ANNALS OF THE BHANDARKAR ORIENTAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE VOL XIV 1933-34

Vat. IT ] ^ PASTS I-It

^ Annals of tiie

Bhandarkar Oriental

Research Institute, Poona

Volume X1T

1933-34

SSDITKD BY

D. Be BH ANDARKAR, M. A,, Ph. D., F. A. a B.,
Carmichael Professor of Ancient Indian History and Culture
Calcutta University, Calcutta
AND

,i B. GAJENDRAGADKAR, M. A,,
Profeeso of SanBk?it, Elphinstone Collegre, Bombay

and pnoliehed by Dr. V. & Sukthankar, M. A., Ph. D, t at the
Institute Press, Bhandarkaor Oriental
Institute, Poona No, 4

POONA

1S34

19132

BHHHOHRKHR SIENTHL RES3HR0H
INSTITUTE, PNH

MANAGEMENT ]'
Fresiden

His Excellency the Eight Hon'ble Sir 3
O. C. I. E-, O. B. B., K. a B., 0, M. <

Shrimant Baiasaheb Pant Pratinidhi, B.

Shrimant Narayanrao Babasaheb Ghorpt

Sir Chintamanrao alis Appasaheb Patwa

lt S. Jathar, Esq., o. i. E.

Mr. B. S Kamat, B. A*

Fria, A. B. Dhruva, M, A., LL. B.

REGULATING COUNC

* Chairman

Mr. N. C. Kelkar, B. A,, LL. B.

* Vice- Chairmen

Prof. D, B. Kapadia, M. A., B. Sc.

H, M. Vasudevashastri Abhyankar,

Dr. Balkrisbca, M. A,, Ph. D.

Dr. S. K. Belvalkar, M, A., Ph. P.

Dr. D. E. Bhandarkar, M. A., Ph. D.

Prof. G. C. Bhate, M. A.

Prof. if. G. Pamle* M. A.

Mrs. Dr. Kamalabai Deshpande, Ph. D.

Pro! C. B. Devdhar, M. A.

Prin. A. B. Dhruva, M. A., LL. B.

Prin. J. R. Gharpure, B. A., LL. B.

Mr. B. S. Eamat, B. A.

Prof. P. V. Kane, M. A., LL. M.

Prof. Bbacmajaanda Kosambi

t Mr. Syad Nurulla, B. A., M. E. D,,

Bar-at-Law

t Hr. S. D, Pawate, B. A.,LL. B.

Prof. D. V. Potdar, B. A.

Shrimant Balasaheb Pant Pratmidhi,
B. A M the Huler of Aundh.

kes, P.O.,

indh

halkaranji
>f Sangli

PriB. ^
Prof. I
Prof. H

V. P. W-
! Sardar (

j EXEC
| Pnn. V.
i t Dr. V.

Prof. Y. i

tProf.A. ' t.M-A.
Prof. D. 3 so -

Prin. E. L

fDr. M. B, Behma^ Ph. D.

Dr. P. L. Vaidya, M- ^- D - Litfc -

, L.A,
or 19S3-3

A., Ph. I

*To be elected annually.

1 Komssated by c>overnmnt.

7 OL. XV J [PARTS I -IT

Annals cf the
Bhandarkar Oriental

Research Institute, Foona

Volume XV

1933-34

EDITED BY

D. R, BHANDARKAR, M. A., Ph. D , F. A, S. B.,
Cairnicfaael Professor of Ancient Indian History and Culture,
Calcutta University* Calcutta
AND

A, B. GAJENDRAGADKAR, M. A.,
Professor of Sanskrit, Elphinstone College, Bombay

Printed and published by Dr. V S. Sukthankar, M. -ft., Ph D s at the
Bhandarkar Institute Press, Bhandarkar Oriental
Research Institute, Poona No. 4

CONTENTS
VOLUME XV, PARTS I-II

( 20th April 1934 )
ABTIOLES Pages

1 Geographical Data from Sanskrit Buddhist

Literature by Dr. Birnal Churn Law, Ph. D. ,

M. A. , B. L ... 1-38

2 Pancatantra Studies by A Venkatasubblah ... 39-6G

3 Samantbhadra's Date and Dr. Pathak by

Pandit Jugalkiehore Mukhtar ... 67-8S

4 The Adlbharata and the Natyasarvasva-

Dlpika by Manomohon Ghosh, M. A. ... 89-96

5 Ethi co-Religious Classifications of Mankind

as embodied in the Jaina Canon by Prof.
H. R. Kapadia, M. A ... 97-108

MISCELLANEA

6 Notes on Indian Chronology, by P. K. Gode,

M. A. ( XIX ) Date of Caritravardhana, Com-
mentator of Kumarasambhava and other

Kavyas ( XX ) Antiquity of a Few Spurious
Verses Found in some Mss. of the Meghaduta
of Kaiidasa ( XXI ) A Commentary on the
Kumarasambhava Galled Sabdamrta by Ka-
yastha Gopala ( son of Balabhadra ) and its

Probable Date-middle of the 15th Century ... 1Q9-116

7 Date of the Samgitaragakalpadruma by O. C.

Gangoly ... 117

REVIEWS

8 Malaviya Commemoration Volume ( Benares

Hindu University) reviewed by Niharranjan

Ray ... 118-123

9 A History of Pali Literature by B. C. Law,

Ph. D. , M. A. , B L reviewed by A. Berriedale

Keith ... 124-156

10 Kaiidasa : His Period, Personality and Poetry by

K- S. Ramaswami Sasiri, B, A. , B. L. , Vol I

reviewed by V. R. R. Dikshitar, M. A. ... 127-1 &

11 Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. II, by Nani Gopal

Majumdar, M, A., reviewed by Jogendra

Chandra Ghosh ... 129-136

12 >gn^*n*ftaHi5W^^

... ^\ -H v

Annals of the

Bhandarkar Oriental

Research Institute

VOL. XV ] OCTOBER - JANUARY [ PARTS I-II

GEOGRAPHICAL DATA FROM SANSKRIT
BUDDHIST LITERATURE

BY

DR. BIMALA CHURN LAW, Ph. D., M, A., B. L,

INTROPUCTION

I. Scops 6f the subject

The title of the paper is perhaps sufficiently explanatory to
give the readers an idea of the subject with which it deals. la
my book Geography of Early Buddhism recently published, l
I have attempted to present a geographical picture of ancient
India as can be drawn from Pali texts* Here, however, my
attempt has been to follow up the same subject of investigation
drawing materials from Sanskrit Buddhist tests, It is thus prac
tically a supplement to my work just referred to.

Texts or narratives of a purely historical or geographical
nature are very rare in the literature of the northern and
southern Buddhists and whatever geographical information can
be gathered are mainly incidental. The items, therefore, that go
to build up the ancient geography of India are naturally scattered
amid a mass of other subjects, and can hardly present a general
view. These items of geographical and topographical information
require, therefore, to be very carefully examined and assembled

1 Kegan Paul, Trench, Trtfbner & Co., Ltd., 38 Great Eussell Street,
London, W. C. 1. 1932. Price Rs. 2, 90 pp. with a map.

3 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

together from a variety of sources literary, epigraphic, monu-
mental and traditional before we can present a complete
geographical picture of Buddhist India.

II. Sources'their nature and value Of literary sources for a
systematic exposition of geography of Buddhism, Pali literature,
is undoubtedly the most important, for * the localities mentioned
in the Pali writings ( even in the Jatakas ) belong for the most
part to the real world ; the cities of fiction, so abundant in
Sanskrit literature appear bub little, if at all. ? * From a time
when Indian history emerges from confusion and uncertainties
of semi-historical legends and traditions to a more definite histo-
rical plane, that is from about the time of the Buddha to about
the time of Asoka the Great, the literature of the early Buddhists
is certainly the main, if not the only, source of the historical and
geographical information of ancient India, supplemented, how-
ever, by Jain and Brahmanical sources here and there. Even for
later periods when epigraphical and archaeological sources are
abundant, and literary sources are mainly Brahmanical or are
derived from foreign treatises such as those of Greek geographers
and Chinese travellers, the importance of geographical informa-
tion as supplied by JPali texts is considerable. But it cannot be
said in the same manner of the Sanskrit Buddhist texts as they
are later in date and therefore their value is l&ss than that of the
Pali texts, most of which are much earlier in date. Moreover,
the information contained in the Pali texts of countries and
places, cities and villages, rivers and lakes, hills and mountains,
parks and forests are more exhaustive and elaborate than that
available from the Sanskrit Buddhist texts 'which are later in
date. The limited chips of information available from the
Sanskrit Buddhist texts are almost irritating in their repetitions,
as, for example, in the Mahavastu, or Asokavadana, or Bodhi-
sattvavadana Kalpalata, or Lalitavistara, or Avadanasataka.
Cities of fiction which are no part of the real world are abundant
in the Sanskrit Buddhist texts. Countries like Ratnadvlpa and
Khandidlpa ( Bodhisattvavadana Kalpalata ), cities like ^ andhu-

i Prof. F. W. Thomas in his Foreword to my "Geography of Early
Buddhism".

aplncal Data I'jom Sanskiit Buddhist Literature-

mat! and PunyavatI, and mountains like Trisanku and Dhuma-
nelra are often mentioned. They admit hardly of any identifica-
tion, and help only to add to the legendary element pervading
most of the accounts of these Sanskrit Buddhist texts. These
Sanskrit Buddhist texts, otherwise very important from religious
and philosophical points of view, contain hardly any contem-
porary evidence of a historical or geographical character. Geo-
graphically or historically they speak of remote times ; and these
remote times are but the years and centuries of early Buddhism
which is almost practically covered by the Pali texts. The Maha-
vastu-avadana, an important Sanskrit Buddhist text, speaks mostly
of the life of the Buddha in his former and present existences ,
the Lalitavistara and the Buddka-Carita Kavya also refer to the
life of the Buddha. The Bodhisattvavadana-Kalpalala gives a
number of stories relating to former existences of the Buddha,
while the Asokavadana speaks of Asoka and his times. They may
differ here a little and there a bit more, but geographically and
historically speaking they hardly do so on any essential point.
It seems that very few Sanskrit Buddhist texts are important
from our standpoint but they have a great corroborative value,
and should have thus their share of importance. It is very
often that they bear out the evidences of the earlier Pali texts
and help to solve the riddles and clear the obscure points present-
ed by them. In several cases, though they are not many, they
introduce us to new and independent chips of information, use-
ful and interesting from a geographical point of view.

The Sanskrit Buddhist books were in fact mostly written from
the 6th century onwards to the 12th and 13th centuries of the
Christian era They contain the most important contemporary
evidence so far as the religious history is concerned but geogra-
phically they speak of very remote times. This is somewhat
amusing. For already by the sixth and seventh centuries of the
Christian era, the whole of the Indian continent with its major
divisions and sub-divisions, its countries, provinces, cities, rivers,
mountains, etc., had become too widely known to its people. Con-
temporary epigraphic, literary and monumental evidences abound
with information regarding many geographical details More than
that, Indians of those centuries had also planted their political,

4 Annals of the Bhandar&ar' Oriental Research Institute

cultural and commercial outposts and colonies not only in
Suvarnabhumi ( Lower Burina ) but also in Java and Sumatra,
Champa and Kamboj. Their priests and missionaries had already
travelled to China and Central Asia, carrying with them, the
Sanskrit Buddhist texts which we are speaking of. But it is
difficult to find in them any idea of this far wider geographical
knowledge and outlook of the times, Even the Indian continent-
is nofc fully represented in its contemporary geographical infor-
mation.

III. Divisions of India Sanskrit Buddhist texts give us no
glimpse as to the size and shape of the country. For the concep-
tion of 'the shape of India we have, however, to turn to the Maha-
govinda Suttanta of the Dlgha Nikaya, a Pali text and to the iti-
nerary of Yuan Chwang, the celebrated Chinese traveller. 1
Nor have we any such conception of the world and the place
India occupies in the system in the same way as we have in the
Brahmanical conception contained in the Puranas and the epics.
According to the Brahmanical conception the world is said to
have consisted of seven concentric islands Jambu, Saka, Kusa,
Samala, Kraufica, Gomeda and Puskara encircled by seven
samudras, the order, however, varying in different sources. Of
these islands, the Jambudvlpa is the most alluded to in various
sources and is the one which is generally identified with Bharata-
varsa, the Indian Peninsula.

The Buddhist system also includes Jambudvlpa as one of the
islands ( i.e., continents ) that comprise the world. It has a detailed
description in the Visuddhimagga ( Visuddhimagga, I. pp 205-206:
cf. Vinaya Texts, S.B.E., Vol. XVII, pp. 38-39 and AtthasalinI
p. 298) and is mentioned again and again in various other Pali
texts. When opposed to Sihaladlpa, Jambudvlpa means, as
Childers points out ( Pali Dictionary, p. 165 ), the continent of
India, but it is difficult to be definite on this point. We have
references io Jambudvlpa in Sanskrit Buddhist texts as well, as
for example in the Mahavastu ( III. p. 67 ), the Lalitavistara
( Oh. XII ) and the Bodhisattvavadana-Kalpalata ( 78th Pallava,
9 ). According to the Mahavastu Indian merchants made sea

1 Geography of Early Buddhism, Intro, p. six.

Geographical Data from Sanskrit Buddhist Literature 5

voyages for trade from the Jambudvlpa. 1 They were once ship-
wrecked ; but living on vegetables they succeeded in saving their
lives and came to an island inhabited by female demons. The
Lalitavistara states that the Jambudvlpa is distinguished from
three other dvlpas - the TJttarakuru dvlpa, the Aparagodaniya
dvlpa and the Purvavideha dvlpa ( p, 19 ). Uttarakuru is men-
tioned as early as Vedic times and is probably a semi-mythical
country beyond the Himalayas, Aparagodaniya is difficult to be
identified, but Purvavideha must certainly be identified with a
portion of the Videha country the chief city of which was Mifchila.
If that be so, it is difficult to understand why Purva Videha is
distinguished from the Jambudvlpa which is supposed to be
identical with the Indian continent. The Lalitavistara ( p. 149 )
further states that the Jambudvlpa was only 7,000 thousand
yojanas in extent, while the Godaniya, the Purva- Videta, and the
Uttarakuru dvlpas were 8,000, 9000 and 10,000 thousand yojanas
in extent respectively. The Jambudvlpa was thus the smallest
in extent, but according to Buddhaghosa, the Jambudvlpa was
10,000 yojanas in extent, and it was called rnaha or great ( Su-
mangalavilasini, II, p. 429 ). The evidences are, therefore, con-
flicting and do not help us in identifying the division with any
amount of certainty.

Indian literature, whether Buddhist or Brahmanical, divides
India into five traditional divisions. But the five divisions are
not definitely and explicitly stated anywhere in Pali or Sanskrit
texts. A detailed description of the Majjhimadesa or the Middle
country is as old as the Vinaya Pitaka as well as the references
to the Maj]himade&a in the Pali texts : but an accurate descrip-
tion of the four other divisions of India is not found except in
Yuan Chwang's itineraries* The remaining four divisions, e. g,,
the TTttarapatha, the DaksinSpatha, the Aparanta or the Western
country and the Pracya or Eastern country are more suggested
by the description of the boundaries of the Middle country than
by any independent statement. The reason of the emphasis on
the Madhyade&a is very clear, As with the Brahmanical Aryans
so with the Buddhists, Middle country was the centre of

1 Law, A Study of the MahEvastu, p. 12&

6 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

their activities and much attention was paid by them to tids
tract of land in particular.

Sanskrit Buddhist texts refer at least to three divisions of
India, e g., the Madhyadesa, the land jp#r excellence of Buddhism,
the Uttarapatha and the Daksinapatha. The latter two are men-
tioned in name only, there is no defining of their boundaries nor
is there any description of the countries or regions that constitute
the divisions. Two other divisions, namely the Aparanta or the
western and the Pracya or the eastern are not referred to even in
name, but are suggested by the boundary of the Madhyadesa which
is given in some detail in the Divyavadana (pp.2 1-2 2).

" Purvenopali Pundavardhanam nama

nagaram tasya purvena Pundakakso nama

parvatal, tatah parena pratyantali \

daksinena Saravati nama nagarl

tasyah parena Saravati nama nadl

so 'ntah, tatai. parena pratyantali I

pascimena Sthunopasthunakau brabmanagramakau so 'ntah,
tatah parena pratyantali \

uttarena Usiragirih. so 'ntali, tatah. parena pratyantali \
The boundaries of the Madhyadesa defined here may be des-
cribed as having extended in the east to the city of Pundra-
vardhana 1 , to the east of which was the Pundakaksa mountain,
in the south to the city of Saravati (Salalavatl of the Mahavagga )
on the river of the same name, in the west to the twin Brahrnana
villages of Sthuna 2 and Upasthuna and in the north to the Uslra-
giri mountain* ( Usiradhaja of the Mahavagga ). According to
the Saundarananda Kavya ( Oh. II. v. 62 ), however, the Madhya-
desa is said to have been situated between the Himalayas and the
Paripatra ( Pariyatra ) mountain, a branch of the Vindhyas. The
description of the boundary of the Madhyadesa, as given in the
Divyavadana, is almost the same as that of the Mahavagga. 4

1 Pundravardhana in ancient times included Varendra ; roughly
identical with North Bengal.

2 Sthuna is identified by some with Thanes war ( Thuna of the Maha-
vagga ). CAGI. Intro, p. shiu f. n. 2.

* Uslragiri is identical with a mountain of ~the same name, north of
Kankhal ( Hard war! T. AVISOS., p. 179.
4 Vinaya Texts, S. B. E., vol. xvii pp.

Geographical Data from Sanskrit Buddhist Literature $

Majjhimadesa of the Pall text may be described as having ertend-
ed in the east to the town of Kajangala, in the south-east to the
river Salalavati, in the south to the town of Satakannika, in the
west to the Brahmana district of Thuna and in the north to the
Usiradhaja mountain. The Divyavadana differs only in the fact
that it extends the eastern boundary of the Majjhimadesa skill
farther to the east so as to include Pundravardhana.

The TJttarapatha or the northern division is referred to in
name in the Divyavadana ( p. 315 ) as well as in the Bodhisatfeva-
vadana-Kalpalata (16th p. 19 ; 103 p. 4). The Daksinapatha
extended southwards beyond the Saravati river and the Paripatra
mountain and is mentioned in the Mahavastu, the Asokavadana,
the Garidavyuha and other texts* The Gapdavynha, however,
gives a long list of place names which are all included in the
Daksinapatha.

MADHYADESA

As in the Pali texts, so in the Sanskrit Buddhist texts as well,.
Madhyadesa is the country that is elaborately noticed. Its towns
and cities, parks and gardens, lakes and rivers have been men-
tioned time and again. Its villages have not also been neglected. -
It seems, therefore, that the Middle country was exclusively the
world in which the early Buddhists confined themselves. It was
in an eastern district of the MadhyadeSa that Gotama became -fche
Buddha, and the drama of his whole life was staged on the plains
of the Middle country. He travelled independently or with his
disciples from city to city, and village to village moving as it
were within a circumscribed area. The demand near home was
so great and insistent that he had no occasion during his lifetime
to sfcir outside the limits of the Middle country. And as early
Buddhism is mainly concerned with his life and the propagation
of his teaching, Buddhist literature that speaks of the times,
therefore, abounds with geographical information mainly of the
Madhyadesa within the limits of which the first converts to the
religion confined themselves. The border countries and kingdoms
were undoubtedly known and were often visited by Buddhist
monks, but those of the distant south or north or north-west seem
to have been known only by names handed down to them by

8 Annals of the Bhawdarkar Oriental Research Institute

traditions. But with the progress of time, Buddhism spread itself
beyond the boundaries of the Middle country, and its priests and
preachers were out for making new converts, their geographical
knowledge naturally expanded itself, and by the time Asoka be-
came emperor of almost the whole of India, it had come to embrace
not only Gandhara and Kamboja on one side, and Pundra and
Kalinga on the other, but also the other countries that later
on came to be occupied by the Cheras, Cholas and Pandyas. The
position of the early Buddhists as regards their geographical
knowledge may thus be stated. They were primarily concerned
with the Middle country, the centre of Buddha's activities, but
even as early as the Buddha's time they knew the entire tract of
country from Gandhara and "Kamboja to Vanga, Pundra and
Kalinga on one side and from Kasttmra to Amaka, Vidarbha and
MahismatI on the other. The early Buddhists had not had much
knowledge of these outlying tracts which are mentioned only
when their incidental relations with the Madhyadesa are
related or recalled,

Boundary Of Sanskrit Buddhist texts, it is only in the
Divyavadana that there is any detailed reference to the boundaries
of the Madhyadesa. It may be described as having extended in the
east as far as the city of Pundravardhana, in the south to the
city of Saravati on the river of the same name, in the west to the
twin brahmin villages of Sthuna and Upasthuna, and In the north
to the Usiragiri mountain. According to the Saundarananda
Kavya ( chap. II. V. 62 ), however, the Madhyadesa is said to have
been situated between the Himalayas and the Paripatra
( = Pariyatra ) mountain, a branch of the Vindhyas. l The descrip-
tion of the boundary of the Madhyadesa as given in the
Divyavadana is almost the same as given in the Pali Vinaya text,
the Mahavagga. ( Vinaya texts, S. B, E. , Vol, XVII, pp. 38-39 ).
It differs only in the fact that the Sanskrit text extends the
eastern boundary of the Middle country a bit farther to the east -
the Mahavagga having the eastern boundary as extending up to
the town of Kajangala only - so as to include Pundravardhana.

1 Ihis description of the boundary of the Madhyadesa agrees favourably
with that stated of the particular division In the Brahmanical Dharma-sutras
and Dharma-sSstras, e. g. s in the Codes of Manu. ( Cf. Geography of
Early Buddhism, Intro, p. xx* )

Geographical Data from Sanskrit Buddhst Lilerature 9

It is, therefore, obvious that the Buddhist holy land had by the
time the Divyavadana came to be written extended up to
Pundravardhana.

The Mahavastu records a very interesting fact with regard to
the religious creed of the Madhyadesikas or inhabitants of the
Madhyade&a. They are all qualified as " Lokottaravadins '*
( Lokotfcaravadinam Madhyade^ikanam, Vol. I. p. 2 ), i. e., follow-
ing a particular creed of Mahayana Buddhism known as
Lokottaravada. This seems, however, to be a coloured statement.

The sixteen Mahajanapadas and other important cities and countries
of Madhyadesa : Of the well-known list of the sixteen Mahajana-
padas or big states 1 enumerated in the Pali texts ( Anguttara
NikayaVol, I. p. 213 ; IV. pp. 252, 256, 260 ) the Mahavastu has
in a certain place the traditional record ( Vol. II. p. 2, u Jambud-
vlpe sodaSahi Mahajanapadehi " ) but there is no enumeration of
the list A similar reference, but without the traditional list, is
also made in the Lalitavisfcara ( sarvasmin Jambudvlpe sodasa
Janapadesu, p. 22), The Mahavastu, however, in a different connec-
tion seems to enumerate a list of sixteen states or Mahajanapadas.
There we read that Gautama once repaired to the Grdhrakuta hills
at Rajagrha and was honoured by both gods and men. He distri-
buted knowledge among the people of Anga, Magadha, Vajji, Malla,
KaSl, Kosala, Cedi, Vatsa, Matsya, Surasena, Kuru, Pancala, Sivi,
Dasarna, Assaka and AvantI ( VoL L p. 34 ). This list, however,
differs from that given in the Pali texts inasmuch as it excludes
the Mahajanapadas of Gandhara and Kamboja but includes Sivi
and Dasarna instead. The order of the enumeration is also some-
what different.

Anga Anga is very sparingly referred to in the Sanskrit
Buddhist texts. The Mahavastu ( VoL I, p. 120 ) however, refers
to a legend of King Brahmadatta, king of Benares, who had once
been born as Bsabha, a bull, in the kingdom of Anga. Its capital

i They are- (1) and { 2 ) Kagi-Kosala, ( 3 ) and (4) Aiiga-Magadha,
(5) and (6) Vajji- Malla, (7) and (8) Cedi-Vamsa, ( 9 ) and (10) Kuru-
Pancala, (11) and (12) Maccha-Surasena, ( 13 ) and ( 14 ) Assaka- AvantT,
( 15 ) and ( 16 ) GandhSra-Kambcja. See Geography of Early Buddhism,
pp. 2-23.

2 [ Annals, B. O. K. I.]

io Annals of the Bhandctrkar Oriental Research Institute

was evidently Campapurl mentioned in the Asoka vadana ( R. L.
Mitra, Nepalese Buddhist literature, later on referred to as NBL,
p. 8 ) wherein it is stated that when Bindusara was reigning at
Pataliputra, a brahman of Campapuri presented to him a daughter
named Subhadrangi. Anga, as is well-known, is identical with
modern Bhagalpur. The Lalitavistara refers to a script or
alphabet of the Anga country which the Bodhisattva is said to
have mastered ( pp. 125-26 ) .

Magadha Like Anga, Magadha is also very sparingly re-
ferred to in Sanskrit Buddhist texts. There are some references to
the kingdom of Magadha in the Mahavastu ( Vol. I. 34, 289 ; II.
419 5 III 47, 90, etc. ) , the Avadana Sataka ( Ibid. pp. 24-25 ) and
in other minor texts, but they have hardly any geographical
import. The Buddha had, however, innumerable travels in
Magadha in course of which he crossed the Ganges several times
( Ibid ) . Arya Avalokite^vara is also said to have once passed
through Magadha ( Ibid, Gunakarandavyuha, p. 95 ) . The Sapta-
kumarika Avadana ( Ibid, p. 222 ) refers to a large tank named
Citragarbha in Magadha. According to the Divyavadana (p. 425)
Magadha is described as a beautiful city with all kinds of gems.
In the Lalitavistara ( p. 20 ) the Vaidehlkula of Magadha is referred
to. The Vaidehlkula was suggested by one of the Devaputras
as a royal family in which the Bodhisattva might be born in
his future existence. But he preferred to be born of the Sakya
race of Kapilavastu, According to the Lalitavistara, the Magadha
country seems to have had a separate alphabet which the
Bodhisattva is credited to have mastered ( pp. 125-26 ). The people
of Magadha, L e. , the Magadhikas or Magadhakas are referred to
more than once in the Lalitavistara ( pp, 318 and 398 ).

But its capital Pataliputra is more often mentioned. At the
time of the Buddha it was a great city ( Divyavadana, p. 544).
The same authority informs us that a bridge of boats was built
between Mathura and Pataliputra. Thera Upagupta went to the
Magadhan capital by boat accompanied by 18, 000 arhats in order
to receive favour from King Asoka. The Thera was, however, very
cordially received by the king ( pp. 386-87 ). There at the
Kukkutarama vihara where King Asoka had erected eighty-four
thousand stupas and caityas ( Bodhisattvavadana Kalpalata : 69th

Geographical Data from Sanskrit Buddhist Literature n

p. 6-7 ) Thera Upagupta divulged the most mysterious secrets of
Buddhism to Asoka ( N. B. L * Gunakarandavyuha p, 95 ) . At the
time of Suslma, son of Vindusara, a beautiful daughter of a
brahman of Campa was brought to Patallputra and presented to
the wife of King Bimblsara. This girl showed the light of in-
telligence to the inmates of the harem. She remained as a playmate
and companion of the chief queen who later on gave birth to a
son who became known as Vigatasoka ( Div- 369-70, Asokavadana,
N. B. L. p. 8 ) * The Asokavadana refers to Pataliputra as having
once been attacked by Suslma when his younger brother Asoka
was reigning, but Suslma was overpowered ( N. B. L. 9 p. 9 ) .
The BodMsattvavadana Kalpalata ( 31, p. 3, 73, p, 2 ) refers to
Patallputra as having once been ruled by a virtuous King
Purandara. The Mahavastu ( III, p. 231 ) refers to a capital city
named Puspavatl ( Puspavat! nama rajadhanl ) which is probably
identical with Pataliputra.

Rajagrha According to the Lalitavistara, Rajagrha is said
to have been included in Magadha ( " Magadhesu Kajagrha " - p.
246 ). It is referred to in the same text as a city of the
Magadhakas ( p. 239 ) . It is described as Magadhapura or the
capital city of Magadha ( Ibid. p. 243 ) and was a Mahanagara or
a great city where once Matanga, a Pratyeka-Buddha was
wandering. The ancient name of the city was Girivraja. The city
was adorned with beautiful palaces, well-guarded, decorated with
mountains, supported and hallowed by sacred places and
distinguished by the five hills ( Buddhacarita Kavya, Book X,
verse 2 ) . It was much frequented by the Buddha. In the
Divyavadana ( p. 545 ), Eajagrha is described as a rich, prosperous
and populous city at the time of Bimbisara and Ajatasatru. The
same text informs us that in order to go from Sravastl to Rajagrha
one had to cross the Ganges by boats kept either by King Ajata-
atru of Magadha or by the Licchavis of VaisalT. It is obvious,
therefore, that the Ganges formed boundary between the kingdom
of Magadha and republican territory of the Licchavis, and that
both the Magadhans and the Licchavis had equal rights over the
river. The route from Rarjagrha to Sravastl was infested with
thieves who used to rob the merchants of their merchandise

12 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute,

( pp. 94-95 ) . It is interesting to note that Rajagrha was an
important centre of inland trade where merchants flocked from
different quarters ( Div. p. 307 ) to buy and sell their merchandise.
Ai Rajagrha there used to be held a festival known as
Giriagrasamaja when thousands of people assembled in hundreds
of gardens. Songs were sung, musical instruments were played
and theatrical performances were held with great pomp ( Maha-
vastu, Vol. Ill, p. 57 ) .

In and around the city of Rajagrha there was a number of
important localities hallowed by the history of their associations
with the Buddha and Buddhism. They were the Venuvana on
the side of the Kalandakanivapa, the Naradagrama, the
Kukkutaramavihara, the Grdhrakuta hill, the Yastivana, the
Uruvilvagrama, the Prabhasavana on the Grdhrakuta hill, the
Eolitagrama, etc. The Venuvana is repeatedly mentioned ( e. g.
in the Avadanasatakam and elsewhere ) as it was a very favourite
haunt of the Buddha. The Bhadrakalpavadana ( N. B. L. , p. 45 )
refers to the Naradagrama while the Maha-sahasra-Pramardim
refers (N. B. L. , p. 166 ) to the Prabhasavana on the Grdhrakuta

tt ,, _ kill. The Grdhrakuta hill is also repeatedly

Prabhasavana J

Grdhrakuta hill mentioned, and the Buddha used to dwell here

most often when he happened to visit Rajagrha. l The scene of

most of the later Sanskrit Buddhist texts is also laid on the

Grdhrakuta hill ( e. g., of the Prajaaparamita Astasahasrika, the

Saddharmapundarlka, etc. ) . The village of

KolitagrSma Kolita wag V0ry large l y populated, and was

situated at a distance of half a yojana from Rajagrha. The

Ealandaka or Karandakauiva'pa ( tank ) was

Kalandakanivapa situated near the Venuvana at Rajagrha ( N. B.

L. , Avadana-^atakam p. 17, p. 23, Divyavadana, pp. 143, 554 ) . It

seems that there were two viharas named

KU vSirf ma " Kukkutarama, one at Patallputra ( N. B. L.

A^okavadana, pp. 9-10 ) ; Kalpadrumavadana, p. 293 ), and another

at or near Rajagrha ( N". B. L. , DvavirhSavadana, p. 85 ). The

1 N, B. L. Kavikuma"rakatha s p. 10?,; MahSvastu ( Senarts' Ed. ), VoL I,
pp. 34 & 54, Sukhavatl-Yytlha, N. B. L., p. 236, Suvar^aprabhasa, N. B. L.
p. 241, DivySvadSna, p. 314, etc.

Geographical Data from Sanskrit Buddhist Literature 13

Mahavastu ( Vol. III. p. 441 ) has a reference to the famous

Yastivana which was once visited by the

Yastivana Buddlia accompanied by a large number of

bhikkhus. The same text (Vol. I. p. 70) refers to the

Saptaparna cave Saptaparna cave in Ba]agrha ( " Puravare bhavatu

Rajagrhesmin Saptaparna abMdhanaguhayam ")

Vajji The tribe of the Vajjis or Vrjis included, according to
Cunningham and Prof. Rhys Davids, atthakulas or eight con-
federate clans among whom the Videhans, the Vrjikas, 7 and the
Licchavis were the most important. Other confederate clans were
probably Jnatrkas, Ugras, Bhojas and Aiksvakas* The Videha
clan, had its seat at Mithila which is recorded in the Brahmanas
and the Puranas to have originally a monarchical constitution.

VaisaK The Vrjikas are often associated with the city of
Vaisali which was not only the capital of the Ldcchavi clan, but
also the metropolis of the entire confederacy. Vaisali was a great
city of the Madhyadesa and is identical with modern Besarh in
the Muzaffarpur district of Bihar The city which resembled the
city of the gods was at the time of the Buddha, happy, proud,
prosperous and rich with abundant food, charming and delightful,
crowded with many and various people, adorned with buildings
of various descriptions, storied mansions, buildings and palaces
with towers, noble gateways, triumphal arches, covered courtyards,
and charming with beds of flowers, in her numerous gardens
and groves.

And lastly, the Lalitavistara claims that the city rivalled the

domain of the immortals in beauty ( Lefmanu, Ch, III. p. 21;

Mahavastu, Vol. L pp. 253 ff ) . More than once did the Buddha

visit this wonderful city at which he once looked with an elephant

look ( Div. p. 208 ) . Once in the vicinity of this city, while

dwelling in a lofty tower on the Markata lake,

Markata lake ^he Lord went out on a begging excursion ( N. B.

L. , Avadanasataka, p. 18 ; Div. p. 208 ) . By the side of the

Markata lake there was the Kutagara where the

Kntsgara Buddha once took up his dwelling ( Bodhisattva-
vadana-Kalpalata, 90th p. 73, 1ST. B. L., Asokavadana, p.12). We

1 According to the Divyavadana, the Vaisalakas and the Licchavis were
two different confederate clans (pp 55-56, 136).

14 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

told in the Mahavastu that a brahmin named Alara Kalama who
was an inhabitant of Vai&all once gave instructions to the Sra-
manas ( Vol. II. p. 118 ) . The Licchavis of Vaissall made a gift of
many caityas ( e.g., theSaptamra caitya, the Bahuputra caifcya, the
Gotama caitya, the Kapinhya caitya, the Markatahradatlra caitya)
to the Buddha and the Buddhist Church. Ambapall, the famous
courtesan of Vaisall also made the gift of her extensive mango
grove to the Buddhist congregation ( Law's Study of the Maha-
vastu, p. 44 ) . In the Bodhisattvavadana-Kalpalata it is said that
ihe Vaisalikas or the inhabitants of Vaisall or Visala made a rule
to the effect that daughters of individuals should be enjoyed by
ganas, and should not, therefore, be married ( 20th. p. 38 ) .

The Videha clan had its seat at Mithila 1 which is recorded in

the Brahmanas and Puranas to have originally a

* 1 a monarchical constitution. In Sanskrit Buddhist

texts (e. g. 5 in the Lalitavistara, pp. 19, 125, 149 etc. as well as in

other texts ) mention is made of a dvlpa called Purvavideha-

dvlpa along with three other dvipas, namely, the

Purvavideha Aparagodaniya, the Uttarakuru, and the Jambu-

dvipa. Dvipa is obviously used here in the sense of a country, but

it is difficult to ascertain which country is meant by Pur vavideha-

dvipa. The Lalitavistara refers to the script or alphabet of the

Purvavideha-dvlpa, which the Lord Buddha is said to have

mastered in his boyhood ( p. 126 ) . The same text refers to the

extent of the four respective dvipas; the Purvavideha- dvlpa is

credited to have been nine thousand yojanas in extent.

Videha is often referred to as a Janapada whose capital was
Mithila ( <f Vaideha Janapade Mithilayarh Kajadhanyam ":
Mahavastu, Vol. III. , p. 172 , also Of. Divyavadana, " Videhesu
Janapadesu gatva prabrajitah, " p. 424 ) . In the Lalitavistara the
Videha dynasty is described as wealthy, prosperous, amiable and
generous ( chap. Ill ) . The Bodhisattvavadana-Kalpalata refers
to the city of Mithila in Videha ruled by a king named
Puspadeva having two pious sons, Candra and Surya ( 83, p. 9 ) .
The Bodhisattva, in one of his previous births as Mahesa, the

1 Mithila is, however, identified by some scholars with the small town of
Janakapur just -within the Nepal border. Videha is identical with ancient
Tirabhukti, that is, modern Tirhut.

Geographical Data from Sanskrit Buddhist Literature 15

renowned elephant of Benares, was invited by the people of

Mithila to cure them of an epidemic ( Mahavastu, Vol. I. pp. 286-

288 ) . In another of his former existences, the Lord was "born as

the munificent King VijitavX of Mithila. He was banished from

his kingdom and took his abode in a leaf-hut near the Himalayas

( Mahavastu, III, p. 41 ) . Two miles from Mithila, there was a

village, named Javakacchaka ; where Maha-

usadha, a brahmin, had his residence ( Ibid, Vol.

II, p. 83 ) .

The country of the Mallas is referred to in the Dvavimsavadana

( N. B. L. , p. 86 ) . The same source refers to a

a a village, Kus'i by name, in the country of the

Mallas. The Mukutabandhana caitya of the

usigrama Mallas, as well as the twin sals, trees of Kusinara

Mukutabandhana where the Lord lay in his parinirvana are

eaitya alluded to more than once In the Divya-

Yamakasala- vadana ( pp. 208, 209 : *' parinirvanaya gamisyati

vanam Mallanam upavartanam yamakasala\anam " ).

Anomiya was an important city in the Malla

Anomiya kingdom. This city which was once visited by

the Bodhisattva was situated near the hermitage of sage Vasistha

in the Malla kingdom to the south of Kapilavastu at a distance

of 12 yojanas ( Mahavastu, II, 164 ) .

The capital of the Kasi country was Baranasi ( modern
Benares) . The Tathagata once said ; c * Baranasim
E:5si gamisyami gatva vai KaSinamapurlm " ( Lalita-

vistara,p.406>, evidently Kasi was the larger unit, i.e., the janapada,
and Baranasi was the capital ( purl ) of the Kasis or the people of
Kasi. 1 That KasI was a janapada is attested to by the same text
( Ibid, p. 405 ) . Its capital Baranasi finds a prominent place in the
literature of Hindus and Buddhists alike, and is again and again
mentioned in the Sanskrit Buddhist texts. In the Mahavastu, Bara-
nasi is mentioned to have been situated on the bank of the river
Varana ( Vol. Ill, p. 402 )$ but according to the Bodhisattvavadana
Kalpalata Baranasi was on the Ganges ( 6th, p. 31 and 32 ). In the
Divyavadana the city is described as prosperous, extensive

^ ^Reference is made in the Lalitavistara ( p. 215 ) of a certain kind of
cloth, called Kasika-vastra -which was most prohably manufactured in Kasi.

1 6 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

populous, and a place where alms could easily be obtained (p. 73) .
It was not oppressed by deceitful and quarrelsome people ( Ibid,
p. 98 ). The Buddha once set out to go to Kasl manifesting, as he
went, the manifold supernatural course of life of the Magadha people
( Buddhacarita Kavya, Bk. XV, v. 90 ) . The city of BaranasI
was hallowed by the feet of the Buddha ( Sarvarthasiddha ) who
came here to preach his excellent doctrine. He gave a discourse
on the Dharmacakrapravarttana (Wheel of Law) sutra in the Deer
Park near Benares, a fact which is again and again referred to in
both Pali and Sanskrit Buddhist texts ( Saundarananda Kavya,
Oh. IIL , vs. 10-11 : Of. Buddhacarita Kavya, Bk. XV. , v. 87 ;
Lalitavistara, pp. 412-13, etc.)

Benares was a great trading centre of Buddhist India. Kich
merchants of the city used to cross over high seas with ships laden
with merchandise. One such merchant once crossed over to the
RaksasI island which, however, is difficult to be identified
( Mahavastu, III p. 286 ) . A wealthy merchant came to Benares
from Taksasila (mod. Taxila ) with the object of carrying on trade
( Ibid. , II. > pp. 166-167 ) . The Divyavadana informs us that a
caravan trader reached Benares from Uttarapatha during the reign
of King Brahmadatta who heard him saying thus : " Now I have
reached Benares, bringing with me articles for sale." He was
welcomed by the king who gave him shelter ( pp. 510 ff ) .

Kasi came in conflict with Kosala several times and each time
the king of Kasl was defeated. At last when he was going to
make desperate final attack the king of Kosala refused to fight and
abdicated his throne ( Mahavastu, IIL , p. 349 ).

Brahmadatta, king of Benares, is said to have once apprehend-
ed that a great famine lasting for 12 years would visit Benares.
He, therefore, asked the inhabitants of the kingdom to leave the
city, but those who had enough provisions were permitted to
remain. A large number of people died on account of the famine,
but one person who had enormous wealth in his possession gave
alms to a Pratyeka-Buddha who went to him. The wife of the
person prayed in return for a boon to the effect that a pot of rice
cooked by her would be sufficient for hundreds of thousands of
people. Her husband prayed that his granaries might always be
kept filled up with paddy, and the son in his turn prayed that his

Geograplncal Data from Sanskrit Buddhist Literature 17

treasures might always be full of wealth although he might spend
as much as he liked. All the boons prayed for were granted
( Div. , pp. 132 ff ) .

In the Siksasamucoaya ( tr, by Bendall ) of Santideva, a king
of Benares is referred to have given his flesh to a hawk to save a
dove (p. 99 ). Another king of KasI made a gift of an elephant
to a king of Videha on his request. At this time a deadly disease
was raging in the kingdom of Videha ; bat as soon' as the elephant
stepped on the borders of Mithila, the disease disappeared ( Maha-
vastu, L p. 286 ff ) . The same source informs us that there once
lived in Benares a king whose kingdom extended up 'to Taxila
( Ibid. II. p. 88 ) .

Kosala, during the days of early Buddhism, was an important

kingdom and its king Prasenajit an important

Kosala fi gure ( Bodhisattvavadana Kalpalata, 100th, p 2 )

Kulmaspindi, another king of Kosala, is claimed in the

Bodhisattvavadana to have been none other than the Lord Buddha

himself ( 3S". B. L. p. 50 ). Another virtuous king of Kosala to

avoid bloodshed in a war with the king of KasI abdicated his

throne and went to a voluntary exile. In his exile he greatly helped

a merchant who in a later existence came to be born as Ajnata

Kaundinya ( Mahavastu, "N. B. L. , p. 156 ).

That the ancient Kosala kingdom was divided into two great
divisions, the river Sarayu serving as the wedge between the two,
is suggested by the Avadanasataka ( IT. B, L. p. 20 ) wherein a
reference is made to a war^ between the kings of North and
South Kosala.

Marakaranda was a locality in the kingdom of Kosala ( Maha-
vastu, Vol. L p. 319 ).

The most important capital city of Koala was'Sravastl'. 1 This

city was full of kings, princes, their councillors,

ministers and followers, Ksatriyas, Brahmanas,

householders, etc. (Latitavistara, Ch. I ). There at 'Sravastl' was the

1 Sravasti Is identical with the great ruined city on the south bank of
the Rapti called Sahth-Maheth.

Saketa was another capital of the Kosala kingdom. In the MahSvastu
AvadSna (Mahavastu, Sanarts* Ed., Vol. L, p. 348 ) we read that Sujata, one
of the_descendants of MSndhata became king of the Iksvakus in the great
city Saketa. The city is mentioned in the Bodhisattvavadana KalpalatE
( 3rd, P. 2 ) to have been adorned with domes.

3 [ Annals, B. O. B. I. ]

1 8 Annals of tfo Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

famous garden of Anathapindika at Jetavana frequently referred
to in Pali and Sanskrit Buddhist texts. There the Buddha stayed
with his retinue of bhikkhus for a number of times and received
hundreds of householders as followers and disciples. The Divya-
vadana informs us that Mahakatyayana desirous of going to
Madhyade&a first reached Sindhu and then Sravasti ( p. 581 ).
Merchants of Sravasti went to Ceylon crossing over the high seas
( IT. B. L. Avadana&ataka p. 19 ; cf. Bodhisattva vadana Kalpalata,
7th, p. 50 ). In the city of Sravasti a poor brahmin named Svastika
took to cultivation to earn his livelihood ( Ibid. 61st P. 2 ). It was
in this city that the Buddha gave religious instructions to the
citizens whose darkness of ignorance was thereby dispelled ( Ibid.
6th, p. 3; 79th p. 2; 82nd p. 2 ). The royal family of the Kosalas is
referred to in the Lalitavistara (pp. 20-21 ) as one in which Bodhi-
sattva might desire to be born.

The Mahavastu ( IIL p. 101 ) refers to the Nyagrodharama of
Ko&ala where the Buddha is said to have once
yagro arSma ^ a ] s:en U p ^jg residence. It was at the Jetavana
grove of Sravasti that Devadatta sent assassins to
kill the Lord who, however, received the murderers
very hospitably ( AvadanaSataka, K B. L. p. 27 ). It was also at
this grove that when Prasenajit, king of Sravasti, was retiring
after adoring the Lord, 500 geese came to him and announced that
King Pancala had been greatly pleased to notice the King of
KosJala's devotion, and was coming to congratulate him on his
conversion to the faith ( Ibid. pp. 12-13 ). King Bimbisara also
interviewed the Lord at Jetavana (Ibid. p. 45). The same text
refers to the fact that the Lord made no distinction as to proper
and improper times in preaching the truths of religion. One day
he preached while cleansing the Jefcavana with a broom in hand
(Ibid. p. 29 ). The Bodhisattvavadana Kalpalata ( 52nd, p. 20") re-
fers to a king of Kosala named Hiranyavarma who imposed a fine
on a brahmin named Kapila*

Oedi Reference to Cedi as one of the sixteen Janapadas of
Jambudvlpa is made in the Lalitavistara ( p. 22 ). The ancient
Cedi country lay near the Jumna and was contiguous to that of
the Kurus. It corresponds roughly to the modern Bundelkhand
and the adjoining region.

Geographical Data front Sanskrit Buddhist Literature 19

Vatsa Like the Cedl kingdom the Vatsa Janapada is also
referred to in the Lalitavistara ( p. 27 ) The Vatsa dynasty is
therein described as rich, thriving, kind and generous* The
Mahavastu (Vol. II. p. 2 ) refers to King Udayana of the Vatsa
country and his capital Kausambl. 1 The same
text refers to the fact that King Bimbisara of
Magadha and Udayana of Avanti requested the Lord, just when he
had descended from the Tusita heaven, to honour Rajagrha
or Kausambl by making it his birth place. a In a compara-
tively modern Sanskrit Mahayanist text ( N. B. L. p. 269 ),
the monastery of Ghosira, in the suburbs of Kausambl
is referred to. The site may probably be identical with the
old Ghositarama of Kosambi referred to so frequently in
the Pali Vinaya texts. Asvaghosa in his Saundarananda-Kavya
(Law's translation, p. 9) refers to a hermitage ( arama )
of one Kusamba where the city of Kausambl was built.
The Sisumara hill identical probably with
Sisumsra Hill g umsum a ra giri of the Pali Jatakas which shelter-
ed the Bhagga ( Bharga ) state was included in the Vatsa territory*
There on that hill lived a rich householder named Buddha. He
gave his daughter Rupini to the son of Anathapindada ( N. B. L,
Divyavadanamala, p. 309 ).

Matsya + The Matsya country, one of the 16 Janapadas
enumerated in the Lalitavistara (p. 22), comprises the modern
territory of Jaipur ; it included the whole of the present territory
of Alwar with a portion of Bharatpur, The capital of the Matsya
country was Viratanagara or Vairat ( so called because it was the
Capital of Virata, King of the Matsyas ) which has perhaps a
Veiled reference in the name Bairatlputra Samjaya referred to in
the Mahavastu ( III. pp. 59, 90 X

Surasena The capital of the Surasena Janapada Wtss Mathura 1 *
generally identified with Maholi, five miles to the south-west of
the present town of Mathura or Muttra ( U. P. ).

1 The BodhisattvSvadSna-KalpalatS ( 3fith p. 3 ) has a similar reference
where it is stated thab Kausa"mbl was ruled by the Vatsa King Udayana.
Zausambi is identical with modem Kosam near Allahabad,

2 Mahavastu Charts' Ed.), Vol II, p. &

2o Annals of the Bhandarkar \0riental Research -.Institute

Mathura In the Lalitavistara ( p. 21 ) the city of Mathura
is described as rich, flourishing and populous, the metropolis of
King Suvahu of the race of the valiant Karhsa. Upagupta, the
teacher of Asoka, was the son of Gupta, a rich man of Mathura
( Asokavadana, N". B. L. , p. 10 . ) He was intended by his father
to be a disciple of Sonavasi ( Bodhisattvavdana Kalpalata, 72nd.
p, 2-3 ) who was a propagator of the Buddhist faith at Mathura.
At Urumunda, a hill in Mathura, Sonavasi con-
Drumunda Hill verted Na t a an d Bhata, two nagas and erected two
viharas of the same name in commemoration of their conversion
( Ibid ; also Of. Bodhisattvavadana-Xalpalata 71st, p. 13 for a
reference to the Urumunda Hill ). The famous courtesan Vasava-
datta lived at Mathura (Div. p. 352). There also lived in Mathura
two brothers, Nata and Bhata, both merchants ( Ibid. p. 349 ). One
Padmaka, beholding in his youth, a dead body felt disgusted with
the world, and became eventually a hermit. When at Mathura,
he entered the house of a prostitute for alms ; she was, however,
charmed with the hermit's appearance and sought his love ( 3sT. B,
L. ? A^okavadana, p. 15 ). The Divyavadana seems to attest to the
fact that there was a bridge of boats between Mathura and Patali-
putra ( p. 386 ). Upagupta is credited to have converted 18 lacs of
the people of Mathura ( Bodhisattvavadana-Kalpalata, 72nd, p. 71 }-
Another important city of the Surasena janapada was
Kanyakub]a. Kusa, the son of Abuda, the chief
Kanyakubja queen of Iksvil ku> king of Benares, married
Sudarsana, the daughter of the king of Kanyakubja in Surasena
( N. B. L, , Ku6a Jataka, p. 110 ). The same story is more elaborate-
ly given elsewhere. Mahendraka, the tribal
Bhadrakasat king of Bhadra k asat in Kanyakubja had a beauti-
ful daughter. Alinda, the chief queen 3 of the king of Benares
( Subandhu was his name ) immediately after the king's accession
to the throne, set a negotiation on foot for her son's marriage to
the daughter of king Mahendraka* The match was soon settled and
the nuptials were celebrated at Kanyakubja (N. B. L., Mahavastu-
Avadana, p, 143 ff ). The Bodhisattvavadana-*
Kanyakubja forest Kalpalata refers to the Kanyakubja forest ( 80th,

1 The name of the queen is given as Ahuda in the Kusa Jataka which is
but a substance of this story,

Geographical Data ft cm Sanskrit Buddhist

p. 77 ) which must have been situated somewhere near the city of
the same name.

The ancient Kuru country is mentioned in the Lalitavistara
as one of the sixteen janapadas of Jambudvlpa
and may be said to have comprised the Kuru-
ksetra or Thaneswar. The district included Sonapat, Anun,
Karnal, and Panipat, and was situated between the Sarasvat! on
the north and DrsadvatI on the south. In tie Kalpadruma-avadana
( 3SL B. L. , p. 297 ) it is stated that the Buddha once visited
the city of the Kauravas which seems to have probably been the
capital of the Kuru country, but unfortunately the name of the
city is not given, It is, however, possible on the epic authority to
identify the Kaurava city with Hastinapura which is several times
mentioned in the Sanskrit Buddhist text. The
Hastmapura Bodhisattvavadana-Kalpalata definitely states
that it was the capital of the Kuru kings ( 3rd Pallava 116 ; 64th,
p. 9 ). It is stated that King Arjuna of Hastinapura was in the
habit of killing those holy men who were unable to satisfy him by
answers to the questions put by him ( Mahavastu-avadana, III ,
p. 361). Sudhanu, son of Subahu, another king of Hastinapura,
fell in love with a Kinnarl in a distant country, and came back
with her to the capital where he had long been associated with his
father in the government of the kingdom. ( Mahavastu, Vol. II,
pp. 94-95 ) Utpala, son of Vidyadhara, a serpent catcher, dwelt at
Hastinapura in the vicinity of Valkalay ana 's hermitage
( Bodhisattvavadana-Kalpalata, 64th, p. 62. ) The city is described
in the Divyavadana as a rich, prosperous and populous city,
Close by there was a big lake full of lotuses, swans and cranes
( p. 435 ). This, it can be surmised, was the Dvaipayana-hrada
The place was visited by the Buddha. Here an excellent brahmin
approached him and praised him ( Ibid. p. 72 X The city was once
ruled over by a pious and righteous king named Uttarapancala
Mahadhana. In the Divyavadana Hasfcinapura is described as a
rich, prosperous, and populous city (p, 435 ). I he Lalitayistara
refers to Hastinapura as having been ruled by a king descended
from the Pandava race, valiant aud the most beautiful and glorious
among conquerors ( Chap, III ).

22 Annals of the Bhandarkaf Oriental Research Institute

Mention is often made in the Sanskrit Buddhist sources as
well as in Pali texts of the Uttarakuru country

Uttarakuru ^ uttarakuru d vlpa ) 5 obviously a mythical region.
The Lalitavistara refers to four Pratyanta-dvlpas or border-
countries 5 they are Purvavideha, Aparagodaniya, Uttarakuru and
Jambudvlpa ( 19 ; cf. Bodhisattvavadana-Kalpalata, 4th, p. 48, 50
& 71 ). The alphabet of the Uttarakuru country is also referred to
as having been mastered by the Buddha ( Ibid. p. 126 ). The Ufctara-
kurudvlpa is stated to have been ten thousand yojanas in extent
( Ibid. p. 149 ). In the Divyavadana it is mentioned as an island
where people lived unattached to the worldly life ( p. 215 ).

Pancala was originally the country north and west of Delhi
from the foot of the Himalayas to the river

Panca a Chambal, but it was divided into north and south
Pancala, separated by the Ganges. It roughly corresponds to
modern Budaon, Furrukhabad and the adjoining districts of the
United Provinces.

That the Pancala country was divided into two divisions is
attested to by the Divyavadana wherein we read of two Pancala
Visayas : Uttara Pamcala and Daksina Pancala. The Jatakas as
well as the Mahabharata also refer to these two divisions of the
country. According to the Divyavadana ( p. 435 ) the capital of
Uttara Pamcala was Hastinapura, but according to the Jatakas
( CoweU's Jat. III. , p. 230 ) the capital was Kampillanagara. The
Mahabharata, however, states that the capital of Uttara-Pancala
was Ahicchatra or Chatravatl ( identical with modern Ramnagar
in the Bareilley district ) while Daksina Pancala had its capital
at Kampilya ( Mbh. 138, 73-74 ) identical with modern Kampil in
the Farukhabad district, U. P. 1 and Padumavati, the wife of a
Pancala king is referred to in the Mahavastu ( IIL p. 169 ),

According to the Divyavadana, HastinSpura was the capital of
the Pancala kingdom but according to the Epics and the Jatakas,
Kampilya was the capital. In one of his former existences the
Buddha was born as Raksita, son of Brahmadatta 's priest. This
Brahmadatta was the king of Kampilya in Pancala ( Mahavastu,
L , p. 283 ). In one of his former existences, the Bodhisattva was

reconciliation of these apparent discrepancies in the different
evidences see my "Geography of Early Buddhism"-pp, 18-19,

Geographical Data from Sanskrit Buddhist Literature 23

Puriyavanta, son of Afrjanas, king of B&ranasL Once he with his
four friends set out on a journey to Tampilya in order to test the
usefulness of their respective excellences ( Mahavastu, Vol. III. p.
33 ). When Prasenajit, king: of SravastI, was retiring from Jeta-
vana after adoring the Buddha, 500 geese came to htm, and an-
nounced that the king of Paricala had been greatly pleased to
notice Prasenajit's devotion ( N. B. L. , ASokavadana, pp. 12-13 ),
Kampilya in the kingdom of Paricala is mentioned in the Bodhi-
sattvavadana Kalpalata to have been ruled by a pious king
Satyarata ( 66th P. 4 ) and by King Brahmadatta ( 68th P. 9 ).

The Sivi country is mentioned in the Lalitavistara (p. 22 ) as
/ _ well as in the Mahavastu ( Law, * A Study of the

1VI Mahavastu 7 , p. 9 ) as one of the sixteen janapadas

of Jambudvlpa. According to the Jatakas ( Jat. IV, p. 401 )
Aritthapura was the capital of the Sivi kingdom. Aristhapura
( Pali Aritthapura ) is mentioned in the Bodhisatfcvavadana-Kalpa-
lata ( 2nd, p. 2 and 3 ) to have been ruled by King Srlsena. The
same text refers to the city of SIvavati, doubtless identical with the
capital of the Sivi country, to have been ruled by King Sivi ( 9 1st
P. 6. ). In a passage of the Rgveda ( VII. 18, 7 ) there is a mention
of the Sivi people along with the Alinas, Pakthas, Bhalanasas and
Visanins. Early Greek writers also refer to a country in the
Punjab as the territory of the Siboi. It is highly probable that the
Siva country of the Rgveda, the Sibi country of the Jatakas, and
the Siboi country of the Greek geographers are one and the same-
Patafijali mentions a country in the north called Sivapura ( IV. 2,
2 ) which is certainly identical with Sibipura mentioned in a
Shorkot inscription ( Ep. Ind. , 1921, p. 6 ). The Siva, Sibi or Siboi
territory is, therefore, identical with the Shorkot region of the
Punjab - the ancient Sivapura or Sibipura. Strictly speaking
the Sivi country should, therefore, be included in the Uttarapatha-

Da^arna. according to the Lalifcavistara and the Mahavastu,
was one of the sixteen janapadas of Jambudvlpa.
Da arna country has been mentioned in the Maha-

bharata ( II, 5-10 ) as well as in the Meghaduta of Kalidasa
( 24-25 ). It is generally identified with the Vidisa or Bhilsa
region in the Central Provinces.

The ASmaka country is referred to in the Mahavastu ( III. 363)

24 Annah of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research' Institute

wherein it is stated that there was a hermitage on the Godavarl in
the Asmaka country where Sarabhanga, the son of the royal priest
of Brahmadatta, king of Kampilya, retired after having received
ordination. The country is doubtless identical with Pali Assaka
whose capital was Potala or Potana. Asanga in his Sutralamkara
mentions another Asmaka country which, however, was situated
on the Indus. Asanga's Asmaka seems, therefore, to be identical
with the kingdom of Assakenus of the Greek writers which lay to
the east of the Sarasvati at a distance of about 25 miles from the
sea on the Swat valley. Asmaka of the Sanskrit Buddhist texts,
was situated on the Godavarl, Strictly speaking, therefore, the
Asmaka country lay outside the pale of Madhyadesa. 1

In early Pali literature, Assaka has been distinguished from

Mnlaka Mulaka which lay to its north, but has always

been associated with AvantI which lay immediate-

ly to the north-reast. The Gandav-yuha refers to the city of

Samantamukha in the Mulaka country ( 1ST. B. L. , p. 91 ).

Avant! 2 is referred to in the Mahavastu and the Lalitavistara

as one of the 16 janapadas of Jambudvlpa. The
Avanti -j-) ,v , , ^

-Bodinsattvavadana refers again and again to

King Udayana of AvantI ( K B. L. p. 74 ). There in the vicinity
of Avanti lived Utrfcara and Nalaka, the two sons of one Jayi, the
family priest of King of Tvarkata, ( K B. L. , Bhadrakalpa^
vadana, p. 44 ).

Acccording to Pali texts ( Dlpavamsa, Oldenberg's Edn, p. 57 )
the capital of Avanti was Ujjeni or Ujjayinl which, however,
according to Sanskrit Buddhist texts, was included in the
Daksinapatha. The Mahavastu ( Vol. II, p. 30 ) states that after
the birth of the Bodhisattva, Asita, a brahmin of Ujjayinl in
Daksinapatha, who had lived long on the Vindhya mountain, came
from the Himalayas, his recent abode, to see the Bodhisattva.

^jfeyinl is also referred to in the Bodhisattva-

vadana Kalpalata ( 76th, p. 10 ).

1 For various references to the Asaaka or Asmaka tribe and their dif-
ferent settlements, see my Geography of Early Buddhism, pp. 21-22.

2 Avanti roughly corresponds to modern Malwa, Nimar and adjoining
parts of the Central Provinces.

Geographical Data from Sanskrit Buddhist Literature 25

Kapilavastu is famous in the history of Buddhist India as the

-.. ., , home of the Sakyas ( Saundarananda Kavya, Ch.
Kapilavastu

I. also Cf. Mahavastu : Law s A Study of the
Mahavastu " , pp. 55 ff ). It was also known as Kapilasya vastu
( Saundarananda Kavya, Ch. L ). The "Lalitavistara calls it Kapila-
vastu and sometimes Kapilapura (p 243) or Kapilahvayapura (p. 2 8),
All these names occur also in the Mahavastu (Vol. II. p. 11). As to
the origin of the name Kapilavastu we have to turn to the Saundara-
nanda Kavya where it is stated that as the city was built in the
hermitage of the sage Kapila it was called Kapilavastu ( Ch. I ;,
The Divyavadana also connects Kapilavasiu with the sage Kapila
(p. 548). In the Buddhacarita Kavya ( Bk. I. verse 2) Kapila-
vastu is described as the dwelling place of the great sage Kapila.
It was surrounded by seven walls ( Mahavastu, II , 75 ) and is
always referred to by the Lalitavistara as a Mahanagara or great
city with a good number of gardens, avenues and market places
( pp. 58, 77, 98, 101, 102, 113, 123 ). There were four city gates and
towers all over the city ( Ibid p. 58 ). An explanation of the origin
of the Sakyas is given in the Saundarananda Kavya (Ch. I) where-
in it is stated that as the Sakyas built their houses surrounded by
Saka trees, they were called Sakyas. The Mahavastu gives a
story of the foundation of Kapilavastu and the settlement of the
Sakyas there ( Yol. I. p. 350 ff ). The Lalitavistara ( pp. 136-137 )
gives 500 as the number of members of the Sakya Council.

Kapilavastu i$ stated to have been immensely rich, an abode
of the powerful, a home of learning, and a resort of the virtuous.
It was full of charities, festivals and congregations of powerful
princes. It is described as having a good strength of horses,
elephants and chariots ( Saundarananda Kavya, Ch. I ). With
arohed gateways and pinnacles, ( Buddhacarita Kavya, Bk. I v, 5 )
it was surrounded by ihe beauty of the lofty table-land ( Ibid , "V, 2).
In this city none but intelligent and qualified men were
engaged as ministers ( Saundarananda Kavya, Ch. I ). As there
was no improper taxation, the city was full of people ( Ibid ), and
poverty could not find any place there where prosperity shone
resplendently ( Buddhacarita Kavya, Bk. I. , V. 4 ).

In the city of Kapilavastu the Buddha gave his religious disi
course and his relations listened to it with great eageiness
4 [ Annals, B. O. R. I. ]

26 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

( Saundaran&nda Kavya, Ch. II, v. 26). At a retired place, 96 miles
from Kapilavastu, in the kingdom of the Mallas, in the vicinity
ofthe asrama of Vasistha, the Bodhisattva Gautama had parted
with his servant Chandaka and his horse Kanthaka ( Mahavastu,
Vol. II, pp. 164-165 ).

The Uposadhavadanam ( N. B. L. p. 265 ) refers to the
Nyagrodha Nyagrodha garden near Kapilavastu. Visvamifcra
garden was a young preacher who resided at Kapilavastu

( 1ST. B. L. Gandavyuha, p. 92 ). Sobhita was a rich Sakya of
Kapilavastu ( Avadana-Sataka, N. B. L. p. 37 ). Another rich
Sakya of the city had his only daughter named Sukla (Ibid. p. 35).
Gaya named after the royal sage of the same name is often
mentioned as a city visited by the Lord. The
aya river Nairanjana ( Phalgu ) which flows through

the city was also visited by him (Buddhacarita, Bk. XII. vs. 87-88).
The Buddha crossed the Ganges and went to the hermitage of
Kasyapa at Gaya ( Ibid. , Bk. V. XVII, 8 ). He dwelt on the bank
of fche river Nairanjana at the foot of the Bodhi
^ ree where Mara approached him and asked him
to leave the world ( Div, p. 202 ).

In the Mahavastu ( Vol. II. p. 123 ) it is stated that the Buddha
came to Uruvilva where he saw nicely looking
ruvi va trees, pleasing lakes, plain grounds, and the trans-
parent water of the Nairanjana river. From Uruvilva the Lord
wanted to goto Benares. He directed his steps accordingly towards
that holy city. His route lay through Gaya, Nahal, Bundadvira
Lohitavastuka, Gandhapura and Sarathipura ( N. B. L. , Maha-
vastu-avadana, p. 157, cf. Lalitavictara, pp. 406-7 ). From Gaya
the Buddha had,, however, gone to Aparagaya
Aparagaya where ^ Q wag invited by Sudarsana, the king of

snakes ( A Study of the Mahavastu, p. 156 ).

The Gayaslrsa mountain was situated at Gaya from where
Gayaslrsa *^ e Buddha went to Uruvilva and Senapatigama
mountain f or the attainment of Perfect Enlightenment ( A
Study of the Mahavastu, p. 81; cf. Lalitavistara p. 248). The
Lalitavisatara ( p. 405 ) refers to the Bodhimanda
of Gay not far from which the Bodhisattva met

an Sjrvika.

Geographical Data from Sanskrit Buddhist Literature, 27

Cundadvila was a city once visited by the Buddha where he
announced to the Ajlvaka named Upakathat with-
oufc a magter he had become the Buddta ( A Study
of the Mahavastu, pp. 156-57 ). It is, however, difficult to identify
the city.

A rich and prosperous city referred to in the Bodhisattva-
Hmgumardana vadana-Kalpalata ( 56th, p. 2 ) was obviously a
Clt y mythical city.

The rich village of Nalanda is stated in the Mahavastu ( Vol.
III. p. 56. ) to have been situated at a distance of
Nalanda ha lf a yojana from Bajagrha, Nalanda is identifi-

ed with modern Baragaon, seven miles to the north-west of Kajgir
in the district of Fatna. ( See my "Geography of Early Buddhism,"
p. 31 for more details X

These were the two cities mentioned in the Bodhisattvavadana
Kalpalata to have been visited by Buddha Vipassi
aBd Gautama Buddha ( 27th, p. 54 and 39th, p. 2 ).

They cannot, however, be identified.

According to the Buddhist tradition recorded in the Divya-
vadana the eastern boundary of the Madhyadesa
Pundravardhana extended up to Pundravardhana ( pp. 21-22 ). Yuan
Chwang, the celebrated Chinese traveller, also holds the same
view 5 but according to the Mahavagga of the Vinaya Pitaka it
extended up to Kajangala. Pundravardhana was a stronghold of
the ISTiganthas. It once happened that a Professor of the Xigantha
school who reviled the religion of the Buddha, had got a picture
painted representing himself with the Buddha lying at his feet*
This he had widely circulated in the province of Pundravardhana.
Asoka heard of it and was so enraged that he desired to punish
him. ( N. B. L , A&okavadana, p. 11 ). The same story is related
also in the Divyavadana in a slightly different version (p. 427 ).
The Divyavadana adds that here in Pundravardhana 18, 000
Ajlvikas were killed (p, 427 ). The Bodhisattvavadana Kalpalata
( 93rd, p. 3-4 ) states that Sumagadha, daughter of Anathapindada
was married to a person at Pundravardhana ( a variant reading of
Pundravardhana ). The details of the story are given in SumagadhS,
Avadana wherein it is stated that the name of the groom was
Vrsabhadatta ( N. B. L. , p. 237 ; also cf. Divyavadana, p. 402 ) 4

28 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

In the Divyavadana, Dvipavati is mentioned as a city ruled by

the king Dvlpa. It was rich, prosperous and

vipava i populous. ( p. 246 ). The city is stated to have been

the birth place of Dlpamkara Buddha ( Bodhisafctvavadana Kalpa-

lata, 89th, p. 75 ). The city cannot, however, be identified.

It was a city ruled by a king named Ksema. There lived in

that city a merchant banker who was a staunch

supporter of the Tathagata named Esemamkara

( Divyavadana, p, 242 ). The city, probably a mythical one, cannot

be identified.

It was a beautiful city of Mahasudarsiana ( Divyavadana,
Kusavati p. 227 ).

The hermitage of Kapila was by the side of the Himalayas

IT , . T ' * Saundarananda Kavya, Ch. I, V. 5). This is also

Kapila s Asrama .,

corroborated by the evidence of the Divyavadana

( p. 548 ) wherein it is stated that the hermitage of the sage Kapila
was situated not far from the river Bhaglrathl by the side of the
Himalayas.

It was a city inhabited by a prostitute famous for her
Utpalavati charity ( Bodhisatfcva vadana Kalpalata, 51st, p, 6).

Sobhavati Klng Sobha built in this cit ^ a stupa dedicated to

the teacher Kakusandha ( Ibid 78th, p. 28 ).
To the north of Kasi by the side of the Himalayas there was a
g h hermitage Sahanjana where lived a sage named

hermitage Ka^yapa ( Mahavastu, III, 143 ).

Once while the Buddha was engaged in deep meditation for six

_ years at Senapatigrama in Uruvilva, a public

Senapatigrama , ^

woman named Gava kept a coarse cloth on the

branch of a tree for the Buddha's use after meditation. By virtue
of this noble deed, she was reborn in heaven as a nymph ( A Study
of the Mahavastu, p. 154 ).

There was a city named Uttara, which was 12 yojanas from
east to west, and seven yo]anas from south to
north. Seven walls surrounded the city and there
were seven large tanks. The city-gates and palaces were decorat-
ed with glass, gold, silver and other valuable gems and jewels.

Geographical Dalct jtow Sanskrit Buddhist Literature 29

The king of the city was a Ksatriya and a Kajacakravartti ( Maha-
vastu, I. , p 249 )

The Madrakavisaya Is referred to in the Mahavastu ( III. p. 15).
The same text also refers to its king (p. 9 ).
Madraka Madraka country is doubtless identical with the

Maddarattho, of the Pali tests.

Kuslgramaka, obviously a village, is referred to in the Divya-
vadana ( p. 208 ) Its variant reading is Kusila-
Kusigramaka gr amaka or Kusalagramaka which, however, is
difficult to be identified.

Brahmottara, a city, is mentioned in the Divyavadana ( p. 602)

along with two other cities, Sadamattakam and

Brahmottara ]STandanam. These two cities cannot be identified,

but Brahmottara is probably identical wich Suhmottara of the

Puranas which is only a misreading for Brahmottara.

Misrakavaca is referred to along with Nandana-
Misrakavana vana and Pariyatra in the Divyavadana

( pp. 194-195 ).

Vasavagramaka is referred to in th.e Divyavadana (1, 4:, and
10 ff ). The village must be identified with some
Vasavagramaka looality near Sravastl.

Srughna Srughna is referred to in the Divyavadana (p. 74).

This is the place of the Buddha's descent from Heaven which

is referred to in the Divyavadana (pp.150 and 401).

Sankasiya Sankasya is doubtless identical with Pali Sarh-

kassa or Sankissa. The place is generally identified with Sankisa

Basantapura, situated on the north bank of the river IksumatJ

now called Kallnadi between Atranji and Elano], and 23 miles

west of Fategarh in the district of Etah and 45 miles north-west

of Kanoj.

The Brahman district of Sthuna formed the western boundary
of the Madhyadesa ( Div. 21-22 ; Yinaya Texts.
a R ^ XVII, pp 38-39 ). Sthuna or Pali Thuna
may be identified with Thaneswar. ( See my "Geography of Early
Buddhism, " p. 2 and foot note 2 ).

Ramagama ( Ramagrama ) was the capital of the Koliyas or
Kauliya tribe, a story of whose origin is detailed
" Mall avastu-avadana ( Vol I. 355 ). Asoka

30 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

caused a caitya and other religious edifices to be erected at
Ramagama. The Divyavadana refers to the eighth stupa to have
been erected at Ramagama 5 apparently it was the last of the eight
stupas built over the relics of the Master ( Div. p. 380 ).

References to the Lurnbinl garden as the birth place of the

Buddha are numerous, but they have no special

Lumbim garden geographical i mport . The Rummindel pillar in-

scription of Asoka locates beyond doubt the Lumbinl grove. The

inscription on Wigllva pillar ( now situated 38 miles north-west of

Uskabazar Station on the B. N. W. Ry. ) shows that it was erected

near the stupa of Eonagamana, but it is not now in situ.

At Bhandaligrama the Lord converted a Candall and at Patala

( probably Pataliputra ) he made Potala, a follower

Bhandaligrama of ^ Cree( i 5 to erect a splendid stupa on his hair

and nails. The Lord said to Indra that a king, Milinda by name,

would also erect a stupa at Patala ( Bodhisattva vadana Kalpalata

57 th P. ).

Contemporaneous with the Buddha who was at that time

lodged in the Venuvana on the side of the Kalan-

sn?agin dakanivapa at Rajagrha, there lived in a retired

village named Dakkhinagiri one Sampurna, a brahmin, as rich as

Kuvera ( 1ST. B. L., Avadanasataka, p. 17 ).

Dlpavatl or Dlpavatl is described as a large royal city extend-
over an area of 84 square miles ( Mahavastu,

_

ipava i ^ B ^ L ^ ^ llg ^ g arvanail( Ja, king of this great

city, once visited the great vihara of Prasannaslla, and thence
brought the Buddia Dlpamkara to his metropolis. ( N. B. L.
Pindapatravadanam, p. 195 ). The city cannot, however, be
identified.

Krsanagrama or Krsigrama is suggested in the Lalitavistara

to have been situated somewhere near Kapila-
vagtu ( ^ 135 ^ The village m&y probably be

identified with the place where the Bodhisattva gave up MK
crown and sword and cut off locks of his hair.

RIVERS, MOUNTAINS, ETC. OF MADHYADESA
There is a reference to the Panda va Hill in the Mahavastu
(II- 198) where the Bodhisattva Gotama once took

an.ava ! dwellingt It ig difficult to identify the hill.

Geographical Data from Sanskrit Buddhist Literature 3 1

Tattulya, Avarta, Niloda^ Varambha, Astadasavakra and Dhu-
manetra mountains- -The Bodhisattvavadana Kalpalata refers to a
number of mountains mentioned here ( 6th Pallava, 69-88 ). But
they do not lend themselves to any identification.

The Mahavastu refers to a mountain called
Candagiri Candagiri ( IIL 130 ) which it is not possible to

identify.

The holy river Ganga is often mentioned in both Pali and

Sanskrit Buddhist sources. More than once the

ans Bodhisattva arrived on the Ganges 5 on one

occasion the rrver was full to the brim ( Lalitavistara p. 407; also

cf. Mahavastu, III, p. 201. )

According to the Lalitavistara the big palaces of
KailSsa Parvata are gaid to hay ^ resem "bl e d the

Kailasa Parvata ( p. 211 ).

The river Yamuna is more than once mentioned in the Maha-

vastu ( Vol. III. p. 201 ). Sarabhanga, a disciple

Yamuna -&- * , , , , , - ,

of Kasyapa, was present at a great sacrifice held

at a place between the Ganges and the Yamuna ( N. B. L. , Maha-
vastu, p. 160 ).

Pariyatra or Paripatra mountains formed according to both

Brahmanical and Baddhi&t tradition the southern

ariyatra boundary line of the Madhyadesa. It is a branch

of the Yindhyas and is mentioned in the Divyavadana along with

Mandakim, Caitraratha, Parusyaka, ISTandanavana, Misrakavana

and Pandukambalaslla etc. ( pp 194-195 ).

The Gurupadaka hill is referred to in the Divyavadana (p. 61 )

in connection with the story of Maitreya who is
Gurupadaka Hill , , , , . ., -. , ,

supposed to nave repaired fco the Gurupadaka hill,

perhaps a legendary name.

The Himalayas are mentioned everywhere in
Himavanta ^ i-i.-oj-ii.j-r-,

Sanskrit Buddhist literature.

They are again and again mentioned in connection with the
penance and sambodhi of the Buddha. They
Bodhidruma certainly refer to fche famous Bo-tree of Bodh Gaya
at the foot of which the Buddha attained Enlightenment

32 Annals of the Bhandarkar Orteiilal Research Institute

UTTARAPATHA

COUNTRIES, CITIES, VILLAGES, RIVERS, MOUNTAINS, ETC.
According to both Pali tradition contained in the Mahavagga
( Vinaya texts, S.B.E., XVI, pp. 38-39 ) and Sanskrit Buddhist
tradition contained in the Divyavadana ( pp. 21-22 ), the Uttara-
patha or northern country lay to the west and north-west of the
two Brahmana districts of Sthuna (Thuna ) and Upasthuna.
Roughly, therefore, the northern country extended from Thane-
swar to the eastern districts of modern Afghanisthan comprising
the tract of land including Kasmir, the Punjab and the North-
western provinces, and part of Sind. It is significant that Sanskrit
Buddhist texts do not enumerate Gandhara and Kamboja, both in
Uttarapatha, in their traditional list of the sixteen Mahajanapadas,
hut mention Sivi and Dasarna instead. And as far as we have
been able to ascertain these'texts hardly ever refer to the two
countries of Gandhara and Kamboja though mention is made of
Taksasila more than once in the Divyavadana, the Asokavadana
and elsewhere.

Taksasila ( modern Taxila identical roughly with the district

Taksasila f Rawalpindi in the Punjab ) was the capital of

the Gandhara kingdom. The Buddha was in one
of his former births born as a king of Baranasi, and his empire
extended to Taksasila where he had once marched to suppress a
revolt ( Mahavastu, Vol. II, 82 ). In another of his former ex-
istences when the Buddha had been born as King Candraprabha,
the city of Taksasila was known as Bhadraslla ; but later it came
to be known as Taksasila because here the head of Candraprabha
was severed by a beggar brahmin (Divyavadanamala, lT.B.L.,p.31(X)

During the reign of Asoka a rebellion broke out in the distant
province of Taksasila, and Kunala, son of Asoka, was sent to quell
the disturbance. The subsequent tale, tragic and beautiful at the
same time, is told in the Bodhisattvavadana Kalpalata, 1 the
Asokavadana ( IsT B. L pp. 9-10 ) as well as in the Divyavadana
( pp. 371 ff. ). They give us the account of how Kunala refused
the love of his step-mother, how his two eyes were uprooted by

1 According to the BodhisattvSvadana Kalpalats (59th, p. 59) Taxila,
however, belonged to KingKunjarakar^a when Kunala was sent to conquer it!

Geographical Data from Sanskrit Buddhist Literature 33

way of revenge by that jealous lady, and how eventually be was
driven out from Tasiila where he was posted as Viceroy. Kunala
with his devoted wife Kancanaraala wandered from place to place
and at last came to the coach-house of A_soka where he sang a
song on his lute which attracted the attention of the king. The
king then recognised his son and came to know all that had
happened Tisyaraksita was punished to death, and Kunala
got back his eyes

From the Divyavadana it appears that Taksasila was included
in the empire of Binduslra of Ma^adha, father of A.soka, as well.
The Divyavadana refers to the beautiful city of Kasjmlra
which was inhabited by the learned ( p. 399 ).
Kasmira Madhyantika, a Bhiksu, was sent to Kasmira as a

missionary by his spiritual guide Ananda
Kasmira at that time was peopled solely by the Nagas ( N. B. L.
Avadana-Sataka, p. 67 5 also Of. Bodhisattvavadana Kalpalata,
70th, p 2-3 ) The Bodhisatttvavadana Kalpalata, ( p. 105 p. 2 ) also
refers to a Bhiksu, Raivata by name, of Sailavihara in Kasmira.
The author of the "Sragdhara stotram" was a Buddhist monk
of Kasmira.

In Uttarapatha there was a city named Bhadraslla, rich,

prosperous and populous. It was 12 yojanas in

Bhadra&la length and breadth, and was well-divided with

four gates and adorned with high vaults and

windows. There was a royal garden in the city named Manigarbha

( Divyavadana, p. 315 ). According to the Bodhisattvavadana

Kalpalata, the city was situated to the north of fche Himalayas

and that it was ruled by king named Candraprabha ( 5th. p. 2

and 6 ), The city came, later on, to be known as Taksasila

because here the head of Candraprabha was severed by a beggar

brahmin ( Divyavadanamala, 1ST B. L. p. 310 )

Mafijudeva, king of the mount Manju&ri in China ( obviously
a mythical ono ) seeing the Kalihrada full of
Gokarna monstrous acquatic animals, and the temple of

Svayambhu almost inaccessible, opened with his
sword many of the valleys on the southern side of the lake. He
opened the valleys of Kapotala, Gandhavati, Mrgasfchall, Gokarna,
Varaya and Indravati in succession
5 [ Annals, B. O. R. I. ]

34 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

After the departure of the Lord Krakuohanda from Nepal,
Svayambhu produced eight vltaragas or holy men who had
mastered their passions. They lived there, granted happiness and
prosperity to all creatures. One of those eight vitaragas or holy
men was Gokarnesvara, in Gokarna or the VagmatI where it
falls from the mountain. ( Svayambhu purana, IT. B. L M p. 253 ).
It is modern Sutlej, a tributary of the Ganges. Kinnarl
Manohara, wife of Prince Sudhanu, son of Suvahu,
Satadru river king of Hasfcinapura, while going to the Hima-
layas, crossed the river Satadru and proceeded to
the mount Kailasa ( A Study of the Mahavastu, p. 118 ).

Vajravati Vajravati in Uttarapatha was ruled by king Vajra-
canda ( Bodhisattvavadana Kalpalata, 103rd, p. 4 ).

PuskaravatI is referred to in the Bodhisattva-

Puskaravati or vadana Kalpalata ( 32nd p. 40 ). The city is
Puskalavati

probably identical with Peukalautes of the Greek

geographers which is the same as modern Peshawar.

The country of the Kiratas, Daradas, Clnas and Hunas are
referred to in the Lalitavistara (pp. 125-26).

Sakala The city of Sakala is referred to in the Divya-

vadana ( p. 434 ). It is doubtless identical with Sagala ( modern
Sialkot in the Punjab ), the city of the famous king Milinda.

The river Sindhu or Indus is referred to in the Divy a vadana

(p. 581), It is stated therein that Mahakatyayana

while proceeding towards the Madhyadesa

arrived on the Sindhu. ( Athayusman Mahakatyayano Madhya-

desam agantukamah Sindhum anupraptai. ).

APARANT4 OR WESTERN COUNTRY

COUNTRIES, CITIES, VILLAGES, ETC,

The Divy a vadana ( pp. 544 ff ) refers to two great cities of the

Roruka ^ me O f the Buddha, e. g., Pataliputra and Roruka.

The latter may be identical with Alor, an old city of Sindh. Roruka

Sauvlra j n Sauvlra, was ruled by King Rudrayana who

was killed by his son Sikhandi. As a punishment of this crime,

the realm of Sikhandi was destroyed by a heavy shower of sand.

Three pious men only survived, two ministers and a Buddhist

monk. Bhiru, one of the two ministers, established a new city

Geographical Data from Sanskrit Buddhist Literature 5

there which was named Bhiruka or Bhirukaccha after him.
Bhrgukaccha Thence probably came the name Bhrgukaccha or
Bharukaccba identical with Barygaza of Ptolemy ( pp 38, 152 )
and the Periplus of the Erythrean sea ( pp. 40 a 287 ) and modern
Broach in Kathiawar. It was a rich and prosperous city thickly
populated ( Div. 545 ). The Gandavyuha ( 1ST. B. L, p. 92 ) refers
to a goldsmith, Muktasara by name, of Bharukaccha. The Lord
Suparaga in his old age once undertook a voyage with a number
of other merchants to trade with the inhabitants of a coast named
Bharukaccha ( Bodhisattvavadana, N B L. 5 p. 51 ).

A brisk trade existed between Rajagrha and Roruka. It is
said that merchants from Rarjagrha went to Koruka for trade
( Divyavadana, pp. 544 ff ). King Kudrayana of Roiuka was a
contemporary of king Bimbisara of Magadha, and they became
intimate friends. The Bodhisattvavadana_ Kalpalata refers to
Rauruka ruled by a famous king named Udrayana ( 40th, p. 4 ).

When the Buddha was dwelling at Sravasti, there lived con-
temporaneously at the city of Surparaka a house-

Surparaka holder name d Bhava ( Divyavadana, pp. 24 ff ).
Surparaka seems to have been an important centre of trade and
commerce when merchants used to flock with merchandise ( Ibid,
pp. 42 ff ). It is identical with modern Sopara in Gujrafc.

DAKSI3STAPATHA

COUNTRIES, CITIES, VILLAGES, MOUNTAINS, etc

The Daksinapatha or Southern country lay to the south of the
fiver Saravati, the town of Satakannika and the Pariyatra hill
( Mahavagga and Divyavadana ). The Janapadas of Asmaka
and Avant! were strictly speaking, included in the Daksinapatha.
The Daksinapatha is often referred to in the Mahayastu, the
Asokavadana and the Gandavyuha. After the birth of the Bodhi-
sattva Asita, a brahmin of Ujjayini in Daksinapatha came from
the Himalayas to see the Bodhisattva ( Mahavastu, Vol, II. 30 ).
While roaming in Daksinapatha a self-exiled king of KoSala saw
a shipwrecked merchant who was on his way to Ko&ala (Mahavastu
III, 850 X On the day of Girivalgu-samgama, a festival was held
at Sravasti, people assembled from all quarters of the city. Among

3 6 Annals of the BJiaitrfarkctt Oriental Research Institute

others there came Kubalaya. a dancing girl from Daksinapatha
( IST. B. L., Asokavadana, p. 35).

There in the village of Diarmagrama in Daksinapatha lived
a brahmin named Siviratra ( Ibid, p. 92 ). The
Dfaarmagrama Qandavyuha ( N. B L. Ms. No. A 9 ) mentions a
long list of place names which were all included
in the Daksinapatha. Important of them were - Mount Sugrlva in
the country called Ramavarta, Supratisthita of
A number of Sagara on the way to Lanka, Vajapura, a city
place names of o f Dravida, Samudravelati to the east of Maha-
Daksinapatha prabliu; Sumukhs in the country of Sr am ana-
mandala; city of Samantamukha in Mulaka;
Sarvagrama of Tosala in Mitatosala ; Utpalabhuti in Prthurastra;
Kalingavana; Potalaka Fasatmaudala and Dvaravatl. Of these
Mulaka, Tosala, Kalingavana and Potalaka ( Potala or Potana )
are well known in Buddhist literature ; others do not lend them-
selves to any definite identification. Sramanamandala may refer
to modern Sravana Belgola in Mysore, once a stronghold of
Jainisna, and Supratisthita, to Paithan on the Godavarl,

Kalinga is referred to more than once in the Mahavastu as an
important kingdom. Eenu, son of Disampati,
ki n g o f Kalinga, was once compelled, by the
instigation of Mahagovinda, the son of his family
priest, to cede the six provinces of his father's empire, namely,
Kalinga, Patfcana, Mahesavatl, Varanasi, Roruka and Mithila to
the refractory nobles ( Mahavastu, III, 204 ff. ). Brahmadatta, a
wicked king once reigned in Kalinga. He used to have Sramanas
and Brahmanas invited to his palace and devoured by wild ani-
mals ( Mahavasfcu, III. 361 ). Dantapura which is also referred to
by Yuan Chwang was probably one of the capital cities of
Kalinga ! where ruled king Nallkela ( Mahavastu, III. p. 361 ).
The alphabet of the Kalinga country is referred to in the
Kh ndadi Lalitavistara as having been mastered by the

an<ja lpa Bodhisattva ( pp. 125-26 ). The Bodhisattva^
vadana Kalpalata mentions a country named Khandadlpa burnt
by the king of Kalinga ( 8fch, p. 27 ).

See my Geography of Early Buddhism, p. 64.

Geographical Data fiom San^knt Buddhist Literature 37

The Vindhyaparvata is said to have been situated south of
Avantl, and on It was Drfci's hermitage ( N.B.L. ,
Vmdhya Parvata Bhadrakalpa-avadana, p.44 ). The same text refers
to the Vindhya forest on the outskirts of the mountain ranges
(p. 46). The Vindhya mountain is referred to as having been adorn-
ed with flowers ( Bodhisat'cvavadana Kalpalata, 1st p. 31 ).

The Boifhisattvavadana Kalpalata ( 24th, p. 19 )
mountain 1 refers fco the KIskindhya mountain which accord-
ing to the epic tradition was included in the Daksinapatha.

A.soka's tree was brought from Gandhamadana by Ratnaka,

keeper of the hermitage 3 and was planted at the

hama ana ] 3ac ]^ I o f canO py where the Blessed One showed

miracles ( DlvyaradSna, p. 157 j. In this mountain there lived a
brahmin named JR-audraksa who was well acquainted with
miracles ( Ibid, p. 320 ). According to the Bodhisattvavadana
Kalpalata, this brahmin lived at the foot of the Gandhamadana
mountain which was visited by the Buddha ( 5th, p. 31, 25 ). The
Gandhamadana hill is also referred to in the Lalita-
vistara ( p. 391 )

In Asvaghosa'u Saundaiananda Eavya there is a reference to

the Mainakaparvala entering the river to check
Mamaka Parvata the courge QJf the QCan ( ^ VJL ^ ^ Q ^ ^

same story is also alluded to in the Eamayana which locates the
Mainakaparvata in Daksinapatha.

Malayacala is referred to as a mountain where Jimutavahana
took shelter after giving up his sovereignty
MalayScala (Bodhisattvavadana Kalpalata, 108th, p. 12). Epic
tradition locates the Malaya mountain in the Daksinapatha,

The Citrakuta hill is referred to in the Lalita-
Citraknta

The island of Lanka is referred to in the Gandavyuha

CBT.B.L, p. 91 ), The Lankavatara " is an

Lanka account of a visit paid by Sakya to the king of

Lanka and of his preachings in that ibland. The Lankavatara

text refers to the Malaya mountain of Lanka ( N.B.L. p. 113, ).

3 8 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

Dandakavana is referred to in the Lalitavistara ( p. 316) where

it is stated that for thousands of years in the once

Daodakavana burnt forest of Dandakavana, even grass did not

grow, Epic tradition locates the Dandaka forest in the

Daksinapatha.

PRACYA OR EASTERN COUNTRY

The Pracya country lay to the east of Pundravardhana.

The alphabet of the Vanga country is referred
Vanga t o j n the Lalitavistara as having been mastered

by the Bodhisattva ( pp. 125-26 ).

In the walled city of Gauda which had only one gate, Vlravatl,

was the presiding deity ( N. B. L. , Svayambhu

^ Gauda Purana p. 256 ), Pracandadeva, king of Gauda,

having abdicated his throne in favour of his son Saktideva devoted

himself to the service of the goddess Vlravatl.

*PANCATANTRA STUDIES
BY

A, VENKATASUBBIAH

5. KING KACADRUMA

The story of Xing Kacadruma ( Kakuddruma ) is found in all
ihe versions that are derived from Vasub^aga's recension 1 of the
Pancatantra, that is to say, in Du ( 1.1 ), Tantri ( 2a ), Tantrai
( 36 ), and Tantai ( 1.2 ) 2 . Among the ( earlier ) versions belong-
ing to Visnusarman ? s recension of that book, it is found in T
( 1. 8 ), Spl ( \ . 10 ), and Pn ( 1 11 ) only : 3 it is not found in
Sp or Pa.

In Spl, the story is introduced by the verse
tyaktas cabhyantara yena bahyas cabhyantart-krtah I
sa eva mrtyum apno f i yatha raja Kakuddrumah n 4
and is, briefly, as follows :

" There once lived in a jungle a jackal named Candarava. Over-
come by hunger, he once entered a town and was there obliged to
take shelter in a vat of indigo solution. When at last he managed to

* No. 1 of these Studies has been published in Asia Major, III, pp.
307-320, and nos. 2, 3, 4 in JBBRAS Vol. 4, pp. 1-26 and Vol. 5, pp. 1-10.
For explanation of the abbreviations used, see pp. 1 and 21 in JBBRAS.
Vol. 4.

1 Regarding tbe recensions of VasubhSga and Visnus'arman, see my
article entitled " On the Reconstruction of the Pancatantra " in the
Zeitschnft fur Indologie und Iranistik ( Zll ), 8, 228 ff.

2 The names Tantri^ Tantrai and Tantai are used by me here to denote
the Panca. versions ( or adaptations ) current in Java, Siam and Laos
respectively, and written m Middle Javanese, Siamese and Laotian. A
detailed account of the Tantri is given by Dr. C. Hooykaas in his disserta-
tion entitled " Tantri, De Mtddeljavaansche Pancatantra-bewerking " that
was published in 1929 ; and a full translation ( into the Dutch language ) of
it was published by the same scholar in 1931. Of the Siamese "work, a French
translation was published in 3921 by the late Prof. E. Lorgeou under the title
t( Les Entretiens de Nang Tantrai " . Of the Laotian Panca., a brief account,
with synopses of its stories, was published by Prof. Fmot m 1917 in Vol. 17 of
the Bulletin de I' Ecole Francaise d' Extreme Orient.

The references here are to the above-named works of Hooykaas, Lorgeou
and Finot.

% The story is also found in Ks but not in So.

4 '* He by' whom intimate ones (i. e., persons of proved worth and loyalty)
have been cast out and outsiders ( i, e., unproved persons ) admitted into the
inmost circle, he alone, like King Kakuddruma, meets with death. "

40 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

steal back to the ]ungle 5 he found that his body was coloured a
fast blue. Because of this blue colour, the lion, tiger, wolf and other
denizens of the jungle did not recognize him as a jackal. They
thought that he was a strange animal, and, being: afraid, want-
ed to run away. Seeing this, the jackal called out to them and said:
" O ye animals, why are ye afraid of me and want to run away ?
I have been created by Brahma to rule over the animals of the
jungle who, up to now, have no rulsr Remain therefore, and live
happily under my rule. I am known as King Kakuddruma in all
the three worlds ". Hearing this, all the animals made obei-
sanc fco the jackal who bestowed offices on the lion, tiger and
others, but wholly ignored his own kindred and kept them
at a distance.

u Once, the jackal heard his kinsmen howling, and began im-
mediately to howl with them. Seeing this, the lion and other
animals perceived that he was a jackal, and saying, ' Ha, we have
been deceived by this mean jackal ' , killed him on the spot just
as he was attempting to escape. "

The stories in T and Pn are similar to the above ; but there is
nothing said in these versions about the jackal calling himself
Kakuddruma. The introductory verses too in these versions
read pada d as markkas Candaravo yatha and say nothing about
Kakuddruma, ]

In all these versions, this story follows that of The Louse and
Bug, and is related by the jackal Damanaka to the lion Pingalaka
in order to enforce his warning that no good, but harm, would
result by Pingalaka's keeping the bull Samjivaka in a confidential
position and neglecting hereditary servants like himself.

The story however is not apposite in this connection. For,
since the jackal became king only after he fell into the indigo-vat,
there could be no question of his having had ' intimate ( proved )
servants' before that happening, or of his dismissing such servants. 2
And it is thus plain that the details related in the Spl-T-Pn

1 T, in addition reads p5da c as sa bh&mau nihatah sete.

2 It also seems to me very doubtful that the author of the kathasamgraha
verse has used the word raja in pada d ( yatha raja Kukuddrumah ) in the

sense of * king of animals. '

Pancatantra Studies 41

version of the story* are not in conformity with- the introductory
verse, and that this version of the story does not fit into the context.

The story related in Du-Tantri-Tantrai-Tantai differs very
widely from the ahove. In Du, the story is the first one in Book
( tantra ) I, and is related by the jackal Karataka to Davanaka to
enforce his observation that, since the lion Pingalaka had
estranged from himself trusty servants like themselves and put
outsiders in positions of trust, he had nobody but himself to blame
if he found himself in danger. It is introduced by the verse
abhyantaragata bahya bahyas cabhyantaram gztah \ yavr nara
nidhanarn yanti yatha raja Kacadrumah \\ ' and is, briefly, as
follows :

" King Mahadruma had a son named Kacadruma who did not in
his boyhood cultivate the society of his elders but associated with,
evil-living men and was a slave to the seven kinds of vyasana.
He became king after his father's death and through his evil
ways became estranged from, and lost the services of, the chaplain,
chamberlain, chancellor of the exchequer, commander of the
armies, ministers and other loyal and trusted officers and feudato-
ries. He then bestowed these offices on the rascally crew that
formerly had been his playmates. The administration became
every day worse and the people suffered sorely. Seeing this
state of affairs, Kacadruma's cousin Simhabala attacked the
kingdom. The old servants, friends, soldiers, and frontiersmen
that had been disgraced by Kacadruma stood aloof ; and many of
the newly appointed servants ran away and some of them joined
the enemy. The foolish Kacadruma being thus abandoned by
all, was easily captured by the enemy. "

The stories in Tantri, Tantrai and Tantai are very similar to
the above ; but as these versions have joined on the story of The
Two Parrots ( = Du. 1. 14 ; Pn. 1, 29 ) to this, they all relate that
King Kacadruma escaped from the enemy, and Tantai, Tantrai
add further that he recovered his kingdom again from the enemy
after defeating him with the help of the gold and the well-brought
up parrot presented to him by the hermit. The name of the king

1 " Like King Kacadruma, the men by -whom those in the inner circle are
cast out, and outsiders taken into the inner circle, are overtaken by
destruction ".

6 [ Annals B, O. R. I. ]

42 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

is given as G-ajadruma, Kesadruma and Gardhuma respectively
in these versions, and Tantri contains, besides, the introductory
verse ( of Du ? ) in a corrupt form.

The four versions however all agree in saying ( 1 ) that Kaca-
druma was a king, ( 2 ) that he dismissed from office trusted
servants of proved loyalty, and appointed incompetent outsiders
( unproved persons ) in their place, and (3) that he was abandoned
by them when, following their maladministration and consequent
disaffection of the people, the kingdom was attacked by enemies.
These details, it will be noticed, are quite in conformity with the
kathasamgraha verse given above ; and it follows hence that the Du
version of the prose story is original, T and that of T-SpHPn un-
original The redactor of Ur-T 2 ( from which T, Ur-Spl, Spl and
Pn are derived ), while retaining the kathasamgraha verse, seems to
have substituted the story of The Blue Jackal ( with the addition
that the jackal changed his name into Kacadruma ) in place of
the original prose story ; and since this story was in disaccord
with the kathasamgraha verse, the redactors of T and Pn seem to
have altered its fourth pada so as to eliminate all reference to
King Kacadruma. Even with this alteration, however, the discord
between the two still persists, as we have seen above ; nothing has
been ( or can be ) said in the story about loyal servants being dis-
missed, and the story itself continues to be repugnant to
the context.

There seems to be a slight corruption in Du 's version of the
story. As we have seen, this version says only that King Kaca-
druma fell into the hands of his enemies, but does not say that he
was killed by them. This, however, is what is said about him in
the kathasamgraha verse ; and it is hence probable that the original
prose story conafcined a sentence or two that said that he was kill-
ed by the enemies, and that these sentences have been lost
in Ur-Du.

1 As I have pointed out m ZIL 8 237, the story of King Kacadruma
seems to be one of the stones that were contained m the original
Pancatantra.

2 Regarding Ur~T, see ZII, 7, 31 andEdgerton's Pancatantra Reconstructed,
3,48,

Pancatantra Studies 43

The introductory verse too of Du seems likewise to be corrupt
in padas ab. As these padas now stand, we have to construe the
words In the following order * yaih abhyantaragatah bahyah "bahyas
ca dbhyaniaram gatah ie narah yatka raja Kacadrumo nidhanam
yayau tatha nidhanam yanti ; and the words yaih ... gatah dp not
make sense. I am therefore inclined to believe that the Spl
reading tyaktas cabhy&ntara yena bahyas cabhyantarl-krtah is
original and that this reading was later corrupted and assumed
the form it now has in Du.

There are two other stories in the Pancain whose case too
the version contained in Du-Tantri-Tantrai -Tantai differs
widely from that contained in T-SP-Pa~Spl-Pn. One is the story
of The Ape and Officious Bird ( T. 1, 14 5 SP. 1- 13 ; Sy. 1. 12 ; Ar. 1.
12 ; Spl. 1. 17 and 4. 12 ; Pn. 1. 25 and 4. 19 ; Du. 3. 5-6 ; Tantri
12, Tantrai 47, Tantai 1. 11 ) : the T-SP-Pa version of this story
mentions a glowworm and relates that the irate aps destroyed the
officious bird, while the Tantri-Tantrai-Tantai version mentions
no glow-worm and relates that the ape destroyed, not the bird it-
self, but its nest. *

The other is the story of The Avaricious Jackal ( 2.3 in T, SP,
Spl, Sy, Ar ; 2. 4 in Pn ; Du. 5. 5 ; Tantrai 35 5 Tantai 2. 4 ). The
T-SP-Spl-Pn-Pa version of this story is as follows :

" A hunter who had killed a deer and was carrying home its
body, came across and killed a wild boar, and was also killed by
it. A hungry jackal that happened to pass by the place and saw
the three carcases, said to himself, * Aha, what luck 1 These
carcases will serve me as food for many days; and for the present
I shall eat the sinew-cord with which the bow is strung and
appease my hunger '. Accordingly lie gnawed through the bow-
string when one end of the bow rebounded, hit the jackal and
killed him. "

The introductory verse of this story reads in T as kartavyah
samcayo mtyam na tu karyo * ti-samcayah \ ati-samcaya-silo * yam
dhanusa javibuko hatah and in SP as kaitavyah samcayo niiya na
tu karyo * ti-samcayah \ pasija samcaija-liibd'hena dfuznusalma vinasz-
tah. The SP contains in addition the following akhyana verse

Both versions of the story are contained In Du, Spl and Pn.

44 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

also : vyadha eka-dinam yati dvi-dinam mrga-sukarau \ bafiu-sani-
cayam etan me sampratant capa-bhaksavam.

According to the Du-Tantrai-Tantai version of the story 1 the
three carcases found hy the hungry jackal were those of an ele-
phant ( wbo was killed by a hunter ), hunter ( who just after he
had shot at the elephant, was bitten by a snake and died im-
mediately thereafter ), and snake ( which was crushed and killed
accidentally, by the hunter falling upon it ).

The Tantai has the following kathasarngraha verse : atiltbharn
na kattabbam ( kuru f ) lobham pamanato \ attlobhassa doscna jambuko
dhanuna hato which is in Pali and therefore undoubtedly un-
original, and Du, 2 the following akhyana verse : san-masam tu
bhaven nagas catur-masam tu pannagdh \ dvi-rnasaw tu Tiaras caiw
adya bhaksyo dhanur-guriah.

In the case of these two stories however, there are no means
of determining which of the two versions, that contained in
T-SP-Pa-Spl-Pn or that in Du-Tantri-Tantrai-Tantai, is original
and which later. To judge from the phraseology, the above-cited
akhyana verse of the SP is without doubt unoriginal. The
akhyana verse of Du, on the other hand, may perhaps be original,
in which case it would follow that the Du version of the story is
original, and the other version, not.

Both the above stories are contained in the Hitopadesa, which
in its introduction ( pra&tavika ), mentions Visnusarman as the
author of the Panca- and professes to be based on that book of
his, i e., on his recension of the ParLcatantra. It is therefore of
interest to note that its version of the story of The Ape and Offi-
cious Bird ( 3. 1 ), like that of Tantri-Tantrai-Tantai, makes no
mention of the glow-worm, and relates that the apes destroyed the
birds* nests.

On the other hand, its version of the story of The Avaricicus
Jackal ( 1. 6 ) is a mixed version. The beginning of the story
relates, like the T-SP-Pa-Spl-Pn version, the death of the deer,
wild boar and hunter. Then it abruptly introduces the snake by '

- 1 The story does not occur in the Tantri.

2 Du does not contain any katha - samgraha or introductory verse }n
connection with this story.

Pancatantra Studies 45

saying that * the snake too was trampled to death by the two
( i. e., the hunter and boar ) ', mentions that the hungry jackal
saw four carcases, those of the deer, hunter, boar and snake,
and has also the following akhyana verse : masam eltam naro yati
dvau masau mrga-sukarau \ ahir eka-dmam yah adya bhahsyo dhanur-
gunah which mentions the snake In pada c. It is therefore evident
that the story is made up of elements borrowed from both the
T-SP-Pa-Spl-Pn version and the Du-Tantrai-Tantai version,
that is, from the Pancatantra versions of both Visnusarman's and
Vasubhaga's recensions.

6. THE ORIGINAL FORMS OF SOME

PANCATANTRA VERSES

Prof. Hertel has had occasion, in the course of the many books
and articles that he has published about the Pancatantra, to
discuss in a full manner the readings contained in the several re-
censions of some typical verses in order to illustrate his state-
ments And support his conclusions. He has, on such occasions,
reproduced fully the readings contained in the Mss., pointed out
their merits and defects, and determined therefrom what the
original forms of the verses in question must have been, and how
the corrupt readings must have arisen. In respect of many such
verses, I agree with Hertel in the conclusions that he has arrived
at regarding their origmal forms ; but in respect of many others,
it has seemed to me, after reading his writings, that the facts set
forth by him do not always justify the conclusions that he has
drawn. Similarly, the readings of some verses that are printed
in the text of Prof. Franklin Edgerton's Pancatantra Reconstructed
too, are, it seems to me, not original. And I therefore propose in
this article to discuss the readings of some of these verses, 1 and to
determine what their original forms were.

Besides the material used by Hertel, namely, the different
readings contained in the Mss. examined by him. and reported
by him in his editions of the several recensions, I have in addi-
tion made use here of the material contained in Durgasirbha's
Pancatantra. Of this Panca. version and its contents, I have given
a detailed account in the Zeitschnft Jlir Indologie und Iranistik :

1 See in this connection, regarding the original form of T 2. 45 [ = PR,
2. 27 ], Asia Major, III, 315 ; of T 1. 167 [ = PR. 1. 158 ], JBBRAS. 4 (1928 ),
7j of T 3, 69 [ = PR. 3. 57 ], JBBRAS. 5 ( 1929 ), 9 ; and of T 1, 186, p. 43 above.

- 46 Annals of th Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

in 6, 299 f. of that journal, I have reproduced in full all the
Sanskrit verses that are cited by Durgasimha from the Sanskrit
original of his version ; and in 7, 13 f. and 8, 229 f. , I have shown
that his version of the Panca. is, like the majority of the Pamca.
versions written in Siamese, Laotian, Javanese, Madurese,
Balinese, etc. and current in Further and Insul- India, derived
from Yasubhaga's recension of that book.

The readings of Du therefore are of particular interest since it is
derived from a source which is quite different from Visnusarman's
recension of the Panca* from which the Sanskrit versions T, SP,
Spl, Pn, 1 etc. , are all derived ; and on those occasions when these
Sanskrit versions read a stanza in different ways, the agreement of
Du in a reading contained in one of them shows conclusively that
that reading is original. Unfortunately, the great majority of
the Sanskrit verses in Du are peculiar to this version, and there
aye only about a hundred verses in it that are found in T and
other Sanskrit versions.

1. I begin with T 1. 5 ( = PR 1. 6 ; Du 6 ) which reads
as follows :

avyaparesu vyaparam yo nardh kartum icchati I
sa naro nihatah sete kilotpativa markatah \\

Padas ab are found without change in SP, 3ST, Spl, Pn, Hit, and
Du. In c, SP, Spl, Pn and Du have eva instead of nardh ; instead of
nihatah, these four read nidhanam and T B pralayam, and instead
of iete all these five have yati. In d, SP, Spl, Pn, Hit, and Du have
vftnardh instead of markatdh.

This conspectus of readings shows that the original form of
this verse is :

avyaparesu vyaparam yo narah kartum icchati \

sa eva nidhanam yati kilotpativa vanardh \\

as read by Du, SP, Spl and Pn. Edgerton however gives in his
PR sa eva nihatah ssete as the original form of pada c.

2. T 1. 21 ( = PR, l. 23 ) reads as follows :

apaya-samdar sana jam vipattim
upaya-samdarsanajam ca siddhiin I
medhavino niti-vidah prayuktam
purah sphurantlm iva darsayanti \\

1 The readings that are reproduced here of these versions are, for the
most part, extracted from Edgerton's pft.

Pancatantra Studies- 47

The variant readings are found in c only where, instead of
vidah, the SP Mss. have pada, patha, *vidh* 5 Hit. wdhi, Spl
and Pn, guria ; instead of prayuktam, SP has prayuktah*

Hertel has opined ( SP, p. L, XVIII ) that the SP reading
*prayuktah is a corruption and that T's reading of the verse is
correct and original. He translates the verse as, " Die Weisen
zeigen, dass der Misserfolg, welcher eintritt, wenn sich ein
Naohteil zeigt, und der Erfolg, welcher eintritt, wenn sich ein
Vorteil zeigt, mit dem der "Fuhrung-" Kundigen verbunden sind
[ = von ihm abhangen ] und vor diesem gleichsam aufleuchten
[ = er sieht sie voraus und richtet sich danach ] ". Edgerton,
on the other hand, thinks ( PK 1. 23 ) that the original ( and
correct ) reading of pada c is medhavino niti-vidhi-prayuktam
and translates the verse as, " The disaster that follows from the
application of bad plans, and the success that follows from the
application of good plans, are connected with the principles of
polity, and shine forth in advance, so to speak, so that the intelli-
gent can point them out. ?T Both these scholars thus agree in
interpreting prayuktam as * is connected with ; is bound up with ',
which is an Impossible meaning for that word.

The fact is, that granting that the reading of the first two
padas is correct ( and of this there can be no doubt since the same
reading is found in all fche versions ), the word prayuktam ( in the
accusative case ) is wholly out of place in the verse. The correct
reading in c therefore is not ntttvidah or nltt-mdhi-prayuJctdm^ but
ntti-vidhi-prayuktah as read by the Mss. KT of the SP and indi-
cated by the Mss. FHODG of the SP and by Hit. ( see SP, p,
LXVIII ). This word means * those that are appointed to look
after the conduct of affairs of nlti ' and denotes the ministers of
the king ; and the meaning of the verse is - " Wise ministers that
are put in charge of the conduct of affairs of nttt, cause to appear,
as it were, vividly, before one 's eyes, the danger which is caused
by an improper course ( apaya ), and the success which results
from the proper course ( uvaya ) ;+ .

The original and correct reading of the verse is therefore -
apayasamdarsanajam vtpattim
upaya-sanidarsanajam ca siddhim, \
medhavino niti-vidhiprayuktah
purdh sphurantlm iva darsayanti n

48 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

3. T 1. 37 ( = PR. 1. 37 ) reads as-

buddhiman anurdkto 'yam ihcbhayam ayam jaddh \
iti bhrtya-vicarajno bhrtyair apuryate nrpah n
The variants are found In pada b only ; instead of ihobhayam,
N has ihottamam, Pn abhakto 'yam, SP abhayo 'yam, and one Ms. of
T, ito bhayam. Instead ofjanah, SP has jaddh, and Hit. reads the
pada as ayam sura ito bhayam.

Hertel ( SP, p. LI ) seems to think that the reading of T is
correct and original ; so also does Edgerton, who, like Hertel,
translates padas ab as *' This one is wise, this one faithful, this
one both, that one foolish ". This is incorrect; for, there is only
one ayam in a, and it means, " This one is clever, devoted ". The
word ubhayam too in the above reading refers to two qualities
( buddhi and anurakti ) which are not mentioned in pada a ; and
there is thus no doubt that the above reading is incorrect and
corrupt. The correct reading is ito bhayam as is contained in one
Ms. of T ( compare also the reading of Hit. given above ); and the
reading ihobhayam is plainly a corrupt form of this reading. The
meaning of padas ab, with this reading, is, " This one is clever,
devoted ; from this one, there is danger ( to be apprehended ) ; this
one is stupid " ; compare T 1. 48 * kim bhaktnasamarth#na fdm
iaktenapakanna I bhaktam saktam ca mam rajan yathavaj jnatUm
arhasi. The original and correct reading of the verse is therefore.
buddhiman anurakto 'yam ito bhayam ayam jaddh I
iti bhrtya-vicarajno bhrtyair apuryate nrpah II
4. T 1. 30 ( = PR. 1. 30 ; Du 12 ) reads as-
dantasya va niskusariena rajan
Jcarnasya kanduyanak&na va 'pi \
tr"$ena karyam bhavafisvaranam
kim anga vagghastavatft janena II

The variants are found in a, d only. In a, instead of ttt!
niskusariena, the SP Mss. have samgharsanakena or mrghctrsa$akena,
Hit, Du and N nirgharsanakena, Spl and Pn niskosanakena ; instead
of rajan, Spl has miyam. In d, some SP Mss. have an$hn and
Pn nama instead of anga ; instead of vag-ghastavata, SP, N, Hit
and Du have vak~panimata, and Pn vakyangavaia ; and instead of
janet a, SP, N, Hit, Du, Spl and Pn all have nareria.

Pancatantra Studies 49

Regarding the words mskusana, niskosanaka, mrgharsanaka a-nd
sanigharsanaka, the first two are derived from the root kus withms,
signifying ' to extract, tear, draw out ; to husk, to shell ; to injure
or hurt by tearing ' , and have therefore nothing: to do with the idea
of tooth-pick. The latter two words are derived from the root
gJirs with the prefixes nir and sam respectively ; but while the
word mrgharasanaka is used in the sense of * tooth-cleaner,
dentifrice * ( see Apte ), the words samgJ&rsanaka is not so used.
In fact, no instance is met with of the use of this word anywhere
in any sense whatever* It is clear therefore that nirgharsariaka is
the proper word to use in pada a, and that it is the original read-
ing. This is shown, besides, by the agreement of Du with
SP, N and Hit

Similarly, the agreement of Du with SP, "N and Hit. shows
that the original reading of pada d is, kim anga vak-panimata
narena. The original form of the verse is thus '

dantasya mrgharsanakena rajan

karriasya kanduyanakena va' pi \

trnena karyam bhcrvatisvarariaih

kim anga vak-panimata nareria \\

5. T 1. 54 ( = PR 1. 55 3 Du 44 ) reads as
jar/tbuko hudu-yuddhena vayani casadhabhuttna \
duttka tantravayena trayo 'narthah svayam krtah \\

In a, instead of hudu, SP and Du read mesa 9 T B and Pn,
huda . In c, SP and Da have tanlu* instead of tantra , Spl napitl
for dutikci, and Pn para-karyeria instead of tantravayenu. In d, Spl
and Pn have dosah instead of e nxrthah* The agreement of Eu and
SP shows that the original reading of the verse is :

jambuko mesa-yuddhena vayam casadhabhutina \
dUtika tantuvayena trayo 'narthcth suayawi krtah U

6. T 1. 56 ( = PR. 1 57 ; Du 45 ) reads as

zcnnasya' karyasya sarnudbhavartham
aqamino 'tlhasya ca samgrahartham \
an^nha-km^ya-pratLsedhanarthafh
yo mantryate 'sau paiamo In mantrali n

In a, intead of sann'isya, Du reads asanna y N and SP blrastasya
and one Ms. of it na^ta&ya ; instead of sawtudbhavarfharn, SP and Du
7 [ Annals, B. O. B. 1. 1

5<? Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Instate

read samuddharartham. In c, SP and N have pratighdtanartham
instead of prahsedhanartham; and in. d, SP, N", Du have yan instead
of yah. The verse does not occur in Spl and Pn.

The word asanna in Du's reading is used in the rare sense
( see Apte ) of ' which is about to go down ; which is on the point
of sinking ' , that is, * which is on the point of failure ; which is
about to become hopeless to accomplish ' ; and this indicates that
the reading is not due to the caprice of some copyist or redactor,
but must be the original one of the author himself of the Panca.
This view is confirmed by the readings bhrastasya karyasya^
sannasya karyasya and nastasya karyasya found in other recensions,
which all appear clearly to be paraphrases of the original reading.
It seems very likely therefore that the redactors of these versions^
finding that asanna in the original was used in a rare sense,
replaced it by an equivalent word. For the rest, samuddharartham
is manifestly more appropriate^ it means * for the purpose of lifting
up ' and is correlated with asanna in asanna-karyasya ) than sam vd-
bhavartham ; and the agreement of Du and SP shows that it
is the original reading. Similarly, the agreement of Du and T
shows that the original reading in c is praJisedhanar{ham t and
the agreement of Du with SP and N that the original reading in d
is yan and not yah.

The original form of the above verse is therefore :
asanna-karyasya samuddharartham
agarmno 'rthasya ca samgrahartham \
anartha-karya-pratisedh anartham
yan mantryate 'sau paramo hi mantrdh \\
as read by Du.

7. T 1. 68 ( = PR i. 69 ; Du 60 ) reads as

na so 'sti puruso rajnam yo na kamayate snyam \
asakta-b hag na-?f .anas tu narendram paiy-upasate \\
^ In a, Du has cdsti instead of so 'stf, and SP, N, and Hit, tote for
rajnam. ^ JDu reads c as asaktah sriyam anetum, SP as asakta
bhagnamanas tu, Spl as makta eva sat vatra, Pn as na saktir yavad
anyapi; and Hit. and N as parasya yuvatim ramijam. For d, Hit and
N have sakahksam neksate 'tha k*h, andPn/amJ samsevate param.
The agreement of Du and T shows that rajnam is the original
reading in a, and narendram pary-upasate in d; and in c, the reading

Pancatantra Studies i

asaktah sriyam anetum yields a better meaning than the others
with narendram pary-upasate and seems therefore to he original ;
compare Pn's reading: of cd. Of the two readings cash and so *s(t
in a, there is nothing to show which is original, but the latter
seems to be the better reading. The original lorm of the verse
seems therefore to be :

na aosti puruso rajfiam yo na kawayate sriyam \
asaktah sriyam anefum jiatendrom pary-iipasa, e II
8. T 1. 71 ( = PR, 1. 71 ; Du 55 ) reads as

yasminn ewdhika?h caksur aropayah parthivah \
sute va tat-kuline va sa laksmya harate manah \\
In a, Du has bharam for cak&ur, and Pn, api for eva. Spl reads c
as aknUnah kultno va> Pn ajnate va,, Hit and N. s.it* 'matye'py-
udastne, and the SP Mss. as ahi o va kulino va and sute va siakulme
?a, Spl reads d as sa sriyo lf<ajana narah, SP, sa rojyam abhi-
kanksati, Hit. and N, sa laksmyadriyate ( v. 1. m srlyate ) janah, and
Du, sva-laksmtm fiarate tada. 1

It is obvious that, in a, Du's reading bharam aropayati is the
correct one, and that the reading caksur aropayati lotmd in the
other recensions is a mere senseless combination of words and
incorrect. 2

In c, the agreement of Du and T shows that sute va tat-kuline
va is the original reading. In d, the reading of T does not fit the
context ; for the verse, according to T, says that the person on
whom the king places more responsibility than usual captivates
the mind of Laksml. What the speaker (Damanaka) wants to
say is, however not that Laksml is captivated by such a person,
but that such person allows his mind to be captivated by Laksml,
that is, casts covetous eyes on Laksml, and is a traitor. Compare
the sentence aia evayam dosah vyudatya sarvarn mrgo-janam
yasyopary astha prahbaddha so 'yam adhiina svarmtvam abhi-

1 The reading sa laksmya harate manafi that Is printed in 211 6, 303 as
the fourth pad a is due to oversight.

2 The translations of Hertel { *' Auf wender Konig allzugtitig [ wortlich :
allzusehr ] sein Auge nchtet " ) and Edgerton ( 4< If a king shows too much
regard for one person " )of padas ab do not contain the equivalent of
words aropayati and caksur aropayati respectively.

52 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

vanchati that immediately precedes this verse in T and the corres-
ponding passages in SP, Spl, Pn, Hit. and Du ; compare also T.
Ab. 54 : sa tavad drohi. The original reading therefore is nob
sa laksmya harate manah but sa laksmya hriyate manah as is indicat-
ed by the corrupt readings ( driyate; srlyate ) of Hit. and EL The
original form of the verse is thus without doubt-

yasminn evadhtkam bharam aropayati parthivah \
sute va tat-kullne va sa lafcsmya hriyate manah \\

The meaning of the verse is : " Whomsoever the king entrusts
with more responsibility than is usual, whether son or one belong
ing to his family, his mind is captivated by Laksmi ?? .

9. T. 1. 89 ( = PR. 1. 88 ; Du 89 ) reads as-

acarya nara-patayas ca tulya^sila
na hy esarn paricitir asii svuhrdain va, I
susrusam ciram apt sarncitam prayatnat
sanmbruddha raji iva nasayanti meghah u

Outside T, this verse is found in Du only which reads

pancitam instead of pancitih in b, and sambhrtam instead of samcitam

in c. In this latter pada, sambhrtam is decidely the better reading;

for the word samcvta, though it is appropriate to rajas, does not

suit sus?usa as an attribute, while sambhrta, on the other hand, is

a quite appropriate word to be used with susrusa and with rajah

also. Compare the passages cited under cira-sambhrtam in the

PW, s. v, bhar. There can be no doubt therefore that sambhrtam

was the original reading and that f.arncitam is a corruption of it.

In pada b, there is little to choose between the readings paricitam

and paricttih. The former however balances with the word

sauhrdam that follows in the same pada and may therefore be

original, ard the latter secondary. The original form of the verse

seems therefore to be,

acarya narapatayas ca tulya-slla
na hy esam pancitam asti sauhrdam va \
susrusam ciram api sambhrtam prayatnat
samkruddha raja tva nasayanti meghah \\
which is the reading of Du.

10. T 1. 99 ( = PR 1. 98 ; Du 97 ) reads as

Pancatantta Studies 53

sntgdhah ciw bv iipctktti-gcwctir dvesyatam eti kascu
chathyad anyan tipahi ti-sataih prltim cvopaytiti \
durgnilyalvan nipali-nmnasam naika-bhavasrayfinam
scra-dhatmali parama-gahano yoginam apy agamyah \\
In a, for smgdhair eva t the SP. Mss read citram snigdhair and
prajfiaih zmgdhair. Hit. and N, ^^jna^h smgdhazr, Spl and Pn,
bhava-snigdhair ; for hy upakrtt-ganair, SP, Spl, PD, Hit. , and IT
have upakrtam apt, and Du, apy upakrtam apt ; for eti, Spl has. yati ;
and for kaseit, SP, Spl, Pn, Hit, 2ST and Du have kim cit In b, for
sathyaf, SP, Hit. and N have saksat, and Du, snigdhat ; for apakrh-
sataih, SP, Spl, Pn, Hit, and Du have apakrtam api, and N, upakrtam
api ; for pritim evopayatt, Spl reads pritaye copayati, 1ST, prltim evapa-
yati, and Du, prltim evalanoti. In c, for dj,rgrahyatvat, Spl has
durgahatvat and Du durgrahyatvam ; for mana^am 9 SP (some Mss. )
and Du have vacasam ; and for naika , Du has e&a. In d, N has
gahanam instead of gdhan^.

Ihis coDspectus of readings shows that the verse reads original-
ly as :

smgdhair eva hy upakrtam api dvesyatam eti kim cit
smgdhad any air apakrtam api pritim evatanoti \
durgrahyatvan nrpati-vacasarn naikabhavasrayanarn
seva-dharmah parama-gahano yoginam apy agamyah \\
11. T 1. 100 ( = PR. 1. 99 ; Du 94 ) reads as

ginid gnu a] net n gunlbhavanti
te nirgunam pi&pya bhavanti do$dh I
susvB,du-toya-pravah& hi nadyah
sawmdram dszdya bhavanty apeydh \\

This verse does not occur in Spl and Pn. In a, SP, ( some Mss. ),
N and Du read guruih instead of gum In b, some SP Mss. have
mrgurian for nirgunam In c, instead of susvadutayapravaha Ae,
SP has susvadu-toya-prabhava hi and Du susvadu-toyah pravaJianti.
The reading guna bhavanti is, in a, obviously the correct one. *
Similarly, in c, the reading of SP is obviously better than that of
T ( a compound like susiwdu-taya-pravaha with pravaha as the last

1 For, the suffix cvi ( Panmi 5. 4 50 and vartttkz ) is to be added in the
sense of ablaut a-tadbhava, which is not suited to gurti- in this verse.

54 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

member is not met with elsewhere ). That of Du, however, seems
to be still better $ for the word pravahanti in c balances with the
word bhavanti in d, and the second half of the stanza becomes thus
similar to the first half with its two balanced verbs. The original
form of the verse seems to me therefore to be

gmia gitnajneni gmia bhavanti
te nirgimam prapya bhavanti dosah \
siisvadu-toytih pravahanti nadyah
santudram asadya hhavanty apeyah \\
as is read by Du.

12. T 1. 105 ( = PR. 1. 104 5 Du 93 ) reads as

aranya-ruditam krtam sava-sarlram udvartitam
sthale f bjam avaropitam badhirakarnajdpah krtah \
svapuccham avanamitam suciram iisare varsitaih
krta 'ndha-mufyha-mandana yad abudho janah sevitah \\
Pn reads the last three padas as sthale kamala-ropatiam suciram
usare varsanani \ svapuccham avanamitam badhira-karna-japah krtas
tad andhamukha-mandanam yad abudhe jane bhasitam. SP reads
sthale kamala-ropanam instead of abjam avaropitam in b, satatam instead
of suciram in c, and fa to 'ndha-rnnkha-darpano m d. Du too reads
satatam m c ( but one Ms. has however suciram ) and dhrto f ndha-
mukha-darpavo m d ( but one Ms. has tad andha-rnnkha-darpanarn ).

Here, it is obvious that the readings krta 'ndha-mukha-maridana
and tad andha-mukha-mandanam of T-and Pn are unsatisfactory,
~and that the word mavfana in them is a corruption of the word
darpana which is found in SP and Du. The holding of a darpava
or mirror before the face of a blind man is just as useless as the
whispering of a mantra into the ears of a deaf person or the massag-
ing of the limbs of a corpse ; for the persons concerned are, in none
of these cases, aware of the holding of the mirror, etc. : they do
not derive the least benefit from it, and these actions are thus
quite futile. It is otherwise with the mandana or adorning of a
blind man's face. The mandana of the face, whether of a blind man
or of one who can see, is by its very nature intended to please or
attract other persons, and serves that purpose whether the person
concerned can 6 ee or not. It cannot therefore be said to be futile,
as the holdiug of a mirror before a blind man s face undoubtedly is.

Pancatantra Studies 55

, thus, is clearly the original reading in pada d ; so
therefore is the word dhrta also. Similarly, in c, suciram is better
than sata'am and seems to be the original reading.

The original form of the verse is thus what is read by T, with
dhrto 'ndJia-inukha-dar&ano instead of krta 'ndfia-mukha-maridana
in d.

13. T 1. Ill ( = PR. 1. 110 ) reads as

hamala-madlmnas tyaktvci pdnam vihaya navotpalam
prakrti-snlabham gandhoddamam apasya ca malatim \
satha-madhukanih shsyantune katamlmsit danimam
sitlahbam apalntyawam lokah katesu mhanyaie. \\

Pn reads jala-mazhukarah klisyantime and sulabham apahayaivam
lokah khalesv anurajyate in c and d ; and the SP Mss. read anuroj-
yate, abhirajyate and hi rajyate in d after sujanam apahayayam
tokah khalesu. In b, Pn has prakrh-surabhtm instead of subhagam t
and N gandhair adhyam instead of gandhcddamam. In d, N has
avahayo yam instead of apahayaivam.

Hertel has discussed the readings of this verse on SP, p. LXX
and arrived at the conclusion that tie correct and original read-
ing* is shsyanii in c and katesu mhanyate in d. According to him,
kata in d has the sense of kataka, 'camp, army, court of a king/ and
the poet who has used the word in c ( in katambusu ) uses it again
in d in a different sense : the meaning of d is, " So verlassen
[ auch ] die [ meisten ] Menschen das leicht zu Erlangende, um in
den Hofen der Fursten getotefczu werden. "

All this seems to me to be improbable. It is, in the first place,
very unlikely that kata = kataka and denotes the court of a king ;
nor is it true that 'most men go to the courts of kings ? and * are
killed there. ' Padas a, b, c of the verse, it will be seen, form the
ar&tanta and pada d, the dar&tanttka ; but while the drstanta speaks
of bees clinging to the mada-jaia of elephants, the darstantika
speaks of men being killed. That is to say, there is no congruity
between the drstanta and the darstanttka, which shows that T 's
reading of the verse is not original ( as Hertel opines), but con-
tains corruptions.

It is the opinion of Edgerton ( PE. 2, 107 f. ) that llisyanti is the
correct reading in c, and kafesu hi rajyate in d ; but kata is here
regarded by him as the Prakrit form of krta c the best thtow of

56 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

dice * and pada d, according to him, means, " Foolish and greedy
men renounce safe and sure good fortune to pursue the alluring
but allusive * easy money ' that luck in gambling would bring. ?J

That tlie word kata is used by the author in d in the sense of
6 the best throw of dice ' seems to me to be very unlikely; and even
if it were, it is not correct to interpret it as * luck in gambling. '
]STor, considering that money won in gambling is 'easy money/ is
there any contrast between zulabham and kata. Moreover, in
Edgerton's reading too there is no congruity between the verb
kllsyanti in the drstania and lojyate in the darstantika ; and it be
comes plain that this reading also is corrupt.

The correct and original reading is therefore without doubt
jada in b, slisyanti in c and sujawam and khalesv anurajyaie in d ;
and the meaning of d is, " The ( foolish ) world thus turns away
from good people and attaches itself to rogues " , in the same way
as the foolish bees, turning away from the lotus, blue-lotus and
malatl, attach themselves to the mada-jala of the elephants. It will
be noted that, with this reading, there is perfect congruity between
the drstanta and darstantika.

14. T 1. 120 ( = PR. 1. 119 ; Du 102 ) reads as
mrduna, sahlena khanyamanany
apakisyanti girer api sthalani I
upajapa-krtodyamms tu tajjnaih
kitnu cetamsi mtdnni manavanam \\

In a, Du has bhedyamanant for khanyamanani ; in b, Pn has
avapusyanti instead of apakrsyanti. Pn reads c as upajapa-vidam
ca 'kaTna~japa^h, and Du as upjjapaka-karnajapakaughaih.

The reading khanyamamanam in a is unsatisfactory; for though
it can be used appropriately with giri-sfhalani, it is not appropri-
ate in connection with manava-cetamw. The word bhzdyamariam,
on the other hand is apposite in connection with giri-sthalam and
with manava-cetamsi also. Compare T l t 129 ; bhiwatt-i samyak
prahito bhedah sthiram-matm api \ bhudharan samhata-silan mahan
tva fayo 'mbhasam. This verse is in fact a paraphrase of the above
verse ( T 1. 120 ), and mail here = cetas.

In b, the word avapusyanti found in Pn has no sense, and is
clearly a corruption of apakrsyanti which is found in ^T and Du.
In d, Threading means 'by those who know how to whisper

Pancatantm Studies 57

n ears and have made efforts to whisper into ears, ' Pn's reading,
by whispered insinuations of those who are clever in whispering
luch insinuations, ' and Du's, fi by crowds of tale-bearers and
slanderers ' . This last is plainly the best of the three ? and the
>riginal form of the verse is thus ihe reading found in Du.

15. T 1. 125 ( = PR. 1. 124 ; Du 120 reads as

satrot akrandam ajndtva v air am aiabh&te hi yah \
set pardhhavam dpnoii samndta iva titibh&t \\

Pn, Spl and Du read a as satror balam avijnaya, and SP, N have
nkramam instead of akrandam. In b, instead of arabhate, N has
zkramate, and Du and one Ms. of SP, acarate ; and instead offw, SP,
Spl, Pn and Du have tu. In d, SP, Du have tittibhat instead of
tlfibhat, and Spl, Pn read the pada as samudras tittibhad iva.

This conspectus of readings shows that the original form of
bhe verse is that found in Du.

16. T 1. 136 ( = PR. 1. 130 ; Du 131 ) reads as

karyany nttama-danda-sahasa-phalany ayasa-sadhyani ye
prltya samsamayanti nlti-kusalab sdmnaiva te mantritiah \
mssaralpa-phalam ye tv avtdhmd vanchanti dandodyamais
dm naytt-cest-itair narapater atopyate Iris tulam \\

In a, instead of phalani, Du has mayani> in b, instead of
pritya, Spl has buddhya, and instead of samsamayanti Du has
samnamayanti ; in c, for dandodyamais^ Du has dandadhamas 5 and
Du has duT-naya in d, ( with cerebral n ) for durnaya.

Du's reading dandadhamas^ in c does not fit into the context
and is clearly a corruption of the original reading dandodyarnmh.
Equally clearly is T's reading samsamayanti a corruption of the
original reading samnamayanti. The root sam + sam, in the causative,
means * to extinguish, to still, to allay, to appease, etc.; besckivichti-
gen, aufloschen, beruhigen*, and the expression karyarii samsamayanti
* they extinguish, allay or appease the affairs ? does not make
much sense. The root &a?ji-nam 9 on the other hand, means, in the
causative, ' to set right, to bring about, to effect; zurechtbnngen,
zuwcgebringen ' and the expression karya%i samnamayanti * they
8 [ Annals, B. (X R. I.]

58 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

accomplish the tasks ' fits well into the context of the verse. The
original form of the verse is thus -

kary&ny uttama-danda-stihasa-phalany cLyctsa-sadhytini ye
prltyti samnamayanti mti-kusalah samnaiva te mantmnah \\
nissar&lpa-phalani ye tv avidhinfi, vanchanti dandodyamais
tejftm duryiaya-ce$titair narapater aropyate sris tulam \\

17. T 2. 90 ( = PR. 2. 55 ) reads as

na svalpam apy avyavasaya-bhiroh
karoti vijnana-vid'hir gunam hi 1
andhasya kim hasta-tala-sthito f pi
nivartayaty andhyam ^ha pradlpah II

Pn, Hit, and SP all read adhyavasaya in a instead of avyavasaycP,
and artham instead of andhyam in d. Further, in d, instead of
nivartayati, Pn has mvartayet, Hit. prakasayatt, and the SP Mss.
mdarsayati, samdarsayati ; one Ms. has nirvatiyati with llya however
deleted by the writer.

It is the opinion of Hertel ( SP. p. LXIV ) that avyavasaya-
bhlroh * unentschlossen and furchtsam 7 is decidedly better than
adhyavasaya-bhiroh ' ein sich vor einem festen Enfcschlusse
Furchtender ', and that Pn's understanding of nivartayati in the
sense of ' verschafft ' and of artham nivartayati as ' causes a thing
to disappear ' is incongruous with pada b which speaks of the
accruing of an advantage ( gunam karoti ), which the removal of
blindness undoubtedly is.

f This is wrong. As observed by Hertel himself ( I. E. ) dhya in
Sarada Mss. is very similar to vya ( compare for instance the
reading avyavasaya of the Mss. Rand p in T 3. 127 instead of
adhyavasayabhirubhth ) ; and the agreement among Pn, Hit, and SP
shows beyond doubt that adhyavasaya* is the original reading in
a, and also artham in d. Adhyava&aya-bhiru does not mean 4 ein
sich vor einem festen Entschlusse Furchtender ' asHertel believes,
or ' one who is afraid to be resolute * as Edgerton translates, but
* one who is afraid of exertion ; one who draws back from the idea
of exerting himself ; an alasa ' 5 and the meaning of the first half-

Pancatantra Studies 59

verse is " The acquisition of knowledge does not confer even the
slightest benefit on one who shrinks from exertion " . This verse
forms part of a harangue which the tortoise Manthara(ka)
addresses to the mouse Hiranya( ka ) on the desirability of one's
putting forth one's exertion, and the whole context shows that
this verse, like the preceding 1 and following 2 verses, is concerned
with the extolling of udyoga, kriija or vyaia&aya, * industry ', and
the decrying of the opposite : firm resolves and fear have nothing
to do here.

In d, Edgerton prints mvartayaty artham as the original reading
and understands it to mean 'does good'. It is, however, doubt-
ful if ni-vartay signifes 'to accomplish', and 1 am inclined to
believe that the original reading is nirvartayati ( cp. in this
connection the reading mrvattyati of the Sp Ms. referred to above).
The meaning of the second half-verse is, " what purpose, now,
does a lamp, even when held in the hand, serve to a blind person? 7 '

The original form of the verse seems thus to have been

na svalpam apy adhyavasaya-bhlroh
karoti vijn&na-vtdbir gunam ht \
andhasya kirn hasta-tala-sthito 'pi
nirvartayaty artham iha pradlpah \\

18. T 3. 1 ( = PR. 3, 1 ; Du 154 ) reads as-

na visvaset purva-par&jitasya
satrosca mitratvam up&gatasya \
dagdham guham pasyata ghiika-purn&ttt
kaka-pramtena hutasanena II

In a, instead of parajitasya, SP, Spl,Pn, and Duhave vtrodhi
tasya, and N, virodhitesu* In b, SP has tu and Du ( and one Ms.

adhltyapi bhavanti murkha
yas tu kriyavan puru^ah sa vidvan I
ullaghayaty aturam au$adham hi
kim nama-matrena bhavaty arogah (1 ( T ; p. 87, 1 ff. )

2 tad bhadra nityam udyoga-parena bhavttavyam \
na daivam ittsamdntya tyayed udyogam atmanah \
anudyogena kas tailam iilebhyah praptum tcchatt (\
udyutctanarti hy ayUnti dhana-bhoga it i \ ( T ; p. 87, 22

60 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

of SP) hi for ca ; N reads the pada as dvisatsu mitratvam upagatesu,
In c, SP las dagdhan grhan for dagdham guham, and SP, Spl and
Du, pas^a uluka-purnam for patyata ghuka-purriam ; in d, U" has

This conspectus of readings shows that the original form of
the verse is that found In Du.

19. T 3. 70 ( = PR. 3. 58 ; Du 179 ) reads as-

an&rambhas tu kdry&nam prathamam bnddhi-laksanam \
arabdhasy&ntagamanam dvitlvam buddJn-laksauam \\

In a, Pn has hi for tu, and SP and Du manusyanam for tu
karyariam. In c, for arabdhasya, SP has aram'bha^ya^ and Du, Pn
and one Ms. of T have prarabdhasya. This conspectus of readings
shows that the original form of the verse is that which is found
in Du.

20. T 3. 73 ( = PR. 3. 60 ; Du 186 ) reads as-

hmah satrur mlmntavyo yavan net balav&n bhavet I
samj&ta-bala-patirusyah pascad bhavaii diirjaydh \\

In a, SP, N, and T read hlna- instead of htnah. In c, instead
of *bala-paurusydh, some Mss. of SP have bala-paksas ca, Pn, pau-
rusa-balah, and Du bala-pauskalyah. The original form of the
verse is therefore that found in Du. 1

21. T 3. 92 ( = PR. 3. 78 ; Du 395 ) reads as -

varam agnau pradlpte tu prapatah puiiya-kannanam \
na cdri-jana-samsargo muhurtam api stvitdh \\

This is the reading of Pn also. Du however reads pada b as
prarianaih parivarjanam, and sanisarge and s&vanam in c and d.

It is obvious that Du's reading of cd is inferior to that of T and
Pn. His reading of b, on the other hand, seems to be better ; for I
see no point in the use of the word punya-karmanam, as the as-
sociation with enemies, even for a short time, causes poignant
distress to all people, to those who have good karman as also to

1 For samjata-bala-pauskalyah samjata-'bahu-balah or atyantam
balavftn. samiata-bala-paurusyah, on the other hand, signifies * grown strong
and valiant * *

Pancatantra Studies 61

others- It seems to me therefore that Du's reading of pada b,
which is the better one, is original, and that the verse thus
originally read as -

varam agnan pradlpte hi pr&nanam parivarjanam \
na c&ri-jana-samsargo mulnntam dpi sevltah \\

22. T 3. 107 ( = PR. 3. 73 -, Du 200 ) reads as -

skandhenapi vahec chatnim kalam asadya buddhim&n \
vabata / wa-sarpcna manduka vinipatitdh \\

In a, SP, Hit. read satriin instead of satrum ; in b, SP has
kdryam instead of halam and Du reads the pada as karya-sadJiaiw-
buddhiman. In c, SP, N, Pn have mahata instead of vahata, and
Hit. reads the pada as yatna vrddhena sarpena,. Pada d is read by
Pn as man^uka bahavo halah and by Du as mandufco vmipatitah.

The agreement of T and Du shows that, in a, the original read-
ing is satrum ( singular ) and not satrun ; and it follows hence
that, in d too, the original reading is mandufco vinipaiitdh- (singular) 2
and not manduka vimpatitah ( plural ). The Du reading mandukah
is moreover supported by Du 197 : vdh#d amitram ( singular )
skandhena and Du 199 * fern najanamy aham bhadre yada badhnami
darduram ( singular ). In b, the readings katarn asadya and Jcaryam
asadya seem to be both corrupt ; for we do not meet elsewhere
with any instance of the words kala and karya being used with
the root asaday. The compound karya-sadhana-buddhiman on the
other hand seems to be unexceptionable ; and the original form of
the verse seems therefore to be that found in Du,

23. T 3. 121 ( = PR. 3. 103 ; Du iv ) reads as -

ko 'ham kan desa-kalan sama-uisama-guutib ke nay&h ke sahdydh
ka saktth ko 'bhynpftyo hita-karana-vidhan ka ca me daiva-sampctt \
sampatteh ko f nnbandhah pratihata-vacanasyottaram kim na me syad
ity evam kdrya-siddloav avahata-manaso ndvahdsya bbavanti u

1 It must be noted however that the sentences tad rajan yatha Manda-
vi$ena mandUka mhatah ( T, p. 141, Ab. 252; ), tad rajan yatha tena manduka
bhaksitah ( SP.p. 53, 1. 1149 ), rajan yatha Mandavisena buddhibalena man-
duka mhatah ( Pn. p. 225 ) In T, SP> Pn lend support to their reading of the
plural form mc^dukah in d.

62 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

In a, SP, N, and DTI have dvisah instead of nayah. In b, after
abhyupayak, SJ? "ha* pAalam api ca kiyat kidrsl daiva , Du katham
api ca kiyat kidrsl daiva , and N kulam api ca kiyat kidrsa daiicf,
In c, for sampatteli, SP, N, Du have sampattau, and for fen? wa, Du
has few raw , and SP, N kim ca. In d, instead of avahataf, SP, N have
avdhita, and Du vyavasita , instead of novahasya bhavanti, SP, N
have navatidanti santah, and Du nopahasyarn prayantt.

This conspectus of readings shows that the original form of
the first three padas is :

ko 'ham kan desa-kalau sama-visama-gunah ke dvi$ah he sahayah
kd sdktih ko 'bhyupayah pMam api ca kiyat lidrsl daiva-sampat \
sampattau ko 'mibandhah pratihata-vacanasyottaram kim nn me sydd

The fourth pada, probably read originally as ity evam karya-
stddhav avahita-manaso napahasya bhavantL

24 T 3. 125 ( = PR. 1. 3 ) reads as

tyagim sure vidusi matimati ca guwo gtinl-bhavati \
gunavat^ dhanam dhanac chrlh irimaty ajna tato raj yam \\

Pn reads vidusi ca in a r samsarga^ructr jano gufti-bhavati as b,
The SP. Mss. read b differently as svajanah sada vasaty eva,
vastai jamb, sujano guni-bhavati, vasati janah sa jano guni-bhavati t
vasati janah sa ca jano gn^l bhavati, etc The last-mentioned read-
ing is found in eight Mss. ( with some imperfections ) and may
therefore be taken as the reading of SP. Pada d reads as tato
jnanam tato rajyan in some SP Mss. and as tato vijayas tato
rajyam in some others.

This reading of pada d is incongruous with what precedes it in
c ; for there is no connection between iri~h and jnanam or vijay&h;
and it is therefore plain that this reading is corrupt, and that
the reading of T-Pn> which is logical, is original. Similarly,
T ? s reading of a, c too is original as shown by the agreement
of SP.

Hertel emends padas a, b and reads them as tyagini sure vidya
vidusi matimati ca guno gunl-bhavati. " With this emendation/' con-
tends Hertel ( SP, p. XLIV et seq, ), " we have in T: generous and

Pancatantra Studies 63

valiant person who is learned and sagacious ; through sagacity,
( the other ) virtues first become such; through these virtues he
gains wealth, through wealth, pomp and splendour, through pomp
and splendour, authority, and through this, kingdom. This order, is
more logical than that contained in SP's and Pn r s readings of the
verse, and shows that the above reading is original. "

As pointed out by Edgertoo, however, (PR. 2, 98), this emenda-
tion is a 'Schlimmbesserung' as it is in disaccord with the prose
sentence tat tyaga-buddhi-sauryasampannasya rajyam iti that
precedes it in T ; and there is thus no doubt that it is not the
original reading. The sequence of ideas in the SP reading 1 of
the versa is : liberal, valiant and sagacious person ; because of
these qualities, people gather round him ; through association
with them, he becomes virtuous, that is, acquires all kinds of
virtues ; virtues lead to wealth, and wealth to splendour and
glory ; splendour and glory bring power, and power kingship.
This sequence of ideas, it will be seen, is more logical than that
contained in Herters reading of the verse.

There is however a defect in it : for it is not association with
people generally, that is, with people indiscriminately, that makes
one virtuous, but association with good, i. e. , virtuous, people
that does so. This idea is a commonplace one in Sanskrit litera-
ture ; compare PEL 1 . 415 : labhate purusas tarns tan guria-dosan
sadhif-amdhu-sampar'ka?, and ibid* 1. 417 * samsargaja dosa-guna
bhavanti and the story introduced by this verse ; compare also the
section on sat-sarrigaii-prasaihsa in Subhasitaratnabhandagara. If
then one bears this in mind and also takes note of the fact that the
words sit janah ( svajanih? ), vasati, gunl bhava f i occur in the various
readings of pada b contained in the different SP. Mss. , the con-
clusion seems irresistible that the original read vasati sujinah in b
instead of vasatt, jan^h. Probably, pada b read in the original as

1 In the SP reading of pada b ( vasati janah sa ca jano gunl bhavati ),
the first janah refers to the pecple that gather round the liberal, valiant and
sagacious person; the second janah however refers to this person himself.

2 This is another form of sujanah ; see my Vedic Studies, 1, 41 ff.

64 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

vasati sujanah sa jano guni bhavati. The meaning of the verse
with this reading is, " Good people gather round a person who is
liberal, valiant, and sagacious ; this person then becomes virtuous
( through association with these good people ) ; to the virtuous
person comes wealth ; wealth leads to splendour and glory
splendour and glory to power, and to kingship. "

I consider then that the reading:

tyagim sure vidu^ vasati sujanah sa jano 1 - gum bhavati \
gunavati dhanam dhanac chrih srimaty ajna tato raj yam II

is original so far as padas a, c, d are concerned, and that this
reading of b is, if not original, at least very near to it.

25. T 4. IS ( = PR. 4. 15 ; Du 204 ) reads as

dharmam artham ca kamam ca tritayam yo 'bhi-vtinchati \
so f rikta-panih pasyeta brahmanam nrpatim striyam II

Pada c is read by the SP Mss. as na pasyed rikta-pariir gam, na
gacched rikta-panir gam, na pasyed nkta-panis tu, etc., and by Du as
rikla-panir na gacchet tu. Pada d is read by Du as gurum naropatim
striyam, and by the SP Mss. as brahmanam nrpatim striyam, gurum
bhumtpatim striyam, brahmanam daivatam striyam and strz-nrpa-
brahmarian bhuvi.

i

The agreement of SP and Du shows that T's reading of padas
a, b is original. Regarding d, the reading gurum, it seems to me,
is decidedly belter tham T's reading brahmariam. For, the guru is
the proper person to turn to, and not a Brahmana or Brahmanas
in general, when one wants to be advised with regard to dharma\
and lie may be said to be the dispenser of dharma, in the same
way as a king is of artha, and women of kama. And since Du's
reading gurum is supported by a SP Ms. also, there seems to
be no doubt that it is original.

i It would obviate all misunderstanding if, instead of janah, we had a
word like narah. But the Mss. show no trace of such a reading, "

Pancatantra Studies - 6$

In p5da c, too, similarly, Du's reading na gacchet is better than
the readings na paiyeia and na pasyet of T and SP; for, both these
versions refer to the act of gamana or going with a present held
in the hand. Compare SP, p. 56, 1. 1595 : tad grhttva gamanam
ucitam \ uktam ca \ dharmam artham ca kamam ca ... T, p. 151, 1. 20:
tad aham ahrdayah kirn talra gaiva kansijamiti tatha ca \ krtarthasya
sdbhanam tvaj-jaya-sakasa-gamanam 1 uktam ca \ dharmam arthafti

ca kamam ca This is the case in Du also where it is said, " For,

IB it not said : dharmam artham ca kamam ca ... ? They say that
one should nob go ( i. e. , visit ) even to ordinary relations with
empty hands ; and moreover, how is it possible to go to a Bick
woman without medicines ? " The reading na gacchet is moreover
found in a SP Ms. also ; and this indicates that it is original- The
original form of the verse is thus what is found in Du. 1

26. SP 3. 63 ( = Pn. 3. 211 ; Du 127 ) reads as

diirmantriricnn kain upay&nti na mti-dosali
samtapayanli kam apathy a-bhn jam na rogah \
kam s?; na darpayati kam na mhanti mityith
kam $t) i-gata na <vi<;aya~h pai itapayanti \\

The only difference in reading is found in pada d where Pn
has svlkrtah and Du stri-krtah, instead of strl-gatah. These read-
ings show that strz-krtah is original, and that hence the original
form of the verse is that contained in Du.

27. Pn 3. 35 ( = Du. 196 ) reads as

yad apasai ati mesah kftra<%aih tat prahartum
mrga-patir ati-kopdt sanikncaty utpati$nuh \
ht daya-mhita-vaira gildhamantra-pracamh
kirn apt viganayanto buddhimantah sahante \\

Du has api kcpat instead of ah-kojpat in b, and riitimantah
instead of buddhimantah in d. In Pn, the verse is preceded by
the sentence aparam karya-karanapeksaya 'pasaranaih kriyafa ttt m-
tih which shows that Du*s reading nitimanta'h is Justified and origi-
nal. Similarly, Du ? s reading apt kopat too in b seems clearly to

The word tu too is found in c in two SP Mss.
[ Annals, B. O. B. I. ]

Anwk of tk Bkndarkr Oriental Research Institute

be better than that of Pn, Tne original form of the verse is hence
lhat found in Du,

28, Pn U8 ( = Du 16? ) reads as -

)

asihtiyoh samartho l pi tejmy api karoti hm \
male patitu mhi\ myam ewpasamyati II

Du reads padas bed as tfjtm km fansyah nmla-patito utlUi
'wwjiaw m pmsamyali

The reading mijam m prasamjati in d is found in four Mss,
of Pn, and there is thus no doubt that this is the original reading,
In padas be, there is nothing to point out which is the original
reading ; but nmtepatuah seems to be better than mvata-pntttoh
and <p seems to be unnecessary after tejml in b, The original
form of the verse seems therefore to be :

asahcft/4 smartho 'pi tijam Mn, karisyati \
mwtepatito whmh swyam m prasamyati n

SAMANTABHADRA/S DATE AND DR. PATHAK

BY
PANDIT JUGALKISHOBE MUKHTAR

ft In the course of my studies I have found that the time haa
now arrived for the revision of what one may call the ' canons of
research. ' What is in my mind will be made clear by means of
an example. It has been found that Vatsyayana in his Nyaya-
bhasya criticises the nihilistic doctrine. From this the learned
scholars have deduced that this writer lived after Nagarjuna
whose work happens to be the oldest exponent of that doctrine
that we can find at present. Is this a valid deduction ?
Is it not possible that other writers might have dealt with the
subject before Nagarjuna ? Are not traces of the doctrine found
in the teachings of the great Buddha himself ? A.t best the said
inference could be regarded as mere presumption,-- and a very
doubtful presumption at that ' ' Mm. Dr. Ganganatha Jha. l

In his paper, * On the Date of Samantabhadra ' contributed
to the Annals of the B. CX R. I. ( Vol. XI, ii, pp. 149-54 ) Dr. K. B
Pathak, B. A., Ph. D, has attempted to prove that Samantabhadra
belonged to the first half of the eighth century A. C. The tradi-
tional view among the Jainas is that Samantabhadra flourished
in the second century A. a, and this view has been upheld by
some modern scholars also. When I read through Dr. Pathak f s
paper which was so kindly brought to my notice by my friend Pt.
Nathuram Premi of Bomay, I found it to be a scrappy patchwork
of mis-understood or rather half understood facts, and ultimately
after a close scrutiny of his evidences I was convinced that his
conclusion was not correct and reasonable. And hence with a
view to clear the misunderstanding created by Dr. Pathak'a paper
and to place the facts in their proper light I am writing this
article.

1 See his Presidential Address at the Third All-India Oriental Conference
Madras, 1924.

68 . Annals of the Bhanctarkar Oriental Research Institute

DR. PATHAK'S EVIDENCES

It is easy to fix the date of Samantabhadra if we carefuly
study his Yuktyanusasana and his Aptamlmarhsa ' with this
introductory remark lie gives his evidences which might be
serially summarised thus

I Samantabhadra, in the following verse of his Yuktyanu-
Sasana, attacks the well-known definition of perception given
by Dharmaklrti in the Nyayabindu, Samantabhadra f s verse
runs thus

II In the Aptamlmarhsa, verse 80, Samantabhadra says that
Dharmakirti contradicts himself when he says

III In the Aptamlmamsa, verse 106, Samantabhadra attacks the
tnlaksana-fietu of Dharmakirti. For these three reasons it is clear
that Samantabhadra comes after Dharmakirti.

IV Bhartrhari puts forth the doctrine of sabdadvaita in this
manner

ff sr^^irffRt H

This very doctrine of Bhartrhari has been severely criticised
by the Svetambara author Haribhadrasuri in his Anekanta-jaya-
pataka, where he quotes Samantabhadra, whom he calls
vadi-mukhya

Samantabhadra 3 s Date and Dr. Patbak

\

It is thus clear that the doctrine of &abdadvaita is positively
wrong in the opinion of Samantabhadra. Comparing Samanta-
bhadra's words, * na ca syat pratyayo Idke * etc, with Bhartrkari's
words * na so'sti pratyayo lobe * etc., it is found that Samantabhadra
refutes Bhartrhari's opinion as nearly as possible in the latter f s
own words. It was peculiar with mediaeval authors to quote as
nearly as possible the very words of persons whose opinions they
wished to refute. ( Here Dr. Pathak adds some illustrations. )
Therefore Samantabhadra is later than Bhartrhari.

V Laksmldhara, the pupil of Samantabhadra, in his Ekanta-
khandana says

H^ r -

\
||

From this passage of Ekanta-khandana it is clear that Pujya-
pada lived prior to Samantabhadra. And the sutra, -ej^^
' ^nr^r^i^^T ' V } 4, 168, found in the Jainendra-Vyakarana of
Pujyapada, whe^e Samantabhadra 's name is referred to, is an
interpolation, since Jaina Sakatayana who has copied many
sutras from Jainendra is content to use the word va instead of
mentioning Samantabhadra's name.

VI In Ekanta-fchandana Laksmldhara quotes a verse ofBhat.
tc&Tya thus

(

This Bhattacarya is Kumarila himself as it is clear from the
following quotations

Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Insti tute

Since Laksmidhara, the pupil of Samantabhadra, quotes Kuma-
'rila, it is not possible that Samantabhadra might have flourished
long before Kumarila but both of them might have been contempora-
ries or Samantabhadra flourished a little earlier than Kumarila.

VII In my paper entitled * The Position of Kumarila in
"Digambara Jaina Literature ' I have proved that Apta-mlmarhsa
of Samantabhadra and its first commentary called Asta^atl of
Akalanka are severely criticised by Kumarila and defended
by Akalanka's two junior contemporaries, Vidyananda Patra-
kesari and Prabhacandra. Akalankadeva flourished during
the reign of Rastrakuta King Sahasatunga-dantidurga, and
Prabhacandra lived on into the reign of Amoghavarsa I, as
he quotes Atmanuasana of Gunabhadra. The literary activi-
ties of Akalanka and his critic Kumarila must be placed in the
latter half of the eighth century. And since Samantabhadra refutes
the opinions of Dharmakirti and Bharbrhari and his pupil Laksmi-
dhara quotes Kumarila we are forced to assign Samantabhadra
to the first half of the eighth century.

SCRUTINY OP DR. PATHAK'S EVIDENCE

None of the three evidences to show that Samantabhadra is
later titan Dharmakirti is satisfactory.

( I ) The conclusion deduced from the first evidence is not
guaranteed by the quotation from Yuktyanusasana since in that
verse of Samantabhadra neither the name of Dharmakirti, nor
that of his work TSTyayabindu is mentioned : nor is quoted there
the definition of perception which, according do Dharmakirti,
runs thus

Samctn?abhadra*s Date and Dr. Pathak 71

If it Is argued that the word akalpaka, used by Samantabhadra,
is indicative of the words nirvikalpaka and kalpanapodha and that
it has been used with Dharmaklrti 's definition of pratyaksa in
view, it is necessary to prove first that Dharmaklrti was the first
author to qualify pratyaksa with words like akalpaka, ntrvikalpaka
or kalpanapodha and none else before him has used such adjec-
tives. But it is not proved at all nor can it be. Binnaga, 1 the
great Buddhist logician that flourished during 345-415 A. C. and
thus who is earlier than Dharmaklrti has composed many works
on logic such as Pramana-sarnuccaya. He has used the word
?calpanapodha in his definition of perception which runs thus

The Brahmanic logician Udyotakara quotes this definition in
his Nyaya-vartika and severely criticises Dinnaga's viaw about
perception. Dharmaklrti attacks TJdyotakara and that Udyotakara
flourished before Dharmaklrti is accepted by Dr, Pathak himself
in his paper * Bhartrhari and Kumarila T * s Further Dr. Pathak
himself has pointed out 4 that the following verse, quoted with the
introductory remark tatha coktam by Akalanka in Rajavartika,
belongs to Dinnaga

n

Thus it is clear that Dharmaklrti is not the only author to
qualify the definition of pratyaksa with the word kalpariapo$ha. If
Dharmaklrti were to be taken as the first author to set that adjec-
tive in vogue, then eVen Dinnaga will have to be put later than
Dharmaklrti that position is hardly acceptable to Dr. Pathak,
nor is it historically justified since Dharmaklrti is the author of a
on the Pramana-samuccaya of Dinnaga. In fact Dharma-

1 Vide Introduction to Tattvasamgraha No. XXX, GOS,

2 This sentence is found both in Pramana-samuccaya and Nyayapra\ T csa,
and Vscaspatimisra in his Nyayavartika-tika quotes this definition as that
of Djimaga.

3 J. B. B. B. A. S. Vol. XVIII, p. 229.
* Annals of B. O. B I. Vol. ZI, p. 157.

72 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

klrti 1 made further improvement in Logic after Dinnaga, as it has
been eloquently declared by I-tsing who travelled in India during
671-695. He merely improved on Dinnaga's definition by adding
the word abhranta. But no such word as abhranta or any prototype
of it is used by Samantabhadra and hence it cannot be said that
Samantabhadra had Dharmakirti's definition of perception in view,
Samantabhadra's attack on the definition of perception as mm-
Jcalpaka can be extended to the view of Dharmaklrti only because
he too was one of those who had adopted that definition. And it is
just natural, in view of the popularity and fame of Dharmaklrti,
that all authors who came after him had prominently before their
mind's eye the definition of Dharmaklrti. So Vidyananda, who has
been wrongly identified with Patrakesari by Dr. Pathafc, quotes in
his commentary 2 on that verse ( viz. verse 33 of Yuktyanusasana,
of Samantabhadra ), as an example, the definition of Dharmaklrti-

' \

This definition, being popular in Vidyananda's time, required
refutation at his hands. It could have been equally said by
Vidyananda that the definition of perception is

Then there are many authors of later age who have used the
word nirvikalpaka in their definition of perception, and Samanta-
bhadra can be said, today, to have equally refuted their views,
But we cannot say that Samantabhadra was later than all of them,
Dr. Pathak's hypothesis that Dharmaklrti is the first to use the
word kalpanapodha is shown to be groundless and hence his
conclusion that Samantabhadra is later than' Dharmaklrti falls to
the ground like a cabin of cards.

I wish to indicate here that even Dinnaga cannot be credited
with originality of having defined perception as nirvikalpaka since,
even Vasubandhu, ( 280-360 A. C. ) who was an elder contemporary
and teacher of Dinnaga, considers samyag-jnana-pratya'ksa to be

1 Vide, Dr. Vidyabhushana's History of Indian Logic p. 306.

* See YuktySnu^asnam with VidySnanda's commentary published in
Mftnikchanda Jaina Grantham3l3. VoL XV, p, 67,

Samantabhadra $ Date and Dt . Patbak 73

nirvikalpa as it is clear from his treatises like Vijnapti-matrata-
siddhi and Trimsika-Yijaapti-karika ] To go a step further, there
are evidences to show that samyagjnana was qualified as mrvikalpa
even before the time of Vasubandhu and the tradition of such a
knowledge being both perceptual and inferential is accepted even
by Dharmaklrti in his Nyayabindu thus

The following extract from Lankavatara sutra put in the
mouth of Buddha will make clear our point

When from early times Buddhists considered samyagjnana to be
free from Vikalpa, it is self-evident that its part Pratyaksa
is free from Yikalpa ( mrmkalpaka ). It is possible that Arya
Nagarjuna in some of his works-possibly in his Yukti-sasthika-
karika 2 might have qualified perception as aklapaka or nirvi-
kalpaka and perhaps with that in view Samantabhadra might have
put forth his attack. Nagarjuna* lived about 181 A. C., and
Samantabhadra too is traditionally put in the second century A. d
There is a similarity in the names of their works (Yuktyanu&asana
and Yuktisasthika ), and even the number of verses is practically
the same. It we are correct in our surmises given above, then
Samantabhadra may be a contemporary of Nagarjuna : some other
cumulative evidences will be given later on. From the above
discussion it is quite clear that Samantabhadra cannot be later
than Dharmaklrti.

( II ) The second evidence too is equally weak to lend any
support to Dr. Pathak's conclusion. The verse No. 80 of Apta-
mlmarnsa runs thus

1 Both, these works have been published with Sr. commentary by
Sylvain Le'vi, Paris , the commentary of the first appears to he svopajfta
and that of the second is by AcSrya Sthiramati.

2 This work of NSg3r3una is mentioned by Dr. Satischandra Vidyahhu-
shan in his ' History of the Mediaeval School of Indian Logic, ' P, 70,

6 Vide Introduction to Tattvasanigraha*
10 ( Annals, B (X R. I. \

74 sinnais 07 me jwanaatRar Unental Research Institute

Here is referred to neither the name of Dharmaklrti nor
sentence *

We fail to understand how Dr. Pathak says, * Samantabhadra
ays that Dharmaklrti contradicts himself when he says

It appears that Dr. Pathak found that statement sahopa*
lambha etc. in AstasahasrI and other commentaries and as well in
Pramana-viniscaya of Dharmaklrti and was led to the groundless
conjecture that Samantabhadra was referring to Dharmaklrti,
We might give here the extract from AstasahasrI

ft \

It is really a bold step to ascribe the view of the corn-
mentator to th.e original author I The original verse attacks
Buddhists that hold the doctrine of vijnaptz-matrata and there
were authors, both before as well as after Samantabhadra,
who subscribed to this doctrine. And Samantabhadra 's attack
may be directed towards both by the commentators in later age
and we often come across such phrases, etena tadapi nirastcffli
bhavati, pratyuktam bhavati, etena yaduktafn Bhattena tanmrstam.
If Vidyananda, commenting on a verse of Samantabhadra, criti-
cises Dharmaklrti in his commentary, it would not be a valid in-
ference to say that Dharmaklrti preceded Samantabhadra in age :
it certainly means that Dharmaklrti was earlier than Vidyananda,
If the writers referred to and attacked in the commentaries were
to be placed earlier than the original author, then there would be
a chaos in history and chronology. The attacks in commentaries
are not historically arranged but they are the outcome of doctrinal
enthusiasm and therein they go on attacking all available viewfi,
early and contemporary, and some times even though there are no
such indications in the original. If the view of commentators was
historical they would have quoted and criticised only

Samantabhadtas Date and D? . Patbak 75-

fcuthors who preceded In age the writer on whose text they are
sommenting. It would be ridiculous to infer that Kant was earlier
han Saihkaracarya if a modern annotator on Samkara-bhasya
;uotes and criticises Kant when commenting on a particular view
>f Samkara.

Moreover the doctrine of Vijnaptimatrata was current even
Defore Dharmaklrti, and earlier authors like Vasubandhu, as we
iave remarked above, have composed treatises like Vijnapti-
natrata-siddhi and Trimisika-vijnapti-karika. It is the doctrine
>f Buddhists, especially of Vijnanadvaita-vadinah of the Yogacara
tchool, and as such it was current even before the time of Vasu-
landhu as it is clear from the following verse where he says that
he proof of the doctrine of Vijiiapti-matrata is possible for
Buddha only, and It is beyond his capacity to fully comprehend
he same

^rr g

Lankavatara is an old Buddhist work composed before Vasu-
>andhu and referred to by Aryadeva who was an eminent disciple
>f Nagar]una. 3 In that work, among the 108 questions put to
Buddha by Mahamati there is a question about Vtjnapfi-matrata
vhich runs thus

* i%5rnrera ^ 3^ sr rt % ^?am ' n R-^^ n

And further in the third section of the same work we find a
iiscussion about it thus -

Thus this doctrine of Buddhists is very old and it is no wonder
hat even the statement sahopalambha etc. of Dharmaklrti might
lave been derived by him from some previous source. Therefore
t is impossible that Samantabhadra can be placed later than
Dharmaklrti from that paiticular verse of Aptamlmamsa. If
Dharmaklrti is taken to be the original propounder of the doctrine
)f Vijnapti-matraiti then Yasubandhu and other authors would be

i See Indian Logic pp, 243 and 261,

7 6 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

later than Dharmaklrti a position which is historically i m .
possible and which even Dr. Pathak cannot willingly accept. Thus
his second evidence is equally useless to prove that Samanta-
bhadra is later than Dharmaklrti.

( III ) The verse of Aptamlmamsa referred to by Dr. Pathak
ID his third evidence runs thus

-q-s n ?o^ n

Here we find a definition of naya with no explicit reference
to the trilaksana-hetu viz. <T$rsnfer ^nr$T ^Tr^ fnT$T 'STrar^r of the
Buddhists, nor is it attacked in any way. To translate the above
verse*- Naya is what suggests the particular feature of a matter
coming within the scope of Syadvada, such a suggestion being
based on the similarity of attributes, of the thing intended to he
proved, with another -possessing similar attributes as also on the
absence of any conflict. Patrakesari became a convert to Jainism
by hearing this Apta-mlmamsa also known as Devagama-Stotra ;
but the nature of inference as conceived by Jaina Logicians was
not clear to him, was not explicit to him from Devagama-stotra
and also how it differed from the Buddhist view of trilaksana-hetu.
This doubt of Patrakesari became soon cleared when he got the
following verse

And it is with the help of this verse that he was able to criti-
cise the tritaksaria-hetu of Buddhists. But Akalanka, a versatile
commentator, who flourished later than Patrakesari could read in
the original verse of Samantabhadra an indication as to the
futility of trilaksaria-hetu and his commentary on that verse
runs thus

Even if we suppose that Samantabhadra had in view the
tnlaksava-hetu in the very manner in which Akalanka could
expand it in his oommentary, it is aofc proved that S&memt&bhadrft
ta later thaa Dbaym&kteti eiqe Blaarmaklrti is not th* firsfc

Satnantabhadra $ Date and Dr. Pathak 77

to propound the trilaksana-hetu as it is clear from works such as
Prarnaria-samuccaya and Hetucakra-damaru of Diimaga : in the
former work there is a chapter called trirupa~hetu. 1 Nagarjuna,
in his Pramana-vihetana is credited to have substituted the five-
fold syllogism of Naiyayikas by a threefold one : 2 from this it is
clear that he accepted trilahsana-hetu in place of panca-laksana-
hetu. Thus we can trace the origin of tnlaksana-Jietu as far as
Nagarjuna.

Besides it is clear from the following two verses quoted by
Prasastapada attributing their authorship to Kasyapa that the
trilaksana-hetu was current among the Vaisesikas from a very
long time 3

\

U

U

Therefore it is impossible that Samantabhadra can be later
than Dharmakirti as the source of tnlaksana-hetu can be traced
as far as Nagarjuna and perhaps even earlier. So the third
evidence is equally futile to support his conclusion.

In all the three evidences which are based on different pas-
sages from Samantabhadra's works nowhere there is explicit
reference to Dharmakirti or to his statements, nor is Dharma-
kirti the first propounder of the various views which are said to
have been criticised by Samantabhadra according to Dr. Pathak.
Therefore all these evidences, as shown above, are not sufficient
to prove that Samantabhadra is later than Dharmakirti.

( IV ) The fourth evidence too is not to the point. The validity
of the statement, that Samantabhadra refutes Bhartrhari's opinion
as nearly as possible in the latter's own words, depends on two
things, which are not proved at all by Dr. Pathak but simply
taken for granted, viz. (i) that the two verses bodhatma cecchabdasya
etc. really belong to the authorship of Samantabhadra and (ii) that

See History of the Mediaeval School of Indian Logic, pp. 85-99.
B*e fitpr^^H^'ff^fm by Namadft Shaakar Hshta, p, 18S,
Vide Introduction to NySyaprav^a, p. 23, published in GK O, S,

78 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

none else before Bhartrhari has propounded the doctrine of
Babdadraita.

Dr. Pathak has not indicated from what work of Samanta*
bhadra these two -verses are taken. They are not found in any of
the available works of Samantabhadra, nor are they mentioned
in the works of Prabhacandra and Vidyananda who are in the
habit of closely following the verses of Samantabhadra. Vidya-
nanda's refutation of the doctrine of &dbdadvaita is based on the
words of Akalanka, and not of Samantabhadra, as he says in the
following passage from Slokavartika

It is imaginable that Vidyananda, a close student of Samanta-
bhadra's works as he is, would have quoted these two verses in
this context if they really belonged to Samantabhadra. That
Samantabhadra is the author of these two verses is a doubtful
point. The prose portion quoted along with these two verses
appears to be a part of the so called svopajna-vrtti of Anekanta-
jaya-pataka. The two verses are attributed to Vadimukhya and
not explicitly to Samantabhadra. We do not know and Dr.
Pathak also is silent whether there is any marginal note or
anything like that, according to which Vadimukhya can be
identified with Samantabhadra. So long these verses are not found
in Samantabhadra's works and so long there is no definite evi-
dence to identify Vadimukhya with Samantabhadra one cannot
accept the authorship of these two verses attributed to Samanta-
bhadra. There are many such cases of wrong identification in
the history of Jaina Literature and a few instances might be
quoted here. Ramasena is the author of Tattvanusasana but in
the edition of the Manikchandra Jaina Granthamala its author-
ship is attributed to Nagasena, 1 the teacher of Ramasena, and
this mistake is later on adopted by all. Similarly Prameya-Kamala-
Martanda is a commentary on the Pariksa-mukha of Manikyanandi
and there must have been some Sk. gloss on Prameya-Kamala-
Martanda. The following verse of Prameya-Kamala-Martatida is
1 See Jaina Hitaishi Vol. XIV. p, 313,

Sawanlabbadra's Dale and Dr. Pathak 79

printed, without any distinction, in the Nirnayasagara edition
of the above work; and naturally some scholars have attributed
it to Manikyanandi. The verse runs thus

Some scholars, misled by this wrong attribution have suppos-
ed that Manikyanandi mentions the name of Vidyananda. Dr.
Pathak also has remarked elsewhere that Manikyanandi refers to
Vidyananda and this is due to this wrong attribution. Dr. Vidya-
bhushana t therefore, was led to remark thus, " Mr. Pathak says
that Manikyanandi has mentioned Vidyananda but in the text of
Pariksa-Mukha-Sastra itself I have not come across any such
mention. f} 7

Ihe relegation of these two verses to the authorship of Samanta-
bhadra is very doubtful and any conclusion based on that cannot
be valid. Even if it is proved that these are Samantabhadra's
verses, still to put Samantabhadra later than Bhartrhari it is
necessary to show that Bhartrhari was the first promulgator of the
doctrine of Sabdadvatta. But this is not guaranteed, since Panini
and other authors, many of whom have been quoted by Bhartr-
hari, subscribed to the doctrine of sdbdadvaita. Is it a valid
supposition that the view na so'sti pratyayo etc. did not belong to
any previous author ? When two authors write on the same topic
there is a possibility of verbal similarity $ 2 not to say of those

1 History of Indian Logic, p 188, footnote, 7.

2 Here we would like to quote two passages from ' Malaviya commemor-
tion volume ' written by two different persons to show the possibility of
verbal agreement when two people write on the same topic. G* N. Chakra-
varti Esq. writes - " when he entered the legal profession he, with his brillianfc
intellect and rare powers of eloquence, had the ball at hts feet, and it does not
need much insight to see that he might have easily climbed to the highest
rung of the ladder if he had only chosen to give hts whole attention and
energy to the profession. "

R. B. Sanval Das writes - " Had he concentrated his energy on his legal
practice there is not the least doubt that he would have soon risen to the top
of the ladder. It has been rightly said that he had the ball at his feet but
he refused to kick it. "

So Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute,

authors who had inherited their knowledge through traditional
instruction where similarity in phraseology is more natural, as
we find from the serial study of the works of Pujyapada, Akalanka
and Vidyananda, or Dinnaga and Dharmaklrti. We can quote
illustrations some of which are noted hy Dr. Pathak himself in
another context- 6 Dinnaga defined perception as

and hetu as * srrire*reT?3far c?TT<Tf tg: ' while Dharmaklrti defined the
same as ' ^"^T^T'TtSTraT^rn^ ? and * q^^t^d^M cq7 c cfr fgp ' respectively,
It is not necessary to say hovv much these definitions agree,
Similarly Bhartrhari might have imitated some other authorities
before him. It is very probable that he has followed an old verse
which was slightly different in wording than the one found at
present in his work and which appears to have been quoted in its
earlier form by Prabhacandra in his Martanda and by Vidya-
nanda in his Sloka-vartika, and perhaps with that earlier
version in view Haribhadra read his quotation, * ^ =5
* etc. Prabhacandra quotes the following verse

' n

along with two others, with the introductory phrase taduktam
at one place in his Martanda, and it appears that they have been
bodily taken from a work where they occurred in this consecutive
order. But they are not found in that very order in Vakyapadlya
of Bhartrhari. The third verse

T * etc.

is found with a slight variation in wording as the first verse of
first Kanda of Vakyapadlya and the remaining two verses ( the
first with the variations noted above ) are numbered as 124 and
125. This also substantiates the conjecture that Bhartrhari has
taken these verses from some other source. Besides, Bhartrhari
himself says that his work is of a compilatory nature

He also implies that there was a bigger work before his time
which fell into oblivion but a part of it was recovered by the sage
Pataajali. The commentator Punyaraga remarks thus
i Annals of the B. O. E. I. Vol XI, p. 157 etc.

Samanlalihadias Dale and Dr. Pallntk Si

and indicates that Patanjali's Maha-bhasya Is a summary of tbat
old compilatory work that had fallen into oblivion, Bhartrhari
even goes to say, in the first Kanda of his work, that Grammar is
always composed by eminent writers on the ground of old Smrtis-

rRlTr^^cT^ ^fr^i" ^Tcf 37 ^rf^^r^JTT I

wfajH-iH^ra fi% ; ^^r^nrg^TT^R^ u

Under such circumstances it is nob at all impossible that
the verse na ca syat pratyayo etc, might have been drawn from
some earlier source.

Suppose there is an author who flourished before Dharmaklrti:
he had in view a statement of Dinnaga in the course of his attack
- a statement which is similarly worded in the works of Dharma-
klrti too. A later commentator who is unaware of that statement
in the works of Dinnaga is likely to indicate that the original
author is attacking the statement of Dharmaklrti with whose
works he ( i. e. the commentator ) is more frmiliar. From this if
the original author were to be placed later than Dharmaklrti, it
would be a gross mistake and misrepresentation of chronological
facts. Similarly if an earlier author than Bhartrhari had attacked
a statement whose prototype is found in Bhartrhari's works also,
we are not justified in dragging that old author later than
Bhartrhari*

Therefore in view of the facts discussed above we cannot be
allowed historically and logically to place Samantabhadra later
than Bhartrhari.

( V ) We fail to understand how it is clear from the passage
quoted from Ekanta-khandana that Pujyapada lived prior to
Samantabbadra. If the serial enumeration of fallacies ( STTO^,
fa^^U etc.) attributed to Siddhasena, Devanandi and Samantabhadra
was to be accepted as chronologically arranged, it would be a
gross misrepresentation of the history of fallacies that are long in
use in Naiyayika literature. When the fallacies and their very
names were current long before, the attribution of applying a
particular fallacy to a particular author only shows that he was
pre-eminent in applying that fallacy to refute certain middle
11 [ Annals B, O. R. I. ]

8a Annals of the Blwndar'kar Oriental Research Institute

term ( hetu) of the opponent. But that can never "be a ground to
arrange the authors chronologically. We can take, for instance
the following verse where some authors are mentioned with their
typically special characteristics

Can we infer from this mere enumeration that Akalanka lived
earlier than Pujyapada ? Certainly not. Pujyapada flourished about
500 A.C. and Akslanka has used hlsSarvartha-siddhiin composing
hiaown Rajavartlka. This enumerative order can hardly indicate
their priority or posteriority in time. If Dr. Pathak infers from
this order, then he will have to admit that Siddhasena flourished
earlier than Pirjyapada thus contradicting his own conclusion.
^Since, we find Siddhasena in his Nyayavatara qualifies his defini-
tion of pratyaksa with a-bhranta and grahaka ( i. e. nir^ayaka,
vyavasayatmaha and savikalpaka ) and thus he has in view the
definition of Dharmaklrti who, so far as we know, is the father of
the phrase a-bhranta. The commentator on Nyayavatara re-
marks

" ^r srrTTsrm^ r?tr<rri% ^rqrsr cp^^T^R^r^crmr^' rf^TT^ ^^rf^ i "
According to the first evidence Dr. Pathak will have to admit
that Siddhasena is later than Dharmaklrti and we do not know
how Dr. Pathak would explain the contradiction to which he is
led by saying that Siddhasena was earlier than Pujyapada who
lived some two hundred years before Dharmaklrti.

Neither from the extract nor from the history of fallacies, nor
from the order of enumeration of the authors can it be proved that
Samantabhadra is later than Pujyapada. The only possible ground
for such an inference remains - but it is not clear from Dr.
Pathak ? s words 1 that since Laksmldhara the pupil of Samanta-
bhadra mentions the name of Pujyapada the former can be taken
as later than Pujyapada or even both Samantabhadra and Pujya-
pada can be taken as contemporaries. But it must be remembsred
that this would be a valid inference only after it is definitely proved

" Pathak says: '* f^m the passages cited above from the EkaDta-
it is clear that Pujyapada lived prior to Samantabhadra. "

** Date and Di . Palhak j

that Laksmldhara is the direct disciple of Samantabhadra. The
joint is not clear from the extracts from Ekanta-Kbandana
given hy Dr. Patliak in his article, and naturally I was led to
inspect the Ms of Ekanta-khaiidana which, as Dr. Pathak tells
us in ft footnote, is preserved in a palm-leaf Ms. ( in old Kanarese
characters ) belonging to Laksmtsena Matha, Kolhapur. I am
very thankful do Prof. A. N. Upadhye, M. A., of the Rajaram
College, Kolhapur, through v>hose kind and good offices I could
get a true copy of that Ms, which is compared with the original
by the professor personally.

I find it to be an incomplete Ms -, for some reason or the other
it has not been complete, and hence there is no prasasti etc. at the
end of the work. Unfortunately the work is not divided into
sanidttis at the end of which, in the colophons, we could expect the
author to mention his or his Guru's name etc. Nor any where
we get an explicit reference to the author's being a direct disciple
of Samanlabhadra. I found from the Ms. that Dr. Pathak has
not been cautious enough in giving the excerpts. Between the
two verses quoted by Dr. Pathak with the introductory phrase
taduktam or to be more explicit after the verse asiddham etc. there
runs the following prose passage

After this the subject matter of the book begins. The second
verse nityadyekanta etc. does not corne just after asiddha etc. but
ii comes after the mangal&cararia 1 e. Jmade^aw etc The verse
mtijadyeLanta etc. belongs to the author, and Dr. Pathak has com-
mitted a mistake in indicating it, along with the verse asiddham
as taduktam. After the verse mtyadyekawta etc. comes the follow-
ing verse

rfr ^ ^

m%^t
And then follows a prose passage of which only the conclud-

84 Annah of the Bhandar&ar Oriental Reseat ch Institute

pqition is quoted by Dr, Pathak as it is clear from the
f cot-note here. 3

This is the condition of the work as we find it. The author's
name is Laksmldhara or Laksmana both being taken as synonyms
It appears that Dr. Pathak is led to believe that Laksmldhara i s
the direct disciple of Samantabhadra from the two phrases ~
r: and

But it is a plain mistake to consider Laksmldhara as the
direct disciple of Samantabhadra as the above two phrases follow
after mentioning the views of three authors belonging to different
periods, and as such he should be taken as the parampara-sisya
( i. e. upadesya ) of these three authors. That he is a traditional
pupil is clear from the passage

n3n*P3R

Which comes after a quotation ending with iti. The phrase
m^sr: should be explained not as ' rf^r TOPWRCW r%*q-: ' but as
WT nj^RT5faf $n*: > . And aradhana is possible in the case of a
traditional pupil i.e. parawpara-sisya by the study of their works
taranaradhana does not always mean the service of their physical

t M ma ^ f I Wh Ie matter Cl6ar ' W6 glVe bel W the o**% Portion of
the Ms., so that the readers imght see for themselves how the whole *itu
tion is misunderstood ^and misrepresented by Dr. Pathak.

\\

Samantabhadra's Date and Dr. Patbak 85

jet but cararta = pada = sentence their works ? therefore the
hrase may be taken as the study of their works. There are many
ich illustrations where one author considers himself to be the
isciple of another who flourished many centuries before hira.
his refers to parampa)a-sisyatva and not direct discipleship. We
uote below the concluding verse of Nitlsara where Indranandi
ills himself a sisya of KundaVunda who flourished more than a
lousand years before him

Similarly the passage from Ekanta-khandana shows that he
as a paranwara-sisya and not a direct disciple of Samantabbadra.
'urther the verse asiddhah etc. is only a popular verse of an
tithor who flourished long before Laksmana who is merely voic-
ig the popular view by quoting that verse wherein the opinions
f three famous authors are mentioned. This famous verse is found
i Siddhiviniscaya-tlka and Nyaya-viniscaya-vivarana in the
>llowing form

In the Wyaya-viniscaya-vivarana Vadiraja quotes it with
le phrase taduklam and Anantavlrya, who is the pre-eminenfc
oinmentator on the works of Akalanka and who is held in high
Bspect by all the later commentators like Prabhacandra and
"adiraja, gives this verse in Siddhiviniscaya-tlka twice : once in
le fifth prastava as

nd again in the giutth prastava where the complete verse is
iven and explained word by word. Thus it is clear that this
erse comes from Akalanka's Siddhiviniscaya, sixth chapter
nown as lietu-lakszna-siddhi. Therefore Laksmldhara is later
lan Akalanka. In fact he is later than Vidyananda who has
*verely dealt with Kumarila's attack on the AstasatI of Akalanka,
i his Slokavartika and other works, since in this Ekanta-
handana he quotes Vidyananda thus

I Manikachanda GranthaniSlS Vol. XIII, p. 69.

86 Annals of the Blxindaihat Oucnlal Resctt/ch

This is the 15th verse of Vidyananda's Apta-parlksa which
is composed by him after the completion of his Tattvartha-Sloka
vartika and Astasahasrl.

Under these circumstances it is impossible to accept Laksml-
dhara as the direct disciple of Sarnantabhadra ; nor there is any
other external evidence to that effect. Of the direct disciples of
Samantabhadra we know two names only viz, Sivakoti and
Sivayana. 1 From the explicit reference to Vidyananda it is
plain that" Laksmldhara flourished many centuries after Samanta-
bhadra. When Laksmldhara is not the direct disciple of Samanta-
bhadra, the conclusion, based on the reference to Pujyapada etc,,
that Samantabhadra is later than Pujyapada loses its value. It
would be a sheer breach of historical judgement to make Laksml-
dhara a direct disciple of Samantabhadra when he quotes Vidya-
nanda who flourished long after Samantabhadra.

I wish to indicate here that Pujyapada is considered to be later
than Samantabhadra in the available Jaina Literature. Leaving
a-side the paUavahs i.e. the traditional lists of teachers, the
eplgraphio evidences too point to the same thing. In Sravana
Belgola Inscriptions, for instance No. 40 ( 64 ), same information
about Samantabhadra is given ; then the word tatah is used and
then follpws the information about Pujyapada beginning with the
famous verse, yo Devanandih etc. In another inscription also No.
108 ( 258 ) Pujyapada is introduced with the phrase tatah after
Samantabhadra, The use of tatah indicates that Pujyapada is
later than Samantabhadra. Further Pujyapada, in his Sanskrit
grammar, has the following sutra mentioning the name of
Samantabhadra

Irt the face of this sutra one cannot pufc Samantabtiadi-a later
than Pujyapada and when Dr> Pathak found it to be a difficulty

i. See^irff ^T??^ (?r%I^T ) P- 95 by the present writer published by
Jalna Grantha RatnaVara Zaryalaya/Hirabaga, Bombay, 4,

SamanttthhaJrtfs Date and Dr. Patbak 87

i the way of his conclubion he pronounced his judgement, with-
ufc any substantial evidence, that the suira Is an interpolation
lerely to escape through the difficulty. It is a mere conjecture
f his, and his only support Is that this sutra is not present in the
akatayana Vyakarana. Its presence In the Jainendra Vyakarana
nd the absence of the same in the Sakatayana-Vyakarana where
iany sutras have been taken from the former led him to treat
lis sutra as spurious. But it is an illogical conclusion. *Many ?
oes not mean ' all ', nor is there any compulsion on Sakatayana
> copy all the sutras of Jainendra, nor would It be valid to say
lat every sutra that has not been copied by Sakatayana is spuri-
ns. We can quote a parallel instance. Pujyapada in his
ainendra Vyakarana copies many sutras from Panini but he has
oft taken that sUtra of Panini where one Sakatayana is referred to,
>oes it mean then, that particular sutra is an Interpolation in
anini's work ? Certainly not. Neither from the sutras given by
>r. Pathak nor from other sutras can it be proved that Jaina
akatayana completely follows Jainendra Vyakarana. In portions
e is Independent and sometimes follows other grammarians like
'anini. Dr. Pathak says ttat the sutra- * 3RT*TT ^RT?ft^H% * 1
-R-^vs. of Jaina Saktayana is entirely based on Panini T s sutra
\ vs-V?*?. Further he goes to the extent

f remarking, " The mention of Indra in one of the above sutras
F Jaina Sakatayana has misled some scholars Into the belief that
adra was a real grammarian. " 1 Under these circumstances we
re not ready to accept the illogical conclusions of Dr. Pathak
lat all such sutras are interpolations namely, those sutras of
ainendra which have not been copied by Jaina Sakatayana, those
Uras, though copied, in which the proper names have been
splaced by va and those sutras of Sakatayana mentioning some
roper names but in whose place va had been used in Jainendra
yakarana. To prove all these sutras to be interpolations some
rronger evidence was necessary, but It has not been produced by
r. Pathak.

When It is not proved that Laksmldhara was the disciple of
arnantabhadra and that from his enumeration, Pujyapada was

1 This remark of Dr. Pathak is not in any way cogent, since we learn from
ich an old work as Lankavat^rasUtra that Indra was the author of a abda-
stra l J riT ? 5. f *v t

88 Annals of the Bhandctrkar Oriental Research Institute

prior to Samantabhadra, there is no necessity of suspecting t|
genuineness of that sutra. The interpolatory character of fl^'
sutra is merely a conjecture of Dr. Pathak to lend support to his
biased interpretation of the passage from Ekanta-khandana, ^
to create a favourable atmosphere for his biased conclusion hecallj
all (?) those sfttras mentioning proper names as spurious. "Wedo
not know why he has not stamped the sutra - * ^fqijsri' s^fft^ 1
\-\-66 as an interpolation.

( VI ) The sixth evidence is hardly to the point. We have seen
that Laksmldhara is not the direct disciple of Saraantabhadraani
that he quotes Vidyananda who has criticised Kumarila. Soty
his reference to Kumarila we cannot arrive at the conclusion thai
Kumarila and Samantabhadra were contemporaries or Samanta-
bhadra flourished a little earlier than Kumarila.

(VII) It is an evidence of a general character where Dr,
Pathak indicates the periods of different authors. We have
already shown that his evidences, to prove that Samantabhadra
has attacked Dharmaklrti and Bhartrhari and that he had a direci
disciple in Laksmldhara, were too weak and worthless. We an
not ready to accept that Patrakesari and Vidyananda were
identical, that Prabhacandra and Vidyananda were the junta
contemporaries of Akalanka and that Akalanka flourished in tie
latter half of the eighth century, since all these conclusions belong
to the category of * unproven. ; In the following discussion it
would be made clear that Patrakesari is not the other name of
Vidyananda, that he was different from Vidyananda the author of
Tattvartha-slokavartika, that Patrakesari, Vidyananda andPrabha-
sandra were neither the pupils nor the contemporaries of
Akalanka, that Patrakesari flourished even before Akalanka and'
that Akalanka belonged to the first half of the seventh century.

** I fe ^7 ery S rr5r to pen this Post-script. Dr. Pathak is no more amongst
5 eml l 8 haS undcmbt * dl y Created a gap in the rank of Orientalists,
tne time has come now to revise many of his conclusions, the spade-
neCti r Wlth Jaina lltersr ^ chronology, which he could
refn ^ f tbestud y fj aina literature was in its infancy, W
if he LJ f, pl ^ ercharact ^. He died before this paper could he publish;
r - S ' b W Uld have Certainly explained his position with

-n * Certainly explained his positi

p p Sama ^^hadra in the l!ht of m 7 arguments

HE ADIBHARATA. AND THE NATYASARVASVAHDIPIKA

BY

MANOMOHON GHOSH, M. A.

Khaira Research Assistant in Indian Linguistics,

Calcutta University

I

Quotations from the Adilha^ata ( ABh. ) in addition to those
:om the Bharata in Raghavabhatta's commentary on tiakuntala
aturally raised an expectation towards an addition to our know-
adge of the early history of the text of the Natyasastra ( NS. )
scribed to Bharatamuni. In fact we imagined that the ABh.
mentioned by Baghavabhatta, ( R. ) was a version of the NS,
arlier than the extant one which probably was identical with
is Bharatn. With this idea we started an examination of the
notations of R, in their relation to the NS And the following
esult followed ( see Indian Historical Quarterly. 1930 pp. 75f ),

Out of 19 quotations from the ABh. ( a ) 12 were traceable in
ae NS, and ( b ) 3 had their parallels in it, while ( c ) 4 had no
race in it. And out of 9 quotations from the Bharata ( a ) 7 are
raceable in the NS., while ( b ) 2 have their parallels in it,

In the above examination we depended too much on the Kavya-
iSla ( K.) text and were under the impression that no more quota-
ion from the ABh. will be traced in the NS. But after an inde-
lendeni study of the Chowkhamba ( Oh. ) text which was found
o represent a different recension we discovered later on one more
LBh. quotation 1 occurring in it. Besides this on a closer examina-
ion of R.'s commentary of the tfakuntala we discovered in it 2
nore quotations from the ABh. and 5 more from the Bharata.
3oth the SJBh. quotations and 4 of the Bharata quotations were
raceable in the NS.

Thus the previously found relation of the ABh. and the
Bharata with the NS. stands altered as follows 1

1 This is No. 3 of the ABh. quotations shown previously as not traceable
i the NS. see I. H, Q. 1930 p. 79. This and other quotations o! R, discover-
d later are given in the Appendix,
12 [ Annal*, B. 0. R. I. 1

0,0 Annals of the Bhandatkar Oriental Research Institute

I, Out of 21 quotations from the ABh.
( a ) 15 are traceable in the NS. and

( b ) 3 have their parallels in it, while
( c ) 3 have no trace there at all.

II. Out of the 14 quotations from the Bharata
( a ) 11 are traceable 1 in the NS. and

( b ) 3 have their parallels in it.

The fact that out of 21 quotations from the ABh. as many as
15 are traceable in the ]STS, gives a great weight to the view of Dr
8. K. De who suggested that by ABh. Raghavabhatta meant
Bharata the reputed author of the NS. ( see Sanskrit Poetics, Vol. I,
1923, p. 24). Quotations which are not traceable in the NS. as
well as those which have their parallels in it can be explained by
the generally accepted theory that this work has been very badly
handed down and some omissions as well as emendations in it
might have sometimes been made. The non-appearance of some
of the quotations may as well be due to mistake on the part of R,
as well as his successive generations of scribes. But Dr. De's
reasons for indentifying the ABh. with Bharata are however as
follows : The bharata in later times came to mean dramatic art,
and works like Nandibharata and Matangabharata etc. meant ' the
dramatic art by authors like Nandl and Matanga ? who were
posterior to Bharata. It was in contradictions to these later
bharatas that Bharata the so-called author of the NS. was called
the AdibJtarata. 2

1 One of such quotations was traceable only m the K. text of the NS.
and the Ch. text gives the substance of it m a different language. Vide,
L H. Q. 1930 p. 80.

2 In this matter we slightly differ from Dr. S. K. De, and like to suggest
the semantic development of the word bharata in the following lines. Once
bharata meant o /a ; and a treatise on his art was then called the Bharata-

et f SkaDdha J * of tbo NWasarvasvadtp**.* the expn*
tWiC6 } ' ThiS 'Bharatatestra' ^as however refer-

and

^ bharata in Canals of the BORI, Vol. XIII pp.
s ^^^^^a too 'bharata' m the sense
^^'^ata' denoting the toatra as time

early sastra to a

The Adibliarala find the 'Natyawrvasva-Dipi'kd 91

The argument on which Dr. Be based his assumption is a
very cogent one. That bharjta once meant the dramatic art or
rather a treatise on the same is pretty sure. For besides the
name Nandi and Matanga bharatas we have come across the name
of the Balaramabharata by Balarama Kula^ekhara of Travancore.
This is a work on the Bharatasatra and treats music, tola and
abhinaya (vide, The Triennial Catalogue of MSB. in the Madras
Govt Oriental Library, Vol. Ill, p. 3801), But in spite of this there
may arise the following difficulties in finally accepting Dr,
De's suggestion.

( ] ) If the ABh. and Bliarata were identical why should R. in
his 21 citations have named the former and in 14 citations refer-
red to the latter ( Bharata ) by which he surely meant the present
day NS ? Before explaining this, what appears to be a strange
procedure on the part of R., we cannot by any means resist the
possibility of the existence of the ABh. as an earlier version of
NS. This possibility, we are afraid, has not been barred by the
argument of Mr. P. K. Gode whose examination of the Mysore
Ms. ( of the so-called Abibharata ) throws otherwise an unexpected
light on the problem of the ABh. ( Annals BOBI, Vol. XIII, p. 93 ).
Apart from the question whether the ABh. as an earlier recension
af the A 7 ^, actually existed or not the argument of Mr. Gode deny-
ing the possibility of the existence of the ABh. as a work on the
dramatic art does not seem to be very convincing. Indeed he has
examined one Ms. which proved to have been wrongly named.
But it will be claiming too much on the basis of Mich a discovery
that no separate work on, with this title ever existed. Even
modern makers of Ms. catalogues are some times found to com-
mit mistakes in giving titles of the Mss. For example, Mss. Nos,
3028 and 3090 of the India Office Library have been wrongly
labelled as the Abhmayadarpana of Nandikesvara, but in spite of
of this mistake the work of this name exists, 1 We .cannot say
that some previous owner of the Mysore Ms. has not misnamed
it in a similar fashion by putting down on it the name of a work
already existing. Thus the wrong naming gives strong grounds

* For details see pages xviii-x?x of the Abhinayadarpaiia edited by
present ^writer ( The work has been published in the Calcutta aSnsknt Series ).

9 2 Annals of the Bhandatftar Oriental Research Institute

of presumption in favour of the separate existence of a work
named ABh.

In addition to the above difficulty we find in the paper on
jidibhcuata J by Mr. D. R. Mankad the description of a fragraen-
tary Ms. which in its colophon has the name ABh. mentioned
more than once and contains moreover one of R. 's quotation
from the 5.Bh. not traceable in the NS.

These are the difficulties which we cofront in accepting the
view that by the ABh. Raghavabhatta meant the NS. But on a
careful consideration of two facts which due to their separate
mention may be looked upon as rather unimportant, the difficul-
ties may yet vanish ( vide ante footnotes 1 and 2 ).

The first of the facts referred to above is that one of R.'s ABh,
quotations occurs bnly in the Oh, text of the NS, and the other is
that one of his Bharata quotations is found in the K. text of the
NS. while the Ch, text gives the substance of it in a different
language. These two quotations should be studied in relation to
all of R.'s similar quotations traceable in the NS and their
position in the latter. For the purpose of such a study any one
version of the NS. may do and we shall use here Ch. text.

The following is a tabular view of R.'s quotations from the
ABh. and the Bharata traceable in the Ch. text of the NS. Nume-
rals within brackets indicate quotations from the BhCtiata while
those without brackets indicate the ABh. quotations. Roman
numerals indicate the chapters of the NS. and Arabic ones the
slokas.

I. ( 57 ).

V. ( 106-107, 107-111 ), 163-164.
VII. 79.

XVIIT. 29-30, 34-35, ( 49 ).
XIX. (11,17,19,26,26).
XX. 14,16-17,47,

XXL ( 3 ), 10, 11, 13, 24, 3^, 41, 83, 106-107.
From the study of the above table we find that ( 1 ) all of R.'s
quotations occurring in the chapter XIX. of the NS. are attributed

i I am glad to offet here my thanks to Mr. Mankad v?ho has very kind-
ly drawn my attention to his paper by sending me a reprint of the same.

The Adibharala and the Nalyttsarvasva-Dlpi'ka 93

to the Bharata ; ( 2 ) Only one of R.'s quotations occurs in the
chapter I and that from the Bharata, and ( 3 ) only one quotation
occurs in the chapter YII and that is from the ABh., and
( 4 ) R.'s nine quotations from the ABh. occur in the chapter XXI
while one from the LJiarata occurs as the third verse in the
chapter, and ( 5 ) the quotations appearing in the Ch, XX, are all
ascribed to the ABh. ( 6 ) Quotations in the name of Bharafca as
well as ABh. occur in chapters V, XVIII and XXI.

Now all these facts as well as the two quotations referred to
above cannot be explained unless we are allowed to assume that
R. used ttuo fragmentary Mss> of the N&. belonging to tao different
recensions. As one of his quotations from the ABh. appears only
in the Ch. text of the NS, representing the longer recension we
may conclude that R. drew these quotations from a Ms. of the 3STS.
belonging to the longer recension* This Ms , quite like the Mysore
Ms. examined by Mr. Gode, was probably known to E. as the
JLdzbharata. As for the quotation from the Bharata which appears
in identical language only in the K. text of the N~S, we may be-
lieve that R. ? s source of BTiarata quotations was a Ms. of the NS.
belonging to the shorter recension.

The difficulty about the colophons of the Natyasarvasvadlpika
now remains. We shall see below that this difficulty is not in-
superable, and we may finally accept the suggestion of Dr. S. K.
De as very sound.

Appendix, to I.

N. B. Please read this together with the Appendix of the
article dealing with the ABh. in IHQ. of 1930 ( pp. 77ff, )
A. R ? s Quotations from the ABh.
I. Traceable in the NS.
( p. 1 14 )

ft&gtarft ^r SFT- n

... ( XXL 106-107 )
( p. 168 )

^ ( XXL 13 )

i Pages cited before the quotations are those of the Nirnayasagara
of the AakuntalU with B.'s commentary. The references fco the NS. are
the Ch. ed,

94

Amals of the Bhaiidarkat Oriental Reseat ch Institute

3. E.'s Quotations from the Bharata.
ITraceable in the NS.

( p. 16 ) 3TT^TT%T% *TnS r4V SJfcr ^^ (XIX. 11)

( p. 21 ) ^T^ri%fif%f5r^t^r : ( XIX. 17 )

( p 25 ) frrfitaTOf ^^fT?ff gr 'm^^t srafifSfrr: ( XVIIL 49 )

\\ (XXL 3 )

II. Not traceable in the NS.
( p, 182 ) ITFFfT WHT% : ^^^

IL

The Ms. No. 41 ( of 1916-18 ) of the Government Ms. library
at the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute was originally
entered in the catalogue as the Bharata$astra*grantliah^ But after
a closer examination of the Ms. the name was corrected as the
Natya-sarvasvadlpika. In an article named Adibharata by Mr.
D. R. Mankad there is among other things a discussion on the
several colophons of its different sections where the expression
Adibharata occurs. Mr. Mankad thinks on the following grounds
that folios 1-33 ( nearly half the Ms. ) contain the ABh.
( 1 ) The word ABh* in the colophon.

( 2 ) The running style of the NS. exhibited in these folios.
( 3 ) The occurrence of the sabhalaksana mentioned by B. as
having been taken from the ABh.

Mr. Mankad has himself admitted the weakness of the first
ground, and the second one also is not strong. Thus only the
third or seemingly strongest ground should be discussed.

Since the present writer in his * Problems of the Natyasastra '
(IHQ, 1930, pp. 72ff) pointed out that the sabhalaksana of the ABh.
had a parallel in the NS., he has traced a substantial part of this
passage occurring in almost the same language in the Samgita-
ratnakara ( VII 1343-1344 ). For reasons to be given below he is
now convinced that the passage in question might have been taken
by R. from the Satiigitaratnakara and might through mistake have
been fathered on the ABh. The assumption of an oversight of

I take this opportunity of expressing here my grateful thanks to my
teacber Prol S. K. Cbatterji at whose kind intercession the authorities of the
Calcutta I.mvrsity made this Ms. available for my use

The Adtbharafa and the Natyasai'vasva-Dlpika 95

similar nature on the part of R. as we have seen before may
solve the problem of several ABh. and Bharata quotations of the
famous commentator. Thus we may think that folios 1-33 of
the Ms. does not contain any work named the ABh.

This Ms., as Mr, Mankad has conjectured, contains fragments
of different works. A portion of the chapter XXVI of the NS. ( Oh.
ed. ) occurs in folios 46-50 and the so-called double copy of folios
12-14 probably represent the fragment of a different work on tola.
The name given in the margin of these folios as the Natyasarvasva
is clearly by a different and later hand and so are the page marks
which suppress some original figures. But apart from the frag-
ment of the NS. and the fragmentary work on tala the Ms, contains
a work named Natyasarvasvadiptka or its fragments put together in
absolute disregard of any order. Mr, Mankad is inclined to believe
that this Dlpikn is a commentary of a work named Natyasarvasva.
But such a view seems to have been expressed on a very inade-
quate ground. The colophon of the table of contents of the work
ends as follows asya granfhasya nama Natyasa? vasvadipika and in
its several other colophons at the end of different sections we do not
at all meet with any statement that the work was named the Natya-
sarva&va. We do not know any commentator who has been
negligent enough to omit the name of his basic work in his
colophons.

The style of the work ( Natyasarvasvadipika) has been consider-
ed as an indication of its being a commentary. With this we
cannot agree. For such a style is often met with in works like
the ^ahvtyadarpafta and the Natyadarpana. The name ending
in * cllpika * does not necessarily make the work a commentarial
one. This word, like darpana in the name of the two above men-
tioned works, may mean nothing more than a ' manual ; .

Thus we may take it as an original work ( t e. not a com-
mentary) named the Natyasarvasavadlpika. But the word Adi-
bharata appearing in the colophon may be said to create a diffi-
culty. On the strength of this one may take the work as the
Adibharatji, and we have observed before that it naturally raises
an expectation about some old version of the NS. But on an
examination of the Ms. we found this to be a very modern work

96 Annals of tfa Bhandarfar Oriental Research Institute

later than the Saihgttaratnakara ( circa, 1230 A. C. ) which is men-
tioned twice in it ( f, 34 b line 7 and f. 36a line 4 ) and as such it
cannot be any early version of the NS. Another and an equally
great difficulty about its being taken as an early version of the NS,
or any version at all of this work is that it treats (vide its contents
in ff. 1-5 ) 32 ragas while the NS. does not know any raga at all,
The division of the work in skandhas looks rather queer and may
be taken along with the above facts as a sign of the novel origin
of the work.

Now it may be asked if the work did not at all have the
expected relationship with the NS. why should its author use the
word ' Adibharata 7 in his colophons. We are not in a position to
know exactly the motive of the author but he may have dragged
in the ABh. in the following manner. As we have seen before
that in his colophon to the contents he expressly states that the
name of the works is the Nntyasarvasva-dipiKa, but precedes this
statement by etatparyantam ad&haratasastram. This does not mean
that the name of the work was the ABh. The subject discussed in
the work is here mentioned, (It should be noted that the word W
occurring in the above statements is dearly by a different hand ),
But it is quite possible that the author of the Mtyasarvasva by
using expressions like adibharate and adibharatasastrj merely
claimed that his work is in the lines of the first Bharata though
we have seen that in one way at least this claim is not quite valid.
But some deviation from the old tradition at a later time is quite
possible and in spite of this difference the Natyasarvasvadipika
may represent the other aspects of the traditions recorded in the
early NS. But as the former Ms. of the work is extremely frag-
mentary we have no means of properly comparing it with the NS,

ETHICO-RELIGIOUS CLASSIFICATIONS OF MANKIND
AS EMBODIED IN THE JAINA CANON

BY
PROF. H. R. KAPADIA, M. A.

The problem of studying mankind is complicated; so various
methods have been adopted to solve it One of them is that of
scientific classification - an art well-known to India from hoary
antiquity. Consequently it is no wonder, if the Jainas in ancient
times possessed a remarkable mastery therein. As a corrobora-
tive evidence may be pointed out plenty of bhangas or
permutations and combinations one comes across, in the Jaina
philosophy. The attitude of the Jainas in systematically grouping
the different entities may very well account for the various sorts
of classifications of human beings 1 expounded in the Jama
canonical literature. As the main object of this article is to
throw some light on this subject, I shall begin with a classi-
fication having an ethical tinge about it.

Sadhu and A sadhu -

In Sutrakrtanga ( L 13. v. 1 and 4 2 ) humanity in its entiiety
is divided into two classes * ( 1 ) sadhu or the virtuous and ( 2 )
asadhu or the wicked, the natural divisions of mankind one can
expect and approve of. Each of these can be further divided
into two groups - ( a ) happy and ( b ) unhappy. This means that
we have four types of human beings on the surface of this globe :
( i ) virtuous and happy, ( ii ) virtuous but unhappy, ( iii ) wicked
but happy and ( iv ) wicked and unhappy. The origin of these
types is satisfactorily explained by the four kinds of karmans,
technically known as ( 1 ) punyaniibandlii-punycP, (2) punya*

1 Even the minimum and maximum numbers of human beings existing at
any time are pointed out in Anuyogadvarasutra ( sutra 142 ). This topic is
discussed by me in the paper communicated to the Jubilee Sessions of the
Indian Mathematical Society held in December 1932.

2 For the English translation of these two verses see S. B. E, vol. XLV,
P. 320.

3 Merit-engendering merit. It is a kind of merit, which makes the
individual lead a holy life, while he or she, at the same time, enjoys happi-
ness as a result of the merit acquired in a previous birth or births,

13 [ Annals, B. <X B. L]

98 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

nubandhi-papa, ( 3 ) papanubandhi-punya and ( 4 )
bandhi-papa. 1

Before proceeding further it will not be amiss to take a note
of the fact that Jainism divides all the unliberated living beings
into two classes : ( 1 ) those who are incompetent to attain
liberation and ( 2 ) those who are competent to do so. The former
class is designated as abkavya, and the latter as bhavya. The
bhivyas are subdivided into two categories : (1) those who are sure
to be liberated in near or distant future, and ( 2 ) the jati-bhavyas
or those who will never be liberated, since they will never get the
right opportunity of utilizing their potency for achieving
salvation.

Arija and Mleccha

If we refer to Prajnapanasutra 2 ( I, 37 ) of Syamacarya we
find mankind divided into two classes viz. ( a ) ariya or the
Aryas* and (b) rmUkkhu* or the Melcchas. 5 Vacakamukhya Umasvati,
too, has mentioned these classes, in his Tattvarthadhigamasutra 6
( III, 15 ) and has also indicated their various varieties, in
the svopajntf bhasya ( pp. 265-266 ). But he has not classified
the Aryas under two heads viz. ( a ) Rddhi-prapta and
Rddhi-aprapta or Anrddhi-prapta. These groups are however
pointed out in Prajnapanasutra ( ch. I. ) where the former
group is further divided into six classes viz. ( 1 ) Tlrthankara,

* This line of agrument, if properly followed, solves the question viz.
" why do the innocent suffer ? "

2 This is looked upon as the second upanga and is divided into 36
chapters known as padas with their subdivisions styled as sutras.

" explamed m the commentary as under by Malayagin

R: ' wft
^ ^

, U CCUrS n tltr ^rtanga ( I. L 2. v. 15-16 ).
Sanskt ? 6r fc0mm6ntaries written on it (vide pp. 16-18 of my

Ethico-Religioits Classifications etc. 99

( 2 ) Cakravartin, ( 3 ) Baladeva, ( 4 ) Vdsudeva, ( 5 ) Carana
and ( 6 ) Vtdyadhara, and the latter into nine known as
( a ) kselra-arya, ( b ) jatt-arya, ( c ) kula-arya, ( d ) karma-arya,
( e ) gttpcf-arya, ( f ) bhasa-arya, ( g ) jnana-arya, ( h ) darsana-arya
and ( i ) caritra-arya* Umasvati has mentioned only sir varieties 5
of the Aryas in his bhasya ( p. 265 ). They correspond to the first
six classes of Anrddhi-prapht Aryas. Sarvarthas^ddhi strikes al-
together a different note, since it mentions 7 types of the Rddhi-
prapta Aryas and 5 types of the Anrddhi-prapia Aryas*

In the case of the Mtecchas, the number of the varieties does
not seem to be fixed ; for, in Pra^napanasutra ( T, 37 ) we have
about 55 types mentioned These 5 with some variations in their
number and names are found in Nemicandra Suri's Pravacana-
saroddhara ( 274tfr dvara, v. 1583-85 ) 6 .

Umasvati does not give such a list ; but, after pointing out
on p. 266 " sr^T f^qfmT fi^^- " mentions the 56 7 antaradvlpas, the
residents of which come under the category of the Mlecchas.

As this topic is, I believe, sufficiently discussed, I shall now
take up another which is more or less a special tenet of Jainism.

Mithyatvin and Samyaktvin-

From the Jama view-point human beings and other animate
objects as well are either mithyatvin or samyaktwn, according as they
have right or wrong conception about the charaqt eristics of deva,
gur i and dharma. Mithyatva is of two types: (a) anabhigrhtta and (b)

1 In Jambudvipaprajnapti, we come across sippasaya. The names of the
five main silpas are given in Avasyaka-mryukti ( v. 207). Each is there
referred to as having 20 sub-divisions ; but I have not succeeded up till now
in tracing their names etc. The 18 srenis have been however discussed by
me in my edition of Padmananda Mahakavya ( Gaekwad's Oriental Series No.
LVIII, pp. 362, 592-593 )

2 For an explanation in English the reader is referred to G. (X S. No. LI,
pp. 392-393.

a These have been elucidated by him in the bhaaya ( p. 265 ),

^ \ s

393-394.

For the Sanskrit names, the reader is referred to G. O. S. ISTo. LT, pp.
ay3-394.

6 Prasnavyakarana, and Avasyakasutra may be consulted in this connec-
tion , they, too, refer to the anarya desas+

* According to Sarvarthasiddhi ( pp. 130-131) the number is 96,

too Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

abhigrhita, The former is due to ignorance, prejudice or preposses-
sion, while the latter is mainly due to deliberate misunderstanding
or perversion of facts. A student of Jairiism needs hardly to be
reminded of the 363 types 1 of the Abhigrhlta-rnithyatvins, the sum-
total of 180 kinds of the Kmyavadins, 84 of the Aknyavadins, 67
of the Ajnanavadins and 32 of the VinayavUdins. 2 Ths names of
the important persons connected with these schools are mentioned
by Siddhasena in his commentary to Taitvartha (VIII, 1). A rough
attempt has been made by me to identify them, 6 with a view that
some erudite scholar may be inclined to take up this topic for a
thorough investigation.

It may be remarked that samyaldva and abhtgrhita-mithyatva,
too, are not within the reach of each and every human being.
They are as it were the sole properties of the Safijnis or those
whose mind is fairly developed. Thus the human beings known
as Asanjms and having practically no brain are under the in-
fluence of andbhigrhtta mithyatva. They are the persons, who, in
virtue of their manner of being born, are debarred from possessing
samyaktva. To elucidate this point, it may be mentioned that
Jainism admits of three types of birth 4 viz. ( 1 ) sammurcchana, 5
( 2 ) garbha and ( 3 ) upapata. Out of them only the first two types
are possible for the human beings. 6 So they can be classified as
( a ) garbhaja and ( b ) sammurcchana ja. The latter are said to be
born in 14 dirty things such as excreto, urine etc., and their
life-span never exceeds 48 minutes.

It may be observed that in the case of a human being, it is the
gotra-karman, which determines the family where one can be born,

* These have been discussed at some Jength in " Schools and sects in
Jaina literature " ( pp. 29-37) by Amulyachandra Sen M. A., B. L.

& For sources of information see my introduction to TattvSrthadhigama-
sUtra ( pt. II, p. 54).

* Ibid. pp. 55-63.

* Birth as well as its varieties have been beautifully explained in Sanskrit
by Biddhasena Gani See pt. I, pp. 189-190. This subject has been briefly
treated in English in G. (X S. ( No. LI, p 21 ).

5 This is translated as " generatio acquivoca '* in S. B. E. (vol. XLV, p.224).

6 Bee UttarSdhyayanasutra ( ch, sxxvi, v, 194 ).

Ethico-Rehgtotts Classijications etc. toi

This karman is of two kinds : ( a ) high and ( b ) low. 1 On this
basis, human beings are divided in Jainism into two classes :
( i ) born in a high family and ( ii ) born in a low family.

In this connection it may be stated that the Jamas consider
the Ksatnyas as the best class of men ; for, they assign to
them even a higher place than what is generally assigned to the
Brahmarias. This will be clear, if one were to refer to Kalpasutra
where several ucca and nica kulas are mentioned. 2

From this it can be safely inferred that Jainism draws a line
of demarcation between the high and the low families. But,
thereby it does not permit a person born in a high family to be
puffed up with pride and despise those born in alow family. For,
such an attitude is deprecated in unequivocal terms in the Jama
Agamas, e. g. in Sutrakrtanga (1. 13; 10, 11, 15, 16). As an illustra-
tion, it will suffice to refer to the incident in the life of the Marici,
who, by praising his family to the skies, amalgamated the
nicagotra-karman. 3

Jaina satnts and low families :

It may be added en passant that a Jama saint is not debarred
from accepting alms even from a low family. This is borne out
by Uttaradhyayanasutra ( xii, 15 ) and Da^avaikalikasutra ( V. i.
14 ; V. 2. 25 ; VIIL 23 ). As an additional proof it may be
stated that in the 16th adhyayana of Jnatadharmakathanga, Dhar-
maruci, pupil of Dharmaghosa, is referred to as going to all fami-
lieB high, low and middle, for alms. In Upasakadasanga, the 7th
anga, we find a similar fact noted in the case of Indrabhuti
Gautama, the first disciple of Lord Mahavlra. This will show
that Jainism lays stress upon the purity of alms and not upon the
status of an individual from whom alms is to be accepted.

1 See Uttaradhyayanasutra ( sxm, 14). There each of these types of gotra-
karman is pointed out as having eight varieties. Bhavavijaya observes in
his commentary to this work that these are due to the causes of bondage
connected with pride pertaining to jatt> kula etc. See the bhasya of
Tattvartha ( ix, 6 ).

2 For the English translatisn see S. B. E. ( vol. xxii, p. 225 ).

s For details see Trisas$isal5kapurusacaritra ( I. 5. v 3?0ff ) or G, O S r
( No. LI, pp. 352-353 ).

IO2 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

Furthermore, tfrat a birth in a low family is not by itself
a stumbling block for spiritual evolution is a clear verdict of
Jainism, a fact on which the 12th and the 13th adhyayauas
of Uttaradhyayanasutra throw flood of light. For, therein we
distinctly notice the spiritual rise of Harikesa-bala and
Caitra, in spite of their birth in a family of &vapakas ( Caridala )
Even an Antyaja is fully respected in Jainism, if adorned with
a vidya ( lore ) This will be clear by studying the narrative of
king &Tenika who made an Antyaja sit on his royal throne, 1 while
learning the vidya from him,

3?rom this it can be easily deduced that Jainism. cares more
for the merits of an individual than his or her birth in a high-
class family.

No place for varnasrama in Jainism

Out of the four varrtas populary known as (1) Brahmana, ( 2 )
Ksatriya, ( 3 ) Vai^ya and ( 4 ) Sudra, we find in the earlier
portion of the Rgveda the first three under the appelations
Brahma, Ksatra and ViL It is rather in the subsequentpwrwsflr
sukta where tiudra is mentioned along with Brahmana, Rajanya
and Vaisya. In Sutrakrtanga ( II. 6. 48 ) we come across the words
Mahana, Khatttya, Vesa and Pesa.

This, by no means, implies that Jainism sanctions the water-
tight compartments generally accepted by the so-called Sanata-
nists. This is clearly borne out in the following verse of Utta-
radhyayanasutra (XXV):-

1 This will suggest that there is no room for untcuchabihty in Jamism.
This fact is beautifully stated by Malayagm Sun, while commenting upon
Nandlsutra (p. 17 2 ) as under :

He has practically expressed the same opiDion m his commentary ( p^28 )
to Ava^yakasTItra. In this conntntion it may be noted that the jati-jungitas
such as MStahga, Kokila, Baruda, Sncika, and Chimpa and others are con-
idered as asprfya by Siddhasena Suri in his commentary ( p. 230 ) to Prava-
oanaSroddhSra (v. 791. ) The author of Ni&thactfrni, too, seems to hold
the sam o

Etbico-Rehgious Classifications etc* 103

It. this very canon ( XXV, 19-29, 31-32. ) we find the word
Mahana used in the sense of JBambhana. From the characteristics
of Mahana mentioned there, 1 we learn that a person is so called,
in case he leads a very very high standard of life. 2 Even Lord
Mahavlrais himself so addressed in Sutrakrtanga ( I. ii. 1 ), since
Mahana is considered as an honorific title. Cf. Vajrasuoikopanisad.

Thus it will be seen that Jainism does not endorse the view
taken by the so-called Sanatanisis regarding the four varnas ;
consequently it does not reserve the highest stage 2 of life viz.
samnyasa ( diksa ) for a special class like that of the Brahmarias ;
but it considers persons of Backward and even depressed classes eli-
gible for it, thus keeping the entrance to final emancipation open
for any and every mumuksu* of any class whatsoever.

There is however a restriction regarding some of the human
beings 5 for, 18 types of them are considered unfit for diksa. See
Pravacanasaroddhara ( v. 790-791 ).

Six types of human beings*

According to Jainism all mundane living beings can be classi-
fied under four heads : ( 1 ) human beings, ( 2 ) the celestial

1 See also ch. xii, v. 14.

2 In Kalpasutra, we notice the word Mahana, used rather in a deteriorat-
ed sense , for, there, it implies a family unfit to be blessed with the birth of a
Tirthanikara, a Cakravartin, a Baladeva or zVasudeva, From this it may be
inferred that by the time of Bhadrabahasvamin, the Mahanas had lost
their original position and reputation, probably because they had given, up
the high ideals. Perhaps this is the reason why the word Dhijjaia, an
apabhrasta form of Dvijatika, according to P. Bechardas is explained as
Dhig-jatlya, in the commentary to Avasyakasutra.

3 Vidyaranya observes in Jivanmuktiviveka ( ch. V ) :

" 32^Tlf^ ^fcq^Si^fasrc:, ^TFWflfl'ifMHIc^ I "

4 In Jainism, there is no hard and fast rule that an aspirant for liberation
should successively pass through all the four stages of lif, viz. ( 1 ), brahma-
carya, ( 2 ) garhasthya, ( 3 ) vanapr astha and (4) samnyasa. For, the Jamas are
chiefly divided into two orders : ( 1) the AgUnns (house- holders) or practical-
ly deSavirata and ( 2 ) the Anagara (those who have renounced the world) or
sarvavirata. See TattvSrtha (VII, 14 ) and AupapatikasHtra ( S. 57p,55 ).
Nevertheless, we can divide even the life of a Jaina into four stages t if we
were to look upon the stage of a Jaina house-holder practising padimUt or *
Sildhaputra as v anaprastha.

IO4 Annals of the Bhandatkai Oriental Research

( devas ), ( 3 ) the hellish ( narakas ) and (4) the tiryacs .* It may
be noted that it is only the birth as a human being, which
when properly utilized leads to liberation. Thus, though
the acquisition of birth as a human being is an essential preli-
minary tp the attainment of final emancipation, yet it alone is
not a sufficient means to reach the final goal. So it is only those
persons who actually fully adpot the right means of achieving
salvation become entirely free irom the worldly fetters and from
the encagement of body. Hence, from the point of view of the
life spent mankind can be variously classified. On this basis
Umasvatihas suggested six broad clasfees viz, ( 1 ) adhanadhama,
( 2 ) adhama, ( 3 ) vimadhyama, ( 4 ) madhyama, ( 5 ) uttama and
( 6 ) uttamottama.

These classifications are due to the four types of karmans viz,
( 1 ) akusalanubandha or aJiita, (2) kusalakusalanubandha or Maldta,
( 3 ) kusalanubandha or hita and ( 4 ) niranubandha. The first
three sorts of human beings perform the first kind of karmam and
the rest, the remaining ones in order. This subject is treated by
TJmasvati in his Sambandhakarikas ( v. 4-6) to Tattvartha, and
they are elucidated by Siddhasena Gam in his splendid com-
mentary ( pp. 6-8) to this excellent work. To put it in a 'nut-shell,
one who commits an atrocious deed and hence ruins his present
life and the future one, too, is adhamadhama. One who cares for the
present life and is completely indifferent to the future is adhama.
One who spends his time in realizing sensual happiness for this
life and hereafter is vimadhyama. One who cares for future life
only is madhyama. One who leads a virtuous life with the unadul-
terated motive of attaining final beatitude is uttama. One who
after having cultivated the highest and purest type of religious
mentality and having translated it into action delivers noble and
ennobling sermons, though krta-krtya, is uttamottama.

Six Categories for mundane living beings

_J^ S ^^^ according to

i Under this head are included all those mundane living beings that do not

hetdi - T the idea positively
mineral kingdom etc. go by ftha name

ElJrico-Religious Classifications etc. ioj

their lesya* 1 or so to say their mentality. In all, there are sir
leiyas and hence all the animate objects in general and human
beings 2 in special, give rise to six categories.

Fourteen Groups

According to the Jaina philosophy the lad tier leading to
liberation consists of 14 steps known as gunaathanas? A living
being may be at either of these steps according to the extent of
his or her or its spiritual evolution. The human beings are in
no way, an exception, to this rule. This will suggest that there
&re 14 groups under which mankind can be classified.

One who is conversant with this branch of the Jaina philosophy
will easily see that broadly speaking, human beings can be
divided into two classes, too. For, all those who are at any one
of the first three gurLasthanas are "non-Jainas and the rest, Jainas.
It is only on reaching the fourth step that one ceases to be a non-
Jaina and becomes a Jaina*. The arrival at the 5th step is no
doubt a step nearer to salvation; but the real spiritual progress
commences after reaching the sixth step. This as well as the
remaining 8 steps are within the reach of saintly characters only. 5

1 I intend to write an article in English in this connection chiefly bas-
ed upon my work .SrhatadarsanadTpika*, where this subject is treated in
GujarSti on pp. 350-363. In the meanwhile, I may point out some of the
Prakrit, Sanskrit and English sources dealing with it as under i

UttaradhyayanasHtra ( xxxiv ) and ita English translation by H. Jaoobi
along with a foot-note on p. 196 ( B. B. B. vol. xlv ), Prajnapanasutra ( xvii ),
Lokaprakssa ( III. v. 92-97 ), Gommatas5ra ( v. 488*555 ), Outlines of Jainism
( pp. 45-47 ), etc.

2 Of course those who are ayogikevalins have no leiya whatsoever. They
are the holy persons on the point of attaining mukti and bidding a good*bye
to sarh,$ara or metempsychosis*

^ For the discussion of this subject in English, the reader is referred to
G. O. S. 3STo. LI ( pp, 429-439 ).

4 Before one can attain the status of a Jaina, ha or sbe should have 35 *
mSrg2nusari-gunas or the qualities leading to the path of Jainism.

s The mere vesa of a Jaina saint counts for nothing. Such an individual
is denounced as a hypocrite. It may be added that the absence of any
external Jaina characteristics is not necessarily a disqxialification for the
attainment of salvation, in case that individual is really imbibed with ths
true spirit of saintliness.

14 [ Annals, B, O f B. I. ]

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That is to say, Jaina lay-men are on the 4th or the 5th step and
saints, on any step beginning with the sixth and ending with the
14tb.

It is also possible to form two groups of human beings viz
( 1 ) the cfiadmastha and the vilaraga, in case these two words
are interpreted etymologically.

Classifications according to varieties in structure, stature etc.
The mundane beings or the unliberated possess one of six
kinds of safhkanana 1 or osseous structure. On this basis human
beings can be divided into six groups.

Siwsthana or the figure of the body can be considered as
another basis to divide mankind into six groups, since there
are six types of samsthana?

Jarnbudvipa, the eastern and western halves of Dhatakidvlpa
and those of Puskarardhadvlpa as well, together with the antata-
dvipas are the six places where a human being can be born
bo, from this stand-point, too, mankind forms six different groups.'
According to Jainism, in Bharata and Airavata ksetras the
twelve-spoked wheel of time is the basis of the law of time In
other words time is divided into avasarpi^ and utsarpml, each
of which has six spokes. From this view-point, too, human beings
can be divided into six kinds according as they are affected by
the type of the spoke, out of six.

All human beings have not necessarily the same sort of kar-
mans Hence this may also serve as a basis of grouping them.

22!." !?_^ ^ t0d ? S0 ' C <-^ntly only the four types

tO ' ( 1 ) rMITVI.fSfW/Z/Mm f *>. \ sfrl-

,

crna! d and < * > *". Here veda signifies

Some groups 5 of humanity:

acri^V V ya7ana f J5ata dharmakathan g a, we come
m aTanditr^ aSg l SOfhUmanbeingSe - g - C aka, Oirika, Oar-
W^^Jto**^^ Govratin,*

* s ^!^^^^^^^^^^^

but it

Ethico-Rchgious Classifications clc. 107

Grhidharmin, Dharmacintaka, Aviruddha, Viruddha, Vrddha,
Sravaka, Vrddha Sravaka and Raktapata.

Now a few words about the various classifications of the Jainas
only. As already observed they can be divided into two classes viz.
( 1 ) the upasakas and ( 2 ) the sramariaSi each of whom has two
subdivisions, if we were to distinguish females from males.
These four varieties well-known as ( 1 ) the sravaka ( 2 ) the
sravtka, ( 3 ) the sadhu and ( 4 ) the sadhavi make up a tirtha
established by a Tirthahkara. This tirtha is also known as
sangha or the Jaina church, and even each of its four branches
goes by the same name ( sangha )-

The &ramanas can be divided into four groups * (1) the Tirtha it-
kara, ( 2 ) the Acarya, ( 3 ) the Upadhyaya and ( 4 ) the Sadhu.
Moreover, the Sramanas can be classified as ( 1 ) PuZaka, ( 2 )
Bafcusa, ( 3 ) Kusila, 1 ( 4 ) Ntrgrantha and ( 5 ) Snataka*

The Sramanas can be also divided according to the gaccJia or
its sub-section they belong to. It may be remarked that it is
generally the difference in rituals which distinguishes one gaccha
from another. So, to lay undue stress upon such differences
will be tantamount to disfiguring the magnificent edifice of
liberalism in Jainism.

The Jainas can be also divided according to the type of their
ntrjara or the act of shedding off of karmans. This basis leads
us to form 10 groups/' indicated In Tattvartha ( ix, 47 ).

The 63 Salaka-purusas, 11 Rudras, 9 Naradas, 7 Kulkaras and
others are some of the special groups referred to, in Jainism,
They have nothing to do with castes and sub- castes amongst
which the Jaina community is at present divided ; for, the origin
of these castes etc.> is not religious but probably it is a mattei of
convenience of the Jaina society- It may be added that these
castes are not a barrier for taking part in a common*dinner like
Navakarsi, having a religious tint of sadharmika vatsalya. Even

1 For the five types of this group see the bhasya (p. 208) of Tattva-
rtha ( ix, 6 ).

? In this connection the reader may consult Tattvartha (ix, 48), its bhasya
and its commentary by Siddhasena Gani. Even BhagavatisHtra ( xxv, 6)
may be referred to.

*' From the stand point of vaiyavrtya (service), too, we have 10 groups,
For details see Tattvartha ( ix, 24 ) and its elucidative literature.

io8 Annals of the B bandar far Oriental Research Intitule

the question of inter-marriage amongst the Jamas does not depend
upon castes ; for, Yakinlmahattarasunu Haribhadra Suri observes
in Dharmabindu as under :

Four types of Jain Saints -

In the seventh, adhyayana of Jnatadharmakathanga, the
6th anga % we come across four varieties of Jaina saints ( 1 )
thohe who discard the five holy vows ( mahavratas ) after they
have taken the same, ( 2 ) those who observe the five mahavratas
only for the sake of livelihood and who remain unduly attached
to food etc., which they get from laymen in virtue of their out*
ward get-up of a saint, ( 3 ) those who observe the five mahavratas
as enjoined by the scriptures after they have renounced the world
and ( 4 ) those who not only observe the vows only in spirit but
even continue practising them very rigidly.

The eleventh chapter of this 6th auga 9 too, furnishes us with
another sort of the four types of Jaina saints. It is the presence
or absence of forbearance in part or in toto, which gives rise to
these four types. To expreses it explicitly, there are some saints
who do not lose their temper, when offended by their correligi-
otmists but do so, in case they come in contact with the heterodox.
There are some saints whose conduct is just the reverse of this.
There is another class of saints who get provoked, no matter
whether the individual concerned is a Jaina or a non- Jaina.
There is still another class of saints, who, under no circum-
stances become angry and who maintain the spirit of forbearance
in speech and thought as well.

Out of these four types, the first includes those saints who are
partially wradhaka i. e. those who do not partly confirm to the
sermon of ^ Lord Mahavara. The second includes those who
are partly aradhaka i. e. those who partially observe the rules laid
down^by Lord Mahavlra.. The third has within its fold those
saints who are entirely viradhaka. The fourth or the last consists
of the group of such saints who are completely aradhaka.

Thus, an attempt is here made by me to point out from the Jaina
view-point different groups of humanity which can be formed on
various grounds, with the hope that scholars well-versed in non-
Jaina schools of thought will throw ample light on this subject from
a comparative point of view,

NOTES ON INDIAN CHRONOLOGY

BY
P. K. GODE, M. A.

XIX

DATE OF CARITRAVARDHANA,, COMMENTATOR OF

KUMARASAMBHAVA AND OTHER KAVYAS ~

BETWEEN A. D. 1172 AND 1385.

Caritravardhana ( called also Vidyadhara or Sahityavidyadhara,
son of Ramacandra Buisaj ) is ttie author of commentaries on ( 1 )
the Kumarasambhava, (2) the Naisadhiya, (3) the Pacjhuvamsa
( 4 ) the Raghavapandaviya and ( 5 ) the Sisupalavadha. }

Mr. S. P* Pandit in his edition of the Raghuvavisa 2 gives .**
detailed list of references to earlier works and authors found in
Caritravardliana's commentaries on the Raghuvarhsa.

My own casual reading of a Ms. of Caritravardhana's com-
mentaries on the Kumar asambhava ( B. O. R, I. Ms Ho. 244 of
1880-81 ) shows the following references to earlier works and
authors "

?T%g; ( f ol. 1 ) ; qsTSOTBRT ( fol 1 ) ; WR ( fols. 2, 5, 8, 10, 25, 28,
37, 40, 60 ) ; 3rf3*ra{%craift ( fols. 3, 4, 47 ) ;%wpfr (iols. 9, 10, 50,
57 ) ; ?-*w% ( fol. 11 ) ; *r3'- or **&$$. ( fol. 15 ) ; ***T3?eirrT ( fol. 15 ) ;
fo*Z< ( fols. 17, 28 ) ; %TEfa? ( fol. 21 ) ; OTttfrsnw ( foL 30 ) ; ^f|^rn:
( fol. 41 ) ; ^?m- ( fol. 61 ) .

A further reading of a Ms. of Caritravardhana ? s commentary
on the &supatavadha ( B. 0. R. I. Ms* No. 53 of 1873-74 ) gives us
among others, references to the following previous works and
authors :

3W ( fol. 8, 34, 35, 39, 49, 54) ; 3^RT%TTWT5r ( fol. 8, 15, 16, 19,
21, 22, 26, 30, 33, 34, 37, 38, 40, 42, 46, 48, 105, 112 ) ; ^arafcft ( fol 24,

1 Aufrecht : Catalogus Catalogorum, pajft, 1, p. 186,
^ RayhuvaJh&a ( 1872 ), Appendix III.

no

Annals of the Bhatidaikar Oriental Research Lulitittc

47 51 53 54, 77, 122, 148) ; T%H5^^nj: ( fol. 26 ) ; vRfHSsBTOT ( fol.
n) ; |K: ( 39 5 50, 55, 57, 62, 64, 66, 69, 71, ? 2, 75, 77, 78, 80, 83, 85,
101, 171, 172, 174 ) ; t^rei^r: ( fol. 259 ) ; t*ret?T ( fol. 43, 108 ) ; ^r-
lW( fol! 49, 77, 142, 152 ) ; STREHPW ( fol. 122 ) 5 anorak 37%: ( fol.
123 ) ; *fteT*T ( fol. 128 ) , *nrit ( fol. 308 ) .

Caritravardhana refers to the following works and authors in
his commentary on the Meghaauta ( B. O. R- I. Ms. No. 345
011895-98):

<W* ( fol, 5, 6, 9, 14 etc. ) : ^mw- ( fols. 6, 21, 27 ) ; 3rr5nsraf%3T-
*m ( fols, 6 5 10, 11, 16, 22, 24, 27, 28, 30, 38, 39, 40, 45, 48, 55, 59,
63, 67 ) 5 qrrcpr: ( fol, 8, 11, 23, 24, 26, 32, 39, 43, 44, 54, 62 ) 3 ^fe^TST-
3^nm ( f ol. 22 ) ; %^T: ( ^HTOT^W<T ) fol. 44 ; gfesR^TC ( f oL 49 ) ;
*TOT*m ( fol. 65 ) .

In the above list of references from Caritravardhana's com-
mentaries collected by me the reference to ^fe^T% is important as
it gives us one terminus to Caritravardhana's date. In Mr. S. P.
Pandit's list of references, made by Caritravardhana to earlier
works in his commentary on the Raghuvamsa there is no reference
to Durghatavrtti. So far as my search goes Caritravardhana makes
use of the cnfe^m only once in his commentary on the Kumara-
sambhava ( B. O. R. I Ms. No. 244 of 1880-81) on the fol. 61
as under :
" r%frm i

I have been able to identify the above reference in a printed
edition of the Durghatavrtti 1 where it appears as follows :

U

1 Durghafavrtti of Saraijadeva, edited by T. Ganapati Sastri (Trivandruin
Sanskrit Series, No. VI, 1909 ) p. 27.

Miscellanea in

T lie above identification makes it clear that Caritravardhana
composed his commentary on the Eumarasambhava at least a
few generations, if not more, after the composition of the
D *rghatavritt. We know that Saranadeva composed the Durghata-
vrfcti in A. D. 1172 1 which must therefore, be looked upon as one
terminus to the date of Caritravardhana.

Another terminus to the date of Caritravardhana may be furnish-
ed by the statement of Mr Nandargikar that Dinakara's commen-
tary on the Raghuvamsa is simply an epitome of Caritra-
vardhana's commentary on the same Kavya. 2 Dinakara gives his
own date, s which is A- D. 1385. If the statement of Mr. Nandargi-
kar is correct, we can take A. D. 1385 as another terminus to
Caritravardhana's date. We may, therefore conclude on the basis
of the foregoing evidence that Caritravardhana lived between
A. Z>. 1172 ard 1SS5.

XX

ANTIQUITY OF A FEW SPURIOUS VERSES FOUND IN

SOME MSS OF THE MEGHADUTA OF KALIDASA ,

f

( 1 ) Dr. K. B. Pathak in his edition of the Meghaduta * quotes
nme verses which he treats as spurious. This number does not
include the following verse which I have found in some Mss of
the poem in the Govt. Mss Library at the B. O. R. Institute. The
verse 5 reads as follows in the different Mss mentioned below :

( i ) Ms No. 388 of 1884-81 Meghaduta with tippana dated
samvafc 1517 ( = A. D. 1461 ) last verse

1 Diirghatawtti ( Tn. Sans. Series No VI-1909 ), Preface, p. 2.

2 RagJiuvatii&a ( edited by G K. Kandargikar, 1897) Introduction, p, 17.
* Ibid, pp. 17-18.

4 MeghadUta, Poona, 1916 ( Appendix I ) pp. 69-70,

5 This verse also occurs in a Ms of Meghaduta with the commentary
Meqhalatu ( B. O. R. I. No. 160 of 1882-83 ) but the commentary does not com-
ment this verse which may indicate that the MeghalatS commentary is
older than this verse.

II 2 Annals of the fthandcirkar Oriental Research

\

\\ ?RM u

(li) Ms No. 390 of 1884-81 Meghaduta with commentary
Sukhabodhika dated Sanhvat 1641 ( = A, D. 158.1 ) - last verse:-

\

u
\

u "

( this verse is also commented on by the author of Sukhabodhika,
showing thereby that it was in existence before 1585 A. D. X

( iii ) Ms No. 344 of 1895-98 Meghaduta with commentary
of LaksmJnivasa, dated Samvai 1713 ( = A. D. 1657 ) - last verse*-

=3*

u

U ^^^ U

( The portions bracketed in this verse are lost owing to the last
folio being damaged).

(iv)Ms No. 843 of 1385-98 ~ Text with commentary ( name
of the commentator not mentioned ) dated Sarhvat 1749 ( = A. D.
1693 ) last verse :

(v) Ms. No. 847 of 1895-98 - Text with a few marginal
notes ; dated Samvat 1856 ( = A. D. 1800 ) last verse :

\
n ?^? \\"

It will be seen from these five dated Mss referred to above tbafc
the verse in question was in existence in A. D. 1461 and hence
could be repeated in the subsequent copies <Jate4 A. D. 1685. 1657,
and 1698 and 1800. * !

MlsceTlanea

As the verse in question was in existence in A. D. 1461, it is
possible that Laksmlnivasa who wrote his commentary on the
Meghaduta in A. D. 1458 T (see Ms No. 344 of 1895-98 ahove )
may have known it but did not comment on it as he may have
looked upon it as spurious. Ms No. 344 of 1895-98 contains this
verse without the comment of Laksmlnivasa on the same. Another
Ms No. 159 of 1882-83 ( dated Samvat 1759 = A. D. 1708} omits
this verse altogether. The author of the commentary Sukhabodhika
( Ms Wo. 390 of 1884-87 ) dated 2585 A. D. mentions this verse and
comments on it, presumably thinking that it was not spurious.

( 2 ) We further find the following verses iji the list of spurious
verges given by Dr. Pathak :

51 *'

cri

It will be seen from Dr. Pathak's Synoptical table ( p. XXVII
of his Introduction ) that these two verses are not found in the
Parsvabhyudaya of Jinaseaa, in Mallinatha's commentary and in
Vallabha's commentary. They are found in the commentaries of
Sarasvatitirtha, in tne Sarcddhanni and in the commentaries of
Mahimanmhagani and Sumafivijaya. The chronological order of
these works is as under according to Dr. Pathak :

1. Saroddharim Before Samvat 1617 ( = A. D. 1561 ).

V 2. Sarasvatltirtha Before Samvat 1854 ( = A, D. 1798 ).

3. Sumativijaya About Samvat 1690 ( = A. D. 1634 ).

4. Mahimasimhagani Samvat 1693 ( = A. D. 1637 ).

The above chronological order shows that these verses were in
existence before A. IX 1561 according to Dr. Pathak's evidence.

I find, however, that these verses were known to Caritra-
vardhana, the celebrated commentator on the Meghaduta, Baghu-

i Aufrecht ; Catalogus Catalogorum, pt. I, p, 539,

1 14 Annals of the Bhaudwkar Oriental Research Institute

vam&a etc. In the B, O. R. I. Ms. No, 345 of 1895-98 of his com
nientary on the Meghaduta these verses appear as under .

m

u

U

( The two lines marked by a bracket appear to be a later in.
terpolation as Carifcravardhana's commentary explains only the
first four lines ending with the word " ^TrT^ " ' ).

It will be seen from the above evidence that; these two spurious
verses viz. H and I of Dr. Pathak's list were known to Caritra-
vardhana and that he commented on it. I have shown elsewhere
{ vide Note XIX above ) that Cariiravardhana flourished between
A. D. 1172 and 1385. TMs would justify my conclusion that verses
H and I were known before A. D. 1385 or in general I
say that they are as old as Caritravardhana's time.

XXI

A COMMENTARY ON THE KUMJLRA8AMBHAVA

CALLED SABD&MRTA BY KAYASTHA GOP ALA
(SON OF BALABHADRA ) AND ITS PROBABLE DATE-

Middle of the 15th Century

Aufreoht records only one Ms. 1 of a commentary on the
Knmara*arribhava, called &dbd3mrta by Gopaladasa viz " Peters.
4,25 " which is identical with a Ms. No, 678 of 1886-92 in the Govfc,
Mss.^ Library at the B O. R. Institute. The Ms of this com-
mentery isjnoomplete. consisting of cantos I and II and about

1 Catalogus Catalogorwn, pt. ii, 22. *~

Miscellanea u

66 verses of canto III. The author appears to be a learned pandit
as will be seen from from the following works and authors refer-
red to by Mm :

( foL 2 ) ;

( fol. 2, 3, etc. ) ; 3WC!% ( foL 4 ) ; tft^( foL 5 )

( fol. 4, 11 ) ; wsrtrfta ( foL 4 ) ; ^T: ( fol. 6, 11, 12, 14, 16, 19, 25,
28, 32, 34, 36 ) ; f^restr: ( fol, 6 ) ; ftasr ( fol. 7, 9, 15, 20, 2], 31, 33,
36 ) ; 3T3W*t<T'' ( fol. 6 ) ; qr^^t^: ( foL 5 ) ; srirf^STTtJT (fol. 7 ) ; Hg;
( fol. 7,18); f 8T^F: ( fol. 9,12. 21, 30 ) , srirorosfrasT ( fol. 9 ) ;
fol. 10 ) ; MVwntfspgR ( fol. 17 } ; s&inq&n&rw tfoL.O)

( fol. 10 ) ; ^r^sr^r^r ( fol. 1 i ) ; srn=rpT ( foi. 12 );
( foL 16 ) ; ^HTHTrfn? ( foL " 2, 24 ) ; %^ST ( fol. 24) ; tftrTTSRR (fol.25)
m%^FT: ( fol 29 ) ; f%*3??RR: ( fol. 31 ) ; tfrTOIT ( fol. 5).

Some of the references in the above list will enable us to
locate the probable date of Gopaladasa's commentary. He appears
to have lived at a time when Panini's grammar was not much in
vogue. References to Sarasvata Grammar { fols. 2, 39 ), Kalapa
( or Katantra ) Grammar ( fol. 10 ) and to the Prakriya KaumudI
( fol. 10 ) make this point clear. The Sarasvata school of grammar
continued its vigorous existence from about 1250 A. D, down to
the modern revival of PaninI under the auspices of Bhattoji
Dlksita 1 and his pupils. As Bhattoji lived about A,D. 1630 2 we may
fix A, D 1630 as the later terminus to the date of Gopaladasa. The
earlier terminus is found in the reference to the Piaknya-
Kattmudl ( fol. 10) which is assigned by Mr. K. P. Trivedf 3 to the
latter half of the 14th century ' ' ( i.e. between A. D. 1350 and 1400).
As Gopaladasa quotes 4 from the Prakriya Kaumudi we can safely
presume that he must have lived a few generations after the com-
position of the Prate iya Kaumual i.e. about the middle of the 15th
century, a period which harmonizes also with the reference to
Medimkara ( fols. 29, 37 ) in the present commentary. This lexicon
has been assigned to the 14fch century. 5 In Rayaraukuta's commen-
tary on the Amwakosa there are many quotations from Medinlka-

1 Belvalkar , Systems of Sanskrit Grammar, p. 92.

a Ibid, p. 47.

3 Praknya Kaumudi, B. S P. No. LXXVIII, Intro, p XLIV.

4 B, O. B. I. Ms No 678 of 1886-92 fol. 10

5 Keith . History of Sanskrit Literature^ p* 414.

ii 6 Annals of the Bhandarkctr Oriental Research Institute

ra's lexicon. 1 The date of Rayamukuta's commentary is A.D.1431,
Hence the lexicon of Medinlkara must have been composed before
A, D, 1431. Our- inference therefore that Gopaladasa, who quotes
from a lexicon composed before A. D. 1431 must have written his
commentary on the Kumarasambhava, say between A. D. 1440
and 1460 or in the middle of the 15th century, appears to be
fairly correct.

Other authors and works referred to by Gopaladasa being
earlier in point of date than the Pralmija Kaumudi and the
Medinlkara are not of any use for chronological purpose with the
exception of the references to the SamgitaratTiOkara ( fols. 4, 11)
which furnish a sure terminus viz. A. D. 1247 2 for the date of
Gopaladasa,

Another work ascribed to our Gopaladasa is Karatlkantuka, a
Ms of which has ben recorded by Weber. * This work is a treatise
on the diseases of elephants in verse form.

Gopaladasa informs us in the preamble * to the commentary
on the Kumarasambhava that he wrote this commentary under
the supervision of " ^rwrofaj " and by the order of " *rofhfc "I am,
however, unable to identify these persons for want of more
particulars. One srracfoj is credited with the work

on Vedanta in Aufrechl's Catalogue 5 and two Mss of this
work are recorded by Oppert. 6 The name ^ErwrsRlftJ, however, is no^
where mentioned in Aufrecht's Catalogue.

_

G. R Nandarsifcar : Preface to the BaghuvaihSa. 1897, p. 3.
Encyclopedie de la Musique, Part 1, p. 271, a.

Clflf'n lf\ftni e\ f^ Tlf^^ . i -r^ - _

, , . , .

at ^ l gue f Mss ln Me Berlin Library ( 1853 ) Part I, p. 292.
B. O. R. I, Ms Ko. 678 of 1S86-92 folio. 1

\

II V II

Catalogus Catalogorum, i, 67 a

(F - 5353);

DATE OF THE SAMQITA-B5.G-A-KALPA-DBUMAH

*

BY O. G. GANGOLY

In a learned note published under the heading * Notes on
Indian Chronology ' ( A. B. O. R. I., Vol, XIR, 1931, pp. 180-182),
Mr- P. K. Gode has discussed the probable date of a Ms. of
Samgita-raga-kalpadruma by Krishnananda Vyasadeva. After
discussing the various musical texts utilized by the author in
compiling his work, Mr. Gode comes to the conclusion that the
Sarngita-'kalpadruma can be assigned to a period between 1750 A, D.
and 1890 A. D.

Apparently, it was not known to the learned writer of the note
that this work has been printed twice, the original edition having
been printed in Samvat 1899 ( 1842 A. D. ) and a revised edition in
2 volumes having been printed in 1916 A. D. ( S. 1973 ) > edited by
Nagendra Nath Basu and published by the Banglya Sahitya
Parisad under the munificent patronage of Raja Rao Jogindra
Narayan Ray Bahadur of Lalgola. As pointed out in Mr. "N. N.
Basu's Hindi Introduction to the revised edition, the Ms. of the
work " carried about by the author in a huge bundle >? was seen,
(though not examined ), by Rajendralal Mitra, at Calcutta, about
the year 1836, if not later. According to the dates given in the
ori&inal edition, the first part was printed on 19th March 1842
and the last part in 1849. According to the author's Introduction
( Rag-sagarki sucana ) in Hindi, it took him 32 years to collect
the data. Mr. N. N. Basu estimates that the author was born in
1794 A. D. It is very probable the Ms. was complete and made
ready for publication, very shortly before 1836 A. D. say about
1830 A. D. The author was a Gouda Brahmin, hailing from,
Johainl, Deva^gada-kote in Udaipur. He had his musical train-
ing in Brndavana, probably under Damodara GosvamI, Sarhglta-
carya, and the title of ' Raga-sagara ? was conferred on him by
the Gossains of Gokula. The author was in Calcutta for several
years and was honoured and patronized by the cultured society
of this city and he projected his Encyclopaedia of Indian Music
on the model of Raja Radha Kanta Deva's abda-kalpa-drwna. I
believe copies of the revised edition of the Sainglta-Raga-Kalpa-
druma are still available. It deserves a place in the Library of
the Institute.*

* The work is noticed and described by M, Garcm da Tassy in his Histoire
de ta Litterature Hindome et Hindoustanie, Tome Second^ p. 520.

REVIEWS

MALAVIYA COMMEMORATION VOLUME;
HINDU UNIVERSITY, 1932. 1150 pp., Rs. 1 only.

In commemoration of the long services of Pandit Madan
Mohan Malavlya to this country in general and the Benares Hindu
University in particular, the latter has presented to their Kida-
pati on the happy occasion of his septuagenary a Commemoration
Volume a handsome volume of more than a thousand pages
with the photographs of the Pandit at different stages of life as
also of the Hindu University sites and buildings in which
friends, admirers and co-workers of the great educationist, both in
and outside the Hindu University, have contributed papers special-
ly written to commemorate the happy occasion. These papers
which are in three languages, English, Hindi and Sanskrit, have
been divided into five sections : ( I ) Literature ( 2 ) History,
Politics and Economics ( 3 ) Religion and Philosophy ( 4 ) Science
and ( 5 ) Greetings, Appreciations and Memoirs. As this review
is mainly concerned with subjects of Indian antiquarian and
historical interest, we would take notice of papers of sections ( 2 )
and ( 3 ) that deal with Indian History, Culture and Archaeology,

Of the seventeen papers included in Section II ( History,
Economics and Politics ) as many as eleven relate themselves to
the subject of Ancient and Mediaeval Indian History and Culture
in one or other of its various aspects of study. This is an eloquent
evidence of the growing interest in the subject and its encouiage-
ment in our Universities.

In his short note on The Murunfc Dynasty and the date of
PMalipta Mr. K. P, Jayaswal points out that a dynasty of rulers
called the Murundas ruled at Paiallputra contemporaneously with
the Kusana rulers of Peshawar or Purusapura. The Murundas,
according to the PurHnic calculation, were in power as long as the
middle of the 3rd century A. D, He incidentally fixes the tin*
of the Jama teacher Padalipta whose religious instruction tn ^

Reviews 119

Murunda of Patallputra are noted in several Jaina texts including
the ProbhavakaLanta. This time, he says, is the same os that of
Kaniska or his predecessors, which is further corroborated by
Padalipta's controversy with Nagar^ina who is associated with
Kaniska. Dr. Ganganath Jha's paper is a short but well-document*
ed analysis of che Sources of Property under Hindu Law according
to Manu and Gautama, while Dr. R K. Mookorjee contributes a
rather long but interesting paper on Ancient Indian Education as
described in the Smrti Texts.

But perhaps of more than usual interest is the paper on New

Light on the Early Gupta Histoiy where Prof. D. R, Bbandarkar

discusses in detail the historicity of the story related in the

Sanskrit drama Devlcandragiiptam bearing upon the adventurous

life of king Candragupta II and referred to by Bana in his

Harsacarila, in the Sanjan copper plate of Amoghavarsa, in the

Kavyamlmamsa of Rarjasekhara, in the $rhgaraprakaa of Bhoja,

in the story of Rawwal and Barkamaris as narrated in the Majmal*

t-Tawarikh, and lastly by Samkararya in his commentary on the

Harsacarita. It is here, probably for the first time that a

systematic attempt is made to reconstruct the history entangled in

this mass of materials brought to notice and discussed by a series

of scholars. Prof. Bhandarkar's main findings are (1) that Vlsakha-

datta, the author of Demcandragnptam is the same as the author of

the Hudra-Rahsasa, ( 2 ) thafc the Saka referred to in the Natya-

darpana was not a Saka ruler, but was a preceptor of the Sakas

( &zkariam-Acaryah ) as Samkararya gives us to understand ( 3 )

that the hostilities between Sakacarya and Bamagupta took

place somewhere near Kartikeyapura ( identical with Baijnath in

the Himalayas) which is called Kartikeyanagara in the Ravya-

mimamsa where Sarmagupta (misreading for Ramagupta) is said to

have been forced to retreat after giving his queen Dhruvasvaniint

to the King of the Khasas ( misreading for Sakas), ( 4 ) that Sama-

gupta was the elder brother of Candragupta II and is ^to be

identified with king whose name is read in the Gupta coins as

Kacagupta, and finally that ( 5 ) in the course of a hostility that

ensued between the Sakas and Ramagupta the latter agreed to

give over DhruvadevI, his wife, to the Sakas as ransom for p&ace,

and tried to dissuade Kumara Candragupta, his brother, from

120 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

going in the garb of his queen to kill the enemy, the SakacSrya
in this case. Candragupta, however, inspite of the remonstrances
of Ramagupta, resolved to carry out his object, and dressed as
Dhruvadevl succeeded in killing the Saka preceptor and thus
enhanced his fame and also his hold over the popular mind. But
this roused the suspicion of Ramagupta who had him arrested and
imprisoned, but later on Candragupta succeeded in killing his
brother, and seizing not only his throne but also his queen Dhruva-
devl whom he married and who is supposed to have already tad
some attractions for her brother-in-law.

It may be noted in this connection in an issue of J. B. 0.
B. S. Vol. XVIII, 1932 part I, Mr. K. P. Jayaswal
in his article on Candragi.pta II ( Vikramaditya ) and his Predeces-
sor has arrived at conclusions that are mainly identical with Prof.
Bhandarkar's. Thus Mr. Jayaswal seems to accept that Visakha-'
datta, the author of fclie Devicandragupta is the same as the author
of the Mudraraksasa, that Ramagupta is merely a misreading for
Kacagupta of ttie coins, and that Sarmagupta and Ehasa of" the
Kaiyamlmansa are misreadings for Ramagupta and Sakas, that
the widow Dhruvadevi was remarried to Candragupta II after
the death of Ramagupta had been brought about, and that the
Saka killed by Candragupta in disguise was the religious leader
of the Sakas.* But he thinks that the Saka killed by Candra-
gupta was, besides being the religious leader, the lord or king of
the Sakas as well. With regard to the identification of the place
where the Saka ruler's camp was pitched, Mr. Jayaswal seems to
differ from Prof Bhandarkar. He thinks that the place is to be
identified with the Doab of Jullundhur between the Beas and
Mum fee Punjab The most important of these points, how-
UP!, o??f M 6 r ^^ f Rama ^ a with E^cagupta. In
BhanH V ? * *?>"* refers to ^ Psonal talk with Prof.

the fine * SCh larS ^ d Wel1 to ~^ e-

-* so cleverly adduced by the Professor

a Joctur*

Reviews 12 r

In another paper Dr. Ramashankar Tripatlii of the Hindu
University discusses the Early Position of Harsa where his main
finding is that after the assasination of "Rajyavardhana Harsa
was immediately crowned king on the throne of Thane^var, and
so far as the evidence of Harshacanta is concerned there was
no hesitation on the part of Harsa to accept the crown, as
suggested by Smith and others. In fact, whatever hesitation in
teing crowned king was there is indicated in the itinerary of
Yuanchwang alone, and it refers itself to the throne of Kacoj
where Rajyasri, his widowed sister, was the real heir. But after
the intervention, of Bodhisattva Avalokite&vara as it were, Harsa
persuaded himself bo accept the throne of Kanoj - not calling
himself Maharaja, but simply Kumara Slladitya, But it should be
mentioned here that this point was clearly discussed and the find-
ing made long ago by the present reviewer in his paper on Harsa-
tilladitya i A Revised Study in the Indian Historical Quarterly, De-
cember, 1927. Dr* Tripatlii refers to me in two minor points only,
though his main arguments follow the same course as mine ; and,
in one or two places his words and language are also the same,
quoted, however, without acknowledgment. Further his incidental
identification of Malwa ( Malava ) where Devagupta was king
with Eastern Malwa is not certainly original. This identification
also was for the first time suggested and pointed out, on the strength
of Vatsyayana's evidence, by me in my paper on The Maukharis
of Kanoj published in Calcutta Review as early as February, 1928
( p, 210 ). There In that article I suggested, also for the first time,
that after two serious reverses from the hands of two successive
Maukhari kings, I&anavarman and Sarvavarman, the Gupta
power of Magadha suffered a severe blow, and that after the
defeat and death of Damodaragupta, the Maukharis bade fair fco
annex Magadha itself. This explains why Mahasenagupta and
one of his successors, Devagupta, are mentioned as kings of
Malava ( Malwa ) and not of Magadha, ( p. 209 - 11 ). Dr. Tripatlii
accepts this theory but perhaps inadvertently passes it as
his own.

In her short but very illuminating paper on Classical and
Mediaeval Indian Art Dr. Stella Kramrisch discusses with
authority the leading features of the main phases of Indian Art,

16 [ Annals, B, O, R. I. J

122 Annals of the Bhandar&ar Oriental Research Institute

and thus establishes its main periods - the Early, the Classical,
and the Mediaeval - which they themselves not only demand but
actually dictate by their unmistakably visible features ? She has
also suggested incidentally that these three main phases of Indian
Art are intimately connected with the racial history of the
country. Bala-Gopala-Stutih by Mr. O. C. Qangoly is a neat and
critical description of a newly discovered illustrated Ms. by the
well-known South-Indian Vaisnava saint Bilvamangala Thakur,
also known as Llla&uka. It is dated by Mr. Gangoly, on stylistic
grounds, c. 1425 A. B. , slightly earlier than a manuscript with
analogous illustrations known as Vasanta-Vilasa which bears
date Sam. 1508. As a document of Indian painting Bala-
Gopala-Stutih is certainly of exceptional interest. Iconography
is represented by a well-documented paper by Mr. B. C. Bhatta-
oharya on The Gcdde&s of learning in Jainism materials of which
are mainly drawn from Jaina Mss. preserved in different Bhavd-
aras. As a typical expression of the life and culture of the Cola
kings of the South, the paper on The Economy of a South Indian
Temple by Prof. K. A. Nilakantha Sastri is an interesting one. It
is welcome news to all students of Indian culture and Art thai;
* under the vimana in a dark passage round the garbhagrha ' of the
Great Temple at Tanjore there are traces of fine frescoes in bright
colours discovered very recently by a young scholar of the
Annamalai University. Prof. Sastri regrets that * as things move
in this distracted and unfortunate country, it will be long before

these fine frescoes become available for general study

and criticism in proper reproductions. * But cannot the Archaeo-
logical Department move in this matter ?

The mediaeval period of Indian History is represented by two
very interesting papers, one on The Annual Income and Expen-
diture of Sher Shah's Kingdom by Mr. Paramatma Saran, and
another on Side- Lights on Currency in Maharastra in the
Seventeenth Century by Prof. V. G- Kale. Both are virgin topics of
study and are welcome contributions which await further
elaboration in detail.

From the point of view of Indian History and Culture two
very interesting papers are included in Section III ( Religion

Philosophy ). One relates to the subject of The Veda and tts
Interpretations by Prof, A, B Dhruva, Pro-Vice-Chancellor of the
Hindu University, wherein he discusses the importance of ascer-
taining the correct interpretation of Vedic words, the true nature
of Vedic deities, and the spirit of Vedic mythologies. The other
paper on Decline of Buddhism by Prof. S N. Bhattacharyya is a
very illuminating one wherein he discusses the real causes of the
decline of the religion in the land of its birth. Buddhism, accord-
ing to him, perished not so much from persecution from butside
as from the disintegration of the samghas as a result of the loss
of its moral force and of the corruptions within its fold that lent
itself not only to political squabbles but to vicious religious
practices as well.

15-4-32. Niharranjan Ray

A HISTORY OF PALI L1TERA.TUBE BY BiMALA

LAW, Ph. D,, M. A,, B. L,; pp. XXVIII + 342 and VII + 343-
689, London^ Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., 1933

Those who are familiar with the many works on Buddhism
which have come from Dr. Bimala Churn Law's ready pen will
find in his latest work abundant evidence of his wide reading and
intimate knowledge of the Pali literature. The work, which was
approved by the University of Calcutta for the Griffith Memorial
Prize in Letters in 1931, is unquestionably wanted, for in scope
it transcends the works ot Dr. Bode and Dr. Malasekera on the
Pali literature in Burma and Ceylon, and in wealth of detail it
goes far beyond even Professor Winternitz's masterly sketch,
which, is to be made available in English. The two works,
written from different standpoints, will be found admirably to
supplement each other, and to facilitate the further investigation
of the manifold problems of literary history presented by the
abundant Pali literature. Dr. Law is well aware how much there
still remains to be done on the field in which he labours, and
doubtless we may expect much further enlightenment at his hands,
It is an interesting suggestion ( ii. 646 ) that Pali literature has
still great possibilities of influence on the literature of the east
and west alike, and that both modern and ancient Bengalee
literature have drawn inspiration from Pali literature.

The careful analysis of the contents of the important works
dealt with is a feature of special value, and it is to be regretted
that the index has not been extended so as to make available mote
readily the wealth of facts recorded. Dr. Law is on the whole
more concerned with the matter than the form of the literature,
and neither the Theragatka nor the Therlgatha arouses in him the
admiration \vhich others have felt for these texts. But he is more
appreciative of the Jinacarita, and while not contesting the acqua-
intance of its author with the classical Sanskrit literature points
out (ii 614) that fche style of poetry found in the works of Asvaghosa
or the Kumaratambhavaot Kalidasa leads us back to the gathas
forming the prologue of th* Nalakasutta in the Suttanipata as its

Reviews 12 1

model. On other points, perhaps unfortunately, he leaves us with-
out assurance of his own views. Thus he cites ( i. 876 ) the views
of Profepsor Rhys Davids ( Buddh/st Inaia, pp. 180-6, 205, 206 ) on
the origin of the Jatakas in such a way as to suggest that he accepts
the view held by that scholar, with Oldenberg and Windisch, ol
the Akhyana in verse and prose as the precursor of epic. It would
unquestionably have been of value to have this subject considered
once more by an expert from the standpoint of Buddhist literature,
when in all probability the theory would have been seen to present
at least as many problems as it solves.

It is natural to turn to Dr. Law's view ( Introduction, pp,
IXXXV ) of the linguistic character ot Pali. Di\ Law adopts a
view of the famous passage of the Vinaya on saka niruiti
which denies it any linguistic reference He holds that it means
11 a mode of expression which a member of the Holy Order might
claim as his own, that is to say, an idiom, a diction, a language
or a vehicle of expression with which a Bhikkhu was conversant,
which a person could use with advantage, a mode of expression
which was not Buddha's own but which might be regarded as one
by the Bhikkhus representing diverse names, cultures, races,
and families. One's mother tongue or vernacular would also be
an interpretation of svkfi miuiti inconsistent with the context as
well as with the Buddha's spirit of rationalist. '' It is not easy
to accept this view as cogent. It is, of course, true that the tetm
saka- niruiti cannot possibly mean the speech of the Buddha,
assumed by Buddhaghosa to be Magadhi, but, as the alternative
is Chandaso, it seems impossible not to give the term a definite
reference to language, and we may permit the Buddha to have
fche honour of having encouraged the use of the vernacular fof
his gospel. That, it seems to me, accords well with his rationalism
for a version of his tenets chandaso would hardly have helped the
diffusion of his doctrine We can, however, only agree with. Dr.
Law in leaving open the issue of the dialect on which Pali is
based. It is so literary a language when it is recorded that atijr
particularisation runs serious risk of exceeding what is legiti-
mate in the way of speculation.

Attention should also be called to Dr. Law's elaborate inve-
stigation ( i. 1-42 ) of the chronology of the Pah canonical texts*
which contains much of interest and importance. It must,
however, remain, doubtful what value is to be attached to the

126 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

theory (i. 324,325 ) which ascribes the Katkavtthu to the period
of Asoka, and all conclusions which assume the truth of that
ascription suffer from the dubiety of its accuracy. Similarly the
Dhamma3 f <gani, which Mrs Rhys Davids ascribes to che fourth
century B. 0. may well be very considerably later in date. It is
unlucky that conclusive evidence of any sort in these matters is
still lacking. The collection of data by the author is most
valuable, but in nearly every case nothing but relative chrono-
logy can be regarded as attained, and in many instances even
this is lacking. It is still not proved that Asoka knew any of our
texts in anything like their present for in.

Our sincere thanks are due to the author for his tvr o Appendixes
the first on the historical and geographical data of the Pitakas,
and the second on the Pali tracts in inscriptions. On minor points
throughout the volumes there is often room for divergence of
view, and as usual there are a regrettable number of misprints
(a 'not* is needed at p, XXV, line 2), but these points are negligible
in comparison with the interest and value of the treatise.

A, Berriedale Keith

KALIDASA : HIS PERIOD, PERSONALITY AND POETRY
B? K, S. RAMASWAMI SASTBI, B, A,, B. L., Vol. I, Published
by Sri Van! Vilas Press, Srirangam Price Rs, 3/.

Poet and patriot, Mr. K. S. Ramaswami Sastri has endeared
himself to the learned and thinking public of India, and South
India in particular by thought -provoking contributions too

numerous to mention. A close and critical student of Sanskrit

f

literature Mr. Sastriar has made a special study of Kalidasa 's
works, and the volume before us is full of evidence. In the
introductory chapter he states that his aim in writing this book
is to interpret Kalidasa * with the object of winning the love
of modern India and of the modern age to the Sanskrit language
and literature to the Indian culture * .

After referring to the place of the poet in life and literature,
the learned author proceeds to discuss his birth - place and the
Wrth date. After an elaborate examination of the different
theories which hold the field in a convincing manner the author
concludes that Benares was his native home and that KalidSsa
must have flourished in the second century B. 0. It is held with
great force that Agnimitra was son of Puspamitra ( Pusyamitra \
and Vasumitra was his son. In the light of the critical enquiries
set forth in the book one cannot help concluding that Kalidasa
bad nothing to do with the Guptas, as is alleged and was a con-
temporary of Agnimitra, king of Vidia.

The author has also pointed out the indebtedness of
Kalidasa to the TTpanisadic lore and to poets like
Vftlmifcl. The major works like the Kumarasambha^a and
Vikramorvastya bear infallible testimony that Kalidasa was a
close student of the Puranas, especially the Matsya Puraya, one of
the oldest Puranas. The account followed is the same as found^in
the Matsya Purana, and this proves that Kalidasa lived posterior
to the composition of the Matsya PurGya- Mr. Sastriar has explod-
ed the untenable theories of interpolations in some of his works,
like the last cantos of the Kumarasambhava. He rightly shows
how the so-called later portions completely fit in with the main
theme, and how the language and style corroborate it strongly.

128 Amis of Ik SknUar Qrienlol J?ri Institute

Two more points are worth noticing, One is the religion anj
philosophy of the poet, The author remarks ' He was a most
catholic exponent of that most catholic of all religious
Vedantism ', The other point is that even in a big scheme like
the world conquest Eaghu embarked on righteous warfare,
Dharaa Yijaya, which phrase has misled Asokan scholars to
think that Asoka tie emperor gave up arms and substituted
morality! Kalidasa seems to paraphrase the term by saying
mwm smuMkrtl Thus the term is full of political
significance, and Kalidasa uses it in the Kautaliyan sense just
HkeAfoka in his inscriptions,

The value of this book would have been much enhanced by
the addition of an indeund bibliography, We hope the author
will furnish these in the second volume promised to us shortly,

V, R E, Dikshitar

INSCRIPTIONS Ol 1 BENGAL, VOL. IL EDITED BY
GOPAL MAJUMDAB, M. A. Published by the Varendra Research
Society, Rajshahi, Bengal.

This volume is published at the expense of Kumar Sarat
Kumar Ray, M. A., of the Dighapatiya family, the founder of the
Society and its Museum. It was originally the intention of the
Society to bring out in Bengali the inscriptions of Bengal in
three volumes. Only the first, containing the inscriptions of the
Pala period entitled Q-auda-lekha-mala was published about 19
years ago, under the editorship of the late Akshay Kumar Maiira,
The Society has recently changed its plan, and contemplates
issuing in English these inscriptions in four volumes, viz. the
first comprising the inscriptions of the Gupta period, the second
containing those of the Pala period, the third of the Candras, the
Varmans and the Senas, etc.; and the fourth of the Muslim
period. The present volume has consequently been marked as
the third.

We congratulate Mr. N. G. Majumdar and also the Hony.
Secretary of the Society, Mr. Bijay Nath Sarkar, for bringing out
this handy and welcome volume. We are sure that the scholars
will much appreciate it, as it will save them the trouble of hunt-
ing out references from different books. The map showing the
find-places of the inscriptions has much added to the value of
this work. We hope with the Honorary Secretary that the com-
panion volumes will not be long in coming out.

The present volume claims to contain roughly all the known
inscriptions of the eleventh and the twelfth centuries A. D. , but
we do not find the Inscriptions of Ranavankamalla ( Colebroofce s
Mi*. Essays, Vol. II. p. 242 ), Kantideva ( Modern >, Nov ;
1922 ) and Govinda-Kesavadeva ( E. L, Vol. XIX, p. 278 ff. and
PK*. A. S-B. pp. 141-151). Nevertheless, Mr. N. GK Majumda*
seems to have taken great pains to improve upon the *
and interpretations of his predecessors and added, so fa r
records contained in them are concerned, up-to-date
The only fault we may find with him is that he has

17 t Agnate, B. O, &. I, J

Annals of the BJ^andarkar Oriental Research Institute

scanty attention to the geography of the places mentioned in the
inscriptions. Then he has published transcripts of some records
without any reproductions accompanying- them, even though they
were available.

We would now pass some remarks about the readings, inter*
pretations and Geography generally by way of detailed criticism
of the book :

Page 5, line 3. - what has been read as Nanya-mandale may
also be read as Navija-mandale., i e. in the Circle or District which
is navigable'. Cf. Vange navya Pamasiddhipatake and navye
vinayaHlalca-gram in the Sahitya-parisat copper-plate grant of
Visvarupasena ( p, 146 ). The places a?e water-logged ( bil ) eve$
now*

Page 23, verses 10 and 11. - There has been some difference of
opinion as to the interpretation of these two verses. Some por-
tions on the obverse side of the plate have not come out very
clear in the facsimile given. Of the reading s Tasy~Odayt sunur
abhut we could not find the ending t in the plate. There is,
however, the name Udayl in line 17, and Jagadvijayamalla in
line 19. We may or may not agree with Mr. 1ST. K Vasu, in big
identification of Uda?! with paramara Udayaditya, king of Malava,
but his identif cation of Jagadvijayamalla, with his son Jagad-
deva ( Vahger Jatnji 1 tUhax, Rojanyakanda, p. 286 ) is very
tempting;. This is strengthened by the epithet MalavyadevI of
the queen Trailokyasundarl. It indicates that she was a daughter
of a ^Milava king. Further ^ri-Phojavarm^obhaya-vamsa-
dfpaMnline 21, p. 20 appears to suggest that something laudatory
has been said above, both about the father and mother's side of
Bhojavarman. When Mr. Vasu made the identification, there
was no reliable evidence as to the fact that ITdayaditya had a
son named Jagaddeva beyond the legendary account of the Rasa*
-mala ( B. K. T. f hap. 8 ). We have now before us the epigraphic
evidence to show that Jagaddeva was a son of Udayaditya of
Malava in a recently published inscription found at Jainad (Arch
Tt *!?" f ^ Nizam * s Deminions, 1927-8, p. 23 ). Unfortu-

, -, . .

nately the inscription give* no year. There is difficulty, however,
in finding his approximate date. We know ITdayaditya war

Reviews r ^ x

succeeded by his son Laksmadeva, who again was succeeded by
his brother Naravarman ( Ep. Ind, Vol. II, p, 182). Again, Nara-
varman was succeeded by his son Yasovaraiadeva. So it appears
that Jagaddeva must be another name of either Laksmadeva or
Naravarmaot. According to the accounts of the Bhats, ( Luard
andLele's Paramaras of Dhar and Malava, Reprinfe from Dhar State
Gazetteer, p. 30 ) ? Jagaddeva offered his head to the goddess Kail
in the year 1151 V, S. which again is the first known date of
Naravarman ( Ep. I nd. Vol. XIX. p. 27, No. 159 ). This clearly
shows that Jagaddeva and Laksmadeva were identical, Jagaddeva
ruled somtime between 1143 V, S. , the last known date of his
father Udayaditya, and his death in 1151 V. S,

Again Mr. Majumdar, in fixing the chronology of the Varmans
mentioned in this record, says that the Varman ruler Jatavarman
and the Pala prince Vigrahapala III married daughters of the
Oedi king, Kama. So they were contemporaries. Their sons
Samalavarman and Ramapala were also contemporaries. So were
their grandsons Bhojavarman and Kumarapala. Then he writes '
" The latest known date of Gangeyadeva 1037 A. D. and that of
his son Kama is 1075 A. D. The latter's sons-in-law Jata-
varman and Vigrahapala IIL, must; have therefore reigned within
this period.'* ( p. 17 ). First of all it is not true that the latest
known date of Kama is 1073 A. D. It is the first known date of
YaSahkarna, Secondly, it is not clear why he considers the
father-in-law and the sons-in-law to be contemporaries They
are as much contemporaries as fathers and sons are. Properly
speaking Jatavarman and Vigrahapala III are contemporaries,
not of Karna so much as of Kama's son Yasahkarna, N"ow the
latest known date of Kama is K. 812 = 106, A, D. and the
earliest known date of Ya3ahkarna ? s son Gayakarna is K c 902==
1151 A. D. Jatavarman and Vigrahapala must have therefore
reigned sometime between 1061 and 1151 A. D. Samalavarman
was thus a contemporary of Gayakarna. Similarly, Bhoja-
varman was a contemporary of Narasimha and Jayasimha, sons of
Gayakarna. The date of Gayakarna is K, 902=1151 A. D. and the
earliest known date of Jayasimha's son Vijayasimha is K. 932 =
1181 A. D. Bhojavarman thus flourished in the latter half of the
twelfth century, and not in the beginning of that century as
contended by Mr. Majumdar ( Loc. ciL, p. 17. )

132 Annals of the Bhtndctrkar Onental Re watch Institute

Page 45, line 7 -This Umapatidhara is perhaps identical with
tke poet Umapatidhara, who wrote a book named CandracTida*
canta under the patronage of one Carmkyacandra ( Jnd. Hist
Quart, Vol. VI. p. 566).

Pages 119-121. - Edilpura grant of Kesavasena - As regards
the interpretation of the puzzling verse 10, we agree with
B- D. Banerji that Vtivarupa-nrpak is an epithet and not a name.
We find that names of the donor kings wherever they occur, in
this as well as in the Madanapada plate, have been tampered with,
but Visvarupamrpah has been left unaltered. This shows that it
was not considered as the name of the king. If It is an epithet, to
whom did it belong ? As the preceding verses 8 and 9, as well as
the following verses 11-14 refer to Laksmanasena, the epithet
must also belong to him. By bhumipatina in verse 10, Vallaiasena
is meant. It cannot refer to Laksmanasena, as he was not a
worshipper of god Bhava but of Narasimha or Visnu.

The name of the queen in line 27 of the charter (p. 123) we
read KannadevI, which ha been read by Mr. Majumdar as
Candradevi. Again the name of the place (1. 38 ) of the grant
( p. 124 ) we read YaksagrSma, in place of Phalgugrama by Mr.
Majumdar. For ksa may be compared with ksa in 'siffisitar
paksa' in line 1 of the script.

The name of the donated village in line 47, p. 125 has been
read by Messrs. Banerji and Majumdar as Talapadapataka, but
Prinsep read it as Latataghadaghataka (J. A. S. B. , Vol. VII. p. 45).
We read it Latantaghadaghataka. The plate was found in the
neighbourhood of village Lata, where the principal kacari of the
Tagore zamindars of the Idilpur paragana was situated. The
village of Lata having been washed away, the kacari has been
removed to the adjoining village of Ghodaghata. The Lata river
is still there.

In line 57 the number 200 denotes the value of the land, not in
terms of dramma, but in terms of Uranya, as the shortened form
m would indicate.

the Kalayavanas are meant,
they are the descendants of Bag e Garga ( Brahma-Purana,

Reviews

Chap. 196)- HOTO of course they must denote some patty of
Muhammadan raiders.

Page 133. - Madanapada copper-plate grant of Vi&varupasena:-
We read Phalgugrama as Candrngrama, for reasons, see Ind.
Hist Quart. , Vol. IV, , p 641

We agree with Maiumdar in reading the name of the queen
as Tadadevl, l>ut as regards the name of this very queen in the
gahitya-parisat plate we agree with M. M. Haraprasada Sastrl
as TattanadevL Tada is perhaps the Prakrit form of Tattana.

The real name of the donated village seems to be Pinjethalya-
grama ( 1. 46 ), which has been Sanskritized into Pinjokasti
( 11. 43 and 45 ). Mr. Vasu could not read the syllable lya after Pin-
jotha ( 1. 46 ), but Mr Majumdar has altogether omitted it

The names of the king (11. 22 and 38) and of his mother
( L 21 ) as also the lines 43-46, containing the descriptions of the
donated land seem to have been an after-insertion. Mr. Vasu
tried to explain this after-insertion of the name of king Visvarupa
in two different places in different hands by saying that they were
Eoyal sign-manuals. This does not seem to us to be satisfactory.
Because why have the name of the queen-mother and the descrip-
tions of the land been manipulated ? Can it be that the grant of
a predecessor of Visvarupasena with a name of three syllables
was revised by him ?

Page 152, line 1 of the Text - in footnotes Mr. Majumdar says
that after babhuva and before labdha-janma there were four
letters of which the second one is clearly a ga and the third and
the fourth letters look like ndhiya. It is impossible to make out
the reading with any degree of certainty as the letters are too far
worn out. As far as can be made out from the facsimile given, we
read Nayanvaya between babhuva and labdha-janma. The sign of
a is clearly attached to ga ; so we read it as ga. For nva, compare
it in line 24 of the Plate. There is no sign of i before nva. If our
reading is correct, Isvaraghosa was born in the INaga clan.
It may be asked . if he was a Naga, how could he have the surname
of Ghosha ? There is no anomaly in this. The Nagas had among
them many surnames* and golras. Thus among the Bengal Kaya-

* King Durlabhavarddhana of Kasmir belonged to the NSga clan, but his
surnama was Varddhana.

134 Annals of the Bhaidaihn Oucntal Research Institute

sthas Nagas have several gotras, of which one is Satikalina, Ona
of the gotras of the Ghoshas is also Sankalina,

Page 161 - Mr. Majumdar has failed to indentify any of the
places mentioned in the plate, hut Lavanotsa mentioned in line 27
of the script can, without doubt, be identified with Lavanakhya,
about 3 miles north of SHakiinda police station of the district of
Chittagong. It contains a salt spring and in a place of pilgrimage
(Chiitagong District Gazetteer p. 190 ).

Page 167, line 6 - Instead of Sata"ta-PadmavatI-Visaya
perhaps Satata-Padmavatl-Visaya was engraved, meaning the
district consisting of the river Padma with Its banks. In old
Sanskrit hooks the river Padma is mentioned as Padmavatl.

Page 171 line 19- The correct pravaras of the Garga gotra,

according to Baudhayana is Angiras-Varhaspatya~~Bharadvaja~

ainya-G-argya. Here as the pravara names have been mentioned

without taddhita, so in place of tfatnya it should be JSfent, but not

Usana as has been improved upon by Mr. Majumdar.

Page 171, note 12. It appears that there was a pillar in honour
of the god Ugramadhava, on which the standard measurement
of cubit consisting of 36 angulis was engraved. A cubit generally
consists of 24 angulis ( breadth of fingers ). Vide S. J. Ep. Rep.
for 1916-17, p. 84, TSTo. 131 & Ibid for 1917-18, pp. 89 & 98 No. 5
and 97. Hh

Page 171, lines 19 & 20. The donee Krsnadharasarman
seems to have been a Daksinatya Yaiclika Brahmana, There is a
colony of these Brahmanas in the Diamond Harbour sub-division
of the district of 24-Pargaiias, where the donated land lies. Garga
gotra is also found among them.

Page 175 - The Sena kings professed to be as Brahma-ksatriyas
in the Deopara inscription of Yijayasena ( p. 50 ) and also as
Karnata-Ksatriyas in the Madhainagara plate of Laksmana-
sena ( p, 113 ), Some see inconsistency in this. But there appears
to be jnone at all, Brahma-Ksatriya is a sub-division of the
Kliatris, as the Karnata-Khatris are ( Tribes and Castes of Bombay,
*7ol. II. p. 206 ). Again the Brhma-Ksatris of Gujarat who went
to Benares and Lucknow are known as Gujarat Ksatris ( Ibid.
Vol. I. p. 209 ). These Brahma-Ksatris are writers by profession
(Ibid, p. 812)

ft + T ^ USl i 0m ! *** been introduced by the

Sanaa m Bengal, who hailed from Kanata.

The Sarasvata Brahmanas are the priests of the Brahma-
Ksatriyas as well as of the KarnSta-Ksatris. We find that
Aniruddha Bhatta, a Sarasvata Brahmanra, was the guru of Vallala-
sena ( verse 6 ).

Page 178, note 12- Instead of Avallika we read Zvantika,
meaning * coming from AvantI \ perhaps to distinguish him from
Halayudha, the author of ' Brahvnana-Sarvasva'

We find mention of a Halayudha, an inhabitant of Daksina-
Radha, in an inscription in the Amaresvara Temple at Mandhata,
C. P, dated Samvafc 1120 (Ins^ripHons in the C. P. and erar, p. 22).
If the date is in Saka era he becomes a contemporary of king
Lakshmanasena. He might be identical with Halayudha, one of
the first Kulins of Radhi Brahmans.

Page 179, lines 56-57 - note 3 - Sastri read Domvarakatti. It
has now been correctly reacf as Ghaghrahatti. In our article in
the I. H. Q. referred to above, we on the incorrect reading of
Sastri identified it with the modern village of Rahamatapura.
Now we have no doubt that it is identical with the village of
Ghaghrahati, where the plates of Samacaradeva and others were
found. There is still a river named Ghaghara ( Gharghara ? ).
It is in the Kotalipara paragana of the Faridpur district, which
is one of the 21 parap^anas, which has been separated from
Candradvlpa.

We have, in our aforesaid article, identified this Eajapandita
Mahesvara with MaheSvara Vandya, one of the first kulins of the
Radhi Brahmans, Vandyas were perhaps the early settlers of
Candradvlpa in Vanga. The following line from a Kulaji quoted
by Mr. Parescandra Vandyopadbyaya in page 349 of his History
of Bengal called Vahglar Ptiravrffa goes to support this view *-

" Vandya Vange vas parsve Vanglar all."

In an inscription of 1145 Saka preserved in the ValesJvara temple
of Kumaun we End mention of a Vangaja Brahmana named
Eudra of the family of Bhatta Narayana ( Notes on Himalayan
districts of Atkinson, p. 516 ). This Rndra was perhaps the son of
Irana Vandya, who acceding: to Dhruvananda Mis?ra, was present
at the court of Laksmanasena.

Note 4 - Mr. Manimdar wants to read the word as Cfendra-
dvlpa or Indradvtpa, We do not understand how it oan be read
ft* Indradvlpa, As it ^too<30 in the fateiinila It can bo read a$

Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

Phandradvipa cf. pha in odamphala in lines 46-47 of the Madana,
pSda charter ( J. A. 8. B.> Vol. LXV. pfc. I, Plate II, ). We read
it Candradvlpa. For our reasons see article in the Indian Histori-
cal Quarterly, VoL IV.

Page 180, note I- There is hi before 500, so it indicates 500
Jiiranya and noipurana as supposed by Mr. Majumdar.

Page 187, - Karanas and the Kayasthas do not appear to have
had originally the same function. Karanas were probably writers
and accountants, while the Kayasthas were revenue officers.
Karana also meant an office or a sub-department of an Adhir
karana. Thus Karanika meant an officer in charge of a Karana.
Karanika, which is derived from the same root as Karanika, has
been translated by Shamasastry in Kautihjrfs A.rthasastra as
* Superintendent of accounts ' .

Page 184- Catta might also mean 'king's favourite '. In
the granfe of Vinlta-tunga we find Bhatta-vallbha-jatiyan (Arch.
Sur. of Mayurabhanja, p. 156 ). In Kautilya also find that people
used to be tormented by king's favourites ( batlav ).

Page 186 - Maha-kayastha has been translated as * the chief
clerk ' , but the references quoted by Mr. Majumdar show that
Maha-kayasthas were at the head of Mahattaras and Dasa-
gramikas( heads of ten villages), who were no doubt in charge
of village lands and revenues. It is evident from the Kamganj
Plate of l&varaghosa that the functions of the Kayasthas were
different from those of Karanas or Lekhakas ( scribes ), for they
have been separately mentioned in that plate ( p. 156 ).

91 p' I!* 6 13 - The *^esof the Pravara Rsis may be
/ , Mlowin ^ : Kasyapa, Avatsara, Sandila ( not
Asita and Devala ( Bandhayana's &rauta-8*Ura I

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VOL. XV ] [ PARTS III-IV

Annals of the

Bhandarkar Oriental

Research Institute, Poona

Volume X1T

1933-34

EDITED BY
A. B. GAJENDRAGADKAR, M. A.,

Professor of Sanskrit., Elphlnstone College, Bombay.

AND

V. G. PARANJPE, M. A., LL. B., D. Litt.

Professor of Sanskrit, Fergusson College, Poona.

Primed and published by Dr. Y. S Sukthankar, M 'A./rh. D-> at the

Bhandarkar Institute Press, Bhandarkar Oriental

Research Institute, Poona No 4

POONA

BHHNOHRKHR GRIBNTAL, RESEARCH
INSTITUTE,

MANAGEMENT FOE 1933-36

President

His Excellency the Right Hon'ble Sir Frederick Hugh Sykes, F. (X,
G. C. I. E-, G. B. E., K. C. B., C. M. G., C. S. I., the Governor of Bombay

Vice-Presidents

Shriraant Balasaheb Pant Pratmidhi, B. A., the Ruler of Aundh

Shrimant Narayanrao Babasaheb Ghorpade, the Chief of Ichalkaranji

Sir Chintamanrao alls Appasaheb Patwardhan, Bajesaheb of Sangli '

K. S. Jathar, Esq., C. I. E.

Mr. B. S. Kamat, B. A.

Prin. A. B. Dhruva, M. A M LL. B.

REGULATING COUNCIL for 1933-36

* Chairman
Mr. T$. C. Kelkar, B. A., LL. B.

* Vice- Chairman
Prof. D. D. Kapadia, M. A., B. Sc.

M, M. Vasudevashastri Abhyankar.

Dr. Balkrlshna, M. A., Ph. D.

3>r. S. K. Belvalkar, M. A., Ptu D.

Dr. 3>. R. Bhandarkar, M. A., Ph. D.

Prm. G. C. Bhate, M. A.

Prof. N. G. Damle, M. A.

Mrs. Dr. Eamalabai Deshpande, Ph. D.

Pro! C. B, Bevdhar, M. A.

Prin. A. B. Dhruva, M. A,, LL. B.

Prm. J. B. Gharpure, B. A., LL. B.

Mr. B. S. Kamat, B. A.

Prof. P. y. Kane, M. A., LL. M.

Prof. Dharmauanda Kosambi

t Mr. Syad NuruUa, B. A., M, E. B.,

Bar-at-Law

t Mr. S, D* Pawate, B. A., LL. B.
Prof, D. V. Potdar, B. A,
Shrimant Balasaheb Pant Pratinidhi,
B. A., the Buler of Aundh.

Prin. V. ET. Raj'wade, M. A.
Prof. R. D. Vadekar, M. A,
Prof. H. D. Velankar, M. A.

Joint Trustees

V. P. Vaidya, B. A., J. P., Bar-at-Law
Sardar G. N. Mujumdar, M. L. A.

EXECUTIVE BOABD for 1933-36
Prm. V. G. Apte, B. A. ( Chairman )*
t Dr. V. S. Sukthankar, M. A., Ph. D.
( Secretary)

Prof. V. G. Kale, M. A. ( Treasurer )

fProf. A. B. Gajendragadkar, M. A.

Prof. D. D Kapadia, M. A.,B. Sc.

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Dr- V. G. Paranjpe, M. A,, LL.B,, D, Litt.

tDr M. B. Behman, Ph. D.

Dr. P. L. Vaidya, M. A., D. Litt.

*To be elected annually.

t Nominated by

i n r1r

^ "-^^"-3-,t ,, l , l ,- 1 .. >lf<>iran

VOL. XV PARTS III-IV

Annals of the

Hhandarkar Oriental

Research Institute, Poona

Volume X1T

1933-34

EDITED BY

A. B. GAJENDRAGADKAR, M. A.,
Professor of Sanskrit, Elphmstone College^ Bombay

AND

V. G, PARANJPE, M. A., L,L. B., B. Litt.

Professor of Sanskrit^ Fergusson College, Poona*

Printed and published by Dr V S Sukthankar, M A., ph. D., at the
Bhandarkar Institute Press, Bhandarkar Oriental
Research Institute, Poona No 4

POONA

CONTENTS

VOLUME XV, PARTS m-iv

( 22-11-34 )

.ARTICLES

1 Ideals, Merits and Defects of: Ancient Edu-

cational System by Dr. A S. Altekar, M. A. ,
LL. B,, D. Litt.

2 The Critical Edition of the Mahabharata:

Adiparvan, by Prof. M. Winterinitz

3 Famine in Ancient India by R. Ganguli, M. A. ,

M. So.

4 Daranasara of Devasena : Critical Text by

A. N. Upadhye, M. A.

.5 Unidentified Sources of the Virauttimagga by
Dr. P. V. Bapat, M. A. , Ph. D.

6 Migration of Legends by V. R, Ramchandra

Dikshitar, M. A.

7 Influence of Tantra on the Smrti-Nibandhas by

Rajendra Chandra Hazra, M, A.

8 The Date of Kundamala by Prin A. C. Woolner,

M, A.
IMlSCELLANEA

9 Notes on Indian Chronology by P. K. Gode, M.A,

( XXII ) A Manuscript of Bhaiata-Sastra-
Grantba and identification of its Author
Laksmldhara and his Date; (XXIII l Reference
to Durghatavrtti in Caritrarardhana's Com-
mentary on the Raghuvamsja; ( XXIV ) Date
of Samvatsaradiphala-Kalpalata of Soma-

daivajna A. D. 1642; (XXV) A Manuscript
ofTithiratna by Somadaivajna; (XXVI) A
Commentary on the Kumarasarabhava by
Jinasamudrasuri and its probable Date

PAG&S

137-158
159-175
176-197
198-206
207-211
212-219
230-235
236-239

240-247

(ii)

10 Abhinavagupta and Bhagavata by S, If,

Tadpatrikar, M, A,

11 Sara and Varahamihira by Prof, M, T,

Patvardhan, M, A,

12 Editorial Notes , 250^

13 Books Received

TO "SCTOTHJ , xx-53

(i)

(ii)

(iii) Concluding Lecture by Eao Bahadur
R. R, Kale, B, A,, LL B,

( iv ) q^iafflHft Rfa$! PJPHH^HI^^ ^ j.jij

Shnmant BALASAHEB PANT PRATINIDHI, B.A,
Ruler of Aundh

Q

> v^y

Bliandarkar Oriental
Research Institute

VoLp xv ] APRIL - JULY [ PARTS nr-iv

IDEALS, MERITS AND DEFECTS OF ANCIENT
INDIAN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM'
BY

DR. A. S. ALTEKAK, M. A., LL. B., D. Lilt.

It is proposed to discuss in this paper the aims and ideals of
ancient Indian educational system with a view to ascertain how
far they were realised in practice. We shall also dwell upoo
certain salient features of the system with a view to understand
its merits and defects.

To persons interested in theories and ideals of education, the
Mstory of ancient India education may appear rather disappoint-
ing. Our sources are more concerned with describing the mam
features of the educational system than with discussing its basxc
principles. The educational system also became stereotyped at a
fairly early stage , a few changes did take place, but lie writers
of later times are more anxious to conceal than expound the
changed methods and ideals.

It must be however pointed out that in Europe too there was
hardly any systematic discussion of the theories of education till
recent times. Controversies about the relative importance of
literary and useful education starti^nlyjn^

i From the writer's forthcoming book on ' Education in Ancient India ',

138 Annals oftbeBhandatkar Oriental Research Institute

A. D. Theories about the importance of the child and its inclina-
tions in outlining an educational system were unknown before
the time of Rousseau. Whether memory should be trained more
than the reasoning faculty, whether reading should be encouraged
more than reflection, whether education is expanse of natural powers
or an accretion to them from without, what is the relative importance
of and proper time for physical, aesthetic, moral and intellectual
training, are problems that have begun to be systematically dis-
cussed even in the West only in the last hundred years or so. In
ancient India, we sometimes come across stray reflections about
some of these problems, but there is no regular and systematic
discussion. This was perhaps to some extent a natuial con-
sequence of the absence of any social or state control over the
educational system. Both the state and society gave full liberty
to teachers. As they were not subjected to any appreciable exter-
nal criticism or control, they went on their traditional grooves
without giving much thought to the fundamental problems of
education.

We have further to note that the peculiar constitution of
Hindu society rendered a discussion of some of these problems
out of question. For instance, the controversy about Literary
versus Useful education was inconceivable in ancient Indian
society. Professions came to be assigned hereditarily to different
groups; if any body had started the discussion of this controversy,
he would have been told that for certain classes liberal education
was more important than useful education, and for certain others
the case was just the reverse,

Formation of character, building up of personality, preserva-
tion of ancient culture and the training of the rising generation in
the performance of the social and religious duties,- these were the
main aims of Ancient Indian System of Education. Let us see
what were the views of Hindu thinkers about these ideals and
how far they were realised in practice.

Educationalists of ancient India have attached the greatest
importaoe to the formation of character. The Vedas were regard-
ed as revealed and therefore their preservation was of paramount
importance : and yet we find orthodox thinkers like Maim declar-
ing without any hesitation that a person of good character with a

Ancient Indian Educational System

mere smattering of Vedic knowledge is to be preferred to another,
who though well versed in all the three Vedas, Is impure in his*
life and habits. ' Vedic study, charity, and sacrifices are of no
use to men of questionable character. 2 Purity in thought and
life is the key-stone of spiritual progress. * Manu grows very
eloquent in describing the necessity of self control to the student
( Srahmacann ).

Apart from such direct injunctions, the very atmosphere in
which the Brahmacarin li\ed, was calculated to give a proper turn
to his character. He was to be under the direct supervision of his
teacher, who was to watch not only his intellectual progress but 1
also his moral behaviour.

Upanayana ritual was calculated to impress the fact that the
student's life was a consecrated one ; divine co-operation was
secured in his favour to ensure a successful journey along the
path of knowledge, that co-operation would be withdrawn and dire
coDsequences would follow if he was guilty of a moral lapse. The
examples of his teachers and of national and epic heroes that
were placed before the student were also calculated to give the
right turn to his character.

It is difficult to estimate correctly how far this effort to elevate
the national character was successful. In all times and countries
there exist some persons of high and some of depraved character,
and unfortunately history has largely to deal with these abnormal
types. We rarely come across the average man. "We can, however,
get some idea of the influence of education on national character
by the opinions expressed by foreign observers, who appear to be
impartial. Amongst them the Greeks are chronologically the
earliest. Politically the Greeks were not the allies but the enemies
of the Hindus ; they have made many disparaging remarks about
some aspects of Hindu culture, but they have candidly noted the
high impression that the Hindu character and veracity produced
on their mind* * An Indian has never been convicted of lying ;
truth and virtue they hold in high esteem 7 says Megasthenes in

2 Ibid, II, 97,
s Ibid, II, 160.

140 Annals of the Ehandarkar Oriental Research Institute

one place. ] This statement could not have been literally true, but
it shows that the oases of cheating and swindling must have been
very few in society. Strabo and Megasthenes have further point-
ed out that law suits among the Indians were rare owing to their
frank dealing. "They are not litigous- Witnesses and seals
are not necessary when a man makes a deposit he acts in trust.
Their houses are usually unguarded. a

Yuan Chwang pays an equally high compliment to the Indian
character during the 7th century A. D, He has carefully noted
the weak and strong points in the character of the peoples of
different localities ; but while summing up his impressions of the
Indian character as a whole, he says " They ( i e. Indians ) are
of hasty and irresolute temperament but of pure moral principles.
They will not take anything wrongfully and they yield more than
fairness requires* They fear for retribution for sins in other lives
and make light of what conduct produces in this life. They do
not practise deceit and they keep their sworn, obligations" a The vast
majority of Indians in Yuan Chwang's time did not share his
religious beliefs and practices, and are yet paid the above high
compliment by the Chinese pilgrim.

Al Idrisi's impressions of the Hindu character in western
India during the 10th century A. D, are similar to those of Yuan
Chwang 's, Though a Muslim, he says of the Hindus, "The Indians
are naturally inclined to justice and never depart from it in their
actions, Their good faith, honesty and fidelity to engagements are
well known and they are so famous for these qualities that people
flock to their country from every side ; hence the country is
flourishing and their condition prosperous. " 4

In the thirteenth century Marco Polo was impressed equally
highly by the character of Western India. " You must know "
says he, " that these Brahmans are the best merchants in the
world and the most truthful, for they would never tell a lie for
anything on the earth. If a foreign merchant, who does net know

1 Mfegasthenes, Fragment 27

* Ibid.

3 Watters, I, p. 171.

4 EHot, History, vol. I p. 88,

Ancient Indian Educational System

141

the ways of the country, applies to them and entrusts his goods to
them, they would take charge of these and sell them in the most
zealous manner, seeking zealously the profit of the foreigner and
asking no commission except what he pleases to give. " ] When
the morality of the trading classes is so high, the character of
the average man must have been very noble. Ibn Batuta, another
Muslim observer, describes the Marathas of Deogiri and Nandur-
bar of the 14th century as * upright, religious and trustworthy '. 2

Travellers and merchants are usually disposed to make dis-
paraging remarks about the culture and character of the foreigners
among whom they have moved ; when so many of them belonging
to different t^mes and climes and professing different faiths agree
in paying a high tribute to Indian character, we may well con-
clude that there is no exaggeration and that the educational system
of the country had succeeded remarkably in its ideal of raising
the national character to a high level. It is only after the 17th
and 18th centuries A. D. that we come across foreign travellers,
traders, missionaries and ex - governors passing strictures upon
the Hindu character. Many of them were misled by tteir pre-
judices, and it is also possible that the Hindu character may
have suffered deterioration during the long spell of foreign rule
in inediasval times. It is, however, worth observing that not a
single foreign observer is found passing hostile remarks about
Hindu character and honesty during the ancient period of Indian
history.

The second aim of the Education System was the develop-
ment of personality. It is very often asserted that Hindu educa-
tion suppressed personality and originality by prescribing a uni-
form course of education and by enforcing an iron discipline.
The course however was not rigidly uniform. In early times
there was a free choice of professions and careers. In the later
times when the caste system became rigid, the theory no doubt
was that everyone should follow his hereditary profession, but
the practice permitted considerable freedom to enterprising indi-
viduals. It would be wrong to assert that the whole of the Aryati
society was engaged for twelve years in cramming the Tedio

1 Yule, Marco polo, vol. II, p. 363 ( Third Edition ).
Ibn Batuta, p 228,

142 Annals of the Wwndar'kar Oriental Research Institute

texts during the Smrti period. Only a section of the Brahmana
community followed this line, others used to learn only a few
Vedic Mantras sufficient for their daily use, and reserve their
main energy for the stady of a subject of their own choice like
logic, philosophy, literature or poetics. The educational curri-
culum of the Smrtis represents the Utopian idealism of the Brah-
mana theologian and not the actual reality in the society.

The Hindu educational system helped the development of
personality by cultivating self-respect, self-reliance and self-
restraint The Brahmacsrin was the custodian of the culture
and civilisation of the race. The welfare of the race depended
upon his proper discharge of his duties. If Indra is pie-eminent
among the gods, if the king is successful as a governor, it is all
due to their proper training and education. * To support the poor
student was the sacred duty of society, the non-performance of
which would lead to dire spiritual calamities. A well-trained
youth, who had finished his education, was to be honoured
more than the king himself. It is but natural that such an
atmosphere should develop the students self-respect in a remarka-
ble manner*

Self-confidence was also fostered equally well. Tbe Upanayana
ritual sought to foster self-confidence by pointing out that divine
powers would co-operate with the student and help him on to the
achievement of his goal, if he on his part did his duty well.
Poverty need not depress him; he was the ideal student who would
subsist by begging his daily food. If he was willing to work in
his spare time, he could demand and get education from any
teacher or institution. Self-reliance is the mother of self-con-
fidence, and the Hindu educational system seeks to develop it in a
variety of ways. Uncertainty of the future prospect did not damp
self-confidence. If the student was following a professional
course, his career was already determined. There was no over-
crowding in professions and no cut-throat competition. If he was
taking religious and liberal education, poverty was to be the ideal
of his life. His needs ought to be, and as a matter of fact were, few
and state and society supplied them well.

1 Atharvaveda, XL, 5

Ancient Indian Educational System 143

The element of self-restraint, that was emphasised by the
educational ideal, further served to enrich the student's per-
sonality. Self-restraint that was emphasised was distinctly
different from self-repression. Simplicity in life and habits was
all that was insisted upon. The student was to have a full meal,
only it was to be a simple one. The student was to have sufficient
clothing, only it was not to be foppish. The student was to have
his recreations, only they were not to be frivolous. He may use
shoes when going 1 out to the jungles, only he should be able to do
without them in villages and towns where roads were better. He
was to lead a life of perfect chastity, but that was only to enable
him to be an efficient and healthy householder when he married.
It will be thus seen that what the educationalists aimed at, did not
result in self-repression, but only promoted self-restraint that was
so essential for the development of a proper personality. Nor was
this self-restraint enforced in Spartan ways of correction and
punishment. The teacher was required to use persuasion and spare
the rod as far as possible. He was liable to be prosecuted if he

used excessive force.

It nray be further pointed out in this connection that powers
of discrimination and judgment, so necessary for the development
of proper personality, were well developed in students taking
liberal education and specialising in logic, philosophy, poetics
or literature. These branches of study bristled with controversies
and the student had to understand both the sides, form his own
judgment and defend his position in literary debates It was only
with the Vedic students that education became mechanical train-
ing of memory. This became inevitable In later times when the
literature to be preserved became very extensive and the modern
means of preservation were unavailable. In earlier days even the
Tedic students were well trained in exegesis and could explain
the meaning of what they could recite.

The data available to determine how far the educational system
was successful in evolving personality is meagre. We come
across several masterful personalities in different walks of life
in ancient India, but how far they were typical of their age we
do not know. Hindu achievements, however, in different walks
of life and branches of knowledge were of a fairly high order m

A finals oj the BJuwdarJtar Oriental Research Institute

ancient India, and this would hardly have been possible if the
products of the Hindu Educational system were not masterful
personalities. Things changed for the worse in mediaeval times ;
Brdhmacarya discipline became nominal when a vast majority
of students began to marry at a very early age ; growth of inde-
pendent ]udgment became stunted with the growing veneration
for ihe past and its time-hallowed tradition. Self-confidence
and self-respect disappeared in a great measure when society
began to buffer from the convulsions of sudden foreign invasions
and long alien rule, imposing a hated religion and strange culture
with the aid of the sword. We must not judge the success of
the Ancient Indian Educational System in building personalities
of students by conclusions based upon its products at the advent

of the British rule.

The developernet of social efficiency and civic responsibility
was another aim of the Educational system. Education was no
aimless training. Society had accepted the theory of the division
of work, which was mainly governed by the principle of heredity.
Exceptional talent could always select the profession of its own
choice ; it was however deemed to be in the interest of the average
man that he should follow his family's profession. The Educa-
tional System sought to qualify the members of the rising
generation for their more or less predetermined spheres of
life. Each trade or guild trained its childern in its own art,
This system may have sacrificed the individual inclinations
of a few, but it was undoubtedly in the interest of many.
It trained children efficiently in their family professions, Hindu
thinkers did not concur with Milton in thinking that an ideal
system of education ought to qualify a youth to perform skilfully,
justly and magnanimously all the offices, both private and public,
of peace and war, They believed in differentiation of functions
and trained different classes for different spheres of work.

The Educational System laid particular stress upon civic and
social duties and responsibilities. The Snataka or the educated
youth was not to lead a self-centred life* He was en]oined per-
petuation of race and culture by raising and educating progeny.
He was to perform his duties as a son, husband, and father con-
scientiously and efficiently. His wealth was not to be utilised

Ancient Indian Educational System 145

1 y for his own or his family's wants ; he must be hospitable
d charitable. Particularly emphatic are the words in the con-
ation address, emphasising: these duties. T Professions had
th ir own codes of honour, which emphasised the civic res-
onsibilities of their members. The physician was required to
relieve disease and distress even at the cost of his life. The
warrior had his own high code of honour.

Social structure in ancient India was to a great extent
independent of government. Governments may come and go, but
social and village life was not much affected by these changes. It
was probably this circumstance that was responsible for the non-
inclusion of patriotism among the civic duties, inculcated by the
Educational System.

The preservation of ancient heritage and culture was perhaps
the most important aim of the Ancient Hindu System of Educa-
tion, Any one who takes even a cursory view of the Hindu
writings on the subject is impressed by the deep concern that was
felt for the acquisition and preservation of the organised literary
and cultural heritage of the race. Members of the professions
were to train their children in their own lines, rendering availa-
ble to the rising generation at the outset of its career all the skill
and processes that were aquired after painful efforts of the by-
gone generations. The services of the whole Aryan community
were conscripted for the purpose of the preservation of the Vedic
literature. Every Dvija must learn at least a portion of Ms
sacred literary heritage. It was an incumbent duty on the pri-
estly class to commit the Vedic literature to memory in order to
ensure its transmission to unborn generations. It is true that
not all the Brahmanas obeyed this injunction, but that was be-
cause they had the commonsense to realise that the services o
their entire class were not necessary for the task. A section of
the Brahmana community however was always available to
sacrifice its life and talents in order to ensure the preservation
of the sacred texts. Theirs was a life long and almost a tragic
devotion to the cause of learning. For, they consented to spend
their life in committing to memory what others and not they
could interpret. Secular benefits that th^could^eipect were

1 Tat. up., !, II
2 [ Annuls, B. O. B. I, J

Annals of the JShandarkar Oriental Research Institute

few, and not at all commensurate with the labour involve...
Remaining sections of the Brahmana community were fostering
the studies of the different branches of liberal education, like
grammar, literature, poetics, law, philosophy and logic. Here
the goal was avowedly cultural and not utilitarian. The aim
was not to make money or find out lucrative careers, but to cul-
tivate and develop the different branches of liberal studies. As a
matter of fact Hindu thinkers disapprove of the idea that the
value of liberal education should be judged by its pecuniary pro-
ductivity. Visnu warns that no spiritual benefit will accrue to
a person in the life to come if he seeks to live on his learning in
the present life. * Kalidasa disapproves the conduct of a scholar,
who seeks merely to make money out of his learning 2 . His main
concern ought to be to spread culture and knowledge and to fight
for the establishment of truth.

A natural consequence of this anxiety for the preservation of
the ancient heritage was to make education deep and thorough,
rather than broad and many-sided. The heritage of the past was
divided into different branches and different groups of study
circles began to specialise in them. This made Hindu scholarship
deep, but not without a loss in breadth to a certain extent.

Obedience to parents, proper respect to elders and teachers and
gratitude to the savants of the bye-gone ages are natural con-
sequences of the society*B intense solicitude for the preservation
of ancient culture and civilisation. Especially significant in this
connection are the rules about the daily Svadhyaya and I}si-
tarpawa, the former enjoining the recapitulation of at least a por-
tion of what was learnt in the student life, and the latter requiring
a daily tribute of gratitude to the literary giants of the
bye-gone times.

In later times when Sanskrit became a dead language and the
philosophy of the Upanisads and its ramifications were found to
be too abstruse for the averge man and woman, a new type of
literature, the Puranas was evolved with a view to spread and
popularise the national culture and civilisation among the
masses. A section of the Brahmana community devoted itself to

rR! ^NjfHW ^1 <TCT <^s^[ ^fa | Vi. Dh. S., 30-39.
rf fWtruq- vtfStf 5=^% \

Malavikagnimitram, Act, I, v, 17

Indian Educational System 147

the task of expounding daily the culture and gospel of the Puranas
to the masses in their own vernaculars. As a consequence, many
features of ancient culture came to be well known to and careful-
ly preserved by even the illiterate sections of the society. The
aim of the vernacular Bhakti poets of the middle ages was also
the same, viz, the preservation and popularisation of ancient
culture and religion.

The surprising amount of cultural uniformity that is to be
seen even now over the length and breadth of India is largely
due to the successful preservation of ancient culture and civili-
sation. If there are several features, common to Hindu life, all
over the country, contributing to Hindu unity, credit has to be
largely given to the Educational System which ha6 produced uni-
formity in the culture and outlook on life of the Hindu com*

munity.

Friends and foes have alike admitted that the Hindu system
of Education has been eminently successful in its aim of pre-
servation of the ancient literary heritage. Very few of the Vedic
works have been lost. It is indeed a wonder how so vast a
literature could have been preserved without the help of writing
for the task. Among later works too, the number of valuable
books lost is not considerable. And here too the losses would
have been practically insignificant if irreparable damages to
temples and monasteries had not been caused at the time of the
invasions of the Mahomadens and during their subsequent
long rule.

We now proceed to consider the limitations and defects of the
Ancient Indian System of Education.

Religion had immense hold over the Hindu mind and many
of the admirable features of the Educational System have to be
attributed to this circumstance, as shown already. But it was
also the cause of certain defects that crept into the system.

The view that the hold of religion over the Hindu mind was
responsible for making the education system predominantly
4 other-worldly ' is not true. Vanaprastha and Sannyasa ideals
were no doubt suggested by the theories about the life to cm
but such was not the case with the theory and ideal of Brahma-
carya. The education system aimed t producing youths eminently

148 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

fife to perform their civic and social duties 5 if any spiritual merit
for the life to corne were to be achieved through the Bxahtna-
carya, it was to be through the proper performance of its duties,
Fvrhich however were principally determined with a view to make
the student an efficient and God-fearing citizen.

The majority of teachers for higher education were priests in
ancient India, as was the case in contemporary times all over the
.world. They did not exploit their position for promoting any
selfish ends of their own, but they had natural limitations of their
class. Under their supervision religious and semi-religious
studies got undue predominance in the education curriculum. This
phenomenon was not, however, confined to India ; for in Europe
too down to the mediaeval times teachers were usually priests and
the Bible, the sacred poets and the lives of the Saints dominated
the curriculum. 1 Luther was the first to emphasise the necessity
of giving proper attention to the needs of secular life by pointing
out that even if there were neither soul, nor heaven nor hell, it
would still be necessary to have schools for the affairs here below.
The real defect produced by the hold of religion over the Hindu
mind was the tendency to hold Reason at a discount which became
prominent a few centuries after the Christian era. Such was not
the case in early times, when there was full intellectual freedom.
Upanisadic thinkers advocate bold and divergent theories of
philosophy and theology without showing the least anxiety to
prove that their views were in line with those of their predeces-
sors of the Yedic and Brahmanic times. There were as many as
sixty three systems of philosophy in the days of the Buddha, and
very few of tl em cared to rely on Vedic authority for their
hypotheses or conclusions. Within the fold of the orthodoxy
itself there were the Samkhya, Mirnarhsa and Nyaya systems,
which had hardly any appropriate place for the Divine Creator
in them. Buddhism and Jainism were not summarily dismissed
as atheistic; their scriptures were carefully studied in order to
prove that they were unsound.

Unfortunately for the progress of learning and scholarship
certain works came to be canonised some time about 600 B. C.
Their authorship was attributed to divine or inspired agency
and it was averred that what they contained could not be false,

i Monroe, A Text-book of the History of Education, p 351.

Ancient Indian Educational System

what they opposed could not be true. An almost equally
reverence came to be paid to the Smrfcis and Puranas in course of
time. Theories began to be accepted or rejected according as
they were in conformity with or opposed to the statements of the
sacred books on the point. Intellectual giants like Sarhkara and
Ramanuja had to spend a disproportionate amount of time and
energy to prove that their systems of philosophy were in con-
formity with and the natural outcomes of the Upanisadic hypo-
theses. If the hold of the Srutis and Smrfcis were not so exacting,
there would have been freer development of philosophy. At any
rate many of the remarkable intellects of the middle ages would
have found ifc possible to write independent works on their own
systems of philosophy instead of being compelled to present it
unsystematically, while engaged in the ostensible task of writing
commentaries on the revealed literature. Instead of Nibandha
compilations, we would have original Smrtis of the later times.

Under such circumstances, there was not much scope left
for research and originality in those matters where opinions were
expressed in sacred text. A. concrete case may be given to illu-
strate the point. In the infancy of astronomy, the eclipses were
explained by the mythological stories about Kahu and Ketu
attacking and temporarily overpowering the moon and the sun.
It was an evil day for the advance of astronomy when this my-
thological version got a canonical sanction by its inclusion in the
Puranas. Hindu astronomers like Aryabhata, Brahmagupta and
VarahamiHra knew the true cause of eclipses but felt powerless
to carry vigorous propaganda to explode the popular and mytho-
logical explanation canonised by the Puranas. Nay, Brahma-
gupta, with a view to win cheap popularity, went to the extent of
advocating that the popular view was correct, when he knew full
well that such was not the case. In the first chapter of his
Brahma-ziddhanta, he gives both the popular and scientific theories
about the eclipses, but advocates the cause of the former. borne
psople think that the eclipse is not caused by the Head ( of Rahu

or Ketu ). This, however, is a foolish idea. The Veda, which

is the word of God from the mouth of Brahman, says tfiat the
Head eclipses, likewise Manusmrti and Garga-samiUa. " ! What

Quoted by Alberuni, vol. II, pp. 110-1.

i jo Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

Is, however, most lamentable is that Brahmagupta, who knew full
well the real ca7ise of eclipses, should have proceeded to condemn
Aryabhata, Varahamihira, Srlsena and Visnnucandra for
expounding the unorthodox but scientific theory that eclipses are
caused by the shadow of the earth. It is important to note that
Brahmagupta becomes guilty of intellectual and moral dishonesty
because he was anxious to win cheap popularity by supporting the
popular view that what was contained in the Vedas and Manu-
srnrti could not be untrue. It is interesting to note that
Varahamihira first combats the Rahu-Ketu theory * but then
immediately succumbs to it. 2 Aryabhata alone has perhaps
the courage to be consistent with his intellectual con-
victions. But he also only hints that the popular theory is wrong
but does not dare to attack it openly. s If the Rahu-Ketu theory
of eclipses has continued to retain its hold over the popular Hindu
mind for the last 1500 years and more, in spite of [the scientific
discovery of the true cause of eclipses, the reason is that Hindu
scholarship of later times was too much in the leading strings of
religion to carry on active propaganda against its hypothses.
The discontinuance of dissection in the medical training and the
abandonment of agriculture by the Brahmanas, Buddhists and
Jains are also to be attributed to the hold of the progressively pu-
ritanical notions over the popular mind. 4

It is, however, but fair to observe that in Europe too, Heason
had to beat a hasty and precipitate retreat when in conflict with
the dicta of scriptures down to the beginning of the modern age.
Galileo had to suffer for his astronomical discoveries. Through-
out the Middle Ages, educationalists were more anxious to impart
traditional theories and formulae than to train minds capable of

Brhat-satihtt*. v, 4 ff. ^ ^ ^^ ^f^W *F& *V*ft Tiff 1

T%TTRF: u aw g^t^r: r I s

Z fj)4.fj rr 1 Q

: U

GolabhSga, v, 49
I-tsmg, p, 62

Ancient Indian Educational System rjr

forming their own conclusions. Mediaeval philosophers and
commentators were utilising reason only to prove that the
scriptural hypotheses were correct. It was Luther who first
vindicated the cause of reason by declaring that what is contrary
to reason must be certainly much more contrary to God. But
Luther too became a renegade towards the end of his life and
declared, ' The more subtle and accurate is the reason, the more
poisonous is the beast, with many Dragon's head is it against
God and all his work ' . The truth was that the Reformers were
unwilling to concede to others the right to interpret scriptures,
which they claimed for themselves. If therefore reason was at a dis-
count in India from the beginning of the middle ages, (c. 500 A.D.)
we must also note that the same was the case in Europe down to
the beginning of the modern age. We should not further forget
that reason was given full scope by the Hindu scholars and
thinkers for more than about ] 500 years, when it was superseded by
the exigencies of the religious situation. The historain, however,
cannot help regretting that supersession of reason should have
taken place among a people, who had given full scope to it for
several centuries.

Enrichment of the culture of the past along with its preserva-
tion continued to be the goal of the Indian educational system for
several centuries. Intellect and reason were for a long time given
full scope, originality was encouraged, and as a result we find
remarkable creative activity in the domain of theology, philo-
sophy, philology, grammar, logic, astronomy, mathematics,
medicine etc. down to about 800 A. D. Indian achievements in
many of these fields were remarkable, judged either by the con-
temporary or by the absolute standard. Scholars from China,
Korea, Tibet and Arabia used to visit India in order to learn what
she had to teach in the realms of religion, medicine, mathematics

and astronomy. ,.

Towards the beginning of the 9th century A. D., the creative
vein in the Indian intellect got fatigued after an intense activity
of more than 2000 years. Probably the heritage of the past be-
came so great that all the ability of scholars was engrossed in
preserving it. Probably the habit of looking back to the past for
inspiration and guidance became so confirmed that it

152 Annals of the Bhantfarkar Oriental Research Institute

instinctively felt that not much could be expected from the present.
The golden age of inspiration had gone, no new achievements
were possible, the best that the age could do was to preserve, ex-
pound or comment upon the masterpieces of the past, Hindu
educational system was unable to create minds powerful enough
to rise above the influence of these theories. For the last one
thousand years and more, the Hindu intellect has been almost
solely engrossed in the task of writing digests and commentaries
on the works of earlier periods. Creative activity has come to a
standstill. Here also we have to add that the spirit of the times
was unfavourable for the formation of independent minds and
intellects both in the West and the East. In Europe too the
Middle Ages were a period of intellectual repression. Renaissance
and Reformation, however, started an era of intellectual inde-
pendence and originality in Europe in the sixteenth century 5 in
India, on the other hand the foreign rule and its baneful con-
sequences continued the spirit and atmosphere of the middle ages
down to the time of the national reawakening towards the end of
the 19th century.

Owing to its excessive reverence to the past, the Hindu mind
ceased to be assimilative from about 800 A. D. Hindu sculptors
assimilated Greek methods and enriched Indian art. Early
astronomer^ like Aryabhata and Varaharnihira were keeping
themselves in touch with the activities and achievements of the
workers in the same field outside India. Varahamihira pays
even a handsome compliment to Greek astronomers and observers.
The Greeks are no doubt Mlechhas ( impure ), but they are well
grounded in astronomy and are therefore worshipped and honour-
ed like the Rsia * A remarkable change for the worse took
place in the Hindu attitude towards foreign scholarship within a
couple of centuries or so after Varahamihira's death. Implicit
faith in the past and in the correctness of its canonised tradition
made the Hindu scholar narrow, bigoted and conceited. Of the
Hindu men of letters of the llth century A.D., Alberuni observes,
4 They are haughty, foolish, vain, stolid and self-conceited.
According to their belief, there is no country on the earth but
theirs, no other race of men but theirs, and no created beings
beside them that have any knowledge or science whatever.

Ancient Indian Educational System 153

Their haughtiness is such that if you tell them of any science or
cholar in Ktiurasan or Persis, they will think you to be both an
. ramus a nd a liar. If they travelled and mixed with other
nations, they would soon change their mind, for their ancestors
were not so narrow-minded as the present generation is. 1 " In
of O f the last assertion Alberuni quotes the tribute of Varaha-
mihira to Greek astronomers, quoted above.

Hindus in Alberuni 's time had very good reason to feel a very
deep prejudice against Muslim scholarship 5 Alberuni's picture
may have been to some extent overdrawn. But tlie contemporary
Hindu attitude towards the Srutis, Smrtis and Puranas and other
works ot the past, which has been discussed above, would show
that Alberuni's account of the mentality of the contem-
porary Hindu scholar is substantially true. Hindu educa-
tion had .ceased to remove prejudices, explode superstitions and
broaden the mind, so as to keep it capable of receiving instruc-
tions from all quarters by the beginning of the 10th century A. D,
Hindu colonising activity, necessitating travel abroad, had also
come to an end by this time. Some Hindu doctors are no
doubt known to have proceeded to Baghdad at the invitation of
Khalifa Harun ( 786 A. D. 808 A. D. ) to act as chief
physicians in his hospitals ; 2 we however do not know whether
public opinion approved of their conduct, whether they returned
home and were readmitted to the Hindu society. Foreign travel
for the purpose of education and broadening of views became
impossible when the sea voyage was prohibited. Whether it was
undertaken in earlier days also is doubtful. There are no books in
Sanskrit literature descriptive of geography, manners and climate
of the countries adjacent to India. Nor do the Pauranic geogra-
phers seem to have been in touch with the traders and colonisers,
who were familiar with Babylon, Arabia, Ceylon, Java, Sumatra,

Burma and Borneo. ,. , ,

The skill in manual training and industrial arts was highly

appreciated in early times. Liberal and useful knowledge was
usually combined among high-class workers. Brahma f S m U .^
be skilled in mining and metallurgy, medical^ and
sciences. Weavers were often

1 Sachau, Alberuni, I, pp. 22-23

2 Ibid, Introduction, p. 31

3 [ Annals, B. O. B. I. ]

154 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

lore, astronomy and the art of war. This combination of liberal
and useful education became progressively rare after the
Gupta age. The status of the Vaisya became assimilated to that
of the Sudra as early as the 1st century A. D. and talented persons
among the intellectual classes began to think it below their
dignity to follow useful and industrial arts. The level of in-
telligence among the industrial classes became lowered down
when their education became rigidly confined to the technique
and processes of their own professions from about the 9th century
AJD. As a natural consequence of such a state of affairs, the growth
and development of the fine, useful and industrial arts became
arrested in India from about the 9bh century A. D. No advance is
to be seen after that date in the realms of sculpture, painting, min-
ing, surgery s etc. The old type of learning became stereotyped and
it soon began to degenerate* It is true that India continued to
retain her dominating position in the weaving industry down to
the middle of the last century ; but it is doubtful whether any
progress was made in the technique or processes of manufacture
since the days of Alberuni.

At the time when India was making rapid strides in the
different domains of knowledge, her education was broad based.
In ancient Athens one in ten and in ancient Sparta one in
twenty five received education, 1 and women's education was alto-
gether neglected. The case was much different in Inia down to
the commencement of the Christian era. The Sudras were exclud-
ed only from the Vedic studies and literacy was probably as high
as 60 percent in the days of Asoka. Anxious thought and care
was also bestowed on female education. Things, however,
gradually changed for the worse in the first millennium of the
Christian era. The education of women began to be neglected.
Ksatriyas and Vaisyas became progressively illiterate. It is
true that in Europe also the masses were little more than
barbarous and took more naturally to warfare than to schooling
down to the end of the Middle Ages. We can, however, hardly
derive any consolation from this comparison for the prevalent
illiteracy in India was due to a degeneration from a more credi-
table condition, obtaining in earlier centuries.

* Munroe, A Text Book, pp. 26, 29.

Ancient Indian Educational System

Hindu educational system was"unble to stop this deterioration
probably because of its concentration on Sanskrit and neglect of
the vernaculars. The revival of Sanskrit that took place early in
the first millennium was undoubtedly productive of much good -
it immensely enriched Sanskrit literature in its various branches!
But when the best minds became engaged in expressing their
thoughts in Sanskrit, Prakrits were naturally neglected. As long
as Sanskrit was intelligible to the ordinary individual, " this was
not productive of much harm. But from about the 9th or the 10th
century A. D. Prakrits and vernaculars became widely differentiat-
ed from Sanskrit and those who were using them began to find it
difficult to understand the latter language. Hindu educational
thinkers did not realise the importance of developing Prakrit
literature in the interest of the man on the street. Alberuni
observes, " The language in India is divided into a neglected
vernacular one, only in use among the common people, and a
classical one only in use among the upper and educated classes,
which is much cultivated.' > We no doubt come across a few
cases from the 13th century onwards where provision was made
for the teaching of Telugu, Canarese and Marathi in some of the
schools and colleges of South India, but the general impression
produced by a survey of the educational system and institutions
is that society was not alive to the importance of the teaching and
development of vernaculars in the interest of the spread of educa-
tion among the masses. Things in India were however quite on
a par with what they were in contemporary Europe, where Latin
continued to be the medium of instruction down to the 17th
century A. D. India however could have been much in advance
of the world ideas in this matter if the impetus that was given to
the cultivation of vernaculars by the two gifted Seers, Mahavlra
and the Buddha, had not died down owing to the revival
of Sanskrit.

Hindu education was thorough, but it was not sufficiently
broad. Each branch was thinking of its own problems. Educa-
tionalists do not seem to have bestowed much thought on

1 Ibid, p. 261.

* Sachau, I, p. 18,

156 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

relative utility of the study of the different branches like gram-
mar, literature, logic, philosophy, mathematics and fine arts foi
the development of the intellect. Specialisation was started too
early, A broad based secondary course embracing a study of
grammar, literature, mathematics, astronomy and history did
not exist. An undue emphasis was laid on grammar, literature
and logic at the cost of history, mathematics and astronomy.
Here again the impartial historian has to -point out that this
defect of the Hindu Educational system was not peculiar to India
but was to be seen all over the civilised world. In Europe all
the energies of teachers and students were concentrated on
grammar, rhetoric and dialectics down to the 13th century, only
that much knowledge of arithmetic was given which was neces-
sary feo calculate the church festivals. Natural sciences were
introduced very reluctantly only by the middle of the last
century. 1

Some of the defects noted above like the neglect of the educa-
tion of the women and the masses crept in the Hindu Educational
System only 131 later times, others like the non-existence of a
broad-based secondary course and the neglect of the verna-
culars were common to all the contemporary systems. The
twentieth century critic often forgets that the west has gone on
progressing rapidly during the last 300 years owing to the
impetus it has received from the Renaissance, Reformation and
the Scientific Movement, while India has gone on deteriorating
ever since 1000 A. D. owing to the almost continuous foreign
rule and its natural consequences. Our Muslim brethren no
f doubt became domiciled in India, but they were unable to appre-
ciate and encourage Hindu culture and education. The effects of
tlie Muslim rule on the learning and scholarship of the Hindus
can be described in the words of a Muslim himself. While des-
cribing the state of Hindu learning after the invasions of Mahmud
of G-hazni. Alberuni observes, 'The present times are not of
this kind 9 they are the very opposite, ( because there is no
royal support of encouragement to learning ) and therefore it is
quite impossible that a new science or any new kind of
research should arise in our days. What we have of sciences

* In Germany science was introduced in secondary education in 1816
A. D. When the Royal Commission on Education apologetically pleaded
for the inclusion of science m the secondary course m 2856, 10 or 12 lectures
began to be given annually in some of the Public Schools in England.
Faculty of Soeinqe was established in London University only m 1860.

Ancient Indian Educational System

is but the scanty remains of byegone better times' J Bernier, while,
describing the state of Hindu education in Benares towards the
middle of the 17th century, observes, " Students stay for ten or
twelve years during which the work of Instruction proceeds but
slowly. ... - Feeling no spirit of emulation and entertaining
no hope that honour or emoluments may be the reward of extra-
ordinary attainments as with us, the scholars pursue the studies
slowly, without much to distract their attention : ' The Report
of the Bengal Provincial Committee, Education Commission,
1882, observes. " The Mahomaden conquest proved disastrous
to all indigenous educational institutions. ... The proprietory
rights in land changed hands, ... the language of the court was
changed. Indigenous learning lost most of its support; and
after the classes had settled down the well-to-do classes of the
Hindus took gradually to the cultivation of foreign language,
literature and manners. The tols were more and more deserted and
left to those only who wanted to learn the Hindu rituals* - ... In
course of time the Mussalman teachers and schools drew off the
largest portion of the upper and the middle classes of the commu-
nity and the tols and the pathasalas either died or barely managed
to survive. 8 "

It is therefore hardly fair to compare ' the scanty remains of
bye-gone better times ' with the tremendous advance the West
has made during the last century and half under very favourable
circumstances. 2 The impartial historian will have to note that
in the hey day of her glory, education in India was broad-based,
women and a large section of the masses being admitted to its
privileges and advantages. It was able to develop character and
personality, inculcate civic virtues and turn out citizens well
qualified to follow their professions and discharge their duties

i Sachau, I ; p. 252

* The historically correct procedure ^ould be to compare Hindu Sanskrit
learning at the advent of the British rule with the scholarship of the
Christian monks who kept the lamp of learmiig taming during the Dark
Ages. If such a comparison is instituted, India will have nothiag to be
afraid of,

158 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

in life- It was not only able to preserve the heritage of the
tut also to enrich it from generation to generation. The general
principles, which underlay the system, -like intellectual freedom,
individual attention to students, the monitorial system, the guru-
hula ideal, plain living and high thinking, mass education,
combination of useful and liberal education, etc.-are inherently
sound and capable of yielding excellent results even in modern
times, if applied with due regard to changed circumatanoes.

THE CRITICAL EDITION OF THE MAHA-
BHARATA: ADIPARVAN
BY

PROFESSOR M. WINTEBNITZ

The Adiparvan, in Dr. Suktliankar's Critical Edition of the
Mahabharata, 1 is now complete, and I have no hesitation in say-
ing that this Is the most important event in the history of
Sanskrit philology since the publication of Max Mullet's edition
of the Rgveda with Sayana's commentary. And I can repeat now,
when this volume of 1115 quarto pages lies before me, with all
the greater assurance, what I said in my paper read at the XVIIth
International Congress of Orientalists at Oxford, in 1928, when
only the first fascicule of 60 pages had appeared : " The critical
edition of which we now see the beginning will contain a text
infinitely superior to any of the editions that are available at
present. And not only that. As the edition will be accompanied
by a complete apparatus cnticus, and all spurious passages will be
found either in the critical notes or in the Appendices, the student
of the Great Epic will henceforth always be able to form his own
opinion, as he will, in each special case, have the whole Ms. tradi-
tion before him. " 2

At least for the Adi par van, the student of the Great
Epic is now, and only now for the first time, able to rely for his
studies on a really critical edition, based on an extensive and
carefully selected Ms. material, coming from all parts of India,

1 The Adiparvan being the First Book of the Mahabharata the Great
Epic of India for the first time critically edited by Vishnu S. Sukthan-
kar,Poona, Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1933* The Maha-
bhSrata For the first time critically edited by Vishnu S, Sukthankar
with the Co-operation of Shrimant Balagaheb Pant Pratinidhi , S. K.
Belvalkar; A. B. Gajendragadkar ; P. V. Kane; B- P. Karmarkar;
V. G. Paranjpe ; V. K. Rajavade , W. B. Utgikar , P. L. Vaidya ; V. k>.
Vaidya; M. Wintermtz , R. Zimmerman* S. J. and other Scholars and
Illustrated from Ancient Models by Shrimant Balasaheb Pant PiatiwdJu
Ruler of ^undh. Volume 1. Pages cxviu + 997, 4,

2 Indologioa Pragensia I, 1P29, p. 62.

160 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

The last fascicule ( 7 ), which has just been published, contains
the Appendices and Prolegomena. Appendix I includes the longer
passages found in different recensions, versions, or single MSB.,
and excluded from the constituted text as interpolated, while
the shorter interpolations have been given in the footnotes along
with the text. Only a small number of short s but unimportant
passages are also given in the Appendix, Appendix II is a very
instructive list of Sanskrit excerpts culled from the Javanese
version of the Adiparvan, compared with the Critical Edition
the Calcutta Edition, and P. P. Subrahmanya Sastri's edition of
the Southern Recension, A comparatively small list of " Addenda
et Corrigenda " follows. The second half of the fascicule com-
prises the Prolegomena( 113 pages ).

In these "Prolegomena" Dr. Sukthankar gives a full and clear
account of the Mas., their classification, and the principles fol-
lowed in the constitution of the text.

The manuscript material is naturally classified according to
the scripts in which they are written, the different scripts corres-
ponding on the whole to different provinces. The two main
recensions of the Epic, Northern and Southern, are written in
Northern and Southern scripts respectively. But each of these
recensions is again divided in a number of "versions , corres-
ponding to the different provincial scripts in which the Mss. are
written. For the Northern recension, manuscripts have been
collated in Sarada, Nepali, MaitMlI, Bengali and Devanagarl
scripts; for the Southern recension, manuscripts in Malayalam,
Grantha and Telugu scripts.

Of course, the number of the Mahabharata Mss. is legion. And
some scholars have objected to the plan of preparing a critical
edition, when it was first proposed, that with such a huge number
of Mss. the preparation of a critical edition of the text was simply
impossible. But on an examination of a considerable number of
Mss., it was soon found that it was quite unnecessary to utilize
all Mss. in existence for preparing the text of the Mahabharata.
There exist about 235 Mss. of the Adiparvan, as far as they have
become known to the Editor either from catalogues or through
private owners of Mss, But though it is true that no two Mss.
are entirely identical, as every copyist claims the right of making

Critical Edition of the Mahdbhdrata : Jidiparvan 1 6 1

ow n mistakes or indulging in paltry alterations of the text
1 even of interpolating a si oka or two here and there, yet on the
irtiole the deviations between Mss. belonging to one

lass are so insignificant that it would be a more than useless
veifrurdening of the apparatus criticus and a mere encumbrance,
fthe different readings of a 1 1 available Mss. were given.

As Dr. Sukthankar has shown, and as I know from my own
experience, five or six Mss. of one class are generally sufficient to
'stablish the text of the special version represented by that class
)f Mss. The large number of Devanagari Mss. is especially due
,o the popularity of Nllakantha's version. And when the text of
hat version is once established, it would be useless to collate all
Mss. giving this version. Great is also the number of what
Dr. Sukthankar calls " rnisch-codices", that is, Mss. which give
the text not of one particular version, but a mixture of readings
belonging to different versions and even recensions. They are of
little value for the constitution of the text. In short, the Editor
lad to attach more importance to the quality than to the quantity
rf Mss. Nevertheless, of the 235 Mss. of the Sdiparvan about 70
5vere fully or partly examined and collated for the critical edi-
tion, and the critical apparatus gives, for the first two Adhyayas
[which are of special importance ) the readings of 50, for the rest
of the Book those of 38 Mss- Besides the Mss., the c o m m e n -
taiie s were also used wherever available.

The best known commentary is that of Nllakantha. But
it so happens that he is neither the oldest nor the best com-
mentator, nor is Ms text the most reliable. As Kulluka has had
the unmerited good fortune that his commentary of the Manu-
smrti has become most popular, though it is much inferior to all
the other commentaries, similarly Nllakantha is shown by Dr.
Sukthankar ( p. LXV fif. ) to be not only the latest, but also the
most unreliable commentator. His text has acquired in moder*
times an importance out of all proportion to its critical value.
The oldest commentary seems to be that of D e v ab o dh a, on
which Arjunamisra's commentary is largely based ( p.
LXX ). Nllakantha refers to Devabodha, whom he calls ancient
(praclna), Vimalabodha, Arjunami^ra, Eatnagarbha and Sarvajma
Narayana. While ArjunamiWs text is closely related to tM
4 [ Annals, B. O. B. I. ]

1 62 Annals tf the E'handar'kar Oriental Research Institute

Bengali version, that of Devabodha seems to have much, in
common with the Sarada ( Ka&miri) version, though we cannot be
quite certain, because Devabodha ? s commentary is not accompa-
nied by the epic text.

Dr. Sukthankar has shown ( pp. XLVII ff. ) that the Kasmlrian
Sarada version is the shortest, containing less spurious matter
than any of the other versions- He has, therefore, taken it <( as
the norm " for his edition. Its superiority to other versions is also
proved by archaisms and lectiones difficiliores which it has retained.
Not only the Kasmlrian version, but also the Bengali text is a
better representative of the Northern recension than the text
of Nllakantha, which is mainly identical with the so-called
" Vulgate", the text of the Calcutta and Bombay editions.

Compared with the Sarada text, which Dr. Sukthankar would
designate as a "textus simplicior ty , the Southern recension offers
a longer, fuller, and more exuberant text, which is therefore styled
by the Editor the " textus ornatior " . In those parts, however,
which are not affected by this tendency towards inflation and
elaboration, the text proves purer and more archaic than the
Northern recension, and often agrees with the Sarada version
where it differs from other Northern versions.

Professor P. P. S. S a s t r i, the editor of the Southern Recen-
sion, has concluded from this, that " the Southern Recension is
the more authentic and reliable version*'. 1 And as tlie Andhra
Bharatamu, the Telugu adaptation of the Telugu poet Nannaya
Bhatta ( ca. A.D. 1022 ) agrees on the whole with our present
Southern Mss., and as the Javanese adaptation ( ca. A.T>. 996) is
caid by Prof. Sastri to follow the Southern recension, he concludes
that this was " perhaps the only Recension that was current in
India before the 9th century A. D. " Accordingly he considers all
the passages which are found only in the Southern recension, to
be authentic and to have been omitted in the Northern recension,
which represents " a mutilated and hastily put together composi-
tion of the Middle Indian Redactors " ( 1. c. p. VIII ).

Whatever may be the source of other Parvans of the Javanese
adaptation the question requires much further investigation,

1 The MahSbhSrata (Southern Becension ) critically ed. by P. ?- S,
S a a t r i, VoL II, di parvan, Part TI, pp. V ff.

The Critical Edition of the MahabMrata : Adiparvan

the Adiparvan is shown by Dr. Sukthankar ( p. XXVI ) to be more
in agreement with the Northern Mss. So it cannot prove anything
for the authenticity of the Southern recension " before the 9th
century A. D. " Also the hypothesis that the Northern recension
represents a " mutilated " text has been proved by Dr. Sukthankar
to be utterly untenable. There is not the slightest reason for
assuming that the Sarada text is an abridged version. Copyists
of the epic text have never found it too long ; on the contrary they
were always inclined to enlarge their text by any matter found in
other local versions accessible to them. Professor P, P. S. Sastri
still attaches, as my late lamented friend Mr. Ut&ikar did,
importance to the Parvasamgraha argument. But Dr. Suktbankar
has proved the futility of this argument, as the text of the Parva-
samgraha has been tampered with in the different versions
( pp. XCVII ff. ).

We have, therefore, nothing to go upon for the constitution of
the critical text except a careful study of the manuscript tradition.
We have no means of tracing the text of the Mahabharata back
to the time when it consisted only of real epic songs which were
transmitted orally by bards. We can take it for granted, however,
that already these early bards or rhapsodists took every possible
liberty with their textsj as in later times the copyists did. l In
the 4th or 5th century A. D. there were, however, already manu-
scripts of the Mahabharata in existence, and the Mahabharata was
at that time not only a Kavya, but also a Smrti which in an early
inscription is already styled "the collection of a hundred thousand
verses" ( satasahasrl samkita. ) About 600 A. D. manuscripts of the
Epic existed already in distant Cambodia. 2 Now the earliest
manuscript that the Editor of the Adiparvan could get hold of is
a Nepali Ms. that was probably v/ritten about A, T>. 1395, whilst
the majority of Mss. were written only in the last two or three
centuries,

A study of these Mss. with their huge mass of variants, of
differences in sequence, of additions and omissions of which the
critical apparatus bears witness, has convinced Dr. Sukthankar

* Of. W i M t e r n i t z, History of Indian Literature, I, Calcutta 197 t
p. 466.

* See W i n t $ r n i t z, 1. c. pp. 463 g.

Anntik of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

that for many centuries " there was a free comparsion of manu-
scripts and extensive mutual borrowings, " extending also to MSB,
of different recensions ( p. LXXIX ).

From all this it follows that the text of the Mahabharata has
been in a fluid state from the very beginning, and this
means that a wholly satisfactory restoration even of the sata-
sahasrl samhita, to say nothing of an " Ur-Mahabharata, " is
impossible( p.LXXXII ). What then i s possible ? This question is
clearly answered by the Editor ( p. XXXVI ) : It is only possible,
" to reconstruct the oldest form of the text which it is possible to
reach on the basis of the manuscript material available, 1 * abstain-
ing ** from effecting any change which is not in some measure
supported by manuscript authority. *'

For anyone acquainted with Mahabharata Mss. there cannot be
the least doubt that "the Mahabharata problem is a
problems^* generis," 1 and that therefore the ordinary
methods of textual criticism cannot be applied to it. The peculiar
conditions of the transmission of the Epic necessitate * s an eclectic
but cautious utilization of all manuscript classes" (p. LXXXY )
From this main priniciple are derived the details of the method
followed, and clearly set out by the Editor ( pp. LXXXVI ff. ).

Of course, our full approval of the general principles followed
by the Editor, does not imply that we agree with him in every
detail of the constituted text. Both I myself and other critics have
already referred to passages where we should prefer other read-
-ings. 2 I may be allowed to add here a few more passages in which

I differ from the Editor, They are passages which I have come
across in reading parts of the critical edition with my pupils in
our Indological " Seminar " from time to time.

1, 3, 60 b ( in the hymn to the Asvins ) : va should be omitted
according to the principle that agreement between K and S
warrants the better text, for KoNi S omit it. Besides it disturbs

* See already Sufcthanfear m JBBRAS ( NS ) 4, p. 157 and ABI XI,
p. 262.

2 Of, for Instance, Ind. Prag. I, 65; P. Edge rt on in JAOS 48, 1928,
788 ff.{ H. W e Her in ZJI 6, 1928, p. 167 ; 7, 1929, p. 94; and J. Charpen-

I 1 e r in OLZ, 1932, 275 ff. ; 1934, 253 ff. and see also Sukthankar, Epic
Studies I JBBEAS (NS) 4. 158 ff ; II, ABI XI, 167 ff.; Ill, ABI XI, 277 ff.

The Critical Edition of the Mahdbharata: Mdiparvan

the metre, and the sense. See already H. W e 1 1 e r in Zeitschr.
f. Indol. u. Iran. 7, p. 94.

1, 3> W5 C s The correct form nyarasatam is given by the
Kasmlrian transcript Ki, by the Maithill and Bengali Mgs., by
Arjunamisra, and by some Southern Mss,, while Ko, 2-405 read
nivasato. Nllakantha reads ca va&atam. I am not sure that the Ms.
evidence justifies the reading mvasatam, though this is also the
reading of P. P. S. Sastri's edition of the Southern recension.

1, 3, 183 C : The majority of the 1ST Mss. read me kirn ; Ko mam
kirn, K2 mam yat, B4 S kirn W. The reading adopted in the text
seems to be only found in KI. 3- 4- The va is quite useless after
prdbruhi. Both prdbruhi me kim ( or prabruhi nam trim ), and
prdbruhi kim va are better. I should prefer me kim.

1, 55, 3 5 The Kasmirian version including the Sarada Ms.,
which has been " taken as the norm for this edition " (p. XL VII),
reads : srotrpatram ca rajams tvam prapya and seems to me better
-Sanskrit. The reading is also supported by Devabodha and the
Nepali version. But the whole verse seems to suffer from an
early corruption, and deserves waved lines.

I, 56, 8 s If anywhere, waved lines seem indicated for this
verse- The Sarada Ms. is missing here, Ki omits the verse. The
other Mss. read ;

vinirjitam dyute K 2. 4 D2
vinirjita dyute Ko Ds
vyasaninam dyuU most N Mss,
vyatikramarh dyute ]
vyatikramadyute \
vyatikramadyute
vyatikramo dyute
vyatikrame dyute
vyatikramandyute
In the second line also the Mss. differ widely in their readings.
The reading vyasamnam is not only supported by better MB
evidence, but gives also a very good sense : I do not be hv. that
we should S o so far to adopt a reading only because
dtfdbar. We have either, following *, to ad
following S : vyatikramadyute in the sense of false

or

Annals of tie Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

I 57, 20 b : I see no reason why we should not read kriyate-
6AyJccJlraj/o;theMsr. have tyucch?ayo and bhyucchr ayo ; atffor
abhi is a frequent mistake in Mss. Su. seems to think that the
Irregular Sandhi kriyate ucchrayo ( as he prints by emendation )
giTOs the explanation for the various readings, which I doubt.

I 57 21 b s hasyatuptna samkarah is no doubt the lectio dijfi-
cilior but it is far from certain and should at least have a waved
line. ' Samkara as a name of Indra is not known otherwise.

I 57, 58 C s The reading drsyator ( pass, part, praes. with
active ending ) is no doubt the lectio difficilior, hut it seems fco be
found only in K ( Si is missing for this adhyaya ), and in part of
the S Mss. Would it not he advisable to state in such cases
exceptionally, on what authority the adopted reading rests? All
the other N Mss. hav* the reading drstayor. The Grantha MBS.
and P. P. S. Sastri's edition ( I, 53, 116 ) have quite a different
reading.

1, 91, 3 C s The reading rajarsayo asan seems to me a very un-
happy tc emendation ". The N Mss. read rajarsayo hyasan, so
also P. P. S. Sastri's edition of S ; while Sukthankar's S Mss. read
tatra rajarsayas sarve or raja? say as tatha sarve. I think, we have here
only one of those numerous palpable variations, which need no
explanation by a lectio difficilior. I should certainly read
hyasan.

1, 91, 6 a: As nearly all Mss. read sopadhyato, I can see no
reason, why we should read apadhyfflo with 3 inferior Mss. There
is no objection to the repeated sa before mahabhisah, if we do not
prefer to read to, ( on the authority of a great part of N Mss. ).

I, 91 9 Scd* Here the reading manasadhyayam has been
adopted on the authority of Si alone, while N reads dhyayantl and
Sdhyatva. Su. is probably right in choosing the lectio diffidlior,
the rare absolutivum adhyayam. He is probably also right in giv-
ing the lectio dtffiahcr upavartat of IT against upavrtta of S, jBut
the waved line would seem to me more appropriate for dhyayam
( reading of only one Ms. ) than for upavartat ( reading of all
11 Mss. ).

I, 92, 2 b : Here Su. adopts the reading Ganga srtriva
of Si Ki, against the reading of all other N Mss. Ganga

The Critical Edition of the Malmbharata: Adiparvan 167

dharinl, which seems to me better. The same Mss. SiKi Lave in

c sayanat for sahlat of all the other Mss., which is rejected. Why

should Si Ki in the first line be of greater authority than in the
second line ?

I, 92, 7 d s The reading in the text seems to be only found in
Vi. The other N Mss. read >

divyam kanycim varastriyam N 2 Bsm Da Dn Di. 5
rajan kamyam Si Ko-2. 4

rajan divyam KB

_ _ _ ^

divyam kamyam NI. 3.

The epithet kanya seems not very appropriate for Ganga, It is,
of course, possible, that for this very reason other readings may
have been substituted in the Mss. ( The Southern rec. has an
entirely different pada * dehi kamam varastriyah. ) But if the Sarada
text is to be taken as a " norm, ;; why should its reading be
rejected here ?

I, 92, 45 C Here Su. reads na ca tarn liimcanovaca, with the
majority of the N Mss., thorgh jSiK have the better reading ga for
ca. If we read ca, ca would have to be translated by "but", S has
a different reading. I think, we should not exaggerate the principle
of preferring the lectio diffidlior, especially when we have the
Sarada Ms., the " norm, " as evidence for the better reading.

I, 92, 5O a s Tie " emendation " asteme does not; seem to me
justified in any way. The Kasmlrian Mss. read astau me, the
Bengali Mss. astau ye, the other N Mss. imestau, S astau hi. (P. P.
S. Sastri's edition, however, I, 91, 13, has ime* stau- ) I cannot see,
how astern should be the source of the other readings. If we do
not adopt the easier reading of the majority of the N Mss., we
can follow the Kasmlrian Mss., reading astau me, which is quite
possible : *' The eight Vasus etc. have of me ( in my body ) . . . on
account of Vasistha's curse obtained birth as human beings. "

I, 93, 1 d : Why manuszm tanum agatah, which is only found
in very few unimportant Mss. ? The evidence is divided between
manuslm yonim a\ supported by three N versions and the S
recension, and mUnusatvarn upagatah> the reading of the Kassmlrian
version and of Arjunamisra. The evidence is more in favour of
manuslm yonim, but also manusatvam upa is justifiable.

Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Inst

If 93, 8 b S The evidence of the Mss. is almost equ,
ed between abhivisruta and abhisabdita, the first being

because it is supported both by IT and S. The reading

f

atigarvita is, as it seems, only found in Si, is less sui
can hardly be called a " lectio difficilioT. "

I, 93, 11 d : Here Su. adopts the reading of the ]
and Nepalese Mss. - devadevarsisewtam. The other N Ms
S recension have deva devarstsevitam which is decide!
For the hermitages are frequented by " divine Rsis,
'* gods and divine Esis ", de^ah belongs to vasavah. E^
from that I should attach greater importance to the
between three N versions and S, than to that betwee
versions, even if one is the Kasmlrian. In the very next

I, 93, 12 d, where the Kasmlrian Mss. alone read
rariesu, the reading of the other Mss. parvatesu vanesu
even without waved lines. Why should Si K be of great
rity in verse 11 than in verse 12 ?

If 219, 9 a: The " emendation " atiprltya for hyati
really unnecessary, for hi which is found in all N Mss., i]
Si, occurs so frequently as an expletive in the epic
emendation is out of place, even if some S Mss. tave apt f

If 215, 2 d : Both in verse 2 and in verse 5 the Kasrnl
some other Mss. read yacchatam for yaccha'am, the only
form. Yet our text gives prayacckatam in verse 2, and in ve
correct form.

If 216, 1O as The reading yat ( Si Ki. 3 Si Di TS C

impossible, referring to the masc. ratham. P. P. S. Sastri'fi
reads yam in the text, and notes yat as the reading
(Grantha) Mss. The correct reading yam is given by the D
of the N Mss,, and by M, the best representative of S.

I, 218, 14 d:^ There is a great variety of readings. I
reading jaladharasamakulan in nearly all N Mss., includ
makes good sense, as also the reading of S, jaladharamuco
I am at a loss to see vhy the reading ^^^KTE^T^^^ra,
apart from the bad Sandhi, makes also bad sense, is gi
the text.

The Critical Edition of the Mahabharata : Mipawan 169

I, 218, 27 : Why vyatisthanta on the authority of SiKi ? The
correct reading vyatisthanta is the reading of the majority of N
and S Mss. The authority of Si Ki and Vi was not strong enough
for adopting the reading hataujasah, not even for a waved line
under mahaujasah in the same verse. '

These remarks do not touch the general principles
adopted by the Editor. Thus, it is certainly a sound principle that
in very doubtful cases, when other tests fail, that reading should
be chosen " which "best explains how the other readings may have
arisen, 17 and that " this will often be a lectio difficilior " (p. XCII).
But it seems to me that this principle has been carried too far by
the Editor in some cases.

When I object to emendations in a few cases, I do n o t mean
to say that the principle on which emendations are resorted to by
fte Editor is wrong ( pp. XCII-XCIV ).

The preference given to the Kasmlrian ( Sarada ) version
is, no doubt, justified. While stating, however, that the Sarada
version " is certainly the best Northern version and probably,
taken as a whole, the best version of the Adi ", Dr. Sukthankar
yet admits that " this version is, not by any means, entirely free
from corruptions and interpolations " ( p. LVI ). Consequently
he has himself found it necessary, sometimes to reject the readings
of S K, and if I do so in some cases where he has adopted the
Kasmlrian reading, I do not differ from him in the general valua-
tion of the Kasmlrian version. The agreement between the Kaml*
rian and the Southern versions is no doubt a great indication for
originality, because it is an agreement between independent
versions, or as Dr. Sukthankar sometimes cautiously expresses it
(see p. XCI ) " more or less independent versions". For there
has been mutual influencing also between recensions and
versions, which on the whole may be called " independent ".
The Telugu Mss. are always, and the Grantha MSB. often _gg I1 \
i I may add here a few errors, probably misprints, which I hare come
across, and which, are not mentioned among the "Errata", Page 417,
9*0* Is nanu misprint for na tu 9 as P. P. S. Sastri's edition reads ? For
nanu makes no sense. Page 421, 953 # d ; For samapadyata read sama-
pasyata ? -Page 846, foot-notes to I, 217, 1 a ; Should it not be rathi&rttfha*
for ratha* ? Page 849, foot-notes to I, 218, 2od read prVcchadayad ameyatma.
5 [ Annals, B. O. R. I. ]

Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research 1

taminated from Northern sources ( p. LXX f. ). Th<
sentative of the Southern recension is no doubt that
My own experience fully agrees in this respect with
Sukthankar ( p. LXX1II f. ). But even the strikii
between M and Si may not always be entirely due tc
independently preserved from the original text. Botl
Malabar have for long been chosen homes of Sanskrit
Brahmanical culture, and there was intercourse
learned Brahmins of the two so distant countries. 1 Th
Brahmins came to the Carnatic even in the times of ]
we know from an inscription which records the gift
by this king's great minister Madhava " on Kasm!
pre-eminent by their virtues and the country of their
lers to the farthest point of the Carayanlya aticaran
Nevertheless, if it should finally be proved that
Brahmins have at some time brought Mahabharata
them to the South, it is all the more remarkable thai
Kadmlrian and the Southern versions so often agree i]
Ings, they do not agree as regards the additions pecul
Versions. This is indeed a strong argument " for th
character of cheir concordant readings ** ( p. LV ).

The greatest differences of opinion will naturally
regard to those readings which the Editor has marke
than certain '' by a w^yedjine printed below them, 1
balance of manuscript evidence is equally divided \
different versions,, especially between the 3ST and S
This is often a matter of subjective opinion. Some
think that a waved line was not necessary in one cas<
would put a waved line in another case where it is no1
in every case the whole manuscript evidence is given
notes, and the reader can see by himself that a read!)
than certain/" I am not sure, if these waved lines, whi<

i Of* Rao S d h i b S. Paramesvara Aiyar and P.
y a n a Pillai in "A Souvenir of the Silver Jubilee Celebi
Department for the Publication of Oriental Manuscripts, Trivan
pp. 73, 104 ff.

z Epigraphia Carnatioa, vol. VII, pp. 38, 256 f.

The Critical Edition of the Mahabharata : Adiparvan 171

are a proof of the extreme conscientiousness of the Editor, could
not in future be dispensed with.

In his scrupulous consciousness Dr. Sukthankar has also stat-
ed the unavoidable shortcomings of the constituted text in such
strong terms, 1 that some reader of the Prolegomena may ask him-
self in despair, if there is anything certain at all in the text of
the Mahabharata, and if the attempted text reconstruction was
worth the immense trouble and labour. A well-meaning critic
has indeed once proposed, in order to save the Editor all the
trouble, to print simply '* the best manuscript extant, " adding the
variants of all the other Mss. which have been collated. Not a
word need be added to what Dr. Sukthankar has said (pp.LXXXIV
ff. ) with regard to this and similar proposals.

The fact is, in spite of all the difficulties in the way of text
reconstruction difficulties which an editor naturally sees far
more clearly than any critic could the case is not quite as des-
perate as it might appear in view of these difficulties. There is,
after all, a considerable part of the text where the Northern and
the Southern recensions are in full agreement, where there are no
variants at all, or more frequently only unimportant variants.
Only as a specimen, Dr. Sukthankar has selected a hundred such
stanzas ( pp. LXXXVIII ff. ), but their number could be easily
augmented, if greater latitude is allowed with regard to "unim-
portant " variations. These passages which are handed down more
or less uniformly in all manuscripts of the different versions, will
be of the greatest importance for a future study of epic style and
diction. Years ago Adolf Holtzmann published a pamphlet
" Grammatisches aus dem Mahabharata " (Leipzig 1884), in
which he tried to collect all the archaisms and solecisms found in
the Mahabharata text, that is, in the Vulgate which alone was
then available. This was an impossible task at that time. a Only
now, when we have at least the critical edition of o n e Par van, a

* For instance when he says ( p. CII ) " The MahabhSrata is the whole
of the epic tradition: the e n t i r e Critical Apparatus. Its separation into the
constituted text and the critical notes is only A static representation of a
constantly changing epic text "

2 Apart from this, the pamphlet is full of mistakes, as I have sh own in
my review ( Oesterreichische Monatsschrift fur den Orient 10. 1884, 307 fc;
11, 1885, 23 f, ). Today it is quite useless.

172 Annals of the B'handar'kar Oriental Research Institute.

beginning can be made with collecting materials for an
" epic grammar. " Only now we have something to go upon, when
we want to know the peculiarities of epic style and grammar.

For there cannot be the least doubt that the texfc of the Adi-
par van, as we have it now before us, is nearer to the original
Satasahasrika than any one manuscript of whatsoever recension
and version, and than any of the previous editions. Above all, it
has been possible, not on any sub]ective grounds, but on the clear
evidence of the manuscripts themselves, to purge the text of
numerous later additions* spurious slokas and long passages.

To many Hindus it will be a surprise, if not a shock, that
there shonld be so many interpolations in the Adiparvan, viz, 121
long passages in the Appendix, and 1634 short passages included
in the foot-notes. Yet the evidence of the manuscripts leaves no
doubt of their spuriousness, Many of them are only found in
two or toree late and inferior Mss. A great many of these pas-
sages are absurd, childish, contradicting of the immediate context,
or else palpable additions. But not a few are written in the same
style and diction as the rest of the epic with such skill, that they
could not be detected as spurious, if they were not found to be so
by the manuscript evidence. Yet I hardly believe that even one of
these 1755 passages relegated to the Appendix or the foot-notes,
will be found to be a real loss to the epic as poetry.

No doubt many a Hindu reader will object to the exclusion
of certain passages which he was wont to read in his Maha-
bharata, the Northerner in the Northern or the Southerner in tie
Southern recensions. Dr. Sukthankar himself has drawn attention
(pXXf.)to the dramatic scene at the Svayamvara
o f D r a u p a d I , where Kama is rejected by Draupadi as a
suitor on account of his low birth. Many readers will not like
to miss this scene in the text. But there can be no doubt about
the spuriousness of this passage, as it is not found in the Sarada,
( in the Bengali and in the Southern versions. And Dr. Sukthankar
jfcows that the loss of the epic is not as serious as one might,
at first, suppose, since it is a palpably faked and thoroughly
unreal situation. "

There will no doubt also be readers who will miss the
K a n i k a n 1 1 i ( Appendix I, KO. 81 = I, 140 in the Bombay edi-

The Critical Edition of the Mdbabhfrata : Adiparvan 173

tion),this racy piece of Macchiavellian teaching put in the mouth
of the " minister " Kanika. It has been relegated to the Append!*
by the Editor on the authority of the Kasmlrian version alone
along with four other passages which are also found in all MSB'
except the Kasmlrian. Kanika or Kaninka Bharadvaja is the
name of a teacher of Nlti quoted by Kautilya ( p. 253 in Shatna-
sastry's 2nd Ed. ). Dr. Ganapati Sastrl, in his commentary on the
passage, ' relates an anecdote about this Kaninka, in which he is
said to have lived at the court of a king of Kosaia. In the Santi-
parvan ( Maliabh. XII, 140, Bomb. Ed. ) a conversation between
Satrunjaya, a King of Sauvlra, and the Rsi Bharadvaja is related,
in which Bharadvaja gives the king a piece of advice on polity!
In the colophon the piece is called " Kanikopadesa. " 2 Dr.'
Sukthankar ( p. LL ) describes the Kanikanlti in the Mss. of the
Adiparvan ( Bomb. Ed. I, 140 ) as a " replica " of the K$niko-
pade&a in the Santiparvan. I should prefer to call it another
recension of the Kanikopadesa. The Kanikanlti in the Adi-
parvan contains 65 nlti slokas, besides the fable of the jackal, who
deceives his friends, the tiger, the mouse, the wolf and the mon-
goose ( 25 61okas ), which is not in the corresponding piece
of the Santiparvan. Of the 65 ( resp. 63 ) nlti slokas only
33 are identical or similar in both. The Adiparvan recen-
sion makes on the whole a more original impression than the
more pedantic Kanikopadesa in the Santi. Nevertheless I think
Dr. Sukthankar is right in declaring the Kanikanlti to be an inter-
polation. It is certainly an after-thought, to make Kanika or
Kaninka of the Bharadvaja Gotra, who seems to have been a
historical person, probably an old author of a work on Nlti, the
minister of Dhrtarastra. It does not mean much that there is no
reference to the piece in Ksemendra's Bharatamanjarl. When it
was missing in the Ka^mirian version, the Kasmlrian author
would naturally omit it. But it is of more consequence that the
Javanese version and Devabodha/s commentary do not refer to the
Kanikamti ( pp. LVTI f. ).

While Hindu readers will probably find that too many passages
have been excluded from the constituted text, many a Western

II ( Tnvandrum Sanskrit Series No. 80 ), p*215.
* " Ka^ikopakhyana" in Protap Chandra Boy's edition.

174 Annals of tie Bbandarkar Oriental Research Institute

scholar will be disappointed to find any amount of passages in the
constituted text which he was sure could not be genuine arid
original parts of the Epic I confess that I myself had hoped that
the critical edition would confirm the spurioueness of such passa-
ges, for instances, as the various childish and contradictory stories
which are meant to justify Draupadfs polyandrous marriage, l or
the Sakuntala episcde in the form in which we find it in our edi-
tions, which could not have been the prototype for Kalidasa's
drama. 8

We must not, however, allow our wishes to manage the facts
of manuscript tradition. The Editor has certainly followed the
only sound principle of relying entirely on the evidence of the
Mss. themselves, viewing with suspicion any part of the text
which is not found in all Mss., which is found only in one
recension, or only in one manuscript, or in a small group of
manuscripts or versions. This principle is based on the experience
that copyists of the Mahabharata have never found its text too
long, s whence we have no reason to assume that a passage omitt-
ed in a recension or version, had been omitted from a desire to
abridge the text. Therefore, unless we can find some other valid
reason, why a whole version should have omitted a passage, we
have to assume that its omission is due to its having been added
to the text in more recent times. Passages, however, which may
be suspected on ever so plausible intrinsic grounds, must remain
in the constituted text, if they are found in all versions and Mss.
They may be interpolations, nevertheless, but then they must
have been added at some earlier period to which, our manuscript
tradition does not reach back. The elimination of such passages
is not the business of an editor, but must be left to that critical
study of the Epic, of which the critical edition is only the be-
g inn ing and the only safe basis.

1 See my Notes on the Mahabharata, JRAS 1897, p. 735ff. The Southern
Becension has one additional such story, Appendix I, No. 100.

2 See my paper Ind. Ant, May 1898, p. 136; and Hist, of Ind. Lit. I,
Calcutta 1927, p. 376. The source of Kalidasa's Drama was probably the

Padma-Pur5 9 a. See Haradatta S'armS, Padmapurana and Kalidasa
C Calcutta Oriental Series 1925 ), which ought to have been mentioned in
Dr. Sukthankar's note 4 at page XXVIII,
s See above p. 163.

The Critical Edition of the Mah&bhdrata: Adiparvan 175

Dr. Sukthankar has, by his edition of the AdiparvaD, created a
high standard of workmanship, and it will be no easy task for
his collaborators who will have to edit other parts of the Epic, to
keep up this standard. On the other hand, these collaborators will
be greatly helped not only by the example set by the first editor
in the edition itself, but also by the scholarly way in which he
las treated, in the Prolegomena, the complicated manuscript
tradition, and mastered the whole problem of Maiabharata text
criticism. The Prolegomena will be an inestimable help to the
editors of other Parvans, though it is by no means certain that
the manuscript tradition and the relation of the different versions
will be exactly the same for the later Parvans, as for the
Adiparvan.

Before I conclude, I must not onait to refer to the beautiful
illustrations which are a worthy ornament of this Edition, con-
tributed by the Ruler of Aundh, Shrimant Balasaheb
Pratinidhi, by whose munificence the Bhandarkar Oriental
Research Institute was able to start the work.

It is highly to be desired that this monumental work of
scholarship, which is also a work of true Indian patriotism, may
in future also always receive sufficient financial support from the
Princes and governments, and possessors of wealth in India, in
order that it may be possible to keep up the high standard that
has been set by the Edition of the Adiparvan.

FAMINE IN ANCIENT INDIA

BY
R. GANGULI, M. A., M. sc,

Foreword

In this article, the current theory that ancient India was sub-
ject to acute and recurrent famine has been attacked from diverse
standpoints and has been proved to be ver y misleading. 'Ancient
India' has here been intended to mean * India from the times of
the Rgveda down to the end of the Gupta-period. *

Beginning of India's degradation seems to be synchronous
with the invasion of the Hunas-, but recurrent famine appeared
not till after nine centuries. Practically, only two famines of
any severity occurred within the period - one in the year 9] 7-18
A. D. in Kasmir, and the other in Delhi country during the time
of Muhammad Tuglak. The latter is attributed by Zia Barni 1 to
excessive land cesses and the consequent ruin of cultivators
It will be apparent from the famine table given in appendix: D
that recurrent famine made its appearance from the time of Babar,
and its frequency and extent went on increasing till the year
1899-1900 A. D. saw the greatest famine recorded in history, A
year later, a Famine-Commission was appointed by the Govern-
ment of India. The Commissioners recommended that irrigation
should be given a more important and permanent place in any
future scheme of famine insurance. But has the Government yet
been able to give full effect to that recommendation ?

The above is, however, outside the scope of the subject treated
herein. It nevertheless bears mention in as much as it supports
in a way the conclusions that the article draws as a result of
a comparative survey of the determining factors of famine in
relation to ancient arid modern India, and other scientific in-
vestigations. Any comparison based on facts and figures is not
possible in view of paucity of adequate materials. Yet, no less
strong evidences have been presented to show that in ancient days
conditions were distinctly far more unfavourable to the occurrence
of acute and recurrent famines than those in modern times, thus
leading to the only conclusion that goes strongly against the
current theory already referred to.

1 See Elliot's History of India, vol. I, p. 328.

Famine in Ancient India
I Introduction

The Current Theory is Misleading /

The Bgvedic Aryans who settled down as agriculturists in
" Sapta Sindhu " - The modern Punjab, appreciated that timely
rainfall was essential for successful agricultural operations.
They believed that it was Indra who could help them in having
timely rains and hence invoked his aid by offering sacrifices in
his honour. The fact that Indra is the object of the greatest
number of hymns is significant. It perhaps shows that the early
Indians believed that if Indra was duly propitiated, they would
have plenty of crops and famines and scarcities would be far
from their doors. If so, it would be rash to stigmatise this belief
as a mere superstition, It might have had a substantial basis ;
otherwise, Indra-worship would not have been continued and
continued enthusiastically for thousands of years. It is re-
markable that there is no distinct mention of famine in the
Bgveda. Only in Bk 1, 112, 11 we find a reference to drought.
Rv II, 15, 5 refers to scarcity causing a number of people to
migrate northward by crossing the Parusnl There are few
other stray references, and it can safely be said that famines
were few and far between in the time of the Rgveda when Indra
worship was greatly in vogue.

In later times, we find the King of Ayodhya boasting of his
Kingdom as full of cultivators and abounding in corn 1 . In
chapter 1 of the Bala-kanda of the Ramayana again, it is told
that in the reign of Rama, people will have nothing to fear from
scarcities and famines. The Kingdom of Anga is however,
represented as overtaken by drought during the reign of Boma-
pada Maharaja; but it is significant that the evil is attributed to
a default on the part of the King, 2 Jataka 'No 276 also contains a
similar idea It narrates how famine once arose in Dantapura due
to an unusual drought and how later, by observance of virtue
by the King, rain was made to fall, crops grew in abundance
and the usual prosperity of the kingdom restored. Indeed the
people and the King both believed that no calamity could befall
a kingdom if the King were virtuous; and if any befell a

1 See Ayodhyakanda, ch. LXVIII and III-

2 Balaka^da, ch. IX, 7-9.

6 t Annals, B. O. B. I. 3

178 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

country due to a default on the part of the King, ifc could be
got over by the King expiating his wrong. Jat, No. 75 refers
to a drought in Kosala, while Jat No. 199 speaks of a famine
as a result of heavy down-pour of rains during the rainy season.
The Ghandogya Upanisad refers to a famine afflicting a district
for long 12 years. Such references lacking in details as they
often are have led to the theory that in ancient India, terrible
famines were frequent and long continued. But we find it
difficult to imagine how acute famine confined to one tract of
the country could last for a long period unless the afflicted tract
was deserted by the people at the onset and turned into a
desolated waste for that period. On the other hand, Megasthenes
stands for the statement that " famine has never visited India," 1
TLe question of the relative veracity of Megasthenes may not
be discussed here, and we may agree with Sohwanbeck that " the
knowledge of ancient India derived from the book of Magasthe-
nes has only approached perfect accuracy the more closely those
who have written after him on India have followed his Indika."

Famine is the English substitute for Sk " Durviksa T ' which
literally means a condition in which alms are obtainable with
difficulty. In ancient India, famine therefore, might mean any-
thing from absolute scarcity to non-abundance of grains. The
following summary of a story taken from the Jataka will be
found interesting here.

Once the grains had been carried away during the rainy
season and there was a famine. But it was the time when the
corn had just sprouted and all villagers came together and besought
help of the\r headman saying, two months from now, when we
have harvested the grain, we will pay you in kind.' So they got an
old ox from him and ate it. One day, the headman watched his
chances for carrying on an intrigue with the wife of a house-
holder, and wien the householder was gone abroad, he visited
the house. Just as the two were happy together, the man came
in by the village gate and set his face towards home. The
woman was looking towards the village gate and saw him- She
told the headman, * Do not be afraid, I have a plan. You know
we have had meat from you to eat. Make as though you were
seeking the price of the meat. I will climb up the granary and
1 McCnndle, p. 31

Famine in Ancient India

at the door of it crying * no rice here ' while you must
stand on the middle of the room and insist on payment.' The good
man entered the house and saw what they were about. He
called the headman ' Sir Headman, when we had some of your
old ox to eat, we promised to give you rice for it in two months
time, Not half a month has passed. Then why do you try to
make us pay now ? That is not the reason you are here and to
make his meanings clear, he uttered the following lines,

" I like not this, I like not that, I like not her I say
Who stands besides the granary and cries ' I cannot pay '
N"or you nor you Sir * Listen, now my means and store are small
You gave me once a skinny cow and two months grace withal
Now ere the day, you bid me pay, I like not this at all

( Cowell )

Thus, if there was an absolute dearth of grains, it is curious how
the whole village could live on an old ox for two months. Yet
it is definitely told that there was famine. At the same time, we
are informed also that the store of the villagers was ( not empty )
but small. 1 Famine in ancient India did not therefore, always
mean such a destitute and forlorn condition as we understand
by it today. Of course, we have some references to a destitute
condition of the people as caused by famine. But a scientific
analysis of the determining factors of famine applied to ancient
India would tend to show that acute famines were few and far
between in olden days.

II A. Comparative Survey of the Determining Factors of Eamine

The Agnipurana ascribes famine to either of the two causes of
absolute dearth of excessive rain. But excessive rain was
presumably rare or we would have found the people as much

i It is worth while to note in this connection the meaning of the Bengali
word " BSdanta . Ba<Janta = Bader An$a = Exhaustion of surplus. In olden
days, a householder signified his inability to give alms by saying "BhSndar
Ba4anta" i. e. " There is no surplus in the store." Uptill today the same
word is used in Bengali household significantly enough not in the same sense
it was used in olden days. Now a days " Bhandar Badanta " means "The
store is empty/*

i8o Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

anxious to avert it as they were for securing timely rainfall.
Indeed, nowhere do we find mention of any sacrifice or ceremony
to stop an excessive downpour of rain. Kautilya in Bk. VIII
Chap. 2 says that " absence of rain is worse than too much rain"
for excess of water would be drained off or kept off the field by
" Kheya " or " Bandya " dykes respectively. "* Acute famine
was therefore mainly and primarily determined by drought.

For a scientific enquiry however, ss to whether or not famines
in ancient India were more frequent and acute than now, let us
make a brief comparative survey of the following points of in-
vestigation in relation to ancient and modern India *

1 Forest and rainfall*

2 Irrigation and method of cultivation.

3 The agricultural land and population.

4 Cattle and Bullock-power.

5 Transport facilities and export

Forest and Rainfall

Beyond the outskirts of villages lay stretches of forest
where the villagers had common rights of waste and wood. The
Arthasastra mentions a Government Officer called " ^m^Rr^^T: "
( The Superintendent of Forest ) and enjoins that the King shall
keep in good condition forests created in the past, preserve game
forests, elephant forest, forests for Brahmans, separate wild tracts
for ^timber forests and also set up new ones (

; \ )- 2 But disf orestmenk has begun in India definitely from
the time of Babar and has been continued ever since. The result
is that rain-fall has considerably decreased, water level has sunk
in many tracts and many tracts have turned into desolate waste.
Once navigable rivers to wit the Sarasvati, the Behula have been
altogether silted up. Saptagrara on the SarasvatI once an
important port and prosperous city is now practically a Bungle.
Dredging these rivers is a good business at least from the view
point of health and prosperity of the tracts on their banks and of
the people living thereon.

Forests again, play an important part in the control of stream-

from Blnktog water-level and

See the Narada Smrti, XI, 18.

See Bk. I Ch. 19 and Bk. II Oh. 2,

Famine in Ancient India

consequent silting up of many rivers, floods and consequent
destruction of land by erosion, the disforestment has produced
even more serious effect. The people deprived from cheap firewood
resort largely to burning cow-dung as fuel. The available manure
has thus considerably decreased. Not only that ; the absence of
surrounding forests and incidentally an export trade of bones '
collected to some extent from the fields, have deprived the fields
from a further source of organic matter thus reducing the
fertility of the soil to an extent. 2

2. Irrigation and Mtthod of CulUvatiun

Over a large part of the country rain has always been un-
equally and irregularly distributed and surely, that is why we
find that from very early times, Indian Cultivators have sought
to supplemet the rain-fall by digging wells and conserve it by
tanks and storage reservoirs. Macdonell and Keith find clear
reference to artificial water channels used for irrigation as
practised in the times of the Rgveda. 8 In the Atharvaveda also
such references are not wanting. 4 The Visnuparva of the Hari-
vamSa contains a masked reference to the course of the Yamuna
being diverted through Brndavana by Balarama. It was apparent-
ly for agricultural purposes ; for Balarama is characteristically
represented as the wielder of the plough (Langala) and the
pestle ( Musala ). In the Sabhaparva Chap. CL 5 of the Maha-
bharata, we find the hoary sage Narada asking King Yudhisthira,
" Are large tanks dug in your Kingdom at proper distances by
which agriculture has not to depend entirely on tain"? The
Arthasastra in Bk. II chap. I enjoins that the King shall construct
reservoirs of water and shall provide with sites, timber and other
necessary things for those who would construct reservoirs of their
own accord. The Jataka 5 and the Law-books 6 also contain
numerous references to irrigation. From the Arthasastra again,
we learn that there was a special Government Officer called the

! . Vide appendix B.
2 - C.

8. Vedio Index I, p. 214

4 . See Bk. Ill, Hymn 13,

s . See. Vol. I, pp. 188-191. and Vol. 5 p. 19 Cowell.

\ Th tfarada Smrti XI, 17-19, Brhasapti XIV 23, Yaj2avalkya.il,
156 etc.

1 82 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

Superintendent of Agriculture who assessed land at rates varying
according to different methods of irrigation. The same book refers
also to the significant fact that remission of taxes was allowed to
those who built of their own accord lakes, tanks etc. or repaired
neglected or ruined works of similar rature. 1

Megasthenes mentions that India has vast planes of great ferti-
lity all alike intersected by multitude of rivers and the greater
part of the soil is under irrigation.

Candra Gupta Maurya maintained a regular system of canals
and a special department whose business was to measure lands
and regulate water supply by sluices. Valentine Chirol writes
" In the reign of Candra Gupta Maurya, admirable was the
solicitude displayed for agriculture then as now the greatest of
industries and for its handmaid irrigation/'

The Lake Sudarsana which was excavated by Pusya Gupta -
the Viceroy of Candra Gupta and whose channels of irrigation
were completed by Asoka, is one of the greatest monumental
works that still points to the great importance that used to be
attached to irrigation in ancient India. In later times also,
kings dug many reservoirs for agricxilture, the ruins of which
are still to be found in Midnapur, Bankura and Birbhum in West
Bengal and Tiperra and othejr places in East Bengal.

As for the method of cultivation in ancient India, it may be
noted that the ancient -ndian cultivators who comprised a wealthy
and respectable section of the people possessed a fair knowledge
of climatology 2 , classification and selection of soil, 3 plant phy-
siology, seasonable cultivation and rotation of crops, 4 protection of
crops, 5 treatment of seeds and different kinds of manure. Indeed
one will be filled with astonishment and admiration if he cares
to look only into the elaborate injunctions as are found in the

* The Arthasastra Bk. II Oh. 24 and Bk. Ill Ch, 7.

* The Krsi Saipgraha written by Parasara gives elaborately the influence
of the planets etc. on rainfall, monthly and yearly indications of rainfall,
prediction as to rainfall from wind directions etc.

8 Vide the Arthasastra, translation by Shama Sastri p. 198.

4 Vide the Arthasastra Bk, II ch. 24. The system of fallowing and rota
tion of crops was early known in India as the earliest literature shows it
( vide Rv. VIII, 91, 5-6 ).

5 For means adopted for the protection of crops, reference may be made
to Av Hymn 50, Bk. Ill, jat. No. II and the Law books Manu VII, 241,
YSjn. II, 161. Nar. XI, 29, Gaut. XII; Visnu V 146 etc.

Famine in Ancient India

183

Artha&astra, the Brhat Samhita and the Agnipurana regarding
selection and treatment of seeds and the use as fertilisers of
animal excreta, flesh and bones, beef and fishwashing, minute
fishes and various kinds of mixtures and decoctions, A few
quotations will bear out the truth of this statement.

Thus, for the treatmet of seeds, the Arthasastra says, " The seeds
of grains are to be exposed to mist and heat for 7 nights. The
seeds of KosI ( such as Mudga, Masa etc. ) are treated similarly
for 3 nights ; the shoots of sugar cane and the like ( Kandabija )
are plastered at the cut-end with a mixture of honey, clarified
butter, the fat of hogs and cow-dung; the bulbous roots with
honey and clarified butter; cotton seeds with cow-dung, and water
pits at the roots of trees are to be burnt and manured with bones
and cow-dung at proper seasnos. The sprouts of seeds when grown
are to be manured with a fresh haul of very small fish and
irrigated with the milk of Snuhi ( Euphorbia antiquorum. )' ?1
And the Brhat Samhita enjoins:

" To ensure inflorescence, the seeds before being sown should
be treated as follows : The seeds should be taken up in the
palm greased with ghee and thrown into milk. On the day follow-
ing the seeds should be taken out of the milk with greased fingers
and the mass separated into single seeds. This process is to be
repeated for ten successive days. Then the seeds are to be
carefully rubbed with cow-dung and afterwards steamed in a
vessel containing the flesh of hogs or deer. Then the seeds are to be
sown with the flesh of fat hogs added in a soil previously pre-
pared by being sown with sesame and dug up or trodden down
and then sprinkled daily with Kslra. " 2

Parasara in his Krsi Samgraha gives instructions regarding
the use of farm-yard manure and tha Brhat Samhita in Ch. 55,
17-18 points out that,

" To promote infloresence and fructifications a mixture of one
adhak ( 64 palas ) of sesame, two adhaks of excreta of goats or sheep,
one pra^tha ( 16 palas ) of barley powder, one tula ( 100 palas ) of
beef thrown into one drona ( 256 palas ) of water and standing
over for seven nights be poured round the roots of the plant ".

1 Translation by Shama Sastri, 2nd. Ed. p. 141.

2 Chapter 55, 19-20.

184 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

Similarly, the Agnipurana says " A good result is obtained by
manuring the soil with powdered barley, sesame and the offal
matter of goats mixed together and soaked in washings of beef
for seven consecutive nights. A good growth of trees is secured
by sprinkling them with washings of fish. 1 '*

These ancient agticultural formulas except what is given in
Khana's maxims, are now forgotten. They are now buried within
books books that are neither available nor understandable
to the illiterate Indian cultivator of to-day. It is thus quite
evident that agricultural methods have suffered much deteriorat-
ion in modern India.

#. The Agricultural Land and Populat^on
From ancient days down to a long time after the Christian
era, agriculturists were all VaiSyas. Other occupations that
were legally open to them were cattle-tending, trade and banking.
As suoh, the word " Cast " in those days did not mean anything
dishonourable as it is now unfortunately thought to do due to a
diseased and perverted mentality. Originally cultivation of the
soil was the significant characteristic of the "Jrya ' and distin-
guished the civilised from the barbarians. Indeed, in ancient
India, agriculture was not to de relegated to the lowest strata of
population as now, but had always been the occupation of a class
of men who wers respectable and educated, who knew their
rights and exercised them and held an important position in the
State.

Proprietary right on land then lay with the "Chasis." Opinion
differs on the point. Y. A. Smith, Samadder and others tried to
show that the King was the absolute owner of land and water,
while Jayaswal and others are of opinion that the King had no
property on land Perhaps, only the waste land belonged to the
Crown, but in the Arthassastra Bk, II, Oh. 1 , we find that " The
King shall not take away unprepared lands from those who are
preparing them for cultivation " True, we hear of royal grants.
But, Ehys Davids has pointed out that in royal grants, the King
granted not the land ( as he had no property in land,) but only the
tithe due by customs to the government as yearly tax a . Indeed

1 See Oh. CCL XXXII.

2 Buddhist India, p. 48.

Famine in Ancient India 185

in the Arthasastra Bk. I. Ch. 19 we find' the explicit injunction
that in royal grants, the recepient, shall have no right to
alienate the land by sale or mortgage. On the other hand, the
fact that tax payers had the right to sell or mortgage their
fields to tax-payers is clearly borne out by the same treatise in
Bk. Ill, Ch. 10. Private ownership of land is supported by many
passages in the Law books. 1 What constitutes the proprietary
right is clearly given in Brhaspati IX, 3, 4. The King had thus no
proprietary right in the agricultural land. Only a defined portion
of the gross produce was payable to him as tax in return of his good
government, and the tax was somewhat similar to our modern in-
come-tax. Division of labour and laws were so formulated that they
indirectly safeguarded the interest of agriculture and agriculturists.
By law, agriculture was set apart for the Vaisyas. It was forbi.
dden to others castes except in times of distress, and it was a
criminal offence if one caste ordinarily took to the occupation of
another caste. No land was allowed to lie fallow to an economic
benefit both from the stand-point of the owner of the land and
of the State. If one failed to cultivate his field or get it tilled
by others he would lose the right to have any interest thereof,
and any other deserving man might cultivate it and enjoy the
produce. 2 This, together with the fact that cultivators had their
own unions s forces upon us the conclusion that land-owning
non-agriculturists if there were any, were practically in the grip
of cultivators and were eventually forced to give up their lands
to those whose particular profession was to cultivate. Laws
about debt and usury, sale and mortgage gave the necessary check
to cultivators' indebtedness. The money-lender was also a Vaisya
and presumably a wealthy farmer so that if land at all went out
of the hands of a small peasant proprietor, it went to a wealthier
neighbour-farmer, thus tending to effect a consolidation of the
agriculture land rather than its fragmentation. Hindu laws of
inheritance have no doubt a tendency to effect subdivision of
holdings. But joint-family system was largely in vogue in ancient
1 Brhaspati VIII, 27, 21, 32, 34, 35, XIX 17; tfar. VI, 20, XI, 20, 21, 23, 24;

Manu. IX, 52, 53 etc. , , Azni-Fur.

a -VT^ TTT o* Aia^^ ft ArthasastraBk* II Ch. I and tfc Agm rur*

. , ,

See Nar. XI, 23. Also the Arthasastra Bk.

LVII.

aut. XI. 20-21 see also t

7 [ Annals, B. O. B. I. ]

oh.OCLVII. T TTT ,

3 Gaut. XI. 20-21 see also the Arthatestra, Bk. Ill ch.

1 86 Annals of the Bhawdarkar Oriental Research Institute

India ; and there is nothing to disprove that instead of dividing
the land, one brother farmed it and shared the crops with the other
brothers. This was not impracticable. There were no external
factors to throttle rural manufacturing industries in fact the
provinces were alive with the bustle of manufacture and com-
mercial undertakings, 1 and other professions were also legally
open to them in which they could engage themselves 'and thereby
supplement the income of the family. Also, we have references to
different parties joining together to cultivate their fields, and
there were distinct laws for such partnership concern. 2 Thus,
farming on large scales, 3 the indirect check to excessive sub-
division of holdings and rural manufactories kept down the
pressure on land though agriculturists were far more numerous
than others as they are so now. The condition of agriculturists
was good and as a class, they were regarded as sacred and in-
violable. 4 In the Sabhaparva of the Mahabharata, the great sage
Narada is represented as asking Yudhisthira whether the four
items of '* Varta * ' agriculture, trade, cattle-rearing and
banking were carried in his kingdom by honest men as upon
these depended the happiness of his subjects ; and whether the five
wise and great men employed in the five chief posts namely that
for protecting the agriculturists, the merchants, the city, the forts
and that for punishing the criminals were doing: good to his
kingdom by working in unsion. 5 In the Santiparva, we find
Bhlsma advising the King so that the agriculturists in his
kingdom might not suffer oppression, 6 The Arthasastra again
in Bk. I. Ch. 19 says that the King shall protect agriculturists
from molestation ; 7 while Brhaspati enjoins that the husbandmen
must not be put under any restraint. 8 Rulers had thus always
evinced a keen solicitude for their welfare.

1 The Agnipura^a oh, CCXXXIX.

2 Brhaspati XIV. 21, 25, Yagn. II, 262-68.

3 JaX No. 218. Jst. No. 389, ceferes to a farm of thousand Kansas or 8000
acres.

* McCrindle p. 32.

s See chap, V, 79, 80.

6 Chap. LXXXIX, 24.

7 Of. Agnipur. ch. CCXXXIX 44-45,

8 Chap. II. 37.

Famine in Ancient India 187

Hired servants were known in the days the Narada Smrti
was written. In those days, the condition of landless agricultu-
rists and agricultural labour was far from what it is now. It
has already been noted that agriculturists had their unions.
Naturally therefore it may be expected that it was they who
controlled the market of agricultural produce. It was they
again, whose lawful occupations were trade and banking. At
times if needs there be, agriculturists could get loans from the
government 1 whose one interest was to see that they thrived*
Smaller cultivators could find employment by hiring out their
labour to their more prosperous neighbours and the labourers
that were recruited from the fourth caste might profitably
employ their spare time in the many local industries. There was
fcten no such competition of foreign, well-organized, machine-
driven industries, nor did the industrial factories all tend to
collect round cities and towns only, as now; and this only fact
above all, forces on us the conclusion that the whole outlook of
agriculture and agricultural labour in India was not as hopelessly
complicated as we find it to day.

4. Cattle br&eds and Bullock power

Tending of Cattle is very important from the point of view of
agriculture. In olden days, we find, specific rules were laid
down for the keeping and employing of cattle, ( See Krsi Sam. 86,
87, Parasara Sam. II. 4, AgnL Pur. Ch. 00X011. -23, 31, 33, 35 )
and for feeding and stock breeding. The Arthasastra mentions a
Government Officer called the Superintendent of Cattle, whose
exclusive duty was to supervise cattle in the country, keep a
census of cattle and to see that they were being properly reared. 2
Orders were issued by Kings restricting castration of bulls. 3
Brahmanical bulls were public property and inviolable. They
were the breeding bulls and that is why we find the ancients so
particular as to their physical fitness. Visnu is Ch. LXXXIV
directs that a Brahmanical bull set at liberty must be the offspring
of a milch cow having young ones living. It must not be defi-

1 See Sabhaparva of the MahSbharata oh. L, I, 3 also the Arthafestra Bfc.
I, Ch. 19.

2 See the Arthasastra Bk II ch.
d See Asokan Pillar edict. V.

1 88 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

cient in any limb and it must be one who protects the herd. But
the manner In which the stocks were fed was most important in
so far as the breeds depended primarily upon it. As to thafe
manner, an idea may be formed from the following lines from the
Arthasastra BK. II. Ch. 29.

For bulls which are provided with nose strings, half a bhadra
of meadow grass, twice the above quantity of ordinary grass, one
tula ( 100 palas ) of oil cakes, 10 adhakas of bran 9 5 palas of salt,
one Kudumba of oil for rubbing over the nose, one prastha of
drink, one tula of pulp of fruits, one adhaka of curd, one drona of
barley or cooked masa, one dro$a of milk or half an adhaka of
Sura ( liquor, ) one prastha of oil or ghee ( clarified butter ), 10
palas of sugar and one pala of the fruit of srngavera which may
be substituted for milk. The same commodities less by one
quarter each will form the diet for mules, cows and asses and
twice the quantity for buffaloes and camels.

Every village was again provided with common pasture lands
and wood lands. Common rights in forestry and pasture were
very important, and in all royal grants of villages, special provi-
sions were always made for them. We find Manu enjoining that
" on all sides of a village, a space one hundred dhanus or three
samya throws ( in breadth ) shall be reserved for pasture and
thrice that space round a town 1 . " In the Arthasastia ( BK. II Ch.
2 ) also the king is directed to make provision for pasture grounds
on uncultivated tracts ( si&ujiui 1 ^Rt <TU**Tf f^ftan^ SRT^^ I )
A part of the fodder was picked up by the cattle themselves from
these grazing lands, and the forest lands which by the way,
supplied fuel to the people and saved much of the cow-dung
nowadays employed for the purpose with a consequent loss of
available manure, were also available to them. Herds of cattle
vcere taken out to graze by professional graziers to whose interest
and to those of their charge, the Law books gave due attention. The
herdsman was to take cattle to pasture when the night was over
and take them back in the evening after they had eaten grass
and drunk water. After the crops had been harvested, cattle
grazed on cultivated fields and also on current fallows. The

i VIII, 237, 60. YBjH. II, 170 and the Agnu Pur. Chu CCL,VII 18.

Famine in Ancient India

189

weeds on cultivated lands, plants growing up from the seeds
falling before the harvest, the stubble and the grasses on the field-
borders and along water channels were also available to cattle in
olden days as now. Fodder crops were cultivated and made
into silage an old process in India as the word " Sujavas 1 "
in the Rgveda indicates. The cultivators also provided hay for
the stock.

In ancient days the breeds of cattle were thus apparently
fine. This is just because cattle tending was then in the hands of
a class who understood the business and had means. The Report
of the Royal Commission on Agriculture ( 1928 ) points out that
certain parts of India still show very fine breeds of cattle and
observes that they may be traced to the skilful tending by some
nomadic herdsmen who formerly supplied cattle to cultivators
and probably existed up to recent times.

There has now been a general deterioration in the cattle breeds
of India. We must seek for its cause in the decrease in the
grazing area, the poverty and ignorance of the cultivator and
many other factors that are practically outside control under the
present circumstances.

The Royal Commission Report records many witnesses
advocating extension of grazing areas, but finding no possibility of
additions to existing grazing grounds suggests concentrating on
increasing the productivity. But, poverty of cultivators stands
seriously on the way of the suggestion being carried into effect
Majority of the cultivators do not get sufficiently for their own
subsistence and are circumstanced to use for their own personal
consumption maize, bazra ? * Jwar ' etc. which in olden days were
more exclusively used as fodder. One has not got to go far but
only take a trip to the Santhal Parganas and the rural areas of the
district of Monghyr to see that cultivators at those places do actu-
ally use as their food the fodder crops of cattle. How then
can they be expected to improve the rations of cattle when they
are denied facilities to do that of their own ?

i VI, 28, 7, VII , 99, 3,

130 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

As a result in many parts of the country, bullock power has
come to such a low sfcage of deficiency that good cultivation
would ere long be impossible. To improve the live stock, the
Report recommends many methods amongst which some seem.
impracticable under the present circumstances unless they are
supplemented by more vitally important ones. The Report could
not see its way to rceommend extension of grazing areas; while
it definitely advises the Government not to prohibit an export
trade in some fine Indian bulls of which foreign countries have
a demand. In the face of so much local deficiency and want, we
find the advice really perplexing.

5. Transport facilities and Expert

Transport was less facile. And as for export, we learn from
the authoritative Periplus that food stuff was exported
from Barbaricurn (Karachi ? ), Muziris ( Cranganore ), Barygaza
( Broach ), the Gangetic delta and the Makram coast in the
extreme N. W. to Dioscorida island, Cona, Moscha in Arabia and
further west. But the surplus only was exported after keeping
sufficient to meet internal demands. In fact, every village used
to keep by a store of grains as a provision against times of
emergency. From the Arthasastra Bk. II, chap. 15, we learn that
of the Royal store, half used to be kept in reserve to ward off
calamities of the people ( rTcH ^^OTFTc[^f sn^q-^Frf wma; I ), In Bk.
IV. Chap. 3 again, we find the injunction that in times of
scarcity help should be given from the Royal store. From the
Sohgaura copper plate inscription also, we learn that in caravan-
saries a store used to be kept in reserve for times of need. In
modern times on the other hand, export statistics speak eloquently
for itself. ( Vide appendix: B. , and also appendix: A. ).

Ill MalthWs Theory Applied

Again, many small scale industries that were once highly
prosperous have been, destroyed with the result that thousands
of skilled men formerly engaged in those industries have been
driven into agriculture, thus accelerating the pressure on land,
and rendering a large portion of agriculturists unemployed and
idle for a considerable part of the year, and consequently poorer,

Famine in Ancient Indict

The baneful effect of this on agricultural capital has also been
incalculable. It cannot be denied that the productive efficiency
of agricultural labour is now at a much lower level than it was
formerly, and that the limitations of the law of Diminishing
Return and those of the Malthusian Theory do not applj
to India,

There is thus no scientific reason to show thai famine and its
horrors were more acute in ancient days than now ?

IV Conclusion

4

Thus the above facts show that in olden days, conditions were
distinctly far more unfavourable to occurence of famine than they
are so now and tend to ascribe to famine in ancient India a
meaning somewhat different from what we understand by famine
in modern days. They also lead us naturally to the conclusion
that in ancient India, famines were much less frequent and
usually much less terrible in character than now, inspite of the
fact that cross-country communications were then very slow
aid difficult, caravans and boats being the only means by which
surplus agricultural and other industrial products could be
transported from one district to another and hence any relief
measure to an afflicted tract neither immediate nor easy. The
cause of recurrent acute famines of which India is in modern
times the only victim is not far to seek if only we take into account
the quantity of food stuff annually exported to foreign countries
from her capacious shores.

There are men who deplore lack of communication of the
many remote Indian villages with commercial centres and
advocate commercialisation of agricultural products, holding
out that commercialisation would tend to increase the price ana
thus help in the betterment of the condition of cultivto But
if national wealth is not prevented from being drained out for
lack of facilities in manufacturing enterprises, ~* ol f b *^
of agricultural produce alone would mean only just what it has
meant so far in recent times, and one need not point out here
that, though the price of food stuff has tad . ^^"V 1 ^
within the last century, the condition of ^^^ *
being better proportionately, has rather been much the worse

192 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

it To meet with the price of Indian raw materials foreign
manufacturers have ever been trying to thrust their goods into
Indian markets and make it impossible for Indian manufactories
to survive the raids. Being unable to compete with more
powerful adversaries, many manufacturing industries of India
once highly prosperous have resulted in dying out within the
last century. IFor an economic independence of a country,
manufacturing industries must go hand in hand with agriculture
and commercialisation has no sense if it is not consistent with
national protection. Of course, isolation of villages is a bar to
improvement of manufacturing industries for want of healthy
competition. But, in ancient India, though communication
between different districts was less facile than now, we have
yet many references to merchants travelling from one district to
another briskly carrying on their trade. From the Jataka, we
hear also of a whole village being inhabited by blacksmiths or
potters or weavers or carpenters or other industrial workers,
so that there was really no want of competition. Agin, in Jat.
Nos. 186, 190, 195 and others, we find distinct references to over-
sea trade also, and only Plyni T s remarks are sufficient to show
that Indian goods did not sell at a discount in foreign markets.

Modern conditions are however, much different from what
they were in general in those days when "the excellent manu-
factures of India were known to the Phoenicians and in the
markets of Alexandria", when the provinces were alive with
the bustle of manufacture and commercial undertakings, and
" the inhabitants had abundant means of subsistence in consequ-
ence of which " Megasthenes says, " they exceeded the ordinary
stature and were distinguished by their proud bearing. *

APPENDICES

A

It is said that today, famine in any part of the country does not
necessarily mean an actual shortage of food in the country, but
essentially a local shortage together with a condition in which
people are too poor to buy food that exists in other parts of
the country. During 1896-97 famine, 600,000 tons of rice had
however to be imported from Burma ( see Report of the Famine

Famine in Ancient India

Commissioners of 1898 ). But, there can certainly be no two
opinions regarding the fact that poverty and indebtedness of the
cultivators are the vital economic causes of famine. Indeed,
frequency and extent of famine increased in proportion the
cultivators were impoverished.

Kailways and irrigation are the two sister remedies of famine.
So far as the latter is concerned, the recommendations of the
Famine Commissioners of 1901 have not yet been given full
effect to, on the plea that the utility of irrigation is far too
restricted to justify initial cost. On the other hand extension
of railways was carried out with extraordinary rapidity and at a
rate much in excess of that recommended by the Famine Com-
missioners of 1880. Expansion of transport facilities however,
contrary to expectation, produced effects more baneful than good.
This was because there was no provision for other equally
important safeguards. The rapid extension of railways brought
about a revolution that was too sudden. It effected destruction
of indigenous industries and the consequent concentration of
labour on that very employment to which droughts are most
dangerous. The historic methods of protection against famine
were abondoned. The agricultural classes found inducement to
sell their stock ; and the extravagant habits that they contracted
eventually enslaved them to the money lender.

B

Export of rice and wheat the two principal food-grains and
also offish manure and bone '

Inspite of decay in agricultural modes, it is interesting to
note that India still produces on an average 36,000,000 tons of
cleaned rice which is approximately 40% of the total world-produc-
tion, and is the largest exporter of rice in the world. In 1927 28,
the export of cleaned rice though fell by 45% as compared to the
export in pre-war quinquenium, yet stood at 2,429,000 tons. The
average revenue derived from export duty on rice at the rate of
only 3 annas per maund makes a pretty big figure-namely
about 900,000.

8 [ Annals, B. O. B. I- ]

194 Annals of the Bhmda>>'kar Qnental Research Institute

The export of wheat and wheat flour amounts on an average
to 10,000,000 tons i e. nearly 20% of production.

During the last war, export of fish and bone manures dropped
heavily, yet the average export of fish manure was more than
12000 tons, and that of bone, more than 34000 tons. Thus, an
idea can "be formed as to the average export of fishes and bone
from the country.

C

Some opinions on the effect of denudation of forest are
reproduced here.

In 1863, Mt\ 2V. A. Danzell^ conservator of Forests in the Bombay
Presidency : " Showed that the wanton destruction of forest had
entailed barrenness and aridity on countries renowned in
former times for their fertility ; that along with the woods, springs
and rivulets disappear and cease to water the parched land; that
the actual temperature of the country is, by the destruction of its
forests, very sensibly increased; the rain, gradually washing away
the vegetable earth from the sides of the denuded hills, condemns
them to sterility, while these latter no longer able to retain and
regulate the flow of water that falls on their slopes, are scored by
deep gullieg, formed by impetuous torrents, and the beds of rivers
are one time dry and at another filled by sudden and short lived
floods. "

( Extracts from the evidence before the Select Committee on
Forestry. Parliamentary paper 287 of 1885. )

** I ought to say that there is a great mass of evidence in India
which tends to show that the denudation process has had an effect
upon the water supply in two ways 5 one in diminishing the
moisture of the county in the way of falls of rain and another
in making the rain run away more rapidly and causing floods,
( Mr. Pedder, Secretary, Revenue Department, India Office ) ' 7

u I have seen myself the effects of the denudation of hill
slopes, I have seen a wellknown perennial stream dried up
completely upon the slopes of the Mlgiris undoubtedly from
the fact that the timber all round had been cut off for coffee
planting (CoL James Michael, C. S. I. ) "

Famine in Ancient India

Date
917-18

1116
1291
1343-45

1471-72

1527

1540-43
1554-55

1556

1576

1594-97

1613-15

1623

1628-29

1650

1660

1676-77

1685

1702-4

1718

1738

1747

1759

1770

1781

1782
1783

D

FAMINE TABLE ( Loveday )

Locality References

Kashmir

Deccan

Delhi

Delhi country

Bijapur district

Sind

Sind

Delhi, A.gra and

Bajana district

Hindu stan
DelM country
Central India
Punjab
Guzrat
Hoozoor

Stein's Bajtarangiru, Bk. 5 V. V,

272-5.

Elliot. Vol. VIII. p. 36

,. Vol. III. p. 140.

Vol. III. pp. 612, 620.
Briggs ( History of Mahomadan
power in India 1829 ) Vol. I
pp. 493-4.

Etheridge ( Report on pavt
Famines in Bombay Presidency,
1868) p. 16.
P. 17.
Elliot. Voll. V a p. 490.

VI. p. 21.
P 297.
P- 94
P. 346,

Etheridge p. 40.
P- 63.

Anmeaaoau P- 37 Seq.

Aurangib's dominions Elliot Vol. VII. pp. 246-48.
Hyderabad Scott ( History of Dekkan ) Vol.

IL p. 47,

5 eC ? a V^ d Elliot Vol. VII p. 328,

Hyderabad

Bombay & Deccan Scott, Vol. II pp. 112-14.
Bombay District Etheridge p. 40,

Scott, Vol. II. PP. 210-1L

Etheridge pp. 26, 40, 60.

Etheridge pp. 17,19.

Hunter ( Rural Bengal ) p. 35.

Madras Manual of Administration

Vol. I. P* 298
Bombay & Madras Etheridge p. 17.

Bengal, Belary, IT. P. ,

Kashmir and Orissa Report. Par, 18.

Rajputana

Bengal
Madras

Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

Date Lacality References

1787 S. Maharatta Etheridge p. 103

1790-92 Bombay, Hydera-

bad, Guzrat, PP- 22, 50, 55, 105 etc.

Kutch, N. Madras
and Orissa

1799-1804 N. W. Province, R, Dutba ( Famine in India }
Bombay district, p. 4.

Central India of Rajputana Efcheridge p 116 etc,
Widespread Madras Manual Vol. I, p. 298

Etheridge p. 12.

1806-7
1812

Bombay Agra & Efclieridge pp , 33j 78, 126.
Madras districts &

pp. 79. 18.

pp. 79, 95, 134-37.

pp. 79, 101.

p. 80.

1819-20 & N. W. P. Rajpu-
1822 tana, Deccan,

Broach & Upper

Sind
1824-25 Deccan, Bombay ,,

and Madras
1832-34 Slxolapur,

Madras, Guzrat,

Kandish, N. Deccan

& N. W. P.
1853-55 Bellary & S. Madras,

Deccan ? Kajputana &

part of Bombay

district
1856-57 Orissa, Behar,

Ganjam, Bellary?

Mysore, Hyderabad
1860-61 Parts of N. W. P.

Panjab Rajputana

and Kutch

1862 Deccari Etheridge, p. 80.

1866-70 N. W. P. Punjab,

Guzrat, parts of
Central India, 1880 Famine Commission Report.

Deccan and
Rajputana

1873-74 BQhar, & Bundel-

khand Province "

First famine after the
abolition of East India
Company.

famine in Ancient India

Lacality References

1876-78 Madras, Bombay, 1880 Famine Commission Report

Mysore, Hydera-
bad, U. P. and

Kashmir
1888-89 Gan]am, Native 1898

Orissa states
1896-97 N. W. P., Bengal,

Bombay, C. P. ,

Berar, Madras,

Delhi districts, ,,

parts of C. India,

Hyderabad and

Rajputana
1899-1900 0. P. Hissar- 1900

districts, Bombay,

Berar, Hyderabad, ( The greatest famine history

Rajputana and C. records ).

India, Baroda,

Hutch, Kathiawar,

Native states of

C. P. , E. Punjab,

Bengal, Agra S.

Madras & Delhi

district.

DARSANASARA OF DEVASENA-
CRITICAL TEXT

BY
A, N. UPADHYE, M, A,

PRELIMINARY NOTE: Darsanascira of De\asena, though quite
popular in orthodox Diga-nbara circles, v^as first brought to the
notice of orientalists by Petersoa in 2884 ( Reports II, p. 74),
when he actually used it for settling fehe date of Pujyapada. He
soon realised the value of this book, and printed the test ' from
the first copy of the work that fell into Ms hands. ? Then he pro-
cured a transcript of it ( the same as E described by me below,
though Peterson numbers it as 305 ( 507 ? ) of 1884-86 ), compared
it with a Ms. from Jeypore, and gave also & translation of the
first fifteen verses of this ' important traci addirg a few remarks
chiefly from the commentator ' ( Reports III, pp. 12 ff., 374 ff. }.
I grasped the importance of this text, when I wrote my paper on
' Yapanlya Sangha a Jaina sect " ( Journal of the University of
Bombay I, vi ). is the text printed by Peterson was inaccurate,
being based on scanty material, I have given here a critically con-
stituted text of Darsanasara with variant readings, after collating
almost half a dozen Mss. 9 most of which are from the Government
collection now deposited in the Bhandarkar Oriental Research
Institute, Poona. My studies about Darsanasara will soon follow,

CRITICAL APPARATUS

A. This is a paper Ms. , 10, 5 by 5 inches in size from the
Jaina Siddhanta Bhavan, Arrah ; it has six pages, with ten lines
in each page. It contains merely the gathas and has a few
marginal notes. The colophon runs thus :

B. This is a paper Ms, , about 12 by 5. 5 inches in size,
numbered 1072 of 1884-87, from the Bhandarkar Oriental Eesearch
Institute, Poona. The appearance is pretty old. It contains three
loose leaves, each leaf written on both sides, each page containing

of Devasewa joo

about ten Jlnes. The skirts of the pages are broken at places. It
is written In uniform Devanagarl hand with numbers of gathas in
red ink ; at places some letters are dropped out due to the thick-
ness of ink. It hrs only satfcas ; there are many marginal notes

generally giving the Slr^ rendering of the gathas. The colophon
runs thus *- fT% sf>%^%'^^f^%*r ^FI^R- %^: N ^ n qfo?*^ sjrnr-

u u

C. This Is a paper Ms, , about 11. 5 by 7 5 inches in size,
numbered 1088 of 1891-95 , from the Bhandarkar Oriental
Research Institute, Poona. It contains seven loose folios, written
on both sidesj each pa^e containing six lines. It is written in
rough Devanagarl hand with metrical stops generally indicated
by red strokes, single or double. The Ms. is quite new in its
appearance. It contains only gathas ; the first &% gathas have
Sanskrit chaya written in small hand above the lines. There are
many scribal errors : the copyist has not properly re&presented
long and short vowels, and almost throughout the stroke on u to
give it the value of o has been uniformly represented by an
anusvara. The copyist has a tendency towards n. There are
other mistakes which could be very easily checked and hence
not noted in v.l. The Ms. has no colophon, but ends thus -

D. This is a paper Ms., about 13 by 8 inches in size, number-
ed 1073 of 1884-87, from the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Insti-
tute, Poona. It contains seven loose folios, written on both sides,
each page containing seven lines. It is written in bold and uni-
form Devanagarl hand with numbers in red ink. The appearance
is quite new. It contains only gathas. TLere are a few scribal
errors : at times p is written f or y ; v is often repiesenied by b ;
sometimes the conjunct is represented by a doubtful anusvara on
the preceding letter, and often the necessary anusvara is neglect-
ed. There is no colophon, but the Ms, abruptly ends :
n u ? u ijwn \

200 Annals of the ftlxmdarfoir Oriental Rewaich Institute

E. This is a paper Ms. 3 about 11 by 8 inches In size, number-
ed 507 of 1884-86, from the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Insti-
tute, Poona. The appearance is new. It contains 100 folios
( 26 loose and the remaining double ), written on both sides, each
page containing 14 lines. It is written in close Devanagarl hand
with such words as artha, sloka etc. written in red ink. The Ms,
contains gathas as well as a long and exhaustive Hindi comm-
entary. There are some scribal errors in the gathas, for instence o
and conjuncts are not properly represented. The Ms. has 48 gafchas
with the Hindi commentary, and it abruptly ends with a very
corrupt colophon : ff^f ^TOTT ^ripf u H^ffr w/??r %5ntmtr% ^^ ^nfo
STf^Hsr 3RrTT U ? U The date, as I understand it, is samvat 1793,
possibly it is a new copy of an old Ms, of this date. This Ms. is
used by some modern scholar, as the beginnings of gafchas are
scored with red pencil, and in the middle there are marks of red
and blue pencils.

P. This stands for the text edited by Pandit Premi of Bombay
and published with chaya, Hindi translation, critical and historical
notes etc, in the 13th Vol. of Jaina Hitaishl, a defunct Hindi
magazine. The text is readably good and materially critical.
The copies of this edition are no more available.

Pn* This stands for some of the readings in foot-notes noted
by Pt. Premi in the above edition*

These Mss. do not show anything like families among them-
selves. Still this much can be said that C is very often in-
dependent ; A and B closely agree among themselves ; some of the
readings from Pn are really important, and I must say that none
of my Mss. gives those readings.

I am very thankful to P. "K. Gode Esq. M. A., Curator, Bhandar-
kar O. B. Institute Poona, whose uniform courtesy and readi-
ness to help are matters of everyday experience for those who
had the privilege of studying the Mss. in the Institute.

Dartanas&ra of Devasena 30 1

II * U

] I

u R u
I
U

u u
U ^ II

U

1 DE T^JR 2 AODBP ^^^tJT , B alone %fSr with a marginal gloss 0^^.
3 E fNb 4 E 4 ^lt*. 5 BCDE ^WTOK B has a marginal gloss ^^-
^ 6 C *R^Sa ^ oq^m, but the CA32/5 reads ^^ : . 8P ^rfr, c^aya
_rt 9 E ^^,%, Possibly it is ,*>. 10 ABB Pn ^1%^,^, AB have a
marginal gloss . ^^^ wlth tte

for ^- S( %, but I have in view ,^. 11 E? ^.
has cfta^S f iH^f 5,1^5 D &W; E ^H^T
with the chaya ^ ^I%lf%nH^ ; B has a marginal gloss

z have i
oocurs m ^Blbo* H -troduces the verse

alone which adds 3^^-^^., with the phrase

verse as 6. I have changed 555^ ito**ftfc and ^ mto

ie B ^sr. 17 B E P ^rr. is ABP

20DBP OjJoiI^W.* 10
wsr 5W ^tv and

proves from these. 3^^^* etc , the
above: B has a marginal gloss
9[ Annals, B. O. B.I. ]

3O2 Annals of the Bliandarkar Oriental Research

I u

fHit
a 4t^rr a ^TT or r II <: n

ofor

u ?H u

^T I

II ^ II

1%

u

1 C S'1s,<Stia^\ r . % E STTO?r r or qrl%r. 3 C has the cAaya 55^ 553^3;. 4 C
?TfT W. 5 E ff^ ^ 6 AB crntrj. 7 At the end of th!S gathS AB have
the phrase ^^pai^tinc^q. 8 P ^5^% Err%^, B has a quotation in the margin

9 o stpriMr. 10 D H^T ^t r . n BDE ^. 12 CDEP sr^rror, o gives the

sw^. 13 BODE irsr^tR^. 14 B has a marginal gloss q^fg^.
15 EP tH g ^%jt 16 BP^^ng, 17 P 1%^^ 18 At the end of this
gatha A has the phrase ^^(^^ whlle B has ^ft^-^ 19 CD
t. has the CA32/5 apftan^. for 3^. found m ABEp? E glYeg ^
20 D Oftanpl 1%. 31 PE

Darsctnas&ra of Jbevasena 103

"RTF *r^r sw-aRs iu-tlt II ^ n 9

%

or

^tt N ^ TR^f^f %f| *2^ft* II,

rFr *tf& ft?
wi^r

or *rof ^ft-^W ^f n

1 At the end of this gatM AB have the phrase fif^OT. 2 P < ^
BODE r -rr 4 P <hr ar 5 At the end of this gStha AB have the phrase

^U. h

r. 8 ABODE ,*tr. 9 P a*** 10 = rtt *
. 11 D ^orw^, B has a margmal gloss
T AB sunply qfiffift^ A has a gl oss

a gloss:

21 P ^^rt .r r ^?r gl^If, 23 B has am g ^ rfg

3 ^^

24 ABDE

Annals of the fihandarkar Oriental Research Institute

TRT

u \t \\

n

o
n
ou

II \^ Ii

u ^^ u

i%

1 E sj3%, 2 P ^ ^j^ with the chaya ^ %=^^f^. 3 O

-, P i3o=ft%. 4 At the end of this gaths AB have ^n
alone that I find the reading jfuoMTC etc.; A

, 6 A Sfn%(%ZF, BCD 3^^ E
end of this gSthS A has ^iq^ff?q-|%:, B

11 CD O has the chaya

with the

. 5 I*
$ BCDP ^^-cr q>_

7 C 1 f%. 8 At the
9 E o^^ 10 C

ABPE

,

with this much material I have emended the text as
. 13 Pn ?Tar^T% R^. 13 AB 3=^ P i^^ 5 E rj=^. 14 D
15 D fti%^^t ^TgT, 16P^%qq. 17 D^^n^. 18 C has chaya thus

19 C q-Ri%^. ^0 P 0^ with the chaya ^f;

Dartanasara of Devasena

\\ \t \\

II IK U

this gStbEAB have the Phrase:

BP o^ ^. 8

15

gloss

OP

,

A

if, BO the

^

^ em9adedforni

. is P

20 P tt. 21 A

Annals of tie Bhand arbor Oriental Research Institute

ii v^ u

9- T> ^g^-x' " ' " * a mar ^ 1Dal gloss putting the number 990

* r ^Hl^. 3 P ^TT|^ I 4 BD fif
ed ?

UNIDENTIFIED SOURCES OF THE VIMUTTIMAGGA
( Some Indian Medical Works )

BY
DR. P. V. BAPAT, M. A., PL D.

All Buddhist scholars have confronted a very interesting pro-
blem since Prof. ISTagai wrote an article in the Journal of the Pali
Text Society ( 1917-1919, pp. 69-80 ) on Cle-t'o-tao-lun or Vimut-
timagga as he rendered in Pali. Prof. Bunyiu Nanjio in his Cats-
logueof the Chinese Translation of the Buddhist Triprfcaka men-
tions this work under No. 1293 although he renders its title as
Yimoksamagasastra. This Chinese version of the Vinmttimagga
was made by a Buddhist monk of Fu-nan ( Siara or Cambodia )
named Seng~chie-po-lo early in the sixth century in the Liang
dynasty (502-557).

This Chinese text is the translation of the Vimuttimagga or
Vimuktimarga written by Upatissa. I have shown elsewhere 1
that this work seems to be entirely Indian in origin ( and not
written in Ceylon as Prof. Nagai thinks ) although it was
adopted by the Abhayagirivadins, the opponents of the adherents
of the Mahavihara school in Ceylon. The Tibetan fragment of
this text which I recently could discover 2 gives an additional
proof that the Vimuttimagga or "Vimuktimarga was an Indian
work in origin and that it was studied in Buddhist schools at least
until the time of Vidyakaraprabha, the translator of the fragment
into Tibetan. This Vidyakaraprabha is mentioned as one of the
Pandits invited^ by King Ralpachan of Tibet in the ninth
century A. D.

Vimuttimagga which is divided into twelve chapters, bears

such a close similarity with Buddhaghosa's Visuddhimagga that

we cannot explain it as merely a matter of accident. I have

shown in another place what I think about the probable inter-

jelabion of the two books. But there are some sections in the

1 Harvard studies in Classical Philology XLTII 1932. pp 168-176.

2 I read a paper on this subject at the seventh session of the Oriental
Conference at Baroda ( Doc. 1933 ).

' Indian Pandits in the Land of Snow ' by &t Sarat Chandra D5s
(pp, 49-50),

2o8 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Reseach Institute

contents of the Vimutimagga which, if they could be traced to
their original sources, would throw a further light on this problem
of the inter-relation of Upatissa and Buddhaghosa.

The author of the Vimuttimagga seems to be quite conversant
with the science of Indian medicine. In the seventh chapter of
the book the author gives a list of worms in the various parts of
the human body. The names as they are found in the Vinmt*
timagga seem to be the Chinese transliterations of Indian names.
A comparison with some of the old Indian medical works such as
Astangahrdaya, Caraka, Susruta reveals that the names of the
worms as given by Upatissa are different from those given, in
these books. Names of worms given in the Atharvaveda also do
not agree. Further in the same chapter Upatissa gives a fuller
account of the development of the child in the womb week by
week, Susruta speaks of the developmeut of the foetus month by
month aud not week by week ( See English translation by Bhisha-
gratna ii. p. 137ff. )

I consulted and wrote to several Indian Pandits inquiring if
they could possibly trace the source of this information given by
Upatissa but so far I could receive information from none. lam
therefore putting it before the Readers of the Annals of the
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute. Will some of the
readers throw light on it ?

List of worms in a human body as given in the Vimuttimagga

in its Chinese version ( Chap. VII )

The Vimuttimagga refers to 80,000 families of worms in all.
It also gives the names of some worms as follows :

Location Kame

Hair of the head Fa-thien ( hair-iron }

Skull Er-tsung ( ear-kind )

Brain(matfchalunga) Tie-Quan ( mat ? )

subdivided into four categories -

( i ) Yu-cu-ling-po ( ii ) Sa-po-lo

( iii ) Tho-lo-a ( iv ) Tho-a-sa-lo

Eye Thie-yen ( leaking eye )

Ear Thie-er ( leaking ear )

Nose Thie-pi ( leaking nose )

subdivided into three kinds :

( i ) Lau-kheu-*rno-a(M) ( ii ) A-leu-kbeu

( iii) Mo-na-la mu-kho ( Mrnalmukha ? )

Unidentified Sources of the VimutHmagga

209

Location

Tongue

Boot of the tongue

Teeth

Root of the teeth

Throat

JName

Fu-kie ( or Fu-cie )
Mu-tan-to
Kyu-po
Yu-po-kyu-po
A-po-lo-i, ( ha )

Neck subdivided into two kinds:

( i ) Lo-a-lo ( ii ) phi-lo-s-lo

Hair of the body ( loma ) Thie-mao (leaking hair of the body)
Nails Thie-tsa-o ( leaking nails )

Skin subdivided into two kinds

( i ) Tu-na ( ii ) Tu-nan-fco

Pleura ( Kilomafcam ) subdivided into two kinds :

( i ) phi-lan-po ( ii ) Mo-o-phi-lan~po ( Maha e )
Flesh

Two kinds

(i)
Blood
(i)

Two kinds "
po-lo
Sinews ( nharu ) Four kinds

( i ) lay-to-lo

( iii ) po lo-po-to-lo
Pulse
Root of the pulse Two kinds *

( i ) Sa-po-lo
Bones Four kinds

( i ) A-thi-phi-phu

( iii ) Tay -liu-tho-phi-tho
Marrow of the bones (atthiminja)

( i ) Ml-se
Spleen ( pihaka )

( i ) Ni-lo
Heart

( i ) Sa-pi-to
Root of the heart

( i ) Man-klio
Liquid fat ( vasa )

( i ) Ko-lo
Bladder

( i ) Ml-ko-lo
10 [ Annals, B, O. R. I. ]

( ii ) Lo-sa-po
( ii ) po-to-lo

Si-to-sa

Two kinds :
Two kinds :
Two kinds
Two kinds :

Two kinds
(ii)

(ii)
(iv)

( ii ) Yu-po-sa-po-lo

( ii ) A-nan-phi-phu
( iv ) Ay-thi-ye-kho-lo
Two kinds

( ii ) Mlse-sa-lo

( ii ) Pi-to

( ii ) Yu-phi-fco-sa-phi-to
( ii ) Sa-lo
( ii ) Ko-lo-sa-lo
Mo-h-ko-loMaha )

210 Annals of the Bhandarkat Oriental Research Institute

Location Name

Root of the bladder Two kinds :

( i ) Ko-lo ( ii ) Ko-lo-sa-lo

Cells of the membrane Two kinds :

( i ) Sa-po-lo ( ii ) Mo-ha-sa-po-lo ( Maha )

Roots of the cells of the membrane Two kinds -

( i ) Lay-to ( ii ) Mo-ho-la-to ( Maha )

Mesentry ( Antaguna ) Two kinds :

( i ) Cau-lay-to ( ii ) Mo-ho-lay~to ( Maba )

Roots of the intestines Two kinds

( i ) Po ( ii ) Mo-ho-sa-po

Root of the large intestines Two kinds *

( i ) &-nan-po-a (ha) ( ii ) po-ko-po-a

Stomach or rather its contents (udariya) Four kinds *

( i ) Yu-sau-ko ( ii ) Tu-se-po

( iii ) Tsa-se-po (iv) Sie-sa-po

Abdomen Four kinds :

( i ) Po-a~na ( ii ) Mo-ho-po-a-nft

( iii ) Tho-nli phStn ( iv ) Phangna mu kho

BUe Mi-to-li-han

Saliva ( khela ) Sie-an

Sweat Ra-sui-to-li-ha ( a )

Fat ( Medo ) Mi-tho-li-a ( ha )

Strength Two kinds :

( i ) So-po-a-mo ( ii ) Se-mo-chi-to

Root of the strength Three kinds ;

( i ) Chieu-a~mu -kho ( ii ) A-lo-a-mu-kho

( iii ) Fho-na-mu-kho

Five kinds of worms in
The food in front of the body
, 5 the back side of the body

and worms named
;a-lo Chang-a~so-lo Pu-tooHo

and so on.

Lower two openings Three kinds :
( i ) Kieu-lau-kieu-lo-wei-yu ( ii ) Cha-lo-yu

( iii ) Han-thiu-po-tho

Unidentified Sources of the famutttmagga 211

The development of a child in the womb

from week to week
as given in the Vimuttimagga ( Chap. VII )

1st week Kalala

2nd Abbuda

3rd

4th

5th Five Joints

gflk j? Four joints ( possibly in addition

although it is not so expressly
said as in the following case)

^ Four more joints

5j 28 additional joints

9th week and 10th week Spine and bones
llth week 300 bones

12th 80 3 ints

13th 900 sinews

14th 100 flesh balls

15th week blood

16th pleura ( kilomaka )

17th Skin

18th Color of the skin

19th ^ Kammaja vata all over the body

24th Navadvaram

25th , t 17000 pores (?)

26th Solid body

27th Strength

28th ^ 99^00 pores of the hair on the body

29th All the limbs of the body

Also it IB said that in the seventh week the child remains by
the back of the mother with the head down. In the 42nd week, the
child is moved from its position by the windy element born of
-karma and comes to the Yonidvara with its head below. And then
there is birth.

MIGRATION OF LEGENDS l
A Study in Indian Folklore and Tradition

BY
V. R RAMACHANDEA DIKSHITAR, M. A.

In the absence of well authenticated records for reconstructing
the history of ancient India, north and south, the legends are of
indispensable value as one of the sources of information. Being
records not of facts but of beliefs, they are not entitled to much
credence for historical purposes. But in very early times when
superstition and magic largely influenced the minds of the
peoples of the ancient world, the poet chronicled the beliefs of his
times in such a way that the mythological poetry becomes, as
Froude, the historian, has remarked, the foundation of all national
religions* Such popular stories handed down chiefly by ral
tradition came to b claimed as common property of all peoples.
Hence the antiquarian can now trace folklore parallels between,
not only, those of different parts of the same country but also of
the countries of the world* 2

Many of the Indian tales, for example, have been taken to
Tibet and some of them have been published under the name
* Tibetan Tales ' originally in German by Von Schiefner and trans-
lated into English toy W. R. S. Ralston. *

The object of the publication is said to be " to call attention
to any features which the stories may have in common with
European tales* " The learned introduction to the volume shows
how the legends have numerous European variants, though in
some cases they have undergone considerable modification. So
far as the fables about animals are concerned there is much
similarity. As has been remarked "many of them are old acquain-
tances under a new guise." 4

1 Paper Submitted to the First Bombay Historical Conference.

2 For such interesting studies see I. A. Vols. VIII, IX & X.

3 Kegen Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co, London ( 1906 )

4 Ibid. Intro, p. Ixiv.

Migration of Legends ,213

.Confining ourselves to India, we have & rich store of folkloue
in every province in India, the Punjab, Bengal, Maharashtra,
Konkan, Andhradesa and the Tamil "Nadu. A study of the
legends of each of these provinces has been attempted and the
results of such study have been from time to time puplished.
Some of them have been incorporated in some form or other by
the later writers and chroniclers. Having been handed down
orally to a large extent it is but natural that these anecdotes
travelled from one part of the country to another. The ancient
poets and bards who found handsome patronage in the different
courts of the reigning chieftains from time to time were primarily
carriers of these traditions. Traces of these are found embedded
in the rich literary productions they have left behind for our use
and pleasure. The incidents ascribed in the biographies of saints
and heroes in the two totally different tradifcions,-norbh Indian
tradition as embedded in Sanskrit literature and South Indian
tradition as embedded in Tamil literature, are a standing
testimony.

How the legends migrate from one part of the country to the
other and how they are skilfully woven into the warp and woof
of the traditional history of the land can best be illustrated by the
following few examples.

In the Mahabharata, the great epic of India, there is a well-
known story of a Dharmavyadha, literally a righteous hunter* 1

The following is a summary account of the story.

Once there lived a Brahman Kausika by name, well-versed in
Vedic lore. He directed his mind in the path of renunciation for
a long time. While once sitting underneath a tree, one of the
cranes on the tree let his urine fall on the Brahman's head, who
at once got angry and looked on the crane with fiery eyes. The
crane fell dead. The Brahman came to know of his great powers,
and became proud of them. Once he happened to beg alms from
a house in the neighbouring village. At that time the lady of
the household found her husband coming home wearied. She
attended to him first, making the Brahman wait at the door for
some time. After services to her husband she brought food to
Kausika who saw her with eyes full of rage. The lady put him

Van a Parra Ch. 209-219 Kumbakonam

214

Annals of the B'handatkar Oriental Research Institute

to shame with the remark c do not regard me as the crane. 1
Kausika became terribly afraid of her wonderful psychic powers
and asked how she came to know of the incident.

In reply she asked him to go to Dharmavyadha in the city of
Mithila and get the necessary information. The Brahman became
curious to know what it was. So he reached the residence of
Dharmavyadha and found him engaged in cutting: the meat and
offering it for sale in his shop. Kausika grew bewildered and
waited for Dharmavyadha for some time after which he narrated
to him. the incidents of the crane and the lady and said that
though he had toiled hard to earn yogic powers, still they did not
bear fruit to him. - The reason was that he was totally lacking in
dama and sama which are the fundamental basis of all higher
religion and that he thought too much of himself, and that by
coming to him his overweening pride had a fall. Having learnt
this fact from Dharmavyadha, Kausika became wiser though a
little sadder-
Some of the incidents in this legend find mention in the
biographical sketches of Timvalluvar, the celebrated author of
the Tirukkural and Uyyavanda devar, one of the Saiva siddhanta
saints. There has been a popular tradition connected with the
biography of saint Tiruvalluvar, Apparently this tradition is
orally handed down in Tamil land. 1 Valluvar's wife, Vasuki by
name, was an incarnation of chastity and literally practised
what is said in the famous kural-venha Daivam Tolal Kohr
nan toludolukuval In other words she did not worship god
but worshipped her husband. Service to him was equivalent
to service to God. Once when she was engaged in attending on
him, there appeared an ascetic apparently from the Konkan
country for alms. On his way a crane from a tree dropped
urine on him when he looked at it with, anger that it fell down
dead. Vasuki made him wait as she was attending to her husband.
The Brahman was put out and looked at her in wrath. To his
great surprise she said in reply * kokkenru ninaittayyo konka-
nava ? " Do you regard me as the crane ? alluding thereby the
harm he had done to the crane. The ascetic became afraid of her
powers and wanted to know the truth, She directed him to her

1 See Vadivelu Chettiar's Ttrugnana Cintamani.

Migration of Legends 215

husband. Every day he came to Valluvar, and every time he
was asked to come the next day. Months passed on, Knowing
that the ascetic had grown impatient, Valluvar told him that even
in domestic life one can attain fruits of penance provided it is
done in the proper way and that even in ascetic life they cannot
be attained if it is not practised as it ought to be.

Another part of the selfsame legend in the Mahabharata occurs
in almost the same form in the life of a Saiva Siddhanta saint,
Uyyavanda Devar, * There are two Uyyavanda devars, one of
Tirukkatavur and the other of Tiruviyalur When Uyyavanda
devar of Tirukkatavur was in quest of an acarya, there came by
somebody who directed him to go to Uyyavanda Devar of Tiruvi-
yalur. Accordingly Tirukkatavurar reached Tiruviyalur and
was not able to find out the gentleman referred to him, A passer-
by who knew his residence which lay outside the streets of caste
men, directed him to a lane, which took him to his would-be
teacher. The latter was a meat -seller and was sitting in his
shop selling meat, Tirukkatavurar became stupefied at this but
still he had faith in his greatness and hence prostrated himself
before him. Tiruviyalurar finished the business of the day and
then asked what brought him there. "To get initiated into the
supreme knowledge 77 was the reply. " 1 knew this beforehand. J7
So saying he handed to him a manuscript of his Tiruvundi, the
origin of Tirukkalirruppati., an important work on the Saiva
Siddhanta philosophy.

Let us take up another example of the same legend as transmit-
ted by the literary tradition in the Pancatantra and the Tamil
classic &ilappadikaram> This is the story of a Brahman lady
killing in haste a faithful mongoose without giving the least
thought to such an action. The legend is laid in the Silap-
padikaram 2 as having taken place in Puhar or Kaverippattinam
in the time of Kovalan, the hero of the poem. The story runs in
brief thus :

A mongoose was brought up in a Brahman household in the
city of Puhar. The lady of the house went to the river to fetch
water leaving the child under the guard of the mongoose This

1 See &aiva Siddhanta Varalaru by S. AnavarataVinayakam Filial, pp.

14-15 ( Madras, 1909 ).

2 Ataikkalak&tat Canto 15. 11. 54-75.

2i 6 Annals of the Bhcindctrkar Oriental Research Institute

innocent creature was a faithful servant. At that time a cobra
came to bite the baby when the mongoose killed it and thus saved
the child, and with its fa^e besmeared with blood was waiting
at the front gate for the arrival of the lady. The lady noticed
the blood-stricken face of the mongoose and thinking that ii had
killed her child, she threw the pot on its head, and the poor
creature was crushed to death. Entering the chamber she found a
dead snake, and by the side of it the child safe. She regretted
much for her hasty action. Her husband who came to know of
her sin left her and proceeded on a tour of pilgrimage. Her
entreaties to follow him fell flat on his deaf ears. But he
handed over to her a copy of a sloka by which sho was to gain
her redemption. "With that verse in her hand she wandered in
distress throughout the city to find one who could get relief for
her. Kovalan saw this and by proper prayascitta he absolved
her of her guilt after which she was once more united with
her husband.

This legend which is distinctly South Indian has been in-
corporated in the Pancatantrtf which is a mine of folklore- The
story runs that a Brahman lady left her child under the care
of her husband and went out to the tank with a pot to fetch
water. The Brahman also soon left the house, even before his
wife returned, to get alms. In the meantime a cobra came very
near live child 's bed. Luckily there was a mongoose on th
spot. It sprang on it, killed it and saved the youngster. When
the lady came, she found the mongoose at the front gate with
its face covered with blood, and litttle thinking that it could not
have killed her darling, she threw the pot on the poor creature
as a result of which it met with instantaneous death. But when
she went in and saw what had happened, her grief knew no
bounds. She detested her husband for having left the home
avarice-sick for which he paid the penalty by losing his son.
Therefore it is said * that one must not do anything wthout pre-
vious examination and good deal of thinking ' Hasty action
always leads to regret.

1 See the Pancatantra Reconstructed by F,. Edgerton ( American Ori-
ental Series 1924, Vo. IILpp. 401-5. )

For another version see TantrakhySyika by Dr. ,T,. Hertel ( Harvard Or
Series pp. 132-33).

Migration of Legends 217

aparlksya na kartavyam kartavyam suparlksitani
pascad bhavafci samtapam brahmanl nakulam yatha
This moral of a sloka in which, the legend ends is quoted
by Adiyarkkunallar, the commentator of the dappadikaram as the
very verse oft referred to in the dappadikaram. We meet with a
number of similar folk myths which are the common property of
all peoples and which migrate from one place to another.

Let us now examine the Buddhist tradition and see how far it
has been used in the Tamil literary tradition. The Jataka stories
which claim a greater antiquity must have become popular in the
early centuries of the Christian era as is evident from the
Manimekalai which is roughly assigned to the 2nd Century. 1 A. D.

According to the Jatakas* Manimekalai was the guardian of the
sea appointed to save worthy persons shipwrecked in the sea from
being drowned in the deep waters. The deity left them to them-
selves for seven days, and on the eighth day took cognizance of
deserving men. The story goes that then the righteous Brahman
Sankha was thrown overboard and was struggling for life for
seven days, the deity appeared before him and after satisfying
his hunger made him reach home safe, This story has its exact
counterpart in the Tamil classic^ Manimekalai. The deity
Manimekaladaivam is appointed by Indra, the lord of heaven, to
protect the passengers on the sea from being shipwrecked or
otherwise disturbed by the Baksasas and Asuras. It is said
that a predecessor of Kovalan who sailed on commercial
business was shipwrecked, and it was Manimekaladaivam which
saved him from finding a watery grave. It is significant to note
that the merchant continued to swim for seven days on the eeas
when the deity offered succour. This was because he was a man
ot righteous conduct and deserved help. 4

1 See Author's Studies ^n Tamil Literature and History pp. 74-5.

2 K os. 442 and 539 Vol. VI. Cowell ed.

3 Mani, Canto 25. 11. 207-11

4 JlJap^clo 15, 11. 29-37 See for detail* author's paper on ****
in Tarml literature, m the Suddh^c Stupes ed. by B. O Law, CaL 193 -pp
679-80; see also Sylvan Levfs articles on ^ Man^eka^ in the Indian
Historical Quarterly, Vol. VII pp. 173. pp. 371 ft.

11 [ Annals, B. O- B. I. ]

2r S Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute.

While there seems to b no doubt that the ancient Tamils
have incorporated the legends from the Buddhist books, there is
also much that could be spoken the other way round. The Ceylon
chronicles, the Mahavamsa and the Dlpavaihsa, have several legends
in common with the Indian folktales. Some of these may be
mentioned here. There is first the well-known story of Manunlti-
kandacol an legendary in character. When that Cola king was
ruling he caused the bell of justice to be hung near the palace
gate so that it could be accessible to all, even to the animals.
Once it happened that the Crown Prince wenb out in his chariot
for a ride. On tlie way his vehicle ran over a calf. Its mother
the cow grew wrathful and rang the bell of justice at the palace
gate with its horns. The king found his son guilty of a grave
crim and had him executed. 3

An interesting parallel to this story is found in the Mahavamia.
It was the reigning time of King Elara, highly reputed for his
even justice. At the head of his bed he had a bell hung up with
a long rope the end of which was outside, so that those who
pleaded for justice might ring the bell by pulling the rope. This
king had only one son and a daughter. When this prince was
riding in a car to the Tissa tank, he killed accidentally a young
calf lying on the road with the mother cow. In great distress the
cow rang the bell. Finding that his son had done wrong, the
king ordered his son's head to be severed by the same wheel, 2

We may also call attention to another folklore story, very
popular among the Tamils even today. This is about an ancient
Tamil king, known as Kuinana Cakravarti. Tradition savs that
he was a mountain chieftain and that he won much fame by his
liberal and munificent gifts. It so happened that his brother
deprived him of his kingdom and so Kumana had to seek refuge
in the wild forest. He knew that his brother had set a price on
his head. One a sangam poet by name Peruntalai Sattanar met
Kumana by accident and asked for alms. To this he handed over
his sword to fche poet to chop off his head and earn a reward from
his brother, the usurper. 3

A variant of this story is told by Mahavamsa. Sri Samga-

1 Palamoli 93. See also Pertyapuranam, Manun^t^ Kanta Puranam.
* Ch. XXI p. 143. Trans, by W. Geiger 1912.
6 Puram* at. 158 and 165.

Migration of Legends

ii was one of the rulers who reigned In Anuradhapura,
Ceylon. He was a pious king and kept the five precepts of the'
Buddhists to their letter and spirit. His minister who was
known by the name Gothabhya had turned out a rebel and was
inarching towards the capital. The king fled alone by the south
gate. A passerby entreated him to eat of his food. After the
meal, in order to show kindness to the other, Sarhgabodhi said;
' I am the king Samgabodhi. Take thou my head and show it to
Gothabhaya. He will give thee much gold. ? The poor man would
not do so 9 and to aid him, the king died himself when the other
took his head and showed it to Gothabhya. The latter presented
him with much gold. !

Such legends must be handled only with caution by students
of history. But that their study has its own cultural value
cannot for a moment be doubted. These legends reflect the
tendencies of the age and portray ideas firmly rooted in the beliefs
of the times. To this extent they are of great value though
generally they will be found clothed in the garb of mythological
lore. And it is for students of ancient history and culture to de-
tach fact from fiction, on which alone much depends for a right
understanding of genuine history.

Mahavamsa, Trans, by Wm. Geiger Ch. XXXVI p. 263.

INFLUENCE OF TANTRA ON THE SMRTI-NIBANDHAS
B Y

RAJEEDRA CHAKDRA HAZRA, M. A.
Parti

The Tantras are one of the factors which have contributed to
the growth and development of the present SmrtJHNibandhas
They are of non- Vedic origin and deal with mystic rites and
practices which could never attract the favourable notice of the
staunch followers of the Brahmanical religion. The Tantriks
( including the Sakfcas, the Agamic Saivas, the Panearafcras, the
Kapalikas, and others who imbibed Tantric practices ) were
originally not regarded with favour by their brethren of the
Brahmanical fold. The latter called the former heretics (pa-
sandinal. ) and classed them with the outcasts ( patita ), They
bathed with all their garments if they chanced to touch these
so-called heretics 1 whose literatures also were much looked
down upon. Such being the feeling borne by the staunch
followers of the Brahmanical religion against the Tantriks, it
seems somewhat strange to find Tantric influence imbibed in the
earlier Nibandhas and the authority of the Tantras as a source
of ' dharma ' recognised in the comparatively late Smrti works.
Hence the question naturally arises as to how the Tantras, which
have always been styled * Veda-bahya ? by the Smrti- writers,
came to influence the Mbandhas. In the following pages we
shall try to find an answer to this and see the gradual progress
and extent of such influence.

The writers on Smrti, which is a continuation of a branch
of the Vedic literature, seem to be divided into two sections
viz. ( i ) those who adhered to the Vedic customs and rituals
and regarded the orthodox Brahmanical works as authorities,

1 ^attrimsan-mate

Bauddhan P5supatan-Jainan LokSyatika-Kapilan |
vikarmasthSn dvijan sprstvS sacelo jalam-avi^et (1
Kapalikamstu samsprSya preCrLayamo'dhiko matah |

timrti-candrika II, p. 310,

Infmencc of Tan Ira ou ihe Smrii-Nibandhas 221

and ( ii ) others who were libeial enough to admit the influence
and authority of the Puranas, by which are meant the present
ones professing sectarian Hinduism. These two divisions, which
are clearly perceptible in the Mbandhas, should be traced to the
gmrti-Samhitas certainly posterior in time to those of Mann and
Yajnavalkya. As we possess very few of the Smrti works which
were written between Yajnavalkya and the Nibandhas, we are
not sure when such a division began. The later Saihhitas, found
embodied in the Unavimsati Samhita ( YangavasI edition ) and
betraying the influence of the Puranic religion by their references
to and enumerations of the holy places ( cf. SarMia-Samliita,
Chapter XIV ; Visqu-Sarn , Chapter 85 ; and Atri-Sam. t verees
135 ff ), their direction as to the worship of Ganesa, the fourteen
Matrkas (Katyayani-Sam., I, 11 ), Yarns, Siva etc. (Us anas-Sam,,
IX, 105-108 ) and the like, seem to point to a time anterior to the
ninth century A. D. Whatever the period of this division may be,
it is, however, doubtless that the influence of *the Puranas on
Smrti was due to the spread and popularity of the Puranic Hin-
duism. The mention of ' Purana 7 as one of the fourteen sources
of * dharma 7 1 might also work at the basis of this influence.
The Puranas, 'as we have them now, were tneant to revive the
Yarnasrama-dharma and establish the authority of the Yedas
by making a compromise between the Yedic and the popular reli-
gions, one of the peculiar traits of this compromise being the
chastening of the poular form of worship which was permeated
with mystic riles and practices from the Tantras. It should not
be thought that by this process of chastening the influence of the
Tantras was entirely removed. Some of the mystic practices,
viz. the performance of nyasa and mudra, the drawing of coloured
lotuses or circles during worship, the blocking of the quarters to
avoid evil influence, and the like, which did not go against the
Yedic practices bub in the efficacy of which the author of the
Puranas probably believed greatly, were retained. The underly-
ing motive of this retention might have been to win the mind of
the people by retaimng_som^

T~^ r ^na-Nyaya-Mimaihsa-Dbarmasastranga-misritah I

Vedah sthanam vidyanam dbarmasya ca caturdasa U

Yaynavalkya- Smrti I, 3,

222 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

much stress on this supposition. However, this somewhat liberal
idea held by the authors of the Puranas towards the popular pra-
ctices was mainly responsible for liberalising: the views of that
small section of the Smrti-writers which valued the Puranic
religion. Consequently, a few of the comparatively late Smrti-
Samhitas which are certainly dated earlier than the Mbandhas,
imbibed Tantric practices to supplement those of samdhya,
puja, etc.

The number of the Smrfci-Samhitas, which valued the Puranas
as sources of * dharma * and imbibed Tantric practices, was so
very small that they could affect the Nibandhas very little.
Hence in the NibaEdhas the influence of the Pur^nas is slow to
emerge. There are some commentators on Smrfci-Samhitas and
authors of digests who have intentionally avoided quoting the
Puranas, For example, Visvarupacarya (750-1000 A. D. , but most
probably between 800 and 850 A. D. ) in his commentary on the
Yajnavalkya-Smrti quotes not even a single verse from any
Purana though he profusely draws upon both Sutra and Samhita
works of no less than 37 Smrti-writers. It is not that before
Vissvarupa the Puranas did not contain any Smrti-matter but the
fact seems to be that Vi&varupa was quite unwilling to regard
the Puranas as one of the sources of c dharma ' perhaps on
account of the latter's professing a c dharma ? which is
composite ( vyamisra ) and, consequently, inferior ( avara ) to
the Yedic. Vijnanesvara, in his Mitaksara, follows his predecessor
Visvarupa in avoiding Purana quotations to a great extent but
not totally. The few verses quoted by him from the Puranas
show that he could not fully ignore the authority of the Puranas
though he tried to do so. Bhavadeva, in his Karmanusthana-
paddhati ( also called the Dasakarma-paddhali or Easakarmar-
dipika ) quotes none of the Puranas but in his PrayascMa-nirupana
quotes a few verses from the Matsya and the Bhavisya-Purana.
There are other Smrti-writers who regard the Puranas as sources
of* dharma' and have no hesitation in quoting them, but even
in their works the influence of the Puranas is not very great
in the beginning but increases with the progress of time* Such a
gradual increase in the influence is due undoubtedly to the grow-
ing popularity of the Puranic Hinduism and thereby of the
Puranas themselves. But the credit of liberalising the idea of the

Influence of Tantra on the Smrti-Nibandhas

22'

Nibandha-wrifcers should perhaps be given to those few authors of
Srnrti-Sambitas who first acknowledged the authority of the
Puranas and imbibed certain Tanfcric practices.

Thus, primarily the Puranas and secondarily the comparative-
ly late Smrti-Samhitas were the causes of the Tantrie influence
on the Nibandhas. The authorities, viz. the Puranas and the
Smrti-Samhitas, quoted by the authors of the Mbandhas to sanc-
tion the Tantrie practices and the Safcta forms of worship, streng-
then this supposition.

We have said above that the Puranas retained certain Tantrie
elements from the popular practices. The great spread of the
Tantrie cult among the Hindus and the Buddhists made its in-
fluence felt more and more by the Puranas. Consequently, the
later the interpolations were made in the Puranas, the greater the
Tantrie practices made their way into them; and the greater the
authority of the Puranas recognised by the Nibadha-writers, the
greater the Tantrie influence found in their works. The Sakta
Puranas, viz. the Devi and the Kalika-Purana, which also are
called * Parana ' and are, therefore, deemed equally authoritative,
accelerated the Tantrie influence on the Mbandhas. These Sakta
Puranas, though often denouncing the Tantras, 1 naturally
contained more Tantrie matter than any other Pur ana

Let us now proceed to examine those Nibandhas the dates of
which fall between 1050 and 1600 A. D. The Nibandhas which were
written earlier than 1050 A. D. are not extant, and those which
are dated later than 1600 A. D. are left out of consideration here.
The works, which we propose to examine, will be divided roughly,
for the sake of convenience, into several groups according to the
different periods to which they belong. These periods will range
from ( 1 ) 1050 to 1150 A. D, , ( 2 ) 1150 to 1250 A. D. , ( 3 ) 1250 to
1400 A. D. , ( 4 ) 1400 to 1500 A. D. , and ( 5 ) 1500 to 1600 A. TX

( 1 ) 10501150 A. D.

Of the works belonging to the period from 1050 to 1150 A. D.,
the Kalaviveka of Jlmutavahana, Apararka's commentary on the
YSjfiavalkya-Smrti, Aniruddha's Pitrdayita, and Ballalasenas
Dana-sagara are examined below. Though Laksmldhara, the

i. Of. Dev^bhagavata ( Vangavasi edition) VII, 39, US wherein the
Tantras are discried and called * mohana-sastra * and arguments are put
forth to establish the superiority of the Vedic ' dharma. '

224 Annals of the Bbandarkar Oriental Reseat ch Institute

author of the Krtyar-kalpataru, also belongs to this period, he has
not been taken into consideration, his work being extremely diffi
cult to procure. There were also several other authors, viz,
Halayudha, Kamadhenu, Pari3ata 5 Prakasa, and others, who flouri-
shed about this period but of whom we know only from quotations.

The Kalawveka of Jlmutavahana ( 1090-1 1 30 A. D. )
The Kalaviveka \ which deals with the proper time for various
religious ceremonies, contains very little which can be called
Tantric, Only in pp, 511 ff. it deals with the worship of Durga,
a Sakta deity. This worship consists of bodhana, patrika-pirja,
bali-dana, etc. A quotation is made to show the different mediums
of worship which may be a phallus ( linga ) 5 an altar, a book, a
parsvaka, an image, a picture, a trident, a sword ( of the length of
15 angulas ), or water. It is noteworthy that neither the yantras
nor the mandalas are accepted as mediums* According to two
verses quoted under the name of * Katyayana-sloka * the offer of
meat is one of the main items of worship. On the dasaml tithi
the Savara festival ( Savarotsava ) is to be performed. During
this festival, those taking part in it have to cover their bodies
with leaves and besmear themselves with mud and other things
to resemble the Savaras. They have to jump and dance at random,
sing, and beat drums. 2 From a quoted passage this Savara festi-
val is found further to require not only topics on and songs about
sexual union but also the action itself. The violation of this, it is
said, incurs the rage and curse of Bhagavatl. This Savara festi-
val seems to point to the fact that originally the worship of
Durga was not an Aryan festival. The Harivamsa ( Vangavasl
edition ) contains a hymn to Yoga-maya in which she is called
KatyayanI, KausikI, etc. and is said to be worshipped on the
Vindhya hills by the Savaras, Varvaras and the Pulindas. s

1 . Edited by Prafenatha Natha Tarkabtmsana and published by the Asiatic
Society of Bengal.

2 . ' Savara-varJja iva parriadyavrta-kardamadi-hpta-sarlro nanavidlia-
sambaddha-valgita-nrtya-glta-vadyadi-paro bbutva iti Savarotsava-
padSrthah ' . This is the explanation of the word * Savarotsava * mentioned

i n a quotation from Satya. Of. Kalamv&ka, p. 514.
g $avarair-Varvarai6-caiva ?ulmdais-ca supujitS I
mayBra-piccha-dhvajini lokan kramasi sarva^ah )|
kakkutais-ohSgalair-mesaih simhair-vyaghraih samakula
-bahula Vmdhya-vSsiny-abhisiruta U

jffarivaihsa, Visipm-parvan, 3, 7-8.

Influence of Tantra on the Smrti-Ntbandhas 225

Though the worship of Durga is a Sakta one, the authorities
quoted by Jlmutavahana are : Bhagavatl-Purana, Vyasa, Linga-
Purana, Bhavisya~Pt*rana, Dew- Pur ana, Bhavisyoitara] Jyotih-
sastra, Satya, and "Varaha, there being- no mention* of the
Tantras.

Apararka 7 s commentary on Yaj.

This work of Apararka ( about 1125 A. D. ), who was a'Silahara
prince most probably of northern Konkan, 1 is more a digest than a
commentary. He quotes profusely from both the Smrti-works
and the Puranas but never from the Tantras, Towards the begin-
ning of his commentary he discusses the authorifcativeness of the
sectarian literatures, vis. Tantras, Agatnas, etc. and from this dis-
cussion we can have an idea of his

From the evidence of the commentary It* seems that Apararka
was not at all favourably disposed towards those who were in-
fluenced by the Tantras, The Kapalikas, Sattvatas, etc. are
classed by him with the outcasts (patita) and he explains the
word ' pasandin ' occurring in Yaj. I, 130 as * Veda-bahyagama-
vihita-kari pasandl * (of. Apararka, pp. 143 and 170 respectively).

Though Apararka holds the Puranas in high esteem, he does
not recognise the authority of the scriptures of the Pasupatas,
Agamic Saivas, Vamas, Daksinas, Kapilas, Pancaratras and
others as sources of * dharma. ' Following the Bhavisyat-Purana,
which recommends only the Puranas as authorities on the com-
posite religion ( i. e. the Puranic religion ), Apararka ignores the
sectarian scriptures and says that in the worship of deities
( deva-puja ), initiation ( dlksa ), consecration ( pratistha ), etc,
the rites prescribed by the Puranas, such as the
should be followed and not otherwise. 2

1 Cf. Kane, History of Dharmasastra, Vol. I, pp. 332-3.

2 tatas-ca deva-pHjadau "bTarasirhha-puranadi-prasiddhaivetikartavyatS
grahya nanya \ evem diksayam-apy-avagantavyarii I

Apararka, p. 14.

evam pratistbayam-api puranadyuktaiveti-karfcavyata grahya nanya [ tes&m-
eva vyamisra-dharma-pramanatvena Bbavisyat-purane parijnStatvSt |

Ibid, p. 15.
12 [ Annals, B. O. B. I ]

226 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

In spite of all his strictness as regards the inclusion of the
sectarian scriptures in the sources of * dbarma ' Apararka does not
lack the largeness of mind of a real scholar. He allows the study
of sectarian literatures for only an acquaintance with their con-
tents T but does not admit the substitution of the Vedic literature
with these. He is even liberal enough to supplement the Vedic
customs and rituals with those from sectarian literatures which
do not go against his own. But the customs which are con-
tradictory to those recommended by his own astras must be
discarded. 2 He is of opinion that, as the Saivas, Pancaratras,
and others are of ten hated very much and also their literatures
are looked down upon, whatever will be taken from their liter-
atures should be tested by the authority of the Puranas, s These
literatures should be taken as supplementary and not as the main,
the limitation even in that case being that those derived from
man (pauruseya) must not only be discarded but also hated 4

Apararka, though holding the Puranas in high esteem, does
not like to follow unhesitatingly the directions of any book
known as 'Pur ana* and is particularly careful about the Sakfca
Puranas. He recognises the worship of the Sakta goddesses,
Candika and others, but forbids the use of wine or the painting
of the eyes with specially made collyrium for the sake of
Va^Ikarana etc. as directed by the Kahka-Purana. For the
prohibition of wine tie JBrahma-Purana is quoted as authority.
There are also further quotations from Manu and others to
show that the acts of Va&Ikarana etc. are impious and should be

1 Vama-DaksmamnSyadijnanamatram-evopadeyain <

Ibid,, p. 17.

2 Vama-DaksmadijnSiian-ca svasastrapeksitasya fcacchastrokUsya-
viruddhasyangasya kasyacit svikarartham . viruddhasya tu tyaga eveti I

Ibid., p. 17.

3 tasmSt puranadiyuktiparyalocanenaivanustbanamadattavyam \

Ibid , p. 18.

4 tasmad-adiisyatvenaiva Saivadi pramanamanustheyatve tvangatvena
kenacit kvacidamsenSdeyara sakalyena nanustheyam-iti sthitam | tatrapi yat

pauruseyarii na kevalam-ananustheyam tad-yavad-apramanam-aplti heyam-
apiti siddham I

Ibid., p. 19.

Influence of Tantra on the Swrti-Nthandhas 227

considered as upa-patakas. 1 Apararka's high regard for every-
thing Vedlc does not allow him to accept as a consecrator of an
image a man who is a staunch sectarian by learning and
accomplishments. Hence, he cannot agree with the Devi-
Purana but prefers the directions of the Matsya-Parana for the
laiter's stricter views. According to the Devl-Purana the
consecrators of the images of gods and goddesses of different
sects should be fully acquainted with the scriptures and customs
of those sects only, but the Matsya-Purana says that they should
not only be men of good character and conduct but should ^Iso
be versed in the Puranas and know ' dharma ' and the use of the
Vedic mantras 2 *

" dirgha-kalarh brahmacaryam '* ityadmS

madyader-Brahmapuranadau samanyato

varjyatvenabtuhitatvat \ etena CandikadyupahSra vyakhyatah
yad-apyanjana-vidhau Kahka-Purane

" Kapala-sampute krtva mahataila-ghrte tatha" k

^ * * j,

iti tat " atha satrum marayitukamah smasana-kasthairagnim

prajvalya . " itivat

" syenenabhicaran yajeta " itivad-vadharma eva \

hirhsadivad-vaslkarariader-api tatra tatra nisiddhatv5t \

tatha ca ** himsa-usadhmaih stryajivo' bbicaro

mulakarma ca '* iti Manana vasikaranam

upapataka-madhye parigactitam I

Ibid. , p. 15.

yad-api Devi-Purane

" Vama-Daksma-vetta yo Matr-vedarthaparagah '
sa bhavet stbapakah srestho devinam Matara ( trka ) an ca n
Pancaratrartha-kusalo Matrtantra-visaradah \
Vis^Lor-grhi sada santo brahmacar! caisantidah n
Siva-sasana-vetta yo graha-Matr-gariarthavit \
grhastho brahmacarl ca sthapakah kirtitah Sive u
saurartha-vedakah surye sthapakah pujakah subbah U"
iti, tad-api na vShySgamanusthanalmgam i
tad-anusthanasya ca Mats^ a-Purane msiddhatvat
tatba ca Matsya-PurSnam

*' sthapakasya samasena laksaaam srnuta^dvijah i
sarvavayava-sampanno Veda-mantra-vi^aradah '(
purana^vetta dharmajno dambha-lobha-viyarjitah I
krsnasara-care dese ya utpannah subhakrtih \\
saucacara-paro nityam pasanda-kula-nisprhah \

Ibid. , p, 16,

228 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

With all liis abhorrence of the sectaries and their literatures,
Apararka has allowed certain. Tantric practices to creep into his
work mainly through, the Puranas which he respected much,
The numerous verses quoted on fche gift of oows from the
Sknnda-Pnrana contain a Tantric mantra which is to be
whispered into the ear of the cow to be given away T A passage
from the Matsya-PurariG dealing with *culapurusa-dana s involves
the painting, with powders of various colours, of a circle contain-
ing the figure of a lotus inside it. z [D another passage from the
same Purana dealing with the dedication of tanks we find that
before worship a 'mandala' of a particular kind is to be described
with the figure of a lotus inside it and coloured with five hues,
The method of worshipping Visnu alter bath is described after
the Narasimha-Furana which is quoted as authority. The me-
dium of worship is water, the fire, the heart, the sun, an altar, or
an image. The sixteen verses ( re ) oi. the Purusa-sukla which is
the mantra in this worship is 10 be placed (nyasa) on the
different parts of the body after the manner of the Tantriks, The
sixteen articles of worship ( upacara ) are to be offered ' with the
citation of the sixteen verses. Then the worshipper is to meditate
on Visnu and look ai* the sun citing: the verse * hamsah sucisat ' d
Apararka seems to have great belief in the sect-mark 'Urddhva-
pundra ? which is to be painted on the body after bath. A.S to the
efficacy of this mark he quotes Satyavrata, who says "There can
be no doubt about the fact that even a Candala, on whose
forehead the white ( sect-mark ) Urddhvapundra is found painted
with mud, becomes pure and worthy of worship. 4 v

* Om hrim namo bhagavati Brahma- mat ar-Visnu-bhagmi

Rudra-daivate sarva-papa-pramocim

ide idante . . etiyehj

hurii kum hum kuru . ., svaha \

iti dhenu-kar^a-japah i

-Ibid , P. 295

2 * * * cakram likhed-vBrija-garbha-yuktarii
puspa-kirnaih * * *

-Ibid. , pp. 313-319.
2 Ibid. , pp. 140-141.
* Ibid., p. 134.

Influence o) Tanira on iJje Smrti-Nibandhas 229

Apararka admits the Pnranic Dlksa ( Initiation ) but not the
Tantric one, which, on account of the 'jafci-sodhana', makes one un-
fit for baking part in any Vedic rite. }

The Pitrdayito of Aniruddhabhatta.

In the Pitrdatnta ( also called the Karmvpadesim-paddhati ). 2
Aniruddha (about 1150 A. D. ) proposes to deal, after Gobhila,
with samdhya, snana, vaisvadeva, sraddha etc. for the Chandogas.
He also says that to write the JZarmopadesint-paddhctfi he con-
sulted the G'Miuagrkija&utra, the ChaKdoga--p%nsi$ia, the Smrtis,
the Puranas, the works of Gotarna and Vasistha, and numerous
quotations occurring in the digests. *

Though the nature of the work shows that it should have little
to do with the Tantras, really it is not totally free from their
influence. The belief in the magic power of certain Tantric
practices was too slroiig for Aniruddha to be got rid of. So, even
in a work meant for those belonging to a Vedic school, he cannot
but introduce some practices which, are derived from the Tantras.
Foi example^ at the time of performing the samdhya a man is to
encircle himself with a line of water for protection ( obviously
from evil influence ) after citing the irmntra. 4 He should also
summon the gods ( avahana ), place the syllable * Om ' 0*1 the
different parts of his body ( Omkara-nyasa ), and block the
quarters ( dig bandhana ).

The Da^ia-'sagara of Ballalasena ( about 1150 A. D. )

In the Dana-sagara 5 Ballalasena deals with the different varie-
ties of gifts quoting: at every step verses and even entire chapters

1 na hi purana-prasiddhayam diksayarh

jati-sodhanam-asti \

Saivagamesu tu -

" prathamam sthavara jatih .. . - j

etas-tu jatayah sodhya jsttisena Sivena va jj "

ityadma taccbodhana-darsanac-chrautakarmanadhikarifcva-pra-

saktih i tc * -,-,,,

Ibid, , p. 14.

2 Published by the Sanskrit Sahitya Pansat, Calcutta.

& Pitrdavita pi.

* Orh-karasya Brahma r 1 h .... iti raksartham var.nStmEnam

Ve? * ayltv5 Ibid., P. 5.

5 India Office Ms.

230 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

from the Smrtis, the epics and the Puranas, Towards the begin-
ning: of his work Ballalasena gives us some information about the
nature and the contents of the Puranas and the Upa-Puranas
From this we understand that he was not at all favourably dis-
posed towards the Tanfcriks and had little regard for the scriptures
and the practices of these people. He does not draw upon the
Devi-Purana on the ground that it is excluded from the lists of
the Puranas and the Upa-Puranas on account of its dealing
with questionable practices and that it follows the scriptures of
the pasandas. 1 Though he thus denounces the Devi- Pur ana, he has
little scruple in quoting the Kaltka- -fur ana, which is also a Sakta
Purana not devoid of Tantric element, most probably on account
of the fact that the Kalika-Pitrana contained much less Tantric
element than the Devi-Purana of his time.

Inspite of all his abhorrence of the Tantriks and their litera-
ture and practices, Ballala has not been able to keep his work
entirely free from Tantric element which, as found in his work,
consists of the drawing of a circle or lotus before worship and
which has been admitted only through the passages drawn from
the Puranas. For example, to describe the ' fculapurusa-dana ' ,
the whole chapter 274 of the Hatsya-Purana is quoted in the
Dana-sagara ( fol 27a-31b ). According to the Matsya-Purana
this gift requires the drawing of a circle with the coloured figure
of a lotus inside it. 2

( 2 ) 11501250 A. D.

Of the Nibandhas belonging to this period we shall examine
the Smrtyarthasara of Srldhara, tie Vajasaneyl Dasakarmapaddhati
of Pa&upati, the Brahmanasarvasva of Halayudha ( of Bengal ),
and the Smrti-candnka of Devanabhatta. There were also other

1 tattat-puranopapurana-samkliya-bahiskrtam kalmasa-karma-yogat \
pasanda-^str5numataih nirupya Devi-purSnam na mbandha( ddha? )
matra \\

-DSua-sagara, fol. 4a

2 cakram likhed-varijagarbha-yuktam nana-raaobhir-bbuvi-puspa-klrnam (

-Ibid. , fol 29a
-^ 1 ^ c *- c akra-likh.anartha-pancavarna-taijdtilagundikam cakra-

lamkaranSrtham pusparjana ( ? ) aamagrlrh j

fol. 32a.

Influence of Ttniha on the Smrti-Ntbandhas 231

Nibandhakaras who flourished about this time but of them we
know mainly from quotations.

The Smrtyarthasara of Srldhara.

The Smrtyarthasara? of Srldhara ( 11501200 A. D. \ who
probably hailed from Southern India 2 is an authoritative work
and is found quoted in the Smrti-candrika of Devanabhatfca and
the Caturvargacmtamani of Hemadri.

From the colophon it seems that Srldhara was himself a
performer of "Vedic sacrifices The contents of his work also
testify to this fact In his work he deals mainly with the Smarta
rites, viz, sacraments, initiation, studentship, marriage, bath,
Vedic samdhya, homa, sraddha, prayascitta etc, with the addition
of instructions on the worship of the sectarian deities. From the
orthodox way of treatment of all these and from tLe use of the
Vedic mantras, he appears to be more inclined to the Vedas and
the Vedic rituals than to anything else.

Inspite of all his regard for the Vedas, Srldhara could not go
against his own times and ignore the influence and the authority
of the Puranas, the authorities used by him, as he says, being the
Sruti, the Smrti, the Purana and the Mbandhakaras. Hence he
has felt it advisable to include among the duties of the people,
the daily worship of the Puranic gods and goddesses viz. Brahma,
Visnu, Isana, Surya, A.gni, Ganadhipa, Durga, SarasvatI, Laksmi
or Gauri, the mediums of worship being added to by the picture
(pata) the Mudras (coins?) and the Salagrama marked with
circles ( Salagrame ca cakranke). The mantras may be Vedic
( via. the purusa-Biikta, gayatrl or pranava ) or otherwise. In the
use of the non-Vedio mantras the worshipper should have
previous permission of his spiritual preceptor. The Sudras also
are allowed to worship these deities themselves, the mantras m
their case being merely the names of the respective deities, ine
method of worship should be as narrated above. The Tantrio
method also may be followed by all the members of the four
castes, if it does not go against the Vedic one. Batjhat^antric

. ed.

AjitSS. ea.

Kane, History of Dharma-Sastra, Vol. I, P* 337.

232 Annals of the Ehandarkar Oriental Research Institute

method, which is totally contradictory to the Vedic procedure,
should b discarded. }

From the option which Srldhara, lias allowed as to the choice
of the method of worship, it seems that Srldhara is not very
unfavourably disposed towards the Tantras. By this allowance
he makes a great advance over Apsrarka who permits only the
Puranic w&y of worship but does not grudge the supplementing
of the Vedic rituals wifch those, from the sectarian literatures,
which do not go againsfc the former.

The works of Pasupati and Halayudha

Paupati, the elder broiher of HaLSyudlia of Bengal, is the
author of the Vajasaveyt DasaJia mapaddhati ^ The very title of
the woik suggests that it should have little to do with the Tantric
practices Though Pasupati says that he has followed the
Nibandhas ( Wibandhanusarena ) in writing his work, he quotes
none. He seams to be a staunch Yedic but recommends the
worship of the Matrs in initiation ( upanayana K

From quotations we know that Pasuput! wrote other works
including the &aiva-sa l rva&va and the Vaisnava -sarvasva. The titles
of these tvro works pro^e their sectarian character, So, even if
these works contained Tantric elements in a much greater degree,
we would not have been astonished, the sectarian literatures
having tne Tantric influence at a very early period.

The BrahmdnasarvASvo? 1 of Halayudha ( 1175-1200 A. D. ) also
deals mainly with the Vedic rifces and customs in which the

Atha devatarcana-vidhlh

Bralimaijam Visnum-Isanaxii SHryam -Agnail Ganadhipam ,
Durgam Sarasvatim Laksmirii Gaurira va nityam-arcayet i;
Apwagnau lardaye sTarye sthandile pratimasu ca
Salagrame ca cakranke pate mudrasu devatah \\
paurusenaiva suktena gaya,lrya pranavena ca I
tallmgair-eva va mEntrair-arcayed-gurvanujnaya | 9
devata-nam=blnr-^S syac-caturthy-antair-iiarno'nvitaih i
Sudranarii caiva bhavati namna vai devatarcanaiia 5
sarve vagama-margena kur2?ur-vedanusani^3 \\
guruktena prakarena veda-vahyena, narcayet \

Smrtyarthasnra, pp. 44-45

Dacca University Mss Library, Mss.No 1567 A and D.
D U. Ms. 1567A fol. 6b. ( Gauryadi-matrpu]5 ).
Dacca University Ms. No. K554. Thje first leaf is lost.

Influence of Tantra on the Smrti-Nibandhas 233

Vedic mantras are used, but he does not reject the Puranic ones.
He describes the methods of worshipping the Sun, Siva and
others after the Puranas, once quotes the Padma-Purana for the
drawing of a lotus (padma) in the worship of the Sun, 1 and
recognises the worship of Candl 2 and the use of the aksa-mala.
He admits that in his time it was the custom to use the PurSnic
mantras in the worship of the gods. d

The Smrti-candrika of Devanabhatta ( 11501225 A,. D. )
The Smrtv-candrika* of Devanabhalta, a South Indian writer, 5
is one of the most important digests which were written during
the period 1150-1250 A. D. From the fact that it was looked upon
as authoritative and quoted by such prominent authors as
Hemadri ( of Southern India ), Prataparudradeva ( of Orissa ),
Mitrami&ra ( author of the Vlra-mitrodaya, probably of Benares )
and others, it is clear that it occupied a very high place among
the contemporary works as well as among those which followed
it. Hence it can be taken as a reliable record of the Tantrio
influence on the Nibandhas of that time.

Though Devanabhatta calls himself a YajLika, e he does not
ignore the Puranic gods and goddesses; nor does he disrespect
them. He begins his work by saluting Ganesa and the goddess
of speech ( Vaglsvarl ). 7 From the fact that he describes the
method of the worship of Visnu only 8 and quotes a verse in
which the Saivas and the Pa^upatas are denounced as untouchable
and also a line from the Kurma-Pwana which says " There is no
Vedic act more pious than the worship of Visnu, " 9 it seems that
he was a Visnu-worshipper. It is his regard for the Puranic

1 Ibid. , fol. 28a.
Ibid. , fol. 30b.

3 A.tra yadyapi SUryadi-devata-pujasu paurS$ika-mantra bahava eva
vihitah sauti tathapy-asmabhir-VaidikamantrasyopafcrantatvSt tat-prasange-

naiv5nusthSnaibhiclhanam \ etc.

loid. , fol. 28a.

4 Published by the Govt. of Mysore.

s Kane, History of Dharmasastra, Vol. I, p. 344.

6 yajnika-Devasabhattopadhyayena viracitayam etc.

-Smrti-candrika> Vol, II, P, 404.

7 Ibid. , Vol. I, p. 1 ( VSgivaridi GaseSarii ca natvS etc. )

8 Ibid. , Vol. II, p. 531.

9 Ibid. , Vol. II, p. 534.

13 [ Annals, B. O. B. L ]

Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research

deities and their worship that has made his work susceptible to
the Tanfcric influence like those of his predecessors.

Though, from the few Tantric traces that are met with in the
Smrti-candnka, Devanabhatta also does not appear, like his
predecessors, to be very favourably inclined towards th& Tanfcras,
yet he seems to have had greater faith in the magic power of the
Tantric practices. Such an impression about his attitude is
created in our mind especially by the method of the Vaidikl
(pratah) samdhya which he has described in his work. Apararka
introduced certain Tantric practices in the Vaidikl samdhya but
Devanabhatta makes a greater advance over him. According to
the latter this samdhya should include anga nyasa, kara-nyasa,
varna-dhyana, mudra and gayatri-kavaca, T Before performing
the nyasas the hands are to be purified with the citation of the
astra-mantra. 2 The number of the mudras that are prescribed on
the occasion is not very small, their names being : Sammukha,
Samputa, Vitata, "Vistlrna, Dvimukha, Trimukha, Catuimukha,
Pancamukha, Sanmukha, Adhomukha* Vyapakaiijalika, Sakata,
Yamapasa, Grathita, Sanmukhonrnukha, Vilamba, Mustika, Mlna,
Kurma, Varaha, Simhakranta, Mahakranta, Mudgaraand Pallava,
The processes of performing these mudras are also described. The
varieties of the nyasas and the mudras amply testify to the belief
of Devanabhatta in the magic power of the Tantric practices.
The idea underlying the gayatri-kavaca ( i, e. the armour made
of gayatrl) is also derived from the belief of the Tantriks in the
protective capacity of their mantras. The authorities quoted on
nyasa are Vyasa and Brahma, on varna-dhyana Brahma, on
gayatri-kavaca Vyasa and on the mudras Brahma and the Maha-
samhita.

Devanabhatta recognises the utility of the use of aksamala,
which should be made of pearls, rudraksas, indraksas, etc. He des-
cribes the method of counting the number of mutterings and the
effects of using the different kinds of aksamala by quotations from
the Yoga-Yajnavalkya, Pur ana, Harlta, Vyasa, Smrtyantara, Brahma
and the Skanda-Puraria. s He allows the painting, after bath, not

i Ibid. , Vol. II, pp. 381-391.

fc Ibid. , Vol. II, p. 381.

3 Ibid M Vol. II, pp. 401-404.

Influence of Tantra on the Smrti-Nibandhas 235

only of the urddhva-pundra but also other sect-marks resembling
the wick of a lamp ( varti ), a lamp ( dlpa), the leaf of the bamboo
(venu-patra ), the lotus-bud ( padma-mukula), the lily (kumuda),
a fish, a tortoise ( kurma ), etc. For the method of painting these
sect-marks he draws upon the jBrahmanda-Puraria and Vyasa. 1

Though Devanabhatta does not recognise the TantrikI 'samdhya
be prescribes, by quoting Pulastya, the muttering of the names of
the sectarian deities on special occasions, viz. the name of Damo-
dara when one has lost one's liberty ( bandha-gata), Trivikrama
when one is willing: to conquer the enemies, and so on. 2

We have said above that Devanabhatta has great regard for
the Puranic gods and their worship. Consequently, he cannot
but say something about the worship of these deities, According
to him the medium of worship is either an altar, an image, the
water, the fire or the heart. The method of worshipping Visnu is
almost the same as that given by Apararka, the only innovation
made by Devanabhatta being that Govinda, Mahldhara, Hrsikesa,
Trivikrama, Visnu and Madhava are to be placed (nyasa) on
the fingers beginning with the thumb and on the palm respective-
ly. For this nyasa, the Yoga- Yajnavalkya is drawn upon. 5

We have seen above that Devanabhatta generally quotes the
smrti-works and the Puranas in matters, Tantric or otherwise
and that in only one case he quotes a Mahaaamhita. The name
Mahasamhtta and the occasion on which it is quoted, seem to
suggest that it is a Samhita of the Pancaratra sect. But, as no
Sambita of this name occurs in the lists given in the Samhitas of
the Pancaratras ( of. Schrader, Introduction to the Pancaratra and
the AUrbudhnya Sawhita }, we can not stress this supposition.

1 Ibid. , Vol. It, pp. 302-303,

2 Ibid. , VoL II, pp. 502-4.

3 Ibid., YoLII 5 p. 53} r

THE DATE OF THE KUNDAMALA

BY
PRIK, A. 0. WOOLETER, M. A.

The prologue in the Mysore Mss. states that the Kundamala
was composed by Dinnaga of Araralapura, while the copyist of
the Tanjore Mss. 1 records at the end of the play that it was
composed by Dhlranaga of Anupuradha.

(Edition in the T)aksina-bharatl-grantha~mal series No, 2.
Introd. p. iii X

The first editors also state that in a manuscript copy qf
Vallahhadeva's Subhasitavall a number of verses of various poets
are quoted at the beginning, which are not found in the printed
edition; among these comes the second ver^e of the KundamaJ^
ascribed to Dinnaga.

Quotations from this play are found in the

Sahityadarpana of Visvanatha, ( XIV cent. )

Srngara Prakasia of Bhojadeva (Bhojaraja) (o. 1050 A. D,)
Mahanataka ( older than 1150 A. D.)

The first editors felt no doubt that the author was Dinnaga,
Moreover they proposed to identify the author with the Buddhist
philosopher, Dinnaga who is said to have flourished about the
first quarter of the fifth century A. D. and also with the poet
Dinnaga who is mentioned by Mallinatha ( XIV cent ) and also
by Daksinavartanatha ( c. 1100 A. D. ) in their comments on verse
14 of Kalidasa's Meghaduta.

The makers of a translation 2 published in Lahore accept the
conclusion that the author's name was Dinnaga, but urge with
good reason -that he was no BuddMst and distinguish Dinnaga
the poet from Dinnaga the Buddhist Philosopher. They then accept
the commentator's interpretation of Meghaduta 14 and making
Dinnaga the Poet like his namesake a comtemporary of Kalidasa,
assign the Kundamala to the fifth century A. D.

1. Tanjore Mss. Nos. 4342-3, One is in Grantha and the ottten. m Telugt*
script.

Veda VySsa and Saran Das Bhanot,

The Date of the KundamU 237

The reasons given for preferring the name Dinnaga to Dhlra*
nSga are ( i ) that it is more familiar, which as an argument is
double-edged ( ii ) that it occurs in the Mysore text, while the
other is added by a Tanjore copyist ( iii ) that it occurs in one
Ms. of the Subhasitavali.

If the author's name should turn out to be Dhlranaga all these
arguments for putting the Kundamala in the fifth century would
disappear,

Let us suppose however that the Mysore Mss, are correct in
recording the author's name as Dinnaga, and that this is the poet
to whom Mallinatha and Daksinavarta refer and whom they
believed to be contemporary with Kalidasa. This would be
definite evidence that Dinnaga tie Poet was older than about
1100 A. D. To make him as old as Kalidasa we must suppose
either that the interpretation of Meghaduta 14 is correct, or that
there was an independent literary tradition worthy of creJeice.
Now as the late Dr. E. Hultzci. pointed out ( Edition Meghaduta
1911, Preface p. XI. ) the eailiest commentator Yallabhadeva
( X. cent. A. D. ) does not find in the v/ord Dinnagdnam an aF is-
ion to a writer named Dinnaga. Many scholars have felt that the
interpretation made so familiar by Mallinatha was forced and
unnecessary. We may well be sceptical as to the existence of a
valid literary tradition relating to the times of Kalidasa* All we
can say is that about 1100 A. D. Dinnaga was old enough to be
assigned to Kalidasa's day by literary pandits.

The only other argument that has been adduced in favour of a
date contemporary with or earlier than Kalidasa is based upon
the character of the Prakrit in the Kundamala ( Daksinabharat!
edition, Introd. p. iii ). No details are quoted in support of the
opinion that the Prakrit of the play " reveals the literary develop-
ment of Prakrit of the fourth and fifth centuries A. D, " Several
Prakrit passages are certainly obscure, but their difficulty is due
rather to imperfect manuscripts than to any archaic features.

That the style is ^simple and avoids elaborate compounds is
no proof of great antiquity. So far it has not been possible to
establish a history of Sanskrit style and vocabulary that makes
it possible to date a given work within a century or so by
its technique. Certain literary types appear later than others,

238 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

but within a particular type conservation and imitation main*
tain a uniformity of style, that is disturbed more by an individual
genius than by any changing fashions of succeeding centuries.

There remains however the subject matter, which may show
changes in point of view and method of treatment if the same
matter is dealt with through a number of centuries. Wow the
subject matter of the Kundamala- the latter part of the story of
Rama and Slta, has been dealt with frequently since the time
when the VII book Uttarakanda, was added to Valmlki'/s
Ramayana.

Dr. S. K. Belvalkar in the introduction to his English trans-
lation of Bhavabhuti's Uttara Rama-carita has given an excellent
epitome of the history of the Rama story. 1 After mentioning
some of the later modifications he has indicated some of the
tendencies that are discernible in these i. e. Exaggeration
Deification, Idealisation, Curse motif, Philosophising, Invention
and poetic embellishment,

Now if we read the Kundamala from this point of view can
it be doubted that the process of smoothing away anything
that might seem to jar in the representation of Rama and Slta
as ideals of moral perfection has gone farther than it had in
Bhavabhuti's play? The Kundamala may be simple in style
but it is not by any means simple or unsophisticated in its
treatment of the story. Is it not definitely later in develop-
ment than Bhavabhuti? There is no space here to pursue
this theme in detail,] but one feature may be noted. In the
Ramayana ( Uttarakanda Section 9? ) when Slta affirms her
chastity before the assembly, a divine throne comes up from the
earth. The goddess Earth places Sita on the throne which sinks
into the ground and Slta disappears. Then it is that Rama's
grief really begins. It is after that we hear he took no other
spouse and used a golden image of Slta in his sacrifices. This
return of Slta to the Earth was a feature of the ancient Slta
legend.

Now in Bhavabhuti's play there are two references to this idea

of Sita's return to the earth. These occur in the play within the play

of the VII Act. The Earth goddess blames Rama for his conduct,

the Gangesjirie^to defend him, Slta then ( VII. 72 ) requests her

1 Harvard Oriental geries, Vol. 21, pp. XLTlfT

The Date of Kundamdla 239

mother the Earth to receive her into her womb, but" the Earth
goddess reminds Slta of her duty to her sons. Again when the
Ganges proposed to put the two boys in Valmlki's charge Slta
( VIL 153 ) asks the Earth goddess to receive her into her womb,
but is asked to wait till the boys are weaned.

" Prlhtvi -"- Child, follow ray behest and look to the needs
of thy sons until they are weaned. But after that -as shall seem
good." '

In the end Rama takes back his wife and nothing is said of
her return to the Earth.

In the Kundamala ( Act. VI. 24. ff ) when Slta makes her
declaration in the midst of the people the Earth appears on the
scene. All fold their hands and recite three verses of salutation.
The Earth speaks to her daughter, who requests the goddess to
vindicate her spotless character. The goddess does so. Drums
sound and flowers fall in a shower from the sky. Rama acknow-
ledges Sita's purity by bidding Laksmana to salute her feet.
Then urged again by Valmlki he takes her hand. The Earth
blesses the reunited pair and disappears There is no word at all
of Sita's return to the Earth.

If the Kundamala is later than Bhavabhuti ( end of 7th, cent,
A. D. ) we have the following result.

( a ) if the author is Dinnaga the Poet, the date lies between
the 7th. century and the llth century sufficiently early for it to
be possible to imagine that this Dinnaga was contemporary with
Kalidasa.

( b ) if the author be somebody else the play lies between the
7th, century and Bhojadeva ( Bhojaraja c. 1050 A. D. ) who
quotes it.

There is no cogent evidence for placing this play in the 5th.

century A.. D.

1 Dr. Belvalkar's Translation,

NOTES ON INDIAN CHRONOLOGY

BY
P. K. GODE, M. A.

XXII

A MANUSCRIPT OF BHARATA~$ASTRA-&RANTHA AND
IDENTIFICATION OF ITS AUTHOR LAKSMIDHAEA
AND HIS DATE 3rd quarter of the 16th century

Aufrecht mentions two Mss of JBharatasastra (music) by Raghu-
nafcha viz (i) Burnell 60 b and (ii) Oppert II, 4099. The subject of
No. 4099 of Oppert ? s Catalogue is Natya, The Tanjore Ms. descri-
bed by Burnell is fragmentary. There is> however, no Ms. in
Aufrecht 's Catalogue with the title " Bharatasastragrantha. "

The B. O, R. I. Ms. 1 No. 40 of 1916-18 is called " Bharata-
sastragranfcha, " It is a modern copy of a South Indian Ms.
made in 1916 and consists of 30 folios* The following works and
authors have been referred to in the body of the work :

r v ) , ^r^r^sn%T, ^r^r^rf ( folio 1 ) ,

( fol, 2 and 4 ), mn%^T3[*T ( fol. 3 ), ^r^m^fp-THT^t ( fol. 3
and 10 ), WRigrrT ( ^1' ^ ) ^WSRT^r^T^re^T ( by the author himself-
( fol. 6 ), ^ncRc5rra?r ( fol. 6 and 18 ), TTTr^rf^grr,

( fol, 8 }, T^r^K(Tt)^T, ^T^^?I^ ( fol. 13 ), qtgsgT^ntt^ ( fol. 14 ),

*TOT ( fol. 17, 18, 24 ), <5TSTlNt ^^ritft^TO- ( fol. 18 ), ^TOTinftr
( foL 21 ).

It ^vould appear from the foregoing references that the work is
a late compilation. The Ms. from which the present copy is made
was incomplete and hence there is no proper colophon from which
the name of the author and other historical details could be
gathered, in case they were recorded in the original work,

1 Mr. Manomohan Ghosh in his edition of Nandikeivara's Abhmaya-
darpana ( Calcutta On. Series No. V, 1934 ), Introduction p. ZX remarks
about the quotations from earlier authors in this work .

'* It contains passages from unmenfcioned sources which include
and

Miscellanea

We must, however, thank Mr. Kaghavam of Madras for
furnishing us with evidence for discovering the author of this
Bharatasastragrantha. He paid a visit to the Bhandarkar Insti-
tute some time ago and went through the above copy of the
Bharataiastragrantha. Subsequently he returned to his native
place Tanjore and while reading a commentary on the Glta-
govinda of Jayadeva, called rutiranjml by one Laksmldhara
(R P. S. Sastry's Descriptive Catalogue of Tanjore Mss. , Vol. 16,
Nos. 10935-6 ) he discovered that the author of oar JBharatasastra-
grantha is none other than this Lak&midhara. The evidence for
this identification according to Mr. Eaghavam is the following :

( 1 ) In the Bharatasastragrantha the author refers to a com-
mentary of his on the Prasannaraghava ( vide ' ^^B^wcrear-
anwr ' on folio 6 in the list of references given above. ).

( 2 ) The Tanjore Ms. of the SrutiranjinI on the Gltagovinda
also refers to the author's own commentary on the Prasanna-
raghava.

( 3 ) The B. O. E. I. Ms, of the Bharataiastragrantha refers to
the following works among others :

and

These three works have exactly been quoted in the Sruti-
raiijinl of Laksmldhara.

I believe that the above evidence furnished by Mr. Raghavam
is quite convincing and establishes the fact that Laksmldhara
was the author of the BharataSastragrantha.

We know from history that this Laksmldhara was patronized
by King Tirumala of the Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagar
who had a very short reign and who passed away in A. D.
1572. ' Tirumala was a lover of learning and the commentary
SrutiranjinI though supposed to be written by Tirumala was

1. Heras : Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagar a, 1927, p. 260,
14 I Annals, B* O, B. I. J

Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

evidently written by Laksmldhara whom he patronized* 5 "We
can therefore infer that the Bharatasastra of Laksmldhara may
have been composed say between A D. 1550-1572 or in the 3rd
quarter of the 16th century,

XXIII
REFERENCE TO DURG-HATAVRTTI IF CARITR^-

VARDH ANA'S COMMENTARY ON THE RAGHUVAU&A

In my not in the issue of the Annals ( Vol. XV, i 5 ii, ) on the
Date of C&ritravardhana, I fixed A. D. 1172 as one terminus to
the date of this commentator because it is the date of the com-
position of the work Durghatavrtti of Saranadeva, a quotation
from which was found in Caritravardhana's commentary on the
Kumarasambhava. Though this quotation was identified in the
Trivandrum edition of the Durghatavrtti I was in search of some
more references to Durghatavrtti in the commentaries of Cari-
travardhana.

Mr. S. P. Pandit's list of earlier works mentioned by Cari-
trayardhana in his commentary on the Raghuvamsa does not
include any reference to the Durghatavrfcti. My own read-
ing of a Ms. of Caritravardhana's commentary on the Raghuvamsa
( No. 48 of 1873-74 of the Govt Ms. Library at the B. O. B. Insti-
tute ) has given me the following: reference : -
folio 20 "

This shows that Mr, Pandit's list is based on a printed edition
which may not contain this reference or more probably this refer-

1 . Heras ; Aramdu Dynasty p 516-17

" Tirumala has been supposed to be the author of the commentary entitl-
ed Srutirafijtrti on the Gita-Govinda , but one of the copies possessed by the
Maharaja Sarfoji's Sarasvati Mahal Library, Tanjore, professes to have been
composed by Laksmanaauri, a worshipper of Daksinamurti and a younger
brother of Kondubhatta of Cherukurn. Dr. Hultzsch seems to believe that
this was the actual author of the commentary, and Tirumala his patron.
Laksmanasuri, called also Ramanandasrama and Lasmidhara, was a
Samnyasi pupil of Kraria^rarna whose family came from Cherukuru on the
Krsna" river. He is the author of Anargharaghava and the Prakrit grammar
Sa<J-bha"sacandrika, based oil the grammars of Trivikrama, Hemaqandra
andBhamaja. "

Miscellanea 245

ence may have escaped his notice. Whatever be the reasons of
this omission the above reference to Durghatavrttikara corroborates
the previous reference to this author on which I have relied in my
note referred to above.

XXIV

DATE OF SAM VATSARAD1PHALA-KALPALATA
OF SOMADAIVAJNAA. D. 1642

Somadaivjna, also called Somabhatta and Somaganaka, is
mentioned by Aufrecht as the author of the following works * on
astrology : ( 1 ) Kalpalata ( 2 ) Kalpavalli ( 3 ) Paddhatibhusana
( 4 ) Brhatkalpalata ( 5 ) Samvatsara Kalpalata.

The date of the Paddhatibhusana is given in the work itselt
It is Saka 1559 ( = A. D. 1637 ) Somadaivajna was the son of
Rudrabhatta and the nephew of Balambhatta as he informs us in
the Paddhatibhusana. He was the resident of Jalagrama (Jalgaon),
He composed this work for his pupil, a Gujarati, Vasudsra
by name. 2

Of Saihvatsara-kalpalata Aufrecht records the following Mss:-
( 1 ) " K 244 "This Ms. is not described and details re.

date are not given in Kielhorn's list.

( 2 ) " BhK 37 " This is No, 450 of A 1881-82 of the Govt
Mss Library at the B. O. R. Institute.

The B. O. R. I. Ms. No. 450 of A 1881-82 is dated Saka 1699
( = A. D. 1777 ). 2STo date of composition is recorded in
this copy.

Recently, however, the B. O. R. Institute has acquired a copy*
of this work. It is a complete copy of 13 folios. At the end of
this copy the following verse occurs *

u ? n

1. Catalogue Catalogorum, Part I, p 734*

a. Velankar ; B. B. ft, A. B. Catalogue Vol. I, pp. 120-1.

s . This is one of the bundle of manuscripts on astrology so kindly

presented by pandit Sukla of Berar through Raosaheb G. K, Deshapaade

of Poona,

Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

The chronogram " ^Ws^s^T 1 ^ " in the above verse gives us
Saka 1564 ( = A. D. 1642 ) as the date of composition of the work.
This means that the author Soma wrote this work about 5 years
after his Paddhatibhusana.

XXV
A MANUSCRIPT OF T1THIRATNA BY SOMADAIVAJNA

In my note on the date of Sanivatsaradi-Kalpalata of Somadai-
vajna I have given a list of works ascribed to this author in
Aufreeht's Catalogue. This list does not include the work fmV
T^f^ a manuscript of which has been presented to the Institute
by Pandit Sukla of Berar. This Ms. consists of 3 folios. The
following verse at the commencement of the Ms. gives us some
information about the author

fcT: \

m \\

The above verse gives us more information about the family
of the author. His uncle was BalambTiatta^ his father Fudra t his
grandfather Kakawbhatta and his mother Kavamba and the work
Ttthiralna was written at the instance of his pupil Hari. The
author learnt the science of astrology from his uncle Balambhatta*

This Ms, of Saihvatsaradi- Kalpalata ( vide note above ) con-
tains the following verses in which the author apparently refers
to the present

' if* etc.

XXVI
A COMMENTARY ON THE KVMAEASAMBBAVA BY

JINASAMUDRASUR1 AND ITS PROBABLE DATE

Last Quarter of the 15th Century

The only Ms. of a commentary on the Kumarasambhava by
Jinasamudrasuri recorded by Aufrecht 7 is " Rgb 337 /? , which
\ Catvlogus Catalogorum, iL 32.

Miscellanea 245

is the same as No. 337 of 1884-87 in the Govt Ms. Library at the
B. O. R. Institute. The colophon of this Ms. gives us some
particulars about Jinasamudrasuri. It runs thus

\

No other details about the author are furnished by the Ms.

The Jaina G-ranthavali T mentions one Jina-Samudra as the
author of a commentary on the Satakas of Bhartrhari. I am un-
able to verify if he is the same as the author of the present
commentary.

In the Catalogue 2 of Jesalmere Bhandar Mss. however the
following remarks about a Jinasamudrasuri will show that he is
most probably identical with the author of the Kumarasambhava
commentary-

It is clear from the above lines that Jinasamudrasuri lived in
the reign of Devakarna of Jesalmir.

Dr. Bhandarkar remarks in his Report s about the Raos of
Jesalmir as under :

" A Kharatarapattavali from Udyotana to Jinabhadra was in-
scribed in the temple at Jesalmeru. It is dated Samvat 1505
during the reign of Otxachikadeva. Chachikadeva is mentioned
by Prinsep in his list of the Raos of Jesalmir. He belonged to the
dynasty of the Bhattis, a branch of the Yadu race of Chandra-
vamsa. "

Further details about Chachikadeva, Devakarna and other Eaos
of Jesalmir will be found in the following extract 4 from a prasasti
inscribed in the Jesalameru temple referred to above :

i. Jain Granthavali, 1909, p. 209.

-

. A Catalogue of Mss. in the Jain Bhandars at Jesalmir, Sanskrit PrastE-

vana, p. 12. (G. O. S. Vol. XXI),

8. Report on the Search for Sanskrit Mss. , 1883-84 p. 152,

*. Jesalamere Bhandara Jfw. Catalogue, (G O. S. Vol. XXI.) Papist*,

P. 70.

2^.6 Annals of the Bhandarkm Oriental Research Institute

^ etc, 77

The two foregoing extracts from the Jesalmere Catalogue give
us the following chronological particulars about the Raos of
Jesalmir bearing on the date of Jinasamudrasuri **

Rao of Jesalmir

Sam vat

A.D,

Remarks

was r reigning and
was yuvaraja

1505 |
1536 i

1583

1449
1480

1527

C Contemporary of
(

Prinsep 1 in his list of the Eaos of Jesalmir tells us that
Chachtkadeo fixed capital at Marote before A. D. 1473 when the
conquest of Multan by Babar took place and that Jesalmir became
a fief of the Mogul Empire under Rawuls Jatt, Nunkarn etc. It
appears that Jait and Nunkarn mentioned by Prinsep are respecti-
vely Jayatsinha and Lunakarna mentioned in the above table.

In view of the foregoing facts we shall be justified in fixing
the last quater of the 15th century as the time when Jinasamudra's
commentary on the Kumar&sambhava was written,

XXVII

DATE OF HARIDASAMISBA, AUTHOR OF COMMEN-
TARIES ON THE RAG-HUVAM&A AND THE KUMARA-

SAMBHAVAiaiAdlQ of the 15th century
In my note No XIII in the Annals Vol XIII, p. 344, 1 describ-
ed a Ms. of a commentary called Prakasika on the Raghuvam&a
(7 cantos) No. 471 of 1895-1902 and showed that it was com-
posed after A. D. 1374 or provisionally towards the middle of the
15th century. I could not then say anything about the author of
the commentary as his name was nowhere to be found in the
i. Essays on Indian Antiquities ed. Edward Thomas, 1858, Vol. II, p. 261.

Miscellanea 247

extant fragment of the commentary. Since my note appeared
I have examined another Ms. viz, No. 760 of 1886-93 which is a
commentary for canto I only of the Raghuvamsa and called
PJpika * or Prakasika 2 composed by one Haridasamisra, son of
Visnudasa.

I have compared the text of No. 471 with that of No. 760 so
far as canto I is concerned and find that these portions are
identical though, verse 2 about the author is wanting in No. 471.
This identity proves that the Prakasika, the date of which we have
provisionally fixed as the middle of the 15ih century and of which
only seven cantos are available at present was composed by Hari-
dasa, son of "Visnudasa.

Further biographical details about Haridasa and his family
are furnished by another Ms. No. 476 of 1891-95 of the Govt.
Mss- Library* This is a commentary on the Kumarasambliava
called Kumarakavyartha-Dlpika. The introductory verse s is com-
mon to all the three Mss. referred to above. Seven more verses
follow, in which the ancestry of HariJasa is recorded. The family
belonged to ts OTOTru. " Tbe great grandfather of gR^ra 1 the com-
mentator was " W8", '' " ^gffSrsr " the grandfather, " i^SRW, " his
father and " ^^^t ?; his mother.

The works and authors mentioned in this commentary on the
Kumarasambhava are : aror,

etc. All these references being

earlier than the reference to ^sfiTOlS^P noted in our Note
No. XIII are of no use for locating the exact date of the author.

Verse 2 in the beginning

ff?3"RH '3TW \

n ^ n

2. The Ms ends

This verse runs

^pTtq'r^r ^r^n rrr^r^R'

n ? n

mtheKaghuvamsatlM Msa. Ko. 471 i f 1895-1902 and Ho 760 of 1896-92
while in the Kumarasambhava-tika Ms, ( tfo ; 476 of 1891-95 } instead of
in tti e above verse we have * '

ABBINAVAGXJPTA AND BH&GAVATA

In the last issue ( Yol. XIV, Part III-IV ) of the Annals, Mr.
B. N. Krishnamurti Sarma, on the Annamalai University, has
written an article of the date of Bhagavata Parana. I am not
concerned with his peculiar way may I say, dash Iof putting
old scholars in the wrong. I may only say that this could have
been as well done in milder words. What I wish to point out
here is about Abhinavagupta, the great Kashmiri author of th$
10th century.

The writer of the article under reference has taken a quotation
from Bhagavata, occurring in Abhinavagupta's Gltarthasamgraha,
a commentary on the Bhagavadglta. Nothing else would have
been to the point ; but unfortunately, the position of the passage
itself is little doubtful. I had occasion to consult some Mss. of
this commentary in connection with my own edition of the Gita;
and the following is the outcome of my examination

The Government Mss. Library at the Bhandarkar Institute, has

in its collection, two Mss. of this commentary ; of these one is in

Ifagarl, I may call it Kasmlrl Nagarl, from the peculiar mode of

writing short bold letters, found in many other Kasmlri Nagarl

Mss. This Ms. does contain the passage from the Bhagavata, as

printed in the Gita edition of the Nirnaya Sagar Press, Bombay.

But the other Ms, in Sarada characters, and apparently of an

older date, does net contain the passage under reference in the

running text of the commentary, but the passage is found written

in the margin. This, as I have said above, makes the position

of the passage doubtful. It is needless to say, that as the passage

is missing in the old Ms. the natural conclusion would be that

some body at a late date, thought of the passage as applicable to

that particular stanza and inserted the same in the margin, and

later copyists incorporated this marginal passage into their text.

This alone, of course, does not go against the whole tenor of

the article, and Bhagavata would still be dated as back as the

writer wants.

S. N. Tadpatrikar

SARA AND VARSHAMIHIEA

Rudrata appears to be the first writer on Rhetorics to mention
define Sara. His illustration of this alamkara is as follows

jl^ crreT sr^Rra! sft ^:

cT^T

This very illustration was given later on by Mammata. How
did the alamkara come to be named Sara ? This word certainly
occurs in the illustration given by Rudrata. I have come across
a verse of greater antiquity which probably was the original of
the verse cited by Rudrata. The significant fact is it ends with
the word Sara. The verse occurs in the Brhat Samhifca of Varaha-
mihira and is as follows '

Madhav T. Pafcvardhan

15 [ Annals, B. O* E, I- 3

EDITORIAL NOTES

Presentation of the first volume of the Critical Edition of the
Mahabharata to Shrimant Balasaheb Pant Pratiaidhi, B. A.,
Ruler of Aundh, 6th July 1934.

In the presence of a distinguished gathering of the scholars
connected with the Bhandarkar Institute and the elite of the City,
Shrimant Balasaheb Pant Pratinidhi, B. A., the Ruler of Aundh,
was publicly honoured by the presentation of the First Volume of
the Critical Edition of the Mahabharata, the work on which has
been going on at the Institute for the last 16 years. Mr. IT. C.
Kelkar, B, A. , LL. B. , the Chairman of the Regulating Council of
the Institute presided and presented the Volume of the Adiparvan
on behalf of the Bhandarkar Institute to Shrimant Pant Sahefy
in grateful appreciation of his services to the Institute as tha
originator and the supporter of the Mahabharata Scheme, The
presentation ceremony was preceded by an interesting lecture by
Dr. D. G. Londhe, M. A. , Ph. D. , on the " Metaphysics of the
Mahabharata M in which he briefly dwelt on the philosophical
aspects of the Great Epic. At the conclusion of the lecture Dr,
V. S. Sukthankar, Secretary of the Institute and the General
Editor of the Mahabharata, read a statement on the origin and
development of the scheme for the Critical Edition of the
Mahabharata and the role played by the Ruler of Aundh in
supporting this scheme by a princely donation of one lakh of
Rupees out of which more than Rs. 60,000 have been already
realised by the Institute. After the presentation of the Volume
the Ruler of Aundh made a brief reply thanking the authorities
of the Institute for the honour done to him and in particular for
organizing and executing his scheme for the Critical Edition
of the Mahabharata in such an efficient manner under the able
guidance of the learned and experienced General Editor Dr. V. S,
Sukthankar, fully conversant with the Western method of textual
research. The Chairman in conclusion thanked the Ruler of
Aundh for his having agreed to the Institute's request to receive

Editorial Notes 251

First Volume of the Critical Edition of the Mahabharata
projected in 12 volumes of about 10,000 pp. as It was an earnest
of the Institute's keen desire to complete the whole scheme
estimated to cost about 6 lakhs of Rupees out of which about 2
lakhs only have been realized by the Institute up-to-now and
which, therefore, stands in greater need of financial support from
the cultured and the wealthy public in India and outside. After
the guests were garlanded the meeting terminated amidst cheers.

Statement read by Dr. V. S. Sukthankar, M. A., Ph. D., Secretary
of the Institute and General Editor of the Mahabharata.

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen,

On the occasion of today's most pleasant and memorable
function arranged on behalf of this Institute for the presenta-
tion of the first Volame of the Critical Edition of the Maha-
bharata to Shrimant Balasaheb Pant Pratinidhi, B. A,, the Kuler
of Aundh in grateful appreciation of his initiation and princely
help towards the execution of the scheme for the Critical and
Illustrated Edition of the Mahabharata, I feel it to be my sacrad
duty to trace in brief the origin and development of this national
scheme which stands unparalleled in the history of modern
critical scholarship, initiated and executed by Indian scholars.

The idea of a Critical Edition of the Great Epic is as old
as 1904 when the work of an International Edition of the
Mahabharata planned on behalf of the Association of Academies
in Europe was commenced and continued in a somewhat lufc*
warm manner till it was finally abandoned in 1914 when the
Great European war commenced and shook the entire foundation
of western culture and civilization thus unhinging the minds
of the western Savants for any serious resumption of the scheme.

The Chief credit of initiating the Institute's Grit i cal E^tton
of the Mahabharata goes to the Kuler of Aundh for honouring
whom we have all assembled today in ^ *** *
Ifc was at the opening of this very Tata Hall m 1918 that

25 ^ Annals of the Bhandarkat Oriental Research Institute

then authorities of the Institute, some of whom are unfortunately
no more in our midst but whose memory and work are still green
in our minds, accepted on behalf of the Institute the munificent
gift of a lakh of rupees from the Ruler of the Aundh who then
presided over a meeting of the General Body of the Institute and
urged upon the audience the need of undertaking and preparing
a Critical Edition of the Great Epic. It was also here that the
late lamented Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar inaugurated in April
1919 the monumental work of this Epic Edition by writing in
his own hand the opening benediction of Mahabharata,.

The progress since made is a matter of public knowledge.
The late Mr. N. B. Utgikar was in special charge of the Maha-
bharata work and was Editor from 1918 to 1923. He prepared
and published the Prospectus to this Critical Edition in 1919 and
brought out the tentative Edition of the Virataparvan in 1923,
when he resigned and was transferred to British service. His
love of fte Mahabharata studies was mainly responsible for much
of the useful work done in the early stages of the work. The pre-
liminaries for the final Critical Edition being now somewhat
settled the Institute appointed Dr. V. S. Suathankar as General
Editor of the Mahabharata in August 1925 i. e. about 9 years ago.
The first fascicule of the Adiparvan was published two years
later i. e. in 1927 and the last viz. 7th fascicule, containing many
Appendices and the Prolegomena appeared in December 1933.
Hitherto the General Editor has been able to bring out only one
fascicule of the work: every year inspite of his working: full time
on this Edition. To those unacquainted with the difficult nature
of the work the progress in this editorial work made by the
Institute hitherto may appear analogus to that of a snail climbing
the mighty slopes of the Himalayas but the lines on which the
work has been organized and the blessings it has received from
the world of scholars have engendered an indomitable courage
in the minds of all scholars connected with the work and it is
their firm conviction that their determined effort is bound to win
in the end. Arrangements have accordingly been made to appoint
two more Editors for editing two different par vans of the Maha-
bharata under the supervision and control of the General Editor
and with the appointment of other Parvan Editors in course

Editorial Notes

of time, they Institute is confident that they will be able to lessen
materially the total period of time necessary for the completion
of this gigantic enterprise.

Though the scheme has been initiated and executed by Indian
scholars themselves under the auspices of this Institute no pains
have been spared to give it a thoroughly international character.
As a matter of fact a persistent effort has been made by the
Institute since the commencement of the work to keep all Western
Orientalists fully acquainted with all the details of the scheme
and the strictly scientific manner in which the whole Critical
apparatus was being studied and presented by the Editors on the
lines of modern textual criticism, specially adapted to the require-
ments of this unique problem in textual research. The "Western
Scholars have also been not slow to respond to our efforts and
appreciate what little has been achieved by the Institute towards
the reconstruction of the mighty fabric of the Epic text. The
International Congress of Orientalists held at Oxford in 1928 put
their seal of approval on the Institute's Critical Edition of the
Mahabharata and resolved to co-operate with the Institute in its
heroic efforts, towards the restoration of the Epic text to its
pristine purity, purged of all ugly accretions and resplendent
with the glory of Aryan Culture and Civilization, In pursuance
of the above resolution Prof. Luders handed over all collations
in his possession previously made in connection with the project
of the Europenan Edition to Dr. Sukthankar, in 1932 when the
latter was specially deputed by the Institute as its delegate to
attend the International Congress of Orientalists held at Leyden.
Another act of active co - operation from the European quarters is
the presentation to the Institute by the Strassburg University of
the photo copies of Goldsbucker's Collations of European Mrs. of
the Mahabharata. As a natural sequence to these active steps of
cordial co-operation from our European brethren the Institute
strongly hopes that the Fund collected for the European Edition
of the Great Epic and now in the custody of the Trustees may be
made available for the Institute's work on the Critical Edition of
the Mahabharata.

Besides the encouragement received by the Institute by
active acts of co-operation from Indian and Foreign scholars

254 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

there has been almost a stream of appreciative criticism of the
yearly Fascicules of the Mahabharata in responsible Oriental
Journals of status and standing published in India, Europe and
America, The notices of these fascicules appearing in the
popular press have also echoed in the same encouraging strain

It is my duty now to turn to the other side of this Mahabh&rata
scheme which need not, however, stagger you. A scheme so
well begun on its intellectual side is not even half done. The
Institute has succeeded in bringing out a Critical Edition only
of the first Parvan i. e. the Adiparvan - a bulky volume of
more than 1000 closely printed pages. It is now 16 years since
the scheme was launched full sail and yet we are not even on
the high seas. Our supporters in this work besides the honour-
ed guest of this evening are no less than the Government of
India, the Govt of Bombay, the University of Bombay, the Govt.
of His Exalted Highness the Nizam, the Govts. of H. H. the Maha-
raja of Baroda and H. H. the Maharaja of Mysore, not to say of
the Rulers of some of the Southern Maratha, Kathiawar and other
Native States and last but not least the numerous donors and
subscribers who supply the necessary stimulus to the organic
growth of the whole enterprise. But even these resources now
at the disposal ot the Institute fall far short of the actual
requirements of the scheme. Oub of the total estimated cost
of the scheme viz. rupees 6 lakhs, the Institute has realized upto
now about 2 lakhs, out of which the Ruler of Aundh has contri-
buted more than Us. 60,000, a sum by no means small considering
the slender resources of his State. The balance of the esti-
mated cost viz. rupees 4 lakhs is yet to be realized by the Insti-
tute and the actual rate of the work of the Institute on this
Critical Edition hereafter will be chiefly determined by the
speed with which the balance of the estimated cost is made up
by the principal supporters of the schme, as also by the general
public to whom I take this opportunity of appealing for financial
help at this critical stage of the Mahabharata work. Much of
the preliminary laborious work such as collation &c. in connec-
tion with this Edition has been already done by the Institute and
the editorial work, which is the mainstay of the whole scheme, is
now in full swing, being accelerated by the appointment of two

Editorial No *

Pat van Editors as already stated. The Institute, having
Shoved its credentials by actual work feels confident that itBBppeal
for more financial help will meet with a generous response from
the cultured public in India and outside.

Ladies and Gentlemen, I have briefly summed up in the fore-
going remarks the salient points about the Institute's work on the
'Critical Edition of the Mahabharata and I have to thank you
most cordially for having listened to them patiently. The main
purpose of to-day's function is, however, the presentation, on be-
half of the Bhandarkar 0, R Institute, of the First Volume of the
Critical Edition of the Mahabharata to Shrimant Balasaheb Pant
Pratinidhi, B. A. , the Ruler of A.undh, in recognition of his very
valuable services to the Mahabharata Studies and the important
role played by him as the originator and supporter of the scheme
as referred to by me previously. The volume that will be shortly
presented to Shrimant Pant Saheb is the First of the 12 volumes
projected by fche Institute, estimated to cover up about 10,000 pp.
I feel it a great privilege to thank Shrimant Pant Saheb for hav-
ing acceded to our request to be present on this most auspicious
occasion and recoive the volume of the Adiparvan which is a
visible index of his love of the Mahabharata, made still more
visible by the numerous beautiful illustrations interspersed
throughout the volume and which are the creations of Shrimant
Pant Saheb himself. The volume is a unique combination of art
and research, or if, you ilke, the self and the not-self, of the Maha-
bharata* It is my earnest desire and hope that with the necessrry
financial help being assured the Institute will be able to bring out
the remaining 11 volumes of the Mahabharata in rapid succession
in the years to coma

256 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

Reply by Shrimant Balasaheb Pant Pratmidhi, B. A., Ruler
of Aundh, on presentation to him of the First volume of the
Critical Edition of Mahabharata on 6th July 1934.

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen,

I have indeed great pleasure in accepting today a copy of
the First Volume of the Critical Edition of the Mahabharata
presented to me by the Bhandarksr Oriental Research Institute
at the hands of the worthy chairman of today's function. I am
very much thankful to the Bhandarkar Institute and all the
members thereof for the great honour they have done to me in
successfully arranging this function and appreciating my
services to the cause of the Mahabharata, which is a work of
great international importance. I am very glad to hear the state-
ment just read out by the Secretary of the Institute and to note
the progress made by the Institute so far in connection with the
Mahabharata work It is a matter of great satisfaction that the
work of the Mahabharata has been highly appreciated by renowned
scholars all over the world.

It will not be out of place here to give a short account about
the origin of the Mahabharata Work. The scheme of a critical
edition of the Mahabharata took root in 1918. 1 had then published
the Picture Ramayana with 60 illustrations of various important
incidents from the Ramayana drawn by myself and had a mind to
pubish a similar volume of the Mahabharata, the great epic of
India. But a friend of mine suggested to me the idea of publish-
ing a critical edition of the Mahabharata and I readily approved
of it. I had a long discussion in the matter with my revered
Guru, the late Dr. S*r Ramkrishnapant Bhandarkar and he told
me that the whole work of the the Critical Edition of fche Maha-
bharata would cost about Rupees ten lac. I immediately promised
to contribute Rupees one lac for this work, considering the
extreme importance of the work.

The scheme of the critical edition of the Mahabharata originat-
ed in June 1918 with a small informal meeting convened by
me to discuss the utility of such an edition. A formal meeting
was soon, thereafter called in Nana Wada on 23rd June 1918

Editorial ~ Notes 257

under the presidency of the late Sir Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar to
which were invited many of the learned men of Poona, when the
whole scheme was discussed in all its details and finally approved
with the benediction of Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, who also indicat-
ed the lines along which work should proceed.

It was decided that a prospectus should be issued indicating:
the importance and necessity of the work and the present position
in Mahabharata studies and similar other problems. A small
Committee consisting of myself, Prin. V. K. Ra]wade, Mm. Vasudeo
Shastri Abhyankar, Rao Bahadoor C. V. Vaidya, Mr. M. H. Modak,
Dr. Sardesai, Dr. Belvalkar the late Dr. Gune, the late Dr. Ghate
and the late Mr. N. B. Utgikar was formed for the purpose
of issuing the prospectus. Thereafter the Mahabharata work
actually began on 1st April 1919, on which day it was formally
inaugurated under the auspices of the late Sir R. G. Bhandarkar.
The work has since then been going on as stated by the Sceretary
in his report.

The present learned General Editor of the Mahabharata, Dr.
V. S. Sukthankar, who is an experienced and enthusiastic worker
took charge of the Mahabharata Work in 1925 and since then the
Mahabharata Work is making satisfactory progress. Dr. Sukthan-
kar has got 13 years experience in Europe of doing work of a
critical nature and his services in the field of the Mahabharata
have been very important and useful as will be evinced from the
reviews of high appreciation regarding the Mahabharata Work by
eminent scholars of the West. Dr. Sukthankar's name was first
suggested to me by Barrister V. P. Vaidya of Bombay. The late
Dr. Fr. R. Zimmerman*, Professor, St. Xavier College, Bombay,
also recommended the appointment of Dr. Sukthankar and the
Regulating Council of the Bhandarkar Institute approved of our
recommendation, Dr. Zimmermann was a strong supporter of
the Mahabharata Work and was highly interested in it. Eiow 1
wish he should have lived today to witness today's function and
see the appreciation of this gigantic work all over the world.
I must thank here most heartily the Government of India
and the Provincial Governments and Indian States wh o h a ve
' liberally contributed to the publication of the Mahabharata Work
16 [ Annals, B. O. B. I 1

25 & Annals of the Bkandarkar Oriental Research Institute

and without whose help the Mahatdiarata work would not have
ma v ie the present progress. I must specially mention here the
name of His Excellency the Right Hon'ble Lord Willingdon
Viceroy and Governor General of India, who has been an active
sympathiser and supporter of the Mahabharata work all alone;
since he was the Governor of Bombay.

The Mahabharata work has been making slow but steady pro-
gress. [ am fully aware that the work has not progressed as fast
as we expected. But the difficulties in the way were many and
taking into consideration the highly satisfactory nature of the
work, the delay might be excused. I, however, strongly hope that
the subsequent volumes of the Mahabharata will corne out much
more quickly and the high standard of the work will be maintain-
ed by Dr. Sukfchankar, to whom a large portion of the credit of the
Mahabharata work naturally goes.

Before concluding, I thank you all once more for your kindness
and the honour done to me today. The honour done to me is
really the honour done to the gigantic Mahabharata work itself,
for which I have been striving all along. I only hope that the
MahSbharata work will receive better support from Government,
Indian States and the general public and the work will reach
completion as early as possible.

B<DKS REEIYEO

The Unadisutraa- with the Prakriya Sarvasva of Narayana,
edited by T. E. Chintamani, M. A. ( Madras University Sanskrit
Series No. 7 ) ; University of Madras, 1933 ; pp. ( 149 + 62) ; Price
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Jatxkapdrijata of Vaidyanatha Dikshita (with an English
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V. Subrahmanya Sastri, B. A., Asst. Secy, to the G-ovt. of Mysore,
50, 3rd Cross Road, Basavangudi, P. 0. , Bangalore city, 1932 ;
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Jatakaparijata by Subrahmanya Sastri, B. A., Vol. II ( pp.
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VyavaMramayukhaof Nllakantha ( English Trans, with notes
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Hindu Lawby Principal J. E. Gharpure, B. A., LL. B. Law-
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Travancore( A Guide Book for the Visitor ) by E. G. Hatch
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Sabdaratna Samanvaya Kosa-ol King Sahaji of Tanjore, edited
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1932 ; pp. 605 Price Es. ll/-

Kalpadru Kosa--of Kesava, compiled by Shrikantha Sharma
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Manameyodaya-( An elementary Treatise on the MlmamBa
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The Bhamatl-tf Vacaspati on Samkaras Brahma-Sutra-
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$6o Annals of the Bbartdarkar Oriental Research Institute

Malivikagnimitra Nataka of Blalidasa, witJh. Samasloht verse
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B. A. , L E. S , Baroda, 1933 ; pp. 240 ; Price Rs. 1/8.

Indian Women and Art in Life by K. H Vakil, B. A., LL. B. ,

D. B. Taraporewala Sons and Co. Hornby Road, Bombay 1933 ;
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Prehistoric India its Place in the world's cultures, by
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The Jesuds and the Great Mogul by Sir Edward Maclagan ;
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E. O I. ; 1932, pp. 433 , Price Rs 12/6 net.

Histoire des Institutions et du Dratt Prive de I Ancienne
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Mysore Q-azette^r Vol. II (Historical) Part I edited by C.
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Do Part II, pp. 461 to 1414 ; 1930 ; Price Rs. 4/-

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Joshua Judges ( The Foundations of Bible History ) by John
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The Shi' ite Religion ( A History of Islam In Persia and Irak }
by D. M. Donaldson, D. D., Ph D. ; Luzac & Co. London, 1933 ;
pp. 393 ; Price 15s.

Brahmasutras of Badarayana ( as read by different com-
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Book-Shop, 210 Cornawallis Street, Calcutta, 1933 ; pp 68 ;
Price Rs. 3/~

Mahayanavimsa'ka of Nagarjuna( reconstructed Sanskrit Text,
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Books Received 2 6i

The CatuUatdka of Aryadeva( Sanskrit and Tibetan Texts
with copious extracts from the commentary of Candraklrti ) re-
constructed and edited by V. Bhattacharya ( Visvabharati Series.
No. #); Visva-bharati Book-Shop, Calcutta; 1931; pp. 308
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Nairatmyapariprccha Edited by Sujit-Kumar Mukhopadhyaya
( Visvabharati Studies No. 4 ) Calcutta ; 1931 ; pp. 22 ; Price Rs. 2/-
The following books have been received from the Registrar
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pp. 239.

The Kamala Lectures By Rabindranafch Tagore ( in Bengali )
1933 ; Calcutta University Ranjit Sinha by Prof, N. K. Sinha 5
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Juristic Personality of Hindu Deities By Dr. S. C. Bagchi,
LL D. ; Calcutta University, 1933 ; pp. 78.

Linguistic Speculation of the Hindus By Prof. Prabhat Chandra
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Siegel und Charaktere in der Muhammedanischen Zanberei By
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Orthographie und PunUierung des Koran ( Zwei Schrif ten von
Atn 'Abu 'utman Ibn Sa 'id Ad-Danl) by Otto Pretzl; D. M. G.
in Kommission hei F. A. Brockhaus Leipzig ( Bibliotheca
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Verzeichnis der Orient alischen Hand- Schrif ten von Gustav
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Zur Ostsyrischen Lant und Akzentlehre---By Theodor Weiss;
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Darsanodaya by M. M. Lakshmipuram Shrinivaschar
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2,6% Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

Tungkhungia Buranjio? a History of Assam (1681-1826 A. D.)
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Subbiluliuma et Son Temps by Prof. Eugene Cavaignac
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The Frazer Lectures ( 1922-1932 ) by Divers Hands ; Edited
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1932 ; pp. 304 ; 15s. net.

Tlie Prisms of EsarJiaddon and Ashurbanipal- (found at Nineveh
1927-28 ) by E C. Thompson, M. A. , D. Litt. , F. S. A. ; Pub. by the
Trustees British Museum, London, 1931, pp. 36 + 18 plates,

Elements of the Science o r Language by Dr. I. J. S. Taraporewala,
B. A., Ph. D. ; Pub. by the University of Calcutta, 1932 ; pp. 484.

Iranische Deukmaler by Ernst Herzfeld; Leiferung 1 ; Dietrich
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Price RM. 18

Hatha-yoya-Pradtpika Part I ( English Translation and
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CONCLUDING LECTURE

BY
RAO BAHADUR R. R. KALE, B. A., LL, B.

Presiding on the occasion of the concluding lecture of the
series of 6 lectures on Hindu Civil Law arranged under the
mspices of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona,
with special reference to the Dayabhaga i. e, the principles of
Inheritance and succession, Rao Bahadur R. R. Kale, B A., LL. B.,
G. L. 0., Advocate ( O. S, ) Satara, bringing the proceedings to a
close observed as follows :~

Mahamahopadhyaya Shridhar Shastri Pathak of the Deccan
College has undoubtedly done a great service in bringing together
various texts from the different Smrfcis and their Commentaries
bearing on Hindu law of 3T*HTT*T and endeavoured to point out
how in some respects the Judicial decisions of the British Courts
have departed from the true import of the Dharma Shastra, He
has also shown a critical faculty in discussing some of the points
arising under Hindu Law. If such a use is made by old
Shastris in their interpretation of the Law in the present chang-
ed times, the work of research and reform will be very much
facilitated. It is creditable to the learned Shastri that he has
frankly admitted the futility and impossibility of reconciling all
the Smrtis. At the present time much is talked about the
Hindu Dharma ( rules of conduct ) governing the Hindu Society.

\

which means Dharma is that which holds the society together
and Dharma Sastra means the science which teaches tie princi-
ples by which the society is to be governed. Manu has stated

gf^g %?T RfftT T-w^iW 3 1 WKT ; I

When therefore we have to consider about Dharma-Sastra t we
ought to look to the Smrtis. Now ttese Smrtis have under-
gone a change according to the circumstances from time to time
$s ijs clear from the verse

v

Lecture

It
and finally it is said in the Mahabharata Vanaparva

it

in the last verse Mahajana is to be interpreted as meaning
great straightforward men ( JTff^WT 3T?m *TT3T?T: ). Accordingly
Smrtis have necessarily varied according: as the surroundings
were changed. The Smrti Books are thus not lasting authorities
for all times invariable and immutable. They laid down different
rules for different times and particular Smrtis prevailed in
particular ages

353 g TTR31T TWP STcTTSTf ^ftcTJTT- ^cH"' \

ti

What is called as the ' Sanatana Dharma ' are the eternal verities
of morality and religion which stand for all times and for all
places. It is not relevant for our present purpose to undertake any
exposition of these and therefore I shall turn to the Smarta Dharma
or Dharma Sastra.

A historical retrospect of the Smrtis will go to show that
this Dharma (rules of conduct) has undergone a change according
to circumstances and the different authors of the Smrtis and their
commentaries and digests have evolved a reform suited to the
times and our task should be to follow in their foot-steps. At
present a controversy has arisen as to whether any new Smrti
should be prepared and if so by whom and in what manner. In
my opinion the present Legislative Councils are the natural
successors of the Smrtifcaras and it is they who ought to introduce
the necessary changes suitable to the present trend of enlightened
opinion ; and in doing so they might take support from the old
texts or extracts from commentaries. Laws are the collective
wisdom of statesmen and leaders of enlightenad public opinion.
From this point of view, if instead of one single individual laying
down rules, a few leaders would after exchange of views formu-
late any rule of conduct that will assume the form of a Smrti and
will be a binding if passed in law. Jaimini, the propounder * of

Concluding Lecture,

vn

3odana Laksana Dharma ' has said in 26th Sutra of the 1st
Section of the 1st Chapter

and Mr. Dhaphatary of Nagapur has in his book of Dharrna-
rahasya adopted the same line of thought ; he has shown by
various quotations from the Srutis and the Smrtis that the present
ules of conduct both in private life and in relation to Society
nust be governed by the opinions of selfless Statesmen and leaders
)f the present day.

There are more than 100 Smrtis but 3 of them are the princi-
pal ones and they are Manu, Yajnavalkya and Parasara in
rrder of time. Each Smrti is divided into 3 parts ; one dealing
?vith Acara, the 2nd with Vyavahara and 3rd with Prayascitta.
4.s regards the 1st, it has undergone a vast change according to
,he changed times and this is but natural. If we take for instance
Varnasrama Dharma. In the 1st two Smrtis, we find only 6
evocations prescribed for the Brahmans viz. SWI^M srerrra ^FT-
Tf^iri: srsTH-^nsiRV To this Parasara adds a seventh viz. Krsi 1 e.
agriculture. So also his permitting of widow remarriage tinder
;he text

^r$ ^& 5raT%ar wt% ^ <rfa?l <Trfr \

qr^f^ ^TPTc^ srr^niR'ac "Tf^rsit Ttwra' u ? u

s well known. At the present moment the question of removing
intouchability has become a live issue. Now this is included
n the Acara portion of the Dharma Sastra and who will not eay
,hat it deserves an interpretation suited to the trend of en-
ighlened public opinion, and lay down a rule which will be in
sonsonance with it. It is not our present purpose to discuss the
5.cara section of the SmrbL We are on this occassion concerned
Adth the chapter on Vyavahara which formed the subject
natter of the series of 6 lecures delivered in this Institute. This
Vyavahara Chapter covers a very wide field which it is impossible
,o traverse in the short time at my disposal. I therefore propose
o confine myself to a few observations on the rights of women
o property and its inheritance.

In vedic times the word DampatT^showed equal rights of
;he husband and wife as being the two masters in a family.
Whatever is acquired by one belongs to both, since Jaimini says

v jij_ Concluding Lecture

g[*<T??fT: ^TfTT%^Rr^ and again ^qc^m^rn^r^* So also in later
times Yajnavalkya's text says T?^: sFI*fr 'OTTT^nirr- and Vijna-
nesvara's Commentary on it expounds it thus:*' when a divi-
sion takes place ( during the life time of the husband if he makes
it, or after his death when his sons make it ), a wife is entitled
to get a share equal to that of a son. In later times however
when the meaning of the word * share 7 was limited to a portion
sufficient for maintenance, that this was a wrong interpretation
was shown by Vi]fianevara by stressing the word WT ( equal ).
Similarly that the wife becomes the heir of her husband in the
absence of a son is the clear text whether the husband died as a
member of a divided or undivided family, but the interpretation
that the wife becomes an heir only if the husband died a divided
member was a limitation put upon her right which is contrary to
the original theory of joint and equal rights of husband and wife. If
the husband and wife are both equal co-parceners, the wife if she
survives her husband should be the sole surviving co-parcener, or
if there are more co-parceners, one of the co-parceners. The
following Text of Brhaspati lays down the correct status and
rights of a woman

So also the 3.>*ju has a similar text.

So the conclusion is that a wife should get an equal share if

the husband makes partition among his sons and of course she

should get as she does get at present an equal share when the

sons make among themselves a partition. Further even if the

husband died an undivided member, the wife should get his

share after his death as she is the one survivor out of the two

along with husband's other co-parceneis. After having seen

that a widow should inherit her husband's share both when the

husband dies as a member of an undivided or divided family, the

next question that arises as to her rights in the property so in-

herited. The limitation which has come to be placed on her pro*

prietorship that she should have only a life estate in it is not

reasonable. It seems to have been based on a narrow interpreta-

Concluding Lecture

IX

on of a text in the Katyayana Smrti. Vijnanesvara achieved
great step in the progress of women's rights by including in
e word 6 3*TO ? ( in the Yajnavalkya's definition of what con-
itutes Stridhana ) the property of a widow obtained by inheri-
,nce, thus making it, her Stridhana proper but the restriction on
ich Stridhana that she takes only a life interest in it seems
arhaps due to a desire on his part to disarm the opposition then
evailing to women's rights generally. The Author of Dayabhaga
opounded the theory of a widow getting her husband's
tare in undivided property after her husband's death on the
pound of her being an equal co-parcener in the joint property of
3r husband and other Members of her family; but he put a limita-
on that the widow should have only a life interest so that other co-
irceners should take the estate as reversioners after her death.
he same compromise seems to have been effected by Vijiaane-
^ara when he included the inherited pioperty of a widow in ter
tridhana but limited her enjoyment of it for her life. If at the
resent time we proceed to accept the interpretation of the author
f Dayabhaga that a separation in interest should exist even when
le family is joint and also apply it to Mitaksara School, we
lall have achieved a great step in advance in regard to the in-
istice to widows in an undivided family.

In short the time has now come in the evolution of widow's
Ights to make them absolute just as daughters and sisters have
bsolute rights to property inherited by them. Thus the evolution
f women's rights which was begun by Yajnavalkya and his com-
lentator Vijnanesvara should now be completed in the manner
bove indicated ; such a process will be in consonance with the
radition of women's rights as they existed in Vedic Times and
>r this, further support may be found in the following text of the
rnrti of Brhaspati *

U
Hi Mid I *TFrf %fTS? cT^T sffam I

u

II ^ M

Thus a resume of the past history of the women's rights will
how how they were affected from time to time. In Vedic Times

x r Concluding Lecture

women enjoyed equal rights. Then there was a re-action and again
a reform which has to be borne in mind in order to adopt further
line of progress to restore women to their original status. In the
race of progress all over the world if we remain static, we shall
not be able to hold our own. If we want to keep alive our Dharraa
Sastra, we must bring about the necessary progress and reform
in it by resorting to the traditional method of keeping before our
eyes our Sanskrit and spiritual ideals and I am convinced that in
this way the Dharma Sastra will be a living force. We cannot
ignore the law of the survival of the fittest. It will not therefore
be possible to stick to existing customs all and sundry. It is futile
to ask people to do so. What is the use of raising the slogan
* religion in danger', every time, as for instance in the matter of
touching the so-called depressed classes. Several of the old
customs and rules and usages have already died out. It is no use
crying that each Varna should observe its own avocations. A
change has already taken place as it is must in course of time. It is
impossible to resist the force of the waves of changing times. Of
what use is it therefore to preach that we should stick to all the
externals of religion ; but we must look to the spirit and act
accordiugly. I would conclude by quoting a Sioka in the
Bhagavat Gita together with its interpretation by Sri Jfiane^vara
since in my opinion it furnishes an excellent guide as to how
all educated and reasonably minded persons should act at this
critical juncture in our society.

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