ii. numbered above 12, and also several

150. within that number, are absent from all

■'• See vol. ii. Inlrod. ch. 4. inscriptions or other records before 759,

° ' Neconposita tuibarentur ' 2.65, i. A.D. 6; but if we accept the statement

' See Suet. CI 25 ; Ner. 18 ; Vesp. 8, that before the lllyrian outbreak twelve

vol. ii. Introd. 30, 90. legions had been collected for the attack

" .\nn. I. II, 7. ■' 2. 22, I. on Maroboduus .see 2. 46, 2, and note),

" See on 4. 44, 3. " G. 41, 2. it seems difficult to suppose that only six

'■^ Mommsen's view (K. G. I). A. pp. were left for Syria, Egypt, .Africa, and

68-75) that the legions originally thus Spain, though these garrisons may have

reduced and numbered (partly, as he been temporarily below their normal

thinks, with a desire to conceal the real strength, and thus may not have exceeded

number), were augmented by eight at the perhaps eight legions. The accounts of the

time of the lllyrian rising in 759, .\.u. 6, extreme gravity of the rebellion justify the

has found general acceptance, and is de- supposition of a large increase made in

fended by hiin against some objections to the army to cope with it, and the extreme

his earlier statement of it. Eor a more difficulty found in raising two more

recent criticism of il, readers are referred legions after the disaster of Varus is

to an essay by Mr. Hardy in Journ. of perh.nps best explained by the severity of

Phil, xxiii. 29-44. It is admitted that the conscription during the years im-

four legions were enrolled at once to meet mediately preceding.

122

INTRODUCTION.

[Chap. VII.

more legions, numbered from 13 to 20, can be shown to have existed
during the great rising in Pannonia and Illyricum in 759-762, a. d. 6-9 ;
and were probably in great part raised to meet that crisis. Of these eight,
three, the 17th, i8th, and 19th, were annihilated with Varus and never
reconstituted*; but two others, the 21st and 22nd, were enrolled after
that disaster -.

We can thus explain the absence of some numbers and duplication
or even triplication of others, in the following list of the legions as
existing in the time of Tiberius. The number and local disposition of
several can be supplied from Tacitus ; for others, as well as for the titles
borne by all, the chief evidence is to be found in numerous inscriptions.

Legion. IVhere quartered^.

I. Germanica .... Lower Germany.

II. Augusta Upper Germany.

III. Augusta Africa.

III. Gallica Syria.

III. Cyrenaica Egypt.

IV. Mdcedonica Spain.

IV. Scythica Moesia.

V. Macedonica Moesia.

V. Alaudae Lower Germany.

VI. Victrix Spain.

\'I. Ferrata Syria.

VII. [Claudia] Delmatia.

VIII. Augusta Pannonia.

IX. Hispana Pannonia.

X. Fretensis Syria.

X. Gemina Spain.

XI. [Claudia] Delmatia.

XII. Fulminata Syria.

Provincial Sumvtary.

Spain (3 .

IV. Macedonica.
VI. Victrix.
X. Gemina.

Lower Germany (4^

I. Germanica.
V. Alaudae.
XX. Valeria Victrix.
XXI. Rapax.

Upper Germany (4).

II. Augusta.

XIII. Ciemina.

XIV. Gemina Martia Victrix.
XVL Gallica.

Pannonia (3\

VIII. Augusta.
IX. Hispana.
XV, Apollinaris.

Delmatia .2).
afterwards Claudiae.

VII.
XI.

Moesia (2).

IV. Scythica.
V. Macedonici.

' Evidence as to the two latter is fur-
nished by Ann. i. 60, 4, and Insor. Orel).
621. From the absence of any subsequent
mention of a 17th legion, it is inferred
that this was the third.

- Of these the 21st furnishes the ' ver-
nacula multitudo ' of i. 31, 4 ; the other
is presumed to have been raised with it.
See Mommsen, 1. 1. On the error of sup-
posing that the 1st legion was also raised
at lhi^ date, see on i. 42, 6.

^ Tacitus sijecifies the legions of Pan-
nonia (i. 23, 6 , of Lower Germnny ^i.
31, 3\ and of Upper Germany (i. 37, 4),
and two of the Syrian legions (2. 57, 2 ;
79, 3). The yth legion was temporarily
m Africa ( 3. 9, i ; 4. 23, 2), and is counted
there in the general summary (4. 5, 3 .
On the whole list, see Mommsen, K. G.
1). A. 1. 1.; MarquanitjStaatsv. ii. p. 446;
Mr. Purser in 1). of Ant. s.v. 'exercitus'
p. 788.

Chap. VII.] ROME UNDER AUGUSTUS AND TIBERIUS. 123

Legion. U'/iere quartered.

XIII. C.emina Upper Germany.

XIV. Gemina M.irtia Victrix Upper Germany.
XV. Apollinaris Pannonia.

XVI. Gallica Upper Germany.

XX. V.ikria Victrix . . . Lower Germany.

X.\I. Rapnx Lower Germany.

XXII. Deiotariana Egypt.

Provincial Suinntaiy.
Syria (4).
III. Gallica.
\"l. Ferrata.
X. Frctensis.
XII. Fulminata.

Egypt ^ 2).
III. Cyrenaica.
XXII. Deiotariana.

Africa ^i).
III. Augusta.

Bv the year 882, a. d. 69, we find the number of legions increased
to thirty-one, in consequence of the occupation of Britain and other
subsequent events; but it is subsequently reduced to thirty. The local
disposition is also altered by that time in many cases ^

The legion consisted, as at other times, of ten cohorts, divided into
thirty maniples and sixty centuries''; but we have no certain information
of its numerical strength. The estimate of 6100 foot and 726 horse
given by Vegetius^ would certainly not agree with that of this time in
respect of the ' equites legionis,' who appear now to have only num-
bered I2o^ nor is there any evidence that the first cohort was now, as in
the time of Vegetius, twice the strength of the others ''. If a medium
estimate of about eighty men to the century be taken*, the total strength
of the legion, including its officers, its cavalry, and those in charge of the
' ballistae ' and other engines forming its train of artillery'', would amount
to rather more than 5000.

Tlie old names ' hastati,' 'principes,' and 'pilani/ survive"; and,
though no longer designating any difference of equipment, denote pre-
cedence in honorary rank. Each cohort contained two centuries, or one
maniple, of each of these ; and the cohorts also rank in honour accord-
ing to their number. This hierarchy of rank serves to place the sixty
centurions in a constantly ascending series; the maniple, rather than
the century, being the unit of the legion, and being under the command
of the first of its two centurions. The lowest centurion would thus be
the subordinate centurion of the ' hasiati ' of the tenth cohort, styled
' decumus hastatus posterioris ceniuriae,' or ' decumus hastatus posterior ; '

' For the legions of still later date, as ^ Hygiii. § i, 2.

related to these, ste Dio, 55. 33, 24. '' Cp. ' Quintae decumae legionis bnl-

^ iJell. 16. 4 (quoting Cincius). lista ' H. 3. 23, 2 ; Jos. Bell. Jud. 5. 6, 3 ;

^ Veg. 2, 6. Marquardt, ii. p. 526.

* Jos. B. J. 3. 6, 2. They were prob- ' The older term 'triarii' seems ob-

ably on the footing of auxiliaries in respect solete, and the term for the 'ordo' and

of not being citizens. See Nipp. on 4. its centurion is not ' pilanus' but 'pilus.'

73. See Marquanlt, ii. p. 373, n. 2. ' Pilanus'

' Veg. 2, 6. See note on 3. 21, 2. is found m \'arro and Ovid.

124 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VII.

and the highest, the commander of the maniple of ' pilaiii ' in the first
cohort, who would be fully styled ' primae cohortis pilus prior,' or more
commonly ' centurio primipilus ' or ' primopilus '.' In passing through
all these gradations, the centurion changed his century at each successive
step^, and in this highest position had custody of the legionary eagle,
with large accompanying emoluments^; ranked next to the 'tribuni'; and
was admitted with them to the council of the general *. The centurions
appear to have still appointed their subordinate officers', but to have
been themselves now directly appointed by the emperor, often as
a personal favour ", and, apparently, without previous service ''.

Augustus had perpetuated the custom introduced by the dictator
Caesar *, of placing the whole legion under the command of a ' legatus.'
These ' legati legionum *•' are senators of praetorian rank, or in a position
to expect such rank ^", and, as has been seen, ranked also as provincial
vicegerents under the ' legatus Augusti ^','

The position of the legionary ' tribuni militum ' now becomes some-
what anomalous ; inasmuch as they are no longer, as formerly, com-
manders in turn of the legion '^, and several of their other duties '^ must
have been transferred to the ' praefectus castrorum **.' Nor do they
appear to have commanded the legionary cohorts, which, so far as they
had a separate command, may probably have been placed each under its
first centurion ". Such of their duties as are still traceable can hardly be
generally characterized '® ; and this rank becomes hardly so much one
of military promotion, as a ' tirocinium ' for young men of the highest
families ", and a stepping-stone to the quaestorship and senate '*.

Auxiliary Citizen Troops.

I. ' Vexillarii,' or ' veterani sub vexillo retenti.' Augustus had ordained
that the legionary soldier should be dismissed with gratuities after a term

* The intermediate order of rank of the ' See Ann. 1.44, 3; 4.73,4; 14.32,6, &c.
centurions between the highest and lowest, "* 2. 36, i ; 14. 28, i ; note on 1 2. 49, 3.
and the meaning of the expression ' primi " See above, p. 118.

ordines ' (see I. 29, 2), is a question of ''^ I'olyb. 6. 34; i. We -find a tribune

considerable difficulty ; see the discussion in command, where the legatus legionis

of it by Mr. Purser, 1. 1. p. 799. had fled. Cp. H. 2. 85, 3, with 3. 9, 4.

* Veg. 2, 21. " See Marquardt, ii. p. 458.
^ ' Locupletem aquilam ' Juv. 14, 197. '* See i. 20, i.

* Polyb. 6. 24, 2. " See Marquardt, ii. p. 371. At a later
' As 'optiones' Veget. 2, 7. &c. date there is some evitience of command
' Cp. ' vitem poscelibello ' Juv. 14, 193. of cohorts by tribunes (Veg. 2. 12).

See also Marquardt, ii. p. 377. '* See 1. 37, i ; 44, 4 ; also Marquardt,

' 'E« rwv air' apx^ji (KaToyTopxrjaavTaiy ii. p. 460; Mr. Purser, 1. 1. p. 797.

Die, 52. 25, 7. " E.g. Suet. Tib. 9. It had often been

" Caes. B. G. 1. 52, l ; 3, 20, 3 ; 5. i, so under the Republic : see Purser, 1. 1.

I, &c. '* See above, ch. vi. p. 95.

C.iAP. VII.] ROME UNDER AUGUSTUS AND TIBERIUS. 125

of service originally fixed at sixteen', antl later at twenty years' serviced
Probably the same events which led to the enrolment of additional
legions, combined with the exhaustion of the ' aerarium mililare ^' led
him to postpone his obligations by a characteristic fiction; by which the
veterans, though removed from the legion and released from the oath,
were kept together under separate colours, perhaps exempted from camp
duties and reserved for batde*, but awaiting indefinitely their final dis-
charge and reward. The words ' vexillum,' ' vexillarii,' and ' vexillatio,'
though often used of any legionary detachment under separate command \
appear to have a special application to these troops, who are distinguished
from the legions by Tacitus in several places:'. They might be quar-
tered with ', or separated from their legions ^ and, perhaps by combina-
tion, are sometimes 1000 strong®; but if the number 500, the only
estimate of such a battalion given in these Books, may be treated as the
normal strength of those belonging to one legion", it would agree with
the computation of Hyginus, who reckons them as equivalent to an
extra cohort '*.

2. ' Cohortes civium Romanorum' are mentioned in several inscriptions,
usually as volunteers, frequently as Italians''^; and may probably have
been generally formed of such as chose a military profession, and who
lived in other districts than those from which the home army was raised ''.
There appear to have been at one time at least thirty-two such cohorts'*;
but they are omitted in the general summary of Tacitus '^ though men-
tioned with the legions in the will of Augustus '*.

Olher auxiliary /orces, ' Cohortes alaeqiie sociae.'

These forces are too numerous and manifold to be here described ;
their titles are given in a multitude of inscriptions '", and their total
strength is estimated by Tacitus as being much the same in the aggregate

' Dio, 54. 25, 6. the first cohort in the time of Vegetius ?

^ Id. 55. 23,' I. See above, p. 123.

' Id. 55. 25, 2 ; Ann. i. 78, 2. " See Inscr. Henzen 6709. The 'co-

* Seei.36,'4. Whethersuchwasalready hors Iialica ' of Acts 10. i appears to
the position of ' vetcrani sub vexillo ' is be of this description ; possibly also the
doubtful. See note there. ' cohors Augusta ' of Acts 27. i. Other

* E. g. 4. 73, 1 ; 14. .^4, I ; H. 2. 24, such were perhaps in Egypt, but the
5; 66, 1 ; 89, 2 ; 100, 2; 3. 22, 2, &c, evidence of Strab. 17. i, 12, 797, is

'E.g. I. 17, 4; 26, 2 ; 35, 2 ; 36, 4 ; doubtful.

39, 2 ; 44,6 ; 3. 21, 2 ; H. 2. 11, 6. Cp. " Mommsen, R. G. D. A. p. 72, n. i,

'veteranorumexercitus' Inscr. Orell. 3877. inclines to trace their origin to the ' co-

' E.g. 1.39,3. hortes libertinorum voluntariae,' raised

* E.g. I. 44, 6. by Augustus

^ Inscr. Henzen 5456. ' '* Inscr. Henzen 6756, &c.

'" 3. 21, 2. '' 4- 5- " 1-8. 3-

" De M. C. § 5. May it be possible " See Inscr. Henzen, Index, pp. 134-

that this is the origin of the doubling of 142 ; Wilm. Id. 590-596.

126 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VII.

as that of the legions *. Commanded by separate officers ^ such forces,
when attached to the legion, were under the supreme command of its
' legatus,' and compensated for its weakness in cavalry ^, besides supple-
menting it with light-armed troops of various descriptions *. and with
others armed and disciplined like the legions themselves •'*. Other such
forces were more locally distributed ^, and furnished protection where no
legionary troops were stationed ''. It is shown by inscriptions that they
were in early times mostly employed in their own native provinces '.
Other more irregular or temporary forces are spoken of as ' tumultuariae
catervae ",' and the * iuventus ' or militia, kept up in some provinces at
their own cost, are occasionally employed with imperial troops, though
not considered to belong to them'". The forces of vassal princes were
also placed under requisition when needed ".

Special /ones of Italy.
A. — Military.

T. Praetorian cohorts. These are stated to have been nine in number
in the time of Tiberius ^*^; each cohort being apparently looo strong",
including a force of cavalry ^* ; and all having their headquarters in the
camp just outside the ' agger '\' These cohorts were increased to twelve
probably by Claudius '*, to sixteen by Vitellius ^'', reduced again to nine
by Vespasian '*, and subsequently fixed at ten ".

' 4- .S) 5- ' Cohortes ' nnd ' alae ' might be dangerous, as Britain (cp. Agr.

were sometimes 'qiiingenariae,' sometimes 31, iV ' 1-56, i; J5- 3) 3-

' miliariae,' in round numbeis 500 and '" See an article by Mommsen 'die

1000 strong. Romischen Provinclalmilizen ' (Herm.

^ Usually ' praefecti,' sometimes 'tri- xxii. 547-,'=;58), and an abstract of it in

buni.' See Inscrr. Class, kev. ii. 158. It is shown that no

' Smaller forces of cavalry were also such force existed in senatorial provinces,

attached to such auxiliary cohorts as are but that they are found in most of the

called ' equitatae ' : see Purser, 1. 1. 790. Caesarian. Tacitus speaks of them in

* I. 51, 7; 2. 16, 5, &c. Cp. the ex- Cappadocia (12. 49, 2), Noricum (H. 3.
pression ' ferentarius miles,' and the con- 5, 51), Raetia (H. 1.68, 2), the Maritime
trast of their arms with those of the legions Alps vH. 2. 12, 5), among the Helvetii
in 12. 36, 6. (H. I. 67, 2), and in Gaul generally (H.

° 3. 43, 2, &c. 5.26,4). The large force raised by Vindex

^ ' Apud idonea provinciarum ' 4. 5, 5. against Nero (,vol. ii. p. 637) must have

' A considerable force of this descrip- mainly consisted of such.

tion was s^'..ioned in some provinces, as " See 4. 24, 3; 47, i ; 13- 7, i ; 38, 6 ;

Mauretania, Raetia, Noricum, Thrace, H. 5. i, 3, &c.

Judaea, Galatia, and a few soldiers served '^ 4. 5, 4. '^ H. 2. 93, ?,.

as police in even senatorial provinces ^4. " i. 24, 3; 12. 56, 3. Apparently a

15, 3) ; see Purser, 1.1. 79f'). 'turma'of horse went with each ' centuria.'

* The chief exceptions are where a Marquardt, ii. p. 477. '* 4. 2, 2.
country required more cohorts than it '® See vol. ii. Introd. 36, n. 2.
could furnish, as the ' Germaniae,' or *' H. 2. 93, 3.

furnished more than it needed, or those '* Dipl. C. I. L. iii. p. 853; Wilm. 2866.

in which the presence of native troops '• Inscr. Henzen 6862.

Chap. VII.] ROME UNDER AUGUSTUS AND TIBERIUS. 127

2. Urban cohorts. Of these, the ' i)roi)rius miles ' of the ' praefectus
urbis V three were kept in Rome under Tiberius^, and the total number
probably became six under Claudius and Nero •\ and four under Viiellius
and Vespasian "^ ; and they are so far joined to the praetorians as to be
numbered in a series beginning where the former end, as the tenth to the
thirteenth ■'. The praetorian cohorts have titles, as ' pia vindex,' &c., the
urban are known by their numbers only ".

The home army had the privilege of being professedly enlisted from the
old recruiting grounds of the Republic '. The rest of Italy, so far as its
scanty free population admitted it, might help to keep up the legions and
other cohorts of citizens, but for soldiers of all kinds the main supply was
now drawn from foreign sources ^ the auxiliary troops being drawn from
the Caesaiian provinces only, the legionaries from all provinces alike,
and, even in the time of Augustus, by no means exclusively from
those who were already citizens by birth ^ Voluntary enlistment seems
usual, but ' delectus ' in the provinces preferable '" ; and the number
required was no doubt kept down to a minimum by withhokling the
' missio^'.'

B.— Naval.

The fleets of IMisenum and Ravenna '^ are each dignified with the title
' classis praetoria^V but otherwise rank below not only the household
troops but the legions. The admiral, ' praefectus '*,' ranks below the
' praefectus praetorii ^V and is either a knight or sometimes a freedman '".
The marine soldiers, ' classiarii,' are not Roman citizens, and, though of

' H. 3. 64. T. legions were recruiled from countries

^ Ann 4.' 5, 4. See note on 3. 41, 2. where civic communities were numerous

' See vol. ii. Introd. 36, n. 2; Purser, (cp. 16. 13, 4}, those of the "Last were levied

794. Some consider the increase to have from provinces where such communities

been greater. werefew icp. 13. 7. i ; 35, 4'), and that such

* H. 2. 93, 3; Dipl 1. 1. Vespasian recruits could rarely have been citizens be-
added another to st rve abroad. fore enlistment. But see Seeck, Rh. Mus.

' See Henzen, Index, p. 132. xiviii. '" 4.4, 4.

* Id. p. 131. I have followed Tacitus " ' Missiones veteranorum rarissimas
(4. 5, 5), in not here mentioning the fecit ' Suet. Tib. 48.

'vigiles,' on whom see above, p. 106. " Ann. 4. 5, i ; Marquardt, ii. 502.

' 4. 5,5. " See Inscr. Henzen, Index, p. 142. As

' See 3. 40, 5 ' Inops Italia, inbellis a fixed and regular title, the epithet ap-

iirbana piebcs, nihil validum in e.xercitibus pears lo be of later date. (Mommscn,

nisi quod externum ' Staatsr. ii. 863, 5.) It is analogous to

* On the whole subject see Mommsen that of ' cohortes praetoriae.'

in Herm. xix. 1-78 and 2io-23.( ('die '* The elder Pliny, who held this office

Conscriptions-ordnung der Rom. Kaiser- at his death, had been previously ' prae-

zeit') also Mr. Hardy in Class. Rev. iii. fectus alae ' and procurator.
112, foil., and Mr. Purser. 1.1. 805, foil. '' E.g. Lucilius Bassus, H. 2. 100, 4.

Besides the 'vcrnacula multitudo' enlisted "^ E.g. Anicetus, Ann. 14. 3, 5; cp.

in Ron.e itself on emergency (see i. 31, 4, C. I. L. iii. p. 844. At Ravenna there is

and note), it is shown that although the only record of equestrian praefecti. E.g.

Illyricanand probably most of the western 13.30, 2.

128 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VII.

more consideration than the rowers ', are so far on a par with them that
we find both rewarded with the 'civitas' after twenty-six years' serviced
The ships are usually either 'triremes' or ' Liburnae ^,* and are dis-
tinguished by names like modern ships *. The captains, whether of
triremes or Liburnians, are designated as ' trierarchi •\' We have no
knowledge of the strength of these fleets ; which are little mentioned in
general, but acquire some prominence in the civil war of 822, a. d. 60.

Various auxiliary fleets, whether of ships of war* or transports',
existed in the provinces, and are mentioned in various inscriptions *.

The total strength of all these forces can be only very roughly esti-
mated. Taking the legion with its auxiliaries at 10,000, we have a total
of 250,000 for the main armies; to which the home army, the ' clas-
siarii,' and all the various detached forces may add a further total of
100,000. This it should be remembered represents at that time the
whole military and naval force of the civilised world.

On the pay and grievances of the soldier it is sufficient to refer to the
narrative of the mutiny ^, and the contrast there drawn between the
legionaries and the praetorians; while a more favourable estimate of
military privileges, at a somewhat later date, can be formed from the six-
teenth Satire of Juvenal ; and bome information as to the rewards on
retirement, chiefly the gift of ' civitas ' to auxiliaries, and the ratification
of marriages generally '", can be gathered from the various ' diplomata ".'
To those of higher rank, many further advantages were attainable.
Centurions, besides being promoted to such posts as the command of
auxiliary cohorts or squadrons '^, or the rank of ' praefecti castrorum ",'
had regular pensions on retirement '*, and the ' primipili ' appear to have
retained even for life the title of ' primipilares '*,' and to have been
appointed to responsible posts in the army, or as subordinate governors
of provincial districts '*.

' See on 14. 4, 5. '* On this subject, see Purser, 1. 1. p.

' See the 'diplomata' cited by Mar- S09, foil,

quardt, ii. p. 510, 2. " Tiiese are collected in C. I. L. iii.

■•* The inscriiitions show a few ships p. 843, &c. For specimens, see Henzen

above triremes : the ' biremes' (4. 27, 6857, &c. ; Wilm. 904, &c.

I, &c.) are probably the same as the '■' Esp. 'primipili,' cp. Henzen, Inscr.

'Liburnae.' 6947. '^ i- 20, 2.

* See Henzen, Index, p. 14.^. '* These were reduced by Caligula : see
° H. 2. 16, 3 : for 'navarchi,' see 15. Suet. Cal. 44.

CI, 2. " ' Primipilaris senex " Quint. Inst. Oi.

* 'Sociae triremes' Ann. 4. 5, 5. 6. 3, 92 : see note on 12. 7, 4.

■' See 2. 6, &c. ■' Marquardt, ii. p. 376. See 2. 11, 2;

* E. g. 'chassis Germanica,' ' Moe- 4. 72, 2 ; 13. 36, 2 ; H. i. 31, 3 ; 87. 2;
iica,''Pannonica,' 'Syriaca.' See Henzen, 2. 22, 6; 3. 70, i; 4. 15, 6. They had
Index, p. 142, and the Gallic fleet, 4. 5, 1. often equestrian rank on retirement. See

» See Ann. i. 17 ; 26; 35 ; 36; 78. Mart. 6. 58, 10.

Chap. VII.] ROME UNDER AUGUSTUS AND TIBERIUS. 129

Consolidation of the Empire.

Augustus is said to have bequeathed at his death not a mere aj,gregate
of territories, but an organized whole ', and one which seemed to himself
to have reached its proper limit '^. The administration, especially of the
provinces and armies, was centralized in a way previously unknown,
and the improvement of roads ^ and institution of couriers* gave new
rapidity to inter-communication : and, not to speak of his periodical
financial statements •\ his summary of the whole position of the empire,
published after his death ^, must have given to the senate a new insight
into its organization. If, beyond this, neither he nor his successor had
devised any plans for bringing the whole mass into a condition of homo-
geneous unity, it is none the less evident that tendencies in this direction
were constantly operating. The practical recognition of common inter-
ests between rulers and ruled ; the security of traffic ; the vast require-
ments of the city of Rome, both as regards necessaries of life^ and
luxuries ^ ; the local centres of traffic afforded especially by camps and
colonies" ; must have tended, even more than the centralized government,
to level the barriers of nations. Two languages again were more and
more taking the place of a Babel of tongues : the prevalence of Greek
in the East may be estimated from the extent of its use among even
a race so tenacious of nationality as the Hebrews ^° ; while, in the West,
Latin, already prevalent in Gaul, making the vernacular forgotten in
many parts of Spain '^ and generally spoken also in Pannonia '^ was
not wholly lost even by Rome's bitterest enemies " ; and, as the general
official language of the empire, had some hold even in the East ^*.

Again, though Tiberius probably imitated the reserve of Augustus in
bestowing the ' civitas '■' ;' yet even this great equalization of privilege must

' ' Cuncta inter se conexa ' i. 9, 6. nineteen such foundations, many of which

'■' See I. 11,9. became very important. After him, no

^ For his reconstruction of the roads more were founded till the timeof Claudius

of Italy, see above, p. 1 10. In the pro- (see vol. ii. Introd. p. 34).
vinces especial mention may be made of '" It is implied in Acts 22. 2 that Greek

the great road connecting Spain and would have been intelligible, though less

Italy,see Mommsen, Hist. V. 67, E.T. I. 74. so than Syro-Chaldaic, to most of the

* Suet. Aug. 49. On the rapidity of crowd at Jerusalem,
communication, see note on i. 16, i. " Strabo, 3. 2, 15, p. 151.

^ This custom was dropped hvTiberius, " Veil. 2. no, 5.

and revived by Gaius. Suet. Cal. 16. " As Arniinius. See 2. 10, 3.

* 1. II, 7. ** Besides the trilingual inscription en
' E.g. the corn trade. the cross, and Latin words in N. T., the

* 3- .'i.^> .'i>&c. See Friedl. vol. iii. ch. i. mixture in the names of Jewish persons
' Augustus cnumera.tes ten provinces is noticed, as 'Simon the Cyrenian, the

in whicii he had planted military colonies father of Alexander and Rufus' i^Mark

(Mon. Anc. v. 35), and Mommsen (ad 15. 2\^. See Merivale, ch. xxxix. p. 377.

loc.) enumerates in these and in lUyricum *^ Suet. Aug. 40. We find it however

(apparently reckoned with Italy) some given by Augustus not only to individuals

I30 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VII.

liave been steadily extending itself. By the manumission of slaves,
which, in spite of checks imposed upon it, must have been constant, any
Roman could call into existence those who at a stroke of the wand
succeeded to most ^ and whose sons would succeed to all, civic privileges.
Many a Roman pauper by transplantation to a colony became there the
parent of a prosperous civic family. Many an auxiliary soldier, already
habituated to Roman customs by service under the standards, received
the civilas on his Discharge ^, and his sons mi^ht serve and rise in the
ranks of the legions and thus lay the foundation of a career of honour.

Lastly, in spite of the vast diversity of tolerated religions, some traces
of common religious ideas begin to develop themselves. The restora-
tion of religion had formed a great part of the policy of Augustus, and
his aspirations are devoutly seconded by the poets of his court ^. Besides
the rebuilding or restoration of almost every temple in the city*, he had
endeavoured to bring home religion to the mass of the people by a kind
of parochial system, in the worship of the ' Lares compitales ' at the 300
chapels " instituted in the various vici, under the ministration of their
freedmen priests (' Augustales'), and superintendence of the 'vicoma-
gistri*.' With these the worship of his own 'Genius' was associated'', by
which constant usage, as well as by the ' ludi compitalicii ^' the political
order was connected with the sacred ideas of domestic security ; not
only in Rome alnd Italy, but in many parts of the empire '. To this was
added afterwards throughout the empire the later cult of the ' Divus
Augustus'"' and his deified successors ; as also in some cases, that of the
Hving Caesar, associated with the imperial city ^' : the whole forming a kind
oi apotheosis of order and peace, which appears to have been for the
present the nearest approach to an universal religion.

Otherwise there was more interchange than fusion of manifold reli-
gions. Temples to Jupiter Capitolinus are found in provinces '" ; and, in
turn, whatever was attractive in provincial religions struck root in Rome ;
and supplied, what the colder forms of the state ritual failed to supply,
some food for the fervour of religious enthusiasm and for speculative
theology. Many foreign religions obtained special licence, and even the

(e.y^. I. 58, 2}, btit to communities (Suet. ^ See Marquardt, iii. ]). 204.

Aug. 47); of which Utica is an instance. ' Ovid, Fast. 5, 145 ; Hor. Od. 4. 5,. ^4.

Die, 49. 16, 1. On the great contrast in ' Suet. Aug. 31.

the practice of Claudius see vol. ii. Introd. * Sacrifice i^or the health of Augustus

PP ?iZ> 39- was offered daily in the Jewish temple.

' See Persius, Sat. 5, 78. Fhilo. leg. ad C. c. 36, 5S8.

^ See the 'diplomata' above referred '" See i. 10, 8 ; 54, i ; 7'^, 1.

to, p. 128. '^ For the practice of Augustus in his

^ As in Vergil and Horace frequently. lifetime, see on i. 10, 5 ; 78, 1 ; for that

' Livy, 4. 20, 5 ; Mon. Anc. iv. 1-26. of Tiberius see 4. 15 ; 37 ; 55, and notes.

* Verg. Aen. 8, 716. '^ Fausan. 1, 4.

Chap, viil] TIBERIUS AND HIS GOVERNMENT. 131

illicit might enjoy practical impunity, till circumstances pointed attention
to them ; as in the suppression of Isiac riles by Agrippa ^ ; or the stern
vengeance taken by Tiberius on the priests of this cult for a flagrant
moral scandal "^ ; or the def)Ortation of Jews arismg out of a gross pecu-
niary fraud ^ ; the penalty being apparently in neither case such as sensibly
to abate the prevalence of such worships *.

Nor could any coercion keep out the fori)iclclen mysteries of astrology
and magic '' ; the former of which had the direct countenance of Tibe-
rius, though his protection of Thrasyllus* did not interfere with the
chasiisement of the meaner herd "^ . The influence of all foreign super-
stitions on a less strong mind may be seen in the case of Germanicus ;
in the restless search after foreign oracles, worships, miracles *, which
seems to have so far guided his movements in the East ; and in the
belief shared by his friends as well as himself, that the magician was as
caj/able of causing his death as the poisoner ^.

Meanwhile, the only religion capable of taking the place both of the
effete ideas of old Roman worship, and of the gross fanaticisms of foreign
superstition, was known as yet only to a tew poor Jews, and hardly
reaches to the outer world till the time of Claudius '°.

CHAPTER VIII.

ON THE ESTIMATE IN TACITUS OF THE CHARACTER AND
PERSONAL GOVERNMENT OF TIBERIUS.

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.

PACK

First period. Life of Tiberius prior to his principate . . . . -13^

Second period, 767-775, A. D. 14-22 137

Third period, 776-781, A. D. 23-28 i^^

Fourth and fifth periods, 782-790, A. D. 29-37 1^9

Testimony of other authors ... .... . . . 155

General conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . 15S

Note. — Several of the works on this subject are mentioned by Nipp. (Introd. p. 34
note) ; but the most complete sketch of the literature of the question known to me is
contained in the treatise of Professor Iginio Gentile, ' L'imperatore Tiberio secondo la

' In 733. B.C. 21. Dio, 54. 6, 6. ... quod in civitate nostra et vetabitur

2 Jos. Ant. 18. 3, 4 ; Ana. 2. 85, 5. semper et retinebitur ' H. i. 22, 3.

' jos. 1. 1., Ann. 1. 1. « 6. 20, ^. '' 2. 32, 5.

* On the measures taken by-Claudius ' See 2.54; 61.

with regard to the Jews, see vol. ii. Introd. " 2. 69, 5.

pp. 29, &c. " On the first persecution of Christians

' See 2. 27, 2, &c. 'Genus hominum by Nero see Appendix to B. 15.

132 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VIII.

inoderna critica storica (Milan, 1887). Among English works the most thorough-
going defences of Tiberius are those by Professor Beesly (Catiline, Clodius, and
Tiberius, London, 1878) and by Mr. Baring Gould (Tragedy of the Caesars, London,
1892), and the most balanced judgment is that of Dean Merivale (Hist. Vol. v).
A clear and fair estimate is also given in the Litroduction to Professor Allen's
edition (1890).

Many obligations, not easy to specify in their places, must be here acknowledged to
several works, especially that of Professor Gentile ; but my chief endeavour has been
to give an independent judgment on the facts and interpretations of facts contained in
Tacitus and other original authorities.

Tacitus would undoubtedly wish his readers to take, as his most
deliberate judgment on Tiberius, the summary at the end of the Sixth
Book, where his life is marked out into periods, showing a gradual
moral deterioration, affecting both his private habits and personal
government \ It will therefore be convenient to examine these suc-
cessively.

I. ' Egregium vita famaque quoad privatus vel in imperils sub Augusto
vixerat.'

This emphatic praise, from so unfavourable a witness, though perhaps
qualified by insinuations of latent cruelty''', and tales, which we seem
intended to believe, of a foretaste at Rhodes of Capreae ^ must at least
be taken as an admission that his public life to his fifty-sixth year was
unimpeachable, and seems to carry with it a disbelief in the tales of
drunkenness caught up by Suetonius *.

' From earliest infancy, his lot was one of peril ^.' Born in the
year of Philippi" (712, B.C. 42), he shared in the very beginning of life
the hurried flight of his parents from Perusia : he was only four years old
when his mother became the wife of the triumvir ; only nine '' when his
father's death transferred him to the tutelage of his stepfather, who two
years later became the undisputed master of the Roman empire. From
this point, his life, in the judgment of popular exaggeration, seemed
enviable in the extreme. He is ' brought up from childhood in a reigning
family, loaded with consulships and triumphs in his youth ^' To a more
careful observer, the thirty-five years next ensuing are a history of
harassing intrigues and rivalries ^ and souring disappointments, hardly
compensated by ultimate success.

He assumed the 'toga virilis ' in 727, b.c. 27, and by special privilege

' 6.51, f. « Suet. Tib. ;;.

' 1. 4. 3; '' Suet. Tib. 6.

' What is given as a rumour, i. 4, 4, is * i. 4, 4.

assumed as a fact, 4. 57, 4. * ' Multis aemulis conflictatus est' 6.

* Suet. Tib. 42. * 6. 51, 2. 51, 2.

Chap. VIII.] TIBERIUS AND HIS GOVERNMENT. 133

became quaestor in his nineteenth year, in 731, b.c. 23'; at which time
the death of young Marcellus, who was about a year older, removed
the first of his various rivals from his path-. He was praetor in 737,
B.C. 17, at the age of twenty-five, and consul in 741, b.c. 13, at the age
of twenty-nine '\

Side by side with his advancement in civil offices came a succession
of military commands. After a ' tirocinium ' as military tribune in the
Cantabrian war, he was sent in 734, b.c. 20, in his twenty-second year,
with forces to the East, to give a king to Armenia ; and had the honour
of bringing back the standards lost with Crassus *. In 732, b.c. 15, he
shared with his brother Drusus the more arduous task of subduing the
mountaineers of the Grisons and Tyrol " ; a service w^hich probably gave
the youths their ' nomen imperatorium *.' About this time he received in
marriage Vipsania Agrippina, daughter, by a former wife \ of Agrippa,
who now stood next to Augustus as his son-in-law * and his colleague in
the tribunician power '.

Whatever hopes may have been raised by the unexpected death of
Agrippa, in 742, b.c. 12, at the age of fifty-one — which left only two
boys, aged eight and five ", between the stepsons and the succession —
would fade gradually as time went on and the lads grew older ; while the
immediate disastrous consequence to Tiberius was the shadow cast over
his domestic Hfe, by his forced divorce from Vipsania, to whom he was
deeply attached ", and his marriage, for mere dynastic reasons, to Julia,
who may have courted him as a lover, but despised him as her husband,
and showed her contempt by her outrageous profligacy '^. Almost
immediately after this marriage he was sent to suppress a rising in
Delmatia and Pannonia ^^ ; and after the death in 745, b.c 9, of his
brother Drusus, at the head of whose funeral train he marched on foot in
mid-winter from the Rhine to Rome^*, he prosecuted the war in Germany'"*;
for successes in which he was rew^arded in 745 and 747, b.c 9, 7, by
triumphal distinctions of some kind '^ and a second consulship in the
latter year. In 748, b.c 6, he seemed still more fully to fill the

* Dio, 53. 28, 3. At about this ac^e he '" A third was born aftervvards.
conducted an important accusation, that of " Suetonius Tib. 7) gives a touching
Fannius Caepio (see on i. 10, 3) for con- anecdote of their only meeting after the
spiracy against the life of Augustus (Suet. divorce.

Tib. 8). 'M. 53, 2 ; Suet. Tib. 7.

^ Dio, 1.1. 30, 4. ^ Id. 54. 25, I. " Dio, 54. 31, 2.

* Suet. Tib. y , Ann. 2. 3, 4. '* Dio, 55. 2, i ; Suet. Tib. 7.

=• Suet. Tib. 1.1.; Hor. Od. 4. 14. '^ Veil. 2. 97, 2 ; Suet. Tib. 9 ; Dio,

* 1. 3, I. 55. 6, 1.

■' Pomponia, daughter of Atticus the " On the exact nature of these there

friend of Cicero. See 2. 43, 7. appears to be some discrepancy between

=* Dio, 54. 6, 5. '•' See 3. 56, 3. Veil. 2. 97, 4 and Suet. Tib. 9.

VOL. I K

134 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VIII.

place of Agrippa, by receiving for five years the tribunician power ;
a position which Augustus felt he could safely trust to one of such an
' unambitious temperament ^.'

It was now that he formed his strange resolution of retirement to
Rhodes, and with great difficuliy obtained the necessary permission ^.
The conduct of his wife is assigned as the most potent reason ^ ; an in-
fluential second motive can be traced in the rise to manhood of the
young Caesars : and his retirement of seven years is characterized by
studious, not to say pedantic pursuits ^ and initiation by Thrasyllus into
the dangerous mysteries of astrology, which took so firm a hold upon his
mind*. After the banishment of Julia in 752, b.c. 2, he had desired,
but had not been permitted, to return. The protection of his tribunician
power expired, and the rest of his absence was a scarcely disguised
exile ® ; in which he was made to feel once for all that a private position
to one in such a rank was impossible, by being exposed to insult and
even to peril of life, during tlie progress of Gaius Caesar to the East
under the sinister influence of M. Lollius '. In 755, a.d. 2, the year of
the death of Lucius Caesar, he obtained leave to return to Rome ; but
lived in complete retirement till the death of Gaius in 757, a.d. 4, caused
a complete change in his position.

Now, at the age of forty-six, he was adopted into the family of the
Caesars ^, his tribunician power w^as renewed for anotl>er five years ', and
he was displayed as the heir before the greatest armies of the state '". If
we are to believe Velleius, he was welcomed by the legions with raptures
of enthusiasm, and his achievements in the next seven years place him
in the front rank of Roman generals ". The aim of these miliiary
operations was to complete the conquest of the great province in further
Germany, and to secure a frontier on the Elbe. In the two campaigns
of 757 and 758, A.D. 4 and 5, the resistance in North Germany appeared
to have been broken ; a third campaign was intended, by a concentrated
attack with twelve legions on Bohemia, to crush Maroboduus, who had
organized what might be called an empire of South Germany '^ ; when the
blaze of rebellion in Pannonia and Delmatia in 759, a.d. 6, taxed all the

' 3. 56, 4. 2. 103, 2), 757, A.D. 4. The renewal of

^ Suet. Tib. 10. Historians are evi- trib. pot. may probably have dated from

dently right in making thi^, period of July i. See Staatsr. ii. p. 797, 3.

effacement and peril the chief crisis affect- ^ See note on i. 10, 7.

ing his character previous to his rule. '° i. 3. 3.

^ I. 53, 2. ■* Suet. Tib. II " Veil. 2. 104, &c.

' 6. 20, 3. * Suet. Tib. 11-12. '^ The chief authority for these cam-

" 3. 48, 3 ; Suet. Tib. 13. paigns is Velleius, who served in them.

" Suet. Tib. 15. His adoption took On their strategy, see the remarks of

place ]....c 26 (Kal. Amit.) or 27 (Veil. rrofessor Beesly.

Chap, viii.] TIBERIUS AND HIS GOVERNMENT. 135

resources of Rome to face a crisis which, with some apparent forgetfuhie>s
of the Teutons and the Cimbri, is called the gravest since the Punic
wars \ By the time that this was quelled all had been lost in Germany
by the annihilation of the army of Varus in 762, a.d. 9 " ; and nothing
remained but to exact vengeance and secure the frontier. The schemes
of German conquest would seem to have been less nearly executed, or
their feasibility more misconceived, than our authorities admit to us ; but
the restoration of order within the empire at least was complete and
permanent, and the triumph of Tiberius in 765, a.d. 12, well earned-'.
Nor is there reason to doubt the most distinguishing trait of his general-
ship, his carefulness of his soldiers' lives *, a duty more than ever incumbent
on a general who knew that almost the last reserve of Rome was in the
field*. Rewarded, besides his triumph, with a permanent renewal of
tribunician power ^ and a ' proconsulare impcrium ' apparently coordinate
with that of the princeps ^ he had again set out for Jllyricum when the
last illness of Augustus recalled him hastily to Italy, which for the remain-
ing twenty-three years of his life he never quitted.

Our attention throughout this period must be mainly directed to the
circumstances which formed the character of the future prince. It was
evidently always the dearest wish of Augustus to found a family d)nasty.
The principate could never be formally bequeathed ^ and, by the first
princeps, even the custom of succession had wholly to be created ; but
he seems clearly to have seen that with tact and discretion he could
practically name his successor ; and, though a sonless man, had no such
noble ambition as Galba conceived and Nerva realized, of directing
choice to the worthiest. Yet he could see that his intended successor
must be ripe in years and tried in service, prominent enough to be such
as a free state might be supposed to choose. Again, the precariousness
of his own health obliged Augustus always to contemplate the possibility
of a speedy as well as a distant succession. Hence it was always his
policy to surround his throne with props ', and to have different heirs in
various grades of expectancy. In the first rank were his nearest relatives,
to be his choice if lime allowed him to make them sufficiently prominent.
Such in the earlier years was Marcellus, and such in later times were
Gaius and Lucius Caesar. Secondly, there must be another in reserve,
already ripe in years and tried in real life, who might fill the chief place

* Suet. Tib. 16. On this war, see Veil. « This renewal had probably taken

2. 1 10-116. On the large force raised to place during his absence. See note on

deal with it, see above, p. 121, note 12. i. 10. 7.

^ See Veil. 2. 117-120. ' See above, ch. vi. p. 98.

^ Veil. 2. 121, 3. * Id. 114. ' See ch. vi. p. 97.

' On the difficulty of finding soldiers, ' 'Quo pluribus munimentis insisteret'

see Dio, 55. 31, i ; 56. 23, 2. 1.3. 5.

136 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VIII.

in case of a sudden vacancy ; but who, after a sacrifice of the best years
of his Hfe for the ruling house, might expect to be summarily set aside
for a youth, if circumstances hereafter made it feasible. Such in the
earlier years was Agrippa, and such was in later times the position of
Tiberius. Each was victim in turn to the matrimonial arrangements
which Augustus always carried out with more than a Roman's disregard
of natural affection, often with a cynical contempt even for common
decency \ Each had endeavoured to escape from an intolerable position
by retirement from Rome I Agrippa, had he lived long enough, would
probably again have had to retire before his own sons, adopted into the
family of the Caesars over his head. Tiberius, even at the death of Gains,
had Germanicus been ten years older or Augustus ten years younger,
would probably have been again postponed to the grandson of Octavia,
whose children by Agrippina would still more nearly represent the true'
blood of Augustus ^

We may well believe that a sense of public * duty co-operated with the
solicitations of Livia, in procuring the adoption of her son, which she so
often recalled to him in after times as the crowning service of her life °.
Still, with the tenacity that marked all his policy, Augustus seemed even
then to leave a chance open for future family schemes, not only by him-
self adopting at the same time the worthless Agrippa Poslumus ^ but
also by compelling Tiberius, as the price of his own adoption, to adopt
Germanicus'', and thus to prejudice the position of his son by blood,
Drusus, who was a year or two younger. Even the prospect of a possible
civil war could not turn the old man from a scheme which m.ight one
day bring back the inheritance of the Caesars to his own direct descen-
dants. Hence the undisguised coldness of Tiberius and Livia towards
Germanicus and his house, and the suspicions, not the less real because
baseless, that the young man might turn his popularity to disloyal
use ; hence the idea that even Agrippa, though formally banished in per-

' To secure one political ally he had "^ On the retirement of Agrippa at the

himself set aside the daughter of Servilius rise of Marcellus, see 14. 53, 3, and note;

for Clodia (,Suct. Aug. 62) ; to win Veil. 2. 93, 2 ; Dio, 53. 32, i.
another, he married .Scribonia ( App. B.C. ^ See ch. ix. This marriage took place

b- 53 J whom he divorced, on the day of about a.d. 5, but was no doubt previt>usly

her daughter's birth (Dio, 48. 34, 3), for arranged.

the scandalous marriage with Livia (Ann. * Suet. i^Tib. 21) st.ntes thai Au-

I. 10, 4). For like reasons he sacrificed gustus declared on oath, ' se reipublicae

Octavia to Antonius, and compelled causa adoptare eum.' The sinister

Agrippa possibly to divorce Pomponia motive imputed to him by liis detrac-

for Marcella, certainly Marcella for Julia, tors ^see i. 10, 6) is rejected even by

who was given, for mere dynasiic reasons, Suetonius,
to three successi\e husbands. The cruel ' 4. 57, 4.

divorce of Tiberius from Vipsania is " Suet. Tib. 15.

mentioned above. ' I- 3> 5 ; Suet. 1. 1.

Chap. VIII.] TIBERIUS AND HIS GOVERNMENT. 137

petuity, was still formidable while he lived, and might any day return to
favour \

Augustus again, while addressing Tiberius by letter in a fulsome strain
of palpable exaggeration 2, is said to have often jested to his courtiers
about the poor Roman people, who were to be ' so deliberately masti-
cated ; ' often to have broken off lively conversation at his approach ^, and
even in a public rescript to have ' taunted him with his personal peculi-
arities under colour of apology ■*.' The epigrammatists who did not spare
Tiberius even as a prince •"*, assuredly did not spare him all this time * ; and
even a posthumous stroke was dealt in the will which made him principal
heir, by a pointed allusion to those who should have filled his place ''.

Such circumstances, acting on such a temperament, produced much
such a character as we should, expect. We are to think of the man
Tiberius as one naturally austere, reserved, and distant*; the best of
whose life had been spent in camps or in retirement ; whose position at
court had been generally more or less overshadowed by rivals ; and
whose domestic life had been wrecked for political objects in which he
had no primary interest; while he had been schooled for years in repres-
sion and disguise, with fatalists always at his elbow to tell him that his
day of revenge would come *. He had lived in the coldest shade of
neglect, as well as in the full sunshine of flattery, and could rate the
homage of senate and people at its proper worth '". Of all views of h s
character, none is more amply borne out by facts than that which states
that his resolution was as weak as his penetration was keen " ; so that,
the more clearly he could read men's minds, the more he was at a loss
to deal with them. It is in this mixture of strength and weakness ^^, as
well as in the union of his natural self-distrust '^ reserve, and austerity,
with the souring experiences of a lifetime, that we find the leading traits
of character of the future ruler.

II. ' Occultum ac subdolum fingendis virtutibus, donee Germanicus
ac Drusus superfuere.'

This period, the first eight years of this principate, treated by Tacitus

' I. 5, 2. ' See Suet. Tib. 21. tances, with which Seneca charges him (de

^ 1(1. * I. 10, 7. Ben. 5. 2-;, 2 , may often have had just

* I. 72, 5 ; Suet. Tib. 59. ® lb. {ground.

" Suet. Tib. 23 ' Quoniam atrox fortuna " i. 80, 3.

(jaium et laicium filios mihi eripuit.' '" Professor li^esly has well noted the

* ' Tristissimura, ut constat, huminum ' indications ot such a temperament in his
Plin. N. II. 2S. 2 (5\ 23. physiognomy, as in the well-known N'ati-

'•' 'Circa dtosac religioncs neglegentior, can statue (Mus. Chiarom. 494).
(juipje addicUis mathomaticae, plenusque '^ See on i. 11, i, &c., and especially

per.-uasionis. cuncta fato agi ' Suet. Tib. 4. 38, 4, where his diffidence is variously

69. St-eon6.2i. explained, as due to modesty, sell-de-

" The coldness towards old accjuain- precialion, or meanspiritcdness.

138 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. viir.

in the first three Books, and reviewed at the beginning of the Fourth, is
at once that 6n which his information is most full, and his estimate most
questionable : the whole time being thus summarily dismissed, not as that
in which the purpose was most sincere, but in which the disguise was best
sustained.

The fact of generally just and moderate government is admitted and
indisputable. We are told of constant consultation of the senate, even
on matters not strictly belonging to their cognizance ^ ; and its chief
members are encouraged to discucs, and rebuked for servility'^; that the
office of the magistrates of the republic is respected ^ ; the laws, with one
exception*, uprightly administered; that in the bestowal of dignities the
worthiest were selected ; that Tiberius set an example of frugality, both
in the moderate size and number of his Italian estates, amid the vast villas
of the nobles ', and in unostentatious management and retinue ; as well
as an example of moderation in conducting disputes with other citizens
as between equals in the law-courts. It is further admitted that these
characteristics at home were accompanied by clemency and vigilance
abroad : that no new burdens were laid on the provinces ; the old ones
adjusted with care and remitted on occasion ; personal violence and
confiscation scrupulously avoided ; cruelty and extortion in governors
duly punished ; fiscal procuratorships conferred on men of character,
even without personal knowledge ; and their tenure indefinitely extended,
as if to diminish temptation to peculation, by giving men time to grow
rich without it.

Many even of what seemed to Tacitus defects of policy, would be
merits to an impartial critic ; who, for instance, would hardly be induced
to believe that Germanicus, whose chief recorded achievements are those
of mere ravage and massacre ", or ostentatious and futile obsequies to the
remains of those who fell with Varus '', or at best barren victories in the
field *, balanced by disastrous retreats ', and entailing untold requisitions
on Gaul '", was recalled from an all but completed conquest ".

The general foreign policy of such a ruler naturally finds little favour
with an historian who looked back with fondness to the military glories of
the old Republic '^, and was writing when the star of conquest was again
in the ascendent, when the eagles had advanced to the Carpathians and
the Prulh, and beyond the Euphrates and Tigris, the fleet to the Persian
Gulf and the Indian Ocean. His disdain is natural for the old ' narrow

' See 4. 6, 2, and note on i. 52, 2. "1.51; 56. ' i. 61. * 2. 16, &c.

« E.g. 3. 47, 4 ; 59. 2- ' '• 63-71 ; 2- 23- '" See 2. 5, 3.

* On their function at this time, see " 2. 26, 2. For a general view of his
ch. vi. p. 90, foil. campaigns, see App. ii. to Book ii.

* See below, p. 141. ^ See 3. 53, 5. ''' 4. 32, 2.

Chap, viil.] TIBERIUS AND HIS GOVERNMENT. 139

limits of enij)ii"e ',' for the 'timid or envious ' advice of Augustus'', and
for a prince who ' cared not to extend the frontier,' and under whom
' peace was slightly if at all disturbed '.' Yet this policy, while prudent
and consistent, was not undignified. The civil war of Arminius and
IVIaroboduus * fully attests the wisdom of leaving Germany to its internal
conflicts ^ The anxiety to preserve order*, and to settle difficulties
without recourse to arms'', will commend itself no less than the just
partition of Thrace under its own princes ® ; the acquisition of Cappadocia
w ith advantage both to its own inhabitants and to the Roman people ' ;
and the maintenance of prestige in the East without open breach with
Panhia; while Armenia is secured to the Roman interest through a prince
of Roman sympathies, yet not too Roman for his subjects '".

Again, the severe punishment of governors for extortion will be
generally held deserving of more praise than is awarded by the historian,
who, even when candidly admitting a case of proved guilt in this respect,
appears to lay no stress upon it". Nor can we share his apparent regret
that largess was not lavished on the needy descendant of the Hortensii '^ ;
the more so as it is admitted that Tiberius cared not, at least at this time,
to enrich himself'^, or to be sparing of bounty to persons" or communi-
ties '^ on just occasion.

Again, when all his resources were strained to feed the people'*, we
should hardly blame the economy, even if we are allowed to imagine no
better motive, from which their mere amusements were curtailed ''^.

To say that he was austere and generally feared '^, is to say that his
disposition was such as nature and circumstances had made it; nor is
his carelessness of popularity unaccompanied with the rational desire of
solid approval '^.

The evidence on which the whole of this period is pronounced to be
one of mere sustained hypocrisy, is best challenged by taking the leading
instances alleged.

The first instance is at the outset, when a show is made of declming

the principate which every step had been taken to secure. Undoubtedly

the reluctance was so far insincere, that his Rhodian retirement must

have taught him, that for one so placed, the only safety was to rule; but

' 4. 4, 6. ^1.11,7.

' 4- 32, 3- * 2. 44; 65.

* 2. 26. 3. Many other such conflicts
are mcnlioned in the note there.

' ' Ne conposita turbarentur' 2. 65, i.
' 2. 64, 2. " 2. 67, 4.

* By its revenue the 'centesima' was
reduced (2. 42, 6 ; yet the burdens of its
people were lessened {?.. 56, 4;.

'" Arta.xias was the people's choice, and '" ' Oderint, dum probent ' Suet. Tib. 59.

free from the defects of Vonones.
56,2.

"■ E.g. I.7^, 7; 3-38, 1 ; 70, i;

5,&c.

■^2. 37-.^H- "'2. 48; 3.
'♦ See note on i. 75, 4.

See

; 4- •
18,

2.

'9.
2.

" 2. 47, 3; 4. 13, I.
'« 2. 87, i; 4.6,6.
" I. 54, 3; 4, 62, 3.

- 4-,

7, 1.

I40 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VIII.

if we suppose his natural irresolution to have mingled with his disguise,
he would not be the only one whose self-reliance had failed him at the
crisis of his fortunes : and of the reasons given for his conduct, two at
least are thoroughly substantial. As regards the armies, he certainly did
' hold a wolf by the ears ^,' whether he was aware of the actual mutiny or
not : and the constitution of the principate, as well as the absence at this
date of any monarchical or dynastic tradition '^, required him to secure his
position by laying all stress on the apparent free choice of the senate ^

Another leading instance is sought in his whole conduct to Germanicus *,
which again, even in its most questionable points, shows habitual irresolu-
tion rather than malice. The position in which Germanicus is found
at the death of Augustus ^ is strengthened rather than impaired ^ ; he is
allowed to levy war in such mode and on such scale as he pleases; his
distinctions are more than equal to his deserts''; his recall, as has been said
above ^ is justifiable. Yet it is but natural that the compulsory adoption ®
should rankle in a mind so disposed to brood on its grievances ^^ : and,
side by side with the confidence which Tiberius felt when great armies
were under his sons ", might lurk some distrust of the young man's po-
pularity, and of the masculine energy of his wife '^ Thus we discern
a motive for sending him to the East, where the legions did not know
him, and for replacing a legate so connected with him as Creticus Silanus "
by one who could be trusted at least to hold his own. Cn. Piso, again,
was much to be mistrusted. The proudest member of one of the noblest
houses yet left '*, he had spoken out in the senate '®, and had perhaps been
noted by Augustus as dangerous^''. Yet his wife stood high in the favour
of Augusta ^', and he could hardly be passed over in the award of pro-
vinces. It is reasonable to suppose that the one mistrust was set against
the other, that he was to be some check on his young ' imperator '*,' who,
in turn, was to check him by an ' imperium maius ' on the spot '^ Such

' Suet. Tib. 25. He probably also dis- him (^i. 62, 3), to recall him ' per invidiam '

trusted the senate and citizens generally (2. 26, 6), to send him to the East with

and remonstrates with his friends, ' ut ig- sinister motives (2. 5, i ; 42, 1), to rejoice

naros quanta hellua esset imperium.' The secretly at his death (3. 2, 5'.
whole passage in .Suet adds some important '■' 1.3,5. * 1.14,4.

and apparently true touches to the account ' See i. 55, i ; 58, 9. "^ p. 138.

in Tacitus. " See above, p. 136.

^ See above, p. 135. '" See i. 7, 11, and note there.

^ I. 7, 10. That republican sentiments " 2. 44, 1. ^^ 1. 69, 4.

were shared by many of the senate ;cp. i. '^ 2. 43, 3. '* Ibid.

4, 2) is to be admitted, and that the out- '•"' i. 74, 0. " i. 13, 3.

ward show of adulation covered a treasured ''' 2. 43, 5, &c.

recollection of Cato, Brutus, and Cassius : '" Germanicus is so styled. 3. 12, 4.

cp. 3. 76, 5 ; 4. 34, I, &c. '■' The language used by Tiberius as to

* His praise of him is said to betray his appointment (3. 12, 2) is remarkable,

insincerity by its exaggeration (i. 52, 2; 'Germanico adiutorem ase datum auctore

cp. 2. 43, 1), he is made to misinterpret senatu.'

Chap. VIII.] TIBERIUS AND HIS GOVERNMENT. 141

a view is consistent with the belief that the full extent to which such rivalry
might be pushed was not foreseen. Nor need a word here be said on
any insinuation of the complicity of Tiberius in a death ascribed by the
superstitious to witchcraft, and by those who dispensed with evidence to
poisoning ^ : still less on the imagination apparently for a moment enter-
tained by Tacitus that the really fatal charge against Piso, that of levying
civil war in the province, was somehow the outcome of a deep-laid plot
of Tiberius to destroy him ^.

We pass to the state trials, especially those for ' maiestas,' the one point
excepted in the summary^ from the generally just administration of laws
during this period.

Tacitus is himself our best authority as to (he offences originally and
subsequently made indictable under this term ■* ; which appears to have
been gradually defined, with increasing width, by the 'leges' ' Appuleia'
(654, B.C. 100), ' Varia' (663, b.c 91), 'Cornelia' (during the rule of
Sulla), and 'lulia' (enacted by Augustus)^; and which, even in the time
of Cicero, has a formidably elastic meaning, which would hardly require
pressing to make it cover the most trifling acts alleged to imply disrespect"
or the slightest approach to offensive words''. This latter application is,
however, at least extremely limited ^ until the time of Tiberius, under
whom it is extended not only to libels written and published but even to
spoken words', an extension involving all the terrors of espionage in
private life ; and the strict limitation to libels on the prince and his family ^°
is disregarded in practice ". It should be remembered also that Roman
law was not without other means of dealing with either treasonable acts
or scandalous libels, and that the law of ' maiestas,' probably from its
more sweeping character, was one which it had been apparently thought
prudent to hold in reserve. We should gather that it had been for the
most part dormant under Augustus, as the praetor asks Tiberius in the
year following his accession, whether he is to entertain charges under it^^

^ This charge evidently broke down, * For such charges see i. 7.^,2; 74, 4;

but was still believed. See 3. 14, 2, 4. 3. 36, i, and notes, and Suet. Tib. 58,

^ See on i. 13, 3. ^ 4. 6, 3. Sen. de Ben. 3. 26.

* I. 72, 3, where see notes, and Mr. ' 'Maiestatem minuere est de dig-

Whittuck in D. of Ant., s. v. nitate, aut amplitudine, aut potestate

" A law prescribing the penalty of exile populi aut eorum quibus populus po-

was passed by the dictator Caesar (Cic. testatem dedit, aliquid derogare' De Inv.

Phil. I. 9, 23), and Antonius professed to 2. 17.

be carrying out his 'acta' by giving the " See on 1. 72, 4.

right of 'provocatio'under it (Ibid. 9, 21). • We find such a charge (though not

For extensions due to Augustus, see i. 72, a conviction) as early as the second year

4; 3. 24, 3. He also probably defined of his rule (i. 74, 3). For later cases see

more stringently its applicability to per- 4. 21, 3; 42, 2 ; 6. 7, 4, &c.

sonal offences against the emperor as the '" See 4. 34, 3.

foremost of those 'quibus populus po- '' K.g. 3. 49, i ; 4. 34, i.

testatem dedit' (see beiow). '- See i. 72, 4, and note.

142 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VIII.

He is told that ' the laws are to be enforced,' and an immediate crop of
charges is the result. The whole of the rule of Tiberius is thus an
exceptional period of the activity of this law, immediately afterwards
professedly suspended by Gains, and really so from the accession of
Claudius, till it was revived, as a potent engine of tyranny, in the eighth
year of Nero^ It should be further mentioned that the strict legal
penalty is a severe form of exile, and that all infliction of death under
this law is an excess ^

During this first period, about twelve trials' may be noted, in which
this is either the sole charge, or more frequently coupled with others *.
In two cases acts are alleged, which in any age would have been treason-
able ^, if proved ; in the others the charge is grounded either on a more
or less strained interpretation of acts, or, in one or two cases, on words ".
It should be added, that in three cases the charge of ' maiestas ' is dis-
missed before trial '' ; and that three others result in acquittal * ; and
that the one case in which death is inflicted for an off"ence of words takes
place in the absence of Tiberius, who finds fault with, and takes measures
to prevent in future so precipitate a sentence '.

It may be admitted that the number of cases is not large in itself, and
that many among this number seem due to the desire of accusers to
secure a conviction by multiplying counts in the indictment, especially by
adding a charge not less sweeping and formidable than the modern
phrase of 'conduct calculated to bring the government into contempt;'
a charge especially difficult to meet under such a constitution as that of
the Caesars, resting on innumerable vague lines and fictions. We may
also admit that Tiberius, though with frequent vacillations of purpose '",
shows on the whole at present no disposition to press for convictions, or
for extreme sentences upon conviction. On the other hand, even a small

' See 14. 48. 3, and note. Majestatsprocesse unter dem Kaiser Tibe-

^ See 3. 50, 6, and note. rius (Heilbronn Progr. 1879-80), the

' Such a case as that of Libo Drusus list of cases is classified according to the

is here included for convenience, though specific heads of 'maiestas' under which

not strictly one of ' maiestas.' It is they severally fall.

not clear that we have before us all the * 'Omnium accusationum complemen-

cases on record, for we should suppose turn' 3. .^8, i.

from I. 72, 4, that st)me charges of ' ma- ^ Cn.Piso, and Antistius Vetus(3.38,2).

iestas' were brought before the praetor's ° i. 74, 3; 3.49, i. In some cases the

court, but Tacitus mentions only those nature of the charge is unspecified, as in

which came before the i-ennte, perhaps 3. 37, i ; 66,- 2. In the later Books this

not all of these. It should also here be is oftener the case, cp. 4. 31, 7 ; 66, i ; 6.

mentioned that recent writers on the sub- 9, 5; 47, 1-2.

ject vary in their numerical reckoning of ' i- 73i 3- 7°) 2.

such trials throughout this rule. This * i. 74, 7; 2. 50, 4 ; 3.38, i (comp.

is probably due to the fact that charges with 70, i). ' 3. 51, 2.

for political offences are often mixed '" See especially the narrative of the

up with others. In Diirr's treatise Die tiial of Aemilia Lepida, 3. 22, 3.

Chap. VIII.] TIBERIUS AND HIS GOVERNMENT. 143

numerical list of such trials becomes considerable, when viewed in relation
to a period of profound tranquillity and acquiescence; when, with in-
significant exceptions, the air is stirred by no conspiracies ', and the
nobles are servile, even to the disdain of their ruler ^. We are far
removed, both from such an open outbreak in the senate as that which
had forced Augustus to withdraw the 'Lex lulia maritalis',' and even
from the independent attitude of the Stoic aristocrats under Nero ; and
the opposition has shrunk into epigrams *, the babble of ' dinner parlies
and places of resort'",' ' idle murmurs ^' ' whispers or suspicious silence^;'
in a word, into what no despotism has ever been able to repress, and what
no strong government need ever consider dangerous.

Nor are the charges in themselves so noteworthy as the accompany-
ing growth of an organized system of delation, destined to acquire such
fatal prominence for nearly a century afterwards. In Rome, at all times,
the absence of a public prosecutor threw the duty of accusation on
individuals*; and the desire to conduct an impeachment was always
strong among Roman orators; all themore so under the Empire, from
the closing of other roads to distinction, and the increasing prevalence of
rhetorical schools, in which the brilliant strokes of a fashionable accuser
are held up to the admiration of the rising generation ^. Even for men
of rank and wealth '°, still more for the needy and obscure ^', such a career
had thus manifold attractions. But Roman moral sentiment drew a strong
distinction between those who had a right to accuse or were deputed to
do so, and those who voluntered for the duty and made it their professional
calling"^; confining to the latter class the odious name of 'delator '^'

' Libo Drusus, if Tacitus is to be be- * ' Inani rumore' 1. 15, 2.

lieved, was no real conspirator (2. 30, 2). '' j. 11, 3.

The only instance of more importance is ' This was of course the case with

the attempt of Clemens to personate manyotherchargesthanthoseof'maiestas,'

A^^'rippa, which is stated to have been especially those of ' repetundae,'&c., which

influentially supported (2. 40, 6). Even Koman <,'overnors so often deservedly in-

in the later years there is no substantial curred.

evidence of any plot against him except ' Many famous delators are criticized,

that of Seianus, yet it is only by such from a merely rhetorical point of view,

evidence that, as in the ca^.e of Elizabeth by M. Seneca and Quintilian.
in England, exceptional repressive severity '" ' Primoies senatus' (6. 7, 4), such as

would be justified. We have, onthewhole, Mamercus Scaurus (3. 66, 2, &c).
more evidence of plots against the life of " As Junius Otho (3. 66, 4). By a long

Augustus, yet in spite of the ' saevitia ' of established pernicious custom they were

his early character, the list of persons put to be paid out of the jiropcrty of the

to death or forced to suicide (see i. 10, 3) accused, and naturally fastened upon the

or even banished in his forty-four years of richest victims. They received at least

autocracy is as far as we know very small. one-fourth, and often enormous sums : see

^ 3- ^Si 3- ' ^sc Y)'\o, 54. 16. on 4. 20, 3.

* 1.72,5. Some of thesewere no doubt '■' Pliny says (Epp. 3. 7, 3) in censure

very gross (see Suet. Tib. 59^ yet Julius of Silius Italicus ' credebatur sponte ao-

CJaesar had borne with worse from Catullus. cusasse.'

'•" 'In con\iviis et circulis' 3. 54, i. '•* The word is wholly post-Augustan.

144 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VIII.

By considering the strength of the impelling motives, we are led to see
a plain truth in the maxim of Domitian at his best time, that ' the prince
who does not check accusers stimulates them ^ : ' and there can be no
doubt that Tiberius encouraged them from the first, at least in this sense
and even in a more substantial manner'^; and that (notwithstanding
a few precedents under Augustus'') his principate is so marked by the
development of the profession of delation, chiefly in connexion with
charges of treason, as to be not unjustly termed the period of its origin \

We must suppose him to have intended the natural consequence, to let
men see that the accuser was always on the watch ^, that even trivial acts
or mere words, even the pasquinades so natural to Italian scurrility, were
well within the scope of the law and placed them at his mercy ; that by
legal fictions their own household might be forced to be witnesses against
them ^ that whatever could be wrung from tortured slaves was evidence,
that the senate was only too forward to condemn, while the princeps
reserved to himself the credit of extending clemency to the convicted, and
that their life and fortune depended on his forbearance ''.

We need not attribute this to any other motive than to his general
policy of keeping himself in the background and using the instrumentality
of others, and to that constitutional self-distrust and suspicion, which
made him even at the outset feel insecure, unless surrounded by an atmo-
sphere of intimidation. On any interpretation, while giving far more credit
than Tacitus gives at this time for a genuine desire to govern well, we are
compelled to qualify our praise by ' si maiestatis quaestio eximeretur.'

Ill, ' Inter bona malaque mixtus, incolumi matre.'

Such is the summary of the six years comprised in Book IV., 776-781,

' Suet. Dom. 9. ^ The fact, so strongly pressed by the

'■' Even in tlie early period we find apologisls, that Tiberius at first almost

them rewarded with political promotion, constantly, at all times more or less fre-

and sharing all the property (2 32, i"). quently thus intervened, must be considered

^ Besides the case of Cornelius Gallus, in the light of the other fact that he alone

we have a more systematic encourage- could do so. The consuls probably had

ment under the ' lex Papia Poppaea.' See not the power, and certainly would not

3. 28, 4. take the responsibility of refusing to sub-

' Cp. the language of Tacitus, 'qui mit to the senate any information laid

formam vitae iniit,' &c. (i. 74, i); 'turn before them, nor would the senate risk

primum repeita sunt mala,' &c. (2. 27, i"). the imputation of laxity in dealing with

Tiberius, in a speech probably among the offences against its ruler. Unless therefore

records of the senate, calls the delators the permanent activity of the law of ' ma-

the 'custodes' of the laws (4. 30, 3). iestas' was to bring with it a continuous

Such punishment as some of them receive reign of terror, the prince must either

is either when their charges signally fail, check the evil at its source by repressing

or when they are themselves otherwise delation, or intervene to dismiss charges

incriminated, chiefly as partisans of and modify sentences. The belter rulers

Seianus. chose the former course, Tiberius the

* Delation might be private and secret latter, and it can hardly be matter of
(6. 7, 4). wonder that he was thought to be acting

* 2. 30, 3. a part, as was afterwards Nero (14. 48, 3}.

Chap. VIII.] TIBERIUS AND HIS GOVERNMENT. 145

A.D. 23-28, the ninth to the fifteenth of the rule of Tiberius, and the
sixty-fourth to the seventieth of hi.s life. The words seem a platitude,
and the ' bona,' if not admitted to have been real before, must be sup-
posed less real now. Tacitus must be understood to mean that some evil
traits, such as cruelty and covetousness ', l)egin to escape their disguise,
but that the appearance of many virtues is kept up.

It is at this stage that the figure of Seianus is brought more distinctly
to the front as the leading influence of the period ^, though still held in
check by Augusta. His portrait, if we had it complete, would no doubt
have been found to be drawn with only less elaboration than that given
to Tiberius himself, and the steps of his rise are still left clearly indicated
to us. He is the personal adherent of Tiberius alone, dissociated alike
from the rest of the imperial family and from the senate. We have him
described, succeeding to the ' praefectura praetorii ' as an unimportant
office, and making it the most important position in the state"*, already,
though only a knight, admitted to some share in the ' imperium ' of the
prince*, enabled by skilful pretexts to bring about a change more fraught
with results in later Roman history than any other event of this principate,
by concentrating the guard in a barrack close outside the walls, and
bringing them far closer than before to his personal influence*, promptly
retrieving the one false move of too bold a request for the hand of Livia^
and soon more than restoring his position by a lucky act of self-devotion'^:
step by step his great aims are steadily advanced, Drusus is got rid of, the
family of Germanicus undermined by a series of attacks*, and by the
overthrow of one friend after another ^ : through him alone can the great
prizes of state be reached '°, nobles stooped to compliance to win so much
as an interview, and paid court even to his menials '\ to be accused by
one of his creatures was to make condemnation inevitable '^

This whole period is described in an eloquent passage as a dreary
chronicle of 'cruel orders, incessant accusations, treacherous friend>hii)s'''.'
Under an exaggeration, similar to that of earlier passages '*, we discern
this truth, that the record of trials, mostly for state offences, is almost the
sole domestic history of the time ; and that, besides a large increase in
the number of such cases, from about twelve in eight years to about

* Cp. ' Saevire ipse aut saevicntibus lion of 'coUcga' 4. 7, 2. See ch. vi.
vires praebere ' (4. i, 1). Greed for con- p. 98.

fiscation is alleged to show itself first at * 4. 2, 1-3. ' 4. 39-41.

the trial of Siliiis. See 4. 20, 2. ' 4. 59, 1-4.

^ 4- |. 2. » 4. 12, 2; 17, 4; 59, 5; 60, I.

' 'Vim praefecturae modicam antca in- ' 4. 18, i ; 52. i ; 68, i.

tendit' 4. 2, i. '" 4. i, 4; 68, 2. " 4. 74, 3-7.

* He is styled 'adiutor imperii,' which "^ 4. 34, 2. '^ 4. 33, 3.
is implied lo be a step to the full posi- '* See 3. 3*^, i ; 44, 2.

146 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VIII.

twenty in six \ we have also an increase in the espionage of informers
and in the severity of sentences.

Many distinctions must however be drawn. Serious charges were
brought, and some of them really proved, against Silius\ Serenus^
Lucilius Capito*; and the gratitude of the cities of Asia^ must be set
against the murmurs of Roman nobles. All would now respect the
indignant protest of Tiberius against leniency to Suillius, convicted of
selling justice ; and the later history of the man is admitted to have
shown that compassion was undeserved ". Nor will any regret the
punishment of informers for false or vexatious charges''. Three again
are acquitted^, another saved by indefinite adjournment ^ another par-
doned amidst genuine applause '°, in another case the gravest part of
the charge is allowed to drop ", in another expulsion from the senate is
the only penalty ^^ in another the sentence is unknown ".

Granting however that the numerical list shrinks thus considerably on
investigation, many cases will still remain showing an increased sensitive-
ness to libels and vindictiveness in punishing them. Charges of this
kind, if not, in the former case, actually entering into the indictment, help
to bring about the downfall of Silius^^ and L. Piso^®; it is for these that
Volienus is condemned to exile ^^, and that Cassius Severus, an old
offender ", has his punishment increased ^^ By a further stretch, the law-
is made to reach Cremutius Cordus for a work which, according to one
account, was of old standing and had even been recited before Augustus '**,
and for a mere passage in which the eulogy was awarded to Cassius
which had once been spoken over him by Brutus^". We are assured
that the whole circumstances of the trial left the accused no prospect of
escaping condemnation but by suicide.

Sometimes again conviction is alleged to have been enforced where
proof was wanting ; as in the trial of old Serenus on charges of con-
spiracy preferred by his son ; charges which were certainly dismissed as
absurd in respect to some of the persons implicated in them, and on
which the evidence is stated to have altogether broken down*\ Yet
Tiberius is represented as insisting upon a condemnatory vote, though

' Trials for ordinary criminal offences,
such as some of those in c. 22; 42; 52,
are omitted, but the list is not confined
to such as are strictly cases of maiestas.
We may add from Dio (57. 22, 5) the
name of Aelius Saturninus, thrown from
the Tarpeian rock for libellous words in
776, AsD. 23.

' 4- 19. 5- ' 4- 13. 2-

* 4- i.S 3-

* 4- 15, 4-

« 4. 31, 6.

/ 4- 31. 7-

The most formidable are

said to have escaped (c

■ 36, 5).

* 4- 13, 3

; 36, 4-

» 4- 66, 3.

'° 4- 31,1-

" 4. 21, 4-

" 4- 42. 3-

" 4. 52,6.

•* 4. 18, 2.

" 4. 21, 2.

'* 4- 42, 3-

" See I, 72, ^.

" 4- 21. 5-

'» Suet. Tib. 61.

^» 4.34.1;

Suet. 1. I

" 4- 29, I.

Chap. VIII.] TIBERIUS AND HIS GOVERNMENT. 147

interposing to modify the proposed penalty of death or stricter banish-
ment \ satisfied apparently with the conviction itself.

Lastly, at the close of this period, in the case of Titius Sabinus we are
informed of disgraceful expedients to procure evidence ^ of a hurried
vote and immediate execution without trial, on the very opening festival
of the new year, in obedience to a missive from the prince ^ There may
have been more in the case than is reported *, but the ominous beginning
of the terrible letters from Capreae must be noted here.

Informers again appear to be more openly encouraged, sometimes
protected from just retribution in case of falsehood ', and secured of their
reward, even where condemnation was anticipated by suicide '. Confisca-
tions also now begin to appear, and so far bear out the imputation that
an appetite for them has arisen '' .

Yet the candour of Tacitus shows much of the better and greater side
of the character still remaining in the dignified address on the death of
Drusus^ energy in public business ^ prompt investigation of a crime'",
strict repression of a popular scandal", resolute disdain of extravagant
honours '^, munificence on occasion of a public disaster ". Much again of
mere gratuitous insinuation may yet be cast aside : such as that he was
jealous of honour paid to young Nero and Drusus '* ; attended to public
business only to disarm suspicion '%• refused a temple from mere mean-
spiriiedness "^ ; suppressed mention of military disasters because he dared
trust no one to levy war ^ ; and the like. The memoirs of the younger
Agrippina are once at least'*, and probably more than once ", laid under
contribution, with other matter which must be received with much reserve^".

Still, after all deductions made, there seems to be evidence that,
besides the increased sensitiveness to attack, already noticed, a change
is growing upon him, a consciousness of failing powers ^^, in which even
the offer to resign may have been half-sincere ^^ a growing dread of
conspiracies and of those in whose interest they might be supposed to
take place ; whereby the house of Germanicus, still in favour at the
beginning of this period "^ are on the brink of destruction at its close '^*.
How far their conduct justified, or could be made to appear to justify,
such estrangement, can be never known '^■'. We can see that their position

' 4. 30, I. * 4. 68; 69. 3 c. 70. 2' _See on 4. 39; 40. 2' 4. S, 5.

* See on c. 70, i. * 4. 31, 8; 36, 5. ^* 4. 9, i.

* 4- 30, 3- '' 4- 20, 2. *' 4. 8,6. Nero was quaestor, probably

* 4- 8. ' 4. 13, I. about A.D. 25, but held no subsequent
'" 4. 22, 2. " 4. 14, 4. magistracy; see ch. ix. note 11.
''4-37; 38. ''4-64,1. "4-70. 7-

'* 4. 17, 2. '5 4. 55, I. 25 Tacitus constantly assumes the false-

4. 38, 4, " 4. 74, I. hood, the apologists of Tilierius as con-

" 4- 53. 3- '° E-g- c. 52; 54; 60. stantly assume the truth ot such charges

148 IXTRODUCTION. [Chap. VIII.

•WAS sufficiendv secure at the outset to have made it their best ^x-)Hcy
calmlv to bide their time for a succession which every year of experience
and pubhc hfe would have the more assured to Xero.: we can also see
that Seianus had an obvious motive for insidious attacks on thorn ; and
may even have forced them to intrigue in self-defence : and that, with or
without such incentives, the fiery and domineering nature of Agrippina'
mav have made her play only too readily into his hands.

These causes at any rate tended to promote the ascendency of the only
real minister whom Tiberius ever had. It is by playing on these weak-
nesses that Seianus is represented to have induced him to take the great
step which marks the close of this p>eriod ; that of permanently withdraw-
ing from Rome^, and fixing his headquarters in the natural island-
fortress of Capreae^. Accepting, on general authority, the counsel of
this adxTser as the primary motive for such seclusion, Tacitus adds, with
perhaps more than due stress, others which we may place in the second
rank*. The dictation still exercised by Augusta, even at the age of
eighty-five, is intolerable to an almost septuagenarian son, and amounts
to a \irtual claim to share the power which she had won for him. His
habits of life are said to have driven him to fly the restraint of society :
even his personal appearance to have led him to shun the eyes of men.
The tall gaunt form, awkward even in its erectness *, has contracted an
ungainly stoop; the countenance, so refined and distinguished in his
busts and coins, is said to have become a loathsome spectacle. \N'hat-
ever mav be the explanation or excuse, the fact itself remains that for
the last ten years of his rule he withdraws from all publicity, fiom all
personal intercourse with the senate and almost all with its magistrates,
and that the accessibility and ci\ic life hitherto associated with a Roman
princeps pass into the seclusion of an Eastern sultan.

The period which begins with the concentration of a body-guard
seems aptly to end with almost a self-imprisonment : and we appear to
see a picture, neither inconsistent nor indistinct, of a phase intermediate
between his best and worst; one of an old age of increasing timidity,
suspicion, and isolation, aggravated by a counsellor whose interest it wis

as are noticed in 4. 67, 6. Some light appears still to be silent on this head.

seems to be thrown upon them b\' the On what evidence, true or false, and at

fact that the letters of mdictment against what time the senate was induced to

A"Tippina and Xcro ,5. 3, ^V which we declare Nero and Dmsus ' hostes publici '

should certainly take to be public docu- i^Suet. Tib. 54 ; Cal. 7 , is wholly un-

raents, preserved in ihe ' acta senatus.'are known.

expressly slated Jo have contained no such ' ' Aequi inpatiens, dominandi a\-ida '

charge ^see below, p. 149. As regards 6. 25,3. See especially the description ia

the former, even the posthumous invective, 4. 52-54.

(6. 25, 2). no doubt similarly preserved, ^^ 4. 4I ; 57. * 4. 67.

while bringing an entirely new charge, * 4. 57, 3, 4. * Suet. Tib. 6S.

Chap. VIII.] TIBERIUS AXD HIS GOVERNMENT. 149

to aggravate, and tending to bear the fruit naturally lx)me by such
qualities, when, to the misfortune of mankind, they are armed with
power.

IV and V. ' Intestabilis saevitia, sed obtectis libidinibus, dum Seianum
dilexit timuitve : postremo in scelera simul ac dedecora prorupit, p>o«t-
quam remoto pudore et metu suo tanlum ingenio utebaiur.'

These two periods, comprising together eight years and a quarter,
782-790, A.D. 29-37, may be taken together, and must in great part be
studied without the aid of Tacitus.

The Fifth Book opens with the death of Augusta, who, after having
been charged, by hints more or less explicit, with every death in the
house of the Caesars, is now represented no longer as the ' terrible step-
mother,' but as the sole remaining protection of the family supposed 10
have been most obnoxious to her \ In another place such discrepancies
are loosely accommodated by saying that she ostentatiously supported in
adversity those whom she had secretly undermined in their prosperity".
The verdict of historical criticism has generally acquitted her of these
imputations, and regarded her, throughout the long and unbroken period
of her ascendency, as a softening and moderating influence on her
husband and her son. And indeed, whatever her personal feeling
towards the house of Germanicus, we may suppose her sufficiently
imbued with the policy of Augustus \ to see that her son had far more
to gain than to lose by surrounding himself with family support ; and that
it would not be desirable for him at the age of seventy to be left with no
heir but his gfandson Tiberius Gemellus, a boy of ten years old *.

Her overpowering influence, even to the close of life, is pictured in
the description of Tiberius and Seianus ' breaking loose, as if freed from
bit and bridle '%' and hastily despatching to the senate the charges already
drawn up, but kept back by her intercession, against Agrippina and
Nero. The former is accused of arrogant language, the latter of pro-
fligacy, a charge which the general vicious propensities of this family
render only too probable, but which we must suppose to have been
seized as a handle of attack in default of other charges. It is expressly
asserted that no act of treason was alleged against either, and we infer
that no evidence of such could have been forthcoming ^ The character-
istic irresolution of the rescript left the senate perplexed, and even
a second more peremptory mandate suU reserved the sentence to be
passed ''. With precautions against rescue which attest their popularity ',

> 5. 3, I. * See ch. ix. note 35. ' ^. 5, 2,

^ 4. 71, 7. ■' 5. 3, 2. ^ Suet. Tib. 64.

' See 1. 3. " 5. 3, 3.

VOL. I L

150 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VIII.

they were hurried away to their island prisons, and, about a year later,
the second son, Drusus, was consigned to a dungeon in the Palatium \
The goal at which Seianus was straining seemed within view ; yet, in
spite of all the honours which he was allowed to enjoy or hope for, his
triumph was incomplete, and his position insecure, for Tiberius character-
istically stopped short when his mind seemed made up. More than two
years passed " before the exile of Nero was followed by his execution or
compulsory suicide ' ; Agrippina and Drusus still lived on ; Gains was in
favour, and was pointed out as heir * ; Seianus was not yet united to the
house by marriage, nor colleague in the tribunician power. Tiberius
was never wholly blinded ; and from his natural temperament, when
other causes of apprehension were removed, could hardly fail to suspect
the minister himself. Hence the conspiracy to destroy Tiberius and
Gaius is represented as a desperate stroke in self-defence. The plotter
had however met his match ^, and fell with a crash to which Dio could
find no parallel till the fate of Plautianus in his own time ".

Seianus has not generally found favour even with the defenders of
Tiberius, but has rather been made the scapegoat of his prince. He
represents no doubt a period in which, from growing distrust of the
nobility, Tiberius had resolved to throw himself on the support of ' novi
homines,' and his portrait is such as aristocratic painters draw'^. Yet
it is admitted that his influence was, at least at the outset, good ^ ; and
that his fall was at least as great a calamity as his ascendency^. And
when we ask definite questions — Did he poison Drusus? Did he bring
about the retirement to Caprcae ? Did he compass the fall of the family
of Germanicus t Did he conspire against his master's life "i — we see
that the positive evidence is weak. The first charge, resting, it would
seem, only on the evidence of tortured slaves '", was preferred eight
years afterwards by Apicata, whose knowledge could but have been
at second hand '', and who had every motive for aiming a deadly blow
at her rival Livilla, at a time when any genuine investigation was im-
possible. On the second question, we have the doubts of Tacitus
himself, who suggests other motives for our consideration '^ On the

' .See the summary of events prefixed ' ' Incipiente adhuc potentia bonis

to Book VI, consiliis notescere volebat ' 4. 7, i.

^ See Dio, 58. 8, 4; Suet. Tib. 61. " ' Pari exitio viguit cecidiique' 4. i,

•' Suet. Tib. 54. * Dio, 58. 8, 1. 3. In 6. 51, 6 his death is lepresented as

* ' Isdem aitibus victus est' 4. i, 3. having removed the last restraint. Cp.

* 58. 14, 1. also the language of Suet. Tib. 61.
' The additional touch thrown into the '" 4. 8, 1 ; 11, 4.

guilt of Livia, 'seque ac maiores et " She had been divorced some time

posteros niunicipali adultero foedabat,' previously. See 4. 3, 5.
1^4. 3, 4), has been often noted. '" 4. 57, 2.

Chap. VIII.] TIBERIUS AND HIS GOVERNMENT. 151

thirti, the loss of the Fifth Book makes our knowledge most imperfect ;
but the actual charges against Agrippina and Nero, as has been already
shown \ bear no evident marks of fabrication or even exaggeration ;
and the evident animosity underlying them may be as probably as-
signed to the suspicious nature of Tiberius himself, as to the prompt-
ings of his minister. The final conspiracy, though related as an un-
doubted fact by Josephus^ and evidently believed by Tacitus^ as well
as Suetonius ■*, would yet seem to have been disbelieved by those whom
Dio has followed^, and certainly never to have been formally proved
to the senate which condemned"; and, more strangely still, to have
been ignored by Tiberius himself, when seeking to justify the execution
to posterity ''.

On the other hand, if the generally unscrupulous and ambitious
character of Seianus be assumed ; every act in the drama as described,
from the concentration of the guards to the final plot, appears to follow
obviously from what had preceded it ; to be suggested by an adequate
modve ; to be the natural step to take at that particular stage. If
therefore the familiar story of his career is left to stand, it would seem
to be one of those cases in which a history, by its thorough coherency
and intrinsic probability, appears to prove itself.

From the point at which we recover the guidance of Tacitis all
the rest of his narrative is little more than that of a prolonged reign
of terror.

Tiberius is rhetorically described as never tired of trials and con-
demnations and never satiated ^ even stimulated by them to further
carnage ', like a wild beast who has tasted blood. We are told of
universal panic, in which even the highest stooped to the informer's
trade, for self-preservation, or even aS if infected by a plague ; that men
perished for old oflfences as much as for recent ; for words as well as
deeds ; even for words spoken in private life ^" ; that even the walls
seemed to have ears.

Here again the description seems to outstrip the facts. We still note

' See above, p. 140 and 5. 3, 3. ask significantly ' Quo cecidit sub ciimine?

* Jos. Ant. 18. 6, 6. quisnam delator? quibus indiciis quo
' He alludes to it in 6. 8, ii ; 14, i ; teste probavit?'

12, 2, etc., and to Satrius Secundus its ' Suet. Tib. 61 ' Aususest scribere Scia-

betrayer 6. 47, 2. num se punisse, quod comperisset furere

* ' Seianum res novas molientem '. Suet. adversusliberos Germanici filii sui.' Suet.
Tib. 65. adds, to show the evident falsehood,

'•" Dio represents him as having lost ' Quorum ipse alteram suspecto iam, al-

his opportunity to conspire by want of terum opprcsso demum Seiano interfecit.'
spirit (,58. 8, 2). * 6. 38, 1.

* Juvenal, who hints at some dark ' ' Irritatus suppliciis' 6. 19.2.
scheme on foot ^10, 75), yet makes men '" 6. 7, 4.

152 INTRODUCTION [Chap. VIll.

cases of pardon' and acquittal^; some escape by giving information^;
others by adjournment '' ; or by being merely ignored ^ ; others receive
less sentences than death '^; in others the sentence is not stated''; and
in all this crash prudent men, like M'. Lepidus *, L. Piso *, Aelius
Lamia '^ Poppaeus Sabinus", can still hold their own in honour.

We have, indeed, a weary list of victims, of whom about forty names
are specified ; who were either put to death or committed suicide before
the last extremity. Among them are Agrippina '^ and her second son '^
and her old enemy Plancina^'; Tigranes, ex-king of Armenia'^; the
distinguished senators Asinius Gallus '^ and L. Arruntius'^; and others,
noble and ignoble, foreigners as well as native citizens. To these an
addition must be made for such names as may have been noted in the
lost part of Tacitus^**; also for the recorded execution at once of an
unnamed number, detained in prison as accomplices in the conspiracy of
Seianus ". On this occasion, the ' immensa strages ' of Tacitus may
probably be reduced to the 'twenty in one day ' of Suetonius ■" : but
when all allowance is made, probably not less than 80 lives in all may
have perished in the six years' reign of terror; for most of which the
responsibility must rest on the prince'^', though at the extreme end
Macro appears to have acted in his master's name '^-.

Distinctions must be again drawn, as before. Much noble and
probably much innocent blood was shed ; but much that was noble was
probably not innocent, and much was neither noble nor innocent, but
that of the creatures of Seianus, who had staked their chances on his
success. None need pity Latinius Latiaris", Vescularius Flaccus'^*,
Julius Marinus '^^ Fulcinius Trio^^, or any others of the like description;
nor is anything recorded even of so prominent a man as Asinius Gallus,
or of many others, which should make them deserving of special sym-
pathy: the suicide of Cocceius Nerva", probably also of Arruntius^^ is

' 6. 5, 2. ^' Very few are privately tried before

■■^ 6. 9, 1, 6 ; Arruntius must also have Tiberius (see 6. 10, 2, perhaps also 18, 3),

been accused and acquitted (6. 7, \\ the rest before the senate ; but the general

^ 6. 3, 5 ; 7, 5. * 6. 9, 7. mention of letters of indictment from the

■' 6. 14, 4. * 6. 3. 3 ; 18, 2-3. emperor (cp. 6. 3, 4 ; 7, 3 ; 9, 2, &c. and

' 6. 7, 5 ; 47, I. ' 6. 27, 4. the significance of their absence in 6. 47,

' 6. 10, 3. " 6. 27, 2. 4), or of letters from the consuls to him

'' 6. 39, 3. ''^ 6. 25, I. and his replies to them (6. 39, 2), lead

' ' 6. 23, 4. " 6. 26, 4. us to conclude that they acted under

'^ 6. 40, 2. '* 6. 23, I. direct instructions, which, however worded

" 6.48,2. cp. 'facta patribus potestate statuendi '

" E. g OUius (13. 4;;, i), Carmiltis 6. 7, 1 1, must have been in their judgment

and Paconius (Suet. Tib. 61), Fufius peremptory.

Geminus (Dio, 58. 4, 5), .Syriacus (Id. 58. '^' 6. 47, 4.

3, 7), Curtiiis Atticus (Ann. 6. 10, 2), ^^ 6. 4, i. ** 6. 10, 2,

Bruttedius Niger (Juv. 10. 82. ^s \ ]_ 26 6_ ^g, 2.

'" 6. 19, 3. ■'" Suet. Tib. 61. -' 6. 26, i. » 6. 48, 2.

Chap. VIII.] TIBERIUS AND HIS GOVERNMENT. 153

their own gratuitous act. But there are circumstances of horrible
cruelty in the execution of the young children of Seianus ', and of the
aged mother of Fufius Geminus ^, and in the causes assigned for the
destruction of the descendants of Theophanes ^ : and even if these were
all, such cases are hardly palliated by being few ■*.

It is difficult to discuss the tales of abominable profligacy, which
occupy four chapters of Suetonius, and not much more than twice as
many lines in Tacitus ^ The absence of indication of any special source
from which they were derived, or of any variance among the authorities
in respect of them, would suggest that they were found in the writers
whom he chiefly follows ^ This would lead us to lay less stress on the
argument that our earlier extant writers, as Philo and Josephus, Seneca
and the elder Pliny, show no knowledge of these stories, the more
so as their incidental notices of Tiberius would not have necessitated the
mention of what they might have known ''. But to suppose such tales to
be part of the general and probably contemporary tradition is in no way
to exempt them from criticism, and they are very strongly criticised.

The age was certainly one of great and increasing profligacy, but
the prince himself is represented by hostile authors as shocking even
the standard of those times by his enormities, by extreme apologists as
almost alone free from the universal taint, and it is more difficult to
find grounds for a middle view than to accept either without reserve.
Tacitus asserts that latterly less and less concealment was practised *,
and that victims were sought out from families of position ', Suetonius
has raked together names and details somewhat harder to fabricate
than vague general charges '" ; but the secluded life which would
give scope for such outrages no less facilitated unlimited invention of
scandal ; archives of state trials may often have preserved records of
mere unproved or even disproved libels, afterwards accepted as facts ",

■ 5. 9. ^ 6. 10, I. as witnessing a drinking feat, speaks of

•'• 6. 18, 5. him as ' in senecta iam severe atque etiam

* The extreme apologists appear to saevo alias' (14. 22, 28, 144), but ap-
take for granted ihat in all such cases parently only in contrast to his alleged
the statement of facts is untrustworthy. fondness for wine in youth. We cannot

* The same brevity is seen in his lay much stress on the fact that he speaks
account of the enormities of Nero, and of Capreae (3. 6, 12, 82 as ' Tibcri arce
appears due to an unwillingness to dwell nobiles' (not 'infames'), or that he
on such subjects. mentions other qualities, calling him

•^ On these see above ch. iii. p. 13, ' minime comis imperator' (35. 4, 10, 28)

foil. It would be still open to suppose and ' tristissimus, ut constat, hominum'

that these authors had themselves drawn ,28. 2, 5, 23).

from such a source as the memoirs of " 6. 51, 6.

Agrippina. ^ 6. I, -,.

' Beyond mere absence of mention, '" .Suet. Tib. 42-45.

perhaps tlie only passage to be noted is ^' .See 6. 38, 3 ; Dio, 57. 23. 2, and the

that in which Pliny, speaking of Tiberius remarks of !NIerivale ch. xliv. p. J 72.

154 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VI I r.

and the little corroborative evidence cited is inconclusive ^ On the
other side, attention is pointed to the description of the train which
attends him into his retirement -, and to the survival of another version of
his life there in the satirist's description of him at the time of the fall
of Seianus as surrounded by no worse than a crew of astrologers ■\ In
this weakness of evidence, it is natural that great stress should be laid
on the strong intrinsic improbability that a self-control apparently well
sustained to the age of seventy should then altogether give way, and
that a life of such sensuality should last without medical aid to nearly
seventy-eight. Upon the whole, therefore, the most just as well
as the safest verdict appears to be that of acquittal, or at least ' not
proven *,'

There are still flashes of vigour, as in the blow which struck down
Seianus ; and the display of energy in the East into which the taunts
of the Parthian king had goaded him •'. Again, if he was keen to fill
the 'fiscus*^,' he could still be munificent in the use of it, either to
restore financial confidence ^, or, as before, to relieve the sufferers by
a fire ^ He still organizes the corn-supply of Rome * ; even interests
himself in such minor matters as the authenticity of the Sibylline
canon '^

In general, however, the administration is described as sinking into
neglect and disorder ; ambassadors and suitors were unable to get
a hearing ^' ; the ' decuriae equitum ' are no longer filled up '^ ; Asinius
Gallus is kept three years awaiting his trial ^^ ; the financial statements
hitherto published periodically, as by Augustus, cease to appear '^ ; the
legacies of his mother remain unpaid '^ ; the best men hang back from
public service ^® ; some are kept for years from going to the province which

' The names of infamy associated, if the fidelity of the picture, notes that even

not certainly with Tiberius, at least with were it true, ' the age and the class must

the time and place of his retreat [6. 1,4; bear their share of the common guilt.'

Suet. Vit. 3), seem also to be found in ^ 6. 31. * 6. 19, i. ' 6. 17, 4.

Rome (^buet. Cal. i6); the vile mosaics ' 6. 45, i. ^ 6. 13, 2. '" 6. 12.

&c., slated to have been found in the " The dilatoriness in the whole affair

villas at Capreae (Merivale, 1. 1. p. 293 of Herodes Agrippa leads Josephus

note), may be of uncertain date; the (Ant. 18. 6, 5) to say with emphasis that

procuratorship 'a voluptatibus,' described Tiberius was fifWr^rfji ti kcu tis dA\os

as instituted at this time (Suet. Tib. ^aaikiojv fj Tvpdvvaiv.

42), and known to us from inscrip- '- Suet. Tib. 41. Gaius had to make

tions, is taken to be an office connected up a deficiency (Dio, 59. 9, 5).

with games and festivals (cp. Hirschf. '^ See6. 23, 3. Suet. (61) and Dio (5S.

Unters. 185, I, and the use of ' voluptates' 3) assign such a delay to intentional

in 4. 62, 3), but, if so, must have been cruelty,

then little needed. " Cp. Suet. Cal. 16 ; Dio, 59. 9, 4.

^ 4. 58, I. '^ See 5. I, 6 and note.

^ Juv. 10, 93. '* 6. 27, 3. This is hardly to be ex-

* See the remaiks of Merivale (\.. 1.), plained by their diminished power of

who while declining to affirm or deny extortion. Merivale, c. xlvi. p. 333.

Chap. VIII.] TIBERIUS AND HIS GOVERNMENT. 155

the emperor had himself nominally entrusted to them ' ; others are left
year after year at their posts with ai)parent indifference lo their merits ^,
whether they were jutlicious, as Poppaeus Sabinus ^ feeble, as Apronius *,
cruel and oppressive, as Pontius Pilate *, or contumacious and dangerous,
as Gaetulicus*. Even the senatorial provinces, as Asia and Africa, seem
to feel the effects of the general irregularity '' ; and even the security of
tlie frontier is said to be no longer fully maintained ".

Some apparent taint of insanity seems to come in, completing and
partly explaining the whole : perhaps traceable sometimes in the clear
evidence of public documents ; as in the attempt, in his published auto-
biography, to explain the condemnation of Seianus by a falsehood of
childish transparency ' ; or in the famous words preserved of his letter to
the senate, publishing to the world his agony of soul '". Again, at one
time reproach seems to lacerate him ^', at another he parades it "^ ;
he hovers round and round Rome and never enters it '^ ; shifts his place
restlessly in the last stage of decrepitude ". It is of little moment to
decide between various reports of his end, or to know exactly how
the last few sands ran out of a life that to any good purpose had been
extinct for years.

As a set off against the judgment of Tacitus has been often sought in
the contemporary panegyric of Tiberius by Velleius '®, a few remarks
upon it, appear here necessary. This writer's means of information are
indeed unquestionable '* ; but his burst of courtly rhetoric, over even the
slightest service of his hero, takes away credit from his record of more
substantial achievements, even when described by him as an eye-witness.

' Arruntius was thus kept ten years or 41). The first statement is clearly untrue,

more from Hispania Tarraconensis, Aelius the others we have no means of checking,

Lamia many years from Syria, nnd yet but it is known that the Frisii (see 4. 74,

allowed afterwards to be 'praefcctus urtji' 1) retained their independence till the

(6. 27, 2-3). These great provinces must time of Claudius {ii. 19, 21.

have been left all this time to subordinate ' See above, p. 151, n. 7.

officers. '" Ann. 6. 6, i. '' 4. 42, 2.

■^ On the reason given for this see below, '- 6. 24, 3 ; 38, 3. Cp. Uio, 58. 23, 1.

p. 157. The custom must have been so " 6. i, i ; 15, 6; 39, 2.

far evil that it blocked the legitimate '* 6. 50, 2. Merivale (1. 1. p. 300)

avenues to distinction. would assign the general execution men-

■' 6. 39, 3. * See 4. 74, I, and note. tioned in 6. 19, 2 to a fit of madness.

'•" Jos. Ant. 18, 3 and 4. The recall of Those who accept the accounts of his

Pflale is there stated to have been made, abnormal profligacy would also generally

not by Tiberius, but by L. Vitellius as explain them thus,

legatus of Syria. '^ This history was published in 783,

° 6. 30, 7. Cp. Dio, 59. 22, 5. A.D. 30, and dedicated to M. Vinicius,

' See above, ch. vii. pp. 113, 114. consul of that year.

' ' Armeniam a Parthis occupari, Moe- '* He hail served many years under

siam a Dacis Sarmatisque, Gallias a Tibeiius, and was one of his first list of

Ciermanis vastari neglexit ' (Suet. Tib. praetors. See on 1. 15,2.

156 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VIII.

When, for instance, we are given to suppose that Tiberius at the age of
nineteen had almost saved Rome from famine as quaestor ' ; and at
twenty-five had virtually subjected Armenia and terrified Parthia ^ ; we
are forced to ask how much similar exaggeration may lurk in the history
of the German and Illyrian campaigns. Sometimes, too, this rhetoric is
confronted by stubborn realities. Against the alleged all but complete
subjugation of Germany ^ must be set the fact, that the single defeat and
annihilation of a force of some 30,000 men rolled back the tide of con-
quest from Germany, not temporarily, but for ever. The account of the
passionate enthusiasm, with which the legions are said to have welcomed
Tiberius on his return '', must be read in the light of our knowledge that
his name ten years later had assuredly no magic, either for veteran or
recruit, among the armies that had known him best. Even Julius Caesar
had to face the mutiny of a legion ; but popular generals have not often
been met by the wholesale defection of their armies ^.

In the notice by Velleius of this principate, we have no right to expect
details from a sketch of sixteen years contained in eight chapters ; yet his
suppressions at times are most significant. Four years had passed since
Tiberius had permanently left Rome " ; yet his retirement is not even
glanced at. On all the state trials of these years, we have only a line in
reproach of the crimes of Libo Drusus, Silius, and Piso '' ; and a hint
of the shame and sorrow supposed to have been felt at the conduct
of Agrippina and Nero *. We seem forced to conclude that on these
subjects the silence of Velleius is more eloquent than the epigrams of
Tacitus^. Are we prepared, again, to take his verdict on Seianus as well
as on his master .? to see in him the Laelius to this Scipio, the Agrippa
or Statilius Taurus to this Augustus^"? The impression left upon us
becomes on the whole that of a fairly skilful apology, saved from palpable
falsehood by ignoring what it is difficult to defend, and laying stress upon
what is undeniably praiseworthy.

On other authors less need here be said. No critic will expect to find
truth of value in the few scattered allusions of Valerius IMaximus '\ Philo,

■ Veil. 2. 94, I. ^ 1. 1. § 2. ' The cautious obscurity with which

^ Id. 2. 97, 4 ; 10^), 1 ; 108, I. the death of Agrippa Postumus is touched

* Id. 2. 104, 4. upon (2. 112,7' i* also noteworthy. The

* That Germanicus had but to give the sending of Germanicus to the East is only
word, and the legions would ha%e saluted touched in a single line, and nothing is
him as their emperor and marched on said of his doings there or of the- cfrcum-
Rome, is as expressly asserted by Velleius stances of his death. '" Id. 2. 127.
(2. 125, 2) as by Tacitus (i. 35, 3). " Valerius nowhere names Tiberius,

* See 4. 67, I. but occasionally alludes to him, especially
' Veil. 2. 130, 3: from the order of in the dedication. Another passage speaks

mention, it seems that L. Piso (see 4. 2 1 , of the punishment of a nameless parricide,
]) is meant. ° Veil. 2. 130, 4. who is evidently Seianus (9. 11, 4).

Chap, viii.] TIBERIUS AND HIS GOVERNMENT. 157

it must be borne in mind, has a purpose to serve, in selling ofT a special
grievance by a contrast of general beneficence of imperial government '.
Seneca speaks most emphatically of the ' accusandi frequens et paene
publica rabies' which under this prince caused more loss of civic lives
than any civil war'^. The chief definite statement of Josejjhus, that the
long tenure of office by provincial governors was the result of a deliberate
intention to make them less eager pillagers^, reads like the mere excuse
of Tiberius or his friends for the irresolution and dilatoriness of which we
have such abundant other evidence ; and might have seemed questionable
to Josephus himself if he had thought of the ten years of Pilate.

If we cannot check Tacitus by these, we may in turn check by him the
keener appetite for scandal of Suetonius, many of whose tales he must
have known but disdained to notice *, and some of whose generalisations
he has given us the means of reducing to single instances ''.

Also his more careful discrimination checks the loose credulity of Dio,
whose bewildered judgment seems at last to take refuge in a desperate
attempt to reconcile conflicting testimony by fusion ; in the statement
that Tiberius ' had many virtues and many vices, and exercised each as if
they had been his only qualities ".'

The appeal from Tacitus appears thus to lie to Tacitus alone ; to his
candour and sense of truth, to his admissions of fact ; against his insinua-
tions and interpretations of motives, against his evident prejudices. That
he was no friend to the founders of the principate has been already
shown ^; and, with all allowance for the i-incerity of his disclaimer*,
special grounds of animosity against Tiberius appear discernible. He
had seen in his own day ' the extremity of slavery, when even the inter-
change of speech and hearing was destroyed by espionage ^.' He tracks
back this systematic delation to its source, and, as it were, charges this
prince with its full-developed iniquity ; seeing in these trials for treason
far more than the bare facts which he relates, and imagining Carus and
INIassa, and the rest of the vile brood of his own time, as already appearing
within view ^^ It would be natural that the memory of the tyrant under

* Leg. ad Gaium, 2. ^ Ant. 18. 6, 5. See note on i. 80, 2.

^ De Ben. 3. 26, 1. He goes on to de- * For a probable instance, see above,

scribe it in terms quite as strong as those ch. iv. p. 33.

of Tacitus in 6. 7, 4. The evidence of '^ Compare e.g. Suet. Tib. 61 with 4.

Seneca, as far as it goes, is, except for his 70, 2 ; 5. 9, 3, and Suet. 32 with 3.

silence on the subject of profligacy (see 21, 4.

p. I53\ not more favourable than that of ^ Dio, 58. 28. 5.

Tacitus : see below, p. 158, n. 6, and notes ^ See above, ch. iv. p. 35.

on I. 75. 6 ; 2. 27, i; 48, 3 ; 4. 12, i ; 34, i, * i. i, 6.

and Ci.Dirichlet, Der Philosoph Seneca als ' Agr. 2, 3.

Quelle fiir die Beurtheilung der erstenRg- " See i. 74, i; 2. 27, i, and above,

mischen Kaiser/ Progr.Konigsberg, 1890. p. 141.

158 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VIll.

whom the historian had lived should enter into the portrait of that pre-
decessor in whose private memoirs he was said to find his chief mine of
political wisdom \ and whom, notwithstanding many differences, he most
nearly resembled.

His own age, again, suggested not only a resemblance but a contrast ;
between the first encouragement of delation and its first firm repression ;
between a timid or cautious foreign policy and a career of conquest ;
possibly even between a prince beyond all others parsimonious in building ^,
and the grand architectural achievements of Trajan. Other contrasts
were ready to hand within the work itself, helping him to set off the
qualities of Tiberius by the idealised virtues of Germanicus ', or even by
the character of the hasty and passionate but not ungenerous Drusus *.

Still, when all this is allowed for, much remains, and the extreme
apologists who appear to construct out of their own inner consciousness
an ideal. Tiberius, merciful almost to weakness, and the forbearing
victim of almost incessant conspiracies, are compelled to ignore
or arbitrarily rule out of court much substantial evidence ^ The stages
and periods of change noted by Tacitus can be on the whole made out ^,
though we should consider the explanation put into the mouth of Arruntius,
that the character of Tiberius ' had been thrown off its balance by the
force of despotism '',' to be nearer the truth than the theory adopted
by the historian as his own, that of a true character asserting itself by
slow degrees against the disguise of hypocrisy *.

We have on the whole the character of a prince whose friends might
well have written ' infelix vitae diuturnitate * ' upon his epitaph. Had he
died in the lifetime of Augustus, general opinion would have pronounced
him ' imperii capax.' At the end of eight years' rule he would have left
a name among the best princes of the second rank. Even at seventy his

* See above, p. 20, n. 2. Tiberius (.^4. 8, 19, 62) as ' imperiosus
^ 6. 45, 2. ■* See I. 33, .=;. etc. sui inter initia pi incipatus.' Dio ('57. 18,

* See 2. 43, 7 ; 3. 37, 3, etc. The in- lo) has followed a source making the
fluence of such a study of contrast has death of Germanicus a turning point,
been already alluded to. See ch. iv. p. 37. Perhaps the most probable view is that of

^ F'or instance, the records of the senate, Prof. Allen (Introd. § 9), who thini<s the
if falsified at all, must have been falsified great crisis in the character of Tiberius
in the interest of the prince (see ch. iii. was due to the series of events from
p. 1 81, and the speeches or letters of the A. D. 29, the revelation of the alleged con-
emperor to that body must be subslan- spiracy of Agrippina and his sons, of the
tially authentic. treachery of Seianus, and of the murder

* The general fact of deterioration is of Drusus.

attested by earlier writers. Seneca, in ^ ' Vi dominationis convulsus et mu-

comparing previous good periods with tatus ' 6. 48, 4. * 6.51,5.

the early rule of Nero, snys (de CI. i. 'In contrast to Titus, who is styled

I, 6), 'nemo iam divum Augustum, nee ' felix brevitate regendi ' by Ausonius

Tiberii Caesaris prima tempora loquitur." (Ordo Imperat.) ; an estimate agreeing

Pliny, with significant reserve, speaks of with that of Dio (66. 18, 5).

Chap, viil.] TIBERIUS AND HIS GOVERNMENT. 159

memory would have escaf)ed the worst stains cast u])on it. Yet, had
he lived up throughout to the level of his best time ; his want of originality
and self-reliance, his pedantic adherence to the rules, without grasping
the great ideas of his predecessor \ would have made it no more than
a period of good administration without advance^; and a rule which in
duration is equalled by none till Antoninus Pius, and exceeded by none
till Constantine, would probably have been barren of historical interest.
To waive all comparison with the great names of Roman Imperialism,
even a much weaker ruler, Claudius, has left his mark more on the history
of the empire. Nor is a change of character, even late in life, in his case
difficult to explain. At the best, his virtues were those of the subject
or subordinate ruler rather than of the autocrat ; and the principate
found him timid, irresolute, and self-distrustful, when he had no superior
to rely upon. Hence the necessity always, in estimating his conduct, to
allow for the influence of some stronger will, such as the imperiousness
of his mother, or the craft of Seianus ; and hence, when all these were
removed, the neglect even of routine duties for want of a trusted adviser
at his side. Hence again the sense of isolation^ redoubling his fears, and
making him see a fresh enemy at every turn, who must be struck down
to make life safe to him.

He is, indeed, probably entitled to all the credit that has been claimed
for him, as throughout a just and liberal ruler of the provinces * ; the
evidence for which is by no means confined to the early period of his
pfincipate. The temple founded in Asia in 776, a.d. 23'*, the similar
request from Hispania Baetica in 778, a.d. 25*, appear genuine expres-

' Cp. 'Consilium id D. Augustus voca- have received but slight and temporary

bat, Tiberius praeceptum ' Agr. 13, 3. As amendment (3. 28, 6), the' faenebremalum'

an instance of this deference in a small is dealt with by obviating a temporary

matter, see i. 77, 4. crisis and then letting it drop (6. 17,4-5).

^ It has been noticed (sec Edinb. Rev. ' Suet, states (Tib. 55) that of his old
Jan. i8q4, p. 87 how little this most friends and his original council of twenty,
stay-at-home of emperors did for the city but two or three were left; but that he
in which so many of his years were pnssed. had destroyed most of them himself.
He gives it ne.xt to no public buildings * Here again we notice the absence of
(6. 45, 2), no such aqueducts as that large and comprehensive measures affect-
begun by Gains and completed by Claudius ing the provinces, such as had been often
(see II. 13, 3, and note}, no improvement set on foot by Augustus or such as the
of the slums of ' vetus Roma,' nor even extension of the higher civic privileges to
an enforcement of some existing ndes Gaul by Claudius (i i. 23-25). Also the
(see on 15. 43, i). Again, though the foundation of provincial colonies ceases
' annona ' is claimed as his constant care entirely from the death of Augustus until
(3. 54, 8), it is left for Claudius to im- its revival by Claudius (vol. ii. Introd. 34).
prove the harbourage of Ostia (vol. ii. Nor, whatever may have been his inten-
Introd. p. 25). We notice also an absence tions (4. 4, 4), did Tiberius ever as prin-
of any comprehensive legislation even ceps set foot in any province,
where there seemed to be need of it. The •'' 4. 1 5, 4.
abu.ses of the lex Papia Poppaea seem to * 4. 37, i.

l6o INTRODUCTION. [Chap. VIII.

sions of gratitude for punishment of official oppression ' ; and it is prob-
ably only because the latter application was refused, that more were not
forthcoming^. Coinage^ and statue* alike attest the feeling of Asia for
his liberality after its ruinous earthquake ; inscriptions in the provinces ''
and even in Rome '' give him epithets by no means constantly apj)lied to
princes in such documents.

But, after all, the heart of the empire was still the senate of Rome in
its relation to the prince ^ : and if those who should have been the most
valued instruments of his administration are seen shrinking terror-stricken
from the public service, and absorbed in the effort to save themselves ;
it is impossible that the general effect could have been other than
disastrous.

If our other evidence were more questionable than it is, the decline of
literature would go far to confirm it. Not but that even the Augustan age
is nearly stripped of literary genius, as the great spirits born and trained
under the Republic pass away ; and the few survivors at the succession
of Tiberius attest by their position the change of times. The great
historian of Rome had, as it seems, abruptly closed his work, and retired
to his native Padua ; the only great living poet was pining in exile on the
Euxine. But from even the survival of such names it is indeed a descent,
to a generation in which Velleius and Valerius Maximus, the fables of
Phaedrus, and the rhetorical writings of M. Seneca, make up all the
literature before us ^ ; and in which there is little evidence of greater
works lost. Thus it was not only the disaffected Roman nobility that
felt a leaden rule upon them : far higher elements of national life are
stagnating under peril and suspicion ; and the result is a barrenness of
intellectual activity, compared to which even the time of Nero or Domiiian
is an age of fertility.

* This is asserted in the first case, and revision and ' lectio' of the senate would
probable in the second. See notes. be desirable and even necessary. Aiigus-

^ For the record of two other such tus three times held such a ' kctio ' '^Mon.

dedications to him, both in senatorial Anc. ii. i), and it was revived by Claudius

provinces, see note on 4. 38, 4. (cp. 11. 25, 5; 12. 4, 4); but Tiberius,

' ' Civitatibus Asiie restitutis ' Eckhel, though acting in a few individual cases

\\. p. 192 ; Cohen, i. p. 189. (2. 48, 2 ; 4. 42, 3), seems to have shrunk

* See notes on 2. 47, I. from this responsibility.

* E.g. ' Princepset conservator \I5aeti- " The Geography of Strabo should be
ca). See Orelli, 6i6, 617, and C. I. L. ii. considered an Augustan work, though it
2038 (where its genuineness is vindicated received additions during the early ye.irs
against Henzen). of Tiberius. A technical treatise, such

* ' Optimi ac iustissimiprincipis'C.I L. as Celsus de Medicina, need not here be
vi. 1,93; ' principi Optimo' Henzen 5393. taken account of, if rightly assigned to

* It must be evident that a periodical this time.

Chap. IX.] GENEALOGY OF THE FAMILY OF AUGUSTUS. i6i

CHAPTER IX.

GENEALOGY OF THE FAMILY OF AUGUSTUS AND OF THAT
OF THE CLAUDIAN CAESARS, WITH NOTES.

Owing to constant intermarriages between members of the imperial
family, the relationships between many of the persons whose names
occur in these tables are extremely intricate, even without considering
the further complication introduced by adoptions. Thus the children
of Germanicus are on their mother's side direct descendants of Au-
gustus, and on their father's side direct descendants of Octavia, as well
as descendants of the Claudian house. The emperor Nero, besides
partaking of all these relationships through his mother, was also directly
descended from Octavia on his father's side. All the descendants of
Drusus, brother of Tiberius, trace a similar descent through Antonia ;
the children of Drusus, son of Tiberius, become members of that
family through Livilla ; and the children of Claudius by Messalina are
again through her father and mother doubly descendants of Octavia.
Tiberius and the two Drusi, his brother and son, are thus the only
members of the Claudian stock who stand in no blood-relationship
to Augustus; and Stem B might have been almost Mholly included
under A.

It is hoped that the arrangement here adopted will indicate intel-
ligibly all the relationships of consanguinity. Of the adoptions, the
most important to bear in mind are those of Octavius by the will of
Julius Caesar, of Tiberius by Augustus, of Germanicus by Tiberius, and
of Nero by Claudius.

It is impossible here to speak of the multitude of representations
existing in art of most of the principal persons here mentioned ;
specimens of which most students must have had more or less oppor-
tunity of inspecting for themselves. For the benefit of those to whom
books are more accessible than museums, it is sufficient here to refer to
the numerous excellent illustrations and careful judgment on the many
questions of identity or of apparent truth of portraiture in J. J. Bernoulli's
Romische Icotiographie, part ii. vol. i. ; and to the older but very beautiful
plates in the Icovographie Romaine of Visconti and Mongcz. A still
larger number of extremely interesting illustrations belonging to the

l62 INTRODUCTION. [Chap. IX.

imperial family of this period is given in Mr. Baring Gould's Tragedy of
the Caesars (Lond. 1892, see some criticisms in Quart. Rev. Oct. 1894,
p. 515, and Class. Rev. vii. 54, foil.), numerous engravings from coins in
Coher's Me'dailles Impe'riales (2nd ed. Paris, 1879), ^"<^ portraits from
gerns&c. belonging to Augustan times in the editions of Horace by Dean
Milman (1849) and Mr. C. W. King and Professor Munro (1869).

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NOTES.

Stem A.

1. A (i). The family history of the Octavii, with further account of the
father and mother of Augustus, is given by Suetonius (Aug. 1-4). The
distinctions of his father are enumerated in an inscription (Orell. 592),
which states that he was twice trib. mil., also quaestor, plebeian aedile,
index quaesiionum, piaelor, and proconsul of Macedonia, where he
became entitled to the name of imperator. The date of his praetorship
was 693, B.C. 61 ; and he was prevented from becoming a candidate
for the consulship in 696, b.c. 58, by his death at the very beginning
of that, or at the end of the previous year.

2. A (3). The frequency of betrothal, and even nominal marriage,
during mere childhood, among Romans at this time (see Friedlaender,
Sitteng. i. p. 504, foil.), makes it possible to reconcile some such a date
as that given for Octavia's birth with her betrothal or marriage to
C. Marcellus in 700, e.g. 54; in which year it was also contemplated
to give her in marriage to Cn. Pompeius (Suet. Jul, 27). IMarcellus, who
was a leading opponent of Julius Caesar, but subsequently reconciled to
him, had just died when Octavia, with contempt for all usual decorum
(see Dio, 48. 31, 3), was hastily married to M. Antonius in 713, B.C. 41,
by one of the articles of the compact at Brundusium. On the honours
paid to her at her death, see Dio, 54. 35, 4, on its date Suet. Aug. 61.

3. A (4). Octavius assumed the name of C. Julius Caesar Octavianus
in consequence of his adoption by the dictator's will : hence Cicero
styles him ' C. Caesar' in official language (Phil. 5, c. 16-19), and some-
times in private letters ' Octavianus' (ad Att. 16. 18, i ; 1 1, 6, etc.). On
the subsequent history of his names and titles, see vi. p. 75, foil. He
had been first betrothed to a daughter of P. Servilius Isauricus ; after-
wards, on his first reconciliation with Antonius, to a step-daughter of the
latter, Clodia or Claudia, daughter of Fulvia by P. Clodius. His marriage
with Scribonia was contracted in 714, b.c. 40, to conciliate Sex. Pom-
peius, whose father-in-law, L. Scribonius Libo, was her brother. She
was much older than Octavianus, had been twice previously married,

NOTES. STEM A. 167

and had children by P. Cornelius Scipio ; one of whom, Cornelia, wife
of Aemilius Paullus, has been immortalised by Propertius (El. 4, 11).
He divorced Scribonia the next year, 715, B.C. 39, when her daughter
Julia was just born ; and early in 716, B.C. 38, took place the marriage
with Livia, which, though contracted under scandalous circumstances,
resulted at least in a lasting attachment. Scribonia is styled in in-
scriptions ' Scribonia Caesaris ' (Orell. 612, Ilenzen 5362). She lived to
share voluntarily the exile of her daughter in 752, b.c. 2 (Veil. 2. 100, 5).

4. Agri{)pa inscribes himself on the Pantheon, ' M. Agrippa L. F,,'
omitting, as he usually did, his ignoble gentile name. He obtained
three consulships, of which two were consecutive (see i. 3, i), and the
honour, said to be unprecedented, of the 'corona classica' (Veil. 2. 8r.
2). He was also the first ever admitted to share the tribunician power
of the princeps (see 3. 56, 3). He was first married, probably in 718.
B.C. 36, to Pomponia, daughter of T. Pomponius Atticus the friend of
Cicero, by whom he had Vipsania Agrippina, married to Ti. Claudius Nero
(see B, note 2). Pomponia, if still alive, must have been divorced when he
married Marcella in 726, b.c 28 (Dio, 53. i, 2), who in her turn was
given up in 733, b.c. 21, to enable him to marry Julia (Dio, 54. 6, 5).

5. A (5). Julia was married at the age of fourteen to Marcellus, in
729, B.C. 25, and four years later to Agrippa, who was of the same age
as her father. On other projected marriages for her, see note on 4. 40,
8; on her subsequent marriage in 743. B.c. 11. to Tiberius Nero, her
exile in 752, b. c. 2, and her death in 767, a.d. 14, see i. 53 ; Suet. Aug.
65, 66 ; Tib. 50.

6. A (6). On Gains Caesar and Lucius Caesar, see i. 3, etc. Their
honours and titles are gathered from Mon. Anc. (ii. 46, etc.), and from
several inscriptions (Orell. 633-644). Gains was pontifex, augur, consul
(754, A.D. i), princeps iuventutis, and imperator, apparently for the capture
of Ariagira (Henzen, p. 60). Lucius was augur, cos. design, and princeps
iuventutis. The betrothal of Lepida to him is mentioned in 3. 23, i.
A long inscription is preserved recording the honours paid to the
memory of both princes by the magistrates and citizens of the ' colonia
lulia Pisana' (Pisae in Etruria), of which they were patrons (Orell. 642,
643). The dates of their deaths are from Insc. Orell. 644.

7. A (8). On the younger Julia, her exile and her death, see 3. 24, 5 ;
4. 71, 6 ; Suet. Aug. 64, 65. Her husband was son of the censor Paullus
and Cornelia, and thus grandson of Scribonia (see note 3). Her son,
M. Lepidus, a man of most profligate character, was put to death by Gains,
who had previously given him Drusilla in marriage, and meditated desig-
nating him as his successor. See note on 14. 2, 4 ; Dio, 59. 22, 6.

1 68 INTRODUCTION.

8. A (9). The date of Agrippina's death is given in 6. 25, 5. The dates
of her birth and marriage, and those of the birth of her children, are
given as determined by Mommsen (Hermes, xiii. 245-365). Her
mortuary inscription is preserved (C. I. L. vi. 886, Rushforth 54).

9. A (10). Agrippa Postumus was adopted by Augustus at the same
time with Tiberius in 757, a.d. 4 ; and is styled ' Agrippa Caesar ' in
inscriptions (C. I. L. x. 405, Henzen 5378), and on a medal struck at
Corinth, which gives also his effigy (Cohen, i. p. 187). He was removed
to Surrentum (Suet. Aug. 65) about 760, a.d. 7, and thence to Pknasia.
On his death, see i. 6.

10. A (12). It is generally supposed that the Silanus to whom Aemilia
Lepida was married was the consul of 772, a.d. 19, on whom see note
on 2. 59, I. Pliny records (N. H. 7. 13, 11, 51) that their eldest son,
M. Silanus (on whom see note on 13. i, i), was born in the last year
of Augustus, who had thus Hved to see his great-great-grandson. For
L. Silanus (20), see notes on 12. 3, 2; for D. Silanus (21), see on 12.
58, I ; for Junia Calvina (22), see on 12. 4, i ; for Junia Lepida (23),
see on 16. 8, 2. L. Silanus (25) (on whom see 15. 52, 3; 16. 7, 2),
who, like his uncle (21), bore the name of Torquatus (on which see 3.
69, 9), appears to have been the last of this family, and, except the
emperor Nero, the last surviving male descendant of Augustus.

11. A (13). Nero Caesar was born probably in the middle of 759, a.d.
6 (see Henzen, p. 60), and was betrothed in childhood to a daughter of
Creticus Silanus (2. 43, 3), and married to Julia in 773, a.d. 20, on his
entry into public life (3. 29, 4). Tacitus describes his character (4.15; 59),
the plots against him (4. 60; 67), and the formal charges brought against
him (5. 3). On these he was banished to Pontia, and subsequently
pronounced a public enemy (Suet. Cal. 7) and put to death or compelled to
suicide (Suet. Tib. 54), shortly before the fall of Seianus. His titles were
those of flamen Augustalis, scdalis Augustalis, sodalis Titius, frater arvalis,
fetialis, quaestor. C. I. L. vi. 913, Lehmann, Claudius, 95-109.

12. A (14). Drusus Caesar was born probably in the latter part of 760,
A.D. 7 (see Henzen, p. 60). His entry into public life is mentioned in
4. 4, I ; his character in 4. 60, 5. He was also denounced as a public
enemy (Suet. Cal. 7), and imprisoned in the Palatium, where he died
(6. 23, 4). His marriage with Aemilia Lepida was mentioned in the lost
part of Book v. (see on 6. 40, 4), his previous betrothal to a lister of Otho
in Suet. Oth. i. His titles are given as follows, praefectus urbi (see 4.
36, i), sodalis (or flamen) Augustalis (Insc, Orell. 667), and pontifex ;
Henzen 5386; C. L L. iii. i, 380, Lehm. 110-119.

13. A (i 5). Gains Caesar, generally known by his nickname ' Caligula '

NOTES. STEM A. 169

(see I. 41, 3), on ihe condemnation of his mother and broihers, passed
under the tutelage of Antonia, and afterwards Hved with Tiberius at
Capreae: see 6. 20, i ; Suet. Cal. 10. He is styled at this time ' C. Caesar
' Germanicus,' with the titles of pontifex and quaestor (Henzen, Insc.
5396), to which offices he was elected in 784 and 786, a.d. 31 and 33
(Dio, 58. 8, I ; 23, i). As princeps he retains the name of Germanicus,
after that of Augustus (Insc. Orell. 702). After his first marriage with Junia
Claudilla, daughter of M. Silanus (6. 20, 1; Suet. Cal. 12), he had as
wives Livia Orestilla and Lollia Paulina, before Caesonia (Suet. Cal. 25).
The assassination of Gaius was followed immediately by that of Caesonia
and her child (Suet. Cal. 59).

14. A (16). Agrippina was born at ' Oppidum Ubiorum ' (12. 27, i),
and her birthday is preserved: see on 14. 12, i. The year has been
thought to be a.d. 14 (see note on i. 44, 2), but is here given as fixed by
Mommsen (see note 8) from other dates (cp. note on i. 69, i). On her
marriage to Cn. Domitius (36) in 781, a.d. 28, see 4. 75, i. On her
banishment by Gaius in 792, a.d. 39, andrecall by Claudius in 794, a.d. 41,
see Dio, 59. 22, 8 ; 60. 4, i ; for her second husband Crispus Passienus,
see on 6. 20, 2 ; on her marriage to her uncle Claudius, in 802, a.d. 49,
and subsequent history, see 12. 5, etc. In earlier inscriptions she is styled
'Agrippina' (or ' lulia Agrippina'), ' Germanici Caesaris filia ' (Orell. 671,
673); but after 803, a.d. 50 (see 12. 26, 2), she is styled on coins and
inscriptions 'Agrippina Augusta,' or ' lulia Augusta Agrippina.' C. I. L. vi.
921, Henzen, 5387.

15. A (17). The dates of birth of Agrippina and Julia agree with
the statement of Suet. (Cal. 7), that the three sisters were born in the
space of three years (' coniinuo triennio '). Drusilla was born in
Germany (Suet. Cal. 8; cp. 2. 41, 2 note). Her marriage to
L, Cassius took place in 786, a.d. 33 (6. 15, 4). She was afterwards
married to M. Lepidus (Dio, 59. 11, i). See A (11). In inscriptions
during her life she is styled ' lulia Drusilla Germanici f.' ( Insc. Orell,
672), but afterwards ' Diva Drusilla' (Orell. 674 ; Henzen 5389), m con-
sequence of the divine honours decreed by order of Gaius at her death
in 791, A.D. 38. Suet. Cal. 24; Dio, 59. ii.

16. A (18). Julia is so called by Tacitus, by Dio, and on a coin
(Eckhel, vi. p. 231); but this name is borne by all the three sisters (see
notes 14, 15); and Suetonius distinguishes her as Livilla (Cal. 7). Each
name is supported by inscriptions, as ' luliae Germanici Caesar, filiae,'
and 'Livilla Germanici f.' (Insc. Oiell. 676, 677). Tacitus gives the
year of her birth and the place Lesbos) 2. 54, i ; and the year of her
marriage to L, Vimcius (786, a.d. 33), 6, 15, i. She shared the banish-

I70 INTRODUCTION.

ment and recall of Agrippina (note 14), but was soon after again banished
and put to death at the instigation of INIessalina, Dio, 60. 8, 5. Sue-
tonius (Cal. 7) mentions the death in childhood of three other children of
Germanicus and Agrippina, born apparently in the years 761-764, a.d.
8-1 1 ; and inscriptions are found recording the place of their cremation.
One of them appears to have been called Tiberius, another Gains (Insc.
Orell. 668, 669, 670). It is also stated by M. Seneca (Controv. 4) that
Quindlius Varus (see on 4. 66, i) was a son-in-law of Germanicus; but
it is not known how this was the case. On the probable birth of another
child, see note on i. 44, 2.

17. A (26). A marriage had been projected in 715, b.c 39, between
Marcellus and the daughter of Sex. Pompeius. His marriage with Julia
daughter of Augustus took place in 729, b.c. 25 (Dio, 53. 27, 5), in which
year Plutarch states (Ant. 87) that Augustus also adopted him ; but this
statement appears to require confirmation. He had been admitted to
the senate with praetorian rank ; but his first and only actual magistracy
was the curule aedileship, held in his twentieth year, which was also the
year of his death. See 1.3, i; Propert. 3. 18, 13-20; Verg. Aen. 6.
861-884.

18. A (27). It is known that there were two ' Marcellae ' (Suet. Aug.
63; Insc. Henzen 5373, 5374) and that one of them, generally taken to
be Marcella minor, was married to Agrippa (see note 5) and to lullus
Antonius (see note on 4. 44, 5). That the other was married to M.
Valerius Barbatus Appianus and to Sex. Appuleius, is a supposition to
explain the relationships mentioned in 4. 52, i ; 2. 50, i ; where see
notes. Nothing appears to be known of the date of birth or death of
either sister.

19. A (28). Suetonius states (Aug. 63) that Agrippa had children by
Marcella. That one of these was a daughter, probably another Vipsania.
and was married to Q. Haterius, is an inference from the name of
Halerius Agrippa, and from the mention made (2. 51, 2) of his relation-
ship to Germanicus.

20. A (29). Tacitus twice (4. 44, 3; 12. 64, 4) speaks of the wife of
Domitius as'Antonia minor;' but Suetonius (Cal. i; CI. i; Ner. 5) appears
to be right in assigning this marriage to Antonia maior, and in making
Antonia minor the wife of Drusus. 'The marriage with Domitius (on
whom see 4. 44, 3 ; Suet. Ner. 4) is said to have been projected as early
as 717. B.C. 37 (Dio, 48. 54, 4); at which time it would appear from
dates furnished by Plutarch (Ant. 33, 930; 35, 931) that the elder
Antonia was but an infant, and the younger yet unborn.

21. A (30). The statement of Dio (59. 3, 4), that Gaius on his accession

NOTES. STEM B. 171

gave his grandmother Antonia the title of * Augusta,' is confirmed by an
Arval Table of Jan. 31, a.d. 38, recording a sacrifice on her birthday
(C. I. L. vi. 2028 c). She soon afterwards died or was put to death, and
the title, said to have been declined by her in her lifetime, was renewed
by Claudius (Suet. CI. 11), and appears on his inscriptions (Orell. 649, 650,
etc.). We hear of a temple erected to her, probably by Claudius (Pi. N.
H. 35- 10, 36, 94); and a basilica at Rome appears to have borne the
name of both sisters, ' Basilica Antoniarum duarum ' (Henzen 7263).

22. A (36). On Cn. Domilius, first husband of the younger Agrippina,
see 4. 75, I. On Domitia, 13. 19, 4 ; 21, 5 ; on Domiiia Lepida, 11.
37, 4; 12. 64, 4; on her second husband, App. Junius Silanus, 4. 68, i.
The family history of the Domitii Ahenobarbi is given more fully in
Suet. Ner. 1-5.

23. A (40). For the original name of Nero, see on 12. 3, 2. After
his adoption in 803, a.d. 50 (12. 25, i), he becomes ' Ti. Claudius Nero
Caesar' (Henzen 5405), or ' Nero Claudius Caesar Drusus Germanicus; '
and bears titles of membership in the four priestly colleges, and those of
cos. design, and princeps iuventutis (Orell. 650, 726); and had also
' proconsulare imperium extra urbem ' (12. 41, 2). As princeps he is
usually styled ' Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus ' (Orell. 728),
and often assumes the ' praenomen imperatoris,' disused since the time
of Augustus (Mommsen, Staatsr. ii. p. 769), besides the ' nomen impera-
toris,' received eleven times or more (Orell. 732, cp. Henzen 5189).
On his marriage to Octavia, see 12. 58, i ; on that to Poppaea, 14. 60, i;
on that to Slatilia Messalina, Suet. Ner. 35, and note on 15. 68, 5.

24. On the title of Augusta given to Poppaea, see 15. 23, i ; on her
death and funeral, 16. 6; on her deification, 16. 21, 2.

25. A (41). Messalina is thought to have been only thirteen or fourteen
at the time of her marriage and twenty-three or twenty-four at her death
(see vol. ii. Introd. 42, and note on 11. 38, 4). The title of 'Augusta,
not permitted (Dio, 60. 12, 5), is given to her on some provincial coins,
and on some inscriptions (Henzen 5402). The relationship of her father
to Claudius, mentioned by Suetonius (CI. 26), is explained above (note i8).

Stem B.

26. B (1). On the family history of the Claudii Nerones, and of the
Livii Drusi, see Suet. Tib. 1-4, where it is shown that the father of Livia
was also descended from another son of App. Claudius Caecus, and
was adopted by a Livius Drusus, probably the famous tribune of 663,
B.C. 91 (see note on 5. i, 1). Two inscriptions (C. I. L. ix. 3660, 3661,

172 INTRODUCTION.

see also Henzen 5365) appear to give the name of her father, ' Livius
Drusus Claudianus' (see Veil. 2. 75, 3); and that of her mother as
Alfidia. Ti. Nero was quaestor, poniifex, praetor (Suet. Tib. 4), and
gave up his wife to Octavianus in 716, b.c. 38, before the birth of
Drusus. He died when his eldest son was nine years old (Ibid. 6).
Livia became by adoption in 767, a.d. 14, ' lulia Augusta, Divi Aug. f.'
(Insc. Orell. 615, etc.) Though not deified at her death (see 5. 2, i),
she became so after the accession of Claudius (Dio, 60. 5, 2), and shared
a temple with Augustus in the Palatium (Insc. Orell. 2446). Even in
her husband's lifetime she was entitled ' Livia August! dea ' in an in-
scription in Sicily (Orell. 614), and at other times received abroad other
titles not formally allowed (see notes on i. 14, i); and her birthday
was kept after her death (see 6. 5, i).

27. On the parentage of Vipsania (who is called simply ' Agrippina'
in Suet. Tib. 7 ; Insc. Orell. 658), see note 4. She was betrothed to
Tiberius Nero in infancy (' vix annicula' Nep. Att. 19), but the date of
their marriage is not known. On the distress of Tiberius at being forced
to divorce her and to marry Julia, see ch. viii. p. 133; on her sub-
sequent marriage toC. Asinius Callus Saloninus see i. 12, 6 ; and on her
death, 3. 19, 4- She had several children by her second marriage, for
whom see on 3. 75, i ; 4. i, i ; 34, i ; 6. 23, 3.

28. B (2). Tiberius down to the time of his adoption bears the name
' Ti. Claudius Ti. f. Nero,' his titles being those of his two consulates,
with those of pontifex and imperator, and, after 748, b.c. 6, the years
of tribunician power: see Insc. Henzen 5375. After his adoption he
becomes ' Tiberius Caesar, Augusti f., Divi nepos' (Insc. Orell. 683),
but usually drops the gentile name Julius. Durmg his principate, the
name Augustus, though not allowed by him in ordmary use (Suet. Tib.
26 ; Dio, 57. 2), always appears on coins and inscriptions. The ' prae-
nomen imperaioris' was not adopted, though found sometimes in pro-
vincial inscriptions (see C. I. L. viii. 2, Index, p. 1038). The years of
his tribunician power continue to be reckoned, inclusive of those which
he shared with Augustus; and the number of times on which he was
saluted imperator (see on 2. 18, 2) are added. Hence his monuary
inscription (Orell. 691) runs thus: ' Ossa Ti. Caesaris, Divi Aug. F., Aug.,
Pont. Max., Trib. Pot. xxxiix.. Imp. viii., Cos. v.'

29. B (3). Neither Drusus nor his second son was ever adopted
into the family of the Caesars. In life, Drusus was entitled augur, consul
(745, B.C. 9), and imperator: after his death the surname ' Germanicus '
was conferred on him and his family (Suet. CI. i ; cp. Henzen 5375).
His eldest son was thus entitled to bear the name, before his own

NOTES. STEM B. 173

achievements in Germany, and on his adoption into tlie family of the
Caesars in 757, a.d. 4, his brother assumed it (Suet. CI. 2) as representa-
tive of his father's house.

30. B (4). Drusus Caesar bears the titles of augur, pontifex, quaestor,
sodalis Augustalis (see i. 54, 2), flamen Augustalis (see on 2. 83, 2),
Cos. ii (768, 774, A.D. 15, 21), trib. pot. ii (see on 3. 56, i), xv vir
sacris faciundis, Orelli 211, 652. For the grounds on which the date
of his birth is assigned, see note on 3. 56, 7 ; for the honours awarded
at his death, see notes on 4. 9, 2.

31. B (5), Germanicus is known only by his adoptive name, as
' Germanicus Caesar;' once apparently (see .Henzen, p. 60) as 'Ger-
manicus lulius Caesar.' There is no record of his praenomen, or of
any original cognomen. The date of his birth is given as established
by IMommsen (see above, note 8). In life, he bears the titles quaestor
(760, A.D. 7, Suet. Cal. i), augur, flamen Augustalis (see on 2. 83, 2),
Cos. ii (765, 771, A.D. 12. 18), Imp. ii (see on i. 58, 8), sometimes
(C. I. L. v. 4308, X. 513), perhaps wrongly, pontifex. See Orelli 655, 660,
etc. On the further honours decreed at his death, see 2. 83, and notes.

32. B (6). The name is always given as ' Livia ' by Tacitus and in
inscriptions (e.g. Orell. 653, 1724, 2846, etc.), but by Suet. (CI. i),
and Dio (57. 22, 2, etc.) as ' Livilla.' Her first marriage to C. Caesar
is mentioned in 4. 40, 5 ; her complicity in the murder of Drusus in
4. 3, 3, etc.; her death in Dio, 58. 11, 7. On the question whether she
was ever betrothed to Seianus, see note on 4. 40, 11.

33. B (7). The original names of Claudius are given in Suet. CI. 2,
and in several inscriptions. His titles, prior to his principate, are those
of augur, sodalis Augustalis (i. 54, 2), sodalis Titius, consul (suff. 790,
A.D. 37, Suet. CI. 7): he had also previously received ' ornamenta con-
sularia' (Suet. CI. 5): see Henzen 5399, etc. As princeps, he is the
first who assumed the name of ' Caesar ' as an imperial cognomen,
without ever having been adopted into the family ; but, unlike his pre-
decessors, he always retains his gentile name, and is generally known
by it ; his full name being ' Ti. Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus.'
It may be noted that he accejited the ' nomen imperatoris ' no less than
twenty-seven times (Insc. on the Aqua Claudia, Porta IMaggiore, Rome,
Orelli 54). He was betrothed in youth to Aemilia Lepida (A. 12), and
to Medullina (Orell. 716), besides contracting the four marriages here
given ; on all of which, and on his children by the first three, see Suet.
CI. 26, 27.

34. B (8). On the first marriage of Julia, see 3. 29, 4 ; on the
second, 6. 27, i; on her son Rubellius Plautus, 14. 22, 2, etc.; on

174 INTRODUCTION.

her death, at the instigation of Messalina, 13. 32, 5; 43, 3; Dio, 60.
18, 4: on her alleged betrothal to Seianus, see note on 4. 40, 11;
6. 27, I.

35. B (9, 10). On the date of birth and names of the twin sons of
Drusus, see note on 2. 84, i. Tiberius Gemellus was named in his grand-
father's will joint-heir with Gaius (Suet. Tib. 76), w^ho adopted him and
caused him to be entitled princeps iuvemutis (Suet. Cal. 15), but soon
afterwards put him to death (Id. 23) : see on 6. 46, i.

36. B (11). On the projected marriage between the daughter of
Seianus and young Drusus, see note on 3. 29, 5 ; on his death, Suet. CI.
27. His sister Claudia was exposed when a few months old, on sus-
picion of illegitimacy (Suet. I. 1.).

37. B (13). Claudia Antonia (Insc. Orell. 679, 680), the 'Antonia' of
Tacitus and Suetonius, is thought to have been born about 780, a. d.
27, and was married to Cn. Pompeius Magnus and Faustus Sulla (CI.
27). Suet, states (Ner. 35) that on her refusal to marry Nero, she was
put to death by him on an improbable charge of complicity in Piso's
conspiracy (see 15. 53, 4).

38. B (14). The date of birth of Octavia is not known (see note on
14. 64, i), but representations in art (see Visconti, PI. 29) would show
her to have been older than her brother. She had been betrothed to
L. Silanus (A. 20) before her marriage to Nero (12. 13, 2). On her
divorce and death, see 14. 60-64.

39. B (15). On the discrepancy of a year in the dates assigned to
the birth of Britannicus, see notes on 12. 25, 3; 13. 15, i. In 13. 17, 3,
he is called ' the last blood of the Claudii,' as the last male representative
of that noble house, to which Nero belonged only by adoption.

p. CORNELII TACITI

ANNALIUM AB EXCESSU DIVI AUGUSTI

LIBER I

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.

Ch. 1-4. Introductory.

1. Periods of Roman History', and reasons for selecting this one. 2. Growth of the
power of Augustus. 3. His plans for the succession. 4. His decline of life.
Opinions of men respecting the future.

A. IT. C. 767, A. D. 14. Sex. Pompeius, Sex. Appuleius, coss.
Ch. 5-15. Death of Augustus and succession of Tiberius.

5. Last illness and death of Augustus (.\ugust, 19), Tiberius assumes the position
of successor. 6. Agrippa Postumus put to death. 7. Servility of the senate and
people ; caution of Tiberius. 8. The will of Augustus ; debate in the senate on his
funeral. 9, 10. Favourable and unfavourable judgments of his character and policy.
Temple and divine honours decreed to him. 11, 12, 13. Apparent reluctance of
Tiberius to accept the principate ; offence taken by him at observations of Asinius
Callus, L. Arruntius, Q. Haterius, and Mamercus Scaurus. 14. Honours to Livia
Augusta and to Germanicus. 15. Election of praetors ; transference of comitia to
senate ; institution of ' ludi Augustales.'

Ch. 16-30. Mutiny of the Pannonian legions

16-19. (lutbreak of the mutiny ; conduct and demands of the soldiers ; Hlaesus, son
of the legntus, sent as their delegate to Rome. 20-23. Further progress of the
mutiny, and complete break-down of all discipline. 24-27. Despatch of a force
from Rome under Drusus and Seianus ; continued contumacy of the legions and
danger of Cn. Lentulus. 28. Revulsion of feeling produced by an eclipse of the
moon (Sept. 26). 29,30. Restoration of order; delegates sent to Rome; punish-
ment of the ringleaders, and departure of Drusus.

Ch. 31-52. Mutiny and subsequent campaign of the German legions.

31, 2. Outbreak of mutiny in Lower Germany. 33-35. Action of Germanicus ; his
address to the soldiers and peril at their hands. 36-38. Concessions made for the
time ; withdrawal of the legions to their winter camps. 39, 40. Fresh outbreak at
Ara Ubiorum on arrival of an embassy from Rome; Agrippina and her son sent
away to the Treviri. 41-43. Change of feeling, taken advantnge of by Germanicus
in his speech. 44. Military trial of offenders and restoration of order. 45-4'J.
.Similar measures taken in the other camp at Vetera; state of feeling at Rome;
resolution of Tiberius to stay there. 50-52. Expedition against the Marsi ; feeling
of Tiberius respecting the events.

Ch. 53. Death of Julia, daughter of Augustus ; Sempronius Gracchus put to death.

Ch. 54. Institution of sodales Augustales ; turbulence at the ludi Augustales.

178 SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.

A. U. C. 768, A. D. 15. Drusus Caesar, C. Norbanus, coss.

Ch. 55, 56. Arminius and Segestes the heads of parties among the Germans; expedi-
tion in the spring against the Chatti.

Ch. 57-59. Segestes rescued from his enemies ; the wife of Arminius taken ; the
Cherusci roused to war by Arminius.

Ch. 60-63. Expedition, chiefly conducted by ships, to the Amisia, and thence against
the Chemsci ; burial of the remains of the army of Varus.

Ch. 64-69. Difikult and dangerous retreat of Caecina by land ; the destruction of the
bridge over the Rhine prevented by Agrippina.

Ch. 70, 71. Peril of another force marching by the sea-shore ; efforts to repair the
losses of the army.

Ch. 72-81. Events at Rome during the year.

72-74. Triumphalia decreed. Title of 'pater patriae' refused by Tiberius; revival
of law of maiestns ; charges against two knights and Granius Marcellus ; conduct of
Tiberius. 75. His supervision of the law courts, and liberality to some senators.
76. Flood of the Tiber. Achaia and Macedonia transferred from the senate to
Caesar; Drusus presides at a gladiatorial exhibition. 77. Repetition of disturb-
ance at the theatre, and measures taken. 78. Temple to Augustus in Spain. Edict
of Tiberius on the centesima and on the dismissal of soldiers. 79. Debate on
proposals to obviate the floods of the Tiber. 80. Macedonia and Achaia combined
with the government of Moesia; habit of Tiberius to continue the same persons in
office ; and reasons for it. 81. His mode of conducting the election of consuls.

p. CORNELII TACITI

ANNALIUM AB EXCESSU DIVI AUGUSTI

LIBER I.

1. Urbem Romam a principio rcges habuere ; libertatem et

2 consulatum L. Brutus instituit. dictaturae ad tempus sume- 5
bantur ; ncque decemviralis potestas ultra biennium, ncque

3 tribunorum militum consulare ius diu valuit. non Cinnae, non
Sullae longa dominatio : et Pompci Crassique potentia cito in

Critical Notes. In these the Medicean text is given without any distinguishing

letter. Of the others, B. = Beroaldus, R. = Rhenanus, L. = Lipsiiis.

Annalium ins. R.

T. On the praenomen of the author
and title of the work, see Introd. i.
pp. 2, 6.

4. Urbem Romam, &c. The thought
implied in these sentences is that the
periods of Roman history coincide with
permanent changes in the form of govern-
ment, in which only temporary changes
intervene between the expulsion of the
kings and the principate of Augustus ;
and that the works of previous writers
have lett no earlier period open to him-
self than that which he chooses. On the
hexameter line formed by these words,
see Introd. v. § 79. They show a remi-
niscence of Sail. Cat. 6, 1.

habuere, ' governed,' as used of pro-
vinces, 4. 5, 2 ; 12. 54, 3.

libertas, used generally of repiiblican
institutions, as c. 33, 4, &c. ; so also by
Livy, as 2. I, 7 ; 3. 38, 2, &c.

5. ad tempus, ' for the occasion '
(irpos Kaipuy ; so 'dux tumultuarius et ad
tempus lectus ' I,iv. 28. 42, 5 ; cp. 4. 19,1,
and 'in tempus' (c. 37, i, &c.).

6. ultra biennium. Tacitus may

only mean that it did not last out a third
year, or probably follows the received
account given by Livy and others, ac-
cording to which the ' potestas ' (' iusta
potestas') of the decemvirs lasted but
two years, 303, 304, B.C. 451, 450; their
farther rule being mere usurpation. Mili-
t.iry tribunes with consular power were
substituted for consuls during most of the
years from 310 to 387, B.C. 444-367 (Liv.
4. 7, to 6. 42) ; but are not a fixed insti-
tution, as consuls or dictators frequently
intervene. The 'despotism' ('dominatio')
of Cinna lasted during his four successive
consulships, 667-670, B.C. 87-84; tiiat of
Sulla during his dictatorship, 672-675,
B.C. 82-79.

8. potentia, 'political ascendency.'
The term distinguishes the coalition of
influence, often called ' the first trium-
virate,' formed in 694, V. C. 60, at which
time Pollio's history of the civil war
began (Hor. Od. 2. i, i), from the union
of the leaders of three armies ('arma'),
which brought about the second, or true
' triumvirate.'

i8o

P. CORNELIl TACiri ANNALWM

Caesarem, Lepidi atque Antonii arma in Augustum ccssere.
qui cuncta discordiis civilibus fessa nomine principis sub impc-
rium accepit. sed veteris populi Romani prospera vel advcrsa 4
Claris scriptoribus mcmorata sunt ; temporibusquc August! di-

r cendis non defuere decora ingenia, donee gliscente adulatione
deterrerentur. Tiberii Gaique et Claudii ac Neronis res floren- 5
tibus ipsis ob metuni falsae, postquam occiderant, recentibus
odiis compositae sunt, inde consilium mihi pauca de Augusto 6
et extrema tradere, mox Tiberii principatum et cetera, sine ira

10 et studio, quorum causas procul habeo.

2. Postquam Bruto et Cassio caesis nulla iam publica arma,
Pompeius apud Siciliam oppressus, exutoque Lepido, interfecto

1. cessere, 'passed into the hands of,'
used with ' in imperium,' by Livy ; by
Tacitus also with accusative of a person,
as 6. 43, I, &c., or of a personification,
as 2. 23, 3.

2. imperium. This word, like the
others, has also its definite meaning,
' took the whole state under military
command, with the title of prince.' On
this power and title, and the limitation
with which 'cuncta' is to be understood,
see Introd. vi. p. 77 foil.

3. veteris populi, &c. The expres-
sion is varied in 4. 32. i, to ' veteres
])opuli Romani res.' In H. i. i, i ' dum
res populi Romani memorabantur' is
used to imply an antithesis, perhajis not
wholly absent in the other places, hetween
national history and mere ' res principum.'

4. Claris scriptoribus. On this da-
tive, see Introd. v. § 18; and on the ge-
rundive dative with 'defuere,' ibid. § 22 b;
H. 3. 54, 3. This use of ' dicere,' though
mainly poetical, is found in Sail. (Jug. 95,
2) and Liv. (7. 29, J, &c.).

5. decora ingenia, e. g. Pollio, I Jvy,
(}. Labienus, Cremutius Cordus, and
others. Some writers of later history, as
M. Seneca and Aufidius Bassus, included
the time of Augustus in their work. See
Introd. iii. p. if.

6. deterrerentur. On the use of the
subj. of facts with 'donee,' see Introd. v.
§ 53. The reason here assigned may have
been that which induced Livy to conclude
his history in 745, B.C. 9.

que . . , et . . . ac. Such variation
of conjunctions is often ado])ted for
elegance (see Introd. v. § 89'), but here,
as Nipp. suggests, is intended to combine

in pairs the two Julian and two Claudian
Caesais, as in II. 2. 76, 4.

7. falsae, 'falsified,' as 'falsae tabu-
lae' (Suet. Aug. 19}, &c.

8. compositae. 'Componcre res' is a
condensed expression, like ' componere
Iliaca tempora' Veil. i. 3, 2, &c. On
the chief historical works which Tacitus
may have used, see Introd. iii. pp. 13-18.

9. cetera, i. e. to the death of Nero,
or end of A. D. 68, after which the 'His-
tories,' already published, begin.

10. quorum causas, i.e. 'iniuria' or
' beneficium.' The whole passage in
H. I. I should be compared with this. On
the apparent belief of Tacitus in his own
impartiality, see Introd. iv. p. 32 foil.

11. caesis, used, like ' interfecto ' be-
low, witli some rhetorical license, of self-
inflicted deaths.

publica arma, ' army of the Republic'
It is implied that the forces of the trium-
virs, as well as those of Pompeius, were
mere ' privata arma,' and that Brutus and
Cassius represented the Slate. Augustus,
in Mon. Anc. i. 10, represents them as
exiles by judicial sentence, and outlaws in
amis against their country.

12. Pompeius, &c. Sex. Pompeius
was ' crushed ' (' oppressus,' used thus of
decisive defeat, 3. 41, 3, &c.) by Agiippa
off Naulochus, near Pelorum, Sep. 3, 718,
K.C. 3''>. His death took place in Asia in
the following year. Lepidus was at the
same time ' stripped of power ' (' exuto') ;
his army of twenty legions being induced
to desert him, and no office left to him
but that of ' Pontifex maximus,' which
he was allowed to retain in seclusion at
Circeii till his death in 741, B.C. 13.

LIBER I. CAP. I, 2.

i8i

Antonio ne lulianis quidem partibus nisi Caesar dux reiiquus.
posito triumviri nomine consulem sc fcrens et ad tuendam
plebem tribunicio iure contcntum, ubi militem donis, populum
annona, cunctos dulccdine otii pcllcxit, insurg^crc paulatiin, munia
scnatus magistratuum legum in se trahcrcj nullo adversante. 5
cum ferocissimi per acies aut proscriptione cccidissent, cetcri
nobilium. quanto quis servitio promptior, opibus et honoribus
extollerentur ac novis ex rebus aucti tuta et praesentia quam
2 Vetera et periculosa mallent. neque provinciae ilium rerum
statum abnuebant, suspecto senatus populique imperio ob cer- 10

S. at : ac B.

1. lulianis, 'Caesarian.' 'I'his term,
applied to the troops of Julius Caesar
(buct. Jul. 75), as is also ' Caesariani '
(J5ell. Afr. 13, i), is here applied after
his death to the party of the triumvirs ;
as that of ihe senate or ' optimates ' is
still, after the death of its leader, styled
' Pompeianae partes' (c. 10, i). Sex.
Pompeius is regarded here as external to
both these parties.

2. posito triumviri nomine, Sec.
On this whole passage, see Introd. vi.
PP- 77) 78- It is evident (see Mommsen,
Staatsr. ii. 873, i) that Tacitus lAust be
here speaking of the tribunician power at
an earlier date than that of 731, B.C. 23.
See Introd. 1. 1. p. 78, n. 3.

se fereus, ' displaying himself,' as i 2.
37, 6, &c. Ills consulships and, from
731, B.C. 23, his tribunician power, ap-
pear in his list of titles ; while the ' pro-
cousulare imperium ' and 'principate ' do
not. See Introd. vi. pp. 78, 81, 83, n. 5.

ad tuendam plebem. This, the
original conception of the office of tri-
bune, may well have been put forward Ijy
Augustus to conceal the ver\ special and
extensive character of the powers assumed
by him under that title. See 3. 56; In-
trod. vi. p. 83 foil. ; Mommsen, Staatsr.
ii. 878 foil. It is also possible that the
original conception of his ' ius tribuni-
cium ' had included no more than this.

3. donis. A gift is specilied, out of
the spoils of war, of 1000 H. S. each to
125,000 veterans settled in colonies, in
725, B.C. 29 (Mon. Anc. iii. 17): cp. also
Dio, 51. 17, 7; and, on his more usual
bounties to soldiers, .Suet. Aug. 49.

4. aunona. This refers not to the
regular corn dole, which he limited rather
than extended (Dio, 55, 10, i :, but to his
careful organization of the supply from

Egypt and elsewhere, and to special dis-
tributions, gratuitous or at a price below
cost, in times of scarcity (Suet. Aug. 41).
lie records twelve such ' frumentaliones,'
given at his own cost in one year (731,
B.C. 23), as well as several 'congiaria'
in money at various times. Mon. Anc.
iii. 7-21.

otii, ' rest,' after revolution : cp.
Verg. Eel. i, 6.

insurgere paulatim. On the gradual
extension and encroachment of the powers
of Augustus, see Introd. vi. pp. 86 foil.
The expression ' legum et niagistratuum
inunia in se trahens ' is repeated 11. 5, i.

6. ferocissimi, 'the boldest spirits';
often used in a good sense, as is also
'ferocia' (c. 12, 6): on the use of 'per,'
see Introd. v. § 62.

7. servitio. The dative is often thus
used by Tacitus with ' promptus,' as
c. 48, 3 ; 4. 46, 4, &c., rarely by other
authors, as Liv. 25. 16, 12. See Introd.
V. § 20 ; and, on his frequent abbreviation
of comparative sentences, ibid. §64: 'opes'
and ' honores ' are often coupled, as in
4. 34, 6 ; 6. 8. 8, &c.

8. tuta, &c. The stress is on the
antithesis of 'tuta' and 'periculosa':
' preferred the present institutions with
their security, to the old with their
perils.'

9. neque . . . abnuebant. This im-
portant admission appears to understate
the fact. See Introd. vii. p. 1 19. On
the honours given by provinces to Au-
gustus, see Suet. Aug. 59; Dio, 51. 20,
7, &c., and on those to liberius, 4. 15, 4 ;

37. I-

10. csrtamina potentium. Those ol
rivals, such as Marius and Sulla, Pompeius
and Caesar ; whose civil wars affected even
the provinces.

VOL. I

l82

p. CORNELII TACITI AN N A LIU M

tamina potcntium et avaritiam magistratuum, invalido Icgum
auxilio, quae vi, ambitu, postremo pecunia turbabantur.

3. Ceterum Augustus subsidia dominationi Claudium ]\Iar-
ccllum sororis filium admodum adulescentem pontificatu et

5 curuli aedilitatc, M. Agrippam ignobilem loco, bonum militia
et victoriae socium, geminatis consulatibus extulit, mox defuncto
Marcello generum sumpsit ; Tiberium Neronem et Claudium
Drusum privignos imperatoriis nominibus auxit, integra etiam
turn domo sua. nam genitos Agrippa Gaium ac Lucium in 2

lo familiam Caesarum induxerat, necdum posita puerili praetexta
principes iuventutis appellari, destinari consules specie recusantis

9. dum (cp. c. 77, I, &c.) : turn Wolf.

1. legurn, the laws ' de pecuniis re-
petundis.'

2. ambitu, 'intrigue,' or 'solicita-
tion'; cp. c. 7, 10; 75, I (where it is
explained by ' potcntium preces'),&c. It
is thus here distinguished from bribery,
for which it is often a synonymous word.

postremo. This emphasizes the more
probable alternative, as ' sive . . . , seu
. . . , ad postremum vel odio ' H. i. .^9, 2.

3. Ceterum. On various uses of this
word in Tacitus, see Gcrber and Greef,
Lex. It marks here merely a transition
to another part of the same subject, as in
2. 5, I ; 42, 1 ; 61, I, &c.

subsidia dominationi. The dative
is used with subsidium by Cic. (Att. i.
10, 4; de Or. I. 60. 255). On the ap-
position, see Introd. v § 12 a.

Marcellum. On the relationships and
other biographical details respecting all
the persons mentioned in this chapter, see
the pedigrees and notes in Introd. ix.

4. pontificatu. Membership in the
great priestly colleges was often given to
very young men of high rank : cp. 3. 29, 3 ;
note on 12. 41, 2 ; Staatsr. ii. 1 1 11, n. 2.

6. geminatis, ' piled one upon another,"
i. e. ' consecutive.' This was the case with
his second and third consulships, 726, 727,
li.C. 28, 27; his first consulship in 717,
B. C. 37, having no peculiar significance.
Under the principatej a second consulship
is rare, a third very rare, and continuous
consulships unknown, except in the case
of the princeps himself, or persons ex-
tremely near to him.

8. imperatoriis nominibus. On this
title, and its distinction from the ' prae-
nomen imperatoris,' see 1. 58, 9; Introd.
vi. p. 76; Staatsr. ii. 11 55, 4. The date

II. destinare : text Acidalius.

at which it was given to them is uncertain,
the inscription usually cited fC. I. L. ix.
2443 ; Henzen 5375), being subsequent to
the death of Drusus.

integra, ' furnished with heirs,' cp.
'plena domus' 4. 3, i, 'vacui penates '
6. .SI, 4.

10. induxerat. This adoption took
place in 737, B.C. 17 ; when Gains was in
ihe third year of his age, and Lucius just
born, Dio, 54. 18, i.

necdum, &c. It appears from Mon.
Anc. (see next note) that these honours
were decreed not before, but at the time
of thje assumption of the 'toga virilis.'

li. appellari . . . destinari . . . cupi-
verat. The sense is equivalent to 'ap-
pellati . . . destinati ... id quod cupi-
verat.' Augustus represents the facts as
follows : ' Gaium et Lucium Caesares
honoris mei causa senatus populusque
Romanus annum quintum et dccimum
agentis consulis designavit, ut eum magis-
tratum inirent post quinquennium. Et
ex eo die quo deducti sunt in forum,
ut interessent consiliis publicis, decrevit
senatus. Lquites autem Komani uiiiversi
principem uiventutis utrumque eurum
parniis et haslis argenteis donatum appel-
laverunt' Mon. Anc. ii. 46— iii. 6. The
title of ' princeps iuventutis ' is analogous
to that of ' princeps senatus,' and appears
to be new at this time, the old priority
in the ' centuriae equitum cquo publico '
being that of ' seviri ' (Staatsr. ii. S26).
On the significance of the title as desig-
nating an heir to the principate, see
Introd. vi. p. 98. The ' show oi refusal '
appears to have been that Augustus
thought it prudent to modify the offer of
an immediate consulship for the youths,

LIBER I. CAP. 3.

183

3 flagrantissime cupiverat. ut Agrippa vita concessit, Lucium
Caesarem euntem ad Hispanicnsis exercitus, Gaium remeantem
Armenia et vulnere invalidum mors fato propera vel novercac
Liviae dolus abstulit, Drusoque pridem extincto Nero solus e
privignis erat, iliuc cuncta vergere : filius, collega imperii, consors 5
tribuniciae potestatis adsumitur omnisque per exercitus osten-
tatur, non obscuris, ut antea, matris artibus, sed palam hortatu.

4 nam senem Augustum dcvinxerat adeo, uti nepotem unicum-
Agrippam Postumum, in insulam Planasiam proiecerit, rudem
sane bonarum artium et robore corporis stolide feroccm, nuliius 10

5 tamcn flagitii conpertum. at herculc Germanicum Druso ortum
octo apud Rhenum legionibus inposuit adscirique per adop-
tioncm a Tiberio iussit, quamquam esset in domo Tiberii filius

e iuvenis, sed quo pluribus munimentis insistcret. bellum ea
tempestate nullum nisi adversus Germanos supererat, abolendae 15

9. proieceret : proiceret B, text Ritt. 14. monimentis : text L.

by interposing a ' quinquennium.' See

l^io, 55- 9. 2-

1. vita concessit. On the variety of
expressions denoting death in Tacitus,
see Introd. v. § 91, and reff. there. The
use both of this expression (3. 30, i ; 6.
39, ?,, &c.^i and of 'concedere' by itself
in this sense (4. 38, 3; 13. 30, 4), are
peculiar to Tacitus.

3. Armenia. On this ablative, see
Introd. V. § 24 : so ' abscedere Armenia '
in 13. 7, 2; 15. 6, I.

fato, often used of natural as opposed
to violent death. Cp. Introd. iv. 37, n. 3.

5. illuc cuncta vergere, ' all centred
in him.' 'Illuc' is used of persons, as
in H. 3. 3S, 6.

collega imperii, as having ' aequum
ius in omnibus provinciis exercitibusque '
(Veil. 2. 121, 3: cp. Suet. Tib. 21). On
the association of persons with the prin-
ccps in this 'imperium,' see c. 14, 4;
Introd. vi. p. 98 ; Staatsr. ii. 1151.

consors trib. pot. : see Introd. 1. 1. ;
Staatsr. ii. 1160. Tacitus must here refer
to the renewal of this power to Tiberius,
who had already held it when he was not
regarded as heir. See on 3. 56,- 3 ; for
the dates, see on c. 10, 7.

6. omnis : really only in two, but
these the most important armies, those of
Germany and Illyricum.

7. palam, adjectival: cp. 11. 22, i;
16. 5, 3-

9. Planasiam, Pianosa, near Elba.

proiecerit. Ritter compares other
similar uses of the perf subj. after a pre-
ceding pluperf. in 2. 81, i; 3. 21, 2;
4. 51, 3. Thus Livy has 'tantum . . .
opes creverant . . . ut . . . ausi sint ' (i. 3,
4 . The event is regarded simply as past,
rather than as related to other past events
(Roby 1516). See also Draeger, Synt.
und Stil, § 182.

10. sane, concessive, as c. 10, 2 ; 3. 5,
4, &c. The words ' robore . . . ferocem '
are a close reminiscence of Liv. 7. 5, 6
isee Introd. v. § 97}, where, as here,
'ferox' means 'confident.' Cp. also 'ad-
versus singulos ferox' (Liv. i. 25, 7).
Livy also uses 'conpertus' with genit. of
crime, 7. 4, 4 ; 22. 57, 2, &c.

11. hercule, a formula of strong con-
trast (c. 17, 7 ; 26, 3, 3. .'54. 6 ; 12. 43, 4\
here seeming to imply that Livia's influ-
ence had failed in this case. Germanicus
had served under Tiberius in Germany in
764, A.D. II ; and attained the command
there after his consulship in 766, A.D. 13.
Suet. Cal. 8.

12. adsciri. This word appears only
used by Tacitus 'H. 4. 24, 2 ; 80, i ; and
dub. lect. Agr. 19, 2), and by Vergil
(Aen. 12. 38). Tacitus oftener employs
(see Nipp.) the usual word ' adsciscere.'

13. esset. On the subj. with 'quam-
quam,' see Introd. v. § 50. Tacitus also
uses, though less frequently, the regular
construction with the indie. See Nipp.

Ii;. abolendae infamiae. On the ge-

i84

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

magis infamiae ob amissum cum Quintilio Varo exercitum quam
cupidine profercndi imperii aut dignum ob praemium. domi res 7
tranquillae, eadem magistratuum vocabula ; iuniores post Ac-
tiacam victoriam, etiam senes plerique inter bella civium nati :

5 quotus quisque reliquus qui rem publicam vidisset?

4. Igitur verso civitatis statu nihil usquam prisci et integri
moris : omnes exuta aequalitate iussa principis aspectare, nulla
in praesens formidine, dum Augustus aetate validus seque et
domum et pacem sustentavit. postquam provecta iam senectus 2

10 aegro et corpore fatigabatur, aderatque finis et spes novae, pauci
bona libertatis in cassum disserere, plures bellum pavescere, alii
cupere. pars multo maxima inminentis dominos variis rumoribus 3
differebant : trucem Agrippam et ignominia accensum non aetate
neque rerum experientia tantae moli parem, Tiberium Neronem

rundive genitive, see Introd. v. § 37. On
the defeat of Varus in 762, A.i). 9, see
Veil. 2. 117-119; Dio, 56, 18-24.

3. vocabula, 'titles,' as ' siimmi fas-
tigii vocabulum' 3. 56, 2. On ihe func-
tions of the old magistrates at this time,
see Introd. vi. p. 90 loll. The censorship
alone was foimally dropped.

5. rem publicam, ' the Republic,'
the real constitution of the ' senatus
populusque Komanus,' which he considers
that those born since Actium, or even
during the civil wars, had never really
seen. So in 4. 19, 3, it is implied that
Rome had come to have no 'res publica'
and no real consuls. Galba is made to
?ay ; H. 1. 16, i) that the 'res publica'
would be revived if Rome could do with-
out a ' rector,' and in H. i. 50, 4, an ' im-
perium ' such as that of Julius or Augustus
Caesar (cp. 1.1,3) 's contrasted both with
the ' res publica ' and with a mere rule of
disoider. A Greek would thus say that
there was no noXiTfia and no true iro^tTai
under a Tvpavtcs. ' Vidisset ' appears to
be a potential subjunctive.

6. prisci et integri, more closely
coupled than if 'neque' had been used.
For similar uses of ' et ' in negative
clauses, see c. 70, 5, and Draeger, Synt.
und Stil, § 107. 'Moris' would naturally
mean 'constitutional usage' rather than
' morality ' ; but the latter is suggested
by the addition of 'integii,' and may
jjrobably be the meaning of 'mos' in
3. 28, 2; 16. 5, 1.

7- exuta aequalitate. This phrase is
used in 3. 26, 3, of those who seek pre-

eminence, as here of those who accept
a position of inferiority. The application
of the word to political equality {laorifiia)
appears to be peculiar to Tacitus : see
3. 74, 6; H. 2. 38, 2.

8. seque et. 'I'his combination of con-
junctions is found in some ten other places
in Tacitus and in Sail, and Liv. (Dr. § 1 23).
On the Ui:e below of ' et ' for 'etiam,' see
Id. § 108. 'Aderat finis' is repeated in
2. 71, I.

1 1. in cassum, ' idly,' as mere declama-
tion.

disserere often takes the accusative in
Tacitus (2. 27, 1 ; 6. 34, 5, &c.), as also
in Sail. (Cat. 5, 9;, and Liv. (41. 6, 4),
without the resliiciion, usual in Cicero, to
the accus. of pronouns, or of adjectives
expressing amount, as ' pauca,' 'multa,'
&c. See Nipp.

bellum, i.e. such a military insurrection
as was in fact imminent. !■ or the accus.
cp- c. 59, 7 ; 14 30, 2, &c.

13. differebant. This is explained as
equivalent to ' varies rumores differebant
de principibus ' ^Cerb. and Greef, Lex.) ;
but the verb, when used with accus. peis.,
as in old poets and Propertius, appears to
modify its ordinary sense of ' divulgare,'
as found with ace. rei (3. 12, 7; 4. 25,
5, &c.), to one more akin to the force of
' distrahi fama ' (3. 10, 5). Cp. the
analogous uses of 'diffamare aliquem'
(c. 72, 4, &c.) and 'alujuid' (14. 22, 5).

14. experientia. Thi> sense of ' know-
ledge gained by practice,' is almost wholly
Vergihan (G. i. 4, &c.) and Tacitean (as
c. 46, 2, &c.).

A.D. 14.]

LIIiER I. CAP. 3, 4.

185

inaturum annis, spectatum bcUo, set vctcre atque insita Claudiae
familiae superbia, multaque indicia saevitiae, quamquam preman-

4 tur, erumperc. Ininc ct prima ab infantia cductum in domo reg-
natrice ; congestos iuvxni consulatus, triumphos ; ne iis quidem
annis, quibus Rhodi specie secessus exul egerit, aliud quam iram 5

5 et simulationem et secretas lubidincs meditatum. accedere ma-
trem muliebri inpotcntia : servicndum feminae duobusque insuper
adulescentibus, qui rem publicam interim premant, quandoque
distrahant.

5. exulcm : text Miiretus ; ali'juid : aliud Nipp.

moli parem : so ' par iiegotiis,' 3. 30,
5; 6. 39, 3, &c. 'Moles' of weight of
empire, c. 11, 2.

Neronem. This name, though still
used here and in c. 5, 6, was dropped on
his adoption. See Introd. ix. note 28 ;
and, on his age and services, ibid. viii.

rP- i34> '35-

2. superbia. This characteristic of
the Claudii is repeatedly insisted on by
Livy (e. g. 2. 56), whom Sutt. has followed
(Tib. 2). For the arguments by which it
is maintained that the traditional policy
of this family has been misconceived,
see Mommsen, Hist., E. T. vol. i. Ap-
pendix.

3. et. This would naturally be fol-
lowed by another 'et' or 'neque,' but
the construction, besides the change of
subject in ' congestos,' &c., is varied by
the introduction of a climax with 'ne . . .
quidem.' ' Regnatrix ' is an. tip., used
invidiously of the ' domus principis.' On
the fondness of Tacitus for such verbal
substantives, see Introd. v. § 69.

prima ab infantia, &c. On the events
of the early life of Tiberius, see Introd.
viii. pp. 133, &c. He had only held two
consiilshi]is, at the age of 29 and 35 ; and
his triumphal honours are maintained by
himself and his partisans (see 3. 47, 5,
and note there) to have been far below
what he could have claimed. Tacitus, it
should be observed, is not here speaking
in his own person.

5. exul : so most edd. giving ' agere '
the force of ' degere,' as in 2. 42, 2 ; 3. 48,
2, &c. Cp. ' ubi specie studiorum nomen
exilii tegeretur ' 3. 44, 5. ' Exulem ' would
appear to imply that he had put on the
character of an exile, which seems in-
consistent with the suggestion contained
in ' specie secessus.' It might perhaps be
contended that he was not in fact an exile.

and that ' exulem egerit ' would only mean
that, without being, or himself pretending
to be such, he appeared to the world to
be an exile ; as in the similar passage
' obnoxium et trepidum egit' (Suet. Tib.
12). On his retirement to Rhodes, see
Introd. viii. 134.

aliud quam. The MS. text, though
retained by Baiter, Ritt., and Allen, has
hardly been successfully defended. In
Cic. de Inv. i. 54, 104 ' nee alicui umquam
u>u evenerit,' there is no further difficulty
than the substitution of ' alicui ' for the
more natural ' cuiquam ' ; but here the
addition of ' aliud ' seems needed. An
alternative suggestion is that of 'aliud
quid' i^Draeger), but this appears rather
to mean ' something else ' ; a meaning
which ' aliquid ' (see Verg. Aen. 2, 48;
9, 186) might also bear. See Nipp.

iram, ' resentment ' against all who
slighted him; see 2. 42, 4. The 'lubi-
dincs ' here only charged against him
by popular rumour, are assumed later as
a fact ; see 4. 57, 4.

7. inpotentia, ' impeiiousncss ' : cp.
Sen.CoiiS. ad Helv. 14,2. This, if taken
to be the general characteristic of Livia,
would seem very wide of truth ; but aptly
expresses her uncontrolled and exacting
demands upon her son. Cp. 4. 57, 4, and
the contrast ' mater inpotcns, uxor facilis '
(5- i> 5)) where see note.

duobus.Germanicus and DrususCaesar.

8. interim, opposed to ' mox ' 14. 41,
2, as here to ' quandoque.' In post-
Augustan Latin it is often nearly equiva-
lent to ' nonnumquam.' ' Quandoque ' has
the indefinite sense of ' at some time ' in
4. 28, 3; 6. 20, 3; also in Liv. and
Cic. Ep.

premant . . . distrahant. The first,
by monopolizing the ])rizes of the state,
the latter, by di.-puting the succession.

i86

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

5. Haec atque talia agitantibus gravcscere valetudo Augusti,
et quidam scelus uxoris suspectabant. quippe rumor inccsserat, 2
paucos ante menses Augustiim, elcctis consciis et comite uno
Fabio Maximo, Planasiam vectum ad visendum Agrippam ;

5 multas illic utrimque lacrimas et signa caritatis spemque ex eo 3
fore ut iuvenis penatibus avi redderctur : quod Maximum uxori
Marciae aperuisse, illam Liviae. gnarum id Caesari ; neque 4
multo post extincto Maximo, dubium an quaesita morte, auditos
in funere eius Marciae gemitus semet incusantis, quod causa

10 exitii marito fuisset: utcumque se ea res habuit, vixdum in- 5

gressus Illyricum Tiberius properis matris litteris accitur ; neque

satis conpertum est, spirantem adhuc Augustum apud urbem

7. c. (coiT. G.) nauum : text L.

1. Haec atque talia. This, or 'haec
ac talia,' is a common formula in Tacitus,
as 2. 38, 7 ; 4. 60, I ; 6. 22, 1 ; and many
other instances given by Nipp.

agitantibus. On this concise use of
the abl. abs. see Introd. v. § 31 c.

gravescere valetudo. This phrase is
repeated 6. 46, 9. The previous use of
the verb, except in PI. N.'H. (11. 41, 96,
236^ is wholly poetical.

2. scelus, used specifically of poisoning,
as in 4. 10, 2 ; 6. 33, i. On the tale of
poisoned figs, see Dio, 56. 30, 2.

suspectabant. This verb is often used
in tliis sense by Tacitus, as 11. 16, 5, &c.,
and first so used by him.

quippe, suggesting a motive for the
alleged crime. Tiie story is alluded to
by riiny, N. H. 7. 45, 46, 150. Plutarch,
who tells the story with much difference
of circumstances {Ttpi dSoAea^^^iat c. Ii"),
knows nothing of the voyage to Planasia.

3. consciis . . . comite. The ' comes '
actually attends him, the * conscii ' may
only have been aware of the plan.

4. Fabio Maximo. His full name,
Paullus Fabius Q. f. Maximum, is given
in the 'Acta Arvalium ' (C. I. L. vi. i,
2023 a\ from which it appears that he
was still alive on May 14 of this year.
He is chiefly i<nown as the friend of Ovid,
who addresses epistles to him (ex P. i. 2,
&c.), had hoped for much from his inter-
cession, and deplores his death (ibid. 4. 6,
9-14). Several further particulars about
him are collected by Nipp.

7. Marciae. She is also mentioned by
Ovid (Fast. 6. 801, &ic.), and was cousin
of Augustus (C.I. G. 2629); being daughter
of the marriage of his mother's sister, Atia

minor, to the Philippus mentioned 3 72, 2,
son of the Philippus whom Atia maior
secondly married (Borghesi, v. 139): see
Nipp.

gnarum, often used passively by Tacit us
(c. 51, 4 ; 63, 3. &c.), and so rarely else-
where (Apul. Mag. 12. 2S1, 9) that the
use may be called peculiar to him. On
the less rare similar use of ' ignarus,' see
2. 13, 1, &c.

8. dubium. On such parentheses, see
Introd. V. § S2, and note on 14. 64, i.

quaesita : so used of what is studied
or unnatural, 3. 57, i ; 5. 3, 3 ; 6. 50, i ;
here of suicide. The fact is given as
doubtful 'dubium an ' = 'perhaps '), but
as taken for granted by Marcia.

10. utcumque, &c. Tacitus thus dis-
misses for what it is worth both the charge
of poisoning and the tale which supjiorts
it. The latter is accepted without question
by Dio (56. 30, i) : but that Augustus in
his extreme infirmity could take sucii a
voyage at all is improbable, as Pianosa
must be some forty miles from the nearest
mainland, and much further from any
probable port of embarkation ; and it is
still more unlikely that Livia, who was in
constant attendance on him, should have
been ignorant of it.

vixdum ingressus, &c. The circum-
stances of the last journey of Augustus in
company with him are given in Suet. Aug.

97. 9S.

12. spirantem, &c. That Tiberius found
him alive is accepted without question by
Veil. (2. 123, 3), and by Suet. i,Aug. 98;
Tib. 31). bio (56. 31, i) thinks the other
view better attested.

apud, for ' in ' : see Introd. v. § 57.

A.D. H.]

LIBER I. CAP. 5, 6.

187

6 Nolam an exanimem reppcrcrit. acribus namque custodiis do-
mum et vias sacpscrat Livia, laetique intcrdum nuntii vulga-
bantur, donee provisis quae tempus monebat simul exccssisse
Augustum et rerum potiri Neronem fama eadem tulit.

6. Primum facinus novi principatus fuit Postumi Agrippae 5
caedes, quem ignarum inermumque quamvis fiimatus animo

2 ccnturio aegre confecit. nihil de ca re Tiberius apud senatum
disseruit : patris iussa simulabat, quibus praescripsisset tiibuno
custodiae adposito, ne cunctaretur Agrippam moite adficere,

3 quandoque ipse supremum diem explevisset. multa sine dubio 10
saevaque Augustus dc moribus adulescentis questus, ut exilium
cius senatus consulto sanciretur perfecerat : ceterum in nullius
umquam suorum necem duravit, nequc mortem nepoti pro se-

4 curitate privigni inlatam credibile erat. propius vero Tiberium

I. acribus ... custodiis. For similar
precautions, see \i. 68, i : 'acer' is often
used for 'diligent,' as 2. 43, 3; 3. 48,
2, &c. 'Namque' is thus in anastrophe
in 2. 43, 5, and other authors (see Gud.
on Dial. 19, 6).

3. excessisse : so used especially of
one deified, as c. 33, i, and 'excessus'
c. 7, 2;' 14, 4, &c : cp. 'post obitum
vel potius excessum Ronuili ' Cic. Rep. 2.

30. .'^3-

4. rerum potiri. The will of Augustus
was not yet known, nor the successor
formally chosen by the senate; but Tiberius
was already practically master of the
Roman world. Hence the next chapter
speaks of the ' novus principatus.'

5. Primum facinus, &c. See the
similar expressions in 13.1,1; H. 2.64, 2.

6. quamvis firmatus animo, 'not-
withstanding his resolve.' The expression
appears to be taken from ' firmatus animi '
(^Sall. \\. 3. 17 D, 15 K. 52 G). Tacitus
also seems to follow Sallust in using the
rarer form ' inermus.'

7. centurio. Suet. (Tib. 23> loosely
confuses the tribune through whom the
order passed with the centurion who
executed it. These officers jirobably be-
longed to the praetorian guard, from which
apparently detachments or officers were
sent at other times to put persons to
death: see c. 53, 7-9; 14. 58, 4; 16. 9,

3 ; '.^> I-

aegre : his strength is noted, c. 3, 4.

8. praescripsisset. The subjunctive
gives the representation of Tiberius.

9. custodiae adposito, ' set over the

guard,' or 'set over him for a guard'; the
latter is the explanation generally given
here and in H. i. 43, i ('custodiae
additus') : the former best agrees with
2. 68, 3 'priori custodiae regis ad]:)ositus ;'
the latter with the 'adpositi custodcs' of

4. 60, 1. On the dative of purpose in
Tacitus, see Introd. v. § 23.

10. quaudoque, not used as in c. 4, 5,
but = ' quandocunque,' as 4. 38, 3, &c.

11. saeva questus. He is said to have
spoken of him and the two Juliae as
' tres vomicas ac tria carcinomata sua'
Suet. Aug. 65.

12. senatus consulto. The kinds of
sentence by which persons might be
banished are compared in 3. 24, 6, and
Ov. Trist. 2, 131, &c. I. By decree of
the senate. 2. V>y sentence of the law-
court. 3. By edict of the ' princeps,' as
in Ovid's own ' relegatio ' 4. By mere
' renuntiatio amicitiae jsrincipis.' This
would cease with the life of the prince
(3. 24, 5), the others, or at least the two
first, were permanent: cp. ' cavit etiam

5. C. ut codem loci in perpetuum con-
tineretur' Suet. Aug. 65. See Staatsr. ii.
1 1 24, n. I.

13. duravit, 'hardened himself,' as
14. I, 6, &c. : cji. 'cuius manus in hoc
supplicium durassent' Pctr. 105; 'non
durat ultra poenam abdicationis' Quint.
9. 2,88 ; 'durare ad sanguinem' Id. l)ecl.
279. This sense is oftener found in the
transitive form, as 3. 15, 4, and passive,
as H. 4. 59, 2.

14. erat gives the belief at the time, as
' credebantur ' c. 53, 5 ; ' constabat ' 4.

i88

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A. U.C. 767.

ac Liviam, ilium metu, banc novercalibus odiis, suspect! et invisi
iuvenis caedem festinavisse. nuntianti centurion!, ut mos mili- 5
tiae, factum esse quod imperasset, neque imperasse sese et
rationem facti rcddendam apud senatum respondit. quod post- 6

5 quam Salliistius Crispus particeps sccretorum (is ad tribunum
miserat codicillos) comperit, metuens ne reus subderetur, iuxta
periculoso ficta seu vera promeret, monuit Liviam ne arcana
domus, ne consilia amicorum, ministeria militum vulgarentur,
neve Tiberius vim principatus resolveret cuncta ad senatum

lovocando: eam condicionem esse imperandi, ut non aliter ratio
constet quam si uni reddatur.

7. At Romae ruere in servitium consules, patres, eques.
quanto quis inlustrior, tanto magis falsi ac festinantes, vultuque 2
composite, ne laeti excessu principis neu tristiores primordio,

15 lacrimas gaudium, questus adulationem miscebant. Sex. Pom- 3

14. tiistior : text margin, and B. 15. adulatione : adulationes L, text Heinsius.

74, 5 : ' est ' would give the writer's
opinion.

2. festinavisse. The transitive use is
mainly poetical, but adopted l)y Sail, and
thence by Tac, as 4. 28, 2 ; 14. 33, 6.

nuntianti, &c. This is one of the
places (see Introd. iv. p. 26) where the
verbal resemblance of Suet. (Tib. 22) to
Tacitus is sirongest.

5. Sallustius Crispus is employed
again on secret service, 2. 40, 3. For a
general account of him, and of his cha-
racter and services, see 3. 30. ' Particeps
secretorum ' appears to mean 'admitted
to privacy' (cp. 3- 8, 4; 4. 7, 4; 13.
18, 3; H. I. 10, 4, &c.), and thus
describes his position in similar terms to
those of Seneca, who styles him (de CI.
1. 10) ' interioris admissionis amicus.' On
the 'comites August!,' or ' cohors ami-
corum,' see Introd. vi. p. 96 ; Staatsr. ii.
835 ; Fiiedlaender, Sitteng. i. 179.

6. reus subderetur. This expression,
in c. 39, 4; 15. 44, 3, and other uses of
'subdere,' as 3. 67, 3 ; 4. 59, 5 ; 6. 36, 1,
&c., all signify a fraudulent substitution
or false suggestion.

iuxta periculoso, ' as it was equally
perilous.' On ' iuxta,' see Introd. v. § 61,
and on the abl. abs., ibid. § 31 b.

7. seu, omitted in the first place, as
in 2. 17, 8 ; 3. 18, 6, &c., and in poets.

10. eam condicionem, 'it is of the
essence of ruling, that accounts will not

come right if audited by others than the
ruler.' This may mean either that the
ruler must give account of his actions to
no one ; or that his subordinates, above
all his military subordinates, to whom
Tiberius here professes to have given no
orderiJ, must be responsible to him alone :
it is implied either way that much must
be done by or for an autocrat which will
not bear investigation. On ' condicio,'
cp. 'condicio vivendi' Ilor. Sat. 2. 8, 65.
The metai hor ' ratio constat ' seems to be
suggested by ' rationem reddendam : ' in
PI. Mm., e.g. in Epp. i. 5, 17; i. 9, i ;
2. 4,4, &c., ' ratio constat ' comes to mean
' it is good,' or ' reasonable.'

12. consules, patres, eques. On the
asyndeta, see Introd. v. § 65 ; on the
singular for plural, as in ' eques,' and,
below, ' miles,' see ibid. § 2. 'l"he collec-
tive sing. ' eques ' is used of the equestrian
order in 4. 74, f., &c., also in Hor. (Fpp.
2. I, 185), Martial, and .Suet.

13. falsi, 'hypocritical,' as 3 3, i; 13.
1 3, 4, &c. The use seems taken from
Sail., who has 'ambitio multos mortales
falsos fieri subegit ' Cat. 10, 5.

14. composite,. so of studied effects in
word or look, 2. 34, 6 ; 3. 44, 4, &c.

ne laeti, sc. ' essent.' See Introd. v.
§ 39 b, and Nipp. here.

8. Sex.PompeiusetSex. Appuleius.
These consuls are stated by Dio (56.
29, 5' to have been related to Caesar ;

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 6, 7.

189

pcius et Sex. Appulcius consulcs primi in verba Tiberii Caesaris
iuravere, apudque cos Seius Strabo et C. Turranius, illc prae-
toriarum cohortium praefectus, hie annonae ; mox senatus miles-

4 que et populus. Nam Tiberius cuncta per consuies incipiebat.

6 tamquam vetere re publica et ambiguus imperandi : ne edictum 5
quidem, quo patres in curiam vocabat, nisi tribuniciac potestatis

6 i^raescriptione posuit sub Augusto acceptae. verba edicti fuere
pauca et sensu permodesto : de honoribus parentis consulturum,
neque abscedere a corporc, idque unum ex publicis muneribus

1. Apiileius: text B; cp. 2.50, i, and Inscrr.

2. sell! strabo; text margin, and B.

which explains thiir conlinuance in office
throughout the vtar. Pompeius, who is
mentioned 3. ii, 2 ; 32, 2, and as a friend
of Ovid (ex P. 4. I, 4, 8), may have
shared in the relationship indicated in 2.
27, 2. That of Appuleius may be gathered
from 2. 50, 1.

1. primi . . . iuravere. This oath
(' sacramentum in nomen Tiberii ' c. 8, 5)
taken by the whole people, and by the
provinces (c. 34, i \ is a recognition of
Caesar's supreme ' imperium ' throughout
the empire. See Introd. vi. p. 81 ; Staat>r.
ii. p. 792. It must be distinguished from
the oath taken to maintain the acta (^see
c. 72, 2). The consuls, as the chief sena-
torial magistrates, appear here, after them-
selves swearing alleginncj, to administer
the oath to the two chief non-senatorial
officers (on whom see Introd. vi. 86). All
other magistrates or praefecti appear to
take it only as members of the senate or
equestrian order. It is thus possible that
the absence of separate mention of the
' praefectus urbis,' who was always a
senator, m.ny no more prove tlmt office to
have been in abeyance than the regular
senatorial magistracies (see on 6. 11, 6).
The ' praefectus vigil um ' is also un-
mentioned.

2. Seius Strabo, the father of Seianus
(c. 24, 3; 4. I, 3!, afterwards praefectus
of KgyiH Dio. 57. 19, 6). His praeno-
men was Lucius (C. I. L. vi. 9=135).

C. Turranius, probably the first holder
of the office, which was of recent institu-
tion (Slaatsr. ii. 1041V He was still
holding it thirty-four years later (i i. 31,1',,
though Seneca makes him already ninety
in the time of Gains ( Brev. Vit. 20, 2).

3. senatus milesque et populus.
These are coupled as making up the

whole civil population, 11. 30, 5, 'popu-
lus' being equivalent to ' plebs ' (cp.
' militi patribusque et plebi' 14. 11, i);
and the ' equites ' being for some not ob-
vious reason included with it.

4. per consuies, &c. On the ad-
ministration during the vacancy of the
principate, see Introd..vi. p. 98. On the
position of Tiberius at this fime, see
ibid. viii. p. 139.

5. ambiguus imperandi, 'as if he
had not made up his mind to rule :' cp.
'ambiguus consilii ' (H. 2.83, 2,&c.). On
this genitive, see Introd. v. § 33 e. 0. Dr.
notes that its use with ' ambiguus' is new
in Tacitus, but analogous to that with
'dubiiis' and 'incerlus' in I, ivy.

7. praescriptione, " under the title of.'
Nipp. notes that the edict would run thus:
' Ti. Caesar trib. pot. xvi. dicit.' It would
thus seem as if he had not power to con-
voke the senate as ' collega imperii.'

posuit. This verb is used for ' pro-
ponere ' only liere and 4. 27, i. On other
such uses of simple verbs for compound,
see Introd. v. § 40.

9. neque abscedere. These words are
added to excuse his absence from Rome.
The body of the princeps might be re-
garded as in charge of the state, and the
attend.uice on it might thus be taken ,as
ill Nqip.) to be a 'publicum munus,'
though these words apply better to this
summoning of the senate. The edict was
issued at Nola; whence the body was
borne by local m.igistrates at each stage
to Bovillae, and thence to Rome by
knights on tlie day before the senate met
(Suet. Aug. 100; Dio, 56. 31, 2). The
respect paid by Tiberius was similar to
that shown by Augustus himself to the
remains of Drusus (^3. 5, 2).

190

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

usurpare. sed defuncto Augusto signum praetoriis cohortibus 7
ut imperator dederat ; excubiae, arma, cetera aulae ; miles in
forum, miles in curiam comitabatur. litteras ad exercitus tam- 8
quam adepto principatu misit, nusquam cunctabundus nisi cum
5 in senatu loqueretur. causa praecipua ex formidine, nc Ger- 9
manicus, in cuius manu tot legiones, immensa sociorum auxilia,
mirus apud populum favor, habere imperium quam exspectare
mallet, dabat et famae, ut vocatus electusque potius a re pub- 10
lica videretur quam per uxorium ambitum et senili adoptione
10 inrepsisse. postea cognitum est ad introspiciendas etiam pro- 11
cerum voluntates inductam dubitationem : nam verba vultus in
crimen detorquens recondebat.

8. Nihil primo senatus die agi passus est nisi de supremis
Augusti, cuius testamentum inlatum per virgines Vestae Tibe-

II. indutam I. F. Gron. and others.

13. est ins. Nipp.

1. signum -=' tesseram,' as 13. 2, 5, &c.
At the death of Gains this was given by
the consuls fjos. Ant. 19. 2, 3) ; but the
action of Tiberius is fully explained by
his being ' coUega imperii.'

2. excubiae. A cohort of praetorians
kept guard at the house of the princeps
and attended him elsewhere (BI. i. 24, 2 ;
29, 2), but dressed only in the toga (ibid.
38, 5) : cp. Staatsr. ii. 807.

cetera aulae, ' the other accompani-
ments of a court.' 'Aula' is generally
used by Tacitus of the ' cohors ' or cour-
tiers, as 2. 43, 5; H. I. 13, 10.

3. in curiam : it is not meant that they
entered the senate house, as Tiberius at
a late date requested that a few officers
might do (6. 15, 5) : see Staatsr. iii. 909.

4. adepto, here alone passive in
Tacitus: so in Cic , Sail., &c.

cum . . . loqueretur. On this sub-
junctive, see Introd. v. § 52.

5. praecipua. He had also similar
fear of the Pannonian legions ; and others
bring in here the plots, supposed to be
already. in progress, of Libo (2. 27) and
Clemens (2. 39). Suet. Tib, 25,

7. apud populum favor: see 2. 41 ;
82; 4. 57, 5.

8. dabat et famae, ' it was his con-
cession to public opinion.' The full ex-
pression ' das aliquid famae?' is found in
Hor. Sat. 2. 2, 94. The accusative, here
and in 13. 49, 5, thus omitted with 'dare,'
is not unfrequently absent from ' tribuere :'
the object here is supplied from ' ut . . .

videretur,' as in 2. 53, 3; 58, i, &c. :
'fama' is used for public opinion in 4.
40, I, &c.

9. senili, overstated, as Augustus was
only sixty-five at the time of the adoption.
The share of Livia in it is dwelt upon in
c. 3. 3, and 4. 57, 4. Dio (57. 3, 3)
strangely puts this explanation as matter
of his own hearsay f'^5?; -qKovaa on /f.r.A..).

II. voluntates, i. e. the disposition of
each individual.

inductam, ' was put on,' like a mask.
Thus 'inducere plumas' Hor. A. P. 2. The
metaphor in 4. 70, 5 is different.

I 2. detorquens, ' misinterpreting.' So
' calumniando detorquendoque' Liv. 42.

42> 5-

recondebat, 'would store in memory;'
so used of Tiberius, c. 69, 7. Cp. ' in
animo revolvente iras' 4. 21, 2; al<o 4.
29, 5; 71, 5. Thus Domitian is said
' reponere odium' Agr. 39, 4.

13. Nihil . . . passus. The loss of
' est ' from the M.S. is not easy to explain,
but perhaps Nipp. is right in thinking its
absence with a transitive deponent so
exceptional as to justify the insertion.

supremis. This appears to mean
'obsequies' in 4. 44, 6; but more com-
monly ' death,' as in 3. 49, i ; 6. 50, 3 ;
12. 66, 2, &c.

14. per virgines Vestae. Wills, trea-
ties, and other documents, and sums of
money, were deposited for safety with the
Vestals (Suet. Jul. 83 ; Plut. Ant. 942 ;
Dio, 48. 37, i), or in other temples (Juv.

A. D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. -],

191

2 rium et Liviam hcredcs habuit. Livia in familiam luliam no-
menquc Augustum adsumcbatur ; in si)cm secundam nepotcs
proncpotcsquc, tertiogradupriniores civitatis scripscrat, plcrosque

3 invisos sibi, scd iactantia gloriaquc ad posteros. Icgata non

■ ultra civilem modum, nisi quod populo ct plebi quadringentiens 5
triciens quinquiens, praetoriarum cohortium militibus singula

2. Aufjustae (corr. from Angustu or Augusta) : text lac. Gron. 5. ccccxxxv :

sestertiuni ins. Ritt.

8,143; 14, 260, &c.). This will is given,
with some variations and additions, by
Suet. (Aug. 101), and Dio, or Xiphil.
(56. 32', whose accounts should be com-
pared throughout with Tacitus. Suet.
states that it had been deposited with the
Vestals sixteen months previously. Chari-
sius (i. 80, P ; 104 Keir> quotes from it, as
still extant in the fourth century, ' gausapcs,
lodiccs purpureas et colorias meas.'

1. heredes, in the proportion of two-
thirds to Tiberius, one-third to Livia (Suet.
1. 1 ). Dio adds that a decree was passed to
exempt her from the disabilities of the
law (Lex Voconia, cp. Dio, 56. 10, 2).
On the relation of heirship by will to
succession in the principate, see Introd.
vi. p. 97 ; Staatsr. ii. 999, n. i.

2. Augustum, possibly the original text
of Med. (see crit. note): ' adsumebatui '
could hardly be used with ' Augustae,'
as no such name previously existed.
' Augwstum ' is an adj., as in ' mensis
Augustus,' &c. Cp. ' nomen Sempronium '
(c- .^3, ^). 'Furium' (2.52, 7), 'Africanum
cognomen' Liv. 30.45,6). She is always
called Augusta by Tacitus henceforth.
On the titles borne by her, see Introd. ix.
note 26, and on subsequent 'Augustae,'
Momms. Staatsr. ii. p. 788. The title
* Augustus ' was conferred on Tiberius
with the principate itself, but not generally
used by him. See Introd. ix. note 28.

in spem secundam, sc. 'scripserat.'
An elegance of expression for ' heredes
secundos,' ' heirs in default.' Suet, gives
the proportion as one-third to Drusus,
two-thirds to Germanicus and his three
sons. Agrippa Postumus and Julia are
disinherited.

3. primores civitatis, ' propinquos
amicosque complurcs ' (Suet.). This posi-
tion would be an empty compliment, and
is therefore set down to merfe ostentation.

4. sed, 'yet he named them:' cp.
'sed quo,' &c., c. 3, 5.

gloria, often of ' love of fame,' see
Nipp. on c. 43. Such expressions as ' fama,'

'memoria,' &c., 'ad posteros,' are frequent
in Livy, as 2. 10, 11, &c. : see Nipp.

legata. Dio states that many rela-
tives, also strangers, knights as well as
senators, even foreign kings, were among
the legatees. Suet, adds that in the will
Augustus estimated the residue to the
heirs at not more tlian 150 million PI. S. ;
and stated that he had himself received in
twenty years legacies amounting to 1,400
(or perhaps 4,000 million H. S., which,
besides two ' jjatrimonia ' and other in-
heritances, had been spent on the public
service. Directions and provision were
made for prompt payment, but some delay
ensued Suet. Tib. 57; Dio, 57. 14, i).

5. civilem, that of an ordinary citizen :
so ' civilia ' c. 12. 6; 'civile ingenium '

populo et plebi. Suet, states these
bequests thus, 'populo R. quadringenties,
triljubus tricies quinquies sestertium.'
This could hardly be taken otherwise than
as meaning that the former sum was to be
paid into the 'aerarium' '^cp. this special
use of 'populus' 6. 17, 4; also ' pecunia
publica' 4. 15, 3; ' publicari ' 6. 19, i);
and the latter sum distributed, 100,000
H..S. to the poorer members of each tribe:
cp. Staatsr. iii. 444, n. 4. We have a
similar payment to the treasury, coupled
with a distribution, in 13. 31, 2. Kut it
is hardly likely that the ' plebs ' were
equally distributed over the rustic as well
as urban tribes ; while a total of only 3j
million U.S. would presuppose either a
very small share or few sharers. If we
accept from Dio (57. 14, 2) that the share
amounted to 260 H..S., and suppose the
recipients to have been even fewer than
the 250,000 to 320,000 who shared the
variou.s ' congiaria ' of Augustus (Mon.
Anc. iii. 7-21), we are forced to suppose
that the whole sum, ' populo et jilebi,'
must have been distributed. In that case
we should have to set aside the distinction
drawn by Suetonius as an error, and to
suppose that ' populo et plebi ' are used,

ig2

P. CORNELII TACiri ANN A LIU M [A.U.C. 767.

nummum milia, nrbanis qumgenos, legionariis aut cohortibus
civium Romanorum trecenos nummos viritim dedit. turn con- 4
sultatum de honoribus ; ex quis qui niaxime insignes visi, ut
porta triumphaii duceretur funus, Gallus Asinius, ut legum la-
5 tarum tituli, victarum ab eo gentium vocabula anteferrentur, L.
Arruntius ccnsuere. addebat Messalla Valerius renovandum 5
per annos sacramentum in noir.en Tiberii ; interrogatusque a
Tiberio num se mandante earn sententiam prompsisset, sponte
dixisse respondit, neque in iis quae ad rem publicam pertinerent
10 consilio nisi sue usurum, vel cum periculo offensionis : ea sola

I. urbanis quingcnos ins. Sauppe. .^. qui ins. Bezzenberger. hi visi Heraeus,

visi om. Nipp. 6. Messala : so 3. 34 : 68 ; 6. 11 ; 11.6; 13. 34 ; H. 3 11 :

Messalla 4. 34 ; H. 3. 9 ; 18 ; 25 ; 28 ; 4. 42.

as in the ' populo plebique ' of old formu-
lae, &c. (cp. Cic. Verr. 5. 14, 36 ; pro
Mur. I, I ; Liv. 29. 27, 2, and other refer-
ences in Staatsr. iii. 6, 4), and that the
whole sum was to be distributed among
the ' plebs Romana' or 'plebs urbana '
(see Introd. vii. p. 104, n. 13), i.e. the
body of citizens who usually shared in
imperial gifts.

I. urbanis quingenos, inserted from
the statement in Suet, and Dio. It has
been thought that the force did not yet
exist, but we have no record of their in-
stitution between this and the mention of
them in 4. 5, 5.

cohortibus civium H.. On these
cohorts see Introd. vii. p. 125. They are
omitted by Suet. The expression of Dio
{voXniKw TrXrjdft) would include them.
' Aut ' can have the force of ' et vicissim,'
as in 2. 47, 4, &c.

3. ex quis qui maxima in.signes visi.
Most critics have felt that this passage
can hardly be sound as it stands in the
MS.; but the omission of 'visi' is met
by the difficulty of accounting for its
presence. The suggestion that 'qui' may
have dropped out after 'quis,' is free from
objection, and allows a demonstrative to
be supplied from it as the object of ' cen-
suere.' There is still a confusion of con-
structions, through the attempt to combine
in one sentence the proposals made and
the names of the proposers. A similar
desire to condense has produced the same
effect elsewhere, as in 2. 64, 4 (' ipsorum-
que regum ingcnia,' &c.', and 11. 29, 2
('dein metu,' &c.). For a full discussion
of this passage, see Joh. MUller, Beitrage,
sect. 3, pp. 1-5.

4. porta triumphaii. This gate, prob-

ably closed except at triumphs, is suji-
posed to have stood between the ' Porta
Flumentana' and 'Carmentalis.' See
Burn (p. 46\ Dyer (D. of Geog. 'Roma,'
p. 752), Middleton, i. p. 127.

5. tituli, ' inscriptions,' e. g. ' de
adulteriis,' ' de maritandis ordinibus,' &c.

vocabula, 'names:' cp. c. 3, 7; used
of proper names, 2. 6, 5, &c. On Gallus
Asinius and L. Arruntius, see more fully
c. 12 ; 13.

6. addebat. On the habit ' egrediendi
relationem,' see 2. 38, 3. On this day the
deliberations were more stiictly limited to
the question than usual : see above, § i.

Messalla Valerius, son of Messalla
Corvinus, and brother of Cotta Messalinus
(2 32, 2. &c.). He was consul in 751,
B.C. 3 (Suet. Galb. 4) ; as was his son in
773, A.D. 20 (3. 2,5;, and his grandson in
811, A.D. 58 (13. 34, iV He is also
known as having won ' triuniphalia ' in
Pannonia (Veil. 2. 112), as a friend of
TibuUus (2. 5, 17), and of Ovid (ex P.
1.7; 2. 2), a speaker (3. 34, 2^, and writer
(Suet. Aug. 74^1 ; but of servile character
■here, and 3. 18, 3). Further references
to him are given by Nipp.

renovandum, &c. This annual re-
newal of the 'sacramentum' had become
a regular custom on the first of January
by 822, A.D. 69 (H. I. 55, 1). We also
hear of such renewals on the anniversaiy
of accession (PI. ad Tiai. 52). See Staatsr.
ii. p. 703-

10. ofFensionis. Dr. notices that this
form is used invariably in the Annals, as
' offensa ' invariably in the other works.

ea sola species, &c., i. e. this show
of independence was the only form of
flattery not stale.

A.D. 14.]

LIBER L CAP. 8, 9.

193

6 species adulandi supererat. conclamant patrcs corpus ad rogum
umeris senatorum ferendum. remisit Caesar adroganti mode-
rationc, populumque edicto monuit ne, ut quondam nimiis studiis
funus divi lulii turbassent, ita Augustum in foro potius quam in

7 campo Martis, sede destinata, cremari vellent. die funeris milites 5
velut pracsidio stetere, multuni inridcntibus qui ipsi viderant
quique a parentibus acceperant diem ilium crudi adhuc servitii
et libertatis inprospere repetitae, cum occisus dictator Caesar
aliis pessimum, aliis pulcherrimum facinus videretur : nunc senem
principem, longa potentia. provisis etiam heredum in rem pub- 10
licam opibus, auxilio scilicet militari tuendum, ut sepultura eius
quieta foret.

9. Multus hinc ipso de Augusto sermo, plerisque vana miran-
tibus, quod idem dies accepti quondam imperii princeps et vitae
supremus, quod Nolae in domo et cubiculo in quo pater eius 15

8. inprospera rcpetita : text L.

2. remisit, ' Caesar, with haughty
condescension, excused them,' i. e. from
the ' duty,' as ihey hnd themselves ap-
parently termed it (_' ferendum '). His
arrogance may have consisted in the use
of ' remitto ' or some such word, implying
a light to command the service which is
thus waived. 'Rcmitterte' has the force
of excusing from a duty, as 'remissa cuia'
(3. 55, i), ' remisisse reipublicae novissi-
mum ca^um' (H. 2. 48, 4), 'remitto . .
ne .. dorsum demulceatis' (Liv. 9. 16,
16). It does not liere convey a prohibi-
tion ; and the body was borne by senators
according to Suet. (Aug. ico) ; which
honour had been jireviously paid to .Sulla
(App. B. C. I. 106), and was here the
natural climax to the previous bearing by
'decuriones' and by knights. See on c. 7, 6.

3. edicto. This also would be by
virtue of his tribunici.Tn power (see c. 7, 5).
Similar edicts are mentioned 3. 6, i ; 4.
67, I.

4. funua divi lulii. The chief au-
thorities for the iamous scene at that
funeral are Suet. Jul. 84; Plut. Caes. 68 ;
Dio, 44. 36-50.

in Campo Martis. The pile was near
the ' mausoleum ' built by Augustus in
726, B.C. 28 (Suet. Aug. 100); the lower
portion of which still remains. It is called
' tumulus Augusti,' 'Caesarum,' or ' luli-
orum ': see 3. 4, i ; 9, 2 ; 16. 6, 2.

6. velut: see Introd. v. § 67.

7. acceperant: so of tradition, 2.
59, 2 : G. 27, 3 (where see note), &c.

crudi adhuc servitii, ' when slavery
had not ripened:' cp. ' cruda niarito'
Hor. Od. 3. II, 12. Mr. Uallin would
take it to mean ' when slavery was not yet
incorporated into their system,' the meta-
phor being that of an undigested meal
(cp. Juv. 1, 143; 'cruda studia' Petron.
4, &c.). Mr. Frost takes the metaphor
to be that of f.n unhealed wound.

8. occisus Caesar. On this use of
the participle, see Introd. v. § 55 b.

I o. in rem publicam , ' resou rces against
the commonwealth.' Cp. c. 10, 4; 3.
24, 2. The allusion here is to the will
lately read.

13. plerisque, 'the majority,' ns op-
posed to the 'piudentcs.' Usually in
Tacitus it means 'permulti,' and Nipp.
would so take it always: cp. 3. 1, 2:
' vana,' mere accidents.

14. idem dies, August 19, the anni-
versary of his first election to the con-
sulship ; which was his first actual
magistracy, though he already had an
'imperium' (cp. c. 10, \) : the date of
which (as in C I. L. xii. 4333, Orell.
2489"), or some greater subsequent ejioch,
is usually observed as an anniversary :
see Staatsr. ii. 747. Tlie coincidence
here is sufficient for those who sought
such.

15. pater : see Introd. ix. note i.

194

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

Octavius vitam finivisset. numerus etiam consulatuum cele- 2
brabatur, quo Valerium Corvum et C. Marium simul aequaverat,
continuata per septem et triginta annos tribunicia potestas,
nomen imperatoris seir.el atque viciens partum aliaque honorum
5 multiplicata aut nova, at apud prudentes vita eius varie ex- 3
tollebatur argucbaturve. hi pietate erga parentem et necessitu- 4
dine rei publicae, in qua nuUus tunc legibus locus, ad arma civilia
actum, quae Jiequc parari possent neque haberi per bonas artes.
multa Antonio, dum interfectorcs patris ulcisceretur, multa Le-

10 pido concessisse. postquam hie socordia senuerit, ille per libi- 5
dines pessum datus sit, non aliud discordantis patriae remedium
fuisse quam 7it ab uno regeretur. non regno tanien neque die- 6
tatura, sed principis nomine constitutam rem pubh'cam ; mari
Oceano aut amnibus longinquis saeptum imperium ; legiones,

15 provincias, classes, cuncta inter se conexa ; ius apud cives, mo-

9. tunc : dum Mur., cum Haase, tunc cum Ritt., tunc . . . ut ulciscerentur Pfitzner.
ulciscerentur : text L. 12. ut ins. Feiretti.

I. numerus. His thirteen consulships
equalled the sum of those of Marius,
who alone had been seven times, and
Valerius Corvus, best known of the only
two recorded to have been six times
consul.

3. septem et triginta, a round num-
ber, reckoning fiom June 27,731, B.C. 23.
On the first beginning, and subsequent
reckoning of the years of this power, see
Introd. vi. pp. 76, 79.

4. nomen imperatoris : see c. 3, i ;
Introd. vi. p. 76 ; Staatsr. ii. 781. The
first occasion appears to have been Mu-

•tina ; the last, subsequent to the date of
an inscription of this very year (Introd.
1. 1. p. 80).

alia honorum. On the genitive, see
Introd. V. § 32b. 'Multiplicata' may
refer to the repeatedly bestowed title of
'pater patriae,' and the periodically re-
newed 'imperium,' &c. ; 'nova' to the
new forms taken by thesfe and other
powers, to the title of ' Augustus,' &c.
See Introd. vi pp. 76-80, Mon. Anc.
ii. 15-41, vi. 16-21, &c.

6. hi. This has no proper construc-
tion, a verb of speaking being supplied
from 'extollebalur arguebaturve.' On
the omission of such verbs by Tacitus,
see Introd. v. 3S a. The view in this
chapter may be compared to that given
by Dio in the funeral oration supposed to
be spoken by Tiberius (56. 35-41).

parentem, used like ' patris ' below, of
his adoptive father.

8. haberi : cp. c. i, i ; 'civil war,
which can neither be levied nor con-
ducted by honourable methods.' ' Bonae
artes' is used similarly, c 28, 5.

9. dum, generally explained here as
= ' provided that ; ' though it might also
be taken in a temporal sense.

10. concessisse. The meaning is that
the crimes of the triumvirate were those
of his colleagues, tolerated by himself
only to secure his great object : cp.
' Caesar percussoribus patris contentus
fuit ' Florus, 4. 6. Suetonius (Aug. 27)
states that, though more reluctant to
begin a proscription, he carried it out
more vindictively than his colleagues,

12. non regno, &c. : see Intiod. vi.
p. 78. The emperor is styled I3aai\(vi in the
New Testament and elsewhere in Greek
Oriental writing: .Staatsr. ii. 764, n. 3.

13. mari Oceano. On these adjectival
substantives, see Introd. v. § 3.

14. longinquis. Tiie Rhine, Danube,
Halys, and Euphrates. Oa this descrip-
tion of the frontier, see Introd. vii. p. 11 f.
Stress here is laid on ' longinquis,' to
show the distance of any danger.

legiones, &c. : see on 4. 5 ; and
Introd. vii. p. 12 i foil.

15. ius apud, 'justice in dealing with.'
modestiam, 'moderation,' as 3. 12,

10, &c. On the change in the condition

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 9, 10.

^95

destiam apud socios ; uibcm ipsam magnifico oniatu ; pauca
admodum vi tractata quo ceteris quies essct.

10. Diccbatur contra: pietatem erga parentem et tempera
rci publicae obtcntui sumpta : ccterum cupidine dominandi con-
citos per largitionera veteranos, paratum ab adulcscente privato 5
exercitiim,corruptas consulis Icgiones, simulatam Pompeianarum
gratiam partiuni ; mox ubi decreto patrum fasces et ius prac-
toris invaserit, caesis Hirtio et Pansa, sive hostis illos, seu Pansam
venerium vulneri adfusum, sui milites Hirtium et machinator
doli Caesar abstulcrat, utriusque copias occupavisse ; extortum 'o
invito senatu consulatum, armaque quae in Antonium acceperit
contra rem publicam versa ; proscriptionem civium, divisiones
2 agrorum ne ipsis quidem qui fecere laudatas. sane Cassii et

of the provinces, see c. 2, 2, and Introd.
vii. p. 1 19.

I. raaguifico oniatu, abl. of quality.
Some of tlie biiildint^s of Augustus are
noted in Mon. Anc. iv. and vi. ; also in
Strab. 5. 3, 8, p. 235. He is said 'Suet.
Aug. 28 to have boasted that he had
found l\i)nie a city of brick, and left it
one of marble. For an account of his
chief works, see Dyer, Hist, of the City
of Rome, sect. iii.

pauca. This refers to the suppression
of such conspiracies as are n.entioned in
tlie next chapter.

3. Dicebatur contra. Lips, remarks
that the leaning of Tacitus to this view is
sliown by its fuller statement.

4. obtentui, ' for a pretext.' On this
dative, see Introd. v. § 23.

ceterum = ' revera autem.' This sense
is especially Tacitean, and (except H. 4.
3, 5) found only in the Annals ; as c. 14,
3 ; 44. 6; 14. 58, 3; 15. 52, 3. A
simil.Tr sense is found in Sail. Jug. 76, i,
and in Livy.

5. veteranos. Those settled by the
dictator at Calatia and Casilinum, in-
duced, about October 710, H.c. 44, by
a bribe of 500 denarii 'each,' to join
Octavianus "Cic. Alt. 16. 8, i). Others
joined afterwards (Veil. 2. 61, i).

privato. Cp. Mon. Anc. i. i ' annos
undeviginti natus exercitum privato con-
silio et privala impensa comparavi.'
Appi.nn (1). C. 3. 40) rates it at an ill-
organized force of about 10.000.

6. consulis, i e. ' Antonii.' The Ic-
gioiies ' .\laitia' and ' Quaria,' summontd
by him from Macedonia, deseited to

Octavian at the end of November. Cic.
Phil. 3. 3, 6; App. B. C. 2. 45.

Pompeianarum : see on ' lulianae
partes' c. 2, i, Drager § 223) notes
this arrangement of the four words as a
play of rhetoric very unusual in Tacitus
(cp. 3. 30, 7, and Gud. on Dial. 12, 8)
or Cicero, but more frequent in Livy.

7. ius praetoris. The imperiuni and
rank of propraetor, decreed by proposal
of Cicero, Jan. i, 711, n.c. 43 ; see Cic.
Phil. 5. 16, 45. He received the fasces
on the 7th, which was thus his fir^t ' dies
imperii.' See on c. 9, i.

8. invaserit. This, like 'acceperit'
below, belongs naturally to the ' oratio
obliqua.' On the interposition of indi-
cative clauses, as ' abstulerat ' and ' fe-
cere,' see Introd. v. § 49, and Nipp. here.
For the sing, 'abstulerat' see on 12. 12, 3.

caesis. Hirtius was killed Apr. 27;
Pansa died of his wounds at nearly the
same time. This insinuation against
Caesar is alluded to in a letter of uncer-
tain dale (pseudo-15rutus ad Cic. i, 6),
and given more fully in Suet. Aug. 11.

11. senatu; best taken as a form of the
dative, as in 3. 47, i : cp. ' luxu ' 3. 30
4 ; ' decursu' 3. 33, 3, &c. It rested with
the senate, or rather with the senator
who held comitia as ' interrex.' to allow
him to stand for the consul.ship without
being duly (lualitled (Introd. vi. 94).

1 2. divisiones agrorum, assignments
of lands to soldiers in 713, H. C. 41,
alluded to by Vergil (Fcl. i and ()).

13. sane, concessive, as 3. 5. 4 ; 6. I4,
4 ; 48, 4, &c. : the [larenihetical clause
' (luamquam . . . remiiterc ' qualifies even

196

p. CORNEUI TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

Brutorum exitus paternis inimicitiis datos, quamquam fas sit
privata odia publicis utilitatibus remittere : sed Pompeium ima-
gine pacis, sed Lepidum specie amicitiae deceptos ; post Anto-
nium, Tarentino Brundisinoque foedere et nuptiis sororis inlectum,
subdolae adfinitatis poenas morte exsolvisse. pacem sine dubio 3
post haec, verum cruentam : LoUianas Varianasque clades, inter-
fectos Romae Varrones, Egnatios, lullos* nee domesticis absti- 4
nebatur : abducta Neroni uxor et consuiti per ludibrium ponti-

7. iulios : lulos L., lullos Andresen : see 3. 18, i ; 4. 44, 5.

this concession, and 'paternis inimicitiis'
is invidiously sulistituted for the ' pietate
erga parentem ' of c. 9, 4 : ' remittere,'
' to sacrifice,' as ' memoriam simultatium
patriae remitteret ' Liv. 9. 38, 12. Au-
gustus maintains that he did not use force
against the assassins till thty had been
legally exiled (by the ' lex Pedia,' Veil. 2.
69, 5), Mon. Anc. i. 10.

2. sed . . . sed. On such rhetorical
repetitions, see c. 38, 3, &o., and Introd.
V. § 73. It is implied that there was no
palliation in these cases.

imagine pacis : so ' imagine cog-
nitionis' 3. 17, 6. The allusion is to
the stipulations towards Sex. Pomi")eius
agreed upon at the treaty of Misenum in
715, B.C. 39 (Dio, 48. 36, 4), which were
not fulfilled.

3. specie amicitiae. This refers to
tiie general treatment of Lepidus as
triumvir, rather than to the immediate
occasion of his being robbed of his army
(see c. 2, i).

post. Nipp. shows that this must be
taken only with ' poenas . . . exsolvisse,'
the treaties referred to being prior to the
overthrow of I'ompeius and Lepidus.
That of Brundusium was made in 714,
B. C. 40 ; that of Tarentuin in 717, B C. 37.
Kipp. also explains the inversion here of
their chronological order, as meant to Iny
stress on the marriage with Octavia
^'subdola affinitas'), which was one of
the provisions of the earlier treaty.

5. sine dubio, concessive, as in c. 6,
3, &c.

6. LoUianas. The defeat of Lollius
by some German tribes in 73S, B.C. 16
fl)io, 54. 20, i;), though ' maioris in-
famiae quam detriment! ' (Suet. Aug. 23),
involved the loss of an eagle, and caused
Augustus to go as far as Gaul (Veil. 2.
97, 1") : on the 'clades Variana,' see c. ^,
6, &c.

7. Varrones, &c. These, like ' Lol-
lianas' and ' Varianas,' are rhetorical
plurals ; ' executions at Rome of a Varro,
an Egnatius, an Julius.' L. Licinius
Muraena (Hor. Od. 2. 10), afterwards by
adoption Terentius Varro Muraena, suf-
fered death with Fannius Caepio for con-
spiracy against the life of Augustus in
731 or 732, B.C. 23 or 22 (Dio, 54. 3;
Veil. 2. 91). He was brother to Pro-
culeius and Terentia (Dio, 1. 1.). Egna-
tius Rufus, a popidar aedile and praetor
in two successive years, failing afterwards
to reach the consulship, formed a plot
with others against the life of Augustus,
and was put to death in prison in 735,
B.C. 19. Velleius loads him with abuse
(2. 91, 3\ Julius Antonius, son of the
triumvir by Fulvia, was advanced by
Augustus to the highest rank, and mar-
ried to Marcella, daughter of Octavia ;
see Jntrod. ix. note 18. He was forced
to suicide in 752, B.C. 2, for adultery
with Julia (Veil. 2. 100, 4) ; which was
held to amount to treason (see 3. 24, 3^
The form 'lullus' '.taken as an unpre-
cedented praenomen) is supported by
Mommsen (Hermes xxiv. 155) from in-
scriptions fas C. I. L. vi. 1 2010) and the
MSS of Dio fsi. i:, 7, &c.), and is
probably the true reading here corrupted
into ' Iulios ' (which could not be thus
used by itself as a distinctive name), and
is also to be read in Hor. Od. 4. 2, 2 ;
the trisyllaliic "lulus' being apparently
a creation (perhaps from a mistaken
Greek etymology' of Vergil. 'Julius' is
fornved from 'lullus' as ' milia ' from
' mille,' Messalina from ' Messalla,' &c.

8. abducta, &c. .'^ome such verb as
' memorabatur ' has to be supplied from
the negative clause. Oji the marrrage
of Livin, see 5. i, 3. The answer of the
pontiffs to this ' mockery of consultation'
is given by Dio, 4S. 44, 2.

A.D. 14]

LIBER I. CAP. 10.

197

ficcs an conccpto nccdum edito partu rite nubcret ; Q. f Tcdii ct
Vedii Pollionis luxus ; postremo Livia gravis in rem publicani

5 mater, gravis domiii Caesarum noverca. nihil deorum honoribus
rclictum, cum se templis ct effigie numinum per flamines et

6 sacerdotes coli vellet. ne Tiberium quidcm caritatc aut rci 5
publicac cura successorem adscitum, sod quoniam adrogantiam
saevitiamque eius introspexerit, comparatione deterrima sibi

7 gloriam quaesivisse. ctenim Augustus paucis ante annis, cum
Tibcrio tribuniciam potcstatem a patribus rursum postularet,
quamquam honora oratione, quaedam de habitu cultuque ct 10

I. nuberelque tedii : text Victorius, [que tedii et] Nipp.

1. Q. t Tedii. The choice is between
a name otherwise unknown, and a variety
of conjectures, as ' Q. Pedii ' (Wolf, from
Suet. Jul. 83, &c.), 'C. Matii' (Freinsh.,
from 12. 60, 6;, neither of whom is
noted for luxury; or 'Q. Alledii ' (,Roth
from Juv. 5, Ii8\ whose date is un-
known. Hirschfeld's ' Q. Vitellii ' is
supported by 2. 48, 3, but we do not
know that he was of such exceptional
proniiuence under Atij^ustus as to be
classed with Vedius I'ollio.

2. Vedii Pollionis, a knight of low
birth and vast wealth (cp. Dio, 54. 23, 1),
noted for throwing live slaves to his
lamjireys. even in presence of Aui;ustus
(PI. N. H. 9. 23, 39, 77 ; Sen. de Ira. 3.
40) ; who showed his indignation at the
time, and on inheriting his villa at Pausi-
lipum destroyed it for its associations
(Ov. Past. 6, 639, &c.). It is made
a reflection on him, that such a man was
ever his fiiend.

gravis. She is 'gravis mater,' as
having forced her son into the succession ;
' noverca,' as having, in popular belief,
caustd the deaths of his competitors,
(iaius and Lucius; see c. 3, 3, &c. ' In
rem publicam ' may be taken as in c. 8,
7, or as in c. 76, 5. Cp. Cic. Balb. 9,
24 'est in populum Komanum grave.'

4. templis et efflgie numinum.
These appear to be better taken as abl.
instrum. than resolved, as Xipj). proposes,
into two constructions by taking the
former as abl. of place i,as 3. 61, i, &c.),
the latter as abl. modi. ' Lfhgies numi-
num' = ' quales numinum esse solent,'
' statues with divine atributes,' as the
thunderbolt, &c.

5. vellet, used invidiously of mere
permission. According to Suet. Aug. 52,
and Dio, 51. 20, 8, temples to Augustus

in his lifetime were not allowed by him
in Rome, and, in the provinces, only in
association with the worship of Roma
(see on c. 78, i ; Rushforth, p. 44). Dio
wrongly adds that he allowed no such
worship in Italy, where it is plain from
inscriptions, that at least a local wor-
ship and 'flamines' of Augustus existed
during his lifetime in various to« ns : see
Oielli and Henzen, Insc. 642, 643, 3874,
5S14, 5994, 7079; Staatsr. ii. 757, i;
Hermes xvii. 642 ; Rushforth, p. 51. But
the ' riaminium August!,' dating fiom the
time of the apotheosis (see below), as
one of the greater priesthoods at Rome,
is rightly distinguished by Nipp. from
these. See Introd. vii. p. 130.

ne Tiberium, &c. Even Suetonius
rejects this imputation .Tib. 21) ; nor does
Tacitus elsewhere refer to any other cause
than the influence of Livia (4. 57, 5).

7. deterrima, concisely ibr ' cum de-
terrimo homine': cp. 3. 72, 2, &c.

8. paucis ante annis, i.e. at the date
of the last renewal. His second tenure
of this power, dating probably from Jidy
i> 757> ^■^- 4 (see Introd. viii. p. 134',
is supposed by Dio (55. 13, 2) to have
been for ten years, and a renewal is dated
in 766, .A.D. 13 (56. 28, i); but probably
Suet, is right in making the term five
years (Tib. 16), whereby the renewal
would fall in 762, A.D. 9. As it had not
expired at the death of Augustus (see
c. 7, 5), the last renewal was probably
for life.

10. honora : cp. 3. 5, i ; 4. 68. 4 ; one
of the poetical words of Tacitus (Introd.
v. § 70 . The negative 'inhononis' had
been used in prose by PI. mai.

habitu, ■ deportment.' He 'valked
' cervioe rigida et obstipa, adducto fere
vultu, plcrumque tacitus ' Suet. Tib. 68.

VOL. I

igS

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

institutis eius iecerat, quae velut excusando exprobraret. cete- 8
rum sepultura more perfecta templum et caelestes religiones
decernuntur.

11. Versae inde ad Tiberium preces. et ille varia edisserebat
5 de magnitudine imperii, sua modestia. solam divi Augusti 2
mentem tantae molis capacem : se in partem curarum ab illo
vocatum experiendo didicisse quam arduum, quam subiectum
fortunae regendi cuncta onus, proinde in civitate tot inlustribus 3
viris subnixa non ad unum omnia deferrent : plures facilius
10 munia rei publicae sociatis laboribus exsccuturos. plus in 4
orationc tali dignitatis quam fidei erat ; Tibcrioque etiam in
rebus quas non occulerct, seu natura sive adsuetudine, suspensa
semper et obscura verba : tunc vero nitenti, ut sensus suos

4. uariae disserebat : varie dlsserebat B., Ilalm, text Linker.

cultu, ' style of dress ' (joined with
'habitu' 2.59, 3); so in 2. 75. 3; 6. 32,
4, and Livy.

1 . institutis, ' manners ' : cp. ' insti-
luta Parthoriim ' 6. 32, 4.

iecerat, 'had dropped expressions';
so 4. 6S, 4 ; 6. 4, 3, &c., Sail., Liv.

velut : cp. c. 8, 7, &c. The ' taunt
under colour of excuse ' is said to have
been ' naturae vitia esse, non animi ' Suet.
Tib. 68. For the geiundial modal abl.
cp. Gud. on Dial. J i , 6.

2. sepultura more perfecta. The
ceiemonies are fully described by Suet,
and l)io ; the latter gives a long ' laudatio '
purporting to be spoken by Tiberius, but
l)robably a mere composition.

templum. This was built by Augusta
and Tiberius (Dio, 56. 46, 3) at the side
of the Palatine, near the Forum. For
notices of it see Dyer (D. of C!eog. ' Roma,'
]>. 805) ; for its probable identification
with existing remains, see Middleton,
i. 273 foil.

caelestes religiones. The date of
this apotheosis is fixed as 15 Kal. Octob.
(Sept. 17) by the kalendar of Amiternum,
Orell. Inscr. ii. p. 398. The same decree
probably created Germanicus and Augusta
' flamen ' and ' flaminica Augustalis ' : see
notes on c. 14, 3 ; 2. 83, 2. On the crea-
tion of the college of sodales Augustales,'
see c. 54, I.

4. Versae inde, &c. On the conduct
of Tiberius during this scene, see Introd.
viii. p. 139. Velleius, probably an eye-
witness, describes it from his own point

of view (2. 124). Suet. (Tib. 24) shows
some verbal resemblance, but more im-
portant differences.

varia edisserebat ; so Bait, and Ritt. :
similar errors in division of words in the
M.S., are 'in editiorae nisus' (c. 70,6), 'in
adiacentiae rupturum ' (c. 79, 3j, &c. (cp.
H. 4. 81, 4): 'edissere' is used in H.
3. 52, 2. ' Varie disserebat' is supported
^y 3- 59> '' ^'1*^ read by most editors.

5. modestia, ' diffidence.' This quality
in him is coiitiasted in 3. 56, 4, with the
' magnitudo ' of Augustus, as here with
that of the empire ; and is elsewhere
spoken of by himself as his 'pudor'
(c. 12, 3), or 'moderatio' (2. 36, 2).
Dio (57. 2, 4) reports hirn as also pleading
his age, and defective eyesight.

7. quam arduum. On the omission
of ' esfet,' see Introd. v. § 39 b.

9. non is used instead of 'ne' to
emphasize 'ad unum,' the context im-
plying llie antithesis ' sed ad plures.'
Nipp. illustrates, both from Cic. and Liv.,
this use, which is more common in poets
and silver age prose; e.g. 'non Teucros
agat ' Verg. Aen. 12. 78.

11. fidei, 'honesty': cp. ' fida oratio'
c- 52, 3.

12. occuleret. On the subjunctive, see
Introd. v. § 52.

suspeusa, 'hesitating,' as 11. 34, 2;
If- 3- 37; 2. Tiberius is described as
'velut eluctantium verboium' ('4. 31, 4");
' validus sensibus aut consulto ainbiguus '
(•3- 3> 5) ! ^^^ these traits are rhetorically
exaggerated by Dio ^57. i).

A.l). 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 10-12.

199

penitus abderet, in incertum et ambiguum magis implicabantur.

5 at patres, quibus unus metus si intdlegere videreiitur, in qucstus
lacrimas vota cffundi ; ad deos, ad effigiem Augusli, ad genua
ipsius manus tendere, cum proferri libellum rccitarique iussit.

6 opes publicae continebantur, quantum civium sociorumque in 5
armis, quot classes, regna, provinciae, tributa aut vcctigalia, et

7 necessitates ac largitiones. quae cuncta sua manu perscripserat
Augustus addideratque consilium coercendi intra terminos im-
perii, incertum metu an per invidiam.

12. Inter quae senatu ad infimas obtestationes procumbente, 10
dixit forte Tiberius se ut non toti rei publicae parcm, ita quac-

1. in incertum. On this use of 'in'
to express result, see Introd. v. § 60 b.

2. unus metus si intellegere vide-
rentur, ' whose only ground of fear l.iy
in betraying their insight.' ' Metus si '
(cp. 16. 5, 3") is very rare, but may be
compared with the use of ' si ' with ' miror,'
' mirum,' &c. Here, as in 'formido . . .
si ' (11. 28, i), it is meant that they feared
the consequence of detection, rather than
detection itself; as is shown in the fuller
expression 'si intellegere crcderetur, vim
metuens' (2. 42, 5). The same kind of
dissimulation is described in 14. 6, 1 ; II.
4. 86, I.

3. efifundi, reflexive pass., ' burst into ' :
cp. 3. 23, 1 ; 4. 8, 3, &c.

4. libellum. This was one of three
documents dejiositcd by Augustus with
his will: see Suet. Aug. 101. Another
contained instructions for his funeral ; the
third, the 'Index rerum gestarum ' to be
inscribed on his tomb, was the original
of the ' Marmor Ancyranum.' The docu-
ment here described seems more compre-
hensive than the balance sheet i^'rationes
imperii,' or ' rationarium '), which he had
periodically published : see Staatsr. ii.
1025. Tiberius orders the recital, to show
the magnitude of the whole, and to suggest
Ijartition of functions.

5. opes, used of resources, including
both the forces and revenue : so ' opes
viresque' H. i. 61, i ; 4. 86, 2.

6. quot classes, &c. Nipp. notes the
change from two clauses without connect-
ing particles to a third coupled by ' et,'
as well as from the asyndeta included
under the first clause to the connexion by
'aut' and 'ac' of the subordinate mem-
bers of the two other clauses. Many
instances of such variations are given in

his note, and in Drager § 140 ; see Introd.
V. § 90. On the fleets, see Introd. vii.
p. 127 ; and on the dependent kingdoms
('regna'), ibid. p. 120.

tributa aut vcctigalia, ' direct and
indirect taxes' : see on 13. 50.

7. necessitates : cp. 2. 27, 2 ; here like
'publicae necessitates' in Liv. 23. 48, 10,
ot regular charges on the revenue, as dis-
tinct from the voluntary ' largiiiones,' such
as ' frumentationes,' ' congiaria,' &c. (Mon.
Anc. iii. 7, &c.). ' x\c ' couples closely
the two kinds of expenditure, in contrast
to the kinds of income.

8. addideratque, &c.: inDio'Xiphil.\
56. 33, 3, this is represented as contained
in a fourth document, which is also stated
to have recommended some division of the
functions of government. Ni]ip. notes that
the rcconquest of Germany to the Elbe
would not Le looked upon as an extension
of empire.

9. metu an per invidiam. On the
variation of construction-, see Introd. v.
§ 62. Tacitus, living in the midbt of the
conquests of Trajan, treats this prudence
as contemptible : see Introd. viii. p. 138.

10. Inter quae. Nipp. shows by many
examples (c. 15, 3, &c.) the fondness of
Tacitus for this expression, as also for
'post quae' ,c. 13, i, &c.), ' adversus
quae ' (3. 59, i, &c.), ' ob quae ' (2. 30, 4).
Instances arc found in Livy.

11. dixit forte, ' drojiped the expres-
sion,' as if unguardedly. Dio (57. 2, 4
states that he definitely offered to take
one of three departments, either Rome
and Italy, or the armies, or the provinces.

ut . . . ita, ' although . . . yet.' In this
usage (cp. c. 42, 5; 3. 43, 4; 4. 33, 3;
.^7> 5; 71. i> "^c.) Tacitus follows Livy
(3- 55. '5> &c.).

200

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

cumque pars sibi mandaretur, eius tutelam suscepturum. turn 2
Asinius Gallus 'interrogo' inquit, 'Caesar, quam partem rei
publicae mandari tibi velis.' perculsus inprovisa interrogatione 3
paulum reticuit : dein collecto animo rcspondit nequaquam de-
5 corum pudori suo legere aliquid aut evitare ex eo, cui in uni-
versum excusari mallet, rursum Gallus (etenim vultu offensionem 4
coniectaverat) non idcirco intcrrogatum ait, ut divideret quae
separari nequirent, sed ut sua confessione argueretur, unum esse
rei publicae corpus atque unius animo regendum. addidit laudem 5

lode Augusto Tiberiumque ipsum victoriaium suarum quaeque in
toga per tot annos egregie fecisset admonuit. nee ideo iram 6
eius lenivit, pridem invisus, tamquam ducta in matrimonium
Vipsania M. Agrippae filia, quae quondam Tiberii uxor fuerat,
plus quam civilia agitaret Pollionisque Asinii patris ferociam

15 retineret.

13. Post quae L. Arruntius baud multum discrepans a Galli

S. sed et : text L., perhaps sed ut et Halm, sed et . .
14. polionJs here and 2. 86, 2.

ut argueretur Miiller.

2. Asinius Gallus, in full C. Asinius
C. f. Gallus Saloninus. He was consul
746, B.C. S, projonsul of Asia two years
later; and is known as an orator and man
of letters (see Nipp.). He is frequently
mentioned in these Books, as c. 8, 4; 13,
2; 76, 2 ; 2. 32, 4; 33, 3; 35, I ; 4. 20,
2 ; 30, 2 ; 71, 3 ; 6. 23, i. His parentage
and marriage are given in this chapter.
On his sons see note on 6. 23, 3.

4. collecto animo, ' recovering self-
possession.' Dio (57. 2, 6) gives his
answer as koX iru/i otui> re tan tuv avruv
Kal viiiiiv Tj Kol alptlaOai ; in the reply of
Gallus, his account agrees exactly with
Tacitus.

6. excusari. With the doubtful ex-
ception ' excusatus honoribus ' (PI. Pan.
57), this verb is nowhere found with a
dative of the thing ; but the construction
is analogous to that of 'captae prohibere
. . . Poenos aquilae' ^Sil. 9. 27), &c.

rursum : cp. c. 80, 3, and note.

8. sed ut. Orelli retains ' et,' which
may be taken as = ' etiam ' ; but the
change of subject from 'divideret' to
• argueretur ' appears to render the repeti-
tion of ' ut ' necessary.

9. addidit laudem de Augusto. The
expression is explained by Ni[)p., who
shows that ' laus ' is equivalent to ' oratio
.audatoria.' The object of his speech is

to show the advantage of single rule by
reference to Augustus, and tlie capacity of
Tiberius by reference to his services.

11. ideo, used as in c. 72, 3; 2. 42, 1 ;
3. 25, 2, &c. in the sense of 'for all that.'
Dio ;57. 2. 7) connects the subsequent
fate of Gallus with this speech. Tacitus
(c. 13. 2) gives an additional reason for
the jealousy of Tiberius.

1 2. tamquam. On the use of this
word, see Introd. v. § 67.

ducta, &c. On Vipsania, see Introd. ix.
note 27 ; on her divorce, ibid. viii. 133.

14. civilia: see c. 8, 3, &c.

ferociam, 'spirit': cp. 2. 43, 3, &c.,
and ' feiocissimi ' c. 2, i. Dio (57. 2, 5)
speaks of the napprjaia of Pollio. Velleius
(2. 86, 4) f^ives his refusal to follow Caesar
to Actium, 'discrimini vestro me subtra-
ham, et ero praeda victoris.' Other in-
stances of his freedom of speech are given
in Suet. Aug. 43.

16. L. Arruntius, also very frequently
mentioned in these Books (c. 8, 4 ; 76, 3 ;
79, 1 ; 3. II, 2 ; 31. 5; 6. 5, I ; 7, I ;
27, 3; 47. 3; 48), was consul in 759,
A.D. 6. His father, consul in 732, B.C. 22,
is probably the same who held an im-
portant command in Caesar's fleet at
Actium (Veil. 2. 85, 2). Seneca sjieaks
of one or the other of these as ' vir rarae
frugalitatis ' Ep. 114, 17.

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 12, 13.

oratione pcrinde offcndit, quamquam Tibcrio nulla vctus in
Arruntium ira : sod divitcm, promptum, artibus egregiis ct pari

2 fama publice, suspcctabat. quippe Augustus supremis scrmo-
nibus cum tractaret, quinam adipisci principem locum suffecturi
abnuerent aut inpares vellent vel idem possent cupcrcntque, 5
M'. Lepidum dixerat capacem sed aspcrnantcm, Galium Asinium
avidum et minorem, L. Arruntium non indignum ct, si casus

3 darctur, ausurum. de prioribus consentitur, pro Arruntio quidam
Cn. Pisonem tradidere ; omnesque praeter Lepidum variis niox

4 criminibus struente Tiberio circumvent! sunt, etiam Q. Hatcrius 10
et Mamercus Scaurus suspicacem animum perstrinxere, Haterius

6. M. : M.' L. ; see note.

2. artibus, 'accomplishments': cp.
'inlustres dumi artes ' 4. 6, 2 ; also 3. 70,
I ; 12. 6, 2 ; 14. 55, 6. In 6. 7, i he
speaks of the ' sanctissimae artes ' of Ar-
runtius ; in 11. 6, 4, a speaker mentions
his ' incorrupta vita et facundia,' clnssing
him even with I'oUio and Messalla.
Seneca, however, if he refers to this
Arruntius (see above), considers the style
of his History of the Punic wars an
exaggeration of the mannerisms of Sallust.

pari fama publice, ' with corre-
sponding public reputation.' ' Publice ' is
best taken, with Kuperti, as = ' iudicio
omnium.'

4. principem, adjective, as 3. 75, i ;
4. 38, I ; 60, 4, &c. On the frequency
of such adjectival substantives, see c. 9, 6.

suffecturi is best taken absolutely, as
in G. 13, I, &c., so as to leave 'adipisci'
dependent only on the verbs : though
' sufficere ' lakes an infinitive in Verg.
Aen. 5, 22.

5. vel certainly stands sometimes in
Tacitus for ' aut,' as 13. 41, 3 ; 14. 35, 4,
&c. ; but here Nipp. appears rightly to
show that, as in 14. 3, i ('in hortos aut
Tusculanum vel Antiatem in agrum '), he
is not so much contrasting three classes
with each other, as two of them with
a third ; those who, with or without
capacity, would desire the position, with
those who would not. ' idem ' nom. plur.

6. M'. Jjepidum. This praenomen is
given in full, 3. 22, 2. Elsewhere the MS.
always reads M., thus confusing this
Lepidus with another, whose praenomen
' Marcus' is written full in 3. 32, 2 (where
see note). On Manius Lepidus see further

3- 35. 1 ; 50, 1 ; 4- 20, 3 ; 56, 3 ; 6. 27, 4.

He was consul in 764, A.D. 11.

7. et is a variation for the preceding
' se<l,' and often stands for an adversative
particle, where the words sufficiently
convey the opposition, as 'turbidos et
nihil ausos ' c. 38, 4. Cp. 12. 52, 3 ; 14,
65, 2 ; and ' neque ' ( = ' sed non ') 6. .^7, 3.

casus, 'opportunity'; so 11. 9, 1 ; 12.
28, I ; 50, 1 ; 13. 36, 2 : chiefly from Sail.,

e-g- Juj,'- 25, 9. ^^■

9. Cn. Pisonem: see c. 74, 6; 2. 43,
3, &c.

omnes. This should apply to all the
other three ; but the absurdity of supposing
that Tiberius contrived the fall of Piso
makes Nipp. contend that the remark
about him is parenthetical, and that only
two out of the. three originally mentioned
are referred to. In any case Tacitus over-
steps his own facts, for Tiberius is ad-
mitted to have been probably not cognisant
of the charge against Arruntius 6. 47, 4) ;
so that ' oinnes ' is justified only by the
fate of Gallus some sixteen years later:
see on 6. 23, 1.

10. Q,. Haterius, a consular 2. 33,1),
probably COS. suff. in 745, B.C. 9 (Borghesi);
a man of servile disposition ^3. 57, 3), and
a fluent but careless speaker (4. 61, 2).
On his probable marriage with a daughter
of Agrippa, see Introd. ix. note 19.

11. Mamercus Scaurus, of similar
character 3. 66, 3), was cos. suff probably
in 774, A.D. 21 (Borghesi : see Nipp. on
3. 66, and Klein, Fasti Cons.). On his
accomplishments and fate see 6. 29, 4;
where his death, twenty years after this
date, is ascribed to the influence of
Macro.

animum perstrinxere, prob. like
'aures perstringere ' ('to jar'j in Dial.
27, 2 ; Hor. Od. 2. i, 18.

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

cum dixisset ' quousque patieris, Caesar, non adesse caput rei
publicae?' Scaurus quia dixerat, spem esse ex eo non inritas
fore senatus preces, quod relation! consulum iure tribuniciae
potestatis non intercessisset. in Haterium statim invectus est ; 5
r Scaurum, cui inplacabilius irasccbatur, silentio tramisit. fessusque 6
clamore omnium, expostulatione singulorum flexit paulatim, non
ut fateretur suscipi a se imperium, sed ut ncgare et rogari
desineret. constat Haterium, cum dcprecandi causa Palatium 7
introisset ambulantisque Tiberii genua advolveretur, prope a
10 militibus interfectum, quia Tiberius casu an manibus eius inpe-
ditus prociderat. neque tamen periculo talis viri mitigatus est,
donee Platerius Augustam oraret eiusque curatissimis precibus
protegeretur.

14. Multa patrum et in Augustam adulatio. alii parentem, 2

12. etusque : text L.

7. ut fateretur, 'to declare'; cp. 2.
13, I ; Dial. 17, 4.

8. constat Haterium. Suet. (Tib.
27) tells this story without the name of
the person, only to illustrate the aversion
of Tiberius to such prostrations.

9. genua advolveretur This constr.,
taken from Sail, (see Introd. v. § 97, 1),
is used by Tacitus, 6. 49, 3; 15. 71, i ;
H. 4. 81, 2. On other such accusatives
after compound verbs, see Introd. v.
§ I 2 c. He has the more usual dat. with
'advolvi' c. 23, 2, &c., and ' provolvi '
12. 18, 3, &c.

10. an, used in expressions of doubt with
almost the force of ' aut,' often in Tacitus,
as c. 65, 3 ; 2. 38, 9 ; 42, 5 ; H. i. 7, 2,
sometimes in Cic. Sail. Liv. : see Nipp.
and Madv. 453, i.

1 2. oraret. On the subjunctive of facts
with ' donee,' see on c. i, 4.

curatissimis, ' her most solicitous en-
treaty.' ' Curatus' = ' accuratus' in 2.27,
I ; 14. 21, 2 ; 16. 22, 6 ; and in PI. min.

14. parentem . . . matrem. Probably
Walther is right in thinking the question
lietween these titles merely one of sound.
Both ' pater ' and ' parens ' ' patriae '
appear to have been used of Cicero (Juv.
8, 243) and Julius Caesar (Suet. Jul. 76;
85). On the titles borne by the wife or
mother of the princcps, see Staalsr. ii.
p. 821. Provincial coins and inscriptions
exist giving to Augusta titles formally
disallowed, as 'mater patriae' and even
' genetrix orbis' : see Eckhel, v. 154-156 ;
Cohen, i. p. 169, 3 ; Kushforth, Insc. p. 67.

I. apud te : caput R.

I. quousque, &c. The whole sentence
might give offence from its tone of im-
patience, like the ' aut agat, aut desistat '
of some other speaker (Suet. Tib. 24);
and 'caput reipublicae' is an expression
more suited to the senate (cp. H. i . 84, 6),
than, at this early date, to the ' princcps.'
The words of Scaurus would be more
offensive, as insinuating that Tiberius was
not in earnest.

3. relationi consulum. The terms
of such a ' relatio ' can be gathered from
H. I. 47, 2, and more fully from the
'Lex de Imp. Vespasiani.' On the pre-
sent occasion the powers already pos-
sessed by Tiberius (see Introd. vi. pp 80,
98) would require fresh definition : see
Staatsr. ii. 786, foil.

5. tramisit. This verb is used in this
age in the sense of ' praetermittere,' with
'silentio' or similar words, and with
accus. of the thing (as 14. 12, 2, &c.) or
the person i^as 13. 22, 3, &c.).

6. flexit, sc. ' se,' as 4. 37, 2, &c.
Suet. (Tib. 24) says that he complained
' miseram et onero^am iniungi sibi servi-
tutem,' and consented only with the re-
servation ' dum veniam ad id tempus, quo
vobis aequum possit videri, dare vos all-
quam feiiectuti meae requiem.' From
the silence of Tacitus it has been doubted
whether any formal decree was passed ;
but we can hardly suppose that Tiberius
thus left his position unsecured, and
he could not have formally become
'princeps' or 'Augustus' without such
decree.

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 13- 15.

203

alii matrem patriae appellandam, plerique ut nomini Caesaris

3 adscriberetur ' luliae filius' censebant. ille moderandos fcmi-
narum honorcs dictitans eademque sc tcmperantia usurum in
lis quae sibi tribuerentur, cctcruin anxius invidia et mulicbre
fastigium in deniinutioncm sui accipiens ne lictorem quidcm 5
ei decerni passus est aramque adoptionis et alia huiusce modi

4 prohibuit. at Germanico Caesari proconsulare imperium petivit,
missique legati qui deferrent, simul maestitiam eius ob excessum

5 Augusti solarentur. quo minus idem pro Druso postularetur, ea

6 causa quod designatus consul Drusus praescnsquc erat. candi- 10
datos praeturae duodecim nominavit, numerum ab Augusto
traditum ; et hortante senatu ut augeret, iure iurando obstrinxit
se non excessurum.

15. Turn primum e campo comitia ad patres translata sunt :

4. his : iis Miiretuj.

1. appellandam ... ut. On this varia-
tion of construction, see Introd. v. § 91, 7.

2. luliae filius. Tlie title ' Divi Aug.
f. ' is regularly borne by 'I'iberius on
inscriptions. For him to have also home
his mother's name is noted by Orelli as
wholly without Roman j)recedent, though
an old Etruscan custom.

4. ceterum : cp. c. 10, i.

5. fastigium, used of ' rank ' by Livy
an(i later authors. When the highest
rank is spoken of, as here, an adjective
is usually added ; but cp. ' initia fastigii '
3. 29, 2 ; and ' stare in fastigio elo-
cjuentiae' Quint. 12. i, 20.

in. This hardly expresses here result,
as in c. 11, 4,iS:c.; but rather how an act
or event is interpreted, as in 6. 13, 4; 12.
43, 2 ; 16. iS, 2 : cp. ' in omen acceptum '
Liv. 21. 63, 14.

ne lictorem quidem. It apjiears
from Dio (56. 4''), 2) that she had a
lictor when in performance of her duties
as priestess of Augustus. Two were
assigned to Agrippina, evidently as
' flaminica Cl.uidialis ' 1^13. 2, 6).

6. aram adoptionis. Altars are often
erected as monuments, without implying
any act of worship. Thus we have ' ara
ob Agiippinae puerperium ' (^Suet. Cal.
8) ; and altars to personifications, as
* ultionis ' (3. 18, 3) ; ' clementiae,' ' ami-
ciiiae' (4. 74, 3).

7. proconsulare imperium, probably
a renewal, in consequence of the death of
Augustus ^Slaatsr. ii. 1158, 3), of that

which he had received in 764, a.d. ii, as
an 'imperium mains' in (iaul and Ger-
many (c. 31, 2i. That he was not fully
' collega imperii ' with Tiberius is im-
plied in 2. 43, 2. .See Introd. vi. p. 98 ;
Staatsr. ii. 1 151, &c.

9. solarentur. On the frequent poetical
use in Tacitus of simple for compound
verbs, see Inirod. v. § 40.

10. quod designatus consul, &c. The
explanation a])])ears to be, that such an
'imperium,' \alid only 'extra urbem '
(12. 41, 2', would not be suitable to one
who was to hold an urban magistracy.
Nipp. and Mommsen (Staatsr. ii. 1 152, i)
think that the allusion to his presence
points to the delicacy of his having him-
self to give the first vote. This, however,
appears not to hold in a ' relatio Caesaris '
(3. 17, 8); and, in any other 'relatio,'
might be obviated (3. 22, (y). Drusus, no
doubt, had this imperium when sent to
lUyricum (2. 44, i).

11. nominavit. On the 'nominalio
candidatorum,' see Introd. vi. p. 94. The
number twelve was occasionally exceeded
both by Augustus (Dio, 56. 25, 4) and
by Tiberius (^2. 32, i; Dio, 5S. 20, 5);
but is retained as the normal number.
See 2. 36, I ; Staatsr. ii. p. 919.

I 2. obstrinxit. This verb is used ab-
solutely, as in 4. 31, 5 ; ' se * being here
taken wiih 'excessurum.' In 13. 11, 2,
Tacitus has * clementiam suam obstrin-
gens,' in the sense of ' solemnly promising.'

14. Tum primum, i.e. in the election

204

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

nam ad earn diem, etsi potissima arbitrio principis, quaedam
tamcn studiis tribuum fiebant. ncquc populus ademptum ius 2
questus est nisi inani rumore, et senatus largitionibus ac precibus
sordidis exsolutus libens tenuit, moderante Tiberio ne plures
5 quam quattuor candidates commendaret, sine repulsa et ambitu
designandos. inter quae tribuni plebei petivere, ut proprio 3
sumptu ederent ludos, qui de nomine Augusti fastis additi
Augustalcs vocarentur. sed decreta pecunia ex aerario, vjitque 4
per circum triumphali veste uterentur : curru vehi baud per-
10 missum. mox celebratio annua ad praetorem translata, cui inter 5
cives et peregrines iurisdictio evenisset.

10. ann : annua or annmim margin, [annum] Nipp.

of these praetors. The first consular
elections are spoken of in c. 81. It is
implied in the context, and in Veil. 2.
126, 2, that the new rule obtained hence-
forth in all elections. On this important
change, see Inlrod. vi. p. 89.

I. ad earn diem. Augustus is stated,
after the restoration of the comitia Suet.
Aug. 40), to have superseded them in
cases of exceptional turbulence (Dio, 54.
10, 2 ; 55. 34, 2). Tlie general prevalence
of ordinary canvassing is seen from the
description of Horace, Epp I. 6, 49, &c.

potissima. This may probably refer
to the choice of consuls, which appears
to have passed from popular control in
the later }ears of Augustus (Dio, 1. 1).

3. inani rumore, ' in idle murmurs.'
' Rumor' used of popular talk, as 3. 29,
5, &c. On the temper of the people,
cp. Juv. 10, 73, also Introd. vii. p. 107.

precibus exsolutus. Senators were
themselves the candidates for all offices
above the quaestorship.

5. quattuor . . . commendaret. On
the ' comniendatio,' as distinct from the
'nominatio' of candidates by the prince,
see Introd. vi. p. 94 ; Staatsr. ii. 921, foil.
The proportion of four applies to the
election of praetors only, but the in-
sertion of ' praeturae ' appears unneces-
sary (see Staatsr. ii. 926, 2). Velleius
states (2. 124, 4) that on this occasion
the two first ' candidati Caesaris ' were
' nobilissimi ac saccrdotales viri,' the two
others Velleius himself and his brother ;
and that Tiberius was in fact giving effect
to a previous designation by Augustus.

5. tribuni plebei. Dio (.s6. 46, 4)
connects the selection of the tribunes
for this duty with the sanctity of their

office (ttis KOI UpoTTpcniii uvrts). A more
natural exjilanation may be found in the
tribunicial! power of the person com-
memorated.

7. de nomine, ' named after ' : cp. 6.
34, 4. The phrase is poetical : cp. llucr.
6, 90S ; Verg. Aen. i, 277, &c.

fastis additi. The ' Ludi Augustalcs,'
or ' Augustalia,' were held either on Oct. 9
(Kal. Ant.), or Oct. 12 (Kal. Amit.) : see
Orelli, Inscr. ii. p. 400 ; C. I. L. ix. 403.
That they date as a fixed institution from
tills time is stated here and in c. 54, I ; but
the first celebration is inferred from Kal.
Amit. (cp. Dio, 54. 10, 3) to have been
decreed in 735, B.C. 19, and stated by
Dio (54. 34. 2) to have been held in 743,
B.C. II, where perhaps the distinction
drawn between them and the festival on
his birthday, Sept. 23 (Kal. Maff., Orelli,
ii. p. 39S), is, as Nipp. thinks, incoriect.
The two seem confused in Dio i^Xiphil.),
56. 29, 2.

8. vocarentur carries on the ' oratio
obliqua.'

decreta pecunia . . . utque. A
similar double construction is used with
this verl) in 4. if), 6 ; 14. ] 2, i,&c. ; also
with ' perspccto ' 3. 63, 2 ; • noscenda '
4. 33, 2 ; ' circumspecta' 14. 33, 2.

9. curru. The praetor celebrating the
' Ludi Magni ' had the chariot as well as
the triumphal robe ,Plin. N. H. 34. 5,11,
20; Juv. 10, 36; II, 192); but the for-
mer belonged to such only as had ordi-
narily the ' sella curulis,' its symbol and
survival St.aatsr. i. 394), and would
therefore naturally be out of place for
tribunes.

10. annua. Neither this nor ' annuum '
appears needed ; and it is suggested by

AD. 14]

LIBER I. CAP. 15, 16.

205

16. I lie rcrum urbanarum status crat, cum Pannonicas Icgiones
seditio incessit, nullis novis causis, nisi quod mutatus princeps
liccntiam turbarum et ex civili bello spem pracmiorum osten-

2 debat. castris acstivis tres siniul legiones habebantur, prae-
sidente lunio Blaeso, qui fine Augusti et initiis Tiberii auditis 5

3 ob iustitium aut gaudium intermiserat solita munia. eo principio
lascivire miks, discordarc, pcssimi cuiusque scrmonibus praebere
aures, denique luxum et otium cupere, disciplinam et laborem

4 aspcrnari. erat in castris Percennius quidam, dux olim thea-

6. [aut gaiulium] Muretus, Ni]ip.

Nipp. that ' nnnrm ad ' is corrnpted from
' ad eiim,' or that the text preserves part
of a maij^inal note explaining ' niox' by
' post annum.'

1 1, evenissst, sc. ' sorte' : ' obvenire'
is thus used 3 33. i : 4. 56, 3 ; Agr. 6, 4 ;
and botli vert)s thus by Livy, &c.

I. Hie . . . status erat. An important
date in connexion with this mutiny is fur-
nished by tlic eclipse (see c. 28, 1) which
marks its close. 'Ihough the precise lo-
cality of the ' castra aestiva' is unknown,
some inference as to the rapidity of com-
munication within the empire may still
be drawn from the fact that, between
August 19 and September 26, time was
found, (i) for the news of the death of
Augustus to reach Pannonia, (2) for the
mutiny to ilevelop itself and for news of
it to reach Rome, [\\ for the march of
Drusus and a considerable force from
Rome to the spot. P"or many other such
evidences, see Kriedlander, ii. p. iS. &c.
The impossiliility is not as great as As-
bach represents it; especially as it may
be (see c. 5, 6) that Augustus really died
before Aug. 19, and that news was
sent to the armies (cp. 6. 50, 6) before it
was ]'ublished in Rome. Dio '^57. 3, i)
may be right in snying that Tiberius had
already suspicions of this and the(ierman
army, when he hesitated to accept the
])rincipatc ; but the mutiny can hardly
have been already known to have broken
out, as .Suet. i.Tib. 25) states.

Pannonicas. Pannonia was among
the most important Caesarian provinces,
its 'legatus' being always of consular
rank (see Introd. vii p. 116 . It extended
along the Danube from Carnuntum, be-
low Vienna, to Belgrade, its western boun-
dary from that river to the Drave being
nearly that of Hungary. Most of Il-
ly ricum was placed under its ' legatus,' and

that name is sometimes given to it (see
on c. 46. I); though the maritime part
of lUyricum, the ' Delmatia ' of 4. 5, 5,
was at this time separately governed
by P. Dolabella (,Vell. 2. 125, 5). See
Marquardt, i, 292, 295 ; Momms. Hist.
V. ch. 6.

2. incessit, so with ace. pers. in 3. 71,
3 ; H. 2. 2, 4; 5. 23, 1, after Livy.

nullis novis causis, best taken as
abl. abs. : cp. c. 31, i ; 4. 22. i, &c.

4. tres simul legiones. These are
specified m c. 23, 6 ; 30, 4. On their
full titles, see Introd. vii. p. 122. The
winter quarters of each legion were
usually separate (see 2. 57, 2, &c.), or
at most two were quartered together
(c. 39, 2 ; 45, i). Domitian enlorced
strictly the separation of the legions \_see
on c. 20, 1).

5. lunio Blaeso. Inscri]5tions, cited
by Nipp., show that Blaesus had been
proconsul of Sicily after his praetor^hip,
and consul suffectus in 763, a.D. 10.
Afterwards we hear of him as having for
his nephew Seiaiius, through whose in-
fluence he became ' extra sortem ' pro-
consul of Africa, and gained the " tri-
umphalia ' and the title of 'imperator'
(.^ .^5. 2; 72, 6; 74, 6); and at whose
lall he peiished (see 5. 7, 2).

6. aut gaudium. These words may
be an insertion ; but it is certainly in the
manner of Tacitus to add such an alterna-
tive clause answering to 'initiis Tibeiii,'
and 'aut' may be taken as in c. 8, 3:
though the ' iustitium ' is sufficient reason
b)' itself for suspension of military activity,
and is referred to as such in the case of
the German army f^c. 50, i).

9. dux . . . theatralium op3raruni.
Any persons employed in theatres as
scene-shifters, stage-carj)enters, iS>c. might
be called ' theatrales operae '; but from

206

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C 767.

tralium operarum, dein gregarius miles, procax lingua et miscere
coetus histrionali studio doctus. is inperitos animos ct quaenam 5
post Augustum militiae condicio ambigentes inpellere paulatim
nocturnis conloquiis aut flexo in vesperam die ct dilapsis meli-
5 oribus deterrimum quemque congregare.

17. rostreino promptis iam et aliis seditionis ministris velut con-
tionabundus interrogabat, cur paucis centurionibus, paucioribus tri-
bunis in modum servorum oboedirent. quando ausuros exposcere 2
remedia, nisi novum et nutantem adhuc principem precibus vel
lo armis adirent ? satis per tot annos ignavia peccatum, quod tricena 3
aut quadragena stipendia senes et plerique truncato ex vulne-
ribus corpore tolerent. ne dimissis quidem fincm esse militiae, 4
4. delapsis : text Muretus.

the mention here of a body organized
under a ' dux,' and from the special ac-
(]uirement of Percennius (' miscere coetus
. . . doctus'), it is generally inferred that
the ' operae' here spoken of were the pro-
fessional 'claqueurs,' of whose existence
there is abundant evidence (see Fried-
lander, ii. 430; Marquardt, iii. p. 542^
and whose ' fuglemen ' are styled ' duces '
(Suet. Ner. 20), or ' signiferi ' (Id. 26), or
'capita factionum ' (Id. Tib. 37). Such
service in applauding is itself spoken of
as ' theatralis opera' in Plin. I'^pp. 7. 24,
7, and is here called ' histrionale studium ';
an expression apparently equivalent to
the ' histrionalis favor' of Dial. 29. 3
(the only other place in which the adj. is
found), which certainly means ' favor
erga histriones.'

I. miscere, 'to stir': cp. ' turbidus
miscendis seditionibus ' II. 4. 68, 7.

4. dilapsis. The full expression ' in
tentoria dilabi ' is found in H. 3. 10, 7.

6. iam et. Wolffiin notes that Taci-
tus, apparently for euphony, always uses
this expression for ' iam ttiam ' (G. 15, 3 ;
H. I. 22, 3, &c.). It seems therefore un-
desirable to follow Nipp., wlio separates
'promptis' from 'ministris' by placing
a comma at 'iam.' These 'abettors'
are distinguished from the ' duces ' of the
mutiny, of whom more were afterwards
added to Percennius : see c. 22, i.

contionabundus, elsewhere found
only in Livy, who uses it several times,
and whose expression ' prope contiona-
bundus' (3. 47, 3 ; 21. 53, 6) conveys the
same idea as ' velut ' here ; that of collo-
quial speech so public and emphatic as
almost to amount to a set harangue ; in

contrast to tlie more secret ' nocturna
coUoquia' of c. 16, 5.

7. paucis. The legion had sixty cen-
turions, and six tribunes. See Introd. vii.
p. 123.

8. ausuros, the regular use of the
accus. with infm. where the first person
(' audebimus ') would be used in ' oratio
recta': cp. H. 3. 13, 6, &c. ; Madv.
§ 405.

9. nutantem, ' tottering,' not yet firm-
ly seated.

10. tricena aut quadrflgena. On the
regular term of military service, and its
prolongation by Augustus through the
institution of ' vexillarii,' see Introd. vii.
p. 125. Mommsen notes ' De prov. Del-
matiae re militari' iC. I. L. iii. p. 282 \
that such long periods of service as are
here mentioned are borne out by inscrip-
tions earlier than the time of Claudius;
one of which (2014) records a veteran of
tliirty-three 'stipendia,' another (2S18)
would apparently, if complete, record one
of tliirty-eight, another (2710) a centurion
of forty, and Delmatian military tomb-
stones suggest twcnty-tive or twenty-six
years' service as usual. Juven.1l 1(4, 191)
makes a man become 'primipilus' at
the age of sixty.

12. dimissis, used her« like 'dimit-
terentur' in c. 78, 2, and ' cxnuctorari' in
c. 36, 4, of the fictitious discliarge by
which men were removed from the ranks
of the legion to the condition of • vexil-
larii.' If the latter were always exempt
from camp duties (see on c. 36, 4}, the
' eosdem labores ' of this passage is an
exaggeration. I

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 16, 17.

207

sed apud vcxillum tendentes alio vocabulo eosdcm laborcs per-

5 fciTC. ac si quis tot casus vita superaverit, trahi adhuc diversas
in terras, ubi per nomen agrorum uHgines paludum vel inculta

6 montium accipiant. enimvcro militiam ipsam gravem, infiuc-
tuosam : denis in diem assibus animam et corpus aestimari : 5
hinc vcstem arma tentoria, hinc saevitiam centurionum et vaca-

7 tiones munerum redimi. at hercule verbera et vulnera, duram
hiemem, exercitas aestates, bellum atrox aut sterilem pacem

8 sempiterna. nee aliud levanientum quam si certis sub legibus
militia iniretur, ut singulos denarios mererent, sextus decumus 10

I. t I tentes (with space of two letters at the end of the line" : retentos li, text lac.
Gronovius.

1. vexillum. This, as distinct from
' signum ' (c. i8, 3), is the ensign of
cavalry (H. 2. 11, 4, &c.), and of any
detached legionary forces (cp. Introd. vii.
p. 12.0.

tendentes, 'living in tents,' as 13. 36,
5; H. 1.31, 2, &c. The alternative re-
storation ' retentos' is supported by c. ^6,
4, &c.

2. vita superaverit, ■ outlived ' : so
in Caes. B. G. 6. 19, 2.

adhuc = ' insu per,' as c. 48, i; 4. 55,
7 ; 14. 52, 2, &c. ; so once in Plautus,
and often in post- Augustan writers.

diversas, ' distant.' as 2. 60, 2 ; 4. 46,
3, &c. ; after Vergil (Aen. 3, 4, &c.) and
Ovid (Trist. 4. 2, 69).

3. per nomen agrorum, &c. On
this use of the accus. with ' per ' for a
simple abl., see Iiitrod. v. § 62 ; and on
the genitives ' uligines paludum ' and ' in-
culta montium,' ibid. § 32. The pecuniary
gratuities given by Augustus to soldiers
on discharge (see Mon. Anc. iii. 37, and
Mommsen ad loc ; Dio, ,:;4. 25. .s ; 55.
23. i), are eitiier ihetorically ignored, or
must have been discontinued, and an as-
signment of land substituted.

4. enimvero, used, like a\Xa ^i^v. to
anticipate an objection, such as, that sol-
diers might save out of their pav.

5. denis in diem assibus : see below,
on 'singulos denarios.'

6. hinc vestem, &c. The enactment
stated (Pint. C. Gracch. .1;, 837) to have
been procured by (}racchus, providing
the soldier with clothing at the public
cost, must have become obsolete ; while
the later enactments providing for their
arms and equipment (Marquardt, ii. 97,
n. i) had not yet come into force. From
the absence of any allusion to food, it

appears that they received rations of com
besides their pay, a privilege not granted
to the praetorians till the time of Nero
(see 15. 72, I ; .Suet. Ner. 10).

saevitiam centurionum et vaca-
tiones munerum : both expressions de-
note the same practice. If centurions
knew that a soldier had money to spare,
they laid additional tasks on him to
make him purchase furlough or exemp-
tion. A full description of this system,
and of the demoralization resulting from
it, is given in H. i. 46.

7. redimi. This verb can be used,
in different senses, as well with ' saevi-
tiam ' as with ' vacationes ' ; having often
the meaning of ' buying off ' what is un-
pleasant, as well as of ' buying' what is
desirable. It would not however be used
with equal propriety of the stoppages for
necessaries, such as clothes, &c. ; so that
for tiiese the sense of the simple verb
' emi ' appears to be supplied from its
compound, as ' pctivere' from the follow-
ing ' repetivere' in 15. 11, 2.

hercule. This points the contrast
between scanty pay and abundant hard-
ships.

8. exercitas, ' spent in toil ' : cp. ' aes-
tatem inquietam exercitamque' PI. Epp.
7. 2, 2. .So ' exercita militia' c. 35, 2.

9. certis . . . legibus, ' fixed condi-
tions,' as opposed to the illusory rules by
which their discharge was now delaved.

10. singulos denarios. Pliny, in his
account (X. H. 33. 3, 13, 45) of the low-
ering of the copper standard in the Han-
nibalic war, whereby the 'as' became
only x^ of the ' denarius,' adds * in militari
tamcn stipendio semper denarius pro de-
cern nssibus datus ; ' which may be ex-
plamcd to mean that the soldiers received

208

p. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

stipendii annus finem adferret, ne ultra sub vexillis tenerentur,
sed isdem in castris praemium pecunia solveretur. an praetorias 9
cohortes, quae binos denarios acceperint, quae post sedecim
annos penatibus suis reddantur, plus periculorunn suscipere? non 10
5 obtrectari ase urbanas excubias : sibi tamen apud horridasgentes
e contuberniis hostem aspici.

18. Adstrepebat vulgus, diversis incitamentis, hi vcrberum
notas, illi canitiem, plurimi detrita tegmina et nudum corpus
exprobrantes. postremo eo furoris venere, ut tres legiones mis- 2
10 cere in unam agitaverint. depulsi aemulatione, quia suae quisque 3
legioni eum honorem quaerebant, alio vertunt atque una tres
aquilas et signa cohortium locant ; simul congerunt caespites, 4

3. accepit (for acce^It) : text margin and \i, acciperent Faern.

the same fraction of the 'denarius' as
before. At that time their pay is reck-
oned by I'olybius 1^6. 39, 12) at two obols
or ^ of the ' denarius,' ^ 5I of the reduced
' asses.' It would appear that subse-
quently, when the pay was nominally
doubled by Julius Caesar (Suet. Jul. 26),
it was really raised, not to lof, but only
to lo ' asses,' and that the account given
by Pliny is so far untrue. But they now
demand, not merely this exira fraction,
but the full ' denarius,' alleging that the
praetor'ans. whos? pay was, by regula-
tion, only the double of theirs (Dio, 53.
II, 5), received actually two full ' denarii,'
= 32 'asses.' For furtlier infoimation, see
Marquardt, ii. 95, foil.. Mr. Purser in D.
of Ant. s.v. 'exeicitus,' p. 809. It has
been thought that we have here the ex-
aggeration of the speaker, and that the
pay of the praetorians cannot really have
been so much greater. '1 his grievance
is certainly throughout less prominent
than that of the delayed discharge (see
c. 19, 4, &I.Z.), and the concessions offered
even in the extreme crisis (c. 36, 4) con-
tain no allusion to it.

sextus decumus : the limit of the
earlier regulation of Augustus (Dio, 54.
2.S, 6).

2. isdem in castris, i.e. at the time
and place of their discharge. This is
opposed to 'ultra . . . tenerentur,' as ' pe-
cunia ' is to the assignations of land.

3. acceperint. The tense refers back
to the time (727, )i.C. 27) when double
pay was assigned to the praetorians (Dio,
53. 1 1 , 5 1. ' Acciperent ' would not answer
well to ' reddantur,'

post sedecim annos. Instances of
longer service among praetorians are
found, but may probably have been vo-
luntary. An inscription (Henzen 6846)
mentions one of thirty years' service.

5. obtrectari. This verb has an ac-
cus. of the thing ni I.iv. 4;. 37, 6. Here
it is ironical. 'We do not speak dis-
respectfully of a sentinel's watch in Rome ;
but our quarters are among savage races,
with the enemy in sight.' On the dative
' sibi,' see Inirod. v. § 18.

7. Adstrepebat, ' were chiming in.'
The word is post- Augustan, and rare
except in Tacitus, who often uses it,
repeating this expression, 11. 17, 5 ; 12.
34 4; H. 2. 90, 2. ' Incitamentum ' is
also rare excei)t in Tacitus : see Gudeman,
Dial. Introduction, xlvi.

9. exprobrantes, ' showing indignant-
ly.' Cp. the description in c. 35, i.

eo furoris. Nipp. points out that
the object of confusing the legions might
be to make their comparative guilt indi*
tinguishable. Tlie atrocity of the act
would consist in its being a violation not
merely of ' esprit de corps,' but of the
' cultus ' of the emperor and the eagles,
of which each legion was a separate
centre : see c. 39, 7:4. 2, 4, &c. For
the use of the perf. subj. ' agitaverint,'
see on c. 80, 4.

11. eum honorem. The distinction,
though not expressly mentioned, must be
supposed to be that of giving its name to
the combined body.

12. signa cohortium. Vcgetius(2, 13)
states that in his time the legionary
cohorts had their distinctive ensigns

A. P.M.]

LIBER I. CAP. 17-19.

209

5 exstruunt tribunal, quo magis conspicua sedes foret. prope-
rantibus Blacsus advenit, incrcpabatque ac retinebat singulos,
clamitans ' mea potius cacdc imbuitc manus : leviore flagitio

e Icgatum interficietis quam ab imperatore desciscitis. aut inco-
lumis fidem legionum retinebo, aut iugulatus paenitentiam ad- 5
cclcrabo.'

19. Aggcrabatur nihilo minus caespes iamque pectori usque
adcreverat, cum tandem pervicacia victi inceptum omisere.

2 Blaesus multa dicendi arte non per seditionem et turbas desi-
deria militum ad Caesarem fcrenda ait, neque veteres ab im- 10
peratoribus priscis neque ipsos a divo Augusto tam nova peti-
visse ; et parum in tempore incipientes principis curas onerari.

3 si tamen tcnderent in pace temptare quae ne civilium quidem
bellorum victores expostulaverint, cur contra morem obsequii,
contra fas disciplinae vim meditentur? decernerent legates seque 15

7. aggerebatnr : text Wallher.
berger.

(' dracones') ; but it is generally held
that at this date the cohoit can only be
shown to be distinguished by the ' signa '
of its three maniples (see c. 34, 4).
The passage in Caesar B. G. 2. 25, i
(' cjuaitae cohortis . . . signifero inter-
fecto, signo amisso'), which has been
thought to show that special ensigns
of cohorts must have always existed, can
be otherwise explained : see Domaszewski
' Fahnen im Komischcn Heere,' p. 2,7.

I. exstruunt tribunal. Such a
structure is called ' suggestus' in c. 44, 4,
and, besides giving dignity to the place
where the eagles and standards were col-
lected, would serve as a platform for the
speakers.

properantibus. Such a case of the
participle is found with 'advenit' H. 4.
62, 3 ; Liv. 9. 5, 1 1, and is probably here
a dative like ' pectori adcreverat' c. 19, i
(Introd. V. § 2i\ but might also be taken
as abl. abs. (ibid. § 31 c).

3. leviore flagitio. Nipp. notes here
the condensation of expression by which
a modal ablative contains the predicate
of a sentence, and is equivalent to ' levins
flagitium erit, si,' &c. : other such in-
stances are ' minore dtscrimine sumi prin-
cipem quam quaeri ' (H. i. 56, 5), and
' maiore animo tolerari adversa quam re-
linqui ' (H. 2. 46, 4), and the similar
'minore detrimento . . . vinci ' Sail. Jug.
54.. 5-

eiusque : text margin and li, eius usque Bez/.en-

7. Aggerabatur. This correction is
supported by c. 61, 3, &c., and by the
fact that the MS. text should have been
wiitten ' adgerebatur,' in consistency with
such places as 2. 5,7, 3, and with tlie
orthography of similar words, as here
' adcelcrabo ' and ' adcreverat.'

pectori . . . adcreverat. Such a dative
is used with ' advolutus ' (c. 23, 2), with
' adreiiere ' (c. 74, 2 ; 3. 50, 5), &c. : cp.
' adpulsas litori " (H. 4. 84, 4, from Verg.
Aen. 7, 39) : see Introd. v. § 21.

9. multa dicendi arte, an abl. of
quality: see Introd v. § 29.

desideria, used of requests or petitions,
as of soldiers (c. 26, 4; Suet. Aug. 17;,
and of provmces (Plin. Pan. 79).

1 2. parum in tempore . . . onerari,
' it was a most inopportune aggravation.'
For this use of 'in tempore ' (, - «f Kaipw)
cp. 3. 41, 3; and for that of 'onerari,'
c. 69, 7 ; 16. 30, 4 ; H. 2. 52, 3 ;
64, 3, &c.

14. cur . . . meditentur. Ernesti's
correction ' meditarentur ' has been re-
jected by all modern editors. In cases
where either the subjunct. pres. or imperf.
might be used, they are sometimes inter-
changed (cp. II. 4. 81, 4, and other in-
stances here given by Nipp.) ; besides
which Mr. Frost notes special reasons
here for the use of the present ; as ' si . . .
tenderent ' puts a supposition, while
' cur . . . meditentur ' implies a fact.

2IO

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

coram mandata darcnt. adclamavere ut filius Blacsi tiibunus 4
legatione ea fungeretur pcteretque militibus missionem ab se-
decim annis : cetera mandaturos, ubi prima provenissent. pro- 5
fecto iuvene modicurn otium : sed superbire miles, quod filius
5 legati orator publicae causae satis ostenderet necessitate expressa
quae per modestiam non obtinuissent.

20. Interea manipuli ante coeptam scditionem Nauportum
missi ob itinera et pontes ct alios usus, postquam turbatum in
castris accepere, vexilla convellunt dircptisque proximis vicis
10 ipsoque Nauporto, quod municipii instar erat, retinentis cen-
turiones inrisu et contumeliis, postremo verberibus insectantur,
praecipua in Aufidienum Rufum praefectum castrorum ira, quern
clereptum vehiculo sarcinis gravant aguntque primo in agmine,

9. accipere ;coit. accepere).

1. filius Blaesi, probably the snine
who served afterwards under his father
in Africa (3. 74, 2), and one of the two
whose deaths are mentioned in 6. 40, 3.

2. ab sedecim, 'after sixteen years.'
'Jhe same expression is used c. 26, 2 ;
cp. ' a summa spe ' 6. 50, 8 ; ' ab hac
contione' Liv. 24. 22, 6, &c.

3. provenissent. The use of this
word in the sense of ' to prosper ' (as
4. 12, 3; 14. 25, 2, &c.) is fretiuent in
Tacitus, and almost peculiar to him.

4. filius . . . orator . . . ostenderet.
( )n this concise construction, see Introd. v.

§ .15^'- 2-

5. expressa, 'extoited': so c. 39, 3;
78, 3 ; and often in Livy.

6. obtinuissent, potential subjunc-
tive: see Introd. v. § 51.

7. Nauportum. The district of this
town bordered on that of Tergeste
'Trieste), Veil. 2. no, 4, .at the ])oint where
the land transport from Aquilcia is suc-
ct.eded by a navigable river, the Ki'pKupa<;
of Strab. 4. 6, 10, 207, falling into the
.Save. It is identified with OLer-Laibach
in Carniola : see C. I. L. iii. p. 483. It
is described below as of tlie size and
character of a municipal town (cp. ' in
modum municipii exstructus locus' H. i.
67,4: Id. 4. 22, i), but its inipoitance
was diminished by the colony ten miles
below it at Emona (Laibach 1 : see PI. N.
H. 3. 24, 28, 147, C. I. L. iii. p. 488.

8. ob itinera. The employment of
detachments (^'vexilla') of the legions in
road-making is attested by numerous in-
scriptions: as an instance belonging to
this date and this part of the empire may

be noted the five roads leading from
Salonae laid down by P. Dolabella,
legatus of Tiberius A. D. 14-19 (Momm-
sen on C. I. L. iii. 3000). For others,
see Marquardl ii. 569, D. of Ant. i. 811.

12. Aufidienum. The termination of
this gentile name is noted as Umbrian.

ptaefectum castrorum. These offi-
cers are frequently mentioned from the
time of Augustus, and seem usually to
have been promoted from the rank of
centurion (cp. 13. 9, 3, with 39, 2;, as a
reward of long service (V'eget. 2, 10).
Even in a camp containing several
legions, one praefect only is usually found
(e. g. c. 23, 4; 32, 6). While thus not
necessarily connected with any particular
legion, he has disciplinary power, though
not that of life and death (see c. 38, 2),
and appears to command a legion in the
absence of its ' legatus' (14. 37, 6 ; H. 2.
29, 3), and in Egypt (Jos. 15. J. 6. 4, 3),
where there were no ' legati.' After
Doiiiitian ordained that every legion
should have a separate camp (^Suet.
Dum. 7), the 'praefectus castrorum le-
gionis ' becomes in the second century
'praefectus legionis' (an ablireviation
found once or twice at earlier dates),
and ultimately takes the place of the
' legatus legionis.' See "NN'ilmanns in
Eph. lipig. i. 81-105, Marquardt ii.
458, D. of Ant. i. 798.

13. vehiculo. From a comparison of
' corpori derepta ' (13. 57, 7\ this would
appear to be a dative. Otherwise the
verb more often takes an ablative. Both
constructions are poetical.

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 19-22.

211

per ludibrium rogitantes an tarn immcnsa oncra, tarn longa itinera
2 libenter ferret, quippe Rufus diu manipularis, dein centurio,
mox castris praefectus, antiquam duramque militiam revocabat,
vctus operis ac laboris et eo inmitior, cjuia toleraverat.

21. Horum adventu rcdintegratur seditio, et vagi circumiecta 5

2 populabantur. Blaesus paucos, maximc praeda onustos, ad tcr-
rorem cctcrorum adfici verberibus, claudi carcere iubet ; nam
etiam turn legato a centurionibus et optimo quoque manipularium

3 parebatur. illi obniti trahentibus, prensare circumstantium genua,
ciere modo nomina singulorum, modo centuriam quisque cuius 10
manipularis erat, cohortem, legionem, eadem omnibus inminere

4 clamitantes. simul probra in legatum cumulant, caelum ac deos
obtestantur, nihil reliqui faciunt quominus invidiam misericor-

5 diam metum et iras permoverent. adcurritur ab universis, et
carcere effracto solvunt vincula desertoresque ac rerum capitalium 15
damnatos sibi iam miscent.

22. Flagrantior inde vis, plures seditioni duces, et Vibulenus

4. intus : invictus margin, vetus L, intentus Ileins.

4. vetus operis. This emendation
is generally adopted ; such a genitive
with 'vetus' being in accordance with
the usage of Tacitus (as in 6. 12, 2 ; 44,
f, &c.), and suited to 'quia tfleraverat.'
The alternative 'intentus' has in its
favour the fact of similar accidental
omissions of a s\ liable in the MS. (as
' reditus' for ' rediturus ' 2. 63, y)\ and
though no genitive with this word is
found, such a construction would be
analogous to ' ferox scelerum' (4. 12, 3),
or other genitives of relation.

7. carcere. Such a place of custody
formed part of all ' castra stativa ' : cp.
' niilitnri custodia ' 3. 22, 5; ' longo
castrorum in carcere. mansit ' Juv. 6, 560.

8. etiam turn. This period is dis-
tinguished from the complete break-down
of discipline described in c. 23.

10. centuriam . . . cuius manipularis
erat, ' the centuiy in whose ranks he
serv'ed.' ' Manipularis' is related no less
to ' centuria ' than to ' manijnilus,' being
merely a term for the rank and file of a
legion as distinct from its officers: cp.
' manipularis, dein centurio' (c. 20, 2).

12. probra in legatum cumulant.
This construction ' cumulare aliquid in
aliquem ' is almost confined to Tacitus :
cp. 13. 2, 5; 14. 53, 2. Curtius has
' cumulare . . . res in unum diem.'

13. nihil reliqui faciunt, 'leave
nothing undone.' Tiie phrase is used in
this sense in Caes. B. G. 2. 26, 5 ; Sail.
Cat. II. 7 ; and Atticus (ap. Nep. 21, 5) ;
as also 'nihil reliquum fieri' .Sail. Jug.
76, 4 ; the expression being in all places
negative. On the genitive, see Introd. v.

§32f-

quominus, here with the force of
'quin,' as often in Tacitus (5. f, 2 ; 13.

14. 3 ; I4. 39, 2, &:c.), but, according to
Diager, in no other author. Conversely,
' quin ' = ' quominus' in 14. 29, i.

1 4. permoverent, ' stir to their depths.'
In the u-e of this word with an accus. of
the feeling excited (as 3. 23, i ; 16. 32,
2) Tacitus is preceded only by Quint ilian
(12. 10, 36). The imjjcrfect is adapted
to the really past force of the historic
present : see Introd. v. § 48.

16. iam, perhaps too forcible to be
taken fas by Mr. Frosts in the sense of
t^St; — 'from this point,' as 'cetera iam
fabulosa ' (G. 46, 5). Walther would
take it to mean SjJ (" even associate with
themselves'), and considers that in H. i.

15, 8, 'etiam' has similarly the force of
KOI 577.

17. plures seditioni duces. These
are distinguished from the ' ministri " jire-
viously abetting Percennius (c. 17, i).
On the dative, see Introd. v. § ly.

212 P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [AU.C. 767.

quidam gregarius miles, ante tribunal Blaesi adlevatus circum-
stantium umcris, apud turbatos et quid pararet intentos 'vos
quidem' inquit 'his innocentibus et miserrimis lucem et spiritum
reddidistis : sed quis fratri meo vitam, quis fratrem mihi rcddit ?
5 quern missum ad vos a Germanico exercitu de communibus
commodis nocte proxima iugulavit per gladiatores suos, quos in
exitium militum habet atque armat. responde, Blaese, ubi 2
cadaver abieceris : ne hostes quidem sepultura invident. cum 3
osculis, cum lacrimis dolorem meum implevero, me quoque

10 trucidari iube, dum interfectos nullum ob scclus, sed quia utilitati
legionum consulebamus, hi sepeliant.'

23. Incendebat haec fletu et pectus atque os manibus ver-
berans. tnox disiectis quorum per umeros sustinebatur, praeceps 2
et singulorum pedibus advolutus tantum consternationis invi-

'5 diaeque concivit, ut pars militum gladiatores qui e servitio Blaesi
erant, pars ceteram eiusdem familiam vincirent, alii ad quae-
rendum corpus effunderentur. ac ni propere neque corpus ullum 3
reperiri, et servos adhibitis cruciatibus abnuere caedem, neque
illi fuisse umquam fratrem pernotuisset, haud multum ab exitio

8. ablegeris: text margin. 11. ii : hi Mur. and L. 12. incedebat : text R.

2. quid pararet intentos, 'watrhing found earlier, as ' non inviderunt laude

what he would do,' an unprecedented sua mulieribus' ^Liv. 2. 40, 11), and

construction, due to the desire of brevity; ' invidet igne rogi miscris' (Luc. 7, 798).

'intentos' for ' intente obscrvantes.' Walther explains it as a Latin equivalent

£,. a Germanico exercitu, perhaps of the Greek genit. with ipOovfiv, also

a touch thrown in by Tacitus or his directly imitated in Latin, as ' neque ille

authority. The revolt of the German sepositi ciceris, nee longae invidit avenae'

aimy could not have been then known. (Hor. Sat. 2. 6, 84'.

6. gladiatores. Provincial governors 12. Incendebat haec, 'he was giving
kept troops of gladiators, to court pojiu- these words more power to kindle;' cp.
larity by shows (see I'riedl. ii. p. 327), ' sermones audita mors ... incendit' (2.82,
till the practice was forbidden by Nero 4\ and 'haec acccndebat' (c. 69, 7):
(13.31,4). The subject of ' iugulavit ' is derived from such Vergilian metaphors
supplied from the sense, as in c. 52, i; as ' pudor incendit vires' (Aen. 5, 455),
2. 70, 2, &c. and ' incendentcm luctus' (9, 500).

7. ubi . . . abieceris ; equivalent to 14. pedibus advolutus. This con-
'ubi abiectum reliqueris': cp. ' abiecti in struction here, and in c. 32, 4, is analo-
via cadaveris ' Suet. Ncr. 48 ; ' eo loco . . . gous to that of ' pectori adcreverat' c. 19,
al)iccit ' Id. Galb. 20. i. Elsewhere Tacitus uses the accusa-

8. sepultura invident. The com- tive with this verb, as c- 13, 7, &c.
plete form of this construction would 19. pernotuisset. Besides Tacitus (cp.
have also a dative of the person. It 12.67, ^ i ^.V 25, 2; 14. 8, 2) Quintil-
is noticed by Quint. (9. 3, i) among the ian alone appears to use this word. A
conceits of his day, ' paene iam, quidquid similar anecdote to this, though without
loquimur, figura est, ut hac re invidere, tiie additional touch, that no such bro-
iioii, ut omnes veteres et Cicero praecipue, ther had existed, occurs in eaily ]\oman
huic rei.' It is especially common in the hfstory (Liv. 3. 13; 24V Bacon ,De
Kpistles of Pliny (as 2. jo, 2, &c. 1, but is Augni. vi. 4, sub iin.), confounding Vi-

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 22 24.

213

4 legati aberant. tribunes tamen ac praefectum castrorum extra-
sere, sarcinae fut^ientium dircptac, et ccnturio Lucilius intcrficitur,
cui militaribus facetiis vocabulum 'ccdo alteram ' indidcrant, quia
fracta vite in tergo militis alteram clara voce ac rursus aliam

5 poscebat. ccteros latebrae tcxcre, uno retento Clemente lulio, 5
qui perferendis militum mandatis habebatur idoncus ob promp-

6 tum ingenium. quin ipsae inter se Jegiones octava et quinta
dccuma ferrum parabant, dum centurionem cognomento Sirpicum
ilia morti deposcit, quintadccumani tuentur, ni miles nonanus
preces et adversum aspernantis minas intcriecisset. 10

24. Haec audita qUamquam abstrusum et tristissima quaequc
maxime occultantcm Tiberium pcrpulere ut Drusum filium cum
primoribus civitatis duabusque praetoriis cohortibus mittcret,
4. facta uitae : text B.

bulenus with Percennius, illustrates from
this story some striking^ remarks on the
force of ' Actio Thcatralis.'

I. aberant. On this indicative, as on
'ferrum parabant . . . ni' below, see
Introd. V. § 50 b. The latter passage
gives the usual order of the clause?, the
priority of the dependent clause being
noted elsewhere only in H. 4. 18, i.

3. vocabulum. often used for a proper
name, as c. S, 4, &c. That it here means
a nickname is indicated by 'militaribus
facetiis,' as in c. 41, 3, by 'militari
vocabulo.' Another military ' sobriquet '
(' mnnu ad ferrum') is called 'signum'
by Vopiscus ("Aurel. 6, 2).

4. vite. The vine-rod is the 'insigne'
of the centurion (cp. 'vitemposce' Juv.14,
193), and was specially reserved for the
punishment of the citizen soldier. Tims
ijcipio at Is'umantia, according to Livy
(Epit. 57), 'quern militem extra ordinem
deprehendit, si Romanus asset, vitibus,
si extraneus, fustibus cecidit.' Hence
Pliny (X. H. 14. i, 3, 19^1 says of it
' etiam in delictis poenam ipsam honorat.'

6. perferendis . . . mandatis . . .
idoneus. 'Idoneus' takes a gerundive
dative (cp. Quint. 2. 10, 6), as maay other
words in post-Augustan Latin. Dr. in-
stances 'callidus,' ' opportunus,' ' inha-
bilis,' and ' aptus.' ' Perferre ' has often
in Tacitus the sense of ' delivering a
message,' as c. 26, i ; 57, 3 ; 3. 10, 2 ;

M- 7,1-

8. dum. This conjunction is constant-
ly thus used by Tacitus where not only a
temporal but a causal connexion is indi-
cated : cp. c. 50, I ; 54, 3 ; 2. 8, 3 ; 88,

4; 3- 19- .^: 6. 7, 6, &c. See Drager,
Synt. and Stil, § 168, and a full list of
instances in Gerber and Greef. Lex. s. v.

cognomento Sirpicum. ' Cognomen-
turn ' usually denotes a real name (cp.

2. 6, 5 ; 9, 2 ; 60, 3, &c.), and Nipp.
appears rightly so to take the word here,
tliough no such name as 'Sirpicus' is
otherwise known: a nickname would prob-
ably liave been explained, as ' cedo
alteram ' above, or ' Caligula,' c. 41, 3.

9. morti deposcit, ' demands for
death,' i.e. 'with a view to his death.'
On this dative of work contemplated,
see Introd. v. § 22 c; also note on c. 51,
4, and Madv. § 249.

II. quamquam, with adj. or part. =
Kainep, often in Tacitus, rarely in Cic,
Sail., or Livy.

abstrusum, ' reserved,' apparently only
here u<ed of persons. Similar uses of
' tectus,' ' occultus,' &c. are frequent in
Tacitus, but less peculiar to him.

13. primoribus civitatis, used in

3. 65, 2, in contradistinction to the mass
even of consulars, and probably implying
family nobility as well as personal rank.
One of thoiC now sent is mentioned by
name (c. 27, 1), Cn. Lentulus.

praetoriis cohortibus. See note on
2. 16, 5. It is sliown by gravestones
that a part of this force was once stationed
at Aquileia ; but Patsch (Archaeol. Epig.
Mittheil. xiv. 102-107 is probably riglu
in connecting them with the temporary
residence of Augustus and others of his
family there in B.C. 12-10: see Suet.
Aug. 20, Tib. 7.

VOL. I

214

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

nullis satis certis mandatis, ex re consulturum. et cohoites 2
delecto milite supra solitum firmatae. additur magna pars 3
praetoriani equitis et robora Germanorum, qui turn custodes
imperatori aderant ; simul practorii praefectus Aelius Seianus,
5 collega Straboni patri suo datus, magna apud Tiberium auctori-
tate, rector iuveni et ceteris periculorum pracmiorumque osten-
tator. Druso propinquanti quasi per officium obviae fuere le- 4
giones, non laetae, ut adsolet, neque insignibus fulgentes, sed
inluvie deformi et vultu, quamquam maestitiam imitarentur, con-
jo tumaciae propiores.

25. Postquam vallum introiit, portas stationibus firmant, globos

II. introit : text L (cp. 15. 64, 4; iniit c. 34, 2, &c.).

1. nullis satis certis mandatis.

Kij p. notes that Tacitus ofien tolerates
three ' homoeoteleuta,' as in c. 5, 5 (' pro-
peiis matris litteris'), and in one place
five, 'ignis, patiilis magis urbis locis'
(15-40,2).

ex re consulturum, ' to decide ac-
cording to circumstances:' so 'ex me-
moria' (2. 6,^, i) ; 'ex delicto' (3. 37, 2) ;
and commonly ' ex sententia,' &c.

2. delecto, i. e. chosen from the other
cohorts.

3. praetoriani equitis. On this force,
see Introd. vii. p. 126.

Germanorum. A body of Batavian
horsemen had been attached to the per-
son of Augustus (_l)io, 55. 24, 7). 'I'hese
and any other Germans of the bodyguard
had been dismissed after the defeat of
Varus (Suet. Aug. 49% but had evitlcntly
been already restored. A similar force is
mentioned under Gains (Suet. Cal. 43),
and Nero (13. 18, 4 ; 15. 58, 2), but their
dismissal by Galba (.Suet. Galb. 12) was
probably final, as Tacitus speaks of them
\n the past. They were armed sLives
rather than soldiers, and were divided
not into ' turmae ' or ' ccnturiae,' but as
a 'collegium' into ' decuriae.' See
Marquardt, Staatsv. ii. 487, D. of Ant.
i. 795. Afterwards, the 'equites singu-
lares' appear to take their place (Staatsr.
ii. 808, Marquardt, ii. 488).

4. Seianus. Here first mentioned.
His early history is given in 4. i. His
father has been mentioned (c. 7, 3).

5. collega. Maecenas is represented
(Dio, 52. 24, i) as advising Augustus, as
a measure of safety, to share the 'praelec-
tura praetorii ' between two ; and this
was generally the rule, though with many

exceptions, such as the sole command
later of Seianus, of Macro, of Burrus
(12. 42, 2), Anius Varus (H. 4. 2, i), &c.
(see Staatsr. ii. 866). All other ' prae-
fecturae ' were administered by a single
praefect.

6. rector iuveni. On the dative, see
Introd. V. § 19.

ceteris periculorum praemiorum-
que ostentator, ' to hold before the
rest their perils and rewards.' 'Ceteri'
must appaiently refer only to the troops
sent from Rome, as the legions do not
appear in view till the next sentence. The
praetorians, whose privileges were the eye-
sore of the legions (c. 17, 9), were not
likely to make common cause with them,
but might flinch from confronting them.
Hence their own commanding officer,
whose influence with the princeps was
a guarantee that he, could make good his
words, is specially ciiarged to warn them
how much they had to lose or gain by
their behaviour.

7. per offlcium, ' by way of respect :*
cp. 6. 50, 4; 12. 56, 4, &c., and, for the
use of' per,' Introd. v. § 62.

8. neque insignibus fulgentes, * nor
glittering with decorations,' i. e. with the
'dona ujilitaria' (cp. c. 44, 7 ; 3. 21, 3,
&c. ;, forming the full dress of the Roman
soldier. The eagles and standards might
be more or less adorned, to show joy (15.
29, 4) or mourning (.^. 2, 2).

II. portas stationibus firmant, &c.
These precautions appear intended to bar
the entrance of the force with Drusus,
the main body of which appears to have
remained out^ide (see c. 30. i'', though
some escort entered with him (cp. ' ut
quis praetorianorum,' &c., c. 27, \). As

A.D. 14.] LIBER I. CAP. 24-26. 215

armatorum ccrtis castrorum locis opi^criri iubent : ceteri tribunal

2 ingenti agmine circumvcniunt. stabat Drusus silentium manu
poscens. illi quoticns oculos ad multitudincm rcttulerant, vocibus
trucLilcntis stiepere, rursum viso Caesare trepidare ; murmur in-
certum,atrox clamor et repente quies ; diversisanimorum motibus 5

3 pavebant terrebantque. tandem intcrrupto tumultu litteras patris
recitat, in quis pcrscriptum erat, praecipuam ipsi fortissimarum
legionum curam, cjuibuscum plurima bclla toleravissct ; ub^
primum a luctu requicsset animus, acturum apud patres de pos-
tuiatis eorum ; misisse interim filium, ut sine cunctatione con- 10
cederet quae statim tribui possent ; cetera senatui servanda, quem
neque gratiac neque severitatis expertem haberi par esset.

26. Responsum est a contionc, mandata Clementi centurioni

2 quae perferret. is orditur de missione a sedecim annis, de
pracmiis finitae militiae, ut denarius diurnum stipendium foret, 15
ne veterani sub vexillo haberentur. ad ea Drusus cum arbitrium

3 senatus et patris obtenderet, clamore turbatur. cur venisset
neque augendis militum stipendiis neque adievandis laboribus,
denique nulla bene faciendi licentia ? at hercule verbera et necem

3. sedliilerant : text B.

the winter camp of one or more of the earlier war from 742 to 745) B.C. 12-9,

legions was chosen by Lent.ulus as a and to the great rebellion of 759~7^->

retuge, and had been previously occupied A.D. 6-9. See Introd. viii. pp. 133, 135.
by Drusus and his retinue (cp. ' repe 11. quem neque, &c., 'which should

tentem' c. 27, 2), it is inferred that it was not be treated as having no right to

near, and may have formed the night concede or to resist.' The opposition

quarters of the praetorians, who apjiear between ' severitas' and ' largitio ' in c. 36,

to be now watching the issue close out- 3, seems to show that this is its meaning

side the gates of the summer camp (cp. here in opposition to ' gratia.' Nipp.

'adcursu multitudinis' c. 27, 3). takes it as alluding to the power to puni>h

2. stabat. Nipp. notes the verb here, (cp. c. 46, 2, &c.). Here, however, the

as often, placed first to give liveliness only question reserved by Drusus is

to the description : cp. ' stabant' (c. 44, whether certain concessions should be

4), 'incedcbat' \c. 40, 4\ &c. ; and the made or not (c. 26, 5). The retort

present, ' stcrnuntur,' &:c. c. 70, 4. below (c. 26, 6), that if the senate be

4. murmur incertum, &c., 'there consulted on military rewards it should

were confused utterances, fierce cries, and also be consuUed on punishments, is

sudden lulls; they were terrified or terrible made by the soldiers themselves, to show

as their emotions changed.' 'Pavere' that they saw through the pretext,
and ' terrere ' stand thus in contrast in 16. arbitrium ... obtenderet, 'was

c. 29,3, and answer here to the 'quies' pleading the authority;' i.e. that they

and 'clamor' above. In the passage must decide. 'Obtendere' is often thus

of Silius (10, 396), which Tacitus seems used by Tacitus, as also by Quint, and

to have in mind, 'clamor saepe repens PI, Min., in speaking of a plea or pretext,

et saepe silentia fixis in telhireni oculis.' e.g. 3. 17, 2; 35, 2, &c. : cp. the subst.

the cues and silence are both marks of 'obtentui' (c. 10, i,&c.).
fear. 18. augendis. On this gerundive dative,

8. plurima bella. This refers to the see Introd. v. § 22 b.

2l6

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

cunctis permitti. Tiberium olim nomine August! desideria le- 4
gionum frustrari solitum : casdem artes Drusum rettulisse. num- 5
quamnc ad se nisi filios familiarum ventures? novum id plane
quod imperator sola militis commoda ad senatum reiciat. eundem 6

5 ergo senatum consulcndum, quoticns supplicia aut proelia indi-
cantur : an praemia sub dominis, poenas sine arbitro esse?

27. Postremo deserunt tribunal, ut quis praetorianorum mili-
tum amicorumve Caesaris occurreret, manus intcntantes, causam
discordiae et initium armorum, maxime infensi Cn. Lentulo,

10 quod is ante alios aetate et gloria belli firmare Drusum crede-
batur et ilia militiae flagitia primus aspcrnari. nee multo post 2

3. nisi ad se : text L, nisi [ad se] Ritt.

1. cunctis, a rhetorical exaggeration.
Even the centurion had his vine-rod (see
c. 2.S, 4) ; but capital punishment could
be inflicted on a soldier, in Caesarian
provinces, by no lower officer than the
'legatus Augusti;' in senatorial pro-
vinces, not even by the proconsul. See
Dio, 53. 13, 6.

2. rettulisse, 'had repeated': cp. 4.
4, 3 ; also ' veterem Valeriae gentis . . .
laudem rettulisset' (Cic. Flacc. i, i);
' cum aditus consul idem illud responsum
rettulit' (Liv. 37. 6, 7^; ' nota refcrt
meretricis acumina' (,Hor. Kpp. i. 17, 55).

numquamne ad se nisi. The gene-
ral agreement with this transposition (^cp.
' adversum ferri' c. 65, 7^ makes it need-
less to examine ^Valthe^'s explanation of
the words as they stand in the MS., as an
exaggeration put into the mouth of the
speaker, making the grievance peculiar
to themselves.

3. filios familiarum, i. e. persons not
'sui iuris.' The incompetence to redress a
military grievance has no real connexion
with the disabilities of a ' filius-familias ;'
which may be illustrated by the account
of Tiberius after his adoption (Suet.
Tib. 15), ' neque donavit neque manu-
misit, ne hereditatem quidem aut legata
percepit aliter, quam ut peculio referret ac-
cepta.' The word is merely contemptuous,
and means, ' Are our rulers never
themselves to visit us?'

novum id plane. Here 'plane' (on
which c]i. 3. 34, 4) is ironical, as in Dial.
26, 32 (Gud.). The main stress islaid upon
'commoda;' but 'militis' is also em-
phatic in relation to ' imjierator.' That
the senate could never interfere with
niililary matters not specially referred to

it, is plain from 6. 3, i ; and the refer-
ence to it, as in c. 6, 5, appears to be an
evasive devolution of responsibility. On
the practice of Tiberius, see note on
c. 52, 2.

6. sub dominis ; this is used in-
vidiously, ' under despotism.' Augustus
and Tiberius alike repudiate the title of
'dominus' as an insult. See 2. 87, 2;
Suet. Aug. 53; Tib. 27.

sine arbitro, ' wholly uncontrolled,'
u^ed of mere intervention, as ' Armenii
sine arbitro relicti sunt* 15. 17, 5;
'mortem sine arbitro permittens' 16.
11,6.

8. manxis intentantes, ' using threat-
ening gestures': cp. 3. 36, i ; H. i. 69,
3, &c. ; and ' intenderat manus' 4. 3, 2.

causam discordiae. On this appo-
sition, see Introd. v. § 12 a, and many
other instances given by Nipp. here.

9. Cn. Lentulo. The allusion io his
age and military reputation appears to
show that the person intended is Cn.
Cornelius L. f. Lentulus, who was cos. in
736, B.C. 18, and had gained triumphal
distinctions for his victory over the Getae
or Daci. See the notice of him at his
death in 778, A. D. 25 (4. 44, i). He is
also evidently the person mentioned in
2. 32, 2 ; 3. 68, 3 ; 4. 29, i.

10. ante alios : cp.'nobilitate opibusque
ante alios' H. 4. 55, i ; ' muri labore et
opere ante alios' H. 5. 12, i. The con-
struction resembles others (sec Introd. v.
§ 31b) in which the idea of a participle
of 'sum' is sujjplied (cp. 2. 43, 4, &c.).
The use of 'ante' (as 13. 54, 5, &c.) and
'post' (as H. 2. 77, i) to express su-
periority and inferiority, is very rare in
classical Latin; see Gud. on Dial. 26, 31.

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 26-28.

217

dit^redientem cum Cacsarc ac provisu periculi hiberna castra
rcpctentcm circumsistunt, rcgitantcs quo pergeret, ad impera-
torcm an ad patres, ut illic quoque commodis Icgionum advcr-

3 saretur ; simul ingruunt, saxa iaciunt. iamque lapidis ictu
crucntus et exitii certus adcursu multitudinis quae cum Druso 5
advencrat protcctus est.

28. Noctem minacem et in scelus erupturam fors lenivit :

2 nam luna claro repente caelo visa langucscere. id miles rationis

I. eum : cum margin and B, eum cum Ritt. 8. clam'ore pena : text L, claro

plena Wcissenborn and Baiter, clariore plena Salinerius.

1. digredientem cum Ca°sare. This
reading; lia« been generally adopted, nnd
is most fully discussed by Job. Miiller
(Beitrrige, sect. 3\ Pfitzner (p. 114), and
Wolfflin (Philol. xxvi. 10.^). The inter-
pretation of ' cum Caesare ' as equivalent
to ' a Caesare,' cannot be justified by such
phrases as ' disceptare cum aliquo,' or by
general Latin usage. Nor does Tacitus
seem to mean that Drusns was also him-
self intending 'to retreat to the winter
camp ; for so important a fact would
hardlv have been mentioned thus inci-
dentally. But it may be that Drusus,
with such small retinue as he had about
him, was escorting Lentulus to the gate,
outside which the main body of his own
troops were waiting, and close to which
the scene probably occurred. Thus ' eum
Caesare' would mean ' prosequente Cae-
sare,' as 'cum custodibus' (Sail. Cat. 46,
5\ 'cum Cassio' (Id. ]ug. 33, i). The
retention of 'eum,' with the supposition
that a prep, (as ' a ' or ' cum ') has dropped
out after it, is open to the objection that
this pronoun would usually be omitted by
Tacitus ; cp. ' abeuntem ' (2. 34, 2) ; ' sacri-
ficantem' r4. 52. 3),&c.: seelntrod. v. §8.

provisu. This word, used only in the
abl., is peculiar to Tacitus, and has gene-
rally the meaning of ' forethought.' Here,
as in H. 3. 22, 3 ' ne oculi quidem provisu
iuvabant,' it has the force of 'foreseeing'
(cp. 'providebat' 4. 41, 3, &c. ; 'ubi . . .
pr.ovideri nequeat ' Liv. 44. 35, 1 2), usually
expressed by ' ]iraevideo.'

2. repetentem. See note on c. 25, i.
5. multitudinis, 'the main body.'

The words 'quae cum Druso advenerat '
do not express their position at this mo-
ment, but merely serve to distinguish this
force from the Pannonian troops. Prob-
ably, though outside fsee c. 30, i\ they
were close at hand, and might thus be

able to see the danger of Lentulus, and to
reSi;He him by a demonstration, if we sup-
pose the assault to have been made when
he was close to the gate, and thus seen to
be quitting the camp.

7. Noctem minacem. On such per-
sonifications, see Introd. v. § 75.

8. claro repente. Most editors adopt
this emendation. The position of ' repente,'
though hardly natural, would be such as
often results in Tacitus from an apparent
desire toimprove the sound of the sci tence;
and the eclipse, though itself gradual, may
have suddenly attracted notice. The read-
ing ' claro plena' supposes a reminiscence
of Cic. de Rep. i. 15, 23 'quod serena
nocte . . . plena luna defecisset.'

languescere. This word is nowhere
else used of an eclipse, but Pliny (N. H.
27. 13, 109, 133^ uses it of paling colour,
' color in luteum languescens.' This eclipse
took place Sept. 26, 3 to 7 a.m., and thus
fixes the chronology of these events. See
on c. 16, I.

rationis ignarus. The scientific ex-
planation of eclipses was well known to
educated Romans as early as Lucretius
(5, 7^1, &c.) and Cicero (de Divin. 2. 6,
1 7) , and, if the story of C. Sulpicius ( jallus
(Liv. 44, 37) be true, even as early as
R.c. ifiS (see also Cic. de Rej)., 1. 1.).
A similar contrast is shown by the ignor-
ance of the Athenian army, and even of
Nicias (Thuc. 7. 50, 4), of the scientific
theory which had been laid down, though
in the face of much prejudice, by Anaxa-
goras (Plut. Nicins. c. 23\ and wiiich,
from the account of Herodotus (r. 74, 3),
was known even to Thales. We may
notice that even Vergil (G. 2, 475^' speaks
in language adapted to jiopular supersti-
tion ('Defectus soils varios lunaeque la-
bores'); and that this idea of a conflxt
with enchantment, in which the moon was

2l8

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

ignarus omen praesentium accepit. suis laboribus defectionem
sideris adsimulans, prospereque cessura qua pergerent, si fulgor
et claritudo deae redderetur. igitur aeris sono, tubarum cornu- 3
umque concentu strepere ; prout splendidior obscuriorve, laetari
5 aut maercre ; et postquam ortae nubes offecere visui creditumque
conditam tenebris, ut sunt mobiles ad superstitionem perculsae
semel mentes, sibi aeternum laborem portendi, sua facinora
aversari decs lamentantur. utendum inclinatione ea Caesar et 4
quae casus obtulerat in sapientiam vertenda ratus circumiri
10 tentoria iubet ; accitur centurio Clemens et si alii bonis artibus 5
grati in vulgus. hi vigiliis, stationibus, custodiis portarum se

I. asuis : ac suis margin, suis Freinsheim.
cessurum qua Nipp., quae pararent Sey fieri,
uigiliis : ii L, hi VVeikert.

2. quae: quo, ad quae, &c. al.,
8. aduersari : text K. 11. in

to be aided by the din of metal, though
deplored as a superstition by Pliny (^»ee
beiow), was not only rife in the lime of
Juvenal (Sat. 6. 442), but even, as Lipsius
notes, was a belief among Christians in
the time of MaximusTaurinensisr(A.D. 450).

1. suis. Most editors have adopted
this reading. 'Ac suis' is accepted by
Walther, who considers that ' ac ' joins
'adsimulans' to 'ignarus'; but we can
hardly suppose that i'acitus would have
put such a clause alter ' accepit.' Phtzncr
^p. 61) conjectures that 'asms' may re-
present 'assiduis' (cp. 'tentes' c. 17, 4) I
which is supported by ' aeternum laborem '
below ; but we appear here to require Ihe
pronoun to show to what ' labores ' those
of the moon are compared.

2. prospereque cessura qua perge-
rent. Halm follows Nipp. in readmg
' qua,' but appears rightly to think the
further alteration of ' cessura ' to ' ces-
surum ' needless. The sentence is equiva-
lent to ' resque prospere cessuras, ea via
qua pergerent,' ' that the course on which
they were advancing (_that of mutiny)
would succeed.' ' (2uae,''which is retamed
by Orelli, might Lie taken as a quasi-
cognate accusative, analogous to ' pergere
iter,' &c., but has no direct parallel. In
any interpretation, the sense of such a
participle as 'putans' is applied from
'adsimulans.'

3. claritudo : see note on c. 43, 3.

aeris sono . . . strepere. An explana-
tion of this practice may be gathered from
Pliny ^_N. H. 2. 12, 9, 54) ' miscra homi-

num mente in defectibus scelera aut
mortem aliquam siderum pavente ... at
in luna veneficia arguente mortalitate et
ob id crepitu dissono auxiliante.' For
other allusions to it, see Liv. 26. 5, and
passages referred to in note above.

4. prout splendidior obscuriorve.
If the sky was still clear of cloud (as
would seem from the next sentence), and
the mere progress of the eclipse is meant,
Tacitus would appear to be describing
not the real phenomena, but the fancies
of the soldiers. It is however possible
that he may mean to describe something
of this kind; that tlieir spirits rose alter
the time of greatest obscuiation was past,
but that soon after this the moon became
permanently hidden by clouds ; and that
even this common phenomenon, coupled
with the eclipse, worked upon tneir
minds.

II. in vulgus : cp. c. 76, 5 ; Introd. v.
§ Gob.

vigiliis, stationibus, custodiis por-
tarum. The two iornier are oiten men-
tioned together, as c. 32, 6; 11. 18, 3;
13. 35, 3. "StationeSj'or 'pickets detached
on guard, would be on duty both by day
and night, ' vigiliae ' by night only, and
the latter may be distinguished from the
former, by being either (as Kitter thinks)
the night-patrol charged w ilh the duty of
going round the camp, or ^as Nipp. thinks j
the sentinels, as distinct Irom the pickets.
' Custodiae portarum ' are a class of the
'stationts': cp. 'portas stationibus hi-
mant ' ^c. 26, ij.

A.D. 14.]

LIBER J. CAP. 28, 29.

219

6 inscrunt, spem offerunt, mctum intendunt. 'quousquc filium
imperatoris obsidebimus? quis ccrtaminum finis? Perccnnione
et Vibuleno sacramcntum dicturi sumus? Perccnnius et Vibu-
lenus stipendia inilitibus, agros emeritis largientur? deniquc pro

7 Neronibus et Drusis imperium populi Romani capesscnt? quins
potius, ut novissimi in culpam, ita priini ad paenitentiam sumus?
tarda sunt quae in commune expostulantur : privatam gratiam

8 statim mereare, statim recipias.' commotis per haec mentibus
et inter sc suspectis, tironcm a vetcrano, legionem a legione

9 dissociant. turn rcdire paulatim amor obscquii : omittunt portas, 10
signa unum in locum principio seditionis congregata suas in sedes
referunt.

29. Drusus orto die et vocata contione, quamquam rudis

dicendi, nobilitate ingenita incusat priora, probat praesentia ;

negat se terrore et minis vinci : flexos ad modestiam si vidcat, 15

si supplices audiat, scripturum patri ut placatus legionum preces

2 exciperet. orantibus rursum idem Blaesus et L. Aponius, eques

17. aponius: Apronius B.

1. intendunt, often used in the sense
of ' augere,' but such meaning, though
suitable, is probably not thought of liere.
The similar expressions ' intento mortis
metu ' (c. 39, 4), ' mtenta pericula ' (3. 48,
4), and 'otTeiunt' in the corresponding
clause, suggest that it is here equivalent
to ' intentant,' and a metaphor from
threatening gestures.

2. obsidebimus. That Drusus was
in some sense a prisoner in the camp,
would appear from their conduct on his
entry (• portas stationibus hrmant,' &c.,
c. 25, I ), and from tlie exclusion (as has
been suggested above : see c. 25, i ; 27, 3)
of the main body of his escort. Dio adds,
per&aps from another version of the story

(^57- 4> 4)' ''°' ai/TuV TTJi VVKTUS vtpitippov-

pTjoav, fifj Sia(pv-fT] : see Introd. iii. p. 17,
n. 12.

5. Neronibus et Dirusis. The plural,
as in II. 35, 2, denotes the ruling family;
which represented both the ' Claudii
Nerones,' and also the ' Livii Drusi.'

6. in culpam ... ad paenitentiam :
cp. ' in audaciam ... ad formidincin ' (^.
51, 3), and other such change of preposi-
tions for the sake of variety (Inuod. v.
§ 87). That those addiessed, as well as the
speakers, are among the less guilty, is skil-
fully assumed to quiet their tears i^Nipp.).

8. mereare . . . recipias, potential
subjunctives. See Introd. v. § 51.

y. tironem. This word, here and in
c. 42, 7, seems extended to include all
who had not completed their terra of
service. Elsewhere, as in a. 78, 3, it has
its ordinary meaning.

13. ortb die. Only one day and night
had passed since he entered the camp
(c. 25, i). On the whole time covered
by these events, see on c. 16, i.

14. nobilitate. This word has here
something of a moral sense like that of
ytpvaiuTtjs, 'generosity.' It appears also
to have a similar though less delinite
sense in H. i. 30, i ' nihil adrogabo mihi
nobilitatis aut modestiae.'

15. terrore et minis. Here, as in
'nihil . . . prisci et integri ' (c. 4, i), and
other uses of ' et ' in negative clauses, the
words are more closely coupled than if
'nee ' had been used.

17. exciperet. The tense probably (see
Walther) is used to denote a more un-
certain consequence. 'Excipiat' would
have implied a tone of authority.

orantibus, ' on their petition,' i.e. that
he would so write. On this abl. abs., see
Inirod. V. § 31c.

idem Blaesus: see c. 19, 4-

220

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A. U. C. 767.

Romanus e cohorte Drusi, lustusque Catonius, primi ordinis
centurio, ad Tiberium mittuntur. ceitatum inde scntcntiis, cum 3
alii opperiendos legates atque interim comitate permulccndum
militem censerent, alii fortioribus remediis agendum : nihil in

5 vulgo modicum ; terrere, ni paveant ; ubi pertimuerint, inpunc
contemni : dum superstitio urgcat, adiciendos ex duce metus
sublatis seditionisi auctoribus. promptum ad asperiora ingcnium 4
Druso erat : vocatos Vibulenum et Percennium intcrfici iubet.
tradunt plerique intra tabernaculum ducis obrutos, alii corpora

10 extra vallum abiecta ostentui.

30. Turn ut quisque praecipuus turbator conquisiti, et p:\rs,
extra castra palantes, a centurionibus aut praetoriarum cohor-
tium militibus caesi ; quosdam ipsi manipuli documentum fidei
tradidere, auxerat militum curas praematura hiems imbribus 2

L. Aponius. Nipp. appears rightly
to retain here the original text ; the de-
scription given of the person being
more suitable to a less known name
(cp. H. I. 79, 8, &c.) than to that of a
consular family such as the Apronii
(see c. 56, T, &c.). The identification
with the Apronius Caesianus of 3. 21,
6 appears to be impossible (see note
there),

I. cohorte, 'the retinue,' as 6. 9, 2.
The idea of such a ' coliors amicorum '
attending the princeps or members of his
family in travel, appears to be derived
Irom the ' cohors praetoria ' or staff of
a provincial governor under the Repul)lic
(Cic. Verr. 2. 1, 14, 36, &c.). See Fried-
laender, i. p. 122, &c.

lustus Catonius. This is probably
the same person who was afterwards
' praefectus praetorio,' and was put to
death by Messalina in 796, a.D. 43 (Dio,
60. 18, 3\ ' I'rimi ordinis centurio' and
other similar expressions are found often
in and after Caesar, and from about the
time of Hadrian tlie term appears defi-
nitely to denote perhaps, as Moiiimsen
thinks (Eph. Epig. iv. 239), the three
leading centurions of the first cohort, or
perhaps, as Marquardt contends (Staatsv.
ii. 371), the 'centurio pilus prior' of each
of the ten cohorts : see Diet, of Ant. i.
p. 799. At this date it is probably not
a technical term : in some cases (as here
and c. 61, 5) it might mean 'centurio
primipilus,' and where it evidently denotes
a larger number (e.g. H. 3. 22, 5 ; 5. 20,

2), it might mean those personally most
prominent.

3. opperiendos legates, i. e. that no
punishment should be inflicted till they
returned.

6. ex duce metus. The phrase ' metus
ex aliquo,' even without a verb, is frequent
in Tacitus (e.g. 2. 38,6; 72, 2 ; 3. 65, i,
&c.) , and appears grounded on such expres-
sions in Livy as ' ira ex clade' (2. 51, 6\
and ' luctus,' ' dolor,' &c., ' ex re aliqua.'

7. promptum ad asperiora. On
the temperament of Drusus, see c. 7^), 5 ;
4. 3, 2. Dio (.^7. 13, i) calls him aatK-
yiaraTos kol ui/aoraTos, exaggerating the
worst side of the passionate but generous
nature ascribed to him by Tacitus, and
appealing to the slight evidence that the
sharpest swords were called from him
Apovaiava.

9. obrutos, ' were hastily buried ' :
cp. ' cadaver levi cespite obrntum est '
(.Suet. Cal. 59). This version of the story
is adopted by Dio (57. 4, 5), who gives
no other.

10. ostentui, ' as a gazing-stock ' (cp.
15. 29, 7"). On this dative, see Introd. v.
§ 23. This word had been already thus
used by .Sallust (Jug. 24, 20 ; 46, 6), but
with a different meaning.

11. turbator. This word is almost
confined to Livy and Tacitus, and here
only (ajc. to Driiger) used without gcnit.

12. centurionibus, &c. The centuri-
ons had fled for refuge (c. 23, 5), probably
to the protection of the praetorians re-
maining outside.

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 29-31.

continuis adeoque sacvis, ut non egredi tentoria, congrcgari inter
se, vix tutari signa possent, quae turbine atque unda raptabantur.

3 durabat et formido caelestis irae, nee frustra advcrsus impios
hebescere sidera, ruere tcmpestates : non aliud malorum leva-
mentum quam si linqucrent castra infausta temerataque et soluti 5

4 piaculo suis quisque hibcrnis rcddcrentur. primum octava, dcin
quinta decuma legio redicre : nonanus oppcriendas Tibcrii epis-
tulas clamitaverat, mox desolatus 'aliorum discessione inminen-

5 tern necessitatem sponte pracvcnit. et Drusus non exspectato
legatorum rcgressu, quia praescntia satis consederant, in urbem 10
rediit.

31. Isdem forme dicbus isdem causis Germanicae legiones
turbatae, quanto plures, tanto violentius, et magna spe fore
ut Germanicus Caesar imperium alterius pati nequiret daretque
2 se legionibus vi sua cuncta tracturis. duo apud ripam Rheni 15

10. considerant : text R.

J^. trncturus : text Freinsheim.

1. egredi tentoria. The active use
of this verb originates with Caesar and
Livy. Tacitus uses it also thus meta-
phorically, as ' egredi relationem ' (2. 38,
j^; ' neque . . . praeturam egressa ' (3.
30, 2).

coDgregari. Ritter's repetition of
' non ' before this word receives support
from H. 4. 33, 2; Dial. 23, 3; but it is
not impossible that Tacitus may have
omitted it here, as having an ill sound
before ' con,' though such a juxtapo-
sition is sometimes tolerated by him
(2. 55, 2).

2. tutari, 'to keep them standing.'
The fall of the eagles would be thought
ominous, and was so regarded in the ex-
pedition of Crassus. See Hon 3. 11, 3
(I. 46).

3. formido . . . nee . . . hebescere.
The idea of the principal verb is supplied
from 'formido'; the words being their
own expression of their fears.

frustra. In several passages of Cicero
the ordinary meaning, ' without effect,'
passes into that of ' without a purpose ' ;
whence, by another step, the word comes
to mean "without cause' or 'reason,'
' groundlessly ' ; as here, and in 3. 58, i ;
6. 6, 2, and in several other places in
Tacitus ^see Nipp.), as also often in
Quintilian.

4. hebescere, 'grew dull.' This word,
like ' languescere ' in c. 28, 1, is nowhere

else used of an eclipse. The figure may
perhaps have been suggested by the ' stel-
lis acies obtusa vidttur ' of Vergil (G. i,

39.=.)-

6. piaculo, 'from guilt.' This mean-
ing is found in old writers, also in Vergil
(Aen. 6, 569', and Livy (5. 52, 8). Ta-
citus does not elsewhere use it in this
sense.

7. epistulas. This u se of the plural,
as in c. 36, 4 ; 2. 70, 3; 78, i ; and many
other places (see Nipp.), is peculiar to
this age, but probably suggested, as
Nipp. notes, by the classical Ufe of ' lit-
terae,' which has this meaning in the
plural only.

8. desolatus, ' isolated ' : so ' filia . . .
desolata ' 16. 30, 4. This use of the word
appears to originate in such an expression
as ' desolati manipli ' of Vergil (Aen. 11,
870).

JO. praessntia, ' affairs on the spot' :
so in c. 45, I ; 2. 47, 4 ; and ' ubi prae-
sentia satis coniposita sunt ' (11. 18, 2).

consederant. The MS. form is found
in Enn. ap. Cell. 4. 7 'qui propter Han-
nibalis copias considerant ' ; also in Liv.
28. 12, 15. Tacitus, though fond of
such archaisms, always uses elsewhere
the 'e' form of this perfect ^c. 61, 3,
&c.).

15. tracturis. On this concise use of
the future participle, see Introd. v. § 54 d.
The text has been generally thus cor-

222

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

exercitus erant ; cui nomen superiori, sub C. Silio legato, in-
feriorem A. Caecina curabat. regimen summae rei penes Ger-
manicum, agendo Galliarum censui turn intentum. sed quibus 3
Silius moderabatur, mente ambigua fortunam seditionis alienae
5 speculabantur : infcrioris exercitus miles in rabiem prolapsus
est, orto ab unetvicensimanis quintanisque initio, et tractis prima
quoque ac vicensima legionibus : nam isdcm aestivis in finibus
Ubiorum habebantur per otium aut levia munia. igitur audito 4
fine August! vernacula multitude, nuper acto in urbe dilectu,

rected ; ' sua,' here, as at the end of this
chapter, being more jiroperly referred to
the legions ; and ' trahere ' being else-
where used (cp. 'tractis' below, and H.
2. 86, 4 ; 3. 44, i) of troops inducing
others to follow their lead.

duo . . . exercitus. It has been noted
(Introd. vi. Ii6, n. 7) that we have not at
this date, strictly speaking, provinces of
' Germania superior' and 'inferior,' but
rather a 'superior' and 'inferior exercitus
in Germania,' occupying a military dis-
trict within Gallia Kelgica, coinciding
with the line drawn between subject Ger-
mans (whether beyond or within the
Khine) and Gauls ; a line coinciding in
the Upper district mostly with the Vosges,
in the Lower partlvwith the lower course
of the Scheldt (PI. N. H. 4. 14, 28, 98).
These armies were under consular legati,
independent of each other, but under
obligation to furnish troops for each
other's district or for Gaul when required
rsee 3. 42, 2 ; 43, 4 ; 4. 73, i ; 13. 56, 4!
The headquarters were at Mainz and
Koln. It is thought (but see Momms.
Hist. V. loS; E. T. i. 118) that in the
early period the civil government still
belonged to the legatus of Belgica, but
before the end of the first century, per-
haps from the time of Domitian, they are
two distinct provinces. See Marquardt,
i. 275; Riese, in West-Deutsche Zeit-
schrift, Korrespondenz-Blatt. xiv. 146-
159. For the legions, see Introd. vii. 1 22.

1. C. Silio. He had been cos. in 766,
A.D. 13 ; and received the ' triumphalia'
later (c. 72, i). On his subsequent
achievements, see 3. 42, 2, &c. ; on his
trial and death, 4. 18-19; on his son's
share in the infamy of Mcssalina, 11. 12,
&c. The poet Silius Italicus may have
been related to him.

2. A. Caecina. As legatus in Lower
Germany, he must have been of consular
rank; he also received 'triumphalia' (c.

72, i), was a veteran soldier (c. 64, i"),
and had won distinction in Pannonia and
Moesia in 759, 760; a.d. 6, 7 (Veil. 2.
112, 4; Dio, 55, 29-32). He is subse-
quently mentioned with the cognomen
'Severus' (3. 18, 3; 33, i). 'Curare'
and ' cura ' are used by Tacitus (after
Sail.) of military command (cp. 6 30, 3 ;
13. 20, 2 ; and Heraeus on H. 2. 24, ii>,
and often in inscriptions. Nipp. notes
here the variation of expressions, 'sub,'
' curabat,' ' regimen summae rei,' ' mode-
rabatur.'

regimen summae rei. Silius and
Caecina were the 'legati Augusli pro-
praetore' in the two 'exercitus'; Cier-
manicus had ' proconsulare imperium '
(see on c. 14, 4) over these and the
' Galliae.*

3. agendo Galliarum censui : ' cen-
sum agere' is a common phrase (14. 46, 2;
Liv. 3. 22, I, &c.), as also ' censuni acci-
pere ' (c. 33, i), of those who received the
returns of property which the subjects had
to ''urnish (,' censum deferre,' as 6. 41, :,
&c.). On such returns would rest the
a]i]5ortionment of the great tribute of forty
million H. S., laid on Gaul as a whole
(Suet. Jul. 2,t). The first systematic cen-
sus of Gaul appears to have been held by
Augustus in 727, n.c. 27 (Dio, 53. 22. 5),
and revised by Drusus in 742, B.C. 12 (Liv.
Epit. 136 ; 137 ; ' Oratio Claudii ' ii. 37) ;
and again revised now, and later (2. 6,
I ; 14. 46, 2). See Staatsr. ii. 1091 ;
Marquardt, ii. 213.

8. Ubiorum. This tribe in the time
of Julius Caesar lived beyond the Rhine,
but was already assimilated to Gallic
civilization (H.G. 4. 3, 3), and trans-
planted, with its own con-cnt, by Agrippa
(12. 27, 2; G. 28, 5; Strab. 4. 3, 4,
p. 194), probably in 716, n.c. 38 (Dio,
48, 49). On its ' o]ipidum,' see c. 36, i.

9. vernacula multitude. In Cacs.
B. C. 2. 20, 4 (cp. Bell. Al. 53, &c. ; Bell.

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 31, 32.

223

lasciviae sueta, laborum intolerans, implcre cetcrorum rudes
animos : vcnissc tempus quo veteran! maturam missionem, iu-
vcnes larc^iora stipendia, cuncti modum miseriarum cxposccrcnt
5 sacvitiaiTKiue centurionum ulciscerentur, non unus hacc, ut
Pannonicas inter legiones Pcrccnnius, nee apud trepidas mill- 5
turn aurcs, alios validiores cxercitus respicientium, sed multa
seditionis era vocesque : sua in manu sitam rem Roinanam,
suis victoriis augeri rem publicam, in suum cognomentum ad-
scisci imperatores.

32. Nee legatus obviam ibat : quippe pluriuni vaecordia con- 10

2 stantiam exemerat. repente lymphati destrietis gladiis in cen-
turiones invadunt : ea vetustissima militaribus odiis materies

3 et saeviendi principium. prostrates verberibus mulcant, sexa-

I. impelleie Acid.

2. uenisset : text B.

13. sexageni : see note.

Hisp. 7, &c), legions levied from natives
uf a province are called ' vernaculae '
,see Momms. Ilermes, xix. 13-18). Here
the term is u?ed of the lowest and mostly
non-civic class of Roman population ; for
in the levy held ' nuper,' i. e. in 763, A.D.
10, after the defeat of Varus, freebom
citizens were so scarce and so reluctant
to serve, that Augustus, besides taking
other strong measures (Dio, 56. 23, 3),
enlisted numbers of freedmen, and even
slaves manumitted for the purpose (Suet.
Aug. 25). This aariKos o'xXoj (Dio, 57.
5. 4), may have been dr.nftcd into others,
i)esides the newly-formed Twenty-first
legion (see Introd. vii. p. 122). Sue-
tonius (1. l.\ so far as he refers to these,
Seems to be wrong in saying that this
' libertinus miles' was kept distinct from
the legions.

I. sueta. This part, thus takes a dat.
in 2. 52, 2, &c. ; and the verb in 2. 44, i.

intolerans, used with the genit. in
2. 75, I ; and Livy 9. 18, i ; as is also
' tolerans' 4. 1,4.

implere, needlessly altered to ' impel-
lere ' to assimilate the expression to c. 16,
5: 'im[ilere animos' is used in 4. 9. i,
and Sil. i, 10;. The speech with which
their minds were filled is to be gathered
from the context.

5. apud . . . aures. A not uncommon
]ihrase in Tacitus (2. 39, 4; 4. 29, 4,
&c.), = 'apud aliqucni ' ; 'aures' being
quasi-personified. See note on 13. 22, 3.

8. augeri rem publicam. ' The em-
jnre was being extended.' They consider
themselves as not merely defending a

frontier, but as still engaged, under Ger-
manicus, in a project of conquest.

in suum cognomentum adscisci,
'took from them their name,' i.e. that of
' Germanicus,' conferred at the death of
Drusus on his posterity (Dio, 55. 2, 3),
and hence borne by their present leader,
and by his brother Claudius (Suet. CI. i ).
It was also, rarely, borne by Tiberius
(Dio, 57. 8, 2, perhaps also C. I. L. vi.
2023 a"). Compare ' adscivit in nomen,'
of adoption, 3. 30, 3, &c.

9. imperatores. The elder Drusus
had the permanent ' nomen imperatoris'
(see c. 3, I; ; as, perhaps, already had
Germanicus (see on c. 58, 9), who is at
any rate called ' imperator' (c. 41, 2 ; 44,
7), probably in virtue of his ' imperium
proconsulare.'

10. Nee legatus, &c., in contrast to
the action of lilaesus (c. 18, 5).

plurium, ' the more part,' as 2. 38, 7 ;
3. 42, I, Sic. ; cp. Her. on H. i. 39, 5 ;
also in Plant, as Trin. 2. 2, 14 ' quin prius
me ad pluris jjenetravi.'

constantiam exemerat, ' had un-
nerved him': cp. ' eximere consilium,'
' dissimulalionem ' (11. 32, 4; 13. i-;, 3).

11. lymphati, a poetical word, but
already in Livy (7. 17, 3), equivalent to
vvix((>uKT]TrTOT, 'Lympha' being another
form of ' Nympha ' (Hor. Sat. i. 5, 97 ;
Orell. Insc. 1637, 1638, &c.).

12. invadunt, with prep, here and
c. 67, 4, and usually in Cic. : elsewhere
Tacitus usts the simple accusative.

13. sexagenis singulos. This emenda-
tion appears to have occurred inde-

224

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C 767.

genis singulos, ut numerum centurionum adaequarent : turn
convulses laniatosque et partim exanimos ante vallum aut in
amnem Rhenum proiciunt. Septimius cum perfugisset ad tri- 4
bunal pedibusque Caecinae advolveretur, eo usque flagitatus

5 est, donee ad exitium dederetur. Cassius Chaerea, mox caede 5
Gai Caesaris memoriam apud posteros adeptus, tum adulescens
et animi ferox, inter obstantes et armatos ferro viam patefecit.
non tribunus ultra, non castrorum pracfectus ius obtinuit : vi- 6
gilias, stationes, et si qua alia pracsens usus indixerat, ipsi par-

10 tiebantur. id militares animos altius coniectantibus praecipuum 7
indicium magni atque inplacabilis motus, quod neque disiecti
aut paucorum instinctu, set pariter ardescerent, pariter silerent,
tanta aequalitate et constantia, ut regi crederes.

12. nil: aut J. H. Nolte, Halm; nee Grolius, Nipp., Bait.; nil disiecti neque
Heraeus ; disiecti nil neque Miiller.

pendently to mnny minds. Mr. H. D.
Darbishire suggests it in Rhein. Mus.
xliv. (1889), 319; and according to Wolf-
flin (1. 1. 448) it had been also suggested
by Speijcr (i8S6), Ortmann (1S82), and
Zumpt. It has also been independently
suggested to me by Mr. Raper. It would
be clearly impossible for sixty to scourge
at once, and they would think it tedious
to give each a blow in succession. The
grim humour consists in giving each cen-
turion as it were one stripe for himself,
and one for each of his colleagues. With
the usual reading we must suppose that
the legion views itself as one body, chas-
tised by sixty, each of whom was to suffer
the same in turn.

2. convulsos laniatosque, with
limbs dislocated and mangled.' Thus
Lucretius has 'artus. . . convulsi '(3, 343 \
and M. Seneca ' convolsis laceratisque
membris,' of persons racked (Contr. 2.
13, 6). This seems better than Nipp.'s
explanation, ' plucked from the ground,"
like 'vexilla convellunt ' (c. 20, i).

3. Septimius . . . Cassius Chaerea.
It is implied that both these were centu-
rions. The former is otherwise unknown
(^perhaps a piaciiomen T. is lost) ; Chae-
rea was in 794, A.D. 41, a tribune in the
praetorian guard, and, if rightly then
called 'elderly' (Suet. Cal. 56), cannot
have been now much under thirty.

7. auirai ferox. See Introd. v. § 33
e 7. With this particular word such a
genitive appears elsewhere to be found

only in 4. 12, 3; H. i. 35, 2 ; Ov. Met.
8, 614.

et armatos. This adds force to
' obstantes,' = ' et quidem armatos.' Cp.
' Vetera et inania ' 3. 13, 2, &c.

8. vigilias, stationes. Cp. c. 28, 5.

10. altius coniectantibus, ' to more
penetrating judges of the soldier's char-
acter ' : ' altius ' is thus concisely used
with ' maerere' (2. 82, 5), ' disserere ' (3.
25. 3), 'exponere' (3. 62, 4), 'expedire'
(H. 4. 12, i). For ' coniectare aliquem,'
in the sense of 'estimating,' cp. ' iie
ceteri ex Paeligno coniectarentur' (12.

49- 3)-

11. disiecti = ' sparsi, as c. 61, 3; 3.

2, 5 ; 4- 46. 3' &c.

12. aut. The various emendations of
the MS. text are hardly felicitous. ' Neque'
might have the force of ' ne . . . quidem '
(cp. 4. 34, 3), or might have been re-
peated with another word before ' neque
disiecti,' or an erroneous transposition
(see crit. note) like that of ' ad se nisi '
{c. 2, 5), may have taken place ; in either
of which latter cases 'nil' might stand,
with a verb such as ' agerent ' supplied
from the context (see Introduction, v.

§ 3« IJ)-

pariter, 'as one irxan.' This word
often has the force of ' simul,' as c. 47,

3. &c.

ardescerent, for * exardescerent ' : one
of many simple verbs used poetically for
compounds (Introd. v. § 40).

13. aequalitate, 'uniformity.' Tiiis

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 32, 33.

225

33. Interca Gcrmanico per Gallias, ut diximus, census ac-

2 cipienti exccssisse Augustum adfertur. neptem eius Agrip-
pinam in matrimonio pluresque ex ea liberos habebat, ipse
Druso fratre Tiberii genitus, Augustac nepos, set anxius occul-
tis in se patrui aviaeque odiis, quorum causae acriores, quia 5

3 iniquae. quippe Drusi magna apud populum Romanum mc-
moria, credebaturque, si rerum potitus foret, libertatcm reddi-

4 turus ; unde in Germanicum favor et spes cadem. nam iuveni
civile ingcnium, mira comitas et diversa ab Tiberii sermone

5 vultu, adrogantibus et obscuris. accedebant muliebres offen- 10
siones novercalibus Liviae in Agrippinam stimulis, atque ipsa
Agrippina paulo commotior, nisi quod castitate et mariti amore
quamvis indomitum animum in bonum vertebat.

9. adtibciii: a Tiberii B, text Weissenborn.

u?e occurs in Cic, &c. ; bnt with Tacitus
the word is more commonly equivalent
to laoTifua, as c. 4, i, &c.

1. census accipienti : see on c. 31, 2.

2. neptem. On the descent, family
connexions, and children of Germanicus
and Agrippina, see Introd. ix.

3. plures, 'several': so in 2. 8, 2 ;
3- 33i I '< 34< 10 ; 4- 55. I ; ^1'' often for
' complures,' which Tacitus uses three
times only.

5. patrui. Nipp. notes that Tacitus
usually ^e. g. 2. 5, 2 ; 43, 6 ; 3. 3, 3 ; 5,
5 ; 17, 5 ; 31, t) describes the relationship
of Tiberius and Germahicus as it was
by blood ; but makes them in their own
speeches use the terms of their adoptive
relationship (e.g. c. 42, i; 2. 71, 3; 3.
12, 8); an apparent exception, in 2. 14,
6, being due to the necessity of mention-
ing both Drusus and Tiberius.

acriores, quia iniquae. Tacitus had
already said ' proprium humani generis
odisse quern laeseris ' fAgr. 42, 4) ; and
Seneca had preceded him with ' pertina-
ciores nos facit iniquitas irae ' (de Iia 3.
29, 2). On his fondness for such maxims
see Introd iv. p. 37. The fact of human
nature here asserted is explained by Nipp.
on the supposition that a sense of our
own baseness leads to hatred of one who
suggests the thought of it.

7. credebaturque, &c. The improb-
able tale respecting a letter addressed to
Tiberius, and by him betrayed to Augus-
tus, in which Drusus had mooted a scheme
for compelling a restitution of the Repub-
lic, seems refuted by the position in which

Augustus retained him till his death, at
the head of his greatest army : he may
have used expressions suggesting this
belief as to his republican sentiments,
which was evidently prevalent (see 2. 41,
5; 82, 3; Suet. CI. 1), though Tacitus
nowhere expressly endorses it, as regards
him or Germanicus,

9. civile : cp. c. 8, 3, &c.

10. adrogantibus et obscuris. Both
adjectives belong to both substantives,
as a countenance may be called ' ob-
scurus,' in the sense of ' inscrutable.'
The application of this word to personal
character (as 4. i, 3; 6. 24, 4; Agr. 42,
4), is sanctioned by Cicero and Horace.

muliebres offensiones, ' feminine
jealousies': cp. 'muliebres causae' 12.
64, 3. The ' novercales stimuli ' are one
cause of such jealousies, and the irrita-
bility of Agrippina is another; but the
construction is changed by supplying
' accedebat ' from above, with the sentence
' Agrippina . . . commotior ' as its subject ;
like the participial construction so frequent
in Tacitus (Introd. v. § 55).

11. novercalibus. Augusta was really
her mother's stepmother ; but many such
terms are carried back a step, as ' amita '
(2. 27, 2), 'avunculus' (2. 53, 3), &c.

12. commotior, 'the fact that (cp. c.
36, 2) she was excitable': cp. 'verbis
commotior' (2. 28, 3); also 4. 3, 2 ; 6.
45, 6 ; II. 12, I. The temper of Agrip-
pina is uniformly described as to the last
degree passionate and ungovernable.

Cp. i. 72i I ; 3- I. i; 4- .52, 3; 53. '.
&c.

226

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

34. Sed Germanicus quanto summae spei propior, tanto
impensius pro Tiberio niti, seque et proximos et Belgarum
civitates in verba eius adigit. dehinc audito legionum tumultu 2
raptim profectus obvias extra castra habuit, deiectis in terram
5 ocuHs velut paenitentia. postquam vallum iniit, dissoni questus
audiri coepere. et quidam prensa manu eius per speciem ex- 3
osculandi inseruerunt digitos, ut vacua dentibus ora contingeret ;
alii curvata senio membra ostendebant. adsistentem contionem. 4
quia permixta videbatur, discedere in manipulos iubet : sic
10 melius audituros responsum ; vexilla praeferri. ut id saltem
discerneret cohortes : tarde obtemperavere. tunc a veneratione 5
Augusti orsus flexit ad victorias triumphosque Tiberii, prae-

2. seque, with 7 (probably = ' et ') written above in a later hand : sequanos margin
and B, sequanos, proximas et Nipp., text Haase, Baiter.

nisi quod, ' were it not that.' The
use of this expression to qualify what has
been ftated (as 6. 24, 2 ; H. 4. 39, 2) is
Ciceronian; but its use here (as in 14.
14, 6 ; Agr. 6, i) is noteworthy, as quali-
fying something only implied in thought :
as that her temper would have deserved
a bad name but for the course it took.

quamvis indomitum, ' a temper how-
ever ungovernable.' '(Quamvis' is thus
used in 6. 50, i ; 15. 24, i ; 16. 16, i ;
and 'quamquam' in c. 76, 5.

in bonum vertebat, ' gave a good
direction to'; i.e. by enlisting such quali-
ties on the side of virtue and in the cause
of her husband. Thus it is said of her
' virilibus curls feminarum vitia exuerat '
(6. 25, 3\ Orelli less well explains it by
' redimebat ' (' compens.ited ').

2. pro Tiberio niti : cp. ' nullo pro
Galba nitente ' H. i. 55, -4.

seque et proximos : see critical
note. ' Sequanos proximos ' . which Halm
adopts) couples a portion of a single triiie
to the whole province of ' Gallia Belgica ' ;
while Nipp.'s reading would necessitate
the explanation of ' et ' as = ' etiam ' (as
'aegro et rorpore ' c. 4, 2, &c."), which
seems here without force. Germanicus
would naturally take the oath himself,
and then tender it to those about him
(see on c. 7, 3), such as his ' amicorum
cohors ' ; who might be spoken of as
'proximi' (cp. 4. 12, 7, &c.~).

3. in verba eius. The 'princeps,'
though absent, is conceived as dictating
the oath of allegiance to him : cp. H 2.
1 4, I, &c. This is the first instance on
record, and probably the first actual

instance, of extension of the ' sacra-
mentum,' not only (as in c. 7, 3) to
civilians, but even to provincials. A
similar course was taken in Syria on the
death of Tiberius (Jos. Ant. 18. 5, 3).
F"or the practice later, see PI. ad Trai. 52.
Cp. Staatsr. ii. 793.

6. audiri coepere. On the inf. pass,
with this verb, cp. Introd. v. § 42 b.

exosculandi. This word is confined
to writers of this age. and appears to be
stronger than the simple verb.

9. sic melius audituros responsum,
' they replied that they would hear better
as they were,' i. e. crowding round him
in a mass. This refusal is contrasted with
the reluctant obedience (' tarde obtem-
peravere') to his next order. On this use
of 'sic' cp. 'sic quoque ' (4. 40,4; 15.
17, 3\ Some have thought that 'est.'
which occurs with ' responsum ' in c. 26,
I, should be here inserted.

10. vexilla: sc. 'manipulorum * : see
note on c. 18, 3. The inaccurate use of
'vexilla' (see on c. 17, 4.) for ' signa '
may be compared with H. i. 36, i ; 3.
82, 2; and ' vexillarius ' for ' sis^nifrr' in
H. 1. 41, I. To bring the standards to
the front would infuse some order into
the mass, as the soldiers would instinc-
tively group themselves round them (see
c. 38, 4), and a kind of formation in
cohorts would result.

1 1 . veneratione, expressions of reve-
rence.' The word is especially suitable
to a deified emperor, though not restricted
to such : cp. 12. -1 2, 3.

12. flf^xit This verb is used intransi
tively by Verg. Liv., &c. Its application

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 34, 35.

227

cipuis laudibus celcbrans quae apud Gcrmanias illis cum le-
6 gionibus pulcherrima fecisset. Italiac inde conscnsum Galliarum
fidcm extollit ; nil usquam turbidum aut discors. silentio hacc
vel murmure modico audita sunt.

35. Ut seditionem attigit, ubi modcstia militaris, ubi veteris 5
disciplinae decus. quonam tribunos, quo centurioncs exegissent,
rogitans, nudant universi corpora, cicatrices ex vulncribus,
verberum notas exprobrant ; mox indiscretis vocibus pretia
vacationum, angustias stipendii, duritiam operum ac propriis
nominibus incusant vallum, fossas, pabuli materiae lignorum 10
adgestus, et si qua alia ex necessitate aut adversus otium
2 castrorum quaeruntur. atrocissimus vcteranorum clamor orie-
batur, qui tricena aut supra stipendia numerantes, mcderetur
fessis, neu mortem in isdem laboribus, sed finem tarn exercitae

8. uniuersa : text L.

to a turn of speech ;cp. 6. 15, 5 ; 13. 3,
2\ or thought I'cp. 4. 37, 2; 4I, 2),
appears to be Tacilean.

I. illis cum legionibus. In c. 42, 6,
the First and Twentieth are particularly
mentioned, (^n the German campaigns
of Tiberius, see Introd. viii. p. 134.

3. nil usquam, &c. This general
acquiescence in the succession of Tiberius
is recorded by Dio (.^7. 7, i).

modestia, here ' subordination,' as in
c. 49, 6, &c. Cp. c. II, I.

8. exprobrant: cp. c. 18, i.
indiscretis, ' undistinguishable ' : so

'proles indiscreta ' Verg. Aen. 10, 392 :
not opposed to ' propriis.' The several
cries are shouted at once confusedly.
pretia vacationum : see on c. 1 7, fi.

9. propriis nominibus, ' specifically.'
They complain ol hard work generally,
and particularize these kinds of it.

10. incusant. A similar position of a
verb belonging to two or more sentences
is noted by Nipp. in ' tradidit' (2. 48, i) ;
'labefecit' (6. 29. f;) ; 'veni' (H. i. 83,
2^ ; 'cinxerant' (H. 2. 25, i); but as
otherwise rare except in poetry.

materiae lignorum, ' timber and fire-
wood." The terms are thus distinguished
by Ulpian Dig. 32 55, pr.\ ' ligni api^el-
latio nomen generale est, sed sic separatur,
ut sit aliquid materia, aliquid lignum :
materia est, quae ad aedificandum, ful-
ciendum necessnria est ; lignum quidquid
comburendi causa paratum est.' A similar
distinction is drawn by Pliny (N. H. 16.

40, 76, 206"), 'cornus non potest videri
materies propter exilitatem, sed lignum';
and 'materies' has this specific sense as
early as Caesar (B. G. 4. 17, 8").

11. si qua alia, &c., 'whatever other
employments are suggested by their needs,
or devised to prevent idleness ' : for works
undertaken with the latter object, see
c. 20, I ; II. 20, 2 ; 13. 53, 3.

12. veteranorum : see c. 17, 4. On
the question whether ' in isdem laboribus '
here, and ' eosdem labores' there, are to
be taken as exaggerations, see on c 36, 4.

13. mederetur . . . neu mortem . . .
sed finem . . . orabant. The harshness
of such a combination of constructions
with 'orabant' appears to be unprece-
dented ; nor is any other instance given
of a verb followed by ' neu ' or ' neve '
except as coupling a coordinate verb (e.g.
16. 34, :). l-,inesti maintamed that 'mor-
tem ' should either be altered to ' more-
rentur' or followed by ' obirent '; the
latter is inserted by Nipp. after ' labori-
bus,' where it might have dropped out
through resemblance of sound. The
change of construction which would still
remain, from a dependent clau.<e to a
simple case, may be paralleled by that
of ' angehatur' (c. 52, \^, and by several
instances of such a change in the reverse
order Introd. v, § 91 : Diagcr, Synt. und
Stil, § 233). The construction may be
designedly abrupt, like that in c. 41, 2,
and the accrsatives exclamatory.

14. exercitae: cp. c. 17, 7.

228

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

militiae neque inopem requiem orabant. fuere etiam qui legatam 3
a divo Augusto pecuniam reposcerent, faustis in Germanicum
ominibus ; et si vellct imperium, promptas res ostentaverc. turn 4
vero, quasi scelere contaminaretur, praeceps tribunali desiluit.
5 opposuerunt abeunti arma, minitantes, ni regrederetur ; at ille 5
moriturum potius quam fidem exueret clamitans, ferrum a latere
diripuit elatumque deferebat in pectus, ni proximi prensam
dextram vi adtinuissent. extrema ct conglobata inter se pars 6
contionis ac, vix credibile dictu. quidam singuli propius ince-

10 dentes, feriret hortabantur ; et miles nomine Calusidius strictum
obtulit gladium, addito acutiorem esse, saevum id malique 7
moris etiam furentibus visum, ac spatium fuit quo Caesar ab
amicis in tabernaculum raperetur.

36. Consultatum ibi de remedio : etenim nuntiabatur parari

15 legatos qui superiorem exercitum ad causam eandem traherent :
destinatum excidio Ubiorum oppidum, imbutasque praeda manus

3. promtas : promptos R, text Walth.

7. deripuit B.

2. reposcerent, 'demanrlerl of him.'
Orelli notes that this implied a recogni-
tion of Germanicus as the lawful heir;
which was also probably expressed in
more distinct terms ('faustis ominibus').
^^'^ (57- 6' i) represents them as going
to greater length {avroKparopa (irmaKf-
anv). On the legacy demanded see c.
8,3-

3. promptas res ostentavere. This
reading is supported by ' promptasque
res ostentante' (12. 12, 5). Those who
read 'promptos' suppose 'se' to be
supplied, as with 'moriturum' below,
and in other instances, such as 4. 59, 5 ;
5. 5, 2 ; &c. • Other corrections are
' promptos se ' (Jahn), or ' prompta '
(Heinsius), which appears to need such a
word 'studia,' as in 2. 76, i.

4. desiluit. This verb has a simple
al)!. 15. 28, 5 : elsewhere the usage is
almost wholly poetical.

6. moriturum potius quam fidem
exueret. The full construction would
be ' potius quam ita victurum, ut,' &c.
For similar abbreviations see ' exceden-
dum potius, quam . . . pellerentur' (Agr. 25,
3) and ' perpessus est omnia potius, quam
. . . indicaret' (Cic. Tusc. 2. 22, 52,
where Kiihner gives other instances).

7. diripuit. The alteration to 'de-
ripuit' is wrong; ' diripit ensem' being

the Medicenn text in Verg. Aen. 10, 475,
and the proper word, as Nipp. shows,
for the wearer, who could not be said to
' snatch down ' his sword.

8. adtinuissent. This word is con-
stantly used for ' retinere ' by Tacitus (as
c. 50. 1,2; 2. 10, 2, &C.') ; but otherwise
so only by Plant, and Sail.

9. quidam singuli. In contrast with
* conglobata,' as ' propius incedentes' with
' extrema pars.'

12. spatium, 'a pause,' during which
their attention was drawn to Calusidius,
and Germanicus could be got away unob-
served. Oielli.

14. etenim. This introduces conside-
rations which make the need of remedial
measures more pressing.

15. superiorem : see c. 31, 2.

16. Ubiorum oppidum, ' the capital ' :
so ' Batavorum oppidum' H. 5. 19, 2:
sec on c. 37, 3 (' civitas Ubiorum '). The
conversion of this town into the famous
' Colonia Agrippinensis' (Koln) in 803,
A. D. 50, is mentioned in 12. 27. i.
Agrippina, from whom it took this title,
was born here probably in 768, A. D. 15.
See Introd. ix. note 14.

imbutas praeda manus, ' troops
steeped in plunder.' This sense of
'manus,' if less suited to 'imbutas/ is
more so to ' erupturas ' ; and the whole

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 35-37.

229

2 in direptionem Galliariini eruptuias. augebat mctum gnarus
Romanae seditionis et, si omittcretur ripa, invasurus hostis :
at si auxilia ct socii adversum abscedentis legiones armarcntur,

3 civile bcllum suscipi. periculo.sa scveritas, flagitiosa largitio:
seu nihil militi sive omnia concederentur, in ancipiti res publica. 5

4 igitur volutatis inter se rationibus placitum ut epistulae nomine
principis scribcrentur : missionem dari vicena stipendia meritis.
exauctorari qui scna dena fecisscnt ac retineri sub vexillo cete-
rorum inmunes nisi propulsandi hostis, Icgata quae petiverant
exsolvi duplicarique. 10

37. Sensit miles in tempus conficta statimque flagitavit.
missio per tribunos maturatur, largitio dififerebatur in hiberna

5. sibi omnia: sen margin and B.iit., sive lac. Gron. concedentur: text R.

metaphor resembles that of H. 3. 15, 4
' ut civili praeda niilites imi)uerentur.'

3. auxilia et socii, perhaps a hen-
diadys, but probably to be distinguished, as
by Kitter ; the former being those already
under arms, the latter those who might
be levied.

4. suscipi. The construction, though
varied, still depends on ' augebat metum.'
' That to arm the allies, dScc, was to
imdertake a civil war.'

severitas. This appears to mean
' rigour,' i. e. peremptory refusal (as prob-
ably in c. 25, 3\ and answers to the
' seu nihil ' below, as does its opposite
' largitio ' to ' sive omnia.' The notion
of 'punishment' (as in c. 46, 2, &c.)
seems out of place here, as such measures
could not have been at present contem-
plated as practicable.

5. concederentur. The MS. text is
defended by Nipp., Pfitzner, &c., as the
language of dramatic description ; the
historic present 'est' being supplied with
' periculosa,' &c., and with ' in ancipili.'
On the other hand it is more natural to
suppose the same construction to be
carried through ; and the omission of a
syllable is shown by Baiter (^from 3. 2,
1 ; 3. I ; 67, 3 ; 4. 59, 5 ; piobably also
3. 17, 8) to be a characteristic error of
this MS.

6. inter se. A comparison of one
plan with another is implied in ' volu-
tatis.' Nipp. notes ' artificumque manus
inter se . . . miratur' Verg. Acn. i, 455.

7. missionem dari . . . exauctorari.
The latter of these words usually implies
full discharge, whether honourable or

otherwise; but here it is qualified by the
context, so as to express such relaxatio.i
of the ' sacramentum' as may have taken
place when the legionary soldier became
a ' vexillarius' i^see c. 17, 4). Similar
qualification attaches to 'dimissis' (c. 17,
4); 'missi' c. 39, 2); and 'dimitteren-
tur' (c. 78, 2); and 'missio' is used of
both kinds of discharge (c. 37, i ; 40, i ;
52, i). The terms offered are a com-
promise between two regulations of Au-
gustus by which the time of full discharge
was fixed, first at sixteen, afterwards at
twenty years (Oio, 54 25, 6; 55. 23, 1 ; :
but this concession, though carried out at
pres.nt (see below, and c. 39, i\ was not
perpetuated (see c. 78, .^)- The promi-
nent mention of immunity from camp
duties would show it to have been a new
concession, not a standing privilege of
the veterans, who are certainly made to
assert (c. 17, 4) that they have the same
work as others ('eosdem labores'). Their
language in c. 35, 2, is thought to point
the other way, as they do not there ex-
pressly join in the complaint made by the
others respecting camp duties.

10. duplicari. This gift, noted by
Suetonius ^Tib. 48) as the only donative
from Tiberius to the soldiers, except that
to the praetorians and some others at the
fall of Seianus, was hardly a voluntary
gift here, but was voluntarily extended t j
the Pannonian army (c. 52, 3).

11. in tempus, 'to meet the emer-
gency'; cp. 'ad tenipus' c. i, 2.

12. missio, used here and below of
both kinds of discharge : cp. c. 36, 4.

dififerebatur, ' was to be deferred.*

VOL. I

Q

230

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

cuiusqiie. non abscessere quintan! unetvicensimanique, donee 2
isdem in aestivis contracta ex viatico amicorum ipsiusque
Caesaris pecunia persolvcretur. primam ac vicensimam legiones 3
Caecina legatus in civitatem Ubiorum rcduxit, turpi agmine,

5 cum fisci de imperatore rapti inter signa interque aquilas vc-
herentur. Germanicus superiorem ad exercitum profectus se- 4
cundam et tertiam decumam et sextam decumam legiones nihil
cunctatas sacramento adigit. quartadccumani paulum dubita- 5
verant : pecunia et missio quamvis non flagitantibus oblata est.

10 38. At in Chaucis coeptavere seditionem praesidium agi-
tantes vcxillarii discordium legionum et praesenti duorum
militum supplicio paulum repressi sunt, iusserat id M'. Ennius 2

I. quintaniunt etnicessimanique : text V>.
Rupcrti mid Nipp.

1. non abscessere, 'would not leave.'
It is implied that after receiving payment
they departed to ' Velera' (c. 45,, i).

2. viatico, US' d generally of a sol-
dier's private stock or savings, as II. i.
1^7, 5; Hor. Epp. 2. 2, 26; Suet. Jul.
68, ic.

3. primam, &c. The previous sen-
tence would lead us to suppose that these
legions had not, like the two others,
insisted on immediate payment : also
Caecina is next mentioned ,'c. 48, i as
in command, not of these legions at Koln,
hut of the two others at Vetera. This
would give supj)ort to Mommsen's sug-
gestion T^ermes, xiii. 256, n. 3^ that the
passage is mutilated and should run
somewliat thus: ' primam ac vicen-imam
legiones Germanicus in civitatem Ubio-
rum reduxii, quinlam et unetvicensim.un
(Jaecma legatus in Castra Vetera, turpi
agmine.' &c. It would seem, however,
as if Vetera had not been mentioned
before c. 45, i. and these two legions
are also implied to have received money
in c. 42, 7. It may have been thought
unsafe to defer in their ca-e what had been
given on demand to the others, but it
IS strange that Tacitus should not have
said so.

4. civitatem Ubiorum. This expres-
sion could be used of the whole district,
as in 13. 57, 4; but the locality is hi-re
certainly identical with that of ' ara Ubi-
orum' see on c. 39, i).

5. de imperatore rapti. These words
are emphat'c, and contain the explanation
of 'turpi agmine.' The ]5lundered money
may have been pointed to with pride ;

12. mennius: M. Ennius Ileins., text

but the practice in itself of depobiting
morey with the standards was usual,
and was encouraged, and even to some
extent enforced, to make the soldier
thrifty, and to bind him to the colours
l^\ eg. 2, 20). Domitian however con-
sidered it ]irudent to limit eajh man's
deposit to 1000 H. S. \Suet. Doni. 7 .

6. superiorem: cp. c. 31, 2. On
these legions see Introd. vii. p. 122.

10. in Chaucis. This tribe occupied
a very large space (G. 35), apparently on
cither side of tlie low er W eser. I'liny
(N. H. ]6. I, I, 2 divides them into
' maiores ' and ' miiiores ' ; one or the
other of whom, along the coast between
the Weser and Ems cp. 2. 24, 3), came
under Roman control ^cp. c. 60. 3), but,
like their neighbours the Eiisii (4. 72, i),
afterwards revolted (11. 18, I ; H. 4. 7y,
3 ; 5. 19, 2 ; Suet. CI. 24^

coeptavere. This verb, rare else-
where in prose, is often used by Tacitus
to express an attempt, whether successful
or otherwise: cp. c. 45, 2 ; 2. 81, i ; 4.
19, 4; 24, 2, &c.

11. vexillarii, 'detachments' (see on
c. 17, 4\ The ' vetcrani sub vexillo'
cannot be here meant, as they were still
at headquarters (cp. c. 2>bj 2 ; 39, i).

discordium, 'disaffected.' Thus 'dis-
sideat' (c. 46, i) ; ' discordare ' (3.40, 4);
'di>cordia' (11. 2. 76, 9), &c., are used
of soldiers, not as disagreeing among
themselves, but as mutinous.

12. M'. Ennius. 'Mennius' is not a
known Roman name ; and the correction
is sujiported by the error ' Lennium ' for
L. Ennium in 3. 70, 2, and by the general

A.D. 14.1

LIBER I. CAP. 37 39.

231

castrorum pracfcctus, bono magis excmplo quam conces.so iurc.

3 deinde intumescente motu profugus rcpertusque, postquam in-
tutae latebrae, pracsidium ab audacia mutuatur : non pracfcctum
ab iis, sed Germanicum ducem, sed Tiberium imperatorcm

4 violari. simul exterritis qui obstiterant, raptum vexillum ad 5
ripam vertit, et si quis agmine dccessisset, pro dcscrtore fore
clamitans, reduxit in hiberna turbidos et nihil ausos.

39. Intcrea legati ab senatu regressum iam apud aram Ubi-

2 orum Germanicum adeunt. duae ibi legiones, prima atque

3 viccnsima, veteranique nuper missi sub vexillo hicmabant. pa- 10
vidos et conscicntia vaecordes intrat metus, venisse patrum iussu

4 qui inrita facerent quae per seditionem exprcsserant. utquc mos
vulgo quamvis falsis reum subdere, Munatium Plancum con-
sulatu functum, principem legationis, auctorem senatus consulti
incusant : et nocte concubia vexillum in domo Germanici situm i^

practice of mentioning officers of this rank
by two names (c. 20, i ; 13. 39, 2). The
preference of M', rather than M, as the
praenomen, rests on a suggestion of the
possible identity of this person with a
M'lj/ios ■'Ez't'ios mentioned in the Pannonian
war i_Dio, 55. 33. 2).

1. concesso iure : see on c. 20, i ;
26, 3.

2. intumescente motu: cp. 'quoniam
Galliae lumeant' (^11. 2. 32, i). Similar
metaphors, originating apparently in the
'monet . . . tumcscere bclla' of Verg. G.
I, 465, are found in Liv., &c.

6. ripam. Tacitus perhaps did not
know what river was meant, or may have
thought it to lie the Rhine (as in c.
36, 2). From the position of the Chauci,
we should take it to he the Ems.

7. hiberna, probably at 'Vetera';
wliich would be nearer to the Chauci
than the other winter camp.

turbidos. This is best taken in its
usual sense as 'seditious' (^cp. c. 34. 6;
43, 5, &c.), in which case ' et ' would
contain an adversative force (see note on
c. 13, 2). On the use of -et' \\ith a nega-
tive, instead of ' neque' with an affirmative
pronoun or adverb, see Madvig, § 458 a,
Obs. I. Nipp. shows by many instances
the fondness of Tacitus tor such con-
structions, especially for ' et ' with 'nuUus,'
' numquam,' ' nihil,' and ' nemo.'

8 legati. Their mission had probably
no connexion with the mutiny ; but was
to convey to him the ' proconsulare im-
pcrium ' (cp. c. 14, 4).

regressum, i.e. from the Upper army
(cp. c. 37, 4).

aram TJbiorum. In S22, a.d. 69, the
winter camp of the first leginn was at
Honn (H. 4. 25, i). IJut that the ' oppi-
dum Ubiorum' is here meant is clear
from the distance of Vetera (c. 45, 1),
and from the fact that the subsequent
' Colonia ' derives a title from an altar
situate in it. being styled in some inscrip-
tions and coins ' Claudia ara" or ' Colonia
Claudia ara Agrippinensis ' (sec Mar-
quardt, Staatsv. i. 272, 5). On this altar
and worship see on c. 57, 2.

10. sub vexillo. It appears to be best
to take these words as qualifying ' missi '
(' ita missi ut sub vexillo retincrentur ").
The other explanation, joining " sub vex-
illo hiemabant,' forces us to apply the
verb with these words to the veterans,
and without them to the legions.

11. conscientia, 'consciousness of
guilt,' as in c. 57, 2, &c.

12. expresserant : cp. c. 19, 5, &c.

13. subdere : cp. c. 6, 6, &c.
Plancum. His title in the Fasti (as

cos. in 766, A.D. 13, with C. Silius) is
L. Munatius L. f. L. n. Plancus. He
might be son or grandson of the famous
consul of 712, B.C. 42, well known in
the history of thj triumvirate, and stig-
matized by Velleius (2. 83). Plancina
(2. 43, 4) was probably his sister.

15. vexillum. The absence of any
explanation of this word suggests that
the flag is that already mentioned above
(' sub vexillo ';. Gennanicus is living in

232

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

flagitare occipiunt, concursuque ad ianuam facto moliuntur fores,
extractum cubili Caesarem tradere vexillum intento mortis metu
subigunt. mox vagi per vias obvios habuere legatos, audita 5
consternatione ad Germanicum tendentes. ingerunt contume- 6
5 lias, caedem parant, Planco maxime, quern dignitas fuga inipe-
diverat ; neque aliud periclitanti subsidium quam castra primae
legionis. illic signa et aquilam amplexus religione sese tuta- 7
batur, ac ni aquilifer Calpurnius vim extremam arcuisset, rarum
etiam inter hostes, legatus populi Romani Romanis in castris

a house, probably the regular winter
residence of the ' legatus,' and the soldiers
assaulting him are also outside the legion-
ary camp. It is suggested that these are
the veterans, whose ' vexillum * had no
place among the standards of the legions,
and was retained in the keeping of
Germanicus. They had their discharge,
but had possibly not, like the legions
(see c. 37, 3, and note), received their
money, or had further expectations on
final dismissal, and in their vague fear
that all might be revoked, demand posr
session of their ' vexillum ' as a guarantee :
see Nipp. and Domaszewski, ' Fahnen,'
p. 25. The legions, who had less to lose,
seem less prominent in this outbreak,
though even among them Plancus was
not safe. The alternative supposition,
that the ' vexillum ' is the red flag of the
gencralinchief, by which signal for battle
was given (Caes. B. G. 2. 20, i ; Plut.
Fab. 15, 182), would make the demand
for it imply an intention to elect a new
general, of which there is no evidence ;
though Germanicus (c. 43, 2) is repre-
sented as imagining such an act in the
case of his death.

situm = ' positum.' So used of
statues, &c., c. 74, 4; 2. 37, 3; 4. 64, 3.
See also 2. 7, 3.

1. occipiunt; cp. 3. 2, 5 ; 6. 45, 6,
&c. A word generally archaic, but
adopted by Tacitus from Livy.

moliuntur, 'break open": cp. 2. 82,
8; H. 2. 22, 3; Liv. and Curt.

2. extractum. This implies some
com])ulsion, but not necessarily physical
force; cp. ' contubcrniis extiacti' (15. 13,
2) ; ' rure extractus in urbem' i^Hor. Sat.
1. I, 11). The case is probably abl., as
in Horace (1. 1.) ; but in 6. 23, 5, the
M.S. text ' extractum cuslodiae ' is gene-
rally accepted.

4. consternatione, 'the tumult': cp.

c. 63, 3; 13. 16, 6, &c. This noun ap-
pears to originate with Livy, but the verb
(cp. H. 3. 79, 3) is found earlier.

5. impediverat, here alone in Tacitus
with simple abl. on the analogy of ' pro-
hibere.'

6. castra primae legionis. The
context implies perhaps that his assailants
followed him into this camp, and cer-
tainly that some of the legion, who are
addressed as guilty by Germanicus,
attacked him there. Domaszewski (see
on c. 42, 0) notes that when there were
only three legions in Lower Germany,
two had winter quarters at Vetera and

. one at Koln ; hence when a second legion
was allotted to the latter place, the two
had separate camps.

7. religione: see note on c. 18, 2. On
the sanctity of the eagles and other stan-
dards cp. 2. 17, 2, and ' conversus ad
signa et bellorum deos' (H. 3. 10, 7);
also Dion. Hal. 6, 45 raOra . . .Ibantp iSpv-
fiara 6twv iepd vofu^trai. Catiline kept
an eagle of Marius m a shrine within his
house (Cic. Cat. i. 9, 24) ; and the legi-
onary eagle is stated by Dio (40. 18, i)
to have been kept in camp in a portable
shrine. Even in old times it was a prac-
tice to swear by the standards (see Liv.
26. 48, 12). See other evidence of their
sanctity in Marquardt, ii. 438.

8. aquilifer. The eagle of the legion,
placed under charge of its ' centurio
primipilus ' (see Introd. vii. p. 124) was
actually borne by a lower officer of this
title, mentioned in several inscriptions :
see Henzen and Wilmanns, Indices, Caver
in Eph. Epig. iv. 371, and representations
in art of the eagle and its bearer in Do-
maszewski, 'Fahnen,' p. 29, foil.

rarum etiam, &c. On such paren-
theses see Introd. v. § 82. A similar
outrage on ' legati' is similarly spoken of
in H. 3. 80, 3.

A.D. 14.]

LIBER 1. CAP. 39, 40.

233

8 sanguine suo altaria deum commaculavissct. luce demum, post-
quani dux ct miles et facta nosccbantur, ingressus castra Ger-
manicus perduci ad se Plancum imperat reccpitque in tribunal.

9 turn fatalcm increpans rabiem, neque militum sed deum ira
resurgere, cur venerint legati apcrit ; ius legationis atque ipsius 5
Planci gravem et inmeritum casum, simul quantum dedecoris
adierit legio, facundc miseratur, attonitaque magis quam quieta
contione legates praesidio auxiliarium equitum dimittit.

40. Eo in metu arguere Germanicum omnes, quod non ad
superiorem exercitum pergeiet, ubi obsequia et contra rebellis 10
auxilium: satis superque missione ct pecunia et mollibus con-

2 sultis peccatum. vel si vilis ipsi salus, cur filium parvulum, cur
gravidam coniugem inter furentes et omnis humani iuris viola-

3 tores haberet ? illos saltern avo et rei publicae redderet. diu
cunctatus aspernantem uxorem, cum se divo Augusto ortam 15
neque degenerem ad pericula testaretur, postremo uterum eius
et communem filium multo cum fletu complexus, ut abiret

4 perpulit. incedebat muliebre et miserabile agmen, profuga ducis

1. altaria deum. These, as well as the
standards and the image of the emperor,
stood in the principia. See 4. 2, 4.

2. noscebantur, ' were capable of
recognition': cp. c. 62. i ; 4. 62, 5; H.

I- 90. 3-

ingressus castra : see above.

3. imperat recepitque. The his-
torical present is easily interchangeable
with a perfect, as 2. 7, i ; 20, 2 ; 14. 4,
6, &c.

4. fatalem increpans rabiem. ' Ra-
bies' is thus used of mutiny in c. 31, 3.
The use of ' fatalem ' (cp. 5. 4, 2 ; 15. 61,
6 ; and note on 3. 30, 2), which is ex-
plained by 'deum iia' (cp. )6. 16, 3),
treats them as hardly responsible beings,
and softens the censure conveyed in 'in-
crepans ' ; from \\ hich word some such
sense as that of ' dicens ' is supplied by
' zeugma ' with ' resurgere.'

5. ius legationis, sc. ' violatum.'
On such pregnant constructions see In-
trod. V. § 84.

7. miseratur, ' expresses sorrow for.'
So 'defendere,' 'to plead in excuse,' 13.
43, 4, &c.

9. metu, perhaps here used of circum-
stances causing fear, rather than fear itself;
cp. 'ostendcre mctum ex Tiberio' (2. 72,
2) ; ' metus temporum ' (H. i . 49, 6) ; ' \>xo-

visum adversum metus' (H. 2. 12, 3), &c.
A similar use of 'terror' (11. 19, 1, &c.)
is classical, and 'formido ' (Agr. 22, i) is
so used by Sallust.

14. avo. On the use of terms of adop-
tive relationship see on c. 33, 3. That
of the boy alone is mentioned, as he,
in virtue of this adoptive relationship,
stood nearer than Agrippina to Tiberius.
Nipp.

diu cunctatus aspernantem . . . per-
pulit. Two distinct causes are assigned
for the delay ; his own hesitation, and the
pride of his wife ; which latter is explained
by ' cum se . . . testaretur.'

16. degenerem. This poetical word
had been introduced into prose by Liv.
and PI. Mai. The construction, appearing
to be shortened for ' ad jjericula subeunda,'
is analogous to that of ' praecipuos ad
scelera,' 'ad pericula' (6. 7, 3; 14. 58, i),
and many other uses of ' ad ' with the
force of 'in reference to': see 2. 2, 2 ;
Her. on H. 2. 97, 7.

18. incedebat. This implies the ab-
sence of such vehicles as would usually be
provided. 'Muliebre' and 'miserabile'
are also emphatic, and the order of words
is studied for effect. ' They were starting
on foot, a train of women, and in pitiable
plight.'

234

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767

uxor, parvulum sitiu filium gerens, lamentantcs circum amicorum
coniuges, quae simul trahebantur, nee minus tristes qui mane-
bant.

41. Non florentis Caesaris ncque suis in castris, set velut in

5 urbe victa facies ; gemitusque ac planctus etiam militum aures
oraque advertere : progrediuntur contuberniis. quis ille flebilis 2
sonus ? quod tarn triste ? feminas inlustres, non centurionem
ad tutelam, non militem, nihil imperatoriae uxoris aut comitatus
soliti : pergere ad Treveros [et] externae fidei. pudor inde et 3

10 miseratio et patris Agrippae, Augusti avi memoria, soccr Drusus,

7. quid Heins., Nipp., Ritt. 9. Treviros here twice and in most places in Hist.,

but Trever. five times m 3. 40-45. [et] Halm, fidei sedem MuUer, externam fidem
Nipp., tradi (committi, dedi) fidei others.

2. qui manebant, i.e. the husbands
and friends parting from them.

4. florentis, 'in prosperity' : cp. c. 53,
2 ; 16. 33, I, &c.

5. facies. Gronov. has rightly ex-
plained this, as not ' facies Caesaris,' but
' facies rerum ' (cp. c. 49, i ; H. 2. 89,

3, &c.) ' non florenti Caesari, sed urbi
captae conveniens.' It seems better, with
Nipp., to place a semicolon at ' facies,'
and to take the sentence in apposition
with the last of the preceding chapter,
than, with Halm, to join it with ' gemi-
tusque,' &c., as subject of ' advertere.'

6. advertere, 'attracted,' as 2. 17,2;

4. 21, 5 ; 6. 44, I, &c. P"or other uses of
the word see 3. 52, 2 ; 4. 54, 2, &c.

progrediuntur contuberniis : cp.
' piogiedior portu ' Verg. Aen. 3, 300, and
other such ablatives in Introd. 5. § 24.

quis ille, &c. The construction is here
to be taken as designedly broken and
exclamatory, to express the agitation of
the speakers. 'What is this sound of
mourning? What this sight so sad?
Here are women of rank — not a centurion
— not a soldier as escort — not a mark of
the general's wife or of her usual retinue —
settmg out for the Treveri ! ' &c. Such
exclamatory sentences are given in 14. 8,
4, and, according to some, in c. 35, 2
(' neu mortem,' &c.). With 'quod,' we
should expect a substantive (cp. ' quod
nomen ' c. 42, 4); and, though 'triste'
may have a substantival force (as ' triste
. . . evenit ' 15. 34, i ; 'triste lupus sta-
bulis ' Verg. Eel. 3, 80), the addition of
' tam ' supports the conjecture that ' iter '
(K. Jacob) or ' spectaculum,' answering
to • sonus,' may have dropped out.

9. ad Treveros [et] externae fidei.
If we are to follow most commentators in
taking the last words as a concise genitive
of quality (cp. Introd. v. § 34); they should
certainly be joined closely to ' Treveros,'
without a needless and even misleading
conjunction. ' Et ' appears also redundant
before ' externae ' in H. 5. 10, 3. But the
force of such an expression here (as of
'externa superbia ' in 15. 31, 2), should
be ' homines talis fidei, qualis apud ex-
ternos esse solet,' i.e. ' parvae fidei'; an
interpretation which, if open to no other
objection, misrepresents the thought of
the speakers, which is not one of anxiety
for Agrippina's safety, but of self-reproach,
that the fidelity of foreigners should be the
refuge of a Roman general's wife against
a Roman army. The alternative explana-
tion, taking 'externae fidei' as a dative
adapted in construction to the idea of
some such verb as ' committi,' supplied
by zeugma from ' pergere,' is hardly
justified even by the boldness with which
Tacitus uses this figure (,see Introd. v. § 83).
It is possible, as suggested by Mr. Haver-
field, to put a stop after ' Treveros,' and
read ' externae fidei jnidor inde,' which
would not perhaps be harsher than some
other concise expressions ; otherwise some
corruption is to be suspected ; though no
emendation has won general acceptance.
On the Treveri see 3. 40, i, i'c.

10. socer Drusus, &c. All these clauses
express the thoughts infiuencing the sol-
diers, and lead up to ' sed nihil,' &c.
The passage begins regularly, but ab-
ruptly passes from ' patris . . . memoria '
to a pregnant construction, in which men-
tion of the object of thought implies the

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 40 42.

235

ipsa insigni fccunditate, praeclara pudicitia ; iam infans in castris
genitus, in contubernio legionunn cductus, quern militari vocabulo
Caligulam appcllabant, quia plcrumquc ad concilianda vulgi

4 studia eo tcgmine pedum inducbatur. sed nihil aeque flexit
quam iuvidia in Treveros : orant obsistunt, rediret maneret, 5
pars Agrippinae occursantes, plurimi ad Germanicum regressi.

5 i.sque ut erat recens dolore et ira, apud circumfusos ita
coepit.

42. ' Non mihi uxor aut filius patre et re publica cariores
sunt, sed ilium quidem sua maicstas, imperium Romanum ceteri 10
2 exercitus defendent. coniugem et liberos meos, quos pro gloria
vestra libcns ad exitium offerrem, nunc procul a furcntibus sum-
moveo, ut quidquid istud sceleris imminet, mco tantum sanguine
pietur, neve occisus Augusti pronepos, interfecta Tiberii nurus

thought itself. For a similar transition
cp. ' cum ... ad memoriam coiiiugii et
iiifantiam liberurum revolveretur' (ii. 34,
i). Wolf remarks that here the change
seems designedly introduced, as if tu de-
note that not merely the recollection, but
the image itself of Drusus, their former
bjloved commander, is as vividly before
them as those whom they actually saw.
The relation,-.hip expressed is throughout
that of Agrii)pina.

1. insigni fecunditate. Of the nine
children whom she had in all, three were
row living, and six had been born. See
Introd. ix.

in castris genitus. Gaius was now-
just two years old. Tacitus here follows
the popular belief, as expressed in an
epigram quoted by Suetonius (Cal 8),
' Jn castris natus,' &c. But he was born
when his lather, as consul, was in Rome;
and Suetonius ,1. 1.) shows, from a letter
of Augustus, that the child was in Italy
not long alter the date of birth ; and that
the birthplace was stated in the ' acta
publica ' to have been Antium.

2. militari vocabulo : see on c. 23, 4.

3. ad concilianda valgi studia. I'he
' caliga ' was not worn by officers above
the rank of centurion, and is thus so far
characteristic of the common soldier, tiiat
'caligatus' is used for 'miles gregarius '
(Suet. Aug. 25 ; Vit. 7), and 'in caliga,' or
'a caliga ' for 'in,' or 'from the ranks \P1.
N. H. 7. 42, 44, 135 ; Sen. de Bcnel. 5 16,
2). Hence it is called ' habitus gregalis'
(c. 69, 5), or 'manipularius' (_Suet. Cal. 9).

4. aequ9 . . . quam : cp. 14. 38, 3, &c.
In jirose from Li^•y, who appears to take
it fiom Plautus.

5. orant obsistunt, &c. The con-
struction is again designedly abrupt :
'orant' is explained by 'rediret,' 'ma-
neret ' ; ' obsistunt ' refers strictly to ' pars
. . . occursantes,' and more loosely to
' plurimi . . . regressi.' The alliteration
adds to the rhetorical effect of the asyn-
d(ta: cp 'pergerent pro|)erarent' c. 51, 7,
and a different form in c. 58, 6.

7. recens dolore et ira, ' fresh from,'
i.e. with their influence still strong upon
him: cp. ' rec2ns victoria' H. 3. 77, 5.
So one who had been lately praetor is
called 'recens praelura' (4. 52, 2). The
more classical construction would be with
the prep., as 'recens a vulnere Dido'
Verg. Aen. 6, 450 ; but the usage here is
analogous to that of the abl. of place
whence (see Introd. v. 24).

II. liberos; a rhetorical plural, one
child only being present.

13. istud sceleris, partitive genitive,
like 'quicquid . . . auctoritatis ' 14. 43, 2.
On the freedom with which such are used
by Tacitus cp. Introd. v. § 32.

14. pietur. Nipp has noticed the pecu-
liar use ol this word here to denote, not
an expiation of guilt, but an act on which
guilt might exhaust itself. Cp. Prop. 4 (3).
19, 18 {oi Medea) 'quo tempore mains
iiam natorum caede piavit amor.' The
word is generally poetical, the usual prose
word being ' expiare.'

236

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

nocentiores vos faciant. quid enim per hos dies inausum inte- 3
meratumve vobis? quod nomen huic coetui dabo? militesne 4
appcUem, qui filiuni imperatoris vestri vallo et armis circumse-
distis? an cives, quibus tarn proiecta senatus auctoritas? hos-

6 tium quoque ius et sacra legationis et fas gentium rupistis.
divus lulius seditionem exercitus verbo uno compescuit, Quirites 5
vocando qui sacramentum eius detrectabant : divus Augustus
vultu et aspectu Actiacas legiones exterruit : nos ut nondum
eosdem, ita ex illis ortos si Hispaniae Suriaeve miles asperna-

10 retur, tamen mirum et indignum erat. primane et vicensima 6

I. facial : text Ritt. 9. syriae : Med. i. has this form eleven times, suria eight

times, Med. ii. almost always the former ; Baiter and Ritt. follow the MSS., Halm
reads uniformly Suria.

1. inausum intemeratumve. Both
words appear first in Vergil (Aen. 7, 308 ;
2, 143, &c.). The former, found here
alone in Tacitus, occurs in earlier prose
(Sen. Ep. 91, 15); the latter seems
introduced into prose by Tacitus, but
used freely by him, even where the pas-
sage is not rhetorical (as c. 49, 6, &c.\

2. quod noraen, &c. That this speech
is mainly composed by the author, would
appear from the evident reminiscence
here of that purporting in Livy (28. 27)
to have been addressed by Scipio Afri-
canus to his mutinous troops : ' ad vos
quemadmodum loquar, nee consilium, nee
oratio suppeditat ; quos ne quo nomine
quidem appellare debeam, scio. Cives?
qui a patiia vestra descistis : an milites ?
qui imperium auspiciumque abnuistis,
sacrament! religionem rupistis.'

3. vallo et armis circumsedistis.
Walther rightly treats this as rhetorical
and figurative ; as neither the occurrences
in the summer camp (c. 35), nor those
in the winter quarters (c. 39), bear out
a literal interpretation.

4. proiecta, ' trampled under foot': so
' proiectum consulare imperium' Liv. 2.
27, 11. In 3. 65, 4, it is adjectival, in
the sense of 'abject.' The contempt for
the senate is that implied in their treat-
ment of its delegates (c. 39, 6).

hostium quoque ius, ' even rights
accorded to enemies ' ; i.e. ' laws of
war.' This and the two following ex-
pressions are all a rhetorical amplifica-
tion of one idea, the conjunctions bemg
epexegetical.

5. sacra, ' sanctity ' : cp. 2. 65, 4.
^as gentium, ' international obliga-
tion ' ; i.e. ' law of nations.' Cp. ' fas

disciplinae* (c. 19, 3); 'fas patriae' (2.
10, i), &c.

6. divus lulius, &c. Two mutinies
in his time are mentioned by Suetonius
(Jul. 69 ; 70) ; and this circumstance is
referred to the latter of them (that of the
tenth legion near Rome in 767, B. C. 47)
by him, as also by Appian i^B.C. 2. 93),
and Dio (42. 53, 3). Merivale (ch. xvi.
p. 222^ prefers the authority of Lucan
(5> 358), who tells this story of the earlier
mutiny at Placentia in 705, B.C. 49. In
H. 3. 24, 3, Antonius Primus is made to
reproach soldiers as ' pagani ' ; and Alex-
ander Severus is recorded (Lamprid. 52)
to have often disbanded legions by merely
styling them ' Quirites.'

7. divus Augustus, &c. Other ac-
counts of this mutmy represent Augustus
as having hastily returned to Brundusium
in the winter following Actium, and ap-
peased the military discontent by rewards
(Suet. Aug. 17; Dio, 51. 3, 4). There
may be here some confusion with the
incidents of an earlier mutiny, in 719,
B. c. 35, which appears to have been more
formidable, and more energetically dealt
with: Liv. Epit. 131 ; Dio, 49. 34.

8. nos. The context shows that this
refers to himself alone ; Tiberius not
being of the blood of Augustus, nor un-
known (see 2. 3, 4) to the Syrian legions.

ut . . . ita. See on c. 12, i.

9. Hispaniae Suriaeve ; i. e. ' an
army to which I was personally un-
known.'

10. erat. On the force of this indicative
see Introd. v. § 50 b, 2. Nipp. has here
collected instances of it, as also of the
subjunctive in similar expressions.

primane, &c. The construction is

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 42, 43.

237

legioncs, ilia signis a Tiberio acceptis, tu tot proeliorum socia,
7 tot praemiis aucta, cgregiam duci vestro gratiam refertis? hunc
ego nuntium patri, lacta omnia aliis c provinciis audienti, feram?
ipsius tironcs, ipsius vetcranos non missione, non pecunia sati-
atos ; hie tantuin interfici centuriones, cici tribunos. includi le- 5
gatos, infecta sanguine castra, flumina, meque precariam animam
inter infensos trahere.

43. Cur enim primo contionis die ferrum illud, quod pectori
meo infigere parabam, detraxistis, o inprovidi amici ? melius

2 et amantius ille qui gladium ofiferebat. cecidissem ccrte nondum 10
tot flagitiorum exercitui meo conscius ; legissetis ducem, qui
meam quidem mortem inpunitam sineret, Vari tamen et trium

3 legionum ulcisceretur. nequeenim di sinant ut Belgarum quam-

partly interrogative, partly exclamatory,
as suited to the excitement of the speaker.
In the following words we should natu-
rally refer ' ilia ' to the First, ' tu ' to the
Twentieth legion ; but the latter was
certainly newly raised at the time of the
Pannonian rebellion (see Introd. vii.
p. 122), and possibly by Tiberius himself,
whereas there must have been always
a First legion in the Roman army, and
the supposition that it may have been
cut to pieces in the 'clades Lolliana' or
'Variana,' and afterwards reconstituted
under the same title, rests on no evidence,
and is not probable. The true solution
seems to be that wliich I had suggested
in the first edition, and which is now
strengthened by the argument of Domas-
zewski (West-Deutsche Zeitschrift, Korre-
spondenzblatt, xii. 1893. p. 262, foil.:
see also Mr. Hardy in Journ. of Philol.
xxiii. p. 38), that the reference, as some-
times elsewhere ^see c. 70, 6, and note\
is determined by other circumstances than
the order of mention. The scene is in
the camp of the first legion (c. .^9, 6),
which confronts the tribunal of the
speaker, and is addressed as ' tu,' the
'prima Germanica' which may well have
shared in all the warfare of Tiberius.
The Twentieth, though nearer in the
order of previous mention, is supposed
to stand in the background, more remote
in fact and thought, and is spoken of
as 'ilia.'

2. egregiam. In his frequent ironical
use of this word (c. 59, 3; 3. 17, 5;
H. I. 33, 3; 4. 32, 4), Tacitus appears
to follow Vergil (^Aen. 4, 53).

duci : sc. ' Tiberio." The allusion
to 'their former service under him is still
sustained.

5. includi legates. The mention of
these as a climax to centurions and tri-
bunes, as well as the inapplicability of
'includi 'to the delegates of the senate,
who had already departed (c. 39, 8),
suggests that the ' legali legionum' are
mennt. No act of violence to these has
been mentioned, but all the superior
officers must have been under some con-
strnint, which would justify their being
spoken of as ' imprisoned,' without greater
rhetorical licence than that of ' infecta
sanguine cnstra, flumina' (cp. c. 32, 3),&c.

6. precariam, 'on sufferance': cp.
' precaria vita * H. 4. 76, 5 ; ' precarium im-
perium ' H. i. 52, 6 (where see Her.), &c.

8. Cur enim, &c. The thouglit is,
' I am living on sufferance, and it is the
fault of my short-sighted friends that
I am living at all.'

9. melius, sc. ' fecit.' On the omission
of such verbs see Introd. v. § 38 b.

II. tot flagitiorum . . . conscius, * im-
plicated with my army in so many out-
rages.' As responsible for its discipline,
he treats himself as involved in what he
had not prevented. Cp. ' quasi scelere
contaminaretur ' (c. 35, 4). On the con-
struction, cp. 'alius alii tanti facinoris
conscii ' Sail. Cat. 22, 3; 'si conscius
Dymno tanti sceleris fuissem ' Curt. 6. 10,
20. The construction avoids the awkward-
ness of a double genitive, and, with the
dative of a personal pronoun, is usual.

13. sinant, ut. This construction is
found only a few times in Terence, and

238

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

quam offerentium decus istud et claritudo sit, subvenisse Romano
nomini, compressisse Germaniae populos. tua, dive Auguste, 4
caelo recepta mens, tua, pater Druse, imago, tui memoria isdeni
istis cum militibus, quos iam pudor et gloria intrat, eluant hanc

5 maculam irasque civiles in exitium hostibus vertant. vos quoque, 5
quorum alia nunc ora, alia pectora contueor, si legates senatui,
obsequium imperatori, si mihi coniugem et filium redditis, dis-
cedite a contactu ac dividite turbidos: id stabile ad paeniten-
tiam, id fidei vinculum erit.'

10 44. Supplices ad haec et vera exprobrari fatentes orabant
puniret noxios, ignosceret lapsis et duceret in hostem : revoca-
retur coniunx, rediret legionum alumnus neve opses Gallis tra-
deretur. reditum Agrippinae excusavit ob inminentem partum 2

4. fluant : text B.

once in Curtius, ' nee di siverint ut . . .
quisquam . . . possit' (5. 8, 3).

1. claritudo. Wolffiin notes (Philol.
XXV. 99) that Tacitus shows a growing
preference for this more archaic form
' Cato, Sisenna) instead of the Ciceronian
' clarilas,' throughout the Annals, especi-
ally in the last six Books, where the latter
word occurs once (16. 30, i), the former
twenty times. Except in c. 28, 2, it is
used always figuratively, whether of per-
sonal renown (as here, and 11. 10, 5;
14. 53, 4, &C.1, or of distinguished an-
cestry (as 2. 43, 6; 6. 47, 3, &c.).

3. imago, to be taken figuratively, and
' tui memoria ' as its explanation. That
the legions still bore the effigy of one long
dead and never deified is most improbable;
and the apostrophe to Augustus (' tua . . .
caelo recepta mens') appeals equally to
the imagination.

4. gloria, 'pride'; as ' iactantia glo-
riaque' (c. 8, 2). Thus 'pudor' and
'gloria' are joined in H. 1. 21, 6: cp.
' generandi gloria mellis' ( Verg. G. 4,
205"). It is also used in a bad sense, as
' vaingloriousness' (14. T5, 3, &c.).

hanc maculam. This is by some
wrongly referred to the defeat of Varus,
of which ' lUam ' would rather have been
used. It means the stain of mutiny, and
is explained by ' iras civiles,' as ' eluant '
by ' in exitium hostibus vertant.' The
expedition in c. 49, 5, is called ' piaculum
furoris' : cp. also c. 51, 7.

^. vos quoque, &c. The speaker is
represented as skilfully imagining the

existence of the change of feeling which
he desires to produce.

6. si legatos senatui . . . redditis.
They would give him back his wife and
son bv so behaving that he could safely
recall them. The figure of ' giving back
to the senate its delegates' seems more
farfetched, and merely to denote due
recogniiion of them as such; unless we
suppose him to represent them rhetori-
cally a^ still ill the pcwer of the legions,
and not yet in snfety.

8. a contactu, ' from contagion ' : so
used properly in 4. 49, 4, and figuratively
often in Tacitus, as 6 7, 4, &c.

dividite = ' secernite ' : cp. ' provinciae
quae mari dividuntur ' (2 43. 2 ) ; ' dividere
defensionem' (3. 15, 3). Earlier prose
writers appear always to add the prep,
and abl. of separation.

10. Supplices, &c. On the improbabili-
ties of the narrative see Introd. iii. p. 17,
n. 12. Ad haec, ' at these words ' : cp.
H. 3. 70. 6.

11. et duceret. The conjunction here
couples a future action to the clauses
referring to the settlement of the mutiny
itself. For instances of such combina-
tions see Her. on H. i. 51, 25.

13. reditum Agrippinae excusavit.
Elsewhere, the accusative with this verb
either denotes tliat which has been done,
and is apologized for; or as in 3. 11, 2,
&c.) th.at which is pleaded in excuse.
Here it means ' excusavit Agrippinam,
quod non rediret.'

inminentem. This belongs properly

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 43, 44.

239

3 et hiemem ; venturum filium : cetera ipsi exsequerentur. dis-
currunt niutati et seditiosissimum quemque vinctos trahunt ad
legatum let^ionis primae C. Caetronium, qui iudicium et poenas
de sint^ulis in hunc modum exercuit. stabant pro contionc

4 legiones destrictis gladiis ; reus in suggestu per tribunum os- 5
tendebatur : si nocentem adclamaverant, praeceps datus truci-

5 dabatur. et gaudebat caedibus miles, tamquam semet absol-
veret ; nee Caesar arcebat, quando nullo ipsius iussu penes

6 eosdem saevitia facti et invidia erat. secuti exemplum veterani
baud multo post in Raetiam mittuntur, specie defendendae pro- 10
vinciae ob imminentis Suebos, ceteruni ut avellerentur castris

to ' partum,' but may extend its force
somewhat to ' hiemem.' An altar at
Ambitarvium, a Treveran village near
Coblenz, inscribed ' ob Agrippinae puer-
peiium,' is recorded to have been seen by
PI. Mai. (Suet. Cal. 8). It has been held
by some that the birth must have been
thnt of the younger Agrippina, and that
either this narrative, or the statement in
12. 27, I. must be wrong The sui)posi-
tion of Momnisen fHeriiies, xiii. 256, foil.)
is more probable, thnt neither of the
children bom in Germany (Introd. ix.
note 14; 15^ were born in this year ; and
that we must suppose at this time the
probably premature birth of a child which
never lived, and has no place in the list
given by Suetonius.

2. vinctos : for the pi. see Introd. v.
§ 42 e.

3. legatum legionis. On these officers
see Introd. vii. p. 124.

poenas . . . exercuit, apparently taken
from Vergil (Aen 6,543); with its strange-
ness softened by combination with the
regular phrase ' iudicium exercere.'

4. pro contione. This construction
is familiar in the jihrase ' laudare aliquem
pro contione ' (2. 22. I : Snll. ; Liv., &c.\
where it is generally explained to mean
'before the assembly.' But here the
legions are the assembly. Also, there
appears to be some evidence that the
'tribunal' may itself be called 'contio.'
Even thus, if 'pro contione' were equi-
valent to ' pro tribunali,' and analogous
in Tacitus to ' pro ripa,' ' pro munimentis,'
'pro muris' (2. 9, 3; 13, 4; 81, i); it
would describe the position of the speaker
standing forth on the platform, rather than
the audience facing it. Unless therefore
we tike the phrase to mean no more than
that they ' stood forth assembled,' we must

explain it (with Nipp.) to signify ' after
the fashion of an assembly' icp. 4. 38, 2),
i.e. not an irregular crowd, yet with the
implied meaning that it was not strictly
a ' contio ' convened by the general, but
one self-constituted. No such use of the
phrase has been however found elsewhere.
A rude trial of this kind, in which soldiers
were allowed to butcher those whom they
pronounced guilty, is called 'priscus mos'
in Ammian. 2. 9, 5.

5. suggestu. This is the regular terra
for the ' tribunal ' or platform in camps,
as H. I. 36, I ; 55, 5; Caes. ; Liv., &c.
The construction of such with piled up
turf is described in c. 18, 4, but it might
often be a more j ermanent structure.

9. secuti exemplum ; sc. ' legionum.'
The ' veterani sub vexillo ' are here clearly
distinguished from the legions.

TO. Raetiam. This name strictly an-
swers to the modem Grisons and Tyrol,
but often, as here, is taken to include the
frontier country of Vindelicia ; which com-
prised southern Bavaria between the Inn
and the upper Danube, and extended later
to the 'limes Romanus.' See Introd. vii.
p. 110. Both countries were reduced to
subjection by Drusus and Tiberius in 739,
F.c. 15 (Liv. Epit. 138; Veil. 2. 39, 3;
Hor. 6d. 4. 4 and 14). Their only im-
portant town was' Augusta Vindelicorum '
(Augsburg) : see G. 41, i.

II. Suebos. The various tribes grouped
under this name extended in the time of
Tacitus from the Baltic to the Danube
'cf. G. 38-43); here the Marcomani of
Bohemia and others subject to Maro-
boduus are meant: see on 2. 44, 5.

ceterum : cp. c. 10, i.

castris. Nipp. takes this as dat. ; but
\'ergil has the abl. ' complexu avolsus
luli' (Aen. 4, 6:6).

240

p. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALICM [A.U.C. 767.

trucibus adhuc non minus asperitate remedii quam sceleris me-
moria. centurionatum inde egit. citatus ab imperatore nomen, 7
ordinem, patriam, numerum stipendiorum, quae strenue in prae-
liis fecisset, et cui erant dona militaria, edebat. si tribuni, si 8

5 legio industriam innocentiamque adprobaverant, retinebat or-
dinem : ubi avaritiam aut crudelitatem consensu obiectavissent,
solvebatur militia.

45. Sic compositis praesentibus baud minor moles supererat
ob ferociam quintae et unetvicensimae legionum, sexagensimum

10 apud lapidem (loco Vetera nomen est) hibernantium, nam primi 2

4. donaria: dona Victorius ;cp. 6. 4S, 3). 5. ordines: text Kiessling.

1. trucibus, 'gloomy': cp. 'lucosqne
vetnsta relligione truces' Claud. Laud.
Stil. I, 229.

2. centurionatum inde egit. The
sense required is that of ' centuriones re-
censuit,' or 'creavit'; the former process
alone being described, but the latter im-
plied ; as the vacancies of those dismissed
or killed (c. 32, 3) had to be filled up.
But 'centurionatus,' which (according to
Nipp.") is found only in Val. Max. 3. 2, 23,
and in an inscription of Antonine times
(C. I. L. X. 3340), must mean, like the
rather kss rare 'centuriatus ' (Cic. and
Suet. Gramm. 24) , ' the office of centurion '
(cp. ' optionatus,' ' decurionatus,' &c.) ;
and thus the centurion himself should
rather be said ' centurionatum agere.* It
is perhaps possible, on the analogy of
' dilectum agere,' to make the phrase
mean ' to hold an election of centurions ' ;
but more probably the passage is corrupt.
The most plausible emendation, however,
' centurionum reatum' (Bemhardy, cited
by Baiter), introduces a word unknown in
Tacitus and very rare otherwise ; and one
which hardly seems to bear the meaning
here required.

4. dona militaria, 'decorations.' Such
are mentioned in ;^. 21, 3 ; Juv. 16, 57-60 ;
and many inscriptions i,see Henzen, Index,
p. 144). The brilliant appearance of an
army when these were worn, as in full
dress, is described in H. 2. 89, 3.

si . . . adprobaverant, . . . ubi . . .
obiectavissent. ' Si ' and ' ubi ' are inter-
changed (both with indie.) in 4. 17, i ;
' si ' and ' ut ' (both with subj.) in 1 1. 28,
3 ; and such changes are frequent : see
Driiger, Synt. und Stil, § 233. The moods
are mterchanged, as here, in 6. 1 8, 5 (where
see note), &c. Here there appears to be
a compromise between the subj. of re-

peated action, usual in writers of this age,
and the indie, of earlier writers. See
Introd. v. § 52. Walther takes it to imply
that approval was the rule and disapproval
the exception.

6. avaritiam, in selling ' vacationes.'
See on c. 17, 6.

7. solvebatur militia. This would
have the character of an ' ignominiosa
niissio'; as distinct from the ' honesta,'
on completion of service, and ' causaria,'
for disease. Dig. 49. 16, 13.

8. praesentibus : cp. c. 30, 5 ; 11.
18, 2.

moles, 'difficulty'; as 2. 78, i, &c.
This use of the word had been already
adopted by Livy (25. 11, 18) from Vergil
(Aen. I, 33, &c.).

9. quintae et unetvicensimae. On
the departure of these legions from the
summer camp cp. c. 37, 3.

10. Vetera. This station, though here
described as if unknown to the reader,
had been frequently mentioned in the
' Histories.' The full name, ' Vetera
castra,' is given in H. 4. 21, 1 ; 5. 14, i.
The locality is identified by Schneider
(Rhein. Geschichtsbliitter, ii. 85) with the
Fiirstenberg, near Xanten (below Wesel),
where remains exist. This would well
suit the distance sixty Roman miles), if
leckoned from Koln. The Itinerary of
Antoninus (p. 370, cited by Orelli), placing
it at a distance of sixty-three miliapassuum
from Bonn, cannot on this supposition be
correct. From observing that Tacitus
says 'nomen est' inot.' erat '), and at the
first mention in Hist. (4. 18, 6) uses similar
words (' castra quibus Veteru m nomen est "),
and from the fact that in his day this camp
was no longer kept up, being superseded
by ' Colonia Traiana nearer Xanten, it
has been thought by Schneider that he

A. D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 44 46.

241

seditioncni coeptavcrant : atrocissimum quodque facinus horum
manibus patratum ; nee poena commilitonum exterriti nee pae-
3 nitentia conversi iras retincbant. i<;itur Caesar arma classem
socios demittere Rheno parat, si imperium detrectetur, bello
certaturus. 5

46. At Romae nondum cognito, qui fuisset exitus in Illyrico,
et legionum Germanicarum motu audito, trepida civitas incusare
Tiberium quod, dum patres et plebem, invalida et inermia,
cunctatione ficta ludificetur, disstdeat interim miles neque du-
orum adulescentium nondum adulta auctoritate comprimi queat. 1°

2 ire ipsum et opponere maiestatem imperatoriam debuisse ccs-
suris, ubi principem longa experientia eundemque severitatis

3 et munificentiae summum vidissent. an Aucrustum fessa aetate

II. imperator iam : text B.
(Andresen Codd. Med. p. 4).

12. Ritt. wrongly gives the Med. text as longe

speaks of it as 'the old (i.e. disused)
camp,' and that its name during its occu-
pation is unknown to us. The alternative
view (see Diintzner, Bonn. Jahrb. Ixxiii. 21)
would make it a Celtic name like Eonna,
Novesium, &c.

primi coeptaverant : see c. 31, 3.

2. paenitentia. With this 'commi-
litonum ' may be again supplied, or it
may be taken (with Nipp.; to mean their
own penitence.

3. arma. This is often used for ' mi-
liles,' as in c. I, 3, &c. Here the legions
especially are meant, as the ' socii ' are
mentioned separately.

classem. This was perhaps a flotilla
temporarily got together for use on the
river. It is known, however, that a stand-
ing (German fleet of seagoing ships existed
in the time of Drusus Flor. 4. 12, 26;
Suet. C 1. i\ and was employed in 75!^,
A I). 5. by Tiberius, who carried it to the
Llbe (Veil. 2. 106, 2). and even to the
Cimbri, or Jutland (Mon. Anc. v. 14V
(iermanicus used (c. 60, 3) and augmented
it (2. 6, 2). It is styled in later inscrip-
tions ' Classis Germanica' (or 'Augusta
Gernianica') P. F. (' pia fidelis') : Orelli
3600; flenzen 6S65-6S67.

6. Illyrico. This term had originally
a very wide ethnographical sense (see
Marquardt, i. p. 295), and is often taken
to include not only Delmatia.and Pan-
nonia, but even Moesia : see Suet. Tib.
16, &c.

S. invalida et inermia, ' the feeble
and defenceless element ' : cp. ' quod im-

becillum aetate,' &c. (c. 56, 3). Nipp.
has here collected many instances fiom
Tacitus of the substantival application of
neuter adjectives to masc. or fern, sub-
stantives to denote them as beings, or
things, of a certain class. It is not how-
ever peculiar to him, but classical ; see
Mndv. 211 b, Obs. i, Dr. Synt. u. Stil,
§ 30, Her. on H. 2. 20, ix.

9. cunctatione : see c. 11, &c.
dissideat, 'mutinies': cp. 'discors,'

c. 38, 1 , &c.

10. adulescentium. Germanicus was
twenty-nine, Drusus about twenty-six
years old. .See Introd. ix. note 30, 31.

1 1 . opponere, ' to confront them with.'
cessuris : cp. ' tracturis' c. 31, i.

12. experientia : cp. c. 4, 3.

severitatis et munificentiae sum-
mum, 'with sovereign power to punish
and reward.' ' Severitas,' though ap-
parently used differently in c. 25, 3; 36,
3, has certainly this force in 3. 21, 2, &c.
On the genitive see Introd. v. § 33, e, 7.
The words might also be taken, with
Zumpt i'447, n. i), like ' praestantissimus
sapientiae ' (,6. 6, 2), to mean ' severitatis
et munificentiae summae'; but the position
of Tiberius, as compared with that of his
sons, seems here to be thought of rather
than his character.

13. an Augustum, li^iTc. The sneakers
exaggerate the frequency of these expe-
ditions, and invent the contrast of age.
We know of no later expeditions of
Augustus to Germany (or rather Gaul)
than those of 73S, B.C. 16, and 746, B.C. 8

24-2

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.u. C. 767.

totiens in Germanias commeare potuisse : Tiberium vigentem
annis sedere in senatu, verba patrum cavillantem ? satis pro- 4
spectum urbanae servituti : militaribus animis adhibenda fo-
menta. ut fcrre pacem velint.

5 47. Inmotuni adversus eos sermones fixumque Tiberio fuit
non omittere caput rerum neque se remque publicam in casum
dare, multa quippe et diversa angebant : validior per Ger- 2
maniam exel-Gitus, propior apud Pannoniam ; ille Galliarum
opibus subnixus, hie Italiae inminens : quos igitur anteferret ?

10 ac ne postpositi contumelia incenderentur. at per filios pariter 3
adiri maiestate salva, cui maior e longinquo reverentia. simul 4
adulescentibus excusatum quaedam ad patrem reicere, resisten-
tisque Germanico aut Druso posse a se mitigari vel infringi :
quod aliud subsidium, si imperatorem sprevissent? ceterum ut 5

10. intcnderentur :

(Dio, 54. 19; 55. 6), in the forty-seventh
and fifty-fifth years of his age. Tiberius,
though far stronger for his years, was
already fifty-six. The absence of any
warning of this exaggeration suggests that
Tacitus was himself misled by it.

fessa aetate. This is a common
expression in Tacitus, as 3. 59, 6 ; 14. 33,
4, &c.

2. cavillantem, ' quibbling at.' The
word usually means 'to jest' or 'satirize,'
but is so used in Liv. 3. 20, 4 ' cavillari
turn tribuni ' : cp. ' cavillante circa crus '
(of the cobbler) I'l. N. H. 35. 10, 36, 85.

3. servituti, invidiously contrasted
with ' pacem.'

5. Inmotuni . . . fixumque, one of the
many imitations in Tacitus of Vergil ^see
Intiod. V. § 97, 4).

6. omittere, ' to leave unguarded '; as
c. 36, 2, &c.

caput rerum : so ' caput rcrum
Urbem ' (of Rome) H. 2. 32, 5. On a
similar occasion, later, we have the same
idea in other words, ' omissa urbe, unde
in omnia regimen' (3. 47, 2).

se . . . in casum dare. Cp. 12. 14, 3
'rem in casum dare'; and 2. 11, i : such
phrases are annlogous to 'rem in casum
. . . commit! ere ' iLiv. 4. 27, 6), and 'dare
se in viam ' (Cic. Fam. 14. 12), or 'in
fugam' (Id. Verr. 4. 43, 95).

7. per, 'throughout,' i.e. distributed
over.

9. subnixus, 'supported by': cp. c.
II. 3 ; 11.1,2.

quos. The use of this pronoun in
the sense of ' uter ' is rare, but found in
the best authors: cp. ' controversias . . .
quisnam antef rretur' (Caes. B. G. 5. 44,
2); 'quem velis. nescias,' i.e. Antonius
or Octavianus (Cic. Att. 16. 14, i) : cp.
also Cic. ad Fam. 7. 3, i ; Verg. Aen.
12, 719; 727; and several other instances
cited by Nipp. Gudeman notes (Int. to
Dial, cxvi) the rarity of the post-positive
use of 'igitur' in Tacitus (seven out of
174 instances in Gerber and Greef).

10. ac ne. From ' angebant ' are sup-
plied both the idea of doubt (with ' quos
anteferret'), and of fear with ' ne . . .
incenderentur'). 'Acne 'is used in H.
2. 34, 2 ; 3. 46, 3, to subjoin an additional
motive for an action. The correction of
the text is needful: 'intendo' has often
the sense of 'to intensify,' but is not used
with an accusative of the person.

12. excusatum. This participial ad-
jective, in the sense of ' excusable,' is post-
Augustan and rare. The adverbial com-
parative is found in 3. 68, i, and other
adverbial or adjectival uses in Sen., Quint,
and PI. Min.

14. ut . . . iturus. Drager notes that,
before Livy, this rendering of the Greek
construction of a participle with is is
very rare, and not found with the future
participle. Tacitus has ' ut . . . arguens '
(4- 33> 6); 'ut . . . transmissurus' (H. 2.
58, 4) ; 'ut . . . positurus' (H. 3. 68, 4).
See other instances in Introd. v. § 67.

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 46-48.

243

iam iamque iturus legit comites, conquisivit impedimenta, ador-
navit naves : mox hicmem aut negotia varie causatus primo
prudentes, dcin vulgum, diutissimc provincias fefcllit.

48. At Germanicus, quamquam contracto exercitu et parata
in defectores ultione, dandum adhuc spatium ratus, si recenti 5
excmplo sibi ipsi consulerent, praemittit litteras ad Caecinam,
venire se valida manu ac, ni supplicium in malos praesumant,

2 usurum promisca caede. eas Caecina aquiliferis signiferisque
et quod maxime castrorum sincerum erat occulte rccitat, utque
cunctos infamiae, se ipsos morti eximant hortatur; nam in pace 'o
causas et merita spectari : ubi bellum ingruat, innocentes ac

3 noxios iuxta cadere. illi temptatis quos idoneos rebantur, post-
quam maiorem legionum partem in officio vident, de sententia
legati statuunt tempus, quo foedissimum quemque et seditioni

4 promptum ferro invadant. tunc signo inter se dato inrumpunt 15
contubernia, trucidant ignaros, nullo nisi consciis noscente quod
caedis initium, quis finis.

8. promisca: so Med. i. and Halm always, Med. ii. sometimes (14. 14, 3; 15. 9, 2 ;
16. 16, 4) promisciius.

I. legit . . . conquisivit . . . adornavit.
On the fondness of Tacitus for asyndeta
in lively narrative see Introd. v. § 65.
In such clauses he oftener uses the his-
torical infinitive (as 2. 31, \), or present
(as H. 2. 22, 3), and puts the verb usually
at the beginning of its clau-'C, but some-
times for varif ly at the end in the last
clause (as c. 68, 2 ; 2. 29, i \ Other ex-
amples are here collected by Nipp.

2 causatus, 'plending': cp. 13. 44, 2,
&c. ; freq. in poets and Livy.

primo, 'at first.' i.e. for a short time.
These were the first, the people the next,
the provinces the last to see through it.

3. vulgum. This accus., found in
Lucr., Verg., and Liv., is not unfrequent
in Tacitus : cp. 3. 76, 2 ; 4. 14. 4 ; 6. 44,
I ; and several references given by Nipp.

5. dandum . . . spatium. This is
equivalent to 'exspectandum' ; with which
verb, or with such as express or imply
design, or attempt, 'si' is often used in
the sense of 'whether,' or 'in case that.'
See Madv. 451 d; Her. on H. i." 31, 10.
Drager (% 193") notes the usage as found
in Cicero and Caesar, and especially in
I. ivy, and that it is not really a Graecism.
For ' sibi consulere ' cp. H. i. 54, 4.

6. exemplo, that of the two other
legions ,c. 44).

Caecinam. Unless there is some error
(see note on c. 37, 3), he must have gone
on to ' Vetera ' soon after leading the two
other legions to the ' civitas Ubiorum,' as
he is not mentioned in the events there
(c. 39-44 •

7. praesumant: cp. 2. 73, 6; 3. 46,
2, &c. The word is confined to poets
and post-Augustan prose.

8. aquiliferis signiferisque. Of the
former (see c. 39, 7) there would he one in
each legion, of the latter, one in each mani-
ple 'see on c. iS, 3; 34, 4; and Domas-
zewski,' Fahnen,'p.36foll.). Astherewere
no centurions left c. 32, 3), he has to act
through these as the next officers in rank.

10. eximant. The dative with this
verb, frequent in poets and post-Augustan
prose, is generally used by Tacitus (cp.
c. fi4, 4; 2. 55, 3; 3. 18, I, &c.), except
in Agr. 3, 3, and perhaps in 14. 64, i.

1 1 . causas, ' excuses ' : so ' causam
seditioni' (H. 4. 19, i) ; 'accipio cnusam'
(Cic. Fam. 16. 19"*.

15. promptum. On the dative with
this word see c. 2, i.

16. nullo . . . noscente. 'none being
able to ascertain': cp. c. 62, i; and
'arma,' ' principia noscere' ('to distin-
guish') H. I. 68, I ; 2. 93, I.

quod . . . initium, quis finis. Wal-

244

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

49. Diversa omnium, quae umquam accidere, civilium ar-
morum facies. non proelio, non adversis e castris, sed isdem 2
e cubilibus, quos simul vescentis dies, simul quietos nox habu-
erat. discedunt in partes, ingerunt tela, clamor vulnera sanguis
5 palam, causa in occulto ; cetera fors regit, et quidam bonorum 3
caesi, postquam intellecto in quos saeviretur, pessimi quoque
arma rapuerant. neque legatus aut tribunus moderator adfuit :
permissa vulgo licentia atque ultio et satietas. mox ingressus 4
castra Germanicus, non medicinam illud plurimis cum lacrimis

10 sed cladem appellans, cremari corpora iubet.

Truces etiam tum animos cupido involat eundi in hostem, 5
piaculum furoris ; nee aliter posse placari commilitonum manes,
quam si pectoribus impiis honesta vulnera accepissent. sequitur 6
ardorem militum Caesar iunctoque ponte tramittit duodecim

15 milia e legionibus, sex et viginti socias cohortis, octo equitum
alas, quarum ea seditione intemerata modestia fuit.

ther would explain the interchange of
'qui' and 'quis,' by supposing that more
stress is laid in the first clause on the
noun, in the second on the pronoun. But
often the use of 'quis' for 'qui,' or the
reverse, stems to turn on euphony. See
Zumpt 134, note; Madvig 8^, Obs. i.

1. Diversa omnium. The words
might be rendered ' unlike this was the
appearance,' &c. ; but more probably the
genitive is a Graecism like that found
often in Horace with words expressing
separation; as 'abstineto irarum,' 'sceleris
purus,' ' operum vacuus,' &c.: cp. Zumpt
469 ; Madv. 290, Obs. 3.

2. facies. This word is used in the
sense of 'aspectus rei ' by Sallust ijug.
78, 3, &c. ) and Vergil, from whom (Aen.
<), 104) Tacitus adopts 'laboium facies'
(H. 3. 30, i) : cp. 'facies belli' (II. i.
85, 2), ' pugnae ' (H. 2. 42, 4), ' locorum '
(Ann. 14. 10, 5), 'Victoria.;' (Agr. 38, 2).
See above, c. 41, i.

4. discedunt in partes. Nipp. notes
the ideas supplied from this above by
zeugma ; as ' not contronted in battle, nor
starting from opposite camps.'

5. cetera, ' the issue.' ' Fors omnia
regere' is found in Sail. Jug. 51, i.

7. arma rapuerant, a Vergilian phrase
(Aen. 7, 340; 8, 220): cp. 2. 19, 2, &c.

9. iUud. This use of a pronoun in the
neuter, where its gender would more
classically be attracted to thai of the

noun referred to, is common in Tacitus,
who thus uses ' istud ' (2. 38, 4), 'illud*
(4. 19, 3), and 'id' (16. 22, 2). Several
other instances are collected by Nipp.
The usage appears to occur first in Vergil,
e.g. Aen. 3, 173 ' nee sopor illud erat.'

II. etiam tum: this is taken closely
with ' truces.'

animos cupido involat. This phrase
is noted by 1 )raeger as aw. tip. ; but the
construction of 'involare' with the accusa-
tive, found also II. 4. 33, 2, and in PI.
Mai. &c., is analogous to thai of many
verbs compounded with ' in,' as ' inrum-
pere,' &c.

13. honesta, i.e. the wounds o" honour-
able battle, contrasted with ' imi)iis,' pol-
luted by civil war. Cp. 'impius . . . miles'
^Verg. Eel. 1,71).

sequitur, ' seconds': cp. 'adulationem
. . . sequitur' (3. 69, i). Dio (57. 6, i)
makes Germanicus himself originate the
expedition, (poPrjOus fir) Kai aiiOis araatd-
awaiv.

15. e legionibus, i.e. from the four
legions of the Lower army. These de-
tachments, amounting to about half their
strength, are designated by the legionary
names in c. 51, 5.

16. quarum applies to 'cohortes' and
' alae.' The auxiliary troops generally
had no share in this mutiny. See c. 36, 3.
■ modestia, ' subordination ' ; as c. 35, i.

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 49, 50.

245

50. Laeti neque procul Gcrmani agitabant, dum iustitio ob

2 amissLim Augustum, post discordiis attinemur. at Romanus
agmine propero silvam Caesiam Hmitemque a Tiberio coeptum
scindit, castra in liinite locat, frontcm ac tergum vallo, latera

3 concaedibus munitus. inde saltus obscures permeat consultat- 5
que ex duobus itineribus breve et solitum sequatur an inpe-

4 ditius et intemptatum eoque hostibus incautum. delecta longiore
via cetera adcelerantur : etenim attulerant exploratores festam

1. agitabant = 'degebant': 504.46,1;
n. 2 1, 2, &c. : cp. 'atjere' c. 68, i, &c.
Sallust often so uses both, Livy the latter.

iustitio. See c. i6, 2.

2. at Romanus, &c. Knoke ('die
Kiicgsziige des (iernianicus,' ]>p. 23-34)
and other writers referred to by him and
by Nipp., have endeavoured to elucidate
the topography of this campaign. The
difficulty, not to say the impossibility, of
doing so lies in the fact that the ' silva
Caesia ' and ' limes Tiberii ' are nowhere
else mentioned, and that the locality in-
habited by the Marsi is unknown (see note
on § 6). It seems thus hardly possible
to go beyond the likelihood that the Ro-
mans may ha\e advanced, probably from
Vetera, along tlie left bank of the Lippe,
and then struck southward through a
comparatively unknown country {'■ saltus
obscuros') towards the upper kuhr, and
that the tribes living north of the Lippe
endeavoured to intercept their retreat.
On the campaigns generally see Appendix
ii. to Book ii.

3. Caesiam. This forest must have
been within a days march of the point of
crossing, and may have been widely ex-
tended. Some thmk the name traceable
in Coesfeld, north of the Lippe. Others,
agreeing with Lips., that the name should
probably be 'Haesiam' 1^ connected with
that of the German war-god), think that
it may survive m the village of Heisingen,
near Essen.

limitem. This term is explained by
Mommsen ,see Hist. v. iii, n. i, E. T. i.
1 22, n. 1; to denote the imperial barrickded
road, forming the boundary where no na-
tural frontier existed, preventing maraud
ing parties and restricting traffic. This
particular one may have been a line of
communication with the outpost of Aliso
2. 7, 5,. With cited by Nipp.) would
identify it with existing traces of lines
north of the Lippe ; but the Roman line
of march was more jirobably south of
that river.

coeptum, 'laid out.' So ' hortos)
a Lucullo coeptos' 11. i, i. The word
does not in such places imply incom-
pleteness of work, but rather the capa-
bility of extension. Nipp.

4. scindit, ' penetrates,' or ' passes
through.' It is hardly likely that tliis
first march, ' propero agmine,' through a
forest within the ' limes,' involved any
considerable clearance of obstacles, such
as Caecina was sent on to effect in the
further march ; nor need we suppose that
the 'limes' had to be cut away to pass
it ; as such barriers had always passages
at one or more points secured by forts.

in limite. The expression would seem
to imply that this 'limes' wa*; a broad
embankment with a double ' vallum,' on
which could be formed a long narrow
camp, secured in front and rear, and re-
quiring only a slight protection on the
flanks to complete it. It is perhaps also
possible to take the words, with W alther,
to mean only that the camp was at or
close to the barrier.

frontem . . . munitus. On the fre-
quency of this poetical or Greek accus. in
Tacitus see Intr6d. v. § 11.

5. concaedibus. The word ajipears
to be found only in Vegetius and Am-
mianus, but such barricades of felled
trees to protect the flanks are described
in Caes. B. G. 3. 29, i.

saltus obscuros. These lay between
the ' limes ' and the ' Marsi ' (see below).
It is suggested by Knoke that he may
have left the line of the Lippe at Dorslen,
and struck south, taking one of the roads
leading to Herdecke, at the meeting-point
of the streams of the upper Ruhr.

7. incautum. This passive sense is
found in poets ; also in Sallust (' incautos
agros invasit' H. Fr. inc. 46 D, 12 K,
3, 71 G;, and Livy ('quod neglexeris in-
cautum . . . habeas" 25. 38, 14 .

8. cetera, in contrast with ' delecta
longiore via.'

VOL. I

246

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

earn Germanis noctem ac sollemnibus epulis ludicram. Caecina 5
cum expeditis cohortibus praeire et obstantia silvarum amoliri
iubetur : legiones modico intervallo sequuntur. iuvit nox si- 6
deribus inlustris, ventumque ad vicos Marsorum et circumdatae

6 stationes stratis etiam turn per cubilia propterque mensas, nullo
metu, non antepositis vigiliis : adeo cuncta incuria disiecta erant 7
neque belli timor, ac ne pax quidem nisi languida et soluta inter
temulentos.

51. Caesar avidas legiones, quo latior populatio foret, quattuor

10 in cuneos dispertit ; quinquaginta milium spatium ferro flam-
misque pervastat. non sexus, non aetas miserationem attulit : 2
profana simul et sacra et celeberrimum illis gentibus templum

I. sollemnibus epulis ludicram, 'a
night of games at the iestival barKjuet.'
The great national game of the Germans
is described in G. 24, 1 'genus specta-
culorum unum atque in omni coetu idem.
Nudi iuvenes, qiubus id ludicrum est, inter
gladios se atque infcstas frameas saltu
iaciunt.'

4. Marsorum. This people appear in
these Books (cp. c. 56, 7 ; 2. 25, 2) as one
of the chief names in this part of Ger-
many, like the Cherusci and Chatti, and
are mentioned by Strabo (7. i, 3, p. 290)
as having retreated before the Romans
into the interior, but in the ' Germania'
appear only as an ' antiquum nomen '

(c.

Nipp. gives the probable

explanation, that the name is that of a
combination or aggregate of some such
tribes as those mentioned in G. 34, i, and
that it had become dissolved by the time
of Tnciuis.

circumdatae : probably, as Joh. M idler
suggests, ' vicis' should be supplied, and
' stratis ' should be taken as abl. abs.

6. antepositis, ' placed in front of
them'; so 'antepositis propugnaculis'
12. 56, 3.

disiecta, ' disorganized ' : cp. * disiec-
las per catervas' 2. 45, 3. For other
senses of the word cp. c 32, 7, &c.

7. ne pax quidem, &c., 'even their
peace was but the stujiified and reckless
ease of tlie drunken.' Dragcr notes the
application in Cicero of ' languidus ' to
such conceptions as ' senectus,' ' stadium,'
'voluptates' : 'inter temulentos' is re-
peated from li. 1. 26, 2 ; 80. 3 ; and this
prep, is often used thus concisely ^cp. H.
1. I, 2 ; 34, 2 ; 2. 92, 2 ; G. and G. Lex.
p. 667 a^, where an abl. abs, or such

a causal clause as ' cum temulenti essent,'
would be expected.

9. avidas. Tacitus appears to follow
Horace (Od. 3. 4, 58) in using this word,
without qualification, of eagerness for
battle.

10. cuneos. This formation would
appear suitable rather to battle than to
marching ; but the word is capable of
a more general meaning, equivalent to
'columns,' as in 16. 27, i ; also as used
in opposition to 'catervae' (H. 2. 42,4),
and to ' porrecto agmine' (H. 5. 16, i),
and by Cuitius (3. 2) of the Macedonian
phalanx. The four ' cunei ' answer, no
doubt, to the four legions. It is suggested
by Knoke that the area of fifty miles de-
vastated may have been thut of the four
valleys of the upper Ruhr and its three
chief tributaries.

11. non sexus, &c. We have similar
complacent descriptions of massacre in
c. 56, 3; 2. 21, 3, 25, 4; yet ' mansue-
tudo in hostcs ' is noted as a special
characteristic of Germanicus (2. 72, 3).
Orelli sujiposes that the duty of avenging
Varus would justify such extremities of
warfare in the mind of a Roman. It is
more probable that such acts towards
barbarians would not appear to require
justification ; though the soldiers are made
to express special indignation against
* perfidious peacebreakers ' (2. 13, \).

12. templum quod Tamfanae voca-
bant. As the Germans are stated to have
had no temples (G. 9, 3), it is thought
that here and in G. 40, 4 the word may
be used of a consecrated grove containing
the altar, like the ' lucus Baduhennae' in
4. 73, 7. The attributes of this deity are
unknown : the form ' Tanfanae ' is nearer

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 50, 51.

247

3 quod Tamfanae vocabant solo aequantur. sine vulncre milites,

4 qui semisomnos, incrmos aut palantis ceciderant. cxcivit ea
caedes Bructcros, Tubantes, Usipetes ; saltusquc per quos excr-
citui regressus insederc. quod gnarum duci incessitque itineri

5 et proelio. pars equitum et auxiliariac cohortes ducebant, mox 5
prima Icgio, ct mediis impedimentis sinistrum latus unetvicensi-
mani, dextrum quintani clausere, vicensima legio terga firmavit,

6 post ceteri sociorum. sed hostes, donee agmen per saltus por-
rigerctur, immoti, dein latera et frontem modice adsultantes,

I. lafanae: Tanfanae B.

to the name as found in a German line of
the ninth or tenth century (cited by Nipp/i
' Zanfana sentit morgane feiziu scaf clei-
niu ' .'Zanfana sendet moigen klcine
feiste Schafe ').

2. palantis, 'stragglers,' as in c. 30, 1.
It is meant that all the enemy were in
one or other of these three conditions ;
many possibly in more than one.

3. Bructeros. This tribe, divided in-
to ' maiores ' and 'minores,' appear to
have occupied a tract between the Lippe
and the upper part of the Ems, near the
modern Miiiister, and on both sides of
tlie former river (Strab. 7. i, 3, 291).
They had been reduced by Tiberius (Veil.
2. 105, i), but had risen against Varus,
one of whose eagles they had captured
(c. 60, 4). They take part in the rising
of Civilis ; II. 4. 21, 3 ; 61, 3, &c.) : the
statement of Tacitus, that they had been
annihilated by his own time, appears to
be incoirect (see (i. 33, i, and note .

Tubantes. These are mentioned
in 13. 55, 5; 56, 6; and, though not
noticed in the 'Cermania,' were l<nown
to Ptolemy, and much later (see Diet, of
Geog.). They appear to have moved
gradually from their original locality near
the Vssel in a south easterly direction
(see on 13. 55, 5', and to have lived at
Ptolemy's time south of the Kuhr.

Usipetes. These are elsewhere called
' Ubipi ' ve. g. 13. 55, ■; ; 56, 6), and
closely joined with the Tencteri (G. 32,
I, &c.). These two tribes fronted the
Rhine throughout a considerable part of
its course. 'I'he Usipi furnish a cohort to
the army of Britain in the time of Domi-
tian (Agr. 28, n, but are unknown after
the date of the ' Germania.'

4. gnarum : cp. c. 5, 4.
incessitque itineri et proelio, ' he

ordered his advance alike for march-
ing and fighting.' Such a disposition of
troops is similarly described in 13. 40,
2 ' viae pariter et pugnae composucrnt
exercitum ' ; in Livy (3. 27. 6 by ' noii
itineri magis apti quam praelio' ; and in
Curtius (3, 8) by ' itineri simul paratus
et praelio.' On the dative see note on
c. 23, 6. Here through use of an in-
transitive verb) the substantive on which
such dative usually more or less depends
(see Roby, 11 56 is absent. ' Incessit '
has the lorce of ' incessum inslituit,' as
' honori decucurrit ' (2. 7, 4) is equivalent
to ' honori decursum duxit,' and as ' sig-
num ' is supplied in the phrase ' receptui
canere.'

5. auxiliariae cohortes. As it is
plain from what follows that these did
not all march in front, the suggestion
of Xipp. is probable, that some numeral,
such as X, may have drcpped out after,
or become altered into ' et.'

ducebant ; absolutely, as rj-^ovixai is
often used. The arrangement, nearly the
same as in c. 64, 8, is one of the foims of
the ' quadratum agmen,' other dispositions
of which are given in Marquardt, Staatsv.
ii. p.423.

8. porrigeretur. This verb is here
used of extension of columns in file,
more usually of extension in line (as II. 5.
16, I ; .Agr.' 35, 4).

9 adsultantes. The accus. with this
verb, as also that with ' incurrere ' below,
are instances of the fondness of Tacitus
for such constructions with compound
verbs : see Introd. v. § i 2 c. ' Adsultare,'
not apjiarently found earlier than in PI.
Mai., and chiefly in Tacitus, is elsewhere
used by him with a dat. (as 2. 13, 4, &c. ,
or absol. (as 11. 31, 5, &c.).

248

p. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

tota vi novissimos incurrcre. turbabanturque densis Germa- 7
norum catervis leves cohortes, cum Caesar advectus ad vicensi-
manos voce magna hoc illud tempus oblitterandae seditionis
clamitabat : pergerent, properarent culpam in decus vertere.
5 exarsere animis unoque impetu perruptum hostem redigunt in 8
aperta caeduntque: simul prim! agminis copiae cvasere silvas
castraque communivere. quietum inde iter, fidensque recentibus 9
ac priorum oblitus miles in hibernis locatur.

52. Nuntiata ea Tiberium laetitia curaque adfccere: gaudebat'

]o oppressam seditionem, sed quod largiendis pecuniis et missione
festinata favorem militum quaesivisset, bellica quoque Germa-
nici gloria angebatur. rettulit tamen ad senatum de rebus 2
gestis multaque de virtute eius menioravit, magis in speciem
verbis adornata quam ut penitus sentire crederetur. paucioribus 3

15 Drusum et finem Illyrici motus laudavit, sed intentior et fida
oratione. cunctaque quae Germanicus indulserat, servavit etiam
apud Pannonicos exercitus.

I. incurrere, used with simple ace,
here and in 2. 17, i, after Sail. H. inc.
64 D, 30 K, 13 G.

3. illud tempus, 'the opportunity
they had desired ' (c. 49, 5).

6. evasere, often transitive in Tacitus
(3. 14, 5 ; 5. 10, 4, &c.), also in Livy, but
mostly in poets.

7. recentibus. Gerber and Greef note
several certain datives with ' fido ' in
Tacitus, and no ceitain instance of abl.

I I, festinata. This passive (as 6. 40,
I, &c.), like the transitive active (c. 6, 4),
is y)oetical, but already used in prose by
.Sallust.

quaesivisset, ' had courted'; in sub-
juiict., as jiart of the thought of Tiberius,
who is taken by some to be the subject ol
the verb, and supposed to view himself as
coniproiiiised by what was done in his
name {c. 36, 4). liut 'Germanicus' can
be su]iplied from the following words, as
is the object of ' raperet ' in 2. 551 3 ; and
the change, from a dependent clause to a
simple case, would resemble that noted
on c. 35, 2.

bellica quoque . . . gloria, &c. Prob-
ably, as c. ^^, I would show, the insig-
nificant canij)aign ju^t concluded had
been greatly overrated at Rome through
the popularity of Germanicus. Other-
wise, it seems incredible that it could
have excited jealousy, or dread of his

increased importance. The feelings of
Tiberius seem to be imagined from the
conception of his character.

12. rettulit ... ad senatum. Dio
(57. 6, 2) states that he also sent compli-
mentary letters to Germanicus himself
and to Agrippina. The practice of laying
before the senate even matters not strictly
within their proper business is character-
istic of Tiberius, and appears in 2. 43. 1 ;
63. 3; 88, I ; 3. 47, I ; 4. 15, 3; .and
several other cases are referred to in Suet.
Tib. 30: see Introd. vi. pp. 93,95.

1 3. magis in speciem, &c., * with a
verbiage too ostentatious to win credit
for sincerity.' For 'in speciem' cp. 2.
6, 3 ; and for other such uses of ' in ' see
Introd. v. § 60 b.

15. intentior, ' more in earnest': cp.
3. 35, 2; 13. 3, I ; 15. 62, 2, &c.

fida. The application of this word
to inanimate things, though common in
poets and post- Augustan prose writers,
seems confined to them.

16. indulserat, ' had conceded ' : cp. 2.
38, 3 ; II. 20, 3, &c. The passive is
found ill Liv. 40. 15, 16; otherwise this
use appears only in the silver age.

I 7. exercitus. This plural might be
understood here of the separate armies of
Pannonia and Delmatia (cp. 4. 5, 4),
both loosely styled ' Pannonici.' But
nothing has been said about the Delma-

A.D. 14.]

LIBER I. CAP. 51-53.

249

53. Eodcm anno lulia supremiiin diem obiit, ob impudicitiam
olim a patre Au^usto Pandateria insula, mox oppido Reginorum,

2 qui Siculum fretum accolunt, clausa. fuerat in matrimonio Ti-
berii florcntibus Gaio et Lucio Caesaribus sprevcratque ut in-
parem ; nee alia tarn intima Tiberio causa cur Rhodum absce- 5

3 deret. imperium adeptus extorrem, infamem et post interfectum
Postumum Agrippam omnis spei egenam inopia ac tabe longa

4 peremit, obscuram fore necem longinquitate exilii ratus. par
causa saevitiae in Sempronium Gracchum, qui familia nobili,
sollers ingenio et prave facundus, eandem luliam in matrimonio 10

5 Marci Agrippae temeraverat. nee is libidini finis : traditam

tian army, and 'exercitus' appears to be
often etjuivalent to ' Ictnones,' e. g. 3. 12,
6 ; 4. 47, 1 ; H. 3. 15,' i, &c.

1. lulia, the only child of Augustus.
On her marriages see Litrod. ix. note 5.
All authorities are agreed upon her vices :
see 3. 24, 2 ; Veil. 2. 100, 3; Sen. de
Ikn. 6. 32, I ; Suet. Aug. 65 , Dio, 55.
10, 12. Some of her sayings and personal
traits have been preserved by Macrobius
^Sat. 2. ^). She was fifty-three years old
at her death, and had lived fifteen years
ill exile, which at first was voluntarily
shared with her by her mother ;Dio, 1. 1.).

2. Pandateria, Vandotena, a little
north of the bay of Naples. It was after-
wards tile place of exile of Agrippina
(Suet. Tib. 53), and of Octavia (14. 63,
i). Julia was kept there five years, her
removal to Regium being a slight indul-
gence (Suet. Aug. 65).

Reginoruni. The orthography of the
MS. is confiimed by inscriptions (e.g.
Orell. 3508, 383S, &c.). Nipp. notes that
the clause ' qui . . . accolunt ' is added
to distinguish it from Regium Lepidi
(I'veggio), between I'aima and Modena.
Banishment often took the lorm of restric-
tion to a town : cp. 13. 47, 4.

3. fuerat in matrimonio, &c. On
her marriage to Tiberius, his retirement
to Rhodes, and the death of her sons, see
Introd. viii. pp. 133, 134.

4. inparem, ' beneath her ' ; so ' ma-
tcrnum genus inpar ' (H. 2. 50, i). Cp.
Sail. Jug. II, 3; Liv. 6.34, 9. In family,
Tibeiius was far above her former hus-
band, Agrippa, but had hardly as good
a position in the state ; and her sons, as
adopted into the house of the Caesars,
and heirs-designate of Augustus, Mould
rank above her husband.

5. tam intima, 'so real.* 'Tam' is
used to add force to a superlative by Cic,
as 'tam gravissimis iudiciis' (Phil. 12.

5, 1 1) and ' tam inaxime ' (de Am. 23).

7. egenam. Livy, in a poetical jias-
snge (9. 6, 4), adopts the Vergiiian ' om-
nium egeni' (Aen. i. 599); and Tacitus
uses this poetical word with genit. (as 4.
30, 2, SiQ..), or abl. (as 12. 46, 2 :

inopia ac tabe longa, ' by privation
and slow decay,' i.e. ' tabe per inopiam
facta.' Suetonius (Tib. 50) says that,
after the death of Augustus, Tiberius
aggravated her restrictions, and withdrew
her ' peculium ' and annual allowance.
Though she died within the year, her
privations may thus have lasted three or
four months. At the time of her exile
Tiberius is described as at least out-
wardly acting with generosity on her
behali^ (Suet. Tib. 11).

8. longinquitate, ' duration.' She had
been forgotten so long that none would
ask how she died. This sense is fully
supported cp. ' longinquitas morbi ' Cic.
Phil. 10. 8, 16 ; and Ritter's reference to

6. 14, 4 hardly proves that any place
within Italy could be called ' distant.'

9. Sempronium Gracchum. There
is evidence (Eckhel, v. 304; C. I. L. vi. 1,
I_:;i5') that his praenomen was 'Tiberius,'
and that he had been ' iii vir monetalis '
and ' quaest. design.' ; and Nipp. suggests
that he may be the same who is men-
tioned as a tragedian by Ovid (ex P. 4.
16, 31', and of whom three or four lines
and some titles are preserved by Priscian
and others (l\ii)l)eck, p. 196).

10. prave facundus, ' of unscrupulous
eloquence ' : cp. ' pudens prave ' ;_' with
false modesty ') Hor. A. P. S8.

1 1 . temeraverat. This poetical word

250

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 767.

Tiberio pervicax adulter contumacia et odiis in maritum ac-
cendebat ; litteraeque quas lulia patri Augusto cum insectatione
Tiberii scripsit a Graccho compositae credebantur igitur amotus 6
Cercinam, Africi maris insulam, quattuordecim annis exilium
r toleravit. tunc milites ad caedem missi invenere in prominenti 7
litoris, nihil laetum opperientem. quorum adventu breve tempus 8
petivit. ut suprema mandata uxori Alliariae per litteras daret,
cervicemque percussoribus obtulit, constantia mortis haud in-
dignus Sempronio nomine : vita degeneraverat. quidam non 9
10 Roma eos milites, sed ab L. Asprenate pro consule Africae
missos tradidere auctore Tiberio, qui famam caedis posse in
Asprenatem yerti frustra speraverat.

54. Idem annus novas caerimonias accepit addito sodalium
Augustalium sacerdotio, ut quondam Titus Tatius retinendis

is also brought into prose by Livy (26.
i.^; 13, &c.) : it is generally figurative in
Tacitus, as c. 30, 3, &c.

I. contumacia et odiis, 'through
defiance and antipathy,' i.e. by rousing
these feelings in her. Xipp. compares
' ira magis quam metu . . . accenderant '

(15-4. 4;-

3. scripsit. This is a mere aorist,
denoting a past event, as ' inposuit ' (6.
31, 2), ' patefecit ' (11. 9, 4), &c., whereas
' credebantur ' expresses the belief at the
time when the letters were written.

4. Cercinam, the ' Karkenah ' or
' Kerkena ' islands, in the Les>er Syrtis.

quattuordecim annis. On this ab-
lative see Introd. v. § 26. As this
computation would make his exile date
from a year later than that of Julia, Nipp.
suggests that he was the person whose
punishment was deferred till the expira-
tion of his tribuneship (.Dio, 55. 10, 15).

8. constantia mortis: cp. 'con-
stantia cxitus ' 15. 49, 2 ; 63, 4.

9. vita, best taken as a modal abl.,
similar to ' constantia.' Mr. Frost takes
it as the subject of the verb.

10. L. Asprenate. L. Nonius As-
prenas was cos. suff. in 759, A.D. 6
(Henzen 7130). An African inscription
in duplicate [C. I. L. viii. 10018, 10023)
records the making of a road by the
Leg. iii. Augusta in his proconsulate, and
the words 'Imp. Caes , Augusti f., Au-
gustus, tri. pot. xvi,' give a date exactly
agreeing with this year, the inscription
being apparently written so soon after

the death of Augustus that the writer
was uninformed of his deification, or of
the refusal of the praenomen ' Imp.' by
Tiberius. Another inscription (C. I. L.
vi. 1371) gives the names of his wife
Calpurnia, daughter of L. Piso, and of
three sons. Probably a grandson is
mentioned in H. 2. 9, i. Other family
particulars are given by Nipp. He
takes part in a debate in 3. 18, 5, and is
perhaps the orator, whose fame had died
with him, mentioned in M. Seneca
Controv. 10, praef. 2 ; probably also the
nephew of Varus honourably mentioned
in Veil. 2. 120.

12. speraverat. This expresses the
opinion of Tacitus, whereas 'speraverit,'
the conjecture of Freinsh. and Frn., would
express that of his authorities.

13. annus . . . accepit. On such per-
sonifications see Introd. v. § 75.

sodalium Augustalium. These are
mentioned in 3. 64, 3 ; H. 2. 95. 3 ; Suet.
CI. 6 ; Galb. 8 ; and in numerous in-
scriptions (see Henzen 6045 ; Index,
p. 46, Sic). They ranked with the great
priestly colleges, and rose to the number
of twt-nty-eight members : when, after
the deification of Claudius, his cultus
devolved on them, they are sometimes
styled ' sodales Augustales Claudiales.'
Afterwards their institution served as a
precedent for the creation of ' sodales
Flaviales,' ' Hadrianales,' &c. See Mar-
quardt, iii. 469, foil., and a treatise by
H. Dessau in Fph. Fpig. iii. 205 2 29.

A.I>. 14.]

LIBER 1. CAP. 53, 54.

2SI

2 Sabinorum sacris sodales Titios instituerat. sorte ducti e pri-
moribus civitatis unus et viginti : Tiberius Drususque et Clau-

3 dius et Germanicus adiciuntur. ludos Augustales tunc primum
coeptos turbavit discordia ex certamine histrionum. indulserat
ci ludicro Augustus, dum Maecenati obtemperat effuso in amo- 5
rem Bath)'lli ; ncque ipse abhorrcbat talibus studiis, et civile

4 rebatur misceri voluptatibus vulgi. alia Tiberio morum via :
scd populum per tot annos moUiter habitum nondum audebat
ad duriora vertere.

1 . tatios : Titios Vertran.

I. sodales Titios. This old religious
brotherhood is mentioned by Lucan
(I, 602 , Suetonius (Galb. 8 , and in
many inscriptions, e.g. Orell. 746, 890,
2364, 2365, 2366, &c. T.acilus else-
where [H. 2. g^, 3) ascribes the founda-
tion to Romulus in honour of Tatius ;
which is more likely to have been the
received form of the legend, inasmuch
as Tatius, who (see Liv. i. 10-14") is
really known only as the cponymus of
this priesthood and of the old century
or tribe of the Titienses, was certainly
honoured by sacritices ,Dion. Hal. 2. 52),
and may be a god ' Euhemeiized' into a
man. See Seeley, Hist. Exam, of Livy,
li. 1. pp. 37, 73, &c. Nothing is known
of the functions of this priesthood ■ but
\ arro (,L.-L. 5, 8_:;\ in connecting their
name \\ ith ' aves Titii,' appears to asso-
ciate them with augury. Tacitus here
sujiposes them to have kept up the
Sabine religion. See Marquardt, iii.
446.

sorte ducti, &c. In Suet. Galb. 8,
we tind evidence of subsequent elections
by cooptation, but the general mode of
election is not known. On ' primores
civitatis ' sec note on c. 24, i.

3. adiciuntvir ; i e. as supernumerary
or honorary members. Such were often
added by senatorial election (see on 3.
19, I). The addition of Claudius is
remarkable, as he was not included in
the Julian family. On the distinct office
of ' H.inien Augusti ' see on c. 10, 5, 8.

tunc primum coeptos. On the ap-
parent earlier existence of these games
see on c. ip, 3.

4. discordia, probably ' turbulence ' :
op. 'disoors' c. 38, i, &c. Dio (56. 47,
2) states that one of the actors stiuck
for higher pay, and that the people sup-
ported him so warmly that the tribunes
were forced on the same day to convene
the senate to authorize the increase.

histrionum. This word (interchanged
with ' mimus ' in c. 73, 2, 4) is generally
applied by Tacitus e.g. c. 77, 2, >ic.)
and writers of his age (e.g. Juv. 7, 90)
to the upxrjoTai, who, from the time of
Augustus (see Suct. Aug. 45, &c.) are
called ' pantomimi.' The art of repre-
senting characters by dumb-show de-
scribed as ' saltare Agamemnona,' ' Ocdi-
pum,' ' Ledam,' &c.), though in some
form as old as the earliest Italian drama
(see 4. 14, 4; Liv. 7. 2), received such
development at that time from Bathyllus,
Pylades, and Hylas, that they have been
called its inventors Zosimus 1.6). Some
description of it may be seen in Macrob.
2, 7 ; Lucian de Salt. c. 67, &c.

indulserat. -Suetonius ^Aug. 45^ de-
scribes his interest in all public amuse-
ments, but adds that his indulgence to
the ' histriones ' was not untempered by
severity ; for Hylas and another were
scourged, and Pyladcs temporarily ban-
ished (see Dio, 54. 17, 4 by his order.

5. dum. See note on c. 23, 6.

6. Bathylli ; he was a fieedman and
client of Maecenas, and the chief rival of
I'ylades. See Dio, 54. 17, 4.

abhorrebat talibus studiis. In
Tacitus (14. 2r , 2 ; H. 4. 55, 3 ; 5. 24, 1)
the case is doubtful ; a simple abl. would
correspond to Ov. Met. 3. 145 (' meta
distabat utraque '\ a dat. would follow
hi v. 2. 14, I (' profectioni abhorrens').
With such verbs both usages are poetical,
the former especially see Zumpt 468)!

7. morum via, ' his character took
a different course.' Cp. the use of ' via'
alone, 4. 7, i. Tiberius is described as
' tristissimus hominum ' ; see Introd. viii.

137-

8. habitum, ' held in hand,' ' governed :
cp. ' Hispaniae . . . hal)ebantur' 4. 5, 2 ;
' corruptius habiti liberti ) ' H. i. 22, 1.

nondum audebat. Dio states (57.
II, 5) that he was constantly present at

252

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 768.

55. Druso Caesare C. Norbano consulibus decernitur Ger-
manico triumphus manente hello ; quod quamquam in aestatem
summa ope parabat, initio veris et repentino in Chattos excursu
praecepit. nam spes incesserat dissidere hostem in Arminium 2
5 ac Segestem, insignem utrumque perfidia in nos aut fide. Ar- 3

the regular entertainments during the
earlier years of his rule. Occasional
treats, as gladiatorial shows, became
very rare under him : see 4. 62, 3.

ad duriora, 'to sterner courses';
' duris iudicibus ' is used in a good sense
(,'5- 55' 5)- Cp. 'dura virtus' G. 31, 5.

1. Druso Caesare C. Norbano.
' Haccus,' the cognomen of the latter, is
given in hiuet. Vit. 3, and in Fast. Ant.
(,C. I. L. X. 6639, Henzen 6442), which
also give M. Silanus (see on 3. 24, 5) as
COS. suff. Flaccus had been praetor in 764,
A.I). II (sceNipp. and Henzen, Act. Arv.
Index, p. 192).

2. triumphus, celebrated two years
later (2. 41, 2). See on c. 52, i, Append,
ii. to Book ii. On the reservation of the
full honours of a triumph, or of an
ovation (3. 11, i^, for the imperial family,
see note on c. 72, I.

manente hello. This was irregular,
though not without precedent. At the
time of the actual celebration of this
triumph, the war was held to be virtually
conchided : see 2. 41, 3.

3. initio veris et repentino. .. ex-
cursu. Nipp. has collected many in-
stances of the somewhat unusual, and
especially Tacitean, insertion of a con
junction in such sentences. It is intended
here to indicate two distinct contrasts,
that of ' in aestatem ' to ' initio veris,'
and that of ' summa ope ' to ' repentino
excursu.'

Chattos. On this tribe, the most power-
ful of western Germany, see G. 30-31,
and notes, Momms. Hist. v. 135, foil., E. T.
i. 149, foil. Though always hostile to
the Cherusci (see 12. 28, 2, &c.), they
are also constant enemies of Rome, and
are mentioned down to the fourth cen-
tury. Their district formed part of the
widespread ' Hercynius saltus ' (G. 30, 1),
and their name is considered to survive
in the modern Ilessen, which, with jiart
of Nassau, represents their locality at this
time.

4. praecepit, ' anticipated ' ; cp. 2.
35, 3, and 'tempore praecepto ' Liv. i.
7, I, &c.

nam, apparently explanatory of ' quam-
quam . . . parabat ' ; the dissension opened

an opportunity for a vigorous attack on
the Cherusci. The weakness of central
authority among German tribes may be
noted here. Arminius is no doubt the
'dux' (G. 7, i), but his opponent Se-
gestes would be ])olitically his equal, if
equally pojnilar (c. 57, i). Inguiomerus
has a position of his own, changes from
the Roman to the national side (c. 5o, i),
divides the generalship (c. 68, i), and
afterwards goes over to Maroboduus
(2. 45, 2), and the ' comitatus ' of eacli of
these chiefs follows their leader, not the
nation (c. 57,4 ; 2. 45, 2) : see E. Heyck,
Neue Heidelb. Jahrb 1895, p. 133.

dissidere . . . in, " were forming factions
of.' This new construction is explained
by Nipp. as analogous to the personal
acjus. with ' in ' alter verbs of distribu-
tion, as 'distribuo' (2. 8, i ; Cic. Clu.
27, 74), 'divido' (2. 67, 4; Liv. 40. 59,
2), 'partior' (\{. 3. 58, 3; Verg. Acn.
I, 194), Sic. The present is used, as it
is hoped that this had already begun : cp.

2- 34. I-

Arminium. This jirince, here first
mentioned by Tacitus, is in Strabo 'Ap-
fxivios, both forms being equivalents of
' Hermann.' His character and career
are summed up in 2. 88. It is to be
gathered that he was of the royal race
of the Cherusci, son of Segimerus, and
nephew of Inguiomerus, that he had a
brother Havus, who married a princess
of the Chatti, and had a son Italicus.
Cp. c. 60, I ; 2. 9, 2 ; 88; 1 1. 16 ; 17 :
Veil. 2. 118, 2. On his wife and son
see c. 57 ; 58. Velleius states (1. 1.) that he
had gained Roman citizenship and even
equestrian rank by military service (cp. 2.
lO) 3); whence it is inferred that he
must have borne, though he had no
doubt renounced, a full Roman name,
probably including the * gentile nomen '
of ' lulius ' (cp. 3. 40, i). See Hiibner
(Hermes x. 393-407).

5. Segestem : his son Segimundus is
mentioned (c. 57, 2}, as .also (,c. 71, 1) a
brother Segimerus and his son.

perfidia . . . aut fide, ' the one for
treachery, the other for fidelity.' On this
use of ' aut ' cp. ' pro . . . decore aut . . .
libertate' (2. 46, 3) ; ' cultus . . .utrisque

A.D. 15.]

LIBER I. CAP. 55, 56.

253

minius turbator Gcrmaniac, Segestes parari rebellionem saepe
alias et supremo convivio, post quod in arma itum, aperuit
suasitque Varo ut se et Arminium et ceteros proccrcs vinciret :
nihil ausuram plebcm principibus aniotis, atque ipsi tempus

4 fore, quo crimina et innoxios discerneret. sed Varus fato et 5
vi Armini cecidit : Segestes quamquam consensu gentis in
bellum tractus discors manebat, auctis privatim odiis, quod
Arminius filiam eius alii pactam rapuerat, gener invisus inimici

5 soceri ; quaeque apud Concordes vincuia caritatis, incitamenta
irarum apud infensos erant. "

56. Igitur Germanicus quattuor legiones, quinque auxiliarium
milia et tumultuarias catervas Germanorum cis Rhenum co-
lentium Caecinae tradit ; totidem legiones, duplicem sociorum
numerum ipse ducit, positoque castello super vestigia paterni

6. armeni : so spelt in 2. 88, 3; 11. 16, 2, 7. 8. inimicus socer Pichena.

Pianam aut ApoUinem venerandi ' (3.
63, 6) ; and Nipp. on 2. 30.

I. parari rebellionem . . . aperuit.

His conduct is stated below as repre-
sented by himself (c. 58), and is men-
tioned by Velleius (2. 118, 4); but he
does not appear in the narrative of Die
(56. 18, &c.;. Germans used to discuss
important matters over their feasts (G.
22, 3 ; H. 4. 14,3) ; but on this occasion
the chiefs appear to have been guests of
Varus (c. 58, 4V

4. principibus, here apparently equi-
valent to ' proceres,' but usually denoting
German magistrates rather than nobles :
see Introd. to Germania, p. 21.

5. crimina et innoxios. This inter-
change of persons nnd things, similar to
' insontibus . . . , manifestis tlagitiis ' (11.
26, 2), and one of many variations noted
by Drager (§ 233\ is made more natural
by the trequent use in Tacitus of abstract
for concrete (^Introd. v. § i).

fato. On the conception of fate in
Tacitus see Introd. iv. p. 29. The blind-
ness of Varus is similarly explained by
Velleius (2. iiS, 4\

8. filiam. See c. 57, 5.

inimici soceri. These words are
taken by Halm as in tlie nominative
plural, on the supposition that the lather
of Arminius is the Seginierus mentioned
by Dio (5,6. 19, 2) as sharing in the le-
bellion, and that he and Segestes were
therefore enemies. JJut .Segimerus, who
was probably now dead (_i>ee 2. 10, i),

seems not here thought of; so that it is
better to take the words as genit. sing.,
and explain them by supposing that
'invisus' and 'inimici' are to be dis-
tinguished ; the meaning being that Ar-
minius, already at enmity with Segestes
on public grounds, was additionally
hateful to him from the way in which
he became his son-in-law. This would
be expanded in the next sentence (' quae-
que . . . erant'), where ' apud infensos'
answers to ' inimici,' and ' incitamenta
irarum ' to ' invisus. Nipp. had formerly
read ' inimicus soceri ' from the analogy
of ' invisus avunculo infensusque' (H. 4.
70, 3), and from the likelihood of a loss
here of the terminal ' s.'

1 1 . Igitur : this takes up the narrative
from ' praecepit' ic. 55, i).

12. tumultuarias : so in 15. 3, 3 ; H.
.(. 20, 2 ; 66, I ; and often in Livy, for
troops levied on an emergency. Such
are also called ' subitus miles ' (H. 4.
76, 2), and 'subitarii' (Liv. 3. 4, 11).

13. Caecinae. The service for which
he was detached is shown below, where
the mention of the Marsi suggests that
his advance was in the same dtrection as
that of last year (c. 50, 51).

totidem legiones. The four legions
of the Upper army fcp. c. 37, 4) are
under the special command of Germa-
nicus in this campaign ; hence their
legalus, Silius, is unnientioned. See
c. 72, I.

14. paterni praesidii. Taunus ^^cp. 12.

254

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 76S.

praesidii in monte Tauno expeditum exercitum in Chattos rapit,
L. Apronio ad munitiones viarum et fluminum relicto. nam 2
(rarum illi caelo) siccitate et amnibus modicis inoffensum iter
properaverat, imbresque et fluminum auctus regredienti metue-
5 bantur. sed Chattis adeo inprovisus advenit, ut quod imbe- 3
cillum aetate ac sexu statim captum aut trucidatum sit. iu- 4
ventus flumen Adranam nando tramiserat, Romanesque pontem
coeptantis arcebant. dein tormentis sagittisquc puisi, temptatis 5
frustra condicionibus pacis, cum quidam ad Gcrmanicum per-
10 fugissent, reliqui omissis pagis vicisque in silvas disperguntur.
Caesar incenso Mattio (id genti caput) aperta populatus vertit 6
ad Rhenum, non auso hoste terga abeuntium lacessere, quod
illi moris, quotiens astu magis quam per formidinem cessit.
fuerat animus Cheruscis iuvare Chattos, sed exterruit Caecina 7

4. metuebatur : text L.

28, I ; Mela 3. 3, 30) is the high tract,
now again known by the name, extend-
ing, nearly parallel with the Main, from
the Rhine to the Nidda between Wies-
baden and Homburg. The fort might
be thnt described in Dio (54. 33, 4), as
built by Drusus nap ovtw tcv 'Ptjvoj.

I. rapit = ' raptim ducit ' : =0 4. 25, 2,
&c. ; Liv. 3. 23. 3 ; taken apparently from
Vergil (Aen. 7, 725 ; 10, 178 ; 308).

?. L. Apronio. This legatus, who
received ' triumphalia' this year (c. 72,
1), appears from the Fasti (C. I. L. i.
p. 548) to have been cos. suff. in 761,
A.D. 8. He is generally identified with
the Apronius who had served in Delmatia
(Veil. 2. 116, 2), and with the proconsul
of Africa in 773, A.D. 20 (3. 21, i) ;
probably also with the legatus in Lower
Germany of 781, a.d. 28 (4. 73, i ; 6.

30, 3)-

3. rarum : cp. the similar parenthesis,
c. 39. 7. For the climate see G. 5, i.

inoffensum, 'uninterrupted,' poetical,
and in prose from L. Seneca : the tran-
sitive 'properare,' found in Sallust, is
also chiefly poetical : see Nipp. on

13- 17-

4. metuebantur. This correction
seems required, as ' auctus ' is probably
plural, as well as ' imbres.'

7. Adranam, the Eder, which takes
a north-easterly course, and. a little above
Cassel, joins the Fulda, itself a tributary
of the Weser.

10. pagis vicisque. Roman writers

7. tramiserit : text Acid.

probably learnt from Caesar to apply these
familiar terms to definite local subdivi-
sions of Gauls and Germans. Among the
latter (cf. G. 12, 3, &c.\ they probably
more or le^s corresponded with the later
' Gau ' and ' Dorf,' and thus with the
English 'shire' (or perliaps 'hundred')
and ' township.' See Introd. to Ger-
mania, pp. 22-23.

II. Mattio. This place must be north
of the Eder, and has been identified with
various localities, one of which, Maden,
near Gudensburg, appears to preserve the
name. The Mattiaci, mentioned later as
under Roman rule (11. 20, 4 ; G. 29, 3,.
where see note), lived in Nassau ; their hot
springs (PI. N. H. 31. 2, 17, 20) being
those of Wiesbaden, and their chief town
'Mattiacum' (Ptol. 2. 11, 29) probably
Marburg on the Lahn.

13. quotiens astu, &c. : see 2. 14, 5,
and note.

14. Cheruscis. This great tribe, known
by name to Caesar (B. G. 6. 10, 5), was
at the head of the German resistance from
the rising agninst Varus to the death of
Arminius, but in the time of Tncitus they
had been overpowered by the Chatti, and
are spoken of as peace-loving and indolent
(G. 36). The name survives in the fourth
century (Claud. Bell. Get. 420). Their
country was north-east of that of the
Chatti, and between the Weser and the
Elbe, in portions of Hanover, ]5nmswick,
&c. ; with a confederation embracing many
of the western tribes.

A.D. 15.]

LIBER I. CAP. 56, 57.

255

hue illuc ferens arma ; et Marsos congredi ausos prospero
proelio cohibuit.

57. Neque multo post legati a Scgestc veneruiit auxillutn
orantcs advcrsus vim popularium, a quis circumsedcbatur, va-
lidiore apud cos Arminio. quoniam helium suadehat : nam har- 5
haris, quanto quis audacia promptus, tanto magis fidus rehusque

2 motis potior hahctur. addiderat Segestes legatis filium, nomine
Segimundum : sed iuvenis conscientia cunctabatur. quippe anno
quo Germaniae descivere sacerdos apud aram Uhiorum creatus

3 ruperat vittas, profugus ad rehelles. adductus tamen in spem 'o
clementiae Romanae pertuHt patris mandata benigneque ex-

4 ceptus cum praesidio GalHcam in ripam missus est. Germanico
pretium fuit convertere agmen, pugnatumque in ohsidentis, et
ercptus Segestes magna cum propinquorum et cHentium manu.

5 inerant feminae nobiles, inter quas uxor Arminii eademque filia 15
Segestis, mariti magis quam parentis animo, neque evicta in

5. quo (quoniam) : quando B : cp. c. 59, 7.
16. uicta (so Miill., Ritt., Nipp.) : text Spengel.

6. rebus commotis : text L.

6. quanto: cp. 'quanto inopina' c. 68,
5. On the abbreviation of comparative
sentences in Tacitus see Tntrod. v. § 64.

audacia promptus: so in 14. 40, 3;
cp. the similar ablatives ' animo,' ' ser-
mone promptus' (14. 58, 2 ; H. 2. 86, 3).
The dative is more usual, as in c. 2, i, &c.

rebusque motis. This correction is
generally followed (cp. 14. 61, 4); the
simple verb, as noted by Walther, being
chiefly used by Tacitus of political dis-
turbance (as 2. I, I ; 43, I, &c. .

8. conscientia: cp. c. 39, 3. The
abl., as also ' memoria' below, is causal :
see Introd. v. § 30.

9. Germaniae. This plural, analogous
to 'GalLiae,' &c., is used of the parts which
were or had been subject to Rome (2. 73,
3; 3. 46, 2 ; II. 19, 7; Agr. 15, 4), as
distinct from ' Germania,' the general name
of the country: Marquardt, i. 272, n. 4.

aram Ubiorum: cp. c. 39, i. The
selection of a Cheruscan, not a Ubian, as
priest, w.ould show that this altar, probably
dedicated to Augustus and Roma, or per-
haps to Augustus and Julius 'see on c. 59,
6) was intended to be a centre of this
worship, and of Roman government gene-
rally, for all the then subject part of
Germany, as was Lugdunum for Gaul,
and Camulodunum afterwards ^see 14.

31, 6) for Britain. Scgimundus was pro-
bably chosen as being, through his father
(cp. c. 58, 2), a Roman citizen.

11. benigne exceptus. He was evi-
dently yet treated as a prisoner, and,
according to Strabo (7. i, 4, p. 291),
was exhibited as such in the triumph.

12. Gallicaiu. Nipp. compares 'in
Gallias traiecti ' (12. 39, 4), as showing
that, though now peopled by Germans,
this side of the Rhine was still regarded
as Gallic soil.

13. pretium. This abbreviation of
' operae pretium' (2. 35, i ; H. 3. 8, 2)
appears to occur in Tacitus alone.

convertere. He was in retreat to the
Rhine (c. 56, 6), and wheels round to
some point in the enemy's countr)'.

14. clientium. On the ' comitatus'of
a German prince cp. G. 13-14. and notes.

15. uxor, &c. : cp. c 55, 4. Strabo
(\. 1.) gives her name as QovaviXha, wliich
Grimm takes to be intended for Thurs-
hilda, Thusshilda, or Thursinhilda.

16. mariti . . . animo. Nipp notes
a similar genit., depending on an abl. of
quality, in H. i. 8, 2 (' pacis artibus'),
and H. 5. 6, 5 ('specie maris').

evicta in lacrimas. For this emenda-
tion cp II. 37, 4; H. 2. 64, 4; for the
use of ' in,' Introd. v. § 60 b.

256 p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 768.

lacrimas neque voce supplex, compressis intra sinum manibus
gravidum uteruni intuens. fcrebantur et spolia Varianae cladis, 6
plerisque eorum qui turn in deditionem veniebant praedae data :
simul Segestes ipse, ingens visu et memoria bonae societatis

5 inpavidus.

58. Verba eius in hunc modum fuere : ' non hie mihi primus
erga populum Romanum fidei et constantiae dies, ex quo a 2
divo Augusto civitate donatus sum, amicos inimicosque ex vestris
utilitatibus delegi, neque odio patriae (quippe proditores etiam

10 iis quos anteponunt invisi sunt), verum quia Romanis Germanis-
que idem conducere et pacem quam bellum probabam. ergo 3
raptorem filiae meae, violatorem foederis vestri, Arminium apud
Varum, qui tum exercitui praesidebat, reum feci, dilatus seg- 4
nitia ducis, quia parum praesidii in legibus erat, ut me et Armi-

15 nium et conscios vinciret flagitavi : testis ilia nox, mihi utinam
potius novissima ! quae secuta sunt, defleri magis quam defendi 5
possunt : ceterum et inieci catenas Arminio et a factione eius
iniectas perpessus sum. atque ubi primum tui copia, Vetera novis 6
et quieta turbidis antehabeo, neque ob praemium,sed ut me per-

20 fidia exsolvam, simul genti Germanorum idoneus conciliator, si
paenitentiam quam perniciem maluerit. pro iuventa et errore 7
filii veniam precor : filiam necessitate hue adductam fateor.
tuum erit consultare, utrum praevaleat, quod ex Arminio concepit
an quod ex me genita est.' Caesar dementi responso liberis 8

25 propinquisque eius incolumitatem, ipsi sedem vetere in provincia

e
21. permiticm Med. i. constantly. 25. uetera : Vetera (c. 45, 1) Jac. Gron.

4. bonae societatis, 'alliance faith- 18. tui copia, 'access to yoii ' : so

fully kept,' like ' bona fides,' &c. 'eius copia' Plaut. Trin. 3. 2,45; Ter.

' 8. civitate donatus. On the bestowal Phoim. i. 2, 63; oftener with ' con-

of the ' civitas ' by the princeps see Introd. veniendi.'

vi. p. 87 ; Staatsr. ii. 891. 19. antehabeo, a new word (Introd. v.

ex, 'in accordance with'; analogous 69, 5), only here and 4. 11, 5.

to 'ex sentcnlia,' 'ex more,' &c. 21. paenitentiam quam. perniciem.

(I. conducere, sc. 'iudicabam,' sup- The alliteration here ('cp. c. 41, 4) adds

plied by zeugma from 'probabam.' (Jn to the antithesis: cp. 6. 8, 2 ; Ii. i-. 48, i,

the omission of 'magis' before 'quam' and other instances given by Nipp. This

cp. Introd. v. § 64. rhetorical fiji;ure is especially common in

12. raptorem . . . violatorem. These the Germania and Agricola. See Introd.

poetical words are suited to a rhetorical G. p. 10.

passage, the former being thus used in 23. praevaleat, s,c. 'apud te ' : cp. 12.

Veil. 2. 27, I ; the latter in.Liv. 4. 19, 3. 64, 6.

15. nox, that of the banquet, c. 5,=;, 3. 25. vetere in provincia. The expres-

16. quae secuta. This glances at his sion ' vetus provincia' distinguishes, in
share in hostilities, as 'consensu gentis in such cases as Africa (3. 74, j- and Sicily
bellum traclus' (c. 55, 4). (Liv. 24. 44, 2; 25. 3, 5), the original

A. D. 15.]

LIBER I. CAP. 57-59.

257

9 pollicetur. cxercitum reduxit nomenque imperatoris auctore
Tiberio accepit. Arminii uxor virilis sexus stirpem edidit : edii-
catus Ravennae puer quo mox ludibrio conflictatus sit, in tempore
memorabo.

59- Fama dediti benigneque except! Segestis vuJgata, ut qui- 5
busque bellum invitis aut cupientibus erat, spe vel dolore accipitur.

2 Arminium super insitam violentiam rapta uxor, subiectus servitio
uxoris uterus vaecordem agebant, volitabatque per Cheruscos,

3 arma in Segestem, arma in Caiesarem poscens. neque probris
temperabat: egregium patrem, magnum imperatorem, fortem 10

4 exercitum, quorum tot manus unam mulierculam avexerint. sibi
tres legiones, totidem legatos procubuisse ; non enim se prodi-
tione neque adversus feminas gravidas, sed palam adversus

portion from later acquisitions ; and the
' Gei man ' districts within the ' victa ripa '
(c. 59, 6) may possibly be thus designated,
if we suppose the country which had risen
against Varus to be still regarded as a
province in a state of revolt : which other
expressions (e. g. ' rebellio,' ' rebelles,' &c.)
appear to assume.

1. noraen imperatoris : see on c. 3, i.
The words ' auclore Tiberio' show that it
was conferred by means of a ' senatus
consultum,' as was also the ' pro'consulare
impeiium' (c. 14, 4): see Staatsr. ii.
p. 1156. Germanicus had this title twice
(Inscr. Orell. 655, 660, &c.), and this is
thought to be the second time; as a frag-
ment of an inscription seems to give him
the title during the life-time of Augustus
(see Mommsen, R. G. D. A. p. 18).

2. virilis sexus stirpem. His name
is given by Strabo (7. i, 4, p. 291) as
QovfitKiKos.

3. Ravennae. This was also the
place of exile of Maroboduus [2. 63, 5).
Such persons were no doubt held in
custody by the officers of the fleet there.

ludibrio. In the case of Vonones
(2. 4, 5\ this term is used of the mockery
of royal state kept up in captivity. The
allusion here is unknown, and may perhaps
be to some insult by Gaius.

conflictatus, 'harassed': op. 6. 51, 2.

in tempore, ' at the proper time ' :
cp. c. 19, 2. This mention must have
been made in some lost part of this work.
It would certainly appear, as Nipp. sug-
gests, from II. 16, I, that the son of
Arminius was not living at that date.

4. memorabo. Wolfflin notes vPhilol.
XXV. p. 97; that Tacitus, in referring to his

own writings, generally i:ses a pluial verl)
in the Histories (e.g. I. 10, 6; 64, 3; 2.
63, I ; 4. 3, 3, &c.), and a singular in the
Annals ^e. g. 2. 32, 4; 43, 1; 16. 14, i,
&c.) ; the change being part of the grow-
ing preference for unusual forms of ex-
pression, generally traceable in his style.

6. ibvitis.. .erat. On this Graecisni
cp. Introd. v. § 16. Nipp. notes that only
' volens ' is elsewhere so used, Agr. 18, ^ ;
H. 3. 43, 2 ; Sail. Jug. 84, 3 ; 100, 4 ; Liv.
21. 50, 10.

spe vel dolore, abl. of manner : cp.
Introd. V. § 28.

7. super, 'besides'; so in 3. 63, 3;
67, 2 ; 4. II, I, &c., and often in Livy.

rapta uxor, &c., 'the thought of his
wife's seizure, and enslavement of her
unborn child ' : cp. ' an excidit trucidatus
Coibulo' H. 2. 76, 6, &c.

9. probris, probably dat. : cp. 13.
3, 2.

10. egregium, &c. Tacitus seems here
to have in mind the passage of Verg.
Aen. 4. 93, &c.

1 1. sibi. On this dative see Introd. v.
§ 17 : cp. ' qui bus , . . legiones procu-
buciint' H. 4. 17, 6. On the three legions
see Introd. vii. p. 122.

12. totidem legatos. Varnswas him-
self the ' legatus Augusti,' but he is
separated from the legati in c. 61, 6, and
the context seems to show here that the
' legati legionum ' are meant. The fate
of a legatus named Numonius Vala is
mentioned in Veil. 2. 119, 5.

13. palam. His attack, though byway
of stratagem, is viewed as open war, com-
pared to the treason of Segestes.

2S8

p. CORN ELI 1 TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 768.

armatos bellum tractare. cerni adhuc Germanorum in lucis signa 5
Romana, quae dis patiiis suspenderit. coleret Segestes victam 6
ripam, redderet filio sacerdotium hominum : Germanos numquam
satis excusaturos, quod inter Albim et Rhenum virgas et secures
S et togam viderint. aliis gentibus ignorantia imperi Romani 7
inexperta esse supplicia, nescia tributa ; quae quoniam exuerint
inritusque discesserit ille inter numina dicatus Augustus, ille
delectus Tiberius, ne inperitum adulescentulum, ne seditiosum
cxercitum pavescerent. si patriam parentes antiqua mallent 8
10 quam dominos et colonias novas, Arminium potius gloriae ac
libertatis quam Segestem flagitiosae servitutis ducem seque-
rentur.

e

3. sacerdotium : hominum germanos. 4. exsecraturos AVurm. 6. quo

(cp. c. 57, i) : quando B.

1. bellum tractare : cp. 6. 44, 3 ; H.

4. 73, 4. A phrase formed on the analogy
of ' negotium tractare,' &c.

3. sacerdotium hominum. In the
MS. text the colon appears to be from the
same late hand as the ' e,' and inserted to
indicate that ' hominem ' is to he tnkcn
with tlie following words, and referred to
Segestes. But the s^nse thus given is not
good (see next note), and if we suppose
the priesthood to be to Augustus, or to
him and Juliu-; (see c. 57, 2), ' sacerdotium
hominum ' may well be a contemptuous
expression, like ' inter numina dicatus '
below, from a German who recognised no
such divinities. For other conjectures see
Baiter, Ritt. and Halm. That of ' hostium'
(Nipp from Halm, Ed. i ', and 'hoc unum'
(Beizenhtrger, retaining the colon of the
MS.', seem best.

Germanos numquam . . . excusa-
turos, &c. ' True Germans could never
make sufficient apology to themselves,
for that they have seen the fasces and the
toga between the Rhine and Elbe.' ' Ger-
manos' is no doubt in indignant contrast
to Segestes; but to read 'hominem,' or
supply '.Segestem' with 'excusaturos'
seems beside the mark. The sentence
'quod . . . viderint' describes the insignia,
not of Roman military invasion, but of
Roman rule, as they had seen it before the
defeat of V^arus ; and Segestes could hardly
be regarded as the cause of this. The
thought is that the Germans could never
forgive themselves for having allowed
Roman dominion to exist at all among
them, and would now be doubly culpable
to suffer its restoration.

5. aliis gentibus, &c. ; i. e. thos? who
knew it not might think it good for them ;
those who have felt it and cast it off,
should not now fear enemies less for-
midable than those whom they baffled.
' Ignorantia ' is a causal abl. : cp. c.
57. 2.

6. nescia. This is passively used in
16. 14, 3, and in Plautus : cp. ' gnarus,'
' ignarus' c. 5 4, &c.

7. dicatus. ' Dico ' appears to be
very rarely (as PL Pan. 11), ' dedico ' not
frequently, used of consecration or deifi-
cation of persons.

8. delectus. Nipp. appears rightly
to see in this an ironical allusion to him
as professedly the princeps of the state's
free choice (c. 7, 10). The explanation
'chosen for this war,' like 'Titus per-
domandae ludaeae delectus' (H. 5.
I, i), would have no special significance
here.

adulescentulum. The ageof Arminius
(see 2. 88, 4) was very nearly the same as
that of Germanicus, but he had had far
more experience in war.

10. colonias novas. The antithesis to
'antiqua' would show that 'novas' be-
longs to the general contrast, and does
not merely distinguish new colonies from
older ones ; hut a special contrast appears
to be drawn between dwelling in their
fatherland, and migrating to ' new settle-
ments,' such as those of many tribes,
and now of Segestes and his train, on
the ' victa ripa.' That the Romans, if
they conquered Germany, would plant
Roman colonies in it, is not here to the
point.

A.D. 15.]

LIBER I. CAP. 59, 60.

259

60. Conciti per haec non modo Cherusci sed conterminae
gentcs, tractusque in partis Inguiomerus Arminii patruus, vctere

2 apud Romanos auctoritate ; unde maior Caesari metus. et ne
bellum mole una ingrueret, Caecinam cum quadraginta cohortibus
Romanis distrahendo hosti per Bructeros ad flumen Amisiam 5

3 mittit, equitem Pedo praefectus finibus Frisiorum ducit. ipse
inpositas navibus quattuor legiones per lacus vexit ; simulque
pedes eques classis apud pracdictum amnem convenere. Chauci

4 cum auxilia pollicerentur, in commilitium adsciti sunt. Bructeros
sua urcntis cxpedita cum manu L. Stcrtinius missu Germanici 10
fudit ; interque caedem et praedam repperit undevicensiniae

5 legionis aquilam cum Varo amissam. ductum inde agmen ad

2. iieteri : text Wesenberg : cp. c. 4, 3 ; 7, 4, &c. 8. classes: text L.

1. sed, without 'etiam': for such ab-
breviations see c. 77, I ; 81, I ; Introd. v.
§ 64, and other forms given by Nipp.
here.

2. Inguiomerus, mentioned in this
and the next campnign (c. 68, i ; 2. 17. 8;
21, 2), and with Maroboduus (2. 45, 2).

4. quadraginta coh. Romanis. This
appears, as Nipp. notes, to be merely
a change of expression for four legions,
being those of the Lower army (c. 64, 8\

5. distrahendo hosti . . . mittit ; on
this dative see Introd. v. § 22, 6. It is
similarly joined to 'mitto' in 2. i, 2.

per Bructeros. Cp. c. 51, 4. His
route would be across the Lippe, and
through Westphalia.

6. Pedo; probably Pedo AlVnnovanus,
to whom Ovid addresses an epistle (ex P.
4. io\ and who wrote a poem on the
campaigns of Germanicus, of which M.
Seneca Suas. i, 15^ has preserved a frag-
ment. See Appendix i to Book ii.

finibus. C3n this peculiar local abla-
tive see c. 8. 4. and Introd. v. § 25 ; and
instances collected here by Nipp. It might
be possible to take ' finibus Frisiorum '
with ' praefectus,' and to suppose Pedo to
be such an officer as Olenniiis in 4. 72, 2 ;
but some indication of the route taken
seems here needed.

Frisiorum. This tribe, at present
subject to Rome see 4. 72, i ), is divided
by Tacitus (G. 34, i) into ' maiores ' and
' minores.' The Frisii occupied most of
the coast of Holland, where part of their
territory still retains the name of Fricsland.
They continued to be important after their
revolt from Rome, and formed part of the
English conquerors of Britain.

7. lacus. See 2. 8, i ; G. 34, i. One
of these is the lake Flevo of Mela 3.
2, 24. Since the great inundations of
the thirteenth century, these lakes have
become merged in the Zuider Zee. He
must have gone round by sea to the mouth
of the Kms.

8. praedictum. Nipp. takes this to
mean 'before-mentioned,' as in Liv. 10.
14, 7 ; and often in Velleius. In 2. 6, 4,
&c , it means ' appointed,' and may be so
taken here. Knoke suggests Kheine, others
some place lower down the Ems or at its
mouth, as the meeting-point.

Chauci. See c. 38, i.

9. in commilitium adsciti, repeated
from H. 3. 5, 2. ' Commilitium ' is found
first in Ovid and V'elleius.

10. L. Stertinius, mentioned often
during these campaigns, and always as
a leader of cavalry and light troops. Cp.
c. 71, \ ; 2. 8, 4; II, 4; 17, I ; 22, 3.

11. undevicensimae legionis- aqui-
lam. This passage identifies one of the
legions lost with Varus. See Introd. vii.
p. 122. Respecting the recover)' of other
eagles see on 2. 25, 2 ; 41, i.

12. ductum inde agmen, &c. The
' agmen ' seems clearly to be not the
advanced force of Stertinius, but the whole
army, on the route of which from the
mouth of the Ems we are left wholly in
the dark. The district between the Ems
and Lippe would geographically be that
between Miinster and Paderbom, where
alone they approach each other; and
Germanicus after his long circuit would
thus have got to a point which could
liave been reached in a few days by a
direct route from Vetera : see Appendix ii

2CO

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 768.

ultimos Bructerorum, quantumque Amisiam et Lupiam amnes
inter vastatum, baud procul Teutobur^icnsi saltu, in quo reliquiae
Vari legionumque insepultae dicebantur.

61. Igitur cupido Caesarem invadit solvendi suprema militibus
ducique, permoto ad miserationem omni qui aderat exercitu ob
propinquos,amicos,deniqueob casus bellorum etsortem hominum.
praemisso Caecina, ut occulta saltuum scrutaretur pontesque et 2
aggeres umido paludum et fallacibus campis inponeret, incedunt
maestos locos visuque ac memoria deformis. prima Vari castra 3

to I!ook ii. Diinzelmann ; ' Das Rbmische
Strnssennetz in Norddeutschland,' Jahrb.
f. Class. Philol. Supp. xx. pp. 96-ioy)
argues that the Lupia of Tacitus (cp 2.
7, 1 : H. 5. 22, 5) is not the Lippe but
the Hunte (falling into the Weser), noting
that the Aourics of Strab. 7, 1,3, 291, is
described as flowing northward like tlie
Aniisia and Visurgis. Such a su]iposit;ion,
if it reiUiced, would not remove the diffi-
culty of explaining the line of march here,
nnd is open to other objections. The Lupia
in Hist. 1. 1. must surely be a tributary of
the Rhine ; and Romans from the lime of
Mela (3. 3, 30) knew it to be such ; nor
cioes the Hunte suit well with Dio 54.
33^ I. It is best to suppose that the
Lippe is meant, but that Tacitus had not
a clear idea of its course, and that at
what point the ' ultimi Bructerorum ' are
to be placed, and what distance from the
' saltus Teutoburgiensis ' may here be
meant by ' haud procul' (see G. and G.
Lex.), are wholly insoluble questions.

2. inter. On the position of the prep,
cp. Introd. v. 77, 6.

Teutoburgiensi saltu. The name is
given only here, and the identification,
notwithstanding all the industry spent on
it.'is most uncertain. In K. Knoke's work
100 pages are given to the discussion of
other views and establishment of liis own ;
but the data furnished by our accounts of
the disaster ;see Veil. 2. 118; Dio 56.
20- 22"! are very slender. The summer
camp of Varus was probably near the
junction of the Werra and Weser, whence
he could no doubt have securely retreated
to Vetera, probably by way of Aliso fsee
a. 7, 5) : to make him take a more
circuitous route, a rising was concerted
in some other quarter ; in his route to or
from which he was surprised and sur-
rounded in a region of forest and marsh.
His line of march may thus have been
almost any other than the direct course

to Vetera, and the scene of the disaster
might be almost anywhere between the
middle Weser and the Ems. Of the
localities thought most probable, that of
Detmold and the Osning, or that between
Beckum and the Lippe, are generally
thought too near the Roman territory ;
but both have found recent advocacy, the
former district that of P. Hofer ('die
Varusschlacht,' Leipzig i88S\ the latter
that of Prof. Allen 'ExcursuB\ both of
whom consider that the whole narrative
points to a spot near to the Bructeri
(see here', and to Aliso (see 2. 7, 5, and
note). Mommsen, whose view is probably
the most generally accepted (see Hist,
v. 43, n. 1, K. T. i. 47, n. i, and otiier
writings 1, inclines to place it near Barenau,
north of Osnabriick, where a very large
number of Roman coins, dating not later
than B.C. I, have been found, which might
have sunk into the marshy ground and
escaped the captors. Knoke would place
the locality se)Uth of Osnabriick, in the
defile north-west of the pass of Iburg, on
a small stream called the Diite, a tributary
of the Hase ; Diinzelmann (see previous
note^i, east of the Diimmer-see, near
Diepholz.

7. occulta saltuum : on thisgenit. and
'umido paludum,' see Introd. v. § 32.

pontes et aggeres : these are coupled
again in 4. 73, 2. On the former see
note on c. 63, 6 ; the latter appear here,
and in 2. 7, ,s, to be roads roughly con-
structed b\- embankment.

8. incedunt. This verb has an accu-
sative of place only here and in 14. 15,
6; 22, 6.

9. maestos locos ; such an application
of ' mac stus ' is frecjuent in poetry. Tacitus
uses another such figure ( ' tacentes loci ') in
H. 3. 84, 6. The plural ' loci,' used
rather of distinct spots than of localities
(cp. 13. 36, i), is rare, but in Sail, and
Liv. as well as in poets.

A.I). 15]

LIBER I. CAP. 60, 61.

261

lato ambitu et dimeiisis principiis triiim legionum manus osteii-
tabant ; dein semiruto vallo, humili fossa acci.sac iam reliquiae
consedisse intellegebantur : medio cainpi albentia ossa, ut fuger-

4 ant, ut restiterant, disiecta vel aggerata. adiacebant fragmina
telorum equorumque artus, simul truncis arborum antefixa ora. 5

5 lucis propinquis barbarae arae, apud quas tribunos ac primorum

6 ordinum centuriones mactaverant. et cladis eius superstites.
pugnam aut vincula elapsi, referebant hie cecidissc legatos, illic
raptas aquilas ; primum ubi vulnus Varo adactum, ubi infelici
dextera et suo ictu mortem invcnerit ; quo tribunali contionatu.s ic

5. simul . . . ora after mactaverant Haase.

visu, ' the actual appearance,' as op-
posed to the associations ,'memoria' .

prima . . . castra. It is noticed that
the order of description follows that of
the retreat of Varus. This may have been
adopted for pictorial effect ; as the advance
of Germanicus was probably in the reverse
direction (except on Kiioke's supposition).
] )etails of the march and encampments of
Varus are given in Dio, 56. 20-22 ; but
some part of his narrative, occupying at
least a leaf of MS., is lost.

1. principiis, 'the headquarters,' or
central space, from the measurement of
which that of the whole camp v/as taken,
containing the ' praetorium,' ' auj^uralc,'
&c., and space to collect the troops for an
address (c. 67, i, &c.). This camp, besides
having a wide circuit (_' lato ambitu '), had
this space regularly marked out, on a scale
suitable to the whole force.

trium legionum manus ostenta-
bant, ' showing the work of three legions,'
i. e. of the undmiinished army.

2. semiruto, ' half-levelled ' : cp. 4.
25, I. The word is frequent in Livy, who
opposes it to ' integer' (,^6. 24, 6'. It is
implied that the first camp was still com-
paratively perfect, and that this second
must have _ been slenderly constructed.
Dio (56. 22, 2) speaks also of three <pv-
KaKTTjpia, not mentioned here.

accisas, ' diminished ' : cp. ' accisae
res' Liv. 6. 5, 2, &c.

3. consedisse intellegebantur. On
this infinitive cp. Introd. v. § 45.

medio campi, i.e. in the space be-
yond the second camp, where the final
carnage took place. Some take it of the
space between the two camps.

ut fugerant . . . aggerata, ' scat-
tered or heaped, according as the men

had fled or rallied ' : ' dispersi ' and ' ag-
gerati ' are thus opposed in 6. 19, 3.

4. fragmina. Tacitus prefers this
chiefly poetical word to the classical
' fragmentum ' : cp. Introd. v; § 6y.

5. simul. The idea of proximity is
su|)plied from ' adiacebant.'

era. Nipp. rightly maintains that this
can only mean the skulls of men ; though
the Germans are said (see OrelliJ to have
sometimes set up the heads of horses
offered in sacrifice.

6. barbarae, so called with special
allusion to the human sacrifices. To
some of their gods such were regularly
offered (G. 9, i) ; and sometimes vcp. 13.
57, 3" the whole conquered army, and
all belonging to it, was massacred in
discharge of a vow.

primorum ordinum : cp. c. 29, 2.

7. superstites : some were rescued by
the reserve force under Asprenas, others
subsequently ransomed. Dio, 56, 22, 4.

8. elapsi, with accus. in 4. 64, 3 ; H.
3. 59, 4. The usage is apparently pecu-
liar to Tacitus : cp. Introd. v. § 1 2 c.

legatos : see on c. 59, 4.

9. vulnus . . . adactum, from Verg.
Aen. 10, 850. Cp. ' vulnus adegit ' in 6.
35, 4, and • vulneia (for ' ictus') derigere '
(Verg. Aen. 10, 140, and H. 2. 35. 2).

infelici, i. e. that could only help him
in his despair.

10. invenerit. Nipp. gives other in-
stances 1,0. 76, 6 ; 6. 45, 6 ; H. 1, 34, 3)
where this tense stands, in ' oratio indi-
recta,' where tiiat of the principal verb
would naturally require a pluperfect.
Here it seems intended to assist the
liveliness ol the description by a nearer
approach to the words of the describers.

VOL. I

262

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 768.

Arminius, quot patibula captivis, quae scrobes, utque signis et
aquilis per superbiam inluseric.

62. Igitur Romanus qui aderat exercitus sextum post cladis
annum trium Icgionum ossa, nuUo nosccnte alienas reliquias an

:; suorum humo tegeret, omnes ut coniunctos, ut consanguineos,
aucta in hostem ira, maesti simul et infensi condebant. primum 2
extruendo tumulo caespitem Caesar posuit, gratissimo munere in
defunctos et praesentibus doloris socius. quod Tiberio baud 3
probatum, seu cuncta Germanici in deterius trahenti, sive exerci-

10 turn imagine caesorum insepultorumque tardatum ad proelia et
formidolosiorem hostium credebat ; neque imperatorem auguratu
et vetustissimis caerimoniis praeditum adtrectare feralia debuisse.

2. inluserint Heraeus. 3. Romanis (Andresen de codd. Med. p. 4) : omnis conj.

Andr.

I. patibula. This word appears usu-
ally to denote a kind of cross; as 4. 72,
5 ; H. 4. 3, 3 (cp. ' patibulo eminus adfi-
gebatur ' Sail. H. 4. 40 D, 48 K, 24 (i).
In 14. 33, 6, it is distinct from ' crux,' as
in a fragment of Plautus, ' patibidatus
ferar per urbem, deinde adfigar cruci,'
where it appears to be the same as the
' furca,' or yoke, in which the head and
hands were held as in a pillory.

scrobes. As they plainly did not
care to bury the dead, this apparently
refers to living burial. The Germans
(G. 12, i) used to bury cowards and in-
lamous profligates alive in morasses.

ut, ' how ' : see 3. 9, i, and note.

3. Igitur. This seems to take up
the relation of what was done, from that
of the inter.tion (c. 61, i).

qui aderat exercitus. The repeti-
tion of these words from c. 61 , i has been
treated by Em. as an interpolation, by
Nip|3. as a kind of lyrical aniistrophe, or
imitation of the repetitions of sentimental
jioetry. The contrast of the living witli
the dead, the victorious with the slaugh-
tered army, is evidently prominent in the
mind of the writer ; and it seems hardly
possible, where the composition is so
elaborate, to suppose such an oversight as
that of the repetition noted by Drager of
'ad cas res conficiendas' in two succes-
sive sentences of Caesar (B. G. i. 3, 2, 3).

sextura post cladis annum. The
use of such an expression for 'sexto anno
post cladem,' is noted as rare (Madv.
276, Obs. 6) ; but several instances from
writeis of this age are collected by
Nipp., e.g. 'post decimum mortis annum '

PI. Epp. 6. 10, 3 ; ' ante quintum mensem
divonii' Suet. CI. 27; see also H. 2.
70, 2.

9. trahenti, 'interpreting'; so used
with ' in ' or ' ad,' alter the example of
Sail, and Liv., of the judgement formed
on an action (as 4. 64, i, &c.). or the
motive assigned to it (as 3. 22, 6; H. 2.
20, I , &cr.) : cp. ' varie trahebant ' c. 76, 6.

1 1 formidolosiorem,' moretimorous'i
rarely so used, and (according to Dragerl
here only with genitive of the object, on
the analogy of ' pavidus,' &c.

auguratu . . . praeditum, ' invested
with the augurship, and its time-honoured
ritual.' ' Caerimoniae,' from denoting the
duties of a religious office, comes, in
Tacitus, almost to stand for the oftice
itself: cp. c. 54, i, and 'ad capessendas
caerimonias' 4. 16, 6. On the priest-
hoods held by Gernianicus see 2. 83, 2.

12. adtrectare feralia. Suetonius
(Cal. 3) represents him as collecting the
remains with his own hand, which is more
likely to have amounted to technical pol-
lution than what is here stated ; though
the line drawn is uncertain, and probably
varied in different priestly colleges. Gel-
lius (10, \~.) says of the tlamcn Dialis ;
' mortunm numquam attingit. Funus
tamen exsequi non est religio.' Tiberius,
then one of the pontiffs, is said by Dio
CS'J- .^'j 3) 'o have received a kind of in-
liemnity for touching the body ot Augus-
tus and escorting it ; and afterwards,
when ' pontifex maximus,' to have inter-
posed a veil when pronouncing the 'lau-
datio ' of his son, lest the sight of a coi pse
should pollute him (Sen. cons, ad Mar-

A.D. 15.]

LIBER I. CAP. 61-63.

263

63. Sed Germanicus cedentem in avia Arminium secutus, ubi
primum copia fuit, evehi cquites canipumque, qucm hostis inse-

2 derat, eripi iubet. Arminius colli<^i suos et propinqiiarc silvis
monitos vertit repente: mox signum prorumpendi dedit iis quos

3 per saltus occultavorat. tunc nova acie turbatus eques, missae- 5
que subsidiariae cohortes et fugientium agmine impulsae auxer-
ant consternationem ; trudebanturque in paludem gnaram vincen-
tibus. iniquam nesciis, ni Caesar productas legiones instruxisset :

4 inde hostibus terror, fiducia militi ; et manibus acquis abscessum.

5 mox reducto ad Amisiam exercitu legiones classe, ut advexerat, 10
reportat; pars equitum litore Oceani petere Rhenum iussa ;
Caecina, qui suum militcm ducebat, monitus, quamquam notis
itineribus regrederetur, pontes longos quajn maturrime superare.

ciam 15, 3) : yet Dio rejects this explana-
tion (though offering no other , of a
similar action of Augustus at the funeral
of Agrippa (54. 28, 4). Again; holders
of priestly offices constantly comnianded
armies, and seem to have incurred no
pollution from the carnage of battle.

1. Sed Germanicus, &c. It is to
be noted fee Appendix ii to Book ii)
that we have m tiiese few lines the ac-
count of the chief object of this campaign,
the attempt to bring Arminius to battle.
The direction of march is in no way
indicated. Knoke's view, tliat this battle
took i)lace at Barenau (where Mommsen
places the defeat of Varus) is consistent
with liis scheme of the whole campaign,
but otherwise unsupported.

2. copia, ' oppoilunity ' ; usually with
genit., as c. 58, 6 ; 2.7, 2, 6cc.

evehi, ' to charge ' : cp. ' longius
evectum ' 12. 14, 4 ; ' evectus . . . equo '

Liv- 4- 33. 7-

3. eripi, 'to be carried by a rush,'
probably a military term, used albo in
the circus of a driver who takes liis
opponent's ground (cp. ' aequore erepto '
Sil. 16, 3<jo).

6. subsidiariae, ' of the reserve,' as
Caes. B. C. i. 83, 2 ; Liv. 9. 27, 9.

7. gnaram : cp. c. 5, 4.

y. manibus aequis ; so used by I. ivy
(27- 13, 5), as ' aequa manu' by Sallust
(Cat. 39, 4). It is to be noted that the
Romans certainly retire with loss, and
that we have thus an admission of failure
in the only engagement of the whole
army recorded in this campaign.

10. ad Amisiam. The point of dis-

embarkation (see on c. '')0, 3) appsars to
be intended.

legiones .. .reportat. These words
appear to be both inaccurate and out of
place. The legions of Caecina have to
be excepted ; and, of the remaining four,
two were to make part of thjir retreat
by land ; nor does the narrative of the
movements of any part of this body-begin
till c. 70. The conjecture of Doed.,
' duas legiones,' would stand very awk-
wardly, unaccompanied by any statement
about the others.

II. pars equitum. The retreat of this
body may have been unaccompanied by
important incidents. Probably we have,
in c. 71, an account of the movements of
the other portion (see note there) ; as the
narrative of Caecina's retreat mentions no
troops but the legions.

litore Oceani: c]). ' finibus Fri-.io-
rum ' (c. 60, 2).

13. notis itineribus. His retreat was
not by the same route as his advance
' per Bructeros ' (c. 60, 2), for the 'pontes'
are mentioned below as fallen into dis-
use aufl decay; but his knowledge might
date from other times of his forty years'
service .c. 64, 6).

13. pontes longos. Nipp. notes the
practice of making such causeways by
mere timbers laid roughly over marshy
ground, as probably in c. 61, 2 : cp.
' pontibus palude constrata ' (Hirt. B. G.
8. 14, 4); but the narrative here seenis to
describe more regular, though decayed,
structures. The locality could only be
fixed by knowledge of the point of de-
parture. If Caecina was not detached

264

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 768.

angustus is trames vastas inter paludes et quondam a L. Domitio 6
aggeratus ; cetera limosa, tenacia gravi caeno aut rivis incerta
erant ; circum silvae paulatim adclives, quas turn Arminius
inplevit, compendiis viarum et cito agmine onustum sarcinis

5 armisque militem cum antevenisset. Caecinae dubitanti, quo- 7
nam modo ruptos vetustate pontes reponeret simulque propul-
saret hostem, castra metari in loco placuit, ut opus et alii proelium
inciperent.

64. Barbari perfringere stationes seque inferre munitoribus

10 nisi lacessunt, circumgrediuntur, occursant : miscetur operantium
bellantiumque clamor, et cuncta pariter Romanis adversa, locus 2
uligine profunda, idem ad gradum instabilis, procedentibus
lubricus, corpora gravia loricis; neque librare pila inter undas
poterant. contra Cheruscis sueta apud paludes proclia, procera 3

9. sequi : text B.

till after the retreat of the whole army
to the lower Ems, his line of march to
Vetera would lie across the great Hour-
tanger morass. But this route would lie
through the friendly Frisii and Chauci,
far from the strongholds of Arminius,
and from any heights deserving the name
of mountains fc. 64, 7). If he was sent
off after they had reached the Ems, but at
a higher point on that river, a suitable
locality can be found, with Nordhoff and
Westhoff (Bonn. Jahrb. xcvi. 189, foil.) in
the Merfelder Bruch, near Coesfeld, on. an
apparently Roman road leading from near
Greven to Borken and thence to Xanten.
If, as seems suggested by the descrip-
tion of Arminius overtaking him ; § 6), his
march began nearer to the scfne of the
battle, the route can in no way be fixed,
and even such a circuit as that supposed
by Knoke, round the cast and north of
the Diimmer See, is possible. At all
these places remains of ancient causeways
have been found. It will be observed
that we have only a record of three days'
march i,c. O3, 7; 65, 9; 68, 7), the re-
mainder being supposed to be uneventful.

1. L. Domitio, the grandfather of
Nero, whose achievements in Germany are
mentioned in 4. 44, 3 ; Dio, 55. 10 a.
His great exploit, the crossing of the
Elbe, took place i^see Dio 1. 1. and note on
Ann. 1. 1.) at some point reached from
Vindelicia and southern Germany, so that
we' cannot connect his route to it with any
probable situation of these causeways.

2. gravi, perhaps 'foul': cp. 'odor

caeni gravis ' V'erg. G. 4, 49. The word
'caenum" generally carries the idea of
loathsomeness : cp. ' male olere omne
cacnum ' Cic Tusj. 4. 24, 54.

7. in lo^o, ' where he was,' i e. where
he had to repair the bridge : cp. 4. 47, 3 ;
13, 41, I.

opus et alii proelium. Such a-i
expression is not strictly identical with
' alii ' . . . ' alii,' but rather distinguishes
the action of the smaller from that of the
larger body : cp. ' virgis caedi, a'ii securi
subici ' Liv. 3. 37, 8 ; ' navibus iunctis . . .
alii vadis . . . conati ' Caes. B. G. i. 8, 4.
The novelty in Tacitus, as Urager points
out, lies in the insertion of ' et ' : cp.
' fictis causis et alii per speciem honoris '
12. 41, 5; ' libertate et alii pecunia
donati' 15. 54, 2. Several other instances
are given by Nipp. on c. 17. The 'o]ius'
appears to be that of repairing the road
(cp. ' (juod effectum operis ' c. 64, 5).

9. munitoribus, ' the working party.'
The word is uncommon, but the phrase
'munire viam ' familiar and classical.

10. nisi. The inf. is used with this
verb by Sallust (Jug. 25, 9), Nepos, and
Ovid ; as also, rarely, with ' adnitor ' (H.
5. 8, 2), and ' obnitor ' (Veil. i. 9, 6).

12. ad gradum, 'to take firm stand
upon.' Nipp. compares ' gradu immota'
114. 37, 1), ' stabili gradu ' (II. 2. 35, 2),
and the frequent phrase ' gradu deicere.'

14. sueta. The application of this
word to things, as in ' sueto . . . con-
tubemio' (H. 2. 80, 5), is rare, and
chiefly found in Apuleius.

A.I). 15.]

LIBER 1. CAP. 63-65.

26:

membra, hastae ingentes ad vulnera facienda quamvis procul.

4 nox demum inclinantis iam legiones adversae pugnae e.xcmit.

5 Germani ob prospera indefessi, ne turn quidem sumpta quiete,
quantum aquarum circum surgentibus iugis oritur vertere in sub-
iecta, mersaque humo et obruto quod effcctum operis duplicatus 5

6 militi labor, quadragcn.simum id stipendium Caecina parendi
aut iniperitandi habcbat, secundarum ambiguarumque rcrurn

7 scicns eoque interritus. igitur futura volvens non aliud repperit
quam ut hostem silvis coerccret, donee saucii quantumque gra-
vioris agminis anteircnt ; nam medio montium ct paludum porri- 10

8 gebatur planities, quae tenuem aciem pateretur. deliguntur le-
giones quinta dextro lateri, unetviccnsima in laevum, primani
duccndum ad agmen, vicensimanus adversum secuturos.

65. Nox per diversa inquies, cum barbari festis epulis, laeto
cantu aut truci sonore subiecta valJium ac resultantis saltus com- 15
plerent, apud Romanes invalidi ignes, interruptae voces, atque
ipsi passim adiacerent vallo, oberrarent tentoriis, insomnes magis

2. mox : nox ed. Froben, 1519.

3. tam : corr. iam, turn B.

procera membra : cp. the descrip-
tion of tlie Germans in 2. 14, 5; and the
citation in note there from G. 4, i.

1. hastai ingentes: cp. ' enormes
hastas ' 2. 14. 3; the ' maioves lanceae '
of G. 6, I.

2. inclinantis iam: cp. ' acies in-
clinatas iam' G. 8, i. The verb is
used of troojjs {giving way, in the active
in H. 3. 83, I, and in both voices by I. ivy.

pugnae exemit : cp. c. 48, 2.
4. in subiecta, i.e. ' in loca iugis
subiecta ' : tp. ' subiecta vallium ' c. 65, i.

6. quadragensimum : see note on his
own speech, 3. 33, i. ' Stipendia me-
reri ' would not be strictly used of a
magistrate in military command : see
Staatsr. iii. 540.

7. aut : see above, c. 55, 2.

8. volvens, 'pondering'; for 'volvens
animo' : cp. 3. 38, 2, &c. ; so in Sail.,
Verg., and Liv. : cp. the similar use of
• volutare ' c. 36, 4 (also in Livy).

9. quantum, ' what there was of, the
whole': cp. 2. 38, 2, &c.

10. medio : cp. introd. v. § 25 : ' mon-
tium,' apparently the ' silvae jiaulatim
adclives ' of c. 63, 6.

1 1 . tenuem, ' a thin line ' : ' pateretur '
is a potential subjunctive.

deliguntur legiones, &c. The same

legions are similarly disposed in c. 51, 5.
The variation of expression, both in the
subject forms and in those denoting the
action, is noted by WolfHin (Philol. xxv.
p. 121) as characteristic of the later style
of Tacitus, compared with the Ciceronian
symmetry of such periods as ' studium
. . . inlustrjus ' (Dial. 5, 2), ' praeponere
. . . numerare ' (G. 30, 2).

14. per diversa, from different causes
on each side.

inquies : cp. c 68, i, &c. The word
is first found in Sail., thence passing to
Veil, and PI. Mai. Within these few
lines four poetical words are noted,
' sonor,' ' resulto,' ' oberro,' and ' per--
vigil' ; the first of which, as also 'inde-
fessas ' (c. 64, 5), is introduced into prose
by Tacitus (Introd. v. § 70).

15. cantu . . . sonore. On the German
war songs and cries (' barditus '), see G.
3, I, and notes.

16. voces, perhaps best taken of the
challenge of the patrol (cp. 'intermisso
signo et vocibus' H. 5. 22, 5), wanting
its usual regularity and promptness. On
the omission of ' essent ' cp. c. 7, i.

17. adiacerent vallo. In 4. 48, 5,
' munitionibus adiacerent ' is used of
troops listless from negligence, as here
from despondency.

266

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 768.

quam pervigiles. duccmque terruit dira quies: nam Ouintilium 2
Varum sanguine oblitum et paludibus emersum cernere et audire
visus est velut vocantem, non tamen obsecutus et manum inten-
dentis reppulisse. coepta luce missae in latera legiones, mciu 3
5 an contumacia, locum deseiuere, capto propere campo umentia
ultra, neque tamen Arminius quamquam libero incursu statim 4
prorupit : sed ut haesere caeno fossisquc impedimenta turbati
circum milites, incertus signorum ordo, utque tali in tempore sibi
quisque properus et lentae adversum imperia aures, inrumpere
10 Germanos iubet, clamitans ' en Varus eodemque iterum fato
vinctae legiones!' simul haec et cum delectis scindit agmen 5

3. intendentes: tendentis Haase, maniis intendentem Sirker. lo. et eodemque:

et eodem L, text Ritt. 1848, Varus alter eodemque conj. Miiller. 11. vinctae :

victae B.

1. dira quies, taken apparently from
Lucan 7. 26 ' dira quies et imagine
nioesta diurna.' In this and similar uses
of ' quies ' in Tacitus (,2. 14. i ; 1 1. 4, 3 ;
12. 13, 3 ; 16. I, I), the word can always
bear its usual meaning ; the dream by
which the rest is accompanied being in-
dicated by the epithet or context. But
in Veigil's' Par levibus ventis, volucrique
simillima somno' (Aen. 2, 794; 6, 702),
• bomnus' stands for the dream itself.

2. paludibus emersum. On the
abl. see Introd. v. § 24. Thus Sallust
has ' navigia fundo emergunt ' (H. 4. 22
D, 37 K, 17 G), but Livy * ex . . . palude
emersus ' (i. 13, 4).

3. manum intendentis reppulisse,
' thrust aside his hand as he held it out
to him.' Usually ' manum intendere ' ex-
presses a hostile gesture, as a. 3, 2, &c.

4. coepta luce. On the use of this
verb in Tacitus see Introd. v. § 42 b.

missae in latera, according to the
plan formed in the night ^c. 64, 8).

5. campo umentia ultra. This would
appear not to be the ' planities' \c. 64, 7)
bordering on the wooded heights occu-
pied by the enemy, which they were in-
tended to occupy so as to hold him in
check ; but another solid spot, on the
further side of the morass ; the occupation
of which left the baggage, struggling
along by way of the causeways through
marshy ground, exposed.

7. caeno fossisque. Nipp. rightly
takes these as abl., as also ' criminibus
haerebant' (4. 19, 5). Cp. ' haeret pede
pes ' (Verg. Aen. 10, 361) ; ' cunus illuvie
haerebant ' (^Curt. 8, 4) : see note on c. 68,

3. In earlier prose we should have ex-
pected 'in caeno,' &c., but such an abl.
may be regarded as quasi-instrumental.
It seems necessary to suppose the ' fossae '
to be natural holes or fissures ; a mean-
ing somewhat supported by Bell. Afr. 50,
4 ' ne in fossa . . . opprimercutur' (where
the word means a ravine).

8. utque. We have here, as Nipp.
shows, two concurrent constructions with
' ut.' The 'ut' before 'haesere,' in the
sense of ' when,' extends its force to
' aures ' ; and the parenthetical ' ut tali
in tempore ' ( = ' ut tieri solet tali in tem-
pore': cp. 2. 82, I ; H. 3. 71. 4; G. 2,
4; 22, 1 ; Agr. II, i) is interposed. The
words 'tali in tempore' (2. 84, 3; 16.
26, 8) may be a reminiscence of Lucr.

I, 94- . .

sibi . . . properus. Cp. ' sibi . . . ten-
dentes' H. i. 13, 3.

10. eodemque: see crit. note. In two
similar errors in the second Medicean
MS., ' argenti et aurique ' (H. 4. 53, 4),
' Gallias et Germaniasque ' (H. 4. 54, i),
an accidental transposition appears not
improbable, and the ' que ' may well have
belonged originally to 'argenti' and to
' Gallias.' Here possibly some word
after ' et ' has been lost : possibly, as
Ritter suggests, the copyist of some
earlier MS. overlooked 'que' in an ab-
breviation, and added ' et.'

1 1 . vinctae. The dot in the MS.
has given rise to the correction ' victae,'
whicli would be a natural exaggeration
of the success described in c. 64, 4. On
the other hand, ' vinctae 'would resemble
the language of Calgacus, ' viactos di

A. D. i:.]

LIBER I. CAP. 65, 66.

267

6 equisque maximc vulnera iiigerit. illi sanguine suo et lubrico
paludum lapsantcs excussis rcctoribus disiccre obvios, protererc

7 iacentcs. plurimus circa aquilas labor, quae neque ferri adversum

8 ingruentia tela neque figi limosa humo poterant. Caccina dum
sustentat aciem, suffosso equo dclapsus circunjveniebatur, ni 5

9 prima legio sese opposuisset. iuvit hostium aviditas, omissa
caede praedam sectantium ; cnisaeque legiones vesperascente die

10 in aperta et solida. neque is niiseriarum finis, struendum vallum,
petendus agger, amissa magna ex parte per quae egeritur humus
aut exciditur cacspes ; non tentoria manipulis, non fomenta 10
sauciis ; infectos caeno aut cruore cibos dividentes funestas
tenebras et tot hominum milibus unum iam reliquum diem
lamentabantur.

66. Forte equus abruptis vincuHs vagus et clamore territus

2 quosdam occurrentium obturbavit. tanta inde consternatio inru- 15
pisse Germanos credentium, ut cuncti ruerent ad portas, quarum
dccumana maxime petcbatur, aversa hosti et fugientibus tutior.

3 Caecina comperto vanam esse formidinem, cum tamen neque

3. " adversu " ferri (" " in later hand). 9. perque geritur : text R.

nobis tradiderunt ' (Agr. 32, 3) ; and
' velut vincii ' is used o( troops encum-
bered by .bnggage and sticky ground
;^H. I. 79. 3) : cp. Liv. 28. 2, 9.

simul haec et. a poetical expression
(Stat. Theb. 2, 659). Tlie usual lormula
' simul et . . . et ' IS modified to ' simul
. . . et ' in 4. 25, 2 ; 11. 3. 13, 3 ; Sail.

Jug- 97) 4-

2. lapsantes : cp. 11. i. 79, 5. In
Vergil i^Aen. 2, 551), and apparently not
in prose before Tacitus.

3. ferri adversum. The transposi-
tion taken to be indicated by the double
commas is now generally adopted. Other-
wise 'adversum ferri' must be supposed
to take an accusative, like such com-
pounds as ' inrumpere ' (c. 4^^, 4), &c.

4. figi . . . humo : cp. ' haesere caeno
fossisque,' above, ' figere animo ' Agr.
45. 5» &c.

5. sufFo8.so equo; so in 2. 11, 4, and
V. 1. in V'erg. Aen. 11, 671. Cp. ' equis
. . . ilia subfodere ' Liv. 42. 59, 3.

7. vesperascente die ; also in 16.
34, 1 ; H. 2. 49, 2. On the variety of
expressions for this fact used by Tacitus
see Introd. v. § 93.

8. aperta et solida. This agam
seems different from either of the solid

spots before mentioned, and beyond the
morass traversed by the ' pontes.' Cp.
c. 68, 4 ' non hie silvas nee paludes.'

9. agger, ' material lor the mound ' :
cp. "aggeris petendi causa ' (Caes. B. G.
2. 20, l), ' longius agger petendus' (Id.
B. C. I. 42, i). See note on 2. 81, 2.
The mound is here distinguished from
the palisade v^vallum) surmounting it.

amissa, &c. Nipp. notes the circum-
locution used to avoid 'calling a spade
a spade.'

10. fomenta, ' appliances' : cp. c. 69,
2, &c.

1 1 . funestas. The darkness was ' that
of the grave,' i. e. ominous of their fate.
Cp. 'feralibus . . . tenebris' 2. 31, 2.

14. equus abruptis vinculis, probably
a reminiscence of Verg. Aen. 11. 492.

17. decumana. The ' porta praetoria,'
to which this was opposite, faced the
enemy, or the direction of march, or, in
stationary camps, the east. Veget. i. 23.

aversa hosti. In no other place is
' aversus ' certainly used with the dat. ;
but possibly so in 'aversus mercaturis'
vHor. Sat. 2. 3, 107), ' aversum prae-
liantibus ' ,Sall. Jug. 93, 2\ 'aversus
contubernio' i^Col. 2. i. 4).

18. comperto. On this abl. abs. see

268 P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 768.

auctoritate ncque precibus, ne manu quiclem obsistere aut re-
tincre militem quiret, proiectus in limine portae miseratione
demum, quia per corpus legati eundum erat, clausit viam : simul
tribuni et centuriones falsuin pavorem esse docuerunt.

r 67. Tunc contractos in principia iussosque dicta cum silentio
accipere temporis ac necessitatis monet. unam in armis salutem,
sed ea consilio temperanda manendumque intra vallum, donee
expugnandi hostes spe propius succederent ; mox undique erum-
pendum : ilia eruptione ad Rhenum pefveniri. quod si fugerent, 2

10 pluris silvas, profundas magis paludes, saevitiam hostium super-
esse ; at victoHbus decus gloriam. quae domi cara, quae in 3
castris honesta, memorat ; reticuit de adversis. equos dehinc, 4
orsus a suis, legatorum. tribunorumque nulla ambitione fortissimo
cuique bellatori tradit, ut hi, mox pedes in hostem invaderent.

ijn 68. Haud minus inquies Germanus spe, cupidine et diversis
ducum sentcntiis agebat, Arminio sinerent egredi egressosque
rursum per umida et inpedita circumvenirent suadente, atrociora
Inguiomero et laeta barbaris, ut vallum armis ambirent : promp-

4. docuerant Haase.

Inlrod. V. § 31 a. 'Comperto' is so nsed them in camp'; i. e. their past victories,

in 4. 36, 4. &c., also in Sail, and Liv. Nipp. takes it of military honour in

2. proiectus in limine portae. A general,

similar aclion is recorded of Cn. i'ompeius 1 2. adversis, ' disasters ' (cp. 14. 38, 5 ;

as a young man, at a time of treason in 15. 26, 3, &:c.\ e.g. those of the previous

tiie camp (i'lut Pomp. 3, 2, 620 1. days, in contrast to ' honesta.'

5. in principia: see on c. 61, 3. 13. orsus a suis, ' fir-t his own, then

6. temporis ac necsssitatis, ' of the those of the legati and tribunes.' Officers
ciiiis and urgency.' The words are nearly may have had more than one horse each,
a hendiadys, andaretaken byRolhas such. and even the addition of a few to the

monet. The construction is analogous mounted troops would be important, if we

to that of 'acimoneu.' The simple verb suppose that he had only his ' equites

is nowhere else used with a genitive, legionum ' (see note on c. 63, 5), who

e.^cept probably in 2. 43, 5. would be less than 500 in all (see Introd.

8. expugnandi hostes spe. Nipp. vii. i 23) ; and that many horses had been
explains this inversion as an affectation killed the day before (c. 65, 5).

of style, indulged in where no misunder- nulla ambitione, ' without respect of

standing could result. Several instances persons'; i.e. to the bravest, whoever

are cited by him, the most striking being they might be, and irrespective of any

' ardore retinendae Agrippinam potentiae solicitation on their part: cp. 'sine am-

eo usque provectam ' 14. 2. i. bitione' 4. 64, 2 ; also 2. 38, 4, &c.

9. perveniri. Mr. Frost appears 16. agebat, absol. as 3. 19, 2; 38,4;
rightly to understand the present tense as H. 3 44, 2, &c. : cp. ' agito ' c. 50, i.

a stroke of rhetoric: 'This sally carries 17. atrociora, 'more spirited': cp.

you to the Rhine.' It may not be meant ' pugna alrocior ' Liv. I. 27, 17, ' atrox

that they were near it, but that there would animus' Hor. Od. 2. i, 24 ; and the similar

be no further difficulty. sense of ' ferox ' and ' ferocia ' c. 2, i ;

1 1. quae domi cara, quae in castris 1 2, 6, &c.

honesta, 'all that was dear to them at 18. promptam, 'easy' : cp. ' promptam

home, all that had been honourable to ... possessionem ' 2. 5, 4, &c.

A.D. 15.]

LIBER I. CAP. 66-69.

269

tam expugnationem, plures captives, incorruplam praedam fore.

2 i^itur orta die proruunt fossas, iniciunt crates, summa valli pren-

3 sant, raro super militc et quasi ob metum defixo. postquam
haesere munimentis,datur cohortibussignum cornuaque ac tubae

4 concinuere. exim clamore et impetu tergis Germanorum cir- 5
cunifunduntur, cxprobrantes non hie silvas nee paludes, sed

5 acquis loeis aequos deos. hosti facile excidium et paucos ac
seniermos cogitanti sonus tubarum, fulgor armorum, quanto
inopina, tanto niaiora offunduntur, cadebantque, ut rebus secundis

6 avidi, ita adversis incauti. Arminius integer, Inguiomerus post 10
grave vulnus pugnam deseruere : vulgus trucidatum est, donee

7 ira et dies permansit. nocte demum reversae legiones, quamvis
plus vulnerum, eadem ciborum egestas fatigaret, vim sanitatem
copias, cuncta in victoria habuere.

69. Pervaserat interim circumventi exercitus fama et infesto 15
Germanorum agmine Gallias peti, ac ni Agrippina inpositum

9. offenduntur : offeruntur margin, text R.

2. proruunt fossas. The full expres-
sion, as used by Livy (9. 14, 9\ ' cum pars
fossas explerent, pars vellerent vallum
atque in fossas prorutrent,' is here con-
densed into a pregnant construction. On
other such in Tacitus cp. c. 39, 8, and
Introd. V. § 84.

iniciunt crates. Caesar describes the
use of such temporary bridges at Alesia
(B. G. 7. 79, 4 'fossam cratibus inlegunt,
atque aggere explent.'

prensant: cp. ' prensantfastigiadextris'
Verg, Aen. 2, 444.

3. super: cp. ■ incensa super villa' 3.
46, 7 ; a rare use, but in Caes., Verg., &c.

defixo, ' rooted to the spot ' : cp.
' pavore defixis ' 13. 5, 3 ; also 14. lo, i ;
Agr. 34, 3.

4. haesere munimentis. This is
•taken by Nipp. as a dative, but setms
very similar to ' inaequalibus locis haere-
bant ' (Agr. 36, 3) ; which is generally
explained to be an ablative, whether of
place, or of instrument (cp. c. 65, 4).
Thus it would here me.nn ' were impeded
by ' (i. e. ' were trying to surmount ') ' the
outworks.' As a dative, it would mean
'were clinging to.

5. impetu, abl of manner : cp. c. 59,
I, &c., and Introd. v. § 28.

tergis . . . eircumfunduntur, i. e. by
a sally from the gates.

6. exprobrantes, 'with the taunt';
used absol. in 14. 62, 3 ; also with accus.
of the thing, as c. 18, i, &c.

8. quanto inopina : cp. c. 57, i ;
Introd. V. § 64. 2 ; and the full illustration
of this usage in Nipp.'s note here.

10. avidi, taken absol. as in c 51, i,&c.,
as is also ' incauti ' ; ' rebus secundis ' and
' adversis ' being abl. abs. The dative is
used with both (1 1. 26, 4 ; H. i. 7, 4) ;
but would not suit the sense here.

post . . . vulnus ; a condensed or preg-
nant construction requiring a participle or
equivalent expression to complete it : cp.
4. 40, 2, and ' post Cremonam ' H. 3.
49, I. Probably it is to be derived from
such Horatian usages as ' jiost vina' (Od.
I. 18, 5") ; 'post te' (Od. 3. 21, I9\
&c. See also Wolfllin (Philol. xxvi.

P- 133)-

11. deseruere. On the characteristic
use in Tacitus of a plural predicate with
singular subjects in adversative clauses,
see Gudeman on Dial. 42, 6.

donee, used often by Tacitus, rarely in
earlier prose, in the sense of ' quamdin,'
with pres., imperf, and fut. indie.

12. quamvis. On the subjunct. of facts
with this woid cp. Introd. v. § 53.

13. egestas. This has a genit. obj. in
6. 23, I ; Sail. Jug. 44. 4, &c.

270

p. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 768.

Rheno pontem solvi prohibuisset, erant qui id flagitium formidine
auderent. sed femina ingens animi munia ducis per eos dies 2
induit, militibusque, ut quis inops aut saucius, vestem et fomenta
dilargita est. tradit C. Plinius, Germanicorum bellorum scriptor, 3

5 stetisse apud principium pontis, laudes et grates reversis legioni-
bus habentem. id Tiberii animum altius penetravit : non enim 4
simplices eas curas, nee ad versus externos stndia militum quaeri.
nihil relictum imperatoribus, ubi femina manipulos intervisat, 5
signa adeat, largitionem temptet, tamquam parum ambitiose

10 filium ducis gregali habitu circumferat Caesaremque Caligulam
appellari velit. potiorem iam apud exercitus Agrippinam quam 6
legates, quam duces ; conpressam a muliere seditionem, cui no-

5. lautUs : laudis ct gratis Halm conj. (cp. 6. 2, 5).
and B, studia militum Heraeus, militum studia Doed.

7. mililu : militem corr.

1. pontem; probably that mentioned
in c. 41), 6.

prohibuisset. Tliis verb is used with
accus. and inf. pass, in 4. 37, 4 ; H. i. 62,
4, where Her. cites Cic, Caes., Liv. The
fact ot Agrippina's presence in this loc ality
at this date supports the received account
of the birthplace of her daughter (see on
c. 44, 2I.

formidine. It is evident from the
prominence of Agrippina that Germanicus
and the main body had not returned. The
camp must therefore have been very
slenderly garrisoned.

2. auderent. Tacitus has nearly fifty
instances (more than any other prose
author) of the accus. with this verb.

ingens animi : cp. c. yi., 5.

3. induit. The metaphorical uses of
this word, as 'induere seditionem' [2 15,
2) ; ' habitum ac voces' (4. i 2, i) ; 'dif^m '
(6. 20, i); ' diversa ' (6. 33, 3); ' adula-
tionem ' (6. 42,1); ' hostilia '(12. 40, 3) ;
' proditorem et hostem ' (16. 28, 3\ &c. ;
are among those most characteristic of
Tacitus : still more frequent are those of
'exuere'; e.g. c. 2, 1 ; 4, i ; 59,7; 75,
4; 2. 72, I ; 3. 12, 4; 4. 72, I ; 6. 8, i,
&c. See Introd. v. § 74.

vestem et fomenta ; i.e.' clothes to
the formei, medicaments to the latter.'
Of the instances cited by Nipp. of this use
of 'et,' the most ajiposite is ' trunca . . .
manu et professoiia lingua' (of Burrus
and Seneca) 13. 14. 5.

4. C Plinius. On his historical works
see Introd. iii. p. 15.

5. laudes et grates . . . habentem. The

nearest to this new expression for 'gratias,'
or ' grates,' or ' laudes gratesquc agere '
(see instances in Nipp.\ is ' laudibus . . .
quas . . . de nobis haberi . . . renuncia-
verunt' Cic Att. 13. 38, i ; 'grates ago
habeoque ' Curt. 9. 6, 17.

6. penetravit : ' penetrare aliquid '
(4. 44, 3: 15. 27, I, &c.) is poetical and
post-Augustan.

non enim. The verb of ' thinking '
is supplied from ' id animum penetra-
vit.'

7. simplices, 'without ulterior pur-
pose.' Thus ' simplicius ' ( 4. 40, 3 ; H. 3.
53. 6), ' simplicissime ' (H. i. 15, 8), and
' simplicitas ' (6. 5, 2, &c.\ are used to
express sincerity or frankness.

studia militum quaeri. The correc-
tion ' militem ' might bear a sense some-
what like that of ' cunctos . . . sibi , . .
firmabat' c 71, 5. On the supposition
that a word is lost, the insertion of ■ studia '
is better supported (cp. 2. 5, 2 ; 3. 12, 6;
H. 1. 23, I ; 64, 4) than that of ' gratiam'
(Haase) or 'favorem' (Ritt.), and, as
' externos ' ends a pnge, it is more likely
to have dropped out here than after
' militum.'

9. tamquam parum ambitiose =
'tamquam non satis ambitiose,' ' as if she
did not court them enough by,' &c. On
the ' gregalis habitus ' c\>. c. 41, 3.

10. Caesarem, emphatic, ' likes to hear
a Caesar called Caligula.'

12. conpressam . . . seditionem, an
invidious exaggeration of the facts men-
tioned c. 40-4 1.

nomen principis, probably alluding

A.D. 15.]

LIBER I. CAP. 69, 70.

271

7 men principis obsistere non quiverit. accendcbat hacc onerabat-
que Seianus, peritia niorum Tiberii odia in longum iacicns, quae
rcconderet auctaque promeret.

70. At Germanicus Icgionum, quas navibus vexerat, secundam
et quartam decumam itinera terrestri P. Vitellio ducendas tradit, 5
quo levior classis vadoso mari innaret vel reciproco sideret.

2 Vitellius primum iter sicca humo aut modice adlabentc acstu
quictum habuit : mox inpulsu aquilonis, simul sidcre aequinoctii,

3 quo maxime tumescit Oceanus, rapi agique agmen, et opple-
bantur terrae : eadem freto litori campis facies, neque disccrni 10

4 poterant incerta ab solidis, brevia a profundis. sternuntur flucti-
bus, hauriuntur gurgitibus ; iumenta, sarcinae, corpora exanima
interfluunt, occursant- permiscentur inter se manipuli, modo
pectore modo ore tenus exstantes, aliquando subtracto solo

5 disiccti aut obruti. non vox et mutui hortatus iuvabant adversante 15
unda ; nihil strenuus ab ignavo, sapiens ab inprudenti, consilia a

16. aprndenti : text L.

is thus used in 2. 6, 2, and in Livy and

to their treatment of the letters written
' nomine principis' c. 36, 4.

1 . accendebat haec : cp. ' incendebat
haec ' c. 23, i.

onerabat : cp. c. 19, 2, &c.

2. odia in longum iaciens, ' sowing
seeds of jealousy for a distant future.'
A less bold similar metaphor is ' futuris
. . . caedibus semina iaciebantur' 6. 47, i.

quae reconderet, &c., ' for him to bury
and bring to light with increase.' These
words explain ' in longum,' and describe
the same trait in Tiberius which is men-
tioned in c. 7, 11 ; 3 64, 2 ; 4. 71, 5.

4. At Germanicus, &c. This narra-
tive is taken up from the end of the move-
ment described by ' reducto ad Amisiain
exercitu ' (c. 63, 5 , and the tense of ' vex-
erat ' (used for ' advexerat,' as ' vectum '
for ' advectum ' 11. I4, 2) is referred to
the time mentioned in c. 60, 3.

5. P. Vitellio, uncle of the subsequent
emperor, often mentioned as with Ger-
manicus, and an accuser of Cn. Piso (see
2. 6, I ; 74, 2 ; 3. 10, 2 ; 13, 3; 17. 4:
19, I); also thought i^see Nipp. on 2. ^4)
to have been procos. of Bithynia in 771,
A.D. 18 : on his death see 5. 8.

6. vadoso mari, that off the coast
near the mouth of the Ems.

reciproco sideret, 'ground less heavily
at ebb-tiile,' i. e. sooner get afloat again
after grounding. ' Reciprocus ' has this
. sense frequently in PI. N. H. ; and ' sido '

poets.

8. inpulsu. This abl. might be instru-
mental, but being here coordinate with
' sidere,' is probably to be taken as causal.

sidere aequinoctii : ' sidus ' is used
of the season of the year by Vergil, ' hi-
berno moliris sidere classem ' (Aen. 4,
309). The autumnal equinox gives a
date of the conclusion of this campaign.

9. rapi agique, ' lose footing and are
swept away.' Walther thus distinguishes
these nearly synonymous words.

II. brevia. This poetical term (Verg.
Aen. 1 , 1 1 1 ; Luc. 9, 3 -.8), taken apparently
from the Greek Utaxta Hdt., Thuc, &c.),
is used in prose by Tacitus alone. Cp. 6.
33, 5 ^ where 'fretum' is again used, as
here, poetically for ' the sea ') ; also ' breve
et incerlum ' 14. 29, 3.

sternuntur ; sc. ' homines,' supplied
from ' agmen.' Individuals are spoken of
here, and whole ' manipuli ' further on.

14. subtracto solo, 'out of depth.'
Tacitus seems to take the words, but not
the meaning, from Vergil (Aen. 5, I9'i)-

1 5. vox et mutui hortatus. The
words are here joined closely in a hen-
diadys = 'the voice of mutual encourage-
ment'; wliereas ' nee ' would distinguish
the former, as the word of command,
from the latter, as the encouragement of
comrades. See note on c. 4, i.

16. ab inprudenti. This correction

272

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C.768.

casu dififerre : cuncta pari vioientia involvebantur. tandem 6
Vitellius in editiora enisus eodem agmen subduxit, pcrnoctavere
sine utensilibus, sine igni, magna pars nudo aut mulcato corpora,
baud minus miserabiles quam quos hostis circumsidet : quippe

? illic etiam honestae mortis usus, his inglorium exitium. lux 7
reddidit terram, penetratumque ad amnem [Visurgin], quo
Caesar classe contenderat. inpositae dein legiones, vagante fama 8
submersas ; nee fides salutis, antequam Caesarem exercitumque
reducem videre.

10 71. lam Stertinius, ad accipiendum in deditionem Segimerum
fratrem Segestis praemissus, ipsum et filium eius in civitatem

4. circumsidebat Uilichs, Nipp.
Unsingim Alting.

is supported by the occurrence of a simi-
lar error (' non prudentem,' for 'non in-
prudentem ') in 4. 70, 6. Some liave
here followed \Volf in reading ' ab
rudi ' : but 'sapientes' is opposed to
' inprudentisbimi ' by Seneca (Epp. 14,
2 ; 90, 33) ; also ' sapientes ' has the
force of 'prudentes' in Agr. 27, 2, and
here corresponds to ' prudentes ' in a
similar passage (2. 23, 2). The two
terms are here explained by 'consilia'
and ' casu,' denoting the mode of action
of persons of each class.

I. involvebantur, sc. 'fluctibus'; so
' auster aqua involvens navemque virum-
que ' Virg. Aen. 6, 336. In 14. 30, 3,
and in Verg. (j. 2, 308. it expresses a
similnr envelopment in flames. Cp. also
' fraudibus involutos ' 16. 32, 3.

3. utensilibus, ' necessaries,' used
specially of food in 2. 60, 5; 15. 39,
2; and in 3. 52, 3, even of luxuries of
diet.

5. iilic = ' apud illos'; so H. 2. 47,
3; 5. 4, i; and 'hinc' Ann. 3. 10. 6,
&c. 'Hie' and ' ille ' are referred here
to the nearer and more remote objects of
thought, irrespective of the order of
mention; as in 6. 37, 2 ; H. 2. 77, 4;
4. 27, 3 : cp. ' huic' Ann. 2. 77, i ; ' iUi'
2. S2, 7 ; and note on c. 42, 6.

honestae mortis usus, ' have the
resource of even honourable death.' Cp.
' bene morle usum ' 6. 48, 5.

lux, personified, as in Liv. 9. 30, 10,
' lux .. . oppressit.' See Introd. v. § 7.'i-

6. reddidit, 'showed again'; 'the
tide and flood having receded.

amnem [Visurgin]. It seems im-
possible to retain this name by sup-

6. [Visurgin] L and Mercer, Vidrum L,

posing (with Knoke^ a sudden change
of movement eastward. We have here
described evidently a part of the retreat
along the coast, .rnd apparently occupy-
ing only two days and a night. To make
the ships more manageable at si-a, these
two legions must have been sent on from
the naval rendezvous, at or near the
mouth of the Ems, by much the same
route as the ' pars equitum ' (c. 63, 5 ;
and mu-.t have been taken on board at
the mouth of another river further on,
perhaps left ^unnamed and then wrongly
named in a gloss. The conjecture ' Vi-
drum ' is taken from the Omfipns of Ptol.
2, II, § I (suppo?ed to be the Vecht,
now falling into the Zuider Zee") ; ' Un-
singim ' is imagined as a Latin name for
the Hunse, which suits the geography best.

9. reducem, sing. ; the principal ob-
ject of thought being Caesar : cp. Nipp.
Appendix to 1 2. 1 2.

10. lam Stertinius, &c. It is sug-
gested by Nipp. that, as this officer usually
commands cavalry and light troops (see
on c. 60, 4), the ' pars equitum,' men-
tioned in c. 63, 5, were led by him, and
after their retreat are sent again from
Koln on this service. It is also possible
that we have here some account of the
other ' pars equitum,' who are otherwise
unnoticed.

Segimeruna. Veil. (2. 118, 2) gives
this name also to the father of Arminius.
On the family see notes on c. 55, 57.

11. filium: Strabo (7. i, 4, p. 292)
gives his name as 'S.fnlOaKes, and that of
his wife as 'Vn^'ts, OvKpofiipov Gvyrirrjp,
777€/L«jcoj \aTTCuv. 'AKTuvfitpov has been
suggested as a correction (see 11. 16, 2).

A.D. 15.]

LIBER I. CAP. 70-72.

273

2 Ubiorum perduxerat. data utrique venia, facile Segimero, cunc-

3 tantius filio, quia Quintilii Vari corpus inlusisse dicebatur. ce-
terum ad supplenda exercitus damna certavere Galliae Hispaniae
Italia, quod cuique promptum, arma equos aurum offercntes.

4 quorum laudato studio Germanicus, armis modo et equis ad 5

5 bellum sumptis, propria pecunia militem iuvit. utque cladis
memoriam etiam comitate lenirct, circumire saucios, facta singu-
lorum extollere ; vulnera intuens alium spe, alium gloria, cunctos
adloquio et cura sibique et proelio firmabat.

72. Decreta co anno triumphalia insignia A. Caecinae, L. 10
2 Apronio, C. Silio ob res cum Germanico gestas. nomen patris
patriae Tiberius, a populo saepius ingestum, repudiavit ; neque
in acta sua iurari quamquam censente senatu permisit, cuncta

2. quinctilii (here only) : see Baiter.

7. circumire saucios: charge of the
wounded probably slill devolved on the
chief officers abroad, as on the nobility in
old limes at Rome (see on 4. 63, 3).
Military hospitals, or ' valetudinaria ' are
mentioned ' Veg. 2. 10, &c.\ and legions
had 'medici' cp. Inscr. Orell. 448,
3508^ ; but from what date is doubtful.

8. spe , . . gloria, the hope of future
or memory of past victories.

9. sibique et proelio firmabat :
' sibi firmare ' ('to secure to oneself) is
used in 3. 60, i ; H. 5 4, i. Here, the
double application involves a syllepsis.

10. triumphalia insignia. The re-
gular phrase in inscriptions (e.g. Henzen,
Index, p. 150; vVilmanns, Index, p. 609)
is 'triumphalia ornamenta' ; and the term
is tljus analogous to that of ' consularia
ornamenta ' ( be.^towcd from the time of
the dictator Caesar : cp. Suet. Jul. 76),
and others, signifying that the dignity
and insignia of an office were given with-
out the office itself. Thus, without an
actual triumph, persons were entitled to
be called ' triumphales' (3. 30, 4, Sic.'),
and to ennoble their family by ' laureatae
statuae ' (4. 23, i) : see Staatsr. 1.465.
Some suppose this minor honour to have
been first given to Tiberius < Suet. Tib.
gV Tlie full or ' iustus triumphus,'
though freely given during the earlier
part of the rule of Augustus (Suet. Aug.
38), is ever afterwards, probably from
740, B.C. 14 (see Dio, 54. 24, 8), re-
served for the imperial family : see c. 55,
I, &c.

A. Caecinae, L, Apronio, O. Silio.

The selection appears to be grounded
on rank (these three legati alone being
consulars) ; for the personal service of
Silius is unmentioned, and that recorded
of Apronius (c. 56, i ) trivial. The award,
as that in c. 55, i, seems to show that
the success was exaggerated at Rome.

11. nomen patris patriae. This title,
already given by acclamation to Cicero
(Juv. 8, 243), and in 709, B.C. 45, to
Julius Caesar (App. B. C. 2. 106), was
formally accepted by Augustus, from the
united voice of senate, knights, and
people, on Feb. 5, 752, li.C. 2 (see Mon.
Anc. vi. 34. and Mommsen, ad loc.) ;
but had been informally used much
earlier (cp. Hor. Od. i. 2, 50). The case
of Cicero negatives the supposition of
I'io (5."^- iS> 3'> that some recognition
of a general ' patria potest as ' was im-
plied in it. Tiberius persisted in refusal
12. 87, 2; Dio, 58. 12, 8); and the title
is absent from his coins and inscriptions.

12. ingestum, ' imposed by acclama-
tion ' ; more usually of reproaches, &c.,
as 4. 42, I, &c.

13. in acta sua iurari. This oath, an
outgrowth of that taken in respect of the
laws by the old magistrates (Staatsr. i.
p. 621"), is four d in 709, B.C. 45, the
formula being ' se nihil contra acta
Caesaris facturum ' (App. B. C. 2. 106),
and was enforced more stringently, in
respect of the ' acta ' of the late dictator,
by the triumvirs on Jan 1, 7x2, B.C. 4a
(Dio, 47. 18, 31 : in respect of the acta
of Augustus, it is first mentioned as taken
in 729, B.C. 29 (Id. 51. 20, I). Tiberius

274

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A. U.C. 7r,8.

mortalium incerta, quantoque plus adeptus foret, taiito se magis
in lubrico dictitans. non tamen ideo faciebat fidem civilis animi ; 3
nam legem maiestatis reduxerat, cui nomen apud veteres idem,
sed alia in indicium veniebant, si quis proditione exercitum aut

5 plebem seditionibus, denique male gesta re publica maiestatcm
populi Romani minuisset: facta arguebantur, dicta inpune erant.
primus Augustus cognitioncm de famosis libellis specie legis eius 4
tractavit, commotus Cassii Sevcri libidine, qua viros feminasque
inlustres procacibus scriptis dififamaverat : mox Tiberius, consul-

lo tante Pompeio Macro praetore, an iudicia maiestatis redderentur,

2. dictan : text Mur.

himself took the oath to the acta of
Augustus lid. 57. 8, 5), and enforced it
stiictly (see 4. 42, 3) ; and the oatli, as
time went on, upheld the 'acta' of all
princes not specially passed over, as
became the case with Tiberius himself
(Dio, 59. 9, i). It was taken on Jan. i,
first liv magistrates, then by all senators
(see 13. II, I ; 16. 22, i ; Dio, 53. 28, 1 ;
58. 17, 2); and is distinct Irom the
' sacramentum in nomen principis ' (see
c. 7. 3).

permisit. The use of this verb with
accus. and inf. pass., as in 14. 12, 6 ; H.

1. 47, 3, &c., as also that of ' oro ' '11.
10, 8 1; and other verbs denoting permis-
sion, request, or direction, is noted by
Madvig i 396, Obs. 1 ) as contrary to the
usage of the best writers : see on c. 74,
7; 79, 3, and Drager, § 146.

2. in lubrico: cp. 6. 51, 3. Other
metaphorical uses of the word occur in

2. 87, 2 ; 6. 49, 3, &c.

3. legem maiestatis reduxerat. On
the history of this law and its applica-
tion under the Republic see Introd. viii.
p. 141. The same expre-sion is used in
Pliny, Pan. 1 1 ' dicavit caelo Tiberius
Augiistum, sed ut maiestatis legem re-
duceret ' ; but the implied assertion that
it had become obsolete must be qualified
by the fact of its extension and recent en-
forcement by Augustus : see below.

4. si quis . . . seditionibus. These
two instances seem cited from Cicero,
who s|)ecifics them as cases falling under
the law (de Orat. 2. 39, 164; Pariitt. 30,
105). The idea of some such verb as
' laesisset ' is supplied by zeugma from
' minuisset.'

6. populi Romani. These words seem
intended to stand in contrast to its appli-

4. ut : aut B.

cation in later time to the ' maiestas ' of
the princeps only.

diota inpune erant. That pas-
quinades were capitally punishable, even
by the laws of the Twelve Tables, is
affirmed in Cic. de Rep. 4. io, 12 ; cp.
Hor. Ep. 2. I, ifiO, &c. On the applica-
bility of the law of ' maiestas ' to them,
see next note. ' Inpune esse ' is found
again, 2. 52, 9:3. 28, 2; 12. 54, i ; G.
25, 2; ' impune habendum ' 3. 70, 3.

7. primus Augustus : cp. Suet. Aug.
55. Seneca says de Ben. 3. 27, i) ' sub
divo Augusto nondum hominitms verba
sua periculosa erant, iam molesta.' Yet
the ' Lex Cornelia.' even if allowed to
slumber, appears definitely to have brought
the public utterance of libels under this
offence. ' Est maiestas, et sic Sulla voluit,
ne in quemvis impune declamari liceret '
(Cic. ad Fam. 3. 11, 2\

famosis, 'slanderous': cp. 16. 29,4;
Hor. Sat. 2. i, 6S, &c.

8. Cassii Severi. On his character
see 4-2 1, 5. He was probably banished
in 765, A.D. 12, when Dio (f-6. 27, i)
mentions proceedings taken against libel-
lers, but does not give their names. The
chronology of Jerome (see on 4. 21, 5)
would give a date four years earlier.

9. diffamaverat. This verb, fiiFt
found in Ovid, is used of a personal
object also in 15. 49, 6, and with accus.
of the report spread in 14. 22, 5 : cp. the
similar uses of ' differre ' c. 4, 3.

10. Pompeio Macro. On his parentage
and death see on 6. 18, 4.

iudicia . . . redderentur. This is not
strictly equivalent to ' ius reddtre ' ('to
give sentence,' e.g. 6 11, i; 13. .^i, i,
&c.), but rather to ' indices dare,' i.e. to
receive a case and assign jurors to try it :

A. D. 15.]

LIBER I. CAP. 72, 73.

275

5 exercendas leges esse respondit. hunc quoque asperavere carmina
incertis auctoribus vulgata in saevitiam superbiamque eius et dis-
cordcm cum matre animum.

73. Haud pigcbit referre in Falanio ct Rubric, modicis equiti-
bus Romanis, praetcmptata crimina, ut quibus initiis, quanta 5
Tibcrii arte gravissimum cxitium inrepstrit, dein repressum sit.

2 postremo arserit cunctaque corripuerit, noscatur. Falanio obicie-
bat accusator, quod inter cultores Augusti, qui per omnes domos
in modum collegiorum habebantur, Cassium quendam mimum
corpore infamem adscivisset, quodque venditis hortis statuam 10
Augusti simul mancipasset. Rubrio crimini dabatur violatum

cp. ' iudicium redditur an reus sit causa
mortis ' (^)uint. 7. 4, 43.

1. exercendas leges. Suet. (Tib 38)
ijives the same woids. We should infer
that, besides the numerous trials f(>r
' maiestas ' held before the senate, which
alone are reported by Tacitus, other per-
sons, probably of lower rank, must have
been tiied under this law before the
praetors.

carmina. Some such pasquinades are
quoted by Suetonius (Tib. 59\ Paco-
nianus was charged later with a similar
offence (6. 39, 1 . We are not told that
these charges were taken up ; and Suet,
states (Tib. 28) that be was first tolerant
of libels.

2. discordem cum matre animum :
cp. 3. 64, 1 ; 4. 57, 4.

4. modicis equitibus. Those are
meant who had little or no more than
the bare equestrian census, as distinct
from the * illustres equites'; on whom
see 2. 59, 4. Cp. ' modicos senatores'
11.7,7.

5. praetemptata, ' essayed ; a poeti-
cal word, found in prose from PI. Mai.

6. dein repressum sit, &c. It is
possible to extend ' Tibcrii arte' to these
words, as denoting not any special
period of repression during hi.-; time (for
the reference to 3 56, I is irrelevant to
this law\ but his general ttndency,
during all the years immediately suc-
ceeding this revival of the law, to mo-
derate the zeal of accusers under it. See
Introd. viii. p. 144, n. 7. Or we may
limit ' Tiberii arte' to ' inrepserit,' and
find the period of repression in the in-
terval lefore its revival noted in 815,
A.l). 62 (14. 48, 3). Lipsius luiderslands
it of the reaction under Vespasian and
Titus : but the words of Tacitus seem

to confine the periods at least within the
limits of this work. The subsequent out-
burst ('postremo arserit' &c.) might, no
doubt, equally suit the history of the
last years of Tiberius, or of Nero, or of
Domitian.

8. cultores Augusti. Similar titles
are found in inscriptions, e.g. ' imaginum
domus Aug. cultores' (Orell. 738) ; 'cul-
tores domus di\inae et fortunae Aug.'
ijd. 1662). The 'cullus' of .\ugustus
and his family in private houses is illus-
trated by the description in Ovid (ex P.
4. 9, 1051 10 of a shrine in his own
house with images of Augustus, Augusta,
Tiberius, and the two grandsons. This
passage shows that such private ' cultus '
had existed while Augustus was living,
in a form probably analogous to the
municipal worship (see on c. 10, 5") ; also
that the greater houses ('domus') kept
up for it, each for themselves or in com-
bination, a body or bodies of persons of
low rank, constituted, as it were, in ' col-
legia,' i.e. analogous to the ' collegia
cultorum' of a less private character. On
this 'cultus' geneially see Marquardt,
iii. 463, &c.

9. habebantur, 'were kept up': cp.
' mos habcbatur' (13. 16, i , and many
instances, coUectid here by Nipp., of
more or less kindred uses ot this verb in
Tacitus and -Salliist.

10. statuam Augusti . . . mancipasset.
Lipsius quotes the maxim of jurists ' non
videri contra maiestatem fieri ob ima-
gines Caesaris nondum consecratas,' im-
plying that consecrated statues might
not be soUi.

1 1 . violatum periurio numen. A
charge apparently of this character ^' vio-
latum Augusti numen ' • is afterwards more
seriously taken up (3. 66, 2). That men

276

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 768.

periurio numen Augusti. quae ubi Tiberio notuere, scripsit con- 3
sulibus non ideo decretum patri suo caelum, ut in perniciem
civium is honor verteretur. Cassium histrionem solitum inter 4
alios eiusdem artis interesse ludis, quos mater sua in memoriam

5 Augusti sacrasset ; nee contra religiones fieri, quod effigies eius,
ut alia numinum simulacra, venditionibus hortorum et domuum
accedant. ius iurandum perinde aestimandum quam si lovem 5
fefellisset : deorum iniurias dis curae.

74. Nee mulbo post Granium Marcellum praetorem Bithyniae

lo quaestor ipsius Caepio Crispinus maiestatis postulavit, subscri-

I. nomen : text Freinsheim.

swore by the ' numen Augusti ' in iiis
lifetime, appears from Hor. Epp. 2. i,
16. Specimens of such oaths are given
by Marquardt (Staatsv. iii. p. 46.5) from
C. I. L. ii. 172, and C. I. G. 1983.

1 . notuere. This verb, frequent in the
Annals (e.g. 4. 7, 2 ; 6. 8, 10; 12. 8, 3,
ikc^, is one pf those found in no earlier
prose (Introd. v. § 70).

consulibus. As the praetor presided
in the law-courts, so the consuls preside
at all judicial proceedings in the senate ;
on which see Introd. vi. p. 92.

2. caelum ( = 'caelestes hono^es'), an
expression somewhat startling from its
conciseness : see E. Jacob.

4. ludis, &c. Dio (56. 46, 5) describes
this three days' festival held by Livia in
the Palatium, as dating from the apo-
theosis ; but the words of Tacitus imply
its earlier existence. It is generally iden-
tified with the scenic ' ludi Palatini'
(Suet. Cal. 56) described by Josephus
(Ant. 19. I, 13), in his account of the
assassination of Gaius during them.

7. perinde . . . quam si : cp. 13. 49,
3. The expression is peculiar to Taci-
tus, who has also ' perinde quam' (2. i,
2,&c.). ' Perinde' and ' proinde' are oiten
confused in the MS. through abbreviations
i,cp. 3. 17, 5 ; 4. 20, 6, and notes there!.

8. deorum iniurias dis curae. This
is an old maxim of Roman Law, which
therefore refrained from imposing legal
l^enalties for perjury : cp. the juristic
rule ' lurLsiurandi contempta religio satis
deum ultorcm habet' (Cod. 4. i, 2). In
some cases however perjury ' per Genium
principis ' was ' maiestas ' : see Staatsr.
ii. 810.

9. praetorem. Bithynia was governed
by senatorial proconsuls of praetorian
rank. Its governor is properly styled

'proconsul' (cp. 16. 18, 3^, but here,
as in 4. 43, 5 (' praetorem Achaiae'),
' praetor ' is used, as also by Cic. Liv.
&c. (see Staatsr. ii. 240, 5), of a governor
as such : cp. ' praetorium,' ' cohors prae-
toria,' &c. In 4. ic;, 3, it is used even
of the consular proconsul of Asia. The
name of Granius Marcellus is found on
coins of this date of the Bithynian Apa-
meia : see Nipp.

Bithyniae. This province included
not only the country generally known
by that name, sepnrated from ^Iysia and
Phrygia by the Rhyndacus and Olympus,
and extending eastward to the Parthe-
nius ; but also the western p>art of the
Pontic kingdom, added to it by Cn.
Pompeius, and extending along the Paph-
lagonian coast to the Halys. The chief
towns in Bithynia are Nicomedeia and
Nicaea, and in the Pontic portion Amas-
tris and Sinope (the latter a colony of
Julius Caesar). The province was sub-
sequently Caesarian, and much of our
knowledge of it is derived from the
correspondence of the younger Phny, as
its governor, with Trajan. See Staatsv.
i. 349, foil.

10. quaestor ipsius. This was con-
trary to Roman sentiment. See Cic. Div.
in Cflec. 11, 18.

postulavit. The genitive with this
verb, on the analogy of ' accuso,' &c. is
confined to Tacitus (3. 66, 2 ; 70, 2, &c.)
and Suetonius.

subscribente. This term, in the sense
of ' signing the accusation,' might be
used of the principal or sole accuser ; but
evidently here, as in many other places
(cp. Cic. ad Q. F. 3. 3, 2 ; Veil. 2. 69,
5; and ' subscriptor,' ' subscriptio' Cic.
Div. in Caec. 15, 47-49), dtnotes that
he appeared as subordinate to Crispinus.

A. D. 15.]

LIBER I. CAP. 73, 74.

277

bente Romano Hispone: qui formam vitae iniit quain postea

2 celebrem miseriae temporum et audaciae hominum fecerunt. nam
egens, ir^notus, inquies, dum occultis libellis saevitiae principis
adrepit, mox clarissimo cuique pcriculum facessit, potentiam apud
unum, odium apud omnis adeptus dedit exemplum, quod secuti 5
ex pauperibus divites, ex contemptis metuendi perniciem aliis ac

3 postremum sibi invenere. sed Marccllum insinuilabat sinistros
de Tiberio sermones habuisse, inevitabile crimen, cum ex moribus
principis foedissima quaeque deligeret accusator obiectaretque

4 reo. nam quia vera crant, etiam dicta credcbantur, addidit ic
Hispo statuam Marcelli altius quam Caesarum sitam, et alia in

5 statua amputate capite Augusti effigiem Tiberii inditam. ad
quod exarsit adeo, ut rupta taciturnitate proclamaret se quoque
in ea causa laturum sententiam palam et iuratum, quo ceteris

6 eadem neccssitas fieret. mancbant etiam tum vestigia morientis 15

7. insimulabat Caepio Ritt. ; insimulabant Miiller.

1. Romano Hispone. M. Seneca, who
gives his name as 'Hispo RonVaniiis,'
mentions him often, and once , Contr. 26,
175 says of him ' erat natura qui aspe-
riorem dictndi viam seqiieretur.'

qui formam, &c. This probably re-
fers to Hispo, who, besides being nearest
in order of mention, is known, if not as a
professional informer, at least as a pro-
fessional rhetorician (see above) ; and
who is more likely to be ' egens' and
' ignotus,' than a quaestor, who was pre-
sumably a senator. But it is difficult,
after so lontj a parenthesis, to take
' Crispinus ' to be the subject of ' insimu-
labat ' ; and also difficult to refer that
verb to Hispo, whose separate charge is
specified below. Nipp. thinks that ' qui '
must refer to Crispinus, and that ' sub-
scribente . . . Hispone' is parenthetical,
and cites parallels from Caes. and Cic.
The reading. ' insimulabant ' would make
this part their joint charge.

2. celebrem, probably ' often prac-
tised': cp. 12. 61, I, and note on 16. 29, i.

miseriae . . . audaciae. On such
plurals of abstract nouns see Introd. v.
§ I ; Drager, Synt. und Stil, § 2.

4. adrepit. The dative with this
verb I'cp. T,. 50, 5) is otherwise only used
by PI. Mai.

7. postremum sibi : see 4. 71, i, &c.

sed, used to mark a return from a
digression, as in 3. 62, 3; 63, 5, &c.

9. obiectaretque reo, 'and charged
the accused with mentioning them.'

10. quia vera, &c., ' their truth would
stand for evidence of their utterance.'

1 1 . sitam = ' positam ' : cp. c. 39, 4.

1 2. amputate, <ic. The destruction
of a statue was a significant act cp. 3.
14, 6; Juv. 10, 58); but adaptation of
new heads was common in Pliny's time,
who says (N. H. 35. 2, 4) ' surdo figura-
rum discrimine statuarum capita permu-
tanlur.'

inditam. This verb generally takes
dat., or ' in ' and ace, here alone abl.
with ' in.'

14. palam et iuratum. The former
word is in contrast to voting secretly by
'tabellae' (see Staatsr. iii. 993), the latter
implies such a formula as that in 4. 31,
5 ' ut iureiurando obstringeret, e re-
publica id esse.' Cp. c. 14, 6, and
' iudicio iurati senatus' 4. 21,' 5; also
Staatsr. iii. 979, 5.

quo . . . fieret. The explanation is
that of the historinn, the 'neccssitas'
that of also voting openly and on oath.

15. vestigia morientis libertatis.
On the personifications in Tacitus see
on c. 70, 7. For the figure ' manent
vestigia' cp. 15. 42, 4; H. 5. 7, I ; and
' mancbat imago reipublicae' 13. 28, 1.
The figurative use of ' morior ' is Cice-
ronian, but hardly appropriate to the
metaphor here.

VOL. I

278

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A. U.C. 76S.

libertatis, igitur Cn. Piso 'quo' inquit 'loco censebis, Caesar?
si primus, habebo quod sequar: si post omnis, vereor ne inpru-
dens dissentiam.' permotus his, quantoque incautius efiferverat, 7
paenitentia patiens tulit absolvi reum criminibus maiestatis : de

5 pecuniis repetundis ad reciperatores itum est.

75. Nee patrum cognitionibus satiatus iudiciis adsidebat in
cornu tribunalis, ne praetorem curuli depelleret ; multaque eo
coram adversus ambitum et potentium preces constituta. set 2
dum veritati consulitur, libertas corrumpebatur. inter quae Pius 3

10 Aurelius senator questus mole publicae viae ductuque aquarum

I. Cn. Piso: see on c 13, 3, &c.

quo . . . loco. On the usual custom
of the princeps, to vote first or last, .=ee
Introd. vi. p. 84. Y)\o (57. 7, 4) de-
scribes Tiberius as interposing his ' sen-
teiitia ' also at other stages, or sometimes
informally intimating his opinion.

3. quantoque, &c., ' with a repentant
submission proportioned to the indiscre-
tion of his outburst.' On the use of the
positive see c. 68, 5.

4. tulit, possibly ' permitted,' but
probably best interpieted by ' laturum
scntentiam' above, as meaning that he
gave the first vote for acquittal. On the
ace. and inf. cp. c. 72, 2.

absolvi. Suetonius Tib. 58), if he is
telling the same story, appears to speak
inaccurately. 'Statuae quidam Augusti
caput demserat, ut alterum imponeiet :
acta res in senalu est, ct. quia ambigeba-
tur. per tormenta quaesiia est. Damnato
reo,' &c.

5. reciperatores. Frequent mention
is made of such a judicial board ; one of
their ciiief functions being the assessment
of claims preferred by ]iro\ incials against
Romans. Thus in Liv. 43. 2, 3, five
senators, under this title, are appointed
by the prat tor at the instance of the
senate, to adjudicate on the complaint of
Spain. See also Liv. 26. 48, 8 ; and
\Veissenborn ad loc. It is here implied
that the trial of Marcellus l)ecame a
mere civil question of damages, the
criminal charges being dropped, thougli
])erhaps his senatorial rank was forfeited
(see PI. Ep. 4. 9, 19;. Pliny (Epp. 2.
1 1, 2) protests against an attempt to give
a similar turn to the trial of Marius
Priscus, ' excessisse Priscum immanitate et
saevitia crimina quibus iudices dari pos-
sent, cum ob innocentes condemn.Tndos,
interficicndos etiam, jKxunias accepisset.'
Cp. also Id. 4. 9, 16 ; 6. 2y, 10.

6. cognitionibus, used specially of
trial before the senate (2. 28, 4, &c.) or
the princeps (3. 10, 3) : see .Staatsr. ii.
121, 964.

in cornu tribunalis. Suet, states
(Tib. 33) that lie snt ' iuxtim vel ex
adverso in parte primori ' ; i.e. on an-
other tribunal facing that of tlie praetor
(see also I)io, 57. 7, 6).

7. curuli, so used without 'sella' by
writers of the silver age : cp. H. 2. 59,
4; PI. Mi., Suet.

8. potentium preces, i.e. those of
influential ' advocati,' rather a paiticular
form of ' ambitus ' than a synonym for
it. Suetonius (1. l.^i gives a more de-
tailed description, ' si quern reorum elabi
gratia rumor esset, subitus aderat, iudi-
cesque aut e piano aul e quaesitoris
tribunali legum et religionis et noxae,
de iiuo cognoscerent, admonebat.' Cp.
' accessil . . . iudiciis gravitas ' V^ell. 2.
126, 2.

9. veritati. This word is here nearly
equivalent to ' aequitas ' : cp. ' Veritas
mea' 3. 16, 5 ; 'ex vero statuisse ' 4. 43,
4 ; also ' verum ' Hor. Epp. 1. 7, qS ; i 2,
23; Liv. 2. 48, 2 ; 3 40, 11 ; and ' iudi-
cem a veiitate drpelli' Quint. 5, Pr. i.

libertas, ' the independence of judges.'
Tacitus, though he has been blamed for
this sentiment, is plainly no defender of
judicial coiruption, but may have rightly
held the coercion of judges by the \)x\n-
ceps to be liable to result m still, more
flaj^rant injustice than that which it
might prevent.

inter quae. The?e words appear only
to connect this case with his general in-
terest in questions of justice ; for the
context, 'auxilium patrum invocabat,'
shows that this is not an action at law,
but a petition to the senate.

10. senator. The apparently super-
fluous use of this word here and in 3.

A.D. .5]

LIBER I. CAP. 74-76.

279

4 labefactas aedis suas, auxilium patrum invocabat. resistentibus
aerarii praetoribus subvcnit Caesar pretiumque aedium Aurclio
tribuit, erogandac per honcsta pecuniae cupiens, qiiam virtutem

5 diu retinuit, cum ceteras exueret. Propertio Celeri praetorio,
veniam ordinis ob paupertatem petenti, deciens sestertium largitus 5

6 est, satis conperto paternas ei angustias esse, temptantis eadem
alios probare causas senatui iussit, cupidine severitatis in iis etiam

7 quae rite faceret acerbus. unde ceteri silentium et paupertatem
confession i et beneficio praeposuere.

76. Eodem anno continuis imbribus auctus Tiberis plana urbis 10

7. causa : causam B, text Sirker (cp. Suet. 1 ib. 47).

^fi, 2 is generally taken to imply that
the persons are 'pedarii senatores ' (cp.

3. 65, 2) only. Where it is used i,e.g.

4. 31, 7; II. 35, 7) of ' praetorii,' it is
to distinguish them from the non-sena-
torial ]icrsons mentioned in the passage.

mole. Nipp. argues that, as ' ductus '
means 'the operation of conducting' of
water, ' moles ' is ' the construction '
of the road, as in ' machinas niolemque
operum Batavis delegat ' \\\. 4. 28, 5);
but it seems doubtful whether ' ductus
aquarum' may not have acquired the
meaning, which it appears to have Inter,
of the actual conduit or aqueduct itself.

2. aerarii praetoribus. The charge
of the ' aerarium,' formerly held by
quaestors, had now, by an ordinance of
Augustus, been allotted to some of the
praetors of the year. A subsequent modi-
fied reversal of this change by Claudius
was again reversed by Nero. The history
and details of the changes are given in
13. 29, where see notes : cp. also H. 4.
9, I.

3. tribuit, as a gift from himself.

erogandae . . . cupiens. Many in-
stances are recorded of his liberality to
individuals (2. 37, i ; 48. i ; 86, 2 ; 4.
64, 1 ; 6. 17, 4; 45. i) and to piovincial
slates (2. 47, 3; 4. 13, i). Suetonius
(Tib. 47, 48) speaks depreciatingly of
these acts. The genitive with 'cupiens,'
used by Tacitus in the .Annals only 1^6. 46,
2 ; 14. 14, 4 ; i,T. 46, I ; 72, 4; 16. 6, 1),
seems to be an instance in which he has
gone back to a Plautine usage.

4. diu. Even the absence of criminal
covetousness (3. 18, 2' is represented as
afterwaids no longer characterising him :
see 4. 20, 2 ; 6. 1 9, I ; and several stories
collected in Suet. Tib. 49. As regards

his munificence, we must set against these
insinuations the fact that one, at least, of
its chief instances i,6. 45, i) is among the
last acts of his life.

5 . veniam ordinis, ' leave to resign
senatorial rank.' The establishment of
a senatorial census see next note) in-
volved loss of rank by impoverishment,
ai.d those who did not thus ask leave
were compelled to resign or struck off:
see 2. 48, 3; 12. 52, 4. 'On'o' is used
specially of the senate (e.g. 11. 25, 5;
13. II, 2; 32, 2), and of its municipal
counterpart (13. 48, 1 ; H. 2. 52, 3).

deciens sestertium. This sum had
been fixed as the senatorial census by
Augustus (Dio, 54. 17, 3-, who had be-
stowed a similar gift on Hortalus (2. 37,
2). Nero gave annual sums in similar
cases (13. 34, 2) as also did Hadrian
and others : see Staatsr. iii. 883.

6. paternas, ' inherited,' i.e. not due
to his own extravagance. Cp. 3. 32, 2.

7. alios: Seneca (de Ben. 2. 7, 2) men-
tions Maiius Nepos, on whom see 2. 48,
3. To another applicant, Acilius Buta,
who had spent a large patrimony, he said
' sero experrectus es ' (Sen. Ep. 122, 10).

8. acerbus. The demand for proof
was 'rite factum' ; the publicity imposed
on it is here called harshness : cp S n.
de Ben. 2. 8, i. Dio (57. 10, 4) says
that he also paid over his gifts openly,
finding that many private gifts of Augus-
tus had been filched in transit.

10. Tiberis, &c. The frequency of
these inundations is noted throughout
Roman History (cp. Gibbon, ch. Ixxi ;
Merivale, ch. xli : Friedlander, i. p. 27.
&c.), and (notwithstanding the rise of
the soil by accumulations) in modern
times also.

28o

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [AU.C. 768.

stagnaverat ; relabentem secuta est aedificiorum et hominum
strages. igitur censuit Asinius Gallus ut libri Sibullini adirentur. 2
renuit Tiberius, perinde divina humanaque obtegens ; sed re- 3
medium coercendi fluminis Ateio Capitoni et L. Arruntio manda-
5 tum. Achaiam ac Macedoniam onera deprecantis levari in 4
praesens proconsulari imperio tradique Caesari placuit. edendis 5

2. sybillini : sibiilLi twice in 6. 12, sibylla in 15. 44, i.

1. stagnaverat, ' had flooded.' The
verb is mostly poetical and post-Augus-
tan, and very rarely transitive. Cp.
('loca) stagnata paludibus ' Ov. Met. 15,
269.

relabentem . . . strages. Probably
'relabentem' is aoristic (see Introd. v.
§ 54 a, and ' strages' is to be taken in
two senses, of the fall of buildings, and
of mortality among human beings ; as
the stagnant water may have bred a pes-
tilence, which was the most usual occa-
sion for consulting the -Sibylline books.
In a similar flood in H. i. 86, 2, the
river is described as ' strage obstantis
molis refusus,' ' strages ' having its more
proper meaning of a confused heap. To
make the passage here mean that such
a mingled mass of building material and
human bodies was carried along with the
retiring waters, we should require ' seque-
batur'; but it may possibly be meant
that such a mass 'ensued,' i.e. was the
spectacle presented to view.

2. libri Sibullini. The new collection
of these prophecies, formed after the de-
struction of the old books with the Capi-
toline temple in 671, B.C. 83 (Dion. Hal.
4, 62', had been revised by order of
Augustus (see on 6. 12, 3), who placed
those approved in gilded caskets in the
pedestal of the statue of Apollo in the
Palatine temple (Suet. Aug. 31). Tibe-
rius, annoyed at the circulation of a pro-
fessed prophecy, is said to have ordered
a further revision and the destruction of
the spurious (Dio, 5,7. 18, 4). On the
whole subject see Marquardt, iii. 350, foil.

3. perinde. The combination of this
word with ' et ' or ' que ' is Tacitean
(2. 2, 6; H. 5. 6, 5). Cp. c. 73,5.

divina . . . obtegens. It is an obvious
explanation, that he considered this a
case for the engineer rather than the
prophet. His fatalism (see 6. 20, 3 ;
Suet. Tib. 69) may also have influenced
his refusal. That he did, however, con-
sider the suppression of prophecy poli-
tically desirable, v\ould appear from his

action (see above) respecting the Sibyl-
line prophecies, and also from his attempt
(see Suet. Tib. 63) to restrict the con-
sultation of ' haruspices, ' and to abolish
all the oracles near Rome.

remedium coercendi, defining geni-
tive: cp. ' effugium . . . prorumpendi' 2.
47, 2, &c. See Madv. § 286.

4. Ateio Capitoni. This great jurist
(see 3. 70, 2 ; 75, 1) was 'curator aqua-
rum,' in succession to Messalla, from
766-776, A.D. 13-23. Frontinus de
Aquaed. c. 102.

L. Arruntio : cp. c. 13, i, &c. Their
recommendations are discussed below
(c. 79). It is probable that Dio ;57.
14, 7 is right in assigning to this time
the institution of a permanent board of
five ' curatores alvei Tiberis,' ascribed
by Suetonius (Aug. 37) to an earlier
date. See Staatsr. ii. p. 1046.

5. Achaiam. Achaia, governed before
with Macedonia, appears not to have
been formed into a separate senatorial
province till 727, B.C. 27. It included
Thessaly and Epirus (cp. 2. 53, 0, be-
sides Greece projier. Of its many famous
cities, the metropolis, and seat of govern-
ment, was the great Julian colony of
Corinth. See Marquardt, i. 330, foil.

Macedoniam. This country was re-
duced to a province in 608, B.C. 146,
some twenty years after its submission.
It was separated by the Drilo and Mt.
Scordus from Delmatia and Moesia, and
by the Nestus from Thrace ; its southern
limits being the northern boundaries of
Achaia. Its chief cities were Thessa-
lonica and the colonies of Dyrrhachium
and Philippi : Marquardt, i. 318.

levari . . . proconsulari imperio. It
is implied that the Caesarian government
was less costly. One explanation is sug-
gested by c. 80, I, that the expense of
separate staffs was saved by giving one
' legatus ' charge of two or more pro-
vinces. Macedonia and Achaia were
restored to the senate by Claudius in
797, .\.D. 44 (Dio, 60. 24, 1 ; Suet. CI. 25).

A.D. 15.]

LIBER I. CAP. -j6, 77.

281

gladiatoribu.s, quos Gcrmanici fratris ac suo nomine obtulerat,
Drusiis praescdit, quamquam vili sanguine nimis gaudcns ; quod

6 in viilgus formidolosum et pater arguissc dicebatur. cur absti-
nueritspcctaculo ipse, varie trahebant ; alii taedio coetus, quidam
tristitia ingenii et metu conparationis, quia Augustus comiter f

7 interfuisset. non crediderim ad ostentandam saevitiam moven-
dasque populi offensioncs concessam filio materiem, quamquam
id quoque dictum est.

77. At theatri licentia, proximo priore anno coepta, gravius
turn erupit, occisis non modo e plebc set militibus et centurione. 10
vulnerato tribuno praetoriae cohortis, dum probra in magistratus

2 et dissensionem vulgi prohibent. actum de ea scditione apud
patres dicebanturque sententiae, ut praetoribus ius virgarum in

3 histriones esset. intercessit Haterius Agrippa tribunus plebei
increpitusque est Asinii Galli oratione, silente Tiberio, qui ea 15

4 simulacra libertatis senatui praebebat. valuit tamen intercessio,

2. praesidit : text B. 3. in ins. from m.irgin, vulgo J. F. Gron. 10. et

militibus : sed margin, etiahi Nipp.

2. quamquam vili, ' true, that it was
but worthless blood ' : cp. ' quamquam
fas sit' c. 10, 2. The extenuation is
characteristic of Roman sentiment. On
the charat^ter of Driisus see on c. 29, 4.

quod in vulgus formidolosum, &c.
Cp. ' in vulgus' c. 28, 5 ; 2. 59, 2, &c.
(see Her. on H. i. 71, 12) ; Liv. 2. 8, 2 ;
Cic. (Her. 1. 1.), and other uses of this
construction with nearly the force of a
simple dat. (c. 7S, 1 ; Introd. v. § 60 b).
W ith ' formidolosum,' ' erat ' might be
supplied, or it might be in apposition
witfi 'quod,' and 'et' might have the force
of 'etiam'; 'which even his father was
said to have censured, as alarming to the
people ' (tlie ' vilis sanguis ' of Rome).

3. abslinuerit. On the tense see on
c. 61, 6.

4. varie trahebant. On this sense of
' trahere ' cp. c. 62, 3.

alii . . . quidam, 'abstinuisse dicebant '
is to be supplied.

taedio coetus, ' because a crowd
was irksome.'

5. tristitia. On his character, and
the contrast in this respect with Augustus,
see c. 54, 4, and note. Suet. Aug. 45.

6. non crediderim, &c. On the re-
jection of scandals by Tacitus, and on his
reference to tradition as an authority for
motives, see Introd. iv. pp. 33, 35.

9. proximo priore anno : see c. 54,

3. 'Proximo' could have well stood
alone, as in c. 22, i ; 78, 3, &c. ; but
' proximus superior' and 'inferior' are
used with apparently equal redundancy
by Cicero (Orat. 64, 116; de N. D. 2.
20. 52 .

10. occisis, aoristic perfect; cp. Introd.

V. § 54 b-

set. The 'et,' closely followed by
another ' et,' can hardly stand. ' Set ' i-^
suggested by the marginal 'sed,' and
can stand without 'etiam,' as in c. 60, i.
' Etiam,' followed by ' militibus,' could
have been easily corrupted into ' et,' and
is used thus without 'sed' in 4. 35, i,
where similar stress is laid on the second
clause.

11. praetoriae cohortis. One of these
cohorts was usually present, and an at-
tenqit afterwards to dispense with it only
resulted in riot : see 13. 24, i ; 25, 4.

14. intercessit. On the position of
tribunes, and permissive exercise of their
veto at this time, see Introd. vi. p. 91.

Haterius Agrippa, mentioned as a
relation of Germanicus and as praetor
2. 51, 2, where see note), as consul
(3. 49, 4; 52, i), and as a man of pro-
fligate character 6. 4, 5).

16. simulacra : cp. ' durat simula-
crum ' 6. 1 1, 2. A similar dispute between

282

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 76S.

quia divus Augustus immunes verberum histriones quondam
responderat, neque fas Tiberio infringere dicta eius. de modo 5
lucaris ct adversus lasciviam fautorum multa decernuntur ; ex
quis maxime insignia, ne domos pantomimorum senator introiret,
5i ne egrcdientcs in publicum equites Romani cingerent aut alibi
quam in theatro sectarentur, et spectantium immodestiam exilio
multandi potestas praetoribus ficret.

78. Templum ut in colonia Tarraconensi strueretur Augusto

6. spectaienlur : text W'olfflin. 8. terra conensi : text B.

praetor and tribune is called ' imago rei-
publicae' in 13. 28, i. Cp. 'imago
libertatis' c. 81, 4; ' antiquitatis ' 3.
60, I.

1. immunes verberum. Augustus
appears from Suetonius (Aug. 45) to have
allowed the magistrates some power
of ch-istising actors (' coercitio ') at the
actual time and place i^'ludis et hcena ') ;
and to have himself ordered some to be
scourged (see on c. 54, 3V But this
resolution appears to have aimed at the
restoration of the general power as
existing ' omni loco et tempore, lege
vetere ' (Suet. 1. 1.). The penalty sub-
stituted seems to be banishment from
Italy (4. 14, 4; 13. 25, 4); which had
also been inflicted under Augustus: see
Suet. 1. 1.

2. neque fas, &c. This obligation
is stated, professedly in his own words,
4. 37, 4. Cp. Agr. 13, 3 ('consilium id
Augustus vocabat, Tiberius praeceptum') ;
and Introd. viii. p. 159.

de modo lucaris. These words, and
' mercedibus scenicorum recisis' (Suet.
Tib. 34), show that the high pay at first
demanded at the ' Augustalia ' (see on
c- 54> 3 ) was not kept up. ' Lucar ' is
elsewhere found only in juristic writers or
inscriptions.

3. fautorum. The context shows that
all patrons are meant, not merely tiie
' theatrales operae ' vc. 16, 4). ' Lascivia '
is here ' recklessness,' as in H. i. 48, 4 ;
G. 24, 2, &c.

4. ne domos, &c. The laxity here
condemned probably dated from the pa-
tronage of Augustus and Maecenas (see
on c. ^^. 3). and these prohibitions
appear to have been wholly ineffectual.
Seneca says (Ep. 47, 17) ' ostendam
nobilissimos iuvenes mancipia pantomi-
morum,' and (Quaest. Nat. 7. 32, 3)
' mares inter se uxoresque contendunt
uter det latus illis ' ('successoribus Py-

l.ndis et Rathylli'). Pliny (N. H. 29. i.
5. § 9^, says ot Thessalus, a physician of
Nero, ' nuUius histrionum . . . comitatior
egressus in publico erat ' ; and Juvenal
(7. !>8) 'quod non dant proceres, dabit
histrio,' &c.

6. sectarentur. This conjecture is
recommended by its avoidanc? of the
awkward introduction, by 'aut.' of a
change of subject, and by the probability
that ' spectarentur ' may have arisen out
of 'spectantium' following. The MS.
text would make the prf)hibition that of
performances in private houses, where no
control could be maintained (,cp. 4.14,4).
There is evidence that rich persons kept
actors for their private use, as Ummidia
Quadratilla (,P1. Epp. 7. 24, 4), or hired
them out. See Marquardt, iii. 539.

et. With this ' ut ' is supi)lied from
' ne.' Nipp. notes 3. 51, 3 ' idque . ..
spatium piorogaretur ' ; and 3. 69, i
'idque princeps diiudicaret.' In c. 79,
I, ' idque' stands for et ne id.'

exilio. This would imply power to
inflict a lesser penalty, as imprisonment
fsee 13. 28, i\ Lipsius refers to a 'lex
de poenis ' (Pandect. Lib. 28) arising out
of this decree.

8. colonia Tarraconensi : the modern
Tarragona, a colony of Julius Caesar,
further dignified with the title 'Colonia
lulia Victrix Triumphalis Tarraco' (Mar-
quardt, i. 255, 6), the chief city of the
great province Hispania Tarraconensis
(on which see 4. 5, 2). That it already
had an altar to Augustus is shown by an
anecdote in (^uint. 6. 3. 77 'Augustus
nunciantibus Tarraconensibus palmam
in ara eius enatnm, apparet, inquit, quam
saepe accendalis.' The temple is repre-
sented on coins, and appears to have
been inscribed ' Deo ' (not ' Divo ') 'Au-
gusto ' (Eckh. i. pp. 57, 58), and was the
centre of this worship for the whole pro-
vince.

A.I). 15.]

LIBER I. CAP. 77-79.

283

pctcntibus Hispanis permi.ssum, datumquc in omnes provincias

2 exemplum. centesimam rerum venalium post bella civilia insti-
tutam deprecante populo edixit Tiberius militare aerarium eo
subsidio niti ; simul imparcm oneri rem publicam, nisi vicensimo

3 militiae anno vcterani dimitterentur. ita proximae seditionis 5
male consulta. quibus sedecim stipendiorum finem expresserant,
abolita in postcrum.

79. Actum dcinde in senatu ab Arruntio et Ateio, an ob
moderandas Tibcris exundationes vertcrentur flumina et lacus,
per quos augescit ; auditaeque municipiorum et coloniarum 10

1. datum . . . exemplum. Soon after
Actiuin, Au}(UstHs had allowed temples,
to himself and Koma, at Pergamum in
Asia, Nicomedeia in Bithynia, Ancyra
in Galatia, and elsewhere (see 4. 37, 4;
Dio, 51. 20, 7), besides altars (see above,
also c. .^9, i) ; but the example now set
may well have consisted in its being the
first national temple to ' divus Augustus'
alone, and in the necessity imposed on
other provinces to act likewise.

2. centesimam rerum venalium.
I'ossibly the idea of this tax was sug-
gested by its use in Egypt : see Mar-
(juardt, ii. 278. On its further history
see 2. 42, 6.

3. militare aerarium. Augustus thus
describes the institution of this treasury
(Mon. Anc iii. 35), ' M. Lepido et L.
Arruntio cos (759, A.D. 6), in aerarium
militare, quod ex meo consilio constitu-
tum est, ex quo praemia darentur mili-
tibus, qui viccna plurave stipendia eme-
ruissent, H. S. milliens et septingentiens
Ti. Caesans nomine et meo detuli.' This
treasury was placed under three ' prae-
fecti'(Inscr. Orell.94^. &c.' of praetorian
rank, chosen at first by lot, afterwards
by selection; and, as funds fell short,
received other taxes, as the ' vicesima
hereditatum ' (Dio, 55. 25, 5 , some
confiscated property, as that of Agrippa
Postumus (Dio, 55. 32, 2;, and some
foreign revenues (2. 42, 6). A deficiency
in its funds may have caused the substi-
tution of land gilts for money, which
seems implied in c. 17, 5.

4. simul, ' even with its help.'

nisi vicensimo, i.e. unless the con-
cession lowering the time of their 'mis-
sio ' from the twentieth to the sixteenth
year of service see c. 36, 4) were re-
voked. As the dischage then given after
sixteen years, was only ' missio sub

vexillo,' it would here seem that some
gratuity was payable nt that stage. In
the ' diploniata,' twci.ty years' service is
a mininmm, the formula for legionaries
being ' tjui vicena aut )dura stipendia
meruerant.' The pr.nemium given by
Augustus on full discharge was 1 2,000
H .S. to the legions ^Dio, 23. 23. 1);
but Tiberius is said to have avoided
'niissionts' as much as pos>ilile (.Suet.
Tib. 48), and tiaius to have reduced the
gratuity by one half (Suet. Cal. 44'.

6. sedecim stipendiorum flnera.
Nipp follows Walther in explaining this
as a genitive of quality.

expresserant : cp. c. 19, 5.

8. Actum . . . an, * the question was
raised, whether,' Sec. Their appointment
was mentioned in c. 76, 3.

10. augescit ; ind. pres. because this
fact is no part of the question.

municipiorum et coloniarum. These
terms are constantly used together by
Tacitus (cp. 3. 55-4; 4- 67, i ; 15. 33.
3; H. 2. 20, I ; 56, I ; 62, 4, &c.) to
designate the towns of Italy ; the term
' piaefictura' being obsolete, and ' co-
lonia ' taken to include both Roman and
Latin colonies. The old distinction
between these terms (,see Watson, Select
Letters of Cicero, Appendix xii; D. of
Ant. i. p. 483) had become very obscure
and obsolete, and Tacitus appc ars, be ow
in this chapter, and perhaps in 3. 2, 2,
to use ' coloniae ' as a common term for
both ; but to attain colonial rank was
still an honour to an Italian town (14.
27, 2). Of the towns here mentioned,
Florentia alone was a colony, and that
from recent date. These ' legationes '
were generally addressed to the senate :
cp- '3- 4. 3; 4*^. I. &c., Staatsr. iii.
IJ9S.

284

p. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 768.

legationes, orantibus Florentinis, ne Clanis solito alveo demotus
ill amncm Arnum transferretur idque ipsis perniciem adferret.
congruentia his Interamnates disseruere : pessum ituros fecun- 2
dissimos Italiae campos, si amnis Nar (id enim parabatur) in

5 rivos diductus superstagnavisset. nee Reatini silebant. Velinum 3
lacum, qua in Narem efifunditur, obstrui recusantes, quippe in
adiacentia eruptururn ; optume rebus n:iortalium consuluisse
naturam, quae sua ora fluminibus, suos cursus utque originem,ita
fines dederit ; spectandas etiam religiones sociorum, qui sacra et

10 lucos et aras patriis amnibus dicaverint : quin ipsum Tiberim 4
nolle prorsus accolis fluviis orbatum minore gloria fluere. seu 5
preces coloniarum seu difficultas operum sive superstitio valuit,
ut in sententiam Cn. Pisonis concederetur, qui nil mutandum
censuerat.

3. ante manates : text B, Antemnntes Pich.
Nipp., eorum Ritt., sodalicioiiim conj. Miiller.
text L, conceclereiit Doederleiii.

5. deductus : text B. 9. maiorum
1 3. Cn. ins. Nipp. concederet :

1. ne Clanis, &c. The marshes near
Cortona and Arretium are the source of
the Chiana iClanis), and also of streams
flowing north into the Arno.

2. idque . . . adferret. On 'idque'
see note on c. 77, 5. 'Adferret' is used
as 'traheret' (2. 58, 1), 'maneret' (2.
81, 3"), ' exstrueret ' (4. 37, i), &c. ; in
all of which cases a request that some-
thing may or may not happen, is ad-
dressed to those with whom it rests to
permit or hinder it. See Nipp. on 2. 58.

3. Interamnates, of Interamna : Ter-
ni , in Umbria, between two branches of
the Nar (Nera).

5. superstagnavisset, an. tip. On
the simple verb cp. c. 76, i.

Reatini. Of Reate (Rieti) in Sabina.
Between this place and Interamna, the
lake and river Velinus are discharged
into the Nar through the passage cut by
M'. Curius >Cic. Att. 4. 15, 5), forming
the famous Falls of Terni. The expres-
sions here used seem to show that it had
come to be regarded as a work of nature.

6. lacum . . . obstrui recusantes.
The accus. and inf. with this verb occurs
only here and PI. N. H. 29. i, 8, 16 ; but,
like that with 'obsisto' (G. 34, 3), and
the more common use with ' prohibeo '
(c. 69, I, &c.), is analogous to the usage
with verbs having the opposite sense of
permitting, &c. See one. 72, 2; 74, 7.

8. ora, ' outlets.'

9. sociorum. Those who alter the
text argue that the Italians, who can
alone be meant, could not at this time
be called ' socii.' l!ut the term would
suit the original dedicators; who, though
their own dts^cendants would no longer
generally so style them, might still be
spoken of under such a title in the Roman
senate.

sacra, &c. A worship of the Clitum-
nus, at its source, is mentioned in PI.
Epp. 8. 8, 5.

10. patriis, ' of their fatherland ' : cp.
'insignibus patriis' 15. 29, 4; ' abietibus
patriis' Verg. Aen. 9, 692, &c.

Tiberim, Sec. On this personification
cp. Introd. v. § 75.

13. Pisonis. The last mention of
Cn. Piso (c. 74, 6) is perhaps sutificiently
recent to make it unnecessary to insert
' Cn.' No other Piso has as yet been
mentioned.

concederetur. This has been ge-
nerally adopted. The instances given
by Baiter of a similar error are, however,
all in the second Meclicean MS.; and
' senatus,' mentioned at the beginning of
the chapter, might possibly be supplied
as the subject of this sentence recording
their final decision.

nil mutandum. A ' fossa ' made by
Nerva or Tmjan is mentioned in PI. Epp.
8. 17, 2.

A.D. 15.]

LIBER I. CAP. 79, 80.

285

80. Prorogatur Poppaeo Sabino provincia Moesia, additis

2 Achaia ac Macedonia, id quoque morum Tiberii fuit, continuare
impcria ac plerosquc ad finem vitae in isdem excrcitibus aut

3 iurisdictionibus habere, causae variae traduntur: alii tacdio novae
curae semel placita pro acternis servavisse, quidam invidia, ne .5

4. varie Acidalius and Haase.

T. Prorogatur. The tenure of a Cae-
sarian province was strictly during the
pleasure ol Caesar iDio, 53. 13, 6 ; but a
period of three to five years appears, from
the advice attributed to Maecenas (Dio,
52. 23, 2), to have been customary. Sa-
binus had probably been appointed in
764, A.l). II. .See ne.xt note.

Poppaeo Sabino. His full name in
the Fasti Cap. as cos. 762 a.d. 9, is C,
Poppaeus Q. f. Q. n. Sabinus. He was
the lather of Poppaea Sabina (on whom
see II. 2,2\ and, through her, the grand-
father of Poppaea the wife of Nero
(13. 45, I, &c.;. He received triumphal
honours in 779, A.D. 26 (4. 46, 1), and
died in 788, A.D. 35; having governed
important provinces for twenty-four years
'quod par negotiis neque supra erat '

(6- .^9, 3 '-

Moesia. This was a Caesarian pro-
vince of the first rank, bounded north
and east by the Danube and Euxine see
note on 2. 65, 5), and parted from Thrace,
Macedon, and lllyria. by the range of
Haemus and Scorclus, and the Drinus
and Savus ; thus comprising the whole of
Servia and Bulgaria, and having a gar-
rison of two legions (4. 5, 5). It was
established at some time late in the life
of Augustus fcp. Ov. Trist. 2, 197), and
was divided into two by Domitian. The
importance of most of its towns is of
later date ; but Tomi, on the coast, is
known as the place of exile of Ovid. See
Marc|uardt, i. 301, foil.

additis Achaia ac Macedonia. Ac-
cording to Dio (58. 25, 1;) this arrange-
ment held throughout the lifetime of
Sabinus, and was continued under his
successor Memmius Regulus, and ap-
parently till the restoration of these pro-
vinces to the senate (see c. 76, 4). Tacitus
bears out this account by speaking of
him as commanding in the Thracian war
troops sent from Moesia (4. 46-51), as
governing Macedonia and Achaia still
later (5. 10, 3), and as holding ' maximae
provinciae ' up to his death (see note
above). On the other hand he mentions

at various times other governors of Moe-
sia ; namely, Ti. Latinius Pandusa and
his successor l^omponius Flaccus in 772,
A.D. 19 (2. 66, 3; ; probably P. Vel-
l.aeus in 774, A.D. 21 (3. 39, i) ; and
Pomponius Lai)eo in 779, A.D. 26(4. 47,
I ; 6. 29, i): but of these only Klaccus,
who was appointed for a special purpose,
is known to have been a consular, and
Labeo was certainly not such (see on
4. 47, i). It is therefore possible that
these were subordinate to Sabinus, whose
position may have resembled that ol
L. Vitellinsin 78S, a.d. 35 (6. 32, 5).

2. morum. This plural form of the
classical ' moris est.' appears to be new.
On similar genitives see Introd. v. § 35.

continuare imperia. For instances
see Introd. vii. pp. 117, 118. The same
rule applied to his fiscal officers : see

4- 6, 5-

4. iurisdictionibus. In Cicero's time
the government of a peaceful province
was mere ' iurisdictio' ad Q. F. i. i, 7).
Hence Ern. and others refer this term
here to the senatorial provinces. But
only the direct appointments of Tiberius
seem here spoken of, and among the
Caesarian there were peaceful provinces,
to which the term may well be applied.

causae, &c. To those here mentioned
may be added that which Josephus (.\nt.
18. 6, 5) quotes as assigned by Tiberius
himself, that ' it is better to leave the
gorged flies on a sore than to drive them
off' (see Introd. viii. p. 157) ; and the
complaint, also alleged by himself, that
the best men constantly declined the
office (6. 27, 3). Dio 158. 23, 5) alleges
the redaction in the ranks of the senate
as the cause, in later years, of the pro-
longed tenures of all provinces.

alii, sc. ' tradunt, supplied from ' tra-
duntur.'

5. semel placita. Orelli illustrates
this habit, even in small matters, from
the fact that the types of his coinage
show hardly any change after this year
,Eckh. vi. 188).

286

P. CORN ELI I TACIT I ANNALIUM [A. U.C. 768.

plures fruerentur ; sunt qui existiment, ut callidum eius ingenium,
ita anxium iudicium ; neque enim eminentis virtutes sectabatur.
et rursum vitia oderat : ex optimis periculum sibi, a pessimis
dedecus publicum metuebat. qua haesitatione postremo eo pro- 4
5 vectus est, ut mandaverit quibusdam provincias, quos egredi urbe
non erat passurus.

81. De comitiis consularibus, quae turn primum illo principe
ac deinceps fuere, vix quicquam firmare ausim : adco diversa
non modo apud auctores sed in ipsius orationibus reperiuntur.
10 modo subtractis candidatorum nominibus originem cuiusque et 2

1. ut callidum, &c., 'that his de-
cision was as irresolute, as his perception
was acute.' On the apparently true
insight here shown into his character,
see Introd. viii. p. 137, &c.

3. rursum, ' on the other hand : ' cp.
c. 12, 4 ; 2. 39. 4 ; 1 1. 28, 3; 13. 14, 5,&c.

5. ut mandaverit. Tacitus uses the
historical perf. subj. as an aorist, in
consecutive sentences, with more free-
dom than any other writer except Sue-
tonius: cp. c. 18, 2; 56, 3; 2. 30, i;
55, 3 ; 81, I, &c. ; Drager, Synt. und Stil,
§ 182; Madv. 382, Obs. i ; and Mr.
Kirkpatrick in Class. Rev. iv. 343.

quibusdam. The only cases known
are those of L. Arruntius and Aelius
Lamia; see 6. 27, 2, 3. It is stated by
Suetonius (Tib. 63" that he tie.ited them
as governors, and gave them instructions,
to be executed by their ' legati ' : a
governor of Syria was similarly kept at
home by Nero (13. 22, 2).

6. non erat passurus. Nipp. notes
this as implying, not that he had made
up his mind at their appointment (in
which case there would be no ' haesi-
tatio'~i, but that the moment never came
when he would let them go.

7. comitiis : used of election by the
senate, as in c. 15, i. That the consular
as well as other elections were so con-
ducted, is shown by an inscription cited
below, and by the tem[iorary restitution
to the people under Gaius (Dio, 59.
20, 3).

tum primum. The consuls for this
year had been designated before tlie death
of Augustus (c. 14, 5). With 'deinceps,'
' illo principe' is again supplied ; no allu-
sion being here made to the practice of
his successors.

8. flrmars, for ' adfirmare ' ; so 6. 6, 2 ;
28, 6 ; 50, 6, &c.

9. non modo. Nipp. here notes the
apparently inadvertent repetitions found
sometimes in Tacitus, as here ' modo ' . . .
'modo,' also 'eximeretur' . . . ' exemit '
(3. i^, i); ' nisi '...' nisi ' (3. 57, 2 ;
' simul' . . . ' simul ' ^4- 16, i), &c. On
the other hand, the repetition here of
' subtractis ' . . . ' subtracta ' ; as of ' pa-
rentur ' . . . ' parentur ' (2. 33, 4) ; ' venas '
. . . 'venas' (6. 9, 4), are intentional.
Many instances of each kind are cited here
by Nipp. from a much larger list in Joh.
Miiller (Beitrage, sect. 4. 11-18).

ipsius orationibus. These would pro-
bably be recorded in the 'acta senatus';
but it is remarkable that Tacitus does not
cite the ' acta ' themselves as evidence.
.See Introd iii. p. 18.

10. modo, &c. Although an inscription
(C. I. L. ix. 2342) records a person as
' per commendation(em) Ti. Caesaris Au-
gusti ab senatu co(n)s(ul) dest(inatus),'
this passage appears clearly to show that
his control of these elections was informal,
and not analogous to the special ' com-
mendatio ' of ' candidati Caesaris ' for
other magistracies. See on c. 15, 2 ; and
Introd. vi. p. 94. Tacitus is here describ-
ing three modes of informal recommenda-
tion : (1) by giving two names to the
consuls, and stating that no others had
offered themselves ; which amounts to a
' nominatio ' Tsee on c. 14, 6 ; and Introd.
1. 1.) of two candidates only : (2) and (3)
without even formal 'nominatio' ; by in-
dicating in a speech or letter (without
names"' the persons whom he preferred;
or by intimating to ' candidati ' that they
need not canvas, and leaving it ap-
parently to them to make this known.

subtractis, "being suppressed': cp.
' aliis nominatis me unum subtrahebat '
(Curt. 6. 10, 7).

AD. 15.] LIBER I. CAP.2>o.%i. 287

vitam et stipcndia dcscripsit, vit qui forent intellcgerctur : ali-
quando ea quoque significatione subtracta candidates hortatu.s,
ne ambitu comitia turbarent, .suam ad id curam pollicitus est.
3 plcrumque eos tantuin apud .se profes.sos disscruit, quorum
nomina cousulibus edidi.s.set ; pos.se et alios profitcri, si gratiae 5
aut mcritis confiderent : speciosa verbis, re -inania aut subdola,
quantoque maiore libertatis imagine tegcbantur, tanto eruptura
ad infensius servitium.

8. 1 IMl p. CoRNKLI Llli. I. INCII'IT LlKER II.

BOOK II.
SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.

A. U. C. 769, A. D. 16. Statilius Sisenna Taurus, L. Libo, coss.
Ch. 1-4. State of affairs in the East.

1, 2. Unpopularity of Vonones, who had been ec'ucated in Rome and had suc-
ceeded to the throne of Parthia. 3, 4. Vonones, driven out by Artabanus,
accepted as king of Armenia, but afterwards removed by the Romans into Syria.

Ch. 5-26. Campaign of Germanicus.

5, 6. A large fleet formed and concentrated at the ' Insula Batavorum.' 7- Expe-
dition agamst the Chatli and to the I.upia. 8. Route of the army to the Amisia
and thence to the Visurgis. 9, 10. Colloquy of Arminius and Flavus. 11. The
Romans cross the Visurgis. 12, 13. The temper of the soldiers ascertained by
Germanicus. 14. His dream, and address to the army. 15. Address of Arminius.
16-18. Battle of Idisia>iso ; Tiberius saluted as ' imperator,' and trophy erected.
19-22. Second Roman victory in a position chosen by the Germans; submission
of the AngiiVarii. 23, 24. Disastrous storm on the retreat. 25. Renewed attack
on the Chatti and Marsi. 26. Germanicus recalled by Tiberius to his triumph
and a second consulship.

Ch. 27 31. Impeachment of I ibo Drusus for revolutionary designs; his suicide.

32. Rewards of the accusers; servility of senators; punishment of astrologers and

magicians.
Ch. 33-38. Debates in the senate. 33. On the luxury of the age. 34. Outspoken

words of L. Piso ; his suit with Urgulania. 35. On the adjournment of business.

36. On holding elections five years in advance. 37, 38. The petition of Hortalus

rebuked.

Ch. 39, 40. Attempt of a slave lo personate Agrippa Postumus.

A. U. C. 770, AD. 17. C. Caelius, L. Pomponius, coss.

Ch 41. Triumph of Germanicus (May i6) ; feeling of the people. 42. Cappadocia
reduced to a province on the death of Archelaus. 43- Germanicus appointed with
general powers to settle matters in the East ; Cn. Piso made governor of Syria.
44 46. Drusus sent to Illyricum to watch the struggle between Marobodaus, king
of the Suebi, and Arminius, who had defeated him with the Cheruscans. 47, 48.
Liberality of Tiberius to the cities of Asia ruined by an earthquake, and to various
persons at Rome. 49. Dedication of temples. 50. Trial of Appuleia Varilla.
51. Contest on the election of a praetor. 52. Beginning of the predatory war of
Tacfarinas in Africa ; his defeat by Camillus.

29© SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.

A. U. C. 771, A. D. 18. Ti. Caesar Augustus III, Germanicus Caesar II, coss.

Ch. 52-58. Actions of Germanicus in the East.

52. His route to Athens. 53. Birth of Julia at Lesbos; journey of Germanicus to
the Euxine and return by Ilium and Colophon. 55. Conduct of Piso at Athens;
corruption of the Syrian legions by him and Plancina. 56. Germanicus crowns
Artaxias king of Armenia and sends governors to Cappadocia and Commagene.
57. Dissensions between Germanicus and Piso. 58. Overtures from Artabanus
king of Parthia; Vonones removed to Cilicia.

A. U. C. 772, A.D. 19. M. Silanus, L. Norbanus, coss.

Ch. 59-61. Travel of Germanicus in Egypt; displeasure of Tiberius; visit to Thebes,
the Memnon, Syene, and Elephantine.

Ch. 62, 63. Maroboduus forced to take refuge in Italy and kept at Ravenna ;
similar fate of Catualda who had overthrown him.

Ch. 64-67. Rhescuporis, king of Thrace, who had seized and killed his brother
Cotys, entrapped by Pomponius Flaccus, and condemned at Rome; Thrace divided
between his son and nephews.

Ch. 68. Vonones attempts to escape, and is killed.

Ch. 69-73. Illness and death of Germanicus.

69. Illness of Germanicus; conduct of Piso; suspicions of poison and witchcraft.

70. Final breach with Piso, who is ordered to leave the province. 71, 72. Last
words and death of Germanicus. 73. His funeral ; comparison with Alexander the
Great.

Ch. 74-81. Events in the East after his death.
74. Sentius chosen governor of Syria ; evidence collected against Piso. 75.
Agrippina sets out for Rome. 76, 77. Advice given to Piso. 78. His resolution
to reclaim his province by force. 79. His meeting with the ship of Agrippina.
80, 81. His occupation of a fort in Cilicia and surrender.

Ch. 82, 83. feeling in Rome, and honours decreed to the memory of Germanicus.
84. Twin sons born to Diusiis and Livia.

Ch. 85. Decrees against female profligacy, and against the Isiac and Jewish worships.
86. Election of a vestal. 87. Corn sold at a fixed price, with compensation to
dealers ; Tiberius refuses the title of ' pater patriae.* 88. Offer to poison Arminius
rejected ; notice of his death and achievements.

p. CORNELII TACITI

ANNALIUM AB EXCESSU DIVI AUGUSTI

LIBER II.

1. SiSENNA Statilio [Tauro] L. Libone consulibus mota
Orientis regna provinciaeque Romanae, initio apud Parthos orto. 5
qui petitum Roma acceptumque regem, quamvis gentis Arsaci-
darum, ut externum aspernabantur. is fuit Vonones, obses

2 Augusto datus a Phraate. nam Phraates quamquam depulisset
exercitus ducesque Romanes, cuncta venerantium officia ad

2. ab excessu diui Augusti. 4. [Tauro] Kitt. 8. aprahate and prahatcs
(corr. phrahates) : in 6. 31-32 four times phraates ; in 11. 10; 12. 10 Med. ii. prahatis
and praatis.

4. Sisenna Statilio [Tauro]. The
name is thus i^iven in the Fasti (C. I. L.
i. p. 475, X. 6639), but the mention of
another cot;nomen, after one cognomen
and a gentile name, is noted as contrary
to the usage of Tacitus. The full names
in Dio (Argum. of B. 57) are T. Statilius
T. f. Sisenna Taurus, and L. Scribonius L.
f. Libo. On the latter see c. 29, 2.

6. gentis Arsacidarum. This dy-
nasty created, cir. B.C. 250, the Parthian
Empire, which lasted till cir. A.D. 230,
and included nearly all the eastern por-
tion of the Syro-Macedoni.TU dominions,
from the Euphrates to the Hindoo Koosh
and the desert of Carmania ; the chief ex-
ceptions being the partially, and, at times,
wholly independent kingdoms of Nortliern
Media (Atropatenei, and of 'Armenia
maior.' Its history is fully treated in Prof.
Rawlinson's 'Sixth Oriental Monarchy'
(London, 1^73^, and the chronology has
been determined from numi^matic data.
See Prof. Percy Gardner, ' Coinage of

Parthia ' '.Part v. of ' Numismata Orient-
alia,' London, 1877'), whence most of the
dates here given are taken.

7. is fuit. Nipp. notes the recurrence
of this mode of expression in 4. 15, 2 ;
13. 42, I ; If. 3 47. I ; 4- II. 3-

8. nam Phraates. For a general
sketch of the policy of Rome towards
Parthia and Armenia, from the tirhe of
Augustus to that of Nero, see vol. ii.
Introd. ch. iv. This Phraates was the
fourth of that name and fifteenth king of
the dynasty, and reigned from B.C. 37 to
B.C. 2. The repulse of the Romans alluded
to is that of M. Antonius and his lieu-
tenant Oppius Statianus in 718, B.C. 36.
The force under the latter was annihilated.
See Dio, 49. 24-32.

9. venerantium, a form of defining
genitive equivalent to ' venerantibus pro-
pria ' : cp. ' supplicia civium ' 6. 40, 2 ;
' illecebrae peccantium ' Agr. 4. 3 ; ' ser-
vientium poenae ' ibid. 32, 5.

officia. The chief mark of respect

292

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 769.

Augustum verterat partemque proHs firmandae amicitiae mis-
erat, haud perinde nostri metu quam fidei popularium diffisus.

2. Post finem Phraatis et sequentium regum ob internas
caedcs venere in urbem legat' a primoribus Parthis, qui Vono-

5 ncm vetustissimum liberorum eius accirent. magnificum id sibi 2
credidit Caesar auxitque opibus. et accepere barbari laetantes,
ut ferme ad nova imperia. mox subiit pudor degeneravisse 3
Parthos : petitum alio ex orbe regem, hostiunn artibus infectum ;
iam inter provincias Romanas solium Arsacidarum haberi dari-

10 que. ubi illam gloriam trucidantium Crassum, exturbantium 4

e
6. accipere : cp. c. 38, 7.

lay in his restoration, in 734, B. c. 20, of
the standards taken from Crassus and
others (Dio, 54. 8, i). Cp. ' Paithos
trium exercitiuim Romanorum spolia et
signa reddere mihi, su]iplice^que amici-
tiam populi Romani petere coegi ' (Mon. ,
Anc. V. 40). The homage alleged here,
and in Hon Ep. i. 12, 27, would aj^pear
from Dio (1. 1.) to be overstated.

1. partemque prolis.- Strabo (16. i,
28, 748) states that he sent four sons,
Seraspadant-s, Rhodaspis, I'hraates, and
Vonones, with two wives and four sons
belonging to them. In Mon. Anc. vi. 3,
these are described as ' filios suos nepo-
tesque omnes.' This surrender was made
to M. Titius (Strabo, 1. 1. , legatus of
Syria between 743 and 747, B.C. 1 1-7
(Rawlinson, p. 211). The first two are
shown by an inscription fC. I.L. vi. 1799,
Or. 628) to have died in Rome.

firmandae amicitiae. On this dative
with 'mittere' cp. i. 60, 2. <

2. haud perinde ... quam : cp. c. 5,
3, &c. ; also without a negative in 6. 30,
4; II. 10, 5, &c., and in Suet. The same
reason for this action of Phraates is given
by Strabo (1. l.^j StSiws ras araatis kcu
Tovs emOtixtvovs avrw. Cp. Mon. Anc.
(1. 1.) ' non bello superatus, sed amicitiani
nostram per [liberoruui] suorum pignora
petens.' It would thus appear that ' obses
datus,' above, is not to be taken strictly.

3. Post finem, &c. Phraataces, a
natural son of Phraates, murdered his
lather and succeeded him, and was him-
self forced to give way to Orodes, also an
Arsacid, who was assassinated by his sub-
jects (Jos. Ant. 18. 2, 4). Phraataces was
king as early as August B.C. 2, and had
an interview with Oaius Caesar in the
East; see Dio, 55. 10 a, 4 '.Dindorfj :

cp. Veil. 2. loi, 2. His coins date to
A.D. 4 ; and the assassination of Orodes
appears to have taken place in A. I). 7 or
8, in the laiter of which years the coinage
of Vonones begins. He may have been
sent for earlier, as we hear of a Parthian
embassy to Rome apparently in 758 or
759, A. I). 5 or 6 (,Suet. Tib. 16).

internas, ' domestic,' used of ' dis-
cordiae ' (c. 26, 3), ' certamina ' {c. 54, 2),
and domestic affairs generally (4. 32, 2).

4. primoribus, more properly called
'megistanes' ('meheslan), 15. 27, 4;
Suet. Cal. 5.

5. vetustissimum. Of the others,
Phraates was certainly alive (6. 31, 4);
so that either Strabo i^l. 1.), who places
Vonones last, may not give a correct
order of seniority, or Josephus (1. 1.) may
be right in saying that he was selected as
the fittest.

6. Caesar. Augustus, who has been
mentioned (c. i, 2), is intended by this
name here and in c. 3.

auxit, ' enriched him ' ; so in 1 1 . 8, 6 :
cp. I. 3, i; 42, 6; II. 16, 3, &c.

laetantss ... ad ; so ' laeto milite.
ad mutntioneni ducum ' H. 2. 36,4. This
mode of expressing relation is fr( quent in
Tacitus with adjectives or participles, e.g.
1.40, 3; 43, 5; 6. 7, 3; 8, 4; 29, 5, &c.

8. alio ex orbe. The Parthians are
made to sj^enk of their empire as a world
in itself, as the l^omans would speak of
' noster orbis' (G. 2, i; Agr. 12, 3) or
ij oiKovfjLfvi] (St. Luke 2, I, &c.\

lo. trucidantium . . . exturbantium,
used aorislically : see Introd. v. § 54.
On the defeat and death of Crassus in
701, B.C. 53, see Plut. Crass. 27-31,560-
563; Dio, 40. 16-27, "^c. ; on that of
Antonius see above, c. i, 2.

A. D. 10.]

LIBER 11. CAP. 1-3.

293

Antonium, si mancipium Caesaris, tot per annos serv itutein

5 perpessum, Parthis imperitet ? accendebat dedignantes tt ipse
diversus a maiorum institutis, raro venatu. se^ni cquorum cura ;
quotiens per urbcs incedcret, lecticae gcstamine fastuque erga

6 patrias epulas. inridebantur ct Graeci comites ac vilissima uten- r
siliuni anulo clausa. sed prompti aditus, obvia comitas, ignotae
Parthis virtutes, nova vitia ; et quia ipsorum moribus aliena.
perinde odium pravis et honcstis.

3. Igitur Artabanus Arsacidarum e sanguine apud Dahas
adultus excitur, primoque congressu fusus reparat vires regnoque ic

7. maioribus : text Miiretus.

2. accendebat: cp. ' incendebat ' i.
23, i,&c. ' Decii^nor' is chiefly poetical,
and elsewhere in 'I'aciUis takes an infiii.
;c 34, 8, (&:c.) or accus. (14. 46, 2 .

ipse, his character, as distinct from
his antecedents.

3. raro venatu, segni . . . cura,
usually taken as abl. of quality ; but
'gestamiiie' and ' fastu ' would be moie
naturally instrumental, and no change of
construction need be supposed. Justin
states (41. 3, 3) that the I'arthians ate
no flesh but that taken in the chase, and
were never seen out except on horseback.

4. quotiens . . . incederet, subjunct.
of repeated action: cp. Inlrod. v. § 52.

lecticae gestamiue : cp. ' gestamine
sellJle ' 14.4, 6; 15. 57, 3; and ' eodem
gestamine' 11. 33, 3. The word, gene-
rally poetical and poit-Augustan, is other-
wise almost exclusively used of that which
is worn or borne.

erga. The use of this word to express
any feeling or mere relation towards a
person or thing, is es])ecially, though not
exclusively, Tacittnn. Sec Introd. v.
§ 59 ; Nipp. on c. 76. For other instances
of its use in application to thmgs or
abstract conceptions, cp. 4. 20, 2 ; 11.
2-;, 8; 16. 33,' i, &c. ; and a few earlier
instances, as ' erga meam salutem ' Cic.
Prov. Cons. 1,1; Att. 8. 3, 2.

5. epulas, the feasts with the ' me-
gistanes,' only suspended as an act of
mourning ; ' iusiitii instar '), Suet. Cal. 5.

Graeci comites, probal ly men of
letters, as those with Tiberius (,4. 58, i).
utensilium, 'stores' : cp. i. 70, 6.

6. anulo clausa : cp. Plin. N. H. 33.
1,6, 26 'nunc cibi quoque ac potus anulo
vindicantur a rapina ' ; also Plant. Cas. 2.
I, I ; Cic. ad ham. 16. 26, 2 ; Hor. Ep.

2. 2, 134; Juv. 14, 132, &c. These jire-
cau'.ions against pilfering slaves woulil
seem mean to Parthians.

prompti aditus, &c. It seems best
to supply ' erant,' not with these clauses,
but with 'nova vitia.' taken as predicate
to the whole, and explained by ' et quia,'
&c., following.

obvia, ' affable,' i. e. ready to meet
all halfway: cp. ' obvium obsequiuni ' H.

1. 19, 2; and 'obvius' thus used of a
person in Plin. Epp. i. 10, 2.

9. Arsacidarum e sanguine, by his
mother's side only (6. 42, 4) : on his
father's side he was probably a Dahan, or
of Hyrcanian or Carmanian blood ; see
6. 36, 5. According to Josephus ( Ant. 1 8.

2, 4), he was king of Aledia, i. e. of the
independent i>art, Atropatene.

Dahas. This Scythic race, bordering
on the Arii (11. 10, 3), and grouped by
Strabo (11. 8, 2, 511) with the Sacae
and Massagetae, must have llien lived
between the Caspian, the sea of Aral, and
the Oxus ; though the modern Daghcstan
shows trace of them at some other time
further west. They are known as a war-
like race to Vergil (Aen. 8, 728).

■ 10. prime congressu fusus. This vic-
tory is commemorated by coins, dating
A. l». 9-1 1 , inscribed BacriAtiis 'O- wvvj'i vti-
KTjaas 'ApraHaviiv. It is seen tljat these
coins are wholly distinct from the usual
Parthian types, and thus illustrative ol the
diffcience of Vonones from the national
character : see the engraving, Raw I.,
p. 223; Gardner, p. 47, and PL v.

reparat vires, by a retreat to Media :
see Josephus (1. l.J, who adiis further
particulars. The coinage of Artabanus
begins in A. D. 10 or 11.

VOL. I

U

294

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 769.

potitur. victo Vononi perfugium Armenia fuit, vacua tunc inter- 2
que Parthorum et Komanas opes infida ob scelus Antonii, qui
Artavasden regem Armeniorum specie amicitiae inlectum, dein
catenis oneratum, postremo interfecerat. eius filius Artaxias, 3

6 memoria patris nobis infensus, Arsacidarum vi seque regnumque
tutatus est. occiso Artaxia per dolum propinquorum, datus a 4
Caesare Armeniis Tigranes deductusque in regnum a Tiberio
Nerone. nee Tigrani diuturnum imperium fuit neque liberis 5
eius, quamquam sociatis more externo in matrimonium reg-

10 numque.

4. Dein iussu Augusti inpositus Artavasdes et non sine clade

1. vacua, without a head : cp. 6. 34,
3 ; 51, 4, &c.

interque, &c. As only their alienation
from Rome is spoken of, Nipp. is perhaps
right in taking this not with ' infida,' but
ol geographical position only.

2. Parthorum et Bomanas. On such
variations see Introd. v. § 91 : cp. c. 17,
6; 60, 4; 3. 2, I ; 15. 6, 6 : also 'inter
regem Macedonum Poenumque ducem '
Liv. 23. 34, 7, ' inter Macedonum Ro-
manaque castra' Id. 36. 29, 5.

ob scelus Antonii. Artavasdes I was
son of Tigranes I (known in the cam-
]iaigns of Lucullus and Pompeius), and
after a reign of twenty years was cap-
tured by Antonius in 720, B. C. 34 : Dio,
49. 39, 4 ; Veil. 2. 82, 3. He was put to
death by Cleopatra, after Actium, to win
the alliance of the Median king, his
enemy (Dio, 51. 5, 5).

4. filius Artaxias. He had been made
king by the military chiefs on the capture
of his father, and though at first defeated,
had made good his position in the follow-
ing year : see Dio, 49. 39, 6 ; 40, i ; 44,
4. He put to deatn all Romans in his
dominions {Id. 51. 16, 2).

5. que . . . que, see on 16. 16. i.

6. occiso Artaxia, 8cc. : cp. Mon. Anc.
V. 24 ' Armenian! maiorem interfecto rege
eius Artaxia cum facere possem provin-
ciam, malui maiorum nostroium exemplo
reguum id Tigrani regis Artavasdis fiiio,
nepoti autem Tigranis 1 egis, per Ti. Nero-
nem trader*.' Jo^ephus (Ant. 15. 4. 3)
represents Artaxias as expelled by Tibe-
rius. The date is that of the restoration
of the standaids (see note on c. i, 1) ;
and the statement of Augustus above,
that Armenia lay at his mercy, is magni-
fied into a conquest by Horace (Kpp. i.
12, 16) and Velleius (2. 94, 2), and in

coins of this date (see Momms. on Mon.
Anc. p. 1 1 2), inscribed ' Armenia capta.'

8. nee Tigrani, &c. The confused
record of this period has been reduced to
some order by Visconti (Icon. Grecque, iii.
p. 305, foil.), Rawlinson (p. 206, &c.),
and Momm?en (on Mon. Anc. pp. 109-
117). The children of this Tigranes II,
joined in marriage and in regal power,
were Tigranes HI and Erato, who are
recorded on'' the two sides of the same
coin, as /SaaiAtiis PaaiXtwv Ttypavrji, and
'E^aToi PaaiXitus Tiypdvov a.5(\<pr] (Vis-
conti, PI. 57).

9. more externo. As examples of
this Eastern custom may be cited Mau-
solus and Artemisia in Caria, and several
during the Piolemaean dynasty in Egypt.

II. Artavasdes. This piince is un-
noticed in Mon. Anc. which speaks gene-
rally (v. 28) of a period of revolt ('gcntem
postea desciscentem et rebellantem '). A
solitary coin is however extant, bearing
the head and title of Artavasdes, and on
the reverse the head of Augustus, with
the inscription 6(ov Kaiaapus Evepyirov ;
which must belong to the son of Ario-
barzancs (see on § 3) or to this king, to
whom Prof. Percy Gardner (Num. Chron.
N. S. 12. pp. 9-15) inclines to refer it.
Nipp. thinks he may have been a brother
of Artaxias and Tigranes II. Tigranes
and Erato, who had been set aside for
Artavasdes, appear to have inflicted this
' clades ' and driven him out with Par-
thian aid. The only evidence of date is
supplied by the statement that Tiberius
was to have gone to deal with the Ar-
menian revolt at the death of Tigranes,
but for his retirement to Rhodes, 748,
B. c. 6 (Veil. 2. 100 ; Dio, 55. 9, 4 ; Zon.
10. 35, 36). All was thus left unsettled
till the mission of Gains.

A.D. i6.]

LIBER II. CAP. 3-5.

295

2 nostra delectus, turn Gaius Caesar componendae Armcniae
deligitur. is Ariobarzanen, origine Medum, ob insignem cor-
poris formam et praeclarum animum volcntibus Armcniis prae-

3 fecit. Ariobarzane morte fortuita absumpto stirpcm eius baud
toleravere ; temptatoque feminae imperio, cui nomcn Erato, 5
eaque brevi pulsa, incerti solutique et magis sine domino quani

4 in libertate profugum Vononen in regnum accipiunt. sod ubi
minitari Artabanus et parum subsidii in Armeniis, vcl, si nostra
vi defcnderctur, bellum adversus Parthos sumendum erat, rector
Suriae Creticus Silanus excitum custodia circumdat, mancnte 10

5 luxu et regio nomine, quod ludibrium ut effugere agitaverit
Vonones, in loco reddemus.

5. Ceterum Tiberio baud ingratum accidit turbari res Orientis,

ut ea specie Germanicum suetis legionibus abstraheret novisque

2 provinciis inpositum dolo simul et casibus obiectaret. at ille, 15

quanto acriora in eum studia militum et aversa patrui voluntas,

celerandae victoriae intentior, tractare proeliorum vias et quae

8. si nos aui : text B.

1. Gaius Caesar. He was in the
East from 753, B.C. i, till his death on
¥th. 21, 757, A.D. 4. Tigraiies had
fallen in battle with his neighbours, Erato
retired, and Phraataces was induced to
withdraw his support {T)\o, 55. 10. a, 5).

2. origine Medum: cp. Mon.Anc. 1.1.
' domitam per Gaium filium meum regi
Ariobarzaiii, regis Medorum Artabazi
filio, regendam tradidi.' The royal house
of Media was related to those of Armenia
and Farthia (Strab. 11. 13, 1,523). Some
hostilities ensued, in the course of which
Gaius received his death-wound.

4. stirpem eius : cp. Mon. Anc. 1. 1.
* et post eius mortem filio eius Artavasdi.
Quo interfecto Tigranem, qui erat ex
regio genere Armeniorum oriundus, in id
regnum misi.' It has been thought that
there was only one Arlavasdes, and that
Tacitus has in error placed him earlier
(see §1). This Tigranes IV, unnoticed
here by Tacitus, is identified by Momm-
sen with the one mentioned in 6. 40, 2,
and appears to have been son of Alex-
ander t^son of Herod the Great) and of
a daughter of Arclielaus of Cappadocia
(see c. 42, 2), who had apparently mar-
ried an Armenian princess.

5. Erato, supposed to be the same
mentioned on c. 3, 5, who would thus

have returned a third time to tlie throne.
Of this there is no other evidence.

6. soluti, ' disorganized ' : cp. ' soluta
pax ' 1 . 50, 7.

7. ubi minitari. On this use of the
historical infinitive see Introd. v. § 46 c.

9. defenderetur, sc. ' Vonones,' sup-
plied from the sense.

10. Creticus Silanus : cp. c. 43, 3.
12. in loco: cp. 'desipere in loco'

Hor. Od. 4. 12, 28: also 'in tempore' i.
19, 2 ; ' suo loco ' H. 4. 67, 3 : see c. 68.

14. suetis legionibus, probably a
dative : cp. c. 26, 6 ; Introd. v. § 15.

16. aversa. On the positive, and the
ellipse of ' lanto,' see Introd. v. § 64.

J 7. celerandae victoriae: cp. ' ob-
pugnationem .. . . celerare '12. 46, 4. This
verb seems found in no earlier prose.
'Intentus' takes a gerundial dative in i.
31, 2 ; Liv. 10. 42, T, &c.

proeliorum vias, ' methods of at-
tack' : cp. ' viam belli' Liv. 38. 18, 9;
oSot TToXiixov Thuc. 1. 122, I ; and other
metaphorical uses of 'via,' as i. 54, 4,
&c. ; 'eloquentiae itinera' Dial. 19, 5 ;
' vias pecuniae' Cic. ad Q. F. i. i, 5, 15.
Pfitzner explains it of the land nnd sea
routes compared below ; Schmaus would
read 'vices' (,cp. Agr. 18, 1 ; Stat.Theb. 10,
754), explained by -saeva vel prospera.'

296

p. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A. U.C. 769.

sibi tertium iam annum belligeranti saeva vel prospera evenis-
sent. fundi Germanos acie et iustis locis, iuvari silvis, paludi- 3
bus, brevi aestate ct praematura hteme ; suum militem haud
perinde vulneribus quam spatiis itinerum, damno armorum ad-
5 fici ; fessas Gallias ministrandis equis ; longum impedimentorum
agmen opportunum ad insidias, defensantibus iniquum. at si 4
mare intretur, promptam ipsis possessionem et hostibus ignotam,
simul bellum maturius incipi legionesque et commeatus pariter
vehi ; integrum equitem equosque per ora et alveos fluminum

10 media in Germania fore.

6. Igitur hue intendit, missis ad census Galliarum P. Vitellio
et C. Antic. Silius et Anteius et Caecina fabricandae classi
praeponuntur. mille naves sufficere visae properataeque, aliae 2
breves, angusta puppi proraque et lato utero, quo facilius fluctus

15 tolerarent ; quaedam planae carinis, ut sine noxa siderent ;
plures adpositis utrimque gubernaculis, converse ut repente re-

6. oportunum (so elsewhere).
Nipp.

1. tertium. Besides previous service
under Tiberius, he had been in command
from 766, A. 1). 13 ; but his first campaign
was that of the next year (i. 49-51).

2. iustis locis, ' on fair ground,' equi-
valent to 'acquis locis' (i. 68, 4, &c.),
i. e. such as Romans thought fair to them-
selves. The expression is an. tip., and
seems borrowed from, though not strictly
analogous to, ' iustum proelium,' ' iusta
acies,' ' iustus amnis,' &c.

5. fessas Gallias, &c. In i. 71, 3,
these supplies were said to have been
eagerly offered.

7. promptam ipsis, &c., either ' it
w as an element which they could readily
occupy, and was unfamiliar to the enemy '
(the Germans having no ships), or ' they
could thus easily occupy the enemy's
country, and without his knowledge.'
On this use of 'promptus' cp. c. 2, 6;

1. 68, 1, &c. C3n this sense of * pos-
sessio ' cp. ' possessa Vicetia,' 'Mevania'
H. 3. S, 2 ; 59, I.

8. maturius incipi. Nipp. notes that
the sea route is practicable earlier in the
season than the forest roads ; also that,
as is implied, the march is not retarded
by the baggage. In tlie advance of
Tiberius from the Rhine to the Elbe in
758, A. I). 5, the army marched by land,
but was supported by a fleet. See Veil,

2. 106, 3.

1 2. cantio : text Orsini. [et Anteius] Urlichs,

1 1, hue intendit : cp. 3. 37, 3 ; ' illuc
intenderat ' H. 4. 79, 3; 'hue incli-
narat ' H. 3. 27, i, and the full expres-
sion (' intendere animum alicui rei ")
c. 61, I.

ad census Galliarum : see on i. 31. 2.

P. Vitellio: see 1. 70, i. The read-
ing 'C. Antio ' is sujiported by the
name ' C. Antius Titi fi.' on a votive in-
scription at Langres ^Orelli 1415). Nipp.
takes ' et Anteius ' to be a repetition
from it. It is certainly strange to find
an unknown person mentioned by one
name only, side by side with Silius and
Caecina ; but a praenomen ' A ' or ' T '
may have dropped out. The name occurs
in 13. 22, 2.

14. utero. This word, though nowhere
else used for the ' alveus ' ot a ship, is
used of the wooden horse (Verg. Aen. 2,
52), and of a ' dolius ' (Col. 12. 4, 5).

If. planae carinis. Similar ships were
built to attack Mona (14. 29, 3), and the
Gauls used such in Caesar's time ' quo
facilius vada ac decessum aestus excipere
possent ' B. G. 3. 13, I.

16. plures . . . gubernaculis. Ships
able to go either way are described as
used on the Euxine (H. 3. 47, 4), and by
the Suiones (G. 44, 2). Their chief use
here would seem to be for narrow
rivers.

A. D. 16.]

LIBER 11. CAP. 5, 6.

297

3 migio hinc vel illinc adpellercnt ; multae pontibus stratae, super
qiias tormenta veherentur, simul aptae ferendis equis ant com-
meatui ; velis habiles, citae remis augebantur alacritate militum

4 in speciem ac terrorem. insula Batavorum in quam convcnirent
praedicta, ob faciles adpulsus accipicndisquc copiis et transmit- 5

5 tendum ad bellum opportuna. nam Rhenus uno alveo conti-
nuus aut modicas insulas circumveniens apud principium agri
Batavi vclut in duos amnos dividitur, servatque nomen et vio-
lentiam cursus, qua Germaniam praevehitur, donee Oceano
misceatur: ad Gallicam ripam latior et placidior adfluens 10
verso cognomento (Vahalem accolae dicunt), mox id quoque
vocabulum mutat Mosa flumine eiusque inmenso ore eundem in
Oceanum efifunditur.

I. pontibus. The word appears no-
where else to mean a ' deck,' though the
' pontes ' of a tower have been taken to
mean its floors in Verg. Aen. 9, 530; 12,
675. Possibly some partial deck across
the midships is meant, which would have
the appearance of a bridge when viewed
from the prow or stern.

super quas. The ships are the main
subject ol reference throughout, so that
Ern's correction ' quos,' as referring to
' pontes,' is needless.

3. velis habiles, &c. This applies to
the whole fleet, which is subject ot 'auge-
bantur,' and to which the other nomina-
tives (' aliae,' &c.) are in apposition.
^.'ipp. 'Citae' may be a participle.

augebantur. This may mean that the
soldiers showed their zeal by building
them higher than was usual, to look
more imposing (cp. 15. 9, i, and 'vallum
turrcsque castrorum augebat ' H. 4. 34,
8) ; or perhaps better, that the spirit of
the soldiers made the fleet seem still
more imposing and formidable. On the
force of ' in ' cp. Intiod. v. § 60 b. The
form of the similar expression ' acies in
speciem simul ac terroiem . . . constiterat'
(^Agr. 35. 3 , would show that the words
are not here strictly a hendiadys, though
in meaning nearly such.

4. insula Batavorum : see G. 29, i ;
H. 4. 12, 2, &c. It was known to Caesar
(B. G. 4. 10, 1 , anti is called ' nobilissima '
by Plmy (N. H. 4. 15, 29, 101). The
modern district Betuwe preset ves the
name. The true mouth of the Rhine as
here described is the now insignificant
stream still called the old Rhine, passing
by Utrecht and Leyden. tor a lurther

account see Mr. Long in Diet, of Geog.,
s. V. ' Batavi.'

5 adpulsus, 'landing-places': cp. 'ad-
pellercnt,' above.

accipiendis . . . tran smitten dura ad
bellum. On such variations see Introd.
V. § 88. Drager notes this one in particular
as peculiar to the Annals : cp. c. 37, 6 ;
also 'accipiendis . . . ordinibus ... ad ex-
plicandas . . . turmas' 13. 38, 5, and
others.

transmittendum, ' to carry across the
frontier': cp H. 2. 17, i ; 3. 5, 1, and
' transmittant bellum' Li v. 21. 20, 4.

8. velut, i. e. not strictly two ; for only
one branch retains the name.

9. praevehitur. Tacitus o.Hen uses
verbs compounded with ' prae ' for those
with ' praeter ' ; as ' praefluere ' c. 63, i ;
' praegredi ' 14. 23, 4 ; ' praelegcre ' c. 79,
X ; ' praelabi' H. 2. 35, i ; ' praelatus '6.
35, 5: cp. Hor. on H. 4. 71, 22. In
most of them he follows Livy or poets.

donee, with subjunct. of facts : cp. i.
I, 4, &c. ; Introd. v. § 53.

10. placidior adfluens : cp. ' violentior
effluit amnis ' Verg. G. 4, 373.

11. cognomento: cp. 1.23, 6. Nipp.
notes here the interchange for variety's
sake, of ' nomen ' . , . ' cognomento "...
'vocabulum'; and similar changes in 3.
56, 2; also 'nominibus' . . . ' appella-
tiones ' . . . 'nomina' . . . ' vocabidum '
(G. 2, 31, &'c. The construction passes
on from 'adfluens' to 'mutat,' as if
' Vahalis . . . vocalur ' had intervened.

Vahalem. In Caes. li. G. 4. 10, i
the Waal is called ' Vacalus,' in .Sid.
Apoll. (see Nipp.) ' Vachalis.' In H. 5.
19, 3, Tacitus calls the Waal the Rhine,

298

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A. U. C. 769-

7. Sed Caesar, dum adiguntur naves, Silium legatum cum
expedita manu inruptionem in Chattos facere iubet : ipse audito
castellum Lupiae flumini adpositum obsideri, sex legiones eo
duxit. neque Silio ob subitos imbres aliud actum quam ut 2

5 modicam praedam et Arpi principis Chattorum coniugeni fiiiam-
que raperet, neque Cacsari copiam pugnae opsessores fecere, ad
famam adventus eius dilapsi : tumulum tamen nuper Varianis 3
legionibus structum et veterem aram Druso sitam disiecerant.
restituit aram honorique patris princeps ipse cum legionibus 4

10 decucurrit ; tumulum iterare baud visum, et cuncta inter cas- 5
tellum Alisonem ac Rhenum novis limitibus aggeribusque per-
munita.

e
6. facere.

and in H. 5. 23, 2 speaks as if the Maas
received the whole Rhine.

1 . adiguntur : ' naves adigere ' seems
■a regular phrase (cp. ii. 18, 2 ; H. 2. 83,

2 ; 3- 47 1 3 Ho express the concentration
or collection of a Heet at one spot.

2. Chattos. This expedition, like that
of last year (i. 55, i), seems intended to
prevent their assisting the Cherusci.

3. castellum. Nipp. thinks that, had
Aliso been meant, the name would have
been given here, and that some fort fur-
ther eastward must be meant. If how-
ever Aliso was as far distant as most
suppose it to be (see below), it is un-
likely that any further point on the Lippe
could have been occupied.

5. principis. The Chatti appear to
have had no kings (cp. c. 88, 1 ; 11. 16, 2).
Whether in such states there was one
preeminent ' princeps ' is doubted : see
Introd. to G. p. 19, and note on G. io, 4.

7. nuper : see 1. 62, i.

8. sitam. The use of this word in the
sense of ' conditus ' (as in 3. 38, 6 ; 4. 55,
6 ; 6. 41, 2, &c.) is peculiar to Tacitus.
Drager, connecting it with a particular
use of ' sibtere ' (see 4. 37, 4), appears to
take it as a form of passive participle of
that verb. But the use noted on i. 39,
4 connects this with the ordinary senses of
the participle of ' sino.' 'Druso' must
be dat. com mod. answering to 'legionibus.'
The altar may have been commemorative
(see on i. 14, 3), or set up for the private
worship of his ' l)i Manes ' (cp. c. 83, 3\
probably at the place of his death, which
was some 200 Roman miles from the
Rhine (^Val. Max. 5. 5, 3), probably near

the middle Weser (see Momms. Hist. v.
27, E. T. i. 30). We gather that it must
have been near the scene of the disaster of
Varus, but the distance of either from
Aliso can hardly be inferred from what is
here stated.

10. decucurrit. The ' decursio fune-
bris' is alluded to in Verg. Aen. 11, iti8;
Luc. 8, 735 ; and described with more
detail in Stat. Theb 6. 213, &c. The
custom is described as observed even by
the army of Hannibal (Liv. 25. 17, 5), and
corresponds to the procession of chariots
round the dead Patroclus ^11. 23, 13I. For
the dat. ' honori ' cp. Introd. v. § 23.

haud visum. He may not have actually
reached the spot, though he seems to
have been near it.

11. Alisonem. This fort is mentioned
as defended for a time, and then evacuated,
after the disaster of Varus (Yell. 2. J 20,
3). It is inferred that it had been after-
wards reoccupied by Tiberius. It can
hardly be other than that built by Drusus
at the junction of the \ovTria% and 'EA/ccui'
(Dio, 64. 35, 4), and, if its site could be
fixed, would help to determine that of
other places. Knoke, with whom Nipp.
and Allen agree, placed it near Hamm,
where the Ahse meets the Lippe ; but the
best supported view, that of Mommsen,
Hofer, and others, takes it to have been
much further eastward, at the junction of
the Alme and Lippe, near Paderborn, at
or close to a place still called Elscn, and
thus probably where Tiberius once had a
winter camp 'ad caput Lupiae' (Veil. 2.
105, 3). This view is favoured by the
fact that roads, apparently Roman, are

A. D. i6.]

LIBER II. CAP. 7, 8.

299

8. lamquc classis advencrat, cum praemisso commeatu et
distributis in Icgiones ac socios navibus fossam, cui Drusianae
nomen, ingressus precatusque Drusum patrem ut se eadem au-
sum iibens placatusque exemplo ac memoria consiliorum atque
opcrum iuvaret, lacus inde et Oceanum usque ad Amisiam flu- 5

2 men secunda navigatione pervehitur. classis Amisiae ore relicta
laevo amne, erratumque in eo quod non subvexit aiit transposuit
militem dcxtras in terras iturum ; ita plures dies efficiendis pon-

3 tibus absumpti. ct equcs quidem ac legiones prima aestuaria,
nondum adcrcscente unda, intrepidi transicre : postremum auxi- 10
liorum agmen Batavique in parte ea, dum insultant aquis artem-

4 que nandi ostcntant, turbati et quidam hausti sunt, metanti
castra Caesari Angrivariorum defectio a tergo nuntiatur : missus

6. ore ins. Scyffert. 7. aut ins. Wiirni, et ins. Seyffert, [subvexit] or [trans-

posuit] al. 13. angriuoriorum : text H, Ampsivariorum Giefers, Halm.

traced considerably beyond Ilamm, and
that the valley of the Alme nffordsa good
starting-point for a march to the Weser,
the presumed object for which this out-
post was maintained : see Momms. Hist.
V. 31, E. T. i. 34.

limitibus aggeribusque : for the
former see note on i. 50, 2; for the
latter, on i. 61, 2.

2. distributis in : cp. i. 55, 2 ; c. 67,

4 ; 3- .^^' 4- 'S:'^-

Drusianae: see Suet. CI. 1. This
work included both the construction of
the ' Neue Yssel,' connecting the Rhine
near Amheim with the old Yssel at Uoes-
burg, and a widening of the latter river
to its mouth.

3. eadem ausum. Drususwas in 742,
B.C. 12 (Dio, 54. 32, 2), the first Roman
to sail on the northern ocean. Suet. CI.
I : cp. Strab. 7. i, 3, 290. The same route
was taken in 768 A. D. 15, by a part
of the army J. 60, 3), and afterwards by
Corbulo ^11. 18, 2).

6. classis Amisiae ore, &c. ' Ore '
could easily have been lost bet'ore ' relicta.'
Tacitus would not have called the river
'amnis Amisiae,' but 'amnis (or'flumen')
Amisia' (cp. c. 23, i ; 1.32, 3,&c.) : and,
though there appears to have existed a
place called 'A^dctia (I'tol. 2. 11, 28), or
'kyuaaa (Steph. Byz.), he would hardly
have i-poken of it without removing am-
biguity by adding ' oppido.' In the next
line, the addition ot ' aut ' would make
the criticism assert that Germanicus ought
either to have sailed his fleet up the river

(cp. ' subvehebatur ' c. 60, i) to a part
where little or no bridging would have
been required, or to have landed the
troops at once on the right bank see
other readings). As regards the fact,
Germanicus probably thouglit it necessary
to secure his retreat by a bridge (cp. c. 1 1,
I), and it is piobable (see .^pp ii. to Bk.
ii.") that only a part ol the fleet was
left here.

8. pontibus. That this plural might
be used of a single bridge, would appear
from ' pontem ' and ' pontes ' being used
of the same structure interchangeably in
Cic. P'am. 10. 18, 4; 23, 3. The chief
use of this bridge would be for the bag-
gage ; the troops being represented as
taking advantage of the low tide for at
least part of the way.

9. aestuaria, ' tidal marshes ' : cp. 4.
73, 2; II. 18, 2; 14. 32, 2, &c. ; the
' stngna . . . inrigua aesiibus maritimis'
of Livy 10. 2, 5. By 'prima' woulil ap-
pear to be meant those next to the chan-
nel of the river.

11. in parte ea, i.e. 'in extremo ag-
mine.'

1 2. metanti castra. This should
naturally be at the close of the first day's
march ; but as no mention is made of the
route from the Amisia, and the next
words speak of the Vi-urgis, a camp near
that river may be meant, which would
better suit the mention of the Angrivarii.

1 3. Angrivariorum. This people is
mentioned as bonlering on the Cherusci
beyond the Weser (c. 19, 3). To imagine

300

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 769.

ilico Stertinius cum equite et armatura levi igne et caedibus
perfidiam ultus est.

9. Flumen Visurgis Romanos Cheruscosque inlerfluebat. eius
in ripa cum ceteris primoribus Arminius adstitit, quaesitoque an
5 Caesar venisset, postquam adesse responsum est, ut liceret cum
fratre conloqui oravit. erat is in exercitu cognomento Flavus, 2
insignis fide et amisso per vulnus oculo paucis ante annis duce
Tiberio. turn permissu . . progressusque salutatur ab Arminio ; 3
qui amotis stipatoribus, ut sagittarii nostra pro ripa dispositi

10 abscederent postulat, et postquam digressi, unde ea deformitas
oris interrogat fratrem. illo locum et proelium referente, quod- 4
nam praemium recepisset exquirit. Flavus aucta stipendia, 5
torquem et coronam aliaque militaria dona memorat, inridente
Arminio vilia servitii pretia.

15 10. Fxim diversi ordiuntur, hie magnitudinem Romanam,
opes Caesaris et victis graves poenas, in deditionem venienti

8. permissu : permissum B, permisso praesidio Miiller.

them as on the rear of Germanicus, and
to explain 'defectio,' we must suppose
that a part of the race lived west of the
Weser, and had been subject to Rome.
This is consistent with tlie mention of
them at a later date as Ijordering on tlie
FriSii (G. 34, i), though perhaps hardly
so with the position assigned to them by
Ptolemy (2. 11, 16) bslween the greater
Chauci and Suebi. The view that those
meant are here, and in c. 22, 3 ; 24, 5, the
Ampsivai ii makes the name (' Emsfahrer ')
denote their position, and points out that
their chief, Boiocalus, is stated to have
served under Tiberius and Germanicus,
and that they ceased to exist after 811,
A.D. 58 (see 13. 55-56). It is very pro-
bable that the two are closely related,
and are heie confused by Tacitus.

I. Stertinius : see 1. 60, 4.

3. Visurgis. We have no clue to the
locality, but it has been pointed out that
the Romans would have to occupy the
pass of the 'Porta \^'e^tphalica ' before
crossing, as tliey probably <iid, a little
above it. Merivale (c. xlii. p. 50) re-
marks that the probable breadth of the
river gives an air of romance to this
alleged conversation across it. The dream
(c. 14, I) and the omen (c. 17, 2) are con-
ceived in a similar spirit.

interfluebat. The verb is used with
this construction in H. 3. 5, 5; Liv. 27.

29, 9 : cp. 'interluo' 6. i, i, and other
verbs so used in poets and late authors :
see Introd. v. § 12 c.

4. adstitit. He was in advance of
his main body (c 11. 1).

6. Flavus. On his wife and son see

11. 16, 2.

7. paucis ante annis, probably dur-
ing the later campaigns of Tiberius after
the defeat of Varus, 762 764, A.D. 9-1 1.

8. turn permissu. It is supposed that
' Caesaris deducitur,' or other words to
that effect (see Nipp,), have dropped out.
This abl. is thus used with a verb in
2. 59. 4. The correction ' permissum ' is
supported by similar omissions of the final
letter ; but we should expect ' turn ' to
introduce something more than the bare
fact of permission.

13. militaria dona : see on i. 44, 7,
&c.

14. vilia, i.e. from the view of Arminius
himself, ' the low wages he had earned by
bondage.'

15. diversi, 'in opposite strains ' : cp.
'diversi interpretabantur ' c. 73, 6; ' di-
versos reperies ' 6. 22, 2.

ordiuntur, perhaps with accus. as in

12. 5, 4 ; 15. 26, 3 ; 51, 4; but the sense
of some such word as ' referens ' is cer-
tainly supplied below, and probably
throughout.

A.D. .6.] LIBER II. CAP. 8-11. 301

paratam clementiam ; ncque coniugem et filiiim cius hostiliter
haberi : ille fas patriae, libertatcm avitam, penetralis Germaniae
deos, matrem precum sociam : ne propinquorum et adfinium,
denique gentis suae desertor et proditor quam imperator esse

2 mallet. paulatim inde ad iurgia prolapsi quo minus pugnam 5
consererent ne flumine quidem interiecto cohibebantur, ni Ster-
tinius adcurrens plenum irae armaque ct equum poscentem Fia-

3 vum adtinuisset. cerncbatur contra minitabundus Arminius
proeliumque denuntians ; nam pleraque Latino sermone inter-
iacicbat. ut qui Romanis in castris ductor popularium mcruisset. Jo

11. Postero die Gcrmanorum acies trans Visurgim stetit. Cae-
sar nisi pontibus praesidiisque inpositis dare in discrimen legiones

2 baud imperatorium ratus, equitem vado tramittit. praefuere
Stertinius et e numero primipilarium Aemilius, distantibus locis

3 invecti, ut hostem diducerent. qua celerrimus amnis, Chario- 15
valda dux Batavorum erupit. eum Cherusci fugam simulantes
in planitiem saltibus circumiectam traxere : dcin coorti et undi-
que effusi trudunt adversos, instant cedentibus coUectosque in

4 orbem pars congressi, quidam eminus proturbant. Chariovalda

diu sustentata hostium saevitia, hortatus suos ut ingruentes ca- 20

tervas globo perfringerent, atque ipse densissimos inrumpens,

14. primillarium: text B. 15. deducerent: text R. 21. fringerent: fran-

gercnt L, text Bezzenb. ipsis : ipse in B, ipse Weissenboin.

1. coniugem et filium : see i. 57. 5 ; 12. dare in discrimen : see note on
58, 9. They may be supposed to have I. 47, i.

been in 'libera custodia' at Ravenna. 13. imperatorium. Drager notes as

2. fas patriae: cp. 1.42,4. a novelty the substantival use of this
penetralis . . . deos. In 11. 16, 8, word ( = 'good generalship ').

Flavus is called the enemy of the ' Dii 14. primipilarium, those who had

penates ' of his country ; for which ' dii served the office of ' primipilus ' ; analo-

penetrales' is, according to Cicero (N. D. gous to ' consulares,' &c. On the 'ccn-

2. 27, 68", a poetical equivalent, and is so turio primipilus,' and on the privileges of

used in Sen. Trag. a ' primipilaris,' see Introd.vii. ] ip. 1 24, i 28.

3. matrem. From the mention of his Aemilius, probably the same men-
mother only, it is interred that his father tioned in 4. 42, 2. Nipp. -refers to him
was dead, bee on i. 55, 4. the following inscription, found at Capua

4. dessrtor et proditor, so joined in (C. I. L. x. 38S1), ' Paulo Aemilio, pri-
ll. I. 72, 2 ; 2. 44, 3 ; nut strictly sy- mipilo, bis praefecto equit^ura], tribuno
ponyms. chorlis iiii praetor^iae].' He is evidently

imperator, used of barbarian leaders, here acting as ' praefeclus equituin.'
as in c. 45, 3; 12. 33, i. 16. erupit, sc. 'ex amne '

10. Bomanis in castris : cp. Veil. 2. 17. circumiectam, 'surrounded by';

118, 2 ' adsiduus militiae nostrae prioris usually with a dative of the thing sur-

comes. [cum] iure eliam civitatis Ro- rounded, as ' moenia regiae circumiecta'

manae ius equestris consequens gradus.' H. 5. 11, 7 ; but here with a construction

His position would be like that of Chario- analogous to that usual with ' circum-

valda (c. II. 3) or the Nervian chiefs datus.'
under Drusus (Liv. Epit. 141). 21. globo, 'massed together,' abl. of

302

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 769.

congestis telis et suffosso equo labitur, ac multi nobilium circa :
ceteros vis sua aut equites cum Stertinio Aemilioque subveni-
entes periculo exemere.

12. Caesar transgressus Visurgim indicio perfugae cognoscit
5 delectum ab Arminio locum pugnae ; convenisse et alias nationes

in silvam Herculi sacram ausurosque nocturnam castrorum op-
pugnationem. habita indici fides et cernebantur ignes, suggres- 2
sique propius speculatores audiri fremitum equorum inmensique
et inconditi agminis murmur attulere. igitur propinquo summae 3

10 rei discrimine explorandos militum animos ratus, quonam id
modo incorruptum foret, secum agitabat. tribunes et centu- 4
riones laeta saepius quam comperta nuntiare, libertorum servilia
ingenia, amicis inesse adulationem ; si contio vocetur, illic quo-
que quae pauci incipiant reliquos adstrepere. penitus noscendas 5

15 mentcs, cum secreti et incustoditi inter militaris cibos spem aut
metum proferrent.

13. Nocte coepta egressus augurali per occulta et vigilibus
ignara, comite uno, contectus umeros ferina pelle, adit castrorum

manner: cp. Introd. v. § 28. The term is
often used of soldiers (e.g. i. 25, i ; 4.
50, 4; 12. 43, 2; 14. 61, 2, &c. ; and
Liv.\ but appears not to denote any
definite formation : cp. Veg. 3, 19 'globus
autem dicitur, qui a sua acie separatus,
vrgo superventu incursat inimicos, contra
quern alter populosior vel fortior immit-
titur globus.' See Marquardt, ii. 425.

ipse . . . inrumpens. The simple ac-
cusative with such verbs is often found
(Introd. V. § 12 c); and Ni]ip. points out
that ' inrumpere nliquid,'and 'in aliquid,'
are distinct in Tacitus ; the former menn-
ing ' to break into' (as i. 48, 4, &c.), the
latter 'to break loose against ' (as 6. 16,1).
For an exception see Gudeman on Dial.

11, 15-

I. suffosso equo : cp. i. 65, 8.

labitur, used by poets to express fall-
ing in death : cp. Verg. Aen. 2, 250 ; Ov.
A. A. 3, 742 ; Luc. 2, 265, &c.

4. transgressus, crossing with the
army by the bridge (c. 11, i).

6. Herculi. The Romans appear to
have identified with Hercules both a Ger-
man hero and a German god, the former
being taken to be Irmin, the latter Thor.
See G. 3, I ; 9, i, and notes. It is noted
(see OrelH) that at Blickeberg (see on c.
16, 2) remains of an ancient German altar
have been found.

7. suggressi. This verb has been
thought to be confined to the Annals ,4.
47, 2; 13. 57,6; 14. 37, i; 15. II, I,,
but is found in Sail. H. 4. 67 D, 68 K,
76 G.

9. summae rei discrimine : ci).
H. 5. 15, 3 ; also 'summa belli' c. 45, 5 ;
' summum discrimen ' H. 3. 6, 3.

ID. explorare, ' to test.' This sense
oiiginates in poets and Livy, and is fre-
quent in Tacitus, e.g. 12. 66, 5 ; 13. 16,
2, &n. : cp. ' secundae res . . . animos
ex[ilorant' H. i. 15, 5; 'pace explo-
ratos ' Agr. 29, 2.

II. incorruptum, 'genuine'; soused
with 'fides,' ' indicium,' &c.

14. adstrepere : cp. 1. 18, i, &c.; with
accus. H. 4. 49, 5.

17. egressus augurali. Hyginus (de
mun. cast. 11) speaks of an ' augiira-
torium ' on the right of the general's tent,
leading to the .' via princijwlis.' See
Marquardt, ii. 412. If 'augurali' is so
taken here, it is an abl. of direction
(cp. I. 60, 2, &c.) : but Quint, states (8.
2, 8) that in his time the general's tent
was itself called ' augurale,' a meaning
belter suited to this passage, and not less
so to 15. 30, I. The abl. could depend
on ' egressus,' the direction being indi-
cated by ' per occulta,' &c.

18. ignara = ' ignota ' : cp. 3. 69, 3 ; 4.

A.D. i6.]

LIBER II. CAP. 1 1- 14.

303

vias, adsistit tabernaculis fruiturque fama sui, cum hie nobilita-
tem ducis, decorem alius, plurimi patientiam, comitatcm, per
seria per iocos eundem animum laudibus ferrent reddendamque
gratiam in acie faterentur. simul pcrfidos et ruptorcs pacis ultioni

2 et gloriac mactandos. inter quae unus hostium, Latinae linguae 5
sciens, acto ad vallum equo voce magna coniuges et agros et
stipendii in dies, donee bellaretur, sestcrtios centenos, si quis

3 transfugissct, Arminii nomine pollicetur. intendit ea contumelia
legionum iras: veniret dies, daretur pugna ; sumpturum militem
Germanorum agros, tracturum coniuges ; accipere omen et ma- 10

4 trimonia ac pecunias hostium praedae dcstinare. tertia ferme
vigilia adsultatum est castris sine coniectu teli, postquam crebras
pro munimentis cohortes et nihil remissum scnsere.

14. Nox eadem lactam Germanic© quietem tulit, viditque se
operatum et sanguine sacri respersa praetexta pulchriorem aliam 15

8. intendit (wrongly read as incendit) : see Andresen de codd. Med. p. 4. 15. sacro
margin, B, Ritt., Nipp.

8, 3 ; 6. 22, 5. &c. ; also in Sail., Verg,,
Ov., Sen. On the similar use of ' gnarus '
see I. 5, 4.

ferina pelle ; perhaps to assume the
appearance of a German auxiliary. See
G. 17, 2 : Caes. B. G. 6. 21, 5.

I. adsistit, with dat. as ' adsislo
divinis' Ilor. Sat. 1.6, 116, &c.

3. eundem animum, 'his even tem-
per in grave or gay moments.' Nipp.
thinks that Germanicus, as he is described
in c. 72, 3, could not jest with his men,
and that we nui?t read ' eundem in ani-
mum'; i.e. 'with words, whether in jest
or earnest, to the same purpijrt.' This
correction can hardly recommend itself.

4. ruptores pacis, in their rising
against Varus.

5. mactandos, ' must be offered as
victims to vengeance and glory.' On
such personifications cp. 4. 74, 3, &c.

7. centenos, i. e. twenty-five ' denarii '
or one ' aureus.' Germans near the fron-
tier were more or less familiar with Ro-
man money (G. 5, 4). Such a bribe
might be given to small bodies of soldiers
on occasion (H. i. 24, 2^ ; but the offer of
regular j>ay so vastly above the Roman
scale (see on i. 17, 6) implies an almost
hopeless attempt.

S. intendit. the true MS. text (see
ciit. note"), and the usual verb with ace.
of the thing increased (4. 2, i ; 12. 35, 2;

13. 15, 4, &C."), as 'incendere' with ace.
pers. (I. 47, 2 ; 4. 35, 3, &c.).

10. matrimonia, for ' coniuges : cp.
Introd. V. § I. Here the concrete has
been already twice used.

12. adsultatum: see note on i. 51, 6.

13. pro munimentis. There might be
outposts beyond the enclosure see 13. 36,
5 ; Marqiiardt, ii 409) ; but in such uses
of ' pro' the meaning is generally ' upon,"
or ' at the front of,' as ' pro ripa,' c. 9, 3 :
see on 1 . 44, 4.

14. quietsm : see on i. 65, 2.

15. operatum. The use of this par-
tici|)le, with an aovistic or present force,
in the. special sense of 'sacrificing' (like
the Greek use of 'iohtiv or pt^uv), is found
in Vergil G. i, 339\ Tibullus (2. 5, 95),
and Propertius (2. 33, 2^. The expres-
sion ' operari sacris ' (Hor. Od. 3. 14, 6;
Liv. I. 31, 8' connects this with the
general sense of the word, as used in

3. 43, 1 ; H. 5. 20, 2, &c.

sanguine sacri. The use of ' sa-
crum ' for ' hostia,' though strictly only
supported by the old formula ' inter
sacrum saxumque stare ' (Plant. Capt. 3.

4, 84 ; Cas. 5. 4, 7 ; Ai-ul. M. 11. p. 271,
813), is hardly a violent transition from
the general use of the word. ' Sacro '
was supposed to be the MS. text by the
older editors.

praetexta. Lips, cites Quint. Decl.

304

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [\.\].C.'jr>^.

manibus aviae Augustae accepisse. auctus omine, addicentibus 2
auspiciis, vocat contionem et quae sapientia provisa aptaque
-inminenti pugnae disserit. non campos modo militi Romano 3
ad proelium bonos, sed si ratio adsit, silvas et saltus ; nee enim
5 inmensa barbarorum scuta, enormis hastas inter truncos arborum
et enata humo virgulta perinde haberi quam pila et gladios et
haerentia corpori tegmina. denserent ictus, ora mucronibus 4
quaererent : non loricam Germano, non galeam, ne scuta quidem
ferro nervove firmata, sed viminum textus vel tenuis et fucatas
lo colore tabulas ; primam utcumque aciem hastatam, ceteris prae-
usta aut brevia tela, iam corpus ut visu torvum et ad brevem 5
impetuni validum, sic nulla vulnerum patientia : sine pudore

2. praeuisa : text lac. Gion.

340, speaking of this as the sacred robe
' quo sacerdotes velantur, quo magis-
tratiis.' Germanicus was augur and
flamen Augustalis (;ee on 2. 83, 2), and
had ' imperiuin proconsulare.'

1. auctus, ' invigorated ' ; as if 'auctus
animo' had been used: cp. ' novis ex
rebus aucti ' (sc. 'dignitate ') i. 2, i.

addicentibus. This verb in this sense
has usually ' aves ' as subject ; so that
'auspicia,' as 'nugurium' in c. 17, 2, is
used of the actual omen.

2. quae sapientia provisa, ' what by
his wisdom had been taken thought for ' :
cp. ' quae provideri astu ducis oportueiit,
provisa' H. 5. 17, 4; ' cuncta piaelio
provisa' 4. 25, 3; 'omnia suis provisa'
Sail. Jug. 49, 2. Tacitus omits this part
of the speech, as less suitable to rhetorical
treatment.

5. enormis hastas: see c. 21, i ; i.
64, 3; H. 5. 18, 1. That these were
few, is stated below, and in G. 6, i ' rari
gladiis aut maioribus lanceis utuntur.'

6. haberi - ' habilia esse ' ; ' could be
managed.'

7. tegmina. Lips, takes this of the
'scutum pectori adpressum ' (c. 21, i) ;
but the expression better suits the Roman
armour generally.

denserent. Neither 'denseo ' nor the
more common 'denso' are found else-
wheie in Tacitus ; and in other authors
the MSS. appear often to confuse the
forms. The command here is to ' plant
blows thickly ' : cp. ' hastilia denset '
Verg. Aen. 11, 659.

8. non loricam: 'paucis loricae ; vix
nni alterive cassis aut galea' G. 6, 3.
The latter fact explains the command

here to strike at the face (cp. c. 21, i),
which, even in fully armed soldiers was
the most unguarded part. The Romans
strike thus at the Latins (Li v. 8. 10, 6;,
and Merivale (c. xvii. p. 297) thus
explains the command of Caesar at Phar-
salus (' miles, faciem feri ').

9. nerve, rhetorically for leather,
as ' subtextaque tegmina nervis' Sd. 4,

293-

viminum textus ; like the shields of
the Aduatici (Caes. B. G. 2. 33, 2).

fucatas colore : cp. ' nulla cultus iac-
tatio : scuta tantum lectissimis coloribus
distinguunt ' G. 6, 2 (where see note).
Orelli traces in this the origin of the
mediaeval devices on shields.

10. utcumque, 'somehow'; i.e. the
first rank (and that only) had' lances,
such as they were (their defects having
been already noted). The word is lo be
taken closely with 'hastatam' ; as in 12.
51, 2 (' primam utcumque fugara . . .
toleravit ), with ' toleravit.' Its use as
limiting a verb or participle is especially
frequent in Livy (e.g. 29. 25, i).

11. brevia. lliese would be the 'fra-
meae ' described in G. 6, i (wiiere see
notei, as ' aiigusto et brevj ferro,' and as
the tJerman general weapon for distant
and close fighting. The ' praeusta tela '
would have no iron head at all.

corpus: see below, c. 21. i, and the
description in G. 4, i ' omnibus truces
et caerulei oculi, rutilae comae, magna
corpora et tantum ad impelum valida.'
Livy thus describes tlie military qualities
of Gauls, 5. 44, 4 ; 10. 28, 2.

12. sine pudore, &c. To give way
before a direct attack was part of their

AD. 16.1

LIBER II. CAP. 14, 15.

305

flagitii, sine cura duciim abirc, fugcre, pavidos advcrsis, inter
6 scciinda non divini. non huniani iuris nicinorcs. si tacdio via-
runi ac maris finem cupiant, hac acic parari : propiorcm iam
Albim quam Rhcnum ncque bclliim ultra, modo se, patris
patriiique vestigia premcntcin, isdem in terris victorem sis- 5
terent.

15. Orationem ducis sccutus milituni ardor, signumque

2 pugnae datum, nee Arminius aut ceteri Germanorum proceres
omittebant suos quisque testari, hos esse Romanes Variani ex-
ercitus fugacissimos, qui ne bellum tolerarent, seditLonem indu- 1°
erint ; quorum pars onusta vulneribus terga, pars fluctibus at
procellis fractos artus infensis rursum hostibus, adversis dis obi-

3 ciant. nulla boni spe. classem quippe et avia Oceani quaesita,
ne quis venientibus occurreret, ne pulsos premeret : sed ubi
miscuerint manus, inane victis ventorum rcmorumve subsidium. '5

II. terj/u : text Muietus.

regular tactic 'G. 6. 6^ ; but the chival-
rous courage of at least the chiefs and
their 'comitatiis' is celebrated (Id.
14, 2V

. I. adversis, inter seeunda. The
interchanji^e of prepositional clauses with
simple cases is very common in Tacitus.
Most commonly the dative is so inter-
changed fe. g. c. 6. 4 ; 4.; 2, i ; 46, 4 ;
II. 21,4. &c. : cp Di ager, Synt. und Stil,
§ IC5) ; but probably here Nipp. is right
in taking ' adversis ' as an abbreviated
abl. abs., akin to those noted in Introd. v.
§ 31. He also thus explains ' firmus ad-
versis ' Agr. 35, 4 ; ' sperat infeslis, metuit
sccundis ' Hor. Od. 2. to, 13.

2. viarum ac maris, one of the few
direct reminiscences of Horace apparent
in Tacitus : see Introd. v. § 97.

4. ultra. If this force was crushed,
no hostile tribes remained in north CJer-
many. Maroboduus in the south (c. 44,
&c.) and the Suebi beyond the Elbe were
neutral.

patris patruique. Drusushad reached
the Elbe in 745, B. C. 9 fDio, 55. i, 2^ ;
Tiberius in 758, a. d. 5 (Veil. 2. 106, 2).

5. sisterent : cp. ' ut eum in Suria . . .
sisterent ' H. 2. 9, 2 ; and the uses in
Vergil, as 'o qui me . . . sistat' G. 2,
488; ' te limine sistam' Aen. 2, 620;
'classem . . . sistet in oris' -Aen. 3,
117.

7. secutus . . . ardor : cp. 14. 36, 5.

9. hos esse . . . fugacissimos. There
were some survivors of that disaster in
the present army (cp. i. 61, 6) ; and the
])reservation of the reserve force of two
legions under Asprenas (Veil. 2. 120, i)
may give more colour to the sarcasm,
in which Tacitus appears to imitate that
already ascribed by him to Agricola, 'hi
ceterorum Britannorum fugacissimi, ideo-
que tamdiu superstitcs' (Agr. 34, 1).

10. induerint. Themetaphorisusually
that of assuming a character (cp. x. 69,
2^, not necessarily a false one ; but it is
here meant that mutiny was a mere pre-
text to get out of service.

11. terga. The objection of Walther,
that an advancing army could not be said
' terga obicere,' need not be pressed. The
point is that as they had fled before they
might be expected to fly again: 'some
meet the enemy again with wounds on
their backs, some with limbs maimed by
wave and storm ;' alluding to those who
had retreated with Caecina (i. 63-68), or
with Vitellius ibid. 70^ The thought is
repeated from H. 5. 16, 3 'superesse, qui
fugam animis, qui vulnera teigo ferant.'

15. miscuerint manus, a poetical
phrnse : cp. Prop. 2. 27, 8, as also • mis-
cere ictus' (Agr. 36, 2); ' proelia,' 'vul-
nera ' (Verg.) ; ' arma' vLucan.V

inane, sc. ' fore ' : cp. H. 3. 60, 5, &c. ;
Sail. Jug. 88, 4.

3o6

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 769.

meminlssent modo avaritiae, crudelitatis, superbiae : aliud sibi 4
reliquum quam tenere libcrtatem aut mod ante servitium ?

16. Sic accensos et proelium poscentes in campum, cui Idisia-
viso nomen, deducunt. is medius inter Visurgim et colles, ut 2
5 ripae fluminis cedunt aut prominentia montium resistpnt, in-
aequaliter sinuatur. pone tergum insurgebat silva, editis in 3
altum ramis et pura humo inter arborum truncos. campum et 4
prima silvarum barbara acies tcnuit : soli Cherusci iuga inse-
dere, ut proeliantibus Romanis desuper iacurrerent. noster 5

3. idista uiso : Idistaviso vulgo, text J. Grimm, Idisiavisa Mullenhoff.

I. meminissent : cp. 'meminissent
. . . proeliorum ' c. 45, 5 ; equivalent to
an imperf., as 'memini ' to a present.

aliud sibi reliquum. The omission
of an interrogative particle, though not
unusual with Tacitus in energetic pas-
sages in oratio directa, as ' sequitur, ut
omnes,' &c. 12. 37, 3, ' vivere ego . . .
poteram ' 13. 21, 8, and in other authors
(cp. Madvig, § 450% is most unusual in
oratio ubliqua. No other instance ap-
pears to be given but 14. 61, 5 ' malle
populum Romanum,' &c., where the read-
ing vsee note) is questioned.

3. Idisiaviso, explained by Grimm to
mean ' Nympharum pratum ' (' Elfen-
wiese ') ; the first part being the plural of
the old German ' Idis ' (' nympha ') ; such
nymplis being represented in an old poem
as controlling destiny like the Valkyries
(^see the quotation in Orelli's note). Nipp.
takes the case here as nom. according to
the general usage of Tacitus in respect of
substantives : e.g. i. 45, 1 ; c. 4, 3 ; 80,
I ; 3. 21, 2; 42, 2, &c. For other in-
stances, see his note ; for exceptions, and
for the usage with adjectives, see note on
4. 59, 2 ; Introd. v. § l6.

4. is medius, &c. The obscurity of
the whole geography of this campaign
(see c. 9, i) must affect all attempts to
fix this locality, supposed to lie between
the ' porta Westphalica ' and Hamein,
not far from Biickeberg '^Monims. Hist.
V. 49, E. T. i. 54). Knoke, in a very
full dissertation, based on a most careful
study of the locality, but attaching too
much weight to the details of Tacitus,
thinks that the Germans occupied the
hills rising above Eisbergen and facing
west ; that the Roman position faced east
and had an opening on the left suitable
for the movement of Stertinius (c. 17, i) :

see his map or the reduced copy in Allen's
edition.

ut ripae, &c. This passage is very
fully discussed by Knoke (pp. 405-415).
There is apparently an antithesis between
'■ ripae fluminis ' and ' prominentia mon-
tium,' also between ' cedunt ' and ' re-
sistimt,' and the whole sentence expands
' inaequaliter sinuatur.' This seems best
explained, with Ern. and Duebner, by
supposing the meaning to be that the
winding plain varies in breadth, being
broader where the river gives way to
(recedes from) the mountains, narrower
where the mountain spurs resist its ap-
proach (project against it). The chief
alternative view, that of Doed., Nipp.,&c.,
would take the meaning to be that the
plain winds irregularly, i. e. southward
and northward, the former, when the river
recedes from the hills, the latter, when
the mountain spurs come to a standstill
(^cp. 13. 57, 6), or abruptly cease. The
antithesis of ' cedunt ' and ' resistunt '
seems here weakened.

6. tergum, sc. 'Germanorum.' Duebn.
observes that the description is that of
a pine wood ; and the epithet ' pura '
('without brushwood') seems taken from
the ' purus campus' of Vergil (Aen. 12,
771), and Livy (24. 14, 6).

7. campum, &c. The main body
was drawn up on the plain or in the out-
skirts of tlie wood rising behind it : the
heights occupied by the Cherusci were
probably those extending towards the
north, forming the extreme German right,
whence, they could take the Romans in
flank as they advanced. Nipp. places
them on the heights to the east, form-
ing the German centre (c. 17, 5)-

9. proeliantibus. Nip[). takes this to
be abl. abs., as Tacitus usually has the

A.D. i6.]

LIBER II. CAP. 15-17.

307

excrcitus sic inccssit : auxiliarcs Galli Germanique in fronte,
post quos pedites sagittarii ; dcin quattuor Icgioncs ct cum
duabus practoriis cohortibus ac delccto equite Caesar ; cxim
totidem aliac legiones et Icvis armatura cum equite sagittario
ceteraeque sociorum cohortcs. intcntus paratusque miles, ut 5
ordo agminis in aciem adsisteret.

17. Visis Chcruscorum catervis, quae per fcrociam proru-
perant, validissimos equitum incurrcrc latus, Stertinium cum
ceteris turmis circumgrcdi tergaque invadere iubet, ipse in

2 tempore adfuturus. interea pulcherrimum augurium, octo aqui- 10
lae' petere silvas et intrare visae imperatorem advertere. ex-
clamat irent. sequerentur Romanas aves, propria legionum

3 numina. simul pedestris acies infertur et praemissus eques

9. tergauc : text L.

accus. with ' incurrere ' (e.g. c. 17, i ; i.
51,6, &c.).

I. sic incessit : compare the march-
ing order in i. 51, 5, and note there.

3. praetoriis cohortibus : these are
mentioned af;ain c. 20, 6. It is possible
that each of the two legati, Siliiis and
Caecina, had a personal guard, as under
the Republic (cp. Sail. Cat. 60, 5 ; Cic.
Ep. ad Fam. 10. 30, i, &c.). But Nipp.
appears rightly to argue that the term
must at this time naturally refer to the
force so well known under the name ; and
that, as two such cohorts were sent with
Drusus to Illyricum (^1, 24, 1), two others
may have been sent out to Gcrmanicus
at the time of the mutiny or afterwards.
The mission of praetorian cohorts to meet
him on his return ( .Suet. Cal. 4) is rather
against the supposition that he had such
a force permanently attached to him
(see also 3. 2, i), though he would pro-
bably have had a small guard of honour
at Rome (Staatsr. ii. 824).

5. ceteraeque, possibly, as Ritt. thinks,
the troops specially enrolled (i. 56, i);
the auxiliaries regularly belonging to the
legions having been already mentioned,
as ' levis armatura,' &c.

intentus paratusque. These words
are a kind of formula, used in Sail. Cat.
27, 2 ; Jug. 49, 3 ; and often in Liv)'.

6. adsisteret. Tacitus has often this
word in a military sense, usually meaning
to take up a position, as c. 17, 4; 19, 4 ;
12. 56, 3; 14. 34, 3 ; H. 3. 63, I ; 82, 3.
Here it is taken with brachylogy, as equi-
valent to ' consisteret et se explicaret ' ;
'that the order of march might deploy

into line of battle ;' i. e. that each should
stand next in line to those to whom they
had been next in column. The head of
the column ajipears to have formed the
left wing, facing the Cherusci (c. 17, 6).

7. Visis Cheruscoruin catervis. It
would seem that the height whicli they
occupied, though prominent, afforded
cover ; and that they were to have been
concealed till the moment of attack (c.
16, 4); but their impetuosity betrayed
their position. The attack in flank
seems directed against them, that in the
rear against those in the wood. See

§3.

10. augurium, used, like ' auspiciis '
(c. 14, 2), of the omen. So in Liv. &c.
The verb is adapted to the noun in apposi-
tion, as in 3. 21, 2 ; 13. 37, 4 (where see
Nipp.^, ; 14. 27, 2, &c.

octo aquilae. Critics have super-
fluously noted, that eagles are now rarely
if ever seen in those i)arts, and that their
nearest representative, the ' vultur' albu-
cillus,' is not gregarious. The number,
one for each legion, shows the vein of
romance. See on c. 9, i.

advertere : see on i. 41, i.

13. numina. The passages cited on 1.
?>9t 1< justify the rhetorical application
of this term to the eagles. Nipp. notes
that the word has the special meaning of
' guardian' or ' guiding spirits.'

infertur = 'immittitur.' The more
usual expressions are ' inferre arma,'
' signa,' ' pedem,' &c., as often in Liv.

eques. The words ' postremos et
latera' would show that both divisions of
cavalry mentioned above are meant.

3^

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 769.

postremos ac latera impulit. mirumque dictu duo hostium ag- 4
mina diversa fuga. qui silvam tenuerant, in apcrta, qui campis
adstitcrant, in silvam ruebant. medii inter hos Cherusci colli- 5
bus detrudebantur, inter quos insignis Arminius manu voce
5 vulnere sustentabat pugnam. incubueratque sagittariis. ilia rup- 6
turus ni Ractorum Vindelicorumque et Gallicae cohortes signa
obiecissent. nisu tamen corporis et impetu equi pervasit, oblitus 7
faciem suo cruore, ne nosceretur. quidam adgnitum a Chaucis
inter auxilia Romana agentibus emissumque tradiderunt. virtus 8
10 seu fraus eadem Inguiomero effugium dedit : ceteri passim
trucidati. 'et plerosque tranare Visurgim conantes iniecta tela
aut vis fluminis, postremo moles ruentium et incidentes ripae
operuere. quidam turpi fuga in summa arborum nisi ramisque 9

13. obruere conj. Ritter.

1. impulit, 'drove from their position':
cp. ' impulsae ' 1. 63. 3.

duo . . . agmina. It may be sup-
posed that Stertinius had driven forward
the Germans from the rear, the advance
of infantry had driven back their front
into the wood, and the flank attack was
dislodging the Cheruscans, who would
thus be forced into the space between
these two routed masses. For another
view see Nipp.

2. campis. Nipp. thinks that ' in ' is
required, as in Agr. 36, 2 ' qui in aequo
adstitcrant,' and 12. j;6, 3 'in ratibus ad-
stiterant ' ; but the text may be defended
by the general free use in Tacitus of the
local abl. Litrod. v. § 25).

3. coUibus. On this abl. cp. Introd.
V. § 24.

4. manu voce vulnere. These asyn-
deia appear to lorm a partly alliterative
climax (see Introd. v. ^ 65 ; ' voce vultu
oculis' 16. 29, i; and H. 3. 58, 5); so
that ' manu ' as the weaker word would
mean mere gesture (cp. ' manu ac voce '
H. 3. 29, 4), and 'vulnere' 'by display-
ing his wound,' and as it were demanding
the same sacrifice irom his men. Nipp.
takes ' manu ' to mean ' by dealing
blows,' and thinks that from the order
of the words tlie ablatives depend on
'sustentabat,' as in H. 3. 17, i (' con-
silio manu voce insignis hosti ') on ' in-
signis.'

5. incubuerat, ' had thrown the force
of his attack' : cp. ' eodem incubuerat '
H. 3. 29, I.

sagittariis, i.e. the 'pedites sagit-
tarii,' whose position (see c. 16, 5) would
be on the right of the Gaulish and
German auxiliaries ; who, being in the
front of the order of march, would form
the left wing in line of battle (cp. 16, 5).
Among the German cohorts would be the
Chauci ; and the Kaetian and Vindelician
contingents are reckoned with them.

ilia, sc. parte: cp. ' ne pervium ilia
foret ' H. 3. 8, 3 ; and G. 34, 2, and
note.

rupturus. The intrans. use of this
verb is extremely rare, but follows a fre-
quent and classical use of ' perruinpere.'
On the participle cp. 'adfuturus' above,
and see Introd. v. § 54 d. He tried to
break through with his force, but escaped
singly ', ' pervasit ").

6. Rastorura Vindelicorumque : see
I. 44, 6. On the service of such co-
horts in other provinces than those from
which they were raised see Introd. vii.
126, n. 8.

signa obiecissent. That each aux-
iliary cohort had its standard, is shown
by such passages as Liv. 25. 14, 4; 27.
13, 7 ; and by mention of their ' signileri '
in inscriptions. By bearing their standards
against him they opposed a compact body
of resistance vsee note on 1. 34. 4).

8. Chaucis: see i. 38, i ; 60, 3.

10. Inguiomero: see 1. 60, i.

13. operuere, used by zeugma with
' tela ' and ' vis fluminis.'

nisi, 'climbing.' a poetical use: e.g.
Verg. G. 2, 42S ; Aen. 2, 443.

A. D. i6.]

LIBER II. CAP. 17-19.

309

se occultantcs admotis sagittariis per ludibrium figebantur, alios
prorutae arborcs adflixere.

18. Magna ca victoria ncquc cruenta nobis fuit. quinta ab
hora diei ad noctcm cacsi hostcs decern milia passuum cadaveri-
bus atque armis opplcvere, repcrtis inter spolia corum catcnis, 5

2 quas in Romanos ut non dubio eventu portaverant. miles in
loco proelii Tiberium impcratorem salutavit struxitcjue aggercm
et in modum tropaeorum arma subscriptis victarum gentium
nominibus imposuit.

19. Haud perinde Germanos vulncra, luctus, excidia quam 10

2 ea species dolore et ira adfccit. qui modo abire sedibus, trans
Albim concedere parabant, pugnam volunt, arma rapiunt ; plebes
primorcs, iuventus senes agmen Romanum repente incursant,

3 turbant. postremo deliguiit locum flumine et silvis clausum,

i. adflixere, ' da^hetl to tlie ground ' ;
so Sail. Jug. loi, II ; Liv. 28. 19, 11.

3. Magna, &c. The victory is shown
to be cxaggciated by the speedy colleclion
of the Germans again.

5. catenis, iScc. A similar story is told
of the expedition of Haminius against
Hannibal (^I'olyb. 3. 82), and of M. An-
tonius when invading Crete in 6S0, B.C.
74 (Florus 3. 7, 2).

6 in Romanos. The force of ' in '
approaches to that noted on i 76, 5.

7. Tiberium imperatorera saluta-
vit. V or the ancii iit custom see 3. 74,
6. This passage illustrates the principle
of regarilmg the chief command and
'auspicia' of all the armies, as inherent
in the ' imperium ' of the princeps : cp.
' exercitum i'lbcrii Caesaris' [c. 22, i);
also c 41, I, and the language of
Horace (Od. 4. 14, 33") to Augustus on
the victories of his stepsons, ' te copias,
te consilium et tuos praebente Divos.'
Such ' salulatio ' was addressed to the
effigy of the princeps (see I'l. Pan. 56) ;
and most ol the twenty-one times on
\\hich Augustus (i. 9, 2", and some of
the eight on which Tiberius (^Insc. Orell.
69 1) icceived this title, were thus \icarj-
ously gained. Eckhel '^vi. 190) thinks it
was not accepted on this occasion, as ihc
title ' Imp. vii' does not change to ' Imp.
viii ' till 773, A. I). 20.

8. in modum tropaeorum. The ex-
pression shows that this structure was
not in the strict form of a trophy (see
Verg. Aen. n, 5-1 1). Another such is
described below (c. 22, i). The adoption

of this Greek custom by the Romans does
not appear to be traceable earlier than
633, B.C. 121 ^see Flor. 3. 2, 6 ; Strab.
4. I, II, 1*^51 ; and such commemoration
of victories on the spot was less common
with them than triumphal arches or other
memorials at Rome or in provincial
towns: see 15. iS, i, &c.

11. ea species, 'that spectacle': cp.

3. 60, 6 ; Cic. Phil. 11. 3, 7, &c.

abire sedibus : cp. ' abire Suria ' c.
69, 3 ; ' abire incepto ' 6. 22, 6 ; also Plant.
Am. 1.1,54; ^ t^rg. i"-cl. 7, 56 ; ValMax.

4. 5, 4 ; Just 4. 5, 2; 7. 3, 4. The use
is classical in such phrases as ' abire nia-
gistratu ' ; the extension in these passages
similar to many noted in Introd, v. § 24.

12. plebes primores, &c. The asyn-
deta give liveliness. See Introd. v. § 65.

14. deligunt locum, &c. The geo-
graphy is still vague and theories are man\'.
Some have thought that Germanicus was
already in retreat, others (from c. 22, i ;
41,2) that he hnd reached some tributary
of the Kibe, or had mistaken the l.eine or
Aller for such. More generally it is
thought that the river sjiuken of is still
the \\ eser, and that the locality is to be
sought somewhere northwards of the
former battle, and near the Steinhuder
.Sea (see Momms. Hist. v. 49, ]i. T. i. 541.
The Angrivarian ' agger ' must have faced
north ; and the Germans posted on it could
retreat into a wood, surrounded on the
other side by a morass (see here and c. 20,
7J, but accessible at other points besides
those covered by the ' agger ' (c. 20, 2, 3),
and with detached woods in which their

VOL. I

3IO

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 769.

arta intus planitie et umida : silvas quoque profunda palus
ambibat, nisi quod latus unum Angrivarii lato aggere extulerant,
quo a Cheruscis dirimerentur. hie pedes adstitit : equitem 4
propinquis lucis texere, ut ingressis silvam legionibus a tergo

5 foret.

20. Nihil ex his Caesari incognitum : consilia locos, prompta
occulta noverat astusque hostium in perniciem ipsis vertebat.
Seio Tuberoni legato tradit equitem campumque ; peditum aciem 2
ita instruxit, ut pars aequo in silvam aditu incederet, pars ob-

10 iectum aggercm eniteretur; quod arduum sibi, cetera legatis
permisit. quibus plana evenerant, facile inruperc : quis in- 3
pugnandus agger, ut si murum succcderent, gravibus superne
ictibus conflictabantur. sensit dux inparem comminus pugnam 4
remotisque paulum legionibus funditores libritoresque excutere

15 tela et proturbare hostem iubet. missae e tormentis hastae,5
quantoque conspicui magis propugnatores, tanto pluribus vul-
neribus deiecti. primus Caesar cum praetoriis cohortibus capto 6

6. iis: his Oberlin.

14. libratores B.

cavalry were tied. The Roman position
had mountains and the river in its rear
(c. 20, 7). Knoke finds a locality suiting
this description and containing remains
of such an ' agger ' at Lcese, some twenty
miles north of Minden, and notes (p. 545)
a find on the spot of such stones as
* libritores ' (c. ■20, 4) would have used.

2. Angrivarii. Ritter connects the
narr^e of this jieople with ' Anger,' as
' lowlanders.' They occupied part of
Hanover east of the Weser, and, if the
MS. text in c. 8, 4 is correct (see note),
extended on the west also of that river.

extulerant, ' had raised ' ; so in Caes.,
&c. ; cp. 'datum' i. 35, 5, &c.

3. hie, so. ' in aggere.'

6. prompta refers to the infantry in
sight on the 'agger,' as 'occulta' to the
horsemen hidden in the woods. This
sense of ' promptus ' is rare, but found in
Cic, Sail., &c.

8. Seio Tuberoni : see 4. 29, i. He
was afterwards cos. suff. (see on c. 53, i)
and is one of the ' consularcs fratrcs '
(Veil. 2. 127, 3") of Seianus. Nii^p. thinks
he had succeeded to L. Aproniiis, who is
noted (c. 32, 4" as in Rome.

10. eniteretur; \\ilh simple accus.
only hert r.nvl II. 1. 33, 2; Colum. 2. 2,

27 ; often with ' in,' as c. 80, 7 ; i. 65, 9 ;
70, 6.

sibi, sc. ' sumpsit,' supplied by zeugma
■from ' permisit.'

I 2. succederent = ' scanderent ' : cp. c.
Si. 2, and several passages in Livy. \Vith
the accus. the word has this sense
nsually.butnot invariably (cp. I,iv. 3!^. 9,7).

superne : this and ' comminus ' are
here attributive : see Introd. v, § 66.

14, funditores libritoresque. In 13.
39, 5, these are coupled as different kintls
of slingers of ' glandes,' and both distin-
guished from the engineers of the ' tor-
menta.' Festus describes as ' librilla,'
or ' librilia,' certain ' instrumenta bellica,
saxa scilicet ad bracchii crassiludinem in
modum flagellorum loris revincta' ; and
Caes. (B. Ci. 7. 81, 4) says ' fundis, libri-
libus, sudibusque . . ., acglandibus (jallos
perterrent ' i^wherc some take ' librilibus^
as an adj.). In both passages of Tacitus,
the Medicean MSS. give this form ; the
' libratores' mentioned in inscriptions ap-
pear to be a special rank in the legions
(see Orell. 3493 ; \N'ilmanns 785, 1478,
1553), pcrhai« more akin to the civil
engineers known under this name : see I'l.
Epp. ad Trai. 41 (,50), 3, &c.

17. praetoriis cohortibus : seed 6, 5.

A. I). i6.] LIBER II. CAP. 19-22. 311

vallo dedit impctum in silvas ; conlato illic gradu ccrtatum.
7 hostem a tergo palus, Romanos flumcn aut montcs claudcbant :
utrisque ncccssitas in loco, spcs in virtutc, salus ex victoria.

21. Nee minor Germanis animus, sed gencre pugnac et ar-
morum superabantur, cum ingens multitudo artis locis prae- 5
longas hastas non protcnderct, non colligeret, neque adsultibus
et vclocitate eorporum uteretur, coacta stabile ad proelium ;
contra miles, cui scutum pectori adpressum et insidcns capulo
manus, latos barbarorum artus, nuda ora fodcrct viamque strage
hostium aperiret, inprompto iam Anninio ob continua pericula, 10

2 sive ilium recens acceptum vulnus tardaverat. quin et In-
guiomerum, tota volitantem acie, fortuna magis quam virtus

3 deserebat. et Germanicus quo magis adgnosceretur, detraxerat
tcgimen capiti orabatque insisterent caedibus : nil opus captivis,

4 solam internicionem gentis fincm bello fore, iamque sero diei 15
subducit ex acie legionem faciendis castris : ceterae ad noctem
cruore hostium satiatae sunt, cquites ambigue ccrtavere.

22. Laudatis pro contione victoribus Caesar congeriem ar-
morum struxit, superbo cum titulo : dcbellatis inter Rhenum

10. Arniinio ins. margin and B. 18. congerie marmorum : congeriem marmorum
margin, text B.

I. dedit impetum, noted as a fa- (' or peihajis ') cp. 13. 15, 6 ; H. i. 18, ^.

vourite exjiression of Liv. (e.g. 2. 19, 7; 11. recens, adverbial: cp. Introd. v.

51, 4; 3. 5, 10; 4. 28, I, &c.), wlio §6; so in Sail, and Liv. \\ olfliin notes

also has • dant impressionem ' 4. 28, 4. that it is only so used with participles or

conlato gradu, ' foot to foot ' ; so adjectives taken j^arlicipially.

H. 2. 42,4: cp. Liv. 7. 33, II ; and'pede 12. tota volitantem acie, local abl.

conlato' Id. 6. 12, 10, &c. The whole expression is taken from Livy

6. coUigerff, 'to recover.' This meta- (4. 19, 2], who closely follows Cicero in
phor, nowhere else thus used, is exjilained Lis. 12, 26 ' cum . . . volitaret tota urbe.'
by Nipp. as grounded on the resem- 14. insisterent, 'persist in the car-
blance of the hand over hand movement nage ' : cp. ' perdomandae Campaniae in-
to that of gathering in a rope. Pliny sistere' H. 3. 77,4. On these extremities
(Epp. 2. I, 5) has ' librum colligere,' to of warfare see i. 51, 2.
catch or recover a falling book. Cp.also 15. sero diei. This substantival use
' gressum,' ' graduni colligere,' &c. of ' serum ' is from Livy (e. g. 7. 8, 5 ;

adsultibus, probably borrowed from 26.3, i.&c); so ' medium diei ' 11. 21,

Verg. Acn. 5, 442, the only previous in- 2), also from Livy : cp. Her. on H. 1.62,

stance of the word. 7 I 3- 79> i-

8. adpressum. The participle ap- 17. ambigue, 'with doubtful issue'

pears only here, the verb only in 16. 15, (cp. c. 88, 3 ; a virtual admission of de-

4, and PI. Mai. The curved form of the Jeat. The body, ' quil)us plana evenerant '

Roman scutum is contrasted with the i'c. 20, 3;, were the second division of

broad flat German shield. infantry.

insidens, 'firmly grasping.' Lips. iS. pro contione : see on i. 44, 4.

y. ora foderet : see c. 14.4. congeriem, here alone in lacitus,

10. inprompto, inly in Liv. 7. 4. 5; after Liv., Plin. Ma., &c. This tropliy

and Auson. For the following ' sivc ' would resemble that described in c. 18,2.

312

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 769.

Albimque nationibus exercitum Tiberii Caesaris ea monimenta
Marti et lovi et Augusto sacravisse. de se nihil addfdit, metu 2
invidiae an ratus conscientiam facti satis esse, mox bcllum in 3
Angrivarios Stcrtinio mandat, ni deditionem propcravissent.
5 atque illi supplices nihil abnuendo veniam omnium accepcre.

23. Sed aestate iam adulta legionum aliae itinera terrestri in
hibernacula remissae ; plures Caesar classi inpositas per flumcn
Amisiam Oceano invexit. ac primo placidum aequor mille 2
navium remis strepere aut velis inpelli : mox atro nubium globo
10 effusa grando, simul variis undique procellis incerti fluctus
prospectum adimere, regimen inpcdire ; milesque pavidus et
casuum maris ignarus dum turbat nautas vel intempestive iuvat,
officia prudentium corrumpebat, omne dehinc caelum et mare 3
omne in austrum cessit, qui umidis Germaniae terris, profundis

I. munimenta: text L. 3. factis : text Aldus.

14. tumidis : hnmidis R, text I'aern.

4. Ampsivarios (c. 8) Halm.

I. Tiberii Caesaris : see on c. iS, 2.

3. bellum . . . maudat, ni propera-
vissent. On the ellipse with this con-
struction see Introd. v. § 50 a.

4. Angrivarios Germanicushad crossed
their frontier at the ' agger ' (c. 20, 2), and
they are named among the conquered na-
tions (c. 41, 2) ; so it is possible to sup-
pose that they were there invaded. But
• mox ' seems to imply an interval of time,
and at the beginning of c. 23 Germaiiicus
had returned to the I'Ims ; and the cx-
])ressions used (' supplices,' &c.) lead us
to suppose that the same kindred tribe,
or western portion of the tribe, whose
' defectio ' was chastised (c. 8, 4% are here
sjioken of as reduced to full submission.

6. aestate adulta. Lips, cites Ser-
vius, on Verg. Ci. i, 43, as stating that
each season was divided into periods of a
month each, during which it was said to
be ' novus,' ' adiiltus,' or ' praeceps.' Tiie
terms answer to the Greek iarafitvov, /jk-
aovi'Tos (or CLKfj-d^ovTos), and KrjyovTos ;
and tlie tnne here specified woukl answer
to the midtlle of July. Tacitus has also
' adulto autumno ' 11. 31, 4 ; 'donee vcr
adolesccret' 13. 36, i; 'adulta nocte '
H. 3. 23, 4 ; and other such uses.

8. invexit; with dat. in Suet. Aug.
41 ; Cuit. 9. 2, 27.

mille navium : cp. c. 6, 2.

9. velis inpelli, ' was stirred by tlie
sailing.' The sails which move the ship
may seem mediately to move the sea as

oars do: cp. Verg. G. i, 254 'remis in-
pcllere marmor.' Mr. Goodhart -Class.
Kev. ii. 227) Would put a colon at 'aequor,'
so as to take ' mille navium ' as subject of
the inhnilives ; but Tacitus never uses the
sing. ' mille ' as subst. with genit.

globo effusa. This simple abl. is
found in Sail. Jug. 69, 2 (' effusum oj)-
pido'), and often in Liv.

II. regimen, 'the steering'; used of
the rudder itself by Ovid (M. ii, -,^2"}, &c.
The word, especially frequent in Tacitus,
is previously almost confined to poets and
Livy.

13. offlcia prudentium corrumpe-
bat: the verb means 'to nullify' in 15.
71, 4; H. 4. 34, 8. Similar terms are
used in H. 4. j6, 5 ; Liv. 22. 19, 8, in de-
scribing scenes of confusion at a sea-fight.

14. in austrum cessit. For this ex-
pression cp. I. I, 3. Here a contrast is
intended to the ' variae procellae.' Nipp.
notes that the wind was strictly S. W.

umidis. Orelli and Ni])p. retain 'tu-
midis ' ; the former explaining it to mean
' mountainous,' on the theory that moun-
tains cause or collect storms (see Agr.
10, 6 ; the mountains here being those of
the interior to the south. Nipp. adopts
Wallher's explanation, 'swollen with mois-
ture ' ; such being the description of the
country (H. 5. 14, 3; 17, 3), and the ex-
pression like ' vere tument terrae ' i,^ erg.
G. 2, 324). The ablatives are probably
absol., explaining 'immcnso nubium tractu,'

A. D. 16.]

LIBER II. CAP. 22-24.

313

aninibus, immenso nubiuni tractu validus ct rigore vicini sep-
tentrionis horridior rapuit disiecitquc naves in aperta Occani aiit
insulas saxis abruptis vel per occulta vada infcstas. quibus
4 paulum aegreque vitatis, postquam mutabat aestus eodcinque
quo ventus ferebat, non adhaercre ancon's, non exhaurirc in- 5
rumpentis undas potcraut : cqui, iumcnta, sarcinae, etiam arma
praecipitantur, quo levarentur alvei, manantes per latera et fluctu
superurgentc.

24. Ouanto violentior cetero mari Oceanus et truculentia
caeli praestat Germania, tantum ilia clades novitate et magni- 10
tudine cxcessit, hostilibus circum litoribus aut ita vasto ct pro-

2 fundo, ut crcdatur novissimum ac sine terris marc, pars navium
haustac sunt, plures apud insulas longius sitas ciectae ; milesque
nuUo illic hominum cultu fame absumptus, nisi quos corpora

3 equorum eodem elisa toleraverant. sola Germanici triremis 15
Chaucorum terrain adpulit ; quern per omncs illos dies noctcs-

which contains the cause : cp. Sen. Nat.
Qiiaest. 5.. 1 2, 5'facil ergo ventiim re-
soluta nubes.'

2. disiecit naves ; so also Liv. 30.
24, 7 ; from Very. Aen. 1 , 43.

3. insulas. Ihese api ear to be dis-
tinct from the distant islands of c. 24, 2,
and must be those near the mouth of the
Ems or Weser. The quicksands described
would perfectly suit the islands bordering
on the ' Wadden ' shoals-, but no rocky
island can be found nearer than Heligo-
land. The rocks appear therefore to be
the addition of romance, as m c. 24, 3.

4. paulum, ' lor a time' (cp. 1. 12, 3 ;
3r> 5> &c.), not synonymous with ' aegre.'

postquam mutabat, &c. The tide
had hitherto offered some resistance to
the wind. The sentence shows reminis-
cence of Livy (2''i. 45, 8), ' acer . . . Sc-p-
temtrio . . . iiiclinatum stagnum eodem
quo aestus ferebat.' ' iMuto ' is intrans. in
12. 29, I, and olten in Livy; as is also
' fero ' in such phrases as ' via,' ' res ' (cp.
3. 15, 2), 'animus fert'; and, in Caes.
(B. G. 3. 15, 3), in the same expression as
here, ' quo ventus ferebat ' ; also in Livy
1. 7, 6 ' si . . . eo vestigia ferrent.'

7. manantes . . . superurgente.
'Manantes' is best taken as belonging to
both clauses. The ships are dripping,
from leakage through the sides 1 cp. ' laxis
latenim conipagibus,' &c. Veig. Aen. i,
122), and from waves breaking over.
'Superurgeo' is otherwise unknown, and

perhaps ,with Doed.) the word should be
written ' divisim.'

9. truculentia, one of the words
which Tacitus appears to have resusoi-
tatetl, from Plant. True. 3. 2, 7 (seelntrod.
V. § 96). The atlj. is used figuratively of
the sea in CatuU. 63, 16; 64, 179.

10. praestat . . . excessit. Tliat which
is exceeded is supi)lied from the context.
Cp. c. 33, 2, and ' praestitisset ' c. 73, 4.

1 I. ita vasto et profuudo It seems
better to sup[)ly ' mari ' from the follow-
ing ' mare,' llian to alter the latter to the
former i^with J. F. Gron.,, or (with Nipp.)
to take ■ vasto et profundo ' as having an
indefinite subject, or as sub-tantives.
' Around them were shores ])eopled with
enemies, or (on the other side) a sea so
wide and deep that they iinngiiied it to
be the end ol the world, with no land
beyond.' On the use of ' circum,' cp. 4.
55, 8 ; ' nullis contra terris ' (.^gr. 10, 2) ;
and the use of ' palam ' 11. 22, i ; i6. 5,
3 ; also Introd. v. § 65.

1 3. insulas longius sitas, distinct
from those mentioned in c. 23, 3, and
probably those off the west coast of
Schleswig.

If. elisa, 'ad litus electa.'

toleraverant, 'had maintained,' i. e.
up to the time of their discovery. The
verb, in this sense, has a personal accus.
in Caes. and I'lin. Mai.

16. adpulit. Suet, thus uses ' Derto-
Sim adpellere,' ' Regium . . . na\e ad-

SH

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 769.

que apud scopulos et prominentis oras, cum se tanti cxitii reum
clamitaret, vix cohibucre amici quo minus codem mari oppe-
teret. tandem relabente aestu et secundante vento claudae 4
naves raro remigio aut intentis vestibus, et quaedam a validiori-
5 bus tractae, revertere ; quas raptim refectas misit ut scrutarentur
insulas. collect! ca cura pleriquc : multos Angrivarii nuper in 5
fidem acccpti redemptos ab interioribus reddidere : quidam in
Britanniam rapti et remissi a regulis. ut quis ex longinquo 6
revenerat, miracula narrabant, vim turbinum et inauditas volu-

10 cres, monstra maris, ambiguas hominum et bcluarum formas,
visa sive ex metu credita,

25. Sed fama classis amissae ut Germanos ad spem belli, ita
Caesarem ad coercendum erexit. C. Silio cum triginta peditum, 2
tribus equitum milibus ire in Chattos imperat ; ipse maioribus

15 copiis Marsos inrumpit, quorum dux Mallovendus nuper in
deditionem acceptus propinquo luco defossam Varianae legionis
aquilam medico praesidio servari indicat. missa extemplo 3

6. Amp^ivarii Ilalm (c. 8). 16. loco: luco L. 17. indicaiat conj. Halm.

pellcre ' (.Galb. 10; Tit. 5); and also
(Aug. 98) uses the verb, of a ship, abso-
lutely, as in 4. 27, I. Both constructions
are rare.

1. scopulos : cp. c. 23, 3.

2. oppeteret, used without 'mortem'
by Vergil ( Aen. i , y6, &c.), and in prose I .y
I'l. Mai. ' Eodem mari,' local abl.

3. secundante vento, after the wind
had changed (as well as the tide), and
blew towards land. The same expression
occurs in Just. 26. 3. 4; otherwise this
verb is confined to poets, and takes an
accus.

claudae, 'crippled'; used of ships in
Tucr. 4, 436; Liv. 37. 24, 6; Cuit. y. 9.
13. Vergil (Aen. 5, 271, &c.) compares
a shattered ship to a wounded serpent.

4. intentis vestibus. Similar con-
trivances are described in H. r,. 23, i ;

Juv. 12, 67.

6. Angrivarii: see c. 22, 3, and note.
The contrast 'ab interioribus' perhajis
points only to tribes more remote from the
frontier (cp. 6. 43, I, &c.). Any who were
wrecked on the coast beyond the Weser
were probably in hostile hands. The
mention of the British piinces liere is an
evidence of friendly relations then be-
tween that country and Rome.

10. monstra maris. Fedo Albinova-

nus (see on i. 60, 2), though probably
an eyewitness, appears to have drawn on
imagination in his narrative (see Appen-
dix i at the end of this Book) : and this
shipwreck and its wonders probably soon
passed into the hands of declaimers, with
such basis of fact as seals or birds strange
to southern navigators may have supplied.

ambiguas ; so used with genit. of the
alternatives in c. ^o, 2. The use with a
single genit. is noted on i. 7, 4.

14. ire ... imperat: such an inf.
(Introd. V. § 43) is f^mnd in poets and in
Sail.

in Chattos. These expeditions ap-
pear to be a fresh start after the forces
had been collected at head quarters. That
against the Chatti may have been merely
a demonstration, like that mentioned in
c 7, I, to keep them from assisting their
neighbours; the attack on the Marsi
probably took the same direction as that
described in I. 50, and was similarly in-
tended to restore the morale of the troops.
The recovery of the eagle seems inci-
dental.

17. aquilam. One eagle had been
regained the year belore (i. 60, 4), and
tiie third is stated to have been recovered
from the Chatti in the first year of Clau-
dius (Dio, 60. 8, 7} ; so that the story

A. D. i6.J

LIBER II. CAP. 24-26.

315

manus quae hostcm a frontc cliccrct, alii qui tcrga circumgrcssi

4 recludcreiit huinum ; ct utrisque adfuit fortuna. co promptior
Caesar pcrgit introrsus, populatur, excindit non ausum congiedi
hostcm aut, sicubi restiterat, statim pulsum nee uniquam magis,

5 ut ex captivis cognitum est, paventem. quippe invictos et nuUis 5
casibus supcrabiles Romanos praedicabant, qui perdita classe,
amissis armis, post constrata equorum virorumque corporibus
litora eadem virtute, pari fcrocia et velut aucti numero in-
rupissciit.

26. Rcductus inde in hiberna miles, laetus animi quod ad- 10
versa maris cxpeditionc prospera pensavisset. addidit munifi-
centiam Caesar, quantum quis damni profcssus erat. exsolvendo.

2 nee dubium habebatar labare hostes petcndaeque pacis con-
silia sumere, et si proxima aestas adiceretur, posse bellum

3 patrari. sed crebris epistulis Tiberius monebat rediret ad de- 15
cretum triumphum : satis iam eventuum, satis casuum. prospera
illi et magna proelia : eorum quoque meminisset quae venti et
fluctus, nulla ducis culpa, gravia tamen et saeva damna in-
tulissent. se noviens a divo Augusto in Germaniam missum
plura consilio quam vi perfecisse. sic Sugambros in deditionem 20

given by Florus (4. 12, 38), of the pre-
servation of one at the time by its bearer,
appears to be a fiction.

2. recluderent : so ' tellus . . . reclu-
(litur ' Verj;. CI. 2, 423. The verb is often
used by 'I'acitus, but otherwise almost
exclusively in poets.

3. excindit, used of extermination,
with ' gtntem,' by Vergil (Aen. 9, 137),
whom Tacitus appears here, and perhaps
in H. 5. 16, 2, to follow: cp. also 12.
39, 4. The language is that of Roman
exaggeration, and need not be softened
(as by some) into ' destroys the property
of

4. restiterat: cp. i. 61, 3.

14. adiceretur, sc. ' bello ' = 'adsume-
retur': cp. ' noctes quoque dedecori ad-
iectas ' 14 20, 8.

15. patrari : cp. 3. 47, i ; H. 3. 64, 3 ;
an archaism (_acc. to Quint. S. 3, 44), but
used also by Sail, and Veil. The pos-
sibility alleged is not borne out by facts ;
for we have no trace of any ground per-
manently secured, or tribes permanently
crushed.

16. triumphum: see i. 55, i.
eventuum . . . casuiun. These words

come together in H. i. 4, i ; 5. 10, 3;
and the former is used specially of success
in Agr. 8, 2 ; 22,3; 27, 2,&c. The latter
would here ostensibly refer to the storms,
&c. ; but the words of Tiberius probably
suggest the censure which tliey disclaim ;
as in 4. 40, 7, &c.

iS. gravia . . . darana, best taken with
Nipp. as in opposition to ' quae.'

19. noviens. Seven campaigns appear
to be made out ; those of 745, 74^) 757>
758, 762, 763, 764 (H.C. 9, 8; A.D. 4, 5,
9, 10, 11). To these Nipp. adds an in-
significant mission in 747, B.C. 7 (l^io, 55-
8, 3), and the projected campaign against
the .Suebi in 759, A.D. 6, frustrated by the
revolt of Pannonia.

20. Sugambros. These were partly
destroyed, partly settled on the Gallic
bank (12. 39. 4; Suet. Aug. 21), ap-
parently by Tiberius (Id. Tib. 9), and
probably in 746, B.C. 8 (Dio, 55. 6, 2).
See Ilor. Od. 4. 2, 34; 14, 51 ; Strab. 7.
1, 4, 291. The name is found among the
auxiliaries (4. 47, 5) ; but those within the
Rhine seem later to be absorbed into the
C'ugerni (^Momms. Hist. v. 113, E. T. i.
124J.

3i6

P. CORNEL/! TACITI ANNALIUM [AU.C. 769.

acceptos, sic Sucbos regcmquc Maroboduum pace obstrictum.
posse et Cheruscos ceterasque rebellium gentes, quoniam Ro-
manae ultioni consultum esset, internis discordiis relinqui. pre- 4
cante Gcrmanico annum cfficiendis coeptis, acrius modcstiam

5 eius adgrcditur alterum consulatum offcrcndo, cuius munia prae-
sens obirct. simul adnectebat, si foret adhuc bellandum, re- 5
linqueret matericm Drusi fratris gloriac, qui nullo turn alio
hoste non nisi apud Germanias adsequi nomen imperatorium et
deportare lauream posset, baud cunctatus est ultra Gcrmanicus, 6

10 quamquarn fingi ea seque per invidiam parto iam decori abstrahi
intellegeret.

27. Sub idem tempus e familia Scriboniorum Libo Drusus
defertur moliri res novas, eius negotii initium, ordinem, linem

3. est ; esset Mur., sit Otto.

1. Suebos. Oil this people see i. 44,
6 ; and on Marobodiius, c. 44, 3, <Scc. t or
the sing, predicate cp. i. 70, 8 ; 12.12,3,
&c.

3. consultum esset. It is perhaps
possible, with Pfitzner, to retain ' est '
as giving a remark of the historian, but
' esset ' or ' sit' are generally read.

iuternis discordiis. As an illiis-
tratifin of this, may be quoted the hos-
tilities between the Chcrusci and Suebi in
the Very ne.xl year (c. 44, 2 , the plut of
the prince of tiie Chatti against tlie life of
Arniinius (c. 8H, 1), tiie massacre ol the
Chatti by the Hermunduri in 811, A. D.
6^ (13- 67)) ^^^ almost complete de-
struction of the ]?ructeri by their neigh-
bours, and subjection of the Cherusci by
the Chatti, at the date of the ' Germania '
(('• 33, J ; 36, i).

4. modestiam, "his deference.' Ti-
berius is thicuighout not recalling him
perem|)torily, but persuading him to retire
from tiie command ; and the otter ol a
consulship is another motive for him to
give way.

5. praeseiis, i.e. at Rome, lie be-
came consul, Init in absence (c. 53, i).

6. adnectebat. This verb here, and
in 4. 28, 2, has the construction of
' addere.'

8. nomen imperatorium; see on 1.3,
I, &c. iJrusus never received this title.

9. deportare lauream, ' to earn the
laurel wreatli '; so 'deportare triumphum'
Cic. Off. 1. 26 ; and other phrases. The
deposition of the laurel branch in the lap

. of the god was part of the ceremony ; and

in Suet. Dom. 6 ' lauream modo Capi-
tolino luvi rettulit ' is contrasted with a
regular triumph ; here no such difference
is implied.

10. abstrahi ; cp. c. 5, i.

12. Sub idem tempus. Tiie alleged
offences are said to have begun Irom or
before the accession of Tiberius (SueU Tib.
25). Velleius \2. 129, 130) .and .Suetonius
1,1. 1. apjiear to view him as a more formid-
able conspirator. The kakndar of Amiter-
num (C. i. L. i.x. 4197 ; Oielli, li. p. 39^)
ciiarges him with ' nefaria consilia de
salute Ti. Cacs. liberorumque eius et
aliorum jirincipum civitatis inita.' Seneca
(hp. 70, lO; describes him as ' adoles-
cens tarn slolidus quani nobilis, maiora
s])eiansquam illo seculo quisqu.im sperare
poteiat aut ipse ullo.' I)io 1,57. ip, 4;
speaks of him only ' as bo^avra ri viwTi-
pi^fiv ' ; and it is in Tacitus alone tliat any
detailed charges are specified, and the
whole sliovvn to shrink into mere ques-
tions of astrology and magic.

Libo Drusus. The kalendar cited
above calls iiim ' M. Libo'; Suet. [\. 1.)
calls him ' L. Scribonius Libo,' contus-
ing him apparently with the consul ^c. i,
I , su]iposed to be his brother (c. 29, 2).

13. defertur moliri. The infin. with
this verb (as 3. 22, i ; 6. 19, i ; 13. 23, i
and other verfjs of accusing is especially
common in the Annals : see Introd. v.
§ 45. Diager notes its use with ' convin-
cor'byLiv. (45. 10, 14), and with'arguor'
and 'insimulor' by Cic. (Rose. Am. 13,
37; Verr. 2. 2, 24, 59, ike); but Cic.
does not say 'deferrc aliquem ' (as in 13.

A.D. ifi.]

LIBER II. CAP. 26, 27.

317

ciiratius cHsscram. quia tuni pn'iiuim rcperta sunt quae per tot
2 annos rem publicam excderc. Finnius Catus senator, ex intima
Liboiiis aniicitia, iuvenein inprovidum et facilem inanibus ad
Chaldacorum promissa, mai^orum sacra, somnioruni etiain in-
tcrprctcs impulit, dum j)roavuiTi Pornpcium, amitam Scriboniam 5
quae quondam Auijusti coniunx fuerat, consobrinos Caesares,
plenam imaginibus domum ostentat, hortaturque ad luxum et
aes alienum, soclus libidinum et necessitatunij quo pluribus in-
diciis inligarct.

6. consobriiius Ciesaris : text \..

33. 3, &c.). I'lit 'alicuius nomcn,' usintj
the verb with a personal object only in
the sense of ' recomniendini;' (as Arch.

5, Hi-
res novas : cp. c. 78, 1 ; 3. 13, 3,
&c. Thi-- charj^^e is distinct from, and more
spicil'ic than that of ' inaiestas.'

1. curatius : cp. i. 13, 7.

reperta sunt. Delation has already
appenred (see on i. 72 ; 74' ; hut we here
first tind persons entrapped by intimate
friends, who kec]) up private communica-
tions with Caesar. 'Per tot annos' pro-
bably dates to the death of Domitian.

2. Firniius Catus : see 4. 31, 7 : ' tx
intima amicitia ' for the concrete ' ex in-
timis amicis' : cp. c. 77, i ; Suet. Tib. 51.

3. facilem inanibus, ' easily led to
em])ty projects': cp. 5. II, I ; also ' fa-
ciles occupantibus ' II. 2. 17, i; and
similar uses in Verg. and Liv.

4. Chaldaeorum, the astrolofjers,
known also as ' mathematici ' c. 32, 5 ;
H. I. 22, I, &c.), ' periti caelestium' (4.
58, ,2'i, and by other names ; who pro-
fessed to j>redict a person's destiny from
the position of the heavens at his birth.
Though sufficiently im]iortant as early as
62,:;, 11. c. 139. to be expelled by a praetor's
edict (V'al. Max. I. 3, 3\ thtir great
ascendency belongs to this age ; those
who dealt severely by some being them-
selves the patrons of others, as Augustus
(Suet. Aug. 94 , Tiberius ,6. 21, 5 ; Suet.
Tib. 14), and many following emperors.
The prevalence of astrology in the time
of Augustus is seen in the allusions in
Hor. Od. I. II ; 2. 17, &c ; its subse-
quent importance is illustrated by the
Collection of passages from ancient authors
given by Mayor on Juv. 14, 248; also
Marquardt. iii. 92-94. That Tacitus him-
selt believed some astrological predictions
to be genuine, is seen from 4. 58, 2 ; 6.
22, 5, &c. ; his contempt for the common

herd of impostors is shown in H. i. 22,
1, &c.

magorum sacra, ' the rites of ma-
gicians.' These ' magi ' also profess an
Oriental title, and are sometimes con-
founded with the ' Chaldaei ' ; but the
name properly belongs to the dealers in
philtres and other drugs, spells, and in-
cantations (seec. 28, 3 ; 69, 5, &c. \ The
art in some form is so old in Italy as to
have fallen under the ban of the Laws of
the Twelve Tables (Sen. Q. Nat. 4. 7, 3) ;
and ' vcnefica ' is a term of abuse as early
as Plautus and Terence : the witchcraft of
the Augustan age may be illustrated from
Verg. Eel. 8; Hor. Od. i. 27, 21 ; Epod.
5; Sat. I. 8; Ov. Am. i. 8, &c. See
Marquardt, iii. pp. 10S-114.

somniorum interpretes. This art
belonged of old to the Eastern 'magi'
proper (Hdt. i. 107, &c.) ; and its pro-
fessors, known in Italy ns early as the
time of Eimius (Cic. de Div. i, 58, 132),
are generally called ' coniectores ' (IMauL
Cure. 2. I, 34; Cic. de Div. I. 22, 45;
Quint. 3. 6, 30, &c.). See Marquardt,
iii. p. 100 ; and the account of the Komaa
belief in dreams in Friedl. iii. ji. 532, foil.

5. proavum Pompeium. A lull pedi-
gree is given by Nipp. from liorghesi
(v. 301 ', showing that his mother Pompeia
was daughter of Sex. Pompeius and of
Scribonia, niece of the wife of Augustus,
who was thus his great-great-aunt, and
whose descendants through Julia were
distant cousins. Also the adoption of his
father. M. Drusus I.ibo, by M. Drusus
Claudianus, the father of Livia Augusta,
connected him with her issue.

7 plenam imaginibus. The ' ius
imaginum ' was now liberally inteipreted,
as appears from 3. 5, 2 ; 76, 4, &c.

8. necessitatum. This word, used
in a somewhat different sense in i. ii,
6, appears here, as in Suet. Tib. 47, to

3i8 P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 769.

28. Ut satis testium et qui servi eadem noscerent repperit,
aditum ad principem postulat, demonstrate crimine et reo per
Flaccum Vescularium equitcm Romanum, cui propior cum Ti-
berio usus erat. Caesar indicium baud aspernatus congressus 2

5 abnuit : posse enim eodem Flacco intcrnuntio sermones com-
meare. atque interim Libonem ornat praetura, convictibus ad- 3
hibet, non vultu alienatus, non verbis commotior (adeo iram con-
diderat) ; cunctaque eius dicta factaque, cum prohibere posset,
scire malebat, donee Junius quidam, temptatus ut infernas

10 umbras carminibus eliceret, ad Fulcinium Trionem indicium de-
tulit. celebre inter accusatores Trionis ingenium erat avidumque 4
famae malae. statim corripit reum, adit consulcs, cognitionem
senatus poscit. et vocantur patres, addito consultandum super 5
re magna et atroci.

15 29. Libo interim veste mutata cum primoribus feminis cir-
cumire domos, orare adfines, vocem adversum pericula poscere,
abnuentibus cunctis, cum diversa praetenderent, eadem formi-
dine. die senatus metu et aegritudine fessus, sive, ut tradidere 2
quidam, simulato morbo, lectica delatus ad fores curiae innisus-

5. sermone (perhaps for sermone) : text R, sermonem Ritt.

denote any pecuniary obligations or diffi- 9. ut . . . umbras . . . eliceret. Such

cultics. It thus answers to ' aes alienum,' evocation, known in some form among

as ' libidinum ' does to ' luxum.' Cheeks as early as the Odyssey, was at this

I. noscerent, for' adgnoscerent,'' would date a recognized branch of magic. Cp.

acknowledge ' ; cp. ' adgnoscentes servos ' Verg. V.c\. S, 98 ; Acn. 4, 490 ; Hor. Sat.

c. 30, 3: thus ' an . . . nosceret ' 15. 60, i. 8, 29; TibuU. i. 2, 45, &c.

6. The subjunctive here is potential. 10. Fulcinium Trionem. On this

3. Flaccum Vescularium : on his famous delator, subsequently consul at the
death see 6. 10, 2. He was perhaps one time of the fall of Seianus, and afterwards
of the ' consiliarii ' of Tiberius (Suet. Tib. forced to suicide, see 3. 10, i; 19, i ; 5.
55)- II, I ; 6. 4, 3 ; 38, 2.

4. congressus, personal communica- 11. Trionis: on the re[ietition of the
tion with Catus. cognomen alone see Introd. v. § 86.

5. sermones; probably here 'mes- 12. corripit, constantly used of ac-
sages,' as in H. 2. 76, i, and ' ministro cusers ; cp. 3. 28, 5; 49, 1 ; 66, 2, &c.
sermonum ' H. 2. 99, 4. 'Commeare' is adit consules : see on i. 73, 3.

thus used of letters in 4. 41, 3, &c. cognitionem : cp. i. 75, i.

6. interim: on the interval of time 16. domos, the palaces of the nobility :
see c. 27, I, and Suet. Tib. 25 ; wliere it see i. 73, 2.

is stated that Libo was also ' pontifex,' vocem . . . poscere, an equivalent

and the precautions taken by Tiberius are expression to ' patronos petenti ' (3. n,

described. 2) ; so ' vocem praeparare,' ' to study a

convictibus adhibet. Tliis honour speech,' PI. Epp. 2. 1, 5.
was so prized that Vespasian is said (Suet. iS. aegritudine. Dio (57. 15, 4) says

Vesp. 2) to have thanked Gaius in the that he had a mortal disease, and was

senate for an invitation : cp. a fulsome purposely brought to trial in his illness.
epigram of Martial (9, 92), and other 19. lectica delatus. Even the princeps

passages cited by Friedliiiider (i. 147). did not usually thus come to the senate,

7. vultu . . . verbis : cp. 12. 36, 6. except in case of illness (Sdet. Tib. 30).

A.D. i6.]

LIBER II. CAP. 28-30.

319

que fratri et manus ac suppliccs voces ad Tiberium tcndens im-
moto eiusvultu excipitur. mox libellos ct auctorcs recitat Caesar
ita moderans, nc Icnire neve asperare crimina videretur.

30. Accesserant praeter Trionem et Catum accusatores Fon-
teius Agrippa et C. Vibius, certabantquc cui ius perorandi in 5
reum daretur, donee Vibius, quia nee ipsi inter se concederent et
Libo sine patrono introisset, singillatim se crimina obiecturum
professus, protulit libellos vaecordes adeo, ut consultaverit Libo,
an habiturus forct opes quis viani Appiam Brundisium usque

2 pecunia opcrirct. inerant ct alia huiusce modi stolida vana, si 1°
mollius acciperes, miseranda. uni tamcn libello manu Libonis
nominibus Caesarum aut senatorum additas atroces vel occultas

3 notas accusator argucbat. negante reo adgnoscentes servos per

5 and 6. liuius : text Gruter.

II. uno Kritz, Halm, Nipp.

1. fratri, supposed to be the consul of
this year ^c. i, i) ; not now noted as such,
because succeeded by a ' suffcctus.'

manus ac . . . voces . . . tendens.
' Tendere ' is thus used with ' voces ' by
zeutjma in Verg. Aen. 2, 688 ; 3, 176.
Tacitus has ' voces . . . manus intentare '
3. 36, I (in a different sense), and ' placa-
menta . . . tendebantur' H. i. 63, 2.

2. libellos et auctores, ' the informa-
tions and names of the informers.'

3. moderans, 'restraining himself;
so ' moderante ' i. 15, 2 : usually a dative
is exjjressed, as c. 70, 4 ; 6. 2, 6, &c.

4. Fonteius Agrippa ; mentioned
again in c. 86, i. Another, probably his
son, is mentioned in H. 3. 46, 5.

5. C. Vibius : from 4. 29, 4, it ap-
pears that the elder Vibius Serenus (4. 13,
2 ; 28, I ) is the person meant.

ius perorandi, 'the privilege (cp. Gud.
on Dial. 40, i) of making the formal
or.ition.' The verb often means no more
than this (cp. 3. 17, 7 ; Dial. 38, i ; and
' pcrorare causnm' in Cic, &c.). The
proper place of such oration was at the
close of the evidence.

7. singillatim, 'one by one'; so that
they might be argued separately without
a continuous oration on either side; a
rule enforced by Nero in trials before
hinuelf: 'cognoscendi morem eum tenuit,
ut continuis aclionihus omissis, singillatim
quaeque per vices agcret ' (^Suet. Ner. 15).
Cicero, by a similar course, expedited the
trial of Vtrres.

8. libellos, papers belonging to Libo.
consultaverit — ' consuUavisse mon-
straretur.'

11. uni . . . libello. 'Nominibus'
must be taken as a dative depending on
' additas ' ; and it is possible to extend
the same construction or to supply
' inesse ' (from 'inerant') for 'libello.'
The correction ' uno ' still leaves no less
awkwardness in the juxtaposition of two
different ablatives, 'libello' and 'manu.'
It seems therefore necessary to suppose
some negligence in the original compo-
sition.

12. Caesarum aut senatorum, i.e.
some to the one set of names, others to
the other: see on i. 55, 2, and Nipp.'s
note here.

atroces vel occultas notas, ' deadly,
or at least mysterious symbols.' It is
meant that, if no meaning could be made
out of them, the mystery was itself sus-
picious. We are to suppose that caba-
listic characters were attached to the
names," and that it was suggested that
these might be a magical 'devotio' ysee
on c. 69, 5). It is implied by ' tamcn '
that this document was the only relevant
evidence ; so that the whole charge turned
on these unintelligible marks.

13. negante, denying the handwriting.
adgnoscentes : cp. ' noscerent ' c. 28,

I. Nipp. notes that slaves were forced
to confirm, under torture, even what they
were willing to state without it; their
evidence being not otherwise legal.

320

p. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 769.

tormenta interrogari piacuit. et quia vetere senatus consulto
quaestio in caput domini prohibebatur, callidus et novi iuris
repertor Tiberius mancipari singulos actori publico iubet, scilicet
ut in Libonem ex servis salvo senatus consulto quaereretur. ob 4
5 quae posterurn diem reus petivit domumque digressus extremas
preces P. Ouirinio propinquo sue ad principem mandavit.

31. Responsum est ut senatum rogaret. cingebatur interim
militc domus, strcpebant etiam in vcstibulo, ut audiri, ut aspici
possent, cum Libo ipsis quas in novissimam voluptatem adhi-
10 buerat epulis excruciatus vocare percussorem, prensare servorum
dextras, inserere gladium. atque illis, dum trepidant, dum re- 2
fugiunt, evertentibus adpositum /;/ mensa lumen, feralibus iam

I. interrogare: text L. 9. possint : text R. 12. in ins. Groslot, cum Rilt.

(1848), Nipp. ; adposita in mensa Riit. (1864).

1. vetere senatus consulto. This
rule, called ' mos maioriim ' by Cicero
(pro Deiot. i, 3), had even in his time
exceptions in cases of incest and conspi-
racy (Mil. 22, 59; Partt. Oratt. 34, 118).
I-ips. states that the later jurists also
make exception in charges of ' maiestas '
(without the fiction here introduced),
adultery, and 'fraudatio census.'

2. novi iuris. Dio (55. 5, 4\ repre-
sents this as a contrivance of Augus^tus
as early as 746, B. C. 8. In later times
he represents Tiberius (57. 19, 2) as de-
parting much further, in such trials, fiom
the old custom : iliaaavi^ovro ov^l oiKtrai
fjiuvov Kara rijbv ISlaJv htavorSiv, dWa Kai
k\(v6(pni Koi noXlrai.

3. repertor, 4. 11, 3, &c. : chiefly a
poetical word, but in prose from Sail.

actori publico : cp. 3. 67, 3 ; ' the
agent of the treasury ' (cp. ' publicai i,'
' pfcunia publica,' &c.), a peison gene-
rally a slave or at most a freedman.
' Actores ' of private persons, ajiparently
much the same as ' villici,' arc oftt n
mentioned in inscriptions (see Uenzen,
Ind. p. 181 ; Wilmanns, Ind. p. 645) ; also
those of municipal towns. Of the latter,
one such at least, M. Pnquius Aulanus
(Henz^n 6432), is cited \>\ Nipp. as
evidently not a slave. Properly given to
the community was in form made over to
its 'actor publicus' (PI Epp. 7. 18, 2^.

5. domum digressus. Seneca (Ep.
70, 10) describes at some length his de-
sertion by his friends, his hesitation, and
the recommendation of suicide by his
aunt Scribonia.

6. P. Quirinio : cp. 3. 22, i ; 23, i ;

and esp. 3. 48; where the chief account of
him is given. That the correction by old
editors to ' Quirino ' is wrong, is shown
by its Greek form Kvpivios (Strab. 12. 6,
5, 569), and Kvpijvio^ iSt. Luke 2, 2 ;
Jos. Ant. 18. I, i), as also by Latin
inscriptions fOreil. 3693. &c.). Nipp.
notes it as one of the earliest instances of
a person bearing two gentile names. He
was not one of the noble Sulpicii (3. 48,
2), and his only connexion with Libo was
probably by his marriage with Aemilia
Lepida, a descendant from Pompeius (see
3- 22, 1).

8. milite He ajipcars to have been
in his own house in their custody, as was
Cn. I'iso in the custody of a tribune (3.
14, 7) ; but they had received or were
supposed by him to have received in-
structions to hasten his end. He would
be still treated as free, by another such
fiction as that adopted towaidsthe Catili-
narian conspirators.

ut audiri, ut aspici, rhetorical em-
jiliasis, like ' dum ' . . . ' dum ' below.

9. cum . . . vocare. On the historical
inf. with a temporal conjunction see In-
trod. V. § 46 b.

ipsis . . . epulis, 'duiing the very
feast ' (see Introd. v. § 26). It is better
to take the words thus, and to si*^ppose
the cause of torment to have been the
sight of the soldiers, than (with Nipp.)
to ascribe it to indigestion consequent
upon excitement. Andresen suggests
' excitatus.'

11. inserere, sc. ' dextris ' : cp. ' inse-
ruerunt digitos ' I. 34, 3.

12. in mensa. The MS. text can

A.D. 1 6.]

LIBER II. CAP. 30 32.

321

3 sibi tencbris duos ictus in viscera dcrcxit. ad t^cmitum conla-

4 bcnlis adcurrere liberti, et cacdc visa miles abstitit. accusatio
tamen apud patrcs adseverationc cadem peracta, iuravitquc Ti-
berius petiturum so vitam quamvis nocenti, nisi voluntariam
mortem properavissct. 5

32. ]?ona inter accusatores dividuntur, et praeturae extra or-

2 dincm datae iis qui senatorii ordinis erant. tunc Cotta Messa-

linus, ne imago Libonis exsequias posterorum comitarctur, cen-

suit, Cn. Lcntulus, ne quis Scribonius cognomentum Drusi

2. adstitit: text L. 7. his: iis Bekk.

hardly stand as an abl. of place (cp.
Intnxl. V. § 25).

feralibus : cp. ' funestas tenebras '
I. 6-;, 10. In Libo's case the darkness
was more strictly that of the grave, as he
never saw lii,'ht aj^ain.

1 . derexit. Prof. Munro (on Lucr. 6,
823), on the authority of the best MSS.
of several threat authors, considers this to
be probably the only ancient form of this
verb. The MSS. of Tacitus are uncer-
tain, giving ' di-' in 6. 34, 5 ; H. 2. 34, .3 ;
Dial. 5, 3; 19, I ; and 'de-' here and in
c. 45, 3 ; 4. 40, I ; H. 2. 35, 2 ; 4. 16, 3 ;
^.S, I ; ^'^, 7; 5. 23, 3- The editors in
most instances have followed the MSS.

2. abstitit. This is generally read;
the death being more a reason why the
soldiers should go away than come n\).
Whether as guards or executioners, they
had nothinj; left to do.

3. adseveratione,' seriousness/whether
assumed (,as here and 4. 19, 3; 6. 2, 2)
or real as 3. 35, 3; 4. 42, 2). Some-
times used of a solemn assertion, as 4. if.,
3; .';2, 7-

iuravit. On this prnctice cp. i. 74> ."i-

4. petiturum, sc. 'fuisse': cp. Introd.
V. 39 c.

6. Bona . . . dividuntur. By the
general rule at this time, the properly of
those who anticipated condemnation by
suicide was not confiscated (6. 29, 2) ; but
their accusers were entitled to a share (4.
30, 3), amounting as a legal minimum to
one-fourth, but capable of increase by
decree (4. 20, 2). If therefore, as seems
here to be implied, the whole was divided
among them, the law was strained.

praeturae extra ordinem. One prae-
torship was vacant, if that of Libo be-
longs to this year (c. 28, 3^ ; and the
accusers of senatorial rank appear to be
four (c. 30, I), of whom Vibius (see on 4.
29, 4) seems not to have shared this

privilege. The regularnumber of praetors
(i. 14, 6) is stated to have been exceeded,
in at least the later years of Tiberius
(Dio, 58. 20, 5) ; so that these may have
been added as supernumeraries to those
already designated for next year. Nipp.
thinks they were allowed to anticipate,
each by a similar period, tiieir proper lime
of becoming candidates; but the words
hardly bear this meaning.

7. Cotta Messalinus. This person,
who has an evil name in Tacitus (4. 20,
6 ; 5. 3, 4; 6. 5, i), is the ' magni Mes-
sallae lippa propago ' of I'ers. 2, 72 : and
is noted as a gourmand by Plin. (N. H.
10. 22, 27, 52). Ovid, on the other hand,
who often addresses him (Epp. ex P.^,
gives him a very different character; and
his princely munificence to his dependents
is celebrnted : see Introd. vii. p. 102. He
was originally named, from his mother's
family, ' M. Aurelius Cotta Maximus '
(cp. 3. 2, 4'*, and the cognomen ' Mes-
salinus,' here anticipated, was inherited
later from his brother (Veil. 2. 112, 2),
on whom see i. 8, 5.

8. ne imago, &c. Thus those of
Brutus and Cassius were not borne (3.
76, 5). Other such forms of'damnatio
memoriae ' are the prohibition of the
praenomen fcp. 3. 17, 8) or ' cognomen'
(as here) of the condemned to his pos-
terity, or the erasion of his name from
the Fasti (3. 17, 8:.

9. Cn. Lentulus : see on i. 27, i.
Ritt. thinks that the change of expression
below to ' constituti ' and ' decrevere,' as
well as the silence of Dio (57. 15, 5),
imply that the proposals of Cotta and
I.entulus were not carried. As a consular,
Lentulus would have spoken before Cotta ;
but Tacitus often departs from the actual
order in his narrative see Staatsr. iii,
975, 2).

322

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 769.

adsumeret. supplicationum dies Pomponii Flacci sententia con- 3
stituti. dona lovi, Marti. Concordiae, utque iduum Septembrium 4
dies, quo se Libo interfecerat, dies festus haberetur, L. Viso et
Gallus Asinius et Papius Mutilus et L. Apronius decrevere ;
quorum auctoritates adulationesque rettuli, ut sciretur vetus id
in re publica malum, facta et de mathematlcis Italia pellendis 5
senatus consulta ; quorum e numero L. Pituanius saxo deiectus
est, in P. Marcium consules extra portam Esquilinam, cum classi-
cum canere iussissent, more prisco advertere.

I. constituti ul : at, et, al., text Freinsh. 3. L. P. : L. Piso J. F. Gron.

1. supplicationum. According to
Die (1. 1.) this was held by Tiberius ovx
iavTov ixovov (ffKa dAA.d koI rov Avyovarov
Tov y« ■narpu's avTov tov 'lovXiov.

Pomponii Flacci, now cos. design,
(c. 41, 2), afterwards legatus of Moesia
(c. 66, 3\ and subsequently of Syria,
where he died (6. 27, 3 \ On his alleged
drinking bout with Tiberius see Introd.
'^- P- 33- U's brother Pomponius Grae-
cinus, a friend of Ovid (ex P. 4. 9), was
Cos. suff this year (Klein, Fast. Cons.).

2. dona: cp. 3. 71, i. Sec. Some in-
scriptions (C. I. L. vi. I, 91-94) record
such votive offerings to Concordia for the
' incolumitas ' or ' salus ' ' Tibevii,' but
not as a public act, and perhaps not on
this occasion.

iduum, Sept. 13. These ' feriae ' are
recorded in the Kal. Amitern. cited on c.
27, I : such 'feriae ex senatus consulto '
are often noted in Kalendars (see Staatsr.
iii. 1053).

3. L. Piso. The lost name is thus
generally supplied. Four persons of that
name are mentioned (cp. 4. 21, i ; 45, i ;
62, I ; 6. 10, 3), and their character
(except in 3. 68, 2' is the reverse of
servile. The one who was pracf. urbi
appears ;6. 10, 3"^ to have been sometimes
obliged to stoop to servility, and may
have done so here. Nipp. thinks that the
one mentioned in c. 34. i was here sub-
jected to some such pressure, and that
Tacitus notices it the more for his general
independence.

4. Gallus Asinius: cp. i. 8, 4, &c.
Papius Mutilus. M. Papius M. f.

M. n. Mutilus (last. Cap.) was cos. suff. in
762, A. D. 9, and, with his colleague, gave
his name to the ' Lex Papia Poppaea.'
Li. Apronius: cp. i. 5ft, i, &c.

5. auctoritates. This term, used pro-
perly of resolutions or informal decrees of
the senate as a body (cp. Cic. ad Fam. i.

2, 4, &c.), is perhaps used here of the
'sententia ' of which an individual senator
was 'auctor': see Staatsr. iii. 978, 2. Nipp.
takes it to mean ' weighty names,' as ap-
parently in Cic. pro Sull. 13, 37 ('auctori-
tates principum coniurationis '). All
those here mentioned are persons of the
highest rank.

7. senatus consulta. Dio(57. ^5> 7)
describes stringent measures taken both
against citizens and non-citizens. A frag-
ment of Ulpian (see Lips. Exc. vii. and
Nipp.) speaks of an enactment of the fol-
lowing year (' Pomponio et Rufo coss.')
' ut mathematlcis Chaidaeis ariolis et
ceteris qui similem artem (v. 1. ' quae-
stum') fecerunt aqua et igni interdicatur,'
&c. ; which Tacitus has perhaps related
out of its place to connect it with Libo's
trial, or may have confused with some
decree of this year. Subsequent, and
equally futile, decrees are mentioned in
12. 52, 3 ; H. 2. 62, 3. Cp. H. I. 22, I.

saxo : cp. 4. 29, 2, and the full expres-
sion ' saxo Tarpeio ' 6. 19, i . Tribunes as
well as consuls could indict this sentence
(Dio, 58. 15, 3).

8. extra portam Esquilinam, i. e. in
the ' campus Fsquilinus,' the usual place
of execution (Suet. CI. 25, &c.), within
the present Porta Maggiore.

classicum canere. By old custom, in
summoning a citizen to trial on a capital
charge (Plut. C. Gracch. 3, 836 ; Sen. de
Ira I. 16, 5\ the trumpet was sounded on
the day of the comitia ccnturiata, in
various public places and before the house
of the accused (Varr. L. L. 6, 92). Here
the summons could be only to witness the
execution. From the difference of pro-
cedure Ritter concludes th.it Pituanius
was not a citizen and that Marciuswas;
but Dio (57. 15, 7) says tovs f^iv ^ivovi
(davaTojae, tovs St TroX/ras . . . vwfpwpicrf.

9. more prisco : cp. ' more maiorum '

A. p. ir..]

LIBER II. CAP. 32, 33.

323

33. Proximo scnatus die multa in luxum civitatis dicta a
O. Haterio consular!, Octavio Frontone praetura functo ; dccre-
tumque ne vasa auro solida ministrandis cibis fiercnt, ne vestis

2 scrica viros foedaret. cxcessit Fronto ac postulavit modum
argento, supellectili, familiae : erat quippe adhuc frequens scna-
toribus, si quid e re publica credercnt, loco sententiae prouiere.

3 contra Gallus Asinius disseruit : auctu imperii adolevisse etiam
privatas opes, idque non novum, scd e vetustissimis moribus :
aliam apud Fabricios, aliam apud Scipiones pccuniam ; et

4. sirica : text R.

(4. 30, I ; 14. 48, 4). Such a sentence
was passed on Neio, who is described
(Suet Ner. 49) as ignorant of its meaninj,',
and as having been informed ' nudi
honiinis cervicem inseri furcae, corpus
virgis ad necem caedi.'

advertere ; so used with the accus. ' in
aliquem ' ( = ' to punish ') only here and
5. 9, I. In 3. 52, 2 ; 4. 35, I ; 13. 2S, 3,
it has a sense more approaching that of
'noticing' (as 4. 54, 2, &c.) ; which is
common in Tacitus and PI. Mai.

1. multa in luxum. On this subject,
see 3. .S-2-.S5 ; Suet. Tib. 34, &c.

2. Q,. Haterio : see on i. 13, 4.
praetura functo. Tacitus often uses

this expression (e.g. c. 67, 4; 3. 31,4;
65, 2, &c.) : ' praetorius ' (c. 47, 5 ; 3. 28,
6; 6. 3, 4, &LC.) is a wider term, and
would include those who had only re-
ceived the insignia, or who had been ' ad-
lecti inter praetorios ' : cp. ' consulatu
functus ' I. 39. 4, &c.

3. auro solida. This form of expres-
sion, here and in 13. 10, i, is taken from
Verg. Aen. 2, 765. Nipp. notes a similar
abl. of material in 12. 16, 3 ' moenia non
saxo, sed cratibus' &o.

ministrandis cibis, i e. that they
should be used only in sacrifice. Dio (57.
15, I '■, who assigns these decrees to Tibe-
rius himself, says atrtl-nt . . . xpvaai OKtvti
IJ.T]b(va ttAtJi' jtfjus tol Ifpd po/xi^dv. This
prohibition would appear to have re-
stricted the use of gold plate at table to
the princcjis (see Fritdl. i. p. 150) ; but
gulden d^i^l^ing cups were in use later
among rich private persons (Juv. 5, 30).

4. viros, ' the male sex.' Silk was
worn by women in the Augustan age,
when the same transparent garments called
' sericae ' by Seneca (de Ben. 7. 9, 5 ; Kp.
90, 20) were known as ' Coae ' to Hoiace,
Propertius, TibuUus, and Ovid. Such

5. [erat . . . promere] Nipp.

dresses, unusual amongst modest women,
were worn for summer lightness, even
after this decree (cp. 3. 53, 5), by effe-
minate men (Sen. Ep. 114, 20; Plin. N.
H. II. 23, 27, 78), and formed one of
the notable extravagances of Gaius (Suet.
Cal. 52; Dio, 59. 12, 2). On the 'Seres,'
see ^Ir. Dyer, in Diet, of Geog.

excessit, ' went further': cp. c. 24, i.
This interpretation is rather against the
genuineness of the words below ; but in
any case such a word as ' ceteros,' instead
of ' relalionem,' can be supplied.

postulavit modum, ' demanded that
limit be set': cp. H. 4. 9, i.

5. erat . . . promere. Nipp. con-
siders these words an interpolation, as
they describe a practice of introducing
matter wholly outside the question (see
on c. 38, 3), whereas Fronto's proposal
was not irrelevant. It was, however, at
least, a great extension of the motion,
from a lestriction dealing with two definite
points, to a general attack on o^tentalion
in domestic life. If the passage is genuine,
we gather that this privilege of digression
was rarely used in the writer's own time.
That It was not extinct is to be gatliered
{lom Plin. Ep. 6. 19, 3; 9. i_^, 9: see
Staatsr. iii. 940, 4.

6. e re publica, ' for the public good ' ;
so 3. 53, I, &CC., and often in Cic. &c.

loco sententiae, ' when their turn to
speak came ' : see c. 37, 3 ; 38, 3.

7. Asinius Gallus. The fad that he,
though a consular, speaks after Ironto,
would show that the latter's suggestion
had been afterwards put by the consuls as
a ' relatio ' : cp. 13. 26, 2 ; 49, 2 ; Staatsr.
iii. 975, n. 1.

9. Fabricios, pi. for sing. : cp. 1. 10,
3, &c.

pecuniam, 'wealth,' as in 3. 72, 3;
13- 30, 3. &c. ; Cic, Liv.

324

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNA LI UM [A.U.C. 769.

cuncta ad rem publicam referri, qua tenui angustas civiuin
domos, postquam eo magnificentiae venerit, gliscere singulos. 4
neque in familia ct argento quaeque ad usum parentur nimium
aliquid aut modicum nisi ex fortuna possidentis, distinctos 5
5 senatus et equitum census, non quia diversi natura, sed, ut
locis ordinibus dignationibus antistent, ita iis quae ad requiem
animi aut salubritatem corporum parentur, nisi forte clarissimo
cuique plures curas, maiora pericula subeunda, delenimentis
curarum et periculorum carcndum esse, facilem adsensum Gallo 6
10 sub nominibus honestis confessio vitiorum et similitude audi-
entium dedit. adiecerat et Tiberius non id tempus censurae nee,
si quid in moribus labaret, defuturum corrigendi auctorem.

5. ut sicut locis Urlichs, ut et locis Walther.
et aliis, ita aliis al.

6. . Talis: ita iis Ruperti, et iis,

1. referri = ava<p( ptaQai,' a.ie relative to.'

2. gliscere; usedof increase in number

(4. 5, 5 ; 27, 3), but very rarely (16. 22, 9)
of persons in any other sense.

3. nimium aliquid, &c.,' could this or
that thing be called excessive or moderate.'

4. ex, ' in relation to ' : cp. ' ex . . .
utilitatibus' i. 58, 2, &c.

distinctos, sc. ' a censu pkbis ' (so
^Valth. and Nipp.) : see below (' diversi
natura'). On the senatorial census see i.
75, 5 ; on the equestrian, 4. 63, 2.

5. diversi, sc. 'senatores equitesque
a ]ilebe.' This meaning seems required,
as both are subject of ' antistent.'

sed, ut, &c. This passage has been
very variously read and interpreted. It has
generally been seen that a comparison is
drawn, and that the best correction of
'.Talis ' is ' ita iis' ; the dot marking the
loss of a letter such as the first ' i, ' and
the second ' i ' being corrupted into '1.'
As regards the fiist part of the sentence,
recent editors mostly agree with Clemm
(Khein. Mus. xxxiii. 1S78, 31S) that no
alteration is neeiled, and that 'ut' is not
final, but answers to 'ita,' with which
'antistare' is supplied from ' a;tistcnt.'
' It is not because they are beings of
another nature that senators and knights
are marked off from others by a standard
of property ; but as they have a superiority
in place, rank, honours, so they have
in whatever is devised for repose of mind
or recreation of body : ' in other words
their luxury goes naturally with their
position. The use of an inde[5cndent
clause in antithesis to ' quia' is paralleled
by H. I. 15, 3. If the ellipsis of 'an-

tistare' appears unusually harsh, its in-
sertion after ' parentur ' would not be a
more violent remedy than others pro-
posed.

6. locis ordinibus dignationibus :
the first refers to the theatre, the second
to their position as orders of aristocracy,
the third (aw. dp. in plural) perhaps to
their qualifications for offices, or to social
consideration 4. 52, 2).

7. salubritatem ; so' salubris ' is used of
the body for 'sanus' or ' validus' by Sail,
and Liv. : see Gud. on Dial. 41, 11.

nisi forte, &c. This Greek con-
struction with accus. and infin. in oratio
obliqua, though not without parallel in
modal and causal clauses, is noted by
Drager (Synt. und Stil, § 147) as without
Latin precedent in hyi)otlietical clauses.
Cp. Thuc. 4. 98, 4 tl H(v enl -nKiOv hvvq-
Br/vai . . . Kparfjoai k.t.K. ; Hdt. 3. I05, 2
(i (x^ TTpoXan^avdv tovs 'Iv5ovs t^s o5oi!,
K.T.X. For other Graecisais in Tacitus
see Introd. v. § 95.

10. sub nominibus honestis, taken
closely with 'confessio vitiorum' and re-
ferring to the speech; 'his admissions
veiled under euphemisms, and the fellow
feeling of his audience.' Cp. ' honesta
nomina,' 14. 21, 1, and for 'sub' 16. 19,
5, and note.

11. adiecerat = ' addiderat ' ; so used
of speakers, with accus. and inf., 4. 21, 3 ;
70, 7 ; 14. 50, 2 ; 15. 16, 2 ; apparently not
so used earlier than Veil. ^2. 27, I, &c.).

12. corrigendi auctorem. Tiberius,
if not actually ' corrector morum ' (Introd.
vi. p. 85^ cou4d at least he ' corrigendi
auctor' by initiating legislation, and may

A.D. 16.]

LIBER II. CAP. 33, 34.

02:

34. Inter quae L. Piso ambitum fori, corrupta indicia, sae-
vitiam oratorum accusationcs minitantium increpans, abirc se et
cederc urbc, victurum in aliquo abdito et lonc^inquo nire tcsta-

2 batur ; simul curiam relinqucbat. commotus est Tiberius, et
quamquam mitibus verbis Pisonem permulsisset, propinquos 5
quoque eius impulit ut abeunten: auctoritate vel precibus tene-

3 rent, baud minus liberi doloris documentum idem Piso mox
dedit vocata in ius Urgulania, quam supra leges amicitia Au-

4 gustae extulerat. nee aut Urgulania optemperavit, in domum
Caesaris spreto Pisonc \ecta,aut illeabscessit, quamquam Augusta 10

5 se violari et imminui quereretur. Tiberius hactenus indulgerc
matri civile ratus, ut se iturum ad praetoris tribunal, adfuturum
Urgulaniae diceret, processit Palatio, procul sequi iussis mili-

6 tibus. spectabatur occursante populo compositus ore et ser-
monibus variis tempus atque iter ducens, donee propinquis 15
Pisonem frustra coercentibus deferri Augusta pecuniam, quae

7 petebatur, iubcret. isque finis rei, ex qua neque Piso inglorius

10. abscissit: text Tic. Gron., abstitit

I. L. ipso anibitum fore: text B and R.
Aldus.

have originated such measures as those in
c. 32, 5; 85, I. The apparently magis-
terial ' correctio morum ' mentioned in
Suet. Tib. 42, may have been exercised,
like that of .Augustus (Introd. 1. 1.), by an
extension of tribunician power.

1. luter quae. This would be a dis-
tinct ' egressio relationis ' : cp. 3. 33, i.

L. Piso. His accusation and death are
mentioned in 4. 21. He has been taken
to be the same mentioned in c. 32, 4 (see
note), in 3. 11, 2, and perhaps in 3. 68,
I ; and also to have been brother of Cn.
Piso, and consul in 7.^3, B.C. i.

ambitum, ' the solicitation used.' As
there were no elections, ' fori ' must refer
to the law-jourts; and the words may be
distinguished from ' corrupta iudicia ' as
'ambitus' from ' pecunia ' in i. 2, 2.
That these taints still clung to the courts
would appear from i. /^, i.

2. abire . . . cedsre : the present ex-
piesses immediate intention.

7. liberi doloris, ' out-spoken indig-
nation ' : cp. ' liberriiiia indignatio,'
' libera bilis ' Hor. Kpod. 4, 10 ; 11,16.

8. Urgulania, grandmother of Plautius
Silvanus (4. 22, 3), j^robably also of
Plautia Urgulanilla, wife of Claudius
(Suet. CI. 26, 27^ On her relations
see Borghcsi (v. 308], Nipp. on 4. 21, and
pedigree in Lehmaiin, ' Claudius,' p. 88.

9. nee . . . optemperavit. Piso, who
claimed some sum of money, must iiave
cited her publicly (' veni mecum in ius'),
and. on her disregard, would have dragged
her by force, after ' antestatio.' from the
house of Tiberius : cp. ' trahere in ius
Urgulaniam donioque principis excire
ausus '4. 21, I. Tiberius offers to appear
as her ' advocatus,' and mannges to gain
time, during which the money is jjaid into
court by Augusta. All this 'takes place
in one day.

10. abscessit : cp. ' abscedebat ' i/>. 36,
i), and the full expression ' abscedere in-
cepto' i^Liv. 26. 7, 2).

11. violari et imminui, 'was being
affronted and lowered.' The latter has
ace. pers. only here and in 14. 57, i.

hactenus . . . ratus, ' considering that,
on the footing of any other citizen (cp. i .
12, 6, &c.), he could so far gratify his
mother, as to say,' &c.

13. processit Palatio. On the abl.
cp. c. 19, 2, &c.

militibus : see 1. 7, 7.

15. tempus atque iter, hendiadys.
On such in Tacitus see Introd. v. § 76.

17. neque . . . et='ct Piso non in-
glorius, et,' &c. 'Nee ' and ' neque ' have,
in and after the Augustan age, the force
of ' ne . . . quidem,' whether in the sense
of ' not either,' as here and in c. 51, 3;

VOL. I

326

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [AU.C. 769.

et Caesar maiore fama fuit. ceterum Urgulaniae potentia adeo 8
nimia civitati erat, ut testis in causa quadam, quae apud sena-
tum tractabatur, venire dedignaretur : missus est praetor qui
domi interrogaret, cum virgines Vestales in foro et iudicio audiri,
f quotiens testimonium dicerent, vetus mos fuerit.

35. Res eo anno prolatas haud referrem, ni pretium foret Cn.
Pisonis et Asinii Galli super eo negotio diversas sententias
nosccre. Piso, quamquam afuturum se dixerat Caesar, ob id 2
magis agendas censebat, ut absente principe senatum et equites

10 posse sua munia sustinere decorum rei publicae foret. Gallus, 3
quia specicm libertatis Piso praeceperat, nihil satis inlustre aut
ex dignitate populi Romani nisi coram et sub oculis Caesaris,
eoque conventum Italiae et adfluentis provincias praesentiae
eius servanda dicebat. audientc haec Tiberio ac silente magnis 4

15 utrimque contentionibus acta, sed res dilatae.

36. Et certamen Gallo adversus Caesarem exortum est. nam

9. ut . . . fore margin, et . . . fore Jac. Gron., quod . . . foret Weissenb.

S2, 5 ; 4. 26, 2, &c. ; or in that of ' not
even,' as 4. 34, 3. For instances from
other authors see Roby 2232 : cp. also
note on c. 40, 6; 3. 54, 11.

I. maiore fama, for his ' civilitas.'
On his practice in causes between him-
self and citizens see 4. 6, 7.

3. missus, &c. This practice seems
to have been later more common : cp.
' ad personas egregias, eosque qui valc-
tudine impediuntur, domum mitti oportet
ad iurandum ' Paul. Dig. 12. 2, i, 15.

5. quotiens, with subjunctive, c. 2, 5.

6. Res prolatas, the regular expres-
sion for the vacation, during which the
senate and courts were adjourned for the
' villeggiatura ' (' ubi res prolatae sunt
qimm homines rus eunt ' Plant. Capt i.

1, 10): cp. Cic. Mur. 13, 28; Att. 14. 5,

2, &c. The question here was whether
this was to be arranged to suit the con-
venience of Caesar, who had professed an
intention to be absent at a time when
important Italian and provincial business
was to have been transacted. It would
appear to have been still his frequent
habit to be present in the law courts
(cp. I. 75, i), as well as the senate.

pretium: cp. i. 57, 4.

8. afuturum, &c. This would seem to
have been a pretence (cp. i. 47, 5 ; 4. 4, 4),
if Suet. vTib. 38) is to be believed :
' biennio continuo post adeplum princi-

patuin pedem porta non extulit ; sequent!
tempore, praeterquam in propinqua oppida
et, cum longissime, Antio tenus, nusquam
afuit, idque perraro et paucos dies.' buet.
describes this as his habit till the final
withdrawal from Rome, ignoring the
absence mentioned in 3. 31-64.

9. agendas. The eilijjse seems due to
a desire to avoid the repetition of ' res,'
and to vary the natural expression ' non
proferendas.'

equites, i. e. the ' indices.' ' Decuriae
equitum ' and ' iudicum ' are often used as
synonymous terms : cp. 3. 30, 2:14. 20,
7 ; Suet. Tib. 41, &c. See Introd. vii. p.
102, n. 8.

II. speciem libertatis praeceperat,
' had forestalled him in a show of in-
dependence.' This \\ as the newest form
of flattery: cp. i. 8, 5. On ' piaeciperc '
cp. I. 55, I, &c.

13. conventum Italiae. 'Conventus'
has usually a provmcial application, but
is here used of the 'concourse of Italians '
coming to Rome at stated times on sucli
business as that arising out of 'vecti-
galia,' ' scripturae,' lawsuits, &c.

adfluentis provincias, ' the influx of
the provinces ' ; i. e. of those provincials
whose suits, &c. were carried by appeal to
Rome.

15. dilatae, a variation from the usual
' prolatae.' /

A.D. i6.]

LIBER II. CAP. 34-36.

327

censuit in quinquennium magistratuum comitia habcnda, utque
legionum legati, qui ante praeturam ea militia fungebantur, iam
tum praetores destinarentur, princeps duodecim candidates in

2 annos singulos nominaret. baud dubium erat eam sentcntiam
altius pcnetrare ct arcana imperii tcmptari. Tiberius tamen, r
quasi augeretur potestas eius, disseruit : grave moderationi suae

3 tot eh'gcrc, tot diffcrre. vix per singulos annos offensiones vitari,
quamvis repulsam propinqua spes solctur: quantum odii fore
ab iis qui ultra quinquennium proiciantur. unde prospici posse
quae cuique tam longo temporis spatio mens, domus, fortuna? lu

4 supcrbire homines etiam annua designatione : quid si honorem

5 per quinquennium agitent ? quinquiplicari prorsus magistratus,

4. haudubium : hau dubium Bait., Rilt., cp. c. SS, 3. 6. aurctur: auferretur

margin, text I\. 11. honoram : text L. 12. quintuplicari L.

I. in quinquennium, ' for five years
in advance.' Julius Caesar had already
thus arranjjed elections i^Suet. Jul. 76^ in
view of hi> absence — iis "y^p eni xp'^^^o"
OTpaTfiav (^iwv im vfurafre^ jipV''^ ■'^I'P-
K. C. 2. 128); and afterwards Vitcllius
' comitia in decern annos ordinavit, seque
perpetuum consulcm ' (Suet. \'it. 11) 1 he
languajje of Tiberius below, implying that
the li>t would always be full for five
years, shows tiiat the proposal was, not
for elections to be held once in five years
only, but to designate at once magistrates
for five years to come, and then, annually,
those for the fifth year from date.

utque legionum legati. Sic. The
former part of the motion applied to
magistracies generally, while this is a
special rule affecting the praetorship. The
use of the indicative ' fungebantur ' shows
that the twenty- five actual 'legati legionum'
alone i^sce Introd. vii. p. 124 are meant ;
so that this part of the proposal would
relate to the immediate election only,
which provided for the next five years.
As at other times (cp. H. i. 48, 5 ; Agr.
7, 4; Suet. V'esp. 2, 4), some of these
* legati ' would have been already prae-
tors ; the remainder would be from the
date of this motion ('iam tum ') destined
as such ; with them the princeps would
nominate others up tu sixty, and distribute
them in groups of twelve over the five
years. The reason for some special pro-
vision respecting these ' legati ' might be
their necessary absence at the time of
candidature. The ' nominatio principis '
here, as in i. 14, 6, v/ould be tantamount

to ' commendatio,' from its exact corre-
spondence with the number of vacancies :
see Intiod. vi. p. 94.

3. destinarentur. This verb appears
U'ied less strictly than ' designo,' so as to
denote elections arranged but not yet
formally promulgated: cp. i. 3, 2; Agr.
9, I, &c., anci the inscription cited on
1. 81, 2 ; also note on 3. 29, 5.

5. arcana imperii, not, as in H. i.
4, 2, 'secrets relating to the constitution,'
but 'secret principles of autocracy' : cp.
c. 59, 4; 1.6, 6. Such a scheme really
bound the choice of the princeps five
years in advance, precluding a change of
purpose, and making those chosen more
independent and those not chosen more
disaffected.

6. quasi augeretur. His power would
nominally by five years outlast his life ;
but such posthumous choice was in fact
always liable to be set aside.

nioderationi : cp. 'modestia' 1. 11, i,
&c. ' Moderationi,' with an effigy, is in-
scribed on some of his coins (Eckh. vi.
1S7 ; Cohen, 1. 190, 5). For ' grave' cp.
6. 26, 2.

7. tot eligere, &c. This refers to the
first election of sixty praetors, &c.

10. domus, family connexions, or pos-
sibly number of children (c. 51, 2^.

1 1 . annua, ' a year in advance.' Prob-
ably the usual period of designation was
less (see i. 14 ; 15) ; but the subject is one
of some difficulty : see Nipp. here.

12. agitent, sc. ' animo,' 'assumed the
airs of magistrates'; answering to ' supei-
bire,' above: cp. 13. 14, i, and note.

328

P. CORNELII TACITI AXNALIUM [A.U C. 769.

subvert! leges, quae sua spatia exercendae candidatorum indus-
triae quaercndisque aut potiundis honoribus statuerint. favorabili
in speciem oratione vim imperii tenuit.

37. Censusque quorundam senatorum iuvit. quo magis
5 mirum fuit. quod prcccs Marci Hortali. nobilis iuvenis, in pau-
pertate manifesta superbius acccpisset. nepos erat oratoris 2
Hortensii, inlcctus a divo Augusto liberalitate deciens sestertii
ducere uxorem, suscipcre liberos, ne clarissima familia extingue-
retur. igitur quattuor filiis ante limen curiae adstantibus, loco 3

]o sententiae, cum in Palatio senatus haberetur, modo Hortensii
inter oratores sitam imaginem, modo Augusti intuens, ad hunc
modum coepit : ' patres conscripti, hos, quorum numerum et 4
pueritiam videtis, non sponte sustuli, sed quia princeps monebat ;
simul maiores mei meruerant ut posteros haberent. nam ego, 5

15 qui non pecuniam, non studia populi neque eloquentiam, gentile
domus nostrae bonum, varietate temporum accipere vel parare

4. quod : quo R : cp. 4. 31, 2.

' M.igistratusflesignali' had a quasi-official
position; and thus magistrates themselves
might rhetorically be said to be multiplied
fivefold.

quinquiplicari, an. dp., coined on the
analogy of' multiplicari,' &c.

2. favorabili, 'popular' ; so again
I 2. 6, 1 : cp. H. 2. 97, 4 ; Dial. 7, 1 ; first
in Veil., also in Quint, and I'l. min.

4. Censusque . . . iuvit. Other such
gifts are mentioned in i. 75, 5 ; and this
practice is spoken of as frequent with him
by Veil. (2. 129, 3) and Dio (57. 10, 3).

5. Hortali. The orator is called
Hortalus in Cic. Att. 4. 15, 4.

in paupertate manifesta. The habits
of the family seem to explain this. The
extrav.Tgances of the great orator (see
Dean Liddell, in Diet, of Biog. p. 527),
and the low tastes and profligacy ot his
son (Cic. Att. 6. 3, 9; 10. 4, 6), are on
record ; and the remnant of the latter's
pro]5erty must have been lost by his pro-
scription (,Plut. Brut. 28, 996). This
Hortalus seems to Jiave got through the
gift of Augustus ; and Hortensius Corbio,
probably his brother, has an infamous
character in Val. Max. 3. 5, 4. For the
use of ' in ' ('in a case of,' ' although his
poverty was evident ') cp. 3. 76, 2 ; 15. 57,
3 ; note on G. 19, 2 ; Gud. on Dial. 6, 12.

6. accepisset. This mood and tense
are used as giving the view of those whose
wonder is uieiilioiicd.

7. inleetus, ' induced.' The word is
thus used without a bad sense in 13. 37, 4,
Veil. 2. S9, 4. On its use with simple
inf. see Intiod. v. § 43.

liberalitate, abst. for concr. (Tntrod.
V. § ] ) ; used especially of imperial gilts
to persons (4. 20, i ; H. i. 20, 2) ; as also
by Suet. (,Tib. 46, &c.).

deciens sestertii : .see on i. 75, 5. Suet.
(Aug. 41), vvlio seems wrong in stating
that tile senatorial census was fixed at
1,200,000 II. S., says that Augustus ' sup-
plevit non habentibus.' On the support
given by him and Tiberius to aristocratic
families, see Friedl. i. p. 233.

9. loco sent=!ntiae: see c. 33, 2.

10. in Palatio : cp. 13. 5, 1. Probably
in the library of Apollo, where Augustus
in old age often lieUl the senate (Snet.
Aug. 29), and where were the medallions
('clipei' c. 83, 4) of orators, &c. For
places in which the senate was held see
Staatsr. iii 926, foil.

I i. sitam : cp. c. 7, 3 ; i. 39, 4, Szc.

15. gentile . . . bonum. Nipp. notes
that the combination of ' gentile ' and
' domus ' (' the family gift of our house ')
strengthens the expiession. According
to Val. Max. (8. 3, 3), the oratory of Hor-
tensius passed on only to his daughter,
who once pleaded before the triumvirs
against a ' tributum' laid on matrons.

16. accipere vel parare potuissem.
His paternal inheritance was, no doubt,

A.D. 16.]

LJBER II. CAP. 36 38.

329

potuissem, satis habcbam, si tenucs res meac nee inihi pudori
ncc euiquam oneri forcnt. iussus ab imperatorc uxorem duxi.

6 en stirps ct progenies tot consulum, tot dictatorum. nee ad

7 invidiam ista, sed conciliandae miscricordiae refero. adsequentur
florentc tc, Caesar, quos dederis honores : interim 0. Hortensii 5
pronepotes, divi Augusti alumnos ab inopia defende.'

38. Inclinatio senatus incitamentum Tiberio fuit quo promp-

2 tins advcrsaretur, his ferme verbis usus : ' si quantum pauperum
est venire hue et liberis suis petere pecunias coeperint, singuli

3 numquam exsatiabuntur, res publica deficict. nee sane ideo a 10
niaioribus concessum est egredi aHquando relationem et quod in
commune conducat loco sententiae proferre, ut privata negotia
et res famiharcs nostras hie augeamus, cum invidia senatus et

4 principum, sive indulscrint largitionem sive abnuerint. non cnim
preees sunt istud, sed efflagitatio, intempestiva quidem et in- 15
provisa, cum aUis de rebus convenerint patres, consurgere et
numero atque aetate hberum suorum urguere modestiam senatus,
eandem vim in me transmittere ac velut perfringere aerarium,

5. florente aetate P. Vos?. iS. transnie | lei : text margin, transfene Hillcr.

lost (see above) ; but the change of times
interposed no such bar to his advance-
ment as is here pleaded. The tenses of
'potuissem' and ' habebam' refer to the
time before his marriage ; ' qui ' is causal.

I. satis habebam, si ; so 4. 38, i.

3. stirps. Tacitus seems to repeat
Ovid, 'stirps haec progeniesque mea est'
l^Trist. 3. 14, 14) : the word is used by
poets of the scion or descendants (V'crg.
Aen. 6, 864, &c.) ; but perhaps, as Nipp.
here takes it, with the distinction that
the scion is viewed as the stem of yet
further offspring.

tot. Among the Ilortcnsii, one dic-
tator, the autlior of the ' Lex Ilortensia'
(468, B.C. 2S6), one consul, the orator
(685, B. C. 69), and one cos. design. ^646,
B. C. 108), can alone be found. But this
rhetorical flourish may have had further
support from the honours of other families
connected with them. The orator had
married a Lutatia and a Marcia.

ad invidiam, &c. On the variation
of construction cp. c. 6, 4.

7. incitamentum, &c. Nipp. sees in
this mere malignity ; but probably Wal-
ther is right in laying the stress on
' prompt ius.' He had made up his mind,

and. seeing the sympathy of the senate,
spoke before it had gone too far.

II. egredi aliquando relationem,
&c. : see c. 33, 2. As earlier instances
we have the famous 'senlentia' of Cato
('ceterum ccnseo delendam esse Kartha-
ginera '), and an extant speech of Cicero
(,1'hil. 7), in which the ' relationes,' on
wholly different matters, are noticed in
a few words at the beginning and end.
For later instances see 3. 33, i ; 4. 74. 3 ;
II- 5) 3; 13- ^^> I ; Staatsr. iii. 939, foil.
In 15. 20-22, a speech of this kind is
suggested by some matter before the
house. Such a speech might also be
made at the beginning of a sitting, ' ante
relationem ' (ibiJ. 94S, foil.), and a ' re-
latio ' upon it demanded: cp. 12. 5, 4;
13.49,2.

13. augeamus, taken by zeugma with
'negotia,' ' push our own business and
increase our means.'

14. indulserint . . . abnuerint. These
are explained by Nipp. as fut. exact.

15. istud : cp. I. 49, 4.

17. modestiam. Orelli explains this
as the delicacy which would make them
unwilling to refuse a brother senator.

330 P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 769.

quod si ambitione exhauserimus, per scelera supplendum erit.
dedit tibi, Hortale, divus Augustus pecuniam, sed non conpel- 5
latus nee ea lege, ut semper daretur. languescct alioqui industria, 6
intendetur socordia, si nullus ex se metus aut spes, et securi

5 omncs aliena subsidia exspectabunt, sibi ignavi, nobis graves.'
haec atque talia, quamquam cum adsensu audita ab iis, quibus 7
omnia principum, honesta atque inhonesta, laudare mos est,
plures per silentium aut occultum murmur excepcre. sensitque 8
Tiberius ; et cum paulum reticuisset, Hortalo se respondisse ait :

3 0 ccterum si patribus videretur, daturum liberis eius ducena ses-
tertia singulis, qui sexus virilis essent. egere alii grates : siluit 9
Hortalus. pavore an avitae nobilitatis etiam inter angustias for-
tunac retinens. neque miseratus est posthac Tiberius, quamvis 10
domus Hortensii pudendam ad inopiam delaberetur.

'5 39. Eodem anno mancipii unius audacia, ni mature sub-
ventum foret, discordiis armisque civilibus rem publicam per-
culisset. Postumi Agrippae servus, nomine Clemens, conperto 2
fine Augusti pergere in insulam Planasiam et fraude aut vi
raptum Agrippam ferre ad exercitus Gcrmanicos non servili

-ic animo concepit. ausa eius inpedivit tarditas onerariae navis ; 3

e

8. excipere. 13. post haec Wolfflin. 14. dilabarctur : text Ern.

I. ambitione, ' by favoiiiitism ' : cp. a genitive in 5. 11, 2; 6. 42, i, &c. : also

I. 67, 4, &c. in Cic. Cp. Introd. v. § 3,^5 d.

3. alioqui, 'otherwise,' i.e. if help 15. Eodem anno. Dio (57- i^; 3)
were always to be given : cp. 11.6,2; and agrees with Tacitus in assigning this
note on 4. 11,4. The use of ' intendere' event to this year. The time of the
in the sense of ' to magnify,' as in c. 57, year is not fixed in either author. Sue-
3; 4 II, 4; 26, 2; 40, 4, &c., is almost tonius (Tib. 25) confuses the original
wholly Tacitean. with the subsequent design, and states

4. ex se metus. Nipp. takes this to that Clemens, at the death of Augustus,
mean 'self-respect'; but it apjicars to 'non contcmnendam manum in ultiunem
answer to 'soeurdia,' as 'spes' to ' indus- doniini conipaiarat."

tria.' He also notes instances from Cic. 16. perculisset : cp. H. i. 53,5; so of

&c., of a reference of ' se ' and 'suus' to persons metaphorically 'struck,' by accu-

a subject implied in the context. sation, &c., 4. 31, 7 ; 13. 32, 2 ; 14. 65,

6. quibus . . . est, a resemblance to 2, &c.

Sallust : see Introd. v. § 97; also Cat. 19. Germanicos. He had no such per-

30, 4; Jug. 31, 12. sonal connexion with tliem as that which

8. excepere. Here, as in c. 2,, 2, recommended this course to Agrippina

&c., the MS. text could stand a; hist. inf. (4. 67, 6' ; but this army was known to

10. ducena sestertia, the census of be ripe for revolt,

the fourth decury of 'iudices' (Suet. Aug. 20. concepit. This verb takes somc-

32). As there were four sons (c. 37, 3), times a simple inf. or accus. and inf., as

this gift amounts to four-fifths of that of ' ut mens conciperet fieri oportere ' Cic.

Augustus. Off. 3. 29, 107; 'concepit esse homines,'

12. pavore an . . . retinens. On the &c., Veil. 2. 117, 3.

Uie of ' an,' see I. 13, 7. ' Retinens' has ausa. This subst. apjiears first in

A. D. 16]

LIBER 11. CAP. 38-40.

331

atque interim patrata caede ad maiora et magis praecipitia con-
versus furatur cineres vcctusque Cosam Etfuriae promunturium
ignotis locis scse abdit, donee crincm barbamque promitterct :

4 nam aetata et forma haud dissimili in dominum erat. tum per
idoneos et secreti eius socios crebrescit vivere Agrippam, occultis 5
primum sermonibus, ut vetita solent, mox vago rumore apud
inperitissimi cuiusque promptas aures aut rursum apud turbidos

5 eoque nova cupientes. atque ipse adire municipia obscuro diei,
neque propalam aspici ncque diutius isdem locis, sed quia Veritas
visu et mora, falsa fcstinatione et incertis valescunt, relinqucbat 10
famam aut praeveniebat.

40. Vulgabatur interim per Italiam servatum munere deum
Agrippam, credebatur Romac ; iamquc Ostiam invcctum multi-
tude ingens, iam in urbe clandestini coetus celebrabant, cum Tibe-

I. parata : text R. 2. coram (perhaps cosam, Andrescn, p. 1): text L.

Vergil, and in prose from I'lin. Mai. : cp.
3. 66, 4; 13. 47, 4.

1. patrata caede : see i. 6.
praecipitia, used of desperate or

dangerous courses in 15. 29, i ' omissis
praccipitihus luta . . . capessentem.'

2. furatur cineres; to destroy the
chief evidence of Agrippa's death.

Cosam. Cosa or Cosae (Verg. Aen.
10, 167; Strab., &c.) is properly the name
of the city, situate on a hill on the main-
land (Strab. 5, 2, 8, 225); the peninsular
promontory projecting in front of it being
known from the fifth century (Kutilius)
to the present day by a distinct name as
Mens Argentarius.

promunturium. This form (cp. 6.
50, 2 ; 15. 46, 3} is supported by C. I. L.
iii. 567 (Or. 3671), of the time of Trajan,
and X. 6430 (Henzen 5148) : see 4. 67, 1.

3. crinem barbamque promitteret :
'nam' implies that this would increase
the resembl.Tnce. Nipp. notes that sueh
was not the normal Roman mode, but
might represent the unkempt slate of
Agrippa in his banishment.

4. dissimili in. The preposition has
the force of "po?, and the expression is
nearly equivalent to a simple dative: see
on 1. 76, 5. Nearly parallel to this arc
' similitudo . . . rei . . . ad . . . rem ' Cic.
Inv. 1. 44, 82; 'in deae . . . specicm
similis' Apul. Met. 10. 30, 738.

tum, &c. These few lines describe
Iiis action for nearly two years. Tacitus
would imply that he merely skulked

about Italy and spread rumours ; Dio
(57- '6, 3; gives a le«s probable version,
making him collect a large body of fol-
lowers in Caul and Italy, and almost
descend in force on Rome.

5. secreti, 'place of lelreat': cp. 4.
54, 4 ; 57, 2 ; 14. 53, 3. So used, in pi.,
by Vergil (^G. 4, 403, &c.\

crebrescit, ' the story grows.' The
verb is first found in Verg., and is used
by Tacitus in this sense in H. 2. 67, i ;
here alone with ace. and inf. For the
more usual sense see 3. 60, 2, &c.

6. apud . . . rursum : see note on 1 .

8. obscuro diei: cp. c. 21, 4; 'ob-
scure . . . coeptae lucis ' H. 4. 50, 2.

10. incertis; in contrast to 'visu,' as
' festinatione ' to 'mora.' On neuter
plurals for abst. nouns see Intiod. v. §40.

valescunt: cp. 4. 61, 2; 6. 42, 2;
H. 1. 32, 4. 'i'he verb appears to be
taken from Lucr. i. 942, &c.

relinquebat famam aut praeve-
niebat ; i. e. when he left a place, it was
because he was becoming too well
known ; when he chose another to visit,
it was one where the story had not spread.
We should rather have expected ' et.'

14. celebrabant = 'colebant,' as ' ob-
sequio aliqutm celebrare ' 16. 33, i: cp.
the similar use of ' frequentabatur ' of the
pseudo-Drusus ^5. 10, 3). It has pro-
bably the same sense in both clauses, and
it seems otiierwise to be implied that he
had reached Rome itself.

332

P. CORXELII TACITI AXNALIUM [A.U.C. 770.

rium anceps cura distrahere, vine militum servum suum cocrceret
an inanem credulitatem tempore ipso vanescere sinerct : modo 2
nihil spcrnendum, modo non omnia metuenda ambiguus pudoris
ac metus rcputabat, postremo dat negotium Sallustio Crispo.

5 ille e clientibus duos(quidam milites fuisse tradunt) deligit atque 3
hortatur, simulata conscientia adeant, offerant pecuniam, fidem
atque pericula poliiceantur. exscquuntur ut iussum eiat. dein 4
speculati nocteni incustoditam, accepta idonea manu, vinctum
clauso ore in Palatium traxere. pcrcontanti Tiberio, quo modo 5

10 Agrippa factus asset, respondisse fertur ' quo modo tu Caesar/
ut ederet socios subigi non potuit. nee Tiberius poenam eius 6
palam ausus, in secreta Falatii parte interfici iussit corpusque
clam auferri. et quamquam multi e domo principis equitesque
ac senatores sustentasse opibus, iuvisse consiliis dicerentur, baud

15 quaesitum.

41. Fine anni arcus propter aedem Saturni ob recepta signa
cum Varo amissa ductu Germanici, auspiciis Tiberii. et aedes
Fortis Fortunae Tiberim iuxta in hortis, quos Caesar dictator

e

5. diligit (perhaps from dilegit\ 16. edem saturnio praecepta : text B.

1. suum, emphatic, as ' libcrtum
suum ' H. 2. 65, 3. The establishment
of Agrippa, irrespectively of his banish-
ment, vested stricily in Augustus as his
adoptive father i^see Suet, 'lib 1 5") ; and
any slaves retained, when his property
was made over to the ' aerarium mililare '
(Dio, 55. 32, 2), would have passed to
the heirs of Augustus.

2. vanescere : cp. c. 82, 8 ; 4- 37, 5 ;
5. 9, I, &c. The verb is poetical, but
once in Quint., also in PI. Ep.

3. ambiguus : cp. c. 24, 6.

4. Sallustio Crispo: see i. 6, 6.

6. conscientia, ' complicity ' : cp.
' conscii ' i. 48, 4, &c. Their pretence
was not that they believed him to be
Agrippa, but that they underatood his
plot, and would help it.

7. pericula. This may possibly mean
'daring deeds,' as peiliaps 'eviluissent
pericula sua' (H. 3. 53, ij ; or the con-
struction may be pregnant (_ = ' societatem
periculorum '), as others noted in Introd.
V. § 84.

9 quo modo Agrippa. Halm inclines
to agree with Wolfflin i I'hilol. xxx. 744),
that probably ' quonam modo ' should be
read.

JO, quo modo tu, oi^tois lus koI av

Kaiaap (Dio, 1. 1.), i. e, by fraud (as his
enemies would say: cp. i. 7i lo)-

II. subigi, usually with inf. (as i. 39,
4), which would here be awkward.

nee Tiberius . . . ausus, for ' et Ti-
berius non ausus.' ' Nee' is thus used in
12. 7, 3 ; 59, 3 ; 14. 5S, 2, &c. : see note
on c. 34, 7, and Nipp. here.

16. arous. Fragments have been found
in this locality, on which the words
'KECIP,' possibly 'signis reciperatis,'
can be made out. C. I. L. vi. 906.

aedem Saturni, in the Forum, near
the 'miliarium aureum ' (H. i. 27, 3), at
the foot of the Capitoline Hill. The
prominent group of eight Ionic columns
still standing there has been generally
supposed to have foimed part of it. It
was also used as the aerarium.

recepta signa : see i. 60, 4, and c. 25,
2. A coin is extant, representing Ger-
manicus in a triumphal chariot, holding
in each hand an eagle, with the inscrip-
tion, ' Signis Kecept. Devictis Germ. S. C.'
Fckhel, vi. 209 ; Cohen, i. 225, 7.

17. auspiciis : cp. c. 18, 2 ; 22, i.
iS. Fortis Fortunae : cp. 'O Fortuna,

O Fors Fortuna' Ter. I'horm. f^. 6, i,
where Donatus explains tiie latter ex-
pression to mean ' Fortunae advcntus

A.D. i;.]

LIDER 11. CAP. 40, 41.

333

populo Romano Icgavcrat,sacrariiim genti luliae effigiesquc divo
Augusto apud Bovillas dicantur.

2 C. Caclio L. Pomponio consulibus Gerrnanicus Caesar a. d.
VI I. Kal. lunias tiiumphavit de Chcruscis Chattisque et Angri-

3 variis quaeque a!iae nationes usque ad Albim colunt. vccta 5
spolia, captivi, simulacra montium, fluminum, proeliorum ; bel-
lumque, quia conficere prohibitus erat, pro confecto accipicbatur.

4 augebat intuentium visus eximia ipsius species currusquequinque

5 liberis onustus. sed suberat occulta formido reputantibus baud
prosperum in Druso patre eius favorem vulgi, avunculuni eius- 10

3. nd : a. rl. L.

bonus ' The gardens bequeathed by the
dictator Caesar (Suet. Jul. S3) were be-
yond the Tiber (Hor. Sat. i. 9, i8) ; so
that this temple would be probably on
or near the site of the older ones dedi-
cated in that quarter by Seivius Tullius
(Varr. L. L. 6. it) and, in 461, n. c.
293. by Sp. Carvilius (Liv. 10. 4^), 14) ;
where the festival of the goddess was held
on the 24th of June (Ov. Fast. 6, 771,
&c.'i. See ISTavquardt iii. f77-

I. sacrarium, &c. At Eovillae, about
ten 'milia ])assuuni' from Rome ontheVia
Appia, an altar had stood in the last cen-
tury of the Republic inscribed ' Vediovei
Patrei Genteiles luliei. Aara Leege Albana
dicata' (Inscr. Orell. 12S7-C. I. L. i.
807. See also a drawing of it in Cell,
Rome and Vicin. i. p. 2i8">. The con-
nexion of the lulii with the place is ex-
plained by its claim to have been a
daughter city of Alba Longa ("cp. 'Albani
Longani Bovillenses ' C. 1. L. :<iv. 2405,
Orell. 119, ^c.^i, and by the well-known
claim of this gens to have sprung from
lulus the founder of Alba. Circensian
games were held there in their honour
(15. 23, 3): and the sanctuary was in
charge of the ' sodales Augustales.' frag-
ments of whose register have been found
there. See Marquardt, iii. 470.

3. C. Caelio. This name and Koi-
KtXioT, that of Dio. 57. 17, i, are both
confirmed by old kalendars. For the first
see C. I. L. x 6639. Henzen 6442 ; and
for the latter, C. I. L. xi. I35(), Mtnzen
6444. The ' Argumenium ' to Dio 57
adds, NfTTCDs ^ 'Pov(pos ; whence Nipp.
thinks it probable that this consul (other-
wise unknown") bore by adoption or
otherwise the names both of ' Caecilius
Metellus Nepos,' and of 'Caelius Rufus.'
On the other consul see c. 32, 3.

a. d. VII. Kal. lunias, M.ny 26. .Stra-
bo, who may have been an eyewitness, de-
scribes this triumph (7. i, 4, p. 292),
mentioning the principal persons led in
it (see on i. 57, 3; 58, 9; 71, i), and
the conquered tribes represented in it by
captives, some of whom, as the Campsani,
Chattuarii, Landi, also some persons, as
Deudorix, a Sugambrian, and Libes, a
Chattan priest, have not been mentioned
by Tacitus.

4. Angrivariis. He had certainly
crossed their frontier (c. 19, 3 ; 20, 2 ; so
that this does not depend upon the reading
in c. S, 4, &c.

5. ad Albim : cp. c. 22, i.

6. simulacra. Thus a jilan of .Sar-
dinia was exhibited in 577, n. c 177 (Liv.
41. 28, 10 ', and many such models in the
triumjih of Titus (Jos. B. I. 7. 5, 5).

7. pro coufecto : cp. 3. 74, 6.

S. augebat intuentium visus. This
is generally taken to mean, 'made the
sight offered to spectators more splentlid ' ;
'visus' being taken as in 12. 13, 5, &c.,
and pi. for sing, as in H. 4. 83, 2. But
the addition of 'intuentium' seems to
show that we are to take the words to
mean that ' their gaze was made more
intense,' riveted by his appearance.

quinque. Of the six who survived
him, one was yet unborn : see c. 54, i.

9. reputantibus. Nipp. explains this
as abl. abs. (.=ce Introd. v. § 31 c), and
' suberat ' as absol. : cp. 3. 30, 5.

ID. in Dru.so, ' in the case of Drnsus ':
cp. Roby 1978; Madv. 230, Obs. i.
Tacitus lias usually ' favor in aliqucm,'
as 1 . 33, 4 ; c. 73, 6 ; 13. 10, 3, &c.

avunculum. Marcelhis (see i. 3, i)
was half-brother to Antonia, tiie moliier
of Gerrnanicus. He was twenty, Drusus
thirty years old at his death.

334

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 770.

dem Marcellum flagrantibus plebis studiis intra iuventam erep-
tum, breves ct infaustos populi Romani amores.

42. Ceterum Tiberius nomine Germanici trecenos plebi ses-
tertios viritim dedit seque collegam consulatui eius destinavit.
5 nee ideo sincerae caritatis fidem adsecutus amoliri iuvcnem specie
honoris statuit struxitque causas aut forte oblatas arripuit. rex 2
Archelaus quinquagensimum annum Cappadocia potiebatur, in-
visus Tiberio, quod eum Rhodi agentem nullo officio coluisset.
nee id Archelaus per supcrbiam omiserat, sed ab intimis Augusti 3

10 monitus, quia florente Gaio Caesare missoque ad res Orientis
intuta Tiberii amicitia credebatur. ut versa Caesarum subole 4
imperium adeptus est, elicit Archelaum matris litteris, quae non
dissimulatis filii offensionibus clementiam ofiferebat, si ad pre-
candum veniret. ille ignarus doli vel, si intellegere crederetur, 5

15 vim metuens in urbem properat ; exceptusque immiti a principe
et mox accusatus in senatu, non ob crimina quae fingebantur,
set angore, simul fessus senio et quia regibus aequa, nedum
infima insolita sunt, finem vitac sponte an fato implevit. regnum 6

13. ad deprecandum Haase.

3. trecenos. The * con^iaria ' of Au-
gustus, as enumerated by himself (Mon.
Anc. iii. 7-21), are given in shares of from
240 to 400 H. S. to a number usually not
less than a quarter of a million. Marquardt
(ii. 13S) estimates the recipients at this
time at 200,000.

4. collegam consulatui : seec. 53, i.

5. amoliri, 'to get rid of ; so ' Octa-
viam amoliri ' 14. 59, 4 ; H. i. 13, 8.

7. quinquagensimum. The narrative
is shown below to date back to the acces-
sion of Tiberius, which was about fifty
years after Antonius had set Archelaus on
the throne, in 71S, B. C. 36 (Dio, 49. 32,
3). He was descended from the famous
general of Mithridates (Dio, 1. 1.). Au-
gustus had confirmed and added to his
dominions (Id. 54. 9, 2\ and Tiberius had
once defended him against the complaint
of his subjects (Id. 57. 17, 3). He bears
on his coins the title Pbilopatris.

Cappadocia. The inland country
properly so called is separated by Mts.
Taurus and Amanus from Cilicia and
Commagene, by another mountain range
from Fontus on the north, by the Eu-
phrates from greater Armenia on the
east ; and borders west on Lycaonia and
Galatia. The chief ofits unimportant towns

14. gnarus : te.\t R.

(Strab. 12. 537) were Mazaca and Tyana,
and the chief article of commerce appears
to have been its slaves (Hor. Epp. i. 6,
39). See Stiab. 12. 534, &c. ; and Mar-
quardt, i. 366 ; Momms. Hist. v. 306,
E. T. i. 322. I'esides this country,
Archelaus had Armenia Minor (on whiclr
see II. 9, 3; 13. 7, 2, and notes), and
some districts on the Cilician coast (Dio,
54. 9, 2) : see on 6. 41, 1.

8. Rhodi agentem ; Introd. viii. 134.

coluisset : the subjunctive e.\presses
the generally supposed cause.

1 1 . versa. The use of this verb for
'everto' (as 3. 36, 3 ; 54, i ; 12. 45, 5,
&c.) is mostly poetical.

16. mox accusatus. This interval
brings down the narrative to the date of
the current ye.ir.

crimina, w$ Kal vfurtpi^ovra ti Dio,
57. 17, 4; where it is added that he
escaped condemnation {(ffuiOij) but died
soon after. Philostratus (Vit- Apoll. Ty.
I, 12) states that the governor, probably
the procurator (Marquardt, i. 3S7), of
Cilicia was involved in the charge.

17. aequa, 'equality': cp. ' aequi in-
j)atiens ' 6. 25, 3.

18. finem vitae implevit, a new ex-
pression : cp. Introd. v. § 93.

A. D.I 7-]

LIBER II. CAP. 41 43.

335

in provinciam rcclactuin est, fructibusque cius levari [)f)s.se cen-
tesimac vectigal professus Caesar ducentcsimam in postcruin

7 statuit. per idem tempus Antiocho Commacjenoruni, Philopa-
tore Cilicum regibus defunctis turbabantur nationes, plerisque
Romanum.aliis regium imperium cupientibus ; et provinciae Suria 5
atquc ludaea, fessae oncribus. deminutionem tributi orabant.

43. Igitur haec et dc Armenia quae supra memoravi apud
patres disseruit, nee posse motum Orientem nisi Germanic! sa-
pientia conponi : nam suam aetatem vergere, Drusi nondum

2 satis adolevisse. tunc decreto patrum permissae Germanico 10
provinciae quae mari dividuntur, maiusque imperium, quoquo

I. in provinciam The decree passed
now was carried out next year (c. 56, 4).

centesimae : see i. 7S, 2. If Dio is to
be trusted, the tax was a^^ain raised to its
furmer amount after the fall of Seianus
(58. 16, 2), and abolished by Gaius 111

791, A.D. 38 (59. 9, 7). But coins of

792, A. D. 39, are inscribed R. C. C. =
'remissaducentesima' > Eckhel, vi. p. 224).
Suetonius (.Cal. 16 makes that remission
only apply to one kind of sales (' ducen-
tesima auctionum ").

3. Antiocho Commagenorum. Com-
magene, a strip of land bounded N. by
Mt. Amanus, E. by the Euphrates, S. and
W. by the provinces of Syria and Cilicia,
may be called the last vestige of the
domain of the Seleucidae, with whom
its kings still claimed affinity. In this
dynasty, the Antiochus here mentioned
was third of the name. On the establish-
ment of the province, and subsequent
restoration of royalty, cp. c. 5^1, 5. Its
most noted city was Samosata, at an im-
portant ford of tlie Euphrates.

Philopatore Cilicum. This prince,
the second of his name, held the petty
kingdom ruled by Tarcondimotus in
Cicero's time (ad Fam. 15. i, 2). It
lay on the slope of Amanus, adjoining
Commagene. and appears to have shared
from this time the fortune of that country:
see Marquardt, i. 22'^. and Walther here.

4. regibus. Nipp. gives instances
of this use of the plural, as • pulsis' 3. 62,
i; ' dominantibus ' 6. 28, 4; 14. 57, i;
H. 3. 83, 3 : on the parallel use of the
plural of verbs in such cases see Introd. v.
§ 42 d.

plerisque Komanum, &c. As regards
Commagene, Josei^hus (Ant. 18. 2, 5)
states that the nobles were for Roman,
the people for kingly rule.

5. Suria. On this, the greatest and
most important eastern province, sec
Introd. vii. p. 118; Marquirdt, i. 392;
Momms. Hist. v. ch. 10. Its legatus at
this time also governed Cilicia (see c. 78.
3 ; 80, i), and was also the immediate
superior of the procurators of Judaea.

6. ludasa. This country was then under
the procurator Valerius Gratus (Jos. Ant.
18. 2, 2). This petition for reduction of
tribute appears to be not elsewhere men-
tioned ; but we have full evidence of the
feeling of the Jews as to tribute generally,
and towards the publicans who collected
the ' vectigal ia.' On their taxation see
Momms. Hist. v. 511, E. T. ii. 186.

7. supra : see c. 4.

9. vergere, ' was declining.' This
verb is used of time (as 4. 8, 5 ; 11. 4, 4 ;
12. 44, 5 ; 13. 38, 7), or inclination (Sen.,
&c.), f)y writers of this age only. Tibe-
rius was fifty-nine, Germanicus thirty-one,
Drusus about twenty-nine. See Introd. ix.

II. quae mari dividuntur. In the
parallel expression 'quicquid armorum
mari dirimitur' (H. i. 76, 5\ the Asiatic
and African provinces are meant. Mace-
donia and Achaia would also fall withui
such a definition, and the latter was visit-
ed by Germanicus (c. 53), though prob-
ably not officially. Egypt, thougii seem-
ingly within the terms of the decree, was
not meant to be included [c. 59, 3).

maiusque imperium. This appears,
though not distinctly stated as such, to
have been an extension to the East of the
' proconsulare imperium ' held by Ger-
manicus in the West (see i . 14, 4). It would
thus naturally be an ' imperium maius,'
not only to that of ' legati propraetore,'
but also, as was that of Caesar (Introd.
vi. p. 81), to that of ordinary proconsuls.
Gaius Caesar, whose mission was the most

336

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C 770.

adisset, quam iis qui sorte aut missu principis obtinerent. sed 3
Tiberius demoverat Suria Creticum Silanum, per adfinitatem
connexum Germanico, quia Silani filia Neroni vetustissimo libe-
rorum eius pacta erat, pracfeccratque Cn. Pisonem, ingenio
5 violentum et obsequii ignarum, insita ferocia a patre Pisone, qui
civili bello resurgentes in Africa partes acerrimo ministerio
adversus Cacsarem iuvit, mox Brutum et Cassium secutus, con-
cesso reditu petitione honorum abstinuit, donee ultro ambiretur
delatum ab Augusto consulatum accipere. sed praeter paternos 4
'o spiritus uxoris quoque Plancinae nobilitate et opibus accende-
batur ; vix Tiberio concedere, liberos eius ut multum infra de-
spectare. nee dubium habebat se delectum, qui Suriae impone-
retur ad spes Germanici coercendas. credidere quidam data et ^
a Tiberio occulta mandata ; et Plancinam baud dubie Augusta

natural precedent to have been followed,
is stated to have held this rank (Zon. 10.
36, 15,^90); and such may also be sup-
posed to have been the position of Agrippa
in the SfKaeT-qs Sw'tKTjais stated (Jos. Ant.
16. 3, 3) to have been held by him in the
East : also Corbulo subsequently had a
power which is compared to that formerly
given to Cn. Pompeius (cp. 15. 25, 6).

1. sorte . . . obtinerent; a general
designation of the proconsuls of senato-
rial provinces : see on 3. 32, 2, &c.

2. Creticum Silanum. Q. Caecilius
Q. f. M. n. Metellus Crelicus Silanus had
been consul in 760, A.l). 7, and legatus of
Syria certainly since 764, a.i>. ii. ¥ot
the evidence, and lurther particulars re-
specting him, see Nipp.

3. filia. For the inscription recording
this betrothal see Introd. ii. p. 9. She
must have died in or before 773, A.D. 20
(see 3. 29, 4).

4. Cn. Pisonem. On probable mo-
tives for selecting him see Introd. viii.
p. 140. and the statement in 3. 12, 2.

5. violentum : ' cui placebat pro con-
stantia rigor ' is the character given to
him by Seneca (de Ira, i. 18, 3-6), who
illustrates it by his unjust and passionate
execution of three soldiers as proconsul.
Hence Nipp. argues that his proconsulate
must have been that of Africa, where the
proconsul had a legion under him.

ferocia: cp. i. 12, 6, &c.

6. in Africa, in 707, 708, B.C. 47, 46.
Cn. Piso is mentioned as a leader of
Numidian auxiliaries in Bell. Afr. 3, i ;
IS, I.

8. ambiretur, ' was solicited.' On the
inf. with such verbs see Introd. v. § 43.
Piso was COS. suff. June 15, 731, K.C. 23.
the year of the eleventh consulship of
Augustus (see Klein). The Arg. to Dio
55 confuses the father and son and im]ilies
this to have been the first consulship of
the latter, by styling him cos. ii, in 747,
B.C. 7,

10. Plancinae. Her full name was
Munatia Plancina (Dio, 58. 22, 5 ) ; so that
she wns probably sister of the person
mentioned in i. 39, 4, and daughter or
granddaughter of the famous I'lancus,
whose honours are collected on his tomt)-
stone at Caeta (C. I. L. x. 6087, Orell.
590\ ' L. Munatius, L. f., L. n., L. pron.,
Plancus, COS., cans., imp., iter., vii vir
epulon., trinmp. ex Raetis, aedcm Saturni
fecit de manibis. agros divisit in Italia
Peneventi, in Gallia colonias deduxit
Lugudunum et Rauricam.' His censor-
ship, in 732, B.C. 22, was, to this date^
the last tenure of that office.

11. infra. Nipp. notes the use for 'infra
se ' as rare: cp. Plin. N. H. 28. 8, 28,
108 'multum infra magnitudine' ; the use
of ' super 'in 1.68, 2, and the idea of c/Vrar
supplied I. 27, 1.

despectare ; so in H. 2. 30, 2 ; Sail. H.
2. 32, U, 40 K, 93 G, and' poets. Tacitus
often uses, and sometimes (Introd. v.
§ 69) coins such frequentatives. On the
pride still retained by old families under
the early principate. see Introd. vii. p. loi,
and further illustrations in Friedl. i.
p. 215.

A.D. 17.]

LIBER II. CAP. 43, 44.

337

monuit aemulationc mulicbri Agrippinam insectandi. divisa
namquc et discors aula crat tacitis in Drusum aut Germanicum

6 studiis. Tiberius ut proj^rium ct sui san^^uinis Drusum fovebat :
Gcrmanico alicnatio patrui amorem apud ccteros auxerat, et
quia claritudinc materni generis anteibat, avum M. Antonium, 5

7 avunculum Augustum fcrcns. contra Druso proavus eques Ro-
manus Pomponius Atticus dcdecere Claudiorum imagines vide-
batur : ct coniunx Germanici Agrippina fecunditatc ac fama
Liviam uxorem Drusi praecellcbat. scd fratres egregie Con-
cordes et proximorum certaminibus inconcussi. 10

44. Nee multo post Drusus in Illyricum missus est, ut sues-
ceret militiae studiaque exercitus pararet ; simul iuvenem urbano
luxu lascivicntem melius in castris haberi Tiberius seque tuti-
2 orem rebatur utroque fiiio legiones obtinente. sed Suebi prae-
tendebantur auxilium adversus Cheruscos orantes ; nam discessu 15
Romanorum ac vacui externo metu gentis adsuetudine et tum

1. insectans Madvig and Bez'.enberger.

mater: text R.

1. insectandi. If ' insectans' be read,
' monuit ' is unaccompanied by any ex-
planation of the nature of the hints given,
nor can it well be explained, like ' man-
data,' by the context ' ad spcs . . . coer-
cendas.' Such explanation would naturally
be put in as infinitive (whence Halm
suggests' insectari') ; but a gcrundial gen.,
besides being consistent with the general
usage of ' admoneo,' is found with that
verb in late Latin (' admonitus abeundi'
Donat. Praef. Ter. Ad.^ ; and 'moneo'
takes a gen. on the analogy of its com-
pound in I. 67, I. It seems better thus to
take the genitive, than to class it (with
Roth, and Zumpt. § 663) with such in-
stnnces ns those in 15. 5. 3; 21, 3, or
(with Nipp. as a defining genit. depend-
ing on ' aemulallone ' (cp. 3. 63, 5).

2. namque. This ex]iianation is to
make it probable that such instructions
were given.

4. patrui. On the terms of relation-
ship used ^:ee note on i. 42, i. and on the
relationshipshere mentioned sec Introd. ix.

6. avunculum, 'great uncle': cp. c.
53, 3, &c., and 'amita' c. 27, 2.

Druse : cp. Introd. v. § 19.

7. imagines, ' the ancestry.'

9. praecellebat. The accus. with
this veib is noted only in Dig. 2. 6, § 5
(' ceteros . . . praccellit '), and (ace. to
Nipp.) in a doubtful reading in Sil. 9,

478. Elsewhere Tacitus uses the verb
absolutely; possibly with dat. in 12. 15, 2.
For analogous uses see Drager, § 40 c.

egregie Concordes. On a Sardian
coin, the brothers are styled vioi Oiol
<piKdbt\<poi (Eckh. vi. 211). ' Inconcus-
sus ' seems found first in Sen. and Euc.

II. Illyricum. This must here be
taken to include the frontier province of
Pannonia (cp. i. 16, i ; 46, i, &c.\ prob-
ably also Rhaetia and Noricum c. 63, i "».
Drusus would appear to have been sent
with ' impcrium mains,' and therefore, like
Oermanicus to have had 'imperium pro-
consulare ' : see note on 3. 19, 4. Moesia
may also have been within the terms, but
must have been outside the practical
scope of his commission.

suesceret, with dnt. as i. 31, 4, &c.

13. luxu. This trait in him is noted in

3- .^7, 3-

seque tutiorem rebatur. This
thought WDuld ([ualify, without wholly
removing, his suspicions of Germanicus.
See Introd. viii. p. 140.

14. Suebi. On this people see note on
I.4+, 6.

16. ac vacui. The conj. might be
taken, with Nipp., as imidying that not
only were the Romans gone, but that the
Germans were free from all fear of any
foreigner ; and ' discessu ' might be, like
' visu ' 3. 14, 3), an abl. of circumstance,

338

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 770.

aemulatione gloriae arma in se verterant. vis nationum, virtus 3
ducuni in aequo ; set Maroboduum regis nomen invisum apud
populares, Arminium pro libertate bellantem favor habebat.
45. Igitur non modo Cherusci sociique eorum, vetus Arniinii
5 miles, sumpsere bcUum, sed e regno etiam Marobodui Suebae
gentes, Semnones ac Langobardi, defecere ad eum. quibus ad- 2
ditis praepoUebat, ni Inguiomerus cum manu clientium ad
Maroboduum perfugisset, non aliam ob causam quam quia
fratris filio iuveni patruus senex parere dedignabatur. deri- 3
10 guntur acies, pari utrimque spe, nee, ut olim apud Germanos,
vagis incursibus aut disiectas per catervas : quippe longa ad-
versum nos militia insueverant scqui signa, subsidiis firmari,
dicta imperatorum accipere. ac tunc Arminius equo conlustrans 4
cuncta, ut quosque advectus erat, reciperatam libertatem, truci-

2. aequo5 el : text R.

closely akin to an abl. absol. But per-
haps Orelli is right in treating ' ac ' as an
error of repetition from the first syllable
of ' vacui.'

externo =' externorum ' : cp. 3. 14, i ;
12. 51, 2, &c.

gentisadsuetudine:seenoteonc. 26, 3.

1. verterant. The subject is not so
much the Cherusci as the Germans
generally, implied in ' gentis.'

2. Maroboduum. The position, power,
and character of this piince are noticed
below (c. 63), and more fully described in
Veil. 2. 108, 109; where he is shown to
have consolidated under a royal title (cp.
' regis nomen ' here) in liohemia, the most
powerful combination that had yet been
seen among the Germans, with a standing
force of 70,000 foot and 4,000 horse, in
alarming proximity to the Roman frontier.
MiillenhofI derives the name from 'Marah-
pato,' invufiaxos.

3. habebat. Drager appears rightly
to explain this harsh zeugma by resolving
the veib in the first clause, into ' reddebat,'
and in the last, into ' sequebatur.' Nipp.
takes it, in the second clause, to mean
' held him to be a champion of freedom,'
supposing the historian to imply (see c.
88, 3) that he was not really so. But the
zeugma would be thus still harsher, and
the word wholly ambiguous.

5. sumpsere helium. This expres-
sion, frequent in Sail, and Liv., appears
to be taken from Gieek: cp. noKf/xov
^pavTo Thuc. 3. 39, 3.

6. Semnones. These lived beyond
the Elbe (Veil. 2. 106, 2), between that
river and the Oder; and were reached by
Tiberius in 758, A.D. 5, and made terms
(Mon. Anc. v. 17; Veil. 1. \.). Strabo
(7. I, 3, 290) notes them as Suebi, and
subject to Maroboduus. In G. 39, they
are stated to be the oldest, most famous,
and most numerous Suebic tribe.

Langobardi. Tiiis famous people,
'gens etiam Germana feritate ferocior'
(Veil. 1. 1), were attacked by Tiberius on
the south side of the lower Elbe, next to
the Chauci, and perhaps driven across it
(.Suet. Aug. 21). Strabo (1. 1) calls them
AayK60ap5oi, and places them beyond the
Elbe. In the time of Tacitus cliey were
distinguished, though not numerous : see
G. 40, I and note.

7. Inguiomerus : see i. 60, i, &c.,and,
on the 'clicnles' of a German prince, i.

57-4-

9. iuveni : see c. 88, 4.

deriguntur : see on c. 31, 2.

1 1 . vagis incursibus, probably a modal
abl. (Introd. v. § 28', answering in the
next clause to the accus with ' per ' (ex-
pressing formation, as in 11. 4. 66, i ; 78,
1 ; G. 6, 5), and denoting the mode of
attacJ<, so closely connected with the mode
of arrangement as to be equivalent to it.
It seems less well to take the words as
abl. abs.,with Orelli, or dative, with Doed.

14. ut quosque advectus erat, ' aS he
rode up to each division ' : the exprcbsion
is repeated from H. 5. 16, 2, and similar

AD. ,7.]

LIBER II. CAP. 44-46.

339

datas Icgioncs, spolia adhuc et tela Romanis dcrepta in manibus
multorum ostentabat ; contra fugaccm Maroboduum appcllaiis,
proeliorum cxpcrtcm, Hcrcyniae latcbris defcnsum ; ac niox
per dona et legationes pctivisse foedus, proditorem patriae,
satcllitem Caesaris, baud minus infensis animis exturbandum 5

5 quam Varum Ouintilium interfecerint. meminissent modo tot
proeliorum, quorum eventu et ad postremum eiectis Romanis
satis probatum, penes utros summa belli fuerit.

46. Neque Maroboduus iactantia sui aut probris in hostem
abstinebat, sed Inguiomerum tcnens illo in corpore decus omne 10
Cheruscorum illius consiliis gesta quae prospere ceciderint testa-
batur : vaecordem Arminium et rerum nescium alienam gloriam
in se trahere, quoniam tres vagas legiones et ducem fraudis
ignarum perfidia deceperit, magna cum clade Germaniae et
ignominia sua, cum coniunx, cum filius eius servitium adhuc 15

2 tolcrent. at se duodecim legionibus petitum duce Tiberio in-

13. uacuas : vngas Drager.

to ' ut quosqiie accesserat ' H. 3. 24, 2 :
cp. 14. 35, I. ' Advehor ' has ace. pers.
elsewhere only in Vergil (Aen. 8. 136),
and an accusative of place rarely except
in poets (cp. 3. i, i V

1. derepta, apparently from Hor. Od.
3. 5, 19, or Vcrg. Aen. 11, 193.

2. ostentabat, taken bj' zeugma with
' libertatem ' and ' legiones,' in some such
sense as ' niemorabat.'

fugacem. Under him the Marcomani
are described as reti eating before the
Romans into the Hercynian forest ^^Vell.
2. 108, 2). He might thus be called
' proeliorum expers,' in spite of warfare
(Veil. 1. 1.) against Germans.

3. Hercyniae. This term is applied
to a very wide tract : see G. 28, 2 ; 30,
I, and notes. Uohemia is here specially
intended. Cp. Strab. 7. i, .^,, p. 290
(vravOa 5' iarlv o 'EpKvvtos bpvtios koi to.
Twv 'S.ori^aiv iOvt}, ra /xiv oiKovvra (vtos
rod hpvfxox), Kaffdirtp rd twv KoaSovaiv tc
ofs iarl Kai to Boviai fiov , ru rov t/lapo^uSov
^aaiKdov : also Veil. 2. 109, 3 ' Boiohae-
mum, id regioni quam incolebat Marobo-
duus nomen est ' (cp. c. 62, 3).

4. per dona, &c. According to Vel-
leius, the general tone of his embassies
ranged from that of a suppliant to that of
an equal. His claim ,c. 46, 2) to have
made peace 'aequis condicionibus' is prob-

ably true, as the Illyrian revolt forced the
Romans to make terms with him.

5. satellitem Caesaris. He had been
in Rome as a young man and had received
presents from Caesar: Strab. 7. i, 3,
290.

8. penes utros summa belli fuerit,
' who were masters in the war as a whole':
cp. ' de summa belli indicium' Caes. B. G.
I. 41, 3, &c. ; ' snmma pacis' 13. 38, i.
' Utros ' does not compare the Cherusci
with the Suebi, but with the Ron.ans ;
and this boast is confirmed by Tacitus
himself, who speaks of Arminius (c. 88, 3)
as ' proeliis anibiguus, bello non victus.'

10. illo in corpore, ' in that person ' :
so ' in illo corpore (Dario) posita est
victoria nostra ' Curt. 5. 35, 4. The
' consilia ' of Inguiomerus are not re-
presented as successful in i. 68, i.

13. vagas, explained by Nipp. of their
ignorance of the country, by Driiger of
tlieir want of concentration. ' Vacuas '
can hardly mean ' duce destitutas,' as ' et
ducem ' follows it, but might be taken to
mean ' off their guard,' as in Agr. 37, i ;
Bell. Al. 2, 3 : cp. ws 5id (ptKias Stiwy
(Dio, 56. 19, 4).

15. coniunx . . , filius: i. 57, 5;

58> 9-

16. duodecim legionibus. This num-
ber is given only here, and if not exag-

340

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A. U C. 770.

libatam Germanorum gloiiam scrvavissc, mox condicionibus
acquis discessum ; neque pacnitere quod ipsorum in manu sit,
integrum adversum Romanes helium an pacem incruentam
malint. his vocibus instinctos exercitus propriae quoque causae 3
5 stimulabant, cum a Cheruscis Langobardisque pro antiquo de-
core aut recenti libcrtate et contra augendae domination! ccr-
taretur. non alias maiore mole concursum neque ambiguo magis 4
eventu, fusis utrimque dextris cornibus ; sperabaturque rursum
pugna, ni Maroboduus castra in colles subduxisset. id signum 5

10 perculsi fuit ; et transfugiis paulatim nudatus in Marcomanos
concessit misitque legatos ad Tiberium oraturos auxilia. re- 6
sponsum est non iure cum adversus Cheruscos arma Romana
invocare, qui pugnantis in eundem hostem Romanes nulla ope
iuvisset. missus tam.en Drusus, ut rettulimus, paci firmator.

15 47. Eodem anno duodecim celebres Asiae urbes conlapsae

6. receiUe : text L.

10. marcomannos ; see note.

gerated, gives some means of estimating
the strength of the stnnding army at that
date see Introd. vii. 121, n. 12). On the
instrumental ablative of persons cp. Introd.
V. § 27.

duce Tib eric : cp. Veil. 2. 109, no.
The Illyrian revolt is here wholly ignored.

3. integrum ... bellum. This expres-
sion is used in 15. 18, I ; H. 2. t;7, i, of
a war still undecided. Here it is either
war' ex integro' (cp. 'pugna Integra ' l.iv.

8. 9, 13). or ' with unimpaired strength'
(cp. ' integrum victoreni ' Ilor. Od. 4. 4,
66). Cp. c. 5, 4; 15. 26, I, &c.

4. his vocibus instinctos, from Liv.

9. 40, 7.

5. antiquo decore, leferring to the
Clierusci, as 'recenti libcrtate' to the
Langobardi, with whom the Semnoncs
arc understood (as the Andecavi with the
Turoni 3. 46. 3) ; the new-won freedom
being the revolt from Maroboduus.

7. maiore mole, 'with harder strug-
gle': c]i. 'hand parva mole certatum
lorct' n. 3. 77, 5 ; ' plus molis' 13. 35, I ;
' tantae inolis erat ' Vcrg. Acn. I, 33.

10. perculsi, sc. Marobodui, ' of his
disheartcnment '; so 'fama occisi ' 6. 35, 5.

Marcomanos. The MS. has this form
in c. 62, 3, as also have tiie MSS. in G.
42, I ; cp. Mon. Anc. vi. 3. This power-
ful trilje, \\hich had invaded Gaul with
AriovisUi-; (Caes. 11 G. I 51, 2), retired
before I )i'milius(l)io,55. ^°^' -] ^^^'^ other

Roman invaders into Bohemia. Their
subsequent extension to the Danube made
them formidable in the time of Domitian
and Marcus Aurelius. The name, 'dwellers
on the Mark ' or borderland (see on G.
1. 1.), may not always have been used of
the same people.

14. rettulimus : c. 44, i.

paci : on the dative see Introd. v.

§ 19-

firmator, only here and in PI. Kpp.
10. 38, I. Nipp. points out that he was
to secure peace, not between the parties,
but on the Roman frontier. On his further
action see c. 62.

15. duodecim. In giving this number,
Tacitus may have followed Pliny, who
says (N. H. 2. 84, 86, 200) ' maximus
terrae memoria mortalium exstilil motus,
Tiberii Caesaris principalu, duodecim
urbibus Asiae una nocte prostratis.' Also
an inscription of A. D. 31 found in this
part of Asia (Bull, de Corresp. Hell.
1S87, p. 96) calls Tiberius KTidTrj^ ivt
Kaifiw luihtKa -noXiwv. In Hieron. Chron.
(Opera, vol. viii. ]i. 566, Migne) thirteen
names are given. Kphesus being added to
those here mentioned ; and a well-known
pedestal preserved at Naples, cojiied from
that of the colossus erected to Tiberius
at Rome by the cities, and dating from
783, A. n. 30, has the names and symbo-
lical effigies of fourteen ; the additional
one being that of Cibiya, which suffered

A. T). I :.]

LIBER If. CAP. 46, 47.

34T

nocturno motu tcrrac, c|uo inf)rovi.sior g^raviorquc pestis fuit.

2 neque solitum in tali casu effiif^iuin sub\cniebat, in apcrta [)ro-
rumpcndi, quia diductis terris hauricbantur. scdissc inmciisos
monies, visa in arduo quae plana fuerint, effulsissc inter ruinam

3 i<;nes niemorajit. asperrima in Sartlianos lues plurinium in
eosdem miscricordiae traxit : nam ccntiens scstertium poUicitus
Caesar, ct quantum aerario aut ftsco pendebant, in quinquennium

4 remisit. Magnctes a Si[)ylo proximi damno ac remcdio habiti-

3. dcductis : so Pfitzner, text 1!.

at a later date (see 4. 13, i ; ; as may also
have been the case with l\!phesus. See
C. I. L. X. 1624, Orelli 687 : cp. lienzen,
p. 66, Rushforth, pp. 123, 124. The
mention of this earthquake by Stralio (1 2.
8, 18, p. 576,, is one of the latest events
t^seealso on c. 67, 3) recorded in his work.
On the frequent earthquakes in those parts
see Friedl. iii. p. 1 78.

1. quo, i.e. because at night. The
comparative ' inprovisior ' is noted by
Drager as elsewhere only in Apuleius.

2. prorumpendi, genitive ol detinition :
see Mndv. 2S6 ; Koby 1302.

3. sedisse, from ' sido ' : cp. ' sidebant
campi ' Lucr. 5, 493, and the description
of a similar scene in Sallust (^H. 2. 43 D,
52 K, 77 G) ' rupti aliquot montes tiimu-
lique scdere.'

4. in arduo, 'on an elevation': 'in
piano ' would have been the natural anti-
thesi sto this ; but such changes of exprcss-
sion are so habitual to Tacitus, that we
need not, with Heins. and Nipp., intro-
duce such a correction as ' enisa in
arduuni.'

5. asperrima in Sardianos lues . . .
traxit. • Ilelli lucb ' is found in li. 3. 15,
3 ; and the subject of ' traxit ' is not
really ' lues,' but the idea contained in
the sentence (cp. 1. 19, 5 ; 3. 9, 3, ike).
With 'in S.irdianos' a partici[iial notion
like ' catlens ' is to be supplied, as perhaps
also in 12.6,5; 25, 1 ; H. 2. 93, 2.

Sardianos. The disaster of this city
is described in .711 epigram of liianor
(,.\nth. Pal. 9, 423)0X01 bvaTTjvoi istv KaKuv
apnaadtiaai, « j jivOuv i^ ayavovs yda/^aros
r'jpintTf. This ancient capital of the
Lydian kings and Persian satraps was still
a considerable city, and seems to have
rapidly recovered from this disaster (^see
4. 55, 6\ Its site is still called Sart.

6. centiens sestertium, &c. This
whole passage is imi)ortant, as showing a

considerateness to the jirovinccs which is
not found in the time of the Republic :
see note on r. 2, 2. We have similar
instances under Tiberius in 4. 13, i ;
under Claudius in 12. 58, 2 ; 63, 3 ; under
Nero in 16. 13. 5 ; the term ot remission
being so often for five years as to suggest
that the ]irovincial census was taken at
quinquennial intervals. See Marquardt,
ii. 243.

7. aerario aut fisco. The distinct men-
tion of the "fiscus' belongs probably to later
date vsee on c. 48, I ; 0. 2, I ; 19, 1) ; but
it appears that the emperor's procurators
in Asia i,on whom see 4. 15, 3 and note)
collected not only what belonged to him
personally, but also public or quasi-public
moneys. Whether this was then the case
in other senatorial provinces also seems
doubtful: see Staatsr. ii. loo,:;; liirschf.
L'nteis., p. 13, I ; Manjuardt, ii. 307.
The remission of tribute due to the sena-
torial treasury, here described as granted
by Caesar, was no doubt so granted by a
' senatus-consultum ' originated by him, as
is expressly stated in 4. 13, i. "Aut' is
to be taken as in 1. 64, 6 ; c. 30, 2 ; 43,
5, &c.

8. Magnates a Sipylo. Thisadilition,
given also in Livy (37. 44, 4) and on
C(jins ;d7r(j l,nTv\ov), aj^pears, as Rilter
suggests, to indicate the direction in which
the town is usually approached. S'.rabo
C'.^' 3) 5' P- ''21) calls it vnij 'Si.ttvXw. It
lay oji the north-western slope of that
mountain, on the south bank of the
llermus, at Manisa, and needs to be
distinguished from Magnesia on tlie
Maeander i^see 3. 62, i ; 4. 55. 3'. Ac-
cortling to Strabo ^1- 1) ^"d others, it
was a free city; but such might be liable
to some payments : see Staatsr. iii. 6S3, 4.

habiti, ' were considered to be next in
suffering and treated as ne.xt in their
relief." For the zeugma cp. c. 44, 3.

VOL. I

3+2

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U. C. 770.

Temnios, Philadelphenos, Aegeatas Apollonidenses, quique Mos-
teni aut Macedones Hyrcani vocantur, et Hierocaesariam, My-
rinam, Cymen, Tmoluni levari idem in tempus tributis mittique
ex senatu placuit qui praesentia spectaret refovcretque. de- 5
5 lectus est M. Ateius e praetoriis, no consulari obtinente Asiam
aemulatio inter pares et ex eo impedimentum oreretur.

48. Magnificam in publicum largitionem auxit Caesar haud
minus grata liberalitatc, quod bona Aemiliae Musae, locuplctis
intestatae, petita in fiscum, Acmilio Lepido, cuius e domo vide-
10 batur, ct Patulei divitis equitis Romani hereditatem, quamquani
ipse hercs in parte legeretur, tradidit M. Servilio, quem priori-
bus neque suspectis tabulis scriptum compererat, nobilitatcm

I. apollonienses : text Em., Apollonidienses Or.
Freinsh. 5. aletus : Aletius Or., text Mommsen.

2. aut qui Miiller, et qui

1. Temnios, &c. These are mostly
small cities. Temnos, Aecjeac. Myrina,
and C)me, had formed part of (he old
Aeolic confederation (Hdt. i. 149, i) :
the others are in Lydia ; of these Phila-
delphia is well known, and stood on the
site now occupied by Allascher.

2. aut Macedones Hyrcani ; so called
also in PI. N. II. 5. 29, 31, 120. This
town, inhabited by an older race of Hyr-
cano-Persians, who had given their name
to the ' Hjrcanian plain ' (^.Strab. 13.4, 13,
629). mixed with Macedonian settlers, is
not the same witli, though near to, Mos-
teni. Both are noted by Nipp. as among
the military colonies pla.Tted by tlie
Seleucidae to check the Gauls. The use
of 'aut' might no doubt be explained as
in the sentence a few lines above, but the
word is at least misleading. The change
from names of people to those of places
is for variety : cp. c. 60, 4. &c.

4. refoveret ; a word chiefly post-
Augustan, frequent in Tacitus, as c. 54,
2, &c.

5. Ateius. 'Aletus' is no Roman
name. We find from Dio (57. 17, 7)
that he had the five fasces which would
mark his position as temporarily that of
a ' legatus Augusti propraetore.' On Asia
and its proconsuls see Introd. vii. pp. 1 13,
114.

7. in publicum. This depends on
•' magnificam,' and is similarly used with
' exitiosi ' and 'laetum ' (11. 17, 4; 12. 8,
3): cp. 'laeta in rempublicam' 11. 25,
4 ; and note on i. 76, 5 ; also ' peiita in
fiscum ' here.

auxit, 'enhanced.'

8. liberalitate : see note on c. 37, 2.
Aemiliae Mirsae. Doed. notes that

she was probably a freed-woman (as
Antonius Musa the physician of Augustus
appears to have been a freedman), and
that the family of her patronus was not
clearly traceable; whence her property
was claimed as an escheat, by tlie ' pro-
curatores hereditatum ' (see Hirschf.
Unters. 54, foil.). The use of ' videbatur'
below implies that the proof was not plain.

9. petita in fiscum : fiirmerly such
' bona vacantia ' fell to the aenT-ium, and
it is possible that Tacitus is here using
the language of his own time rather than
that of Tiberius (Hiisch. 57. 2).

Aemilio Tjepido, evidently the same
M. Lepidus, who is called ' inops ' (3. 32,
2) and 'pecuniae modicus' 13. 72, 3).

ID. Patulei. This name, or ' Pnntu-
leius,' is found with the cognomen ' Parra '
in Varr. R. R. 3, 5, and with that of ' Cirap-
tiacus' and ' Anatellon ' in later inscrip-
tions Grut. 126, 895 ; C. I. L. iii. 6121 ;
xii. 4027). A praenomen may be lost,
as Tacitus generally, in a single mention
of persons of rank, gives two names.

11. in parte, 'to half.' Later, such
legacies to the princcps were frequently
given to save the rest (cp. 14. 31, i ; 16.
II, 2; Agr. 43, 4; Plin. Pan. 43), and
even insisted on (cp. Suet. Cal. 38 ;
Ner. 32).

M. Servilio: cp. 3. 22, 4 ; consul in
756, A. D. 3, and father of the historian,
who was consul in 788, a. d. 35 (6. 31, i).

12. scriptum, sc. ' heredem ex asse.'

A.D. 17.]

LIBER 11. CAP. 47-49.

343

2 iitriusque pecunia iuvandam praefatus. ncque hercditatcm cuius-
quain adiit nisi cum amicitia meruisset : ignotos et aliis infensos

3 eoque principeni nuncupantes proctil arcebat. cetcrum ut hones-
tam innoccntium paupertatem levavit, ita prodigos ct ob flagitia
egentes, Vibidium Virronem, Marium Nepotem, Appium Ap- 5
pianum, Cornelium Sullam, 0. Vitellium movit senatu aut sponte
cedere passus est.

49. Isdem temporibus deum aedes vctustate aut igni abolitas
coeptasque ab Augusto dedicavit, Libero Liberaeque et Ccieri
iuxta circum maximum, quam A. Postumius dictator voverat, 10
codemque in loco aedem Florae ab Lucio et Marco Publiciis
aedilibus constitutam^ et lano templum, quod apud forum holi-
torium C. Duilius struxcrat, qui primus rem Romanam prospere

5. uarronem : text N'ipj). 6. sullamquc uitellium : text B.

quam L. 13. duilius: DuilHus vulgo, text Fast. Cap.

10. quas :

2. merui.sset, sc. ' heres scribi.' The
subjunctive is that of cases of constant
occurrence (Introd. v. § 52).

5. Virronem. This correction is sup-
ported by two Greek inscriptions: see
note on 11. 32, 5.

Marium Nepotem. Seneca records
(de Ben. 2. 7, 2), a previous payment of
his debts on request: 'Tiberius Caesar
rogalus a Nepote Mario praetorio, ul aeii
alieno eius succurreret, edere ilium sibi
nomina creditorum iussit . . . : cum edita
essent, scripsu Nepoti iussijse se pecuniam
solvi.'

Appianum. This cognomen suggests
a relationship to M. Valerius Barbatus
Appianus : see on 4. 52, i.

6. Q,. Vitellium, an uncle of the em-
peror Vitellius Suet. Vit. 2), and formerly
(juaestor of Augustus (Id. 1 '\ On his
brothers see i . 70, i ; 6. 28, i, &c.

movit senatu : cp. ' albo senatorio
erasil ' (4. 42, 3>. On the exercise of this
power by the emperor see Introd. vi.
p. 85. The senate also could expel its
own members bv judicial sentence (cp. 3.
17, 8 ; 6. 48, 7', &c.); and Suet. (L D
speaks as if in this case Tiberius acted
through it (' cum auctore Tiberio secerni
minus idoneos sena'ores removerique
placuisset ').

8. igni. A fire which destroyed avrov
rov imToSpo/xov ttoKv to t€ ArnrqTptov Kal
fTfpov j/aoc 'EAn/Sos had taken place in
723, R.C. 31 (Dio, 50. 10, 3). It is
alluded to by Strabo (S. 6, 23, 380).

9. Libero Liberaeque et Uereri.
Dion. Hal. gives (6. 17) the tradition that
this temple {A-qfirjrpi Kal Atovva(p Kat Kopri)
was vowed by Postumius out of the spoils
of the l)attle at the lake Regillus, a. u. c.
25S, B.C. 496; also (Id. 94) tliat it was
dedicated by Sp. Cassius during his second
consulship, in 261, n. c. ^93. On the
worship of these associated deities see
Marquardt, iii. 361, foil.

11. Publiciis. These brothers, sur-
named Malleoli, are called curule aedilcs
by Festus (s. v. ' Publicius clivus '), and
plebeian by Varro ,L. L. 5. 1 5,8) and Ovid
i,Fast. 5, 2S7). The latter states that
they inflicted fines for illegal occupation
of public land, and from the proceeds in-
stituted the Floralia (Apl. 28-May 3),
on which see Id. Fast. 5, 183, &c. The
date of institution is either 514, b. C. 240
(Veil. I. 14, 7\ or 516, B.C. 238 (Plin.
N. H. 18. 29, 69, 286). The worship is
of Sabine origin : see Marquardt, iii. 378.

12. forum holitorium. Tiiis was
between the Capitol and the river, outside
the porta Calmcntalis. Much of its
s-pace had been taken by the theatre of
Marcellus. This tcmjile of Janus is dis-
tinguished from the famous Janus ' ad
iulinuim Argiletum' (l.iv. I. 19, 2).

13. C. Duilius. His naval victory in
494, B. c. 260, was commemorated by
the ' columna rostrata,' to the inscription
of which an existing fragment now in the
Capitol purports to belong : cp. C. I. L.
i. 195, and annotations there.

344

P. CORKELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 770.

mari gessit triumphumque navalem de Poenis meruit. Spci 2
aedes a Germanico sacratur: hanc A. Atilius voverat eodem bello.
50. Adolescebat interea lex maiestatis. et Appulciam Varil-
1am, sororis Augusti neptem, quia probiosis sermonibus divum
5 Augustum ac Tiberium et matrcm cius inlusisset Caesarique
conexa adulterio teneretur, maiestatis delator arccssebat. de 2
adulterio satis caveri lege lulia visum : maiestatis crimen dis-
tingui Caesar postulavit damnarique, si qua de Augusto in-
religiose dixisset : in se iacta nolle ad cognitioncm vocari,
10 interrogatus a consule, quid de iis censerct quae de matre eius 3
locuta secus argueretur, reticuit ; dein proximo senatus die illius
quoque nomine oravit, ne cui verba in eam quoquo modo habita
crimini forent. liberavitque Appuleiam lege maiestatis : adul- 4
terii graviorem poenam deprecatus, ut excmplo maiorum pro-

2. in Germanico : a Germanico B, Germanico Or. iatillius ; Atilius B, text Nipp.
3. Apuleiam B (see on i. 7, 3). uariliam : Varilliam JJ, text Bor^'hesi and Fur-
lanetto.

1. Spei ades, probably that in the
' forum liolitorium ' : see Liv. 21. 62, 4.

2. a Germanico. This would imply
that Tiberius had dedicated the others
personally, not ' ]>er alium.' From tiie
statement of Dio (57. 10, 1) rd ^xiv
avTus KaOitpov, to. St tuv ■noyrt<fHKCuv rivi
Ttpoahaaof, we should gather that when
he thus acted (cp. 4. 57, 1 ; 67, 1), it was
as pontifex maximus, and Germanicus may
have acted as augur. On the old custom
of dedication by the chief magistrates, or
by 'duoviri,' see Staatsr. ii. 61S.

A. Atilius. The MS. text shows traces
of a praenomen, and the passage in Cic.
Legg. 2. II, 28 ('a Calatino Spes con-
secrata est'), shows that the person is
A. Atilius A. f. C. n. Calatinus, cos. 496
and 500, H. c. 258, 254; diet. 505, K. c.
^49 ; who gained a triumph in his tirsi
consulship.

3. et. This seems to instance a case,
and to imply others not mentioned : cp.
3. 38, I. Nipp.'s reference to 11. 3-;, 6
(' et Titium Froculum'; is to a very cor-
rupt and doubtful passage.

Appuleiam Varillam. Her relation-
shij) to Augustus is best exjilained by
supposing that her mother was a Mar-
cella (see Introd. ix. note 18); or that,
as Nipp. thinks, she may have descended
from Octavia maior, who was only on
the fatiier's side sister to Augustus (.Suet.
Aug. 4). Sex. Appuleius, cos. 725, l>. c.

29, may have been her father, and the
consul of 767, A. I). 14 (see note on i. 7,
3), her brother.

6. conexa, ' being related ' ; so 4. 66,
2, and (with ' per adfinitalem ') c. 43, 3.
Augustus strained the law in treating
adultery among members of his f.imily as
treason : cp. 3. 24, 3.

teneretur, '. was implicated in ' ; so
in 3. 13, 2; II. 6, 5; and (with ell.
gen.) 3. 67, 2: cp. ' criminibus hacrtre '

4- 19. 5-

arcessebat, ' was summoning ' ; so,
with gen. criminis, in 4. 29, i ; Cic. and
Sail.

7. lege lulia, the law of Augustus,
' de adulteriis et slupris,' passed in 737,
B.C. 17. On its penalties see below ^on
§ 4). In referring the ciiarge to this law,
it is implied that it was not to be dealt
with as one of ' maiestas.'

distingui. The distinction to be drawn
is implied in the context.

1 1, locuta secus argueretur. ' Arguor'
is used with an int. clause in Cic., and
' secus ' is also used by him in the sense of
' otherwise than as should be ' : c}). c. So,
I, &c.

14. graviorem: the full penalty of the
lex lulia imposed on both parties ' re-
legatio ' to different islands; the man to
forfeit half his property, tlie woman one
third of her pro|)erty and half lier dowry
;l'aul. Sent. Rectpt. 2. 26, 14).

A.D. i;.]

LIBER 11. CAP. 49 52

345

l^iiiquis sui.s ultra duccntcsimuin lapidcni removeretur suasit.
5 adultero Manlio Italia atquc Africa interdictuin est.

51. De practore in locum Vipstani Galli, quern mors abstu-

2 lerat, subrogando certamen incessit. Gcrmanicus atque Drusus
(nam etiam tum Romae erant) Haterium Agrippam propinquum 5
Gcrmanici fovebant : contra pleriquc nitebantur. ut numerus

3 liberoriun in candidatis pracpollerct, quod lex iubebat. lacta-
batur Tiberius, cum inter filios eius et leges scnatus disceptaret.
victa est sine dubio lex, sed neque statim et paucis suffragiis,
quo modo etiam cum valcrent leges vincebantur. 10

52. Eodem anno coeptum in Africa bellum, duce hostium

2 Tacfarinatc. is nationc Numida, in castris Romanis auxiliaria
stipcndia meritus, mox descrtor, vagos primum et latrociniis
suetos ad praedam et raptus congregarc, dein more miiitiae per
vexilla et turmas componcrc, postremo non inconditae turbae 15

3 sed Musulamiorum dux haberi. valida ea gens ct solitudinibus

16. inusula maioriim : Musulamorum B, text Bekk.

exemplo maiorum : this refers not
to the jxnalty, which in old times wouUl
have been nn)re severe, but to its infliction
throuj^h the rehitions. Such a trial of the
wife before her husband and other rela-
tives is mentioned in 13. 32,4; also in
the case of the liacchanalia (A. U. C. 566,
B.C. iS6), by Livy (39. 18, 6). This
jurisdiction would be a survival of primi-
tive law (cp. G. 19, 2), and as such is
ascribed to Romulus by Dion. Hal. (2.
25) : cp. Gell. 10. 23.

propinquis. On this dative see In-
trod. V. § 18.

I. ducentesimum lapidem. On such
limited banishment see 13. 26, 3, and
other citations in Staatsr. ii. 1076, 4.

3. Vipstani. This name is found with
the cognomen 'Callus' in C. I. I., iii. i,
4591, and is to be read for the M.S. text
in II. 23, I ; 14. I, I.

5. etiam tum. This must thus have
taken place before Diusus went to lUyri-
cum (c. 43 ; 44). On the departure of
(jcrmanicus cp. c. 53.

Haterium Agrippam : see 1. 77. 3>
&c. On his relationship see Introd. ix.
note 19. IJis father was probably the
C^uintus Ilaterius of i. 13, 4, &c.

7. lex, the ' lex Papia Poppaea,' cap.
viii : see Apjiendix to Book iii. The
municipal ordinance of Malaca (Henzen
7421, c. 56) contains a similar clause, to

decide between candidates who had re-
ceived equal votes : see also on 15. 19, 1.

laetabatur. This insinuation must
mean that all such triumphs over law-
were in the interest of autocracy.

9. sine dubio : this weakens the asser-
tion, as in I. 6, 3, &c. 'The law cer-
tainly was defeated ; but (as laws us;d to
be defeated when they liad real force not
at once, or by many votes.' On the lorcc
of ' neque ' cp. c. 34, 7.

11. Africa On this province and its
proconsuls see Introd. vii. pp. 113, 115.

12. Tacfarinate. On his subsequent
incursions see 3, 20; 32; 73; 4, 23.
.Mommsen points out (Hist. v. 633, ii. '!'.
ii. 317) that such warfare with bolder
tribes must have been permanent, though
we have only record of this instance.

Numida. Numidia was not then a
distinct province: see Maiquardt, i. 366.

15. vexilla. As applied to cavalry,
this term would be synonymous with
' lurmae.' The Xumidians iiad been
always a nation of horsemen, and tliis
force must have been mainly such, but
may have included some light-arnud loot,
organized like Roman auxiliaries.

16. Musulamiorum. The name is
restored from 4. 24, 2, and from a
mention of them in the rising against
Claudius (Aur. Vict Caes. 4). In the
account of their subjection in 753, B.C. I,

346

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [AU.C. 771.

Africac propinqua, nullo etiam turn urbium cultu, ccpit arma
Maurosque accolas in bellum traxit : dux et his, Mazippa.
divisusque exercitus, ut Tacfarinas lectos viros et Romanum in 4
modum armatos castris attineret, disciplinae et imperils sues-
5 ceret, Mazippa levi cum copia incendia et caedes et terrorem
circumferret. conpulerantque Cinithios, baud spernendam na- 5
tionem, in eadem, cum Furius Camillus pro consule Africae
legionem et quod sub signis sociorum in unum conductos ad
hostem duxit, modicam manum, si multitudinem Numidarum
10 atque Maurorum spectares ; sed nihil aeque cavebatur quam ne
bellum mctXi eluderent : spe victoriae inducti sunt ut vinceren-

4. disciplina : text Tichena.

given by Floriis (4. 12, 40), ' Musiilami '
and other foims (see Ritt.) are found, and
Ptolemy (4. 3, 24) calls them MicrouAa^oi.
He describes them as living south of the
Cirtenscs-and Numidia under (south of)
Mount Audos (^Aurez), a situation fairly
coinciding with tliat here given by Tacitus.
Later inscriptions place them near The-
veste : see Momms. Hist. v. 63^, E. T. ii.

318-

2. Mauros accolas, i. e. such of the
Mauri as bordered on them. Some of
the tribes dwelling in what was after-
wards called ' Mauretania Sitifensis,' west
of the Ampsagas, appear to be meant.
'Mauri' and ' Maurusii' are general names
for the inhabitants of Mauretania, whose
modern representatives are the Berbers.

3. Bomanum in modum armatos,
those who are described above as or-
ganized 'per vexilla et tuimas,' i.e. like
similar forces under Roman standards.

4. disciplinas . . . suesceret. The
simple verb is nowhere else transitive,
though such use is implied in that ot
' suetus.' Nipp. retains 'disciplina,'
noting the use of such an abl. with ' adsue-
facio,' and, occasionally, witli ' adsuesco.'
Here however the 'e' would be easily
lost before ' et,' and the dative is usual
with the intrans. (c. 44, i ; 1.31,4, &c.).
Horace has ^Sat. i. 4, 105) ' insuevit . . .
hoc me' ; which is apparently a double
accusative.

5. copia ; so 4. 4, 6 ; 27, 2 ; 4", 1 ; 56,
I, &c. The singular, though far more
rarely found in this sense than the plural,
is so used in Cic, Caes., and Sail.

6. Cinithios. This people, according
to Rtolemy (4. 3, 22 ), lived near the Lesser
Syrtis : iin' avr^v Kin'Siot, Kai dvaroKiKuj-
Ttpoi jj^fXP^ ''"'^ Kivv(pov noTafiuv Nt-yjTt/ioi.

6. cnitios : text B.

The Cinyps is nearly equi-distant from the
two .Syrtes, and the Cinithii are placed
eastward of lake Tritonis.

7. Camillus, M. Furius P. f. P. n.
Camillus, cos. 761, A. D. 8 : cp. C. L L. i.
p. 548. Nipp notes that he was one of
the ' Arvales.' and probably died in 790,
A. D. 37. His son was consul in 785,
A. D. 32 (^6. I, i).

pro consule. This, and ' pro prae-
tore,' are the regular forms used in Tacitus
for 'proconsul' and ' propraetor' (e.g. c. 66,
1 ; 3- 32, I ; 3."^, I ; 38, 1 ; 66, 2, &c ).

8. legionem, the one legion (^'Tertia
Augusta'), usually stationed here: see
Introd. vii. p. 123. Its headquarters were
probably at Theveste : Rushforth, p. 128.

quod sub signis, i.e. the standing
auxiliary force attached to the legion.

conductos, ' concentrated ' ; so ' con-
(luceret ' 4. 47, I. The gender is adapted
not only to ' socios' but totlie soldiers of
the legion : cp. 14. 20, 7.

9. Numidarum, the Musulamii as dis-
tinct from the Mauri.

10. aeque . . . quam. Tacitus often (e. g.
c. 65, I ; 4- 49> 2 ; 71.4; H- .38, 3. ^c.)
adopts, from Plant, and Liv., this con-
struction with a negative, once only (H. 4.
5, 4) tlie Ciceronian 'aeque ac'

ne bellum . . . eluderent ; i. e. if a
larger force was brought against them.
' Aletu ' is explained by 4. 24, 2, as their
fear both of the Roman name, and of the
attack of regular infantry.

11. ut viucerentur, i e. to make a
stand (and thus incur a defeatV The idea
is repeated in ' nee . . . detrectavit ' and
' fusi Numidae'; but it is hardly likely
that so Tacitean an antithe:!is is (as Nipp.
tliinks) a corruption of ' iungerentur.'

A.D. i8.]

LIBER II. CAP. 52, 53.

347

6 tur. igitur legio medio, Icves cohortcs duacquc alae in cornibus

7 locantur. ncc Tacfarinas pugnam dctrcctavit. fusi Numidac,

8 multosque post annos Furio nomini partum decus militiac. nam
post ilium reciperatorem urbis filiumque cius Camillum penes
alias familias imperatoria !aus fuerat ; atquc hie quem memo- 5

9 ramus bcllonim cxpcrs habebatur. eo pronior Tiberius res gcstas
apud senatum celebravit ; et dccreverc patres triumphalia in-
signia, quod Camillo ob modcstiam vitae impune fuit.

53. Sequens annus Tiberium tertio, Gcrmanicum iterum con-
sules habuit. scd eum honorem Germanicus iniit apud urbem 10
Achaiae Nicopolim, quo venerat per Illyricam oram, viso fratre
Druso in Delmatia agente, Hadriatici ac mox lonii maris ad-

2 versam navigationem perpessus. igitur paucos dies insumpsit
reficiendae classi ; simul sinus Actiaca victoria inclutos et sacra-
tas ab Augusto manubias castraque Antonii cum recordatione 15

3 maiorum suorum adiit. namquc ei, ut memoravi, avunculus
Augustus, avus Antonius erant, magnaque illic imago tristium

1. medio. On this abl. of place see
In I rod. V. § 25.

4. filiumque eius. The great man's
son, L. Fuiius Camillus, though consul
(^40-;, B. C. 349') and t\\ ije dictator, and
not without the reputation of victoiies
(Liv. 7. 28), is of less note than the
grandson of the same name, who gained
a triumph in 416, K. c. 33b, and was
again consul in 429, is. c. 345 (Liv. 8. 13;
29). Tacitus ajipears to confuse these.

5. alias familias. The explanation of
Orclli and olliers, that tiiis means ' other
families of the I'urian gens,' can hardly
stand, as Tacitus had im]ilitd above that
the whole ' Furium nonicn ' had been dur-
ing this time without niiliiary renown :
he may have overlooked the not very
famous triumphs of P. Furius Philus in
531, n.c. 223 vC. I. L. i. p. 458), and
L. Furius Purpureo in 554, H.C. 200 (Liv.
31.49, 2). ' Familia ' is used for ' gtns '
in I. 4, 3 ; 3. 48, 2 ; 76, 4 ; i 2. 12, 2.

6. pronior, 'more readily': cp. ' ita
prono '4. 2.4.

7. triumphalia iusignia : cp. i. 72, i.

8. modestiam : cp. i. 11, i ; 4. 7, 4 ;
5- II, 2.

impune : cp. i. 72,3.

9. tertio. Nipp. reads ' tertium,' on
the authority of Varro (ap. Gell. 10. i, 6"),
that ' tertio praetor ' could only mean
' praetor in the third place,' i. e. with two

elected above him. But there conld be
no such ambiguity in 'tertio consul'; the
same passage in Gellius shows that Cicero
considered the question between the two
e.Npressions an open one ; ' tertio consul '
is found in Veil. 2. 40, 5 ; PI Pan. 20 ;
and a writer would naturally avoid the
use of four consecutive words ending in
'-um.' Tiberius was consul only for a few
days (.Suet. Tib. 26), and was succeeded
by L. Seius Tubero (Insc. Orell. 1495 =
\Vilm. 1713; Henzen 6442), on whom see
c. 20, 2.

II. Achaiae. See on 1.76, 4. Later,
jierhaps from the time of Vespasian,
Epirus with Acarnania formed a separate
province uider a procurator. See Mar-
quardt, i. 331.

Nicopolim. This colony (5. 10, 4)
was founded by Augustus, opposite to
Actium, on the north side of the Am-
bracian gulf, where his camp had stood
before the battle. Here were held the
revived quinquennial games to the Actian
Apollo. See Suet. Aug. 18; I)io, 50. 12,
3; 51. I, 3; Strab. 7. 7, 6, 325.

1 2. in Delmatia : see c. 44, I.

14. reficiendae classi. This gerun-
dive dat. (see Introd.v. § 22 b) is used with
'insumo' in 3. i, i ; 16. 23, i ; Agr. 23,
i; with 'adsumo' in 16. 3, 2, and PL
Mai.

16. ut memoravi, c. 43, 6.

348

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 771.

laetorumque. hinc ventum Athenas, foederique sociae et vctus-
tac urbis datum ut uno lictore utcrctur. exccpcie Graeci quae- 4
sitissimis honoribus, Vetera suorum facta dictaque pracferentcs,
quo plus di<,''iiat!()nis adulatio haberct.
? 54. Pctita iride Euboca tianiisit Lcsbum, ubi Aijrippina 110-
\'issimo partu luliam edidit. turn extrema Asiac Pcrinthumque 2
ac Byzantium, Thraecias urbes, mox Propontidis angustias et
OS Ponticum intrat, cupidinc veteres locos et fama celebrates
noscendi ; pariterque provincias internis certaminibus aut magis-
ro tratuum iniuriis fessas retbvebat. atque ilium in rcgressu sacra 3

1. foederi. Athens and Sparta were
' civitates Iibcrae,' and remuvt-d fiom the
jurisdiction of the proconsul : see Mar-
quardt, i. 329. 'Civitates foederatac '
were always more or less ' liberae ' ; some
independence, variable in diffcrcjit cases,
being implied in the existence of a ' foe-
dus' : see Staatsr. iii. 725.

2. uno lictore. As holding ' pro-
consulare imperium,' or as consul, (Jer-
inanicus would be attended by twelve
lictors. A Roman magistrate, visiting a
sovereign or C(jnfederale slate, usually
took none with him ; but the single lictor,
such as priests or women might have, is,
in the case of a magistrate, ec|uivalent to
none, and merely in the place of an
'accen-us': see Staatsr. i. 373,4; 37S, 1.
Antonius, out of compliment or from in-
flolence, so acted at Athens : see Ap-
pian, B. C. 5. 76.

Graeci. The general term may be used
to speak of his reception at other cities
besides Athens.

3. Vetera suorum facta dictaque.
The Greeks are called ' laelum antiqui-
tatibus genus' in If. 2. 4, i ; and Sulla,
during the siLge of Athens, was incensed
by a deputation whicli talked to him ' of
Theseus, Euinoli)us, and the Persian war'
("Plut. SuU. 13, 460). See Momms. Hist.
V. 257, E. T. i. 280. The e.vpressioa
• facta dictaque ' is used as a formula in
c. 28, 3 ; 3. 6,;;, I ; 4. 37, 4; 6. 24, i, &c.

praeferentes. 'making a display of;
so 'modtstiam,' ' imit.imenta,' 'liberta-
tem,' 'auctoritateni praeferre ' (13. 45, 2 ;
14. 57, 5; 16. 22, 8; 32, 3); also'avun-
culum ])iaeferebat ' 4. 75, 2.

4 quo plu.s dignationis. &c. , ' to add
to the honour of their obseipiiuusness,' by
dignifying those from whom it came. Ta-
citus gives much the same estimate of the
deck character as Juvenal (3, 74-ioS;.
' Dignatio ' is used by Tacitus elsewhere

in this sense (cp. 4. 52, 2; 6. 27, 2 ; 13.
42, 8; H. 3. 80, 3); oftener in that of
political dignity or rank (3. 75, 2 ; 4. 16,
6, &c. : see on G. 13, 2). The word is
rare in earlier writers.

5. traniisit Lesbum, an unusual con-
struction with tliis verb in this sense, but
Livyhas' Uticam...transmisit' (25. 31, 12).

6. luliam : see Introd. ix. note 16.
Eckhel i^vi. 214) mentions Mytilenaean
coins inscrilx;d 0EAN AIOAIN AFPin-
niNAN. There is also an inscription
(see Orelli's note^ to young Nero, as son
9io\) Viov rep/xaviKov Kaiaapoi xal Oeds
A.io\iSos Kapnofpupii 'Aypinndva?. Agrippa
had received similar titles there (C. I. G.
2176).

Periuthum ; on a promontory pro-
jecting into the I'roponlis ; an old and
famous city, which in or after the fourth
century took the name of lleraclea, whence
the modern name ' Eiegli ' or ' Erekli.'

7. Byzantium. On the relations of
this city to Rome to this date see I 2. 62, 1.

Thraecias ; so Halm, wherever the
word occurs; this being the prevalent
reading in this M.S., which has also the
form in ' a ' and ' e ' ; of which the latter
(3- .^^> ^ ) 4- 48) ^) is rejected by Ritter
(i8:)4), who otherwise follows the MS. in
its variations. On Thrace at this time
see c. 64, 3, &.C.

augustias, the liospoius.

9. magistratuLim. ISithviiia had cer-
taiidy recently suffered from its guvernor^i.
74, O; but probably the lucal magisliales
wlio had pillageil their own treasuries (cp.
4. 45, 5) are chielly meant. 'I'Uus Cicero
speaks of communities in Cilicia ' perditas
. . . pel magistratus suos ' i^ad Eam. 3. 8,
5 ; cp. ad Att. 6 2, 5), and I'liny found a
similar state of things in Bith\nia ^E]ip.
ad Trai. 17, •3).

10. sacra Samothracura, tlie worship
of the 'Kabeiri' : see Udt. 2. 51, 3; 3-

A.D. 18.]

LIBER II. CAP. 53-55.

349

Samothracum visere nitentcm obvii aciuilones dcpulcrc. igitur
adito Ilio quaeque ibi varietatc fortunac et nostri origine vcnc-
randa, relegit Asiam adpcllitque Colo[)hona, ut Clarii Apollinis

4 oraciilo utcretur. noii fcmina illic, ut apud Dclphos, sed ccrtis

e fainiliis ct fernic Mileto accitus saccrdos niinierum modo con- 5
sultantium ct nomina audit ; turn in spccum dcgrcssus, hausta
fontis arcani aqua, ignarus plerumque litteraium et carminum
edit responsa versibus compositis super rebus quas quis mente

5 concepit. ct fcrcbatur Germanico per ambages, ut mos oraculis,
maturum cxitium cecinisse. '«

55. At Cn. Piso, quo properantius destinata inciperct, civi-
tatem Athenicnsium turbido incessu exterritam oratione saeva
increpat, oblique Germanicum perstringens, quod contra decus

I. igitur alio: ab Ilio Ileins., text J. Sev. Vater, 1796 (see Ritt.). 10. cxitum

Heraeus and Nipp. ; cp. c. 71, 2.

37, 3 ; Ar. Pax 278 ; Juv. 3, 144, &c. Its
nature has been discussed by Lobeck,
Aglaoph. 1). iii. ch. 5, p. 1202-1295. The
turn ol mind of Germnnicus is illustrated
by the places he visited (cp. c. 59) : the
Gieel; oracles had however a special
attraction for a Roman, as is shown by
the tour of Aemilius I'aullus (Liv. 45. 27).
Saniothrace belonged to the 'I'hracian
kingdom, and was a free state in the sub-
sequent province (Maiquardt, i. 315).

2. adito Ilio. The correction is evi-
dent from the context The Ilium here
spoken of, to which the most recent re-
mains at Hissarlik belong, dates only
from the restoration of .Sulla, consequent
on an almost com])lcte destruction by
P'imbria in 699, n.c. 85 (App. Mithr. 53).
But that it was on the site of, and repre-
sented. Homeric Tr(<y, was an article of
national laith with Romans; thou.L;h the
theory of Demetrius ol Skepsis (see Grote,
i. ch. 15, p. 444^ must have been known
through its adoption by Strabo (13. i, 35,
i;98\ Lucan indeed (9, 961-979), pos-
sibly also Horace ;Od. 3. 3,40-60), speak
as if the site of Troy was a wilderness ;
but Mich rhetorical language may be ex-
jdained by su]iposing that the last restora-
tion was paitial, and that the ancient sites
were supjiosed to cover a larger space
(see Fiiedl. ii. p. I2i\ Ilium, though a
favoured city, and subsequently freed from
all tribute (12. 58, 1 ; PI. N. H. 5. 30, 33,
124), was in itself insignificant : cp. 4. 55, 4.

nostri. On this genitive see Introd.
V. § Z^ a.

3. relegit, ' again coasted along.' This
sense is rare, and the word mostly poetical :
Vergil so uses ' lego ' (G 2, 44, &;c.).

Colophona, one of the Ionian cities.
Its oracle of Clarian Apollo is spoken of
by Strabo (14. 1, 27, 6421 as a thing of
the i)ast ; Liut it was again in repute m
Pliny's time (N. H. 2. 103, 106, 232) :
see also note on 12. 22, i. Several later
notices of the oracle are referred to by
Marquardt (iii. 98, 1). Considerable re-
mains are found in the locality, but the
sites of Colophon, Claros and Notium
seem to be close together and confused.
A cave, containing a sj)ring as here de-
scribed, is 10 be seen at Ghaiour-keui :
see Texier and Pullan. Asia Minor, p. 32.

5. Mileto. The oracle was probatdy
an offshoot from that of Apollo Didy-
maeus (on which see on 3. 63, 5).

7. littcrarum et carminum, ' of writ-
ing and metre.'

II. properantius: cp. 3. 74> 5) &c. ;
Sail. Jug 8, 2 ; 96, 2. Tacitus has the
positive in 16. 24, 2; elsewhere both
forms are poetical. ' Destinata,' his pur-
pose of O[)])osing (iermanicus.

I 2. incessu. The use of this word to
denote an entrance upon a place or
country, especially by way of hostile in-
vasion (,cp. 3 33, 2; 4. 24, 2 ; 12. 50, 2),
appears to be wholly Tacitean : in 6. 33,
5. probably also in 4. 74, i, it is used of
approaches or means of access.

13. oblique . . . perstringens: cp. 5.
2, 2; II, i; probably making allusion
without meniioiiin'' his n.ime.

350 P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 771.

Romani nominis non Athenienses tot cladibus exstinctos, sed
conluviem illam nationum comitate nimia coluisset : hos enim
esse Mithridatis adversus Sullam, Antonii adversus divum Au-
gustum socios. etiam vetera obiectabat, quae in Macedones 2
5 inprospcre, violenter in sues fecissent, offensus urbi propria
quoque ira, quia Theophilum quendam Areo iudicio falsi dam-
natum precibus suis non concederent. exim navigatione celeri 3
per Cycladas et compendia maris adsequitur Germanicum apud
insulam Rhodum, haud nescium quibus insectationibus petitus

10 foret : sed tanta mansuetudine agebat, ut, cum orta tempestas
rapcret in abrupta possetque interitus inimici ad casum refcrri,
miserit trircmis quarum subsidio discrimini eximerctur. ncque 4
tamen mitigatus Piso, et vix diei moram perpessus liuquit Ger-
manicum pracvenitque. et postquam Suriam ac legiones attigit,

15 largitione, ambitu, infimos manipularium iuvando, cum veteres
centuriones, severos tribunes demoveret locaque eorum clienti-
bus suis vel deterrimo cuique attribueret, desidiam in castris,
licentiam in urbibus, vagum ac lascivientem per agros militern
sineret, eo usque corruptionis provectus est, ut sermone vulgi

20 parens legionum haberetur. nee Plancina se intra decora feminis 5'

1 . tot cladibus. Attica had suffered and do not give ' Areopagus ' as one word,
severely from the last Philip of Macedon Athens, a free state, had its own courts,
in B.C. 200 (Liv. 31. 26). and Athens it- falsi damnatum, 'convicted of for-
self still more from its siege and storm gery ' ; so also H. 2. 86, 2 : cp. Prof,
by Sulla in 668, K.C. 86 (,App. Mithr. Mayor on Juv. 1,67.

30-40), after which its long walls and 7. concederent = ' condonarent ' : cp.

fortifications had never been restored : its 4. 31, i ; 16. 33, 3 ; Cic. pro Marc, i, 3.

last fleet was lost at Actium. 8. compendia maris: cp. 'compen-

2. conluviem . . . nationum : cp. diis viarum' 1. 63, 6.

14. 15, 4 and note. The easy acquisition 9. petitus foret. The tense refers to

of its citizenship by purchase, formerly the past speech at Athens.

tlenounced perhaps by Demosthenes (wtpi 11. raperet in abrupta, ' was driving

avvTci^fai's, § 24), had been forbidden by him on a reef : cp. ' insulae saxis

Augustus in 733, H.C. 21 {artrj-^optvat abruptis' c. 23, 3; also 15. 42, 3; and

a<ptai fXTjbtva TTokiTrjV dpyvpiov noiuaOcu the metaphorical uses in 4. 20, 5 ; H. 1.

Dio, 54 7, 2). 48, 7 ; Agr. 42, 5. The object of 'rajieret'

hos euim. Velleius (2. 23, 4) excuses is supplied from ' inimici ' below. On the

the Athenians as having been forced, in dat. with 'eximere' cp. i. 48, 2, &c. :

the Mithridatic war, to act against their ' eximere discrimini ' is rcjieated in 6. 9, 6.

sympathies. 16. centuriones . . . tribunes demo-

5. violenter in suos, their many in- veret. This passage illustrates the di-;-
stances of ingratitude to their own jiublic cretion of appointment left by Caesar to
men, throughout their history. his legati. See also that left to the

6. Areo iudicio, ait. tip. for ' Arti ' praefectus praetorio ' (which seems ex-
pagi iudicio.' Ni[)p. shows, by several ceptional), 4. 2, 3.

references, that in Roman writers, though 20. haberetur, here, as Nipp. notes,

the orthography of 'Areus' varies, the used for ' perhibetur ' : cp. 'qui nunc Al-
best MSS always follow the Greek usage, banus habetur' Verg. Aen. 12, 134.

A.D. i8.]

LIBER II. CAP. 55, 56.

351

tencbat, scd cxercitio equitum, dccuisibus cohortium iiiteressc,
in Agrippinam, in Germanicum contumelias iacere, quibusdam
etiam bonorum militum ad mala obscquia piomptis, quod baud
6 invito imperatore ea fieri occultus rumor incedebat. nota haec
Germanico, sed praeverti ad Armenios instantior cura fuit. 5

56. Ambigua gens ca antiquitus hominum ingeniis et situ
terrarum. quoniam nostris provinciis late practenta pcnitus ad
Medos porrigitur; maximisque imperiis intericcti et saepius dis-
cordes sunt, adversus Romanos odio et in Parthum invidia.

2 regcm ilia tempestate non habebant, amoto Vonone : scd favor 10
nationis inclinabat in Zenoncm, Polcmonis regis Pontici filium,
quod is prima ab infantia instituta et cultum Armeniorum acmu-
latus, venatu epulis et quae alia barbari celebrant, proceres

3 plebemque iuxta devinxerat. igitur Germanicus in urbc Ar-

4. incidebat (cp. 3. 26, 3) : text L.
quo E. Jacob.

I. exercitio equitum, decursibus
cohortium. Nipp. shows from the
parallel passage (3. 33, 3) that 'exerci-
tium' and 'decursus' are used indifferently
for ' manceuvres ' ; ' cohortes ' being here
foot as opposed to horse, there auxiliaries
as opposed to legions.

5. praeverti ad ; so ' praevertere ad'
4. 32, 2. As a deponent, the verb has
often tliis sense, more usually with dat.

instantior, 'more urgent ' : cp. ' species
instantior' H. 4. 83, 4. Tlie participle
is used in this sense by Nep. and Quint.

cura fuit. Driiger notes this construc-
tion in Vergil, also ' erit niihi curae explo-
rare provinciae voluntatem ' Plin. Epp. 7.
10, 2, and the inf. with ' cupido erat ' (14.
14, 0, ' ratio fuit ' (H. 3. 22, 1), &c. : see
Introd. V. § 43.

6. Ambigua, 'fickle': c]). c. 67, i.
On the circumstances of Parthia and
Armenia at this time see c. 1-4.

7. late praetenta, ' bordering far
along.' The expression is Vergilian
(Aen. 3, 692 ; 6, 6o\ and hardly suits
the time of Tiberius, when Armenia
touched only the new provincial frontier
of Cappadocia and Comnmgene on the
Euphrates. Its other limits are at this
time given byStrabo(ii. 14, i, 527) : for
its general geography see vol. ii. Introd.
p. 1 10 and map. It mainly coincides
with the Transcaucasian dominion of
Russia and the Turkish province of Er-
leroum.

6. sed : et Pichena. 7. quo (quoniam)

ad Medos. The independent Media
Atropatene (see c. 4, 2, &c.) is meant,
described by Strabo (11. 13, 2, 523) as
east of Armenia and Matiene, and west
(or rather north-west) of Greater Media;
see map in vol. ii. and Nipp. on 12. 14.
It mainly answers to the present Persian
province of Azerbaijan.

8. discordes,' hostile to them.' The
word in this sense is used with a dative in
3. 42, 3 ; 1 1. 6, I ; 14. 38, 4, and in Ovid
and Velleius.

10. amoto Vonone : see c. 4, 4.

1 1. Zenonem, Polemonis . . . filium.
Polemo I., who had received Pontus and
Lesser Armenia from Antonius, and Bos-
porus from Augustus, had lost his life cir.
B.C. I ; but Pontus was still governed by
his widow Pythodoris (who had after-
wards married Archelaus of Cappadocia)
assisted by her son and successor Polemo II.
(Stiab. 12. 3, 29, 555, 55,6). This other
son Zeno is mentioned by Strabo (1. 1.) ;
and an inscription in his honour has beea
found at Smyrna, which stales that his
maternal grandmother was Antonia, appa-
rently a daughter of M. Antonius by
Fadia: see Mommsen in Eph. Epig. i.
270.

13. celebrant, 'use constantly ' ; so m
15. 44, 4 ; II. 2. 49 7 ; Dial. 24, 2.

14. Artaxata. Here, and in 6 33, 2,
this appears not to be indecl.. but to be
abl. sing., in apposition with ' urbe ' ;
elsewhere it is a plural (as iu 14. 23, 1).

352

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 771.

taxata, adprobantibus nobilibus, circumfusa multitudine, insigne
regium capiti eius imposuit. ceteri venerantes regem Artaxiam
consalutavere, quod illi vocabulum indiderant ex nomine urbis.
at Cappadoces in formam provinciae redacti Q. Veranium lega- 4

5 turn accepere ; et quaedam ex regiis tributis deminuta, quo
mitius Romanum imperium speraretur. Commagenis Q. Ser- 5
vacus praeponitur. turn primum ad ius praetoris translatis.

57. Cunctaque socialia prospere composita non ideo laetum
GermanicLim habebant ob superbiam Pisonis, qui iussus partem

10 legionum ipse aut per filiuni in Armeniam ducere utrumque
neglexerat. Cyrri demum apud hiberna decumae legionis 2
convenere, firmalo vultu, Piso adversus metum, Germanicus, ne

3. Artaxiam here; Artaxian c. 64, i.
text R.

Similar variations in the form of words
are noted in Introd. v. § 85. The city,
afterwards burnt by Corbulo (13. 41, 3),
was on the Araxcs, near Erivan.

1. insigne regium, the tiara and dia-
dem. A coin, struck ajiparently in the
East, bearing on one side the head of
Germanicus and the title ' Germanicus
Caesar Ti. Aug. f.,' and on the reverse
the coronation of Artaxias and the inscrip-
tion ' Germanic. Artaxias ' (Cohen, i. 225,
6), is noted by Mummsen (Staatsr. ii.
S31) as probably struck without autiioiity,
and not in accordance with the usual
limits of right of representation on coins
at this time.

3. ex nomine urbis : his name was
really, no doubt, taken from that of two
of his predecessors ; the city itself having
been named after Artaxias I., who founded
it under the advice of Hannibal ;Strab. 11.
14, 6, 528; Plut. Luc. 31, 513).

4. Cappadoces: cp. c. 42, 6. Steup
would add ' ct Cilices.'

Q,. Veranium. He was legatus of
Germanicus and one of the accusers of
I'iso ;3. 10, 2; 13, 3; 19, i). Some
identify him with the consul of S02, A. D.
49 (12. 5, i), afterwards legatus of
I'-ritam (14. 29, I ; Agr. 14, 3), who may
more proljably liave been his son.

legatum accepere. He appears only
to have organized the province and re-
turned (c. 74, 2\ Cappadocia became a
Caesarian province under a procurator or
praefectus {linni tTtiTpa-nrf), Dio, 57. 17;
7 : cp. 12 49, I ; Suet. \'esp. 8.

6. speraretur, sc. ' fore ' : cp. 3. 8, i ;
6. 41, 2, where Nipp. cites ' superos

6. serva eius : text L.

II. conuenne:

sperare secundos ' (Luc. 7, 349) ; ' quern
. . . adiutorem speraverat ' (Suet. Aug.
10).

Commagenis : see on c. 42, 7 : vvv 5'
(irapx'td 'yiyovi (Strab. 16. 2, 3, p. 749)-

Q,. Servaeus. This name is restored
from 3. 13, 3; 6. 7, 2. The first of these
passages shows that he also was not a
permanent governor.

7. ad ius praetoris, i. e. to the juris-
diction of the ' legatus Augusti proprae-
tore ' of Syria. In 791, A.U. 38, Gains
again set up a king of Commagene, An-
tiochus HL (Dio, 59. 8, 2': ; and it was
again taken under Roman government,
apparently united with Syria, by Ves-
pasian (Suet. Vesp. 8) : see Marquardt,
i. 399. The dominion of Philopator of
Cilicia (cp. c. 42, 7), not here mentioned,
was also probably annexed to Syria.

8. socialia. This neuter appears to
be here alone used for ' res sociales.'
The idea contained in the whole sentence
is subject of ' habebant ' : cp. Introd. v.
§ (>■) b, 2.

iaetum . . . habebant, ' did not keep
him pleased' ; cp. c. 65,, 1 ; also ' sollici-
tum habere aliquem ' Plant. Men. 4. 2, 21 ;
Cic. Earn. 7. 3, i, &c. For 'ideo' cp. 1.
12, 6.

10. filium, ^L Piso: see c. 76, 2, &c.
utrumque, i. e. he had sent only a

legatus of lower rank in charge of them.

11. Cyrri. C)rrus, now Choros, gave
its name to Cyrrestica, the northern di-
vision of Syria. It lay on the chief road
connecting Antioch with the place of
crossing the l',uphrates at Zeugma.

decumae legionis; Introd. vii. p. 123.

A.D. iS.]

LIBER II. CAP. 56 58.

353

3 minari credcretur ; et crat, ut rcttuli, clementior. sed amici
accendendis offensionibus callidi intcndcrc vera, adgercrc falsa

4 ipsumquc ct Plaiicinam et filios variis modis criminari. post-
reino panels f.imiliarium adhibitis sernio coeptus a Caesarc,
qualcm ira et dissimulatio gignit, rcsponsum a Pisone precibus 5
contuniacibus ; discesseruntque apertis odiis. post quae rarus
in tribunali Caesaris Piso, et si quando adsideret, atrox ac dis-

5 scntire nianifestus. vox quoque eius audita est in convivio, cum
apud regem Nabataeorum coronae aureae magno pondere Cae-
sari et Agrippinae, leves Pisoni et ceteris offerrentur, principis 10
Romani, non Parthi regis filio eas epulas dari ; abiecitque sinuil
coronam et niulta in luxum addidit, quae Germanico quamquam
acerba tolcrabantur tamen.

58. Inter quae ab rege Parthorum Artabano legati vencre.

6. discesserantque : text Pich. opertis (so Pfitzn.; : text L. postque : text Mur.

1. ut rettuli : cp. c. 55, 3.

2. accendendis offensionibus. The
case of such t;eriin(lives with adjectives is
clearly dative in 3. 15, 5, abl. in 13. 57, i ;
in most other cases doubtful but generally
taken as dat. : cp. Nipp. on 6. 24.

intendere : cp. c. 38, 6.

3. filio.s. One of the sons had re-
mained in Rome (3. 16, 5), but may have
been accused of intriguing there. That
the proceedings of Germanicus were
watched and reported at home, would
appear from c. 59.

4. paucis familiarium adhibitis.
The same expression is repeated in 3. 10,
6, of an informal board of assessors. Here
they are only witnesses.

5. ira et dissimulatio, ' resentment
struggling against disguise,' i.e. partially,
but not wholly dissembled: cp. ' amore
et ira' 13. 44, 6.

6. contumacibus, ' insolent,' i. e.
* ironical entreaties.'

discesserunt. The MS. text could
stand, if the event was regarded from
a subsequent time ; but it seems more
probable that the same tense is carried
through.

apertis odiis. ' Opertis ' has found
defenders, \\ ho would explain it by laying
the stress on 'odiis,' and by pointing out
that outward courtesies of diniug with
each other, &c. (cp. 3. 14, 2), were still
maintained. But there was certainly little
concealment in the language or conduct
of I'iso (cp. below, and c. 69), and ' un-

disguised enmity' is distinct from formal
' renuntiatio amicitiae ' ' c. 70, 3).

post quae. ' Postque ' is retained by
some. Madvig's rule(§ 435a,Obs. i), that,
except in double relative clauses, 'que'
. . . ' que ' would in prose be used only to
connect two words, of which the former is
a pronoun (e. g. ' seque regnumque ' c. 3,
3), appears certainly to find exceptions
in Tacitus, who has ' levavitque . . . mul-
taque usurpavit ' (c. 59, 2', and ' meque
. . . cejnsset aliorumque . . . expectarem '
116. 16, i^. Hut here the sentences are
less closely joined, and ' post quae ' is a
common form of expression with Tacitus,
asinc.86, 1; 1.13,1: 3.11,2; i7,i,&c.

8. manifestus, with inf., only here
and Dial. 16, 2 ; Stat. Theb. 10, 759 ; and
the Digests. Cp. Introd. § 47, Gudeman
on Dial. 1. 1.

9. Nabataeorum. This people held the
greater part of north-west Arabia, and had
displaced the Idumacans from their ancient
capital, I'etra. They were at this time
a vassal kingdom, and became a province
under Trajan : see Momms. Hist. v. 476,
E. T. ii. 14S, foil.

coronae. Such gifts are mentioned in
14. 24, 6, and Just. 18, 2.

10. principis . . . regis. These are
emphatically opposed, and show the dif-
ference of the idea of the principate from
that of a sultanate. On the combination
' Paribus rex' see Introd. v. § 3.

12. luxum. He charges Germanicus
with this (c. 78, i).

354

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 772.

miserat amicitiam ac foedus memoraturos, et cupere renovari
dextras, daturumque honori Germanici ut ripam Euphratis
accederet : petere interim ne Vonones in Suria haberetur neu
proceres gentium propinquis nuntiis ad discordias traheret. ad 2
5 ea Germanicus de societate Romanorum Parthorumque magni-
fice, de adventu regis et cultu sui cum decore ac modestia re-
spondit. Vonones Pompeiopolim Ciliciae maritimam urbem 3
amotus est. datum id non modo precibus Artabani sed con-
tumeliac Pisonis, cui gratissimus erat ob plurima officia et dona,
10 quibus Plancinam devinxerat.

59. M. Silano L. Norbano consulibus Germanicus Aegyptum
proficiscitur cognoscendae antiquitatis. sed cura provinciae 2
praetendebatur, levavitque apertis horreis pretia frugum multaque
in vulgus grata usurpavit : sine milite incederc, pedibus intectis

I. cuperere novaii : text B, cupere novari Nipp.

1 . memoraturos, ' to call to mind ' ;
so in 4. 46, 4. The friendship is that
between Augustus and Phraates (c. 1).

renovari dextras. In H. i. 54, i.
' mittere dextras ' is used of sending actual
figures of hands as a symbol of friend-
ship. Here ihe expression is probably
only a bold figure to avoid repeating
' amicitiam ' or ' foedus ' : cp. ' fallere
dextras' Verg. Aen. 6, 613.

2. daturum: cp. 'datum id' below,
and I. 7, 10, &c.

3. accederet ; so used with simple
ace. 12. 31, 3; H. 2. 27, 3, &c. ; also in
poets, and Nepos, Varro and Sallust.

Vonones : see c. 4, 4.

haberetur, ' be kept in custody ' ; so
c. 63, 5 ; 1 1. 16, I, &c.

neu . . . traheret: see note on 1. 79,
I.

6. cultu sui. The compliment offered
above.

cum decore, ' gracefully,' from ' decor.'

7. Pompeiopolim. This town, for-
merly "XuXoi, took its name from Cn.
I'ompeius its restorer : it is now Mezetlu.
On the end of Vonones cp. c. 68.

8. datum ; by zeugma with ' contu-
meliae.'

II. M. Silano L. Norbano coss. ; on
the order of events here see note on c. 62.
The full names of these consuls (C. I. L.
vi. I437, X. 1964) are M. lunius, M. f.
Silanus, L. Norbanus Balbus : see Klein.
The former, not identical with the better
known M, Silanus, C. f. (cp. 3. 24, 5), is

identified by Henzen with the Arvalis of
793-S07, A. D. 40-54 (C. I. L. vi. 2030,
2032, 2035), and the procos. of Africa
(Litrod. vii. p. 1 14), and is also thouglit
to be the Silanus who married Aemilia
Lepida (Introd ix. noie 10); but the
r^-latioiiships of this family are extremely
perplexing: see the pedigree in Lehmann's
Claudius. These consuls give their names
to the Lex lunia Norbana, on which see
note on 13. 27, 4.

Aegyptum proficiscitur : on the
whole subject of Roman travel in Egypt,
see Friedl. ii. jip. 123-152.

12. cognoscendae antiquitatis: on
this gen. see Introd. v. § 37 d.

cura provinciae prastandebatur.
Tacitus appears to consider tlie famine
there not so pressing as Suetonius makes
it, who speaks (Tib. 52) of ' immensa et
repentina fames.' Josephus (c. Ap. 2, 5)
mentions a distribution of com by Ger-
manicus at Alexandrin, which is implied
to have been necessarily meagre in amount.
Egypt (see below) is hardly in strictness
a 'provincia' (Staalsr. ii 859).

13. horreis. Such public granaries,
though especially important here, appear
to have existed in all provinces, to assist
the local, and, if possible, the Roman
corn-market: see Marquardt, ii. 135. It is
possible that the action of Germanicus
seriously affected the supply of Rome for
this year: see c. 87, i.

14. in vulgus: cp. i. 76, 5.
intectis, i. e. ' with only sandals on

A.D. 19.]

LIBER II. CAP. 58 60.

355

et pari cum Graccis amictu, V. Scipionis aemuLitionc, queni
cadem factitavissc apud Siciliam, quamvis flagrante adhuc Poe-

3 noriim bcllo, acccpimus. Tiberius cultu habituque eius lenibus
verbis pcrstricto. acerrime incrcpuit quod contra instituta Augusti

4 non sponte principis Alexandrian! introisset. nam Augustus 5
inter alia dominalionis arcana, velitis nisi permissu ingredi sena-
toribus aut equitibus Romanis inlustribus, seposuit Aegyptum,
ne fame urgueret Italiam, quisquis earn provinciam claustraque
terrae ac maris quamvis levi praesidio adversum ingentes exer-
citus insedisset. 1

60. Sed Germanicus nondum comperto profectionem earn

2 incusari Nilo subvehebatur, orsus oppido a Canopo. condidere

id Spartani ob sepultum illic rectorem navis Canopum, qua

tempestate Menelaus Graeciam repetens diversum ad mare

6. permissu suo E. Wurm.

them.' The word is first found in Sail,
and common in Tacitus: cp. 3. 41, 4; 4.

I. P. Scipionis. Africanus is describtd
hy Livy (29. 19, ll) as going about at
Syracuse ' cum pallio crepidisque,' the
Greek IfiaTtov and VTTo5rjfj.aTa. as dislinct
fiom the Roman 'toga' and ' calcei ' :
see also Suet. Tib. 13, and other instances
in Staatsr. iii. 220, i.

3. cultu habituque ; see on i. 10, 7.

4. increpuit. According to Suet.
Tib. 52, this complaint was made pub-
licly in the senate.

5. non sponte, * without leave of.'
The word is used with gen. some ten or
more times in the Hist, and Ann. (e. g. 4.
7' 3; 5'' 5; 6-.'^') 4. &c.\ also HI Varro,
Lucan, and I'l. NIai.

6. arcana : SiC on c. 36, 2.

7. equitibus . . . inlustribus : cp. 4.
58, I ; 6. 18, 4, &.C. They are also called
' insignes ' (11. 5, 2), ' primores ' (H. i.
4> 3). ' equites dignitate seiiatoria' (16.
17, I), ' splendidi' i^\'\. Epp. 6. 15, i ; 25,
I). The difference between these and
'equites modici ' (see i. 73, i ; Introd. vii.
p. 102 ; Staatsr. iii 563, i ; I'rof. Wilkins
in D. of Ant. i. 757) is not a constitutional
distinction.

seposuit, 'kept to himself ; so (with
'sibi'; 6. 19, i; 13. 19, 2. Elsewhere
(H. 1. II, I Egypt is said ' domi rctineri,'
i. e. to be reserved to the ' house,' or ' per-
sonal government' of the ' princeps ' ; who
here in reality represented its ancient

kings, and appointed no legatus, but
governed it through an equestrian ' prae-
lectus ' as viceroy (' equites Romani ob-
tinent vice regum ' H. i. 11, i) : see
Strab. 16. I, 12, 797; and further in
Introd. vii. p. 117; Staatsr. ii. 749, i;
764, I ; S59, 2 ; 953, I ; Marqu.irdt, i.
44 1, foil.

8. fame urgueret Italiam. Vespasian
occupied Alexandria with this object
ijl. 3. 48, 4). On the inability of Italy
to feed itself see 3. 54, 6, &c.

claustra. Accord mg to Hirtius (li.
Alex. c. 26) 'tota Aegyptos maritumo
accessu Pharo, pedestri Pelusio velut
claustris munita existimatur ' : cp. H. 2.
82, 4, and ' claustium pelagi Phari.in ' Luc
10, 509.

9. quamvis, &c., i. e. even if he had
but a small garrison and was opposed by
great armies.

12. oppido a Canopo : on the position
of the prep, s.e Introd. v. § 77, 5. Cano-
pus, or Canobus, gave its name to the
western branch of the Nile (Ildt. 2. 17,
&c.), and was an important city until
the foundation of Alexandria. Its ruins
are traced about three miles west of
Abukir.

1 3. ob sepultum . . . rectorem. This
tradition i-- not in the old stoiy of the
voyage of Menelaus (see Hdt. 2. 1 13), but
was known to Strabo ,17. 1, 17, 801),
and Pliny (_N. H. 5. 31, 34, 128).

14. diversum : cp. i. 17, 5, lic.

35^

P. CORNEIJI TACITI ANXALIUM [A.U.C. 772.

terramquc Libyam delectus est. inde proximum amnis os di- 3
catum Herculi, quern indigenae ortum apud se et antiquissimum
perhibent eosque qui postca pari virtute fuerint in cognomentum
eius adscitos ; mox visit veterum Thebarum magna vestigia, et 4
5 manebant structis molibus litterae Aegyptiae, priorem opulcn-
tiam coinplexae ; iussusque e senioribus sacerdotum patrium
sermoneni intcrpretari, referebat habitasse quondam septingenta
milia aetate militari, atque eo cum exercitu regem Rhamsen
Libya Aethiopia Medisque et Persis et Bactriano ac Scytha
10 potitum quasque terras Suri Armcniiquc et contigui Cappadoces

I. Libycam conj. Ritt. delectus : text Jac. Gron. est add. Pichena.

1 . delectus e.st. The error ' delectus '
is noted again in 4. 25. 6, and a similar
one (' prolectae') in 3. 65, 4. The inser-
tion of ' est ' is questioned (cp. Walther
and T)rager, Synt. und Stil, § 36), but de-
fended by Nipp., who maintains that
Tacitus would not omit the verb in such
a position with a masc. or fern, subject.

inde : supply 'visit ' from below.

proximum . . . os. The mouth itself
is called the ' Kanobic ' by Hilt. (2. 17,
4) and Strabo ^17. r, iS, 8o2\

2. Herculi : on the temple near Canopus
see Hdt. 2. 113, 3; and on the deity (ap-
parently one of the forms of the sun-god)
so called by the Egyptian Greeks, Id.
c. 43-43, and the commentators there.
Strabo '1. 1.) also mentions the temple.

4. mox. Tacitus omits a storv given
by Pliny (N. H. S. 46, 71, 1S5'), that
Germanicus visited Memphis, where the
bull Apis refused food at his hand, a pre-
sage of his death.

veterum Thebarum. The epithet
appears to be used to mark it as the oldest
city of that name. It was known to
(Greeks in Homeric times (II. 9, 3)^3),
apparently as the richest and most jiopu-
lous in the world. ' Vestigia,' ' ruins' ; cp.
H. 3. 54, 3, &c.

5. structis molibus. ' on piles of
masonry,' i. e. those of Karnnk and Luxor.

litterae, the hieroglyjihics, more ac-
curately described in 11. 14. i.

opulentiam complexae. 'giving a
summary of its ancient might'; so 'com-
plecti oratione,' &c. (Cic). ' Opulen-
tia,' like ' opes,' is sometimes used of
resources in general : cp. 4. 55. 7 ; Sail.
Cat. 6. 3 ; so perhaps ' opvdcntior ' 3. 43, i.

7. septingenta. \\c can hardly sup-
pose this sentence to mean that such was

the number in Thebes alone or its district.
If it be taken to mean those of that age
in all Egypt, it may be com]iared with
other estimates of the population, on
which see Mr. Donne, in Diet, of Geog.
p 3S. Hdt. (2. 165. 166) reckons the
Egytian force (i.e. that of its military
caste^ at a maximum of about 400,000.

8. Rhamsen, Ramses II. or Ramses
Miamun, the great king of the nineteenth
dynasty, in the fourteenth century li.c.
His popular name Sestura is the origin
of that of Sesostris (Hdt., Strabo, &c.).
He is the king represented in the great
colossi at Al)U-Simbel.

9. Libya. This, as in lldt. and elsewhere,
denotes the nortli coast of Africa ; and
' Aethiopia ' especially Nubia and Abys-
sinia. The monuments and national
poems, as interpreted by recent authority,
reduce the legends of these conquests to
more moderate limits. He is credited
with the subjugation of some minor tribes
in Nubia and Libya (Krugsch Bey, ii.8i) ;
and for the rest we have record of his long
and arduous war with the Hittite con-
federacy, of which tiie centre was in Syria
and Palestine, but which extended east-
ward, and also westward into Asia Minor.
This war, in wliich signal victories and
captures were claimed for him, was Iiow-
cver ended not by conr[uest but by treaty
of alliance ; and Scythia and Thrace (Hdt.
2. 103") must have been wholly outside its
sjihere.

Medisque . . . et Bactriano. The
expressions are changed from names of
countries to names of people, plural to
singular, and again to plural, to avoid the
monotony of a long list ; so ' Samnis
Pelignus et NLarsi ' H. 3. 59, 2 : cp. Introd.
V. § 2 ; Driiger, Synt. und Stil, § 5.

A.D. 19.]

LJBER 11. CAP. 60, 61,

357

colunt, inde Bithynum. bine Lycium ad marc impcrio tciuiissc.

5 Icgcbantur et indicta gcntibus tributa, pondus arfrenti et auri.
Humerus armorum cciuorumquc et dona templis cbur atque
odores, quasquc copias frumcnti et omnium utcnsilium quacque
natio penderet, baud minus magnifica quam nunc vi Partborum 5
aut potentia Romana iubentur.

61. Ccterum Germanicus aliis quoquc miraculis intcndit ani-
mum. quorum praecipua fuere Memnonis saxca effigies, ubi
radiis soils icta est, vocalem sonum reddens, disiectasque inter
et vix pcrvias arenas instar montium eductae pyramides certa- 10
mine et opibus rcgum, lacusque cffossa bumo, superfluentis Nili
receptacula ; atque alibi angustiae et profunda altitude, nullis

2 inquircntium spatiis penctrabilis. exim vcntum Elepbantinen

1. lycum : text L. 13. spartis i. e. funibus spartiis' conj. Miiller. pcnetrabiles :

text I.!

I. Bithyntiin. . . Lycium mare. The
former of these would appear to be takt n
to mean the Euxine and Propontis, the
latter the northern part of the Levant.
The whole expression would include Asia
Minor, but not Thrace.

4. utensilium : cp. i. 70, 6. Corn is
not here excepted from the term, but
mentioned for prominence.

5. vi Parthorum. This appears liere
invidiously contrasted with ' potentia Ko-
mana,' thou_<;h "vis Komana' is used of
the Roman government in 3. 60, 6.

S. Memnonis saxea effigies. One
of two sitting colossi of Aniunoph III.
Ceighteenth dynasty), still remaining
among the ruins of Thebes, had been
partially overthrown by an earthquake
(probably in 728, B.C. 26) ; and the sound
proceeding at sunrise from its remaining
part is hist mentioned by Strabo vi7- '>
4O, p. 816 , and described as ^uipo<; uis av
TrKrjyTJi ov fxeyaKr]^. I'ausanias (I. 42, 3)
describes it as like the breaking of a harp-
string. The word ' vocalem ' probably
suggests that Tacitus thought it a more
articulate sound. The Greek belief, that
the statue %vas that of Memnon, appears
to have arisen between the time of Stra'io
and that of Pliny (N. H. 36. 7, 11, 58 \
A number of inscriptions, dating A. D.
65-196, are written on the legs and base,
by persons who heard the sound; among
them by Hadrian and Sabina. SeeC. I. G.
4719-4761 ; and A<ld. iii. p. 1200, foil.;
C. I. L. iii. I, 30-66 : specimens ol these
arc given in \Yilmanns 2731-2733 ; Orclli

517-524; Ilenzen 5304-5306,6864. From
a com]iarison of similar sounds heard now
in the tiuildings of Thebes and elsewhere,
it is suggested that these may have been
line to the effect of a sudden increase
of heat on the chilled air in crevices. The
cessation of the sounds since the restora-
tion of the statue ^probably by Septinnus
Severus), and consequent alteration of its
structure, confirms this. For the literature
of the subject see Mommsen on C. I. L.
1. 1., and Prof. Mayor on Juv. 15, 5.

9. disiectas, ' drifted.' The general
idea of the verb is that of dispersion , i .
32, 7 ; Oi, 3 ; c. 23, 3, &:c.) ; though the
result in some casis, as here, may be the
formation of almost imjmssable drifts in
places. Attention seems intended to be
drawn to the difficulty of building pyra-
mids on such foundation. They stand in
reality on a plateau of rock.

10. eductae: cp. 12. 16, 3, &c. This
sense of the word is Vergilian, and appar-
ently not found in earlier prose.

11. lacus, the lake Moeris of Hdt. (2.
14, 9), near Memphis. Tacitus appears to
have thought that this and the pyramids
lay above Thebes.

12. altitude, sc. 'Nili.'

13. inquirentium spatiis, ' lengths ol
line used by those who would sound it.'
Hdt. (2. 28, 6) mentions such a story,
himself believing that the lines were
carried away by the current ; as appears
to be the case near the cataract of Syene.

penetrabilis, here alone in Tacitus,
from poets and Seneca.

VOL. I

Aa

358

P. CORNELII TACiri ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 772.

ac Syencn, claustra olim Roman! imperii, quod nunc rubrum ad
mare patescit.

62. Dum ea aestas Germanico plures per provincias transigitur,
baud leve decus Drusus quaesivit inliciens Germanos ad discordias

5 utque fracto iam Maroboduo usque in exitium insisteretur. erat 2
inter Gotones nobilis iuvenis nomine Catualda, profugus olim vi
Marobodui et tunc dubiis rebus cius ultionem ausus. is valida.3
manu fines Marcomanorum ingreditur corruptisque primoribus ad
societatem inrumpit regiam castellumque iuxta situm. veteres 4

10 illic Sucborum praedae et nostris e proyinciis lixae ac negotia-
tores repcrtij quos ius commercii, dein cupido augendi pecuniam,

Elephantinen ac Syenen. Tlie
former is an island opposite the latter
(^Essouan) ; and the>e still form the boun-
daiy between Egypt and Niibia. Neithtr
Hdt. (2. 28-29), nor Pliny (^N. H. 5. 9,
10, 59), appear aware of the close proxi-
mity of the two [jlaccs. There is some
evidence that the empire extended further
at this date : cp. Momms. Hist. v. 594,
E. T. ii. 276.

I. claustra, not used as in c. 59, 4,
but — ' fines' ; so ' claustra imperii ' (Cic.
Flacc. 13, 30); 'Etiuriae' i^Liv. 9. 32, i).
According to Strabo (17. i, 12, 797),
three Rt)man cohorts were stationed
here.

nunc, at the height of the conquests
of Trajan in ^68, a. I). 115: see on 4. 4,
6, and Introd. i. ]>. 5. Asbach less well
refers it to the concjuest of Nabataea in

A. D. I 10.

rubrum . . . mare. Here, as in 14. 25,
3 ; I'lin. N. H. 6. 24, 28, 107, the Persian
gulf seems meant (the 'EpvOpi) 6d\aaaa
of Hdt. 1. 180, 2, &c.); where Trajan
had formed a fleet to attack India (Eutr.

8,3).

3. Dum ea aestas, &c. Though I
have not followed Nipp. in the actual
transposition, it must be admitted that
there is great force in the arguments cited
fromSteup(I\hcin. Mus. xxiv. 72) to show
that ch. 62-67 belong to the narrative of
the preceding year, and should be placed
before ch. 59-61. That year, lather than
this, is recorded as 'spent by CJermanicus
in many provinces ' ; Drusus had left lor
Illyricum before (he end of 770, a.d. 17
(cp. c. 44, I ; 53, 1 ), and is hardly likely
to have done notliiiig all the next year ;
and the news of his success (c. 64, 1 ;
reached Rome simullaneously with that

of the coronation of Artaxias (c. 56, 3).
The narrative is taken up from c. 46.

4 inliciens. This should be repeated
with ' ut . . . insisteretur ' ; such a con-
struction with 'inlicere' being in the
manner of Livy (10. 17, 6, &:c.^ and
others.

6. Gotones, the 'Gothi' of later his-
tory. Tlie earliest notices of this people,
from Pytheas of Massilia, cir. B. C. 300
(cited in PI. N. PI. 37. 2, 11, 35), to
Tacitus {ii. 44, 1) and Ptolemy (3. 5,
§ 20 , place them at the furthest limit
of Germany on the coast east of the Vis-
tula. A tribe called in the iNI.SS. of Strabo
(7. 1, 2, 290) BovTwvfs, possibly a cor-
ruption of roTcoj'fr, is specified by him
as subject to Maroboduus. The Celtic
' Gotini ' of Silesia, supposed by some to
be here meant, are more generally read as
'Cotii^i'j;G. 43, i).

8. Marcomanorum : see c. 46, 5.

ad societatem, sc. ' ineundam ' : so
' corrupta ad scelus ' (4. 10, 2), and similar
constructions, with gerund or gerundive,
after ' exterritus ' (3. 49, 3; 16. 8, 1).
Walther notes the similar Greek constr.
with (IS, as KaT((TTpa(paTo is ipupov dirayoj-
y.'jy (Hdt. I. 27, 1).

9. regiam, the /3a(7/Afioi' of Strabo see
on c. 45, 4') in Bohemia; where Ptolemy
(2. II, § 29) mentions a place called
Map60ov()ov, [jrobably at or near Pud-
weis

1 1, ius commercii. This was probably
given in the treaty between him and the
Romans (c. 45, 4\ On the commerce on
the German frontier cp. H. 4. 65, 4, &c.

augendipecuniam.se 'fenore.' Such
dealings cairied on by the ' negotiatores'
often made them liable to sudden attack :
cp. 3. 42, I ; Veil. 2. 110, 6.

A. D. 19.]

LIBER 11. LAP. 61-63.

359

postremum oblivio patriae suis qtiemque ab scdibus hostilem in
agrum transtulerat.

63. Maroboduo undique deserto non aliud subsidium quam
misericordia Caesaris fuit. transgressus Danuvium,qua Noricam
provinciam praefluit, scripsit Tiberio non ut profugus aut sup-
plex, sed ex memoria prioris fortunac : nam multis nationibus
clarissimum quondam regem ad se vocantibus Romanam ami-

2 citiam practulisse. responsum a Caesare tutam ci honorataniquc
sedem in Italia fore, si maneret: sin rebus eius aliud conduceret,

3 abiturum fide qua venisset. ceterum apud senatum disseruit
non Philippum Atheniensibus, non Pyrrhum aut Antiochum

4 populo Romano perinde metuendos fuisse. extat oratio, qua
magnitudinem viri, violcntiam subiectarum ei gentium et quam
propinquus Itaiiae hostis, suaque in destruendo eo consilia ex-

5 tulit. et Maroboduus quidem Ravennae habitus, si quando in-
solescerent Suebi, quasi rediturus in regnum ostentabatur : sed
non excessit Italia per duodeviginti annos consenuitque multum

6 imminuta claritate ob nimiam vivendi cupidinem. idem Ca-

2. transtulat : text Ern. 11. pyrihum here, pyrrum c. 83, 2 (and llnlm in both).

15. nesi quando : ne siquando B, text R, inde si, uiide si al. 16. reditus: text R.

I. postremum. Wolfflin, as elsewhere
(see on II. 2, i), would read ' postremo ' ;
but here Tacitus may have purposely
avoiiied a similar eiKling to that of the
next word.

oblivio patriae : on the tendencies
operaling to break down the barriers of
nationality, see Introd. vii. p. 129.

4. Danuvium, the correct classical
form, now read uniformly in Tacitus
(see on G. i, 1), and in inscriptions (Or.
648, &c.) ; ' Danubius ' being a later cor-
ruption.

Noricam. The province of Noricum,
formed soon after 738, B.C. 16, extended
along the Danube from the junction of
the Inn to a little above Vienna, and
thus intervened beiweci* i\haetia and I'.nn-
nonia (see notes on i. 16, 1 ; 44, 6), and
would correspond mainly with th« pre?ent
Austria, Styna, and Carinthia. It was
under a 'procurator': see H. i. 11. 3;
Marquardt, i. 290.

5. praefluit = ' praeterfluit ' ; so in 15.
1 5, I , &c. ; Liv. 1 . 45, 6 ; Hor ; PI. Mai,
&c. : see note on c. 6, 5.

6. nam, explaining ' ex memoria.'
Such elliptical uses (cp. 15. 1,5; 16. 18,
1, iSfc.) follow a very common use of 711/).

10. fide qua. The full expression,
'eadeni fide, qua,' ojcurs ia c. 78, i :
such an ellipse vas in c. 67, 4; 12. 24, 4;
16 1 7, 3) is noted by Drager as not found
earlier tlian in the Annals.

12. oratio, perhaps cited from the
' acta senatus ' : see Introd. iii. p. 18.

13. magnitudinem . . . et quam, &c.:
see Introd. v. § 91, 8. On the power of
Maroboduus see note on c. 44, 3.

14. destruendo eo. Diager notes
that the use of this verb with a personal
object (as here and in H. i. 6, 1) is con-
fined to Tacitus and PI. Min.

15. si quando. The MS. text seems
incapable of sati^factoiy explanation : see
the aUempts of Walllier, Duebner, and
Uoederlein.

insolascerant : cp. c. 7,^, 3 ; H. 2. 7,
2. Tlie verb is rare, but in .Sail. Cat.

6,7.

17. duodeviginti. 1 his would show
him to have died in 789, a.d. 36. Vel-
leius (2. 129, 4) alludes to him as detained
' honorate nee secure,' in an honourable
coniiition, yet not carelessly,

18. Vivendi cupidinem : cp. the sen-
timents in Juv. 8, 84 ; 15, 107 ; quoted as
part of the Stoic morality.

36o

P. CORNELII TJCITI ANXALIUM [A.U.C.77:

tualdae casus ncque aliud perfugium. pulsus baud multo post
Hermundurorum opibus et Vibilio duce receptusque, Forum lu-
lium, Narbonensis Galliae coloniam, mittitur. barbari utrumque 7
comitati ne quictas provincias immixti turbarent, Danuvium

5 ultra inter flumina Marum et Cusum locantur, date rege Vannio
gentis Quadorum.

64. Simul nuntiato regem Artaxian Armeniis a Germanico
datum, decrevere patres ut Germanicus atque Drusus ovantes
urbem introirent. struct! et arcus circum latera templi Martis 2

lo Ultoris cum cffigie Caesarum, laetiore Tibcrio, quia pacem
sapientia firmaverat, quam si bcllum per acics confecisset. igitur
Rhescuporim quoque, Thraeciae regem, astu adgreditur. omncm 3

2. uibilio here: uibilliiis Med. ii. in 12. 29, 2.

2. Hermundurorum. These are de-
scribed .TS a friendly and privileged
people bordering on Rhaetia iG- 41 > i).
between the Marcomani and Chatti (Id.
42, I ; Ann. 13. 57, i~),and thus occupy-
ing part of Franconia and north-eastern
Lavaria : sec note on G 1.1.

Vibilio. He was still their leader
thirty-two years later ;i2. 29, 2), unless
Ruperti is right in thinking tiiat the word
may be a general name, ' Weibcl,' =
' dux.' The abl. is instrumental, corre-
sponding to ' opibus ' (cp. Introd. v.

§ 27).

Forum lulium, Frejus, a colony of
Augustus, and naval station (4. 5 1).

3. barbari . . . comitati, the ' clien-
tcla' : cp. I. 57, 4, &c. The precaution
here taken shows their numbers.

5. Marum et Cusum. The first of
these, separating the Suebi from the
Daci ;P1. N. H. 4. 12, 25, 81), is the
March or Morava. joining the Danube at
Pressburg ; the latter probably tdeWaag,
joining it at Komorn ; but possibly the
Gran, or, as Mommsen thinks, the (jusen.

Vannio: see 12. 29-30 and notes,
and Momms. Ilist. v. 196, E. T. i. 215,
•where it is shown that the ' regnum
Vannianum' (PI. N. M. 4. 12, 25, 81)
must have latterly included the whole
territory of the !\Iarcomani and Quadi.
\Vithin the memory of Tacitus the Mar-
comani hnd still kings of the race of
Maroboduus, but sujiported by Rome :
see G. 42. 2.

6. gentis. This kind of genit. is used
with similar brachylogy to that observed
in the genit. of quality (Introd. v. § 34}.

Nipp. compares ' Piraenm Atticae orae '
(5. 10, 4) ; ' Albigaunum . . . Liguriae '
(H. 2. 15, 4); ' fines Vocontioium ulte-
rioris provinciae ' (Caes. B. G. i. 10, 5'.
Quadorum. This powerful peoj'le
adjoining the Marcomani (G. 42, i) in-
habited the present Moravia and part of
Hungary, and wt-re formidable enemies
in the time of Marcus Aurelius.

7. regem Artaxian : cp. c. 56, 3,
and note on c 62, I.

8. ovantes. The ovation, like the full
triumph ' cp. c. 41 , 2), was at that time
reserved to the imperial family. As the
general celebrating it tlien rode on horse-
back instead of. as formerly, marching
on foot, it is distinguished by I )io as the
triumph im k(Xj]tos (54. 33, 5, Sec).

9. Martis Ultoris. This temple, in
the centre of the Forum of Augustus,
was built by him to commemorate his
vengciiice on his father's murderers,
and appropriated as the place where in-
signia of victories, &c., shonid be de-
posited. .Some remains of it still e.xist :
see Middleton, ii. 6-8, 11-13.

10. Caesarum, ' Ciermanici et Drusi.'
12. Rhescuporim. The orthography

of this name varies even on coins, and
still more so in the MS.S. of various
authors : sec Lip^. and Walther.

Thraeciae. The Nestus (Karasu) was
in Roman times the boundary between
this country and Macedonia, but the south
coast of Thrace and the Chersonese be-
longed to that province (Marquardt, i.
3! 2). Thrace had been dependent on
Rome for some time, tlie last rising
having been crushed in 743, B.C.' 11 (see

A.D. 19.]

LIBER II. CAP. 63 65.

361

earn nationem Rhocmetalces tcnuerat ; quo defuncto Augustus
partem Thraecum Rhcscuporidi fratri cius, partem filio Cotyi

4 permisit. in ea divisione arv'a et urbes et vicina Graecis Cotyi,
quod incultum, ferox, adnexum hostibus, Rhcscuporidi ccssit :
ipsorumque regum ingcnia, illi mite et amoenum, huic atrox, s

5 avidum et socictatis inpatiens erat. sed primo subdola Con-
cordia cgcrc : mox Rhescuporis egredi fines, vertere in se Cotyi
data et rcsistenti vim facere, cunctantcr sub Augusto, quem
auctorem utriusque regni, si sperncretur, vindiccm metuebat.

6 eniinvero audita mutationc j)rincipis inmittere latronum globos, 10
excindcre castella, causas bcllo.

65. Nihil aeque Tibcrium anxium habebat quam nc conposita
turbarentur. deligit centurionem, qui nuntiaret regibus ne armis
disceptarent ; statimque a Cotye dimissa sunt quae paraverat

2 auxilia. Rhescuporis ficta modestia postulat eundem in locum 15

3 coirctur : posse de controversiis conloquio transigi. nee diu
dubitatuni de tempore, loco, dein condicionibus, cum alter facili-

8. resistentium facere : text R.

note on 6. lo. 4), but remaine(i under
native princes until Claudius made it a
province in 799, A.D. 46: see an account
of this dynasty by Mommsen (Eph. Epig.
ii. pp. ;'50-263 and llisi. v. 191, E. 'l\
i. 209, foil.; and in Marc(uardt, 1. 1.

I . Rhoemetalces, the first of that
name, son of Sadala and Polemocratia
(Moninis.). lie bears the heid of Au-
gustus on the obverse of his coins, in
token of suzerainty, and his own on the
reverse only, a ]irnctice followed by others
of this dynasty : see Mr. Dunne, m Diet,
of liiog. Mommsen ^I'^ph. Ep. 254) dates
his death about 765, A.I). 12, before the
composition of C)v. ex P. 2. 9.

7,. arva et iirbes, i. e. the south-eastern
part.

4. adnexum, a vai iation for ' vicinum '
and nowhere else used for it (Dragert.
The ' hostes' are the unsubdued tribes of
the Balkan : ?ee 3. 38, 5 ; 4. 46, i.

5. ingenia . . . erat. The seiitence
is so condensed as to have no construc-
tion ; the Sense being that their tem-
perament answered to the nature of the
country under their rule ; the one being
gentle, the other fierce: see on i. 8, 4;
6. 48, 6 ; Caes. K. G. i. 53, 4.

mite et amoenumi ; so ' ingenium
amoenuni ' (' attractive '), used of Seneca
(13. 3, 2). Ovid, who addresses Cotys as

a brother poet (cx P. 2. 9")', calls him
* iuvenum mitissime ' ;1. i^)..

6. societatis, ' of partnership in
power.'

7. vertere in se, 'appropriates'; so
' occasio in se vertendae gloriae ' (Liv. 21.
53, 6: : cp. ' trahere in se' (i. 2, i),

10. euimvero. Hildebrand ^on Apul.
Met. 4. 12, 263) cites this as an adversa-
tive use of the word, and Driiger here
notes that such use is confined to Tacitus,
Elorus 2. 7, 10), and Apuleius. Among
the twelve instances of this word iu
Tacitus see Gerber and Greef, Lex.), this
does perhaps approach nearest to an ad-
versative use; but really here, as else-
where [e. g. I. 17, 6 ; 4. 60, 3 ; 6. 25, 2 ;
35, 1:12. 64, 6\ it marks the transition
from the less to the more important :
Rhescuporis, who had been timidly ag-
gressive in the lifetime of Augustus, now
becomes boldly and openly so : see
Zumpt, Gr. 348, note ; Hand, Turs. ii.
407.

inmittere latronum globos, repealed
in 12. 54, 4.

11. causas bello. On the apposition
cp. I. 27, I, &c. ; Introd. v. § 12 a.

12. anxium nabebat : cp. c. 57, i.
conposita, ' a settlement,' such as that

made by Augustus : cp. c. 57, i.
16. transigi : cp. 12. 19, 3.

362

r. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 772.

tate, alter fraude cuncta inter se concederent accipercntque.
Rhescuporis sanciendo, ut dictitabat, foederi convivium adicit, 4
tractaque in multam noctem laetitia per epulas ac vinolentiam
incautum Cotyn et, postquam dolum intellexerat, sacra regni,
5 eiusdcm familiae deos et hospitalis mensas obtestantem catenis
onerat. Thraeciaque omni potitus scripsit ad Tiberium structas 5
sibi insidias, praeventum insidiatorem ; simul bellum adversus
Bastarnas Scythasque practcndens novis peditum et equitum
copiis sese firmabat. molliter rescriptum, si fraus abesset, posse 6

10 eum innocentiae fidere ; ceterum neque se neque senatum nisi
cognita causa ius et iniuriam discreturos : proinde tradito Cotye
veniret transferretque invidiam criminis.

66. Eas Htteras Latinius Pandusa pro praetore Moesiae cum
militibus, quis Cotys traderetur, in Thraeciam misit. Rhescu- 2

15 poris inter metum et iram cunctatus maluit patrati quam inccpti
facinoris reus esse : occidi Cotyn iubet mortemque sponte
sumptam ementitur. nee tamen Caesar placitas scmel artcs 3

S. bastcrnns : text R. 13. pandus and below padiisa : text Nipp. 14. thiaciam
here and c. 6-], 1 : see note on c. 54, 2. i&. coty (Cot)m) : coir, from c. 65, 4.

2. dictitabat. 'I"he verb is rare in
Tacitus (3. 16, 1 ; 15. 20, i}, the par-
ticiple frequent.

4. sacra regni, ' the sanctity of royal.y,'
oftener called ' sanctitas regum ' (as Suet.
Jul. 6). The expression is analogous to
' sacra legationis ' (1. 42, 4) ; ' studiorum '
(l.)ial. 11, 2) and perhaps ' mensae ' (13.

17, 3; 15. 52, 2\

5. hospitalis mensas. In a similar
thouglit (15. 52, 2), the ' di hospitales '
are mentioned : thus the Greeks appeal
to Zevs HeVios and mKios.

8. Bastarnas; so in G. 46, i, Mon.
Anc. V. 52, and Inscr. Or. 750, ' Hasternae '
in iMSS. of Ov. and PI. Mai. This people
are regarded as German ,G. 1. 1. , and
were known to the Romans as early as
the Macedonian wars (I.iv. 40. 57, 2). A
section of them called I'eucini (G. 1. 1.)
inhabited the Delta of the Danube; and
Ovid looks on these frontier races as the
dangerous neigli hours of his place of
exile, ' I'roxima IJasternae Sauromataequc
tenent ' iTrist. 2. 198. It is hardly
likely that, as Nipp. thinks, the actual
Thracian kingdom now extended along
the Euxine to the Danube ; for Ovid (see
Trist. 2. i()7-20o) seems clearly to regard
himself at Tomi as living on Roman soil :

but the right bank of the Lower Danube
was called Thracian, and peopled by that
race (PI. N. H. 3. 26, 29, 149), and no
Roman legions were then stationed in
Lower Mocsia (Momms. Hist. v. 194,
E. T. i. 213, ii; so that the Thracian
king was probably charged with the de-
fence of that part of the trontier.

ID. se, used as if ' Tiberius rescripsit'
had been written : cp. ' a Caesare . . . in-
vitor sibi ut siin legatus' Cic. Att. 2. 18,
2 ; Madv. 490 c, Ohs. I.

12. transferret, sc. 'in Cotyn.' It is
implied that he was himself ' prima facie'
the aggre-sor, and had to i)rove his
countercharge.

13. Pandusa. An inscription (C.I. L.
xiv. 2166) gives ' Ti. Latinius, Ti. f.
Pandusa ' (.who Nipp. thinks might be
this person \ and two or three other
instances of the name are there noted.

pro praetore Moesiae. On the ques-
tion as to the tenure of this j^rovince by
Poppaeus Sabinus, see on i. 80, i.

] 5. inter metum et iram cunctatus,
' after a struggle between,' &c. ; repeated
(with ' jiudorem ' for ' metum ') 14. 49, 3.

1 7. placitas, adjectively, as 3. 69, 6 ;
4. 37, 4; Sail. Jug. 81, I. The use is
mostly poetical.

A.D. 19.]

LIBER II. CAP. 65-67.

363

mutavit, sed defuncto Pandusa, quern sibi infcnsum Rhcscuporis
argucbat, Pomponium Flaccum, vctcrem stipendiis ct arta cum
rege aniicitia eoque accommodatiorcm ad fallcndum, ob id
maxime Mocsiae pracfecit.

67. P^Iaccus in Thracciam transgressus per ingentia promissa 5
quamvis ambiguum et scelera sua reputantem perpulit ut prae-

2 sidia Romana intraret. circumdata hinc regi specie honoris
valida manus, tribunique et centuriones monendo, suadendo, et
quanto longius abscedebatur, apcrtiore custodia, postremo gna-

3 rum necessitatis in urbem traxere. accusatus in senatu ab 10

4 uxore Cotyis damnatur, ut procul regno teneretur. Thraecia in
Rhocmetalcen filium, quern paternis consiliis adversatum con-
stabat. inque libcros Cot}is dividitur ; iisque nondum adultis
Trebcllcnus Rufus praetura functus datur, qui rcgnum interim
tractaret, excmplo quo maiores M. Lepidum Ptolemaei liberis 15

1 1 and I ^. cot) s : text B.
times trebellicnus.

I4. trebellenus here : in 3. 38, 4;. 6. 39, i four

2. Pomponium Placcum : see on c.
32, 3. Tlmt he had already held a com-
mand in Moesia appears from an allusion
ill Ovid ex '''. 4. 9, 7,^), ' praefuit his,
Graecine, locis mode Flaccus.' Ovid
probably died in this or the preceding
year.

veterera stipendiis. This must be
distinguished from the use of ' vetus '
with tile genitive (i. 20, 2, Sec), with the
force ot ' experienced in.'

6. ambiguum, used of persons, as in
I. 7, 4 ; c. 40, 2 ; 56, I, &c.

praesidia, 'outposts': cp. i. 56, i;
3. 21, 2 ; 4. 40. 2, &c. The caution used
in dealing with him is explained by his
warlike power fc. 65, 5).

1 1. uxore Cotyis. According to Strabo
(12. 3, 29, 556 she was the daughter of
Polemo and Pythodoris (see on c. 56, 2).
An inscription iMomms. Eph. Ep. ii. 255)
gives her name as Antonia Tryphaena.

12. Rhoemetalcen. This prince has
been contused with the son ot Cotys of
the same name (see ntfxt note), but is evi-
dentl)- the one mentioned in 3. 3S, 4 ; 4.
5, 5 ; 47, 1 (where see note '.

1 3. liberos Cotyis. These were named
Rhoemetalces, Cotys, and Polemo.
Mommsen shows (1. 1. p. 257) that till the
death of Tiberius they were kept at Rome
and brought up with Gaius ; the ' tutela '
here mentioned being in lact an occupa-

tion of the country ; and that it was to
this Rhoemetalces that (iaius gave the
kingdom of Thrace, when he ga^e Cotys
that of Lesser Armenia (Dio, 59. I2, 2,
where Cotys the father and the son appear
to be confused ; whence Rhoemetalces
places the head of Gaius on the obverse
of his coins (see Diet, of Biog.^'.

dividitur, with ' in ' : see on i. 55, 2.

1 4. Trebellenus. In the variation of
the M.S it is best to read, as here, the
form shown to be correct by an inscription
found at Concordia : ' T. Trebelleno L.
f. Cla(udia sc. tribu , Ruio, q. tr. pi.
legato Caesaris Aug. plebs' (C. L L. v.
1878, where Mommsen maintains that
the name should be also thus read here).
On another inscription at Samothrace.
probably belonging to him, see Friedl. ii.
p. 78, n. 7.

15. exemplo quo: cp. 'fide qua' c.
63, '2.

M. Lepidum. This I.epidus, cos. 567.
579, B.C. 187, 175, and ])ont. max., was
sent on the death of Ptolemaeus Epiphanes
(573, B.C. 181 ' as guardian of liis sons,
Philometor and Physcon : a coin (Eckh. v.
I23j having on the obverse a female head
inscribed 'Alexandria,' represents him on
the reverse crowning a youth, with the
legend M. Le]ndus, Pont. Max., Tut.
Reg., S. C. It is engraved in Diet, of liiog.
ii. p. 763.

364

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 772.

tutorem in Aegyptum miserant. Rhescuporis Alexandriam de- 5
vectus atque illic fugani temptans an ficto crimine interficitur.

68. Per idem tempus Vonones, quein amotum in Ciliciam
memoravi, corruptis custodibus effugerc ad Annenios, inde

5 Albanos Heniochosque et c'onsanguineum sibi regem Scytharum
conatus est. specie venandi omissis maritimis locis avia sal- 2
tuum petiit, mox pernicitate equi ad amnem Pyramum con-
tendit, cuius pontes accolac ruperant audita regis fuga ; neque
vado penetrari poterat. igitur in ripa fluminis a Vibio Prontone 3

10 praefecto equitum vincitur, mox Remmius evocatus, priori cus-
todiae regis adpositus, quasi per iram gladio eum transigit.
unde maior fides consciontia sceleris et nietu indicii mortem 4
Vononi inlatam.

69. At Germanicus Aegypto remeans cuncta, quae apud le-

4. inde in : dein Haase, inde Wopkens.

4. memoravi, c. 5S, 3.

inde. The ' in ' of the M.S. could not
go with ' regem,' and • dein ' is generally
' deinde ' before a vowel (Wolfflin, I'hilol.
XXV. 106). Such an extension of the
force of a single preposition over more
than one clause is shown in many in-
stances given by Nipp., in the case of
'per' (3. 9, 1), 'de' (4. i6, 1 , 'in' (6.
51,1, &cO, ' ad ' (12. 24, 3), and others.

5. Albauos : cp. 6. 34, 2; 12. 45, 2,
&c. This people occupied a tract sepa-
rated on the south by the Cyrus from
Armenia maior, bordering west on the
Iberians, and extending to the Caspian on
both sides, but chiefly on the south, of
the Caucasus. (Strab. 11.4, 501 ; PI. N.
H. 6. 13, 15, 3S.) The tract would
answer mainly to Daghestan and the
eastein part of Ceoigia. Iking dependent
on Rome (4. 5, 4; they could hardly have
protected hint ; so that we should perhaps
suppose, with Monimsen (Hist. v. 394,
E. T. ii. 62, 1), that the Alani beyond
the Caucasus are meant.

Heniochos. Tliese were one of the
Colchian tribes, and appear to have occu-
pied a narrow strip between Caucasus and
tlie Kuxine (.Strab. 11. 2, I2,&c. 496 ; PI.
N. H. 6. 4, 4, 12, 14). The country would
answer to part of Mingrelia and Abbasia.

Scytharum, some .Scythic people north
of the Caucasus. The .Scythic Dahae, to
whom Artabanus was related (c. 3> 0> ^''^
east of the Caspian.

6. avia saltuum ; so ' avia Oceani '
(c. 15, 3), ' Armeniae ' ,13. 37, 4}, &c.

7. Pyramum. This river, mentioned
by Xen., Strab., Plin., &c., is the most
easterly river of Cilicia, and flows from
Cappadocia, entering tlie sea at Mallus.
The modern name appears to be Jukoon
or Jechun. As the Sarus, an equally con-
siderable stream, would have to be crossed
first in this route, it is possible that the
two rivers may be confused.

9. penetrari: cp. 15. 27, i.

10. praefecto equitum, a less usual
term for ' praetectus alae.'

evocatus Thcbcwere formerly veterans
cited ' nominatim ' for special service (cp.
Caes. B. G. 3. 20, 2 ; 13. C. i. 39, 2, &c.).
At this time there was a special class,
termed ' evocati Augusti,' the avaKX-qjot
of Dio, who 1,45. 12, 3) supjioses them to
have originated with the veterans ' called
out' in 710, B.C. 44. They had the
position and insignia of centurions (Dio,
55. 24, 8), and appear at this time to have
been chosen chiefly out of the praetorians :
see Purser, I), of Ant. i. 792.

custodiae . . . adpositus : see note on
1. 6, 2.

12. unde inaic.r fides, 'this increased
the belief.' The expression is repeated
from II. 4. 34, 3 ; G. 10. .t.

conscientia sceleris, i. e. that the
officer had connived at his escape and
feared betrayal. As showing the difference
between Tacitus and Suetonius, note that
the latter makes this murder a charge
against Tiberius (Suet. Tib. 49).

14. Aegypto remeans. Quintilian
(!• 5! 3S) ranks 'Aegypto venio ' among

A.D. 19.1

LIBER II. CAP. 61- eg.

365

gioncs aut urbcs iusserat, abolita vol in contrarium versa cog-

2 noscit. hinc graves in Fisoncm contumeliae, ncc minus accrba

3 quae ab illo in Caesarem intentabantur. dcin I'iso abire Suria
statuit. mox adversa Germanici valetudine dctentus, ubi re-
creatuni accepit votaque pro incolumitate solvcbantur. admotas 5
hostias, sacrificalem apparatum, festam Antiochcnsium plebem

4 per lictores proturbat. turn Seleuciam degreditur, opperiens
6 aegritudinem, quae rursum Germanico acciderat. saevam vim

morbi augcbat persuasio veneni a Pisone acccpti ; et repcrie-
bantur solo ac parietibus erutae humanoruin corporum reliquiae, 10
carmina ct devotiones et nomen Germanici plumbeis tabulis in-

3. temptabantur : text Wurm.

7. digreditur I,

solecisms ; but it is admitted timt in
good prose the Latinized Greek names of
countries in ' - us ' may be used, like names
of towns, in the corresponding accusative
without a prep. < cp. c. 59, i ; and Madv.
233, Obs. 4) ; and the usage of Tacitus,
in res])cct of names of places to which and
from which motion takes place, is marked
by peculiar freedom : see Introd. v. § 24,
and the instances cited here by Nipp.

3. intentabantur: the MS. text is
retaineii by Orelli and Ritt. ; but the cor-
rection is supported by many analogous
passages (e.g. i. 27, i ; 3. 28, 6 ; 36, i ;
12. 47, 5, &c.); and ' temptare contu-
mclias in aliquem ' appears to give no
satisfactory meaning here.

abire Suria: cp. c. 19, 2, and Nipp.
here.

5. admota.s. sc. 'altaribus.' The full
expression is given in Suet. Cal. 32.

6. sacriflcalem, a new word in Tacitus :
see Introd. v. § 69. For 'apparatus' (cp.
H. 3. 56, I, &C."), elsewhere in the
Annals ' parntus' is used.

festam. The use of this word, other-
wist than with expressions of time, is
chiefly poetical : cp. 3. 9, 3 ; 14. 13, 2, &c.

Antiochensiura. Germanicus was
lying ill at its suburb callfd by Tacitus
Epidajihna (c. 83, 3"). On this great and
magnificent city see Introd. vii. p. 118,
Momms. Hist. v. 456, E. T. ii. 126, foil.

7. per lictores proturbat. Possil)ly
such 'vota' for a male member of the
Imperial house were not permitted: cp. 4.
17, I ; Staatsr. ii. 825.

Seleuciam, .Seleucia Pieria, a well-
known coast city near the mouth of the
Orontes, described by Polybius (?. 59, 3,
&c.), Strabo (14. 5, 20, 676), and others.

It was tlie usual port of embarkation from
Antioch : cp. Acts 13, 4.

degreditur. Many prefer ' digreditur.'
The two forms seem to be confused in both
Med. MSS., and have often been altered
by editors (see Gerber and Greef, Lex.).
But degredior' seems to be naturally
used of a person (as here) going down to
the coast, or (as perhaps in 4. 74, 4 ;
6. I, 2) landing from sea. It may also
mean ' to set forth ' ; and Nipp. so renders
it here.

opperiens, 'awaiting the issue of ; so
' opperiri sencctam '11. 26, 2 : cp. also 3.
45, 2 and the reading in 4. 71, 5.

9. persuasio veneni. Tacitus, as
elsewhere, does not affirm this charge of
poisoning (cp. c. 73, 5 ; 3. 14, 2), but
here says only that the belief aggravated
the illness.

et reperiebantur ; i. e. these were not
merely imagined, but actually found.

10. erutae. The simple abl. with this
verb seems elsewhere confined to poets.

humanorum corporum reliquiae.
Of the use of these in magic we have fre-
quent evidence e.g. Hor. Lpod. 17, 47 ;
Sat. I. S, 22 ; Lucan, 6, 533, &c.). On
the magic of the age see notes on c. 27,

2 ; 30, 2.

1 1. carmina et devotiones, hendiadys,
— 'incantations,' 'devotiones carminibus
scriptae.' The following words describe
them more particularly.

nomen Germanici, &c. The 'defixio
magica ' (a rite in some form prehistoric
and almost universal ) consisted jiroperly
in transfixing the name or effigy with a
needle (Ov. Her. 6, 91 ; Am. 3. 7, 29).
Otherwise the name was written on a
tablet, with solemn imprecations to the

366

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. rp.

sculptum, scmusti cinercs ac tabo obliti aliaque malefica, quis
creditur animas numinibus infernis sacrari. simul missi a Pisone
incusabantur ut valetudinis ad versa rimantes.

70. Ea Germanico baud minus ira quam per mctum acccpta.

5 si limen obsideretur, si effundendus spiritus sub oculis inimi- 2
corum foret, quid deinde miserrimae coniugi, quid infantibus
liberis eventurum ? lenta videri veneficia : festinare et urguere,
ut provinciam, ut legiones solus habcat. sed non usque eo de- 3
fectum Germanicum. iieque praemia caedis apud interfectorem

10 mansura. componit epistulas, quis amicitiam ei renuntiabat :
addunt plerique iussum provincia decedere. ncc Piso moratus 4

I. tabe : tabo L. maleficia B. ii. nee ipso : text B.

infernal deities. Several such leaden or
bronze tabkts have been found, especially
a number, with Greek inscriptions, in
the ' temencis ' of l)f meter and other
deities at Cnidus (see Newton, ' Halicar-
nassus, Cnidus, and Branchidae,' ii. pt. 2,
)ip. 719-7-15). Full references are given
in Marquardt, iii. 111 : for specimens in
Latin see Henzen, p. 219; Wilmanns
2747 2750. Among the formulae are
' Dite pater tibei commendo'; 'hanc
hostiam acceptam habeas et consumas ' ;
' hunc ego aput vostrum numen demando
devoveo dcsacrificio.'

1. semusti, i.e. human remains
snatched from the pile (cp. Luc. 1. 1.).
This would e.xplain their being ' tabo
obliti.' Deed, less probably takes it to
mean ashes of the cypress or fig-tree, burnt
in spells i^Hor. Sat. i. 8, 24).

tabo : Orelli retains ' tabe,' and gives
instances of iis use in this sense in other
writers ; but Tacitus appears to be else-
where carelul to distinguish the woids,
and to use 'tabes' only of disease or
decay (i. 5.^, 3; n. 6, 3; 12. 50, 3;
H. I. 26, 1 ; 4. 81, 2 ; 5. 3, 1), 'tabum'
of putrified animal matter i^H. 2. 70, 2;

3-35. I)-

malefica -- ' res maleficae.' The word
does not stem to be elsewhere used sub-
stantively for 'charms,' and 'maleficia'
has that sense in Apul." (de Mag. c. 42,
495, &c.^ ; but the adjtctive is so used
of magical arts and magicians as to make
the correction (adopted by Nipp.) need-
less.

2. creditur. The ace. with inf. after
this passive (14. 48, 3, Sec.) is frequently
used in Livy (see Nipp.y ; but Tacitus
generally prefers the construction with

nom. and infin. (e.g. e. 72, 2 ; i. 52, 2,
&c.) : cp. Introd. v. § 45. The expression
appears to imply that Tacitus himself
was not a sharer in this belief.

missi = oi irffX(p6(VT(s : cp. ' transgress! '
H. 5. 5, 4 ; a rare use, but in Caesar and
Livy.

3. valetudinis adversa rimantes,
' P'^yi'^g i"to the bad symptoms of the
disease.' The expression is somewhat
varied from ' valetudine adversa' above;
and ' valetudo,' as olten (cp. c. 82, i), here
means sickness. Such suspicious visits
(' sive cura illud sive inquisitio erat ') were
paid by emissaries of Domitian in the last
illness of Agricola (Agr. 43, 2).

4. ira quam per metum. On this
change of construction cp. Introd. v. § 62.

5. efifundeudus : cp. ' animam . . .effun-
dcre' Verg. Aen. i, 98.

7. liberis. The two with him (3. I,
5) were Gaius (Suet. Cal. 10) and the
infant Julia (c. 54, i).

S. defectum, ' enfeebled ' ; so ' defecto
corpore ' (4. 29, 1). Tiie participle is not
ante-Augustan, and chiefly poetical : cp.
Ov. Met. 10, 194 ; TibuU. 2. 5, 75.

10. amicitiam . . . renuntiabat. This
was a formal act, part of ancient custom,
not only between individuals (cp. 6. 29, 3 ;
Suet. Cal. 3\ but as one of the fi)rmalities
of declaring war against states which had
been friendly (Liv. 36. 3, 8; 42. 25, i).
\\ hen the princeps thus acted, some form
of sentence of banishment generally ac-
companied the renunciation (cp. ' dome
et provinciis suis interdixit' Suet. Aug.
66), or was sometimes taken as tacitly
implied 3. 24, 5) : see Lips. Excursus xi.

11. iussum. It is the contention of
Piso and his friends ^cp. c. 76, 1 ; 77, i ;

A.D. 19.]

LIBER II. CAP. 69 71.

367

ultra navis solvit, moderabaturquc cursui, quo piopiiis rcgic-
derctur. si mors Germanici Suriam aperuissct.

71. Caesar paulisper ad spem erectus, dein fesso corporc, ubi

2 finis aderat. adsistcntcs amicos in hunc modum adloquitur: 'si
fate concedcrem. iustus mihi dolor etiam adversus dcos esset, 5
quod me parcntibus libcris patriae intra iuventam pracmaturo

3 exitu raperent : nunc scelere Pisonis et Plancinae interccptus
ultimas preces pectoribus vcstris relinquo : referatis patri ac
fratri, quibus accrbitatibus dilaceratus, quibus insidiis circum-

4 vcntus miserrimam vitam pessima morte finierim. si quos spcs 10
meae, si quos propinquus sanguis, etiam quos invidia erga vi-
ventem movebat, inlacrimabunt quondam florentcm et tot bcl-
lorum superstitem muliebri fraudc cecidisse. erit vobis locus

5 querendi apud senatum, invocandi leges, non hoc praecipuum
amicorum munus est, prosequi defunctum ignavo questu, sed 15

6 quae voluerit meminisse, quae mandaverit exsequi. flebunt
Germanicum etiam ignoti : vindicabitis vos, si me potius quam
fortunam meam fovebatis. ostendite populo Romano divi Au-
gusti neptem eandemque coniugem meam, numerate sex liberos.

I. qui : quo L.

1 1 . propinquos : text B.

80, 3), that Tiberius alone could supersede
his own legatus. But the subsequent
position of I'iso seems to show that he
was no lonjjer 'de iure ' legatus of Syria
(cp. c. 74, I, &c.), and therefore that
Germanicus by his ' imiierium maius '
(c. 43, 2) could depose him. In 3. 12, 4,
he is called his ' imperator.'

I. propius, 'from a shorter distance,'
fidWov iy-yvOd' ; so in 6. 26, 3 ; 13.57,1;
and ' procul ' ( = ' from a distance ') '" 4- 5>
5 ; also in Caes., ( 'ic, Sail., and Livy.

4. in hunc modum. This speech is
evidently a rhetorical composition ; but
Tacitus may prt)b.ilily have followed some
traditional version.

5. fate concederem. It would be
simplest to take 'fato" as a dative; but
as ' concedo,' apparently shortened from
'vita concede' (i. 3, 3, &c.), stands by
itself in the sense of 'morior' (4. 38, 3,
&c.), the case seems best taken with Nii)p.,
as abl., answering to ' scelere.'

6. parentibus : cp. ' nos partntes '
(3. 12, 5). The term seems to include
Antonia, Tiberius, and Augusta.

7. interceptus, used especially by post-
Augustan writers of persons whose years

are cut short by a treacherous or violent
death : cp. c. 82, 3 ; 3. 12, 7 ; Agr. 43, 2.

9. fratri : as in 3. 5, 5, Drusus is meant,
and Claudius (cp. 3. 18, 4) ignored.

10 spes meae, ' my prospects.' Those
of heirship to the principale are meant :
cj>. 'in spem secundam' 1.8, 2.

II. propinquus sanguis, repeated in
3. 12, 9; 4. 75, 2. Tlic expression is too
weak to be used of near relations; but
Germanicus had more distant relatives on
his mother's side : see Introd. ix.

quos invidia . . . movebat ; i. e. even
these would now experience a reaction of
feeling.

i2. bellorum superstitem, lepeated
from G. 6, 6. The genit with ' superstes,'
though rare, occurs in Cic. and Liv.

13. muliebri fraude, repeated 1 1. 3, 2,
in similar antithesis to more manly modes
of attack.

17. ignoti, active, for ' ignari ': cp. 3.
I, 2 ; A. 43, 1 ; rare, but in Cic, &c.

1 8. fortunam, 'my rank': cp. c. 72,
3; 4. 13, 4; 18, 2 ; 6. 6, 3, &c. (see
Nipp. on 4. i8\

fovebatis : cp. c. 43, 6, &c.

19. sex liberos: see Introd. ix.

368

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 772.

misericordia cum accusantibus erit, fingcntibusque scelesta man- 7
data aut non credent homines aut non ignoscent.' iuravere 8
amici, dextram morientis contingentes, spiritum ante quam
ultionem amissuros.

5 72. Tum ad uxorem versus per memoriam sui, per communes
liberos oravit, exueret ferociam, saevienti fortunae submitteret
animum, neu regressa in urbem aemulatione potentiae validiores
inritaret. haec palam et alia secrete, per quae ostendere crede- 2
batur metum ex Tiberio. neque multo post extinguitur, ingenti

10 luctu provinciae et circumiacentium populorum. indoluere ex- 3
terae nationes regesque : tanta illi comitas in socios, mansuetudo
in hostis ; visuque et auditu iuxta venerabilis, cum magnitudinem
et gravitatem summae fortunae retineret, invidiam et adrogan-
tiam effugerat.

8. ostendisse (?) : see Andresen, codd. Med. p. 7 ; cp. 2. 54, 5.

1. cum accusantibus; not, as usual,
with the accused.

mandata, such as are alluded to in

c- 43, 5-

2. non ignoscent, ' will not excuse
their obedience to such.'

4. amissuros, ' would part with.' The
verb is nearly equivalent to ' omittere,' as
in 4. 7,, 3 ; 13. 46, 3; 14. 26, I. On the
omission of ' se' see Introd. v. § 8.

6. ferociam: cp. i. 12, 6; and on the
character of Agrippina see i. 33, 6, &c.
The next words are a close reminiscence
of Sen. de Een. 5. 3, 2: ' saevientis for-
tunae vi oppressus non submittit animum.'

7. neu regressa, ' nor after her return.'
That she should return to Rome was
natural and necessary, but when there she
should not seek political influence.

8. credebatur. The tense expresses
the surmise of fi lends at the time.

9. metum, 'cause for fear:' cp. i.
40, I.

extinguitur. The date of his death
appears to be Oct. 10, from a notice
' Infer, (jermanic' (,' inferiae Oermanico '),
added to that day in the Antian Kalendar
(C. I. L. i. p. 329; Hcnzen 6445).

10. luctu provinciae. Probably at
Antioch took place the scene described in
Suet. Cal 5 : ' (juo defunctus est die, lapi-
data sunt templa, subversae deum arae,
Lares a quibusdam familiares in publicum
abiecti, paitus coniugum expositi.'

indoluere : cp. 4. 17,2; chiefly in Ovid
and post- Augustan prose.

11. reges. Suetonius (Cal. 5) slates
that the I'arthian king suspended his
hunting and banquets, ' quod apud Par-
thos iustilii instar est,' and adds marks of
respect paid by otlier kings.

mansuetudo. The term can be ap-
plied only from a Roman point of view
to his conduct of war (cp. i. 51, 2, &c.),
but may perhaps be intended rather to
refer to liis treatment of captives 1, i. 58, 8 ;

71, 2,&C.).

12. visuque et auditu, &c., 'to see
him and to hear him alike inspired re-
verence.' He is called KaKKiciTos rb awfia
by Dio (57. 18, 6), but Suet. (Cal. 3) in-
stances as a defect his ' gracilitas crurum.'
The extant supposed representations of
him are examined in J. J. Bernoulli,
' Romische Iconographie,' ii. i. pp. 232-
241. Those on coins (see on c. 41, i ;
f6, 3) are mostly posthumous or struck
abroad, and the statues and busts are
mostly doubtful ; that from Cabii in the
Louvre (see Visconti, Ic. Rom. PI. xxiv,
Bernoulli, PI. x) being probably the most
authentic. On his reputation as a speaker
see on c. 83, 4.

venerabilis. The construction changes,
and tliis is the subj. of ' effugerat ' ; ' cum
( = 'ipiamvis') retineret ' being interposed.

magnitudinem, ' dignity ' : cp. c. 79,
5; 14. 54, 2; 16. 23, 3. This sense
seems not to be found earlier, and from
it the word passes later into a title of
honour.

13. invidiam. This should be taken

A. D. 19.]

LIBER II. CAP. 71 73.

369

73. Fuinis sine ima^inibus et pompa per laudes ac memoriam

2 virtutum cius celebrc fuit. et erant qui formam. actatem, genus
mortis, ob propinquitatem etiam locorum, in quibus interiit,

3 magni Alcxandri fatis adaequarcnt. nam utrumque corpore
decoro, genere insigni, haud multum triginta annos egressum 5
suorum insidiis externjis inter gentes occidisse : sed hunc mitem
erga amicos. modicum voluptatum, uno matrimonio, certis libcris
egissc, neque minus proeliatorem, etiam si temeritas afuerit
praepeditusque sit pcrculsas tot victoriis Gcrmanias servitio

4 premere. quod si solus arbiter rcrum, si iure et nomine regio 10

5. [genere insigni] Nipp.

activtly, to suit ' adrogantiam ' : ' he was
wholly tree from jealousy and pride':
cp. ovT( Ttpoi rov Apuvaov iirtipOoyoy . . .
iirparnv (Dio, 1. 1.).

effugerat ; so ' cupiditates , . . effu-
gerit' II. I. 15, 4, &c. This pane-
gyric is apparently followed by Suet.
(Cal. 3 and Dio (1. l.\ and may be taken
from a ' laudatio ' of the time.'

1. imagiuibus et pompa, iiendiadys
for 'imaginum pompa.' These were of
course left behind at Rome.

2. celebre, 'honoured': cp. ' vatum
laudibus celebre ' 14. 14, i.

3. ob propinquitatem, &c., thrown
in as an additional circumstance suggest-
ing the comparison. With ' interiit,'
' uterque ' must be supplied from the
sense. That, to a Roman, Antioch and
Babjlon should seem near each other, is
probable enough to make it needless to
take ' propinqiiitas,' with Pfitzner, to mean
the resemblance of the jilaces of death
to each other, as being both ' externas
inter gentes.' Tacitus would surely
have expressed this by a less misleading
word.

4. fatis, here u>ed of the circumstances
or ' sors vitae ' in general.

adaequarent, ' compared.' The verb
appears to be nowlicre else used exactly
in this sense ; but we have ' aequare et
conferre scelera ' (Cic. Verr. ii. 1.8,21),
and other similar instances.

5. genere insigni. Nipp. thinks these
words a marginal note of some one who
overlooked 'mortis' following 'genus'
above. Certainly the words are in them-
selves a weak ex|ucssion for persons so
e-xalted. and destroy the symmetry of the
passage, the rest of which answers to
' formam, aetatem, genus mortis,' above.

triginta. (jermanicus died in his

thirty-fourth year fSuct. Cal. i), Alex-
ander in his thirty-third.

6. suorum insidiis. ' Suorum ' might
be understood of professed friends, as
Piso, or the speakers may be supposed
to assume the guilt of Tiberius and Au-
gusta. The story that Alexander died of
poison concocted by Aristotle, sent by
Antipater, and administered by his son,
appears to rest on equally slender evi-
dence : see Grote, vol. xii. p. 346. note.

sed hunc, &c. It is assumed as noto-
rious that Alexander was the opposite to
him in all these points. The comparison
of characters is suggested by the resem-
blance of circumstances.

7. voluptatum. ' Modicus' takes such
a genit. (cp. Introd. v. § 33 e 7) in 3. 72,
3; 4. 52, 2, &c. ; earlier perhaps only in
Veil. I. 12, 3. Cp. 15. 23, 5.

certis, ' legitimate.'

8. proeliatorem. a very rare word,
found in Dial. 37 ; Val. Max. 3. 2, 24,
and later: cp. Gud. on Dial. 37, 33.

etiam si temeritas afuerit, ' though
without rashness ' ; an invidious word,
used to depreciate the daring of Alexan-
der, whose military genius Romans are
not magnanimous enough to acknowledge
freely. See the brilliant, but partial cri-
ticism of Livy (9. 17-19), who however
owns that the enterprise of Alexandrr in-
volved no rashiie.-s : 'nihil aliud qunm
bene ausus vana contemnere' (c. 17, 16).

9. praepeditus, used of a tethered
horse, 4. 25, 2 : cp. also 3. 3, 2 ; it;. 66,
3. On tlie use of the inf. cp. Introd. v.
§ 43. That the Germans were on the
.point of yielding is stated in c. 26, 2 ;
41, 3: elsewhere (G. 37) more justice is
done to their power of resistance.

Germanias. On the plural here cp.
I- 57, 2.

370

P. CORNELIl TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C.

fuisset, tanto promptius adsecuturum gloriam militiae quantum
dementia, temperantia, ceteris bonis artibus praestitissct. corpus 5
antequam cremaretur nudatum in foro Antiochensium, qui locus
sepulturae destinabatur, praetuleritne veneficii signa, parum con-

5 stitit ; nam ut quis misericordia in Germanicum et praesumpta 6

suspicione aut favore in Pisonem pronior, divcrsi intcrpretabantur.

74. Consultatum inde inter legatos quique alii scnatorum

aderant, quisnam Suriae praeficeretur. et ceteris modice nisis,

inter Vibium Marsum et Cn. Sentium diu quaesitum : dein

10 Marsus senior! et acrius tendenti Sentio concessit, isque in- 2

6. siispitione : so in five other places in this MS. and in Ritt. always.
tantur: text B.

interprae-

1. adsecuturum, sc. ' fuisse' : see In-
trod. V. § 39.

quantum, answering to ' tanto ' :
Drager compares H. 2. 09, 2 ; Liv. 5. id, 5.

2. corpus, &c. Two distinct facts
are stated in one sentence: (1) that the
body was stripped in the forum at An-
tioch (cp. 3. 12, 7) : (2) that the presence
of signs of poison was not clearly proved.

4. sepulturae =' cremationi ': cp. c.
83, 3, and ' sepultum ' Liv. 8. 24, 16.

veneficii signa According to Suet.
\Ca\. 1) there were dark fjiots on the body
and foam at the mouth, and the heart
would not burn. The latter point, ac-
cording to riiny (,N. H. 11. 57, 71, 1S7),
was insisted on by Vitellius at the trial,
and met by the defence that it might be
the result of a heart disease.

6. intcrpretabantur. The present
could be taken either as referring to the
opinions of historians (Walther), or to a
still existing controversy (I'htzner, cp.
' secutis temporibus' 3. 19, 2j ; but with
that tense we should have also expected
'constat' for ' constiiit.' The omission
of a syllable in this M.S. is very common.

7. Consultatum, &c. It would ap-
pear from this passage that the arrange-
ment by which, iti case of sudden vacancy,
as under the Republic a quaestor could re-
present his proconsul (Marquaidt, i. 530),
so the ' legati legionum' in common (H.
1. 60, 3; 2. 97, 2\ or the 'procurator'
(Marquardt, i. 556) could represent tlie
' legatus Augusli,' was not in force ; but
that the chief authority devolved on the
senators present ; who, as no one could
represent the princcps, could in some sort
represent the senate, and, by a kind of
interregal authority, appoint a legatus 'ad
interim.' Sentius evidently becomes right-

ful legatus, and has command of the
trooiis ; and Piso, in resisting him, commits
civil war.

quique alii. All legati, including the
' legati legionum ' (cp. c. 36, I \ were ne-
cessarily senators ; and possibly some
other senators were among the ' cohors
amicorum ' of Germanicus.

9. Marsum. C Vibiiis Marsus was cos.
suff. in 770, A.I). 17, as is shown by the
Antiaii Kalendar ^Ilenzen 6442 ; C. I. L.
X. 6639 1. He is mentioned again in c. 79,
1 ; 4. 56, 3 ; and, as narrowly escaping
death, 6. 48, i. On his proconsulate of
Africa see Introd. vii. p. 114. He was
afterwards legatus of Syria (11. 10, i),
is known as a man of letters, ' inlustris
studiis ' (6. 47, 3), and may have been
one of those to whom we owe our detads
oi the death of Germanicus.

Cn. Ssntium. liy combining the frag-
ment of a Gabine Kalendar (Or. 644 ;
C. I. L. i. p. 473) with another inscrip-
tion (Orelli 3260; cp. Henzen, p. 316),
he can be shown to have been cos. suff.
in 757> A.I). 4, and to have had the cog-
nomen ' Satuminus.' He is not heard of
alter these events (c. 79, 4; 81, 2 ; 3 7,
2) ; but a mutilated inscription found m
the province (Eph. Ep. v. 1336), describ-
ing Tibeiius as 'cos. iiii ' (a.d. 21-30),
preserves 'Satuminus Leg. Caes.,' showing
apparently that this appointment was con-
firmed by Tiberius, and lasted at least
two years.

quaesitum, 'the question lay'; so
' de principatu quaesitum ' H. 2. 38, 4.

10. concessit; so ' Varro . . . Silio
concessit' 3. 43, 4: cp. ' vix Tiberio
concedere ' (c. 43, 4) : the full expression
with ablative of the thing occurs in 11.
24, 4; 15. 2, I,

A.D. :9]

LIBER II. CAP. 73 76.

371

famcm vencficiis ca in provincia ct Plancinac pcrcaiam, nomine
Martinam, in urbcm niisit, postulantibus VitcUio ac Veranio
ceterisque qui crimina ct accusationcni tamquani adversus re-
ceptos iam reos instruebant.

75. At Agrippina, quamquam dcfcssa liictu ct corpore acgro, 5
omnium tamcn quae ultioncm morarentur intolerans, ascendit
classcm cum cineribus Germanici et libcris, miserantibus cunctis,
quoci femina nobilitate princeps, pulcherrimo modo matrimonio
inter venerantis gratantisque aspici solita, tunc feralis rcliquias
sinu ferret, incerta ultionis, anxia sui ct infelici fecunditatc 'o

2 fortunae totiens obnoxia. Pisonem interim apud Coum insulam

3 nuntius adsequitur excessisse Germanicum. quo intemperanter
accepto caedit victimas, adit templa, neque ipse gaudium mode-
rans et magis insolescente Plancina, quae luctum aniissae sororis
turn primum laeto cultu mutavit. i?

76. Adfluebant centuriones monebantque prompta illi legio-

9. uenerantes : text Halm.

1. nomine. Nipp. notes that Tacitus
uses tliis mode of introducing foreign
namts, as I.ocusta (13. 15,4), Boiocalus
(13. 55, 2>, Basilides i^H. 4. 82, 2', Cal-
gacus ^Agr. 29, 4). The name ' Martina'
seems Syrian, and akin to ' Martha.'

2. Vitellio : see i. 70, i. He is
shown to have recently been proconsul of
Bithynia by a medal of Germanicus struck
at Nicomedeia in his proconsulate (Eckh.
ii. 400;.

Veranio : cp. c. 56, 4.

3. crimina et accusationem, 'charges
and an indictment.' Tlie latter term com-
prehends the former.

receptos ; so 4. 21, 4: cp. ' recipi
inter reos ' 3. 70, 2. The accuser is said
' deferre,' the praetor ' recipere nomen.'
That this action of the accusers, before
any formal charge was laid, was irregulnr,
is here admitted by the historian, and is
implied in the retort of I'iso ^c. 79, 2).

4. in.struebant. ' Instrucre causam ' is
the regular legal term, and the evidence
and other documents are termed ' instru-
menta ' Paul. Dig. 22. 4, i;.

5. pulcherrimo modo matrimonio.
Nipp. takes this as a causal abl. (cp.
Introd. V. § 30), but it would seem
simpler to take ifiis a brach} logical abl.
of quality (ibid. § 29).

9. gratantis. This poetical verb is
adopted 6. 21, 5 ; 12.7,3; M- ^> 2. &c.;

from Livy (7. 13, 10 &c.', and preferred
by Tacitus to 'gratulor.'

10. incerta ultionis, anxia sui. On
these genitives see Introd. v. 33 e 7. ' In-
certus ' has this construction (t]i. 6. 46, 5)
in Livy, ' anxius ' (cp. 4. i 2, 6 ; 59. 4, &c.)
in PI. mai., and both in poets.

11. fortunae totiens obnoxia, 'had
given so many hostages to fortune'; i.e.
she could be attacked through each one
of her children : cp. ' dedimus tot pignora
fatis ' Luc. 7, 661. ' Obnoxius ' often
means ' liable to attack,' e. g. 3. 58, 4 ;
14. 40, I ; 15. 38, 4, &c.

Coum, Kos, north of Rhodes, with
a chief town of the same name, often
now called ' Stanko ' i^«y lifv Ki). Piso
had left Syria (c 70, 4> ; these islands
being part of the province of Asia.

12. excessisse: cp. i. 5, 6, &c.

13. neque . . . moderans. These words,
which seem superfluous, are taken by
Ni]"ip. to refer tn his subsequent conduct,
and to distuiguish it from the still more
demonstrative behaviour of Plancina.

14. insolescente: cp. c. 63, 5.
luctum, used of mourning dress in Cic.

Sesl. 14, 32, &c.

15. laeto cultu, i.e. resuming gay
colours, jewels, &c. : C|i. the opposite
term 'cultu lugubri ' 1,13. 32, 5).

16. centuriones, i.e. those of Syria,
mostly his creatures : cp. c. 55, 4.

372 P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C.772.

num studia: repeteret provlnciam non iure ablatam et vacuam.
igitur quid agendum consultanti M. Piso filius properanduni in 2
urbem ccnsebat : nihil adhuc inexpiabile admissum, ncque sus-
piciones inbecillas aut inania famae pertimescenda. discordiam 3
6 erga Germanicum odio fortasse dignam, non poena; et ademp-
tione provinciae satis factum inimicis. quod si regrederetur, 4
obsistente Sentio civile bellum incipi ; nee duraturos in partibus
centuriones militesque, apud quos recens imperatoris sui memoria
et penitus infixus in Caesares amor praevaleret.

10 77. Contra Domitius Celer, ex intima eius amicitia, disseruit
utendum leventu : Pisonem, non Sentium Suriae praepositum ;
huic fasces et ius praetoris, huic legiones datas. si quid hostile 2
ingruat, quern iustius arma oppositurum qiiani qui legati auctori-
tatem et propria mandata acceperit ? relinquendum etiam ru- 3

15 moribus tempus quo senescant : plerumque innocentes recenti
invidiae inpares. at si teneat exercitum, augeat vires, multa, 4
quae provideri non possint, fortuito in melius casura. 'an fcsti- 5
namus cum Germanici cincribus adpellere, ut te inauditum ct

13. quam ins. L, qiiam iustius Picheua.

prompta, 'ready to serve him'; with answer to the question 'quern . . . oppo-

dat., as c. 78, i ; 4. 60, 5. siturum,' which is hardly suitable to

I. non iure: see c. 77, i, and notes ' oratio obliqua." Nor can 'eo' be well

on 70, 3; 74, I. supplied, and its insertion after 'anna'

I. consultanti. It seems best to (Bezzenb. ") is less felicitous than that of
suppose that 'censeo' has here the force ' quam,' which could here have dropped
and construction of ' suadeo,' as in Cic. out by a somewhat similar error to that
Fani. 9. 2, 4 (' tibi igitur hoc censeo'). of the omission of one of the syllables of
Thus in 11. 3, i (' consultanti super abso- ' quamquam ' or 'tamquam' (i. 13, 1;
lutione Asiatici . . . permisit'), ' permisit ' 6. 2, i\

is equivalent to ' permittendum suasit.' 14. propria, 'personal'; i.e. instruc-

5. erga : cp. c. 2, 5 ; 71,4 tions at first hand from Tiberius himself,

ademptione provinciae. This seems in contrast with the second-hand authority

to admit, what was denied above, that he of .Sentius. The context shows that dircc-

was lawfully de]iosed. tions for the administration of the province

8. imperatoris, used of Germanicus, are meant, not such ' occulta mandata' as

as in 3. 12, 4. are hinted at in c. 43, 5.

10. ex intima. ..amicitia: cp. c. 27, 2. rumoribus. Nipp. notes that this

II. utendum eventu, ' he should profit ex]>res^ion, as well as ' suspiciones in-
by the occurrence.' i.e. by the opening becillas' (c. 7^1, 2), should be taken as
caused by the denth of Germanicus, real or assumed expressions of disbelief
leaving him the only rightful governor of on the speaker's part, not as indicating
Syria. the historian's opinion of the charge of

1 2. huic, referred to Piso, as the nearest poisoning, which is rather that it was ' not
in thought, though not last mentioned: proven' (C. 7.t> 5 ! 3- I4> 2; 19, 2).

cp. c. 82, 7; II. 4. 27, 3; Madv. 485 a: 17. an festinamus? "are we to hasten?'

see note on i. 42, 6. On such future force of the present cp.

ius praetoris : cp. c. 56, 5. Madv. 339, ()l)s. 2 a. On the change to

13. quam qui. Ruperti retains the ' oratio recta' see Introd. v. § 94.

MS. text, making ' qui . . . acceperit ' the 18. inauditum et iudefensum. The

A.D. 19.]

LIBER II. CAP. 76 79.

373

indefcnsum planctus Agn'ppinae ac vulgus impcritum primo
6 ruinore rapiant ? est tibi Augustae conscientia, est Caesaris
favor, secI in occulto ; ct perisse Germanicum milli iactantius
macrent quani qui maxime lactantur.'

78. Haud magna mole Piso, promptus fcrocibus, in sententiam 5
trahitur missisque ad Tiberium epistuJis incusat Germanicum
luxus et superbiae ; scque pulsum, ut locus rebus novis pate-

2 fierct, curam cxercitus eadem fide qua tenuerit repetivisse. simul
Domitium inpositum trircmi vitare litorum oram praeterque in-

3 sulas lato mari pergere in Suriam iubet. concurrcntes dcser- lo
tores per manipulos conponit, armat lixas traiectisque in con-
tinentem navibus vcxillum tironum in Suriam euntium intercipit,
regulis Cilicum ut se auxiliis iuvarcnt scribit, haud ignavo ad
ministcria belli iuvene Pisone, quamquam suscipiendum bellum
abnuisset. 15

79. Igitur oram Lyciae ac Pamphyliae praelcgentes, obviis

10. alto L.

same words are thus coupled in H. i. 6,
2 ; Dial. i6, 3; and, inversely, H. 2. 10,
4. The former is not found, in tliis sense,
before Tacitus (cp. also 4. 1 1, 2 ; i 2. 22,
2) ; the latter is used by Livy.

2. rapiant, sc. 'ad mortem.' For the
popular feeling see 3. 14, 5.

conscientia, i.e. her knowledge that
her instructions (c. 43, 5^ were followed.

3. nuUi. This substantive use of the
plural is rare, but has examples in good
authors (e.g. Cic. Tusc. i. 39, 93 .
Tacitus has it again in H. 2. 20, 2.
Several instances are collected by Nipp.,
in most of which there are special reasons
making 'nemo' less appropriate.

6. epistulis, used of a single letter, as
in I. 30, 4, &c.

7. luxus et superbiae. The evidence
alleged for the former charge is to be
inferred from c. 57, 5. The latter may be
supposed to have consisted in cpntcmp-
tuous treatment of Piso himself.

seque pulsum, sc. ' dicit,' latent in
' incusat.' His dismissal was the act of
Gcrmanicus, whom he may have mi ant
to accuse of a disloyal seeking after
}iopularity (cp. c. 55, i ; 59, 2), amount-
ing to ' res novae,' to shift a charge made
against himself i,cp. 3. 13, 3). He may
also imply that the appointment of Sen-
tins was the unlawful act of a knot of
I>rivate conspirators.

9. litorum cram, a combination
suggested by ' litoris oram' (Verg. G. 2,
44;. Livy has ' ora litoris ' and ' orae
litora ' ^7. 25,4; 38. 18, 12).

10. lato mari. Nipp. and others adopt
' alto,' but ' lato ' may be explained by
its connexion with ' praeter insulas.'
Several islands lay in his course from Cos
to Rhodes ; and he was to pass outside
these, probably also south of Rhodes and
Cyprus, or at least not to take the usual
course along the co.ist of Lycia and
Pamphylia. " He would thus avoid the
chance of collision with Agrippina 'cp. c.
79, 1), and reach .Syria before his move-
ments were known.

desertores, from the .Syrian legions.

I 2. vexillum. On the use of this and
its cognate words of any kind of legionary
detached force, see on i. 38, i, &c.
These are a body of recruits to be drafted
into the .Syrian legions. A number of
wounded men from several legions are
thus united ' sub vexillo ' in Caes. B. G.

13. Cilicum, i. e. those of Trachea fsee
6. 41, V , and Olbe (Mar(juardl, i. 38.^).
A third principality had lately come
to an end (cp. c. 42, 7). His action
here and in c. 80 shows that Cilicia
belonged then to Syria. See Marquardt,

16. praelegentes, 'coasting along';

VOL. I

Bb

374

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 772.

navibus quae Agrippinam vehebant, utrimque infcnsi arma primo
expediere : dein mutua formidine non ultra iurgium processum
est, Marsusque Vibius nuntiavit Pisoni Romam ad dicendam
causam veniret. ille eludcns respondit adfuturum, ubi praetor, 2

5 qui de veneficiis quaereret, reo atque accusatoribus diem pro-
dixisset. interim Domitius Laodiciam urbem Suriae adpulsus, 3
cum hiberna sextae legionis peteret, quod eam maxime novis
consiliis idoneam rebatur, a Pacuvio legato praevenitur. id 4
Sentius Pisoni per litteras aperit monctque ne castra corruptori-

10 bus, ne provinciam bello temptet. quosque Germanici memores 5
aut inimicis eius adversos cognoverat, contrahit, magnitudinem

3. uibimus : text R.

5. praedixisset B.

a Tacitean sense of the word : cp. 6. i, i,
and analoj^ous uses nuted on c. 6, 5.

I. utrimque, i.e. they did so, and the
others did also.

3. Marsusque Vibius: cp. c. 74> '•
A repetition of the latter name seems
here intended in the MS., thoutjh Tacitus
usually rejieats one name only of a per-
son recently mentioned. Nipi^. shows
several exceptions to this rule, such as tiie
repetitions ' Junio Othoni ' 3. 66, 4 ; ' C.
Silani ' 3. 69, i ; ' Largus Caecina '11. 34,
2, &c.

nuntiavit. The proper word would
be ' denuntiavit ' ; but ' nuntiaie ' has in
Tacitus the meaning of ' to command by
message,' as in c. 65, i ; 11. 37, 2.

4. eludens, ' turning it into jest': cji.
5. 5, I ; 6. 46, 9, &c. The sense of the
word found in 3. 67, 2, &c., seems less
suitable here.

praetor, qui . . . quaereret, i.e. the
])raetor to whom the ' Quaestio per-
petua,' ' de sicariis et veneficis,' fell by
lot. The taunt of I'iso contains two as-
sumptions, in both of which he is tech-
nically correct: (O that the citation of
Marsus was premature (see on c. 74, 2 ; :
(2) that the trial would be by ordinary
process of law. The words of Tiberius
at the trial (3. 12, 10) contain a full ad-
mission that such would have been the
regular course (cp. .Staatsr. ii. 119); though
from the rank of the jiarties concerned
it might have bem taken for granted that
the case wuuld be brought before the
senate or the princeps. See Introd. vi.

P- 93-

5. diem prodixisset, i.e. after for-
mally receiving the charge (see on c.

74, 2), had named a later day on which
both parties should appear. ' I'rodico ' is
very rare, and usually means to adjourn a
trial already begun (Liv. 2. 61, 7 ; 6. 20,
11; 38. 51, 5); and the only reference
relevant to tiiis place, ' ne nisi prodicta
(v. 1. ' ne impro(iicta ') die quis accuse-
tur,' is to a most obscure and confused
passage (Cic. Dom. 17, 45); so that pos-
sibly the old editors were right in reading
here ' praedixisset.'

6. urbem Suriae. Even in Syria
there were two cities of the name ; but
plainly the maritime I.aodiceia is meant
(Strab. 16. 2, 9, 751), opposite Cyi>rus ;
which preserves its name in the modern
' Ladikieh,' better known as ' Latakia.'

7. sextae : see Intiod. vii. ji. 123.

8. legato, i. e. of that legion. The
specification of his rank makes it suffice
to mention him by one name ; as ' augur
Lentuhis' (3. 59, 1); ' lunii senatoris '
(4. 64, 3), &c. : see several instances col-
lected by Nipp. on 5. 8. This Pacuvius
is described by Seneca (Ep 12, S), as
' (jui Syriam usu suam fecit ' (probably as
virtual governor under the absent Lamia,
6. 27, 2), and as having daily rehearsed
his own funeral obsiquies.

9. corruptoribus, extension of in-
strumental ablative : cp. c. 46, 2.

1 1 . magnitudinem, ' the majesty.' The
word is used of Germanicus in c. 72, ?,,
and he is also called ' imperator ' (3. 12,
4; 14, i) ; but Orelii can hardly be right
in referring this expression to him, as the
association of ' res publica' points clearly
to the living ' imperator,' Tiberius, whom
Sentius claims to represent.

A.T). 19.]

LIBER II. CAP. 79, 80.

375

impcratoris idcntidcm ingerens ct rem publicam armis peti ; du-
citque validam manum et proclio paratam.

80. Xcc Piso, quaniquam coepta secus cadebant, omisit tu-
tissima e praesentibus, sed castellum Ciliciae munitum admodum,

2 cui nomen Celcndcris, occupat ; nam admixtis descrtoribus et 5
tironc nuper intercepto suisque et Plancinae servitiis auxilia
Cilicum, quae reguli miserant, in numerum legionis composuerat.

3 Cacsarisquc sc Icgatum testabatur provincia, quam is dcdissct,
arceri, non a legionibus (earum quippe accitu venire), sed a

4 Sentio privatum odium falsis criminibus tegcnte. consistcrent in 10
acie, non pugnaturis militibus, ubi Pisoncm ab ipsis parentem
quondam appellatum, si iure ageretur, potiorem, si armis, non

5 invalidum vidissent. turn pro munimentis castelli manipulos
explicat, colle arduo et derupto ; nam cetera mari cinguntur.

6 contra veterani ordinibus ac subsidiis instructi : hinc militum. 15

5. celendris : text B.
militum Ritt.

8. prouinciam : text R.

15. militum vis Mur., virtus

I. ingerens, 'repeatedly proclaim-
ing ' : cp. H. 4. 78, I ; Cic. Att. 1 1. 6, 3.

rem publicam armis peti : cp. the
exjiression ot M. Piso : ' civile helium in-
cipi ' : c. 76, 4).

3. secus cadebant : cp. 6. 22, 5 ;
also U<T 'secus' cp. c. 50, 3, &c ; for
' cado' c. 77, 4 ; 6. 8, 2, &c.

4. praesentibus : cp. i. 30, 5, &:c.

5 Celenderis. Orelli retains ' Ce-
lendris,' which appears also to be the
MS. text in Mela i. 13, 77. Whatever
Tacitus may have written, the form of
the name here given is correct according
to the evidence of coins (Eckh. iii. 51,
&c.\ and is that used by Strabo (14. 5,
3, 670), Pliny (,N. H. 5. 27, 22, 92), &c.
The town belonged to Cilicia Trachea
(see on c. 78, 3), and had a harbour
(.Strab. 1. 1. , and preserves its name as
Chclendreh or Kilindri.

6. tirone. sing, for pi. as frequently
' miles,' ' eques,' 6ic. On the forces here
sjjoken of see above, c. 78, 3.

7. in numerum legionis composu-
erat, 'he had formed into a body nume-
rically equal to a legion.' A similar ex-
l-ression is used of Catiline in Sail. Cat.
56, 2 ' legiones uiuas) nuniero expleve-
rat ' ; but ' in numeros legionis com[JOSu-
erat ' ^ H. i. 87, i) has a different meaning,
akin to that of ' numcri ' elsewhere. On
this force of ' in ' cp Introd v. § 60 b.

8. provincia. We cannot sav ' arceor

provinciam ' ; nor can we take the words
to mean that the province k\. e. its popu-
lation) was debarred from joining him ;
for ' arceri ' must have the same subject as
' venire.'

9. accitu, only used in abl. sing., and
apparently only here and in Cic. Verr. ii.
3. 28, 68 ; \'erg Aen. i, 677.

10. consisterent, i.e. they had only to
stand in line, there would be no battle.

11. pugnaturis, concise abl. abs., ns
'daturis' 15. 52, 3, &c. : cp. Introd. v.
§ 54 d.

parentem, c. 55, 4.

12. si iure ageretur. On the remini-
scence of Livy see Introd. v. § 97, 2.

13. pro munimentis. Tiiis like 'pro
castris ' 3. 20, 2; 'pro muris ' 14. 25, 1.
appears clearly from the rest of the pas-
sage to mean ' outside the fortifications.'
On the more usual meaning cp. c. 13, 4.

14. derupto, ' precipitous ' ; cp. 4. 45,
I ; 6. 21, 2 ; Lucr., Li v., &c.

15. veterani. This word is not here
strictly used, but only of trained legion-
aries, as opposed to ' tirones ' vcp. 1. 28, 8),
or to mixed troops.

ordinibus ac subsidiis, ' in centuries
and reserves.' On the abl. see Introd. v.
§ 28. Xipp. explains it to mean that the
steep ascent was made in separate cen-
turies supijorted by reserves ; the raw*
troops of Piso being drawn up in close
order in maniples.

376

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 772.

inde locorum asperitas, sed non animus, non spes, ne tela qui-
dem nisi agrestia aut subitum in usum properata. ut venere in 7
manus, non ultra dubitatum. quam dum Romanae cohortes
in aequum eniterentur : vcrtunt terga Cilices seque castello
5 claudunt.

81. Interim Piso classem baud procul opperientem adpugnare
frustra temptavit ; regressusque et pro muds, modo semet ad-
flictando, modo singulos nomine ciens, praemiis vocans, seditio-
nem coeptabat, adeoque commoverat, ut signifer legionis sextae
10 signum ad eum transtulerit. turn Sentius occanere cornua tu- 2
basque et peti aggerem, erigi scalas iussit, ac promptissimum
quemque succedere, alios tormentis hastas saxa et faces ingerere.
tandem victa pertinacia Piso oravit ut traditis armis maneret in 3

2. aut subitum usum : ad subitum B, aut ad Weisscnb., text Doed. ncnire : so

t
9. legionis uocans sextae: text B. 13. uti raditis, uti traditis B,

rfitzner, text R.
text Nipp.

hinc . . . inde, opposed, like ' hinc '
, . . ' illinc ' : cp. 13. 38, 3.

1. asperitas. The strong difference in
the senses of this word as applied to
soldiers and places makes the syllepsis
harsh ; but the alterations proposed seem
needless. ' Asjieritas ' is used, of persons,
generally in a bad sense ; but ' asper ' is
a Vergilinn general epithet <'f battle, and
of warlike nations (Aen. i, 14) or persons
t^ibid. 1 1, 664).

2. agrestia. Nipp. compares the de-
scription in 3. 43, 2 ; also ' agrestibus
telis, falcibus gaesisque ' (Liv. 9. 36, 6),
and the description of the Catilinarian
army in Sail. Cat. 56, 3.

aut, &c. The reading of the old
editions would make the sentence further
describe the rustic weapons : it is perhaps
better thus to make it describe other
weapons, more distinctly warlike, but ex-
temporized.

in manus, ' to close quarters ' (*is
X<rpas). Jn this sense Tacitus seems to
prefer to use this form (as H. 4. 71, 6 ;
76, 5), with Sail. (Jug. 89, 2' and Liv.
(2. 46, 3), rather than ' ad manus.'

4. eniterentur : cp. 'enisus' i. 70,6.

0. classem. A ' class-.s Syriaca ' is
mentioned in in^crijitions (Orelli 3604;
Henzen 6924; W ilmanns 1637; C. 1. G.
2346 e, 31 25, &c.).

adpugnare ; a Tacitean word, only
here and in 4. 48, 4 ; 1 5. 13, i ; in each
instance denoting a feint attack.

7. pro rauris ; not in the sense of

'pro munimentis' (c. 80, 5), but as in
c. 13, 4, &c.

adflictando, 'buffeting himself: cp.
6- 3.=i, 3 ; ' mulieres adflictare se ' Sail.
Cat. 31, 3.

8. seditionem coeptabat: cp. i. 38,
I, &c.

9. signifer: see on i. 48, 2. The
Sixth legion was supposed to be most
inclined to favour Piso 1 c. 79, 3).

10. occanere. Tacitus appears to fol-
low .Sallust (see Introd. v. § 97, 1) in the
use of a verb not found elsewhere. The
form 'occino'is used only of the note of
birds.

11. peti aggerem. This is best ex-
plained like ' ],etendui agger' i. 65, 10
(where see note). Material was to be
collected to fill the ditch or make the
wall easier to scale : hence the ndilition
' erigi scalas.' Cp. Caes. B. G. 5. 9, 6
' aggere ad munitiones adiecto locum
cepcrunt.' Vegetius (4, 151 also de-
scribes a mound raised against a wall
' de quo tela iactaiitur.' Some take the
words to mean ' that the wall be as-
saulted ' ; but Tacitus would hardly use
'agger' of the wall of a strong fort;
though Vergil (Aen. 10, 23} has ' ag-
geribus murorum,' and Servius (ad loc )
says that all fortitications are loosely
called ' aggeres.'

12. et faces. On the conj. after a.^vn-
deta see Introd. v. § 90, and instances
collected here by Nipp.

A.D. 19.]

LIBER II. CAP. 80 82.

377

4 castello, dum Caesar, cui Suriani pcrmittcret, constilitur. noii
reccptac condicioncs. nee aliud quam naves ct tutum in uibem
iter concessit m est.

82. At Romae, postquam Germanici valetudo percrebuit
cunctaque ut ex longinquo aucta in deterius adfercbantur, dolor 5

2 ira : ct erumpcbant questus. ideo nimirum in extremas terras
relegatum, ideo Pisoni permissam provinciam ; hoc egisse se-

3 cretos Augustae cum Plancina serrnones. vera prorsus de Druso
seniores locutos : displicere regnantibus civilia filiorum ingenia,
neque ob aliud interceptos, quam quia populum Romanum 10

4 aequo iure complccti reddita libertate agitaverint. hos vulgi
serrnones audita mors adeo incendit, ut ante edictum magistra-
tuum, ante senatus consultum sumpto iustitio deserercntur fora,

5 clauderentur domus. passim silentia et gemitus, nihil composi-
tum in ostentationem ; et quamquam neque insignibus lugen- 15

4. percrebruit B. 5. ciinctique : text V>. adfcraebantvir : text V>.

I. dum . . . consulitur. Ptitzner notes
the indie, after ' dum ' in or. obi. as
common in poets, and in prose in and
after Livy : cp. 14. 58, 4, &c. ; see aUo
Introd. V. § 49.

4. At Romae ; a favourite form of
transition : cp. i. 7, i ; 46, 1 ; 3. 22, i ;
6. 29, I, &c.

valetudo, sc. ' advcrsa ' : cp. 3. 3, 2 ;
58, 2; 6. 7, 4, &c.

percrebuit. This form occurs three
times in the twoMSS. (cp. 12. 6, 5 ; 15. 19,
i), ' percrebrui' twice (ft. ^o, 2 ; and prob-
ably H. 2. 26, 3\ and it is perhaps best
to follow the variations. Halm with
Sirker reads the latter throughout. See
Introd. V. § 85.

5. ut = ' ut litri solet ' : cp. i. 65, 4, &c.
aucta in deterius, ' exaggerated for

the worse.' On the force of • in ' in such
constructions sec Introd. v. § 60 b.

dolor ira. It seems best so to punc-
tuate as to suppose 'erant' to be sup-
plied with these words, as in H. 2. 29,
? (' gaudium miseratio favor'): thus
' erumpebant questus' is more emphatic
than it ' erumpebat ' were to be supjilied
from it in the loimcr place.

6. extremas terras. .Syria was one
of the ' imperii extrema' ycp. 4. 74, 2) ;
but the use of ' relegatum ' shows that the
whole is rhetorical.

7. hoc egisse, ' this was the result of.'
For the 'serrnones' cp. c. 4.^, 5.

8. de Druso. On the supposed repub-

lican leanings of Diusus see i. 33, 4.
Even Suetonius, who mentions the story
that he was poisoned, wholly disbelieves
it (CI. i)j and the weighty' conleniporaiy
evidence of Livy (Kpit. 140 assigns his
de.ith to an accident : ' ex fractura, equo
super crus eius collapso, triccsimo die,
quam id acciderat, mortuus est.'

9. regnantibus. This teim is invidi-
ou.sly used by the ])eople of the princeps ;
a'so ' tiliorum ' is used loosely, as Drusus
■was not even an adopted son of Augustus.

10. interceptos: cp. c. 71, 3.

11. aequo iure complecti, 'to com-
prehend under equal rights,' i.e. to bring
into unity on a footing of equality : cp.
' multas insignesque familias paterna no-
bilitate complcxus' 15. 48, 2.

12. incendit: cp. i. 23, i.

13. sumpto. sc. 'sponte.' Livy de-
scrilies such a spontaneous 'iustilium'
after the Caudine disaster 9. 7, 8). Cp.
' ferale per urbcm iustitium ' Luc. 2, 17;
and the ' Kpiccdion Drusi ' (185) ' lura
silent mutaeque tacent sine vindice leges.'

14. domus, 'great houses ' : cp. i. 73,
2, Sec.

silentia ; not opposed to ' gemitus,'
but to the hum of business. The plural is
elsewhere wholly confined to poets.

15. neque . . . abstinereut : see note
on c. 34, 7.

insignibus ; as change of dress : cp-
' atrata plebes ' 3. 2, 2 ; ' pullati proceres '
Juv. 3, 213, where see Mayor.

378

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 772.

tium abstinerent, altius animis maerebant. forte negotiatores, 6
vivente adhuc Germanico Suria egressi, laetiora de valetudine eius
attulere. statim credita, statim vulgata sunt : ut quisque obvius 7
quamvis levitcr audita in alios atque illi in plures cumulata
5 gaudio transferunt. cursant per urbem, moliuntur templorum 8
fores ; iuvat credulitatem nox et promptior inter tenebras ad-
firmatio. nee obstitit falsis Tiberius, donee tempore ac spatio
vanescerent : et populus quasi rursum ereptum acrius doluit.
83. Honores, ut quis amore in Germanicum aut ingenio vali-
10 dus, reperti decretique : ut nomen eius Saliari carmine cancretur ; 2
sedes curules sacerdotum Augustalium locis superque eas quer-

6. iuvit L, iuverat Ritt. (1848).

1 . altius . . . maerebant : cp. 1.32, 7.

4. leviter, 'uncritically,' i.e. with-
out waiting for authentication

illi, tlie last-mentioned, as here more
remote in thought : cp. c. 77, t.

5. moliuntur . . . fores : cp. i. 30,
4. The scene is grapliically described by
Suet. (Cal. 6), who says ' paene revolsae
templi (sc. ' Capitolii ') fores.'

6. iuvat. The present should not
be altered. The sentence ' nee obstitit,'
&c. is no part of the descriptive narrative,
in which the historical present is natural.
On the sentence as subject of the verb
cp. I. 19, 5, &c.

7. tempore ac spatio. This hen-
diadys (cp. Introd. v. § 76) appears to be
a common expression, being found in
Cic. pro Quint. 1,4; Hirt. li. G. 8. 31, 2.

8. acrius doluit. Suet. (CaX. 6) says
that the mourning lasted even through
the feast of December, i. e. the Saturnalia
(Dec. 17; ; which would be more than
two monthi after the death ^see note on
c. 72, 2 , antl probably some time after
the news had reached Rome.

9. Honores . . . reperti. Alutilated
fragments are preserved, both of the
decree relating to Germanicus (C. I. L.
vi. 911 ; llenzen 5382), and of that re-
lating to Drusus (C. 1. L. vi. 912 ; Henzen
5381) ; which, as having been mainly
similar (cp. 4. 9, 2), will in some i)laces
confirm what is stated her". An inscrif)-
tion from the piebs urbana of the thirty-
five tribes is also extant (C. I. L. vi. 909 ;
Or. 3064; Wilm. 679), but its date is not
fixed.

ingenio, 'inventiveness': cp. 12. 66,
6, &c.

10. Saliari carmine. See the collec-

tion and explanation of fragments of this
hymn in Bp. J. Wordsworth's Fragments
and Specimens of Early Latin, p. 564, foil.,
also Marquardt, iii. 437. The old portions
('axamenta'), unintelligible to Horace
(Epp. 2. 1, 86), and, according to t^uintilian
(1. 6, 40), even to the priests themselves, are
to be distinguished from the ' carmma in
universos homines composita,' in which
modem names could be inserted. The
name of Augustus had been inserted in
his lifetime i^Mon. Anc. ii. 21), apparently
as early as 725, B. c. 29 (Dio, 51. 20, i) ;
but whether the precedent was followed
in the case of succeeding principes, is un-
known. In the decree respecting Ger-
manicus [' canit^ur in Palatio ' is thougiit
to be traceable, and a less successiul
attempt has been made to trace words to
a similar effect in that of l):usus (^see
Marquardt, 1. 1.). The only other name
recorded as inserted is that of \'erus, son
of Marcus Aurelius ;Vita M. Ant. 21, 5).
II. sedes curules. The curule chair
crowned was placed in the theatre at
feasts. Such an honour was paid to
Julius Caesar in his lifetime (l)io, 44. 6,
3), f£ "laov Tofj ruiv $(wv, and to Marcellus
at his death (Dio, 53. 30, 6) : see also
Staatsr. i. 452. A place is here assigned
among those reserved for the ' Augus-
tales,' because Germanicus had been one
of them (i. 54, 2). V\'ords apparently
referring to a similar honour are found in
the decree to Drusus. The crown de-
sciibed is in the form of the civic crown,
but made of precious materials \hia\iOov
Koi 5i(ixpi"o>' Dio, 44. 6, 3) ; such as
that which had been decreed to Augustus,
as saviour of the citizens, in 727,1! c. 27
(Dio, 53. 16, 4), and which formed a

A. D. 19.]

LIBER II. CAP. 82, 83.

379

ceae coronae statuercntur ; ludos circcnses eburna effigies prae-
iret, neve quis flamen aut augur in locum Germanici nisi gcntis

3 luliae crcarctur. aicus additi Romae et apud ripam Rheni et
in monte Suriac Amano, cum inscriptionc rerum gestarum ac
mortem ob rem publicam obisse, sepulchrum Antiochiae, ubi 5
crematus, tribunal Epidaphnae, quo in loco vitam finierat. statu-
arum locorumve in quis coleretur baud facile quis numcrum

4 inierit. cum censcretur clipeus auro et magnitudine insignis
inter auctores eloquentiae, adseveravit Tiberius solitum parcm-

6. epidaphene : text L.
text Jac. Gron.

permanent decoration of the palace 'qua
postes augustne dumiis scmi iterna gloria
triumphant' (^\'al. Max. i. S, ^).

1. ludos . . . effigies praeiret. The
words 'imagines ponercntur ' are found in
the inscription, and 'Circienses' in that
of Drusus. Dion. Hal. (7. 72) describes
at the>e games processions of images of
the goils, borne by men on their shoul-
ders. An ivory figure of Julius Caesar
was so borne in a ' tensa ' in his lifetime
(Suet. Jul. 76; Dio, 43. 45, 2); and
such a posthumous honour was decreed
to several of the imperi.il family see
Marquardt, iii. 510). ' Praeeo " takes
such an accus. in 6. 21, 2; 15. 4, 1 ;
otherwise only in such a phrase as ' prae-
ire verba,' &c.

2. flamen, sc. ' Augiistalis.' His tenure
of this priesthood (on which see Mar-
quanlt, ui. p. 473), and his augurship are
recorded in many inscriptions (e. g. (Jrell.
661, 3064); and the former is distinct
from his membership in the ' sodales
Augustales' (see on i. 54, 2). Germanicus
aj'pears to have been succeeded as augur
and flamen by Drusus, and afterwards
in the latter office by his son Nero : see
Introd. ix. notes 31 and 11.

3. arcus. The inscription has the words
' alter lanus fieret,' and ' teitius lanus.'
After the latter, the words ' Ger]manis'
and [' tumujlum Drusi ' are traceable,
apparently referring to the arch near the
Rhine.

4. monte . . . Amano. This term is used
by Slrabo (12. 2, 2, 535 to include all
the mountains encircling the gulf of Issus,
and the passes from Syria to Cilicia, on
one of w hich the arch jirobably stood.

5. mortem . . . obisse : cp. 3. 6, i.
Similar words were used of the elder
Drusus (' cui fuit heu mortis publica
causa'), Epic. Diusi, 458.

colerentur : text 15.

9. adserauit : adscruit B,

Bepulchrum. a cenotaph. The place
would be in the foiuni of Antioch

(c. n- .-)•

6. tribunal. Probably, as Nipp. thinks,
this took the foim of a scaffold or bier, to
represent that on which the body was laid
out ; such an erection being sometimes
part of an important funeral (C. I. L.
ix. 17S3), or afterwards .-.et up as a monu-
ment jbid. 1729, Or. 4548;. It need not
therefore (as SValther thinks) be com-
memorative of his imperium.

Epidaphnag The name is an error
of Tacitus ; for this famous grove and
sanctuary of Apollo, described by Gibbon
(c. 23), was really culled Aaipvr}, and gave
to this Antioch its distinguishing title,
f-rri Ad(pPTi, or ' Antiochia Ei)ida|)hnes '
(PI. N. h'. 5. 21, 1 8, 79). It was leally
five miles fiom Antioch, but considered
a suburb of it : see Momms. Hist. v. 457,
E. T. ii. 128.

7. coleretur. Halm and Nipp. adiiere
to this old correction, on the gcound that
'colerentur' would appear to imjily that
the places where statues were honoured
might be other than those in which they
stood. The ' cultus ' was probably that
of his ' I^ii Manes' (see on c. 7, 3).

numerum inierit, 'could enumerate' :
cp. 15. 41, I. The phrase is in Caes.
and Liv. : for the tense cp. Introd. v.

8. clipeus, ' a medallion l)ust.' Pliny
(N. H. 35. 3, 3, 12) says that such had
been set up at Rome from the consulship
of Appius Claudius in 259, B.C. 495. An
'imago clipeata,' perhaps of Cicero, not
a]iparently in bronze, but marble, is en-
graved in Visconti, Ic. Rom. pi. xii.

9. inter auctores eloquentiae, among
those set up in the Palatine library : cp.
c- 37) 3- Germanicus is recorded to have
pleaded causes from a date before the

38o

P. CORN ELI I TACITl ANNA LI UM [A. U. 0.772.

que ceteris dicaturum : ncqiie enim cloquentiam fortuna dis-
cerni, et satis inlustre. si vctcres inter scriptores haberetur.
equester ordo cuneum Germanici appellavit qui iuniorum dice- 5
batur, instituitque uti turmae idibus luliis imagineni eius seque-
5 rentur. plcraque mancnt : quaedam statim omissa sunt aut
vetustas oblittcravit.

84. Ccterum rccenti adhuc maestitia soror Germanici Livia,
nupta Druso, duos virilis sexus simul cnixa est. quod rarum 2

i
S. nil lies: text 15, virile seciis Jac. Gron.

exile of Ovid (Fasti i, 21), until after his
triumph (Suet. Cal. 3) ; and the above
authors, as well as I'liny (N. H. 8. 42, '''4,
i,t5J, speak of him also as a poet; but
the authorship of the translation of Aratus
and other remains ascribed to him is
matter of que^tioii.

solitum paremque, 'of the usual
material ' (^ bronze) ' and si^e ' ; as opjiosed
to one ' auro et magnitudine insignis.'

I. dicaturum, sc. ' se ' : cp. Introd. v.
§ s.

fortuna : cp. c. 71,6.

3. equester ordo. For other in-
stances of the corporate action of this
body see 3. 71, I ; Staatsr. iii. 525, foil.

cuneum. The military sense of this
word (i. 51, I) is not applicable to
'equites' : we must therefore sujipose one
of the wedge-shaped divisions of the
' quatuordecim ordines' in the theatre to
be here meant i^cp vSuet. Dom. 4). These
fourteen rows were apparently divided
into cunei ' seniorum ' and ' iurdorum '
(Marquardt, Hist. Eq. Rom. p. 71)- I'his
honour was paid to Gcrmanicus as having
been ' jirinceps iuventutis ' (Ov. ex P. 2.
5, 41) ; on which title see 13, 2, &c.

4. turmae. The centuries of ' equites
Romani cquo publico ' (on whom see
Introd. vii. p. 102 ; Staatsr. iii. 482, foil.;
Seelcy, Hi>t. Exam, of Livy, 13. I.jip. 73,
79 foil.) were airanged at their 'trans-
veclio ' (see below) into six ' turmae,'
each commanded by a ' sevir ' : see
Staatsr. iii. 522.

idibus luliis. On July 15 took place
the review or ' transvcctio equitum,' when
Dion. Hal. (6. 13. 1069) describes them
as riding in a procession of about 5,000,
dressed in the ' trabea' and crowned wiili
olive, in commemoration of the supposed
appearance of the Dioscuri at the battle
of lake Regillus. The institution is said
to date from 450, li. c. 304 (Liv. 9. 46,

15), and to have been revived by Augustus
after long disuse (Suet. Aug. 38) : see
Staatsr. iii 493.

imaginem . . . sequerentur. This
again would be in recognition of his
having led the procession as ' princeps
iuventutis.' Cp. the figure of speech in
5. 4, 5 ' quorum imagines pro vexillis
secuti forent.' The decree respecting
Drusus contains words apparently ordain-
ing a similar honour to him.

7. recenti . . . maestitia. Hirschfeld
argues (Herm. xxv, 1890, p]i. ,^')3-373)
that this evtnt is inserted here for pathetic
contia>t, and must have taken place at
least a year later, as Tiberius Gemellus,
who woidd tlnis have been eighteen at the
death of Tiberius, was then stdl ' prae-
textatus ' (see on 6. 46, 1), and is even
rhetorically called by Gaius traibiov !,Dio,
59. I, 2) and vrj-rrios .Philo, Leg. 4^. Ad-
mitting that Gaius himself did not take
the 'toga virilis' till his nineteen'h year
(Suet. Cal. Joi,it is argued that Tiberius,
\\ hile perhaps desiring to retard his career,
would rather have accelerated that of his
own grandson, whom he made co-heir
with him. But as the ' toga virilis ' might
be, and often was taken on completion of
the fourteenth year (Marquaidt, Privatl.
T29 , this youth, if born in A. D. 20, or
even A. n. 21, could well have taken it
in the lifetime of Tiberius, even without
such anticipation as that in Nero's case
(12. 41, I and note); so that some delay
must anyhow be allowed, and we can-
not say how much, due to the general
decay of faculties and vigour of Tiberius
in those years ^^Introd. viii. p. 154).

Livia. Oil her, and on Tiberius Ge-
mellus, see Introd. ix. notes 32, 35. The
other twin, whose death is mentioned four
years later (4. 15. i), appears to have
been called (lermanicus : see C. I. G.
2630, and coins here referred to by Nipp.

A.D 19.]

LIBER II. CAP. 83 85.

381

lactumquc etiam modicis penatibus tanto ^audio principcin ad-
fccit, ut non tcmpcraverit quin iactarct apiid patrcs, nuUi ante
Romanorum eiusdem fasti^ii viro gcminam stirpcm cditam ;
3 nam cuncta, etiam fortuita, ad gloriam vertebat. sed populo
tali in tempore id quoque dolorem tulit, tamquam auctus liberis 5
Drusus domum Germanici magis urgucret.

85. Kodem anno gravibus scnatus dccrctis libido fcminarum
coercita cautumquc, ne quaestum corpore faccrct cui avus aut

2 pater aut maritus eques Romanus fuisset. nam Vistilia prac-
toria familia genita licentiam stupri apud aediles vulgavcrat. 10
more inter veteres recepto, qui satis poenarum adversum in-

3 pudicas in ipsa professione flagitii credebant. exactum et a
Titidio Labeone Vistiliae marito, cur in uxore delicti nianifesta

4 ultionem legis omisissct. atque illo praetendente sexaginta dies

12. exacta : text Verlran.

1. modicis penatibus, ' in a house of
moderate rank.' Kilter's insertion of ' in '
is needless, as the construction may be
abl. abs. ' I'enatcs' is used of the house-
hold in 13. 4, 2, &c., and, in 3. 34, 3,
even of family circumstances.

2. temperaverit, ' refrained from ' :
cp. 3. 67, 2, &c.

5. auctus liberis. Apparently the
expression is usual : cp. Agr. 6, 3 ; Cic.
Att. 1.2,1 ' filiolo me auctum scito.' As
Drusus had already a daughter, he thus
acquired the ' ius Irium liberorum.'

6. urgueret, 'depressed.' The house
of Germanicus had more children, but
was without a head ; so that its forlorn
condition was set off by this increased
consequence of the head of the rival
house.

7. libido feminarum coercita. Sue-
tonius Tib. 35") speaks of other cases, or
generalizes ' suo more ' from this.

9. eques Romanus. The same pro-
hibition extended ' a fortiori ' to senatorial
families.

praetoria familia. Sex. Vistilius. of
this rank, mentioned as an old man in
6. 9, 2, was probably her father. ' Familia
consulaii' is thus used of the son of a
consular in 13. 12, i.

10. licentiam . . . vulgaverat, ' had
made open profession of prostitution.'
Suetonius says ' lenocinium protiteri coc-
pcrant,' and adds that women could thus
be exempt from penalties for adultery, as
no longer legally ' matronae ' ; but the

jurists affirm that such coulil still be dealt
with by the senate (Pap. Dig. 48. 5, lo'i.
apud aediles. On the supervision
exercised by these magistrates over ' bal-
nea,' ' lupanaria,' and other places of
public resort, as part of their ' cura urbis,'
see Introd. vi. p. 90 ; Staatsr. ii. 511.

12. exactum = 'quaesitum.' Most edi-
tors have preferred this to 'exacta,' which
might possibly be defended as taken from
Vergil (Aen. 1, 309). The verb has this
sense in Ov. A. A. 2, 130 ('Calypso
exigit Odrysii fata cruenta duels '\

13. Titidio Labeone, mentioned in PI.
N. H. 35. 4, 7, 20. as of praetorian rank,
and ]irocos. of Gallia Narbonensis, and
as a bad amateur artist.

manifesta. .Such a genit. (cp. Introd.
V- 33 c 7) is used with this word in the
Annals (e.g. 4. 53, 2 ; 1 2. 51, 5, &c.),
also in Plant, and Sail. So Dryden has
'manifest of crimes' fAbs. and Achit. 204).

14. ultiouem legis, 'enforcement of the
legal ]5enalty,' i.e. that of ' lex lulia de
adulteriis' ^cp. c. 50, 2 l By this law he
was bound at once ;under penalty of being
charged with connivance) to separate
from his wife (Dig. 4S, 5, 2, § 6), and
having done so, had during the next sixty
days exclusive right of proceed Iiil; against
her (ibid. 11, § 6). Nipp. adds that he
was not usually liable to be called to
account for not having exercised this
prerogative, even after the sixty days had
expired, but that this whole case was re-
garded as exceptionally flagrant.

382

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 772.

ad consul tandum dates necdum praeterisse, satis visum dc Vis-
tilia statucrc ; caque in insulam Seriplion abdita est. actum ct 5
de sacris Acgyptiis ludaicisquc pellcndis factumque patruin
consultum, ut quattuor milia libcrtini generis ea superstitione

5 infecta, quis idonca aetas, in insulam Sardiniam vehcrentur,
coerccndis illic latrociniis et, si ob gravitatem caeli interisscnt,
vile damnum ; cetcri cederent Italia, nisi ccrtam ante diem pro-
fanes ritus exuissent.

86. Post quae rcttulit Caesar capiendam virginem in locum

10 Occiae, quae septem et quinquaginta per annos summa sancti-

1. necdum = 'nondum,' a post- Aug.
use; as in H. 1. 31, 5, ; I'lin. Pan. 14.

satis visum, repeated from 11. 4. 59,
2 ; Liv. 7. 1 1, 9, &c.

de Vistilia statuere, ' to deal with
Vistilia': cp. 6. 29, 2 ; i 2. 54, 6, &c.

2. in insulam Seriphon. ' Such rele-
gation was part of the penalty of the ' lex
lulia ' (see on c. 50, 4). This island, one
of the Cyclades, now Serpho, was the
place of exile of Cassius Severus (4. 21, 5),
and, like Gyaros, is with Juvenal (10, 1 70)
typical of such places.

3. de sacris Aegyptiis ludaicisque
pellendis. Tacitus dismisses briefly a
subject of small interest to himself and
his readers, but Josephus (Ant. 18. 3, 4,
5) gives a full account of the circumstances
wliich appear to have led to these decrees.
A scandalous outrage had been committed
by a kniL;ht named Decius Mundus, on a
noble Roman lady named Paulina, in the
temple of Isis and with the connivance of
the priests ; and 'I'iberiushad crucified the
prie^ts, demolished the temple, and caused
the statue of Isis to be thrown into the
Tiber. At the same time a vagabond
Jew, with three accomplices, had per-
suaded a noble proselyie named Fulvia to
send costly gifts to the temple at Jeru-
salem, which they had embezzled. On the
Isiac worship at Rome, introduced ]irob-
ably soon after the second Punic war,
prevalent in spite of many attempts to
suppress it, and reluctantly tolerated by
Augustus outside the pomerium (Dio, •.?<■
2, 4), see Marquardt, iii. 77, &c. The
Jews in Rome, their only important settle-
ment in the West (Momms. Hist. v. 499,
E. T. ii. 17.^), probably date from the
conquest of Pompeius ; they were cer-
tain!}^ numerous in the time of Cicero
(pr<>tlacc. 28, 67), and are noticed by
Horace, Ovid, &c. See references in Mar-

quardt, iii. 82 ; Mayor, on Juv. 14. 96-106.

4. ea superstitione. Jose[)hus repre-
sents this enlistment and expulsion as re-
lating not to both these bodies but to
Jews only. The large number of Jewish
freedmen, and the large Jewish settlement
in the trans Tiberine district, are attested
by Philo, who also speaks of a persecu-
tion, but ascribes it to the influence of
Seianus: Leg. ad Gaium, 23, 24.

5. Sardiniam. Thi^ island, with Corsica,
had originally formed a senatorial province
of the second rank, but, owing to the pre-
valence of brigandage, alluded to also by
\'arro fR. R. i. 16, 2), was handed over
to a praefect or procurator with a military
force, from 759, A.D. 6 ^Dio, 55. 28, 1),
until the time of Nero (Introd. vii. p. 112).
Its ' gravitas caeli ' had been already men-
tioned by Livy (23. 34, 11) ; Mela (2. 7,
123") calls it ' ut fecunda, ita paene pesti-
kns'; and Pausanias (lo. 17, 11) speaks
of its aT]p 6o\€pui Kai voaujSrjS.

7. vile damnum: cp. 'facili damno'
H. 4. 28, 5; 'utile d annul m ' Veil. 2.
46, 3 ; ' iactura vilior' Stat. Theb i. 649.
The sentiment resembles that on the blood
of gladiators (i. 76, 5).

9. capiendam virginem. The quali-
fications and the mode of selection for this
office are given fully in Gell. i. 12, where
it is shown that ' capere ' (cp. Ann. 4. 16,
6; 15. 22, 4), is strictly used; as the
pontifex maximus took her by the hand
from her father, as if captive in war, with
the words ' te, Amata, capio,' whereby she
passed out of the ' jiotestas patria." The
law h<ad piescribed a 'soititio' out of
twenty candidates selected by the comitia,
but this custom seems to have been already
departed from, and, when Gellius wrote,
was obsolete ; the practice being for per-
sons thus to offer their (laughters.

10. Occiao. Nipp. notes the name of

A. D. 19.]

LIBER II. CAP. 85 87.

3*53

monia Vcstalibus sacris praescdcrat ; cgitquc f^ratcs l-'ontcio
Af^rippac ct Domitio PoUioni, quod offcreado filias dc officio in

2 rem publicam ccrtarcnt. praclata est PoUionis filia, non ob
aliud quam quod mater eius in eodcm coniugio manebat ; nam
Agrippa discidio domum imminuerat. ct Caesar quamvis post- 5
hahitam dccicns sestertii dote solatus est

87. Sacvitiam annonac incusantc plebc statuit frumcnto prc-
tium, quod emptor penderet, binosque nummos se additurum

2 iiegotiatoribus in singulos modios. neque tamen ob ea parentis
patriae dclatum et antea vocabulum adsumsit, acerbequc in- 10
crepuit eos, qui divinas occupationes ipsumque dominum dix-
erant. undc angusta et lubrica oratio sub principc, qui libcrta-
tem metuebat, adulationem oderat.

2. comicio : Domitio L.

(^ccius Flamma, procos. of Crete at about
this time 'M. Sen. Controv. 27, 19).

septem et quinquaginla. They were
chosen at from six to ten years old
(Gell. 1. 1 ), and were legally bound for
thirt}' years; after which time they might
rttire and marry, but usually continued in
office fi.ir life: see Marquardt, iii. 339.

I. praesederat. Any Vestal might be
snid ' praesidere Vestalibus sacris': the
head of the college was the eldest virgin
icp. II. 32, 5; Ov. Fast. 4, 639), the
• virgo Vestalis maxima ' of inscriptions.

Fonteio Agrippae : cp. c. 30, i.

5. discidio = ' divortio,' as 3. 34,io.&c.
imminuerat, ' had lowered in dig-
nity ' : cp. c. 34, 4.

6. deciens sestertii: cp. c. 37, 2; i.
75, 5. This appears to be not an unusual
dowry among wealthy people : see Prof.
Mayor on Juv. 10, 335.

7. Saevitiamannonae. Drager notes
this as a novel metaphor, analogous to
' saevitia hiemis,' 'maris,' &c. Tacitus
has also ' gravitas annonae ' (6. 13, i),
' acris annona ' , 4. 6, 6).

incusantc plebe. Probably, as at
other times (cj). 6. 13, i), these com-
plaints found utterance at the theatre
and other public gatiierings.

statviit . . . pretium ; i. e. it was to be
sold at less than the current price, and
the difference made up to the dealers.
This lias nothing to do with the usual
monthly corn-dole, but corresponds rather
to the occasional ' frumtntationes,' sucli
as are mentioned in Mon. Anc. iii. 10, 40 ;
Suet. Aug. 41, &c. : cp. 15. 39, 2 ' pre-

II. occupationes eius Rilt.

tium frumenti minntiim usque ad ternos
nummos.' On the regulation of tiie corn-
market at Rome by the government see
Marquardt, ii. 126, foil, and Prof ^^'ilkins
in I), of Ant. i. p. 879.

9. negotiatoribus : cp. c. 6j, 4; 3.
42, I , &c. ; here specially used of corn-
dealers.

10. antaa : cp. i. 72, 2.
increpuit. Suetonius ^Tib. 27) speaks

with more detail : ' Dominus appellatus
a t|UO(lam, denuntiavit ne se amplius
contumeliae causa nomiriaret. Alium
dicentem sacras eius occupationes et rur-
sus alium, auctore eo senatum se adisse,
verba mutare et pro auctore suasorem,
pro sacris laboriosas dicere coegit ' (cj).
the speech in 4. 38). He considi.red
that he could properly be addressed ns
' dominus ' only by his slaves (see his
snying quoted in Introd. vi. p. 78, n. 10) ;
and, though the example set by him and
Augustus (Suet. Aug. 53^ gradually found
exceptions (among which may be noted
the regular use of ' domine ' as the address
of I'hny to Trajan), the title docs not
become established as that of the \i\ inceps
till the time of Diocletian. See Staat^.r.
ii. 760, and a complete history of the use
of the term in daily life, in Friedlander,
i. 395. foil.

1 2. angusta et lubrica, ' constrained
by narrow limits and perilous.' The
words are joined together (but not in a
metaphorical sense) in H. 3. S2, 4:
' angustae sententiae' is used in Dial. 32,
3 ; and ' lubricus ' has often this meaning,
as 6. 49, 3; 51, 3; H. I. 10, 2.

384

p. CORNELII TACITI ANXALIUM [A.U.C. 772.

88. Reperio apucl sciiptoies scnatoresque eorundem tempo-
rum Adgandestrii principis Chattorum lectas in scnatu littcras,
quibus mortem Arminii promittebat, si patrandae neci vencnum
mittcretur ; responsumque esse non fraude neque occultis, sed
5 palam et armatum populum Romanum hostes suos ulcisci. qua 2
gloria aequabat se Tiberius priscis impcratoribus, qui venerium
in Pyrrhum regem vetuerant prodiderantque. ceterum Arminius 3
abscedentibus Romanis et pulso Maroboduo regnum adfectans
libertatem popularium adversam habuit, petitusque armis cum
10 varia fortuna certaret, dolo propinquorum cccidit : liberator baud
dubie Germaniae et qui non primordia populi Romani, sicut alii
reges ducesque, sed florentissimum imperium lacessierit, proeliis
ambiguus, bcllo non victus. septem et triginta annos vitae, duo- 4

2. ad Gandestrii . . . resiionsum esse Grimm, senatoriisqne . . . actis Gandestrii
Momms. 3 and 7. armenii . . . nrmenius : cp. i. 55, 4. 7- pynum : see on

c. 63, 3. 10. haudubie : hau duliie Bait, and Ritt. ; cp. c. 36, 2.

1. scriptores senatoresque eorun-
dem temporum, ' contemporary writers
who were senators ' : cp. ' liberto et ac-
cusatori ' (16. 12, 2), where onlv one per-
son is meant. The fact that they were
senators is mentioned to show their means
of information ; but it is remarkable that
Tacitus does not cite the 'acta senatus'
themselves: see Introd. iii. 18.

2. Adgandestrii. The impossibility
of fmdiniT any German name of which
this might be reasonably supposed to be
a rendering has suggested tlie probability
of a corruption. Jac. Grimm thought the
name might be ' Gandestrius' ('Ganter'
= 'Mannchen dev Gans'), but the sen-
tence as read by him gives a construction
very unlike the style of Tacitus, and
Mommsen's reading is open to the objec-
tion (see Nipp. Pref. p. 24) that as the
'acta senatus' must be contemporary,
' eorundem temporum ' would be sur-
plusage.

principis : cp. c. 7, 2.

4. non fraude : cp. the sentiment of
Livy (i. 53, 4) ' minime arte Romana,
fraude et dolo.' Tacitus elsewhere (11.
19, 4) approves of such an act, in a case
not very dissimilar, and perhaps here
thinks Tiberius (^)uixotic.

6. priscis imperatoribus. The gene-
ral authorities (e.g. Liv. J'.pit. 13, &c. tell
this story only of C". Kabricius Luscinus in
his second consulship, A. U. c. 476, k. c.
278 ; but Claudius (^uadrigaiius (ap. GcU.

3. 8) makes the letter run in the names of
both consuls, the other being Q. Aemilius
Papus. Probably Tacitus does not mean
the plural to be taken strictly.

venenum, i. e. the preparation of
poison. On such pregnant uses of words
cp. Introd. v. § 84.

8. abscedentibus, perhaps used aoiis-
tically (cp. Introd. v. § 54 a\ Nipp.
thinks the retreat is represented as gradual
because the abandonment of Germany
became gradually apparent.

regnum adfectans. He was of the
royal race (cp. 11. 16, i\ but had hitherto
formed a contrast to Maroboduus (c. 44,
3). Possibly his motive may not have
been personal ambition, but a desire to
unite Germany more firmly against Rome.

10. liberator. Here, as below (' bello
non victus'), Tacitus admits the plain
fact, however qualified by the Roman
belief (c. 26. 2 ; 73, 3^1 that another cam-
ppign would have compelled submission.

12. reges ducesque, such as Pyrrhus
and Hannibal. In many elements of
military strength, Rome had been really
then more powerful than at this time.

13. ambiguus. Elsewhere (e.g. c. 67,
I, &c."^ the word, as applied to persons,
has a different meaning. In this sense, we
should ratlier e.Npect it to be used of the
battles themselves, as in c. 21, 4. &c.

bello. The antithesis is common : cp.
1 2. 39, 5 ; G. 30, 3, >S:c.
duodecim. This would date from the

A.D. 19.]

LIBER II. CAP.

3«5

clecim potentiae explevit, caniturquc adhuc barbaras ai)ud gcntes,
Graeconim annalibus ignotus, qui sua tantum mirantur. Romanis
baud pcrindc Celebris, dum Vetera extollimus recentium incuriosi.

3. FlNIT LlIJEK .II. I* COKNKI.Y INCII'IT LiBER III. FELICrfER.

defe.it of Varus ; so th.it his death must
have taken place in 774, A. 1). 21, though
mentioned here, as on the last occasion of
noticing him. Maroboduus was thus
dismissed from notice (c. ()^, 5V

1. caniturque. It is possible, as
Grimm suggests (Mythol. E. T. p. 362),
that Tacitus here confounds him with the
German hero Irmin (see Introd. to G.
p. 28).

2. Graecorum. We should suppose
these Greek writers to be such as wrote of
subjects or periods in which Arminius
ought to have been mentioned. This may
suggest a question whether Plutarch's lost
Lives of Augustus and Tiberius may have
been known to Tacitus at this date, and
may possibly be here alluded to. The
spirit of such (jreek wi iters, whoever they
were, seems represented in the subsequent
narrative of Dio, who only once (56. 19, 2)
mentions .\rminius.

3. haud perinde, i.e. 'not as he should

have been.' Nipp. gives several instances
(H. 2. 84, 2 ; 4. 62, 4; G. 5, 3; 34, I ;
Agr. 10, 6) in which the implied compari-
son is thus dropped out of sight. Others
may be found in Suet, and later authors.

Celebris. Tacitus has this masc. form
(nevL-r 'ccleber') in 13. 47, 2; 14. 19;
and perhaps ' alacris ' in H. 5. 16, 5:
earlier prose writers have ' acris,' ' equcs-
tris,' ' salubris,' ' silvestris ' : cp. Zumpt,
Gr. 100, note i.

Vetera extollimus. A similar jiro-
test against indiscriminate admiration of
antiquity is found in 3. 55, 6. 1 he senti-
ment of Velleius (2. 92, 4), ' praesentia
invidia praeterita veneratione prosequimur,
et his nos obrui illis instrui credimus,' is
transferred by Hobbes (Leviathan, con-
clusion"! from the judgement of actions to
that of literature : ' The praise of ancient
authors, proceeds not from the reverence
of the dead, but from the competition and
mutual envy of the living' : cp. Dial. iS.

APPENDIX I.

ON BOOK II, CC. 2T„ 24.

The following fragment of a contemporary account of the disaster of
Germanicus by Pedo Albinovanus, probably one of his officers (see on
I. 60, 2), which has been preserved by M. Seneca (Suas. i. 14), is here
subjoined, as a specimen of some of the material from which Tacitus
may have had to draw up his narrative : —

lam pridem post terga diem solemque relinquunt,

lam pridem notis extorres finibus orbis

Per non concessas audaces ire tenebras

Ad rerum metas extremaque litora mundi ;

Nunc ilium pigris immania monstra sub undis 5

Qui ferat Oceanum, qui saevas undique pristis

Aequoreosque canes, ratibus consurgere prensis.

Accumulat fragor ipse metus. lam sidere limo

Navigia et rapido desertam flamine classem

Seque feris credunt per inertia fata marinis 10

Tarn non felici laniandos sorte relinqui.

Atque aliquis prora caecum sublimis in alta

Aera pugnaci luctatus rumpere visu,

Ut nihil erepto valuit dinoscere mundo,

Obstructa in tales effundit pectora voces: 15

Quo ferimur? fugit ipse dies orbemque relictnm

Ultima perpetuis claudit natura tenebris.

Anne alio positas ultra sub cardine gentes

Atque alium flabris intactum quaerimus orbem ?

Di revocant rerumque vctant cognoscere finem 20

Mortales oculos : alicna quid aequora remis

Et sacras violamus aquas divumque quietas

Turbamus sedes?

APPENDIX II,

ON THE CAMPAIGNS OF GERMANICUS.

The geography and details of these operations have been explained in
the notes, so fur as they seem to rest on trustworthy evidence ; and it is
liere intended to give only a brief sketch of the general plan of campaign
and its results '.

The disaster of Varus, if really decisive as to a policy of conquest,
could not be at once accepted as such without provoking German
aggression ; and even a ' bellum abolendae infamiae ^ ' would be popularly
understood to require some recovery of lost ground. The army was
consequently at once made up to eight legions, and placed for three
years (763-765, a.d. 10-12) under the supreme command of Tiberius,
and for four more under that of Germanicus, who had previously served
one year (764, a.d. ii) under his uncle.

Beyond the Rhine all was lost,~ except in its lowest course, where the
Baiavi and Frisii remained subject, and at least an outpost was held
among the Chauci \ The camps at Moguntiacum and Vetera formed
the base of operation against the chief hostile tribes, the former against
the Chatti of Hessen, the latter against the Cheruscan confederacy,
which, though extending to the Rhine, had its heart far away beyond
the Weser.

Of these the Chatti, though before and afterwards by far the most
formidable enemies of Rome in Western Germany *, and highest in
military organization ', seem at this date kept by their standing jealousy
cf the Cherusci'^ from giving effectual aid to the national cause. They
have to be reckoned with as hostile, but it is sufficient to remind them
by occasional raids '' that they are vulnerable at home, and thus to make

' On tlic whole subject see especially Vnrus, as they are said to have had one

Mommsen, Hist. v. 44 full., E. T. i. 4S loll. of his eagles (see on 2. 25, 2).

^ I. 3, 6. ^ See the account of them in G. 30-31.

" I. 38, I. 6 12. 28, 2.

* They had at first held aloof from the ' One such precedes each of the great

confederacy against Drusus Dio,54. 33,2^ attacks on the Cheruscan league (i. 55, 1 ;

but afterwards joined it (Id. 36, 3; 55. 2. 7, i), another comes after the ship-

1, 2), and had probably risen against wreck (2. 25, 2).

388 APPENDIX II.

ihem stand on the defensive, and give no aid to those who give none to
them \ With this exception, they are left out of count, and the Upper
army is thus set free to join the other in the general attack.

Against the Cherusci and their confederacy Tiberius conducted at
least one campaign (764, a.d. ii), in which he is stated to have spent
some time across, but not far from the Rhine ^, and is credited with much
the same acts of general devastation ' as are recorded of Germanicus.
One expression (' aperit limites ') would point to some more permanent
result, probably to the reoccupation of the outpost of Aliso^, and the
restoration of its communications with Vetera by a barricaded road along
the Lippe ^.

Germanicus, on succeeding to the command, took no offensive action
during his first year, and seems to have planned none for his second ;
the rapid expedition against the Marsi late in the autumn of 767, ad. 14,
being represented as intended only to restore the morale of the troops
after the mutiny ^ Possibly he was encouraged by its success, and
Roman opinion generally by an exaggerated report of it '', to look upon
reconquest as feasible ; possibly Tiberius himself was inclined to a more
vigorous effort to recover ground that he had done so much to win, than
the old age and infirmity of Augustus had been willing to sanction :
anyhow, the next two years show a really energetic attempt to regain the
frontier of the Elbe. Tacitus helps us little to conceive the plan of
campaign ; but here, as elsewhere ^ some detail casually mentioned often
helps us to see a meaning in what seemed purposeless; and we shall
hardly be wrong in thinking that the first object was to weaken the
confederacy in detail by bringing an overwhelming force to bear on its
chief outlying members before the centre was assailed. From this view
the already mentioned onslaught on the ]\Iarsi, who had been so
prominent as to have captured an eagle ^ may be part of a scheme.

The chief campaign of 768, a.d. 15, is, as we read it, an enigma.
Half the army sails round by sea to the mouth of the Ems, to be met at
some point on that river by the other forces '", and thence to find its way

' The Cherusci, in spite of jealousies, on which such honours in such cases were

were inclined to do so, but checked by a generally given is seen in the ovation of

counter demonstration (i. 56, 7). Drusus (3. 11, i), and that offered to,

'' Dio, 56. 25, 3. Velleius (2. 121, 3) though disdained by, Tiberius himself

seems to speak of more than one campaign. v3- 47- 4^-

' Veil. 2. 121, 2. ^ Instances are often seen in the narra-

* See 2. 7, f, and note. tive of the campaigns of Corbulo (vol. ii.

* This may possibly be the 'limes' of Introd. ch. iv) and others.
Tiberius fi. 50, 2). ' 2. 25, 2.

' I. 49-.SI- '° I- 60, 2-3. The meeting-point on

' This seems implied in the award of the Ems is not specified, but prcb.ibly
a triumph (i. 55, i) ; but the slight ground low down the stream.

ON THE CAMPAIGNS OF CERMANICUS. 389

back to the sources of the Ems and Lippe ', in other words, to a point
that could have been easily reached in a few days by the Lippe and
Aliso. We may find a key to this in the brief record of the submission
of the Chauci ^ (possibly coupled with that of the western part of the
Angrivarii^), and may suppose that to secure the whole lower country to
the Wescr by the enrolment of this widespread people * in the Roman
ranks was a worthy ol)ject for this circuit. Thence the whole united
army is flung upon the Bructeri, another eagle recovered, and this
powerful tribe lopped off from the resources of Arminius\ Passing over
the burial of the remains of the army of Varus® as a mere episode
suggested by nearness to the spot, and unduly amplified by reason of its
capabilities for picturesque description, we can see that the remaining
object of the campaign would be to bring the main body of the enemy to
battle, and inflict such a defeat as should crush all remaining resistance
to the Weser. Somewhere between the Ems and that river a battle is
delivered, but its result is unsatisfactory, and it is therefore briefly
described'', and followed by an immediate retreat, turned into a 'clades *"
by the. straits and narrow escape of tKe army of Caecina, and the almost
total loss of the baggage and supplies both of this force ' and of the two
legions nearly drowned through their inexperience of equinoctial tides '".
The magnitude of the loss is shown by the contributions not only from
(laul but from Spain and even Italy ", and by the emboldenment of the
Germans in the following spring to attempt an attack on Aliso '^ It is
notable that in repelling this, Germanicus is carried almost to the Weser,
the point to be afterwards reached by the whole army in so witle
a circuit '^

In the great campaign of 769, a.d. 16, we are again perplexed by the
disproportion between the preparations and the end effected, which was
no more a{)parently than the transport by ship of the whole army to the
point similarly reached in ihe previous year by half of it '\ The
description of the ships built '^ shows that they were not all intended
for the same kind of service ; and we should hardly be wrong in thinking
that, while the larger and more sea-going fleet was left at the mouth of

' I. 60, :;. ^ I. '''O, 4. triumph as vanquished: see 011 2. 41, 2.

3 Their "" defectio ' (2. 8, 4^ implies a * i. 61-62. ' 1. 63, 1-4.

submission at some previous time. * i. 7I' 5- ■* '■ 63-68.

' See the description of them in G. 35. '" i. 70. " i. 71, 3.

.\nolher division of them extended from '^ 2. 7, i, and note,

the Weser to the Elbe, but are probably '^ 2. 7, 3-4, and notes. The force is

here left out of view. a very large one, six legions, but in this

* I. 60, 4-5. Other tribes, never men- attempt to deal a rapid blow, it is not

tioned by Tacitus, and apparently belong- encumbered by the baggage and supplies

ing to this region, as the Campsani, needed for a prolonged campaign.
Chattuarii, Landi, were claimed at the '* 2. S, 2. '■" .: '' 2.

VOL, I CC

390 APPENDIX II.

the Ems, the army marched along the right bank of the Ilase, supported
by a light flotilla conveying supplies', to a point whence the valley of
the Werra and the Weser could be easily reached. The absence of any
resistance need not show that all this district was reduced to submission,
but rather that Arminius had thought fit to collect all his strength behind
the Weser, where his own advantages and the difliculties of the Romans
would be augmented. We have two battles '"', in which great victories
are claimed, but the first does not prevent the speedy reassemblage of the
enemy, and the sequel of the second is a retreat, not as in the previous
year, at the equinox, but in the height of summer^, ending in a still
greater disaster, and followed by short incursions*, apparently intended,
like that of two years previously, to restore the morale of the troops.
This premature retreat may have been due to unmentioned reverses, to
the increasing difficulty of feeding an isolated army, or to other causes,
but all explanation is mere conjecture.

The one more campaign, still longed for by the sanguine leader ', if it
had gone on the lines of those before it, might probably have been
planned on the supposition that the army should be conveyed or attendetl
by the fleet up the Weser and Aller to the neighbourhood of the Elbe.
But for this a new fleet was needed ; the dangers of sea transport had
proved to be even greater than those of a lantl march ; the Romans had
secured no ground beyond the Weser; and an advance to the Elbe
would have brought them dangerously near to the great organization of
the hitherto neutral Maroboduus *.

All this Tiberius must have known, also that German warfare had
entered on a new stage since his own day, by the growth of military
discipline '', and the rise of a leader of genius. So-called victories might
still be won ; but the Germans had always an easy refuge in the forests,
and could soon collect again to harass a retreating enemy. To hold the
country, roads would have to be restored * or created in every direction,
strong winter camps formed in several places, the chief rivers permanently
occupied by a fleet. Even thus the result might yet be doubtful owing
to the absence of towns among the Germans, their unsettled homes and

' We may, perhaps, thus explain the * 2. 25. * 2. 26, 4.

absence of any mention of the route. * See 2. 44, 3, &c.

Tacitus may have found in his authorities ' See 2. 45, 3.

that the troops disembarked at the mouth ' Between the Rhine and tlie Weser,
of the Ems, also that ships went on nearly Diinzelmann (Jahrb. fiir Class. Phil. xx.
to the Weser, and may have confused the Supp.) and Nordhoff and Westhoff i^Bonn.
statements. The route back, for whatever Jahrb. xcvi) trace several roads, con-
reason, is similarly ignored. sidered, but perhaps hardly proved, to be
■' 2. 16-18; 19-21. Roman; which, if so, would date before
^ ' aestate adulla' 2. 23, i. the disaster of Varus.

ox THE CAMPAIGNS OF GERMAXICUS. 391

roving habits, and the difliculty of keeping up a commissariat in that land
of poverty and depredation \ In any case, if the defences on the Rhine
were not to be dangerously weakened -, a considerable permanent addition
was required to the legionary forces.

We cannot be surprised that the mind of a cautious ruler was made
up, and that the recovery of eagles and stately pageant of the triumph
formed a welcome occasion for the abandonment of an untenable position.
' Rome was sufficiently avenged ; the Germans might well be left to wear
themselves out with internal discord ^' Under cover of such phrases, the
Chauci and such outposts as Aliso were abandoned ■• ; the two armies,
not again united under one commander, become a local and defensive
force ; the frontier as left at the fall of Varus " is accepted ; and Arminius
liecomes ' the liberator of Germany, and, if not always successful in
battles, in the whole result of the war unconquered^*

' Such difficulties are strongly put by ^ 2. 26, ^.

Tacitus in the 'Cermania': see Introd. * This ii not distinctly stated, but must

[). 6. be implied : see Moinms. Ilist. v. 50, K. T.

-' These antiits were 'commune in Ger- i. 55. The ' discessio ' of the Romans is

manos Ciallosque suhsidium' (4. 5. 2,; spoken of (2. 44, 2), and Arminius is

and such a rising in the latter country as made (2. 45, 6) to speak of them a-.

actually took place a few years later 'eiecti.'

(3. 40 foil.) must have been always ' See above, p. 387.

looked upon as possible. " 2. 88, 3.

BOOK III.
SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.

A. U. C. 773, A. D. 20. M. Valerius Messalla, M. Aurelius Cotta, coss.
Ch. 1-18. Further honours to Germanicus, and trial of Cn. Piso.

I, 2. Reception of Agrippina at Brundusium ; transportation of the remains to Rome.
3. Tiberius, Augusta, and Antonia absent from the demonstration. 4, 5. Feeling at
Rome on the day of the funeral. (3. Fdict of Tiberius. 7- Drusus departs to
Illyricum. 8, y. Piso, after visiting him there, returns ostentatiously to Rome. IC,

II. Indictment sent back to the senate, after a hearing before Tiberius; return of
Drusus. 12. Speech of Tiberius at the opening of the case. 13,14. Progress of the
trial. 15. Plancina secures her safety through Augusta ; suicide of Piso. 16. His
last letter read. 17, 18. End of the trial ; modifications of the sentence by Tiberius.

Ch. 19-30. Other events of the year.

10. Priesthoods given to the accusers; ovation of Drusus; death of his mother
Vipsania. 20, 21. Tacfarinas again defeated in Africa by Apronius. 22, 23. Trial
of Lepida. 24. Return of D. Silanus from voluntary exile. 25. Complaints of the
working of the ' lex Papia Poppaea.' 26-28. Digression on the origin of law, and
the history of Roman legislation. 29. Entry of Nero Caesar into public life ; his
marriage. 30. Death of L. Volusius and Sallustius Crispus.

A. U. C. 774, A. D. 21. Tiberius Caesar Augustus IV, Drusus
Caesar IT, coss.

31. Tiberius absent during the year; complaint brought by Domitius Corbulo
against P. Sulla ; his attacks on persons charged with the maintenance of roads.

32. News of renewed hostilities in Africa ; M. Lepidus proconsul by lot of Asia.

33. 34. Speeches of Caecina Severus and Valerius Messalinus on the proposal to
forbid governors of provinces to take their wives with them. 35. Blaesus, uncle of
Seianus, made proconsul of Africa 'extra sortem.' 36, 37. Drusus checks an abuse
in respect of the statues of the princeps, and is credited with the punishment of
accusers ; his popularity. 38. Tiberius causes Antistius Vetus to be condemned for
complicity with Rhescuporis. 3'J. Renewed disturbance in Thrace suppressed.

Ch. 40-47. Serious rebellion promoted by Julius Florus and Julius Sacrovir in Gaul.
40. Seditious meetings held. 41. Outbreak of the Andecavi and Turoni put down
by Acilius Aviola. 42. Rising of the Treveri suppressed by a force of cavalry ;
death of Florus. 43-46. A large force raised by the Aedui defeated and dispersed
by C. Silius near Augustodunum : death of Sacrovir. 47. Tiberius reports to the
senate, and talks of going to Gaul ; honours decreed to him.

48. Death of Sulpicius Quirinius. 49-51. Clutorius Priscus put to death by
sentence of the senate for a poem in anticipation of the death of Drusus ; speech
of M'. Lepidus; Tiberius blames the haste shown.

394 SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.

A. U. C. 775, A. D. 22. C. Sulpicius Galba, D. Haterius Agrippa, coss.

52 55. The aediles complain of the defiance of sumptuary laws, especially in
luxuries of the table; leUcr of Tiberius. The subject allowed to drop ; but, after
many years' licence, luxury abated in the time of Vespasian. 56, 57. Drusus
associated in the tribunician power; extravagant compliments decreed. 58. Servius
Maluginensis, flamen Dial is, claims his lot for the proconsulate of Asia. 59. Drusus
thought to have shown pride in only writing to the senate. 60-63. Embassies to
the senate from Greek cities in Asia touching the right of asylum claimed for their
temples. 64. Return of Tiberius in conseqi.ence of the illness of Augusta ; vows
offered for her recovery. 6a. Prevalence of servility in the senate. 66-69. Trial
and condemnation of C. Silanus for extortion and treasonable conduct in Asia ;
Tiberius declines the responsibility which the proposal of Dolabella would cast on
him. 70. Condemnation of Caesius Cordus ; dismissal of the charge against L.
Ennius; pretended indignation of Ateius Capito. 71- Offering to Fortuna Equestris
for recovery of Augusla ; the claim of the flamen Dialis to a province disallowed.
72. Restoration of the ' I^asilica Pauli' by Lepidus; that of the theatre of Pompeius
undertaken by Caesar. 73, 74. Successes of Blaesus against Tacfarinas, and honours
awarded to him. 75. Deaths of Asinius Saloninus and Ateius Capito. 76. Death
of Junia, wife of Cassiiis and sister of Brutus ; her will and funeral.

p. CORNELII TACITI
ANNALIUM AB EXCESSU DIVI AUGUSTI

LIBER III.

1. Nihil intermissa navigatione hiberni maris Agrippina Cor-
cyram insulam advehitur, litora Calabriae contra sitam. illic 3
paucos dies conponendo animo insumit, violenta luctii et nescia

2 tolcrandi. interim adventu eius audito intimus quisque ami-
corum ct plerique militares, ut quique sub Germanico stipcndia
fecerant, multique etiam ignoti vicinis e municipiis, pars officium

in principem rati, plures illos sccuti, ruere ad oppidum Brundi- 10
sium, quod naviganti celerrimum fidissimumque adpulsu erat.

3 atque ubi primum ex alto visa classis, complcntur non modo

4. ab excessu diui Augusti. Nihil. &c. 8, cuique: text B, ut cuique . . . fueiant
Wurm. II. ad pulsu : text B, ad adpulsum Uoederlein.

4. Nihil intermissa, &c. Her jour- 14. 33, 4 : Hor. Od. i. 8, 5 ; Curt. 8. 5, 4 ;
ney ,see 2. 75, i ; 79, i) falls chiefly into Ouint. 11. i, J3. The word seems here
the former year. Hence the beginning of analogous to ' primipilaris,' ' consularis,'
this year and names of the new consuls &c., as denoting persons who have been
are noticed incidentally (c 2,5). soldiers: cp. ' vir militaris' (4. 42, 2,

5. advehitur: cp. ' Ulicam advehitur' &c.).

(.Sail. Jug. 86, 4); • advehor Ortygiam' 9. officium: cp. i. 24, 4; 2. 42, 2,

(Ov. Met. 5, 499, 6^o); and the similar &c. The 'pars' and 'plures' are sub-

accus. with 'adferor' (H. 3. 43, 3% The divisions of the ' multi ignoti' only, and

verb takes accus. pers. in 2. 45, 4, &c. ' illos' refers to ' pars.'

contra. On the anastrophe cp. Introd. 11. celerrimum, ' most quickly reach-

V. 77, I. ed.' Driiger notes this use of the word

6. insumit: see note on 2. 53, 2. as unexampled.

nescia tolerandi, 'unskilled in en- fidissimum, 'safest.' This sense is

durance.' ' Nescius,' in this sense, takes first found in Vergil (cp. Aen. 2, 23,400';

a gerundial gen. (ace. to Dr.) only here so 'lacitus has 'pons hdus' in 15. 15, 6:

and in c. 67, 2; an inf. often in 'poets. cp. H. 5. 6, 4. 'Adpulsu' is generally

Cp. ' simulationum nescia' 4. 54, 2. taken as a supine, but might also be a

8. plerique -' permulti,' the usual, contracted dative, as 'luxu' (c. 30, 4).

■ but hardly as Nip]5. makes it: the in- &c. : cp. 'utrinque prora paratam sem-

yei adpulsui trontem agit' G. 44, 2.
12. ex alto, 'in the offing' : cp. Ve
militares, used substantively, as in G. 3, 238.

variable meaning in Tacitus of this word

and ' plerumque' : see G. G. Lex. 12. ex alto, 'in the offmg' : cp. Verg.

396

P. CORNELII TACiri ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 773-

portus et proxima maris, sed moenia ac tecta, quaque longissime
prospectari poterat, maerentium turba et rogitantium inter se,
.silcntione an voce aliqua egredicntem exciperent. neque satis 4
constabat quid pro tempore foret, cum classis paulatim successit,

5 non alacri, ut adsolet, remigio, sed cunctis ad tristitiam com-
positis. postquam duobus cum liberis, feralem urnam tenens, 5
egressa navi defixit oculos, idem omnium gemitus ; neque dis-
cerneres proximos alienos, virorum feminarumve planctus, nisi
quod comitatum Agrippinae longo maerore fessum obvii et

10 recentes in dolore antcibant.

2. Miscrat duas praetorias cohortes Caesar, addito ut magis-
tratus Calabriae Apulique et Campani suprema erga memoriam
filii sui munia fungerentur. igitur tribunorum ccnturionumque 2
umeris cineres portabantur ; praecedebant incompta signa, versi

15 fasces; atque ubi colonias transgrederentur, atrata plebes, tra-

I. niari Mur.

13. muneia ; so Or., Pfitzn., Allen; text Ritt.

I. proxima maris, 'the sea just out-
side,' which, as well as the harbour it-
self, was crowded w ith boats : cp. ' prox-
ima litoruin ' H. 3. 42, i. The instances
cited by W'alther and Orelli do not war-
rant our explaining this text otherwise
(,see Ritter) ; and the emendation ' mari'
is not generally accepted.

quaque, &c., ' places commanding the
furthest sea-view.' It is better to take
'qua' thus, wiih the force of 'unde,'
than to suppose the words to mean the
furthest points within view from the
ships.

4. quid pro tempore foret, ' which
course was suitable to the occasion' : cp.
'pro opibus' (c. 2, 2); 'consilium pro
tempore et pro re' (Caes. B. G. 5. 8, i),
&c. On the use of ' quid ' cp. i. 47, 2.

successit, ' approached ' ; not appa-
rently elsewhere used in this sense abso-
lutely, but with 'ad,' or with dat.

6. duobus: see on 2. 70, 2.

7. defixit, sc. ' in terrani,' a common
meaning ot the passive participle of this
verb (cp. i. 68, 2 ; 13. 5, 3, &c.) ; whereas
the simple verb requires an addition, as
H. 4. 72, 4; Verg. Aen. 6, 469. This
attitude of sorrow here gives the signal
for the outburst of sympathy.

9. obvii et recentes in dolore.
'Obvii' is opposed to the 'comitatus.'
'Recentes in dolore,' 'those whose grief
was fresh,' a phrase found in Auct. ad

Herenn. 2, 7, but distinct from ' recens
dolore' (i. 41, ^). ' lit' is explanatory,
as the persons coupled are tJie same.

10. anteibant ; referring to tlie ' gemi-
tus' and ' planctus' mentioned above.

1 1 . magistratus, sc. ' municipales.' On
the variation from the genitive * Cala-
briae' to adjectives, cp. 2. 3, 2.

I 2. erga : see on 2. 2, 5.

13. munia. In defence of this cor-
rection (made also in H. 3. 13, 1), Ritter
shows by a large collection of instances,
that in the nom. and ace. plural, where
Tacitus has the choice between ' munera '
and 'munia,' he uses the former for gifts,
&c. (e.g. 4. 26, 4; 14. 50, 2; 55, 5;
Agr. 13, 1), the latter for duties or
functions (e. g. i. 2, i; 11, 3; 16, 2 ;
31, 3 ; 69, 2, &c.).

fungerentur : cp. 4. 38, i. Elsewhere
the accus. with this verb is chiefly anti-
(juated, except as implied in gerundive
constructions. In these two places, it is
perhaps preserved as an archaic purism of
Tiberius, on which ground also some
retain ' munera.'

14. incompta, 'unadorned': cp. ' in-
honora signa' H. 4. 62, 4^ and note on
I. 24, 4. Pliny (N. H. 13. 3, 4, 23) notes
that the standards were anointed with
perfume on festal occasions.

15. fasces, the twelve denoting the
rank of Germanicus (see on 2. 53, 3).
On this sign of mourning cp. Epiced.

A. D. 20.]

LIBER III. CAP. I 3

397

bcati equitcs pro o;)ibus loci vestcm odorcs aliaquc funcrum

3 sollcmnia creniabant. ctiam quorum diversa o{)picIa, tamcn
obvii et victimas atque aras dis manibus statucntcs lacrimis ct

4 conclamationibus dolorcm tcstabantur. Drusus Tarracinam pro-
gressus est cum Claudio fratre liberisque Germanici, qui in urbc 5

5 fucrant. consulcs I\I. Valerius et M. Aurclius (iam cnim magis-
tratum occepcrant) et senatus ac magna pars populi viam con-
plevere, disiccti et ut cuique libitum flerites ; aberat quippe
adulatio, gnaris omnibus lactam Tiberio Germanici mortem
male dissinuilari. i^

3. Tiberius atque Augusta publico abstinuere, inferlus maies-

tate sua rati, si palam lamentarentur, an ne omnium oculis vul-

2 tum eorum scrutantibus falsi intellegerentur. matrem Antoniam

non apud auctores rerum, non diurna actorum scriptura rcperio

6. c. aurelius : text Panvini. 8. in diurna Wurm.

Drusi 142 ' quos primnm vidi fasces, in
fiinere vidi, et vidi versos indiciumque
mali.' Tlie reversal of arms in mourning
is described in Verg. Aen. 1 1, (j^.

ubi % . . transgrederentur. On the
subjunctive cp. Introd. v. § 52.

colonias. Nipp. thinks that as the
distinction between 'coloniae' and ' mu-
nicipia' in Italy was now nominal, this
term is used concisely for both (see note
on I. 79, i). As a fact, however, most of
the principal towns on the Appian Way
between lirundusium and Tarracina were
colonies ; e. g. Tarentum, Venusia, Bene-
ventum, Capua, Minturnae, Formiae, &c.

trabeati. The 'trabea' was not worn
as mourning, but was their dress of state :
cp. Staatsr iii. 513, 2.

1. vestem &c. 'Ihe-e in an actual
funeral would have been ca-^t on the pile :
cp. Verg. Aen. 6, 221 ; Sil. 10, 569, and
the contrast of German funerals, G. 27, i.

odores. The burning of spices at
funerals is described by Statius (Silv. 2.
6, h6). These were proliahly burnt on
piles constructed as if for an actual funeral.
Such piles are described as burnt all over
Italy at the obsequies of Drusus, father
of Germanicus (Sen. Cons, ad Marc. 3, 2%

2. diversa, ' off the route.' The sense
is akin to that in 1. 17. 5, &c.

5. liberis, Nero, Drusus, Agrippina,
and Drusilla: see c. 1, .^.

6. consules. The first of these is son
of the person mentioned in i. 8, 5, and,
like his father, has the cognomen ' Mes-

salla'(Dio,Arg. toB.57), or 'Messalinus.'
The other is styled by Dio (1. 1.) ' M. Au-
relius M. f. Cotta,' ami is generally taken
to be the Cotta Messalinus of 2. 32, 2, &c.
The first consul would thus be nephew
of the second, for whose praenomen see
also C. I. L. vi. 1 005 1.

7. occeperant ; so used in 6. 45, 5, and
often in Livy, as 3. 19, 2 ; 55, i, &c.

8. disiecti, 'in scattered groups' : cp. i.
32, 7 ; 2. 61, I. This applies only to the
people, not then grouped in any regular
form, as 'per tribus' (c. 4, 2).

11. publico abstinuere, 'kept at
home.' The expiession appears to be in
general use, from its repetition in Suet.
CI. 36.

inferius maiestate, repeated c. 64, 2.

12. rati ... an ne; so 'gnarus, ac ne
. . . ingrueret ' H. 3. 46, 3 : cp. also
Introd. v. § 91, 9.

13. falsi : cp. 1. 7, 2.
Antoniam: see c. iS, 4; 11. 3, i;

Jos. Ant. iS. 6, 6; and Introd. ix. note
21. Her profile is well represented on
coins (Cohen, i. p. 223 ; Bernoulli, Il.i.pl.
xxxiii), and a few busts are assigned to
her, among which some reckon the
famous 'Clytie' of the British Museum
;_ Bernoulli, p. 224").

14. auctores rerum, 'historians.' Sal-
lust is thus styled in c. 30, 3 : usually
they are called simply ' auctores,' as in
4. 10, I ; 5. 9, 3, &c., and in Livy.
On these authors see Introd. iii. p. 13
foil.

398

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 773.

ullo insigni officio functam, cum super Agrippinam ct Drusum
et Claudium ceteri quoque consanguine! nominatim perscripti
sint, seu valetudine praepediebatur, seu victus luctu animus
magnitudinem mali perferre visa non toleravit. facilius ciedi- 3

5 derim Tiberio et Augusta, qui domo non excedebant, cohibitam,
ut par maeror et matris exemplo avia quoque et patruus attineri
viderentur.

4. Dies, quo reliquiae tumulo Augusti infcrebantur, modo
per silentium vastus, modo ploratibus inquies ; plena urbis iti-

10 nera, conluccntes per campum Martis faces, illic miles cum 2
armis, sine insignibus magistratus, populus per tribus concidisse
rem publicam, nihil spei reliquum clamitabant, promptius aper-
liusque quam ut meminisse imperitantium crederes. nihil tamen 3
Tiberium magis penetravit quam studia hominum accensa in

'5 Agrippinam, cum decus patriae, solum Augusti sanguinem,

5. Augustae Kritz and Docd. 6. pari maerore et Heins.

dinrna actorum scriptura. On these
journals see Introd. iii. p. iq. The con-
struction is varied to the ablative to avoid
the repetition of 'apud,' and is a slight
extension of the general usage in referring
to a book (cp. 1 1. 1 1 , 2 ; Madv. 273, Obs.
i). 'Scriptura' is used for 'writings" in
4. 32, I ; where also ' vcteres res' is a
similar hypallage (cp. Gud. on Dial. 2, 3)
to 'diurna' for 'diurnorum' here.

4. perferre visu non toleravit, ' had
not resolution to realize by sight the
greatness of her affliction ' ; ' perferre
visu ' is thus a more forcible expression
than ' videre.' ' Tolerate . . . per];)eti ' is
found in Plin. N. H. 26. i, 3, 3; 'sustinere
pati' in Ov. ex P. i. 5, 18; .and such ex-
pressions appear taken from the Greek
(pipiiv ovK irKTj.

facilius crediderim. The abrupt
transition implies the thought that these
suppositions are improbable.

5. Augusta. The reading ' Augustae'
(Or., Nipp., &c.) 'gives a construction
such as in 2. 50, 4, &c. The MS. text
must be taken as an extension or free use
of the instrumental abl. (see Introd. v.
§ 27), and as equivalent to 'Tiberii et
Augustae exemplo.' It follows tliat the
next sentence ' ut par maeror,' &c. must
be taken to express, not their motives
for restraining her, but her own reasons
for thinking fit to follow their example.

6. par maeror, sc. 'videretur,' supplied
from 'viderentur.'

attineri : cp. i. 35, 5 ; 2. 10, 2, &c.
S. tumulo Augusti: see note on 1.
8,6.

9. per silentium vastus. Tacitus has
' vastum silentium' in 4. 50, 6; H. 3. 13,
4 ; Agr. 38, 2 ; and the epithet is here
transferred to the day.

10. faces. The custom of carrying
torches at funerals is noted as of imme-
morial antiquity : cp. Vergil's account of
the obsequies of Pallas, Aen. 11, 142 ' de
more vetusto funereas rajiuere faces ; lucet
via longo ordine flammarum et late dis-
criminat agros'; also 'inter utramque
facem' (i.e. the torch of marriage and
buriaP) Prop. 4. 11, 46.

cum armis: cp. Epiced. Drusi 217
* armataetiue rogum celebrant de more
cohortes.' This, like the 'trabea' of the
equites (c. 2, 2), was a parade in full
equipment (cp. 12. 36, 4). Usually in the
city the soldiers, even on duty, were
' togati' (cp. H. I. 38, 5).

1 1. sine insignibus, i. e. without their
fasces, praetexta, &c. : cp. Epiced. Drusi
1S6 ' adspicitur toto purpura nulla
foro.'

populus per tribus, sc ' dispositus,'
' marshalled in their tribes,' perhaps at or
near the 'septa' in the Campus. The
people were thus formed to meet Nero

(M- 13. 2).

15. solum Augusti sanguinem. The
younger Julia and her children (see In-
trod. ix. notes 7, 10) are ignored; the

A. D. 20.]

LIBER in. CAP. 3

399

unicum antiquitatis specimen appellarcnt versique ad caelum ac

deos integram illi subolem ac superstitem iniquoriim precarentur.

5. Fuere qui publici funeris pompam requirerent compara-

rentque quae in Diusum patrcm Germanici honora ct magnifica

2 Augustus fecisset. ipsum quippe asperrimo hiemis Ticinum 5
usque progressum nequc abscedentem a corpore simul urbem
intravisse ; circumfusas lecto Claudiorum luliorumque imagines ;
defletum in foro, laudatum pro rostris. cuncta a maioribus re-

3 perta aut quae posteri invenerint cumulata : at Germanico ne
solitos quidem et cuicumque nobili debitos honores contigisse. 10

4 sane corpus ob longinquitatem itinerum externis terris quoquo
modo crematum : sed tanto plura decora mox tribui par fuisse,

5 quanto prima fors negavisset. non fratrem, nisi unius diei via,

7. Liviorumque L. lo. deditos : text B. 13. quando Mur.

only point being the invidious contrast to
Tiberius.

unicum antiquitatis specimen, ' a
peerless model of old-fashioned morals.'
' Unicus' is ficquently thus used in Livy,
&c. ; 'antiquitas' thus in Cic, as ' docu-
mentum virtutis, antiquitatis, prudentiae'
(pro Rab. Post. 10, 27) ; ' his gravissimae
antiquitatis viris ' (pro Sest. 3, 6). The
use of 'specimen' is also Ciceronian.

2. superstitem iniquorum : a dative
would be more classical ; but both this
coustniction (cp. 2. 71, 4) and also the
use of ' iniquus' for 'inimicus' (cp. 4. 68,
I ; 16. 21, 3) are Ciceronian. The whole
description is intended no doubt as an
artistic preparation for the narrative of
intrigues against this family.

3. requirerent = ' desiderarent,' as
often in Cic, &c. ' In Drusum,' best
taken, with Nipp., as depending on ' ho-
nora,' &c. The conveyance of the cinerary
um to the mausoleum, though a public
act, lacked many of the solemnities of
a funeral, still more of a state-funeral (on
which see c. 48, i, &c.). We gather
from the context that there was no pro-
cession of ancestors, and no ' laudatio.'

5. Ticinum, now Pavia. Augustus
was in Gaul, and on hearing of the illness
of Drusus had sent off Tiberius, who
arrived before his brother's death, and
marched at the head of the procession
all the way (Suet. Tib. 7; Dio, 55. 2).
Augustus met it here on his way back to
Rome.

6. neque abscedentem, &c. : cp. i.
7,6.

7. Claudiorum luliorumque. Drusus
was never adopted into the latter gens ;
but the old rule as to the ' ius imaginnm '
appears to have become less strict (see
Staatsr. i. 443, i); and the natural gra-
dation in the order of mention requires
the noblest house to be put last (cp.
' Claudiae et luliae domus partem ' 6. 8,
6) ; the more so as the stress is laid on
what no doubt was one of the special
honours accorded by Augustus to his step-
son. Effigies, no doubt, of the Livii and
other less noble- houses were borne (see
c. 76, 4), but so eclipsed by these as not
to need mention. Some of these Claudian
and Julian ancestors are specified in 4.
9. 3-

8. in foro . . . pro rostris. The
places seem mentioned emphatically ; but
Cicero (de Or. 2. 84, 341) speaks of
' laudationes ' as commonly delivered ' in
foro.' See the description of a Roman
funeral in Mommsen, Rom. Hist. vol. ii.
ch. 13. At that of Drusus, according to
Dio (1. 1.), the speech in the Forum was
spoken by Tibeiius, and another in the
?'laminian Circus by Augustus.

9. ne solitos quidem. This is ex-
plained by what follows.

11. sane, concessive, as i. 3, 4, &c.
quoquo modo = ' sine imaginibus et

pompa' (2. 73, i). The distance is men-
tioned to explain its not* having been
brought home for burning.

12. decora. Nipp. takes this as from
' decorus ' ; as also in c. 47, 3.

13. quanto : cp. Introd. v. § 64, 2.
fratrem. Drusus and Claudius had

400

P. CORN ELI I TACIT I ANNALIUM [A. U. C. 77,^

non patruum saltern porta tenus obvium. ubi ilia veterum insti- 6
tuta, propositam toro effigiem, meditata ad memoriam vir-
tutis carinina et laudationes, et lacrimas vel doloris imita-
menta ?

5 6. Gnarum id Tiberio fuit ; utque premeret vulgi sermones,
monuit edicto multos inlustrium Romanorum ob rem publicam
obisse, neminem tarn flagranti desiderio cclebratum. idque et
sibi et cunctis egregium, si modus adiceretur. non enim eadem 2
decora principibus viris et imperatori populo, quae modicis do-

10 mibus aut civitatibus. convenisse recenti dolori luctum et ex 3
maerore solacia ; sed referendum iam animum ad firmitudinem,
ut quondam divus lulius amissa unica filia, ut divus Augustus

2. praepositarn : text Mur.

both pone to Tarracina (c. 2, 4). Possibly
the latter is ignored, as in 2. 71, 3: as
however, in the corresponding term
' patruns,' adoptive relationship is not
considered fcp. note on i. 33, 3), it is
possible that ' fratrem ' refers only to
Claudius. ' Unius diei ' is probably an
exaggeration, as 'Apjjii Forum' seems to
be reckoned a fair day's journey from
Rome (Hor. Sat. t. 5, jV

1. non . . . saltern. This use for ' ne
. . . quidem,' not found elsewhere in
Tacitus, occurs in a few places in Livy
and in later prose.

2. propositam: this is the ordinary
equivalent of the Greek TrporiOfvai, and
' prae' and ' ]iro ' are often confounded in
MSS. The MS. text (retained by Or.,
Phlzn., Allen) would rather describe such
an arrangement as that at the funeral
of Augustus (Dio, 56. 34, i), where the
position of a v^axen effigy on the couch
has to be contrasted with that of the real
body below ; whereas in such a case as
this no real body could have been present.

tore. Unless ' praepositam ' be read,
this must be taken as a free use of the
abl. of place; as also ' externis terris '
above : see Introd. v. § 25.

meditata, ' prepared ' ; so used pas-
sively 4. 57, I ; 70, 6, &c.. and in Cic.

3. carmina, verses to be sung by a
choir. Such a poem was composed bv
Clutorius Priscus, but probably not till
afterwards fc. 49, i'.

et lacrimas. Nipp. notes that these
are not, like the former words, in apposi-
tion to ' veterum instituta,' but refer to
the conduct of Tiberius and others.

vel, ' or even.'

imitamenta : cp. 13. 4, i; 14. 57, 5;
found faccording to Drager) only once
before Tacitus fM. Sen. Cont. 2. i, 9,
3), and very rarely later.

5. Gnarum: cp. i. 5, 4, &c.
utque premeret, ' to repress.' The

sense is mostly poetical, and oftener used
of self-control (e. g. c. 11, 2 ; 6. 50, 5").

6. ob rem publicam obisse, refer-
ring to the inscriptions mentioned in 2.

83. 3-

8. egregium, ' honourable ' : cp. ' mihi
egregium erat' (H. i. 15, i\ and the
subst. c. 70, 4; 6. 24, 3, &c. ; apparently
a Tacitean sense of the word.

adiceretur. Drager notes that this
verb is nowhere else used in this phrase
for ' adhibere.'

9. principibus viris. Nipp. notes
that while this is thrown in to explain his
own apparent apathy, the addition of
' imperatori populo ' removes the appa-
rent self-exaltation by raising the nation
to his level. On the adjectival ' impe-
rator' (ott. dp) cp. Introd. v. § 3; also
'liberator populus ' (Liv. 35. 17, 8\

10. ex maerore solacia. On the con-
struction see on i. 29, 3. The sentiment
is that of Ovid (Trist. 4. 3, 38), ' expletur
lacrimis cgeritur(iue dolor.'

1 2. divus lulius . . . divus Augustus.
Seneca dwells on their firmness in these
trials (Cons, ad Marc. 14,' 3; 15, 2); also
Suetonius says of the latter ^Aug. 65 \
' aliquanto patientius mortem quarri de-
decora suorum tulit.' JuHa. only daughter
of Caesar and wife of Cn Pompeius, died
while her father was in Britain, in 700,
B.C. 54. On the death of the grandsons
of Augustus see i. 3, 3-

A. D. 20.]

LIBER III. CAP. 5 7.

401

4 creptis ncpotibus abstruscrint tristitiam. nil opus vctustioribus
exemplis, quotiens populus Romanus clades cxercitvinni. intcri-
tum ducLim, funditus amissas nobiles familias constanter tulcrit.

5 principcs mortales, rem publicam actcrnam esse, pmin repe-
terent sollcmnia, et quia ludorum Megalesium spectaculum sub- 5
erat, ctiam voluptates resumerent.

7. Turn exuto iustitio rcditum ad munia, et Drusus Illyricos
ad exercitus profectus est, erectis omnium animis spe pctendae
e Pisone ultionis et crebro questu,' quod vastus interim per
amoena Asiae atque Achaiae adroganti et subdola mora see- 10
2 lerum probationes subverterct. nam vulgatum erat missam, ut
dixi. a Cn. Sentio famosam veneficiis Martinam subita morte
Brundisii extinetam, venenumque nodo crinium eius occultatum,
nee uUa in corpore signa sumpti exitii reperta.

8. spe ins. Freinsh., petendae . . . ultioni. Ikch.

3. amissas nobiles familias, re-
ferring ap]:iarently to the story of the
Fabii at the Cremera (Liv. 2. 50;.

4. principe.s ; not here in a special
sense, but = ' great men.'

proin. Tacitus has this form in 12.
22, 2 ; always' exiirt ' or' exin,' and ' dtin'
much oftener than ' deinde.'

5. soUemnia, ' their usual employ-
ments.'

Megalesium. These began on the
4th of April (Ov. Fast. 4, 179 sqq.) ; but
we can hardly supp(>se that the mourning
had lasted continuously till then ^^see on
2. 82, 81. Ovid (1. 1.) describes the pro-
cession at these games, and s]ieaks of
scenic and Circensian cntertninmenls : see
Marquardt, iii. 367, foil.

suberat, ' was at hand ' ; so used by
Cic. ;Mil. 16, 42) and Cncsar (H. (i. 3.
27, 2; B. C. 3. 97, 4). The indicative is
used because these words are a note by
tlie writer, not a part of the edict.

7. Illyricos ad exercitus. On his
mission see 2. 44, Sic. He returned for
the trial c. 11, 1). On the plural ' exer-
citus ' cp. c. 1 2, 6 ; 1.52, 3, &c.

8. erectis, ' roused to energy': c]"). 2.
25, i; ' crectus Samnis ' H. 3. =,(), 2;
'non fregit . . . sed erexit ' Nep. Them. i.

spe petendae . . . ultionis. Nipp.
and others retain the MS. text, as a strong
instance of a gerundive genitive denoting
purpose and C|ualifying the whole sen-
tence (Introd. V. § 57 ^) ^ l^"' the sense

seems here to require an expression of
the instrumental cause of excitement ;
and ' spe ' could most easily have been
absorbed between 'animis' and 'peten-
dae.' The more common expression is
' erectus in (or ' ad ') spem,' as 2. 71, i ;
H. 2. 74, 4.

II. probationes, 'proofs,' or 'evi-
dence ' ; so first in Quint. (5. 10, 102,
&c.).

subverteret, 'was destroying.' The
next sentence explains the word, by sup-
posing that he had c.Tused the death of
Martina; but of this there a]>pears to be
no evidence beyond common talk.

ut dixi, 2. 74. 2.

13. nodo crinium = Kopv^Bai. possibly
in a hollow in the litXov-q. It was thus,
according to one version (Dio, 51. 14, 2 ,
that Cleopatra secreted poison about her.

14. nee . . . reperta. The inference
would seem to be that she had not com-
mitted suicide, but had been murdered
in some subtle manner. Nipp., on the
other hand, thinks it to be assumed that
she had poisoned herself; and that the
important admission, that no signs of
]ioison were found in her body, is turned
into an argument that she must have used
drugs that lelt no trace, which would
explain the absence of conclusive evidence
in the case of Germanicus (2. 73, 5).
' Sumere mortem ' is used of suicide in 13.
30, 3 ; usually ' sponte ' is added, as in
2. 66, 2 : 6. 25, I, &c.

402

p. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 773.

8. At Piso praemisso in urbem filio datisque mandatis per
quae principem molliret ad Drusum pergit, quem hand fratris
interitu truccni quam remoto aemulo aequiorem sibi sperabat.
Tiberius quo integrum iudicium ostentaret, exceptum comiter 2

5 iuvencm sueta crga filios familiarum nobiles liberalitate auget.
Drusus Pisoni, si vera forent quae iacerentur, praecipuum in 3
dolore suum locum respondit : sed malle falsa et inania nee
cuiquam mortem Germanici exitiosam esse, haec palam et 4
vitato omni secreto ; neque dubitabantur praescripta ei a Ti-

10 berio, cum incallidus alioqui et facilis iuventa senilibus tum
artibus uteretur.

9. Piso Dclmatico mari tramisso relictisque apud Anconam
navibus per Picenum ac mox Flaminiam viam adsequitur legio-
nem, quae c Pannonia in urbem, dein praesidio Africae duce-

i5batur: eaque res agitata rumoribus, ut in agmine atque itinere

9. et : ei L.

14. inde Wurm {2. 68, 1).

1. filio : see 2. 76, 2, &c.

2. haud . . . quam. On the abbre-
viation of comparative clauses see Tntrod.
V. § 64. Nipp. notes here that the con-
structions ' haud tain . . . quam,' and
' haud . . . scd,' are mingled — the second
clause softening the negation in the first —
and compares non . . . quam ' in Plant.
Rud. 4. 3, 9 ; Liv. 2. 56, 9 ; 25. 15, 9.

3. sperabat : cp. 2. 56, 4.

4. integrum, ' unprejudiced ' : cp. ' in-
tegris . . . animis' c. 12, 3.

5. liberalitate : cp. 2. 37, 2, &c.
Nipp. notes that young men of rank in
the retinue of provincial magistrates often
received a present for their voluntary
service to the state.

6. quae iacerentur, 'the stories flying
about ' ; used of casual expressions in
I. JO, 7 ; 2. 55, 5, &c.

9. secreto, ' i)rivate interview ' : cp.
' frtquens secretis ' 4. 3, 5, &c.

dubitabantur : cp. ' ne auctor dubi-
taretur' 14. 7, I, and the similar usage
with other verbs (Intrud. v. § 45J.

10. incallidus, a rare word, only here
in Tacitus ; used by Cic. in negative sen-
tences.

facilis, ' affable ' : cp. sermone fa-
cilis' Agr. 40, 4. In 4. 2, 4; 5. I, 5, it
means 'com]iliant,'in rather a bad sense :
cp. ' facilitas' (6. 15. 3).

12. Delmatico mari. The Adriatic is
also called by Tacitus ' Illyricum mare '

(H. 3. 2, 4). The point from which Piso
crossed was probably Salonae, then a
colony and the residence of the governor
(cp. Marquardt, i. 300^

13. Flaminiam viam. This old and
celebrated road left Rome by way of the
Campus Martins, on or close to the line
of the piesent Corso, and took a north-
easterly course through Umbria to Ari-
minum. It had been restored under the
personal direction of Augustus, whose
splendid bridge over the Nar at Narnia
is still well known by its ruins. The
road from Ancona passing through north
Picenum joined it at Nuceria (Nocera),
near Assist. From Narnia the Nar is
navigable for small vessels.

legionem, the Ninth (4. 23, 2), pro-
perly belonging to the I'annonian army
(I. 23, 6, &c.) : see note on 4. 5, 4.

15. ut, 'how.' This use of ' ut ' in in-
direct or dependent questions, restricted
by Cicero to those following ' video ' and
' audio,' is found in Tacitus, where a
verb of telling, hearing, or thinking, is
expressed or implied; as with 'refero'
(i. 61, 0). 'reddo' (2. 4, 5), ' mirum
dictu' (H. 1. 79, 4), ' admoneo' (,11. 3.
24, 2). In Livy (23. 5, 8) it follows
' veniat in mentem.'

in agmine atque itinere, ' as they
were marching and on the route.' The
latter is a wider term, and would include
also their times of halting. This expla-

A.D. 20.]

LIBER III. CAP. 8 lo.

403

2 crebro se militibus ostcntavissct. ab Narnia, vitandae suspicionis
an quia pavidis consilia in inccrto sunt, Nare ac mox Tibcri
devectus auxit vulgi iras, quia navem tumulo Caesarum adpul-
erat dieque ct ripa frequenti, magno clientium agmine ipse,

3 feminarum comitatu Plancina et vultu alacres incessere. fuit 5
inter inritamenta invidiae domus foro inniinens festa ornatu
conviviumque et epulae et celebritate loci nihil occultum.

10. Postera die Fulcinius Trio Pisonem apud consules postu-

2 lavit. contra VitcUius ac Veranius cctcrique Germanicum comi-
tati tcndebant, nullas esse partis Trioni ; neque se accusatores, 10

3 sed rerum indices et testes mandata Germanici perlaturos. ille
dimissa eius causae delatione, ut priorcm vitam accusaret ob-

4 tinuit. petitumque est a principe cognitionem exciperet. quod
nc reus quidem abnuebat, studia populi et patrum metuens :
contra Tiberium spernendis rumoribus validum et conscientiae 15

I. suspicioni Pichena. 6. festo L.

nation is supported by the similar pas-
sage ' in itinere, in agmine, in stationibus'
(H. 1. 23, i), where the two latter terms
appear to be an expansion of the first.
For this use of ' in agmine' cp 13. 35,
7 ; H. 2. 40, 2 ; Agr. 33, 4, &c.

I. vitandae suspicionis. On the
genitive see Introd. v. § 37 d. The sus-
picion is that of tampering with the
legion, which he ceases to accompany.

3. tumulo Caesarum. The dat. (cp.
6. 19, 4; H. 4. 84, 4^ is Vergilian. The
mausoleum itself did not touch the river,
l)Ut the pleasure grounds surrounding it
(Suet. Aug. 100) must have done so:
ci). Verg. Aen. 6, 875.

4. frequenti. This is taken both
with ' die ' and ' ripa.' It was at a busy
time of day 'cp. ' celeberrimo fori ' 4. 67,
6 ; 'medio ac frequenti die ' Suet. Cal. i-;"),
and at a pi nee where the bank was
usually crowded ; probably at a much
used Innding-place, at or near the modern
Ripetta. Agricola avoided suspicion by
returning at night (Agr. 40, 3 .

5. alacres, i.e. not with the de-
meanour of persons accused ; also ' in-
cessere ' appears to imply ostentation.

6. festa: cp. 2. 69, 3. Such adornment
of a house is described by Juvenal (6, 79),
'orncntur jiostes et grandi ianualauro,' and
would be natural at the return of it? master.

7. convivium, 'an assemblage of
guests ' : cp. ' familias . . . et tota con-
vivia' PI. N. H. 22. 23, 47, 96.

celebritate loci nihil occultum, 'the
fact that the publicity of the spot pre-
cluded all concealment.' On the con-
struction see Introd. v. § 55 b, 2, and
many other instnnces here cited by Nipp.

8. Fulcinius Trio: see 2. 28, 3, Sec.
apud consules ; to bring the matter

before the senate (cp. 2. 28, 5). See
Introd. vi. p. 92.

9. contra . . . tendebant, ' were op-
posing him ' (Verg. Liv. Sic.) : a verb of
speaking is implied in the expression.

II. indices et testes : cp. ' index idem
et testis ' 4. 28, 2. Usually ' index ' means
an informer, i. e. one who discloses a crime
to which he was privy ; here it ajipears
to mean that they were collectors of
evidence (cp. 2. 74, 2), as well as actual
witnesses of what they knew.

perlaturos : cp. i. 26, i.

I 2. priorem vitam, i. e. his administra-
tion of Spain (c. I3: 2'. This, like the
attack of Cicero on the ' prnetura urbana '
of \'erres, could only bear on the case by
showing the general character of the
accused.

13. cognitionem exciperet, 'to take
up the case.' Thus Nero is said (14. 50,
2), by a similar interposition, ' suscipere
iudicium.' On the force of ' cognitio,'
cji. 2. 28, 4 ; on the personal jurisdiction
of the priticeps see Introd. vi. p. 88.

If. contra, sc. ' ratus,' supplied from
' metuens.'

404

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 773.

niatris innexum esse ; veraqiie aut in deterius credita iudice ab
uno facilius discerni, odium et invidiam apud multos valere.
haud fallebat Tiberium moles cognitionis quaque ipse fama 5
distraheretur. igitur paucis familiarium adhibitis minas accu- 6

5 santium et hinc pieces audit integramque causam ad senatum
lemittit.

11. Atque interim Drusus rediens lUyrico, quamquam patres
censuisscnt ob receptum Maroboduum et res priore aestate gcs-
tas ut ovans iniret, prolato honore urbem intravit. post quae 2

10 reo L. Arruntium, P. Vinicium, Asinium Galium, Aeserninum
Marcellum, Sex. Pompeium patronos petenti iisque diversa ex-

10. T. Arruntium : text N. Faber. fuliiicium : Fulcinium B, text Borgliesi.

validum : cp. ' validus . . . spemer.dis
honoribus ' 4. 37, 2.

conscientJae, 'complicity': cp. 'est
tibi Aui^ustae cnnscientia' 2. 77, 6.

I. innexum, 'implicated in.' The
word is frequent in Vergil and other
poets, and used in ]irose by Val. Max.
(I. 5, I, &c.), and Col. ; also elsewhere
by Tacitus (6. 36, 5 ; 16. 14, i, &c.).

in deterius : cp. 2. S2, i, &c.

iudice ab uno. The princeps would
associate asses-^ors with himself, but was
not bound by their decision, as the con-
suls or praetor by that of the senate or
iudices. See Staatsr. ii. 965. This form
of anastrophe (Introd. v. § 77, 3) is here
fully illustrated by Nipp. from Tacitus,
and from Livy nnd poets

3. qua . . . fama distraheretur, 'the
reports by which his character was being
torn to pieces.' This appears here to be
the meaning of the word, elsewhere used
rnthcr of a struggle or doubt within the
mind, as in 2. 40, i ; 4. 40, 8 ; 6. 44, 3,
&c. A perhaps simiLir melapiior is
' differre aliquem rumoribus': see on i.

4. 3-

4. paucis familiarium adhibitis. On

the informal, and subsequent formal em-
ployment of assessors, see Introd. vi. 88.

5. hinc, 'from the other side': cp.
'illic' I. 70, 6, &c.

ad senatum remittit, a technical ex-
])ression (see Introd. 1. 1. ; Staatsr. ii. 900).
If the princcps did not himself take up
the case or ' remit ' it, it seems that it
would naturally fall througli : cp. ' rela-
tionem de eo Caesar ad senatum non
remisit' PI. Epp. 9, 13, 22.

7. Illyrico. On the abl. cp. 2. 69, i,

&c. ; Introd. v. § 24: on the departure
of Drusus cp. c. 7, i.

8. censuissent : cp. 2. 64, i. If the
view given on 2. 62, I of the chronology
of these events is correct, ' priore aestate '
must either be an inter|)olation (see note
on c 20, i), or must be referred to the
summer preceding the decree itself.

10. P. Vinicium. It appears |)]ain that
the latter part of thq Med. text is a cor-
rujition of ' Vinicium,' but there has been
much (juestion as to the proper prae-
nomen. The above is on the whole
nearest to the MS., and the name of the
consul of 755, A.I). 2 (C. I. I.. X. 884),
who is mentioned by M. Seneca (Contr.
vii. II, &c.'i and L. Seneca (Ep. 40, 9)
as an orator. He was father of the
consul of 783, A. n. 30 (Veil. 2. 103, i).
For further particulars respecting the
family see Nipp.'s note.

Aeserninum Marcellum, son of the
consul of 732, V..C. 22, and, through his
mother Asinia, a grandson of Pollio ;
who is said to have regarded him, even
in his boyhood, as the chief heir of his
own eloquence (M. Sen. Contr. 4 praef.
3"). He was curator riparum ct alvei
Tiberis, praetor ])cregrinus (proljably in
772, .-v. 11. 19), and CO-;, suff. in some un-
known year (see Nipp.). In 11. 6, 4, he
is coupled as an orator with Arruntius,
and comjiared with Pollio and Messalla.

11. Sex. Pompeium: see on i. 7, 3,
and below, c. 32, 2, and note on c. 72, 4.
On his proconsulate of Asia see Introd.
vii. p. 113-. His ' faoundissiniiis sermo'
is mentioned by Val. Max. (2. 6, 8).

iisque. Nipp. notes that such a break
of construction as the interposition of this

A.D. 20.]

LIBER 111. CAP. IO-I2.

405

cusantibus M'. Lepidus ct L. Tiso et Livincius Rcgulus adfucrc,
adiecta omni civitatc, quanta fides amicisGermanici, quae fiducia
3 reo ; satin cohiberet ac premcret sensus suos Tiberius, baud
alias intcntior populus plus sibi in principem occultae vocis aut
suspicacis silentii permisit. 5

12. Die senatus Caesar orationem habuit meditate tempera-

2 mcnto. patris sui legatum atque amicum Pisoncm fuisse adiu-
toremque Germanico datum a se auctore senatu rebus apud

3 Orientem administrandis. illic contumacia et certaminibus as-
perasset iuvenem exituquc cius laetatus esset, an scelere extinx- 10

4 isset, integris animis diiudicandum. ' nam si Icgatus officii

I . M : M' L. 3. Tiberius ac prtmerel : an promeret B. is hand : text Acid.

abl. abs., bringin{j in another circum-
stance, has parallels in earlier Latinity, as
in Sallust. 'dis]HTSos . . . necpie minus
hostibus conturbatis . . . contraliit ' (Jujj.
98, 4\ and Livy, ' honorem huic petenti,
mcisque . . . adiectis precibus, mandetis '
(5. 18, 5) ; ' inter exercitus . . . imperatore
tanto . . . deleto, et . . . exspectantes' (25.
,^5, 2) ; and is'fre(]uent in Greek, as in
'J'huc. 4. 29, I ; S. 106, 5.

excusautibus, ' pleadintj in excuse ' :
cp. 5. 2, I ; 15. f)i, I ; also in Cic. &c.

1. M". Lepidus: see on c. 32, 2; i.

13, 2, &c.

L. Piso : see on 2. 32, 4; 34, i. From
his being calleii Tvaiov vi6s by Dio (Arg.
11 55), Nipp. infers him to have been a
brother ot the accused : cp. c. 12, 9.

Livineius Regulus, also a consular,
probably father of the one alluded to in

14. 17. I. One of the name is mentioned
in Bell. Afr. 89, 3.

2. adrecta, ' excited to see.' The con-
struction is such as would follow a verb
expressing expectation or wonder. ' Ad-
rigo ' is found here alone in Tacitus ;
also in poets, Sallust, and Livy.

quanta fides . . . quae fiducia. These
should not be taken to be mere synony-
mous expressions. The ' fides ' of the
friends of Germanicus is their hdelity to
their promise (2. 71, 8j ; while 'quae
fiducia' means 'on what the accused
relied,' and seems taken from the Vcr-
gilian 'quae sit fiducia capto ' ,Aen. 2,

3. cohiberet ac premeret, ' restrain
and sujipress'; a rhetcirical u.se of words
viitually synonymous, as in I'l. Tan. 4
' cohibet ct comprimit.'

haud alias. llie rejietition of ' ac

premeret ' is plainly an error ; but ' is,'
retained by Ritter, Drager, and formerly
by Halm, might well stand ; ' fuit ' being
supplied after 'intentior,' and the sense
being completed (as it is with the reading
here adopted) by supplying ' haud alias '
again with ' plus permisit.' But the ordi-
nary sense of ' intentus ' (• on the alert ') is
far more suitable to the mental attitude of
the people than to that of Tiberius. The
repetition in sense of ' haud alias,' noted
above, is compared by Nipp. to the way
in which, in Agr. 18, 7, ' nee ' extends its
force both to ' iisus ' and to ' vocabat.'

6. meditate temperamento. ' of stu-
died discretion ' : cp. ' meditata oratio ' 14.
55, I, &c., and ' temperamcntum forti-
tudinis' H. i. 83, 2; 'salubri tempera-
mento ' H. 4. 86, 2. This word is simi-
larly used to describe the character of
M'. Lepidus (4. 20, 4), also in the sense
of 'compromise' (11. 4, 7,1.

7. legatum; in the Caesarian pro-
vince of Hispania citerior or Tarraconen-
sis ic. 13, 2).

adiutorem. In 4. 7, 2, Seianus is
called 'adiutor imperii'; and Suetonius
(Cal. 26) so calls Macro and even Ennia
(cp. also Suet. Aug. 39 ; Tib. 62). In
assistants of lower rank, it is often almost
a technical term ; as Iiiscr. Orell. 3200,
3462. Such a coadjutor to a younger man
is termed 'rector' (c. 48, 2 ; i. 24, 3 .

8. auctore senatu, a very remarkable
instance of his habit of making the senate
share responsibilities even in his own de-
partment: cp. I. 25, 3; 4. 15, 3, Sec.

9. contumacia, &c. ; i. e. whether he
hatl done this and no more.

11. integris, 'unbiassed': cp. c. 7, 2.
&c.

VOL. I

Dd

4o6 P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 773.

terminos, obsequium erga imperatorcm exuit eiusdenique morte
ct luctu meo laetatus est, odero seponamque a domo mea et
privatas inimicitias non vi principis ulciscar: sin facinus in cu- 5
iuscumque mortalium nece vindicandum detegitur, vos vero et

5 liberos Germanici et nos parentes iustis solaciis adficite. simul- 6
que illud reputate, turbide et seditiose tractaverit exercitus Piso,
quaesita sint per ambitionem studia militum, armis repetita
provincia, an falsa haec in maius vulgaverint accusatores, quorum
ego nimiis studiis iure suscenseo. nam quo pertinuit nudare 7

10 corpus et contrectandum vulgi oculis permittere differriqueetiam
per externos tamquam veneno interceptus esset, si incerta adhuc
ista et scrutanda sunt ? dcfleo equidem filium meum scmperquc 8
deflebo : sed neque reum prohibeo quo minus cuncta proferat,
quibus innocentia eius sublevari aut, si qua fuit iniquitas Ger-

15 manici, coargui possit, vosque oro ne, quia dolori meo causa
conexa est, obiecta crimina pro adprobatis accipiatis. si quos 9
propinquus sanguis aut fides sua patronos dedit, quantum quis-
que eloquentia et cura vaiet, iuvate periclitantem : ad eundem
laborem, eandem constantiam accusatores hortor. id solum Ger- 10

2. set privatas Pluygers. 3. noui : noii vi Mur.

nam si. On the abrupt change to and other expressions in Introd. v. § 60b.

oratio recta ' cp. Introd. v. § 94. 9. nudare corpus : see 2. 73, 5.

oflB.cii, 'his position ' : cp. ' fama aucti 10. contrectandum . . . oculis. The

officii' Agr. 14, 3. This stnse is post- same metaphor is used by Lactantius j^de

Augustan, and especially found in Suet. Opif. Dei, i , and a still bolder one by

1. imperatorera, used here, as in c. Cicero ^Tusc. 3. 15, 33', ' ad , . . tola
14, I ; 2. 76, 4, 6>;c., of Germanicus ; see mente contrectandas . . . voluptates.'
note on i. 14, 4. difFerri, ' that report should bespread':

exuit, used by zeugma with 'terminos.' cp. 'differlur' (4. 25, 5), and note on i.

2. seponam, i.e. by ' renuntiatio ami- 4, 3. Drager notes the change from an
citiae': c\). 2. 70, 3, and note there. active to a passive inf. .ns a solitary in-

3. vi principis = ' polestate principis,' stance in Tacitus, but found in good
as 5. 5, 2. He would punish, but in his authors, as in Caes. (B. C. i. 32, 5 ; 61,4)
private capacity only. and often in Livy.

facinus . . . vindicandum, ' an alro- 1 i. interceptus : cp. 2. 71, 3, and note,

city, such as in the murder of any human 14. sublevari : cp. 'defcndendis homi-

being would demand punishment' ; i.e. nibus sublevandisque ' Cic. Div. in Caec.

irrespectively of the rank and position of 2, 5.

the person killed: cp. ' quisnam niorta- iniquitas, such as formed part i)f the

liuni esset' H. 2. 72, 2. charges brought by Piso against Gcrma-

6. turbide, 'in a spirit of mutiny': nicus 2. 7S, 1).

'turbitlus' in Tacitus is nearly ' sedi- 17. propinquus sanguis, alluding to

tiosus' : cp. c. 27. 4; I. 38, 4, Sec. his brother L. Piso (c. 11, 2).

' lixercilus, ' the legions: cp. 1. 52, 3. fides, 'loyally,' as to a friend; apjily-

8. falsa . . . vulgaverint, i. e. whether ing to Lepidus and Livineius Regulus

the accusers took uj) a false tale and (c. 11, 2). The sense is similar to that

spread it with further additior.s. C[). ' in in which it is used {\. 1.) of the friends

maius innotuere' (H. 4. 50, i and ball.), of (Jcrmanicus.

A. D. 20.]

LIBER III. CAP. 12, J 3.

407

manico super leges praestitcrimus, quod in curia potius quam in
foro, apud senatum quam apud iudices de mortc cius anquiritur:
11 cetera pari modestia tractcntur. nemo Drusi lacrimas, nemo
maestitiam meam spectet, ncc si qua in nos advcrsa finguntur.'
13. lix'im biduum criminibus obiciendis statuitur utque sex 5

2 dierum spatio interiecto reus per triduum defenderetur. turn
Fulcinius vetera et inania orditur, ambitiose avareque habitam
Hispaniam ; quod neque convictum noxae reo, si recentia pur-
garet, neque defensum absolutioni erat, si teneretur maioribus

3 flagitiis. post quern Servaeus et Veranius et Vitellius consimiii 10
studio, et multa eloquentia Vitellius, obiecere odio Germanici
et rerum novarum studio Pisonem vulgus militum per licentiam
et sociorum iniurias eo usque conrupisse, ut parens legionum a
deterrimis appellaretur ; contra in optimum quemque, maxime

in comites et amicos Germanici saevisse ; postremo ipsum devo- 15
tionibus et veneno peremisse ; sacra hinc et immolationes nefan-

10. postq ; postque) : text K, post quae Baiter.

I. super leges, ' beyond ordinary course
of law': see on 2. 79, 2 ; c. lo, 3; Introd.
vi. 93, n. 3 : ' praestiterimus,' fut. exact.

3. cetera, ' the other charges,' as dis-
tinct from that ' de morte eiiis ' ; Ijctter
taken ihiis, ihaa in contrast to 'id solum.'

pari modestia, ' with equal modera-
tion': cp. ' iiari secreto' (4. 57, 2', &c.
'Modestia' is used, as in i, 11, i, &c., of
a demeanour the opposite to overbearing.

4. adversa fingtmtur, ' fictions to our
discredit'; alluding to tiie tales of his
joy at, or even complicity in, the death
(c. 2, 5, &c.) : cp. ' advcrso rumore esse '
14. 11,4; H. 2. 26, 4.

5". biduum . . . statuitur. On the
change of construction to ' utque ' see
Introd. V. § 91, 8. The time fixed was
longer than what was usually allowed by
such rules as those of the ' lex Pompeia ' :
cp. Dial. 38, 2 ; PI. i'^pp. 4. 9, 9.

7. Tulcinius : see c. 10, i.

ambitiose avareque habitam, ' ad-
ministereil with intrigue and extortion.'
' Provincia avare habita' is repeated in
13. 30, I. Mere 'ambitiose' might be
taken to expiess his behaviour to his sol-
diers icp. ' ambitioncm militarem'c. 14,
V ; or more probably the two words ex-
press his conduct to different classes of
provincials, as in Agr. 30, 5 'si locuples
hostis est, avari, si pauper, ambitiosi.'

8. convictum, ' if proved ' : cp. 14. ;,
I ; 40, 5 ; also Cic. Caes., &c.

9. defensum, ' if refuted ' : cp. ' miscen-
do quae defendere nequibat ' H. 4. 41. 4.
I'his application of the word is rare, but
analogous to the sense of repelling or
warding off. On the concise use of these
participles cp. Introd. v. § 54.

10. post quem. The reading 'post
quae ' follows that generally received in
2. 57, 4. In c. 33, I two similar abbrevia-
tions 'interq;' and ' neq ; ' occur in the
same sentence, and the general consensus
of editors reads for the first 'inter cpiae."
for the second • ne quem.' ' Post quae '
is found in i. 13, i ; 2. 86, i, &c. ; 'post
quos' in 6. 19, i ; 11. 2. 38, 4.

Servaeus : see 2. 56, 5. Though ap-
parently less prominent than the two
others, he is coujjled with tiiem again in
c. 19, I. The speech of N'itellius was
extant in the time of PI. Mai. : see note
on 2. 73, 5.

13. parens legionum : see 2. 55, 4.

1:;. devotionibus et veneno: see 2.
69, 5.

16. sacra et immolationes, referring
to his thank-offerings !^2. 75, 3\ called
' nelandae,' as an outrage on public feel-
ing, as well as an impiety to the house of
Caesar ^cp. ' vox nefaria ' c. 50, 1).

4o8

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 773.

das ipsius atque Plancinae, petitam armis rem publicam, utque
reus agi posset, acie victum.

14. Defensio in ceteris trcpidavit ; nam ncque ambitionem
militarem neque provinciam pessimo cuique obnoxiam, ne con-

r tumelias quidcm adversum imperatorem infitiari poterat : solum 2
v^encni crimen visus est diluisse, quod ne accusatorcs quidem
satis firmabant, in convivio Germanici, cum super eum Piso
discumberet, infectos manibus eius cibos arguentes. quippe 3
absurdum vidcbatur inter aliena servitia et tot adstantium visu,

10 ipso Gcrmanico coram, id ausum ; offerebatque familiam reus et
ministros in tormenta flagitabat. sed iudices per diversa inpla- 4
cabiles erant, Caesar ob bellum provinciae inlatum, senatus num-
quam satis credito sine fraude Germanicum intcrisse. . . . scrip-
sissent expostulantes, quod baud minus Tiberius quam Piso

15 abnuere. simul populi ante curiam voces audiebantur : non 5

4. ciii : text R.

9. visus Pichena.

1. petitam armis rem publicam:

see 2. 80 ; 81.

2. reus agi: cp. 14. j8, 2; 15. 20, i ;
and ' tamqiiam reos atjcret ' (Liv. 24. 25,
1 1. Kitt. notes this use of ' agere ' as an
equivalent i.A biujKtiv .

3. in ceteris, opjiosed to ' veneni cri-
men ' below.

trepidavit, ' faltered.' The nearest
parallel api^ears to be ' trepidant! inter
scelus melumque' [\\. 3. 39, 1).

ambitionem militarem: cp. 'sena-
torio ambitu ' 4. 2, 3, and Introd. v. § 6.

4. obnoxiam, ' placed at the mercy
of : cp. 2. 75, I. It is meant that his
mode of courting the soldiers was to let
them plunder the subjects : cp. ' per liccn-
tiam et sociorum iniurias ' c. 13, 3.

6. visus est, sc. ' defensor,' supplied
from ' defensio.'

7. firmabant. The simple verb is
here used for " confirmare,' as in c. 60, i ;
4. 14, I, &c. ; more frequently for ' ad-
firmarc,' as in i. 81, i, tkc.

super eum. The usual arrangement
'^see Hur. Sat. 2. 8, 20, sqq.) ajjpears to
have been departed from, probably on
account of the rank of the host. Orelli
thinks that (jermanicus probably himself
occupied the ' locus consularis. '

8. discumberet. This verb is used
by post- Augustan writers of a single per-
son, but only where the presence of others
is implied : cj). 4. 54, 2 ; 6. 50, 5.

9. visu. This appears to be an exten-
sion of the modal ablative (see lutrod. v.
§ 28J to denote an attendant circumstance,
such as would usually be expressed by an
abl. abs. 'tot adstantibus et videntibus':
see Nipp. on 4. 51.

10. ofFerebat. sc. 'in tormenta.' His
own slaves could be questioned as to the
procuring and preparing of the poison ;
and the ' ministri ' who waited at table,
and who would be servants of Gcrmani-
cus, could be examined on what had
taken place at the meal.

I 2. Caesar. That Tiberius presided at
this trial, is shown by his putting the
question to the consul ic. 17, 8l

13. scripsissent expostulantes. There
is here no lacuna in the MS., but Nipp.
appears rightly to argue that the gap
is considerable. So lar the accusation
and defence appear to have been conducted
according to the programme laid down in
c. 13, I. Now we hear that the accusa-
tion was renewed and the defence abandon-
ed (C. 15, 4), and the trial still prolonged
after Piso's death (c. 17, 6). It is inferred
that a ' compercndinatio ' had ensued, with
introduction of new matter, possibly some
charge made by Piso against Germanicus,
which had led to a counter-demand for
the production of some letters. ' Expos-
tulantes ' is used as in i. 19, 3; u. 46, 3;
15- '7.5-

.A.D 20.] LIBER HI. CAP. 13 15. 409

6 temperaturos manibus, si patruiii scntcntias evasissct. cffigies-
quc IMsonis traxerant in Gemonias ac divellebant, ni iussu prin-

7 cipis protectae repositacque forcnt. igitur inditus lecticae et a
tribuno praetoriae cohortis deductus est, vario rumore, custos
saluti an mortis exactor sequeretur. 5

15. Eadem Plancinae invidia, maior gratia ; eoque ambiguum

2 habebatur quantum Caesari in cam liceret. atque ipsa, donee
mediae Pisoni spes, sociam se cuiuscumque fortunae et, si ita

3 ferret, eomitcm exitii promittebat : ut secrctis Augustae i)reci-
bus veniam obtinuit, paulatim segrcgari a marito, dividere defen- 10

4 sionem coepit. quod reus postquam sibi exitiabile intellegit,
an adhuc experiretur dubitans, hortantibus filiis durat mentem
senatumque rursum ingreditur; redintegratamque accusationem,
infensas patrum voces, adversa et saeva cuncta perpessus, nuUo
magis exterritus est quam quod Tiberium sine miseratione, sine 15
ira, obstinatum clausumque vidit, ne quo adfectu perrumperetur.

5 relatus domum, tamquam defensionem in posterum meditaretur,
pauca conscribit obsignatque et liberto tradit ; tum solita cu-

6 rando corpori exsequitur. dein multam post noctem, egressa
cubiculo uxore, opcriri fores iussit ; et coepta luce perfosso iu- 20
gulo, iaccnte humi gladio, repertus est.

1. temperaturos manibus : cp. ' risui viation of sucli forms as ' fors tulit '
temperarc ' ,13. 3, 2 , &c. (Sail. Jujj. 78, 2). or 'res lulit ' '^Liv. 3.

2. Gemonias, usually thus abbre- 27, 6 .

vialed. as in 5. 9, 3; 6. 25, 4, &c., but in 10. dividere, 'to separate her defence

full, ' Gemoniae scalae,' in Val. Max. 6. 3, from his ' : cp. ' dividite turbidos' i. 43, 5.

3, &c. These stairs, on which the bodies 12. experiretur; so in Cic. Gael. S, 20,

of criminals were exposed, led from the &c. For the full expression ' ius e.xperiri '

Capitol to the Forum, near the Mamertine cp. c. 36, 3.

prison. For such destruction of statues durat mentem: sec note on i. 6, 3 :

compare tlie description of the fall of cp. ' cor dura ' Plant. Pseud, i. 3, 6.

Seianus (Juv. 10, 58), and of Domitian 13. redintegratam accusationeni :

(Plin. Pan. 52'. see note on c. 14, 4.

4. deductus, ' he was escorted home.' 14. nullo, lor 'nulla re.' Nipp. cites
custos saluti : see Introd. v. § 19. several instances of this use from M. and
f. mortis exactor: 'exactor,' b)' itself, L. Seneca and Quint., and compares Liv.

is thus used in 11. 37, 4. The sense ap- 2. 59, 8 ' nemo ullius nisi fugae memor.'
pears to originate with Livy, who has 16. perrumperetur, perhaps here best

' exactor supplicii ' in 2. 5, 5. taken, with Louandre, of the force of

7. quantum . . . liceret, ' how far emotion from within, not suflered to es-

Caesar could venture against her' (cp. cape liim by unguarded expressions. We

Verg. Aen. 6, 502 ; a bitter allusion to can also take the word in its more usual

his mother's a»cendency over him (see 4. sense, and understand it to be meant that

57, 4\ he was steeled against any impression of

5. mediae, ' hung in the balance.' feeling from without.

si ita ferret, a phrase repeaieil from 18. solita . . . exsequitur, i.e. he

H. 2. 44, 5, and elsewhere found only in bathed and supped.
Sen. N. t^. C. 32, 12. It is an abbre- 20. operiri, here alone in Tacitus in

4IO P. CORNELIl TACITI ANNALIUM [A. U.C. 773.

16. Audire me memini ex senioiibus visum saepius inter
manus Pisonis libellum, quem ipse non vulgaverit ; sed amicos
eius dictitavisse, litteras Tiberii et mandata in Germanicum con-
tineri, ac destinatum promere apud patres principemque arguere,

5 ni elusus a Seiano per vana promissa foret ; nee ilium sponte
extinctum, verum inmisso percussore. quorum ncutrum adse- 2
veraverim : neque tamen occulere debui narratum ab iis qui
nostram ad iuventam duraverunt. Caesar flexo in maestitiam 3
ore suam invidiam tali morte quaesitam apud scnatum conqucstiis

10 M. Pisoncm vccari iubct crebrisque intcrrogationibus exquirit,
qualem Piso diem supremum noctemque exegisset. atque illo 4
pleraque sapienter, quaedam inconsultius respondente, recitat
codicillos a Pisone in hunc ferme modum compositos : ' conspi- 5
ratione inimicorum et invidia falsi criminis oppressus, quatenus

15 veritati et innocentiae meae nusquam locus est, deos inmortales
testor vixisse mc, Caesar, cum fide adversum te, neque alia in
matrem tuam pietate ; vosque oro liberis meis consulatis, ex
quibus Cn. Piso qualicumque fortunae meae non est adiunctus,
cum omne hoc tempus in urbe egerit, M. Piso repetere Suriam

20 dehortatus est. atque utinam ego potius filio iuveni quam ille 6
patri seni cessisset. eo inpensius precor ne meae pravitatis poe-
nas innoxius luat. per quinque et quadraginta annorum obse- 7

9. lacuna noted by Boxhorn, thus supplied by Weissenborn.

the sense of ' claudi ' ; so in Plaxit., Ter., more discreetly suppressed.

&c. 13. codicillos, those written by Piso

I. Audire me memini. On other just before his deatli (c. 15, 5^

allusions to such floating stories see 14 quatenus, for 'quoniam,' as in Dial.

Introd. iii. p. 20. Suetonius also alludes 5, 2 (^where sec Gud.) ; Veil. 2. 68, 3 ; Plin.

tothis tradition ; but the nuitilation of the K]ip. 3. 7, 14, &c. The use is archaic

passage (Tib. 52 prevents us from l<now- and poetical (Lucr., Hor., Ov.\

ing whether he is following Tacitus or 15. veritati, ' uprightness' : cp. i. 75- ^•

another authority. 16. neque alia, 'no less': cp. 'non in

4. destinatum, sc. ' fuisse,' 'it was alia vilitate' G. 5, 4.

his purpose' : see Introd. v. § 39 c. 17. consulatis. J"rom the ordinary

8. duraverunt, ' lived on.' The ap- sense of ' consulere alicui,' the verb is
plication of the word in this sense to often used by Tacitus as equivalent to
persons appears to be peculiar to Taci- 'jiarcere,' as in c. 46, 4; 11. 36, 3; 12.
tus: cp. Agr. 44, 5; Dial. 17, 4. 47, 7; II. 3. 82, i.

9. apud senatum. Some verb e.K- iS. qualicumque, i.e. 'whether de-
pressing regret is here lost, as also the served or not.'

name of tlie peison questioned; who 19. M. Piso: see 2. 76, 2.

would appear to be one of the sons, 20. dehortatus est. This verb, not

whose presence is implied in c. 17, 6. used elsewhere by Tacitus, takes an inf.

Hence the restoratiun in the te.\t is suit- also in Cato (ap. Gell. 13, 24^ and Sail,

able to the sense. (Jug- 24, 4^ The inf. with ' hortor' and

12. inconsultius, apparently repeat- ' moneo ' is more comnjon.

ing some words which would have been 22. quinque et quadraginta. He

A. D. 20.] LIBER III. CAP. i6, 17. 411

quium, per collegium consulatus quondam divo Augusto parenti
tuo probatus et tibi amicus nee quicquam post haec rogaturus
salutem infelicis filii rogo.' dc Plancina nihil addidit.

17. Tost quae Tiberius adulescentcm crimine civilis belli pur-
gavit, patris quippe iussa, nee potuisse filiuni detrectare ; simul 5
nobilitatem domus, etiam ipsius quoquo modo meriti gravem

2 casum miseratus. pro Plancina cum pudore et flagitio disscruit,
matris preces obtendens, in quam optimi cuiusque secreti questus

3 magis ardescebant. id ergo fas aviae, interfectricem nepotis
adspicere, adloqui, eripere senatui. quod pro omnibus civibus 10

4 leges obtineant, uni Germanico non contigisse. Vitellii ct Vcranii
voce defletum Caesarem, ab imperatore et Augusta defensam

5 Plancinam. proinde venena et artes tam feliciter expertas ver-
teret in Agrippinam, in liberos eius, egregiamque aviam ac

6 patruum sanguine miserrimae domus exsatiaret. biduum super 15
hac imagine cognitionis absumptum, urguente Tiberio liberos

7 Pisonis matrem uti tuerentur. et cum accusatores ac testes
certatim perorarent respondente nullo, miseratio quam invidia

8 augebatur. primus sententiam rogatus Aurelius Cotta consul
(nam referente Caesare magistratus eo etiam munere fungeban- 20

13. perinde : text R.

appears to date from his entry into pub- 13. proinde. This correction is clearly

lie life, which would thus have taken required in a hortatory passage, where an

place in 728, B.C. 26. inference is drawn from facts (as in 1. 11,

I. collegium consulatus. These 3; 2. 65, 6, &c.). The two words are

words can be satisfactorily explained as constantly confused by copyists, from the

referring to his consulship in 747, B.C. 7 close resemblance of their abbreviated

(C. I. L. ix. 5308, X. 924); wliich was forms; and 'proinde' is generally restored

a mark of approval from Augustus, who for 'perinde' in 15. 27, 2 : the opposite

conferred it, and a tie of friendship with alteration has been oftener made, and

Tiberius, his colleague in it. The Cn. sometimes questionably ; see note on 4.

Piso who was consul with Augustus him- 20, 6; 13. 21, 3.

self in 731, B.C. 23, must have been his 16. hac imagine cognitionis: the sham

father t,see on 2. 43, 3). This abstract (cp. H. 4. 8, 4) was the trial of Plancina,

use of ' collegium ' (cp. c. 31, i ; H. 1.52, whose acquittal was already secured. The

8) is rare, but is found in Livy (4. 17, 9, sentence of Cotta, given below, shows

&c.). ' however that no decision had yet been

5. iussa, sc. 'fuisse,' as m c. 16, i, &c. taken respecting the property of Piso or

Orelli takes it less well as depending on respecting his sons,

'detrectare,' explaining 'neque' as cqui- 1%. perorarent,: cp. 2. 30, i.

valent to • ne . . . quidem.* miseratio quam invidia. On the

7. pudore et flagitio. The sub- omission of ' potius ' see Introd. v. § 64,

jcctive and objective, e.g. the shame i: cp. also c. 32, 2 ; 4. 61, i; 13.6,6,

which a person feels and the infamy which and Ritter there.

he incurs, are elsewhere thus concisely 19. Aurelius Cotta : see c. 2,5.

coupled; as'ruboreet infamia'; ' pudor 20. eo etiam munere, the duty of

ac dedecus ' H. 4. 62, 2; 72, 5. See giving their ' sententia ' on the question

other instances noted by Nipp. on 1. 43. being put to them. According to rule.

412

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A. U.C.77.V

tur) nomen Pisonis eradendum fastis censuit, partem bonorum
publicandam, pars ut Cn. Pisoni filio concederetur isque praeno-
men mutaret ; M. Piso exuta dignitatc et accepto quinquagiens
sestertio in decern annos relegaretur, concessa Plancinae incolu-

5 mitate ob preces Augustae.

18. Multa ex ea sententia mitigata sunt a principe : ne nomen
Pisonis fastis eximeretur, quando M. Antonii, qui bellum patriae
fecisset, luUi Antonii, qui domum Augusti violasset, manerent.
et M. Pisoncm ignominiae exemit concessitque ei paterna bona, 2

]o satis firmus, ut.saepe memoravi, adversum pecuniam et tum
pudore absolutae Plancinae placabilior. atque idem, cum Va- 3
lerius Messalinus signum aureum in aede Martis Ultoris, Cae-
cina Severus aram ultionis statuendam censuissent, prohibuit,

1. radendum : text Bait
13. ullioni : text Halm.

4. religatur : text I,

I. iulii : see i. 10,

the magistrate who made the ' relatio' put
the question first to the consuls designate
(cp. c. 22, 6, &c."), then to consulars, &c.,
and could himself speak as often as he
pleased. Other magistrates were not
asked their 'sententia' and apparently
did not vote, but could interpose in the
debate at any tfme unasked. Nipp.
illustrates this order of procedure by
refeience to Cic. ad Q. F. 2. i, H. 4.
41, i: see also Staatsr. iii. 942-946.
Tacitus uses the pasttense ('fungebantur'),
because in his time the princeps, unless
he happened to be consul (cp. PI. Ef)p.
2. II, loj, did not preside in person over
the senate, but consulted it in writing
l,see note on c. .^2, i).

1 . eradendum fastis, sc. ' consulari-
biis.' The simple verb appears to be
thus used only in Ov. Am. i. 11, 22
(' littera rasa'j. The MS. text might
however be defended by the general
frequency of such uses of simple for
compound verbs in Tacitus (Introd. v.
§ 40J. On such 'damnatio memoriae'
see Staatsr. iii. i J91.

partem, ' half (cp. 4. 20, 2, &c.).
This would be the share of M. Piso icp.
'paterna bona' c. 18, 2), who was lo
have a sum given back out of it.

2. praenoraen mutaret. Thus the
praenomen ' Marcus' was forbiiiden to
the Manlii (Liv. 6. 20, 14 . This Piso
probably took the praenomen 'Lucius':
see on 4. 62, i.

3. e2.uta dignitate, sc. ' senatoria.'

' Exuere ordinem ' is thus used of sena-
tors (11. 25, 5, &C.V The large sum
(five times the senatorial census) given to
him illustrates the remark of Seneca (ad
Helv. 12, 4) 'mains viaticum exulum
quamolim [latrimoiiium principumfuerat.'
4. relegaretur. This mildest form
of banishment (cp. Ov. Trist. 2, 137) in-
volved no ' deminutio capitis,' or other
penalty beyond itself.

6. ne . . . eximeretur. On the repeti-
tion of ' cxcmit,' see note on i. 81, 2.

7. M. Antonii. The Fasti Capitolini
show marks of erasure and subsequent
restorntion of his name (C. I. L. i. p. 440,
466) ; which was erased in 710 (cp. Cic.
Phil. 13. 12, 26), and again apparently
at the Actian war, but restored, first at
the beginning of the triumvirate, and
afterwards by Augustus. On his son
lullus Antonius see on i. 10, 3.

c. et . . . exemit. Nipp. compares
with this change of constiuction that
in 13. 26, 2 'quibusdam fremcntibus . . .
disserebatur contra.'

ignomiuias, i.e. from loss of rank
and Irom relegation.

10. saepe : cp. i. 75, 4, and note there;
also on c. 23, 3.

11. Valerius Messalinus. This may
be the other consul of this year see on
c. 2, 5), but is generally taken to be his
father icp. 1. 8, 5 ■, the speaker in c. 34.

12. Martis TJltoris : see on 2. 64, 2.
Caecina Severus: see i. 31, 2, &c.
i.^. aram ultionis statuendam. On

A. D. 20.]

LIBER III. CAP. 17-19.

4'3

ob extcrnas ca victorias sacrari dictitans, domcstica mala tristitia

4 opcrienda. addidcrat Mcssalinus Tibcrio ct Augustae et An-
toniae et y\grippinae Drusoquc ob vindictam Gernianici grates

5 agendas omiseratque Claudii incntionem. et Messalinum cjui-
dcm L. Asprenas senatu coram pcrcontatus est an prudens prac- 5

6 tcrisset ; ac tum demum nomen Claudii adscriptum est. mihi,
quanto plura rcceiitium scu veterum revolve, tanto magis ludi-

7 bria rerum mortalium cunctis in negotiis obversantur. quippe
fama spe veneratione potius omnes destinabantur imperio quam
quem futurum principem fortuna in occulto tenebat. 10

19. Faucis post diebus Caesar auctor senatui fuit Vitellio

atque Veranio et Servaeo sacerdotia tribuendi : Fulcinio suffra-

gium ad honores pollicitus monuit ne facundiam violentia prae-

2 cipitaret. is finis fuit ulciscenda Germanici morte, non modo

apud illos homines qui tum agebant, etiam secutis temporibus '5

14. in ulciscenda Halm.

such commemorative altars see note rn

1. 14, 3. The MS. text is retained by
many and need not be altered ; but the
genitive is more usual except in cases of
jjcrsonification.

I. tristitia. This abl. can hardly be
instrumental like c. 6i^, i, or ' nialis
operire' in H. I. 53, 3, and a]>pears
rather to be causal, as equivalent to ' ob
tn^titiam' : see Introd. v. § 30.

4. omiserat Claudii mentionem :
see note on 2. 71, 3, and c. 5, 5.

5. L. Asprenas: see i. 53, 9.

7. plura recentium seu veterum.
On the fondness of Tacitus for such
genitives see Intrud. v. § 32. Nipp. notes
here the frequency with which he uses
neuter plural adjeclives in the genit. as

2. 53, 2, &c.), dat. (as 4. 31, i ; 59, 4,
&c.), and abl. (as 4. 3, 4; 58, 3, &c.).

revolve, sc. animo : cp. 4. 21, 2;
Agr. 46, 3. This use appears to be
adopted from Vergil (Aen. 2, 1 01) and
Ovid Fast. .), 667).

ludibria rerum mortalium. ' The
mockery pervading human affairs': cp.
' Fortunae ludibria" vCic. Parad. i. i, 9);
'ludibria casus' (I.iv. 30. 30, 5). On
the fatalism of Tacitus see Introd. iv.
J). 29.

9. spe, 'expectation.'

I I, auctor senatui fuit. Most of the
piiestly colleges were filled up formerly
by popular election out of a list furnished
by the ' collegium.' These elections had

now, like those of the magistrates, passed
to the senate; and we gather from this
passage " that the princeps, besides, of
course, having his right of nomination as
a member of the college, had also the
right of 'commendatio' (Introd. vi. p. 94^;.
See the speech of Claudius, ii. 13 (in
App. to Book xi.) ; Plin. Kpp. 4. 8, 3;
10. 13; and other authorities cited by
Mommsen (Staatsr. ii. Iiio). These
persons (on whom see c. 13, 3) were
probably elected ' supra numerum ' (cp.
I. 54, 2 > ; and it is stated by Dio (51. 20,
3;, that such elections had become so
frequeijt that the colleges consisted practi-
cally of no fixed number.

12. sufifragiura ad honores, i.e. that
he would ' commend ' him. Fulcinius be-
came consul in 784, .\.d. 31 (5. 11, i).

14. ulciscenda . . . morte. Halm's
insertion of 'in' has not been generally
followed, though that construction or a
dative would certainly be expected. The
case may perhaps be taken as an un-
usual extension of the abl. abs. See also
notes on 6. 32, 6 ; 14. 4, 8.

non modo . . . etiam : in 4. 35, i
' sed ' is similarly omitted, as is 'etiam'
in I. 60, I, &c., and jieihaps both in
G. 10, 5 ' non solum apud plebem, apud
proccres, a] aid sacerdotes' (but see notes
there). The contrast is rhetorically
strengthened by these ellipses.

15. agebaut : cp. i. 4, 4 ; 68, i. The
use of this verb absolutely, for 'vivere'

414

P. CORN ELI 1 TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 773.

vario rumore iactata. adeo maxima quaequc ambigua sunt, 3
dum alii quoquo modo audita pro conpertis habent, alii vera in
contrarium vertunt, et gliscit utrumque posteritate. at Drusus 4
urbc egressus repetendis auspiciis, mox ovans introiit. paucos-

5 que post dies Vipsania mater eius excessit, una omnium Agrip-
pae liberorum miti obitu. nam ceteros manifestum ferro vel 5
creditum est veneno aut fame extinctos.

20. Eodem anno Tacfarinas, quem priore aestate pulsum
a Camillo memoravi, bellum in Africa renovat, vagis primum

10 populationibus et ob pernicitatem inultis, dein vicos exscindere,
trahere graves praedas ; postremo baud procul Pagyda flumine
cohortem Romanam circumsedit. praeerat castello Decrius im- 2
piger manu, exercitus militia et illam obsidionem flagitii ratus.
is cohortatus milites ut copiam pugnae in aperto facerent, aciem

15 pro castris instruit. primoque impetu pulsa cohorte promptus 3
inter tela occursat fugientibus, increpat signiferos quod inconditis

2. audire : text margin and L, quae quoqno modo aiidiere Weissenb. 14. faceret
Probst.

or ' degere,' is very common in Tacitus
(e.g. 4. 28, 3; 13.45,4; I?- 74-4. &c.),
but otherwise appnrently confined to
Sallust (Jug. 55, 2 ; 89, 7, &c.)-

1. iactata, ' discussed' ; so in H. 4. 8,
6, &c. ; also Cacs. B. G. i. 18, i ; Liv. i.
50, 2 ; 10. 46, 16, &c

2. dum, ' inasmuch as' : cp. 2. 88, 4,
&c.

3. utrumque, credulity and falsifica-
tion, the habit of mind of the two classes
of I'ersons compared.

posteritate. The constiuction ap-
pears to be that of an ablative of time,
like 'secutis temporibus' above. Jacob
compares Prop. 3. i, 34 ' posteritate suum
crescere sentit opus.'

4. repetendis auspiciis. If he had
' proconsulare imperium ' (see on i. 14,
5), it must have been only 'extra urbem'
(cp. 12. 41, 2), as distinct from that of
the princeps, which did not cease within
the pomerium. More properly, Ihe
general is said ' repetere auspicia' at
Rome itself (cp. Liv. 8. 30, 2 ; Staatsr.
i. 99^.

ovans introiit. An inscription (C. I. L.
xiv. 244, Hcnzen 6443) gives the date as
V. k. Jun. .May 28).

5. Vipsania: see on i. 12, 6. In what
follows, the children of Agrippa by Mar-
cella (Introd. ix. note ly) appear to be

ignored ; and, of the others, Julia, though
dying in exile, and thus hardly ' miti
obitu,' is not stated (4. 71, 6) to have
died by violence.

8. priore aestate. These words are
bracketed by Nipp. as an interpolation,
and are certainly an error ; as the cam-
paign of Camillus is given under 770,
A.I). 17 (2. 52J, and cannot well have
extended beyond a year after that (see
on c. 21, i). Hitter's suggestion, that
the words may mean ' in a former sum-
mer,' makes Tacitus give too vague a
reference.

11. Pagyda. This river is nowhere
else mentioned, and cannot be identified;
but the mention of Thala (c. 21, 2)
perhaps gives some clue to the loc.ility
of the campaign.

12. cohortem Romanam, apparently
a legionnry cohort : cp. I. to, 2.

13. flagitii : see Introd. v. § 35.

14. copiam pugnae . . . facerent. Such
a phrase is elsewhere used of the general
rather than the soldiers ; hence \Volfflin
(Jahresb. iii. 786) and Nipp. approve of
the conjecture 'faceret.'

15. pro castris : see on 2. 80, 5.

16. inconditis aut desertoribus. The
troops of Tacfarinas are stated (2. 52, 2)
to have undergone some discipline, but
might still be called ' inconditi ' as com-

A. D. 20.]

LIBER III. CAP. 19 21.

415

aut dcsertoribus miles Romaniis tcrga darct ; simul cxccptat
vulncra ct quamquam transfosso oculo adversum os in hostem
intcndit, ncquc proclium omisit, donee descrtus suis caderct.

21. Quae postquam L. Apronio (nam Camillo sueccsserat)
compcrta, magis dedecore suorum quam gloria hostis anxius, 5
rare ea tempcstatect e vctere memoria facinoredecumum qucm-

2 que ignominiosae cohortis sortc ductos fusti necat. tantumque
sevcritate profcctum, ut vexillum veteranorum, non amplius
quam quingenti numero, easdem Tacfarinatis eopias praesidium

3 cui Thala nomen adgressas fuderint. quo proelio Rufus Helvius 10
gregarius miles servati civis decus rettulit donatusque est ab

4 Apronio torquibus et hasta. Caesar addidit civicam coronam,

I. excepta : text Jul. Held. 9. quam | genti : quingenti B, text Weissenb.

pared with Romnn legionaries. Tac-
farinas wa.s himself a deserter {\. 1.) from
Roman service. For 'aut' cp. i. 55, 2.

I. exceptat vulnera. The MS. text
is retained by Ilalm and most other
editors, and defended by Nipp. and
by Joh. Miiller (Oeitr. 3. 25 28), and
explained either by supplying ' sunt,' or
by talcing the words as an accusative
depending on ' intendit.' Against the first
it may be said that, though the change
from nn active to a passive construction
and vice versa is not unusual (e. g. ' quod
. . . acccjjtum, neque prohibuit' c. 76, 3:
cp. Introd. V. § 83, 2), the interpolation
of a passive clause in the midst of actives
is here very awkward. As to the second,
the zeugma in ' intendit,' though harsh,
could no doubt be paralleled ; but ' ex-
cepta vulnera . . . intendit ' ;^or ' ostendit')
would be weak, with the definite and
more forcible 'transfosso oculo adversum
os' coupled to it. It is therefore perhaps
easier to suppose that Tacitus wrote ' ex-
ceptat,' a verb which, though not else-
where found in his writings, and other-
wise rare, occurs in Caes.,Cic., and Verg.,
and is used by Sdius (9, 367) in a sense
resembling that here required (' per pec-
tora saevas exceptat mortes'\

3. suis, to be taken as a dative (cp. 2.
50, 4) ; unless, as is not improbable, the
preposition may have dropped out.

4. L. Apronio: see on i. 56, i. Afri-
can coins have been found inscribed ' per-
missu L. Apruni procos. iii.' (Lckhel, iv.
148, &c.), showing that his projuiisulship
lasted at least beyond two years. He
had probably succeeded Camillus in 771,

A. 1). 18, and was succeeded by Blaesus in
774' A. D. 21 (c. 35).

6. decumum queraque. Such deci-
mation is mentioned as early as 283,
B.C. 471 (Liv. 2. 59, I O : see 14. 44, 6.

7. sorte ductos fusti necat. The
words are taken verbatim from Sallust
(H. 4. 5 D, 27 K, inc. 96 G). The
'iustuarium' is described by Polybius (6.
37J as inflicted by the fellow-soldiers at
a signal from the tribune.

8. vexillum veteranorum : see on
I. 17. 4 ; Introd. vii 125.

amplius quam quingenti. This
reading seems nearest to the MS., though
such a construction as ' amplius quin-
genti' is sufficiently common. The
strength mentioned would be about the
same as that of a legionary cohort.

10. Thala, probably not the wealthy
city of the Jugurthine war (^Sall. Jug.
75) but a place further to the north, still
bearing the name, on the borders of
Africa and Numidia, about Lat. 35°, 40;
where inscriptions showing it to have been
a military station about this time have
been found : see C. I. L. viii. p. 69.

1 2. torquibus et hasta. C)n the usual
'dona militaria ' see on i. 44, 7; also
Marquardt, ii. 574, foil.

civicam coronam: cp. 2. 83, 2; 15.
12. 5 ; 16. 15, 2. Pliny ^N. H. 16 4, 5,
11) records the honours and privileges
attending this decoration. Borghesi notes
tliat Helvius appears to have taken hence
the cognomen C'ivica, and to have lived
at Vicovaro (Varium), where an inscrip-
tion : C. I. L. xiv. 3472) has been found —
'M. Helvius, M. f., Cam (ilia tribu),

4i6

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 773.

quod non earn quoque Aproniu.s iure proconsulis tribuisset,
questus magis quam oftcnsus. sed Tacfarinas peiculsis Numidis 5
et obsidia aspernantibus spargit bellum, ubi instaretur, cedens
ac rursum in terga remeans. et dum ea ratio barbaro fuit, in- 6

5 ritum fessumque Romanum impune ludificabatur : postquam
deflexit ad maritimos locos et inligatus praeda stativis castris
adhaerebat, missu patris Apron ius Caesianus cum equite et co-
hortibus auxiliariis, quis velocissimos legionum addidcrat, pros-
peram adversum Numidas pugnani facit pellitque in deserta.

'o 22. At Romae Lepida, cui super Aemiliorum decus L. Sulla
et Cn. Pompeius proavi erant, defertur simulavisse partum ex

6. et ins. Haase, inligatiisque Walther.

Rufus Civica, prim, pil., balneum muni-
cipibus et incolis dedit.'

2. questus, i. e. affecting; to complain,
but really well pleased. The proconsul
of Africa still at this date (see Introd.
vii, 1 1 5) commanded soldiers with ' pro-
consulare imperium,' and could punish
(as above) or grant decorations : other
proconsuls had no soldiers, and in Cae-
sarian provinces the power to confer such
'dona' rested in the supreme imperium
of the princeps (15. 12, 51. Suetonius, in
generalising ' more suo' from this instance
i^Tib. 32), is therefore inaccurate.

3. spargit bellum, 'spreads the area
of war'; so in Agr. 38, 3. The expres-
sion seems taken from Lucan (2, 682 ;
3, 64), who may have followed Vergil's
' spargam arma per agros' ' Aen. 7, 551).

4. rursum, like av, expressing contrast :
cp. 2. 39, 4; 12. 6o, 4, &c.

inritum, 'baffled'; thus used of per-
sons in I. 59, 7, &c.

6. et inligatus. Nipp. retains the
MS. text without 'et' or 'que,' thinking
the beginning of the apodosis at ' missu
patris' sufficiently indicated by the sense,
as in another somewhat ambiguous pas-
sage in H. 3. 13, 4. Joh. Miiller, who also
defends the MS. text (Heilr. 3. p. 28-30 ,
thinks that in many such passages, oral
recitation, in which the emphasis of
the reader removes such ambiguity, is
presupposed.

7. Apronius Caesianus, cos. in 792,
A. D. 39 (Fast. Ant. C. I. L. X. 6638,
Henzen 6445). An inscription on Mount
Eryx (C. 1. L. x. 7257) contains verses
showing that at the tiino of this campaign
he was still a youth in [jraetexta, and was
rewarded for his service by a place among

the ' septemviri epulones.' This would
show that he cannot be the person thought
to be mentioned in i 29, 2.

8. legionum. A second legion was
now in Africa (c. 9, i). With 'velocis-
simos' we should rather have expected
'e legionibus' ; but the legion is often
used for the soldiers composing it.

10. Aemiliorum decus. This was now
by far the greatest remaining patrician
gens (cp. 6. 27, 5 ; 29, 7% next to the
lulii and Claudii, and a mere refer-
ence to its chief families, the Lepidi,
I'aulli, Scauri, &c., will alone serve to
indicate its nobility. Mr. Dallin notes
that thirty of its members had been
consuls, many of them more than once,
besides many dictators, censors, ' trium-
phales,'&c. Among its famous men were
the consul who fell at Cannae, the con-
queror of Maccdon, and (by birth* the
younger Scipio Africanus, also Scaurus
the last republican ' princeps senatus,' and
the triumvir Lepidus. Two great Roman
roads perpetuated the name ; and even in
the fifth century St. Jerome speaks of
the devout PauUa as ' Gracchorum stirps,
suboles Scipionum, Paulli heres' (see
Gibbon, c. 31, note iiV

L. Sulla et Cn. Pompeius proavi.
Faust us Cornelius Sulla, son of the dic-
tator, had married the daughter of Cn.
Pompeius Magnus (cp. Ikdl. Afr. 95, 2).
Their daughter Cornelia was mother of
Lepida by Q. Aemilius Lepidus, cos. 733,
B.C. 21 (Dio. 54. 6, 3; Hor. Ep. i. 20,
28V whose relationship to the main stem
of the Lepidi is uncertain.

11. defertur. On the inf. with this
verb cp. 2. 27. i. The specification of
charges shows the inaccuracy of Suetonius,

A. D. 20.]

LIBER ni. CAP. 21, 22.

4T7

2 P. Ouirinio divite atque orbo. adiciebantiir adultcria, vcncna
quacsitumquc per Chaldacos in domum Caesan's, defcndcnte

3 ream Manio Lepido fratre. Ouirinius post dietuin rcpudium
adhuc infensus quamvis infami ac noccnti miscrationcin addi-
derat. baud facile quis dispexerit ilia in cognitionc mcntem 5

4 principis : adeo vertit ac miscuit irac ct clcmentiac signa. de-
prccatus primo scnatum ne maiestatis crimina tractarentur, mox
M. Servilium e consularibus aliosque testes inlexit ad proferenda

5 quae velut reicere voluerat. idemque servos Lepidae, cum
militari custodia haberentur, transtulit ad consules ncque per 10
tormenta interrogari passus est de lis quae ad domum suam

6 pertinerent. exemit etiam Drusum consulem dcsignatum di-

who speaks Tib. 49) of Lepida as con-
demned • in graliam Qiiirini consularis
praedivitis et orl)i, qui diniissain earn
a matrimonio post vicensimum annum
veneni olim in se comparati (cp. c. 23, 4)
argiubat.'

1. P. Quirinio : see c. 48 ; 2. 30, 4.

2. quaesitum, 'the fact of inquiry'
(Introd. V. 55 b 2). On the Chaldaean
astrologers see 2. 27, 2. To consult
them agninst (or concerning) the imperial
family or on the future of the state was
made a capital oflence, as any sinister
prediction was an encouragement to con-
spiracies. For similar charges cp. 12.

22, I ; 52,1; 16. 14,4; 30, 2. It was
still a capital offence at the time of the
jurists, as was also, for similar reasons,
the inquiry by a slave touching the horo-
scope of his master: see Maiquardt, iii.
94. n. 6.

3. Manio Lepido: see note on c. 32,
2; 1. 13, 2.

post dictum repudium, ' after de-
claration of divorce' ; the usual phrase is
' mittere repudium.' The vindicliveness
of (Juirinius appears to be shown not so
much by the jirosecution being merely
after a divorce, as by its being many
years after it. The statement of Suetonius
(1. 1.) that twenty years had intervened,
seems exaggerated ; as Quirinius can
hardly have married her till after the
death of L. Caesar in 7_:;_:;, a.d. 2 cp. c.

23, 1) ; but Is'ipp thinks that the interval
may have been fifteen years. She had
since married Scaurus : see c. 23, 3.

5. dispexerit, potential subjunct. (In-
trod. v. § 51). The verb is used (cp.
Agr. 10, 6) of what is seen, as it were,
thiourrh a mist or veil.

6. vertit, sc. ' inter se,' ' showed by
turns. '

7. maiestatis crimina, i.e. the charge
of consultuig astrologeis respecting his
house. Her juvenile Ijetrolhal to Lucius
Caesar might possibly have strained the
charge of adultery into one of treason
(cp. 2. 50, i).

8. M. Servilium : see 2. 48, i.

9. quae velut reicere voluerat,
' what he had apparently desired to ex-
clude from the case.' ' Reicere,' which
had been corrected to ' reticere ' and
' reticeri,' has got back into most texts.
We should certainly have rather expected
'velut reieceiat' or 'velut reici voluerat';
but no alteration appears to be really
necessary (for further discussion see Joh.
Mtiller, Ikit. 3. p. 31). On the u?e of
'velut' see i. 8, 7. Tiberius had not
prohibited, nor, as it seemed, sincerely
deprecated the charge.

10. militari cu.stodia : cp. 14. 60, f ;
H. 4. II, 4. This custody would be that
of the praetorians, who, though not yet
collected into their camp 1,4. 2, 1), must
have had some barrack prison ^cp. 1.21,2)
in Rome. The change from this to the
custody of the consuls, who were now
civil magistrates only, wc ild hardly, in
the case of slaves detained for torture,
arise from a desire to be lenient to them,
but would be significant of Caesar's wish
to exercise no influence in the trial.

I 2. exemit . . . dicendae prime loco
sententiae : the dative with this verb
(cp. I. 48, 2 is nowhere else gerundive.
A famous instance of the old custom
alluded 10 is the ' sententia ' of Silanus
as cos. design, m the Catilinarians (.Sail.
Cat. 50; App B. C. 2. 5'. Appian there

4t8

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 773.

cendae primo loco sententiae ; quod alii civile rebantur.nc ceteris
adsentiendi necessitas fieret, quidam ad saevitiam trahebant :
neque enim cessurum nisi damnandi officio.

23. Lepida ludorum diebus, qui cognitionem intervenerant,
theatrum cum claris feminis ingressa, lamentatione flebili ma-
iores sues ciens ipsumque Pompeium, cuius ea monimcnta et
adstantes imagines visebantur, tantum misericordiae permovit,
ut effusi in lacrimas saeva et detcstanda Quirinio clamitarent,
cuius senectac atque orbitati et obscurissimae domui destinata

7. misericordia : text L.

explains the practice as grounded on the
probability tiiat the responsibility of exe-
cuting the decree might often devolve on
the consuls designate ; but it is really a
recognition of their position, which, while
not that of magistrates {c\). c. 17, 8), was
yet quasi-magisterial. Thus Cicero (ad
Q. F. 2. 1, 3), when the tribune had
already asked the consul-designate, says
' de privatis me primum sententiam roga-
vit.' For other instances cp. c. 49, 4 ; 4.
42, 3; II- 5. 3; 12. 9, 1 ; 14. 48, 4;
Staatsr. iii. 973, n. 2.

2. trahebant: cp. i. 62, 3. They
took it as indicating that he desired the
verdict to be adverse and the sentence
severe, and that IJrusus understood his
wishes.

3. neque enim cessurum, sc. ' fuisse '
(Introd. v. § 39 c). ' r>rusum ' is prob-
ably to be supplied as subject, and ' officio '
taken as abl. ; the construction being like
that of 'possessione cdere,' Scz. The
full expression would thus be ' netjue enim
Drusum cuiquam cessurum fuisse qiioquam
officio nisi officio damnandi' ; ' he would
not have given way to others in respect of
any duty but that of condenniing ' ^ would
gladly have put himself forward to give
the initiatory vote, if he had thought that
his father desired it to be one of acquittal).
Drusus voted at a later stnge for the
severer sentence, initiated by Rubellius
Blandus ;c. 23, 2).

4. ludorum diebus. In the absence
of any specification, it is probable that
the ' Ludi Magni Komani ' are meant;
whicii began Sept. 4, and lasted, under
one or another name, to the 19th. For
four days (cp. Liv. 24. .43, 7) they were
scenic, during most of the others Circen-
sian. See Marquardt, iii, 498.

cognitionem intervenerant. The
accusative, not elsewhere found with this

verb, is analogous to that with ' inter-
fluere' ^2. y, i) and other such verbs
(Introd. v. 12 c\ The interruption of
judicial proceedings by these games may
be gathered from Ciceio (Verr. i. 10,31),
who deducts forty days, chiefly for the
games vowed by Pompeius and for the
Ludi Romani.

6. ea monimenta . . . visebantur, i.e.
' cuius erant ea . . . quae visebantur.' A
single building might be called 'moni-
menta' ^c. 72, I ; 4. 7, 3); but other
buildings, the Curia and Porticus Pompeii,
were close by. This theatre, the gieatest
in Rome, was also the first permanent
structure of the kind in the city, and
considered a great innovation by severe
Romans (see 14. 20, 21. It dates from
the second consulship of Pompeius, 699,
B. C. 55, and was in the Campus Martius :
see Dyer (in Diet, of Geog.) pp. S34, 844 ;
Burn, Rome and the Campagna, p. 318;
Middleton, ii. p. 65.

7. permovit. On the accus. cp. i.
21,4.

8. detestanda = ' detestabilia,' as in
4. 69, 3 ; 16. 28, 2, &c.

9. obscurissimae domui : see c. 48,
2. Quirinius is, however, there shown to
have been a man of distinguished public
career, and no imputation is cast on his
general character. Nor does the popu-
lar sympathy with Lepida appear really
to rest on anything but her rank, and
on the long interval of time, perhaps
capable of explanation, between some, at
least, of her crimes and her trial. Tacitus
admits her guilt ;c. 22, 3), and yet seems
to lean towards this sympathy. The
whole narrative thus aptly illustrates the
popular respect for noijle birth still pre-
valent under the Empire, as shown by
Horace (Sat. i. 6, 7 foil.), and, much
later, by the energy with which Juvenal

A. D. 20.]

LIBER III. CAP. 22-24.

419

quondam uxor L. Caesari ac divo Au^^usto nurus dcdcretur.

2 dein tormentis servorum patcfacta sunt fla^itia itumquc in sen-

3 tcntiam Rubelli Blandi, a quo aqua atque igni arcebatur. huic
Drusus adscnsit. quamquam alii mitius ccnsuissent. mox Scauro,

4 qui filiam ex ca gcnuerat, datum ne bona publicarentur. turn 5
dcmum apcruit Tiberius conpertum sibi ctiam ex P. Quirinii
servis vcncno eum a Lepida petitum.

24. Inlustrium domuum adversa (etcnim hand multum distanti
tempore Calpurnii Pi.sonem, Aemilii Lcpidam amiscrant) solacio

2 adfecit D. Silanus luniae familiac redditus. casum eius paucis 10
repctam. ut valida divo Augusto in rem publicam fortuna, ita
domi inprospera fuit ob inpudicitiam filiae ac nepti.s, quas urbc

3 dcpulit adultcrosquc earum morte aut fuga punivit. nam cul-
pam inter viros ac feminas vulgatam gravi nomine laesarum
religionum ac violatae maiestatis appellando clementiam ma- 15

4 iorum suasque ipse leges egrediebatur. sed aliorum cxitus,

S. adenim : text Mercer.

(Sat. 8"! protests aj^ainst it. See Introd.
vii. p. loi ; Fiiedl. i. p. 213.

destinata : in Greek the article would
stand with the participle thus used '^
fit-qoTd'Ottaa, K.r.X. . Vergil has ' divae
Veneris nurus' (Aen. 2, 787:.

2. itum in sententiam. That tiiis
did not always imply unanimity, appears
here and in 14. 40, i-

3. Rubelli Blandi : see on 6. 27, i.
He is called a consular in c. 51, i, and,
as he Voted before Drusus, must have been
already such ; but if, as Borghesi thought
'vsee Henzen, Inscr. p. 496"!, he was con-
sul with Annius Pullio ^6. 9, 5) in the
last six months of this year, he would
have been consul nt this trial (cp. § 1),
which v\ould have been stated. It appears
also that there were no ' suffecti ' this
year (Klein, Fasti ; Staatsr. ii. 83, n. 3).

aqua atque igni arcebatur. Although
the confiscation <.)i property usually in-
volved in such a sentence was here re-
mitted, the penalty was otlierwise more
severe than that of the 'lex lulia de
adulteriis ' (see on 2. 50, 4;, and equiva- -
lent to that usually inflicted fur ' inaie>ias'
(c. 50, 6\ A similar severe sentence lor
adultery is noted in 4. 42, 3.

4. Scauro. As no other name is men-
tioned, he must be the same spoken of in
1. 13, 4, &c. He must have married her
after her di\ orce from Quirinius.

5. datum ne bona publicarentur.
This act w oidd again show that Tiberius
was ' finnus adversum pecuniam,' and
makes against the imputation of Sue-
tonius (see on c. 22, i).

turn deinum, &c. It would appear
that the slaves of Quirinius had been
examined privately by Tiberius; but only
those of Lepida at the public trial. It
does not necessarily follow that the evi-
dence of the latter had not already
established the charge of poisoning. Stahr
strangely here refers ' eum ' to Tiberius
hiinself, and draws inferences from it as
to his clemency.

9. solacio adfecit. Nipp. notes that
' solari ' or ' consular! ' often take an ac-
cusative of that for which consolation is
given, as in 2. 36, 3 ; 16. 13, 6 ; also in
Cic, as ' consolalur honestas egestatem '
pro Quint. 15, 49.

1 1 . repetam. This verb is used of a
narrative going back over the past, as in
c. 33, I ; 12. 62, 1.

in rem publicam : cp. i. 8, 7.

12. filiae ac neptis, the two ' luliae' :
see on i. 53. i ; 4. 71, 6. By ' morte' he
refers to lullus Antonius (1. 10, 3"*, by
' fuga ' (' banishment,' as in 14. 64, 5, &c.),
to Silanus and Gracchus (i. 53, 6).

15. violatae maiestatis : cp. 2. 50, i.

16. egrediebatur. His uwii law, the
' lex lulia de adulteriis/ prescribed milder

420

p. CORNELII TACITI AXNALIUM [A.U.C. 773.

simul cetera illius aetatis memorabo, si effcctis in quae tetencli
plures ad curas vitam produxero. D. Silanus in nepti Augusti 5
adulter, quamquam non ultra foret saevitum quam ut amicitia
Caesaris prohiberetur, exilium sibi demonstrari intellexit. nee

5 nisi Tibcrio imperitante deprecari senatum ac principem ausus
est M. Silani fratris potentia, qui per insigneni nobilitatem et
eloquentiam praecellebat. sed Tiberius gratis agenti Silano 6
patribus coram respondit se quoque laetari, quod frater eius e
peregrinatione longinqua revertisset ; idque iure licitum, quia

10 non senatus consulto, non lege pulsus foret : sibi tamen ad versus 7
eum integras parentis sui offensioncs, neque reditu Silani dis-
soluta quae Augustus voluisset. fuit posthac in urbe neque
honores adeptus est.

25. Relatum dein de moderanda Papia Poppaea. quam senior

15 Augustus post lulias rogationes incitandis caelibum pocnis et

I. tendi : text Ern., intendi Ileins.

14. deinde de : text Wcilfflin.

penalties than those which he arbitrarily
inflicted. On the accns. cp. i. 30, 2.

sed . . . memorabo. Neither this
promise, nor the earlier one given in H.
1. I, 5, to write the history of Nerva and
Trajan, appears to have been fulfilled.

1. in quae tetendi, ' my present ob-
ject.'

2. curas. This word is used for lite-
rary work in 4. 11,5; Dial. 3, 3 ; 6, 5 ;
and, apparently, so elsewhere only in Ov.
ex P. 4. 16, 39; Mart. i. 107, 5.

3. amicitia . . . prohiberetur : see c.
12, 4 ; 2. 70, 3.

4. demonstrari, ' was indicated by it.'
6. fratris potentia. In 4. 43, 4 ' po-
tentia' is a causal abl. It might be so
taken here, with ' ausus,' as meaning that
the influence of his brother emboldened
him to entreat. It would appear, how-
ever, that he entreated, not in person, but
through his povveiful brother. ' Potentia '
would thus mean ' ]ier potentiam,' and
would be a quasi -instrumental abl.
Neither view seems wholly satisfactory,
and the suggestion that ' fretus ' has been
lost or corrupted is tenijiting, though such
a juxtaposition as ' fratris fretus ' ( Bezzen-
T)crL;tr) i-> liaidly probable. The M.
Silanus here meant is jirobably not the
consul of the ]ireceding year (2. 59, i),
but the father-in-law of Ciaius (see on 6.
20, i), whose full name is M. Junius, C. f.,

Silanus (C. I. L. vi. 20:8 c), and who is
taken to be the cos. suff. in 768, A.D. i,^
CC I. L. X. 6639, Henzen 6442, Klein,
Fasti).

9. peregrinatione, emphatic, as his
absence was voluntary ; ' longinqua ' is
used of time : cp. Caes. B. G. i. 47, 4,
and note on i. 53, 3.

10. non senatus consulto, non lege,
'neither by decree of the senate, nor by
sentence oi the law court.' See 1. 6, 3,
and note there.

sibi tamen, Sec., ' for himself, his fa-
ther's resentment towards him survived in
its fulness ; and the return of .Silarus
implied no relaxation of any intention of
Augustus', i.e. the renouncement of friend-
ship would be maintained. This ban was
of itself sufficient to exclude him from all
the magistracies of the state.

14. Papia Poppaea. On this and the
previous 'luliae rogationes' see the Ex-
cursus appended to tliis Hook. The
plural used here of the latter apjiears
hardly to be such a rhetorical plural as
' (Jppiis . . . legibus' ■ c. 33, 4), but may
denote that Augustus had passed more
than one marriage law in his own name.

15. incitandis . . . poenis, 'to encou-
rage the enforcement of jicnallies on
celiljaey.' Penalties already existed, but
fresh vitality was given to them by tiie
reward held out to informers.

A. D. 20.]

LIBER III. CAP. 24-26.

42T

2 aut^cndo acrario sanxcrat. ncc idco coniugia et cducationes
libcrum frcqucntabantur, pracvalida orbitatc : cetcrum multitudo
periclitantium glisccbat, cum ornnis donius delatorum intcrpre-
tationibus subvcrtcretur. utquc antehac flagitiis, ita tunc Icgibns

3 laborabatur. ea res admonct ut do principiis iuris, et quibus 5
modis ad banc rnultitudinem infinitam ac varietatem legum per-
ventuin sit, altius disseram.

26. Vctustissimi mortalium, nulla adhuc mala libidine, sine
probro, scelere, coque sine poena aut coercitionibus agebant.
2 ncquc praemiis opus crat, cum honesta suopte ingenio peteren- 10

3. omnes

subverterentur L

10. peterent Orsini.

1. educationes, a plural only found
in Tacitus: see Gud. on Dial. 28, 23.

2. praevalida. This is commonly
taken to mean ' continued to prevail ' ;
but the analogy of 'praevalida vitia' (c.
.^.^> .^\ 'nomina '- 112. 60, 6), 'pars' (II.
2. 52, 2), and of 'praevalere' (1. 58, 7,
&c.), suggests a better interpretation,
that childlessness gave such a povver in
society as to frustrate the law. That
such was the fact, is abundantly shown
in literature. ' A rich, childless old man
was a domestic tyrant, and his power in-
ceased with his years and intirmities '
l^Gibbon, c. 6). See 13. 52, 3; 15. 19,
3; H. I. 73, 2 ; Hor. Sat. 2. 5, 28; Sen.
ad Marc. 19; Petron. Sat. 116; Juv. 4,
19; 12, 99 (where see Mayor's note'.
Many other illustrations are given by
Friedliiudcr, Silteng. i. p. 367, foil.

3. periclitantium, ' exposed to prose-
cution ' : c]i. 5. 8, 2 ; 6. i(), 5. Drager
no'.es the particular application of ' peri-
culum' to a lawsuit in Cic. (de Imp.
Pomp. I, 2, &c.\

interpretationibus. ' constructions,'
i.e. by straining the technicalities of the
law, to bring all possible cases under it.

4. legibu.s laborabatur, ' we were
overburdened with laws.' With this senti-
ment may be compared that of Livy
vPraef 9) ' haec tempora, quibus nee vitia
nostra nee rcmedia pati possumus.'

5. ea res. ' this fact (i. e. the oppres-
sive working of this law") suggests a deeper
discussion on the origin of civil law ' :
' ius,' as the whole body of lav.', is here
distinguished from tlie several enactments
(' leges '). ' Altius disserere,' a new
phrase, but analogous to others : cp.
c. 62, 4, and note on i. 32, 7.

8. Vetustissimi mortalium, &c. The

view here given by Tacitus appears to
be not so mueh drawn from older poets
(as Ov. Met. i, 89, &c.), as to be an echo
of the Stoicism of his day. A similar
picture is drawn by Seneca (Ep. 90), who
explains and comments on Posidonius :
' Primi mortalium quique ex his geniti
naturam incorruptam sequcbantur, eun-
dem habebant et ducem et legem, com-
missi melioris arbitrio': see also Sail.
Cat. 2. With this may be contrasted the
Epicurean view, as set forth in Lucr. 5,
1105-1160, and humorously touched in
a few lines by Horace, ' Quum prorepse-
runt,' &c. (Sat. i. 3, v,i), foil.) On the
whole subject of the supposed Law of
Nature, only a reference can be given to
Maine, Ancient Law, ch. iii, &c.

adhuc, 'up to that time'; so used,
without any reference to the present, in
c. 42, 3; 4. 23, I, &c., also in Livy.

10. neque. This answers to ' et . . .
nihil ^eciuivalent to ' neque . . . quidquam ';
. . . vetabantur ' : reward and punishment,
laws to encourage or intimidate, were
equally needless.

suopte Ingenio. This is generally
rendered 'virtue was sought from i.e.
from a love for) its own qualities': cp.
' camporum suopte ingenio umentium '
^H. 5. 14, 3) ; also the general use of
' ingcnium ' of inanimate things (6. 41, i ,
&c. , and t'ae verbal resemblance to
Sallust (Introd. v. § 97, i). The diffi-
culty of the ablative h.as led Nipp. ti
ailopt the other interpretation, ' by men's
own instinct ' ; such a personal subject being
implied in ' peterentur' icp. ' ex se metus '
2. 38, 6\ But such an abl. of the objec-
tive cause may be justified by examples
(cp. Introd. v. § 30).

VOL. I

Ee

z)22

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 773-

tur ; et ubi nihil contra moreni cuperent, nihil per metum veta-
bantur. at postquam exui aequalitas et pro modestia ac pudore 3
ambitio et vis incedebat, provenere dominatioues multosque
apud populos aeternum mansere. quidam statim, aut postquam

5 regum pertaesum, leges malucrunt. hae primo rudibus hominum 4
animis simplices erant; maximeque fama celebravit Cretensium,
qiias Minos, Spartanorum, quas Lycurgus, ac mox Athcniensi-
bus quaesitiores iam et plures Solo perscripsit. nobis Romulus, 5
ut libitum, imperitaverat : dein Numa religionibus et divino iure

10 populum devinxit; rcpertaque quaedam a Tullo et Anco. sed 6
praecipuus Servius TuUius sanctor legum fuit, quis etiam reges
obtemperarent.

27. Pulso Tarquinio adversum patrum factiones multa popu-

3. incidebat prouenire : text L. 5. ae : hae B, ac Sirker, perhaps eae Hahn.

2. exui aequalitas: cp. 1. 4, i, and,
on the historical inf. here, Introd. v. § 45 c.
The sense is here no doubt that of the
juri(]ical maxim ' omnes homines natura
aequalcs svmt ' (on which see Maine, Anc.
Law. ch. iv. p. 92, &c.). Mr. Dallin notes
that there is probably a special reference
to the comniiuiity of goods which philoso-
phers (as Sen. Ep. 90, 38-40), no less
than poets (as Verg. G. i, 125, &c.),
imagined in the golden age.

modestia, the opposite to ' ambitio,'
as ' piidor ' to ' vis ' : cp. i . 11, i .

3. dominationes, ' despotisms.' The
absolute monarchies of the old world
are meant, rather than the 'tyrannies'
proper of later Greek history. Some of
them, as he says, survived ; the Parthian
of his own day being the representative
of the old Eastern despotisms. He goes
on to say that the first codes of law grew
up either 'at once' vi- e. during the regal
])criod, as he shows to have been the
case at Rome), or after the expulsion of
kings (as he appears to think was mostly
the case with the early Greek codes j.

4. aeternum: cp. 12. 28, 2; Inlrod.
V. § 5-

6. Cretensium. These are placed first
as supposed to be the earliest. For an
account of them see Arist. Pol. 2. 10 ;
Polyb. 6, 45-48. On the institutions of
l.ycurgus see especially Grote, Hist,
ch. 6.

7. ac mox, &c. ' Quas ' is again to
be supplied in sense. Nipp. notes that
a new turn is thus given to the sentence

(cp. Introd. v. § 91, i) without ambiguity.
In giving these instances, Tacitus appears
still to follow Seneca (1. 1. 6), who makes
the need of law arise in all cases from
degeneration of kingship into tyranny.
Lucretius (1. 1.) traces it to anarchy con-
sequent on the mob-rule which had over-
thrown the monarchies.

8. Romulus. Other traditions (as
Liv. I. 8~ and jurists (Pomp. Dig. 1. 2, i)
have imagined Romulus also as a law-
giver. A collection of ' leges regiae ' was
made, under the title of ' ins Papirianum,'
at an uncertain date (Dion. Hal. 3. 36),
on which Granius Flaccus wrote a com-
mentary at the time of Julius Caesar (Dig.
50. 16, 144). Poth are lost.

10. a Tullo et Anco. A law of the
former is referred to in 1 2. 8, 2 ; the
latter is credited with democratic ten-
dencies by Vergil (Aen. 6, 816), which
may represent a tradition of popular laws
ascribed to him.

1 1 . praecipuus . . . sanctor : cp. ' prae-
cipuus . . . auctor' c. 5-;, 5. 'Sanctor'
(cp. Introd. v. § 69) is air. up. Servius is
more ])roperly the author of a constitution
(c]). Liv. I. 42, 4) than of laws.

J 3. multa populus paravit By
' populus,' Tacitus appears here to mean
the noKirai, or body politic in general,
without distinguishing ' populus ' and
' plebs.' He would refer no doubt to
such enactments as those which estab-
lished the republican constitution and
enlarged the senate i,Li''. 2. 1), and to the
'leges Valeriae ' of 245, B.C. 509 (Id. c.

A. D. 20.]

LIBER III. CAP. 26, 27.

423

lus paravit tucndae libcrtatis et firniandae concordiac ; creatique
decemviri et accitis quae usquain egrcgia compositae duodecim
2 tabulae, finis aequi iuris. nam secutae leges etsi aliquando in
maleficos ex delicto, saepius tamcn disscnsionc ordinum et
apiscendi inlicitos honores aut peliendi claros viros aliaque ob 5

8), passed against such ' patrum factiones'
as desired to restore the kings. Perhaps
he would not speak in the same unqualified
praise of the 'le.K sacrata' instituting the tri-
bunate (Id. c. 33), or the 'lex Publilia '
giving the election of plebeian magistrates
to the tribes (Id. c. 57); though these
may be regarded as carried against ' pa-
trum factiones,' i.e. against an extreme
section of the patricians.

1. tuendae Jibertatis : cp. Int. v. 37 b.

creati . . . decemviri : see Liv. 3.
33-57 : cp. also Mommsen (Hist. B. ii.
ch. 2), who shows that tlie apparent
design in this movement was to substitute
for tribuiiician intercession a limitation of
the consular powers by written law. A
good general sketch of what is known to
us of the contents of the Twelve Tables
will be found in Arnold, Hist. vol. i. c 14.
In its general character, this, like the
early codes of other nations, was probably
a natural consequence of tiie ilifi'usion of
the art of writing, leading to a demand for
such engraved tablets, publishetl and ac-
cessible to all, in [ilace of customary law,
known only to privileged exponents. It
was thus more probably grounded on
existing usages than an eclectic code
(' accitis quae usquam egregia ') ; but
some evidence for the tradition that its
franiers had studied contemporary Greek
models rnay be found in its arrangement,
apparently more systematic than that of
other early codes : see Maine, Anc. Law,
ch. i.

3. finis aequi iuris, ' the close of
impartial law.' That such is the meaning
of Tacitus would ajipear from the follow-
ing sentence, stating that the subsequent
course of legislation, excejH such as was
directed to the repression of crime, aimed
at personal or party objects, rather than
the welfare of the whole state. It is easy
to point to laws which cannot be justly
so described ; and Tacitus may have
really meant no more than that the
enactment of this code was the List
occasion on which all orders had united
in a comprehensive attempt at legislation.
He appears to know nothing of the dis-
tinction miplied in the narrative of Livy

and asserted by Cicero de Rep. 2. 37,
63), that the two last Tables were ' ini-
quissimae.' The general Roman reve-
rence for the code is expressed by Cicero,
and also by Livy, who calls the first ten
Tables ' fons omnis publici privatique
iuris ' (3. 34, 7). The division of periods
is here obscure ; for the conflict of pa-
tricians and plebeians (cp. ' dissensione
ordinum et apiscendi illicitos honores ')
belongs to the century succeeding the
decemvirate, while some of the remarks
on the ' secutae leges ' appear to refer to
later dates than that of the Gracchi, and
' alia prava ' is wholly indefinite.

in maleficos. This might refer to
old laws ' de ambitu,' to the ' lex Fabia
de plagiariis ' in 571, is. C. 183, the 'lex
Calpurnia de repetundis' in 605, B.C.
1 49 (omitting later laws).

4. ex delicto, ' according as crimes
arose ' : cp. 'ex re ' (i. 24, i , &c.

dissensione ordinum, causal abl. :
cp. c. 26, 2, and references there. The
' lex Canuleia de connubio ordinum '
would be an instance, as also those
opening the magistracies ; the words ' et
apiscendi,' &c. being best taken as ex-
planatory of ' dissensione ordinum."

5. apiscendi inlicitos honores. This
construction, so lrei|uent with the gerun-
dive (Introd. v. § 37 d), is rare with the
gerund. The laws referred to are those
opening magistracies to plebeians, as the
Licinian rogations , Liv. 6. 35-42J, 'lex
Publilia' ^Id. 8. 12 , and ' Ogulnia* ^Id.
10. 6-9 . The admiration of Tacitus for
the later aristocracy leads him even to
sympathize with the patiiciate against the
plebeian houses. Livy al>o at times
speaks of the old plebeians as if they were
a rabble (,e. g- 3- .^5. 5' ^^•)-

peliendi claros viros. The known
instances of banishment by special decree
or ' privilegium' belong to later date, and
are more distinctly alluded to below ;
but there may be a loose and inaccurate
reference to such cases as the banishment
of Camillus, the retirement of Scipio
Africanus, the ' repulsa ' of Aemilius
PauUus, the popular attacks on Scipio
Aemilianus, and to more appropriate

424

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C 773.

prava per vim latae sunt, hinc Gracchi et Saturnini turbatorcs 3
plebis, nee minor largitor nomine senatus Drusus ; corrupti spe
aut inlusi per iiitercessionem socii. ac nc bcllo quidcm Italico, 4
mox civili omis.sum, quin multa et divcrsa sciscerentur, donee
5 L. Sulla dictator abolitis vcl conversis prioribus, cum plura
addidisset, otium cius rei baud in longum paravit, statim turbidis
Lepidi rogationibus, ncquc multo post tribunis reddita licentia
quoquo vellcnt populum agitandi. iamque non modo in com- 5

instance;, such as the exile of Metellus
Numidicus. nearer to the time of Sulla.

1. hinc, ' hence ensued.' This marks
a new period, but one which was the out-
come of previous party conflicts. In
reality a long lull had succeeded the
equalization of the orders, until the rise
ot new grievances demanding redress,
which are here persistently ignored.

Gracchi et Saturnini. It is natural
to suppose both the Ciracchi 10 be spoken
of. but the rhetorical plural ' Saturnini '
icp. 1. 10, 3) would suggest that 'Cirncchi'
also is to be similarly taken, and Gains
(.iracchus alone intended. On the per-
sons and their policy see Mommsen,
Hist. B. iv. c. 2, 3, 6. The injustice to
(iracchus of thus ranking him on an
equality with one morally and intellect-
ually so inferior to him as Saturninus has
often been noted. Caesar indeed couples
their names (B. C. i. 7, 4), but only to
speak of their violent deaths.

2. Drusus. The description would
suit either the rival of Gains Gracchus or
his more famous son. From the position
of the name between that of Saturninus
and the Italian war, the son would seem
to be meant, but it is possible that Taci-
tus has confused them. In either case,
* nee minor largitor ' is an understate-
ment : see Mommsen, Hist. B. iv. c. 3, 6.

3. socii, the Italians, who ' were briiied
by hope of the franchise, and cheated by
a veto.' The elder Drusus vetoed in 632,
)!.c. 122, the proposals of his colleague
t iracchus. Those of the son were cut
short by liis death in 663, }i.c. 91.

belle . . . Italico . . . civili. Ihe former
lasted from 663-666, B.C. 91-iSS, the
latter, that of Marius and his successors
agamst Sulla, from 666-672, H. C. 88- 82.

4. multa et diversa. The ' many and
conflicting enactments ' of this period
seem to be a vague description, both of
the laws passed to meet the Italian out-
break 1/ lex lulia,' and ' lex I'lautia or
Bapiria de civitate,' 664, 665, B.C. 90, 89),

and of the ' leges Suljiiciae ' of 666, n.c.
88, repealed by Sulla. Other laws, now
forgotten, may have been passed by the
Marian party during their rule.

5. L. Sulla. On his dictatorship from
672-675. K.C. 82-79, and his 'leges Cor-
neliae,' see Mommsen (Hist. B. iv. ch. 10),
who describes his ordinances as to the
Qiiaestiones as ' the first Roman code
after the Twelve Tables, and the first
criminal code specially issued at all '
(li. T. iv. p. 130).

6, eius rei, i. e. a repose from fresh
legislation.

statim turbidis . . . rogationibus.
Nipp. and Ptitzner seem rightly to take
the abl. abs. as subject, with ' statim ' (sc.
' secutis ') as predicate, explanatory of
' non in longum ' : ' the revolutionary
proposals of Lejiidus immediately ensu-
ing.' M. Lepidus, father of the triumvir,
proposed, as consul in 676, B.C. 78, to
rescind various laws of Sulla. His speech
and the reply of Philippus to him are
among the extant fr.agments of Sallust.
On his insurrection and death see Momm-
sen. Hist. ]'.. v. CI.

7. neque multo post. In 6S4, B. c. 70,
' M. Crassus et Cn. Pompeius consules
tribuniciam potestatem restituerunt ' ^^Liv.
Epit. 97); i.e. they restored what Sulla
had taken away. Cicero (de Legg. 3. 9)
describes Sulla with approval, 'qui tri-
bunis jilebis . . . iniuriae faciendae potes-
tatem ademerit, auxdii ferendi reliqueiit.'
The speech of Lepidus in Sallust de-
scribes the people as 'agitandi inops'
(H. I. 41, II D, 45 K, p. 141 G; : cp.
also Caes. B. C. i. 5, I; Veil. 2. 30.
Mommsen shows, especially from the
' plebiscitum de Thermensibus,' passed in
683, li.C. 71 (^Inscr. Orell. 3673 ; C. 1. L.
i. 204), that the tribunes could consult
the people, but only with consent of the
senate, as the formula ' de senatus senten-
tia ' is added (B. iv. c. 10).

8. in commune, ' with general ap-
plication.'

(

A. D. 20.]

LIBER III. CAP. 27, 28.

425

munc. sed in sin^i^ulos homines latac quacstioncs, ct corruptissima
re publica plurimac Icsj^cs.

28. Tuni Cn. Pompcius tcrtiuni consul corrigcndis nioribus
delectus, set s^ravior remediis quam delicta eranf suarumque
leguin auctor idem ac subversor, quae arniis tuebatur, armis

2 amisit. exim continua per vi<^inti annos discordia, non nios.
non ius ; deterrima quaeque inpune ac muita honesta exitio

3 fucrc. sexto demum consulatu Caesar Augustus, potentiae se-

4. et : so liait., Nijii). , Ritt., set I'lnygers.

I. in singulos, i. c. ' jirivilcgia.' The
laws ol the 'rwelve Tables ' in privatos
homines leges fern noluerunt ' (Cic. J -egg.
3. 19, 44); and the banishment of Cicero
by tlic bill of Clodius in 696, li. c. 5S,
ajjpears here to be tspeeially alluded to.

quaestioiies, ' impeachments ' or ' at-
taijulers.' Kilter seems right in taking
the e\j)ression as shortened for ' leges
latae, ut . . . quaestiones haberentur.'

corruptissima re publica, abl. abs.,
' in the greatest decay of the reimblic
most laws were made.'

3. tertiura consul. In 702, is.c. 52,
Pompeuis W.1S created consul ' absens el
solus, quod nulli alii umquam coniigit '
(Liv. Epit. D. 107). He was appointed
' corrigendis moiibus,' i.e. to stop the
violence jirevalent at recent elections.
He retained the proconsulate of Spain
with this virtual dictatorship, which Irom
the first of .August became an ordinary
consulship, by being shared with Q. Me-
tellus Scipio. On the history of the year
see Mommsen, Hist. Jl v. ch. S ; Watson,
Letters of Cicero, Introd. to Part ii. i, and
authorities there cited.

4. gravior remediis, &c. ; by his se-
vere and retrospective laws ' de vi ' and
' de ambitu ' ; by the trials held under
them ; by his military rule in Rome ; by
overawing tlie court on the trial of Milo
by presence ot a guaril ,see references
above). Tacitus, who elsewhere (H. 2.
38, 4 calls Pompeius ' occult ior, non
melior' sc. ' Mario et Sulla' , had formed
a very different estimate of him from
Livy 1 see below, 4. 34, 4), but appears to
show no real perception of the magnitude
of the evils which had then to be dealt
with : see Merivale, ch. xiii. p. 46.
Seneca (de Ben. 5. 16, 3) had said of
Sulla, ' patriam durioribus remediis quam
pericula erant sanavit.'

5. auctor . . . subversor. In viola-
tion of his own laws against riot and cor-

ruption, he sent into court a written com-
mendation in favour of Plancus Pursa,
and prevented the conviction of his
father-in-law Scipio. Also, in violation
of his law ' de iure magistintuum,' which
provided that Candidates should cnnvass
in person, and that hve years should in-
tervene between the tenure of office at
Rome and the government of a province,
he secured for himself for another five
years the government of Spain, and was
a party to the dispensation Irom personal
canvass given to Caesar. See the autho-
rities referred to in ^\'atson, 1. 1.

quae armis tuebatur. This refers
not only to his military rule during his
consulship ^see above), but also to his
position afterwards with ' proconsulare
imperium ' outside the gates of Rome
(Caes. B. G. 6. i, 2), and to the troops
held in his name jjy his legati in Spain
(Id. B. C. I. S5, S; Veil. 2. 4S, 1 1.

6. per viginti annos, from Phar-
salus to the sixth consulship of Augustus.
706-726, li.c. 4S-28. It is indeed as-
tonishing, that Tacitus should regard the
dictatorship of Caesar as merely part ol
this general anarchy, and that in a review
of Roman legislation his 'Leges luliae "
should be altogether ignored. Lor an
account of them see Watson, Part iv.
Appendix ix. That the triumvirate should
be al!>o thus dealt with is not remarkable,
owing to the general cancelling of its
enactments by Augustus, as here men-
tioned. On some of its usurpations, es-
pecially that of the appointment of ma-
gistrates, see Staatsr. ii. 732.

non raos, non ius, sc. ' fuit,' ' there
was neither morality (c. 26, 2) nor law.'

7. inpune, sc. ' fucre ' : cp. i. 72, 3.

8. sexto demum consulatu. It was
in this year that the acts of the triumvi-
rate were cancelled at a stroke (Dio, 53.
2, 5), and the foundations laid of the
principate, which formally begins with

426

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 773.

curus. quae triumviratu iusserat abolevit dcditquc iura, quis pace
et principe uteremur. acriora ex eo vincla, inditi custodes et 4
lege Papia Poppaea praemiis inducti, ut, si a privilegiis paren-
tum cessaretur, velut parens omnium populus vacantia teneret.
5 sed altius penetrabant urbemque et Italiam et quod usquam 5
civium corripuerant, multorumque excisi status, ct terror omni- 6
bus intcntabatur, ni Tiberius statuendo rcmedio quinque con-

3. uisi : ut si L.

the following ycnr fsce Introd. vi. p. 75) ;
but the laws of which Tacitus speaks
were mostly of later date.

potentiae securus. The genitive with
' securus' is jioelical and post- August an,
and usually denotes the evil or danger
against which precaution is not taken.
As an instance apposite to the use here,
Mr. Dallin notes ' securus veniae ' in Luc.
8, 7S4; so here, ' sure of his ascendency.'
I. triumviratu, ahl. of time during
which (Introd. v. 26; Htr. on H. i. 89).

dedit iura, ' established principles of
law,' or 'imposed a constitution.' The
authority ' dare leges ' belonged regu-
larly, in respect of ' socii,' to Romans
possessed of ' imperium ' (see Introd. vi.
p. 87 ; Staatsr. ii. 888, &c.). ' Iura dare '
is uKirc strictly used of the magistrate
administering the law by jurisdiction (cp.
Verg. Aen. 8, 670) ; but, in the sense
given above, Romulus is said ' iura dare '
in Liv. I. 8, i ; and to do so is often
spoken of by Vergil (e. g. Aen. i. 293 ;
3> '37 '1 5) 75^) ^* ^ kingly function. It
is perhaps here implied that Augustus
enacted these laws, without senate or
comitia, by a survival of his power ' rei-
publicae constituendae.' See Staatsr.ii.745.
quis pace et principe uteremur.
The simplest explanation of these words
would be to take ' quis ' as instrumental
abl., and ' pace et principe' as depending
on ' uteremur.' But for ' quis ' we should
rather expect 'per quas'; and ' legibus
uti' is a known phrase (e.g. Lucr. 5,
1143^ This would favour the interpre-
tation of Nipp. and others, by which
' quis ' depends on ' uteremur ' and ' pace et
prmcipe' is an abl. abs., ' for us to enjoy
in peace and under a prince.' Such a
construction, though usual for ' pace,' is
harsh for ' principe ' ; but this word, on
either interpretation, is taken as thrown
in bitterly and irapa irpoaSoKiav.

2. acriora ex eo vincla, ' thencefor-
ward restraints were stricter ' : cp. ' acria
iudicia' Cic. Rose. Am. 5, 11. Allusion is

probably intended generally to the stretcli
of arbitrary power (cp. «« tovtov fiovap-
XftcrOat avdts aKpiliQis Tjp^avro Dio, 52. I,
i), and specially to the 'lex lulia de
maritandis ordinibus' and any similar
enactments before it, or to any edicts or
decrees interfering with private life.

inditi custodes, ' watch was set over
us' : cp. ' castella rujiibus indita' 4. 46,
5; and 'additus' in 4. 67, 6; 6. 14, 3,
&c. The delators are called ' custodes
legum' by Tiberius (4. 30, 4), and were
evidently already active before this lex
assigned definite rewards to them.

3. praemiis. Their amount may be
estimated from the fact that Nero reduced
them to one fourth (Suet. Ner. 10) ; which
was also the informer's minimum under
the law of' maiestas' (cp. 4. 20, 3).

ut . . . teneret, ' in order that, if men
neglected to earn the rewards of pater-
nity, the state as the common parent
might possess the unowned properties':
' vacantia ' refers to some such word as
'bona,' and = ' caduca.' On these penal-
ties and forfeitures see the Excursus at
the end of this Book.

5. altius penetrabant : cp. 2. 36, 2.
Here it appears to mean that they forced
their way further into private life than
the law had contemplated, laying infor-
mation (cp. ' corripio ' c. 49, i ; 2. 28, 4,
&c.) against all citizens (to whom alone
the law applied) throughout the empire.

6. multorum . . . excisi status,
' many jiad their position undermined.'
In some cases the possession of a sena-
torial or equestrian census, in others the
'status' of a freedman, &c., might de-
pend on bequests that could be invali-
dated. Cp. H. I. 10, 2 'attritis opibus,
lubrico statu,' and the similar words
above i^c. 26, 2) ' cum omnis domus . . .
subverteretur ' ; also Plin. Pan. 48 ' nulla
iam testameiita secura, nuUius status
certus.'

terror, &c., 'dread was hanging over
air : cp. ' metum intentabat ' 15. 54, 6.

A.D. 20.]

LIBER III. CAP. 28, 29.

427

sularium, quinque c praetoriis, totidcm e cetcro scnatu sorte
duxisset, apud quos exsoluti pleriquc Jc<^is nexus modicum in
praesens levamentum fuere.

29. Per idem tempus Neroncm e liberis Germanici, iam in-
grcssum iuventam, commendavit patribus, utt[ue niuncre capes- 5
sendi vii^n'ntiviratus solveretur et quinquennio maturius quam
per leges quaesturam peteret, non sine inrisu audiciitium postu-

2 lavit. praetendebat sibi atque Iratri decreta eadem petente
Augusto. scd neque turn fuisse dubitaverim, qui eius modi
preces occulti inluderent : ac tamcn initia fastigii Caesaribus 10
crant magisque in oculis vetus mos, et privignis cum vitrico

3 levior necessitudo quam avo adversum nepotem. additur ponti-
ficatus et quo i)rimum die forum ingressus est congiarium plebi

10. fastidii : text B.

2. exsoluti . . . nexus : cp. ' vinclis
exsolutis' (c. 33, 4); ' enociandos . . .
iiiris laqueos' (Gell. 13. 10, i) ; 'qui
iuris nodos . . . solvat ' (Juv. 8, 50) ;
' iuiisdictionis retia et . . . nodos resol-
ventes ' (Cod. 4. 29, 23, pr"). Walther
and Mr. Dallin take ' nexus ' in the strict
legal sense ( = ' obligations ') ; but these
commissioners appear not so much to
have released men irom obligations con-
tracted, as to have ' loosed many snares'
woven out of the law by the subtlety of
informers ; declaring such cases not to
come within its intention. This would
be, as is here stated, a partial and tem-
porary relief, not amounting to any
alteration of the law itself.

4. Neronem. On his age, &c., see
Introd. ix. note II.

6. vigintiviratus. On the separate
magistracies thus collectively designated
see Introd. vi. p. 91; on the qualifica-
tions for the candidates for the quaestor-
ship, Id. p. 95 ; Staatsr. i. 544.

7. per leges. The old ' lex Villia
Annalis' of 574, B.C. 180 i^Liv. 40. 44,
1), had been modified, piobably iiy Au-
gustus. Tiberius, who is here stated to
liave had only the same privilege as that
which he requests, was quaestor in his
nineteenth year (Veil. 2. 94, i). This
confirms the view that the twenty-fourth
or twenty-fifth year was at this time the
earliest legal or customary age for the
quacstorship.

non sine inrisu ; a request which
could not be refused was a mockery.

8. praetendebat ; so, with inf., 6. 18,
4 : cp. 59, 6. The dispensing decrees
passed for Tiberius and Drusus in 730,
735, li. C. 24, 19, are mentioned in Dio,
53. 28, 3; 54. 10, 4. Germanicus ap-
pears to have had a similar privilege, and
to have held the consulshii) immediately
alter the quaestorship ^Suet. Cal. i).

10. ac tamen, i.e. yet such a request
was not then so ludicrous, for a relu.sal
was not so out of the question. Three
reasons are given for this difference.

initia fastigii Caesaribus erant,
' the supremacy of tiie Caesars was but
beginning ' : cp. ' praeumbrnnte impera-
toris fastigio ' I4. 47, i ; also c. 5(5, 2 ;
73, 3 ; 6. 32, I, &c.

1 2. levior necessitudo, ' the tie of con-
nexion was slighter.' Thence it might be
supposed that Augustus cared less about
the request than Tiberius. For ' adver-
sus,' ' in relation to.' cp. 15. 48, 8, &c.

pontificatus. Inscriptions show that
Tacitus confuses the priestly offices given
to Nero, with those of his brother Drusus.
See Introd. ix. notes 11, 12.

13. quo primum die, &c. This ' dies
tiiocinii' (Suet. Tib. 54) is shown by a
fragmentary kalendar to have been June
7 : ' vii Idus lun. Nero to[gam virilem]
sumpsit cong. d.' fC. I. L. xiv. 244,
Henzen 6443). These ' congiaria,' for-
merly gifts of oil, wine, &c. (Li v. 25. 2,
8; PI. N. H. 14. 14, 17, 96) were now
given in money : see ^lon. Anc. iii. 7-21 ;
also 2. 42, I ; 12. 41, 3; Sutt. Ner. 7;
and a full account in Marquardt, ii. 136.

428

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 773.

admodum laetac, quod Germanici stirpeni iani puberem aspicie-
bat. auctum dchinc gaudium nuptiis Ncronis et luliae Drusi 4
filiae. utque haec secundo rumore, ita adversis animis accep- 5
turn, quod filio Claudii socer Seianus destinaretur. polluisse 6

5 nobilitateni familiae videbatur suspectumque iam nimiae spei
Seianum ultra cxtulisse.

30. Fine anni concessere vita insignes viri L. Volusius et
Sallustius Crispus. Volusio vetus familia neque tamen prae- 2
turam egressa : ipse consulatum intulit, ccnsoria etiam potcstate

10 legendis equitum decuriis functus, opumque, quis domus ilia
inmensum viguit, primus adcumuiator. Crispum equestri ortum 3
loco C. Sallustius, rerum Romanarum florentissimus auctor,

5. uidebantur : so I'fitzn., text J. F. Gron.

6. ultro Alciatus.

2. luliae Drusi tiliae : see Introd.
ix. note 34. On an earlier betrothal of
Nero to the daui^hter of Creticus Silanus
see 2. 43, 3.

3. haec, sc. ' acccpta ' : for such ellipses
cp. Giuleman on Dial. 7, 4

secundo rumore, ' with approba-
tion.' Tiie expression had been used of
chtiering by Vergil (^Aen. S, 90), who, as
also Horace (Epp. I. lo, 9), appears to
have followed an old formula, ' populi
rumore secundo,' appearing in Ennius
(Ann. 260, Vahl.) : cp. ' adverso rumore '
14. II, 4, &c.

4. filio Claudii. Suetonius, speaking
of the family of Claudius (^Cl. 27), says,
' Drusum . . . impubercm amisit . . . cui
et ante paucos dies hliam Seiani despon-
disset.' It is implied in 4. 7, 3, perhaps
in 4. 39, 4, that the boy was still at that
time alive; also the only known daughter
of Seianus is called a mere child eleven
years later (5. 9, 2), and must at this
time have been only just born. Probably
'destinare' here means only an expression
of intention ; and the actual betrothal
was some years later.

5. suspectum ; so with genit. in c. 60,
2, &c., anil Li\-. 24. 9, io.

6. ultra extulisse, ' to have raised
even beyond his hopes.' Nipp. thinks
this imjirobaljle and 'ultra,' taken in any
other way, pleonastic, and reads ' ultro.'

9. consulatum. The Fasti '^see Kleui ;
C. I. L. i. p. 546) appear to make him
one of the coss. suff. of 742, B.C. 12.
Nipp. cites liorghesi and other authori-
ties, who show froiii coins and inscrip-
tions that he was proconsul of Africa in

748, B. c. 6, legatus of Syria in 75S,
A.D. 5, and one of the ■ septemviri epu-
lones.' On his son and grandson, also con-
sulars, cp. 12. 22, 2, &c. ; 13. 25, i, &c.

censoria etiam potestate. Momm-
sen (Staatsr. i. 359, 3) notes that inscrip-
tions of freedmcn (C. I. L. vi. 1883 a)
flatter Volusius by styling him censor.

10. legendis equitum decuriis. The
'decuiiae' of persons of equestrian census,
selected for judicial purposes (see Introd.
vii p. 102) are to be distinguished from
the 'centuriae' and ' turmae ' (^see on 2.
^3> 5) of ' equites equo publico,' the
' equiles Roniani ' properly. Suetonius
(Aug. 37) ascribes to Augustus the in-
stitution of a' triuniviratus recognoscendi
turmas equitum,' which is apparently the
censorial function exercised by Volusius,
and more than once speaks of the re-
vision of ' decuriae ' as a function dis-
charged by the princeps personally (Aug.
32 ; Tib. 41 ; cp. PL N. H. 33. i, 30).
If, as Mommsen argues (Staatsr. iii. 536),
the ' decuriae ' were selected from the
' equites equo publico,' a confusion of
' turmne ' and ' decuriae ' is very probable.

11. inmensum, adv., asc. 52, i ; 4. 27,
3, &c. (in Ann. from Sail, and poets).
I'he wealth of his son Volusius is men-
tioned in 14. 56, 2, as the result of par-
simony.

adcumuiator, air. tip.

Crispum. Horace (Od. 2. 2, 2) ad-
dresses him as ' inimice lamnae . . . nisi
temperato splendeat usu.' Nipp. notes an
epigram of Krinagoras addressed to him.

12. C. Sallustius. The historion died
in 720, U.C. 34. Though Tacitus men-

A.D. 20.]

LIBER III. CAP. 29-31.

429

4 sororis nepotem in noiiicn adscivit. atfjue illc, quamquain
prompto ad capessendos honorcs aditu, Macccnatcm acmulatus
sine dignitate senatoria multos triumphalium consulariumque
potcntia anteiit, diversus a veterum institute per cultum et mun-

5 ditias copiaque et affluentia luxu propior. suberat tamen vigor 5
animi ingentibus ncgotiis par, eo acrior, quo somnum ct incrtiain

6 magis ostentabat. igitur incolumi Maeccnate proximus, mox
praecipuus cui secreta imperatorum innitcrcntur et interficicndi
Postumi Agrippae conscius, aetate provecta spcciem magis in

7 amicitia principis quam vim tenuit. idque et Maecenati acci- 10
derat, fato potcntiac raro sempiternae, an satias capit aut illos,
cum omnia tribucrunt, aut hos, cum iam nihil reliquum est
quod cupiant.

31. Sequitur Tiberi quartus, Drusi secundus consulatus,

5. nfiientia : so Halm, text H, and Med. ii. in 16. 18, 4. The verb is almost always
adfluo.

tions liim here only, he has throughout
shown his appreciation of him by Irequent
imitation : see Introd. v. § 97, i.

florentissiraus. This term is con-
stantly used by Tacitus of famous :ind
distinguished persons, e. g. 4. 6S, 4:71,
7; II. 37, 4; I*"). 33, I, &c.

I. adscivit, 'adopted': cp. i. 31, 5;
2. 60, 3, lie.

4. diversus : cp. 'diversus a maiorum
institutis ' 2. 2, 5.

cultum et munditias ; nearly syno-
nyms, as are also ' copia et affluenlia '
(16. 18, 4"), ' somnum et inertiam.'

5. luxu propior, ' inclined to luxury':
cp. ' famae propior' (Agr. 6, 4,. Tacitus
uses this form of the dative in c. 33, 3 ;
34, 9 ; I. lo, I ; 6. 23, 6 ; 12. 62, 2 ; 15.
48, 4; H. 2. 71, 2 ; but does not seem
to be constant to it in any word (e. g.
' liixui' 14. 15, 31. (jellius (4. 16) treats
the question between the forms in -' u '
and -' ui ' as open, giving instances of the
former not only from Lucilius and Vergil,
but from Caesar; but, on the strength of
Priscians dictum (7, § 88\ that such
forms are poetical, some editors Cas Ritter
1864) correct those in prose.

suberat tamen vigor, &c. The same
contrast of outwaid effeminacy and latent
energy is noted in Maecenas : cp. Veil. 2.
8>!, 2 'ulii res vigiliam exigerct, sane cx-
somnis, providcns atque agendi sciens ;
simul vero aliquid ex negotiis reinitti
posset, otio et mollitiis paene ultra femi-
nam fluens.'

7. mox. The death of Maecenas took
place in 746, n.c. S I)io, 55. 7, i). His
retirement from public alTairs, alluded to
below and in 14. 53, 3 icp. Suet. Aug.
66; Dio, 54. 19, 6), had taken place
eight years earlier.

8. interflciendi . . . Agrippae : cp.
1. 6, 6 ; 2. 40, 3.

II. fato, ap])arently a causal ablative;
another alternative cause being suggested
by ' an satias capit ' i cp. ' pavore an . . .
retinens' 2. 38, 9' : ' from the fatality by
which influence is rarely permanent, or
because,' &'c. ' Fatum ' is often with
Tacitus assumed as a cause of what he
cannot explain (see Introd. iv. p. 31 ) :
here, as in 13. 12, 2, the alternative of
some traceable cause is added.

satias : cp. c. .';4, 9 ; 6. 38, i ; 16. 16, i ;
chiefly archaic and post-classical, and not
in other works of Tacitus.

illos . . . hos, ' the one . . . the other';
i. e. the giver and the receiver, implied in
the sense : cp. the sentimtnt in 14. 54. t.
The mere gradual decay of liiendship and
influence here noted is widely dift'erent
from the daily peril of imminent ruin,
causing the ' miserae magnaeque pallor
amicitiae ' of Domitian's courtiers (.Juv.

4. 74)-

14. Tiberi quartus Drusi secundus :

see 2. 53, I ; i. 55, i. IMo 57. 20, V^
represents people as already saying that
it was ominous to be consul with Tibe-
rius, a foreboding which the sequel of
this and of his fifth con>ulship in 7S4,

430

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 774.

patris atquc filii collcgio insignis. nam triennio ante Germanici
cum Tibcrio idem honor ncque patruo laetus neque natura tarn
conexus fuerat. eius anni principio Tiberius quasi firmandae 2
valetudini in Campaniam concessit, longam ct continuam ab-
5 sentiam paulatim meditans, sive ut amoto patre Drusus munia
consulatus solus impleret. ac forte parva res magnum ad cer- 3
tamen progressa praebuit iuveni materiem apiscendi favoris.
Domitius Corbulo praetura functus de L. Sulla nobili iuvene 4
questus est apud senatum, quod sibi inter spectacula gladia-
10 torum loco non decessisset. pro Corbulone aetas, patrius mos, 5
stadia seniorum erant : contra Mamercus Scaurus et L. Arruntius
aliique SuUae propinqui nitebantur. certabantque orationibus et 6
memorabantur exempla maiorum, qui iuventutis inreverentiam

I. biennio : so Baiter, text Nipp.

A. i>. 31, bore out ; it being a strange co-
inci;lence that, of all his colleagues, four
iQuintilius Varus, Cn. I'iso, Drusus, and
Seianus) were known, and the fifth (Cier-
manicHs) popularly believed, to have died
violent deaths. On the use of ' colle-
gium ' cp. c. 16, 7.

1. triennio. The MS. 'biennio'
has been defended as possibly meant to
express an interval of two clear years. A
similar difficulty ^or perhaps error of the
writer) is noticed on 1 2. 25, 3. Ritter here
thinks the whole sentence 'nam . . . fuerat'
an interpolation.

2. neque natura tarn conexus, ' nor
so close an association in respect of birth.'
The expression is inexact through brevity ;
the meaning being that the association in
distinction was not then that of persons
of so near a natural relationship. For
this sense of ' natura,' compare ' natura
pater ' (Ter. Ad. i. 2, 46 ; 5. 7, 4). The
word is here thrown in, because Gcr-
manicus also was a son, but by adop-
tion.

4. in Campaniam. He addresses
the senate by letter during his absence
(c. 32, I ; 47, I ; 52, 4; 56, I ; 59, 2),
which lasted till the next year (c. 64, i).
His final departure was four years after
that time (4. 57, i).

5. meditans, 'practising' (=/ifAe-
rwv) ; as in tlie expressions ' meditari
proelia,' &c. (Verg. and Juv.).

8. Domitius Corbulo. It is hardly
possible, in spite of Wolffgram's argu-
ments (^I'hilol. xliv. 371-376% to suppose
that this person, who had already been

'praetor,' and would seem to have been
somewhat elderly, can be the famous
general (cp. ii, 18, &c.) who perished
still in the vigour of life forty-six years
later, but he may well have been his father.
It has been thought (see Staatsr. i. 1078,
n. 2) that the two have been confused ;
as ]>io (59. 15, 3; 60. 17, 2) says that
the attacks of Corbulo on the contractors
continued till the time of Gains, who
eagerly employed his services, and re-
warded him with the consulship in 792,
A. u. 39 ; but that Claudius afterwards
refunded, and forced him to refund, the
sums extorted. The above consulship,
the only one recorded in the family, must
be that of the son, and probably the
account in § 7 and in Dio, here appar-
ently related out of place, really belongs
to him also.

L. Sulla. Nipp. follows Borghesi in
making him great grandson of the P.
Sulla, nephew of the dictator, whom
Cicero defended, and doubts his identity
with the consul of 786, a. d. 33 />. 15, i).

iuvene. We should infer that he was
not a senator. It is probable, as sug-
gested by Lipsius, that the reservation
of seats for senators at all ' s])ectacula,'
enjoined by Augustus (Suet. Aug. 47),
may have apjdied only outside Rome.
At the circus they had not reserved seats
till the time of Claudius (Suet. CI. 21).

12. orationibus, ' in set speeches,'
above the mark lor this ' parva res.'

13. exempla maiorum: cji. Cic. de
Sen. 18, 63; and the rule • De Inv. 1. 30,
48) ' ut maioribus nalu adsurgatur ' ; also

A.D. 21.]

LIBER III. CA1\ 31, 32.

43 i

gravibus dccrctis notavisscnt. donee Drusus apta temperandis
animis disseruit ; et satisfactum Corbuloni per Maniercuin, qui
patruus simul ac vitricus SuUac ct oratorum ca actate uberrimus

7 eiat. idem Corbulo pluriina per Italiam itinera fraude inancipum
ct incuria magistratuum interrupta et inpcrvia clamitando, exsecu- 5
tioncm eius negotii libens suscepit ; quod hand perinde publice
Usui habitum quam exitiosum multis, quorum in pecuniam atquc
famam damnationibus et hasta saeviebat.

32. Neque multo post missis ad senatum litteris Tiberius
motam rursum Africam incursu Tacfarinatis docuit, iudicioque 10
patrum deligendum pro consule gnarum militiae, corpore vali-

2 dum et bello suffecturum. quod initium Sex. Pompeius agitandi

3. ea ins. Ferretti.

Jnv. 13, 55, where several other illustra-
tions are collected by I'rof. Mayor.

inrevereutiara, used absolutely only
here and in 13. 26, 2 ; H. 3. 51, i. Pliny
(Epp. 6. 2, 5) hf.s ' inreverentia studi-
orum peiiculoTumque.'

3. patruus simul ac vitricus. Scau-
rus would thus appear, alter having
divorced Lepida (cp. c. 23. 3I, to have
mairied the widow of L. Sulla (cos. 749,
B.C. 5'i, who must have been his half-
brother on the mother's side, and also
father of this Sulla. This wife of Scaurus
may probably be the Sextia of 6. 29. 7.
He was a tragedian as well as an orator
(6. 29. 4 .

4. mancipum, ' contr.ictors,' the ' re-
dcmptoies ' of Hyginus, &c. : cp. ' man-
cipi viae Appiae ' Inscr. Orell. 3221,
C. I. L. vi. S46S.

5. magistratuum, the ' curatores via-
rum,' to whum these contractors were
responsible (^Staatsr. ii. 107). These are
distinct from the board of four forming
part of the vigintivirate Introd. vi. p 91),
whose sphere of duties lay within the
city. The chief Italian roads appear
each to have had their own curator ; the
office, in respect of the greater roads,
being one of much dignity (PI. Ep. 5. 14).
It had existed under the Republic (Cic.
Att. I. I, 2, &c.), but appears to have
been so far reorganized by Augustus as
to be looked upon as his institution
(Suet. Aug. 37).

inpervia; so 'iter Inpervium ' Quint.
12. II, II ; ' impervius amnis ' Ov. Met.
9, 106.

exsecutionem, 'judicial prosecution':

cp. ' e.xsecutio delicti' Dig. 47. i, i, &c.,
and a frequent similar meaning of ' ex-
sequi.' Nipp. takes it to mean 'juris-
diction ' (see his note on 15. 25, 5) ; but
Corbulo seems rather to have been the
accuser than the judge.

6. publice usui, ' for the public ad-
vantage.' On the dative cf. Introd. v.
§ 23.

7. habitum, ' was managed ' : cp. 4.
6, I, &c.

multis, i. e. the ' curatores ' and ' man-
cipes.'

8. damnationibus et hasta, ' convic-
tions and auctions,' i. e. of the property
of those who did not make good tiieir
defalcations.

9. missis . . . litteris. The princeps
often consulted the senate in writing; the
deliverer of such missives being usually
one of the ' quaestores Caesaris' (cp. lO.
27, 2; Suet. Aug. 65; Ner. 15; lit. 6,
&C.V

10. motam rursum Africam: see c.
20, I.

iudicio patrum, i. e. by selection, not
by lot. The jtrinceps sometimes directly
prohibits a person from the lot for a pro-
vince (as 6. 40, 3) ; usually the decision
is left to the senate, or jointly arranged :
cp. c. 35, I, and Henzen O450, recording
a proconsul sent to Cyprus ' extra sortem
auctoritate Aug. Caesaris et S. C'

1 2. bello suffecturum, ' who would be
competent for war ' ; so ' sufficere ' with
dat. c. 72, 4 ; 16. 5, I ; H. 4. 8, 2 ; Cic,
Caes., &c.

Sextus Pompeius : c. 11, 2; 1.7, 3.

432

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 774.

adversus Marcum Lcpidum odii nanctus, ut socordcm, inopem
et maioribus suis dcdecorutn eoquc ctiam Asiae sorte depellen-
dum incusavit, adverse senatu, qui Lepidum mitem magis quam
ignavum, paternas ei angustias. et nobilitatem sine probro actam

^ honorl quam ignominiae habcndam duccbat. igitur missus in 3
Asiam, et dc Africa decretum ut Caesar Icgeret cui mandanda
foret.

33. Inter quae Severus Caecina censuit ne quern magistratum,
cui provincia obvenisset, uxor comitaretur, multum ante repetito

10 concordem sibi coniugem et sex partus enixam, seque quae in
publicum statueret domi servavisse, cohibita intra Italiam, quam-
quam ipse pluris per provincias quadraginta stipendia exple-

I. Marcum Lepidum. The praeno-
men of this j^ierson is liere alone given in
full, the ]iraenomen 'Manius' in full in
c. 22, 2. The F^asti give M. Lepidus as
consul in 75(;, a. i). 6; M'. Le]iiclus in
764, A. ij. II. Elsewhere in this MS. the
praenomen of Lepidus is constantly read
as M.; but two distinct persons are thus
named. The one is sent this year to
Asia, the other is one of the two selected
for Africa (c. 35, i), and becomes pro-
consul of Asia five years later (4. 56, 3).
One is of moikrate ability and nairow
means 'as here and c. 72, 3; 2. 48, i),
the other one of the foremost men of the
age (i. 13, 2, &c.). As the Fasti recog-
nize as consulars of this time not two
Marci Lci)idi, but Marcus and Manius,
the praenomen in the MS. must in some
places be altered. It appears on the
whole best to suppose the one mentioned
here and in c. 72, 3 ; 2. 48, i, clearly
also in 6. 40, 4, to be Marcus; and that
Manius Lepidus is the distinguished sena-
tor (i. 13, 2), praised alike for his inde-
pendence and discretion (4 20, 4; 6. 27,
4), the defender of Cn. Fiso (c. 11, 2)
and his sister Lepida (c. 22, 2). who in-
terposed on behalf of Clutorius Priscus
(c. 50, i\ was considered capable of ser-
vice in Africa (c. 35, i), and sul sequently
governed Asia (4. 56, 3). Consequently
in all these places M. is altered to M'.

2. dedecorum, only here and in 12.
47, 5 ; riaut. Hacch. 5. 2, 74 (where the
reading is questioned}.

etiam Asiae sorte, i. e. even from the
lot for a peaceful province. Asia and
Africa were given annually by lot to the
two senior consulars who had not vet
held either. As Africa was now to be

given ' extra sortem,' theie were really no
lots to be drawn, and Lepidus would
have Asia as a matter of course. Five
consulars junior to M. Lepidus had
already lield Asia or Africa : see Introd.
vii. pp. 113, 114. and the e.xplanation there
suggested. Nipp. notes a coin of Co-
tiaeum recording his proconsulate.

4. paternas . . . angustias: cp. i. 75,
p. where 'esse,' here supj)lied, is expressed.
Borghesi notes that his father and grand-
father (see on 72, 3! had been proscribed,
and though their lives were spared, had
probably suffered in property.

5. honori quam ignominiae. On the
omission of ' potius ' cp. c. 17. 7; ''■"'^ on
the dative, Introd. v. § 23.

habendam ducebat. I'rom this ' ha-
bebat ' is supplied with ' Lepidum,' &c.

8. Inter quae. It is shown, from c.
34, I, that this was an 'egressio rela-
tionis' : see on 2. 33, 2 ; 37, 3 ; .s8, 3.

Severus Caecina : cp. c. 18, 3.

9. obvenisset, sc. ' sorte,' as 4. 56, 3 ;
Cacs. B. C. I. 6, 5, &c. The proposal is
thus limited to senatorial provinces ; it
being no function of the senate to make
rules for those of Caesar.

multum ante repetito, ' recounting
in a long preamble.' On the abl. see
Introd. V. § 31 a ; on the use of repetere,'
c. 24, 2.

10. concordem, not elsewhere with
dat. : but cp. ' discors ' c. 42, 3.

in publicum, 'for the community';
cp. the contrast to .' domi ' in c. 70, 4.

11. cohibita=' cum cohibuisset ' : cp.
Introd. V. § 31 c.

12. quadraginta, apparently a round
number for 41 : cp. i. 64, 6 ; 2. 6, 1.

A. D. 21.]

LIBER III. CAP. 32-34.

433

2 visset. baud cnim frustra placitum olim ne feminae in socios
aut gentes cxtcrnas trahercntur: inesse mulicrum comitatui
quae pacem luxu, bellum formidinc morentur ct Romanum

3 agmcn ad similitudinem barbari incessus convertant. non in-
bccillum tantum et inparem laboiibus scxum, sed si liccntia 5
adsit, saevum, ambitiosum, potcstatis avidum ; incedcre inter
milites, habere ad nianum centurioncs ; praesedisse nuper femi-

4 nam excrcitio cohortium, decursu Icgionum. cogitarent ipsi,
quotiens repetundarum aliqui arguerentur, plura uxoribus ob-
iectari ; his statim adhaerescere deterrimum quemque provinci- 10
alium, ab his negotia suscipi, transigi ; duorum egressus coli,
duo esse praetoria, pervicacibus magis et inpotentibus mulierum
iussis, quae Oppiis quondam aliisque legibus constrictae, nunc
vinclis exsolutis demos, fora, iam et exercitus regerent.

34. Paucorum haec adsensu audita : plures obturbabant, ne- 15

I. frustra : cp. c. i. 30, 3.

placitum olim. The old rule (cp.
M. -Sen. Controv. 9. 2/;, 251}, though it
had such signal exceptions as Livia,
Agrippina, Plancina, &c., was still on
the whole prevalent (cp. Suet. Aug. 24).
Ulpian (Dig. i. 16, 4, i), while stating
that the wife might go with her husband
to a province, thinks he would be better
without her, and mentions the decree (see
on 4. 20,6 making him responsible for her
conduct. The wife of Pilate was with him
(Matt. 27, I9\ Drusilla with Felix (.\cts
24, 24), Calpurnia with Pliny (Epp. 10.
120, 121 .

3. pacem, 'peaceful duties': cp. ' jia-
cis imped inien turn ' c. 34, 3.

4. barbari incss.su.s, ' the progress of
a barbaric king,' with his train of women,
servants, &c.

6. ambitiosum, ' intriguing ' : cp.
'ambitiose' c. 13, 2, &c.

7. ad manum, * at their beck.'
nuper: cp. 2. 55, 5: 'praesedisse' is

somewhat an exaggeration. Caecina,
though here, as in c. iS, 3, speaking as
an enemy of the enemies of Germanicus,
and referring directly to Plancina, rinay
have meant also to glance at Agrippina
(I. 69, 2). On the dative 'decursu' cp.
c. 30, 4.

9 plura uxoribus obiectari. Prior
to this date, no other instance but that of
Plancina seems to be known to us. After-
wards the case of Sosia (4. 19, 4) may be
cited, also those of Paxaea ^6. 29, 1.; Y)\o,

5*^. 24, 3). of Cornelia, wife of Calvisius
Sabinus Dio, 59. 18, 4^ and of the wife
of Classicus (PI. Epp. 3. 9, 19). Juvenal
also (8, 128) pictures the governor's wife
hovering as a harpy over provincial
towns.

II. negotia, especially (as Nipp. notes)
such transactions as the prosecutor on a
charge of ' re]ietundae ' would cite.

duorum egressus, &c., ' there were
two to be escorted to public places, two
centres of government.' ' Piaelorium ' is
the regular term for the governor's resi-
dence as in N. T. &.C.), and hence used
of other mansions : see Prof. Mayor on
Juv. I, 75. Here it is explained by the
' mulierum iussa,' more persistent and
imperious than those of their husbands.

J 3. Oppiis : the plural, here and in c. 34,
6, is probably to be taken as rhetorical
(cp. I. 10, 3"). The 'lex Oppia,' restrain-
ing the ornaments, dress, and vehicles of
women, was passed by a tribune ' in
medio ardore Punici belli' in 539, B.C.
2 1-;, and was repealed twenty years later,
in spite of the vehement protest of Cato,
rcpre-.ented in a speech by Livy (34. 1-8) :
see also Val. Max. 9. i, 3.

aliis ; as for instance the ' lex Vo-
conia,' limiting the right of women to
inherit, a law which though unrepealed
appears to have been very inoperative :
see Mr. Koby, D. of Ant. s. v.

15. obturbabant, 'were interrupting'
(cp. 6. 24, 4), with such remarks as follow.

neque relatum : see e. 33, i. Without

434

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 774.

que relatum de negotio neque Caecinam dignum tantae rei
censorcm. mox Valerius Messalinus, cui parens Messalla inerat- 2
que imago paternae facundiae, respondit multa duritiae vetcrum
in melius et laetius mutata ; neque enim, ut olim, obsidcri
5 urbem bellis aut provincias hostilis esse, et pauca feminarum 3
necessitatibus concedi, quae ne coniugum quidem penates, adeo
socios non onerent ; cetera promisca cum marito, nee ullum in
eo pacis impedimentum. bella plane accinctis obeunda : sed 4
revertentibus post laborem quod honestius quam uxorium leva-
10 mentum ? at quasdam in ambitionem aut avaritiam prolapsas. 5
quid ? ipsorum magistratuum nonne plerosque variis libidinibus

3. a duritie Mur., e duritie Em.
adsidere Haase.

4. ill add. Mur.

absidere : adsideri Bait.

a * relatio ' no vote could be taken : cp.
15. 22, I.

2. censorem, used invidiously ; the
only censorial functions beinjj now vested
in Caesar. Tiberius himself says (2. 33,
6) ' non id tempus censurae.'

Valerius Messalinus : see on 1.8, 5.

Messalla. M. \'alerius M. f. M. n. Mes-
salla Corvinus, the celebrated orator and
friend of Hoi ace, Ovid, and Tibullus,
was born in 695, B.C. 59, was consul with
Caesar in the year of Actium, and died
about 761, A. D. 8. On his ' praefectura
urbis ' see 6. 1 1, 5.

3. multa duritiae, partitive gen. like
' multa laudis el artium' (c. 55, 6). Be-
roald. had printed ' duritie.' whence the
attempts to emend by insertion of a prepo-
sition. We have a genitive depending on
a genitive, as ' veterum ' here, in 11. 33,
2, &c.

4. in melius . . . mutata. Here and
in 14. 43, I (' deterius mutari'l ' in' has
been generally inserted by editors, but
' peius mutata les est' stands in Liv. i.
47, 3, and some, as Pfitzner, would retain
here the MS. text, as analogous to ' bene
mutari ' in c. 44, 3. Here, however, the
result of the change seems to be distinctly
expressed, and the preposition to be re-
quired, as in c. S4, 9, &c.

obsideri . . . bellis, ' had war at its gates.'
The alternative corrections derive support
from the fre(|uent confusion of ' ab ' and
' ad ' in the MS. (i. 10, 4 ; 2. 4, 3 ; 37, 7 ;
4- 3,^' ?)'< 6. 3, 4"), and 'adsideri' further
from Sail. II. 4. 42 I), i K, 44 G ' Aniisum
adsideri . . , audiebat,' and from the tran-

sitive use of the active by Tacitus in 4. 58,
4; 6. 43, I. All these readings would
alike exjiress the condition of Rome when
the Oppian law « as passed (cp. c. 33, 4),
and ' provincias hostiles ' a later ])eriod
before the empire was permanently con-
solidated.

6. necessitatibus, 'requirements.' The
' luxus ' alleged in c. 33, 2 is alluded to.

penates = ' rem familiarem.' It is used
of the house and its position in 2. 84, i
(where see note).

adeo . . . non, ' much less ' ; so in H. 3.
39, 4 : cp. ' adeo numquam ' 6. 15, 6, and
' adeo' 1^ = ' much more') in H. i. 9, I ;
4. 39, 4; 80, I (see Gerber and Grcef,
Ltx. s. v.). The usage is found also in
Veil., Curt., PI. Mai., and Quint.

7. cetera promisca, ' all else is shared
with her husband,' i. e. would be given
to her husband, were he alone, in con-
trast with the few special indulgences
(' pauca ') above : cp. 'actiones promiscas '
J3- 26,3.

8. pacis : cp. 'pacem' c. 33, 2.
plane, concessive, like 'sane ' (c. 5, 4,

&c.) or 'sine dubio ' (i. 10, 3, (SccV

accinctis, ' in marching order,' i. e.
without superfluities.

9. uxorium levamentum, ' the re-
laxation of a wife's society ': cji. the simi-
lar sentiment in 12. 5, 5, and the use of
' levaretur' in 4. 58, i : ' levamentum ' is
sup])lied again with ' quod.'

10. atj meeting an objection, as in 11.
24, 8, &c., ' at enim' 4. 40, 8, &c. The
reasoning here must be taken as addressed
to a very favourable audience.

A.D. 2I.J LIBER 111. O; A 34, 35. 435

6 obnoxios ? non tamen ideo ncminem in provinciam mitti. cor-
ruptos saepc pravitatibus uxorum maritos : num ergo omnis
caelibes intcgros ? placuissc quondam Oppias leges, sic tempori-
bus rei publicae postulantibus : rcmissum aliquid postea ct niiti-

7 gatum, quia expcdierit. frustra nostram ignaviam alia ad vo- 5
cabula transferri : nam viri in eo culpam, si femina modum

8 excedat. porro ob unius aut alterius inbccillum animum male

9 eripi maritis consortia rerum secundarum adversarumque. simul
sexum natura invalidum deseri et exponi suo luxu, cupidinibus

10 alienis. vix praesenti custodia manere inlaesa coniugia: quid 10
fore, si per plures annos in modum discidii oblitterentur ? sic
obviam irent iis quae alibi peccarentur, ut flagitiorum urbis

11 meminisscnt. addidit pauca Drusus de matrimonio suo; nam

12 principibus adeunda saepius longinqua imperii, quotiens divum
Augustum in Occidentem atque Orientem meavisse comite Livia ! 15

13 se quoque in Illyricum profectum et, si ita conducat, alias ad
gcntes iturum, baud semper aequo animo, si ab uxore carissima
et tot communium liberorum parente divelleretur. sic Caccinae
sententia elusa est.

35. Proximo senatus die Tiberius per litteras, castigatis obli- 20

19. elusa . et : text Freinsheim. 20. proximi : text Freinsh.

I. obnoxios, ' li.ible ' : cp. ' lubidini oblitterentur, 'become forgotten':

obnoxius' Sail. C. 52, 21. cp. 2. 83, 5, &c.

5. frustra . . . transferri, ' it is use- sic . . . ut, ' let them so deal with

less to put other names on our own in- faults abroad as not to forget enormities

dolence ' ; a novelty of expression, as at home.' ' Meminissent' answers to an

Nipp. notes, for ' alia vocabulaad nostram imperfect, as ' memini ' to a present,
ignaviam transferri,' or ' nostrae ignaviae 14. principibus, ' members of the im-

imponi.' pcrial family ' : cp. c. 6, 5, &c.

7. porro, ' besides' : cp. Agr. 35, 6 ; 16. Illyricum : cp. i. 24, i ; 2. 44, i ;
31, 4; Juv. 3, 126, &c. 3. 7, I.

unius aut alterius, ' one or two ' ; so iS. tot. His three chihlren (cp. 2. *^4,

Agr. 15,5; 40, 4, &c., and ' unus alterve ' i, &c.') were a family be\ond that of Au-

in c. 47, 2, &:c. Nipp. notes that where gu^tus or Tiberius, or of other members

a copulative particle is used, as 'unus of the house, except Germanicus.
alterque ' (13. 46, 3), 'unus atque alter' 19. elusa est, ' was parried ' : cp. ' re-

(H. 5. 6,4), ' unus et alter ' (Dial. 21, i), fellere aut eludere ' (,c, 67, 2^, and other

the meaning is distinctly 'more than similar uses, as 14. 41, 2; H. i. 26, 3.

one.' The MS. text is retained by Orelli and

8. consortia, abstract for concrete, Nipp., ' et ' being placed at the beginning
' partners.' of the next chapter. The reading ' inter-

9. luxu, dative: cp. c. 30, 4. fcclujciue . et,' ui 6. 18, 1, has been sinu-

10. praesenti custodia, 'with the larly corrected : it being supposed that the
guardian on the spot ' : cp. ' praesentia ' insertion of such a dot is intended by an
I. 30, 5, &c., ' praesenti opera ' 14. 57, 3 old reviser of the M.S. to indicate an error.
(Lips., Halm. 20. Proximo; so read from comparison

11. in modum discidii, 'by a virtual of 2. 33, 1 ; 50, 3. Tiberius here gives
divorce ' : cp. 2, 86, 2. an answer to the recent decree (c. 32, 3).

436

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A. U.C. 774.

que patribus quod cuncta curarum ad princlpcm reicercnt, M'.
Lepidum et lunium Blaesum nominavit, ex quis pro consule
Africae legeretur. turn audita amborum verba, intentius ex- 2
cu.sante se Lepido, cum valctudinem corporis, aetatem liberum,

5 nubilem filiam obtenderet, intellcgereturquc etiam quod silebat,
avunculum esse Sciani Blaesum atque eo praevalidum. respondit 3
Blaesus specie recusantis, sed neque eadcm adseveratione, et con-
sensu advdantium baud adiutus est.

36. Exim promptum quod multorum intimis questibus tege-

10 batun incedebat enim deterrimo cuique licentia impune probra
et invidiam in bonos excitaadi arrepta imagine Caesaris ; liber-
tique etiam ac servi patrono vel domino, cum voces, cum manus
intentarent, ultro metuebantur. igitur C. Cestius senator dis- 2

8. limit iustus : auditus margin and B, adiutus J. F. Gion., haut iutus Jac. Gion.,
text Halm.

1. cuncta curarum. On the genitive
see Introd. v. § 32 b.

M'. Lepidum : see on c. 32, 2.

2. lunium Blaesum. : see i. 16, 2.

3. intentius : cp. I. 52, 3, &c.

4. aetatem. i.e. that their youth made
his presence still needful.

5. nubilem filiam, that he had to
arrange a marriage for her. I'.orghesi
thinks that she was the Lepida afterwards
married to Galba (Suet. Galb. 5).

7. adseveratione : cp. 2. 31, 4.

8. haud adiutus est. The reading
' adiutus ' would mean that the flatterers of
Blaesus su]iportcd his candidature. That
of Jac. Gron. is nearest to the MS., and
this particijile is generally read in 14. 4, i.
With this or Halm's reading the meaning
would be that the flatterers unanimously
refrained from supporting, or rather over-
ruled, his insincere objections.

9. promptum ^^^'prolatum est': cp.
'promeie' in i. 6, 8, &'c., a rare use in
prose before Tacitus (tier, on H. 2.90, 2);
here in contrast to ' quod . . . tegebatur,'
'a grievance stifled in the whispered
murmurs of many.'

10. incedebat, 'was spreading': cp.
c. 26, 3; 2. 55, 5, &c.

deterrimo cuique. This dative is
best taken with ' incedebat,' such a con-
struction being common in other authors,
and analogous to many usages of Tacitus ;
though he elsewhere (i. 16, i, &c.) uses
this verb with the accusative.

11. arrepta imagine Caesaris. Out
of such general sanctity as attached to

effigies of the ruling prince or ' divi
Caesares ' (see i. 73, 2, and note there),
appears to have grown a privilege of
asylum (c]"i. c. 60, 2), such as was given
to the temple of ' divus lulius' by the
triumvirs (t)\o, 47. 19, 2). Hence Agrip,-
pina is advised ' celeberrimo fori eftigiem
divi Augusti amplecti ' (4. 67. 6). The
evidence on the subject is chiefly of later
date (seeStaatsr. ii. 760, n. i" ; and stories
such as that of Philostratus ^ Vit. Apoll. i,
15), that it was an offence to have beaten
a slave who held a coin of Tiberius, seem
incredible exaggerations ; but tliat, as in
the camp (12. 17, 3) and the provinces
(c. 63, 6), so at Rome, some form of this
privilege existed, is indisputalilc, however
it might be disregarded by those who (as
here Drusus ; see also Suet. Aug. 17)
had no fear of a charge of 'maiestas'
Probably many statues of gods or ' divi'
were excepted by inscriptions such as
have been ffiund, ' a servo non tangi.' See
Tips. Exc. on this passage ; Marquardt,
iii. 463, Friedl. iii. 209 foil. The ex-
planation of Nipp., making the e\]")res~ion
a metaphor = ' seizing the phantom of
Caesar,' i. e. ' holding out an imaginary
charge of maiestas,' does not seem ade-
quate to the language or the facts, though
such threats no doubt were part of the
insults here complained of.

13. ultro metuebantur, i.e. not only
had themselves nothing to ft-nr, but even
caused fear, by the threats alluded to.

C. Cestius, probably the ' ]iatcr ' of 6.
7, 3, .thought to be the consul of 6. 31, i.

A.I). 21.]

LIBER 111. CAP. 35 37.

437

seruit principes quidcm instar dcoruin esse, scd neque a di.s ni.si
iustas supplicum preces audiri, neque qucmquam in Capitoliuin
aliavc iirbis tcmpla perfugcrc, ut eo sub.sidio ad flagitia utatiir.

3 abolilas leges et funditus versas, ubi in foro. in limine curiae ab
Annia Rufilia, quam fraudis sub iudice damnavisset, probra sibi 5
et niinae intcndantur, neque ipse audeat ius experiri ob effigiem

4 impcratoris oppositam. haud dissimilia alii et quidani atrociora
circumstrepebant, precabanturque Drusuni darct ultionis cx-
emplum, donee accitam convictamque attineri publica custodia
iussit. ic

37. Et Considius Aequus et Caelius Cursor equites Romani,
quod fictis maiestatis criminibus Magium Caecilianum praetorem

2 petivissent, auctore principe ac decreto senatus puniti. utrum-
que in laudem Drusi trahebatur : ab eo in urbe, inter coetus et

3 sermones hominum obversante, secreta patris mitigari. neque 15
luxus in iuvene adeo displicebat : hue potius intenderet, diem
aedificationibus, noctem conviviis tralieret, quam solus et nullis

17. cditionibus L (see notej. trahere : text L.

and father of the legatus of Syria under
Nero (15. 25, 5; H. 5. 10, 1). On the
use of' senator' see i. 75, 3.

3. subsidio, ' refuj^c' as in c. 60, 2.

4. versas: op. 2. 42. 4.

5. damnavisset, ' liad caused to be
convicted.' Such terms are used of a
prosecutor (cp. 4. 42, 3 ; 66, 1), as are
'arcere' ,c. 23, 2), 'concedere' (4. 20, 3)
of the jiroposcr of a sentence ; persons
being said to do that which they cause or
recommend to be done.

6. ius experiri: cp. c. 15, 4, &c.
Here it apparently means to prosecute tiie
new charge arising from tlie ' piobra et
minae ' : cp. below, ' accitam convictam-
que.'

7. quidam, &c. 'Some were clamour-
ing round him of more outrageous cases ' :
this verb (cj). 11. 31, 2: H. 2. 44, 3)
here takes a quasi-cognate ace, as ' fre-
mere ' in 1 3. 13, i . and Livy and poets.

9. attineri : cp. i. 35, 5, &c.

publica custodia,'thecommon prison,'
which was under charge of the consuls
(,c. 21, 5 .

13. auctore principe ac decreto
senatus. Ablatives of different kinds
are thus coupled in 1. 55, i , whence
see Nipp.), and below, c. 39, 2.

utrumque, i. e. both the punishment

of Annia Rufilla c. 36, 4) and the mis-
sive from his father against these per-
sons, presumed to have been procured by
his inlluence.

15. secreta patris mitigari, ' the
solitary plans of his father were made
less cruel.* Nipp. comjiares ' secretum '
in Agr. 22, 5 ; 39, 3; PI. Pan. 53.

neque . . . adeo, ' not so very much ' :
* in iuvene ' is thrown in as the ground of
excuse.

16. hue . . . intenderet, ' he had better
take this bent ' : cp. 2. 6, i.

17. aedificationibus. To explain this
we must suppose that Drusus, in contrast
to the parsimony of Tiberius (6. 45, 1 ,
had a passion for building, probably for
the erection of such mansions as were a
leading extravagance of the age (cp. c.
53, 5 ; Hor. Od. 3. i, 33-37 ; \ ell. 2. 33,
4, &c.), and spent his days in planning
them. Other accounts mention no such
passion, but describe him as addicted to
pantomimes (Dio, 57 14, 10); whence it
has been thought that Tacitus may have
written ' ludicris factionibus,' or may
have invented such a plural as ' ludifica-
tiouibus' or ' laetiticationibus.' ' Editioni-
bus ' (referring to the propensity noted

"in I. 76, 5^- does not seem able to stand
by itself for ' gladiatorial exhibitions,'

VOL. I

Ff

438

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 774.

voluptatibus avocatus maestam vigilantiam et malas curas
exercerct.

38. Non enim Tiberius, non accusatorcs fatisccbant. et An-
charius Priscus Caesium Cordum pro consule Cretae postulaverat

5 rcpetundis, addito maicstatis critnine, quod turn omnium accusa-
tionum complementum erat. Caesar Antistium Veterem e 2
primoribus Macedoniae, absolutum adulterii, increpitis iudicibus
ad dicendam maiestatis causam retraxit, ut turbidum et Rhescu-
poridis consiliis permixtum, qua tempestate Cotye [fratre] inter-

10 fecto bellum adversus nos volverat. igitur aqua et igni inter- 3
dictum reo, adpositumque ut teneretur insula neque Macedoniae
neque Thraeciae opportuna. nam Thraecia diviso imperio in 4

9. [fratre] Em.

nor 'agitationibus' (^Urlichs) by itself
for ' driving.'

conviviis. He is described as iiiOri
KaraKopTji (Dio, 1.1.).

traheret. The MS. text is retained by
some, and might be taken as an explana-
tory infinitive following on 'hue'

I. malas, ' pernicious,' illustrated by
* non enim,' &c. following.

3. fatiscebant, ' were becoming- ex-
hausted ' ; so in 6. 7, 6 ; 14. 24, i ; 16. =,,

1, &c. The sense is a metaphor from the
literal meaning in Vergil (G. i, 180, &c.),
before whom it is deponent.

et : see note on 2. 50, 1.

Ancharius Priscus. Borghesi (v. 307)
thinks from the surname that he was of
municipal origin, akin to a T. Ancharius
T. f. Pal(atina) Priscus, recorded in an
inscription at Pi^aurum (Pesaro). The
Ancharii at Rome have no cognomen.

4. Cretae. This island had been con-
stituted into a province by Q. Caecilius
Metellus Creticus in 687, B.C. 67 vVell.

2. 34). It was now combined with Cyrene
(see c. 70, i') into a senatorial province, go-
verned by proconsuls of praetorian rank.

postulaverat. The result of this ac-
cusation is ^iven in c. 70, i. No abl. of
this kind is used elsewhere with this verb
except such a general term as ' crimine '
(Apul- Met. 3. 6, 1S3; 7. 3, 450) ; and
the nearest parallel is ' damnatus re])e-
tundis' (.Suet. Oth. 2). El,-,ewhere the
verb is upcd by Tacitus with gen. (as i.
74, I, &c.'), and by Cicero with ' de.'

6. complementuni, ' the makeweight '
The same expression is cited fiom Cod.
Th. 9. 24, 3. Elsewhere the word occurs

only in Cic. Or. 69, 230 i_' inania . . .
verba . . . quasi complementa numero-
rum).' On the frequent addition of this
charge to others, cp. 2. 50, i ; c. 22, 2 ;
67, 3, &c. A similar rhetorical exaggera-
tion is seen in Pliny, who calls it (I'an.
42) ' unicum crimen eorum qui crimine
vacarent.' See Introd. viii. p. 142.

e primoribus Macedoniae. It is very
possible that he was a Macedonian who,
through a jiatronus of that name, had
leceived the ci vitas, and had thus the
privilege of trial before the praetor's court
at Rome (cp. 'increpitis iudicibus') ; but,
as such persons more commonly take
only the gentile name of their patronus,
like Julius Sacrovir, Orelli may be right
in supposing him to be a Roman resident
in Macedonia.

9. consiliis permixtum : cp. ' ncgo-
tiis permixtos' 4. 40, 8, ' moribus . . .
nostris mixti' 11. 24, 10.

[fratre], generally taken to be a
blundering interpolation, as Tacitus would
hardly have forgotten that lie had made
Cotys nephew of Rhescupoiis (2. 64, 3).

10. bellum . . . volverat, 'had con-
templated war ' : cp. ' animus . . . bellum
volvcbat ' H. I. 64, 2, ' volvens ' 1. 64, 7.

aqua et igni interdictum reo, the
usual phrase (cp. c. 68, 2 ; 4. 21, 5 ; Cic.
I'hil. 0. 4, 10), varied by Tacitus to ' ar-
ceri' i^c. 23, 2 ; 50, 6) or 'prohiberi' i^i6.
12, 1). This was the ordinary and proper
penalty for ' maiestas ' (cp. c 50, 6).

1 1. adpositura, ' it was added.'

12. opportuna, 'convenient,' i.e. 'near':
cp. ' locorum opportuna ' 4. 24, 2.

diviso imperio, &c : cp. 2. 67, 4.

A. D. 2 1. J

LIBER III. CAP. 37-39.

439

Rhocmetalcen et liberos Cotyis, quis ob infantiam tutor erat
Trebcllenus Rufus, insolentia nostri discors agebat neque minus
Rhoemetalcen quani Trebellenum incusans popularium iniurias

5 inultas sinere. Coelalctac Odrusaeque et Dii, validae nationcs,
arma ccpere, ducibus diversis et paribus inter se per ignobili- 5

6 tatem ; quae causa fuit ne in bellum atrox coalescercnt. pars
turbant praesentia, alii montcm Haemum transgrediuntur, ut
remotos populos concirent ; plurimi ac maxime compositi regem
urbemque Philippopolim, a Macedone Fhilippo sitani, circum-
sidunt. ic

39. Quae ubi cognita P. Vellaeo (is proximum exercitum

praesidcbat), alarios equites ac levis cohortium mittit in eos qui

praedabundi aut adsumendis auxiliis vagabantur, ipse robur

2 peditum ad exsolvendum obsidium ducit. simulque cuncta

2. trebcllienus and trcbellienum : see 2. 67, 4.

4. alii : Dii L.

2. insolentia nostri. This genit. is
here more distinctly objective than that of
tile personal pronoun in 2.54, 3, &c., like
' insolens contumeliae' 6. 34, i, &c., and
similar instances in Cic, Caes., &c. The
Roman rule so new to them was that of
Trebcllenus, whose position was that of a
governor ; the princes in whose name he
ruled bemg not only minors, but absent
in Rome (see note on 2. 67, 4).

discors, ' seditious ' : cp. i. 38, i, &c.

3. popularium iniurias . . . sinere.
The sentence is obscure from its brevity.
Trebellenus is accused of oppressing the
peo])le, and Rhoemetalces of permitting
it. For the construction with ' incuso '
^P- 6. 3, 3, and note, and the inf. with
' accuso ' in 4. 22, 4 ; 14. 18, i.

4. Coelaletae, in Pi. N. H. 4. 11, 11,
41, generally read 'Celaletae'; Ryck.
would here read ' Coeletae,' adapted to
the KoiKrjTiKrj arparrj-^ia of Ptol. 3. II, 9.
In Dio, 54. 34, 6, we have mention of 2ia-
Ktrai, which some MSS. read in I'l. 1.1.

Dii, restored from Thuc. 2. 96, 2, where
the Dii of Rhodope are joined with the
Odrysae, the chief tribe iVTus . . . Ai'/xov
Kut . . . PoSuirrji.

5. paribus . . . per ignobilitatem,
'equally undistinguished,' so that none
could assert a preeminence and combine
all under him.

7. praesentia, ' their neighbourhood,'
as opposed to ' remotos,' a sense nearly
similar to that in c. 34, 10, &c.

9 Philippopolim, Philippopoli, or
Filibe, in the upper valley of the Hebrus
(Maritza), still one of the most important
towns of Roumelia.

Philippe, the father of Alexander the
Great.

sitam : cp. i. 39, 4. Tacitus nowhere
else vcp. 2. 7, 3; 4. 55, 6 ; 6. 41, 2, &c.)
uses this participle with the prep, and
abl. : whence some read ' positam,' on the
analogy of 'posuere' in 12. 63, i.

11. P. Vellaeo. He appears to have
succeeded Haccus in Moesia i,see 2. 66,
3 ; also note on i. So, i). He has been
thought to have been the brother of the
historian, and to have been praetor with
him in 767, A. u. 14 (Veil. 2. 124, 4).
Nipp. thinks him probably brother to
C. Vellaeus Tutor (cos. suff. in 7S1, A. U.
2S), who was one of the authors of the
' lex lunia Vellaea.'

exercitum praesidebat. Tacitus
uses the accus. with this verb in the An-
nals 1,4. 5, I; 72, 6; 12. 14. 7; 29, 3),
after .SalL (H. 2. 28 D, 34 K, 52 G). and
analogously to his usage with many other
verbs ( Introd. v. § 12 c).

12. alarios equites ac levis cohor-
tium, auxiliaries, as opposed to the legion
mentioned below [' robur peditum') : cp.
12. 31, 5. On the genit. cp. Introd. v.
32 c.

13. praedabundi, those described (c.
38, 6} as ' turbantes praes?ntia.'

44°

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A. U C. 774.

prospere acta, caesis populatoribus et dissensione orta apud ob-
sidentcs regisque opportuna eruptioneet adventu legionis. neque 3
aciem aut proelium dici decuerit, in quo semermi ac palantes
trucidati sunt sine nostro sanguine.
5 40. P^odem anno Galliarum civitates ob magnitudinein aeris
alieni rebeilionem coeptavere, cuius exstimulator accrrimus inter
Treveros lulius Florus, apud Aeduos lulius Sacrovir. nobilitas 2

3. .^emerme : semermes B, text Jac. Grou. : cp. c. 45, 3; i. 68, 5.

2. regis . . . eruptione. Mommsen
cites (Kph. Kpig. ii. p 256) an inscriji-
tion commemorating the preservation of
Rlioemetalces, and of Pythodoris l^see on
2. 56 ; 67), who had been besiet;ed with
him. 'Eruptione' and 'adventu' are
instrumental ablatives, but are coupled to
the abl. abs. preceding (cp. c. 37, 1).

3. aciem aut proelium, ' pitclied battle
or even conflict.'

dici. The inf. pass, after ' decet ' is
rare, but in Cic. Tusc. i. 14, 32 ; Verg.
Aen. I 2, 797.

5. Galliarum. Of the four Gallic pro-
vinces, two arc wholly unaffected by this
rising, namely, the senatorial Gallia Nar-
bonensis, and the Caesarian province of
Aquitaiiia in the south west ; but the re-
bellion embraced, or was intended to em-
brace, considerable part of the other two ;
ol which Gallia Lugduncnsis included the
country between the Loire, Seine, and
Saone ; and lielgica all between the Seine
and Rhine, except what was placed under
the legati of the ' Germaniae ' (see on i.
31, 2). To the former province belong
the Aedui, also the Andecavi and Turoni
(c. 41, i) ; to the latter the Treveri. The
special hostility of the (jaulish nobility of
this date to Roman rule is noteworthy :
see Momms. Hist. v. 73, E. T. i. 81.

aeris alieni. Such indebtedness was
not uncommon among provincial states
and individuals. Thus tiie Allobroges
in Catiline's time were ' publice priva-
timque acre alieno obpressi ' (.Sail. Cat.
40). Besides the general causes men-
tioned by Nipj). and K. Jacob, such as
financial mismanagement, official extor-
tion, heavy tribute, and usurious interest,
may here be added a special cause arising
from the reiiuisitions of Germanicus (cp.
2- 5, 3). 1 he claims, however usurious,
of Roman creditors against juovincials,
were backet! by the wlu)le force of govern-
ment (e. g. tlie claim of Brutus on the
Salamini.ins of Cyi>rus, Cic. Att. 5. 21 ;

6. 2) ; so that rebellion was the only
refuge. Dio (62. 2, 1 ) makes the usury of
Seneca a cause of the British rebellion
of 814, A. D. 61.

6. exstimulator, only here and in II.
2. 71, 4.

7. Treveros. This people were among
the chief Gallic tribes in Caesar's time
and extended then from the u|)per Meuse
on both sides of the Mosel probably to
the Rhine, but subsequently lost territory
in that direction by German settlements.
Their chief town was the ' Colonia,' or
'Augusta Treverorum ' (H. 4. 62, &c. ;
Mela 3. 2), now Trier or Treves. Their
country was chosen as the refuge of
Agrippina (i. 41, 2), and they must have
been then thought trustworthy. After-
wards they are frequently mentioned in
the rebellion of Civilis. By the time of
Tacitus (G. 28, 4) they counted them-
selves to be of German origin, which
would show that they had become much
mixed with German blood.

lulius Florus. Florus is a family
name at Rome, but no lulius Florus is
known before the one addressed by Horace
(Ep. I. 3, I ; 2. 2, i) as a companion of
Tiberius in the East in 734, K. C. 20.
M. Seneca (Controv. 9. 25, 2,s8) mentions
one of the name as a pupil of Porcius
Latro ; and Quintilian (10. 3, 13) one
who practised oratory in Gaul and be-
came its foremost rhetorician. The two
last, or perha|)s all three, may be the
same person, who may have been son of
some Gaul who had received citizenship
from Julius Caesar ; and this rebel chief
may represent a third generation.

Aeduos. This people, also called
llaedui, and so jirominent in the time of
Julius Caesar, extended from the Loire to
the Saone, having for their chief city Au-
gustodunum (c. 43, i), the modern Autun,
identihed with tlie Bibracte of Caesar
vB. G. 1. 23, cSccX In sjute of the na-
tional load of debt complained uf, they

A.D. 2\.]

LIBER III. CAP. 39-41.

441

ambobus et maiorum bona facta, eoque Romana civitas olim

3 data, cum id rarum ncc nisi virtuti prctium essct. ii secretis
conloquiis, fcrocissimo quoque adsumpto aut quibus ob eges-
tatem ac metum ex flagitiis maxima pcccandi nccessitudo, com-

4 ponunt T'lorus I^clgas, Sacrovir propiorcs Gallos concire. igitur ■>
per conciliabula et coetus scditiosa dissercbant de continuatione
tributorum. gravitate faenoris, saevitia ac superbia praesiden-

5 tium ; ct discordare militem audito Gcrmanici cxitio. egregium
resumendac libertati tempus. si ipsi florcntes, quam inops Italia,
quam inbellis urbana plebes, nihil validum in excrcitibus nisi 10
quod externum, cogitarent.

41. tlaud ferme ulla civitas intacta seminibus eius motus

2 fuit : sed erupere primi Andecavi ac Turoni. quorum Andecavos

Acilius Aviola legatus, excita cohorte quae Lugduni praesidium

7. faenus always in this MS., in Med. ii. mostly fcnus.

are still called rich (c. 43, i ; 46, ^), and
their nobles were subsequently the first of
' Gallia comata ' to become senators of
Rome (11. 25, i).

lulius Sacrovir. This name again,
as also that of lulius Indus (c. 42, 3), sug-
gests a gift of citizenship by Julius or
perhaps Augustus : the cognonieri here
may indicate that the first who bore it
was a priest.

1. bona facta, i. c. services to Rome :
cp. ' bona societas ' (i. 57, 7).

2. cum id rarum. Citizenship had
certainly bten freely bestowed by the dic-
tator Caesar, and after his death lavished
(Cic. Phil. I. 10, 23 ; 2. 36, 92) or sold
(Id. 5. 4, ii) by Antonius in his name.
Augustus however, according to Sueto-
nius (Aug. 40), ' civitatem parcissime
dedit,' and Tiberius probably followed
his example ; but in the time of Claudius,
according to Dio (60. 17, 5), citizenship
was purchased wholesale through Messa-
lina and the frecdmen, at first nc^aKwv
Xp-qnaTwv (cp. Acts 22, 2Sj, afterwards
for a trifle ^\ o\. ii. Introd. p. 39).

4. metum ex flagitiis: cp. 'ex duce
metus ' ^l. 29, 3), &c.

componunt, ' they agree ' ; so avvri-
9ia9ai in Xen., &c. Nipp. notes the use
ol ' coniposilum ' (4. 10, 2 ; 68, 3, &c.),
and ' compcisito i^or ' ex composito') facere
aliquid ' (,11. 4. 66, 2). These phrases are
frequent in Sallust and Livy. For tlie
inlm. see Introd. v. § 43.

5. propiores, nearer to Italy.

6. conciliabula et coetus. Nipp.

appears rightly to distinguish these, the
former as public gatherings, markets, &c.,
utilized by the conspirators, the latter as
meetings speciall)' convened.

continuatione, ' perpetuity,' when
relaxation mi^ht have been expected.

8. discordare, ' was mutinous' : cp. i.
16, 3; also 'discors' i. 38, i, &c.

10. nihil validum, (fcc. : see Introd.
vii. p. 127. The auxiliaries were of
course all ' peregrini ' ; i)ut as regards the
legionaries, eitherthe speaker is designedly
made to exaggerate, or Tacitus uses lan-
guage more suited to his own day. Seeck
(Rh. Mus. xlviii. pp. 602-621) shows from
many inscriptions that under the lulian
emperors, at least the western legions
were in very great proportion ^he would
say almost exclusively, but see on 4. 4, 4)
recruited from Italy. Stages of change
are noticed under the Claudian and
Flavian Caesars, and by the time of
Trajan and Hadrian the Italian element
is very scanty. The ' urbana plebes' had
been enlisted by Augustus on emergency :
cp. I. 31, 4.

1 3. Andecavi ac Turoni. The former
are the Andes of Caesar, and the two
answer to the provinces of Anjou, on the
right of the lower Loire, and Touraine,
on both sides of that river, above it. Their
capitals, Angers and Tours, are known
from the time of Ptolemy (,2. 8, 8, 14, as
Juliomagus and Caesarodunum.

14. Acilius Aviola, then legatus of
Gallia Lugdunensis, anil afterwards cos.
suff. ^Marquardt, i. 274). He is thouglit

442

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 774.

agitabat, coercuit. Turoni legionario milite, quern Visellius Varro 3
inferioris Germaniae legatus miserat, oppressi eodem Aviola
duce et quibusdam Galliarum primoribus, qui tulere auxilium,
quo dissimularent defectionem magisque in tempore efiferrent.

5 spectatus et Sacrovir intecto capite pugnam pro Romanis ciens, 4
ostentandae, ut ferebat, virtutis : sed captivi, ne incesseretur
telis, adgnosccndum se praebuissearguebant. consultus super eo
Tiberius aspernatus est indicium aluitquc dubitatione bellum.
42. Interim Florus insistere destinatis, pellicere alam equi-

10 tum, quae conscripta e Treveris militia disciplinaque nostra
habebatur, ut caesis negotiatoribus Romanis bellum inciperet ;
paucique equitum corrupti, plures in officio mansere. aliud 2
vulgus obaeratorum aut clientium arma cepit ;• petebantque

10. conscriptae : conscripta B, text Bekk.

by Nipp. not to be the consular of that
name, mentioned by Val. Max. (i. 8, 12)
and PI. Mai. as a signal instance of sus-
pended animation, but the father of the
consul of 807, A. D. 54 (1 i. 64, \).

cohorte. The ' cohors xiii. urbana '
(see on 4. 5, 5) is mentioned in inscrip-
tions (e. g. Henzen 6808) as at Lugduuum
(Lyons), the capital and chief centre of
the ' tres Galliae ' (Introd. vii. p. in).
The mention of a ' cohors xviii.' there in
H. I. 64. 6, may be an error; but the
urban cohorts had been then increased
(^V'ol. ii. Introd. p. 36 .

I. legionario milite. This force
would appear from c. 46, 3 to have been a
single legionary cohort ; but see note there.

Visellius Varro, C. Visellius C.
f. C. n. Varro, cos. 765, A.I). 12, with
Germanicus (Orell. Insc. 4717, &c.),
father of the consul of 777, A. D. 24
(4. 19, i). He must have succeeded to
Caecina Severus (i. 31, 2, &c.).

4. in tempore, 'opportunely' : cp i.
19, 2.

efiferrent, ' proclaim it ' : cp. 6. 9. i ;
also ' id quidem minime est opus . . .
cfferri ' Ter. Ad. 4. 4, 17, ' eflert animi
motus ' Hor. A. P. 111, and a similar
use of (Kipipeiv.

6. ostentandae . . . virtutis : see
Introd. V. § 37 d.

8. dubitatione, ' indecision.' He al-
lowed the insurrection to gather strength
while he could not make up his mind how
to deal with it.

9. insistere: cp. 2. 21, 3.

alam equitum. Tne ' ala Treve-

rorum' is mentioned in 822, A. D. 69 (Yl.
2. 14, 2 ; 4. 55, i), ' ala equitum Treviro-
rum ' in a Rhenish inscription see Orelli
and Nipp.). The words here, 'quae . . .
habebatur,' imply that it was, like so
many other ' alae ' and 'cohortes' men-
tioned in inscriptions, no less a standing
force than the legions.

11. negotiatoribus : cp. 2. 62, 4, &c.
These Roman capitalists in the provinces
are constantly mentioned by Cicero (see
E^ne^ti, clavis antl others. They would
usually be of the equestrian order, and are
generally distinguished both from ' pul>
lieani ' and ' mercatores,' though they may
have practised such professions in addition
to their own, whicii was that of bankers
or money lenders. Their activity in the
old ' provincia Narbonensis ' about 685,
B. C. 69, is described by Cicero (pro
Fonteio i, i) refeita Gallia negotiatorum
est, plena civium Romanorum. Nemo
Gallorum sine cive Romano quidquam
negotii gerit ; nummus in Gallia nuUus
sine civium Romanorum tabulis commo-
velur.' See Marquardt, i. 539.

1 2. aliud vulgus, &c., ' the rest, the com-
mon herd,' &c. The use of 'aliud' does
not imply that the 'equites' also belonged
to the 'vulgus'; several other instances
being noted by Nipp., in which 'alius'
stands thus, in apposition, with one only
of the parties mentioned, as ' primores
populorum . . . vulgus aliud arniatorum *
(I.iv. 7. 8, l). Such use of aWos, as fxrj-
rrjf> . . . ov5' a\Aai 8fiOjai (^Hom. Od 2,
4121, is more common.

1 3. obaeratorum aut clientium. The

A. D. 21.]

LIBER 111. CAP. 41-43.

443

saltus quibus nomcn Arduenna, cum legioncs utroque ab cxer-
citu, quas ViscUius ct C. Silius advcrsis itineribus obiecerant,

3 arcLicrunt. pracmissusque cum dclccta maiiu lulius Indus e
civitate eadem, discors Floro ct ob id navandae opcrae avidior,

4 inconditam multitudinem adhucdisiccit. Florus inccrtis latebris 5
victores frustratus, postremo visis militibus qui efTugia inscdciant,
sua manu cecidit. isque Treverici tumultus finis.

43. Apud Aeduos maior moles exorta, quanto civitas opu-
lentior et comprimendi procul praesidium. Augustodunum caput
gentis armatis cohortibus Saciovir occupaverat, ut nobilissimam 10

10. lit ins. Bezzenb. nobilissimarum : ct nobilissimam L, nobilissimamfiue Pich.,
nobiiissinia (,or nobilissima cum loh. Mi'iller) . . . subole . . . operata Haase.

debtors (who were virtual bondsmen') and
clients of a Gnllic noble are spoken of by
Caesar, B. (i. 6. 13, 2; 19, 4; 7- 40, 7,
&c. Orgetorix collected a similar band
to that here mentioned (Id. i. 4, 2).

1. Arduenna, Ardennes (from a Celtic
word = ' forest '), the name of a much
larger district then than now, as Caesar
(B. G. 5. 3, 4; 6. 29, 4) describes this
forest as extending throughout tlie country
of the Treveri, irom the Rhine to the
Kemi and Nervii ^the neighbourhood of
Rheims and Bavay).

2. C. Silius: See i. 31, 2, &c. He was
still legaius of Upper Germany.

3. delecta manu, called ' una ala ' (c.
46, 3). Several inscriptions ? see Introd.
ii. p. lO speak of nn 'ala Indiana,' evi-
dently raised by and called after this per-
son ; probably the force here meant.

4. discors Floro. For the dative cp.
2. 56, I. The gerundive is genit. : cp. c.
.^3.3; .';4' ii,&c.

5. inconditam multitudinem adhuc.
The ' incondita multitudo ' may have been
conceived as a single idea, such as might
have been represented by one word (^' a
rabble ") ; or the position of ' adhuc' may
be a mere affectation of style, as in i.
67, I. On the sense of the word cp.
c. 26, I.

incertis latebris, repeated from H.

1. 81, 4, where it appears not to mean
(as Ern. takes it here 1 ' often changed,'
but ' untraceable hiding places.'

6. visis militibus: cp. 'visa caede '

2. 31, 3; H. 3. 62. 2. This passive use
is chiefly poetical ;as in \'erg. Aen. i,
326, &c. 1 and post- Augustan.

7. tumultus, used strictly of a Gallic,

as also of an Italian rising: see Cic. Phil.

8. I, 2.

8. quanto. On the abbreviated com-
parati\e sentence see Introd. v. § 64.

opulentior. Nipp. takes this to mean
'more powerful' (cp. 'opulentia' 2.60,
4) ; but their wealth is distinctly men-
tioned in c. 46, 4, and would be shown
by their having raised so large a force
and armed part of it so completely. Caesar
(B. G. 6. 12, 9 describes them as being
in his time ' longe principes ' of all the
CJauls, the Remi standing next to them.

9. comprimendi. probably to be taken
like the gerundive genit. (Introd. v. § 37) :
cp. 'apiscendi' 3. 27, 2.

procul, i. e. in the armies of the
' (iermaniae.' The small forces employed
against the Andecavi and Turoni (c. 41,
2) are here treated as of no account.

Augustodunum : see on c. 40, i .

10. ut nobilissimam, &c. The emen-
dations ])roposed for ' nobilissimarum.'
evidently an error of assimilation, are
numerous. Vox a discussion of them see
Pfitzner, p. 19 ; Joh. Miiller, Beitr. sect. 3.
p. 33. Most editors have followed L. or
Pich., taking 'occupaverat' by zeugma
with ' subolem ' in some such sense as
that of ' copias occupavisse' (i. 10, i").
But it appears awkward to introduce a
new object after an apparently comideted
sentence. This would be in favour of
some such text as that given above. In
any case some form of words must have
been used which would imjily the ac-
quisition of the parents and relations,
rather than of the youths, to be the
primary object.

444

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 774.

GalHarum subolem liberalibus studiis ibioperatam, et eo pignore
parentes propinquosque eorum adiungcret ; simul arma occulte
fabricata iuventuti dispertit. quadraginta milia fuere, quinta sui 2
parte legionariis armis, cctcri cum venabulis et cultris quacque

6 alia venantibus tela sunt, adduntur e servitiis gladiaturae desti- 3
nati, quibus more gcntico continuum ferri tegimcn : cruppel-
larios vocant, inferendis ictibus inhabiles, accipiendis inpenetra-
biles. augebantur eae copiae vicinarum civitatum ut nondum 4
aperta consensione, ita viritim promptis studiis, et certamine

10 ducum Romanorum, quos inter ambigebatur utroque bellum
sibi poscente. mox Varro invalidus senecta vigenti Silio con-
cessit,

44. At Romae non Treveros modo et Aeduos, sed quattuor

I . ut eo : et eo Bezzenberger.

I. liberalibus studiis, &c. This
school, which must have" been founded by
Augustus, made Augustodunum tlie great
Roman seminary in Gaul ; as Massilia
(S'rab. 4. I, 5, 181^ was the centre of
Greek culture. Such institutions, taking
the place of the suppressed schools of
Druidism, laid the foundation of the
Romano- Hellenic culture, which took
such strong root in this country : see
Momms. Hist. v. 102, E. T. i. 112. That
this school still nourished till the end
of the third century is attested by an
oration of Eumenius, delivered when he
was appointed by Constanlius to preside
over it, on its restoration after the sack of
Augustodunum by barbarians (Panegyrici
veteres, iii : see also Lips. Exc. on this
passage .

operatam, aoristic ; so ' conubiis arvis-
que novis operata iuventus ' (.Verg. Aen.
3, 136; cp. Hor. Ep. 1. 2, 29).

3. quadraginta milia. This must
be taken as the sum of all the Aeduan
forces. At the rising of \'ercingetorix
their first contingent, with that of those
subordinate to them, was fixed at 10,000
foot and 800 horse, to which was added
a further levy of 35,000 for the final crisis
(Caes. B. i'j. 7. 64 ; 75 ).

quinta sui parte legionariis armis,
' to the extent of one fifth, armed as
legionaries.' • Legionariis armis' appears
to be rightly explained by Joh. M tiller
and Nipp. as an abl. of quality, similar
to ' ingenlibus gladiis ct brevibus cetris '
'■'^g''- 36, I, &c. (cp. Introd. v. § 29) ;
but there is an unusual harslincss in its

immediate proximity to another abl., that
of the jiart referred to.

5. gladiaturae, found nowhere else in
any author of repute. ' Lanistatura' oc-
curs in the 'Tabulae Hcraclaeenses,' and
Drager notes that several such forms are
introduced in later Latin.

6. gentico, only found in 6. 33, 3 ;
Tcrt. de An. 39.

cruppellarios. This Celtic word occurs
nowhere else. The same men are called
'feirati' in c. 45, 3, and sucli a kind of
unwield)' plate armour ,' cataphracta')
is described as worn by Sarmatian chiefs
in H. I. 79, 5. The gladiators called
' mirmillones ' were supposed to repre-
sent the usual Gaulish military equip-
ment.

7. accipiendis inpenetrabiles. No
other instance of this construction appears
to be found, but an ordhiary dative (' in-
penetrabilis irae ') in .Sil. 7, 561.

8. ut . . . ita : cp. i. 12, i, &c.

9. viritim, ' of individuals.' Nipp.
notes that in 11. 24, 2 ' singuli viritim'
stand in opposition to ' terrae, gentes';
in Bell. Al. 65, 4 ' et viritim et publice'
are contrasted : cp. ' ipsum viritim ' (_• him-
self individually 'l Veil. 2. 16, 3.

1 3. quattuor et sexaginta. ' the sixty-
four,' i. e. all the Gallic tiijjes. This
number agrees with that of Ptolemy (2.
7-9), who makes seventeen idvr] in Aqui-
tania, twenty-five in Lugdunensis, and
twenty-two in Belgica ; the old ' Provin-
cia Narbonensis' forming no part of this
reckoning. Strabo (4. 3, 2, 192) speaks
of the altar at Lu^-dunum inscribed with

AD. 21.] LIBER III. CAP. 43 45. 445

et sexaginta Galliarum civitatcs descivi-sse, adsumptos in so-
cietatem Germanos, dubias Hispanias, cuncta, ut mos famac, in

2 mains credita. optumus qui.sque rci publicae cura maerebat :
multi odio pracscntium et cupidine mutationis sui.s quoque pcri-
culi.s lactabantur, incrcpabantque Tibcrium. quod in tanto rerum 5

3 motu libcllis accu.satorum in.sumeret opcrain. an Sacrovirum
maicstatis crimine reum in senatu fore? extitissc tandem viros
qui cruenta.s epistulas arm is cohiberent. miseram pacem vel

4 bello bene mutari. tanto inpensius in securitatem conpositus,
neque loco neque vultu mutato, sed ut solitum per illos dies 10
egit, altitudine animi, an conpererat modica esse et vulgatis
leviora.

45. Interim Silius cum legionibus duabus incedens, praemissa
auxiliari manu vastat Sequanorum pagos, qui finium extremi et

2 Aeduis contermini sociique in armis erant. mox Augustodunum 15
petit propero agmine, ccrtantibus inter se signiferis, fremente
etiam gregario milite^ nc suetam requiem, ne spatia noctium
opperiretur : viderent modo adversos et aspicerentur ; id satis

3 ad victoriam. duodecimum apud lapidcm Sacrovir copiaeque

et
6. an 7 sacrouirum : lulium margin and B, text Nipp.

the names of sixty eSfT/. probably a round tion of tliis term to Domitian 'H. 4. 86,

number. See Momms. Hist. v. 86, E. T. 3), and the explicit reference of 'altitude

i. 95, Marquardt, i. p. 2(^%. The greater ingenii incredibilis' to the dissimulation

only are reckoned, not the leaser tribes of Sulla ;Sall. Jug. 95, 3', suggest that

under their ' clientela.' here also it means ' profound reserve.'

3. credita: from this is supplied 'ere- ^aevT-qi, in Cic. Att. 4. 6, 3, &c., may

ditum' with • descivisse,' &c. also probably be thus explained.

6. libellis, 'informations': cp. 2. 29, 3. 14. Sequanorum. This people, be-
an Sacrovirum. The sign in the longing to Gallia Helgica, occupied a
text may note an omission, and the ' et' tract answering on the whole to the pro-
above and 'lulium' of the margin are vince of P'ranohe Comte between the Jura
attempts by later hands to supply it. and the Saone, their chief town being
Orelli reads 'et.' Vesontio (Besanfon). They are constant-

8. cruentas epistulas. The only mis- ly mentioned by Caesar, in whose day
sive mentioned that could answer to this tliey reached to the Rhine (,B. G. i. J, 4).
description would be that against Antistius pagos: cp. i. 56, 5.

Vetus (c. 38, 2' : the others from Tiberius finium, sc. ' Galliae.' Their country

during this absence had dealt with other lay between the military district of Upper

matters, or had even punished informers Germany and the Aedui.

(c. 37, I); so that language suitable to 17. spatia noctium, i.e. the nights

his later years seems here inserted. that seemed so long to their impatience.

9. inpensius in securitatem con- Nipp. compares ' spatiis itinerum' 2. 5, 3;
positus, 'with a more studied air of 15. 17, 3.

unconcern'; so 'in dissinuilationem sui 1 8. adversos, 'face to face': 'videre

compositus' 13. 25, I : cp. i. 7, 2 ; 2. 34, et adspici' are joined in Agr. 4-^, 2.
6; 4. 31, 4, &c. 19. duodecimum, from Augustodu-

II. altitudine animi. The applica- num.

446

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALWM [A.U.C. 774.

patentibus locis apparuere. in fronte statuerat ferrates, in corni-
bus cohortes, a tergo semermos. ipse inter primores equo in- 4
signi adire, memorare veteres Gallorum glorias quacque Romanis
adversa intulissent ; quam decora victoribus libertas, quanto in-

5 tolcrantior servitus iterum victis,

46. Non diu haec nee apud laetos : etenim propinquabat le-
gionum acies, inconditique ac militiae nescii oppidani neque oculis
neque auribus satis conpetebant. contra Silius, etsi praesumpta 2
spes hortandi causas exemerat, clamitabat tamen, pudendum

10 ipsis quod Germaniarum victores adversum Gallos tamquam in
hostem ducerentur. ' una nuper cohors rebellem Turonum, una 3
ala Treverum, paucae huius ipsius exercitus turmae profligavere
Sequanos. quanto pecunia dites et voluptatibus opulentos,tanto 4
magis inbelles Aeduos evincite et fugientibus consulite.' ingens 5

1. ferrates, the ' cruppellarii ' (c. 43,
3) : cp. ' agmina . . . ferrata ' Hor. Od. 4.

M, 30.

2. cohortes, those who had ' legionaria
arma ' (c. 43, 2).

primores. In Liv. i. 1, 7 (' processisse
Latiiium inter primores'), and Id. 3. 18,
8 ('inter primores pugnam ciens'), the
word is best taken to mean ' tiie front
rank'; and such may probably be the
meaning here; but Nijjp. takes the ex-
pression in each instance to mean ' sur-
rounded by the princes.'

insigni, 'adorned with trappings' : cp.
H. 3- 89, 1.

3. adire, sc. 'singulos': cp. the de-
scription of Arminius (2. 45, 4).

glorias. Nipp. notes that the glory
of each success is separately thouglit of:
cp. ' infamias ' 4. 33. 4, ' gloriae iriumphi-
que' Sail. Jug. 41, 7.

4. intolerantior : here and in ii. 10,
5 ('subiectis intolerantior '), this word is
generally explained to mean ' more into-
lerable.' Gellius also (19. 7, lo) thought
that Laevius so used ' curis intoleranti-
bus,' and appaiently (13. 8, 5) himself so
used 'nihil . . . iiitolerantius.' Ni])p. how-
ever thinks that Gellius misunderstood
Laevius, and that all good authors take
the word actively. He would here ex-
plain it to mean a slavery more intolerant,
more arbitrary on the master's pnrt.

8. conpetebant, ' weie competent nei-
ther as regards their eyes nor ears,' i. c.
could use neither rightly. The expression
is closely repeated from H. 3. 73, 1, and
appears taken from Sal,lust (see Introd. v.

§ 97, 1). Livy (22. 5, 3) has ' ut vix . . .
conpeteret animus,' also (5. 42, 3) ' ne
auribus quidem atque oculis satis constare
poterant.'

praesumpta spes. This expression,
found also in Sil. 7, 582, seems to con-
tain a reminiscence of the Vergilian ' spe
praesumite helium' (Aen. 11, 18): cp.
also ' praesumpta sus])icio ' (2. 73, 6).

10. Germaniarum: see note on 2.
73. 3-

11. una. .. cohors. The 'legionarius
miles ' of c. 41, 3 may well have been a
single cohort ; but it is very probable
that the Andecavi and Turoni are rhe-
torically giouped under one name, and
that the cohort employed against the
former is here meant.

una ala : cp. c. 42, 3.

12. paucae . . . turmae, the 'auxiliaris
manus ' of c. 45, i.

13. dites . . . inbelles, words used of
the Gauls in general in 1 1. 18, i, to describe
the effect of long peace on them.

voluptatibus opulentos, ' abounding
in luxuries.'

14. evincite. The verb may have
the force of ' devinco ' ; the participle being
often in Tacitus (e. g. 4. 57, 5, &c.), as in
Verg., C)v , &c., equivalent to 'victus' or
'devictus': cp. ' evicit omnia miles' Liv.
10. 17, 10. Ni]5p. takes it to mean,
' make them change their resolution,'
others insert 'esse' before 'Aeduos' or
' evincite,' and translate ' prove them tb
be'; as 'ratio esse evincet ' Hor. Sat.
3. 3, 350.

consulite «= ' parcile' (cp. c. 16, 5), i.e.

A.D. 21.]

LIBER HI. CAP. 45-47.

447

ad ea clamor, et circumfudit eques frontemque pedites invasere ;

6 nee CLinctatum apud latera. paulum inorae attulere fcrrati re-
stantibus lamminis adversum ])ila ct gladios ; set miles correptis
securibus et dolabris. ut si murum pcrrumperet, caedere teijmina
et corpora; quidam trudibus aut furcis inertem molem proster- 5
nere, iaccntesque nullo ad resurgendum nisu quasi exanimes

7 linqucbantur. Sacrovir primo AugT.ist()dunum, dein metu de-
ditionis in villam propinquam cum fidissimis pergit. illic sua
manu, reliqui mutuis ictibus occidere : incensa super villa omnes
cremavit 10

47. Tum demum Tiberius ortum patratumque bellum senatu
scripsit ; neque dempsit aut addidit vero, sed fide ac virtute

2 legates, se consiliis superfuissc. simul causas, cur non ipse, non
Drusus profecti ad id bellum forent, adiunxit, magnitudinem
imperii extollens, neque decorum principibus, si una alterave 15

3 civitas turbet . . . omissa urbe, unde in omnia regimen, nunc quia

c

2. tuiictatum : diu certatum Wolfflin. 3. Inmminis : so Med. ii. in H. 1. 79, 6.

9. ingressa : incensa R. 11. senatus : senatui B, text Halm. 16. lacuna noted

here by Nipp , after regimen by Ritter.

' make them prisoners.' The difference
between such a command and that of
Germanicus '2. 21, 3) may be due partly,
as Nipp. thinks, to contempt for such
an enemy, and to the absence of such
vindictiveness as was felt towards the
Germans; partly, perhaps, also to the
covetousness by which Silius was held to
have marred his victory (4. 19, 4^.

1. circumfudit, 'spread round the
flanks.' Elsewhere, in this sense, the
verb takes an accusative, as in 12 38, 3
(where see note) ; but such verbs in Tacitus
(Introd. V. § 41 are often intransitive.

eques . . . pedites. On the inter,
change of sing, and pi. see Introd. v. § 2.

2. cunctatum, nowhere else passively
used for ' dubitatum ' (which stands thus
in 2. 80, 7; 12. 69, 3\ Nipp. justifies
it by the passive use of many other de-
ponent participles, and notes the archaic
form ' cuncto.'

restantibus = ' resistentibus ' ; an ap-
parently archaic use (Enn. and Lucr. 2,
450), followed by Sail. (H. i. 75 D, 74
K, 100 Gi and often by Livy.

5. trudibus, from Vcrg. (Aen. 5. 208);
who, as Nipp. thinks, took tlie word from
the language of common life.

6. nullo . . . nisu, ' without an effort.'
Their armour deprived them of all power
to rise.

9. super: cp. i. 68, 2. Livy (21. 14,
4) has ' domos super seipsos concrema-
verunt.'

!i. patratum : cp. 2. 26, 2.

senatu. dative : cp. c. 30. 4, &c.

12. dempsit, sc. ' quidquam.'

13. superfuisse, 'had got the better'
= ntpiffi'tadai. Nipp. notes that this verb
e.xpresses preeminence in Agr. 44, 2
'gratia oris supererat' ; also in Cic. ap.
(iell. I. 22, 7 ' maioribus . . . Tubero . . .
doctrina etiam superfuit.' The whole
chapter in Gell. is a curious disquisition
on this word.

15. principibus, here used to include
Drusus : cp. c. 34. 1 1.

una alterave : cp. c. 34, 8. ' Turbet '
absol. as 4. i, i, Ter., Sec.

16. omissa urbe : cp. ' omittere caput
rerum ' i. 47, i. Most editors mark a
'lacuna'; but the explanation of Pichena,
by which ' proficisci ' is supplied frcjm
above, is perhaps capable of justification
by the nearness and prominence in the
sentence of ' profecti forent.'

448

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 774.

non metu ducatur, iturum, ut praesentia spectaret componeret-
que. decrevere patres vota pro reditu eius supplicationcsque ct
alia decora. solus Dolabella Cornelius, duni anteire cetcros 4
parat, absurdam in adulationem progressus, censuit ut ovans
5 e Campania urbem introiret. igitur secutae Caesaris littcrac, 5
quibus se non tarn vacuum gloria praedicabat, ut post ferocis-
simas gentes perdomitas, tot receptos in iuventa aut sprctos
triumphos, iam senior percgrinationis suburbanae inane prae-
mium peteret.
1° 48. Sub idem tempos, ut mors Sulpicii Quirini publicis cxse-
quiis frequentaretur, pctivit a senatu. nihil ad veterem et patri- 2
ciam Sulpiciorum familiam Quiriniuspertinuit, ortus apud muni-
cipium Lanuvium : sed impiger militiae et acribus ministeriis
consulatum sub divo Augusto, mox expugnatis per Ciliciam

14. super Ciliciam M. Haupt.

1. metu, 'a state of panic': cp. i.
40, I.

praesentia: cp. i. 30, 5, &c.

2. decrevere . . . decora: cp. 'decora
...tribiii' c. 5, 4. The word hardly
seems u-ed in contrast as Doed thinks)
to the ' indecora adulatio' of DoIal;ella.

3. Dolabella Cornelius. P. Cor-
nelius P. f. P. n. Dolabella was cos. in
763, A. D. 10 (C. I. L. i. p. 550): a
Delmatian inscription (^Orelli 2365') re-
cords him as one of the ' septemviri
epulones' and ' sodales Titii,' as well as
legatus of Autjustus and Tiberius (in
767, A. I). 14) in that province (cp. Veil.
2. 125, 5 . He was proconsul of Africa
in 777, A.D. 24 (4. 23, 2). Other in-
scriptions referring to him are cited by
Nipp., who thinks he was father of the
friend of Galba (H. 1. 88, i\ Other
extravagant 'sententiae' proposed by him
are given in c. 69, i ; 11. 22, 3: in 4. 66.
2 he is mentioned as going out of his
way to accuse a near relation.

6. ferocissimas gentes perdomitas,
&c. See Introd. viii. pp. 133, 134. Vel-
leius (2. 122, i) alleges, that although lie
was contented with three triumphs, he
could have claimed seven.

10. Sulpicii Quirini : see c. 22, i ; 2.
30, 4-

publicis exsequiis. It was the opinion
of Lipsius that any 'indictivum funus '
(Festus, &c.\ i. e. any to which all were
summoned by public notice, might be
called 'publicum'; but the term is evi-

dently restricted to the funerals of those
who, for their sers'ices, were buried at
the public cost. Tluis Velleius (2. '62, 4)
says, ' Pansae atque Hirti corpora pub-
Hca sepultura honorata'; and Valerius
Maximus ' 5. 2, 10), ' praetore funus
liirtio et Pansae iussu senatus locante.'
For other instances see 6. 11,6; Dio 57.
21, 3, &c., Staatsr. iii. 1188, and note on
'censorium funus' 4. 15, 3.

IX. frequentaretur, 'should be cele-
brated.' Tacitus has ' celebrare mortem '
(6. 27, 2); and ' frequento ' has the
general force of ' celebro,' and may be
used of a single person (14. 4, i, &c. ~ ;
but either verb would be more properly
used of the funeral than of the death.

12. familiam, for ' gentem' : cp. 2. 52,
8, &c. This gens, though chietiy patri-
cian, had noble families of both orders,
the 'Camerini, Galbae, Rufi,' &c.

13 impiger. The relative genitive with
this word, found also in H. i. 87, 4, and
in Florus (Dr.), is analogous to mnny
others (Introd. v. § 33, e 7). Cp. ' acer
militiae' H. 2. 5, 1.

acribus ministeriis. Certain suc-
cesses over tlie Garamantes and Mar-
maridae of Libya, ascribed to Quirinius
by l''loius (2. 31^4- 41), are assigned by
^iommsen iComm. on Mon. Anc. App.
pp. 170, 171' to a time before liis consul-
ship, when he may have- been praetorian
proconsul of Cyrene.

14 consulatum, in 742, B.C. 12 (Dio,
54. 28, 2).

A.D. 21.]

LIBER in. CAP. 47 49.

449

Homonadensium castcllis insignia triumplii adeptus, datusque

3 rector Gaio Caesari Armcniam optinenti. Tiberium quoque
Rhodi agentem coluerat : quod tunc patefecit in senatu, laudatis
in se officiis et incusato M. Loliio, quern auctorem Gaio Caesari

4 pravitatis et discordiarum arguebat. sed ceteris baud lacta 5
inemoria Ouirini erat ob intenta, ut memoravi, Lepidae pericula
sordidamque et praepotentem senectam.

49. Fine anni Clutorium Priscurn equitem Romanum, post

1. onoma densium : text B. 4. folio; text L.

8. C Lutoriiim I,.

moz, &c. Cilicia belonged to Syria
(op 2. 7S, 3, 8cc.) ; so that these victories
would liave been gained by him during
his tenure of that province, with which a
vexed question of chronology i,St. Luke 2.
2. &c. ') is involved. It has been most
fully investigated by Mommsen (1. 1.
pp. 161-178), who assigns to Quirinius an
inscription, now nameless [C. 1. L. xiv.
3613, Ilenzcn 5.^66', which would make
him twice legatus of Syria. He is
known from Josephus (Ant. 17. 13, 5;
18. I, 1 ; 2, I to have held this province
in 759, A. D. 6. But these Cilician vic-
tories appear from the order of mention
to have preceded his service with Gaius
Caesar in the East ; and are thus to
be assigned to his first tenure of Syria,
which Mommsen places in 751, 752,
B. c. 3, 2,

per Ciliciaiu : 'super' is adopted by
Nipp. and supported by Mommsen fl. 1.
p. 1721. The Flomonadenses were not
strictly within Cilicia, but in Pisidia or
Isauii.i, (hough reckoned as a Cilician
race cp. Strab. 12.6 5, 569 ; Plin. N. H.
5. 27, 23, 941. The MS. text would im-
ply, and Tacitus may have thought, that
they were spread over parts of Cilicia
itself Mommsen suggests, but appears
rightly to disapprove of. another inter-
pretation, by which 'per' might mean
'passing through,' as 'per circum ' i.

15, 4

1. Homonadensiura, restored frnm
Strabo I. l.\ who says that Quirinius
starvid them into submission, and dis-
tributed 4000 of tht m as colonists irr the
vicinity, leaving none behind in the prime
of life. He describes them as mere cave
dwtUers; but I'liny (who calls them
' gens Omanadum ' 1. 1. speaks of a town,
Omana, and foity four ' castella.'

datusque rector, as Seianus to Drusus
(1. 24, 3). Mommsen (1. 1. p. 123) dates

this appointment in 755, A.D. 2, after the
death of LoUius, who is mentioned below
Gaius could then be strictly spoken of as
' Armeniam optinens,' being actually in
military possession of that country : cp.
' Armenios . . . optinebat ' 12. 44, 2.

2. Tiberium quoque. 1 have fol-
lowed Mommsen (1. I. p. 175) in the
punctuation of this passage. The return
of Tiberius to Rome belongs to the same
year as the death of Lollius; so that
Quirinius, if not till that year sent to the
East, is hardly likely to have found him
still at Rhodes. The mutilated inscrip-
tion already referred to would make
Quirinius to have been at some time pro-
consul of Asia, probably between 747-751 ,
B.C. 7-3 ; in winch capacity he may have
paid to Tiberius the respect here men-
tioned.

4. M. LoUio. NT. Lollius, M. f. was
in 729, B.C. 25, the first governor of
Galatia (Eutrop. 7, 10), consul in 733,
B.C. 21, legatus in Germany in 738, B.C.
16 (i. 10, 3). His antipathy to Tiberius
is mentioned by Suetonius (Tib. 1 2) ; and
his character is drawn in the blackest
colours not only, as might be expected,
by Velleius (2. 102, 1), but also by
Pliny (N. H. 9. 35, 58, ii8\ who states
that he committed suicide from poison
after Gaius had renounced his friendship
for his perfidy and corruption. Horace,
on the other hand, praises him highly
(Od.4. 9, 34-44;.

5. pravitatis et discordiarum, ' per-
verseiiess and animosity ; > r perhaps, as
a hendiadys, ' perverse animosity.' The
same words are coupled in Liv. 4. 26, 6.

6. ut memoravi : see c. 22, 3.

7. praepotentem. His childlessness
(1. 1.) increased his inlluence (cp. c.
25. 2).

8. Clutorium. The emendation of
Lips, agrees with Dio ^57. 20, 3), who

450

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 774.

celebre carmen, quo Germanici suprema defleverat, pecunia do-
natum a Caesare, corripuit delator, obiectans aegro Druso com-
posuisse quod, si extinctus foret, maiore praemio vulgaretur. id 2
Clutorius in domo P. Petronii, socru eius Vitellia coram multis-
5 que inlustribus feminis, per vaniloquentiam legerat. ut delator 3
extitit, ceteris ad dicendum testimonium exterritis, sola Vitellia
nihil se audivisse adseveravit. sed arguentibus ad perniciem 4
plus fidci fuit, sententiaque Haterii Agrippae consulis designati
indictum reo ultimum supplicium.
10 50. Contra M'. Lepidus in hunc modum exorsus est : ' si,

5. iecerat Wcissbrodt, Nipp., Ritt.

gives tlie full name Gains Lutorius Priscus.
But it would be unusual for Tacitus, in
speaking of a somewhat obscure person, to
mention him in these two chapters twice
by three and twice by two names. Ritter,
who noted this, and in his former edition
omitted ' C ' throughout, now follows the
MS. form, which Nipp. supports by in-
scriptions (Khein. Mus. xvi. 291), show-
ing that ' Clutorius ' is a Roman name.
The name appears also to occur in PI.
N. H. 7. 39, 40, 129, where the MSS.
have ' utorio ' and ' sutorio.'

1. pecunia donatum. These ' hono-
raria ' from the Caesars to men of letters
seem to have been common. New-fledged
poets are bidden to weep for the death
of Claudius (Sen. Lud. 12, v. 56); and
such liberality was the sole hope of
struggling literature in Juvenal's time
(7. i--'i).

2. corripuit : cp. 2. 28, 4.
composuisse, sc. ' eum,' 'that he had

written another, which' &c.

3. maiore praemio vulgaretur,
' might be published and more liberally
rewarded.' The charge would imply that
he had speculated on the death of Drusus,
which would lead to an inference that he
had desired it ; as in the case of those
who consulted astrologers ' in domum
Caesaris ' (c. 22, 2, &C.V

4. P. Petronii, mentioned ag.nin in 6.
45, 4, father of P. Petronius Turpilianus,
distinguished under Nero (14. 29, i, &c.\
and of the first wife of Vitellius (H. 2.
64, i). Inscriptions (see Nijip.") show
him to have been augur, cos. suff. in 772,
A.I). 19, and proconsul of Asia for the
unusual period of six years Introd. vii.
p. 113); after which he was legatus of
Syria under Gaius (Jos. Ant. 18. 8, 2,

&c.) ; in which capacity he is praised by
Philo (Leg. ad Gai. 31, 1022, foil.). He
was also a friend of Claudius, during whose
rule he died (Sen. Lud. 14).

ViteUia. Nipp. thinks her to have
been great-aunt of the emperor Vitellius.

5. legerat. 'Vaniloquentia,' found once
in Plant, and once in Liv., is elsewhere
used by Tacitus only in 6. 31, 2 ; from
which pass.ige ' iecerat ' has been here
read. Clutorius would more strictly have
shown 'vaniloquentia' in talking about
his poem than in reading it ; nor is it easy
to see how \'itellia could have pretended
not to have heard what had been formally
recited in her presence : but a similar plea
is advanced in respect of a poem read at a
large banquet (14. 48, 4 . and that he had
at least recited or quoted bits of it seems
implied in ' aures hominum polUierit '
(c. 50, I .

6. ad dicendum . . . exterritis : cp.

2. 62, 3.

7. arguentibus ad perniciem, ' evi-
dence supporting the charge to his de-
struction.'

8. Haterii Agrippae : see on i. 77,

3. On the vote of the cos. design., see
c. 22, 6.

9. ultimum ; so ' sum mum suppli-
cium ' '6. 3, 5), ' ultima poena' (Liv. 3.
58). This was beyond the proper sen-
tence, even for ' maiestas ' (see c. 50, 6).

10. M'. Lepidus : see on c. 32, 2.
This speech illustrates the discretion
(' temperamentum ') ascribed to him in

4. 20, 4. Its tone somewhat resembles
that of Thrasea (14. 48, 5), and in both
Tacitus seems to have had some reminis-
cence of Sallust's speech of Caesar (Cat.
51, 8).

A. D. 21.]

LIBER III. CAP. 49-51.

451

patres cotiscripti, unum id spcctamus, quam nefaria voce Clu-
torius Priscus mcntem suam et aurcs hominum polluerit, neque
career neque laqueus, ne serviles quidem cruciatus in eum suffe-

2 ccrint. sin flagitia et facinora sine modo sunt, suppliciis ac
remediis principis moderatio maiorumque et vestra exempla 5
temperant, et vana a scelestis, dicta a maleficiis dififerunt, est
locus sententiae, per quam neque huic delictum impune sit et

3 nos clementiae simul ac severitatis non paeniteat. saepe audivi
principem nostrum conquerentem, si quis sumpta morte miseri-

4 cordiam eius praevenisset. vita Clutorii in integro est, qui neque 10
servatus in periculum rei publicae neque interfectus in exemplum

5 ibit. studia illi, ut plena vaecordiae, ita inania et fluxa sunt ;
nee quicquam grave ac serium ex eo metuas, qui suorum ipse
flagitiorum proditor non virorum animis scd muliercularum ad-

6 rcpit. cedat tamen urbe et bonis amissis aqua et igni arceatur : 15
quod perinde censeo ac si lege maiestatis teneretur.'

51. Solus Lepido Rubellius Blandus e consularibus adsensit :

10. es(o L, sit Madvig.

I. nefaria. The jKK'm must have
been complimentary ; but any language
treating Drasus as already dead would be
ominous, and therefore shocking.

■},. career . . . laqueus. These are
parts of the same punishment ; the prison
being the ' Tullianum ' or well-house '
(see Hum, p. S i ; Middleton, i. p. 1 5 1 , foU.^,
in which criminals were strangled cp. 4.
29, 2; 5. 9, 2: 6. 40, 1 ; II. 2, 5; and the
description in Sail. Cat. 55). It still exists
as the lowest portion of the Mamertine
pri.->on near the Capitol.

serviles . . , cruciatus, the rack and
the cross.

4. sin flagitia, &c. The apodosis
does not begin till ' est locus,' and the
protasis is to be taken as if it had been
divided, as 'sin flagitia quidem . . . sup-
pliciis vero,' &c. ' If, though outrage
and crime are unlimited, the ])rince's
clemency and our precedents yet limit
penalties and redress, and lines are drawn
between folly and wickedness, between
word and deed.'

7. impune : cp. i. 72, 3.

8. audivi : cp. c. 16. 3, 2 ; 2. 31, 4.
10. in integro, 'yet untouched'; cp.

15. 2, 4; H. 3. 2,9.

qui neque, &c., ' whose survival will
not be in its issue dangerous to the state,
nor his execution exemplary ' ; i, e. he is

too insignificant for either result : cp.
' voluptates ituras in dolorem ' Sen. Ep.
121,4; ' ^" scelus it ' Luc. 10, 343.

1 2. studia ; 30 used of compositions in
16. 4, 2.

fluxa, used of the honours decreed to
Poppaea (15. 23, 4): cp. 'fluxa mens'
(6. 38, 2). Here it is used of ' fugitive
pieces ' that would soon be forgotten.

14. animis . . . adrepit : cp. i. 74, 2.

16. quod perinde, &c., ' this I pro-
pose, as if he were guilty under the law
of treason.' He implies that the case
was not strictly within the definition of
'maiestas' (see on i. 72, 3; 4. 34, 3;
Introd. viii. p. 14 1 and notes), and that if
it were so, ' exilium ' with loss of goods
is the proper legal penalty. This had
been fixed by the dictator Caesar (Cic.
Phil. I. 9, 23) and still remained so in the
time of Nero (14. 48, 7), though that of
death was often inflicted, especially in the
later years of Tiberius and under Nero
and Domitian, and is subsequently recog-
nized as usual : cp. Paul. Sent. Rec. v.
29, I ' antea in perpetuum aqua et igni
interdicebatur ; nunc vero humiliores
bestiis obiciuntur vel vivi exuruntur,
honestiores capite puniuntur.'

teneretur: cji. 2. 50, i.

17. Rubellius Blandus: see c. 23, 2.

452

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A. U. 0.775.

ceteri sententiam Agrippae secuti, ductusque in carcerem Priscus
ac statim exanimatus. id Tiberius solitis sibi ambagibus apud 2
senatum incusavit, cum extolleret pietatem quamvis modicas
principis iniurias acriter ulciscentium, deprecaretur tarn prae-
5 cipitis verborum poenas ; laudaret Lepidum, neque Agrippam
argueret. igitur factum senatus consultum, ne decreta patrum 3
ante diem deciinuni ad aerarium deferrentur idque vitae spatium
damnatis prorogaretur. sed non senatui libertas ad paeniten- 4
dum erat, neque Tiberius interiectu temporis mitigabatur.

10 52. C. Sulpicius D. Haterius consules sequuntur, inturbidus
externis rebus annus, domi suspecta severitate adversum luxum,
qui inmensum proruperat ad cuncta quis pecunia prodigitur.
sed alia sumptuum, quamvis graviora, dissimulatis plerumque 2
pretiis occultabantur ; ventris et ganeae paratus adsiduis ser-

15 monibus vulgati I'ecerant curam, ne princeps antiquae parsimo-
niae durius adverteret. nam incipiente C. Bibulo ceteri quoque 3

7. decimum ins. L.

2. ambagibus, ' circumlocution.' Dio
(57. 20, 4) assigns as the motive for his
displeasure, that punishment of death had
been inflicted without his leave : yet he
is generally represented as only too ready
to devolve such responsibilities.

7 ante diem decimum. That the
latter word must have stood in the original
text appears from Suet. Tib. 75 ; Dio, 1. 1.
Pfitzner (p. 97) shows that, according to
Quint. Decl..^i.^,the interval appears later
to have been extended to thirty days.

ad aerarium. The registration of a
decree of the senate in the ' aerarium '
was essential to its validity: cp. 13. 28,
3 ; Livy, 39. 4, 8 ; Suet. Jul. 28 ; Staatsr.
ii. 489. 2 ; iii. loii.

8. non . . . libertas. On the power
of pardon or revision see Introd. vi. p. 87.
It is evident, here and elstrwhere, that the
senate had still libeity of choice in the
original sentence.

9. interiectu. The use of this word
of an interval ot time, in the abl., is espe-
cially Taciiean cp 3. 67, 4 ; 6. 39, 2),
and is copied once by Aur. Vict.

10. C. Sulpicius, the same person who
is called 'C. Galba' in 6. 40, 3, the eldi r
btoihei of the emperor Galua vSuet. Galb.
3y. On the other consul see c. 49, 4.

inturbidus . . . annus. The ct)nstruc-
tion is here somewhat strained for con-

ciseness of expression ; ' annus ' stands in
apposition to 'consules,' as •' consules ' to
' annum ' in Liv. 4. 30, 12, and the abla-
tives follow as if the words had been
' turbidus non externis rebus sed sus-
pecta severitate.* ' Inturbidus' is wholly
a Tacitean word, used passively here and
in 14. 22, 5, actively in H. 3. 39. 4.

11. suspecta severitate, ' through an
apprehension of strict measures ' : cp. the
use of ' suspectus ' with ' insidiae ' (4. 70,
7"), ' proditio " (I2. 14, 3), ' iracundia '
(H. I. 10, 2), &c. ; also in Sallust and
Quintilian.

12. prodigitur: cp. H. i. 20, 3: the
verb had been used in this sense by
Sallust oratio Lepidi 17), and before
him by Plauius.

13. alia sumptuum. On the genitive
cp. Introd. V. § 32 b.

14. I aneae, strictly = ' po])inae,' but
used generally of feasting in H. 2. 95, 4,
&c. Orelli notes that coarse words are
used to show contempt.

paratus : cp. " lauto cenare paratu '
Juv. 14, 13; also c. 55, 3, &c.

15. princeps antiquae parsiraoniae :
cp. '.nntiqua parsimonia' 12. 5,3, 5, and
' antiquo cultu victuque' c. 55, 5. On
the example set by Tiberius in the ex-
penses of the table, see Suet. Td). 34.

16. adverteret : cp. 2. 32, 5.

A.D. 22.]

LIBER III. CAP. 51 53.

453

aediles disseruerant, sperni sumptuariam legem vetitaque uten-
silium pretia augeri in dies, ncc mediocribus remtdiis sisti posse,
et consulti patres integrum id negotium ad principcm distulerant.

4 sed Tiberius saepe apud se pcnsitato, an coerceri tam profusae
cupidines possent, num coercitio plus damni in rem publicam 5
ferret, quam indecorum adtrectare quod non obtineret vel reten-
tum ignominiam et infamiam virorum inlustrium posceret, postre-
mo litteras ad senatum composuit, quarum sententia in hunc
modum fuit.

53. 'Ceteris forsitan in rebus, patres conscript!, magis expe- 10
diat me coram interrogari et dicere quid e re publica censcam :
in hac relatione subtrahi oculos meos melius fuit, ne denotanti-
bus vobis ora ac metum singulorum, qui pudendi luxus argue-

2 rentur, ipse etiam viderem eos ac velut deprenderem. quod si
mecum ante viri strenui, aediles, consilium habuissent. nescio an 15
suasurus fuerim omittere potius praevalida et adulta vitia quam

2. remedii isti : remediis resist! B, text Pich. ii.de ins. margin, e B.

1. aediles. It was part of their duty
to regulate the market : see lntri)d. vi.
p. 90, Staatsr. ii, 497 foil.

sumptuariam legem. Gellius {2. 24,
14 mentions a 'lex lulia ' of Augustus
and an edict by him or by Tiberius, both
of which limited the amount that might
be spent on the dinner for common or
festal days. This ' lex,' which is probably
the one here referred to, was passed in
732, B.C. 22 (Dio, 54. 2, 3; Suet. Aug.

34)-

utensilium : cp. i. 70, 6. Suet. (Tib.
34) speaks of three mullets having been
at that time sold for 30,000 H. S. Seneca
tells another story (Ep. 95, 42) of one
P. Octavius buying by auction tor 5000
H. S. a single mullet, presented to Ti-
berius and sold by his order.

2. sisti posse, sc. 'rem.' Tacitus
follows Livy, who has ' ut consuetis re-
mediis sisti posset ' (3. 20, 81.

3. consulti patres. Nipp. notes
that as the aediles had not themselves
the ' ius relationis,' they may be supposed
to have mentioned the matter ' per egres-
sionem,' and asked for a 'relatio' from
the consuls (see on 2. 38, 3).

distulerant : ' differre ' is elsewhere
equivalent to ' reicere,' but with reference
to a place or time rather than a person,
as ' legal iones . . . distulit ad Tarraco-
nem' Liv. 26. 51, 10, ' legati ... ad

novos magistral ui dilati erant ' Id. 41. 8,
5. The construction seems here pregnant
= 'distulerant et ad principem reiecerajit.'

4. pensitato : cp Introd. v. § 31 a.
This sense of the verb is found first in
Livy, the abl. abs. of the part, only here
and in 12. 17, 3.

5. in rem publicam, probably not
used as in c. 24, 2, but with the force
of a simple dat. Tntrod. v. § 60 b).

6. quam indecorum, sc. ' esset,' 'how
undignified it was.'

obtineret, 'maintain': cp. 'ad ob-
tinendas iniquitates' H. 2. 84, 2, ' ob-
tincndis quae percurrerat ' Agr. 23, i, 'ad
obtinendam iniuriam ' Liv. 29. 1,17. The
verb IS varied to ' relentum,' used con-
cisely for ' si retentum esset.'

8. in hunc modum. Tacitus here
professes to give the substance only.

11. e re publica : cp. 2. 33, 2.

12. subtrahi ociilos : cp. 'Nero. . .
subtraxit oculos' (Agr. 45, 2).

denotantibus, ' markmg,' by looking
at them and making them conspicuous :
cp. ' denotandis tot hommum palloribus '
Agr. 45, 2. ' Ora et metum' are a hen-
diadys for ' metum in ore.'

16. suasurus . . . omittere. The inf.
with this verb is rare in classical prose,
and used by Tacitus in the Annals only
,13- 37,6; 15.63, 6; 16.9, 3).

VOL. I

Gg

454

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 775.

hoc adsequi, ut palam fieret quibus flagitiis impares essemus.
seel illi quidem officio functi sunt, ut ceteros quoque magistratus 3
sua munia implere velim : mihi autem neque honestum silere
neque proloqui expeditum, quia non aedilis aut praetoris aut

? consulis partis sustineo. maius aliquid et excelsius a principe 4
postulatur ; et cum recte factorum sibi quisque gratiam trahant,
unius invidia ab omnibus peccatur. quid enim primum prohi- 5
bare et priscum ad morem recidere adgrediar ? villarumne in-
finita spatia? familiarum numerum et nationes ? argenti et auri

10 pondus ? aeris tabularumque miracula? promiscas viris et feminis
vestes atque ilia feminarum propria, quis lapidum causa pecu-
niae nostrae ad externas aut hostilis gentes transferuntur ?

54. Nee ignoro in conviviis et circulis incusari ista et modum
posci : set si quis legem sanciat, poenas indicat, idem illi civita-

15 tern verti, splendidissimo cuique exitium parari, neminem cri-
minis expertem clamitabunt. atqui ne corporis quidem morbos 2
veteres et diu auctos nisi per dura et aspera coerceas : corruptus

I. flagitiis impares ; so 'impar curis'
1 4- 54) 3 ; ' dolori ' 15. 57, i, &c.

4. quia non, &c. These words are
taken only with ' neque proloqui expe-
ditum.'

5. a principe. On the conception of
this dignity as a magistracy see Introd.
vi. p. 81.

6. sibi quisque . . . trahant, ' each
appropriates to himself ; so in H. 3. 33,
3: op. 'in se trahere ' i. 2, 1 and ' tra-
hcre ' Liv. 6. 40, 18, &c.

7. unius invidia. The preposition
' cum ' might have been expected ; but
such quasi-absolute ablatives of attend-
ant circumstances are found in Tacitus, as
' pavore ' 5. 3, 4; ' pernicie ' H. 4. 30, i.
It is meant that all social vices were
ascribed to laxity in the princeps, who
alone had power to check them.

8. ad morem recidere, pregnant con-
struction for ' reddendo reducere.'

viUarum . . . spatia. Sallust speaks
(Cat. I 2, 3) of villas ' in urbium moduni
cxaedificatus,' and similar language is
used by Horace (Od. 2. 15 and 17), by
Seneca (de Ben. 7. 10, 5), and Juvenal
(14, 86% See Friedl. iii. p. 89, foil.

9. familiarum numerum et nationes,
' the host of slaves of all nations ' : cp.
'nationes in familiis Iiabemus ' 14. 44, 5.
Pliny (N. H. 33. 10, 47; 135^ mentions
a person who, at his death in 746, e.c. 8,

left 4116 slaves. For later instances see
14. 43, 4 ; Athenaeus, 6, p. 272 d. Tiiey
were of all nationalities, Greeks, Syrians,
Phrygians, Cappadocians, Thracians, Ae-
thiopians, &c. See Introd. vii. p. 106;
Maiquardt, ii. p. 122; Friedl. i. p. 53;
Hirschf. Unters. 194, and Jacob's note
here.

argenti et auri pondus, taken from
Verg. Aen. i, 359. The quantity of plate
is alluded to in 2. 33, 2.

10. aeris: cp. Suet. Tib. 34 'Corinthio-
rum vasorum pretia in inmensuni exar-
sisse graviter conqucstus.'

11. vestes: cp. 2. 33, i.

quia. Nipp. refers this to ' ilia . . .
propria'; 'the special extravagances of
women, through which,' &c.

lapidum causa, Pliny (N. II. 9. 35,
58, 117) speaks of having seen Lollia
Paulina covered with jewels estimated to
have cost forty million H. S. ; and else-
where (12. iS, 41, 84) estimates the an-
nual drain of money to the East for such
extravagances at 100 million H. S.

I 2. externas aut hostilis, ' foreign to
the empire, if not hostile.'

13. in conviviis et circulis, a form
of expression, found in Cic. (Balb. 26, 57 ;
ad Att. 2. 18, 2), and often in Livy.
15. verti : cp. 2. 42, 4, &c.
17. coerceas, potential subjunct. (In-
trod. V. § 51) ; so also 'timeas' below.

A.D. 22.]

LIBER III. CAP. 53, 54.

455

simul et corrupter, aeger et flagrans animus baud levioribus

3 remediis restinguendus est quam libidinibus ardcscit. tot a
maioribus repertae leges, tot quas divus Augustus tulit, illae
oblivione, hae, quod flagitiosius est, contemptu abolitae sccurio-

4 rem luxum fcccre. nam si velis quod nondum vetitum est, 5
timcas ne vetere : at si prohibita impune transcenderis, neque

5 metus ultra neque pudorest. cur ergo olim parsimonia pollebat?
quia sibi quisque moderabatur, quia unius urbis cives eramus ;
ne inritamenta quidem eadem intra Italiam dominantibus, ex-
ternis victoriis aliena, civilibus etiam nostra consumeredidicimus. 10

6 quantulum istud est de quo aediles admonent ! quam, si cetera
respicias, in levi habendum ! at hercule nemo refert, quod Italia

8. sibique moderabatur qua : text B.

corruptus simul et corrupter. Taci-
tus thus joins ' corrumpere ' and ' cor-
rumpi ' in 14. 20, 5; CI. 19, 3. Bentley
has collected (on Ilor. Od. 4.9, 39) many
of the expressions in Latin poetry or rhe-
toric in which the mind is personified, as
' ae?timator,' ' carnilex,' ' censor,' &c.

1. aeger et flagrans, 'enfeebled and
feverish,' i.e. full of passionate longings,
but without healthy energy.

2. restinguendus, ' to be cooled ' :
the metaphor of a fever is carried through
the sentence.

libidinibus, attracted for ' libidines
quibus.'

tot a maioribus repertae. The
earliest was the 'lex Oppia ' (c. 33, 4).
Others, dating between the end of the
second Punic war and the death of
Sulla, are the ' leges ' 'Orchia,' ' Fannia,'
'Didia,' 'Licinia,' ' Cornelia,' ' Aemilia,"
' Antia.' On their provisions see Gell. 2.
24 ; Macrob. 2. 13. A ' lex lulia ' was also
passed by the dictator Caesar (Dio, 43.
25, 2 ; Suet. Jul. 43), who complained
of its neglect (Cic. Att. 13. 7, i).

3. tot quas divus Augustus tulit.
No others are known but his ' lex lulia'
already mentioned (c. 52, 3,, ; so that the
language seems rhetorical.

4. contemptu ; their recent date pre-
cluding the excuse of oblivion.

6. si prohibita . . . transcenderis,
' if you have passed the forbidden line.'
The phrase seems to be a pregnant con-
struction for ' transcendcre leges et pro-
hibita facere,' and is sufficiently analogous
to such expressions as ' vota transcend!
mea ' i^Sen. Thyest. 912).

8. unius urbis cives. In legal status
they were still and always such ; but the
reference is apparently to a time when
Roman citizens, like those of the old
Greek cities, were such by home and
nationality, not merely in legal phraseo-
logy, and were restrained from extrava-
gance by civic jdeas of equality or pro-
portion. Nipp. applies the expression to
the whole time down to the Italian war ;
but as the last century of that period is
full of sumptuary legislation (see above),
it can hardly be described as one of volun-
tary self-restraint : it seems therefore better
to suppose the time throughout referred
to to be that before the Tunic wars and
other' exteinae victoriae,' when men were
simple citizens, not pampered conquerors.
The sentence ' ne . . . dominantibus' would
thus not distinguish another period, but
add another reason : not only had men
then more self control, but also fewer
temptations, as foreign luxuries were
comparatnely unknown.

9. eiternis victoriis, &c. Fliny (N. H.
37. 1,6, 12 shows the influence on luxury
ot the victories of L. Scipio, JMummius,
and Pompcius.

10. civilibus . . . nostra, not only by
pillaging each other as they had pillaged
the loreigner, but also by the sense of
insecurity, leading men to spend at once
what might become the sjioil of another.

12. in levi habendum; so 'in levi
habitum ' II. 2. 21, 4 ; also 'in benignitate '
(Sail. Jug. 103, 6), 'in damno habere'
(Liv. 21. 13, 5). The abl. is usually
plural ; but the singular is common in
Greek, as ouk iv i\a<ppcv Tbeocr. 22. 213.

456

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C.

externae opis indiget, quod vita populi Romani per incerta maris
et tempestatum cotidie volvitur. ac nisi provinciarum copiae et 7
dominis et servitiis et agris subvenerint, nostra nos scilicet
nemora nostraeque villae tuebuntur. banc, patres conscripti, cu- 8

5 ram sustinet princeps ; haec omissa funditus rem publicam trahet.
reliquis intra animum medendum est : nos pudor, pauperes 9
necessitas, divites satias in melius mutet. aut si quis ex magis- 10
tratibus tantam industriam ac severitatem pollicetur, ut ire ob-
viam queat, hunc ego et laudo et exonerari laborum meorum

lo partem fateor : sin accusare vitia volunt. dein, cum gloriam eius 11
rei adepti sunt, simultates faciunt ac mihi relinquunt, credite,
patres conscripti, me quoque non esse ofifensionum avidum ; quas
cum graves et plerumque iniquas pro re publica suscipiam, in-
anes et inritas neque mihi aut vobis usui futuras iure deprccor.'

15 55. Auditis Caesaris litteris remissa aedilibus talis cura ; lux-

9. exonerare Doed. 10. parte Heins., parte me Wopkens.

nemo refert. This might be said
not only of those who had the ' ius rela-
tionis,' but of all senators, who could do
as the aediles in this case had done (see

c. 52. 3)-

quod Italia . . . indiget. Respect-
ing the dependence of Rome and Italy on
foreign corn, cp. 2. 59, 4; 4. 6,6; 12.
43. 5; H. I. 73, 2 ; .v8, 3; 48, 4.

I. vita . . . volvitur: cp. the similar
expression (12. 43, 5^1 'navibus et casibus
vita populi Romani permissa est.' Here
' volvitur ' = ' agitatur.'

3. subvenerint, used in two senses,
of supplying the deficiency of arable land,
and the needs of the mnster and the slave.

nos. He speaks as one of the sena-
tors, though his own estates in Italy were
moderate and well-managed (,4. 6, 7).

6. intra animum, i.e. by a change
of disposition, instead of by the external
pressure of law.

nos pudor, &c He here distinguishes
the senators from the rich in geneial, as
well as from the poor. He assumes that
they could be, and thus implies that they
should be, restrained by the self-respect
due to their rank, and the sentiment
of 'noblesse'; whereas a rich knight
or freedman would probably only leave
off luxury through surfeit.

7. aut si, &c. ' On the other hand, if.'
9. hunc ego, &c. Nipp. notes that

rhe natural order of the words' is varied to
emphasize ' hunc ' in relation to ■ si quis.'

exonerari, ' is being removed.' The
verb has this sense in H. 5. 2, 3 ' multi-
tudinem .... exoneratam,' and in several
other instances cited by Nipp. from Plau-
tus, Livy, L. Seneca, and Luc.^n.

1 1 . simultates faciunt : cp. ' saepe si-
multates ira morata facit' Ov. Am. I. 8,
82. ' Dein ' belongs to both verbs.

I 2. me quoque non, ' that neither am
I.' ' Quoque non,' like 'nee' and 'ne-
que' (see note on 2. 34. 7), has sometimes
the force of ' ne . . . quidem,' whether in
the sense of ' not either' (11. 13, 3; 15.
66, i), or ' not even ' (14. 21,2; 15. 57.
4). ' Etiam non ' and ' neque etiam ' are
also thus used : see Nipp. here, Drager,
Synt. und Stil, § 122.

offensionura, ' of provoking animo-
sities': cp. ' accendendis offensionibus'

2- 57. 3-

13. inaneset inritas,' purposele.ss and
fruitless, ' i. e. incurred without any com-
pensating result. These words, nearly
synonymous, are explained by ' nee mihi
. . . futuras,' and the whole stands in con-
trast to ' pro rcpublica.'

15. remissa aedilibus talis cura, ' the
aedile^ were excused Irom such a duty,'
i. e. from that of an energetic enforce-
ment of the laws. The laws were left un-
altered, and their violation tacitly ignored.
On ' remissa' cp. I. 8, 6. It is stated in
Suet. Tib. 34 (cp. also PI. N. H. 33. 2,
8. 32), that Tiberius did at some time
place the market under senatorial super-

A. D. 22.]

LIBER III. CAP. 54, 55.

457

U'^que mensae, a fine Actiaci belli ad ea arma, quis Servius
Galba rerum adeptus est, per annos centum profusis sumptibus

2 exerciti paulatim exolevere. causas eius mutationis quaerere
libet. dites olim familiae nobilium aut claritudine insignes

3 studio magniHcentiae prolabcbantur. nam etiam tum plebem
socios regna colere et coli licitum ; ut quisque opibus domo
paratu speciosus, per nomen et clientelas inlustrior habebatur.
postquam caedibus saevitum et magnitudo famae exitio erat,

4 ceteri ad sapientiora convertere. simul novi homines e munici-

vision and enjoined on the aediles a strict
control ol ' popiuae ' and ' ganeae.'

1. arma--' belliim,' more strictly 'the
time when arms were taken u[) ' : cp.
'post arma . . . Vintiicis' 15. "4, 2, 'per
civilia arma' (=' during civil war') H.
2. II, 4. Instances approaching to this

t meaning are found in Cic, Liv.. &c.

2. rerum adeptus. The genitive with
this verb (cp. 12. .^o, 4) and with ' apis-
cor' (6. 45, 6' is peculiar to Tacitus.
The construction, which is analogous to
that of ' potior,' is apparently taken from
that of rv-^xaviiv.

per annos centum. On this and
other principal forms of the luxury of this
whole period, the fullest information is
to be lound in Fricdl. Sitteng. iii. ch. i.

3. exerciti . . . exolevere. ' were
practised, but have since gradually gone
out of fashion.' Two distinct statements
are here condensed for brevity : cp. ' per-
empti . . ■ retinent' 4. 35, 3, and several
other instances given here by Nipp.

causas. It will be seen that Taci-
tus puts forward three traceable causes.
(i) The ruin, or tiie gradually enforced
moderation, of old rich families. (2) The
introduction of new senators of simple
habits from the Italian towns or from
the provinces. (3 The example of Ves-
pasian. After these he suggests a fourth
explanation of a fatalist character, that
theie are cycles of moral changes, as of
the seasons ; m other words, that there
are causes of which the action is not
traceable see Introd. iv. p. 31).

5. prolabebantur. The metajihori^cp.
I. 31, 3 ; 3. 10, 2 ; 4. 18, 2, &c.) is from
persons slipping their footing and unable
to recover themselves. Drager compares
' cupiditate prolapsos ' Cic. Att. i. 17, y;
' cupiditate rcgni prolapsus' Liv. 40. 23,
8. 'Ohm' IS perhaps best taken with
'prolabebantur'; so as to refer, like

' etiam tum,' to the earlier part of the
century indicated.

plebem, especially in the time of
Augustus, before the abolition of the
comitia \i. 15, T).

6. socios, the provincial subjects.
regna, the tributary kingdoms, and

especially their kings, such as those of
Judaea, Cappadocia, Mauretania, Thrace,
et coli, sc. ' ab iis.' Temples were
erected in the provinces to jjroconsuls
under Augustas (Suet. Aug. 52), as under
the Republic. Nipp. notes the games
held at Mylasa in honour of C. Marcius
Censorinus, proconsul of Asia, who is
styled aaiTTjp kul fvfpytTTjs.

7. paratu: cfp. c. 52, 2.

per nomen. The sentence seems to
involve the tautology of speaking of a
person as being ' reputed more illustrious
through his reputation.' We can, how-
ever, explain " inlustrior habebatur ' to
mean ' he was sustained in a more dis-
tinguished position' : cp. i. 73, 2.

8. postquam caedibus saevitum.
This applies especially to the reign of
terror in the later years of Tiberius, and
that under Gains and Nero.

magnitudo famae, referring to ' no-
mtn ' above.

9. ceteri, ' the survivors. ' On the
danger of wealth in perilous times see
Juv. 10, 15, &c.

e municipiis et coloniis. The use
of these terms by Tacitus to denote spe-
cially the towns of Italy (see note on i.
79, i) makes tlie antithesis in 'provinciis'
sufficiently plain, though the provinces
also contained towns of colonial or muni-
cipal rank. For the selection of senators
by Julius Caesar see .Suet. Jul. 76, 80.
An inscription (C. I. L. ix. 3306 records
in the lime of Augustus the first I'ae-
lignian senator, and Tiberius admitted
many from Italian towns (Or. Claud.

458

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U. C. 775.

piis et coloniisatque etiam provinciis in senatum crebro adsumpti
domesticam parsimoniam intulerunt, ct quamquam fortuna vel
industria plerique pecuniosam ad senectam pervcnirent, mansit
tamen prior animus, sed praecipuus adstricti moris auctor Ves- 5

5 pasianus fuit, antique ipse cultu victuquc. obscquium inde in
principem ct aemulandi amor validior quam poena ex legibus et
metus. nisi forte rebus cunctis inest quidam velut orbis, ut 6
quem ad modum temporum vices, ita morum vertantur; nee
omnia apud priores meliora, sed nostra quoque actas multa

10 laudis et artium imitanda posteris tulit. verum haec nobis ///
maiores certamina ex honesto maneant.

56. Tiberius fama modcrationis parta, quod ingruentis accu-
satores rcpresserat, mittit litteras ad senatum, quis potestatem

10. in add. L and Vertran., erga add. R, [maiores] Schneidewin,

li. 2). For the action of Claudius see
II, 25, I, for that of Vespasian Suet.
Vesp. 9, and generally Slaatsr. iii.
876. In 822, A.D. 69, Otho i^H. X. 84.
6) calls the senate 'decora omnium pru-
vinciarum.'

2. domesticam parsimoniam. The
' provincialis parsimonia' of Massilia is
mentioned in Agr. 4, 3 : cp. also 16. 5, i.

4. adstricti moris : cp. ' astrictus
pater' Prop. 3. 17, 18, ' astricta parsi-
monia ' Just. 44, 2.

Vespasianus. He was a ' novus
homo' from Reate (Suet. Vesp. i, 2),
and his parsimony is proverbial. Other
instances of the influence of the princeps
on manners are given in Friedl. i. p. 68.

7. nisi forte. The explanation thus
suggested is probably that which com-
mended itself moit to Tacitus, and re-
sembles that which Plato (Rep. 546, A)
offers for the alternation of barren and
fertile ages of human intellect.

quidam velut, so joined in Dial. 5,
3 ■> 3O; 3 ; 33' i> "^c., to soften (as either
word alone might) a figurative expres-
sion : cp. ' quasi . . . quandam ' Cic. Lael.
13, 48. So ' orbis' ill Sen. Ep. 108, 20.

8. quem ad modum : cp. 6. 24, 3 ;
Dial. 33, 2. In such clauses Tacitus
much oftener uses ' quomodo ' : see on

4- 3.=;, 4-

9. nostra . . . aetas, i. e. that of Trajan.
multa laudis et artium, ' many

examples of noble character and talent ' :
' artes ' are here used for the ' bonae artes'
of 2. 73, 4, &c. In H. 1 . 3, 3, he similarly

describes the age as not wholly 'virtutum
sterile.'

10. haec nobis in maiores certa-
mina. Most editors read thus. The
construction ' certamen in aliquem ' is
nowhere found ; the nearest parallel in
Tacitus being ' ambitio in posteros' (6.
46, 4), and other uses of ' in' with the
sense of 'in relation to' (cp. 4. 11, 2;
12. 6, 5; Introd. v. § 60 bj ; a meaning
perhaps suitable to such a tigure as that
of a contest between those who are of
different generations. Joh. Midler (Heitr.
3. p. 34) suggests that 'maiores' may
have been the corruption of ' animorum ' ;
'ceitamen animorum' being, though
hardly in the same sense, a frequent
phrase in Livy (2. 59, i ; 4. 56, 9, &c.)-
For other alterations see NN'alther and
Baiter on Orelli.

11. ex honesto,' sc. 'orta'; 'honour-
able rivalries.'

12. fama moderationis parta. It is
of course insinuated that he utilized the
credit thus obtained for moderation to
push this request. By associating Drusus
in the tribunician power, he would be
seen to aim at making the succession to
the principate hereditary.

ingruentis, i. e. those who would have
seized the opportunity, if strict enlorce-
ment of sumjituary laws bad been enjoined.

13. potestatem tribuniciara, i.e. to
be associated in that power with himself:
CJJ- I. 3, 3; Introd. vi. p. 98. On the
coins attesting the possession of this
power by Drusus, see Introd. 'i. p. 10.

A.D. 22.]

LIBER III. CAP. 55, 56.

459

2 tribuniciam Druso pctebat. id surnmi fastii^ii V'ocabulum Au-
<justus reppcrit, ne regis aut tlictatoris nomcn adsumcret ac

3 tamen appellatione aliqua cetera impcria praemineret. Marcum
deinde Agrippam socium cius potestatis, quo dcfuncto Tiberium

4: Neronem delegit, ne successor in incerto foret. sic cohiberi 5
pravas aliorum spes rebatur ; simul modestiae Neronis et suae

5 magnitudini fidcbat. quo tunc exemplo Tiberius Drusum sum-
mae rei admovit, cum incolunii Germanico integrum inter duos

6 iudicium tenuisset. sed principio litterarum veneratus deos, ut
consilia sua rei publicae prosperarent, modica de moribus adu- 10

7 lescentis neque in falsum aucta rettulit. esse illi coniugem et
tres liberos eamque aetatem, qua ipse quondam a divo Augusto

8. admouet: text Halm.

1. summi fastigii : cp. 13. 17, 5 ; 14.

54, 5, &c.

Augustus repperit. Julius Caesar,
according to Dio ,42. 20, 3J, had tribu-
nician power for life, is iX-ndv, i.e. in sub-
stance without a formal title >/ vocabu-
lum,' cp. T. 2, 2, &c.). Nor did Augustus
bear the title until 731, B.C. 23, though
he had in some form held the power long
previously : see Introd. vi. p. 76.

2. ne regis, &c. : cp. i. 9, 6. Augus-
tus states (Mon. Anc. Gr. iii. 2-9) that
he refused a formal offer, both of the dic-
tatorship, and of the consulship annually
or for life, in 732, B.C. 22.

3. praemineret. The verb is of post-
Augustan use only, except in .Sail. Fr. II.
2. 85 D, 83 K, 50 G ; where it takes an
accus. as in the Annals (12. 12, i; 33,
I ; 15, 34, 3), analogously to ' praecello,'
' praesideo,' &c.

Marcum Agrippam : see Introd. ix.
note 4. He held the tribunician power
from 736, B.C. 18 (Dio, 54. 12, 28), till
his death six years later. The only titular
recognition of it in his case appears to be
found in a Greek and Latin inscription of
Laconia (C. I. G. 1299; Henzen 5367).

4. Tiberium Neronem. He did not
succeed to this power immediately on the
death of Agrippa, but six years later, in
748, B.C. 6 (Dio, 55. 9, 4\ and held it
for five years ; after which Augustus made
no appointment, apparently reserving it
for his grandson Gaius, till Tiberius was
reappointed on his adoption (see Introd.
viii. p. 134). All these years of his tenure
of the power are reckoned in his inscrip-
tions (see Introd. ix. note 28).

e. delegit. For the position of the verb
in the second instead of tiie first clause
cp. ' labefecit' 6. 29, 5, ' iussit ' 13. 15, 3,
' vcni' H. I. 83, 2.

ne successor, &c. Tacitus appears
here to attribute to the association in
this power a significance which it did not
at that early time possess, and which
seems precluded by the limited time for
which the power was commonly given.
It is evident that Augustus could only
have contemplated Agrippa or Tiberius
as successors in the event of a sudden
vacancy, his hopes during all this period
being centred on Gaius and Lucius Introd.
viii. p. 135).

in incerto : cp. c. 69, 5 ; 6. 45, 5,
&c. ; Introd. v. § 60 a.

6. modestiae Neronis: cp. i. 11, i :
i.e. he could not fear that Nero would
aim at an\ dangerous rivalry with him-
self.

7. summae rei admovit, i. e. desig-
nated him as successor : see above. With
' tunc ' we should e.xpect a past tense, but
many retain the present.

8. integrum . . . iudicium : cp. c.
8, 2.

10. prosperarent, a woid used espe-
cially in prayer, as in H. 4. 53, 3 ; Liv.
S. 9, 7 ; Hor. Carm. Saec. iS.

12. aetatem. From the known age of
Tiberius at the date referred to, it may be
inferred that Drusus was in his thirty-fifth
year. His birthday was on the seventh
of October Henzen, Inscr. 5359^ and the
year of his birth would appear to have
been 740 or 741, B.C. 14 or 13.

460

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 775,

ad capessendum hoc munus vocatus sit. neque nunc propere. 8
sed per octo annos capto experiinento, compressis seditionibus,
compositis bellis, triumphalem et bis consulem noti laboris
participem sumi.
5 57. Praeceperant animis orationem patres, quo quaesitior
adulatio fuit. ncc tamen repertum nisi ut effigies principum, 2
aras deum, templa et arcus aliaque solita censerent, nisi quod
M. Silanus ex contumelia consulatus honorem principibus petivit
dixitque pro sententia, ut publicis privatisve monimentis ad me-

10 moriam temporum non consulum nomina praescriberentur, sed
eorum qui tribuniciam potestatem gererent. at Q. Haterius cum 3
eius diei senatus consulta aureis litteris figenda in curia censuis-
set, deridiculo fuit senex foedissimae adulationis tantum infamia
usurus.

15 58. Inter quae provincia Africa lunio Blaeso prorogata, Ser-
vius Maluginensis flamen Dialis ut Asiam sorte haberet postu-
lavit, frustra vulgatum dictitans non licere Dialibus egredi Italia,

II. atque haterius : text L.

2. per octo annos, i. e. since his ser-
vice in 767, A. IJ. 14.

seditionibus: cp. i. 24, &c.

3. bellis : cp. 2. 44 ; 62.
triumphalem: cp. c. 19, i.

bis consulem : cp. i. 55, i ; c. 31, i.

5. Praeceperant, ' had anticipated ' :
cp. I. 55, I ; 2. 35, 3. Here it is ex-
plained by ' animis." The purport of his
letter had got wind, and they had studied
their compliments : cp. ' pugnam . . . fu-
turam praeceperat ammo' Liv. 38. 20, i.

orationem. Mommsen iStaatsr ii.
p. S1J9) notes that the use of this term of
a written communication (cp. 'litteras'
c. 56, I, 'missa . . . oratione' 16. 7, 3)
shows that Caesar was treated as present,
when he thus made a ' relatio.'

quaesitior adulatio, ' more studied ' ;
repeated 12. 26, i : cp. c. 26. 4 ; 5. 3, 3,
&c.

7. nisi quod, l^rager notes as a rare
negligence (cp. Dial. 21,6) the sequence
of this clause on another with 'nisi ui.'

8. M. Silanus: see on c. 24, 5.

9. publicis privatisve, ' on all re-
cords, whethei public or private.' This
use of ' ve ' is noticed by Walther as fre-
quent in laws, decrees, &c. This ' sen-
tentia ' must have dropped unheeded, as
the year continues to be designated by its

consuls. On the use of the years of an
emperor's tribunician power as a reckon-
ing of those of his rule, see Slaatsr ii. 796.

11. at Q,. Haterius. The ])raenomen
is retjuued to distinguish this Haterius
(cp. I. 13, 4; 2. 33, I ; 4. 61. i) from
D. Haterius Agrippa (c. 52, i, &c.).

12. aureis litteris, i.e. on a golden
tablet. By an approach to this extrava-
gance, Nero's opening speech was en-
graved is dpyvpav ottjKtjv (^Dio, 61. 3).

13. deridiculo: cp. 'per deridiculum'
6. 2, 2 ; us( d differently in 12.49, '> ^''''^"
where mostly adjectively. Here it is ex-
plained by ' senex ' : he was so old that
he could have nothing to get by his ser-
vility but the disgrace of it.

14. usurus : cp. 4. 39, 5, and other
sucli uses of participles (Introd. v. § 54 d\

15. Blaeso: cp c. 3.^, 1 ; 7-'> ^•
Servius Maluginensis. His full

name is given in the Fasti (C. I. L. i.
p. 550J as Ser. Cornelius, Cn. 1., Cn. n.,
Lenlulus Maluginensis, consul with Blae-
sus in 7'i3, A. U. 10. His death is men-
tioned in 4. 16, I.

16. sorte, used as in c. 32, 2; there
being really no lot to be cast, as Africa
was disposed of.

17. frustra: cp. 1.30,3. 'The general
opinion was groundlt^ss.'

A.D. 22.]

LIBER in. CAP. 56-59.

461

neque aliud iu.s suum quam Martialium Quirinaliumque flami-
num : porro, si hi duxissent provincias, cur Dialibus id vetitum ?
nulla de eo populi scita, non in libris caerimoniarum reperiri.

2 saepe pontifices Dialia sacra fecisse, si flanien valetudine aut
munerc publico impediretur. quinque et scptuaginta annis post 5
Cornelii Merulae caedem neniinem sufTcctum, neque taincn ces-

3 savisse religiones. quod si per tot annos possit non creari nuUo
sacrorum damno, quanto facilius afuturum ad unius anni procon-

4 sulare impcrium ? privatis olim simultatibus effectum, ut a pon-
tificibus maximis ire in provincias prohiberentur : nunc deuin 10
munere summum pontificum etiam summuni hominum esse, non
aeinulationi, non odio aut privatis adfectionibus obnoxium.

59. Adversus quae cum augur Lentulus aliique varie dissere-

2. sibi : bi hi B.
and Faern.

duobiis : text Lachmann.

12. aemulatione : text Mur.

2. si hi duxissent provincias, sc.

' sorte.' Marquardt i,Staatsv. iii. p. 332
notes that these flamines also were by old
custom (Liv. 24. 8, lo"! confined to Rome,
and were often inhibited by the chief
pontiff from expeditions (Liv. Kpit. 19;
37. 51, I ; Cic. Phil. II. 8, 18); but the
rule was now more lax (see note on c.
66, 2V The pontifex maximus had never
left Italy before 623, l;. c. 131 (Liv. Epit.

59)-

3. populi scita. Such would be
strictly • leges,' as shown by the formula
' populus iure scivit ' Cic. I'hil. i. 10, 26;
elsewhere Cic. de Opt. Gen. Or. 7, 19;
Nep. Ar. 1,5; Ale. 5, 4) this expre-^sion
is a special term for the Athenian iprjipia-
liarn. Tacitus may have used it here as
a wide term to include both ' Icf^es ' and
' plebiscita,' the former especially, as this
old patrician office (tp. 4. 16, 2 had re-
ceived iis regulations before plebiscites
were kuown. The reason for the nbsence
of express enactment would be that the
flanien was kept in Rome by the nature
and duties of his office.

reperiri. A point placed after this word
in the MS. is thought by Pfitzner (p. 21)
to indicate the loss of one or more words ;
but none are needed to complete the
sense, as 'id 'can be supplied froin ' de
eo,' and explained from 'id vetitum'
above. Joh. Miiller (Heitr. 3. p. 36)
notices other omissions of subject or ob-
ject for Conciseness, as with 'audiverat'
4. 54, 2, ' additae sunt ' ii. 14, 4, ' accitos '
II. 24, 2, ' miserat ' 12. 11, i .

5. quinque et septuaginta. From
the suicide of Merula at the return of
Mariusand Cinna, in 667. B.C. 87, seventy-
five com]>lete \ears intervened before the
cieatioii of another flimen bv Augustus
in 743. B. c. II (Dio. 54. 36, ij. Some re-
tain the Med. text as an error of Tacitus ;
but that it is more likely to be due to
the copyist would appear from the case
with which ' ii ' and ' v' or ' u ' might be
confused.

11. summum pontificum, &c. From
the time when Augustus had assumed
that office in 742, B.C. 12, it continued
to be held by the princeps till tlie latter
part of the fourth century, being found
in inscriptions of even Christian emperors
as late as Valentinian L and Gratian
(Inscr. Orell. 1 117, 11 18); soon after
w hich time the title was assumed by the
bishops of Rome. See Staatsr. ii. 1 106-
1108. The election of Tiberius did not
tnke place till March 10, 76.S, a. D. 15
^Kal. Prat n. see Orell. ii. p. 386).

12. obnoxium: cp. c. 34. 5.

13. augur Lentulus. This person is
constantly thus designated in the Fasti
and elsewhere (cp. Mon. Anc. iii. 23), to
distinguish him from other l.entuli, such
a- the one mentioned in I. 27, i, &c. His
full name is Cii. Cornelius Cn. f. Lentulus.
He was consul in 740, B.C. 14, proconsul
of Asia in 753, B.C. i (C. L G. 2943),
magister Arvalium in 767, A. D. 14 (C. L
L. vi. I, 2023 a, i). It appears from
Seneca (de Ben. 2. 27, i) that he was
extiemely rich (see Introd. vii. p. loij.

462

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 775.

rent, eo decursum est ut pontificis maximi sententiam opperi-
rentur. Tiberius dilata notione de iure flaminis, decretas ob 2
tribuniciam Drusi potestatem caerimonias tcmperavit, nominatim
arguens insolentiam sententiae aureasque litteras contra patrium

5 morem. recitatae et Drusi epistulae quamquam ad modestiam 3
flexae pro superbissimis accipiuntur, hue decidissecuncta, ut ne
iuvenis quidem tanto honore accepto adiret urbis deos, ingre-
deretur senatum, auspicia saltern gentile apud solum inciperet.
bellum scilicet aut diverso terrarum distineri. litora et lacus Cam- 4

10 paniae cum maxime peragrantem. sic imbui rectorem generis 5
humani, id primum e paternis consiliis discere. sane gravaretur 6
aspectum civium senex imperator fessamque aetatem et actos

2. delata.

9. bello L, hello eiim Pichena.

miserly, and stupid ; and from Suetonius
(Tib. 49) that he committed suicide from
weariness of life, making Tiberius his
heir.

1 . decursum ; so often in Livy (e. g.
22. 31, 10; 26. 18, 4), as also 'decurritur'
(Id. and Caes).

2. dilata notione. The answer is
given in c. 71, 3. 'Notio' is used for
'cognitio' by Cicero (ad Alt. 11. 20, 2;
de Leg. Agr. 2. 21, 57; pro Dom. 13,
54) : cp. 'noscere' for ' cognoscere ' (12.
60, 3).

3. caerimonias, apparently applied
here to the altars an<l temples mentioned
in c. 57, 2, the vote of which was prob-
ably cancelled, as well as that part of the
decree more specifically cenNUied.

4. insolentiam . . . aureasque litte-
ras. The latter clause explains the ' in-
sojentia,' and the whole forms thus a
hendiadys (Introd. v. § 76): cp. ' car-
mina et devotiones' 2. 69, 5. Miiller
(Beitr. p. 37 thinks that * Silanianae '
may have dropped out before 'senten-
tiam,' but no such addition is needed.

c,. ad modestiam flexae, 'with
studied expressions of deference': cp.
' flexo in maestitiam ore' c. 16, 3.

6. pro superbissimis. This offence
was taken at his addressing them by
letter at all, instead of in jx^rson.

hue decidisse cuncta, ' things have
come to such a pasj ' : cp. ' eo decidit ut
exsul . . . fieret ' I'l. Kpp. 4. 1 1, i, &c.

8. auspicia . . . inciperet. Compare
the description in Livy (21. 63, 7 ; 22.1,
6) of the feeling roused by the conduct of

C. Flaminius on assuming the consulship.
It might appear hence that the tribunician
power was assumed ' auspicato,' but
Mommsen (Staatsr. ii. 792, n. 3) con-
siders the expression here a figure of
speech.

gentile solum, ' his fatherland ' : cp.
'gentiles nationes' (= 'the ]ieople of
his birthplace') 11. i, 2, and note on 6.

32, 5-

9. bellum scilicet: 'e.'^se is to be
supplied, as in ' parum subsidii ' 2. 4,4,
' neque enim societatem' H. 4. 14, 4. Prob-
ably here the construction is designedly
exclamatt)ry.

diverso terrarum. On ' diversus ' cp.

1. 17, 5, &c. ; on the genit., Introd. v.
§ 32 a.

10. cum maxime, 'just now' \vvv yt
IMXiffTa). This phrase is used in 4. 27,

2, and in several places in the Histories,
&c., also in Cic. (Off. 2. 7, 23, &c.), Liv.
(40. 32, I, &c.), and others. A fuller
form is ' nunc cum maxime,' and the
phrase is a modification of ' nunc ut cum
maxime' (cp. Ter. Hec. i. 2, 40), which
means ' now especially.' For a full
discussion see Hand, Turs. iii. p. 599,
foil.

imbui, 'was being instructed': cp.
12. 32, 5 ; H. ?. 5, 4, &c.

11. gravaretur, with accus., as in 5.
8, 3 ; H. 2. 20, 2: the usage appears
first in Hor. (Od. 4. 11, 27), thence
in Sen., &c. : ' sane,' concessively, as in
c. 5, 4, &c.

12. fessam aetatem : cp. i. 46, 3, &c.

A.D. 22.]

LIBER III. CAP. 59, 60.

463

labores practcnderet : Druso quod nisi ex adrogantia impcdi-
mentum ?

60. Scd Tiberius, vim principatus sibi firmans, imaginem
antiquitatis senatui pracbcbat, postulata provinciarum ad disqui-

2 sitionem patrum mittcndo. crebrescebat enim Graecas per 5
urbes licentia atque impunitas asyla statuendi ; conplcbantur
templa pessimis servitiorum ; eodem subsidio obaerati advcrsum

3 creditorcs suspcctique capitalium criminum receptabantur. nee
ullum satis validum impcrium erat coercendis seditionibus populi,

4 flagitia hominum ut caerimonias deum protegentis. igitur pla- 10

5 citum ut mitterent civitates iura atque legates, et quaedam
quod falso usurpaverant sponte omisere ; multae vetustis super-

6 stitionibus aut meritis in populum Romanum fidebant. magna-
que eius diei species fuit, quo senatus maiorum beneficia, soci-
orum pacta, regum etiam qui ante vim Romanam valuerant 15
decreta ipsorumque numinum religiones introspexit, libero, ut
quondam, quid firmaret mutarctve.

10. protegentes : text R.

3. vim . . . sibi flrmans. Kitter un-
derstands thii of the association of Drusus
in the tribunician power, but it may
equally refer to the stability given to the
constitution by this show of power left
to the senate. See Introd. vi. p. 92.

imaginem : cp. 'imago reipublicae'
13. 2S, I, &c.

4. postulata provinciarum. The old
function of the senate in this respect is
described by Polybius (6. 13, 7). That
here left to them concerns their own pro-
vinces only ; the deputations mentioned
in the three next chapters, and in 4. 14,
1-3, being from Asia, Cyprus, and Crete :
see also 13. 4, 3.

6. licentia atque impunitas, probably
hendiadys, ' unchecked licence.' Nipp.
takes ' impunitas ' here and in H. 2. 69, i,
to mean ' insolence.'

asyla statuendi. On the correspond-
ing practice at Rome cp. c. 36, i.

conplebantur, &c. Three classes
are mentioned as using these 'asyla,'
(i runaway slaves; (2) debtors; (3)
criminals.

7. subsidio, 'place of refuge'; so
c. 36, 2 ; 4. 67, 2 ; 5. 8, I.

8. receptabantur, used in prose only
here and Li v. 5. 8, 2.

9. validum, with gerundive dat., as

in c 10, 4. The 'seditiones' spoken of
would be those raised by any attempt to
restrain the abuse of sanctuary.

10. flagitia . . . protegentis, ' protect-
ing human outrage no less than religious
observances.' The antithesis is hardly
as pointed as it seems, for ' hominum ' is
a subjective and ' dcum ' an objective
genitive. The pi. 'caerimoniae ' appears
to be sometimes equivalent to 'ressacrae,'
as in the phrase ' habere aliquid in caeri-
moniis ' Pi. N. H. 37. 7, 28, 100), and is
by some so explained in H. i. 43, 2, 'in
contubernio (aedis Vestaei abditus non
religione nee caerimoniis sed latebra im-
minens exilium differebat.' Such may
possibly be its meaning here, but that
given above is more in accordance with
its general use: see i. 54, i ; 62, 3, &c. ;
Gerber und Greef, Lex. s. v.

1 1, iura, ' charters ' or ' documents,' to
prove their right to these asyla. The
word appears to be here alone thus
used.

14. beneficia, 'privileges granted.'

1 5. pacta = ' foedera.'

16. libero, here alone thus used in abl.
abs. : cp. Introd. v. § 31, b. For the
sense cp. 'libera coniectura' (Liv. 4.
20, II) and ' liberum est' .Quint. 6. 3,
112).

464

p. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 775.

61. Primi omnium Ephesii adiere, memorantes non, ut valgus
crederct, Dianam atque ApoUincm Delo genitos : esse apud se
Cenchreum amnem, lucum Ortygiam, ubi Latonam partu gra-
vidam et oleae, quae tuin etiam maneat, adnisam edidisse ea

5 numina, deorumque monitu sacratum nemiis. atque ipsum illic 2
Apollinem post interfectos Cyclopas lovis iram vitavisse. mox
Liberum patrem, bello victorem, supplicibus Amazonum, quae
aram insederant, ignovisse. auctam hinc concessu Herculis, cum 3
Lydia poteretur, caerimoniam templo, neque Persarum dicione ■

10 deminutum ius ; post Macedonas, dein nos servavisse.

62. Proximi hos Magnetes L. Scipionis et L. Sullae consti-

2. in Delo Bezzenb. 3. Cenchrium B. locum : text L. 8. insiderant : text

B. II. proximo snagnetes : proximo Magnetes B, proximi M. Freinsh., text Wurm.

1. Ephesii. Their asylum is described
by Strabo (,14. i, 23. 64IJ as having al-
ways existed, but with various changes
of boundary : see below, § 3.

2. Delo. Such ablatives of place
are used with much freedom by Tacitus:
cp. ' saxo Seripho' 4. 21, 5, and other
instances in Introd. v. § 25, and many
collected here by Xipp.

3. Csnchreum amnem, lucum Orty-
giaru. btrabo (14. i, 20, 639; describes
the situation of this grove, with this
stream running through it, as just above
the sea, and gives the legend as here
stated. ' Cenchrium ' is adapted to the
form in Strabo and ni Pausanias 1,7. 5,
10!, but an epigram (see Baiter) gives llie
form K«7x/)«os, for which e (_cp. ' Dareo '
c. 63, 5 would be equivalent.

Ortygiam, i. e. ' the quail -land,'
well known as a name of Delos (Verg.
Aen. 3, 72, &c.), also as that of the island
forming the acropolis of .Syracuse.

4. turn etiam, at the day on which
they were speaking ; answering to ' nunc '
in ' oratio recta' : cp. 6. 21, 3, and ' tunc '
14. 35, 1 ; 16. 3, 2.

adnisam : ' adnixus,' with dat., has
often this sense in Vergil, as Aen. 4, 690 ;
9, 229 ; 12, 92.

6. post interfectos Cyclopas. For
the general form of this legend see Eur.
Alccstis, 3 8, Sic

7. Liberum patrem, &c. Dionysus,
accoidmg to one legend (1 hit. Quaest.
Gr. S|6 , pursued the Amazons from Kplie-
sus to Samos and there slew them ; ac-
cording to another JJiod. 3. 71, &c.),
united with them against the Titans. The
legend of Amazons in Western Asia is

found in Homer (11. 3, 189; 6, 186).
Pindar, according to Pausanias ''^J . 2, "j ),
nscribed to them the foundation of the
Ephesian temple ; another legend (see 4.
56, i) makes an Amazon li>undrcss of
Smyrna. The Attic legend respectmg
them iHdt. 9. 27, ~,, &c.) is famous Irom
its representations in art.

8. aram ins;derant, herp equivalent
to the Greek KaOi^eaOai knl tovs ^cufiovs
Thuc. 3. 28, 2. ike. Halm is inconsistent
in retaining the 'i' form of tliis perfect
here and not in 16. 27, i. Elsewhere the
MSS. have always the ' e ' form : cp. I. 30,
5. On the indie, see Introd. v. § 49.

cum Lydia poteretur. Most legends
represent Heracles in Lydia as the slave
of Omphale : cp. .Soph. Trach. 248, &c.

9. caerimoniam, 'sanctity'; so in 4.
64, 5 ; 14. 22, 6. This sense, restricted
to tlie singular, is also found in 'caeri-
monia deorum ' (Cues. ap. Suet. Jul. 6),
' legationis ' ;Cic. Rose. Amer. 39, 113),
and is akin to that of the pi. noted on
c. 60, 3.

dicione, abl. of time: cj). Introd. v. § 26.

10. post Macedonas, dein nos. Strabo
states (14. 1, 23,641 I that .Alexander had
made the asylum extend for a stadium
r(.>und the temple ; that Mithriiiales had
somewhat enlaiged it by making the limit
a bowshot ; that Antonius had so ex-
tended it as to include part of the city;
and that Augustus, in conseciuence of
increased abuses, iiad cuitailed it. The
TTtpi^oAiS as fixed by him, and dated by
inscriptions styling him cos. xii. trib. pot.
xviii. (749, 11. c. 5), has been discovered
(see Wood, Ephesns. Append, p. 2).

II. Proximi hos. The construction is

A. D. 22.]

LIBER III. CAP. 6 1, 62.

465

tutis nitebantur, quorum ille Antiocho, hie Mithridate pulsis
fidem atque virtutem Magnetum decoravere, uti Dianae Leuco-

2 phrynac perfugium inviolabile foret. Aphrodisienses posthac et
Stratoniccnses dictatoris Caesaris ob vetusta in partis merita et
recens divi Augusti decretum adtulere, laudati quod Parthorum 5
inruptionem nihil mutata in populum Romanum constantia per-

3 tulissent. sed Aphrodisicnsium civitas Veneris, Stratonicensium

4 lovis et Triviae religionem tuebantur. allius Hierocaesarienses

2. leucophine : Leucophrj-enae B, text L.

that found in 15. 15, 6, and in Plaut.,
Caes., and I iv.

Magnetes. Magnesia near the
Maeander is meant, as distinct from
Magnesia 'a Sipylu ' (2. 47, 4); with
which Pausanias (i. 20, 5) appears to
confoimd it. It lay a little north of the
Maennder on a tributary stream, on the
site of Inekbazar. It appears from 4. 55,
3 to have become an insignificant town.

1. Antiocho . . . Mithridate. This
city, with Tralles and Ephesus, took the
lead in joining the Romans after the
defeat of Antiochus in 564, B. c. 190
(Liv. 37. 45, I , and alone in Asia held
out for Rome against Mithridates in 666,
B.C. 8S (Id. Epit. 81).

pulsis. For the use of the plural
here and in ' decoravere ' Urager com-
pares ' verterent' 6. 46, 3; 'travecti sunt'
12. 41, 3; 'acceperant' 14. 53, 3, &c.

2. decoravere, ' honoured by the
grant.'

Leucophrynae. The form hereadopted
is supported by coins (Mionnet, iii. 146,
&c.). The form ' Leucophryenae ' ap-
pears to have equal support from inscrip-
tions (C. I. G. 2914 a, &c.\ and from
Strabo (14. i, 40, 647' and Pausanias
(3. 18, 9). The temple was named from
Leucoplirys, an older town on the site of
Magnesia, and is described by Strabo
(1.1.; as remarkable among all temples in
Asia for its symmetry and beauty, and as
in size surpassed only by those at Kphesus
and Didymi. Remains of it still exist :
see Texier and Pull.nn, Asia Minor,

3. Aphrodisienses, Aphrodisias, in
Caria (PI. N. H. 5. 28. 29, 104', or Phrygia
(Strab. 12. 8, 13, 57'^! , at the present
Gheira, a little S. W. of Laodiceia. Fifteen
columns of its beautiful Ionic temple are
still standing: see Fellows, Lycia, p. 33 ;
Texier and Pullan, PI. xxvi-xxxii.

4. Stratonicenses, Stratoniceia in
Caria, called after the wife of Antiochus
Soter (.Strab. 14. 2, 25, 660). It was situ-
ated at Eskihissar near Mylasa, where
considerable remains of it exist. The con-
struction is here concise even to ambiguity,
as the decree of the dictator relates to
Aphrodisins, and that of Augustus to
StratonicL-ia.

dictatoris Caesaris. An extant
inscription C. I. G. 2737 a) records the
confirmation of this decree {imKptfjia) by
the senate and by Antonius, cir. 715-719,
B. C. 39 35. Orelli quotes it in part here.

5. divi Augusti decretum ; also men-
tioned in an inscription (C. I. G. 2715).
The following words give its purport.

Parthorum inruptionem. The oc-
casion mentioned is that of the joint
invasion of Q. Labienus and Pacorus in
714, B.C. 40. The latter remained in
Syria, but the former pushed on through
Cilicia and carried all before him, and
encountered no successful resistance in
Asia except from this city ! Dio, 48. 26, 3).
Stratoniceia appears to have been a free
city (Plin. N. H. 5. 29, 109), probably as
a reward for this fidelity.

7. sed. The return from a digression
is olten thus marked : cp. i. 74, 3, &c.

8. lovis et Triviae. The inscription
above mentioned (cp. also C I. G. 2720^
associat es the names LAi(jfToi)n]avj7^t[^/ot;
Ktii 'E«]dT7;s. Strabo 1. 1.) mentions as
the two temples of Stratoniceia that of
Hecate Ui/ Aayivoii) and a temple to
Zeus Chrj'saoreus, outside the city, com-
mon to all the Carians. This, as Nipp.
shows, must be distinct from the one here
mentioned, which, as being not locally
separate from that of Hecate, is not dis-
tinctly noticed by Strabo.

altius . . . exposuere, ' showed a
claim of more remote date.' For an
analogous phrase cp. c. 25, 3.

466

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 775-

exposuere, Persicam apud se Dianam, delubrum rege Cyro
dicatum ; et memorabantur Perpennae, Isaurici multaque alia
imperatorum nomina, qui non modo templo sed duobus milibus
passuum eandem sanctitatem tribuerant. exim Cyprii tribus de 5

5 delubris, quorum vetustissimum Paphiae Veneri auctor Aerias.
post filius eius Amathus Veneri Amathusiae et lovi Salaminio
Teucer, Telamonis patris ira profufrus, posuissent.

63. Auditae aliarum quoque civitatium legationes. quorum 2
copia fessi patres, et quia studiis certabatur, consulibus permisere,

10 ut perspecto iure, et si qua iniquitas involveretur, rem integram

4. de ins. Bezzenberger. 8. civitatium : so 4. 14, i and three times in Med. ii.

Hierocaesarienses, Hierocaesarea in
Lydia between Sardis and Smyrna.

1. Persicam . . . Dianam, the Ar-
temis Anaitis of Pausanias (3. 16, 8);
who also describes (5. 27, 5') a Persian or
Magian ritual kept up in his time at this
city and Hypnepa. This Lydian goddess
claimed affinity with the Tauric Artemis,
and had probably the same attributes as
the E]>hesian Artemis, whether of Arian
or Semitic origin : see Nipp.

rege Cyro = ' regnante Cyro ' : cp.
' principe Augusto' c. 71, 3.

2. Perpennae. M. Pcrpenna or Per-
pema, consul in 624, B.C. 130, was the
conc|ueror and captor of Aristonicus of
Pergamum : see 4. 55, 2.

Isaurici. We should suppose the
first and best known of the name to be
intended : but Borghesi (\. 306) points
out that the proconsulate of Asia was
never held by him, but by his son P.
Servilius Isauricus, cos. 706, B. C. 48, who
had that province in 708, B.C. 4'^ (Cic. ad
Fam. 13. 68, &c.).

3. duobus milibus passuum. a space
of two Roman miles in each direction
from it.

4. Cyprii. Cyprus, annexed in 696,
B.C. 58, and for some time held with
Cilicia,wasamongthe provinces originally
taken in hand liy Augustus (Dio, 53. 12,
7), but was made over to the senate in
732, B.C. 22, and governed by proconsuls
of praetorian rank, residing at new Paphos
(Acts 1 3. 6, 7), now Baffa : see Marquardt,
i. 392.

tribus de delubris. The prep, can
easily have dropped out before ' delubris,'
and 'exposuere' can be supplied. The
reference in ' exim ' would seem to lie
rather to the sentences marked by ' primi,'

' proximi,' and 'posthac'; but the con-
struction thus suggested, that of supplying
' adiere,' and taking 'tribus delubris ' as
abl. abs. or dat., seems impossible.

5. quorum, &c. This sentence again
is somewhat obscure from the attempt to
combine concisely the mention of tlie
locality of the three temples, the worship
to which they were dedicated, and the
names of their founders. It is imjilied
that the first was situated at old Paphos
CKukla), the second at Amathus (old
I-imasol\ the third at Salamis (Costanza,
near Famagousta).

Paphiae Veneri. On this temple,
and on Aerias, cp. H. 2, 2-3 ; where it
is mentioned that the goddess was repre-
sented by a mere stone. The Aphrodite
of Paphos and Amathus appears to be
a form of Astarte.

auctor, 'founder'; as in II. 4. 84,
6, &c.

7. Teucer : cp. Hor. C)d. 1. 7, 21, sqq.

posuissent, ' had founded ' : cp. ' By-
zantium ... posuerc' (12. 63, i), &c. The
subjunct. apjiears to be used because the
record of foundation is part of their
statement.

8. quorum, 'such things': the word
refers to the whole matter. Nipp. com-
pares Cic. ad Fam. 2. 8, 2 ' sermoniljus
versatus sum, quae nee possunt scribi nee
scribenda sunt.'

9. studiis, the partialities of certain
senators to particular cities.

consulibus. For another such refer-
ence of a matter to the consuls by the
senate see 14. 17, 3.

10. si. This is best taken with Nipp.
as depending on ' perspecto,' with the
sense of 'whether': cp. i. 48, i. ' Cir-
cumspecta' has an analogous double

A.D. 2 2.]

LIBER III. CAP. 62, 63.

467

3 rursum ad senatum referrcnt. consules super eas civitatcs, quas
memoravi, apud Pergamum Aesculapii conpertum asylum rettu-

4 lerunt : ceteros obscuris ob vctustatem initiis niti. nam Zmyr-
naeos oraculum ApoUinis, cuius imperio Stratonicidi Veneri
tcmplum dicaverint, Tcnios ciusdem carmen referre, quo sacrare 5

5 Ncptuni effigiem aedemque iussi sint. propiora Sardianos :

6 Alexandri victoris id donum. neque minus Milesios Dareo rege

3. Zmyrnetis : Smymaeos B, text from 4. 43, 7 ; 55-56.
e
text R. 7. regi utis et : text L and Mur.

4. strato nicidiuae :

construction in 14. 33, 2 : see Introd. v. 91,
8; and note on i. 15,4.

involveretur, ' should be fraudu-
lently concealed in the claim.*

2. Pergamum. This city, the site of
which still retains the name of Pergamo
or I'ergamah, situated in Mysia near the
junction of two other streams with the
C"aicus, became very important fiom the
time of Lysimachus under its own princes ;
whose kingdom, bequeathed to Rome,
formed the original province of Asia. It
still remained a famous city, being esti-
mated to consist of 40,000 citizens and
120,000 inhabitants, able to vie with
Smyrna and E])hesus, and, in the judgement
of riiny N. H. 5. 30, 33, 126'), ' longe
clarissimum Asiae ' : see Marquardt.
i. 341, n, 5, &c. For a short summary
of the very important recent discoveries
made on its site see Perry, Greek and
Roman Sculpture, ch. xlvi.

Aesculapii. The worship of this
god was brought there from Epidaurus
(Fans. 2. 26, S) ; and the temple was
situate outside tjic city (Id. 5. 13, 2).

3. Zmyrnaeos.' The city then, as
now, known under this name, dated from
the Alexandrian epoch ; the old city
north of it having been ruined by Alyattes
(Hdt. I. 16, 2), though still 'inhabited
Kwiir]S6v (Strab. 14. i, 37, 646). Its im-
portance has been mentioned in the
note above. It is the most considerable
city of modem Asia Minor, having still
a population of over 150,000.

4. Stratonicidi Veneri. Xi]ip. rightly
notes that this worship, being instanced as
one obscure from its antiquity, can have
no coimexion with Stratonice (see on c.
62, 2) in its origin, though no doubt after-
wards associated with her honour ; as the
names seem to have some relation to each
other in an inscription of Seleucus Cal-
lioicus confirming the asylum (C. I. G.

3137^ 'A<ppoSiTT) "ZTparoviKi^ (Inscr. 1. 1.
and 3156) must therefore be identical with
A<ppo5LTr] ^TpaTfia or HtK-qifyupoi, the ori-
ginal of the Roman ' Venus Victrix.' This
temple is mentioned as the Stratoniceum
by Vitruvius (5, 9).

5. Tenios. Tenos, like the other Cy-
clades, belonged to the province of Asia.
In Strabo's time (10. 5, 11, p. 487) its
town was small, but its temple of Poseidon
outside the walls large and celebrated,
attesting by its large iariaropia the num-
ber of worshippers frequenting it. On
coins of Tenos the attributes of this god
are found.

6. propiora, sc. ' referre,' 'they made
a claim of more modem date ' : cp. ' altius
exposuere ' c. 62, 4.

Sardianos. On Sardes see 2. 47, 3.
Strabo (13. 4, 5, 626) mentions its temple
of Artemis Coloene (called after a neigh-
bouring lake") as fieyaKrjv aytOTuav

7. id, i. c. ' ius asyli ' : with ' donum '
is to be supplied ' esse.'

Milesios. Miletus, though no longer
a great city, was still a fj.T]Tp6iro\ii -njs
'Iwvias (Marquardt, i. 345, 5). Within
its territory lay the temple of Apollo
Didymaeus, at Didymi or Branchidae,
one of immemorial antiquity i.Paus. 7. 2,
4\ and famous in early Greek history
(Ildt. I. 46, &c.). It had been ruined by
the Persians, but rebuilt on an enormous
scale, containing a village within its
precincts (Strab. 14. i, 5, 634). For an
account of the locality see Newton, Trav.
and Disc, in the Levant, ii. 147, foil. ;
Texicr and Pullan, pi. iii. foil.

Dareo rege niti ; so most edd. ; ' uti '
is retained by some. According to some
accounts Darius was the destroyer ; but
this was more piobably the act of Xerxes
(cp. Strab. 1. 1.).

468

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 775.

niti ; set cultus numinum utrisque Dianam aut Apollinem vene-
randi. petere et Cretenses simulacro divi Augusti. factaque 7
senatus consulta, quis multo cum honore modus tamen prae-
scribebatur, iussique ipsis in templis figere aera sacrandam ad
5 memoriam, neu specie religionis in ambitionem delaberentur.
64. Sub idem tempus luliae Augustae valetudo atrox neces-
situdinem principi fecit festinati in urbem reditus, sincera adhuc
inter matrem filiumque concordia sive occultis odiis. neque 2
enim multo ante, cum haud procul theatre Marcelli effigiem divo
10 Augusto lulia dicaret, Tiberi nomen suo postscripserat, idque
ille credebatur ut inferius maiestate principis gravi et dissimulata
ofifensione abdidisse. set turn supplicia dis ludique magni ab 3
senatu decernuntur, quos pontifices et augures et quindecimviri

4. fierc : facere B, text Pichena.

1. set ; cp. c. 62, 3.

cultus . . . venerandi, ' their worship
consisted in the honouring'; the gerund
being used as a defining genitive. Cp.
' effugium . . . prorumpcndi ' 2. 47, 2,
'ambitu . . . omandi ' 4. 2, 4, 'patroci-
nium defendendae . . . poeticae' Dial.

4. I-

Dianam aut Apollinem ; i. e. the one
worshipped Diann, the other Apollo:
cp. ' perfidia . . . aut fide ' '^i . 55, 2), &c.

2. petere. sc. ' ius asyli.'
simulacro divi Augusti. On the

'imago principis' cyi. c. 36, i.

3. honore, 'expressions of respect':
cp. 6. 15, 4; ' honora oralio' i. 10, 7.

modus. This aj^pears to mean that
new ' asyla ' were not to be set up, and
the limits of those existing were to be
strictly defined. Suetonius (Tib. 37) ex-
aggerates this into an abolition of all
asyla.

4. aera, &c., ' tablets to consecrate the
record.'

5. neu — 'et ne.' Nipp. couples this
to ' sacrandum ad memoriam,' as adding
a second reason for erecting tablets ; to
prevent future extensions of sanctuary by
cities in rivalry with each other.

6. valetudo atrox. Nipp. notes that
an altar to 'Pietas Augusta' was ordered
on the occasion of this illness but not
erected until 796, A. u. 43 (C. I. L.
vi. 562).

7. reditus : cp. c. 31, i. The Prae-
nestine Kalendar (see below) would show
that he returned after April, and had
therefore been absent more than a year.

8. sive. Tacitus intimates a prefer-
ence for this alternative by inserting the
clause ' neque enim,'&c., to show a prob-
able reason for it.

neque . . . multo ante. The date,
viii. Kal. Mai (April 23), is given in Kal
Praen. (Inscr. Orell. ii. p. 3SS).

9. theatre Marcelli. This was dedi-
cated by Augustus in 743, li. C. 11 (cp,
Momms. on ^Ion. Anc iv. 22). It stood
in the ' forum holitorium ' (cj). 2. 49, 2),
between the Capitol and tlie Tiber, and
considerable remains of it still exist. See
Burn, p. 302, foil ; Dyer, Diet, of Geog.
p. 845 ; Middleton, ii. 71-73.

10. postscripserat. This verb is no-
where else found. The kalendar quoted
above appears to follow the original in-
scription in giving the names in this order.
' Sig. Divo Augusto Patri ad Theatrum
Maricelli] lulia Augusta el Ti. Augustus
dedicarunt.'

12. abdidisse, 'stored in memory.'
On this trait in his character cp. i. 7,
II ; 69, 7, &c.

supplicia = ' supplicationes,' an old
sense of the word (Festus\ retained by
Plautus (Rud. Prol. 25), Sallust ;Cat. 9,
2, &c.\ and Livy (22. 57, 5).

ludi magni, ' votivi circenses.'

13. quindecimviri septemviris si-
mul. The former had charge of the
Sibylline Books !c|i. 6. 12, i. &c.) and
special charge of 'ludi saeculares ' ^11.
II, 4). The collegium, at first of two,
was raised to ten when opened to ple-
beians, and to fifteen by Sulla: see Mar-
quardt. iii. 380. 'Triumviri epulunes'

A. D. 22.]

LIBER III. CAP. 63-65.

469

4 septemviris simul et sodalibus Augustalibus cderent. censucrat
L. Apronius ut fetiales quoque iis ludis praesidcrent. contra
dixit Caesar, distincto sacerdotiorum iure et rcpctitis exemplis :

6 ncque enim umquam fetialibus hoc maiestatis fuisse. ideo Au-
gustales adiectos, quia proprium eius domus sacerdotium esset, .=;
pro qua vota persolverentur.

65. Exsequi sententias haud institui nisi insigncs per hones-
turn aut notabili dedecore, quod praecipuum munus annalium
reor, ne virtutes sileantur, utque pravis dictis factisque ex pos-

2 teritate et infamia metus sit. ceterum tempora ilia adeo infecta 10
et adulatione sordida fuere, ut non modo primores civitatis, qui-
bus claritudo sua obsequiis protegenda erat, sed omnes consu-
lares, magna pars eorum qui praetura functi multique etiam
pedarii senatores certatim exsurgerent foedaque et nimia cen-

to preside at the ' epulum lovis ' were
instituted in 558, B.C. 196 (Liv. 33. 42 ,
and the number was subsequently in-
creased to seven, Snd by Julius Caesar to
ten ^Dio, 43. 51, 9 , though the name of
' septemviri ' continued: Marquardt, 347.
These two, with the pontiffs and augurs,
formed the four great priestly colleges.

1. simul. On this prepositional use
cp. Introd. v. § 63.

Augustalibus : cp. i. 54, i.

2. L. Apronius: cp. i. 56, i, &c. His
motion was perhaps grounded on the fact
that Augustus had tieen a ' fetialis ' ; a
reason eijually valid to include the ' so-
dales Titii' (.see Mon. Anc. Gr. iv. 7).

3. distincto, &c., 'distinguishing the
legitimate functions of the priesthoods
and going back for precedenls.' These
are exjilamed by 'neque enim,' &c., as
showing that the fetiales had never had
' hoc maiestatis,' i. e. had never ranked in
dignity with the four great colleges. On
the functions of the fetiales in connexion
with the ceremonies of war and treaties,
see Marquardt, iii. 416, foil.

4. ideo Augustales, &c,, anticipating
the objection that neither were they
among the old great 'collegia.' They
were again associated with them in the
thanksgivings on the fall of Seianus i,Dio,
58. 12, 5), probably for a similar reason.

7. Exsequi, ' to set forth in detail ' :
cp. 4. 4, 6 ; 11. 21, I ; 12. 58, I ; Dial.
16, 2 ; also in I,iv., PI. Mai., Quint., &c.
Cic. has 'verbis exsequi' (ad Fam. 11.
27, 6). This chapter, though it does not
appear to relate to those immediately

preceding, leads from such motions as
those mentioned in c. 57, to what follows
in c. 66.

8. notabili dedecore, probably best
taken, with Nipp., as an abl. of quality;
as ' notabili,' while corresponding well to
' insignes,' would be tautologous, if taken
as depending on it.

munus annalium, ' the office of
history.' On the use of ' annales' in this
general sense r.p. Introd. i. p. 6 ; and, on
this conception of the office of history.
Id. iv. p. 27. ' Quod ' is explained by the
following clause, as in 4. 4. 6.

9. posteritate et infamia, hendiadys.
On ' metus ex ' cp. i. 29, 3.

10. infecta, ixsually with ablative in
Tacitus, as 2. 85, 5 ; 6. 7, 4, &c., but
thus used absolutely in the sense of ' poi-
soned ' or ' tainted ' by Sen. ,Kp. 59, 9)
and Plin. (H. N. 9. 7, 6, 18), who also
thus uses ' inficimus ' (Id. 18. i, i, 3).

11. primores civitatis, the more fa-
mous consulars, such as Asinius Gallus,
Ateius Capito, &c.

14. pedarii senatores. The investiga-
tion of this term by Gellius (3 18) shows
that in his time it had become obscure,
and was even corrupted into ' pedanii.'
The use of the won! here in opposition
to 'consulares ' and "jiraetura fundi,' an-
swers to that in Frontinus (de Aq. 99),
' Augustus . . . curatorem fecit Messallam
Corvinum, cui ailiutores dati I'ostumius
Sulpicius praetorius et L. Cominius pe-
danus.' This is reconcileable with the
view that the term denoted tho^e who
had not held a curule office, as the small

VOL. 1

Hh

470

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 775.

serent. memoriae proditur Tiberium, quotiens curia egrcderetur, 3
Graecis verbis in hunc modum eloqui solitum ' o homines ad
servitutem paratos ! ' scilicet etiam ilium, qui libertatem publicam 4
nollet, tam proiectae servientium patientiae taedebat.

5 66. Paulatim dehinc ab indecoris ad infesta transgrediebantur.
C. Silanum proconsule Asiae, repetundarum a sociis postulatum, 2
Mamercus Scaurus e consularibus, lunius Otho praetor, Brutte-
dius Niger aedilis simul corripiunt obiectantque violatum Augusti
numcn, spretam Tiberii maiestatem, Mamercus antiqua exempla

10 iaciens, L. Cottam a Scipione Africano, Servium Galbam a
Catone censorio, P. Rutilium a M. Scauro accusatos. videlicet 3
Scipio et Cato talia ulciscebantur, aut ille Scaurus, quem pro-
avum suum obprobrium maiorum Mamercus infami opera de-

7. Bruttidius B, Brutidius R. 13. maiorum: text R.

and not particularly important class of
senators who had attained, but not got
beyond, the curule aedileship ^cp. 6. 30,
2), may be here ignored. The question
of the position of ' pcdarii ' in debate (cp.
Cic. ad Att. i. 19, 9 ; 20, 4) is discussed
in Staatsr. iii. 962, 2 and 982, 1, and by
Mr. D. B. Monro (Journal of Philology,
vol. iv pp. 113, foli.). The evidence of
Tacitus goes to show that they were not
precluded from speaking ; especially if
'senator' in c. 36, i; i. 75, 3, &c., is
taken to mean ' senator pedarius.'

3. qui . . . nollet. Drager (Synt. und
Stil. § 160) notes this concessive relative
as rare : cp. ' qi^i dcos . . . contemneret '
Suet. Cal. 51, ' qui luxuriae immodicae
esset ' Id. Ner. 51.

4. proiectae, 'abject': cp. 11. 3. 65,
4, and note on Ann. 1. 42, 4.

5. ab indecoris ad infesta, ' from
servility to persecution,' i. e. to delations ;
by fastening an imaginary charge of
' maiestas' on a person indicted by pro-
vincials on other grounds.

6. C. Silanum, in the Fasti C.Junius,
C. f, M. n., Silanus, cos. 763, a. D. 10.
He had apparently preceded M. Lepidus
(c. 32, 2) in the proconsulate (see Introd.
vii. p. 113). He was also, according to
the Fast. Cap., ' flamen Martialis' (cp.
note on c. 58, i).

7. Mamercus Scaurus: see i. 13, 4:
further account of Otho and Niger is
given below.

8. violatum Augusti numen : see i.
73- 2.

10. iaciens: see on c. 49, 2.

L. Cottam. The accusation of L.
Aurelius Cotta (cos. 610, H. c. 144) by
the younger Africanus, on a charge of
' repctundae,' took place about 624, B. C.
130. He was acquitted, a result which,
according to Cicero (pro Mur. 28, 58),
was ascribed to a desire on the part of
the judges to escape the suspicion of being
awed by so great an accuser.

Servium Galbam. Ser. Sulpicius
Galba, often mentioned by Cicero as a
great orator, was indicted in 605, ]>. C.
149, for atrocious cruelty and treachery
to the Lusitanians. Tlie charge was
supported by Cato, then in the extremity
of old age ; but Galba procured an ac-
quittal by his eloquence and by parading
his sons and nephew as suppliants (Cic.
Brut. 23, 89), and also, as is said, by
bribery (."^pp. Hisp. 60 .

II. F. Rutilium. 1'. Rutilius Rufus,
who was exiled at a later date (see on 4.
43, 7 , had been a candidate for the con-
sulship in 638, B.C. 116, against Scaurus,
the famous ' princeps senatus,' &c. After
the election, each accused the other of
'ambitus' (Cic. Brut. 30, 113^

videlicet, ironical ; as in Cic, &c.

T2. ille Scaurus. It should be remem-
bered that this hero of the optimates is
represented by Sallust ijug. 15, 3) as
' factiosus, avidus potentiac honoris di-
vitiarum, ceterum vitia sua callide occul-
tans ' ; and that he ajipears undoubtedly
to have taken bribes from Jugurtha.

13. dehonestabat. The verb is first
found in Liv. 41. 6, 10. Tacitus uses it
only in the Annals, e. g. c. 70, 4, &c.

A. D. 22.]

LIBER III. CAP. 65-67.

471

4 honestabat. Iimio Othoni littcrarium ludum exercere vctus ars
fuit : mox Sciani potentia senator obscura initia impudentibus

5 ausis propolluebat. Bruttedium artibus honestis copiosum et,
si rectum iter pergcret, ad clarissima quacquc iturum fcstinatio
extiinulabat, dum aequalis, dein superiores, postremo suasmet 5

6 ipse spcs antire parat : quod multos etiam bonos pessum dedit,
qui spretis quae tarda cum securitate, praematura vel cum cxitio
properant.

67. Auxere numerum accusatorum Gcllius Fublicola et M.

2 Paconius, ille quaestor Silani, hie legatus. nee dubium habeba- 10

tur saevitiae captarumque pecuniarum teneri reum : sed multa

adgerebantur etiam insontibus periculosa, cum super tot sena-

tores adversos facundissimis totius Asiae eoque ad accusandum

3. pro polluebat : porro polluebat L, provolvebat Jac. Gron., polluebat Orelli, ultro
poUuebat Kitt. 4. perageret : text R. 6. antereparat : anteire parat R, text Bach.

I. litterarium ludum, 'an element-
ary school ' ; so in Plin. > N. H. 9. 8, S,
2-;), &c. He seems to ha\e had more
talent than is here implied ; as M. Seneca
speaks of him in several places, as an
accomplished though artilicial speaker,
and as an author of rhetoi ical works
(Controv. 9. 33, 37). Similar instances
of men of low birth rising to wealth and
rank by the profession of rhetoric and
practice of delation are found in Eprius
Marcellus and \ ibius Crispus (see Dial.

8.3).

3. ausis : cp. 2. 39, 3.

propolluebat. If the text is sound,
we must suppose that Tacitus, who has
elsewhere (6. 25, i) coined ' provixisse,'
in the sense of ' lived on,' has here treated
' poUuo ' as a simple verb, and formed
this compound of it, in the sense of ' was
yet further defiling.' The simplest emen-
dation ' polluebat ' is perhaps the most
satisfactory, and not tautologous, as his
' obscura initia ' are not to be presumed
to be therefore already ' poUuta.'

Bruttedium. This person also is
cited by M. Seneca as an orator (Contr.
9. 35) and historical writer (Suas. 6. 20,
21). It would appear from Juvenal ^lo,
82, where see Mayor) that he was in-
volved in the fall of Seianus. Of the
various forms of the name see crit. note ,
this seems to be the oldest ; Biicheler, in
Rh. Mus. xi. 295).

copiosum, ' richly endowed ' : cp.
' copiosa vita' 13. 43, 7.

4. pergeret, with accus., as in i. 2S.
2 ; 4. 20, 5, &c. ' Perageret ' would im-
ply a course completed at the close of
life (cp. Verg. Aen. 4, 653), a sense in-
consistent with ' iturum.'

5. suasmet, i. e. all that he had for-
merly hoped for.

6. antire, often thus syncopated in the
Annals: cp. c. 69, 5:4. 40, 7; 71, i,
&c.

9. Gellius Publicola. Borghesi con-
siders this person, who was cos. suff. in
793, A. I). 40 (see Klein), to have been
descended from L. Gellius Publicola,
brother of Messalla (I.iv. Epit. 122', who
was consul in 71S, n.c. 36, and had been
a prisoner in the power of Brutus and
Cassius (Dio, 47. 24, 3}.

M. Paconius. Suetonius (Tib. 61)
states, on contemporary authority, that
Tiberius afterwards imprisoned Paconius,
and on being reminded of his existence by
a jester, ordered his execution. Tacitus
calls him an innocent victim (16. 29, 3)
in speaking of the charge against his son
Paconius Agrippinus.

II. teneri, with gen. 11. 7, 8, on the
analogy of ' arguere,' &c. ; also with abl.
as c. 13, 2, &c. On the inf. with accus.
after ' nee dubium,' cp. Introd. v. § 44.

multa, the circumstances mentioned in
the whole passage down to • silendi.'

13. facundissimis, &c., rhetoricians
of Ephesus and other Greek cities, dele-
gated by tlie 'concilium' as accusers:
cp. 16. 21, 3, &c.

472

P. CORNELIl TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 775.

delectis responderet solus et orandi nescius, proprio in metu, qui
exercitam quoque eloquentiam debilitat, non temperante Tiberio
quin premeret voce vultu, eo quod ipse creberrime interrogabat,
neque refellere aut eludere dabatur, ac saepe etiam confitendum

5 erat, ne frustra quaesivisset. Servos quoque Silani, ut tormentis 3
interrogarentur, actor publicus mancipio acceperat. et ne quis
necessariorum iuvaret periclitantem, maiestatis crimina subde-
bantur, vinclum et necessitas silendi. igitur petito paucorum 4
dierum interiectu defensionem sui deseruit, ausis ad Caesarem

10 codicillis, quibus invidiam et preces miscuerat.

68. Tiberius quae in Silanum parabat, quo excusattus sub
exemplo acciperentur, libellos divi Augusti de Voleso Messalla
eiusdem Asiae pro consule factumque in eum senatus consultum
recitari iubet. turn L. Pisonem sententiam rogat. ille multum 2

15 de dementia principis praefatus aqua atque igni Silano interdi-
cendum censuit ipsumque in insulam Gyarum relegandum. ea- 3
dem ceteri, nisi quod Cn. Lentulus separanda Silani materna

2. eloquende belitat : text B. 3. eoque quod Acid. 6. interrogentur : text L.
9. missis Faem, ausus . . . codicillos Ryck.

2. exercitam, ' trained ' : cp. c. 20, 2 ;
4. II, 2 ; 14. 2, 4; 56, 5, &c. This use,
in the sense of ' exercitatus,' appears espe-
cially Tacitean ; another use is noted in

I. 17. 7; 35. 2.

4. dabatur, often with inf. in this
sense in Tacitus (,4. 6, 2 ; 60, i ; 6. 19,
4, &c.), after poets (Verg., Ov., &c.),
Quint., and Plin. (Pan. 5O;.

5. ne frustra quaesivisset, i e. lest
Tiberius should be irritated if his ques-
tions failed to elicit anything.

6. actor publicus : cp. 2. 30, 3.

7. iuvaret periclitantem, repeated
from c. 1 2, 9.

subdebantur : cp. i. 6, 6.

9. interiectu : cp. c. 51, 4.

ausis, here alone used as a passive
participle ; but such use appears in the
subst. ' ausum ' (c. 66, 4, Sec.) ; and the
verb is used in the passive in Liv., Veil.,
&c. ; and poets (Verg. Aen. 9, 320, &c.).

10. invidiam et preces. These are
coupled in 4. 53, i ; 16. 10, 5 ; and ' in-
vidia' has the sense of reproach in 4. 52,
3; n. 34, f ; 15. 19, 2.

11. excusatius, 'with more justifica-
tion'; so in PL Ep. 9. 21, 3; Just. 32.
2 ; and 'excusate' Quint. 2. i, 13.

sub exemplo, ' by putting forward an
example ' : cp. 4. 1 1 , 5 ; ' sub nominibus '
16. 9, 5.

12. libellos, generally so used of the
accusers' indictment (2. 29, 3) ; here of
the letter from the prince sent to the
senate, the ' epistulae ' of c. 44, 3, &c.

Voleso Messalla. On the date of his
consulship and proconsulate see Introd.
vii. p. 113; on his atrocious cruelty
see Id. p. 120, n. i.

14. L. Pisonem. Here, as in 2. 32, 4,
there is an uncertainty between two per-
sons; but Mommsen points out (Staatsr.
iii. 975, 2) that, as he is asked before
Cn. Lentulus, it is probably the consul of
739, li. C. 15 (see on 6. lo, 3), not of 753,
B.C. I (see on 2. 34, i) that is meant.

16. Gyarum, one of the Cyclades, now
TO. Fiovpa or Jura, apparently a common
and typical place of exile (Juv. i, 73;
10, 70, &c.). See note on c. 69, 8.

17. Cn. Lentulus : probably the
augur (see on c. 59, i) is meant, as the
Cn. Lentulus of i. 27, i would have pre-
ceded either of the above Pisones.

separanda, i. e. from the ' publica-
tio ' implied in this sentence.

A. D. 22.]

LIBER III. CAP. 67-69.

473

bona, quippe Atia parente geniti, rcddqndaquc filio dixit, ad-
nucntc Tiberio.

69. At Cornelius Dolabella dum adulationem longius sequi-
tur, increpitis C. Silani moribus addidit, ne quis vita probrosus
et opcrtus infamia provinciam sortiretur, idque princeps diiudi- 5

2 caret, nam a legibus delicta puniri : quanto fore mitius in ipsos,

3 melius in socios, provideri ne peccaretur? advcrsum quae disse-
ruit Caesar : non quidem sibi ignara quae de Silano vulgabantur,
sed non ex rumore statuendum. multos in provinciis contra
quam spes aut metus de illis fuerit egisse : excitari quosdam ad 10

4 meliora magnitudine rerum, hebescere alios, neque posse prin-
cipem sua scientia cuncta complecti, neque expedire ut ambitione
aliena trahatur. ideo leges in facta constitui, quia futura in in-

5 certo sint. sic a maioribus institutum, ut, si antissent delicta,

e poenae sequerentur. ne verterent sapienter reperta et semper 15
placita ; satis onerum principibus, satis etiam potentiae. minui
iura. quotiens gliscat potestas, nee utendum imperio, ubi legibus

7 agi possit. quanto rarior apud Tiberium popularitas, tanto

1 . alia : text Madvig.

16. minutura : text L.

1. Atia. Madvig argues (Adv. Crit.
i. 148 that the name must have been one
easily mistaken for 'alia,' and that of a
family entitled to the utmost considera-
tion ; and that these requirements would
be satisfied by supposing his mother to
have been an Atia, of the same family
with the mother of Augustus. Other
suggestions are 'Manlia' or ' Mallia,'
from comjj.irison of the name of his sister
(c. 69, 9) ; or that ' alia' might possibly
mean ' of far other character' (cp. i. 43,
5) ; or that ' quippe . . . geniti ' is a gloss.

filio, probably the consul of 781,
A.D. 28 (4. 68, 8 .

3. Cornelius Dolabella : cp. his ' ab-
surda adulatio' in c. 47, 4.

sequitur : cp. ' sequitur ardorem mili-
tum ' I. 49, 6. The sense in both cases
is that of falling in with a prevalent
feeling and stimulating it.

5. idque princeps diiudicaret. On
the interlerencc of the princejis with the
' sortitio jirovinciarum ' cp. 6. 40, 3.

6. a legibus. The use of the prep, is
suited to the personification. Nipp. com-
pares Cic. Fart. Or. 3*<, 134; M. Sen.
Contr. 24, I, in both of which 'a lege' is
used with a personifying expression.

8. vulgabantur. On the indicative
cp. Introd. v. § 49.

9. contra quam ; so used of acts con-
trary to rule or principle, in Cic. (e. g.
pro CI. 5, 12, &c.). and Liv. (30. 19, 9) ;
not elsewhere in Tacitus, who has ' secus
quam ' (4. 8, 6 ; 6. 22, 5).

11. hebescere; so used of persons in
II. 2. 77, 4: cp. 'hebent' G. 15, i, and
the adj. ' hebes ' 14. 1 1, 3.

12. expedire ut. This construction is
rare, and probably here, as in Just. 34. I,
7 ('expedire . . . ut . . . leges iiabeant '),
adopted to avoid the dependence of an
inf. on another inf. Drager points out
the similar reason for ' intelligebant ojjus
esse . . . ut,' ' respondeat sufficere ut '
(Dial. 31, I ; 32, i, where see Gudeman).

ambitione aliena, i. e. the intrigues
of those who wished to supplant a rival
candidate for a province.

16. placita : c[3. 2. 66, 3.

1 8. popularitas, ' the effort to please ' :
so in .Suet. Cal. 15; Ner. 53; Tit. S:
cp. ' gratum popularitate Magnum ' .Stat.
Sylv. 2. 7, 69. See the remarks on an-
other act of magnanimity in Tiberius
(4- 31, 0-

474

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 775.

laetioribus animis accepta. atque ille prudcns moderandi, si 8
propria ira non impelleretur, addidit insulam Gyarum inmitcm
et sine cultu hominum esse : darent luniae familiac et viro quon-
dam ordinis eiusdem, ut Cythnum potius concederct. id sororem 9
5 quoque Silani Torquatam, priscae sanctimoniae virginem, cxpe-
tere. in banc sententiam facta discessio.

70. Post auditi Cyrenenses, et accusante Anchario Frisco
Caesius Cordus repctundarum damnatur. L. Ennium equitem 2
Romanum, maiestatis postulatum, quod effigiem principis pro-
10 miscum ad usum argcnti vertisset, rccipi Caesar inter reos vetuit,
palam aspernante Ateio Capitone quasi per libertatcm. non 3
enim debere eripi patribus vim statuendi neque tantum malc-
ficium impune habendum, sane lentus in suo dolore esset : rei

4. cythenum : Cytheram B, text L,

S. lenniuin : text B.

I. prudens moderandi, ' thoughtful
to enforce modernlion.' Several instances
of such action can be given, as in 2. 50,
4; 3. 18, 1, &c

3. sine cultu hominum. Pliny (N. H.
S. 2g, 43, 104^ gives a story from Varro,
who apparently had it from Theophrastus
(Id. 57, 82, 222), of its desertion through
a plague of mice. In 4. 30, 2 it is called
destitute of water. Strabo, however, re-
cords (10. 5, 3, 485) that at the time of
Actium he found there a village of fisher-
men, who complained of inability to pay
their tribute (600 H. S.).

quondam ordinis eiusdem. His
senatorial rank was a thing of the past,
lost ' ipso facto ' on sentence of exile.

4. Cythnum, Thermia, near Gyaros,
but considerably larger and having a
town once cajiable of defence (Liv. 31.
45, 9), afterwards occupied by a pseudo-
Nero (H. 2. 8, 2).

5. Torquatam. The surname is ex-
jilaincd by the connexion of the lunii
Avith the Manlii (c. 76, 4 . Torqunta is
mentioned as a vestal, with the full name
'lunia C. Silani f. Torquata,' in two in-
scriptions (see on Introd. ii. p. 10), the
former of which describes her as ' virgo
\'estalis maxima ' (see on 2. 86, i); also
as ' lunia C. .Silani f. ,' on two bases in the
' atrium Vestae' H. Jordan ' Der Tempel
der Vesta,' 1886, p. 45).

6. in hanc sententiam facta disces-
sio, i.e. 'tills was assented to without
discussion' : cp. 6. 12, i, and Nipp. there.
That the ' consensus ' in such a case (see

Gell. 14, 7) was not always unanimous or
final is evident : see note on c. 23, 2, and
Staatsr. iii. 983, 991 ; also the paper by
Mr. I). B. Monro referred to on c. 6-;, 2.

7. Cyrenenses. The Cyrenaica had
certainly been joined to the province of
Crete ever since the arrangement of 727,
B.C. 27 (Dio, 53. 12, 4% and was usually
held with it before that date : see Mar-
quardt, i. 461. On its original cession
to Rome by bequest see on 14. 18, 2.
The country extended from the eastern
boundary of Africa at ' Philaenorum arae '
(Introd. vii. p. 115) to the frontier of
Egypt, coinciding with the eastern half of
modern Tripoli. Josephus Ant. 14. 7, 2)
gives, on the authority of Strabo, a four-
fold division of the population : i. no\trai
(Greeks) ; 2. ytwp-yoi (Libyans) ; 3. /*«'-
ToiKot ; 4. 'lovSaToi. These latter were
a large body (cp. Acts 2, 10).

8. Caesius Cordus. On him and An-
charius I'riscuscp. c. 38, i. The accusers
had probably demanded a year for col-
lecting evidence icp. 13. 43, 2).

9. promiscum ad usum . . . vertis-
set, i. e. had melted it down into plate.
> or other charges implying desecration of
such images, cp. i. 73, 2 ; 74, 4.

1 1 . aspernante, ' protesting ' : cp. 4.
30, 2 ; 14. 42, 2, &c.

Ateio Capitone : see on c. 75, i.

12. enim. This marks the transition
to ' oratio obliqua,' as in 2. 28, 2 ; 4. 70,
5; 15. 27, I, &c.

13. impune : cp. i. 72, 3.

A.D. 22.]

LIBER in. CAP. eg--]!.

475

4 publicac iniurias ne largiretur. intcllcxit liacc Tiberius, ut crant
magis quam ut dicebantur, perstititquc intercederc. Capito in-
signitior infamia fuit, quod huniani diviniquc iuris scicns egre-
gium publicum ct bonas domi artes dehonestavissct.

71. Incessit dein religio, quonam in templo locandum foret 5
donum, quod pro valctudine Augustae equitcs Romani voverant
equestri Fortunae : nam ctsi delubra eius deac multa in urbe,

2 nullum tamen tali cognomento erat. repertum est acdcm esse
apud Antium, quae sic nuncuparetur, cunctasque caerimonias

1. ne largiretur, 'he should not show
his generosity in forgiving wrongs against
the state.' No other instance is given of
this sense of 'largior.'

ut erant, &c., ' his real thought
rather than his expression.'

2. insignitior. This comparative
form appears to be more used in a bad
sense than ' insignior ' ; cp. 4- 51, 2 ; Liv.
7. 15, 10; 8. 13, I. On rare forms of
comparison in Tacitus see Introd. v.

§7-

3. humani divinique iuris sciens.
Nerva is similarly described in 6. 26, i ;
and, as jurisj)rudence is defined to be
'divinarum atque humanarum rerum no-
titia' (Ulp. Dig. i. i, 10), a great jurist
would be versed in both branches. Ma-
crobius (7. 13, 11) credits Capito with
special proficiency in pontifical, or divine,
law. See Marquardt, iii. 317, n. 4.

egregium publicum. It is generally
thought that ' egregium,' used substan-
tively in 6. 24, 3; 14. 60, I, may here
form the substantive in a phrase analogous
to ' bonum,' ' malum publicum,' and the
rare • optimum ' (Cell. 7. 3, 17, ' pessi-
mum publicum' (Varr. R. R. i. 13, 7;
Liv. 2. I, 3). It should thus mean 'the
glory,' or ' honour of the state ' ; and
Nipj). takes it of the glory of the imperial
clemency; which Capito could hardly be
said ' dehonestare ' ; but he might be said
to cast a stain on the renown which as
a great jurist he had conferred on his
country. A far more satisfactory mean-
ing would be ' his distinguished public
rank ' (as a consular and leading senator) ;
but it is very questionable whether ' pub-
licum ' could possibly bear such a sub-
stantival meaning. Prof. C. L. Smith, in
a carefully reasoned paper on the passage
(Harvard Studies in Classical Philology,
i. pp. 107-110), is perhaps right in think-
ing the text unsound, and suggests ' egre-
gium publice locum.'

4. bonas domi artes. The contrast
drawn by the^e words is hardly the same
as that between ' inlustrcs domi aites'
and 'claritudo militiae ' (4. 6, 2 ; and
'domi partam dignationem ' in 13. 42, 8
(if rightly read), is probably to be other-
wise understood (see note there) ; but his
juristic learning might be viewed as an
accomjilishmeut of private life, apart
from the glory shed by it on the state, or
his own position as a jjublic man : cp.
' artibus egregiis et pari fama publice*
(i. 13, 1). Mr. Smith thinks ' bonae
artes ' a weak expression for his great
accomplishments, and would take it
(as Nipp.) of his qualities of ])ersi nal
character (cp. H. i. 10, 3, &c.); but to
these Tacitus would hardly give even that
much praise.

5. religio, here ' a religious question' :
cp. below, ' de religionibus.'

6. valetudine Augustae : cp. c. 64, i.

8. nullum . . . erat. A difficulty arises
from the fact that a temple thus entitled
was dedicated at Rome in 581, K. C. 173
(Liv. 40. 40 ; 42. 3, 10), was evidently in
existence in 662, P.C. 92 (Jul. Obscquens,
§ 113, citing, probably from Livy, a
prodigy belonging to that year), and ap-
pears to be alluded to, as still standing,
even by Vitruvius (3. 3, 2). It may, how-
ever, have perished after that d;ite, and
the only inscriptions to ' Fortuna ' with
this title ajipear to be spurious : see Orelli
here and on Inscr. 1746.

9. apud Antium. This town being
especially the seat of the worship of For-
tune ^Hor. Od. I. 35, i), another temple
to that goddess may well have existed
there, besides the famous one of the
'Fortunae Antiates ' (cp. 15. 23, 3; Insc.
Orell. 173S, 1740), but so obscured by it
as to be forgotten.

caerimonias, 'worship': cp.. c. 60,
3, &c.

476

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [a.U.C. 775.

Italicis in oppidis templaque et numinum effigies iuris atque
imperii Romani esse, ita donum apud Antium statuitur. et 3
quoniam de religionibus tractabatur, dilatum nuper responsum
adversus Servium Maluginensem flaminem Dialem prompsit
5 Caesar recitavitque decretum pontificum, quotiens valetudo ad-
versa flaminem Dialem incessisset, ut pontificis maximi arbitrio
plus quam binoctium abesset, dum ne diebus publici sacrificii
neu saepius quam bis eundem in annum ; quae principe Augusto
constituta satis ostendebant annuam absentiam et provinciarum
10 administrationem Dialibus non concedi. memorabaturque L. 4
Metelli pontificis maximi exemplum, qui Aulum Postumium
flaminem attinuisset. ita sors Asiae in eum qui consularium
Maluginensi proximus erat conlata.

72. Isdem diebus Lepidus ab senatu petivit ut basilicam

4. promisit : text L.
Lepidus Nipp.

5. quotiens non Haase, Dialem non Ritt.

14. M.

I. iuris . . . Romani esse. This is
inserted to show that such an offering
could be dedicated as lawfully at Antium
as at Rome. When the Italians became
Roman citizens, it appears to have re>ted
with the pontiffs to decide what ' muni-
cipalia sacra ' should be kept up : see
Marquardt, iii. 320.

3. dilatum nuper: cp. c- 59, i. The
' pontifex maximus ' was ' iudex atque
arbiter rerum divinarum humanarumque '
(Festus) : cp. Marquardt, iii. 317. The
present question was one of ' ius divinum.'

5. quotiens valetudo adversa, &c.
The MS. text must be taken to mean that
the flamen could be absent for one or two
nights at his discretion ; but that any
further absence required the permission
of the chief pontiff, who could allow it
only on the plea of illness, and not even
on that plea at all times or more than
twice a year. It is so difficult to believe
that so stringent a rule could have still
existed, that some corruption has been
thouglit probable. Yet an ordinance of
Augustus of even such severity would
imply some relaxation of the old rule,
given by Livy (5. 52, 13) as referred
to by Camillus, ' flamini Diali noctem
unam manere extra urbem nefas est.' For
various other restrictions laid upon him
see Marquardt, iii. 32S.

6. incessisset, ' had attacked.' The
word is often so used with accus. of per-
son in Livy.

8. in annum. The construction re-
sembles that of €ij in such expressions as
«('$■ ii.'iav Tjfxipav Thuc. 6. 16, 6.

principe Augusto, abl. absol. : cp.
' rege Cyro ' c. 62, 4.

11. Postumivun. He was 'flamen
Martialis,' not ' Dialis ' (Liv. Epit. 19),
and COS. K.c. 242.

12. attinuisset : cp. c. 36, 4, &c.
sors Asiae : see c. 32, 2 ; 58, i. The

province probably fell to Fonteius Capito
(cp. 4. 36, 4).

14. Lepidus. Tacitususually gives the
praenomen where either Lepidus is men-
tioned. What is said of his moderate
means would identify him with the one
mentioned in 2. 48, i, and would be more
likely to be true of Marcus (c. 32, 2) than
of Manius Lepidus; also the parentage
here given appears not to agree with that
of the latter see note on c. 22, i).

basilicam Pauli. From what is said
below, Lepidus appears to have been
grandson of L. Aemilius Paulus, cos. 704,
b.C. 50, who was at once the restorer of
the old Uasilica Aemilia or Fulvia ad-
joining the torum, and the founder of
the new and magnificent Basilica Pauli
(Cic. Att. 4. 16, 14 ; Plut. Caes. 29; App.
B. C. 2. 26), which was completed and
dedicated by his son Paulus Aemilius
Lepidus, the husband of Cornelia, in his
consulship (as cos. suff.), in 720, n.c. 34
(Dio, 49. 42, 2), and was again restored
in his name by Augustus and others after

A.D. 23.]

LIBER 111. CAP. 71, 72.

477

Pauli, Aemilia monumenta, propria pccunia firmarct ornarctque.

2 erat ctiam turn in more publica munificentia ; nee Augustus
arcuerat Taurum, Philippum, Balbum hostiles exuvias aut cxun-

3 dantis opes ornatum ad urbis et posterum gloriam conferre. quo
turn exemplo Lcpidus, quamquam pecuniae niodicus, avitum 5

4 decus recoluit. at Pompei theatrum igne fortuito haustum
Caesar extructurum pollicitus est, co quod nemo e familia

3. arj^uerat : text L.

a fire in 740, F.C. 14 (Dio, 54. 24, 3).
Its columns of Phrygian marble are noted
by Pliny (N. II. 36. 15, 24, 102). Pro-
bably the new basilica adjoined the old
one and eclipsed or absorbed it, as one
only, the ' belligeri sublimis regia I'auli '
(Stat. Sylv. I. I, 30), is mentioned by
authors. See Middleton, ii. 247.

1. monumenta: cp. c. 23. i.

2. etiara turn. In the time of Tacitus
himself all such acts were tho-e of the
princeps : cp. ' adhuc' 2. 33, 2.

publica, towards the state : cp. ' com-
paralio detenima' i. 10, 6.

nee Augustus arcuerat. He is re-
presented by VelUius (2. 89, 4) and
Suetonius (Aug. 29) as even stimulating
men to such acts of munificence. Sue-
tonius instances the same three persons
who are here mentioned. The use of
' arceo ' with inf., th( ugh elsewhere ap-
parently confined to jioets. is analogous
to those noted in Introd. v. § 43.

3. Taurum. On Statilius Taurus cp.
6. 1 1, 6. His amphitheatre, the first, and,
till the Flavian era, the only one of stone,
was in the Camjuis Martius, and was
dedicated by him in 724, B.C. 30 fDio,
51. 23, \^. It is stated by Dio (62. iS,
2 to have perished in the fire of Nero,
and is not mentioned in later times : see
Middleton, ii 77.

Philippum. L. Marcius Philii)pus,
son of the stepfather of .Vugustiis, was
trib. pi. in 705, h.c. 49 (Caes. H. C. 1. 6,
4\ ])raetor in 710, }i.c. 44 Cic. Phil. 3.
JO, 25}. Borghesi also shows that he was
COS. suff. in 716, B.C. 38, and gained a
triumph from Spain. 11 is ' aedes Her-
culis Musarum ' i,Suet. 1. 1.), the ' clari
monumenta Philippi' of Ovid (Fast. 6,
Soi), with an adjoining 'porticus' (Mart.
5. 49, I2\ close to the ' ])orticus Octa-
viae,' appears to have been a restora-
tion of that erected in 567, B.C. 1S7.
by Q. Fulvius Nobilior. Some slight

remains are traceable: see Middleton,
ii. 206.

Balbum. L. Cornelius P. f. Balbus,
a consular of the famous .Spanish f.nmily,
had gained a triumph for successes as
proconsul in .Africa in 735, B.C. 19) and
a pontificate (Veil. 2. 51, 2, &c.\ His
theatre, less important than those of
Pompeius and Marcellus, stood in the
Campus Martius, near the river, and was
dedicated by him in 741, B.C. 13 (,Dio,
54. 2-;, 2 . Some remains e.\ist : see
Middleton, ii. 73, 74.

hostiles exuvias ; so ' bellorum ex-
uviae' Juv. 10, 133 ; here for the generals
prize-money 'manubiae' .

4. ornatum ad urbis. On tlie ana-
strophe see Introd. v. § 77. 4.

5. pecuniae modious. < )n the gen.
cp. 2. 73, 3 ; on the probable reason for
the fact see c. 32, 2.

avitum decus : see note above, § i,
and the full account of his lineage given
by Nipp. from IJorghesi.

6. recoluit, ' renewed ' ; so used of
images replaced i H. 3. 7, 3". or of persons
reinvested with dignities (H. I. 77, 5,.

Pompei theatrum : see on c. 23, i.
It would a])pear from 6. 4:, 2 (where
see note) that the ' scaena ' alone was
destroyed, and that, if he completed
restoration, he left the detlication to the
Gains.

haustum, thus metaphorically ap-
]>lied to destruction by fire in 12.58, 2 ;
H. 4. 60, 5 ; Liv. 5. 7. 3. &c.

7. extructurum. On tlie omission of
' se ' cp. Introd. v. § 8.

nemo e familia. The only Pom-
peius known at this time, and apparently
the last of that house (see i. 7, 3, &c.),
must be supposed to have l)een poor :
Nipp. notes that, in a passage cited as
proving the opposite to this iStn. Tranq.
-An. II. 8, 10), ' I'toleniaeo ' should be
read for • Pompeio.'

478 P. CORNELII TACITl ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 775-

rcstaurando sufficeret, mancnte tamen nomine Pompei. simul
laudibus Seianum extulit, tamquam labore vigilantiaque eius
tanta vis unum intra damnum stetisset. et censuere patres 5
effigiem Seiano, quae apud theatrum Pompei locarctur, neque 6

6 multo post Caesar, cum lunium Blaesum pro consale Africae
triumphi insignibus attolleret, dare id se dixit honori Seiani,
cuius ille avunculus erat. ac tamen res Blaesi dignae decore
tali fuere.

73. Nam Tacfarinas, quamquam saepius depulsus, rcparatis

10 per intima Africae auxiliis hue adrogantiae venerat, ut legatos
ad Tiberium mitteret sedemque ultro sibi atque exercitui suo
postularet, aut bellum inexplicabile minitaretur. non alias 2
magis sua populique Romani contumelia indoluisse Caesarem
ferunt, quam quod desertor et praedo hostium more ageret. ne 3

15 Spartaco quidem post tot consularium exercituum clades inul-
tam Italiam urenti, quamquam Sertorii atque Mithridatis in-
gentibus bellis labaret res publica, datum ut pacto in fidem
acciperetur ; nedum pulcherrimo populi Romani fastigio latro
Tacfarinas pace et concessione agrorum redimeretur. dat ne- 4

20 gotium Blaeso, ceteros quidem ad spem proliceret arma sine

12. inexpiabile Pluygers.

1. restaurando sufflceret. ' Suffi- 9. Nam Tacfarinas, &c. The account
cere ' is used with gerundial dat. (cp. in these chajiters is a condensed summary
Introd. V. § 22 a) in Liv. 26, 36: for its of events from c. 32.

use with gerundive cp. 4. 23, i ; 6. 4, 4 ; 10. hue, so with genit. in 6. 24, 4.

Agr. 45, 2. ' Restauro ' is post-Augustan. 12. inexplicabile, 'endless,' a meta-

2. tamquam, ' on the ground or plea) phor from an insoluble knot, used of
that.' The expression does not neces- impassable roads (Liv. 40. 33, 2), and an
sarily insinuate the falsehood of what is incurable disease vPl. Ep. 5. 21, 2). ' In-
allc^^ed; which certainly in some instances ex]3iabile helium' (Liv., &c.) is a more
(cp. 4. 31, 7; II. 4, 3 ; H. i. 8, 5, &c.) common expression, but the word here
seems implied to be true. See Introd. v. aptly expresses a guerilla war leading to
§ 67, and several passages cited here by no issue.

Nipp. non alias. The frequent use of this

3. intra . . . stetisset, ' had not gone phrase at the beginning of a sentence (2.
beyond': cp. c. 75, 4; 4. 7, i, ' citra 46,4; 4. 69, 6, &c.) seems a reminiscence
stetit' 12. 21, 3, ' sistere intra' 4. 40, 7, of Verg. G. i, 487.

also ' ulinam . . . intra verba peccasset ' 14. desertor: cp. 2. 52, 2.

Curt. 7. I, 26. hostium more, 'as a belligerent.'

4. apud theatrum = ' in theatro' (In- 15. Spartaco. His rising lasted from
trod. v. § 57). Seneca (Cons, ad Marc. 681-683, i!. c. 73 71. He defeated both
22, 4) quotes an exclamation of Cremutius the consuls of 082, is. C. 72, besides a pro-
Cordus (see 4. 34, i) on hearing of this consul and two praetors. The Sertorian
decree, ' tunc vere theatrum perire.' It war lasted through a year of this period,
would seem that the statue was at once the Mithridatic war through all of it
erected: cp. 4. 7, 3. (cp. Liv. Epit. 96).

5. Blaesum : see c. 35, i, &c. iS. lastigio : cp. c. 29, 2.

A. D. 2 2.]

LIBER III. CAP. 72-74.

479

5 noxa ponendi, ipsius autem ducis quoquo modo potcrctur. et
recepti ea vcnia plerique. mox advcrsum artcs Tacfarinatis
baud dissimili modo belligeratum.

74. Nam quia illc roborc exercitus inpar, furandi niclior,
pluris per i^lobos incursaret eludcrctque et insidias simul temp- 5

2 tarct, trcs incessus, totidem agmina parantur. ex quis Cornelius
Scipio Icgatus praefuit qua praedatio in Leptitanos et suffugia
Garamantum ; alio latere, ne Cirtcnsium pagi impunc trahe-

3 rentur, propriam manum Blaesus filius duxit. medio cum de-
lectis, castella et munitiones idoneis locis inponens, dux ipse 10

i
1. poterctur: the 'e' form is most common, cp. oreretur, 2.47, 5, and Baiter there,
t
7. lepcino? : text Freinsh. (H. 4. 50, 5 ; Sail. Jug. 77, 2 ; 79, i).

I. noxa, 'punishment'; fiequent in
Livy and in jurists.

et recepti, &c. Wilnianns, comment-
ing (Eph. K]i. ii. 271-284) on an in-
scription louiid on the borders of Algeria
and Tunis, notes the mention of a ' Musu-
lamiorum civitas ' in that locality, and
thinks that those who were at this time
induced to surrender were settled there,
and that the ' dt fcctio ' mentioned in 4.
24, 2, relates to them. lie also connects
with them the mention of a ' Musulamio-
rum praefectus' in the time of Nerva, and
of a ' cohors Musulamiorum ' in another
inscription.

3. haud dissimili modo : cp. ' suis
. . . artibus peti ' I.iv. 22. 16, 5.

4. furandi melior. On the gen. cp.
Introd. V. § },}, e 7. Urager notes that
such a genitive is used with 'melior' only
here and in Silius.

5. incursaret, &c. The subjunct. is
probably that denoting frequent occur-
rence (cp. below, § 3). Nipp. gives a
different, but a])parently less satisfactory
explanation. For 'eluderet ' cp. 2. 52, 6.

6. tres incessus. The word would
seem to be best taken here, as in 6. 33, ;,
as 'directions of advance'; 'parantur'
being taken strictly with ' agmina,' and
by zeugma, in some such sense as ' deli-
guntur,' with ' incessus.' The left column
is directed towards Leptis and the (jara-
mantes, the right covers the outlet from
the Aures towards Cirta, while the main
army advances by Theve^te (Tebcssa)
into the territory of the Musulamii (see 2.
52, 2), and occupies it (§ 5) : see Momms.
Hist. V. 633, E. T. ii. 318.

Cornelius Scipio, probably the per-
son mentioned in 11. 2, 5; 4, 7 ; 12. 53,
3. An inscription (C. I. L. v. 4329)
shows him to have been Icgatus of the
Ninth legion, employed in this campaign
(4. 23, 2), and afterwards consul (jirob-
ably suff. in 777 or 7S0, A.u. 24 or 27 ;
and to have held other offices. His father
(Insc. Orell. 644) and son (13. 25, i) were
also consulars, and one of the three pro-
cos, of Ai^ia iC. I. G. 3186).

7. Leptitanos. Leptis minor (Lamta
or Lamba), a free city between Thapsus
and Adrumetum, is here meant; Leptis
maior (^Lebdah) being east of Tripoli, and
beyond what can reasonably be supposed
to be the field of operations.

suffugia Garamantum, ' places of
retreat among the Garamantes ' (cp. 4.
47, 2 ; G. 16, 4, &c.) : the word is used
ill post-Augustan prose and in Oviil. The
Ciaramantes are generally ])laced in I'ez-
zan, certainly far nearer Lejjtis ' mai^r '
than ' minor,' but they extended further
westward, as would appear from the
campnii^ms against them under Augustus
(see Momms. Hist. v. 630, E. T. ii. 315).

8. Cirtensiura, Cirta, the chief town
of Numidia or New Africa, restored by
Constantine under his own name ; which
is still borne by the modern city, the
cajiital of the French province.

traherentur, 'should be plundered':
cp. ' Aeduorum pages trahebat ' H. 2. 61,
2. The use appears taken from Sail,
(letter of Mithridates; H. 4. 61, 17 D, 19
K, p. 155 G.

9. Blaesus filius : see on i. 19, 4.

480

p. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 775.

arta et infensa hostibus cuncta fecerat, quia, quoquo incHnarent,
pars aliqua militis Roman! in ore in latere et saepe a tergo erat ;
multique eo modo caesi aut circumventi. tunc tripertitum exer- 4
citum pluris in manus dispergit praeponitque centuriones virtutis

5 expertae. nee, ut mos fuerat, acta aestate retrahit copias aut in 5
hibernaculis veteris provinciae componit, sed ut in limine belli
dispositis castcllis per expedites et solitudinum gnaros mutantem
mapalia Tacfarinatem proturbabat, donee fratre eius capto re-
gressus est, properantius tamen quam ex utilitate sociorum,

10 relictis per quos resurgeret bellum. sed Tiberius pro confecto 6
interpretatus id quoque Blaeso tribuit ut imperator a legionibus
salutaretur prisco erga duces honore, qui bene gesta re publica
gaudio et impetu victoris exercitus conclamabantur ; erantque
plures simul impcratorcs nee super ceterorum aequalitatem. 7

15 concessit quibusdam et Augustus id vocabulum, ac tunc Tiberius
Blaeso postremum.

75. Obiere eo anno viri inlustres Asinius Saloninus, M.

1. quoquo inclinarent, subjunct., ex-
pressing frequency: cp. Introd. v. § 52.

2. in ore = ' in conspectu ' : cji. ' in ore
vulgi ' H. 3. 36, I.

6. veteris. The original Africa as
distinct from Numidia : see on 2. 52, i.

ut in limine belli, perhaps best taken,
with Nipp., to mean ' as if the war was
but beginning,' instead of the summer
being over : cp. ' in prime limine vitac '
Sen. Here. F. 1132.

7. mutantem mapalia; adapted, like
' positis mapalibus' \\ 25, i), from terms
used of a camp. Such movable ' mapa-
lia ' are mentioned by Livy (29. 31) and
described by Vergil 'G. 3, 331-334)- and,
according to Shaw : Travels, i. p. 397 \
answer to the ' hhymas ' or ' beet-el-shar '
(' houses of hair'), the goatskin tents, in
shape like an inverted Ijoat, of the IJedo-
weens. .Saliu^t, who thus describes their
shape Jug. 18, 81, calls them 'aedificia,'
apparently confounding them wiih such
huts as are spoken ol (' arundine texta
storcaque . . . tecta') in Liv. 30. 3, 9;
which according to .Shaw (p. 400) answer
to the ' gurbies ' (of hurdles daubed with
mud (ir of sunbaked ciayand thatch^' used
by the Kabyks; supjiosed by him to be the
'magalia ' of Vergil (Aen. 1,421). lioth
words are used for the single tent or hut,
and for collections of them (the ' dcuwars '
of the former, ' dashkrahs ' of the latter).

1 1 . id quoque, i e. besides the ' trium-
phalia.'

12. prisco . . . honore. Livy (27. 19,
4) represents Scijno Africanus as saying
that he had this title from his soldiers ;
and it is found on inscriptions nearly
approaching that time : see Staatsr. i.
124

1 3. gaudio et impetu : cp. the similar
hendiadys in H. i. 27, 5; 2. 70, 5; 4.
49, 6.

conclamabantur, apparently short-
ened for such an expression as that of
Caesar (B.C. 2. 26, i)'universi exercitus
conclamatione imperator appellatur.'

14. plures, 'more tlian one,' ' several.'

15. concessit quibusdam et Augus-
tus. All the instances which Mommsen
(1. 1. 125) has collected are prior to the
formal constitution of tlie principnte in
727, K. C. 27 ; after which ;sec also Id. ii.
267) the title is confined to members of
the imperial family or ])robably to sharers
in the ' imperium proconsulare ' (Introd.
vi. p. 98) ; in which respect the position
of the proconsul of Africa at this time was
exceptional Id. vii. j). 115).

17. Obiere . . . viri inlustres. Dio
(57. 21, 3J states that Tiberius in this
year honoured the memory of some by
public funerals and statues.

Asinius Saloninus one of the sons
of Asinius Callus and of Vipsania, former

A. D. 22.]

LIBER 111. CAP. 74-76.

481

Agrippa et Pollione Asinio avis, fratre Druso insignis Caesari-
que progener destinatus, et Capito Atcius, de quo memoravi,
principem in civitate locum studiis civilibus adsecutus, sed avo

2 centurione SuUano, patre praetorio. consulatum ei adcelera-
verat Augustus, ut Labeonem Antistiuni isdem artibus praecel- 5

3 Icntcm dignatione eius magistratus anteiret, namque ilia aetas
duo pacis decora simul tulit : sed Labeo incorrupta libcrtate, et
ob id fama cclebratior, Capitonis obsequium dominantibus magis

4 probabatur, illi, quod praeturam intra stetit, commendatio ex
iniuria, huic, quod consulatum adeptus est, odium ex invidia 10
oriebatur.

76. Kt lunia sexagensimo quarto post Philippensem aciem
anno supremum diem explevit, Catone avunculo genita. C.
Cassii uxor, M. Bruti soror. testamentum eius multo apud

6. magistratibus : text B.

wife of Tiberius (cp. i. 12, 6, and note on
6. 23, 3). Asinius (jalliis also bore the
surname Saioninus, conimemorating the
capture of Salonae in Delmatia by his
father Pollio in 715. K. c. 39.

2. progener, i. e. as husband to a
daughter of German icus.

de quo memoravi : cp- c. 70, 2 ; also
I. 76. 3 ; 79, 1.

3. principem in civitate locum, used
in Dial. 34, i of the first orator of the
age. Here the ' civilia studia,' which
might include also oratory, are under-
stood of juristic knowledge only.

4. consulatum. He was cos suff. in
758, A. n. 5 : cp. C. I. L. i. p. 474 ; Eph.
Kpig. iii. p. II ; wliere his full name is
given, 'C. Ateius L. f. L. n. Ca[Mto.' It
would thus appear that his father (the
' praetorius ') is the L. Ateius, L. f., An.
Capito mentioned in a senatus consultum
in Cic. ad Fam. 8. 8, 5. Another, C.
Ateius Capito, was trib. pi. in B.C. 55
(Dio, ■>>'). 32, 3).

5. Labeonem Antistium, mentioned
by liellius ^^13. 10, &c. 1, and constantly
in juridical writings. His father, who
killed himself after I'hilippi (App. 15. C.
4. I3,^), was also a jurist.

7. duo pacis decora. They are know n
in the history of jurisprudence as tlie
founders of the two scliools called, from
the names of subsequent leaders, Sabinians
and Proculians. The decisions of Capito
are described as strictly grounded on,
those of Labeo as more independent of,

tradition and ])recedent (Dig. I. 2, 2,
§ 47) : see Gibbon, ch. 44.

incorrupta libertate, abl. of quality.
His rival Capito, quoted by Gellius (13.
12), says he had a ' libertas nimia atque
vecors.' An illustration is given by Dio
(54. 15, 7 and Suetonius (Aug. 54),
that at the choice of senators in 736, B. C.
J 8, ' quum vir virum Ugeret,' he chose
M. Lepidus the ex-triumvir, though an
enemy ol Augustus, and exiled from Rome,
and defended his choice with spirit.

8. obsequium : cp. c. 70, 2. The
story, that he said of a doubtful word
used by Tiberius, that if it was not Latin,
it would soon become so (Suet, de Gr.
22), is liardly to the point.

y. intra stetit: cp. c. 72, ^. Accord-
ing to a later account (Dig. 1. 1.), he re-
fused a consulship.

I-'. lunia. Servilia. half-sister of M.
Cato Uttcensis, and, by her fir.st marriage,
mother of M. Brutus the conspirator, ailer-
wards married D. Junius Silanus, cos.
692, B.C. 62, by whom she had this
daughter, known also as Teitia i_Suet.
lul. 50) or Teitulla Cic. Att. 14. 20, 2 ;
15. II, 1), and another older lunia, wife
ot M. Lepidus the triumvir (Cic. Att. 6.
2, 2.; ; Phil. 13. 4. 8; Veil. 3. 88, i,&c.\

13. genita, used loosely of a niece by
blood. The pass.ige cited by Nipp. (12.
<i4, 4) is not luUy parallel, as ' avunculo
Auguslo' is there abl. abs., which can
hardly be the case here.

1 4. multo . . . rumore fuit, ' w as one

482

p. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM LIB. II L

vulgum rumore fuit, quia in magnis opibus, cum ferme cunctos
proceres cum honore nominavisset, Caesarem omisit. quod civi- 3
liter acceptum, neque prohibuit quo minus laudatione pro rostris
ceterisque sollemnibus funus cohonestaretur. viginti clarissima- 4
5 rum familiarum imagines antelatae sunt, Manlii, Quinctii aliaque
eiusdem nobilitatis nomina. ^ed praefulgebant Cassius atque 5
Brutus eo ipso, quod effigies eorum non visebantur.

1. operibus: text B. 7. P. Corneli Liber III Finit. Incipit Liber IIIL

of much notoriety.' Nipp. notes such
ablatives of quality in 4. 52, 8 ; 58, i ; 6.

47. 3; 51, 3-

2. quod civiliter acceptum, ' which
Tiberius took as a citizen should ' ; i. e.
did not resent it ' vi principis ' (c. 12, 4),
ly prohibiting her funeral honours: cp.
'civiliter . . . habuit ' 4. 21, 2, ' comitia
. . . civiliter celebrans' H. 2. 91, 2.

4. cohonestaretur, ' should receive
general honour ' ; so ' ad cohonestandas
exequias ' Cic. Quint. 15, 50, 'ad memo-
riam puellae cohonestandam' Inscr. Orell.

fiC>37-

viginti . . . familiarum. That ' an-
cestry ' was a wide term in such cases is
shown by c. 5, 2 (where see note). The
names given here are those not of families
but of 'gentes' (see note on 2. 52, 8).

5. Manlii. The son of T. Manlius
Torquatus, cos. 589, B.C. i65,wasadoi)ted
by D. Junius Silanus (Cic. de Fin. i. 7,
24). The relationship with the Quinctii
is not traceable.

7. non visebantur. Their effigies
were certainly preserved in households
(4- 35, 3 ; 16. 7. 3 ; I^io, 53- 3^, 4'. and
were objects of special reverence, even in
Pliny's time; who says of TitiniusCapito
' mirum . . . quo studio imagines Bruto-
rum, Cassiorum, Catonum domi, ubi
potest, habeat' (Epp. i. 17, 3\ The last
words imply that they were not shown
publicly, whether by positive prohibition
(cp. 2. 32, 2), or as a matter of prudence.
' Viso' is thus used for the simple 'video'
in 13. 46, 4 ; 14. I, 5, &c.

APPENDIX III.

EXCURSUS ON THE 'LEX PATIA POPPAEA' (see 3. 25-28).

Note. — In the preparation of this Excursus, little more has been done
than to condense and arrange the materials collected by Mr. T. F. Dallin ;
with some addition to the introductory and supplemental remarks.

That Tacitus makes the mention of this law an occasion for a disser-
tation on the origin and development of law in general, and of Roman
law in particular, is an evidence that he considered it to form an era in
le^i-lation. Still stronger testimony to its importance is given by the
constant references to it in the Digest ; and the numerous comments of
the jurists on its provisions \ which have rendered possible such restora-
tions of it as have been made.

The laws of Rome, probably from a very early period, had encouraged
marriage and the rearing of children, and discouraged celibacy-. The
censor was himself probably required by old law to be a married man ^,
and was entitled to question citizens as to their condition, and to levy a
fine ('uxorium') from the unmarried*.

The attention of the dictator Caesar had been called to the need of
fresh legislation in this direction by the revelation in the census-lists
of the ravages which the civil wars had made in the population " ; which
he endeavoured to meet by offering valuable rewards to the fathers of
many children ^

The years following his death must have aggravated the evil, which
thus demanded a prominent place in the social and domestic legislation
of Augustus. His earlier efforts, which began perhaps from his sixth

^ It is often mentioned as ' Leges' kut * Cic. de Orat. 2. 64, 260 ; Val. Max.

*f "X'?!' by Proculu';, Pomponius, &c., and 2. 9, i; Plut. Camill. p. 129; Id. M.

in the ancient Index to the Pandects Cat p. .^45; Cell. 4. 20; Festus, s. v.

(Hcinecc. pp. 13, 14*. ' uxorium.'

^ Some kind of ' ius tiiiim liberorum' ' See App. B. C. 2. 102.

has been thought to dnte from the regal * Dio, 43. 25, 2 -noXviraiUas aOKa

period, but this is questioned by Heinec- iind-qKfv. He hnd already given privileges

cius (pj-). 26. 27V to paients of three or more children in the

* Cicero (del.egg. 3.4, 7)laysdo\vn such distribution of the Campanian lands (Suet.

a law, apparently from ancient precedent. Jul. 20; App. B. C. 2. io\

484 APPENDIX III. EXCURSUS

consulshij) in 726, b. c. 28 Vhad endeavoured to deal with the subject in
the most energetic and stringent manner ; but met with such a storm of
opposition as to compel him to withdraw and modify his proposals ^. In
some milder form, the ' lex lulia de maritandis ordinilius ' was passed in
736, B.C. 18 ^ ; but an interval of three years was given before it should
be enforced *.

Towards the close of his life, in 762, a. d. 9, he took the further step
of procuring the enactment of a great and comprehensive measure,
designed apparently to absorb and codify much if not all of the ' ius
civile ' on the subjects of marriages and wills. This law, fully sanctioned
by senate and comitia ■', is generally named after the consuls its actual
proposers, but often called in full ' lex lulia et Papia Poppaea de
maritandis ordinibus.'

The following account of its several chapters is taken mainly from the
treatise of Heineccius ' : who has collected such fragments of the text as
have been preserved, and has restored the rest from what is known
respecting its substance.

Lex Maritalis.

Cap. I. De senatorum eorumque liberorum nuptiis. ' Qui senator est
quive filius neposve ex filio proneposve ex filio nato, cuius eorum
est, erit : ne quis eorum sponsam uxoremve sciens dolo malo habeto
libertinam, aut earn quae ipsa cuiusve pater materve artem ludicram
facit, fecerit. Neve senatoris filia neptisve ex filio proneptisve ex
nepote filio nato nata libertino eive qui ipse cuiusve pater materve
artem ludicram facit, fecerit sponsa nuptave sciens dolo malo esto :
neve quis eorum dolo malo sciens sponsam uxoremve earn habeto ''.'

Cap. 11. De ingenuorum nuptiis. ' Omnibus reliquis ingenuis praeter
senatores eorumque liberos libertinam uxorem habere liceto ; . . . *
at ne quis ingenuus earn quae palam quaestum corpore facit, fecerit;
lenam, a lenone manumissam, aut iudicio publico damnatam, aut in
aduherio deprchensam quaeve artem ludicram facit fecerit sponsam
uxoremve sciens dolo malo habeto.'

Cap. III. De sexagenariis, quinquagenariis, s|)adonibus '.

' See Ann. 3. 28, 3, 4. part 3, pp. 1-446. The Geneva erlition

' Suet. Aiifj. 34. Piopertius, in an elefjy of 1 767 is refcrrtd to. Several later authori-

(2. 7) written prob.nbly between 726-730, tiesaieciied by Marquardt.Staatsv. ii. 291,

B.C. 28-24, expresses his own and Cyn- n. 8. See also Dr. Moyle's summary of

thia's joy at the withdrawal of this law. the whole law m Diet of Ant. ii. 44.

^ Dio, 54. 16. Horace alludes to it as ' I 'reserved by PauUus.

a new law in 737, B.C. 17 (Carm. Saec. ' Preserved by Celsus : cp. Dio, 54. 16,

17-20). * Suet. 1. 1. 2 ; 56. 7. 2.

'■" See Heineccius, pp. 50, 51. " This chapter dealt v\iih exemptions :

* In vol. iii. of his collected works, men above sixty and women above fifty

ON THE 'LEX PA PI A POPPAEA.'

485

Cap. IV. De concubinatu^

Cap. V. De sponsalibus ^.

Caj). VI. De poenis iniustariim nuptiarum ^.

Cap. vn. De piivilegiis maritorum et parentum in gerendis honoribus *.

Cap. viii. De eorundcni privilegiis in petendis honoribus".

Cap. IX. De immunitate ob liberoruni numcrum ^.

Cap. X. De iure Quiritium ob liberos consequendo''.

Cap. XI. De liberalione liberti ab operis ob liberos ^

Cap. XII. De miilicruni libcratione a tutela ob numerum liberorum '.

Cap. xiii. De divoriio libertae prohibito. ' Ne divortii faciundi potestas

libcriae quae nupta est pairono, quamdiu is earn uxorein esse, volet ;

neve invito illo alii nubentli potestas esto '".'
Cap. XIV. De tutore mulicie dotis causa dando ",
Cap. xv.-xix. ' Leges decimariae '^.'
Cap. xx.-xxvm. De solidi capacitate".
Cap. XXIX. De legato sub conditione caelibatus relicto '*.

were under the penalties of the law for
life, unless they had married before attain-
ing those respective ages. By a seiiatus
consultuni passed under the rule of
Claudius, an exemption extended to men
who were sixty years old at the time of
marriage, if the wife was under fiftv (^Suct.
CI. 23 ; Ulp. Fr. Tit. xvi. i,\

' That a chapter existed on this subject
is inferred by Hein. from the statements
of jurists. He imagines it to have run-
somewhat as follows : ' Quas jiersonas
per hanc legem uxores habere nun licet,
eas concuhinas habere ius esto : ingenuam
honestam in concubinatu habere ius ne
esto.' These details are doubtful.

^ Enacting that a girl shouUl not be
betrothed under ten years old ; that
marriage should follow within two yeais
of betrothal ; that women should be
allowed two years from widowhood, or
six months from divorce, before remar-
riage ;Suet. Aug. 34; Dio, 54. 16, 7;
Ulp. Fragm. Tit. xiv. i).

■" Those who married unlawfully were
to be treated as unmarried ,Ulp. Fragm.
Tit. xvi. 2).

* A consul who had more children
rnnlced as senior, a married con>ul took
precedence of an unmarried (Gcll. 2, 15).

■^ The s.ime principle apjilied to can-
didates i_cp. ri. Kpp. 7. 16, 2). Tacitus
records a breach of this provision (Ann.
2. 51, 2\ and its evasion by fraudulent
adoptions (15. 19, 1).

" A father of three children was ex-
emjited from personal duties (as ' tutela,'
&c.) at Rome.

' A Latin father or mother of three
children was to be a Roman.

* The full text of this chapter is pre-
served by Paullus. It exempts a freed-
man who had two or more children ' in
sua jjotestate ' from such ' operac ' as he
was bound to furnish to his patron.

' This exemption was given for three
children to a ' Romana,' for four to a
' libertina.'

'" Preserved by Ulpian.

" A 'tutor ad dotem dandam ' to be
assigned in certain cases by the praetor
urbanus ^Ulp. Fragm. Tit. xi. 20).

'" The titles and contents of these
chapters need not here be given. 'I'hey
entitle husband .nnd wile, as such, to suc-
ceed to one tenth of each other's propetty,
and to further tenths, in right of children
by another marriage, and on other grounds
(Ulp. Fragm. Tit. XV. : see Heinecc. pp.
87 89, and Comm. pp. 257-273').

^■' 'I'hese chapters treat of the causes
entitling husband and wife to succeed to
the whole of each other's prooerty, and
to legacies or inheritances from the wills
of others (Ulp. Fragm. Tit. xvi. For
full ex])lanation see Heinecc. Comm.
pp. 273-293).

'* The legatee was discharged from the
condition.

VOL. I

II

Cap.

XXX.

Cap.

XXXI.

Cap.

XXXII.

Cap.

XXXIII,

Cap.

XXXIV.

Cap.

XXXV.

486 APPENDIX III. EXCURSUS

De iureiurando libertis remittendo \
De iure adfinitatis inter vitricum, etc.'^
De privilegiis absentium reip. causal
De indulgentia senatus *.
De divortii modo et poena ^

De cogendis parenlibus ut liberos elocent. ' Qui liberos
quos habent in potestate, iniuria prohibebunt ducere uxores vel nubere,
in matrimonium eos collocare per praetorem urbanum coguntor ^'
Cap. xxxvi. De poenis caelibatus. 'Caelibes, nisi intra centum dies
huic legi paruerint, neque haereditatem, neque legatum ex testamento,
nisi proximorum genere capiunto ''.'
Cap. xxxvii. De poenis orbitatis. ' Si qui coniugum masculus (ultra
vicesimum quintum annum) femina (ultra vicesimum) orbi erunt,
semissem relictorum tantum capiunto V
Capp. xxxviii-xLiv. De iure patronatus*.

Lex Cadticaria.

The second half of this law is thus entitled by Heineccius ; who makes
it consist of fifteen chapters. No fragments of them are preserved, and the
restoration of this part of the law is much less certain in its details ; but
it is known generally to have dealt with the subject of lapsed inheritances,
and the proportions and conditions under which they became public pro-
perty. All that is known of their provisions is fully given and explained
by Heineccius (pp. 357, foil.).

Such inheritances or legacies as could not be taken by the persons to
whom they were devised accrued firstly to conjoint legatees of the same

^ An oath not to many, exacted by a twenty and sixty, or an unmarried woman

patron, was not to be binding. between twenty and fifty (see above, cap.

" Affinities, except between father-in- iii., and Poste, Gains, p. 252). The ex-
law and son-in-law, to be annulled by ception, within which inheritances or
death or divorce. legacies were allowed to accrue, extended

■* Those absent on the public service to to ascendants and descendants as far as

be exempt from the penalties of the law. the third degree.

* The senate might legalize an otherwise * The text of this chapter is a restoration
illegal marriage, as between a senator and like the former. The pains and penalties
freedwoman. of celibacy and childlessness were abol-

'■> This law fixed the share of dower to ished by Constantine in A. D. 320 (see

be returned to the wife on divorce, and Poste on Gains, p. 252).

was intended to discourage divorce by • Cp. cap. xi. The general object of

making it entail loss. these seven chapters was to define the

* Preserved by Marcianus. rights of the patronus over the person or
■' The text of this section is given as property of his married freedman and

conceived by Heineccius from Ulp.Fr. Tit. freedwoman. Their provisions are ex-
xvii. I, and other sources. 'Caelebs' is plained by Heineccius (Comm. pp. .^44-
defined to be an unmarried man between 356) : see also Poste, Gains, p. 307, foil.

ON THE 'LEX PA PI A POPPA E A.' 487

specific thing with children, in the second place to heirs with children, in
the third to other legatees with children \ failing all these, to the aera-
rium ', or, in later times, to the fiscus.

This law, though having for its apparent object ' to add force to the
penalties on celibacy and to enrich the treasury *,' encountered no such
vigorous opposition as that which had blunted the edge of the ' lex
lulia^.' The senate had been schooled by twenty-five years of submission,
and people had perhaps found out that it was easier to evade laws than
to resist their enactment. The consuls from whom this law is named
were both unmarried ^ ; nor, according to Tacitus ^ did marriage or the
rearing of children become more frequent.

In one respect the law was indeed most fruiiful. By it was given the
first general encouragement, on a large scale, and in a matter affecting
private life, to systematic delation^, and the first brood of professional
informers was called into being ; whose activity in respect to other laws,
and especially that of ' maiestas,' forms so large a part of the domestic
history of the age. When this activity was let loose upon a law whose
vast and complicated network was such as to entangle every family in
some or other of its meshes", we can easily see that its working must
have caused intolerable annoyances unforeseen at its enactment, and can
understand the outcry which in ten years was already demanding relaxa-
tion. The law itself thus marks the extreme limit of legislative interfer-
ence with private life in this respect, and its subsequent history as known
to us is that of its mitigation. ' Many of its entanglements were
resolved ' by the commission under Tiberius ^, another important pro-
vision was relaxed by Claudius^", the rewards of informers were cut down
by Nero ", and princes often gave the ' ius liberorum ' to those who had it
not^^ Thus the severity of many of its penalties became so far obsolete

' Hence Juvenal says (9, 87) to one ' Dio, 56. 10, 3.

who had attained the ' iura parentis,' ' L. 1. 'nee ideoconiugia et educationes

' scriberis heres, legatum omne capis liberum frequentabantur.'

necnon et dulce caducum.' ' 3. 28, 4 'inditi custodes et lege Papia

^ Compare the language of Tacitus Poppaea praemiis inducti.'

(3. 28, 4) ' velut parens omnium populus ' L. 1. ' altius penetrabant urbemque et

vacantia teneret.' The ' leges caducariae ' Italiam et quod usquam civium corripuer-

were made mora stringent by Caracalla, ant, multorumque excisi status.'

but practically abolished by Constantine, ' L. 1. ' exsoluti plerique legis nexus.'

and formally by Justinian (see Poste, '" See above, cap. iii. and Suet. CI. 23.

Gains, p.252 ; Marquardt.ii. pp. 291-293). The statement there by Suetonius, that

^ Ann. 3. 25, I ' incitandis caelibum Tiberius had added the provision which

poenis et augendo aerario.' Claudius repealed, appears improbable.

* Dio (56. I, 2) mentions a complaint " ' Praemia delatorum Papiae legis ad

of the knights, apparently in anticipation quartas redegit ' Suet. Ner. 10.

of this law, and gives at length what '^ PI. Epp. 2. 13, 8 ; 10. 2, i. &c. : cp.

purports to be the reply of Augustus in Momms. Staatsr. ii, 888.
support of its principles.

488 EXCURSUS ON THE 'LEX PA PI A POPPAEA/

that Tertullian, writing under Septimius Severus, speaks of ' vanissimas
Papias leges V and Ammianus Marcellinus notes still the social tyranny
of the bachelor and the childless '^.

But that the law as a whole was still active, is shown by its being
repeated, cited, explained, or illustrated by Ulpian, Ter. Clemens, Gaius,
Paullus, Marcellus, &c.; and by notices in the Institutes of Justinian,
which could scarcely have been made to an obsolete law.

' Apol. 4. ' 14, 19.

BOOK IV.
SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.

A. TJ. C. 776, A. D. 23. C. Asinius Pollio, C. Antistius Vetus, coss.

Ch. 1. Ascendency of Scianus ; his ori^'in and character. 2. Concentration of the
praetorian guards in a camp; influence of Seianus with the soldiers and the senate.
3. His schemes against Drusus. 4. Drusus, son of Germanicus, enters public life ;
professed intention of Tiberius to visit the provinces, fi, 6. Review of the military
and civil organization of the empire. 7-9. Hostility of Drusus and Seianus ; the
former poisoned ; behaviour of Tiberius on his son's death ; honours to his memory.
10, 11. A story, that Tiberius had himself caused the death* of Drusus, rejected.
12. Designs of .Seianus against the family of Germanicus. 13. Provincial gric\ances
dealt with by Tiberius. 14. Fuuher deputations on right of asylum ; pantomime
actors expelled from Italy. 15. Death of Lucilius Longus and of a son of Diusus;
condemnation of Lucilius Capito ; the Asiatic cities permitted to erect a temple to
Tiberius, Augusta, and the senate. 16. Regulations respecting the flamcn Dialis,
and the Vestnls.

A. U C. 777, A. D. 24. Ser. Cornelius Cethegus, L. Visellius Varro, coss.

Ch. 1". Jealous) of Tiberius at mention of Nero and Drusus in the ' vota solemnia.'
18-20. Trial and death of C. Silius, and banishment of his wife Sosia ; independence
of character shown by M . Lepitlus. 21. 1,. Piso is accused, and dies before trial;
Cassius Severus banished to Seriphos. 22. Plautius Silvanus convicted of the
murder of his wife. 23-26. Tacfarinas finally defeated and killed by Dolabella ;
presents sent from the senate to I'tolemaeus, king of Mauretania. 27- An incipient
servile insurrection crushed near Brundisium. 28-30. Vibius Serenus accused by his
son; the extreme penalty modified. 31. Cominius pardoned for a libel; Siiillius
condeii.ned for selling justice ; Firmius Catus for false accusation. 32,33. Apology
ol Tacitus for the monotony of his subject.

A U. C. 778, A. D. 25. Cos.sus Cornelius Lentulus, M. Asinius Agrippa, coss.

Ch. 34, 35. Trial of Crcmulius Cordus for praise of Brutus and Cassius ; his defence
and suicide. 36. Charges brought before young Drusus, praef. urbis ; Cyzicus
deprived of its freedom. 37, 36. Tiberius rejects the petition to allow a temple to
himself in Spain. 3'J, 40. Seianus asks Livia in marriage ; reply of Tibeiius. 41.
Seianus urges him to retire from Rome. 42. The trial of Votienus influences
Tiberius in this direction ; others severely sentenced. 43. Decision on a question of
boundary between Messenia and Lacouia, and on other provincial matters. 44.
Deaths of Cn. Lentulus and L. Domilius at Rome, and of L. Antonius at Massilia.
45. Murder of L. Piso in Spain.

490 SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.

A. U. C. 779, A. D. 26. Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Qaetulicus, C. Calvisius
Sabinus, coss.

Ch. 46-51. Triumphalia awarded to Poppaeus Sabinus, for the suppression of an
insurrection in Thrace. b'2-hA. Agrippina, alarmed at the condemnation of her
cousin Claudia Pulchra, remonstrates with Tiberius, and afterwards requests him to
give her a husband ; Seianus increases the enmity between them. 55, 56. Eleven
Asiatic cities contend for the honour of possessing the temple to be erected to
Tiberius ; Sardes and Smyrna preferred and the latter selected. 57, 58. Tiberius
permanently quits Rome ; his reasons suggested, and predictions respecting him
discussed. 59. His life saved by Seianus on the falling of a cave. 60. Schemes of
Seianus against Nero. 61. Deaths of Asinius Agrippa and Q. Haterius.

A. IT. C. 780, A. D. 27. M. Licinius Crassus Frugi, L. Calpurnius Piso, coss.

Ch. 62, 63. Disastrous loss of life from the fall of an amphitheatre at Fidenae. 64,
65. Destructive fire on the Mons Caelius; liberality of Tiberius, and compliment
paid to him ; origin of the name. 66. Quintilius Varus accused by Domitius Afer
and P. Dolabella. 67. Retirement of Tiberius \o Capreae ; description of the
island.

A. U. C. 781, A. D. 28. App. Junius Silanus, P. Silius Nerva, coss.

Ch. 68-70. Titius Sabinus, a friend of the family of Germanieus, who had been en-
trapped by disgraceful means, denounced and executed on the opening day of the
year. 71. Hints of Tiberius against Agrippina and Nero ; death of Julia, grand-
daughter of Augustus. 72, 73. Rising of the Frisii ; want of energy shown by L.
Apronius in dealing with it. 74. Visit of Tiberius and Seianus to Campania; con-
course and servility of the senate and people. 75. Marriage of Agrippina, daughter
of Germanieus, to Cn. Domitius.

p. CORNELII TACITI

ANNALIUM AB EXCESSU DIVI AUGUSTI

LIBER lY.

1. C. AsiNio C. Antistio consuHbus nonus Tiberio annus erat
compositae rei publicae, florentis domus (nam Germanici mortem 5
inter prospcra ducebat), cum repcnte turbare fortuna coepit, sae-

2 vire ipse aut saevientibus vires praeberc. initium et causa penes
Aelium Seianum cohortibus praetoriis praefcctum, cuius de po-
tentia supra memoravi : nunc originem, mores, et quo facinore

3 dominationem raptum ierit, expcdiam. genitus Vulsiniis patre 10
Seio Strabonc equite Romano, et prima iuventa Gaium Caesarcm

2. AB EXCESSU DIUI AUGLSTI.

text Pichena.

4. C. Asinio C. Antistio. Their full
names given from l)io ^Arg. 13. 57) and
Pliny (,N. II. 33. 2, 8, 32) are C. Asi-
nius C. f. Pollio and C. Antistius C. f.
Vetus. Nipp. notes that the latter had
been urban, the former peregrine, praetor,
in 773, A. D. 20. Asinius is another son
of Asinius Gallus (cp. 3. 7-;, i, &c.), and
was procos. of Asia, probably under Gaius
(see Introd. vii. p. Ii3\ Antistius is one
of the ' consulares filii ' of the Antistius
(cos. 748, B. c. 6) of Veil. 2. 43, 3. On
his son and nephew see 12. 25, i ; 13.
11,1.

nonus. He liad entered on his ninth
year in the preceding August, but Tacitus
seems to reckon from Jan. 1, 768, A. u.
15 : see Staatsr. ii. 802.

6. turbaje : cp. 3. 47, 2.

7. penes, of cause, as c. 16, 3.

5. Aelium Seianum. The form of the
name suggests that he had been adopted
by an Aelius, probably Aelius Gallus,

10. raptum perit : captaverit margin and B,

praefect of Kgypt in 730, v.. c. 24 (see on
5.8, i). The praenomen, ' L.' is given
by Dio (57. 19, 5) and in a Spanish
coin dated in his consulship (see OrcUi .

cohortibus . . . praefectum. He had
been sole praefect since the appoint-
ment of his father, whose colleague he
had previously been 'i. 24, 3), to the prae-
fecture of Egypt (Dio, 57. 19, 6).

9. supra : see i. 24, 3 ; 69, 7 ; 3. 29,
5; 35. 2; 72. 5-

facinore, the murder of Drusus.

10. raptum ierit. This correction is
suggested by H. 2. 6, 4 ; Sail. Jug. 85,
42, and matiy similar uses of 'ire' with
a supine, as c. 66, 2 ; 73, 6, &c.

expediam ; so used by Sallust and
Vergil.

Vulsiniis, Bolsena. Juvenal (10, 74)
hence calls him ' Tuscus.'

11. Seio Strabone : cp. i. 7, 3 ; 24. 3.
Velleius (2. 127, 3) calls him ' princeps
equestris ordinis ' ; an expression justified

492

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 776.

divi August! nepotcm sectatus, non sine rumore Apicio diviti et
prodigo stuprum veno dedisse, mox Tibcrium variis artibus de-
vinxit, adeo ut obscurum adversum alios sibi uni incautum intec-
tunique cfFiceret. non tarn soilertia (quippe isdem artibus victus

5 est) quam deum ira in rem Romanam, cuius pari exitio viguit
ceciditque. corpus illi laborum tolerans, animus audax ; sui 4
obtegens, in alios criminator ; iuxta adulatio et superbia ; palam
compositus pudor, intus summa apiscendi libido, eiusque causa
mode largitio et luxus, saepius industriaac vigilantia, haud minus

10 noxiae, quoticns parando regno finguntur.

2. Vim praefecturae modicam antea intendit, dispersas per
urbem cohortes una in castra conducendo, ut simul imperia ac-

by the ' praefecturae ' which he held.
Also he speaks of Seianus as related to
noble families through his mother (who,
as sister of Blaesiis, must have been a
Junia), and adds that he had brothers
(see on 2. 20, 2), cousins, and an uncle
(3. 35, J), of consular rank.

Gaium Caesarem: cp. i. 3, 2 ; &c.

1. Apicio. Dio (57. 19, 5) gives the
name as t/lapKos Ta^ios 'AttIkios. He is
repeatedly mentioned in literature as the
great epicure of his age ; but as Athenaeus
(I. 7, d ; 4. 16S, d) mentions two other
gourmands of the name, of much earlier
and later date respectively, it would seem
that the name had passed on as a ' so-
briquet ' from the first of them. See
Prof l\anisay in Diet, of Biog.

2. veno dedisse. This construction,
only found here, is analogous to ' dono
dare.' The dative 'veno' appears to be
peculiar to Tacitus ;cp. 13. 51,1; 14- 15,
3), as ' venui' to Apuleius.

3. obscurum, ' reserved ' : cp. Cic. Off.
3. 15, 5 ; Hor. Ep. i. 18, 94, &c.

intectum: cp. 2. 59, 2: in this sense
an. dp., but answering to a common use
of ' tectus.'

4. isdem artibus, i. e. 'soilertia.' This
shows that he could not have been more
crafty than Tiberius ; therefore his as-
cendency over him was due to a divine
judgement against the state; in other
words, was inexplicable (see on 3. 30, 7).

R. pari exitio probably modal abl.),
by the crimes wiiicli he prompted during
his ascendency, and by the reign of terror,
and utter shamelessne.-.s of Tiberius (6.
51, 6 , following on his tall.

6. corpus : cp. the description of his
'physique' in Veil. 2. 127, 3 'sufficient!

etiam vigori animi compage corporis.'

tolerans, with gen. only here and
in Colum. ; but the usage is analogous
to many others (Introd. v. § 34 c). In
the whole passage, Tacitus has in view
Sallust's description of Catiline (Cat. 5).

7. obtegens : cp. i. 76, 2 ; used with
gen. here only, but analogously to the
usage with other participles Introd. v. §
33 d'. Seianus himself is here supplied
as sulijejt.

criminator, a very rare word : cp.
c. 12, 6, Plant. Bacch. 4. 7, 28.

iuxta, 'were side by side'; so used
of a iilurality of objects, in PI. N. H. 36.
15, 24, 117 'theatra duo iuxta fecit.'

8. compositus. Nipp. appears rightly
to take this to mean 'tranquil,' noting
that the sense of artificial assumption cp.
c. 31, 4, &c.; is here already given by the
contrast ' palain ' . . . 'intus.'

summa, probably neut. pi. as shown
by II . 26, 5 ' summa adeptus.'

9. industria ac vigilantia. The glow-
ing eulogy of Velleius (1. 1.) is here con-
firmed in this respect.

11. modicam antea. The importance
which Dio 52. 241 makes Maecenas as-
cribe to the office, belongs to a later date.
On its subsequent history and conversion
into a civil office see Gibbon, ch. 5, and
17; Staatsr. ii. 1058, foil.

dispersas per urbem. Augustus,
according to Suetonius (Aug. 49:, kept
most of tliem in neighbouring towns, re-
taining only three in Rome, and those not
concentrated. One ' cohors togata ' (see
on 3. 4, 2) was always on guard at the
Palalium or in attendance on the emperor
elsewhere (cp. 12. 69, I, &cc.).

12. una in castra. The site, clearly

A.D. 23-]

LIDER 11'. CAP. 1-3.

493

ciperent, numcroque et roborc et visu inter sc fiducia ipsis, in

2 cetcros mctus orcrctur. practendebat lascivire militem diduc-
tum ; si quid subitum ingruat. maiorc auxilio j)aritcr subveniri ;
et severius acturos, si vallum statuatur procul urbis inlecebris.

3 ut pcrfccta sunt castra, inrcpcre paulatim militarcs animos 5
adcundo, appcllando ; simul ccnturiones ac tribunos ipse de-

4 ligerc. neque scnatorio ambitu abstincbat clientes suqs honori-
bus aut provinciis ornandi, facili Tibcrio atque ita prono, ut
socium laborum non modo in sermonibus, scd apud patres et
populum celebraret colique per theatra et fora effigies eius inter- ic
que principia legionum sineret.

3. Ceterum plena Caesarum domus, iuvenis filius, nepotes
adulti moram cupitis adferebant ; et quia vi tot simul corripcre

2. credetur : crederetur B, oriretur Facrn., text Ilaase.

marked by the prominent square excre-
scence in the present walls, was outside
the Servian a{,'ger, between the Viminal
and Collinc qates.

1. inter se, taken with ' visa.'

in ceteros metus : cp. c. 59, 3 ; 6,
50, 8; II. 8, 3. The JJrcp. and accus.
have nearly the force of a sin.ple dat. : see
Introd. V. § 60 b.

2. oreretur : the liability to confusion
between 'or' and 'cr' is illustrated by
the corruption of ' cremari ' tu ' ore mari '
in I. 49, 4. Another pioposetl correction,
'adderetur' (Anquetil , is ^upj)oited by
H. 2. 3r, 2.

3. maiore auxilio pariler subveniri,
'their support in one body would ^i\e
greater help" ; equivalent to ' mains aux-
ilium foret si paiiter sub\enissent.' Cp.
'maiore praemio vult^aretur ' 3. 49, 1),
and other such condensed expressions.
On this use of ' pariter' cp. i. ^2, 7, Xc.

4. procul. The camp, as has been
seen, was close outside the walls and
within the inhabited area of the city ;
but ' procul ' is used of any interval (cp.
Vcr}^. Eel. 6, 16; Hor. Sat. 2. 6, 105:
Ov. Met. 5. 114) ; and to live in camp at
all was a 'reparation.

5. inrepere, apparently not earlier
used with accus. On other such usages of
compound verbs see Introd. v. § 12 c.

6. ipse deligere. It is here implied,
and on other grounds e\ident, that in this
he went beyond his legitimate power: cp.
Staatsr. ii. 869, 1 1 19.

7. senatorio ambitu, i. e. he courted
senators as well as soldiers.

8. ornandi, defining genitive like ' cul-
tus . . . venerandi' 3.63, 6 , showing wliere-
in the 'ambitus' consisted, namely, in ob-
taining magistracies and provinces through
his influence with Tiberius.

9. socium laborum : cp. Dio, 58. 4, 3
Koivojvuv Tujv ippovTiTxxJV ihvona^e, ' 'S.-qiavo'i
Tt 6 ifiui' TToWcLKts inavaKa^liin'oiv fXcyt.

apud patres et populum : cp. ' in
senatu aut concione ' (c. 40, 12); also
H. I. 90, 2. The people were usually
addressed by published edicts.

10. colique . . . efllgies ; so Dio (1.1.)
Kai TsAos Kai rais tiK^aiv aiirov wairtp Kal
rats T jv TiiSfpiuv iiOvov.

per theatra: cp. 3. 72, 5.

interque principia legionum. Ni]ip.
notes that this is added enqihatically. On
the 'principia' cp. 1. 61, 3, &c. ; on the
sanctity of the place see i. 39, 7; also
.Staatsr. ii. S14. Suetonius (Tib. 48)
states th.Tt all the legions but those of
S\ria thus honoured Seianus.

I 2. filius, Drusus.

nepotes adulti : cp. c. 4, i ; 3. 29,
I. There were thiee younger boys,
Gains, and the twin sons of Urusus
(2, 84\

13. et quia, &c. This would mean
that the realization of his aims was de-
layed by the number and position of the
sons and gnindsons, and by the lact that
they could only gradually be got rid of
with safetv. Li this sentence the oppo-
sition would be between 'simul corripere'
and ' intervalla scelerum,' not between
'vis' and 'dolus'; ' vi corripere' being
simply ' to assassinate/ or bring to a

494

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 776.

intutum, dolus intervalla scelerum poscebat. placuit tamen oc-
cultior via et a Druso incipere, in quem recenti ira ferebatur. nam 2
Dru.sus inpatiens aemuli et animo commotior orto forte iurgio
intenderat Selano manus et contra tendentis os verberaverat.
5 igitur cuncta temptanti promptissimum visum ad uxorem eius 3
Liviam convertere, quae soror Germanici, formae initio aetatis
indecorae. mox pulchritudine praecellebat. hanc ut amore in-
census adulterio pellexit, et postquam primi flagitii potitus est
(neque femina amissa pudicitia alia abnuerit), ad coniugii spem,
1° consortium regni et necem mariti impulit. atque ilia, cui avun- 4
cuius Augustus, socer Tiberius, ex Druso liberi, seque ac maiores
et posteros municipali adultero foedabat, ut pro honestis et prae-
sentibus flagitiosa et incerta exspectaret. sumitur in conscien- 5
tiam Eudemus, amicus ac medicus Liviae, specie artis frequens

10. consortio (dative) Momms. Slaatsr. ii. 788, n. 2.

violent end, whether by poison or any
other means. Nipp., who omits ' et,'
makes the antithesis of * vis ' and ' dolus '
prominent, but owns that in any case
the Climes would require some ' vis
dolosa.'

I. tamen, i.e. although it involved
delay. He elected to proceed by degrees
and to make Driisus the first victim. The
vari.Ttion from a noun to an infinitive re-
sembles those noted in Introd. v. § 91 ;
and there appears to be no reason for
reading 'occultiore' with Rilter.

^. animo commotior: cp. i ■ 33, 6, &c.
On the character of Drusus cp. i. 29, 4;

76, 5-

4. contra tendentis, * when he offered
resistance.' Dio (57. 22, 1) represents
Seianns as having struck Drusus, not in
self-defence, but out of wanton insolence.

5. igitur. This appears to explain,
not the choice of Drusus as first victim,
but the ' longior via ' pursued.

promptissimum : cp. 2, 2, 6; 5, 4.

6. Liviam : cp. 2. 43, 7, &c.

7. ut, ' as if.'

8. adulterio. It seems on the whole
best to explain this, with Walther and
Nipp., asabl. instr., and to take 'pellexit'
as = 'sibi devinxit,' as in i. 2, i; II. 4.
15, I. Others take it as a dative like
'morti dcposcit' (i. 23, 6).

9. abnuerit, aorislic perf. of potential
subj. : cp. c. 32, I ; 67, 2, &c., Drager,
Synt. imd Sti!, § 28, Madv. § 350.

10. consortium regni. Apparently to

avoid a double genitive, the mention of
the hope is implied in that of the thing
hoped for; as is elsewhere the thought in
the mention of its object (see note on i.
41 , 3). Agrippina is thus said ' consor-
tium imperii spcravisse ' (14. 11, i), for
which ' regni ' is here rhetorically used :
cp. ' domus regnatrix' I. 4, 4.
avunculus : cp. 2. 43, 6.

11. seque ac . . . et. On such forms
of coordination cp. Introd. v § 89.

12. municipali, of Vulsinii (c. i, 3).
The term implied now no inferiority of
civic status, but that a person had not
senatorial ancestors, who would have had
to live in Rome. Thus Juvenal (8, 38)
calls Cicero 'municipalis eques,' and An-
tonius sneers at the ' Aricina mater ' of
Octavius (Cic. Phil. 3. 6, 15). Tacitus
thinks this almost as great an aggrava-
tion of the guilt of Livilla, as if it had
been committed with a non-citizen or a
slave.

praesentibus, ' already assured,' by
the position of Dnisus as heir.

13. sumitur. Nipp. reads ' assuraitur,'
from the similar passage in 13. 12, i.

14. Eudemus. Probably, like most
physicians at that time, he was a freed-
man. Pliny (N. II. 29. i, 8, 20) repre-
sents him also as her adulterer.

frequens secretis : cp. ' frequens
contionibus' (H. 4.69,4'). Drager takes
these as datives, ' frequens ' being equiva-
lent to * qui saepe adcrat ' ; Nipp. as abl.
of place, comparing 'frequens ubique'

A.D. 33.]

LIBER IV. CAP. 2, 4-

495

secretis. pcUit domo Scianus uxorcm Apicatam, ex qua tres
6 liberos genuerat, nc paelici suspcctaretur. sed magnitudo faci-
noris metum, prolationes, diversa interdum consilia adfercbat.

4. Interim anni principio Drusus ex Germanici liberis togam
virilem sumpsit, quaeque fratri eius Neroni decreverat scnatus 5

2 repetita. addidit orationcm Caesar, multa cum laude filii sui,

3 quod patria benevolentia in fratris liberos foret. nam Drusus,
quamquam arduum sit eodem loci potentiam et concordiam esse,

4 aequus adulescentibus aut certe non adversus habebatur. exini
vetus et saepe simulatum proficiscendi in provincias consilium 'o
rcfcrtur. multitudinem veteranorum practexebat impcrator et
dilcctibus supplendos exercitus : nam voluntarium militem de-

2. paelici : so 6. 43, i ; 12. 46, 3 ; 14. 60, 2 ; pel- five times in Med. ii.

(i.e. ' omnibus locis '> Agr. 37, 4. On the
meaninjj of ' secreta ' cp. 3. 8, 4.

1. Apicatam. The name can be
shown to be Roman , C. I. L. vi. I2i26\
and need not be altered, with Borj^hesi,
to 'Apicatia.' Cp. c. 11, 4, and Dio, 58.
11,6.

tres liberos: see on 5. 8, i ; 3. i.

2. suspectaretur = ' suspectus habere-
tur.' The passive is found only here and
in Apuleius: on the active cp. i. 5, i.

4. Drusus : see Introd. ix. note 12.

5. quaeque . . . repetita : see 3. 29, i.
The inscriptions cited 'Introd. 1. 1.) show
some difference in his priesthoods.

6. filii sui. This distin£;uishes the Dru-
sus below from the one above mentioned.

8. eodem loci : cp. Cic. Att. i. 13, 5 :
so ' eo loci' (14. 61, 3 ; 15. 74, i ; Cic.
pro Sest. 31, 68, &c.\ 'quo locorum'
(Hor. Od. I. 38, 3>, and (rarely in this
sense") ' eo ' alone, (as Cic. Ep. ad Brut.
1. 2, i).

10. saepe simulatum. Two occasions
have been mentioned (i. 47, 5 ; 3. 47, 3).

in provincias. It appears from the
context esp. § 5^ that the recruiting for
the legions, rather than for the auxiliaries,
is spoken of; and this passage thus
tends to modify Seeck's view (see on 3.
40, 5";, that the legionaries were at this
time almost all Italians. The only pro-
vince at all prominent in early western
legionary inscriptions is the thoroughly
Romanized Gallia Narbonensis, which he
perhn]is professed to intend to visit, and
possibly others from which the Eastern
legions were recruited.

1 1, refertur, 'is repeated' : cp. i. 26, 4.

multitudinem veteranorum, i. e. of
those who had a right to expect dis-
missal : see on i. 36, 4; 78, 2; also
Introd. vii. pp. 125. 127. He means that
his presence was required to induce the
veterans to be content with their reward
on dismissal, and to enforce the conscrip-
tion, which might be unpopular.

12. dilectibus. In Rome and Italy
conscription was only resorted to in ex-
treme emergencies (cp. i. 31, 4; H, 3.
38, 3 : Marquardt, ii. 539, n. 4\ but it
was frequent in the provinces. The pre-
siding officers, ' dilectatores,' are of eques-
trian rank (Marquardt, 1. 1. 542). In the
time of Trajan an ' inquisitio ' was held
for the conscriptions, and substitutes, if
properly qualified, were allowed (PI. Ep.
ad Trai. 29, 30).

voluntarium militem deesse. Vel-
leius (2. 130, 2^ says in praise of Tiberius
'quanta cum quiete hominum . . . supjde-
mentum sine trep)idatione delectus pro-
videt.' That voluntary enlistment con-
tinued generally to suffice is attested by
Dig. 49. iT), 4, § 10 ' plerumque volun-
tario milite numeri snpplentur.' Seeck
il. I.) notes that an annual enlistment of
about 7,000 would probably suffice to
keep up the guards and legions, and that
such a number should have been easily
supplied by volunteers from Italy alone ;
but that, besides the depopulation of rural
districts (Introd, vii. p. 108), the people
were growing more and more unwarlike,
and the old soldiers, whose children might
have inherited a military spirit, were
mostly childless (cp. 14. 27, 3).

496

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U. C. 776.

esse, ac si suppeditet, non cadem virtute ac modestia agere, quia
plerumque inopes ac vagi spontc militiam sumant. percciisuit- 5
que cursim numerum Icgionum et quas provincias tutarentur.
quod mihi quoque exsequcndum reor, quae tunc Romana copia 6

5 in armis, qui socii reges, quanto sit angustius imperitatum.

5. Italiam utroque mari duae classes, Misenunn apud et Ra-
vennam^ proximumque Galliae litus rostratac naves praesidcbant,
quas Actiaca victoria captas Augustus in oppidum Foroiulicnse
miserat valido cum remige. sed praecipuuin robur Rhcnum 2

10 iuxta, commune in Germanos Gallosque subsidium, octo legiones
erant. Hispaniae recens perdomitac tribus habebantur. Mauros 3
luba rex accepcrat donum populi Romani. cetera Africac per 4

I. modestia : cp. i. 35, i.

4. quod, explained by ' quae," &c.

exsequendum : cp. ' exsequi senten-
tias ' 3. 65, I.

copia, sing., as 2. 52, 4, &c.

s. angustius, as compared with the
time of Trajan : see 2. 61, 2, and note.

6. On the whole subject of this chap-
ter cp. Introd. vii. p. 121, foil.; Mar-
quardt, ii. 443, foil.

7. rostratae naves, 'a fleet of war-
ships' (cp. llor. Epud. 4, 18). Nipp.
thinks this not a suft'ici 'ntly distinguishing
epithet, and reads 'constratae' ' 'decked') ;
which might possibly not apply to all of
them, as these fleets consisted of ship;
of various classes. Their real distinction
from the provincial fleets consists in their
(probably later) title ' chassis praetoria ' ;
and in their being, like the guaid, under
special command of Caesar and his 'prae-
fecti ' (Introd. vii. p. 127). The insti-
tution of a permnnent naval force dates
from the fleet organized by Agrippa
against Sex. Pompeius and afterwards for
Actium : see Marquardt, 1. 1. 501 ; Staatsr.
ii. 862.

praesidebant, with accus. : cp. 3.

39. I-

8. Foroiuliense, Frejus (cp. 2. 63, G),
called ' claustra maris' in H. 3. 43, i.

10. octo: cp. I. 31 ; 37, &c.

11. Hispaniae. The two Caesarian
provinces are here meant, that of Ilis-
pania Tarraconensis or Citerior (cp. c.
45, i), comjirising all the eastern and
northern portion, and having its seat cf
government at Colonia Tarraconensis (c]).
I. 7^) i), and Lusitania, extending from
the Douro to the Cuadiana (Anas), and

including nearly all Portugal, with a part
of Spain mainly answering to Salamanca
and northern E^tremadura, and having its
seat of government at the Augustan colony
of Emerita (Merida) : see Slar(]uardt, i.
252, foil. These two provinces had legati
of the first and second rank respectively
(Introd. vii. j). J 16). On the third
Spanish province see c. 13, 2.

recens perdoniitae. Livy (28. 12, 12)
speaks of Sjinin as the first transmarine
province entered by the Romans and the
last to be completily subjugated. Two
centuries had passed Jrom the first Roman
occujiation to tlie submission of the As-
turians and Cantabrians to Agrippa in
735, K. c. 19 ;Hor. Od. 3. 8, 21 ; Dio, 54.
II, 2).

Mauroa. The kingdom of Maure-
tania ajiJears at this time to have ex-
tended eastward to Saldae ;;sec Introd. vii.
p. 115), and thus to have included more
than half of Algeria, besides Marocco.
On its subsequent provincial organization
see vol. ii. Introd. 30.

12. luba rex, the son of the king
defeated at Thapsus in 708, B.C. 46. He
had been restored after the Aclian war to
Numidia, and had received in marriage
Selene daughter of Antonius and Cleo-
patra : in 729, B.C. 25, he was transferred
by Augustus to Mauretania, here called
' the gift of the Roman people' : sec Dio,
53. 26, 2. He had lately leen succeeded
by his son I'toleni.aeus (c. 23, i ). On the
dates of tlicir reigns see Marquardt, i.
482. Pliny (N. H. 5. I, I, 16, &c.)
speaks of Juba as a man of letters and
an author.

A.D. 23]

LIBER IV. CAP. 4, 5.

497

duas Icgiones parique numero Aegyptus, dehinc initio ab Suriae
usque ad flumcn Euphratcn, quantum ingcnti tcrrarum sinu
ambitur, quattuor legionibus coercita, accolis Hibero Albanoque
et aliis regibus, qui magnitudine nostra proteguntur adversum

5 externa imperia. et Thracciam Rhocmetalces ac liberi Cotyis,
ripamque Danuvii Icgionum duae in Pannonia, duae in Moesia
attinebant. totidem apud Delmatiam locatis, quae positu regionis
a tergo illis, ac si repentinum auxilium Italia posceret, baud pro-
cul accirentur, quaniquam insideret urbem proprius miles, tres
urbanae, novem praetoriae cohortcs, Etruria fcrme Umbriaque 10

6 delectae aut vetere Latio et coloniis antiquitus Romanis. at

1. suria : text Muretus.

1 1. colonis : text L.

1. duas. The second legion was only
here for a time : cp. c. 23, 2.

parique numero. In Strabo's time
(17. I, 12, 797"; Egypt had three legions
and nine cohorts.

initio ab. On the anastrophe see
Introd. V. § 77, 4.

2. ingenti . . . sinu, ' the vast sweep of
country.' 'Sinus' is used hy Tacitus of
a tract of land, sometimes without any
reference to sea-coast (as G. 29, 4); so
also Pliny (N. H. 6. 8, 8, 23) speaks ofthe
' ingens sinus ' of interior Asia. The tract
mentioned is the eastern frontier of the
empire, on which see Introd. vii. p. iii.

3. Hibero. This people, connecting
their origin with the Jasonian legend (6.
34, 3), lay south of the Caucasus and
north of Armenia, between Albania and
Colchis, in the uj^pcr part ofthe basin of
the Kour (Cyrus^, answering to the west-
ern part of Georgia : cp. Strab. 11. 2, q,
499, 500. Its dynasty a[)pears to be still
traceable in the thiid century ,see Orelli).

Albano : cp. 2. 68, i.

4. aliis, such as those in Cilicia (2. 78,
3\ Lesser Armenia '11.9, 3 , and Pontus
Polemoniacus Suel. Ner. 18). Romans
might even speak of Armenia maior as
protected against Parthia.

5. Rhoemetalces : cp. c. 47, i ; 2. (•>',
4; 3- .^S, 4.

6. duae in Pannonia, usually three
(cp. I. 16, 2), the third being here reck-
oned in Africa : see above.

7. Delmatiam. The name is perhaps
antedated, the province being called at
that time 'superior provincia Illyriciim '
(C. I. L. iii. 1741) or ' maritima pars
Illyrici ' (Veil. 2. 125,5) • ^^^ Marquanit,
i. 299, n. 4. Its northern boundary to-

wards Pannonia is not clearly marked
(cp. I. 16, 1) ; in other directions it
extended to Moesia (see on 1. 80, i) and
Epirus (2. 53, i), and thus included
modern Dalmatia, Bosnia, Herzegovina,
and Montenegro, its chief town being
Salonae. The name ' lUyricum ' in the
widest sense (see on i. 46, O, included
Pannonia and even Moesia (.Suet. Tib. 16:
see Marquardt, i. 295).

positu, in Tacitus only here and in 6.
21, 4; once in Sail. (Fr. H. 2. i D, i K,
8 G), and in several places in Ovid.

9. tres urbanae, novem praetoriae.
On the variations in the number of these
cohorts see Introd. vii. p. 126. On the
fourth urban cohort at Lugdunum see 3.
41, 2. It is to be observed that in this
survey Tacitus omits the ' cohortes civium
Rt)manorum ' (cp. i. 8, 3, and the
'vigiles' at Rome, who were hardly re-
gular soldiers and mostly freedmen.

10. Etruria, &c., abl. of place : cp.
Introd. v. § 26.

1 1. aut vetfre Latio. the town= which
had the ' ius Latii' before 664, li. c. 90,
when the ' lex lulia ' gave them the
' civitas ' : cp. Nipp. and M.arquardt, i.
60. By ' aut,' these and the colonies are
distinguished, as scattered towns, from
the geographical districts above.

coloniis antiquitus Romanis, those
in Italy, as distinct from the later trans-
marine colonies. Nipp. notes that the
districts thus described as the recruiting
ground of these corps would exclude the
Transpadana, and the Greek cities of
south Italy. All Itnlians became eligible
in the time of Claudius; the corps being
thus still called by Otho ' Italiae alumni
et Roraana vere iuventus' y^ll. i. 84, 7):

498

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 776.

apud idonea provinciarum sociae triremes alaeque et auxilia
cohortium, neque multo secus in iis virium : sed persequi incer-
tum fuit, cum ex usu temporis hue illuc mearent, gliscerent
numero et aliquando minuerentur.
5 6. Congruens crediderim recensere ceteras quoque rei publicae
partes, quibus modis ad cam diem habitae siiit, quoniam Tiberio
mutati in deterius principatus initium ille annus attulit. iam 2
primum publica negotia et privatorum maxima apud patres trac-
tabantur, dabaturque primoribus disserere et in adulationem
10 lapses cohibebat ipse ; mandabatque honores, nobilitatem ma-
iorum, claritudinem militiae, inlustres domi artes spectando, ut
satis constaret non alios potiores fuisse. sua consulibus, sua 3

3. I'uerit L.

6. quo (= quoniam): quando B.

before the time of Septimiiis Severus even
provincials have access to it : see Staatsr.
i. 865 ; Marquardt, ii. 478.

1. sociae triremes: cp. Introd. vii.
p. 128, n. 8.

alae . . . auxilia cohortium : cp.
Introd. 1. I. p. 125.

2. secus, sc. ' quam in lej^ionibus.'
The genit. seems unprecedented, and is
perhaps best explained, with Forcell., by
giving ' secus ' a substantival force (' neque
mulla disparitas ' ) : see Jacob's note. For
an estimate of the whole force under
arms see Introd. 1. 1. p. 128.

persequi, ' to trace them.'

incertum fuit. Nipp. explains the
tenses as referring to this sketch as
finished. ' Tt was uncertain, therefore I
did not attempt it.' ' Fuerit ' is adopted
by Orelli and supported by the parallel
passage in 15. 41, r.

3. ex usu temporis, ' in accordance
with temporary rtquirements ' : cp. 6. 42,
3; also'tx usu praesciiti ' II. 8, 5, 'ex
rerum usu ' 15. 6, 5.

5. Congruens, 'apposite'; so in the
very similar passage ' congruens viilelur '
H. 5. 2, I.

6. partes, ' departments.'
habitae.. 'were administered': cp.

'opes . . . modeste habitae ' c. 44, I.

7. ille annus. Dio, who gives at con-
siderable length a somewhat similar sketch
of the best period of this principate (57.
7-13), dates a change from the death of
Germanicus, and a further deterioration
from the retirement to Capreae.

iam primum, ' to begin ' ; so 12. 08,
2; 14. 31, 2; Verg. Aen. 8, 190, &c.

8. publica negotia. On the senate at
this time see Dio, 57. 7; Suet. Tib. 30;
Introd. vi. pp. 92, foil.

privatorum, questions concerning in-
dividuals. The reference is especially tu
the trials, as still conducted before the
senate, rather than ' apud principem.'

9. primoribus, perhaps used more
widely than in 3.65, 2.

10 cohibebat ipse : see 3. 47, 5 ;
59, 2, &c.

mandabatque honores. On the riglits
of ' cuminendatio' and ' nominatio ' exer-
cised by him, see Introd. vi. p. 94.

IJ. inlustres domi artes : see 3. 70,
4, and cp. ' studiis civilibus' 3. 75, i.
Here oratorical or literary, as well as
juristic accomplishments, would be in-
cluded in the expression.

1 2. potiores fuisse. This may be equi-
valent to ' plus potuisse,' ' that no other
persons had more influence with him'
(cp. I. 69, 6"!, i.e. that the best qualified
prevailed ; but it is better to take 'potior'
as equivalent to ' melior ' = ' preferable '
(cp. ' potiora instituta' 16. 22, 7); the
meaning being that those chosen were
plainly the most choiceworthy.

sua . . . species, 'retained their pres-
tige': cp. Cic. in Pis. 11, 24 ' magnum
nomen est, magna species, magna dig-
nitas, magna maiestas consulis.' On the
position ami functions of all magistrates
of the state at this time, see Introd. vi.
pp. 90, full. Dio and Suetonius ([. 1.)
give several particulars of the outward
respect shown by Tiberius to consuls and
olh r magistrates, and to senators gene-
rally and other persons of note.

A.D. 23.]

LIBER IV. CAP. 5, 6.

499

praetoribus species ; minorum quoque magistratuum exercita
potestas; legesque, si maiestatis quacstio eximeretur, bono in

4 usu. at frumcnta et pecuniae vectigales, cetera publicorum fruc-

5 tuum societatibus equitum Romanorum agitabantur. res suas
Caesar spectatissimo cuique, quibusdam ignotis ex fama man-
dabat, semelque adsumpti tenebantur prorsus sine modo, cum

6 pleriquc isdem negotiis insenescerent. plcbes acri quidem annona
fatigabatur, sed nulla in eo culpa ex principe : quin infecunditati
terrarum aut asperis maris obviam iit, quantum impcndiodiligen-

7. agri : text R.

1. exercita potestaa, 'had their office
exercised': on 'exercitus' cp. 3. 67, 2.

2. leges . . . bono in usu. ' the en-
forcement of laws was salutary,' i. e.
neither too lax nor too strict. Allusion
seems intended to such discretion as hnd
bten shown in dealing with the lex Papia
Po]ipaea (3. 28, 6), and with the sump-
tuary laws i'3. 55, i). On the important
exception in respect of the laws of
' maiestas,' see Introd. viii. pp. 141, foil.

3. frumenta, ' the corn tribute.' The
fullest information on this subject is con-
tained in Cic. Verr. A. 2. Lib. 3 ; where
the requisitions relating to corn are
treated under three heads, ' frumentum
decumanum ' (c. 6, sqq.), ' emptum '
(c. 70, sqq.), and 'aestimatum' (c. 81,
sqq.). The first would be that here re-
ferred to as managed by publicani ; the
two latter kinds being rights of purchase
at a fixed price for the soldiers or for
Rome, and assessments for use of the
governor.

pecuniae vectigales, indirect taxes,
' portoria,' 'scriptura,' &c. Cp. 13. 50.

cetera publicorum fructuum. Nipp.
understands this not of the ' tributa,'
which were directly collected by the
state, but of other sources of indirect re-
venue, such as the dues from woodlands,
saltworks, quarries, mines, &c. Momm-
sen (Staatsr. ii. 1017, i) and Marquardt
(Staatsv. ii. 312) both consider that the
practice of farming the revenue must
have extended much further at this period
than subsequently. 'Publicorum' denotes
such as were paid to the aerarium, in con-
trast with ' res suas' below.

4. societatibus equitum Eomano-
rum. These associations of ' publicani '
are called 'vecligalium sficietates' in 13.
^o, 3 ; and apparently each province had
one : thus the ' societas Bithyniae ' is

spoken of by Cicero (ad Fam. 13. 9, i),
and those of provinces generally by Caesar
(P. C. 3. 3, 2% Each was presided over
by a ' magister' (Cic. PI. 13, 32). The
' publicani ' at this date, though not ne-
cessarily ' equites Romani ' in the strict
sense ;see Introd. vii. p. 102), were per-
sons of equestrian census ; such limita-
tion being not so much a legal privilege
as a necessity arising from the exclusion
of senators by their rank and the lower
classes by their poverty: see Staatsr. ii.
1019, iii. 509, foil. Several abuses of
the system were dealt with in Nero's
time (13. 50-51).

agitabantur, * were managed ' ; so
' agitare faenus ' 6. 16, 3 ; G. 26, 1, &c. :
cp. also c. 41, 4; 12. 27, 3, &c.

res suas, the expression at this date
for what would later be called ' res fisci '
(see vol. ii. Introd. p. 28, and works
there referred to). Besides the more im-
portant procuratorships in the Caesarian,
and also in senatorial provinces (cp. c. 15,
3, Introd vii. pp. 112, 116, 118), inscrip-
tions attest the existence of lower offi-
cers (' procuratores patrimonii ' 1, usually
freedmen, employed by the princeps, as
by any piivate individual, to manage his
private estates, whether in Italy or the.
provinces. See Marquardt, ii. 257.

6. tenebantur . . . sine modo. This
was also the case with the ' legati,' cp. i.
80, 2, Introd. vii. p. 118, &c.

7. insenescerent, in prose only here
and in Quint., from Ilor. and Ov.

acri . . . annona. On the use of such
metaphors with ' annona,' see on 2. 87, i.

9. obviam iit. For his own refer-
ences to his labour in this department,
cp. 3. 54, 8; 6. 13, 2. 'Annona 'was
also a special care of Augustus (see on
1. 2, i).

50O

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALWM [A.U.C. 776.

tiaque poterat. et ne provinciae novis oneribus turbarentur 7
utque Vetera sine avaritia aut crudelitate magistratuum tolerarent,
providebat : corporum verbera, ademptiones bonorum aberant.
rari per Italiam Caesaris agri, modesta servitia, intra paucos liber-
6 tos domus : ac si quando cum privatis disceptaret, forum et ius.
7. Quaecuncta non quidem comi via, sed horridus ac plerum-
que formidatus, retinebat tamen, donee morte Drusi verterentur ;
nam dum superfuit, mansere, quia Seianus incipiente adhuc 2
potentia bonis consiliis notescere volebat, et ultor metuebatur
10 non occultus odii, set crebro querens incolumi filio adiutorem
imperii alium vocari. et quantum superesse ut collega dicatur ?

10. odiis I et : odii et L, text Doed.

2. sine avaritia . . . magistratuum.
Cp. the account of the republican pro-
vincinl rule (i. 2, 2); also Introd. vii.
p. 119.

3. verbera, ademptiones bonorum
aberant. This can hardly mean more
than that governors were generally brought
to account for inflicting such punishments
unjustly ; it being evident that such out-
rages were committed (see Introd. 1. 1.).

4. rari. Lips, points out that a con-
trast is suggested to the vast estates after-
wards acquired by confiscations. It
appears to be also implied that he had
larger estates in the provinces: cp. c, 15,
3 ; Marquardt, ii. 257, foil. ; Hirschfeld,
Untersuchungen, p. 23, foil.

modesta. Notwithstanding the ap-
parent coriespondence of rari ' and ' pau-
cos,' it does not seem possible to take
this, with Orelli, to mean ' in moderate
number.' It must refer to their de-
meanour, contrasted with the general
insolence of such persons (e.g. c. 74, 6).

intra paucos libertos domus, ' his
domestic staff limited to a few freedmeii.'
On the use of' intra' cp. 3. 72, 5. The
household of Caesar still so far resembled
that of a private citizen that its posts of
responsibility and confidence ('a libellis,'
' a rationibus,' Sic.) were filled only by
freedmen ; 'and these in the time of Tibe-
rius were few. There is however evidence
(see Introd. vii. p 105, n. 7) that some
of them were wealthy and influential.
Vitellius had afterwards filled such posts
with Roman knights (H. 1. 58, 1): some-
times the freedmen had themselves re-
ceived equestrian or even quasi-senatorial
distinctions (II. 38, 5; 12.53,2; H. 2.
57-4)-

5. si . . . disceptaret. i. e. all fiscal
claims were prosecuted in the ordinary
law-courts (cp. c. 15, 3 ; Dio, 57. 23, 5 .
In 2. 34, 5, his behaviour is described in
a case where he was interested, not per-
sonally, but on behalf of a friend.

forum et ius. The idea of a verb of
action is supplied : cp. Introd. v. § 38 b.

6. via: cp. ' morum via' 1. 54, 3.
The use of ' via ' with the force of ' ratio '
fcp. ' alium alia via . . . demerebatur '
Suet. Oth. 4, SiC.) answers to that of o5Jj
for Tpuwoi or /i«'9o5o9.

horridus, ' rough,' or ' repulsive ' :
cp. 'horrida antiqnitas' c. 16, 4, ' horridi
sermone' H 2. 74, 3. Compare the de-
scription of his manner in 1. 75, 6.

8. adhuc = 'etiam turn'; so often in
and after Livy, an<l e-^p. in Tacitus : cp.
I?. 33, I ; 16. 32, I, &c. ; Gudeman on
Dial. 25, 33.

9. notescere: cp. i. 73, 3. Tacitus
here meets the objection that the in-
fluence of Seianus did not always appear
to prompt ]ieinicious counsels.

10. occultus, with genit. only here and
in 6. 36, 3 : cp. Introd. v. § 33 e 7 : so
used of persons in H. 2. 38, 4, &c., and
in Cicero and Livy.

incolumi, ' while he lived ' : cp. 3. 56,
5,&c.

adiutorem: cp. 3. 12, 2. It here ap-
pears to denote some participation in the
' imperium proconsulare,' but a lower
lank than that of 'collega': cp. Introd.
vi. p. 98.

11. quantum superesse, 'how slight
a further step to be styled colleague ! '
He had already got the first, the most
difficult step; at every further stage fresh
support would gather round him.

A.D. 23.]

LIBER IV. CAP. 6 8.

501

primas dominandi spes in arduo : ubi sis inj^ressus, adesse studia

3 et ministros. cxstructa iam sponte praefecti castra, datos in
manum milites ; cerni effigiem eiiis in monimcntis Cn. Pompei ;
communes illi cum familia Drusorum fore nepotes : precandam

4 post hacc modestiam, ut contentus esset. neque raro neque apud 5
paucos talia iaciebat, et sccrcta quoque eius corrupta uxore pro-
debantur.

8. Igitur Seianus maturandum ratus deligit venenum, quo pau-
latim inrepente fortuitus morbus adsimularetur. Id Druso datum

2 per Lygdum spadonem, ut octo post annos cognitum est. ceterum 10
Tiberius per omnis valetudinis eius dies, nullo metu an ut firmi-
tudinem animi ostentaret, etiam defuncto necdum sepulto, curiam

3 ingressus est. consulesque sede vulgari per speciem maestitiae
sedentes honoris locique admonuit, et effusum in lacrimas sena-
tum victo gemitu simul oratione continua erexit : non quidem 15
sibi ignarum posse argui, quod tam recenti dolore subierit oculos
senatus : vix propinquorum adloquia tolerari, vix diem aspici a

4 plerisque lugentium. neque illos inbecillitatis damnandos : se

5 tamen fortiora solacia e complexu rei publicae petivisse. misera-
tusque Augustae extremam senectam, rudem adhuc nepotum et 20

1. in arduo: cp. 12. 15, 3.

2. sponte, ' at his own will alone ' :
cp.'nec sua sponte, sed eorum auxilio'
(Cic. Fam. 7. 2, 3), &c. Drusus may be
supposed to exaggerate the facts. On the
genu. cp. 2. 59, 3.

3. efflgiem: cp. 3. 72, 5.

4. communes . . . nepotes, referring
to the projected marriage of his daughter
to the son of Claudius : see on 3. 29, 5.

precandam . . . modestiam, sc. ' ei ' :
cp. c. 39, 3; 12. 65, 5; where, as here,
the person on whose behalf prayer is to
be made is indicated by the passage. 'Ihe
sense here is ' we can no longer resist
him, and can only pray that he may use
his power forbearingly.' Cp. 15. 17, 3;
also Sen. Contr. 25, 2 ' ut salva provincia
sit, optemus meretrici bonam mentem.'

6. et . . . quoque, 'and besides':
cp- '3- 55' 2; 56, 6, &c. ; in Livy (30.
10, 15, &c.) and subsequent prose, but
not common (Drager, Synt. und Stil,
§ 121).

secreta : cp. c. 3, 5.

10. Lygdum, one of his most tiusted
servants (c. 10, 2), and probably his
'praegustrtor ' (cp. 12. 66, 5).

octo post annos ; on the information
of Apicala (c. 11, 4), after the death of
Seianus in 784, A.D. 31 (Dio, 58. 1 1 . 6).

11. nuilo metu an, &c. The con-
struction is thus varied in 2. 38, 9; 3.

44. 4-

12. defuncto. He probably died on
July 15 : see Henzen, Insc. 5381.

13. sede vulgari, among the mass of
senators. I'roijerly they sat in their curule
chairs on a tribunal (cp. 16. 30, 4; Ov.
ex P. 4. 5, 18; Luc. 5, 16, &c.). In the
mourning for Augustus, Dio (56. 3) de-
scribes them as sitting on the benches of
lower magistrates.

per speciem. It is implied that the
mourning was insincere : cp. c. 12, i.

16. posse argui. The clause ' quod . . .
senatus ' is the subject. ' That he faced
the eyes of the senate, &c , could be
blamed.'

19. complexu rei publicae : cp. 'am-
plcctitur rem publicam ' (1 5. 59, 6), used
similarly of eneigetic public action. Cp.
'negolia pro solaciis accipiens' c. 13, i.

20. extremam senectam. She was
eighty years old : see on 5. i, i.

rudem, ' inexperienced.' Two of them

VOL. I

Kk

502

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 776.

vergentem aetatem suam, ut Germanici Jibeii, unica praesentium
malorum levamenta, inducerentur petivit. egrcssi consules firma- 6
tos adloquio adulescentulos deductosque ante Caesarem statuunt.
quibus adprensis ' patres conscript!, hos ' inquit ' orbatos parente

5 tradidi patruo ipsorum precatusque sum, quamquam esset illi
propria suboles, ne secus quam suum sanguinem foverct, attol-
leret, sibique et posteris conformaret. erepto Druso preces ad 7
vos converto disque et patria coram obtestor : Augusti pronepotes,
clarissimis maioribus genitos, suscipite, regite, vestram meamque

lovicem explete. hi vobis, Nero et Druse, parentum loco, ita 8
nati estis, ut bona malaque vestra ad rem publicam pertineant.'

9. Magno ea fletu et mox precationibus faustis audita ; ac si
modum orationi posuisset, misericordia sui gloriaque animos
audientium impleverat : ad vana et totiens inrisa revolutus, de

15 reddenda re publica utque consules seu quis alius regimen susci-
perent, vero quoque et honesto fidem dempsit. memoriae Drusi 2
eadem quae in Germanicum decernuntur, plerisque additis, ut

4. parenli :

6. ac tolleret B.

7. confirmaret L.

were 'adulti' (c. 3, i), but only about
eighteen and fifteen years old respec-
tively: Tiberius was himself sixty-five.

I. Germanici liberi. The context
shows that Nero and Drusus alone are
meant. In some Spanish coins belong-
ing to this period their heads are repre-
sented with that of Tiberius on the
reverse: see Cohen, i. p. 2.^4.
3. deductos, ' escorted.'
6. ne = ' ut non ' : cp. the force of
'neque' 2. 34, 7, &c.

secus quam: cp. 6. 22, 5; frequent
in Liv. e.g. 5. 36, 11 ; 8. 8, 10, &c.

attolleret, ' exalt them in the state,'
i. e. in the career of honours ; so ' attol-
lere triumphi insignibus' 3. 72, 6, ' or-
dinibus . . . praemiis ' H. 4. 59, 2. Tiberius
delegates to Drusus what he could not
himself expect to live long enough to do.
7. sibique et posteris. Diiiger
shows (Synt. und Stil, § 123, 2) that
Tacitus often uses this formula for ' et . . .
et' (e. g. I. 4, I ; H. 4. 2, 4, &c.) ; ' que'
is to be taken closely with ' et,' not as
coupling ' attolleret' to 'conformaret.'

conformaret, taken strictly with
'sibi,' and by zeugma with 'posteris';
' train them on his own model and for
the good of posterity.'

8. coram. On the anastrophe cp.
Introd. v. § 77, 6.

10. ita nati, &c., ' you are born in
such a position that any good and evil
in you must affect the state.' 'Bona'
and 'mala' seem used rather of quali-
ties ; as in 6. 51, 6 ~ than of fortunes, and
the thoui;ht of the extreme importance of
their careful training is carried on.

13. gloria, 'pride' (cp. i. 43, 4), at
the loftv picture drawn of their position
towards the young princes.

14. totiens inrisa. Tacitus has men-
tioned no such offer since the original
show of reluctance to assume power (i.
12, foU.V

de reddenda . . . utque : cp. Introd.
V. § 91, 7-

16. memoriae . . . decernuntur: cp.
' honorcs memori.ae eius decretos '5. 2, i.
Fragments of this decree, as of that in
honour of Germanicus (see on 2. 83),
are preserved isee Henzen, In^c. 5,^^i ;
C. I. L. vi. 912}, but not sufficient for
comparison. Borghesi thinks that in the
mention of a 'clupeus argenteus,' one of
the additions of later flattery may be de-
tected (cp. 2. 83, 4).

17. in Qermanicum: cp. Introd. v.
§ 60 b.

A. D. 23.]

LIBER IV. CAP. 8 10.

503

3 ferine amat posterior adulatio. funus imaginum pompa maxime
inlustrc fuit cum origo luliae gentis Aeneas omnesque Albanorum
reges et conditor urbis Romulus, post Sabina nobilitas, Attus
Clausus cetcraequc Claudiorum effigies longo ordine specta-
rentur. 5

10. In tradenda mortc Drusi quae plurimis maximaeque fidei
auctoribus memorata sunt rettuli : set non omiserim eorundem

2 temporum rumorem, validum adeo ut nondum exolescat. corrupta
ad scelus Livia Seianum L}'gdi quoque spadonis animum stupro
vinxisse, quod is aetata atque forma carus domino interque pri- 10
mores ministros erat ; deinde inter conscios ubi locus veneficii
tempusque conposita sint, eo audaciae provectum, ut verteret et
occulto indicio Drusum veneni in patrem arguens moneret
Tiberium, vitandam potionem quae prima ei apud filium epulanti

3 offerretur. ea fraude captum senem, postquam convivium inierat, 15
exceptum poculum Druso tradidisse ; atque illo ignaro et iuveni-
liter hauriente auctam suspicionerfi. tamquam metu et pudore
sibimet inrogaret mortem quam patri struxerat.

6. maxime<|ue fideis : maximeque fidis B, text Ritter. lo. is lygdus : is Era.

14. et : ei K. 15. cu : turn B, text Mur., deceptum lleins., illectum Nipp.

plerisque additis. ' with many addi-
tions ' ;cp. 3. 1, 2).

ut . . . amat . . . adulatio. sc. ' plc-
raque addere.' The use of ' amare ' in
the sense of <pi\tiy ( = ' solcre '), with this
construction, is not uncommon in Horace
(e.g. Od. 2. 3, 10; 3. 16, 10) and in
post-Augustan prose.

2. origo, 'the founder': cp. G. 2, 3.
The application of this word lo persons
appears fust in Vergil (Aen. 12, 166).

Albanorum reges; see Liv. i. 3;
Verg. Aen. 6, 760, sqq.

3. Sabina nobilitas, opposed to ' lu-
liae gentis.' Tradition had always given
a Sabine origin to the Claudian gens and
tribe; the mo>t generally received version
being that which makes Attus or Attius)
Clausus and his followers migrate from
Regillus to Rotne, a. u. c. 249, B.C. 505
(Liv. 2. 16: cp. below. II. 24, I, also
Suet. Tib. 1). Vergil (Aen. 7, 706, sqq.)
follows a version making them part of
the original ' Quirites ' supposed to come
from Cures.

S. corrupta ad scelus : cp. 2. 62, 3.
On the specitic use of ' scelus ' see note
on I. 5, I.

10. vinxisse ' bound to his service ' :

so in 6. 45, 6. Elsewhere the word so
used appears to be always ' devincire ' (as
c. I, 3, &c.'.

quod is. The repetition of ' Lygdus '
after ' is ' is generally taken to be a gloss.
For a similar but less certain case see
12. 49, 2.

primores, adj. as in H. i. 49, 1, &c.

11. ubi, ]iut after its natural position,
as is probably the ease in 12. 51, 2.

12. conposita: cp. 'componunt' 3.

40. 3-

eo audaciae provectum : cp. similar
expressions in 2. 55. 4; H 3. 17, 2.

ut verteret, sc. ' rem ' : the nature of
the change is shown by tlie context.

13. occulto indicio. Orelli and Joh.
Miiller appear rightly to render this as
' an obscurely hinted information ' ; that
the message was secretly conveyed would
not be worth mentioning.

15. captum. Those who read ' turn '
take ' ea fraude' as a caudal abl.

inierat. On the indicative here, and
in ' struxerat.' see Introd. v. § 49.

16. iuveniliter = vtaviKw^, i.e.
'eagerly.'

18. inrogaret. 'imposed'; soof peual-
ties in 6. 7, i, &c., Cicero and Livy.

5^4

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.UC 776.

11. Haec vulgo iactata, super id quod nullo auctore certo
firmantur, prompte refutaveris. quis enim mediocri prudentia, 2
nedum Tiberius tantis rebus exercitus, inaudito filio exitium
offerret, idquesua manu et nullo ad paenitendum regrcssu? quin

6 potius ministrum veneni excruciaret, auctorem exquireret, insita
denique etiam in extraneos cunctatione et ir.ora adversum unicum
et nullius ante flagitii conpertum uteretur? sed quia Seianus 3
facinorum omnium repertor habebatur, ex nimia caritate in eum
Caesaris et ceterorum in utrumque odio quamvis fabulosa et

10 immania credebantur, atrociore semper fama erga dominantium
exitus. ordo alioqui sceleris per Apicatam Sciani proditus, tor- 4
mentis Eudemi ac Lygdi patefactus est. neque quisquam
scriptor tam infensus extitit, ut Tiberio obiectaret, cum omnia
alia conquirerent intenderentque. mihi tradendi arguendique 5

15 rumoris causa fuit, ut claro sub exemplo falsas auditiones depel-

I. super id quod. Drager notes the
u?e of this for ' praeterquam quod ' as an.
dp., but as suggested by such expressions
in lAvy as ' super quam quod ' (22. 3, 14,
&c.), ' insupt-r quam ' (23. 7, 3), &c.

nullo auctore certo. He does not
mean that the story was a mere oral tra-
dition, lil:e that noted in 3. 16, 1. Though
in no professed historian (see below), it
must have had some root in literature, to
be repeated without hesitation by Orosius
(7, 3). It was perhaps suggested by the
similar story about Agrippina (c. 54).

3. inaudito: cp. 2. 77, 5.
exitium offerret. Cp. * mortem of-

ferre' (Cic. Rose. Am. 13, 37; 14, 40,
&;c.), and other similar expressions.

4. nullo ad paenitendum regressu,
'leaving himself no means of retreat to
a change of purpose." So Livy has
'neque locus paenilendi aut regressus ab
ira relictus' 24. 26, 15, ' receptum ad
paenitendum non hahereiit' 42. 13, 3.

5. ministrum, the slave who handed
him the cup : cp. 3. 14, 3.

auctorem, 'the instigator'; i.e. he
would not assume Drusus to be so, but
try to fmd who was, by examining the
slave.

6. unicum, so. ' filium,' which Nipp.
thinks may have dropped out.

7. flagitii conpertum: cp. i. 3, 4.

8. omnium, ' of all kinds.'
repertor : cp. 2. 30, 3.

caritate. The subjective gen. with
this word, used here alone in Tacitus, is

rare, but in Cic. and Liv. : on the objec-
tive cp. c. 17, I ; 19, I, &c.

I o. atrociore, &c. , ' report being always
inclined to associate horrors with the
death of princes.' On the sense of ' erga '
cp. liitrod. V. § 59.

II. alioqui = ' moreover.' For other
senses of the word cp. c. 37, 2 ; 2. 38, 6 ;
3. 8, 4; 14. 61, 5. The ser.se here is
that, besides the absurdity of the story,
there is direct evidence against it.

Apicatam Seiani. 'U.vor' is not
unfrequently omitted, especially in epis-
tolary Latin (Cic. Att. i 2. 20, 2 ; 21, 4 ;
Plin. Epp. 2. 20, 2), also in poets ' Verg.
Aen. 3, 319; Luc. 2, 343\ and constantly
in inscriptions. Tacitus siniilarly omits
'filia' in 12. i, 2. St-e Introd. v. § 80,
For the facts see on c. 8, i.

13. scriptor, ' historian,' as in 2. 88, i,
&c.

obiectaret, ' to charge him with it.'
The object of the verb is gathered from
the context.

14. intenderent, probably 'were ex-
aggerating,' as in 2. 57, 3, &c. Nipp.
understands it in the ordinary sense,
' were aiming at him.'

15. sub exemplo: cp. 3. 68, i.
auditiones, ' rumours ' ; abstr. for

concr., as in Cic. pro Plane. 23, 56 ;
Caelius ap. Cic. ad Fam. 8. i.

depellerem. Jacob compares the
judicial phrases ' depellere crnuen,' ' sus-
picionem,' ' to rebut.'

A. D. 23.]

LIBER IV. CAP. II, 12.

505

lercm peteremquc ab iis, quorum in manus cura nostra venerit,
ne divulgata atque incredibilia avide acccpta vcris neque in
miraculum corruptis antehabeant.

12. Cetcrum laudantc filium pro rostris Tiberio senatus popu-
lusque habitum ac voces dolentum simulatione magis quam libens 5
induebat, domumque Germanici revirescere occult! lactabantur.

2 quod principium favoris et mater Agrippina spem male tegcns

3 perniciem adceleravcrc. nam Seianus ubi vidct mortem Drusi
inultam intcrfectoribus, sine maerore publico esse, fcrox scelerum,
et quia prima provenerant, volutarc secum, quonam modo Ger- 10

4 manici liberos pervertcret, quorum non dubia successio. neque
spargi vcnenum in trcs poterat, egregia custodum fide et pudicitia

5 Agrippinae inpcnetrabili, igitur contumaciam eius insectari,
vetus Augustac odium, reccntem Liviae conscientiam exagitare,
ut supcrbam fccunditate, subnixam popularibus studiis inhiare 15

a

2. ne ins. R. incredibili : neque incredibilia Haase ; incredibilia atque Onken.
15. supurbiara : text Muretus.

1. cura : cp. 3. 24, 4.

venerit. The change of tense here
and in 'antehabeant' appears, as Nipp.
and Drager note, to be due to this, that
the writer, although he looks upon what
he has written and his reason at the lime
of wriiing it as a fact of the past (cp.
'incertum fuit' c. 5, 6), regards his readers
without any sucli relation. So Cicero
(pro Balb. 27, 69), refening to a recom-
mendation made the day before by Pom-
peius, says, ' erat aequa lex nobis atque
omnibus . . . ulilis, ut nostras inimicitias
inter nosgeramus' ; the injunction being a
past fact, but the utility for all time. On
' antehabeo ' cp. i. 58, 6.

2. incredibilia, such as would be so
to reasonable people, tales unworthy of
credit. He implies that this is but a
sample of many such which he has re-
jected.

in miraculum corruptis : cp. 'nihil
compositum niiraculi causa' 11. 27, 2.

4. laudaute filium. Seneca, who may
have witnessed the scene as a young man,
describes it graphically (Cons, ad Marc.
15), ' sletit in conspectu posito corpore,
interiecto tantummodo velamento quod
pontificis oculos a funere arceret,et flente
populo non flexit voltiim : experiundum
se dedit Seiano ad latus stanli, quam
patienler posset suos perdere.'

5. Labitum, 'the bearing': cp. 1.10,7.

libens, ' voluntarily.' Nipp. compares
the use of the word in 4. 58, 3 ; 14. 61, 6.

7. mater . . . tegens, i. e. ' the fact that
she ill concealed her hope.' This mode
of expression, so common with the past
participle, is rare with the present 'Jntrod.
V. § 55 a).

9. ferox scelerum: cp. I. 32, 5.
This adj. seems here alone to take an
objective genitive. To express a similar
idea, Sallust (Jug. 14, 21) uses 'sceleribus
ferox' (,' emboldened by crime').

10. provenerant: cp. i. 19, 4.

volutare secum : cp. 13. 15, i ; ap-
parently from ' mecum ipse vuluto ' (Verg.
Aen. 9, 37). Commonly 'aiiimo' or 'in
animo ' is used.

12. spargi venenum. The phrase
appears to be taken from Cic. Cat. 2.
10, 23 ' spargere venena didicerant.' Tiie
verb has often the sense of 'to distribute'
or 'extend': cp. 3. 21, 5.

14. conscientiam: cp. i. 39, 3. Here
the sense is as if the words had been
' Liviam recentis sceleris consc'am.' The
old animosity of Augusta has been men-
tioned in I. 33, 6; 2. 43, 5, &c.

exagitare, here only in Tacitus,
but used of exciting passions, by Cic.
( Att. 3. 7, 2), &c., and of irritating a per-
son, by Sail. vCat. 38, i ; Jug. 73, 5).

5o6

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 776.

dominationi apud Caesarem arguerent. atque haec callidis 6
criminatoribus, inter quos dclegerat lulium Poslumum, per adul-
terium Mutiliae Priscae inter intimos aviae et consiliis suis per-
idoneum, quia Prisca in animo Augustae valida, anum suapte
5 natura potentiae anxiam insociabilem nurui efficiebat. Agrippinae 7
quoque proximi inliciebantur pravis sermonibus tumidos spiritus
perstimulare.

13. At Tiberius nihil interrnissa erum cura, negotia pro

solaciis accipicns, ius civium, preces sociorum tractabat ; factaque

10 auctore co senatus consulta, ut civitati Cibyraticae apud Asiam,

Aegiensi apud Achaiam, motu terrae labefactis, subveniretur

I. adque haec Acid., alitque haec Madvig, Ilahn.

1. apud Caesarem, taken with 'argu-
erent.'

atque haec. From ' argnerent ' it is
not difficult to supply the itlea of such
a verb as ' faciebat ' (cp. c. 38, 5 : ; but it
seems better to take 'haec' as the subject
of 'efficiebat,' and to refer it to Livia,
who is the last mentioned of the two
subjects of ' arguerent.' Granting that
' aviae,' below, might with some latitude
designate the relationship of Augusta to
AgTippina, as her husband's grandchild
or as her grandson's wife, it would be
used in the strictest sense relatively to
Livia, who was her granddaughter by
natural descent. For another view of the
passage see Allen's note.

callidis criminatoribus. On this
extension of the instrumental abl. see
Inlrod. V. § 27.

2. lulium Postumum, possibly the
same who was pratfect of Fgypt in 800,
A.D. 47 C. I. L. vi. 918).

3. Mutiliae Priscae, probably the
wife of Fufius (".eminus: see on 5. 2, 3.

inter intimos aviae et. Nipp.
brackets these words as an interpolation,
on the gronnd that the context implies
that lulius Postumus had access to Au-
gusta only through Prisca. If they are
genuine, it must be understood that he
was both directly and indirectly service-
able.

4. in animo . . . valida. This phrase
appears only to occur here and in 14. 51,
6; 15. ,so, 3 : cp. also 6. 8, 4 ; 31, 3.

5. potentiae anxiam: cp. 2. 75, i.
nurui: cp. Dig. 23. 2, 14. 4 ' nurus

appellatione non tantnm filii uxor, sed et
nepolis et pronepotis continetur, licet qui-
dem has pronurus appellant.'

f). inliciebantur, with simple inf.
only here and in z. 37, 2.

pravis sermonibus : cp. c. 54, i ;
67, 6, &c.

tumidos, in this sense chiefly poeti-
cal, but in prose from I.ivy.

7. perstimulare, aw. tip. For similar
forms cp. Introd. v. § 69. 3

9. ius civium, the judicial proceed-
ings mentioned below. ' Preces sociorum'
include the complamts against officials,
and petitions for relief under calamity.

ID. auctore eo. The initiative of the
princeps in such remissions from the
aerarium is usual : see Introd. vi. p. 93, n.
12.

Cibyraticae. Cihyra was in the
soutli-westem extremity of Phrygia near
the Indus, a branch or another name of
the Calbis (Kengez) ; where its remains
still exist, near a village called Horzoum.
It is noted by Horace Fp. i. 6, 33) as a
centre of trade, and by Pliny (^N. H. 5.
28, 29, 105) as the ' conventus' for twenty-
five cities. It had been at times within
the province of Cilicia, but is reckoned in
Asia from 705, B.C. 49: see Marquardt,
i. 335. In the inscription mentioned in
2. 47, r, it is joined with the cities which
suffered earthquake at that date.

II. Aegiensi, Aegium (Vostitza') on
the Corinthian gulf, the chief city of the
ancient Achaia, and the regular ]ilace of
meeting of the Achaean league (Liv. 38.
30, 12), which at a later date still went
through the form of meeting there 1 Paus.
7. '24, 4^ At tliis time it was probably
overshadowed by the colonies of Patrae
and liyme f,cp. PI. N. H. 3. 4, 5, 11).

subveniretur, &c. : see on 2. 47.

A.D. 23]

LIDER IV. CAP. 12, 13.

507

2 remissione tributi in triennium. et Vibius Serenas pro consule
ulterioris Hispaniac, de vi publica damnatus, ob atrocitatem

3 morum in insulam Amorgum deportatur. Carsidius Sacerdos.
reus tamqiiam frumento hostem Tacfarinatem iuvisset, absolvitur,

4 eiusdemquc criniinis C. Gracchus, hunc comitem exilii admodum 5
infantem pater Sempronius in insulam Ccrcinam tulerat. illic
adultus inter extorres et liberalium artium nescios, mox per
Africam ac Siciliam mutando sordidas merccs sustentabatur ;

5 neque tanien efifugit magnae fortunae pericula. ac ni Aelius Lamia
et L. Apronius. qui Africam obtinuerant, insontem protexisscnt, 10
claritudine infausti generis et paternis adversis foret abstractus.

3. temporum : morum L. carsius : text Reines ; cp. 6. 48, 7.
text B.

1 1, claritudini :

1. Vibius Serenus, one of the ac-
cusers of Libo Drusus (2. 30, i) : see
c. 2S-30.

2. ulterioris Hispaniae. This name
formerly included Lusitania and Baetica,
but since the division of those provinces
by Augustus, or perhaps Tiberius (Momms.
R. G. D. A. p. 120), is restricted to the
latter, a senatorial province of the second
rank, parted from Lusitnnia (see on c.
5, 2) ijy the Anas ((juadiana), and co-
inciding generally with southern Estre-
madura, Andalusia, and Ciranada. The
seat of government was Corduba (Cor-
dova) : see Marquardt, i. 256.

de vi publica. This crime consisted
in the execution, torture, scourging, or
incarceration in a public prison of any
Roman citizen who had appealed lo Cae-
sar: cp. Dig. 48. 6, 7; Paul Sent. 5. 26,
1. A ' lex lulia ' of 746, B. c. 8, made it
punishable by ' interdictio aqua et igni.'

ob atrocitatem morum. The MS.
text apparently repeats the last syllable
of the preceding word. ' Deportalio '
(cp. Staatsr. iii. 140') to a particular
island was an additional severity; tho>e
interdicted from fire and water being as
a rule allowed to clioose an island for
their residence, if not less than four hun-
dred stadia from the mainland (I)io, 56.
27, 2). At a later time deportation be-
came the usual penalty for 'vis publica'
in case of criminals of rank ; and those
of lower position were punished capitally
(Faul. 1. l.V

3. Amorgum, Amorgo, one of the
Cyclades, S. E. of Naxos, contrasted as
a place of residence witii Gyaios or Do-
nysa (c. 30, 2), and still a fertile island.

4. tamquam iuvisset, ' on the ground
of having assisted ' : cp. 3. 7-', 5, and note
there ; also ' laetis . . . tamquam ducem
. . . bellum absumpsisset ' 12. 39, 5, ' pro-
bro rtspersus est tamquam . . . furatus '
H. I. 48, 5.

5. C. Gracchus. This person appears
to have become an informer (6. 38, 4),
and may have been the praetor of 786,
A. I). 33 (6. i6, 5). Nipp. notes from
Henzen (Scavi, p. 99 that a Gracchus
was also praet. peregr. in 790, A. D. 37.

6. pater Sempronius: see on i. 53,
4. On the vaiiation to avoid repeating
the same name, see Inlrod. v. § 86.

8. sordidas merces. Cicero Me Off.
I. 42, 150; applies this epithet to several
kinds of trade, and to all ' mercatura
tenuis,' as distinct from that which is
'magna el copiosa ' and 'non admodum
vituperanda.' To a Komnn of senatorial
rank all trade was sordid, but the large
dealings of knights, e.g. in the corn trade,
had a certain dignity.

9. magnae fortunae, ' belonging to
high rank' : cp. H. i. 12, 5, &c.

Aetius Lamia: see 6. 27, 2. He
had been consul in 756, A. D. 3, but may
have been preceded in the lot for pro-
consulates of Asia and Africa by his
juniors Messala Volesus (cp. 3. 6S, i) and
i^. .As])renas (^cp. 1. 53, 9), and may thus
have ijeen nearer to the actual war with
Tacfarinas cp. 2. 52, i). On the pro-
consulate of Apronius cp. 3. 21, r.

II. abstractus; so used in II. 4. 2, 7.
The full expression wouhl prtibably be
' abstractus in perniciem,' a figure from
such an expression as ' abstrahi ... ad
capilale supplicium ' (Curt. 3. 2, 17).

5o8

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 776.

14. Is quoque annus legationes Graecarum civitatium habuit,
Samiis lunonis, Cois Aesculapii dclubro vetustum asyli ius ut
firmaretur petentibus. Samli dccreto Amphictyonum nite- 2
bantur, quis praecipuum fuit rerum omnium iudicium, qua tem-
5 pcstate Graeci conditis per Asiam urbibus ora maris potiebantur.
neque dispar apud Coos antiquitas, et acccdebat meritum ex 3
loco : nam cives Romanos templo Aesculapii induxerant, cum
iussu regis Mithridatis apud cunctas Asiae insulas et urbes truci-
darentur. variis dchinc et saepius inritis praetorum questibus, 4

10 postremo Caesar dc inmodestia histrionum rettulit : multa ab
lis in publicum seditiose, foeda per domos temptari ; Oscum
quondam ludicrum, levissimae apud vulgum oblectationis, eo
flagitiorum et virium venisse /// auctoritate patrum coercendum
sit. puisi tum histriones Italia.

15 15. Idem annus alio quoque luctu Caesarem adfecit, alterum

4. ea qua : ea tempestate qua R, text L, ex qua Weisscnb.
15. adficit : so in 6. 45, i and Muller in both, text Ritter.

13. ut ins. margin.

1. Is quoque annus, this )ear, like
that i>rece(liiig : cp. 3.60-63 : 'habuit' is
so used in 13. 33, 1:15. 32, 3.

2. Samiis lunonis. Samos, made a
free state by Augustus (Dio, 54. 9, 7),
was included, like the other islands, in the
province of Asia. Its Heraeum, spoken
of by flerodotus (2. 148; 3. 60) as the
greatest temple known to him, was de-
stroyed by the Persians, and suffered in
subsequent wars, but was still great and
famous as late as the time of I'ausanias
(7- 4. 4). The temple was on the coast
near the city, and some ruins of it appear
to be found near the modern Chora.

Cois Aesculapii. Cos was one of
the great centres of this worship, and of
the caste or medical school of A-cle-
piadae. Hippocrates himself was born
and resided here. For the reasons as-
signed by Claudius for conferring on it
the privilege of immunity, see 12 61, 1.

4. qua tempestate. It is implied that
the decree was of tliis early date. This
expression for 'quo tempoie' (cp. 2. 60,
2; 6. 34, 3, &c.) is chietly poetical, but
found ill Cicero, Sallust, and Livy.

6. ex loco, 'connected with the place.'

7. induxerant. This verb takes the
dat. in 5. i, 3, &c., also in Stat, and Suet.

cum . . . trucidarentur, in 666,
B.C. 8S : cp. Veil. 2. i8, i. Appian
records (Mithr. 23) that many famous
sanctuaries were then violated.

9. variis . . . questibus. Riots had
take:i place in former years: cp. 1. 54,
3; 77, I. On the 'ius ludorum ' of the
praetors cp. 1.15, 5, &c.

11. in publicum: cp. 2. 48, i.
seditiose, foeda: cp. Dio (57. 21,

3\ Tas Tf yvvaiKas yaxwov Kai ardads
Tjyeipov. There is also abundant evidence
(cp. Suet. Tib. 45 ; Cal. 27 ; Ner. 39 ;
Galb. 13) that the 'exodia' often con-
tained pasquinades on, or covert allusions
to, the princeps.

Oscum quondam ludicrum, i. e.
the ' Alellanae,' which, though not origi-
nally left to professional actors (Liv. 7.
2, 12), had now been taken up by the
' panlomimi ' ; for whom see on i. 54, 3,
and Suet, as above. Strabo (5. 3, 6, 233)
refers to the survival of the Oscan dialect
in the popular mimes.

12. lovissimae, &c., 'belonging to
the most trivial amusement of tlie vulgar.*

14. pulsi tum histriones Italia.
.Suetonius (Tib. 37"; represents this puni>h-
ment as falling only on some 'capita
factionum et histriones propter quos dis-
sidebatur.' Dio (1. 1.) speaks as if it was
a more general measure. One of the first
acts of Gains was to bring them back
(Dio, 59 2,5); and Mnester was notorious
in the time of Claudius (u. 4, 2, Sic).
Another expulsion is recorded in the
time of Nero (13. 25, 4).

15. Idem annus . . . adfecit, repeated

A. p. 23]

LIBER IV. CAP. 14, 15.

509

ex geminis Drusi liberis extinguendo, neque minus mortc amici.

2 is fuit Lucilius Longus, omnium illi tristium laetorumquc socius

3 unusque e senatoribus Rhodii scccssus comes, ita quamquam
novo homini censorium funus, cffigicm apud forum Augusti
publica pccunia patres decrcverc, apud quos etiam tum cuncta 5
tractabantur, adeo ut procurator Asiae Lucilius Capito accusante
provincia causam dixerit, magna cum adseveratione principis, non
se ius nisi in scrvitia et pecunias familiares dedisse : quod si vim
praetoris usurpasset manibusque militum usus foret, spreta in eo

4 mandata sua : audirent socios ita reus cognito ncg-otio damnatur. 10

in 6. 45, I : cp. Introd. v. § 75. The
perfect is generally used in such places :
cp. c 14, I ; 16, I.

alterura ex geminis : see on 2. 84, i.
The child was about four years old.

2. Lucilius Liongus. An incidental
notice in Kal. Amitern. (Orell. Insc. ii.
p. 397) gives him as cos. suff. with
Creticus Silanus (cp. 2. 43, 3) in 760,
A. D. 7.

3. unusque 0 senatoribus, ' the only
senator.' Two knigiits. who also ac-
companied Tiberius to Rhodes, are men-
tioned in 6. 10, 2.

4. censorium funus. The expression
is repeated in 6. 27, 2 ; 13. 2, 6 ; H. 4.
47, 2. As public funerals were under-
taken by contract (cp on 3. 48, i), and con-
trncts in the nnme of the state were in re-
publican times usually let by the censors,
it has been thought that, though cen-
sors had ceased to exist, ' censorium
funus' is still a synonym for ' funus publi-
cum,' the one expression (in 6. 11, 7)
being used under similar circumstances
to the other (in 6. 27, 2). It seems better
taken to mean a public funeral of the
highest kind, such as would have been
given to one who had filled the censor-
ship, the highest magistracy : see Polyb.
6- 53, 7, Staatsr. i. 460, n. 2, iii. 1187.
In this sense, the term could be used pro-
perly of the funeral of Claudius (13. 2,6),
who really had been censor.

forum Augusti, one of the series
of imperial Fora n'irth-cast of the old
Forum, between the Capito] and Quirinal.
In its centre was the Temjde of Mars
Ultor (cp. 2. 64, 2), and many statues of
great men stood in its porticoes (Suet.
Aug. 31"). Considerable remains of its
circuit wall exist : see Middleton ii.
6-13.

5. etiam tum. A contrast is implied
to the later prevalence of private trials

i^cp. 6. 10, 2; II. 2, I, i&c), and is illus-
trated by the extreme case of bringing a
charge against Caesar's own procurator
before the senate. That such persons
were usually tiied before the princeps,
would appear from 13. 33, t ; Dial. 7, i.

6. procurator : see note on c. 6, 5 ;
2. 47, 3, &c. This passage would be
evidence of the existence of such imperial
officers, at least in Asia (see also note on
2. 47, 3 , before the time of Claudius,
from wliich date they are fully attested
by inscriptions in all senatorial provinces
Csee Marquardt, i. 555, n. 5). On their
limited powers at this time see next note.
In 13. I, 3, similar officers are described
as ' rei familiari principis in Asia inpositi.'
An inscription of A. u. 105 (C. I. L. v.
875) shows a procurator of Asia appointed
by the emperor (probably one of the
Flavian Caesars) to take the place of
a deceased proconsul.

7. causam dixerit, sc ' apud eos,'
supplied from 'apud quos."

8. servitia. The force of ' familiares '
extends also to this word ; the ' pecuniae '
are the avTOKparopiKO. -^^p-qixara of l)lo (57.
23, 5;, who states that procurators could
then only prosecute their claims before
the ordinary courts. A distinct juris-
diction is given to them under Claudius
(see on 12. 60. 1), and they become quite
independent of the proconsul : cjx Dig. i.
16, 9 'si tiscalis pecuniaria causa sit,
quae ad proouratorem principis respicit,
melius fecerit (proconsul; si abstineat.'

9. praetori.s, ' of a governor ' ; used
here as a general term cp. note on i. 74,
I '., though the proconsul of this province
was always of consular rank.

militum : a few soldiers were kept
as police, in the ' inermes provinciae ' :
see Mr. Purser, D. of Ant. i. 796.

10. damnatur. Dio (1. 1.) says that he
was exiled.

5^o

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 776.

ob quam ultionem, et quia priore anno in C. Silanum vindicatum
erat, decrevere Asiae urbes templum Tiberio matriquc eius ac
senatui. et permissum statuere ; egitque Nero grates ea causa 5
patribus atque avo. laetas inter audientium adfcctioncs. qui recenti

5 memoria Germanici ilium aspici, ilium audiri rebantur. aderant- 6
que iuveni modestia ac forma principe viro digna. notis in earn
Seiani odiis ob periculum gratiora.

16. Sub idem tempus de fiamine Diali in locum Servi Malu-
ginensis defuncti legendo, simul roganda nova lege disseruit

10 Caesar, nam patricios confarreatis parentibus genitos tres simul 2
nominari, ex quis unus legerctur, vetusto more ; ncque adesse, ut
dim, earn copiam, omissa confarreandi adsuetudine aut inter
paucos retenta : (pluresque eius rei causas adferebat, potissimam 3
penes incuriam virorum feminarumque ; accedere ipsius caeri-

15 moniae difficultates, quae consult© vitarentur) et quod exiret e

15. quo (= quoniam) : quando B,

14. accederet : text B, accedere et Jac. Gron
quod R.

1. in . . . vindicatum. This impers.
pass, with ' in ' is found in Caes., Cic., and
Sail., but is uncommon : cp. H. 4. 45, 2.
For the case of Silanus see 3. 66, foil.

2. decrevere . . . templum. On this
important expression of provincial gra-
titude see Introd. viii. p. 159: a rivalry
between the cities may however have had
its share in it (see Mornms. Hist. v. 319,
E. T. i. 346). The city in which the
temple was to stand had yet to be de-
termined 'cp. c. 55-56).

ac senatui. This appears to be a
recognition of the formal dyarcliy (cp.
C- 37, 4\ which on another occasion (c.
37, 1) was omitted. For similar formulae
cp. Staatsr. iii. i26r, n. 2.

3. statuere. The inf. is used with
'permissum (est)' in c. 4'^, 2; G. 7, 2,
and in the best authors. Similar permis-
sion was refused to Spain 'c 37).

Nero. Youths of the imperial family
often thus acted as ' patroni ' of the pro-
vinces : cp. I 2. 58, I.

6. principe viro : cp. 3. 6, 5 ; 34, i r.

8. Servi Maluginensis : see 3. 58 ;

71-

10. patricios. This restriction applied
to the 'rex sacrificulus ' and the three
' flamines maioies.' The ' min&res' were
at this time mostly obsolete : cp. Mar-
quardt, iii. 327, and, on ' confarreatio,'
Id. Privatl. 33. Not only was the
flamen required to be born of parents
married by this form, but, as duties were

assigned to the ' flaminica,' he was re-
quired to have a wife, and also to have
been married to her by the same rite.

tres . . . nominari, &c. It appears
clear that the final choice rested with the
chief pontiff, who was said ' capere fla-
minem' (Liv. 27. 8, 5;. The {)reliminary
nomination of three may have been made
by the senate (instead of the comilia"! or
by the college of the pontiffs.

13. pluresque, &c. Halm follows Mad-
vig (Adv. Crit. ii. p. 546") in placing this
sentence in a parenthesis, whereby the
whole passage is to be taken as giving
two reasons for the scarcity of candi-
dates ; the first being that few were bom
of ' confarreati paientes,' the second, that
the loss of ' patria potestas' was objected
to. The parenthetical sentence gives two
explanations of the first cause, namely,
natural negligence ot a cumbrous cere-
mony, and deliberate avoidance of its ac-
companying impediments.

14. penes incuriam. Nipp. compares
this use of 'penes' with Hor. A. 1*. 71
(' usus, quern penes,' itc), v\ here, as in
H. I. 57, 4, some peisonification seems
implied, while here a quality belonguig
to persons is spoken of.

ipsius caerimoniae difficultates.
Such a marriage could only he dissolved
by the equally cumbrous process of ' dif-
farreatio,' and Romans now practised
divorce with the vtmost freedom.

15. et quod. This reading is sup-

A.D. 23.]

LIBER ir. CAP. 15, 16.

511

iuie patrio qui id flamonium apiscerctur quaeque in manum

4 flaniinis convcniret. ita medendum senatus decrcto aut lege,
sicut Augustus quaedani ex horrida ilia antiquitatc ad praesen-

5 tcm usum flexisset. igitur tractatis religionibus placitum institute
flaminum nihil dcmutari : sed lata lex, qua flaminica Dialis 5
sacrorum causa in potestate viri, cetera promisco feminarum iure

ported by 'quo' being written for 'quod ' in
c. 39. 4. Nipp., who had formerly indicated
a lacuna, now considers that tlie causal sen-
tence'quoniam' (or' quod ')&c. sufficiently
answers to ' omi-<sa.' It is to be sup-
posed that parents would object to the
loss of ' patria potestas,' and also that the
office must have been in itself undesirable,
owing to the severe rules imposed on its
occupant: cp. 3. 71, and the long list
enumerated in Gell. 10, 15. The passage
in Livy (27. 8) would show the office to
have been rather a burden than a jirivi-
lege, as a person is ' taken ' for it against
his will.

I. qui . . . apisceretur. Gains (i, 130)
says, ' exeunt libcri virilis sexus de patris
potestate, si tlamines Diales inaugurentur,
et feminini sexus, si virgines Vestales
capiantur.' This was without 'capitis
diminutio,' such as would have been in-
volved in adoption into another family.
The ceremony of 'taking' was a kind of
' mancipntio,' by which the person came
under tiie ' poteslas ' of the deity, repre-
sented by the chief pontiff: see Mar-
quardt, iii. 314.

flamonium; so also in 13. 2, 6.
Mommsen (l^ph. Epig. i. 222) notes that
the office of flamen is always in inscrip-
tions 'flaminatus' or 'flamonium,' and
that the latter form is preserved by the
MSS. of Tacitus, of Cic. i,Fhil. 13. 19, 41),
and of Livy (26. 23, 8 .

quaeque .... conveniret. ' Con-
ventio in manum,' whereby the husband
acquired a power analogous to that of a
father over his wife (Staalsr. iii. 35),
though not essential to marriage as such,
was involved in the ceremony of ' cou-
farreatio ' or 'coemptio,' or the fact of
a year's unbroken ' usu^.' A marriage
of the latter kind would thus always
be ' sine conventione ' during the first
year, .nnd, even by old law, might
thus continue indefinitely, liy annual sus-
pension of cohabitation for a ' trinoctium.'
In this and other ways marriages 'sine
conventione ' had come to be the rule; the
woman thus becoming' uxor tantummodo,'
not ' mater fanulias ' ^^Cic. Top. 3, 14}. By

the old law she gained thereby no freedom,
but remained in 'potestate patris'; lat-
terly, however, the ' pairia potestas ' had
become much relaxed, and women were
enabled, by legal fictions, to control their
own property through a ' procurator,' and
acquire practical independence : see Mar-
quardt, Privatleben 63, Maine, Anc. Law,
p. i-iS)- To this the manirge of the
' flaminica ' would be an exception, being
necessarily by ' confarreatio,' and so ' cum
conventione.'

2. senatus decreto aut lege. Xipp.
notes that 'leges' still continue to be
distinctly mentioned (c]). 11. 13, 2 ; IL 3.
37, 3 ; 4. 47, 2\ and that several distinct
' leges ' of this and later date are specified
by jurists (Staatsr. ii. SH2, iii. 346, n. i),
but that their enactment by the comitia
must have been a mere formality. It
probably corresponded to the formal
' renuntiatio ' of elections, or the formal
plebiscite by which the tribuiiicinn power
of the piinceps was ratified (Introd. vi.
p. 84). Legislative enactments by ' senatus
consulta' are mentioned in 12. 7, 3; 60,

2 ; 13- 5. I-

3. quaedam . . . flexisset : see note
below (§ 5). It would also appear from
?>■ 71. .^; tbat Augustus had relax'-d the
old rule precluding the flamen from a
single night's absence: Gellius ;1 1.) also
alludes to some relaxations without .speci-
fying their date or nature.

5. demutari ; appaiently one of the
words revived by Tacitus from Plautus.

6. sacrorum causa, &c. A defective
passage in Gains (i, 136 ; see Mari[uardt,
iii. 333, n. i), alluding. to this enactment,
appears to show that Augustus had al-
ready introduced this limitation of the
legal effect of ' confarreatio ' in respect of
the ' flaminica Dialis' on his restoration
of the 'flamonium' in 744, B.C. 10. Mr.
Poste considers (Gains, p. 90) that the
relaxation thus introduced by him m that
particular instance, was now extended to
all cai.cs. The fiction by which she
was thus treated as in the power of her
husband ' sacrorum causa ' wouUl involve
her taking his domestic worship instead

512

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C 777.

ageret. et filius Maluginensis patri suffectus. utque glisceret 6
dignatio sacerdotum atque ipsis promptior animus foret ad capes-
sendas caerimonias, decretum Corncliae virgini, quae in locum
Scantiae capiebatur, sestertium viciens, et quotiens Augusta
6 theatrum introisset, ut sedes inter Vestalium consideret.

17. Cornelio Cethego Visellio Varrone consulibus pontifices
eorumque exemplo ceteri sacerdotes, cum pro incolumitate
principis vota susciperent, Neronem quoque et Drusum isdem
dis commendavere, non tam caritate iuvenum quam adulatione,
10 quae moribus corruptis perinde anceps, si nulla et ubi nimia est.
nam Tiberius baud umquam domui Germanici mitis, turn vero 2
aequari adulescentes senectae suae inpatienter indoluit ; accitos-
que pontifices percontatus est, num id precibus Agrippinae aut
minis tribuissent. et illi quidem, quamquam abnuerent, modice 3

10. proinde : text R.

of that of her paternal house (Poste, 1. 1."^,
and would enable her to perform her
public sacred duties as priestess of Juno
(Plut. Quaest. Rom. 86), but would not
affect her status in other respects.

promisee, 'open to all': cp. 14. 14,
4, &c.

I. Alius. Nipp. notes that the son
of a flamen would have already taken
pait in his duties as a 'camillus': see
Marquardt, iii. 227.

3. caerimonias, ' the duties of a re-
ligious office ' : cp. I. .S4, i.

4. capiebatur : cp. 2. 86, i.
sestertium viciens, twice the gift

given on a former occasion to a rejected
candidate (2. 86, 2). The special en-
couragement lay in the amount of the
gift ; for some payment had always been
given to the Vestals (Liv. i. 20, 3), and
perhaps to the ' flamines ' (Marquardt, ii.
80). As a set-off, tlie Vestal could inherit
nothing except by will, and her own
property, if she died intestate, escheated
to the state (Gell. i. 12).

5. sedes inter Vestalium. Augustus
(Suet. Aug. 44) ' solis virginibus Vestali-
bus locum in theatro, separatim et contra
praetoris tribunal dedit.' Such a place
as is here given to Augusta was assigned
by Gaius to Antonia and to his sisters
(Dio, 59. 3, 4), and by Claudius to Mes-
salina (Id. 60. 22, 2). It was perhaps
through this association that the Vestals
weie afterwards charged with the cultus
of Augusta (Id. 60. 5, 2).

6. Cornelio Cethego Visellio Var-
rone. The praenomen of the former was
' .Scrvius,' that of the latter ' Lucius '
(Hcnzen 7419 d 3). Varro was 'curator
riparum et alvei Tiberis' (C. I. L. vi.
1237). On his father cp. 3. 41, 3.

7. pro incolumitate principis vota.
These were offered on a fixed day, shown
by later authorities (Gaius, Dig. 50. 16,
223 ; Plut. Cic. 2, &c.) to be Jan. 3, and
are distinct from those offered for the
state on Jan. i (c. 70, i). The present
year was a special occasion, as the ' de-
cennium ' of 'liberius (Dio. 57. 24. i).

8. Neronem ... et Drusum. Tiberius
allowed his mother's name to be included
in 'vota ' (see Act. Arv. A. u. c. 7S0, A.D.
27), and we often find women nearly re-
lated to the princcps thus associated with
him, but rarely, if ever, male relatives :
see Staatsr. ii. 825.

9. caritate . . . adulatione, causal
abl. : cp. Introd. v. § 30.

ID. anceps, ' perilous' : cp. c. 59, i ; 73,

4; 1- }>^h 3-

si . . . ubi. On this interchange cp.
I. 44, 8. Tiie alliterative antithesis
'nimia . . nulla' is found in Sen. Ep.

89.3-

1 2. inpatienter, ' uncontrollably ' : cp^
G. 8, I.

14. quamquam abnuerent. i.e. though
they took the whole blame on themselves,
they were not severely rebuked. The
mildness of the censure is explained by
the sentence ' etenim . . . erant.'

AD. 24.] LIBER ir. CAP. i6 19. 513

perstricti ; ctenim pars magna c propinquis ipsius aut primores
civitatis erant : ceterum in scnatu oratione nionuit in posterum,
ne quis mobiles adulcscentium animos pracmaturis honoribus ad
4 superbiam extollerct. instabat quippe Seianus incusabatque
diductam civitatem lit civili bello ; esse qui se partium Agrip- 5
pinae voccnt, ac ni rcsistatur, fore pluris ; neque aliud gliscentis
discordiac remedium quam si unus altcrve maxime prompti sub-
vertercntur.

18. Qua causa C. Silium et Titium Sabinum adgrcditur.
amicitia Germanici perniciosa utrique, Silio et quod ingentis 10
exercitus septem per annos moderator partisque apud Gcrmaniam
triumplialibus Sacroviriani belli victor, quanto maiore mole pro-

2 cideret, plus formidinis in alios dispergebatur. credebant pleri-
que auctam oftensionem ipsius intemperantia, immodice iactantis
suum militem in obsequio duravisse, cum alii ad seditiones 1.^
prolaberentur ; neque mansurum Tiberio imperium, si iis quoque
legionibus cupido novandi fuisset. destrui per haec fortunam

3 suam Caesar inparemque tanto merito rebatur. nam beneficia
eo usque laeta sunt, dum videntur exsolvi posse : ubi multum
antevenere, pro gratia odium redditur. 20

19. Erat uxor Silio Sosia Galla, caritate Agrippinae invisa

i
5. deductam. 12. procedcret: text R. 18. inparemque se Pichena.

I. pars magna, &c. Young Drusus 16. mansiiruni, so. 'fuisse' : cp. Introd.

was himself a pontiff (Introd. ix. note i 2\ v. § 39 c.

as was also L. Piso the ' praefectus urbis ' 1 7. destrui . . . fortunam suam, ' his

(6. 10, 3). position was lowered.' On thi^ sense of

4. extolleret, 'stimulate'; so 'extollit ' fortuna' cp. 2. 71, 6, Sec. ' Destruere '

ira piomptum . . . aniiniim ' 16. 22, 10. is thus used with ' auctoritas' in 14. 43, 2,

incusabat diductam. This verb has and of ])ersons in H. i. 6, [.

often this construction in Livy. 18. inparem ^sc. 'esse'\ 'unable to

7. subverterentur. The change of discharge such an obligation.'

tense denotes a more remote contingency : 19. exsolvi: cp. ' initium exsolvendae

see note on i. 29, i. culpae ' H. 4. 62, 6. The sense of pay-

10. et quod, (&:c,' it was also fatal that,' ing ' belongs to ihis verb frecpiently m

&c. The construction is equivalent to Tacitus, and occasionally in Cic, I,iv.,

'quod plus formidinis dispergebatur, &c., but usually with an accus. of the

quanto maiore mole procideret ingentis debt or penalty which is jiaid.

exercitus moderator,' &c Nipj). notes a 20. antevenere, absol. = ' superavere.'

similar apposition in II. 21, 2. Tiie seven The word (cp. i. 63,6, &c.) seems not

years are reckoned from the first mention elsewhere so used.

of Silius as legatus in Upi er Cjcrmany odium, &c. The sentim(-nt is found

(I. 31, 2) to the lime of his victory over in Seneca (Ep. 19, 11), ' quidam quo plus

Sacrovir (3. 42-46). His triumphal dis- debent, magis oderunt : Icve aes alicnum

tinction was mentioned in 1. 72, i. debitorcm facil, grave inimicum.'

15. suum militem ... duravisse : see 21. caritate Agrippinae. Almost the

I- 3') 3i 37. 4» 40, I- same words are repeated in 16. 14, 3

5H

P. CORXELII TACITl AXNALIl'M [A.U.C. 777.

principi. hos corripi dilato ad tcmpus Sabino placitum, inmis-
susque Varro consul, qui paternas inimicitias obtendens odiis
Seiani per dcdecus suum gratificabatur. precante rco brevem 2
moram, dum accusator consulatu abiret, advcrsatus est Caesar :
5 solitum quippe magistratibus diem privatis dicere ; nee infrin-
gendum consulis ius, cuius vigiliis niteretur ne quod res publica
detrimentum caperet. proprium id Tiberio fuit scelera nuper 3
reperta priscis verbis obtegere. igitur multa adseveratione, quasi
aut legibus cum Silio ageretur aut Varro consul aut illud res

10 publica esset, coguntur patres. silente reo, vel si defensionem 4
coeptaret, non occultante cuius ira premeretur, conscientia belli
Sacrovir diu dissimulatus, victoria per avaritiam foedata et uxor
Sosia arguebantur. nee dubie repetundarum criminibus haere- 5
bant, scd cuncta quacstione maiestatis exercita, et Silius immin-

15 entcm damnationem voluntario fine praevertit.

7. quo prium : proprium B.

13. socia.

' caritate Agrippinae invisum Neroni.'
The genitive in each case is objective, as
in c. 17, I, &c., and as generally in
classical usage.

1. dilato: cp. c. 6S-70.

ad tempus, 'lor the moment': cp.
' perturbatio . . . hrevis et ad tempus ' Cic.
Off 1.8, 27. The sense in i. 1,1 is not
(jui;e the same.

inmissus, ' was set on ' ; metajdr. from
' inmilterc equum': cp. c. 54, i; 11. I, I.

2. paternas inimicitias, explained

by 3- 4.^- 4-

8. priscis verbis. His answer alluded
to the words of the olil 'ullimum senatus
consultum ' ( darent operam cousules ne
quid respublica detnmenti caperet'),
whereby, in a crisis, a Idnd of martial
law was proclaimed : cp. Sail. Cat. 29,
2; Caes. B. C. i. ^, 2>- Ihis is here
assumed as tantamount to a standing
order. 'Vigilia consularis' may also be
an (dd phrase (see Cic. I'hil. I. I, I'j. For
other su( h ]ihrases used by Tibeiius cp.
' exercendns leges esse' (i. 72, 4^ ' inftn-
sus reipublicae ' (c. 70, 7 ; 6. 24, i).

adseveratione: cp. 2. 31, 4; here
used with inference U) the solemn expres-
sions just mentioned.

quasi . . . aut Varro consul, &c.,
'as if X'arro were in any true sense a
consul, or that stnte of things the Re-
public' (see on 1. 3, 7). As far as mere
'vocabula' went, both were formally such.

On the neuter ' illud ' cp. i. 49, 4.

11. non occultante, &c., showing that
he knew who his real enemy was. The
allusion is probably to the resentment of
Tiberius on the grounds mentioned in c.
18, 2. Also the ' odia Seiani,' mentioned
above, were in the background.

conscientia . . . dissimulatus, ' that
the doings of Sacrovir had been ignored
through com])licity in his rebellion ' : cp.
'conscientia rebellionis' 12. 31, 6, &c.,
' Acilia . . . dissimulata ' 15. 71, 12,'con-
sul.ntus dissimulatus' II. 2. 71, 3; 'dis-
simulata . . . mentione ' Suet. Ncr. 37.
In 3. 41,4 it is stated that the disaffection
of Sacrovir was reported to Tiberius, who
delayed to deal with it. Nipp. ]daces
a full stop before ' conscientia 'and only a
comma before ' silente.'

12. per avaritiam, apparently by ex-
tortions from those who had not joined the
rebellion : cp. also note on 3. 46, 4.

uxor Sosia, sc. ']3arum coercita.'
For complaints on grounds of this kind
see 3. .:;3. I'fit^ner retains 'socia.'

13. haerebant, sc. 'Silius et Sosia,'
' could not clear themselves of the charges.'
OrT the abl. cp. I. 65, 4.

14. cuncta . . . exercita, ' llie whole
case was conducted on the charge of
tieason': cp. 'indicium . . . exercuit' (i.
44, 3"), ' contenliones ' ( 13. 28. :;), &c.

15. praevertit, 'anticipated'; so 'prae-
vertit tristia leto ' Luc. 8, 30.

A.D. 24.]

LIBER IV. CAP. 19, 20.

515

20. Saevitum tamcn in bona, non ut stipcndiariis pecuniae
reddcrentur, quorum nemo repetebat, sod liberalitas August!

2 avulsa, conputatis singillatim quae fisco petebantur. ea prima
Tibcrio erga pecuniam alicnam diligentia fuit. Sosia in exilium
pellitur Asinii Galli scntentia, qui partem bonorum publicandam, 5

3 pars ut liberis relinqucretur censuerat. contra M'. Lepidus
quartam accusatoribus secundum necessitudinem legis, cetera

4 liberis concessit, hunc ego Lepidum tcmporibus illis gravem et
sapientem virum fuisse comperior: nam pleraque ab saevis
adulationibus aliorum in melius flexit. neque tamen tempera- 10
menti egebat, cum aequabili auctoritate et gratia apud Tiberium

1. tamcn, i.e. though contrary to the
custom where sentence was thus antici-
pated Csee 6. 29, 2 and note). Similar
cxceptionnl confiscation took place in the
case of Libo (2. 32, i\ and was proposed
in that of Piso 3. 17, 8^; the senate hav-
iii£j power to increase the jienalties pre-
scribed by law, as even to substitute death
for exile. We find also, from 11. 35. 2,
that it was made illegal to preserve the
effigy of Siliu*;. ' Saevitum in bona,'
repeated from H. 2. 62, i.

stipendiariis. ' the provincial tribute
payers.' Strictly the term is distinguished
("rom 'vectigales' (those who paid in
kind), as in Cic. Verr. 2. 4, 60, 134;
but it is generally used in contrast to
' civitates liberae,' though the Intter were
not exempt from all payments fsee
Marquardt. i. 79^.

2. liberalita.s : cp. 2. 37. 2.

3. singillatim, i. e. gifts made at
various times.

fisco : on the use of this term see note
on 2. 47, 3 ; 48, I, Vol. ii. Introd. p. 28,
n. 6, and references there.

ea prima, Sic. : cp. the character
given to him in 3. 18. 2. ' Diligentia' is
here equivalent to 'studium,' but used
with some irony.

5. pellitur. This, and 'concessit' be-
low, express the sentences advocated Ijy
these senators: cp. 3. 23, 2. &c.

partem : cp. 3. 17, 8. Nipp. is prob-
ablv right in thinking that the property
of Sosia alone is meant, that of Silius
ha\ing been already disposed of

6. liberis. One of them was the C.
Silius of 1 1. 5, 3, &c.

M'. Lepidus: cp note on 3. 32, 2.

7. quartam. On such ellipses cp. In-
trod. v § 80. 'Quarta' is thus used in
Quint. 8. 5, 19; Dig. 5. 2, 8; 5. 4, 3.

legis. The law would be the ' lex
lulia de maiestate,' passed by Augustus.
If the derivation most commonly assigned
to ' quadruplator ' is correct, one fourth
would seem to be the usual reward of in-
formers ; but it is evidently her" a legal
'minimum,' limiting the discretion (cp.
6. 47, I ) of the senate : and the ' lex Papia
Poppaea ' prescribed, till the time of Nero,
a higher proportion (Suet Ner. 10). The
enormous sums sometimes given can be
inferred from 16. 33. 4 ; H. 4. 42, 5.

9. comperior. The sentence is laken
from Sallust (see Introd. v. § 97, i\ and
the deponent form is elsewhere only found
in Ter. And. 5. 3, 31 ; Sail. Jug. io8, 3,
and in late prose.

nam pleraqiie .... flexit. This
seems best taken, with Freinsh., to mean
' he modified many sentences in an oppo-
site diiection to the cruel servility of
others.' Nipp. takes 'ab' to mean 're-
gardless of,' and compares ' a fortuitis vel
naturalibus causis ' (H. I. 86, 4).

10. neque tamen, &c., ' noryet 'though
apt to take an inilependent coursed was
he wanting in respect of discretion (cp.
the similar senses in 3. I 2, I ; 1 1. 4, 7), as
is shown by his having uniformly enjoyed
the respect and favour of Tiberius.'
' Aequabilis ' a]>pears to have this force
in H. 4. 5, 4 {' cunctis vitae officiis aequa-
liilis "), as also the adv. in 15. 21, 5
('aequabilius atque constantius provinciae
regentur') : cp C"ic. N. D. 2. 9. 23 ; Sail.
Jug. 53, 1, &c. Nipp. would take ' cgcbat '
as in 13. 3, 3, iStC , but the meaning given
above appears more suitable 10 this pas-
sage, and siipi^orted by 12. 66, 2 (' mini-
strorum egens'). Lepidus is similarly
d( scribed in 6. 27, 4, and illustrations of
his discretion will be found in i. 13, 2;
3. 35, 2; 50.

5i6

P. CORNELII TACITI ANXALIL'M [A.U.C.

viguerit. unde dubitare cogor, fato et sorte nascendi, ut cetera, 5
ita principum inclinatio in hos, ofifensio in illos, an sit aliquid in
nostris consiliis liceatque inter abruptam contumaciam et dcforme
obsequiuni pergerc iter ambitione ac periculis vacuum, at Mes- 6
5 salinus Cotta baud minus claris maioribus, sed animo diversus,
censuit cavendum senatus consulto, ut quamquam insontes
magistratus et culpae alienae nescii provincialibus uxorum crimi-
nibus proinde quam suis plecterentur.

21. Actum dehinc de Calpurnio Pisone, nobili ac feroci viro.

10 is namque, ut rettuli, cessurum se urbe ob factiones accusatorum
in senatu clamitaverat et spreta potentia Augustae trahere in
ius Urgulaniam domoque principis excire ausus erat. quae in 2
praesens Tiberius civiliter habuit : sed in animo revolvente iras,
etiam si impetus offensionis languerat, memoria valebat. Pisonem 3

15 Q- Granius secreti sermonis incusavit adversum maiestatem
habiti, adiecitque in domo eius venenum esse eumque gladio

8. perinde ]>. 14. pisonemque grauius; text L, risonemque Granius Bniter,

Pisonemque . . . Granius Kilter.

I. unde dubitare cogor, &c., i.e. the
success of such a man leads me to think
that character, as well as destiny, has to
do with the regard or aversion of princes.
On the sentiment cp. Introd. iv. p. 31.
A verb of some such sense as ' fiat ' is
supplied from ' sit.'

3. abruptam contumaciam, 'perilous
defiance.' That this is the meaning of
' abruptus," seems suggested by ' periculis'
below, and by ' in abruptam tractus ' ;,H.

1. 48, 7), 'per abrupta ambitiosa morte
inclaruerunt ' (Agr. 42, 5). The metaphor
is suggested by such a sense as that in 2. 55,
3. On the sentiment cp. Introd. iv. p. 28.

4. Messalinus Cotta: cp. 2. 32, 2,&c.
This decree was still in force in the time
of Ulpian, who dates it (Dig- 1. 16, 4, 2)
in the year of Cotia's consulship (,see 3.

2, 5). Compare the debate bearing on
this subject (3. 33-34).

8. proinde quam. Most edd. read
' perinde,' in accordance with the reading
elsewhere in this MS. (2. i, 2 ; 5, 3; 19,
I ; .^- 3'> 7 > 6- ,^0, 4) ; but ' proinde quanij'
IS read in several places in Med. ii (see
note on 13 21, 3) and in Plautus (True.
2- 3, 3)) and such phrases as ' proinde ac'
(Lucr. 3, 1035, 105;,) are analogous. It
seems therefore possible that Tacitus has
Ubcd both forms.

9. ferocijinagoodsense, asiu I. 2,r,&c.

10. ut rettuli : see 2. 34.
factiones, ' the intrigues.'

13. civiliter habuit ; so • civiliter ac-
cept uni ' 3. 76, 3 : cp. the use of ' habere '
in 12. 48, 2. where see note.

revolvente : cp. 3. 18, 6.

14. memoria valebat : seeon 1.7,11.
Pisonem Q. Granius. The name

'Gr.mius' would hardly stand alone (cp.
I. 74, I ; 6. 38, 4), unless with such a
word as 'quidam'(i3 23, 2). The con-
junction, though rather near to another
.'adiecitque';, might have been used Ut
connect the new charge with the old
grudge, so that Ritter may be right in
retaining it, and in supposing a praenomt-n
to have been lost after it.

15. secreti sermonis. The extension
of ' maiestas ' not only from written to
spoken words, but to wo'ds spoken in
private life, attempted earlier (i. 74, 3),
appears now to be an established prin-
ciple ; we may. note also that the mere
possession of poison in his house is
strained into a charge.

16. gladio acainctum : cp. 11. 22, i,
and the precautions taken at one time
by Augustus (.Suet. Aug. 35). It was
unlawful for civilians to carry arms
anywhere within the city, and even the
praetorian guard were not fully armed
(see on 3. 4, 2)

A.I). 24]

LIBER IV. CAP. 20 22.

517

4 accinctum introire curiain. quod ut atrucius vero trami.ssum ;
ceterorum, quae inulta cumulabantur. reccptus est reu.s, nequc

5 pcractus ob mortem opportunam. relatum et de Cassio Scvcro
cxulc, qui sordidae ori<^inis, maleficae vitae. scd orandi validus,
per immodicas inimicitia.s ut iudicio iurati senatus Cretam amo- 5
vcretur efteccrat : atque illic eadem actitando recentia veteraque
odia advertit, boni.sque exutus, interdicto igni atque aqua, .saxo
Seripho con.senuit.

22. Per idem tempus Plautius Silvanus praetor incertis causis
Aproniam coniugem in praeccps iecit, tractusque ad Cacsarem 10
ab L. Apronio socero turbata meiite re.sp^ndit, tamquam ipse
somno gravis atque co ignarus, et uxor sponte mortem sump-

1. atrocius vero, 'too atrocious to be
true.' Nipp. notes from Miiller thai this
use of the comparative, not slricllj paral-
lel to ' minora' and ' maiora vero ' (H. i.
29, I ; 2. 70, 4\ answers more to those
in which it denotes a disproportion, as
' onus . . . animis et . . . corpora maius '
(Hor. Ep. I. 17, 39), ' curatio altior fas-
tigio suo ' (Liv. 2. 27, 6). -or to those in
which the comparative is followed by
' quam,' with an ellipse of soine sucii
words as ' esse solet ' (cp. H. i. 22, i ; 3.
7, 2). The expression here mij;ht thus
be taken as an abbreviation for ' atrocius
quam quod vennn esse solet.'

2. neque peractus, ' his trial was not
carried out ' ; the strict sense of ' rtum
peragere' (Liv. 4. 42, 6, &c ), which
sometimes merely means ' accusare.'

3. opportunam: cp. Liv. 6. i, 7 'iu-
dicio eum mors adeo opportuna ut volun-
tariam magna pars crederet, subtraxit.'
This suggestion seems implied here.

4. orandi validus. This genit.,
found first in Tacitus, resembles those
in Introd. v. 33 e 7. Seveius is spoken
of as the introducer of tlie new style of
oratory (Dial. 19, i, c\>. Introd. v. p. 39),
and as a speaker of much genius and ele-
gance, but apt to sacrifice weight to vini-
lence (Dial. 26, 4; (^uint. 10. i, 116).
M. Seneca Exc. Coiitr. 3, praef. 1-8) gives
a full description of his style.

5. per immodicas inimicitias, ' by
unrcstrnincd aggressiveness': cp. ' facilis
cnpessendis inimicitiis' 5. 11, i.

iurati senatus: see on i. 74, 5.
Probably many senators and their families
had suffered from him ;cp. 1.72, 4).

Cretam amoveretur. This was only
a ' rclegatio,' as he was not deprived of

his property, the present sentence being
one of full exile and deportation

7. advertit, 'drew on himself; an
analogous use to the personal accus. with
this verb i. 41, i ; 2. 17 2 ; 6. 44. i 1.

interdicto igni atque aqua : cp.
6. 30, I. Nipp. takes the litter ablatives
as depending on 'interdicto,' which is
itself abl. abs., like 'libero' 3. 60, 6).
But the simpler construction is possible
and preferable : cp. ' interdicta voluptas '
Hor. Ep. I. 6, 64.

saxo Seripho. On the abl. cp. 'Delo'
3. 61, I. On Seripho see 2. 85, 4: here
it is contemptuously called a mere rock.

8. consenuit. According to Jerome
on Eus. Chron. (Op. viii. p. _:;74, Piligne),
he died there in the utmost want in 7S7,
A.D. 34. the twenty-fifth year of his exile.
'l"hcre is some doubt, however, of the cor-
rectness of the date (see on 1.72, 4).

9. praetor. According to an inscrip-
tion cited by Nipp. (Bull. Arch. 1869,
p. 123) he was ' pravtor urbanus'; his
successor being M. Licinius Crassus Frugi
(cp. c. 62, i).

10. in praeceps, i.e. from the upper
story, by the window or stairs : cp. 6. 49,
I. Quintilian (7. 2, 2i^ records a similar
question in the trial of one Naevius, ' prae-
cipitata esset ab eo uxor, an se ipsa sua
sponte iecisset.'

ad Caesarem. Caesar appears to take
a similar course to that in Piso's case
(3. 10, 6), by ' remitting ' the case to the
senate, after preliminary investigation.

11. L. Apronio: cp. I. 56, i, &c.
tamquam ipse, sc. ' fuisset ' : cp.

Introd. v. § 39 b.

12. sumpaisset : cp. 3. 7, J.

VOL. I

Ll

5i8

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U. C. 777.

sisset. non cunclanter Tiberius pergit in domiim, visit cubiculum, 2
in quo reluctantis et impulsae vestigia cernebantur. refert ad 3
senatum, datisque iudicibus Urgulania Silvani avia pugionem
nepoti misit. quod perinde creditum quasi principis monitu ob

5 amicitiam Augustae cum Urgulania. reus frustra temptato ferro 4
venas pracbuit exsolvendas. mox Numantina, prior uxor cius,
accLisata iniecisse carminibus et veneficiis vaecordiam marito,
insons iudicatur.

23. Is demum annus populum Romanum longo adversum

10 Numidam Tacfarinatem bello absolvit. nam priores duces ubi
impetrando triumphalium insigni sufficere res suas crediderant,
hostem omittebant ; iamque tres laureatae in urbe statuae, et
adhuc raptabat Africam Tacfarinas, auctus Maurorum auxiliis,
qui, Ptolemaeo lubae filio iuventa incurioso, libertos regios et

7. uecordiam : iiecors c. 29, 2, and in five out of six instances in Med. ii, and so
always Ritt. and Nipp. ; uae- six times in tiiis MS. 10. sub : ubi L.

2. impulsae, 'thrown by vioknce.'

3. datis iudicibus. Nipp. (on 2. 79,
2) takes this to mean that the senate ap-
pointed a judicial committee from its own
members. Kut it may mean that they
relerred the case to the ordinary law-
courts, wiiioh, as implied in 2. 79, 2 ;
3. 12, 10, had jurisdiction in such cases.
Later, wc find ordinary criminal offences
of this kind tried before the full senate

(13- 44, 9; II- 4- 44.,3)-

Silvaiji avia. The relationship is
fully discussed by Borj^hesi (^Qiuvres, v.
308) and Nijip. This Silvanus was prob-
ably eldest son of M. I'lautius, M. f. A. n.
Silvanus, COS. 752, B.C. 2, and subsequently
' triumphalis ' (Uio, 56. 12, 2 ; C I. L.
xiv. 3606, Wilm. 1 1 21; ; who might have
been son, or his wife Larlia dauj^hter, of
Urgulania (inferred from her friendship
with Augusta to have been of considerable
age). It is also probable that F. Plautius
Puicher, quaestor in 784, a.d. 31 (C. I. L.
xiv. 3607, Or. 723), A. I'lautius (13. 32,
3), Q. I'lautius \(i. 40, I), and Ti. I'lautius
Silvanus Aelianus (,H. 4. 53, 3) were his
brothers, and I'lautia Urgulanilla (Suet.
CI. 26, 27; his sister.

4. quasi principis monitu, sc. ' fac-
tum.' 'Perinde (piasi ' is probably here
alone in Tacitus. In 13. 47, 4, Med. ii
has 'proindc.' Poth are found else-
where.

6. Numantina. Borghesi (CEuvres, v.
309) notes that she was daughter of Q.

Fabius Numantinus, cos. 744, B.C. 10;
and, after being divorced from Silvanus,
had married Sex. Appuleius (i. 7, i) ; as
appears from the following inscri]ition
(Murat. 1 133, 9), ' fSex.] Apuleio Sex. f.
Gal(eria), Sex. n. Sex. pron., Fabia Nu-
mantina nnlo ultimo gentis suae.' The
husband alluded to in the charge must,
however, be Silvanus.

7. accusata iniecisse : cp. ' deferun-
tur <:onscnsisse ' 13. 23, 1, and see In trod.

V. § 45-

9. longo. It had lasted on and off for
seven years : cp. 2. 52, I.

II. impetrando . . . sufficere : cp. 3.

72,4-

res = ' res gestas.'

1 2 . tres . . . statuae. Express mention
is made of an award of ' triumphalia ' to
Camillus (2. 52,9) and Elaesus(3. 72, 6).
Apronius, though not stated (3. 21) to
have received them for this service, was
already 'triumphalis' (i. 72, I'l.

13. raptabat, 'was ravaging'; so in
12. 54, 4; elsewhere only in Stat. Th. 6,
115. ' Kapere ' is also so used (1 3. 6, i)
after Vcigil, &c. ' Et ' has the force of
' cum,' as in H. 2. 95, 4, &c. : see on
I. 65, 5. The construction is Vergilinn
(Aen. 2, 692, &c.) and gives liveliness
to the narrative.

14. Ptolemaeo lubae filio : see on c.
5, 3. He was summoned to Rome and
there put to death by Gains in 793, A.u.
40(1)10, 59. 25, 1).

A. U. 24.]

LIBER ir. CAP. 22-24.

5it)

2 servilia impcria bcllo inutavcrant. crat illi pracdarum receptor
ac socius populandi rex Garamantum, non ut cum exercitu ince-
deret, sed missis levibus copiis. quae ex longinquo in niaius
audiebantur ; ipsaque e provincia, ut quis fortuna inops, moribus
turbidus, promptius rucbant, quia Caesar post res a Blaeso tjcstas. 5
quasi nuUis iam in Africa hostibus, reportari nonam legionem
iusserat, nee pro consule eius anni P. Dolabella retinere ausus
crat, iussa principis magis quam incerta belli metuens.

24. Igitur Tacfarinas disperse rumore rem Romanam aliis
quoque ab nationibus lacerari eoque {)aulatim Africa decedere, 10
ac posse reliquos circumveniri, si cuncti quibus iibertas servitio
potior incubuissent, auget vires positisque castris Thubuscum

2 oppidum circumsidct. at Dolabella contracto quod erat militum,
terrore nominis Romani et quia Numidae pcditum acicm ferre
nequeunt, primo sui incessu solvit obsidium locorumque oppor- 15
tuna permunivit ; simul principes Musulamiorum defectioncm

4. fortune: fortunac 13, lext llalm, Nipp.

incurioso, absol., as in 6. i7>5; U-

1. 34, 2 ; more commonly with gen. as

2. 88, 4. The adj. is post- Augustan.
libertos, &c. , ' hendiadys ' for 'liber-

toium regioriim servilia iraperia.'

2. rex Garamantum : see 3. 74, 2.
non ut, Sec, 'not so far as to take

the field." The construction is changed
in the ne.\t clause to abl. abs.

3. in maius audiebantur, 'which,
as coming from afar, were magnified by
rumour.' Nipp. has collected many in-
stances in which ' audiri ' means ' to be
heard of (as 2. 68, 2 ; 82, 4, &c. ; and
in Cic. and Liv.) ; but ' in maius audiri '
appears to be air. dp. For similar phrases
see Introd. v. § 60 b.

5. a Blaeso : see 3. 7.^~74-

6. nonam legionem : see on c. 5, 4.

7. P. Dolabella : see on 3. 47, 4.
Nipp. notes that the ' sors Asiae ' had
already fallen to two of his juniors (;ee
Introd. vii. p. 113).

8. metuens, taken with 'iussa' by
zeugma, in the sense of ' reverencing.'

9. Igitur Tacfarinas. For similar
complicated periods see Introd. v. § 92.

disperse rumore: cp. H. 2. '42, 2;
96, 3 ; and ' dispergere,' with accus. and
inf. 14. 38, 4 ; H. 2. I, 3.

12. incubuissent, 'made an effort':
cp. ' si simul incubuissent ' c. 73, 3, &c. ;
more commonly with dative.

Thubuscum. Wilmanns (C. I. L.
viii. p. 754 takes this place to be Tupu-
suctu or Tubusuctu , the Tubusuptu of
ri. N. H. 5. 2, I, 21 (cp. also I'tol. 4.
2, 31, who gives a similar name near to
Auzea) ; which appears to have been at
Tiklat, a little S. W. of .S.ildae (sec
Kiepert's map, in C. I. L. viii. 2' , on the
border, at that time, of Mauretania
Intiod. vii. p. 115, n. 8 . This woukl
show the seat of war to have very con-
siderably shifted since the last campaign
(see note on 3. 74, i).

15. sui incessu. No particular eni-
pliasis (as in 2. 13, i ; 6. 7, 4, &c.) seems
to be here intended by the use of this
form instead of the possessive pronoun :
see Introd. v. § 33 a.

16. simul, &e. The term ' dcfectio '
would imply that those who had made
terms (3. 73, 5) are spoken of. It is
possible (see note there) that they were
settled in a different district from that of
the tribe generally (see on 2. 52, 2), but
in any case the locality is so far removed
from that of Thubuscum, to which the
narrative returps in c. 25, i, that the
account can only be intelligible by sup-
posing this chastisement to have been
inflicted by a separate force. The ex-
pressions ' dein ' and 'nee multo post'
suggest that the operations may have
extended over some considerable time.

5:^0 P. CORNELII TACITl ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 777.

coeptantes securi percutit. dein quia pluribus adversum Tac- 3
farinatem expeditionibus cognitum, non gravi nee uno incursu
conscctandum hostem vagum, excito cum popularibus rege
Ptolcmaeo quattuor agmina parat, quae legatis aut tribunis data ;

5 et praedatorias manus delecti Maurorum duxere: ipse consultor
aderat omnibus.

25. Ncc multo post adfcrtur Numidas apud castellum semi-
rutum, ab ipsis quondam incensum, cui nomen Auzea, positis
mapalibus consedisse, fisos loco, quia vastis circuni saltibus clau-

10 debatur. turn expeditae cohortes alaeque, quam in partem 2
ducerentur ignarae, cito agmine rapiuntur. simulque coeptus
dies et concentu tubarum ac truci clamore aderant semisomnos
in barbaros, praepeditis Numidar«m cquis aut diversos pastus
pererrantibus. ab Romanis confertus pedes, dispositae turmae, 3

15 cuncta proelio provisa : hostibus contra omnium nesciis non arma,
non ordo, non consilium, sed pecorum modo trahi, occidi, capi.
infcnsus miles memoria laborum et adversum eludentis optatae 4
totiens pugnae se quisque ultione et sanguine explebant. differ- 5
tur per manipulos, Tacfarinatem omnes, notum tot proeliis, con-

20 sectentur : non nisi duce interfecto requiem belli fore, at ille 6

3. recepto leameo (g traceable under c, Audresen p. 7) : text B.

2. non gravi nee uno, 'not by a analogous constructions (cp. c. 56, 2;

concentrated attack, nor one in heavy Diager, Synt. und Stil, § 8o\
inarcliing order.' 13. praepeditis, 'shackled' or ' hob-

5. consultor ; so used in 6. 10, 2, bled,' TrcnoSifTfiivoi Xen. Cyr. 3. 3, 27).
and often in Sallust, but by other writers 14. ab Romanis, 'on the side of (cp.

(as Cicero; usually of one who asks 11. 33, i, and note): elsewhere, in this

advice. sense, Tacitus has 'apud,' as 1. 65, i,

7. semirutum, 'half-levelled': cp. i. &c. ; but the use is analogous to 'a
61, 3. tergo,' ' a fronte,' &c.

8. Auzea. No other jilace of this dispositae, ' stationed at intervals.'
name is identified but the later ' colonia 15. provisa: cp. 2. 14, 2.
Auzitnsis,' of which some ruins and in- 16. trahi, occidi, capi, i.e. those who
scriptions cp. Insc. Oiell. 529; C. I. L. were dragged away were slain or made
viii. 2, p. 769'! have been found at .Sour- prisoners. Cp. a fuller similar description
(juzlan or Ilamza, at the north side of in Agr. 37, 2 ' sequi, vulnerare, capere,
Jebel Diira ne.irthe source of the Adous, alque eosdem oblatis aliis trucidare.'

the site of the modern Aumale (see 17. et adversum . . .pugnae. This

Maiquardt, i. 488 . Such a locality genitive is best taken, vith I )rager, as

is well suited to that of Thubuscum depending on ' memoria '; the sense being

(c. 24, li. that of • memor quotiens pugnam advei-

positis mapalibus: cp. 3. 74, 5. suseludentcs optasset.' ' Eludere ' isuscd,

II. simulque . . . et : cp. ' simul hacc, as in 3. 74, i ; 13. 37, i, for the fuller

et * I. 65, 5. expression ' bellum eludere ' (2. 52, 5).

I 2. aderant ... in ; so ' adesse in sena- 18. dififertur, ' the word is passed ' : cp.

tuni ' C'ic. I'hil. 5 7, 19, &c. ; not else- 3. 12, 7. Tiiis sense of 'differre' is not

where in TacitiTs; who however has other found in Caesar, Cicero, or Sallust.

A.D. 24.] LIBER IV. CAP. 24-27. 521

deicctis circum stipatoribus vinctoque iam filio ct effusis undi-
que Ronianis, rucndo in tela captivitatem hand inulta morte
efifugit isque finis armis impositus.

26. Dolabcllae pctenti abnuit triumphalia Tiberius, Seiano

2 tribuens, ne Blaesi avunculi eius laus obsolesceret. sed nequc 5
Blaesus ideo inlu.strior, et huic negatus honor gloriam intendit:
quippe minore excrcitu insignis captivos, caedem ducis bellique

3 confecti famam deportarat. sequebantur et Garamantum legati,
raro in urbe visi, quos Tacfarinate caeso perculsa gens, set culpae

4 nescia, ad satis faciendum populo Romano miserat. cognitis 10
dehinc Ptolemaei per id bellum studiis repetitus ex vetusto more
honos missusque e senatoribus qui scipionem eburnum, togam
pictam, antiqua patrum munera, daret regemque et socium atque
amicum appcllaret.

27. Eadem aestate mota per Italiam servilis belli semina fors 15
oppressit. auctor tumultus T. Curtisius, quondam praetoriae
cohortis miles, primo coetibus clandestinis apud Brundisium et

I. delectis (cp. 2. 60, 2 ; c. 51. 4) : text J. F. Gron. 2. miilta : text R. 9. et

culpae: text Halm, ut cul[)ae Miiller, non (or neo) culpae nescia, et culpae conscia
others. 11. more oniissusque : mos missusque L, text Doed. 15. moti Pluygers.

16. Curtilius Reines.

1. deiectis, 'struck down.' That who are here stated to have sent the

'dciectus ' and ' delectus ' are liable to be embassy, need not have been cognizant

confused in the M.S., is shown by the of ihe .nction of their kinjj ; and if they

former being written evidently for the had been so, Halm rightly notes that

latter in c. 44, 3 ; 48, 4 : cp. ' prolectae ' ' perculsa gens ' would have required no

for ' proiectae ' in 3. 65, 4. addition.

efltisis, 'opening out on all sides': 11. repetitus, ' was revived.'

cp. 2. II, 3, &c. ex vetusto more honos missusque.

3. armis = ' bello' : cp. 3. 55, i, &c. This reading is supported by Heraeus

5. tribuens, 'paying Seianus the from c. 16, 2, and * vetere ex more'

compliment th.it his uncle's glory should (c. 27, 2), &c.

not be eff;iced ' : cp. 3. 72-74. On this 12. togam pictam, i. e. ' triumphalem '

sense of 'tribuere' cp. c. 17, 2 ; 6. 50, 5, (PI. N. H. 8. 48, 74, 195).
&c., and the use of ' dai-e' ^i. 7, 10, &c.) 13. antiqua . . . munera. According

and ' praestare ' (3. 12, 10, &c.). to Livy 30. 15, 11), Masinissa received

neque Blaesus . . . et. On this con through Scijiio the same gilts and a curule

struction cp. 2. 34, 7. chair; which was also probably sent to

7. insignis captivos. Among them I'tolemaeus, as it is represented, with the
was the son of Tacfarinas (c 25, 6). sceptre, on hi^ coins (see Diet, of Biog.' .

8. deportarat. used by zeugma with Similar gifts were sent to Porsena ^Dion.
•caedem ducis,' in tlie sense of 'had Hal 5. 35), and probably to Ariovistus
achieved.' (Caes. B. O. i. 43, 4 .

9. set culpae nescia. I'lOtli this and 15. mota . . . semina, ' the seeds al-
the MS. text (retained by Bait, and Ritt.) ready scattered': cp. i6. 7, 3.

have been thought to give a statement 16. Curtisius; not otherwise known

contrary to fact {c. 23, 2 and have been as a Roman name. For 'Curtilius' cp. 13-
altered accordingly. But the people, 56, 5, &c.

522

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 77;.

circumiecta oppida, mox positis propalam libcllis ad libcrtatem
vocabat aijrestia per longinquos saltus et ferocia servitia, cum
velut munerc deum tres biremes adpulere ad usus commeantium
illo man', ct erat isdem regionibus Cutius Lupus quaestor, cui 2
5 provincia vctere ex more calles evenerant : is disposita classiari-
orum copia coeptantem cum maxime cojiiurationem disiecit.
missusque a Caesare properc Staius tribunus cum valida manu 3
ducem ipsum ct proximos audacia in urbem traxit, iam trepidam
ob multitudinem familiarum, quae gliscebat inmensum, minore in
10 dies plebe ingenua.

28. Isdem consulibus miseriarum ac saevitiae excmplum atrox,
reus pater, accusator filius (nomen utrique Vibius Serenus) in

4. cutiiis.

5. Cales 1.. euenerat : text Haase.

1. positis, ' published': op. i. 7, 5.

2. longinquos, probably best taken
as 'remote'; referrinij to tlie Apennine
forests as at some distance from any such
town as Drundusium. The alternative
translation 'extensive* may perhaps de-
ri\e support from the meaning of ' lon-
ginquitas' in 3. 5, 4; 6. 44, 4.

3. biremes, ' l.iburnae,' as distinct
from triremes (App. 111. 3 ; I.uc. Phars.
3, 534), from the fled of Ravenna : see
Intrud. vii. p. 128. These seem to have
had a naval patrol in the Adriatic for
the protection or assistance of traffic.
Fur the use of ' adjiellere ' see on 2. 24, 3.

4. Cutius, a name sliown by inscrip-
tions (W'ilm. 117SJ to be Roman.

5. provincia . . . calles evenerant.
The quaestorian ' provinciae ' in Italy are
called by Dio (55. 4, 4') an institution of
Augustus, but are probalily connected
with the institution of four ' quaestores
classici ' on the conijuest of Italy : see on
II. 22, 8; and Momms. Staatsr. ii. 571.
One of these 'provinciae' is the well-
known ' Ostiensis,' which had important
duties connected with the corn supply of
Rome(Cij. Mur. 8,18 ; Sest.17, 39 ; Veil.
2. 94, i); another the ' Gallica,' with its
station perliaps at Ariminum, and extend-
ing later over fj ntpl IldSoi' TaKaria (^Plut.
.Sert. 4). A thiid was evidently placetl in
South Italy, probably for the supervision
of the great public grazing lands (see
Prof. Pelham, Class. Rev. x. 6), but its
designation is uncertain. Cicero (Att. 2.
9, i) speaks of a quaestor at Formiae,
also (in Vatin. 5, 12) of assigning duties
at Puteoli to one who had bv lot an

'aquaria provincia' (see Momms. 1. 1.}.
The conjecture of Lipsius, designating
tjiis province from Cales, is supported
by Mommsen (1.1.), who thinks that this,
the oldest Latin colony in Campania,
may have been, at the time of the con-
quest of Italy, sufficiently important to
have been the headquarters of a district
extending even 10 Hrundisium. Tlie MS.
text has little to recommend it ; for the
passage in Suet. Jul. 19 ('provinciae
minimi negotii, hoc est silvae callesque')
has no reference to Italian quaestorial
districts, or to any one definite locality ;
but no alternative reading is sujiported by
positive evidence. Tacitus speaks of the
institution as a thing of the past ; the
last rem.iining of these ' provinces,' the
'Ostiensis' and 'Gallica,' having been
abolished by Claudius i^Suet. CI. 24 ; Dio,
60. 24, 3).

classiariorum, the marines (em/SaTai)
from the three biremes.

6. coeptantem cum maxime, ' at its
very outset ' : cp. 3. 59. 4.

7. Staius. The name ' M. Staius
Flaccus' occurs in municipal Fasti of
this date (Or. 4033\

tribunus, i.e. of the praetorian guard.

8. proximos audacia, ' the next in
daring ' : ' audaciae ' is read by error in
old editions.

9. multitudinem familiarum : cp.

3- h?,> 5-

inmensum, adverbial : cp. ^. 30, 2,
&c.

12. Vibius Serenus. On the father
see 2. 30, 1 ; on his banishment, c. 13, 2.
The son is mentioned again in c. 56, 4.

A.D..2 4.] LIBER ir. CAP. 27-29. 523

2 senatum inducti sunt, ab cxilio rctractus inluviequc ac squalorc
obsitus ct turn catena vinctus pater oranti filio comparatur, adu-
lescens multis munditiis, alacri vultu, structas principi insidia.s,
missos in Galliam concitores belli index idem et testis dicebat,
adnectebatque Caecilium Cornutuni praetorium ministravisse 5
pecuniam ; qui tacdio curarum, et quia periculum pro exitio

3 habebatur, mortem in se festinavit. at contra reus nihil infracto
animo obversus in filium quatere vincla, vocare ultores deos, ut
sibi quidem redderent exilium, ubi procultali more agerct, filium

4 autem quandoque supplicia sequerentur. adseverabatque inno- 10
centem Cornutum et falso exterritum ; idque facile intellectu, si
proderentur alii : non enim se caedem principis et res novas uno
socio cogitasse.

29. Tum accusator Cn. Lentulum et Seium Tuberonem nomi-
nat, magno pudore Caesaris, cum primorcs civitatis, intimi ipsius 15
amici, Lentulus senectutis extremae, Tubero defecto corpore,
tumultus hostilis et turbandae rei publicac accerserentur. sed hi
quidem statim exempti : in patrem ex servis quaesitum, et

2. iiinctus peroranti filio praeparatur : text Halm (partly Madvig\ pater orante
filio: praeparatus Bailer. ii. falsa: text Orsini.

1. inluvie . . . obsitus : cp. 6. 43, 3 ; 11. falso. This reading is supported
apparenily suggested by the description by H. 2. 8, i, and the analogy of other
in Liv. 29. 16, 6 ' legati . . . obsiti squa- passages (3. 60, 5:6. 8, i ; 11. 18, 5;
lore et sordibus.' 'Inluvies' is rarely G. 36, i). ' Falsa ' would be an accus. of
found in prose before Tacitus. the class noted in Introd. v. § 12 d.

2. pater oranti filio comparatur: si proderentur alii. Probably * pro-
see crit. note. 'Comparatur' would be dcrentur' is ironical. If the names of
a figure from gladiators matched for a others were ' divulged,' they would clear
duel (Cic, Liv., &c.) : 'praeparatus' themselves, and thus discredit the whole
would be taken with ' munditiis.' charge.

4. in Galliam. The elder Serenus was 12. non enim, &c. This anticipates
proconsul of IJaetica about the time of the objection that there might have been
the rebellion, of Sacrovir. none to name but Cornutus.

5. adnectebat; absol., as in 2.26,5, 14. Cn. Lentulum : c. 44, i ; 1.27,1.
where a jussive subjiinct. follows. Seium Tuberonem : see 2. 20, 2.

Caecilium Cornutum, identified by 17. accerserentur. The MS. has this

Borghesi (i. 463) with M. Caecilius Cor- form here, and 'arcessebat ' with the same

nutus, one of a board ' locorum publico- construction in 2. 50, i. The evidence of

rum iudicaiidorum ' (C. I. L. vi. 1267 both the Med. MSS. supjiorts both forms :

a, b\ apparently before his praetorship : see (jerber and (ireef, Tex., and Prof.

Nipp. thinks him probably also the M. Wilkins in Journ. of Philol. vi. 278, foil.

Cornutus, one of the ' Arvales ' in 767 For the expression cp. 6. 10, i.
and 774, A. I). 14 and 21 (Id. 2023 a, b,. 18. exempti, 'were freed from the

6. periculum pro exitio. This, like charge.' Tacitus elsewhere u-es this verb,
the expressions in c. 33, 3, is an exaggera- in this sense, with a dative, as in 2. 55, 3,
tion of the facts at tliis period. &c. According to Dio (57. 24, 8), Len-

10. quandoque : cp. i. 4, 5. lulus laughed aloud at hearing the charge,

524

P. COKNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 777.

quaestio adversa accusatori fuit. qui scelere vaecors, simul vulgi 2
rumore territus, robur et saxum aut parricidarum poenas mini-
tantium, cessit urbe. ac rctractus Ravenna exsequi accusatio- 3
ncm adigitur, non occultante Tiberio vetus odium adversum

5 exulem Serenum. nam post damnatum Libonem missis ad 4
Caesarem litteris exprobraverat suum tantum studium sine fructu
fuisse, addideratque quaedam contumacius quam tutum apud
aures superbas ct ofifensioni proniores. ea Caesar octo post annos 5
rettulit, medium tempus varie arguens, etiam si tormenta pervi-

10 cacia servorum contra evenissent.

30. Dictis dein sententiis ut Serenus more maiorum puniretur,
quo mollirct invidiam, intercessit. Gallus Asinius c?nn Gyaro 2
aut Donusa claudendum censeret, id quoque aspernatus est,
egenam aquae utramquc insulam referens dandosque vitae usus

15 cui vita concederetur. ita Serenus Amorgum reportatur. et 3

12. cum Nipp. ins. here, others before Galhis or censeret.
Amorcum B, text R.

JS- amor cum :

and Tiberius said, ' I deserve to live no
longer, if even LentuUis hates me.' Dio
places this case a year later.

ex servis, probably by the fiction
mentioned in 2. ,^0, 3.

2. rumore : cp. 3. 29, 5, &c.
robur, the ' TuUianum ' i^cp. 3. 50, i\

called by this name in l.ucr. (3, 1017),
Hor. (Od. 2. 13, 19), Liv. (38. 59, io\
&c. The usual explanation given is that
cited from Paullus see Orelli and Nipp.\
' robus quoque in carcere dicilur is locus
quo praecipitatur maleficorum genus, quod
ante arcis robusteis includebatur.' Prof.
Munro (on Lucr. 1. 1.) notes that some
take it to be there the ' eculeus.'

saxum : cp. 2. 32, 5.

parricidarum posnas. These are
partly described in a well-known passage
of Cicero (pro Rose. Amer. 25, 70), and
more fully in Dig. 48 9, 9 ' poena parri-
cidii more maiorum haec instituta est,
ut parricida virgis sanguineis verberatus,
deinde culleo insuatur cum cane, gallo
gallinaceo et vipeia et simia : deinde in
mare profundum cuUeus iactatur.' See
also Juv. 8, 214, and Mayor's note there.

3. ac, often used at the beginning of
a sentence, and sometimes where an
adversative particle might have been ex-
pected : cp. 14. 64, I, &c.

4. adigitur. Tacitus uses this verb
with inf. only in Ann. (as c. 45) 3 ; 6. 27,

3 ; 41,1, &c.), after poets : cp. Verg. Aen.
6, 696, &c.

6. suuin tantum studium, ' that
only his own zeal was unrewarded.' On
the rewards then given see 2. 32, i. That
Vibius was praetor not later thtm 770,
A. D. 1 7, would follow from his having
been proconsul of Spain five years after
tiiat date ; whence Nipp. suggests that
he may have had nothing to gain by the
decree made in favour of the other accusers.

7. apud aures: see note on 1. 31, 5.
9. varie arguens, ' i)ringing various

charges respecting the interval.'

etiam si, &c., 'though, through the
obstinacy of the slaves, the torture had
ended in failure.'

1 1, more maiorum : cp. ' more prisco '

2. .^2, 5-

12. Gyaro aut Donusa. On the
former see 3. 68, 2. Doiiysa, either the
modern Stenosa, east of Naxos, or He-
raclia. between Naxos and los, is no
laiger than Gyaros, and is not apparently
known as even inhabited, but is called
'viridis' by \'ergil (Aen. 3, 125).

14 vitae usus, not here parallel to
'mortis usus' (I. 70, 6 \ but apparently
for the concrete ' utensilia.'

15. Amorgum reportatur. He was
evidently that enemy of Stianus who was
pardoned and released just i)efore the fall
of the latter : see Dio, 58. 8, 3.

A.D. 24.]

LIBER IV. CAP. 29 31.

525

quia Cormitus sua manu ccciderat, actum dc praemiis accusa-
torum abolcndis, si quis maiestatis postulatus ante perfectum

4 iudicium se ipse vita privavisset. ibaturquc in earn sententiam,
ni durius contraque morem suum palam pro accusatoribus Caesar
inritas leges, rem publicam in praecipiti conquestus esset : sub- 5

5 verterent potius iura quam custodes eorum amoverent. sic dela-
tores, genus hominum publico exitio rcpertum et 11c poenis qui-
dcin umquam satis coercituni, per praemia eliciebantur.

31. His tain adsiduis tamque maestis modica laetitia inter-
icitur, quod C. Cominium cquitem Romanum, probrosi in sc 10
carniinis convictum, Caesar prccibus fratris, qui senator crat,

2 concessit, quo magis mirum habcbatur gnarum meliorum, et

3 quae fama clementiam sequeretur. tristiora malle. neque enim
socordia peccabat ; nee occultum est, quando ex veritate, quando

4 adumbrata laetitia facta imperatorum celebrentur. quin ipse, 15
conpositus alias et velut eluctantium verborum, solutius promp-

5 tiusque elocjuebatur, quotiens subveniret. at P. Suillium quaes-

7. ne ins. Bekktr, poenis quidem numquam margin and B.

I. de praemiis .... abolendis. We

gather that these were paid, though the
whole property was usually in such cases
not confiscated : cp. c. 20, 3 ; 6. 29, 2.

3. ibatur : cp. ' itum in sententiam '
3. 23, 2. The imperf. expresses what was
on the point of happening.

4. contraque . . . palam, ' with un-
usual openness.'

5. inritas. sc. ' fore.'

in praecipiti, ' at the brink of a
precipice' : cp. ' praecipitia' 2. 39, 3.

6. custodes. The informers are called
'custodes' in 3. 28, 4, in a somewhat dif-
ferent sense.

7. exitio, generally taken as dat ,
but by Nipp. as modal abl. : cp. c. i, 3.

ne poenis quidem. The sentiment
is that of Domitian in his best period,
' princeps, qui delatores non castigat,
irritat ' (Suet. Dorn. 9).

10. probrosi.. .carminis : cp. 14. 48,
i; 15. 49. 5; 16. 14, I. Such attacks on
Tiberius are mentioned in I. 72, 5.

1 1 . fratris, qui senator erat. Borghesi
(ii. 153^ shows that this is probably the
T. Cominius, T. f., Po(Uia), Proculus,
who was under Claudius proconsul of
Cyprus, where his name is recorded on
coins (Mionn. iii. 671).

12. concessit: cp. 2. 55, 2. Prob-
ably he vetoed the sentence of condem-
nation.

gnarum, here constructed with a
genitive and afterwards with a relative
clause : cp. Introd. v. § 91, 8.

14. socordia, ' from thoughtlessness':
cp. ' socors ' c. 39, 1. The abl. is causal.

16. conpositus, ' artificial.' When used
of ])ersons and not, as more usually, of
their look or manner (i. 7, 2, &c ), this
word has generally an abl. of respect
(as 2. 34, 6) or accus. with ' in ' or * ad ' (as
3. 44, 4 : to explain it.

velut eluctantium verborum, ' with
words seeming to struggle for utter-
ance'; genit. of quality.

solutius, 'with less restraint': cp.
'dicta factaque . . . solutiora ' 16. 18, 2.

17. P. Suillium, surnamed Rufus. His
mother Vistilia was also, by other hus-
bands, mother of Corbulo and of Cae-
sonia, wife of Gains PI. N. H. 7. 5, 4,
39. Ovid addresses an Kpistle (ex P. 4.
8 to Suillius, who had married his
step-daughter (I. 1. v. 11, 90). He may
have been 'quaestor consulis' (see on
16. 34, r to (iermanicus, or have ac-
comp.inied him in his ' proconsulaie
imperium ' '^Staatsr. ii. 568, n. 3).

526 P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 777.

torem quondam Gcrmanici. cum Italia arceretur convictus pecu-
niam ob rem iudicandam cepisse, amovendum in insulam censuit,
tanta contentione animi, ut iure iurando obstringerct c re publica
id esse, quod aspere acceptum ad praescns mox in laudem 6
5 vertit regresso Suillio ; quern vidit sequens aetas praepotentem,
venalem et Claudii principis amicitia diu prospere, numquam bene
usum. eadem poena in Catum Firmium senatorem statuitur, 7
tamquam falsis maiestatis criminibus sororem petivisset. Catus,
ut rettuli, Libonem inlexerat insidiis, deinde indicio perculerat.

10 eius operae memor Tiberius, sed alia praetendens, exilium depre- 8
catus est : quo minus senatu pelleretur non obstitit.

32. Pleraque eorum, quae rettuli quaeque referam, parva for-
sitan et levia memoratu videri non nescius sum : sed nemo
annales nostros cum scriptura eorum contenderit, qui veteres

15 populi Romani res conposuere. ingentia illi bella, expugna- 2
tiones urbium, fusos captosque reges, aut si quando ad interna
praeverterent, discordias consulum adversum tribunos, agrarias

3. uteiurando : ut et iurando margin and B, text Ritt.. perhaps ut et iureiurando
Halm. 9. iudicio : text Vertran. 14. veteris Freinsh. 15. copossiuere :

text B. 1 7. perhaps praeverterentur Nipp.

1. arceretur = 'arcendus censeretur': mentioned it. i; 4; 5; 13. 42-43.
cp. c. 20, 2 ; 3. 23, 2, &c. This would 8. tamquam: cp. c. 13, 3.

be far less severe than the ' deportatio in 9. ut rettuli : 2. 27, 2.

insulam.' 11. quo minus senatu pelleretur. On

convictus . . . cepisse. This constr. the power of the senate, when acting judi-

is found in 13. 44, 7 ; .Sail. Cat. 52, 36 ; cially, to expel its own mtmbers, cp. 12.

Liv. 45, 10, 14, &c. (cp. Introd. v. § 45). 59, 4; 13. 11, 2; 14. 59, 6; Staatsr. ii.

' Capere ' is the regular term for receiving 946. On expulsion by the princeps see

money as a bribe: cp. 3. 67, 2 ; 6. 30, 2. 4S, 3, &c.

1; Cic, &c. 13. levia memoratu ; so ' vix credibile

2. ob rem iudicandam. Cic. uses the memoratu' H. 2. 73, i: cp. ' dignum
same formula in describing this offence memoratu' Liv. 4. 43, i.

(^Verr. 2. 2, 32, 78). 14. annales nostros: cp. 3. 65,1. On

amovendum in insulam : cp. c. 13, 2. the application of this title to this work

3. ut iure iurando obstringeret : on of Taciius, see Introd. i. p. 6.
the construction cp. i. 14. 6; and on the scriptura: cp. 3. 3, 2.

practice of voting on oath, c. 21, 5; contenderit = ' comparaverit '; so in

I. 74, 5. It appears from PI. Kpp. 5. 13 12. I, 2 ; 13. 3, 3; and in Cic, &c. On

114), 4, that one senator could require the tense cp. Introd. v. f 51 c.

another to swear 'e republica esse quod veteres p. R. re's: cp. T. I, 4;

censuisset.' from which it would appear that such

4. aspere acceptum, ' received with an expression includes the whole period
indignation'; so H. 3. 56, 5, also down to the time of Actium.
'accipere aliquid mollius' (2. 30, 2), 15. conposuere: cp. 'res . . . compo-
'excusalius' 13 68, 1), ' laetius' 1,6. 10, 2), sitae' i. i, 5. The M.S. seems to show
'sinistre' (H. i. 7, 3), 'atrocius' (H. i. trace of an archaic form ' conjiosivere.'
23, 2), 'grate' (H. i. 85, ■i\ &c. 17. praeverterent. The dejionent

5. sequens aetas. He was cos. suff. njipears elsewhere to be always used in
in or before 799, a. d. 46, and is further this phrase : cp. 2. 55, 6,

A.D. 24.1

LIBER IV. CAP. ^j 33.

527

frumcntariasquc leges, plcbis et optimatiuin ccrtaniina libcro

3 egressu memorabant : nobis in arto et inglorius labor; immota
quippe aut modicc lacessita pax, maestae urbis res et priiiccps

4 profercndi iniperi incuriosus crat. non tamen sine usu fuerit
introspicerc ilia primo aspectu levia, ex quis magnarum saepe 5
rerum motus oriuntur.

33. Xam cunctas nationes et urbes populus aut primores aut
singuli rcgiint : delecta ex iis et consociata rei publicae forma
laudari facilius quam evenire, vel si evenit, haud diuturna esse
2 potest, i^^itur ut olim plebe valida, vcl cum patres pollcrcnt, 10
noscenda vulgi natura et quibus modis tempcrantcr habere-
tur, scnatusque et optimatium ingenia qui maxime perdi-
dicerant, callidi temporum et sapientcs credebantur, sic converso

8. consciata: constituta B, text Em.

1. libero egressu, evidently in contrast
to ' in arto,' and generally taken to mean
'with room to expatiate'; great events
giving scope for grandeur of style. In
Quint. 4. 3, 12, 'egiessus' means 'di-
gression,' and might have this meaning
here, but perhaps the words are better
taken in the sense of ' with freedom to
escape.' Their main theme was the
foreign history ; to treat of domestic
affairs occasionally was matter of choice ;
they were not tied to them, from having
no other subject, like Tacitus.

2. in arte, ' in a restricted field.'
In the similar expression ' in tenui
labor' (Verg. G. 4, 6), the thought is
rather of the thing on which the toil is
spent. The sense in H. 3. 13, 2 is
different.

4. incuriosus, with gen. in 2. 88, 4,
and (iell. On the point of view from
which this foreign policy is regarded, see
Introd. viii. p. 138.

5. magnarum . . . rerum motus ori-
untur, ' great events are set in motion.'
Compare the sentiment of Livy (27. 9, i),
'ex parvis rebus saepe magnarum mo-
menta pendent ' ; and that of Aristotle
(Pol. 5. 4, i\ ytyi'oi'Tai at araafis
oil TTtpi fxiKpwu dx\ in niKf^wv. T he ex-
pression used by Tacitus shows that this
distinction had not escaped him.

7. Nam, &c. The thought is that,
under whichever of the po-sible forms of
government you live, political sagacity
implies a study of the character of the
sovereign power.

8. delecta, &c. Such a government
was the ideal of I'olybius (6. 3, 7),
and of Cicero, who says ' quartum quod-
dam genus maxima probandum censeo
quod ex his quae prima dixi moderatum
et permixtum tribus' (de Rep. i. 29,
45: CP- ?>T<, 54' 45. 69; 2. 23, 41).
Polybius further 1,6. 11, 6) finds the
nearest realization of such an ideal in the
Roman constitution at his time. Tacitus
need not be supposed to de. y that most
stable constitutions have been more or
less mixed ; but only to assert that an
ideal equilibrium is impossible. He
would consider the Roman government
to have been not so much at any one
time a combination of all three forms, as at
different Umes an exemplification of each.

9. laudari, sc. ' potest,' supplied from
• haud potest.'

11. noscenda vulgi natura. Tliis is
best taken as nom., with ' erat ' supplied,
and 'noscendum' again supjilied with
' quibus . . . haberetur ' : cp. ' decreta pe-
cunia . . . utque' i. i.-, 4-

teinperanter haberetur, ' might be
discreetly controlled.' On the adveib
see on 15. 29, 2 ; on 'haberi ' i. 54, 4.

12. senatusque, &c. This sentence
answers to ' cum patres pollereut,' as the
one before it to ' plebe valida'; the form
of expression being as if the former sen-
tence had run ' qui . . . tognoverant,' &c.

13. callidi temporum : such a con-
struction, analogous to that of 'pciitus,'
occurs in H. 2. 32, i ; also in Colum.
2. 2, I, Sec. : cp. Introd. v. § 33 e, a.

528

P. CORNELII TACITl ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 778.

statu neque alia re Romana quam si unus imperitet, hacc con-
quiri tradique in rem fuerit, quia pauci prudentia honesta ab
deterioribus, utilia ab noxiis discernunt, plures aliorum eventis
docentur. ceterum ut profutura, ita minimum oblectationis 3

5 adferunt. nam situs gentium, varietates proeliorum, clari ducum
exitus retinent ac redintegrant legentium animum • nos saeva
iussa, continuas accusationes. fallaces amicitias, perniciem inno-
centium et easdcm exitu causas coniungimus, obvia rerum simili-
tudine et satietate. turn quod antiquis scriptoribus rarus obtrec- 4

10 tator, neque refert cuiusquam Punicas Romanasne acies laetius
extuleris : at multorum, qui Tiberio regente poenam vel infamias

I. rerum : text L.
so Halm, text Nipp.

8. exitii Pich.

9. tumque Ritt.

10. Komanasue :

1. neque alia, &c., 'being a virtual
monarchy.' The constitution under the
principale was not formally monarchical:
see Introd. vi. pp. y-^-gS.

haec, i. e. ' quae rettuli quae que re-
feram ' ; such small occurrences, ilhis-
trating the character of the princeps and
the senate.

2. in rem fuerit, ' may have been
useful.' 'In rem' is thus used in H. 3.
S, I, and often in Plaut , Sail , Liv., &c.
The utility of history as a political guide
is similarly described in Thuc. i. 22, 4.

3. eventis, ' the experiences.' The
word occurs here alone in Tacitus; lut
Cic. thus uses ' eventa nostra' iFam. i. 7,
9; 5. I 2, 61 and 'aheriub' (Tusc. 5. i^.
36) : cp. ' ex alioium eventis . . . pro-
videre' (Auct. ad Her. 4. 9, 13^

4. ut . . . ita: cp. i. 12, i and note.

5. situs, the geography: cp. ' Britan-
niae situm ' Agr. 10, i.

varietates, ' \icissitudes' ; so 'varie-
tates onnonae' ("Liv. 7. 31, i).

6. exitus, ' deaths' ; as in i. 10, 2, &c.
redintegrant, ' refresh ' : cp. ' co-

lumbae . . . acre redintegrentur ' (^Varr.
R. R. 3. 7, 6).

8. easdem exitu causas. This text
must be taken to mean ' causas eundeni
exitum habentes,' i.e. 'always resulting
in condenmntion.' The statement, though
an exaggeration of the facts, would agree
with that in c. 28, 2 ; but the construction
is harsh, and iheie is much to be said for
the emendation 'easdem exitii causas.'
The expression would be Tacitean (cp.
^- 5^> 5; 58, 2, &c.), and the sameness
here referied to would be the constant
jealousy, fear, or avarice of princes.

coniungimus, ' string together.' The
verb is somewhat similarly used of
narrating events contiraiously in 6. 38, i ;
12. 40, 8 ; 13. 9, 6.

obvia, ' forcing itself upon notice.'
Nipp. compares 'obvia ostentatione '
(PI. Epp. 1. 8, 17).

9. turn quod. The explanation of this
passage by Joh. Miiller (Beitr. sect. 3,
pp. 46-51) is now adopted by Nipp.;
namely, that this clause must be referred
back to the beginning of the digression
in c. 32 : one of the causes why this work
is not to be compared to those of the
old historians having there been given
(' ingentia illi bella . . . incuriosus erat') ;
the second being here introduced, but
with an anaculuthon, as if the former
passage had begun ' prinium quod in-
gentia,' &c. But it seems on the whole
less difficult to understand 'turn quod'
( = ' hue accedit quod') with Doed. as
giving another reason for ' minimum
oblectationis adferunt.' His book will
not pltase; firstly, owing to the weari-
some monotony of its subjects, secondly,
because tnaiiy readers will take personal
offence at the mention of individuals, or
of particular qualities.

10. Romanasne. This correction seems
required, as it is a question between
alternatives (in Hor. Sat. i. 2, 63, 76,
' -ne ' appears to be now generally read).
See note on 6. 23, i ; Drager, Synt. u. SiU,

§ i.^i-

1 1, regente, used ttius of a princeps
in 13. 3, I.

poenam vel infamias. Nipp. draws
a distinction hiie between the singular
and plural; but they are often inter-

A.D. 25.]

LIBER IV. CAP. 33, 34.

529

5 subiere, poster! maneiit. utque familiae ipsae iam cxtinctac sint,
reperies qui ob similitudinem niorum alicna malefacta sibi obiec-

6 tari putcnt. etiam gloria ac virtus infeusos habct, ut nimis ex
propinquo diversa argucns. scd ad inccptum redco.

34. Cornelio Cosso Asinio Agrippa consulibus Creniutius 5
Cordus postulatur, novo ac tunc priinum audito crimine, quod
editis annalibus laudatoque M. Bruto C. Cassium Romanorum
2 ultimum dixisset. accusabant Satrius Secundus et Pinarius

2. reperias Madv. : cp. 6. 22, 2.
incepta B, text Halm.

7.. animis : nimis Mur.

4. ancepto : atl

changed in Tacitus without apparent dif-
ference (cp. Introd. v. § 2 ; also ' visum
. . . auditus' 13. 5, 2). The plural ' in-
famine' occurs in Plaut. Pers. 3. i, 19,
and is used by Tacitus analogously to
' audaciae' i^i. 74, i), ' iracundias ' (14. 4,
2), &c. A full list of his abstract plurals
is given by Diager (Synt. und Slil, § 2).

1. utque, 'and though': cp. 3. 40,
6, Gudeman on Dial. 9, 19.

2. sibi obiectari, i.e. will think the men-
tion of another's crimes pointed at them.

3. ut . . . arguens, ' as convicting from
too close a contrast the opposite qualities.'
The same sense of shame is not felt at
a picture of ' prisca virtus.'

4. ad inceptum. ' Inceptum ' is thus
used elsewhere by Tacitus (6. 22, 6), and
in Sail. Cat. 7, 7 ; Jug. 4, 9; 42, 5. The
two latter places have the same expression
as that read here.

5. Cornelio Cosso, &c. The full names
can be supjilied from Dio (Argum. to B.
57) as ' Cossus Cornelius Cossi f I^ntu-
lus ' and ' M. Asinius M. f. (should be
C. f) Agrippa.' The former is an elder
brother of Lentulus Gaetulicus (see on c.
42, 3), the latter (see on c. 61, i) one of
the sons of Asinius Callus and Vipsania.

Cremutius Cordus. Dio 157. 24.
2) states that he was an old man and had
lived a blameless life. The treatise (' de
consolatione ') addressed to his daughter
Marcia by L. Seneca adds more j^aiticu-
lars, and ascribes this prosecution to the
offence of Seianus at his sharp sayings ;
for one of which see on 3. 72, 5.

6. tunc primxim audito. He glances
at similar charges enteitained by Do-
mitian, who put to death Arulenus
Rubticusand Herennius Scnecio for praise
of Thrasea and Helvidius Priscus : see
Agr. 2, 2.

7. editis annalibus: 'editis' and

' laudato ' are aorists. Cordus had written
the history of his own generation only,
' unius saeculi facta ' (Sen. Cons, ad
Maic. 26, 5), and had firobably not car-
ried it beyond the death of Augustus.
It seems implied that it was only now
published; whereas Dio (1.1.) and Sue-
tonius (Tib. 61) assert that the work
was read by or to Augustus witliout
disapproval. Tacitus is not likely to
have been ignorant of this statement, or
to have omiited it, had he believed it;
nor is it probable that such a jiassage as
that referred to in Suet. Aug 35 was read
to Augustus; and to say that selections
had been read to him would prove no-
thing. A few sentences are given by M.
Seneca (Suas. 6, 19) from his laudation of
Cicero, which is hardly considered worthy
of him (Id. 28).

Romanorum ultimum. Cordus had
doubtless quoted with approval the words
used by Brutus himself ujion the death of
Cassius (Plut. Brut. 44, 1005 ; App. B. C.
4. 114). If he had spoken in his own per-
son he would doubtless have also included
Brutus himself in the expression, which
Suetonius (1. 1 ) represents him as doing.
Philojjoemen has been thus called 'the
last of the Greeks' (Plut. Philop. i ).

8. Satrius Secundus: cp. 6. 8, 10;
47, 2. Seneca says to Marcia (1.1. 22, 4')
' Seianus patrem tuum clienti suo Satrio
Secundo conyiarium dcdit.'

Pinarius Natta. mentioned in Sen.
Ep. 122, II. The family was old and
noble 'Cic. de Div. 2. 21, 47, &c.), and
several references to them are collected
by Borghcsi (v. 311: see Nipp. here).
An inscription (C. I. L. x. 1 129) mentions
one L. Pinarius L. f. Natta, who had
filled various offices and magistracies up
to that of aedile, and who may be the
person here mentioned.

530

P. CORNELII TACITI AXNALIUM [A.U.C. 778.

Natta, Seiani clientes. id perniciabile reo, et Caesar truci vultu
defensionem accipiens, quam Cremutius, relinquendac vitae certus,
in hunc modum exorsus est : ' verba mca. patres conscripti, argu-
untur : adeo factorum innocens sum. sed neque haec in princi- 3
5 pern aut principis parentem, quos lex maiestatis aniplectitur :
Brutum et Cassium laudavisse dicor, quorum res gestas cum
plurimi composuerint, nemo sine honore memoravit. Titus 4
Livius, eloquentiae ac fidei praeclarus in primis, Cn. Pompeium
tantis laudibus tulit, ut Pompeianum eum Augustus appellaret ;
10 neque id amicitiae eorum offecit. Scipionem, Afranium, hunc 5
ipsum Cassium, hunc Brutum nusquam latrones et parricidas,
quae nunc vocabula inponuntur, saepe ut insignis viros nominat.
Asinii Pollionis scripta egregiam eorundcm memoriam tradunt ; 6
Messalla Corvinus imperatorem suum Cassium praedicabat : et

2. accipiens: cp. the use of 'tegens'
(c. 12, 2).

certus, ' resolved upon.' Such an ap-
plication of this word to persons, whether
used (as here and in 12. 66, 2 ; H. 4. 14,
i) with the genit. or (as in c. 57, i) with
the inf., appears first in Vergil (e.g. Aen.

4- 554' 564)-

4. neque haec : cp. c. 26, 2 ; 2.

34- 7-

in principem, 8ic., sc. 'dicta argu-
unlur.' 'Parentem' may mean Augustus,
as would appear from 2. 50, 2 ; but that
passage would also suggest that a libel
on Augusta fell within the law, which
probably extended to the family gene-
rally (see 6. 5, I ; 9, 3, &c.), the other
members of which are perhaps here
ornitttd from mention on account of their
youth.

7. composuerint: cp. i. i, 5.
nemo .... memoravit. The object

has to be supplied from ' quorum,' as if
the sentence had run 'quos, quum eoium,'
&c. It is noticed that even Velleius
(2. 72, &c.) speaks of them with consider-
able respect.

8. fidei. Xipp. takes this here to mean
'impartiality' or 'candour.' M. Seneca
(Suas. 6, 22) speaks of Livy as ' candi-
dissimus omnium magnorum ingeniorum
aestimator.' The genitive with 'prae-
clarus,' though not elsewhere found, is
analogous to many otiiers (Introd. v.
§ 34 e 7).

9. Pompeianum. On this name see
I. 10, I, &c.

10. Scipionem, Afranium. Q. Caeci-

lius ^^etellus I'ius Scipio was father-in-
law to Pompeius and his colleague' in
jiart of his third consulship in 702, B.C.
52. L. Afranius was cos. in 694, B.C.
60, and legatus of Pompeius in Sj^ain.
Scipio committed suicide and Afranius
was killed, shortly after their defeat at
Thapsus in 70S, B.C. 46.

11. parricidas. Valerius Maximus
uses this term of Ikutus ;i. 5, 7, &c). of
Cassius (I. 8, 8), and of the conspirators
in general (i. 6, 13, &c.) : cp. Florus,

4- 7. I-

12. ut insignis viros, 'as one would
speak of distinguished men.'

13. Pollionis scripta. According to
Suidas 's. v. 'AcriVios IlaiAA/aii') the history
of PoUio consisted of seventeen books. It
began from 694, B.C. 60 Tlor. f)d. 2. I,
I ;. and is cited by Priscian fsee Nipp.) as
mentioning an event as lale as 742, B.C.
12, but the regular narrative is thought
not to have gone down so far. A passage
on the character of Cicero is preserved in
M. Sen. Suas. 6, 24. See Suet. Caes.
30, 55, 56; de Gramm. 10; \a.\. Max.
8. 13, eit. 4; App. B. C. 2. 82; Plut.
Caes. 46.

14. Messalla Corvinus. His history
of the wars after Julius Caesar's death is
cited by Plutarch (Brut. 40, 1004; 45,
1005, &c.) and by Suetonius (Aug. 74"; ;
but the tense of ' praedicabat ' points
rather to habitual expressions in conver-
sation. He was next in command under
Brutus and Cassius in the campaign of
Philippi (Veil. 2. 71, i).

A.D. 25.]

LIBER IV. CAP. 34, 35.

531

7 uterque opibus atque honoribus perviguere. Marci Ciceronis
libro, quo Catonem caelo aequavit, quid aliud dictator Caesar

8 quam rescripta oratione, vclut apud iudices. respondit ? Antonii
epistulae, Bruti contiones falsa quidem in Augustum probra, set
multa cum acerbitate habent ; carmina Bibaculi et Catulli referta 5
contumeliis Caesarum leguntur : sed ipse divus lulius, ipse divus
Augustus et tulere ista et reliquere, baud facile dixerim, modera-
tione magis an sapientia. namque spreta exolescunt : si irascare,
adgnita videntur.'

35. * Non attingo Graecos, quorum non modo libertas, etiam 10

2 libido impunita ; aut si quis advertit, dictis dicta ultus est. sed
maxime solutum et sine obtrectatore fuit prodere de iis, quos

3 mors odio aut gratiae exemisset. num enim armatis Cassio et
Bruto ac Philippcnses campos optinentibus belli civilis causa

I . opibnsque atque : text Acid., opibus aeque atque Doed.
13. eum : cum B, enim Halm.

7. relinquere: text B.

1. opibus atque. Nipp. with some
hesitation retains the MS. text. Such a
combination of conjunctions is elsewhere
found (cp. c. 3.4); but the juxtaposition
of three words ending in ' que,' with
vowels following, would be most inhar-
monious.

perviguere, ' prospered to the end of
life' (aV. ilp.').

Ciceronis libro. To this treatise,
entitled 'Cato' (Cic. Att. 13. 46, 2 : Gell.
13. 19', Caesar replied in an ' Anticato '
(Plut. Caes. 54, 733 ; Gell. 4. 16), con-
sisting of two books (Suet. Jul. 56; Juv.
6, 338) ; which we here gather to have
been in the form of speeches.

2. quid aliud ... quam. Xipp. notes
that ' nihil aliud quam ' and similar ex-
pressions are used brachylogically, with
such a meaning as ' only,' as in 13. 40, 6 ;
H. 2. Qi, 4 : cp. also ' nihil ampliusqnam
vendidit ' M. Sen. Contr. 34. 4, ' nihil
amplius quam monuit' Suet. Claud. 16.

dictator Caesar. Xipp. thinks this
expression is chosen, rather than the more
usual ' Divus lulius,' to lay stress on
Caesar's power at the time.

3. Antonii epistulae. Suetonius re-
fers to these (Aug. 7, 63") and quotes from
them (Id. 16. 69% A more public letter
is preserved in Cic. Phil. 13. 10, 22, sqq.

4. Bruti contiones. It is implied
that these were still before the public.

5. habent, 'contain': see Gudeman
on Dial. 30, 13.

Bibaculi, M. Furius Bibaculus. bom,
according to Jerome, in 655, B.C. 99,
but probably later, at Cremona. Quinti-
lian (10. I. 96 and Diomedes^see Xipp.)
name him with such iambographers as
Lucilius, Catullus, and Horace ; but this
estimate is hardly bonie out by the few
fragments preserved (Suet de Gramm. 9,
1 1") : and his heroics appear to have been
turgid (Hor. Sat. i. 10, 36 : '2. 5, 41).

Catulli. The poems referred to are
29, 54, 57, 95. On the treatment of him
by Caesar see Suet. Jul. 73.

6. Caesarum, ' lulii et Augnsti.' Ca-
tullus alludes only to the former, and
probably died soon after 707, B.C. 4";
Bibacuhis may have libelled Augustus.

7. reliquere, ' left them alone.'

9. adgnita, 'admitted to be true':
so ' adgnoscere crimen' 6. 8, 2 ; H. 3.

75.4-

10. Non attingo. 'I do not mention':
cp. ' seditionem attigit' i. 35, i.

etiam, without 'sed': cp. 3. 19, 2,
and note on i. 77, i.

11. advertit, absol. ; as in 3. 52, 2.&c.

12. solutum. The full expression 'so-
lutum poena' is found in 14. 28, 2. The
meaning resembles that in c. 31, 4.

13. num . . . an. The first alternative
is assumed to be negatived and the latter
affirmed : cp. ' numquid duas habetis pa-
trias ? an est una ilia patria communis ? '
(Cic. Legg. 2, 2).

532

P. CORNEUl TACITI ANNALIUM [A. UC. 77.S.

populum per contiones incendo? an illi quidem septuagcnsimum
ante annum peremti, quo modo imaginibus suis noscuntur, quas
no victor quidem abolevit, sic partem memoriae apud scriptores
retinent ? suum cuique decus posteritas rependit ; nee deerunt, 4
5 si damnatio ingruit, qui non modo Cassii et Bruti set etiam mei
meminerint.' egressus dein senatu vitam abstinentia finivit. 5
libros per aediles cremandos censuere patres : set manserunt,
occultati et editi. quo magis socordiam eorum inridere libet, 6
qui praesenti potentia credunt extingui posse etiam sequentis
10 aevi memoriam. nam contra punitis ingeniis gliscit auctoritas, 7
neque aliud externi reges aut qui eadem saevitia usi sunt, nisi
dedecus sibi atque illis gloriam pcperere.

36. Ceterum postulandis reis tarn continuus annus fuit, ut
feriarum Latinarum diebus praefectum urbis Drusum, auspicandi

it
3. nec : ne J. F. Gron. 4. lependuiit. 5. sedet etiam: sed etiam B, sed et

[etiamj Ritt. 7. et : sed L.

1. septuagensimum, a round number
for the sixty-sixth year.

2. quo modo, used by Tacitus in such
clauses oftener than ' quem ad modum '
(?,. 54, 6): cp. c. 70, 6; 14. 54, 3, &c.,
Gudeman on Dial. 36, 32, Heraus on H.
3- 77> 22.

imaginibus suis. Besides their pre-
servation in families (see on 3. 76, 5"),
we hear of a bronze statue of Brutus pre-
served at Mediolanum by order of Au<^us-
tus (Plut. comp. Dionis cum Bruto, 5).
A few busts, and several of his coins exist,
some of which bear his head ; others, as
also those of Cassius, have such inscrip-
tions as 'Libertas,' ' Eid. Mart,' and ap-
propriate symbols: see Dio, 47. 25, 3;
Cohen, i. pp. 26-29; Bernoulli, i.pl. xix,
and Coins, pi. iii.

noscuntur = ' adgnoscuntur ' ; so
' nosco crines,' &c. (Verg. Aen. 6, 810):
cp. 2. 28, I.

3. ne . . . quidem. ' Nec . . . quidem'
is generally rejected here and in 14. 35,
2 ; also, though with less certainty, in
H. 4. 38, 2.

4. rependit. 'Rependunt' is prob-
ably an a?similation to ' deerunt ' ; ' pos-
teritas,' however equivalent to ' poster! '
(cp. 3- 19> 3; H. I. I, 2; Agr. 46, 4\
not appearing to be anywhere used with
a plural \erb.

<S. vitam abstinentia finivit. Seneca
(Cons, ad Marc. 22, 6j gives a touching

account of his concealment of his purpose
from his daughter Marcia till the fourth
day, and describes the disappointment of
the accusers at finding their prey had
escaped them.

7. libros, &c. M. Seneca (Praef. Con-
trov. Lib. lo, 5) speaks of this penalty as
first devised against T. Labienus, probably
in 765, A. D. 12 Dio, 56. 27, i). This
duty appears to have been considered to
belong to the aediles in virtue of their
' cura urbis' (Introd. vi. p. 90"), but to
have been delegated by them to the ' tres-
viri capitales ' (Agr. 2, i).

8. occultati, &c. Their preservation
was due to Marcia (Sen. 1. 1. i, 3\ and
their publication, as also that of the works
of T. Latjienus and Cassius Sevcrus (c.
2\), permitted by Gains (Suet. Cal. 16).

socordiam . . . inridere libet : the
action of Nero (14. 50, 2) and of Domi-
tian (Agr. 2, i) is especially alluded to.

9. qui =' qui alii,' especially Romans.

13. postulandis reis . . . continuus,
' incessantly occupied with accusations.'
This expression is used of a person in 11.
5, I, as here of a personification. The
construction is not elsewhere found, but
appears to be an abl. of respect, analogous
to 'equis assignandis . . . diligentes' (Cic.
l^ep. 2. 20, 32), &c.

14. feriarum Latinarum. This feast
was held for four days ; the time of the year
is variable : see Marquardt, iii. 296-298.

A.D. 25,]

LIBER ir. CAP. 35, 36.

533

gratia tribunal ingressum, adicrit Calpurnius Salvianus in Sex-
tum Marium : quod a Cacsare palam incrcpitum causa exilii

2 Salviano fuit. obiccta publice Cyzicenis incuria caerimoniarum
divi Augusti, additis violcntiac criminibus adversum cives Ro-

3 manos. et amiscre libertatcm, quam bello Mithridatis meru- h
erant, circumscssi nee minus sua constantia quam praesidio

4 Lueulli pulso rege. at Fonteius Capito, qui pro consule Asiani
curavcrat, absolvitur, eonperto ficta in eum crimina per Vibium

5 Serenum. neque lamen id Serene noxae fuit, quern odium
publicum tutiorem faciebat. nam ut quis dcstrictior accusator, 10
velut sacrosanctus erat : leves, ignobiles poenis adficiebantur.

i

10. (kstrictior: distrietior H, cp. i. 32, 2.

praefectum urbis. This survival of
the old lepresentative of the magistrates
during their absence (' praefectura urbis
ob fcrias Latinas ') coexisted with the new
and permanent office instituted by Augus-
tus (,see 6. 1 1 'I, and probably existed
till the 'feriae' themselves ceased to be
held. It had been long the practice to
give it by way of complin-ent to young
men of rank ; hence Gellius (14. 8) men-
tions the juristic question whether this
' praefectus urbis,' not being a senator,
could convene the senate. Claudius
would have had it but for his unfitness
(Suet. CI. 4) ; and Nero held it (Id. Ner.
7\ This tenure of it by young Drusus
is attested by an inscription (Introd. ii.
p. 10).

auspicandi gratia, ' to inaugurate his
office.'

1. Calpurnius Salvianus. Borghesi
(v. 311) and Nipp. sliow that he was
probably of Spanish origin ; an earlier
person of the name being mentioned at
Corduba (Bell. Alex. 53, 55 ; Val. Max.
9. 4, 2), and the name being found in an
inscription there (C. I. L. ii. 2265^ Sex.
Marius also was of Spain (6. 19, 1).

2. increpitum. It was contrary to
the usual practice to bring before this
praefectus other than ' tralaticiae et breves
po>tulationes ' (Suet. Ner. 7), and the
introduction of a criminal charge would
especially be ' mali ominis.'

causa exilii, i.e. ' prompted a decree
of the senate to banish him.'

3. publice Cyzicenis, rai koivw twv
Kv(iKr}vwu. This use of ' publice * is found
in c. 43, 5; 3. 31, 7; H. I. 51, 6 ; 66, 3,
i!<^c., and occasionally in other authors;

the word being used, in opposition to
' privatim ' or ' viritim,' to contrast com-
munities with individuals, in Cic. Verr.
2. 3, 27, 66; Caes. B. C. 2. 21, 5; Bell.
Alex. 65, 4 : for other instances see Nipj).
incuria, &c. According to Dio ^57-
24, 6) they had begun a temple to Au-
gustus and not finished it. It is noted
,Momms. Hist. v. 321, E. T. i. 348 that
at least all the chief places of judicial
circuit in Asia had their Caesareum and
emperor's festival.

4. additis violentiae criminibus.
For a similar offence, Augustus had al-
ready deprived them of autonomy in 734,
II. c. 20 i^Dio, 54. 7, 6), but had re<itored
it five years later (Id. 23, 7). For other
crises of such violence see Momms. Hist,
v. 256, E. T. i. 279).

5. et amisere, &c. : cp. .Suet. Tib. 37
'libertatem ademit quam Mithridatico
bello meruerant.'

6. circumsessi, &c., in 680, 681, B.C.
74, 73: see App. Mithr. 72-76.

sua. The Cyziceni are in thought the
subject of the sentence.

7. Fonteius Capito, C. Fonteius C.
f. C. n. Capito, cos. 765, A.D. 12 (Fast.
Cap. : see C. I. L. i. p. 550). His father
was a follower of Antonius (Hor. Sat. 1.
5, 32) and COS. suff. in 721, B.C. 33 (C.
I. L. i. p. 544) ; his son cos. in 81 2, A.i».
59 (I4. I, i). On the date of thisCapito's
proconsulate of Asia see Introd. vii.p. 1 13.

8. Vibium Serenum, the son men-
tioned in c. 28, I.

10. destrictior. The metaphor is taken
from a sword ever drawn. We should
rather speak figuratively of a person whose*
sword « as always out, or who • had

VOL. I

Mm

534

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 778.

37. Per idem tempus Hispania ulterior missis ad scnatum
legatis oravit, ut exemplo Asiae delubrum Tiberio matrique
eius exstrueret. qua occasione Caesar, validus alioqui sper- 2
nendis honoribus et respondendum ratus lis quorum rumore

5 aro-uebatur in ambitionem flexisse, huiusce modi orationem
coepit: ' scio, patres conscripti, constantiam meam a plerisque 3
desideratam, quod Asiae civitatibus nuper idem istud petentibus
non sim adversatus. ergo et prioris silentii defensionem, et
quid in futurum statuerim, simul aperiam. cum divus Augustus 4

10 sibi atque urbi Romae templum apud Pergamum sisti non
prohibuisset, qui omnia facta dictaque eius vice legis observem,
placitum iam exemplum promptius secutus sum, quia cultui meo
veneratio senatus adiungebatur. ceterum ut semel recepisse 5
veniam habuerit, ita per omnes provincias efifigie numinum

15 sacrari ambitiosum, superbum ; et vanescet Augusti honor, si
promiscis adulationibus vulgatur.

38. Ego me, patres conscripti, mortalem esse et hominum
officia fungi satisque habere, si locum principem impleam, et vos

14. p oms^: per omnes B, see note.

15. sacra | : text L.

thrown away the scabbard.' Nipp. fjives
instances of the word from Val. Max.,
who has ' destricta censura' (2. 9, 6^,
' vindicta ' (6. 3, i), ' feneratiix ' (8. 2, 2) :
cp. also ' destricte minatus ' (.PI. Epp. 9.
21,4).

leves, probably ' unstable,' as opposed
to 'destrictus' : cp. 11. 33, 1.

I. Hispania ulterior: see on c. 13,
2. This desire appears to arise from a
similar motive to that of Asia (c. 15, 4\
namely, their gratitude for the punish-
ment of Serenus.

3. validus . . . spernendis honoribus.
On the construction cp. 3. 10, 4; on the
fact, 3. 47, 5. &c.

alioqui, 'besides,' i.e. 'without such
special ground': cp. H. 2. 27, 2 ; 3. 32,
4, and the nearly similar sense in c. 11,4.

5. flexisse : cp. c. 41 , 2 ; i. 34, 5.
huiusce modi. Similar terms are

used in giving his speech in 3. 52, 4.

6. constantiam, &c., ' that many re-
gretted my want of firmness ' ; i. e. that
he had departed (,' in ambitionem tlexisse ')
from his general principle (.' validum sper-
nendis hoiioriL)iis ') on that occasion.

8. silentii. It is implied that he had
only tacitly assented to the permissive
decree (c. 15, 5).

10. templum apud Pergamum: cp.

c. 55, 6, and note on i. 10, 5. This
temple dates from 725, B.C. 29 (^Dio, 51.
20, 7), and is represented on coins (.tckh.
vi. 100, loi).

sisti: cp. 2. 7, 3. On this constr.
with ' prohibere' cp. i. 69, i.

11. qui . . . observem : see i. 77, 4.

12. placitum: cp. 2. 66, 3.

13. senatus: see c. 15, 4. This was
to Tiberius what the conjunction of Rome
was to Augustus ; yet even with this
association such a precedent was not to
be commonly followed.

ut, concessive.

14. per omnes. Andresen (de codd.
Med. p. 13' shows by instances (i. 73, 2 ;
6. 25, 5 ; II. 22, 3 ; 14, 64, 3, &c.) that
Tacitus prefers this order to 'omnes per'
(Halm, and formerly Nipp.).

efflgie numinum: cp. 1. 10, 5.

15. vanescet : cp. 2. 40, i.

16. promiscis, 'shared with others':
cp. c. 16, 5 ; 13. 26, 3, &c.

17. mortalem esse. Pliny (Pan. 2)
praises Trajan for so rejecting the extra-
vagances of servility, 'nee minus homi-
nem sequam hominibus piaeesse meminit.'

18. fungi : on the constr. cp. 3. 2, i.
satis habere, si : cp. 2. 37, 5.

A.D. 25.]

LIBER ir. CAP. 37, 38.

535

tester ct nicminis.se postcros volo ; qui satis supcrque memoriae
mcae tribucnt, ut maioribus mei dij.inum, rerum vcstrarum pro-
vidum, constantem in pcriculis, offensionum pro utilitatc publica

2 non pavidum credant. haec mihi in animis vcstris tcmpla, hac
pulcherrimae effigies et mansurac. nam quae saxo struuntur, si 5
indicium posterorum in odium vertit, pro sepulchris spernuntur.

3 proinde socios cives et deos ipsos precor, hos ut mihi ad finem
usque vitae quietam et intellegentem humani divinique iuris
mentem duint, illos ut, quandoque conccssero, cum laude et
bonis recordationibus facta atque famam nominis mei prose- 10

4 quantur.' j^crstititque posthac sccretis etiam scrmonibus asper-
nari talem sui cultum. quod alii modcstiam, multi, quia diffi-

6. jiosteriorum : text R.

7. et deos et deos ipsos: text Pichena.

2. ut . . . credant, ' supposing (or ' on
condition ') that they believe.' With 'ut,'
ill this sense, the addition of 'ita' is gene-
rally required, as in Cic. de Off. i. 25, 88
(' ita probanda est mansuetudo . . . ut
adhibeatur . . . severitas '), but is some-
times omitted, as in Cic. de Am. 15, 52
1^' quis est qui velit, ut neque diligat . . .
nee . . . diligatur, circumfluere omnibus
cojiiis'), and Liv. 28. 13, i. The nearest
approach to it elsewhere in Tacitus is
the use of ' ut ' in the protasis, with the
force of ' although,' followed by a nega-
tion (cp. c. 40, 6) ; cp. Diager, Synt. und
Stil, § 183, and Nipp. here.

3. offensionum: cp. 3. 54, 11. Such
a genitive with ' pavidus ' is found in H.
3- 41, 3; 5- 14. 4; Seneca (Trag.), and
Lucan.

5. mansurae, 'permanent': cp. 14.
20, 2, lie, Gudeman on Dial. 9, 22. For
the use of the participle cp. Introd. v.

§ .=i4'l-

6. pro sepulchria spernuntur, i.e.
' pro sepulchris accipiuntur et spernun-
tur' : cp. II. 24, 5, also 'pro nullo pon-
dere verba cadunt' Ov. Her. 3. 98, 'pro
vaiio verba bcnigna cadunt' Propert. i.
10, 24. The comparison modifies the
sense of ' spernuntur.' The temple of an
unpopular prince has no more sanctity
than a tomb; it is not desecrated, but
neglected and unvisited by the public.
For the sentiment cp. cus 5« Ta<pov vvv at
vapfpxofitOa Anth. Pal. 5. 21,6.

7. et decs. It is possible that ' deos
et deas,' though weakening the rhetorical
climax, may be a formula used by Tibe-

rius (cp. 6. 6, i\ An 'et'in the third
place after asyndc ta is common in Tacitus
and Livy (Driiger, Synt. und Stil, § io5);
and here 'socii' and 'cives' are referred
to as one class ( = ' homines ') by ' illos.'

8. humani divinique iuria : cp. 3.

7°' 4- ...

9. duint. The archaic form is suitable

to the lanmmge of prayer, as in Cic. Cat.
I. 9, 22 ; Liv. 10. 19, 17, &c.

quandoque : cp. 1.6, 2, &C.

concessero : see note on 2. 71, 2.

1 1, perstitit . . . aspernari : cp. ' si
perstitcris . . . rcferre' Cic. Fin. 2. 33, 107.
That his refusal was not so persistent as
Tacitus supposed, would appear from an
inscription recording the erection, in 782,
A. 1). 29, of a temple to Tiberius (ap-
parently without the addition of Rome or
the senate) in Cyprus (see Leutsch, in
Philol. xxiii. 750) ; also from an inscrip-
tion, wiu'ther of temple or altar, 'Romae
et Imp. Ti. Caesnri Augusto sacrum,' at
Mograwa in Africa Byzacena (C. I. T.
viii. 685). In Italy ' tlamines Tiberii'
are found in one or two places (Staatsr.
ii. 758, n. I).

12. alii . . . interpretabantur, 'some
explained this as modesty, many, as caused
by self-distiUbt, some, as a sign of mean-
spiritidness.' The construction is varied
in each clause, and is in eacli abbreviated.
With ' modestiam ' we should expect
' tamquam,' with ' degeneris animi,' ' sig-
num ' ; in the second, • quod ' is lost sight
of, and ' aspernari talem cultum ' sup-
plied, and ' diflKlcret ' used absolutely, as
in 13. 21,9. The first view assumes the

536

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A. U.C. 778.

deret, quidam ut dcgeneris animi interpretabantur. optumos 5
quippe mortalium altissima cupere : sic Herculem et Liberum
apud Graccos, Ouirinum apud nos deum numero additos : melius
Augustum, qui spcraverit. cetera principibus statim adesse : 6

5 unum insatiabiliter parandum, prosperam sui memoriam ; nam
contemptu famae contemni virtutes.

39. At Seianus nimia fortuna socors et muliebri insuper cupi-
dinc incensus, promissum matrimonium flagitante Livia, com-
ponit ad Caesarem codicillos : moris quippe tum erat quamquam

10 praesentcm scripto adire. eius talis forma fuit : benevolentia 2
patris Augusti et mox plurimis Tiberii iudiciis ita insuevisse, ut
spes votaque sua non prius ad deos quam ad principum aures
conferret. neque fulgorem honorum umquam precatum : ex- 3
cubias ac labores, ut unum e militibus, pro incolumitate impera-

15 toris malle. ac tamen quod pulcherrimum adeptum, ut con- 4
iunctione Caesaris dignus crederetur : hinc initium spei. et 5
quoniam audiverit Augustum in conlocanda filia non nihil etiam

I 5. actamen quo : at tameii quod B.

sincerity of the reasons assigned by Tibe-
rius himself; which, while declining the
honour, are consistent with a belief that
he has deserved well of posterity. The
second view asserts that he had no such
faith in the judgement of the future,
and assigns as the motive not true mo-
desty, but mere self-depreciation. The
third affirms that he did not even cnre
for fame, simply because he had no lofti-
ness of soul ; whereas the highest natures,
whatever their confidence in themselves
might be, have always aimed at the
highest honours, and the highest that
an autocrat can desire is posthumous
renown.

I . degeneris animi. The expression
is used in H. 3. 85, 2. The word is used
of ' preces ' and ' vultus ' (, 1 2. 19, i; H.
3. 65, 4") : cp. ' degeneres animos timor
arguit ' Verg. Aen. 4, 13. 'Ut' = 'ita
ut ' : cp. Gudeman on Dial. 33, 19.

3. melius, sc. ' egisse ' : cp. i. 43, i.

4. qui speraverit. lie expresses this
])elief in a letter to Tiberius (Suet. Aug.
71) ' benignitas enim mea me ad caelcs-
tem gloriam cfferet,' but the passage
seems not seriously meant.

statim, i. e. ' simul cum jirincipatu.'

5. insatiabiliter; in Lucr. 3, 907;
PI. Epji. 9. 6, 3.

6. contemptu, ' through despising.'

Such an ablative appears to be inter-
mediate between instrumental and causal :
qj- 3- 54.3 ; 6. 45, 3 ; H. I. 6, I.

7. socors. His success up to this point
made him take a bold step too rashly.

8. promissum : see on c. 3, 3.

9. moris . . . tum erat. The custom
had been introduced by Julius (Plut.
Caes. 17, 716), and was adopted by
Augustus for all important communica-
tions, even towards Livia (Suet. Aug. 84).
Tacitus appears to imply that it no longer
obtained in his time.

10. eius, sc. 'script!,' substituted in
thought for the preceding ' codicilli.' It
is difficult to see what authentic record
could have been known to Tacitus of this
letter or the reply.

11. iudiciis. The special use of this
word to denote tokens of favourable
opinion is illustrated by Nipp. from Agr.
43, 4. also from Cic. ad Fam. 10. 1, 4
(.■quidquid in euni iudicii ofiiciique con-
tulens'), and 13,46 ' patroni iudicio or-
natus ") ; Plin. Epp. ad Trai. 4, 6 (' ut
. . . gloriari iudiciis tuis possim ').

15. coniunctione Caesaris: see on c.
7, 2 : 3. 29, 5. The expression here used
could be justified, even if the intention
could no Ioniser be carried out.

17. in conlocanda filia. Suetonius
(Aug. 63) states that, after the death of

A.D. 25.]

LIBER IV. CAP. 38-40.

537

de equitibus Romanis consultavissc, ita, si maritus Liviae quac-
reretur. haberet in animo amicum sola necessitudinis gloria

e usurum. non cnim exuere inposita munia : satis acstimare fir-
inari domum advcrsum iniquas Agrippinae offcnsioncs, idque
liberorum causa; nam sibi multum supcrque vitac fore, quod tali 5
cum principe explcvisset.

40. Ad ca Tiberius laudata pictatc Sciani suisquc in cum
beneficiis modice percursis, cum tempus tamquam ad intcgram
consultationem petivisset, adiunxit: ceteris mortalibus in eo
stare consilia, quid sibi conduccre putcnt ; principum diversam 10

2 esse sorteni, quibus praecipua rcrum ad famam derigenda. ideo
se non illuc decurrere quod promptum rescriptu, posse ipsam
Liviam statucrc. nubendum post Drusum an in penatibus isdem
tolcrandum haberet ; esse illi matrtm et aviam, propiora con-

Agrippa, several persons, incliiiiing some
knights, were thought of in choosing a
husband for Julia. In c. 40, 8 C. Procu-
Icius is instanced.

1. ita, ' after tliis example.'

2. sola necessitudinis gloria usu-
rum, ' who would gain only honour by
vuch an alliance': cp. 'tantum infamia
usurus ' ^. 57, 3. He would seek no jio-
litical advancement, for he had no wish
to give uj) his ' pracfectura ' (held only
liy knights) and to become a senator.
He must have retained his command with
senatorial rank when he became consul
in 784, A. D. 31, and the office was after-
wards sometimes held by senators (cp.
H. 4.68, 3; Suet. Tit. 6).

3. satis aestimare. Nipp. renders
this ' he sufficiently appreciated (knew
how to value rightly, and would therefore
desire no more than) the protection
afforded to his house,' &c., contending
that 'aestimare' has never the force of
' existimare.' lint the frequent use of
simple verbs for compounds in Tacitus
(^Introd. V. § 40") must be borne in mind,
and the meaning c)f ' evisiimare,' appa-
rently most suitable here, is not impos-
sible in 13. 42, 5 ^' gravius aestiman-
dum ').

5. liberorum causa, i. e. to protect
them after his death ; for he himself could
not be harmed while Tiberius lived, and
had no wish to survive him.

multum superque, dV. tip. for ' sa-
tis superque ' (Duiger).

7. Ad ea, &c. Tacitus has condensed
the substance of two answers ; the first,

given at once, is briefly dismissed (" lau-
data pietate,' &c.) ; the second, delivered
after an interval, begins with 'adiunxit.'

S. tamquam ad integram consulta-
tionem, ' as though to reflect upon it as
an open question.' This motive may
perhaps not have been stated, but left to
i)e inferred. On ' tamquam' cp. Introd. v.
§ 67. For the sense of ' integram ' cp. 3.
8, 2 (' integrum indicium '), and Cic. Att.
16. 2, 4 (' integrum consilium').

9. in eo stare, ' took their stand on
the question,' confined themselves to it.

11. praecipua rerum, 'the more im-
j)ortant business'; cp. c. 41, 4; 'prima
renmi ' H. 3. 46, 2.

ad famam derigenda, * must be
guided with a view to public opinion,' not
by simple consideration of personal or
family interest: cp. 'ad utilitatem . . .
derigenda ' Dial. 5, 3, and for the senti-
ment .Sen. de CI. 1. 15, 5 ' piincipes multa
debent famae dare.* On the form 'deri-
gere' see note on 2. 31, 2.

ideo, &c., 'therefore he did not have
recourse to that answer so ready to hand ' :
namely, that Livia could decide for her-
self, or consult her more natural advisers.
He felt that, for the reasons given above,
he could not thus shift the lesponsibility.

12. rescriptu. Dragcrnotes this supine
as arr. dp, : cp. ' promptum efTectu ' H. 2.
76, 2.

13. post Drusum : cp. i. 68, 6.

14. tolerandum, ' that she should con-
tinue'; so 'longiustolei are posse' (of hold-
ing out in a siege) in Caes. 15. G. 7. 71,
4. 'Habere' with gerund or gerundive is

538

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 77S.

silia. simpHcius acturum, de inimicitiis primum Agrippinae, 3
quas longe acrius arsuras, si matrimonium Liviae vclut in partes
domum Caesarum distraxissct. sic quoque erumpere aemula- 4
tioncm feminarum, eaque discordia nepotes suos convelli : quid
5 51 intendatur certamen tali coniugio? ' fallcris enim, Seiane, sis
te mansurum in eodem ordine putas, et Liviam, quae Gaio
Caesari, mox Druso nupta fucrit, ea mente acturam, ut cum
equite Romano senescat. ego ut sinam, credisne passuros qui q
fratrem eius, qui patrcm maioresque nostros in summis imperiis
10 videre? vis tu quidcm istum intra locum sistcre : sed illi magis- 7
tratus et primores, qui te invitum perrumpunt omnibusque do
rebus consulunt, excessisse iam pridem equestre fastigium longe-

II. inuitu (see Andrcsen, p. 7) : invito B, text Hcins. 12. legeqne : longequeR.

frequent in Tacitus: cp. 14. 44, i, Gude-
man on l^ial. S, 1 1.

matrem et aviam, Antonia and
Augusta.

1. simplicius acturum^ 'he would
deal more frankly' (see on I. 69, 4), i.e.
he would not leave his disapprobation to
be inferred from an evasive answer.

2. longe -= 'multo': cp. 'lunge an-
tisse' (§ 7), &c., a sense chiefly poetical
and in post-Augustan prose.

si matrimonium . . . distraxisset.
Nipp. explains this to mean that, while
Agrippina and IJvia were widows, both
were members of the 'domus Caesarum,'
of which Tiberius was sole head. The
marriage of either, besides giving her an
advantage over her rival, would create
another house within a house.

3. sic quoque, 'even as things were at
present': cp. 15. 17, 3, and 'sic melius'

I- 34, 4-

4. nepotes suos convelli. This verb
is used of a house or family (6. 40, 3 ;
12. I, I ; 65, 3) in the sense of being
shaken to its foundations by an attack or
crisis ; here it is used of several persons,
probably in the sense of being ' torn
asunder' (cp. c. 62, 3), no longer united
as a family. Nipp. lakes it in the sense
in which it is used of 'I'iberius himself in
6. 48, 4 (where see note). It seems for-
gotten that the son of Drusus was but six
years old, and that the others, though
not without individual jealousies, were all
of one house.

5. intendatur: cp. 2. 57, 3, &c.
falleris enim. On the sudden change

to ' oratio recta ' see Introd. v. § 94. The

connexion of thought is, 'you cannot
remain as you .nre ; such a wife must force
you into an ambitious position.' The
whole passage to ' permixtos,' especially
the portion ' vis tu . . . incusant,' contains
a covert irony, in allusion to the assumed
humility of c. 39. 5, 6.

6. in eodem ordine, explained by
'equite Romano' below.

Gaio Caesari . . . nupta. This mar-
riage must have taken place before he
was sent to the East in 753, B. c. i, when
she could hardly have been more th.in
twelve years old. The date of her mar-
riage with l>rubus cannot be lixed.

8. ego ut sinam, ' though I were to
permit it ' : see note on c. 38, i.

9. fratrem, &c. Germanicus, the elder
Drusus, and the Claudii and Drusi of
former times.

10. via tu quidem : see c. 39, 6.
sistere ='staie': cp. H. 3. 21, 2:

with the exception of Varr. L. L. 5, 53,
this sense is previously wholly poetical
(e. g. Verg. G. i, 479; Aen. 3, 7, &c.).

magistratus, &c. is rf^v tlKiav aii-
ToC . . . ot (KKuyinot Kal oi vnaroi avrot
viTo Tuv vpOpov avvix'*'^ eipoirwv Dio, 57.
21, 4.

11 . te invitum perrumpunt, ' break
through your reserve against your will.'
The sense, as perhaps in 3. 15, 4, is a
metaphor from breaking into a fortress, and
much the same as that of ' quietem inruin-
pcre ' (c. 67, i). With the reading 'in-
vito,' ' j)errumpunt ' would mean 'break
througli this barrier,' i.e. that interposed
by the difference of rank between you
and them.

A.D. 25.]

LIBER ir. CAP. 40, 41.

539

que antisse patris mci amicitias non occulti fcrunt perquc iu-

8 vidiam tui me quoque incusant. at enim Augustus filiam suam
equiti Romano tradcre meditatus est. mirum hcrcule, si cum
in omnis curas distraheretur immensumque attolli providerct
qucm coniunctione tali super alios extulissct, C. Proculeium 5
et quosdam in scrmonibus habuit insigni tranqiiillitate vitae,

9 nullis rci publicac ncgotiis permixtos. sed si dubitationc Au-
gusti movcmur, quanto validius est quod Marco Agrippae, mox

10 mihi conlocavit? atque ego iiacc pro amicitia non occultavi :

11 ceterum ncque tuis neque Liviae destinatis adversabor. ipse 10
quid intra animum volutaverim, quibus adhuc necessitudinibus

12 inmiscere te mihi parem, omittam ad praesens refcrre: id tan-
tum apcriam. nihil esse tarn excclsum, quod non virtutes istae
tuusque in me animus mcreantur, datoque tempore vel in senatu
vel in contione non reticebo.' •?

41. Rursum Seianus, non iam de matrimonio, sed altius

16. tarn : iam Muretus.

1. antisse . ..amicitias. The ace. with
this verb is generally personal (cp. 3. 47, 4 ;
66, 5 ; 15. 50, 3 ; H. I. 87, 4, &c.) ; so that
probably ' amicitias ' is best taken for the
concrete ' amicos,' as in 2. 27, 2 ; 5. 2, 2,
&c. The comparison intended is chiefly
with the friends of Augustus of equestrian
rank, as Maecenas, Crispus Sallustius,
Proculeius, &c.

non occulti ferunt, ' openly main-
tain ' : cp. ' occulti ' 3. 29, 2, and the use
of ' ferre ' in 6. 26, 3 ; 49, 3, &c.

2. at enim — dAAd yap, anticipating
an objection, and referring to c. 39, 5.

4. in omnis curas distraheretur,
' had his attention distracted between all
kinds of cares,' i. e. had to look at diffi-
culties on every side. ' In ' has tiie force
of ' inter ' in 2. 67, 4, &c.

immensum, adv. as in c. 27, 3, &c.
He foresaw that his son-in-law would at-
tain an enormous elevation, and might
hence think tliat he had better not be
already too great.

5. C. Proculeium : see Hor. Od.
2. 2, 5. Dio (54. 3, 5) states that he was
brother of Varro Muraena (see on i.
10, 3), and of Terentia, wife of Mae-
cenas, but the relationship is not clear.

6. quosdam, sc. 'alios ': Nipp. com-
pares 'tecum et cum quibusdam ' Cic.
Fam. 4. 6, 2, also Caes. B. G. 6. 24, 2.

7. negotiis permixtos : cp. 'consiliis
permixtum ' 3. 38, 2.

8. quanto validius, &c., i. e. his
ultimate decision is far more important
than his previous thouglit. On these
marriages cp. 1.3, i ; 53, 2 ; Introd.
viii.p. 133.

10. ceterum : he seems iiere to fall back
on the evasive reply which he had taken
credit for not making, ' posse ipsam Liviam
statuere,' i&c.

11. quibus, Sec, ' by wliat ties I con-
template connecting you with me.' He
is called 'geiier ' in 5. 6, 2 ; 6. 8, 6 ; and
some member of the imperial house is
called his fifK\6vvn<pos (Dio, 58. 7, 5).
Zonaras, who otherwise closely follows
Dio, states (11. 2] that it was Julia, the
daughter of Drusus and Livia ; others
have thought that it was Livia herself
who was ultimately betrothed to him.
Neither can well be alluded to here, for
the alliance with Livia is here to be
understood as refused, and Julia was still
the wife of Nero. Unless, therel'ore, Taci-
tus or his authority has here inserted
these words by error, we must sup])ose
that only some vague promise is lield
out in them. See note on 6. 27, i.

15. in contione, i.e. in edict.

16. altius metuens : cp. ' altiorpavor'
(16. 29, i), and note on i. 32, 7. His

54°

P. CORNELIl TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 77S.

metucnSjtacita suspicionum, vulgi rumorem, ingruentem invidiam
deprecatur. ac ne adsiduos in donium coetus arcendo infrin- 2
geret potentiam aut receptando facultaleni criminantibus prae-
beret, hue flexit, ut Tiberium ad vitam procul Roma amoenis
5 locis degendam impelleret. multa quippe providebat : sua in 3
manu aditus litterarumque magna ex parte se arbitrum fore, cum
per milites commearent; mox Caesarem vergente iam senecta
secretoque loci moUitum munia imperii facilius tramissurum ; et
minui sibi invidiam adempta salutantum turba, sublatisque in-

10 anibus veram potentiam augeri. igitur paulatim negotia urbis, 4
populi adcursus, multitudinem adfluentium increpat, extoUens
laudibus quietem et solitudinem, quis abesse taedia et ofifen-
siones ac praecipua rerum maxime agitari.

42. Ac forte habita per illos dies de Votieno Montano,

15 Celebris ingenii viro, cognitio cunctantem iam Tiberium perpulit
ut vitandos crederet patrum coetus vocesque, quae plerumque

10. uera potentia augere : vera potenlia augeri R, veram potentiam augere Mur.,
text Marcilius.

reply shows that he understood the irony
ot c. 40, 7, &c. ; and he beseeches Tibe-
rius not to harbour suspicion against him,
or listen to idle tales and malignant at-
tacks on him. On ' tacita suspicionum '
see Introd. v. § 32 b.

2. in domum. Nipp. rightly takes
this closely with ' adsiduos,' ' streaming
into his house.' Seneca, under similar
circumstances, discontinued such recep-
tions : see 14. 56, 6.

7. per milites. The ' speculatores,'
among other duties, appear to have been
the 'tabellarii' of the priuceps (Suet.
Cal. 44, Plut Galb. 8).

commearent, sc. ' litterae.' The
verb is generally used of persons, but also
of 'sermones' (2. 28, 2), ' navis ' (Cic.
Verr. 2. 5, 18, 46), &c.

vergente . . . senecta. Nipp. shows
that this is abl. abs. and not depending
on ' moUilum.' The retirement would
cooperate with the consciousness ot fail-
ing power by enervatmg him. ' Vergens
senecta' seems rightly taken like ' pro-
vecta senectus ' (14, 2), and as a stronger
term than ' vergens aetas,' used by Tiberius
of himself two years (c. 9, 5), and even
eight years eailier (2. 43, 1).

8. secrete, ' seclusion ' ; as ' secretum
Asiae' II. i. 10, 2, &c. This substantive

sense appears first in Vergil (e. g. G. 4,
403, &c.).

10. veram potentiam augeri. The
intransitive use of ' augere ' could be
defended (cp. Cato, ap. Gell. 18. 12, 7 ;
Sail. Fr. II. 1.48 D, 51 K, G. p. 144.
§ 6) ; but it is awkward to supply ' se ' as
its subject, and Tacitus has elsewhere
'augere potentiam.' The text above
answers best to ' minui . . . invidiam.'

13. ac praecipua rerum maxime agi-
tari (sc. ' ac in quibus,' &c.), ' and where
the most weighty aflairs (cp. c. 40, i)
come in for the chief attention,' without
the interruptions of smaller matters.

15. Celebris ingenii viro. He is fre-
quently mentioned as an orator and de-
claimer, by M. Seneca i^see Controv. 20,
12 ; 28. 1 j;, 17 ; Praef. Lib. 9), who states
that he had before sustained an accusation
at the hands of 1*. Vinicius '^see 3. 11, 2),
and that Scaurus (see i. 13, 4, &c.) used
to call him the Ovid of orators, for his
tendency to repeat himself, and for other
qualities. Julius Montanus, a poet (Ov.
ex v. 4. 16, II ; M. Sen. Contr. 16, 27 ;
L. Sen. Ep. 122, 11) is not, as Lips, had
thought, the same person.

cunctantem iam, i. e. ' already be-
ginning to think of it' ; thus ' dubitaverat '
(^' had thought of) c. 571 5*

A D.

LIBER /r. CAP. 41-43.

541

2 verae et t^ravcs coram in^erebantur. nam postulato Votieno ob
contumclias in Caesareni dictas, testis Aeinilius c militaribus
viris dum studio probandi cuncta rcfcrt ct quamquam inter
obstrepentes magna adseveratione nititur, audivit Tiberius probra
quis per occultum lacerabatur, adcoque perculsus est, ut se vel 5
statim vcl in cognitione purgaturum clamitaret precibusque

3 proximorum, adulatione omnium acgre componeret animum. et
Votienus quidem maiestatis poenis adfectus est : Caesar ob-
iectam sibi adversus reos inclementiam co pervicacius amplcxus,
Aquiliam adulterii delatam cum Vario Ligure, quamcjuam Len- m
tulus Gaetulicus consul designatus lege lulia damnasset, exilio
punivit Apidiumque Merulam, quod in acta divi Augusti non
iuraverat, albo senatorio erasit.

43. Auditae dehinc Lacedaemoniorum et Messeniorum le-
gationes dc iure templi Dianae Limnatidis, quod suis a maiori- 15

15. liminatidis : text L.

1 . coram (sc. ' ipso ') : what had been
said of him behind his back was now re-
peated as evidence before his face. For
' ingerebantur ' cp. i. 72, 2.

postulato. This process is distinguish-
ed below from the actual 'cognitio.' That
a i^reliminary examination look place at
this stage is seen from c. 21,4, &c.

2. Aemilius : see on 2. 11, 2. ' Vir
militaris/ a fre(|iient expression in Tacitus
(15. 10, 2, &c.) and Livy.

4. obstrepentes : cp. ' obturbabant . . .
patres specie detestandi' 6. 24, 4.

6. purgaturum. Nipp. shows that
'probra' is to be supplied : cp. 3. 13, 2;
16. 24, i; and 'purgare ciimina' Cic.
Clu. I, 3, &c.

8. maiestatis poenis. Jerome on
Eus. Chron. (Oj). viii. 56S, Migne) records,
on 782, A.l). 29, ' \'otienus Montanus,
Narbonensis orator, in Balearibus insulis
nioritur, illuc a Til)erio rclegatus.'

9. amplexus, ' accepting the imputa-
tion ' : cp. 6. 8, I. &-C.

10. delatam. For the genit. with this
word cp. 6. 47, 2 ; 14. 48. 2, and ' furti
delalus' in Cic: see Introd. v. § 33 c.

Vario Ligure, mentioned again 6.
30, I. The name "P. Variiis P. f. Aem.
Ligus filius' is found on an inscription at
Alba Pumpeia in honour of young Tibe-
rius Gemellus (C. 1. I., v. 7598).

Lentulus Gaetulicus. Cn. Corne-
lius Lentulus Gaetulicus had been praet.

peregr. in 776, a. D. 23 (see Nipp.), and
is known as an epigrammatist (Mart. i.
pracf. PI. Epp. 5. 3, 5), and has been
thought (Introd. iii. p. 17) to have written
history. On his subsequent life see 6.
30; on his brother, c. 34, i. The cog-
nomen was acquired by his father Cn.
Cornelius Lentulus Cossus (cos. 753,
B.C. I) for victories in Africa (Veil. 2.
116, 2). On 'damnasset' see on 3.

y^, ?,■

11. exilio. This involved loss of citi-
zenship and property: the 'lex lulia'
(see on 2. 50, 2) partial loss of the latter
only.

12. in acta . . . iuraverat : see on i.
72, 2.

13. albo senatorio : cp. 'alljum iudi-
cum ' (.Suet. CI. 16, &c.''. This Kevxai^ia
was fust posted up by Augustus in 745,
H. c. 9 (Dio, 55. 3, 3). On the ex])uUion
of senators by the princeps cp. 2. 48, 3.

14. Lacedaemoniorum, Sec. Achaia,
though under Caesar (i. 76, 4\ seems
here to be still treated ns a senatoiial
province. Sparta was a free state within
it, like Athens. On such boundary
(juestions and ihe means taken to settle
them see Staatsr. iii. 1200.

15. iure, 'the right over"; so ' iura
liberforum' H. 2. 92, 4.

Limnatidis, situate in the place
called At/j-vai (Pans. 4. 31, 3\ Stfabo
says (8. 4, 9, 362) tu 5' iv \l^lva^■i ttjt

542

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 778.

bus suaque in terra dicatum Lacedaemonii firmabant annalium
mcmoria vatumque carminibus, sed Macedonis Philippi, cum quo
bellasscnt, armis adcmptum ac post C. Caesaris et M. Antonii
sentcntia redditum. contra Messcnii veterem inter Herculis 2

f posteros divisionem Peloponnesi protulere, suoque regi Dentha-
liatem agrum, in quo id delubrum, ccssisse ; monimentaque eius
rei sculpta saxis et aere prisco manere. quod si vatum, anna- 3
Hum ad testimonia vocentur, plures sibi ac locupletiores esse;
neque Philippum potentia sed ex vero statuisse : idem regis 4

10 Antigoni, idem imperatoris Mummii iudicium ; sic Milesios 5
permisso publice arbitrio, postremo Atidium Geminum prae-

a

5. recident heliatem : text L and Nipp. 7. annaliumque Em., aut annalium

Heraeus. 9. inpotentia Madvig, pro potentia Ritter.

'ApTtfilhoS IfpOV fV pifOopioii ((TTl T^S T€

AaKojviKfjS Kal rfji Mfaarjvias^ He also
states that an outrage committed there
caused the first Messenian war. The site
and remains of the temple are at Volim-
nos on the western slope of Taygetus :
see the map in Diet, of Geog. ii. p. 343 ;
also Grote. Hist. vol. ii. ch. 7, p. 572.

1. annalium, 'history': cp. 3. 65, i.

2. Philippi, the father of Alexander
the Great. He invaded Laconia in B.C.
337, after Chaeronea : see Strab. 8. 4, 8,
361 ; Cirote, Hist. ch. 90 (vol. xi. p. 704).

3. C. Caesaris, the dictator.

4. Herculis posteros, Temenus, Kres-
phontes, and the sons of Aristodemus :
see Grote, Part i. ch. 18 (vol. ii. p. 6).

5. regi Denthaliatem. Lipsius' read-
ing ' regi Dentheliatem ' is amended as
above from the form in Stcph. Byz. (p.
225, Mein.) AtvOaKwi (vv. 11. AeXOdvvoi,
A(\6avioi) TTuKis ixla rwv vtptftax'ri'rajv
tdfOffrjviois Kal AaKtSaiixoviois. For its
situation see the map noted above.

6. cessisse, sc. ' dicebant ' ; supplied
from 'protulere.'

7. saxis et aere. On such extensions
of the local abl. see Introd. v. § 25.

vatum, annalium. The asyndeton
suits the rhetorical character of the pas-
sage, and might be used to emphasize
* annalium ' (cp. Introd. v. § 65), or some-
what contemptuously, to dismiss all such
evidence as trivial (Pfitzner, p. 107). A
long list of enumerative asyndtta from
Tacitus is given here by Nipp.

8. vocentur, 'are challenged to '; like
' vocare in ius,' &c.

locupletiores, 'more trustworthy';

a frequent sense in Cic. with ' anctor ' or
'testis.'

9. potentia, ' arbitrarily ' ; i.e. ' be-
cause he was master': cp. 'qui vi et po-
testate non iure et legibus cognoscunt '
(Dial. 19, 5) ; where the abl. appears to
partake both of instrumental and causal
character.

ex vero, ' from the truth of the case.'

10. Antigoni. Antigonus Doson occu-
pied Sparta after the victory of Sellasia
in n.C. 222 (Polyh. 2. 70) ; Mummius had
arranged the affairs of Achaia after the
fall of Corinth in 608, H.c. 146.

1 1 . permisso publice arbitrio ; rightly
explained by Nipp. to mean ' the arbitra-
tion having been entrusted to their state '
(cp. ' publice 'c 36,2). Record of similar
awards by an fKK\r)Tos iroXn is often found ;
and this one was inscribed on the base of
the statue of Nike by Paeonios at Olympia,
and is given and explained by Mr. Hicks
(Manual of Greek Inscriptions, No. 200\
to whom I am also indebted for its date as
probably that of the consulship of Q. Cal-
purnius Piso (a. u. c. 619, B.C. 135). The
awarding body was a panel of 600 dikasts ;
the majority (584 to 16^ being sucli as to
justify Mr. Hicks' inference that the case
was clear, and that the subsequent counter-
decision (see § i) was probably an in-
stance in which Antonius had traded on
supposed memoranda of Caesar.

Atidium Geminum. Borghesi (v.
311) shows that, as the gens Atidia
has no re]iublican nobility, this person
was probably praetorian proconsul (see
on I. 74, 1) at some time after 725, B.C.
29 : see more fully in Nipp.'s note.

A.D. 25.]

LIBER ir. CAP. 43, 44.

543

6 torcm Achaiac dccrcvissc. ita secundum Mcsscnios datum, ct
Segcstani aedem Veneris montem apud E!rycum, vetustate di-
lapsam, restaurari postulavere, nota memorantes de origine cius

7 et laeta Tibcrio. susccpit curam libens ut consanguineus. tunc
tractatac Massilicnsium prcces probatumque P. Rutilii exem- 5
plum ; namque cum legibus pulsum civcm sibi Zmyrnaei addi-

8 derant. quo iure Vulcatius Moschus cxul in Massilicnses reccp-
tus bona sua rei publicac corum ut patriae reliquerat.

44. Obiere eo anno viri nobiles Cn. Lentulus et L. Domitius.
Lentulo super consulatum et triumphalia de Getis gloriae fuerat 10

2. delapsam : text Ern. ; cp. i. 16, 5. 10. degetes : text margin and B.

1. secundum Messenios datum, sc.
' iudiciuiTi ' or ' ins tem])li ' ; the question
mooted at the beginning of the chapter :
for the phrase cp. H. 3. 7, i, Suet. CI. 15,
Cic. and Liv. Boundary stones in accord-
ance with this award, and apparently
belonging to this date, inscribed "Opos
AaKfSai^oi'i irpui Mtaarjvrji', are still seen
on the spot : see map above cited.

2. Segestani . . . montem apud Ery-
cum. Segesta (the Greek "Eyfara) and
the mountain of Eryx were in the north-
west corner of Sicily ; the latter being iden-
tified with Monte S. Cjiuliano near Tra-
pani Drepanum), and the ruins of the
former traceable north-west of Calatafimi,
west of Alcamo. The city of Eryx on the
slope of the mountain had been deserted
(Strab. 6. 2, 6, 272"), ]irobably ever since
its destruction by Hamilcar Barca (l)iod.
23. 9 ; 24. 8), and we gather here that its
territory had parsed to the Segestans; but
the temple on the summit had been of
old (^Thuc. 6. 46, 31, and continued to be,
very famous ; and the goddess had also
under this title a temple in Rome. The
form 'Ei yens' is found in Cic. Verr. 2.

2, 8, 22 ; 47, 115.

vetustate dilapsam. The expres-
sion is used by Livy (4. 20, 7). The
form 'dilapsam' is supported by H. J.
68, 2 ; 86. 3 : cp. also ' viam . . . vetustate
dilapsam' Insc. Henzen 5 119. H. 4. 40,

3, is slightly different.

3. de orieine. Both cities were in-
habited by Elymi, who claimed a Tro-
jan origin i Thuc. 6. 2, 3V Segesta Uhe
Acesta of Verg. Aen. 5, 718) and the tem-
ple (Id. 759") boasted Aeneas as founder;
the eponymus of Eryx was also called
a son of the goddess (Id. 24 and 412);
whence both are connected with the an-
cestry of the lulii.

4. suscepit curam. According to
Suetonius (CI. 25) the actual work was
carried out by Claudius, at the cost of the
aerarium.

5. preces, i.e. that the will of Volca-
tius Moschus might be allowed.

P. Rutilii : see 3. 66, 2. Exiled by
a judicial sentence ,' legibus '), in 661 or
662, B.C. 93 or 92, on what is said to have
been an unjust charge (Liv. Epit. 70,
Veil. 2. 13. 2) of ' repetundae.' he re-
ceived in place of his Roman citizenship
that of Smyrna (Cic. Balb. 11, 28).
Usually this ' ius exulandi' obtained only
in relation to provincial states connected
witli Rome by a ' foedus,' which Smyrna
was not but Massilia was ^^.Staatsr. iii.
49. n. 2).

7. quo iure, taken with ' receptus.'

9. Cn. Lentulus: see i. 27, i, and
note there. The date there given of his
consulship is consistent with his being
' senectulis extremae ' (c. 29, i).

10. de Getis. The same pco])le ap-
pear to have been known as Cietae and
Paci ; Cotiso being called king of the
former by Suetonius (Aug. 63', and of
the latter by Horace (Od. 3. 8, 18), &c.
Several petty wars against Dacians on
the Danube are recorded in the time
of Augustus (see Mon. Anc. v. 44, Gr.
xvi. 1 1, and Mommsen there); and Elorus
(2, 28) mentions the name of a Lentulus
in connexion with one of them, which
Mommsen dates in 759, A.n. 6. The
correction of Lijis., ' Gaetulis,' would
identify this Lentulus with the elder
Gaetulicus (see on c. 42, 3"^; who is
thought to have lived to a later date,
and to have been the ' Cossus ' who,
according to Seneca (Ep. 83, 13"), suc-
ceeded L. Piso (6. 10, 3) as praefcctus
urbis.

544

P. CORNELIl TACITI ANNALIUM [AU.C 779.

bene tolerata paupertas, dein magnae opes innocenter partae et
modeste habitae. Domitrum decoravit pater civili bello maris 2
potens, donee Antonii partibus, mox Caesaris misceretur. avus
Pharsalica acie pro optumatibus ceciderat- ipse delectus cui 3
5 minor Antonia, Octavia gcnita, in matrimonium daretur, post
exercitu flumen Albim transcendit, longius penctrata Germania
quam quisquam priorum, easquc ob res insignia triumphi adep-
tus est. obiit et L. Antoniiis, multa claritudine generis, sed 4
inprospera. nam patre eius lullo Antonio ob adulterium luliae 5
10 morte punito hunc admodum adulescentulum, sororis nepotem,
seposuit Augustus in civitatem Massiliensem, ubi specie studi-
orum nomcn exilii tegcretur. habitus tamen supremis honor, 6
ossaque tumulo Octaviorum inlata per decretum senatus.

I. paratae : text L. 4. deiectus : electus B, text Pich. 9. iulio.

1. partae, the usual word for 'ac-
quired': cp. c. 51, 2; 66, I; I. 9, 2 ;
6. 18, 2; &c.

2. pater. On the family of the Do-
mitii Ahenobarbi see Suet. Ner. 1-5. This
one, who is there called the best of the
race, delivered up to Antonius in 714,
li.c. 40, the republican fleet under his
command, and thus procured the reversal
of the condemnation which he had incurred
by the ' lex Pedia,' and subsequently at-
tained a consulship in 722, B.C. 32. He
deserted to Caesar shortly before Actium,
and died a few days afterwards.

3. avus, L. Domitius, cos. 700, B.C.
54, one of the most energetic and uncom-
promising opponents of Caesar : see Suet.
Ner. 3, &c. He was slain in the pursuit
after Pharsalus (Caes, B. C. 3. 99, 4).

4. ipse : see Suet. Ner. 4, 5. L. Do-
mitius, Cn. f L. n. Ahenobarbus, cos. 738,
B.C. 16, was procos. of Africa in 742, B.C.
12 (,Insc. Or. 3693, Henzen 5369), one of
the ' Arvales' (C. I. L. vi. 2023 a) and
was honoured by a statue in the Acropolis
of Athens (C. I. Att. iii. i, 581). Suet,
calls him haughty, cruel, and prodigal.

5. minor Antonia. Here, and in
12. 64, 4, Tacitus appears to confound
the tvvo sisters : see Introd. ix. note 20.
Dio, in his mention of this marriage (48.
54, 4), confounds this Domitius with his
father.

6. Albim transcendit. This took
jilacc in some year previous to his com-
mand in Lower Germany in 752, B.C. 2
(Dio, 55. 10 a, 2). He was then in com-
mand on the Danube, and probably started

from Vindelicia (Momms. Hist. v. 28,
E. T. I. 31), and settled a horde of Her-
munduri in the territory held afterwards
by them (see on G. 41, i), but which had
belonged to the Marcomani. He crossed
the Elbe without opposition, (Dio, 1. 1.),
perhaps in or north of Bohemia (see 2.
46, 5). Driiger notes that this verb is
nowhere else used of crossing a river.

7. quam quisquam priorum, so.
' penetraverat.' The construction is ap-
parently sacrificed to brevity of expression :
cp. 13. 19, 3. Eor a full discussion of it
see Joh. Midler, Beitr. sect. 3, pp. .'>i-.^3.
Drusus had already reached, but not
crossed, the Lower Elbe from the west
(Dio, 55. 1,2), and the fleet of Tiberius
afterwards sailed up it (Veil. 2. 106; ;
but in the time of Tacitus this ' flumen
inclutum et notum olim, nunc tantum
auditur' ^G. 41, 2).

9. luUo Antonio : see on i. 10,3. He
had married Marcella, daughter of Oc-
tavia (Introd. ix. note 18 .

II. seposuit, often used of a miW or
virtual exile by Tacitus as H. i. 10, 2;
13, Q, &c.), and Suetonius (0th. 3, &c. .

Massiliensem. Stiabo (4. i, 6,
18O describes Massilia as a school of
Hellenic culture, fiequented by pro-
vincials, and also by Roman nobles, who
often preferred it to Athens. Agrioola,
who was born near it, studied there (Agr.

specie : cp. ' specie secessus i. 4, 4.

13. tumulo Octaviorum, i. e. that of
his grandmother's finiily ; not the same
as the tomb of the Caesars (i. 8, 6, &c.).

A.D. 2r-,.]

LIBER IV. CAP. 44 46.

545

45. Isdcm consulibus facinus atrox in citeriore Hispania ad-
missum a quodam agresti nationis Termcstinae. is praetorem
provinciae L. Pisoncm, pace incuriosum, ex inproviso in itinere
adortus uno vulncre in mortem adfccit ; ac pernicitate equi pro-
fugus, postquam saltuosos locos attigerat, dimisso equo per 5

2 derupta et avia sequentis frustratus est. neque diu fefcllit : nam
prenso ductoque per proximos pagos equo, cuius foret cognitum.

3 et repertus cum tormentis cderc conscios adigeretur, voce magna
sermone patrio frustra se interrogari clamitavit : adsistcrent sccii
ac spcctarent ; nullam vim tantam doloris fore, ut veritatcm lo

4 eliccret. idemque cum postero ad quaestionem retrahcrctur, co
nisu proripuit se custodibus saxoque caput adflixit, ut statim

5 exanimaretur. sed Piso Termestinorum dolo caesus habetur ;
quippe pecunias e publico interceptas acrius quam ut tolerarent
barbari cogebat. '5

46. Lentulo Gaetulico C. Calvisio consulibus decreta triumphi

ter
2. ter maestina eis : text marfjin and B, below pemnestinorum. ii. quaesitione

text Ritt., so written always elsewhere. 14. qui : quia Pich., text Bezzenberger.

1. citeriore Hispania, Hispania Tar-
raconensis : see on c. 5, 2.,

2. Termestinae. These people are
mentioned in Liv. Epit. 54, and the name
is found on coins, also lipms in Ptol.
2. 6, 56 (cp. PI. N. H. 3. 3, 4, 27\
TfpfiavTia in App. Hisp. 76. The name
is still traced in a locality suitable to
these notices, at the sources of the Douro
near Osma, not far from the site of Mu-
mantia.

praetorem, properly ' legatum Au-
gusti propraetore.'

3. L. Pisonem. Borghesi (v. 312)
thinks this I'iso probably a son of the
' praefectus urbis' (6. 10, 3), and the ' maior
iuvenum ' (cp. note on c. 62, i) addressed
by Horace (A. P. 366) some thirty-five
years before this date; also that he may
have been cos. suff. in 760, A.D. 7. Some,
as Michaelis (see Nipp.}, place, the
Horatian Kl)i^tle and the persons ad-
dressed in it earlier: see Dean W'ickham,
Horace, ii. p. 332. One of the name is
also recorded as a 'duumvir' at Pola
(C. I. L. V. 54).

4. in mortem : see Introd. v. § 60 b ;
also c. 62, 4.

5. saltuosos locos, repeated in 6. 34,
2. On the plural ' loci ' cp. i. 61, 2.

6. derupta et avia : cp. ' avia ac de-
rujita ' 6. 21, 2.

8. adigeretur, with inf. : cp. c. 29, 3.

11. postero. so. 'die.' In the similar
passage in 15. 57, 3, and in Caes. B. G. 7.
II, 5, 'dies' is in the context: cp. 'in
posterum ' c. 73, 7, and on other such
ellipses, Introd. v. § 80.

12. proripuit. This verb appears only
here to take the construction of ' eripere.'

13. habetur. Nipp. notes that this
verb in this sense is not often used with
inf. or part.: cp. 12. 15, 2; also ' volen-
tia plebi facturus habebatur,' Sail. H. 4,
31 D, 56 K, 33 G.

14. e publico, sc. 'Termestinorum ;
frauds of its citizens or magistrates on
their own community : for intervention
ol Konian magistrates in such cases see
2. 54, 2. 'Publicum' could hardly mean
the Roman ' aerarium,' as the province
was Caesarian.

16. Lentulo . . . Calvisio. On the
former see c. 42, 3. C. Calvisius Sabi-
nus is mentioned again in 6. 9. 5 ; also as
legatus of Pannonia under Gaius, when
he was accused and committed suicide
(Dio, 59. 18, 4; cp. H. 1.48, 4). His
father C. Calvisius C. f. -Sabinus was con-
sul in 750, B.C. 4 (C. I. L. i. p. 54S).

546

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 779.

insignia Poppaeo Sabino contusis Thraecum gentibus, qui mon-
tium editis sine cultu atque eo ferocius agitabant. causa motus 2
super hominum ingenium, quod pati dilectus et validissimum
quemque militiae nostrae dare aspernabantur, nc regibus quidem
6 parere nisi ex libidine soliti, aut si mitterent auxilia, suos due-
tores praeficere nee nisi adversum accolas bclligcrare. ac turn 3
rumor incesserat fore ut disiecti aliisque nationibus permixti
diversas in terras traherentur. sed antequam arma inciperent, 4
misere legates amicitiam obsequiumque memoraturos, et man-

10 sura haec, si nullo novo onere temptarentur : sin ut victis scr-
vitium indiccretur, esse sibi ferruni et iuventutem et promptum
libertati aut ad mortem animum. simul castella rupibus indita 5
conlatosque illuc parentes et coniuges ostentabant bellumque
impeditum arduum cruentum minitabantur.

15 47. At Sabinus, donee exercitus in unum conduceret, datis
mitibus responsis, postquam Pomponius Labeo e Moesia cum

2. incultu : inculti B, text Bezzcnb. i6. qiiain . . . uenire : text Jac. Gron.

1. Poppaeo Sabino : see i. 80, i, and
note there.

contusis: cp. 12. 31, 3; H. 4. 28,
4, &c. ; a poetical expression (Verg.,
Hor., &c.), but used also by Cicero,
Sallust, and Livy.

montium editis. On the genit. cp.
Introd. V. § 32 b. Haemus is specified
in c. 51, 6. The tribes are piobably
those which rose before (3. 38, 5.

2. sine cultu : Nipp. letains 'incultu'
as a modal abl., like 'catervis' (c. 51, i).
The word is found in Sail, and Liv. ; but
so bare and harsh a construction as ' in-
cultu agitare' is hardly justified by such
uses as ' iniussu,' iS,c.; and 'incultu' could
easily have arisen from ' sine cultu ' by
the absorption of ' s ' following ' editis,'
and alteration of ' ine cullu ' to ' incultu.'
'Cultus' is used oi luxuries and refine-
ments of life in 3. 30. 4 ; also in Caes.
B. G. I. I, 3, &c. Another very prob-
able correction, ' incultius,' is suj)|jorted by
the occurrence of ' incultius agitare ' (^or
'agcre'), in this sense, twice in Sallust
(Jug. 19, 6 ; S(), 7) : see Bursian, Jahres-
berichte, iii. 786.

4. militiae nostrae. The context
shows that this obligation had been
hitherto only that incumbent on other
vassal kingdoms (cp. c. 24, 3, &c. , to
furnish troojis under their own leaders
(c. 47, 1) Jor occasional service; and

that it was or was thought to be intended
to le\y a standing force, such as the
Thracian cohorts and ' alae ' of many
later inscriptions, liable to serve any-
where, and under Roman officers. See
on 6. 41, I.

7. disiecti. 'broken up': cp. i. 32, 7;
3. 2, 5. That the ordinary rule of em-
ploying these forces in their own country
(Introd. vii. p. i 26) had many exceptions.
is abundantly shown by inscriptions and
other evidence. Thus a Sygambrian co-
hort is employed here (c. 47, 5).

8. diversas: cp. i. 17, 5, &c.
arma inciperent ; a phrase formed

on the analogy of' bellum incipere.' On
this use of 'anna' cp. 3. 55, i, &c.

9. misere . . . memoraturos : cp. 2.

58. I-

12. libertati aut ad mortem: cj).
Introd. V. § 88 ; also ' vim oppidanis ac
in niercntores' 12. 55, I.

castella rupibus indita; so 'indi-
tam monti . . . urbem' (Hor. I. 36) : cp.
' lecta imposita rujiibus' Liv. 21. 32, 7,
' arccs Alpibus impositas' Hor. Od. 4.
14,12.

14. impeditum arduum cruentum.
The asyndeta form a rhetorical climax:
cp -c. 43, 3, &c.

16. Pomponius Labeo: see 6. 29, i.
Dio (_:;S. 24, 3) desciihes him as Mvffiay
OKTW (T«Xl fitTO, TTjV aTpuTT^yiav cip^as.

A.D. 26.]

LIBER IV. CAP. 46-48.

547

Icgioiic, rex Rhoenietalces cum auxiliis popularium, qui fidem
non mutaverant, venere, addita pracscnti copia ad hostem per<;it

2 compositum iam per angustias saltuum. quidam audentius
apertis in coUibus viscbantur, quos dux Romanus acie suggrcssus
baud aegre pepulit, sanguine barbarorum modico ob propinqua 5

3 suffugia. mox castris in loco communitis valida manu monteni
occupat, angustum et aequali dorso continuum usque ad proxi-
mum castellum, quod magna vis armata aut incondita tucbatur.

4 simul in ferocissimos, qui ante vallum more gentis cum carminibus

5 et tripudiis persultabant, mittit delectos sagittariorum. ii dum 10
eminus grassabantur, crebra et inulta vulnera fecere : propius
incedentes eruptione subita turbati sunt receptique subsidio
Sugambrae cohortis, quam Romanus promptam ad pericula nee
minus cantuum et armorum tumultu trucem hand procul in-
struxerat. 15

48. Translata dehinc castra hostem propter, relictis apud

priora munimenta Thraecibus, quos nobis adfuisse memoravi.

2 iisque permissum vastare, urere, trahere praedas, dum populatio

lucem intra sisteretur noctemque in castris tutam et vigilem

8. at R.

The legati of Moesia were, as a rule, con-
sulars ; so that Labeo, though generally
styled ordinary governor ai Moesia, may
have been subordinate to Sabinus: see note
on I. 80, I ; Marquardt, i. ,^02, n. 7.

1. Rhoemetalces : see 2. 67, 4 ; 3. 38,

4: 4-5. 5-

2. praeseuti copia. Macedonia, though
usually a senatorial province (see on i. 76,
4), was evidently not wholly ' inermis.'

3. compositum, ' concentrated ' : cp.

3- 74, 5- &c-

audentius . . . visebantur, ' were
more boldly showing themselves.'

4. suggressus : C[x 2. 12, 2.
6. suflfugia: cp. 3. 74, 2.

in loco, ' where he was' : cp. i. 63, 7.

montem . . . angustum, &c., ' a narrow
summit, extending in an unbroken ridge";
so Caes. B. G. 7. 44, 3 ' dorsum . . . prope
aequum, sed . . . angustum.'

8. armata aut incondita. 'Aut' is
apparently to be taken .ts in i. 55, '2, &c. ;
for, although there is no strict antithesis;
even the ' inconditi ' being defenders (not
the same as the 'inbelles' of c. 49, 3\ and
even the 'armati' being 'inconditi' (cp.
2. 12, 2, Sec.) ; an intelligible contrast can

still be drawn between forces organized
after their own fashion, and a mere rabble
who could only throw stones, &c.

9. more gentis. Thucydides (4. 126,
5) makes IJrasiJas thus describe the war-
fare of these or similar races : -nX-qOfi
Ciffojs SftvoL Kal ^OTjs ntytOfi d<pupr]Toi, i]
Tf hid KfVTji fnavaffftaii twv onKcuv «x*'
Tivd 5i)\ajaiv anfiKfji, So Livy (38. 17,
4) makes Manlius speak of the ' cantus
ineuntium proelium, et ululatus et tri-
pudia,' &c., characteiistic of the Gauls.

10. persultabant, in Lucr. i. 14, and
in prose from Livy ; often in Tacitus, as
II. 9, I ; H. 5. 15, I, &c.

12. recepti, ' re cued,' 'enabled to
withdraw.'

13. Sugambrae : see on 2. 26, 3. Sy-
ga«ibrian cohorts are mentioned in in-
scriptions (Henzen 6704, Wilm. 1270').
(Nipp. shows from another, that, in 887,
A. 1). 134, one was still in Moesia.

16. hostem propter, 'near the enemy' :
'propter' is used with anastrophe in 14.
9> ?> ' >.^- 47. 3 (Introd. v. § 77).

17. Thraecibus, those under Rhoeme-
talces (c. 47, i).

19. lucem intra sisteretur, ' should

548 P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 779.

capesserent. id primo servatum : mox versi in luxum et raptis 3
opulenti omittere stationes, lascivia epularum aut somno et vino
procumbere. igitur hostes incuria eorum conperta duo agmina ^
parant, quorum altero populatores invaderentur, alii castra
5 Romana adpugnarent, non spe capiendi, sed ut clamore, telis,
suo quisque periculo intentus sonorem alterius proelii non acci-
peret. tenebrae insuper delectae augendam ad formidinem. sed 5
qui vallum legionum temptabant, facile pelluntur ; Thraecum
auxilia repentino incursu territa, cum pars munitionibus adiace-

10 rent, plures extra palarentur, tanto infensius caesi, quanto per-
fugae ct proditores ferre arma ad suum patriaeque servitium
incusabantur.

49. Postera die Sabinus exercitum aequo loco ostendit, si
barbari successu noctis alacres proeliuin auderent. et postquam 2

15 castello aut coniunctis tumulis non degrediebantur, obsidium
coepit per praesidia, quae opportune iam muniebat ; dein fossam
loricamque contexens quattuor milia passuum ambitu amplexus
est ; turn paulatim, ut aquam pabulumque eriperet, contrahere
claustra artaque circumdare ; et struebatur agger, unde saxa

20 hastac ignes propinquum iam in hostem iaccrentur. sed nihil 3
aequo quam sitis fatigabat, cum ingens multitudo bellatorum inbel-

be checked before nightfall ': cp. 'quern 41, 1) ; but, by making it a similar abla-

sisti . . . posse speraverat ' H. 2. 1 1, 5, &c. tive.and bytaking tliem all with 'intentus,'

noctemque . . . capesserent ; a bre- the rhetorical climax of the asyndeta (cp.

vity of expression for ' noctu in castris se c. 46, 5) is rendered more forcible,

tutarenturvigiliasque capesserent.' 'Capes- 6. sonorem: cp. 1.65, i.

sere ' is generally used of undertaking a 9. adiacerent : cp. 1. 65, I, 'lying

duly, as in c. 16, 6 ; 3. 29, i, &c., but is along,' instead of standing on guard,

read with ' otium ' in 14. 3, i. 10. quanto . . . incusabantur : cp. In-

2. somno et vino procumbere. The trod. v. § 64, 2.

expression seems a reminiscence of Verg. 13. si, ' in case that ' : cp. i. 48, i.

Aen. 9, 236 ' somno vinoque soluti ' ; but 15. aut : cp. 2. 30, 2, &c.

the ablatives here appear to be those of 16. praesidia, 'fortified outposts.'

manner (see Introd. v. § 28), equivalent These were ready to hand, and lormed

to ' somnolent! et vinolenti.' They may the supports of his circumvallation.

also be causal, an exjilanation perhaps 17. loricam, ; a breast-work ' : cp. H.

best suited to 'lascivia epularum.' 4. 37, 4; sometimes spoken of as a pro-

4. alii. This, following 'altero,' is tection added to the ' vallum ' (Caes. B.
explained by Nipp. to mean 'others,' not d. 7. 72, 4; Curt. 9, 18, &c.), at other
' the others' ; the passage being so far an times as a slighter protection instead of
anacohithon that ' altero ' has strictly no regular entrenchments, the meaning here,
correlative to it. 'Contexens' is used by zeugma with ' fos-

5. adpugnarent: cp. 2. 81, i. sam.'

clamore, telis. These may be taken as 19. agger: see 2. 81, 2.

causal ablatives with ' intentus ' (as in 16. 2 1. aeque quam: cp. 2. 52, 5 ; H. 5.3, 3.

8, 1) or with 'non acciperet,' and 'suo bellatorum inbeliium, an asyndeton

p'riculo' may be a dative depending on pointing a contrast such as is frequent

'intentus' (^cp. 5. 10, 3 ; H. i. 79, 152. in rhetorical passages (cp. Introd. v.

A.D. 26.] ■ LIBER IV. CAP. 48-50. 549

4 lium uno rcliquo fonte uterentur ; simul equi armenta, ut mos
barbaris, iuxta clausa, egcstate pabuli cxanimari ; adiaccre cor-
pora hominum, quos vulncra, quos sitis perenierat ; pollui cuncta
saiiie, odorc, contactu.

50. Rcbusque turbatis malum extremum discordia acccssit, 5
his deditionem, aliis mortem ct mutuos inter se ictus parantibus ;
et erant qui non inultum exitium, scd cruptionem suaderent.

2 neque ignobilcs tantum his divcrsi sententiis, verum e ducibus
Dinis, provectus senecta et lon^^o usu vim atque clemcntiam
Romanam edoctus, ponenda arma, unum adflictis id remedium 10
disscrebat, primusque se cum coniuge et Hberis victori permisit :
secuti aetate aut sexu inbecilU et quibus maior vitae quam gloriae

3 cupido. at iuventus Tarsam inter et Turesim distrahebatur.

4 utrique destinatum cum libertate occidere, sed Tarsa properum
finem, abrumpendas pariter spes ac metus clamitans, dcdit exem- 15
pkim demisso in pectus ferro ; nee defuere qui eodem modo op-

5 peterent. Turesis sua cum manu noctem opperitur, haud nescio

6 duce nostro ; igitur firmatae stationes densioribus globis. et
ingruebat nox nimbo atrox, hostisque clamore turbido, modo per
vastum silentium, incertos obsessores effecerat, cum Sabinus 20
circumire, hortari ne ad ambigua sonitus aut simulationem quietis

I. simuleqne : simul acque B, text L, simulque Orsini. 8. quamuis: tantum his

kMadvig, [neque . . . sententiis] Kilter. 14. properandum Ricklefs, properum per

Haase, properus in Miiller.

§ 65). Some have thought the insertion are elsewhere used by Tacitus: see i. 35,

of 'que' necessary; others, as Driiger, 2; 41,2, &c..

take the words as an o.\ymoron. 16. oppeterent : cp. 2. 24, 3.

8. neque ignobiles, &c. 'His sen- 18. stationes: cp. i. 28, 5; perhaps

tentiis' would refer to the two opinions here ' out-posts/ as in 6. 34, 1.
held by the party of resistance, repre- globis : cp; 2. 11, 4.

sented below by 'I'arsa and Turesis, and 19. modo. Nipp. compares the similar

the 'ignobiles' are contrasted with 'e omission of ' modo ' in the first clause in

ducibus Dinis.' None of tlie explana- 6. 32, 2, and the parallel abbreviations

tions of the MS. text appear satisfactory, 'his, rursus illis,' ' hos. rursus illos ' ^H.

and those who retain it mostly bracket 3. 22, 3; 83, i), and notes 'vastum

the words as a gloss. silentium' (cp. H. 3. 13,4; Agr. 38, 2)

10. edoctus, with accus., as in 13. 47, as taken from l.iv. x. 34, 6. Cp. the ex-

2 ; H. 2. 90, 2. pression in 3. 4, i.

14. properum finem. The suggested 20. cum .. circumire : cp. 2.31, i.

corrections appear needless and injurious 21. ad ambigua souitus, sc. ' animum

to the force of the passage. The sense intcndcntes.' The expression resembles

of such a verb as ' suadens ' can easily be those in which ' ad ' has the force of ' in

supplied from the gerundive and ' clami- answer to,' or a similar meaning, as ' ad

tans,' and such exclamatory sentences, ea ' (i. 26, 2, &c.), 'ad omuis nunlios'

expressive of the emotion of the speaker, (II. 3. 56, 2J, &c.

VOL. I Nn

550 P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 779.

casum insidiantibus aperirent, sed sua quisque munia servarent
immoti telisque non in falsum iactis.

51. Interca barbari catervis decurrentes nunc in vallum manu-
alia saxa, praeustas sudes, decisa robora iacere, nunc virgultis et
5 cratibus et corpoiibus cxanimis complere fossas, quidam pontis
et scalas ante fabiicati infcrre propugnaculis eaque prensare,
detrahere et adversum resistentis comminus niti. miles contra 2
deturbare telis, pellere umbonibus, muralia pila, congestas Japi-
dum moles provolvcre. his partae victoriae spes et, si cedant,

10 insignitius flagitium, illis extrema iam salus et adsistentes pleris-
que matres et coniuges earumque lamenta addunt animos. nox 3
aliis in audaciam, aliis ad formidinem oppcrtuna ; incerti ictus,
vulnera inprovisa ; suorum atque hostium ignoratio et montis
anfractu repercussae velut a tergo voces adeo cuncta miscuerant,

15 ut quaedam munimenta Romani quasi perrupta omiserint. neque 4
tamen pervasere hostes nisi admodum pauci : ceteros, deiecto
promptissimo quoque aut saucio, adpetente iam luce trusere in
summa castelli, ubi tandem coacta deditio. et proxima sponte 5
incolarum recepta : reliquis, quo minus vi aut obsidio subigeren-

20 tur, praematura montis Haemi et saeva hiems subvenit,

16. deiecto : delete B, text Orelli; cp. c. 25, 6. 19. incorum : text B, ipsorum

llaase.

I. casum . . . aperirent, 'give an op- 9. partae victoriae spes, 'the hope

portunity,' i.e. of escape; like 'locum that they had already won the victury.'

aperire ' 13. 37, 4, &c. Nipp. prefers to take ' partae victoriae'

3. catervis. This modal abl. (see and 'flagitium' as nom., and 'spes' as

Introd. V. § 28) is much used in describ- depending, like 'animos,' on 'addunt;'

ing military formations: cp. H. 2. 42, 4 : but with this interjiretation 'flagitium'

3. 29, 3 ; 5. 16, I. In Caes. 'cuneatim,' and would seem better taken as accus.

in Sail, and Liv. ' catervatim,' are found. 10. insignitius : c|). 3. 70, 4.

nunc . . . nunc, here alone in Tacitus, 11. matres et coniuges : cp. c. 46, 5 ;

Irom ])oets and IJvy. the ' inbelles' of c. 49, 3.

manualia saxa; so ' manuales la- 12. aliis . . . aliis. The first are the

pides ' .Sisenn. ap. Non. 449, 2 ; the x^'P"" barbarians, the second the Romans.

irXTjOfii \iOoi of Xen. An. 3. 3, 17, and in . . . ad, interchanged, as in i. 28,7.

(according to common derivation) the incerti ictus, 'the having to aim at

Homeric x^Pf^"^"^- random.'

6. propugnaculis, 'turrets.' In this 14. velut a tergo. taken closely with

description throughout, T-acitus seems to 'voces'; 'cries seeming to come from

imagine Roman works of a more sub- the rear owing to the echo.'

stanlial character than such as appear 16. deiecto: 'dcleio' is used rather

implied in c. 49, 2 of bodies of men than individuals ;H. 2.

prensare : cp. the similar description 14, 6; 4. 18, 2 ; 79, 4").

in I. 68, 2. 18. coacta, ' was enforced ' : cp. 13.43,

8. muralia pila : cp. Caes. B. G. 5. 4; 16. 19, 4; 'vis cogcndae militiae '

4c, 6 ; 7. 82, 1 ; apparently longer than Liv. 4. 26, 3.

the ' pila ' used in Ime of battle. ' Pro- sponte, with genit. in 2. 59, 3, &c. ;

volvere' is used here by zeugma. with ' incolarum' again 13. 39, 7.

A.D. 26.]

LIBER IV. CAP. so S2.

551

52. At Roiiiac coniinota jM'incipis domo, ut scries futuri in
Agrippinain cxitii incij)crct, Claudia rulchra sobrina cius postu-

2 latur accLisante Uomitio Afro. is rcccns practura, modicus
dignationis et quoquo facinorc pro[)crus claresccre, crimen inpudi-
citiae, adulterum Furnium, vcneficia in principcm et devotiones 5

3 obiectabat. Agrippina semper atrox, turn et pcriculo propinquae
accensa, pcrgit ad Tiberiiim ac forte sacrificantem patri repperit.

4 quo initio invidiae non eiusdem ait mactarc divo Augusto victimas
et postcros cius insectari. non in effigies mutas divinum spiritum
transfusum : se imaginem veram, caelcsti sanguine ortam, intelle- 10

5 gerc discrimen, suscii)cre sordes. frustra Pulchram praescribi,
cui sola cxitii causa sit quod Agrippinam stultc prorsus ad cultuni

6 delegerit, oblita Sosiae ob eadem adflictac. audita haec raram

i
10. sed inaginem : scd imayincm B, text Miirtlus.

1 . commota =^^ ' concussa.' It had lost
Some of its stability by the death of
1 )rusus, also by the intrigues already set
in motion (c. u, &c.) against Agrippina
and her scjns.

2. sobriua eius. On this relationshiji
see Inlrod. ix. note i8, and Horghesi
(i. 417). Her suiijiosed father, adop-
tively named M. Valerius Messalla Bar-
batus Appianus, was cos. in 742, B. C. 12,
and was son of App. Claudius I'ulcher
(cos. 716, li. C. 38). From' the mention
ol her son (c. 60, i) it would appear that
she was wife of the unfortunate Quin-
tilius Varus.

3. Domitio Afro : see c. 66, i ; Dial.
'3' .^ ; '5. 3; V>\o. rg. 19; PI. Kpp. 2.
14, 10, &c. Quintilian often reiers to
him, and considered him the best oralor
he had ever heard (10. i, 118). His death
is noticed in 14. 19, i.

recens praetura. On the ahl. cp.
I. 41, 5. lie was consul in 792, A. i). 39
(l>ii), 59. 20, i), and 'curator a(|uarum '
from 802, A. D. 49, till his death (_f rontin.
de Aq. io2j. lie appears to have had
sons in high rank under Domiiian (sec
Ins;. Orell. 773 ; Henzen, p. 75I.

modicus dignationis. On the gen.
cp. 2. 73, 3. As he had already been
' praetor,' ' dignatio' is here to be taken of
his personal consideration or reputation,
as in 6. 27, 2; H. 3. So, 3, &c. It is
seen from what follows that his fame as
an orator had not yet been established.

4. properus, heie alone with inf. : cp.
Inlrod. V. § 47. Kor another Tacitean

usage of this word c]). 11. 26, 4, &c.

5. devotiones : cp. 2. 27, 2 ; 69. 5.

6. atrox, perhaps here, like 'ferox,'
in a good or neutral sense (cp. Hor. Od.
2. I, 24). 'i'acitus however uses it gene-
rally in a bad sense, as in 12. 22, i ; 13.
J 3, 4, &c.

7. sacrificantem patri, as one of the
' sodales Augustales ' ,1. 54, 2).

S. quo initio, abl. abs. : cp. ' eo prin-
cipio ' I. 16, 3.

invidiae : cp. c. 53. I ; 3. 67, 4. Many
instances of a somewhat similar use of
the word are collected by Mayor on Juv.
i.^. 123.

9. effigies mutas. She is supposed
to point to some statue before which
sacrifice was being offered.

10. se imaginem. In MSS. 'i'
and ' t ' are constantly confused, hence
' se imaginem " may have been corrupted
into ' setmaginem.'

iutellegere, &c., ' saw that the danger
was her own, took to her.-elf the sup-
jiliant's garb ' : the latter expression is no
doubt metaphorical. 'Sonles' is used
of the general condition of an accused
person 6. 8, 4 ; 12. 59, 3).

11. praescribi, ' is made the pretext';
so used only here and in 11. 16, 7, but
Caesar thus uses ' honesta praescriptio '
(B. C. 3. 32, 4).

1 2. ad cultum delegerit, = ' colendam
delegerit.'

13. Sosiae: see c. 19, i.

raram, taken closely with ' occulti
pectoris ' : it was not his habit to speak out.

552

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C.779-

occulti pectoris vocem elicuere, correptamque Gracco versu
admonuit non ideo laedi, quia non regnarct. Pulchra et Furnius
damnantur. Afer primoribus oratorum additus, div^ulgato ingenio 7
et secuta adseveiatione Caesaris. qua suo iure disertum cum
5 appellavit. mox capessendis accusationibus aut reos tutando 8
prosperiore eloquentiae quam morum fama fuit, nisi quod aetas
extrema multum etiam eloquentiae dempsit, dum fessa mente
retinet silentii inpatientiam.

53. At Agrippina pervicax irae et morbo corporis inplicata,

10 cum viseret earn Caesar, profusis diu ac per silentium lacriniis,
mox invidiam et preces orditur : subveniret solitudini, daret
maritum ; habilem adhuc iuventam sibi, neque aliud probis quam
ex matrimonio solacium ; esse in civitate g?n . . . Germanici con-
iugem ac liberos eius recipere dignarentur. sed Caesar non 2

15 ignarus, quantum ex republica peteretur, ne tamen offensionis
aut metus manifestus foret, sine responso quamquam instantem
reliquit. id ego, a scriptoribus annalium non traditum, repperi in 3

13. civitate : here Med. has a gap of about fourteen letters.
ex se Wurni, ea re Madvig.

15. exre publica ;

I. correptam : this appears to express
the action described by Suetonius, who
says (Tib. 53) ' nianu apprehend it.'

Graeco versu. .Suetonius (1. 1.)
appears to translate the line, 'si non
dominaris, filiola, iniuriam te accipere
existimas ' ; whence some have exercised
their ingenuity in an attempt to restore
the Greek original. Its sentiment re-
sembles the dictum of Jason of Pherae,
irfivTJv oTt fir) Tvpavuoi At. Pol. 3. 4, 9).

3. primoribus oratorum : see on § i.

4. suo iure disertum, 'one who could
claim the title of orator by right.' So
Cicero (Arch. 8, 18) appears to quote
Ennius as calling poets ' iure suo sancti.'

6. nisi quod. This qualifies the praise
of his eloquence. He was less high-
principled than eloquent, and even the
latter gift at last forsook him. On ' nisi
quod' cp. I. 33, 6. Quintilian describes
(12. II, 3) this failing of Afer in old age,
and records that it was said 'malle eum
delicere «juam desinere.'

9. pervicax, with genit. in H. 4. 5,
5 ; elsewhere, according to Drager, only
in Apul. ; so used after the analogy of
' tenax ' and many other words.

inplicata ; so "implicitus morbo' Liicr.
6, 1232 ; Caes. B. C. 3. 18, 1, &c.

IT. invidiam et preces: cp. 3. 67, 4.

12. habilem, sc. 'matrimonio.' She
must have been about thirty-nine or forty
years old (Introd. ix. note 8).

probis = ' pudicis' ; soused of women
in Ter. Ad. 5. 8, 7; Sail. Cat. 25, 2, &c.

13. esse in civitate. ' ()ui' and some
other word or words have been lost.

15. ex republica peteretur, ' how im-
portant,vicwed politically, was her request '
(cp. c. 31, 5, &c.j. With this or other read-
ings the substantial meaning is the same,
that to give a new husband to the grand-
daughter of Augustus and mother of llie
natural heirs to the principate was a very
grave matter.

16. manifestus, with gen. : cp. 2. 85, 3.

1 7. scriptoribus annalium. i. e. pro-
fessed histoiians, such as he usually fol-
lows. Their works are here contrasted
with a more private or family memoir.

in commentariis Agrippinae filiae.
The only other express mention of these
is in Plin. N. H. 7. 8, 6, 46 ' Neronem
. . . pedibus genitum scribit parens eius
Agrippina.' On their probable indirect
intluence on the narrative of Tacitus, see
Inlrod. iii. p. 14. That the elder Agrip-
jnna was also in some way a writer ap-
pears from Suet. Aug. 86.

A. D. 26.]

LIBER IF. CAP. 52-55.

553

commcntariis Agrippinac filiac, quae Ncronis principis mater
vitam siiam et casus suorum posteris memoravit.

54. Ceterum Seianus maerentcm ct inprovidam altius percuHt,
immissis qui per speciem amicitiae moncrent paratum ei vcneiium,

2 vitandas soceri epulas. atque ilia simulationum nescia, cum 5
propter discumbcret, non vultu aut scrmone flecti, nullos attia-
gere cibos, donee advertit Tiberius, forte an quia audivcrat ;
idque quo acrius experiretur, poma, ut erant adposita, laudans

3 nurui sua manu tradidit. aucta ex eo suspicio Agrippinae, et
intacta ore servis tramisit. nee tamen Tibcrii vox coram secuta, 10
sed obversus ad matrem non mirum ait, si quid severius in earn

4 statuisset, a qua veneficii insimuiarctur. inde rumor parari
exitium, neque id imperatorem palam audere, secretum ad per-
petrandum quaeri.

55. Sed Caesar quo famam avertefet, adesse frequens senatui 15
legatosque Asiae, ambigentes quanam in civitate templum

9. suae : sua R.

I. quae . . . memoravit. The addition
of these words seems tu imply that the
book was no longer well known in the
time of Tacitus. It is not easy to see
why Tacitus should have inserted ' Ne-
ronis principis mater,' unless he meant
thus to give the date, i. e. that she wrote
them when she was mother of Nero, and
when he was princeps. This would fix
the d.nte within live years, and make it
probable that she wrote them during the
retirement jirccechng her death (13. 19, 1 :.

3. inprovidam, referring to her gene-
ral character.

4. immissis: cp. c. 19, i.

5. soceri, used of Tiberius as the ad-
optive father of her husband.

nescia : cp. 3. i, i.

6. propter, ' next to him.' The pro-
nominal accusative is constantly omitted
by Tacitus i,Introd.v. § 8). On ' discum-
bere ' as used of a single person cp. 3.
14, 2.

non vultu aut sermone flecti,
' never changed expression or spoke ' ;
abl. of respect, as 'sermone ac vultu in-
tentus' 6. 50, i. Nipp. shows that these
words are often coupled. ' Flecti ' is
used by zeugma with ' sermone.'

7. advertit, ' noticed it ' : cp. 6. 40, i ;
12. 51, 5, &c.

audiverat, had heard of her suspicion.

8. quo acrius experiretur, * for a

more testing experiment.' The sense is
analogous to the frequent one of activity
in research, &c.

ut erant adposita, ' as soon as they
had been placed on the table,' i. e. before
he or others tasted them 1, Doed.).

10. coram. Nipp. takes this to mean
'personally addressed to her,' noting
that ' coram ' acquires the sense of ' per-
sonally ' in c. 7-;, 1 ; 14. 13, i : cp.
' tcstimonia . . . coram et praesentes di-
cere ' Dial. 36, 5, ' si . . . coram potius,
me praesente, dixissent ' Cic. Leg. Agr. 3.
1,1. The sense of ' openly' (cp. 6. 8, 8 ;
13. 25, 4' is also applicable in this, and
in most of these passages.

11. obversus ad matrem: she is to
be understood as placed on the other side
of him.

si quid severius . . . statuisset. Sue-
tonius says (Tib. 53) that he never again
invited Agrippina : and his words at this
time may have expressed no more than
this intention.

1 3. secretum : for the absence of any
adversative particle cp. 5. 3, 3 ; Nipp. on

c. 35-

15. famam, the 'rumor' of c. 54, 4.
He wished to seem wholly occupied in
public business.

16. ambigentes, 'disputing': cp. 3.
43, 4. &c.

templum : see c. 15, 5.

554

P. CORNELIl TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 779.

statueretur, pluris per dies audivit. undecim urbes certabant, 2
pari ambitionc, viribus diversae. nequc niultum distantia inter
se memorabaiit de vetustate generis, studio in populum Roma-
num per bcUa Persi et Aristonici aliorumque regum. verum 3
5 Hypaepeni Trallianique Laodicenis ac Magnetibus simul tramissi
ut parum validi ; ne Ilienses quidem, cum parentem urbis Romac 4
Troiam rcferrent, nisi antiquitatis gloria pollebant. paulum 5
addubitatum, quod Halicarnasii millc et ducentos per annos nullo
motu terrae nutavisse sedcs suas vivoque in saxo fundamcnta
10 templi adscveraverant. Pergamenos (eo ipso nitcbantur) aede 6

5. hypae penitrali tani(]ue : text B. 6. nellienses : text B. S. alicarnasii :

Ilalicarnassii B, text Halm. 10. aeclc . . . sitam : text L.

4. bella : during the war with Perseu!;,
583 5S6, n. c. 171-16S, these cities form-
ed part of the dominion of Eunienes II.,
king of Peigamum, who assisted the Ro-
mans, thoiit;h with some suspicion of
duplicity. The gen. ' I'ersi,' formed from
' Perses,' like ' Achilli,' &c., is found also
in Sail. [\\. I, 6 D, 7 K, 8 G), but is an
archaism i^sce on 12. 13, 3). The war
with Aristonicus, who claimed the kini;-
dom of Pergamum after the death of At-
tains, was in 623-625, H. c. 131-120 (Liv.
lipit. 59 ; \ ell. 2. 4, &c.). By ' aliorum
regum ' are meant Mithridates, Pharna-
ces, and the Parthian>.

5. Hypaepeni. Hypaepa (Td"Tirai7ra)
was on the southern slope of Tmolus,
whence its name (^Steph. Byz.\ It ap-
pears to have been still existing in the
time of that author ; its site and reinains
are identified by Leake (Asia Minor, p.
256 ; with a place called Bereki or Bitghe.

Tralliani. Tralles, on the southern
slope of Messogis, at the site of the pre-
sent Aidin (juzelhissar, is very often men-
tioned in ancient authors, and generally
as an important and wealthy city; but
at this time may have been still affected
by the consequences of an earthquake,
after which it had leceived bounty from
Augustus .Strab. 12.8, 18, 579).

Laodicenis. Laodiceia ad Lycum,
on the borders of Phrygia and Caria, near
the Lycus, a tributary of the Maeander,
is also very e)fien mentioned, and gene-
rally as an important commercial city
(14. 27, I, and ' celeberrima ' in PI. N.
H. 5. 28, 29, 105): considerable ruins
still exist at f.skihissar. It had suffered
a similar disaster to that of Tralles
(Strab. 1. 1.).

Magnetibus : jirobably, as in 3. 62, i,
Magnesia on the Maeander is meant.

simul : cp. 3. 64, 3.

6. parum validi, sc. ' opibus ' ; not
important enough to be selected lor such
prominence.

Ilienses : see 2. 5,4, 3. Here, as there,
the name is restored Irom the context.

8. Halicarnasii ; so read with MS.S.
of Cic. and i'lin. N. H. This once famou-s
Carian city, on the site of Budrum, ap-
peals never to have completely recovered
its destruction by Alexander ^see Grote,
Hist. vol. xii. pp. 127-133"), and in later
times to have retained celebrity only
through its Mausoleum. An inscription,
however, has been found there, dating as
late as the time of Diocletian (G. I. L.
iii. 1, 449).

mille et ducentos per annos, i. e.
during their whole history : the number
is a round one, reckoned from the sup-
]iosed date of their foundation i^seeNipp.'s
note J. They were a colony Irom Troezen
(Hdt. 7. 99, 4), or, according to a later
version (Mela, i. ]6, 85), from Argos.

9. vivo in saxx), ' in natural rock'; so
as to avoid the necessity of laying con-
crete : this expression appears to be from
Verg. Aen. 1, 167 : cp. Ov. F. 5, 661.
The chief buildings of the city were on
a rocky hill (Newton, Travels and Dis-
coveries, ii. 205).

fundamenta templi, sc. 'fore': cp.
Introd. V. § 39 c.

10. Pergamenos: cp. c. 37, 4; 3.

63. 3-

eo ipso nitebantur, i. e. the fact by
which they supported their claim was
coiisiilered even to make against it. It
was not thought well that two temples to

A.I). 26.]

LIBER IV. CAP. 55, 56.

555

Augu.sto ibi .sita satis adeptos crcditum. ]{phcsii Milcsiique, hi
Apollinis, illi Dianac caerimonia occupavissc civitates visi. ita

7 Sardianos inter Zmyrnaeosque dcliberatuin. Sardiani dccretum
Etruriae rccitavere ut consanguinci : nam Tyrrhenum Lydum-
que Atye rcgc genitos oh multitudinem divisissc gcntcm ; Ly- 5
dum patrii.s in tcrris rescdis.se, Tyrrhcno datum novas nt conderct
sedes ; ct ducum e nominibus indita vocabula illis per Asiam,
his in Italia; auctamquc adliuc Lydorum opulentiam missis in

8 Gracciam populis, cui niox a Pclope nomen. simul h'tteras
impcratoruin et icta nobiscum focdera bello Macedonum ubcrta- 10
tcmque fluminum suorum, tempericm caeli ac dites circiim terras
memorabant.

56. At Zmyrnaei repetita vetu.state, seu Tantalus love ortus
illos, sive Theseus divina et ipse stirpe, sive una Amazonum con-

10. dicta: icta R, perhaps pacta Nipp.

Caesars should be in the same city. On
such parentheses see Introd. v. § 82.

aede Augusto ibi sita. The MS.
text could be taken as part of the
parenthesis and explanatory of 'eo ipso,'
which Haase further alters to ' quo ipso ' ;
but most editors have followed Lipsius.

1. Ephesii Milesiique : see 3. 61, i :
63, 5. The tenii)le of Caesar was not to
be placed in a city where any other and
more popular worship woultl eclijise it.

2. caerimonia, ' the rites ' or ' wor-
ship ' ; so more commonly in plur. as
' incuria cacrimoniarum . . . Augusti ' c.
36, 2. For a different use of the singular
see 3. 61, 3, &c.

3. Sardianos. It is to be inferred
that they had recovered from the disaster
caused by the eaithejuake ,2. 47, 3).

Zmyrnaeos : see 3. 63, 4.

decretum Etruriae, i. e. of the old
league of the twelve cities Liv. 5. 1,8;
33, y, &c.j before the Roman conquest of
Etrurla.

4. Tyrrhenum Lydumque. This
legend is found tirst in Hdt. i. 94, and,
with some differences, iu Dion. Hal. I,
27; Strab. 5. 2, 2, 4, 219, 222.

5. Atye, according to Hdt. (1. 1.) son
of Manes : Strabo i^l. 1.) gives another
form of the jiedigree, and also a version
making him son of Heracles and Om-
phale.

7. vocabula=' nomina' : cp. i. 3, 7.
per ... in : see Introd. v. § 62.

8. adhuc : cp. i. 17, 5.

in Graeciam. It has been thought
that Tacitus would have more correctly
specified the jiart of Greece, and may
have written 'in insulam ' ;so Urlichs),
for which 'in tiraeciam' was perhaps
originally a marginal gloss.

y. a Pelope. I'clops is a Phrygian in
Hdl. (7. 8, II, &c.! and others, a Lydiaii
in Pindar ^Ol. i, 37, &c.) and Pausanias
l.S- 1, 6).

litteras, ■ ' documents,' from former
Roman generals.

10. bello Macedonum, that with Per-
seus mentioned aljove.

ubertatem fluminum. Strictly, the
river of Sanies is the Pactiilus, which had
lost its fame in the time of -Strabo ; but
the Heimus, and its other tributaries, are
]irobably here included in the descrip-
tion.

11. dites . . . terras. Strabo (13. 4, 5,
626) speaks most strongly of the lertility
of the "Zaphiavuv ntSiov and of those ad-
joining it, the districts watered by the
Hermus and Cayster,

13. repetita vetustate, 'having re-
traced their antiquity,' or rather that of
the old deserted city (see on 3. 63, 4},
Nothing is here said of their Aeolic
colonization (lldt. i. 149, i . IJoth
Smyrna and Sardes had an ancient wor-
ship (.3. 63, 4 .

14. Theseus. An epigram fAnth. Pal.
ii. 442 refers to such a belief — fintp
'Adrjvaioi 'S.^vpvav antfiiiaajxtv. Theseus,
according to some legends J'lut. Thcs. 6 ;

556

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 779.

didisset, transcendere ad ea quis maxime fidebant in populum
Romanum officiis, missa navali copia non modo externa ad bella,
sod quae in Italia tolerabantur ; seque primos templum urbis
Romae statuisse, M. Porcio consule, magnis quidem iam populi
5 Romani rebus, nondum tamen ad summum elatis, stante adhuc
Punica urbe et validis per Asiam regibus. simul L. Sullam 2
testem adferebant, gravissimo in discrimine exercitus ob asperi-
tatem hiemis et penuriam vestis, cum id Zmyrnam in contionem
nuntiatum foret. omnes qui adstabant detraxisse corpori tegmina

10 nostrisque legionibus misisse. ita rogati sententiam patres 3
Zmyrnaeos practulere. ccnsuitque Vibius Marsus, ut M'. Lepido,
cui ea provincia obvenerat, super numerum legaretur, qui templi
curam susciperet. et quia Lepidus ipse dcligere per modestiam 4
abnuebat, Valerius Naso e praetoriis sorte missus est.

15 57. Inter quae diu meditato prolatoque saepius consilio

1 1. marcus : text R.

Diod. 4. 59; Pans. i. 17, 3), was son not
of Aegeus, but of Poseidon.

et ipse = /cat avros, a common phrase
in Tacitus (2. 2, 5 ; 12. 15, 2, &c.) and
Livy : see Gudeman on Dial. 30, i.

una Amazonum, an eponymous
"Xfivpva, who, according to Strabo (14. I,
4; ^'33)) founded Smyrna, afterwards
called Ephesus, from which Smyrna
proper was a daughter city. Pliny (N. H.
5. 29, 31, iiS) makes an Amazon the
direct foundress of Smyrna. The subjunct.
' condidisset' belongs to the or. obi.

1. transcendere, 'passed on'; so in
Veil. 2. 130, 3, and Quintilian.

ad ea quis . . . officiis. Nipp. gi%es
several instances in which the substantive,
belonging to the demonstrative, is attract-
ed to the relative (cp. Madv. § 319, obs.).
It is here also to be noted that the sen-
tence is not in meaning strictly equivalent
to ' ea, quis maxime fidebant, officia'
(as if some services to Rome were relied
on rather than others) ; but ' officia ' is
rather to be understood as in apposition
with ' ea,' 'what they most relied on,
namely, their services ' : cp. ' nee ulla . . .
quam ilia coUuvies' 14. 15, 4.

2. externa ad bella, the war with
Antiochus, 563-566, is c. 191-188; in
which their services are mentioned by
Livy (37. 16, I ; 54, I ; 38. 39, ii) and
Appian ^Syr. 2, &c.).

3. in Italia. The Social war of 664 —
667, B.C. 90-87, must be meant.

4. M. Porcio. Cato the Censor was
consul in 559, H.C. 195.

6. validis . . . regibus ; e. g. before
Antiochus had been weakened by the war
above mentioned.

7. gravissimo in discrimine ; in tlie
first Mithridatic war, in 670, n.c. 84..

8. in contionem nuntiatum, a Greek
constr. like daTjyytWov f'n Tfjv ffovXrjv
(Isoc. de Big. 6, 34S).

9. qui adstabant : cp. Introd. v. § 49.

10. ita, 'on these grounds': cp. c.
43, 6.

1 1 . Zmyrnaeos praetulere. A Smyr-
naean coin is extant, bearing on the ob-
verse the figure of Tiberius in the centre
of a temple, and the inscription 2«/3a-
aros Ti^tpios, on the reverse 'S.iiiaar-q and
'Xi'VK\r]ro'5 : see Eckh. ii. 547.

Vibius Marsus: cp. 2. 74, i.

M' Lepido : cp. 3. 32, 2. His pro-
consulate is attested by an inscription at
Pergamum ' praef. fabr. M'. Lepidi pro-
cos.' (C. I. L. iii. 398\ That ' ea
provincia' is Asia, is implied in 'Zmyr-
naeos.'

12. super numerum legaretur, 'a
supernumerary legate should be ap-
pointed': cp. 2. 47, 5. According to
Dio (53. 14, 7"! the legati of a consular
proconsul were three in number ; but
Nipp. notes that his statement that they
also were always consulars is not borne
out by inscriptions.

15. meditato, passive, as in 3. 5, 6,

A. D. 26.]

LIBER IV. CAP. 56, 57.

557

tandem Caesar in Campaniam absccssi/, specie dedicandi templa
apud Capuain lovi, apud Nolam Augusto, sed certus piocul urbe

2 degere. causam abscessus quamquam secutus plurimos auc-
torum ad Seiani artes rettuli, quia tamen cacde eius patrata sex
postea annos pari secreto coniunxit, plerumque permoveor, nuni 5
ad ipsum rcfcrri verius sit, saevitiam ac libidinem cum factis

3 promeret, locis occultantem. erant qui crederent in senectute
corporis quoque habitum pudori fuisse : quippe illi praegracilis et
incurva proceritas, nudus capillo vertex, ulcerosa facies ac ple-
rumque medicaminibus interstincta ; et Rhodi secreto vitare 10

4 coctus, recondere voluptates insucrat. traditur etiam matris

I. abscessit Halm, secessit Kitt., concessit Otto.
10. et . . . insuerat placed by H. Cion after occultantem.

7. occultantis : text R.

&c. ; not here apparently in the same
sense as 'meditans' in 3. 31, 2.

1. abscessit. Many retain the MS.
text, sup])Iyiny the idea of a verb of
motion from the sense ^see Introd. v.
§ 38 b '. The remedies are violent, but
on the other hand the passages cited by
Nipp. seem hardly parallel. -Such omis-
sions are suitable to epistolary style, or
to rapid narrative, as in 14. 8,4; Liv. 41.
3, 5; 44. 24, I : in Cic. Acad. Pr. i. i
the verb can be supplied from a sentence
above : in Snll. Jug. 100, i the sound-
ness of the text is not unquestioned : in
none of these instances is the idea of the
verb, as here, the prominent thought of
the whole passage ; which is therefore
more likely to have run here as in 3.
3'. 2.

2. apud Capuam lovi. This temple,
j)laced on a Capitol at Capua resembling
that of Rome, is called ' Capitolium ' in
Suet. Tib. 40.

apud Nolam Augusto, on the spot
where Augustus had died (cp. i. 9, i).
Dio says (56. 46, 3) 17 iv rfj NiAjj o'lKta,
(V 77 fifTTjWa^fv, erffifvifrOr]. In ])er-
sonally consecrating these, Tiberius prob-
ably acted as ' pontifex maximus ' : see
note on 2. 49, 2.

certus ; this use with the inf. is poet-
ical (Vcrg. Aen. 4, 564, &c.): see note
on c. 34, 2.

3. causara . . . rettuli, ' I have re-
ferred the cause ' ; =0 in 6. 49, 2. The
suggestions of Seianus have been men-
tioned in c. 41, 2. On the reasoning of
Tacitus see Introd. iv. p. 35 ; viii. p. 148.
He here overlooks the probability that
the original retirement may have been

due to one cause, its continuance to an-
other.

5. coniunxit. The expression is ]irob-
ably equivalent to ' sex annos continuos
mansit in secreto ' (Gerber and Greef,
Lex.), and akin to 6. 26, 3, not to c. 33,
3. ' Secreto ' could be taken as abl. of
quality.

plerumque permoveor, ' I often hesi-
tate': cp. 14. 53, e. Drager notes a
similar brachylogy in Cic. Clu. 37, 104
' adducti indices sunt (' were induced to
believe') non modo potuisse,' &c. : cp.
Att. II. 16, 2.

8. habitum: cp. on I. 10, 7. His
personal appearance is described by Sue-
tonius I, Tib. 68^ without reference to any
particular time of life. His bearing is
there recorded as stiff and erect ; his
countenance as liable to ' crcbri et subili
tumores,' mentioned as a specific disease
by Galen (n-tpt aw6iatais tf^apfi. 5, 12).
That his features were otherwise hand-
so.me and distinguished, is stated by Sue-
tonius, and evidenced by his coins and
other representations (see Bernoulli) , espe-
cially the two famous sitting statues in
the Vatican : see Mus. Chiar. 400, 494.

10. medicaminibus interstincta,
'with patches of plaster' : cp. 'candore
interstincto . . . coloribus' PL N. il. 37.

10- .M. '43-

Rhodi ; depending on ' secreto.' On
his retirement there cp. Introd. viii. 134.
For 'secreto' cp. 14. 53, 2 ; II. i. 10, 2.

11. recondere voluptates,' to conce.il
his self-indulgence.' On the assumption
of fact here see on 1.4, 4.

traditur. On the constr. cp. Inirod,
V. § 45-

558

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 779.

inpotentia extrusum, quam dominationis sociam aspernabatur
neque depcllere poteiat cum doniinationem ipsam donum eius
accepisset. nam dubitavcrat Augustus Germanicum, sororis 5
nepotem et cunctis laudatum, rei Romanae imponere, sed pre-
5 cibus uxoris evictus Tiberio Germanicum, sibi Tiberium adscivit.
idque Augusta exprobrabat, reposcebat.

58. Profectio artb comitatu fuit : unus senator consulatu
functus, Cocceius Nerva, cui Icgum peritia, eques Romanus prac-
ter Seianum ex inlustribus Curtius Atticus, ceteri liberalibus

10 studiis praediti, ferme Graeci, quorum sermonibus Icvaretur.
ferebant periti caelestium iis motibus siderum excessisse Roma 2
Tiberium, ut reditus illi negaretur. unde exitii causa multis fuit
properum finem vitae coniectantibus vulgantibusque ; neque
enim tam incredibilem casum providebant, ut undecim per annos

15 libens patria careret. mox patuit breve confinium artis et falsi. 3

1. inpotentia: see 1. 4, 5. This
reason for his retirement is also given by
Suet. (Tib. 51) and Dio (57. 12), in both
of whom stories of their quairels may be
found. The memoirs of Agrippina (see
on c. 53, 3) were doubtless full of such
material.

2. depellere, sc. 'a dominationis so-
cietate.' Dio (1. 1.) fays koI tiKos rwv fxiv
Srjfioaiojv irnvrd-naaty avTT]V d-nTjKXa^fv ;
but Tacitus makes her influence para-
mount to the end of her life : cp. 5. 3, 1.

3. dubitaverat, 'had thought about';
so Cic. (Alt. 12. 49, I) 'cum dubitet Cur-
tius consulatuni petere'; and Verg. (Aen.
9, 191) ' ])ercipe porro, quid dubitem ' :
cp. ' cunctantem ' c. 42, i, &c.

5. evictus ; often used in this sense by
Tacitus (e.g. 12. 25, 3; 49, 2 ; 68, 2^ ap-
parently after Vergil (Aen. 4, 474, 8cc.).

6. exprobrabat, ' was taunting him
with it ' ; so ' expiobrare beneficium ' (13.
21,9, &c.), ' officium ' (Cic. Lael. 20, 71.

reposcebat, ' was demanding its re-
turn ' ; so used of demanding account for
a thing, ' reposcentibus prospera aut
adversa' H. 3. 13, 6.

7. arto comitatu, abl. of quality.
Tliis scanty retinue still exemplified the
classes of which the 'comitatus principis'
was usually composed ; namely, of ' amici '
of the first and second grade, represented
by the senator and the knights ; and of
a third rank of 'grati' (^.Suet. Tib. 461,
* convictores,' or avfi^iooTai, who might
be called ' amici ' in a less strict sense.

See Friedlander, i. pp. 119, 131. Lucilius
Longus (c. 15, 2), Vescularius Flaccus
(2. 28, I ; 6. 10, 2), and Thrasyllus (6.
20, 3) represent the same classes in the
Rhodian retirement of Tiberius.

8. Cocceius Nerva: cp. 6. 26, i.
Borghesi (i. 434) shows him to have been
COS. suff. in some year before 777, A. D.
24. From that year to his death he was
' curator aquarum ' (Frontin. de Aq. 102).
As a jurist he was the successor of Labeo,
as was Masurius Sabinus of Capito (3.
75, i). His grandson was the emperor
Nerva.

9. ex inlustribus : cp. 2. 59, 4.
Curtius Atticus, afterwards put to

death through .Seianus (6. 10, 21, the
Atticus addressed by Ovid (ex P. 2. 4 ;
7\ who speaks of his taste as a literary
critic.

JO. Graeci. Suetonius (Tib. 56, 70)
mentions his fondness for the society of
'convictores Graeculi,' especially 'gram-
matici ' ; with whom he would art;ue
' who was Hecuba's mother,' &c. Sue-
tonius names Xeno and Seleucus, both
of whom afterwards fell under the dis-
pleasure of Tiberius.

levaretur, 'he might find relaxation':
cp. ' levamentum ' 3. 34, 4.

1 1, periti caelestium : see on 2. 27, 2.

iis motibus siderum, ■ under such
planetary conjunctions' ; abl. abs.

15. libens, ' by choice': cp. c. 12, i.

breve confinium artis et falsi. The
expression resembles that of Veil. 2. 124,

A.D. 26.]

LIBER ir. CAP. 57 59.

559

4 vcraquc quam obscuris tegcrentur. nam in urbcm non rcgrcs-
surum hand forte dictum: cetcrorum nescii egere, cum propinquo
rure aut litore et saepe moenia urbis adsidens extremam senec-
tam compleverit.

59. Ac forte illis diebus oblatum Caesari anceps pcriculum 5
auxit vana rumoris praebuitquc ip.si matericm cur amicitiae con-

2 stantiaeque Seiani magis fidcret. vescebantur in villa cui voca-
bulum Speluncae, mare Amunclanum inter ef Fundanos montes,

3 nativo in specu. eius os lapsis repente saxis obruit quosdam
ministros : hinc metus in omncs et fuga eorum qui convivium 10

4 celcbrabant. Seianus genu vultuque et manibus super Caesarem
suspensus opposuit sese incidentibus, atque habitu tali repertus
est a militibus qui subsidio venerant. maior ex eo, et quamquam

8. Amuclanum B. et ins. Bezzenb., Fundanosque B.

1 'ill ario saluti?; exiiique . . . confinio ') ;
•where the idea is not so much that of
the frontier line between things (as in
G. 3, 3, &C.") as of their proximity to
each other : cp. also PI. Pan. 4 ' viitutes
nuUo vitiorum confinio Inederentur.' Ta-
citus says that the events showed how
closely imjiosture borders upon science,
and how truth is surrounded by mystery.
That Tiberius would never return, was no
mere guess ' haud forte dictum'), but a
genuine prediction ; but the stars only so
far revealed the mystery : that he would
die soon was an impostor's inference from
conjecture. On this sense of ' breve ' cp.
' angustis et brevibus terminis cluditur'
Dial. 30, 5. On the astrological beliefs
of Tacitus see Introd. iv. p. 30.
falsi = ' fraudis,' as in 12. 26, 3.

2. egere, ' thty lived on ' : cp. 2. 73,
3: 3. 19, 2, &c.

3. adsidens. The accus. with this
verb (as in 6. 43, i) appears to be chiefly
poetical I Verg. Aen. 11, 304; Val. Fl. ;
Sil.) ; but is also found in Sail. H. 4. 42
D, I K, 44 G (see note on 3. 34, 2).
Stress is laid on his frequent proximity to
tlie city as making the tulfilmcnt of the
genuine prediction more striking, and on
his attainment of extreme age, as signally
falsifying the impostor's inference.

6. vana rumoris = ' vanum rumorem.'
The idea that he was soon to die, gained
strength from having been so near its
fulfilment : cp. Suet. Tib. 39.

7. cui vocabulum Speluncae. Here,
as in 15. 37, 8, the case is doubtful ; but

as the dative in this construction is else-
where in Tacitus restricted to that of ad-
jectives (cp. Introd. v. § i6\ Nipp. rightly
takes these as genitives; that case being
certainly so used in 14. 50, i ; H. 4. 18,
6. The place is mentioned in Plin. N. H.
3- 5' 9> 59> ^'"i caves of great size by
Strabo (5. 3, 6, 233); and the name is
still preserved in the modern village Sper-
longa, half-way between Terracina and
Gaeta, where a cave showing traces of
adaptation and decoration can still be
seen ;sce Diet, of tieog.\

8. Amunclanum. The same form (or
' Amynclae', is read in Plin. 1. 1. &c.).
In Pliny's time the town was deserted,
having been, according to popular belief,
' a serpentibus deletae' (cp. Serv. on Verg.
Aen. 10, 564\ but with him also gives
its name to the bay (14. 6, 8, 61). Its
site was at or close to .Sperlonga.

et Fundanos. The copula may have
dropped out by resemblance to the end of
the preceding word, and ' et' thus follows
'inter' in 6. 33, 5. ' Fundanosque ' is
supported by H. 2. 78, 5.

9. quosdam ministros. Suet. (Tib.
39) seems to exaggerate the loss of life,
and says nothing of the action of Seianus.

10. metus in omnes : cp. c. 2, i.

11. genu vultuque et manibus, i.e.
protecting Tiberius with his body, on his
hands and knees, and with his face to
his. Nipp. thinks the use of ' vultu ' in-
stead of ' ore ' indicates tiiat he had an
expression of anxiety and devotion.

12. habitu, ' attitude ' : cp. c. 57, 3, &c.

56o

P. CORN ELI I TACITl AN MALI UM [A.U.C. 779.

exitiosa suadcret, ut non sui anxius, cum fide audiebatur. ad- 5
siniulabatque iudicis partes adversum Germanici stirpem, sub-
ditis qui accusatorum nomina sustincrent maximeque insecta-
rentur Neroncm proximum successioni ct, quamquam modesta
5 iuventa, plerumque tamen quid in praesentiarum conduceret
oblitum, dum a libertis et clientibus, apiscendae potentiae pro-
peris, exstimulatur ut erectum et fidentem animi ostenderet :
velle id populum Romanum, cupere exercitus, neque ausurum
contra Seianum, qui nunc patientiam senis et segnitiam iuvenis

10 iuxta insultet.

60. Haec atque talia audienti nihil quidem pravae cogita-
tionis, sed interdum voces procedebant contumaces et inconsultae,
quas adpositi custodes exceptas auctasque cum deferrent neque
Neroni defendere daretur, diversae insuper sollicitudinum formae

15 oriebantur. nam alius occursum eius vitare, quidam salutatione 2
reddita statim averti, plerique inceptum sermonem abrumpere,
insistentibus contra inridentibusque qui Seiano fautores aderant.

5. in presentia | rum.
bant Haase.

7. .inimiim Picli., Halm, animi se Ritt. 12. procide-

I. sui anxius: cp. 2. 75, i.
adsimulabat iudicis partes, i. e. he

was himself the real author of the chal'ges,
hut set up nominal accusers, and himself
affected a judicial or impartial attitude :
cp. ' speciem iudicis iiiduere ' 15. 69, i.
' Adsimulo' is often thus used in poetry,
as in Verg. Aen. 10, 639.

5. in praesentiarum. This form,
though found as early as Cato, appears
to have but slowly made its way from
common language into literature, and is
most frequent in Apuleius. Petronius
(c. 58, 70) has invented or taken up an-
other form 'depraesentiarum.' Hand
(Turs. iii. 235) doubts the genuineness
of the word both in Cato and in Tacitus ;
but it may in the latter be an instance of
his fondness for unusual words.

6. apiscendae potentiae properis.
' Properus ' is used with ' irae '(11. 26, 4"),
' vindictae' (14. 7. 2), ' oblatae occasionis'
(12. 66, 2). All seem best taken as
genitives of relation (cp. those with
' praecipuus ' and ' primus' in 6. 4, i).

7. ut . . . ostenderet. The sentence
could be taken, with Jacob, to mean ' ut
virum erectum, &c., ageret'; or the omis-
sion of 'se' can be justified on the same
ground as in 2. 71,8; 83, 4, &c., namely,

that the person intended cannot be mis-
taken. For ' fidens animi' cp. Verg.
Aen. 2. 61.

8. ausurum contra ; so ' audere ad-
versus' H. 2. 71,4; 'longius' H. 5. u,
I. The idea of a verb in the inf. is
implied in the expression.

10. insultet; so with simple accus.
probably in 11. 28, 1; also in Ter.
Eun. 2. 2, 54; Sail. Inc. 83 D, 50 K, 1,
50 G.

1 1 . nihil . . . cogitationis, sc. ' proce-
debat ' ; 'no treasonable thought was
issuing from his lips,' a sense of ' pro-
cedere' found only in the Vulgate.

13. adpositi custodes : cp. ' custodiae
adpositus ' 1.6, 2; 2. 68. 3, ' inditi cus-
todes' 3. 28, 4; and the similar use of
'additus ' c. 67, 6, &c.

14. daretur, with inf. as in 3. 67, 2.

15. salutatione reddita. Two persons
meeting are said ' mutuam salutcm red-
dere' (Liv. 10. iS, 11); here the words
may mean ' after returning Nero's saluta-
tion,' or 'after formal salutation made ' ;
which latter Nipp. prefers, thinking it
unlikely that Nero spoke first. Men paid
him a bare act of courtesy, without stop-
ping to converse.

17. iusistentibus, &c., 'while any

A.D. 26.]

LIBER IV. CAP. 59 6r.

56r

3 enimvero Tiberius torvus aut falsum renidens vultu : scu loquc-

4 retur seu taceret iuvcnis, crimen ex silcntio, ex voce, nc nox
quidem secura, cum uxor vigilias somnos suspiria matrl Liviae
atquc ilia Seiano patefaccret ; qui fratrem quoquc Neronis Dru-
sum traxit in partes, spe obiecta principis loci, si priorcm aetate 5

5 et iam labefactum demovisset. atrox Drusi ingcnium super
cupidinem potentiae et solita fratribus odia accendebatur invidia,

6 quod mater Agrippina promptior Neroni erat. neque tamen
Seianus ita Drusum fovebat, ut non in eum quoque semina futuri
exitii meditaretur, gnarus praeferocem et insidiis magis oppor- 'o
tunum.

61. Fine anni excessere insignes viri Asinius Agrippa, claris
maioribus quam vetustis vitaque non dcgener, et Q. Haterius,
familia senatoria, eloquentiac, quoad vixit, celebratae : moni-

8. pronior Ern.

14. qua ad : cp. 6. 51, 5.

partisans of Seianus who were there stood
their grt)und and made jests' ; i. e. scorn-
fully callcil his attention to the behavionr
of his friends. ' In^istcre ' has the sense
of ' slandin}^ still' or 'halting' (cp. ' ut
non referat pedem insist(.'t certe ' Cic. Phil.
12. 3, 8), and is here in contrast to
'vitare' and ' averti.' 'Seiano' is taken
closely with ' fautores' : cp. 12. i, 3.

1. enimvero : see on 2. 64, 6.

falsum renidens vultu, ' wearing a
false snide.' 'Renidco' is thus used in
15. 66, 2 ; II. 4. 43, 2, and by Catullus
and Livy : ' rideo ' takes a similar ad-
verbial adj. in Hor. Od. 1. 22, 23; 3.
27, 67.

loqueretur .... taceret, subjunct. of
frequent action ; so in Liv. 21. 36, 7 'seu
manibus . . . seu genu se adiuvissent.'

3. uxor, Julia (3. 29, 4). Nipp. notes
that we aie not given to sui)[)i.>se that
her confidences to her mother Livia were
otherwise than innocently made.

vigilias somnos, i. e. ' verba vigi-
lantis aut somniantis.'

5. in partes, sc. ' suas' : cp. ' habebat
in partibus I'allantem ' 13. 2, 3.

obiecta = ' oblata ' ; so ' spes obiecta
est' Liv. 6. 14, 12.

7. solita fratribus odia. Forma of
this maxim reappear in 13. 17, 2 ; 15. 2,
2 ; H. 4. 70, 3.

8. promptior, ' inclined to favour.'
The dat. with this word is generally that
of the thing (^cp. i. 2, i) ; the accus. with

prep. (cp. 6. 48, 7 ; 13. 8, 3) being gene-
lally used when persons are spoken of;
but the e.xprcssion here resembles that in
2. 76, I ; ] 2. I, 4.

10. praeferocem : cp. 15. 27, 3 ; H. 4.
23, 4; 32, 3 ; also Liv. 5. 36, i.

opportunum, 'liable': cp. H. 3.
20, 2. The word is also so used in Liv.
6. 24, 3, and the elder Pliny.

12. Asinius Agrippa : see one. 34, i.
Claris .... quam vetustis. His

grandfatliers, Agrippa and Pollio, were
both famous ' novi homines.' The novel
use of two positives here appears due to
the desire to avoid the juxtaposition of
'magis,' or a comparative, wiih 'maior-
ibus' (^W'olfllin, Philol. XXV. 118).

13. Q,. Haterius : see on 1. 13, 4.
According to Jerome on Eus. Chron. (Op.
viii. p. 567, Mignei, he had lived nearly
to his ninetieth year.

14. familia senatoria. His family
connexions are not known, but a jurist of
the name is alluded to by Cicero (^ad
Fam. 9. 18, 5), and a Haterius was
proscribed by the triumvirs (App. B. C.
4. 29).

eloquentiaa . . . celebratae. M.
Seneca (Exc. Contr. Ij. 4, Praef. § 7)
describes him as the only orator known
to him who had introduced Greek fluency
into Latin rhetoric ; adding that his
rapidity amounted to a defect, so that
Augustus used to say that he needed
a drag chain. L. Seneca (_Kp. 40, 10)

562

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C.780.

mcnta ingcni eius baud perinde retinentur. scilicet impetu magis 2
quam cura vigebat ; utque aliorum meditatio et labor in pos-
terum valescit, sic Haterii canorum illud et proflucns cum ipso
simul cxtinctum est.
5 62. M. Licinio L. Calpuinio consuHbus ingcntium bellorum
cladeni aequavit malum inprovisum : eius initium simul et finis
cxstitit. nam coepto apud Fidenam amphitheatro Atilius qui- 2
dam libertini generis, quo spectaculum gladiatorum celebraret,
neque fundamenta per solidum subdidit, ncque firmis nexibus
10 ligneam copipagem superstruxit, ut cjui non abundantia pecuniae

contrasts his vicious fluency with the
deliberation of P. Vinicius.

quoad, in Tacitus only here and in
6. 51, 5; in Loth of which places Baiter
retains 'qunad,' which is not without
recognition in Latin, and may have been
adopted by Tacitus as more unusual (cp.
Introd. V. § 69).

naonimenta, the memorials, or spe-
cimens preserved : cp. ' monimenta inge-
iiiurum ' 15. 41, 2.

I. baud perinde retinentur, 'are
not commensuratcly sustained in esti-
mation.' For the use of ' perinde,' cp.
2. 88, 4, &c.

3. valescit : cp. 2. 39, 5.

canorum . . . et profluens, 'modula-
tion and fluency.' The words seem taken
from Cicero's description (de Or. 3. 7, 2,^)
of the oratory of C. Caibo.

5. M. Licinio L. Calpurnio. From
inscriptions (Orell. 156, 3056, see also
Klein) the full names, M. Licinius M. f.
Crasbus Frugi, and L. Cal]nirnius Cn. f.
Piso, can be su])plied. The latter is
su])posed to be the Cn. Piso who had to
lake a new pr.Tenomen ;see 3. 17, 8).
Nipp. (on 1.1.) shows evidence that he
was praef. urb. in the last year of Tiberius,
and procos. of Alrica under Gains.
The other consul also bears a cog-
nomen of the Pisones, and is shown by
IS'ip]i. to have been jiraetor in 777, A. U.
24, and probably to have been the younger
of the sons of the 'praefectus urbis,' ad-
dressed by Horace in the Ars Poetica (see
on c. 45, i), who retained his cognomen
after adoption by M. Licinius Crassus,
cos. 740, HC. 14. He and his wife
Scribonia were put to death by Claudius
(Sen. Lud. 11, 5): on his sons, one of
whom was the Piso Licinianus adopted
by Galba, see 13. 28, 3; 15. 33, i;

H. I. 14, 2; 48, I. An Attic in-
scription C. I. Att. iii. I, 601, 602) in
honour of Cn. Calpurnius L. f. Piso Frugi
and Cn. Calpurnius Piso, appears to pre-
serve the earlier name of each (see Nipp.) :
see also Mommsen (Lph. Fpig. i. jjp.
143 150).

6. eius initium . . . exstitit, ' it began
and ended in a moment.' Ritter thinks
this a gloss inconsistent with the narra-
tive, but it is obvious that the actual
crash alone is spoken of.

7. coepto, jirobnbly best taken as a
dative dei)ending on ' subdidit.'

Fidenam. The name is generally
plural, as in H. 3. 79, 3, but the singular
form is found in Vergil (Aen. 6, 773 , PI.
N. IL, and Sil., also <^Ll-qvri in Dion. Hal.
(2. 53. &c.). It had become a mere vil-
lage (Hor. Kp. I. II, 8\ but had still
municipal rank (Juv. 10, 100). It was
five miles from Rome on the Via Salaria,
on the site of the modern Castel Giu-
bileo.

8. libertini generis = ' libcrtinus,' as
in 2. 85, ,=;. It has been thought from
.Suet. CI. 28 that such persons could not
exhibit shows at Rome without special
permission.

celebra,ret. Em. and Orelli take
this to mean ' frequentiorem redderet,'
supposing that the structure was made
slight so as to be larger in proportion to
its cost ; but the word has clearly the
sim]ile meaning of ' edere ' in 11. 22, 3,
' censuit spectaculum gladiatorum . . .
celebrandum.'

9. per solidum. 'through,' i. e. ' rest-
ing on firm ground ' ; apparently here a
pregnant construction.

10. abundantia, probably a causal abl.
like ' ambitioue.'

A.D. 2 7.]

LIBER jr. CAP. 6i, 62.

5^3

ncc municipali ambitionc, scd in sordidam mercedem id negotium

3 quaesivisset. adfluxere avidi talium, imperitante Tiberio procul
voluptatibus habiti, virile ac mulicbrc sccus, omnis aetas, ob pro-
pinquitatcm loci cffusius ; undc gravior pestis fuit, conferta mole,
dein convulsa, dum ruit intus aut in exteriora efifunditur inmen- 5
samque vim mortalium, spcctaculo intentos aut qui circum

4 adstabant, pracceps trahit atque operit. et illi quidem, quos
principium stragis in mortem adflixerat, ut tali sorte, cruciatum

5 effugere : miserandi magis quos abrupta parte corporis nondum
vita deseruerat ; qui per diem visu, per noctcm ululatibus et 10

6 gcmitu coniuges aut liberos noscebant. iam ceteri fama ex-

I. sordida mercede : text Pichena. 3. virilis ac muliehris sexus margin and 15.

4. effusus : text L. 10. aut qui Pluygers.

1. municipali ambitione, 'from a
des^ire to court his townsmen ' : cp. ' sena-
torio anibitu ' c. 2, 4, ' ambitio militaris'
^. 14. 1. The advertisements of such
shows found at Pompeii are generally of
this character, being in the names of
persons known as the principal inhabit-
ants : !-ee C. I. L. iv. pp. 70, foil.

in sordidarn mercedem, ' with a
view to paltry gain'; so read, on the
analogy of 11. 6, 3; (). 24, 2; Agr.
19, 4 The MS. text might be taken,
with Ritter, to express the general con-
dition of the man. Such persons often
exhibited gladiators (Juv. 3, 35 ; Mait. 3.
16, .i;y"l, and no doubt, in many cases, as
a mere speculation. Marquardt (Staatsv.
iii. p. 492) gives evidence (c. g. Henzcn,
In=cr. 7419 a) to show that even more
/'o/t(i fide donors often made profit by
letting some of the seats.

2. adfluxere: cp. 2. 35, 3; 76, i. It
is imjilit'd in the context that they came
chiefly from Rome.

imperitante Tiberio, &c. Sue-
tonius (Tib. 47) states that he never hiin-
self gave ' sjiectacula,' and was very rarely
present at tho?e given by others: see
notes on i. 54, 3; 76, 6; Sen. de Prov.

4. 4-

3. virile ac muliebre secus. In \\.

5. 13, 3 this is clearly an ace. of descrip-
tion, as also in all earlier instances : cp.
' concurrentium undique virile et muliebre
secus' Sail. H. 2. 23, i D, 29, i K, 54 G),
' in muro virile ac muliebre secus . . .
multitudine omni conlocata' (.Sisenn. ap.
Non. p. 222 M), ' liberorum capitum virile
secus ad decem millia capta ' (Liv. 26.
47, 1): see Roby, 1104. It can also be

so taken here, and the only instances of
' secus ' as a nominative appear much later
(e.g. Aus. Idyll. II, 8;: the difficulty
may have led to the marginal correction.

4. gravior pestis : cp> 2. 47, t.
conferta mole, ' the building 1 cing

closely packed ' ; cp. ' turba . . . conferta
. . . tcmpla' Liv. 45. 2, 7. 'Moles' is
thus used by itself of a building in Ilor.
Ud. 3. 29, 10.

5. convulsa, ' bursting asunder,' ex-
jilained by ' dum . . . effunditnr,' i. c. partly
falling inwards, partly outwards; 'aut'
being used as in i. 55, 2, &c.

7. praeceps, adverbial, as in 6. 17, 4,
and in Sen. Nat. Qu. i. 15, 2 'ex his
fulgoribus quaedam praeceps cunt.'
Nipp. gives instances from later writers.
Elsewhere 'in praeceps' is used, as in
c. 22, I.

8. in mortem. On the constr. cp. c.
45. I. &c.

ut tali sorte, ' considering that their
lot was such,' i. e. ' so far as might be in
such a lot.' ' Ut ' is thus used with a
c]ualifying clause in (1. 30, 2 ; Dial, i, 2,
also in Cic. (J5rut. 26, 102, &c.\ Caes.
(B. G. 4. 3, 3), and very often in Liv. (e. g.
1. 3, 3). Ritt. inserts ' in,' but 'tali sorte'
can be taken as abl. abs.

1 1, noscebant, ' were recognizing ' : on
this sense of the word cp. i. 39. 8. They
were uncble to move, but conscious of
the presence of friends in similar condition
near them. Compare the de-^cription of
Pliny (Epp. 6. 20, 14) in the narrative
of the great eruption, ' alii parentes, alii
liberos, alii coniuges vocibus requirebaiit,
vocibus noscitabant.'

564

p. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 7S0.

citi, hie fratrcm, propinquum il'e, alius parentes lamentari. etiam 7
quorum divcrsa dc causa amici aut nccessarii abcrant, pavcre
tamcn ; nequedum comperto quos ilia vis perculisset, latior ex
incerto mctus.
6 63. Ut cocpere dimoveri obruta, concursus ad exanimos com-
plectentium, osculantium ; ct saepe certamen, si confusior facies,
sed par forma aut aetas errorcm adgnoscentibus feccrat. quin- 2
quaginta hominum milia eo casu debilitata vel obtrita sunt; cau-
tumque in posterum senatus consulto, ne quis gladiatorium

10 munus ederet. cui minor quadringcntorum milium res, neve amphi-
theatrum imponeretur nisi solo firmitatis spectatae. Atilius in 3
cxilium actus est. ceterum sub reccntcm cladem patuere pro-
cerum domus, fomenta et medici passim praebiti, fuitque urbs
per illos dies quamquam maesta facie veterum institutis similis,

J 5 qui magna post proelia saucios largitione ct cura sustentabant.
64. Nondum ea clades exoleverat, cum ignis violentia urbera
ultra solitum adfecit, deusto monte Caelio ; feralemque annum

3. periculis sed : text B.

7. et par B.

14. iiistituti : text B.

2. diversa, unconnected with the
games.

3. vis ; so used of fire in 3. 72, 5.
latior, ' more widespread ' ; so used

of ftar in 12. 43, I ; H. 4. 33, 4 ; of glory
in PI. Kpp. 4. 12, 7, &c.

5. obruta. This must evidently here
mean 'the fallen materials' or 'debris,'
but no other instance of such meaning
appears to be given.

6. confusior facies, sed par forma.
With either reading the whole is taken
together as subject of ' fecerat ' : 'if,
in spite of a face which baffled recog-
nition, likeness of shape or age had de-
ceived those who sought to identify
them.' Nipp. notes ' coiifuderat oris
notas pallor ' in Curt. 8. 3, 13.

8. debilitata vel obtrita, ' maimed
or crushed to pieces.' Suet. (Tib. 40),
who speaks of the killed alone, puts the
number at 20,000.

Q. ne quis, &c. These rules would
apply mainly to speculators, as those
who gave such entertainments at their
own expense could rarely have been men
of less than equestrian means.

10. minor quadringentorura, &c. A
similar genitive is ' inaiores annorum

quinque et triginta ' (Suet. Aug. 38), and
either would be al>breviations of such an
expression as ' minor quam viginti quin-
que annoium nalu ' fDig. 4.4, 1). Diager
notes that later writers, as Apuleius, use
the genitive of comparison just as in
Cireek, e.g. ' deiis deum magnorum po-
tior' Met. 1 1. 30, 816 (cp. Hildebrand on
Met. 3. 1 1, 193;.

I 2. sub, 'just after.'

13. medici. These were usually Greek
slaves or fieedmen, and thus belonged to
particular houses.

14. veterum institutis. For the old
custom see Li v. 2. 47, i 2 ; for the practice
on distant service see on I. 71,5.

16. Nondum. . . exoleverat; so 'non-
dum is dolor exoleverat' 6. 25, I.

17. ultra solitum. The constant oc-
currence of fires was the main cause for
establishi'ig the corps of vigiles in 759,
A.I). 6 (Dio, 55. 26, 4). Another great
fire is mentioned in 6. 45, i. For others
sec Fried liiiider, i. p. 25, foil.

deusto; so 'deusta paite Circi' 6.
45, I. On these aoristic uses of parti-
ciples see Introd. v. § 54 b.

feralem = ' funestum ' ; so ' bellum
. . . feiale' H. 5. 25, 5.

A.D. 27.]

LIBER ir. CAP. 62 65.

565

fcrebant ct ominibu.s adversis suscc[)tum principi consilium
absenliac, qui nios vulgo, fortuita ad culpain trahcntcs, ni Caesar

2 obviam issct tribucndo pecunias ex modo dctrimenti. actaeque
ci <^n-atcs apud stnatum ab inlustribus famaque apud populum,
tjuia sine ainbitione aut proxinioruni precibus ignotos etiam ct 5

3 ultro accitos nuinificentia iuverat. adduntur sententiac ut mons
Caelius in posterum Augustus appellaretur, quando cunctis
circum flagrantibus sola Tiberii effigies, sita in dome lunii

4 senatoris, inviolata mansisset. evenisse id olim Claudiae Quintac,
eiusquc statuam vim ignium bis clapsam maiores apud aedem 10

5 matris deum consecravisse. sanctos acceptosque numinibus
Claudios et augendam caerimoniam loco, in quo tantum in prin-
cipem honorem di ostenderint.

65. Haud fuerit absurdum tradere montcm eum antiquitus
Ouerquetulanum cognomento fuisse, quod talis silvae frequens 15
fecundusque erat, mox Caelium appellitatum a Caele Vibenna,

I. omnibus : text B.

2. trahentes : cp. 3. 22,6; 37, 2, &c.

ni Caesar, &c. This miinihcence
is lauded by Velleius (2. 130, 2). Sue-
tonius (Tib. 48), with much injustice,
ignores the similar act in a later year (see
6. 4-;, I ), and makes him ' coinmand ' that
the hill be called ' Augustus ' in future.

4. fama. This appears contrasted to
' ab inlustribus,' as 'apud jiopulum ' to
' apud senatum,'

5. sine ainbitione, &c., ' without re-
spect of persons (cp. 'nulla ambitjone'
1. 67, 4), and without the intercession of
relatives.' The following words specify
extreme cases of the above, ' even per-
sons unknown and invited to apply.'
Nipp. notes a similar stress on the last
clause in 6. 7, 4 ' in foro, in convivio,
quaqua de re locuti.'

7. Augustus appellaretur. There
is no evidence that this was carried out.

9. Claudiae Q,aintae. Her name
would imply that she was a fifth daughter,
but she seems to belong to a later genera-
tion than the five daughters of App.
Claudius Caecus. Her statue was ]ilaced
ill the temple of the Mater Deum to
commemorate the story told of her draw-
ing the ship off a sandbank, when the
goddess was brought to Rome in 550,
H. C. 204 (Ov. Fast. 4. 30.^, foll.\ The
ship ap]>ears to have bien called 'Salvia,'
and tlie juxtaposition of the names 'Matri

13. ostenderent : text L.

Deum et Navi Sal viae' (see C. I. L.
vi. 492-4\ which has been taken by
some to imply a deification of Claudia
under the title of ' Navisalvia,' may per-
haps suggest an origin for the story.

10. bis elapsam. The temple m which
it stood, dedicated in ,'^63, is. C. 191 (Liv.
36. 36, 3), on the P'alatine, had been
burned in 643 and 756, K. c. ill, A.D. 3,
and the flames are said on each occasion
to have stopped short of the statue (V'al.
Max. 1 . 8, 1 1). The sentence would more
naturally have run 'statuam apud aedem
. . . consecr.' tam, vim ignium bis elap-
sam.' Boighesi (ii. 183) notes that the
statue is repiesented upon coins.

12. caerimoniam: cp. 3. 61, 3. The
sanctity of the 'Caelius mons' would be
increased by calling it ' Augustus.'

14. Haud fuerit absurdum. For simi-
lar expressions of apology, introducing
an antiquarian note or digression, see 12.
24, 1, and note.

15. cognomento =- 'nomine' : see note
on I. 23, 6; 2. 0, 5, &c. ; so also ' vo-
cabulo' below (cp. i. 23, 4^ No other
mention appears of this old name of the
Catiian.

frequens, nowhere else with genitive,
but here accommodated to the construc-
tion of ' fecundus ' J)rager\

16. appellitatum. This verb is found
here only in Tacitus, who seems to take

VOL. I

00

566

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 780.

qui dux gentis Etruscac cum auxilium portavisset, sedem earn
acceperat a Tarquinio Frisco, seu quis alius regum dedit : nam
scriptores in eo dissentiunt. cetera non ambigua sunt, magnas 2
eas copias per plana etiam ac foro propinqua habitavisse, unde

5 Tuscum vicum e vocabulo advenarum dictum.

66. Sed ut studia procerum et largitio principis adversum
casus solacium tulerant, ita accusatorum maior in dies et infestior
vis sine levamento grassabatur : corripueratque Varum Quin-
tilium, divitem et Caesari propinquum, Domitius Afer, Claudiae

10 Pulchrae matris eius condemnator, nullo mirante quod diu egens
et parto nuper praemio male usus plura ad flagitia accingcretur.
P. Dolabellam socium delationis extitisse miraculo erat, quia 2
Claris maioribus et Varo conexus suam ipse nobilitatem, suum

1. appellatiim tauisset : tulisset L, portavisset Doed., postulatum tulisset Kitt.
7. cabum : text Heins. 13. conixius : text L.

it from the speech of Claudius (col.
i. 22 , which his version of the story
partly follows.

Ca3le Vibenna. Varro (L. L. 5. 46)
and Dion. Hal. (2. 36) represent this per-
son (with some differences of orthography)
as an ally of Romulus against Tatius.
In the speech of Claudius (i. 17: see
App.toB. xi.), ServiusTuUiusor Mastarna
is spoken of as migrating from Etruria
and settling on this hill, and naming it
after Caelius Vivenna, his old captain in
arms. Livy, who says nothing of this
legend, states that the Caelian was as-
signed by Tullus Hostilius to the people
transported from Alba (i. 30, 1).

I. portavisset. None of the cor-
rections are wholly satisfactory, and per-
haps Baiter is right in retaining the MS.
text obelized, ^\'ith the reading above,
' appellatuni ' is supposed to be a mere
repetition of the previous ' appcllitatum,'
and the apparent tense ending taken to
be that ol ' portavisset,' from ' auxilia
portabant ' ^S.ill. Cat. 6, 5).

3. scriptores dissentiunt. The king
who first included the Caelian mount is
also made to have been Romulus (Varro,
1. 1.), Tullus Hostilius (Livy, 1. 1., and
Dion. Hal. 3. i), and Ancus Marcius (Cic.
Rep. 2. 18; Strab. 5. 3, 7, 234): these
writers also differ as to the circumstances
under which this hill was added.

4. eas, i. e. ' Tuscas.'

5. Tuscum vicum, a locality well

known in Roman topography as that of
a street extending from the Forum to
or through the Velabrum. The name is
very variously explained. Livy (2. 14, y';
makes it occupied by fugitives frojn the
army of Porsena, after his defeat at
Aricia ; Varro (1. 1.) states that the Tus-
cans were brought down from the Caelian
to a less strong position.

6. studia procerum, referring to c.

63, 3-

8. Varum Q,uintilium. M. Seneca
(Contr. 3, loj mentions apparently the
same person as having been twitted by
Cestius i^cp. 6. 7, 3) in a declamation
with being son of the Varus slain in Ger-
many. He is there called ' Germanic!
gcner et praetextatus' ; but it is not
known to what daughter of Germanicus
he was betrothed.

9. Caesari propinquum. The rela-
tionship through his mother Claudia
Pulchra (see c. 52, i) would be but dis-
tant ; yet no other .nppears to be known.

Domitius Afer: see c. 52, i.

ID. condemnator, i.e. who had pro-
cured her condemnation (^cp. ' damnasset'
3- ?fi' 3)' The word occurs only here and
in Tert. adv. Marc. 2, 9.

11. praemio, the accuser's usual re-
ward : cp. c. 20, 3.

12. Publium Dolabellam: see on 3.
47, 4. His relationship to Varus has not
been traced.

13. Claris maioribus, abl. of quality.

AD. 27.]

LIBER IV. CAP. 65-67.

567

3 sanguinem perditum ibat. rcstitit tamen senatus et oppcricndum
imperatorem censuit, quod unum urguentium malorum sufifugiLim
in tempus erat.

67. At Caesar dedicati's per Cainpaniam templis, quamquam
edicto monuisset ne quis quietem eius inrumperet, concursusque 5
oppidanorum disposito milite prohibcrentur, perosus tamen muni-
cipia et colonias omniaque in continent! sita, Capreas sc in
insulam abdidit, triiim milium freto ab extremis Surrentini pro-

2 munturii diiunctam. solitudinem eius placuisse maxime credi-
derim, quoniam inportuosiim circa marc et vix modicis navigiis 10
pauca subsidia ; neque adpulerit quisquam nisi gnaro custodc.

3 caeli tcmpcries hieme mitis obicctu montis, quo saeva ventorum

8. Jiddidit : text 15. promuntirii (proniuntorium Med. ii. in 14. 4, 3 : ci>,

2- 39! 3- !'• grano : text B.

1. perditum ibat ; a phrase taken
from riaut. (Aiil. 4. 10, 10, &c."), Sail.
(Cat. 36, 4, &c.), and others. Tacitus
uses other similar constructions, as ' rap-
tum,' ' ultum ire' (c. i, 2 ; 73, 6, &c. ).

2. suflfugium, as giving a pretext for
delay.

3. in tempus, 'temporarily': cp. 6.
II, I. For slightly different uses of the
phrase cp. i. i, i, &c.

4. dedicatis . . . templis : cp. c. 57,
I. On the force of ' per' see Inlrod. v.
§ 62.

5. eius. In classical usage ' suam '
would be expected (cp. ' ediclo vctuit ne
quis se piaeter Apellem pingeret ' Hor.
tp. 2. I, 239) : Nipi>. compares ' ut eum
. . . sistereiit orabat ' II. 2. 9, 2.

inrumperet, ' break in upon ' : see
note on 2. 11, 4. In II. 5. 22, 5 Tacitus
has 'ne quietem eius turbarent,' and it
has been thought that this or ' interrum-
peret' {Ritt., after Her.^i should be reail
here. It is not impossible, as I'fitzner
(p. 64) suggests, that the words are
quoted from the edict ; nor, if they are
those of Tacitus, are they unsupported by
parallels (cp. 11. i. 82, i ; 4. 50, 2 .

6. municipia et colonias ; see i .

79. I-

7. Capreas ... in insulam : cp. ' Hi-
beros ad patrium regnum' 12. 51, 4
(where see note\ ' GeUluham in ca-tra'
H. 4. 32, 2. Tacitus correctly gives the
distance of Capri from the nearest point
of land; Pliny states it at eight miles
from Surrentum itself, and estimates the
circumference of the island at eleven

miles. Augustus had made it his pro-
perty in 725, B.C. 29 ^Strab. 5. 4, 8, 24S ;
Dio, 52. 43, 2 ; Suet. Aug. 92), by giving
to the community of Neapolis in ex-
change the more important island Aenaria
(Ischiaj, and had taken a fancy to it and
erected a villa, where he spent some days
shortly before his death ^Suet. 98). The
island is now well known to most travel-
lers. A careful, but not critical investi-
gation of its topography, with a good
maji, will be found in the ' Kicerche' of
Kosario Mangoni (Napoli, 1834), and a
very graphic description of its present
state in NIr. J. R. Green's ' Stray Studies
from England and Italy,' London, 1876.

10 inportuosum . . . mare, apparently
from .Sail. Jug. 17, 5; used also of • h-
tora' (Liv. 10. 2, 4), ' litus' (PI. Kpp. 6.
31, 17), 'insula' (PL N. Ii. 4. 12, 23,

73)-

I r. subsidia, * places of refuge : cp. 2.
63, I ; 3. 36, 2 ; 60, 2, &c. Two small
coves exist on the north and south, on
either side of the modern town of Capri,
which lies in the depression between the
eastern and western precipices. The
southern, or 'piccola marina,' shows
traces of having been the ancient port.

adpulerit, potential subjunctive.

nisi gnaro custode, ' without know-
ledge of the sentinel.' The point of out-
look would probably be on the eastern
precipice, facing the mainland, where
the remains of the Pharos, mentioned by
Suet. (Tib. 74) and Statius (Silv. 4. 5,
100), still exist. *

12. obiectu montis: cp. II. 3. 9, 2,

s68

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 781.

arcentur ; acstas in favonium obversa et aperto circum pclago
peramoena ; prospectabatque pulchcrrimum sinum, antequam
Vesuvius mons ardescens faciem loci verteret. Graecos ea te- 4
nuisse Capreasque Telebois habitatas fama tradit. sed turn 5
5 Tiberius duodecim villarum noininibus et molibus insederat,
quanto intentus olim publicas ad curas, tanto occultiores in luxus

6. occultior : occultos J. F. Grun., text Weissenborn.

&c., and ' obicctu laterum ' (V'erg. Aen.
J, 160). The mountains in the island
can hardly be said to shelter it, as their
])rincipal elevation is at the west ; so
that the mainland ran^e terminating in
the promontory of Minerva appears to
be meant, ^^hich kee]is off the wind in
the most inclement ciuarters.

1. aestas in favonium obversa, &c.
Tlie meaning is clear, but the expressii>n
harsh from its brevity : ' its summer cli-
mate, as it faces the west and has open
sea around, is lovely.' Favonius denotes
the westerly wind beginning to blow early
in February (Tlin. N. H. 2. 47, 119, 122,
&c.). The high position of Ana Capri,
towering above the depression in which the
town lies, occupies the western poition,
with the highest ]3oint ^Monle Solar im-
mediately above it.

2. peramoena, a-n. dp. : see Introd. v.
§ 69, 3.

pulcherriraum sinum : cp. ' beatos
Campaniae sinus' H. 3. 66, 3. The dis-
trict round Vesuvius was renowned belore
the eruption for fertility as well as beauty:
cp. Verg. G. 2. 224 ' talem dives arat
Capua et vicina \'esevo ora iugo." Strabo,
however (5. 4, 8, 247), noticed traces of
its former volcanic action.

antequam Vesuvius . . . verteret,
' before the fires of Vesuvius began to
ruin the landscape.' Mr. Dallin rightly
points out that the tense appeals to
allude to continued volcanic activity after
the great eruption of 832, a. D. 79. Such
is distinctly attested by Statins (Silv. 4.
4, 80) ' aemula Trinacriis volvens in-
cendia flammis,' and (85,'} ' necdum letale
ininari cessat apex'; though no great
erui)tion is again recorded till 956, A.l).
203 ^Dio. 76. 2, I ).

3. Graecos ea tenuisse, ' that Greeks
had po>sesscd those spots': cp. 'Evan-
drum (|ui . . . lenuerit loca' Liv. i. 5, i,
'tenuisse . . . I.irim' Hor. Od. 3. 17, 8.
Nipji., less well, takes it to mean 'these
<liialities i.e. the situation and climate)
captivated tlic Greeks.' Tacitus is hardly

here speaking of the CJreek settlements in
South Italy as a whole, which were too
well known to need mention, but of the
old dwellers in Capri and its immediate
neighbourhood.

4. Telebois, identified by Strnbo (10.
2. 20, 459) with the Homeric Tai)hians
of the islands off the coast of Acarnania :
cp. Plin. N. H. 4. 12, 19, 53. The name
is found as early as Hes. ^Sc. 19), also in
Hdt. 5. f9, 2. Their tenure of Capri is
alluded to by Vergil (Acn. 7, 735% who
perhaps mentions the island out of com-
pliment to Augustus.

sed tum . . . insederat. This is
generally taken to mean that Tiberius
' had settled upon (or wholly occupied)
the island with the titles and buildings
of twelve villas ' : the verb takes an accus.
ill 2. 16, 4; H. 3. 69, 4; 4. 73, 4, &c.
We know of one villa called ' villa lovis*
(Suet. Tib 6-^), apparently the stronghold
or ' arx Tiberii ' of Plin. N. H. 3. 6, 12,
82, near the F^haros on the eastern height.
From its name Lips, infers that all the
twelve were named after the greater
gods; but the great improbability, that
a pierson described as 'antiquae parsi-
moniae' (3. 52, 2) and ' modicus privatis
aedificationibus' (6. 45, 2), should have
erected or even occupied twelve distinct
villas in one small island, lends some
colour to Botticher's ingenious interpreta-
tion, that he ' had taken up his position
on the names and ruins of twelve villas,'
i. e. those of former owners, now absorbed
into his own grounds. It must however
be admitted that the existing remains, if
there were evidence to assign them to
this date, would go far to make up such
a number of residences; the principal
ruins, next to the ' arx ' above men-
tioned, being those of a marine villa and
baths near the usual landing-place.

6. intentus ... ad curas, repeated
from H. 2. 67, 2 ; 4. 2, i.

occultiores. The MS. text might be
defended I'rom c. 12, I, &c. : the read-
ing of J. F. Gron. takes the compara-

A. D. 2S.]

LIBER IV. CAP. 67, 68.

569

et malum otium rcscjlutus. mancbat quippe susj)icionum et
crcdeiidi tcmeritas, quam Seianus augere ctiam in urbe suetus
acrius turbabat non iam occultis advcrsum A<;rippinam ct

6 \eronem insidiis. quis additus miles nuntios, introitus, apcrta
secreta veliit in annales refcrebat, ultroquc struebantur qui mono- 5
rent perfugere ad Gerinaniae excrcitus vcl cclebenimo fori
efiFigicm divi Augusti amplccti populumque ac scnatum auxiiio
vocare. eaque spreta ab iilis, vclut pararent, obiciebantur.

68. lunio Silano et Silio Nerva consulibus foedum anni prin-
cipium inccssit tracto in carcerem inlustri equite Romano, Titio 10
Sabino, ob amicitiam Germanici : neque enim omiserat coniugem
liberosque eius percolere, sectator domi, comes in publico, post
tot clientes unus eoque apud bonos laudatus et gravis iniquis.

2 hunc Latinius Latiaris, Porcius Cato, Petilius Rufus, M. Opsius

14. petitius : text L.

tive as an error arising out of ' tanto,'
and supposes the common ellipse of
' magis.' ' Solutus in luxnm ' occurs in
H. 2. 99. 3 (cp. H. 3. 3^, 3\ and it is
perhaps possible (see Wolfflin, I'hil. xxvii.
I47) that ' resolutus ' here points to the
former demoralizalion of Rhodes.

1. quippe, explaining 'malum.'

2. quam, to he taken only with ' au-
gere ' ; ' eum ' being rather supplied as
object of ' turbabat.'

3. non iam occultis, in contrast with
his conduct as described in c. 59, 5.

4. additus : see on c. 60, i ; 6. 14, 3 ;
also ' Teucns addita luno ' (Verg. Aen.
6, 90).

introitus, ' visits paid to them.'

5. struebantur, ' people were instruct-
ed.' Such a verb is elsewhere used of
persons rather in the form of zeugma,
as ' crimina et accusatores struere ' (11.
12, 1 , like ' inoliri ' 12. 22, 1).

6. celeberrimo fori : probably ' tem-
pore ' is to be supplied, and the expres-
sion taken as equiv.ilent to «v 070^0
TrKTjOovoT), i.e. the latter part of the lore-
noun.

7. efflgiem . . . amplecti. On this
mode of claiming privilege of sanctuary
see note on 3. 36. i .

S. velut pararent, obiciebantur,
' such measures, though rejected by them,
were laid to their charge as if they were
contemplating them.' Suet, states (Tib.
53) that thise charges were brought
against Agrippina at her condemnation,
lie also calls them lalse.

9. lunio Silano et Silio Nerva.

The insertion of ' et,' not classically usual
in this formula unless consuls are men-
tioned by one name only, may be in-
tended here, and in 14. 29, I, to separate
names that begin with the same letter,
but cannot always be so explained (cp.
15. 23, I ). The full names are App.
liinius Silanus, and 1'. Silius Nerva ' C. I.
L. X. 1196 ; llenzen, 6135I. The former
(on whom see note on 3. 68, 3) had a
nairow escape afterwards (6. 9, 5), and
perished under Claudius (see on 1 1. 29, i).
He was flamen Arvalis (C. I. L. vi.
2028 d). The other is perhaps son of the
cos. of 760, A. D. 7, and probably the
father ot the cos. of 818, A. D. 65 (see 15.
48, 1).

10. inlustri equite : see on 2. 59, 4.
Titio Sabino. His destruction is

represented as resolved upon four years
earlier, but postponed (see c. 18, i ; 19,
1 ) ; so that the matters related in this
ch. and in c. 69 may have spread over a
considerable part ol the intervening time.

12. percolere: cp. H. 2. 82, 2 : Agr.
ID, I ; apjiarently adopted by Tacitus in
this sense from I'lautus ( Trin. 2. 2, 41.

14. Porcius Cato ; probably the same
who, in 791, A. 1). 38, was 'curator aqua-
rum ' for one month only (according to
Xipp.'s reading of Frontin. Aq. 102),
having been previously cos. suff, also
legatus of Achaia C. I. Att. iii. i, 651 ) :
see further particulars in Nipp. on c. 71.

Petilius Rufus. ' Petitius ' is not
known as a Roman name, liorghesi (see.

570 P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 781.

praetura functi adgrcdiuntur, cupidinc consulatus, ad qucm non
nisi per Seianum aditus ; ncque Sciani voluntas nisi scelcre quac-
rebatur. compositum inter ipsos ut Latiaris, qui modico usu 3
Sabinum contingebat, strueret dolum, ceteri testes adessent,
5 deinde accusationem inciperent. igitur Latiaris iacere fortuitos 4
primum sermones, mox laudare constantiam. quod non, ut ceteri,
florentis domus amicus adflictam deseruissct ; simul honora de
Gcrmanico, Agrippinam miserans, disserebat. et postquam Sabi- 5
nus, ut sunt moUes in calamitate mortalium animi, effudit lacri-

10 mas, iunxit questus, audentius iam onerat Seianum, saevitiam,
superbiam, spes eius. ne in Tiberium quidem convicio abstinet ; 6
iique sermones, tamquam vetita miscuissent, specicm artae
amicitiae fcccre. ac iam ultro Sabinus quacrere Latiarem, vcnti- 7
tare domum, dolores suos quasi ad fidissimum deferre.

15 69. Consultant quos memoravi, quonam mode ea plurium
auditu acciperentur. nam loco in quern coibatur servanda soli- 2
tudinis facies ; et si pone fores adsistcrcnt, metus visus, sonitus
aut forte ortae suspicionis erat. tectum inter et laquearia tres 3
senatores, haud minus turpi latebra quam detestanda fraudc,

20 sese abstrudunt, foraminibus et rimis aurem admovent. interca 4
Latiaris repertum in publico Sabinum, velut recens cognita narra-
turuS; domum et in cubiculum trahit ; praeteritaque et instantia,

13. facere : text Mur. and Faern. 17. metu (metui' . . . suspiciones erant Ern.

18. erant: erat R.

Nipp. ) thinks this person probably the 12. vetita miscuissent, 'had ex-
father or grandfather of Q. Petilius Kufiis, changed confidences on torhidden sub-
cos, ii. in 8.',6, A.D. 83 (C. I. G. 3173), jects'; analogous to ' niiscere consilia '
and perhaps also father of Petilius Ce- (^cp. H. 2. 7, 3, &c.).
rialis (14. 32, 6, &c.). 15. quos memoravi, c. 68, 2.

M. Opsius. Borghesi thinks him the 16. acciperentur = 'audirentur,' as in

M. Opsius Navius Annianus recorded in i. 67, i, &c.

an inscription at Naples (,C. I. G. 5793) 17. metus . . . erat. With tliis read-
to have been praetor, and to have filled ing 'visus'and 'sonitus'are genitives; with
various lower magistracies and offices. ' erant,' ' metus' could stand as nom. pi.
3. usu, ' acquamtance,' as 2. 28. i. 18. forte ortae, i. e. of suspicion arising
7. florentis . . . adflictam This con- even without sight or hearing,
trast is repeated in c. 71, 7, and appar- tectum inter et laquearia, ' between
ently taken from Cic. pro Quint. 30, 93 roof and ceiling.' Thus we hear of a
(' ab adflicta amijitia translugcre atque person hidden ' inter cameram et tectum '
ad florentem aliam devolare 'j. (Val. Max. 6. 7, 2), irtl SnrKfjs 6po(pTJi
honora: cp. 1. 10, 7. fifra^v [,App. B. C. 4. 44^ The open
10. onerat. This word seems to be work of the ceiling gives the ' foramina '
only here thus used absolutely without mentioned below,
such a word as ' contumeliis.' The return 19. latebra . . . fraude, abl. abs.
to the historical present marks the change 22. instantia, 'present': cp. ' prae-
of subject again to Latiaris. terita instantia futura' H. 3. 36, i, and

A.D. 28]

LIBER ir. CAP. 68 70.

571

quorum adfatim copia, ac novos tcrrorcs cumulat. eadem illc ct
diutius, quanto maesta, ubi semel prorupere, difficilius reticcntur.

5 properata inde accusatio, missisque ad Caesarcm littcris ordinem

6 fraudis suunique ipsi dedecus narraveic. non alias magis anxia
et pavens civitas, reticcns advcrsum proxinios ; congressus, con- 5
loquia, notae ignotaequc aures vitari ; etiam muta atque inanima,
tectum et parictcs circumspcctabantur.

70. Sed Caesar sollemnia incipicntis anni kalendis lanuariis
epistula precatus, vertit in Sabinum, corruptos quosdam libcr-
torum et pctitum sc arguens, ultionemque baud obscure poscebat. 10

2 nee mora quin decerneretur ; et trahebatur damnatus, quantum
obducta veste et adstrictis faucibus niti poterat, clamitans sic

3 inchoari annum, has Seiano victimas cadere. quo intendisset
oculos, quo verba acciderent, fuga vastitas, deseri itinera fora.

4 et quidam regrediebantur ostentabantque se rursum, id ipsum 15

5. egens : tegens L, se tegens \'ertran., sui tegens Miill., relicens Weissenb.
14. accipertnt : text 1\.

a similar distinction in Aiict. ad Her.
2. 5, 8 ; Cic. de Or. 2. 2^, 106; Tusc. 4.
6, II.

1. adfatim, only here in Tacitus. It
is used as an adj. in I'laut. Trin. 5. 3, 10
(' miseria una uni ... est adfalim ').

2. diutius, ' more fully ' : cp. 6. 27, 5 ;
H. I. 16, 9, and ' diu ' in 6. 49, ?; 12.
6, 2, &c., a rare u-e, but in Cic. : see
(judeman on Dial. 11, 3.

5. reticens : none of the corrections
are quite satisfactory, and perhaps one or
more words depending on ' cgens ' are
lost. ' Tegens,' with or without ' se,'
■would mean ' guarding itself,' 'sui tegens'
would be analogous to c. i, 4.

8. sollemnia . . . precatus. On this
day the new magistrates entered office,
and vows were offered 'pro incolumitale
reipublicae,' accoiding to old republican
custom: see Liv. 21. 63, 7; Ov. F'a<t. i,
79, sqq ; also Marquardt, iii. 266 : cp.
note on c. 17, i.

9. corruptos, &c. We should natu-
rally infer from the last two chapters that
Sabinus was charged merely with lan-
guage abusive of Tiberius. But these
words imply some further charge, amount-
ing to one of alleged treasonable design.
Also, we should here gather that he was
at once condemned without trial, as is
also stated by 1 )io (58. i, 3 ; but it would
appear from Pliny (N. H. 8. 40, 61, 145)

that an execution, and probably some
examination, of his slaves took place.
The words of Pliny, ' cum animadver-
teretiu ex causa Neronis CJermanici fili
in Titium .Sabinum et servitia eius,' show
that these proceedings, though correctly
dated by him, are mixed uj> in his mind
with the charges against Nero in the
following year tcp. 5. 3, 2). Possibly
Nero may have been now implicated by
name (see below, § 7), or the treason of
Sabinus may have been brought up again
next year and laid to his charge.

11. quantum . . . poterat, qualifying
* clamitans.'

12. obducta veste, &c. He is dragged
off to the dungeon, his face muffled in his
toga, with the noose already round his
neck, and bound hand and foot : cp. be-
low, ' vincla et laqueus.' The story in
Dio (1. 1.) of the dog of Sabinus clinging
to his master's corpse, appears to be an
inaccurate version oi that of Pliny (1. 1.).

13. Seiano victimas, alluding to the
offerings on the new year : ' Seianus is
our god, and this is the sacrifice to him.'

quo intendisset. On the subjunct. see
Introd. v. § 52.

14. acciderent, ' reached the ear' ; so
' unde clamor acciderat ' H. 4. 29, 2.

15. id ipsum, &c., ' trembling at their
very betrayal of fear.'

572

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 781.

paventes, quod timuisscnt. quern enim diem vacuum poena, ubi 5
inter sacra et vota, quo tempore verbis etiam profanis abstincri
mos esset, vincla et laqueus inducantur? non inprudentem 6
Tiberium tantam invidiam adisse, set quaesitum meditatumque,
5 ne quid impedirc credatur quo minus novi magistratus, quo
modo delubra et altaria, sic carcerem recludant. secutae insupcr 7
litterae grates agentis,quod hominem infensum rei publicae puni-
vissent, adiecto trepidam sibi vitam, suspectas inimicorum insidias,
nullo nominatim conpellato ; neque tamen dubitabatur in Ne-

5o ronem et Agrippinam intendi.

71. Ni miiii destinatum foret suum quaeque in annum referre,
avebat animus antire statimque memorare exitus, quod Latinius
atque Opsins ceterique flagitii eius repertores habuere, non modo
postquam Gaius Caesar rerum potitus est, sed incolumi Tiberio,

15 qui scelerum ministros ut perverti ab aliis nolebat, ita plerumque

3. prudentem : lext R.

4. adisset : adisse B, adisse set Wurm.

1. quern enim, supplying the thought
that had led to the panic.

2. verbis etiam. The formula ' favcte
Unguis' is well known: see the many
passages illustrating this custom collected
in Marquardt, iii. 176, n. 2. Tiie action
of Manus in having caused a man to be
thrown from the rock on the first day of
the year is noted by Plutarch ^Mar. 45,
432)-

3. inducantur. Perhaps ' in senatum'
is supplied, as in 6. 7, 2 ; J 6. 8, 2, &c.
Nipp. takes it, as in H. 5 5, i, to mean
' introduced as novelties.'

non inprudentam. The MS. te.xt
could be taken ;as by Walther) as a
question (with ' adisse'), to which ' quae-
siium,' &c. (witiiout 'set') is the an-
swer : the correction however is generally
adopted.

5. ne quid, &c. Nipp. lakes these
words as the subject to 'quaesicum medi-
tatumque ' : 'prearranged and studied was
the demonstration that no scruple was to
prevent the new magistrates from open-
ing the prisons as solemnly as the temples
and altars.' It is, however, perhaps
better to supply from the sense some such
words as ' lacinus fuisse ' (cp. ' meditalum
scelus' 14. I, i) : the prison is imagined
as opened or inaugurated by the death
of the first criminal, as by an act of
sacrifice. It is to be noted that Suetonius

(Tib. 61) generalizes 'more suo ' from
this instance, ' animadversum in quosdam
ineunte anno novo.'

7. infensum rei publicae. The ex-
pression, repeated in 6. 24, i, a[)pears
to be one of the phrases of Tiberius
(,cp. c. J 9, 3\ and to resemble the ' hostis
puolicus ' of old phraseology (cp. Introd.
vi. p. 99\

8. trepidam, ' full of anxiety ' ; so
again in 14. 59, 2, and in such phrases as
in ' re trepida,' Sec.

suspectas : cp. 3- 52, i.

10. intendi. On this use of the accus.
and int. cp. Introd. v. § 44. It has been
noted (see above) that Nero's name may
have been mentioned in the trial.

11. Ni ... foret, &c. For the chief in-
stances of departure from the annalistic
method see Introd. iv. p. 27, n. i.

12. avebat animus. Diager compares
a similar use of the imperf. ind. in Cic.
de Off. 2. 19, 67 'admonebat me res ut . . .
deploraiem, ni vererer ' ; where, as here,
what is spoken of was not merely on the
point of occurring, but did and still does
occur to the mind : cp. Madv. § 348 b.

14. postquam Gaius Caesar, &c.
Latiaris alone suffered under Tiberius (6.
4, i). Ttie dnte of Cato's condemnation
may be inferred from the speedy end of
his curatorship (see on c. 68, 2) ; respect-
ing the others, all information is lost.

A.D. 28.]

LIBER IV. CAP. 10, 71.

573

satiatus ct oblalis in eandem operam recentibus vetercs et prae-

2 graves adflixit : verum has atquc alias sontium poenas in tem-

3 pore trademus. turn censuit Asinius Gallus, cuius liberorum
Agrippina matcrtera erat, petendum a principe ut metus suos

4 scnatui fatcretur ainovcriciue sinerct. nuUam aeque Tiberius, ut .s
rebatur, ex virtutibus suis quam dissimulationem diligebat : eo

5 aegrius acccpit recludi quae premeret. sed mitigavit Scianus,
non Galli amore, verum ut cunctationes principis oppcrirctur,
gnarus lentum in meditando, ubi prorupisset, tristibus dictis
atrocia facta coniungere. '<

6 Per idem tempus lulia mortem obiit, quam neptem Augustus
convictam adulterii damnaverat, proisceratque in insulam Tri-

7 nierum, baud procul Apulis litoribus. illic viginti annis exilium
toleravit Augustae ope sustentata, quae florentes privignos cum
per occultum subvertisset, misericordiam erga adflictos palam i;
ostentabat.

8. nperirentur : opperirentur Mur., text J. F. Gron.

1. praegraves, ' burdensome (as having
too many claims on hinij'; so 11. 19,
6; 14. 3, 2; H. I. 21, 2; 3. 66, .4;
generally with a dative added. This
sense of the word, as applied to persons,
appears tu be peculiar to Tacitus.

2. adflixit. Besides the case of Lnti-
aris, others are mentioned in 6. 10, 2 ; 29,
4 ; 30, 1 ; 38. 2.

in tempore: cp. i. 58. 9; 6. 22, 6.

4. matertera, i e. as half-sister of their
mother Vipsania (Introd. 'x. note 271.
The relationship is added to aggravate
the baseness of his conduct.

5. ut rebatur, taken closely with
'virtutibus'; 'his good qualities, as he
considered them.'

8. opperiretur. This verb would be
used as in 2. 6'), 4; 3. 4.^, 2, &c. Seianus
desired to biile the time of the prince's
hesitation, knowing that the result would
be the more complete for the delay.
Those who (as lialni and Allen) retain
'aperirentur ' extract a somewhat similar
meaning from a rather forced inter-
pietuion, 'that the prince's hesitation
should be left to disclose itself,' i.e. to
take its natural course in due time; or
'that his hesitation should show itself to
be hesitation only'; on the supposition
that a pereni])tory rebuke of Gallus
would have blinded the eyes of the

senate as to the real mind of Tibeiius re-
S[)ecting Agrippina and Nero. But this
appears to make the following sentence
less apposite.

9. gnarus, &c. On this trait in Tibe-
rius see 1.7, II, &c.

10. coniungere, i.e. made the act fol-
low closely on the word

11. lulia: see Introd ix. note 7.

12. Trimerum, one of the Diomedean
group, off Apulia, north of Garganus.
Strabo speaks of only one as inhabited
(6. 3, 9, 284), which must be the Uio-
niedia of I'liny (3. 26, 30, 151, &c.,, the
modern S. Domenico, in which the suj)-
posed tomb of Diomed was shown. 'Tri-
merum ' may be a vernacular name, and
should perhaps be written 'Tremetum'
or 'Tremitum,' the modern name of the
group being ' Isole di Tremiti.'

13. viginti annis. On the abl. see
Introd. V. § 26. The date thus furnished
makes her exile coincident with that of
Ovid, which has been thought to be
connected with it.

14. Augustae ope. On this view of
her character see Introd. viii. p. 149.

privignos ; used by syllepsis of both
sexes: cp. Introd. v. § 83.

15. per occultum : cp. ■;. 4, 4 ; 6. 7, 4 ;
Introd. V. § 62. ' Subvert isset ' is prob-
ably subjiinct. of repeated action.

574

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 781.

72. Eodem anno Frisii, transrhenanus populus, pacem exuere,
nostra magis avaritia quam obsequii inpaticntes. tributum iis 2
Drusus iusserat modicum pro angustia rerum ut in usus militares
coria bourn penderent, non intenta cuiusquam cura quae firmi-

5 tudo, quae mensura, donee Olennius e primipilaribus regendis
Frisiis inpositus terga urorum delegit, quorum ad formam acci-
percntur. id aliis quoque nationibus arduum apud Germanos 3
difficilius tolerabatur, quis ingentium bcluarum feraces saltus,
modica domi armenta sunt, ac primo boves ipsos, mox agros, 4

10 postremo corpora coniugum aut liberorum servitio tradebant.
hinc ira et questus, et postquam non subveniebatur, remedium 5
ex bello. rapti qui tributo aderant milites et patibulo adfixi :
II. subueniebat : text R.

1. Frisii : see on i. 60, 3.

pacem exuere. On the metaphorical
uses of this verb in Tacitus see on
1. 69. 2.

2. tributum iis . . . iusserat. Such
a constr. of ' iubeo ' with dat. pers., and
accus., or subjunct., or infin., of the thing
or act, is found in 13. 15, 3 ; 40, 3, also
in Statius, Theb. 7, 32 (' pacemque iubebo
omnibus'), &c. ; Curt. 5. 6, 8, &c. : see
other instances in Nipp. The construc-
tion is analogous to that of ' inipero,' and
akin to the earlier usage of ' iubeo ' with
the sense of 'appointing' or 'assigning,'
as ' iubere aliquem regem,' &c. (Liv. i.
22,1, &c.), ' ei provinciam Numidiam . . .
iussit' (Sail. Jug. 84, i).

3. Drusus, the brother of Tiberius,
who, in 742, B.C. 12, Toi/j ^pia'iovs wKti-
uiaaro, and was saved by them from a
disaster (Dio, 54. 32, 2). On his sub-
jection of this people see Momms. Hist.
V. 25, E. T. i. 27.

angustia. The sing, is found in
Cic. N. D. 2. 7, 20 (' angustia orationis ') ;
also in Sail., PI. N. H., Apul., and in the
Vulgate. Gudeman reads ' angustia re-
rum ' in Dial. 8, 12.

ut . . . penderent. For other cases
of tribute paid in kind, besides the well-
known instance of corn, see Marquardt,
ii. 232. The hides would be for tents,
shields, &c. That they also had to fur-
nish troops is im])lied in c. 73, 7.

5. e primipilaribus : see on 2. ii, 2.
Olennius may have had the equestrian
position of a ' procurator fisci ' ; but
such subordinate governors of minor dis-
tricts are gei.erally styled 'praefecti' (cp.
H. 4, 14, 4; 55, 2). Several such are

mentioned in Inscr. : see Henzen, Ind.
p. 108, and especially two such recorded
as ' primi pili,' 6938 (C. I. L. v. 1838"),
6939. The construction here taken by
' impositus ' would be more usual with
' praefectus.'

6. terga, 'hides'; as in 15. 44, 6; H.
2. 88, 5; after Vergil (Aen"i, 368) and
Ovid ; used also of anything made of
leather, by Sail. (Ii. inc.' 48 D, 14 K, 32
G). and poets.

urorum. Caesar, in a passage evi-
dently founded on hearsay and mixed with
fable (B. G. 6. 28 \ speaks of the 'urus'
of the Hercynian forest as almost of the
size of an elephant. Pliny also (N. H. 8.
15, 38) mentions the wild cattle of Ger-
many ' iubatos bisontes, excellentique et
vi et velocitate uros ' Vergil uses 'uri'
of the Italian buffaloes (G. 2, 374; 3,
532), whose hides were perhaps taken
as the standard. In the context, 'in-
gentium beluarum feraces saltus' is
thrown in by way of contrast, as if pre-
ceded by 'quamquam'; the real stress
being laid on 'modica domi armenta.'
The Frisii were far from the great forests,
and domestic herds must in any case
mainly supply a tribute ; CJermany being
' pecorum fecunda sed plerumque impro-
cera' (G. 5, i).

10. corpora . . . tradebant. On this
German custom, see G. 24, 4. The
periphrasis ' corpora ' is so used in speak-
ing of slaves in Verg. Aen. 9, 273: cp.
' liberis corporibus' 12. 17, I.

11. subveniebatur: ' subveniebat '
can have no subject but Olennius, who
has not been recently mentioned.

12. qui tributo aderant : cp. 'cohor-

A. D. 28 ]

LIBER IV. CAP. 72, 73.

575

6 Olcnnius infcnsos fu<ja piaevcnit, rcceptus castello, cui nomeii
Flcvum ; ct baud spernenda illic civium sociorumquc manus
litora Occani pracsidcbat.

73. Quod ubi L. Apronio infcrioris Gcrmaniac i)ro practorc
cognitum, vexilla lc<;ionum e supcriorc provincia peditumque ct 5
equitum auxiliarium dclectos accivit ac simul utrumque excr-
cituiii Rhcno devectum Frisiis intulit, soluto iam castclli obsidio

2 et ad sua tutanda degressis rebcllibus. igitur proxima aestuaria
aggeribus ct pontibus traducendo graviori agmini firmat. atquc
interim repertis vadis alam Canninefatem et quod peditum 10
Germanorum inter nostros merebat circumgredi terga hostium
iubet, qui iain acic compositi pellunt turmas sociales equitesque

3 legionum subsidio missos. turn tres leves cohortes ac rursum
duae, dein tempore intericcto alarius eques inmissus : satis validi,

si simul incubuissent, per intervallum adventantes neque con- 15
stantiam addiderant turbatis et pavore fugientium auferebantur.

8. digressis B. 10. Canninefatium Asbach see Halm}. 12. pelluntur :

text K. 14. acrius ; alaiius Pieinsh.

tem quae . . . excubiis adest ' 12. 69, i.
This dative expresses purpose, and ap-
pears to be shortened from the gerundive
(i.e. 'tribute exigendo'), and to follow
its construction. Cj). Introd. v. § 22 b.
patibulo : cp i. 61, 6.

2. Flevtim, also the name of a lake
and island (Mela, 3. 2, 24\ and of a
mouth of the Rhine (PI in. N. H. 4. 15,
29, 101), apparently confounded with the
canal of Drusus (2. 8, 1). The name
appears in the modern Vlieland. but the
geography is much altered by the present
Zuydersee : cp. i. 60, 3, &c.

3. praesidebat, with accus. : cp. 3.

39. I-

4. L. Apronio, already mentioned as
legatus of (iermanicus (i. 56, i, &c.),
and as proconsul of Africa (3. 21, i).
He would appear to have succeeded C
Visellius Varro (,3. 41, 3).

pro praetore, i. e. ' legato Augusti
proprattore.' as in 2. 66, i.

5. vexilla, probably 'detachments';
not specially ' veterani sub vexiUo ' (see
on I. 17, 4).

6. utrumque, i. e. his own force of
Lower Germany, as well as the troops
from the Upper army. To the former
belong the ' legiones ' mentioned, especi-
ally the Fifth legion (cp. i. 31, 3).

7. castelli, i.e. ' Flevi' (c. 72, 6).

8. ad sua tutanda. On the error into
which Ptolemy appears to have been led
by this expression, see Introd. ii. p. 11.

degressis. The reading is here still
in dispute : the i)assages in c. 74. 4, and
2. 69, 4, are hardly parallel ; but in
several instances the two verbs approach
each other in meaning, and it is difficult
to determine which should be read : see
Gerbcr and Grcef, Lex. s. v,

aestuaria: cp. 2. 8, 3.

9. aggeribus, 'causeways'; thus
coupled with ' pontes' in i. 61, 2.

10. Canninefatem. This people lived
in the ' insula ' of the Rhine adjoining the
Hatavi, and are often mentioned during
the rising of Civilis (H. 4. 15, i, &c.V
The orthography of the name varies much
in MSS. and Inscir. : see P>aiter here.

1 2. turmas sociales, the ' ala ' men-
tioned above.

equites legionum: cp. H. t. 57,
2 : Litrod. vii. p. 123. Tliose of the four
legions of the Lower army appear to be
meant, who would be in all but sixteen
' turm.TC,' or 480 men.

13. leves cohortes; part of the aux-
iliary foot.

14. alarius eques ; the main body of
auxiliary hor.^e, as distinct from the single
' ala ' mentioned above.

576

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. r''!.

Ccthego Labeoni legato quintae Icgionis quod reliquum auxi- 4
liorum tradit. atque ille dubia suoruni re in anceps tractus
missis nuntiis vim legionum inplorabat. prorumpunt quintani 5
ante alios et acri pugna hoste pulso recipiunt cohortis alasque

6 fessas vulneribus. neque dux Romanus ultum iit aut corpora 6
humavit, quamquam multi tribunorum praefectorumque et insig-
nes centuriones cecidissent. mox compertum a transfugis non- 7
gentos Romanorum apud lucum quem Baduhennae vocant
pugna in posterum extracta confectos, et aliam quadringentorum

10 manum occupata Cruptorigis quondam stipendiarii villa, postquam
proditio metuebatur, mutuis ictibus procubuisse.

74. Clarum inde inter Germanos Frisium nomen, dissimulante
Tiberio damna, ne cui bellum permitteret. neque senatus in eo 2
cura, an imperii extrema dehonestarentur : pavor internus occu-

15 paverat animos, cui remedium adulatione quaerebatur. ita 3
quamquam diversis super rebus consulerentur, aram clementiae,

I. cethecio : text L. 10. cruptoricis : text Otto. 14. internos: text R.

I. legato . . . legionis : cp. i. 44,
3, &c.

5. dux Bomanus. The words appa-
rently emphasize his unworthy negli-
gence.

ultum iit: cp. 6. 36, i; 12. 45, 2;
15. 1, i; 49, 6, &c. ; with accus. of
tlie wiong avenged in Sail. Jug. 68, i,
&c.

6. praefectorum, commanders of aux-
iliary cohorts and ' alae.'

insignes, ' of high rank.' On the
gradations of rank among centurions see
on I. 29, 2, also Introd. vii. p. 123.

8. Baduhennae. The name appears
to be that of a goddess (cp. 'lamfana'
1. 51, 2) of whom notliing is known
except that philologists, as Miilknhoff
(Zeitsch. f. deutscli. Alt.ix. 1853, p. 240),
take the two first syllables to mean war
or battle, and the name has been ex
plained as ' kampfvMiiige.'

9. in posterum, sc. 'diem': cp. c.

45,4-

10. stipendiarii ; not here in the usual
sense (c. 20, i^, but =' qui stipentlia me-
ruerat ' : cp. ' (Komani) postquam stipen-
diarii facti sunt ' Liv. 8. 8, 3, ' cohortes
stipendiariae' Ikll. Afr. 43, i. A 'cohors
i. i>risiavonum' (see note on 13. 54, 2)
was serving in Britain in the time of
Trajan and Hadrian (_C. I. L. vii. 1194,
H95)-

villa. For this term in relation to
Germans cp. H. 4. 34, 4; 5. 23, 4, and
the distinction ' villas arva vicos' in Ann.
'3- ^1^ 5- Here it probably means the
mansion of a proprietor surrounded by
outtniildings and cottages of serfs (see
note on Ci. 2.^, i ' ; the whole being shown
to be of considerable extent by the number
here occupying it.

12. Clarum inde, &c. : see 11. 19, 2,
where Corbulo is said in 800, A I). 47. to
have first brought them to terms after
the 'clades Apronii.' Their submission
was still imperfect vsee 13. 5.^, 2).

13. ne . . . permitteret, i c. lest any
one entrust!. d with power to make war on
a larger scale should be dangerous. It
is at least equally probable that Tiberius
did not think the territory worth the
pains of such rcconquest ; still more so
tliat this is merely an instance of the
disinclination to eftort which marks his
later yeais (see Introd. viii. p. 154). It
would appear from f>. 3<3, 3, that Apronius,
in spite of his incompetence, was still
' legatus,' but that the general condition
of tile ' Germaniae' was peaceful.

1 4. an, depending on ' in eo.'

16. quamquam . . . consulerentur:
see on 2. 33, 2.

aram clementiae .... amicitiae.
On such commemorative altars cp. 1. 14,
3 ; 3- i^> 3- tckhel (vi. p. 187) mentions

A.D. 28.]

LIBER IV. CAP. 73-75.

577

aram amicitiae effigicsquc circum Caesaris ac Sciani censuerc,
crebrisquc precibus efflagitabant visendi sui copiam facercnt.

4 non illi tamen in urbem aut propinqua urbi degrcssi sunt : satis

5 visum omittcre insulam et in proximo Campaniae aspici. eo
venire patres, eques, magna pars plebis, anxii erga Seianum, 5
cuius durior congrcssus, atque co per ambitum et societate con-

6 siliorum parabatur. satis constabat auctam ei adrogantiam
foedum illud in propatulo servitium spectanti ; quippe Romae
sueti discursus, et magnitudine urbis incertum quod quisque ad
negotium pergat: ibi campo aut litore iacentes nullo discrimine 10
noctcm ac diem iuxtagratiam aut fastus ianitorum perpetiebantur,

7 donee id quoque vetitum : et revenere in urbcm trepidi, quos
non sermone, non visu dignatus erat, quidam male alacres, quibus
infaustae amicitiae gravis exitus inminebat.

75. Ceterum Tiberius neptem Agrippinam Germanico ortam 15

9. magnitudini : text R. 12. idque : text Mur.

a medal of Tiberius, struck in or before
771, A.D. 18, bearing on the reverse
' Clementiae ' S. C.

I. circum, 'on either side' (i.e. of the
altar of ' amicitia '). The word has tliis
force in 14. 34, 3; H. 2. 89, 2.

3. degressi. Here the MS. text has
been generally retained, as also in 11.
21, 3 (,' degressusque in urbem'), where
' ex Africa ' is implied. Here it probably
signifies taking a course from Capreae ;
rather than, as in 6. i, 2, disembarkation
from sliipboard : see note on 2. 69, 4.

4. omittere ; so ' omissa Armenia ' 6.
36, 2; 'Achaia' 15. 36, i, &c.

in proximo Campaniae : cp. ' in
prominent! liloris' i. 53, 7; Introd. v.
§ 32 a.

5. patres, eques: cp. i. 7i !•
magna pars plebis. probably the

better sort, who could afford the journey,
and had hope of a rise in rank. The
attach;-nent of the ' plebs sordida' to
Caesar (see H. i. 4, 3) seems of later
date.

6. durior = ' difficilior' ; so 'durum et
arduum ojius' H. 2. 4, 5, ' duris sub-
vectionibus' Caes. In G. 7. 10, i. Nipp.
takes it to mean that Seianus was more un-
approachable than Tiberius; but it seems
more probable that the contrast was with
his former habit i^cp. c. 40, 7j ; he had
grown harder of access, and only thofe
who made interest to get at him and
shared his plans could see him. The

' ambitus ' would be exercised on the
' ianitores,' &c. (,§ 6). Nipp. understands
by ' societate consiliorum,' that men took
each other into council and helped each
other to get audience ; but we should
rather find in Tacitus ' sociare consilia
cum aliquo,' than 'inter se' (cp. H. 2.
74, 2; 4. 15, 1).

9. sueti discursus, ' to see people
running to and fro was usual ' ; so ' in
discursu ' H. i. 84, i : cp. Hirt. B. G. 8.
29, 2 ; Liv. 25. 25, 9, &c.

10. campo aut litore. On the abl,
cp. Introd. V. § 23.

11. noctem ac diem iuxta, 'alike by
night and by day': 'iuxta,' in the sense
of ' aeque,' generally follows the words
coupled by it ^i- 48, 2; 2. 72, 3; 12.
10, I, Ike.)

perpetiebantur : the condescension
of such persons was as odious as their
insolence. On the court paid to them
cp. 6. 8, 10.

12. id quoque. Ritter notes (on c. 21)
that in all cases where ' que ' (as read
here in the MS.) has the force of 'quo-
que' as in I. 65, 2 ; 2. 37, i ; 57, I, &c.\
it follows the first word in a sentence.

13. male, 'with bad reason'; explained
by the following words.

14. gravis exitus : cp. Verg. Aen. 10,
630 ' manet insontem gravis exitus.'

15. Agrippinam: see Introd. ix. note
14. She would appear to have been now
barely thirteen years old. From this

578

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM LIBER IK

cum coram Cn. Domitio tradidisset, in urbe celcbrari nuptias
iiissit. in Domitio super vetustatem generis propinquum Caesar- 2
ibus sanguinem delegerat ; nam is aviam Octaviam et per cam
Augustum avunculum praeferebat.

4. FlMT LiBEK nil. iNCiriT LiBER V.

marriage L. Domitius, afterwards the
emperor Nero, was born nine years later,
and her husband died about three years
after that date (Suet. Ner. 6). Many
representations of her on coins exist (see
Cohen, i. pp. 271-276, Bernoulli ii. coins,
pi. xxxv), and several statues are ascribed
to her ; but the difficulties of identification
(see Bernoulli) are great.

I. coram : cp. c. 54, 3 ; probably
during this visit to Campania.

Domitio, Cn. Domitius Ahenobar-
bus, cos. 785, A.D. 32 (6. I, i). Sue-
tonius (Xer. 5) speaks of him as ' omni

parte vitae dctestabilis.' For further
mention of him in Tacitus see 6. 4^:;, 4 ;
47, 2 ; 12. 3, 2; 13. 10, I. He is also
often mentioned as one of the ' Arvales '
from 780 to 792, A.D. 27-39 (C. I. L. vi.
I, 2024-2029). Nipp. also refers to him
the inscr. C. I. Att. iii. I, 604. On
his father, and on the relationship to
Augustus, see c. 44, 2, 3.

4. avunculum, ' great-uncle'; as in 2.
43, 6, &c.

praeferebat, ' had to show ' ; so ' longa
decora praeferentes ' 14. 53, 5. The sense
is almost the same as in 2. 53, 4, &c.

BOOK V.
SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.

A. U. C. 782, A. D. 29. C. Fufiua Geminus, L. Rubellius Geminus, coss.

Ch. 1-5. Death of Julia Augusta, and immediate attack on Agrippina and Nero.
1. Death and character of Augusta. 2. Behaviour of Tiberius; his animosity
towards Fufius the consul. 3. Letters of indictment against Agrippina and Nero
sent to the senate. 4. Junius Rusticus advises delay ; manifestations of popular
feeling. 5. Second letter of Tiberius, who still reserves the sentence in his own
hands.

p. CORNELII TACITI

ANNALIUiM AB EXCESSU DIVI AUGUSTI

LIBER V. FRAGMENTU:^!.

1. RUBELLIO et Fufio consulibus, quorum utrique Gcminus
cognomentum erat, lulia Augusta mortem obiit, aetate extrema, 5
nobilitatis per Claudiam familiam et adoptione Liviorum lulio-

2 rumque clarissimae, primum ei matrimonium et liberi fuere cum
Tiberio Nerone, qui bello Perusino profugus, pace inter Sex.

3 Pompeium ac triumviros pacta in urbem rediit. exim Caesar
cupidine formae aufert marito, incertum an invitam, adeo pro- 10
perus ut ne spatio quidem ad cnitcndum date penatibus suis

2. ab excessu diui Augusti. 8. perusinio (or pusinio) : text B.

4. Kubellio et Fufio, C. Fufius Ge-
minus and L. Rubellius Geminus (Insc.
Henz. 68;.4, and others cited hy Nipp. )■
On Fufius see c. 2, 2 : his father was a
legatus of Caesar in Pannonia in 720,
B.C. 34 (Die, 49. 38, 1); his mother's
name is given as Vitia ^^6. 10, i).

5. aetate extrema. As her son was
in his seventieth year, her age can hardly
be less than eighty-six, as given by Dio
(58. 2, i) ; and that she was but eighty-
two i^Plin. N. H. 14. 6, 8, 60 , must be
impossible.

6. nobilitatis . . . clarissimae : see
Introd. ix. note 26. Borghesi i^v. 314)
shows that her father, M. Livius Drusus
Claudianus, must have been son either of
App. Claudius, trib. mil. in 667, B.C. 87
(App. B. C. I. 68), killed in repelling
Telesinus from the CoUine gate m 672,
B.C. 82 (Plut. Sull. 29, 470', or of Clau-
dius Pulcher, legatus (Liv. Kpit. 95': or
praetor (Plut. Crass. 9) in 681, B.C. 73;
both of whom were probably sons of C.
Claudius, cos. in 624, li. C. 130 : also that
the adoptive father of Drusus Claudianus
must have been Livius Drusus, the famous

tribune of 663, B.C. 91. Claudianus
was proscribed, and killed himself after
Philippi (Dio, 48. 44, i). e

8. Tiberio Nerone : s e Introd. (1.1.);
also 6. 51, 2; Suet. Tib. 4. His service
as quaestor is also recorded in Bell. Al.
25, 3. His praetorship would appear from
Suetonius to have been in 713, B.C. 41,
but may have been a year earlier. In
714, B.C. 40, on the surrender of Perusia,
he escaped thence to Prat neste and Nea-
polis, tried to organize a slave-rising, and
took refuge in Sicily with Pompcius,
from whom he passed to Antonius (^Suet.
1. 1. .

pace, at Misenum in 715, B. c. 39.

10. cupidine, causal abl. Her beauty
is shown by many representations of her
in coins, gems, and sculpture : see Ber-
noulli.

aufert marito : see i. 10, 4.

incertum an, here apparently ' per-
haps not,' as in H. I. 23, i. The oppo-
site meaning (see on 15. 64, i) is more
usual.

11. enitendum, absol. as Verg. Aen.
3, 327 ; Quint. 5. 13, 9; Suet. Cal. 25.

VOL. I

Pp

582

P. CORNELll TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U. C. 782.

jjravidam induxerit. nullam posthac subolem edidit, sed sanguini 4
Augusti per coniunctionem Agrippinae et Germanici adnexa
communes pronepotes habuit. sanctitate domus priscum ad 5
morem, comis ultra quam antiquis feminis probatum, mater

5 inpotens, uxor facilis et cum artibus mariti, simulatione filii bene
composita. funus eius modicum, testamentum diu inritum fuit. 6
laudata est pro rostris a Gaio Cacsare pronepote. qui mox rerum
potitus est.

2. At Tiberius, quod supremis in matrem officiis defuisset,

10 nihil mutata amoenitate vitae, magnitudinem negotiorum per
litteras excusavit, honoresque memoriae eius ab senatu large
decretos quasi per modestiam imminuit, paucis admodum receptis
et addito ne caelestis religio decerneretur : sic ipsam maluisse.
quin et parte eiusdem epistulae incrcpuit amicitias muliebres, 2

3. pronepotes : cp. ' privignos ' 4.

71.7-

priscum ad morem. The notion of
a verb denoting approximation is sup-
plied from the sense.

4. comis, ' affable.'

mater inpoteus, ' as a mother, im-
perious': cp. I. 4, 5 ; 4. 57, 4; also the
use of ' inpotentia' in 12. 57, 5; 14. 31,
5 ; G. 35, 3 ; and of ' inpotens ' in G. 36,
1. From denoting absence of self-control,
the word in such places takes the more
special sense of violent assertion of self-
will. Others, after J. F. Gron., take it
less well to denote her extravagant fur-
therance of her son's interests.

5,. uxor facilis, ' as a wife, compliant.'
Special allusion seems intended to her
connivance at her husband's laxity in
private life (Suet. Aug. 71 ; Dio, 58. 2,
5J : cp. 4. 2, 4 ; and ' facilitas ' 2. 65, 3 ;
6. 15, 3, &c.

artibus, ' subtilty.' His many-sided
genius for intrigue and diplomacy is con-
trasted with the mere reserve and hypo-
crisy attributed to Tiberius.

bene composita, ' well matched,' a
metajthor from the arena: cp. 15. 51, 7;
16. 10, 3, and notes, also ' vir fortis cum
mala fortuna compositus' (Sen. Frov. 2,
9) ; ' uti non compositum melius cum
liitho Uacchius' (Ilor. Sat. 1. 7, 19) ;
also the use of ' comparatur' in 4. 28, 2.
' Ulixes stolatus' is the name given to her
byhergreatgrandsonGaius(Suet. Cal. 23).
On the estimate of her character by Tacitus
see Introd. viii. p. 149.

6. diu ; until the accession of Gains,
wlio paid all legacies under her will,
' quod Tiberius suppresserat ' ^Suet. L'al.
16).

10. amoenitate. Tacitus elsewhere uses
this word only of places (as 14. 31, 7;
52, 2, Sic.'), but has 'amoena vita' (15.
55, 5) to denote a lax, self-indulgent life.

1 1. excusavit, ' pleaded in excuse' ; as
in 3. II, 2, &c. It is stated by .Suetonius
(Tib. 51) that he had only seen her once
for a few hours during the last three years,
and never during her last illness ; and that
her funeral was improperly delayed in ex-
pectation of his coming.

honores . . . imminuit. He had acted
similarly towards her after the death of
Augustus (I. 14, 1).

12. paucis . . . receptis. Dio states
(58. 2, i') that he accepted no more than
a public funeral, and the erection of a few
statues and other trifling memorials ; but
that the senate, out of genuine gratitude
for her protection and liberality, went
further, and prescribed a year's mourning
and other honours. Her birthday con-
tinued to be honoured (6. 5, i).

13. ne . . . decerneretur. On her sub-
sequent deification see Introd. ix. note
26. The inscription ' Liviae Augusti
Deae' (Orell.614) belongs to the lifetime
of Augustus and to Sicily.

14. amicitias: cp. 4. 40, 7. Suetonius
states (Tib. 51) that he soon struck down
all her friends, even those to whom she
had given charge of her funeral.

A.D. 29] LIBER V. FRAGMENTUM. CAP. 1-4. 583

3 l^'ufium consiilem oblique pcrstringens. is f^ratia Auf^ustae floru-
crat, aptus adliciendis feminarum aniinis, dicax idem et Tibcrium
acerbis facetiis inridere solitus, quaruni apud praepotentcs in
longum memoria est.

3. Ccterum ex co pracrupta iam et urguens dominatio ; nam 5
incolumi Augusta erat adhuc perfugium.quia Tiberio inveteratum
erga niatrem obsequium, neque Seianus audebat auctoritati par-

2 cntis antire : tunc velut frenis exsoluti proruperunt, missacquc
in Agrippinam ac Neronem litterae, quas pridem adlatas et cohi-
bitas ab Augusta credidit vulgus ; haud enim multo post mortem 10

3 eius recitatae sunt, verba inerant quaesita asperitate ; sed non
arma, non rerum novarum studium, amores iuvenum et inpudici-

4 tiam ncpoti obiectabat. in nurnm ne id quidem confingere ausus,
adrogantiam oris et contumacem animum incusavit, magno
senatus pavore ac silentio, donee pauci, quis nulla ex honesto 15
spes (et publica mala singulis in occasioncm gratiae trahuntur),
ut referretur postulavere, promptissimo Cotta Messalino cum

5 atroci sententia. sed aliis a primoribus maximeque a magistra-
tibus trepidabatur : quippe Tiberius etsi infense invectus cetera
ambigua reliquerat. 20

4. Fuit in senatu Junius Rusticus, conponendis patrum actis

10. multum: text Heins. 13. confringere : text B.

I. Fufium : see c. i, i. His death retains the MS. text with an expression

appears to be that recorded in Dio, 58. of doubt.

4, 5; where the name is read as Taios n. quaesita: cp. 3. f7, i.

"PoxKpoi Te/xiVior. Nipp. considers that 14. oris, • of speech ' : cp. 'orasono

his wife, who is there called IIouTrAia discordia signant ' (.Verg. Aen. 2, 423 .
IlpiaKa, is the Mutilia Prisca of 4. 12. 6. 16. et publica, &c. : for similar paren-

3. in longum: cp. i. 69, 7. The theses with 'et' cp. H. 4. 14, 2; 5. 8, 3.
general sentiment is nearly repeated in occasionem gratiae. A gerundive

15.68,4. notion, such as that of ' captandae,' is

5. praerupta, 'stern': the metaphor implied,as in ' occasio odii' 15. 73, 4, &c.
is taken from an inaccessible rock: cp. 17. ut referretur postulaVere, ' de-
16. 7, 4; and ' praerupta audacia ' (Cic. manded that the question be put': cp.
pro Rose. Amer. 24, 68), ' praeruptum 13. 49, 2 ; and note on 2. 38, 3.

. . . pcriculum ' ^Veil. 2. 2, 2). promptissimo, sc. 'ad postulandum.'

urguens, ' crushing ' ; so used of press- cum atroci sententia, ' prepared with

ing evils m 4. 66, 3 ; Cic. Tusc. 3. 25. 61. a severe proposal ' (cp. 6. 2, i ; H. 3.

8. antire. here alone in Tacitus' with 37. i ; Liv. 2.35, i),when it should come
dat. ; so in Cicero, &c. to his turn. On this character of Cotla

9. adlatas, sc. ' ad consules.' Messalinus cp. 2. 32, 2 ; 6. 5, i.

10. multo. Here and in la. 4, i, 18. magistratibus. The responsibility
Halm adopts this correction in accord- cf the ' relatio ' rested with them.

ance with the usage of Tacitus (shown 19. cetera, i.e. what he wanted to

in some forty instances : see Gerber have done.

and Greef'^ and of other authors. Nipp. 21. lunius Rusticus; probably father

584

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 7S2.

delectus a Caesare, eoque meditationes eius introspicere creditus.
is fatal! quodam motu (neque enim ante specimen constantiae 2
dederat) seu prava sollertia, dum imminentium oblitus incerta
pavet, inserere se dubitantibus ac monere consules ne relationcm
5 inciperent ; dissercbatque brevibus momentis summa verti ; posse
quandoque donnts Germanici exitium paenitentiae esse seni.
simul popiilus effigies Agrippinae ac Neronis gcrens circumsistit 3
curiam faustisque in Caesarem ominibus falsas litteras et principe
invito exitium domui eius intendi clamitat. ita nihil tristc illo 4

I. meditationis : text R. 6. germanicis titiiim paenitentiae senis : Cermanici

exitium paenitentiae esse seni Rup., domus ins. Halm. 8. festisque : text Mur.

omnibus : text B.

of the well-known Aruleniis Riisticus
(i6. 26, 6, Sic), who is called 'lunius
Kusticus ' in Suet. Dom. 10.

conponendis patrum actis. On the
' acta senatus ' see Intiod. iii. p. ] 8. We
have no earlier record of the office lure
mentioned, which is taken to be the same
as that of 'curator aclorum senatus'
(Inscr. Henzen 5447=0. I. L. ix. 2456),
or ' ab actis senatus' (Henzen 5478 =
Wilmanns 636, &c.\ It is not certain
that at this date the officer was himself
a member of the senate ; later, the post
was a stepping-stone to the aedileship ;
see Slaatsr. ii. p. 901.

1. eoque . . . creditus. These minutes
were sent to Caesar in his absence (^Suet.
Tib. 73), and their compiler must have
been so far in his confidence as to receive
instructions to suppress record of anything
obnoxious. On the construction of ' cre-
ditus ' see Introd. v. § 45.

2. fatali quodam motu, 'impelled
somehow by his destiny ' ; i. e. by some
inexplicable motive : see on 3. 30, 7.

constantiae, 'courage,' as i. 32, i;
15-55,7. &c.

3. prava, 'misguided'; i.e. mistaking
his true interest. It is explained by the
following words : he overlooked the pre-
sent danger of thwarting Caesar, on the
uncertain chance that he might change
his mind and punish their zeal.

4. pavet. The accus. with this verb
is poetical, but found in Sail. Cat. 31, 3,
Liv. and PI. Mai.: cp. 15. 11, 2 ; H. 3.
56, 3, and the use of ' pavescere ' (i. 4, 2,
&c.), and ' expavescere ' (H. 2. 76, 3).

inserere se ; so in H. 2. 19, 3: cp.
6. 2, I ; Ovid, &c.

relationem inciperent. The same

phrase is used in 13. 26, 2, where see note.

5. brevibus momentis summa verti,
' small things turn the scale in great
events ' ; i.e. some influence too slight
now to be foreseen inay change Caesar's
whole purpose. The sentiment is that of
Cicero (Pliil. 5. 10, 26 , 'minimis mo-
mentis maximae inclinationes temporum
fiunt ' : cp. ' momenta deticientis ' Agr.
43, 3, ' momentumcjue fuit mutatus Curio
rerum ' Luc. 4, 819 ; and note on 4. 32, 4.
J'orthis sense of ' brevis,' Orelli compares
' breve pondus' Hor. Sat. 2. 2, 37.

posse . . . seni. The corrupt MS. text
has exercised the ingenuity of all com-
mentators. Walther has collected some
fourteen suggestions which had found
more or less favour down to his own
time. For others see Halm (Comm.
Crit.); Pfitzner ^p. 100); Ritter (Rhein.
Mus. xvii. p. 130). The above reading
would express what must have been the
sense of the original text ; and the ab-
sorption of 'esse,' between ' ae ' and ' s.'
as well as the addition of ' s ' to ' seni,'
from ' simul,' can be supposed without
difficulty ; but ' domus,' though required
by the sense, cannot have dropped out so
easily ; and possibly some words amount-
ing to a whole line in an original MS.
may have been lost.

7. effigies . . . gerens : compare the
similar mode of showmg attachment to
Octavia (14. 61, i).

8. faustis . . . ominibus: cp. i. 3.=;, 3-
Walther's defence of ' festis ' by reference
to 12. 69, 1, (&c., is insufficient: any
festal expressions would have been wholly
out of place ; yet men desired to profess
due loyalty to Caesar, and to regard him
as the dupe of Seianus.

A.D. 29.] LIBER V. FRAGMENTUM. CAP. 4,5. 585

die patratum. ferebantur etiam sub nominibus consularium fictac
in Scianum sententiae, excrcentibus plcrisque per occultum atque

5 CO procacius libidinem ingcniorum. unde illi ira violcntior ct
materies criminandi : spretum dolorem principis ab senatu, dc-
scivissc populum ; audiri iam et Icgi novas contioncs, nova patrum 5
consulta : quid reliquum nisi ut caperent ferrum et, quorum
imai^incs pro vcxillis secuti forcnt, duces imperatorcsque deli-
gerent ?

5. Igitur Caesar repctitis adversum nepotem et nurum probris
incrcpitaque per cdictum plcbe, questus apud patres quod fraudc 10
unius scnatoris imperatoria niaiestas clusa publice foret, integra

2 tamcn sibi cuncta postulavit. nee ultra deliberatum quo minus
non quidcm extrema decernerent (id enim vetitum), sed paratos
ad ultionem vi principis impediri testarentur.

I. ferebantur, 'wtre reported outside elusa, 'turned into ridicule': op. 6.
the senate house.' 46, 9 ; 16. 3, 2, &c.

3. libidinem ingeniorum, ' their integra ; i. e. that all should be left

licence of imagination' ; i.e. as to the to his decision: cp. 'Integra causa' 3. 10,

author to whom they assigned this or 6, &c.
that ' sententia.' 12. quo minus =-' quin ' : cp. i. 21, 4.

5. novas, 'seditions,' a similar mean- 13. paratos, sc. se: cp. 4. 59, 5, &c. ;

ing to that of ' novae res.' The addition Introd. v. § 8.

of ' legi ' would appear to imply that 9. testarentur. The MS. here shows

these imaginary ' sententiae,' and the only a vacant place of three or four

speeches assigned to their proposers, had letters, beginning another line with 'quat-

lound pilace in the ' acta populi.' tuor' ; so that the great gap at this point

II. imperatoria maiestas. This ex- mu>t have existed in the M.S. from which
pression is used with reference to soldiers it was copied. A summary of the chief
in I. 46, 2 ; but here more arrogantly in events of this lost period, as recorded in
relation to the senate. Tiberius was Dio, Suetonius, and other authors, is
generally particular in his use of the title given in Appendix IV. below.

* imperator' : cp. Dio, 57. S, i.

APPENDIX IV.

SUMMARY OF EVENTS DURING THE INTERVAL FOR WHICH
THE HISTORY OF TACITUS IS HERE LOST,

Sextenxe soon followed against Agrippina and Nero \ The latter was
then or afterwards declared by the senate a public enemy '^j and both
were hurried into banishment, chained and in closed litters, with strict
orders to the escort to allow none whom they met so much as to stand
and look back at them^ Nero was sent to Pontia (Ponza), Agrippina
to Pandateria, the old prison-house of Julia*; where she is said to have
been treated with such violence as to have lost an eye by a blow from
the centurion, and to have had food forced into her mouth when she
attempted to starve herself*. Drusus, who had been used as a tool by
Seianus against his brother^, was for the present left unattacked, and
probably during this year received Aemilia Lepida in marriage '^.

A. u. c. 783, A. D. 30. M. Vinicius, L. Cassius Longinus, coss. *.
Asinius Gallus, while on a visit to Tiberius at Capreae, was denounced
by a secret missive, and condemned in absence by the senate, yet not
put to death or permitted to despatch himself, but sent to Rome and
detained there in custody in the house of a magistrate, with just food
enough forced upon him to support life ®. His friend Vallius Syriacus
the rhetorician was put to death for no other cause than his friendship '".
Seianus had now prepared his attack on Drusus by the seduction of his
wife, and made some representation to Tiberius, who sent the young

' That sorrie trial took place would ^ Suet. Tib. 64.

appear Irom Pliny's inaccurate reference * Cp. i. 53, i.

to the ' causa Neionis ' (see on 4. 70, 1 \ ' Suet. Tib. 53.

also from Suet. Tib. 53 (see on 4. 67, 6), * 4. 60, 4.

and from Philo's statement (in Flacc. 3, ' See on 6. 40, 4.

966 J that the notorious praefect of Egypt, ' Insc. Orel!. 4033.

Avillius Flaccus, was one of Agrip- ^ Dio, 58. 3. In another instance, Ti-

pina's accusers : tu/v avvtTtidt^tvwv rfj berius is said to have answered, to those

Faiov ix-qripi, KaO' ui' xP^''of <<^X* '''^^ '^ho pressed for speedy execution of a

alr'tai (<p' ah avrjpid-q, fCfovuis. It would condemned person, ovStTrcu avrw SiriWay-

seem as if this great praefecture was his /xat (Dio, 1, 1.). The death of Gallus is

reward for this service. He is stated to mentioned three years later ,6. 23, ij.

have governed well while Tiberius lived. '" Dio, 1. 1. Seneca (Ep, 55, 3) seems

" Suet. Tib. 54 ; Ce.!. 7. to allude to others also.

SUMMARY OF INTERVAL OF LOST HISTORY. 587

man back from Capreae to Rome ', where a more formal charge, pre-
ferred through the agency of Cassius Sevcrus ^ caused him also to be
pronounced a public enemy ^ and imprisoned in a chamber in the
Palatium *.

Seianus had apparently reached the height of influence. Every order
in Rome eagerly set up his statues and sent deputations to him, and paid
to his name almost the same honour as to that of the prince ; while
Tiberius constantly called him ' Seianus mens ' and spoke of him as
his ' particeps consiliorum V and had apparently affianced him to his
house by a betrothaP; but was perhaps already secretly meditating his
destruction.

A. I', c. 784, A. p. 31. Ti. Caesar Augustus v, L. Aelius Seianus coss.
: Suff. May 9, Faustus Cornelius Sulla, Sex. Teidius Catullus.
: Suflf. July I, L. Fulcinius Trio.
: Suff. Oct. I, P. Memmius Regulus''.
The consulship removed Seianus to Rome, and it does not appear that
he ever again saw his master, who declined his visits on various pretexts'*.
Outwardly he appears to have allowed him to receive more marks of
honour than ever, to tiave admitted him to a priesthood and to a-share of
the ' proconsulare imperium *,' and even to have permitted the passing
of a futile decree, appointing him with himself to be joint consuls for five
years'' Curtius Atticus, one of the ' cohors amicorum' at Capreae '',
was struck down at the favourite's instigation*^; while other men of rank,
among them Fufius Geminus the friend of Augusta, met a similar fate '^.
Though he was not himself permitted to retain the consulship, his
position seemed further secured by the substitution soon afterwards of
Fulcinius Trio, one of his creatures; and, later on, the death of Nero '*
seemed to show that the hesitation of Tiberius in dealing with this family
was at length overcome.

But the position of Gains, who had been raised with Seianus to the
pontificate, and was generally looked on as the heir, still seemed un-
assailable'* ; and several small indications of coldness or displeasure

* Suetonius may be taken to imply * Dio, 58. 7, 5.

that he was removed in strict custody like * Id. 58. 7, 4 : see note on 4. 7, 2.

his mother and brother (^Tib. 64). '" Dio, 58. 4, 4.

2 Uio, 58. 3, 8. " 4- 58, I- '^ 6. 10, 2.

3 Suet. Tib. 54 ; Cal. 7. " See 5. 2, 3 ; Dio, 58. 4, 5.

* See 6. 23, 5. * Dio, 58. 4, 3. " Dio 1,58. 8, 4) seems to bear out the
' See note" on 4. 40, 11. statement of Suet. (Tib. 61) that this
' 'J'hcse ' suffecti ' and their dates are death took place when Seianus was al-

given in a kalendar yC. I. L, x. 1233). ready suspected. On the circumstances

The name ' L. Aelius .Seianus' is erased see Suet. Tib. 54.
on all records, but Eckhel (i. 36; notes '' Dio, 58. 8, i.

its preservation on a Spanish coin.

588 APPENDIX IV.

caused additional alarm'. Becoming desperate, Seianus formed a con-
spiracy "^j in which many of all ranks joined, to assassinate Tiberius on
his return to Rome, and to contrive a similar fate for Gains ^. This
appears to have been revealed by Satrius Secundus to Antonia, and by
her, through the agency of her freedman, Pallas, to Tiberius*; who was
nevertheless obliged to proceed with the utmost caution, as he was
unable to reckon on the fidelity of the praetorians. A man of determined
loyalty was secured for the consulship in the person of Memmius
Regulus^ and almost immediately afterwards the blow was struck.

The i8ih of October'^ is marked as the day on which the famous
meeting of the senate took place in the Palatine Temple, at which the
' long wordy letter from Capreae ' was read. Naevius Sertorius Macro
had brought with him, together with this missive, his own appointment
to the command of the praetorians, in which the soldiers were induced
by a liberal bribe to acquiesce. The ' vigiles,' over whom Seianus had
no influence, guarded the senate under their praefect Graecinus Laco,
and led Seianus to the dungeon where he was on the same day exe-
cuted ''. By subsequent sentences perished his eldest son ^, his uncle
Junius Blaesus^ and others'"; while many more were thrown into
prison to await trial.

Tiberius, who had awaited news of these proceedings in extreme
anxiety", was soon afterwards filled with horror and indignation, on
a statement being made by Apicata, the divorced wife of Seianus, re-
specting the murder of Drusus, with the connivance of his adulterous
wife, eight years previously '^, Livilla was put to death, or more probably
compelled to commit suicide'^; and further investigations, conducted with
the utmost atrocities of torture, took place before Tiberius himself*.

■ Dio, 58. 6. 4 ; 8,3, &c. ^ See 6. 25, 5.

^ See Jos. Ant. 18. 6,6. On the doubts ' For the whole scene see Dio, 58. 9-

resting on this conspiracy see Introd. 13; Juv. 10.56-89.

viii. p. 151. The general invective of ' See on 5. 8, i.

Val. Max. 9. 11, ext. 4, proves nothing; ' See 5. 7, 2.

but some definite treasonable act seems ^^ Among them was probably Brutte-

alleged in an obscure inscription (C. I. L. dius Niger ^see on 3. 66, 5), perhaps also

vi. 10213) addressed some years later to T. OUius the father of Foppaea (13.

his tribesmen by a person who seems to 45, 1), Carnulus and Paconius (Suet. Tib.

have been implicated: 'Seiani sce[lerati 61).

incijtatio et inprobae comitiae [ill'ae " Suet. Tib. 65.

fuerunt in Aventiiio ubi [Sei anus cos. '- The circumatances are given in 4. ^,

factusest': see Staatsr. iii. 348, n. 2. i, &c. Dio (5S. u, 6) represents the

^ 6. 3, 4. statement of Apicata as made after the

* We can thus reconcile 6. 47, 2 with execution of her children, which Tacitus
Josephiis (1. 1.). places later 15. 9, i).

* On the date of his appointment see " Dio, 58. 11, 7.
above: the whole action in the senate " Suet. Tib. 62.
was conducted by him (see Dio, 58. 9).

BOOK VI.
SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.

A. U. C. 784, A. D. 31 (Nov. and Dec ). L. Fulcinus Trio, P. Memmiua
Begulus, coss. suff.

B. V. Ch. 6-9. Punishment of persons connected with Seianns. 6. Address of
a friend of Seianus to his friends. 7. His suicide before condemnation. 8. Death
of P. Vitellius; peril of Pomponius Secundus. 9. Execution of the two younger
children of Seianus.

Ch. 10. Appearance of a false Drusus in Asia and Achaia. 11. Charges brought
against each other by the two consuls.

A. U. C. 785, A. D. 32. Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, M. Furius Camillus
Arruntius Scribonianus, coss.

B. VI. 1. Tiberius visit* the suburbs of Rome, and abandons himself to profligacy at
Capreae. 2. His reply to the absurd proposal of Togonius Gallus. 3. His resent-
ment at a proposal by Junius Gallic respecting the praetorians. 4. Latinius Latiaris
punished on the information of Paconianus ; the quarrel between Trio and Regulus
suppressed. 5. Cotta Messalinus acquitted at the request of Tiberius. 6. Mental
agony betrayed in his letter on the subject. 7- Several persons condemned. 8, 9.
Spirited speech and acquittal of M. Terentius ; several of the highest rank attacked.

10. Others put to death at Capreae ; L. Piso the praefectus urbis dies a natural death.

11. Origin and history of this ' praefectura.' 12. Question respecting an alleged
Sibylline book. 13. Dangerous discontent at the high price of corn. 14. Certain
Roman knights condemned for conspiracy; Fabatus put in custody for leaving Italy.

A. U. C. 786, A. D. 33. Ser. Sulpicius Galba, L. Cornelius Sulla
Felix, coss.

Ch. 15. Marriage of two daughters of Germanicus to L. Cassius and M. Vinicius.
16, 17. Financial crisis arising out of an attempt to enforce strictly the laws of
usury; history of the subject. 18. Several persons condemned, especially the
descendnnts of Theophanes of Mitylene. 19. Sex. Marius put to death ; general
execution of all those detained in prison on the charge of conspiracy. 20. (iaius
Caesar married to the daughter of M. Silanus ; his servile demeanour ; prediction of
Tiberius respecting Galba. 21. Instruction received by him in astrology from
Thrasyllus at Rhodes. 22. Exposition of the prevalent theories respecting chance
.-ind fate. 23, 24. Deaths of Asinius Gallus, and of Drusus son of Germanicus ; in-
sincere statement of Tiberius respecting the former, and brutality shown towards the

590

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.

latter. 25. Death of Agrippina, and imputations cast upon her by Tiberius. 20.
Suicide of Cocceius Nerva, and of Plancina, widow of Cn. Piso. 27. Julia, daughter
of Drusus, married to Rubellius Blandus; death of Aelius Lamia, Pomponius Flaccus,
M', Lepidus.

A. U. C. 787, A. D. 34. PauUus Fabius Persicus, L. Vitellius, coss.

Ch. 28. Alleged appearance of the phoenix in Egypt ; narrative of legends respecting
it. 29. Suicide of Pomponius Labeo and Mamercus Scaurus, and of their wives
Paxaea and Sextia. 30. Some accusers punished ; bold line taken by Lentulus
Gaetulicus.

A. U. C. 788, A. D. 35. C. Cestius Gallus, M. Servilius Nonianus, coss.

Ch. 31-37. Disturbances in the East.

31. Parthian embassy to Rome to complain of Artabanus, who had set his son on
the throne of Armenia. 32. Tiberius sends out Phraates, brother of Vonones, and,
after his death, Tiridates, as a claimant to the throne of Parthia, and instigates
Mithridates to occupy that of Armenia ; Vitellius made legatus of Syria. 33.
Mithridates seizes Armenia; Orodes son of Artabanus sent against him. 34, 35.
Battle, and defeat of Orodes. 36. Artabanus fails to recover Armenia and is himself
driven out of Parthia, and forced to take refuge with the Scythians. 37. Advance
of Tiridates, supported by Vitellius, into Mesopotamia.

Ch. 38. Death of Fulcinius Trio and other persons. 39. Tiberius near Rome ; death
and character of Poppaeus Sabinus.

A. U. C. 789, A. D. 36. Q. Plautius, Sex. Papinius AUenius, coss.

40. Death of Tigranes, once king of Armenia, Aemilia Lepida, wife of Drusus, and
others. 41. Suppression of a rising of the Cietae in Cappadocia.
Ch. 42-44. Further account of affairs in the East.

42. Tiridates received at Seleuceia, and crowned king at Ctesiphon by the Surena.

43. Some of the nobles form a new plot to restore Artabanus. 44. Artabanus
collects troops and advances rapidly ; retreat of Tiridates, who is deserted by all,
and takes refuge in Syria.

45. Great loss by fire in Rome ; munificence of Tiberius.

A. U. C. 790, A. D. 37. Cn. Acerronius Proculus, C. Petronius Pontius
Nigrinus, coss.

Ch. 46. Tiberius aware of the court paid by Macro to Ciaius ; his hesitation to name
an heir, and prediction to Gaius. 47. Albucilla charged with crimes in which
Domitius, Vibius Marsus, and Arruntius are involved. 48. Suicide of Arruntius ;
Albucilla imprisoned. 49. Suicide of Sex. Papinius.

Ch. 50, 51. Last moments and death of Tiberius.

50. His failing health and last journey to Misenum ; advice of Charicles, and
measures taken by Gaius, and Macro ; circumstances of his death (March i6) in the
seventy-eighth year of his age. 51. Vicissitudes of his life; his character at various
periods.

p. CORNELII TACITI

ANNALTUM AB EXCESSU DIVI AUGUSTI
LIBER VI.

V. 6 (VI. 1) Ouattuor et quadraginta orationes super

ca re habitae, ex quis ob metum paucae, plures adsuetudinc . . .

2 ' mihi pudorem aut Seiano invidiam adlaturum censui. versa est
fortuna, et ille quidem, qui coUegam et generum adsciverat, sibi
ignoscit : cctcri, quern per dedecora fovere, cum scelcre insec-

3 tantur. miserius sit ob amicitiam accusari an amicum accusarc,

5 adsuetudine. mihi (without lacuna'.

T,. The MS. indicates the beginning of
no fresh Book, and until Lipsius, editors
had printed the whole as Book V. He ^aw
that the whole period must have taken
two Books and placed the division at the
beginning of 785, A.D. 32. The absence
of any division in the MS. has led most
editors to follow Hnase in considering
that the beginning of the Sixth, as well
as the end of the Fi.th Book are lost, and
that the latter ended with the death of
Seianus. The old numbering of the chap-
ters is, however, generally retained for
convenience of reference.

4. super ea re. The subject is sup-
posed to be that of the punishment of
Livia for the murder of Drusus (see 4. 3,
3, foll.\ Very few senators could have
had to fear any charge of complicity ; so
that most of these denunciatory speeches
are spoken of as prompted by the mere
habit of servility.

6. mihi pudorem, &c. We have here
another fragment, from an address made
to his friends by an attacked, but uncon-
demned friend of Seianus. No light has
been thrown on the speaker's identity.
The sentiments are much the same as
those of M. Terentius 6. 8).

7. coUegam. This may refer only to

his association in the consulship ; but as
Seianus is styled 'adiutor imperii' some
years earlier, it is thought that he may
have been latterly 'collega imjierii,' filling
almost if not quite such a position as that
of Tiberius under Augustus : see on i. 3,
3 ; 4. 7, 2 ; 6. 8, 6 ; Introd. vi. p. 98 ;
Staatsr. ii. 1152, n. i. Some more
definite title seems implied than that of
' socius laborum ' (4. 2, 41 or koivojvus
tS)v (ppovTiSoiiv (Dio, 58. 4, 3) ; and Dio
r.^S. 7, 4) affirms that he had avOvTrariKT)
i^ovffla in some form.

generum: cp. 6. 8, 6. Suetonius also
(Tib. 65 1 speaks of Seianus as ' spe ad-
finitatis deceptus.' For possible expla-
nations see note on 4. 40, 11. Such a
term as ' gener' can well be used of con-
nexion through mere betrothal, and many
analogies would justify its use for ' ])ro-
gener ' 'e.g. 4. 12, 6, &c.).

sibi ignoscit, ' pardons his own error' :
cp. Hor. Sat. i. 3, 23.

8. cum scelere. i.e. by now fastening
charges of complicity on the innocent.

9. amicum accusare ; perhaps allud-
ing to Salrius Secundus, the followe
(4. 34, 2 ; 6. 8, 10) and subsequent accuse
(_6. 47, 2) of Seianus.

592

P. CORXELII TACITI AXXALIUM [A.U.C. 784.

baud discreverim. non crudelitatem, non clementiam cuiusquam 4
experiar, sed liber et mihi ipsi probatus antibo periculum. vos 5
obtes or ne' memoriam nostri per maerorem quam lacti reti-
neatis, adiciendo me quoque iis qui fine egregio publica mala
5 efifugerunt.'

V. 7 (V'^I. 2). Tunc singulos, ut cuique adsistere, adloqui animus
crat. retinens aut dimittens p'artem diei absumpsit, multoque
adhuc coetu et cunctis intrepidum vultum eius spectantibus, cum
superesse tempus novissimis crederent, gladio quern sinu ab-
10 diderat incubuit. neque Caesar ullis criminibus aut probris 2
defunctum insectatus est, cum in Blaesum multa foedaque
incusavisset.

V. 8 {VI. 3). Relatum inde de P. Vitellio et Pomponio Secundo.

ilium indices arguebant claustra aerarii, cui praefectus erat, et

15 militarem pecuniam rebus novis obtulisse ; huic a Considio

praetura functo obiectabatur Aelii Galli amicitia, qui punito

Seiano in hortos Pomponii quasi fidissimum ad subsidium per-

7. adiumpsit : text B. 15. C. Con-

I. dementiam by junction of cl): text B.
sidio \N urm. 16. uelii : text L.

1. haud discreverim, repeated from
H. 3. 2b, I : cp. Introd. v. § 51 c.

2. antibo, 'will anticipate'; so 'dam-
nationem anteiit ' 6. 29, 7 ; 13. 30, 2.

3. per maerorem : see Introd. v. § 62 ;
for the ellipse of potius, Id. § 64.

6. ut cuique adsistere, &c. It is
perhnps best, with Walther, to make this
answer to ' retinens aut dimittens.' by un-
derstanding ' aut non erat ' after ' animus
erat.' Pfitzner and Drager think that ' ad-
sistere ' is an error for ' absistere,' as in
the next line ' adsnmpsit ' for ' absumpsit,'
and probably ' adstilit ' for 'abstitit' in
2. 31, 3

9. superesse tempus novissimis,
'that there was time yet to spare for the
last extremity'; i.e. 'that his end would
not come just yet.' ' Xovissima ' is used of
death, as the extreme penalty, in 6. 50, 8. &c.

1 1. Blaesum, the well-known uncle of
Seianus 3. 35, 2, &c.) and 'imperator'
(3. 74, 6^, who must have fallen amongst
the first victims. The fate of his two
sons is mentioned in 0. 40, 3.

12. incusavisset. This verb has no-
where else this construction ; but Drager
notes from Livy the analogies ' incre[)are
in' ( I. 51, 1), 'exsecrari in' (30. 20, 7),
' deteslari in' ''39. 10, 2}.

13. P. Vitellio, &c. On Vitellius see

on I. 70, I. P. Pomponius Secundus is
further described below f § 4).

14. indices. Many accomplices in the
conspiracy of Seinnus had saved them-
selves by turning informers : see 6. 3, 5 ;
7> 5; 9' 6; 47, 2.

aerarii. The context, and the men-
tion of ' praefecti," show that the ' aera-
rium militare' is meant, on which see i.
78, 2. The 'aerarium populi ' was in
charge of ]iraetors (i. 75, 4 .

15. obtulisse, taken figuratively with
' claustra ' : ' had offered the keys of the
treasury and its funds.'

Considio. Nipp. gives here several
instances to show that even persons of
rank are frequently mentioned by one
name, when a title of dignity is added, as
' augur Lentulus' (3. 59, i), &c.

16. Aelii Galli. This is believed to
be the name of the eldest son of .Seianus.
Borghesi (iv. 444) suggests that the adop-
tive father from whom Seianus derived
his gentile name was probably the knight
Aelius Callus (see on 4. i, 2); as \'elleius
(2. 127, 3) assigns to him no nobility
through this source, and the other families
of the Aelii were consular.

17. fidissimum ad subsidium. The
metaphor is from a harbour : cp. 3. i, 2 ;
4. 67, 2.

A.D. 31.] LIBER VI. CAP. V. 6 (vi. j)-v. 9 (vi. 4).

593

2 fugisset. neque aliud periclitantibus auxilii quam in fratrum

3 constantia fuit, qui vades exstitere. mox crebris prolationlbus
spem ac metum iuxta gravatus Vitellius petito per speciem
studiorum scalpro levem ictum venis intulit vitamque aegritudine

4 animi finivit. at Pomponius multa morum elegantia et ingenio 5
inlustri. dum adversam fortunam aequus tolerat, Tiberio super-
stcs fuit.

V. 9 (VI. 4). Placitum posthac ut in reliquos Seiani liberos
adverteretur, vanescente quamquam plebis ira ac plerisque per

2 priora supplicia lenitis. igitur portantur in carcerem, filius immi- 10
nentiym intellegens, puella adeo nescia, ut crebro interrogaret.
quod ob delictum et quo traheretur ; neque facturam ultra, et

3 posse se puerili verbere moneri. tradunt temporis eius auctores,

13. puerili mo | ^Baiter suggests puerili modo, : text B.

1. fratrum. On Quintus, brother of
this Pompouias, see 6. i8, 2. Vitellius
had three brothers, of whom the best
known is Lucius 6. 28, i, &c. ; another,
Quintus, had lieen expelled from the seuate
(,2. 48, 3^ ; a third, Anlus, probably the
one here meant, was cos. suff. in the year
alter this (C. I. L. x. i233 = Orclli 4033^,
and died in office Suet. Vit. 2).

2. vades exstitere. These brothers
undertook their custody, till their appeal
should be heard by Caesar. Delivery
into the charge of ' fideiussores' or 'vades'
is one of the recognized kinds of ' custodia'
(see on 6. 3. 3.

3. gravatus, with accns., as 3. 59, 6.
per speciem studiorxim. He is

thought to have been the author of cer-
tain ■ Vitellii commentarii,' cited by Tert.
de An. c. 46. According to Suetonius
(Vit. 2) he allowed his self-inflicted,
wounds to be bound up, and afterwards
died of disease, while still in custody.
The words of Tacitus are not inconsistent
■with this account.

5. morum elegantia, ' refinement of
character': cp. H. 3. 39, 3, and 'elegan-
tia vitae' 14. 19).

ingenio inlustri. He is frequently
mentioned as a poet and especially as a
tragedian (i 1. 13, i ; 12. 28, 2 ; Dial. 13,
3: PI tlpp. 7. 17, 11), and his excellence
in this line is fvlly attested by Quintilian
(10. I, 98 , 'eorum, quos \'iderim, longe
princeps Pomponius Secundus, quem senes
parum tragicum puiabant, eruditione ac
nitore praestare contitebantur. The elder
Pliny, who speaks of him ao ' vatem

civemque clarissiraum' (N. H. 13. 12, 26,
83 , was also his personal friend and
biographer PI. Hpp. 3. 5, 3\

6. Tiberio superstes fuit. Dio (59.
6, 2), who confuses him with his brother,
states that Gaius released him from a
custody which had lasted seven years.
His consulship, also placed vrrongly by
Dio '\. 1.), appears to belong to 797. A.D.
44 i^Kal. Ant , C. I. L. x. 6638, Henzen
6445'. In 803, \. D. so, he gained ' tri-
nmphalia' as legatus of the army of
Upper Germany {12. 28, 2',

8. placit\im. The expression shows the
sentence to have l>een passed by the senate.

reliquos. There were three '4. 3, 5 ,
of whom the eldest \<z. 8, i) appears to
have perished with his father.

9. adverteretur : cp. 2. 32, 5.
quamquam, in anastrophe, as in 6. 30,

7; 1 4. 21, 7: also in Cicero, Vergil,
and the elder Pliny.

plebis ira. The populace at the fall
of Seianus massacred any of his creatures
whom they saw in the streets (Dio, 58.
12, I . Compare the description of their
temper in Fuv. 10. 73.

11. intellegens, with genit., 12. 26,3;
Cic. Fin. 2. 20, 63.

puella. Sec. She can hardly have
been less than eleven or twelve years old
(see note on 3. 29, 5) : possibly her tender
age may have been exaggerated by writers
to add to the pathos of her fate.

1 2. neque facturam tiltra, 'she would
not do so any more.'

13. verbere. Tacitus has this poetical
singular only here and in 6. 24, 4; G. 19,

594

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 7S4.

quia triumvlrali* supplicio adfici virginem inauditum habebatur, a
carnifice laqueum iuxta conpressam ; exim oblisis faucibus id
aetatis corpora in Gemonias abiecta.

V. 10 (VI. 5). Per idem tempus Asia at que Achaia exterritae
5 sunt acri magis quam diuturno rumore, Drusum Germanici filium
apud Cycladas insulas, mox in continenti visum, et erat iuvenis 2
haud dispari aetate, quibusdam Caesaris libertis velut adgnitus ;
per dolumque comitantibus adliciebantur ignari fama nominis et
promptis Graecorum animis ad nova et mira. quippe elapsum
10 custodiae pergere ad paternos exercitus, Aegyptum aut Suriam
invasurum, fingebant simul credebantque. iam iuventutis con- 3

e
8. dolum qui : agnitus per dolum, quis Ilaase. 9. lapsum : text R.

2 : the only other instance in prose ap-
pears to be PI. N. H. 2. 8, 6, 33.

moneri, ' chastised.' The word ap-
pears nowhere else to bear quite this
meaning, Orelli cites ' fusitium admonitio'
(Ulp. I'r. 7 ; de Poen. 48, 19).

temporis eius auctores, apparently
thrown in, as in 13. 17, 3, to show that
this additional horror is at least no sub-
sequent invention.

1. triumvirali supplicio, 'capital
punishment,' inflicted under the superin-
tendence of the ' triumviri capitales,' who
now formed part of the collective ' viginti-
virate' (3. 29, 1): cp. ' flagellis triumvira-
libus ' (Hor. Epod. 4, 11).

2. conpressam = ' violatam.' Sueto-
nius (Tib. 61), as in other cases, exagge-
rates this single instance into a general
practice. Dio (47. 6, 6) gives an instance
in which a youth was made to assume the
toga virilis before being executed.

oblisis; so ' obliso gutture' Apul.
Met. 4. 12, 263. Cicero has ' collum
digitulis oblideret' (p. Scaur. 6, 10).

id aetatis, a classical use (Madv. 238)
extended by Tacitus to analogous phrases :
cp. 12. 18, I ; 13. 16, I.

3. in Gemonias : cp. 3. 14,6, &c. Ac-
cording to tiie order of events followed
by Dio (58. 11,6), this execution is made
to precede the revelation made by Api-
cata lespectmg the murder of Drusus and
guilt of Livia.

5. acri, 'active'; soused of 'causae'
(i- 33. 3)> 'initia'(6. 17, 5, &c.), ' gloria '
and ' paeniteiitia' (II. 3. 51, 4I, &c.

Drusum. The true Drusus was a
prisoner in the Palatium : see 6. 23, 5.

7. velut adgnitus, &c. With Ilaase's
reading' per dolum ' would be surplu>age,
as ' velut ' of itself implies that the re-
cognition was only pretended. For the
position of ' que ' Nipp. compares ' ab
oratoribusque ' (16. 2, 3), and cites also
many instnnces in which, as here, a pro-
nominal ablative is supplied from a fore-
going noun, with the abl. abs. following
(see Introd. v. § 31 c, and note on 6. 47,
4). The freedmen pretended to recognize
him, and as they dishonestly followed
him those who knew nothing were at-
tracted.

9. promptis . . . animis, another abl.
abs., assigning a ground for their readi-
ness to receive him. This characteristic
of the Greek mind is noted in the Athe-
nians of that time (Acts 17, 21). On the
estimate generally formed of Greeks by
Romans see Friedl. i. p. 74 : cp. 2. 53,
4; 55, I ; 6. 18, 5.

elapsum custodiae. P^lsewhere
Tacitus has the accus. with ' elabi ' 'as
1. 61, 6, &c.) ; but Seneca has ' vitae
elapsus ' (Ep. 77, 10), and what are taken
to be simple ablatives in other authors
might often be datives, as 'telis' (Verg.
Aen. 2, 318), &c. ' Custodia' is read by
some, after Lips. ; ' custodias ' might be
suggested by the exam[)le of H. 3. 59, 4.

10. paternos, the armies of the East,
commanded .by Germanicus in his last
years.

1 1. fingebant . . . credebantque. This,
as well as other expressions here, appear
to be repeated from the similar account
of the false Nero (H. 2. 8, 1 j.

A.D. 31] LIBER 17 CAP. V. 9 (vi. 4)- v. 11 (vi. 6).

595

cursu, iam publicis studiis frequentabatur, lactus praesentibus et
inanium spc, cum auditum id Poppaeo Sabino : is Macedoniae

4 turn intcntus Achaiam quoque curabat. i^itur quo vera sou falsa
antiret, Toronaeum Thcrmaeumque sinum praefestinans, mox
Euboeam Aegati maris insulam et Piraeum Atticae orae, dein 5
Corinthicnse litus angustiasque Isthmi evadit ; marique lonio
Nicopolim Romanam coloniam ingressus, ibi demum cognoscit
sollcrtius interrogatum. quisnam foret, dixisse M. Silano genitum,
ct multis sectatorum dilapsis asccndisse navem tamquam Italiam

5 peterct. scripsitque haec Tibcrio, neque nos originem finemvc 10
eius rei ultra comperimus.

V. 11 (VI. 6). Exitu anni diu aucta discordia consulum crupit.

2. pompeio : text R. 6. alio : text Barthold (Rh. Mus. xxii. 644, ; cp. 2. 53, i.

1. publicis, i.e. of provincial com-
munities: cp. the use of 'publice' (4. 36,
2). &c.

frequentabatur, ' was thronged ' ; so
* celebrabant,' in speaking of the false
Agrippa ,2. 40, i .

2. inanium spe. Nipp. thinks the
correction ' inani ' necessary, as it was his
hope, not its objects, that was visionary ;
but ' inania ' appears to be naturally con-
trasted with ' praesentia ' : cp. ' inania
famae' (2. 76, 2). Joh. MiiUer (Beitr.
sect. 3. p. 54) prefers ' inani in spe,'
noting the frequent use of ' in spe esse '
in Cic. and Liv. Hcins. reads ' inanium
specie'

Poppaeo Sabino : see on i. 80, i ;
4. 46, I.

3. turn, &c., explaining where he was
when the news reached him, and the fact
that Achaia, the headquarters of the plot,
was within his jurisdiction.

quo . . . antiret : cp. c. 6, 4 : here it
means ' to get before the story whether
true or false,' i.e. to nip the plot in the
bud, before it sj)reail lunher.

4. Toronaeum Thermaeumque, the
gulls of Kassandra and Saloniki. He
may probably have set out from Philippi,
the chief colony in the province.

praefestinans, ' ha:>tening past ' : in
this sense, the verb is an. dp. For similar
uses of verbs compounded with ' prae ' see
on 2. 6, 5. It is apparently best to take
this participle also with 'Euboeam' and
' Piraeum,' rather than to supply a verb
for them from ' evadit.'

=;. Aegaei maris insulam. This de-
scription, as also 'Atticae orae' below,

cannot be supposed to be inserted to in-
form his readers of the situation of these
places. It is only a concise mode of say-
ing that he passed through the Aegean,
touching at Euboea, and along Attica,
touching at Piraeus. A similar explana-
tion may be given of ' Corinthi, Achaiae
orbe,' in II. 2. i, 5.

6. evadit ; so used of passing out of
a forest (i. 51, 8) or river (12. 35, 3 .

marique lonio. On such ablatives of
direction see Introd. v. § 25. This sea is
so named in 2. 53, i ; and ' alio ' seems
too vague where the other names are all
definite.

7. Nicopolim: see 2. 53, i. It was
not really a colony, but founded as a
Greek city on a large scale, autonomous
like Athens and Sparta : see Momms.
Hist. v. 271 ; E. T. i. 295, foil.

8. sollertius interrogatum, 'on being
more shrewdly questioned.'

M. Silano, probably the one mentioned
in 3. 24, 5 Xipp.;.

10. neque nos, &c. Dio '58. 25. i)
preserves a version of the story, stating
that the impostor was arrested and sent
to Tiberius. He places the event at the
close of 7S7, A.D. 34.

12. consulum. On the succession of
consuls during this year see above, Ap-
pendix iv. p. 587. Of those now in office,
Fulcinius Trio is known from 2. 28, 3, &c.
The other, I'. Memmius Kegulus, suc-
ceeded in 788, A.D. 35, to the govern-
ments held by Poppaeus Sabinus *,see on
6. 39, 3 , and died in 814, A.D. 61, with
the highest reputation of his time. For
his character, and for further particulars,

596

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 785-

nam Trio, facilis capessendis inimicitiis et foro exercitus, ut

segnem Regulum ad opprimendos Seiani ministros oblique per-

strinxerat : ille, nisi lacesseretur, modestiae retinens, non modo 2

rettudit collcgam, sed ut noxium coniurationis ad disquisitionem

5 trahcbat. multisque patrum orantibus ponerent odia in perni- 3

ciem itura.mansere infensi ac minitantes, donee magistratu abirent.

VI. 1 (7). Cn. Domitius et Camillus Scribonianus consulatum

inierant. cum Caesar tramisso quod Capreas et Surrentum interluit

freto Campaniam praelegebat, ambiguus an urbem intraret, seu,

10 quia contra destinaverat, speciem venturi simulans. et saepe in 2

propinqua degressus, aditis iuxta Tiberim hortis, saxa rursum et

solitudinem maris repetiit, pudore scelerum et libidinum, quibus

adeo indomitis exarserat, ut more rcgio pubcm ingenuam stupris

millus was succeeded on June 1st by
A. Vitellius i^see on 5. 8, 2).

9. praelegebat : cp. 2. 79, 1 ; and note
on 2. 6, 5. If this voyage took place thus
early in the year, the statement of Suet.
(Tib. 65^ that for nine months after the
fall of Seianus Tiberius never left the
'villa lovis' at Capreae, must be false.

1 1 . degressus : see notes on 2. 69, 4 ;

4- "4. 4-

hortis; according to Suet. (Tib. 72),
those near the ' naumachia.' By com-
paring the locality described by Augustus
(Mon. Anc. iv. 43) as that of his naval
amphitheatre, ' tr]ans Tiberim, in quo
loco nunc nemus est Caesarum,' it is in-
ferred that the gardens here are those
bequeathed to the people by Julius Caesar
(see 2.41, i). Suet. (1. 1.) says that soldiers
were posted along the bank to keep off the
concourse.

saxa. Nipp. takes these to be the
cliffs of Terracina (cp. 4. 59, 2) ; but the
addition of 'solitudinem maris' seems to
show that Capreae is meant.

rursum . . . repetiit. Drager well re-
marks ;Synt. und Stil, § 241) that here, as
in 3. 21, 5 ; 11. 17. 5 ; 12. 60, 4; 15. 40, 2,
'rursus' is not really pleonastic, but con-
trasts one action with another. In ' redeo
rursus eodem ' (Cic. Att. 1 3. 20, 4) no such
contrast is apparent.

13. more regie. This and other such
allusions to ' royal ' outrages or vices, e. g.
c. 42, 3; 16. 23, 3; H. 4- 83, 4; 58, 3;
anci the exclamation ' o rem regiam (see
Introd. vii. p. 120, n. i), are drawn from
the barbarian or Macedonian despotisms
of the East.

see 14. 47, and Nipp. here; on his per-
sonal agency in the condemnation of
Seianus, see Appendix iv. p. 588.

I. faoilis capessendis inimicitiis,
' ready to take uj) hostilities.' ' Capessere '
appears to be used in a sense akin both to
' capessere accusationes ' (4. 52, 8), and to
'capessere iustitiam,' ' clementiam ' (12.
II, 2), &c. On the dative cp. 2. 27, 2.

3. nisi lacesseretur, subjunctive of
action frequently occurring.

modestiae, ' self-control ' (Allcn^ : for
the gcnit. with 'retinens' cp. 2. 38, 9.

4. rettudit; so used of a person by
Atticus i.Cic. Att. 16. 15, 3) 'belle iste
puer rctundit Antonium.' The metaphor
is frcim blunting the edge of a weapon.

noxium coniurationis. ' Noxius fa-
cinojis' (Dig. 29. 5, 3, § 12) is the only
other known instance of this construction.
The conspiracy meant is that of Seianus,
as in 6. 47, 2, &c. That Trio was in a
general way a partisan of Seianus, is stated
by Dio (58. 9, 3).

6. mansere infensi. Their mutual
charges are further mentioned in 6. 4, 2.

7. On the conjectural division of these
Books see note on 5. 6, i.

Cn. Domitius, &c. On Domitius see
4. 75, I. The other, M. Furius M. f.
I', n. Camillus, has in the Fasti the ad-
ditional name Arruntius (C. I. L. x. S99),
being a son of the Camillus of 2. 52, 5,
adojited apparently by L. Arruntius (i. 13,
l). The name Scribonianus, subsequently
acquired, is here given as that by which
he is best known through his subsequent
rebellion (see on 12. 52, 2). Domitius,
as Caesar's son-in-law, retained office
through the year (Dio, 58. 20, i); Ca-

A.D.32.] LIBER VI. CAP. V. II (vi. 6)-Vi. 2 (8).

597

3 pollueret. nee formam tantum ct decora corpora, set in his
modestam pueritiam, in aliis imagines maiorum incitamcntuin

4 cupidinis habebat. tuncquc primum ignota antea vocabula
reperta sunt scllariorum et spintriarum ex foeditate loci ac multi-

5 plici patientia : praepositique servi, qui conquirerent pertraherent, 5
dona in promptos, minas adversum abnuentes, et si retinercnt
propinquus aut parens, vim raptus suaque ipsi libita velut in
captos exercebant.

2 (8). At Romae principio anni, quasi recens cognitis Liviae
flagitiis ac non pridem etiam punitis, atroces sententiae dicebantur, 10
in effigies quoque ac memoriam cius, et bona Seiani ablata

2 aerario ut in fiscum cogerentur, tamquam referret. Scipiones
haec et Silani et Cassii isdem ferme aut paulum inmutatis verbis,
adseveratione multa censebant, cum repente Togonius Gallus,
dum ignobilitatem suam magnis nominibus inserit, per deridi- 15

3 culum auditur. nam principem orabat deligere senatores, ex

4. p. sintriarum : text B (with Suet. Tib. 43), psintriarum Doed.; for the variations
in Sutt. see Baiter. 5. serviquiierent (Andresen, p. 5) : qui quaererent B, text Doed. ;
cp. I. 30, 1 ; 11. 4. 46, 2. 6. retinuerent : text B, retinuerant Ritt. 12. tarn :

text L.

3. ignota antea vocabula : see Suet.
Tib. 43; Cal. 16; Vit. 3. It is to be
noted, that these vije words not only
originate at this time but appear to be
confined to it.

7. libita. This substantival use seems
found only in this passage and in 12. 6, 3 ;
14. 2, 4: cp. ' cupitis' 4. 3, I.

S. exercebant, taken by zeugma with
' dona.'

10. pridem . . . punitis : see Dio, 58.
11,7. The interval could not have been
very long, as less than three months had
passed from the fall of Seianus (^see Ap-
pendix iv. p. 588'.

11. in effigies . . . ac memoriam.
Similar decrees were passed after the
death of Messalina (i 1. 38, 4) : cp. 2. 32,
2, iScc. ; Staatsr. iii. 1190.

1 2. in fiscum. The use of this term is
perhaps antedated (cp. c. 19, i ; 2. 48, i,
<&c.) ; and the ground for making over
the property to Caesar may have been that
it had arisen from his gifts cp. 4. 20, i).
All ' publicata bona' went properly to the
'aerarium,' but Caesar could alter the
disposition ,c. 19, i) ; and both treasuries
contained such (c. 17, i). Later, all such
property goes to the ' fiscus,' and ' publi-
care' and 'confiscate' aie synonymous:

see Hirschfeld, Unters. 47, n. i.

tamquam referret, ' as if it made any
difference ' ; i. e. as if Caesar was not as
much master of the ' aerarium ' as of his
'fiscus.' His control of the tormer would
be indirect, by originating ' senatus con-
sulta ' to deal with its funds : cp. 2. 47, 3 ;
4. 13, I, &c. ; Staatsr. ii. 1013. n. i.

Scipiones, &c. : a Scipio' is men-
tioned in 3. 74, 2 ; ' Silani ' in 2. 59, i ;

3. 24, 5, &c. ; ' Cassii ' in c. 15, i ; 1 2. 1 1,

4. The plurals here are probably used of
single persons, as in i. 10, 3. &c.

14. adseveratione: cp. 2.31,4; here
opposed to ' deridiculum."

Togonius Gallus, otherwise unknown.
Dio, who, mentions this 'sententia' (58.
17, 4\ omits his name.

1 5. inserit, a similar figure to ' inserere
sese fortunae ' (H. 2. 61, 1) and ' nomen
inserere famae ' Dial. 10, 3.

per deridiculum: cp. 3. 57, 3. The
absurdity is pointed out by Dio 1. l.^ as
lying in the fact that they were really
asking him to let them protect him against
themselves. His own later request (c. 15,
5) is different.

16. orabat, with inf., as in 11. 32, 5 ;
12. 9, I ; 13. 13, 4; riaut. and Verg. : see
Introd. V. § 43.

VOL. I

Qq

598

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C.785.

quis viginti sorte ducti et ferro accincti, quotiens curiam inisset,
salutem eius defenderent. crediderat nimirum epistulae subsidio 4
sibi alterum ex consulibus poscentis, ut tutus a Capreis urbem
peterct. Tiberius tamen, ludibria seriis permiscere solitus, egit 5

5 gratis benevolentiae patrum : sed quos omitti posse, quos deligi ?
semperne eosdem an subinde alios? et hononbus perfunctos an
iuvenes, privates an e magistratibus ? quam deinde specicm fore
sumentium in limine curiae gladios? nequs sibi vitam tanti, si
armis tegenda foret. haec, adversus Togonium verbis moderans, 6

JO neque ut ultra abolitionem sententiae suaderet.

3 (9). At lunium Gallionem, qui censuerat ut praetoriani actis
stipendiis ius apiscerentur in quattuordecim ordinibus sedendi,
violenter increpuit, velut coram rogitans, quid illi cum militibus,
quos neque dicta [imperatoris] neque praemia nisi ab imperatore

9. urbis : text B. 10. neque . . . suadere B, ut ins. Doed., ne quid Jacob.

14. [impel atoi is] L, nisi imperatoris K, imperiti oratoris Kilter.

2. epistulae; the same 'verbosa et
grandis epistula ' in which he had de-
nounced Scianus. The consul Regulus
had in accordance with it presented him-
self at Capreae, but had been refused an
audience (Dio, 58. 10, 2; 13, 3; Suet.
Tib. 65). Hence the absurdity of any one
still pretending to believe that Tiberius
had meant what he said.

5. sed quos, &c. ; giving the sense of
the letter.

6. perfunctos. The use of a stronger
word than 'functos' would appear to
mean those who had completed their
career, i. e. * consulares ' ; bul m opposition
to 'iuvenes' it may possibly be taken,
with Frost, to mean those who had com-
pleted any magistracy, or perhaps any
one of the higher magistracies ; as per-
sons already senators are said • honoribus
ornari ' (4. 2, 4).

7. iuvenes. The only senators who
had gone through no magistracy would
be those actually holding the office of
quaestor ; who would be twenty-tive years
old or more. .Such young men of sena-
torial rank as were allowed to be present
at the debates before becoming aclu.al
senators (Suet. Aug. 38), can hardly here
be meant. The term may have a wide
meaning: see on c. 15, 4.

9 verbis moderans, 'reining in his
words.' ' Verbis ' may probably be a
dative, like 'cursui' in 2. 70, 4: 'mode-

rans' is also used absolutely (c. 10, 3),
and with ' ne ' (i. 15, 2, &c.).

10. neque ut . . . suaderet, ' nor so as
to advise anything beyond the cancelling
of the proposal,' i.e. its omission from
the 'acta' i^cp. 5. 4, i ; Staatsr. iii. 1014),
without any penalty to the proposer.

u. lunium Gallionem. NI. Seneca,
one of whose sons was adopted by this
Gallio (see on 15. 73, 4), names him as
forming, with I.atro, Fuscus, and Albu-
cius, a (juartet of the foremost declaimers
of his time (Contr. 10, pr. 13). Posterity
rated him lower, as would appear from
such expressions as ' tinnitus Gallionis '
(Dial. 26, i), ' remissius et pro suo inge-
nio . . . Gallio' (Quint. 9. 2, 91). Ovid
addresses to him a condolence on the
death of his wife e.\ P. 4. 11).

actis stipendiis. They served sixteen
years (i. 17, 9).

I 2. in quattuordecim ordinibus. This
would give them an equestrian dignity,
such as was usually the reward of a ' pri-
mipilaris': see Marquardt, ii. 376.

13. velut coram ; i.e. turning upOn him
in the letter as if face to face.

14. [imperatoris]. The MS. text could
no doubt be understood ^as by Phtzner) as
' the word of command ' (cp. 2. 45, 3\ and
the whole sentence taken to mean that
none could come between them and their
general as regarded word or deed ; but
the close recurrence of ' imperator ' in two

A.D. 32.]

LIBER VI. CAP. 2 (8) -4 (lo).

599

2 accipere par cssct. reppcrisse prorsus quod divus Augustus non
provident : an potius tliscordiam ct seditionem a satellite Seiani
quaesitam, qua rudes aninios nomine honoris ad corrumpendum

3 niilitiac niorem propelicret ? hoc pretiuni Gallio meditatae adula-
tionis tulit, statim curia, deinde Itah'a exactus ; et quia incusa- 5
batur facile tolcraturus exilium delecta Lcsbo, insula nobili et
amoena. retrahitur in urbem custoditurque domibus magistratuum.

4 isdem litteris Caesar Sextium Paconianum praetorium perculit
magno patrum gaudio, audacem, maleficum, omnium secreta
rimantem delectumque ab Seiano cuius ope dolus Gaio Caesari 10

5 pararetur. quod postquam patefactum, prorupere conccpta
pridem odia, ct summum supplicium dccernebatur, ni professus
indicium foret.

4 (10). Ut vero Latinium Latiarem ingressus est, accusator ac
reus iuxta invisi gratissimum spcctaculum praebebant. Latiaris, 15

8. extium pagonianum : text L.
text B, from 4. 68. aggrcssus L.
batur B, text Orsini and Muretus.

10. ad : a B, ab Weissenh. 14. Uicanium :

acriiis: ac reus L. 15. praebebaiitur : piaebe-

distinct senses is awkward. In any case
' praemia ' is emphatic, and 'dicta ' thrown
ill to complete the statement. The re-
sentment here expressed by Tiberius at
senatorial interference with any matter
relating to the army is strongly contrasted,
if not wholly inconsistent, with his un-
usual reference of such questions to it at
an earlier date ( i . 26, 5, &;c.) : see Staatsr.
ii. 956, n. 3.

I. prorsus, used bitterly, as in 4. 52, 5.

3. ad corrumpendum militiae mo-
rem, ' to breach of discipline,' b^ , as
Dio (58. 18, 4) expresses it, leading them
to look to the state rather than their ' im-
perator.'

5. exactus, aoristic : cp.Introd.v. § 54b.

incusabatur, &c. This verb, which
has an accus. and inf. in 3. 3S, 4, and in
Livy, appears to have the nom. and inf.
only here and in Amm. 14. 11, 24 'cum
altius niti incusaretur.' The corislruction
is analogous to that of many other verbs
of accusing (Introd. v. § 45).

7. domibus magistratuum. For
similar ablatives see Intjod. v. § 24. Four
kinds of custody are mentioned by Ulpian
(Dig. 48. 3, 1) as within the discretion of
the consul, 'utrum in carcerem recipicnda
sit persona (see on 3. 22, 5), an militi
tradenda (Acts 28, 16;, an fideiussoribus
(cp. 5. 8, 2), vel etiam sibi.' This ' libera

custodia ' miglit devolve on other magis-
trates besides the consuls (Sail. Cat. 47, 3).
Asinius Callus was thus held for three
years, usually by the consuls, but by
praetors when Tiberius himself was consul
(F)io, 58. 3, 5). Nothing further is known
of the fate of (iallio.

8. Sextium Paconianum, restored
from c. 39, I. The person speaking in an
inscription cited above (App. iv. p. 588,
n. 2; calls himself at this time ' comes
Baouli,' giving perhaps another name of
this person, as a .Sextius Baculus appears
in Caes. B. C 2. 25, 1, &c.

perculit : cp. ' indicio perculerat ' 4.

31, 7-

12. professus indicium, 'offered to
turn informer' (see on 5. 8, i). He was
kept in prison, and afterwards put to
death there (c. 39, i\

14. ingressus. This verb has been
taken to have liere alone the force of
' aggredior,' and has been treated as ana-
logous to the use of 'invasit' below. It
appears better to take it, with Walther
and Nipp., to mean ' began upon,' or
'entered upon Latinius Latiaris'; like
' ingredi defensionem ' i^ii. 2,3), 'crimina'
(PI. Kpp. 3. 9, 14), or the use of ' loqui '
M'ith a personal accusative, as ' etiam
Calilinam . . . loquebantur' (Cic. Mil. 23,
63).

6oo P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 785.

ut rettuH, praecipuus oHm circumveniendi Titii Sabini et tunc
luendae poeiiae primus fuit. inter quae Haterius Agrippa con- 2
sules anni prioris invasit, cur niutua accusatione intenta nunc
silerent : metum prorsus et noxae conscientiam pro foedcre

5 haberi ; at non patribus reticenda quae audivissent. Rcgulus 3
manere tempus ultionis, seque coram principe exsecuturum ;
Trio aemulaticnem inter coUegas et si qua discordcs iccissent
melius oblitterari respondit. urgucnte Agrippa Sanquinius Maxi- 4
mus e consillaribus oravit senatum, ne curas imperatoris con-

10 quisitis insuper acerbitatibus augerent : sufficere ipsum statuendis
remediis. sic Regulo salus et Trioni dilatio exitii quaesita.
Haterius invisior fuit, quia somno aut libidinosis vigiliis marcidus 5
et ob segnitiam quamvis crudelem principem non metuens
inlustribus viris perniciem inter ganeam ac stupra meditabatur.

15 5 (11). Exim Cotta Messalinus, saevissimae cuiusquc sententiae
auctor eoque inveterata invidia, ubi primum facultas data,
arguitur pleraque ifi C. Caesarem quasi incertae virilitatis, et cum

4. noxiam conscientiae : noxiam conscientiam Pich., text Groslot. 17. in ins.

Mur., pleraque; Claiam Caesarem i^Gaiam C. Caes. Kitt.) Freinsh. incerta : text
Freinsli., incestae R, perhaps incerta virilitate eius Halm.

1. ut rettuli : see 4. 6S, 2 ; 71, i. It (C. I. L. x. 905) probably, as Nipp. thinks,
appeals to be implied here that he suffered in 776, A. U. 23 ; was praefectus urbis and
the extreme penalty. again co-;. suff. in 792, a. d. 39 ;Dio, 59.

praecipuus. The gerundive genitive, 13, 2), and died legatus of Lower Ger-

here alone (ace. to Dragerj found with many in 800, A. i). 47 (11. iS, i).

this word or with 'primus,' is taken simi- 10. acerbitatibus, ' troubles': cp. 2.

larly to the relative genitives noted in 71, 3; 13.50,4; Cic. p. I'lanc. 42, 101,

Introd. V. § 34 e 7. &c.

2. Haterius Agrippa: see 1. 77, 3, &c. sufllcere, &c. On the construction
On the countercharges here alluded to see cp. 3. 72, 4, and note.

r. n^ I. II. dilatio exitii. He perished three

3. intenta: cp. i. 39, 4, &c. years later (c. 38, 2).

4. noxae conscientiam, 'complicity 12. invisior; cp. H. i. 12, 4; a rare
in guilt' ; so read on the supposition that comparative, but in Cicero.

the MS. text has arisen from a confusion marcidus. Tacitus uses this word

of endings. ' Noxa ' is so used in H. 2. only here, but has ' marcens' in the same

49, 6, and Livy ; ' noxia ' is not found as sense in H. 3. 36, 2 ; G. 36, i : both woids

a substantive in Tacitus. Those who re- are originally poetical.
tain the MS. text give it much the same 14. ganeara : cp. 3. 52, 2.

meaning by supposing an inversion of 15. Cotta Messalinus; see 2. 32, 2;

expression ; 'conscientiae' could also be and other of his proposals noted in 4. 20,

taken as depending on ' foedere.' 6 ; 5.3, 4.

8. Sanquinius Maximus. Borghesi 17. pleraque in C. Caesarem, &c.

(i. 244) thinks him probably grandson of Halm and Nipp. -read as above; Orelli

a Q. Sanquinius (^). f., mentioned as quae- and some others follow Freinsh., taking

stor, trib. pi., praetor, and procos. (C. I. L. ' pleraque ' as accus. after ' arguitur,' and

i. 640), and son of one M. Sanquinius, supposing the sarcasm to be the same as

Q. f. triumvir monetalis in 737, B.C. 17 that by which one Egilius was called

(Eckh. v. 299j. He had been cos. sufT. 'Egilia' (^Cic. de Or. 2. 08, 277),

A.D. 32] LIBER VI. Cy^P. 4 (io)-6 (12). 601

die natali Augustac inter sacerdotes epularetur, novcndialcm
cam cenam dixisse; querensque dc potcntia M'. Lepidi ac L.
Arruntii, cum quibus ob rem pccuniariam disceptabat, adtlidisse :

2 ' illos quidcm senatus, me autcm tuebitur Tibcriolus meus.' quae
cuncta a primoribus civitatis revincebatur, iisque instantibus ad 5
imperatorem provocavit. nee multo post litterae adfcruntur,
quibus in modum dcfcnsionis, repetito inter se atque Cottam
amicitiae principio crebrisque cius officiis commemoratis, nc
verba prave detorta neu convivalium fabularum simplicitas in
crimen duceretur postulavit. 10

6(12). Insignc visum est earum Caesaris litterarum initium ;
nam his verbis exorsus est : ' quid scribam vobis, patres conscripti,
aut quo modo scribam aut quid omnino non scribam hoc tempore,
di me deaeque peius perdant quam perire me cotidie sentio, si

2 scio.' adeo facinora atque flagitia sua ipsi quoque in suppli- 15

4. neque: eaque Pich., quae Jac. Gron. 13. quando : text B, from Suet.

1. die natali Auguatae. The 'Acta
Arvalium' for 780, 791, A.D. 27, 38
(C. I. L. vi. 2024 f, 2028 c), show this to
be Jan. 30.

novendialem. This name was given
to a feast for the dead, held on the ninth
day after a funeral (Porphyr. on Hor.
Epod. 17, 48 ; and the point of the jest
may be that a feast on the birthday of
a dead person who had never been deified
(cp. 5. 2, 1) was only a funeral feast under
another name.

2. M'. Lepidi ac L. Arruntii : see

1. 13, 2; 3. 32, 2.

4. quae cuncta. The MS. text has
not been satisfactorily explained, or recon-
ciled with ' iisque instantibus.' The ac-
cusative ' quae cuncta ' at the beginning
of a sentence is a form of expression
chosen by Tacitus ( i. 1 1, 7 ; 4. 7, 1 ; H.

2. 35, 4; and nom. Agr. 5, 4). On the
use of such an accus. after a passive verb
see Introd. v. § 12 d, and Freinsheim's
mode of taking ' arguitur pleraque ' above,
and ' nee quicquam imbuuntur' H. 5. 5, 4.

5. revincebatur; so ' revicla coniu-
ratio ' 15. 73, 3 ; ' in . . . maleficio revicti '
Clell. 6. 2, ' in mendacio revincatur ' Dig.
26. 10, 3, § 15. The verb oftener means
' to refute.'

9. simplicitas, 'frankness'; i.e. 'mere
table-talk with no deeper meaning ' : see
note on i. 6y, 4.

in crimen duceretur : cp. 1 1 . 34, 6 ;

and ' ne quis modestiam in conscientiam
ducerei ' Sail. Jug. 85, 26. The more
usual verb would be 'trahere.'

12. his verbis. The letter was no
doubt extant in the ' acta senatus,' but it
does not follow that Tacitus cites it di-
rectly from that source. Suetonius (Tib.
67 ) gives, with a slight variation noted
below, precisely the same words, neither
more nor less. Unless, therefore, he is
quoting from Tacitus, it would appear
that both must have followed some ear-
lier historian, who had quoted thus much
and no more. For the few and short
passages in which Tacittis gives 'ipsissima
verba,' see c. 5, i ; 14. 59, 4; 15. 67, 4.
His usual method of modifying the sub-
stance into a form suited to his own style
is illustrated in Introd. iv. p. 32.

14. di.. .deaeque : seen^te on 4. 38, 3.
quam . . . sentio. Suetonius has,

perhaps in error, the words ' quam coti-
die perire sentio.'

15. adeo, &c. Tacitus makes the words
express the torment of an avenging con-
science ; Suetonius explains them by his
sensitiveness to libels cited in evidence
(cp. 4. 42, 2), or as a presage of the
execration of posterity of which he had
always had misgivings. .Some of his apo-
logists (as Karsten, p. 50) explain them
as self-reproach for having allowed him-
self to be so misled by Seianus ; others as
expressing mere weariness of the burden

6o2

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 785.

^ium vertcrant. neque frustra praestantissimus sapientiae firmare
solitus est, si recludantur tyrannorum mentes, posse aspici laniatus
ct ictus, quando ut corpora verberibus, ita saevitia, libidine, malis
consultis animus dilaceietur. quippc Tiberium non fortuna, non 3

5 solitudincs protegebant quin tormenta pectoris suasque ipse
poenas fateretur.

7(13). Turn facta patribus potestate statuendi de C Caeciliano
senatore, qui plurima adversum Cottam prompserat, placitum
candem poenam inrogari quam in Aruseium et Sanquinium,

10 accusatorcs L. Arruntii : quo non aliud honorificentius Cottae
evenit, qui nobilis quidem, set egens ob luxum. per flagitia in-
famis, sanctissimis Arruntii artibus dignitate ultionis aequabatur.

O. Servacus posthac et Minucius Thermus inducti, Servaeus 2
praetura functus et quondam Germanici comes, Minucius equestri

15 loco, modcste habita Seiani amicitia ; unde illis maior miseratio.
contra Tiberius praecipuos ad scelera increpans admonuit C 3

qui

7. Caesiliano : text L and Wurm. 9. Sangunnium : text B. 12. ultioni seque-
batur : text li.

of life and cares of empire, or of the
terrors of this crisis.

ipsi quoque, i. e. ' ut et aliis tyrannis.'

1. frustra: cp. i. 30, 3.

praestautissimus sapientiae. The
expression seems taken from ' praestans
animi ' (Verg. Acn. 12, 19), and is ana-
loj^ous to many others Introd. v. § 32
e 7). Socrates is so styled, probably in
allusion to his having been pronounced
wisest of men by the Delphic oracle. The
quotation is made with considerable free-
dom from Plat. Gorg. 5,24 li; with some
apparent reminiscence also of Kepub. 9.
579 D; the expression 'solitus est' ap-
parently implying that more than one
place is referred to. Seneca has expressed
a similar thought (lip. 97, 15).

firmare ^ ' adfirmare' : cp. i. 81, 1 , &c.

3. malis consultis, 'evil designs' : cp.
' mollibus consultis' i, 40, 2, ' magnis '
H. 2. 4, 3-

4. fortuna: cp. 4. 18, 2.

7. C. Caeciliano. This praenomen
can easily have dropped out, but its
absence is not without example, where
a title is added : see Nipp. on 5. 8, i.
The person mentioned in 3. 37, i would
be styled ' praetura functus ' rather than
simply ' senator.'

9. Aruseium et Sanquinium. These

persons, and their accusation of Arruntius,
must have been mentioned in the lost
part : hence their brief designation here
by one name. This Aruseius may be the
one mentioned in c. 40, i ; and the other
name should perhaps, as Nipp. thinks, be
' .Sangurium,' a name found in C. I, L. i.
1419. In any case he cannot be the per-
son mentioned in c. 4, 4.

11. nobilis. On his family connexions
see I. 8, 5.

egens ob luxum. For his gifts to
retainers see Introd. vii. p. 102, n. 1.

1 2. sanctissimis . . . artibus, ' the
stainless accomplishments.' On this use
ot ' artes ' cp. 4. 6, 2.

dignitate ultionis, ' by being as
worthily avenged.' We should infer that
the penalty was exile.

13. Q,. Servaeus : see 2. 56, 5; 3. 13,
3 ; 19, I. Minucius Thermus may have
been tlie father of the person mentioned
in 16. 20, 2.

inducti, were brought into court :
cp. ' reus capitis inducor' Apul. Met. 3.

7. 185-

15. modeste habita : cp. 4. 44, i. The
words apply to both the persons.

16. praecipuos . . . increpans, 'de-
nouncing them as lorcmost in crime': cp.
' praecipuum ad pericula' 14. 58, i;

A.D. 32.] LIBER VI. CAP. 6 (12), 7 (13).

603

Cestium patrem dicere senatui quae sibi scripsissct, suscepitqiie

4 Cestius accusationem. quod maximc exitiabile tulere ilia tem-
pora, cum priniores scnatus infimas ctiam dclationes excrcerent,
alii propalam, niulti per occultum ; ncque discerncres alienos

a coniunctis, amicos ab ignotis, quid repens aut vetustate ob- 5
scuruni : perinde in foro, in convivio, quaqua de re locuti incu-
sabantur, ut quis praevenire et reum destinare properat, pars ad

5 subsidiuin sui, plures infecti quasi valetudine et contactu. scd
Minucius et Servaeus damnati indicibus accessere. tractique
sunt in casum eundem lulius Africanus e Santonis Gallica 'o

6 civitate, Scius Quadratus : originem non repperi. neque sum

6. proinde : text R.

9. tractatique : text B.

' desertorem proditoremque increpant '

n. 2. 44, 3.

admonuit. This verb takes an inf. in
■^K''- 25, 3 ; also in Augustan poets and
Liv. ; so ' monere ' 1 1 . i , 2 , ilfcc.

C. Cestium patrem : see on 3. 36,
2 ; here so called to distinguish him from
a son (see on 11;. 25, 5), who may have
been mentioned in the lo.-t part. Possibly,
with Lips, and Urlich.s (Kh. Mus. xxxi.
_:;oo), ' prattorem ' should be read, as a
probable rank for one who was cos. three
years later (c. 31, i), and a word likely
in an abbreviation to be confused with
' patrem.' The professional rhetor Cestius,
often cited by M. Seneca, was probably of
lower rank. The well-known pyramid of
C. Cestius at Rome records some member
of this family who was trib. pi., praetor,
and ' septemvir epulonum,' about the
middle of the principate of Augustus
(Burn, p 209;: ; another gave his name to
the original ' jions Cestius.'

2. exitiabile ; so used in c. 24, 1 ;
15. 44, 4, &c. ; and ' exitiosus ' more
frequently. Both words are rare, but
classical. ■

4. per occultum, by private letters to
the emperor : cp. ' quae sibi scripsisset,'
also 2. 28, 2 ; 4. 69, 5.

neque discerneres, &c., men knew
nothing of their accuser or the charge till
they were brought to tiial.

5. repens, used in the sense of ' recens '
often by Tacitus (11. 24, 7 ; 15. 68, 5;
H. I. 23, I ; 4. 25, I), but by no other
author.

6. in foro, &c. : ' locuti ' is supplied
with * in foro' and 'in convivio'; and
' quaqua de re ' applies to speech at both

these or any other places : see note on 4.
64, 2 (N'lpp.).

7. praevenire, ' to be first in the
field ' : cp. c. 35, i ; 15. 54, 6.

destinare, 'to mark out'; so in 14.
60, 3 ; also 'destinare excidio ' (i. 36, i),
'praedae' (2. 13, 3), 'ad ictum ' (H. 4.

29. 0-

8. valetudine et contactu ; hen-
diadys.

9. indicibus accessere : cji. c. 3, 5.
This escape from penalty, even after con-
viction, had been allowed by tlie law of
I'ompcius de ambitu (-App. B. C. 2. 24).

10. lulius Africanus, probably
father of the famous orator who in the
next generation divided the palm with
Domitius Afer : see Dial. 15, 3 ; Quint.
10. I, I iS, &c.

Santonis, the people of Saintonge,
to the north of the lower Garonne. Their
chief city, Mediolanium vStrab. 4. 2, 1,
190', is the modern Saintes, ou the
Charente.

11. originem non repperi. The
abruptness of this clause would indicate
that Quadratus also was an obscure, prob-
ably a provincial citizen. Some member
of the family is shown by a Praenestine
inscription C. I. L. xiv. 2831) to have
become praetor, and proconsul of Nar-
bonensis. Asyndeta in the enumeration
of names are not unconmion even in the
case of persons of rank : cp, 2. 33, i ; 3.
18, I ; and many other instances collected
here by Nipp.

neque sum ignarus. The mention
of obscure persons suggests that he might
have followed other historians in omittmg
them ; but such cases, as illustrating the

6o4

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C 785.

ignarus a plerisque scriptoribus omissa multorum pericula et
poenas, dum copia fatiscunt aut, quae ipsis nimia et maesta
fuerant, ne pari taedio lecturos adficerent verentur: nobis plera-
que digna cognitu obvenere, quamquam ab aliis incelebrata.
5 8 (14). Nam ea tempestate, qua Seiani amicitiam ceteri falso
exuerant, ausus est cques Romanus M. Terentius, ob id reus,
amplecti, ad hunc modum apud senatum ordiendo : ' fortunae 2
quidem meae fortasse minus expediat adgnoscere crimen quam
abnuere : sed utcumque casura res est, fatebor et fuisse me

10 Seiano amicum, et ut essem expetisse, et postquam adeptus
eram laetatum. videram collegam patris regendis praetoriis 3
cohortibus, mox urbis et militiae munia simul obeuntem. illius 4
propinqui et adfines honoribus augebantur ; ut quisque Seiano
intimus, ita ad Caesaris amicitiam validus : contra quibus infensus

15 esset, metu ac sordibus conflictabantur. nee quemquam ex- 5
emplo adsumo : cunctos, qui novissimi consilii expertes fuimus,
meo unius discrimine defendam. non enim Seianum Vulsinien- 6
sem, set Claudiae et luliae domus partem, quas adfinitate oc-
cupaverat, tuum, Caesar, generum, tui consulatus socium, tua

18. et: set R.

character of the times, or that of Teren-
tius below, as an example of courage,
would be in his view fruitful matter of
history : see Introd. iv. pp. 28, 29.
2. fatiscunt: cp. 3. 38, i.

4. obvenere, ' have come to my notice.'
The expression would imply research
among less known sources of history,
such as private memoirs. See Introd. iii.
p. 18.

incelebrata, hw. fip., unless read, with
Jac. Gron., in Sail. H. i. 55 D, 63 K,
80 G.

5. Nam, &c ; introducing one of these
cases omitted by others. Dio gives the
story (58. 19, 3), taking it apparently
from Tacitus (but see Introd. iv. 26).

7. amplecti: cp. 4. 42, 3. Lips, has
well pointed out the resemblance, which
can hardly be accidental, between this
speech and that attributed by Curlius
(7. I, 26, sqq.) to Amyntas, accused of
fiiendship with Philotas. According to
most opinions Curtius is the earlierwriter.

1 1 . collegam patris, &c. : see i . 24, 3 ;
4. 1,2.

12. urbis et militiae. These words
can hardly be taken to refer to any

combination of definite offices; and
Nipp. no doubt rightly explains them
as referring to his virtual control of all
departments, civil or military, through
his influence with the princeps.

13. propinqui; as Blaesus (3. 35, 2,
&c.).

ut quisque . . . intimus ; as the ac-
cusers of Sabinus (4. 68, 2).

14. quibus infensus; as Cremutius
Cordus (4. 34, 2).

1 5. metu ac sordibus, ' danger and the
suppliants' garb.' On 'metus' cp. i. 40,

I ; on ' sordcs,' 4. 52, 4 ; Dial. 12, i, &c.

16. novissimi consilii; the 'conin-
ratio ' (,5. II, 2, &c.). Its objects are
further specified below (,§ 11).

17. Vulsiniensem : see 4 i, 3.

18. Claudiae et luliae. H-e would
appear to have been connected with the
Claudian house through the betrothal of
his daughter ('ee on 3. 29, 51, and with
the Julian through his own (see on 4. 40,

II ; 5. 6, 2).

19. tuum: Caesar is addressed as if
present.

consulatus : see App. iv. p. 5S7.

A.D. 32]

LIBER VI. CAP. 7 (13) 9 (15).

605

7 officia in re publica capessentem colebamus. non est nostrum
aestimare quern supra cctcros ct quibus de causis extollas : tibi
summum rerum iudicium di dederc, nobis obsequii gloria relicta

8 est. spectamus porro quae coram habentur, cui ex te opes
honores. quis plurima iuvandi nocendive potentia, quae Seiano 5

9 fuisse nemo negaverit. abditos principis sensus, et si quid oc-
cultius parat, exquirerc inlicitum, anceps : nee ideo adsequare.

10 ne, patres conscripti, ultimum Seiani diem, sed sedecim annos
cogitaverit's. etiam Satrium atque Pomponium venerabamur ;
libertis quoque ac ianitoribus eius notescere pro magnifico acci- 10

11 piebatur. quid ergo? indistincta haec defensio et promisca
dabitur? immo iustis terminis dividatur. insidiae in rem pub-
licam, consilia caedis adversum imperatorem puniantur : de ami-
citia et officiis idem finis et te, Caesar, et nos absolverit.'

9 (15). Constantia orationis, et quia repertus erat qui efiferret 15
quae omnes animo agitabant, eo usque potuere, ut accusatores
eius, additis quae ante deliquerant, exilio aut morte multarentur.

Secutae dehinc Tiberii litterae in Sex. Vistilium praetorium,

18. ucstiliuai : text Nipp.

1. offlcia... capessentem, as'adiutor'
(4. 7, 2), and jierhaps ultimately 'coUes^a
imperii' {^. 6, 2). Mommsen refers it
(Staatsr. ii. 1118, n. 2) to his authority
as praefectus praetorio.

4. quae coram habentur, 'what exist
openly': 'coram' is opposed to 'occul-
tus ' (as here to 'aliditos' and 'occultius')
in 13. 25, 4; and to 'secret! ^ermones ' in
H. 2. 76, I. For 'habentur' cp. 'non in
obscuro habentur' 15. 16, 3, ' procul an
coram atrocior haberetur' 15. 36, 7» and
other instances in Ni])p. on i. 73, 2.

5. quis. Nipp. takes this as rem.,
followed by ' plurima . . . potentia ' as abl.
of quality ; but the construction of the
corresponding clause is in favour of taking
it as dative plural.

7. anceps : cp. 4. 17, I, &c.

ideo = 'si exquiras'; 'nor does it
follow that you will arrive at them ' :
cp. 'iiec ideo . . . lenivit' i. 12, 6. The
contrast between the sentiment of this
whole jiassagc, and the republican ideas
presupposed in the constitution of the
principate, is worthy of note.

8. sedecim, from the accession of
Tiberius to the fall of Seianus ; without
counting the \ear m which each of these
events happened.

9. Satrium : see 4. 34, 2.
Pomponium ; probably some one

mentioned in the lost part, and another
such person as Satrius. None of the
distinguished Pomponii (2. 32, 3 ; 4.
47, I ; 5. 8, i) could be thus spoken of.
Kitter thinks the copyist may have substi-
tuted a well known for a less known name,
such as that of Pinarius (4. 34. 2).

10. ianitoribus: cp. 4. 74, 6.

1 1 . indistincta . . . et promisca, ' with-
out discriinination or reserve': ' indis-
tinctus' is found here alone in Tacitus;
also in Catull 64, 2^3; Quint, and Gell.

14. finis, i.e. 'amicitiae et officiorum ':
' our friendship and attentions must be
excused by their having lasted as long as
he was your friend and no longer.'

15. Constantia: cp. 5. 4, 2.

qui efferret, ' to utter ' ; used in a
similar sense in 2. 63, 4; 3. 41, 3 ; more
commonly with an abl., as ' verbis' i_Cic.
Or. 44, 1 50 , ' lingua ' (Hor. A. P. T 1 1).

16. eo usque potuere ; so ' largiter
pos^e' (Caes. B. G i. iS, 3;, in accord-
ance with the constructiort of bvvaaOai.

1 7. quae ante deliquerant, ' their
former misdeeds.' The verb lakes a
similar ace. in 12. 54, 7; 13. 31, .S; 14. 3<7-

18. Sex. Vistilium. Vistilia, who is

6o6

P. CORN ELI I TACIT I ANNALIUM [AU.C. 78:

quern Druso fratii percarum in cohortem suam transtulcrat.
causa offcnsionis Vistilio fuit, scu composucrat quaedam in 3
Gaium Cacsarem ut impudicum. sive ficto habita fides, atque 4
ob id convictu principis prohibitus cum senili manu ferruni

6 temptavisset, obligat venas ; precatusque per codicillos, immiti
rescripto venas resolvit. acervatim ex eo Annius Pollio, Appius 5
Silanus Scauro Mamerco simul ac Sabino Calvisio maiestatis
postulantur, et Vinicianus Pollioni patri adiciebatur, clari genus
et quidam summis honoribus. contremuerantque patres (nam 6

10 quotus quisque adfinitatis aut amicitiae tot inlustrium virorum
expers erat?), ni Celsus urbanae cohortis tribunus, tum inter
indices, Appium et Calvisium discrimini exemisset. Caesar 7
Pollionis ac Viniciani Scaurique causam,ut ipse cum senatu nos-
ceret, distulit, datis quibusdam in Scaurum tristibus notis.

15 10 (16). Ne feminae quidem exsortes periculi. quia occu-
pandae rei publicae argui non potcrant, ob lacrimas incusabantur ;

5. ob legatu : obligavit R, text Baiter. 9. contrenmerant quae (see Andresen :

text B. 15. qua: quia Mur., quando Kiessling.

stated to belong to a praetorian family
(2. 85, 2), may have been his daughter.

1. cohortem: see on i. 29, 2.

2. seu . . . sive = tirt . . . tire. The
cause of displeasure was the allegation
(whether true or false) that he had com-
posed, cSic.

4. convictu . . . prohibitus. Ves-
pasian, when under the displeasure of
Nero, was ' prohibitus non contubernio
modo, sed etiam publica salutatione'
(Suet. Vesp. 4). Such marks of displea-
sure (fee Friedl. i. p. 128) are probably
somewhat less severe than comp'ete ' re-
nunliatio amicitiae' (see on c. 29, 3; 2.
70, 3; 3- 12, 4; 24, 5). Some similar
cause is implied for the supposed suicide
of Fabius Maximus (i. 5, 4).

5. venas. The repetition of this word
has been thought an error of the tran-
scriber (sec I'htzner, p. 75). Nipp. (on I.
81, 2) gives several instances of such re-
petitions for vivid description or rhetori-
cal emj)hasis, as well as others where it
may be due to oversight.

6. Annius Pollio, cos. suff. with
Rubellius Blandus (see on 3. 23, 2 .
Borghesi (iv. 477) considers him son of
C. Annius C. f. Cor(nelia) I'oUio, ' trium-
vir monctalis' under Augustus (Lckh. v.
135). The Annius Pollio of 15. 56, 4,

&c., may have been his grandson. The
son here mentioned, I.. Annius Vinicianus,
probably nephew of M. Vinicius (c. 15, l),
occurs among the Arvales in 791, A.I). 38
(C. I. L. vi. 2028 c 34), and is men-
tioned by Dio (60. 15, i) as having been
contemplated as a successor to Gains
(Caligula), and as having joined the re-
bellion of Camilliis Scribonianus (see on
12. 52, 2). Several inscriptions relating
to the family are given in C. I. L. vi.
7295 7429. Appius Silanus has been
mentioned in 4. 68, i ; Mamercus Scaurus
in I. 13, 4, &c., Calvisius Sabiniis in 4.
46, I. On the use of ' simul ' see Inlrod.
V. § 63.

9. et quidam. All except Vinicianus
were certainly consuiars. Nijip. thinks
that he probably w.is also such, and tiiat
' atque idem ' should be read.

1 1. Celsus. Kitur would insert 'lulius '
from c. 14, 2, but the addition of his office
would make one name suftlce, as in many
instances (see Nipp. on 5. 8).

12. discrimini exemisset: cp. 2.55,3.

13. noseeret : cp. 12. 60, 3 ; so 'notio'
for ' cognitio ' c. 12,5; 3. 59, 2.

14. tristibus notis, 'harsh written
expressions.' On the fate of Scaurus see
c. 29, 4.

16. argui, often used w ith an ordmary

A.D. 32.]

LIBER 17. CAP. 9 (15), 10 (16).

607

necataque est anus Vitia, Fufii Gemini mater, quod filii nccem

2 flevisset. haec apud senatum : ncc secus apud principcm Vcs-
cularius Flaccus ac lulius Marinus ad mortem aguntur, e vetus-
tissimis familiarium, Rhodum secuti et apud Capreas individui,
V'escularius insidiarum in Libonem internuntius ; Marino parti- 5
cipe Seianus Curtium Atticum oppresserat. quo lactius acceptum
sua exempla in consultores recidisse.

3 Per idem tempus L. Piso pontifex, rarum in tanta claritudine,
fato obiit, nullius servilis sententiae sponte auctor, et quoticns

4 necessitas ingrueret, sapienter moderans. patrem ci censorium 10
fuisse memoravi ; aetas ad octogensimum annum proccssit ;

5 decus triumphale in Thraecia meruerat. scd praecipua ex eo

I. fu"ii : text L.

3. atticus : Flaccus L.

4. familiarum : text 15.

genitive, but, ace. to Drager, here alone
with that of the gerundive. By ' occu-
pandae reipublicae ' is meant such a con-
spiracy as that of Seianus. Women could
be charged with treasonable words, or ■
acts, such as consulting astrologers : see
2. 50, I ; 3. 22, 2, &c.

1. Vitia. No such Roman name is
known ; hence the conjectures ' Vibia '
(Nipp.), 'Vittia' .Bait. , 'Fufia' (Ritt.).
On Fulius Cemiiuis see 5. 1,1; 2, 2.

2. haec apud senatum, sc. ' acta.'
On the omission of such verbs see In-
trod. V. § 38 b. The expression here
includes all the cases mentioned from c. 2.

apud principem. On the personal
jurisdiction of the ' princeps ' see Introd.
vi. p. 88 ; Staatsr. ii. 958, foil. Some
further traces of such trial.-i before Tiberius
can be gathered from Suet. Tib. 62 ; but
it is his usual practice to devolve the
responsibility of condemnation on the
senate : see 3. 10, 6 ; and beh)w, c. 47, 4-

4 individui, ' insei)arable from him.'
The word appears to be almost an. ftp.
in this sense ; in Cicero it means ' in-
divisible.'

5. insidiarum . . . internuntius : see
2. 28, i; whence 'Flaccus' is restored;
' Atticus ' being apparently repeated by
error from ' Atticum ' below.

6. Curtium Atticum : see 4. 58, i.
His overthrow must have been men-
tioned in the lost part. Marinus is other-
wise unknown.

7. sua exempla: the expression seems
a reminiscence of ' mala exempla recidunt
in auctores ' (Sen. Ep. 81, 19) : cp. 'sua

quisque exempla debet . . . pali ' Phaedr.
I, 26.

consultores, 'the devisers'; so ' prava
incepta consultoribus noxae esse' Sail. H.
I. 48, I D, 51 K, p. 144O. The use in 4.
24, 3 is also from -Sallust.

S. L. Piso pontifex. This title, con-
firmed by the ' Acta Arvalium ' of 767,
A.I). 14 (C. I. L. vi 2023 a), and other
inscriptions, distinguishes this L. Piso
from others of the same name (cp. 2. 34,
1 ; 4 45, 1 ; 62, i"). He was consul in
739, B.C. 15, and probably father of the
' iuvenes ' addressed by Horace: see on
4. 45, I ; 62, I ; Porphyr. on Hor. A. P.
On the story respecting his appointment
to the ' praefectura urbis ' see Introd. iv.

P- ?<?>•

rarum, &c. On such parenthe.'^es see
Introd. v. § 82.

9. fato: cp. 2. 71, 2, &c.

nullius servilis sententiae, &c. He
is perhaps the person spoken of in 2. 32,
4; 3.68, I.

11. memoravi. This mention is lost.
The father is otherwise known as L.
Calpurnius C. f. L. n. Piso Caesoninus,
COS. 696, B.C. 58, and censor 704, B.C. 50,
the supporter of Clodius and enemy of
Cicero, who attacks him in two speeches
ide Prov. Cons., and in lis.). He was
also father of Calpurnia, wite of Julius
Caesar.

12. decus triumphale, i.e. the ' tri-
umphalia ornanienta.' This was in 743,
B.C. II ',Dio, 54. 34, 6), after a three
years' war (Veil. 2. 98, !■.

6o8

P. CORNELIl TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 785.

gloria, quod praefectus urbi recens continuam potestatem et in-
solentia parendi graviorem mire temperavit.

11 (17). Namque antea, profectis domo regibus ac mox magis-
tratibus, ne urbs sine imperio foret, in tempus deligebatur qui ius

5 redderet ac subitis mederetur ; feruntque ab Romulo Dentrem
Romulium, post ab Tullo Hostilio Numam Marcium et ab Tar-
quinio Superbo Spurium Lucretium inpositos. dein consules 2
mandabant ; duratque simulacrum, quotiens ob ferias Latinas
praeficitur qui consulare munus usurpet. ceterum Augustus 3

10 bellis civilibus Cilnium Maecenatem equestris ordinis cunctis
3. praefectis demum : text R. 10. cillinium : text L.

I. irecens, adv., as in 2. 21, i. It is
noted (Drager, Synt. und Stil, § 22) that
this use of ' recens' with adjectives occurs
first in the Annals, and only with adjectives
having a participial meaning.

continuam, ' made permanent.' On
the continuity of the ' praefectura urbis '
under the early Empire the evidence is
doubtful, and possibly the account of
Tacitus is confused. A wide power,
analogous to that of Maecenas (c. 11, 3\
would naturally be held only during the
absence of Augustus, and it was during
part of the absence lasting 727-730, B.C.
27-24, that Corvinus held a power which
stemed to himself ' incivilis,' and on
another such departure in 738, B.C. 16,
that the appointment of Taurus is men-
tioned (see on c. 1 1, 4-5^, and the 'recens
continua potestas ' of Piso seems to refer
to the permanent departure of Tiberius in
779, A.D. 26 (cp. Sen. Ep. 83, 14). On
the other hand, as Klebs argues (Rh. Mus.
xlii. 1S87, 164-178), the original duties
assigned to the office, those of routine
summary police ('qui coerceret,'&c.), are
such as Augustus would hardly care to
discharge himstlf, and might well have
wished to delegate to some permanent
ofiioer of good position ; and the urban
cohorts, if perhaps at first placed under
the ' praefecti praetorio' (Staatsr. ii. 1067,
n. 4% must soon have become his ' proprius
miles' (Ii. 3. 64, 1). Possibly therefore
the office was in some sense permanent
even from the appointment of Corvinus,
but many of its most important functions
were in abeyance when the emperor was
present. At any rate, from and after
Piso a continuous series is reckoned: see
Staatsr. ii. ic6o, n. 3.

insolentia parendi, ' for want of
habits of submission.' The expression

seems strange in reference to the time of
Tiberius, but should be understood in
contrast to the more fully established
authority of the praefect when Tacitus
wrote.

2. mire temperavit: see the character
given to him in Veil. 2. 98.

3. Namque, &c. This history of the
office is suggested by ' recens continuam.'

4. in tempus : cp. 4. 66, 3.

5. subitis mederetur, ' to meet emer-
gencies' : ' subita ' is often substantival,
as in 15. 59, 3; H. i. 7, 4; 5. .3, 4.

Dentrem Romulium. This person
and the name 'Romulius' are otherwise
unknown. Denter is a cognomen of C.
Livius, magister equitum 406, B.C. 348,
and M. Livius, consul 452, B.C. 302 (Liv.
10. I, 9, &c., C. L L. i. p. 516).

6. Numam Marcium; according to
Eivy (i. 20, 5), created first pontiff by
king Numa ; according to other traditions,
husband of Numa's daughter Pompilia,
and, by her, father of Ancus Marcius
(Plut. Num. 21).

7 Sp. Lucretium: see Liv. i. 59, 12.
Among early instances under the Republic
are Sempronius Atratinus (Dion. H.6. 2),
and others (Liv. 3. 3, 6 ; 3. 24, 2)

8. duratque simulacrum. On this
' shadow ' see 4. 36, i ; Staatsr. i. 666.
The necessity for the praelecture as a
substantial office appears to have ceased
with the institution of the * praetura ur-
bana' in 387, B.C. 367.

10. bellis civilibus, abl. of time
throughout which v^ee Introd. v. § 26).
Maecenas was first thus left in charge
during the Sicilian war in 718, B.C. 36,
Koi roTt KoX ftrtiTa tnl rroXti (Dio, 49.
16, 2;; also during the final struggle in
723, B.C. 31 ^Td. 51. 3, 5).

Cilnium Maecenatem. It has been

A.D. .v.] LIBER VI. CAP, lo (i6)- 12 (]8).

609

apud Romam atque Italiam pracposuit : mox rcrum politus ob
niagnitudinem populi ac tarda Icgum auxilia sumpsit c consu-
laribus qui cocrceret scrvitia ct quod civium audacia turbidum,

4 nisi vim mctuat. primusque Mcssalla Corvinus earn potcstatem

5 et paucos intra dies finem accepit, quasi ncscius exercendi ; turn 5
Taurus Statilius, quamquam provecta actate, egregie toleravit ;

6 dein Piso viginti per annos paritcr probatus, publico funcre ex
decrcto scnatus celebratus est.

12 (IH). Relatum inde ad patres aQuintiliano tribuno plebei de
libro Sibullac, quern Caninius Gallus quindecimvirum rccipi inter 10

10. (]uindecimvir B.

5. quasi; cp. Introd. v. § 6", and
otlicr iijstances collected by Nipp. It
appears in this jilace to denote the osten-
sible or jnevalent explanation of his resig-
nation, as distinct from that which i'see
last note) h^ may have given in private.

6. Taurus Statilius. Dio (54. 19, 6)
speaks of him as appointed in 738, K.C. 16,
TO aarv ixfrd rrji dK\i]S 'IraAias SioiKUV ;
but this vicegerency, resembling that of
Maecenas and Agrippa, may, as Borghesi
thinks (v. 317), have been an exten-ion of
the praefecture, which he may have held
from the resignation of Corvinus.

provecta aet>ate : having been cos. suff.
under the triumvirate in 717, K.C. 37, he
was no doubt older than Augustus, and it
is hardly likely, though not impossible,
that he lived on till the appointment of
Piso. On his descendants see 2. i, i ;
12. 59, I ; 15. 68, 5.

toleravit, ' sustained its duties ' ; so
with ' munia ' 13. 35, 2.

7. viginti per annos. I have not
followed Halm and Nipp. here in altering
the MS. text to 'quindecim,' to bring
Tacitus into agreement with the untrust-
worthy story in -Suet. Tib. 42 (see Introd.
iv. p. 33 ^, and with the assumption that
the office was vacant at the death of
Auj,u>tus (see on I. 7, 3). Another view
would read ' sex ' (011 the supposition that
'vi' had been altered to 'viginti'), to
bring the passage into agreement with the
opinion dating the appointment from
the departure of Tiberius to Campania
(4 57, i). See on c. 10, 5.

publico funere : see 3. 48, 1.

9. Quintiliano. Nipp. notes the pos-
sibility of his identity with one Nonius
Quintilianus, cos. suff. in 792, A.D. 39.

de libro Sibullae : see on i. 76, 2.

10. Caninius Gallus, mentioned in

generally thought that the former name,
from a noble race of Arretium (I.iv. 10. 3,
2^, is his paternal or gentile name, and
Maecenas that derived from his mother
(see on 1. 14, 2) ; but Nipp. notes that in
an inscription (Gruter, p. 945, 10) he is
called ' C. Maecenas, L. f. Pom(ptina),'
and that the name ' Cilnius,' given to him
only here,and in a quotation from Augustus
('Cilniorum smaragde') in Macr. Sat. 2.
4, 1 2 ; and borne by none of his slaves,
must be the matronymic.

cunctis . . . praeposuit. Maecenas
was not titular pratfectus urbis, but his
vicegerency is here mentioned as including
the functions of that oftice, and much more,
and probably suggesting the idea of it.
His duties are spoken of by Horace (Od.
3. 29, 27 ; Sat. 2. 6, 38) and others: see
Staatsr. ii. 729. Agrippa shared his duties
for a time (I>io, 51. 3, 10), and afterwards
had a similar t^s 7roA«as 5iax<'P'o^'s in 733>
B.C. 2 I, apparently without a formal prae-
fecture I Id. 54. 6, 5), being then a sliarer
in the proconsular imperium (Staatsr. ii.
1060, n 2).

3. qui coerceret, &c. This very
limited original jurisdiction seems little
more than such as had been exercised at
the Maenian column (Cic. Div. in Caec.
16, 50, &c.) by the 'tresviri capitales'
(Introd. vi. p. 91), wlio must now have
been young and inexperienced men. This
jurisdiction was evidently soon extended,
and in the time of Nero apparently clashed
with that of the praetor (14. 41, 2) ; and
in later times the office became far more
important: sec Staatsr. ii. 1063, foil.

4. Messalla Corvinus. According
to Jerome in Eus. Chron. (vol. viii. p. 551 ,
Migne), he received this power probably
in 728, B. c. 26, and rtsigned it on the sixth
day, 'incivilem potestatem esse contestans.'

6io

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 785.

ceteros eiusdem vatis et ea de re senatus consultum postulaverat.
quo per discessionem facto misit litteras Caesar, modice tribunum
increpans ignarum antiqui moris ob iuventani. Gallo expro- 2
brabat, quod scientiae caerimoniarumque vetus incerto auctore,
5 ante sententiam collcgii, non, ut adsolet, lecto per magistros
aestimatoque carmine, apud infrequcntem senatum egisset. simul 3
commonefecit, quia multa vana sub nomine celebri vulgabantur,
sanxisse Augustum, quem intra diem ad praetorem urbanum
deferrentur neque habere privatim liceret. quod a maioribus 4
10 quoque decretum erat post exustum sociali bello Capitolium,

9. neve Em.

10. civili bello L, Sullano Ileriius.

several Arval Tables dating 780-790,
A. D. 27-37 (C. I. L. vi. 2024, 2025,
2027), as one of the college and as their
' magister.' As sucli, and also as ' quin-
decimvir,' he is called belovi^ ' scientiae
caerimoniarumque vetus' ^see Introd. ii.
p. 11). Nipp. identifies him with the
'triumvir monetalis' of 736, B.C. 18
(Eckh. V. 162), and with L. Caninius, cos.
suff. in 752, B.C. 2 (Mon. Anc. iii. 31);
his father with L. Caninius L. f. Callus,
cos. in 717, B.C. 37 i^Dio, Arg. B. 48);
and iiis grandfather witli tiie friend of
Cicero who was trib. pi. in 6yS, B.C. 56.

quindeciraviruni, partitive gen., used
where the ahl. with 'e' would be more
common '^as c. 4, 4 ; 10, 2, &c.) : cp. ' quod
decimvirum sine provocatione esset ' [Q\c.
de Rep. 2. 36, 61). On the office of this
piiesthood and their charge of these books
see on 3. 64, 3.

recipi. An infinitive is thus coordi-
nated with a noun in 4. 3, i.

1. senatus consultum postulaverat.
He himself would not have had ' ius re-
lationis,' and could only draw attention
to the subject ' per egressionem ' (see on
2- 38, 3). Such a decree was required for
the promulgation of a Sib) lline prophecy
(Dio, 39. 15, 3), and no doubt also for its
reception into the canon.

2. per discessionem : see on 3. 69, 9.

4. scientiae caerimoniarumque, hen-
diadys. On the gen. after ' vetus ' cp. c.
44, I ; I. 20, 2 ; H. 4. 20, f, : elsewhere it
occurs only in Sil. 4, 532; 17, 297.

incerto auctore, ' on untrustworthy
information'; without having obtained
it from any one of reputation.

5. magistros. That tlie quindecim\iri
in the time of Augustus had five ' magistri '
is shown by Mommsen (Comm. on Mon.

Anc. p. 92'" from the record of the Lndi
Saeculares of 737, B.C. 17, in the l^asti
Cap. (C. I. L. i. p. 442). Augustus him-
self (Mon. Anc. iv. 36) and no doubt his
successors, were among these ' magistri ' ;
and it was in that capacity, latterly as sole
'magistri' (Staatsr. ii. iio6j, that they
held ' Ludi .Saeculares.'

6. infrequentem. Augustus Dio, 54.
35, i) had relaxed the rule by wiiich no
decree could be passed without the pre-
sence of four hundred senators.

7. vulgabantur: the indie, is inter-
posed as in I. 10, I, &c.

9. deferrentur. The subject of this
is the many current prophecies mentioned
above. Surt. ( Aug. 3 1 ; says that Augustus,
on assuming the office ol pontife.x maxi-
mus, after search made, burnt above two
thousand of the collected prophetic books,
retaining only the Sibylline and making
Selection also among them : see note on
I. 76, 2.

neque, &c. There is much force in
Nipp.'s objection that in such a dependent
sentence this could only stand for ' et ne '
when pieceded by a clause with ' ut ' or
' ne,' as in 11. 18, 2; i^. 43, 4. If the
text is sound we mu^t suppose that in the
preceding sentence 'quem intra diem' is
concisely but inaccurately used for ' ut
intra dictum diem.'

10. sociali bello. In II. 3. 72, 2, the
date is correctly given, ' arserat et ante
Capitolium civili bello,' i.e. in the struggle
between Sulla and the Marians in 671,
B.C. 83. Some have vainly justified the
words here by the common interest which
the Italians had with the Marians. Pos-
sibly 'J'acitus gave no date, and 'bello
sociali ' is the gloss of some historical
blunderer. The similar discrepancy noted

A. D. 32.] LIBER VI. CAP. 12 (i8), 13 {19).

611

quaesitis Samo, I Ho, Krythris, per Africam ctiam ac Siciliam et
Italicas colonias, carminibus Sibullae, una seu plurcs fucre, da-
toquc sacerdotibus negotio, quantum humana ope potuisscnt,
5 vera disccrnere. igitur tunc quoque notion! quindecimvirum is
libcr subicitur. S

13 (li^). Isdem consulibus gravitate annonae iuxta scditionem
vcntum, multaquc et plures per dies in theatre licentius effla-

2 gitata quam solitum adversum imperatorem. quis commotus
incusavit magistratus patresque, quod non publica auctoritate
populum coercuissent, addiditque quibus ex provinciis et quanto 10
maiorcin quam Augustus rei frumentariae copiam advectaret.

3 ita castigandae plebi compositum senatus consultum prisca seve-

4 ritate, neque segnius consules cdixere. silentium ipsius non
civile, ut crediderat, sed in superbiam accipiebatur.

10. et : e B, ex Ritter.

in I. 54, I, relates to a legend of which
there may have been two versions ; the
error here is one which it is difficult to
suppose that Tacitus or any persons to
whom he read his work would have over-
looked. Until this fire the Sibylline book
or books had been kept in the ' cella
lovis.'

I. Samo, &c., ablatives of place whence,
with the construction afterwards varied.
Erythrae, one of the Ionian cities opposite
Chios, now Ritri, where many remains of
it exist : by ' Italicae coloniae ' the cities
of Magna Graecia are meant. A lost work
of Varro, cited by Dion. Hal. (4. 62) and
Lactant. (de fals. rel. c. 6), recognized ac-
cording to the latter) ten distinct Sibyls,
the Persian, Libyan, Delphian, Cimmerian,
Erythraean, Samian,Cumaean, Hellespon-
tian, Phrygian, and Tiburtine ; of whom
the Cumaean was most famous : for further
particulars see Marquardt, iii. 351.

3. potuissent, perhaps, as Jacob notes,
used instead of 'possent,' because 'vera
discernere ' implies previous research and
subsequent publication of its results.

4. discernere. This simple inf. after
' negotium dare ' is noted by Drager as
air. tip. It is used with 'datum' in 12.
11,4.

notioni : cp. 3. 59, 2, and the use of
'noscere ' (c. 9, 7'.

6. gravitate annonae. On other such
expressions cp. 2. 87, i.

iuxta seditioneraventum: cp.' usque
ad seditionem ventum est ' 14. 42, 2. The
expression is founded on ' iuxta seditionem

esse ' (Sail. H. iii. 67 D, 77 K, 76 G), nnd
on ' prope seditionem venire' (H. 3. 21,
I ; i.iv. 26. 48, 8\ On the use of iuxta '
see Introd. v. § 61.

7. et plures per dies. For the
parenthetical and abbreviated insertion of
this clause, instead of a full expression of
it in its proj^er place, Nipp. compares
' neque ita multo post ' in Cic. p. Rose.
Am. 28, 78; Nep. Pelop 2, 4, &c.

in theatre Such gatherings were now
the chief occasions on which popular
demands or other grievances found ex-
pression. Sidonius ApoHinaris in the
fifth century writes (Ep. i. 10) ' vereor,
ne famem populi Romani theatralis fra-
gor insonet et infortunio meo publica
deputetur esuries.' On the occasion of
another such dearth, Claudius was mobbed
in the forum (12. 43, 2).

10. quanto maiorem.. Augustus is
said (Aur. \'ict. Epit. 1,6) to have im-
ported twenty million ' modii ' annually
frum Egypt alone. Tiberius reckons the
corn supply as his special function (3. 54,
8).

1 1 . advectaret, a verb only found else-
where in Val. Fl. 4, 106 : for such rare or
poeti-cal frequentatives see Introd. v. § 69

U'. 70-

13. neque segnius, &c., 'the consuls
issued a not less energetic edict.' As
edicts ran usually in the name of the
' princeps,' his silence is noted as excep-
tional.

1 4. in superbiam. For this use of ' in '
see note on i. 14, 3.

6l2

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. ;86.

14 (20). Fine anni Gerainius, Celsus, rompcius, equites Ro-
mani, cccidcre coniurationis crimine; ex quis Geminius prodi-
gentia opum ac moUitia vitae amicus Sciano, nihil ad serium. et 2
lulius Celsus tribunus in vinclis laxatam catenam et circumdatam

5 in diversum tendens suam ipse cervicem perfregit. at Rubric 3
Fabato, tamquam desperatis rebus Romanis Parthorum ad niise-
ricordiam fugerct, custodes additi. sane is repertus apud fretum 4
Siciliae retractusque per centurionem nullas probabiles causas
longinquae peregrinationis adferebat : mansit tamen incolumis,
looblivione magis quam dementia.

15 (~1). Ser. Galba L. Sulla consulibus diu quaesito quos nep-
tibus suis maritos destinaret Caesar, postquam instabat virginum
aetas, L. Cassium, M. Vinicium legit. Vinicio oppidanum genus: 2

7. sanus : sane is I'aern.

T. Geminius, Celsus, Pompeius.
Here, as in 2. 48, i, the menUon of Ro-
man knights by one name has led some
to think that jiracnomina have dropped
out. These persons are unknown, for the
'Vovifios Fffiivios of I)io, 58. 4, 5, is now
taken to be t'uhiis (jeminus.

2. coniurationis: see 5. 11, 2, &c.
prodigentia, found only here and in

13. I, 4; 15. 37, 2: cp. the verb ' pro-
digere' 3. 52, i. The ablatives here are
those of respect.

3. nihil ad serium, ' in nothing tend-
ing to grave purpose ' : cp. " ad externa
rumoribus' (16. 23, 3); where the idea
of • spectare ' is supplied, as with rpjy.

4. lulius Celsus tribunus : see c. 9,
6 His full name is given to distinguish
him from the Celsus just above; and the
recent specification of his ti ibunate [}. 1.)
enables it to b^' here left undescribed.

circumdatam, &c., i.e. 'putting it
round his neck and straining at the ends.'
The chain probably connected the mana-
cles on his wrists, and may be supposed
to have been usually locked in some way
together, but then by some means set free
to its full length.

5. Rubric Fabato, probably not tlie
one mentioned as a knight in I. 73, I.
It is implied that this KuLrius was a
senator; as only that rank was debarred
from travelling without ])ermission to any
place be)ond Italy, except Sicily, and
(after 8oi, A.I). 49) Gallia Narbonensis :
see 12. 23, I ; Dio, 52. 42, 6.

7. additi : cp. 4. 67, 6, and similar

expressions in 3. 28, 4; 4. 60, i, &c.
The expression here seems to be a remi-
niscence of Hor. Od. 3. 4, 78.

9 longinquae. Nipp. rightly shows
that this cannot be understood of the
place where he was found, wiiich was
within the permissiljle limits above men-
tioned ; but of the long voyage which he
was evidently contemplating. The same
expression in 3. 24, 6 is generally taken
of time rather than distance.

1 1 . Ser. Q-alba, the future princeps
(see c. 20, 3). Suet. ;Galb. 4) states that
his praenomen at this time was Lucius ;
which Nipp. confirms from a gladiatorial
' tessera ' dated ' L. Sull. L. Sulp.' ; but
Tacitus gives that by which he is best
known, as do also the Fa^ti of Nola, ' Ser.
Sulpicius Galba, L. Sulla Felix, cos.'
(C. I. L. X. 1 233 ; Orell. 4033).

L. Sulla. The cognomen' Felix' (see
note above) shows him to be a descendant
of the dictator. He was ' prat-tor pere-
grinus' four years earlier (see Nipp.), and
is by some identified with the * nobilis
iuvenis ' of 3. 31, 4.

13. aetas, sc. 'nubilis.' Drusilla was
sixteen, Julia fifteen years old (see 2. 54,
I ; Introd. ix. notes 15. 16). Agrippina
was already married (see 4. 75, 1). On
the ' aetas nubilis ' see Appendix iii. p. 485,
n 2 ; also Friedl. i. pp. 504. foil.

Cassium. L. Cassius Longinus was
consul in 7S3, .\. 1). 30 (C. I. L. x. 1233;
Orell. 4033 . He was proconsul of .'Ksia
ill 794, .\.i). 41, when he was put to death
by Gaius (Dio, 59. 29, 3 ; Suet. Cal. 57,'.

A.D. 33] LIBER I'l. CAP. 14 (20), 15 (2i\

613

Calibus ortus, patrc atquc avo consularibus, cetera equestri

3 familia erat, mitis ingenio et comptac facundiae. Cassius ple-
bcii Romae generis, verum antiqui honoratiquc, et severa patris
disciplina eductus facilitate saepius quam industria commenda-

4 batur. huic Drusillam, Vinicio luliam Germanico geiiit :xs con- 5
iungit superque ea re senatui scribit, levi cum honore iuvenum.

5 dein redditis absentiae causis admodum vagis flexit ad graviora
et offensiones ob rem publicam coeptas, utquc Macro praefectus
tribunorumquc ct centurionum pauci sccum introirent, quotiens

6 curiam ingrcdcretur, petivit. factoquc large et sine pracscrip- k
tione generis aut numeri senatus consulto ne tecta quidem
urbis, adeo publicum consilium numquam adiit. deviis plerumque
itineribus ambiens patriam et declinans.

8. susceptas Miiretus.

13. ambigens : text R.

On his parentnge see below (§ 3). He
was brother to C. Cassius, the fainoiis
jurist of I 2. 12, I, &c.

M. Viuicium ; cos. wilh Cassius in
the year above, wlien V'elleius dedicated
his iiistory to him. He was again co.-:. in
798, A.I). 45, and was poisoned by Mes-
salina in the following year (Die, 60. 25,

1 ; 27, 4).

oppidanvun, used of the people of
Italian municipalities (4. 67, i): cp. 14.
17, 2; and 'oppidanum genus diccndi '
(Cic. Ihiit. 69, 242%

1. patre atque avo. On his father
P. Vinicius see 3. 11, 2 ; \'ell. 2. 103, i :
iiis grand ather M. Vinicius (Veil. 2. 96,

2 ; 104, 2) was cos. suff. in 735, B.C. 19
(C. I. L. i. p. 466) : a full account of the
family is given by Nipp. on 3. 1 1, a pedi-
gree in Lelimann, ' Claudius.'

2. comptae, ' oniatae ' ; cp. ' coniptior
oralio ' H. I. 19, I.

plsbeii Romae generis. 'Komae'
is opposed to 'oppidanum.' The gens
' Cassia,' originally patrician, appears as
early as the famous Spurius Cassius (Li v.
2. 17, I, &c j, and the Cassii Longini arc
among the distinguished plebeian houses
from the second I'unic war.

3. patris, L. Cassius L. f. Longinus,
cos. buff. 764, A.I). 1 1 (C. 1. L. i. p. 442 ;
xii. 4333). His relationship to the ' per-
cussor Caesaiis ' appears to be uncertam.

4. facilitate, 'complaisance' or 'pli-
ancy': cp. 2. 65, 3, &c., and 'acilis' 4.
2, 4; 5. 1, 5, &c.

commeudabatur. If ' saepius ' which

Nipp. would omit or alter tc 'plus' or
' Caesari plus') is riglit, this verb must
refer to the general opinion formed o\ him
throughout his life.

6. iuvenum : bc)th were consulars,
but their fathers may have been still
living. Similar words are used in 11. 12,
2 of C. Silius, who was cos. design , but
perhaps below the usual age : cp. also the
' iuventa ' of L. \'itellius (c. 32, 7).

7. vagis, ' nidefinite.' Jacob com-
pares the oj)position of ' errans et vaga '
to ' stabilis et certa sentenlia ' in t'ic.
N. D. 2. I, 2.

8. offensiones . . . coeptas. From
3. 54, II, we should rather e.xpect 'sus-
ceptas'; but we have 'adtinitas,' ' amicitia
coepta' (c 30, 4; 12. 10, 3), and other
like phrases.

Macro, Xaevius Sertorius Macro, here
first mentioned in the extant Books. On
his agency in the fall of Seianus see l)io.
58. 9; on his suicide in 791, A.D. 38, at
the command of Gains, Id. 59. 10, 6.

10. large, 'in comprehensive terms,' i. e.
as explained in the context, without the
limits expressed in his request. I)io ,58.
18, 6) adds that it was also decreed that
the senators should ihemsehes be searched
for hidden arms. Such a guard in the
senate is mentioned in the lime of Gains
and Claudius, and later : sje Staatsr. iii.
909, n. 6.

12. adeo . . . numquam: cp. 'adeo
ndn ' 3. 43, 3.

publicum consilium : for the use of
t-his and similar expressions for the senate

VOL. I

Rr

6t4

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 786.

16 (22), Interca magna vis accusatorum in eos inrupit,qui pe-
cunias faenore auctitabant adversum legem dictatorisCaesaris,qua
de modo credcndi possidendique intra Italiam cavetur, omissam
olim, quia private usui bonum publicum postponitur. sane vetus 2
urbi faenebre malum et seditionum discordiarumque crebeirima
causa, eoque cohibebatur antiquis quoque et minus corruptis
moribus. nam primo duodecim tabulis sanctum, ne quis unciario 3

3. oiTiissa : text L.

by Cicero and other writers, see Staatsr.
ii. 1028, n. I.

devils . . . itineribus, &c. This may
probably answer to the second (cp. c. i, 2)
of the two occasions on whicli Suetonius
(Tib. 72) speal<s of him as approaching
Rome (' iterum Appia usque ad septimum
lapidem'). Dio (,58. 21, i) shortens the
distance to thirty stadia. We shoukl
gather from Tacitus (cp. c. 39, 2) that he
approached Rome more frequently.

ambiens : ' ambigens ' can hardly
be explained either as ' ambagibus cir-
cnmiens' (Em.), or irtpiayaiu (Walth.), or
like ' ambiguus an inlraret,' in c. i, i
(Pfitzncri. ' Anibio' is used in this sense
by Cicero, Ovid, and Lucan.

declinans, probably tiansitive, as in
c. 51, 3; H. 3. 84, 5, &c. ; but it might
be intrans , as in 14. 56, 2.

1. Interea, &c. Tacitus does not bring
in the agency of Tiberius till a later stage
(§ 5); but Dio (58. 21, 4) makes him,
against the advice of Nerva (see on c. 26,
2) originate the attack. That he was
keenly interested in the future of Italian
land appears from 3. 54, 6. For a full
and recent discussion of the whole subject,
see Prof. Allen's essay in Trans. Amer.
Philol. Assoc, xviii. (1887) pp. 5-18.

in eos inrupit : see noie on 2. 11, 4.

2. auctitabant. 'I'his may be called
an. flp., though the verb is found in a
different sense in a late writer.

legem dictatoris Cassaris. By an
ordinance passed by Caesar as dictator in
705 or 706, B.C. 49 or 48 (Caes. B. C. 3.
I, 2; Suet. Caes. 42; App. B. C. 2. 48;
Dio, 41. 37, 3), the interest paid or in
arrear was struck off from the principal,
and creditors had to take in lieu of pay-
ment the real and personal property of
the debtor, estimated at what it had been
worth before the civil wars. This, wliich
was perhaps the law which Matius had
supported, though a loser by it (Cic. ad
I'am. xi. 27, 7 ; 28, 2), was evidently a

temporary measure ; and it would seem
that the peimanent law ' de modo credendi
possidendique intra Italiam' is but im-
perfectly known to us. In part it is doubt-
less that which Dio (41. 38, i^ notices at
that date as an old law revived, limiting
to 60,000 H..S. the amount of coinage
which any capitalist might po-sess in store.
This would force them to place out on
loan or invest the remainder ; and a further
provision appears to have enforced a pro-
portion between these modes of disposal,
perhaps enacting that not less than half
the capital should be invested in Italian
land ; not only with a view to encourage
the expenditure of capital on the better
tillage of the soil, but also, as intended by
analogous enactments of Trajan (PI. Epp.
6. 19, 4) and M. Aurelius (Vit. 11, 8), to
give the capitalists a stake in the country,
and to cause the mere money-lenders, who
were nothing more, to disappear from
Italy. See Mommsen, Rom. Hist. b. v.
ch. II, pp. 401, foil. I'ossibly Horace,
writing when the law was falling into
abeyance, may have humorously glanced
at its futility in his picture of the usurer
turning farmer (Epod. 2, 67). It would
be evident from Cicero (Att. 5. 21, 11,
&c.), that ' centesimae usurae ' (1 per cent,
per month, or i 2 per cent, per annum) was
in his time legal interest, and from Horace
(Sat. I. 2, 14), that five times that amount
was sometimes exacted ; but such rates
may be taken ^sce Momms. Rom. Hist,
b. ii. c. 3, p. 3S9) as corresponding to
about half that amount in modern value.

3. omissam, 'neglected': cp. 3. 53>

2, '&.C.

4. vetua . . . malum ; in the whole
period from 259, K.C. 495 (Liv. 2. 23, 1,
to the Lex Hortensia, cir. 468, B.C. 286
(Id. Epit. 11). These old laws are cited,
not as directly bearing on the question,
but as showing the constant prominence
of monetary difficulties.

7. duodecim tabulis. Tacitus is our

A.D. 33-]

LIBER VI. CAP. 1 6 (22).

615

facnore ampliiis exerccret, cum antca ex libidinc locupletium
agitarctur; dein rogationc tribunicia ad semuncias redactum,

4 postrcmo vetita versura. multisque plcbi scitis obviam itum
fraudibus. quae totiens repressae miras per artes ruisum orie-

5 bantur. scd turn Gracchus praetor, cui ea quaestio evenerat, 5
multitudinc periclitantium subactus rettulit ad senatum, trcpi-
dique patrcs (ncque enim quisquam tali culpa vacuus) vcniam
a principe petivere ; et concedente annus in posteruni scxque

2. redactii: redacta B, text Halm. 3. plebis : text Nipp.

only authority for assigning the law to
this code. Livy, without in any way
representing it ag the re-enactmeni of an
older law, ascribes it lo the tribunes
M. Uviilius and L. Maenius in 397, B.C.
357 (7- i6> i6\

unciario faenore. The different views
taken of the meaning of this term derive
supjx^rt from the different statements as
to the origin of the enactment. The
Twelve Tables are sujiposed to have
codified, with some modifications, the
customary law (see note on 3. 27, i^ ;
and it is evident that a high rate of
interest was then customary: hence the
explanation of Niebulir, accepted by
Mommsen Hist. Kom. b. ii.ch. 2, p. 364),
that the term ' unciarium faenus' denotes
interest at the rate of 8 J per cent, for the
year of ten months, or 10 per cent, for
twelve months, becomes from this view
highly probable ; and may be regarded,
with Mommsen, as a moderate rate. If,
on the other hand, we view the enact-
ment, w ith I. ivy, as the first of a series of
revolutionary measures, extorted from the
capitalist in the interest of the debtor, it
is no more incredible that it should have
attempted to fix interest at yV per cent,
per month, or i per cent, per year, than
that the culminating enactment should
have attempted to abolish interest alto-
gether. Also a monthly reckoning ac-
cords with what is otherwise known of
Roman interest : see Nipp.

1. exeroeret, with this, and ' agita-
retur,' ' faenus' is to be supplied ; so we
have ' exercere sectiones ' (13. 23, 2),
'aleam' (G. 24, 3), 'luxus . . . exerciti'
(3- 55» ^) • 'faenus agitare ' occurs in
G. 26, I : cp. the use of the verb in 4.

6,4-

2. ad semuncias; in 407, B.C. 347,
when Livy (7. 27, 3) mentions a farther
clause providing for payment of the
principal by instalments.

3. vetita versura. We know of no
law which can be here referred to other
than that cited by Livy from some
chroniclers as a 'lex (ienucia' of 412,
H C. 342, ' ne faenerare liceret,' which
must be taken as forbidding not payment
by fresh loan (the strict sense of versura '),
which would frequently involve paying
comjiound interest, but all loans on interest
whatsoever : also Appian (B. C. i. 54)
alludes to an old law /x^ bavtl^nv i-nl
TOKois. apparently never formally repealed;
and the old penalty is mentioned by Cato
(I'rooem. de K. R.\ ' furem dupli con-
demnari, faeneratorem quadrupli.' On
the sentiment in ancient times against
usury, leading to such futile legi>lation,
see the valuable remarks of Grole (Hist.
Gr. vol. iii. ch. 11), and Prof. Allen's
essay, p. 9, foil.

obviam itum fraudibus. Besides
perhaps referring to the lex Poetelia of
428, B. C. 326, affecting the ' nexum '
(^Liv. 8. 28, ij, which, however, was not
a plebiscite, Tacitus probably alludes to
a signal evasion consisting in making a
' socius,' who was not bound by Roman
laws, the nominal creditor; against which
a plebiscite was enacted by ^L Sem-
pronius in 559, i;.c. 195, placing ' socii '
and ' Latini ' on the same footing as
citizens- in this resj)cct (Liv. 35. 7, 4),
The object of the ' lex Gabinia ' for-
bidding loans at Rome to piovincials
(see Cic. Alt. 5. 21, 12; 6. 2, 7), appears
to have been different.

5. Gracchus, probably the person
mentioned in c. 38, 4; 4. 13, 3.

7. tali culpa, i.e. breach of the lex
lulia above referred to. -Senators, notably
Seneca and others, were themselves the
great money-lenders (14. 53, 6, &c.) : see
Introd. vii. p. loi ; Friedl. i. p. 227.

8. concedente: cp. 'orantibus' i. 29,
2, &c.; Introd. v. § 31 c.

6i6

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A U. C. 786.

menses dati, quis secundum iussa legis rationcs familiarcs quis-
que componcrent.

17 (-3). Hinc inopia rei nummariac, commoto simul omnium
aere alieno, et quia tot damnatis bonisqueeorum divenditis signa-

f tum argentum fisco vel aerario attinebatur. ad hoc senatus prae- 2
scripserat, duas quisque faenoris partes in agris per Italiam
conlocarct. sed creditores in solidum appellabant, nee dcconmi
appellatis minuere fidem. ita prime concursatio et preces, deiu 3
strepere praetoris tribunal, eaque quae remedio quaesita, ven-

10 ditio ct emptio, in contrarium mutari, quia faeneratores omnem
pecuniam mercandis agris condidcrant. copiam vendendi secuta 4

I. rationes familiares ; so 'pecuniae,'
*curae,* ' angustiae familiares' (4. 1=., 3 ;
II. 7, 3; 12. 52, 4).

3. commoto, &c. The capitalists had
all broken the law, and had to bring
their affairs into harmony with it in
eighteen months. All illegal loans, in
other words, a large proportion of all
loans, were thus called in.

4. et quia. Another independent
cause of the scarcity of money is added.
The events of the last year had led to so
many condemnations and confiscations for
conspiracy or treason, that the treasuries
were goiged, and tlie money in circulation
proportionately diminished. On the men-
tion ot the ' fiscus ' in respect of such
sums see c. 2, I and note.

divenditis, used of sales by auction,
Cic. Leg. Agr. i. 3, 7 ; Liv. 1. 53, 3 , 3-
13 10.

5. attinebatur: cp. 2. 52, 4; 3. 3,
3> &c.

ad hoc, 'for this,' i.e. 'to meet this
scarcity ' : cp below (§ 3) 'quae remedio
quaesita, venditio et emptio.' The usual
meaning is 'besides this'; but 'ad hoc
praelatus est ' (H. i. 48, 2) is somewhat
similar. Suetonius makes this decree also
originated by Tiberius.

6. duas quisque . . . conlocaret.
' Faenus ' here means ' capital,' as in
14. 53, 6; 55, 5; H. I. 20, 3; also in
Plant. Most. 3. i, lo' ^'faenus creditum'),
&c. A more full statement ot this decree
is given in Suet. Tib. 48, ' ut faeneratores
duas patrimonii partes in solo collocarent,
debitores totidem neris alieni statim sol-
verent ' ; which last words Nipp. inserts
in the text here, to make the opjiosition
in ' sed creditores,' &c., intelligible.
Tacitus may perhaps have considered
such a clause to be implied in what he

has stated. Such a decree, besides being,
no doubt, based upon the ' lex ' itselt
(see c. 16, i), would also be intended to
increase the demand for land, to the
advantage of debtors who had estates
to sell ; and to remedy the scarcity of
money, partly through lands being taken
over in lieu of cash, partly by the sup-
position that the remaining onc-th;rd of
capital would be left at interest undis-
turbed.

7. sed creditores, &c. The decree of
the senate did not preclude the ordinary
right of a creditor to call in his debts as
and when he pleased. This they exercised
by calling in, not only two-thirds, but
all debts at once in full ; and it wns
a point of honour for the debtor to main-
tain his credit. On the other hand, the
obligation of the capitalist, to bring his
affairs into conformity with the law, had
eighteen months to run. They could
thus force the debtor to realize at once,
with all the disadvantages of scarcity of
money, and of flooding the market with
estates and property for sale ; and could
themselves bide their time for bargains,
to purchase land at leisure in accordance
with the law or decree.

8. concursatio, &c. ; first men ran
from one money-lender to another with
entreaties for money or time ; then the
praetor's court rang with notices of suits
lor debt.

10. omnem . . . condiderant. 'Con-
didcrant' is equivalent to ' conditam ser-
vabant': as they got in the^r money, they
reserved it for bargains in land.

11. copiam vendendi, &c. With the
gerund, ' copia ' generally means ' oppor-
tunity,' as ' mutuaiidi copia' below : here
it appears to mean ' abundance ' of sales ;
as, with simple gen., in 3. 63, 2 ; 4. 69,

A.D. 33] LIBER VI. C/4P. i6 (22)-i8 (24).

617

vilitate, quanto quis obaeratior, aegrius distrahebant, multique
fortunis provolvcbantur ; eversio rei faniiliaris dignitatem ac
famam praeceps dabat, donee tulit opem Caesar disposito per
mensas miliens sestertio factaque nnituandi copia sine usuris per

5 triennium, si debitor populo in duplum praediis cavisset. sic 5
refecta fides, et paulatim privati quoque creditores reperti. neque
emptio agrorum exercita ad formam senatus consult!, acribus,
ut ferme talia, initiis. incurioso fine.

18 (~4). Dein redeunt priores mctus postulate miiestatis Con-
sidio Proculo, qui nullo pavore diem natalem celebrans raptus in 10

2 curiam pariterque damnatus interfectusque est. sorori eius
Sanciae aqua atque igni interdictum accusante Q. Pomponio.

II. et : est Bjzzenberger, est; et Ritter.

4, &c. On the acciis. after abl. abs. of a
deponent participle see Introd. v. § 31 d.

1 . aegrius distrahebant, ' they had
the more difficulty in selling': men saw
the seller's necessity and held out for a
lower ]5rice than would pay his debts : cp.
' coemendo . . . ut pluris . . . distraheret'
(Suet. Vesp. 16). The verb is strictly
used of selling in small parcels, and Allen
so takes it here ; but the general sense
given above \i also supported and seems
more apposite.

2. provolvebantur, ' were being
ejected.' No other instance of the verb
in this sense seems to be found, but
' evolutus ' is so used in 13. 15, 3. Allen
extends the force of 'quia' to this word,
placing a full stop here and a semicolon
at ' condiderant.'

dignitatem. The rank of senator
or knight depended on census. On the
adverbial use of ' praeceps ' cp. 4. 62, 3.

3. tulit opem Caesar. The currency
locked up in the treasury (see above) is
thus brought into circulation, and the
debtor, instead of parting with his land,
is enabled to mortgage it to the treasury
without interest for a sum not exceeding
half its value. This arrangement is to be
in force three years, so aj to outlast the
indulgence allowed to the capitalists, and
to enable debtors to make easier terms of
final settlement with them.

per mensas. Dio (58. 21, 5) states
that this public loan was administered
through commissioners of senatorial rank
(i/tt' avlpuiv PovKfVTwv) ; who would thus
answer to the ' quinqueviii ' or ' triumviri
mensarii' employed on special emergencies

requiring a public loan, as in the crisis of
403, B c 351 (^Liv. 7. 21, 5) : the 'mensae'
here would be special public banks : see
Staatsr. ii. p. 640 ; Momms. Eph. Epig.
v. p. II 3.

5. populo . . . cavisset ; so ' ut populo
prius caveretur' Liv. 7. 21, 8: cp. 22. 60,
4. If, as appears to be implied, the loan
was wholly Irom the ' aerarium,' the ac-
tion of Tiberius would be no more than
the origination of a senatus consultum.
Suetonius (Tib. 48), who makes it one
of his only two acts of public munifi-
cence, must have considered that he ad-
vanced the loan from the ' fiscus.'

6. neque emptio; i.e. many capitalists
who had held back for bargains in land
ultimately purchased none at all.

8. incurioso ; so ' incuriosa historia '
Suet. Galb. 3 ; elsewhere of persons, as
2. 88, 4, &c. : 'acribus' is similarly trans-
ferred from persons to things: cp. H. 2.
72,1.

9. Considio Proculo. Nipp. considers
this person not to be the Considius of
5.8, I ; as Tacitus would probably have
noticed his indictment as an act of re-
tribution for his attack on Pomponius
Secuudus there mentioned.

1 1 . pariter = ' simul,' ' there and then '
(cp. 'haec dicta pariter probataque ' H.
4. 56, I], against the rule in 3. 51, 3.

est. Nipp. and others retain ' et,' taken
with the following words.

12. Q. Pomponio, cos. suff. 794,
A.D. 41 (C. I. L. vi. 20141), afterwards
involved in the rising of Camillus
Scribonianus against Claudius : see oa
13 43. 3-

6i8

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A. U.C. 786.

is moribus inquies haec et huiusce modi a se factitari praeten-
dcbat, ut parta apud principem gratia pcriculis Pomponii Secundi
fratris mederetur. etiam in Pompeiam Macrinam exilium sta- 3
tuitur, cuius maritum Argolicuin, socerum Laconem e primoribus

5 Achacorum Caesar adflixerat. pater quoque inlustris eques 4
Romanus ac frater praetorius, cum damnatio instaret, se ipsi
interfeccre. datum erat crimini, quod Theophanen Mytilenaeum 5
proavum eorum Cn. Magnus inter intimos habuisset,quodque de-
functo Theophani caelestes honores Graeca adulatio tribuerat.

10 19 (25). Post quos Sex. Marius Hispaniarum ditissimus defertur
incestasse filiam et saxo Tarpeio deicitur. ac ne dubium habe-
retiir magnitudinem pecuniae male vertisse, aerarias aurariasque

12. aurariasque: aurnrias Mur., aurarias argentariasque

7. interficere : text B.
Weissenb., text Ritter.

I. inquies : cp. i. 65, 1, &c.

3. Pompeiam Macrinam, &c. ^^'e
have here the ruhi of a whole family ;
herself, husband, father-in-law, father,
brother. The connexion with Theophanes
could not apply to all ; but no other charge
is specified. ' Argolicus ' and ' Laco ' are
personal cognomina.

5. inlustris eques ; see on 2. 59, 4.

6. frater praetorius, Pompeius Macer,
praetor in 76S, A.I). 15 (i. 72, 4).

7. Theophanen Mytilenaeum. This
person took the name of Cn. I'oinpeius
Theophanes, and had received the ' civi-
tas' publicly from Pompeius in the pre-
sence of his aimy (Cic. Arch. 10, 24', and
also won fiom him for Mitylene the privi-
leges of a free city (Plut. Pomp. 42, 641 ).
His history of his patron's camjmigns is
mentioned by Cic. ;^1. 1.) and Plutarch
(Pomp. 37, 639) ; and he is called by
.Strabo (13. 2, 3, 617) o (Tvyypa(pfV9, and
the most distinguished Greek of his time.
His influence with Pompeius is mentioned
in strong terms by Cicero (Att. 5. 11,3,
&c. i, who sptnks of him as still alive in
710, B.C. 44 (,Id. 15. 19, i).

8. proavum eorum, i.e. of Pompeia
and her brother. Strabo (1. 1.) states tliat
Theophanes left a son Macer (in the MS.
' Marcus') Pompeius, who had been made
procurator in Asia by Augustus, and,
when he wrote vcir. 771, A.I). 18), was
still alive and an intimate friend of Tibe-
rius. He is also, no doubt, the ' Pom-
peius Macer' mentioned in Suet. Jul. 56,
as librarian of Augustus. As Theoihanes

.was probably of much the same age as
Pompeius or Cicero, his son may well

have been a very old man when Strabo
wrote, and thus father of the ' inlustris
eques' here mentioned, and grandfather
of the praetor, who might have been only
thirty years old in 768, A.I). 15. For
some descendants at a later date see
Ejjh. Epig. ii. 19, foil.

habuisset . . . tribuerat. Both verbs
api)ear equally to assert a matter of simple
fact. Nipp. thinks that the former is
rather to be taken as the speech of the
accuser ; but it would seem that only the
deification of Theophanes could by any
ingenuity be twisted into a charge against
his posterity, who might possibly plume
themselves on it. The change of mood
may be arbitrary, as perhaps in i. 44, 8.

9. caelestes honores. Greek coins
exist inscribed Qeos Q(o<pdvT)s or ®fo<pavT]i
&fui MvT{i\r)vaiaji') : see Eckh, ii. 504.
This was probably an expression of grati-
tude for the privilege granted (or his sake
to the city (see above;, as is also an
inscription (Brit. Mus. Gt. Insc. ii. 211)
to him as awr-qm koi (itpyira kui Kriara
5(VT(pw T^y rrarpiSoi.

10. Sex. Marius: see 4. 36, i. Dio
states (58. 22, 2) that he had hitherto
been intimate with Tiberius, and illus-
trates his wealth by an anecdote.

defertur incestasse. On the constr.
cp. 2. 27, I. The statement of Dio J. 1.)
that Marius had only secluded his daughter
to protect her from the Hist of Tiberius
himself, was pcrhnps unknown to or dis-
believed by Tacitus, who however thinks
he was unjustly condemned.

1 1 . saxo . . . deicitur : see 2. 32, 5, &c.

12. aerarias aurariasque. The MS.

A.D. 33] LIBER 17. CAP. 18 ^24) -20 (26). 619

2 cius, quamquam publicarentur, sibimct Tiberius scposuit. in-
ritatusque suppliciis cunctos, qui carccre attinebantur accusati

3 societatis cum Seiano, necari iubet. iacuit inmensa strages,
omnis sexus,omnis aetas, inlustres ignobilcs, dispersi aut aggerati.

4 ncque propinquis aut amicis adsistere, inlacrimare, ne visere 5
quidem diutius dabatur, sed circumiecti custodes et in maerorem
cuiusque intenti corpora putrefacta adscctabantur, dum in Tiberim
traherentur, ubi fluitantia aut ripis adpulsa non cremare quis-

5 quam, non contingere. interciderat sortis humanae commercium
vi mctus, quantumque saevitia glisceret, miseratio arcebatur. 10

20 (~6). Sub idem tempus Gains Caesar, discedenti Capreas
avo comes, Claudiam, M. Silani filiam, coniugio accepit, immanem

text cannot be salisfactorily explained
except on the supposition of a word lost.
Hitter's sujjgestion has a special recom-
mendation in the mention by Pliny 'N. H.
34. 2, 4) of ' aes Marianum, quod et
Cordubense dicilur.' Weissenbom's is
supported by the general celebrity of the
silver mines of Southern Spain (see Polyb.
34. 9, 8 ; Strab. 3. 2, 10, 147'. 'Auraria'
has here alon^ the sense of ' aurifodina,'
but 'aeraria' and ' argentaria ' are else-
where so used.

1. sibimet, probably a more correct
expression at that date than ' fisco se-
posuit': see on c. 2, i ; vol. ii. Introd.
p. 28, n. 6. That mines were generally
taken possession of by the emperors is
shown by Hirschfeld (Unters. p. 79).

inritatusque suppliciis. Nipp. notes
that the idea is that of a wild beast who
has tasted blood.

2. cunctos : apparently Paconianus
was still left : cp. c. 3, 4 ; 39, i.

carcere, ' in public custody.' The
Tullianum is a mere vault and cannot
here be meant.

3. iacuit. This is probably the occasion
on which Suetonius says (Tib. 61),
' nemo punitorum non et in Gemonias
abiectus uncoque tractus.'

inmensa strages. Suetonius (1. 1.)
here for once is more exact, ' viginti
uno die abiecti tractique sunt ; inter eos
feminae et pueri.' He gives this evidently
as a maximum number, and the executions
due to a single order were probably over
in a day. It should also be remembered
that conspirators are not usually reckoned
by hundreds, and that many had been
already executed. The horror of even
twenty political executions in a day may

pnlliate, but does not justify, the exagger-
ated expressions of Tacitus, which would
almost describe a field of battle.

4. dispersi aut aggerati : cp. 1.61,3.

6. dabatur, wiih inf.: cp. 3. 67, 2, &c.

8. ubi . . . cremare. For the use of
the historical inf. with such particles see
Introd. V. § 46 b.

9. sortis humanae commercium,
' human sympathy,' the ' miseratio ob sor-
tem hominum ' of i. 61 , 1 .

10. quantum . . . glisceret. The subj.
with 'quantum,' fou.'id also in c. 21, 4;
13.42, I, is 'probably analogous to that
with words implying frequent occurrence
(Introd. V. § 52).

11. discedenti Capreas ; probably on
the return to Capreae mentioned in c. i, 2.
This would nearly agree with the account
in Suet. Cal. 10, that Gaius was taken
from the tutelage of his grandmother
Antonia to Capreae in his nineteenth
year, when he assumed the toga virilis,
without the distinctions granted to his
brothers (see 3. 29, i ; 4. 4, i ). He had
however been created pontifcx in 784,
A.D. 31 (I)io, 58. 8, i), and was quaestor
in the present year (Id. 58. 23, i).

12. Claudiam, lunia Claudilla (Suet.
Cal. 12), daughter of the M. Silanus men-
tioned in 3. 24, 5; 57, 2; 5. 10, 4; also
as forced to suicide by Gaius in 790,
A.D. 37 (Agr. 4, 1 ; Dio, 59. 8, 4; Suet.
Cal. 23). The death of Claudia is men-
tioned in c. 45, 6, and by Suetonius '^Cal.
12";, whose chronology and that of Dio
(58. 25, 2) appear to differ from that of
Tacitus (see c. 39, 2), which is vaguely
worded.

immanem animum, &c. It is from
this passage, coupled with c. 45, 46, that

620

p. CORNELII TACITI ANXALIUM [A. U. C. 7S6.

animum subdola modestia tegens, non damnatione matris, non
exitio fratrum rupta voce; qualem diem Tiberius induisset, pari
habitu, baud muituin distantibus verbis, unde mox scitum Pas- 2
sieni oratoris dictum pcrcrcbruit neque meliorem umquam servum
5 neque deteriorem dominum fuisse.

Non omiserim praesagium Tiberii de Servio Galba tum consule ; 3
quem accitum et diversis sermouibus pertemptatum postremo
Graecis verbis in banc sententiam adlocutus est ' et tu, Galba,
quandoque degustabis imperium,' seram ac brevem potentiam
10 significans, scientia Chaldaeorum artis, cuius apiscendae otium
apud Rhodum, magistrum Thrasullum habuit, peritiam eius hoc
modo expcrtus.

2. exilio : text Nipp. 8. est ins. Em.

the judgement of Tacitus on Gaius is to
be mainly gathered.

2. exitio: ' exiHo ' could only be
applied to Nero. Drusus was not yet
dead, but Tacitus intends to desjribe the
demeanour of (Jaius through this whole
period. The abl. is causal.

rupta voce, adopted from Vergil
(Aen. 2, 129, &c.), who follows the Greek
pTjyvvfai ({xxifTiv.

qualem diem . . . induisset, ' what-
ever the mood assumerl for the day.'
From such metapliors as' nnimuni induere'
(II. 7, 5), and 'qualem diem haberet '
(c. 21, 3), it is but a fuither step to
' diem induere.' liurnouf notes such ex-
pressions as ' c'est son niauvais jour, son
jour dorage,' &c., derived from observa-
tion of a person's outward demeanour,

pari habitu, &c. : the ablatives seem
best taken as absolute, ansvvermg to
'rupta voce.' Nipp. takes them as ab-
latives of quaHty, similar to that in 3. 43,
2. On ' habitus ' cp. i. 10, 7.

3. mox, i. e. after he became princcps.
The word is used of considerable intervals
of time in i. 13, 3 ; 32, 5 ; 14. 9, 3, &c.

Passieni. C. I'assienus Crispus, twice
consul (PI. N. H. 16. 44, 91, 242 ,
the second time being in 797, a.d. 44
(Inscr. IJenzen 5214), married first Domi-
tia, sister of Agrippinas first husband (see
on 13. 19, 4), and, after divorcing her,
was married to Agrippina heiself, who is
said to have iioisoned him. Nero inherited
his i)roi)erty (Suet. Ner. 6). His oratory
is highly praised by L. Seneca (Qu. Nat.
4, i)r. 6), as is that of his father I.. Passi-
cuus Rufus (Veil. 2. n6, 2) by M. Seneca,
who places him next to Pollio and Cor-

vinus (Contr. 13, 17; Exc. Contr. 3. pr.
10, 1 4), and appears also to mention the
grandfather (Contr. 10. pr. 11), Further
j)arliculars are here collected by Nipp.

4. percrebruit : cp. 2. 82, i.

neque meliorem, &:c. Suetonius ;^Cal.
10) gives almost the same words.

6. Non omiserim. Probably he did
nr>t take this story from his usual sources,
as it would not be likely to be found in
any author who wrote before A. D. 68.

Servio Oalba tum consule : see on
c. 15, I. The story of this prediction
is given with considerable variations of
circumstance. Josephus (.\nt. 18. 6, 91
makes it a remark by Tiberius to his
friends on seeing Galba come in ; Dio
relates it under the year 773, a. I). 20
(57. 19, 4), as addressed to Galba on his
betrothal ; Suetonius i^Galb. 4) makes it
a prediction by Augustus in Galba's boy-
hood.

8. Graecis verbis : these are given,
with some variation, by Suet, and Dio.

9. quandoque : cp. i. 4, 5. This word
indicates a distant, as 'degustabis' a short
time of rule. Dio and Suetonius explain
the equanimity ot Tiberius by his know-
ledge that the event was distant.

10. Chaldaeorum : see on 2. 27, 2.

11. Thrasullum. That he had received
freedom or civitas from Tiberius in those
times is shown by his name Ti. Claudius
Thrnsyllus (Epli. Ep. v. 147 . Further
particulars of him at Rhodes are given
by Dio (55. II 1). He retained to Rome
with Tibeiius (.Suet Aug. 981, lived con-
stantly with iiim i^Dio, 57. 15, 7), and
died a year before him (Id. .s8. 27, i .
It is sjiu that he sometimes mitigated the

A.D. 33] LIBER 17. C.l P. 20(26) 22(28).

621

21 (27). Quoticns super tali negotio consultaret, cdita domus

2 parte ac liberti unius conscientia utebatur. is litteraruin ignarus,
corpore valido, per avia ac derupta (nam saxis domus imminet)
pracibat eum, cuius arteni experiri Tiberius statuisset, et regre-
dientem.si vanitatis aut fraudum suspicio incesserat, in subiectum 5

3 mare praecipitabat, ne index arcani exsisteret. igitur Thrasullus
isdem rupibus i;iductus postquam pcrcontantem commoverat,
imperium ipsi et futura soUcrter patefacicns, interrogatur an
suam quoquc genitalem horam comperisset, quern turn annum,

4 qualem diem haberet. ille positus siderum ac spatia dimensus 10
haerere primo, dein pavescerc, et quantum introspiceret, magis
ac magis trepidus admirationis et metus, postremo exclamat

5 ambiguum sibi ac prope ultimum discrimen instare. tum
complexus eum Tiberius praescium periculorum et incolumem
fore gratatur, quacque dixerat oracli vice accipiens inter intimos 15
amicorum tenet.

22 ('28). Sed mihi haec ac talia audienti in incerto indicium est,
fatone res mortalium et necessitate immutabili an forte volvantur.

I. siiperta : text Pichcna.
15. uici : text B.

1 1, pauescen^ to : text 15, pavtscens Jac. Gron.

cruelty of Tibci ills by making him believe
that heyhad yet time to hve and need not
hasten sentences ^Suet. Tib. 62 ; Dio, 1. 1.).
He must be distinguished from his con-
temporary and namesalce, the Alexandrian
rhetor and editor of Plato (see Grote,
Plato, i. p. 158); with whom the scholiast
on Juv. 6, 575 appears to confound him.

2. litteraruni ignarus : cp. 2. 54, 4;
one who could the less betray anything of
astrological craft.

3. avia ac derupta: cp. 4. 45, i.

7. isdem rupibus, ' by way of the
same rocks': cp. Introd. v. § 25.

8. interrogatur an: cp. 11. 30, 2;
31 , 3, &c. * An ' is thus used with many
veibs expressing inquiry or deliberation:
see Gerber and Cireef, p. 76.

9. genitalem horam, ' his horoscope ';
the position of the heavenly bodies at his
birth, from which his destiny was to be
calculated; so 'dies genitalis' 16. 14, 4,
' natalis hora ' Hor. Od. 2. 17, 19, &c.

quem, explained by 'qualem': 'what
was the aspect of the year, of the day,
which he was now p.Tssing.'

10. positus: cp. 4. 5. 4.

11. quantum, with subjunctive; as in
c. 19, 5.

12. trepidus admirationis et metus.
The expression appears to resemble ' am-
biguus pudoris ac metus' (2. 40, 2I and
the constrnction to be that noted in Introd.
^'- § 33 c 7- Klsewhere 'trepidus' has
sometimes a genitive of that for wliich
anxiety is felt ; as ' rerum ' (Verg. Aen.
12, 589 ; Liv. 5. 1 1, 4), occ.

14. praescium (see Introd. v. § 70) :
'esse is supplied from 'fore' below.
' Gratari ' has here the construction of a
verb of speaking, as ' miserari ' i. 39, 8,
' defendere' 13. 43, 4, &c.

17. Sed mihi. &c. Tacitus introduces
digressions es[iecially in this part of his
work (see c. 16; 28"! to vary the tale of
horrors which he laments to have as
his constant subject (c. 38, i). Here the
relation of an apparently remarkable
prediction and of the astrological skill of
Tiberius suggests the question whether
there was anything in the matter more
than chance coincidence. On the general
subject of this chapter see Intiod. iv.
pp. 29, 30 ; and compare the reflections
ol Pliny (N. li. 2. 7, 5. 22-27).

18. fatone . . . et necassitate. These
are here synonyms \Vloipa and di'd7«-T;).
' Fatum ' is sometimes personihed lu

622

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A. U.C. 786.

quippe sapientissimos veterum quique sectam eorum aemulantur 2
diversos reperies, ac multis insitam opinionem non initia nostri,
non finem, non denique homines dis curae ; ideo creberrime tristia
in bonos, laeta apud deteriores esse, contra alii fatum quidem 3
5 congruere rebus putant, sed non e vagis stellis, verum apud prin-
cipia et nexus naturalium causarum ; ac tamen electionem vitae
nobis relinquunt.quam ubi elegeris,certum imminentium ordinem.

I. sectas Wurm. 2. reperias (see Andr. p. 6) : text B.

crebenime et Em., text Freinsh.

3. crebcrrima et :

Tacitus (H. 2. 69, 2 ; G. 33, 2 ; Agr. 13,5),
sometimes associated with special divine
intervention (H. 4. 26, 2), and has various
other shades of meaning (see Introd. 1. 1.).
forte = Ti;xj?. Tliis word and ' for-
tuitus' have also their variations of mean-
ing. Here it is ' chance ' as opposed to
fate or law ; that which has no calculable
causes, and which no skill could predict :
in H. 4 26, 2 it is another term for ihe
ordinary course of nature ; and natural
deaths are ' fortuitae ' as opposed to vio-
lent (12. 52, 3; 16. 19, 4): 'fortuna,'
again, though in this passage opposed to
divine agtncy, is often personified as a
deity (H. 4. 47, 2, &c.).

1. sapientissimos . . . quique . . .
aemulantur, i. e. the founders of philo-
sophical svstems, and their schools : cp.
H. 3. 81,1.

2. reperies. Andresen shows the MS.
text to have been wrongly read by Baiter
and Ritter. It is corrected in agreement
with that of 4. 33, 5 ; Dial. 12, 5.

multis, the Epicureans.

4. in bonos. On this use of ' in ' see
Introd. V. § 60 b. ' In ' and ' apud ' are
interchanged for variety in 14. 14, 2 ; ' in '
and ' ad ' more frequently.

contra alii, the Stoics : thus Seneca
(Nat. Qu. 2. 36) defines ' fatum ' as ' ne-
cessitas rerum omnium actionumque quam
nulla vis rumpat ' ; holding that wise men,
and ' a fortiori ' gods, do not change their
WiW for entreaties : ' prima lex est, stare
decrcto* [Id. 35, 2). In another place
(de Ben. 4. 7, 2) he still more clearly
identifies fate or ' natura ' with God :
' hunc eundem (Deum) et fatum si dixeris
non mentieris. Nam cum fatum nihil
aliud sit quam series implexa causarum,
ille est prima omniiam causa unde ceterae
pendent.'

fatum . . . congruere rebus, ' that
fate is in accord with things'; i.e. that
things go in accordance with fate ; an

inversion similar to that in ' ignaviam . . .
transferri ' (3. 34, 7) . ' Congruere ' is thus
used of harmony between things in 12. 6,
2; 13. 50, 3, &c. Nipp. here reads 'in-
gruere,' comparing ' necessitas ingrueret '
(c. 10, 3), ' ingruente fato ' (Liv. 5. 32, 7),
'vim, quae de fato extrinsecus ingruit'
(Chrysipp. ap. Gell. 7 (6), 2, 8) ; but such
an expression seems here to be harsher
than the MS. text.

5. sed non, &c., equivalent to 'sed
fatum non e stellis pendere, verum esse
eius regimen apud principia,' &c. ' Prin-
cipia et nexus' = ' the foundations and se-
quences of natural causation.' With this
may be compared the definitions given
above from Seneca ; also Diog. Laert.
(7. 74> '49) '^a^' (ifJ^apyiivrjv St (paat rd
■ndvTa yiyvf(T$ar tan hi flfxapfi(vr) alria

TOIV OVTCOV (ipOlXiVT), fj Ao^oj KaO' ov 6 Kocr-

ixus Sif^a-ytTai, and the doctrine of Chry-
sippus, as stated in his own words, and
explained in (Jell. 7 (6\ 2. It would
appear, however, that some Stoics, as
Diogenes (Cic. Div. 2. 43, 90), recognized
planetary influences as a factor in causa-
tion ; and that most others, except I'an-
aetius {Id. 42, 88), admitted astrology
in some form as a branch of divina-
tion, whereby indications of the will of
heaven might be ascertained. See Zeller,
' Stoics,' &c. (transl. by Reichei) p. 349"^
foil.

6. ac tamen, &c , i. e. yet they leave
us free to choose a course of life, which
choice, once made, carries with it a fixed
train of consequences. A form of this
doctrine is suggested by the myth in Plat.
Rep. 10.617 E,sqq. It is doubtful whether
the saving clause here mentioned was really
a Stoic tenet; but various attempts to
reconcile free will and fate were generally
made by them : see Gel l.l.l.,Plut. Repugn.
Stoic. 47 ; and other authorities collected
by Zeller (Reichei, pp. 168 foil., 204,
205).

Ad. 33] LIBER 17. CAP. 22 (28), 2^ [29).

623

4 neque mala vel bona quae vulgus putet : multos, qui conflictari
adversis videantur, beatos, at plcrosque quamquam magnas per
opes miserrimos, si illi gravcni fortunani constanter tolerant, hi

5 prospcra inconsulte utantur. ceterum plurimis mortalium non
eximitur quin primo cuiusque ortu vcntura destincntur, scd quae- 5
dam secus quam dicta sint cadere, fallaciis ignara dicentium :
ita corrumpi fidcm artis, cuius clara documcnta et antiqua aetas

e et nostra tulcrit. quippe a filio eiusdem Thrasulli praedictum
Neronis imperium in tempore memorabitur, ne nunc incepto
longius abierim. ic

23 (29). Isdem consulibus Aslnii Galli mors vulgatur, quern
egestate cibi peremptum haud dubium, sponte vel necessitate,

2 incertum habebatur. consultusque Caesar an sepeliri sineret,
non erubuit permittere ultroque incusare casus, qui reum abstu-

3 lissent, antequam coram convinceretur : scilicet medio triennio i-

10. aberrem Heinsius.

12. sponte an Orsini.

1. neque mala, Sec, i.e. that though
the occurrences of life are determined, it
rests with ourselves to make them pood
or evil to us : cp. dptri] ddiavoToi/ (Plat.
Rep. 1. 1.).

2. per opes, 'during continuance of
wealth,' i.e. 'in wealth.' On this use of
' per ' see Introd. v. § 62.

4. ceterurti plurimis, &c. The popular
belief is here contracted with thai of the
two leading schools. This statement is
carried down to 'tulerit.'

5. quin . . . destinentur. This sen-
tence supplies the subject of 'non eximi-
tur': 'great part of mankind cannot get
rid of the belief that,' Sec.

primo cuiusque ortu, from the ' geni-
talis hora ' or horoscope (c. 21, 3).

sed, sc. ' opinantur, supplied from the
sense.

6. fallaciis ignara dicentium,
'through the frauds of those who speak
without knowledge ' ; ' ignara ' for ' igno-
ta,' as in 2. 13, 1, &c. On the true and
false prophets see 4. 58, 3 ; on the latter
also H. I. 22, i; and the use of 'talis
superstitio' for astrology (H. 2. 78, 2).

8. quippe, instancing one of these
'documenta.' This prediction is prob-
ably that given in 14. 9, 5, without any
mention of the son of Thrasyllus.

9. ne . . . abierim. Among the very
rare instances of the perf. subj. with
present force in dependent clauses (see

Introd. V. § 51 c\ Nipp. notes ' ne . . ,
abrogaverim ' (Liv. 8. i8, 3). 'hostile
potius an civile dixerim, nescio ' (Flor. 3.
22, 1) : ' abire ' has a simple abl. in 2. 69,
2, &c.

11. Asinii Galli. On his arrest and
detention see above, App. iv. p. 5S6.

12. sponte vel necessitate. Nipp. and
Ritt. may be right in adopting 'an' (cp.
4. 33, 4; 14. 51, i) ; but the use of 'vel'
in cases where two alternatives are opposed
to a third, as in 14. 3, 2, and 'iiisidias an
proditionem vel aliquod honestum con-
silium' (H. 2. 41, 2), has been taken to
justify it here, where the two alternatives
embraced by 'incertum' are opposed, on
the ground of common uncertainty, to
' haud dubium.'

1 4. non erubuit permittere. As
Gallus was not formally executed, the
right of burial would seem to be matter
ot course (see c. 29, 2). If however this
case was so far doubtful that permission
had to be asked, it might have been
granted without shame ; so that perhaps
there is a zeugma in the sentence, and
' non erubuit ' belongs properly to ' ultro
incusare,' &c., i.e. to his complaint of the
delay which he himself had caused.

15. coram convinceretur. Gallus,
according to Dio, had been condemned
by the senate {KaTtiprjipiadrj ! at the time
of his arrest, but had been reserved, as if
on appeal, till Caesar's return to Rome.

624

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 786.

defuerat tcmpus subeundi iudicium consular! seni,tot consularium
parcnti. Di'usus deinde extinguitur, cum se miserandis alimentis. 4
mandendo e cubili tomento, nonum ad diem detinuisset. tradi- 5
dere quidam praescriptum fviisse Macroni, si arma ab Seiano

5 temptarentur, extractum custodiae iuvenem (nam in Palatio
attinebatur)ducem populo imponere. mox, quia rumor incedebat 6
fore ut nuru ac nepoti conciliaretur Caesar, saevitiam quam
paenitentiam maluit.

24 (30). Quin et invectus in defunctum probra corporis, cxitia-

10 bilem in suos, infensum rei publicae animum obiecit recitarique
factorum dictorumque eius descripta per dies iussit,quo non aliud
atrocius visum : adstitisse tot per annos qui vultum, gemitus.occul- 2
tum etiam murmur exciperent, et potuisse avum audire, legere,
in publicum promere vix fides, nisi quod Attii centurionis et

1. consular! seni, &c. ; i.e his rank
made it absur.d to suppose that his case
was by any natural arrangement post-
poned to others.

tot consularium. Five of his sons
are known to us; Asinius Saloninus (3.
75. i), C. Asinius (4. i, i), M. Asinius
Agrippa (4. 34, i), Asinius Callus, ban-
ished for a conspiracy against Claudius in
799, A.D. 46 (Die, 60. 27, 5), and Asinius
Celer, noted as a gourmand (PI. N. H. 9.
17, 31, 67), and put to death by Claudius
fSen. lud. 13, 4). Of tliese the second,
third, and fifth were certainly con>uIars :
see further particulars given here by Ni]ip.
An inscriplion (C. I. L. x. 1682), ' Cn.
Asinio, I'oUionis et Agrippae nepoti,' may
show the cxistt-nce of a sixth son, or may
refer to either the first or fourth here
mentioned. Ail these, being the children
of (jallus by Vipsania (see i. i 2, 6), were
half-brothers of Drusus Caesar.

2. Drusus . . . extinguitur. The
date of his arrest and imprisonment can
only be fixed as subsequent to the publi-
cation of the work of Velleius in 783,
A.D. 30: see Appendix iv. p. 586.

3. mandendo . . . tomento. Orelli
thinks thtsc words, like ' bokto ' in 1 2. 67,
1, a gloss (from Suet. Tib. 54), where
Tacitus would have thought a general
expression without detail (like ' veneficii
signa ' 2. 73, 5), more suitable to the dig-
nity of history. Ritter thinks ' tonu ntum '
should be read ; but Nipp. shows that
though, in an abl. of instrument or respect,
with a singular ma^c. or neut noun, the
gerund is more usual (cp. c 45, 6, &c.),

the gerundive is found in 12. 34, i ; 13.
i.'^' ,^ ■> hli ^ '• \vhile with feminine or
yjlural nouns it is common : ' tomentum '
is used by Varro, the elder Pliny, &c. for
'stuffing,' wliich would here probably be
of hay or straw.

4. praescriptum, &c. Suet. fTib. 65)
and Dio (58. 13, i) repeat the, same be-
lief The infinitive follows the analogy
of 'imperare,' &c. : see Introd. v. § 42.

5. extractum custodiae; so 'extrac-
tum sibi' Suet. Tib. 73; ' extrahere cor-
pori ' PI. N. H. 7. 2, 13: see on iv 39,4;
Introd. v. § 15.

6. populo imponere : cp. ' legionibus
inposuit ' I. 3, 5.

8. maluit. Nipp. thinks this was to
show his independence of public opinion
(see 2. 38. i). Probably Drusus was killed
to prevent another such plot as that men-
tioned in 5. 10, I.

9, invectus, &c. The first charge is
similar to one brought against Nero (5.
3, 3) and Caius (c. 9, 3), the second
receives illustration from 4. 60, 4, the
third, repeating an expression used of
Sabinus (4. 70, "]). woulH relate to what-
ever grounds were alleged for calling him
'hoslis publicus' (Suet. Tib, 54; Cal. 7).

II. descripta per dies, 'the journal
kept ' : this participle is only here used
sut)stantively. Such a journal of inform' rs
is mentioned in 4. 67, 6, and the feeling
of persons living under such a system of
espionage is described in 4. 6y, 6.

14. nisi quod: see note on i. 33, 6.
Here the expression qualifies ' vix credi-
bile ' : all this was hardly credible, were

A.D.33-] LIBER VI. C/fP. 23 (29)-25 (31).

62=

Didymi libcrti cpistulac scrvorum nomina pracfci'cbant, ut quis

3 egredientein cubiculo Drusum pulsaverat, exterruerat. ctiam sua
verba centurio saevitiae plena, tamquam cgregium, vocesquc
deficientis adiecerat, quis primo [alienationem mentis simulans]
quasi per dementiam funesta Tiberio, mox, ubi exspes vitae fuit, 5
meditatas compositasque diras inprecabatur, ut quern ad modum
nurum filiumque fratris et nepotes domumque omncm caedibus
complevisset, ita poenas nomini gcncrique maiorum et posteris

4 exsolveret. obturbabant quidem patres specie detestandi : sed
penetrabat pavor et admiratio, callidum olim et tegendis scele- 10
ribus obscurum hue confidentiac venisse, ut tamquam dimotis
parietibus ostenderet nepotem sub verbere centurionis^ inter ser-
vorum ictus, extrema vitae alimenta frustra orantem.

25 (31). Nondum is dolor exoleverat, cum de Agrippina audi-
tum, quam interfecto Seiano spe sustentatam provixisse reor, et 15
postquam nihil de saevitia remittebatur,voluntate exstinctam, nisi

4. [alienationem . . . simulans] I'ahrdt.

it not that still worse was positively at-
tested. In li. 3. 28, I, the use is some-
what difl'erent.

I. epistulae, their letters to Tiberius,
read before the senate.

3. egregium, substantively: cp. 'egre-
gium publicum' 3. 70, 4, 'dignum' 15.
41, I ; and other instances given in In-
trod. V. § 4 b, and by Xipp. here.

4. alienationem mentis simulans.
The difficulty of seeing what Drusus had
to gain by feigning madness has led Halm,
Orelli, and Nipp. to treat these words as
a gloss, and to take ' quasi per dementiam '
to express, not the intention of Drusus,
but the impression left on a hearer.
Others, with less reason, bracket the latter
words. If the text is sound, we must
take ' primo ' as answ( ring to ' mux.'
'alienationem . . . simulans' to 'exspes
vit.ae,' 'quasi per dementiam' to 'medi-
tatas . . . diras*; and must suppose that
some vague instinct of self-preservation,
insufficient to check his utterances, ltd
Drusus at first to assume a disguise which
he cast aside at the end.

5. exspes, here alone in extant prose.
It has a genitive ' liberum ' in a fiagment
of Accius, and is absol. in Ilor. and Ov.

6. meditatas compositasque diras,
* studied and elaborate curses ' : cp. ' diri^s
agam vos ' (Hor. Epod. 5, 89), &c. Such
curses, even if lacking the magical force

of a devotio' ^see 2. 69, 5), would at
least be taken as ominous.

7. nurum, tkc. Some such word as
' necasset ' is supplied from 'caedibus
complevisset ' by zeugma. Agrippina's
death may be spoken of by anticipation,
or Drusus may be supposed in ignorance
to have taken the worst for granted.

9. obturbabant, ' were interrupting';
so ' obturbatur,' ' obstrepitur,' I'l. Epp. 9.

13. 19-

10. tegsndis sceleribus obscurum.

Many such constructions are found (e. g.

c- 51. 5; 2- 57> 3; 3- 10. 4; 4- 37, 2 .
The case might in all be an abl. of
respect, but probably Nipp. is right in
taking it as dat. of object contemplated
(Introd. V. § 22 b). ' Obscurus ' as in I.

3.3. 5-

12. verbere : cp. 5. 9, 2.

13. extrema . . . alimenta, the barest
necessaries.

14. de Agrippina, i.e. of her death.
On her banisliment see App. iv. p. 5S6.

15. provixisse, oltt. dp.: see note on
' propoUuebat ' (3.66,4'. Several verbs
compounded with ' pro ' date from this
age, as ' progerere ' and 'prolibare' (Fi.
N. H.J,' proserere ' (Sil. ), ' protonare ' v Val.
Fl.), ' provulgaie ' (Suet.) : see others
noted here by Drager.

16. nisi si, used, with the force of
'nisi forte,' in 15. 53, 5 ; G. 2, 2 ; .'\gr.

626

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 786.

si negatis alimentis adsimulatus est finis, qui videretur sponte
sumptus. enimvero Tiberius foedissimis criminationibus exarsit, 2
impudicitiam arguens et Asinium Galium adulterum, eiusque
morte ad taedium vitae conpulsam. sed Agrippina aequi inpa- 3
S tiens, dominandi avida, virilibus curis feminarum viti:i exuerat.
codem die defunctam, quo biennio ante Seianus poenas luisset, 4
memoriaeque id prodendum addidit Caesar, iactavitque quod non
laqueo strangulata neque in Gemonias proiecta foret. actae ob 5
id grates decretumque ut quintum decumum kal. Novembris,

10 utriusque necis die, per omnis annos donum lovi sacraretur.

26 (32). Haud multo post Cocceius Nerva, continuus principi,
omnis divini humaniquc iuris sciens, integro statu, corpore inlaeso,
moriendi consilium cepit. quod ut Tiberio cognitum, adsidere, 2
causas requirere, addere preces, fateri postremo grave conscien-

15 tiae, grave famae suae, si proximus amicorum nuUis moriendi
rationibus vitam fugeret. aversatus sermoncm Nerva abstinentiam 3
cibi coniunxit. ferebant gnari cogitationum eius, quanto propius

9. quinto decimo L, but cp. 12. 69, i ; II. i. 57, 3.
perhaps principi comes Nipp.

II. principis: text Heins.,

32, 2 ; ' nisi si quis ' in Cic. Fam. 14. 2, i ;
Cat. 2. 4, 6 ; Quint. 4. i, 70.

1. adsimulatus: cp. 4. 8, i. Nipp,
notes the pleonasm in ' qui videretur.'

2. enimvero Tiberius, repeated from
4. 60, 3 : see note on 2. 64, 6.

3. impudicitiam. It is expressly
stated (5. 2. 4) that no such charge was
brought against her at her arrest ; and
Galhis, who must have been old enough
to be her father, never apjiears as her
partisan, and once at least tried to hasten
her <l^■erthrow ('4. 71, 3). The charge
seems to be rightly treated as a fabrica-
tion.

4. aequi inpatiens, apparently from
Statins (Theb. 3, 602) 'supcrum cun-
temptor ct aequi imp.itiens' : cp. ' aequa '
('a position of ecjuality ') 2. 42, 5.

5. exuerat. It is not implied that
she had ever had them: cp. 'avaritiam
exuerat ' Agr. 9, 4. Some of the chief
metaphorical uses of this verb are referred
to on I. 6(), 2.

7. iactavit, 'took credit for his cle-
mency ' ; ' imputavit ' (Suet. Tib. 53).

9. quintum decumum kalendas
Novembris, October 18. Tacitus omits
'ante ' in c. 50, 6 ; 15. 41, 3 ; H. I. 18, I ;
27, I, but inserts it in 12. 69, i.

10. donum: cp. 2. 32, 4, &c. : Suet.
(1. 1) here specifies it as ' donum ex anrc'

11. Cocceius Nerva: see on 4. 58, i.
continuus principi. For the dat.

cp. 4. 36, I ; II. 5, I. The MS text is
retained by some, and might perhaps be
supported from such analogous usages as
' Seiani . . . notos' (Suet. Tib. 61), 'tui
fidissima' (Verg. Aen. 12, 659), &<;.

12. divini humanique iuris sciens:

cp. i- 7°, 4; 4- 3^, 3- ,

statu, 'his position': cp. 3. 28, 5.

13. quod ut, 'as soon as this'; noted
by Wblfflin Philol. xxv. 1 19) as a solitary
instance: elsewhere 'quod (or 'quae')
postquam' (i. 6, 6, &c.), or ' postquam
haec ' (12. 6, i), are found. He suggests
'quod ubi.'

14. conscientiae, here apparently
'sense ofshanie': cp. 'spieta conscientia '
15. 18, I. His personal feeling is dis-
tinguished from his reputation with others
(' in ma ').

15. nullis . . . rationibus. Dio (58.
21, 4) probably places the suicide of
Nerva earlier in the year, connecting it
with- the troubles which he foresaw from
the attempt to enforce the usury laws
(c. 16, 17).

17. coniunxit: cp. 4. 57, 2.

A.D. a.] LIBER VI. CAP. 25 (31)- 27 (33).

627

mala rei publicac viscret, ira ct metu. dum integer, dum intemp-
tatus, honcstum finem voluisse.

4 Ceterum Agrippinae pernicics, quod vix credibilc, Plancinam
traxit. nupta olim Cn. Pisoni et palam lacta morte Germanici,
cum Piso caderet, precibus Augustae nee minus inimieitiis Agrip- 5

5 pinae defensa erat. ut odium et gratia desiere, ius valuit ; peti-
taque criminibus baud ignotis, sua manu sera magis quam
inmerita supplicia persolvit.

27 (33). Tot luctibus funesta civitate pars maeroris fuit, quod
lulia Drusi filia, quondam Neronis uxor, denupsit in domum Ru- 10
bellii Blandi, cuius avum Tiburtem equitem Romanum plcrique
2 meminerant. extremo anni mors Aelii Lamiae funere censorio
celebrata, qui administrandae Suriae imagine tandem exsolutus
urbi praefuerat. genus illi decorum, vivida senectus ; et non per-

propius ; as being behind tiie scenes
at Ca]ueae.

I. dum integer, &c. : compare the
sentiment in c. 48, 5 ; 5.6, 4.

3. Plancinam: see on 2. 43, 4, &c.

4. traxit, ' drew after it ': cp. 3. 54, 8;
12. 57. 3. ^nd 'abstractus' 4. 13, 5, &c.
The fuller expression * ruina traxit ' is
found in H. 3. 29, 2 ; G. 36, 2.

5. precibus Augustae: see 3. 17, 2.

6. ut . . . desiere, i.e. after the death
of both protectress and hater.

10. lulia : see on 3. 29, 4. The absence
of any allusion here to her betrothal to
Seianus, seems to show that Tncitus had
not accepted that story : see on 4. 40, 11.

denupsit. The word does not appear
to denote a 'mesalliance'; being always
elsewhere used in the sense of the simple
verb: cp. 15. 37, 8; Suet. Ner. 2C) ; and
' nee Caenis in uUos denupsit thalamos '
(Ov. Met. 12, 195). Nipp. takes the
preposition to denote the firm tie of
marriage, as in 'devincire,' &c. .; others,
as Drager, seem to exjilain it better as
expressing the leaving the paternal home
by marriage : cp. ' enubere,' ' innubere.'

Rubellii Blandi. An inscription of
the time of Gaius (C. I. L. xiv. 3576)
records him as ' C. Rubellius C. f. lUandus,
quaestor divi Aug. tr. pi. pr. cos. procos.
pontif.' On the date of his consulship
see on 3. 23, 2. Two sons born of this
marriage are known ; Rubellius Plautus
(13. 19, 3), and Rubellius Drusus (C. I. L.
vi. 16057), and adaughterRubellia 1 C.I.L.
xiv. 2610). A son of Rubellius Plautus is
the person addressed in Juv. 8, 39.

1 1 . avum. M. Seneca Contr. 11. pr. 5)
mentions this lilandus as the first knight
who taught rhetoric; the profession having
been till then confined to freedmen. His
son, the father of the person here men-
tioned, is supposed to have been a C. Ru-
bellius Blandus, triumvir monetalis under
Augustus (Eckh. v. 29,^). On the in-
feriority supposed to attach to families
belonging to municipal towns cp. 4. 3, 4.

12. Aslii Lamiae; generally taken to
be the same who is mentioned by Horace
(Od. I. 26, 8 ; 36, 7 ; 3. 17, I ; Ep. 1. 14,
6). Velleius speaks (2. 116, 3) of his ser-
vices in Germany, lllyricum, and Africa.
On his proconsulate of the latter province
see 4. 1 3, 5.

funere censorio : see on 4. 15, 3.

1 3. administrandae Suriae imagine.
His case was similar to that of Arruntius
mentioned below. The word 'tandem'
implies that his fictitious government had
lasted several years, and no other legate
of Syria is known between Sentius (2. 74,
i) and this time. The province was
probably in charge of Pacuvius (see on

2. 17. i)

14. urbi praefuerat, as successor to
L. Piso (c. 10, 3'.

genus . . . decorum. His father was
probably Lucius Lamia mentioned by
Val. Max. (i. 8, 12) as ' praetorius vir';
the family was up to that time etjucstrian,
apparently of Formiae, tracing a mythical
pedigree to its founder, Lamus (Hor. Od.

3. 17, 11; in doing which they followed a
fashion prevalent then among many newly
ennobled houses : see Ericdl. Sitteng. i.

628

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 787.

missa provincia dignationem addiderat. exim Flacco Pomponio 3
Suriae pro praetore defuncto recitantur Caesaris litterae, quis
incusabat egrcgium qucmque et regendis excrcitibus idoneum
abnuere id nuinus, sequc ea necessitudine ad preces cogi, per

5 quas consularium aliqui capessere provincias adigerentur, oblitus
Arruntium, nc in Hispaniam pergeret, decumum iam annum
attineri. obiit eodem anno et M'. Lepidus, de cuius modcra- 4
tione atquc sapientia in prioribus libris satis conlocavi. neque 5
nobilitas diutius demonstranda est: quippe Aemilium genus

10 fecundum bonorum civium,et qui cadem faniilia corruptis moribus,
inlustri tamen fortuna egcre.

28(34). Paulo Fabio L.Vitellio consulibus post longum saecu-
lorum ambitum avis phoenix in Aegyptum venit praebuitque
materiem doctissimis indigenarum et Graecorum multa super eo

p. 215. The Lamiae are certainly regarded
as a noble house by Juvenal (4, 154, &c.)-

I. dignationem addiderat : compare
the sentiment in 4. 26, 2.

Flacco Pomponio : see on 2. 32, 3.
He can only have become ' legatus pro
praetoie ' of Syria when Lamia was trans-
ferred to the ' praefectura urbis.'

3. egregium, used with ' qutmque,'
like 'eximium' in Liv. i. 7, 5, with the
force of a superlative.

4. abnuere id munus. This fact
may not be unconnected w ith the stern
repression of extortion and niisgovern-
ment. But it would also appear that any
responsible position made its holder moie
liable to be accused of ' maiestas.'

5. oblitus Arruntium, &c. This and
the case of Lamia above are the only re-
corded instances of the practice of Tiberius
mentioned in i . 80, 4 ; Suet. Tib. 63. This
case also formed a precedent for that of
Cluvius Rulus (11. 2. 65, 4), as the other
for that of T. Anteius (13. 22, 2 ■. The
Caesarian province of Hispania Citerior
must be meant, and ' decimum ' must be
a round number, reckoning from the death
of L. Fiso in 77S, a. D. 25 (4. 45, i).

7. M'. Lepidus: see on i. 13, 2, &c.,
and his character in 4. 20, 4.

8. conlocavi = 'scri[)si.' The word is
here alone thus used, but has elsewhere
a somewhat kindred sense of ' arrange-
ment ' of words and sentences. Nipp.
notes the similar use of 'ponere' in Cic.
ad Fam. 1. 9, 21 ; de N. D. i. 23, 63.

9. diutius : cp. 4. 69, 4.

Aemilium genus: see on 3. 22, i.

10. corruptis moribus, abl. of quality :
' fuere ' may be supplied, or, as Nipp.
notes, ' egere ' may tie used twice. Such
persons as the triumvir and his father
may be here referred to.

12. Paulo Fabio L. Vitellio. The
former, in full PaulUis Fabius Peisicus,
is probably son of the person mentioned
in I. 5, I : he is recorded as ' pontifex,
sodalis Augustalis, frater Arvalis,' in
an inscription at Ephesus (C. L L. iii.
6073), and ajipears in the Arval Tables
from 774 to 807, A.n. 21-54 (C. I. L. vi.
2023 b-2035), and is also noticed as a
profligate friend of Claudius (Sen. de Ben.
4. 30, 2 ; cp. 'Or. Claudii,' ii. 24), in
whose time he appears to have been
procos. Asiae ,C. I. L. iii. Supp. 7129^;
possiljly is also the person intended by
Juvenal in 8, 14, sqq. L. Vilellius, here
iirst mentioned, is the proconsul of Syria
in c. 32, 5, sqq., and the well-known
courtier of Claudius (11. 3, i. &c.), under
whom he obtaineil a second and third
consulship and a censorship. He also
appears among the Arvales from 781 to
807, A. u. 28-,^4 (C. I. L. vi. 2026-2035);
and was father of the emperor A. Vitellius
(H. I. 9, 2, &c.).

13. avis phoenix ... venit. Dio (58.
27, 1) and Pliny (N. H. 10. 2. 5), who
cites Cornelius \'alerianus, date this event
in the consulshi]i of Plautius and Papinius
(sec c. 40, i). Tacitus would hardly have
intentionally introduced it out of its place
without saying so (^as in c. 38, 1).

A. D. 34] LIBER VL CAP. 27 (33) 28 (34).

629

2 miraculo disscrcndi. de quibus congruunt, ct plura ambigua

3 sed cognitu non absurda, promcre libct. sacrum Soli id animal
et ore ac distinctu pinnarum a ceteris avibus diversum consen-
tiunt qui formam eius effinxcre : de numero annorum varia tra-

4 duntur. maxime vulgatum quingentorum spatium : sunt qui 5
adseverent mille quadringentos scxaginta unum intcrici, priores-
que alios tres Sesoside primum,post Amaside dominantibus, dein
Ptolemaco, qui ex Macedonibus tertius regnavit, in civitatem cui
Heliopolis nomen advolavisse, multo ceterarum volucrum comi-

5 tatu novam faciem mirantium. sed antiquitas quidcm obscura : 10
inter rtolcmacum ac Tiberium minus ducenti quinquaginta anni

6 fuerunt. unde non nulli falsum hunc phoenicem neque Arabum e
terris credidere, nihilque usurpavisse ex his, quae vetus memoria

4. tftuiiere: definiere B, text Pich. 7. aliter : alites R, alios ter Spengel, text

Halm, esse soside : Sesostride R, text Jac. Gron. 13. iis Riuer.

3. ore, probably the front of the head
is meant. The beak is especially de-
scribed in Lact. 1,135), ' albicat insignis
mixto viridante smarngdo et pure cornu
gemmea cuspis hiat.'

distinctu, only here and in Stat. Theb.

I- 5. 41-

4. qui formam . . . effinxere : cp.
' effingebant,' of representation in ait
(II. 14, i). Hdt., who had seen it, oaov
ypapfi, describes it (2. 73) as in form an
eagle, but with golden and red leathers.
Pliny (1. I.) goes more into detail ; and a
poem on the bird, attributed to Lactantius,
describes it still more fully (125-150) as
partaking of the plumage of the peacock
and phensant, with a rayed crest. On
monuments it has the form of a heron,
and is connected with symbols of Osiris.

de numero annorum. The phoenix
was seen to be the symbol of a cycle of
time, but its period was very difTerentiy
given. That of 1461 years is the Egyp-
tian 'annus magnus,' also called the
Sothiac, or Canicular period, being that
in which the year of 365 days agrees with
that of 365:^^; 14*^' of the one being equal
to 1460 of the other. The year a.d. 139
was reckoned by the Egyptians as the end
of one such period (see Sir G. C. Lewis,
Astronomy of the Ancients, p. 284).
Those who reckon the phoenix cycle at
500 years (Hdt. 1. 1.; Ov. Met. 15, 395;
Seru Ep. 42, i ; Mela, 3. 8, 10) possibly
take it as a round number for one-third
of the above cycle (487 years), or as itself

a period of correction of the calendar (see
Nipp.). Pliny ^1. 1.) gives, on the authority
of Manilius, a phoenix cycle of 540 years,
and elsewhere (29. i, 9, 2.)) speaks of it
loosely as 1000 years, in which Lactantius
(v. 59) follows him. Eor other periods
see Lewis, p. 2S3, n. 153.

7. Sesoside . . . Amaside. The reign
of Amasis (Hdt. 2. 172, sqq.) is dated
B. c. cir. 570-526. ' Sesosis ' is the form
in Diod. i. 53, of the name given by
Herodotus as Seso»tris, that of the king
to whom both these assign the conquests
of Rameses [see on 2. 6o, 4). Sethos, a
name found later in Herodotus (2. I41),
is given by Manetho (los. c. Ap. i. 15)
as .Sethosis, father or brother of a Rameses ;
and an earlier Sesortosis, or some similar
name, in the monuments.

8. Ptolemaeo, Ptolemaeus Euergetes,
who died in n.C. 222, 235 years before
the principate of Tiberius began. Nipp.
notes that some have attempted, by
counting Alexander as the first Mace-
donian ruler, to make Tacitus refer to the
reign of Ptolemaeus H. Philadelphus,
B c. 284-247, in which the year «. C 275
was, accordmg to some computations,
a real epoch of the cycle.

10. antiquitas, i.e. the date of Sesosis
and Amasis.

12. non nulli, here alone substantively
in Tacitus; adj, in 11. 12, 3; 37, i.

falsum hunc. Pliny (1. 1.) records the
imposture of bringing a phoenix to Rome
in 800, A, l>. 47.

VOL. I

SS

630 p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 787.

firmavit. confecto quippe annorum numero, ubi mors propinquet, 7
suis in terris struere nidum eique vim genitalem adfundere, ex
qua fetum oriri ; et primam adulto curam sepeliendi patris, neque
id temere, sed sublato murrae pondere tcmptatoque per longum
5 iter, ubi par oneri, par meatui sit, subire patrium corpus inque
Solis aram perfcrre atque adolere. haec incerta et fabulosis 8
aucta : ceterum aspici aliquando in Aegypto eam volucrem non
ambigitur.

29 (35). At Romae caede continua Pomponius Labeo, quern

10 praefuisse Moesiae rettuli, per abruptas venas sanguinem effudit :
aemulataque est coniunx Paxaea. nam promptas eius modi 2
mortes metus carnificis faciebat, et quia damnati publicatis bonis
sepultura prohibebantur, eorum qui de se statuebant humabantur
corpora, manebant testamenta, pretium festinandi. sed Caesar 3

15 missis ad senatum litteris disseruit morem fuisse maioribus, quo-
tiens dirimerent amicitias, interdicere domo eumque finem gratiae
ponere : id se repetivisse in Labeone, atque ilium, quia male
administratae provinciae aliorumque criminum arguebatur,

I. annorum M (mille) numero Heins. 18. urgebatur : text Ern.

1. annorum numero, its period. adolere, ' bums it' ; so in Ov. Col. &c.

2. suis in terris, in Arabia. haec incerta. Tacitus rejects the
struere nidum, &c. Herodotus (1. I.) fables, but believes in the appearance

gives much the same version as Tacitus. at times of such a bird. The idea of

Pliny \\. 1.) describes more fully the con- symbolizing a cycle by a bird is probably

struction of the nest of spices, and the traceable to the reappearance of particular

growth of the offspring from a Yi^orm birds at certain seasons of the year,

generated from the remains of the parent, 8. ambigitur, with ace. and inf. in

and makes the nest itself the vehicle ii. 4, 5 ; H. 4. 49, 2.

in which the remains are borne. The 10. rettuli: cp. 4. 47, i.

essential idea is the allegory describing 12. damnati, &c. Incapacity formaking

the beginning of one perioii at the close a will attached not only to those sen-

of another. Pliny speaks (N. H. 13. 4, tenced to death, but also to those inter-

9, 43) of a palm shown near Alexandria, dieted from fire and water (Dio, 57. 22,

which was represented as renewing itself 5 ; Gains, Dig. 28. i, 8); nor did suicide

at periods coincident with those of the before condemnation always save the

reappearance of the bird. property (see 4. 20, 1 ; 30, 3, and notes ;

5, meatui ; used of the flight of a Dio, 58. 15, 4).

bird in H. i. 62, 5 ; of the motions of 15. morem . . . maioribus: see on 2.

heavenly bodies in Lucr. and Verg. 70, 3 ; 3. 24, 5. Tiberius is noted as

subire patrium corpus; a remi- fond of appealing to old rules (4. 19, 3.
niscence of Verg. Aen. 2, 70S; 4, 599. 17. male administratae provinciae,

That the phoenix was represented as Swpwv /itrd rfjs •yvvaticui ypacpfis (_Dio,

bearing its burden on its back, not in 58. 24, 3).

itsclaws, would a]ipear from Artemidorus, 18. arguebatur. Many retain the

Oneirociitioa, 4. 49 (see Orelli). MS. text, which may be a solitary u^e of

6. Solis aram, the famous altar men- 'urgere' analogously to ' accusare.' The
tioned by Strabo at Heliopolis, Matarieli, indicative is used as in i. 10, I, Sec.
about six miles N. E of Cairo.

A.D.34] LIBER VI. C^P. 28 (3+)-30 (36).

631

culpam invidia vclavisse, fiustra conterrita uxore, quam ctsi

4 nocentem pcricLili tamcn expcrtcm fuisse. Mamercus dcia
Scaurus nirsum postulatur, insignis nobilitate et orandis causis,

5 vita probrosus. nihil hunc amicitia Sciani, sed labcfccit haud
minus validum ad exitia Macronis odium, qui easdem artes 5
occultius exerccbat ; detuleratque argumentum tragoediac a
Scauro scriptae, additis versibus qui in Tiberium flecterentur :

e verum ab Servilio et Comelio accusatoribus adulterium Liviac,
7 magorum sacra obiectabantur. Scaurus, ut dignum vctcribus

Aemiliis, damnationem anteiit, hortante Scxtia uxore, quae 10

incitamentum mortis et particeps fuit.

30 (36). Ac tamen accusatores, si facultas incideret, poenis

adficiebantur, ut Servilius Corneliusque perdito Scauro famosi,

quia pecuniam a Vario Ligure omittendae delationis ceperant, in
2 insulas interdicto igni atque aqua demoti sunt, et Abudius 15

Ruso functus aedilitate, dum Lentulo Gaetulico, sub quo legioni

10. ante it (Andr. p. 7): text Halm (13. 30, 2; 15. 3*^, 4); see on i. 25, I.
hortantes exitia : text L.

1. invidia, i. e. by letting it be sup-
posed that Tiberius forced him to self-
destruction : cp. ' suam invidiam tali
morte quaesitam ' 3. 16, 3; also ' cupi-
dines adolescentis velaverat ' 13. 13, i.

2. periculi . . . expertem, i. e. whom
he had made up his mind to pardon.

3. rursum : see c. 9, 5.

4. vita probrosus : see 3. 66, 3. His
character is represented as infamous by
Seneca and by TertuUian (de Pall. 5).

labefecit. On the position of this
verb cp. i. 35, 1.

6. detulerat, ' had made matter of
information.'

argiunentum, ' the subject ' ; so in
Dial. 2, I ; and often in Plant., Ten, &c.
According to Dio (58. 24, 4), the tragedy
was entitled ' Atreus,' and contained a
line imitated from Eur. Phoen. 394 (Tds
raiv KparovvToiv dfiaOiai (ptpftv \pfwi').
Tiberius took the allusion to himself,
and said, Alavra avrov iroirjaaj, and ac-
cordingly forced him to suicide. Suet.
(Tib. 61) appears to follow an ac-
count making Agamemnon the subject.
'Atrides' was Liter (Juv. 4, 6-,\ and
perhaps already, a nickname of Caesar.

7. fleoterentur, 'might be ai>plied.'
This meaning, which appears to be
found nowhere else, is somewhat akin to
that in 4. 16, 4 ; 20, 4.

8. Servilio et Cornelio. These ac-
cusers, mentioned by one name only, may
have been already mentioned in the lost
portion. M. Seneca (Suas. 2, 22) speaks
of the accuser of Sjaurus as a ' historicus
fatuus ' named Tusjus (po- ibly a cogno-
men of one of these). O.i their fate see
c 30, I.

Liviae, Livilla : see on 4. 3, 3, c. 2, i.

9. magorum sacra : see 2. 27, 2.
veteribus Aemiliis : see on 3. 22,

I, &c. M. Seneca (1. 1.) says that the
family of Scauri became extinct in this
person; also (Contr. B. i. praef ) that
seven of his orations were burned by
decree.

10. anteiit : cp. 5. 6, 4.

hortante Sextia. ' Stxitia' does not
appear to be a Roman name.

11. incitamentum, only used of per-
sons heie and in H. 2. 23, 7.

14. Vario Ligure : see on 4. 42, 3.
ceperant: cp. 4. 31, 5.

15. Abudius Buso, an unknown person.
The name 'Abudius' is found, according
to Orelli, only in a few inscriptions; that
of ' Ruso ' in Sail. Jug. 104, 3 ; where, as
here, many editors substitute the better
known name ' Rufus.'

16. Lentulo Gaetulico: see on 4. 42,

3: 46, I. ...

legioni praefuerat, ' Legati legionum

632

p. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C 788.

praefuerat, pcriculum faccssit, quod is Seiani filium gencrum
destinasset, ultro damnatur atqiie urbe ex'gitur. Gactulicus ea 3
tempestate superioris Germaniae legiones curabat mirumque
amorem adsecutus crat, effusae clementiae, modicus severitate et

5 proximo quoque exercitui per L Apronium socerum non ingra-
tus. unde fama constans ausum mittere ad Caesarem litteras, 4
adfinitatem sibi cum Seiano baud sponte sed consilio Tiberii
cocptam ; pcrinde se quam Tiberium falli potuisse, neque erro-
rem eundem illi sine fraude, aliis exitio habendum, sibi fidem 5

10 integram et, si nullis insidiis peteretur, mansuram ; successorcm
non aliter quam indicium mortis accepturum. firmarent velut 6
foedus, quo princeps ceterarum rerum poteretur, ipse provinciam
retineret. haec, mira quamquam, fidcm ex eo trahebant, quod 7
unus omnium Seiani adfinium incolumis multaque gratia mansit,

15 reputante Tiberio publicum sibi odium, extremam aetatem, magis-
que fama quam vi stare res suas.

31 (37). C. Cestio M. Servilio consulibus nobiles Parthi in
urbem venere, ignaro rege Artabano. is metu Germanici fidus 2

not of praetorian rank (see on 2. 36, i)
are found in 14. 28, i ; H. i. "9, 8, and
?>• 62> 3 (compared with 4. 39, i). Titus
filled that post after the quaestorship
(Suet. Tit. 4), the son of Corbulo when
below senatorial age (15. 28, 4).

1. Seiani filium, probably the boy
mentioned in 5. 9, 2.

2. ultro, i.e. besides failing in the
prosecution.

4. modicua severitate. ' Modicus '
takes the abl. in c. 45, i ; Agr. 40, 4 ; as
also ' immodicus ' in H. i. 69, 2; 3. 53,
I ; oftener the genitive, as in 2. 73, 3.

5. L. Apronium: see 4. 73, i. He
appears still to have retained his com-
mand in Lower Germany notwithstanding
his failure agnmst the Frisii.

8. perinde . . . quam : cp. 2. 1 , 2.
The thought is the same as that in 5. 6, 2.

9. sine fraude, 'harmless': cp. Hor.
Od. 2. 19, 20.

1 1 . indicium mortis ; so ' signum
mortis ' (c. 40, 3), ' warning that he was
to die.'

14. unus . . . adflnium, used here loosely
of one connected merely by a betrothal,
or even a less formal ' destinatio ' (see on
3. 29, 5). There is reason to think that,
even among those more nearly related,
the destruction was not so complete ; for

L. Seianus, of praetorian rank, noticed
by Dio (58. 19, I ) as spared at the same
time with M. Terentius (c 8, 9), is not
mentioned as subsequently put to death.

incolumis .... mansit. In 792,
A.n. 39, he was accused of conspiracy
against Gains, and put to death (Dio, 59.
22, 5 ; .Suet. Claud. 0). The 'Acta Ar-
valium ' (C. I. L. vi. 2029) record an
offering on Oct. 27, in that year, ' ob
iletecta nefaria con[siIia] Cn. Lentuli
Gae[tulici].'

15. magis . . . stare res suas, 'that
his power stood more by prestige than by
its own weight': cp. ' stat vi terra sua,
vi stando Vesta vocatur ' Ov. Fast. 6,
299; ' virtute quam pecunia res Romana
me.ius stetit ' H. 2. 69, 5.

17. C Cestio M. Servilio. On the
former, here called by Dio (58. 25, 2)
Vaioi TaKKos, see on 3. 36, 2 ; and c. 7,
3. The latter is the historian M. Servilius
Nonianus (see Introd. iii. p. 15', whose
father was mentioned in 2. 48, i ; 3. 22, 4.

nobiles Parthi, i.e. ' megistanes' :
see on 2. 2, i, &c. This narrative of
Eastern events (c. 31-37: 4I-44). treated
very briefly by Dio 158. 26^ is given
more fully by Tacitus as a relief to the
tale of trinls and executions (see c. 38, i).

18. Artabano: see 2. 3, i, &c. He

A.D. 35-] LIBER VI. CAP. 30 (36), 31 {37).

633

Ronianis, aequabilis in suos, mox supcrbiam in nos, saevitiam in
popularcs sumpsit, frctus bellis, quae secunda adversum ciicum-
iectas nationes excrcuerat, et senectutem Tiberii ut inermcm
despiciens avidusque Armeniae, cui defuncto rege Artaxia Arsa-
cen liberorum suorum vcterrimum inposuit, addita contumelia et 5
missis qui gazam a Vonone rclictam in Suria Ciliciaque repos-
ccrent ; simul vetercs Pcrsarum ac Macedonum terminos, seque
invasurum posscssa primum Cyro et post Alexandre per vanilo-

3 quentiam ac niinas iacicbat. scd Parthis mittendi secretes nun-
tios validissirnus auctor fuit Sinnaces, insigni familia ac perinde 10
opibus, et proximus huic Abdus ademptae virilitatis. non de-

4 spectum id apud barbaros ultroquc potentiam habet. ii adscitis
et aliis primoribus, quia neminem gentis Arsacidarum summae
rei inponerc poterant, interfectis ab Artabano plerisque aut
nondum adultis, Phraaten regis Phraatis filium Roma poscebant : 15

3. inertem Heins.

8. icyro : Cyro B, text Halm, a Cyro Ritt.

had not only paid court to Germanicus
(2. 58, i^, bat also shown respect at his
death : see on 2. 72, 3.

I. aequabilis, 'without caprice': cp.
' cunctis vitae officiis aequabilis' H. 4. 5,
4, ' aequabilius . . . provinciae regentur '
15. 21, 5 : see also 4. 20, 4.

3. inermem, ' without warlike energy ' :
cp. the account of his policy in c. 32, i.

4. Artaxia: see 2. 56, 3. His death
may probably have taken place in the
preceding year.

Arsacen. This is hardly a personal
name, but no other is known. Orelli
notes a tetradrachm inscribed BA^IAEflS
AP2AKOT AIKAIOT Eni*ANOTS as
apparently belonging to his coinage.

5. veterrimum : elsewhere 'vetustissi-
mum' is thus used, e.g. 2. 43, 3. Rittcr
would so read here; but Nipp. points out
that the MS. text receives some support
from ' veterrimos populos ' (Liv. 5. 54, 5).

contumelia. Nipp. considers this to
have consisted in the demand itself. But
it was also distinctly expressed in the
letter, as described by Suet. (Tib. 66),
' parricidia et caedes et ignaviam ct lux-
uiiam obicientis, monentisque ut voUm-
taria morte maximo iustissimoque civium
odio quam primum satis faccret.'

6. Vonone: see 2. 1-4; 58; 68.

8. primum Cyro. The dot under
the 'i' denotes an old critic's judgement
that it is to be expunged, but the difficulty
of accounting for its presence favours the

suggestion of Baiter, adopted by Halm.
On such a dat. as ' Cyro ' cp. Introd. v.
§ 18.
per vaniloquentiam : cp. 3. 49, 2.

9. iaciebat, taken with 'terminos' in
the sense of ' non sine iactatione refcrebat.'
He bragged of these old boundaries, as
if he would make good his right to all
included in them. Supposing only the
Asiatic dominions of these kmgs to be
meant, all Syria and Asia Minor would
be comprehended. Dio 1. 1.) adds that
he actually attacked Cappadocia.

10. perinde. Nipp. and Dragtr explain
this word as here used adjectively for
' paribus.' But 'insignibus' can easily be
su[)plied, as ' atrocia ' in ' atrox caelum,
perinde ingenia ' (Hor. 3. 2, 2). In the
example noted by Quint. (8. 3, 82^ of the
brilliant conciseness of Sallust (,' Mithii-
dates corpore ingenti, perinde armatus"),
the usage more resembles 12. 41, 4.

1 1 . Abdus. The first part of this name
and of 'Abdageses' (c. 36, 3, &c.) ap-
pears to be a Semitic root. On the mix-
ture of races indicated by Parthian names
see Kawlinson, p. 21.

12. id; sc. ' ademptae virilitatis esse':
' this is not only not matter of contempt,
but even a source of influence,' by placing
men in confidential positions.

14. aut = ' et aliis' : cp i. 55, 2, &c.

15. regis Phraatis filium. On this
family see on 2. i, 2 ; 2, i.

634

P. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C.

nomine tantum et auctore opus, [ut] sponte Caesaris ut genus
Arsacis ripam apud Euphratis cerneretur.

32 (38). Cupitum id Tiberio : ornat Phraaten accingilque pa-
ternum ad fastigium, destinata retinens, consiliis et astu res exter-
5 nas moliri,arma procul habere, interea cognitis insidiis Artabanus 2
tardari metu, modo cupidine vindictae inardescere. et barbaris 3
cunctatio servilis, statim exsequi regium videtur : valuit tamen
utilitas, ut Abdum specie amicitiae vocatum ad epulas lento
veneno inligaret, Sinnacen dissimulatione ac donis, simul per

lo negotia moraretur. et Phraates apud Suriam dum omisso cultu 4
Romano, cui per tot annos insueverat, instituta Parthorum sumit,
patriis moribus impar morbo absumptus est. sed non Tiberius 5
omisit incepta: Tiridatem sanguinis eiusdem aemulum Artabano,
reciperandaeque Armeniae Hiberum Mithridaten deligit con-

15 ciliatque fratri Pharasmani, qui gentile imperium obtinebat ; et
cunctis quae apud Orientem parabantur L. Vitellium praefecit.

i

I. [ut] Halm, others omit the second ut or alter the first to et; see note. 2. Arsaces.
e
II. insumit : text L. 14. diligit.

I. nomine . . . auctore, explained by
the following sentence; the name of an
Arsacid, and the suppoit of Caesar.

[ut] . . . ut. Both these are retained
by most editors; but to supply 'aliquis'
with 'sponte Caesaris' (Doed.), seems
unsatisfactory. Nipp. inverts the clauses,
and explains the second ' ut ' by supposing
'genus Arsacis' to be again repeated in
thought lor rhetorical emphasis : ' that an
Arsacid should show himself on the Eu-
phrates' frontier, and that he should do so
with the approval of Caesar.' Such an
inversion, or the omission of one ' ut,'
seem to be the necessary alternatives.

3. ornat. . . aecingitque, i.e. gives him
the insignia of royally, and means of en-
forcing his claim by arms : cp. the similar
passage (' auctum pecunia additis stipa-
toribus'), II. 16, 3.

paternum ad fastigium, repeated in
II. 10, 8.

4. destinata, * his purpose.* On this
settled policy see 2. 26, 3 ; 64, 2 ; 66, 3.

6. tardari metu, modo : see on 4. 50,
6 : probai)ly in both places the first clause
denotes the prevalent state, the second
the occasional. Ritter somewhat incon-
sistently inserts another ' modo' here, but
not in the former place.

inardescere, here alone in Tacitus,

from poets, Plin. N. H., and Quintilian.

et barbaris, &c., i. e. many reasons
prompted him to the bolder course, yet
the more politic was adopted : cp. ' placuit
tamen occultior via' 4. 3, i.

9. inligaret : cp. ' morbo implicata '
4. 53, I. The metaphor is taken from
ensnaring or entangling; and 'inligare'
is thus used with 'conscienlia '(15-61,1),
'stupro ' (12. 25, i) &c.

10. cultu, coupled with 'instituta' in
2. 56, 2, and here apparently answering
to it.

11. sumit: 'insumpsisse,' in 14. 44, i
(where see note\ has also generally been
altered ; but Orelli and others defend both,
in the sense of ' in se sumere,' from JStat.
Theb. 12, 643 'dignas insumite mentes
coeptibus.'

1 2. patriis moribus : see the contrast
of Roman and Parthian modes of life in
2. 2, 5.

1 3. sanguinis eiusdem, a grandson of
the elder Phraates (c. 37, 6), probably
one of the four sent by him to Rome:
see on 2. i, 2.

14. Hiberum: see on 4. 5, 4.

15. geutile, of his own nation; so
' gentile decus ' 1 1. 16, 3 : cp. 3. 59, 3 ; 1 2.

14. 2; 17» 3; 34.4-

16. L. Vitellium: see on c. 28, i. As

A.D.35] LIBER VI. CAP. 31 {37)-33 (39)-

63:

6 eo de homine hand sum ignarus simistram in urbe famam, plera-
que foeda memorari, ceterum in rcgendis provinciis prisca virtutc

7 egit. unde rcgressus et formidinc Gai Cacsaris, familiaritate
Claudii turpc in servitium mutatus exemplar apud posteros adu-
latorii dedecoris habetur, ccsseruntque prima postremis, et bona 5
iuventae senectus flagitiosa oblitteravit.

33 (39). At ex regulis prior Mithridates Pharasmanem perpulit
dolo et vi conatus suos iuvare, repertique corruptores ministros

2 Arsacis multo auro ad scelus cogunt ; simul Hiberi magnis copiis
Armeniam inrumpunt et urbe Artaxata potiuntur. quae post- 10
quam Artabano cognita, filium Oroden ultorem parat; dat Par-

3 thorum copias, mittit qui auxilia mercede facerent : contra
Pharasmanes adiungere Albanos, accire Sarmatas, quorum scep-

1. pluraque C. G. Hermann. 2. in ins. Otto. 11. orodem (but oroden

c. 34, I). paithorum que: datque Parthorum B, text Duebner. 13. accipere :

text J. F. Gron.

Syria had been vacated in 786, A.D. 33
(c. 27, 3), it is probable that Vitellius
may have been sent out earlier as legate
of that province, and may now have re-
ceived some extension of power similar
to that of Germanicus (2. 43, 2). A fuller
account of his actions in Syria and Pales-
tine, including his recall of Pilate just
before the death of Tiberius, is given in
Joseph. Ant. 18. 4-5. See also Prof.
Kawlinson, p. 228, foil.

2. in regendis: see on 3 19, 2, where
Halm also inserts 'in,' but with less
reason. Nipp. here defends the MS. text
by many instances from Tacitus and other
authors, which seem hardly parallel, as
the immediate proximity here of another
abl. makes it the less probable that this
one stood without a preposition. Nor
can the case be well taken (with Pfitzner)
as dat. commodi.

3. regressus, &c. He was recalled by
Gains in 793, A.D. 40, to answer a charge,
and escaped by abject servility Dio, 59.
27,4'. On his conduct towards Claudius,
Messalina, and Agrippina, see 11. 2, 4;
3, I ; 12. 4, I ; 42, 4, &c. : other anec-
dotes of his servility are related in
Suet. Vit. 2. Dio (1. 1.) follows Tacitus
here in recording both sides of his char-
acter.

4. adulatorii : the adj. is apparently
air. fip. ; the adv. is in August. Lp. 148.

7. perpulit. The inf. with this verb
appears to be found only in Tacitus (11,

29, 2; 12. 50, 3; 13. 54, 3; H. 5. 2, 3):
cp. Introd. v. § 42.

8. ministros, those who waited on
him : cp. 3. 14, 3.

9. ad scelus, ' to poison him': cp. i.
5, I, &c. This was the 'dolus' ; the in-
vasion of Armenia the ' vis ' mentioned
above.

10. Artaxata: see 2. 56, 3.

11. Parthorum. Many have thought
that a word has dropped out: Bezzenb.
suggests ' Ariorum ' (cp. 1 1. 10, 3), Heraus
* Medorum ' (c. 34, 6, where, however, it
seems to be another name for the Par-
thians), Ritter ' pecuniam,' Miiller ' Par-
thorum equestres.'

1 2. auxilia . . . facerent, not used like
' stipendia facere,' but as equivalent to
' auxiliares compararent ' ; so 'exercitum
facere' (Veil. 2. 109, i), ' manura facere'
(Cic Caec. 12, 33 , &c.

13. Albanos: see 2. 68, i.

accire : cp. ' accitis Frisiis ' H. 4. 1 5, 4.

Sarmatas. ' Sarmatae ' or ' Sauro-
matae ' are spoken of in several places in
Strabo, PI. N. H., and Tacitus, but are
little more than a general name for many
tribes north of the Caucasus, in Europe
and Asia: cp. G. i, I ; 46, i, and notes.
In the time of Ptolemy the name becomes
more definite.

quorum, referring to the Sarmatae only.

sceptuchi, only here as a Latin word.
Greek writers, as Xen. (Anab. i. 6, 11 ;
Cyr. 8. I, 38 , generally designate thus, as

636

p. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C.

tuchi utrimque donis acceptis more gentico diversa induere. sed 4
Hiberi locorum potentes Caspia via Sarmatam in Armenios
raptim efifundunt. at qui Parthis adventabant, facile arcebantur, 5
cum alios incessus hostis clausisset, unum reliquum mare inter et
5 extremes Albanorum montes aestas impediret, quia flatibus
etesiarum implentur vada : hibernus auster revolvit fluctus pulso-
que introrsus freto brevia litorum nudantur.

34(40). Interim Oroden sociorum inopem auctus auxilio Pha-
rasmanes vocare ad pugnam et detrectantem incessere, adequitare
locastris, infensare pabula ; ac saepe in modum obsidii stationibus
cingebat, donee Parthi contumeliarum insolentes circumsister-
ent regem, poscerent proelium. atque illis sola in equite vis : 2
Pharasmanes et pedite valebat. nam Hiberi Albanique saltuosos
locos incolentes duritiae patientiaeque magis insuevere ; ferunt- 3

3. effunt : text B.

' wand -bearers,' the chief officers, usually
eunuchs, in personal attendance on the
J'ersian king. The term is probably used
here as by Strabo, who applies it (ri. 2,
13, 496) to chiefs or satraps, ruling the
Heniochi under their kings.

1. gentico: cp. 3. 43, 3.

diversa induere, entered into opposite
alliances : see the senses of this verb noted
on I. 69, 2.

2. Caspia via: cp. 'claustra Caspia-
rum' H. 1.6, 5, ' Caspiae portae ' Suet.
Ner. 19. The pass here meant is that
which riiny (N. H. 6. 11, 30; 13, 40}
speaks of as erroneously called ' Caspiae,'
and properly ' Caucasiae portae,' the
modern pass of Dariel, in the centre of
the chain, connecting the Iberian town of
Hermasta (Plin. 1. I.), the modem Tiflis,
with the upper valley of the Terek. This
is still the great road over the chain, and
would be the natural route for Sarmatians
into Ibeiia, the 'S.apfxariKal irvXai of Ptol.
5. 9, II, 15. The true 'Caspiae Pylae '
of Arrian. &c., have no connexion with
this locdity, but lead from the south of
the Caspian towards Teheran.

3. qui, i. e. the Sarmatians who had
taken this side.

4. alios incessus. The 'AKPdviai -nv-
Xai of Ptol. (1. 1.) appear to be inter-
mediate between the two chief roads here
mentioned, and to answer to or lie west-
ward of the pnss by way of Kouba : see
Mr. Dyer, in Diet, of Geog ii. 920. On
'incessus' cp. 3. 74, i.

10. in in?. Muretus.

unum reliquum, the second great
route, along the western shore of tte
Caspian, between Derbend and Bakou.

5. flatibus etesiarum, the ir-qaiai
$opeat of Hdt. 2. 20 (cp. also Plin. N. H.
2. 47, 124, 127), blowing for thirty days
from July 20 : cp. H. 2. 98, 3. The force
with which the sea is driven at times upon
this shore from the north is spoken of in
Curtius 6. 4, 19.

6. hibernus auster, &c., thrown in
to show why this route is obstructed in
summer only.

pulso introrsus freto, ' the sea
being driven back upon itself : the ex-
pression seems taken from Sen. de prov.
I, 4 'nudari litora . . . undas et introrsum
agi.' ' Fretum ' is used, as by poets, of
tne sea in general.

7. brevia: cp. i. 70. 3>&c.

10. infensare, 'ravages the foraging
ground'; so "infensare Armeniam ' • 13.
37, 1. The verb is Tacitean, and used
also in 13. 41, 4. 'Pabulum' is perliaps
thus used in 15. 16, 1 ',' pabulo attrito').

stationibus, ' outposts ' : cp. 4. 50, 5.

11. contumeliarum insolentes: this
genitive (cp. 15. 67, 5; H. I. 87, 4) ap-
pears also in Cicero, Cae.sar, and Sallust.

12. regem, 'the piince': probably
Oiodes assumed also the title of king of
Armenia.

14. feruntque, &c. This legend is given
more fully, with some variation, in Just.
42. 2, 12. Jason is there said in after
life to have been driven from Thessaly

A. D.

35-J

LIBER VI. CAP. 33 (39)-35 (41).

637

que sc Thessalis ortos.qua tempestate laso post avectam Medcam
genitosque ex ea liberos inanem mox regiam Aeetae vacuosque

4 Colchos repetivit. multaque de nomine eius et oraclum Phrixi
celebrant ; ncc quisquam ariete sacrificaverit, credito vexissc

5 Phrixum, sive id animal seu navis insigne fuit. ccterum dcrecta 5
utrimque acie Parthus impeiium Orientis, claritudinem Arsaci-
darum, conttaquc ignobilem Hiberum mercennario milite dissere-
bat : Pharasmanes intcgros semct a Parthico dominatu, quanto
maiora peterent, plus decoris victores aut, si terga darcnt, flagitii

6 atque periculi laturos ; simul horridam suorum aciem, picta auro 10
Medorum agmina, hinc viros, inde praedam ostendere.

35 (41). PInimvero apud Sarmatas non una vox ducis : se
quisque stimulant ne pugnam per sagittas sinerent : impetu et
2 comminus praevenicndum. variae hinc bellantium species, cum
Parthus sequi vel fugere pari arte suctus distraheret turmas, spa- 15

2. aetae : text B. 7. mcrcennarium militem Acid. 13. inirent B.

by the daughters of Bellas, to have been
reconciled 10 Medea, to have reinstated
Aeetes, whom he found in exile, to have
{gained great victories, and assigned a
territory from his conquests to his fol-
lowers from Greece. The Albani, ac-
cording to Justin, gave to Cn. Bompeius
a different account of themselves, and
claimed the favour of Rome as having
had their home on the Alban Mount, and
having followed Heracles from Italy to
the East. The real origin of bolli nations
appears to be Scythic, and the Albaiu are
probably akin to, and sometimes (see on
2. 68, 1) confused with the Alauni or
Alani.

1. qua tempestate: cp. 2. 60, 2; 4.
14, 2.

2. vacuos: cp. c. 51, 4; 2. 3, 2, &c.
It would seem that Tacitus took the legend
as asserting that Aeetes was dead.

3. de nomine, ' named after him ': cp.
1.15, 3. The Jasonian legend was widely
spread in those regions. Strabo speaks
(II. 4, 8, 503") of temples ''laaovia and
other hnofjLvqfiara, not only in Albania
and Hiberia, but also in Mef'ia and Ar-
menia. Justin adds '42. 3) ' lasoni totus
ferme Oriens ut conditori divinos honores
templaque constituit.' See also Grote
(vol. i. ch. 13, p. 328, foll.\ who points
out the stimulus given to these legends
by the Thessalians who had followed
Alexander.

oraculum Phrixi. Strabo mentions

(11. 2, 17, 498), in Moschica above the
Glaucus and Hippus (tributaiies of the
Bhasis), to ttjs AfVKoOtas itpov, ^pi^ov
iSpvfia, Hal fxavTfiov imivov, oitov Kp.cis oi
Ovtrat.

4. credito, probably agreeing with
'ariete' : cp. c. 50, 7, &c.

5. seu navis insigne. This rational-
ized version of the legend is found in Diod.

4- 47. 4-

7. mercennario milite, ' with his
mercenaries' : the abl. might be absolute,
but in Nep. Eum. 3, 6 a similar case is
fully expressed as abl. of quality (' pedi-
tatu, quo erat deteriore '). Several other
such uses of this abl. are given in Nipp.'s
note on 3. 43 2 : cp. Intiod. v. § 29.

10 horridam, ' unkempt ' : cp. 'horri-
dus miles' Liv. 9. 40, 4.

11. Medorum. The whole army is
meant. Horace often interchanges the
names ' Mede,' ' Bersian,' and ' Barthian ' ;
and the name here is the more appropriate,
as the Barthians had adopted the ' per-
lucida ac fluida vestis' of the Medes (Just.
41. 2, 4).

12. non una vox ducis, 'the com-
mander was not the only speaker.'

13. ne . . sinerent, 'not to permit
an archer's battle ' ; i. c. to close at once :
' sinere ' is used with the accus. in 2, 55,
4; 13. 2.;, 3, Sec, in Blm. N. H. 6. 14, 17,
43 ; and in poets.

15. sequi vel fugere . . . suetus. This
Barthian tactic is well known from Vergil

638

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALWM [A.U.C. 788.

tium ictibus quaereret, Sarmatae omisso arcu, quo brevius valent,
contis gladiisque ruerent ; modo equestris proelii more frontis
et tergi vices, aliquando ut conserta acie corporibus et pulsu
armorum pellerent pellerentur. iamque et Albani Hiberique 3
5 prensare, detrudere, ancipitem pugnam hostibus facere, quos
super eques et propioribus vulneribus pcdites adflictabant. inter 4
quae Pharasmanes Orodesque, dum strenuis adsunt aut dubi-
tantibus subveniunt, conspicui eoque gnari, clamore telis equis
concurrunt, instantius Pharasmanes ; nam vulnus per galeam
JO adegit. nee iterare valuit, praelatus equo et fortissimis satel- 5
litum protegentibus saucium : fama tamen occisi falso credita
exterruit Parthos victoriamque concessere.

36 (4'-2). Mox Artabanus "tota mole regni ultum iit. peritia
locorum ab Hiberis melius pugnatum ; nee ideo abscedebat, ni

2. equitesties; text R. 3. acies: text Heins. 13. ultioni id ; text L.

(G. 3, 31), Horace (Od. i. 19, 11 ; 2. 13,
17), &c.

distraheret turmas, sc.'suas'; 'would
spread out his squadrons.'

1. ictibus, 'flights of arrows.'

quo brevius valent, 'with which their
range is shorter': the phrase does not
appear to be found elsewhere. The long
range of the Parthian archery is spoken of
by Plutarch (Crass. 24, 558'.

2. contis gladiisque. On the long
pikes and swords of the Sarmatians, and
their mode of warfare, see H. 1. 79, 46.
For the abl. Nipp. compares ' exercitu '

4- 44, 3-

equestris proelii more. Nipp. notes
that stress is laid on the last word. Both
the Parthians and Sarmatians were fighting
on horseback ; sometimes with true cavalry
tactics ; at other times closing like a line
of infantry. The Parthians would try to
use the former mode of attack, the Sar-
matians the latter.

frontis et tergi vices, sc. * essent ' ;
' they would face about and retreat by
turns ' : cp. ' scelerum ac suppliciorum
vices' H. 4. 27,4. The whole sentence
is evidently imitated from Sallust : see
Introd. v. § 97, i. The force of 'cum'
extends to ' pellerentur.'

3. ut conserta acie : Orelli and Drager
retain the MS. text. Ern. had read ' con-
ferta ' ; Ritt. brackets the words as a gloss
on the following : they stand, however, in
natural contrast to ' equestris proelii more,'

and express the appearance as if the whole
line were locked together : cp. Curt. 3. 1 1,
4 ' conserti et quasi cohaerentes ' ; and the
description of the phalanx, ' vir viro, armis
arma conserta sunt' (Id. 3. 4, 13). With
' conferta,' ' ut ' would be superfluous.

4. iamque et, &c. Now that it became
a standing fight, these, who were in great
part foot-soldiers (c. 34, 2^, came into
action, probnbly attacking the Parthians
in flank, while the Sarmatians held them
in front.

5. detrudere, sc. ' ex equis.'
ancipitem : cp. ' anceps cura ' 2. 40, i,

' anceps malum ' Agr. 26, 3. Here it is
explained by the following words.

6. super, ' from above ' : cp. ' implen-
turque super puppes ' Verg. Aen. 5, 697,
' super e totis emisit collibus agmen ' Luc.
6, 291.

8. gnari: cp. i. 5, 4, &c.

clamore telis equis. The asyndeta
form a climax, as in 2. 17, 5, &c.

10. praelatus, for ' praeterlatus,' as in
Liv. 2. 14, 7; 7. 24, 8, &c. : see note on
2. 6, 5.

13. Mox; probably in the following
year : see c. 38, i.

tota mole regni : cp. ' tota mole belli '
H. I. 61, 3; ' toto certatum est corpore
regni' Verg. Aen. 11, 313.

ultum iit : cp. 4. 73, 6.

peritia locorum : causal abl. They
had been a year in Armenia.

A.D.35] LIBER VI. C^P. 35 (4t)-37 (43)- 639

contractis legionibus Vitcllius et subdito rumore, tamquam Mcso-

2 potamiam invasurus, metum Romani belli fecisset. turn omissa
Armenia versaeque Artabani res, inliciente Vitellio desererent

3 regem saevum in pace et adversis proeliorum exitiosum. igitur
Sinnaces, qucm antca infensum memoravi, patrem Abdagaesen 5
aliosque occultos consilii et tunc continuis cladibus promptiores
ad defectioncm trahit, adfluentibus paulatim qui metu magis
quam benevolcntia subiecti rcpertis auctoribus sustulerant ani-

4 mum. nee iam aliud Artabano reliquum quam si qui externorum
corpori custodes aderant, suis quisque sedibus extorres, quis 10
neque boni intellectus neque mali cura, scd mercede aluntur

5 ministri sceleribus. his adsumptis in longinqua et contermina
Scythiae fugam maturavit, spe auxilii, quia Hyrcanis Carma-
niisque per adfinitatem innexus erat : atque interim posse Parthos
absentium aequos, praesentibus mobiles, ad paenitentiam mutari. 15

37 (43). At Vitellius profugo Artabano et flexis ad novum re-
gem popularium animis,hortatus Tiridaten parata capessere,robur
2 Icgionum sociorumque ripam ad Euphratis ducit. sacrificantibus,

6. consilit : consulit Pich., text Faern.

I. tamquam, used, like ws, with a fut. south-east of the empire, between the
participle in 12. 49, 2 ; H. 4. 19, 3 ; Dial. desert of Kirman and the entrance of the
2,2; also with other participles : Introd. Persian Gulf. Strabo (15. 2, 14, 727)
V. § 67 ; Drager, Synt. und Stil, § 215. quotes Nearchus as saying that they

3. inliciente. Josephus states (Ant. resembled the Medes and Persians in

18.4,4; that Vitellius won them by bribes. customs and language.

5. memoravi, c. 31, 3- 14- per adfinitatem innexus. The

6. occultos consilii : ' occultus ' takes same phrase is found in H. 4. 68, 3.
such a gen. of reference in 4. 7, i ; cp. Artabanus was himself of mixed blood
' ambiguus consilii ' H. 2. 83, 2 ; 4. 21, i. (c. 42, 4), and had probably taken wives
These men had meditated revolt, but had from these races.

kept their plans secret. posse, depending on ' spe.'

8. sustulerant animum, ' had plucked 15. absentium aequos, 'fair-minded

up courage': cp. H. 3. 45, i ; 4. 54, 2. in relation to the absent.' No such geni-

10. corpori custodes, 'bodyguards': live appears to be elsewhere found with

•custos' is used with a similar dative in 'aequus'; nor are those noted in Introd.

1. 24, 3; 3. 14, 7. 'Ministri,' below, v. 33 e, strictly parallel to it. It may

takes a similar dative, as in 15. 28, 4: possibly be an imitation of the Greek

H. I. 88, 2, &c. genitive with a word expressing desire or

II. intellectus: cp. 'dissimulato in- affection.

tellectu ' 1 3. 38, 4 ; ' intellectum optimae praesentibus mobiles. Such a dative

rei . . . amisit ' Sen. de Ben. 3. 17, 2. is used with * mitis' (12. 20, i), ' arrogans '

13. Scythiae. The Scythians east of (11. 21, 4), 'incuriosus' (14. 38, 3\ &c. :

the Caspian are meant. The Hyrcanians see Drager, Synt. und Stil, § 55.
at the south-east angle of that sea were 17. hortatus, with inf. five times in

probably a Scythian race, and next to the Annals, elsewhere rarely and almost

them were the Dahae, among whom wholly in poets.
Artabanus had grown up (2. 3, i). 18. ripam ad. On the anastrophe cp.

Carmaniis. This people lay on the 3. 72, 2, &c.

640

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 7SS.

cum hie more Romano suovetaurilia daret, ille equum placando
amni adornasset, nuntiavere accolae Euphraten nulla imbrium vi
sponte et inmensum attolli, simul albentibus spumis in modum
diadematis sinuare orbes, auspiciiim prosperi transgressus. qui- 3
6 dam callidius interpretabantur, initia conatus secunda ncque
diuturna, quia eorum, quae terra caclove portenderentur, certior
fides, fluminum instabilis natura simul ostenderet omina raperet-
que. sed ponte navibus cffecto tramissoque exercitu primus 4
Ornospades multis equitum milibus in castra venit, exul quon-

10 dam et Tiberio, cum Delmaticum belluin conficeret, baud
inglorius auxiliator eoque civitate Romana donatus, mox repetita
amicitia regis multo apud eum honore, praefectus campis qui
Euphrate et Tigre inclutis amnibus circumflui Mesopotamiae
nomen acceperunt. neque multo post Sinnaces auget copias, et 5

15 columen partium Abdagaeses gazam et paratus regios adicit.
Vitellius ostentasse Romana arma satis ratus monet Tiridaten 6
primoresque, hunc, Phraatis avi et altoris Caesaris quaeque utro-

17. ut : et K, ut Phra- . . ut altoris Ritt. quae : quaeque Ncue.
text B.

utrubique :

I. suovetaurilia; as the ' piacnluni
Marti ' (Liv. 8. lo, 14 ; Cato. R. R. 141).

placando amni. This applies only
to ' ille . . . adornasset'; though a Roman
offering of bia^ar-qpia to the Euphrates
is mentioned in Plut. Lucnll. 24, 507.
The horse was tlie chief Persian sacrifice,
and was offered to the Sun (^Xen. Anab.
4- 5' 35 ; Just. I. 10). The reverence
paid by this people to rivers is mentioned
by Hdt. (i. 138) and Justin (41. 3, 6).

3. in modum diadematis. The ori-
ginal form of the diadem is that of a
white band tied in a bow behind, as
represented on the heads of Dionysus and
other deities. By Eastern kings, it would
be worn as an addition to the 'tiara':
see on 3. 56, 3.

5. neque, 'yet not': cp. 4. 21, 4;
Agr. 8, 3; Liv. 3.55, I. &:c.

6. terra caelove: cp. H. i. 3, 2 'caelo
terraque prodigia.' The same ablatives
are found in Curt. 4. 7, 6, and seem taken
from Sail. Jug. 17, 5; the usage being
an extension of the expression ' terra
marique': see Introd. v. § 2^.

8. ponte navibus efifecto. The
Romans appear not to have kept up at
tliis time a permanent bridge over the
Euphrates, but to have had means at

hand to construct one (see 15. 9, i, and
note). The place was no doubt that most
usual, at Zeugma, opposite to Apamea
(12. 12, 3; Plin. N. H. 5. 24, 21, 86,
&c.).

9. multis . . . milibus, a bold use of
the abl. of manner, or perhaps of quality:
see 15. 29, 4; Introd. v. §§ 28, 29.

10. Delmaticum bellum, 759-762,
A.D. 6-9: see Introd. viii. p. 134.

11. auxiliator, here alone in Tacitus;
a rare lorm found in Petron. 89 ; Quin-
tilian, Statius, and the Vulgate.

13. Tigre: the more usual abl. is
'Tigri,' as in 12. 13, i ; Verg. Aen. 10,
166, &c.

circumflui, here alone in Tacitus ;
a poetical word, used also, more rarely,
in an active sense.

15. columen, taken by Nipp. as a
metaphor from the ' crown ' of an edifice ;
cp. ' victoriae columen' II. 2. 28, 3, ' Mem-
phim . . . Aegypti columen ' I<1. 4. 84, 6,
'columen amicornm Antonii' Cic. Phil.
13. 12, 26 : others take the figure to mean
' the pillar of the cause.' Cp. ' specimen
partium ' H. 3. 66. 4.

17. Phraatis avi : see on c. 32, 5.

quaequ3 utrobique pulchra, ' to
remember all the noble qualities in

A.D. 35-] LIBER VI. CAP. 37 (43), 38 (44).

641

bique pulchra mcminerit, illos, obsequium in rcgcm, revcrentiam
in nos, decus quisque suum et fidem retineient. exim cum
legionibus in Suriam remeavit.

38 (44). Quae duabus acstatibus gesta coniunxi, quo rcquie-
sceret animus a domesticis malis ; non enim Tiberium, quamquam 5
triennio post caedcm Seiani, quae ccteros mollire solent, tempus
preces satias mitigabant, quin incerta vel abolita pro gravissimis

2 ct recentibus puniret. eo metu Fulcinius Trio, ingruentis accusa-
tores baud perpessus,supremis tabulis multa et atrocia in Macro-
ncm ac praecipuos libertorum Caesarisconposuit, ipsi fluxam senio 'o

3 mentem ct continuo abscessu vtlut exilium obiectando. quae
ab heredibus occultata recitari Tiberius iussit, patientiam liber-
tatis alienae ostentans et contemptor suae infamiae, an scelerum
Seiani diu ncscius mox quoquo modo dicta vulgari malebat
veritatisque, cui adulatio officit, per probra saltern gnarus fieri. 15

4 isdem diebus Granius Marcianus senator, a C Graccho maiestatis
postulatus, vim vitae suae attulit, Tariusque Gratianus praetura
functus lege eadem extremum ad supplicium damnatus.

18. est ins. Ritt., damnatur Sirker.

either.' The loss of ' que ' after ' quae '
is rendered probable by the similar ending
of the next word ; but some retain the
MS. text.

4. duabus aestatibus : see on c. 36, i.
The account of the events of the second
year, broken off here at the point where
Roman inter\'ention ceased, is resumed in
c. 41.

quo requiesceret, Sec. The digres-
sions in c. 16; 22; 28, appear to be intro-
duced with a similar object. For other
instances see Introd. iv. p. 27, notes i, 3.

6. triennio. The real interval was
rather more ; Seianus having been exe-
cuted on Oct. 18 (c. 25, 5), 784, A.D. 31.

7. satias : cp. 3. 30, 7. Tlie asyndeta
here form a climax ;see Introd. v. § 65).

8. eo metu, &c. This sentence con-
tains a zeugma, by which the idea of com-
mitting suicide is supplied from ' hand
perpessus ' (cp. 4. 50, 4) ; to which 'con-
posuit,' though grammatically the prin-
cipal verb in the sentence, is subordinate
in sense, like a clause in abl. abs.

Fulcinius Trio : see on c. 4, 2.

9. supremis tabulis. This ' testa-
mentorum licentia ' had been indulged
under Augustus, who prohibited any en-
actment against it (Suet. Aug. 56).

10. praecipuos libertorum. Some of
the freedmen of Tiberius are known to
have been rich and prosperous ; but it
seems to be only at the close of his life
that we hear of them as influential : see
4. 6, 7 ; Introd. vii. p. 105, n. 7.

fluxam : cp. 3. 50, 5 ; here ' de-
cayed,' as ' fluxa auctoritas ' H. i. 21, 4 ;
' fides ' Id. 2. 75, 2, &c.

1 1 . continuo abscessu. The abl.
appears to be causal, similar to 'potentia'
(4. 43, 4), &c., here explanatory of ' velut
exilium.' The use of ' abscessus ' for
' absentia,' noted by Drager as found here
only, appears perhaps also in 4. 57, 2.

12. recitari iussit. Besides the famous
publication of the last words of Drusus
(c. 24, i), Dio (.s8. 25, 31 alludes to other
cases in which Tiberius thus acted. Suet.
(Tib. 61) represents his practice in this
respect as variable.

16. senator: see on i. 75, 3.

C. Graccho : see on c. 16, 5 ; 4. 13, 3.

17. Tarius Gratianus. Nipp. thinks
him son of L Tarius Kufus, cos. suff. in
738, B.C. 16 (C. I. L. i. pp. 466, 467 , and
'curator aquarum* in 776, 777, A.D. 23,
24 (Frontin. de Aq. I02\ noted by Plin.
(N. H. 18. 6, 7, 37) as having risen from
low origin by military service to rank and

642

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U. C. 7!

39 (45). Nee dispares Trebelleni Rufi et Sextii Paconiani
exitus: nam Trebellenus sua manu cecidit, Paconianus in carcere
ob carmina illic in principem factitata strangulatus est. haec 2
Tiberius non mari, ut olim, divisus neque per longinquos nuntios

5 accipiebat, sed urbem iuxta, eodem ut die vel noctis interiectu
litteris consulum rescriberet, quasi aspiciens undantem per domos
sanguinem aut manus carnificum. fine anni Poppaeus Sabinus 3
concessit vita modicus originis, principum amicitia consulatum
ac triumphale decus adeptus maximisque provinciis per quattuor
JO et viginti annos inpositus, nullam ob eximiam artem, sed quod
par negotiis neque supra erat.

40 (46). Q. Plautius Sex. Papinius consules sequuntur. eo
anno neque quod L. Aruseius . . . morte adfecti forent, adsuetu-
dine malorum ut atrox advertebatur, sed exterruit quod Vibulenus

15 Agrippa eques Romanus, cum perorassent accusatores, in ipsa
curia depromptum sinu venenum hausit, prolapsusque ac mori-

I. trebellieni and trebellienus : see on 2. 67, 4.
13. no lacuna in MS.

12. quintius: Quintus R.

wealth, and by Sen. (de CI. i. 15, 2), as
having exiled a son by ' patria potestas '
for attempted parricide.

damnatus. The ellipse of * est ' is
somewhat harsh, as the natural meaning
would be that ' vim vitae suae attulit ' is
to be again supplied, which is evidently
not intended (cp. c. 39, 1). For the
expression cp. ' damnari ad mortem '
16. 21, 2; 'ad metalla, ad munitiones
viarum, ad bestias' Suet. Cal. 27; 'ad
oi)us ' Id. Ner. 31; also ' summum sup-
plicium ' c. 3, 5.

I. Nee dispares: their deaths corre-
sponded to the two just mentioned : cp.
4. 14, 3, &c. On Trebellenus Kufus see
2. 67, 4; on Sextius Paconianus, c. 3, 4.

3. carmina. It is thought (see Nipp.)
that some of his verses are preserved in
Diomedes 498.

4. longinquos, ' from afar ' : cp.
' longinqua vulnera,* Luc. 3, 568.

5. urbem iuxta. Dio (58. 25, 2)
states that he was at this time celebrating
the marriage of Gains at Antium : see on
c. 20, I.

interiectu: cp. 3. 51, 4 ; 67, 4.

6. undantem . . . sanguinem. The
rhetorical extravagance of the expression
may be compared with that in c. 19, 3.
' Per domos' distinguishes the suicides at
home from the executions in prison.

7. manus, 'the work': cp. i. 61, 3.

Poppaeus Sabinus : see on 1 . 80, 1 ;
where it is noted that he must have been
appointed to Moesia in 764, A. u. 1 1 ;
and the question of his continued tenure
of this province, as well as of Macedonia
and Achaia, is discussed.

11. negue supra; without the ' emi-
nentesvirtutes' which could be dangerous
(I- 80, 3;.

12. Q,. Plautius Sex. Papinius. On
the family connexions of the former see
note on 4. 22, 3. The full name of the
latter is given as ' Sex. Papinius, Q. f.
Allenius,' in an inscription (C. I. L. v.
2823) which shows him to have filled the
usual magistracies in succession, and to
have been ' quindecimvir sacris faciundis.'
Another inscr. (see Nipp.) shows him to
have been praet. percgr. in 780, A. D. 27.

13. neque quod, &c. The lacuna here
is noted by Doed. If Aruseius is the
person mentioned in c. 7, i, we may
suppose that what seemed nothing un-
usual was that some favour, perhaps
restoration from exile, was granted to
him. and that some others were put to
death : ' neque quod ' would have been
again repeated with their names.

14. advertebatur: cp. 4. 54, 2.

16. depromptum ; so used with simple
abl. in H. 4. 22, 4; as is also 'promptus'

A.D.36.] LIBER VI. CAP. 39 (45)-4i (47)-

^43

bundus festinatis lictorum manibus in carcercm raptus est, fau-

2 cesque iam cxanimis laqueo vexatae. ne Tigranes quidcni,
Armenia quondam potitus ac tunc reus, nomine regio supplicia

3 civium effugit. at C. Galba consularis et duo Blaesi voluntario
exitu cecidere, Galba tristibus Caesaris litteris provinciam sortiri 5
prohibitus : Blaesis sacerdotia, integra eorum dome destinata,
convulsa distulerat, tunc ut vacua contulit in alios, quod signum

4 mortis intellexere et exsecuti sunt, et Aemilia Lcpida, quam
iuveni Druso nuptam rcttuli, crebris criminibus maritum insectata,
quamquam intestabilis, tamen impunita agebat, dum superfuit lo
pater Lepidus : post a delatoribus corripitur ob servum adulterum,
nee dubitabatur de flagitio : ergo omissa defensione finem vitae
sibi posuit.

41 (47). Per idem tempus Cietarum natio Cappadoci Archelao

3. positus : text B. 4. blaesii : text Aurelius and Freinsh. 14. Citarum

margin and B, Clitarum L and all edd. since.

in 15. 64, I, and both in Verg., Hor., &c.
Dio (58. 21, 4\ who places this incident
three years earlier, states that he took the
poison from a ring, and omits mention of
the subsequent strangulation.

1. festinatis : cp. 1. 52, i, &c.

2. laqueo vexatae : he was strangled
in the 'Tullianum'; so as, by the form
of judicial execution, to do away with
the ' prctium festinandi ' \q.. 29, 2).

Tigranes : see note on 2. 4, 3 ; Momms.
R. G. D. A. p. 1 16. Joscphus (Ant. 18.
5, 4\ after mentioning his descent from
Herod, says inaccurately, TiY/jdr?;? is.\v
^aat\fvojv 'ApfKviai icarrj-^opiS^v avrov iiri
'PufXTji ytvofxivcuv dirai; irfXivra. Even
the 'quondam potitus' of Tacitus is
perhaps an overstatement, as it is doubt-
ful whether he was ever received as king
by his subjects.

4. C. Galba : see on 3. 52, i. He was
already living in poverty and retirement,
apparently the result of extravagance :
'attritis facultatibus urbe cessit ' (Suet.
Galb. 3) ; so that there may have been good
reason for his exclusion. The province
would be Asia or Africa (see on 3. 32, 2).

duo Blaesi. These appear to be sons
of the well-known Blaesus (see 3. 35, 2,
&c.\ and the ' consobrini consulares'
(Veil. 2. 127, 3) of Seianus. An insciip-
tion (C. I. L. vi. i02i;3) records Q. lunius
Blaesus as cos. suff. with L. Antistius
Vetus probably in 781, A.D. 28. One of
them is probably mentioned in i. 19, 4;

and the son of one of them in H. i. 59, 4.

6. integra . . . domo, used in 1.3, 1 , of
a house that had heirs, here of one that
had a head. The house had been ' con-
vulsa' ('shaken to its foundations': see
note on 4. 40, 4) by the father's death
(see on 5. 7, 2).

7. distulerat, 'had held vacant.'
signum : cp. ' indicium mortis ' (c.

30, 5) : with ' exsecuti sunt ' Ruperti
and others supply ' mortem ' (cp. ' exse-
qui caedem' 11. 37, 3) ; but it is perhaps
better to take it to mean 'obeyed'; the
' signum ' being an implied command ; so
'exsequi sententiam ' H. 4. 76, 6.

9. rettuli, in the lost portion. The
intrigue of Seianus with her against her
husband is mentioned by Dio (58. 3, 8).

10. intestabilis, 'detestable': cp. c. 51,
6, &c. : so in Sail. Jug. 67, 3; Hor. S.-it.
2. 3, 181; Liv. 37. 57, 15.

11. pater Lepidus. An inscription
(Orell. 639; wheie it is wrongly referred
to the Lepida of 3. 22 : cp. C. I. L. v.
59 2) runs as follows : ' Pudens M. Lepidi
l(ibertus) grammaticus. Procurator eram
Lepidae moresque regebam : dum vixi,
mansit Caesaris ilia nurus ' (for ' pronu-
rus' as in 4. 12, 6). This appears to
show that her father was Marcus Lepidus
(see on 3. 32, 2), who may be' supposed
to have died at this time; Manius Lepidus
having died three years before (see c.

27, 4)-

14. Cietarum. There can be no doubt

644

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 7S9.

subiecta, quia nostrum in modum deferre census, pati tributa
adigebatur, in iuga Tauri mentis abscessit locorumque ingcnio
sese contra imbelles regis copias tutabatur, donee M. Trebellius
legatus, a Vitellio praeside Suriae cum quattuor milibus legio-
5 nariorum et delectis auxiliis missus, duos collis, quos barbari
insederant (minori Cadra, alteri Davara nomen est), operibus
circumdedit et erumpere ausos ferro, ceteros siti ad dcditionem
coegit.

At Tiridates volentibus Parthis Nicephorium et Anthemusiada 2
10 ceterasque urbes, quae Macedonibus sitae Graeca vocabula
usurpant, Halumque et Artemitam Parthica oppida recepit,

10. a Macedonibus Faern ; cp. 3. 3S, 6.

that these are the ' agrestium Cilicum
naliones, quibus Clitarum cognomentum '
of 12. 55, I ; but it has been unfortunately
assumed ever since Lipsius that the name
is there correctly given, and this MS. text
' cietarum ' has been altered accordingly.
But no people called 'Clitae' are other-
wise known ; whereas the name KIHTflN
is found on coins of the Antiochus of 12.
55, 3, and on the base of a statue of
Hadrian at Athens (see Ad. Wilhelm, in
Archaeol.-Epig. Mittheil. x\ii. 1894, pp.
i-6'l ; and such a local name as Kirjris
would be only another form of the K^r/s
of Ptol. 5. S, 3, comprising considerable
part of western Cilicia (see Ramsay, Hist.
Geog. of Asia Minor, p. 363). This part
of the dominion of the old king Archelaus
(see on 2. 42, 2) was allowed to remain to
his son, the king here mentioned, when
Cappadocia became a province. Gains
transferred this district to Antiochus IV.
king of Commagene (Dio, 59. 8, 2), in
whose family it continued till the time
of Vespasian: see on 12. 55, 3; also
Marquardt, i. p. 386.

I. nostrum in modum, 'after Roman
fashion.' Provincial subjects had to give
returns of their property (' deferre census ')
probably every five years (see Marquardt,
ii. p. 244) and paid 'tributum' by various
modes of assessment (Id. p. 197, foil.).
The expression here seems to show, as
Schiirer points out (Gesch. des lud. Volkes,
i. p. 439\ thnt this was not an imposition
by the Romans of a census and tribute on
the kingdom of a 'rex socius,' but an
attempt by the king to organize his system
of taxation on the Roman model. The
rebellion is against him ; his Roman pro-
tectors only intervening by reason of his

weakness. Marquardt's view (ii. 213),
that this people now formed part of the
province of Cappadocia, seems contrary
to the general sense of this passage ; and
the coins above cited would show that
they belonged to the client kingdom at
a later date.

2. ingenio = ' natura'; soused of the
qualities of things in 12. 30, 4; i6. 20, i,
&c. (see note on 3. 26, 2) ; also in Sail.
(H. 3. 18 D, 17 K, 87 G); Liv. (2.30,4;
28. 12, II, &c.\ &c.

3. M. Trebellius. Nipp. notes that
he may have been father of the person
mentioned in 14. 46, 2 ; also that a P.
Trebellius was praet. urb. in 783, A. D.
30 (Bull. Arch. 1869, p. 123).

4. praeside Suriae. On the use of
this term for a governor see on 1 2. 45, 6.
Cilicia bclongetl to the province of Syria
(see on 2. 78, 3, &c.).

7. ferro, 'by force of arms'; con-
trasted with 'fames' in H. 4. 32, 6;

59. 5-

9. At Tiridates. This narrative is
resumed fiom the end of c. 37. It will
be seen, from the order in which places
are mentioned, that the geography of
his route has not been clearly conceived.

Nicephorium et Anthemusiada.
If the crossing was effected at Zeugma
I see on c. 37, 4), Anthemusias, situate
near Edessa, would come fiist on the
route. Nicephorium lies further south,
close to the other principal place of cross-
ing the Euphrates at '1 hapsacus. These
and several other Greek cities in Meso-
j)otamia are mentioned in PI. N. H. 5.
24, 86; 6. 2^1, 117. On the dative 'Ma-
cedonibus ' see Introd. v. § iS.

II. Halum et Artemitam. Halus is

A. D. 36.] LIBER VI. CAP. ^i (47), 42 (48).

645

certantibus gaudio qui Artabanum Scythas inter eductum ob
saevitiam exsccrati come Tiridatis ingenium Romanas per artcs
sperabant.

42 (48). IMurimum adulationis Seleuccnses induere, civitas
potens, saepta muris nequc in barbarum corrupta, scd conditoris 5
Selcuci rctinens. trecenti opibus aut sapientia delecti ut senatus,

2 sua populo vis. et quotiens Concordes agunt, spernitur Parthus :
ubi dissensere, dum sibi quisque contra aemulos subsidium

3 vocant, accitus in partem adversum omnes valescit. id nuper
acciderat Artabano regnante, qui plebem primoribus tradidit ex 10
suo usu : nam populi imperium iuxta libertatem, paucorum

4 dominatio regiae libidini propior est. turn adventantem Tirida-
ten extoUunt veterum regum honoribus et quos recens aetas
largius invenit ; simul probra in Artabanum fundebant, materna

5 origine Arsaciden, cetera degencrem. Tiridates rem Seleucensem 15

7. spernuntur : text R, spemuntur Parthi sed Weissenb., spernunt Parthum Ritt.

otherwise unknown, but was probably
near Artemita, which Pliny ([. 1.) wronjjly
places in Mesopotamia, but which was
really beyond tiie Tij^iis, five hundred
stadia east (or rather north-east) of Se-
leuceia (Strab. i6. 1,17, 744).
I. Scsythas, the Dahae (2. 3, i).

3. sperabant : cp. 2. 56, 4.

4. Seleucenses. Seleuceia on the Ti-
gris, thus distinguished from other cities
of the name, was situate three hundred
stadia N. E of Babylon (Strab. 16. i, 5,
738}, a little below the modem Bagdad,
istrabo speaks of it (16. 2, 5, 750; as even
larger than Antiocli in Syria, and Pliny
i^N. H. 6. 26, 30, 122) estimates its
population at 600,000.

5. in barbarum corrupta = tls tu
^ap^apiKuv Sif(j)9apn(vr]. Isoc. (Evag. 20,
198 c) has nuXii (ic^fBapPapajfifir] : 'in
barbarum ' is thus substantively used in

H. 6. 2, I.

6. Seleuci, Seleucus Nicator, who
founded it a little before B. c. 300. It
was the capital of the empire for a short
time, until it was superseded by Antioch.

retinens, with genitive, as in 2. 38,
9; 5. II, 2.

opibus aut sapientia. Nipp. com-
pares Cic. de Fin. i. 13, 42 ' gubernaloris
ars utilitate non arte laudatur,' and Id.
2. 26, 83 'si fructibus et emolumentis
et utililatibus amicitias colcmus,' and

classes such ablatives with those used
after verbs of valuing, &c., to express the
standard ; as ' non numero iudicantur, sed
pondere ' (Madv. 254. obs. 5). It is per-
haps better to take them as causal, equi-
valent to accusatives with ' propter.'

7. sua populo vis : the senate may
have been chosen by popular election.

9. valescit: cp. 2. 39, 5.

10. ex suo usu : see 4. 5, 6, and note.

11. iuxta libertatem = ' prope abesta
libertate ' : ' iuxta ' thus answers to ' pro-
pior ' in G. 30, 3 'velocitas iuxta for-
midinem, cunctatio propior constantiae ' :
cp. Introd. v. § 61. In saying that demo-
cracy is next door to freedom, he means
that it is the government under which the
individual is subject to the least coercion
at home, and thus least likely to submit
to the interference of a foreign despot.

1 2. regiae libidini propior. Thucy-
dides (3. 62, 4) makes the Thebans ex-
cuse their submission to the Persians
by saying that they were then under a
SwaaTfia u\iyojy dvSpaiv, a government
(yyvTaTco rvpavvov. On the idea of ' regia
libido ' see c. i, 2.

1 5. cetera degenerem : see note on 2.
3, I. ' Degener' is thus used of low birth
in 12. 51, 5; 62, I ; Liv. 38. 17. 9; Pi.
N. H. , &c. The word appears first in
Vergil, but has more commonly a moral
significance.

VOL. I

Tt

646

p. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 789.

populo pcrmittit. mox consultans, quonam die sollcmnia regni
capesseret, litteras Phraatis et Hieronis, qui validissimas prae-
fecturas optinebant, accipit, brcvem moram precantium. placi- 6
tumque oppcriri viros praepollentis, atque interim Ctesiphon
5 sedes imperii petita : sed ubi diem ex die prolatabant, multis
coram et adprobantibus Surena patrio more Tiridaten insigni
regio evinxit.

43 (49). Ac si statim intcriora ceterasque nationes petivisset,
oppressa cunctantium dubitatio et omnes in unum cedebant :

10 adsidendo castellum, in quod pecuniam et paelices Artabanus
contulerat, dedit spatium exuendi pacta, nam Phraates et 2
Hiero et si qui alii delectum capiendo diademati diem haut
concelebravcrant, pars metu, quidam invidia in Abdagaesen, qui
tum aula et novo rege potiebatur, ad Artabanum vertere; isque 3

If in Hyrcanis repertus est, inluvie obsitus et alimenta arcu ex-
pediens. ac primo tamquam dolus pararetur territus, ubi data

6. tiridan : text B. 9. dubitationc omnes Freinsh. 12. haci : haut Picli.

1. solletniiia regni: cp. ' sollemnia
pietatis' Agr. 7, 2.

2. praefecturas. On these provinces
of the I'arthian empire, answering to the
old Persian satrapies, see on 11. 8, 4.

4. Ctesiphon. This city, fronting
Seleuceia on the opposite bank of the
Tigris, on the site now called Al Madain,
was in existence at least as early as R. C.
220 J'olyb. 5. 45, 4), and gradually in-
creased in importance under the Parthian
and Sassanian empires. In Strabo's time
(16. 1,16, 743) it is called kujut] neyaKrj,
and is only the winter residence of the
kings. In the time of Pliny (N. II. 6. 26,
30, 122) it had not succeeded in drawing
away the population Irom Seleuceia, with
which object he believes it to have been
founded, and which appears to have been
attained in the second century A.D.

5. diem ex die prolatabant. Nipp.
compares 'diem ex die ducere Hacdui '
(Caes. B. G. i. 16, 3\ and 'dies prola-
lando' (Sail. Cat. 43, 3V

6. coram. This and ' adprobantibus '
are best taken as praedicates, as ' palam '
(1 T. 22, 1 \ ' contra ' (Agr. 10, 2\ &c.

Surena, the oflficial title of the com-
mar.der-in chief of the armies, the next
personage to the king. It appears that
the office was hereditary and the name
that of a family, borne in addition to a

personal name, like that of Arsaces by
the kings.

insigni regio : cp. c. 37, 2 ; 2. 56, 3, &c.

7. evinxit, used in a similar passage
(15. 2, 5), and, in the participle, in 11. 4,
3; H. 4. 53, 2 ; otherwise only in poets
(Verg, &c.).

8. interiora, the provinces east of the
Tigris : see note on 2. 24, 5.

9. oppressa, sc. 'erat.' Nipp. notes
that here, as in 13. 15, 4, the omission of
the imperfect is made less harsh by the
similarly related imperfect following. For
other omissions of the verb 'esse ' see In-
trod. V. § 39. On the use of the indie to
express probability sec Id. § 50 b. tor
ihe phrase ' ccdere in alitjuem' cp. i. i,
I ; 2. 23, 3.

10. adsidendo, 'by blockading,' with-
out a vigorous assault. For the accus.
with this verb cp. 4. 58, 4.

11. Phraates et Hiero, c. 42, 5.

12. haut concelebravcrant, 'had not
joined in celebrating ' : cp. Plant. Pseud.
I. 2, 33 ' decet eum .diem) omnes vos
concelebrare.' No other insiance of the
word is found in Tacitus.

13. Abdagaesen : see c. 36, 3 ; 37, 5.
15. in Hyrcanis: see c. 36, 5.
inluvie obsitus : cp. 4. 28, 2.
expediens, ' supplying' : cp. ' consilia

expcdire' H. 2. 52, 2 ; 3. 73, 1, &c.

A. D. 36.]

LIBER VI. CAP. 42 (48) 44 (50).

647

fides reddendae dominationi venisse, adlevatur animum et quae
4 repentina mutatio exquirit. turn Hiero pueritiam Tiridatis in-
crepat, neque penes Arsaciden imperium, sed inane nomen apud
inbellem externa mollitia, vim in Abdagaesis domo.

44 (50). Sensit vetus regnandi falsos in amore odia non fingere. 5
nee ultra moratus, quam dum Scytharum auxilia conciret, pergit
properus et praeveniens inimicorum astus, amicorum paeniten-
tiam ; neque exuerat pacdorem, ut vulgum miseratione adver-

2 teret. non fraus. non preces, nihil omissum quo ambiguos

3 inliceret. prompti firmarentur. iamque multa manu propinqua 10
Seleuciae adventabat, cum Tiridates simul fama atque ipso
Artabano perculsus distrahi consiliis, iret contra an bellum cunc-

4 tatione tractaret. quibus proelium et festinati casus placebant,
disiectos et longinquitate itineris fessos ne animo quidem satis
ad obsequium coaluisse disserunt, proditores nuper hostesque r;

5 eius, quern rursum foveant. verum Abdagaeses regrediendum
in Mesopotamiam censebat, ut amne obiecto, Armeniis interim
Elymaeisque et ceteris a tergo excitis, aucti copiis socialibus et

4. inbellum (corr. in old hand inbellem^ : inbecillum Ritt. 6. turn : dum R.

lo. propinquans Madvig, propinquus Ritt. ii. aduentabant : text H. 12. per-

cussus : text R.

I . reddendae dominationi venisse :
see Introd. v. § 22 b.

4. inbellem. This old correction is
best suited to ' externa mollitia,' the soft-
ness of his Roman training cp. 2. 2, j'),
and is supported by ' inbellis aetas''^i3.
54, 2, i&c. , 'sexns' 14. 33, 4 , &c.

5. vetus regnandi : cp c. 12, 2.
fdlsos in amore, &c., i. e. tliat their

hatred of Tiridates and Abdagaeses was
sincere if their affection for himself was
feigned.

6. Scytharum, of Dahae aud Sacae,
according to Josephus (.\nt. 18. 4, 4).

7. paenitentiam. any inclination to
a new defection from him.

8. paedorem, re.'erring to his condition
as ' inluvie obsitus ' c. 43, 3). The word,
used only here by Tacitus, is previously
rare, and ^except in 'Jic. Tusc. 3. 26, 62)
poetical.

adverteret : cp. i. 41, i.

10. inliceret . . . firmarentur. The
change from active to passive is merely
for variety 'see Introd v. § 91 .

propinqua ; so generally read. ' Ro-
mam adventabant ' is used by Sail. (Jug.
28, 2), ' pagos adventans' by Amm. (14.

10, ii"". and such an accus. agrees with
the general usage of Tacitus (Introd. v.
§ 1 2 c) : on the other hand he always
elsewhere uses this verb absolutely (as in
c. 42, 4, &c.) or with dat. 'c. 33, 5) ; and
we should rather have expected such an
expression as ' Seleiiciam propinquabat '
(cp. 12. 13, i) than the text.

11. fama atque ipso, 'the news and
the presence ' ; so ' praemisso . . . legato
atque ipse . . . subegit ' (14. 26, i . Nipp.
notes instances in which such an abl. is
used without a preposition, where not
strictly a person, but the fact of the pre-
sence of a person, is meant ; as ' repentinis
hostibiis circumventi' (15. 4, 4).

1 2. distrahi. On the historic inf. with
a temporal conjunction see Introd. v.
§46b.

bellum . . . tractaret : cp. i. 59, 4.

13. festinati casus, 'a sjieedy crisis.'

1 4. disiectos: cp. i. 32, 7.

ne animo quidem, ' not even in will ' ;
still less in reariiness to act.

17. amne, the Tigris, which he had
cro.-sed to Ctesiphon ic. 42, 6;.

iS. Elymaeis. The best known people
of this name lived on the coast at the

648

p. CORN ELI 1 TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 790.

quas dux Romanus misisset fortunam temptarent. ea sententia 6
valuit, quia plurima auctoritas penes Abdagaesen et Tiridates
ignavus ad pericula erat. sed fugae specie discessum ; ac prin- 7
cipio a gente Arabum facto ceteri domos abeunt vel in castra
5 Artabani, donee Tiridates cum paucis in Suriam revectus pudore
proditionis omnes exsolvit.

45 (51). Idem annus gravi igne urbem adfecit, deusta parte
circi, quae Aventino contigua, ipsoque Aventino; quod damnum
Caesar ad gloriam vertit exsolutis domuum et insularum pretiis.
10 miliens sestertium in munificentia ea conlocatum, tanto acceptius 2
in vulgum, quanto modicus privatis aedificationibus ne publice
quidem nisi duo opera struxit, templum Augusto et scaenam

4. agenti : text B. 7. adficit : text Wurm.

in ea, ea in al., text Otto.

10. ea margin and (for in) B,

head of the Persian Gulf: Polybius (5.
44, 9) and Ptolemy (6. 2, 6) also give the
name to a district or people of Media;
neither of which positions could be ' a
tergo,' in the same sense as Armenia It is
perhaps possible to take ' a tergo' of the
Elymaeans and other eastern tribes only,
and to understand that they were to be
got to harass the rear of Ai tabanus when
he should advance against Tiridates ; but
most probably the geographical position
of the Elymaei has been misunderstood by
Tacitus or those whom he followed.

4. a gente Arabum. Cp. ' rex Ara-
bum Acbarus,' in 12. 12, 3, where it is
shown that the ' Arabes Orrhoei,' living
ill and round Edessa in north western
Mesopotamia, are meant.

5. pudore . . . exsolvit, ' deprived
their desertion of its disgrace.' The words
are repeated from H. 3. 61, 4. The subject
of the Roman relations with Parthia and
Armenia is renewed by Tacitus in 1 1. 8, 1.
Of the intermedia:e period it is sufficient
here to note that Mithridates secured for
himself the kingdom of Armenia ; that
Artabanus reestablished his authority in
Parthia and made peace with Vitellius,
and after experiencing some further vicissi-
tudes died in possession in 793, A.D. 40
(see Prof Gardner, as cited on 2. 1, i);
from which year some date the revolt of
Seleuceia, which others take to have begun
at this time : see 11. 9, 6, and note.

7. Idem annus . . . adfecit : cp. 4.

>n. I-

deusta parte circi : cp. dcusto monte
Caelio ' 4. 64, i. The Circus Maximus

lay in the valley between the Palatine and
Aventine. The great fire of Nero also
broke out in it (15. 38, 2); but its chief
force took the opposite direction, though
the Aventine quarter was again partially
destroyed.

9. domuum et insularum, ' mansions
and blocks of houses ' (cp. 15. 41 , 1 ; 43,
3) : the former are the palaces of the rich,
the latter the masses of building let out
in separate tenements to the poor (latrod.
vii. p. 103).

10. miliens sestertium, the same sum
as that of the loan (c. 17, 4). This act
of munificence is ignored by Suetonius :
see note on 4. 64, 2.

conlocatum, ' was bestowed ' ; strictly
used of investments in land, houses, &c.
(cp. c. 17, 2) ; but Cic. so says (Phil. 3.

2, 4) ' patrimonium ... in reipublicae sa-
lute conlocavit ' (correcting himself for
'effudit').

11. quanto modicus. &c. Nipp. points
out that ' quanto' is to be taken only with
'modicus.' The bounty was so much the
more popular, as Tiberius was moderate
in building for himself, nor had erected
more than two public buildings.

publice, not ' at public cost ' (as H. 4.

9, 3), but ' on behalf of the state,' as 12.

10, 3; 53. 3. &c.

13. duo. Dio (57. 10, 2) speaks cor-
rectly of the former of these as his only
new erection, omitting mention of the
theatre, as having been only restored (see

3. 72,4). Velleius (^2. 130, 1) and .Suetonius
(Tib. 47) mention both works. Dio adds
(I. I.) that he completed buildings begun

A. D. 37.] LIBER VI. CAP. 44 {50), 45 (51).

649

Pompciani thcatri ; eacjuc perfecta, contemptu ambitioni's an

3 per sencctutem, haud dedicavit. sed aestimando cuiusque dc-
trimento quattuor progeneri Caesaris, Cn. Domitius, Cassius
LonginuSjM.Vinicius, Rubellius Blandus delecti additusque nomi-

4 natione consulum P. Petronius. et pro ingenio cuiusque quaesiti 5
decrctique in principem honores. quos omiscrit receperitve. in

5 incerto fuit ob propinquum vitae finem. neque enim multo post
supremi Tibcrio consulcs, Cn. Acerronius C. Pontius, magis-
tratum occepere, nimia iam potcntia Macronis, qui giatiam Gai
Caesaris numquam sibi neglcctam acrius in dies fovebat iinpu- 10
Icratquc post mortem Claudiae, quam nuptam ei rettuli, uxorem
suam Enniam imitando amorem iuvenem inlicere pactoque
matrimonii vincire, nihil abnuentem, dum dominationis apisce-
retur ; nam ctsi commotus ingenio simulationum tamen falsa in
sinu avi perdidicerat. 15

2. cuius: text B. 12. immittendo margin : amore old edd. pactoque M. patri

monii : text B.

by Augustus, and restored many older
ones, but never inscribed his name on
them. For this temple to Augustus see
on I. 10, H.

I. perfecta . . . haud dedicavit. Suet.
(Tib. 47; Cal. 21) says that he left both
unfinished ; but, as re,,ards the temple,
Tacitus is confirmed by a coin belonging
to the year 787, A. 11. 34, in which it is
represented ; which wouUl seem to show
that it was completed in that year (Cohen,
i. p. 195, 68). The dedication by Gains,
described by Dio (59 7, ]) under 790,
A. D. 37, is also commemorated by a coin
(see engraving, Cohen, p. 238, 8).

3. quattuor progeneri : see c. 15, i ;

27, i; 4- 75. I-

5. P. Petronius : see 3. 49, 2.

6. omiserit receperitve : for the
tense see on i. 61,6.

8. Cn. Acerronius C Pontius. A
Lusilanian inscription (Orelli 3665) gives
their full names as Cn. Acerronius Procu-
his, C. Petronius Pontius Nigrinus. Nipp.
notes that the former received a statue at
Athens as proconsul of Achaia (C. I. Att.
iii. 1,611); and that the latter, an adopted
son of C. Petronius Umbrinus (cos. suff.
with M. Asinius in 778, A. D. 25), is thought
by Borghesi to have been father of Pontia,
the infamous poisoner of her sons (Juv. 6,
637), who is called by the old Scholiast
daughter of P. Petronius.

10. impulerat, with inf. 13. 19, 4;
14. 60, 2 ; H. 3. 4, 3, after poets and
Livy.

11. rettuli, c. 20, 1. Her speedy death
is also mentioned by Philo Leg. ad Gai.
9). Suet. ;Cal. 12) says that she died in
childbirth; Dio (59. 8, 7), apparently in
error, that Gaius divorced her to marry
Cornelia Orestilla.

1 2. imitando amorem : cp. ' quamquam
maestitiam imitarentur ' i. 24, 4. The
old alterations are needless.

pactoque . . . vincire : cp. ' animum
. . . vinxisse ' 4. 10, 2. This intrigue is
also represented by Dio (58. 28, 4) as
contrived by Macro; by Philo (Leg. ad
Gai. 6) as the work of Ennia alone ; by
Suet. (Cal. 10) as originated by Gaius
himself. Ennia and Macro were both
forced to commit suicide in 791, a.d. 38
(Dio, 59. 10, 6).

13. dominationis apisceretur. This
verb is nowhere else used with genit. :
cp. the use of 'adipisci' 3. 55, i.

14. commotus, ' passionnte' (see on i.
33, 6". It does not, like ' turbidus animi '
(H. 4. 48, 2), or 'Gai turbata mens' (13.
3, 6), denote his insanity, which was a
later development.

simulationum . . . falsa, a strong
instance of such a genit. without any
partitive meaning (Introd. v. § 32).

650

p. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 790.

46 (52). Gnarum hoc principi, eoque dubitavit de tradenda re
publica, primum inter nepotes, quorum Druso gcnitus sanguine
et caritate propior, sed nondum pubertatem ingressus, Germanici
filio robur iuventae, vulgi studia, eaque apud avum odii causa.

5 etiam de Claudio agitanti, quod is conposita aetate bonarum 2
artium cupiens erat, inminuta mens eius obstitit. sin extra 3
domum successor quaereretur, ne memoria Augusti, ne nomen
Caesarum in ludibria et contumciias verterent metuebat : quippe 4
illi non perinde curae gratia praesentium quam in posteros

10 ambitio. mox incertus animi, fesso corpore, consilium, cui impar 5
erat, fato permisit, iactis tamen vocibus per quas intellegeretur
providus futurorum ; namque Macroni non abdita ambage occi- e

1. hoc, the whole state of things men-
tioned above.

dubitavit, &c., ' he hesitated whom to
desit^nate as successor.' On tlie means of
indirect nomination in this respect open
to the princeps see Introd. vi. p. 97 ;
Staatsr. ii. 1 136, foil.

2. nepotes. Tiberius Gemellus, the
son of Drusus. was in his eighteenth year
(2. 84, I and note\ but had not taken
the ' toga virilis ' (Suet. Cal. 15). Gaius
was in his twenty-fifth year (Suet. Cal. 8).

4. vulgi studia : see 1.41,3: on the
popularity of the house of Germanicus in
general see 3. 29, 3 ; 5. 4, 3, &c.

5. agitanti; so 'agitare de aliqua re'
11.23,1; 15.50, 4, &c. In earlier writers
' agitare,' in this sense, has usually a word
such as ' animo' added.

conposita aetate ; so again in 13. i, 2.
The expression answers to the KaBfarrjKvia
T/XtKia of Thuc. 2. 36, 4 ; and to the ' con-
stans aetas quae media dicitur ' of Cic. de
Sen. 20, 76. Claudius was now in his
forty-sixth year (Suet. CI. 2).

bonarum artium cupiens. For the
gen. with 'cupiens' cp. i. 75, 4 ; for this
use of 'artes' cp. c. 7, i ; 4. 6, 2, &c.
Ihis taste of Claudius for literary culture
is spoken of in 13. 3, i, &c. Suet. (,C1.
3) says ' disciplinis liberalibus ab aetate
prima non mediocrem operam dedit,' and
gives further account (c. 41, 42) of his
historical and other compositions.

6. inminuta mens, 'imbecility'; so
used of a mind enfeebled by disease in
Sail. Jug. 65, 1 : compare the expre.'^sions
cited on c. 45,6, for the insanity of Gaius.
On the mental weakness of Claud. us see
3. 18, 7 ; II. 28, 2; 12. 3, 3 ; 67. I ; Suet.
CI. 2-5, vol. ii. Introd. p. 45, &c.

9. praessntiura. Nipp. takes this as
a neuter, such neuters being often used by
Tacitus in other cases besides the nom.
and ace. (see his note on 3. 18, 6\ It
seems however here to be better ^aken as
masc. answering to ' in posteros.'

in posteros ambitio : cp. ' gloria ad
posteros' 1. 8, 2, 'fama in Sabinos ' Liv.
I. 18, 3. This remark of Tacitus is
strangely inconsistent with the reproach
of not caring for the judgement of posterity,
with which he appears, in 4. 38, 4, to think
Tiberius justly charged.

10. incertus animi ; so in H. 3. 55, 4 ;
Sail, and Liv. : see Introd. v. 33 e, 7.

11. fato permisit, 'left to take its
course.' In this expression, fate and
chance are almost identified (see on c. 22,
i). The story given in Jos. Ant. 18. 6,
8-10, of his having designated Gaius as
successor, in obedience to an omen, is
unknown to, or disbelieved by, Tacitus.

vocibus. Besides those given here,
Suet. (Cal. 11) represents him as saying
' exitio suo omniumque Gaium vivere, et
se natricem (serpentis id genus) P. R.,
Phaethontem orbi terrarum educare.'

I 2. non abdita ambage, ' in a riddle
plain to read': 'ambages' is used of
oracular and other mysterious sayings (2.
54, 6; 12. 63, 2 ; H. 5. 13, 3, &c.).

occidentem. Ritter thinks it necessary
to insert ' solem ' after ' orientem ' ; but
Dio (58. 28, 4), who here agrees very
closely with Tacitus, omits it {fvyt tov
Svofjitvov iyKaraKiiTWV irpos rdv dvartK-
\ovTa (irfifT)). This famous saying ap-
pears to be first given as said to Sulla by
I'ompeius, tov i]\iov dvariKKovTa vXtiovfi
■^ Svofievov TTpoOKWovaiv (Plut. Pomp. 14.
p. 625). The metaphor is furnished by

A.D.37] LIBER VI. C-^P. 46 (52), 47 (53).

651

7 dentem ab eo deseri, orientem spectari cxprobravit. et Gaio
Caesari, forte orto sermonc L. SuUam inridenti, omnia Sullac

8 vitia et nuUam eiusdem virtutem habiturum pracdixit. simul
crebris cum lacrimis minorem ex nepotibus conplexus, truci

0 alterius vultu. ' occidcs hunc tu ' inquit ' et te alius.' sed gra- 5
vescente valetudine nihil e libidinibus omittebat, in patientia
firmitiidinem simulans solitusque eludere medicorum artes atque
eos, qui post tricesimum aetatis annum ad internoscenda corpori
suo utilia vel noxia alieni consilii indigercnt.

47 (53). Interim Romae futuris etiam post Tiberium caedibus 10
semina iaciebantur. Laelius Balbus Acutiam, P. Vitellii quon-
dam uxorem, maiestatis postulaverat ; qua damnata cum prae-
mium accusatori decerneretur, Junius Otho tribunus plebei inter-

2 cessit, unde illis odia, mox Othoni exitium. dein multorum
amoribus famosa Albucilla, cui matrimonium cum Satrio Secundo 15

II. laetius : text B.

14. exilium : text Xipp.

the well-known oriental worship of the
rising sun.

4. truci alterius vultu. Suetonius
says of Gains (c. 50) ' vullum natura
horridum ac tetrum etiam ex industria
eflferavit ' : see also Sen. de Const. Sap.
18, I ; PI. N. H. II. 37, 54, 144. This
forbidding expression is evident from his
effigies, such as that in the Louvre
(Bernoulli, ii. pl. xvi) or the statue at
Naples.

5. oceides, &c. Young Tiberius was
put to death by Gains without trial or
warning (Suet. Cal. 23) within that same
year, according to Dio (,59. 8, i), or a little
later, as would appear from the election
of an Arval in his room on May 24,
A.D. 38 (C. I. L. vi. 2028 c). Gaius was
assassinated by Chaerea and others Jan. 24,
794, A.D. 41.

gravescente valetudine : cp. i. 5, i.

6. libidinibus : see c. i, 2.

in patientia. This is perhaps best
taken, with Walther and Doed., as = ' me-
diis in doloribus ' ; such a sense of ' pa-
tientia' being capable of being sustained
by Sen. Kp 78, 12 'tolerabilis est morl)i
patientia, si contempseris id quod extre-
mum minatur,' and 82, 18 ' devorata
unius maii patientia.' The alternative
interpretation, taking it to mean ' in (or
' by ') his ' endurance,' seems more suitable
to a simple ablative.

7. eludere: cp. 5. 5, i, &c.

8. post tricesimuni, &c. Plutarch
{xr^itiva. -napa-yyiKixaTa 24, 1 36) quotes
Tiberius, on hearsay, as saying iis avfjp
•vnip (^TjKovTa fc^ovw^ frrj Kal -nporuvoiv
iarpw xfipa KaraffKaffrvs iariv. Suet.
vTib. 68), without quoting any such
maxim, says that Tiberius had never
consulted a physician after the age of
thirty, and retained his health unimpaired
almost throughout his principate.

11. Laelius Balbus, mentioned by
Quint. (10. I, 24) under the name of
Decimus Laelius, as a famous orator of
the day, classed with Afer and Passienns
(see 4. 52, 7; c. 20, 2). Nipp. thinks
him probably son of I). Laelius Balbus,
cos. 748, B.C. 6, and ' quindecimvir sacris
faciendis' in 737, B.C. 17; and that the
vestal Laelia (15. 22, 4) was probably his
daughter. His further fate is mentioned
in c. 48, 6.

P. Vitellii : see on 5. 8, 1.

12. praemium : see on 4. 20, 2, &c.

13. Junius Otho, apparently son of the
praetor of 775, A.D. 22 ^3. 66, 2). The
veto of the tribune is still occasionally
exercised (see Inlrod. vi. p. 91, n. i).

14. unde illis, &c., 'whence ensued
enmity between Balbus and Otho, and
subsequently (probably under Gaius)
death to Otho.' The reading 'exitium'
seems required to explain ' futuris caedi-
bus ' above.

15. Albucilla: see c. 48, 6. Probably

652

p. CORN ELI I TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 790.

coniurationis indice fuerat, defertur inpietatis in principem ; co-
nectebantur ut conscii et adulteri eius Cn. Domitius, Vibius
Marsus, L. Arruntius. de claritudine Domitii supra memoravi ; 3
Marsus quoque vetustis honoribus et inlustris studiis efat. sed 4
5 testium interrogationi, tormentis servorum Macronem praese-
disse commentarii ad senatum missi ferebant, nullaeque in eos
imperatoris litterae suspicionem dabant,invalido ac fortasse ignaro
ficta plcraque ob inimicitias Macronis notas in Arruntium.

48 (54). Igitur Domitius defensionem meditans, Marsus tam-

10 quam inediam destinavisset, produxere vitam : Arruntius cuncta- 2
tionem et moras suadentibus amicis, non eadem omnibus decora
respondit : sibi satis aetatis, neque aliud paenitendum quam 3
quod inter ludibria et pericula anxiam senectam toleravisset, diu
Seiano, nunc Macroni, semper alicui potcntium invisus, non

15 culpa, sed ut flagitiorum inpatiens. sane paucos ad suprema

5. praesidiis se : text B, praesidisse Doed. ; cp. i. 76. 5. 13. pericularia (cp.

I. 44, 7) : text B. 15. et suprema : et supremos R, text Madvi^.

she also may have been put to death by
Gains.

Satrio Secundo : see 4. 34, 2. He
is mentioned more prominently than as if
he were only one of the many inlormers
respecting the conspiracy of Seianus (see
5. 8, I, &c.), and may therefore have been
the person who betrayed it to Antonia
(see Appendix iv. p. 58S). The past
tense used in speaking of him here and in
c. 8, 10 suggests that he was probably dead.

1. inpietatis, 'disloyally ' : cp. the u-e
of ' pietas ' in 3. 51, 2. Nothing can be
gathered as to the ground of this charge.

2. Cn. Domitius, the husband of
Agrippina : see 4. 75, i.

Vibius Marsus : see on 2. 74, i. Nipp.
thinks he may be the poet spoken of
slightingly in Mart. 4. 29, 7 ('quam levis
in tota Marsus Amazonide ') ; most allu-
sions to a poet of the name being, no
doubt, to the more famous Domitius
Marsus.

3. L. Arruntius: see i. 13, i, &c.

6. commentarii, ' the record ' : the
word is used of any written lecord, as of
the 'acta senatus ' (15. 74, 2) and the
register of the princeps (H. 4. 40, 6, &c.).
Dio (58. 24, 2) represents such a case as
common (ijKiaicovTO or fiiv TrAfi'ous (k tuiv
Toil Ti0(piov 7pa/i/iaTa.f fcal (k tujv tov
MaKpojuos ^aadvaiv) ; the senate having
apparently to pass sentence on such a
communication without further trial. In

this case it would seem probable that the
absence of the usual letter from Tiberius
enabled them to suspend proceedings.

ferabant, ' were showing ' : the sense
is rather that of ' avunculum Augustum
fereiis ' {2. 43, 6), than of ' fama . . . tulit '
Ci-5.6).

nullae . . . litterae, ' the fact that there
was no letter ' : cp. ' multa me dehortantur
. . . opes factionis . . . ius nullum,' &c.
(Sail. Jug. 31, 1), also Introd. v. § 55 b, 2 ;
Nipp. here and on 3. 9, 3.

7. invalido. Kitt. thmks the insertion
of ' eo ' necessary ; but the pronoun can
be supplied from ' imperatoris,' and the
construction would res /mble those noted
in Introd. v. § 31 c, and by Nipp. on 5.
ID, 2.

10. produxere vitam. Domitius died
in 793, A. D. 40, when his son Neio, born
in this year, was three years old (Suet.
Ner. 6\ Marsus was still alive and le-
gatus of Syria about 795-797, A.D. 42-44
(see II. ID, i).

13. ludibria. All senators were sub-
ject to the insult of having to ratify and
register decrees without disci etion (see
c. 47, 4). Arruntius had also had the
special mockery of a province to which
he was not allowed to go (c. 27, 3), and
the peril of a former accusation iC. 7,1).

15. sane, concessive, as in i. 10, 2, &c.

ad suprema. This correction is sup-
ported by c. 50, 3, &c. : see on i. 8, i.

A D. 37-1 LIBER VI. CAP. 47 (53), 48 (54).

653

principis dies posse vitari : quciii ad modum cvasurum immi-

4 nentis iuventam? an, cum Tiberius post tantam rcrum expe-
rientiam vi dominationis convulsus et mutatus sit, Gaium
Caesarem vix finita pueritia, ignarum omnium aut pcssimis
innutritum, mcliora capessituium Macrone duce, qui ut deterior 5
ad opprimendum Scianum delectus plura per scelera rem pub-

5 licam conflictavisset ? prospectare iam se acrius servitium. eoquc
fugere simul acta et instantia. haec vatis in modum dictitans
venas resolvit. documcnto sequentia erunt bene Arruntium morte

6 usum. Albucilla inrito ictu ab semet vulnerata iussu scnatus 'o
in carcerem fertur. stuprorum eius ministri, Carsidius Sacerdos
praetorius ut in insulam deportaretur, Pontius Fregdlanus amit-
tertt ordinem sanatorium, et eaedem poenae in Laelium Balbum
decernuntur, id quidem a laetantibus, quia Balbus truci elo-
quentia habebatur, promptus adversum insontes. 15

10. ac : a R, ab Otto.
tatur : text R.

II. grasidius: text Reines, from 4. 13, 3. 12. depor-

2. experientiam : cp. i. 4, 3.

3. convulsus. The metaphor may
here be that of the ' ruin ' of a character
(see note on 4. 40, 4), or may denote a
person shaken from his equilibrium or
steady footing : a somewhat similar idea,
differently conveyed, is the ' mente quatit
solida' of Hor. Od. 3. 3, 4. In the view
here assigned to Arruntius, Tacitus gives
a ju^ter and more probable explanation of
the deterioration of Tiberius, than in his
own hypothesis (c. 51, 5) of a radically
vicious nature disclosing itself by degrees
(see Introd. viii. p. 15S).

4. vix finita pueritia, used rhetori-
cally of a youth of twenty-five (see c. 46, i).

5. capessiturum. This participle
(cp. 12. 25, 3), perhaps also a perfect
form 'capessii' (see 12. 30, 2), are ap-
parently confined to Tacitus.

7. conflictavisset. The active of this
verb appears elsewhere to be only once
used transitively (' feram . . . sese con-
flictantem maerore' PI. N. H. 8. 17, 21,
59), and once intransitively (' ut conflic-
tares malo ' Ter. Phorm. 3. 2, 20) : the
passive is especially common in Tacitus
(cp. I. 58, 9, (feci.

8. acta et instantia, i.e. the memory
of the past, and danger of the imminent :
i.T H. 3. 36, I ' instantia ' is used of the
present, as contrasted with the past and
future.

9. bene . . . morte usum, ' did well
to die.' To commit suicide is called 'uti
necessitate' (16. 11, i) : cp. ' honestae
mortis usus' i. 70, 6.

10. Albucilla, &c. IMo (=,S. 27, 4)
tells this story as of 71/^77 tu, adding that
she died in prison. As Tacitus does not
here mention her death, it is probable that
she outlived Tiberius: see on c. 47, 2.

11. stuprorum eius ministri, &c.
The construction is here sacrificed to
conciseness of expression: from 'poenae
decernuntur' is to be supplied 'decernitur
de stuprorum ministris,' or ' ministri . . .
damnantur, decretumque.' Nipp. com-
pares the sentence in 2. 64, 4, also Caes.
B. G. I. 53, 4 ' duae filiae . . . altera occisa,
altera capta est,' and several instances
from Livy, e.g. 'consules, Marcelhis . . ,
redit, Fabius . . . processit ' (24. 20, 3) ;
and notes the double construction used
with ' decemere ' in i. 15, 4 (where see
note).

Carsidius Sacerdos: see 4. 13, 3.
He appears to have been praet. urb. in
780, A 1). 27 (see Nipp.'.

13. eaedem poenae, i.e. the 'depor-
tatio,' involving necessarily the loss of
senatorial rank. Nipp. notes that Tacitus
separated this case from that of Carsidius,
only to make a special remaik on it. On
Laelius Balbus see c. 47, i.

654

P. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [AU.C. 790.

49 (55). Isdem diebus Sex. Papinius consular! familia repen-
tinum et informem exitum delegit, iacto in pracceps corpore.
causa ad matrcm referebatur, quae pridem repudiata adsenta- 2
tionibus atque luxu perpulisset iuvenem ad ea quorum effugium
6 non nisi morte inveniret. igitur accusata in senatu, quamquam 3
genua patrum advolveretur luctumque conimunem et magis in-
becillum tali super casu feminarum animum aliaque in eundem
dolorem maesta et miseranda diu ferret, urbe taman in decern
annos prohibita est, donee minor filius lubricum iuventae exiret.
10 50 (56). lam Tiberium corpus, iam vires, nondum dissimu-
latio deserebat : idem animi rigor ; sermone ac vultu intentus
quaesita interdum comitate quamvis manifestani defectionem

6. patris: text R.

1. consular! familia. He must have
been son of the consul of the preceding
year (see c. 40, i)^ no other consul of the
name being found. The same expression
is used in a similar sense in 13. 12, i.

2. informem, 'unseemly,' i.e. igno-
minious, as compared with the more
dignified forms of su'cide. So Vergil
calls a noose for hanging ' nodum in-
formis leti ' (Aen. 12, 603).

in praeceps, from an upper window :
cp. 4. 22, I.

3. repudiata. Nipp. takes this in its
ordinary sense as ' divorced from her
husband.' Others take it as ' repelled '
by her son, which suits the context well ;
but Tacitus would probably have ex-
pressed this by a less ambiguous word.

adsentationibus atque luxu. Roth
appears rightly to take this as equivalent
to ' adsentando, iuvando ad luxum.'

6. patrum. Pfitzner retains ' patris,'
thinking that the father of her son, or
possibly her own father, may be meant,
and that ' luctum communem' would thus
be more strictly used.

advolveretur: cp. i. 13, 7.

luctumque communem, &c., the
grief which men or women alike would
feel at the loss of children, and the greater
inability of her sex to bear up against it.
The bearing of the appeal is to show that
in the death of her son she had already
suffered enough.

7. in eundem dolorem, ' to the same
piteous effect,' i.e. 'in the same pathetic
strain ' : cp. 'verba in eandem clement lam'
II. 3, i; and the phrase 'in eandem
seiitentiam.' The construction is a form

of the ' in consecutivum,' so characteristic
of Tacitus : see Introd. v. § 60 b.

8. diu ferret, for ' proferret ' ; so ' ferre
crimina' 12. 4, i, &c. For the use of
' diu ' see note on 4. 69, 4.

9. minor filius, probably the person
mentioned by Seneca (de Iia, 3. 18, 3), as
a victim to the ferocious caprice of Gaius :
'C. Caesar Sextum Papinium, cui pater
erat consularis, flagellis cecidit, torsit, non
quaestionis sed animi causa.' He may
have taken his brother's pracnomen.

lubricum iuventae. Tacitus has
other similar metaphors, as 'lubricum
adolescentiae' 14.56, 2, ' lubricam prin-
cipis aetatem ' 13. 2, 2, &c.

exiret. The poetical accus. with this
verb, found here alone in Tacitus (cp.
' limen exire' Ten Hec. 3. 3, 18, 'valles'
Ov. Met. 10, 52), is analogous to those
noted in Introd. v. § 1 2 c.

10. Iam . . . nondum. The contrast
seems a reminiscence of Liv. i. 25, 6
' Romanas legiones iam spes tofa. non-
dum tamen cura desetueiat*

11. idem animi rigor, 'there was the
same stern will.' Pliny speaks (N, H.
7. 19, 79) of ' rigor (luidam torvitasque
naturae dura et inflexibilis,' answering to
the Greek d7ro^«ta.

intentus, ' energetic in speech and
look': cp. 'iutentior' I. 52, 3, 'cum
dixisset . . . inteuto ore ' Dial. 1 1, i.

1 2. quaesita . . . comitate, 'with forced
gaiety.' Suet. (Tib. 72) describes him as
falling ill at Astura, and, after a rally,
going to Circeii, where, at some ' ludi
castrenses,' he tiied to cast a javelin at
a boar, and caught a chill from the effort.

A. D. 37-]

LIBER 17. CAP. 49 (55), 50 (56).

655

2 tegebat. mutatisque saepius locis tandem apud promunturium
Miscni conscdit in villa, cui L. LucuUus quondam dominus.

3 illic eum adpropinquarc supremis tali modo compertum. erat
medicLis arte insignis, nomine Charicles, non quidcm regere
valetudines principis solitus, consilii tamen copiam pracbere. 5

4 is velut propria ad negotia digrediens et per speciem officii

5 manum complexus pulsum venarum attigit. neque fefellit : nam
Tiberius, incertum an offcnsus tantoque magis iram premens,
instaurari epulas iubet discumbitque ultra solitum, quasi honori
abeuntis amici tribueret. Charicles tamen labi spiritum nee 10

6 ultra biduum duraturum Macroni firmavit. inde cuncta conlo-
quiis inter praesentes, nuntiis apud legates et exercitus festina-

7 bantur. septimum decimum kal. Aprilis interclusa anima cre-
ditus est mortalitatem explevisse ; et multo gratantum concursu

13. xvii : decimo septimo B, septimo decimo J. F. Gron., text Ritt.

1. promunturium Miseni ; so in 15.
46, 3. Such a genitive in geographical
expressions is generally poetical (as ' }h\-
throti . . . urbem' Verg. Aen. 3, 293), but
found in Liv. 24. 12, i ; 35, 3, &c.

2 . in villa. Phaedrus (2.5,9) describes
its situation ('quae monte summo posita
Luculli manu prospectat .Siculum et re-
spicit Tuscum mare'). It appears to have
once belonged to Marius, and to have
been bought by Lucullus, who added
enormously to it (Plut. Mar. 34, 424 ; l.uc.
39, 518). It was still existing in the fifth
century, and was assigned as a place of
retirement by Odoacer to Augustulus :
some ruins still remaining on the pro-
montory may have belonged to it.

4. Charicles. This story of him is also
told by Suet. (Tib. 72), and he is men-
tioned as a medical authority by Galen
(de Comp..Med. 2. i, 2, &c.). Like most
Roman physicians, he was probably a
Greek freedman.

5. consilii . . . copiam,' opportunity of
consulting him.' On the general contempt
of Tiberius for physicians see c. 46, 9.

6. per speciem officii, ' as if to pay
respect' (cp. i. 24, 4 ; 2. 42, 2, &c.).
The action was that of taking the hand
to kiss it (Suet. 1. 1.) : cp. ' prensa manu
eius per speciem exosculandi ' i. 34, 3.

7. neque fefellit ; so ' neque diu fe-
fellit ' 4. 45, 2.

9. instaurari, ' to be served again ' :
cp. Suet. (1.1.) ' re mane re ac recumbere
hortalus est, cenamque protraxit.' It is
added, that he stood up as usual, with the

lictor at his side, addressing each guest as
he took leave.

discumbit: cp. 3. 14, 2.

10. tribueret, sc. 'id'; so ' Seiano
tribuens' 4. 26, i.

labi spiritum, ' that vitality was
sinking': cp. 'labenti animae' 16. 11, 4.

11. inde cuncta, &c. Compare the
similar measures taken to secure the suc-
cession at the Inst moments of Augustus
(I. 5, 6) and of Claudius (12. 68, 1).

13. septimum decimum kalendas
Aprilis, written as accus. in accordance
with c. 25, 5. The same date (March 16)
is given by Suet. (Tib. 73), and confirmed
by the 'Acta Arvalium' (C. I. L. vi. i,
2028 c), where the eighteenth is given
as the date on which Gaius was called
imperator by the senate. Dio, who puts
the death ten days later (58. 28, 5I, must
therefore be in error.

interclusa anima, ' the breath having
ceased.' No more than natural cessation
of respiration seems to be meant ; but
the expression is apparently taken from
Livy, who uses it (23. 7, 3), and ' spiritum
intercludere ' (40. 16, i ; 24, 7), of suffoca-
tion or other constraint : cp. ' impedito
meatu animum finiebat ' 14. 51, 2.

creditus est: cp. c. 34, 4; 5. 4, i,
&c. ; Introd. v. § 45. Nipp. shows here
that Cic. so uses ' dictus est ' (ad Q. f. i.
2, 9 ; pro Scaur. 6, 11).

1 4. mortalitatem explevisse, ' to have
fulfilled the conditions of mortality ' The
expression appears to be new, and is ex-
plained by Nipp. as analogous to ' vicem,

656

p. CORNELII TACITI ANNALIUM [A.U.C. 790.

ad capienda imperil primordia Gaius Caesar egrediebatur, cum
repente adfertur redire Tiberio vocem ac visus vocarique qui
recreandae defection! cibum adferrent. pavor hinc in omnes, 8
et ceteri passim dispergi, se quisque maestum aut nescium

6 fingere ; Caesar in silentium fixus a summa spe novissima ex-
pectabat. Macro intrepidus opprimi senem iniectu multae vestis 9
iubet discedique ab limine, sic Tiberius finivit, octavo et sep-
tuagesimo aetatis anno.

51 (57). Pater ei Nero et utrimque origo gentis Claudiae,

10 quamquam mater in Liviam et mox luliam familiam adoptio-
nibus transient, casus prima ab infantia ancipites ; nam pro- 2

II. transierat Em.

munus explere' (4. 8, 7 ; Dial. 32, 5). It
might also possibly be taken to mean
' completed the term of mortal life,' like
'supremum diemex]jlevisset\i. 6, 2); but
' mortalitas' gcnernlly means the liability
to die, sometimes even = ' mors,' e.g. ' mo: -
talitateinterceptus'Pl. Epp. 10. 41 (50, 4.
1. ad capienda . . . primordia; so
' capere initium ' 12. 6, i, ' finem ' H. 4.
3, 4, &c.

4. maestum aut nescium, concerned
for Tiberius or conscious of nothing un-
usual. Nipp. compaies other similar
descriptions of assumed unconsciousness

(II- 35. i; 13- 16, .0.

5. in silentium flxus, 'stupefied into
silence': cp. 'detixus' i. 68, 2, &c.

novissima, 'the uttermost'; in full
'novissima exempla' (12. 20, 4 ; 15. 44,
8): cp. 5. 6, 7; 12- 33. 2.

6. opprimi senem, &c. Dio (58. 28,
2) makes Gaius the chief agent in with-
holding food from Tiberius, as if it would
hurt him, and piling on clothes, as if
to warm him. Suet. (Tib. 73) gives,
besides this, a story of slow poison given
by Gaius ; also another account from
' Seneca,' that Tiberius made as if he
would give up his ring, and put it on
again, and then, after calling for assist-
ance, tried to rise and fell lifeless by the
bed. This story, apparently from the con-
temporary history of Marcus Seneca (see
Introd. iii. p. 15), probably represents the
version circulated at the time by Gaius.

iniectu, only here in Tacitus ; also
in Lucr., PI. N. H , and Statius.

7. finivit. Elsewhere the expression is
' finire vitam ' (1.9. i, &c.) ; but ' finis '
is thus used alisolutely (2. 71, i, &c.),
and 'qui morbo finiuntur' in PI. Epp. i.
12, 2 : cp. Cic Tusc. i. 48, 115 ; so that

Hitter's insertion of 'vitam' seems need-
less, though supported by many instances
(i. 9, I ; 2. S3, 3, &C.V

octavo et septuagesimo. The calcu-
lation of Dio (1 l.\ that he lived seventy-
seven years, four months, and nine days,
allowing for his error in the dnte of death
(see above), agrees with the date of birth
given by Suet. (Tib. 5), as Nov. 17, 712,
B.C. 42. Suet, adds (c. 76^ that his will,
made two years before, left Gaius and
young Tiberius joint heirs, with legacies
to many persons, to the Vestals, the
soldiers and people, and, separately, to
the ' vicorum magistri.' This will was
set aside at the instance of Gaius,
especially in respect of the heirship of
young Tiberius, as the will of an insane
person {napaippovriaavTos) ; but Gaius paid
the other legacies as gifts from himself
(Dio, 59. I ; Suet. Cal. 16). In spite of
cries of ' To the Tiber with Tiberius,'
and other expressions of popular hatred
(Suet. Tib. 75), his remains received a
pulilic funeral at Rome, with a 'laudntio'
from Gaius (Dio, 5S. 28, 5). His memory
was however condemned ; for he received
no divine honouis, nor were his 'acta
ever included in the annual oath of main-
tenance (Dio, 59. 9, 1).

9. Pater ei Nero, &c. On the descent
and life of the father Nero, and on the
adoptive relationships of Livia, see notes
on 5. I, I : on the other persons mentioned
in this chapter see Introd. ix. The periods
into which the life and character of Tibe-
rius are here marked out, are fully treated
of in Introd. viii.

10. familiam, used for ' gentem,' as in
II. 25, i; H. 2. 48, 5: the terms are
o.''ten confused in Livy (cp. Staatsr. iii. 10,
n. 2). See note on 2. 52, 8.

A.D. 37 ]

LIBER VI. CAP. 50 (56), 51 (57).

657

scriptum patrem exul secutus, ubi domum Augusti privignus in-
troiit, multis aemulis conflictatus est, dum Marcellus et Agrippa,
mox Gaius Luciiisquc Caesares viguere ; ctiam frater eius

3 Drusus prosperiore civium amore erat. sed maxime in lubrico
egit accepta in matrimonium lulia, inpudicitiam uxoris tolerans 5

4 aut declinans. dein Rhodo regressus vacuos principis penates
duodecim annis, mox rei Romanae arbitrium tribus ferme et

5 viginti obtinuit. morum quoque tempora illi diversa : egregium
vita famaque, quoad privatus vel in imperiis sub Augusto fuit ;
occultum ac subdolum fingendis virtutibus, donee Germanicus ac 10

6 Drusus superfuere ; idem inter bona malaque mixtus incolumi
matre ; intestabilis saevitia, sed obtectis libidinibus, dum Seianum
dilexit timuitve: postremo in scelera simul ac dedecora prorupit,
postquam remoto pudore et metu suo tantum ingenio utebatur.

9. qua ad (cp. 4. 6r, i) : quoad B. 12. intestabili Heins. obiectis: text B.

1. domum August! . . . introiit, at
the death of his father, in 721, B.C. 33.

2. multis aemulis : see on i. 3.
conflictatus est : cp. c. 48, 4.

4. prosperiore civium amore erat,
' was borne on a stronger tide of popu-
larity': cp. ' prosperam memoriam ' 4.
38, 6, ' prosperior fama ' 4. 52, 8. On the
popularity of Drusus see i . 33, 4 ; 2.'4i , 5.

maxime in lubrico egit, ' his position
was most perilous': cp. i. 72, 3; and

<^- 49. 3-

6. declinans, ' avoiding ' : cp. ' ea . . .
declinans ' 13. 4, 2, ' invidiam declinavit '
H. 4. 41, 4. The allusion is to his flight
from her to Rhodes (see on i. 53, 2).

vacuos, ' without heirs' : cp. on 'va-
cuos Colchos ' c. 34, 3 : and the opposite
expressions ' domus plena' 4. 3, i, 'In-
tegra ' I. 3, I, &c.

7. duodecim annis ; i.e. between his
return from Rhodes and the death of
Augustus, 755 767, A.D. 2-14. Thehouse
of Augustus, already so far ' vacua ' that
its heirs had left home and never returned
to it, did. not really become so till the
death of Gaius in 757, a. D. 4.

tribus ferme et viginti : cp. Staatsr.
ii. 802, n. 2. The computation of Dio
(.S8. 28, 5), who reckons twenty-two years,
seven months, and seven days from the
death of Augustus (Aug. 19, 767, A.n. 14)
to that of Tiberius, is exactly correct,
with allowance for the error of ten days
already mentioned (c. 50, 9).

8. egregium: 'tempus' is supplied

with this, as also with 'occultum ac sub-
dolum ' ; the mode of expression being
similar to that often used with ' dies,'
' annus,' &c. : afterwards the expression
is varied to ' idem . . . mixtus,' &c.

10. occultvun, &c. This period is that
treated in the first three Books : to each
of the following three periods, one Book
is allotted. Dio marks the first turning
point at the death of Germanicus (57.
19, i), and the second at the retirement
to Capreae (58. i, i). On this use of
' occultus' cp. 4. 7, 1, &c.

fingendis virtutibus, probably to be
taken as dative: cp. c.24, 4, and note there.

11. idem. It seems better, with Nipp.,
to take ' prorupit ' as the principal verb,
and ' mixtus* and ' intestabilis ' as in ap-
position, than to supply ' fuit.*

mixtus ; so Mucianus is called ' malis
bonisque artibus mixtus' (H. 1. 10, 3).

1 2. intestabilis : cp. c. 40, 4.

13. scelera . . . ac dedecora, answering
to ' saevitia ' and ' libidinibus.'

14. 8uo tantum ingenio utebatur,
' he was following his own bent only.'
Nipp. thinks that not his original nature,
but that which it had then become, is
meant ; but the idea that his true character
was only at the last revealed seems
evidently that of Tacitus throughout, as
Well as of Suetonius (c. 42), ' secreti
licentiam nanctus cuncta simul vitia male
diu dissimulata tandem profudit ' (cp. Id.
60- On the judgement of Dio see Inirod.
viii. p. 157.

INDEX I

HISTORICAL INDEX TO THE TEXT

Abdagaeses, a Parthian noble, 6. 36,

3 ; 37, 5 ; 43, 2 ; 44, 5-

Abdus, a Parthian officer, 6. 31,3;

32, 3-

Abudius : Sc\' Ruso.

Acerronius, Cn., consul, 6. 45, 5.

Achaia, transferred from the senate
to Caesar, i . 76, 4 ; given in charge
to the legate of Moesia, I. 80, i ;
visited by the false Drusus, 5. io,
I : see a/so 2. 53, i ; 3. 7, I ; 4.

13, I-

Acilius, M'., consul : see also Aviola.
acta populi, diurna, or publica, 3.
3, 2.

— principum, I. 72, 2 ; 4. 42, 3.

— senatus, 5. 4, 1.

Actiuni, battle of, alluded to. I. 3, 7 ;

42,5; 2. 53,2; 3. 55, I ; 4. 5> I-
actor publicus, the, 2. 30, 3 ; 3. 67, 3.
Acutia, wife of P. Vitellius, 6. 47, I.
Adgandestrius, prince of the Chatti,

offers to poison Arminius, 2. 88, i.
Adrana (Ederj, the, in Germany, i.

56, 4. '
aediles, powers and functions of, 2.

85.2 ; 3. 52, 3; 4. 35, 5.
Aedui, rising of the, 3. 40, 1 ; 43, i-

46, 7.

Aeetes, king of Colchis, 6. 34, 3.
Aegaeum mare, the, 5. 10, 4.
Aegeae, in Asia, earthquake at, 2.

47, 4-

Aegeatae, 2. 47, 4.

Aegiensis civitas, 4. 13, I.

Aegiurii, in Achaia, afflicted by earth-
quake, 4. 13, I-

Aegyptus, visited by Germanicus, 2.
59-61 ; jealously secluded by Au-
gustus, 2. 59, 4 ; held by two le-
gions, 4. 5, 4; arrival of phoenix
in, 6. 28, I, 8: its records, 2. 60,

4 ; its religious rights forbidden at
Rome, 2. 85, 5 ; importation of corn
from, 2. 59, 4,

Aelius : see Gallus, Lamia, Seianus.
Aemilia: see Lepida, Musa.
Aemilium genus, the, glory of, 6. 27,

5 ; memorials of, 3. 72, i.
Aemilius, an officer, 2, 11,2; 4. 42,

2 : see also Lepidus, Scaurus.
Aeneas, the ancestor of the lulian

gens, 4. 9, 3.
Aequus, Considius, punished for false

accusation, 3. 37, i.
aerarium, the, management of, I.

75,4-

— militare, the, i. 78, 2 ; 5. 8, i.
Aerias, founder of a temple in Cyprus,

3-62,5.
Aesculapius, temples of, 3. 63, 3 ; 4.

14. I;
Aeserninus, Marcellus, an orator, 3.

11,2.
Aethiopia, once conquered by Rham-

ses, 2. 60, 4.
Afer, Domitius, .orator and accuser,

4. 52, I ; 66, I.
Afranius, partisan of Pompeius, 4.

34, 5-

Africa, war in, see Tacfarinas ; mili-
tary force in, 4. 5, 4 (where see
note) ; proconsuls of, I. 53, 9 ; 2.
52, 5 ; 3. 20, I ; 32, I ; 35, I ; 5^,
I ; 72, 6; 4. 13, 5; 23, 2; search
for Sibylline hymns in, 6. 12, 4.

Africanus, lulius, a Gaul, 6. 7, 5.

Africum mare, the, I. 53, 6.

Agrippa, Asinius, 4. 34, I ; 61, I.

— Lonteius, 2. 30, i ; 86, i.

— Hatcrius, D., trib. pi., I. yy, 3 ;
praetor, 2. 51,2; cos. des., 3. 49,
4 ; COS., 3. 52, 1 ; an accuser, 6. 4, 2.

— M. (Vipsanius), son-in-law of
Augustus, I. 3, I ; 53, 4 ; 4. 40,9;
consulships of, i. 3, I ; share of
tribunician power, 3. 56, 3; rivalry
of, with Tiberius, 6. 51,4; violent
deaths of the children of, 3. 19, 4 ;
a grandson of, 3. 75, I.

66o

INDEX I

Agrippa, Postumus, character and
banishment of, I. 3, 4 ; 4. 3 ; 5, 2 ;
put to death, I. 6; 53, 3 ; 3. 30,
6 ; personated by a slave, 2. 39-40.

— Vibulenus, a knight, 6. 40, i.

Agrippina, granddaughter of Augus-
tus and wife of Germanicus, i.
33, 2; character of, i. 33, 6; 2.
72, I ; 3. I, I, &c. ; present during
the German mutiny, i. 40, 2, foil. ;
sent away to the Treveri, i. 41, 2 j
42, 2 ; 44, 2 ; preserves the bridge
and tends the wounded, i. 69, i,
foil. ; at enmity with Augusta, more
highly esteemed than Livia, 2. 43,
5, 7 ; gives birth to lulia at Lesbos,
2. 54, I ; with Germanicus at his
death, 2. 72, i ; returns with his
ashes, 2. 75, i ; 79, i ; 3. i, i ;
subject to the attacks of Seianus,
4. 12, 2, foil. ; 17, 4; 39, 6; 40,. 3;
67, 5 ; expostulates with Tiberius,
4. 52, 1 ; asks for another husband,

4. 53, I ; openly shows her sus-
picion of Tiberius, 4. 54, I ; is de-
nounced by Tiberius to the senate,

5. 3, 2-5, 2 ; dies there of starva-
tion, 6. 25, I ; charged falsely with
adultery, 6. 25, 2-4.

— daughter of Germanicus and
mother of Nero ; wrote memoirs
of her family, 4. 53, 3 ; married to
Cn. Domitius, 4. 75, i.

Ahenobarbus : see Domitius.

Alba, kings of, 4. 9, 3.

Albani, Caucasian race of the, 2. 68,

1 ; 4. 5. 4; 6. 33, 3, 5; 35, 3;
alleged Thessalian origin of, 6.

34, 3-
Albanorum reges, 4. 9, 3.
Albis (Elbe), the, i. 59, 6 ; 2. 14, 6;

19, 2; 22, I ; 41, 2; crossed by

L. Domitius, 4. 44, 3.
Albucilla, a profligate woman, 6. 47,

2 ; 48, 6.

album senatorium, the, 4. 42, 3.
Alexander (the Great), comparison of,

with Germanicus, 2. 73, 2 ; charter

of asylum granted by, 3. 63, 5.
Alexandria, Germanicus blamed for

visiting, 2. 59, 3 ; death of Rhescu-

poris at, 2. 67, 5.
Aliso, a fort in Germany, 2. 7, 4.
Alliaria, wifeof Sempronius Gracchus,

1.53, «.
Amanus, Mt. (Amadagh), in Syria, 2.

83,3.

Amasis, king of Egypt, 6. 28, 4.
Amathus, founder of temple to Ama-

thusian Venus, 3. 62, 5.
Amazones, legends respecting the, 3.

61, 2 ; 4. 56, I.
amicitia, formal renunciation of, 2.

70, 3; 3. 24, 5.
Amisia (Ems), the, I. 60, 2 ; 63, 5 ;

2. 8, I ; 23, I.
Amorgus, island of, a place of exile,

4. 13, 2; 30, 3.
Amphictyones, decree of the, 4. 14, 2.
amphitheatrum, at Fidenae, 4. 62, 2.
Ampsivarii, the, in Germany, 2. 8, 4 ;

22, 2 ; 24, 5.
Amunclanum mare, the, 4. 59, 2.
Ancharius : sec Priscus.
Ancona, Cn. Piso lands at, 3. 9, I.
Ancus, king, laws ascribed to, 3.

26, 6.
Andecavi, the, of Gaul, 3. 41, i.
Angrivarii, the, in Germany, 2. 8, 4 ;

19,3 ; 22, 3 ; 24,5 ; 41, 2.
Annia : see Rufilla.
Annius : see PoUio, Vinicianus.
annona, care of, 2. 87, i ; 3. 54, 6 ; 4.

6, 6; 6. 13, I.
Anteius, 2. 6, i.
Anthemusias, a Parthian town, 6.

41, 2.
Antias ager, the : see Antium.
Antigonus (Doson), decree of, 4. 43, 4.
Antiochia, in Syria, people of, 2. 69,

3 ; cremation of Germanicus at, 2.

73, 5 ; 83, 3-
Antiochus, of Commagene, 2. 42, 7.

— (Magnus), of Syria, 2. 63, 3 ; 3.
62, I.

Antistius, C, consul, i,.\,\:see also

Labeo, Vetus.
Antium (Porto d' Anzo), temple of

Fortuna Equestris at, 3. 71, 2.
Antius, C, set over the census of

Gaul, 2. 6, I.
Antonia, mother of Germanicus and

Claudius, 3. 3, 2 ; 18, 4.

— minor, wife of L. Domitius, 4.

44, 3-
Antonius, lullus, l. 10, 2 ; 3. 18, I ; 4.

44, 5-

— L., son of the above, 4. 44, 4.

— M., I. I, 3; 2, i; 9, 4: 10, I ; 3.

18, I ; 4. 43, I ; grandfather of
(lermanicus, 2. 43, 6 ; 53, 3 ; actions
of, in Parthia and Armenia, 2. 2, 4 ;

3, 2 ; letters of, abusing Augustus,

4. 34, 8.

HISTORICAL INDEX TO THE TEXT

66 r

Aphrodisias, asylum at, 3. 62, 2.
Apicata, wife of Seianus, 4- 3, 5 ;

II, 4.
Apicius, 4. I, 3.
Apidius : see Merula.
Apollo, Clarian, 2. 54, 3 ; Pythian,

legends respecting the birthplace

of, 3. 61, I.
Apollonidenses, 2. 47, 4.
Aponius, L.,eques, I. 29, 2.
Appia via, the, 2. 30, i.
Appianus, Appius, 2. 48, 3.
Appius : see Silanus.
Appuleia : see Varilla.
Appuleius, Sex., consul, i. 7, 3.
Apronia, wife of Plautius Silvanus,

4. 22, I.
Apronius, L., i. 56, I ; 72, I ; 2. 32,

4 ; 3. 64, 4 ; 4. 22, I ; proconsul of

Africa, 3. 21, i, foil.; legatus of

Lower Germany, 4. 73, i, foil.

— L. (or Aponius), a knight, i. 29, 2.

— Caesianus, 3. 21, 6.

Apulia, coast of, 4. 71, 6 ; magistrates

of, 3- 2, I.
Aquilia, exiled, 4. 42, 3.
ara adoptionis, i. 14, 3; amicitiae et

clementiae, 4. 74, 3 ; ultionis, 3.

18, 3; see also Drusus, Hercules,

Sol, Ubii.
Arabes, the, 6. 28, 6 ; 44, 7.
Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, 2.

42, 2.
Arduenna (Ardennes), forest of, 3.

42,2.
Areum iudicium, court of Areopagus,

the, 2. 55, 2,
Argolicus, an Archaean of rank, 6. 18,

3-
Ariobarzanes, king of Armenia, 2. 4,

2.
Aristonicus, war of the Romans with,

4- 55, 2.

Armenia (maior) and Armenii, situa-
tion of, 2. 56, I ; formerly con-
quered by Rhamses, 2. 60, 4;
wavering, but on the whole inclined
to Parthian alliance, 2. 3, 2 ; 56,
I ; relations of, with Augustus, 2.
3-4 ; settled by Germanicus, 2. 43,
I ; 56, 2-4 ; 64-1 ; seized by Arta-
banus for his son, 6. 31, 2; gained
possession of by Mithridates the
Hiberian with Roman aid, 6. 32,
5-36,2.

Arminius, prince of the Cherusci,the
organiser of the rising against

Varus, I. 55, 3 ; 58, 3-5 ; at en-
mity with Scgestes, i. 55, 2 ; wife
and son of, I. 57, 5 ; 58, 9 ; uncle
of, I. 60, I ; brother of, 2. 9, i ;
leads the resistance against the
Romans, i. 59, 2, foil. ; 63-68 ; 2.
9-17; 21, l; at war with Maro-
boduus, 2. 44, 3, foil. ; death and
character of, 2. 88.

Arnus (Arno) the, i. 79, i.

Arpus, prince of the Chalti, 2. 7, 2.

Arruntius, L., a distinguished senator
and pleader, I. 8, 4; 13, 1 ; 3. 11,
2; 6. 5, I ; a possible aspirant to
empire, i. 13, 2 ; one of a board to
deal with inundations of the Tiber,
I- 76, 3 ; 79, I ; defends L. Sulla,
3. 31, 5 ; repels an accusation, 6.
7 ; not allowed to go to Spain, 6.
27, 3 ; is afterwards accused and
commits suicide, 6. 47, 2-48, 5.

Arsaces, a Parthian prince, made
king of Armenia, 6. 31, 2 ; 33,1.

Arsacidae, Parthian royal race of the,

2. I, I ; 2, 2 ; 3, 3; 6. 34, 5-
Artabanus (III), king of Parthia, 2.

3. I ; 4, 4 ; of mixed blood, 6. 42,
4 ; renews treaty with Germanicus,
2. 58, I ; obnoxious to his own
subjects, 6. 31, I ; contests Ar-
menia with Mithridates, 6 31-36 ;
driven from his own kingdom into
exile in Scythia, 6. 36, 4 ; recalled,
6. 43-44 ; treatment of Seleucia
by, 6. 42, 3.

Artavasdes, kings of Armenia named,
2.3, 2 ; 4, I.

Artaxata (Artaschat), capital of Ar-
menia, 2. 56, 3 ; occupied by the
Hiberi,6. 33, i.

Artaxias, kings of Armenia named,
2. 3, 3; 56,3; 6. 31, 2.

Artemita, a Parthian town, 6. 41, 2.

Aruseius, L., an accuser, 6. 7 ; 40, i.

Asia, province of, 2. 54, 2 ; 3. 7, i ;

4. 14, 2 ; proconsuls of, 2. 47, 5 ; 3.
32, 3 ; 66, 2 ; 68, I ; 4. 36, 4 ; 56,
3 ; procurator of, 4. 1 5, 3 ; massacre
of Romans in, by Mithridates, 4.
14, 3 ; earthquakes in, 2. 47, i ; 4.
13, I ; asyla in, 3. 61, i, foil. ;
temple erected to Tiberius by, 4.

15; 5; 37, i; 55, I-
Asinius, C, consul, 4. i, i.
— see Agrippa, Gallus, Pollio, Sa!o-

ninus.
Asprenas, L., i. 53, 9 ; 3. 18, 5.

VOL. I

uu

662

INDEX I

asyla, deputations respecting, 3. 60-
63; 4. 14-

Ateius, M., 2. 47, 5 : sec a/so Capito.

Athenae and Athenienses, 2. 63, 3 ;
honours paid to Germanicus by,
2- 53) 3 ; conduct of Piso towards,

2. 55, I : laws framed by Solon for,

3. 26, 5.
Atia. 3. 68, 3.
Atidius : see Geminus.

Atilius, A., temple vowed by, in Punic
wars, 2. 49, 2.

— a freedman,4. 62, 2 ; 63, 3.
Atticus, Curtius, a knight, friend of

Tiberius, 4. 58, I ; put to death
through Seianus, 6. 10, 2.

— Pomponius, great-grandfather of
Drusus Caesar, 2. 43, 7.

Attius, a centurion, 6. 24, 2.

Attus : sec Clausus.

Atys, mythical king of Lydia, 4. 55, 7.

Aurtdienus : see Rufus.

augur, the, pollution liable to attach
to, I. 62, 3.

augurale, the, in camp, 2. 13, i.

Augusta, lulia, formerly Livia, wife
of Augustus, circumstances of the
marriage of, I. 10, 4; 5. I, 3 ;
companion of Augustus in travel,
3. 34, 12 ; suspected of causing
the deaths of Gains and Lucius, i.

3, 3 ; and of Augustus, 1.5, I ;
secures the succession to Tiberius,
I. 5, 6 ; 4. 57, 4 ; adopted by will,
I. 8, 2; saves Haterius, i. 13,
7 ; receives honours from the
senate, i. 14, I ; 4. 16, 6; popular
opinion respecting, i. 10, 4; be-
lieved to have intrigued against
Germanicus in the East, 2. 43, 5 ;
77, 6 ; 82, 2 ; abstains from his
obsequies, 3. 3, 1 ; constant in en-
mity to Agrippina, i. 33, 5 ; 2. 43,
5; 4. 12, 6; yet protects her
against Tiberius and Seianus, 5. 3,
1 ; upholds Urgulania, 2. 34, 3 ;

4. 22, 3 ; protects Plancina, 3. 15,
3 ; 17, 2; 6. 26, 4 ; supports the
younger lulia in exile, 4. 71, 7 ;
honoured by provincial worship,

4. 15, 4; 37, I ; at variance with
her son, i. 72, 5; 3. 64, i ; 4- 57.
4; suffers from a serious illness
and recovers, 3. 64, I ; 71, i ;
death, character, and funeral of,

5. I ; divine honours declined for.
5.2. I.

— see Agrippina (junior).
Augustales ludi, the, I. 15,3; 54, 3-

— sodales, the, i. 54, l ; 2. 83, 2 ; 3.

64, 3-

Augusti cultores,the,in Rome, 1.73, 2.

— forum, the, in Rome, 4. 1 5, 3.
Augustodunum (Autun), the chief

town of the Aedui, 3. 43, i ; 45» 2 ;
46, 7.
Augustus, gradually prevails over
all rivals, i. I, 3 ; 2, i ; 9, I ; 10,
l; married to Livia, i. 10, 4;
quelled a mutiny, i. 42, 5 ; con-
secrated the spoils at Actium,

2. 53, 2 ; stations the captured
fleet at Forum lulii, 4. 5, I ;
frames a constitution in his sixth
consulship, 3. 28, 3; secures as-
cendancy by his tribunician power,
I. 2, I ; 3. 56, 2 ; gradually grasps
moi-e functions, I. 2, i ; takes
measures to secure the succession,
I. 3, I, foil.; visits provinces, 1.46,
3 ; 3. 34, 12 ; carries out a policy
in the East, 2. 1-4; sets apart
Egypt, 2. 59, 4; legislates to pro-
mote marriage. 3. 25, 2; 28,3;
also against adultery, 2. 50, 2 ;
and luxury, 3. 54, 3 ; extends law
of maiestas, i. 72, 4; institutes
office of praefectus urbis, 6. 11,3;
modified ancient rules, 4. 16, 4 ;
restores temples, 2. 49, i ; adorns
the city, i. 9, 6; permits others to
do so, 3. 72, 2 ; favours amuse-
ments, I. 54, 3; 76, 6; 77, 4;
forms plans for the marriage of his
daughter, 4. 39, 5 ; 40, 8 ; punishes
her and his granddaughter, 1.53,1;

3. 24, 2 ; 4. 71, 6 ; self-control of,
at the death of grandsons, 3. 6, 3 ;
pays funeral honours to Drusus, 3.
5, 2 ; behaviour of, to Tiberius, I.
3,3; 10.6; 4. 57,6; to Agrippa
Postumus, I. 3, 4 : 5, i ; 6, 3 ; to
Germanicus, i. 3, 5 ; 4. 57, 6 ; to
Hortalus, 2. 37, 2; mentions citi-
zens who might be dangerous, I.
13,2; aspired to divine honours,

4. 38, 5 ; was worshipped during
life, I. 10, 5 ; 4. 37, 4; last days
and death of, i. 4, 2 ; 5, i, foil. ;
will of. I. I, 8; other documents,
I. 11,6; posthumous warning of,
against extension of the empire,
1 . 11,7; funeral honours, 1.8,4;
deification, I. 10, 8 ; priesthood to,

HISTORICAL INDEX TO THE TEXT

663

I. 54, l; 2.83,2 ; 3.64,3: games
to, I. 15, 3 ; 54, 3 ; sacrifices, 4.
52, 3 ; cultores of, I. 73, 2 ; tem-
ples, I. 10, 8 ; 78, I ; 4. 57, I ; 6. 45,
2; statues, I. 73, 2 ; 3. 63, 5 ; 4.
67, 6 ; general review of conflicting
judgements respecting, i. 9-10;
boast of descent from or relation-
ship to, 3. 4, 3 ; 4- 5?. 4 ; 75. 2.

Aurelius : see Cotta, Pius.

Auzea, in Africa, 4. 25, i.

Aventinus, mons, fire upon, 6. 45, i.

Aviola, Acilius, an officer, 3. 41, 2.

Bactriani, the, once conquered by

Rhamses, 2. 60, 4.
Baduhenna, grove of, in Germany,

4- 7?>, 7-
Balbus, works of, 3. 72, 2.

— Laelius, ap accuser, 6. 47, I ; 48, 7.
Bastarnae, the, 2. 65, 5.

Batavi, the, auxiliaries, 2. 8, 3 ; 11,

3 ; island of the, 2. 6, 3.
Bathyllus, a pantomimist, i. 54, 3.
Belgae, the, i. 34, l ; 43, 3 ; 3. 40,3.
helium civile, the, 2. 43, 3 ; 3. 27, 4 ;

6. II, 3 [see also Italicum, Peru-

sinum).
Bibaculus, poems of, 4. 34, 8.
Bibulus, C, aedile, 3. 52, 3.
Bithynia, proconsul of, accused, i.

74, I.

Bithynum mare, the, 2. 60,4.

Blaesus, lunius, legatus of Pannonia,
I. 16-23 ; 29, 2 ; uncle of Seianus,
3- 35, 3 ; proconsul of Africa by
special appointment, id. ; con-
tinued in office, 3. 58, I ; receives
triumphalia, 3. 72, 6 ; saluted as
imperator, 3. 74, 6; alluded to as
dead, 5. 7, 2.

— lunius, son of the above, i. 19, 4;
29, 2 ; with his father in Africa, 3.
74, 2 ; commits suicide with his
brother, 6. 40, 3.

Blandus, Rubellius, votes given by, 3.

23,2; 51,1; marries lulia, daughter

of Urusus, 6. 27, I ; appointed on

a commission, 6. 45, 3.
Bovillae, shrine of the lulii at, 2. 41, i.
Britanni, the, and Brittannia, restore

shipwrecked soldiers, 2. 24, 5.
Bructeri, the, in Germany, i. 51, 4 ;

60, 2.
Brundisium, 2. 30, i ; 3. I, 2 ; 7,2;

4. 27, I ; treaty of, i. 10, 2.

Bruttedius Niger, an accuser, 3. 66, 2.
Brutus, L. (lunius), I. I, i.

— M. (lunius), I. 2, I ; praised by
Cordus, 4. 34, I ; speeches of, 4.
34, 8 ; effigies of, 3. 76, 5 ; 4. 35,
3 ; lunia, sister of, 3.76, i.

Byzantium, a Thracian city, 2. 54, 2.

Cadra, a hill in Cilicia, 6. 41, i.
Caecilianus, C, an accuser, 6. 7, i.

— Magius, praetor, 3. 37, i.
Caecilius : see Cornutus.

Caecina, A. Severus, legatus of Lower
Germany, i. 31, 2 ; 37, 3 ; 48, I ;
56, I ; 60, 2 ; 61, 2 ; 63, 5 ; 64, 6 ;
65, 8 ; 66, 3 : 72, 1 ; 2. 6, I ;

3. 34, I ; speaks in the senate, 3.
18, 3 ; 33, I-

Caeles, Vibenna, an Etruscan prince,

4. 65, I.

caelestes, honores, decreed, i. 10, 8;

refused, 5. 2, i.
Caelius, C, consul, 2. 41, 2 ; see also

Cursor.

— Mons, at Rome, 4. 64, i, foil.
Caepio : see Crispinus.

Caesar : see Augustus, Claudius,
Gaius, Germanicus, Xero, Tiberius.

— Gaius lulius, the dictator, i. i, 3 ;
8, 6 ; 4. 43, I ; gardens bequeathed
by, 2. 41, I ; bore the loss of his
daughter, 3. 6, 3 ; quelled a mutiny
by a word, i. 42, 5 ; replied to a
treatise of Cicero, 4. 34, 7 ; legis-
lates respecting usury, 6. 16, i.

— Gaius, grandson and adopted son
of Augustus, 1.3,2; 53. 2 ; 4-1,3;
6. 51, 2 ; sent to the East, 2. 4, 2 ;
42, 3 ; 3. 48, 2 ; married to Livia,
4. 40, 5 ; death of, i. 3, 3.

— Lucius, brother of the above, I. 3,
2; 53, 2; 6. 51, 2; betrothed to
Lepida, 3. 23, 1 ; death of, i.

3, 3-
Caesellius : see Bassus.
Caesia silva, the, i. 50, 2.
Caesianus : see Apronius.
Caesius : see Cordus.
Caetronius, C, legatus legionis, i.

44, 3-
Calabria, 3. i, i ; 2, i.
Cales, 6. 15, 2.
Caligula : see Gaius.
Calpurnium genus, the, 3. 24, i.
Calpurnius, an officer, i. 39, 7.

— L., COS., 4. 62, I.

— see also Salvianus, Piso.

664

INDEX I

Calusidius, a soldier, I. 35, 6.
Calvisius, C, consul, 4. 46, 1 : see also

Sabinus.
Camillus (M. Furius), the 'reciperator

urbis,' 2. 52, 8.

— Furius, defeats Tacfarinas, 2. 52,
5,9; 3. 20, I.

— Furius Scribonianus, consul, 6. i, i.
Campania, stay of Tiberius in, 3. 31,

2; 47,4; dedication of temples in, 4.

57, I ; 67, I ; magistrates of, 3. 2, i.
Campus Martis, the, i. 15, i ; place

of funeral of Augustus, i. 8, 6 ; of

Germanicus, 3 4, 2.
Caninius : see Gallus.
C'anninefates, the, ala of, 4. 73, 2.
Canopus (Aboukir), 2. 60, i.
Capito, Ateius, i. 76, 3 ; 79. i ; char-
acter, and juristic knowledge of, 3.

70, 2 ; death of, 3. 75, I.
Capito, Fonteius, proconsul of Asia,

4. 36, 4.

— Lucilius, a procurator, 4. 15, 3.
Capitolium, and Mons Capitolinus,

the, burning of, 6. 12, 4 ; refuge in,

3- 36, 2.
Cappadocia, once subject to Rhamses,

2. 60, 4 ; kingdom of Archelaus, 2.

42, 2 ; becomes a province, 2. 42,

6; 56, 4.
Capreae (Capri), island of, described,

4. 67, 1 , foil. ; occupied by Tiberius,

4.67,5 ; 6. 1,1 ; 2,4; 10,2; 20, I.
Capua, temple of Juppiter at, 4. 57, i ;

67, I.
Carmanii, the, relations of Artabanus

with, 6. 36, 5.
carmina (incantations), use of, 2. 28,

3 ; 69, 5 ; 4. 22, 4.
Carsidius : see Sacerdos.
Caspia via, the, 6. 33, 4.
Cassia familia, the, 6. 15, 3.
Cassius : see Asclepiodotus, Chaerea,

Severus.

— C.,the assassin of Caesar, I. 2, i ;
10,2; 2.43,3; 4.34, I, foil. ; lunia,
wife of, 3. 76, I ; effigies of, 4. 34, 3.

— L.,marriedtoDrusilla,6.i5,i ;45,3.

— an actor, i. 73, 2, 4.

Cato, the censor, 3. 66, 2 ; 4. 56, i.

— M. (the younger), 4. 34, 7,

— Porcius, an accuser, 4. 68, 2.
Catonius : see lustus.

Catualda, a Goth, 2. 62, 2, 6 ; 63, 6.
Catullus, abuse of Caesar by, 4. 34, 8.
Catus, Firmius, a senator, 2. 27, 2 ;
30, I ; 4. 31, 7.

Celenderis (Chelendreh), in Cilicia,

2. 80, I.
Celer, Domitius, a friend of Cn. Piso,

2. 77, I ; 78, 2 ; 79, 3.

— Propertius, i. 75, 5.
Celsus, a knight, 6. 14, i.

— Julius, an officer, 6. 9, 6 ; 14, 2.
Cenchreus, a stream near Ephesus,

3. 61, I.

censoria potestas, exercised by Voiu-

sius, 3. 30, 2.
centesima rerum venalium,the, i. 7<S',

2 ; 2. 42, 6.
Cercina (Kerkena), an island, i. 53,

6; 4. 13,4.
Ceres, temple of, 2. 49, i.
Cestius, C, a senator, 3. 36, 2 ; 6. 7,

3; 3i» I-
Cethegus, Cornelius, consul, 4. 17, i.

— Labeo, legatus legionis, 4. 73, 4.
Chaerea, Cassius, afterwards the

assassin of Gaius, I. 32, 5.
Chaldaei, astrologers, 2. 27, 2 ; 3. 22,

2 ; 6. 20, 3.
Charicles, a physician of Tiberius, 6.

50, 3-

Chariovalda, a Batavian, 2. 11, 3.

Chatti, the, i. 55, i ; 56, i, 3, 7; 2.
7, I ; 25, 2 ; 41, 2 ; princes of the,
2. 7, 2 ; 88, I.

Chauci, the, i. 38, I ; 2. 24, 3 ; auxi-
liaries of Rome, i. 60, 2 ; 2. 17, 7.

Cherusci, the, I. 56, 7 ; 59, 2 ; i. 60,
I ; 64, 3 ; 2. 19, 3 ; 26, 3; defeated
in battle, 2. 16, 4, foil.; 41, 2;
at war with the Suebi, 2. 44, 2,
foil.

Cibrya, in Asia, injured by earth-
quake, 4. 13, I.

Cicero, M., praise of Cato by, 4. 34, 7.

Cilicia, 2. 58, 2 ; 3. 48, 2 ; 6. 31, 2 ;
resistance of Cn. Piso in, 2. 80, i,
foil. ; petty kings of, 2. 42, 7 ;
78, 3 : see also Clitae.

Cinithii, the, in Africa, 2. 52, 5.

Cinna, despotism of, i. 1,2.

circenses ludi, regular, 2. 83, 2.

Circus Maximus, the, 2. 49, i ; fires
m, 6. 45, I.

Cirtenses, the, in Africa, 3. 74, 2.

civis servati dccus, 3. 21, 3.

civitas, gifts of, 3. 40, 2.

civitates liberae ; cp. 4. 36, 3.

Clanis (Chiana), the, i. 79, i.

Clarius : see Apollo.

classicum, proclamation of executions
by, 2. 32, 5.

HISTORICAL INDEX TO THE TEXT

665

classis : see Misenum, Ravenna.
Claudia familia, and Claudii, the, i.

A, 3; 2.43»7; 3-5.2; 4-9. 3; 64,

5; 5. I, I ; 6. 51, I.

— (Silana), wife of Gaius, 6. 20, i ;

45>5-

— see Pulchra, Ouinta.

Claudius (Ti.i, made sodalis Augus-
talis, I. 54, 2 ; meets the remains
of Germanicus, 3. 2, 4 ; 3. 3, I -3 ;
omitted in tlie vote of thanks, and
looked on by none as a possible
emperor, 3. 18,4 ; son of, betrothed
to the daughter of Scianus, 3. 29,
5 ; thought of by Tiberius as a suc-
cessor, but set aside as imbecile,
6. 46, 2 ; had literary tastes, 6. 46,
2 ; history of his rule falsified by
servility and spite, i. i, 5.

Claudius : see Drusus, Marcellus,
Nero.

Clausus,Attus, ancestor of the Claudii,

4. 9. 3-
Clemens, personates Agrippa Postu-
mus, 2. 39-40.

— lulius, a centurion, i. 23, 4; 26,
I ; 28, 5.

dementia, altar to, 4. 74, 3.
Clitae, the, in Cilicia, 6. 41, I.
Clutorius : see Priscus.
Cocceius : see Nerva.
Coelaletae, the, in Thrace, 3. 2^, 5.
Colchi, the, 6. 34, 3.
Colophon, oracle at, 2. 54, 3.
Cominius, C, pardoned for a libel, 4.

31. 2.
Commagene, kingdom of, 2. 42, 7 ;

placed under a legatus, 2. 56, 5.
commentarii Agrippinae, 4. 53, 3.
Concordia, offering to, 2. 32, 3.
confarreatio, disuse of, 4. 16, 2-3.
congiaria, gift of, 2. 42, I ; 3. 29, 3.
Considius : see Aequus, Proculus.
consules, question put to by Caesar,

3- 17, 8- .

— designati, asked first, 3. 22, 6 ; 49,

4; 4.42, 3-
Corbulo, Domitius, complains of L.

Sulla, 3. 31, 4; prosecutes those

responsible for the roads, 3. 31,7.
Corcyra (Corfu), Agrippina at, 3.

1,1.
Cordus, Caesius, proconsul of Crete,

3. 38, I ; 70, I.

— Cremutius, trial and defence of,

4.. 34-35-
Corinthiense littus, the, 5. 10, 4.

Cornelia, a vestal virgin, 4. 16, 6.
Cornelius, an accuser, 6. 29, 7 ;

30. I-

— see Balbus, Cethegus, Cossus,

Dolabclla, Lupus, Maluginensis,

Merula, Scipio, Sulla.
Cornutus, Caecilius, 4. 28, 2 ; 30, 3.
coronae aureac, presented, 2. 57, 5.
Corvinus, Messalla, praef. urbis, 6.

II. 4; a noted orator, 3. 34, 2;

spoke of Cassius as his general, 4.

34, 6 ; son of, 3. 34, 2.
Corvus, Valerius, consulships of, i.

9> 2.
Cosa, in Etruria, 2. 39, 3.
Cossus, Cornelius, consul, 4. 34, i.
Cotta, Lucius, 3. 66, 2.
Cotta Messalinus, ]\L Aurelius, 2.

32, 2; 3. 2, 5; 17, 8; 4.20, 6; 5.

3.4; 6- 5, I.
Cotys, king of Thrace, seized and

killed by his uncle Rhescuporis,

2. 64-66; wife and children of,
2.67, 3; 3. 38,4; 4. 5, 5.

Cous, island of, 2. 75, 2 ; asylum of

Aesculapius at, 4. 14, i,
Crassus, influence of, i. i, 3 : see also

Licinius.
Cremutius : see Cordus.
Creta, island of, 4. 21, 5 ; proconsul

of) 3. 38, I : deputation from, 3.

63, 6 ; laws of Minos for, 3. 26, 4.
Creticus : see Silanus.
Crispinus, Caepio, an accuser, i.

74, I.
Crispus : see Sallustius.
cruppellarii, Gallic gladiators called,

3- 43, 3-
Cruptorix, a Frisian, 4. 73, 7.
Ctesiphon, the Parthian capital, 6.

42, 6.
cuneus iuniorum, the, 2. 83, 5.
Cursor, Caelius, 3. 37, l.
Curtisius, T., leader of a slave band,

4. 27, I.
Curtius : see Atticus.
custodia mililaris, 3. 22, 5 ; publica,

3. 36, 4 ; domibus magistratuum,

6. 3, 3-
Cusus (Waag), the, 2. 63, 7.
Cutius : see Lupus.
Cyclades, the, 2. 55, 3; 5. 10, i.
Cyclopes, legend of the, 3. 61, 2.
Cyme, in Asia, 2. 47, 4.
Cyprus, asyla at, 3. 62, 4.
Cyrenenses, the, governors accused

by, 3. 70, I.

666

INDEX I

Cyrrub, in Syria, 2. 57, 2.

Cyrus, king of Persia, 3. 62, 4 ; 6.

31.2.
Cythera, island of, chosen for exile,

3. 69, S.

Cyziceni, the, deprived of freedom,

4. 36, 2.

Dahae, the, in Scythia, 2. 3, i.

damnati, not allowed burial or testa-
mentary disposition, 6. 29, 2 ;
erased from records, 3. 17, 8;
6. 2, I,

Danuvius, the, 2. 63, I ; 4. 5, 5.

Dareus, king of Persia, 3. 63, 5.

Uavara, in Cilicia, 6. 41, i.

decimatio, punishment of, 3. 21, i.

Decrius, an officer, 3. 20, 2.

decuriae, the, of judges, 3. 30, 2.

Delmatia, 2. 53, 1 ; 4. 5, 5 ; sea of,
3. 9. I.

Delmaticum bellum, the, 6. '^7, 4.

Delphi, 2. 54, 4.

Delus, 3. 61, I.

Denter, Romulius, vicegerent of
Romulus, 6. II, I.

Dentheliates ager, dispute respecting
the, 4. 43. 2.

devotiones, 2. 69, 5 ; 3- I3> 3 I 4- 52,
2 {see also carmina).

di hospitales, penetrales Germaniae,
2. 10, I ; ultorcs, 4. 28, 3.

Dialis: 5^^ flamines.

Diana, birthplace of, 3. 6 1, I ; of
Ephesus, 3.61, 1 ; 4.55,6; Leuco-
phryna, 3. 62, i ; Limnatis, 4. 43,
I ; Persica, 3. 62, 4.

Didymus, a freedman of Tiberius, 6.
24, 2.

Dii, the, in Thrace, 3. 38, 5.

dilectus, held at Rome, i. 31, 4 ; in
provinces, 4. 4, 4 ; 46, 2.

Dinis, a Thracian, 4. 50, 2.

Dolabella, P. Cornelius, a servile
senator, 3. 47, 4 ; 69, I ; an ac-
cuser, 4. 66, 2 ; proconsul of Africa,
4. 23, 2 ; defeatsand kills Tacfarinas,
4. 24-6.
Domitius : see Afer, Celer, Corbulo,
Pollio.

— Cn. (Ahenobarbus), commander of
a fleet in the civil wars, 4. 44, 2.

— Cn. Ahenobarbus, husband of
Agrippina and father of Nero,
4. 75, I ; 6.45,3 ; 6.48, I : consul,
6. I, I ; accused under Tiberius,
6. 47, 2.

— L. (Ahenobarbus), killed after
Pharsalia, 4. 44, 2.

— L. (Ahenobarbus), husband of
Antonia, 4. 44, 3 ; commanded in
Germany, I. 63, 6 ; crossed the
Elbe, 4. 44, 3.

dona, vows of, 3. 71, I ; 6. 25, 5.
donativum, to soldiers (cp. i. 2, l).
Donusa, island of, 4. 30, 2.
Drusi, family of the, I. 28, 6; 2. 32,

2; 4-7, 3-
Drusiana fossa, the, 2. 8, i.
Drusilla, daughter of Germanicus,

6. 15,4.
Drusus (Livius), the tribune, 3. 27, 3.

— (Nero Claudius), brother of Ti-
berius, imperator, 1.3, i ; works
of, in Germany, i. 56, i ; 2. 8, i ;
altar there to, 2. 7, 3 ; imposes
tribute on the Frisii, 4. 72, 2 ;
funeral honours of, 3. 5, i ; re-
membered with affection, l. 33, 4;
41, 3 ; 2.41, 5; 82, 3; 6. 51, 2.

— Caesar, son of Tiberius, maternal
lineage of, 2. 43, 7 ; 3. 19, 4 ;
character of, i. 29, 4 ; 76, 5 ; 3. 8,
4 ; 4, 3, 2 ; wife and children of,
2. 43, 7; 84, I ; 4- 3, 4; 15. I.; 6.
27, I ; friendly to Germanicus
and his sons, 2. 43, 7 : 4. 4, 2 ; sent
to quell the Pannonian mutiny, i.
24-30 ; also to watch the war
between Maroboduus and Armi-
nius, 2. 44-46 ; 62-64 ; visited in
Delmatia by Germanicus, 2. 53,
I ; and by Cn. Piso, 3. 8, i ; in
Rome at the funeral honours of
the former, 3. 2, 4 ; and during the
trial of the latter, 3. II, I ; receives
an ovation, 2. 64, I ; 3. II, I ; 19,
4 ; consulships of, 1 . 5 5 , i ; 3. 3 1 , I ;
tribunician power of, 3. 56, i ; gains
popularity in Rome, 3. 31, 3; 36,
4 ; 37, 2 ; poisoned by contrivance
of his wife Livia, who had been
corrupted by Seianus, 4. 3,2; 8, I ;
11,4; funeral honours of, 4. 9, 2 ;
conduct of Tiberius at the death
of, 4. 8, 2 ; false report that Ti-
berius had caused the death of, 4.

lO-II.

Drusus Caesar, son of Germa-
nicus, assumes the toga vinlis,
4. 4, I ; introduced to the senate,
4. 8, 5 ; included in the annual
' vota,' 4. 17, I ; pracfectus urbis
at the feriae Latinae, 4. 36, i ;

HISTORICAL INDEX TO THE TEXT

667

a partisan of Seianus against his
brother Nero, 4. 60, 4 ; married
to Aeniilia Lepida, 6. 40, 4 ;
orders given to Macro respecting,
6- 23, 5 ; personated by an im-
postor, 5. 10, I, foil. ; dies of
starvation in prison in the Pala-
tium, 6. 23, 4 ; account of last
hours of, published, 6. 24.

— see Li bo.

Duilius, C, temple built by, 2. 49, i.
duodecim tabulae, the, 3. 27, 1 ; 6.
16, 3-

edicta : see plebes.

efifigies : see statuae.

Egnatius (Rufus), put to death by

Augustus, I. 10, 3.
Elephantine, a boundary of the

Roman empire, 2. 61, 2.
Elymaei, the, in the East, 6. 44, 5.
Ennia, wife of Macro, 6. 45, 5.
Ennius, L., a knight, 3. 70, 2.

— M'., an officer, i. 38, 2.
Ephesus, temple and sanctuary of

Diana at, 3. 61, i ; 4. 55, 6.
Epidaphna, near Antioch, the place

of death of Germanicus, 2. 83, 3.
Erato, queen of Armenia, 2. 4, 3.
Erycus, temple at. in Sicily, 4. 43,

6.
Er)'thrae, 6. 12, 4.
Esquilina porta, the, 2. 32, 5.
etesiae, the winds called, 6. 33, 5.
I-^truria, and Etrusci, 2. 39, 3 ; 4. 5, 5.
Euboea, 2. 54, I ; 5. lo, 4.
Eudemus, a physician, agent in the

death of Drusus, 4. 3, 5 ; 11,4.
evocatus, military rank of, 2. 68, 3.
Euphrates, the, a frontier between

Rome and Parthia, 2. 58, I ; 4. 5, 4 ;

6. 31, 4; 37, I.

Fabatus, Rubrius, 6. 14, 3.
Fabius : see Maximus, Paulus.
Fabricius, alluded to, 2. 33, 3 ; 88, 2
faeneratores, attack on, 6. 16-17.
Falanius, a knight, I. 73, I.
familiae (servorum), magnitude of, 3

53. 5; 4- 27,3-
feminae, special laws respecting, 2

85' I ; 3- 33-34-
feriae Latinae, 4. 36, I ; 6. II, 2.
fetiales, motion respecting the, 3

64, 4.
I'idena, fall of amphitheatre at, 4

62, 2.

Firmius : see Catus.

Flaccus, L. Pomponius, 2. 32, 2; 41,
2 ; legatus of Moesia, 2. 66, 3 ; 67,
I ; dies as legatus of Syria, 6. 27, 3.

— Vescularius, a knight, 2. 28, 1 ;
put to death, 6. 10, 2.

flamines, rules respectfng, 3. 58 ; 71,

3; 4-. 16.
Flaminia via, the, 3. 9, r.
Fiavius : see Vespasianus.
Flavus, brother of Arminius, 2. 9, 2 ;

10,2.
Flevum, a fort among the Frisii, 4.

72, 6.
Flora, temple of, 2. 49, i.
Florentini, petition from the, l. 79, i.
Florus, lulius, heads the rebellion of

the Treveri, 3. 40-42.
Fonleius : see Agrippa, Capito.
Fortuna, templesof, 2. 41, i; 3.71,1.
Forum holitorium, the, 2. 49, I.

— lulium (Frejus), colony and naval
station of, 2. 63, 7 ; 4. 5, i.

fossae (canals), constructed, 2. 8, I.
Fregellanus, Pontius, 6. 48, 7.
Frisii, the, I. 60, 2 ; revolt from

Rome, 4. 72-74.
P>onto, Octavius, speaks against

luxury^ 2. 33, I.

— \'ibius, an officer, 2. 68, 3.
frumentum, price of, regulated, 2. 87,1 .
Fufius : see Geminus.

Fulcinius : see Trio.
Fundani montes, the, 4. 59, 2.
funus censorium, 4. 15, 3 ; 6. 27, 2 ;
publicum, 3. 5, I ; 48, I ; 6. 11, 6.
Furius : see Camillus.
Furnius, condemned, 4. 52, 2, 6.

Gaetulicus : see Lentulus.

Gaius Caesar (the emperor), as a
child in the camp, called ' Cali-
gula,' I. 41, 3 ; 69, 5 ; delivers the
' laudatio ' on Augusta, 5. I, 6
plotted against by Seianus, 6. 3, 4
profligacy imputed to, 6. 5, I ; 9, 3
45, 5 ; married to Claudia, daughter
of M. Silanus, 6. 20, i ; promises
marriage to Ennia, 6. 45, 5 ; de-
meanour of, when living with
Tiberius at Capreae, 6. 20, i ; 45,
5 ; remark of Passienus respect-
ing, 6. 20, 2 ; court paid by jNlacro
to, 6. 45, 5 ; 46, 6 ; judgement of
Tiberius respecting, 6. 46, i, 7,
8 ; and of Arruntius, 6. 48, 4 ; con-
duct of, during the last hours of

668

INDEX I

Tiberius, 6. 50, 7, 8 ; passionate
temper of, 6. 45, 5 ; servility of
Vitellius to, 6. 32, 7 ; assassinated
by C. Chaerea, i. 32, 5.
Galba, C. Sulpicius, consul, 3. 52, i ;
commits suicide, 6. 40, 3.

— Ser. (Sulpicius), accused by Cato
the censor, 3. 66, 2,

— Ser. (Sulpicius), afterwards em-
peror, consul, 6. 15, I ; prediction
of Tiberius respecting, 6. 20, 3 ;
luxury rampant till the rule of,

3-55, I-.
Galla, Sosia, wife of C. Silius and
friend of Agrippina, 4. 19, i, 4; 20,

2 ; 52, 5-

Galli, the, regarded as wealthy and
unwarlike, 3. 46, 2.

Ciallia, fidelity of, i. 34, 6 ; sixty-four
states of, 3. 44, I ; census of, i. 31,
2 ; 33, I ; 2. 6, I ; supplies and
troops from, for the German war,

1. 47, 2; 71, 3; 2. 5, 3 ; 17, 6;
rebellion of certain states of, 3.
40-46 ; fleet on the coast of, 4. 5,
I ; Narbonensis, 2. 63, 6.

Gallio lunius, 6. 3, i.
Gallus, Aelius, 5. 8, i.

— Asinius, son of Follio, i. 12, 6;
opinion of Augustus respecting, i.
13, 2; obnoxious to Tiberius, i.
12, 6; refused to plead for Cn.
Piso, 3. II, 2 ; constantly promi-
nent in the senate, i. 8, 4 ; 13, 2 ;
76, 2; 77, 3; 2. 32, 4; 33, 3; 35,
I ; 36, I ; 4. 20, 2; 30, 2; 71, 3;
dies of starvation while awaiting
trial, 6. 23, i, foil. ; charged by
Tiberius with adultery with Agrip-
pina, 6. 25, 2,

Gallus, Caninius, one of the quinde-
cimviri, 6. 12, 1.

— Togonius, an obscure senator, 6.

2, 2.

— Vipstanus, praetor, 2. 51, i.
Garamantes, the, in Libya, aid Tac-

farinas, 3. 74, 2 ; 4- 23, 2 ; 26, 3.
Gellius : see Publicola.
Geminius, a knight, friend of Seia-

nus, 6. 14, I.
Geminus, Atidius, proconsul of Ach-

aia, 4. 43, 5.

— Fufius, consul, 5. i, i ; witticisms
of, 5. 2, 3 ; death of, 6. 10, i.

— Rubellius, consul, 5. i, i.
Gemoniae (scalae), the, in Rome, 3.

14,6; 5. 9, 3; 6. 25, 4.

Germani, the, auxiliaries from, i.

56, I ; military qualities of, 2. 5,
3; 14, 3, foil.; banquets of, i. 50,
4 ) 55) 3 ; bodyguard of, at Rome,
1.24,3.

Germania, soil and climate of, 2. 23,
3 ; 24, I ; campaigns of Tiberius
in, I. 34, 5 ; 42, 6 ; 2. 26, 3 ; 46, 2 ;
Arminius the liberator of, 2. 88, 3 :
cp. I. 57, 2; 2.45. 5-

— inferior and superior, provinces
and armies of, i. 31, 2, 3 ; 37, 4 ;

40, I ; 2. 39, 2 ; 3. 41, 3, foil. ; 4.
5> 2 ; 73, I ; 6. 30, 3.

Germanicus, Caesar, son of Drusus
Nero, maternal ancestry of, 2. 43,
6 ; personal appearance and po-
pularity of, I. 33, 5 ; 2. 13, I ;

41, 4 ; 72, 3 ; eloquence of, 2.
83, 4 ; marriage and children of,

1. 33, 2; 41, 3 ; 2. 41, 4; 54, I
(see also Agrippina, Drusilla, Dru-
sus, Gains, lulia, Nero) ; contem-
plated as successor by Augustus, 4.

57, 5 ; W'ho compels Tiberius to
adopt him, and places him in chief
command in Germany, 1.3, 5 ;
jealousy and dislike of Tiberius
towards, I. 7, i ; 52, i ; 63, 3 ; 2.
5, I ; 26, 6 ; 42, I ; 43. 5 ; 59, 3 ; 3-

2, 5 ; 4. I, I ; receives a second
consulship, 2. 53, I ; proconsular
power, I. 14, 4 ; the title of impe-
rator, i. 58, 9 ; a triumph, i. 55, i ;
2. 41, 2 ; and the award of an ova-
tion, 2. 64, I ; quells with much
difficulty and danger the German
mutiny, i. 34-49; first campaign
of, against the Germans, i. 49-51 ;
second campaign and burial of the
remains of the army of Varus, i.
56-71; third campaign, 2. 6-26;
is sent to the East, 2. 43, i ; visits
various localities there, 2. 53-54 ;
settles Armenia, 2. 56 ; receives
offer of friendship from Parthia, 2.
58 ; is thwarted by Cn. Piso, 2, 55 ;
57 ; 69, I ; visits Egypt, 2. 59-61 ;
returns to Syria and falls into an
illness suspected to have been
caused by Piso, 2. 69 ; dies and is
burnt at Antioch, 2. 71-72; com-
pared with Alexander, 2. "Jt,, 3 ;
public feeling and award of honours
at Rome on news of the death of,
2. 82-83; renewed feeling on ar-.
rival of the remains, 3. 1-6 ; inves-

HISTORICAL INDEX TO THE TEXT

669

tigation respecting the death of, 3.

12-19; popularity of extended to

family of, 3. 29, 3 ; 4. 12, i ; 15,5;

6. 46, I.
Getae, the, 4. 44, i.
gladiatores, shows of, i. 76, 6 ; 4.

62, 2.
Gotones, the, in Germany, 2. 62, 2.
Gracchi, the, alluded to, 3. 27, 3.
Gracchus, Sempronius, put to death

in exile, i. 53, 4; 4. 13, 4.
— (Sempronius), C, son of the above,

4. 13, 3, foil. ; praetor, 6. 16, 5 ; an
accuser, 6. 38, 4.

Ciraeci, the, traits of, 2. 53, 4 ; 88, 4 ;

5. 10, 2 ; courtiers, 2. 2, 6; 4. 58,

1 ; their abuse of asylum, 3. 60,

2 ; dress of, used by Romans, 2.
59,2.

Granius, Q., 4. 21, 3 : see Marcellus,

Marcianus.
Gratianus, Tarius, 6. 38, 4.
Gyarus, island of, 3. 68, 2 ; 69, 8 ; 4.

30, 2.

Hadria, or Hadriaticum mare, 2. 53, i .
Haemus (Balkan), Mt., 3. 38, 6 ; 4.

Halicarnasii, the, 4. 55, 5.

Halus, a Parthian town, 6. 41, 2.

Haterius, Q., an orator and leading
senator, i. 13, 4; 2. 33, i ; 3. 57,
2 ; 4. ^i, I : jr^ also Agrippa.

Heliopolis, in Egypt, 6. 28, 4.

Helvius : see Rufus,

Heniochi, the, 2. 68, 2.

Hercules, 4. 38, 5 ; posterity of, 4.
43, 2 ; Lydian legend of, 3. 61, 3 ;
the Egyptian, 2. 60, 3 ; the German,
2, 12, I.

Hercynia silva, the, 2. 45, 4.

Hermunduri, the, in Germany, 2.
63,6.

Hiberi, the, near Armenia, 4. 5, 4 ;
habits, and alieged Thessalian ori-
gin of, 6. 34, 3 ; invade Armenia,
6- 33-36.

Hiero, a Parthian noble, 6. 42, 5 ;
43, 2.

Hierocaesarea, in Asia, 2. 47, 4; 3.
62, 4.

Hirtius (A.), suspicion respecting the
death of, i. 10, i.

Hispaniae, the, 1.71,3 ; garrison of,
4. 5, 3 ; the three provinces, i. 78,
I ; 4. 13, 2 ; 45, I ; gold mines, 6.
19, I.

Hispn: j^^ Romanus.

histriones (and pantomimi), introduc-
tion of, in early times, 4. 14, 4 ;
disorderly conduct of, I. 54, 3 ; Jj,

1 ; 4. 14, 4 ; senators and knights
restricted from paying court to, l.

77, 5-
Homonadcnses, the, in Cilicia, 3.

48, 2.
hora genitalis, the, 6. 21, 3.
Hortalus, M., 2. 37, i ; 38, 5, 8.
Hortensius, the orator, 2. 2,7, 2 ; 38, 10.
Hostilius : see Tullus.
horti : see Caesar (lulius).
Hypaepeni, the, in Asia, 4. 55, 3.
Hyrcani, the, in the East, flight of

Artabanus to, 6. 36, 5 ; 43, 2.
— Macedones, the, in Asia, 2. 47, 4,

lanus, temple of, 2, 49, i.

laso, legendary descent of the Albani

and Hiberi from, 6. 34, 3.
Idisiaviso, plain of, 2. 16, i.
Ilium and Ilienses, 2. 54, 3 ; 4. 55, 4 ;

Sibylline verses gathered from, 6.

12,4.
Illyricum, I. 5, 5 ; 46, I ; 52, 3 ; 2.

44, I ; 53, 1.
imago, of Caesar, used as sanctuary,

3. 36, I {see statuae).
imperator, title of, as formerly given,

3. 74, 6 ; as given to the imperial
family, I. 3, i ; 9, 2 ; 58, 8 ; 2. 18,

2 ; 26, 5.

Indus, lulius, a Treveran, 3 42, 3.

Inguiomerus, uncle of Arminius, I.
60, I ; 68, I ; 2. 17, 8 ; 21,2; joins
Maroboduus, 2. 45, 2 ; 46, i.

insignia: j^^ triumphalia.

insulae, in Rome, 6. 45, i.

interamnates, deputation from the, I.
79, 2.

intestati, property of, claimed for

fisCUS, 2. 48, I.

Ionium mare, the, 2. 53, i.
Isauricus (P. Servilius), 3. 62, 4.
Italia, I. 34,6; 47, 2; 71, 3; 2. 40,

I ; 63, 5; 3. 28, 5 ; 31, 7 ; 54, 5;

4. 55, 7 : banishment from, 2. 32.
5 ; 50, 4 ; 85,5; 6. 3, 3 ; decay of
produce and population in, 2. 59,
4; 3- 40, 5 ; 54, 6.

luba, king of Alauretania, 4. 5, 3;
son of, 4. 23, I.

ludaea, petitions for reduction of tri-
bute, 2. 42, 7 ; Jewish religion ban-
ished from Italy, 2. 85, 5.

670

INDEX I

lulia gens, the, i. 8, 2 ; 2. 83, 2 ; 6.

51,1; ancestry of, 4. 9, 3 ; shrine

to, 2. 41, I.
luHae leges, on adultery, 2. 50, 2 ;

4. 42, 3 ; on marriage, 3. 25, i ; of

Julius Caesar, on usury, 6. 16, I.
lulia, Augusta: see Augusta.

— daughter of Augustus, I. 53, i;

3. 24, 5; 4- 44, 5 ; 6. SI, 3-

— granddaughter of Augustus, 3. 24,
5; 4. 71, 6.

— daughter of Drusus Caesar, mar-
ried to Nero Caesar, 3. 29, 4 ; 4. 60,
4; to Rubellius IMandus, 6. 27, i.

— daughter of Germanicus, birth of,
2. 54, I ; marriage of, 6. 15, 4.

lulianae partes, the, 1.2, i.

lulius : jifi? African us, Caesar, Celsus,

Clemens, Florus, Indus, Marinus,

Postumus, Sacrovir.
lullus : see Antonius.
lunia, familia, the, 3. 24, I ; 69, 8.

— sister of Brutus and wife of Cas-
sius, death of, 3. 76, I.

— see Torquata.

lunius, a senator; 4.64,3; a sorcerer,
2. 28, 3.

— D., see Silanus.

— see Blaesus, Otho, Rusticus, Sila-
nus.

luno, worshipped at Samos, 4. 14, I.
luppiter, offerings to, 2. 22, i ; 32, 3 ;

Salaminius (in Cyprus), 3. 62, 5 ;

temple to, at Stratonicea, 3. 62, 3.
ius, origin and growth of, 3. 25-28 ;

humanum divinumque, 3. 70, 4;

patrium, 4. 16, 3 ; virgarum, I. 77, 2.
lustus, Catonius, a centurion, i. 29, 2.

Kalendae lanuariae, solemnities of
the, 4. 70, I.

Labeo, Antistius, a great jurist, 3.
75,2.

— Pomponius, legatus of Moesia, 4.
47, I ; 6. 29, I.

— see Cethegus.

— Titidius, 2. 8$, 3.
Lacedaemonii, deputation from the,

4. 43, I : see Spartani.
Laco, an Achaean, 6. 18, 3.
Laelius : see Balbus.

Lamia, Aelius, 4. 13, 5 ; death of, 6.

27, 2.
Langobardi, the, in Germany, 2. 45,

1 ; 46, 3-
Lanuvium, 3. 48, 2.

Laodicea, in Asia, 4. 55, 3.

— (Ladikieh), in Syria, 2. 79, 3.
Latiaris, Latinius, an accuser, 4. 68,

2 ; 69, 4; 71, I ; 6. 4, I.
Latinius : see Latiaris.
Latium, vetus, 4. 5, 5.
Latona, legend of, 3. 61, i.
legati legionum, proposal respecting,

2. 36, 1.
leges, the, of Crete, Sparta, Athens,

and early Rome, 3. 26, 5, foil.
Legio Prima (Germanica), the, in

Lower Germany, i. 31, 3 ; 37, 3 ;

39, 2; 42, 6; 44, 3; 51, 5; 64, 8.

— Secunda (Augusta), the, in Upper
Germany, i. 37, 4; 70, I.

Legio (Tertia Augusta), the, in
Africa, 2. 52, 5.

— Quinta (Alaudae), the, in Lower
Germany, i. 31, 3 ; 45, i ; 51, 5 ;
64, 8 ; 4. 73, 4.

— Sexta (Ferrata), the, in the East,
2. 79, 3; 81, I.

— Octava (Augusta), the, in Pan-
nonia, i. 23, 6; 30, 4.

— Nona (Hispana), the, in Pan-
nonia, i. 23, 6; 30, 4 ; in Africa,
4. 23, 2: cp. 3. 9, I.

— Decima (Fretensis), the, in Syria,
2. 57, 2.

— Tertiadecima (Gemina), the, in
Upper Germany, i. 37,4.

— Quartadecima (Gemina Martia
Victrix), the, in Upper Germany,

I- 37^ 5 ; 70, 1.

— Quintadecima (Apollinaris), the,
in Pannonia, i. 23,6; 30, 4.

— Sextadecima (Galiica), the, in
Upper Germany, i. 37, 4.

— Undevicensima, the, lost with
Varus, I. 60, 4.

— Vicensima (Valeria Victrix), the,
in Lower Germany, I. 31, 3; 37,
3; 39,2; 42, 3; 51, 5; 64,8.

— Una et vicensima (Rapax), the, in
Lower Germany, i. 31, 3; 37, 2 ;

45, 1 ; 51, 5 ; 64, 8.

Lentulus (Cn. Cornelius), an augur,

3- 59, I-

— (Cn.),adistinguished senator, 1.27,

i; 2.32,2; 3.68,3; 4-29,1; 44,1-

— (Cn.) Gaetulicus, 4. 42, 3; 46, I ;
legatus of Upper Germany, 6. 30,
2, foil.

Lepida, Aemilia, acciased, 3. 22-24.
Lepida, Aemilia, wife of Drusus, son
of Germanicus, 6. 40, 4.

HISTORICAL INDEX TO THE TEXT

671

Lepidus, M. (Aemilius), guardian of
princes in Egypt, 2. 67, 4.

— (M.), opponent of Sulla, rogationes
of, 3- 27, 4-

— (M.), the triumvir, I. I, 3; 2, I ;
9, 4 ; 10, 2.

— M. Aemilius, 2. 48, I ; proconsul
of Asia, 3. 32, 2 (where see note) ;
restores the basilica of Paulus, 3.
72, 3 ; father of Aemilia Lepida, 6.

40,4-

— M'., character of, I. 13, 2; 4. 20,
4 ; defends his sister, 3. 22, 2 ; and
Cn. Piso, 3. II, 2; speaks against
severe decrees, 3. 50, foil. ; 4. 20,
3 ; declines Africa, 3. 35, 2 ; pro-
consul of Asia, 4. 56, 3 ; influence
of, 6. 5, I ; death of, 6. 27, 4.

Leptitani, the, in Africa, 3. 74, 2.

Lesbos, 2. 54, I ; 6. 3, 3.

Leucophryna : see Diana.

Lex: see Caesar (lulius), lulia, Op-
pia, Papia Poppaea, Tullus.

Liber, temple of, at Rome, 2. 49, I ;
identified with the Eastern Diony-
sus, 3. 61,2; 4. 38, 5.

Libera, 2. 49, I.

Libo, L. (Scribonius), 2. i, i ; cp. 2.
29, 2.

— (M.) Scribonius Drusus, accusation
and trial of. 2. 27-32 ; cp. 4. 29, 4.

libritores, in the army, 2. 20, 4.
Libya, conquered by Rhamses, 2.

60, 4.
Licinius, AL, consul, 4. 62, i.
lictores, honorary use of, i, 14, 3 ; 2.

53, 3.
Ligur, Varius, 4. 42, 3 ; bribes his

accusers, 6. 30. i.
limes, the, of Tiberius in Germany,

I. 50, 2.
Limnatis: see Diana.
Livia familia, the, 6. 51, I.

— see Augusta.

• — sister of (]erm.anicus, and wife of
Drusus, 2. 43, 7 ; 84, I ; 4. 3, 3 ;
corrupted by Seianus, and induced
to poison her husband, 4, 3, 4 ;
not permitted by Tiberius to marry
Seianus, 4. 39-40 ; posthumous
condemnation of, 6. 2, i.

Livineius: Jc";' Regulus.

Livius, T., the historian, praise of
Pompeius by, 4. 34, 4.

Lollius, M., defeated by the Germans,
I. 10, 3 ; with C. Caesar in the
East, 3. 48, 3.

Longinus : sec Cassius, L.
Longus, Lucilius, 4. 15, 2.
Lucilius, a centurion, i. 23, 4.
■ — see Capito, Longus.
Lucretius, Sp., left in charge of
Rome by Tarquinius Superbus, 6.

II, I.

Lucullus, L., military achievements
of, 4. 36, 3 ; villa of, 6. 50, 2.

ludi, held by Livia to Augustus, I.
73, 4 : see Augustales, circenses,
Megaleses.

Lugdunum (Lyons), 3. 41, 2.

Lupia (Lippe), the, in Germany, I.
60, 5 ; 2. 7, I.

Lupus, Cutius, quaestor, 4. 27, 2.

Lutorius : see Clutorius.

luxus, in feasting, increase and sub-
sequent diminution of, 3. 55.

Lycia, sea of, 2. 60, 4 ; coast of, 2.

79, I-
Lycurgus, laws of, 3. 26, 4.
Lydia, and Lydi, legends of, 3. 61, 3 ;

4- 55- 7-
Lygdus, the poisoner of Drusus
Caesar, 4. 8, I ; 10, 2 ; 11,4.

Macedonia and Macedones, refer-
ences to former history of, 2. 55, 2 ;
3. 61, 3 ; 4. 55, 8 ; 6. 31, 2 {see also
Philippus) ; province of, 3. 38, 2 ;
t. 10, 3 ; transferred to Caesar, i.
76, 4 ; held with Moesia, I. 80, i ;
see also Hyrcani.

Alacer, Pompeius, praetor, i. 72, 4.

Macrina, Pompeia, exiled, 6. 18, 3.

Macro (Naevius Sertorius), praefect
of praetorians. 6. 15, 5 ; 23, 5 ; the
tool of Tiberius against Seianus,
6. 48, 4 ; successor to his pernicious
influence, 6. 29, 5 ; 48, 3 ; an enemy
of Arruntius, 6. 47, 4 ; attacked in
will by Trio, 6. 38, 2 ; pays court
to Gaius, 6. 45, 5 ; 46, 6; 48, 4;
makes arrangements in view of the
death of Tiberius, 6. 50, 6 ; orders
him to be smothered, 6. 50, 9.

Maecenas, Cilnius, patron of Bathyl-
lus, I. 54, 3 ; position of, 3. 30, 4 ;
vicegerent of Augustus, 6. II, 3;
lost influence with him, 3. 30, 7.

magi, prevalence of, and measures
taken against, 2. 27, 2 ; 32, 5 ; 6.
29, 6.

Magius : see Caecilianus.

Magnetes (ad Maeandrum), the, 3.
6-, I ; 4- 55, 3-

672

INDEX I

Magnetes a Sipylo, the, relieved after

earthquake, 2. 47, 4.
maiestas, charge of, innovation made

by Augustus respecting, i. 72, 3, 4 ;

3. 24, 3 ; limitation of, 4. 34, 3 ;
penalty for, 3. 50, 6 ; very pre-
valent under Tiberius, l. 72-74 ;
2. 50; 3. 22, 4; 37, i; 38, I, 2;
49-50; 67, 3; 70, 2; 4. 6, 3; 19,
5; 21, 3 ; 30, 2; 31, I, 7; 34, 3;
42,3; 6. 9, 5; 18, i; 38,4.

maiorum more, capital punishment,

2. 32, 5: 4. 30, I.
Mallovendus, chief of the Marsi, 2.

25, 2.

Maluginensis, Servius (Cornelius),
flamen Dialis, 3. 58, I ; disqualified
for a province, 3. 71, 4 ; death of,

4. 16, I ; son of, 4. 16, 5.
Mamercus : see Scaurus.
mancipes, frauds of the, 3. 31, 7.
Manlii, family of the, 3. 76, 4.
Manlius, banished, 2. 50, 5.
mapalia, the, of Africans, 3. 74, 5 ;

4-25,1.
Marcellus: j^^ Aeserninus.

— (M.), Claudius, nephew of Au-
gustus, I. 3, I ; 2. 41, 5 ; 6. 51, 2 ;
statue of, I. 74, 4 : theatre of, 3.
64, 2.

— Granius, praetor of Bithynia, i.
74, I, foil.

Marcia, wife of Fabius Maximus, i.

5.4-
Marcianus, Granius, a senator, 6.

38,4.
Marcius : see Numa.
Marcius, P., an astrologer, 2. 32, 5.
Marcomani, the, in Germany, 2. 46,

5 ; 62, 3.
mare : see Aegaeum, Amunclanum,

Bithynum, Uelmaticum, Hadriati-

cum, Ionium, Lycium, Ponticum.
Marinus, lulius, a partisan of Seianus,

6. 10, 2.
Marius, C, consulships of, I. g, 2.

— Sextus, 4. 36, I ; a rich Spaniard,
6. 19, I.

— see Nepos.

Maroboduus, king of the Suebi, 2.

26, 3 ; power of, 2. 46, 2 ; 63, 3 ;
at war with Arminius, 2. 44-46;
obliged to seek Roman protection,
2. 62 63 ; 88, 3; 3. II, I ; kept
eighteen years at Ravenna, 2.

63,. 5-
Mars, Ultor, temple of, 2. 64, 2; 3.

18, 3 ; Martis Campus, the, in

Rome, I. 8, 6 ; 3. 4, i.
Marsi, the, in Germany, i. 50, 6 ; 56,

7 ; 2. 25, 2.
Marsus, Vibius, a friend of Germani-

cus, 2. 74, I ; 79, I ; 4. 56, 3 ;

narrowly escapes death, 6. 47, 2 ;

48, I.
Martiales flamines, 3. 58, i.
Martina, a poisoner, 2. 74, 2 ; 3. 7, 2.
Marus (Morava), the, 2. 63, 7.
Massilia, school of study at, 4. 44, 5 ;

bequest to the people of, 4. 43, 8.
Mater Deum, temple of the, in Rome,

4. 64, 4.
.mathematici : j^^ Chaldaei.
Mattium (Maden), in Germany, i.

56,6.
Mauri, the, 2. 52, 3 ; 4. 5> 3 ; 23, i ;

24, 3-
Maximus, Fabius (Paulus), story

about the death of, I. 5, 2-4.

— Sanquinius, 6. 4, 4.
Mazippa, a Moor, 2. 52, 3.
Medea, legend of, 6. 34, 3.

Medi, the, conquered by Rhamses,

2. 60, 4.

Medi, the (of Media Atropatene), 2,

4, 2 ; 56, I ; 6. 34, 6.
medici, the, of families, 4. 63, 3.
Megaleses ludi, the, 3. 6, 5.
Memmius : see Regulus.
Memnon, vocal statue of, 2. 61, i.
Menelaus, legend of, in Egypt, 2.

60, 2.
mensae, the, of bankers, 6. 17, 4.
Merula, Apidius, 4. 42, 3.

— Cornelius, a former flamen Dialis,

3. 58, 2.

Mesopotamia, 6. 36, i ; 37,4; 44, 5.

Messalinus : see Cotta, Messalla.

Messala, Corvinus, praefectus urbis
for a few days, 6. 11, 4 ; character
and eloquence of, 3. 34, 2 ; used to
speak of Cassias as his imperator,

4. 34, 6.

— or Messalinus, Valerius, son of the
above, i. 8, 5 ; 3. 18, 3 ; speech of,
3. 34, 2, foil.

— Volesus, proconsul of Asia under
Augustus, 3. 68, I.

Messenii, the, dispute of, with the
Lacedaemonians, 4. 43, 1-6.

Metellus, L., pont. max., 3. 71, 4.

Miletus and Milesii, 2. 54,4; 3-63,
5 ; 4. 43, 5 ; worship of Apollo by,
4- 55,6.

HISTORICAL INDEX TO THE TEXT

673

milites, grievances of, i. 17 ; 26 ; 31 ;

35; missio given to, i. 36, 4; 37,

I ; 44, 7-8.
Minos, laws of, 3. 26, 4.
Minucius : see Thermus.
Misenum, promontory of, 6. 50, 2 ;

fleet at, 4. 5, i.
Mithridates, wars of Rome with, 2.

55,1; 3.62,1; 73, I ; 4.14, 3; 36,3.

— the Hiberian, king of Armenia, 6.

32, 5 ; 33, I-
Moesia, province of, I. 80, i ; 2. 66,
I ; 6. 29, 1 ; legions of, 4. 5, 5 ;

47, I-
Montanus, Votienus, exiled, 4. 42, 1.
Mesa (Maas), the, 2. 6, 5.
Moschus, Vulcatius, an exile at Mas-

silia, 4. 43, 8.
Mosteni, the, in Asia, 2. 47, 4.
Mummius, L., the imperator in

Achaia, 4. 43, 4.
Munatius: see Plancus.
Musa, Aemilia, a rich lady, 2. 48, i.
Musulamii, the, in Africa, 2. 52, 2 ;

4. 24, 2.
Mutilia : see Prisca.
Mutilus, Papius, a servile senator,

2. 32, 4.

Myrina, in Asia, 2. 47, 4.
Mytilene : se'e Theophanes.

Nabataei, king of the, 2. 57, 5.

Nar (Nera), the, i. 79, 2 ; 3. 9, 2.

Narbonensis : see Gallia.

Narnia, 3. 9, 2.

Naso, Valerius, 4. 56, 3.

Natta, Pinarius, client of Seianus. 4.

34, 2.
Nauportus, in Pannonia, i. 20, i.
negotiatores, traffic by, 2. 62, 4 ; 82,

6; 87.1.
Nepos, Marius, a senator, 2. 48, 3.
Neptunus, temple of, at Tenos, 3.

63,4-
Nero, Tiberius (Claudius), father of

the emperor Tiberius, I. 10, 4; 5.

I, 2 ; 6. 51, I.

— see Tiberius.

— Caesar, son of Germanicus, af-
fianced in childhood, 2. 43, 3 ;
enters into public life, 3. 29, 1 ;
marries Julia, daughter of Drusus,

3. 29, 4 ; introduced to the senate
by Tiberius, 4. 8, 5 ; returns thanks
for the cities of Asia, 4. 15, 4 : in-
cluded in the prayer of the pontifts.

4. 17, I ; assailed by the craft of

Seianis, 4. 59, 5; 60, I, foil.; 67,
5 ; accused after the death of Au-
gusta, 5. 3, 2 ; popular sympathy
with, 5. 4, 3 ; second marriage of
the widow of, 6. 27, i.
Xerva, Cocceius, a learned jurist, 4.
58, I ; death of, 6. 26, i.

— Silius, consul, 4. 68, I.
Nicephorium, a Parthian town, 6.

41, 2.
Nicopolis, in Achaia, 2. 53, i ; 5.

10, 4.
Niger: i'^^ Bruttedius.
Nilus, the, 2. 60, i ; 61, i.
Xola, death of Augustus at, 1-5,5;

9, 1 ; temple to Augustus at, 4. 57, i .
Norbanus, C, consul, i. 55, I.

— L., consul, 2. 59, I.
Noricum, province of, 2. 63, i.
novendialis cena, 6. 5, i.
Numa, institutions of, 3. 26, 5.

— Marcius, vicegerent of Tullus
Hostilius, 6. 1 1, I.

Numantina, 4. 22, 4.
Numidae, the, 2. 52, 2, foil. ; 3. 21,
5, foil. ; 4. 24, 2 ; 25, I.

Occia, a Vestal virgin, 2. 86, i.
Oceanus (North Sea), the, i. 70, 2 ;

2. 23, I ; 24, I.
Octavia, sister of Augustus, i. 3, i ;

4- 44, 5 ; 75, 2.
Octavii, tomb of the, 4. 44, 5.
Octavius, father of Augustus, i. 9, i.

— see Fronto.

odores, use of, in funerals, 3. 2, 2.
Odrusae, the, of Thrace, 3. 38, 5.
01ennius,an officer set over the Frisii,

4. 72, 2.
omina, I. 28, 2; 4. 64, I : see also

prodigia.
Oppia lex, the, 3. 33, 4 ; 34, 6.
Opsius, M., an accuser, 4. 68, 2 ;

71, I.
oracula, 2. 54, 3 ; 3. 63, 4 ; 6. 34, 4-
orbitas, influence of, 3. 25, 2.
Oriens, the, 2. i, i ; 43, i ; 6. 34, 5.
Ornospades, a Parthian noble, 6.

37.4-
Orodes, son of Artabanas, 6. 33. 2 ;

34, I ; 35, 4-
Ortygia, near Ephesus, 3. 61, i.
Osci, the, pantomimes invented by,

4. 14, 4.
Ostia, 2. 40, I.
Otho, Junius, a low-born senator, 3.

66, 2-4; another, 6. 47, i.

674

INDEX 1

ovatio, instances of, 2. 64, i ; 3. 11,

I ; 19, 4.

Paconianus, Sextius, condemned, 6.

3.4; 39. I-
Paconius, M., an accuser, 3. 67, i.
Pacuvius, a legatus legionis, 2.

79. 3-
Pagyda, the, in Africa, 3. 20, i.
Palatium, the, i. 13, 7 ; 2. 34, 5 ; 37,

3 ; 40, 4-
Pamphylia, the coast of, 2. 79, i.
Pandateria (Vandotena), a place of

exile, I. 53, I.
Pandusa, Latinius, legatus of Moesia,

2. 66, I.
Pannonia, the province of, i. 16, I,

foil. ; 47, 2 ; 3. 9, I ; 4. 5, 5 : see

also Illyricum.
Pansa (Vibius), suspicion respecting

the death of, i. 10, i.
pantomimi, measures taken against,

1. 77, 5 : see also histriones.
Pantuleius, eques, 2. 48, i.
Paphia : see Venus.

Papia Poppaea lex, the, 3. 25, I ;

28,4-
Papinius, Sex., consul, 6. 40, i ; son

of, 6. 49, I.
Papius : see Mutilus.
Parthi, the, relations of Rome with,

2. 1-4; 56, I ; 58, I, foil.; 6. 31-
37 ; 41-44 : see also Armema., Arta-
banus ; an army of horsemen, 6. 34,
I ; tactics of, 6. 35, 2.

Passienus (Crispus), saying of, 6.
20, 2.

pater patriae, title of, refused by Ti-
berius, I. 72, 2; 2. 87, 2; analo-
gous titles to, suggested for Au-
gusta, I. 14, 2.

patres : see senatus.

patricii, flamines chosen from, 4.
16, 2.

Patuleius, a knight, 2. 48, i.

Pauli basilica, the, 3. 72, i.

Paulus, Fablus, consul, 6. 28, i.

Paxaea, wife of Pomponius Labeo, 6.
29, I.

pedarii senatores, 3. 65, 2.

Pedo (Albinovanus), an officer, i.
60, 2.

Peloponnesus, the, division of, be-
tween the Heraclidae, 4. 43, 2 ;
Lydian settlement in, 4. 55, 7.

Penates, the : cp. penetrales di, 2.
10. I.

Percennius, a mutinous soldier, i. 16,

4 ; 17, I, foil. ; 28, 6 ; 29, 4.
Pergamum, temple of Aesculapius at,

3. 63, 3 ; temple to Augustus at, 4.

37,4; 55.6.
Perinthus (Erekli), in Thrace, 2. 54, 2.
Perpenna (M.), 3. 62, 4.
Persae, the, conquered by Rhamses,

2. 60, 4; empire of the, 3. 61, 3 ;

6. 31, 2.
Perses, king of Macedon, 4. 55, 2.
Perusinum bellum, the, 5. i, 3.
Petilius : see Rufus.
Petronius, P., 3. 49, 2; 6. 45, 3.
Pharasmanes, king of the Hiberi, 6.

32, 5; supports his brother Mithri-

dates in occupying Armenia, 6. 33.

1-3; 34-35-
Pharsalia, allusion to battle of, 4.

44, 2.
Philadelphia, in As'a, people of, 2.

47,4-
Fhilippi, allusion to battle of, 3. 76,

i; 4- 35. 3-

Philippopolis, 3. 38, 6.
Philippus, father of Alexander the
Great, 2. 63, 3; 3. 38, 6 ; 4. 43, 1.

— (L. Marcius), 3. 72, 3.
Philopator, a Cilician king, 2. 42, 7.
phoenix, the, seen in Egypt, 6. 28.
Phraates, king of Parthia, 2. i, 2 ; 2,

8 ; 6. 37, 6 ; another, his son, 6.
31, 4 ; 32, 1-4.

— a Parthian noble, 6. 42, 5 ; 43, 2.
Phrixus, oracle of, 6. 34, 4
Picenum, 3. 9, i.

Pinarius : see Natta.
Piraeus, the, 5. 10, 4.
Piso (Cn. Calpurnius), an aristocrat
in the civil wars, 2. 43, 3.

— Cn., son of the above, i. 13, 3;
74, 6 ; 79, 5 ; husband of Plancina,
2. 43, 4 ; sent to Syria as legatus,
2. 43, 3; opposes Germanicus, 2.
55, I, foil. ; neglects his orders and
insults him personally, 2. 57, 1,
foil. ; suspected of attempting poi-
son and witchcraft, 2. 69, 5 ; in-
tends to leave Syria, but delays
his departure, 2. 69, 3 ; offers
thank-offerings on hearing of the
death of Germanicus, 2. 75, 2 ;
determines to recover Syria by
force, 2. 76-So ; is forced to sub-
mit and allowed to return to Rome,
2. 8i ; reaches Rome after con-
siderable delay and circuit, 3. 8-9 ;

HISTORICAL INDEX TO THE TEXT

675

is brought to trial and commits
suicide, 3. 10-18.

— Cn., son of the above, 3. 16, 5 ;
ordered to change his praenomen,

3. 17, 8; probably afterwards called
L. Calpurnius, 4. 62, i.

— L., complains of accusers, and
summons Urgulania into court, 2.
34, I, foil. ; defends Cn. Piso, 3. li,
2 ; is accused, and dies before trial,

4. 21 : see also notes on 2. 32, 4 ;
3- 68, 2.

— L., murdered in Spain, 4. 45, i.

— L., pontifex and praefectus urbis,
death of, 6. 10, 3-5 ; 11,6.

— M., son of Cn. Piso, 2. 76, 2 ; 78,
3; 3. 16, 5 ; excused by Tiberius,
3. 17, I ; 18, 2.

I'isones, nobility of the, 3. 17, i.

Pituanius, L., a magician, 2. 32, 5.

Pius, Aurelius, a senator, I. 75, 3.

Planasia (Pianosa), the island of, i.
3, 4 ; 5, I ; 2. 39, 2.

Plancina, wife of Cn. Piso, lineage
and character of, 2. 43, 4 ; intrigues
with the soldiers, 2. 55, 5 ; shows
joy at the death of Germanicus, 2.
75) 3 ; returns to Rome, 3. 9, 2 ;
obtains pardon through Augusta,

3. 15, I ; is accused long after-
wards and commits suicide, 6. 26, 4.

Plancus, Munatius, i. 39, 4, foil.
PJautius, Q., consul, 6. 40, i.

— Silvanus, murders his wife and is
forced to commit suicide, 4. 22.

plebes, the, also populus, vulgus, un-
warlike, 3. 40, 5 ; only a minority
freeborn, 4. 27, 3 ; won over by
Augustus, I. 2, I ; takes the oath
of allegiance to Tiberius, i. T,Z\
but is less indulged by him, i. 54,
4 ; 4. 62, 3 ; deprived of its power
to elect magistrates, i. 15, i ; shows
affection for Marcellus, 2 41, 5 ;
for Drusus, i. 33, 3 ; 2. 41, 5 ; for
Germanicus, i. 33, 3; 2. 82, 1,
foil.; 3. 2, 5; 4, 2; 6, I ; II, 3;
for Agrippina and her family, 3. 6,
I ; 4. 67, 6 ; 5. 4, 3; 6. 46, l ;
often harassed by dearth, 2. %"], i ;

4. 6, 6 ; 6. 13, I ; complains of the
centesima, i. 78, 2; is riotous in
the theatre, i. Tj, i ; receives con-
giaria, 3. 29, 3 ; addressed by edict.
I. 8, 6; 78, 2; 3. 6, I ; 4. 67, I ;
5-. 5, I ; 6. 13, 3; arranged in
tribes at ceremonies, 3. 6, 2.

plebiscita, against usury, 6. 16, 3.

Plinius, C, historical writings of, re-
ferred to, I. 69, 3.

Poeni, wars with the, 2. 49, i ; 52, 2 ;
cp. 4- 33. 4; 56, I.

Polemo, king of Pontus, 2. 56, 2.

Pollio, Annius, accused, 6. 9, 5.

— C. Asinius, boldness of, i. 12, 6;
writings of, 4. 34, 6 ; death of, 3.

75. I-
- Domitius, 2. 86, 1.

— Vedius, luxury of, i. 10, 4

— Vinicianus, 6. 9, 7.
Pompeia ; see Macrina.
Pompeiopolis, in Cilicia, 2. 58, 3.
Pompeius, Cn. (Magnus), i. i, 3; 6.

18, 4 ; inconsistent conduct of, 3.
28, I ; praise of, by Livy, 4, 34, 4 ;
an ancestor of Libo, 2. 27, 2 ; and
of Lepida, 3. 22, i ; theatre of, 3.
23, I ; 72, 4; 6. 45, 2.

— Sex. (Cn. f.), 1. 2, I ; 10, 2 ; 5. i, 2.

— Sex., consul, i. 7, 2; 3. 11, 2;
32, 2.

— see Macer.

— a knight, 6. 14, l.
Pomponius, 2. 41, 2; 6. 8, 10: see

also Atticus, Flaccus, Labeo, Se-
cundus.

— O., an accuser, 6. 18, 2.
Pontes longi, the, i. 63, 5.
Ponticum mare or Pontus (Euxine),

the, mouth of, 2. 54, 2.

pontifices, the, blamed for including
Nero and Drusus in the vota, 4.
17, I ; sacra Dialia at times per-
formed by, 3. 58, 2.

Pontius, C, consul, 6. 45, 5.

— see Fregellanus.

Poppaeus, grandfather of the above :

see Sabinus.
populus : see plebes.
Porcius : see Cato.
porta : see Esquilina, triumphalis.
portoria : see vectigalia.
Postumius, A., temple vowed by, 2.

49, I ; another, 3. 71, 4.
Postumus : see Agrippa.

— lulius, 4. 12, 6.
praefectus annonae, I. 7, 3.

— castrorum, 1. 20, i ; 32, 6 ; 38, 2.
praefectus praetorii, sometimes one,

sometimes two, i. 7, 3 ; 24, 3 ; first
becomes an important office under
Seianus, 4. 2, i.

— - urbis, 6. 10, 5-11,6; also (obferias

Latinas), 4. 36, I.

676

INDEX I

piaetores, number of, 1. 14,6; four
'commended' by Tiberius, i. 15,

2 ; proposal of Gallus respecting,
2. 36, I ; presiding at entertain-
ments, I . yj, 2 ; management of
aerarium by, i. 75, 4.

primipilaris, a, sometimes governor
of part of a province, 4. 72, 2.

princeps, title of, assumed by, Augus-
tus, 1. 1,3; 9, 6 ; friends of, sum-
moned into council (principis con-
silium), 3. 10, 6.
- iuventutis, title of, i. 3, 2.

jirincipia legionum, effigies of Seianus
set up in the, 4. 2, 4.

Prisca, Mutilia, influential with Au-
gusta, 4. 12, 6.

Priscus, Ancharius, an accuser, 3. i^,

1 ; 70, I.

— Clutorius, condemned to death, 2.

49-51-

proconsiilare imperium, given to Ger-
manicus, i. 14, 4.

Proculeius, C, contemplated as son-
in-law by Augustus, 4. 40, 8.

Proculus,Considius, executed, 6. 18, i.

procuratores, functions of, 4. 15, 3 :
cp. 4. 6, 5; in Asia, 4- 15. 3-

Propertius : see Celer.

Propontis, the, 2. 54, 2.

proscriptio, the, by the triumvirs, 1.
2, I ; 10, 1.

provinciae, of quaestors in Italy, 4.
27, 2.

— the, preferred the Empire to the
Republic, i. 2, 2; protected from
oppression by Tiberius, 4. 6, 7 ;
the senatorial assigned by lot, 3.
32, 2; 58, I ; 71, 4; 6. 40, 3; the
Caesarian, held for long periods, i .
tO, 2 ; governors of, sometimes
detained in Rome, i. So, 4; 6. 27,

2-3-
Ptolemaeus (Epiphanes). of Egypt,
guardianship of children of, 2.

67,4.

— (Eu( rgetes), of Egypt, 6. 28, 4.

— king of Mauretania, 4. 23, i ; 24,

3 ; 26, 4.

publicani, societates of, 4. 6, 4.
Publicii, the brothers, temple built

by, 2. 49, I.
Publicola, Gellius, 3. 67, i.
Pulchra, Claudia, cousin of Agrip-

pina, condemned, 4. 52, i, foil,
pyramides, the, 2. 61, i.
Pyramus (Jukoon), the, 2. 68, 2.

Pyrrus, reference to wars with, 2. 63,

3;_88, 2.
Pythius : see Apollo.

Ouadi, the, in Germany, 2. 63, 7.

Quadratus, Seius, 6. 7, 6.

quattuordecim ordines, the, 6. 3, i.

querceae coronae, decreed, 2. 83, 2.

nuerquetulanus, old name of Mons
Caelius, 4. 65, i.

Ouinctii, the gens of, 3. 76, 4.

ciLiindecim\iri, the, 3. 64, 3 ; alleged
Sibylline book submitted to, 6. 1 2, 5.

Quinta, Claudia, statue of, preserved
from fire, 4. 64, 4.

Ouintilianus, trib. pi., 6. 12, 1.

Ouintilius : see Varus.

Quirinales flamines, 3. 58, i.

Ouirinius, P. Sulpicius, origin and
actions of, 3. 48. i, foil.; related
io Libo Drusus, 2. 30, 4; husband
of Lepida, 3. 22, I ; honoured by a
public funeral, 3. 48, i ; unpopular,

3. 23, I ; 48, 4.

(kiirinus, deification of, 4. ;^Z, 5.
(^uirites, mutinous soldiers addressed
by lulius Caesar as, I. 42, 5.

Kaetia, I. 44, 6; cohorts from, 2.

17, 6.
Ravenna, 4. 29, 3 ; fleet stationed at,

4. 5, I ; prisoners of rank kept at,
I. 58, 9; 2.63, 5.

Reatini, deputation from the, i.

79. 3-
reciperatores, i. 74, 7.
Reginorum oppidum (Reggio), i.

53, I-

Regulus, Livineius, 3. 11, 2.

— Alemmius, consul, accuses his
colleague, 5. II, I ; drops the ac-
cusation, 6. 4, 2-4.

Remmius, an ' evocatus,' 2. 68, 3.

repetundae, charges of, i. 74, 7; 3.
33, 4 ; 38, I ; 66, I ; 70, i ; 4-

19, 5- . ■

Rhamses, king of Egypt, conquests
of, 2. 60, 4.

Rhenus, the, legions stationed on, i.
31,2; 4. 5, 2 ; bridge thrown over,
1. 49, 6; 69, I ; description of the
lower course of, 2. 6, 5.

Rhcscuporis, king of Thrace, seizes
and kills his brother Cotys, and is
brought a prisoner to Rome, and
thence to Alexandria, 2. 64-67 : cp.
3- 38, 2.

HISTORICAL INDEX TO THE TEXT

677

Rhodus, 2. 55, 3 ; 3. 48, 3 ; 4- 57, 3 ;

retirement ot Tiberius to, i, 4, 4;

53, 2; 2. 42, 2; 4. 15, 2.
Rhoemetalces, king of Thrace under

Augustus, 2. 64, 3.

— his nephew, son of Rhescuporis,

2.67,4; 3- 38,4; 4- 5, 5 ; 47, I-
robur (the 'Tullianum '), 4. 29, 2.
rogationes : see Lepidus ; also lex.
Roma (the city), fires in, under

Tiberius, 4. 64, i ; 6. 45, i ; temple

to, in provinces, 4. 38, 4 ; 56, I.
Romanus, Hispo, an accuser, I. 74, I.
Romulius : see Denter.
Romulus, allusions to, 4. 38, 5 ; 6.

II, I ; an ancestor of the lulii, 4. 9,

3 ; ruled without law, 3. 26, 5.
rostra, the, at Rome, laudations

spoken at, 3. 5, 2 ; 4. 12, i ; 5,

1,6.
Rubellius : see Blandus, Geminus.
Rubrius, a knight, I. 73, i : see also

Fabatus.
Rufilla, Annia, 3. 36, 3.
Rufus, Aufidienus, praefectus castro-

rum, I. 20, I.

— Helvius, a soldier, 3. 21, 3.

— Petilius, an accuser, 4. 68. 2.

— see Trebellenus.

Ruso, Abudius, an accuser, 6. 30, 2.
Rusticus, lunius, registrar of the

senate, 5. 4, i.
Rutilius, P., accused by M. Scaurus,

3. 66, 2 ; naturalized at Zmyrna,

4- 43, 7.

Sabini, the, sacred rites of, i. 54, i ;

noble families of, 4. 9, 3.
Sabinus, Calvisius, consul, 4. 46, I ;

accused of treason, 6. 9, 5.

— Poppaeus, governor of Moesia,
also of Achaia and Macedonia, i.
80, I ; 5. 10, 3 ; actions of, in
Thrace, 4. 46-5 1 ; holds provinces
for twenty-four years until his
death, 6. 39, 3.

Sabinus, Titius, a friend of Germani-

cus and his house, 4. 18, i ; 19, i ;

entrapped and put to death, 4. 68-

70.
Sacerdos, Carsidius, accused, 4. 13,

3 ; exiled, 6. 48, 7.
Sacrovir, lulius, leader of the Aeduan

rising, 3. 40, i ; 41, 4 ; 43, l ; 44.

3 ; 45. 3 ; 46, 7-
sagittarii, mounted, 2. 16, 5 ; un-
mounted, id.

Salaminius: see luppiter.
s;di;ire carmen, the, 2. 83, 2.
Sallustius, C, the historian, 3. 30, 8.

— Crispus, adopted by the above, 3.
30, 3 ; the confidant of Augustus
and Tiberius, I. 6, 6; 2. 40, 2; 3.
30, I, foil.

Saloninus, Asinius, death and dis-
tinction of, 3. 75, I.

Salvianus, Calpurnius, an accuser, 4.
36, I.

Samos, Sibylline poems at, 6. 12, 4;
asylum claimed for temple of Juno
at, 4. 14, I.

Samothraces, the, religion of, 2. 54, 3.

Sancia, exiled at her brother's death,
6. 18, 2.

Sanquinius, an accuser, 6. 7, I : see
also Maximus.

Santoni, the, in Gaul, 6. 7, 5.

Sardes, the people of, relieved after
an earthquake, 2. 47, 3 ; claim an
asylum, 3. 63, 5 ; desire to erect a
temple to Tiberius, 4. 55, 7.

Sardinia, Jewish and Egyptian freed-
men deported to, 2. 85, 5.

Sarmatae, the, allied with the Hiberi,

6. 33, 3; 35, I-

Satrius : see Secundus.

Saturninus, mentioned as a dema-
gogue, 8. 27, 3.

Saturnus, temple of, at Rome, 2,

Scantia, a Vestal virgin, 4. 16, 6.

Scaurus, Mamercus Aemilius, a lead-
ing senator and orator, i. 13, 4;
3- 23, 3 ; 31, 5 •■ 66, 2 ; is accused,
6. 9, 5 ; commits suicide, 6. 29, 7.

— Al., the accuser of Rutilius, 3,
66, 3. .

sceptuchi, the, of the Sarmatians, 6.

33, 3.
Scipio, L. (Cornelius, Asiaticus), de-
cree of, 3. 62, I.

— P. (the elder Africanus), imitated
by Germanicus, 2. 59, 2 ; times of,

2. 33, 3-

— (P. Africanus the younger), accu-
ser of L. Cotta, 3. 66, 2.

Scipio (P.), Cornelius, 3. 74, 2.

— (Q. Caecilius), mentioned with
honour, 4. 34, 5.

Scribonia, wife of Augustus, related

to Libo, 2. 27, 2.
Scribonianus : see Camillus.
Scribonii, family of the, 2. 2, , I ; 32,

2 : see Libo.

VOL. I

XX

678

INDEX I

Scythae, the, and Scythia, 2. 65, 5 ;

68, I ; conquered by Rhamses, 2.

60, 4; Artabanus takes refuge with,

6. 36, 5 ; 41, 2; 44, I.
Secundus, Pomponius, P., accused

and narrowly escapes death, 5. 8,

1,4; 6, 18, 2.

— Satrius, a client of Seianus, 4. 34,
2; 6. 8, 10; the betrayer of his
conspiracy, 6. 47, 2.

Segestani, deputation from the, 4. 43, 6.

Segestes, brother of Arminius, and
friendly to the Romans, I. 55, 2 ;
57, I, foil. ; 58, 1, foil. ; 59, I.

Segimerus, brother of the above, i.
71, I.

Segimundus, son of Segestes, i. 57, 2,

Seianus (L.) Aelius, origin and early
history of, 4. I, 2, foil.; colleague
of his father as praef. praet. and
sent with Drusus to Pannonia, i.
24, 3 ; sole praefect, 4. 2, i ; his
policy, 4. 7, 2 ; prejudices Tiberius
against the family of Germanicus,

I. 69, 7; 4. 12, 3; 17, 4; 54, I ;

67, 5 ; manages the concentration
of the praetorian guard, 4. 2, i ;
contrives the murder of Drusus,
son of Tiberius, 4. 3, 1 , foil. ; obtains
the betrothal of his daughter to the
son of Claudius, 3. 29, 5 ; asks
permission to marry Livia, widow
of Drusus, 4. 39, I ; urges Tiberius
to leave Rome, 4. 41, 2; 57, 2;
saves his life in a cave, 4. 59, 4 ;
extravagantly honoured by the
senate, armies, and people, 3. 72,
5 ; 4. 2, 4 ; 74, 3, 4 ; held in check
by Augusta, 5. 3, i ; conspiracy of,
alluded to, 5. 8, i ; 6. 3, 4 ; 14, i ;
19, 2 ; 23, 5 ; 25, 4; 47, 2 ; con-
fiscation of property of, 6. 2, i ;
fate of children of, 5. 8, i ; 9, i ;
punishment of friends of, 5. 6, 2; 11,
I ; 6. 3,2; 7, 2; 14, I ; 19, 2 ; 30,7.

Seius : see Quadratus, Strabo, Tu-
bcro.

Seleucia, near Antioch, 2. 69, 4.

— on the Tigris, 6. 42, l ; 44, 3.
Seleucus (Nicator), 6. 42, i.
Semnones, the, a Suebic tribe, 2.

45, I- .

Sempronius : see Gracchus.

senatores, gifts to, in cases of poverty,
I- 75» 5.; 2. 37, 2; 48, I ; compul-
sory retirement of, 2. 48, 3 ; pedarii,
3. 65, 2 ; prohibited from visiting

Egypt, 2. 59, 4 ; forbidden to visit
pantomimi, 1. 77, 5 ; consilium of,
in provinces, 2. 74, i.
senatus, the, takes the oath of allegi-
ance toTiberius, i. 7, 3 ; summoned
to consider the funeral honours
to Augustus, I. 8, I, foil. ; urges
Tiberius to accept the empire, I.
II-13; election of magistrates
transferred to, i. 15, l ; constantly
consulted by Tiberius, 4. 6, 2 ; re-
ferred to even on military matters,
I. 25, 3 ; 26, 5 ; 52, 2 ; presents an
imposing show of independence in
dealing with asyla, 3. 60, 6 ; 4. 14,
I ; associated with the emperor in
provincial worship, 4. 15, 4 ; 37, 4 ;
sometimes convened in the Pala-
tium, 2. 37, 3 ; acta of, 5.4, 1 ;
extreme cases of servility of, 3. 65,

1, foil. ; goes to meet the funeral
procession of Germanicus, 3. 2, 5 ;
and Tiberius on his landing from
Capreae, 4. 74, 5 ; various pro-
ceedings in, 1. 76-79 ; 2. 33-38 ;
51 ; 85-88; 3. 25, l; 31-37; 52,
3-55» I ; 58-59; 69; 71-72; 4-8,

2, foil.; 14, 4; 16, I, foil.; 37-38;
43; 55-56; 6. 2-3; 12; 15, 4-6;
16, 5 ; various criminal charges
brought before, I. 73-74 ; 2.27-31;
50; 3. 10-18; 22-23; 38, 1-3;
49-51 ; 66-70; 4. 13, 2-5; 15, 3 ;
18-22; 28-31; 34-36; 42; 52;
66 ; 68-71 ; 5. 3-5 ; 8-9 ; 6. 3-10;
14 ; 18-19 ; 29-30 ; 38-40 ; 47-49 ;
decision sometimes given on oath,
I. 74, 5; 4. 21, 5; sentence not
registered till ten days afterwards,

3- 51,3-
senatus-consulta, registered in the
aerarium,3.5i, 3; or in gold letters,

3, 57, 3 ; for deification of Augustus,
I. 10, 8; for awarding honours to
the emperor, 3. 47, 3; 57, i; 4.
64, 2, foil.; 74, 3 ; 6. 25, 5; 45,4;
to members of the imperial family,

1. 14, I, foil.; 2. 43, 2; 83, I, foil. ;
3. 56-57 ; 4- 9. 2, foil. ; 5. 2, I ; to
other persons, 3. 72, 5 {see also
funus publicum, triumphalia, ovatio,
supplicationes,triumphus); against
vice, 2. 85, I ; unlawful religions,

2. 85, 5 {see also magi, mathe-
matici) ; against disorder, i. yj,
5; 4. 14, 4; 6. 13, 3; on asyla, 3.
63, 6 ; for remission of tribute, 2.

HISTORICAL INDEX TO THE TEXT

679

47, 4-5 ; 4. 13, I ; on various other

matters, 3. 63, 2 ; 4. 44, 6.
Sentius, Cn. (Saturninus), temporary

legatus of Syria, 2. 74, 1 ; 79, 4 I

8i,2;3. 7, 2.
septemviri (epulones), supplication

for Augusta by, 3. 64, 3.
Septentrio, the north of Europe, 2.

23, 3:

Septimius, a centurion, i. 32, 4.

sepultura, allowed to those who an-
ticipated execution by suicide, 6.
29, 2.

Sequani, the, swear allegiance, i. 34,
I ; join the Gallic rising, 3. 45, i.

Serenus, C. Vibius, accuser of Libo,
2. 30, I ; banished for misconduct
in Spain, 4. 13, 2; brought back
to answer a further charge, 4. 28,
1 ; disliked by Tiberius, 4. 29, 3 ;
sent back to Amorgus, 4. 30, 2.

— Vibius, son of the above, accuses
his father, 4. 28, i ; and others, 4.
29, I ; 36, 4.

serica vestis, forbidden to men, 2.

33, I-
Seriphos, island of, 2. 85, 4; 4. 21, 5,
Sertorius, reference to the war with,

3- 73, 3-
Servaeus, Q., governs Commagene,

2. 56, 5; accuses Cn. Piso, 3. 13,
3 ; priesthood awarded to, 3. 19,
I ; accused and turns informer, 6.
7,.2, 5-

servi, put to the question against their
master by a legal fiction, 2. 30, 3 ;

3. 67, 3 ; vast numbers of, in Rome,
3. 53, 5 ; 4. 27, 3 ; rising of, near
Brundisium, 4. 27, i, foil.

Servilius, an accuser, 6. 29, 6 ;
banished, 6. 30, i.

— M., a consular, 2. 48, 1 ; 3. 22, 4.

— M. (Nonianus), son of the above,
consul, 6. 31, I.

Servius Tullius, laws of, 3. 26, 6.
Sesosis, king of Egypt, 6. 28, 4.
Severus : see Caecina.

— Cassius, banished for libel by
Augustus, 1.72,4; further punished
by Tiberius, 4. 21, 5.

Sextia, wife of Mam. Scaurus, shares

his death, 6. 29, 7.
Sextius : see Paconianus.
Sibulla, books of the prophecies of

the, I. 76. 2 ; 6. 12.
Sicilia, 4. 13, 4 ; 6. 12, 4 ; strait of,

1.53, I.

siderum motus, astrological science

of the, 4. 58, 2 ; 6. 21, 4.
signum (tessera), the, given by the

princeps to the praetorians, i. 7,y.
Silanus, Creticus, legatus of Syria, 2.

4, 4; 43, 3.

— App. lunius, consul, 4. 68, I ; ac-
cused, 6. 9, 5.

— C, tried, 3. 66-69 , 4- 15, 4-

— D. lunius, returns from voluntary
exile, 3. 24, I.

— M. (lunius), consul, 2. 59, i ; (by
some identified with the next).

— M. (lunius), a powerful senator,
3. 24, 5 ; makes a proposal in
compliment to the princeps, 3. 57,
2 ; father-in-law of Gaius Caesar,
6. 20, I ; an alleged son of, per-
sonates Drusus, 5. 10, 4.

Silius, C, legatus of Upper Germany,
I. 31, 2; 2. 6, I ; 7, i; 25, 2;
receives triumphal ia, i. 72, i ;
employed against the Treveri and
Aedui, 3. 42, 2; 43,4; 45, i; 46,
2 ; husband of Sosia Galia, 4. 19,

1 ; charged with treason and
forced to suicide, 4. 18-20.

— see Neroa.
Silvanus ; see Plaiitius.
simulacra, of Augustus, 3. 63, 6 ; see

statuae.
Sinnaces, a Parthian noble, 6. 31, 3 ;

.32,3; 36,3; 37, 5-
Sipylus, 2. 47, 4 : see Magnetes,
Sirpicus, a centurion, 1. 23, 6.
Sisenna : j<ft' Taurus.
Smyrna: J^^Zmyrna.
sociale bellum, allusion to the, 6. 12,4.
societates: see publicani.
sodales : see Augustales, Titii.
Sol, altar of, at Heliopolis, 6. 28, 7.
Solon, laws of, 3. 26, 4.
somnia, record of, i. 65, 2 ; 2. 14, I ;

interpreters of, 2. 27, 2.
sors, the, used in assigning senatorial

provinces, 3. 32, 2 ; 58,1; 71, 4 ;

6. 40, 3 : in other matters, i. 54,

2 ; 6. 2, 3.
Sosia : see Galla.

spadones, at the imperial court, 4.

8, I.
Spartacus, alluded to, 3. 73, 3.
Spartani, the, found Canopus,2.6o, 2;

laws of, 3. 26, 5 : see Lacedaemonii.
Spelunca, villa at, 4. 59, 2.
Spes, temple of, at Rome, 2. 49, 2.
Staius, an ofificer, 4. 27, 3.

68o

INDEX I

Statilia: ^^^ Messalina.

Statilius : see Taurus.

statuae (or effigies), of Augustus,

1. 73, 2; 74, 4; 3- 63, 6; of
the Caesars, i. 74, 4 ; of Ti-
berius, 4. 64, 3 ; 74, 3 ; of Germa-
nicus, 2. 83, 2, 3 ; of Agrippina,

5. 4, 3 ; of Seianus, 4. 74, 3 ; of
Claudia Quinta, 4. 64, 4 ; laurea-
tae, 4. 23, I ; eburnae, 2, 83, 2 ;
prohibition or destruction of those
of persons condemned, 2. 32, 2 ; 3.
14, 6; 76,5.

Stertinius, L., an officer of Germani-
cus, I. 60, 4 ; 71, I ; 2. 8,4 ; 10, 2;
11,4; 17,1 ; 22,3.

Strabo, Seius, praef.praet. and father
of Seianus, i. 7, 3 ; 24, 3 ; 4- 1, 3 ;

6. 8, 3.

Stratoniceia, asylum at, 3. 62, 2.

Stratonicis : see Venus.

stupri licentia, claimed before the
aediles, 2. 85,2.

Suebi, the, of Germany, i. 44, 6 ; 2.
26,3 ; 44,2; 45. I ; 62,4.

Sugambri, the, of Germany, 2. 26, 3 ;
auxiliary troops from, 4. 47, 5.

Suillius, P. (Rufus), banished by Ti-
berius, 4. 31, 5,6.

Sulla, L. (Cornelius), the dictator, I.
i>3; 2. 55, I ; 3. 62, i; assisted
the Zmymaeans, 4. 56, 2 ; legisla-
tion of, 3. 27, 4; spoken con-
temptuously of by Gains, 6. 46, 7.

— L., a young noble, 3. 31, 4 ; con-
sul, 6. 15, I.

Sulpicii, the patrician family of the,
3. 48, 2.

Sulpicius : see Galba, Quirinius.

sumptuaria lex, the, 3. 52, 3.

suovetaurilia, 6. 37, 2 : see lustratio.

supplicationes, for punishment of
alleged treason, 2, 32, 2 ; for other
events, 3. 64, 3.

Surena, the, of Parthia, 6. 42, 6.

Suria, once conquered by Rhamses,

2. 60, 4 ; province of, I. 42, 5 ; 2.
55, 4; 58, I ; 69, 3 ; 78, 2; 5. 10,
2; 6. 31, 2; 32,4 ; 37, 6, governors
of, 2. 4,4; 43, 3; 74, I ; 81, 3; 6.
27, 2, 3 ; 32, 6 ; 41, l; military
force of, 4. 5, 4 ; petition from, for
reduction of tribute, 2. 42, 7.

Surrentum (Sorrento), promontory
of, 4. 67, I.

Syene (Assouan), in Egypt, a bound-
ary of the empire, 2. 61, 2.

tabulae plumbeae : see devotiones.

Tacfarinas, routed by Camillus in
Africa, 2. 52, i, foil.; rises again,
and is driven by Apronius into the
desert, 3. 20-21 ; again in arms, 3.
31,1; successes of Blaesus against,
3- 73~74 ; finally defeated and
killed by Dolabella, 4. 23-26.

Tamfana, a German goddess, i. 51,
2,

Tantalus, said to have founded
Zmyrna, 4. 56, i.

Tarentum, treaty of, i, 10, 2.

Tarius : see Gratianus.

Tarpeium saxum, the, 6, 19, i : cp.
2. 32, 5 ; 4. 29, 2.

Tarquinius Priscus, 4. 65, i.

— Superbus, record of a praef. urb.
under, 6. li, i ; institutions on the
expulsion of, 3. 27, i.

Tarracina, remains of Germanicus

met at, 3. 2, 4.
Tarraconensis colonia (Tarragona),

temple to Augustus at, i. 78, i.
Tarsa, a Thracian, 4. 50, 3.
Tatius, T., king of the Sabines, i.

54, I.
Taunus, the hilly tract of, in Germany,

1.56, I.
Taurus, Mt., 6. 41, i.

— Statilius, praef. urb., 6. 1 1, 5;
buildings of, 3. 72, 2.

— Statilius Sisenna, son of the above,
consul, 2. I, I.

Tedius, Q., luxury of, I, 10, 4.

Telamon, father of Teucer, 3. 62, 5.

Teleboae, the, early inhabitants of
Capreae, 4. 67, 4.

Temnos, people of, in Asia, 2. 47, 4.

templum : see Aesculapius, Apollo,
Augustus, Ceres, Diana, Flora,
Fortuna, lanus, luppiter. Mars,
Neptunus, Roma, Saturnus, Spes,
Tamfana, Tiberius, Venus.

Tenos, temple of Neptune at, 3.

63,4-
Terentius, M., a friend of Seianus, 6.

8, I, foil.
Termestini, the, in Spain, 4. 45, I.
terrae motus, mention of, in Achaia,

4. 13, 1 ; in Asia, 2. 47, i ; 4-

13, I-

Teucer, said to have founded a temple
in Cyprus, 3. 62, 5.

Teutoburgiensis saltus, the, in Ger-
many, I. 60, 5.

Thala, in Africa, 3. 21, 2.

HISTORICAL INDEX TO THE TEXT

68i

theatrum, the, disturbances in, i. 54,
3 ; 77, I : ^£"1? Marcellus, Pompeius.

Thebae, in Egypt, 2. 60, 3.

Theophanes, of Mytilene, a friend of
Pompeius, 6. 18, 5.

Theophikis, an Athenian, 2. 55, 2.

Thermaeus sinus (Gulf of Salonica),
the, 5. 10, 4.

Thermus, Minucius, 6. 7, 2.

Theseus, said to have founded Zmyr-
na, 4. 56, I.

Thessali, alleged descent of Cau-
casian races from, 6. 34, 3.

Thraecia, 2. 54, 2 ; settlement of by
Augustus, 2. 64, 3 ; resettled by
Tiberius after the death of Cotys
and deposition of Rhescuporis, 2.
67, 4 ; 4-5,5; still disturbed, 3. 38,
4, foil.; subsequent insurrection in,
4. 46-51 ; service of L. Piso in, 6.
10, 4.

Thrasyllus, the astrologer of Tiberius,
6. 20-21 ; son of, 6. 22, 6.

Thubuscum, in Africa, 4. 24, I.

Tiberis, the, 6. 19, 4; floods of, I.

76, I ; 79. I-
Tiberius, Claudius Nero, afterwards
Tiberius Caesar, undergoes vicis-
situdes in childhood, 6. 51, 2; be-
comes stepson of Augustus and is
loaded with honours, i. 4, 4; but
has many rivals in the imperial
house, 6. 51,2; sent to the East,
2. 3, 4 ; and nine times to Germany,
2. 26, 3 ; receives the title of im-
perator, I. 3, I ; and tribunician
power, I. 3, 3; 10, 7; 3. 56, 3;
married to Vipsania, i. 12, 6 ;
afterwards to Julia, I. 53, 2; retires
to Rhodes, I. 4, 4; 53. 2; 2. 42,
2; 3. 48, 3; 4- 57, 3; 6. 51, 3;
adopted by Augustus and shown
as his ' collega imperii ' through
the influence of Livia, I. 3, 3 ; 4.
57, 4; reputed capable, but proud
and cruel, I. 4, 3; summoned at
the death of Augustus, i. 5, 5 ;
pretends ignorance respecting the
murder of Agrippa Postumus, 1.6,
5 ; assumes the principate virtually
but makes formal show of reluct-
ance to accept it, i. 7, 1-8, I ;
11-13; observes moderation in
accepting titles for himself and
his mother, i. 14, 3 ; 72, 2 ; 2. 87,
2; holds consulships, 2. 53, I ; 3.
31, 1; is saluted as imperator, 2.

18, 2 ; accepts a temple in Asia, 4.
15, 4 ; but refuses one in Spain, 4.
37, 2 ; 38, 4 ; is averse to war and
conquest, 4. 32, 3 ; 6. 32, I ; leaves
Germany to internal conflict, 2. 26,

3 ; but secures by craft Marobo-
duus, 2. 63, 5 ; Rhescuporis, 2. 64,
2 ; and Achelaus, 2. 42, 4 ; governs
generally with justice during the
first eight years, 4. 6, i ; 7, i ;
shows great reverence for the
policy of Augustus, i. 77, 4 ; 4. 1)7 y

4 ; liberal to provinces, 2. 47, 3 ;
4. 6, 7; 13, I ; keeps his officers
long at their posts, i. 80, 2; 4. 6,

5 i 6. 39, 3 ; awards honours well,
4. 6, 2 ; not at first covetous of
money, 2. 48, 1 ; 3. 18, 2 ; bounti-
ful in gifts to some, I. 75, 4; 2.
:i7, I ; 86, 2 ; 4. 64. i ; 6. 45, i ;
but harsh to others, i. 75, 6 ; 2. 38,
I ; 48, 3 ; checks the servility of
senators, 3. 47, 4 ; 59, 2; 4.6, 2; sets
example of frugality, 3. 52,2 ; 4. 6, 7;
but declines to enforce sumptuary
laws, 2. 33, 6 ; 3. 53, I, foil. ; and
allows relaxation in other laws,

3. 28, 6 ; 4. 16, I ; causes distrust
by reviving the law of maiestas,
I. 72, 2; 4. 6, 3 ; and putting
pressure on the praetor's court,
I. 75, I ; though at first observing
moderation in respect of charges
and sentences, i. 73, 3 ; 74, 7 ; 2.
50, 4 ; 3. 22, 3; 51, 2; 70, 2;
pretends intention of visiting pro-
vinces, I. 47, 5 ; 3. 47, 3 ; 4- 4, 4 ;
shows ill-will to Germanicus and
his house {see Agrippina, Germa-
nicus, Nero, Drusus) ; at variance
with his mother {see Augusta) ;
little affected by, but falsely alleged
to have caused, the death of his
son {see Drusus Caesar) ; then
becomes worse under influence of
Seianus, 4. i, 2; 6. 51, 5 {see S&-
ianus, 4. 19, 2 ; 22, 2 ; 29, 3 ; 31,
5; 34, 2; 42, 3; 70, I ; become?
keen for confiscation, 4. 20, 2 ; 6.
19, I : protects informers, 4. 30,
4; 31, 8; 36, 5; but sometimes
destroys them, 4. 71, I ; pardons
some persons, 4. 31, i ; 6. 5, 2 ;
declines to give a husband to the
elder Agrippina, 4. 53, i, foil. ; or
to permit Seianus to marry Livia,

4. 40, I, foil. ; gives his grand-

682

INDEX I

daughters in marriage (see Agrip-
pina, Drusilla, lulia) ; absent for
a year in Campania, 3. 31, 2 ; 64,
I ; leaves Rome permanently, 4.
57, I ; takes up his residence in
Capreae, 4. 67, i ; never returns to
Rome, but sometimes approaches
it, 4. 74, 4 ; 6. I, I ; 15, 6; 39, 2 ;
50, 2 ; appears afraid to send an
army against the Frisii, 4. 74, i ;
but promptly takes up the chal-
lenge of Artabanus, 6. 32, I, 5 ;
forbids deification of his mother,

5. 2, I ; after her death falls wholly
under the influence of Seianus,

6. 51, 6; and breaks out against
Agrippina and Nero, 5. 3-5 ; after
the fall of Seianus breaks out into
utter profligacy, 6. i, 2-5 ; 6, 2 ;
46, 9 ; 51,6; denounces many by
letters, 6. 3. 4 ; 4, I : 7, 1-4 ; 9.
2, foil. ; 10, 2 ; 19, I ; 39, 2 ; orders
a general execution of those kept
in prison, 6. 19, 2; writes to the
senate on the death of Asinius
Gallus, 6. 23, 2 ; of Drusus, 6. 24,
I ; of Agrippina, 6. 26, 2-4 ; of
Pomponius Labeo, 6. 29, 3 ; reveals
his state of mind in a letter, 6. 6,
I ; after declining one proposed
guard, 6. 3, 5 ; asks for another, 6.
15, 5 ; orders a libel to be read, 6.
38, 3 ; denounces interference with
the praetorians, 6. 3, I ; writes re-
specting a Sibylline book, 6. 12,
I ; and a bread riot, 6. 13, 3 ; also
on general reluctance to govern
provinces, 6. 27, 3 ; intervenes in
a financial crisis, 6. 17, 4 ; studies
astrology under Thrasyllus and
predicts rule of Galba, 6. 20-21 ;
unable to name a successor, 6. 46;
death and character of, 6. 50-51.

(Tiberius Gemellus), son of Drusus,

and grandson of Tiberius, 6. 46, l

(cp. 2. 84, 1).
Tibur (Tivoli), family of Rubellius

Blandus from, 6. 27, I.
Ticinum, 3. 5, 2.
Tigranes (II), king of Armenia under

Augustus, 2. 3, 4.
— (IV), king of Armenia, afterwards

put to death, 6. 40, 2.
Tigris, the, 6. 37, 4.
Tiridates, set up by Tiberius as king

of Parthia, 6. 32, 5 ; gains con

siderable success and is crowned,

6. 37, I, 6; 41, 2; 42, 4-6; but

becomes inactive and is put to

flight, 6. 43-44.
Titidius : see Labeo.
Titii sodales, the, I. 54, i.
Titius : see Sabinus.
Tmolus, in Asia, 2. 47, 4.
toga picta, given to Ptolemaeus, 4.

26, 4.
Togonius : see Gallus.
Toronaeus sinus (Gulf of Kassandra),

the, 5. 10, 4.
Torquata, a Vestal virgin, sister of

C. Silanus, 3. 69, 9.
torques, given to soldiers by the

general, 2. 9, 5 ; 3. 21, 3.
trabea, the, full dress of knights, 3.

2, 2.

Tralles, in Asia, 4. 55, 3.
Trebellenus Rufus, guardian to the
sons of Cotys in Thrace, 2. 67, 4 ;

3, 38, 4 ; commits suicide, 6. 39, I.
Trebellius, M., an officer, 6. 41, i.
Treveri, the, of Gaul, i. 41, 2; rise

under Julius Florus, 3. 40, i ; 42,

1, 4; 44, I ; 46, 3.

tribuni militum, consular power of, I.

1,2.
— plcbei, games held by, i. 15, 3 ;

intercession of, i. 77, 3; 6. 47, I ;

relatio by, 6. 12, i.
tribunicia potestas, the, of Caesar, i.

2, I ; 3. 3; 7, 5 ; 9. 2 ; 13, 4; 3.
56, 1-5 ; 57, 2.

tribus, the people arranged in, 3.

4, 2.

tributa, I. 1 1, 6; 59, 7; 2. 42, 7; 3.

49, 4-
Trimerus, island of, 4. 71, 6.
Trio, Fulcinus, accuser of Libo, 2.

28, 4; 30, I ; and of Cn. Piso, 3.

10, 1-3; 13, l; 19, i; consul, 5.

11, I ; 6. 4, 2-4; commits suicide,
6. 38, 2.

triumphalia insignia, award of, i. 72,
I ; 2. 52, 9; 3.48,2; 72,6; 4. 23,
I ; 26, I ; 44, I ; 46, i ; 6. 10, 4.

triumphalis porta, the, I. 8, 4.

triumphus, decreed to Germanicus, i.
55, I ; held by him, 2. 41, 2 ; held
and refused in past times by Ti-
berius, I. 4. 4 ; 3- 47, 5-

triumviri, rule of the, I. i, 3 ; 2. i ;

3, 28, 3 ; 5. I, 2.

Trivia, worship of, at Stratoniceia, 3.

62, 3.
Troia, 4- 55» 4-

HISTORICAL LXDEX TO THE TEXT

683

tropaeum, erected, 2. 18, 2 ; 22, i.

Tubantes, the, in Cerniany, 1. 51, 4.

Tubero, Seius, legatiis, 2. 20, 2 :
falsely accused, 4. 29, I.

Tullius : St'e' Servius.

Tullus Hostilius, some laws ascribed
to, 3. 26, 5 ; praef. urb. appointed
by, 6. II, I.

tumulus, the, of the Caesars (mauso-
leum of Augustus), 3. 4, I ; 9, 2 ;
of the Octavii, 4. 44, 5.

Turesis, a Thracian, 4. 50, 3, 5.

Turoni, the, of Gaul, 3. 41, I ; 46, 3.

Turranius, C, praefectus annonae, I.

Tuscus vicus, the, in Rome, 4. 65, 2.
Tyrrhenus, supposed brother of Ly-

dus, and ancestor of the Tyrrheni,

4. 55> 7-

Ubii, the, in Germany, i. 31, 3-;

district of, 1.37, 3 ; 71,1; oppidum

of, I. 36, I ; ara of, l. 39, i ; 57, 2.
Umbria, 4. 5, 5.
unciarium faenus, enacted in the

Twelve Tables, 6. 16, 3 ; reduced

to one-half, id.
Urgulania, a friend of Augusta, 2.

34, 3-8; 4-21, 1 ; 22,3.
Usipetes, the, in Germany, i. 51, 4.

vacationes, purchased by soldiers, i,

I7>6; 35, I.
Vahalis (Waal), the, 2. 6, 5.
Valerius : see Corvus, Messala,

Naso.

— M., 3. 2, 5.

Vannius, a Ouadian, set over the

Suebi, 2. 63, 7.
Varilla, Appuleia, accused, 2. 50,

I, foil.
Varius : see Ligur.
Varro (Terentius Muraena), allusion

to the death of, 1. 10, 3.

— Vibidius, 2. 48, 3.

— Visellius, legatus of Lower Ger-
many, 3. 41, 3; 42,2; 43, 4.

— Visellius, son of the above, con-
sul, 4. 17, I ; accuser of C. Silius,
4. 19, I.

Varus, Quintilius, allusions to the
defeat of, i. 3, 6 ; 43, 2; 55, 3 ;
57, 6 ; 58, 3 ; 60, 4, foil. ; 61, 3,
foil. ; 65, 4; 71, 2; 2. 15, 2; 25,
2; 41, I ; 45, 4.

— Quintilius (son of the above), ac-
cused, 4. 66, I.

vecti.^'alia, the, 1. 1 1,6; 2.42,6 ; 4.6,4.

X'cdius : see Pullio.

\'clinus, lake of the, i. 79, 3.

\'ellaeus, 1'., 3. 39, i.

Venus, temples of, Amathusia, 3. 62,

5; Erycina, 4. 43, 6; Paphia, 3.

62, 5 ; Stratonicis, 3. 62, 3.
Veranius, O., governor of Cappa-

docia, 2. 56, 4 ; an accuser of Cn.

Piso,2. 74,2; 3. 10,2; 13,3; 17,4;

19, I.
versura, forbidden, 6. 16, 3.
\'escularius : see Haccus.
Vespasianus, an example of frugality,

3- 55, 5-

Vestales, the, i. 8, i ; 2. 34, 8; 86,

I ; 3- 69, 9; 4- 16, 6.
Vesuvius, allusion to the eruption of,

4- 67, 3-

Vetera, camp at, I. 45, I.

veterani sub vexillo, l. 39, 2 ; 44, 4 ;

3. 21, 2.
Vetus, Antistius, a Macedonian, 3.

.38.2.
via: see App\a, Caspia, Flaminia.
Vibenna : see Caeles.
Vibidius : see Virro.
Vibilius, king of Hermunduri, 2. 63, 6.
Vibius : see Fronto, Marsus, Sere-

nus.
Vibulenus, a mutinous soldier, I. 22,

I ; 28, 6 ; 29, 4.

— see Agrippa.
vigintiviratus, the, 3. 29, i.

villae, number and extent of, 3. 53, 5.
Vindelici, auxiliary troops from the,

2. 17, 6.
Vinicianus, Annius, 6. 9, 5.
Vinicius, P., an orator, 3. 11,2.

— M., husband of lulia, daughter of
Germanicus, 6. 15, i ; 45, 3.

Vipsania, wife of Tiberius, after-
wards of Asinius Gallus, I. 12, 6;
death of, 3. 19, 4.

Vipsanius: i-^^ Agrippa.

Vipstanus : see (iallus.

virgines, not subjected to 'triumvirale
supplicium,' 5. 9, 3.

Virro, Vibidius, 2. 48, 3.

Visellius : see Varro.

Vistilia, a profligate woman of high
rank, 2. 85, 2.

Vistilius, Sex., commits suicide, 6. 9,
2-4.

Visurgis (Weser), the, 2, 9, i ; ll,
I ; 12, I ; 16, 2; 17, 8 (cp. ".lb.
text of, I. 70, 7).

684

INDEX I

Vitellia, 3. 49, 2.

Vittellius, L., father of theabove, three
times consul, 6. 28, i ; sent by
Tiberius to the East, 6. 32,5; 36,1;
37, I, 6; 41, i; became servile
under Gains and Claudius, 6. 32, 7.

— P., legatus under Germanicus, I.
70, I, foil.; 2. 6, I ; accuses Cn.
Piso, 2. 74,2; 3.10,2; 13, 3 ; 17,
4 ; 19, I ; is accused, and commits
suicide, 5. 8, 1-3 ; wife of, accused,
6. 47, 1.

— Q., expelled the senate, 2. 48, 3.
Vitia, put to death, 6. 10, I.
Volesus : see Messala.
Volusius, L., death of, 3. 30, i.

Vonones (I), king of Parthia, after-
wards of Armenia, 2. I, I ; 2, i ;
3, I ; in Roman custody, 2. 4, 4 ;
58, 3 ; put to death, 2. 68, 3.

vota, the annual, 4. 17, i.

Votienus : see Montanus.

Vulcatius or Volcatius : see Moschus.

Vulsinii, 4. 1, 3.

Zeno, made king of Armenia, and

called Artaxias, 2. 56, 2.
Zmyma, temple of Venus at, 3. 63,

4 ; Rutilius made a citizen of, 4.

43, 7 ; allowed to build the temple

to Tiberius for Asia, 4. 56, i,foll.

INDEX II

INDEX TO THE INTRODUCTION, APPENDICES, AND NOTES
In this Index the references are to the pages

Abstract nouns, use of, 42.
acta popuh, 19.

-— principum, annual oath to main-
tain, 274.

- senatus, 18, 384, 5S4.
adjectives, various uses of, 42-3.
adultery, penalties of, 344, 381, 541.
adverbs, various usages of, 61-3.
aediles, functions of, 90, 453.
Aedui, in Gaul, importance of the, 440.
Aelius Callus, probably the eldest

son of Seianus, 592.
Aemilia gens, eminence of the, loi,

416.
aerarium militare, the, 2S3.

- populi, regulations respecting the,
50, 279 ; gifts to, 191.

Agrippina, the elder, obnoxious to

Tiberius, 140, 148; imprisonment

of, 149-50, 586.
Agrippina, mother of Nero, probable

use made of the memoirs of, 14 ;

antecedents of, before her marriage

vvith Claudius, 169.
Alexander, depreciated by Romans,

369-
Amazons, legends of the, 464.
anastrophe, use of, 67.
Angrivarii and Ampsivarii, probable

confusion of, 299-300.
Annals, not an original title of this

work, 6.
Antioch, in Syria, greatness of, 365.
antiquity, remarks of Tacitus on the

overpraise of, 385.
Apicius, confusion between different

persons named, 492.
apposition, peculiar kinds of, in Taci-
tus, 44, 68.
archaisms, use of, in Tacitus, 72.
aristocratic families, survival of old

and addition of new, under the

Empire, loo-i.

Armenia maior, geography of, 351 ;
chronology of the kings of, 294.

Aiminius, some Roman name pro-
bably borne by, 253.

Artabanus, probable duration of
reign of, 293, 648.

Asinius Callus, sons of, by Vipsania,
former wife of Tiberius, 623.

astrology, prevalence of, and reasons
for repressing, 131, 317, 417 ; not
altogether rejected by Tacitus,
559, 623.

asyndeta, use of, 62.

Augusta, title of, 97, 191.

Augustodunum, Roman school at,
444.

Augustus, gradual growth of power
of, 75-86 ; adornment and regu-
lation of the city of Rome by, 105-6,
129-30, 195 ; institutions of, for
Italy, 107-9; for the provinces.
109-11, 114, 128 ; military regula-
tions of, 12 1-8 ; conspiracies
against, 196; worship of, in life,
197, 275, 534 ; date of deification
of, 198 ; priesthoods and festivals
in honour of, 198, 204, 250, 379;
will of, 184; other documents left
by, 199 ; on the whole judged
unfavourably by Tacitus, 195, 582.

' Augustus,' a title distinctive of the
princeps, 79.

IJalbus, theatre of, 477.
banishment, modes of sentencing to,
187 ; degrees of severity of, 412,

Dassus, Aufidius, historical writer,

Bohemia, stronghold of Maroboduus

in, 338, 339, 358.
Bovillae, commemoration of gens
lulia at, 333.

686

INDEX II

Bracciolini, theory that the Annals
were forged by, 8-9.

Branchidae, temple at, 467.

Brutus, statues of, in existence after-
wards, 531.

Caeles Vibenna, forms of the legend
respecting, 566.

candidati Caesaris, 94, 204.

capitalists, in provinces, 442 ; in
Rome and Italy, legislation re-
specting, 614-16.

cases of the noun, syntax of, 44-53.

Caucasus, passes over the, 636.

censorship, general powers of, exer-
cised by the princeps, 80, 85 ; re-
vival of actual ofifice of, by Domi-
tian, 85.

census in provinces, 222.

centurions, gradations of rank
among, 123, 128.

chance, doctrine respecting, 29, 621 :
see fate.

childlessness and celibacy, penalties
on, 486; social influence of, 421,
488.

Cilicia, part of the province of Syria,
335 ; petty kingdoms remaining

. 'p. 335-
civic crown, given by the princeps,

.415-
civitas, the, given by the princep?,

87, 129; gained by service in

auxiliary forces, 127.
Claudii, the, different views of the

Sabine origin of, 503.
clientela, character of, under the

principate, 105.
comitatus principis, the, 558,
Commagene, history of the kingdom

of, 335, 352-
' commendation ' of candidates by

the princeps, 94, 204.
commentarii principum, the, 19.
concilium piincipis, the, 89.
conjunctions, peculiar u~es of, 61-3.
conspiracies, prolonged severities

consequent on the suppression of,

150-3-.

constitutional forms, respect for,
under the early Empire, 99.

consul-designate, position of the, in
the senate, 417-18.

consuls, functions of, under the prin-
cipate, 90 ; mode of electing, 286.

Corbulo, father and son apparently
confused, 430.

corn dole, recipients of, 104, 105, 181.
corn supply, condition of, under

Tiberius, 383 ; specially managed

by the princeps, 499.
corn, tribute in, 499.
courtiers, growth of a class of, 96.
Ctesiphon, foundation and growth

of, 646.
cunei, in theatres, 380.
cum maxime, origin and use of the

phrase, 462.
custodia, different kinds of, 599.
cycle, a, theory of, in human affairs,

457.
Cyrene, part of the province of Crete,

438, 474-

Danube, the, a great frontier of the
empire, lie.

death, variety of expressions for, 71.

debt, pressure of, in provinces, 440,

decuriae equitum or iudicum, 102.
428.

decursio funebris, 298.

defixio magica, or devotio, 365.

delatores, encouragement of, by Ti-
berius, 143, 146, 426, 487; great
rewards of, 426, 515.

Dio Cassius, complaints of, concern-
ing defective historical information,
20 ; leading differences between
Tacitus and, ui. \ judgement of,
respecting Tiberius, 157.

Diomedean islands, the, 573.

discessio, mode of taking opinions
by, 474.

dominus, title of, 383.

Domitii, the, related to Augustus, 164.

domus, distinguished from insulae,
103-4.

dreams, interpretation of, 317.

Drusus, son of Tiberius, character
of, as conceived by Tacitus, 158,
220, 281, 437.

ducentesima, remission of, by Gaius,
335-

eagles of the legions, sanctity of the,

232.
eclipse, prevalent ignorance of the

true theory of an, 218.
egressio relationis, instances of, 329.
Egypt, peculiar position of, in the

empire, 117, 119, 355.
Egyptian hieroglyphic and other

writing, 356 ; calendar, 629.
Elbe, the, probable advance of Ger-

INTRODUCTION, APPENDICES, NOTES

687

manicus towards, 309 ; Roman
knowledge of, 544.

ellipsis, prevalent forms of, in Tacitus,
68.

empire, the, frontiers of, at the death
of Augustus, 109-12; general con-
solidation of, at that date, 129-31.

Epicureanism, allusion to leading
doctrines of, 30, 622.

Epidaphna (properly Daphne), near
Antioch, grove of, 379.

equestrian order, the, position of,
under the principate, 102-3 ;
practically furnished nearly all the
iudices selecti, 102 ; aristocracy of
(equites inlustres), 102-3.

equites equo publico, turmae of,
380, 428 ; transvectio of, 380.

Euphrates, the, how far a frontier of
the empire, 1 1 1 ; points of cross-
ing, 640, 644.

executions and suicides, in the last
years of Tiberius, 152.

fate, opinions of Tacitus respecting,
29-31, 429, 622.

filius-familias, a, legal disabilities of,
216.

financial crisis, causes of the, in the
time of Tiberius, 616.

fire, in Rome, frequent occurrence
of, 564.

fiscus, the, 97, 597, 619.

fiamen Dialis, the, regulations affect-
ing, 476, 511.

flaminica Dialis, the, conjugal status
of, 511.

I'ortuna, temples of, 475 ; special
worship of, at Antium, id.

freedmen, importance of, under Au-
gustus and Tiberius, 105, 499.

friendship, significance of renuncia-
tion of, 366.

-Gaetulicus, Lentulus, conspiracy of,
632.

Galba, versions of the presage re-
specting, 620.

Cialiic tribes, number of, 444 ; can-
tons of 255.

German bodyguard of the princeps,
214.

Germanicus, representations of the
personal appearance of, 368 ; not
treated unjustly by Tiberius, 140 ;
inscription recording posthumous
honours to, 378 ; campaigns of,
3^7-91.

Germans,, cantons of, 255; arms of,
304 ; campaigns of Tiberius against,
134-5, 315 ; ill-success of (iermani-
cus against, 138 ; internal dissen-
sions of, 316; sacred groves of,
246 ; sacrifices of, 261.

gerund and gerundive, uses of, 46, 52.

gladiators, kept by provincial go-
vernors, 212.

Gracchus, view taken of, by Tacitus,

424-.
(iraecisms, use of, in Tacitus, 39, 72.
Greek character, the, as viewed by

Romans, 348.
Greek dress, use of, by Romans, 348.
Greek language, prevalence of, in the

East, 129.
(iyarus, description of the poverty of,

474-

hendiadys, use of, 67.

Hercules, various worships identified
with that of, 302, 356.

Hiberia, kingdom of, 497.

historians of this period prior to
Tacitus, 13-17.

historical criticism, generally weak
in Roman writers, 34.

historical information, defective un-
der the principate, 21.

history, office of, as conceived by
Tacitus, 27-8.

Horace, reminiscences of, in Tacitus,

73-
Hortensii, the, family honours of,

329 ; impoverishment of, 328.
houses, height of, 104.

Ilium, generally assumed by Romans
to be on the site of Troy, 349.

imagines of ancestors, used at fu-
nerals with some laxity at this
time, 399, 482 ; those of persons
condemned, how far proscribed or
tolerated, 321, 532.

imago Caesaris, the, quasi-privilege
of asylum conferred by, 436.

imperator, praenomen of, 76, S3 ;
title of, 76, 257, 480.

in praesentiarum, use of, 560.

inscriptions, sometimes cited by Ta-
citus, 20 ; often confirm facts men-
tioned in the Annals alone, 912.

insulae, distinguished from domus,
104.

Isis, suppression of the worship of, at
Rome, 131, 382.

688

INDEX II

Italy, general condition and popula-
tion of, io8; simplicity of life and
morals in, as compared with Rome,
108-9.

Jason, legends of, in the East, 637.
Jews, treatment of, under Tiberius,

131, 382.
Josephus, judgement of, on Tiberius,

155. IS7-
iudices select!, lists of, framed by the

princeps, 102, 428.
judicial functions of the princeps, 88,

403, 610.
judicial functions of the senate : see

senate.
Julius Caesar, ignored as a legislator

by Tacitus, 425.
Jurisprudence, schools of, 481.

Kabeiri, worship of the, 348.
kingdoms, position of the vassal,
120-1.

Latin language, spread of, in the

provinces, 129.
Latinitas, the, extension of, before

lex lulia, 497.
law, theories of the origin of, 421,
legati Augusti pro praetore, 116.

— legionum, 124.

— propraetore, 1 12.

legion, the, numerical strength and
organization of, 122-4.

legions, the, number and distribution
of, 121-2 ; additions to, 123 ;
recruited chiefly in the provinces,
127, 441 ; separate winter-quarters
of, 232.

legislation, history of, at Rome, 423.

Lepidus, Marcus and Manius con-
fused, 432.

lex, Julia maritalis, 484 ; lunia Nor-
bana, 105 ; Papia Poppaea, 483,
foil.

lictors, assignment of, 193, 348.

limes Romanus, the, no.

literature, state of, in later time of
Augustus, and under Tiberius, 160.

Livia Augusta, age of, 581 ; family
connexions of, id. ; permanent, but
informal power of, 149, 558 ; judge-
ment of Tacitus on the character
of, 149.

Livy, imitations or reminiscences of,
by Tacitus, 73.

luxury, especially in feasting, great

increase of, during this period, and
abatement of, by the time of Taci-
tus, 457.

Maecenas, informal vicegerency of,
609 ; retirement of, 429 ; character
of, id.

magic, prevalence and repression of,

13.1. 317, 365-

magistrates, election of, how arranged
between the princeps and the
senate, 94-5, 286 ; qualification
of age for, 427 ; functions of,
gradually encroached upon by
officers of the emperor, 90-1.

maiestas, original conception of the
crime of, i4l,foll. ; legal limitation
of, and legal penalty for, 451; trials
for, during first eight years, 141-4,
and during subsequent years of
Tiberius, 145, foil.

manuscripts, first Medicean, 6-8.

mapalia and magalia, modern struc-
tures apparently answering to, 480.

marriage, might be with or without
' conventio in manum,' 511.

Massilia, school of Greek at, 544.

Mauretania, kingdom of, under Ti-
berius, 496.

Media Atropatene, kingdom of, 351.

Memnon, statue of, evidence as to
sounds heard from, 357.

mensarii, appointment of, 617.

Messala Corvinus, writings of, 530.

military forces, other than the legions,
124-6.

— service, grievances and rewards
of, 127-8, 206, 207, 229, 230, 232;
modes of discharge from, 229, 232,
240 : see also soldiers.

mixed government, ideal of, regarded
by Tacitus as impracticable, 527.

municipia and coloniae, the towns of
Italy generally designated as, 283.

Nature, Law of, 421,

naval forces of the empire, 127-8.

Navisalvia, inscription respecting,565.

necromancy, 318.

noble families, respect still paid to,
under Augustus andTiberius, loo-i,
418 ; constant decay of, loi : see
patricians.

' nomination,' of candidates for magis-
tracies, 94-5, 203.

Nonianus, Servilius, historian, 15.

Nouns, cases of, syntax of, 44-53-

INTRODUCTION, APPENDICES, NOTES

689

opposition, the, weakness of, in the

time of Tiberius, 143.
oratory, characteristics of, at the time

of Tacitus, 39-40.
Ovid, reminiscence of, in Tacitus,

74-

pagi of Germany and Gaul, 254.
pantomime actors, character and

position of, 251, 282 ; action taken

respecting, 508.
pardon, power of, vested in the

princeps, 87 .
parentheses, use of, in Tacitus, 68.
parricide, punishment of, 524.
Parthian empire, the, extent of, 291 ;

chronology of the kings of, 292.
participles, use of, 58-9.
pater patriae, title of, 80, 273.
patria potestas, relaxation of, 511;

family jurisdiction grounded on,

344-

patricians, offices still restricted to,
510.

Paulus, basilica of, 476.

pcdarii senatores, position of, in de-
bate, 469-70.

Pedo Albinovanus, description of
storm by, 386.

perinde and proinde, frequently con-
fused, 516.

perjury, not punished by Roman law,
276.

Philippus, buildings erected by, 477.

Philo, accounts of Tiberius and Gaius
given by, 16, 153, 156-7.

phoenix, the, cycle of time symbolized
by, 629.

Phraataces, reign of, 292.

Phraates, family of, 292.

Piso, L., story as to the praefectura
urbis of, 33, 609.

Pisones, great family pride and posi-
tion of the, 101.

Plancus, honours of, 336.

plebs, the (see also clientela), various
classes and occupations of, 104-5 ;
condition of, 106 7 ; the lower
orders of, disregarded by Tiberius,
id. ; opportunities for expression
of opinion open to, 611.

Pliny, the elder, historical works of,

— the younger, frequent mention of

Tacitus by, i.
police regulations of Augustus, 106.
Pollio, historical works of, 530.

Pompeius, judgement of Tacitus
respecting, 425.

Poniponius Secundus, literary repu-
tation of, 593.

pontifex maximus, office of, 80, 461,
476, 557; some functions of the
emperor as, 344.

population, the, of Rome, 103, 105-6 ;
of Italy, 483.

praefectura Aegypti, 117, 356.
annonae, 86, 189.

— praetorii, usually shared by two,
214 ; subsequent changes in, 492.

— urbis, jurisdiction of, 609.

— urbis ob ferias Latinas, held by
young men of rank, 533.

praetorian cohorts, number of, at
various times, 125-6; pay and ra-
tions of, 207 ; gradual extension of
recruiting ground of, 497.

praetors, functions of, under the
principate, 91 ; courts presided
over by, 374.

pregnant constructions, 69.

prepositions, peculiar uses of, 59-61.

priesthoods, mode of election'.to, 413;
rules of, respecting pollution, 262 ;
provincial, 255.

primitive man. Stoic and Epicurean
views of, 421.

1 rinceps, title of, to be distinguished
from that of princeps senatus, 78 ;
office of, not conceived as a mon-
archy, 95-9 ; not strictly as a
magistracy, 81 ; but as a com-
bination of magisterial functions,
or powers derived from such, 81-
90 ; legislation and jurisdiction by,
86-9 {see also judicial functions) ;
succession to, 97, 459 ; divine
honpurs paid to, in lifetime, 197,
275, 283, 535; annual vows on
behalf of, 512.

proconsulare imperium, the, of the
princeps, 81-3 ; as given in various
degrees of extent to others, 98, 203,

335,336,414,591-

proconsuls of senatorial provmces,
112-14.

procurators, as governors of pro-
vinces, 116-17; as subordinate
officers, 112, 118, 499, 509; as
managersofthe emperor's property,
499 ; increased employment and
importance of, from the time of
Claudius, 509.

prodigies, not noted in the earlier

690

INDEX II

Books, 16 ; ambiguous view of Ta-
citus respecting, 30-1.
pronouns, freely omitted by Tacitus,

43-

province of Achaia, 280; Africa, 113-
14,115; Asia, 113, 114 ; Bithynia,
276; Britannia, 1 16 ; Cappadocia,
334, 352 ; Crete and Cyrene, 474 ;
Delmatia, 497 ; Gallia Belgica and
Lugdunensis, 440 ; Germania
Inferior and Superior, 116, 222;
Hispania Citerior, 496 ; Ulterior,
507 ; Lusitania, 496 ; Macedonia,
280; Moesia, 285 ; Noricum, 359;
Pannonia, 205 ; Raetia and Vinde-
licia, 239 ; Sardinia, 382 ; Syria,
117-18 [see also Mauretania,
Thrace).

provinces, division of, between Caesar
and the senate, 112- 17; those of
the former more economically gov-
erned, 119; generally better treated
than under the Republic, but still
liable to much misgovernment, zd.\
tenure of, under Tiberius, 285.

publican], associations of, 499.

quaestors, functions of, under the
principate, 90 ; age required for,
427 ; provinces in Italy formerly
allotted to, 522.

relatio : see egressio relationis.

religion, endeavours of Augustus for
the restoration of, 130; effect of
the cult of the emperors upon,
id. ; foreign, how far tolerated or
suppressed in Rome, 130-1, 382 :
see also I sis, Jews^

repetundae, cases of, under Tiberius,

139-
Rhamses, or Rameses, testimony of

monuments to the conquests of, 356.
Rhine, the, how far a frontier of the

empire, 1 10.
rivers, sanctity attached to, 284.
roads, officers superintending the,

431.
romance, vein of, in narrative of
campaign of Germanicus, 299, 307,

313-
Rome, city of, notices of inundation
and pestilence in, 279; condition
and population of, under Augustus,
103-6 ; police of, 106 : see also
fire, houses.

sacramentum in nomen principis,
taken by senate, people, and pro-
vinces, 83, 189, 226.

Salian hymn, the, insertion of names
in, 378.

Sallust, imitation of, by Tacitus,
40, 72-3.

Samos, Heraeum at, 508.

satire, prevalence of, in the age of
Tacitus, 36-7.

Seianus, affinity of, to the Claudian
and Julian house, 539, 604 ; family
connexions of, 491 ; powers ac-
quired by, 493, 591, 605 ; circum-
stances of the fall of, 586-8 ;
weakness in the evidence relating
to, 1 50-1.

senate, the, places of meeting of, 328 ;
functions of, under the principate,
92-4 ; powers of, in choosing or
deposing a princeps, 98 ; apparent
deference shown to, at beginning
of rule, by Tiberius, 95, 248 ;
weakened by the terrorism of the
later rule of Tiberius and that of
Gains, 160; trials before, 92-3, &c.

senators, direct and indirect choice
of, by the princeps, 94 ; expulsion
of, by the princeps, 85, 343 ; or by
the senate itself, 343 ; great general
wealth and occasional poverty of,
101-2.

senatus consultum, legislation by,
511; empire conferred by, 99.

Seneca, L., remarks of, on Tiberius,

157-

Seneca, M., historical work of, 15.

Sibyls, the number of, 610; books
of, 280, 610.

silver age, the, general character-
istics of the Latinity of, 39.

slaves, number of, in Rome, ic6;
various nationalities of, 454 ; free-
dom often acquired by, 130.

soldiers, conscription and voluntary
enlistment of, 495 ; full dress of,
214, 398 : see also military service.

Stoics, the, opinions of, 421, 622.

Suetonius, leading differences be-
tween Tacitus and, 20, 29, 33,
157 ; tendency of, to generalize
from single instances, 416, 572,
594 ; and otherwise to exaggerate,
153, 416-17; or to speak inac-
curately, 559 ; or to follow versions
which Tacitus declines to notice,
529 ; is sometimes more exact

INTRODUCTION, APPENDICES, NOTES

691

than Tacitus, 170, 619 ; or supple-
ments him, 616.

suicide, variety of expressions for, 7 1 .

Sulpicius Quirinius, chronological
question connected with the tenure
of Syria by, 448.

sumptuary laws, record of, 453, 455.

Tacitus, dates in the life of, 1-5 ;
dates of the several works of, 5 ;
circumstances helping to form the
style of, 39-41 ; adaptation of
speeches by, 32 ; very defective as
a geographer, 31 ; and as a de-
scriber of military movements, 32 ;
purpose of, as a historian, 27-30 ;
opinions of, on human affairs [see
chance and fate) ; political sym-
pathies and antipathies of, 35,
423-6, 494 ; shows special preju-
dice against the early Caesars, 35 ;
and against Tiberius in particular,
1 57 ; some apparent errors of fact
in, 31-2 ; unfair imputation of
motives in, 157 : see also Augustus
and Tiberius.

Taurus, Statilius, amphitheatre of,
477; general vicegerency of, 609.

theatres, regulation of applause in,
205-6.

Thrace, kingdom of, 360.

Tiberius, division of the life and
character of, into periods, 131,
foil. ; foreign policy of, despised in
the age of Trajan, 138 ; imputa-
tions respecting the later years of,
153; increasing sensitiveness and
vindictiveness of, 146-7; indeci-
sion of character of, 137, 140, 157,

158, 442, 576 ; judgement of other
historians respecting, 155-8; that
of Tacitus partially corrected by
his own admissions, 157 ; ' modes-
tia' of, variously explained, 198,
535-6; parsimony of, not without
munificence, 139, 147, 154;
personal appearance of, 557; re-
spect shown by the provinces to,

159. 535 ; stagnation of literature
under, 160; suppression of pro-
phecy by, 280; suspicious tempera-
ment of, leading him to the con-
stant encouragement of delation,
143 ; traces of apparent insanity
in the last years of, 155 ; various
accounts of the death of, will of,
treatment of the memory of, 656.

tradition, oral, cited by Tacitus, 20.

tribuni militum, office of, a preli-
minary to the quaestorship, 124.

— plebis, functions of, under the
principate, 90.

tribunician power of the princeps, 76,
83-4, 181, 458; association in, 97,
458.

triumph, restriction of, to the imperial
family, 273.

triumviri capitales, summary juris-
diction of, probably extinct, 91.

Tullianum, the dungeon called, 451.

Twelve Tables, laws of the, view of
Tacitus respecting, 423 ; some
enactments of, 317.

urban cohorts, number of, at various
times, 127; recruiting ground of

497-
usury, account of the laws respecting,
614-16.

variety in expression, study of, in

Tacitus, 41, 69-72.
V'elleius, brief sketch of part of the

rule of Tiberius by, 156.
verbs, syntax of, in Tacitus, 53-8.
Vergil, influence of, on the style of

Tacitus, 40, 74.
verses occurring in Tacitus, 67-8.
Vestals, choice and seniority of, 383;

regulations respecting, 512 ; cus-
tody of wills by, 190-1.
veterani sub vexillo, 124-5, 206, 229,

283.
vigilcs, corps of, 106; used against

Seianus, 588.
villas of the nobility, loi, 454 ; of

Tiberius, 568, 655.
vis publica, crime of, 507.
vota pro incolumitate reipublicae,

distinct from those for the princeps,

512, 571.

wills, expression of sentiment allowed
in, 641.

wives of governors in provinces, 433.

women, practical independence ac-
quired by, 511; special extrava-
gances of, 454.

worships, foreign at Rome, and
Roman in the provinces, 1 30-1 ;
repression of unlawful, 382.

zeugma, frequent use of, 69.

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