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Full text of "ANNALS OF THE BHANDARKAR ORIENTAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE VOL XXV 1944"

VOL. XXV ] t PART IV 

Annals of the 

Bhandarkar Oriental 

Research Institute 

ITolume XX1T 



EDITED BY 
. V. ABHYANKAR, M.A. R. N- DANDEKAR, M.A., Ph.D. 




POONA 

nd published by Dr. R N Dandekar, M.A , Ph.D 3 at the 
Bliandarkar Institute Press, Bhaadaikar Oiiental 
Research Institute, Poona No, 4* 



BHANDARKAR ORIENTAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE 



MANAGEMENT FOR 1942-1945 
President 

Eis Excellency Sir Lawrence Koger Lumley, G.C.I.E., D.L., 

Governor of Bombay 
\ ice-Presidents 
Sir Chintamanrao alias Appasaheb Patwardhan, Rajasaheb of Sangh 

ShrimaEt Sir Malojirao Mudhojirao alias Nanasaheb Naik Nimbalkar, 

Rajasaheb of Phaltan 

Shnmant Ragbunatbrao Shankarrao alias Babasaheb Pandifc 

Pant Sachiv, Rajasaheb of Bhor 
K. S. Jatar, Esq , C.I.E. 
B. S. Karaat, Esq., B A. 
Sir G. D. Madgaonkar, I.C.S. 
Dr. Sir R. P. Paranjpye, M.A., D.Sc. 
N. a Kelkar, Esq., B A., LL B; 

"*' * REGULATING COUNCIL for 1942-1945 

Chairman * 
Shrimant Balasaheb Pant Pratinidhi, B A , Rajasaheb of Aundh 

Vice- Chairman * 
Prof. D. D. Kapadia, M A., B Sc. 



Dr. Afg; AHokar, JVLA., LL B , D Litt 

Dr. V. M^ A"pte, W^A , Ph D 

Dr. P. V. Bapat, M A , Ph D. 

tDr. V. G Bhat, M.A., Ph.D. 

Prof. N. G. Damle, M.A. 

Rao Babadur K. N. Dikshit, M.A. 

Pnn. D. R. Gadgil, M A., M Lttt. 

TProf. A. B. Gajendragadkar, M A 

Prof. V G Kale, M.A. 

Mm. Prof. P. V. Kane, M.A., T.L.M- 

Pnn. R. D. Karmarkar, M.A. 

Dr. Mrs. Irawati Karve, M.A., Ph.D. 

Mr. N. C Kelkar, B.A., LL.B. 

Prof. Dharmananda Kosambi 

Hon'ble Mr. Justice 1ST. S. Lokur, 

B.A M LL B. 

Prof. D. V. Potdar, B.A. 
Khan Bahadur Prof Abdul Kadar 

Sarfraj, M A. 

Dr. I. J S. Taraporewala, B A , Ph D. 
Prof. R, D. Vadekar, M.A. 

*To be elected annually 



Joint Trustees 

Sardar G. N. Mujumdar, C.I.E, 
-Diwan Babadur K. M. Jhaveri, 

M A., LL.B. 

EXECUTIVE BOARD for 1942-45 

Prin. J. R. Gharpure, B A., LL.B. 

( Chairman ) 

Dr. R. N". Dandekar, M.A , Ph.D. 

( Secretary } 

Prof. C. R. Devadhar, M A. 

( Treasurer ) 

tProf. K V Abhyankar, M A. 
Rao Bahadur Dr S. K. Belvalkar, 

M.A., Ph.D. 

i Dr. S. M. Katre, M A , Ph.D. 
Dr. V. G. Paranjpe, M A , LL.B., 

D.Litt^ 

tDr M. B. Rebman, M.A , Ph.D. 
Dr. P. L. Vaidya, M.A., D.Litt, 

t Nominated by Government. 



CONTENTS 
VOLUME XXV, PART IV 

( 31-7-1945 ) 
ARTICLES PAGES 

An Ancient Dynasty of Kharidesh by Mm. Prin, 

V. V. Mirashi, M.A , LL.B. ... 159-168 

Abhimanyu-Upakhyana and the unknown episode 
re : Abhimanyu ? s previous life by M. R. 
Majmudar - 169-178 

Nominal Stem-Formation in Apabhramsa by G. V. 

Tagare, M.A, 179-187 

Episodical variants in the Marattii versions of 
Adi Parvan as compared with the Critical Text 
by M. G. Panse, M.A. - 188-216 

Chronological limits for the commentary of Indu on 
the Astangasamgraha of Vagbhata I ( between 
A. D 750 and 1050 ) by P. K. Gode, M.A. ... 217-230 

Juridical Studies in Ancient Indian Law : ( 5 ) Legal 
protection of plants in Ancient India by 
Dr. Ludwik Sternbach ( Poland ) ... 231-238 

Some Interesting Problems in Mahabharata Text- 
Transmission : Problem No, 2, by Rao Bahadur 
Dr. S. K, Belvalkar, M.A,, Ph.D. .,, 239-243 

An l Adilshahi Farman-Corrections by G. H. Khare ... 244-246 

Mir Khusraw or Farrukhfai-A Rejoinder by G. H, Khare , 247 
MISCELLANEA 

( i ) Puranic Sources of the Vibhutiyoga in the Glfca 
( X ) ; ( ii ) Kuppuswami Sastri Research Institute, 
by Dr. A. P. Karmarkar, M,A eJ LL.B , Ph.D. ... 248-250 

REVIEWS 

Peshwa Bajirao 1 & Maratha Expansion by V. O. 

Dighe, M,A., Ph,D, 9 reviewed by Prof. S, R. 

Sharma, M.A. - 51-252 

Brhat-Kathakosa of Acarya Harisena, edited for the 

first time by A. N. Upadhye, M.A., D.Litt, 

reviewed by Dr, 8. K. Ds, M.A 6> D.Litfc. ... 253-255 



51 Contents 

( 1-3 ) Mountains of India ; Elvers of India ; and 
Ujjayini in Ascient India, by B. C. Law, M.A,, B.L, ? 
Ph.D,, D.Lifct,, ( 4 ) The Holy Glfca, edited with an 
Introduction, Text, Translation and Notes, by J. J. 
Pandya, M, A., ( 5 ) Education in Ancient India, ( 2nd 
Edition, revised and enlarged ), by Dr. A. S. Altekar, 
M.A., LL.B,, D.Litt., ( 6 ) 'ftgveda-Samhita wifcli the 
Commentary of Sayanacarya, Vol. Ill, Mandalas 6-8, 
(7) Alphabetical Index of Sanskrit Manuscripts in the 
Adyar Library, compiled by Pandit V. Krishnama- 
charya under the Supervision of Dr. C, Kunhan Raja, 
(8 ) A Descriptive Catalogue of the Samskrfca and 
Prakrfca Manuscripts in the Library of the University 
of Bombay, Vols. I & II, compiled by Prof. G. V. 
Devasthali, M. A, 9 ( 9 ) Catalogue of the Anup Sanskrit 
Library, prepared by Dr. C. Kunhan Raja and 
K. Madhava Krishna Sarma, M.O.L., ( 10 ) Early 
History of the Vaisnava Faith and Movement in 
Bengal, by Sushil Kumar De, M.A,, D.Litt., reviewed 
by Dr, A. P. Karmarkar, M.A,, LL.B., Ph.D, ... 256-259 

( 1 ) Visakha-Datfca's Mudra-Raksasa, translated into 
English from the original Sanskrit by R. S, Pandit, 
(2 ) Epigraphical Echoes of Kalidasa, by Sivarama- 
murfci, M.A., ( 3 ) Snusavijaya of Sundararajakavi, 
edited by Dr, V. Raghavan, M. A., Ph.D., (4) Kalidasa's 
Rtusamhararn, with the commentaries of Manirama 
and Amaraklrtisuri, edited by Sita Ram Sehgal, M. A., 
M.O.L., ( 5 ) The Arya-Sataka of Appayya Dlksita, 
edited by N. A. Gore, MA., with a Sanskrit com- 
mentary by Y. Raghavan, M. A., Ph.D., ( 6 ) Dhvanya- 
loka and Looana with KaumudI* by Uttungodaya, 
and Upalocana by Mm. Kuppuswami Sasfcri, ( 7 ) 
^ , or the Fight of Hanuman, the Vanara 



( Superman ) chief, by air, by Diwan Bahadur C. K 

Mehta, reviewed by Prof. C. R. Devadhar, M.A. ... 260-263 

Books Received 264-265 

OBITUARY NOTICE 

Prin. V. K, Ra]awade } M.A, 5 by S. N, Tadpatrikar, 

M,A. ... 266-268 



Annals of the 
Bliandarkar Oriental 
Research Institute 



VOL. XXV ] OCTOBER 1944 [ PART IV 



AN ANCIENT DYNASTY OF KHANDESH 

BY 
V. V, Mirasbi 

Nearly twenty-five years a^o Dr E C. Majumdar edited two 
copper-plate grants which Dr, D, R Bhandarkar had obtained 
from a Brahman a in the Indore State 1 , One of these, which was 
made by the Maharaja Svamidasa in the year 67, registers the 
gift of a field in the village Daksina-Valmlka-tallavataka 
which lav in the Nagarika-pathaka. The other, which was 
made by the Maharaja Bhulunda in the year 107, records the 
donation of a field on the boundary of a village the name of 
which was read by Dr. Maiumdar as Rulladana, but appears to 
be correctly Ulladana 2 . Both these grants plainly belonged to 
the same dynasty; for they were both issued from the same place 
Valkha 5 . Besides, their characters, phraseology and mode of 
dating 4 are the same. The dynasty has not been named in the 



1 Ep. Ind , Vol. XV, p. 286. 

2 The letter is hook-shaped with the curve turned to the right. In ru 
the sign of the medial u should have been a curve turned downwards and 
added to the vertical of the southern form of r. 

2 The reading in both the grants is Valkha, the final consonant t being 
incorrectly omitted as in several other cases in ancient grants. See, e. g.> 
Narattangavari-sthanci, Ep. Ind , Vol. XXII, p. 171 , Nandivardhana, ibid , 
Vol. XXVI, p. 158. 

* Both the grants are recorded in bos-headed characters, the boxes at 
the top of letters being scooped out hollow. They use the word varsa in 
stead of the usual samvatsara to denote the year of registration. The 
formal part of the grants is also almost exactly the same. 



160 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

grants and has not so far been known from any other source, 
It is however certain that it was a feudatory family, for both 
Maharaja Svamidasa and Maharaja Bhulunda describe themselves 
as Parama-bhattasaka-pad-anudhyata> i. e. 9 ' meditating: on the 
feet of the Great Lord ? which indicates their feudatory sta- 
tus. Dr. Majumdar could not suggest any identification of 
Valkha which waB apparently the capital of the dynasty. His 
identifications of Nagarika with the ancient city of Nagara 
which lies 75 miles from ths borders of the Indore State and of 
Tallavataka either with Adalwar, 37 miles north-east from 
Nagara or with Talaora, about 50 miles north-east from the 
same city, cannofc be regarded as quite certain in the absence of 
definite information about the provenance of these grants. 

Dr. Majumdar referred the dates of these grants to the Gupta 
eia on palaeographic grounds ; for, according to him their 
characters resemble those of the Saiici inscription of Candra- 
gupta II. Though the grants mention the year, month and fort- 
night, they do not give further details such as the week-day or 
the naksatra and therefore their dates do not admit of verifica- 
tion. If Dr. Majumdar's view is accepted, Svamidasa's grant 
would be one of the earliest dated records of the Gupta era. But 
there are certain difficulties in accepting this view. If Svami- 
dasa and Bhulunda were the feudatories of tha Guptas, it looks 
strange that, unlike other feudatories, 1 they do not name their 
suzerain. Besides, if these grants were originally found in the 
Indore State, we shall have to suppose that the rule of the Guptas 
was well established in Malwa as early as G. E. 67 ( A. D. 386 ), 
whereas we know that the Western Ksatrapas were supreme in 
Kathiawad and Malwa till A. D. 388 at least 2 The earliest cer- 
tain Gupta date from Malwa is the year 82 of the Udayagiri cave 
inscription of the reign of Oandragupta II. It would therefore 
seem that these dates refer to some other era, 



1 See, e t g., that the Sanakanika Maharaja describes himself as meditat- 
ing on the feet of Candragupta II in his Udayagin inscription, dated 
G. E. 82. C. I. /., Vol. III. p. 25. 

2 The coins of Rudrasirnha, the last of the Western Ksatrapas, are 
dated S'aka 310 or Six ( A. D, 388 or 388 + x ). See Rapson, Coins of the 
Andhras etc., pp. 92 ff, 



An Ancient Dynasty of Kbandesh 161 

It is doubtful if these grants were originally found in the 
Indore State, or, for the matter of that, anywhere to the north of 
the Narmada. From a statement recently published in the 
Ep. Ind. t Vol. XXIV, p. 52, we learn that these grants together 
wifch another ( vi2.> the so-called Indore grant of the Vakataka 
Pravarasena II) were in the possession of Pandit Vaman Shastri 
Islampurkar, from whom they were obtained by Dr. D. R. 
Bhandarkar. The Pandit was engaged in collecting old manu- 
scripts and ancient historical records in different parts of the 
country. l These two grants, like the grant of Pravarasena II, 
may therefore have been found outside the Indore State. 
Unfortunately their provenance has not been recorded, but 
there is one circumstance which affords a clue. It has not yet 
been noticed that these grants bear a very close resemblance to 
a copper-place grant z found at Sirpur in the West Khandesh 
District of the Bombay Presidency. This latter grant is frag- 
mentary ; for a small piece of the copper-plate about 1" broad, 
has been broken off the whole way down on the proper right 
side. The extant portion of the inscription shows that its 
registers a grant, by Maharaja Rudradasa, of a field on the 
western boundary of the Tillage Vikattanaka which ad]oined 
another village ( or field ) named Kolahattaka. The grant is 
dated in the year 117 of an unspecified era. 3 That it 
belongs to the same dynasty as the other two grants edifeed 
by Dr. Majumdar appears clear from the following common 
features ^ 

( 1 ) The name of the Maharaja Rudradasa who made the 
grant resembles that of the Maharaja Svamidasa of one of the 
Indore grants. Again, like Svamidasa and Bhulunda, Rudra- 
dasa describes himself as Parama-bhattaraka-pad-anudhyata. 

1 See his introduction to the Navasahasahkacanta ( Bombay Sanskrit 
Series ). 

2 Edited by Pandit Bhagwanlal Iniraji, Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, pp. 98 ff. 

s Pandit Bhagwanlal read the date as 113, bub was not certain about 
the era to which it refers, The last symbol denoting tlio year is esaotly 
similar to that in the dato of tho AbUona plates of Samkaragana which is 
also expressed in words. See 1, 34 of the facsimile facing p. 297, Ep* Ind,, 
Vol. IX 



Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

( 2 ) The characters and phraseology of Sirpur grant are 
strikingly similar to those of the Indore grants. 

( 3 ) The date is also similarly worded and the year is intro- 
duced with the word varsa as in the other two Inhere grants. 

( 4 ) The place of issue is not named in the extant portion 
of the Sirpur grant, but it must have been mentioned in the 
beginning of the first line, where two or three letters have now 
been lost owing to the breaking off of a piece of the plate on the 
proper right. It is noteworthy that the two dots which followed 
the name of the place of issue as a sign of punctuation are still 
seen in the beginning of the first line as on the Indore plate of 
Bhulunda. The signature of Maharaja Svamidasa, which must 
have occurred in the margin on the proper right as in the other 
two grants, is now lost. 

These similarities leaye no doubt that all fche three grants 
belong to the same dynasty. The grant of Rudradasa is known 
to have been found in the possession on one Motiram Patil of 
Sirpur 1 and musfc in all probability have belonged to Khandesh. 
The so called Indore grants also may likewise have been found 
some where in Khandesh, With thiii clue we can satisfactorily 
identify many of the places mentioned in the three grants. The 
capital Valkha from which at least two of these grants were 
issued, is probably identical with Vaghli, about 6 miles north by 
east of Chalisgaon in the East Khandesh, on the Bombay-Bhusa- 
wai line of the G. I. P. Railway. It is an old place as it contains 
some ancient temples and old Sanskrit inscriptions some of which 
have now become illegible. 2 Nagarika, the head-quarters of the 
territorial division ( patJtaka ) mentioned in the grant of Svami- 
dasa may be identical with Nagar Devla about 10 miles north- 
east of Vaghli,which also contains an old * Hemadapanti ' temple 
of Mahadeva. 5 TallavStaka may be Talvad khurd 9 about 15 miles 
north by west of Nagar Devla. Ulladana mentioned in the other 



1 Ind. Ant. t Vol. XVI, p. 98. 

3 See Khandesh District Gazetteer, p. 478. On of these inscriptions in 
three parts edited by Dr Kielhorn ( Ep Ind., Vol. II, pp. 221 ff. ) shows that 
Vaghli became afterwards the capital of a feudatory royal family named 
Maurya which originally hailed from Valahhl in Kathiawad and later on 
owed allegiance to the Yadavas of Khandesh,, 

Ibtd., p. 57, 



An Ancient Dynasty of Kha fides h 163 

Indore grant ol Bhuiunda is probably identical with Udhli ] on the 
Tapbi* about 9 miles east of Bhusatval, in East Khandesh, I have 
not been able to locate satisfactorily the places mentioned in the 
Sirpur plate, except Vikattanaka which ui ay be Vitaera, about 
20 miles south by east of Sirpur. But the identification of the 
other localities leaves no doubt that the dynasty was ruling in 
Khandesh, probably from Vaghli in the neighbourhood of Chalis- 
gaon. 

We thus get the following three names of the kings of this 
dynasty ' 

Maharaja Svamidasa { yeai 67 ) 
\ 

Maharaja Bhuiunda ( year 107 ) 
I 

Maharaja Rudradasa, ( year 117 ) 

As these grants do not mention any royal genealogy, the 
relation of these princes inter se is not known. As stated before, 
these princes acknowledged the suzerainty of some other power noc 
specified in their grants. The dates of their grants must there- 
fore be referred to the era founded by this power. Now these dates 
cannot be referred to the Gupta era, for no certain dates of that era 
have been found to the south of the Narmada except in the soli- 
tary instance of the Arang plate 2 of Bhlmasena from Chhattis- 
garh. In any case Gupta power did not penetrate to Khandesh 
as early as the end of the fourth century A. D. 3 The use of the 
word varsa in connection with these dates may be taken to point 
to the Saka era ; but that era is out of question here as the chara- 
cters of the grant are far more developed as"already noticed by 

1 The description in the record that the field wa3 granted together with 
the surrounding fcacchd ( bank ) suits Udhli very well as it is situated on 
the bank of the Tapti 

8 For the correct date of this record, see my article in Ep. Ind , Vol. 
XXVI, pp. 227 f. The Betul plates of the Fanvrajaka king Samksobha 
dated G. E. 199 were also found to the south of the NarmadS, but their 
contents show that they orignally belonged to the JuHmlpur District. See 
also Hiralal's Inscriptions in O. P. and Berar, (Second ed. ), p. 87, 

^ The identification of Erandapalli, mentioned in the Allahabad stone 
pillar inscription of Saraudragupta, with Erandol in Khandesh proposed by 
Fleet is now held to be untenable. 



164 Annals" 'of the Bhandarktir Oriental Research Institute 

Pandit Bhagwanlal and Dr. Majumdar. The only other era to 
which these dates can be referred is the so-called Kalacuri-Cedi 
era which, as I have shown elsewhere, ! was founded by the 
Abhlra king Isvarasena, In A. D. 249. Khandeeh was the 
stronghold of the Abblras. Even now the Abhlras or Ahlrs 
predominate in tbafc district. These princes who were evidently 
ruling in Khandesh were probably feudatories of the Abhlras 
whose era they have used in their grants. The years 67, 107 
and 117 mentioned in these records therefore correspond to 
A. D. 316-17, 356-57 and 366-67 respectively. 2 Except for the 
date of the Nasik cave inscription of the Abhlra I^varasena, 
these are the earliest dates of that era. 

No copper-plate inscriptions of the successors of Rudradasa 
have been discovered, but in an inscription in cave XVII at 
Ajanta we find some siaiilar names ending in dasa which may 
have belonged to the same dynasty. This inscription has 
lost a considerable portion on the left. It was first edited 
by Dr. Bhau Daji in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the 
Royal Asiastic Society, Vol. VII, pp. 59 ff. ; then by Pandit 
Bhagwanlal Indraji in the Inscriptions from the Cave Temple of 
Western India, pp. 63 ff. and finally, by Dr. Buhler in the 
Archaeological Survey of Western India, Vol. IV, pp. 129 ff. 
Buhler's transcript; is accompanied by a facsimile prepared from 
an inked estampage taken by Bhagwanlal, but ib is considerably 
worked up by hand. A correct edition of the record together 
with a purely mechanical facsimile is still a;desideratum. From 
an excellent estampage which I owe to the kindness of Dr. N. P. 
Chakravarti, Government Epigraphist for India, I was able to 
correct some of Dr. Buhler's readings. The inscription men- 
tions the following princes : 



1 My article on this era -will soon be published in this journal. 

2 The use of word varga to signify the years of this era seems to be in 
imitation of the Saka era which was previously current in Mahdra^ra. 
Again, the use of SansLnfc m these grants need not cause any surprise as 
the revival of the classical la 'guage had already begun in Mah'ardgfra in 
the third century A, D. The Nasik inscription of the Abhira isvarasena 
is written in almost; correct Sanskrit as already remarked by Sir R-, G e 
Bhaadafkar, 



An Aficient Dy>h'i$t\ of K'cinJes^ 165 

1 { Name lost ) 

2 Dhrtarastra 

3 Harisamba 

4 Saurisamba 

5 Upendragupta 

6 Kaca I 

7 Bhiksudasa 

8 Nlladasa 

9 Eaca II 
10 Krsnadasa 



11 ( name lost ) Bavisamba 

The two sons of Krsnadasa are compared to Pradyumna and 
Samba. The name of the elder son is lost. That of the younger 
one ended in samba and may have been Ravisamba as read by 
Bhagwanlal and Buhler. ! The two brothers conquered Asmaka 
and other countries and lived happily with increasing ( frater- 
nal ) love and fame. 2 After some time Ravisamba died prema- 
turely. His elder brother, being overwhelmed with sorrow and 
convinced of the fcransitorine3s of the world, s began to 
lead a pious life. He waited upon saintly persons known for 
their learning, charity, compassion and other virtues and imita- 
ted in his actions righteous kings of the past. He bestowed 
munificent gifts on supplicants and adorned the whole world 
with Ms fame. He caused stUpas and viharas to be erected and 
got the excellent monolith mandapa together with a caitya of 

1 The first akara does not appear exactly like ra. 

a In line 9 Bhagwanlal read ekadhipatija-pratham-avataram dadhre 
dvitlyo JRavisamba-samjnam, which Buhler changed into ekadhipatyam 
prathamo babhtira which conveys the meaning that the elder brother became 
Emperor. The correct reading, however is dhatadhipULhyUrn prathamo 
babhara whicn means that the elder brother succeeded to the throne. 

3 In line 17 Dr. Bhau Daji had correctly read amtyasamjna-sacivas 
tatah parafh vyavlvrdhat = punya-mali,a-/iiahlniha?h t bat took anitya to be the 
name of a minister, Bhagwanlal and Bllhler read Acintya- and Acitya- 
respectively and took these to be the name of the minister. The correct 
reading is undoubtedly amtija- and the sense evidently is that the prmce 
was all the while conscious of the transitorioess of life. 



1 66 Annals of the Bkandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

the Buddha to be excavated in the form of the present cave XVII 

at Ajanta, while Harisena. the moon among princes ( ksit-lndra- 
candra ), was protecting the earth. He also provided it with a 
water-cistern and caused a noble gandhakuti to be excavated to 
the west of it in another part of the hill. 1 

The foregoing account of the inscription in Ajanta oave XVII 
shows that the last of these kings was a contemporary and perhaps 
a feudatory of the Vakataka king Harisena who flourished from 
circa A. D. 475 to A. D. 500. 2 He was preceded by ten other 
princes. The first of these may therefore be placed in circa A. D. 
275-300. Some of these princes may therefore have been contem- 
poraries of Svamidasa, Bhulunda and Rudradasa whose dates 
range from A. D. 316 to A. D. 366, but the latter names do not 
occur anywhere in the list of the Ajanta inscription. We can 
reconcile the known data by supposing either that these kings 
were collaterals of the princes mentioned in the Ajanta inscrip- 
tion or that they belonged to a different branch and ruled over a 
different part of Khandesh. 

These kings were at first feudatories of the Abhlras whose 
empire, judging from the use of their era seems to have exten- 
ded from Konkan in the west to Khandesh in the east and 
from the Karmada in the north to the Krsna in the south. 
According to the Puranas ten Abhlra kings ruled for 67 years. 
This however gives an incredibly small average of 6.7 years per 
regin. Perhaps the expression sapta-sasti satan-iha, stating the 
period of Abhlra rule, which occurs in a Ms. of the Vayupurancfi 
is a mistake for sapta-sastim satau c eha* If this is correct, 



1 This is evidently the so-called Caitya cave XIX which actually lies 
to the west of Cave XVII. The proper name of such oaves is gandhakutl* 
Incidentally this furnishes a definite date for the beautifully sculptured 
cave XIX, which had long been missed , for Bhagwanlal thought that the 
reference was to the small cave XVIII from which he thought the image 
had been removed, while Biihler thought the gandhakuti lay to the west of 
the Buddha's (?) body. 

a See the VUkataka Inscription in Cave XVI at Ajanfa edited by me 
in the Hyderabad Archaeological Series, p. 9. 

* Pargiter, Dynasties of the Kah Age, p. 46, n. 37. 

4 For a similar expression pancavarsa-&atan = iha which Pargiter takes 
as * probably meaning 105 years '. 



An Ancient Dynasty of Rlmndesh i6j 

the S.hhlra rule may have lasted for 167 years. The unnamed 
Great Lords on whose feet Svamidasa, Bhulunda and Rudradasa 
meditated may thus have belonged to the 5.bhlra dynasty. After 
the fall of the Abhlras, these princes seem to have transferred 
their allegiance to the Vakatakas who were their powerful 
neighbour to the east. Harisena, the last of the Vakatakas, is men- 
tioned in the Ajanta inscription as the contemporary ruling king. 

From the mention of Asmaka in line 10 of the Ajanta inscrip- 
tion Pandit Bhagwanlai inferred that these kings were ruling 
over Asmaka. 1 But the correct reading of the line is m-Asmak~ 
adikan desami-ca [ tesam }~ah1iibhuya bhuyasa rarajatus = candra- 
divakarav^iva. f The two (sons of Krsnadasa), having overcome 
Asmaka and other countries, shone mostly like the sun and the 
moon, ' Asmaka was thus one of the countries raided by these 
princes ; it was not their home-land. In fact Asmaka was not 
the ancient name of Khandash. From the Suttanipata we learn 
that the Asnoakas had a settlement on the Godavarl. 2 The 
Pandarangapalll plates of about the same age as the Ajanta 
inscription state that Mananka, the founder of the Bastrakuta 
dynasty had conquered Yidarbha and Asmaka which appear to 
have been contiguous countries. As I have shown elsewhere* 3 
Vidarbha in that inscription - refers to the kingdom of the 
Vatsagulma branch of the Vakatakas. Asmaka seems, therefore, 
to have comprised the Aurangabad and perhaps the Ahamad- 
nagar district. The Ajanta or Satmala range separated Asmaka 
from Khandesh as it divided Vidarbha into Northern and Sou- 
thorn Vidarbha. Another Ajanta inscription in Cave XXVI 4 
which belongs to a slightly later date refers to a minister of the 
kings of Asmaka in whose honour the cave was excavated. The 
country of Asmaka thus lay to the south of Ajanta and was dif- 
ferent from Khandesh which lay to fche north of it. 

The ancient name of Khandesh seems to have been Rslka. 
No satifactory identification of this latter country has yet been 
suggested. Varahamihira places TJslka i n the southern division. 

1 Inscriptions from the Cave Temple etc., p. 73 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, 
p. 99. 

2 Suttanipata, p. 977. 

8 Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute, Vol. XXV, p. 44. 
4 See Arch. Surv. of West. India, Vol. IV, pp. 132 ff. 
? [ Annals, B. <X B. 1. 1 



t68 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

In the Ramayana Rslka is grouped with Vidarbha and Mahisaka 
among countries of the south which Sugrlva asked monkeys to 
visit in search of Slta. 1 In the Mahabharata also Rslka is cou- 
pled with Vidarbha. 2 Another verse of the Mahabharata con- 
nects "Rslka with the western Anupa country. 3 Elsewhere, the 
epic couples Rslka with Asmaka while mentioning the countries 
conquered by Kama. 4 In the Dasakumaracarita the ruler of 
Rslka is said to have been, like that of Asmaka, a feudatory of 
the king of Vidarbha. 5 The Nasik cave inscription of Pulumavi 
mentions Asika ( Sanskrit, Rslka ) together with Asaka ( Sanskrit, 
Asmaka ) among the countries which were under the rule of his 
father Gautamlputra Satakarni/ All these references plainly 
ghow that Rslka was contiguous to Asmaka, Vidarbha and Anupa 
( or Mahisaka ). 7 The only country which answers to this geo- 
graphical position is Khandesh $ for it is bounded on the east by 
Berar ( ancient Vidarbha ), on the north by the Nemad district 
of the Central Provinces and parts of the Indore State (ancient 
An^pa or Mahisaka ) and on the south by the Aurangabad Dis- 
trict ( Ancient Asmaka ). 

The rulers of Rslka, Vidarbha and Asmaka were thus holding 
the country round Ajanta. All the three dynasties have left us 
precious monuments in the shape of some magnificent caves at 
Ajanta. 8 

1 Ramayana, ( Nirijayasagar ed. ), Kishkindhaka^da, v, 10. 

* Mahabharata, ( Chitra^ala Press ed. ), Bhismaparvan, adhySya 9, v. 64, 
8 Ibid., Udyogaparvan, adhyaya 4, vv. 18-19. 

* Ibid., Kar^aparvan, adhyaya 8, v. 20. 

6 Dasakumaracanta, ( Bom. Sansk. Series ), p. 138. 
Ep. Ind. t Vol. VIII, pp. 60 ff. 

7 Mahisaka was probably the country of which the capital was 
Mahismati. It is well known that this city was also the capital of the 
Anupa country. See Raghuvam$a> Canto VI, vv, 37 and 43. 

8 Cave XVI which Messrs. Fergusson and Burgess considered to be, 
k in some respects most elegant' was caused to be excavated by a minister 
of the king Harisena who belonged to the Vataagulma branch of the 
VSkataka dynasty. Cave XVII which now has more paintings than any 
other and the gandhakutl cave XIX which is most elaborately sculptured 
were caused to be made by a king of Bslka as shown in this article. 
FinaHy, cave XXVI which also is an elaborately sculptured gandhakutl was 
executed by a Bhiksu in honour of his friend BhavvirSja who was a minister 
olan Afimaka king. 



ABH1MANYU-UPAKHYANA. AND THE UNKNOWN 
EPISODE BE : ABHIMANYITS PREVIOUS LIFE 

BY 

M. R. MAJMUDAR 

The Mahabharata has been studied from many points of view ; 
linguistic, historical, geographical and metaphysical ; and much 
learning has been brought to bear upon this great subject. It is 
also equally important to attempt to trace the growth and develop- 
ment of the legends and themes which have gone to the making 
of the great epic* 

If it were possible to sift out from the huge mass of Indian 
Epic poetry, as we now possess it in the various recensions of 
the Mahabharata and the Ramayana, those old stories and 
legends which must have been living for a long time in the 
mouth of the people before they were, collected, enlarged and 
dressed up by later hands, a rich mine of information would be 
opened fdr the ancient times of India. 

The various recensions of the text of Mahabharata are usually 
those that are handed down to us with interpolations and addi- 
tions which smell of local colouring and betray some sort of 
regional folklore. 

The object of this paper is to introduce the episode of 
Abhimanyu existing in the form of an Upakhyana. Though 
this cannot be traced to the original corpus of the Mahabharata 1 
it is however found to be widely current in Western India, 
especially in Gujarata and Rajaputana. So much so that a 
Sanskrit Ms. of Abhimanyu- Upakhyana has been traced from the 
Baroda Oriental Institute collection, extending to 20 adhyayas 
with about 1100 anustup verses. ( No. 9078 ). 

1 *' There is no reference to the story anywhere in the w*ole of the 
MahabhSrata. $o, Ms, of Dronaparva shows any reference to the story in 
question. Abhimanyu is consistently called Varoas, son of Sonia and finally 
goes to his father ". 

From a letter dated 16-11-43 of Prof, P, K. Gode, Curator, B, 0. R. I., Pooma, 
in consultation with the Supervisor of the MahabhSrata Department. 



170 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

The episode about Abhimanyu's previous birth as a demon is 
neither traceable to the original Dronaparva nor to the verna- 
cular recensions of the Mahabharata either in Marathi, Hindi 
or Bengali. However, it is successively referred to in Gujarati 
Akhyanas about Abhimanyu, from early 15th century A.D., down 
to the middle of the 19th century A. D. exactly identical with 
the Sanskrit upakhyana. 

Could the episode be ascribed to Jaimini's version of the 
Mahabharata, which indluges in many additions of legends and 
folklore as is in evidence in his extant Asvamedhika Parva? 
No other Parvans of the Mahabharata by Jaimini have, however, 
been traced so f ar.lThe late D. B. K. H. Dhurva had mentioned to 
have come across a Ms, of Svargarohana Parva by Jaimini. If by" 
chance, bis Drona Parva were to come to light, we may expect to 
find some reference to the previous birth episode of Abhimanyu. 

The episode owes its creation to a rare sense of poetic justice ; 
as we feel at the end of the poem that after all, it was good that 
the demon in Abhimanyu after having been turned to good 
account by getting several leaders of the enemy's camp killed at 
his hands, ultimately was not allowed to live, grow strong and be 
a menace to the Pandava party. 

While borrowing the plot of the main incident from the 
Mahabharata, fche author of the Abhimanyu Upakhyana faithfully 
adheres to the dogma of incarnation and the Vaisnava cult insepa- 
rably worked up in the original. Agreeably to this, Visnu born as 
Krsna destroys the inimical Demon in open fight, His son 
Ayalocana, however, is not so fairly dealt with. Krsna kills 
him, not in a battle. For that could free him from re-birth. 
But he was destined to fight, the unrighteous Kauravas, and 
work havoc anfong them as Abhimanyu. So the incarnate God 
plays the crafty man, and getting the giant into an adaman- 
tine chest stifles him to death. The murdered Ayalocana is 
reborn as Krsna's nephew. So the latter brings about his death 
secretly in a; way known to him only. 

The personality of Krsna whether working openly or secretly, 
is always before us, throughout the poem, though it is less in 
evidence than that of Abhimanyu who fs technically the hero. 
As a matter of fact, the only characters that interest us strongly 



Abhwianyu- Upakhydna 171 

are Abhimanyu and Krsna. Next to them come the princess 
Uttara and queen Subhadra. 

The MahSbharata and the Puranas reveal Krsna to us as a 
man, certainly nOfc eminently good, but a crafty chief who is not 
overscrupulous in his choice of means for accomplishing hie 
ends. 1 

According to Mahabharata, Adi Parva, chapter 221, Abhi- 
manyu, son of Arjuna by Subhadra, was the Somaputra Varcas 
in his previous birth. From the day of his birth he was found 
to be dauntless, arousing fear in others, and of an irritable dis- 
position. 

tr?3mhr cTcrerairfor^rcc * aarw^mfff srt 



Brahma had ordered all the Devas to be born in this world in 
Arhsa form in order to free the earth from all fear. At that time 
Soma ( the moon ) while deputing his dearest son Varcas to this 
world had declared that he will not be able to brook the separa- 
tion of his darling for a very long time. Accordingly he had 
stipulated that Varcas shall return af fcer a life of 16 years only. 2 
( Adi, Adh. 67 ) 

In the Mahabhaarata fight, Drona had managed to engage 
Arjuna against the Samsaptaka force, in order that the other 
Pandavas can be defeated ia no time. At this juncture, Drona 
manoevoured the Kaurava forces in the celebrated Cakra-vyuha 
form. Yudhisthira was at his wits 7 end, as lie could not find out a 
competent man to be in command, who could pierce through the 
Oakravyuha. 

The gallant Abhimanyu came to his rescue, depending on all 
further help from the powerful Bhlma, as he knew only the way 
of ingress. Abhimanyu, however, boldly enough, created a 
breach in the hostile ranks, and gave a brave front to the veteran 
generals of the Kaurava forces 5 but in the heat of his onward 

1 Encyclopaedia of Religion and Etkics-Vol. 7, pp. 193-197; Prof. 
Jacobi's article on * Incarnation ( Indian ). ; 

8 "In the Mbh. heroic genealogy, Varcas, part of Soma becomes 
Abhimanyu ( lives 16 years, corresponding to the 16 days of the 1 bright 
moon)" ......... section on Soma in the "Epic Mythology'* by E. W, 

Hopkini, p. 91 ( 1915 ). 



ijz Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

rush, Bhlina whose march was checked by Jayadratha had been 
led away from him. Thus Abhimanyu was left alone to his fate 
to fight single-handed against the gallaxy of tried generals. 

Abhimanyu, however, showed the excellent stuff he was made 
up of ; but being fatigued and wounded, was slain by the son of 
Duhsasana ( Drona. Adh. 34-39 ). 

He was dearest both to Krsna and to Balarama. He left 
Uttara, the daughter of Virataraja with an embriyo, who was 
born as Pariksita the only living remnant of both the Kaurava 
and the Pandava families at the end of the Mahabharata War. 

The Mahabharata narrative of Abhimanyu's worldly career, 
as noticed above in short, leaves one mourning at the sad lot of 
Abhimanyu, who met with rather an untimely though a glorious 
death under exasperating circumstances. One would have wish- 
ed Bhlma to be beside him in his forward march, and helped him 
to get out successfully of the Cakravyuha at the end of the fight, 
during the absence of Arjuna, the most powerful of all the 
Pandavas. But as ill-luck could have it, Krsna, Suhhadra, 
Arjuna, and Uttara were left in deep mourning by Abhimanyu ! 

The unknown author of the independent poem-Upakhyana 
has however, tacked his story on the original source of the in- 
cident 1 which occurs in the Drona Parva of the Mahabharata, in 
order to arouse confidence and reverence for it in the heart of 
his readers. He has accordingly not preferred to call it an 
independent poem, but has arranged it in the usual form of a 
dialogue between the king Janamejaya, the grand-son of Abhi- 
manyu and the sage Vaisampyana. 

The unknown author of the Upakhyana occasionally mentions 
the river SabhramatI ( modern SabarmatI ) in the benedictory 
verses, which help us to locate the composition of the episode, 
somewhere in Central Gujarata. 2 

The copy that is available to us is not even a century old; 
however, it must have been copied from some other original. 



I 

i gf ^ ^ fsq-^r ftst *TR?TT*WH n 



u- UpMyftna 173 

Because it will be too much to imagine that somebody might 
have narrated the episode in Sanskrit from some Vernacular 
sources. 

The style of the Upakhyana is simple, racy and very much 
reminiscent of the great epic/ The introductory verses and the 
colophon may be given here by way of illustration : 

i %^r *ro*ctt 

fRTO^ ^ 1 
\\ 

sft sTJrasrq- s'srr^ \ "g* rcf*n S*T SHTR raTre^frtm ^m** 
^r?ir^m%?7 aw mrt s^Tr*T tl 
T: u 
I * ' go? ^t^H srsr^i ?wnft^ qrorsgcra; u 

The colophon of the Mss. reads as follows : 



The contents of each of the twenty adhyayas of the Upakhyana 
can be gathered from the short titles given at the end, 8 

The story, in brief, of the epilogue linking up the birth of 
Abhimanyu with his previous birth is as follows : 

Child Ayalocana while playing with little children was 
tormenting and beating them. One boy, being very much ill- 
treated one day gave him a taunt. " Why do you torment us ? 
If you are very strong, why not avenge your father's death ? " 

At this, Ayalocana ran to his mother and entreated her to tell 
everything about his father and his ultimate end. The mother 
most unwillingly narrated how Visnu killed the boy's father in 
an open fight, putting his capital to fire, at which she had to 



: \ 'tfffi?Tr i srm^ssrretf i 3TRi$n% ^w^rm^ I 
: / ^533^?: i srfiips-^i^q: I STTHH^-^^: i sr^rS^nr: i 



174 Annals of tfa Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

make good her escape to her father's house, when the boy was in 
her womb. 

The posthumously horn Ayalocana on hearing this, there and 
then took a vow to avenge his father's death. The mother dis- 
suaded him from such a rash undertaking, as she said, hostili- 
ties with powerful Krsna who had killed powerful Kaihsa and 
Sisiupala, would be of no avail. The boy however, persisted, to 
whom the mother ultimately advised to appease God Siva, who 
would bestow him with great prowess. 

Ayalocana went to a solitary place, practised penance, and 
succeeded after six months in pleasing Siva to grant a boon. 
When asked as to what this desire was, the boy begged of Siva 
to be made immortal. 

And Siva would have granted him this boon, unwittingly, 
had Parvatl not intervened. So Siva checked himself and told 
him ; " I know what is in your mind ; you want to fight Vispu. 
You will not be hurt by any weapon; and your death will happen 
without any thrust of a weapon. " 

Ayalocana jumped in joy at this boon, believing that he would 
not be defeated in any fight, and would meet death in the normal 
course. 

Ayalocana got a big iron-clad chest prepared at the hands of 
Maya, the architect of the Daityas, who took six months to pre- 
pare it. 

With that Vajra-panjara ( iron chest ) Ayalocana started for 
Dvarka to fight Krsna and then seize him and stifle him to death 
by putting him in the chest. 

Krsna having known this, met the boy on way in the form of 
an old Brahrnana, crying. The boy, on inquiry was pleased to 
identify him as his family-preceptor, who was mourning the 
loss of his Yajamana, the boy's father. The old man asked the 
boy, about his plans to avenge his father's death. The boy, being 
off his guard at the sympathising words of the old man, confided 
the whole thing to him and told him that the chest was meant for 
Krsna. 

The old man, then advised Ayalocana to ascertain if Krsna 

would be contained in it. At this, the boy requested him further 

* Jo tell the dimensions of Krsna. The crafty old man assured him 



Abhimanytl- Updkhydna 175 

that Krsna was slender and tiny, and if the boy could get in the 
chest, then, Krsna would surely be contained. 

A trial of this was then suggested ; and when Ayalocana got 
in the chest, Krsna in the guise of the old man, shut the door 
tight, to the utter dismay and embarrassment of Ayalocana. 
When after many entreaties the old man would not open the 
door of the chest, Ayalocana felt that some fraud was being per- 
petrated on him. But, then, it was too late to mend. 

Ayalocana made great efforts to break open the chest through 
sheer force ; the chest was lifted to the sky and came down with 
a crash but to no effect. He was gasping for breath and was 
soon stifled to death. 

Krsna then arranged to carry the chest to his residence ; and 
placed it secretly under Subhadra/ s care. The wives of Sri 
Krsna out of sheer curiosity wanted the secret to be divulged as 
to the content of the chest. Subhadra, who was then carrying, 
was prevailed upon by Satyabhama, RukminI and others to 
open and to have a look at it for a while. When the door was 
opened, they were shocked to sae a dead body with eyes and 
mouth wide open. But the ghost of Ayalocana that was hovering 
over the body got in through Subhadra/s mouth, planning 
great mischief to Krana through his sister Subhadra. 

After everything was arranged as before in the chest, and all 
had left, SlibhadrS got such acute pain in the stomach that Krsna 
had to be informed of it. Krsna got the whole story about the 
opening of the chest; and was constrained to attribute the pain 
to that incident. The demon was seeking a chance to wreak his 
doubled vengeance. 

The demon prevented the birth of the embriyo, causing much 

pain. 

Subhadra had to be humoured in this predicament by telling 
her the story about the magical spiral array. Subhadra felt a bit 
relieved by the narration and felt asleep, when the demon in 
the womb, wanting to know the complete secret about the ingress 
and egress of the Gakravyuha began to give a sound, showing 
that the story was followed by her. Krsna noticing a change in 
the tone of the sound, found that Subhadra was fast asleep and 
that the sound was coming from the womb. 
3 I Ann&li, B. O. R. I. ] 



Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Krsna then cut short the narrative and left the place. 
The demon then thought fit to be born, thereafter known as 
Abhimanyu, whose partial knowledge of breaking the spiral array 
was going to be of great help to the Pandavas' army In the abse- 
nce of Arjuna. 

Such is the interesting epilogue of the Abhimanyu-TIpa- 
khyana which leads the reader to believe that it was after all 
well-destined by Grod that Abhimanyu could not survive the 
Mahabharata war 5 because in that case, he would not have 
missed to wreak vengeance on Krsna. 

The story contained in the Sanskrit Upakliyana, coming as it 
does from Western India, is very popular in Gujarat! literature, 
So much so that it has been handed down to us in succession, 
with slight additions. All the poets who have written about Abhi- 
manyu-Dehala (early 15th century,) Nakara ( 16th century ), 
Tapidasa ( mid 17th <580iwy ), Premananda ( late 17th century ), 
Lajjarama (lat^lMJi <f#nf!iry ) and Revaamkara ( late 19th cen- 
tury ) have dra^n-iapoa fene Sanskrit episode as their main stay, ] 
the value of their ladivfdual performance varying with each 
poet's diction, faacy am}4m agination. 

A remarkable g^ntiW of Gujarati folk-songs, ballads and 
dirges by unknown authors are also met with, dealing with one 
or the other incident, from the story, reminiscent of the Sanskrit 
original. These folk-songs are collected in an Appendix to my 
critical edition of Tapidasa's " Abhimanyu-akhyana " published 
in 1925. 

An attempt is made in the following paragraphs to give an 
idea as to how a classical Gujarati author has treated the story, 
Premananda's * Abhimanyu Akhyana ' is a heroic poem in 54 
cantos. It opens with a very brief sketch by Vaisampayana 
relating to Janamejaya, how Abhimanyu was slain in his gallant 
attempt to break the so-called -spiral aTT&y-Cakravyuha of the 
Kauravas, The royal listener could not understand why the 
Almighty Krsna let his nephew die so sad and untimely a death. 
This gives the poet an occasion to give at full length the 
account of Lie previous birth of Abhimanyu as Ahilocana ( Aya. 
locana of the Sanskrit episode). The episode takes up cantos 
2-13, and forms the most interesting section of the poem. 

i A comparative study of the st< ry in the various GujarSti versions, 
traceable to the Sanskrit UpakhySna has been published by me as 
" Abhimanyu-p%rva-Ratha-anve$aita " ( December 1944 ) e 



AlUmanyu- Uptikhy&nd 1 77 

Cantos 14-33 narrate the birth of Abhimanyu 5 his marriage 
with the Mafcsya princess Utfcara, and its consummation on the 
eve of the battle, arrangad at a very short notice by fetching 
Uttara on camel-back, leading to the brith of Pariksit, 

Then comes the description charging the Kaurava army array- 
ed in the form of an intricate maze of seven curves. He success- 
fully fought his way through six of them. But in his attempt to 
force the seventh curvilinear array he was overpowered and 

killed by six Kaurava leaders, nefariously conspiring to entrap 
him. 

Cantos 34-45 are occupied with the narration of the gallant 
fighting. In the remaining cantos, the poet tells us how his 
death was bitterly avenged. 

Such is the summary of the stirring narrative as utilised by 
Premananda. It naturally divides itself into five parts. First 
comes the introduction. It is followed by the episode of Ayalo- 
cana. Then there is the intermediary section, bringing up the 
narrative to Abhimanyu's march to fight the Kauravas and his 
meeting with Uttara. The succeeding section describes the 
combat of Abhimanyu and his death. The poem concludes with 
an account of the terrible retribution and revenge. 

Of these five sections, the first is very cleverly executed. 
While preparing the audience for the episode of Ayalocana, it 
reminds us of the prelude ( Prastavana ) in the Sanskrit drama. 
One may even go further and say that it forms the key to the whole 
poem as conceived by the unknown author of this episode. 

Though apparently Abhimanyu is made the hero of the 
Akhyana, behind him looms large the figure of Krsaa as God 

incarnate, directing the destinies of the world in the best interests 
of the righteous. 

This second section is a prologue of tta poem proper. But the 
story of Ahilocana is not a mere episode that can conveniently 
be dropped. The original author of this story, whoever he might 
have been, has artistically made it an integral part of the 

narrative. 

The third section in Premananda' s poem, in spite of the many 

beautiful passages which it contains, is confessedly out of 
harmony with the prevailing Vlra sentiment which characterises 
the 2nd and 4th section. The celebration of the pregnancy of 



178 Annals of the JBhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Subhadra and the marriage of Abhimanyu are topics which the 
poet would have done well not to indulge in at great length. 

The fourth section is more descriptive than dramatic. Had 
the poet unstintedly treated us with the spirited speeches of 
combatants rather than with the conventional commonplace 
description of the combatants, we should have as much relished 
them as we do Homer's* 

The fifth section forms an epilogue to the poem, and as such 
it is necessarily brief. 

Thus the prevalence of the traditional episode regarding 
Abhimanyu's previous birth in several GujaratI versions from 
Western India deserves an intensive study. The discovery 
of this material is, also, likely to be useful at a time when 
the critical edition of the Drona Parva is yet to be taken on 
hand. 1 Its interest for the folklorist is also unforgettable. 



1 Dr. S. K. De who has undertaken to edit the Drona Parva, under the 
auipices of the Committee for the Critical Edition of the Mahabharata, 
informs me that he has not so far come aoross this incident about 
Abhimanyu' s previous birth in any of the M"ss of the Drona Parva. 



NOMINAL STEM-FORMATION IN APABHRAMSA 

BY 
G. V. TAGABE 

[ Nominal Stem-formation in Indo-Aryan is practically a neglected field. 
It is especially so in the case of Middle Indo-Aryan in general and Apa* 
bhramsa in particular. Pischel and Geiger have mostly neglected this 
topic in their otherwise excellent grammars of Prakrits and Pali. From the 
type-script of Dr. S. M. Katre's Wilson Philological Lectures ( 1941 ), it 
appears that the brilliant scholar had little time to deal with this subject in 
its MIA stage, in details, in his lecture on Nominal Stem-formation in I-A* 
{ Lecture IV ). Though the lecture is highly suggestive and supplies us with 
a valuable list of possible Pali and Prakrit developments of CIA stem-for- 
mants and though he illustrates these with reference to ertain roots* we 
have no treatment of such, formations as actually attested in this stage 
of I A. 

In the introductory portion of the present paper, I have taken a brief 
review of the work done so far, in the field of Nominal Stem-formation in 
IA. In the body of the paper, I have dealt with such formants as are actu- 
ally found in Ap. literature composed between 500-1200 A. D. In order to 
conserve space, I did not quote the exact context of each form unless it was 
absolutely necessary to do so. I indicated the venue of each form by desig- 
nating it as WAp. ( Western Ap. ), SAp. ( Southern Ap. ), and EAp. 
( Eastern Ap. ). Roughly these regions correspond to the Sauraseni, MahS- 
rastri, and Magadhi regions in the Linguistic Sutvey of India. Thus SAp, 
includes the works of Puspadanta and Kanakamara ; EAp. means the 
DohSkosas of K5nha and Saraha as edited by M. Shahidulla. 

Many of the suffixes in this paper are found in other MIA dialects but 
they are included here because they are found in Ap. works and I wish to 
present the MIA development of these formants in general and that in the 
tertiary MIA in particular. 

It is hoped that this humble spade-work will be of some interest and use 
to students of Middle and Modern Indo-Aryan. 

The Author. ] 

The study of Nominal Stem Formation in IA in general, and 
in MIA in particular, has not received adequate attention of 
scholars. We have a fine collection of material for the OIA. 
period in W. D. Whitney's Sanskrit Grammar and Boots, Renou's 
Grarnmaire Sanscrite, and Macdonell/s Sanskrit grammar. 
Jljalmar Frisk deals with OIA suffixes -tjha and -ra in their 



x8o Annals of tfo Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Indo-European setting. We hope to gefc Prof. Wackernagel'B 
work on this suhjcct ( Nominal Stem Formation in OIA ) after 
close of this war, as his Atlindische Qrammatik IL ii was in the 
press when the war was declared. 

In NIA Hoernle's Q-audian Grammar and S. K. Ghatterji'g 
Origin and Development of Bengali deal with this topic. The present 
writer has undertaken the study of Nominal Formantia in 
Marathi inita I A. setting as this topic is excluded hy Prof, J, 
Bloch in his masterpiece on Marathi, I mean La Farmatian, de la 
Langue marathe. 

Unfortunately Geiger's Pali Literatur und Sprache and Pis- 
chel's Grammatik der Prakrit Sprachen give very meagre treat- 
ment of this. Geiger gives a few suffixes connected with verbal 
nouns, while Pischel enumerates a few more : ~ala~, -alu-, illa- 
-ulla-, as matup, -ira as a krt-suffix, -~tt-, ~ka~, -da-, -manta-', 
-vanta-, and -ima~. ( See Grammatik, 595-603. ). His treat- 
ment is sometimes defective. For example, -alu- is represented 
in later OIA as in krp-alu, sprhay-alu, etc. and is probably 
connected with OIA ~aru- in its MIA setting ( Cf. OIA bhad-ra> 
*bhad-la> MIA bhalla. This -la treatment of OIA -ra is found 
in other cases also ). Bufc Pischel does not take this into account. 
I admit that Pischel was not writing a historical grammar of 
Nominal Formants'in Prakrits. This is exactly why a critical 
study of these formations in their historical perspective should 
be undertaken by some scholar. From the typescript of his 
Wilson Philological Lectures ( 1941 ) which Dr. S. M. Katre 
kindly lent to me, it appears that the brilliant scholar 
has tried to take a survey of the development of these 
suffixes in a masterly way. His illuminating Lecture ( No. IV) 
gives us sufficient guidance for further research. But the subject 
is too vast to be compressed in a single lecture, and as he stops 
at tbe secondary MIA, I thought it better to limit myself to the 
tertiary MIA i. e. Apabhramsa and study the problem in its 
Time-Space contex. As usual Ap., suffixes are classified here as 
(l)the Primary and () the Secondary. Most of the OIA 
suffixes e. g. -a ( technically known as ' ac, an, ka& ' etc. ), -u( u, 
duX-traCstranX-nuCknu), and others became so much identi- 
fied with the word in the late OIA period that OIA root suffix is 



Nominal Stem-Formation in Apabhrathla 181 

me word for the MIA speakers and there is no propriety in 
Lnalysing Ap. carisu(oaris$u ), jalahi( jaladhi ) f kisi(krsi ) into 

o 

5ara~isu( isnu ), jala-ha-i ( technically called ki in Sk. grammar ), 
dsa-i (known as ik in Sk. grammar ). I limit myself to impor- 
tant Ap. Affixes. 

PRIMARY SUFFIXES 

-a<OIA -ka c agent or doer ' e.g. WAp. khavartaa (ksapacaka) 
1 a Jaina monk ', SAp. bapplhaya ( baspa~Iha~ka ) * a cataka bird ', 
E Ap. binua ( vijnuka ) * knower \ 

-a#a<OIA -ana with or without pleonastic -ka : to make 
Abstract Substantives e. g. WAp. jampanaya (jampa = ]alp * to 
speak), SAp, khamcana ( kars * to draw ) cf. M. kbecane, WAp. 
davana( dam- ) ' a binding-rope ' cf. H. davan, M. davan, Sdh. 
davanu, Pj. dlu, Gu], damn!, SAp. khuntana( khunta- = trut- ), 
ghattana(ghatta, usually connected with Sk.sAghrs- ), 

o 

-ara<OIA-/ca?*a : * agent or doei ? e. g. sonnara ( suTarna-kara ) 
* gold-smith ', sun^ra ( suna-kara ) * one committing violence to 
lives ? , janerl ( *janaya-kari ) ? But this is generally equated with 
Sk, janayitrl * mother 7 , though the form does not explain -erl. 

-iya(a )<OIA -in with svarthe ka ; also OIA -ika : * action or 
agent ? e. g. ulluriya ( ullura-ika ) ( a baker '. 

-ira : habit ' tacchllye \ In hie Introduction to Ap, portion 
from Kumarapalapratibodha, Prof. Ludwig Alsdorf regards this 
as a suffix of the Present Part. 

WAp. kandira ( krand- ), hallira ( halla- * to move * ), bhamira 
(bhram-), kampira ( kamp- ), hasira(has-) etc. Sap, thippira 
( stip-), cavira ( carv- ) of. M. cavai-a, himsira ( himsa- ' to 
neigh ' ), hindira ( hind- ), icchira ( icch- ). No such form was 
found in EAp. 

-^7/a<OIA -ra or -la ? ' Showing agent ' e. g. SAp. kanailla 
( kvan- ) ' parrot ? 

-^a<OIA -ka ' ' agent, doer ' e, g. WAp. khama( va )ga ( kaa- 
maka=ksapaka ) * a Jain a monk ", jana-ga ( jfiayaka ) * knower *. 

~/ara<OIA -tr : * agent or doer ' e. g. ahittara ( abhi-vak-tr ), 
kattara ( kar-tr ). 

These forms are not strictly limited to Ap. but are also met 
with in Prakrit literature, 



1 82 Annatt of the ghandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

SECONDARY SUFFIXES 

The following is the list of important secondary Suffixes. These 
are added to * ( 1 ) Substantives to form Substantives ; ( 2 ) 
Adjectives for forming Abstract Substantives ; ( 3 ) Substantives 
to form Adjectives; (4) Adjectives to form Adjectives; (5) 
Verbs for forming Adjectives ( 6 ) Adverbs to form Adjectives, 
Lastly Ap. has a number of pleonastic suffixes, most of which 
are of Indo- Aryan origin though in the case of-ka some Dravi- 
dian influence is suspected and some of these may go back to the 
IE period. 

In the following list of suffixes the powers Of each suffix are 
indicated one after another. The classification of these forma- 
nts as per above-mentioned powers is given at the end in order 
to present a synthetic view of the Stem-formations in Ap. 

-a<OIA-/ca: pleonastic e. g. WAp. budha-a (vrddha-ka) 
Of. H. bMha * an old man ' , santaviya-a ( santapitaka ) * provo- 
king anger % ahana-a (abhanaka); SAp. Joheya-a (Yaudhe- 
yaka ) * N. of a country ', bhadara-a ( bhattaraka ) ' master, prin- 
ce 7 ; EAp. tuttia-a(pp. of tutta <trut) 'broken' bisaria-a 
(vismrtakal * forgotten" arabinda-a (aravindaka) 'a lotus'. 
-a <OIA -a: feminine gender. It is sometimes substituted where 
normally OlA -I is seen e. g. WSAp. -gattia ( -gatrika = -gatrl ), 
taruna ( * taruna =o-nl ). 

aya(&) < OlA -oka : pleonastic. As a matter of fact it is 
ya<OlA-ka. e. g. accheraya ( aScaryaka ) ' a wonder 7 , SAp. 
trya, tiya ( strl-ka), Nlsiriya ( Nihfirlka X 

ara <OlA /cara: added to Substantives for forming Adje- 
ctives meaning ' possesing, full ofe. g. SAp. royara ( rucikara ) 
1 tasteful ' in MahSpurana 17. 12. 7. 

-ofa < OIA -ala-. affixed to Substantivs to form Adjectives in 
the sense of ' full of, possessing '. Very popular in SAp. and in 
Marathi. SAp. khlrala ( kslra -'milk 7 ), dadhala ( damstra- ' a 
large tooth, fang'), haddala ( hadda- ' a bone ), gunala ( guna- 
4 quality y ), sohala ( ^obha 4 beauty -alu ( ya ) <OIA -alu, -aru : 
to Substantives to make Adjectives, chiefly in SAp. e. g. saddha 
luya ( faaddhi- faith ), dayalua daa- ' 



dayalua ( daya- mercy ' ). 

, h680 forms ~^ ** pleonast . 

-t : for the Feminine gender but used for the OIA -a suffix. 



X n t680 form ~ ** pleonastic ~ka. -I 



NotninaJ Stem-Formation in Apabhratfika 183 



e. g. WAp. paithi ( pravista ), * entered \ -vadanl ( vadan* ), 
samkudl ( sankata ) * besest with * ; SAp. Kampilli ( KSippilyS ) 
' N. of a town \ vayamsi ( vayasyS ) ' a friend '. 

-i(2/a)<OIA -an with pleonastic -ka : * possessing, having* 
used to form Adj. s from Nouns. S WAp. joiyo ( yoga-in-ka ), 
vairiya ( vairia-ka ) * an enemy \ WAp. dehiya ( dehika ) * a 
being ', ahigfiriya ( adhikarin- ) * an office-bearer* an official ', 
SAp. annaniya ( ainSnin- ) ' an ignorant person \ bandiya{bandin~ 
ka ) * a 'aptive '. 

As a matter of fact these are cases of mere svarfcha -ya ( -ka ) 
ridded to OIA-iu, 

This -iya is used to form Adj. s from Adj. s. e, & WAp, 
par&iya ( paraklya) 'belonging to another', SAp, raahaiya 
( mafoat- ) * possessing greatness '. 

-i/fa<OIA -i-tra or ~Hr * * having, possessing ' applied fco 
Nouns to maka Adjectives e. g. chadaitta ( chanda-itra ) but 
interpreted as chanda-vat in WAp, 

~ima<OIA. -ima To Adj. s. to form Abstract nouns e, g. WAp. 
bhallima ( *bhad-la-ima ) * goodness *, SAp. dhuttima ( dhurta- ) 
* Gimningness ', Karima ( Kar-i-ma krtrima ). 

o 

-tra<OIA-*Va See Frisk's monograph on -ra and Dr S. M. 
Katre's Wilson Philological Lectures, ( Lecture IV ) : * possessing, 
having f , forming Adj. s, from Substantives e, g. SAp. surosira 
( su*osa- ) * irritable, angry *, Snandira { ananda- ) ' delighted '. 
It is also added to Verbs to make Adj. s. e. g, WAp, hallira 
( halla- s to move ' ) ' moving \ SAp, icchirr ( icch- ) " desirous \ 
This is closely allied with the Primary Affix noted above, t 
forms Adj. s. from Adj, WAp. gaggira ( gadgada )' faltering ', 
SAp. lambira ( lamba- ) * long \ 

-tto<OIA. ~(*)/<z? pleonastic e. g. WAp. samlla ( iaraa- ) 
', equal ', SAp. atthiliya ( asfchi- ) ' a bone ', Of. M. athll. 

This Suffix is another form of pleonastic -iila. 

-illa< Allied withOIA -ila ? Pertaining to, possessing, having * 
e. g. WAp. chailla ( chy&- ) * shadowy, possessing shadow or 
beauty ' Of. Hemacandra's Pk. Grammar 8. 4. 412. also Pischel- 
Grammatik % 595. SAp. kantilla ( kSnti- ) ' possessing good com- 
plexion, beautiful', kadilla ( kati- ) *a loin cloth', uvarilla 
( upara- ) l upper garment \ Mar. * upparne ' * -upper garment * 

4 [ Annals, B. O. B. I, } 



184 Annals of the Shandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

is traceable to Ap, uppariyana ( uparitana ). -ilia is also used 
pleonastically e. g. WAp. kudiliiya ( kutl- ) ' cottage J , samilla 
( sama ) * equally '. 

-ullcii -ullaya, -ulli ( fern. ) MIA developments of OIA -ta ? 
Pleonastic e, g. WAp. kudulll ( kutl- ) ' a cottage ', WS Ap. hia- * 
ulla(hrdaya) 'heart 1 , WAp. kannulla-da (karna-) *anear ? t 
vilalulla ( vilola- ) 'unsteady, rolling 1 , SAp. morulla-a 
( mayflra- ) ' a peacock ', bahinulla ( bhaginl- ) ' a sister *, cidaulla 
( cataka- ? ) Cognate with * cetaka ' ? madahulla ( ma^aha- ) 
* small ' Deil-nama-mala 6. 117. 

-evw<Ql&~tavya: added to Verbs to form Adjectives of 
Potential Pass, Part. e. g. vaipcevva ( vane- ) to deceive, ). 
Jsnevvl ( jna- * to know ' ) -$* ZOIA [-to 5 pleonastically. This 
is an important suffix as it forms differentia between WAp. and 
SAp. texts, though all Prakrit grammarians sanctioned the use 
of pleonastic -da ( fern, -dl ) and their combination with other 
svarthe suffixes. ( See Purusottama XVIL 18-19, Siddha-Hema 
8. 4. 429-3, Yalmlki siitras 3. 3. 29-32 quoted by Trivikrama, 
Lakfmldhara and Simharaja, - the artificial combinations given 
by the last ( XXII. 4, 29, 33. 34 ) should be ignored as they are 
not attested to in Ap. Iifcerature-Rama6arman III, 2. 6-7, 
Markandeya XVIL 5-7 ). 

In this connection I may point out that pleonastic -du in 
Eastern Pk, grammarians is not found elsewhere in actual Ap. 
literature beyond the instances given by the grammarians 
themselves viz. rukkha-du ( *ruksa and not vrksa, See Louis 
Gray-JAOS 60. ), tarunidu ( tarunl- X bhumi-du ( bhuml- ), 
vana-du ( vana- ). 

Prof. Alsdorf regards -da as ' a classical Ap. ' suffix ( Intro. 
*oKumarapala-pTatibodha(l$) The $ravaka-dharma-doh% use* 
it outstandingly as compared wifeh Joindu's works. I may 
give here a few instances of this. VAp, rukkha-da (*ruksa-) 
' a tree ', bhi^tadl ( bhitta- { to visit ' ) Saksstkara ' Of. H, ' M- 
bhe% hia-da ( hrdaya ) ' heart ', vakkhfinada ( vyakhya-na )' 

It is not so much current in SEAp. though SAp. manchudu 
( manksu ) ukkaru-da (utkara-) 'a dunghill 7 Of. M ukird& 
lApkhara-da(khara-). Even today -da is abundantly used 
in Marwari and other dialects of that region, 



Nominal Stem-Formation m Apahhratftfct 185 

to Adverbs to form Adjectives e. g. WAp. ettadava 
( iyat- ), tettadau, titta&am ( tSwan-mSrtrS, ) , EAp. evadu ( eta vat ) 
~dda ZOIA -*dra - WSAp. tevadda ( tayav&dra = + tSvat ) C, M. 
fcevadha, evadda ( *ayavadra iyat ) Cf M. evadhfi, 

~ni ZOIA -nl : a feminine suffix, WAp. sahunl ( 8&dhu~ } ( a 
female saint 9 SAp. CandS-nl ( Candra- ) * wife of Gandra ? on the 
analogy of IndrSnl, halinl ( hala- * a plough J ) 'a peasant woman*, 
WSEAp. joini ( yoginl ) a tbh, -tta < OIA -wa ' WAp. manti-tta 
( mantritva ) ' ministership \ EAp. sallatta ( s * alya-tva ), WSAp. 
niaratta * pride * connected with OIA mada- with-ra- glide ? 
-liana ^OIA -tvana * applied fco Substantives to make Abstract 
nouns, WSAp. manuya-ttana ( manuja- ) * manhood, the stage of 
being a man', similarly siddha-tfiana ( siddha- ), deva-tfcana 
( deva- ) etc. 

Both the above-mentioned suffixes are used with Adjectives to 
form Abstract substantives. WAp, bahutta (bahu-), cavala- 
ttana ( capala- ) e activeness ? , SAp. pharusa-ttana ( parusa- ) 
'harshness', thaddha-ttana (stabdha) 'dullness', EAp. tisi~ 
ttant ( arsifca- ) thirstiness 7 , \-ttiya <OIA-/2/a : added fco Adverbs 
to form Adjectives e. g. ettiya ( *ayatya ) generally equated with 
OIA iyat, similarly kettiu, kifctiu ( *kayattya ). See Pischel- 
Grmmafcik 153. 

-ttula to make Adjectives from Adverbs e* g, ettula ( etS-vat ), 
ketfcula ( kiyat ), jettula ( yavat ), tittula ( tavat ). 

-ppa* -ppctna <OIA ~tva, -tvana > another development *tta, 
-ttana noted above. Both of these are applied to Adjectives and 
Substantives to make Abstract Nouns, e. g, vaddattana and vad- 

dappana mean the same viz. bigness. In NIA -ppana is current 

w* 
as pan, -pan, -pans. 

~-mai <OIA -mat f ? the last members of fern, proper names 
e. g. Siri-mai ( Srlmatl ) , Dhanamai ( DhanamatI) , Kanayamai 
( KanakamatI). 

-ya < OIA -ka : pleonastic. It is found as -a, ya, -ays, iya, 
-tiya also. It is directly applied to words or is used in combi- 
nation with other pleonastic affixes in their different forms, 
Most of these being noted above are not repeated here. 



Anmh of the Bhand&rkaf Oriental Research 

~va <OIA ~?aHnat: an ordinary MIA, development e, g, 
Hanu~va ( Hanu-mat ) , candakava ( candraka-vat ). 

~ m&da <OIA *vrnda ' added to Substantives to make Sub- 
stantives e, g, balivanda 'might, force' in SAp, balivandae 
dharantaho suravaihim ' in spite of tbe mighty efforts of the King 
of gods to hold it up ' ( N&ga~kumara-carita 8, 8. 2. ), Is there 
some Dravidian influence on this rarely found suffix ? 

- vanta < OI A ~vat : ' possessing, having 9 . An Adjectival 
suffix too common in MIA to need any elaboration, 

~vi ( ya ) <OIA -vin : e- g, mayaviya ( m& y^vin ). In fact 
it is a normal MIA change + svarthe-ya, 

~ra ? pleonastic e. g. kappa-ra (kalpa- ) * to cut 3 . Is mada- 

pphara * pride y a contamination of mada 4- darpa-ra ? 

v 

-n?Wi ? ISTot very productive. It is used ae a suffix of Abstract 
nouns in SAp. tila-rina ( tailatva ) ' oily \ 

-nma in kSrima ( krtrima ) ; artificial \ is really -ima and 
tbe real derivation appears to be kar-ima ( kr- * to do * ) though 
usually it Is equated with OIA krtrima in sense. 

o 

-rtoa <OIA -drsa : applied to Adverbs to make Adjectives 
e, g. erisa ( idt&a), kerisa ( kldrsa ) and such others. 

-la, -/t ( fern. ) <OIA ~ta : pleonasfeically. It is different from 
~&la -filu, -ilia, -ulla connected with OIA -ra or -la. It was 
much productive in Ap. of all regions. WSAp. potta-ll ( potta- 
( stomach 7 ), Cf. M. H. potall, andhala/a (andha-) 'blind', 
Of. M. andhala, SAp, navalla ( nava- ) { new, novel \ Cf, M. 
naval * a marvellous thing ', E Ap. naggala ( nagna- ) ' a naked ' 
* 



-isa <OIA-rfrfe: applied to Adverbs to 
form Adjectives e, g. jehau (ySdrsa), tehau (tldrfa), kehau 
(kldrSa) etc. See Pisohel- Grammatik 262. 

This list of secondary suffixes is neither exhaustive nor it is limi- 
ted exclusively to Ap, Many of the above-mentioned suffixes 
appear in other MIA dialects also. These are designated as Ap. 
at they are gleaned from purely Ap. sources. Ap, is after all a 
of MIA and it is inevitable that it should share many 



Nominal Stem-Formation in Apabhrathhi 187 

suffixes found In other MIA dialects. I did not exclude fchsse com- 
mon elements as a treatment of MIA Nominal Stem-formants 
as actually attested in literature, is a desideratum today. 

The following table of Secondary suffixes in Ap. gives their 
classification according to their powers 

( 1 ) Suffixes added to Substantives to form Substantives - -tte , 
-ttana, -ppa, -ppana, -mai, -rina ? , vanda. 

(2) Suffixes applied to Adjectives for forming Abstract Sub- 
atantives * ~ima } -tta, -ttana, -ppana, 

( S ) Suffixes added to Substantives for forming Adjectives : 
-ara, -&la, -alu (ya), -1 ( ya }, -itta, ~illa> -ira, -va, -vatita 
-Yi(ya). 

( 4 } Suffixes added to Adjectives to form Adjectirei : -iy 
-ra, -era, 

( 5 ) Suffixes for forming Adjectives from Verbs Hra, -ayva, 
rima ? 

( 6 ) Suffixes added to Adverbs to form Adjectives ?- ( a ) da, 
" ( a ) dda, -ttia ( ya } -ttula, -risa, -ha ( u ). 

( 7 ) Pleonastic Suffixes : - a, ya, - aya, -- iya, -uya, kka 

vs 

(rarely as in guru -kkl <guru- X -d^> & &ftd not - du though' 
sanctioned by Eastern Pk, grammars. -la,-Urla,"Slu t ilia, 

ulla, and different combinations of the chief pleonastic suffixes 

ka, da, la. In Ap, -ra is rare. 

( 8 ) Feminine Suffixes : a, I. nl, 

I hope that this paper will be of some use to students of MIA 
and NIA though a complete survey of MIA Nominal Stem-for- 
mants as found in Inscriptional Piakrits, religious pkts. e. g. Pali 
and ArdhamagadhI, literary Prakrits, and epic Sanskrit of Hindu, 
Jaina, and Buddhist writers, is a desideratum today 



EPISODICAL VARIANTS IN THE MABlTHl 

VERSIONS OF ADI PARVAN AS 
COMPARED WITH THE CRITICAL TEXT 

By 

M. G. PANSE 

Not less than a score of MarSthI poets have tried their 

at rendering tlie Mahabharata into Mar3,thl since the beginning 

of the sixteenth century of the Saka "Era But only a few of 

these versions have been handed down to us in their completest 

form. It seems from the information available that the versions 

of VisnudSsa IT&mS, Madhava and Moropanta ! are the only 

works that are complete. Only a few Parvans are available of 

the rest Among those who have given us MarSthl versions, 

Mukte&vara is commonly regarded as the best, and is more 

widely known and studied than anybody else. 8 The MahS- 

bhfcr&ta of Visnudasa Nama was almost consigned to oblivion 

because he had joined the Mahanubhava Sect after finishing 

his Mahftbh&rata and as the Sect was looked upon with 

disfavour by the general public, iis work, though the biggest 

of the lot in size, did not become popular. Msdhava wrote MB 

work on the banks of the Over! near Tanjore and being far 

away from MahSrfistra his work was not much known in this 

part of the country. 2 

VisnudSsa Nama was a contemporary of Ekanatha, the 
grandfather of Muktefcvara, Mr, P, M, Chandorkar records a 
f Vi ? nndsa Nfim5 **!oh k* got in tie 



1 The version of Moropant though complete is only an abridgement of 
the Great Epic, and to speak of the Sdiparvan alone, it may be pointed out 
that it has only 2459 versea in the MarSthi venion as compared with the 

6dition of the 



only flTa p m of 



Episodical Variants in lfa Adi Parvan jgj 

Eran4ol Taluka. l The colophon of the Ms, says that it wa 
completed en Thursday, the eleventh day of SrSvana, Safca 
1532 (1610 A, D.) SadhSrana Sarovatsara. He remarks that 
Visnudasa NSma finished his Adiparvan in Saka 1531 ( 1609 
A. D. ) which is the date assigned to the birth of Muktesvara by 
Mr. V. L. Bhave. 2 Muktesvara completed his Sahh&parvan in 
1557-8 Saka ( 1635-6 A. D. ) s so he must have evidently written 
his Adiparvan before that. The teacher of Visnudasa NSmS, was 
one Cintamani by name and Muktesvara inherited all hii 
literary gifts from Ekanatha, his grandfather. MSdhava also 
was the grandson of Ekanatha by his daughter n&rned UrnS. 4 
Bhlma SvSmI, the grand teacher of Madhava, migrated to 
Tanjore in the South in 1597 Saka ( 1675 A. D. ) with his two 
disciples Auanta and Raghava. Atlanta's disciple was Meru and 
Raghava's disciple was Madhava. All these were Ramadasls. 5 
Mftdhava finished his Adiparvan in 1625 Saka ( 1703 A. D, ), 
Subhfinu nama Samvatsara. 6 So, if we place them chronological- 
ly Visnudasa Nama stands first, then comes MukfceSvara and 
Mftdhava comes last 

It will be worthwhile to compare the three Maia$i! versions 
of the Mahabharata by these three authors, restricting the 
comparison to the Critical Text of the Adiparvan published by 
the B. O. R. I and to find out, if possible, the Sanskrit originals 
used by these authors with the help of the critical apparatus 
given in this edition. 

For the Adiparvan of Muktesvara, the printed text edited by 
Vamana D&ji Oka has been used. For the rest, two old Msg, 
from the Sarasvathi Mahal, Palace Library, Tanjore, have been 
elected. 

(i) JLdiparvan-author Visnudasa Namft, Serial No. 1386 am 63. 
Adhy&yas 40-68 ( The first 39 adhytyas are not available. ) 
Folios 186, Ovls 3906, 

x BhSrata ItihSsa SaihSodhaka Mai^ala, IS. 169. 

MahSr2a$ra SSrasvata, p. 186. 

s Ibid., 294. 

4 South Indian MahSrSsfcrians, p. 155, 

* RHmadSsa KBmadSsI, 14, 81. 

MahSrSatra Slraavata p. 97. 



190 Annah o] the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Size <&# x 5", lines per folio 12, letters in a line 25. 
Some chapters begin with *fMTcff3fcftOT: and end with sft- 
whereas some otfrer chapters begin with 
: and end with 



The date is not given in the colophon, 

Colophon: Srspflr f H^OT ^nS sTTf^Nj 1 1 
s^TT^f? <rfe5r i % sprr ^<tMr ^ret u ^ \\ 
rfaft <ntt $fTi3T*rrqr i $ tr^rft **w^ \ 
o n ?r 5fsr ^- ^HT ?^rr% ^ %^ cfra 
1 ^ityft 5^ tnra?^ h ?^? n ^fr 5^^?^- ^^rr i 
i Ht^nrr ^te i^iNft ^^rr i ^ft^^r^ ^TTT^T \\ 

\ 
n 



fcft ^fiTFp^T^T^TR^ ^TT^rrW ^H'^^tHTHHT'S^^r: 11 



H * U 



The hand-writing of the scribe is very bad and there ars 
mistakes of spelling and grammar. 

(ii) Adiparvan Author Madhavasvaml. Serial No, 1198 



Adhy&yas 1-80, Folios 303, Ovls 6145, Folios 1 and ^ give 
a table of contents in prose, 

Size - 13H" x 5Ji* , lines per-folio 11, letters in a line 38. 

Date : beginning arrf^sm ^ s*rr srr^r ^r?^ ^% ^^ Oom- 
pletion : Wf^w *ir H n 9> place of writing : The 
temple of Eama on the left bank of KSverl between Gauri, 
HSyora and Trivindoor { Trivendrum ? ) 

Scribes : Adbyayas 1-61 Sanjeevarao Mohapat , AdbySyas 
6^80 Bhujafigaoare Muddiya. Every chapter begins with 
\\ rr 5tnr^a:r u 



The hand-writing is very good, thick and pressed from 
above. 

This MB. is presented by Sarabhoji to his son-in-law Rftma- 
evaml Mobite in Saka 1746 ( 1824 A, D. ) ' 



i 7 ^ f the ^'Parvanbut of the oompl.tf 
Sdiparvan is a part. 



Episodical Variants in the Adi Par van 191 



TFSfT 



*Jtf*t r^TT^rr ^rwrd jpnaroir u ? n 
*rf5nr TF^HT srscr WT^ I 
f it^t ^nf%^T *rra* 11 R u 



u ^ II 

If we compare these versions with the Critical Edition and 
study the additions, the omissions and other variations it i 
possible to ascertain from the information available in the Criti- 
cal apparatus which of the manuscript traditions is followed by 
these poets and with what particular Ms. these versions could be 
identified. 

For his Critical Edition, Dr. Sukthankar has collated about 
fifty Mss. of the Adi from the available stock. The Mss. mate* 
rial is divided into recensions ( i ) Northern and ( ii ) Southern. 
They are again divided into a number of sub-recensions corre- 
sponding to different provincial scripts in which these texts are 
written. The Northern recension is sub-divided into 

( a ) TSTorth- Western group with Sarada ( S ) script and Deva- 
nSgarl allied to Sarada or KaSmlri ( K ) and 

( b ) Central group having Nepali ( N ) Maithill ( V ), Ben- 
gall ( B ), and DevanSgarl version other than K ( D ) versions 
of Arjuna Misra ( Da ) Nllakantha ( Dn ) Batnagarbha ( Dr ) 
and Composite version of Devanagarl ( D ) Southern recension 
has Telugu ( T ), Grantha ( Gr ) and Malyalam ( M ). ' 

If the Adi par van of Mukte^vara is read side by side with the 
critical text it will be seen that some of the variant passages are 
found either in the critical apparatus or in Appendix I. There 
are not less than three chapters in Mukte^vara each of which is 
entirely to be traced in App* I as also many verses at the end of 
the 14th chapter. 

1 Letters ih the brackets irrtlicafce the abbreviations ued in the critical 
apparatus. 

Pf olegoineua, pp. V-IX* 

5 [ Anaalf , B. G. R, 1, 3 



2 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

MR. -d-PP* I Mas, in dgreement 

_ ____ K3-4, $2-3, Vl, B, D. 

14 h 42 K3-4, $", Vl, B, D. 

K4, N, Vl, B, D. 

Dal, D5, S, K4, Dn, D2-4. 

K4, D4-5, S. 

N, Vl, B, Da, Dn, Dl-2, K4, D4-5, S. 

K4, S Vl, B, D, M5-8, T, G- 

K4, D4, S. 

If the Mss. agreeing with, the text of MK. are further analysed 
we find that Mss. K4 and D agree in 8 cases while Mss, N and B 
do so in 5 cases. In addition to these some verbal changes will 
be found mentioned in the critical apparatus. 




Cr. Ed. footnote No* Mss. in agreement 

116.3, 1246 Ns. B5-6, Da, D4-5, S, K4. 

1^47 K4, N2, Da, D4. 

41.36 a wf%^ 177.9 Ko3.4, K, Vl, Bl.5, Dn, Dl.4-5 

M3.5. 

41.37 b ft^: 177.11 K4, Nw, V), Dn, Dl. 

47.42 b 5W=nT 207.17 K ( except Kl ), N2, Dn, 

D4, M3. 

On analysing these we find thai; Ms. K4 occurs in all fche 5 
cases, N2 in 5 and D4 in 4. Some passages incorporated in the 
text of Muktesvara but not found in the critical text could be 
seen running parallel to those in Appendix I. 



L Mss. in agreement 

K4, T> B, D. 

26 - 7 - 74 63 All Mss except SI, Eo. 3 

29.102-161 72 K4, N. B, D. 

85 K4,N,Vi,B t D,M,T,a 

US N, ( 81, Ko. 1-4 ) * 
119 



Here we find Ms. K4 repeated 6 times, K. & D 5 times and B 
4 times The table below shows some minor agreements in 
withhe variants given in the critical apparatus. 



1 Ibid., p, 11, 



Episodical Variants in the Adt Parvan 



'93 



7.99-102 

12.39-42 

15.104 

16.26-27 

18.135 

19.132 

19.143 

24.13 

2419-20 

24.24 

2443 

25.20 

25.27 

26.65 cd 

30.26.36 

36.38 

132-135 

35.38 

36.39 

38,105 

40,92 

41.49-55 



Or. Ed. footnote No. 
37. 26.402 
53.22.463 
65.7.589 
67.6.605 
76.35.791 
80.9.840 c d 
80.25.851 
98,5.1035 
98.13.1036 
98.17.1038 
99.5.1045 
101.16A096 
101.24.1099 
107.11 
121.2,1330 
121.2.1331 
122.38. 1377 
133.18,1458 
135.9,1477 
152.19.1673 ab 
166.15.1781 
178.15.1824 

.1827 

179.13.1841 ab 
179.15.1846 
201.3.2000 



Mss, in agaeement 
K3-4, N f Vl, B, D, Tl, G, 
Ko4, N, Vl, B, D, K8-3. 
Ko4, Dal, S, 
K4, D4, S. 
Ko4, Dn D4.5. 
Ko4, Dn, D2-4. 
Ko4, Dl-4. 
K3-4, Ns, B, D, T2. 
K3-4, N2, B, P. 
4, Bl.5-6, Da, Da-5. 
Ko3-4, Dal, Dl~4. 
K3-4, N, D, S. 
K4, N2, D4. 
Si, , Dal, D4.5. 
K4, N 9 B, D. 
K4, N, B, D, S. 
K4, N, B, D, T2, Gl-2.4-5. 
K4, N, Vl, B, Da, Dl.2-4, Ti } Dn, 
K4, N, Vl, B, D, Tl. 



K4, D5. 

K3-4, N, Vl, B, D, 
K4, Ns, Dn, D2-4,5. 
E:, lSTl.2, D. 

K4 t N2-3, Vl, B, D. 

K4, Na-3, Vl, B, D. 



41.63 
41.70 
46.52 b 

Looking to the table above we see that the Ms. E4 agrees in 
26 cases, D in 24, N in 16 and B in 13. Thus Mss. 1ST, ^B, D 
and K4 could be recorded as more common in the majority of 
cases. It is peculiar to note that K4 is present in every instance 
and if we add all our findings ifc will be seen that in 45 cases 
K4 is present in 45, D in 41, N" in 31 and B in 22. From this 
data we are inclined to -fix K4 to be the Ms. belonging to the 
game tradition as the Sanskrit original before Muktesvara. 
The following unique instances to be found in K4 alone lend 
further support to the conclusion arrived at. 

MK. Or. Ed. 

4.97-100 Nllakantha episode App. I 10 

10.39 46.41.433 

38.9 WTC g^Ffhfr 116. 3. 1248 



Mss. in agreement 
^ K4 



1 94 Annals of tfa Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Ms. K4 that has been chosen for the critical text gives ^^ 
1616 * as its date and Mukte^vara wrote his Adi par van before 
Saka 1557. So it is quite probable that Muktesivara had before 
him a text of which Ms. K4 must be a copy. Or in other words, the * 
text before MukteSvara and the copyist of the Ms. K4 of the 
critical test are of the same family, the former being the older 
of the two. 

For want of sufficient space at our disposal it is not possible to 
give all the passages from Madhava's version showing its agree- 
ments with the critical text in order to fix up the Sanskrit Ma, 
before him and hence some proper names alone have been taken 
up for consideration. 

Madhava Cr. Text Mss. in agreement, 

Adh. 23.22.34 52,5-17 

*T3 Us, Vl, Bl.4.5, Da, Dn, Dl-4.6.7, 

ET, Vl, B, Da, Dn, Dl-4. 6. 7, Ml. 4. 5, 
K2.4, N, Vl, B3-5, D, M4. 
B3-5, D. 
Bi-3, Da. 
K3, N3, Vl, B4-5, D, Gl. 

Ko.2.4. 
i, B, Da, Dn, Dl-3. 7. 

, Bl. 4-5, D2. 3, 6. 7, G. 



Kg, B, D. 

N2, Bl.5, Dn, D7. 

N3j yi Bi - 3 - 5 ' Dn ' Di-4.7 

B5. 

N t Vi, B, Da, Dn, Di. 3. 7. 

Nl.3 f B, D. 

NM, Vi, Bl. 3. 5, Da, Dn. 



l, B, Da, Dn, Dl. 3. 4. 6. 7. 

I, MS. 



Episodical Fanants in the Adi Parvan ".195 

Tn the above table Ms, D4 has 15 agreements and Mss 4 Bl 
and Dl each 14 agreements in 23 cases mentioned above, Aa 
Madhava belonged fco the south it may be taken for granted that 
he must presumably have before him Ms. D4 at the time of wri- 
ting his version. In other words, Madhava had before him a 
Ms. of a family fco which belongs D4 of the critical text. l 

The version of Visnudasa Nama does not seem, to have any- 
particular Sanskrit Ms. in view. Generally speaking it has the 
same thread of narration so far as the story of the Mbh. is con- 
cerned but it can not be read side by side with the critical text 
because of its enormous episodical additions to be traced else- 
where and abrupt omissions of many episodes without any appa- 
rent justification, There are many arbitrary changes which are 
responsible for a good deal of confusion. Tn the course of narra- 
tion Visnudasa N"ama sometimes changes the sequence of events 
in some of the episodes. 

The version of Madhava does not very muci differ from 
the text given in the Critical Edition. The minor changes to be 
seen here and there are due to the fact that it is only an adap- 
tation and not a word to word translation of the original 
text before him, We have fixed D4 to be the Ms. before 
Madhava. Dr. Sukthankar places Mss. Ds and D5 akin to K3-6 
and he classes them together with advantage. But he says 
" D4 contains notably large additions from Southern MSB., 
additions which are either entered on the margin or, when the 
marginal space does not suffice written on supplementary 
folios. " 2 May be, that it must have been influenced by popular 
recensions of the land where it was preserved. Madhava also 
belonged to the South and hence he must have been faithful 
even to the marginal additions which were probably popular 
then. The Adiparvan of Madhava when read side by side with 
that of Mukbesvara the stream of their stories is seen to run 
parallel and even in minor details they differ only where their 
Sanskrit texts differ. Whatever other differences we see 
between the two they are due mainly to their different styles- 

1 The date of composition of the Mbh. of Madhava is Saka 1635 where as 
that of the Ms. I>4 of the critical edition is not given, 

2 Prolegomena, p. LXZI. 



l$6 Annals of the B^andarkar Oriental Research Institute 

The texts before them also do not fundamentally differ except 
in some detailed account. This observation is supported by the 
fact that the MSB. before both of them, though of different 
classes, iave gofc the game influence of the Southern Mss. Like 
D4, K4 also is a Ms. that is dominated by some extracts from the 
Southern Ms. l Moreover, looking to the table, that is prepared 
to fix the Ms. before Muktesivara we find that Ms. D4 is there 
with Ms. K4 in 38 places, out of 45 which obviously proves that 
D4 and K4 are akin to each other. 

The additions on the margin of the text can also be traced 
through some passages that are incorporated in the very body of 
the MarSthI version of MukteSvara. It is noteworthy that when 
these passages are compared with the critical apparatus Ms. K4 
is absent in the list which shows that these passages must be 
added on in Ms. K4. 

Muktesvara Or. Texts Ms. in agreement 

23.109-111 96.6.998 Us, Vi, D4, S. 

25.133-143 App. I. 59 D4. 

25.156-174 App. I. 60 D4-5, S. 

30.73-79 App. L 75 Si, Ko-3. 

45.116-124 App. I. 107 D4, S. 

45129-130, 140 199.24.1985 D4. S. 

45.147-156 199.361991 D4. 

Here we clearly see the influence of D4 and S which are the 
representatives of the Southern recensions, This apparently 
shows that Mukte^vara, without caring to eliminate the extra 
matter, has taken the text as it was and blended it into a 
homogeneous whole. 

All the passages in the Muktesvara version which show the 
marginal additions and also those cited previously for fixing 
the Ms. before him may be regarded as additions if the critical 
text only Is considered leaving aside the critical apparatus 
because none of them occurs in the text itself. There are many 
more additions found for which Muktesvara alone is responsible. 
ucn additions are of four kinds "- 
( i ) Social teaching. 
(ii) Descriptions. 
( iii ) Lists. 

Miscellaneous accretions. 



Episodical Variants in the KdiParvan 197 

( i ) Social Teaching 

MR. Contents. Or. Text, ( approximately ) 

4.62-66 Cooperate with anybody to 

achieve a noble cause. 15 

5.38-44 Devotion to Visnu 2015 

7120-133 Plight in isolation 37.26 

8.69-76 Results of curse by a Brahman 40 

9.49-57 Addition to sensual pleasure 41 

11.22-28 Truth always prevails 48.15 

16.92-105 Restrictions on a woman of 

noble birth. 6811 

18.48-53 A bitter word spoils everything. 73,31 

Mukte&vara, like all the other poet-saints, does not lose an 
opportunity to sermonize on the moral behaviour in this world, 
Muktesvara himself being a householder preaches the ideals of a 
householder's life. Such passages do not distinctly stand out nor 
can they be recognised at once because they are put into the 
mouths of some of the characters in keeping with their turn of 
thought and circumstance. For instance, when Indra goes to 
Samkara for advice at the time of churning the ocean the latter 
advises him that under such circumstances one should come 
down from one's high level to effect a compromise for the achi- 
evement of a noble cause. Similarly, when people prayed Garuda, 
by whose brilliance they were dazzled, Garuda assured them 
that he would not hurt them if they were devoted to Lord Visnu. 
When Kanva thinks of sending Sakuntala along with her son 
to Dusyanta he speaks out his thoughts before his disciples and 
here he expatiates on the social restrictions on a woman born in 
a noble family. 

In Mfidhava we do not find such passages inserted in his tert. 
He is a faithful narrator never digressing from the text before 
him except in one or two cases. 
( ii ) Descriptions, 

MK. Contents. Or. Text ( approximately ) 

10.64-114 Scene of Serpent Sacrifice 47.19-25 

1311-20 Vai&ampayana and his audience 54 

19,42 Old age 7817 

19116-136 King anti Society of the day 7&36 

2812-24 Madrl's union with Pndu 11613 



198 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

MK. Contents. Cr. Text ( approximately ) 

29 Garden party and poisoning of Bhlma 

36.54-61 Dark night 136 

36,69-82 Morning 136 

41 Svayamvara Mandapa 175 

These descriptions together with those of battles between 
Gods and Garuda, Bhlsma and the princes for Amba and Araba- 
lika. Drupada aad the Pfindavas, and Bhlsma's fights with 
Hidimba and Baka are not mere additions but in Mukte^vara 
they assume an altogether different form. The descriptions of 
morning and night are absolutely original. In the scene of the 
Garden party of the Pandavas and Kauravas, the details of their 
play and the variety in food stuffs are Mukte&vara's peculiarities. 
In the descriptions of battles we find several anachronisms when 
we come to the lists of weapons and the technical terms in fight- 
ing. These descriptions are so very graphic and lively that they 
make us believe that the battles are taking plaoe before our eyes. 
^Msdhava's descriptions, on the contrary, are short and they 
give only an idea of the scene scrupulously restricting himself 
to the text, he suddenly lets his pen loose when he describes the 
Mandapa erected for the princes feo assemble for the Svayamvara 
of DraupadI and the marriage ceremony. This might be the 
result of some local manuscript tradition. This unique instance 
shows that Madhava is as capable of describing a particular 
incident in a picturesque manner of Muktesvara. Madhava 
does not want to display his poetical abilities. His main object 
seems to be to render the Sanskrit Mahabharata into Marathl. 
In doing so, whenever he finds it necessary, he even shortens 
some passages from the text itself expressly giving the reasons, 
His descriptions have, therefore, suffered in effectiveness. 

The descriptions of Visnudasa Nama are lengthy and full of 
minute details especially in the case of fights. For instance 
Bhlma's fights with demons are described at not less than six or 
seven places. These are detailed, extensive and effective to a 
certain extfcni; but they do not come up to the level of those of 
Muktes.ara. The scene of DraupadI Svayamvara ha been so 
much hortentd by V| f nuda S a Ntoft that the most beautiful 
cne looks hks a dove with ite wings chopped off, 



Episodical Variants in tin sldi Paruan 

( iii ) Lists 

MK. Contents. 6V, Text ( approximately ) 

4.115 14 jewels 16.34-36 

26.26-29 Countries 

27.122 H3,7 a 

33.22 d 25c 

30.159-162 Fights 123.10 

31.37-38 Weapons 123 

40.85 People 164,35 

When the ocean was being churned by the gods and the demons 
there came out fourteen jewels of which Mukte&vara gives 
an entire list while in the critical text and that of Madhava only 
five viz. Sri, Sura, Soma, Turaga and Kaustubha are mentio- 
ned. There is also *a list of eatables served to the Pandavas at 
the time of the garden party. ] The names of the hundred sons 
of Dhrtarastra and the names of the serpents sacrificed are not 
additions. They are found in the original text of the Mbh. in 
the list of the names of serpents however given by Madhava 
some names such as VikhSra, Sarana, Yeraka, Dandala> Kusa- 
raka etc. are given which cannot be traced anywhere* The names 
of people Javi, Jangi, Nayl, English, Kabe, KSvate, KhorSsSna 
Mult&na and people with the heads of horse, cow, a donkey, etc. 3 
are Muktesvara's additions. In this and in the list of weapons 
we find many obvious anachronisms. Madhava gives a list of 
kings who were discomfitted when handling the bow in th 
DraupadI Svayarhvara scene. s 
( iv ) Miscellaneous : 

Miscellaneous additions are innumerable as they are bound to 
be and hence all of them cannot be given here. Apparently no 
definite reason can be assigned to them. Some of these examples 
may be given as under ( a ) Addition of words and names stc : 
Durvasa, 4 Dattatreya, 5 Trimsatteenakotl. 6 ( b ) Additions made 
unconsciously in the course of narration e. g. Dharnaa's ring that 
fell in the well, or the cane tied for placing the Bhasa bird on 
the tree. 7 ( c ) To make her argument more convincing G-anga 
adds one more reason by saying that she stayed with Santanu 



i ME 29.82-90. a ME 15.6-11. 3 MD 70.63-4. 4 MK 4.50. 
5 > MK 17*21. 6 ME 4.80b. 7 MK 30.106 and 211. 
6 [ Annals, B. O. B. I. J 



2oo Annals of the Bhantiarkar Oriental Research Institute 

to fulfil his desire for a son. ] ( d ) There are many passages iii 
the critical text which are in the form of narration, but Mukte- 
ivara has turned them into dialogues to make the presentation 
flramatic and effective. In this process there are some additions. 
(e) Mukte&vara gives a list of similes in one or two places. 2 
Introduction of Oh, IX is an addition. There is a digression on 
the Six Systems of Philosophy. 3 Descriptions of MohinI, Madrl 4 , 
etc. and praises of Krsna by Dharma 5 and Arjuna 6 are 

additions. 

Omissions 

The Mahabh&rata of Muktesvara is not an epic in the techni- 
cal sense of the term. He is interested in the story of Mbh. He 
has, therefore, purposely omitted detailed descriptions. Apart 
from this, we find some other passages omitted by Mukteivara 
from Ms. K4 i. e. from his Sanskrit original. Some of them 
artf noted below : 

Or. Apparatus footnote No. MR (approximately] 

46. 25 430 10. 32 

59. 20 536 14. 28 

96. 6 998 abc 23. 109-111 

98. 17 1038 24. 24 

122.13 1362,1363. 30.105 

122. 15 1365 

122. 18 1368 

166. 15 1781 40. 92 

76 30. 73-79 

App. I. Drona gives a big pot to Asivathama and other pupils 
Kamandalu so that his son should finish his work earlier and get 
more lessons but Arjuna gets lessons with AsvatthamS, 

App. 1 100. MK 42.121. Nfijkyaiji goes to Himalaya to win the 
favour of Mahessvara. She wanted a husband and she uttered it 
for five times, so Mehesvara said that she would get five 
husbands. This is an account of previous birth of Draupadl. 

These and such other passages are to be found in Ms. K4 but 
not i n the MK-version. There seems to be no reason why MK 
should neglect these passages except that they do not affect in 
hisplan of narrating the story of MahabhSrata. 

*^^^^ *- 

*805-8. a M K 46.28-46. 6 MK 48.104-14. 



Episodical Variants in the Jidi Parvan 301 

The rest of Mukfee&vara's omissions can be classified as 
under : 

( i ) Descriptions and praises. ( ii ) Unnecessary details, 
(iii) Repetitions, (iv) Conversations, (v) Miscellaneous, 
( i ) Descriptions and premises. 

Or. Text. MK, 

19.4~17d Ocean 5.20 

26 Himalaya 5.124 

118.5-30 Funeral of Pandu and the 

lamentatian of citizens 28.90 

159.45-51 Divine horse 40.45 

3.59-70 Praise of Asvinlkumaras 2.49 

3.139-146 Praise of Nagas 2.121 

220.22-29 Mandapala praises Agni 50.23 

These omissions can be explained by the fact that Mukte- 
Svara did not want to translate literally the Mbh. These passages 
were, in his opinion, digressions and had they been retained the 
continuity of the episodes would have been disturbed and the 
attention of the readers diverted. It is, however, noteworthy 
that instead of omitting the descriptions of battles he describes 
them in their minute details very vividly and forcefully probably 
because he was preparing, though unconsciously, a background 
that was helpful to Sivaji in getting the cooperation of the brave 
MahSrastrians. In Madhava we see all these passages in an 
abridged form. Madhava drops the praise of Asvinlkumaras to 
save space. 1 Mandapala's praise of Agni is only referred to in 
VisnudasaNama. 2 
( ii ) Unnecessary details 

( a ) UpadhyayinI, the wife of Dhaumya, after 

her bath was about to curse Uttanka 3.126 
( b ) Rsis describe the merits of Saunaka ... 4.5-7 

( c ) Yinata blesses Garuda before flight ... 24.7-9 

{ d ) Sesa says that he expected the very boon 

which Brahma bestowed on him ... 32.17 

( e ) Brahma praises Sesa ... 32.23 

( f ) Deplorable plight of the ancestor of Jarat- 

katu . 41. 4-29 

i MP 8,87. 2 Vn 67. 



* 02 Annals of the Bhandatkar Oriental Research Institute 

(g ) Account of Daksa genealogy ... 70. 1*29 

(h) Kaca's brave deeds ... 71.25-29 

( i ) Details of the Amba-Ambalika Svayarhvara 9g t 

( 3 ) Quarrel between Ar juna and the Gandharva 

about the use of the Ganges. ... 158.15-19 

( k ) Obstacles met wifch by Vasistha trying to 

commit suicide ... 167. l-io 

( 1 ) The anger of Aurva and the advice given to 

him to drown his anger in the sea ... 171. 1-20 

( m) The advice given by Samlka ... 38. 3-10 

have been omitted here as Muktesvara has made use of it 

elsewhese. 
( iii ) Repetitions : 

( a ) All the introductions of Vaisampayana. 
( b ) Anticipation of episodes like Animandavya etc. 57.74-106 
( c ) Anticipation of episodes like birth of Sakuntala 8. 

( d ) Why Puru is enthroned %i . 80.12-23, 

{ e ) Yayati remains in the sky at the time of 

his fall from the heaven _ 81 4-12 

(f) Account of the birbh of Drona and his 

difference with Drupada ... 

(iv) Conversations: 

( a ) Questionaire of Utfcanka _ 3 

(b ) Agni argues with Bhrgu " ' 7 j n 

(c) Sarmistha and Yayati '" 77 i7 2 5 

(d) Arjuna and Angaraparna . '" ' i59 

' (e) Varga and the Brahman '" ' 

( f ) Arjuna and Vasudeva "' 

(v) Miscellaneous; '" 

( a ) Soma^rava's ability to protect against any 

evil except that which is inflicted by Mahadeva 3 15- 
(b ) Janamejaya went to Taksasila affcer directing 



aav .. 3 18 b 

Upadhysyasya te karanayasa dantal, bhavato 
hiranmaya bhavisyanti , 

) Sarmistha retired to her room thinking thai* 
Devayanl was drowned. Sarmistha was a 
Boheminggi P i(p ftpantt ft) ' 

) Bhlma's challenge to Hidimba 7 



Episodical Variants in the Adi Parvan 203 

Such miscellaneous omissions are numerous and are not go 
very important from the point of view of narrating the story 
of the Mbh, 

The name ' Dagdharatha ' was, no doubt, important in its 
place because the chariot of Citraratha was burnt and hence he 
had become Dagdharatha. The name has got an episodical 
importance but it is omitted by Mukteivara. It is also omitted 
by Visnudasa Nama. Together with it Visnudasa omits reference 
to the facts that Rsi Dhaumya was taken as the purohita and 
that there was the exchange of Caksusi Vidya and Agnyastra, 
Visnudasa altogether omits the following passages : 

(a^KrsnaDvaipayana meets the Pandavas on tlie way to 
the capital of Drupada for the Svayarhvara of Krsna. 

( b ) Sarhvarana Tapati episode. 

( c ) Vi^vamitra's taking away of the celestial cow by force. 

( d ) Kalmasapada episode. 

( e ) Account of Vasiafha's mental disturbance when he tried 
to commit suicide. 

( f ) Demon sacrifice of Parasara. 

Towards the end when describing the " Khandava Vana " 
Fire he only refers to the episode of Mandapala and Jarita, The 
episodes that are only referred to are as good as omitted In 
like manner, Madhava refers to the Saudasa MadayantJ episode, 
but omits the birth of DuhSala and the pure conduct of Yaja and 
Upayaja. The Nllakantha episode which is found in Mukte- 
svara is omitted by both Madhava and ViSBudasa Nama while 
the Nfilayanl episode which is omitted by Mukte&vara is only 
referred to by Visnudasa and dealt with at length by Madhava. 

Changes : 

There are chiefly three types of changes 

( i ) Abridgements, 

( ii ) Amplifications, and 

( iii ) Verbal and factual changes. 

( i ) ABRIDGEMENTS 

Cr. Text Mukteivara Or. Text Mukteivara 

3.102-104 2.88 7.12-26 3.28-31 

3.111-115 294 d -95 22 557-58 

3.178-195 2.L48-153 33 7.32-38 

5 3.4-13 37.1-13 7.87-8$ 



204 Annals of tfa Bhandarkar Oriental Research 



Or. Text 


Mukteiwra r 


Or. Text 


Mukteivara 


55-56 


13.23-44 


134.7-15 


36.19-20 


58 


14.1-17 


142 


37,47 


68.67-71 


16,163-164 


145-147 


38.12-33 


70.30-46 


17.1-6 


160-163 


40.49-64 


71.25-51 


17.91-97 


174 


40.163-170 


111.11-17 


27.70 


215 


48.97-10) 


131.12-18 


35.44 


223.1-6 


50.57 


( ii ) AMPLIFICATIONS 


Or. Text 


Mukteivara 


Cr> Text 


Mukteivara 


9.3-5 


3.42-52 


68.17-18 


16.115-127 


15.1-3 . 


4.42-47 


68.74 b 


16.176-179 


16.14-23 


4.82-110 


73.8-11 


18.11-21 


20.3 


5.20-23 


73.15-24 


18,26-41 b 


23,8 b 


5.62-64 


79.16 


18.118-125 


37.13 


7.89-91 


83.2 


19.177 C -182 


39.16 


8.35-39 


94.67 


23.43-51 


40.8 


8,83 b -86 b 


102.4-14 


25.41-74 


43.1-10 


9.17-35 


102.16 a 


25.75-76 


49.28 b 


11.65-74 


110.43-45 


27.39-55 


51 


11.144-170 


124.10-13 


31 6-20 


53.20 


12.33-39 


133.18-27 


35.83-104 



67.6-14 16.22-55 

[ For ( iii ) Verbal and factual changes see table at the end ]. 

Some more changes are to be found in Visnudasa Nama, 
They are, as a matter of fact, additions to the episodes. 

( 1 ) In the episode of Bhlrna's fight with Hidimba, the 
Pandavas sleep only because the night came on. Arjuna and 
Bhlma were to keep watch at night one after the other. First 
half of the night Arjuna kept the watch and awoke Bhlma at 
mid-night to take his turn. 

( 2 ) When Bhlma meets Hidimba he tells her all the detailed 
information since they left the lao-house treacherously set on fire 
by the Kauravas. 

( 3 ) Bhlma tells Hidimba that he has to go to Ekacakra and 
that she should carry him on her back. Upon this Hidimba tells 
him of the demon Baka who required a cartful of food' daily. 

This is quite inconsistent because Visnudasa tells us a short 
time back that Bhlma tore the womb of Sing^atl and caught 



Episodical Variants in ibe Adt Parvan 265 

the phoefcus in hand which slipped ont and fell in the forest near 
Ekacakra. The phoetus is Bafca himself. 

There is one such inconsistency to be found in Madhava also. 
He tells us that poisoned Bhlma when thrown in the lake by the 
Kauravas was brought back to consciousness by a ngakany& 
named PadmavatI by giving him a sip of nectar. Highly obliged, 
Bhlma lived with her for some days - on her request - and begot 
a son whose name is Babhruvahana ( Adh. 5 ). This in the first 
place, is a change in the episode and in the second place it is 
inconsistent with his own narration of Babhruvahana being born 
of CitrSngada from Arjuna ( Adh, 77 ), 

Madhava changes the end of the Baka episode like this : 

When Bhlma returned to Ekacakra after killing Baka he was 
a terror to the citizens as also to the king who ran away along 
with his fighting force. The town was practically evacuated. 
The Brahman - the host of the Pandavas - reported to the king 
the facts of Bakavadha. Peace was then restored. The king 
received the Brahman warmly and rewarded him ceremonially. - 
It is peculiar that the king does not enquire even by a word 
about the hero who killed the demon. 

SubhadrS harana episode is totally changed by Madhava ; 

Arjuna, on hearing reports about the extraordinary beauty of 
Subhadra assumed the guise of an ascetic and went to DvSraka 
with a desire to carry her away. In this disguise Arjuna saw 
Krsna but now could not bow down to him in the midst of the 
crowd that had assembled to see the newly arrived ascetic. 
Arjuna was confounded and could not praise Krsna even men- 
tally. Krsna, however, decided to make Arjuna bow down to 
him. But when Krsna asked the ascetic his whereabouts he 
straight- way told the fact keeping back nothing. Krsna told 
Arjuna that on the next day there was a fair on the Raivata 
Mountain and all the members of the family would go there, 
leaving Subhadra at home to attend upon the ascetic. Krsna 
would leave a chariot with bow and arrow and join the proce- 
ssion to facilitate Arjuna to run away with Subhadra and that 
BalarSma, if furious, would be managed by Krsna himself. 

When Balarama proposed to keep back SubhadrS at home to 
attend upon the ascetic, Krsna, on purpose, dissuaded him from 
doing so. As a result Balarauia's confidence iu the ascetic wag 



206 Annals ef tint Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

increased as was expected and SubhadrS, was left alone with the- 
ascetic who put Subhadra into the chariot that Krsna had kept at 
his disposal and eloped with her. The servants reported the fact 
to Balarama. All of them pursued and overcame the ascetic 
who told them that he was Arjuna and had purposely done all 
this because he knew that Subhadra was offered to Duryodhana, 
Balarama charged Krsna with the conspiracy. 

Peculiar versions of the different episode in Visnudasa JSTamS 
The Pandavas ' escaped from the lac-house and as they were 
very tired Bhlma carried the rest with Kuntl from forest to forest, 
He placed them all in a forest and went in search of water as all 
of them were thirsty. ITor water he wandered for a long time 
and in his wanderings met with a huge mountain-like serpent 
who asked Bhlma " ko jlvati ? " Bhlma could not answer the ques- 
tion and hence the serpent swallowed him. Seeing that Bhlma 
did not return for a very long time Kuntl became very anxious 
and on consultation with Dharma sent Arjuna to find him out. 
Arjuna met that very serpent who asked him the same question. 
Arjuna failed to answer it and was also swallowed up. Nakula 
and Sahadeva who followed Arjuna met with the same fate. 
Then came Dharma who was confronted with the same question 
" ko jlvati ? " Dharma gave a prompt reply : 

\ 



n 

66b~d 
i snfSr 



HT sffaft ^H^SST li 69 

1 ^T^lt ^ft STcffiTT I ^ft ^fNn^ Hr^rfr II 72 

With each one of these replies the serpent let out of hid mouth 
all the four brothers one after the other in the order in which 
they were swallowed. The serpent told Dharma that formerly he 
was a prince of demons ( daityaraja ) by name Kaghoka (Nahusa). 
He had become a serpent by curse that he would not be restored 
to a celestial body ( divyadeha ) until he was touched by the 
Pandavas. Then all of them took water for Kuntl. 

Bhlma 8 was staying with HidimbS leading a life of enjoy* 
^^ alone once met with a demon 

~ 



* Adhyjya 43. This is fouod IB ^e~Aj^^^^i^ ^ ^ v& ^ 

,1 t ^^ U TblS 1S entlrely diiferent from the Kl*fra vadha parran 
of we Vaoa parvan, 



Episodical Variants in the Adi Parvan 207 

Krimira whose wife SingavatI had a w pregnancy longing to 
offer the beads of the Pandavas to her goddess-Earn aksl, 
Krimira was the son of Vrdhaksata, the son of Brahma. Krimira 
first went to Duryodhana who told him that the Pandavas were 
burnt in the lac-house. He told SingavatI accordingly but she 
was not convinced and would give up her design, Krimira 
therefore, set out; once more and he met Hidicnba, who on hear- 
ing his difficulty, unconsiously gave out the fact that the 
Pandavas were living in her own premises. She did not forget 
to add that Bhlma killed all the demons that came in his way. 
Krimira, therefore, created a lake and on its bank built a temple 
of Siva and sat there in the guise of a RsL When the Pandavas 
came to the temple they bowed down to him, told their history 
and went into the temple to worship Siva, ITo sooner did they 
enter inside the temple than the doors were closed. Krimira 
lifted up the temple and took it to his own place. 

When Hidimba and Bhlma were together Bhltna felt restless 
for no apparent cause. Hidima told him of the arrival of 
Krimira and his carrying away of the other Pandavas. On 
being instructed by Bhlma, Hidimba carried him to the temple 
of KamaksT, left him there and went back. Bhlma entered into 
the temple, smashed the image of Kamaksl and sat in her place 
with the same poise. When the servants of Krimira canie forth 
to worship the goddess they were frightened by the terrifying 
looks of the image, hence they closed the door and poured the 
PaficSmrta from an opening at the top. Bhlma drank all that* 
After a little while the four Pandavas together with KuntI were 
brought before the temple for sacrifice. Bhlma, all of a sudden 
came out of the temple, killed Krimira and flung him into 
the fire. 

Then Bhlma went to SingavatI, tore 'her womb open and took 
the phoetus out. But it slipped from his hand and fell in the 
forest near the city of Ekacakra. The name of that phoetus is 
Baka. Bhlma went to Hidimba and asked her to take all of them 
to Ekacakra which she did. 

On T the way while the Pandavas were touring, Bhlma was 
hungry. Dharma had only a ring - Mudrika - left with him. 

1 AdhySya 48. This, as far as I know, cannot be traced in the Mbh. 
7 [ Annals, B, O, B. I. ] 



Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

He handed it over to thS hungry brother who went to the town 
Hear by and tried to get food. Nobody in the town was prepared 
tb* exchange food for that Royal ring through the fear of the 
king who would arrest the possessor of it. The minister of the 
king agreed to give Bhlma food to his satisfaction on exchange 
of the ring. Bhlma was served with food but was not satisfied 
though the entire stock in his house had, been exhausted. As the 
condition was not satisfied Bhlma asked for his Mudrika" back. 
The minister would not give it. Bhlma struck tlje minister and 
those of his party and took the ring away. 

Narada l went to the Pandavas and fired their days with 

Draupadl. After this lie requested Bhlma to fight with the 

demon *- Kapilasura who lived in Sonitapura. On the outskirts 

of that town Bhlma fought with Mugutamani and KamalSsura, 

the sons*of Ka#$asura and then with Kapilasura himself. When 

Bhlma was erb$u^fced he sat on the back of a camel and started 

back for Varajaavata, On the way Bhlma was asleep when the 

camel turtked back to Sonitapura and left him at the gates. That 

night Bhlma WHB killed by Kapila. 

KunHvmd Arjuna in Varanavata and Krsna in DvarakS, 
dreamed at We ^tnie time that Bhlma had been killed. Narada 
went to them the next morning and related the story in details. 
Krsna and Nakula went to Sonitapura. At KrsnaV behest 
Nakula collected all the limbs of Bhlma and he was brought 
back to life with the help of Sanjivanl Vidya. Kapilasura was 
turned into a buffalo. 

Krsna* and Nakula went to Sonitapura at the place of Kapils- 
sura. At fchat time Kapilasura was out and so KapilavatI, his 
*ifc, received them warmly. Nakula being a very handsome 
youth^she was enamoured of him. Afterwards when Kapilasura 
was killed in a fight she was married with Nakula. 

Arjuna* broke the rule laid down by Narada so he went on 
pilgrimage. On his way he met Hanumanta in the Srngaravana 
of Ramacandra. He slightingly referred to the prowess of 

for_not_havmg_erected a bridge of 

untraceable - " 



Adhya y *59, This epfgode untraceable, * Adhyiya 62. 



Episodical Variants in the Adi Parvan 209 

arrows for the monkeys to pass. Hanumanta got angry and 
asked Arjuiia to prepare abridge of arrows with which Hanu- 
raanta would like to try his strength. The condition was that if 
the bridge was broken Arjuna was to enter into the'fire. The bridge 
was broken when Hanumanta jumped on it Arjuna was about 
to enter into the fire as waa agreed upon but K^sna appeared on 
the scene and said that for want of witness there was no proof 
of the stipulation^ The whole procedure was to be gone through 
again. Krsna sided with Arjuna and Hanumanta was defeated. 
He, therefore, agreed to sit on the banner of Arjuna, 

Arjuna 1 was crossing the Indranlla mountain. There Samkara 
in wrath struck Arjuna with his trident. Arjuna fought with 
him and broke the trident with the tip of a blade of Darbha grass. 
Samkara, very much pleased with the skill of Arjuna, presented 
him with Pasupata Astra and the Kirlta from which he came to 
be known as Kirltin. 

Arjuna 8 went to AmaravatI, Indra arranged that he should 
sleep at night in the Citrasiala. Attractively dressed and with 
amorous glances and gestures, Bambha went to Arjuna with the 
desire of intercourse. Arjuna tried to shield himself with his 
vow of chastity. Rambha was upset and cursed that Arjupa 
would be a eunuch for life but when she was pacified that duration 
was limited to one year only. 

In the version of Visnudasa Krsna s himself tells Arjuna that 
Subhadra was offered to Duryodhana and Krsna alone was against 
it. The name of the mountain is Govardhana and not Raiva- 
taka and the Yadava family was going there for Indra-worsbip. 
Krsna had previously informed Subhadra of hig plan. When 
Yadavas proceeded for the Govardhana mountain Subhadra first 
went to the dwelling place of Krsna after a while. Krsna arriv- 
ed there and then he took her to the chariot of Arjuna. 

Krsna nandana 4 -Suraksyati-pursued the ascetic Arjuna, who 
was carrying Subhadra. There watf a great fight in which 
Arjuna was forced to release MohinI Astra. All those that be- 

1 AdhySya 62 - Not traceable. 

2 AdhySya 62. This story occurs in tho IndralokSbbigamana parvan in 
the Vana parvan. In the original it is UrvasI and not Rambha and the curse 
IP amended and condoned by Indra and not by the Apsara. 

8 Adhyaya 63. * AdhySya 64. 



a JO Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

longed to Balarama's party fell unconscious on the ground, 
He brought only the charioteer to consciousness and told him 
that he was Arjuna carrying away Subhadra who was offered to 
Duryodhana, Akrura went and reported this to Dharma and 
Duryodhana and invited the latter to fight against Arjuna. 

Agni 1 went away after burning to ashes the entire Khandava 
vana. That night the Pandava family kept late hours gossiping 
with Krsna, Subhadra was due for delivery and could not sleep 
because of the pains. She was also present there. Meanwhile 
she slept when Krsna was speaking. But though she slept the 
phoetus in the womb kept on responding to Krsna, who came to 
know of it after a while. Krsna sent his wheel in the womb of 
Subhadra through her nose along with the inhaled breath and 
retaining only to cut off all his hands which numbered one 
thousand originally. That phoetus when born was named Abhi- 
inanyu and it was believed that his life which was in danger at 
the hands of ParakirSma was saved by averting his being 
Sahasrarjuna. 

These instances of episodical additions in the version of 
Visnudasa make it clear that Visnudasa had no particular Ms, 
before Lira while rendering the Mahabharata into Marathl. He 
has freely utilised some of the episodes from the Vana par van even 
- changing the original text completely. He has also added much 
from his own imagination. Ms. apart, he is not even faithful to 
story of Mahabharata aud hence Muktesvara criticised him and 
probably referred to him by calling his parformance as 



In MK we find an effort to elevate and adapt the material to 
BUifehis narration. MK as well as MD deal with the episodes 
freely but do not take freedom with them like Visnudasa. MK 

f r * 3krit teXfc Which is of tbe fa ly of Ms K4 

of the Cntical Edition and MD strictly adheres to his SanskS 
original that corresponds to D4. MK has omitted only one 

^M^ erea8 -I iS r da8a ha8 mitfced n fc less ^ -*r of them 
wdMD has omitted only the reference to the birth of DuMaU 

1 AdhySya 68. ~ ~ ~~~ -- - - _ - __ _ 



Episodical Variants in the Adi Parvan 211 

CONCORDANCE OF ADHYAYAS IN MK., MD, and Cr. Ed. 



MK. 


MD. 


Or. Ed. 


MK. MD. 


Or. Ed. 


1 


1-8 


1-2 


26 


47 


105-108 


2 


9-10 


3 


27 


48-50 


109-115 


3 


11-12 


4-12 


28 


51 


116-119.12 


4 


13-14 


13-17.151 


29 


52.1-39 


119 


5 


15-16 


17,152-26.34 


30 


52.40-53 


120-123 


6 


17 


26.35-30. 


31 


54 


124-126 


7 


18-19 


31-38.26 


32 


55 


127-128 


8 


20 


38.27-40. 


33 


56 


129 


9 


21 


41-44 


34 


57 


App. I 81 


10 


21 


45-47 


35 


58-59 


130-134 


11 


23 


48-51 


36 


59-60 


135-138 


12 


22 


52-53 


37 


60-62 


139-144 


13 


24-25 


54-57.74 


38 


62-63 


145-152 


14 


26-27 


57.75-61- 


39 


64-65.50 


153-157 


15 


28-29.9 


62-66 


40 


65.51-69 


158-174 


16 


29 


66-69 


41 


70-71.65 


175-181.27 


17 


30-31 


70-72 


42 


71.66-72.67 


181.28-189 


18 


32 


73-77 3 


43 


72.68-73.18 


190-191 


19 


... 


77.5-83.5 


44 


73 


App. 1 103 


20 


... 


83.6-88. 


45 




192-19.9.25 


21 


38- 


89-90 


46 




199.26-204 


22 


39-40.55 


91-94.39 


47 




205-213.21 


23 40, 


,56-42.50 


94.40-96 


48 




213.22-215 


24 42.51-44. 


97-100 


49 




216-219 


25 


45-47.43 


101-104 


50 





219-225 



1 Taking into consideration all the additions, omissions and changes 
made by these three authors we find that the verses in the Cr. Ed. number- 
ing 7190 have been rendered mto 7113 OviS by Muktesvara, 6145 by 
Madhavft and 3906 by Visnudasa Nama" for chapters 40-68 only, the first 39 
chapters not being available in the Ms. used for this article. 




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CHRONOLOGICAL LIMITS FOR THE COMMENTARY Off 
INDU ON THE ASTANGASAMGRAHA OF VAGBHATA I 

( Between A, D, 750 and 1050 ) 

BY 

P. K. GODE 

In the edition of the Astangasamgraha 1 with the commentary 
of Indu called tfasilekha published 31 years ago we are told that 
" &asilekha is a commentary of Astangasamgraha by Indu one of 
the renowned and learned pupils of Vahata. " 2 Evidently this 
statement is based on the following verse 1 quoted by the editor 
in his Sanskrit Introduction to the edition ' 



The Editor in making his observation about the versatile 
intellect of the author of the Astangasamgraha remarks : 



: n " 



Ed. by T, RudraparaSava, Trichur, 1913. H. a. Sir Rama Varma, 
G. C, S. I., G. C. I. E. of Cochin in his letter of 20fch July 1914 published as a 
foreword to this edition observes . 

" A copy of the commentary ( Sasilekha ) could not be had in full any- 
where. He ( Editor ) had to go to different places and hunt in several old 
manuscript libraries, and to collect lists from here and there. Several of 
such lists were worn out by old age and full of mistakes. It took several 
years for him to get a clear and complete copy and the labcur and the 
trouble ( with which) he had to compare and correct it were not ordinary. 
Even now it is doubtful whether the copy now prepared is quite free from 
errors. But I have no hesitation in saying that it is difficult to get a more 
correct copy of the book anywhere. But for the pains and troubles he has 
taken in publishing it this important work would have been completely lost. " 

2 Ibid. 

8 Ibid. Upodghftta, p. IV The editor calls this verse as " &m*fa " 
and states that it is " cyfanrf^. " He does not say anything about its 
authorship and chronology. 



Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Evidently in making the above observation the Editor is 
attributing common authorship to the three works viz. 

( 1 ) the Astangasamgraha of Vagbhata I 
( 2 ) the Astangahrdaya of Vagbhata II 

and ( 3 ) Rasaratnasamuccaya of Vagbhata who according to Sir 
P. C. Ray was a contemporary of Roger Bacon ( died 
A. D, 1294 ) Vide History of Hindu Chemistry, p. Ivi of 
Vol. I ( Calcutta, 1902 ), 

I have already recorded elsewhere ! the current views about 
the authorship 8 of the above three works, by three different 
authors of the same name Vagbhata and hence need not deal 
with the question in this paper. 

Oar Editor on the basis of the common authorship of the three 
works further states : 



We agree that as the Astangasamgraha of Vagbhata I was 
difficult to be understood a commentator has come into being in 
the form of Indu, the author of the 6aiilekha but it is difficult to 
make Indu a contemporary of Vagbhata I as the Editor does 
in the following remarks on no solid evidence except the pro- 
verbial *RsgN already quoted by him and reproduced above:- 



n " 

This is confusion worse confounded as the editor makes 



p 4 f ,f 7 In * roduotl011 to *e AtWAgahrdava, edited by Vaidya 
Paradkar of Akola ( N. S . Press , Bombay, 1938. ) * 



~~- " 
SBSS s r f --s ". ^,ir 



Commentary of Indu on the dsf&ngasathgraha 

Vagbhata I, Indu and Jajjata 1 contemporaries without any his- 
torical evidence and secondly he states that tfasilekha is a com- 
mentary on the 3rei*T^t? as also on the ( 3ref*T )^^T 2 a statement 
which is clearly refuted by Indues own statement at the begin- 
ning of his own commentary on the Sutrasthana that &a$ilekha is 
a commentary on the SamgraJia and not on the Hrdaya. s 



1 Aufreoht makes the following entry about 

CCI, p. 209 " JfejTH" wrote a commentary on gsrrf. Quoted by HemSdri 
in Ayurvedarasayana B. P. 373, in Bhavaprakasa Oxf. 
311b, in Atankadarpana Oxf. 314b, by Candr ata Oxf. 357 b, 
in Todarananda W. p. 289 ". 

If Candrata ( about A. D. 1000 according to Hoernle ) quotes J[53R: f he is 
earlier tnan 1000 A. D. but I have no evidence to prove that ^ and frfe^a 
were contemporaries. 

Vopadeva, contemporary of Hemadri quotes jjfcrnr many times in hU 
commentary q^nsr o^ ^is father's i^y.^^ ( see Ms of f^^H^K^'I^T ^ n *^ e 
Govt. Mas Library at the B. O, R. Institute Poona, folios 11, 12, 17 etc. ). 
Vopadeva alao quotes ^<OITI^, f 1??5^ ( fol 8 ) a ^d ^IST^?^ ( fol. 8 and 34 ). 
^ s ^u^e^ naany times by Hemadri in Ayurvedarasayana, Possibly 
mentioned and quoted by |rfrf^ and qrq^q- may be identical with 
sgr'TT^ but this possibility needs to be examined separately. 

2 Vide p. 188 of Aryan Medical Science, London, 1896 * 

" Some are of opinion that Vagbhata, the celebrated author of 
'* Ashtanga-hridaya " flourished in the time of the Mahabharata and that he 
was the family physician of the Pandavas ". 

8 Vide verse 2 in the following 6 introductory venes of Indu's commen- 
tary in the Sutrasthana of the A1ahga-samgraha which I reproduce from the 
Edition of the work by Pandit R. D. Kinjavadekar ( Chitrashala Press, 
Poona. 1938 ) :- 



: \\ <\ \\ 



n ^ n 



: n ^ u 

C continue d on *Ae next page ) 



22O Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

This lotus in the form of Samgraha blooms at the sight of the 
moon's digit viz, the Saiilekha vyakhya or commentary composed 
by Indu. 

The date of Vagbhata I is " early seventh century " according 
to Dr. Hoernle ! and as Indu commented on the A. Samgraha 1 
of Vagbhata I, his date must be posterior to early seventh century, 
We may, therefore, safely fix about 625 A. D. as one terminus to 
the date of Indu. Let us now see if we can push forward this 
limit on the strength of evidence from Indu's commentary. 
( continued from the previous page ) 



X II 
I 

\\ 



Pfe ; Kinjavdekar's edition of the A^anga-saihgraha with India's common- 
tary is based on the following printed editions and Mas :- 

( 1 > Text 07^ Ms procured by me ffom Rajavaidya Jagatap of Kolha- 

pur througt the B. O. E. Institute, Poona. 
( 2 ) Text jmZy-Miln the possession of Vaidya Gopalshastri Godbole of 

.Bombay, 

(3) r^onZy-Printed edition of Saka 1810 = A. D. 1888 by Ganesh 
Sakharam Tart, of Nasik ad and Va.dya Krishnashastri Devadhar. 
nn tti, T *"** I ? dU ' S ^'"'"^t^-Edited at Triohur in 1913. 

39 B 19 ^ 657 " 



J p t KraT 11 t0 6 Z**' t-y it should 

s: EF -= ^ 

-^-tSlSi- JC -2 

* Osteology, Oxford, 1907, Intro, p. 11. 



( continued on the next page ) 



Commentary of Indu on the A 



221 

In chapter VI of the Sutrasthana, Indu makes the following 

( <TT. $;. H-R-tt^ ) The Editor has identified the above quotation in 
the Kastka* commentary of the Sutras of Panini, which was 
composed about 650 A. D. This reference would push forward 
the limit of Indu's date to about 700 A. D. if the Editor's 
identification is correct. 

Another quotation which if identified in the extant late 
lexicons would enable us to push forward the date of Indu is 
found in his comment on verse 17 of chapter II of the Sutrasthana. 
It reads as follows: 



The Medirii lexicon assigned to about the 13th century 1 has a 
similar quotation which reads as follows.* 



It is difficult, however, to say if this quotation has a direct 
relation with Indu's quotation because it has often been found 
that some of the late lexicons have drawn freely on the earlier 
lexicons and at times, we find two different lexicons borrowing 
from a common source. 

A better criterion for pushing forward the date of Indu after 
700 A, D. is the following quotation from the AstahgaJirdaya of 

( continued from the previous page ) 
CO III, 8 " 3TefTO5rf nied. by Vrddha-Vstgbhata EL 222-227 

Do , 125 " ^ sfmre- med. BL. 2, 222-227 * ( BL = Bhandarkar*a lists 
of private libraries in rhe Bombay Presidency, Part I, Bombay 1893 ). 
The Des. Cat. of Madras Mss. Vol, XXIII ( Medicine ) contains the follow- 
ing Mss : No. 1307 0-A$tangasamgr aha in Canarese characters on palm-leaf, 
pp. 122, contains 15 stanzas of the 4th adhyaya^ some stanzas of the first 
adhyaya and from the 4th to the 37th adhyaya excepting adhyayas 
6 and 7. Breaks off in 38th adhyaya of the sutrasthana. No. 1SQ71- 
Atfanga-Samgrahavyakhya in Canarese characters on palm-leaf pp. 158. 
Reference is herein made to Hariscandra's commentary on the Caraka- 
tiamhita :- " \ 

*flS*f fiffl[ II " 

" It is difficult to identify the portion contained in this work. " 

1 Vide Kalpadrukoa Baroda, 1928, Introduction, p. zl " PadmanSbha* 
datta who wrote his Prodaradivrtti in A, C. 1375 quotes Medinl in his 
Bhuriprayoga ( CC 1, 467a ) ". "The Mankhai'ika in Zacharie's edition con- 
tains also a quotation from Medirii, which if genuine would push back 
Medmi's date to the 12th century for that commentary was most 

wr/tten before the last quarter of the 12th century ". jrfP*^ 1 '" 

"Sisx*" 




222 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Vftgbhata II, who has been assigned to 8th or 9th century A. D, 
by Prof. Jolly ( vide p. 16 of Osteology ) : 

Sutrasthana comm. "on verse 108 of chap. VII ( p. 54 a f 
Kinjavadekar's edition ) 

>' ( ^TT. ST. V 



As Pandifc Kinjavadekar has identified the above quotation n 
the A. hrdaya of Vagbhata II we have no doubt that Indu wag 
acquainted with the A. hrdaya and it is possible to find more 
references f to the A. hrdaya in his commentary. This reference, 
therefore, would justify us in concluding that Indu flourished 
after Vagbhata II say after about 900 A. D. and consequently 

1 In chapter I of Nidanasthana ( p. 5 of Kin javdekar's Edition ) we find 
the following reference : 



On p. ^5 ( chap. V, of Sutrasthana ) Indu observes : 



The Editor points out 
that the line l ^qaj ...... SP-W^" i only a part of the following whole 

tanza of the srm^ ( Sutrasthana, VII, 48 ) 



These references leave no doubt that Indu was conversant with the 
Vggbhata II and perhaps he wrote a commentary on it 



^ * 

*T j . " e s have to investi- 

of Indu'. commentary on the ^^oan be traced anywhere 
in India The Tnennial Catalogue of Madras M SS , Vol. IV, Part I, Sanskrit 
B describes a M. of ^Rf^Rc,, called 5T%^W. It is No 

si i iir : 76 m Maiayaiam haract6ts - rt 



M S t 



: u 



Commentary of Indtt on the AtfaAgasaihgrahi 223 

it is absurd to make him a pupil of Vagbhata I as the wr^i^ 
does according to the statement; of fche Editor of the Trichur 
Edition of Indu's commentary. 

In dealing with the properties of the different vegetables 
( p. 61 of Sutrasthana ) Indu observes ' 
" 3T3T ^TT^T^Tt =^-*--- ^ ^ ^ 



In accordance with this statement we find him recording terms 
current in Kashmir for particular plants * 
p. 56 

p. 57" 



p. 58 u 
p. 60~ (r 
p. 68" 
p. 66 ^TSTTR ^^TTT^rirr%^Tm ^ ^rt 



As Indu has taken the trouble of noting the terms current in 
Kashmir for particular plants etc, I am inclined to believe that 
he either bailed from Kashmir 2 or was acquainted with a 

1 Vide Introduction, p. xhx of Kalpadru-Koba. Vol. I ( Baroda, 1928 ). 
The oldest of medical and botanical glossaries or Nighaijtus is Dhanvantari- 
nighanfu, which according to Ksirasvamin is earlier than Amara. Other 
nighaijtus are: Paryayaratnamala or Ratnamala of MSdhavakara, author 
of Rugvini&caya- 8th or 9th cent. A, C. ( Winternitz III, 550 ). Paryaya- 
Muktavall or Muktavali is based on the above woik.JSHghanfusesa of Hema- 
candra Abhidhanaratnamala, Madanavinoda ( 1374 :A. D. ), Rajanigliantu, 
Sivako&a of /Sivadatta ( A. D. 1677 ), Sabdacandrifca of CakrapS^idatta 
Dakinamurti--nighanfUi Dravyamuktavali and Paryayarqava, 

8 In the ^TIW^THL ( chap. XIII, p, 87 ) under evil dreams reference is 
made to " ^f^rPWlff^^RSl^: ." Indu explains;- <f aTFETSff^iT ^T%" 
" i. e. the terms ' CiTFST ' and ks' are the names of 



Southern people or kingdoms, Can this explanation confirm our suggestion 
that Indu was a Northerner ? 
9 [ Annal*, B. O. R* I. J 



224 Anmls of the BJjandctrkar Oriental Research Institute 

physician in Kashmir through whom he may have obtained the 
terminology recorded above. 

Indu in chapter VIII ( tiarirasthana, p. 61 ) gives the follow 
ing definitiop of gambhirya guna :- 



I have not been able to trace this definition in this form 
though the definitions of the gambhirya guna are found in the 
Natyasastra} of Bharata, fche Dasarupaka?, the Agnipurawt 
and other works. Indu gives the definition of the word VQp&qP 
as follows : ( p. 61 ) 

" *re* 313 ^r siams ^$$51: ^ ***& " 

These definitions show the critical nature of his commentary 
a certain extent the boastful statement of verse 6 
of the Sutrasthftna viz. "' 



pointed ont above that in commenting on the con- 
r*T of fche Sufcrasfchaaa ( p. 57 ) Indu states that 
synonyms of the names of different plants may be 
found in the Nighantus ( qifwr- R^wf^T^r^...^^ ). This state- 
ment shows that he was conversant with some medical glossaries 
containing the names of the different plants and their synonyms, 
The question now arises whether Indu compiled any Nighantu 
himself* We shall try to record th following evidence for the 
consideration of scholars according to which it seems possible 
that Indu, the author of the $asilekha commentary on the Astanga* 



1 Benares Edn. by Batuknath Sharma, 1929, chapter 24, p. 272. 



2 Ed. by Haas, p. 47. 
" 3TT*^t 
8 Ed. in Bib. Indica, Calcutta, 1878 ; p. 230. 



\ 



M " 

Mr,Apteinhis Dictionary explains ^$3% as "Munificent, liberal 

generous ; Wise, learned ; Inclined to recollect both bsnefits and injuries ; 
Taking oareliss aim ". 



Commentary of Indu on the Astaftgasatfigraha 235 

samgraha and Indu, the author of a medical Nighantu frequently 
quoted by Kslrasvamin 1 in his commentary on the Amarakofa 
may be identical : 

( 1 ) Both the authors have the same name Indu* 
( 2 ) While Indli quoted by Kslrasvamin is fche author of a 
Medical Nighantu, our Indu is the author of the commentary on 
a medical work viz the Astangasaingraha and appears to be con- 
versant with medical Nighantus, which he says contain the 
paryayas or synonyms of the names of plants. 

( 3 Indu quoted by Kslrasvamin is evidently earlier than 
about 1050 A. D. as Kslrasvamin is assigned to the 2nd half of 
the llth century. Our Indu is also likely to be earlier than 
A IX 1050 as we propose to indicate below, 

In chapter II of Nidanasthana ( p. 9 of Kinjavadekar's edition 
Indu refers to Bhattara Haricandra as follows : 

1 Vide Introduction, p. 4 of Namahnganusasana ( Amarakofa ) with 
3Cs"jrasvamin f s commentary ed. by K. G. Oka, Poona, 1913. KsirasvSmin be- 
longs to the 2nd half of the llth century ( Between 1050 andllOO A. D. ) as 
he quotes Bhoja and is quoted by Vardhainana in the G-anaratna-mahodadhi. 
Medical authorities quoted by Ksiras^amm are ( 1 ) Su&ruta and Sausrutah, 
( 2 ) Vaidyah ( chiefly Caraka ), ( 3 ) Dhanvantari and his Nrghantu 
( medical ), ( 4 ) Valletta or Vagbhata, ( 5 ) Candra, ( 6 ) Indu, ( 7 ) Candr'a- 
nandana, ( 8 ) Dhatuvidah, (9) Nimih, ( 10 ) Haramekhalam. Indu and QandTa- 
nandana are very frequently quoted by Ksirasvamia especially in his com- 
ments on the ^Ti^n^Tif Indu is quoted on pp. 56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 63, 65, 67, 68, 
69, 71, 75, 76, 77, 79, 80, 81 etc. ( Pages 53 to 84 contain 170 verses of the 
Mfl f Tlr ? r j f f tae -Amarakosa ). The following quotations will show the natur* 
and contents of Indu's Nighanfu : 

P. 56 _ 



: - grg*^ wr -: : 
!* 

P. 57 



P. 59 r -- 



Annals of the Bhatidarkar Oriental Research Institute 

wr 



( p. 95 ) " 

" etc. 

( or f rcsrar ) ! referred to in the above extract by 
Indu is the author of ^T^ftrUWssr. He is quoted by *%g^ J n 
his lexicon ft^sr^r^T composed in A. D. 1111, by s grfsT5T (about 
1000 A. D. ) and by mf? in his commentary on the ereNlCT of 
Vagbhata II. He is also quoted by sretfr^TT in his commentary on 
the srenrf 5$ 2 composed about 1220 A. D. s . It appears therefore 
that vrgTC ST?^^ is earlier than 1000 and hence Indu's reference 
to him does not conflict with our suggestion that Indu, the 
author of Aisilekha may be earlier than 1050 A. D. like his name- 
sake, the author of a medical Nighan^u * quoted by Kslrasvamin 
about 1050 A. D. 

The references to Bhattaraka Haricandra made by Indu show 
that he had not much respect for the views of Haricandra. This 
inference is warranted as Indu observes (p. 95-Sutrasthana) 
" and 

This 



. 

criticism of Haricandra by Indu is likely to lead one to suppose 
that Indu and Haricandra might have been contemporaries but 

we have at present no evidence either to prove or disprove thii 
suggestion. 

In the Madras Mss Library Ms No. 13071 is a commentary 
on the Astafigasamgraha but the description of this Ms given in 
the catalogue* this commentary has not been identified. 

-^^l^i^^ from this 

^ Cat rtogus Oata. of Aufrecht, I, 756b. " ~" - "" -- 



* teol 9y- O^^rd, 1907, p. 17, 100. 

and Bendall, 

In medical .oience beaw Sfl f 7 ^'^antu, a work on 

Vol. !h ' ' f Py vlz ' N ' S ' 200 = A.D.1080 



II " 



Commentary of Indu on the Afl&figasafograha 227 

commentary given in the catalogue and which contains a 
contemptuous criticism of Haricandra l ( vide Indu's criticism 
of Haricandra noted above) it appears that, this unidentified 
commentary may be Indu's tiahleJcha itself. As, however, the 
Madras Ms is not before me I am unable to say anything 
definitely about this identity for the question needs to be settled 
by a comparison of the Madras Ms with the published text of 
the $asilekha commentary. 

In the following passage Indu appears to refer to his Guru 
( " areiKFW " ) 

Page 95 ( Sutrasthana Chap. IX ) 



sfrcgrrfr ^T^m^n^t i *{fTC%aT g * crsrrittcrf ^t: 



fi^frtftsfr 



The expression " ^W^^i * ? contains possibly a reference fco 
Vagbhata II, the author of the Astangahrdaya but we must 
await more decisive evidence on this possibility 2 



1 There is a Ms No, 13092 of Caraka Safohitavyakhya by Hanscandra in 
the Govfc. Ori. Mas. Library. Madras, (Vide Catalogue Vol. XXIII, 1918, 
p. 8801 ) It consists of 151 pages and contains the 3rd adhyaya of the 
tfutrasthana. It begins :- 



Colophon of Chap. I- 



2 Pt. Kinjavdekar has drawn my attention to the following passage in 
Indu's comment on &arlrasthana t chapter III, ( p, 24a ) of his "Edition:- 



( continued on the next page ) 



3^8 Annuls of the Bbatufarkar Oriental Research Institute 

References to Indu by subsequent medical writers 1 have nat 
yet been recorded and consequently it is difficult to fix the 
lower limit for Indues date in a definite manner. That Indu 
flourished after Vagbha^a II ( 8th or 9th century ) is amply 

( continued from the previous page ) 

This passage connects 3TF^R and argfTf^T because the line " ^^ 
n*?fr..M..fi%t^ " quoted by Indu is found in the following verse of the srefjj, 
g^T of Vagbhata II (srrffcWT, chapter I ) ( P- 300 of Kinjavdekar'sEdition, 
where the text of $nfN*rFr of the 3T. PR is reproduced for reference ) ; 

*r?5fi mq; ! 
jjslf^R; II \* U " 

This identification appears to indicate that Indu claimed Vagbhata II, 
the author of sretni^, as his " 3TRR " and hence by the expression 3^^!, 
g^[; f> mentioned above he refers to Vggbhata II and none else. 

If our interpretation of the above passages is correct Indu becomes a 
direct pupil of Vagbhata II and hence a junior contemporary of his 3^^ or 
" U^T: " as he respectfully refers to him. 

In addition to the references made by Indu to VSgbhata II in the words 
3TRR and^^ ; the following reference to c,^-^ appears to refer to s^pT- 
j^ of VSgbhata II and not 3^ ^ of Vagbhata I : ( p. 1023 of SWra* 
sthnna, chap. IX ). 

Vagbhata I A. Batiigraha 



Indu'. comment ^ 

^ 



.!' iist f 

the i 



=: ;: 

.acluded the ln h is l.st of seasons ^ nge mal for sexual intercourse By 



ag- 
dlStia ulBllBd o^ is quoted in support of 



TK means VSW> n and not Vag- 



^ TO*. I 



( continued on the next page ) 



Commtntary of Indu on the Abtaiigasamgraha 229 



proved by his references to fSfqrif^r in fche tiaiilekha. If, however, 
his identity with Indu, the author of the medical Nighantu 
quoted by Kslrasvamin ( 1050 A, D. ) as suggested tentatively by 
me 1 in the present paper is proved conclusively we may be able 
to assign him to a period say between A, D. 750 and 1050 A. D. 

( continued from the previous page ) 

Vide p. 403 of the Edition of the Astuhgahrdaya with the KairalivyakhyU 
which is being published in the journal Vaidya Sarathi ( Kottayani, South 
India ) August 1938, III, 5. This commentary quotes ( p. 402 ) from 
lexicon ( middle of llth century ) <* 353: ^Fqs^ *& " 
and from *rfcT ( p. 403 ) ^uf^qf^I^ ^T*T>4 WFTQt \ 
3II3ft>^Tf 1WF3; and hence is later than about 1100 A. D. This com- 
mentary a'so quotes from ^^rf ( p. 402 - *' SfTJ? 

aifee mr: wrareter: ej^TTr: *%n: " $fc ^8T*rsft ) from 

( p. 405 ), sir^FrK* ( p 407 ), gg?r, tflf rf ( p. 407 ), **%$ ( p. 413, 401 ) 
(p. 416). 



1 I am happy to find that my friend Mr. Kalminath Das Gupa < Indian 
Culture Vol. IJI. p. 434 ) h a a already suggested this identity : An author 
of a medical Nighantu or glossary, Indu'by name is quoted not few times 
by KsTrasvami attributed to the 2nd half of the llth century in his reputed 
commentary on the Amarako&a. The Ntghanfu appears to have been 
lost but the name Indu is found to have been borne by a commentator of the 
Astangahrdaya of VagbhatS II, A Ms of Indu's commentary entitled 
Sa&tlekha and perhaps the only one preserved is in the Madras Government 
Collection ( Triennial Catalogue, Madras, Vol. IV, Part I, Sanskrit B p. 5142) 
That both the books are medical and that Indu ia not a common place-name 
amongsb the Vaidyaka writers of ancient and early mediaeval India tend 
to suggest that Indu, the author of the Nighanf.u is the same with the 
Commentator of the Astangahrdaya. But Indu is after all, a familiar name 
to us as being that of the father of Madhav&kara, the celebrated author of 
the JNidana-samgraha and it may not improbably be that the writer of the 
above two works was but Indu, the father of Madhava-Kara M . As Mr. Das 
Gupta assigns Madhava-Kara to the " Seventh C&ntury " his father Indu, 
( as suggested by Mr. Das Gupta above ) will have to be assigned to the 
7th Century. As against Sth or 9th Century for Vagbhata II suggested by 
Dr. Hoernle Mr. Das Gupta suggests 1th Century at the latest for Vagbhata 
II [ Vide Vol. Ill ( 1929 ) p. 795 of History of Indian Medicine by Girindra- 
nath Mukharjoe ]. This line of argument will make Indu, his son Madhava- 
Kara and Vagbhata 11 as contemporary writers of the 7th Century. Further 
as Indu criticizes Bhattaraka Haricandra in his &asilekha Haricandra also 
may be a contemporary of Indu or some-what earlier than ladu. All these are, 
however, probabilities, which need to be verified by specialists in the field. 



Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Instilute 

Prof, Keith 1 regards the Astangahrdaya Samhita of Vagbhata 
II as probably the work of a Buddhist. We have suggested earlier 
in this paper that Indu was most probably the disciple of Vag, 
bhata II as he refers to him as " 3TT^nr " and '* *T^:. " If this 
position is accepted it is easy to understand the following 
passage in Indu's commentary * " 

Vagbhata 1 in the Sutrasthftna ( chap. IV, p. 20 ) gives the 
following salutary advice : 



Indu explains the above verse as follows' 



It will be seen from the above text and its explanation by 

Indu that though ia the text there is no suggestion of Buddhist 

philosophy or religion Indu specifies the text reference to 3=r?qr snir 

by explaining it to refer to JT^ofrfT^rT^ or f ^TOTftsn^r* This 

specification can be properly explained if we regard Indu as the 

pupil of a Buddhist, though himself embracing the Hindu faitL 

This tolerance to Buddhism engendered by his reverence towards 

a Buddhist guru looks quite natural. Vagbhata I, however, 

includes W^rr^not among 108 auspicious things 2 which have 

nothing to do with Buddhist religion. 



Vide p. 510 of Sanskrit Literature, Oxford, 1928. 
Vide p. 84 of Sarirasthana, Chap. XII- ' 



JURIDICAL STUDIES IN ANCIENT INDIAN LAW 
5. LEGAL PBOTEGTION OF PLANTS IN ANCIENT INDIA 

BY 
Dr. LUDWIK STEBNBACH { Poland ) 

1. The Ancient Indian sources of law show that the Ancient 
Indians believed that plants ( trees ) lived their own lives. They 
enjoyed life, felt pains and grew, although some of their parts 
were cut off. 1 

Trees were highly esteemed and whoever planted trees offered 
pious gifts. So according to Vis. " He who plants trees will have 
those trees for his sons in a future existence. Even a giver of 
trees gladdens the gods by offering up their blossoms to them. 
He also gladdens his guests by giving their fruits to them, and 
the travellers with their shade and the manes with the water 
trickling down from their leaves when it rains. " a 

2. A Snataka Brahmana should keep the right side towards 
well known and large trees. 3 Women who desire to have a son 
should worship trees 4 5 . 

We find in the Dharma&astras rules whose aim is to protect 
plants. However, it is doubtful whether the respective rules are 
equivalent to the legal protection of nature reserves we find 
in contemporary legislations. 

3. The rules contained in the Dharma&astras should be divi- 
ded into three groups ' 

a. Protection of plants from the point of view of religion, 

b. Protection of plants which are considered objecta sacra, 

c. Protection of plants as private property. 

4. ad a. It should be admitted that the protection of plants 
from the point of view of religion is based on the rules of 
ahimsa. The belief in the life and sufferings of the plants seems 
to confirm this statement. 

1 See P. V. Kane, History of Dharmasastra, Vol. IF, Part II, p, 895/6, 
see Marco Polo B. Ill, oh. 30. 

* Vi. XCI 4-8. See Mbh. Anuasana~parva 23-32 ; Padmapura^a. 
8 Mn. IT, 39, Y-I-133, Vi. LXIII, 28, Marka^eya in Apararka p. 176. 
1 Kadambarl 56. no oft 

8 See P, V. Kane's, History of Dharmasastra, Vol. II, Part II, p. 893-896 

10 I Annals, B. O. B. I. J 



i$i _ Annals of the ghandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

This protection of the plants is based on the beautiful 
which is to be found in Vas. 



tinder " all beings " we 1 shall also understand plants. Accord- 
ing to Vas, 2 not even the king should be allowed to injure trees 
that bear fruit and flowers. 

This rule is to be found in a developed form in Mn. and 
Y. ; Vis. even repeats the respective slokas from Mn. 
H 



" For cutting trees yielding fruit, shrubs, creeping or dim. 
bing plants or plants yielding blossoms he must mutter a Vedic 
text a hundred times. " 

Y. 5 solves this question in the same manner and also uses 
the words 3$T, 55*. fcrTT, sftw, %^, 3f<^ -5^, and ^Trf. 

The commentators on Vi. and Y. say that the trees must be 
useful^ because bread fruit and mango fruit 6 are " fruit bearing 
trees " and jasmins 8 are plants yielding blossoms. The prayers 
are Gayatrl. 9 This meditative repetition of the ^* m 
hundred times does refer to the case of Dvijas and not to the'case 
of Sudras and the like ; for they have no right to the meditative 
repetition of the Mantras. Thej have to fast for two days and 
nights. Their penance will be prescribed in proportion to their 
penalty. 10 
Mn. 11 , ' 8 says : 



" If a man has wantonly cut plants, whether sown in ploughed 
fields or growing spontaneously in the forest, he must wait on a 
cow and subsist upon milk for one day. " 

The commentators understand under "plants which were sown 
n ploughed fields --rice and barley and under " growin- spon- 
taneously in the forest -wild rice, or better to say'al^u ful 
plants which grow wild. 

1 V5 S . XIX-I. a Ohapt. XIX 8 Mn XI 142 

' M!; X ^ ^T 1 ^ *- t *? nrl 2 76. . Mit. 6.0. 

Eepeated in vl L-50. ' ^ ^ " ^n. XI-1^, 



Juridical Studies in Ancient Indian Law 235 

Y. does not distinguish between cultivated plants and plant* 
growing wild. Mit. takes an example from Mn. and Vi. and 
adds that it is immaterial whether the plants were growing in a 
village or in the forests. 

According to Y. the same penance is prescribed. Mit. explains 
that he who has cut down plants shall for one day, that is, dur- 
ing the entire course of the day, follow cows for the purpose of 
rendering them service, and drink milk at the end without hav- 
ing recourse to any other kind of food, 

Mn. * adds that it is immaterial whether these acts were 
caused willingly or unwillingly. This point of view of the 
Dharmasastras is comprehensible because it only concerns the 
consequence, the religious penance, and not tie legal con- 
sequences of the act, 

Seemingly this rule is contradictory to the rule contained in 
Mn. XI-144 ( second part ) and Vi. L-50, because the word 
3srra**r-wantonly f intentionally, was used ; therefore, only he 
who intentionally cuts plants is liable to penance; but the 
commentators explain clearly that the word ^sn^^ means for 
purposes other than those of religious sacrifice or divine 
worship. Y. 8 states it clearly saying : " for cutting down plants 
unteas for sacred purposes one shall for one day follow cows 
and subsist on milk. " Mit. s explains this rule and says that 
" if the cutting is for the purpose of Panoayajna there is no 
violation of the rule. " It results also per analogiam from the 
rules concerning the killing of animals for religious purposes.* 
It is also found in Vi. 5 and Vas. 6 ; Vas. adds also " for cultiva- 
tion purposes. n Hence for higher purposes trees can be injured. 
The principle that the cutting of trees is not permissible is 
based on the religious maxim that cutting down a tree (fir) for 
the purpose of getting firewood, or injuring plants, catting trees 
( pr ), shrubs ( *?w ), creepers ( 3gfr ), long climbing plants ( arerr ) 
or herbs is a minor sin ( OTTTrf^ ). 7 

5. ad b. The trees as objecta sacra are in particular protected. 
The penalty is then doubled. This case is to be found only in 

1 Mn. XI-146, 2 Y-III-276. 8 Mit. 640. 4 See second part, 
5 Vi. LI- 63. 6 Vss.XIX-12. 

XI-64, 65, Z-III-24, Vi, 



234 Annals of th Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Y; and K. * As such, trees were considered trees growing on 
special places such as a sacrificial place, a cemetery, a boundary, 
a sacred place or a temple, or well knowa trees, 3 which meant 
probably trees which were particularly revered. According to 
Mifc, s as such trees were considered the N C <T^ i. e. the holy fig 
tree (flcus religiosa).-" the lord of trees ", 4 as well as <T3?rr also 
called fifegs? ( butexfrondosa ) used for marking boundaries. 5 AB 
was said before, the penalty in this case is twofold. It is twice 
as great as the penalty for hurting a tree which belongs to a 
private person ( private property ). 

6H. ad c. From the legal point of view the matter of injuring 
trees which are private property is very well solved in the 
Dharma&astras and shows an exceedingly high level of under- 
standing of legal problems by the authors of the Dharmaiastras, 
The main principle of this question is that he who injured 
the tree which was private property should pay in accordance to 
the damage done. 6 He should not only pay for the damage 
done ( damnum emergens ) but also for the loss of his profit 
( lucrum vessans ). 

The principle is as follows 



The rule is that a fine must be paid for injuring all ( kinds of )' 
tress in proportion to their usefulness. 

This rule is found in Mn. 7 and is repeated word for word in 
KSty, 8 Mn. uses the words " all trees " which means " all kinds 
of trees" which are, for instance, enumerated in Y. and Vi, 
" In proportion to their usefulness " means in accordance to 
their products 9 and position. 10 This rule too is repeated in Vi, 
and Y., but these Dharmasasfcras develop this principle. And so 
Vi. speaks firstly about qrShimjpr ( trees yielding fruit ) H as of 
the most valuable trees and imposes the highest penalty ; then 
speaks about S^^Rmf sr ( trees yielding flowers ) ia as less valuable, 

* Y-II-228.K 197, 11-12 (73). 

! ^ COr ^ g rr K * (197f U " 12) als trees whioh are S rown to king's forest. 
Mit. ad Y-IM88. * ffa^ in Mit, ad T-II-103. * Mn. IIT-246. 
6 Amount of damage done. 7 Mn. VTII-235, 8 Katy. 793 
9 Kullttka, 10 MedhStithi. n Vi, V-55/ 12 Vi. V^SS/ 



Juridical Studies in Ancient Indian Law 235 

and imposes the second penalty, afterwards speaks about 
^tg^fT and SJcTr 1 as much less valuable and imposes the penalty 
of 100 karsapanas, and lastly speaks about the less valuable 
plants, &. A grass (a^) 8 ; in case of injuring it the penalty of 20 
karsapanas is imposed. 

This rule is also accepted in Y. s Vi,, as well as Y. enume- 
rate the plants. The text of the rules varies although the princi- 
ple is the same ; it is that the higher the penalty the more valu- 
able is the plant. 

Y. speaks about ST^rTs STTrf?hr: ( trees which throw down bran- 
ches having sprouts.) 4 i. e. those branches which when cut off deve- 
lop again at each knot of trees ( sr?rf ), such as the bunyan and 
the like. 5 3TFSr (branch), *3^ (trunk) i. e. that from which 
the original branches shoot out 6 a ad S'<F?fro*T|'iT i. e. trees which 
are means of livelihood, as for instance the mango tree. 7 

We should distinguish in this enumeration the degrees in in- 
juring trees i. e. injuring of whole trees sifffSTTKliT and ^<rrfNs|*T 
on one side, and their parts 5ITOT, and ^^r on the other. Y.--II- 
227 completely confuses these two different notions. Here too the 
author or authors of the Yajnavalkya-Dharmasastra determine 
that the fundamental penalty amounts to 20 parias but probably 
according to the value it can be doubled ( f^Srlipjt ^H: ). Mit. 8 
explains this rule in the following manner : *' the three (?) fine 
penalties viz. twenty pana8> forty parkas and eighty payas are in* 
flicted respectively for the offences of cutting of the branches 
and for the offences following in the order. " 

This sentence, 9 however, probably does not mention three 
but four penalties provided that it is admitted that srfrii$rn%3T, 
3TH3T, *&*% define only the word srTsfrsq'f *T; the word ^, however, 
does not allow such an interpretation. 

If we admit that this sentence enumerates four kinds of trees 
we cannot accept the point of view of Mit. that the fine should 
be inflicted according to the list of their enumeration, because 
we must apply the rule that the penalty depends on the useful- 

i Vi. V-57. 2 Vi. V-58. 8 Y-II-227. 4 Stanzler's Translation: 

" Baeume deren Zweige wieder wachsen " 6 Mit. ad Y-II-227. 
6 Mit. ad Y-II-227. * Mit. ad Y-II-227. 8 Mit. ad Y-II-227, 
9 Y-II-227, 



336 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

ness of these plants, In this case we should admit that for the 
cutting off of branches the penalty of 20 payas is to be imposed^ 
for the complete destruction of the trunk -- 40 panas^ of the trees 
which throw down branches having roots 80 parias; of the trees 
which are the means of livelihood- 160 panas. 

However, according to Y. 1 for the cutting or destuction of 

less valuable plants, the fine is half of that mentioned above ; it 

is 10 panas. To these less valuable plants belong : *r?R such as 

m^rff plant 2 , and the like i. e. creepers which do not develop into 

any considerable length*, g^gr which do not have the form of 

creepers and are not generally smooth and straight e. e. ths <^fl$ 

plant 4 , a species of amaranth 5 , q& i. e. the 3^ftT plant 6 , a kind 

of tree with white, red or yellow flowers and the like which are 

generally straight and smooth 7 , cycrc i. e. the STmSrE 8 a creeper 

which develops Into considerable length 9 , srftrar i* e* creepers 

without knots or offshoots and "growing straight such as ^rfar 

and others 10 , sfrwi i. e plants which develop fruit such as the 

paddy plant etc. 11 and f^T L e. the *Tf r 12 a plant generally 

growing on trees, used for medicines, a kind of planfc which even 

when cut grows and develops in various parts. 13 

Very similar rules are to be found in K. u K. also distingui- 
shes between more and less valuable plants and imposes fines 
according to the damage done to the plants. 



-I i 



So we see that for cutting sprouts of fruit trees, flower trees or 
shady trees in the parks near the city the fine amounts to 6 paqas, 
for greater damage i. e. for cutting off of big branches the fine 
amounts to 24 panas, for even greater damage i, e. the cutting off 
of trunks, the perpetrator is punished with the first amercement, 
which amounts from 12 to 96 panas ; 16 and in case of the greatest 
damage i. e. the felling of the respective trees, the perpetrator is 

i Y. 11-229. 2 Echites carry ophyllata, kind of jasmine 
Hit. ad Y. 11-229. * Ammania Vesicatona. Hit. ad Y 11-229 

* Xtnum odorium. T Hit, ad Y. 11-229, e a grape dr0ta 

ou^nensis. * Mit, ad Y. 11-229. 10 M * a d Y II /29 

I' Mit. ad Y, 11-229. cocculus cordifoleus. is M\t ad Y IT 229 
K. 197, ( |. 23 ) i. K . 197, 6-9 ( |, 23 ). ie K! \92 ( ' 69~) 



Juridical Studies in Aheient Indian LazU 237 

punished with the middlemost amercement, which amounts 
from 200 to 500 parias. J 

On the other hand, in case of injuring of less useful plants 
( *, cWT ) which bear flowers, fruits, or provide shade,-half of 
the above fines shall be levied. 

According to K. it makes no difference where these trees 
have grown. 3 

These are the rules referring to the restitution i, e. repayment 
of the damage really done, which -as mentioned above- depends 
on the real value ( praetiurn affectionis is not taken in account) 
of the destoryed or damaged plants which is the property of the 
wronged person. 

B. Vi. knows also the rule of the loss of profit (lucrum 
cessans ). We read there s ^fir =5T 



And all such offenders ( shall make good ) to the owners ( of 
the trees or plants cut off or destroyed by them ) the revenue 
which they yield i. e t the profit which they earned from the trees 
or plants being their property. In what way, however, this 
" profit " should be calculated is not stated in this source of law, 
Therefore, the general legal rules should be applied to this case. 

7. The Dharmasatras also contain rules relating to the 
prohibition of eating some plants which are considered unclean. 
To these plants belong red and white garlic, onions, leeks, 
mushrooms, red gums from trees, exudations from trees, frumenty 
rice milk, fresh beanes, turnips, brinjals, gourds, kucunda, 
kumbharida, tree-roots and others, the modern equivalents of 
which are difficult to find. * 

It is -evident that these rules have purely religious meaning. 

.8. The rules which, were reckoned among the groups I and II 
contain rules whose aim was the protectioa of plants ( trees ), 
but are not equal to the rules concerning the protection of nature 
reserves from the point of view of civil law. The rules reckoned 
among the first group i. e. the protection of plants from the point 
of view of religion, do not have any legal sanction. The same 
considers the rules belonging to the second group. 

1 Ibid. 2 K. 197, 10-11 ( 73 ). 8 Vi. V-59, 

4 MD. IV-5-11, Y. 1-171, Ap. 1-17, 19, 26-28, G. XVH-32, VSs. XIV- 
33, Vi. LI-3, 34, 36, B, ( Apararka 247 ) and Bhavlsyapura"ua, Brahnia- 
purana, Taittiriya-Sruti, Yama, HSrlta and Derala ( all in Vjra ihnika 
p. 511-513 ) etc. 



238 Annals of tfa Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

The aim of the rules reckoned among the third group is not 
the protection of nature reserves, but the protection of these 
plants ; therefore, this group cannot be interpreted from the point 
of view of legal protection of plants. 

As to the rules reckoned among the first and second group, 
although from the point of view of the modern system of civil 
law, they are leges imperfectas, they cannot be treated in a com- 
pletely negative manner. The ancient Indian civil law is to 
such a great extent mixed with religious rules, that religions 
sanctions "can bs considered as legal sanctions. 

On the other hand, however, it must be pointed out that the 
protection of animals is much better solved in the Dharma- 
sastras and, in particular, in the "Kautiliya's ArthasJastra. We 
find there special rules which concern, for instance, the 
prohibition of killing or torturing animals 1 , protection in their 
old age and in case of disease 2 , and even some kinds of national 
parks are mentioned there 5 , as well as prohibition of catching, 
killing or injuring deer 4 . Although it is, doubtful whether the 
aim of this protection of animals was not merely the protection 
of private property; in particular the king's property, because 
even national parks could be created for the purpose of protecting 
animals ( deer ) for the king in order to facilitate hunting. 

Although from the point of view of law we consider deer as 
State's property or we qualify them as res nullius, in any case we 
can admit that the protection of animals in the Ancient Indian 
JDharmasiatras and Arthasiastras existed. 

* 1C TI-43, ( the penalty of 500 panas is imposed for torturing to death 
calf or a milch-cow ) ; K IV-88 prohibition of harness of oxen 1?S 
or oows wh h M t i . 8lmllafly X5ty> ?89 & ?9i ^^ ^S 

ezemplanly; Brh 



-* \ 

( 123 3^4 ) 
of parts OP game whera all thfl 



are enunaerated 



Some Interesting Problems in 

MAHABHARATA TEXT-TRANSMISSION 

BY 

S. K. BELVALKA^E 
Problem No. 2* 

In the Vulgate or the Nllakantha text of the Mah&bharata, 
stanza 17th of chapter 59 of the Bhlsmaparvan ( corresponding 
to Cal, ed. line 2524 ; P. P. S. Sastri's Madras ed. chap. 54, st. 17; 
and BORI ed. chap. 55, st. 16 ) reads as under : 



: sgf : ( Cal. & Mad. TO: ) 



MacL ?*8 )ifc( Mad, <fNrr)irvf*ir: ( Mad. **<im 
( Cal. sr^far: $ Mad. srfgf <TT; 
( Mad. ^ran ) n 



The stanza occurs as part of a general description of the 
battle between the Kaurava and the Pandava warriors. It is 
thus translated by Protap Chandra Roy > 

" And some combatants were seen, who, though severely 
wounded, yet rushed cheerfully and proudly upon the foe in 
battle. " 

M. N. Butt's translation is as follows * 

" Though mortally wounded, some warriors were seen to 
rush upon the enemy in battle with cheerfulness and pride. " 

Both the translators, it will be noticed, conveniently ignore 
the second pada, which seems to have bothered scribes, editors, 
translators and commentators. The manuscripts offer quite a 
wilderness of variants, some due to similarity of letter-forms 

* Problem No. 1 was published in the Annals, BOItl t Vol. xiv, pp. 

82-87. 

11 [ Annali, B. 0* E. I. ) 



240 Annals oj the JBhmdarkar Oriental Research Institute 

in the Provincial scripts, but others doubtless caused by delibe. 
rate attempts to make suitable sense out of an apparently 
elusive original. 

The B, O. B. Institute's Critical Edition of the Parvan is 
based upon 34 Mss. of text and 7 Mas, representing five different 
commentaries ; and they offer for the pada no less than 22 
variant readings, besides 6 others found in Mss. not included in 
the Critical Apparatus. The Institute's edition claims to be 
based, as far as possible, upon strictly objective evidence, 
eschewing, as a matter of principle* all subjective considerations 
as such at any rate, as the main determining factor in the 
choice of a reading 5 and rules have been formulated as to what 
kind of objective evidence deserves first preference, what second, 
and so forth. 1 But where the variants offered are so diverse, 
and where, as far as I can make out, nearly a dozen different 
interpretations of the pada are possible, can we always avoid 
bringing in subjective considerations and choosing a reading 
which gives us u the best " sense ? This is the problem. 

The case before us is further complicated by the circumstance 
that the portion of the stanza that is textually uncertain consti- 
tutes, in practically all the variants, one compound word, and 
normally it is not permissible to take one element of the com- 
pound from one Ms. and tack on to it another element taken 
from another Ms, As far as possible, what is offered by a Ms, 
has to be treated as a unitary reading, which can be modified 
if at all by the substitution, in place of a given letter or letters, 
of others occupying the same relative place in the compound, 
IF these are taken from Mss, belonging to the same version, arod IF 
the substitution has a ' transcriptional probability to recommend 
it, such as the interchange of JT or ^r, or of FT, ?r, and * in the 
S^rada script, or the transfer of the short and long f or 3" signs, 
or the superior m^ts or <t-3TT strokes, from one adjacent letter to 
another. 

I give below the available variants, classified according to 
the versions 



J F 7 a convenient and up-to-date summing up of the position, compare 
Sukthankar s Introduction to the Ifa'^akapafvan, p. xviii, lines 21-33. 



MahAbhArata Text-Transmission Problems ; No. 2 241 

SARADA VERSION 



Si 

KASHMIR VERSION 
Ko 3FsrpftefN*ir: KI s 
K* sRFcrftef^Wor: Ks S 

K* sr 



. BENGALI VERSION 
Bi.2 Same as K* Bs.z Same as 

ARJUNAMIS'RA VERSION 
Dai ^r^rtn^fsj-cp-q^ij j) a2 



KlLAKANTHA VERSION 

Dm Same as K^ Dns Same as Ks 

DEVANAGATU VERSION 
Di 3T^rfn^ff =r: D 2 .4. 7 Same as Ks 
Da. s sr^^iRrfwr: Ds SameasDaa 
De ^^r<fT^5r^f%V: 

TELUGU VERSION 

Ts ST 

GRANTHA VERSION 
Gs 



G* Same as Ti 

MALAYALAM VERSION 
Mi 
Ms. s 



COMMENTARIES 
Ca. n [ Passed over ] Cc 



Cd tjr^T^fir^'^'^f^r^r: Cv Same as Ks 

The extra variants from manuscripts not included in the Critical 
Apparatus are : 



3 ?[ ? rrr T TT^'ST^FT^r'jrJ 4 

5 STT^^TTT^T^T^rTi 6 



342 Annals of tfa Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Several of the above readings, it will be noticed, do not make 
any sense at all, unless they are slightly corrected. After that, 
the following interpretations seem to be possible ; 

( 1 ) ^[^T>3Trer^[re]^f?N: [ &ET: or <W: ] ( The wounded 
warriors rushed upon the enemy, ) dragging after them mass 
( aplda ) of entrails ( from the gaping wounds ) ; 

( 2 ) SRTcft^sre^onr: ( The warriors, before they rushed 
upon the enemy, ) pulled out ( the arrows ) so as to remove the 
( smarting ) pain : sutfteHff cf sroT *9Tr = swrfwac ; 

(3 ) ^refe*[T?fcrw: [<?c&p or e^orr: ] This can mean [a] 
They pulled out ( the arrows ) as they caused severe pain all 
round : T*r suqfsr $*rrac ; or [ b ] They rushed upon the enemy, 
wishing to excel or get the upper hand of (prakarsakah ) those 
that had inflicted pain upon them : 3rtt ^Tnfir^T *NcTR; , ^33 ; 

( 4 ^ 3T[w]^ftsreFTO: [ ^^^T: or $><fon: or ^f^T?r: ] They 
[a] exhibited ; [ b ] dragged out, while rushing forth, mass of 
entrails from their pierced body ; Vadiraja, however, explains: 
[ c] They took out the mass of entrails and put them on the 
head or round the neck to stem their bleeding wounds: 



: I *> How exactly this is to be conceived is not quite 
apparent ; 



( 5 ) 3tf $r JpcTm^tnjfsror: This can mean [ a ] They dragged 
the pierced arrows out ( by their own teeth ) causing extreme 
tooth-ache. Devabodha, however, explains : [ b ] They rushed 
forth ' wishing to excel the tusk-fight " ( of the wounded, and 
therefore infuriated, elephants ) : * *fti3*mRr: I ; 

( 6 ) CTrftesrefta[ 'fer ] : - Thdy rushed forth, dragging 
after them their ( loosened ) jewelled head-gear ( apida ). This 
is possible on the supposition that the head-gear' consisted 
of a long pheta or turban ; 

( 7 ) 



e wou e 

similar to no. 4 [ b ] above, except that the word pinda is more 
familiar than aplfa ; 



&** f rfch drft sging after th.m 

their head-gears of various kinds -, 



MahM&rata Text-Transmission Problems : No. 2 243 



( 9 ) an*m<fte$*PT: or "'fair , if emended as %<f%; or *%Wb to 
qualify the noun 51^: , is capable of a simpler interpretation, but 
the emendation would be purely subjective. The readings 
with *r*srr or srr^r ( ? srerr ) as the initial letters of the 
compound, I am not able to explain. 

In the Critical Edition I have accepted, as a matter of 
principle, in view of the plethora of available variants with 
equal pretensions to originality, the reading of our best Ms. , viz. 
Si, needing only a slight correction in the last two letters, 
which was made on the basis of the readings of the allied Mss. 
Kl. 2. This is a^legitimate procedure, and it so happens that the' 
reading 3T?cT<fr3Tf3^ff or: j s capable of yielding a tolerably good 
sense. I thus understand the situation. The mortally wounded 
warriors, [ a ] at the risk of augmenting the death-pangs ( antapttfa- 
mkarsi^a^ ) ; or better, with a change of the sibilant, and read- 
ing f^fffiPr: [ b ] so as to lessen their death pangs, rushed upon 
their assailants in revenge. Such an act is conceivable and even 
probable. The picture is in any case not as frightful as that of 
the warriors plucking out the flesh-embedded arrows by their 
ov/n teeth, or dragging after them the entrails from the gaping 
woundsnot caring even to stave them by the hand or placing 
garlands of entrails on the head and round the neck 1 

A passage like the above is the despair of the text-critic, who 
has to leave behind all his normal methods of objective criticism 
and make a last forlorn appeal to what is known as " higher 
criticism ". But even there he has to keep as near to the canons 
of objective criticism as the circumstances would permit. Such 
extremely elusive passages are, fortunately, rather rare. I do 
not know whether, with other possible emendations, the passage 
before us can be made to yield any other satisfactory interpreta- 
tion. I shall gladly and gratefully consider any such, If kindly 
communicated to me. 



AN 'iDILSHlHT FARMlN-OORRBOTIONS 

BY 

G. H. Khare 

The farman which serves as the base of this note was first 
discovered by Sir J. N. Sarkar in 1930 and its text with an expla- 
natory note was published by him in the Indian Historical 
Quarterly Vol. VII, pp, 362-364, June 1931. Since then I had the 
occasion to examine this very farman along with others and I 
found that Sir J. N. Sarkar had committed some mistakes in 
editing the same, I, therefore, re-edited it with the necessary 
corrections and explanatory notes and published it in the quar- 
terly of the Bharata Itihasa Samshodhaka Mandala, Poona, Vol. 
XIII. No. 2, September 1932 ; Persian Sources of Indian History, 
Vol. L p. 50, 1934. In 1940 were published in a book-form the 
scattered articles of Sir J. K Sarkar under the name ' House of 
Shivaii ' in wich appears the translation of the farman with the 
explanatory note ( chapter VI. p. 84 ). In the preface of the book 
the author states that chapter VI has been greatly modified and 
added to. But I regret to remark that the mistakes shown by me 
have neither been rectified nor justified. The only change in the 
new form is the disappearance of the text of the/arm^ and con- 
sequently the textual mistakes. But neither the purport of the 
farman nor the explanatory note has been modified and the mis- 
takes in them have been repeated. I, therefore, give here the texb of 
the farman and correct the two grave mistakes committed by him. 

TEXT OF THE ffARMiN 
[ Seal of Muhammad 'Adilshah * ] 
[ ... ^y* ^^ ^k j)*+] uJ^ ^(^ ^ U y 

uaj ^,) &] 

^^f ^ Jl>M 
j* >^ [j] 



Lt ua, 



)j) 
/ ), 



jt 
^ L ? u^ ^ J ^j& 



An c J4dilsh&hi Farm an- Corrections 245 

( I ) Sir J. K Sarkar Las deciphered the words in the round 
parentheses as ' Khandojl wa Bajl Khopadiyanra '. The farman is 
torn into two strips and Sir J. N. Sarkar was misled. But I 
have deciphered the farman very carefully after joining the two 
strips of it and I have found that there is the letter j between 
^f and ]js b^j and the word must be read as J/ kjjj Moreover 
as against seven references 1 where Khandojl and Bajl Ghorpade 
are mentioned together, I have not come across a single instance 
as yet where Khandojl and Bajl Khopade are referred to con- 
jointly. I would request Sir J. N. Sarkar to record somewhere any 
such references detected by him in the course of his studies. I even 
doubt about the existence of any Bajl Khopade in Shi vajfs times. 

According to Sir Jadunath Sarkar's reading two Khopades 
were sent against Shahajl's deputy Dadajl Kondadeva and others; 
bub according to my decipherment two Ghorapades were sent 
against them. Fortunately my decipherment not only stands on 
its own merit, bud is also corroborated by a very reliable piece of 
evidence. Sivabharata whose authenticity and contemporaneity 
Sir J. 1ST. Sarkar has now nothing to grumble against, describes in 
a graphic manner what Shivajl, the great, had said to the warriors 
assembled around him at the news of his father's confinement. 
Therein he refers to his foimer exploits thus : 



cT*srf H^Twr?: 11 



n ch. XIII, w. 43-45 

Here three incidents have been enumerated : ( 1 ) reinstating 
one Candraraja on the principality of Jayavalll ( Javali ) after 
capturing it j ( 2 ) subduing the Ghoraphatas ( Ghorapades ) and 
( 3) making the chief of Phalasthana ( Phaltan ) fly away before 
him. As these three incidents have been mentioned in an 
exhorting speech by Shivajl, the great, immediately after his 

1 Sauadapatreih p t 105 ; s'ivacaritras5hitya Vol. II, No. 268 , VoL III, 
Eos. 544, 547 ; VoL IV. Nos. 718, 719, 721. 



246 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

father's imprisonment in the middle of 1648 A. D., the incidents 
themselves must have taken place before this time. We know 
that the first incident happened early in 1648 A. D. Supposing 
the events to have been recorded in a backward sequence, the 
second musfc have happened some time before 1648 A. D. Though 
the far man does not refer to Shivajl, the great, the Ghorapades 
were undoubtedly sent against him ; for Dadajl Kondadeva was 
only the manager of Shahajfs Jaglr in Maharastra, but Shivajl 
his representative. However as Dadajl was the legal deputy of 
Shahajl, only they have been mentioned in the farman and 
Shivajfte name deleted. This incident must have taken place 
immediately after the date of the farman ( 1-8-1944 A. D, ), 
The date of the third incident, therefore, goes back to a still 
earlier period. 

( II ) In the explanatory note added to the farman Sir J. N. 
Sarkar makes the following statement: 'Kanhojl Jedhe' 
Deshmukh of Bhor, in the Puna district came over to Shivaji's 
side during the latter's contest with Afzalkhan (16^ ) and with 
his own contingent fought the Maratha king's battles right 
manfully in various places for- many years afterwards.' May I 
remark that both the parts of the statement are incorrect ? 

Jedhe chronology, which even in the opinion of Sir J. N. 
Sarkar is one of the most valuable sources of early Maratha 
history, itself clearly states that Shahajl immediately after his as 
well as Kanhojl's release from confinement in 1649 A. D sent the 
latter to Shivajl at Poona in order to help him against any odds 1 
and there are documents which show that Kanhojl constantly 
mded with Shivajl from 1649 onwards though the Bijapur Sultan 
and Jus officers often issued orders in his name against Shivajl. 
In the same way xt can also be shown that Kanhoj! did not seem 
o have survived long after 1659 ; for we find his sons mentioned 
m documents from about 1662 onwards 2 



Bivacaritrapradipa p, 17. 

. 46, Sivacaritrasahifcya Vol. n, No. 219, 



MlR KHUSRAW OR FARRUKHFAL - A REJOINDER 

BY 

G. H. KHAEE 

Since the publication of my note 'Mir Khusraw or FarrukhfaF 
ID the Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 
( Vol. XXIV, pp. 239, 240 ), I had a chance to attend the Session 
of the Indian Historical Records Commission held at Udaipur in 
December 1944. There in the exhibition arranged in connection 
with that session, I saw a painting of Farrukhfal in which he 
was shown reclining on his stomach against a cushion resting on 
another cushion. The tray probably with some eatables which can 
be seen in my Society's painting is indeed absent in it ; but ifc has 
one very important detail which is not to be found in any of the 
paintings referred to and described in my note. To the proper 
left of the reclining person stands an old, rather imatiated man 
in profile, facing to the left and with his hands in a posture of 
supplication. He has a Mughal turban on his head and a scarf 
on his shoulders. He is slightly and thinly bearded and a little 
bit bent as an old man naturally would be. Both the persons are 
partly touched with pale colours and in all appearance the paint- 
ing seems to be very old. More important is the fact that it bears 
twice or thrice the seal with a legend which can be deciphered 
thus : Ui a b j (J k *> )j r ] ^ tj ^ V 'x*. This clearly proves that 
this painting itself belongs most probably to a period prior to 
Aurangzeb Alamglr. But the most important fact is that it bears the 
name J I* v-f in Persian at the upper right hand corner and the 
Nagari legend *rrs <*rswra aTreronHfO 1 %r in golden letters at the 
bottom. Besides these legends there appears the following qua- 
train at the top of the painting. 
La** ;*** 



The inscription on the back begins with the word ^ 9 contains 
the following quatrain and ends with the endorsement ^Uai 

?* 5 s J' tfV 



It must, however, be admitted that with all these details the 
question of the indentification of the person depicted still remains 
unsolved, 

12 lAnnaU. B. O. B. I. ] 



MISCELLANEA 
PUR1NIO SOURCES OF THE VIBHUTIYOGA 



IN THE GlTA ( X ) 
BY 

A. P. KARMARKAH 

f 

The Puranas, while dealing with the different aspects of 

Indian culture, have incorporated materials from existing 

literature, floating traditions and various other sources. Thus 

they have ransacked almost all the existing data regarding 

ancient Indian polity, socio-religious problems, the economic 

ideals, art and architecture, and others. But it is also too true 

that while assimilating all that was best in other literature, they 

have also been a source of inspiration to many an author of the 

subsequent centuries. 

The Bhagavadglta is an excellent instance in this connection, 
In fact we find that innumerable passages from the Glta have 
been incorporated in the different Purasas. Best of all, even the 
votaries of the non-Vaisnavite sects have written whole texts 
after the fashion of the Bhagavadglta e. g. the Devi git a ( Devl- 
BhagavataPurSna)of the Saktas, and the livaragita ( Kurma 
Purapa ) of the Saivas. But, on the other hand, the Glta also 
seems to have been a borrower from the Puranas in so far as 
there are common features between the passages of the Glta and 
the Puranas. One of the unique instances is that of the Vibhuti- 
yoga of the Bhagavadglta ( chapter X ). 

Krsnaissaidto have related all about his manifestations in 
this world. All that is best in every category of the religio-social 
ideas of the age, is said to have been the particular manifestation 
of the Supreme Being. Wonderfully enough, we find that similar 
passages occur in the various Puranas. But they are used in an 
absolutely different connection. It is said that after Prthu was 
anointed as king, he became the master of the world , and that 
he later on appointed the lords (sub-) of the plants and others. 



Miscellanea 249 

We think that such an idea was current in those times perhaps 
In the form of a floating tradition. And, while the Puranas 
seem to have adopted it in its original form, the author of the 
Glta seems to have appropriated and made it as his own of 
course after having made his own additions to the original. 
As an instance we are quoting the verses from the Padma 
Purana l for the information of the reader : 



H 



rf<raf ^ m*^ n 
u 

H?g; u 



u 



^ u 
' tigs ^rfrcn^r^fr^n^M 

II ^ II 

1 1 

w ^8 u 
n 



ij*n<jrf f^^r t^rt 



Purana, Sri$ti-khanda t Adh, 7, Vs. 69 ff. 



KUPPUSWAMI SASTRI RESEARCH INSTITUTE 

BY 
A, P. Karmarkar 

The comparatively cooler times during the duration of the two 
great wars have really acted as an impetus in the fietdspf Rese* 
arch in India. And after the foundation of the Bhandarkar Orih 
ental Research Institute, we find the inauguration of the Ganga- 
nath Jha and Kuppuswami Sastri Research Institutes respectively, 
The whole function of the opening ceremony of the Kuppuswami 
Sastri Institute was carried on under the presidentship of the Rt 
Hon, V. S, Sriniwasa Sastri, at Madras Sanskrit College, Mylapur, 
on the 23rd April, 1943. It was all a grand success, Mr, S, V 
Ramamurthi, Advisor to His Excellency the Governor of 'Madras, 
made an inspiring speech and laid stress on the eminent scholar- 
ship of the late Pnt. Kuppuswami Sastri, and the learning he 
valued and loved. Mr. K, Balasubrahmania Aiyar read the report 
of the work done so far. 

Both in his life-time and after, Mr. Kuppuswami has acted as a 
source of inspiration in the field of Indology, And a fitting res- 
ponse has been given by the public. India is in need of such 
centres of Research, And it is with the greatest admiration and 
pride that we welcome this new Institute. 

The Institute begins the work with a library of 2000 rare 
volumes, and with the project of a few publications of the writings 
of the late reputed scholar. 

We earnestly make an appeal to the public and especially to 
the Government of Madras to render substantial help to this 
Institute, 



REVIEWS 

PESHWA BAJIRAO I & M ARATHA EXPANSION by V. G. 
Dighe, M.A., Ph.D. Pub. Karnatak Publishing House, 
Bombay, 1944, Rs. 6. 

If the remarkable achievements of the Marathas in history 
have not yet found their legitimate place in historical studies in 
India, a very large share of the responsibility rests on the 
shoulders of the Maharashtrians themselves. Though considerable 
research has been carried on for decades now, the fruits of such 
studies have not been made available to non-Marathi readers by- 
local writers. The result has been an encroachment of this field by 
ill-equipped outsiders, sometimes with disastrous effects. The 
sooner historians of Maharashtra awaken to the seriousness of this 
the better will it be to the interests of Maratha history. 

Those obsessed with microscopic research have also been 
labouring under the delusion that the stream of materials must 
run absolutely dry befote they can undertake to utilise it in 
writing a satisfactory o* correct history of the Marathas. This 
will never happen. Meanwhile they cannot prevent aliens 
poaching into their preserves with undesirable consequences. 
What Shivaji and Bajirao did in the political field needs to be 
repeated in the field of historiography by the natives of the soil. 
No real history can be written by outsiders. 

We therefore heartily welcome the present monograph under 
review, produced by Dr. Dighe of the Bombay Records Office, 
A short notice of this important contribution, written under 
irksome restrictions of paper economy, cannot do adequate justice 
to it. Besides, it is easier to pick holes in the writings of others 
than to produce anything impeccable oneself, It is surprising 
that the greatest military genius after Shivaji, produced by the 
Maratha race, has taken so long to attract a native biographer. 
Bajirao I wrote a very important and glowing chapter of 
Maratha history with ' blood and iron ' between 1720-40, 
Dr. Dighe has chronicled his ' political biography ' with 



252 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

meticulous effort and thereby filled in an important gap with 
the careful sifting of up-to-date materials. In English 
Bajirao was incidentally dealt with from the Mughal angle by 
Irvine in his Later Muglials^ and by Dr. Khan, from Persian 
materials, in his Nizam-ul~Mulk Asaf Jah L Professor Sinha's 
Rise of the Peshwa Power, largely based upon the Siyasat of 
Rao Bahadur Sardesai, had all the limitations of an introductory 
work. The present work is more mature, scientific and terse, 
It completes the author's Marathi work entitled ERrasrHqr 'SrTTcfe 
tfrfswr (^o-^sgo) published in 1933, bringing to bear upon 
the theme the fruits of his further research since then. His 
detailed treatment of tie Janjira and Salsette campaigns bears 
evidence of this. Unlike other biographers of Baji Rao, Dr. 
Dighe has avoided the perhaps not unpardonable temptation of 
romantic treatment. He never digresses from what is historically 
relevant to his deliberately restricted subject 

This is not a complete and all-sided biography of the great 
national hero, nor a history of his limes. It modestly confines 
itself to ' Maratha Expansion ' without venturing into the 
speculative fields of wiser statesmanship. In other words, Dr, 
Dighe has not indulged in the easy diversion of being wise after 
the event Readers will readily concur with his verdict that 
" with all his achievements Baji Rao cannot be hailed as a 
great constructive genius fit to rank with Shivaji. He made no 
attempt to mould or reform the political institutions of his state 
in a way that would benefit his people permanently. 

A valuable bibliography, interesting appendices and a helpful 

f f? end of his 8i2teen chaptera have enha * ced the 

T lm f.^* tatfon to the study of Maratha 
for English readers. Minor errors like "to effect a 

the discrepancy of 



S. R. Sharma 



Reviews s 253 

BRHAT-KATHAKOSA OF ACARYA HARISENA, edited 

* 

for the first time by A, 3ST. Upadhye, M.A,, D.Lifct , Professor, 
Rajaram College, Kolhapur. Singhi Jaina Series, No, 17, 
Bharatiya Yidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1943. Quarto, pp. 
20 + 128 ( Introduction ) + 402 ( Text, Notes, Indices etc. ) 

tinder the general editorship of the veteran Jaina scholar, 
Muni Jina Vijayaji, the Singhi Jaina Series, founded by the 
pious and enlightened liberality of Sri Bahadur Singhji Singhi 
of Calcutta and now given a permanence by being associated 
with the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan of Bombay, has already 
signalised itself by the publication of several important Jaina 
works. The eminence and erudition of the general editor fur- 
nish in itsell a guarantee of the high standard of scholarship 
maintained in the texts which he has himself edited, as well as 
in those which has been edited by scholars carefully selected by 
him ; and the large-sized volumes, printed on good paper and in 
bold type by the well-known Nirnay Sagar Press of Bombay, 
present an attractive appearance to their substantial content. 

Among the works so far published in this series, the most 
interesting to the general public are the two Prabandha collec- 
tions of Merutunga and Rajasekhara Suri, to which is now added 
the present publication, as important specimens of Jaina 
narrative literature. Professor Adinath Neminath Upadhye, who 
has already to his credit critical editions of several Prakrit, 
Apabhramsa and Sanskrit texts, has very wisely selected 
the present editio princeps of Harisena's Katha-koia, which 
certainly keeps up his established reputation of conscientious 
thoroughness and scholarly skill. It is unfortunate, however, 
that the editor had to start with the serious handicap of rather 
imperfect manuscript material, for the only three not-very- 
correct Devanagarl paper manuscripts available for constituting 
the text belong to the same family or group, and go back, on the 
editor's own showing, to a palpably " common source in the near 
past " Tiis has naturally taxed the editor's skill and scholar- 
ship to the utmost ; but one must say that he has attained a very 
large measure of success in presenting a readable text, to which 
is appended a full apparatus criticus and textual notes. 



254 Annals of the Bhandarkar* Oriental Research Institute 

The lengthy but learned introduction, written with care, 
diligence and soundness of judgment, brings together all 
available material bearing upon the work itself, the author, its 
data, its language, the type of narrative literature ifc represents, 
its sources and extent of indebtedness, and other relevant points 
of interest and importance. In this connexion the editor goes 
back to the early legendary elements in Vedic and Epic litera- 
tures, and distinguishes between what he calls the Brahma^ip 
and Sramanic ideology respectively, postulating the evolution of 
a great " Magadhan religion, " indigenous in its essential traits 
which in his opinion, is responsible for the emergence of different 
types of legends, different ethical values and different outlook* 
He agrees with Winternitz that the Jaina and Buddhist litera- 
tures, as the best representatives of this Magadhan religion, are 
the major custodians of the ancient Indian ascetic poetry, which 
finds its best expression in their tales and fables. After a brief 
surrey of Buddhist narative literature, the editor analyses the 
broad traits of the narrative sections of the canonical and poat- 
cancmical Jaina literature, and finds in them the same ascetic 
and didactic tendencies. With regard to later types, he distin- 
guishes five different kinds of Jaina narrative literature, 
consisting respectively of the lives of Salaka-purusas, biographies 
of individual Tlrthamkaras, the religious tale presented in the 
romantic form (e.g. the lost Tarangalola), the semi-historioal 
Prabandhas and lastly the Kathanakas, It is shown that the 
didactic and dogmatic spirit of the ascetic ideal is writ large 
on all of them. This is followed by a diligent survey of the 
Katbanaka literature with which we are here directly concerned, 
followed by a detailed account of the AradhanS texts, especially 
the Bhagavati Aradhana, which cover a wide range of dogmatic 
and ascetic subjects. The editor believes that the Katha-kosa is 
directly associated with the Bhagavatt Aradhana, and shows that 
the source of the various Katha-ko&as go back to some Prakrit 
commentary on this important Prakrit text. The title and 
content of Harisena's Katha-Jcosa, in particular, are then discuss- 
ed, the various strata of the text analysed and its relation to 
other Katha-kosas carefully examined. Its cultural heritage and 
literary kinship are also scrutinised, social and historical 



Reviews 255 

information gleaned, and the language of the text, particularly 
its grammar and vocabulary, critically studied. The lexical and 
grammatical peculiarities, especially the obvious Prakritisms, 
Sanskritisation and Vernacularisms, are indeed of great interest 
to the student of the so-called Jaina Sanskrit. With regard to 
the author Harisena, it is found that he belonged to Punnata- 
samgha, and that he composed his Katha-kosa near Wadhawan 
in Kathiawad in 931-32 A. D,, during the period of VinayakapSla 
of the Gurjara-pratihara dynasty of Kanauj. 

There can be no doubt that the publication bears ample 
evidence of careful scholarship and unstinted labour 5 and the 
very competent and meticulous editing certainly enhances the 
intrinsic value and interest of the work itself. The text contains 
157 stories of well told and varied interest. Although the main 
object is to uphold the moral and religious ideals of Jainlsm, 
its importance consists in the place it occupies in Indian 
narrative and ascetic literature in general ; and the labours of 
the editor are amply justified from this point of view. 

S. K. De 



13 I Annals, B. O. B. I. 



256 Annals oj the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

1 MOUNTAINS OF INDIA, By B. C. Law, M. A., B L., Ph.D., 

D.Litt. Series Itfo. 5 of the Calcutta Geographical Society 
University of Calcutta, 1944. Pp. lii + 56 

2 BIVERS OF INDIA, By B. 0, Law, M.A., B.L., Ph.D,, 

D.Litt. Series No. 6 of the Calcutta Geographical Society, 
University of Calcutta, 1944. Pp. 



In the ahove monographs Dr. B, C. Law has given a systema- 
tic and brilliant survey of the Mountains and Rivers of India, 
In doing so, he has made use of Indian literature, the accounts of 
the Greek Geographers, and the itineraries of the Chinese pilgrims, 
The present works are the author's excellent master-pieces. 

3 UJJAY1NI IN ANCIENT INDIA, By B, C. Law, M.A., 

B.L., PLD., D.Litt. Published by the Archaeological 
Department, Gwalior State, 1944. Pp. V-M24- Illustrative 
Plates NOR 8. 

s 

With his rare vision and perspective Dr. B. C. Law has 
done full justice to the subject. The work deals with the various 
topics : fl ) Name and Location, ( 2 ) Evidence of Yuan Chwang 
and Periplus, ( 3 ) Political History, ( 4 ) Ujjayini on ancient 
coins, ( 5 ) Ujjayini as centre of learning, and finally, ( 6 ) Religi- 
ous history. The work proves an excellent contribution especi- 
ally on account of its diction, method of treatment and origina- 
lity of thought. 

4 THE HOLY Ofti, Edited with au Introduction, Test, 

* 1 l ox n , an i N teil> by J> J< Pandya ' 
fc, 1944. Pp. xivi + 246. Price 



is , being edited and re - ee 

its translation or otherwise. The uui que feature of the 



Reviews 



257 



5 EDUCATION IN ANCIENT INDIA, ( 2nd Edition, revised 
and enlarged ), by Dr. A. S. Altekar, M.A.., LL.B,, D.Litt. 
Published by Nand Kishor and Bros., Benares, 1944. 
Pp. ix-f-319, Price Rs. 4/8 

This is the second edition of the work. The book has been 
enlarged on a comprehensive scale, In the new chapter on 
' General Resume 7 , the author has made brilliant" comparisons 
between the eastern and the Greek and Roman thinkers and 
medieval and modern educationists. We need not lay stress on the 
point again that the work is the first of its kind, and that it 
requires a careful study both at the hands of research scholars 
and a general reader. 

6 RGVEDA-SAMHITA WITH THE COMMENTARY OF 

SAYANACARYA, Vol. Ill, Mandates 6-8. Published by 

the Vaidic Samsodhan Mandal, Poona, 1941. Pp. xvii + 

64 + 967-J-2. Price Rs. 16/- 

The third Volume of the 'work containing Mandates 6-8 is 
placed before the public now. We would only repeat what has 
been expressed by Dr. Katre in connection with the early publica- 
tions : ' The Tilak Maharastra University and its Vedic Research 
Institute have done inestimable service to the cause of Indian 
studies by their sustained efforts and keen critical acumen and 
deserve every encouragement from the Indian public, Govern- 
ments and princes in particular '. The remark stands true even 
to this day. 

7 ALPHABETICAL INDEX OF SANSKRIT MANU- 
SCRIPTS IN THE ADYAR LIBRARY, compiled by 
Pandit V. Krishnamacharya under the Supervision of Dr. 
C. Kunhan Raja. The Adyar Library, Adyar, Madras, 
1944. Price Rs. 10/- 

Pandit V. Krishnamacharya has prepared this Catalogue 
under the supervision of the eminent scholar Dr. C. Kunhan 
Raja. The work has fulfilled the earnest need of scholars, who 
can now have at least a peep into the list of the most valuable 
manuscripts deposited in the Adyar Library. The manuscripts 
themselves cover a very vast field ^ of Sanskrit literature in all 
its branches. It is really a commendable attempt indeed J 



258 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 



8 A DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF THE 

AND PR&KRTA MANUSCRIPTS in the Library of the 
University of Bombay, Vols I & II. Compiled by Prof k 
G. V. Devasthali, M.A. University of Bombay, 1944, 
Price Rs. 20/- per set, 

This is a unique Catalogue of the SaBskrt and Prakrt manus- 
cripts belonging originally to the Bhadkamkar Memorial Collec* 
tion and the Bhagavatsimghji Collection of manuscripts respeofci- 
vely, now located in the Library of the University of Bombay. 
Only those who have worked in the line may realize what 
unsparing labour must have been devoted towards the prepara- 
tion of these volumes* Prof. Devasthali has done the whole work 
excellently enough with the necessary broad vision and perspeo 
tive which he possesses. The volumes cover an account of not 
g less than 2408 manuscripts. Prof. Devasthali and Dr. P. M, 
Joshi, Librarian of the University, deserve our congratulations 
for bringing out these volumes so successfully. 

9 CATALOGUE THE ANUP SANSKRIT LIBRARY, 
Prepared by Dr. 0. Kunhan Raja and K. Madhava Krishna 
Sarma, Esqr,, M.O.L,, Anup Sanskrit Library, Fort, Bikaner, 
1944. Pp.iii + 185. 

The authors have really done a great service to the cause of 
Indology by preparing this most valuable and excellent * cata- 
logue of the varied collection of 1325 rare Sanskrit manuscripts 
housed in the Bikaner Fort. 

10 EARLY HISTORY OF THE VAISNAVA FAITH AND 

MOVEMENT IN BENGAL, By Sushil Kumar De, M.A., 

D.Litt. ( London ). Published by General Printers and^ 

Publishers Ltd. Calcutta, 1942. Pp. ii + 536. Price Rs. 10/- 

This could be said to be one of the most brilliant works 

written by the author in his mature years. The work is divided 

into seven chapters and deals with various topics 1. e. f The 

Beginning of Bengal Vaisnavism (Chap. I), The advent of 

Caitanya(II), The Six Gosvamins of Vrndavana (III), The 

Devotional sentiments (Basa-teatra) (IV), Theology and 

Philo fi0p hy(V), Ritualism and Devotional Practices ( VI ), and 

finally, The Literary works ( VII ). 



Reviews 259 

As the author himself remarks in his Preface, * Although the 
term Bengal Vaisnavism is not co-extensive with the religious 
system associated with the name of Caitanya and his adherents, 
the present work limits itself to a study of Caitanyaism, which 
is Vaisnavism par excellence in, Bengal. It is further limited to 
the early history of Caitanyaism '. 

After the writing of general treatises on the subject of 
Vaisnavism, one really felt the want of more specialised works 
in the field. During the last few years works like the Mysticism 
in Maharastra by Prof. R. D. Ranade, Vaisqavism in Gujarat by 
Dr. Thooty, and our work on Mystic Teachings of the Haridasas of 
Karnataka, have already stepped into the field. And Dr. De's 
work really fills in the great gap in the history of Bengal 
mysticism. With due deference to all the other scholars in the 
field, we must say, that Dr. De has for the first time enunciated 
the truth of the philosophical basis of the mystic school of 
Caitanya. With the writing of the Bhagavata Purana the wave 
of Bhakti spread in every nook and corner in India. And 
eventually the Varakarls of Maharastra, the Haridasas and 
Vlrasaivas of Karnataka, the Vallabhapanthis of Gujarat, and the 
Caitanyas of Bengal have all spread the teachings of this most 
inspiring work. But the distinction remains in so far as every 
school differs in its mystical interpretation of the teachings of 
the Bhagavata. Barring aside the problem, for the present, whether 
Caitanya drew a direct inspiration from Vyasaraya of Karnataka, 
it may still be said with great credit that Caitanyaism has great 
similarities with the school of the Haridasas of Karnataka. 

The present writer has made a marvellous attempt by bring- 
ing forth this unique work on the teachings of Caitanya. The 
author himself has indicated the nature of the difficulties beset 
while writing. He says : ' The peculiar system of erotic-mystic 
devotion of Caitanyaism, set forth as it is in a vital back-ground 
of myth, miracle and sentiment and speculation, and demanding 
a highly refined and almost super-human capacity of emotional 
abandon ecstasy, is not yet a superseded curiosity capable of 
exact academic appraisement '. 

Still the author has made a judicious selection of the varied 
mater ials-both Sanskrit and Bengali, and has presented them 
before us in the light of the scientific methods-which are so ^emi- 
nently at his command. We heartily recommend this work eminent 
production to readers in general and scholars in particular, 

A. P. Karmarkar 



260 Annals oj the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

1 VISAKHA-DATTA'S MUDRA-RAKSASA, translated 
into English from the Original Sanskrit by R, S. Pandit, 
Bombay New Book Company 1944 

The Mudra-raksasa is unique in certain respects. Unlike 
most other dramas, the theme of which is love, the Signet Ring 
deals with the problems of state-craft and policy. It has no 
room for sex-problems. It deals with men engaged in War and 
the grim struggle for power, and severely eschews women so 
that apart from women attendants the only woman introduced 
in the play is the wife- of Candanadasa. " The author is a 
realist. The signet-ring is a serious play founded upon ideas and 
the characters and plot are evolved to express them. " This 
elegant translation of the unique play is literal and closely 
follows the text both in the prose and the lyrical passages. The 
Introductory note gives some very valuable thoughts on the 
vital nature of Indian cultural traditions, on the history of the 
first contact of East and West, on the misconception of Greek 
Influence in Indian Art and drama, and on the nature of Sanskrit 
plays and the peculiar features of the play in question. At the 
end is added an excursus on a variety of topics such as the 
Sanskrit Drama, Pataliputra, the author and the age of the 
Guptas, etc,, and at the end are added textual notes. This is a 
very valuable contribution to the study of Sanskrit drama. 

2 EPIGRAPHICAL ECHOES OF KALIDASA, by Sivarama- 
murti, M.A., Memoirs of the Archaeological Society of 
South India No. 1. Madras 

^ Max Mailer's theory of the renaissance of classical literature 
in the Gupta era has already become an exploded article of faith, 
and that chiefly through a harvest of epigraphical evidence 
gathered from swaths after swaths of centuries. The present 
work gl ves in a vivid manner echoes of our classical poets-but 



i ^ r0mepgraphical records * f from the 2nd 

to the 15th century, and demonstrates clearly how Sanskrit 



f rce 

on is a * the . lntel ; eCtaal Ufe f country so much so that 
our poets and epigraph^ almost breathed that poetry with th, 



Reviews 

common air. This small book certainly makes very interesting 
reading, and the author deserves our thanks for opening up a 
new vista in our literary heritage. 

3 SNUSAVIJAYA OF STJNDARARiJAKAVI, edited by 
Dr. V. Raghavan, M.A., Ph.D., Reprinted from the Annals 
of Oriental Research, University of Madras, Vol. VII, No. 1 

The age-old domestic problem of the conflict between the 
mother-in-law and the daughter-in-law, the inexorable " ring- 
out the old and the ring-in the new, ;s and the jealousy, the 
heart-burning, the anguish of divided loyalties, the great suffer- 
ing which accompany these transitions have been all very well 
portrayed in this one-Act-Rupaka, written by a poet who belongs 
to the latter half of the XIX century. The theme is too modern 
for classical Sanskrit, but too hackneyed and jejune for a modern 
reader. The author has, however, a facile command of Sanskrit 
metre and his verses are simple and smooth and flowing. 

4 KALIDASA'S RTUSAMHARAM, with the commentaries 

of Manirama and Amaraklrtisuri, Edited by Sita Ram 
Sehgal, M.A., M.O.L. 

This is vol 2 of the Aryan Culture Series. It contains along 
with the commentary of Manirama, a fragmentary commentary 
of Amaraklrtisuri whom the editor places at the middle of the 
16th and the beginning of the 17th century. But it is not quite 
clear how so late and so fragmentary a commentary deserves 
to be rescued from oblivion, Beyond giving a word for word 
paraphrase of the text, the commentary does not supply any 
grammatical, rhetorical or critical aids to our appreciation of 
the author. The book is priced at Rupees ten, which in spite of 
War-time inflation is too exorbitant considering the worth of 
the material offered in its pages. Nor is the edition as critical 
as one would have wished. Two or three instances should 
suffice thus a Pada index is added but the editor should have 
gone a step further and indicated by the letters a, b, c, d whether 
the Pada in question is the 1st or 2nd or 3rd or 4th in the 
quatrain. The 3rd Pada of the opening verse of canfco HI is 



262 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 



printed as 3Tr<TS>$m%sr%Tr <T5*rn*?rr%: which ought to have been 
printed as one expression aTrcr^^rrr^f^rTrfr^ r^qr%: to yield 
proper meaning. It is not clear if this is just a slip or a deliberate 
emendation. Both commentators regard it as one compound 
expression, which to our mind, it is. On page xxvii the expression 
" wide off the mark " for the correct English expression " wide 
of the mark " is used probably through inadvertence. The brief 
survey of the season, given in the introduction, however, shows 
the editor's wide acquaintance with Sanskrit classical poety. 

5 THE ARYi-SATAKAOF APPAYYA DlKSITA, edited 

by N. A. Gore, M.A,, with a Sanskrit commentary by 
V. Raghavan, M.A., Ph.D. 

Prof. Gore deserves our thanks for bringing out this century 
of Aryas, which is a delightfully devout and fervent poem, with 
an undercurrent of humour, and an abundance of playful wit 
and punning repartee, wherein the worshipper prays for grace 
and mercy. Dr. Ragbavan's exposition of the text is very lucid 
and is certainly a very valuable aid to our understanding of the 
poem. The question whether the work belongs to the famous 
AppayyaT)Iksita of Kuvalayananda and Citramlmarhsa fame or 
to some other writer of the same name must remain undecided 
in the absence of decisive evidence, although Prof. Gore 
inclines to the view that it is the composition of the famous 
rhetorician. 

6 DHVANYALOKA AND LOO AN A WITH KAUMUDl, 

by Uttungodaya, and Upalocana by Mm. Kuppuswami 
Sastri, published by the Kuppuswami Sastri Research 
Institute, Madras. 

This is just the Erst uddyota of the Dhvanyaloka with two new 
commentaries. The text i s very carefully constituted from new 
Mas. and will be, when compute, a valuable help for a clear under- 
standing of this classical work on rhetoric. It is to be hoped that 
the managers of the Institute will endeavour to publish the 
remaining fascicules without much loss of time. 



Reviews 



263 



or the Flight of Hanuman, the Vanara"{ Super- 
man ) chief, by air. By Diwan Bahadur C. 1ST. Mehfca. 
The main thesis of the author is " that the great epic War of 
the Hamayana was practically one between the combined race of 
Naras (Aryans) Vanaras or Hari-Rksas (Mongolians and 
Russians ) who lived in the Northern Hemisphere on one side and 
the Negro (Raksasa ) races inhabiting the Southern Hemisphere 
on the other." So it was a global struggle, and on philo- 
logical grounds the author seeks to identify Eavana's Lanka 
with distant Australia, while the Andaman and Nikobar 
represent the submerged Mainaka mountain-( we have fco drop 
Anda-from Andaman and -bar from Nicobar and what remains 
is Man H-Nico which is your *Rre a fact which is as clear as 
daylight provided you have the discerning eye of the etymo- 
logist who sturdily holds the motto ' * g q- n^nra:-*ror*f fer^r: 
^xm^, ). Java, Sumatra, Bali and other island ridges are the 
Sunda group of islands over which by island-hopping Hanuman 
flew to Havana's Lanka i. e. Australia. This is the sfcory of the 
Sundara-Kanda which should really be Sunda-Kanda as it 
refers to Hanuman's flight over the Sunda group of islands. One 
wonders what to admire in this book-whether his philological 
temerity, his imaginative sweep or his comprehensive vision of 
a world divided latitudinally into the Northern and Southern 
Hemispheres peopled by white and yellow races on the one hand 
and the dark races on the other. 

C. B. Devadhar 



14 [ Annali, B. O. B, I. ] 



BOOKS RECEIVED 



Abhidharmakosjakarika II. 

Abhisamayalamkara-Prajna- 
paramita-Upadesa-sastra, E. 
Obermiiler. 

Acyutarayabhyudaya of Raja- 
natha Dindima, by A, N. K. 
Aiyangar, Adyar Library, 
Adyar, 1945, 

Alexander's Route into 
Gedrosia, by Sir Aurel Stein, 
( Sir Aurel Stein Memorial 
Number of the Journal of the 
Sind Historical Society, 
Karachi, 1944. ) 

Annual Report of American 
Historical Association for the 
year 1942, Yol II, Ltters from 
the Berlin Embassay 
1871-1874, 1880-1885, edited by 
Paul Knaplund, Washington, 
1944. 

Annual Report of the Mysore 
Archaeological Department 
for the year 1943 University 
of Mysore, Mysore, 1944. 

Avadanasataka, I, II, Vol. II, I 
VoL II. II. Vol. IL III-IV. 
Ill, IV, J. S. Speyer. 



Bharat-Kaumudl, Studies in 
Indology in honour of 
Dr. Radha Kumud Mookerji 
Part I, Allahabad, 1943. 

Bodhicaryavatara I. 

Buddhapalita ( Mulamadhya- 
makavrfeti, I, II, M. Wallesser, 

Buddhist Logic Vol. I. Th, 
Stcherbatsky. 

China, India and the War, Part I, 
by Prof. Tan yun-Shan, 
Calcutta, 1944. 



Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. XIV, 
Supplementary Inscriptions 
in the Mysore & Mandya 
Districts, by Dr. M.H. Krishna, 
Mysore Archaeological Survey 
Mysore, 1943. 

Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. XV, 
Supplementary Inscriptions 
in the Hassan District, 
Dr. M. H. Krishna, Mysoie 
Archaeological Survey, 
Mysore, 1943. 



Historical Tamil Reader, by 
P. S. Subrahmanya Sastri, 
Artnamalai University, 
Annamalainagar, 1945. 

Indices Verborum to JSTySya- 
bindu of Dharmaklrti and 
Nyayabindutlka of Dharmo- 
ttara I, Sanskrit - Tibet Index, 
II, Tibetan-Sanskrit Index, 

Jain Religion and Literature, 
Vol. I, by H. R. Kapadia, 
Lahore, 1944. 



Books Received 



Kavya Kaustubha, by Baladeva- 

vidyabhusana, Calcutta. 
Kien-Chui-Fan-Tsan. 
Kuan-Si-in-Pueer, W. Radloff 
B. C. Law, "Volume, Part I, 

Indian Research Institute, 

Calcutta, 1945. 
Life of Raosaheb Prof. Lakshrnan 

Ganesh Sathe, by Prof. P. M, 

Limaye, 1943. 
Madhyamakavatara par Candra- 

klrti, I, IT, III, IV- V, V. 

Poussin, 
Madhyamakavrtfci, II, III, IV 

VI, VII, V. Poussin. 
Madhyanta-Vibhanga, Discourse 

Th. Stcherbatsky. 
Mahvayutpatti, I, II, III. 

r^^ sir. ST. nr, 



Modern China, A short History, 
by Tan Yun-Shan, Kitabistan, 
Allahabad, 1944. 

Nyayabindu( 1904 ), I, IL 

Nyayabindu ( 1918 ) I. 

Nyayabindutippani ( 1909 ) 

Padyaveni of Vedanta, by Dr. 
J. B. Chaudhuri, Pracyavani 
Mandir, Calcutta, 1944. 

Prajnaparamita Ratnaguna- 
samuccayagatha ( Sanskrit 
and Tibetan Texfe ) E. Ober- 
miller. 

Eagavibodha of Somanatha, by 
S. Subrahmanya Sastri, Adyar 
Library, Adyar, 1945. 

"Rastyrapalapariprccha, L. Finot. 

Saddhrmapundarikasutra 2, 3. 4, 
5, H. Kern and B. Nanjio. 

Sanskrit Wc5rterbuch in seven 
yolumes O. Bohtlingk. 



Santanantarasiddhi, I-IL 
Siksasamuccaya, II, III, IV, 0. 

Bendall. 
Sphutartha, I, II, S. Levi and 

Th, SfccherbatBky. 
Srimati C. Saraswati Bai T s 

Commemoration Volume, by 

M. S, Ramaswami Aiyar, 

Egmore, 
Sukthankar Memorial Edition, 

Volume II, Analectu. Karnatak 

Publishing House, Bombay, 

1945. 

Suvarnaprabhasa. III-1V, V-VI, 
VII-III. 

Suvarnaprabhasa ( Das Gold- 
glanza sutra, I-III, W. Radloff. 

Taranatha's Edelsteinmine A, 
Griinwedel. I-IL 

Tattvartha Sutra, of Sri Uma- 
svami, by A. Shantiraja Sastri, 
University of Mysore 
Mysore, 1944. 

Tisastvustik, II,' W. Radloff 

TJkranian and South Russian 
Gypsy Dialects, A. P. 
Barannikav. 

University of Travancore 
Calender for 1944-1945, 
Part II, Trivandrum, 1944. 

Journal of the Travancore 
University, Oriental Manus- 
cripts Library, Trivandrum 
Vol. I, No. 1, April 1945. 

The Trial of Science, for the 
Murder of Humanity, by 
A. S. P, Ayyar, Madras, 
Vakyartha Ratnam with the 
Suvarna Mudrika of Ahobala 
Suri, by R, Rama Sastri, 
University of Mysore, 
Mysore, 1943, 



OBITUARY NOTICE 



FEIN. V. K. RAJ A WADE, M. A. 



Born in 1860, in a village in Konkan, Prin. V. K. Rajawade, 
matriculated from the N. E. School, Poona, had his College 
education in the Deccan College, Poona, and the Wilson College 
Bombay, and he passed his B A. examination in the first class 
in 1882. It is said that he had a serious difference of opinion 
with his Examiners and this lost him his first class in M. A,, so 
that he refused to take his degree, feeling angry at the injustice 
done to Mm. This mood was subsequently put away by some of 
his friends, so that a spirit of perfect understanding and respeet 
for the examiner ultimataly prevailed in the heart of this fiery 
examinee. The examiner was no less a person than the late Sir 
R, G. Bhandarkar, the guru of young scholar, and strange as it 
would seem, Prof, Rajawade, later entertained highest respeot 
for his teacher, a respect which was amply verified in the 
Professor's strenuous efforts in connection with all the activities 
of the Bhandarkar 0. R. Institute, ever since the idea of its 
foundation was mooted in the early years of the second decade of 
this century. 

Although sincerely attached to Sanskrit studies, Rajawade, 
after passing his M. A., got an appointment as Professor of 
English in the Arts College at Karachi, and there he applied 
himself to English studies most intensively, so that he soon 
made for himself a name as a model Professor of English. When 
Prof. Kelkar of the Fergusson College, died, the late Hon. Mr, 
G. K. Gokhale, in tie interests of the D. E. Society, most 
cordially invited Professer Rajawade to join the Society, 
Rajawade had sure prospects of substantial Tpromotion, but in a 
spirit of pure sacrifice, he left Karachi, and joined the D, E. 
Society, where he made his English teaching most beneficial to 
thousands of students, and retired in 1914. 

His genuine love of Sanskrit had, however, only been 
suppressed, all these years, and as soon as he was free, he took to 



Priii. V. K. Rajawade, M.A. 




Born 27-2-1860 J | Died 17-12-1944 



Obituary Notice 267 

Sanskrit studies, and one is surprised to find, that -at an age 
when almost all persons, in differ ant walks of life, seek physical 
rest and mental peace, this giant with fresh energy and bright 
intellect, aided by a clear head, did creditable work in that field. 
His " Words in Rgveda, " as also his Marathi and English 
editions of Yaska's " Nirukta, " are proofs of his ability and 
patient labour. 

After retiring from the D. E, Society, his services were, for 
soine time, utilised in the Jnanakoa work of Dr. Ketkar, and 
it was at this time, that some students and admirers of Sir R. G. 
Bhandarkar conecived an idea of starting an Oriental Research 
Institute, in Poona, to commemorate the name and work of the 
great Sanskrit scholar, and Prin. Rajawade joined the working 
Committee, and took active part in the deliberations and 
activities that led to the foundation, on 6th July 1917, of the 
B. 0. R. Institute. Prin. Rajawade was the first Chairman of the 
Executive Board, and when, soon afterwards, the proposal for 
bringing out a Critical Edition of the Mbh. was brought into 
proper working order, Prin. Rajawade acted as a member of the 
Mbh. Editorial Board, in which latter capacity, he continued to 
work till the end of his life. The preliminaries of the Institute 
were really a hard task for the workers, and it goes to the credit 
of Prof. Rajawade, that he never flinched from this self-imposed 
duty. Later on, he left Poona, to work as Principal of the 
M. T. B. Arts College, at Surat, where he used to teach Sanskrit. 
After his return to Poona, Prin. Rajawade was elected President 
of the Vaidika Sarhsiodhana Mandala, where he guided the batch 
of young scholars like Messrs. Sontakke and Kashikar, and 
Vedic Research has had a substantial addition in the form of 
the critical edition of Rgveda Samliita, w^th -the Sayanabhasya, 
which this Society is bringing out. 

Prin. Rajawade suffered from weak eye sight, but he never 
allowed this defect to hinder his work. A strict disciplinarian 
and a staunch adherent of Truth, this respectable ftsi, had a 
tender, human heart, which never failed to draw sympathetically 
towards the deserving sufferer. He suffered from serious family 
losses; the untimely death, in 1920, of his son Prof. C. V. 
Rajawade was really a stunning blow, to the father already 



268 Annals of tk Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

bowed down by age ; but this bereaved parent merged all U 
sorrow in his favoruite pursuit which his death ( 17-1H9M 
alone could put a stop to ! 

The Bhandarkar Institute Celebrated its Silver Jubilee fe 
January 1943, when due honour was done to this veteran 
scholar, by having at his hands, planted a Vata tree, to 
commemorate the occaaion. Of late Prin. Rajawade, being mui 
advanced in age, took little part in any public activities, yet he 
was always ready to speak openly with any scholar, who saw 
him in his home, and many scholars, young and old, thus availed 



He waa scrupulously regular in all hie daily habits, and his 
ability to work, even in extreme old age, was due mainly to 
his good health. 

S. N. Tadpatrikar 




PUBLICATIONS OF THE INSTITUTE 

Mahabharata Volumes already published Rs, As. 

Vol. I-Adiparvan ( i ), ed., Dr. V. S. Sukrhankar, M.A., 

Ph.D. ; Fasc. 1-7 ; pp. cxvrn + 996. 33 o 

Vol. II-Sabhaparvan ( 2 ), ed., Prof. Dr. F. Edgerton ; 

Fasc. 13-14 ; P'P- LXVI1 + 5*7 12 o 

Vols, III & IV-Aranyakaparvan ( 3 ) ed., Dr. V. S. 

Sukthankar, M.A., Ph.D. ; Fasc. 11-12 ; pp. XLII 4- 

uri. 18 o 

Vol. V-Virataparvan ( 4 ), ed., Dr. Raghu Vira, M.A., 

Ph.D. ; Fasc. 8 ; pp. LX + 362. n o 

Vol. Vl-Udyogaparvan ( 5 ), ed., Dr. S. K. De, M.A., 

D.Litt. ; Fasc. 9-10; pp. LIV -f 739 19 i 

Volumes in press 

Vol. VII-Bhismaparvan ( 6 ) ed., Dr. S. K. Belvalkai, 
M.A., Ph.D. 

Other Publications 

Ta'iikh-i-Sind best known as Ta'rikh-i-Masumi, 
edited with Intioduction, Historical Notes, & Indices 
by Dr. U. M. Daudpota, M.A., Ph D., ( Class A, 
No. 5 ) 50 

Nirukta of Yaska, with tlte commentary of Durgacarya, 
Vol. II, edited by Prof. R. G. Bhadkamkar, M.A., 
( B. S. S. No. LXXXV) 7 ' 

Descriptive Catalogues of Mss. in the Govt. Mss. 
Libiary, at the Institute 

Vol. II, ( Grammar part I ) compiled by Dr. S. K. 

Belvalkar, M.A., Ph.D., pp. xvi + 348 4 o 

Vol. XII, ( Alamkara Samgita and Natya ) compiled 

by P. K. Gode, M.A., pp. 20 + 486 4 o 

Vol. XIII, ( Kavya ) compiled by P. K. Gode, M.A., 

Part I, pp. xxiv 4- 490 5 o 

Part II, pp. xxiv -1-523 50 

Progress of Indie Studies : A survey of work done in 
seveial branches of Indology, in India and outside, 
during the last twenty-five years ( 1917-1942), 
edited by Dr. R. N. Dande^ar, M.A., Ph.D., 
pp. 406 ; (Class B No. 8 > 8 o 



Histo.y of Dharmaftstra Literatuie, by Mm P lo f 

P. V Kane, M.A., LL.M., ( cWfi, No. 6 ) Vo l I As ' 

pp. xlvni + 760 ' ' l > 

Vol II, Pans i & ii, pp. x!vii + 66 15 o 

(-FWAf not sold separately} 

Vol. Ill, ( ,- press ) 30 o 



. 

Jinaratnalcosa edited by Pro , H . D. Velankar, M.A., ' 
Vol. I Woi ks i pp. x + 466 . ( Class c 

Tnbesjn Ancu India, by Bimala Churn Law, M A, 
^ J-., in.u., D.Lm., pp. 428 / x 

PF 4 (paper) 7 

Rjtimokkh,, by Pro f. R. D. vadekar, M.A., pp 



' 



,, Vo| t ( A 

r " ! ' C 



both Vols. 30 o 

T Tr if ike Institute 

. 1 V 



20 



IO 

A. 5 o 

12 



N. B.For the R ^ er VOjLume T O 

Conferences and an^n f ? Proceedin g s of All India Oiiental 

r i 4ll iU. dll UDtOdlTf T-^ * T * / 

ot the Institute aoolv r 'i c e lst f a 'l the Publications 
Poona 4 . ^ y :o tHe Secretary B. O. R. Institute, 



VOL. XXV ] [ PARTS I-II-1II 

Annals of the 

Bhandarkar Oriental 

Research Institute 

Volume .XXY 

1944 

EDITED BY 
K. V. ABHYANKAR, M.A. R. N. DANDEKAR, M A v Ph.D. 




POONA 

Printd and published by Dr. R. N. Dandekar, M.A., Ph.D., at the 
Bhandarkar Institute Press, Bhandarkar Oriental 
Research Institute, Poona No. 4. 



1944 



BHANDARKAR ORIENTAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE 



MANAGEMENT FOR 1942-1945 
President 

His Excellency Sir Lawrence Roger Lumley, G.C.I. E., D.L., 

Governor of Bombay^ 
Vice-Presidents 
Sir Chintamanrao alias Appasabeb Patwardban, Rajasaheb of Sangh 

Shrimaut Sir Malojirao Mudbojirao alias Nanasabeb Naik Nimbafkar, 

Rajasabeb of Phaltan 

K. S. Jatar, Esq., C.I.E. 
B. S. Kamat, Esq., B.A. 
Sir G. D. Madgaonkar, I.C.S. 

Dr. Sir R. P. Paranjpye, M.A., D.Sc, 

H. C. Kelkar, Esq., B. A., LL.B. 

BEGULA.TTNG COUNCIL for 1942-1945 

Chairman * 
Sbrimant Balasabeb Pant Pratmidbi, B.A. Rajasabeb of Aundh 

V 'tee" Chairman * 
Dr. Sir E. P. Paranjpye, M.A., D.Sc. 



Dr. A. S. Altekar, M.A., LL B., D.Litt. 
Dr. V 4 M. Apte, M.A ( , Pb.D. 
Dr. P. Y. Bapat, M.A., Pb.D. 
,tBr. V. G. Bbat, M.A., Pb.D. 
Prof. N. G. Damle, M. A. 
Rao Babadur K. N. Diksbit, M.A. 
Prin. D. R. Gadgil, M.A., M.Litt. 
tProf. A. B. Ga*3endragadkar, M.A. 
Mm. Prof, P. Y. Kane, M.A., LL.M. 
Prof. D. D. Kapadia, M.A., B So. 
Prin. R D. Karmarkar, M.A. 
Dr. Mrs. Irawati Karve, M.A., Ph.D. 
Mr. N. C. Kelkar, B.A , LL.B. 
Prof. Dbarmananda Kosambi 
Hon'ble Mr. Justice N. S. Lokur, 

B.A., LL B. 
Prof. D. V. Potdar, B.A. 
&ban Babadur Prof. Abdul Kadar 

_, _ T Sarfraj, M.A. 

iJr. I. J . S. Taraporewala, B.A., Pb D 
Prof. B. D. Yadekar, M.A. 

*To be elected annually. 



Joint Trustees 
Sardar G. N. Mujumdar, C.I.E. 
Diwan Babadur K. M. Jbaverr, 

M.A., LL.B. 

EXECUTIVE BOARD for 1942-45 

Prin. J. R. Gbarpwre, B.A., LL.B. 

( Chairman } 

Dr. R. N. Dandekar, M.A., Pb.D. 

( Secretary} 

Prof. C. R. Devadbar, M.A. 

( Treasurer) 

IProf. K.'V. Abhyankar, M.A. 
Rao Babadur Dr. S. K. Belvalkar, 

M.A., Ph.D. 

tDr. S. M. Katre, M.A , Pb.D. 
Dr. V. G. Paranjpe, M.A., LL.B M 



tDr. M. B. Rebman, M,A., Pb.D. 
Dr. P. L. Vaidya, M.A., D.Litt. 

t Nominated by Government, 



CONTENTS 
VOLUME XXV,, "ARTS I-IMil 

( 1-12-1944 ) 

ARTICLES PAGES 

Buddhist Studies 1918-1943 by Dr. P. V. Bapat, 

M.A., Ph.D. ... 1-35 

Tbe Rastrakutas of Manapura by Mm. Prin, 

V 6 V. Mirashi, M. A., LL. B. ... 36-50 

The Riddle of the Curse in the Mahabharata by 

N. 0. Kelkar, B.A., LL.B. ... 51-62 

Glimpses of Education in Ancient India by 

Dr, Radha Kumtid Mookerji, M.A., Ph. D. ... 63*81 
Some Interesting Probi0ras in Mahabharata Texi- 

Transmission : Problem No. 1 by Dr, S. K, 

Belvalkar, M.A., Ph.D., ... 82-87 

Progress and Indian Philosophy by Dr. P. T. 

Raju, M.A., Ph. D. ... 88-98 

Vidyasagara's Commentary on the Mahabharata by 

Dinesh Chandra Bhattaeharya,M.A. .., 99-102 

New Light on the Chronology of the Commentators 

of the Mahabharata by P. K. Gode, M.A. ... 103-108 
Human Sacrifice in Proto-India by Dr. A, P. 

Karmarkar, M.A., LL.B., Ph.D, ... 109-115 

The Date and Time of the Bharata War: A New 

Approach on Astronomical Considerations by 

Prof. K. V. Abhyankar, M,A. ... 116-130 

MISCELLANEA 

Samghas in Panlni by Prof. K. M, Shembavnekar, ... 

M.A. 137-140 

Karahataka and Karhada Brahmanas by Mm, Prof. 

P. V. Kane, M.A., LL.M. ... 341-142 

An 'Adilshahl Farman Against ShivajI 9 the Great, by 

G.H.Kbare. - 143-144 

The Three Earliest Jain Influences on Mughal 

Religious Policy: Padmasundra, Anandaraja, 

and Ajayaraja by Dasharatha Sharma, M.A. ... 145-146 



(ii) 

REVIEWS PAGES 

Lingadharanacandrika of Nandlke^vara with, trans- 
, lafcion and full notes by M. R. Sakhare, M.A., 

T.D., ( Cantab ), reviewed by Dr. 8. K. Belvalkar, 
M.A,Ph.D. ...' UW48 

A Handlist of the Arabic, Persian and Hindustani 
Mss, of New College, Edinburgh, By R. B. Serjeant, 
Ph.D., re7iewed by Prof. B. D. Verma, M.A., ... 143 

Why Exhibit Works of Art ? Collected Essays on 
the traditional or " normal " view of Art by 
Ananda K Coomaraswamy, reviewed by Prof. 
S. R. Sharma, M.A. ... 149 

Gatha Ahunavaiti : Text with a free English Tran- 
slation, by Dr. Irach J. S. Taraporewala, B.A. 
Ph.D,, reviewed by Dr. R. N. Dandekar, 
M.A., Ph.D. ... 150 

The' Rjulaghvl of PurnasarasvatI, edited by Prof. 
N. A. Gore, M.A., reviewed by Prof. C. R. 
Devadhar, M,A. ... 151 



-R-o By Pt. 

Ramprasad Bhatt, reviewed by Siddheshwar 
Varma. _ m 

Vedanta-PaScadasI, edited with commentary by 
Eayaprolu Linganasomayaji, B.A..B.L , reviewed 
by Dr. A. P. Karmarkar, M.A., LL.B., Ph.D. ... 152 

Books Received _ 153-155 

OBITUARY NOTICES 

The Late Pandit Rangacharya Raddi, by Dr. V, G. 

Paranjape, M. A., LL.B., D.Litt. ... 156 

( 1 ) Professor A, Berriedale Keith, ( 2 ; Mr. Behramgore 
T. Anklesaria, by Dr. R. N. Dandekar, M.A., 

Ph.D. -.CM -I EQ 

.. 15 7-1 DO 



A Statement Presented by the General Editor 

AT THE INAUGURATION OF THE 

MAHABHARATA PRINTING DEPARTMENT 
of the B* 0. R, Institute Press 

[ 25tli of March 1944 ] 



Exactly twentyfive years ago - on the Caitra Buddha 
Pratipada of the Saka year 1841 - the Bhandarkar Oriental 
Research Institute, which had then not even completed 
twelve months of its corporate existence, took a momentous 
step forward, which is sure to be regarded, in the years to 
come, as a veritable landmark in the annals of Oriental 
scholarship in this country ; for, it was on the morning of 
that day that Sir Ramkrishna Gropal Bhandarkar wrote 
down with his own hand, on collation-sheets specially pre- 
pared for copying down the variant readings of the Mss., 
word by word and letter by letter, the opening benedictory 
stanza of the Great Epic of India : 



and thereby formally announced to the world the Institute's 
determination to undertake the preparation of a critical 
edition of the great National Epic of India. Such an edition 
was indeed, for years, recognised on all hands as a sore 
need of Oriental scholarship. We, in fact, find it actually 
planned by the International Association of Academies of 
Europe and America : it was to be accomplished by the 
cooperation of European scholars, and with the help of 
to be raised by the Academies, After half a dozen 



ii " G&ncrcd Editor s Statement 

years spent in a reiteration of the plan with some modifica- 
tions, a small brochure of eighteen pages was actually printed 
" for private circulation " to afford scholars an idea of the 
kind of critical edition that was intended to be produced, 
But of that original and somewhat ambitious project, nothing 
further except this small specimen could be got ready; 
and the last European War made the further carrying out 
in Europe of any such project by international cooperation 
practically impossible. 

It was indeed heroic - some might even characterise 
it as foolhardy - for an institute, which had not even one 
year's work behind it, to aspire to shoulder this very great 
responsibility, which had already been tried and given up 
by the Associated Academies of Europe and of America, 
But in doing so, the B. 0. R. Institute was only' voicing a 
general feeling that had come over the people of this pro- 
vince, and of this country generally, that they should here- 
after learn to stand on their own legs, and begin doing 
themselves what till then could only be accomplished under 
the lead and dictation of others. An Indian edition of 
India's National Epic- and a critical and a scholarly edition 
at that- was one of the earliest tasks that presented itself 
before aspiring Indian scholarship, and particularly so when 
it was discovered that the Kumbhakonam edition ( 1906- 
1914 ), which was meant to answer the declared European 
demand for an edition of the Southern Eecension of the 
Mahabharata, had utterly failed to come up to the standard. 
That instance merely showed the danger ahead, and so 
emphasized the need of proceeding on surer and more 
scientific lines, Such failures however could not have daunted 
Young^ India or dissuaded her from what was felt as her 
bwrih-right, namely, properly editing and interpreting, for 



General Editors Statement Hi 

the benefit of the incoming generations, the outstanding 
literary masterpieces from her own traditioned past. This 
uncurbable spirit of independence and self-reliance found 
expression on more than one occasion and in more than one 
place. We find, for instance, the reviewer of one of the 
most extensively read Marathi books of the day, writing in 
the March 1918 number of the Vividhajndnavistd^ ( a 
Bombay monthly ), expressing himself as follows : 

3T7 3&i [ Epic Text Society ] <&** ^r jtffr, qfai 
*T 



[ Critical Edition of the Mahabharata ] sflif, 

Shriinant Balasaheb Pant Pratinidhi, who had completed 
his " Picture Ramayana " in 1916, and was planning, about 
this time, to follow it up by a " Picture Mahabharata, " 
likewise felt that it would be a good thing if those pictures 
could form part of a new edition of the Great Epic. Accor- 
dingly, in June 1918, he called together at his Poona resi- 
dence a small informal meeting to discuss the project. A 
more formal and a more largely attended meeting convened 
a few weeks later in the Nanawada under the chairmanship 
of Sir R. G. Bhandarkar followed, in which the Pant 
Pratinidhi declared his intention ( a ) to donate a sum of 
one lakh of rupees personally towards the expenses of the 
contemplated critical edition of the Mahabharata ; ( bj to 
undertake to illustrate it by about 200 pictures, specially 
drawn from ancient models, by himself and under his own 
direction ; and ( c ) to entrust the carrying out of the 
literary part of the project to the B. O. B. Institute^which 
was formally inaugurated in July 1917, and was going to 
commence its regular work in the next few months. The- 



for General Editors Statement 

same offer was subsequently repeated at the first annual 
meeting of the General Body of the B. O. R. Institute held 
on the 6th of July, 1918, and was gratefully accepted. Eight 
months later on the first day of April 1919, which was 
also the first day of the Saka year 1841 the work on the 
Critical Edition was formally commenced at the hands of 
Sir Ramkrishna in the manner above related. 

Since that time twentyfive long years have passed 
away. It i^ unfortunate that some of the persons who were 
present at those earlier meetings, and who were expected 
to materially help the furtherance of the project, have also 
passed away. It is due that mention be made here in 
particular of the name of Dr. P. D. Gune ? the first Secretary 
of the Institute after its regular constitution came into 
force, and of N. B. Utgikar, the editor of the tentative 
edition of the Virataparvan. But Dr. V. S. Sukthankar 
joined in August 1925, and, under his scholarly direction, 
the work on the critical edition progressed very satisfacto- 
rily, bringing international recognition to the Institute and 
its work. Under Sukthankar's lead of seventeen years, nearly 
35 per cent, of the work was completed. True that a much 
longer way lay ahead; but the workers had now fully 
settled their technique, gained confidence in their methods, 
and had acquired a momentum, so that it was naturally felt 
that the next instalments of the Edition would see the 
light of the day in a more rapid succession. But Pate had 
decreed otherwise. Dr. Sukthankar, to whom the Critical 
Edition owes so much, was himself called away from our 
midst most unexpectedly! Death caught him unawares 
and in full harness ; so that the task of gathering together 
the diverse tangled threads of the work where it was left, 
and to carry it on to its destined conclusion, became an 



General Editor s Statement v 

extremely difficult job. A younger man with a greater fund 
of energy should have been called upon to continue the 
work : the task has actually devolved upon one who is 
Sukthankar's senior by several years ! The Bhagavadglta 
has, however, taught us the correct attitude towards work 
that it may have fallen to one's lot to accomplish ; and it 
shall be the effort of the Mahabharata Department to 
accomplish it only in that spirit, keeping loyal to the tradi- 
tions of the work already established : 

5rffr TTsgj itfrkrre ^gij; ( Rgveda vii, 58. 3 C ) 
[ The path already traversed sustains the way-farer 
in pursuing the path-way lying yet ahead. ] 
One of the main obstacles in the way of more rapidly 
carrying on consistently always with the maintaining of 
the standard of efficiency and technical perfection hitherto 
attained the remaining stages of the work lying ahead, is 
the circumstance that, owing to the very complicated nature 
of the printing involved, not even the best printing presses 
on this side of India are able to put more speed into the 
work. Two forms or 16 pages ( Double Demy ) per week 
ought to be the average speed if the work is to be at all 
accomplished within measurable time. This rate we have 
hardly ever attained. The fact is that there is, at present, 
a general dearth of expert workers, and there is more work 
everywhere than they can cope with. Under the circum- 
stances, the only remedy, it was felt, was to have the 

workers exclusively earmarked for our own work ; and this 

i/ 

can happen only if the Institute is their full-time employer. 
So it was decided to inaugurate a special "Mahabharata 
Composing Room" in our Press Department. To do this it 
was necessary to take in more compositors, to purchase in 
sufficient quantity types from the Nirnaya Sagar Foundry 



vi General Editors Statement 

of the requisite variety, and to do the whole work at home 
under our direct supervision. If the rate of output was to 
be increased, this was the only way; but it, naturally, 
demanded a considerably enhanced expenditure. 

This was then a nice fix ; but it was by no means any- 
thing unusual in the life-history of the Institute. To go 
no farther, during the period of 17 years of Sukthankar's 
editorship, when the Institute was winning golden opinions 
from competent scholars all over the world, the Maha- 
bharafa Department I can say this with personal know- 
ledge, as I was the Institute's Secretary for a part of the 
period was hardly ever able to keep away wolf from door! 
The Institute, in fact, had to incur liabilities of several 
thousands ( I will not mention the actual figure to avoid 
frightening you too much ! ), and was more then once driven 
to borrow money even to meet its normal demands on the 
first of each month ! I am reminded in. this connection of 
the words of the President of one of the richly endowed of 
the American Universities, who once declared that he did 
not believe in the future of an institution that went on accu- 
mulating surpluses, and that was never driven to frame a 
deficit budget. I am quite sure that that President would 
not have found fault with the B. O. R. Institute in this 
respect at any rate. So, money or no money, the Regulating 
Council of the Institute, upon the recommendation of the 
Executive Board, decided to launch this new experiment, of 
which we are assembled here to make a formal beginning. 
* # * # 

I assumed charge of the Mahabharata work from the 
beginning of the April 1943; and I take the opportunity, 
ottered by the present function, of submitting a report of 
the work done by me daring the past twelve months. 



General Editor s Statement 



Vll 



Of the Sabhaparvan edited by Professor F. Edgerton of 
the Yale University, Sukthankar had passed for printing 
pp. 1-296, from out of which the first 200 pages were issued 
as Fascicule 13, so as to qualify the edition for the annual 
errant from the University of Bombay, which requires the 
minimum of 150 printed pages to be issued per year. th 
printing of the Sabha has now come up to pp. 456 of the 
Text and the Appendices, and pp. ix to xvi of the Intro- 
duction. Thus 168 pages were passed for press since I 
assumed charge, while approximately 140 pages more are 
expected to complete the Sabhaparvan. If nothing un- 
foreseen conies in the way, the Volume can be issued on the 
6th of July 1944, the Institute's Foundation Day. I may 
add that the pages as they are printed are sent to Prof. 
Edgerton in America ; and this is what he writes about the 
work. In a letter of September 2, 1943, he says : " I have 
been over the printed text of pp. 297-336 and found very 
little which calls for correction or comment. Thank you 
for your careful attention. 5> While revising the Press-copy 
of Edgerton's Addenda and Corrigenda before sending it on 
to the press, I had to occasionally modify it in small details, 
to remedy oversights or rectify references, as Sukthankar 
himself used to do. In. regard to one such particularly 
difficult passage ( 2. 68. 14 ), I had to criticise Bdgerton's 
interpretation. In respect of that he writes in his above- 
mentioned letter as follows : " I know of no other inter- 
pretation that I would prefer to yours, " And in a subse- 
quent letter of the 7th of December, 1943, he again writes: 
" I like your suggestion, which is certainly better than 
anything Sukthankar or I were able to think of. You can 
add this statement if you think best in the Addenda. " In a 
Postscript that he has added to his Preface of some three 
years ago, he observes " The new editor, Professor S. K. 



V1U 



General Editors Statement 



Belvalkar, has most graciously and helpfully corresponded 

with me about the unfinished work of this book I 

am confident that his scrupulous and intelligent scholarship 
will come as near to replacing Sukthankar as is humanly 
possible." So much for progress on the Sabhaparvan. 

Secondly, I am glad to report that three new Parvans 
have been assigned to three Parvan Editors : 

Dronaparvan ( extent 9494 ) to Dr. S. K. De, Dacca ; 
Karnaparvan ( extent 4982 ) to Dr. P. L. Vaidya, Poona; 
Salyaparvan ( extent 3626 ) to Dr. R. N. Dandekar, Poona, 

Of the three scholars, Dr. Vaidya has already started his 
work, while Dr. De hopes to come over to Poona for the 
work next Summer. In the case of all these Parvans, the 
preliminaries for the Parvan-editor's work in the shape of 
Mss. lists, collations, etc. have been completed by the Mbh. 
Department, and as soon as the Press-copy of any of these 
Parvans gets ready, and is approved, it will be sent to 
the Nirnaya Sagar Press, which is for the present busy 
with the Sabhaparvan. 

As to the Bhismaparvan, edited by myself, it is ready 
to go to press ; but as the Nirnaya Sagar Press is not likely 
to take up another Parvan for some time, and as the want 
' f Panting paper was urged, by the other presses approach- 
ed, as the main difficulty in the way of their taking up this 
job, it was decided to undertake the printing of the Bhisma- 
parvan through the Institute's own Press Department. 
Our Press Department, as you know, does the composing 
and the correction work, and then sends the corrected 
galleys for being locked up in form and printed at the neigh- 
bouring Aryabhushan Press. In this way several works 
have been already published, including the Institue's Annals 



General Editors Statement ix 

and the History of Dharmasastra by Mm. P. V. Kane. It 
was decided to do the same thing in the case of the present 
Parvan ; and if the experiment succeeds, in the case of some 
of the other Parvans. The typography of the earlier 
volumes of the Mbh, edition has of course to be strictly 
adhered to; and so the different varieties of the types 
required were ordered out in sufficient quantity from the 
Nirnaya Sagar Foundry. Doubt was expressed by some as to 
whether the N. S. Press would sell the required type and 
thus lose a prospective customer ; but the Press, I am glad 
to report, took a very generous attitude in the matter ; and 
what is more, supplied all our requirements within four 
weeks of the date of receiving the order. For this helpful 
co-operation the Institute ought to be certainly thankful to 
the Manager of the N. S. Press. The types have been all 
distributed into cases and properly arranged in a manner 
most convenient to the operators. The fitting up of this 
Mahabharata Composing Room has involved an expenditure 
of about Rs. 4000, which the Council had already sanctioned 
for the purpose. 

To cope with this additional work it was found necessary 
to engage two additional composing hands. Special arrange- 
ments had to be likewise made as regards efficient proof- 
correction and supervision of printing. The Aryabhushan 
Press has kindly agreed to employ, at their own printing 
machine, a special supervisor to do the needful ; while, 
besides the arrangements already existing in the Mbh. 
Department for the correction of proofs, additional provi- 
sion has also been made in that connection as an integral 
part of the Press Department itself. Some sample of the 
printing turned out by the Mbh. division of the Institute's 
Press under the arrangement which has been devised for 
the printing of the Bhismaparvan, is already in your hands 



X General Editors Statement 

in the shape of the present statement, while an actual 
sample of what our compositors are going to do in the new 
composing room is being got ready and will be here exhibi- 
ted in a few minutes. Of course you will understand that 
the printing of the latter is done on a mere small handpress 
useful only for taking out proofs.. 

Even after the completion of all these arrangements, 
our main difficulty, in the present times, would still have 
been the printing paper. The kind of white, glazed and 
durable paper of uniform tint and texture that the Mbh. 
edition requires would be available now in no paper market, 
fair or black, in Poona or in Bombay. In fact, for the 
Sabhaparvan, when the available stock of paper already 
secured ran short, Sukthankar was already forced to accept 
an inferior variety of paper, paying for it a couple of rupees 
extra per page ! It is always disconcerting to have the 
quality of the paper change in the middle of a volume. The 
Bhlsmaparvan was estimated to cover some 850 pages 
Double Demy ; and for an edition of 3000 copies no less 
than 700 reams of paper had to be secured and stocked in 
advance before the printing could be begun. This would 
have proved an insurmountable difficulty, and we were 
wondering whether all Mahabharata printing would have to 
be entirely stopped during the duration of the present War. 
Such an eventuality would have proved detrimental to the 
enterprise ; for, after the War, the paper would possibly be 
cheaper; but what guarantee was there that trained workers 
would be available ? Fortunately for us, and for the future 
of Indian scholarship, we were able to enlist for the cause 
the sympathy and the enlightened interest of Mr. K. TJma- 
nath Rao, the General Manager of the Mysore Paper 
Mills ( which are located at Bhadravati in the Mysore State ), 



General Editors Statement xi 

who agreed to supply the required quality and quantity of 
paper specially manufactured for the Critical Edition, and 
send it, owing to restrictions on Railway traffic, to Bombay 
via Mormugao. The Manager was able to do this not with- 
out problems and difficulties of his own, including inadequate 
supply of bleaching material. But where there is a will, 
there is always a way. We got the paper of course at the 
controlled rates ; and although the freight charges have 
been very heavy, and in transit some of the bales got 
damaged, that is preferable to the other alternative of an 
enforced holiday on the Mahabharata printing pending the 
restoration of normal conditions. The Institute has every 
reason therefore to feel grateful to the management of the 
Mysore Paper Mills for affording this timely assistance. It 
leads one naturally to hope that the rest of the Epic ( and 
the other literary works of the Institute also ) will be in 
future printed on the high quality paper manufactured at 
the Paper Mills belonging to one of the most progressive 
of Indian States. 

Needless to say that between the sample proof that 
you will shortly see to-day and the finished printed page of 
the actual edition there are to intervene a number of stages 
and processes. It will require some time for the things to 
adjust themselves, and, to begin with, the progress in likely 
to be slower. It is also realised that the work turned out 
at the newly established Mbh. branch of the Institute's 
Press will have to face comparison with the earlier work 
hitherto turned out by a press of long standing like the 
Nirnaya Sagar Press of Bombay. But our Department 
has made up its mind not to spare itself. The workers 
themselves feel that their credit is at stake. There is 
moreover a sense of religiosity about the work, which was 
most touchingly illustrated when, prior to the resumption 



ill 



General Editor s Statement 



of the work last April, after the sad break of two months 
consequent upon the tragical death of Dr. Sukthankar, 
the Departmental Staff volunteered to undertake, by way of 
a " Santi," the recitation in 7 days of the entire Santiparvan ! 
Where such a spirit of devotion and service prevails, one 
can feel certain of every worker doing his very best : and 
anything better than the very best that lies in one, it is 
beyond the power of man to accomplish. It may be added 
that despite all these extra items of expenditure involved, 
the work, in the long run, is going to result in a total sav- 
ing of between 10 to 15 per cent of the expenditure that 
would have been incurred if the work had been printed at 
the Nirnaya Sagar or some other Press at current rates. 

" srafa^ w^irwj^r I " While the plan of the work, as 
above outlined, would look all very fair and promising, where 
is the Institute going to find money for financing so ambitious 
a project involving a capital outlay of several thousands and 
a substantial addition to its current expenditure from 
month to month ? In this matter, to confess frankly, the 
Institute has not found any Philosopher's Stone, but is 
building almost entirely upon hopes. We have, in fact, 
confidence in the goodness of our cause ; confidence in the 
willingness of the lovers of our culture and the patrons of 
our literature - once they are convinced of the worthiness 
of the cause -to help it to the utmost of their powers ; and 
faith, above all, in the unambiguous assurance of the Lord 
conveyed in the words of the Bhagavadglta, that are apt to 
keep ringing in the ears of all believers : 



"- -* -G""*^ *-!* ^' MV VMV< ^l^lQrlVi 

[ For, no one, rny dear, who is doing what is good, 
can remain [long ] in indigence. ] 



Annals of the 

Biiandarkar Oriental 
Research Institute 

VOL. XXV ] JANUARY - APRIL- JULY 1944 [ PARTS I-II-III 

BUDDHIST STUDIES 
1918-1943* 

BY 
P. Y, BAP AT 

It Is being more and more recognised that the studies of Pali 
and Buddhism cannot be entirely dissociated from the studies in 
earlier literature of India like the Vedas, Brahtnanas and Upani- 
sads, particularly the last and, that it is not possible fco have a 
proper perspective of the Buddhist thought without thoroughly 
understanding its back-ground. Buddhism cannot be taken as 
a manifestation of an independent up-start movement, but ifc 
must be taken as a chain in the historical evolution of Indian 
thought. 

I. PALI 
In Europe 

The philological interest of European scholars in Pali studies 
in the early few years of the second half of the nineteenth 
century as revealed by Fr. Muller's ' Beitrage zum Kenntniss 
der Pali-Spraohe ' ( 1867-69 ), Senart's ' Kaccayana's Grammaire 
Palie ' with translations and notes ( Paris, 1871 ), J. Minayeff 's 

* This Is substantially the same as the Presidential Address of 'Pali 
and Buddhism ' Section at the Xllth Session of the All-India Oriental 
Conference, Benares, 1943-44. 



2 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

' Grammaire Palie ' (Paris, 1874), A Grttnwedell's c Rupasiddhi,' 
( Berlin, 1883 ) etc. was soon followed by the interest in the 
literature and religious thought of the Buddhists. It was consi- 
dered necessary to make organised and systematic attempts in 
making available to the European scholars the original Pali 
text and Dr. H, Oldenberg published in Roman characters the 
Yinaya Pitaka, or the Collection on Buddhist Discipline 
(London, 1879-83 ). When Dr. T. W. Rhys Davids retired from 
Ceylon Civil Service, he, with the help of other scholars, founded 
the Pali Text Society ( 1881 ), which since its first publication 
in 1882, has been publishing, until lately ( 1941 ), two volumes, 
at least, every year. The Society had published by the year 
1918 almost all the books of the Sutta and Abhidhamma Pitakas 
(except Apadana and Tika-patthana X If this period of J 881- 
1918 could be roughly described as being devoted to the publi- 
cation, in the main, of the original Canonical texts of the two 
Pitakas, Sutta and Abhidhamma, the succeeding period can be 
described as being devoted to the publication of the commen- 
taries on the canonical texts. Commentaries already underfcakan 
were completed and fresh ones were taken in hand and publi- 
shed. We may say now that the Pali Text Society has supplied 
to us the commentaries on most of the Canonical texts. Those 
on the Vinaya, Anguttara, Patisambhida and Theragatha are 
incomplete while those on Buddhavamsa and Apadana are proba- 
bly on the waiting list. It is needless to say how very valuable 
these commentaries have been to all Pali scholars. The indexes 
to the published texts, canonical as well as commentaries, have 
been found to be very useful and we learn with much regret that 
the work on Pitaka Concordance remained incomplete before the 
death of Mrs. Rhys Davids ( 1942 ). 

English Translations of Canonical Texts 

Another important activity of the Pali Text Society has been 
to supply us English translations of the canonical texts in Pali. 
This series, along with the Sacred Books of the East as well as 
the Sacred Books of the Buddhists, have covered most of the 
important books of the canonical literature- Miss. I. B, Horner, 
on whom, we understand, has now fallen the mantle of the 



Buddhtst Studies ^ 

Presidentship of the Pali Test Society, has given two volumes 
of the Book of Discipline and the third is reported to b0 in Pi-ess. 
These volumes along with the Yinaya Texts of Rhys Davids and 
Oldenberg ( 1881-85 ) cover most of the important volumes of 
the Vinayapitaka. A large part of the Suttapitaka is translated. 
The DIgha-and-Majjhima-nikayas have their translations in the 
Dialogues of the Buddha (1899, 1910, 1921) and Further 
Dialogues of the Buddha ( 1926-27 ) in the Sacred Books of the 
Buddhists. * The Book of Kindred Sayings' by Mrs. Rhys 
Davids and E. L. Woodward of Tasmania (1917-1930) and tho 
* Book of Gradual Sayings ' by F. L. Woodward and E, M. Hare 
(1932-36) are the translations of the other two Nikayas, 
Samyutta and Anguttara. Of the Khuddakanikaya, the most 
popular of the important volumes, the Dhammapada and the 
Suttanipata were alredy translated *by MaxmUller and V. 
Fausboll respectively in the Sacred Books of the East Series 
VoLX(1881). In the Minor Anthologies, however, Mrs. Rhys 
Davids has included the Dhammapada also along with the 
Khuddakapatha for her translation.. Udana and Itivuttaka are 
translated by F. L. Woodward, while B, C. Law has given us the 
translations of Buddhavamsa and Cariyapitaka (1938 ) in the 
same Series. We are further assured that the translations of 
Petavatthu and Vimanavatthn, with excerpts from the commen- 
tary, by H. S. Gehman and Jean Kennedy are in Press. Thera- 
and-Therlgatha have been already known to readers in their 
English garb : The Psalms of the Early Buddhists-the Sisters 
( 1909 ), the Brethren ( 1918 ). Only three volumes in this 
Nikaya the ISTiddesa, Patisambhidamagga and Apadana still 
remain to be translated. Of the Abhidhamma, Dhammasangani, 
the fin/ basic work, was already translated by Mrs. "Rhys Davids 
in her A Buddhist Manual of Psychological Ethics 7 with a 
very learned introductory Essay ( Oriental Translation Fund, 
No. XII, London, 1923). An excellent translation of another 
important Abhidhamma book, Kathavatthu, is found in * Points 
of Controvesy or Subjects of Discourse' by Shwe Zan Aung and 
Mrs. Rhys Davids (1915). B. C. Law's 'Designation of Human Types' 
(1922) translates Puggalapannatti, a minor Abhidhamma text 



4 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Thus only four works of the Abhidhamma still remain to be 
translated -Vibhanga, Dhatukatha, Yarnaka and Patthana. 

Non- Canonical Texts 

Of the non-canonical works, the most interesting ones, the 
DIpavamsa and Milindapanha, were given to us by Oldenberg 
and V. Trenckner respectively as early as 1879 and 1880, In 
addition to a few minor works of later times such as Khudd'aka* 
sikkhs, Mulasikfcha, Cha-dhatuvamsa, Pajjamadhu, Saddham* 
mopayana etc, that appeared in the P.T.S, Journals from time to 
time, the important non-canonical treatises like Abhidhammattha- 
sangaha, the most popular Manual on Buddhist philosophy 
by Anuruddha ( 1884 ), Gandhavamsa ( Journal, 1886 ), a brief 
bibliography of Buddhist books in Pali, Sasanavamsa (1897), 
a traditional account of the spread of Buddhism in Southern Asia, 
Nettipakarana, a philosophical treatise (1902), Mahavamsa 
(1908) and Culavamsa (1926-27), the Chronicles of Ceylon, 
Buddhadatta's Manuals on Vinaya and Abhidhhamma ( 1915, 
1928), Visuddhimagga (1920-21), the standard book of 
encyclopedic nature of early Buddhism and VamsatthappakasinI 
( Commentary on Mahavamsa ) came at intervals. 

English Translations of Non- Canonical Texts 
Of the most important texts of these non-canonical works, 
also .English translations have now become available. Shwe 
4n Aung and Mrs. Rhys Davids have given ( 1910 ) the trans- 
iation of the Abhidhammatthsangaha in their ' Compendium of 
rniiosophy with a masterly introduction by the former. Of 
the same work E. L. Hoffmann has given a German translation 

Lav! n 1 ^ r Burm6Se SCllolar ' P ^c*P*l P. Maung Tin 
Viln dS- tr , auslati0 ** of the Atthasalin! ( 1920-21 ) and 

Jjddhiniagw(19 i 8.31) in his - Expositor 'and * Path of 
V8 Mabel B. Rickmers 

and Culavamsa 



co ^entarie S> also have been 
readers - The Commentary on 



ed by E f World ^erature, has been translat- 

by E . Watson Burlingame in Ms 'Buddhist Legends' 



Buddhist Studies 5 

( Harvard Oriental Series, 28, 29, 30, 1921 ). ' The Debates Com- 
mentary' by B. C. Law is an illuminating: tianslation of the 
commentary on Kath&vabfchu, a text which, as tradition puts it, 
was added to the list of Abhidhamma books at the time of the 
Third Council of Pataliputta or Patna. 

The Jatakas form a literature by themselves and the standard 
edition of V. Fausboll stands unrivalled. Their popularity is 
highly enhanced by their English translations by several 
scholars working under the general editorship of Prof. E, W. 
Cowell ( Cambridge Uni. Press, 1895-1913 ). 

Thus from the shorb review of the activities of the Pali Text 
Society, it will be found that a very large portion of the credit of 
supplying critical editions, in Roman characters, of the texts of 
Pali Canon as well as of most of the commentaries goes to the 
Pali Text Society. In the work of translations, the credit is 
shared by the Society along with the organisers of the Sacred 
Books of the East, Sacred Books of the Buddhists, as well as 
the organisers of the Harvard Oriental Series, in which last we 
have another translation of the Suttanipata along with the text 
printed, facing the translation ( No. 37, 1933 ). 
Publications in the East 
( i ) Ceylon 

With the national awakening in the East, the young 
Buddhists of Ceylon were enthused with a new spirit of the 
revival of Buddhism. There was produced keenness in the 
minds of young men to revive the simplicity of the original 
Buddbist Faith, to revive the study of old Pali Texts, and to 
revive the practice of having Buddhist names in families on 
whom Christian names were more or less forced by the 
political vicissitudes of the history of Ceylon. Rich merchants 
felt an urge to do something for the Buddhist faith. In 
Hewavitarane family, there was founded a Trust called * Simon 
Hewavitarane Bequest Fund ' to provide for the publication of the 
texts and commentaries in Pali. With the assistance, in 1914, 
of the veteran Pali scholar from Maharashtra, Prof. Dharmananda 
Kosambi, plans were laid for the publication of the commenta- 
ries. Petavatthu-Atthakatha was published as the first in the series 
(1917), Then soon followed the commentaries on other texts 



6 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

like the Thera-and-Therl-gatha ( 1916 ), Dlghanikaya, first part, 
( 1925 ) etc., with the total result that by now ( 1943 ) therej, have 
appeared as many as forty-four volumes no mean accomplish- 
ment *n excellent paper, with clear type, with variants in 
footnotes, with indexes and with bold type for words commented 
upon. These are much better, on account of this last feature 
than the Aluvibara edition. Most of the commentaries on the 
Sutta and Abhidhamma books are completed, or are on the way 
to completion. The Atthakatha on the Majjhima and on the 
Vinaya, however, are a long way off their completion. It is 
much to be desired that when the commentaries are all published, 
the works of the original canon are also taken in hand, along 
with the Tlkas or sub-commentaries. It is astonishing to find 
that even in Ceylon, there should not be still any printed 
editions of the Yamaka, Patthana, Patisarnbhidamagga and of all 
the Jatakas. It is also interesting to note that in the Simon 
Hewavitarane Series, Commentaries on the Hettipakarana 
( 1921 ), Suttasangaha ( 1929) and Catubhanavara ( 1929 ) as well 
as the Visuddhimagga- Atthakatha it is customary to call it an 
Atthakatha as it has been credited to fulfil the role of an 
illuminating Commentary on the Nikayas are included. 

Although there have been several texts and commentaries 
printed elsewhere in Ceylon, which it is impossible to name, we 
may mention here Bev. A. P. Buddhadatta's Yisuddhimagga 
( 1914 ) and Apadana ( 1930 ), two volumes of the Visuddhimagga- 
Tlka ( which end with the Indriyasaccaniddesa-vannana' ) edited 
by Morontuduve Dhammananda Nayakatthera of Vidyodaya- 
parivena, Abhidhammatthavibhavinl ( 1933 ) and Atthasalinl- 
Mulatlka( 1938) published in the Vidyodaya-Tlka Publication 
Series. Dlghanikaya (all the three vols. ) is * published in the 
Manatunga publication Series (1929) and VimativinodanI, the 
tlka on Vinaya-Atthakatha is published by Dr. H. Gabriel de 
Silva, Colombo, 1935. 

( ii ) Biam & Cambodia 

In Siam, with the patronage of the members of the then Royal 
family, things have been much favourable. The Commentaries 



Buddhist Studies * 

(Atthakatha) were published in and about the year (1920 
B. E. 2463 ), while the whole of the Canon has been reprinted' 
(1925-28) on excellent paper in 45 volumes. The Jatakattha- 
katha also has been published in ten volumes (1922-24). 
There are indexes, by no means exhaustive, to the Commentaries 
and though much has thus been done to facilitate the work 
of a scholar, one cannot help remarking that the usefulness of 
these volumes would hare been increased if the original words 
commented upon had been printed in some distinctive type to 
enable them to be distinguished from the rest, as has been done in 
the books of the Simon Hewavitarane Series of Ceylon. Dlgha- 
nikaya-padanukkamo ( Index to the Dlgha ) is published under 
the patronage of the Royal Institute of Bankok ( 1933 X Pancika 
( ? Panjika ) on AbhidhammatthavibhavinI ( 1933 ) and several 
Jataka collections in Siamese have appeared. Another interest- 
ing publication is a reproduction of Lefmann's Lalitavistara 
with the Siamese translation ( 1933 ). In Cambodia, also, this 
modern activity in Buddhist publications is on the increase. 
Buddhist institutes were established at Phnom-penh (1930) 
and at Laos ( 1931 ). Several Pali texts with translations have 
appeared. Mile. Suzanne Oarpeles of Phnom-penh reported in 
1937 ( P. T. Society's report for 1937 ) that the work of the print- 
ing of the Vinayapitaka with text and translation, in Cambodian, 
in fifteen volumes was completed and that the Mahavaravagga 
of the Sarhyuttanikaya of the Suttapitaka was going to the press. 
Numerous little tracts have also been published in Cambodian 
translations for the use of the laity. 

( iii ) Burma 

Burma has always been leading in the field of Tipitaka 
studies and a whole series of canonical texts, Commentaries, 
important non-canonical works, and Tlkas have been published 
from time to time. The art of presenting the works to the 
readers in an attractive form seems to be far from the minds of 
these printers and publishers. They print even verses also 
as in prose, although in later editions attempt at improving this 
technique seems to be aimed at. Books published from the 
Hanthawaddy Press, P. G. Mundyne Pitaka Press, and Zabu Meit 



8 Annals of the Bhandatkar Oriental Research Institute 

Swe Press need to be specially mentioned. An important text 
published in the last mentioned Series is Petakopadesa by 
Mahakaccana. Hardy had prepared a copy in Roman chara- 
cters of this text and it has been still preserved in the State 
Library, Berlin. It was used by Rudolf Fuohs for his * Specimen 
des Petakopadesa, * Berlin, 1908. This is a companion volume of 
the Netti-pakararpa, but does not seem to be much studied. 
Another interesting thing about this text is that it quotes certain 
passages which are from what the author calls * Ekuttarika' 
evidently corresponding to Anguttara a title which is used by 
the Sarvastivadins, although in another place it quotes from 
AnguUara as well. Another interesting feature of this series is 
that the words commented upon are indicated by a star. A 
number of sub-commentaries like Atthasalinl-Yojana, Anutlka, 
MadhusSratthadlpanl, Atthasalinl-Mulatlka and the tlkas on 
other Atthakathas are available. 

(iv) India 

Just as the scholars of Europe, or of Ceylon, Burma, Siam, 
Cambodia etc,, prefer to use for Pali the characters used in their 
own land, so also, in India, the students of Pali prefer 
to use Indian characters for Pali. After the introduction 
of Pali studies in the University of Calcutta or of Bombay, 
the Indian student keenly felt the need of Pali books 
in ^ Indian characters. Pandit Vidhushekhar Bhattacharya's 
Milindapanha ( only a part ) appeared in Bengali script. His 
Pali Prakasa and Patimokkha appeared in Bengali, while Prof. 
R. G. Bhadkamkar published in Devanagarl characters his 
Jatakapupphamala (1912 ). With the vigorous efforts of popularis- 
ing Pali, prof. V. Kosambi published his Pali Reader, Part I 
( 1914 ), Bahiranidanavaimana ( 1914 ) and Nidanakatha of the 
Jatakatthakatha(1915). The late lamented Prof. C. V. Eajwade 
published the Ilnd part of Pali Reader as well as Hatthavana- 
sallaviharaYarhsa (1916) and later, with the co-operation of 
Prof. N. K. Bhagvat and the present writer, Majjhimanikaya 
( Mulapannasaka ) 1918. The present writer published in 1924 a 
very critical and scholarly edition of the Suttanipata, several 
hundred copies of which were unfortunately burnt in the fire of 



Suddhist Studies ^ 

the AryabhtiBhana Press ( 1926 ) with the result that the book is 
now out of print. Bimal Churn Law followed with his Cariyapitaka 
and Dathavamsa ( 1924, 1925 ), which, however, appeal- to be 
printed off by the publishers, without perhaps referring the 
proofs feo the Editor, as is so often the experience of the editors 
or authors. For, there are several very gross mistakes which 
do not appear to be possible from a scholar like B. C. Law. 
Prof, N. K. Bhagwat of St. Xavier's College, Bombay, has 
given Jatakakathasandoha (1929), Khuddakapatha (1928), 
Dhammapada ( 1935 ) and when he became a member of the 
University Senafce, he got the University of Bombay start the 
Devanagarl Pali Texts Series, in which appeared the IsTidana- 
katha ( a reprint of Kosambi's edition 1915,) Mahavamsa and 
Dlghanikaya ( 2nd vol., 1936 ), Majjhimanikaya ( Majjhima- 
pannasaka (1937-38), Therlgafcha and Theragatha (1938-39), 
Milindapanha (edited by Prof. R. D. Vadekar of Poona, 1940 ). 
Mahavagga, we understand, is in Press. Paritta and Buddha- 
ghosuppatti may also be mentioned to his credit, although one 
wishes there may have been exercised a greater care in select- 
ing the proper readings in the latter. 

A similar attempt has also been made at Saranath, Benares, by 
the Mahabodhi Sabha, and we have as many as eleven books 
of the Khuddakanikaya all the volumes except the Jataka, 
Niddesa, Patisambhidamagga and Apadana edited by Eahula 
Sankrfcyayana, Ananda Kausalyayana and Jagadl^a Kasyapa and 
published by Rev. Uttama of Burma. B is not for us, here, to 
express any opinion on these attempts, but even as first working 
editions, one wishes they had been more carefully and critically 
edited, with introduction and indexes. 

Other more praiseworthy attempts may be mentioned in 
Prof. D. Kosambi's edition of the Visuddhirnagga, part I, Text, 
published by the Bharatiya Vidyabhavana { 1940 ), Andheri, 
Bombay, Ilnd part of the same with his own independent, 
lucid commentary, Visuddhimaggadipika ( 1943 ), and that of 
Abhidhammattha-sangaha with hie own simple and remark- 
ably clear Commentary, Navanltatlka (Mahabodhi Society, 
Sarnath, Benares, 1941). Both these volumes ha^e been sup- 
2 [ Annals, B. <X B. 1. 1 



f o Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

plied with indexes and in the case of the former, he has 
also given the list of the important variants. While on 
this point, one cannot but be reminded of the attempts, 
spread over more than half a century, of the Harvard Univer- 
sity, Cambridge, Mass,, TJ. S. A,, at giving a standard edition of 
the text and translation of the Visuddhimagga, originally 
attempted by Henry Clark Warren ( 1854-1899 ), the author of 
Buddhism in Translations ( Harvard Oriental Series, ISTo. 3, 1896 ), 
Prof. D. Kosambi and the present writer have had the good fortune 
of being associated with these attempts. But we are quite at a 
loss to know why the fruit of these attempts has not yet seen the 
light of the day, Prof. 0. Y. Josh i's Manual of Pali and Pali- 
bhasa-pravesa by N. Y. Tungar, Few English School, Poona, 
have been found to be very useful manuals of Pali Grammar 
But Rev, Jagadlsia Kasyapa has giveu us an excellent edition of 
Moggallana's grammar in his Pali Mahavyakarana (Maha- 
bodhisabha, Sarnath, 1940) written in Hindi and provided with 
all the necessary indexes. This book gives, in the first . half, 
a very systematic treatment of the subject, suitable to the 
modern methods, and leaves nothing to be desired. Thanks 
are also due to the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 
Poona* for including as the first three, in their newly started 
Bhandarkar Oriental Series, books of Pali literature. Prof. R. D. 
Yadekar has earned gratitude of the student-world by his 
edition of the Patimokkha ( 1939 ) which would be found as 
highly useful by students of Yinaya. With him as joint-editor, 
the present writer has laboured for several years in preparing 
critical editions of two very difficult works of Abhidhamma 
character- Dhammasangani (1940), and Atthasalinl (1942). 
These editions have been very highly spoken of. The scholarly 
Introductions have been of considerable use even to laymen to 
understand the abstruse contents of the two works, and lay bare 
the intricacies of the subject matter dealt within these books, 
The typographical devices and the exhaustive indexes highly 
increase the usefulness of the works even as books of reference 
on the subject of the Abhidhamma. 



ig, we may also refer to Dr. Batuknath Sharma's Pali 
which gives the Pali Jstakas with their Sanskrit 



Buddhist Studies H 

rendering printed on the opposite page. This Sanskrit rendering, 
though it occasionally misses the significance of the Pali idiom, 
will go a long way in popularising the Jatakas among the 
Sanskrit pandits. In Bengal, Thera-and-Therlgatha, Majjhima- 
Mulapaianasaka, Mahavagga, Buddhavamsa, DIgha ( vol. i ) 
Pacittiya, Udana were published by the -Buddhism Mission, 
Rangoon, in Bengali script. 

Translations are made, in Bengali, of the Jatakas by Raisaheb 
Ishan Chandra Ghosh, of Dhammapada by Oharu Chandra Ghosh, 
of Thera-and-Therlgatha by Bejoya Chundra Majumdar and of 
Udana and Majjhima, the latter by a gentleman from Chittagong, 
whose name I have not yet come to know. Only the other day, 
I saw a Bengali Translation of Suttanipata, by Bhikshu Slla- 
chandra. In Marafchi, also, there have appeared translations of 
Khuddakapatha ( 1928, by Prof. IT. K. Bhagvat ) of Dlghanikaya 
by Profs. C. V. Hajwade and C. V. Joshi, of the Sutfcanipata by 
Prof. D. Kosambi ( Vividhajnanavistara 1937, pp. 49-56, 89-96, 
137-144, 179-194, 229-236, 277-284, 345-52, 372-76) and of a few 
select Jatakas by Prof, O, V. Joshi of Baroda, who has also edited 
for the Pali Text Society SaddhammappakasinI, the Commentary 
on the Patisambhidamagga, ( 1933, 1941 ) and who, as has been 
remarked already, has prepared for high school students * A 
Manual of Pali ? which has become very popular as has been 
vouchsafed by the several editions through which it has already 
run. 

In Hindi, several works from Pali have been translated by the 
members of the same trio from Sarnath, severally. Eahula 
Sankrtyayana is responsible for Buddhacarya, which appears to 
give the life-account of the Buddha in the form of translations 
of original passages from Pali, as well as for the translations of 
the DIgha, Majjhima and Vinaya (first four vols. ). The 
translator, rather with a sense of gratification, mentions the 
period of only a few weeks in which the work of the translations 
was accomplished. One would really wish that the translator 
had taken at least as many months as Jhe weeks he was engaged 
on these works, as the work contains several glaring mistakes. 
Jatakas from 1-250 have been translated by Ananda Kausalya- 
yana ( Hindi Sahitya Sammelana, 1942 ). In addition, some 



12 Annals of the Bfandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

works like the Abhidhammatthasangaha, Udana by Bhikkhu 
Jagadlsha Kashyapa ( 1938 ) and Milindapanha have also come 
in Hindi garb. 

II. BUDDHIST SANSKRIT 

But Pali literature represents only a fraction of the Buddhist 
literature, It is well-known that the Buddhists preferred to have 
their literature worded in their own speech ( sakaya niruttiya ) 
and that is why we find the Buddhist literature like the Prakrit 
Dhammapada ( by Barua and Mitra ) in Eharoshthi script, in 
a spoken dialect of the people in the regions to the North-^est 
of India, or in Central Asia, or like the translations in 
Soghdian, Kutchee, or Uiguirish languages of Central Asia. 
But a time came when the Buddhists of India thought it 
necessary to adopt, for their sacred literature, the Sanskrit 
language, perhaps for securing the sanctity or, perhaps, for 
securing the facility which the Sanskrit speech enjoyed as an 
inter-provincial language, and as a common vehicle of expres- 
sion used by the Pandits, all over the Indian soil, for their 
religious or philosophical thought. Though the Sthaviravadins 
(the Theravadis of Ceylon ) remained staunch in their loyalty to 
the Pali-Prakrit idiom, the Sarvastivadins of what later came to 
be styled as the Hlnayanists, and the Mahay anists did adopt the 
Sanskrit speech for their religious literature, The Sarvastivadins 
had, as counterparts of the Pali Nikay as, the Agamas known as 
Dlrghagama, Madhyamagama, Sarhyuktagama and Ekottara- 
gama in Sanskrit. Although most of this Sanskrit literature, 
except a few fragments of the Agamas and of the Vinaya, is now 
lost, the Tibetan and the Chinese versions of these texts are 
still extant 

Literary works 

But occasionally these missing texts are, in fragments, no 
doubt, discovered from the buried treasures in Central Asia, 
K.ROhakravarti has given in his ' L'Udanavarga Sanskrit ' 
(Paris, 1930) such fragments with translation and notes in 
French. Other siitras of the class known as Arthavarglyas, 
corresponding to the Pali Atthakavagga, have also been dis- 
covered and Prof. A. F. R. Hoernle has discussed these surviv- 
lug fragments of a Sanskrit version ( JEAS, 1916, pp. 709-732 ) f 



Buddhist Studies x * 

differs from the present Pali text, in as much as several of 
these fragments reveal a prose introduction which is absent in 
the Pali version. There has been also a Chinese version of tie 
same ( Nanjio, 674 ) of which we shall have to say something later. 
A, similar version of the Pali Patimokkha appears fco have existed 
and Prof. M. Nagai has made a comparison of the Bhikkbu- 
Patimokkha in Chinese and Pali (1928). A number of 
Sanskrit manuscripts written in Gupta script of the 6th or the 
7th century A, D. have been recently discovered some of them 
as recently as 1931-32 and we are very much indebted to 
Dr, Kalinaksh Dutt for having edited, for Kashmir Government, 
these texts ( Gilgit Manuscripts, Vols. 1, 2, 1939 ; vol. 3, part ii, 
1942 ) some of which like the Bhaisajyaguru sutra, Ekadasa- 
mukha, Hayagrlva-vidya etc. are minor texts, but others like 
the Samadhiiajasutra and " Vinayavastu are quite substantial. 
Samadhiraja sntra in part did once appear as a publication 
of the Buddhiab Text Society of Calcutta in 1879, but the other, 
Vinayavastu 9 is a very valuable discovery. It is a Sanskrit 
counterpart of the Pali Vinaya, agrees, in certain chapters, very 
closely with the Pali text, though differing in others very 
substantially. The published portion is about one fourth of the 
whole and represents chapters VII-X. Chapters I- VI have been, 
we understand, entrusted to Prof. P. C. Bagohi and we are 
looking forward to the publication of these chapters as well as 
others, which are expected to cover as many as three more parts. 
The Sanskrit of this version definitely points out feo a Prakrit 
original. There is the difficulty of sanskrifcising the Pali- 
Prakrit original and several terms like the posa ( Pali, poaa ), 
paeat-6ramana ( paccha-samana ), avadhyayanti, ksipanti, 
vivacayanti ( ujjhayanti, khipanti, vipacenti ), sthapayitva 
(thapetva, in the sense of except) arthava&a ( atthavasa ) point to 
the Pali expressions. Sometimes there is an incorrect sanskritisa- 
tion as Puskarasarl instead of PuskafasadI corresponding to 
PokkharasatI of Pali. 

To our scanty collection of Buddhist Sanskrit books, 
several additions have been recently made, Saddharmapun- 
darlkasutra, one of the important sutras of the Mahayftnists 
appeared in the Bibliotheca Buddhica Series ( 1908 ff ), in 



14 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

which several other sutras have been publislied in excellent 
editions. Of the Central Asian recension of this Saddharma- 
pundarlka, we know from 1ST. D. Mironov in the Buddhist Miscel. 
lanea and W. E. Soothill has given (1930) in his * Lotus of the 
Wonderful Law, or the Lotus Gospel ? simply a rendering of 
one of the Chinese versions of the original Sanskrit text, of 
which the translator seems to be making no use. Lanka vatara 
which was printed in Calcutta in 1900 appeared in a new 
edition by Bunyiu STanjio ( Oxford Uni. Press ) in 1923. The 
Suvarnaprabhasasutra, another less important but a very 
popular sutra, has appeared at Kyoto under the editorship of 
Nanjio and Hokei Idzumi ( 1931 ). This sutra had also a local 
importance, in as much as portions of this sutra were recited at 
the coronation ceremony of Japanese kings. Johannes Nobel 
has given a very admirable edition of the same in Roman chara- 
cters, with a very learned introduction ( 1937 ), while Dr. D. W, 
Radloff has given an r Uiguirischen ' version of the same ( B, B. 
No. 27, 1930 ). The late Baron A. Von Stael Holstein has givea 
us an excellent edition of Kasyapa-parivarta ( Commercial Press, 
Shanghai, 1926), a Mahayana sutra of the Ratnakuta class, 
with Sanskrit, Tibetan and four Chinese translations. The 
unique paper manuscript on which the Sanskrit text is based was 
found in Khotan in Chinese Turkestan, towards the end of the 
last century by local treasure-hunters and sold to M. Petrovsky, 
the late Russian Consul at Kashgar, who subsequently sent 
the same to the Academy where the editor studied it and from 
which a photographic reproduction was taken by him for his use, 
It is written in characters of the Khotan variety of the Indian 
Gupta alphabet (upright Gupta) with peculiarities which 
point to the ninth or tenth century A. D. as the probable 
date of the manuscript. A Mongolian translation of the same 
,is also known to have been in existence, though all attempts of 
the editor for securing the same failed. Another important 
Mahayana doctrine of the ten bhumis or planes has been treated 
m the Dasabhumika-sutra (edited by J. Rahder, 1926 ). This 
sutra also has been a very popular sutra and has been translated 
mo ribetan, Mongolian and Chinese. A glossary of words in 
all these languages as well as in Sanskrit has been prepared by 



Sudd hist Studies I ^ 

Prof. Bahder ( Buddhica, Paris, 1928 ) and it will be highly 
useful to check up the interpretations of the original Sanskrit in 
these different translations. Prof. E. H. Johnston gave us not 
only another edition of the text of the Buddhacarita ( Cantos 
I-5IV ) already edited by Cowell ( 1893 ), hut the translation 
of original Sanskrit text as well as the translation of the Tibetan 
and Chinese versions of cantos XV-XXVIII ( 1937 ). He has 
also translated ( 1932 ) for the Punjab University another poem, 
Saundarananda, of Avaghosa. Prof. Liiders had revealed (19 11\ 
from fragments of manuscripts found at Tarfan, the existence of 
at least three Buddhist dramas, of which Saradvatlprakarana 
of Asvaghosa may be mentioned. He has to his credit another 
important discovery that of Kalpanainanditika, the original 
of the Chinese translation which gave fche wrong title Siitra- 
larakara ( Nanjio, 1182 ). He has shown that its author was not 
Asvaghosa but a TaksaSila monk named Kumaralafca ( Leipzig, 
1926 ). Prof. Sylvain Levi edited Mahakarmavihhanga and 
Karmavibhangopade&a ( Paris, 1932 ). The former gives the 
Sanskrit version of the Pali Culavibhanga-sutta of the Majjhima 
( No. 135 ) with the addition of stories included in the Pali com- 
mentaries. The efcory tells us of the birth, as a dog, of the 
father of Suka Taudeyaputra ( Pali, Todeyyaputfca )* and the 
Buddha is represented as explaining to the son that the dog 
barking in his house was none else but his father, reborn as the 
result of his karma. The Italian savant, G-. Tucci, has given 
(JRAS1934. pp. 307-25; 1936 pp. 237-252. 423-35) the first, 
second ( incomplete ) and fourth chapters of the Sanskrit text, 
Ratnavall, by Nagarjuna, often quoted in the MahlySna 
literature of India and Tibet. The third chapter is missing 
and the fifth chapter was promised to follow. Prof. Sylvain Levi 
and Susumu Yamaguchi have edited ( Nakaku, 1934 ) Madhyanfca- 
vibhagatlka, a systematic exposition of the Yoga vac ara-vijnapti- 
vada as contained in Vasubandhu's Bhasya on the Madhyanta- 
vibhagasntra of Maitreya Asanga. As important contributions 
to the Praj&aparamita literature, may be mentioned Abhi- 
samayalamkara-Prajnaparamita-upade^a-sastra, edited by Th, 
Stcherbatsky and E. Obermiller ( B, B. No. 23, 1929), the 
fascicule I of which gives the Introduction, Sanskrit text, and 



16 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Tibetan translation, A. Japanese scholar, T, Matsumofco, has 
given us ( Bonnor OrientaliBchen Studien, Heft I, Sfcufcgart, 1932) 
a specimen of the Sanskrit text (with its Chinese translation) 
known as SuvikrantavikramlPrajnaparamifca. Dr. Nalinaksha 
Dutta has given Parlcavim^atisahasrika Prajnaparamita ( Luzac 
& Co., London, 1934 ). He tells us in that connection that the 
extant manuscripts of Pancavimsati do not represent the original 
Pancavimsati from which the Tibetan and Chinese translations 
were made, Abhisarnayalamkarakarika is a commentary, from 
the Yogavacara point-of view, on the Pancavimsatisahasrika 
Prajnaparamita sutra by Maifcreyanatha. Abhisamayalamkara- 
aloka is a commentary by Haribhadra on Abhisamayalamkara 
karika and is edited by G. Tacci ( Gaekwad 0. Series, Ho. 62 
1932 ) with indices of proper names and special words. Prof, 
U. Wogihara has also given us the whole of the text in Roman 

characters ( 1932-1935 ), 

\ 
Philosophy & Logic 

As an exponent of Sarvagtivada Buddhism, nobody could be 

called a stronger champion than Vasubandhu. Prol G. Tucci 

has edited from a manuscript in Nepal copies of which could 

be traced to French Sanskrifcists also the Trisvabhavakarika of 

Vasubandhu, of which Prof. Louis de la Vallee Poussin has also 

given an edition ( Bibl.B, vl No, 163 ), Perhaps the most important 

of Vasubandhu 7 s works are Abhidharmakosa and Vijnapfcimatrata- 

siddhi. Eahula Sankrfcyayana has attempted to restore (1933), 

witt the help of the Commentary, Sphutartha-Abhidharmakob- 

vySkhya of Yasomitra, and the karika's and notes given in 

Louis de la Vallee Poussin's monumental translation in French 

( 1923-31 ), the karikas of Vasubandhu, with his own comment 

in Sanskrit. The study of this work is further aided by the 

publication of U. Wogihara's edition of that Commentary, 

Sphutartha ( 1932-36 ), of which only two fascicules are 

published (1918, 1930) in the Bib. Buddhica Series, Other 

important publications in connection with Vasubandhu's 

philosophical works are the two tracts, published from a 

Nepalese manuscript by Prof. Sylvain Levi ( 1925 ), of Vimsiatika 

with the author's Vrtti and of Trimsika with the commentary of 

Sthiramati. Hermann Jacob! has given a German translation 



Buddhist Studies 17 

of Trim^ika as well as of the Commentary. This same thesis of 
Vaeubandhu has been the subject of two other volumes ( 1928-29 ) 
of Poussin, where he is giving the French translation of the 
Chinese Commentary on Vijaapfcimatraiasiddhi by Yuan Chwang. 
G. Tucci has published ( JRAS 1930, pp. 611-23 ) from a Nepalese 
manuscript in Newari characters, a fragment from the Pratitya- 
samutpadavyakhya, Vasubandhu's Commentary on Pratltya- 
samutpadasutra. While dwelling on this point we may as well 
mention Dr. V. Gokhale's thesis ( Bonn., 1930 ) on Pratltyasarnufc- 
padasastra of Ullangha, translated into Chinese by Dharmv 
gupta ( 607 A. D. ) and Amoghavajra ( 8th century A. D. ). B. C. 
Law has discussed ( JRAS 1937, pp. 287-92 ) the various forms in 
which the Law of Causation appears in Pali texts with the addi- 
tional interesting information that while the Kurram inscription 
on a casket gives only one aspect ( samudaya aspect ), the two 
brick inscriptions at Kalanda give the same in the form of the 
Pratltyasamutpadavyakhya of Vasubandhu. Farther light is 
thrown on the subject by E. H. Johnston's c Gopalpur Bricks 7 
( JRAS 1938, pp. 547-53 ) where he tells us that on bricks II and III 
from Gopalapura ( Gorakhpur Disk, TLP. ) preserved in the Indian 
Institute at Oxford, he finds the law beginning with the middle 
and ending with vijiiana and not avidya. This stage perfectly 
agrees with that stage preserved in the Mahapadana and Maha- 
nidana suttas in the DIgha ( No* 14, 15 ). Prof. Tucci in his 
Pre-Dinnaga Buddhist Texts on Logic^ from Chinese^ sources 
( G. O. S. No. 49, 1930 ) tells us of Satasiastra of Aryadeva, 
VigrahavyavartanI of Nagarjuna, and of other works like Upaya- 
hrdaya and TarkaSastra preserved in Chinese. He also describes 
to us the Nyayamukha of Dinnaga ( JRAS 1931, p. 483 ), the 
oldest Buddhist text on logic, after Tibetan and Chinese material. 
He has also published the English translation of the same 
Chinese version, at Heidelberg, 1930. As a help to the Bunder- 
standing of the same, Sarhkarasvamin, a disciple of Dinnaga, 
wrote his Nyayaprave^a ( GOS, Np. 38 edited by A. B. Dhruva ). 
There is the Vrtti of Haribhadra, and Panjika on the latter by 
Par&vadeva. Pandit Vidhushekhar Bhattacharya has the credit 
of editing, in the same series ( No. 39, 1927 ), the Tibetan text 
with Introduction and notes etc. Our study of Buddhist logic 
is further aided by Dharmaklrti's Nyayabindu with the tlkaof 
Dharmottara, and with their most illuminating exposition in 1. 

3 [ Annals, B. 0. R. I. } 



1 8 Annals of tfa Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Stcherbatsky's I wo volumes on ' Buddhist Logic. ' ( 1930, 1932). 
Another important work on Buddhist philosophy ( 8th century 
A. D. ) edited by Pandit Embar Krishnamacharya is ' Tattva- 
samgraha ? ( GOS 30, 31, 1926 ) by Santaraksita with Panjika by his 
disciple, Kamalasslla. We have its English translation ( GOS. 
80, 83; 1937,39) by Dr. Ganganath Jha who, by his English 
translations of several Sanskrit works on Indian philosophy, has 
conferred a great boon on non-Sanskritisfc students of Indian 
philosophy. 

Taniric Works 

ManjuSrlmulakalpa edited by T. Ganapati Shastri in Triven- 
drum series has been now followed by several books on Tantrism 
and we are much indebted to Dr. B, Bhattacharya, the Director 
of the Oriental Institute, Baroda, for having got published 
several books on the subject in the Gaekwad Oriental Series. 
He himself has edited in that Series 'Two Vajrayana Works' 
(1929), Tathagataguhyaka or Guhyasamaja, the earliest and 
most authoritative work of the Tantra School ( 3rd Century 
A. D. ), with which we may also mention by the same author 
*An Introduction to Buddhist Esoterism ', London, 1932, 
Advayavajrasaihgraha, edited by the late MahamahopadhySya 
Harprasada Shastri is a collection of twenty short works by 
Advayavajrasamgraha, a professor of Adikarmapradlpa school 
flourishing in the llth century A, D. SekoddeSatlka, a com- 
mentary of Naropa or Nadapada, discovered by Prof. Tucci in 
Nepal, has been edited by his pupil, M. E. Oarelli (1941, GOS. No, 
90). It is a commentary on the Sekoddesa section of Kalacakra- 
tantra describing the abhiseka or initiation of a disciple into the 
mystic fold. Prof. P. G. Bagchi has added to our knowledge of 
the subject by his * Studies in the Tantras ' ( Cal. Uni. publica- 
tion) and by his article 'On some Tantric texts studied in 
Ancient Kambuj ' ( IHQ. 1929, pp. 754-769 ). Dr. S. K. De of 
Dacca University has described the^ Buddhist Tantrio Literature 
(in Sanskrit ) in Bengal ( NIA i. pp. 1-23 ). Dr. Jatindrabimal 
Chaudhari's edition of the Tantrarajatantra (Contribution of 
Women to Sanskrit Literature, vol 5, Calcutta, 1940) with 
the Commentary, Sudarsiana, has an interest of its own in that the 
author of the commentary is a lady, wife of another scholar, 



Buddhist Studies I9 

Premanidhi, an inhabitant of Kumaun, in early 18th century 

A. D. The authoress exhibits a literary grace and scholarly 

traits, with a command over Sanskrit language and a mastery 

of logical technicalities. She is often found to be combating 

the views of previous commentators. K. P. Jayasval has made 

use of the historical material of Manju&rlmulakalpa in his 

'Imperial History of India in a Sanskrit Text ' ( Lahore, 1934 ), 

The mystic term ' Sandhabhasa ' is traced by Vidhushekhar 

Bhattacharya ( IHQ 1928, pp. 287-96) to the Pali expression 

sandhaya bhasitam> speech aiming at or having in view a 

certain thing, which is the same thing as neyartha vacana or 

abhiprayika vacana and is used in that sense in Saddharraa- 

pundarlka, Lanka vatara etc. Dr. P. 0. Bagchi gives several new 

documents and extracts from Tantric texts and discusses various 

forms of sandhabhasa with Sanskrit and Chinese equivalents, 

( IHQ. 1950, 389-96 ). Another paper contributed by the same 

Professor to the Calcutta Oriental Journal ( 1934, No. 5 ) * Some 

Aspects of Buddhist Mysticism in the Caryapadas' deals with the 

game. Ordinary terms like boat, rat, elephant are not taken in their 

ordinary sense but they have a special sense in the mystic lore, 

Influence on South Indian Literature 

As a result of direct or indirect influence of the works of 
Buddhist masters like Dinnaga may be mentioned an Old Tamil 
classic, Manimekhalai, which was brought to light, as I am 
informed by a competent authority, by Dr. Mahamahopadhyaya 
Svaminatha Aiyyar, among some rare Tamil Classics on Bud- 
dhism. The discovery of this work has aroused great interest 
among scholars and Dr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar and Pandit 
N. Aiyyaswamy have written on the same in their various 
contributions. 

III. TIBETAN 

Aids to Study 

We must now turn to another vast store of Buddhism* 
Bkahgyur ( popularly known as Kanjur ) and Bstan-igyur 
( Tanjur ) of the Tibetan Tripitaka. The study of Tibetan ' lan- 
guage is much facilitated by the enlarged edition of Jaschke's 
Tibetan Grammar with the Addenda by A. H. Franke and W. 



20 



Annals of tie Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 



Simon ( 1929 ) as well as the reprint of Jaschke's Tibetan-English 
Dictionary. Students of Sanskrit will be grateful to Prof. Vidhu. 
shekhar Bhattacharya for his Bhota-prakaSa ( Oal. Uni.,1939), 
which gives the outlines of the Tibetan grammar and selected 
passages for reading taken from Tibetan translations having Sans* 
krit originals. The notes, translations and word-for-word render- 
ings give it the character of a ' Royal Road to Tibetan '. These 
books with the old Dictionary of Tibetan-English by Sharatchan- 
dra Das ( 1902 ) may further be supplemented by the Tokyo 
edition of the Mahavyutpafcti ( edited by Sakaki, 1926 ) which 
give the Sanskrit, Tibetan and Chinese equivalents as well as a 
highly useful index of Sanskrit words. 

Catalogues 

For the study of the Buddhist Tibetan literature, we have now 
4 A. Comparative Analytical Catalogue of the Kanjur preserved 
in the library of Otani Daigaku ' Kyoto, Japan ( 1930-32 ), This 
Catalogue compiled by B, Sakurabe and Prof. Teramoto contains 
a detailed list of sufcrae collated with the existing corresponding 
texts in Sanskrit, Pali and Chinese. It also gives the page referen- 
ces to the Narthang and Derge editions of the Tibetan Tripitaka. 
Another equally useful Catalogue of both Kaajur and Tanjur, 
edited by Profs. H. Ui, M. Suzuki, and Y. Kamakura, is published 
by the Tohoku Imperial University, Sendai, Japan, 1934. The 
indexes ( Sanskrit, Tibetan and Chinese ) are given in a separate 
volume. 

Translations from Pali 

It was for a long time believed that the Tibetan Tripitaka 
contains translations of Buddhist works from Sanskrit only. But 
on a closer examination it has been found out that there are a 
few ( very few indeed when compared with the mass of transla- 
tions from Sanskrit ) texts rendered into Tibetan from Pali. 
A distinct proof has been given by Pandit 1ST. Aiyyaswamy 
Shastri in his * First Sermon of the Buddha' ( NIA. i. 473 f f. ) 
where he gives a Sanskrit rendering of the Tibetan translation 
of Bharmacakrapravartana sutra. The colophon as rendered by 
him clearly mentions Simhaladvlpa where the translator's teacher 
tad his pravrajya and that he was staying in a Vihara which 



Buddhist Studies 

21 

was a seat of bi-linguists. Friedrich Weller has given the Mongo- 
lian and Tibetan version of the Pali Brahmajalasutta with its 
German translation (ZII Band 10 Heft 1,1935). Kanjur, Mdo vol 
XXX contains thirteen (ITos. 13-25) such texts translated from Pali. 
As prominent among such sutras may be mentioned Atanatiya- 
sutta ( DIgha, 3rd vol. ), Mahasamaya-sutta ( Dlgha, 2nd vol. ), 
Girimananda-sutta ( A, Xth nipata, vL 10 ), Mahakassapa-sufc'ta 
( Samy. Maha. li. 11. 13 ), Mahamangala ( Khuddakapatha and 
Suttanipata), Jatakanidana etc. In this connection we* may as 
well note that Nanjio in his Catalogue of Chinese Tripitaka 
often makes a remark about texts whether it agrees with Tibetan 
or whether it is lacking in Tibetan, In connection with all the 
four Agamas of the Sarvastivadins, ( Wanjio, 542-545 ) which are 
close parallels of the four Pali Kikayas, DIgha, Majjhima, 
Samyutta and Anguttara, Nanjio, perhaps on the authority of 
an older catalogue like E/-yuen-lu ( A Comparative Catalogue 
of Buddhist works collected in the K'-yuen period, A. D. 
1264-94 ), makes the following remark " It agrees with Tibetan ". 
So one may say that although the present available catalogues 
do not make any mention of Tibetan versions of these agamas or 
Pali nikayas, a further and closer examination may reveal the 
Tibetan counterparts. At any rate, as there is a Chinese record 
of the 13th century A. D. to that effect, one may conclude that 
such Tibetan counterparts did exist till the thirteenth century. 

Restorations 

The peculiarity of the Tibetan translations is that they are so 
close, word-for-word, literal translations, that with the help of 
such translations of texts and commentaries, it often becomes 
possible to restore the original Sanskrit text, Of course, there is 
still the possiblity that of the numerous synonymous words used 
to express a certain sense or idea, one may not necessarily hit 
the right word. Such attempts to restore texts are found in Prof. 
P. L. Vaidya's * Etudes sur Aryadeva et son Catuhsataka, 
chapitres VIII-XV1/ Paris, 1923;iuVidhushekharaBhattacharya's 
1 Mahay anavimsika of ISTagarjuna' and Catuh^ataka of Aryadeva, 
1931 which last really developed out of the author's review 
on Piof. Vaidya's book; in Sllaparikatha by Anantanath Basil. 



22 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

( IHQ. 1931, pp 28-33 ); in Nairatmyapariprccha by Sujitakumlra 
Mukhopadhyaya ( 1931 ) ; in Dirmaga's Pramanasamuocaya ( 1st 
chapter) by H. E. R Aiyangar, Mysore, 1930 5 or in Pandit If 
Aiyyaswamy's Madhyamakavatara of Candraklrti, Madhyama- 
karthasamgraha of Bhavaviveka, Bhavasamkrantisutra and 
Alambanaparlksa and its Vrtti by Dinnaga ( Adyar Lib. 1942) 
etc. Of this last text, there is a French translation ' Examen 
de r objefe de la connaissance ' by Susumu Yamaguchi and Henris 
Meyer, Paris. We may also mention Dr. V. Gokhle's ' Aksara- 
sataka ' of Aryadeva, a Madhyamaka text where the Sanskrit 
original is attempted to be restored with the help of Tibetan and 
Chinese. Hastavalaprakarana, a small work of Aryadeva, contain- 
ing six verses is given by F. W. Thomas and H. Ui in JRAS 1918, 
pp 267-310, with the Tibetan and Chinese versions. Prof. Etienne 
Lamote, a pupil of the late Prof. Poussin, presents to us a critical 
text of the Tibetan translation of Mahayanasarhgraha, with 
Yuan Chwang's Chinese translation and his own annotated 
French translation. The same scholar has also given us, after the 
Tibetan and Chinese versions, Karmasiddhiprakarana ( Bruges, 
1936 ) with the translation of the 17th chapter of Madhyamaka* 
vrtti in an appendix. E. Obermiller's translation of a work of 
Arya Maitreya: * the Sublime Science of the Great Vehicle to 
Salvation ' with a commentary by Arya Asanga is a manual on 
Buddhist monism. Constanty Eegamey edited Bhadramayakara 
vyakatana ( Warsaw, 1938 ), one of the minor Eatnakutasutras, 
where the Buddha is represented as the greatest of the magicians. 
Tibetan translations of VasubandWs karika of AbhidharmakoSa 
and his bhasya on the same (B. B. 1917-30 ), of Dassabhumika 
and Lankavatara suferas, of the works on logic : Nyayamuka, Nya- 
yapravesa, Nyayabindu and JSfyayabindutlka, of Samanantara- 
^ hl of Ekarmottara with Vinltadeva's commentary ( B. B, 
R VT!' -D TJd ^ a -varga by Dharmatrata ( edited by Hermann 
^eckh, Berlin, 1911 ) are some of the important works which are 
highly valuable to Sanskritists. 

Fresh Discoveries 

As mentioned above, Tibetan Tripftaka is a vast store which 
needs closer examination and which will reveal the existence of 
several works not yet enlisted in the catalogues. The great 
scholar and social worker, Eahula Sankrfcyayana, visited the 



Buddhisl Studies 23 

libraries of several monasteries in Tibet, during his frequent 
sojourns and discovered a number of new works, some of which 
proved to be the Sanskrit works considered to he lost to Sanskiit 
language. He discovered copies of Vadanyaya, Vartikalarhkara 
and Pramanavartika, the first two of which have appeared as 
publications of the Mahabodhisabha, Sarnath, and the last was 
being published in the Journal of the BORS ( App. to VoLXXIV ). 
Another discovery and identification of a Tibetan fragment of the 
Vimuttimagga, corresponding to the third chapter of the work, 
and agreeing with the second chapter of the Visuddhiraagga, was 
made by the present writer and he read papers on the same at the 
seventh, and tenth Oriental ConferenceSj held respectively at 
Baroda and Hyderabad in 1933 and 1941. His work on the 
same is continuing as is indicated by his article on * Washington 
Manuscript ' in the Annals of the BORI,Poona, vol. XXII 1941, 
where he has shown the shorter version of the text to be the 
truer one. 

IV. CHINESE 

Now I must turn to Chinese Buddhist studies. Chinese is one 
of the most difficult languages and it requires continuous study 
for years together before one can hope to get a thorough mastery 
over it. Most of the Indian works translated into Chinese are Bud- 
dhist. There are translations of only two non-Buddhist texts, one 
of which is Da^apadarthl, ( Nanjio, 1245 ) a manual of Val^esika 
Philosophy, translated by Yuan Chwang ( in 648 A. D, ). 
Prof. H. Ui has given us an edition of the Chinese text along with an 
English translation of the Chinese translation of the same, with the 
help of F. W. Thomas ( Orinental Translation Fund, vol. 24, 1917 X 
The other is Sankhya-karika. Prof. Takakusu has given a French 
Translation ( Nanjio, 1300 ) of the Chinese version of the same by 
Paramartba. For the sufcras contained in the Chinese Tripitaka, we 
have, in addition to Nanjio's Catalogue of the Chinese Tripitaka 
(1883), Prof. J. Takakusu's Catalogue of Tllsho Tripitaka (Tokyo, 
1929) which contains 20 catalogues published till now. This is 
very useful in tracing Buddhist texts, either from the name of the 
author or from the title of the text, in Sanskrit, Tibetan, Chinese 
Or Japanese, This same has also been reprinted with numerous 
additions in honour of the first Anniversary of S. Mochizuki 



24 Annals of the Bhandarkar Otiental Research Institute 

(Bib. BouddMque ). Further we have now Prof. P. C. Bagchi's 
'Le Canon Bouddhique en Chine' vol. I 1927. The second 
volume also has now been reported to be out. Another Catalogue 
has been issued (Tokyo, 1931 ) as an ' Annexe ' to the Hobogirin, 
an encyclopaedic Dictionary of Buddhism. It gives a serial 
list of all the 2184 texts in the 55 volumes of fche Taisho edition 
of the Chinese Tripitaka edited by Prof. J. Takakusu and K. 
Watanabe ( 1924-29 ). It gives ( 1 ) the index of ibhe names 
and authors of the texts in Japanese * ( transcribed into Roman 
characters), ( 2 ; the index according to the Chinese Radicals, and 
( 3 ) the index, in Sanskrit and Pali s of the names of texts 
as well as of authors and translators, A chronological table on 
China is also appended. Another interesting book for Pali 
scholars is the ' Comparative Catalogue of the Chinese Agamas 
and Pali Nikayas by Prof. Akanuma of Otani University 
( Nagoya, 1929 ). He has mentioned detailed comparisons of each 
of the Suttas in the Pali Nikayas with the Chinese texts in the 
translations of the Agamas and vice-versa with supplements 
and corrections. 

Like the Tibetan Tripitafca, the Chinese Tripitaka also is a 
vast store and unlike the Tibetan translators, the Chinese transla- 
tors except the earlier ones had an eye more to the sense than 
to the words. So, from the Chinese translations alone, it does not 
become easy to make restorations. 

Translations from Pali 

In this literature also there are several works, which may be 
considered as the Chinese translations cr versions of Pali texts. 
Besides the Chinese Agamas referred to above, there are Chinese 
texts corresponding to the Pali Dhammapada, Udana, ( Nanjio, 
1353, 1365, 1439), Itivuttaka ( Eanjio, 1321), a few stray 
Suttas corresponding jp those in the Suttanipata, especially to 
the Atthaka ( Nanjio, 674) and the Parayana vaggas ( See ' Katam 
ZaranlyanY in honour of M. Anesaki by his pupils, 1934, pp. 
289-304 ; also JPTS 1907 ), There is the Chinese version of the 

There is also a Japanese Alphabetical Index of Nanjio's Catalogue 
of the Buddhist Tripitaka with supplements and corrections, Tokyo, 1930, 
edited by Profs, Tokiwa, Ogiwara and Mino, 



Buddhist Stud^es 2j 

Vinaya of the Mulasarvastivadins, closely agreeing with the Pall 
Yinaya. Prof. 3. Takakusu has described ( JPTS. 1905) the 
'Abhidharma Literature of the Sarvastivadins ' which may be 
compared with the books of the Abhidhammapitaka of the Pali 
Tripitaka (see Introduction, p. ix of the DevanSgarl el of 
Dhammasangani by Profs. Bapat and Vadekar, Poona, 1940 ), 

Among the non-canonical texts, also, may be mentioned Pali 
Milinda, which has a counterpart in the Chinese translations 
( Nanjio, 1358, Nos. 1670 a , 1670 b of Taisho ed. ), which agree with 
only the first three divisions of the present Pali text Prof. M, 
Nagai drew attention ( JPTS 1919 ) of Pali scholars to the Chinese 
counterpart of Buddhaghosa's 'Visuddhimagga'. The present 
writer has worked out fchis problem of their interrelations in his 
'Vimuttimagga and Visuddhimagga : A comparative study' 
(Poona, 1937) where he has given a detailed summary of the 
Chinese text ' Chie-t'o-tao-lun ' ( Vimuttimagga ). There is 
another important non-canonical work San~Chie-phi-po-s-ltin 
(Nanjio, 1125 ) corresponding to the SamantapasSdika. The writer 
of this paper is working on the comparative study of these two 
works and it is expected that tke result will repeal several new 
points with regard to the mutual relation of these two books, 
as well as the several versions of the Samantapasadika before it 
reached its present voluminous size. At any rate the comparative 
study of these texts will go a long way to settle the textual 
history of the Pali work. 

Translations from Sanskrit 

But these Pali books are insignificantly smaller in number 
when compared with the Sanskrit texts having their" translations 
in the Chinese Tripitaka. Not a few texts in Sanskrit are 
merely known by their names. The actual texts are irretrievab- 
ly lost in [ndia. But they are preserved in Chinese or Tibetan 
or both and hence the importance to Indian scholars of studying 
Chinese also. There are Chinese versions of the missing chapters 
of Asvaghosa's Buddhacarita, of Dignaga's Kyayamukha, of fche 
seven Abhidharma texts of the Sarvastivadins ( Nanjio, 1373,1275, 
1276,1281, 1282, 1277 or 1292 etc. ) of Vijnaptim&tratasiddhi , a 
restoration of the first part of which has been attempted by 
Eahula Sankrtyayana with the help of Wong Mow Lam, Editor 

4 [ Annuls. B, Q. R, I. J 



$$ Annals oj the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

of Chinese Buddhist, (JBOES XIX 1933, 72 pages, & VoL 
XX appendix), of Vasubandhu's Abhidharmakosa-sastra (0-phi- 
ta-mo-ko-sho~lun, Nanjio, 1267 ), of Nagarjuna's Mahayanavim- 
$ika and of other books on logic like Upayahrdaya and Tarka- 
fcasjfcra ( by Tucci, GOS. No. 49 ). These fill in Lhe gap of the 
missing treasures- And who would not Ijike tq,have them at least 
in Chinese translations ? 

Central Asian Discoveries 

Central Asian discoveries have revealed the existence of several 
Budhhist texts in Prakrit, Buddhist Sanskrit, Chinese, Soghdian, 
Kutohean, Uigurish, and Mongolian languages. A survey of 
these will land us into an endless ocean. And besides U. N, 
Ghoshal has given us an admirable survey of this vast field 
(Progress of , Indie Studies, Bhandarkar O. R. Institute, 1942). 
I shall barely mention only a few below Khotanese Jatakastava 
( ed. by Sten Konow ), Tun-huang manuscripts in Khotanese 
containing a fragment of a legend of Kaniska and of A^vaghosa, 
fragments of Atanatika sutra ( Leipzig, 1919, ) of Eutchean texts, 
( Udanavarga, UdSnastotra, Udanalaihkara ) and Karmavibhanga 
by Sylvain Levi, Paris 1933, fragments of Upayakauaialya, men- 
tioned in the Saddharmapundarlka,discovered in Khadlik, Turkish 
Turfan texts published by Dr. W. Bang, Berlin, 1934, Chinese 
Buddhist Texts in Tibetan writing edited by F. W. Thomas to 
whom we also owe a Buddhist Chinese text in BrahtuI script 
( ZDMG. 1937, p. 149 ), Soghdian Vsssantarajataka and Soghdian 
manuscripts preserved in the British Museum. 

V. DICTIONARIES, GRAMMARS AND 
WORD-INTERPRETATIONS 

The work of Pali scholars was considerably lightened by the 
publication of the Pali-English Dictionary by T. W. Rhys 
Davids and William Stede (1921-22). Though this dictionary 
has greatly removed the handicap that was keenly felt by Pali 
scholars, J. Charpentier in his review of the same in JRAS, 1923, 
pp. 455-57, points out that the etymological part is " such that 
it ought not to appear in any scholarly work ". Articles on 
abbhuta, abhijjhslu, amacca, abhassara, aloka, ucca, ussolhi are, 
says he, amaz.ng, to use a very moderate expression. A beginning 



Buddhist Studies 27 

of another Dictionary, * A Critical Pali Dictionary', continued 
from Trenckner's beginnings by Anderson and Smith, has been 
already made and nine parts appeared till 1938. The work has 
not completed even the first letter, a, The reprint of Jaschke's 
Tibetan-English Dictionary has bean alredy referred fco above. 
The publication of Dr. P. C. Bagchi's * Deux Lexiques Sanskrit 
Chinois ' 1929, and Ilnd vol. 1937, are of great interest to Chi- 
nese Buddhist scholars. Prof. Sunitikumara Chatter jee has 
described the importance of these two works by Li-yen and I- 
fcsing, respectively ( NLA ii. pp. 741-47 ) f in that they reveal 
the peculiarities of the Buddhist Sanskrit of the regions to the 
North-west of India and of the regions in Central Asia on the 
one hand and of the Gangetic planes in the Eastern India on the 
other. Li-yen's Sanskrit was of the former type while that of 
I-tsing was of the latter. Obermlller's "Indices Verborum Tibetan* 
Sanskrit and Sanskrit-Tibetan, " of the Nyayabindu and the 
Nyayabindutlka ( B, B., 1928 ) and Bander's Glossary of the 
Sanskrit, Tibetan, Mongolian and Chinese versions ef the Da6a- 
bhumikasutra will be found very useful by students of Buddhism. 
A study of Tibetan and Chinese equivalents by Walter Simon, 
reprinted from * Mitteilungen des Seminars fur orientalischen 
Sprachen * Bd, XXXII. Hft. 1, 1930, would be most welcome by 
students of Tibetan and Chinese. 'A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist 
terms * by W. E. Soothill and L. Hodous ( London, 1937 ) will be 
considered as a good step iu the direction of an ideal work to be 
expected from the co-operative efforts of several scholars, A step 
in that direction has been already taken by the organisers of the 
Hobogirin an encyclopaedic Dictionary after the Chinese and 
Japanese sources under the direction of Prof, Takakusu and 
Prof. Sylvain Levi ( 1929 ff. ). Friedrich Weller's Chinesiehe 
Dharmsarhgraha ( Leipzig, 1923 ) and Tokyo edition of the 
Mahavyutpatti ( edited by Sakaki, 1926 ) with Sanskrit index 
will be found to be indispensable, A DevanS.garl edition 
of the Abhidhanappadlpika was published by Muni Jinavijayaji 
(Poona, 1924). A Bengali edition of the same had also 
appeared in Calcutta. And the last but the most impor- 
tant work as a reference book is Malalasekera's Dictionary of Pali 
Proper Names ( 1937-38 ). The editor deserves our warmest 



28 Annals of ifo 2>handatkar Oriental Research Institute 



encomium for carrying out single-handed a work of this type, 
We can imagine what an enormous labour it must have involved 
foryesrs together. It has tremendously helped workers in the 
field of Buddhist studies. Helmer Smith's edition of the Sadda- 
nlti, 1928-29 ft ( excellent editions of which in Sinhalese and 
Burmese characters were already available ), of which the index 
is yet to corne, would also be welcomed by European workers in 
this field. 

As regards word-study we may refer to a few articles such as 
those of E. H. Johnston ( JRAS 1931. pp, 565-592), or of 'Dr. 
A. 3L Coomaraswamy in the Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 
( VoL IV. 1939 ), or on aWfioanma in NIA iii. 1-16. We may 
also add the following li/st which will be found t9 be inter- 
esting i 

by Prof. P 5 V, Bapat 



Antaraghara 
Thlnamiddha 



T5di 



Middha 

Abhidhamma, Abhivinaya, 



in 



Edgerlon 

Miss I. B.Horuer 



Fannakara 



P. Thieme 



Yatthi in MahSvaihsa Narendranatha Law 



Vardhamana E. H, Johnston 



Dr. A. K. Coomaraswamy 



Sobhanika , 0. H, de A. "Wijesekera 



NIA i. 81-82 
F. W. Thomas 
Commemoration 
Vol. pp. 4-18 
D. E. Bhandarkar 
Commemoration 
Vol. pp. 249-58, 
NIA1. 607-10 
IHQ 1941, pp, 
291-310 
ZDMG 19S9, 
129, 132, 
IHQ 1931, 
p. 571, 

JBAS 1931, 
pp. 565-592, 
1933, p. 690, 
OstasiatiBche 
Zeitschrift, M 
iv. 1927-28, pp. 
181-182, 
IHQ 1941, pp. 



Akkheyya ( Pali ) Di\ S, M, Katre 



IHQ XI p. 



Buddhist Studies 29 

Sylvain Levi in Melanges Ane- 

saki pp. 84-95. 

Syandanika Grierson Com- 

memoration VoL 
VL LITERARY HISTORIES 

Several new works have appeared by way of giving more 
information about Buddhist literature. On the lines of 'Pali 
Literature of Burma ' ( 1909 ) by Mabel Bode, L)r. G. P. Malalase- 
kera has given us ' Pali Literature of Ceylon ' ( 1928 ). * A 
History of Pali Literature ? in two volumes ( 1933 ) by Dr. B. C. 
Law appeared and fche author has given us there a detailed idea 
of the contents of the Pali Literature, both canonical and 
non-canonical. English Translation of Winternitz's History 
of Indian Literature, part ii, by Miss Shilavati Ketkar and Miss 
Kohn (1936), substanially revised by the Author, has con- 
siderably lightened the work of non-German-knowing Indian 
students. Taranatha's * History of Buddhism in India 7 is 
being given in its English garb, from, its German translation by 
Schiefner, in IHQ 1928, 30, 31, etc., and the most interesting 
and highly valuable ' History of Buddhism ' ( Chos-hbyung ) 
by the Tibetan writer, Bu-ston, has been translated by Ober- 
miller and published in the * Materialien zur Kunde der 
Buddhismus ' by Prof. Walleser ( 1931-32 ). The very scholastic 
and the systematic handling by the editor has made the work 
highly useful for our knowledge of the Buddhist Sanskrit and 
Tibetan Literature. B. C. Law's * Buddhist Studies ', ' Studies in 
the Apadana ' ( Bombay BRAS xiii. 23ff ), ' Study of the Maha- 
vastu ( with a supplement ) ', 1930, and his latest ' Ancient Tribes 
of India ' ( Bhandarkar Oriental Series, vol. IV, 1943 ) utilizing: 
every available information on the subject, have all added to 
our knowledge. Dr. Nalinakasha Dutta has given us the account 
of the Beliefs of the MahasangMkas, Sarvastivadins and 
Sammitlyas in IHQ. ( 1939, pp. 99-100 for instance ). His article 
on Dhammasangani ( IHQ 1939, pp. 345-72 ) is worth a perusal, 
although hie statements about the chronological relations of the 
different parts of fche book are not acceptable. The present writer 
and Prof. B, D. Vadekar have put forth a contrary view as far as 
tie Nikkhepakanda is concerned ( Intro, to Dhs. pp. xv-xvi ). 



30 Anmls of the Bbandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

These last two Professors have, in their Introduction to their 
latest book on AtthasalinI ( 1942 ), pp. xxxiii-xxxv 9 raised the 
problem of the authorship of several commentaries that are 
ascribed to Buddhaghosa by tradition. This problem was 
mooted by Prof. D. Kosambi in his edition of the Visuddhimagga 
(Introd. xiv-xv) published in the Bharatlyavidyabhavana Series 
already referred to above ( p. 9 ). They have proved by 
various arguments that the tradition, of ascribing to Buddha- 
ghosa all the commentaries that are not definitely assigned to 
Dhammapala, cannot be accepted as reliable. They have shown 
(xxxiii-xxxv) thatby a comparison of the present text of the 
^ Vinaya-Atthakatha, the Samantapasadika, with its Chinese 
version, it can be proved that the former seems to have gradually 
grown in size -during several centuries and that there are 
irreconcilable references to one another in all these Attfiakathas 
wrongly ascribed to Buddhaghosa. 

VII. LITERARY PROBLEMS 

There is also the problem of two Buddhaghosa's. In the 
AtthasalinI, introductory stanzas, the author says that he has 
been writing the book at the request of a Bhikkhu, Buddhaghosa 
by name ( Bhikkhuna" Buddhaghosena sakkaccarh abhiyScito ). 
Prof. B. M. Barua ( 1C 1934, pp. 294-95 ) had pointed out the 
same fact about two Buddhaghosa's by referring to the Nigamana- 
gSth& of the Vibhanga-Atthakatha, Sammoha-vinodanI, (yScito 
thitagunena yatina Buddhaghosena ). Another Buddhaghosa is 
credited with Padyacudamani, a Sanskrit 'KSvya (Madras 
Govt. Oriental Series, 1921). 

Mrs. Rhys Davids adumbrated a new theory of the authbr- 
ship of Milindapanha, that of one author editing the conversa- 
tion between Milinda and Nagasena in early days and adding 
subsequent portions at two different occasions. Winternitz is 
not prepared to accept this theory (Hist, of Indian Lit. pp, 
619-20, part il of Engl. Trans,) but he sticks to his own view 
that the first three chapters form one part and all the rest are 
later and spurious additions. The absence of these later chapters 
in the Chinese version is certainly in favour of Winternitz. In 
this connection we may as well point out the work, giving 
a full bibliography on Milinda, by S. Behrsing in the Bulletin of 



Buddhist Studies * r 

the School of Oriental Studies (1934, pp. 335-45ff), Ratilal 
Mehta has given us, on the authority of fche Jataka tales, '.A 
Political, Administrative, Economic, Social and Geographical 
Survey ' which he calls ' Pre-Buddhist India ' ( 1939 ), although 
it is open to grave, doubts whether the picture given by the 
Jatakas can really be called pre-Buddhist. Perhaps they give 
no other picture than the one seen by the Buddhist monks on 
their way round the town while begging food. B. C. Law refers 
to different recensions of the J&takas ( JUAS 1938, -pp. 241-51 > 
( i ) one of 500 Jatakas as proved by Fa-hien's account ( Legge's 
Travels of Fa-hien, p 106), and by Culaniddesa ( ii. p. 80); 
( ii ) another of 547 Jatakas as presented in Siamese edition 
based on a tradition of the Mahavihara-Atthakatha and 
illustrated on the Ananda pagoda in Burma ; ( iii ) and a third 
one of 550 mentioned by Buddhaghosa and others, and illustrated 
in the Petleik pagoda, Pagan. 

In Buddhist Sanskrit literature, there had appeared an 
interesting controversy since the publication by Luders ( 1926 ) 
of the Fragments of KalpanamandafcikS. One set of scholars 
headed by Sylvain Lev! ( JA. 1929, pp. 255-285) maintained that 
the Sutralamkara ( the title accepted by the Chinese translation ) 
was the original work of Asvaghosa and fchat Drstanta-pankfci or 
Drst&ntamalya was a later edition of the same. J. Przyluski, 
on the other hand, supported the advocates of the contrary 
theory and in his article on 'Asvaghosa et la Kalpanamanda- 
tika' (BCLS of the Royal Academy of Belgium vol. XVI, 
-pp. 425-34 ) maintains that Drstantapankti is the same as 
Kalpanamandatika of Kumaralata, and that further in his very 
lucid survey of the history of Buddhist Sects * DarstSntika, 
Sautrantika, and Sarvastivadins ' ( IHQ. I 1 40, pp. 246-54 ) shows 
from the colophon of the work " AryakumaralatSyam Kalpana- 
mandatika- ( yam nama Drstanta )-panktyam " that the work 
Kalpanamandatika was originally written by Kumaralata, and 
that when he, an author of no great fame, was forgotten, it came 
to be ascribed to Asvaghosa under the name Sutralank&ra. 
Another problem of two works of the same name, Sufcra- 
samuccaya, is handled by Anukula Chandra Banerjee (IHQ 
1941, pp. 121-46 ), who maintains that there wore two works of 



32 Annals of the B^andarkar Oriental Research Institute 

this name by Santideva and Nagariuna and there is the 
authority of Bu-ston for the same. 

VIII. PHILOSOPHICAL PROBLEMS 
There have been sevaral attempts to dive at the original 
teaching of the Buddha. Several scholars, as remarked at the begin- 
ning of the paper, have made an attempt to treat Buddhism with 
the background of the Upanisads and Hermann Oldenberg and 
J. Przyluski have dealt with tho question in * Die Lehre 
der TJpanlsaden and die Anfange des Buddhismus ' ( 1915 ) and 
1 Buddhism efc Upamsad' (BEFEO 1932), respective!/. Dr. Maryla 
Falk in her 'ISTairataiya and Karman' ( IHQ 1940, pp. 647-82 ) and 
her latest * Nsmarupa and Dharmarupa' ( Calcutta ITni, Pub* 
lication, 1942 ) has exhibited the same tendency. Prof. Vidhuahe- 
khar Bhattacharya in his numerous short notes appearing in 
Journals does the same thing. In his ' Evolution of Vijiianav&cla ' 
( IHQ. 1934, pp. 1-11) he traces the origins to the Upanisads. 
Helmuth von Glasenapp has written ( NIA i. 128 ff ) on 'Bud- 
dbism in Kathaka Upanisad. ' Mrs, Rhys Davids, also, has 
turned to them and has found support from them to her new 
interpretation of the original teaching- of the Buddha, Vidhu- 
shekhara Bhattacharya in his * Basic Conception of Buddhism ' 
( Adharachandra Mukerjee Lectures, Gal. TJni,, 1932 ) has made 
an attempt to slum that the Buddha found out that the suffering 
could cease by the extinction of desire. Mrs, Rhys Davids wag, 
with a religious missionary zeal, hammering out, in season and out 
of season and what else would you say when she intruded her 
pet theories even while reviewing books of others ? that the present 
Pali texts, although they are the oldest of the available authorities 
on Buddhism, do not represent the original teaching of the 
Buddha, but that they are the later monkish attempts of re-edi- 
ting the teachings of the Buddha, She was lately repeating 
tha same thing in her numerous books and contributions to 
learned Journals. In ' Buddhism not originally a Negative Goa 

?ioi YT bb6rt J5urnai > 19 * S )> 'Sakja or Buddhist Origins' 
U931 ), Growth of Kot-Man in Buddhism > ( IHQ 1923 ) etc. etc., 
she insisted that the Buddha could not have taught the denial 
of the soul and that as a successful world-fceacher how could he 
have taught this negative doctrine ? which is not likely to 
his followers with any new spirit. She enumerates S3 



Buddhist Studies ** 

many as eleven ' Nots 'things he will not have taught ( NIA 
1939-40, vol. ii, 183-189 ). She believes that in spifce of the monk- 
ish editing, the present Pali texts, if subjected to historical 
and textual criticism, do reveal several, what she calls, ' left- 
ins', wiiich give an idea of the original teaching of Sakya 
Buddha, She thinks that the priestly theory has degraded the 
sublime nature of man who, according to her interpretation of 
the teaching of the Buddha, was capable of progressing. With 
this definite theory firmly fixed in her mind, she tries to find 
fche * loft-ins * which would support her in her imagined original 
teaching of the Buddha. And she reads, perhaps too much in 
passages, which may not ultimately have any philosophical 
significance. In her * Overlooked Pali Sutta ? ( JRAS. 1933. ""pp. 
329-334 ) she refers to a passage from Ang. Tikanipata, No, 40. 
'Tmi adhipateyyani attadhipateyyam, lokadhipateyyni, dham- 
madhipateyyam ' . She finds here the negation of * non- 
soul '* theory, which she considers to have been fabricated 
by the Buddhist monks in opppsitipn to the original teach- 
ing of the Sakya Buddha. Though she is supported in her 
new theory by her colleague and successor Miss. I. B. 
Homer, the author -of 'Early Buddhist Theory of Man Per- 
fected * ( 1936 ), and by Dr. A. K. Coomarswamy in Ms ' Re- 
interpretation of Buddhism' (NIA ii, 575-590), Mr. E. H. 
Johnston in a review of her recent book ( * recent ' in the sense 
that it was revised ) aptly remarks ( JRAS 1937, pp. 505-507 ) 
that the author's view has substantially changed and that few 
scholars agree with her conclusions which she seems to arrive 
at by intuition. She finds different strata in a sutta where other 
competent authorities see none. Prof. Louis de la Vallee Pous- 
sin, on the other hand, observes in his article ' The Atman in 
the Pali Canon ' ( 1C ii. 823-24 ) that it is not beyond tie range 
of possibilities that a few Buddhist philosophers of the early 
ages admitted a transcendent Atman. There are a feu docu- 
ments which may be interpreted to support the theory, but there 
are many which deny it. Hence he makes a very cautious 
remark: "We do not sin by imprudence when we consider as 
relatively late the canonical tenet of the negation of a self" 
(ibid, p. 822 ). Dr. Mary la Falk tries to explain, with fche help 
5 [Annalc, BO. R. I. ] 



34 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

of the Upanisadic interpretations, what to several appears to be 
the antinomy of Nairatmya and Karman ( IHQ 1940, pp. 647-682), 
Theodore Stcherbatsky, however, is quite firm and while 
enumerating the different traits of Buddhism, puts the * denial 
of soul ' as the very first ( Doctrine of the Buddha, BSOS VI, p p . 
867-96). 

Over another riddle of Buddhism, several authors have exer- 
cised their brains. B. C. Law has given * Aspects or Nirvana* 
( 1C ii 327-48 ), while Mrs. Rhys Davids in ' Historical Aspects 
of Nirvana 7 ( 1C, ii. 587-4? ) has found an early predecessor, 
attha, of Nirvana. Louis de la Vallee Poussin has written a 
special monograph on the same ( 1925 ), in reviewing which 
Prof. Stcherbatsky was prompted to write what ultimataly grew 
into ' The Conception of Buddhist Nirvana ? ( Lenningrad, 1927 ), 
accompanied by his masterly introduction treating, in a histori- 
cal manner, the interpretation of that highest ideal of the Bud- 
dhists in various schools, such as Vaibhasikas and the like, Saufcr- 
antikas, Madhyamakas and Yogacaras, In spite of this marvel- 
lous treatment, one cannot help remarking that as in his * Central 
Conception of Buddhism ? ( Petrograd 1923 ), here, too, the author 
does not show any signs of having used, at any rate fully, the 
Pali sources of information on the subject* But who can attain 
perfection in the treatment of that which has been universally 
recognised and acclaimed as ' indescribable, beyond the compre- 
hension of worldly men ' ! Has it not been said : 
Bhavaragaparetehi bhavasotanusSrihi 
maradheyyanupannehi nay am dhammo su-sambudho 

( Sn. 764 ). 

" This Dhamma ( NibbSna ) is not easy to be understood by 
people who are attached to worldly life, who are moving with 
the worldly stream and who are ( still ) within the sphere of Mara 
( the Evil Spirit X " 

IX. CONCLUSION 

But we must stop, We cannot expect to exhaust the various 
aspects of Buddhism. There is a relieving feature, noted in 
recent days, of the bright prospect of a better understanding of 
Buddhism. Societies like the Mahabodhi Society of Calcutta, 
of Saranath, and the Buddha Society of Bombay have sprung up. 



Buddhist Studies ** 

Interest in Buddhist studies is being increasingly taken by 
Indian Universities. The Calcutta University is, by far, the 
leading University in this field. Vishvabharati University and 
its newly-started branch of Chinese studies, carried under the 
auspices of Cheen Bhavan, have great possibilities. Though the 
Bombay University could not do much in this field having no 
research Department connected with this branch of studies, its 
constituent colleges like the St. Xaviers College, Bombay, the 
College, Baroda, and the Fergusson College, Poona, have been 
doing the work of Buddhist studies by maintaining the 
Department of Pali. Thanks are particularly due to the 
lifemember-conductors of the Fergusson College, for being the 
first in the field of providing for the teaching of Pali and all 
credit of Buddhist studies in the Bombay University really goes 
to that College, which has supplied teachers to the other two 
Colleges, where they are carrying on the studies, eacji in his own 
way. The Benares Hindu University has recently introduced 
fche subject of Pali and Buddhist studies, Patna and Allahabad 
have probably some arrangements. But other universities are 
sadly lagging behind, perhaps because they have not yet realised 
the importance and far-reaching character of the subject. 
Buddhist studies would no longer be capably handled by scholars 
who have attainments merely in the sphere of Sanskrit and Pali, 
but soon the knowledge 6f Tibetan, Chinese and Japanese will 
be considered as a sine qua non and Indian scholars will have to 
gird their loins to pick up their legitimate share in these studies. 
The Chinese and Indian Governments have decided upon an 
exchange of scholars and we are glad to learn that Bev. Bhikkhu 
Jagadisha Kashyapa has been requested by Chunking Govern- 
ment to organise the Dept* of Pali studies at Chunking. Let us 
hope that the India Government also will soom request some 
competent Chinese scholar to organise the study of Chinese in 
some central University in India, and thus give an impetus to 
the Chinese Buddhist studies in India.* 

* The writer of this paper acknowledges a debt of gratitude to Bey. A. P. 
Buddhadatta and Dr B. C. Law, who supplied to him several details of publi- 
cations in Ceylon and Bengal, respectively ; and to the editors of the 
* Bibliographic Bouddhique ' ( 1930-1937 ), which has been most useful to him 
in preparing this paper. 



THE RASTBAKUTAS OF MANAPURA 

* * 

BY 
V. V. MIRASHI, Nagpur 

In the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Eoyal Asiatic 
Society, Vol. XVI, pp. 88ff., Pandit Bhagwanlal first published 
the Undikavatika grant of the Bastrakuta king Abhimanyu 
which gives the following genealogy 

Mananka 

i 

Devaraja 

( tfot named ) ( Not named ) Bhavisya 

Abhimanyu 

The plates were issued by Abhimanyu wiile residing at 
Manapura and record the grant of the village Undikavatika to a 
recluse named Jatabhara in honour of the god Daksina-Siva of 
Pethapangaraka. The original find-spot of the copper-plates 
has not been recorded. They were from the collection of 
Dr. Bhau Daji and were presumably found somewhere in the 
Bombay Presidency. In the absence of definite information about 
the provenance of this grant, there was no clue available for the 
identification of the localities mentioned in it, but Dr, Fleet 
discussed the matter at great length in the Indian Antiquary, 
Vol. XXX, pp. 509-14 and suggested that the god Daksina-Siva 
might be the god of the great Saiva shrine in the Mahadeva 
Hills of the Hoshangabad District of the Central Provinces. 
He proposed to identify Pethapangaraka with Pagara, the 
head-quarters of the Zamindari of the same name, about 4 miles 
to the north of Pachmarhi, and Undikavatika 1 with Oontia, 
30 miles uorth-northwest from Mahadeva Hills. He was not 
able ta suggest any satisfactory identification of Manapura, 
though he had previously thought that it might be identical with 

Dr. Fleet thought that the correct name of the place was 
vStikS whiah he thought exactly corresponded to Oontia. 



The Ras(rakiitas of Manapura ^ 

Manapura in Malwa, about 12 miles southwest; of Mhow. ' 
Another identification proposed of the place is that it is Manapura 
ne&r Bandhogarh in Bewa. 2 This royal family is therefore 
supposed to haTe ruled in the western part of the Central 
Provinces. 

Subsequently in his Ancient History of the Deccan, pp. 77 ff., 
Dr. Dubreuil, accepting the suggestion first made by Dr. Sten 
Konow,/ that Mananka may be identical with Manamatra and 
Sudevaraja with Devaraja, mentioned in several plates of the 
so-called kings of Sarabhapura, gave the following genealogy : 

Prasanna 
( Of the Rastrkuta family ) 

Manamatra 
( King of Manapura } 

Sudevaraja 



Jayaraja Bhavisya 

Abhimanyu 

In the Myswe Archaeological Survey Report for 1929, pp. 197 if. 
and Plate XIX, Dr. M. H. Krishna has edited with facsimiles 
a set of copper-plates ( called Pandarangapalll plates ) discovered 
in the possession of the Patel of a village near Kolhapttr. 
It gives the following genealogy * 

Mananka 

1 
Devaraja 

I 
Avidheya 

Dr. Krishna identified Avidheya as the third son of Devaraja 
who had not been named in the Undikavatika plates. He then 
put forward the hypothesis that Devaraja ( or Sudevaraja), the 
son of Mananka ( or Manamatra ) had three sons, Avidheya, 
Jayaraja and Bhavisya among whom was divided the extensive 

1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII, pp. 223ff. 

2 Dubretdl, Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 77. 

3 Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 172. 



38 Annals of the ghandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Rastrakuta Empire of the Deccan which extended from the 
Mahanad! and the TSpti to the Bhlma, comprising three Maha* 
rastras. Jayaraja, was ruling over the eastern part on the 
banks of the MahanadI, Bhavisya over Horthern Maharastra 
and 0. P, and Avidheya over Southern Maharastra extending 
to the banks of the Bhlma. Krsna, the son of Indra, and 
Govinda who are mentioned as defeated by the Calakya Jaya- 
simha Pulakesin II of Badami belonged to this family, after 
overthrowing which Pulakesin II became the lord of three 
Maharastras. 1 

In the last number of the Annols of the Bhandarkar Institute 
( Vol. XXIV, pp. 148 ft. ) Dr. Altekar has shown that this 
theory of the existence of an extensive Rastrakuta Empire in the 
sixth century A. D. is untenable, because, firstly, most of these 
kings do not describe themselves as Rastrakutas and secondly, 
there were other kings such as the Nalas, the Mauryas, the 
Kalacuris and the Kadambas who were ruling over the major 
part of Maharastra and not the Bastrakutas, 

I agree with the main conclusion of Dr, Altekar that there 
was no extensive Rastraknta Empire in the Deccan in the sixth 
century A. D. before the rise of the Calukyas of BadamL The 
theory of the existence, of such an Empire is based on the 
identification of Manamafcra with Mananka and Devaraja with 
Sudevaraja. This foundation is very weak ; for firstly, there is 
no convincing reason for these changes in the personal names of 
these kings. Secondly, Jayaraja was an uncle of Sudevaraja, not 
his son. 2 Thirdly, there is nothing common in the characters 
and seals of the descendants of Mananka and those of the des- 
cendants of Manamatra. The charters of the former are inscribed 
in what Dr. Biibler calls the western variety of the southern 
alphabet, while those of the latter are incised in the so-called 
box-headed characters of Central India. The seals of the charters 
of the former have the figure of a lion facing the proper right, 

1 Ind. Ant, Vol. XVJ, p. 17, and Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 9 

2 From the seal of the Sraiig plates ( Gupta Inscriptions, p. 193, ) it is 
clear that JayarSja vaa a son of Prasanna ( or Prasannamatra ) and there- 
fore an uncle of SudevarSja, not his son. The mistake has long remained 
uncorrected. For the genealogy of the kings of Sarabhapura see Ep. Ind. 
Vol. XXII, p. 16, 



The Rdstrakutas of Manapura 39 

while those of the latter have the figure of standing LaksmI with 
an elephant on either side pouring water on her. Manamatra 
therefore belonged to an altogether different dynasty - the so- 
called dynasty of Sarabhapura 1 - which was ruling over the 
Bilaspur and Eaipur Districts of the Central Provinces. 

There is however no reason to doubt the identification of 
Mananka and Devaraja of the Usdikavatika plates with the 
homonymous princes mentioned in the Pandarangapalll plates. 
Both these charters begin the genealogy with Mananka and 
describe Devaraja as his son. The description of Devaraja that 
he was like the lord of gods (L e., Indra) occurs also in both. 2 
Secondly, both the grants are inscribed in similar characters 
which were current in Maharastra at least from the 5th to the 
8th century A. D, Thirdly, the seals of both contain the figure 
of a lion facing the proper right These agreements plainly 
indicate that the two families came of the same stock. One of 
them calls itself Hastrakuta, while the other is silent about its 
family name. This does not however present an insuperable 
difficulty as there are several ancient charters in which the 
Barnes of royal families are not mentioned. s I do not therefore 
agree with Dr. Altekar when he says that there is no conclusive 
proof that the king Avidheya of Pandarangapalll plates and 
Abhimanyu of the Undikav^tika plates were the descendants of 
MSnanka and his son Devaraja. * 

The next question is -' Were these families ruling over 
different regions - Avidheya over Southern Maharastra and 
Bhavisya over Northern Maharastra or at least Hoshangabad 
District of the Central Provinces ? 9 To answer this question we 
must carefully consider the contents of the two records viz., the 

1 Recently a set of plates of Narendra, the son of Sarabha, the founder 
of the dynasty has been found at PipardulS in the Eaipur District. Ind. 
Hist. Quart, Vol. XIX, pp. I80ff. 

2 Of. 'DevarSjab. sutas=tasya deva-rSja iv=alritan I cakar=3sama~ 
sampattln' etc. L 5 of the Pa^arengapalli plates and ' Tasya vigraha- 
van=:iva deva~raja( jo) Devaraja iti silnuh ' in 11. 3-4 of the TJ^4ikavatika 
plates, 

8 See for instance the charters of the so-oalled kings of Sarabhaputa* 
i Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Vol XXIV, 
P. 153, 



40 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Pandarangapalll grant of Avidhejra and the Undikava-tika grant 
of Abbimanyu. Of these, the former is not in a good state of 
preservation, many aksaras here and there having become 
illegible. Besides, it is written or engraved somewhat carelessly 
as several strokes are incompletely formed, which makes the 
task of decipherment very difficult. Still, even in its present 
condition it is capable of giving very valuable information if 
deciphered with care. I confine myself here to the readings of a 
few expressions of historical importance in this grant. The 
original plates being inaccessible to me, I have used the facsi- 
miles published in the Mysore Arch. Surv. Rep. for 1929, PI. XIX. 
In the first two lines I read * ( 1. 1 ) Orn svasti [ 1* ] [ Vasava ? ] 
dhivasaka[ t* ] sa-Vida[ r* ]bha~A&maka-vijeta Mananka-nrpatih 
(1. 2 ) rImat-Kuntalanarh pra&asita . . . ' l It will be noticed 
that my reading gives a better sense. Ifc shows that in 
accordance with the usual practice observed in copper-plate 
charters, the present charter also opens with the mention of 
the place of issue. Unfortunately the name of this place cannot 
be read with confidence. 2 Next the king Mananka is described 
as the ruler of the glorious Kuntala country, and the conqueror 
of A&maka together with Vidarhha. This clearly shows that 
Mananka was ruling over Kuntala which in ancient times 
comprised roughly the Southern Maratha Country south of the 
Krsna and the. Kanarese districts of the Bombay and Madras 
Presidencies. s In later times the northern limit of Zuntala 
stretched even up to the Godavarl in the north, for the Udaya- 
sundarikatha mentions Pratisthana ( modern Paithan on the 
Godavarl) as the capital of Kuntala. 4 The findspot of the 

^ 1 The published text is ( I, 1 ) Svasti. Vasudhadhibathi ranga Tidarbh- 
Ssmaka-vijetS MSnanka-nrpatih (1.2) s'ri-Satkunta dhara nah pra -I 
sits.' My reading will show that there is no reference here to ManSnka's 
victory over Anga. 

2 If the intended reading is Vasat-adhivasakat Vasafca may be identical 
with the hill-fort of Vasata in JSvali in the Satara District. 

That Kuntala comprised the valley of the Krs^avar^S ( i. the 
Kr?n5 ) is shown by the play on words in the following verse from the 
JNUgund plates of Vikramaditya VI, vikhyata-krsnavarne taila-sneh- 
opalav(b)dha-saralatve l Emit ala-vis aye nitaram virkjate Mallik-amodah'. 
Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, p. 153. 

4 Udayasundarlkatha C Gaikwad's Or. Series, ) pp. 21 and 83. 



The Rdtfrakatas of Manapura 41 

Pandarangapalll plates was thus included in the Kuntala 
country. Mananka was plainly ruling over what we now call 
the Southern Maratha Country. From there he raided Asmaka 
which lay in the valley of the Godavarl, and Vidarbha wtich 
comprised modern Berar and the Marathi speaking districts of 
the Central Provinces. Lines 17-19 give the particulars of the 
donated village, which I read as follows -' matapitror=atmanes = 
ca punya~y asio-bhivrddhaye [ Mahadeva ]gireh. purvvata[ h* ] 
Ane[ nadl ]kul[ e ] , Kamyaka-JaL va ]la[ vati ]ka-sahita Panda- 
rangapalll pratipadit=ety a - ' l These lines state that Panda- 
rarigapalll which was donated together with the hamlets of 
Kamyaka and Javala lay on the bank of the Ane river to the 
east of the Mahadeva MIL I identify the river the Ane with the 
Yenna ( also called Vena ) which being one of the chief feeders 
of the Krsna rises on the Mahabalesvara plateau and falls into a 
valley to the east of the Mahabalesvara hill in the Safcara District 
of the Bombay Presidency. 2 It is noteworthy that the river 
flows through Javali which is one of the hamlets mentioned in 
the grant. Pandarangapalll must have been situated in the 
vicinity of Javali. Mahadevagiri ( if the reading is correct ) s is 
of course the Mahabalesvara hill, the summer resort of the 
Bombay Government. These identifications show that Avidheya 
was ruling over the Satara District and the adjoining territory. 
Finally, in lines 28-29 I read 4 * likhitan=c=edam rajya-samva- 

1 The published reading is ( 1. 17 ) *-m asapiridad-atmanah prajayaso- 
bhivrddhaye Mahadeva- (1.18) gireh pGrvata Anevari Gala Kazsdaka 
Duddapalli-sahita ( 1. 19 ) Pandarangapalll pratipSditety- '. 

2 Satara District Gazetteer, p. 14. 

8 The name of the hill is not clear on the plate as remarked by 
Dr. Krishna. There is also a range of hills called Mahadeva hills, which 
stretches east and southeast across the whole breadth of the SSt5r5 
District, but it is not likely to be intended here as it lies to the east of the 
Ane or Yenna river. 

4 The published reading is - ( 1. 28 ) likhitam c = edaih rajyakara varise 
so^ase Bhadrapade Kartikasya ba- ( 1. 29 ) hula Pancamyarii rajanujnStena 
Devadattena Pandaradrisena.' Ab the end of 1.24 there are numerical 
symbols denoting 10 and 5 which have not been noticed before. There are 
exactly like those used in the Sarsavni plates of BuddharSja ( Ep. Ind., 
Vol. VI, pp. 294ff. and PL ) the Sankheda grants of Dadda II ( ibid., vol. V, 
PP. 37ff. and PI.) and several other records of the 6th and 7th centuries 
A. D. 

6 ( Annals, B, O. B. L ] 



42 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

[ tsa ]re pancada&e Bhadrapade Karttikasya bahula pancamyam 
raj-anujnatena Devadattena [ 1* ] Sam 10 ( + ) 5, [ Kartika J ba 
5 '. It will be noticed that according to my re/ading the charter 
was issued in the 15th ( not 16th ) regnal year, on the 5th tithi of 
Karttika in the ( Jovian ) year Bhadrapada. This does not 
of course help us in ascertaining definitely the date of this grant 
as the details do not admit of verification, 

Let us next see if Ahhimanyu, the son of Bhavisya, was 
ruling over a different region. His Undikavatika grant was 
made while he was residing at Mauapura. This was evidently 
the royal capital and was probably founded by Mananka, the 
progenitor of the dynasty. We need not search for this placs so 
far north as Malwa or the Rewa State. It is probably identical 
with Man, the chief place of Man subdivision of the Satara 
District through which flows the Manganga, a tributory of the 
Bhlma. - As for fehe temple of Daksina-Siva in honour of which 
the grant was made, there are several such temples on the 
summits of hills in the Satara District, but the most celebrated 
of them is that of Mahabale^vara where the Krsna takes its rise. 
There is of course now no place in the neighbourhood of the 
name of Pethapangaraka. ] Undikavatika will have to be search- 
ed for in the vicinity of Mahabalesvara. 2 

These identifications make it plain that both these grants 
belong to the same part of the country, mz., the Satara District 
of the Bombay Presidency. We must therefore suppose that 
Bhavfsya was a younger son of Devaraja and succeeded Avidheya 
who seems to have died without leaving a son. 

Another set of copper-plates found at Sisodra in the 
Portuguese territory of Goa may have belonged to this family. 8 
The charter opens with the expression * Srl-vijaya-Candra- 
purad Gominam Devaraja-vacanat ' which is taken to mean 
that the order was addressed by ( king ) Devaraja of the Gomins 



. a Place namsd P*nsnhTthe B;rsi taluka of the adjoining 

I*' bUt * 1S U0t known if tbe *e *> in ancient times, a famous 
of Siva there. 



^ 0n \ Udaav2 4i, about 28 miles south-west of Pandharpur and 
es south of the Man rivet which may represent ancient Urtdika- 

1 Ep. Ind. t Vol. XZIV, pp. U3ff. 



The Ratfrakatas of Mflnapura ^ 

from the prosperous Candrapura, This would perhaps show 
that; Devaraja belonged fco a different dynasty of the Gomins. 
No such dynasty is however known from any source. Perhaps 
Qomnam is to be construed with &ri-vijaya-Candrapurat and 
means * from the prosperous Candrapura of the Gomins '. J 
Another possible explanation is that the family was known as 
Gomin in early days and only in the time of Abhimanyu it 
assumed for the first time the name of Rastrakuta. ?l It is note" 
worthy that the usual comparison of Devaraja with Indra, the 
lord of gods, occurs in this record also, s which proves the 
identity of this Devaraja. 4 If the identifications of the localities 
proposed by the editor of this charter are correct, Devaraja may 
have ex tended his sway to South Konkan. 

When did this Rastrakuta family flourish ? Mr. Krishnama- 
charlu who has edited the Sisodra plates thinks that the 
characters of that grant resemble somewhafc the scripb of the 
Mayidavolu plates of t the Pallava Sivaskandavarman. He has 
also drawn attention to certain Prakrit expressions which occur 
in this grant. He refers it to about the fourth century A. D. t 
but if this Devaraja was identical with the son of Mananka, he 
may have flourished a little later. On palaeographic grounds 
the Pandarangapalll and Undikavatika grants have been referred 
to the 5th century A.D. 5 The use of the Jovian year in record- 
ing the date of the Pandarangapalll plates also points in the 
same direction ; for these years were not generally cited in the 
south after the 5th century A. D. 6 Unfortunately all these 
grants are either undated or are dated in regnal years. They 

1 Is Gomin connected with Goa ? 

2 Gomin denotes ' venerable ' Of. ' Gomin pttjye f in the Candra 
Vyakarana IV, 2, 144. From the KarhSd plates of Krstia III ( Ep. Ind., 
Vol. V, p. 282 ) we know that an early name of the family was Tuhga. 

3 Of. * Deva-raja-pratimasya Devarajasya = ajnaya likhita pattika.* 
JEfp. Ind., Vol. XXIV, p. 145. 

4 3STo photograph of the seal of the Sisodra plates has been published. 
The figure on it seems to be indistinct for Mr. Pisurlekar took it to be that 
of a peacock and Mr. Krishnammcharlu that of * a swan in a very conven- 
tional style'. Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIV, p. 144. Perhaps it is a oouohant lion 
as on the seal of the Undikavatika plates. 

5 J. Bom. Br. JR. A, B. t Vol.* XVI, p. 88 and U. A. 8. JR. for 1929, p. 204. 

6 They are found used in gome early records of the Kadambas, see e. g, 
Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, pp. 35-36. 



44 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

consequently afford no help in definitely fixing the period of 
their rule. We shall not however be wrong, I think, if we 
suppose that these Rastraku-tas were contemporaries of the 
Traikutakas who were ruling over North Konkan, Gujerat and 
North Maharasira and of the Vakatakas who held Vidarbha 
during the fourth and fifth centuries A. D- They were probably 
known in their days as Kuntatesas or lords of Kuntala; for as 
seen above, Mananka, the founder of the dynasty, is described as 
the ruler of Kuntala. The records of the Vakatakas contain 
occasional references either to their clashes or to their 
matrimonial alliances with the kings of Kuntala. The inscription 
in Cave XVI afc Ajanta, for instance, mentions that Vindhyasena 
( or Vindhya&akti II as he is called in the Basim plates ) of the 
Vatsagulma branch of the Vakatakas defeated the lord of 
Kuntala. * As the kingdom of these Early Eastrakutas of Mana- 
pura was conterminous with that of the Vakatakas of Vatsagulma, 
this victory of Vindhyasena must have been gained over these 
Eastrakutas. Mananka, on the other hand, claims to have con- 
quered Vidarbha. 2 These references may be to the same 
indecisive battle or they may be to different expeditions. In 
any case, in view of what has been stated above, it may not be 
wrong to suppose that Mananka was a contemporary of Vindhya- 
sena ( or VindhyaSakti II ) who, as I have shown elsewhere, 
flourished about A. D. 400. The Balaghat plates of Prthivlsena II 
of the Pravarapura branch state that Prthivlaena II's father 
Narendrasena married Ajjhitabhattarika, the daughter of the lord 
of Kuntala. s This princess also may have been of the Kastra- 
kuta lineage. Finally, the aforementioned Ajanta cave inscrip- 
tion records a victory of Harisena, the last known Vakataka 
king, over the lord of Kuntala, which also must have been won 
over this very family. These references to Kuntalesas were till - 
now understood as pointing to the Kadambas of VanavasI, but 
the country of the Kadambas was not conterminous with that of 

J Vakataka Inscription in Cave XVI at Ajanta (Hyderabad Archaeolo- 
gical Series, No. XIV ), p. 4. 

2 See 1, 1 of the PMarangapaUl plates, 
a Bp. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 271. 



The Rastrakutas of Mdnapura 45 

the Vakatakas as no records of the Kadambas have been found in 
southern Maharastra. It seems best therefore to Identify the 
Kuntale^as mentioned in Vakataka records with the Bastra- 
kutas of Manapura. 

From certain passages in the Kuntalesvaradautya, a Sanskrit 
work ascribed to Kalidasa, which have been cited in the Kavya- 
mimamsa of Rajasekhara, ! the tfrngaraprakctia 2 and the Sarasvati- 
Jcanthabhararia* of Bhoja and the Aucityavicaracarca* of Ksemendra 
it seems that the famous Gupta king Candragupta II-Vikrama- 
ditya sent Kalidasa as an ambassador to the court of a lord of 
Kuntala. Kalidasa was not at first well received there, but he 
gradually gained Kuntalesia's favour and stayed at his court for 
some time. When he returned, he 'reported to Vikramaditya 
that the lord of Kuntala was spending his time in enjoyment, 
throwing the responsibility of governing his kingdom on him s 
( i. e., on Vikramaditya ), This Kuntalea has been taken to be 
the Vakataka Pravarasena II, but this view does not now appear 
to be correct. Gupta influence was, no doubt, predominant 
at the Vakataka court during the reign of Pravarasena II, but 
the Vakatakas do not call themselves KuntaleSas and their rule 
does not seem to have extended to the Kuntala country though 
some of them are known to have raided it. This Kuntalesa may 
have been an early member of the Rastrakuta family of Mana- 
pura, perhaps Devaraja whom we have placed in the period 
A. D. 400-25. This influence of Candragupta II at the court of 
two such important royal families of the south as the Vakatakas 
and the Rastrakutas corroborates tne statement in the Meherauli 
pillar inscription that even then ( i. e., after the death of Candra 
or Candragupta II ) the southern ocean was perfumed by the 
breezes of his prowess. 6 

1 Kavyantimarhsa ( Gaekwad's Oriental Series ) second ed. pp. 61-62. 

2 Srngaraprakasa, Chapters XXII-XXIV, Introd. p. xxii. 
2 Nirijayasagara Press ed. t p. 168. 

4 Kavyamala, Guocha I, Nin;iayasa"gara Press ed., pp. 139-40,^ 

5 KShdasa is said to have reported to VikramSditya ftsffi *rgfFF*ft" 

the Iatter replied 



ti 

6 Gupta Inscriptions, p. 141. 



46 Annals of tie Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Harisena's raid on Kunfcala does not appear to have results]} 
in the extermination of this family. Harisena may have content- 
ed himself with exacting a tribute from it as he appears to 
have done in the case of some others such as the Traikutakas ; 
for we know of some other rulers of South Maharastra who also 
probably belonged to this dynasty. The Rastrakuta king Dejja- 
Maharaja, for instance, of whose reign a copper-plate inscription 
was discovered at Gokak in the Belgaum District of the Bombay 
Presidency, may have belonged to this very family. ] The record 
was issued when 845 years of the Aguptayika kings had expired, 
This date is shown to correspond to A. D. 532-33. Dejja-Maharaja 
may therefore have been a descendant of Bhavisya. Again, 
some years ago Mr. Y, R. Gupte drew attention to a copper- 
plate charter of Madhavavarman which was found at Khanapur 
in the Satara District, 2 It records the grant, by Zfaharaja 
Madhavavarman, of the village Retturaka which lay to the 
south-east of Krsnavenna, i. e., the Krsna. As Mr. Gupte has 
shown, this village is Retare Budruk for it occupies the same 
position as stated in the grant and the boundary villages also 
can be identified in its vicinity. The grant is not dated and as 
the first plate of it is missing, the lineage of Madhavavarman 
remains unknown. Mr, Gupte refers the grant on palseo- 
graphical grounds to the 5th or 6th century A. D. It is not 
therefore unlikely that this Madhavavarman too belonged to the 
Rastrakuta dynasty of Manapura. 

Some records of the later Calukyas state that Jayasimha of 
the Early Calukya dynasty of Badami defeated the Rastrakftta 
king Indra, the son of Krsna. s As Dr. Altekar has pointed out, 
this statement occurs in very late records composed more than 
five centuries after the event. So one cannot be sure that these 
kings actually reigned in the 6th century A. D. But Govinda 
who invaded with his troop of elephants the territory to the 
Jiorth of the Bhlmarathl ( i. e., the Bhlma, a tributory of the 

1 Ep. Ind,, Vol. XXI, pp. 289 ff. I am indebted to Dr. Altekar for this 
reference. 

2 J.Bom.Br.R. 4. & ( N. S. ) f Vol. IV, p. 89 ; Sharata Itihasa tiamso- 
dhaka Mandala Quarterly, Vol. VIII, pp. 163 ff. 

a Jnd. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 17. 



The Rdftrakatas of Mdnapura 47 

) at the time of the accession of Pulakesin II, l may have 
belonged to this family as already conjectured by Dr. R, G. 
Bhandarkar. a This king could not however have been the 
great-grandfather of the Rastrakuta Krsna I as supposed by 
Dr. Bhandarkar, for the interval between these two kings is too 
large to be covered by three generations. 

The Aihole inscription states that this Govinda immediately 
obtained a reward for the services he rendered to Pnlakesin II. 
Raviklrti is unfortunately not explicit on this matter, but he 
undoubtedly implies that Govinda was won over by Pulakesin II 
and induced to turn back. The very fact that Pulakesin II 
thought it wise to adopt conciliatory measures in dealing with 
him shows that he was a powerful foe. His descendants do not, 
however, seem to have held Southern Maharastra for a long 
time; for Pulakesin soon annexed both Northern and Southern 
Maha^sastras and extended the northern limit of his Empire fco 
the bank of the N armada. That he ousted the Rastrakutag from 
Southern Maharastra is shown by the Satara plates of his bro- 
ther Visnuvardhana which record the grant of a village on the 
southern bank of the Bhlma, s 

The Rastrakutas then appear to have moved to Berar where 
they founded a principality with Acalapura as their capital. 
The Tlvarkhed plates of Nannaraja show that the family was 
ruling in Berar in A. D, 631. * They give the following genea- 
logy-Durgaraja, his son Govindaraja, his son Svamikaraja and 
his son Nannaraja. Allowing twenty years to each generation, 
Dr. Altekar assigns the following approximate dates to them- 
Durgaraja A. D. 570-590 ; Govindaraja A. D. 590-610 j Svami- 
karaja A, D. 610-630; and Nannaraja A. D. ,631 onwards. 5 
It will thus be seen that Govindaraja was a senior contemporary 
of Pulakesin II and may therefore be identical with the king 
Govinda who invaded the territory to the north of the Bhlma, at 
the time of Pulakesin II's accession. When Pulakesin later on 

,5 , 1 - ~ 

1 Ep. Ind, Vol. VI, p. 9. 

2 Early History of the Deccan ( Collected Works of Bhaodarkar, Vol. Ill ) 
p. 170. 

8 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, pp. 303 ff. 

4 Ep. Ind., Vol. XI, pp. 276 ff. 

5 The date of the Multai plates of this king is suspicious. 



48 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

defeated the Kataccuri ( or Kalacuri ) Buddharaja and annexed 
Maharastra including Vidarbha, Korikan, and Central and 
Southern Gujerat, lie placed his trusted chiefs in charge of some 
of these countries. We know, for instance, that he gave southern 
Gujerat to the Sendraka chief Allasakti who was previously 
ruling in Karnataka. * He may similarly have placed Svami- 
karaja, the son of Grovindaraja, in charge of Berar. 

We find some indication of this succession in the records of 
the Bastrakutas of Acalapura. It is well-known that in ancient 
times though the ruling families changed, the Secretariat often 
remained unchanged. Consequently, officers and clerks charged 
with the drafting of copper-plate charters occasionally drew 
upon previous records QT the eulogistic and formal portions of 
the grants of a new dynasty. We find this illustrated by the 
records of the Traikutakas, Kalacuris and G-urjaras who 
succeeded one another in Gujerat. 2 The same is noticed in 
the records of the Rastrakutas of Acalapura also. Before the 
advent of these Rastrakutas, Berar was included in the Kalacuri 
Empire which extended from Malwa in the north to the banks 
of the Krsna in the south. The silver coins of the Kalaouri 
Krsnaraja have been found in the Amraoti District of Berar and 
the Betul District of the Central Provinces. Ifc is well-known 
that the draft of the eulogisic portion in the grants of the Early 
Kalacuris was stereotyped. As in the grants of the Maitrakas, 
the prasasti of every king was fixed once for all and the same 
was repeated in all charters issued thereafter. It is worthy of 
note that the drafters of the Rastrakuta grants have borrowed 
two expressions which are known to occur only in the eulogy of 

1 Ind. Ant n Vol. ZVIII h pp. 265 ff. 
a For instance, the passage 



ro occurs with slight changes in the 
records of the Traikutaka Vyaghrasena, Sangamasimha, the Kalaouri 
Samkaragaija and Buddharaja and the Gurjara Dadda IT. Dr. Kielhorn also 
has drawn attention to the similarities in the epithets used in describing 
Krsnaraja in Kalacuri grants and those of Dadda II in the Gurjara grant 
and inferred from them that the family of the Gurjaras rose to independence 
only after the Kalacuris. Other instances of the aame type can be easily 



multiplied. 



The Raslrakatas of Mdnapura ^ 

fche Ealacuri Krsnaraja. One of these expressions occurs in the 
description of Svamikaraja in the Tlvarkhed plates and the 
other in that of Nannaraja in the Multai plates. ! The mutilated 
form of the former of these expressions leaves no doubt that the 
drafters of the Rsstrakuta records were the borrowers. This 
plainly indicates that the Rastrakuta Svamikaraja and'tfanna- 
rfija rose to power in Berar after the downfall of the Kalacuris, 
In view of the statement in the Aihole inscription that Pula- 
kesin was the lord of the three MaharSatras which undoubtedly 
included Vidarbha, the inference seems justifiable that Svami- 
karaja and his son Nannaraja were governing Berar only as 
feudatories of Pulakesin II. The erpression prapta-pancania* 
hasav(b)dah which occurs in the Tlvarkhed plates of Nanna 
also indicates his feudatory rank. 

It may however be objected that if Nannaraja was a feuda- 
tory of the Calukyas, it is strange that he makes no mention of 
his lord paramount. The objection has not much force, because 
the Early Calukyas of Badami do not seem to have insisted on 
their feudatories explicitly acknowleging their suzerainty in 
fcheir records. We do not, for instance, find any Calukya 
Emperor mentioned in the records of the Sendrakas of Gujer&t 
and Khandesh who were undoubtedly feudatories of the Calu- 
kyas. For the same reason the Gurjaras of north Gujerat also 
make no mention of their allegiance to any Calukya suzerain 
though there is no doubt that they were Samantas of the 
Calukyas. 

The connection between the Rastrakuta families of Manapura 
and Acalapura stated above may again be objected to as unlikely 
in view of ihe difference in their emblems. The former have 
the figure of a lion on their seals and the latter that of an eagle. 

1 The expression sjrpqy^n Tf rT5TW3H ^ M %. fin erg ff; which occurs in the eulogy 
of Svamikaraja in lines 2-4 of the Tlvarkhed plates Is, notwithstanding slight 
mutilation and inversion of the order of the epithets, identical with ^rsr- 
9^l%^tT3^[ apqTsr^rff rr^ri%r%r: which is met with in Kalacuri records in the 
description of KrsnarSja. Again, the expression q-gj ^TO^T^Frrf^T ^F%- 
tfffijni^T^Rrf^J StfhFqrr: in lines 13-14 of the Multai plates about Nannaraja 
occurs verbatim in the eulogy of Krsnaraja in the Abhoua and other 
Kalacuri grants* 

7 ( Annals, B. O. B. I. ) 



Jo Annah of the fihandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

It should however be noted in this connection that the earlier 
kings were &aivas and the later ones Vaisnavas. The latter 
may have changed their emblems when Mxey changed their 
religious creed. Instances are not wanting in ancient Indian 
history of royal families changing their emblems in the course of 
time. The Kalacuris of Tripurl adopted the Gaja-LaksmI as 
their emblem while those of Sarayupara had the bull Nandl. 
The difference in emblems in this case does not therefore 
necessarily indicate difference in origin. 

The connection between the two Rastrakuta families and the 
approximate dates of their members may be stated as follows '- 
( A ) Rastrakutas of Manapura Mananka ( A.D. 375-400 ) 

Devaraja ( A.D. 400-425 ) 



1 1 I 

( Not known ) Avidheya Bhavisya 

( A,D. 425-440 ) ( A,D. 440-455 ) ( A.D. 455-470 ) 

1 

Abhimanyu 
( A.D. 470-490 ) 

Dejja-Maharaja 
(A.D. 530-550) 
M adhavavarman 
( Circa A.D. 550 ) 

Durgaraja 
( A.D. 570-590 ) 

i 

Govindaraja 
(A.D. 590-610) 

I 

{ B ) Bsatrakutas of Acalapura Svamikaraja 

(A.D. 610-620) 

1 
Nannaraja 

( A.D. 630-650 ) 



THE RIDDLE OF THE CURSE 
IN THE MAH&BHARATA* 

BY 

N. C. KELKAE 

I cannot begin without offering an apology to you for the 
peculiar character of the theme I have chosen for my paper this 
evening. For the theme is " The Riddle of the Curse in the 
Mahabharata". And obviously enough it is a topic quite 
unpleasant to the ear, whatever philosophical interest it may 
possess. Of course the incidents of the nature of Curses, which 
I may mention or have in my mind in the course of my paper, 
are not all vitally relevant to the story of the Mahabharata. 
Most of them do not materially deflect the course of the career 
of the principal personages in the epic itself, but simply happen 
to be mentioned as incidents in the many ancedotes, side-stories, 
legends, histories, dissertations, which crowd the Mahabharata 
to suffocation, whether they may or may not be regarded as 
interpolations. Nor can these curses be said to reflect upon the 
ethical or literary character of the Author of the Maha- 
bharata. For in mentioning the incidents of the Curses the 
Author does not project or betray his own special ill nature or 
wickedness or malevolence, or misanthrophy. He simply 
narrates what was traditionally supposed to have actually 
happened, in a particular manner, under particular conditions 
of the stories or gossip heard and related by him, with the naive 
purpose of embellishing the narrative of the Mahabharata, so as 
to make it full, attractive, and instructive, according to his 
lights or the prevailing fashion of the times. However there is 
such a persistent recurrence of curses as you go along reading, 
that no observant mind can help being struck with them, and 
set a thinking as to their explanation. Why one naturally 
stops to ask himself -why this frequent recurrence of these 
unpleasant phenomena of Curses ? Why should Curses be 
handled with such facility, that they may serve to suggest a 

* This paper was read on 6th July 1944, the Foundation Day of the 
Institute. 




52 Annah of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

ready solution of an insoluble problem, or the means of heighten- 
ing the effect of a crisis, or the sublimation of a character, or an 
escape from a dilemma ? 

And you need not supppose that the question is answered 
simply by pointing out the set-off, against the Curses, of 
the oases of blessings ( m or arrsft^^T ), which also undoubt- 
edly occur in the Mahabharata, and supply the light to illumine 
the shade. For they are not the delicate touch of light and shade 
as you see them in a modern portrait painting, but ate the robust 
application of the brush of the Epic painter, who has projected a 
colossal landscape, with almost superhuman figures moving on it, 
altogether a weird and fanciful composition. By light and shade 
in the Mahabharata I mean the abnormally good and bad things 
which meet the eye of a modern reader in that great epic poem. 
To express them, however, I have used the apologetic words 
pleasant and unpleasant, because I dare not attempt to chara- 
cterise those phenomena of human nature categorically in terms 
of modern Ethics or Anthropology. They will have to be 
judged by a standard which was in vogue and operation more 
than two thousand years ago. For, as I hope to prove to you 
presently, both these Blessings and these. Curses are not the 
characteristics of individuals, but they represent a phase of 
ethical and spiritul culture, through which the Aryan Society, 
depicted in the Mahabhafata, must have actually passed, at 
one time. 

It is a widely accepted truism that the Mahabharata is all 

things to all men. To ids admirers it is of course a store house 

of all that is best in the civilisation and culture of the India of 

two thousand years ago. But to those who despise and contemn 

everything archaic or ancient, that store house is nothing but a 

dust bin, containing all that is unserviceable, unwanted, filthy 

and haimful. How then can we reconcile this contradiction except 

by reference to the simple dictum " Every man to his taste " ? 

Even in the City dustbin, there is matter for the foul tongue of 

the dog, as also matter for the keen eye of the man of luck, who 

looks only for grains of old. 

This odd mixture of good and evil is characteristic of all 
books of ancient literature, which are not the work af a single 



The &ddk of the Curse , * 

writer but a collection and compilation of tracts, swelling from 
age to age, with additions, emendations, interpolations, made 
by a number of hands and minds. This should be characteristic 
of course much more of ancient religious literature than Epic 
poems, In purely religious literature there is no central theme, 
round which may be entwined branches of relevant but extra- 
neous literature. The Hindu Vedas are perhaps an illustration 
of the kind of literature without a central theme. The Vedas are 
a collection mostly of independent compositions, which show a 
complete variety of matter, embracing prose and poetry, descri- 
ptive, didactic, lyrical, philosophical, and also dealing with 
practical human affairs. The Koran has no central theme, but is 
supposed to be a collection of the utterances, of which the Pro- 
phet Mahomed delivered himself in occasional periods of spiri- 
tual trance, or Samadhi, or extacy. 

Coming to the Bible we find, in fche first place, that it is made 
up of two distinct books, the old and the New Testament, the 
first dealing with the Jewish prophets and kings, and the second 
with Jesus, and his propagandist disciples. The range of the 
literary evolution of the Bible extends from the Song of the well, 
an old popular song supposed to be written between 1300 and 
1100 B. 0. to the final form of the book of Revelation, supposed 
to be written in 136 A. D. The Bible is in the main truly a 
literature and not a theological or ecclesiastical treatise, or 
indeed a single book of any kind, springing, asfit does, not from 
any one mind but from scores and hundreds r not from one age 
but from many. ( The Bible by Sunderland ). 

Like the Mahabharata the Bible also has its own light and 
shade. Thus in the old Testament you find sanction and permi- 
ssion for slavery, polygamy, revenge, deceit, murder of witches 
and heretics, war, indiscriminate slaughter of captives taken 
in war, and many other kinds of evil. On the other hand 
we find in the New Testament, compensating or redeeming 
features. For there is a continuous movement in the Christian 
mind, as reflected in the Bible, towards progress in many direc- 
tions, social religious and philosophical, as evinced by the 
doctrines of monogamy, non-resistance to Evil, Monotheism, and 
immortality of the soul. It is legitimate, therefore, to demand 
that in judging of the Bible we must take its beat and highest 



54 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

teaching, not its lowest and worst,~in other words we musfe 
look at the Bible as it has grown to, and not what ifc has grown 
from. The writers who have contributed ta it were no doubt 
bigoted, coarse, and even cruel afc times, children of a rude age 
some of them occupying different planes morally and spiritual- 
ly but on the whole grand men, whose words are, even for the 
present age, rousing bugle-calls to righteousness in human 
conduct '. 

Curiously enough, unlike the Vedas or the Koran or the 
Bible, the Mahabharata has a central theme, and yet, like these, 
it is overburdened with accretions. The Mahabharata is mainly 
the story -of an epic war. It is set between two flaming pillars 
of glorification of the Pandavas one the Rajsuya Sacrifice, 
glorifying them at home, and the Asvamedha Sacrifice, 
glorifying them abroad. The first Sacrifice represents their 
incipient ambition to come to their own as kings, and the second 
represents the fulfilment -and accomplishment of that ambition. 
The Mahabharata is not a biography, in the sense of narrating 
in detail fche individual private life of the Pandavas. It is the 
extention, throughout, of the single trait of the character of the 
principal personages, e.g. the indecisive, brain-befogged and plau- 
sible Yudhisthira ? the gluttonous but brave honest and cock-sure 
Bhlma ; the Valiant, practical minded, and well beloved Arjuna ; 
the spirited and womanly-wise DraupadI 5 the selfless, righteous 
and dutiful Kunfcl ; the hopelessly affection-blind DhrtarSstra 5 
the single-mindedly jealous and haughty 'Duryodhana ; the 
beastly reckless Duhsaasana ; the morally heroic and wise but 
weakminded Bhlsma; the welt-intentioneH but helpless and 
pathetic Yidura ; and last but not least, the wise, the powerful, 
the practical, the statesmanly. the loving, and the magnificently 
unselfish Srl-Krsna. None of these have any private individual 
life of their own in the Mahabharata. They are a team yoked, 
without rest or interval, to take the chariot of Justice and 
Righteousness to the triumphant destination, designed by the 
author of the grand epic. And yet the Mahabharata is notoriously 
over-burdened with Upakathas ( OTT^TM'S ). This accounts for 
the original Bharata of 25 thousand stanzas swelling into the 
Mahabharata of 100 thousand stanzas. And it is to be noted that 



The Riddle of the Curse 5 c 

the Curses, to which I am alluding, preponderate mostly in the 
subsidiary stories, legends, anecdotes, traditions, folk lore, and 
allegories. In the Adi Parvan, e. g. you find a larger number of 
Curses than in any other Parvan. And it is in this Parvan, with 
the exception of the Santi Parvan and Anusasana Parvan, that 
you find more matter unconnected with the main story of the 
Mahabharaca War, than in any other Parvan, 

I have in my hand a long list of Curses. By itself it would 
be interesting reading. But most of you have a good idea of 
them ; and therefore I do not propose to read them, lest it may tire 
your patience. I will deal with them only theoretically. 

An analysis of the various Curses shows that even Curses 
have their own fate, destiny and vissicitudes of fortune. Thus 
some Curses have an instantaneous effect. At the other end, some 
Curses are not only defeated and nullified but even react injuri- 
ously upon their authors. It is interesting to see what happens 
to the Curses in between these two extremes. I shall relate a 
few of these happenings at random. Thus a Curse is modified or 
mollified immediatly on its uttera nee, on an appeal for mercy by 
him who is to suffer from it. This appeal generally succeeds, be- 
cause none so heartless as will not relent. And is not an appeal 
for mercy in itself a triumph for the Curse giver ? And he either 
modifies the rigour of the punishment, or suggests a remedy for 
its nullification, or varies the period of its operation. But in 
Borne cases the Curse is stoutly and successfully opposed by 
the counter soul force or strength of will in the intended victim. 
In fact in the nftro<r* (ws^S) VasukI, the great Serpent, 
expressly says to his brothers 

^Enhmft snq-Rf srfH^rrm ft f^nr 
JT 5 mgrsw^TH'H f irrsfr fiKrer win 

" All Curses, except those given by a mother, can be of course 
met by a counter stroke ". Or some third party or agency with a 
spiritul force, equal or superior to that of the giver of the Curse, 
intervenes ? with the result that the curse fails. In some cases the 
Curse is conditioned to take effect like a time-fuse bomb, and is 
hindered in the process by unexpected obstacles; In some cases 
the Curse is simply capable of different interpretations, and the 
victim may adopt and insist upon an interpretation favourable to 



j6 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

himself and thus naively escapes its operation. Some of the Curses 
in the Mahabharata do not appear to be even genuine. But the 
author Wl% interpolates them as anticipations of prophecies. Some 
Curses are pure after-thoughts, in the sense that what is mention- 
ed as having actually happened in the story, is related back 
in point of time by imagination. And nothing can be more easy 
to turn accomplished facts into prophecies or Curses, than by 
simply stating that it was so destined to happen under a Curse. 
The reason for falling a victim to this temptation of falsifying a 
story, or adulterating it with non-genuine matter, is that readers 
are generally credulous enough to accept anything without 
scrutiny or criticism ; and there is no fear of checking the altera- 
tions made in manuscripts by a comparative study of them and 
determining the valid texfcs. In the case of some Curses it is 
obvious that by promulgating them out of his own imagination, 
the malefesant corruptor of the Manuscript gratifies his own fancy 
and predilections. Thus Yudhisthira ( grxrfsn; ) cursed his own 
mother KuntI ( ^cfr ) saying that no woman shall ba hereafter 
able to keep a secret. This is obviously too wide of the mark. If 
KuntI ( ^rft ) had been cursed for herself for concealing the birth 
of Karna ( ^<JT ) one could easily understand it, as the effusion of 
a righteous man, who felt injured by this unnecessary unjust 
treatment of his own brother. But the curse upon the eternal 
generations of women, slyly wickedly alluding to the tell tale 
gossiping character of womankind, fails absolutely to fit in with 
the needs of the case. 

Let us now discuss the philosophical aspect of the phenomena 
of Curses. 

1 In the early human society the world of thought is domina- 
ted by magic, Animism and polytheism. The rules of ethical 
conduct are determined mostly by custom, and the violation 
of custom is supposed to bring about its own penalty, either 
through some evil automatically happening to the offender, or 
through the intervention of some evil Spirit. Apart from custom 
there are positive taboos against certain kinds of acts. And whe- 
ther for the violation of the custom or the taboo, a curse is pro- 
nounced by the people as a whole or a priest as the representa- 
tive of the people. ' 



The Riddle of the Curse 

all religions have passed through this crude spiritual 
stage. In that stage there is a mixture or a blending of the magi- 
cal and the ethical. Consequently we meet with blessings and 
curses supposed to have effects in this life or even the life here- 
after. The Hindu and Christian and Zororastrian religious 
books, contain evidence of the power, wielded by supernatural 
Spirits both for good and evil. Those who are ethically good 
and righteous are blessed with the good things of the earth, and 
those who are immoral wicked and sinful are cursed. Thus 
Ahura declar.es that the Waters shall be an enjoyment for the 
righteous, and a torment for the wicked. As regards sexual 
matters, the Courtesan is banned, as one whose look dries up the 
mighty floods. They are cursed with death at the hands of 
gliding snakes or howling wolves. The man who goes to a 
woman in her menses is liable to be beaten with whips by 
unknown hands. Abortion is treated as murder. The first Curse 
flf Goddess Ashi is for the Courtesan who destroys her child, the 
second for her who passes off a strange child as her husband's 
child, and the third Curse is for the men who deprive virgins 
and maids of the right or opportunity of marrying and produc- 
ing children. The fear of bringing barrenness on the land is 
the dominating motive In these Curses and ordinances. 

Similarly in chapter XXVII of the old Testament there are 
Curses pronounced by Moses upon the Jews, who will not obey 
or carry out the famous commandments. They are of two kinds- 
general Curses, i. e, Curses, in which punishments are not men 
tioned but offences are specified ; and secondly, specific Curses 
in which both the offences and punishments are specified. Thus 
a Curse in general terms is imposed upon the rnanj that makes 
any graven or molten image, or treats his parents with light- 
ness or frivolty, or removes his neighbour's landmark, or makes 
the blind to wander out of the way, smites his neighbour secretly, 
or kills an innocent person for reward. As for punishmsnts, 
which are pronounced as part of the Curses, they are e. g. 
pestilence, consumption, showers of powder and dust, madness, 
blindness etc. Further these Curses are to pursue the condemned 
person or persons, overtake them, destroy them and also their 
progeny. One Curse in particular ( in Verse 53 XXVIII Old 
8 I Annals, B. O. R. I. ] 



58 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Testament ) goes so far as to say " Thou shall eat the fruit of 
your own body, the flesh of thy sons and thy daughters. " 

Speaking of pre-Christian pagan times, Curse tablets by the 
thousand have been found in Greek graves and Sanctuaries, 
Curse is the essence of early Greek law. No commandment without 
a Curse. Break the commandment, and something dire or dread- 
ful is bound to happen, Written on those Curse tablets were 
the words * I bind you down. ' 

When one reads of a Curse given by somebody to somebody 
else, the first impression is that it is the exhibition of unwarra- 
nted impatience, or petulance, or irritability, or malevolence or 
wickedness, on the part of the giver of the Curse. But I have 
read of no Curse which was gratuitous or unprovoked. Some- 
body is in the wrong, or has committed an offence before the 
Curse was uttered. Then, however, comes the questioa whether 
the offended party should nofc have capacity enough for toleration 
and forgiveness. That point becomes relevant and valid, because 
the author of a Curse is supposed to possess a fund of spiritual 
merit, without which no Curse can be operative or effective ; and 
in that case an expectation naturally arises in our mind, that 
such a spiritually superior man should have in him the grace of 
toleration and forgiveness, which are or should be the natural 
accompaniment of such spiritual superiority. Is it not better 
for this spiritual man to conserve his Tapasya ( er<Twr ) and for- 
give the offender, than spend or expend it in a Curse ? Though 
spiritual merit, acquired by Tapas ( OT^), be an energy or an 
ammunition, must it be necessarily spent in an explosion of the 
Curse, like a bullet or a bomb ? But the history of Curses shows 
that even in the Golden Age, toleration and forgiveness were at a 
discount, which brings men of that age, I beg to claim, on a level 
with the men of this Kaliyuga ( ^i%g*r ) the so called vile accur- 
sed Age. The superiority of the men of the Golden Age may lie 
in the capacity to produce the spiritual gun powder, but not in 
the capacity to use it sparingly. Happily the man of the Kali 
Yuga has not in him that factory to produce a spiritually 
explosive ammunition, though he may not also show a greater 
capacity for forgiveness. The main difference betr/een the two, 
therefore, lies in the fact that while in the matter of redressing a 



The Riddle of the Curse 

wrong done to him, the man of the Mahabharata was independent 
and self-reliant, the man in the Kaliyuga, is not allowed to take 
the law into his own hand. How shall we explain this pheno- 
menon or this riddle of the Curse in ancient times ? It is obvious 
in the first place, that in ancient times the giver of the Curse 
must have some reason to believe that the evil which he pro- 
nounces as punishment is bound to happen. Otherwise it would 
be mere conscious deliberate empty bluff ! But it was not. Can 
it be because he had already found out this power of his by 
experience in any previous cases ? Or, though it may be the 
very first case of his Curse, he may be so confident or self-delud- 
ed or vain as to believe that his very utterance of the Ourse will 
get the Machinery of the natural and supernatural powers 
concerned in motion, and bring about the ordained result? As 
I have pointed out above, in some cases, the Curse may be 
nullified by stronger powers, but in many cases the Curses have 
been actually fulfilled as recorded in the Mahabharata. In these 
cases how dit it all happen ? Had the Curse giver actually such 
power over the circumstances ? Could he command Nature to 
his will ? Or was he such a favourite with God that this man 
could draw a cheque at will upon the Divine Bank for a special 
specific dispensation to meet his demand or order ? In the 
opinion of some people the explanation is, that the very person, 
on whom the Curse is inflicted, helps the giver of the Curse by 
believing that the Curse will be fulfilled, and putting himself in 
such a mentally weak helpless or susceptible condition by 
nervous prostration, that the intended physical harm should 
come about. In other words the receiver of the Curse himself 
helps the giver and contributes to the result. But the Curses 
are so various that, in some of the cases, the result is physically 
impossible to be so brought about It should be remembered 
that Curses were prevalent in an age, in which society was not 
far advanced in point of public judicial administration, so that 
taking the law into one's own hand was a necessity, and was 
also a recognised method of redressing private personal injury 
or grievance. In the modern age, this right of the private 
individual to become his own complainant, his own witness, his 
own Judge and Jury, and finally his own police and executive 



ou annais oj we tihandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

agency, is strictly limited in the Criminal law to only cases of 
self-defence, in which immediate spontaneous action alone can 
prevent irreparable harm to person or property, and recourse to 
the Majistoacy or the police would be out of the question. ' 

In winding up my theme I feel gratified to be able to conclu- 
de on a pleasant note. And it is this. Many of the Curses, 
which have oome under review in my paper, were uttered by 
men reputed to be ( 3tfs : ) Rsis and ( gr% ? s ) Munis, who were 
supposed to have practised ( cfT^r ) Tapasya or holy penance 
during part of their life. And it would, therefore, be claimed 
against them, that they should have known better than to have 
lost their temper and composure so lightly, and spent that spiri. 
tual force in actions of undignified retaliation by uttering Curses. 
But I wish prominently to note by way of contrast, that, throu- 
ghout the traditional biographies of all the modern saints and 
Godly men, belonging to the ( *a%3Ertsr3T*T ) Bhaktisampradaya 
in Maharashtra, extending for five centuries from (^n^R) 
Jnane^vara to (g^Rra) Tukarama, you do not come across 
a single instance of a Curse given by any of them. Not that 
these saints had no troublesome opponents or enemies. But the 
Saints won a victory over them, by exhibition of an extraordi- 
nary self-restraint and divine forbearance. I would give a few 
instances. When ( W*^ 1 ) Namadeva visited Delhi, a cow was 
killed by a ( *rer ) Yavana in the very presence of the Saint 
while he was performing ( $T?C&TT ) Hari Klrtana. But ( srm^) 
instead of cursing the miacreant, continued his Hari Klrtanas 
till the cow was brought back to life. A vile Critic and reviler 
of Ekanatha repeatedly spat on his body while returning after a 
holy bath from (*riwfr) the GodavarL The only thing Ekanatha did 
was to tire out the patience of his opponent by going back each 
iime for one more purifying bath in the riv er. The notorious 
(sfsrisft) Mambaji caused the whole record of the Saintly poetry of 
(g^rcm ) Tukarama to be drowned in (ssnrsft) the Indr&yanl river 
at Dehu. But in none of these cases did the saint lose his spiritual 
composure, much less give a Curse. Here was a contrast to the 
petulant and ill-tempered men of the ( q^cnSte ) Pauranic times- 
the so called ( stf% 7 s ) Rsis and ( gR's ) Munis-whose mind 
and tongue must have been as bad as the proverbial scor- 
pion, who stings as soon he feels an adverse, or not even aa 



The Riddle of the Curse fa 

adverse touch* And one can, therefore, make a claim that the 
saints and holy men of the historical ages in this country have 
proved to be men with a superior spiritual competence than 
those of the ( <TklTO3> ) Pauranic ages, and that human nature is 
not deteriorating as pessimists would have us believe. I arn an 
optimist. In my view the Golden Age, if there be a golden age, 
was certainly not in the past but may be in the fufcure. The only- 
redeeming: feature of these unpleasant Curses seems to be that 
reliable evidence of their actual fulfilment is as rare and elusive 
as the evidence of the so called miracles. The evidence is 
generally of a heresay character, and repetition of the miraculous 
fulfilment cannot of course be demanded, much less commanded. 
In most cases the story of a Curse is fabricated as fanciful inter- 
pretation of some event or happening, which could not be explain- 
ed by ordinary rules of logic or experience. This is all like 
astrological prophecies, which are in many cases post facto antici- 
pations. The phrase is paradoxical bub easily explains itself. 
For, like an astrological prophecy, no one can honestly say that 
he has seen both the prophecy openly nailed to the Counter well 
in advance, formulated in unambigaous terms, and seen also its 
fulfilment under test conditions. 

The fact, however, remains, that belief in Curses is one of the 
curious contents, stored up and cherished in a secret pocket of 
the human mind, which is called credulity or faith, and which 
cannot be openly investigated and examined. Though not so 
rampant as in ancient times, belief in Curses sfcill lingers even 
in this modern age. There is still a belief that words uttered by a 
suffering soul have a mystical potency for evil. Belief in soul 
force no doubt lingers even in the 20th century, but it is now on 
its trial, and is fighting in the last ditch. It is being hard pressed 
by the ever advancing f^TTT, or knowledge of the physical 
world, physical laws, the emancipation of the mind and intellect, 
and the achievements of Seience, which Man can test by 
experience and handle for his use and welfare. Soul-force is a 
not unwelcome category, but would be desired not as a weapon 
of offensive ill-will, but an instrument of righteous self 
discipline. In that case its effects on others would be irrelevant 
and out of count. Soul-force should remain only as a synonym 



62 Annuls o/ ik Bkndarhr Oriental Rmrcl Institute 

of strength of will, purity of motives of actions, and steadfast- 
ness of purpose and endeavour, The ethics of it all will remain 
though the halo and grandeur of spirituality may disappear, 

And now I would like to conclude by fancifully parodying a 
Curse, by relating to you a fabricated legend which you, my 
hearers will, I think, like to believe, It is an example of an 
apparent Curse intended as a blessing. Half a century ago there 
was a student of Sanskrit, by name Ramkrishna Bhandarkar 
who was so persistently industrious in his devotion to it, that the 
Goddess presiding over ($rpft) the DevavanI could not get a 
moment's rest, out of his ( TOT ) and ( fa ) S 6 va, She saw she 
had no more gifts in her treasure to give him, And in a moment 
of desperation, when his devotion became a nuisance, she cursed 
him saying " You will take the form of a marble block and 



or, 

and remain motionless as a statue in an academy of Oriental 
Studies, which will cherish and worship you, and which you will 
perpetually inspire in return out your love for of knowledge and 
research." 



GLIMPSES OF EDUCATION IN ANCIENT INDIA * 

BY 
RADHA KUMUD MOOKERJI 

Vastness of the Subject. The subject of Ancient Indian Educa- 
tion is too vast to be adequately treated in one occasional lecture. 
It calls for a special treatise for its proper treatment. I have, 
therefore, chosen to give a few peeps or glimpses into the 
system of education that prevailed in ancient India, and stands 
so amply justified by its results, the quality and quantity of 
its output, the vast and varied literature that it has brought 
forth through the ages. But, unfortunately, more attention has 
been paid to the literary creations of this ancient educational 
system than to the system which produced them, its aims and 
methods responsible for the results. 

Education at its best : Vedic Education. I may begin by 
presenting the features of Ancient Indian Education at its best 
and at its earliest, as revealed in Vedic literature, especially the 
literature of the Brahmanas, Upanisads, and Aranyakas. These 
works do not describe directly the educational system of which 
they were the products. It has to be studied in indirect allusions, 
incidental illustrations, or stray passages, contained in these 
texts. 

Hermitages. First of all,- they indicate the physical 
environment in which education was imparted. It was imparted 
in schools located far away from the din and bustle of cities in 
an atmosphere of solitude, peace and quiet conducive to that 
contemplation on the basis of which India thought out her 
highest. From these sylvan schools, hermitages, and solitary 
retreats flowed the highest thought of India. 

India's cmhzation-ruralnot urban, India's civilization itselt 
is very largely the product of her woods and forests. It was not 
in its origin an urban but aruraUi^ 



* The paper was read a^hn 23rd 
Anniversary of the late Dr. Sir B. G. Bhandarkar. 



64 Amah of the Bhandatkar Oriental Research Institute 

been very graphically put by the Poet Rabindranath Tagore in 
his inimitable words * 

" A most wonderful thing we notice in India is that here 
the forest, not the town, is the fountain-head of all its civiliza- 
tion. 

" Wherever in India Its earliest; and most wonderful manifes- 
tations are noticed, we find that men have not cooie into such 
close contact as to be rolled or fused into a compact mass. There, 
trees and plants, rivers and lakes, had ample opportunity to live 
in close relationship with men. 

" In these forests, though there was human society, there was 
enough of open space, of aloofness ; there was no jostling, still 
this aloofness did not produce inertia in the Indian mind, rather 
it rendered it all the brighter, it is the forest that Jias nurtured 
the two great ancient ages of India, the Vedic and the Buddhist. 

" As did the Vedie Ksis, Lord Buddha also showered his 
teachings in the many woods of India. 

" The current of civilization that flowed from its forests 
inundated the whole of India, " 

India a land tif villages. To this day the civilization of India 
has maintained its original character. It is still not of her 
cities. Its roots lie in the villages. The Nation in India still 
lives in the village and in the cottage. This is proved by the 
figures of census showing that India still means a land of about 
7 lacs of villages as against about only 38 cities, taking the 
population of a city at one lac and above. 

Its appropriate ptan of reconstruction. This fundamental fact 
should determine the lines on which India's political and 
economic reconstruction should proceed. It is primarily a 
problem of rural reconstruction, the rehabilitation of her lacs of 
villages where live her dumb millions. I have recently served 
for iwo years as a member of an important Agricultural 
Commission, the Floud Commission, who investigated rural 
problems of all possible types in different regions all over India. 
I have thus got a vivid picture in my mind of what India is as 
a reality. Reconstruction must relate itself to this reality. 
Three hundred millions out of nearly 400 millions of India's 
total population are on land from which it is not easy to move 



Glimpses of Education in Ancient India 5 

them by any profitable schemes of industrial planning. That 
planning may touch the top but there must be some other plan- 
ning to be applied to the foundation of India's social structure. 

Agriculture in India is unable to feed these millions. Their 
lot is chronic starvation. Agriculture employs them for about 
half the year, but it has its off-seasons for the other half of the 
year, when these millions are rendered workless, and without 
means of livelihood. In the ancient indigenous economic 
system there was a balanced development of both agriculture 
and industry OT handicrafts in every village. Every village 
was run as a self-contained economic unit. 

The ancient Indian Village Republic. Politically it was also 
functioning as a regular republic. India through the ages has 
been built up as a vast rural democracy, the home of countless 
self-governing groups of various descriptions. These republican 
village-communities of India rendered a good account of 
themselves through the ages as centres of life and light, 
strongholds of India's culture, right up to about 18th century 
until they were swept away by the onrush of a centralized 
system of administration and over-government. The position 
was very well explained by that renowned Anglo-Indian 
administrator, Sir Charles Metcalfe, before a Select Committee 
of the House of Commons in 1832 [ Report, Vol. Ill, Appendix 84, 
p. 331 ]. He stated : " The village communities are little re- 
publics, having nearly everything they can want within them- 
selves and almost independent of any foreign relations. Thejr 
seem to last where nothing else lasts. Dynasty after dynasty 

tumbles down 3 revolution succeeds revolution,... but 

the village community remains the same eo This union of 

the village communities, each one forming a separate little state 
for itself, has, I conceive, contributed more than any other 
cause to the preservation of the peoples of India, through all the 
revolutions and changes which they have suffered, and is in 
a high degree conducive to their happiness, and to the enjoy- 
ment of a great portion of freedom and independence , 

I have been led to this digression by my contacts with 
politics which I sometimes take to be a fruitful field for applied 
history. 

9 [ Annals, B. O B. I. J 



66 Annals of the ghandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

My point is that in the good old days for millenniums India's 
culture and civilization centred in her villages which were 
living organisms, and built up the country on stable foundations, 
In that upbuilding, the system of education naturally played 
the most important part as a creative and formative process. 

Education as a system of both learning and living. The system 
of education in these rural schools and hermitages was a system 
not merely of learning, but of living. Education was considered 
not as a mere mechanical process of imparting information from 
without. It was considered a biological process, a process of 
growth from within. It was to be an inner growth, This 
educative process in the ancient Indian system is named by the 
significant term Brahmacarya, It is something which depends on 
carya practice or realization, and not on mere theory or 
intellectual apprehension of truth, 

Need of the teacher. This view of education determined its 
method. It depended absolutely on the teacher. The pupil must 
seek the teacher who can admit him to his teaching. The 
Chandogya-upanisad compared the pupil without a teacher to a 
man who is blind-folded and is unable to find his way home, 
He can find it only when the teacher takes off his eyes the 
bandage i. e. dispel fche mist of empirically acquired knowledge 
blinding his eyes. The pupil thus finding his teacher must live 
with him. He is called an antevasi, one who lives close to his 
teacher. 

The teacher's home as school * Individual treatment in education* 
In ancient India, the home of fche teacher was the school. The 
school was a natural formation and not an artificially created 
institution. The constant touch between the teacher and taught 
was vital to education. The pupil's concern should be to imbibe 
the inward method of the teacher, the secrets of his efficiency, 
the spirit of his life and work, and these things are too subtle to 
bo taught by formal instruction. India believed in domestic 
system in both industry and education and not in the methods of 
large scale production in factories turning out standardised 
products. Artistic work is the product of human skill, and not of 
the machine. 



Glimpses of Education in Ancient India $~ 

The making of man depends more on the human factor-on 
individual treatment of the pupil by his teacher. A modern 
school teaches pupils by ' classes ', and not as individuals, with 
their differences. Can any one conceive of a common 'treat- 
ment of patients suffering from different diseases ? While such 
treatment is not applied to diseases of the body which can be 
visualised, why should it be applied in dealing with invisible 
intangible material, with different minds and different spiritual 
conditions ? 

Self-fulfilmentthe Aim of Education. The individual touch of 
the master in education was also essential for its object. The 
objective of ancient Indian education was the attainment of *he 
highest knowledge, what may be called self-fulfilment It was 
not the acquisition of half-truths or intermediate truths. 
Education was to aid in self-fulfilment, and not in the acquisi- 
tion of mere objective knowledge. It was more concerned with 
the sub3'ect than the object, with the inner than the outer world. 

Avenues of Knowledge other than Senses. In its indifference to 
objective knowledge, the system assumes that this universe is 
not what is revealed by the bodily senses, which man shares 
with the lower animals, that our facilities of perception are not 
necessarily confined to the five senses, and that mental life is 
not entirely bound up with or completely dependent upon what 
is called the cerebral mechanism or the brain. It is, therefore, 
considered as the main business of education to open up other 
avenues of knowledge than the mere brain or the outer senses. 

Mind, the Chief Concern of Education. Thus the mind is the 
chief and central concern of this education. It was not to fill 
the mind with information like furniture. The mind is the 
supreme creative force of culture and civilization, It is the 
power of the mind that counts in life and not the information 
with which it may be furnished. Thus the method of this 
education was to train the mind itself as the medium and the 
instrument of knowledge, to overhaul the mental apparatus, to 
transform the psychic organism and to raise the level of mental 
life. It was not to fill the mind with stores of objective 
knowledge, 



68 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Inhibition of Individuation. It was the method of Yoga, the 
science and art of the reconstruction of self by discipline and 
meditation. It aims at stopping the functions of mind as the 
avenue or the vehicle of objective knowledge, the inhibition of 
individuation ; when the mind is withdrawn from tie world of 
matter and does not give itself to individuation, then omni- 
science, the knowledge of the whole, dawns upon it. 

Individuation sheets out omninscience. The theory is that it 
is hopeless to get at the knowledge of the whole through its 
parts, through the individual objects making up the universe, 
The right way is directly to seek the source of all life and 
knowledge, not to acquire knowledge piecemeal by the study 
of individual objects. Individuation is the concretising of the 
mind. The mind takes the form of the object in knowing it. 
It unites itself to the object, like the water fchafc limits itself in a 
tank. Thus individuation is bondage. It limits vision. Knowledge, 
omniscience, perception of life in the perspective of the whole, 
is Mukti or emanciptation, Individuation is death. 

Need of detaching Mind from Matter. Thus the mind, seeking 
external knowledge, comes into contact with and is contaminat- 
ed and transformed by matter, and communicates this con- 
tamination to tie soul, self or Purusa, which enters into 
bondage. The question is : How to break this bondage and 
escape from the clutches of matter ? By simply cutting off the 
inflow of matter upon mind, checking the materialisation of the 
mind and soul. For the soul too, in Milton's words of in- 
eight, "embodies and imbrutes". 

^ Hence education is citta-vrtKnirodha, controlling the mind, 
driving it to its deeper layers, its subterranean depths not 
ruffled by the ripples of the surface, the infinite distractions of 
the material world by which the mind wears itself out in 
fatigue. When the mind is thus led to rest in itself, falls back 
upon its innate strength and does not lose itself in the pursuit 
of knowledge of individual objects, there at once dawns and 
bursts forth on the mind and soul the totality of knowledge, 
material and spiritual, universal knowledge, omniscience as 
already explained. In the Upanisads, the universe is likened 



Glimpses of Education in Ancient India 



rooted in the universal consciousness, spreading 
its branches and leaves as the life and the phenomenal world. 

Views of Bergson. It is interesting to note that the great 
western philosopher, Bergson, is also in agreement with the great 
masters of Indian education in regard to this point of view, and 
the necessity of withdrawing the mind from the world of 
matter, which " imposes upon it its spatial forms, and thus 
arrests the natural creativity, inwardness, and suppleness of 
conscious life ". For, as he says, " consciousness, in shaping 
itself into intelligence, that is to say, in concentrating itself on 
matter, seams, to externalize itself ". It is only when the self 
"brackets *' itself out from the realm of things that the psychic 
processes regain their normal ways. Such withdrawal, says 
Bergson, permits the fusion of the varied functions of life and 
mind into a unitary and concrete process the intuition. He 
further points out that ts the individual's consciousness, delving 
downwards, reveals to him, the deeper he goes, his original 
personality, to which he may cling as something solid, as means 
of escape from a life of impulse, caprice, and regret. In our 
innermost selves, we may discover an equilibrium more durable 
than the one on the surface. Certain aquatic plants, as they 
rise to the surface, are ceaselessly jostled by the current; their 
leaves, meeting above the water, interlace, thus imparting to 
them stability above. But still more stable are the roots which 
firmly planted in the earth, support them from below ". [ Morality 
and Religion^ p. 6 ]. 

The three Steps of Learning. In such a scheme of education, 
mere study as such occupies a very subsidiary place. The Upa- 
nisads mention three steps of such education viz. ( i ) ^rava^a 
( 2 ) Manana ( 3 ) Nididhyasana. &rawna is listening to 
the instruction of the teacher, to the words or texts uttered by 
him. This was to be followed by the more important process of 
Manana or meditation on the subjects taught. But this 
resulted only in the intellectual apprehension of Truth, and not 
in its realization. This was to be achieved by Nididhyasana. 

The ideal is thus expressed by a great philosopher in the 
Upanisads: "When any one says: That is an ox, that is a 



yo Annals of tfo Bkandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

liorse ; it is thereby pointed out. Point out to me the revealed, 
unveiled Brahma, the Atman which dwells in everything. " 

Nididhyasana represents the highest stage of meditation which, 
with reference to Brahma or the one Eeality, has been defined as 
Vijatiya-deMdipratyaya-mrahita-advitiya-vastu - sajatlya-pravahah 
a as the steady stream ( pravaha ) of consciousness of the one, 
undisturbed by the slightest .consciousness of the many, or any 
material object, contradictory to the sense of the one or the soul," 
The Upanisads prescribe certain preliminary exercises in medi- 
tation to lead up to its final stage. These are called Upasanas 
giving training in contemplation. 

Naradds confessions to Sanatkumara : Learning without Realise 
tion of Truth. The situation is best summed up in the words 
that Narada , addresses to Sanatkumara ( Chandogya vii, 1), 
which throw light not merely on the methods of this education 
but also on the then subjects of study. 

Narada states that he had studied subjects like the Rgveda, 
"the Yajurveda, the Samaveda, the Atharvaveda as fourth, Ifcihasa- 
Purana as the fifth Veda, Grammar (called Vedanam-Vedah, 
1 the Veda of Vedas ' ), Biology ( Bhuia-vidya ), Arithmetic ( East ) 
Divination ( Daiva\ Chronoloy (Nidhi), Dialectics ( Vakovakyam 
Tarkasastram ), Politics ( Ekayana ), Tieology ( Deva-vidya ), 
Exegeiics ( = Nirukta, as explained by Samkara ), the Doctrine 
of Prayer ( Brahma-vidya ), which Samkara, however, explains as 
the Vedangas of 6tksa ( Phonetics ), Kalpa ( Ceremonial ) and 
Chandas ( Metrics or Prosody ), Nicromancy ( Pitrya ), Military 
Science ( Ksatra-vidya ), Astronomy ( Naksatra-vidya)> Study 
of snake-venoms ( Sarpa-vidya ) and the fine arts (Devajana-vidya) 
explained by Samkara to mean Nrtya ( Dancing ), Q-lta, Vadya 
( Music Vocal and Instrumental ) and other arts ( Silpadi ) ; but 
Ranga Ramanuja takes it as Deva-vidya ( Gandharva-Sastram ) 
or Music, and Jana-vidya or Ayurveda ( Medical Science ), Said 
Karada ; M These subjects, Sir, have 1 studied. Therefore am I 
learned in the scripture, ( Mantra-Vit), but not yet learned in 
the Atma(J[wia-FtO. Yet have I heard from such as are like 
you that lie who knows the Atman vanquishes sorrow.* I am in 
sorrow. Lead me then over, I pray, to the farther shore that lies 
beyond sorrow ". 



Glimpses of Education in Ancient India 7I 

tfarada here utters the prayer of all human beings carrying 
the common and universal burden of sorrow, the ills which flesh 
is heir to. It was given to India *to find the knowledge which 
would achieve man's release from this fundamental burden and 
bondage of life. 

The reply of Sanatkumara to this appeal of Narada is 
interesting :^ " Whatever you have studied is mere words ". 
Similarly, Svetaketu spending twelve years in a "thorough 
study of all the Vedas " is found by his father, ftsi Uddalaka 
Sruni, only "full ot conceit and confidence in his study and 
.wisdom, without the knowledge of the one through whom any- 
thing is known " ( Chandogya, vi, 1 ), 

CJpakoSala Kamalayana was another student who by his 
twelve years' study and austerities was not consideied fife by his 
teacher for the highest knowledge ( Oh. iv, 10 ), 

Therefore the Brhadaranyaka states ( iv, 4, 21 ) : " The seeker 
after the highest knowledge should not; seek after the knowledge 
of books, for that is mere weariness of the tongue ". Again : 
" Therefore, let a Brahmana, after he has done with learning, 
wish to stand by real strength ( knowledge of the self which 
enables us to dispense with all other knowledge)". The Kafha 
also points out : " Not by the Veda is the Atman attained, nor by 
intellect, nor by much knowledge of books " (i, 2, 23 ). 

Practical Subjects of Study. From theory and ideals, I may 
now turn to actual working of these ancient Indian schools. 
It will be seen that this education was not merely academic, 
theoretical, religious, philosophical or metaphysical. In the list 
of subjects available for study in the time of the Upanisads, as 
stated by Narada, there are included several practical subjects 
and positive sciences like Biology, Arithmetic, Politics, 
Dialectics, Military Science, Astronomy, Fine Arts, and Crafts. 
A passage in the JZgveda [ix, 112] shows how human needs and 
capacities remain the same in all ages, so as to call for the same 
kind of educational and social programmes : " We different men 
have different aptitudes and pursuits ( dhiyo vi vratam ). The 
carpenter ( Taksa ) seeks something that is broken j the 
physician (Bhisaj) a patient (rutam)i the priest (Brahma) 
some-one who will perform sacrifice ( sunvantam ). 



72 J&nnals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

"I am a poet (Karuh), my father a physician, and my 
mother a grinder of corn ( upala-praksini ) ". 

Training in Crafts * Tending Cattle and Dairy Fanning. I n th 
primary schools, a most practical training was given to th 
pupils by making the care of its cattle compulsory for each puml 
It was relating education to a craft. The craft which the UBS 
nisads prefer is the important one of dairy-farming, which 
counts to this day as one of the national key-industries of th 
country, The school and the homestead centred round the cow 
whom the Indian counts as his second mother, whose milk nouri- 
shes the child and is the best food eveji for the grown-up. Three 
acres and a cow has been India's economic plan through the 
ages. The pupils received a valuable training in the love of the 
cow and the industry of rearing up cattle and dairy-farming, 
with all the other advantages it gave of outdoor life and robust 
physical exercise, which was more fruitful in every way than 
the modern barren games of football and hockey. The Chandogya 
Upanisad tells us of the great sage Satyakama Jabala, who, in his 
boyhood, was apprenticed by his teacher to take charge of his 
cattle whose number grew under his guardianship from 400 to 
1000. And this training in industry was the foundation of the 
highest knowledge for which the Rsi was known. The Brlia- 
daranyaka also tells of ftsi Yajmavalkya, the foremost philo- 
sopher of the time, good enough, with his band of pupils, to drive 
away home from the court of Janaka 1000 cows, which the king 
bestowed oa him as the reward of his learning. 

Tending sacred fire. Besides tending the cattle of the school, 
there was other practical work presented for the pupil. His first 
daily duty was to walk to the woods, cut and collect fuel and 
fetch it home for tending the sacred fire. The Upanisads fre 
ctuently mention pupils approaching their teacher with fuel in 
hand as a token that the pupil is ready to serve the teacher and 
tend his household fire. The tiatapatka Brahmana explains 
( xi, 5, 4, 5) that the BrahmacaTI " puts on fuel to enkindle the 
mind with fire with holy lustre, " 

Tending the teacher's house. The pupil had also to tend the 
teacher s house. Tending the house was training the pupil in 
self-help, the dignity of labour, of menial service for his teacher, 
and the student-brotherhood. 



Glimpses of Education in Ancient India 7? 

Daily Begging for the School. Another duty of the Brahmacarl 
was to go out on a round for begging. It was not begging for 
himself but for the support of his school. Its educative value is 
explained in the atapatha-Brahmaria ( xi, 3, 3, 5 ) which points 
oat that it is meant to produce in the pupil a spirit of humility 
and renunciation. The daily practice of begging has its own 
moral effects, It makes the Ego less and less assertive and, 
with it, all unruly desires and passions, which do not shoot forth 
as their roots wither. Begging also makes the pupil feel how 
unattached he is to any ties, and he feels a sense* of independence, 
contributing to a sense of self-hood. It is like a ritual for the 
cultivation of impersonal relations in life. This contact of the 
recluse with the world is a valuable corrective, to the exaggerat- 
ed subjectivity of isolated meditative life in the hermitage. 
Isolation and intercourse lead to a higher synthesis of the inner 
and the outer. 

Variety of Educational Agencies and Institutions. The literature 
of the Brahmanas and Upanisads shows that the education of 
those days was imparted and spread through a variety of 
institutions* 

The Domestic Schools. The firefc of these was, as we hare seen, 
the domestic school of the teacher, his asrama or hermitage, 
to which were admitted pupils of tender age who leave the home 
of their natural parents where their body was cared for and nur- 
tured for that of the spiritual parent where their mind and soul 
would be nourished. This entry into the preceptor's home was 
a sort of spiritual birth and hence a second birth, whence the . 
Brahmacarin is dubbed a dvija and an antevasin. Life with the 
teacher was a life regulated by the discipline of Brahmacarya. 

The Carakas. Besides these domestic schools where the pupil 
completed his ordinary education as a Brahmacari, there were 
also in existence other agencies and institutions for advanced 
study and research and spread of learning through the country. 

There were pupils whose IOVB of knowledge became a passion, 
and made them dedicate their lives to its service. Such students 
sought to achieve further advances in their knowledge by means 
of discussions among themselves or by fche instruction of renowned 
specialists and literary celebrities. 
10 I Annals, B. O. B. I. J 



74 Annals of the Bbanddrkar Oriental Research Institute 

Thus these advanced students who were wandering through 
the country in quest of higher knowledge, these peripatetic 
teachers, formed a useful agency for the spread of learning and 
culture. They were the real educators of thought in the country. 
They were called by the significant name of Carakas. The 
texts mention many typical examples of these* Uddalaka Aruni 
of the Kuru-Fancala country goes to the north, where in a 
disputation to which he challenges the northern scholars, he has 
to yield to their leader, Saunaka [ ib. xi, 4, 1, 24 ]. He also spent 
some time in the land of the Madras in the north to receive 
instruction from their learned philosopher, Patancala Kapya 
[ Br. Up., iii, 7, 1 ]. " Five great householders and theologians 
came out together and held a discussion as to what is our self 
and what is Brahmau, ? " and then went together to the sage 
Uddalaka Aruni and to the king Asvapati Kaikeya for instruc- 
tion on the subject of Vaisvanara [ ib., x, 6, 1, 12 ; Chandogya Up.> 
v, 11 ]. Narada, after completing the study of all the sciences 
and arts of his times, seeks further instruction from Sanatkumara 
[ Chandogya Up., vii, 14 ]. 

Parisad. We also read of regular organizations for such 
advanced study, like the Pamcala Parisad, an academy 
patronized by the king of ohe country, Pravahana Jaivali, who 
daily attended its meetings [ ib., v, 3 ; Brhad. Up., vi, 2, 1-7 ]. 
I may say that the Bhandarkar Research Institute is itself 
functioning as a most important Parisad of modern times, 
keeping up the tradition of learning, handed down from the age 
of the Upanisads, 

We thus see that, along with the settled homes of learning in 
which education was begun and imparted under a regular 
system of rules and discipline governing the entire life of the 
Brahmacatin as a whole-time inmate of his preceptor's house, 
there was this system of academic meetings for purposes of 
philosophical discussions among advanced scholars wandering 
through the country in quest of higher knowledge and of the 
teacher who was able to impart it. It was in these learned 
debates of fluctuating bodies of peripatetic scholars thafc the 
ttuth about the Atman, the Ultimate Reality and foundation of 
things, was thoroughly thrashed out and the study and wisdom 



Glimpses oj Education in Ancient India 75 

of the elementary schools were tested and matured through the 
ordeal of criticism and friction of minds. 

It may be noted in this connection that the Upanisads them- 
selves are in a sense to be regarded as the record and outcome of 
such academic disputations, the transactions, so to speak, of the 
philosophical Eocieties or circles of the literary celebrities of the 
times. They represent the results of the researches of advanced 
scholars with whom the pursuit of truth, the quest of the Atrnan, 
superseded all other pursuits and quests and who frequently met 
together to discuss and compare the results of their independent 
investigations. They constitute a kind of knowledge, a body of 
truths, which could not usually and naturally be attained in the 
preliminary and preparatory period of formal pupilage under a 
system in which the student was to " sit down near " ( upa + ni+ 
sad, ) his teacher for instruction. 

Learned Conferences. Besides these residential schools, 
academies for advanced study, and circles of philosophical 
disputants, a great impetus to learning came from the assemblies 
of learned men gathered together by kings. A typical example 
of these was the Conference organized by King Janaka of 
Videha in connection with his horse-sacrifice, to which, he 
invited all the learned men of the Kuru-Pancala country. 
The leading figure in that Conference was Yajmavalkya, 
to whom difficult metaphysical problems were put by eight 
leading philosophers of the times, viz* 01 ) Uddalaka Aruni, who 
was the centre of a circle of scholars contributing most to the 
philosophy of the Upanisads (2) A&vala, the Hotr priest of 
king Janaka; (3) Srtabhaga ; (4) Bhujyu, a fellow pupil of 
Aruni Senior; (5)Usasta; (6)Kahoda; (7) Sakalya ; and 
( 8 ) GargI, the learned daughter of Vacaknu. The satisfactory 
solutions which Yajmavalkya gave to all the problems put to 
him won him the palm of supremacy among the philosophers of 
his times and the king's reward of 1000 cows with their horns 
hung with gold coins ( 5 pieces of padasto each ) [ Br. Up. ]. 

Yajnavalkya as an example of the educational system. The life of 
Yajnavalkya very well illustrates these educational agencies 
and conditions of the times, He started as the pupil of Uddalaka 
Aruni whose son, Svetaketu, was one of his fellow-disciples. 



j6 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Next, we find him wandering through the country with his com- 
panions, Svetaketu, and Soma Susma, till they meet on the way- 
king Janaka of Videha who defeats them in argument. While 
the other two hold back, Yajnavalkya, a true seeker after Truth, 
draws after the king and has no hesitation in receiving instruc- 
tion from him, a Ksatriya. After instruction, the Brahmana 
pupil, Yajnavalkya, offered a boon to his Ksatriya teacher, the 
king, who answered * " Let mine be the privilege of asking 
questions of thee when I list, O Yajnavalkya ! " [ Sata. Br.^\, 6, 2 ] 
We next find Yajnavalkya figuring in the Philosophical 
Congress called by Janaka, as decribed above, and establishing 
his superiority to his teacher, TJddalaka. We later find him 
teaching king Janaka, another of his former teachers, on three 
occasions. Janaka was taught six: different definitions of 
Brahman by six teachers named Jitvan, Udanka, Barku, Gardabhl- 
viplta, Satyakama, and Sakalya. Yajnavalkya taught him the 
Upanisads or hidden attributes behind these definitions. On 
the next occasion, king Janaka sought his instruction on the 
question, " Whither will you go after death ? " On Yajnavalkya's 
reply to this question, Deussen says * *' Nor have we even today 
any better reply to give " [ Philosophy of the Upanisads^ p. 90 \ 
The king was so much moved by it thafc he offered his preceptor 
entire kingdom as a gift, with himself as slave 1 On the third 
occasion, Yajnavalkya delivers to the king his last discourse on 
Brahman, to attain Whom one must free himself from desire. 
" Knowing this, the people of old did not wish for offspring. 
What shall we do with offspring, they said, we who have this 
self, and this world of Brahman ? " Again : " The Atman is 
that which is without and above hunger and thirst, sorrow and 
passion, decay and death. Realising that Atman, Brahmanas 
conquer the desire for progeny, for wealth and possessions, and 
even for heaven, and embrace the life of renunciation as homeless 
mendicants, subsisting by the strength which this knowledge of 
Atman alone gives ; bhen they devote themselves to contempla- 
tion till they are ultimately merged in the Brahman " [ Br. Up. ]. 

Yajlavalkya was not slow to apply to himself his teachings. 
He had two wives, Maitreyl snd KatyayanI, whom he called one 
day and said : " Verily, I am going away from this my house 



Glimpses of Education in Ancient India 77 

into the forest Let me make a settlement; between you ! " 
Maitreyl, however, asked him : " My Lord, if this whole earth, 
full of wealth, belonged to me, tell me, should I be immortal by 
it or no?" "No," replied Yajnavalkya, "there is no hope of 
immortality by wealth. " Then Maitreyl said : " What should 
I do with that by which I do not become immortal ? What my 
Lord knoweth of Immortality, tell that clearly to me. " 
Yajnavalkya then gave to his wife, Maitreyl, instruction on 
Brahma and then retired to the forest f Br. Up., iv, 6 ]. 

Aranyakas. The learning or culture of India was chiefly the 
product of her hermitages in the solitude of the forests. It wag 
not of the cities. The learning of the forests was embodied in 
the books specially designated as Aranyakas, " belonging to the 
forests. " Indian civilization in its early stages, as stated above, 
had been mainly a rural, sylvan, and not an urban civilization. 

Women and Ksatriyas in Education. Two features in this 
educational system should not be missed. The first is the part 
taken in intellectual life by women like GargI, who could address 
& congress of philosophers on learned topics, or like Maitreyl, 
who had achieved the highest knowledge, that of Brahma. 
The "Bgveda shows us some women as authors of hymns, such 
as Visvavara, Ghosa, and Apala. The second feature is the 
part taken by Ksatriyas in intellectual life, by kings as patrons 
and devotees of learning, The most famous of these was King 
Janaka of Videha, whose contributions to learning have been 
already indicated. There was also the Pancala king, Pravahana 
Jaivali, who taught Brahmana scholars like Sllaka, Dalbhya 
[ Chandogya Up t> i, 5 ], Svetaketu, and his father Uddalaka 
[ ib., v, 3 ]. King As;vapati Kaikeya was another learned king 
teaching Brahmana pupils [ ib., v s 11]. So also was King 
Pratardana [ Kausi. Br., xxvi, 5 ] or King Janasruti [ Chan, 
Up., iv, 1-3 ]. Karada, the foremost Brahmana scholar, with 
all his learning, had to seek the instruction of Sanatkumara on 
Atman I ib., vii, 1 ]. Sanatkumara told Narada that what he 
had hitherto studied was mere words, that he was a Mantravit 
but not an AtmavzL The Arunis, father and son, once sought the 
teachings of King Gitra-Gangayani [Kausitafa Up., i, 1]. 
Another learned king mentioned is Janasruti Pautrayana 



78 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 



[ Chandogya Up. ]. Another was King Brhadratha [ 
Up, ]. AjataSatru , King of KasI, was another very learned king 
whose superiority and pupilage were acknowledged by that 
distinguished Brahmapa scholar, Drpta Balaki Gargya, whose 
fame for learning was known all over the country, to the 
Uslnaras, Satvat Matsyas, Kuru-Pancalas, and Kasl-Videhas 
[ Srhad. Up., ii, 1, 1 ]. 

Education in the Mahabharata* These ideals and practices of 
Vedic education were handed down through the ages and were 
responsible for the growth of the entire literature of ancient 
India which is so remarkable in its vastness and variety, range 
and quality. E shall conclude by reference to what I may call 
Epic education, the educational system adumbrated in the great 
epic of Mahabharata, of which the Bhandarkar Institute has be- 
come so famous as the custodian and exponent, My references, 
however, to this education must necessarily be brief and selective. 
An Airama and its departments. The MahabhSrata tells of 
numerous hermitages where pupils from, distant parts gathered 
for instruction round some far-famed teacher. A full-fledged 
Asiama is described as consisting of several departments which 
are enumerated as follows : ( 1 ) Agnisthana, the place for fire 
worship and prayers ; ( 2 ) Brahma-sthana, the Department of 
Veda ; ( 3 ) Visnusthana, the Department for teaching Raja-Niti, 
Artha-Niti, and Vartta ; ( 4 ) Mahendrasthana, Military Section ; 
( 5 ) Vivasvat-sthana, Department of Astronomy ; ( 6 ) Soma- 
sthana, Department of botany ; ( 7 ) Garu^a-sthana, Section deal- 
ing ^ with transport and conveynces ; ( 8 ) Kartttteija-stliana> 
section teaching military organization, how to form patrols, 
battalions, and army. 

Nannisaranya as a Centre of Education. The most important 
of such hermitages was that of the Nimisa, a forest which was 
like a University. The presiding personality of the place was 
Saunaka, to whom was applied the designation of Kulapati, some- 
times defined as the preceptor of, 10,000 disciples, Saunaka attract- 
ed to Naimisa a vast concourse of learned men by his perfor- 
mance of a twelve years' sacrifice, of which the most essential 
anga or accompaniment was the discourses and disputations of 
learned men on religious, philosophical, and scientific topics. 



Glimpses of Education in Ancient India 

In one place [ ir, 37 ] we read of "ascetics living at Naimi 
saranya being engaged in a sacrifice lasting for twelve years 
on completion of which they .set out in large numbers for visiting 
various sacred shrines of the country. In another place ( ib 41 ) 
we have the same reference with the interesting additional infor 
mation that, in the course of that twelve years' sacrifice when a 
particular one called VUvajit bad been completed the Rsis 
started for the country of the Paficalas, and reaching there 
requested the king to give them twenty-one strong and healthy 
calves to be given away as dakai*a for the sacrifice they had 
finished. 

Hermitage of Kariva. The hermitage of Kanva was another 
famous centre of learning, of which a full description is given 
[i, 70 ]. It is situated on the banks of the MalinI, a tributary of the 
Sarayu river. It was not a solitary hermitage but an assemblage of 
numerous hermitages round the central hermitage of Rgi Kanva 
the presiding spirit of the settlement. The entire forest was full 
of hearths where sacred fire was burning and resounding with the 
chanting or recitation of sacred texts by learned Brahmanas, 
The wide range and variety of their studies is also indicated.' 
There were specialists in every branch of learning cultivated in 
that age ; specialists in each of the fouT Vedas ; in sacrificial 
literature and art, Kalpa-sutras ; in the art of reciting the 
Samhitas according to the Pada and Krama-patha, and in 
Orthoepy generally; and in Siksci (Phonetics), Chandas 
( Metrics ), 6abda, ( Vyakaraqa ), and NtruMa. There were also 
the philosophers well-versed in Atma-Vijnana ( Science of the 
Absolute ), in Brahmopasana ( Worship of Brahma ), in Moksa- 
dharm a (the way to Salvation), and in Lokayata ( Yaisesika ). 
There were also logicians knowing the principles of Nyaya, and 
of Dialectics ( the art of establishing propositions, solving doubts, 
and ascertaining conclusions ). There were also specialists in 
the physical sciences and arts. There were, for example, experts 
in the art of constructing sacrificial altars of various dimensions 
and shapes ( on the basis of a knowledge of solid geometry ) ; 
those who had knowledge of the properties of matter ( dravya- 
Quna ) ; of physical processes and their results ; of causes and 
their effects ; and zoologists having a special knowledge of 



8o Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

monkeys and birds. It was thus a forest university where the 
study of every branch of learning then known was cultivated. 

H/rmitage of Vyasa. The hermitage of Vyasa was another 
seat of learning. There Vyasa " taught the Vedas to his disciples. 
Those disciples were the highly blessed Sumanta, Vaisampayana, 
Jaimini of great wisdom, and Paila of great asoetic merit ". 
They were afterwards joined by Suka, the famous son of Vyasa 

[xii.328]. 

Other Hermitages. Among other hermitages noticed in the 
Mahabharata may be mentioned those of Vasistha and 
Visvamitra [ ix*, 42 ], and that in the forest of Kamyaka on the 
banks of the SarasvatI [ iii, 183 ]. 

Women- Hermits. But a hermitage near Kuruksetra [ ix, 54] 
deserves special notice for the interesting fact; recorded that ifc 
produced two noted women-hermits. There, " leading from 
youth the vow of Brahmacarya, a Brahmana maiden was crowned 
with ascetic success, and ultimately acquiring Yogic powers, 
she became a tapas-siddha, " while another lady, the daughter, 
not of a Brahmana but a Ksatriya, a child not of poverty but 
affluence, the daughter of a king, Sandilya by name, came to 
live there the life of celibacy and attained spiritual pre- 
eminence. 

Learned Discussions at Sacrifices. Along with the hermitages 
in these sylvan retreats which were the stationary seats of 
learning, another great educative influence in the country was 
the occasional concourse of learned men gathered together 
at the courts and palaces of king for the sessions of sacrifices 
they used to celebrate with due pomp and liberality. The 
Upanisads, as we have already seen, are full of pictures of such 
learned congregations, which, in ancient India, played the 
principal part in the advancement and diffusion of knowledge, 
As may be expected, the Mahabharata does not fail to notice this 
important type of educational institutions which constitute 
such a characteristic feature in the history of Indian pedagogic 
theory and practice, organization, and achievements. 

Recitation of the Mahabharata. The Mahabharata itself compos- 
ed by Krsna Dvaipayana was fully recited from day to day by 
Vaisampayana at the sacrifice of Janamejaya, son of Pariksit, 



Glimpses of Education in Ancient India Bi 

was attended by thousands of learned Brahmanas. Again, 
it was at the sacrifice of Saunaka at Naimisaranya that the 
Mahabharata was repeated by Ugrasrava Sauti. Thus the 
celebration of these royal sacrifices was the principal agency for 
the promulgation and popularization of original literary" works 
of national interest and importance. 

The Upanisads also "emphasize the other feature of these 
learned gatherings, viz, that they provided the arena where 
scholars seeking to establish their intellectual position entered 
the lists in tournaments of debate. This feature is also noticed 
by the Mahabharata ( iii, 132-4 ), where it is stated how learned 
Brahmanas were flocking to the sacrifices of Janaka " for the pur- 
pose of listening to controversies " ( and also to Brahmaghosa, 
recitation of the Vedas ). Thither came Astavakra eager to 
assert and establish his intellectual primacy, but the entrance to 
the Congress was barred by the gate-keeper, who, under orders of 
the learned chief Vandl, was to admit " only old and learned 
Brahinanas. " Astavakra had thus first to convince the gate- 
keeper of his eligibility for membership of that learned assembly, 
and addressed him as follows : " Gate-keeper, you will today 
see me engaged in a controversial fight with all the learned men 
and get fche better of Vandl himself in arguments. " In the end, 
Astavakra came out victorious with his .supremacy acknow- 
ledged by the entire assembly. Lastly, in this connection we may 
note the different classes of learned men distinguished [ xii, 236, 
18-20 1 " Those who are acquainted with the Vedas are of two 
sorts, viz, those who lecture on the Vedas ( Pravaktr ) and those 
who are otherwise ( i. e. mere preceptors X The preceptors of the 
Vedas are of two sorts, viz, those who are conversant with the 
self and those that are otherwise. " 



11 [ Annals, B. O. R. I. } 



Some Interesting Problems in 
MAHSBH&R^TA. TEXT-TRANSMISSION 

By 
S. K. BBLVALKAE 

Problem No, 1 

The fourteenth chapter of the Bhlsmaparvan in the Vulgate or 
ITllakantha recension of the Mahabharata 1 consists of a series of 
stanzas where the blind and aged Dhrtarastra, who had just heard 
of Bblsma's fall, is mournfully asking questions after questions 
seeking details of the incident. The questions are inconsequen- 
tial; there is no regular topical order in them, so that almost 
any set of questions can change place with any other, or a new 
subsidiary series of questions can be added, and some of the exist- 
ing ones omitted, without in any way affecting the context. 
' Nevertheless, one does not normally expect to find, even in such 
a loose context, two almost identically worded stanzas repeated 
at an interval of some thirty stanzas. But we are confronted 
with just such a repetition in this chapter, seeing that GK 
stanzas 25-26 ( absent in the Grit Ed, ) and GK lines 57cd~59ab 
( = Grit. Ed. 53-54 ) are practically indentical. This GK repetition 
is found in ten 2 out of the fifty-nine Mss. of the Par van actual- 
ly examined for the Critical Edition. These Mss. are all written 
in Devanagarl characters, and hail from distant places such as 

1 In the B. O. B. Institute's Critical Edition this chapter is numbered 
15. The Nilakarttha recension was first published by Ganpat Krishnaji in 
Bombay in 1862. The references in the following paper are to the 1863 
reprint of GK, but I have added in every case the stanza numbers according 
to the Crit. Ed. in parentheses. 

2 Of these ten, only four have been reported in the Critical Apparatus : 
namely, Dai ( 482 of Vis. I, with Arjunamisra's comm. ); Dn l ( 483 of Vis. I, 
with Nilakantha's comm. ); Dn a ( Indore Ms,* with Nil. comm. ) ; and D* 
( Tanjore Ms. dated A. D. 1566 ). The remaining six are : Baroda Or. Insti- 
tute No. 6540 ; No. 29B of A1879-80 ; Sangli Ms, dated A. D. 1705 : Baroda 
No. 11317 dated A. D. 1736 , Lahore No. 383 ( with Nil. comm. ) ; an Lahore 
No. 1407 dated A. D. 1806. 



Mahti&h&rata Text-Transmission Problems : No. i $3 

Tanjore, Sangli, Poona, Baroda, Indore, and Lahore, the oldest 
of them being dated 1566 and the latest 1806. This means that 
the repetition is not sporadic, bnt has been current for at least 
300 to 400 years, and has spread itself over a very large area in 
the course of the copying and re copying from manuscripts. The 
remaining forty-nine Mss. omit the stanzas in the earlier place, 
but retain them in the later place. The problem to solve is, how 
were these two stanzas shifted from the later to the earlier place. 
It can be of course plausibly urged that in lamentation repetition 
is bound to occur ; but why should it be found in the Mss. written 
in one script ( the Devana" garl ), while it is absent in the majority 
of Mss, written in other scripts, as well as in a few written in 
Devanagarl itself ? One cannot reasonably argue that these ten 
Mss. ( i. e., ultimately, the parent of them all ) felt the repeti- 
tion and so made the omission ; for, in such a case, one expects the 
omission of the later and not of the earlier stanzas. The repeti- 
tion accordingly must have been accidental in some old (not 
necessarily Devanagarl ) Ms., from which, directly or mediately, 
it came to be copied by, amongst others, the ten Mss. before us. 

One way to explain the repetition would be, in the first 
place, to suppose that by the sticking together, in the parent Ms., 
of two adjacent folios, there was an accidental turning of them 
over as one folio. This does happen at times even in our printed 
books, and is much more likely to happen in old Mss, fche folios 
of which were uneven in thickness, and written upon with an ink 
having some sticky substance mixed with it. As a result of this 
turning over of a double leaf, the scribe will have omitted the 
reverse side of the preceding folio and the obverse side of the 
following folio. Such an omission can remain undetected by 
fche scribe ( and the reader ) if ( a ) there is nothing in the con- 
text or the subject matter fco arrest attention : and this is BO in the 
present lamentation, where any set of questions can occur before 
or after; and if (2) the end of the obverse side of the earlier 
folio ( after which point the omission commences ) and fche begin- 
ning of the reverse side of the following folio (at which point 
the omission ends ) coincide, respectively, with the completion 
of one line or stanza, and the commencement of a fresh hue or 
sfcanza-as does happen in Mss, quite frequently. For, m case only 



84 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

half a line or half a word had been reached ai the point where 
the omission began, and, after the intervening portion, the new 
folio had not completed the incomplete line or word, the lacuna 
could not have remained undetected Another equally plausible 
way to explain the repetition would be to suppose that an entire 
intervening folio was misplaced, and that, after copying one folio 
to the end, the scribe went on to copy the folio after the next, no- 
thing in the context having arrested his attention. The matter 
omitted by this accidental sticking together of the reverse side 
and the obverse side of two adjacent folia or, under the alterna- 
tive supposition, by the unnoticed skipping over of one entire 
folio covers 59 ( or 61 ) half-stanzas, This is a quite normal 
extent for an average Mahabharata Ms., when we consider that a 
line of its writing often covers more than one stanza s and 20 lines 
of text to a page or side is by no means unusual. 

Any one of the above alternative suppositions can adequately 
explain the omission of the thirty-odd stanzas ; but we want an 
explanation of the repetition of just tie two stanzas separated 
by them. True. But the omission accident forms the basis of the 
repetition accident. For the latter, an additional supposition 
has to be made. Let us now suppose that the scribe who has 
made the above omission, after writing two stanzas from the 
reverse side of the following folio or, alternatively, the obverse 
side of the folio after the next ( namely, GK 57cd, 58ab, 58cd, 
and 59ab = Grit. Ed. 53-54 ), somehow detects his mistake and 
succeeds in separating the sticking folios, or, restores the mis- 
placed folio to its right place. What is he to do now ? He has 
copied two unwanted stanzas on a page where other stanzas 
might have been already written by him. So he could not afford to 
waste his labour which had a money value, nor the writing mate- 
rial, which was scarce. Hence he naturally proposes to obliterate 
these two wrongly copied extra stanzas by painting them over with 
yellow pigment, as was customary, and in the meantime continue 
the writing in the natural sequence of the original, as if no extra 
stanzas had been copied, In the course of this continuation, as he, 
after copying the previously omitted 29* or 30^ stanzas, reaches, 
the two extra-copied stanzas in their natural sequence, lie copies 
them there of course; for s the earlier extra copy was intended to 



Mahabharata TextTransmission Problems : No. i 85 

be obliterated. Now, the yellow-pigment erasures were usually 
made at the end of the morning's or the evening's writing, and 
it is not too much to suppose that, of the erasures to be made, one 
may have remained accidentally unnoticed. This exactly will give 
you the situation as we actually find it in the ten Devanagarl 
Mss. which copied the repetition from the parent Ms. that made 
the above mistake, or from the copies of that manuscript. And 
once the two identical stanzas had obtained legitimate places of 
their own in the chapter, one earlier and one later, it is quite 
conceivable that a few variant readings like asmasara for adri- 
sa7*a, salyam ca for astrarii, and Bliaratarsdbhe for Purusarsabhe 
should have crept therein in the course of the copying activity of 
generations of scribes. 

SarasvatT, tha tutelary Goddess of the scribes, seems to have 
been in a particularly mischievous mood just with reference to 
this very passage of our adhyaya, and so has caused another acci- 
dent to overtake it. This time the Devanagarl copyists were out 
of it : it was the turn of the Kashmiri copyists. The "repetition" 
accident of the ten Devanagarl Mss. is of course unknown to all 
other versions : but just at about the middle point of the passage 
which, in the first accident, got omitted by the sticking together 
of two adjacent sides of two folios ( or, alternatively, by the skip- 
ping over of one intervening folio ) f L e., at the end of GK stanza 
42 ( = 38 of the Grit. Ed. ), a curious transposition has taken 
place with the result that the 31 lines or half-stanzas ending 
with GK 42 (i.e., Grit. Ed. 24-88 =GK 27-42: in GK 30cd is 
extra ) and the 29 lines or half-stanzas ending with GK 57ab 
( i, e,, Grit. Ed. 39-52 = GK 43-57ab ) have in nine Mss. J chang- 
ed their place. The Critical Edition adopts the GK sequence, but 
the nine Mss. in question read GK 43-57^ ( = Grit. Ed. 39-52) 

1 All these nine Mss. are included in the Grit. Apparatus; SI (a SaradSMs. 
from Calcutta dated A. IX 1709); Eo (an undated Ahmednagar Mi. 
written in the Kashmiri style Devanagarl ; Kl (Ho. 3226 (2137) of the 
India Office Library, written in the same style and dated A. D. 1782 ); 
K2 and K3( in the possession of the B. O, B. Institute, dated respectively 
A. D. 1771 and 1694 ); K5 ( originally from Hyderabad ( Pecoan ) and dated 
A. B. 1686); Dl (hailing from Adyar and dated A. P. 1505-6); W<w- 
ionging to the Poona Visrambag Collection, dated A. D. 1672-73); and W 
( an undated Ms. from Baroda ). 



86 Annals of the. Bhandark&t Oriental Research Institute 

first, and GK 27-42 ( = Grit. Ed. 24-38 ) afterwards. The flow 
of sentiments would seem to be distinctly in favour of the 
order in GK, which is followed by all other Mss. except the nine 
above described, The problem to explain ( which in a way is relat- 
ed to the earlier one ) is, how has this transposition taken place? 
We have given two alternative explanations for the omission 
which was the basis of the " repetition " accident, Both explana- 
tions are equally plausible, but, in view of this second accident 
overtaking the self-same passage, it is better to choose the second 
explanation of the skipping over of an entire folio owing to its 
being misplaced, In Kashmirian Mss. ( both birchbark and paper) 
which are generally bound like a modern book, nothing is more 
usual than the loosening of an intermediate leaf or folio. Such a 
loose folio can very easily get misplaced. The folio-numbers it 
was customary to write only on the reverse side, so that through 
inattention the scribe can easily begin copying the obverse side of 
a wrong folio, if there be nothing in the context to arrest the 
attention, which, ex hypothesi, was the case in this chapter of 
Dhrtarastra's lament. If we now make one other small supposition, 
namely, that the portion of the lower margin of the loose folio in 
question on which the folio number was written got pealed off or 
broken a no unusual supposition with birchbark Mss. the folio 
in such a case could by chance be placed with the reverse side 
turned upwards, seeing that in birchbark Mss. the two side- 
margins have generally the same width. In such a case, by the 
copying of the reverse side first and the obverse side afterwards, 
the transposition which confronts us in the nine Mss, can easily 
take place, particularly if we remember that each of the two 
groups of stanzas involved in the transposition is iust sufficient 
to cover any one side of the folio. The " repetition " accident was 
confined to DevanSgarl group of Mss. This " transposition " 
accident is confined to MSB. belonging to the Sarada and the 
Kashmiri groups. The Southern Mss. as such are entirely 
innocent of both these accidents. 

And now, on the wake of the above two " accidents " wa meet 
with a third 1 With the hypothesis of a loose folio with the missing 
folio-number, it would become very difficult to say, in course of 
time, which was the obverse side of the folio and which the reverse 



Mah&bh&rata Text-Transmission Problems : No. j 87 

side, given the two fundamental assumptions already made of 
loose context, and of coincidence of line-ending with page-ending. 
The nine Mss. of the transposition accident copied the reverse side 
first and the obverse afterwards. It is possible to come across a 
Ms. that would copy the reverse side, and fail to inadvertently 
copy the obverse side altogether 1 We do actually find one such 
Ms. It is designated K 4 , but it is a Bengali Ms. from Dacca of 
about 200 years old. This Bengali Ms. does not go with the 
other Bengali Mss. collated for the Critical Edition, but often sides 
with the Kashmiri Mss. in the matter of variant readings, of in- 
serted or omitted lines, and of the division and composition of 
adhyayas. Although written in Bengali, it is in the Critical 
Edition put under K group. The evidence for doing this is much 
too complicated for being presented in fehis place, 

These ( 10 + 9 + 1 =) 20 Mss. that exhibit the three accidents of 
repetition, transposition and omission presuppose a parent Ms. with 
a loosened folio with missing folio-number, which got misplaced. 
From this parent Ms. have descended one class of Mss. in which 
the misplacement was detected after two subsequent stanzas had 
been copied ; another class in which the folio was placed with the 
wrong side up 5 and a third ( which really comes under the 
second class ) which omitted the copying of one of the two sides 
altogether. It is of course not necessary to suppose that the parent 
Ms. remained intact through all these vissicitudes involving a*con- 
siderable amplitude of both time and space. And the circumstance 
that no Ms. representing the Southern Recension should have 
been involved in these three more or less related accidents, but 
that representatives of the Northern Recension (Sarada, Kashmiri, 
Devanagarl and even Bengali) alone should have been sot involved, 
might, quantum valeat, support the theory adopted in the Critical 
Edition of only two main Recensions of the Mahabharata text- 
transmission, the Northern and the Southern. 



PROGRESS AND INDIAN PHILOSOPHY 

BY 

P. T. RAJU 
I 



The recent controversy about research in Indian philosophy has 
brought to the forefront certain important points about which there 
seems to be some confused thinking. One of them is the idea of pro- 
gress with reference to Indian philosophy. Can Indian Philosophy 
have any further development ? Or has it reached its culmination 
several centuries ago and will progress no farther ? The impor- 
tance of the question would be seen when the present condition 
of philosophical studies in India, not only in general but also as 
regards Indian philosophy in particular, is considered The 
number of students interested in philosophy is gradually dimini- 
shing. In some quarters the usefulness of the subject is being 
questioned. Its cultural value and its value as a formal disci- 
pline are ridiculed, - which evidently means that the importance 
of philosophy for present-day culture is not saen. If the encoura- 
gement which a subject receives is proportional to its usefulness 
to society, then it must be said that people are becoming less 
and less prone to recognise social usefulness in philosophy. 

^^t ^^ . 80 ^ 7 butalBO a lst all other higher studies 
are not of immediate use. Many provide only intellectual satis- 
achon But intellectual satisfaction may be of two kinds. One 
Lt f 8 f,, 8&nd or S a ^ation of knowledge, which gives 
depth fa , thought and personality. This organisation is the 

D - faCtUal knolwed ^. whtth therefore reveals 
< l immediate connection with life in its concrete 
The other kind of satisfaction is derived from the 



es 



Progress and Indian Philosophy 

solution of intellectual puzzles artificially created, as exampl 
of which we may cite some of the speculations of the Neo-ETyaya 
and the modern logical positivist, It should however be borne in 
mind that there is no sharp and clear-out distinction between 
the two kinds of satisfaction, and that the latter is not absolu- 
tely useless as ifc helps clarification of many ideas and their rela- 
tionships. Its speculations may appear to be revolving in vacu- 
um ; yet they must have started with some facts and can be traced 
feo some ideas formed about them. But due to a kind of falla- 
cious overweighting of certain ideas these speculations at some 
stage lose touch with facts and become empty and unintersting 
to all except a few. 

Philosophy as a higher study should endeavour to provide 
the former kind of satisfaction if it is to retain its past position 
in the universities. It should be able to show its relation to the 
life of the time : ^ it should appear as the life of the time refle- 
cting upon itself. If it appears as the life of some other time, 
it ceases to have interest or the interest we take in it would be 
antiquarian. If its speculations are subtle enough they may 
appear pleasing though empty 5 yet they appear disconnected 
from facts as we understand them. 

There are some writers who question whether a pot ( ghctip, ), 
for instance, appeared differently in different ages. These writers 
evidently take a very naive view of facts. The pot might have 
been used for the same purpose in different ages? but our under- 
standing of ifc has undoubtedly differed. The primitive animist 
must have worshipped it before using ; and even now among some 
of the orthodox Hindus the custom of choosing an auspicious 
day for using a new pot prevails. But as a result of materialistic 
science we are now looking upon it as pure mud and matter. 
A.nd physics, when its reasonings have reached their limits, is 
now prone to attribute will to electrons and protons, which com- 
pose matter. Our understanding of the pot is therefore certainly 
changing with the times. 

However, it is not from the pot as pot or the cow as cow that 
we proceed to infer about Truth. We xaise questions like, What is 
matter ? What is life ? What is mind ? and What is the rela- 
tion between them and have they ultimately a common source ? 
In order to answer these questions enquiries were made about the 
1? [ Annals, B. O. R. I, ] 



90 Annals of the Bhandatkar Oriental Research Institute 

nature of the world. Whether in India or outside, unless Truth 
was revealed through some mystic process, whenever philosophy 
argued about ultimate Truth, its conclusions had to be derived 
from the nature of the world. Even in the case of mystic reve- 
lation or darsana of the final Truth, the same Truth has been 
expressed differently according to the mental make-up of the 
darsakas. And fcheir mental make-up was determined by their 
intellectual heritage and atmosphere, 

One suspects fche presence in some Indian writers of the opi- 
nion that the procedure from the nature of the world to the ulti- 
mate Truth is empty speculation, while the reverse procedure is 
darsana or philosophy as understood by the ancient Indians. 
Whether the latter procedure is logical is a fundamental ques- 
tion that may be asked. Further, such procedure is not comple- 
tely foreign to European philosophy, which, it is wrongly thought 
in India, is nothing but mere speculation. The whole of 
Medieval philosophy is an elaborate apologetics in favour of Chri- 
stian revelation, Even in Modern philosophy Spinoza's EtMcs 
is a reasoned defence of God-consciousness. And Hegel in Ms 
Philosophy of Religion maintains that the subject matter of both 
religion and philosophy is the same ultimate Truth. The whole 
idealistic tradition in Western philosophy stands for close con- 
tact between life and reason, and treats philosophy as life refle- 
cted upon itself or as life that has become self-conscious. It 
may be admitted that in modern European philosophy there 
is a strong emphasis upon synthetic construction. But every 
synthetic construction is nofc empty speculation. It becomes so 
when some principle, taken as basic, is not really basic and 
important. 

The truth seems to be rather that some of these Indian wri- 
ters treat what is only a difference of degree as a difference of 
kind and conclude therefrom that Western philosophy and the 
Indian are fundamentally different and thab the latter should 
not be studied on the same lines as the former. It is a hasty con- 
clusion. For the study of any philosophy, whether Indian or 
Western, can be carried on only according to rational methods 
and, whether willingly or unwillingly, even ttese critics adopt 
them. And these methods, so far as the general opinion of the edu- 
cated world goes, have been rendered most systematic by modern 
Western thinkers, Evan the differences between the Western 



Progress and Indian Philosophy 91 

&nd the Indian philosophy are discovered with the help of these 
methods. We pride ourselves in having rendered our treat- 
ment " scientific " by using them and we teach our philosophy 
according to them. It would be without avail therefore to rail 
against them, 

It is true that after^ understanding the concepts or categories 
of a system, nididhyasana etc. , are prescribed ; but I doubt 
very much whether the prescription is followed in any Indian 
university, whether any university possesses a professor who is 
capable of guiding students in following it, whether it is advisi- 
ble to follow it in universities, and finally whether any of these 
critics is competent to teach these procedures, To be * frank if 
these procedures are to be insisted upon, it would be better that 
Indian philosophy is abolished from our universities and the 
interested students are advised to seek suitable gurus. Further, if 
the students are finally to be given the aparoksanubhuti or 
ddrsana of the Brahman, then no logical study of the systems is 
necessary ; for has not Samkara himself said, 



Hence this line of criticism directed against the methods of 
studying Indian philosophy leads only into a blind alley and is 
suicidal. Whether a system aims at aparoksanubhuti or a logi- 
cal reconstruction of the world, our only mode of study should 
be according to rational principles. Philosophy therefore, so far 
as constructive, cannot but be speculative ; on the other hand, 
it is essential that it should be speculative, Indian philosophy, 
differs in general from the Western not in being non-logical and 
unspeculafcive but in promising to lead beyond speculation 
through the practice of Yoga, which we may call practical mysti- 
cism. Its practices are common to all systems,- which shows 
that these systems are constructed independently of them. 
Hence though all the darsanas are perceptions of the same reality 
the form or the cafcegorial scheme in which each is expressed 
differs from the rest. That is, the logical structure of reality 
as understood by the darsanas is different for * each though the 
reality understood is the same for all. How can this happen 
unless their logics, through which reality is understood and 
perceived, differ ? A.nd how can their logics-differ unless the 



92 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

intellectual atmospheres in which the systems grew differ; 
These intellectual atmospheres might have belonged to different 
countries or different asramas, they might be synchronous and 
mutually critical or one may succeed another ; yet that the 
intellectual atmospheres determined the logical structure of the 
systems cannot be gainsaid. Writers, both old and new, who 
tried to trace the logical connections between the systems now 
and then expressed the opinion that different systems suit 
different adhikaris and that their own system suits the highest 
adhikari. Madhavacarya in his Sarvadarsanasamgraha believes 
that the advaita is the highest, but Haribhadrasuri in his 
Saddarsanasamuccaya believes otherwise. The very fact that 
there is no unanimity about the gradation of ctdhikarihood shows 
tiiat it is not completely true. It should not be meant that the 
followers of Nyaya or Madhva, unless they believe at a later 
stage in the advaita, cannot attain salvation. Again, the asser- 
tion that each system gives only an aspect of reality seems to be 
very crudely understood even by the modern critics. Their mis- 
understanding is strengthened by the popular example of the ele- 
phant and the blind men, each blind man taking the elephant 
for the tail, the trunk, the leg and so forth. That is, these critics 
seem to understand " aspect " as they understand the side of a 
cube or part of a chair. But each system comprehends the whole 
of reality, not merely a part of it, though it understands the 
whole in terms of its own logic or categorial scheme. The higher 
system means greater consistency and deeper grasp of the conce- 
pts and their presuppositions. Bub now, what is the criterion of 
this consistency and depth ? Each system has its own, which is 
determined by the intellectual atmosphere in which it took form. 
Hence to assign the different systems to different grades of 
adhikaris is of doubtful rationality. The gradations of adhikari- 
hood are based upon considerations o'f moral and mental develop- 
ment, and however high the adhikari he will find the discussions 
of Jagadlfo and Gadadhara as difficult as the dialectic of NagSr- 
juna or Srlbarsa. 

Hence the difference between systems is due to different cate- 
gorial schemes, which sometimes succeed one another and some- 
times develop together. The reality which all systems study is 



Progress and Indian Philosophy gj 

the same. It may be transcendent, immanent, or both. Every 
intelligent student of philosophy, therefore, who is not incapaci- 
tated by prejudices and narrowness of outlook, can see that pro- 
gress of philosophy need not mean progress of Truth, which is 
eternal. 1 Unfortunately, truth means ultimate reality as 
well as the truth of our categorial scheme and of even ordinary 
propositions. How in the cognition of the ultimate Truth, truth 
and reality are one is a metaphysical problem too profound to 
enter into in this article. But the direct perception or dariana or 
aparoksanubhuti of Truth can never be a categorial scheme and 
we have no systems in that experience. The literal meaning of 
the word dariana, which means both the direct preception or 
aparoksanubhuti and a system of philosophy is really confusing 
and misleading many interpreters, who as a result see absolute 
difference between Indian and Western thought. If darfana 
means direct perception of Truth, then it can lead to no differe- 
nces between systems, for in it concepts do not operate. If it 
means understanding then different categorial schemes come to 
work, and we shall have many systems. This point should always 
be kept in mind. 

When therefore we have to admit different categorial sche- 
mes, we have to admit progress of philosophy also Not only 
will there be development in particular schools, but also will 
new schools spring up, because the basic concepts will differ 
from age to age. And all systems give ua the ultimate Truth 
and its relation to the world around us. And as our understand- 
ing of the world differs from age to age, our basic concepts and 
categorial schemes also differ. As a result our understandings of 
Truth also will differ. Yet these understandings can be darsanas. 
For instance, Spancer's synthetic philosophy and agnosticism 
may very well be made into a dariana ; only something has to be 
added to his agnosticism, which will thereby be modified. 

And acceptance of such principles will not preclude a man from 
aparoksajftana. Yet .ttje concept of evolution is basic to the 
system of Spencer, while in none of the Indian systems it is so. 
Similarly, Whitehead's organic philosophy may be turned into 

1 There are European thinkers who question even this ; but the majority 
of them do not. We need not however discuss this point at present. 



94 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

a darsana. In a sense even European philosophy is darsana. 
A philosopher is said to be the spectator of all existence, which 
means that philosophy is darsana which is eternal, 1 However 
to base our arguments entirely on the etymological meanings of 
words or on meanings which they are occasionally given would 
be frivolous unless we grasp their inner significance. Much of 
the controversy is due to emotional associations of terms and a 
superficial understanding of their meaning. 

It is in the change and growth of basic concepts that the life of 
the times plays the most important part. When it is said that; 
philosophy is intimately connected with life, the life that is refer- 
red to is not the biological life merely, nor is it the unassuming 
life of the country people. It is of the cultured ones, of those 
who have begun to reflect. The hill tribes who live by hunting 
and the savages that roam naked in their country rarely think 
about philosophical problems. Their mode of life does not directly 
give rise to philosophical topics. In India what gave rise 
to them were the miseries of the world. Whether the desire is to 
escape from them or to control and remove them, unless life is 
felt to be complex men do not begin to reflect. So much is imp- 
lied in the view of some contemporary logicians that thinking 
begins with the negative judgment or at least the feeling of nega- 
tion. What is complex, to our ancestors may appear simple to 
us. But some felt complexity should be present at the source of 
philosophical thought. This complexity and the consequent con- 
flict may be felt in religious practices, social customs, intelle- 
ctual atmospheres and so forth. Even the sages who retired to 
forests must have felt one or the other. And the simplicity of 
life which they preached was for the sake of high thinking which 
they practised. And their thinking was done in concepts which 
belonged to their cultural surroundings. 

The life that determines philosophy includes not only the social 
and political forms, but also the intellectual. And the inte- 

1 From the other side we may ask whether the Carvakadarsana is also 
tdarSana or a direct perception of the atman or Brahman, and if it is not, 
why it is called a dartana. Will it not be hetter to interpret the word as 
what presents reality to our intellect, reality again being understood as 
what is understood by our thought as such? At the level of our intellect 
can this vicious circle ever be avoided ? 



Progress and Indian Philosophy 

lleotual is the most important, because philosophy belongs to 
intellect in the main. The conceptual scheme of any age is deter 
mined by the scientific thought of the time, and in the present" 
age it is this that is datermining even the social and political 
forms. Not to recognise this feature of our life is to be blind fco 
facts and to betray one s ignorance. In spite of change in con 
ceptual schemes one may be an advaitin or a dvaitin. But unless" 
truths are expressed in current concepts they lose their 
appeal. 

In this progress of our philosophical activity, we should have 
the courage to reject what is false and accept what is true even 
though the truth may be new. We should not forget what our 
classical poet said 



*f ) R^rcnnra; n 

There are writers who think that evsrything of ancient Indian 
thought is true and that their truth is proved by ni&dhyasana 
We have to ask them whether nididhyaswa has proved the 
truth of every thing which the Systems preached, and whether 
the nididhyasana of all has given the same result. I wonder whe- 
ther these enthusiasts hold that the paka theory of Nyaya-Vaisie- 
sika is scientifically true and whether their nididhyasanx tells 
them that both the Nyaya and the Vai&esika views on the point 
are equally true in spite of differences. Similarly, does their 
nididhyasana reveal the truth of the Naiyayika view that the 
atman in its liberated state is without consciousness and of the 
Samkhya view that it is conscious ? These questions are raised 
to show the need that in philosophy reason shoul be given prefe- 
rence to prejudice. Our pronouncements should be based upon 
the former. The latter leads to falsity and betrays us. 1 

1 An example is Mm. Dr. TJmesh Mishra's denial of progress in Indian 
philosophy and m the same breath his praise of Mm. Panchanana Tarka- 
ratna's new contribution to Indian thought. One wonders what the world of 
thinkers who judge our writing by rational standards think of this 
inconsistency. 

Had Dr. Mishra-, who is deadly opposed to philosophical progress in this 
country and stubbornly refuses to see any change m the modes of our life, 
kept himself in some touch with the conceptual changes occurring in the 
world of modern thought, he would hare despaired of the existence of philo- 
sophy and philosophical activity in our country, It is blindness to historical 
( continued on the next page ) 



96 Annals o the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

The student of Indian philosophy is therefore under the speci- 
al obligation of bringing Indian though!; into line wifch the 
Westernrwhich should therefore be the main object of his research, 
though unfortunately some superficial writers have tried to 
read many Western ideas, both scientific and philosophical, into 
our ancient texts. But that some people commit mistakes in a 
particular type of work does not lessen its importance. We should 
gee not only similarities but also differences between Western 
and Indian thinkers and should study these similarities and 
differences systematically. That is, our comparative study, as I 
have been repeatedly advocating, shuld be systematic and not 
piecemeal. 1 

( continued from the previous page ) 

facts to say that the Muslims, the Buddhists and the Jainas have produced 
** no change whatever in the philosophical outlook of fche the country *'. To 
put just one question, Why is Samkara called a pracchannabauddka ? This 
and such other of Dr. Mishra's statements are so apparently false that they 
require no special criticism. Again, one has to ask competent historians, 
scholars and thinkers whether the activities of the Buddhists and the Jainas 
'* have been detrimental to the interests of Indm thought and people ", as 
Dr. Mishra thinks ( See his article in the Modern Review^ April, 1944 ) 
Perhaps Dr. Mishra opines that Christianity also has wielded no benificial 
"influence on the Indians. In answer one has only to draw attention to the 
social and political ferment in the country, to the rise of Vira^aiv ism, 
Sikhism, the Brahmo Samaj, and Arya Samaj, and to the internal reforms 
which the Hindus are voluntarily introducing into their community. 

1 I should like to take this occasion to say a word about my article in 
The Progress of Indie Studies. Many authors, both of books and articles, 
could not be mentioned in it, as the space allotted to the subject of Indian 
Philosophy was from sixteen to twenty-four pages. The readers may easily 
see that I filled twenty four pages completely, though I was not able to say 
even one sentence each about the books I could include I had therefore to 
be content with a general discussion of the lines along which research in 
Indian philosophy is being carried ; and in the discussion I used my own 
standards of evaluation, for which, again, I gave my reasons. 

One hasty critic found fault with one for not including Sir B. N. Seal's 
work. He does not seem to have even noticed th^ scope of the article, which 
dealt with the work done during 1917-42, whereas Dr. Seal's book, Positive 
Sciences of the Ancient Hindus, was publishd in 1915, And the critic seems 
to have completely overlookd one point Dr. Seal never meant his book to 
be a book on comparative philosophy. Its aim, in his own words, is "to 
furniBh the historians of the special sciences with new material": It may 
be a preliminary, so far as the history of his own activity is concerned, to 
( continued on the next page ) 



Progress and Indian Philosophy 97 

Though Indian philosophy is part of Indology, yet research 
in Indian philosophy is not similar on all points to research in 
subjects like Paiiacl or Ardliamagadhl. Paisacl and Ardhamaga* 
d$ are dead languages, but Indian philosophy is still having a 
life, though not so vigorous as it used to have. And as India is 
still living, the Indians want a living philosophy. In one res- 
pect reserch in Indian philosophy is similar to that in Indian 
history. Workers on ancient Indian history are emphasizing 
more and more the difference between archaeology and history. 
They maintain that research in archaeology as such is not research 
in Indian history, but is only a handmaid to it. There are several 
other helps which one who is reconstructing Indian history 
has fco take, and the reconstruction has its own principles, which 
have to trace the connection which the ancie&fc period has with 
the Muslim and the British. Similarly, ancient Indan thought 
has to be reconstructed, which of course does not mean turning 
it into Platonism or Ajristotelianism, but presenting it according 
to certain scientific methods borrowed from Western philosophy. 
The philosophy so reconstructed should be developed and 
brought into close contact with modern life. Unfortunately, jihe 
words " Indological research " have the tinge of the antiquarian, 
and the important difference between Indian philosophy and 
eome non-living subjects is missed. In another respect Indian 
philosophy differs even from ancient Indian history. The latter 
is a reconstruction of the pasfc, which is no more ; but Indian 
philosophy is having an existence, however precarious. We have 

( continued from the previous page ) 

Ms projected work, studies in comparative philosophy ", which unfortu- 
nately he never brought out. But one can easily see that positive science, or 
special sciences are not philosophy and Hiadu speculations .did not begin 



on 



science, not rarely aa a patron but as actually 

He indeed gave us a good "study of the scientific concepts ^ ud 

ancient India and the study does contain some topic, d.soussed 

phy as well. 

13 I Annals, B. O. B, I* 3 



98 Annals of tfo fihandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

only to connect the ancient period of Indian history with the 
Muslim and the British ; but we have to reconstruct and develop 
our ancient thought and make it comprehend all our life's modes, 
It is such considerations that have led me to advocate often 
that philosophical activity in India should now pass through a 
period of systematic comparison- Such work will bring the indi- 
viduality of our ancient though!; into clearer and more definite 
perspective. Some Western scholars like Masson-Oursel, Hei- 
mann etc,, have worked on the subject. But it is likely that 
Indians themselves will not be satisfied with what foreigners say. 
Unless many competent Indian scholars, well qualified both in 
Indian and Western thought, take up the subject and study id 
both extensively and intensively, the next important stage for 
philosophical activity cannot be set. Indian philosophical acti- 
vity has already passed through the editing of texts, translation, 
exposition and interpretation. We shou] d say that the present 
period is really the period of comparison, and reconstruction has 
already begun. Yet it should be said that comparison has not 
reached the development it ought to, when reconstruction can be 
in full swing. It should not however be thought that future stages 
like reconstruction and new synthesis should wait until com- 
parison has reached its fullest development and that the earlier 
types of work have already ceased to be or should cease to be, 
All types may be carried on in the same period, but the weight 
of emphasis should shift from one to another. In literature, for 
instance, one who now writes the Ramayana in Sanskrit may be 
a great scholar , but one who writes an important novel that 
touches on contemporary life will receive greater recognition. 
The reason is simple : no more works on the Ramayana are needed, 
while perspectives of contemporary life, its ideas and achieve- 
ments, are in demand, ^ so that society may understand how it is 
living. Not that the ideals of the Ramayaria have ceased to be 
ideals ; only we have to show how these ideals are to work in 
modern conditions. Similar is the case with philosophy. 



VIDYJLSAGARA'S COMMENTARY ON THE 

MAHABHARATA 
BY 

DINESH CHANDBA BHATTACHABYA 

Sometime ago the Varendra Research Museum at RajashaM 
acquired the fragment of a work named Jayakaumudi by Vidya- 
sagara a closely written paper Ms. containing 67 folios with 
10-11 lines in each page and more than 100 letters in each line- 
( Ms. No. 1898 X It is by far the most extensive commentary 
ever written on the Mahabharata, The author had access to 
almost a bewildering mass of Mahabharata literature and 
indulges from the very start with learned discussions on textual 
variations from a large number of texts and commentaries 
collected from different parts of Eastern India. The writing is 
about 150 years old and there are lacunae in fol, 15-24, showing 
that the scribe was unable to secure a reliable copy. We would 
tentatively place the author about 1700 A, D. The fragment 
goes up to Chap. 69 only of the Adiparvan ( according to Nlla- 
kantha's version ). 



Begins : 

\\\\{ 



** * * 

or^rTf T'TTcf ^^^nr^Tr^r ^RTJ n K n 



TJ n ^ 11 



f*ii*fciT 'i^"*i5<{l' U 8 



*nnr it n 



loo Annals of tie Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 



The Manuscripts consulted by the author are : - 

(1 ) RadUya ( fol. 3 a , ll a , 22 a , 59 a ) ( 2 ) Gaudlya ( fol: 4 b , 11% 
17 a , 26 b ) (3) Varendra ( fol. 2S b ) (4) Kamarupiya (3 a , 8 b , 12 a , 17, a 26, 
51 a , 65 b ) ( 5 ) Matthila ( 20 b ) ( 6 ) Pascatya ( 2 h , 15 a , 17 a , 44 b ) 
(7 ) Dokhandiya ( 7 b ? 9 b ? 10 a , 17 a , 19 b ^ qr^r ^r-^T-^cT^>' , 26 a 
31 b , 34 b , 36 a , 41 b , 46 b , 50 b ) ( 8 ) Rajagirlya ( 12 a , 22 a , 46 a , 5S a ) 
( ^ ) ffo^atoad^z/a-sampradaya-pustakesu (17 a ). Numerous copies 
of each of these classes of manuscripts were secured. Of. 

( 26 b \ sn^fr 5ft^?q-: ( 61 b ). The author 



seems to have greater respect for ' western ' Mss. cf. under the 
explanation of the verse ?TRFT&f ?rm??^r ( 2 b ) f% 



l 



An alphabstical list of the authorities cited in the fragment 
is given below with a few interesting quotations. 

Anupadakara ( 55 b ) ancient grammarian of Panini schools. 
Arjuna ( fol. 1, 10 b , 40% 51 b ) 
Upadhyaya ( 15 b , 39 b ) grammarian, 
Uvata ( 25 a 



li 

Eokkata ( 64 a ) 
Kslrasvaml ( 51 a ) 

Caturbhujamisra ( E a , 2 b ? <Sc^often ) 
Candrali ( 42% $5* ) 

Jayamangala ( 2 a SarhkhyatlkSyam re. meanings of animadi ) 
Jagaddhara ( 2 b ) comtn. on the Mahabharata. 
( 2 b & 39 b ) ibid. 



'' Commentary on the wuvawarata j O i 

Tarapala ( 17 a cptr^t ^nr^sg- ^^nt f j% cnTTT^f^^qTgr 20 b ) 
Durga ( 9 b ) grammarian. 
Devabodha ( 1, 2 b &c. often ) 
Deva ( svarnl ) ( 2% 5 a , 8 b , 26 b , 65 b ) 
Dhatupradlpa ( 20 b ) 
Namanusasana ( 2 b ) a lexicon. 
Narayana-sarvajSa l a ) v. 1. sarvajna. 
Nirghania ( 3a ) 
Nyayatlkakrtah ( 32b ) 
Fyasa ( 14b, 20a, 28a ) 
Bhagavrfcti ( 50b : ^ grt^TRr^^ grfr^q- 

UT^g 



Mandana ( 50b ) 

Mahavrfcti i. e. Kasika ( 20a ) 

Mi^ra ( 2b, 7a, Sab, lOa &c. ) : neither Caturbhuja nor Arjuna. 

Muni (la, 12a, 22b, 58a ) comm, on the Mahabharata. 

Rasarnava ( 66a : 

I 



Laksmana ( I7a, 39b ) comrn. of the Mahabharata. 
Varnade&ana ( 20b ) 
Varnaviveka ( 4b ) 

Vamanacarya ( 29a : ST^fHH rgi^r^^r gTSprr^TT fit 
Vikramadityakosa ( 18a ) 

Vidyanidhibhatta ( 17a ) oomm. of the MahabhSrata. 
Vimalabodha ( 3a : spq-=r fi^diT*l3l%dafc l *r q^ ^f^ 
& o. often ) 

Yisnuhrdaya ( 13b ) 

VedabhSsya ( 34b ) 

Vai^ampayana ( 3a, 7 a, &c. often ) commentator. 

Samkaraoarya ( 2b : 

TpT ^^Tl^THt^ 1 I ) 

Samkarabhasya ( 21 a ) 



102 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

SabdSrnava (39a) lexicon. 

Sarakasvaml ( 28b : 



Sandilya (36b : f^TT?Hira Srflf ^TTS 1 I ) 
Sahara ( 26b - 



Sivananda( 17a : 



Sarvajna ( 12a, 18a * Harivain^atlkayam, 26b, 39a ) 
Sahasanka (18b) lexicographer. 
Subhuti ( 65a ) 

Srstidhara ( comm. on the Mahabharata, 3a &o. very often) 
Do. ( comm, on the Bhasavrfcti, lOb & 42a : 



The author was able to obtain different versions of some of 
the commentaries, cf. ^r%^*qf ( 8b ), 



( 2ib ) &i-q-gMdNn t *rf ( 22b ). In naming the different commen- 
tators at every step he sometimes uses curious abbreviations e. g. 
f%%^T: ? fqq*}*-*fh ( 34a ). Srstidhara is almost invariably cifced 
as Srsti and even as * Sr ' ( 12a ). He apparently takes the two 
Srstfdharas as identical. There is a very long discussion in the 
commentary ( fol. 19-24 ) on the exact number of chapters and 
verses in the Mahabharata and the total he arrives at is 102555 
verses. ( 24b ) 



NEW LIGHT ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE 
COMMENTATORS OF THE MAHABHARATA 

BY 
P. K. GODE 

In the list of Mss of the commentaries on the Mahabharata 
prepared by Dr. V. S. Sukthankar, the Mss of the VidySsSgara's 
commentary are recorded as follows? 

- Tonrraraft ( on 

Comm, on 



(on 

( on 



In view of the above Mss of Vidyas^gara's or Anandapurna's 
commentary on the Sabha, 6anti, Bhlsma and the Anuiasana 
parvans we must thank Prof. Dinesh Chandra Bhattacharya for 
drawing our attention, torn fragment of Vidyaeagara's commen- 
tary on the wf^HN; recently acquired by the Varendra Research 
Museum of Rajashahi, Bengal ( Ms No, 1898 ). We are further 
thankful to the Professor for his close study and analysis of this 
fragment of 67 folios containing Vidyasagara's srqr^gsf}' com- 
mentary on the 9TU%Rg; upto chap. 69 or so. With regard to the 
date of this fiagment we are informed by the Professor fchat it is 
" about 150 years old " We are further told by the Professor that 
this is " fche most extensive commentary ever written on the 
Mahabharata ): and that " the author had an access to almost a 
bewildering mass of Mahabharata literature and indulges from 
the very start with learned diflcussious on textual variations 
from a large number of texts and commentaries collected 
from different parts of Eastern India/' According to Vidya* 
sagara's computation the Mahabharata contains 1,02,555 verses, 
Speaking of the Chronology of the commentary Prof. Bhatt- 
charya states : " We would tentatively place the author about 
1100 A. D. " In this connection I have to draw the attention of 
my friend to the following papers on VidyasSgara published by 
Dr, Baghavan and myself * * 



104 Annals of the Ehandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

(1 ) In 1939 I published my paper on " Date cf Anandapurria 
alias Vidyasagara, the commentator of the MahabharataBttween 
A. D. 1200 and 1S50 in the Bharata Itlhasa Mandal Quarterly, 
Poona, Vol. XX, Part 1, pp. 29-36, I have proved in this paper 
that Vidyasagara is definitely earlier than A. D 1400 as we have 
Mss of his works dated A. D. 1406, I486 and 1568. 

( 2 ) Dr. V. Raghavan immediately wrote a paper corroborat- 
ing my landings and published his paper on " The Late and 
Works of Anandapurria Vidyasagara " in the Annals of Oriental 
Research ( Madras University ) pp. 1-5'of the offprint sent to me. 
In this paper Dr. Raghavan has pointed out that our author in 
his Prakriya-maftjari states that he wrote it when King Kama- 
deva, a devotee of Siva was ruling : > 



King Kamadeva mentioned in this stanza has been identified 
with Kamadeva the Kadamba ruler of Goa whose inscription of 
&aka 1315 or A. D. 1898 describes him as a devotee of Siva at 
Gokarna. Dr. Raghavan, therefore, concluded : " We may, 
therefore, place King Kamadeva and Vidyasagara safely about 
A. D. 1850 ". 

It would thus be seen that Vidyasagara flourished about 
A. D. 1350 and not " about A. D. 1700" as suggested by Prof, 
Bhattacharya. 

Dr. Raghavam's account of Vidyasagara's Works shows 
clearly the erudition and abilities of this great scholiast. This 
conclusion is in harmony with the list of authorities quoted by 
Vidyasagara in the 67 folios of his commentary on the Adi- 
parvan now disclosed to us for the first time by Prof. Bhatta- 
charya. This list is similar to the list of authorities mentioned 
by Vidyasagara in his Vedantic work Nyaya-Candnka (Madras 
Govt Mss. Library MS E No. 2981 }. I note below in brief for 
ready reference both these lists of citations 



New Light on the Commentators of the Mbh. 



105 



MS of Adiparvan Comm, 
at Rajashahi 



MS of Nyayacandrika 
at Madras 



(1) 
( 2 ) 
( 3 ) 
(4) 
( 5 ) 

( 6 ) 
( 7 ) 
(8) 
( 9 ) 
( 10 ) 

(11) 

( 12 ) 

(IS) 
( 14 ) 
(15) 
( 16 ) 
(17) 

( 18 ) 

(19) 

(20) 

(21) 
( 22 ) 
(23) 

(24) 
(25) 
( 26 ) 

(27) 
(28) 

/ 9Q \ 

V * y / 
14 



( grammarian ) 
( grammarian ) 
(c. 1044 A. D.) 



( 

Comm. on 



(grammarian) 
cTTffl^ , 
(Lexicon) 



e . 



firs? (neither 
nor 



comm. on 



(G 950 A.D.) 
and ^^ 



( author of 
on which f* 



has 
commented C. 1225 A. D.) 



A. D.) 



cent. A. 



? (10th cent. 



, ( C 12th 



tator of 



( possibly Commen- 



(comm. on 



( fN^ ) (about 991 



A, D.) 



a. of 
of w 



Reference to his 
on 



gloss 



106 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 




MS of Adiparvan Comm. 
at Raj&shahi 

(30) 
(31) 

* / 

(32) fgJT553rNr (comm. on 

r) 
(33) 

(34) 



The foregoing citations in VidyasSgara's works of c A L 






ofo.A.D. 



up thi8 commeiifcator 



tbe 



( 11 ) 



-^ Do 



New Light on the Commentators of the Mbh. 



( 14 ) ^rsrsr, ^rerrmsac The earliest commentator on the Mbh. 
possibly before A. D. 1150. His ^rr%^fr^r has been edited by 
Dr. E. N. Dandekar ( B. O. K, I edition ) and the s^g^N; ter 
has been edited by Dr. S, K. De. in the Bharatiya VIdya Bhavan 
Series, Bombay. 

( 16 ) sTrcnTtfresrsr, *nfcr also called 3^^0*01. He is con- 
sidered to be identical with his namesake the author of a Comm. 
on FT3^rS who according to Mm. Prof. Kane flourished between 
A. D. 1100 and 1300 ( vide p. 267 of Sukthankar Memorial Editim 
Vol. I ( 1944 ) edited by P, K, G-ode. ) This chronology harmonises 
with Vidyasagara's reference to sTrn*r&T 3T^T in o. A. D. 1350, 

( 24 ) gT% This commentator is not found in Sukthankar's 
list. T^re^ possibly refers to him in the following line - 



gr% was a definite commentator of the Mbh. as appears from 
the expression " ^f^frf^rNn^R " used by Vidyasagara. 

( 26 ) ^RTJT Sukthankar's list shows the Mss of the com- 
mentary of 3T$FT&T on Wt and ft*re Parvans of the Mbh. The 
comm is called fTOt^n?frfr ( on f^tr^^^ ) 

( 31 ) fiNrTfrrN"|r He is not mentioned in Sukthankar's list. 

( 32 ) f^rasfhr Sukthankar's list shows his commentary on 
all the 18 Parvans of the Mbh. I have proved that ?%T^Nr is 
later than A. D. 1150 ( vide pp. 394-397 of Annals B. O. R. L 
XVII ). Kow that Vidyasagara mentions him ( c. A. D. 1350 ) 
the date of fw^sft'sr may be taken to lie between A, D, 1150 and 
1300 or so. 

( 33 ) %^qrnT?r~Sukthankar's list shows his commentary on 
the ^rn%^ ( m^PW ). f^wsfte refers to this commentator in 
the following lines* 

: i 



[ Vide p, 270 of Sukthankar Memo. Edition Vol. I ( 1944 ) ] 
( 46 ) ^i%^ He is not mentioned in Sukthankar's list of 
Mss. of Mbh. commentaries. In his article on the Mbh, com- 



io8 Annals o/ tk Bhandarkar Oriental Research Insttttttt 



mentators ( Annals, B. 0. R. I. Vol. XVII, p. 185 ) $[%R [ 8 men> 
tioned. Prof. Bhattacharya states that ftSRrr'n: mentions another 
5%T and his commentary called *TTI?rt and further points out 
that iJtaiwrc " takes the two sit^TTs as identical ". This identity 
needs to be investigated. 

It will be seen from the above notes that all the commentaries 
on the Mahabharata, numbering about a dozen, mentioned by 
. Vidyasagara are prior to A. D. 1350. It is for the first time that 
we are able to put a definite limit to the dates of these commenta- 
ries on the strength of the Adiparvan-tlka fragment so carefully 
analysed by Prof. Bhattacharya. It is worthwhile analysing 
VidySsagara's commentary on the Sdbha, fanti, Bhlsm and 
Anusasana parvans referred to by me already in this paper. I 
hope that the information recorded and discussed by me in this 
paper will clarify the problem of the chronology of the Maha. 
bharata commentaries to a considerable extent as all the com- 
mentaries made use of by Vidyasgara are earlier in point of 
date than A. D. 1350. 



HUMAN SACRIFICE IN PHOTO-INDIA 

BY 
A. P. KARMARKAR. 

The Institution of human sacrifice evidently seems to be of 
pre-Aryan origin in India. The various Mohenjo Daro finds 
fully indicate the existence and wide prevalence of the cult. In 
later times, however, the cult seems to have spread f&t and 
wide in the whole world. We find the early traces of the same 
in Greece, Italy, among the Celts, Teutons and Slaves, the 
Phoenicians and Egyptians, the early Japanese, many African 
trihes, South Sea Islanders, some American tribes, and parti- 
cularly the Mayas and Aztecs. ' 

Like all the other sacrifices, the institution of the human 
sacrifice conveyed the far deeper meaning, namely, that of 
sacrificing the best at the altar of God. The motive in doing so 
may be many-sided. We know that Hariscandra made an 
attempt to offer a human victim i.e. Sunahsepa, in sacrifice, 
for the sake of saving his own child. Herodotus gives an inter- 
esting account regarding the significance of the cult. While rela- 
ting the story of Cyrus who was bent upon throwing Croesus, the 
king of Lydians, along with fourteen other prisoners on the 
funeral pile, he observes, that, ' I know not whether Cyrus was 
minded to make an offering of the first fruits to some God or 
other, or whether he had vowed a vow and was performing it, or 
whether, as may well be, he Lad heard that Croesus was a ho y 
man, and so wished to see if any of the heavenly powers would 
appear to save him from being burnt alive'. 8 Besides we find 
that the cult was practised for achieving many other ob; fits 
also. It is worth noting that the cult was practised by hot* the 
high and the low. . 

i W R B VI D 840 It should be noted that we hare used the word 
Phoetfanf ' S^T* ' '. The cuH of to*, -rifle. W W 
lent among the Phoenicians alone. 

8 Herodotus, I. 86. 



no Annals of the Bhandarfrar Oriental Research Institute 

Human Sacrifice amongst the Proto- Dmvidians 
The Mohenjo Daro inscriptions and representations on seals 
indicate the main proofs in regard to the prevalence of this cult. 
Father Heras observes, that, ' these words are never found in the 
inscriptions. Yet when one observes that the number of the 
deceased persons is always the same or at least repeated in 
certain proportion* one at once realizes that the inscriptions 
speak of real human sacrifice \ * The persons to be sacrificed 
were kept in prison and treated as temple prisoners. 2 Once they 
were kept in a palm-grove. 3 One of the seals* represents how 
seven victims, fully decorated, were kept ready for the sacrifice. 
They are shown to have worn flowers or perhaps feathers over 
their heads. They are dressed and are shown to have worn shoes, 
The sacrifice used to take place under the trees - the corpses 
being afterwards taken away by two bandis to the burial 
grounds. 5 

Number of Victims 

The Mohenjo Daro inscriptions relate that the number of 
human victims was generally either seven or a multiple of 
seven. 8 To elucidate the fact * 

( 1 ) * Of the seven of the united countries who died in the 
country. ' 7 

(2) *O^the death of seven of the Mlnas who were in the 
country of An ( who is ) the Sun. ' 8 

( 3 ) * The two trees under which the seven Mlnas saw the 

God of death. > 9 

( 4 ) 'Of the death of the twenty-one cou nted prisoners in the 

1 Heras, The Religion af the Mohenjo Daro People according to Inscrip- 
tions? Jour, of the University of Bombay. Vol. V. Pt, I, p. 23 

2 Marshall, M. D M PL CXVI, No. 6. 

* Photo, M. D,, 19S8-29, No. 6628. 

4 Marshall, Mohenjo Daro ad the Indus Civilisation, I, pi. XII. 18. 

5 Marshall, #., No, 11. 

6 Cf.. Heras, op. cit. p, 23. 

* Marshall, M, D., No. 146. 

8 Ibid., M. D., No. 553. 

9 Ibid. M. D. PI, OXVIII, No. 3 ( Hr. 4337 ). 



Human Sacrifice in Proto-India m 

(month of the ) Fish when the growing half of the moon was over 

the lands, * * 

( 5 ) ' Let the seven die when the sun is on high. ' 8 

Only on one occasion, the number of victims is given as 

twelve. 3 

Number Seven in later tradition 

It is of immense interest to note that the number seven as 
applied to the human victims became current in later times in 
India as well as in the western world. We shall examine the 
point presently. 

Immediately after the Mohenjo Daro period, but any way 

before the time of Zoroaster, it is told how Croe- 

Account of gus ; the king of the Lydians, was imprisoned 

ero o us ^^ thrown on the burning pile. Berodotus rela- 

tes the account as follows- * Thus was Sardis taken by the Persi- 

ans and Croesus himself fell into their hands, after having reig- 

ned fourteen years, and been besieged in his capital fourteen 

days, thus too did Croesus fulfil the oracle, which said that he 

should destroy a mighty empire, by destroying his own. Then 

the Persians who had made Croesus prisoner brought him before 

Cyrus, Now a vast pile had been raised by his orders, and Croe- 

sus, laden with fetters, was placed upon it, and with him twice 

seven of the sons of the Lydians. * 

This account is interesting especially because it states facts 
belonging to the pre-Zoroastrian age. 

The story of the origin of the Citp&vans also is very interest- 

ing. Here is one of the accounts given by 

Story of the Mon i er Williams regarding the tradition : * A 

Citpavans - in the Ko n kan oa lled Cit- 



pavans is said to have been created by Parasurama thus : ^ After 
his contest with the Ksatriyas he took up his abode in the 
mountains of that part of India. There he had a quarrel wi h 
Brahmans who resided with him in the same region. Then 



some 

to spite them he went to the 




Ibid. H. No, 120 ; Ibid. 4. No. 12. 
Ibid. M. D , No. 344, 
Photo. M. D., 1928-29, No. 6357, 
Herodotus* I. 86. 



112 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

funeral piles ( GKas - Oaityas ) with the remains of a number 
persons who had been burnt, resuscitated them and converted 
them into Brahmans '. ! 

Puranic data : 

The Puranic data also is useful in this connection The 
BrahmSnda Purana describes that, ' It is said that the Godde 
Lalita were a garland of seven heads of the Raksasas by 
means of weaving their hair into each other and created a 
shrilling noise/ 2 Perhaps this refers to the tradition of offering 
the heads of seven human victims. 
Atkarvaveda : 

The Atharvaveda maintains the tradition as follows : 
1 Seven victims held the sacrificial essence, 

The bright one and the one that hath grown feeble. 
The three and thirty deities attend them. 

As such, conduct us to the world of Svarga? 

It should be noted here that though the word seven is inter- 
preted as meaning seven different kinds of victims includtg 
men and animals, still, in our opinion, this must have original^ 
referred to the tradition of the sacrifice of seven victhns " 



- bymn on tbe p meval being (Purusa- 

" " Sefi0 nC6 ln Iegard * * e significance 

* 




iS^^^K 6 ^^^^* 



Human Sacrifice in Proto-lndia 113 

The mighty ones attained the height of heaven, there where 
the sadhyas, Gods of old, are dwelling. " ( 16 ) l 

The Purusa-sukta is b^t a mystic glorification of the human 
victim who already stands sacrificed. If this be so then it actually 
points to an old custom belonging to the pre-Aryan times, The 
remarks made in the hymn that * these were .the earliest ordinan- 
ces ' are instructive. 2 

Some of the Megalithic tombs in Southern India contain the 
contracted bodies of seven persons. 2 

Again Crooke gives an interesting instance, 
He says that, T when Hindus have removed the 
ashes from a burning ground they write the figures 49, on the 
spot where the corpse was cremated, 4 

Story of Kamsa and Devakfs children. 

The story of Kamsa killing the first seven children of Vasu- 
deva, Krsna's father, should really throw some light on the 
ancient custom of sacrificing seven victims. 

Story of Devavrata. 

The story of Devavrata is narrated as follows - 
* Santanu sees a maiden on the Ganges. He marries with 
her on condition that he would never interfere with any of her 
acts. After their marriage, as soon as the child was born, she 
threw it into the Ganges ; and this she did to seven children, one 
after another. But on her doing about the eighth ( Devavrata ), 
the king prevented her. She was G-anga. She said that they 
belonged to Vasus, and that, therefore she wanted them to be sent 
to heaven soon. ( MaJicLbharata, Adi P. 97 ff. ). 

Thus all the above instances show how the system of sacrific- 
ing seven ( or a multiple of seven ) victims was widely prevalent 
in ancient India. 



Human VicU m ', J. B. B. B- A. 8. 



. S. ). XVIIF, pp. 91 ff 



a Eg . The t0mb N o,XVn o 
and their significance ', Journal of the 

*' Brooke, Popular Religion and Folklore etc,, II. 51. 
15 t Annals, B. O. B. I, ] 



Jri4 Annals of tk Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Cult of Human Sacrifice belongs to Non- Aryans 

Both the Mohenjo Daro inscriptions and later writings prove 
beyond doubt one factor, namely, that the cult of human sacrifice 
must have been originally practised by the Dravidians, and that 
if the Aryans have mentioned instances of the same, it must 
have been on account of the gradual flow of the non- Aryans 
into the fold of Aryanism itself. The following arguments may 
be adduced in support of the same : 

( 1 ) We have already referred to the prevalence of the cult 
among the Mlnas and other tribes in the Mohenjo Daro period. 

( 2 ) The Panis are another Dravidian tribe of Rgvedic fame. 
The main characteristic of this tribe as described in the Rgveda 
shows that they must have formed part of the proto-Dravidians. 
The Bhagavata Purana mentions a story, that, the king of the 
Vrsalas performed;the human sacrifice according to the custom 
prevalent among the Panis. T 

The story is related as follows : 

' Once upon a time, a king of the Yrsalas ( Vrsallpatih ), 
desirous of having a son, undertook to sacrifice a male human 
being for the propitiation of BhadrakaLl. By chance the sacrifi- 
cial male beast secured for the purpose was let loose and could 
not be found out at the time of sacrifice. There-upon the followers 
of the leader of Panis ran hither and thither in search of the 
object of the sacrifice. In their frantic, they proceeded towards 
the field at dead of night covered with darkness and by chance 
they came to see the decrepit Bharata while he was engaged in 
protecting the field having stationed himself on hi^h in a parti- 
cular subtle way. The followers of the Vrsalipatl found him 
gifted with auspicious marks and thought that he would serve 
well the purpose of their master's sacrifice. Then they bouud 
him ( Bharata ) with ropes and with delightful countenance they 
proceeded towards the altar of the Goddess Kali where their 
master was awaiting them. According to their rules they got 
Bharata bathed, clothed him with a new piece of cloth and 
decked him with ornaments, fragrant garlands and marks 

lltf'f ^7^ fed Mm and worshipped him with 

pr s nts of incense, lamps, garlands, fried paddy, new leaves, 

^ f r ~ ta>thv ' ollailtin al0 ^ the glories of God- 
^ brought him bfl . 



Human Sacrifice in Proto-lndza x r 

fore the Goddess Bhadrakall, and made him sit there with his 
face downwards. 

' Thereupon the priest of the king, to worship the Goddess 
Bhadrakall^with the blood-like Asava of that male beast being 
purified with incantations, took up a dreadful dagger. The 
minds of those Panis were possessed by the qualities of darkness 
and ignorance and were filled with the pride of riches. ' 

Later on, it is told how Bhadrakall saved Bharata from slau- 
ghter. 

( 3 ) In the Brahmavaivarfca P. it is stated how the Tamasic 
Puja ( worship ) through human sacrifice was practised by the 
Kiratas and other tribes. 1 

( 4 ) Story of Jarasandha^ : The Mahabharata states that 
Jarasandha had imprisoned one hundred kings and kept them in 
the temple of Pasupafei at Varanavata situated in Magadha ( on 
the opposite side of the Ganges ). It is said that they were to 
be slaughtered like * cattle ', but were saved later on. Jarasandha 
is described as an Asura. Hence he must have evidently be- 
longed to the non- Aryan race. 

( 5 ) The practice of the cult was in vogue amongst many 
of the lower tribes in India, 

( 6 ) In Aryan documents. The early instance of Sunahsepa 
( rather implicitly referred to in the Rgveda ), ] who was saved 
from being sacrificed as a human victim at the instance of Hari- 
scandra, is a clear indication, of the fact how the Aryans were 
showing a keen dislike towards the rite. Further the famous 
chapter on Purusamedha in the Yajurveda mentions, among 
other victims, the Vratya, Pums~GalI and Magadha. * This 
evidently proves the keen hatred of the Aryans against the 
practice of human sacrifice. Besides, as we have pointed out 
above, the Purusa-sukta shows a clear indication oi the fact of 
the existence of the cult in the pre-Aryan days. 

Thus all these instances are clear proof of the fact that the rite 
of human sacrifice must have been popularly in vogue amongst 
the proto-Indians and that the Aryans must have adopted 
it later on, mainly on account of the fusion of the two races. 

1 Brahmavaivarta P. Prakrti Kh., Adh. 94, 

2 Mahabharata, II, 15, 23. 
I figveda.1,24. 

& Vajasaneyz Hamhita, 



THE DATE AND TIME OF THE BHAEATA WAR: 
A NEW APPROACH ON ASTRONOMICAL CONSIDERATIONS 

BY 

K. V. ABHYANKAR 

1 Method followed in fixing the date. 2. Internal Evidence. 
3, Astronomical considerations. 4. Prominent events with dates. 
5. Krsna's embassy, 6. Frustration of Krsna's mission. 7. 
Dates of Balarama's pilgrimage examined. 8. Indirect mention 
of dates, 9. Conflicting views. 10. Date of Bhlsma's passing 
examined. 11, Points of harmony. 12. View of Bharatasavitrl. 
13. View of Arjunamisra. 14 View of Mr. J. S. Karandikar. 
15. Justified presumptions and coherent explanation. 16. Differ- 
ences of view explained, 17. Explanation of obscure passages. 

18, Conflict between Mahabharata and Bharatasavitrl passages. 

19. Critical review of Arjunami&ra's observations, 20, Critical 
review of Nllakantha's observations. 21. Critical review of Mr. 
Karandikar's observations. 22. Dates of Krsna's embassy and 
13 days' fortnight. 23. Dates of Fight and Final Victory and 
Origin of Abhijit, 24. Date of Winter Equinox and Passing of 
Bhlsma, 25, Occurrence of the intercalary month before the 
War. 26. Mr. Karandikar's view criticized, 27, Age of the 
Bharata War. 

1. It is proposed in this short article to give certain conclu- 
sions regarding the naughty question of fixing the date and time 
of the Mahabharata War by following the method of Samanvaya 
adopted by the revered teachers of India. Only the material 
available inside the epic itself is taken into account, and with 
due care the explanations, given by the old commentators, are 
considered. The conclusions are drawn in most cases on the 
general principle of following the voice of the majority with 
explanations given not only as to why the view of the minority 
is to be discarded, but as to why the minority differed. There 
are, in all, not more than a dozen places where phrases or terms 



The Date and Time of tfo Strata War 

referring to the time of the war are found in the text ( vide appen- 
dix ). Some of these occur in the main current of the narration 
others in topics concerning the main Narration, while still others 
are such as are quoted by the commentarors as occurring in the 
conclusion of the great Epic known as Bharatasavitrl. The Epic 
has never tried to give the events by the actual mention of dates. 
Possibly, when the war took place there was no era to calculate* 
the year, nor names given to days. There was no division of the 
month by weeks, nor divisions of fortnights into 15 parts. People 
knew the seasons of the 12 months of the solar year as also the 
lunar year, and they could adjust the lunar year to the solar 
year by adding a lunar intercalary month periodically. They 
marked the days of the New and the Full moon and counted the 
days in the fortnight as first, second, third etc. The calculations 
were generally made by nights that passed. They knew the asso- 
ciation of the moon with the 27 lunar mansions which the moon 
occupied one per day in her round of 27 days. Although there 
was the knowledge of the year, the fortnight and the days, 
present in the minds of the writers of the Epie, it is surprising 
that they made no systematic attempt to assign a definite year, 
month, fortnight and day to any event and we have to base our 
conclusions only on the occasional references to Naksatras, 
months and fortnights. 

2. The War took place, as popularly believed, in the month 
of Marga^Irsa, lasted for 18 days, and ended on the last or the 
day before the last of the month. There are references by dates 
to some events of the war in the Bhlsma Parva, to the prelimi- 
naries of the war in the Udyogaparva and to the passing of 
Bhlsma in the Santiparva; but their number is very small. 
References to the day of the commencement of the War and the 
deaths of the prominent heroes by date are found in the Bharata- 
savitrl, but tiieir number is extremely limited. 

3. It is but very natural that with this scanty material avai- 
lable referring to the dates of the War, only indirectly, that differe- 
nces of views should have arisen not only regarding the era or the 
year, but even the dates and the month of its commencement and 
end. There is no difference of opinion regard ing the actual number 
of the days of the fight which fc believed to be 18, nor, regarding 



n8 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

the month which is Margaslrsa. Due to the Precession of the Equi- 
noxes the seasons go on occurring earlier and earlier in 
the year, and well nigh after the lapse of about two thousand 
years, they occur even a month earlier. The constellations of 
stars have always remained unchanged with respect to their 
angular distances from each other, although the sun, the moon 
and the planets go on changing their positions and directions too, 
regarding the constellations. The Indian Calendar is based on 
astral year with lunar months adjusted to it, and the presence of 
the sun and the moon is fixed permanently in particular constella- 
tions in particular months. The references, therefore, to the posi- 
tions of the sun and the moon in specific constellations at the time 
of specific events are very valuable in determining the dates of 
those events, 

4 The prominent events of the Bharata war which are dire- 
ctly or indirectly associated with dates are the following : Ithe 
starting of Krsna on his peace mission, 2 frustration of his mission 
and its consequences. 3 Commencement of the War, 4. Retirement 
of Bhlsma, 5. Deaths of heroes such as Abhimanyu, Jayadratha, 
Ghatotkaca, Drona and Kama, 6. The Mace fight and arrival of 
Balarama, and 7. Passing of Bhlsma. As the Table attached at 
the end will show, slightly different dates are assigned to these 
events by the writers of the BharatasSvitrl, the old commentator 
Arjunami^ra, the commentator Nllakantha and modern Maha- 
bharata scholars like J. S. Karandikar. An examination of 
the several passages referring to these events and a careful 
scrutiny as to why and how these differences have arisen will 
show that a satisfactory solution of the problem can be given by 
finding out and eradicating the cause of the differences. 

5. Regarding the first event, viz. Ersna's starting on emba- 
ssy, the Mahabharata in Udyogaparva ( 83, 6-7 ) remarks that 
Krsna started in the month " Kaumuda ' on the constellation 
* RevatI \ on ' Maitra Muhurta '. The month Karttika is under- 
stood by the word * Kaumuda ' by almost all commentators ; the 
moon is found in RevatI constellation only on the bright 12, 13 
and 14 of Karttika, and hence one of these three days was the* 
day of his starting. The interpretation of the word 'Maitra' 
presents a difficulty : the word * Maitra ' literally means ' presi- 



The Date and Time of the Bharata War 119 

ded over by Mitra i. e. the constellation * Anuradha ' which con- 
flicts with the constellation ' BovatI ' which is specifically men- 
tioned in the passage. The same is the case with another passage 
where the word ' Maitra ' occurs along with the specific mention 
of the constellation * Pusya \ 

6. The second event is the frustration of Krsna's mission 
resulting into Balarama's proceeding on pilgrimage,* Duryodha- 
na's order to his allies to march towards Kumksetra, and 
Krsna's message to Kaurava Generals to start fight after a 
week. Krsna tried hard, especially at the request of his brother 
Balarama, for more than a week to bring about a compromise 
between the two parties by arranging separate interviews with 
Duryodhana and others. His last interview was with Earna. 
When all his attempts failed, he sent word with Kama to Bhlsma, 
Drona and Krpa fco begin War after 8 days on the New Moon 
Day (Udyoga 142, 16-18); Duryodhana also asked his allies 
to march to Kuruksetra and encamp there ( Udyoga 150, 3 ) and 
Balarama, in resentment, immediately started on pilgrimage 
( Udyoga 157, 33-35 ). All these events are described to have 
taken place on the same day, the dark 4th of Karttika when the 
moon was in Pusya. The three passages, describing the three 
events, clearly mention the day as Pusya. The difference 
among the commentators arises only with regard to the day of 
the fortnight which was marked by Pusya, Arjunamisira giving 
it as the 8th day and Nllakantha as the 5th day. 

7. There are two other references to Balarama's departure 
for pilgimage later on in Salya Parva ( ch. 34 and 35 ) which 
mention * Pusya ' as the day of departure and * Sravana ' as the 
day of return and 42 as the number of intervening days. The 
day of Balarama's return is unanimously believed to have coincid- 
ed with the last day of the -War. The mention of the constellation 
* Sravana ' as the day of Balarama's return, and consequently as 
the last day of the War, presents a great difficulty to the com- 
mentators Sravana, in the first place, cannot evidently occur 
before the month M&rga&Irsa has ended, while the war is 
traditionally believed, to have been over before the Hew Moon 
of MfirgaSlrsa. Besides, Sravana, as the last day of the War, 
conflicts with BharanI which is given in the Bbaratas&vitrl as 
the first day of the War, as ' Sravana 9 ~ is 21st from BharanJ and 



i^o Annals of the ghandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

not 18th. The commentators and critics, therefore, have no 
other alternative except either sticking to Bharanl or to Sravana, 
Nllakantha, on the principle of the recognized superiority of the 
conclusion or upasamhara to the beginning or upakrama, 
definitely lays down that the War ended on Sravana, the first 
day of Pausa and commenced on Mrgasiras and not on 
BharanI, Arjunamisra sticks to the bright 13th as the day of 
the commencement. He remains silent about tha ITaksatra. 
Mr. Karandikar and other modern critics have also discarded 
' Sravana ? as the last day of the War. 

8, There are indirect references to the commencement of the 
War at the beginning of Bhlsmaparvan ( ch. 3, 28 and 17, 2 ) 
where references are made to the solar and the lunar eclipses 
and the occurrence of the fortnight of 13 days. There is also a 
reference to the entry of the moon into the constellation 
* Magha ? . The critics of the Mahabharata have held a lot of 
discussion regarding the possibility of two eclipses, mentioned 
as taking place on the same day and the exact day referred to 
by the word " that day " in the sentence <J the moon entered that 
day the province of Magha ". It is really uncertain to which day 
there is a reference in the wording " that day ". It is almost 
impossible to understand a reference to the first day of the War 
as some critics would have it, as, such a reference would not 
only conflict with the passages from the Bharatasavitrl, bufc 
with the Mahabharata passages mentioning the period of the 
pilgrimage of Balarama and the passing of Bhlsma. 

9. The first day of the fight, the retirement of Bhlsma and the 
death of Drona are mentioned with specific dates- and Naksatras 
in the Bharatasavitrl : The War according to it commences on 
BharanI, the bright 13fch, and ends on Mula, the New Moon, 
The commentators and critics accept these dates given by the 
traditionally old authority, and assign dates to all events 
connected with the War accordingly, making such changes as 
are absolutely necessary in their opinion. Nllakantba takes the 
13th in conjunction with the 14th as the first day of the War 
and gives the bright first of Pausa as the last day ; he takes 
Mrgasiras ^and not BharanI as the constellation on tlxe first 
day and Sravana on the last day. Arjunamisira takes the 



The Date and Time of the Bhclrata War 



121 



bright 13th as the first day and the New Moon as the last day 
remaining silent about the Faksatras. Mr. Karandikar finds 
out a kind of inconsistency between the day ( thirteenth ) and 
the ISTaksatra ( BharanI ) given in the Bharatasavitrl and chooses 
to abandon the tithi by sticking to the Naksatra. War according 
to him started on the bright eleventh when the moon was in. 
BharanI and ended on the dark thirteenth when the moon was 
in Mula constellation. 

10. The last item in connection with which a definite men- 
tion of the date is made in the Mababharata is the passing of 
Bhlsma. Bhlsma laid down his arms when Sikhandi stood before 
him and on receiving serious wounds from Arjuna, he retired 
from the fight. He lay down on a bed of arrows waiting for the 
Winter Solstice ( Uttarayana ) to breathe Ms last. The retirement 
of BhJsma took place on the 10th day of the fight On the termi- 
nation of the War, Bhlsma asked Yudhisthira to go to the Capital 
and begin his rule bearing in mind that he was to return to pay 
last respects to his revered grandfather at the time of the 
Winter Solstice. Yudhisthira returned 50 days after, exactly at 
the nick of time and Bhlsma expressed his profound ]oy at the 
sight of his grandson, saying that he remained waiting for the 
Winter Solstice on the bed of arrows for 58 nights which he felt 
as long as one hundred years, ( Bhlsma-svargarohana-parvan 
167, 27-29 ). The day of the passing of Bhlsma has neither any 
Naksatra nor any date assigned to it. It depends entirely on 
the last day of the War from which it is 59th. If the War 
ended on the dark 13th of Marga^Irsa, Bhlsma's passing would 
occur on the dark 3rd of Magha as Mr. Karandikar would 
like to say, or if it ended on the 14th then the dark 4th 
would be the day of Bhlsma's passing, and, if on the New Moon 
day, then, the dark 5th. If it ended on the first day of Pausa as 
Nllakantha would have it, the dark 6th would be the day of Bhl- 
sma's passing. Nllakantha, in his eagerness to follow the tradi- 
tion of the bright fortnight for Bhlsoaa's passing, gives the 
bright 5th of Magha as the date and explains the word ' asta- 
panca&atam ' as 42. He splits the word into s asfcpafica ? and 
* aSatam ' and takes it to mean ' fifty eight deducted from the 
century r i. e. 42. Although the difficulty presented by the word 

- 16 f Annals. B. O. B. I. ] 



122 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

1 astapafica&atam ' be thus avoided somehow, still, he cannot avoid 
the difficulty presented by the word * pancasat ' which 
clearly means 50 and in no way 34. The word * pancasat ? occurs 
in Bhlshma-svargarohana-parva 197, st. 5 and clearly refers to 
the number of days passed by Yudhisthira after the war 
ended upto the passing of Bhlsma. Arjunamisra takes the 
dark 8th of Magha as the day of Bhlsma's passing stating that 
the dark 8th was looked upon as bright 8th by an unbroken tradi- 
tion of Instruction. Mr. Karandikar takes the dark 3rd of Magha 
as the date, as he can explain the setting in of Uttarayana on 
that day according to Vedanga Jyotisa. 

11. The presence of such differences of view among the learn- 
ed commentators and critics would create a belief at the first 
sight, that the problem of fixing the days of the Bharata War is 
an insoluble one ; but, it is not so. A due consideration given to 
the traditional beliefs on the one hand and a sympathetic 
grasp of the mind and ideas of the commentators and critics, 
who interpreted these passages on the other, would g,how that the 
differences can be settled, and a cogent harmonious explanation 
can be offered. The following are the main items about which 
hardly there is any difference of views : ( 1 ) the War commenced 
and ended in Margaslrsa, ( 2 ) it lasted for 18 days, ( 3 ) Bhlsma 
retired on the 10th day and remained waiting for death till the 
Uttarayana commenced, and (4) Balarama returned from 
Pilgrimage on the last day of the War just when Duryodhana 
was to begin his duel combat with Bhlma. The occurrence of a 
fortnight of 13 days, with the Lunar eclipse at the beginning and 
the Solar eclipse at the end, is also an item of general acceptance, 
It is the details about the specific Naksatra or ' tithi ', which are 
left to the commentators and critics to settle. 

12, The BhSratasSvitrl, which repreeents the oldest tradition, 
explicitly mentions only two things, viz. that the War com- 
menced on the bright 13th of Margaslrsa when the moon was 
in Bharanl, and Drona was slain on the dark 13th. As Drona 
was slain on the 15th Day of the fight, the dark 13fch can be 
explained only in case there was a tithi dropped in that fortnight; 
and a tithi, in fact, could be dropped as the fortnight was a fort- 
night of 14 days according to calculations. The mention of 



The Date and Time of tht Bhftrata War i%$ 

Bhlsrna's death in the line ' Arjunena hato Bhlsmo Maghamase- 
sitastamJ * in the Bharatasavitrl can be said to refer to the passing 
of Bhlsma, and not to his retirement, as, in the former case only, 
the words * magha ? month and dark fortnight can be properly 
explained. The assignment of the eighth (bright or dark, as 
both the readings ' sita ' and ' asita ' can be taken ) of Magha to 
Bhlsma's passing shows that the tradition of the 8th for that 
event was current at the time of the Bharatasavitrl. The evidence 
of the Bharatasavitrl, which is older than the commentators and 
later than Sauti is certainly more reliable than any other 
evidence, provided it does not conflict with any Mahabharata 

passage, 

13. The commentator Arjunamisra appears to be older than 

Nllakantha. From the method of counting the days of the 
month followed by him, it seems that he possibly lived* before 
Bhasakracarya. He counts the days right on upto 28 or 
29 as in the case of English months; the names are Caitra, 
Yaisakha etc. but, his month e. g. Caitra, commences on the 
dark 5th after the full moon of Caifcra. Thus, the 26th day of 
Avina month which he mentions as fche day of Krsna's journey 
means the full moon day of Karttika, and the 28th of Asivina, the 
dark second of Karttika ; the 22nd of Karttika, mentioned by him 
as the first day of the War means the bright 12th of Margaslrsa, 
aod the 3rd and the 10th of Agrah&yana marking the fall of 
Bhlsma and end of the War, mean the dark 7th and the New 
Moon respectively. Arjunamisra has not mentioned specific 
Naksatras for the different days of the War and he has safely 
avoided the question whether the War ended on Mula or 
Sravana. Influenced of course by Bharatasavitrl, he gives the 
dark 8th of Magha for Bhlsma's passing, but he makes the 
remark that the dark 8th was looked upon as bright 8th by virtue 
of traditional Instruction ( upade&a-paramparay a). He teies to 
explain, although nob satisfactorily, the interval of 58 nights 

14 Mr Karandikar seems to be overinfln enoed by the dark 
3rd of M^ha which is one of the dates specified for the 
cement of the Uttar.yana in the VedlBga 



men 

not pause to consider whether at the time of 
really followed the calcul.tipns of the Ved.Bga Jyptisa, He 



124 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

ignores the tithl (trayodasl or the 13th) mentioned in the 
Bharatasavitrl for the commencement of the war and accepts 
only the ISTaksatra ' Bharanl ? given there. He says that the 
War commenced on Bharanl, the bright llth of Margasilrsa 
and ended on Mnla the dark 13th of the same month. 

15. Starting with two justified presumptions based upon an 
unbroken tradition, viz. that the Bharata War took place in Marga- 
slrsa, and the dark fortnight of Karttika consisted of 13 days, if 
a calculation be made of the days of the month and the Naksa- 
tras the moon occupied, as people with their limited knowledge 
of astronomy could have done in those days, the following results 
can be obtained ; ( 1 ) The bright half of Karttika consisted of 
16 days; ( 2 ) The dark half of Karttika consisted of 13 days; ( 3) 
the bright half of Margaslrsa consisted of 16 days, (4) the 
dark half of Margaslrsa consisted of 14 days and (5) the 3 
fortnights that followed consisted of 45 days in all-15, 15, 15 or 
15, 14, 16. ( 6 ) the War commenced on the bright 13th as men- 
tioned in the Bharatasavitrl which preserves the oldest tradition, 
and ended on the dark 14th which was the New Moon day, (7) 
the last day of the War was marked by Sravana, as mentioned 
in the Salyaparva, the first day consequently being marked by 
Eohinl and not Bharanl as mentioned in the Bharatasavitrl, ( 8 ) 
the passing of Bhlsma occurred not on the dark 3rd or 8th of 
Magha, but on the 5th exactly 50 nights after the War was over, 
or 58 nights after Bhlsma retired, and ( 9 ) Krsna started on 
embassy, on the bright 12th of Karttika marked by the moon's 
presence in EevatI and his mission was frustrated on the dark 
4th of Karttika marked by the Constellation Pusya an epoch- 
making day no doubton which Balarama left for pilgrimage, 
Krsna sent word with Karna to Kaurava Generals, and Duryo- 
dhana ordered his allies to go to Kuruksetra to encamp. 

16. It is now to be seen how far the results given above agree 
with the statements of commentators and critics. In consonance 
with the observations made above, it can be seen that in the year 
of the War, the moon was in Visiakha along with the Sun at 
Sunrise, on the first day of Karttika. The bright or first fortnight 
of Karttika consisted of 16 days wherein moon was seen in the 16 
s, Visakha to Rohinl. The moon was in BevatI ou 



The Date and Time of the Bhtirata War 125 

the 12th day when Krsna started. Two days afterwards, on 
Bhararjl; he saw Yudhisthira and began Ms work. With respect 
to the date of Krsna's starting the bright 12th of Karttika ifc 
is only Arjunamisra who differs. He says that ,it was the 15th 
on which BevatI was with the moon. The moon could be in 
RevatI on the 12th, 13th as also on the 14th, but Arjunamisra 
has chosen the 15th presumably because a week afterwards on 
Pusya the negotiations are described to have failed and again a 
week after the New Moon is mentioned. The consideration of 
the New Moon occurring a fortnight afterwards led Arjunamlsira 
to assign the 14th for Krsna's journey on RevatL Eeally spea- 
king this was all unnecessary as the dark fortnight consisted 
only of 13 days, and even taking RevatI, the bright 12th as the day 
of Krsna's journey, the New Moon could occur after a fortnight. 
ITllakantha, in consideration of the 13 days' fortnight assigns the 
dark 5fch to the constellation Pusya, and without any difficulty 
accepts the bright 12th of Karttika as the day of Krsna's 
starting. 

17. In the passage giving the date of Krsna's starting, 
the words " maitre muhurte samprapte " occur wich give a seri- 
ous trouble to the commentators. The word * Maitra 9 refers to 
the Naksatra Anuradha, but the Naksatra * anuradha ' conflicts 
with the Naksatra ' revatl ' which is expressly mentioned ( see 
Udyogaparva (ch. 83, st. 6). The moon cannot be in Anuradha and 
EevatI on the same day. Some commentators avoid the difficulty 
by saying that * Maitra ? means * belonging to a friend while 
others leave the word unexplained. The word ' maitra ', without 
doubt, refers to Anuradha, but it is not to be taken as the Moon's 
constellation that day. Or, Maitra Muhurta may mean the third 
Muhurta of the day i. e. fifth and sixth ghataka after Sunrise. 
There is a passage in Salyaparva (ch. 35) referring to Bala- 
raraa's pilgrimage in which the word ' maitranaksatrayoge ' 
occurs along with the mention of the Naksatra * pusya ' 
stated to be occupied by the moon ; the moon cannot evidently be 
in the * anuradha * and ' pusya ' on the same day. It is obvious 
that the word ' maitra ' which means the constellation 'amiradha' 
cannot be the Naksatra occupied by the moon in both of these 
passages. The words * muhurta ' and ' yoga ' show that the 
Naksatra ' maitra * or Anuradha on those two days gave an 



126 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

auspicious period ( muhurta, or yoga ) by its conjunction with 
the sun, or with the horizon, or with both. The time of Sunrise 
is believed to be auspicious for going, irrespective of other con- 
siderations, and, if this time of sunrise be accompanied by a 
good star or constellation at the horizon, the time would be much 
more auspicious. Hence it becomes clear that the constellation 
4 Maitra ' or A.nuradha on these two days was on the horizon at 
sunrise as indicated by the words * maitre muhurfce samprapte ' 
and ' maitranaksatrayoge \ There is another passage * Magha- 
visayagai. somas taddinam pratyapadyata 9 which also has annoy- 
ed the commentators and critics regarding its explanation. It 
occurs in Bhlsmaparva ( ch. 17 st. 2 ) and simply means ' that 
day the moon entered the region of Magha '. It cannot be ascer- 
tained exactly which day is referred to by the wording ' that 
day ' ; the day cannot be the day of the commencement of the 
War as the Naksatra of the moon on that day was BharanI or 
EohinI but not Magha. The day cannot also be that on which 
Krsna started, or on which his mission failed, as they are assi- 
gned specific constellations * EevatI ' and * Pusya '. It appears 
that the day, referred to, is the day after the next to the day on 
which the mission failed, and on which bad omens began to 
occur. The cause of the occurrence of the bad omens is furnish- 
ed by this line ' maghavisayagah somah etc. '. The ISTaksatra 
Magha' is dedicated to the manes and in good ancient days the 9 
constellations from * Magha ' to ' Jyestha ' formed the group of 
constellations dedicated to the manes, the entry of the moon in 
which, was not very good. The word e maghavisaya ', hence, 
means the region of* Magha ' i. e. the nine constellations from 
* Magha ' to ' Jyestha ' both inclusive. 

18. There are two passages mentioning the dates of the War-'- 
The first is the Mahabharata passage in the Salyaparva ( ch. 34 st, 
5, 6 ) which states that Balarama returned on ' Sravana ' after a 
pilgrimage of 42 days, just at the last moment of the War ; there 
is no day ( tithi or serial day ) of the fortnight or of the month 
mentioned. The second passage is not from the MahabhSrata ; it 
is a passage quoted by Nllakantha from the Bharaiasavitr! which 
clearly mentions that theJWar commenced on BharanI the bright 
thirteenth, Thus, according to the Mahabharata the first day is 



The Date and lime of th Bh&rata War 127 

Mrga and the last day is Sravana, while according to the Bha- 
ratasavitrl, the first day is BharanI and the last day is Mula. 
There is obviously a difference of two clear days in the state- 
ments which conflict with each other, and hence, the commenta- 
tors and critics are required to give up one of the two in favour 
of the other. Arjunatnisira accepts the Mahabharata passage 
making the necessary modifications, and ignores the Bharata- 
savitrl passage. Nllakantha accepts the Maha-Bharata and ignores 
the Bharatasavitrl. Mr. Karandikar accepts in toto the only 
Faksaatra given by the Bharatasavitrl and not the tithi ( 13th ) 
and ignores the Mahabharata passage altogether. 

19. According to Arjunami^ra the War commenced on the 
bright 12th combined with the 13th, Bhlsma retired on the dark 
7th, the night fight took place on the llth, Drona was slain on the 
12th and the War ended on the New Moon day and Bhlsma 
passed away on the dark 8th of Magha. Arjunaraisira is stri- 
kingly silent regarding the Naksatras presumably because of 
the conflicting views about the Naksatras noticed in the Maha- 
bharata and the Bharatasavitrl. He has stated the dates of the 
months, as observed above, in a peculiar way. The method of 
calculation,adopted by him,is rarely found elsewhere. He has men- 
tioned the dark 8th of Magha as the day of the Winter Solstice 
and looked upon that dark 8th, as bright 8th, on the strength 
of an unbroken tradition of instruction about it. The reference to 
the traditional view that Bhlsma passed away on the bright 8th 
of Magha, shows that at ArjunamiWs time the Winter Solstice 
occurred sometime in Pausa, while the tradition was current that 
in the past it occurred in Magha, and not in Pausa. It 
appears from all these grounds that Arjunamlsra lived 
possibly before Bhaskaracarya. It is rather strange that 
Arjunamisra, who has taken a very critical attitude in determi- 
ning the days of the War should have been so partic mlar abou t the 
tradition of his time and assigned the dark 8th of Magha to the 
passing of Bhlsma, in spite of the fact that the interval between 
Bhfema'sfallonthe dark 7th of MargaSlrsa according to him 
andBhlsma's passing on the dark 8th of Magha cannot be 58 
nights, but definitely a night or two more It is * * 
that he should have lost sight of the statement of Bhlsma-t 



128 Annals of the ghandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

parfc of 5 days of the dark fortnight deserves to be considered 
bright, as it is a third part only ( tribhagamatraL. paksoyam 
suklo bhavitum arhaii ). 

20. Nllakairtha has used the Mlrnarhsa argument that the 
statement at the conclusion is always more reliable than the one 
at the beginning when they conflict, in setting aside the Bhstrata- 
savitrl view about the Naksatra. He could more easily Lave 
said that the Mahabharata passage is more reliable than the Bha- 
ratasavifcrl passage. He has not said it, presumably because 
orthodox as he was, both passages were equally sacred to him. 
Nllakantha has made an accurate calculation and rightly conclu- 
ded that the war ended on Sravana, which was the first day of 
Pausa, as Sravana could never occur in Margaslrsa. But, in 
his enthusiasm for bringing about somehow or other the bright 
fortnight for Bhlsma's passing, he has given a very unnatural 
interpretation of the passage ' astapancasatam ratryah etc. ' as 
already explained above. 

21. Mr. Karandikar has made very accurate astronomical 
calculations and stated that the War commenced on the Bright 
llth when the Moon was in BharanI as the Bharatasavitrl obser- 
ves. He could show more regard for the ISTaksatra than for the 
date ( 13th) given in the Bharatasavitrl; but, he should not have 
completely ignored the Mahabharata passage in the Salyaparva. 
He has possibly ignored the Mahabharata passage on the 
ground of its being an interpolated one. He is tempted to take 
the bright llth and not the 13th as. the first day, as he could 
thereby take the dark 13th as the last day of the War and the 
dark 3rd of Magha ( exactly 58 nights after ) as the day of 
Bhlsma's passing. The dark 3rd of Magha is one of the 5 dates 
of the commencement of the Uttarayana according to the Vedanga 
Jyotisa. It is problematical, as observed above, whether the 
calculations of the Vedanga Jyotisa could be made applicable 
to the statements about the Bharata War. Besides, according to 
the Vedlmga Jyotisa the dark 3rd could be the beginning of the 
TJttarayana in the 5th year of the Yuga or quinquennium and it 
caimot be said why the particular year of Bhlsma's passing should 
be taken as the 5th. The occurrence of the BTaksatra BharanI on 
tue llth taken actually by him would rather show that it was 



The Date and Time of tfa Sharata War 12$ 

the first or the fourth. The Naksatra BharanI occurs on the llth, 
the 12th or the 13th of Margaslrsa according as the inter- 
calary month has gone before in that very year, or in the 
previous year, or, in the year preceding the previous year. 

22. The diferent views of the commentators and critics 
given- above would clearly show that none of them has given 
quite a satisfactory solution of the difficulties presented by the 
conflicting texts. Each of them is required to ignore certain 
statements or offer an unusual sense. A close scrutiny of the 
astronomical passages and an accurate calculation will show 
that by ignoring only one passage of the Bharatasavitrl and that 
too only in part, not only a consistent explanation of all the 
passages is possible, but, indirectly the age of the Bharata War 
also can be settled on the astronomical data supplied by the 
texts : Kcsna started on his mission on BevatI, the bright 12th of 
Karttika ( Kaumuda Masa ) when the Autumn ( Sarad ) was almost 
over ; he started at sunrise when the Naksafcra Anuradha was on 
the horizon in conjunction with the sun. He tried MB best to 
effect a compromise, but, his efforts failed and he sent, on Pasya, 
the dark 4th of Karttika, a message through Karna to the 
Kaurava Generals to begin fight, a week after, on the New Moon 
Day. The same day (viz. the dark 4th) Balarama left for 
pilgrimage and Duryodhana ordered his Allies to proceed to 
Kuruksetra to encamp there. The New Moon Day occurred on 
Jyestha, the 13th day of the dark fortnight of Karttika. There 
was the lunar eclipse, the moon setting while eclipsed 
(grastasta ), on BohinI, the 16th day of the bright fortnight, ^and 
the Solar Eclipse on Jyestha, the 13th day of the dark fortnight, 
the Sun rising while eclipsed (grastodaya). The next fortnight 
i. e. the bright fortnight of Margaslrsa was of 16 days' dura- 
tion, with the moon entering the Mula Naksatra on its first day 
immediately after sunrise. The ' Worship of Weapons ' (lohabhi- 
sara or lohabhihara ) took place on ' Satataraka ' the bright 6ft 

of MrgaIrsa. 

23. The War commenced not on BharanI the bright llth, but 
on Rohinl, the bright 13th. Bhlsma retired on Hasfca, the dark 
6th ; Abhimanyu was slain on ViSakha, the dark 9th; Jayadratha 
was slain on Anuradha, the dark lOfch ; the night fight toofc 

17 [ Annals, B. O. R, I ] 



130 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

place on the night of the dark 10th; next day, on Jyestha the 
dark llth ; Drona was slain ; on Purvasadha the dark 13fch, 
Kama was slain ; and on Uttarasadha the 14th, Salya was slain 
during day time: The fortnight consisted of 14 days and the new 
Moon occurred on the evening of the dark 14th. The Moon ente- 
red Sravana that very evening when Balarama returned in hot 
haste to witness the end of the War viz, the duel fight of Duryo- 
dhana and Bhlma. The Moon left Uttarasadha and entered the 
first part of Sravana in the evening when the victory was comple- 
tely obtained byihe defeat of Duryodhana. As the moon was in 
the last quarter of Uttarasadha and the first part of Sravana 
when the victory was obtained, in order to commemorate the 
Victory, the last quarter of Uttaraaadha and the first quarter of 
Sravana together were given a separate place among the constella- 
tions and given the name * Abhijit 7 or Giver of Victory. 

24. The ITew Moon of Margaslrsa was the 9th day of Bhlsma's 
rest on the bed of arrows when the War came to an end. 
On the bed of arrows Bhlsma passed 30 nights of Pausa, 15 of 
the bright fortnight of Magha and 4 more of the dark fortnight 
of Magha. He passed silently in full comfort surrounded by 
Yudhisthira and all other relatives with the satisfaction of all 
his wishes having been carried as expressed in the famous verse 
recited in this connection : - 



Although the day ( dark 5th of Magha ) on which he passed 
was a day of the dark fortnight, still, because only a third of 
that dark fortnight was gone and two thirds still remained, it was 
looked upon as a supplement of the bright or first fortnight. The 
traditional tone of the narrative holds that Bhlsma remained 
waiting for the Uttarayana or the Winter Solstice which com- 
menced earliest in that year on the dark 5th of Magha. As a 
matter of fact, the earliest date for the Winter Solstice, not only 
in that particular year, but in those years was the dark 5th of 
Magha as, some facts mentioned already above will, show. 
The moon enters Sravana on the first day or the second day 
of Pausa, but never before the New Moon at the end of 
MfirgasJlr^a has taken place. In other words, the Moon can 
pass to Sravana never before the Marga&Jrsa Amavasya has 



The Date and Time of the Bharata War ni 

ended. At the time of the War the moon passed on to Sravana 
immediately after the Atnavasya was over, in fact, on the evening 
of the 14th day of the fortnight. This could happen only in case 
the intercalary month had been added just before. The interpre- 
tation of the word * maitranaksatrayoga ' and the phrase 'maitre 
muhurte sarnprapte ' as referring to Anuradha Naksatra on the 
horizon at sunrise, would also show that the Sun had already 
passed on to Anuradha just a few days before the 12th of Karttika. 
This could happen only after the addition of the intercalary month 
just some time before. Hence it is clear that Asvina or Karfctika 
was added in that year as the intercalary month. It is a well 
known fact that solstices and equinoxes occur earliest in the side- 
real year immediately after the addition of the intercalary month. 
Epigraphic evidence, supplied by the Valabhl inscriptions, shows 
that Karfctika and MargaSlrsa were added as intercalary months. 
There are Valabhl inscriptions dated 'Samvat 330, Dvitlya M5rga- 
slrsa Buddha dvitlya ? and ' Dvitlya Pausa Bahula Caturfchl. ? 

25. The ancient calendar, in flse in the days of the Bharata 
-War, adjusted the lunar months to the sidereal year by assigning 
the Full and the New Moon to particular Naksatras in parti- 
cular months and by adding periodically an additional month. 
The full moon of Phalguna was definitely to occur in the Phal- 
gunl division of 30 degrees ( R. A. 157 to 187 ; ; if it occurred in 
the earlier division i. e. in Magh'a Vibhaga ( R. A. 127 to 157 ), 
the month was not called Phalguna but additional Magha or 
Dvitlya Magha. Similarly, the Full Moon of Karttika was to 
occur in the Krttika Vibhaga ( R. A. 37 Q to 67 ) and the Full Moon 
of Margaslrsa in the Mrga Vibhaga ( R. A. 67 to 97). The 
New Moon at the end of Karttika was to occur 
in the division from 232 degres to 262 degrees R. A., and the 
New Moon at the end of Margaslrsa was to occur in the 
division from 262 degrees to 292 degrees R. A. The Naksafcras 
for the Karttika New Moon, in fact, were the last quarter of 
Visakha, Anuradha and Jyestha, and the Naksatras for the 
Margaslrsa New Moon were Mula, Purvasadha and the first 
quarter of Uttarasadha. If the intercalary month was ahead 
i. e. to be added after some time, the Amavasya of Karttika ended 
in Visakha last quarter, while if it had been recently added, 



132 Annah of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

ifc ended in the last quarter of Jyestha. Similarly, the Amavagys 
of Marga&rsa eaded in Mula if the intercalary month was 
ahead, while if the intercalary month had been recently added, 
it ended in the first quarter of Ufetarasadha as it did in the year 
of the BhSrata War, The mention of Sravana as occupied by 
the Moon at the termination of the War conclusively shows that 
the intercalary month had been added. Nllakantha not only 
indirectly admits this, but he goes to the length of saying that 
the War ended on the first day of Pausa. Arjunamisra appears 
not to bother himself by these considerations as he tries to fix 
only the days of the month for the various events without 
assigning any Naksatras. 

26. Mr. Karandikar who accepts BharanI as the Naksatra 
of the first day of the War and says that it occurred on the 
llth and not on the 13fch of the bright half of Margaslrsa, in- 
directly admits that the intercalary month had been recently 
added that very year, as, in that case only, the constellation 
BharanI, which is with the moon either on the llth or on the 
12th or on the 13fch, accompanies the moon on the llth. But, in 
case the intercalary month is taken to have occurred immediately 
before, then there arises another difficulty for Mr. Karandikai 
who follows the Vedanga Jyotisa calculations * The Vedanga 
Jyotisa gives the bright first or the bright sixth as the dates of 
the Winter Solstice in case the intercalary month had been 
added in that year; it gives the dark third only when the 
intercalary month is ahead. Thus, in accepting Vedanga 
Jyotisa as an authority, Mr. Karandikar is following the 
Ardhajaratlya maxim inasmuch as he accepts the dark third 
given there as the date for the Winter Solstice, but does not 
accept the position of the intercalary month being ahead as the 
Vedanga Jyotisa would require it He has followed the same 
maxim in following the Bharatasavitrl regarding the Naksatra 
only, and not regarding the tithi. Moreover, his acceptance of 
Vedanga Jyotisa for calculation purposes would compel 
Mr. Karandikar to admit that the Winter Solstice occurred on 
the bright first or at the beginning of Magha in those days 
although not in the particular year of the War, and such an 
Admission means giving up 3000 B. C. or there, about as the age 



The Date and Time of the gharata War 133 

of the War and acceptance of a date 1400 years lafcar i, e. 1600 
B, 0. or about that as the date. 

27. Thus, it could be seen that the Winter Solstice occurred 
earliest in the sidereal year on the dark 5th of Magha not only 
in that particular year but always in that era. The Winter 
Solstice at present occurs earliest on the bright 10th or llth of 
Marga^Irsa in the year in which A^vina is added as an inter- 
calary month. The interval of about 68 or 69 days between the 
earliest occurence then and the earliest occurrence now, proves 
that a period of about 5000 years(69x71'8)has passed between our 
time and the time of the Bharata War. Elence, irrespective of 
the date assigned to the writing of the Epic or its different recen- 
sions, it can be safely observed that the Bharata War commenced 
on RohinI the bright 13th of Margalrsa, ended on the evening of 
the dark 14th when the moon had just entered the Naksatra 
Sravana and the Amavasya had ended, the passing of Bhlsma 
took place on the dark 5th of Magha, the earliest date for its 
occurrence in those days and the age of the Bharata War is 
about 3000 B. 0. a date which happily coincides with the begin- 
ning of Kaliyuga and the commencement of the Yudhisthira 
Era given by tradition as the age of the War. That the 
Yudhisthira Saka is not a myth but it was a historical fact, 
is now universally admitted by historians as proved on the 
strength of epigraphic evidence supplied by epigraphs one of 
which found at Badami ( ancient Vatapl) mentions its date as 
Saka 506 side by side with 3550 of the Kali Yuga, 



APPENDIX 

VIEWS OF DIFFERENT CRITICS & COMMENTATORS 
and the dates given by them. 



Event and the passage Arjunami&ra's Nllakantha's 

with the exact reference view view 

No, 

1 Krsna starts on his Bright ^ 15 of Bright 12th 

peace mission. Uddyoga- Karttika (26 O f Karttika 

parva cb. 83, st, 16. 17. th day of w jth RevatI 
- ^ - A - ~ As vina) 



ii 



Krsna's mission fails 
and ( 1 ) Balarama leaves 
for pilgrimage, ( 2 ) Dur- 
yodbana orders his allies 
to encamp at Kuru- 
ksetra and (3) Krsna 
sends message to Kau- 
rava generals to com- 
mence war on New Moon 
after 7 days, 
( i ) 



Dark 8th of 
Karttika. 
(_28th day of 
Asvina i. e. 
Dark 2nd of 
Karttika 
grouped 
with the 
next 7 days 
which were 
all bad. ) 



4 Bad omens and inauspi- 
cious occurrences such 
as 13 days* fortnight and 
two eclipses. 



Dark 8th of 
Karttika 
with the 
moon in 
Pusya as 
Doryodhana 
has said it 
with conf us- 
ed mind, the 
real Naksat- 
ra being dif- 
ferent. 



( 3 ) 



Occurrence of the New New Moon 
Moon after 7 days. day of Kar- 



New Moon 
day of Kar- 
ttika. 



view 



Finahi 



e, 



The Solar ecl- 
ipse on the 
last i. e. 13th 
day. Solar 
eclipse mea- 
ns eclipse of 
both, 



- 15 
of Kaitti- 



Sunrise, 



of Eartti- 
katheforf. 
night con- 
sisting of 
only 13 
days.Pus- 
ya as the 



that day, 



New Moon 
day of 
Karfetika 
with the 
Moon in 
Vi&akha, 

The fort 
night of 
13 days 
with lun* 
ar eclipse 
at the be- 
ginning 
& Solar 



The Date and Time of the Eharata War 



5 Bad omens continue as 
the Region of Magha was 
entered into by the Moon 
that day. 



Reference to 
the day of the 
commence- 
ment of the 
fight. 



Reference 
to day fol- 
lowing 
the next 
after Pu- 
sya, 



6 Duryodhana sends mess- Margaslrsa 
age with Uluka to BhI- Bright 6th. 
ma that Lohabhisara 
( worship of Arms ) was 
over and next day war 
should be commenced. 



7 The fight commences on Bright 12th Q n the con- On Marga On Bright 
the constellation of ofMargaSlr- gtellation bright H 13th of 
sa combined Mrga, tbe with the Marga- 
with 13th bright 14th Moon in &Irsa with 
( 22nd of O f Marg. BharanI, Moon in 



Yama on the bright 13. 
( Bharatasavitrl quoted 
by Nllakantha ) 



Retirement of Bhlstaa as Dark 7th of Margaslrsa 
given in Bharatasavitrl Margaslrsa Dark 8th. 
quoted by Nllakantha. called 3rd of 



Dark 5th Dark 6th 
of MSrga- of Marga- 
slrsa. slrsa. 



9 Fight at Night time. 



Dark 12 of Dark 9fch Dark lOfch 
Margaslrsa of Marga* of Marga- 
slrsa, Irsa 



10 Death of Drona. 



Dark 12th. Dark 13th, 



Dark 10th, Dark llth 

t 



i^ Annals of Ik Bfandatkar Oriental Research Institute 

11 Last day of the War, New Moon Bright 1st Dark 13th 

ofPausa, ofMlrga- 



fg^f r * fc* ^ 

V . K A. V 

SET^TT j?{- 



12 Passing of Bhlsma, Dark 8th of Bright 5th of Dark 3rd Dark 5th 
58 days after war ended. Maghalook- Magha. ofMagha 
M ed upon as 
bright 8th 



MISCELLANEA 

SAMGHAS IN PANINI 

BY 
K, M. 



The historical evidence furnished by Panini's Astadhyayt is 
justly regarded as highly authentic and indisputable.. The great 
grammarian has occasion to refer to the names of towns, tribes 
and authors, while- giving rules for the formation of words 
( taddhitas ), and it is here that he lays the historian under deep 
obligations. It is a pity> however, that, not too seldom, this 
most valuable evidence is either imperfectly understood or un- 
critically investigated, Naturally the conclusions thus arrived 
at are either unsound, or diametrically opposed to those which 
strict logic warrants. Thus the late Mr. K* P, Jayaswal, whose 
great zeal and industry in the field of ancient Indian history are 
widely appreciated, adduces arguments in favour of the existence 
of ancient Indian republics from a number of Panini's Sutras in 
his renowned work, ' the Hindu Polity '-arguments, which we 
fear, will not bear a critical examination* 

His first and chief argument is that " .with Panini the word 
Samgha is a technical term which denoted the Political Samgha, 
or, as he calls it, the Gana or Republic. " 

Again, in a foot-note he observes that " Panini knew Samgha, 
as discussed above, only in the sense of a republic, 1 " In support of 
this view he quotes the Sutra tfsft^T ^W5Mn | ( III. 
3, 86 ). Thus, according to Mr. Jayaswal, Panini uses 
the word Samgha ^exclusively in the political sense. But 
a careful examination of the Sutras wherein the word occurs 
will not bear out his assertion. The Ka&ika, which is the oldest 
commentary on the Astadhyayl next to the Mahabhltsya, and 
from which Mr. Jayaswal himself has cited a number of com- 
ments and illustrations in his book, ex ^ n ^^ as an * 

1 Hindu Pol, Oho V. p. 33. 
18 { Annals, B, O. B. 1. 1 



138 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

gate of animals '. srrf&RT *T*r?FT: *fa: I ( Kas. on III, 3, 43 ) 4 
Ib repeats the same explanation while oommenting upon the 

Sutra tfwm;wrH^^^$ i( v, i, 58); inf&rsTr 



W: 1 Panini himself confirms the above explanation by coup- 
ling the word 'Saipgha'* with domestic beasts in the Sutra 

^^IjHsfc^creffnj 1 ^r i (I, 2, 73 ): srrssrprt Tsjjrf ^Nrr: srrorar- 

tfro | ( Kass. }. Similarly, the Siddhanta Katimudl uges the 
phrase tftgrf *fc: while pointing out the difference between 

and 



(Si. Eau. on III, 3, 69), Evidently, therefore, a Sanigha pri- 
marily signifies an aggregate of living animals, rational or irra- 
tional, and has no exclusive reference to political organizations, 
Even when it signifies a Community of people, it does not specify 
its political character, except in con-junction with certain attri- 
butes, or in special contexts. Further, ifc is interesting to note 
that scholastic Communities also are called Samghas by - Panini, 
e. g. %< ^ET: ? irnf: *fai, ^TT^t?T sfnCT^tq% 3rre?3T: ; IfotW 
?T1W: ?TT^^^ ^r ( of. Kas. on IV, 3, 127-8 ). The word 'Sain- 
gh&ta ', on the other hand, primarily denotes an aggregate or 
group of inanimate objects;, e. g ^of^rm:, ^^pqTfT: ? cf. ^tfvilHIt 
^i ^rmr^ J^rfrfr ^^ I ' (Sabara-bhasya ) l . If the differ- 
ence between the two words had been of a political character, as 
Mr, Jayaswal seems to suggest, it would have been an unpardo- 
nable mistake of Amarasimha and other lexicographers to have 
left it unnoticed. Similarly, the word ' gana ', being exactly a 
synonym of Samgha, denotes an assemblage of living creatures, 
not necessarily human. This is clearly confirmed by the Sutra 



Having thus ascertained the primary meaning of Saingha, it 
is of the highest importance to determine the political character 
of the several Sainghas or clans mentioned by Panini-whether 
they were republican or monarchic in form and essence. It is 
especially interesting to note that the grammarian has mentioned 

three types of clans (Samghas), Viz, Puga, Vrata and Ayudha- 

. 



Anand, Ed, p. 95. 



Sarhghas in P&qint 



jlvi Saingha. The K&sika defines Puga as * ^TRrsTTrfhrr 
=^,S^^r^9T*TT: ^ENrr: ^nri I* This shows that a ' puga ' was a 
heterogeneous but well-organized band of lawless men or free- 
booters, without any fixed profession. A * Vrata, ' on the other 
hand, was a guild of labourers : 



\ ' ( TattvabodhinI ) 

An * Ayudhajlvi Saingha needs no explanation. Such 
tary bands seem to have been numerous in the V&hlka country 
in particular. The Ksudraka and M&lava clans originally belon- 
ged to the same area, though in later times they shifted towards 
Central India. 

Nor were these Samghas republics. It is strange that the few 
Sutras which shed a clear light on the character of their political 
organization should have escaped the attention of an indefatigable 
scholar like Mr, Jayaswal. The Sutra 3qrT^rf32[F 3 n* I (V, 3 119) 
leaves absolutely 00 room for doubt on the point. It means that 
the * Pugas 9 , ' Vratas ' and * Ayudhajlvi Samghas ' take the 
same terminations as those given in the earlier Sutra, viz. 
d4M**J 3T|f; ^3TI%*rF3; I ( IL 4, 62 ) in the sense of * the King 
of ' . Thus the King of the Malavas, if in the singular, was 
called Malavya ; while, if several are referred to collectively, 
the plural form is Malavait : TTr^^T^rt TT3JT *TT^T: 1 3Tff Hra"gTt 
flncrt ^ra^R', $fnt I etc. Thus it is evident that the various 
Samghas were Monarchic clans bound together by ties of federa- 
tion. Then, again, the Sutra ^*mrn WT#TO3T*T'T^S (V. 1, 58) 
reveals a very important fact y namely, that adjectives formed 
from numerals, lika <T2pfT, 3TB^ etc, , were in vogue in those 
times as denotative of the Membership of the Samghas : q-sr TR* 

Such an adjective, indeed, would be 



simply meaningless if, as Mr. Jayaswal tacitly assumes, Saingha 
meant a 'republic'. Only if we understand a Samgha as meaning 
a ' League ? or, a * Confederacy ? of tribes or states, then the ad- 
jective becomes significant. For a Confederacy only, and not a 
republic, of seven or eight members, is easily comprehensible, 



140 Annals of ike Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

And this is, again, perfectly borne out by the Sutra 

( v < 3, 116 ) where the expression f^rfcrs 1 is explained 



by the Commentators as a ' Group ? or ' Confederacy ' of which 
the Trigartas formed the sixth member : 

j TO I 



(KSi) Now it is quite posible that the different clans or states con 
stituting a Samgha might have enjoyed, inter se, different degrees 
of sovereignty ; but that does not alter thair monarchic character, 
For a republic is nothing if not the very antithesis of monarchy, 
And, as pointed out above, the various political Samghas known 
to Panini were monarchic clans or states joined together by bonds 
of confederation and designated by their tribal names, such as 
Yaudheyas, Malavas, eta A c Republic ' of the Malavas, though 
much noised of in modern historical writings, is unknown to 
Panini } or to his Commentators, And it is but fair to remark in 
conclusion, that the meaning we have assigned to the word 
Saipgha as a political body, best suits the contexts in the Mahfi- 
bharata and Kautilya's Arthasastra* 



KARAHATAKA AND KABH&DA BR1HMANAS* 

"By 
P. V. KAtfE 

Among the most ancient references are those at the Bharhut 
stupa. In Cunningham's work on the Bharhut stupa ( p. 131 } 
there is a giffc made by the Karahakata mgama { a trade guild 
from Karahataka ), at p. 135 there is gift of a pillar made by the 
arya Bhutaka ( Karahakata-aya-bhutakasa ) from Karahataka ? 
and at pp. 136 and 139 there are other gifts of persons from 
Karahakata. In the SahhSparva ( 31. 70-71 ) Sahadeva is said 
to have conquered the countries of Kerala, of Vanavasin 
( Banavasi ), the oifcy of SaujayantI ( VaijayantI ? ), the Pasanda 
Karahatafca, PSsanda does not appear to he the name of a 
country. The meaning seems to be that Karahltaka was the 
home of heretics then. In the Kuda Inscriptions ( A. S, W, I* 
vol. IV p. 87 ) we have a lohavaniyiya ( a dealer in iron ) from 
Karahakada, la the SSmangad plate of Rastrakuta Danfcidurga 
dated sake 675 ( 753 A. D. ) the donee is a Brahmana dwelling in 
Karahataka ( Karahataka-vastavyah ). Vide I. A. vol. xi f p. 108. 
From the Talegaon plates of Rastrakuta Krsnaraia I dated 
lake 690 it appears that Karahataka was a ten-thousand province 
( E. L XIII p, 275 ). But from an Inscription of the Sinda 
family dated sake 1165 it appears that Karahataka was a 4000 
province. So the district of Karahataka varied in size from 
century to century, The Karhad plates of Raatrakuta Krsna III 
dated sake 880 record a gift of a village called Kankem which 
was included in the Kalli twelve falling within the district of 
Karahata to a great Saiva adept (E. I IV p. 278 X A grant of 
the SilahSra MSrasirhha of Sake 980 refers to the countries of 
Karahata and Kundi ( Burgess and^ Bhagavanlal's Cave temples 
p. 102 ). In the Kolhapur grant of SilShara Bhojadeva II dated 
ake 1112 the donees are Sahavasi Idityabhatta and Laksmldhara- 
bhatta, Karahataka Prabhakara Ghais&ss and Vfisiyana Ghaisasa 



* [ In June 1944, I published my paper on " The Origin and Antiquity of 
the Caste name of the Karhada Brahmins ( History of the Gunyefamil$ b? 
V. T. Gunye pp. 427-479). I had sent a copy of this paper to Mm, Prof. 
P. V. Kane who has been kind enough to send me his own notes on this 
subject which he had made years ago. I am thankful to Prof. Kane for these 
notes and also to Mm. Prin. V. V. Mirashi for kindly verifying at my request 
the references in these notes, P. K. G-ode 1 



,142 Annah of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

( E. L HI 213, 216 ). The VikramSnkadevacarita ( VIII 2-4 ) 
narrates that Candralekha the daughter of the king of 
Karahata was married to Calukya Tribhuvanamalla VikramU 
ditya, Karahata or Karahataka was the name of a country and 
also of a town ( as in E, I IV p. 286 ' Karahatlya-valkalesvara* 
sthSnapati &c, ). 

In my opinion in ancient grants and inscriptions whenever 
the donees are described as Karahataka Brahmarias it does not 
necessarily follow that Karhada" Brahmanas are meant. As in 
some inscriptions trade guilds ( nigatna ) and iron dealers are 
described as Karahataka, so Bri-hmanas residing in or coming 
from Karahataka were so described. So I cannot agree that in 
the grant of Sake 930 * Karah&taka-pramukha-brahma$Sn ' refers 
to KarMda Brahmanas. 

In the Saujana plates of Amoghavarsa of ( &ake 793 ) the 
donee is described as one of the Brahmanas that went out from 
Karahata ( Karahatavinirgata-Bharadv&jagnivesyanam &c. ). 
Ghaisasa seems to be an appellation and not a mere surname. 
In an inscription at Ittagi dated 1112 A. D. there is a * Mudiya- 
nura Visnu-Ghaisasa ? . In the Thana plate of Yadava king 
Eamacandra dated Sake 1194 ( E, I XIII p. 203 ) persons called 

* Ghaisasa ' have different gotras ( Gautama-gotrlya-Somanatha- 
ghaisasa-suta ' and Ka&yapa-gotrlya-Trivikrama-ghaisasa &c. X 
Citpayana Ghaisasas have Bharadvaja gotra. In the Radhan- 
pur grant of Govinda III dated sake 730, we come across, 

* Gahiasahasa ' and also 4 Ghaisasa \ Is the word derived from 

1 grhltasahasa s ? A copper plate of Mummuni (E. I. XXV p. 53} 

mentions, among the donees, a * Devadhara Dlksifca ? of Vatsa- 

gotra, while in modern times Oitpavana Devadharas have 

K&usikagotra. One donee in an inscription of Sake 1313 ( E. L 

XXI p. 18 ) is a Pattavardhana of KaSyapagotra while modern 

Gifepavana Pattavardhanas are of the Kaundinyagotra. In the 

Masulipatam plate of Amma II ( E. I. V p. 139 ) the donee is 

described as the son of Pammava, a pattavardhinl ( which 

probably means f a~manufacturess of costly pieces of cloth ). 

Among the donees in the Navalakhi plates of Sii&dltya I ( in 

Gupfca-sarhvat 286 ) there is a Bappataka and a Bhanu. Are the 

surnames Bapat and Bhanu among modern Oitpavans connected 

with these ? 



\ 

AN 'ADILSHAHl FARMAN AGAINST SHIVAJl, THE GREAT. 

BY 
G. H. KHAKE 

Thefannan which forms the subject of this short note is in the 
possession of Mr. Bhaveppa Mugl of Bail-hongal ( Belgaum ) who 
very kindly allowed me to have ifc transcribed and published 
He has the hobby of collecting old documents, Kiss., etc. and got 
faisfarman along with some other documents from a gentleman 
most probably of Hubli ( Dharwar ). It is issued by the Bijapur 
sultan 'All 'Adilshah II, to the Desals ( hereditary civil and mili- 
tary officers ) of Hubli district on the 17 ( ? )th of Rabl' I of the 
Shuhur year 1060 and tha Hijra year 107[ *], corresponding to 
2% ( ? )nd of November 1659 A. D. 

It purports to order the DesaU of the Hubli district to proceed 
with their contingents of cavalry and infantry to Rustum-i- 
Zaman who was made a sarlashkar ( head of the army ) and 
specially appointed to extirpate Siva ( Shivajl, the great ) and act 
under his orders as well as to his satisfaction. 

Shivajl, the great, after killing Afdalkhan during fehe memora- 
ble interview on 10-11-1659 A. D., with a view to take advantage 
of the resultant situation, raided the Southern Maratha country 
as far as the river Krsna and captured the fort of Panhala 
( Kolhapur ) on 28-11-1659 A. D. 1 The Bijapur Sultan misguided 
by a false estimate of Shivajfs power appointed Jusfcum-i-Zam&n 
to annihilate Shivajl, the great, He together with Fadilfcha'n, 
the son of Afdalkhan, fought with Shivajl, the great, near Kolha- 
pur ; but both of them were defeated on 28-12-1659 A, D. 2 
Thus ended the ill-fated expedition of Rustum-i~Zaman against 
Shivajl, the great, 

But Tarikh-i- All, the court history of 'AUMdilehSh II would 
make us believe that even though Rustum-i-Zam5n with a 
contingent of 3000 cavalry was in his Jagir near the fort of 
Panhala when Shivajl, the great, captured the fort, he only feign- 
ed to fight with Shivajl ; but really speaking did nothing except 
passing Ms'days in luxury at this critical moment. He could 
not, therefore, gain victory over Shivajl, the great. This is 
evident from the following extract ( Catalogue of Persian Manus- 
cripts from the India Office Library vol. I, Ko. gO*^ ^ __ 

1 Shivaoharitrapradipa p, 20. 
a Ibid p, 57. 



144 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 
j,** jv^lbJ'flw j), 
'r* 15 cj^V* o)!y._j 



, u^ U j.J ^ ( j (, 

. r js j 1 ^ lair- 



i j L, U u^ U j.J ^ ( j (, (,. 



J UL* j" J -**^ u-^- j J^ j J ji U) ... 
The factory records of foreign companies attribute the evasive 
activities of Rustum-i-Zaman to his being bought over by Shivajl 
the great, and consequently of his becoming a friend of the latter 1 ' 
Whatever may be the case, the Bijapur Sultan was obliged to 
send Sldl Jauhar, another general against Shivfijl, the great 
for the same and for which Rusfcum-i-ZamSn was appointed. 
Text of the fannan 



[Seal of 'All Adilshah II*] 

^ 
,o)j o^ ^j 



by ^i ItU uJL Jyj J^^. 8 U uy , , 



J0> 



[%Uy] JIu 

. r^ Jji) I 
margin*] Jc ) ^ ^ ^ , ^ . , 



' * v . r^ Jji) I ^ U (,) | v ^ ID J i 
Lln the 



| Vol . r> 



THE THREE EABLIEST JAIN INFLUENCERS 

OF MUGHAL, RELIGIOUS POLICY: 
PADMASUNDARA, ANA1STDARAJA, AND AJAYARiJA 

BY 

BABHABATHA SHABMA 

It is usual to regard Hlravijaya Sari, who visited Akbar's 
court in 1582 A. T>. 9 as the earliest Jain influencer of Akbar's 
religious policy. But this credit should, I believe, actually go 
to Padnaasundaragani who was, even according to the writers of 
Hlravijaya's lives* one of ;the Emperor's intimate friends. 1 He 
had given Akbara large number of Hindu books, Jaina as well 
non-Jaina, which were after the demise of this great scholar 
passed on to Hlravijaya Snrl by the Emperor's eldest son Salim, 
later on known as Jahangir. 2 ^ 

As to when Padmasundara first came into touch with Akbar, 
our best source of information is the former's Atobarateh*- 
trngaradarpava, a rare work on Poetics, of which we are fortu- 
nate enough io have a manuscript in the Sri- Annpa Sanskrit 
Library, Bikaner. As the Ms. is said to have been originally 



wMlethe writer extols Babar for the conquest of Dalh= L and 



especially on the part of one 
could in favour of the Emperor 
obviously impossible .after Akbar 
of conquests and victories in 

Sahitya no Itihasa 



Colophon of the Ms. gives 
, Tuesday as the date. 
I Annl, B* O. B. I. J 




146 Annals of th Bhandarkar Oriental Resedrch Institute 

ence that Akbar had was, thus, probably of this Jain Sadhu and 
scholar, A.bul Faizsi and Abul Fazl came some years later to 
his court, the former in 1567 and the latter in 1574 A. D. The 
favourable attitude towards the Jains too, which Akbar retained 
throughout his life, was perhaps in some part due to his early 
and intimate association with this Jain scholar who, though as 
good a Jain as any other who later on came to Agra OT Fafceh- 
pur-Slkrl, was liberal enough in his views to offer his salutations 
" to that Supreme Light called Eahman ".* 

There is evidence enough for the great erudition of Padma- 
sundara. The Akabamahi~&rngaradarpana proves his proficiency 
in Poetics. In the lives of Hlravijaya Suri, he is said to have 
beaten in debate a Brahmana from Benares 2 . Harsaklrti of 
Nagor, who was one of his younger contemporaries, mentions 
the same fact in his Dhatupatho?, and states in his additional colo- 
phon to the Ms, of the Akabara$Wii-&rngaradarparia that Padma- 
sundara was as highly honoured by Akbar as were Jayaraja and 
AnandarSya by Babar and HumHyun respectively. * 

Who these Jayaraja and Anandaraya were, can be at the most 
a matter of conjecture. Probably they were both Jain scholars 
who, like some of their earlier co-religionists patronised by the 
Sultans of Delhi, found favour with Babar and HumSyun and 
thus paved the way for the entrance and greater influence of 
people like Padmasundara and Hlravijaya Suri. One Ananda- 
pramoda of the Tapagaccha is known to have composed the 
14 fanti-Jina-Yivahalo " in V. 1590. s Can he be the Anandaraya 
mentioned by Harsaklrti who too, it might be remembered, was a 
follower of the Tapagaccha ? 

1 Yat-pare tamasah sthitam ca Rahamanityahvayam tatparam 
jyotify 8ahi-&iromane Akabarastvam sarvvadevavatat u 1 u 

( 1st verse of the Akabarasahi-Srngaradarpana) 

* M. D, Desai Jaina Sahitya no Itihasa, p. 545. 

8 Bhandarkar's Report, No. 3, p. 227. 

4 Manyo Babara-bhubhujo'tra Jayarat tadvat HumUum-nrpo- 
1 tyarthaih prltamanah sumanyamafcarod Anandarayabhidham 
tadvat Sahi-siromaner Akabara-famapalacftdnmaner - 
manyah pandita-Padmasundara ihabhut pandit avr at a jit! 
M. D. Deiai, Jatna Snhitya no Itihasa, p. 527. 



KEVIEWS 

LINGADH&RANACANDRIKA of Nandike^yara with trans- 
lation and full notes by M. R, Sakhare, M. A., T. D. 
( Cantab ). 1942, Price Bs. 15. 

I read Professor M. R. Sakhare's " Lingadharanacandrika " 
with English Translation and full Notes, and a long, valuable 
Introduction, designed to familiarise the layman as well as the 
scholar with the ' History and Philosophy of the Lingayat 
Religion, ' with considerable pleasure and profit. It has helped 
to clear many of my own hazier notions about the Lingayat Cult 
and I feel sure that the experience of other readers be they 
Lingayats or Non-Lingayats-will not be much different from 
mine. 

Being himself a cultured and critical follower of the Ling&yat 
Religion it was natural that Professor Sakhare should have looked 
upon the task accomplished by him so meritoriously in a volume 
of more than a thousand pages as a sacred mission; and I can 
vouch from personal knowledge that he had been formulating 
plans about such work some years ago. The present publication 
is evidently a product of wide reading and mature thinking, 
which are discernible on almost every page of it Alike in the 
Introduction as in the Annotations the author has quoted 
extensively the original authorities used by him; and this feature 
is likely to appeal to the average reader, who rarely feels the 
inclination, even when he has the means, to refer to the original 
sources when they are cited merely by chapter and page. 

Nandikesivara, the author of the Lingadharanacandrika, is a 
seventeenth century author, Lingayat by profession, who has 
endeavoured to establish in the Sanskrit work before us that the 
beginnings of the Lingayat Religion and Philosophy are 
traceable even' in the Vedas and the Upanisads. In his lengthy 
Introduction Professor Sakhare has availed himself of the Indus 
Valley finds, particularly of their interpretation by Professor 
Heras, to render the antiquity of Siva worship, as not improbable 
in view of the data already known, which Professor Sakhare hai 



148 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

with considerable pains collected together. Not every reader of 
the Volume will of course find it possible to see eye to eye with 
the learned author in every detail but there is a wealth of informa- 
tion to be derived from the book, and occasional hints for workers 
in kindred fields of research, All this taken into consideration, I 
sincerely congratulate Professor Sakhare upon his performance. 

Unhappily the work is disfigured by too many misprints of 
which the Author himself is painfully conscious, and which will 
have to be removed in the next edition before the work can secure 
an assured place of respect in the world of Oriental Scholarship, 

3. K. Belvalkar 



A. HANDLIST OF THE ARABIC, PERSIAN AND 
HINDUSTANI MSS. of New College, Edinburgh, By 
B. B/Serjeant, Ph.D published by Luzac & Co,, London; 
"Edition 1942, pages 16, size 15 x 21 cm., Price, 3 sh. 6 d. 

This list describes the Manuscripts which we*e donated to the 
New College by Binning and Bell. Although the Mss. have not 
been described in detail, the list will be of great use fco the 
scholars interested in Oriental Mss. The first lines of some 
important Manuscripts are given which will be helpful for 
comparison with the Manuscripts of other libraries. The collec- 
tion consists of important Manuscripts in Arabic dealing with 
Theology, history, biography ; in Persian ( section III ) history, 
biography, ethics, poetry, translations from Sanskrit, astrology 
and music ; in Hindustani ( section III ) Manuscripts of Deccani 
Urdu are very important. On p. 16, line 8 " Kissah-i-Mallkah ", 
should be " Qissah-i-Malikah-i-Misr ". On p. 9, Or. ( Pers.) 41, 
" Bashista Jog " should be " Jog-Basishta ". It redounds to the 
credit of Luzao & Co. that even in these days of paper scarcity 
they have prfbiished a book which is of interest only to the 
Oriental scholars. 

B. D. Verma 



WHY EXHIBIT WORKS OF ART ? Collected Essays on the 
traditional or "normal" view of Art by Ananda K. 
Coomaraswamy, London 1943, pp. 148. 

The author of these Collected Essays needs no introduction to 
students and connoisseurs of Art. At the risk of being con- 
sidered uncritical one feels like honestly speaking of him in 
superlatives. He has the versatility of Aristotle and the 
profundity of Plato : or shall I say, the scientific and critical 
acumen of the former and the wisdom and vision of the latter ? 
He is at home with every Art and every branch of science ; 
equally familiar with Western and Oriental learning, both 
classical and modern. With all his wealth of scholarship, and 
essentially mystical, attitude, he is as precise and perspicuous as 
a mathematician. He is frankly traditionalist, but not obscuran- 
tist, though he might appear to the modernist too subtle if not 
metaphysical, He finds Modern Art too materialistic and 
skin-deep. He considers the distinction between Fine Arts and 
handicrafts altogether meaningless and misleading. According 
to him all honest work is or ought to be creative. All creative 
work is beautiful and a source of joy. True Art therefore cannot 
be * escape from life 7 . Sensuous pleasure is not the function of 
Art. Its purpose is the fulfilment of life itself and its -creative 
urges. In the midst of the superficialities and trivialities and 
the thoughtless hurry of our industrial civilisation and sensuous 
culture, Coomaraswamy comes as a cool and refreshing breese 
from heaven. 

Thanks to Paper Control, I am constrained to be briei 
With Coomarswamy I feel that " the perfection of the object is 
something of which the critic cannot judge, its beauty some- 
thing that he cannofc feel, if he has not like the original artist 
made himeself such as the thing itself should be ; it is in this 
way that * criticism is reproduction \ and * judgment the perfec- 
tion of Art \ The catholicity of the writer is typically represent- 
ed by the rare superscription ( in our possessive age ) : ** This 
book has not been copyrighted ; quotations, long or short, 
may be made without express permission ". We must be 
thankful also to the publishers (Messrs. Luzac & Co.) for 

pricing this profound book no more than 6 sh. 

S. & Sharin* 



GATHA AHUNAVAITI: Text with a free English Transla- 
tion. by Iraoh J. S. Taraporewala, Bombay 1944, 

The Gathas of Zarafchushtra are to the Parsi Zoroastrian what 
the Veda is to the Hindu. Generations of Zoroastrians have, in 
the past, derived spiritual inspiration from the sacred words of 
the Prophet of Iran. Do they have any vital message to give to 
the present generation as well? Dr. Taraporewala seems to 
answer this question with an emphatic * Yes ' and demonstrates, 
through his excellent translation of these important Gathas of 
Zarathushtra, how that is so. In a brief introduction Dr, Tara- 
porewala explains the purpose and plan of this small book and 
the principles which guided him in his work of translation. 
This is followed by an illuminating note on the AME8A 
SPENT A or the * Holy Immortals \ which gives the very quint- 
essence of the sublime ethical teaching of Zarathushtra. The text 
of the Gathls is given in Roman script on the left hand page and 
its accurate but at the same time very readable translation in 
graceful English on the opposite page. A note on the pronuncia- 
tion of the Avesta text, which is given at the beginning, is 
highly useful 

With his mystic insight, peculiar to Orientals, and the sci- 
entific methods which he has thoroughly mastered under the tute- 
lage of that veteran^German Iranist, Bartholomae, Dr. Tarapore- 
wala is, without doubt, most eminently fitted to reinterpret, for 
the present generation, the Message of Zarathushtra in its proper 
perspective. Though this neat little volume is primarily intended 
for the general Parsi readers, it is none the less enlightening for 
every critical student of the Avesta and the Veda, It is hoped 
that Dr, Taraporewala will continue this series of translations 
of Avestan texts for the benefit of all students of Indology. 

E. N. D. 



THE RJULAGHVt OF PTIRNASABA.SVA.Tl, critically 
edited by Prof. 1ST. A. Gore, Oriental Book Agency, 
Poona 1943, Pp. 30-1-72, Price Es. 2/- 

This work is a metrical version of Bhavabhuti's Milatl- 
mSdhava, containing 266 stanzas in all, in a variety of metres 
of which two are rather out of the way but are carefully 
identified by the painstaking editor, who with only a single Ms. 
to go upon, has given evidence, of his thoroughness and scholar- 
ship in shaping a readable text by supplying lacunae and 
emending the readings where absolutely necessary. 

The author of the work is PurnasarasvatI, who hails from 
Kerala and who seems to be a prolific writer of commentaries on 
ancient classics. The editor has spared no pains in collecting 
information about his life, date and works ; he has further added 
valuable notes and indexes and thus considerably enhanced the 
usefulness of the work. A learned Fore ward from Dr. Raghavan 
has also added to its value. I beg to differ, however, from the 
learned doctor in his view that the work as a Khanda-Kavya 
could be independently prescribed as a text-book in the Inter- 
mediate classes of our Colleges. This is not 'to deny it the many 
good points that Prof. Gore has brought out in his appreciation 
of the poet ; but he certainly does not deserve to take his rank 
with our classical writers who alone' ought to be studied in 
Schools and Colleges. The poet seems to have an undue penchant 
for obscure and out-of-the-way words and expression^ ( cf, 
mrg^, irfisr meaning v*t* 9 sTO-'? also his use of |w in the 
masculine in stz. 171, even against the view of Mammata who 
condemns its use in the masculine as it involves the Kavyadosa- 
3TsrSrE?cr ; also the expression an*f-iB?*r stz, 38 ) ; the style is also 
not quite happy, nor is the narrative smooth. 

Prof. Gore deserves our warm congratulations on the very 
careful editing and on the valuable introduction aql notes that 
bear the stamp of a painstaking and deep scholarship. 

C. B. Devadhar 



-V By Pt. Ramprasad 

Bhatt, Research Scholar, V. V, R, Institute, and Librarian, ' 
D, A, V* Callege, Lahore 

This little book contains a valuable collection of Garhwali 
words. The occurrence of a word like *qr " that " in Pahari, as 
we learn from this book is very interesting, for his word may be 
a preservation of Vedic ^r " that " and more collections like this 
will be above to the Linguisticians. Again the word 53^1$ 
"receiver" starts with three consonants ^, , and % , an initial 
which is a rare phenomenon in pre-Aryan languages. If 
Garhwali has more words of this type, it will be news to the 
Linguistioian, and it is hoped thafc Pfc, R, P. Bhafcfc, Shastri will 
continue his admirable attempt by collecting more words of this 
type for the use of the Linguisticians, 

Siddheshwar Varma 



VEDANTA-PANCADASI, Edited with commentary by Raya- 
prolu Linganasomayaji, B,A., B,K, Guntur f 1942, 
Price Es. 4/- 

This is really a splendid commentary on the Vedanta-pafica- 
daI, an Advaitic work written by Vidyaranya, The art of 
writing original works and commentaries in Sanskrit is fast 
waning. And the author has really done a gr,eat service to the 
motherland by following the ancient tradition, The commentary 
is luoid, precise, and to the point, 

A. P. Karmarkftr 



BOOKS RECEIVED 



Aitareya Brahmana, Vol. 1, 1-15 
Adhyayas, by R. Anantakrsna 
Sastri, University of Travan- 
core, Trivandrum, 1942. 
Akabarsahi-Sragaradarpana, by 
K. M. Krishna Sarma, Anup 
Sanskrit Library, Bikaner, 
1943. 

Alphabetical Index of Sanskrit 
Manuscripts in the Adyar 
Library, by V. Krishnama- 
charya, Adyar Library, Adyar, 
1944. 

Annual Report of the Mysore 
Archaeological Department for 
the year 1942, Mysore, 3943. 
Annual Report of the American 
Historical Association for the 
year 1942, Vol. I, Washington 
1943. 

Annual Report of the Librarian 
of Congress, United States, 
Washington, 1944 
Archaeology and Ancient Indian 
History, by Hirandanda Sastri, 
Gujarat Vernacular Society, 
Ahmedabad, 1944. 
Arya-Sataka of Appaya Diksita, 

by N. A, Gore, Poona 1944. 
ASvalayana-Grhya Sutra, Vol. I, 
Adhyaya I, by Svami Ravi 
Tirtha, Adyar . ibrary. Adyar, 
1944 
Atman, by H.G. Narahari, Adyar 

Library, Adyar, 1944- 
Author Catalogue of Printed 
Books in Bengali Language 
Vol. I A.-F. Calcutta 3,941. 
20 [ Annals B. O. B. I. } 



Author Catalogue of Printed 
Books in Bengali Language, 
Volume II, G.-L. Calcutta, 
1943. 

Dhvanyaloka, by A.nandavar- 
dhan, and Locana by Abhi* 
navagupta with Kaumudl by 
by Utsungodaya and Up&- 
locana by Mm. Prof. S. Kuppu- 
swami Sastri, The Kuppu- 
swami Sastri Research Insti- 
tute, Madras 1944. 
Education in Ancient India, by 
A. S. Altekar, Hand Kishore 
& Bros., Benares 1944. 
Sir Gawain and the Green 
Knight: Indra and Namuci, 
by A, K. Coomaraswamy, 
The Mediaeval Academy of 
America, 1944. 
Glta-Manjarl, by 0. K, Raja, 
Anup Sanskrit Library, 
Bikaner 1944. 



-, by V.T. Gune, T. R. Gune 
Pandharpur 1944 
History of India, The Racial by 
C. Chakraberty, Vijaya 
Krishna Brothers, Calcutta. 
History of Gingee and its rulers 
by C. S* Srinivasohari 
Anuamalai University 
Annamalainagar 1943. 

History of the Nawwabs of the 
Carnatic, Sources of the IV, 
Sawanihat-I-Numtas, Second 
part, by Muhammad Karim, 
Qniversity of Madras, Mftdra 
1944. 



154 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 



Imperial Farmans ( A. D. 1577- 

A. D. 1805 ), by E. M. Jhaveri 

Bombay 1928. 
.Savadwipa, by Swami Sada- 

nanda, Calcutta 1944. 
snrrar ?r%iro, by B. N. Natu s 

Poona, 1941. 
Jfianadlpika, Mahabharata- 

Tatparya-Tika of Devabodha- 

carya, by Dr. S. K. De, 

Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 

Bombay, 1944. 
Kisse-Sanjan, by B. N. Bkatbena, 

Bombay, 1944. 
Kuvalayavall, by L. A. Eavi- 

VarraS, University of Travail- 

core, Trivandrum, 1941, 
The Lagna System of the Vedanga 

Jyotisa, by B. E. Kulkarni, 

Eajwade Samshodhan Mandal, 

Dhulia s 1943. 
Lectures on Patanjalf s 7 Maha- 

bhasya, Vol. I. by P. S. S. 

Sastri, Annamalai University, 

Armamalainagar, 1944. 

Marut Suktam, by Buddhadeva 
Vidyalankara, Lahore. 

MiraSmsaslokavSrttika of Eu- 
marilabiaatta, Part III by 
V. A. Eamaswami Sastri, 
University of Travancore, 
Trivandrum, 1943. 

Mountains of India, by B. C. 
Law, Calcutta Geographical 
Society, Calcutta, 1944. 

Mudra-Eaksasa, English Trans- 
lation by B. S. Pandit, New 
Book company, Bombay, 1944^ 



Paper-making, by K. B. J OS M 
All India Village Industries 
Association, Wardha, 1944. 
^T cT^TT?sjfT, by H, Bhaira, 
Bombay. 

, by M. V. Gandhi, 



Prisni-Gatha, by M. J. Ohatto- 
padhyaya, Navagari, 1937. 

Eagbavlya of Eamapanivada, by 
L. A. Eavi Varma, University 
of Travancore, Trivandrum, 



Elvers of India, by B. C. Law, 
Calcutta GeographicaLSociefcy,' 
Calcutta, 1944. 

RksamMta Parfc III by L. A. 
Eavi Varma, University of 
Travancore, Trivandrum, 1942. 

Samglta Ratnakara of Sarnga* 
deva, by S. Subrahmanya 
Sastri, Vol. II, Adhyayas 2-4, 
Adyar Library, Adyar, 1944 

Saubhadra by S. B. Talelcar, 
Messrs Godbole and Godbole, 
Poona city, 1944. 

Satapatha, by Buddhadeva, 
Gurukul, Kangari. 

^^ ^TUi-?3[ or The Flight of 
Hanuman, by C. N. Nehta, 
Fadia 1941. 

Tarkabhasha and Vadasthana 
by H. E. Eangaswami 

lyengar, Mysore, 1944. 
Tondamandalam, Studies in the 

Ancient History of, by E. 

Sathianathaier, Epchouse & 

Sons, Ltd., Madras, 1944, 



Books Received 155 

Twelfth Report of the search of Yallabhacharya's Siddhanta, by 

Hindi Manuscripts for the M. V. Gandhi, Shuddhadaita 

years 1938-1925, by Hiralal sarhsad, Ahmadabad. 

Yols. I and II, Allahabad^ ^ . v A . 

*QAA r^TSEHra by V. S. Agraval, JSTagari 

Ujjayini in Ancient India, by Pwarini Sabha, Kashi, 1944. 

Dr. B, C. Law, The Archaeo- Yyakarana Darsianera Itihasa, 

logical Department Q-walior YoL I by Gurupada Haldar 

Government, 1944. Calcutta, 1944. 

Yakyapadlya, Part II "by L, A. ^ r ^ ^ . 

Ravi Yarma, University of SOTWrr ^mr by S. R Bhaia, 

Travancore, Trivandrum s 1942. Bombay, 



We understand that Kevalananda Sarasvati SvamI ( Brahma- 
Sri Narayanasastrl Marathe, formerly Director, Prajfia Patha 
Sala, Wai, Dist. Satara ) has written several works, all of which 
are still in Manuscript form. He had prepared a Word-Index 
for a major portion of the Taittirlya BrShmatia but he abandoned 
that work on learning that a similar work was published at 
Madras. With a view to avoid duplicate efforts on tie part ^of 
scholars in the case of works already prepared by the Sv5m!ii f 
we give below a list of such of his works as are ready with him 
in manuscript form: ( 1 ) Aitareya-Subject-Index ( Brahmana 
and Arany aka ) ( 2 ) TaittirXya-Mantra-Inde* ( Samhita, Brahmana, 
and Arany aka) (3) Taittirlya-Subject-Index ( SamhitS, 
Brahmana, and Aranyaka ) ( 4 ) Satyasadha-Subject-Iiidex ( Sutra 
sarhgraha) ( 5 ) Jaiminlya MXmamsa Samsiodhita Sutra Patha 
(6) Jaiminlya MImamsa Sutra Pada-Index (7) Jaimmlya 
Mlmamsa-Adhikarana Slrsaka-Index (8) Jaiminlya MlmSmsa 
Kosa ( 9 ) Marathi Translation of Advaita Siddhi ( 10 ) Advaita- 
Yedanta-Kosa and ( 11 ) Index of all SastrXya and Laukika 
Nyayas with illustrations. 

Scholars may communicate to the following address for 
further details, Kevalananda Sarasvati Svami, Wai, Dist. Satara, 

Ed. 



OBITUARY NOTICES 



THE LATE PANDIT RANGACHARYA RABBI 



By the death of Pandit Rangacharya Balakrishnacharya Raddi 
Maharastra has lost a great scholar-teacher and a genial 
personality. 

He learnt Sanskrit literature, poetics and grammar with his 
own father and Pandits Balacarya and Anantacarya Gajendragad- 
kar and Vasudevassastrl Abhyankar. 

After his appointment in 1898 as a Sastrl at Sholapur he 
came tinder the influence of the head-master there, the late 
Rao Bahadur G. V. Joshi, who encouraged him to write an 
original Sanskrit commentary on the Mrcchakatika. 

The Mrcchakatika commentary was later followed by other 
commentaries on the Malavikagnimitra and Kavyadarsa, 
It was, however, not by scholarship of the old type, expressing 
itself in abstruse Sanskrit, that he distinguished himself. He had 
a rare critical acumen and, unlike Sastris of the old school, 
he had a sense of historical perspective and a modern outlook! 
Much of his literary work consisted of articles contributed to 
leading Marathi journals. Amongst these writings may be 
mentioned his article on Bhasa in which he exposes the 
hollownesa of the arguments of Gan&pafci Sastri, the one on 
Bhavabhufci in which he points out the good points as well as the 
defects of Bhavabhuti as a poet, that on Bhamaha in which he 
maintains that Bhamaha was a Buddhist and those on Sudraka 
and Kalidasa in which he uses historical evidence with 
consummate ability. His cantributions to Marathi grammar 
and prosody are equally noteworthy. 

Being a follower of the Madhva School of Vedanta he thought 
it Us^dufcy to translate the Madhvabhasya with the Tattva- 
prakasika and several other works of the Madhva School into 
MarathL This, however, did not prevent him from appreciating 
the greatness of Saihkara as a philosopher and a stylist. 

As a teacher of Sanskrit he occupied a unique position. That 
he could create a love for Sanskrit in his pupils of both the 
sexes, of whom he claimed a large number, could be seen from 
the enthusiasm with which his seventieth birthday was celebrat- 
ed by them five years ago. 

He was a man of very progressive views, and his wit and 
amiable nature endeared him to a large circle of friends. 

V. GK Paranjape - 



PROFESSOR A. BERRIED ALE KEITH 



Students of Indology all over the world will sincerely mourn 
the sad demise at Edinburgh, on 6th October 1944, of Professor 
A. Berriedale Keith, the veteran Sanskritisfc and the Professor of 
Sanskrit and Comparative Philology at the University of 
Edinburgh. Professor Keith's multifarious contributions to 
Sanskrit studies, ranging over a period of more than thirty years, 
are distinctly marked by a surprising variety of subjects which 
he dealt with as well as by his critical, original and, above all, 
encyclopaedic treatment of them. The Tfedic Index, which is 
the result of a fruitful collaboration between the preceptor and 
the pupil Macdonell and Keith-represents a definite landmark in 
his history of Vedio studies in the West. This was followed by 
other equally authoritative and valuable works In the field of 
Vedic philology. Keith's English translation of the Aitar&ya 
and Kausitaki Brahmanas and of the Taittirlija Samhita and his 
Religion and Philosophy of th Veda and the Upanisads, wMch are 
published in the Harvard Oriental Series, are excellent 
monuments of critical and comprehensive scholarship. Professor 
La Vallee Poussin once beautifully summed up the feelings of 
all readers of the Religion and Philosophy of the Veda and 
the Upanisads when he said that that work df Keith's was a 
veritable encyclopaedia of ancient Indian religions and culture. 

But Keith did not restrict himself to only one field of 
study. Indeed there is hardly any branch of Indology which Jbe 
has not enriched by means of his valued contributions. He 
wrote an exhaustive treatise on Sanskrit Drama and an ably 
documented History of Classical Sanskrit Literature. Keith's 
smaller books, Karrna-Mlmamsa, Th6 Samkhya System, and Indian 
Logic and Atomism, are quite useful introductions to the study of 
the respective schools of Indian philosophy. Keith has contribut- 
ed a number of research articles on a variety of subjects to 
learned journals and commemoration volumes. It is hoped that 
they will soon be made available in a single volume. 

Apart from this work in the field of Indology, which is great 
both in quality and quantity, Professor Keith was universally 



x58 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

recognised as an eminent authority on Constitutional Law. On 
many occasions he had expressed his weighty opinions on the 
constitutional problems of the present-day India. He was thus 
one of the most versatile British scholars of the modern times. 

As a valued member of the Board of Referees set up in conne- 
ction with the Critical Edition of the Mahabharata, which fche 
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute is bringing out, and as 
a Trustee of the Mahabharata Fund in Great Britain, Professor 
Keith was always of the greatest help to this Institute. He used 
to take keea interest in the progress of the Bhandarkar 0. R. 
Institute, and actively supported, in all possible ways, every 
new enterprise undertaken by the Institute. In him this Institute 
has lost a true friend, guide and philosopher. 

R. N. D. 



We regret to announce the recent demise in Bombay of 
Mr. Behramgore T, Anklesaria. A profound scholar of Ancient 
Iranian language, literature and culture and an active worker 
of the K. R. Cama Oriental Institute, Mr. Anklesaria was one 
of the leading Orientalists in this province. His many learned 
contributions to the Avestic and allied studies are greatly 
respected by .all scholars. Mr. Anklesaria was connected with 
the Bombay Historical Society, Gatha Society and several other 
academic institutions in Bombay and has served the cause 
of research with great distinction. 

Ed. 




PUBLICATIONS OF THE INSTITUTE 

Mahabhat ata Volumes already published^ Rs. as. 

Vol. I~Adiparvan ( i ), ed., Dr. V. S. Sukthankar, M.A., 

Ph.D. ; Fasc. 1-7 ; pp. cxvm + 996. 33 o 

Vol. II-Sabhaparvan ( 2 ), ed., Prof. Dr. F. Edgerton ; 

Fasc. 13-14 ; pp. over 600. 12 o 

Vols. Ill & IV-Aranyakaparvan ( 3 ), ed., Dr. V. S. 
Sukthankar, M.A., Ph.D. ; Fasc. 11-12 ; pp. XLII + 
ini. iS o 

Vol. V-Virataparvan ( 4 ), ed., Dr. Raghu Vira, M.A, 

Ph.D. ; Fasc. 8 ; pp. LX -f- 362. rr o 

Vol. Vl-Udyogaparvan ( 5 ), ed., Dr. S. K. De, M.A., 

D.Litt. ; Fasc. 9-10 ; pp. LIV -j- 735. 19 4 

Volumes in press 

Vol. VII-Bhisraaparvan ( 6 ) ed., Dr. S, K. Belvalkar, 
MA. 3 PhD., 

Annals of the Institute 

Vols. I-V, two parts each ( 1919-24 ), per Volume 20 o 

VI- VII, two pares each ( 1925-1926 ), per Volume 10 o 
VIII-XXII, four parts each ( 1927-1941 ), 

per Volume 10 o 

Index to Volumes I-XXI ( 1919-1940 } 
compiled by G, N. Shrigondekar, B.A. 3 o 

Vol." XXIII, Silver Jubilee Number ( 1942 ) - 12 o 

XXIV, parts four ( 1943 ) 10 o 

' XXV, C 1944 ) parts i-iii 15 o 

part Iv in press 

Other Publications 

Ta'rikh-i-Sind best known as Ta'rikh-i-Masumi, 
edited with Introduction, Historical Notes^ & Indices 
by Dr. U. M. Daudpota, M.A., Ph.D., ( Class A, 
No. 5 ) 50 

Niiukta of Yaska, with the commentary of Durgacarya, 
Vol. II, edited by Prof. R. G. Bhadkamkar, M.A., 
( B. S. S, No. LXXXV ) 7 8 

Descriptive Catalogues of Mss. in the Govt. Mss. 

Library^ at the Institute 
Vol. II, (Grammar) part I compiled by Dr. S. K. 

Belvalkar, M.A., Ph.D., pp. xvi ^34^ 4 

Vol. XII, ( Alamkara, Sarhgita and Natya ) compiled 

by P. K. Gode, M.A., pp. 20 -t- 486 4 

Vol. XIII, ( Kav^^a ) compiled by P. K. Code, M A., 

Part I, pp. xxiv -I- 490 " 5 o 

Part II, pp. xxiv +523 > 



Bliandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pooiia 4 
OUR NEW PUBLICATION ON SALE 

JINARATNAKGSA 

Catalogus Catalogorum for Jain Literature 

BY 

Prof. Hari Damodar Velankar, M.A. 
Wilson College, Bombay 

An alphabetical^ Register of all known Jain Works 
( printed as well as Mss. ) and Authors. A work of patient 
industry aud scholarly application : most useful to workers in 
the field of Jam Religion and Prakrit Studies. Vol. I : Works; 
pp. X + 466 : Government Oriental Series, Class C, No. 4 
Price Rs. 12-8 



Progress of Indie Studies : A survey of work done in 
several branches of Indology, in India and outside, 
during the last twenty-five years ( 1917-1942 ), 
edited by Dr. R. N. Dande^ar, M.A., Ph.D., 
pp. 406 ; ( Class B No. 8 ) So 

History of Dharmasastra Literature, by Mm. Prof. 
P. V. Kane, M.A., LL.M., ( Class B, No. 6 ) Vol. I, 
pp. xlviii + j6o 15 

Vol. II, Parts i & ii ( Parts not sold separately ), 
pp. xlvii +1366 30 o 

Vol. Ill, (in press) . 

tfr^^re^cmsm^TOrcTOifter ^Rafrfqrsnr ( srrf^Ts? ) edited 

by Dr. R. N. Dandekar, M.A., Ph.D., pp. iv 4- 107 4 o 

Tribes in Ancient India, by Bimala Churn Law, M.A., 

B.L., Ph.D., D.Litt., pp. 428 ( paper ) 7 o 

L ( cloth ) 8 o 

Patimokkha by Prof. R, D. Vadekar, M.A., pp. 56 i o 

Dhammasarigani by Dr. P. V. Bapat^ M.A., Ph.D. and 

Prof. R/D. Vadekar, M.A".", pp. xli * 360 5 o 

Atthasalim, commentary on Dhammasangani by Dr. 
P. V. Bapat, M.A. , Ph.D. and Prof. R. D. Vadekar, 
M.A., pp. xl + 404 80' 

N.B. For the Reports of the Proceedings of All India Oriental 
Confeiences and an uptodate Price List of all the Publications 
of the Institute apply to the Secretary, B. O. R. Institute, 
Poona 4.